1 50 68 https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/b73f2feb7a1e98cce11e59f276637433.pdf 8915a5906abcc6b4c4b6ac1a1a4ab89b PDF Text Text Appalachian State University: Digitizing the Appalachian Consortium Press Publications The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Grant for the Humanities Open Book Program Pam Mitchem Joyce Ogburn Fred Hay Norma Riddle October 8, 2018 Description The Appalachian region of the United States is unique and diverse; and over the years, misunderstandings and stereotypes have evolved that fail to capture the richness of its diversity. Grants like the Humanities Open Book Program allow this richness to become visible and to be explored in greater depth - and by a wider range of people - than was possible before. The Appalachian State University Libraries holds the largest collection of works related to Appalachian Studies, including a complete collection of works published by the Appalachian Consortium Press (ACP). When the Consortium ceased operations, the archives, collections, and in some cases, the rights to the material were given to Appalachian State University. The Libraries applied for and received a two-year grant from The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation in 2016 to work in partnership with the UNC Press to digitize and reissue 73 works published by the Appalachian Consortium Press, considered founding and seminal works in the field. Sixtynine of the works, containing monographs and conference proceedings, were added to Appalachian State University’s Digital Collections, JSTOR and the Internet Archive, will soon be added to HathiTrust and will be harvested by DPLA. They are available freely on the website of the Libraries and print formats are distributed by the University of North Carolina Press. Intellectual Significance of the Collection The Appalachian Consortium Press was founded in 1973, making it the first publisher devoted to Appalachia. The Press published scholarly books and reference materials, including the first contemporary and comprehensive bibliography of the region (Bibliography of Southern Appalachia), oral histories, environmental studies, and poetry. Among the Appalachian Consortium’s important and pioneering publications were the proceedings of the early Appalachian Studies Conferences, the proceedings of the Linear Parks Conferences, and the proceedings of the Blue Ridge Parkway’s Golden Anniversary Conference. The proceedings of the annual Appalachian Studies Conference (ASC) warrant particular attention for bringing together scholarly research about the region that would otherwise have been dispersed in various disciplinary journals. The ASC proceedings presented research on 1 �labor and the economy, urban migration, local and regional history, literature, folk culture, religion, and the environment. Many of the scholars (for example, Helen Lewis, Myles Horton, Stephen Fisher, Phillip Obermiller, Ronald Eller, John Inscoe, Grace Edwards, Howard Dorgan, Paul Salstrom, and Richard Drake) featured in these early published papers would later become prominent leaders in Appalachian Studies. The Appalachian Consortium Press also published the first scholarly overview of the nascent discipline of Appalachian Studies, An Appalachian Symposium (edited by former Appalachian Journal editor Jerry W. Williamson), and pioneering and now indispensable scholarly works such as David Whisnant’s Modernizing the Mountaineer and Helen Lewis et. al.’s Colonialism in Modern America. These works introduced a new wave of scholarship on Appalachia that took the field beyond descriptive studies to an examination of the role of the region as a supplier of resources dominated by larger, outside influences. These fundamental works are still essential resources for understanding Appalachian Studies and the region, especially as it grapples with its future after coal. Other Consortium publications now out-of-print will interest current scholars for comparative purposes and for a deeper understanding of the region and its role in American history and culture. Too Few Tomorrows: Urban Appalachians in the 1980s edited by Phillip J. Obermiller and William W. Philliber brought together articles examining the movement of Appalachian natives in search of work after World War II to the urban centers of Michigan and Ohio. Jock Lauterer’s Hogwild: A Back-to-the-Land Saga provides insight into the counterculture communal movement in the 1960s and 1970s by tracing the story of six families homesteading on 300 acres in North Carolina. In addition to these monographs, the Consortium published two significant works of poetry that focused on Appalachia and its people: Jeff Daniel Marion’s Vigils: Selected Poems, and Jim Wayne Miller’s The Mountains Have Come Closer. Complementing these two volumes, Rita Sims Quillen’s Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry analyzes the work of four regional poets, Jim Wayne Miller, Fred Chappell, Jeff Daniel Marion and Robert Morgan. In summary, the Appalachian Consortium Press published multidisciplinary scholarly works in history, literature, photography, music, sociology, folklore, and environmental studies that together provided a holistic view of the region. The Appalachian Consortium dissolved in 2004, and thereafter, the works that it published were no longer marketed and sold. The W. L. Eury Appalachian Collection at Appalachian State University holds the Appalachian Consortium Records and the complete collection of Consortium publications. History and Overview of the Publisher The Appalachian Consortium was a nonprofit educational organization dedicated to preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia. From its incorporation in 1971 to its dissolution in 2 �2004, the Appalachian Consortium’s objectives were to “(1) engage in the documentation, preservation, and interpretation of southern Appalachia through research, publications, sponsorship of conferences, symposia, and exhibits, development and dissemination of professional expertise and educational programs and activities; (2) facilitate programs of Appalachian and comparative regional studies at educational institutions.1” The Appalachian Consortium, Inc. and the Appalachian Consortium Press came into being at the infancy of what would become the interdisciplinary field of Appalachian Studies. Individuals at several universities and colleges in the Appalachian region researched and documented local history and culture in the decades prior to the War on Poverty and the attention that it drew to the region. Yet, collaborative research and documentation efforts did not begin until 1970. In the spring of that year, Appalachian State University President H. W. Wey asked Cratis Williams and W. H. Plemmons to develop a model curriculum in Appalachian Studies. They in turn prepared a proposal for support from the Z. Smith Reynolds Foundation, as did two to three other schools in Western North Carolina. Dr. William Archie, the Executive Director of the Foundation, suggested that the schools “get together” and come back to the Foundation with a collaborative proposal. Building on this suggestion, leaders from Appalachian State University, East Tennessee State University, Lees-McRae College, and Mars Hill College began a series of meetings in the fall of 1970 to form a consortium with area service organizations to salvage, preserve, and perpetuate the region’s heritage. Western Carolina University soon joined the effort as did other institutions in the region. Appalachian State University provided space for the offices of the Consortium and supplemented its staffing. The Consortium produced curriculum workshops and materials, and worked with the 4-H organization to foster knowledge of the Appalachian environment and lifeways. The Consortium also co-sponsored the New River Symposium, “History Goes Public: Researching and Interpreting Local History in Western North Carolina” (supported by funds from the North Carolina Humanities Committee of NEH); the Linear Parks Conferences; and the original Appalachian Studies Conferences (ASC). The ASC eventually led to the formation of the Appalachian Studies Association, its annual conference, and its scholarly publication, The Journal of Appalachian Studies. Perhaps one of its most important contributions, the Consortium provided the opportunity for scholars from different institutions of higher education and other service organizations to exchange and collaborate on ideas in the emerging area of Appalachian Studies. Similarly, the Appalachian Consortium Press brought together in a single publisher interdisciplinary, scholarly works focusing on the region. 1 Appalachian Consortium Press. (1971). Constitution and Bylaws of the Appalachian Consortium, Incorporated Purpose and Role. UA.5001: Appalachian Consortium Records, University Archives, Appalachian State University, Boone, N.C., USA. p. 1. 3 �The Press was an important tool in advancing the Appalachian studies field, publishing the formative works on Appalachia as well as the conference symposia. One of the most influential participants in the Consortium’s history and the field of Appalachian studies was Cratis Williams. He has been deemed the “Father of Appalachian Studies” for this life-long work of teaching, researching, and promoting Appalachia’s culture and history. He was employed at Appalachian State University 1942-1976 and was instrumental in establishing the Appalachian Studies degree program, which now includes a graduate minor, a graduate certificate, and an M.A. in Appalachian Studies. Williams said of the Appalachian Consortium Press, “Our press is the most important resources we have for fueling the enthusiasm of our people for their cultural and historical traditions and for encouraging the participation of our many colleagues and universities in Appalachia in curriculum developments and research.2” Reviving these important works and making them widely and freely available with the support of the Humanities Open Book program will renew the enthusiasm for an new generation of Appalachian studies scholars. Workflow Our first step in the project was to hire a Digital Project Manager (Ryan Ingerick) and student assistant (Brittney Maslowski and Evan Wallace) to research and obtain copyright permissions, prepare the books and metadata, and create the online collection in Omeka. Then we completed the following tasks: ● Acquired copies of the books for digitization—We purchased books from Amazon that could be unbound for digitization so that we did not have to destroy our copies. This proved more economical than doing preservation digitizing. ● Created a metadata spreadsheet for digitization—We created a metadata spreadsheet for the books that was reviewed and approved by the UNC Press. This included new author bios and book descriptions. ● Researched and obtained copyright permissions ● Presented at Appalachian Studies Conference—Pam Mitchem discussed the project as a part of the conference panel “Building Digital History: The Challenges and Rewards of Community Collaborations.” ● Added content to Omeka, Internet Archive, and JSTOR Since the university did not own the copyright for all of the publications, we created a workflow for locating the copyright owners and procuring permissions to digitize and make the books available. This process was divided into two stages. 2 Northington, Sandra Lynn and Jacob Matovu. (May 5, 1988). A Historical Review of the Appalachian Consortium. UA.5001: Appalachian Consortium Records, University Archives, Appalachian State University, Boone, N.C., USA. Paragraph 71. 4 �Stage one involved identifying who owned the copyrights for each of the works, the contact information to seek the copyrights, and which of the works could be considered “Orphan Works.” We began by searching the Appalachian State University archives for contracts and correspondence between the ACP and authors. Of the 73 works, there were 31 contracts within the archives. Following the search of the ASU archives, we searched the United States Copyright Office (USCO) public catalog. We were able to determine the copyright holders for 28 works through the USCO. Several of the copyrights on file overlapped with contracts held in ASU’s archives. At this point, we assumed that any copyright not listed in the USCO database, or on file in the ASU archives, were owned by the author. We then began an extensive search to determine the location of the authors to ask permission for use of their work. Stage one and stage two were carried on simultaneously. The first step of stage two was to determine which authors were deceased and which were living. We used several databases to make this determination. Ancestry.com was the starting point for all of the searches when simple Google searches failed. Much of the information regarding authors and their whereabouts came from Ancestry. When Ancestry proved unsuccessful we moved to the Census Bureau data. At this point, we began to compile a list containing contact information for the authors and editors. At the end of stage two, we had determined that 33 authors, editors, or descendants owned copyrights that we were seeking and that 12 works were either orphaned or likely orphaned. Our next step was to compose a letter with the help of General Counsel seeking copyright permission from the authors and descendants who still owned the copyrights. In total, 33 permissions letters were sent out via US mail and email. Only three authors refused to give us permissions and 14 letters were returned to us as undeliverable. The library/press partnership The Libraries first submitted the grant proposal to digitize the Consortium publications without a partnership with a university press. At the time, we assumed that we would outsource the digitization of books to a vendor and put all of the files online ourselves. When we were asked to seek a university press partnership, the answer was easy. Because an established relationship with the University of North Carolina Press already existed, their leadership immediately accepted the invitation to become a partner. UNC Press had formed its Office of Scholarly Publishing Services (OSPS) in August 2015 with a mission of working with partners in the University of North Carolina System on publishing projects. With the support of then Dean of the Libraries, Joyce Ogburn, John McLeod had visited our campus to talk with various groups about the services they could offer to faculty for publishing their work or to other units of the university, such as the Turchin Center for the Visual Arts. Because this new office existed and 5 �the dean had cultivated a relationship, the Press was well positioned to take on a large-scale project and was eager to work with the Libraries. From the Press’ perspective, this type of publishing project was an excellent early test case for the OSPS and the type of work it was envisioned to handle. For the Libraries, the partnership provided a trusted process for the digitization and design of the digital and print versions of the books, guidance in publishing norms and standards, a point of sale for the print on demand copies, and the management of royalties. The Press also served as a source of information to share with others (such as format information for HathiTrust), a conduit to vendors to place the items in their collections (and in the case of JSTOR, to open a conversation about a new partnership - see below). Although one member of the Libraries’ team had experience both with library and university press publishing, the others had none; the Press was patient in coaching and explaining their needs. Benefits One of the benefits of receiving this grant is that it allowed the Libraries to examine the assumptions and processes underlying the work of the Digital Scholarship and Initiatives Team, develop stronger relationships with partners, and learn more about the materials being digitized and the perspectives of the community stakeholders. When the Libraries first conceived the grant, we knew that there were materials that would add great value to the corpus of digital documents then available in Appalachian Studies. In the course of the grant, we learned more specifically about the views and needs of the stakeholders who participated in forming the field of Appalachian Studies. Fortunately, many were supportive and gladly gave permissions where needed; however, there were a few who withheld permissions or were difficult to find. Overall, we were satisfied with the number and scope of the books we were able to include in the project. The growth of the knowledge of the graduate students involved with the grant was rewarding to witness and foster. The multiple dimensions of copyright are rarely understood by students. The grant was a learning opportunity for copyright understanding and also in experiencing the different attitudes authors have toward sharing their work or receiving revenue. The publishing and copyright knowledge they gained will serve them well in their careers. They grew as scholars and in their facility to structure and conduct a digital project. One has decided to enter the library and archives field and another is continuing in graduate school to pursue digital scholarship. Moreover, they taught each other and the library faculty what they already knew in relation to their studies in history and the technology we chose to use. They were colleagues in the entire process of the grant. 6 �We close this section with one author’s story. Upon contact with the author, he expressed concern that he was never granted the ownership of his work and was thinking of creating a new edition. He stated that he had tried to get this issue settled with numerous university officials, but reached no resolution. Research in the Consortium archives and consultation with University Counsel revealed that he was granted ownership in 1993. Upon sharing this news, and a copy of the contract granting the author sole rights, he was ecstatic to achieve closure on this outstanding concern. He granted the Libraries permission to digitize the work. Other authors were very excited to have their work available again, though no individual story stands out. Challenges Every step of the way the Libraries team was conscious of the perspectives and sensitivities of Appalachian Studies scholars and the wider community of donors and other researchers. Some background is helpful to understanding this approach. Appalachian Studies is a fairly new field, and many of the people that formulated the discipline are still alive, some still active in research. As a scholarly group it remains small, but many ardent Appalachians treasure, and guard, their history and stories. Trust is essential in the community, and the administration of the Appalachian State University had made two key decisions that led to strained relationships. The Appalachian Consortium was dissolved in 2004 by Appalachian State University, claiming lack of funding. Many members protested, but to no avail. All of the remaining funds and records came to the Appalachian State University. The rights to the publications held by the former Appalachian Consortium Press also became the property of the University. After great success for decades, the demise of the Consortium was a source of contention. The second case is the shuttering of the Appalachian Cultural Museum in 2011. Also due to lack of funds, Appalachian State University closed the Museum and dispersed the collections. The local community reaction was swift and disapproving. Donors were upset that the objects they had donated specifically to the museum would be moved elsewhere. A university committee was formed to determine the disposition of the collections with the result of some remaining at the University and others were scattered among other cultural heritage and educational institutions. The Libraries hold the records of the Museum and some of the collections. Given this history, the grant team was concerned that nothing in the project raised concerns among the scholars and individuals in the Appalachian community. The Libraries are considered a good faith player in the field at large, a reputation we strove to protect. Relationships are also very important to acquiring additional research materials, papers, photographs, and the like, and the Libraries did not want to lose the trust of present and potential donors. 7 �Over the course of the project, we took several key steps to draw in and consult the community at large. ● Fred Hay and Norma Riddle were founts of information about past events and relationships as we looked for copyright owners and tested assumptions. ● We contacted former members of the Consortium to alert them to the scope and intent of the project. The advisory board composition drew from individuals and institutions previously associated with the Consortium. ● When we discovered that the College of Arts and Sciences held the remaining rights, we established contact right away and sought their advice and assistance. We scrupulously researched their files, in addition to the ones held at the Libraries, for any information that would facilitate the identity of rights holders or any unforeseen issues. ● We also contacted the Appalachian Studies Association to inform them that we planned to digitize the early proceedings of their conference, which were published by the Consortium. ● To introduce the project and establish a relationship, personal calls were made to the authors or their agents. ● We conducted outreach and communication via community newspapers, local historical societies, and other similar outlets. Bearing in mind the history of the university and its relations with the community, we also strove to avoid the perception that the University was profiting from the sales of the books or exploiting assets of the authors or former consortium. To achieve this goal, the Libraries chose not to receive royalties from the sales of the print copies; however, consultation with university officials revealed that the University had to accept royalties from the sales where it held the rights and had to distribute royalties to the authors who retained copyright. In conjunction with the UNC Press, we decided on a price that was basically cost recovery. Some authors were very pleased that they were to receive royalties, while others were more sanguin, with the latter being more focused on having their work revived and available. We further engaged the community through a forum on October 27, 2017 entitled “Appalachian Online: Celebrating the Birth of Appalachian Studies.” It celebrated recently digitized collections that included the Consortium press books (https://library.appstate.edu/digital-scholarshipinitiatives/appalachian-consortium-press-publications), Appalachian Land Ownership Survey Records, 1936-1985 (https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/78), and Katuah: A Bioregional Journal of the Southern Appalachians (https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/79). The symposium was well received, further demonstrating the Libraries’ commitment to the field, its founders, and the community. 8 �Another challenge involved the technology. Omeka is the content management system used by our Special Collections for their digital collections. Our current Omeka template was a challenge in itself. We hired Evan Wallace, a graduate assistant, to help recode the simple page to add the design we wanted. We created records and added the PDF copies in Omeka, however Omeka does not support Epubs. We debated embedding an Epub reader in our Drupal system and linking the Epubs to the Omeka content but decided to put them in Google Drive, providing a link in Omeka so that they could be downloaded. We also provided links to the print on demand option in the UNC Press catalog. Our library hired a new developer to focus on digital projects toward the end of the grant period, so there was not time to pull him into the project. Additional research and outreach The newly digitized books can serve as open educational resources both locally and wherever topics related to Appalachian Studies are taught. A next step is to publicize further within the field the availability and potential use of the project books. We plan to submit paper proposals to professional (such as CNI) or discipline-specific conferences (such as Appalachian Studies Association) in the coming year. We are submitting a Project briefing to CNI for the December 2018 meeting. In addition, with so much new content now available in digital form, the opportunity presented itself to do more than the grant addressed to enhance visibility and discovery of Appalachian Studies materials in general. The existing library/press partnership contacted JSTOR to initiate a project to take advantage of the visibility of these seminal materials to advance discovery and access of research into the Appalachian region, its culture, geography, and history. Two questions were of interests: 1) how can the material about Appalachian Studies and the region be made more prominent; and 2) could the project goals dovetail with the JSTOR Labs’ interest in reimagining the monograph? JSTOR Labs responded positively, leading to a collaboration to determine whether and how the addition of the monographs published by the Appalachian Consortium Press has enhanced the discoverability and usability of materials related to Appalachian Studies and the region. We hope to demonstrate that the recent inclusion of books and proceedings with the exiting journal articles provides more powerful search results, enhanced discovery, more complete literature reviews, and more comprehensive text analysis results. As a starting point, the project group will review search results and may create a thesaurus for Appalachian Studies for JSTOR to employ. The collaboration with JSTOR has allowed us to add to the project team other library faculty with expertise in archives, metadata and cataloging, which will no doubt be a growth opportunity for them and give them further insights into how to expose and discover Appalachian Studies research. 9 �If feasible, the project will investigate whether and how content such as reference materials and finding aids can create a robust digital portal to Appalachian Studies and increase the visibility, research, and understanding of the region by scholars and other interested parties. To date, the project has not followed the path we originally envisioned but has revealed helpful information about the assignment of terms to JSTOR content and the workings of the Text Analyzer Tool. It is premature to report on our results, but we plan to wrap up the project this fall and to report on the results when the project is completed. Conclusion As we were able to accomplish all the objectives outlined in the grant, we consider the project a success. The biggest challenge was getting permissions from the authors, but our success rate was far greater than we had hoped. We can say with confidence that the approach we took with the project generated goodwill with authors and the community. We also gained a stronger, longterm working relationship with UNC Press and a spin-off project with JSTOR Labs. Having gained experience and established workflows for this type of project, we feel more confident in seeking similar projects in the future. We are grateful for the opportunity to contribute to the Humanities Open Book Project and to increase access to foundational materials for Appalachian Studies. We could not have accomplished the goals of the project without the funding from The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the partnership between the Libraries and the UNC Press. Resource List Appalachian Consortium Press. (1971). Constitution and Bylaws. UA.5001: Appalachian Consortium Records, University Archives, Appalachian State University, Boone, N.C., USA. Northington, Sandra Lynn and Jacob Matovu. (May 5, 1988). A Historical Review of the Appalachian Consortium. UA.5001: Appalachian Consortium Records, University Archives, Appalachian State University, Boone, N.C., USA. Parker, Clinton. (n.d.) Preserving Southern Appalachia’s Diversity. UA.5001: Appalachian Consortium Records, University Archives, Appalachian State University, Boone, N.C., USA. 10 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian State University: Digitizing the Appalachian Consortium Press Publications. The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Grant for the Humanities Open Book Program Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mitchem, Pamela Price Ogburn, Joyce Hay, Fred Riddle, Norma Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018-10-08 Language A language of the resource English Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 2010s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/8f8aa738cd9d470ee6041157edf4449c.pdf 8f7abffadae1d6704a021c497ee55514 PDF Text Text �Proceedings of the F I F T H B I E N N I A L I N T E R N A T I O N A L C O N F E R E N C E September 8-11,1993 Boone, North Carolina Marrying Beauty With Utility Appalachian Consortium Press Boone, North Carolina 28608 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1993 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4248-2 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4249-9 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �1993 Fifth Biennial International Linear Parks Conference Marrying Beauty With Utility �2 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Contents Keynote Address Edward T. McMahon 4 The Urban Park of Oporto, Portugal Sidónio Costa Pardal 8 Managing Change: The Blue Ridge Parkway as a Museum of Managed American Countryside Nancy K. Robinson 11 Beauty and Utility: Preserving the Urban Parkway Peter S. Szabo 22 Crisis in Viewshed Protection: Enlisting Community Support Jim Fox 28 Perceived Tourism Impacts and Attitudes Toward Land-Use Controls in Communities Along the Blue Ridge Parkway Sharon Kashkin and Gene Brothers 34 Landscape Visibility Studies for a U.S. Forest Service Scenic Byway: Mount Rogers National Recreation Area, Virginia William E. Shepherd and Lynn Crafts 57 Protection of Scenic Resources Beyond Park Boundaries: A Case Study from Roanoke County, Virginia Janet Scheid 68 Hope Diamond Richard Posner 72 �Marrying Beauty With Utility 3 The Public Spirit of the Recreation Demonstration Area Program Bonj Szczygiel 76 Case Study: Devil's Courthouse Trail Harry L. Baker 85 Evolution of Environmental Consciousness and Emergence of an Environmentally Based Linear Parks Movement William L Flournoy, Jr. 90 The Historic Cultural Landscape and an Expanded Vision of Park Thomas Yahner and Daniel Joseph Nadenicek 96 Early Visions for a System of Connected Parks Daniel Joseph Nadenicek 102 Managing the Blue Ridge Parkway Viewshed: A National Forest Perspective Terry Seyden 110 Design and Construction of Park and Waterway Bridges Eugene C. Figg, Jr. 113 The Appalachian Trail Crosses the Cumberland Valley (Abstract) Neil P. Korostoff and Tom Yahner 121 Congress and the Establishment of the John D. Rockefeller Jr. Memorial Parkway, 1971-1972 Philip A. Grant, Jr. 122 Beauty and the Beast: Locational Logic of the Blue Ridge Parkway Lisle S. Mitchell 125 �1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 4 Keynote Address Edward T. McMahon Good evening! On behalf of the Conservation Fund and our President, Pat Noonan, I'd like to thank you for inviting me to speak at this 5th Biennial Linear Parks Conference. The Conservation Fund is a national nonprofit organization committed to land and water conservation. Since our founding in 1986 we've saved over 400,000 acres of land, including wetlands, mountains, coastal islands, abandoned rail corridors and 25 Civil War sites. We work with partners and we seek entrepreneurial solutions to conservation problems. For example, we recently worked with International Paper Company to protect this 20,000 acre tract along the Racquette River in the Adirondack State Park. The American Greenways Program, that I direct was established to help create a national network of linked natural areas and open spaces—greenways. In partnership with business, government, and nonprofit organizations, we act as a catalyst and a clearinghouse for linear parks and greenways at the national and state levels. Aldo Leopold once said, "Everything is connected to everything else." Today I would like to talk about linear parks, greenways and some of the connections between conservation and economic development and between environmental protection and our quality of life, people and land. About 20 years ago in a book entitled, The Quiet Crisis and the Next Generation, Stewart Udall said something that is more true today than ever. He wrote, America today stands on a pinnacle of wealth and power, yet we live in a land of vanishing beauty, of increasing ugliness, of shrinking open space, of an overall environment diminished daily by noise, pollution and blight. Don't get me wrong. Over the past 20 years conservationists have made great strides. We've passed new laws to clean up air pollution, water pollution and toxic waste. To encourage recycling and energy conservation and to protect wetlands, sand dunes and other critical environmental areas. We've set aside millions of acres of land in parks and preserves and added thousands of buildings to the National Register of Historic Places. But despite the gains the special character of America's cities and countryside is disappearing faster than ever. While we've been saving landmarks we've been losing our landscape. While we've been cleaning up air and water pollution we've been losing our sense of place. The truth is the American landscape is getting uglier, more fragmented and disorienting by the day. Today a person suddenly air dropped along a road outside of any American city wouldn't know where he is because it all looks the same. Is it Albany or Allentown, Providence or Pittsburgh? Who can tell? Rampant, unplanned growth severs our connections with a place, our essential orientations, ours sense of roots. As Wallace Stegner once said, "If you don't know where you are, you don't know who you are." We need points of reference and orientation. We need a sense of community, and a sense of place. More and more people feel a growing dissatisfaction with the quality of new development. For all the improvements in environmental quality people still ask: Is this all there is? Can't we do better? Can't our communities be more distinctive! �Marrying Beauty With Utility More livable? More beautiful! Can't we have more connection with nature and the outdoors? Victoria Tschnikel, the former secretary of Environmental Regulation for the state of Florida, put it this way: I think we can probably take care of pollution-related problems in this state. But, even if we do, I'm not sure this is going to be a very nice place to live because of the density of population and the lack of sense of community. Florida could end up as just one convenience store after another. Growth is inevitable. The destruction of community character and natural resources that so often accompanies growth is not. Progress does not demand degraded surroundings. We can grow without destroying the things people love. The real question is not whether our communities will grow but how. The failure to accept this is what causes many people to regard all development as the enemy. This fosters polarization and will defeat efforts to create a successful community. The problem is not development, but rather the patterns of development. • Where do you put it? • What does it look like? • What is the impact on natural systems and cultural landscapes? North Carolina will not retain its special qualities by accident. Without exception, those places in this country that have successfully protected their uniqueness— whether natural, or man-made are those places that have used vision, and planning, to protect their special characteristics. To work a community's vision must accommodate change and development as well as environmental protection. As President Clinton has said, The Invisible Hand of Adam Smith Can Have a Green Thumb! Unfortunately many people think we 5 only have two development choices in America. The first choice they believe, is to buy land and to lock it up forever in a park or preserve, and the second is to allow unfettered, environmentally destructive, anything goes development right next door. These are not the only choices. We have a third choice. We can have growth and development that respects the character of a place and compliments the quality of the landscape. Development can be planned with new awareness of the economic and social values, of natural areas, open spaces, historic sites, scenic views and native plants and animals. North Carolina has tools to grow without destroying things people love—but it takes citizen action and political will to put these tools to work. NATURAL AREAS We obviously need to continue to emphasize ecology and the health of natural systems. We need a whole ecosystem approach to restoring America's great water bodies and natural areas—like the Great Smoky Mountains, the Chesapeake Bay and the Florida Everglades. We need to increase the amount of land devoted to habitat protection and to increase our scientific database so we know when we've accomplished our goals. We also need a more holistic vision for the land. This brings us to linear parks and greenways. Greenways are of course, not new. Frederick Law Olmsted coined the phrase "parkway" in 1865. Benton McKay proposed the Appalachian Trail—in 1921 and construction on the Blue Ridge Parkway— one of the world's most outstanding linear parks—began in 1935. Long popular in Europe, the many possibilities of these corridors is now attracting widespread attention across the U.S. Greenways typically follow linear landscape features: watercourses, ridge- �1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 6 lines, country roads, urban waterfronts, abandoned railroad lines, utility corridors, and other linear features. • They can be as wide as a watershed or • As narrow as a trail • They can be publicly owned or established on private land with the understanding that it is limited to a trail easement or to protecting a stream or a vista. Greenways do not look at one parcel or even one use. The goal is nothing less than a network of green—linking people, parks, historic sites and natural areas. Greenways can provide a multitude of benefits for people, wildlife and the economy. More expansive and flexible than traditional parks. They can provide a kind of community trail system for the linear forms of outdoor recreation Americans are engaged in today. • jogging • hiking • biking • soften and direct urban growth • Act as an outdoor classroom where children can learn about nature. They can also provide pathways for people commuting to and from work. —Louis Harris Poll Greenways can also stimulate the economy by providing and array of economic benefits. 1) Numerous studies demonstrate that linear parks and greenways can increase nearby property values, this in turn increases local tax resources. 2) It can generate spending by local residents on greenway related activities $100 billion business. 3) Greenways often provide new business opportunities and locations for commercial activities. 4) Greenways are often major tourist attractions—(e.g., Blue Ridge Parkway generates $1.8 billion a year in tourist related expenditures). 5) Greenways figure in corporate relocation decisions Greenways are really links in a chain of opportunities that can begin in your own backyard. These opportunities can begin by recognizing the potential of each and every piece of open land. • boating • urban • horseback riding • rural • cross country skiing • just plain strolling ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION However greenways are not limited to recreation. They can provide: • lifelines for wildlife moving from one isolated natural area to another. • preserve biodiversity by protecting environmentally sensitive lands between protected areas. • protect water quality by providing a buffer against runoff and non-point source pollution. • suburban Greenways allow us to treat land and water as a system. As interlocking pieces in a puzzle not as isolated entities. You're fortunate and unique in already having a framework in place for a regionwide network of greenways. Much of this framework involves the Blue Ridge Parkway which could serve as the central artery for a system that extends into nearby communities and links the natural and cultural sites of the region. Your efforts to preserve and promote the heritage of the Southern Appalachians is unalterably linked to your success in �Marrying Beauty With Utility building on the success of the Blue Ridge Parkway, and using scenic byways as links between parks and nearby communities. While there is a special magic and power to greenways that don't provide all the answers, North Carolina will need to continue its efforts to protect large natural areas. We need both hubs and links. CONCLUSION I would like to conclude by complimenting the Appalachian Consortium, Friends of the Blue Ridge Parkway, and the National Park Service for their bold leadership in working to create a program that balances economic development and environmental protection to produce a sustainable future for the Southern Highlands. I would also like to ask you to think briefly about the psychological and social value of greenways and open space. Why save ridgelines, forests, farmland, open spaces and other special places? Why do people feel a sense of loss like losing a loved one or a friend when a historic building is demolished, a scenic view destroyed or a grove of trees bulldozed? It is not because we don't have lots of other trees in this country or lots of other buildings—it is because our sense of identity as individuals, as Americans, and as citizens of North Carolina are profoundly affected by special buildings, places and views. John Costonis, dean of the Vanderbilt University School of Law, calls these special places the "icons of our environment". Icons, like the Grandfather Mountain, Roan Mountain, the Roanoke Farmers Market, or the historic buildings of Asheville, Black Mountain or Blowing 7 Rock, are invested with rich symbolic significance that contributes to our identity and sense of belonging—no less than religion, language, or culture. This is an idea that goes back a very long way. For example, in ancient Rome there was a maxim that said, "A city should preserve the visible symbols of its identity to give citizens a sense of security in a changing world." More recently, Anthropologist Margaret Mead said, "The destruction of things that are familiar and important causes great anxiety in people." Environmental quality aside, what we really trying to preserve I believe, is memory. It is an attempt to keep a mental grip on familiar and accustomed environments that make us feel comfortable and secure. The justification for creating greenways, preserving natural areas, historic buildings, special landscapes and scenic views has as much to do with our need for psychological stability and cultural continuity as they do with beauty and ecology. The mountains, forests, open spaces, and historic buildings of North Carolina are a resource both to the economy and to the psychology of this area. The work of the Appalachian Consortium is fundamentally about connections. Connections between people and land; between conservation and economic development. About quality of life, about the future and about planning for it. We can grow without destroying the things we love. The landscape and waterscapes of North Carolina are worth preserving not just because they are fragile, beautiful and resource-rich, but because they are emblematic of the South. �8 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings The Urban Park of Oporto, Portugal Sidonio Costa Pardal During the preparation of the Master Plan for the City of Oporto in the 1960s, Urban Planner Robert Auzelle reserved an area of 100 hectares (approximately 247 acres) for a future urban park along Boavista Avenue near the sea. The site of the proposed park was approximately 5 kilometers from downtown and consisted of a patchwork quilt of individual landowners. A large portion of the site was abandoned farm land which had been neglected over the years and the site was being used for clandestine dumping of refuse. In the northeast corner of the site was the nucleus of a primitive farm which was still in operation utilizing farming methods which were centuries old. The City of Oporto proceeded to purchase the land, parcel by parcel, and by 1982 when 60% of the site had been purchased, a decision was made to start the planning process for the park. Since the city government was not sure of what the park should consist and were besieged by a myriad of proposals for theme gardens, sports complexes, popular fairs, and industrial expositions, they solicited professional help from the Center for Urban Regional Studies (CESUR) at the Technical University of Lisbon. Not only had Auzelle's vision become a reality, but the situation presented opportunities for study: the value of an urban park in today's society; methods of integration of an urban park into the matrix of the modern city; user needs which could be fulfilled by an urban park; and the justification of the use of strategic urban land and tax dollars for an urban park. Human culture sometimes suffers from lapses of memory; ideas and knowledge fall by the wayside and are forgotten, only to resurface centuries later to inspire dazzling "renaissances" and furnish material for the most striking innovations of the avant garde. The design of urban parks has long been obscured by just such an eclipse of history. A grandiose period when cities built themselves cathedrals in the open air, "great machines for thinking" (in "Lotus Internacional," no. 30), such as the 19th century was, suddenly came to an end, succeeded only by the pale shadow of ornamental gardening. In urban design, parks came to be no more than green spaces, created without any clear understanding of their role or purpose. The aesthetic standards of landscape design declined significantly. In these circumstances the challenge of designing a park for the City of Oporto called for a return to the theories of the masters of the English School, to the sublime paradises of Prince Piickler, and the pastoral idylls of Olmsted. While the experiments and styles of Italian and French gardens have had an undeniable influence on the conquest of large areas of external space as a complement or an adjunct to a house, it would be incorrect to conclude that the town park descends directly from them, as a variation on the traditional garden. Vaux-le-Vicomte, by Andre Le Notre, undoubtedly represents a new way of being in the world, a new way of constructing the world as a landscape of artifice. It is interesting to see how, in subsequent years, the influence of this garden, through the interpretations of William Kent, surface in the origins of the English Landscape School. One of Le Notre's merits lies in the way he goes beyond the traditional garden to reveal landscape on a large scale, freeing us from closed spaces and using a new language �Marrying Beauty With Utility that expresses itself in wooded borders, clearings, large expanses of water, and long vistas that bring infinity right up to the house. It is important to employ the knowledge acquired through historical research in examining the questions posed by urban development in our own time, when the concept of green spaces is a confused mixture of advertising slogans and vague expressions of some idealized compensation for our sense of discomfort and shortcomings of the urban environment. The labels "open space" and "green area" cast no light on the nature of the thing or the need to which it is a response. On the contrary, it is clear that this lack of definition has spawned a plague of empty spaces, miniature gardens and decorative embankments scattered without rhyme or reason across the urban landscapes of the last thirty years. The grammar of external spaces was clear and coherent in the urban structure of the 19th century, little affected by speculation in an age when land was still valued according to the criteria of an agricultural society. Squares, parks, public gardens, and such, were the manifestations of a collective and civic notion of the city, understood as an organic whole in which the overriding consideration is the good of society and the well-being of the people, the city's inhabitants and users. Although in the 19th century it was not unusual for a municipal council to have sufficient land at its disposal for building public parks and gardens, the same is not longer true. Contemporary urban management is caught between major contradictions on a battleground of multiple and complex conflicts of interest which constitute severe obstacles to enlightened planning. Hence, they face the problems of congestion, of shortages of space, or rushed expansion and change with little 9 forethought and scant architectural consideration. A new urban park is a rarity. We are out of the habit of designing such parks, and this presented us with a fresh problem. Contemporary writing on urban planning, architecture, and the plastic arts has virtually nothing to say about the experience of creating urban parks. The most interesting literature on the subject dates back to the 18th and 19th centuries. Curiously, and happily, many key writings were reissued in the 1970s and there was a revival of interest that acquired momentum throughout the 1980s with the exhibitions of Repton's designs and writings in London in February 1982, and the republication at the same time of Red Books, and later on, Observations on the Theory and Practice of Landscape Gardening. It was not without misgivings that we approached the fact that the most up-todate concepts of urban parks available to us had been developed in Birkenhead, Branitz, and New York more than a century ago. Naturally enough, we submitted the principles adopted in those far-off times to a close and methodical critique and assessed the success of those projects in terms of their capacity for survival and their practical utility in this day and age. In addition to this, we made an analysis of different user needs and the space requirement of specific uses for the City of Oporto. In addressing the needs of users and capacities required, we made an exhaustive study to ascertain the amount of space required for each user need and to make sure that the use of these 100 hectares did not take away from the essential needs of the city for hospitals, schools, housing, and other vital uses. From the data gleaned from this part of the analysis, it was determined that the 500,000 population of Oporto required 250 hectares of urban �10 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings open space. Since the existing open space in the form of gardens, small parks and other urban open spaces of the City of Oporto amount to about 100 hectares, the new park would bring the total to 200 hectares. The team recommended that the city set aside and reserve 50 additional hectares for future open space needs. The park as designed can accommodate up to 20,000 visitors at any peak period of time without any damage to the park. After completion of the analysis, it was determined that the urban park could not be just a sports complex, a theme garden, or a collection of native oddities, but it had to be quantifiable open space, free of constraints which would generate and encourage spontaneous activities or provide the solace for passive and contemplative recreation. Furthermore, the concept of the park must be idealized nature which the urban dweller seeks, but seldom finds in today's urban jungle. In order to make this concept a reality, we recommended that the park had to be safe from traffic and road noise; a combination of forested areas, rolling greensward and water areas; and formal plazas, meeting areas, and "fresh" houses (structures where one can escape from the rays of the hot summer sun; a feature of the Portuguese landscape for centuries). The scale on which urban parks are laid out must be daring because their sheer size plays an essential role in successfully re-creating a sense of the beauty of nature within the bounds of a city and creating their own internal time. They must open up distances that afford an opportunity for the visitor to contemplate the world and meditate. In this sense, urban parks constitute a link between the city and the universe; they reinvest the daily life of the city's inhabitants with a sense of the true dimensions of the world. The concept of the urban park enables urban planners to deal with the city in a positive way. As a park is built, it testifies to the possibility of constructing a landscape. Inherent in such an event there is a kind of nostalgia—a world of memories and a desire to give material shape that is unattainable. It is in this way that a park assumes a poetic dimension, a whiff of the sublime that is unmistakably romantic in inspiration. Art cannot free itself of its symbolic nature. A park is dominated by what appears to be an aesthetic of nature, but this is only an appearance. For it is also— How could it be otherwise?—the urban antithesis of the urban. �Marrying Beauty With Utility 11 Managing Change: The Blue Ridge Parkway as a Museum of Managed American Countryside Nancy K. Robinson Abstract The Blue Ridge Parkway was designed specifically by the concept of a "museum of the managed American countryside." Stanley Abbott designed the Parkway to offer visitors a glimpse of the then remote Appalachian subsistence agricultural practices: haystacks, horse-drawn plows, log cabins, outbuildings, vegetable gardens, etc. Over the years changes have come to the mountains that have altered farm scenes. Gone are the clays when farmer and ox walk the plow, while women and children follow behind planting seed. Many who used to seek out a living through subsistence agriculture have kept their land but have taken jobs in related occupations in nearby towns and are weekend farmers only. Second homes and resort communities are encroaching on the Parkway's boundaries, changing viewsheds in agricultural areas. This paper will examine the original design, explore these changes, offer management options and present a concept for the design of an interpretive tool, an audio tape, as a means of perpetuating the museum concept today and in the future. In 1943, Stanley Abbott, the Resident Landscape Architect and Acting Superintendent of the Blue Ridge Parkway, wrote a memo to a Regional Director in the National Park Service. In it he addressed a number of design issues: As a reference to the theme of the Parkway and its interpretive statement in the Master Plan will make clear, it is no simple matter to define irrevocably what a national parkway should be. We have no precedent as far as I know in the world. This project is 500 miles or as far from Washington to Boston. . . . Through much of its length the parkway goes through a "managed" landscape and I think it has been pretty clear and relatively unquestioned within the Service that the problem was to marry ourself to that managed landscape To a very real extent the Parkway is inextricably bound up with the community. I think that this should be looked upon as an opportunity to accomplish by means of the parkway idea a new sort of conservation in which the national parkway becomes a museum of the managed American countryside. This conception is a departure from the basic idea that is behind the national park and even state parks. (Abbott 1943, pp. 7-9) Over time, the National Park Service initiated a number of "museum" programs (USDI1941). It restored pioneer structures such as Mabry Mill and the Brinegar Cabin. It encouraged the production of mountain crafts and traditional farm products by offering these for sale at exhibits and gift shops. It organized a land leasing program to encourage fanners to continue their hill culture. It promoted the use of scenic easements to preserve important viewsheds outside the Parkway's boundaries. Planning for the Parkway began in December 1933. Since that date, many changes have come to the Appalachians. Figures could not be published here; see CELA 93: Public Lands/scapes, Volume 5. Copyright 1994 by the Landscape Architecture Foundation / Council of Educators in Landscape Architecture, 4401 Connecticut Avenue NW, Suite 500, Washington, DC 20008. Reprinted with permission. �12 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Among the most significant are changes in agricultural practices. Gone are the days when fanner and ox walk the plow, while women and children follow behind planting seed or collecting the crop. Many who once eked out a living through subsistence agriculture have kept their land but work today in nearby towns and are weekend farmers only. Improved highways have made the Appalachians more accessible; second homes and resort communities are encroaching on the Parkway's boundaries. The "managed American countryside" is changing in ways that the originators of the Parkway could not possibly have foreseen when the Parkway was planned. These changes raise important questions regarding the management of the "museum" concept. For example, how did the idea evolve? How important was this concept to the overall design of the Parkway? How much of the original concept is still being preserved and how do we effectively measure this? Why have changes occurred? How do we interpret to visitors the changes that have taken place in the park? This paper will briefly address these questions and offer a design concept for an auto audio tape as one management solution. chosen to head up the project. America's first national parks were established primarily to preserve large expanses of scenic wilderness. The vast majority of these lands were western parks. The Blue Ridge Parkway was one of the first eastern parks and Abbott quickly recognized that eastern parks raised different management issues than western parks. While western parks had been established to preserve majestic wilderness, eastern lands had been settled. Some areas had been cleared for agriculture. Others had been timbered. When 26-year-old Abbott took charge of this project there were no guidelines on how to build a 500-mile long, 1,000-foot wide national parkway in the southern Appalachians. He had the rare opportunity to provide a new kind of national park. Abbott and his team solved one set of problems only to find that their solutions presented new challenges. How important was the museum concept to the overall design of the Parkway? While an integral part of the Parkway's design, the museum concept was only one piece in the puzzle. Other components included designing the route, the road, the wayside parks and the landscape. Designing the Route. Since the new parkway was to be an extension of the Skyline Drive, Abbott first studied its design. He quickly recognized similarities to western national parks. The Skyline Drive had been built along the ridge; all structures in view of the road had been removed and visitors drove through miles of pristine forest. Abbott chose not to apply the same design principles to the Parkway. Because much of the land had been settled and farmed for years in western North Carolina and Virginia, he thought that a Parkway that simply followed the ridge of the Appalachians for 500 miles would provide Background How did the idea evolve? The United States was feeling the full impact of the Depression in 1933 when Congress passed the National Recovery Act, a public works project established to relieve unemployment (Jolley 1970, p. 20). The Blue Ridge Parkway, under this act, was an employment project to connect the Skyline Drive, a road that passed through the Shenandoah National Park in Virginia, to the Smoky Mountains National Park in Tennessee and North Carolina. Stanley Abbott, previously with the Westchester County Parkways, a system in New York then receiving international acclaim, was �13 Marrying Beauty With Utility a tedious driving experience for visitors. He preferred to design a road that followed the ridge for awhile, then dropped down into farm valleys, back into the forest and up to the ridge again. He wanted to provide visitors with much variety so they could spend days and even weeks enjoying the Appalachians. "One panorama following right on another, thinking that as fortissimo, doesn't make the interesting piece of music that fortissimo mixed with a little pianissimo provides" (Evison 1958, p. 12). After the route was determined the states could begin the complex process of land acquisition. Here there were endless problems to solve. Often farmers had no deeds to their land. Years before settlers had simply claimed land and passed it down from one generation to the next, making legal property lines difficult to determine. Designing the Road. The road, itself, was both designed and constructed in 44 sections, ranging in length from 5 to 15 miles, and installed by different contractors. The landscape architects, working for the National Park Service, were the designers of the Parkway. They consulted with engineers from the Bureau of Public Roads on the maximum acceptable slope of the road, specifications for the curvilinear alignment and the style and materials to be used on the tunnels, bridges and retaining walls. The utmost care and thought went into road design and construction. For example, because there was a dearth of skilled labor, masonry contracts were awarded to a number of stonemasons of Spanish, Italian and South American origin, who, when necessary, brought foreign workers to the U.S. Designing The Wayside Parks. While Abbott and his associates were making early reconnaissance trips to determine the route, they spotted areas that were parti- cularly scenic for one reason or another. In an interview with Blue Ridge Parkway Historian, Herb Evison, in 1958, Abbott recalled: As we traveled through the mountains on general reconnaissance, favorite places came into our thinking and we might say to ourselves or out loud, "We ought to control this" or "A gem." . . . Our theory was a major park every sixty miles, and in between two lesser day-use areas. (Evison 1958, p. 35) Recreation parks, varying in size from several hundred to several thousand acres, became another design element. These wayside parks were intended to give tourists a chance to picnic, hike and camp along the way. Designing The Landscape. There was certainly no precedent in the National Park Service for a roadside landscaping project of this scale. Abbott's landscape programs were possible because he could employ Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) and Work Projects Administration (WPA) workers. During the Parkway's peak construction period there were over 1,200 men employed at any given time in landscape improvement projects (Abbuehl 1948, p. 26). These men worked to heal construction scars, plant ferns on rock outcrops and raise canopies to improve views. They also dug up native rhododendrons and azaleas before construction began and replanted them after it was finished. The charming farmsteads with their haystacks and horse drawn plows, pumpkins and split-rail fences are what particularly caught the imagination of the landscape architects. A glimpse of this idealized view of Appalachia is what Abbott wanted to offer Parkway visitors. But this idyllic interpretation of Appalachia was only one side of the coin. Appalachia was quaint and charming with �14 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings its log cabins and horse drawn plows, but it was also impoverished. With more and more families wanting land, tillable fields were at a premium. Corn was important to feed their livestock so they planted corn in the same field year after year. They didn't rotate crops and couldn't afford to fertilize or lime the soil. In an interview with Herb Evison, William Hooper, the Parkway's agronomist in the 1940s, commented: follow Parkway guidelines. The Leasing Program was, in a sense, both a program of education and conservation. The success of the Leasing Program, in the early years can be attributed to the agronomist, Bill Hooper. He became familiar with each farmer's family and property and was as concerned about looking out for their welfare as he was in protecting and promoting National Park Service values. "At that period of time, 1945, we were almost as interested in land that was adjoining us as we were in ourselves" (Personal communication 1991). While the agronomist was managing these programs, the landscape architects were planning exhibits for visitors. Today there are 16 pioneer culture exhibits with log cabins, spring houses and log barns. Because of Stanley Abbott's genuine concern for the well-being of the Parkway's neighbors, he also wanted to promote the mountain culture by selling crafts and farm products at exhibits. Abbott and his colleagues initiated scenic easements as another land management program, a device used originally in the Westchester Parkway System (Firth 1993, p. 52). With scenic easements, the National Park Service could preserve views and protect certain aesthetic values beyond its borders by entering into a contract with adjacent landowners. For a fee less than it would cost to buy the land fee simple, Parkway neighbors would agree not to construct buildings, erect billboards or cut timber. In 1948, Ed Abbuehl, one of the first landscape architects, summarized the development of the Parkway up to that time: The yield of corn, for instance, in most of these mountain counties was twenty bushels to the acre. We like to think that if anybody is making less than 100 bushels to the acre, they can't afford to cultivate it. ... When you get a yield of corn of 20 bushels to the acre and you need 100, you have to have 5 acres to get 100 bushels. The result was they were plowing everything up. (Evison 1971, p. 17) How was the Service to manage a piece of government land that passed through a countryside which communicated poverty and neglect? After they healed the construction scars, the park land would be healthy and visitors would see a green ribbon, the right-of-way, passing through an otherwise poorly tended landscape. Abbott (1948) concluded that the only answer was to work with the Parkway's neighbors to improve the lands adjacent to the Parkway. He hired an agronomist to oversee two programs. The Soil and Moisture Conservation Program healed erosions scars and restored land to forest which should never have been cultivated because of poor soils or steep slopes. The second program was the Leasing Program. After the Service healed the erosion problems, limed, fertilized, and improved the soil, the agronomist leased the improved land back to the mountain people who could use it if they agreed to The initial concept of the Blue Ridge Parkway as a scenic road to connect the Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountains National Parks has been realized. In laying out the road the �Marrying Beauty With Utility National Park Service has included a thousand and one of the "best views." . . . To those of us who have had the privilege of seeing the Parkway grow from an idea to a reality, there has also come a wider concept of its purpose and function. . . . The Southern Highlands supported a living civilization isolated from the outside world and little affected by it. The Blue Ridge Parkway cuts a slice through this and opens it to public view. . . . The Parkway which merely threads the mountains has through its landscape treatment almost seemed to include the whole countryside. It is natural and fitting for it to become a "Living Museum" for the Southern Highlands, and a start has been made in that direction. (Abbuehl 1948) Research Methodology How much of the original concept is still being preserved? How do we effectively measure this and why have changes come about? The author focused site research on one section of the Parkway, Section 2C, located in North Carolina a few miles south of the Virginia border. This section, about 10 miles long, has within it three elements of the early "museum" programs: the Brinegar Cabin, an exhibit of pioneer culture once prevalent in this region; Doughton Park, over seven miles of upland pastures and split-rail fences within a Wayside Park; and Meadow Fork Valley, a more than two mile stretch of valley farmsteads. To keep track of the many landscape features and projects, the landscape architects worked with Parkway Land Use Maps (PLUMs), drawn at a scale of l":100f. One PLUM represents about 1/2 mile of roadway. There are over 900 PLUMs that cover the entire length of the Parkway. PLUMs included planting plans, fence lines, the location of barns, erosion control projects, scenic easements, exhibits, etc. 15 Because the PLUMs represent original design intent, they served as a primary guide in site analysis. The author used PLUMs to assess general change by comparing the 1940s design to 1988 aerial photos. This helped locate station points from which historic photos had been taken, determine agricultural field patterns and scenic easements, understand landscape intentions around historic structures and to locate views which the original designers considered significant. Site analysis involved several stages. In the summer of 1992 the author drove Section 2C, stopping every 300 to 400 feet to compare the 1940s PLUMs to today's landscape. Of particular interest were fence lines, vegetation growth, field patterns, designated views, the locations of scenic easements, the treatment of landscapes around the Brinegar Cabin and general farm scenes. The second step was to research historic photos in the Blue Ridge Parkway archives, then locate and photograph the same views in today's landscape. Next, the author interviewed "old-time" leaseholders focusing on how fanning practices and life-styles have changed. Finally, the author interviewed past and present Blue Ridge Parkway personnel, including William Hooper, with the assistance of Professor Richard Westmacott. Findings Brinegar Cabin. The site consists of the cabin, the granary and a spring house, as well as a rail fence which once enclosed a vegetable garden. In the early days of the Parkway, Bill Hooper grew a field of flax within the rail fence enclosure. The interpretive plan provided for weaving demonstrations and a concession where textile crafts, baskets and farm products like jams, honey and molasses were sold. Today the concession is closed. A seasonal ranger does demonstrate the loom in the summer on weekend afternoons. The �16 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings flax field is no longer displayed. The site evokes a desolate feeling. The buildings stand locked, empty and quiet on the hillside and don't suggest the way they were when the Brinegars lived here with chickens clucking, kids playing in the yard and hogs burrowing for chestnuts in the nearby woods. The changes have come about primarily because of budget constraints. Barry Buxton, in his Brinegar Cabin Historic Resource Study, writes: does in other areas along the Parkway. Lands once intended as open pasture have been taken out of the agricultural lease program and allowed to revert to forest in order to screen new, second homes. Meadow Fork Valley. Leaving Doughton Park, motorists descend gradually into Meadow Fork Valley where a stream flows. It has a number of small farmsteads throughout with views of pastures, barns and cattle grazing. In the 1930s and 1940s the valley was dotted with tapered haystacks. Farmers had draft horses or oxen pulling plows. There were apple orchards and cherry trees in blossom in the spring. It was a charming valley of Appalachian farmsteads typical of what Abbott wanted to share with visitors. While there was no official interpretive plan for the valley, the farm scenes spoke for themselves. Today, because of changing farm economics, the horse drawn plow has been replaced by the tractor; tapered haystacks have been replaced by round hay bales; and the apple orchards have died of old age and haven't been replaced. The majority of the leaseholders are in their 60s and 70s. They have a deep love for and commitment to their land and to the old ways of farm life. But, times are changing. Their children won't be continuing traditions here that have been carried on for generations. The grounds of the site are currently kept meticulously mowed. This is not an accurate portrayal of the dusty, work-worn state of the grounds as once existed when the Brinegars were homesteading. . . . The grounds as they are currently maintained resemble a golf course or a city park, and are not at all historically accurate. (Buxton 1988, pp. 11-12) Doughton Park. One's first impression driving through Doughton Park is that the original intent to preserve the wide, open, upland pastures has been successful. One is struck by the scenic, rail fences that stretch for miles along the roadside, enclosing rolling pastures. Upon closer examination of aerial photos and PLUMs, however, it becomes apparent that vegetation in many roadside areas have grown considerably. Settlers traditionally built their rail fences of chestnut which is extremely durable. After the chestnut blight of the late 1920s and early 1930s Abbott had CCC and WPA workers cut and stockpile the wood. Hooper organized the erection of these fences. The stockpiles are running low and rails are now replaced with nontraditional locust. The difficulty in replacing rails may explain why certain worm fences that were originally indicated on the PLUMs are now straight-rail or post-and-wire. Second-home development threatens views in Doughton Park, as it Discussion How much of the design is still viable? To determine this the author categorized changes along Section 2C into three categories: natural, cultural and administrative. Natural Change. Because the designers left very specific design instructions in the form of the PLUMs, the author briefly considered the feasibility of freezing the Parkway design in time and �Marrying Beauty With Utility restoring the entire 500 miles to the design shown on the PLUMs. But one is quickly reminded that landscapes are living entities constantly undergoing change. Blights can kill an entire tree species, affecting not only the landscape but fence design as well. Storms like Hurricane Hugo can destroy woodlands, creating views which were not intended. Plants die of old age, removing entire orchards from the landscape. Cultural Change. The Southern Highlands are becoming increasingly popular for recreation and retirement. Second home development is a manifestation of this trend. Today there are 23 million visitors to the Parkway, far exceeding estimates of the 1930s and 1940s. Increased visitation affects the management of exhibits. Agricultural management of the Parkway is evolving due to changing farm economics, changing life-styles and aging leaseholders, resulting in visual changes in the landscape. Instead of haystacks of the 1940s we see round bales of the 1990s; hay sheds replace barns; tractors replace horses and plows. Administrative Change. The early designers and agronomists have retired or are no longer living. Superintendents, rangers and maintenance crews have come and gone. And each time there's a changing of the guard, dilution inevitably takes place. Soon there won't be anyone left who remembers what was originally intended or how the landscape once looked. If change is inevitable and it is impossible to return the Parkway to the literal, historic design expressed on the PLUMs, what steps are necessary to retain historic integrity and provide for a "museum of the managed American countryside?" Administrative Recommendations Landscape research. Performing thoughtful landscape research is the first require- 17 ment. Study the original plans, in this case the PLUMs. Research historic documents —photos, oral histories, master plans, letters, memos, early Agronomist Reports and early Soil and Moisture Conservation Reports. Update the PLUMs. Working from copies of the original PLUMs (preserving the originals), new notations should be added to reflect current conditions. Abbott required rangers as well as maintenance staff to carry PLUMs in their vehicles and refer to them on a "daily" basis. Today, this practice is adhered to by some, but not all employees. It is a practice that should be reintroduced and reinforced. Reinstate an agronomist. After Bill Hooper retired in the mid- 1960s, he was not replaced. Over time he had become teacher, protector and friend to the Parkway's neighbors. He was key to the success of the Leasing Program. Today's rangers, who have numerous responsibilities, also manage the leasing program. There are over 400 leasing permits issued through the agricultural land use program with agricultural lands encompassing over 150 miles of right-of-way. A full-time agronomist is needed to help farmers address the complexities of their changing economy. Establish land trusts. Many longtime property owners whose lands adjoin the Parkway have expressed a true love for the land and a concern for its future. Land trusts would allow them to sell their land at current real estate prices, or deed it to children and grandchildren and, at the same time, protect development rights. Many rural landowners fear that the government will buy up more and more land. A private, regional, land trust organized to serve the 4,000 adjacent landowners might alleviate that fear, offer an alternative to large scale development, and keep the land in the private sector. �18 Interpretative Recommendations One question remains. Old time Appalachia is no more. The charming elements of the pioneer culture that Abbott hoped to provide to visitors are missing from the landscape. How do we interpret the museum concept to visitors? It isn't reasonable in today's economy to ask farmers to continue uneconomical fanning practices and financing more than 150 miles of living history farms is cost-prohibitive for the Parkway. One possible solution is to add a new component to the existing interpretive program by providing an auto, audio tape. Questions immediately arise. For example, should a single tape relate the entire story—the history, design and management problems? Or should a variety of tapes be produced to address themes, such as "The Museum of the Managed American Countryside" or "The Blue Ridge Parkway as a Designed Landscape"? Should a tape spell out in detail the stories? Or should it tell just enough to provoke thought and raise questions? Should a single tape cover the entire length of the Parkway from beginning to end? Should there be a tape for North Carolina and another for Virginia? Should there be one tape for motorists traveling north, and another for those going south? How often do the tapes have to be updated? Are there resources available to provide material for audio tapes? To begin to answer these questions, the author reviewed the current interpretive program for the Parkway and turned to some of its known authorities, such as Freeman Tilden and Joseph Shomon, for guidance. Briefly, the current interpretive program includes 16 pioneer exhibits, the sale of handicrafts and farm products at gift shops and visitor centers (not exhibits), and 55 displays at exhibits and overlooks 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings that comment on places of historical and natural interest. In addition, William Lord, one of the first directors of the Interpretive Division, has written a two volume paperback Blue Ridge Parkway Guide (1990). The guide lists, by milepost, sites of interest, gives a succinct history of the region, describes the significance of most of the 264 overlooks and illustrates the flora and fauna in the area. The Blue Ridge Parkway also publishes the Parkway Milepost, a promotional newsletter targeted to visitors. An excellent opportunity is being missed in the current interpretive program. The story behind the design and construction of the Parkway is as significant a story in American history as the building of the Erie Canal or the Brooklyn Bridge; yet nowhere along the route is this aspect of the Parkway story being told in a systematic manner. One gets bits and pieces along the route, such as the display at the Linn Cove viaduct visitor center which describes the engineering of the viaduct. There is a need to provide visitors with some insights into how the Parkway came to be and what was involved in that process. In examining guidelines for interpretation, the author turned to Freeman Tilden and Joseph Shomon, among others. Briefly, according to Tilden, as described in his book, Interpreting Our Heritage (1977), good interpretation is provocative and stimulates the imagination of visitors, rather than simply telling a straightforward, factual story. Also, it is the interpreter's responsibility to provide visitors with a sense of the bigger picture, a sense of the whole, rather than simply feeding them facts and dates (Tilden 1977, p. 9). Shomon (1968, p. 23) adds, in his Manual For Outdoor Interpretation, that a successful interpretive plan for a national park should follow the tenets of the Master Plan for �Marrying Beauty With Utility that park. The following briefly summarizes answers to the questions posed above. One. Should a single tape relate the entire story, or should a variety of tapes be produced to address themes? According to Abbott, "The Parkway was laid out with the expectation that many visitors would spend days or weeks along its route (Abbott 1948). Firth (1985, p. 74), in a report to the National Park Service on biotic cultural resources also states: The enjoyment of historic landscapes requires time. It is not a scene to be fixed and framed; to be briefly surveyed and instantly comprehended. Like a natural area, a historic district should invite longer stays for exploration and discovery—to appreciate a place in time. The author, then, supports the idea of creating theme tapes which would invite visitors to return to the Parkway and each time discover different aspects of the story behind this remarkable national park. Two. Should a tape be "didactic" and explicative or "provocative," raising questions for visitors to ponder? The Parkway design is conducive to both types of tapes. The "didactic" tape, the straightforward, typical format where a narrator tells a story in a linear fashion with a beginning, middle and end is well suited for places where people stop and spend more leisurely time—at visitor centers. The "didactic" format is difficult to apply, however, to a tape that one hears while driving through the landscape. In many instances, the narrator would not have time to tell a story about a landscape as one is passing through it. The scene passes too quickly. The experience of driving through a landscape and hearing about it would be difficult to synchronize. A "provocative" approach is more appropriate for the automobile. To best 19 understand the difference between the "didactic" and "provocative" approaches one can make an analogy to techniques in film direction, comparing early film direction to today's techniques. Many early films opened with a scroll rolling that set the scene. Viewers read, "Once upon a time . .." and were introduced to the film in a rather simple, straightforward linear manner, representing the "didactic" approach. The scene was clearly set and little was left to the imagination. Today's films, on the other hand, represent more closely a "provocative" design format. Most films today drop the viewer into a scene, with no explanation of the characters or the setting. Over a two-hour period, through such devices as flashbacks, dreams, and fantasies, the viewer develops an understanding for the characters. The process is gradual. It is accomplished by layering bits of information. Sometimes images flash onto the screen for only seconds, but an impression is created. By the end of the film, by experiencing one image laid on top of the next, viewers develop an understanding of the characters and a sense of "place," of time, of history, often without the facts ever having been explicitly spelled out. The author proposes the use of similar devices in designing thematic auto, audio tapes for the Parkway. These tapes would provide a kind of auditory choreography of sounds and voices, music and pauses, all coordinated to the rhythm and design of the Parkway itself. Three. Should a single tape cover the entire Parkway from beginning to end? Or, should there be a Virginia tape and 2 North Carolina tape? If one is designing by themes, the "museum" tape should relate primarily to landscapes between Blowing Rock in North Carolina, milepost 280, and Roanoke, Virginia, milepost 120. This is the stretch where most of the agricultural �20 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings leases are located. To develop tapes by state would provide a bifurcated vision of the Parkway. In other words, the tapes should be created to fit themes, rather than artificial geographic parameters. Four. Should designers create one tape for motorists traveling north and another for those going south? The script should address the specific landscapes one passes, and views would, of course, vary, depending on the direction one travels. Also, there are numerous stories to tell and visitors could enjoy a completely different set of anecdotes when traveling north than south. Five. How often would the tapes have to be updated? Because the "museum" tape would address Parkway history (which won't change), as well as cultural trends which will continue to evolve (but probably won't change radically for some time), revisions can be kept to a minimum on both types of tapes. Six. Are there resources available to produce interpretive audio tapes? In 1978 the National Park Service cosponsored the Blue Ridge Parkway Folklife Project. This was a field survey of the region, conducted by the American Folklife Center of the Library of Congress, which recorded many aspects of Appalachian cultural traditions. The project undoubtedly offers a wealth of information. Herb Evison, an historian for the Parkway, interviewed Stanley Abbott, Bill Hooper, Ed Abbuehl and others. Tapes and transcripts are filed in the National Park Service facility in Harper's Ferry, Virginia. Because the tapes are old, the quality may or may not be adequate for reproduction. If not, actors could listen to them for voice tones, inflections, and the energy and attitudes of Abbott and others and try to approximate the original speakers. sample tape, focusing on the three landscapes within Section 2C discussed previously: the Brinegar Cabin, Doughton Park and Meadow Fork Valley. The following briefly discusses the process: First, the author analyzed interviews with the early designers, Bill Hooper and early leaseholders. Comments seemed to fall into three categories: Historic Features; Blue Ridge Parkway Museum Programs; and Current Threats to Museum Programs. These three categories provided focus for the script of the tape. The author decided to record only sounds or voices heard in the early days of the Parkway, "museum" sounds. Because Bill Hooper was such a key figure in the success of the "museum" concept, his voice is used for narration. Each time his voice is heard, a new aspect of the Parkway story is about to be introduced. Several design criteria were taken into account. Although the design speed of the Parkway is 45 miles per hour, the author designed the tape for a driving speed of 35 miles per hour to give more time to relay a story. To provide variety, the author consciously juxtaposed male voices and female voices, older voices with younger voices and voices with varying inflections and accents. The rhythm of the tape also fits the rhythm of the passing landscape. For instance, in Meadow Fork Valley where numerous issues are represented in a short distance, the author recorded five brief anecdotes, each less than a minute in length. But as motorists travel north, leaving the valley, they enter Doughton Park and drive 6.2 miles past pastures and miles of rail fences until reaching the Brinegar Cabin. This stretch provides an opportunity for more in-depth comments. For Doughton Park, the author assembled lengthier anecdotes. Bill Hooper describes early burning practices, erosion problems Sample tape design for section 2C The author developed the concept for a �21 Marrying Beauty With Utility and how the leasing program helped farmers restore their land. At milepost 238.5 the motorist enters the parking lot at the Brinegar Cabin. This stopping place offers the opportunity for lengthier stories about the Brinegars and about the concession that once operated from the Cabin. All quotes are site specific, intentionally chosen to give motorists a "sense of place." In the Meadow Fork Valley segment, for example, the voices heard are those of residents whose families have been living in the valley since the Parkway was built. Any one landscape represents a myriad of past and present issues. Obviously, all issues cannot be addressed in the brief time it takes to pass by that landscape. Again, taking Meadow Fork Valley as an example, it is important to keep in mind that there are other valleys prior to and following this section which portray many of the same issues characteristic of Meadow Fork Valley. Ideas not mentioned in this portion of the tape could be covered when traveling through other farmstead valleys. Conclusion A limitation of a project of this scale is its labor intensity and requisite research team. In addition, particularly because of the time it would take to review the Folklife material, interview leaseholders, edit segments so as to match the Parkway design, etc. the project could be costly. One would have to coordinate a variety of foundation grants or find investors. There is certainly a potential market, with 23 million visitors a year. And, because the tapes require very few revisions, once produced, this method would be far more cost effective in the long run than trying to manage living history farms for more than 150 miles. Distribution and marketing techniques need to be explored further. Finally, both Bill Hooper and Ed Abbuehl are in their 80s, as are many of the other early contributors such as stone masons, CCC workers and leaseholders. There is some urgency to record peoples' memories while they are still able, healthy and vibrant. REFERENCES Abbott, Stanley W. 1943. "Confidential memo for regional director Taylor, Region One." Asheville, NC: USDI National Park Service. Blue Ridge Parkway Archives, Series 38, Box 48, Folder 5. Abbott, Stanley W. 1948. "Parkways-Past, Present and Future." Parks & Recreation. 31(12): 681-691. Abbuehl, Edward. 1948. "History of the Blue Ridge Parkway." In For a Ranger Conference. Asheville, NC: USDI National Park Service. Blue Ridge Parkway Archives, RG 51, Series 41, Box 51, Folder 7. Buxton, Barry M. 1988. Brinegar Cabin Historic Resource Study. Asheville, NC: USDI. National Park Service. Blue Ridge Parkway. Evison, S. Herbert. 1958. Interview of Stanley Abbott, Blue Ridge Parkway landscape architect. Transcript held at USDI National Park Service office, Harper's Ferry, VA. Evison, S. Herbert. 1971. Interview of William O. Hooper, Blue Ridge Parkway agronomist. Transcript held at USDI National Park Service office, Harper's Ferry, VA. Firth, Ian J. W. 1985. "Biotic Cultural Resources: Management: Considerations for Historic Districts in the National Park System, Southeast Region." Research Management Report SER-82. Atlanta: USDI National Park Service. Southeast Regional Office. . 1993. Blue Ridge Parkway Historic Resource Study. Athens, GA: University of Georgia. For USDI, National Park Service, Southeast Region. Jolley, Harley E. 1970. The Blue Ridge Parkway. Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press. Lord, William G. 1990. Blue Ridge Parkway Guide. (2 vols.) New York: Eastern Acorn. Shomon, Joseph P. (ed.) 1968. Manual of Outdoor Interpretation. New York: National Audobon Society. Tilden, Freeman. 1977. Interpreting Our Heritage. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. USDI. 1941. Master Development Plan: Blue Ridge Parkway: Second Edition. National Park Service. Branch of Plans and Designs. �22 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Beauty and Utility: Preserving the Urban Parkway Peter S. Szabo How do you preserve the character of a unique and historic parkway while attempting to meet the needs of the 60,000 drivers who use it each day? Since early 1992, the Connecticut Department of Transportation (DOT) has been working to address this question. The end result of this process will be guidelines for DOT treatment of Connecticut's Menitt Parkway and the implementation of a plan of action for scenic and aesthetic improvement. This presentation will provide an overview of the process used to arrive at these ends. The Merritt Parkway—History Constructed in the 1930s by the Connecticut Highway Department, the full length of the Merritt Parkway opened to traffic in 1940. The parkway was built over and around rolling hills of forests and farmland in Fairfield County Connecticut, with two lanes in each direction covering 37.5 miles from the New York state line to the Housatonic River. The road sits on the north half of a 300-foot right-of-way. The parkway's original planners had expected that the south half of the right-of-way would some day be used for expanding the roadway, though the 150-foot wide, 37.5-mile long forested ribbon has, over the years, become an integral part of the parkway's rustic character. The Merritt Parkway was the first grade-separated, limited-access roadway in Connecticut. More than 70 bridges carry the parkway over local roads, or allow for passage over the parkway. These bridges were designed by Connecticut Highway Department architect George Dunkelberger. Dunkelberger gave each bridge a unique design, employing art deco and art moderne styles. The parkway's original designed landscape was stunning. Landscape architect Thayer Chase applied a naturalistic philosophy, using native plant materials to gently blend the scars of construction into adjacent woods and meadows. The Merritt Parkway was planned so that Fairfield County Connecticut (essentially, a distant suburb of New York City) could be opened to broader settlement and development. To this end, the parkway has succeeded, though development has also increased pressures on the roadway. Drawing distinct pleasure from its unique character, residents in the area feel a tremendous sense of ownership towards the parkway. The Merritt Parkway and the Blue Ridge Parkway The Merritt Parkway and the Blue Ridge Parkway are similar in the name "parkway." However, while the immediate environment of the Merritt Parkway is still largely forested and scenic, its use and general surrounding development pattern classifies it as an urban parkway. The contrast between the Merritt and the Blue Ridge is highlighted by the following statistic: While 8.6 million vehicles travelled the 469 miles of the Blue Ridge Parkway in 1992 (National Park Service figures), the 37.5 miles of the Merritt Parkway carried 18.6 million vehicles. In other words, though it is less than onetenth the length of the Blue Ridge, the Merritt Parkway carries twice the traffic volume. This makes the challenge of preserving the Merritt Parkway highly complex. The Merritt Today The Merritt today carries nearly 60,000 vehicles each day. Travelling speeds often exceed 60-65 miles per hour. Fairfield �Marrying Beauty With Utility County has become one of the richest counties in America; many of its residents live there both for its countrified setting and its proximity to New York City. Many commuters on the Merritt are headed to work in Westchester County (in neighboring New York state), New York City, or at businesses in the area. Since the mid1970s, numerous American corporations have moved their corporate headquarters to office parks set in rustic, forested, quiet locations along the Merritt Parkway in lower Fairfield County. BACKGROUND OF THE PRESERVATION EFFORT Two factors set the stage for renewed conflict over the future of the Merritt Parkway in early 1991. First, the Connecticut Department of Transportation was conducting a study of transportation needs in southwestern Connecticut. One option, among many considered, was to double the size of the Merritt Parkway, using the other half the state-owned right-of-way as the parkway's builders had intended. Second, the Connecticut Trust for Historic Preservation was leading an effort to have the Merritt Parkway listed on the National Register of Historic Places. The Merritt was so-listed in early 1991. And yet, two factors were also setting the stage for the preservation effort to come. First, Connecticut voters elected Lowell P. Weicker, Jr. as their Governor in 1990. Early on in his administration, Governor Weicker stated his commitment to preserving the unique character of the Merritt Parkway, suggesting the widening option would not be pursued. Second, Governor Weicker appointed Emil H. Frankel as Commissioner of the Connecticut Department of Transportation. Though the initial experience with preser- 23 vation advocates was rocky, Commissioner Frankel was, and has remained, committed to preserving Merritt's unique character. Late in 1991, the Commissioner initiated a strategic review to examine all proposed major State transportation projects as well as the Department's expected financial resources for the next ten years. This strategic review resulted ultimately in a halting of design of several major projects, and included a significant refocus of the southwest corridor study. This study no longer includes the Merritt-widening option. A reading of the strategic review also suggests that the finances which would be required for Merritt expansion will not be available for many years. In the summer of 1991, the Commissioner initiated early discussions on formation of a group to advise him on Merritt Parkway issues. A conference in Southport, Connecticut in the fall of 1991 highlighted preservationist concerns about the Merritt. At this conference, DOT Deputy Commissioner Michael Saunders reaffirmed the Governor's and the Commissioner's position that no widening of the Merritt Parkway would be pursued in Weicker administration. The Merritt Parkway Working Group In the summer of 1991, Commissioner Frankel decided to form a working group of Department officials and outside individuals to advise him on ways to preserve the unique character of the Merritt Parkway, while also maintaining what is an important transportation artery as a safe and efficient roadway. Three outside advisors from the fields of preservation, landscape architecture, and architecture met with the Commissioner in January 1992 and agreed to join the effort. A fourth outside advisor, from the historic preservation field, joined in �24 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings the fall of 1992. Representatives on the working group from the DOT now include the Deputy Commissioner of Engineering and Highway Operations, his Executive Assistant, the head of Highway Maintenance for District III (which includes the Merritt), the Manager of State Design, the Manager of Traffic Engineering, the Assistant District Engineer of Construction for District III, the head of Landscape Design, the Director of Property and Facilities Services (which manages the six Mobil Marts on the parkway), and the Assistant Director for Intermodal Planning. In addition, the Connecticut Division Administrator from the Federal Highway Administration became a member of the group earlier in 1993. The Merritt Parkway Working Group (MPWG) met for first time in March of 1992, and has met approximately monthly since then. Almost every meeting has been chaired by the Commissioner. In the spring of 1992 the DOT engaged a National Park Service team to conduct a Historic American Building Survey/Historic American Engineering Record (HABS/HAER) documentation of the Merritt Parkway during the summer of 1992. The HABS/HAER project helped to set a baseline of information for the working group and to begin to focus the DOT's attention on the parkway. During this process Commissioner Frankel decided not to stop Merritt projects underway or about to be bid. The state was in the deepest economic decline in more than 50 years, and pressure to get construction work out on the streets was great. Over the course of the first six months, the group discussed major problems facing the parkway. Eventually six major issue areas were outlined: landscape, design, bridges, facilities, traffic control devices/ signs, and maintenance. In the summer of 1992, the group decided to prepare guidelines and a list of improvement actions for each of these areas to be recommended to Commissioner Frankel. Some examples of challenging problems and the proposals for how to address them include: Design standards • Challenge: How to address the pressure of American Association of State Highway and Transportation design standards for expressways on the character of the roadway. (For example, pressures to straighten and widen the roadway, to clear vegetation, use guiderails extensively, etc.) • Response: The group's approach has been to set standards for the aesthetic realm (parkway standards) wherever it can, infuse AASHTO standards with aesthetics where possible, and apply AASHTO alone where it must. The working group pursued this philosophy in drawing up the guidelines. Landscape • Challenge: The landscape was identified by the MPWG as one of two central elements of the parkway's unique character. The original plantings are now 50 years old. Resources for maintenance and replacement are scarce. There is a good deal of overgrowth. • Response: The group communicated to the Department the importance of giving the Parkway special care (the response: an effort to clear underbrush and overgrowth away from bridge abutments). The MPWG set guidelines for DOT actions in this area. In addition, a consultant was engaged this �25 Marrying Beauty With Utility summer to create a Landscape Master Plan for entire Parkway —funded by ISTEA Enhancement money. The master plan will include guidance and schematic concepts, so that planting plans may be easily produced from it. Bridges • Challenge: The bridges were identified by the MPWG as the other central element of the Parkway's unique character. Many are more that 50 years old. The MPWG emphasized that preserving architectural detail, and restoring and replicating structures needs to be done sensitively. • Response: The group set guidelines for this area. In addition, the Department is in the process of engaging a consultant (with expertise in working with aged concrete structures) to prepare a preservation plan for the bridges. This plan will focus on detail —including specifications for concrete restoration and care. The group also considered the idea of lighting the architectural details on the exterior of the bridges in a monument-like style. The Median • Challenge: Median plantings are now 50 years old. Many died in the severe environment (salt from winter plowing operations). Guiderails were added to prevent cross-over accidents. Some jersey barrier is used under bridges. Parkway supporters are vehemently opposed to the cutting of trees. The working group wrestled with the issue of how to restore a comprehensive aesthetic concept to the median that is consistent with the Merritt's character. • Response: Guidelines have been proposed for the median. The Land- scape Master Plan will also present some ideas about median treatments. In addition, a study of alternative guiderail systems for use along scenic and historic roadways is underway. The Roadside Area • Challenge: The roadside area once blended the roadway into the forest and the countryside in a naturalistic fashion. Now the plantings are 50 years old. Thousands of mountain laurel (Connecticut's state flower) are overly shaded and sprawling, most are obscured from view or dead. Guiderail has been added to protect motorists from hitting mature trees near the roadway. Major guide and other signs are a mish mash of styles. The working group considered how to restore the naturalistic feel while still meeting safety requirements. Another major question was the treatment of the remaining right of way: How to manage a 150 foot wide, 37.5 mile long forest? • Response: Guidelines have been proposed in this area. The Landscape Master Plan and the guiderails study will provide additional ideas. Many signs have already been removed. A consultant was engaged to develop a distinct signing scheme. Overall, an important challenge is how to get sufficient resources to the Merrill Parkway. Commissioner Frankel has suggested that a Merritt Parkway Conservancy be established to bring level of care to the parkway over and above what the DOT can provide. This past May, Governor Weicker designated the Merritt Parkway as a state Scenic Road at a ceremony at the Greenwich service area. Through further dialogue and some �26 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings meetings with citizens and outside groups, the draft guidelines were completed in July 1993. The next step is public comment. Two public meetings are scheduled for October in two locations in Fairfield County. designers, construction inspectors, and maintenance and other DOT professionals when carrying out projects on the parkway. In addition, as the parkway has been listed on the National Register of Historic Places, the guidelines will form the basis for a Memorandum of Understanding with the State Historic Preservation Office for treatment of the Merritt. A landscape master plan for the parkway is currently under way. Once this plan has been completed, it is expected that a series of landscape restoration projects consistent with the schematics and philosophy outlined in the master plan will be carried out by the Department. In addition, the Department is in the process of contracting for bridge conservation consulting services. The bridge conservation consultant will develop a plan for bridge restoration and preservation, which will include specifications on the rehabilitation of historic concrete, best practices to follow when duplicating architectural detail, and current state of the art in other restoration practices. The DOT is also conducting an evaluation of aesthetic guiderail treatments to be used on scenic and historic roads, and, possibly, the Merritt Parkway. THE FUTURE What does the future hold, both for the guidelines process and for the parkway itself? Many issues remain to be addressed. One is the advisory structure for ongoing public involvement in Merritt-related challenges. The Merritt Parkway Working Group was always intended to be a transient institution. Once guidelines are formally adopted by the Department, it is expected that the group's work will have come to an end and it will be dissolved. Since the mid-1970s there has existed a Merritt Parkway Advisory Committee, which has been loosely and infrequently consulted by the DOT on Merritt matters. Proposals to broaden the range of participation on that committee to include official representation from professional groups concerned with the Merritt and to regularize the meetings between the group and DOT officials are currently being considered. Another central issue is the funding mechanism for Merritt Parkway aesthetic improvements. What is the proper level of public resources that should be brought to bear on the parkway? Is there a new role for private resources? The Commissioner has suggested that a Merritt Parkway Conservancy be created as a private, nonprofit organization to channel private funds into landscaping, restoration, and other projects and efforts related to the Merritt Parkway. This idea is beginning to be explored. Once finalized, the guidelines will become DOT policy on the treatment of the Merritt. They will be consulted by LESSONS There have been many lessons learned from the Merritt Parkway Working Group process. First, any preservation effort of this sort needs demonstrated, firm commitment from the top in order to succeed. For example, in this process, the Governor stated his commitment to maintaining the unique character of the Merritt. In addition, Commissioner Frankel chaired almost every meeting over the course of a year and a half. These signals are vital to communicating the priority of the effort to the engineers, maintainers, and other �Marrying Beauty With Utility transportation professionals who are the day-to-day stewards of the character of the resource. A second lesson is to use outside expertise where possible and prudent. Outside experts freshen and elevate the level of discussion. They bring valuable knowledge, judgement, and creativity to preservation issues. They help to build credibility with vital constituencies and with the public. So long as the outside experts selected to join in this kind of an effort are patient and open minded, there is a high probability that successful levels of trust and communication can be built. A third lesson is that, ultimately, financial resources are a vital element of any preservation initiative. One may devise the highest quality plans possible, but financial resources are required to put them into action. While the ISTEA Enhancement Program is a valuable source of funding, private financing will inevitably be necessary to supplement the level of care a DOT can give an historic resource. Another important lesson: the Merritt Parkway Working Group increasingly realized that the Merritt's future is inextricably linked with surrounding land uses. 27 Malls, office parks, and housing developments all generate automobile traffic. In so much as these activities take place in the vicinity of the parkway, pressures to widen, straighten, and improve the safety of the roadway will increase. The group concluded that the land use decisions of the eight towns through which the Merritt passes will affect it's character as much as the decisions of the DOT. The nature of the urban parkway brings with it particular preservation challenges. However, perhaps the most important lesson of the Merritt Parkway Working Group process has been that aesthetic requirements can be met while still meeting safety concerns, even though the resource is an extremely high-use facility, and there is pressure from engineering design standards. If there are any questions about this process, please feel free to contact Peter S. Szabo, Executive Assistant, Office of the Commissioner, Connecticut Department of Transportation, at (203) 594-3003; or Ms. Maribeth Demma, Assistant Director of Intermodal Planning, at (203) 5942134. �28 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Crisis in Viewshed Protection: Enlisting Community Support Jim Fox Land development near park boundaries looms as one of the National Park Service's major problems as we approach the 21st Century. Adjacent properties are highly desirable for residences and vacation homes because of spectacular settings and because of the protection afforded by neighboring federal ownership. Adjacent lands are attractive to developers and entrepreneurs due to the recognized draw of millions of visitors to National Park Service areas, combined with frequently low land prices and lack of adequate land use controls in remote areas. The park visitor's experience is seriously altered by nonconforming adjacent developments, and the National Park Service is impaired in its ability to protect and preserve park values. There is a growing sense of awareness of external threats within the National Park Service. The report of the 75th Anniversary Symposium entitled "Our National Parks: Challenges and Strategies for the 21st Century," which was held in Vail, Colorado in October, 1991, set forth as part of "Strategic Objective No. 1 ... Prevention of external and transboundary impairment of park resources and their attendant values should be a central objective of park system policy." National parks do not exist in a vacuum, but are an integrated part of the larger community. We must be aware of the legitimate concerns of park neighbors, who welcome economic development in areas often suffering from a decline in agriculture and other traditional means of livelihood, yet hold true to our mandate to protect and preserve. The Blue Ridge Parkway is one of the most spectacular, diverse and complex units of the National Park System. The Parkway may be thought of as a 470-mile long by several hundred-foot wide ribbon of a National Park stretching across the top of the Southern Appalachian Mountains connecting Shenandoah National Park to the north with Great Smoky Mountains National Park to the south. The Parkway winds through 29 counties, 6 Congressional districts, four national forests and one Indian reservation. Nineteenth-century Scottish poet Thomas Campbell wrote, "'tis distance lends enchantment to the view and robes the mountain in its azure hue." Presentday park managers may take a more prosaic view of visual resources, but Campbell's description is basic to the concept of design and management of the Parkway. The Parkway was carefully located, engineered and landscaped to afford the motorist prime examples of mountain culture, natural scenes and outstanding views sweeping from horizon to horizon and covering thousands of square miles. This sense of vastness is one of the Parkway's prime attractions. Annual visitation in excess of 20 million is striking testimony to the success of the Parkway concept and to the vision of the Parkway's founders. Despite its great length, the Parkway's land base is relatively small, with approximately 80 thousand acres in federal ownership. Therefore, most distant views and many mid-range views are not of national park land. The Act of Congress creating the National Park Service in 1916 directed the �Marrying Beauty With Utility agency to conserve the scenery and other resources unimpaired for future generations. However, because so much of the Parkway's visual resource lies beyond its boundaries and outside of National Park Service control, the Parkway is particularly vulnerable to external threats and, therefore, seriously challenged in carrying out its mission. Consider the following: Since it is impossible to route public utility lines around a nearly 500-mile-long park, some 400 right-of-way crossings for power, communications, water and sewer lines are allowed by deeded easement or temporary permit. Overhead lines are objectionable because of their high visibility, while underground lines may impact archaeological sites, wetlands or critical plant or animal habitats. Ever-increasing area development means more and more requests for new utility crossings. Over 100 private deeded access roads cross the Parkway at grade. Residential subdivision of former neighboring agricultural land results in multiple users of access roads that were originally intended for a single farm family. Private road connections result in traffic turning unexpectedly on or off the Parkway motor road. Private drives also stimulate nonconforming uses of neighboring lands resulting in changes to traditional Parkway views. Approximately 160 public roads and highways intersect the Parkway, most of them at grade. Increased adjacent development results in demand for improved public roads, which, in turn, stimulates yet further development in an unending cycle. Improved, paved and widened intersecting roads alter the visitor's aesthetic experience, threaten traditional Parkway structures such as the classic stone arch bridges and result in more and higher speed traffic intersecting the Parkway motor road. 29 Diminished air quality in the region impairs distant views from the Parkway. Acid precipitation originating from sources far from Parkway boundaries, combined with other stress factors, may be killing trees at higher Parkway elevations. Changing land use patterns result in loss of agricultural land along the Parkway and increased visual exposure to residential and commercial structures. As examples of these changes, in less than a decade, farmer-owned land in Western North Carolina has decreased by 22 percent, twice the state's average rate of decline, while private forest land has diminished by 16,000 acres. Rapid urban growth, particularly in the Roanoke, Virginia area, seriously impacts Parkway views. With fewer farmers remaining on neighboring lands, it is increasingly difficult to recruit or retain interested lessees to continue traditional farming practices on our 400 agricultural leases. Often Parkway neighbors find it more profitable to sell former agricultural land for residential or commercial developments than to continue fanning. Road building and timber removal, particularly clear-cutting, in close proximity to the Parkway can result in diminished visual qualities. The Parkway has an estimated 4,000 private neighboring landowners scattered along approximately 1,000 miles of boundary. Many neighbors, either knowingly or unknowingly, trespass onto federal land with home construction, driveways and other developments. Individually, most encroachments are small; but collectively they represent a significant impact. Lack of effective land use planning and poor development standards are creating many problems for local communities as well as for the Parkway. Nowadays, highly visible mountain tops �30 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings and ridge lines are preferred building sites, often leaving the Parkway little opportunity to screen developments. A final complicating factor concerns land acquisition. We have identified approximately 350 neighboring tracts of land, totaling over 8,000 acres, for acquisition, either of fee simple title or an easement, in order to eliminate hazardous private crossings or to protect outstanding vistas. Frequently, we are unable to purchase vital tracts even from a willing seller due to limited funding. Once critical lands are lost to subdivision, the likelihood of ever acquiring them diminishes greatly. If we are able to purchase the subdivided parcels at a later date, the total cost is much greater. In view of these threats and challenges, it is clear that the Blue Ridge Parkway is extremely vulnerable to external forces over which it has only limited control or no control whatsoever. The full extent and potential impacts of these threats are not fully understood at present, but we feel we can safely make several predictions: renowned lies in reaching out into the community for support and cooperation. Such joint efforts seem especially appropriate on the Parkway. From our very beginning in the mid-1930s, the Parkway has served as a model for cooperative planning between the states and the federal government. This outreach effort sees us actively involved with more than a dozen different organizations, some public, some private and some quasi-public. Parkway Superintendent and former Director of the National Park Service Gary Everhardt has provided the following Vision Statement to guide formulation of Parkway policy: "The Parkway has a dynamic relationship with its changing environment that requires all personnel to incorporate state-of-the-art techniques and management approaches while adhering to basic concepts and objectives." In the spirit of this Vision Statement, we are continually seeking new opportunities to enter into mutual agreements to protect the Parkway. Several proposals are being implemented or are being planned. Among them: 1. Regional growth and development will continue well into the next century. 2. With that growth will come more threats to Parkway views, as well as to our cultural and natural resources. 3. The Parkway will not acquire significant additional acreage or scenic easements to protect views. 4. Parkway visitation will continue to grow, attracted primarily by the scenery. As we anticipate future developments, we must recognize that the days of park managers and staffs effectively standing alone in protecting a park from external threats is long gone. We believe our best chance for protecting the values that have made the Blue Ridge Parkway world- • Presently, we are negotiating with the North Carolina and Virginia Departments of Transportation to ensure that improvements to secondary roads on Parkway land take into account National Park Service concerns regarding traffic safety, aesthetics of the Parkway driving experience and ensuring that natural and cultural resources are not impaired. • We participate in the planning process for all major improvements to primary federal and state highways and interstates that intersect the Parkway. The possible eligibility of the Parkway for nomination to the National Registry of Historic Places gives the National Park Service considerable leverage in �Marrying Beauty With Utility protecting Parkway values. As an example, historic Parkway bridges, most of which are of arched-masonry construction, must be left in place or else replaced by bridges true to traditional Parkway design concepts. • The Parkway passes some 185 miles through national forest land. We cultivate a close working relationship with officials of the George Washington, Jefferson, Pisgah and Nantahala National Forests in order to review, in advance, proposed Forest Service timber cutting and other land management activities with potential impacts to the Parkway. • We have contacted the commissioners or supervisors of each of the 29 counties touched by the Parkway and asked that they help protect Parkway values in their planning activities and enactment and enforcement of appropriate land use ordinances. We feel that local officials must look more seriously at the need for some land use controls, despite misgivings of many residents and real estate developers. • To follow up the last point, a recent study commissioned by the Federal Highway Administration found that in 1987 the Blue Ridge Parkway was responsible for visitor expenditures of $1.3 billion in Virginia and North Carolina. While these expenditures suggests that the Parkway provides great economic benefit to nearby communities, the figure is generalized and subject to interpretation. In time, we hope to be able to estimate economic impacts along the Parkway on a county level. If successful, we will convince local government and business interests that the parkway is indeed a "goose" that lays many 31 "golden eggs" in local communities and is well worth their efforts to help protect. • We participate in Western North Carolina Tomorrow, a group comprised of political leaders, county planners federal agencies, private citizens, business leaders and other interests striving for optimal land use planning in rural counties. WNCT has expressed interest in serving as a link between the Parkway and local government and private interests to strengthen support for protecting Parkway values for the benefit of all. • The Parkway is developing criteria and mapping critical viewsheds beyond Parkway boundaries to identify areas of vulnerability. Once we have identified our critical viewsheds, we can be more proactive and precise in approaching the Forest Service and other Parkway neighbors in defining our areas of greatest concern and cooperatively developing protective strategies. • The National Park Service is developing a vehicle access plan. Development of this plan is a sizeable and long-range undertaking. It will include input from the Federal Highway Administration, state departments of transportation, and county and city governments. Implementation of the plan, once approved, will be very costly. However, once fully implemented, many at-grade intersections would be eliminated, the Parkway's "limited access" concept would become a reality, and many of our external threats would be greatly diminished. • We are an active member of Southern Appalachian Man and the Biosphere Cooperative (SAMAB). Founded in �32 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 1988, SAMAB brings together organizations responsible for resource management and economic development to promote research, further understanding and encourage wise use of the natural resources of the region. • The largest group sharing our concerns is a 42-year-old private sector organization known as the Blue Ridge Parkway Association, which counts 600 members in Virginia, North Carolina and Tennessee. Most members are involved with services, accommodations and attractions within the Parkway corridor. • Increasingly, we receive encouraging expressions of support from land trust organizations, such as the Trust for Public Land and the Conservation Fund. Hopefully, we can strengthen our ties with such groups, who may be able to purchase critical tracts and hold them for us until we obtain acquisition funds. • Both Virginia and North Carolina plan to include the Parkway in their respective Scenic Byways programs. Current plans call for the Parkway to serve as a spine, connecting a number of intersecting public roads that have high scenic qualities. As criteria and management plans are developed, the states should be able to enhance and expand their efforts to retain scenic qualities within and in the vicinity of the Parkway corridor. • With our support and encouragement, private citizens from Virginia and North Carolina have joined forces to form Friends of the Blue Ridge Parkway. The goal of this new organization is to help Parkway management by raising funds for the protection of existing historic structures; to provide for construction and operation of visitor use facilities; to provide educational opportunities involving the history of the Parkway and the culture and geography of adjacent areas. • We are working closely with Roanoke County planning officials, Friends of the Blue Ridge Parkway and other interested parties to identify and protect by land use controls those critical views in the Roanoke area that are at high risk due to urban expansion. We are greatly encouraged by the strong expressions of community support. We hope that through our mutual planning efforts Roanoke may continue to prosper while the Parkway corridor is afforded the highest possible level of protection. These are examples of our partnerships and cooperative arrangements that have helped the Blue Ridge Parkway protect its resources and show promise for much greater mutual support in the future. The challenges facing the Parkway are great, our future is uncertain and to a large extent protection of visual qualities will remain beyond our direct control. Future changes in regional land use and the resultant impacts may well dwarf anything we have experienced so far. Of course, we must keep our concerns in some reasonable perspective. Change is inevitable, and we will not win every battle. But, we do have many friends, partners and supporters. We believe that orderly and appropriate adjacent development can be consistent with protecting National Park interests. Through careful cooperative planning, it is possible to enhance the visitor's experience and protect park resources while providing local economic development incentives. Further, adjacent developments often provide essential services for park visitors. �Marrying Beauty With Utility The historical record gives us some cause for optimism. Many regard the changes to Parkway views over the past half-century to be, on balance, very positive. Despite current concerns, the extensive overgrazing and poor timber harvesting practices early in the century left many scenes of devastation, now largely restored. Also, we must realize that there is some subjectivity as to the impacts of changing land use. I have had the experience of observing with dismay some new, highly-visible adjacent development, then listening to a Parkway visitor's enthusiastic ravings about the spectacular Parkway views, all while viewing the changes to the traditional scene that I found unsettling. While we cannot be complaisant in the face of rapid change, much of the visual quality we cherish is in the eye of the beholder. To conclude, the Blue Ridge Parkway's mission and goals statement directs us: "to take a leadership role in developing cooperative relationships and establishing public and private partnerships to protect and enhance park and regional resources and greatly expanding our state and local 33 community outreach program." We feel we have had some notable successes, but believe there is much more that can be done by further strengthening and expanding partnerships and cooperative relationship. Working alone, the National Park Service's accomplishments would be very limited. Only by working together effectively with area public and private sector interests, we may see the Blue Ridge Parkway continue as a world class scenic resource into the 21st century. The Parkway is firmly committed to this partnership approach. Jim Fox is a native of Western Pennsylvania. He has a B.S. degree in Zoology from Penn State and a M.S. degree in Resource Development from Michigan State. Mr. Fox has been a park ranger for 25 years, having worked at Grand Canyon, Yellowstone and Lassen Volcanic National Parks and at Glen Canyon National Recreation Area prior to coming to the Blue Ridge Parkway in 1984. He is the Parkway's land resource specialist, dealing with viewshed protection, land acquisition, scenic easements and rights-of-way. �34 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Perceived Tourism Impacts and Attitudes Toward Land-Use Controls in Communities Along the Blue Ridge Parkway Sharon Kashkin and Gene Brothers INTRODUCTION The Blue Ridge Parkway is a 477 mile scenic corridor which runs along the crests of the Appalachian Mountains from the Shenandoah National Park in Virginia to the Great Smoky Mountains National Park in North Carolina. Developed and maintained by the National Park Service (NPS), it is the longest scenic drive in the world. Conflicts between groups supporting land use regulations and owners of private lands adjacent to the parkway have arisen over the development of lands in ways that are considered by some to be incompatible with the scenic integrity of the parkway. The purpose of this study was to investigate and analyze some of these conflicts as they relate to generating tourism to communities along the parkway. The success of the parkway in attracting visitors has enormously benefited the economies of adjacent communities. Studies of the economic impact of the Blue Ridge Parkway have demonstrated these positive effects of the parkway upon adjacent land values and property taxes. In 1987 (Southeastern Research Institute 1990) an analysis of visitor expenditures found that parkway visitors spent about $1.3 billion in the surrounding counties, generating approximately $98 million in tax revenues and supporting more than 26,500 regional jobs. The original development of the parkway was made possible through resource protection techniques including land grants and scenic easements (Blue Ridge Parkway 1988; Keiter 1988; Futrell 1988). The intention of this protection was to provide a buffer zone to insulate and protect the parkway from non conforming development on privately owned adjacent lands (Davis 1970). As a result of its success in attracting tourists to this mountain region, land values have risen dramatically, creating a large demand for commercial development. In an attempt at protection, NPS officials have strictly enforced the property rights originally granted to the federal government by the states of North Carolina and Virginia. Consequently, opposition to the strict controls of land use regulations has mounted from private landowners who want to develop their lands (Davis 1970). In 1992, Scenic America (a national conservation organization dedicated to preserving and enhancing the scenic qualities of America's communities and countryside) recognized the Blue Ridge Parkway as one of America's ten most endangered scenic roads, threatened by regional air pollution, diminishing scenic vistas, and by commercial or residential development within the view sheds (Scenic America 1992). The need for a balance between the demand for non-conforming development along the parkway and the longing to protect and preserve the scenic landscapes that are the basis for the parkway's existence has become apparent. The purpose of this study was to identify and analyze the conflicts between the Blue Ridge Parkway and other groups supporting land use controls and owners of private lands adjacent to the parkway in North Carolina. These conflicts are over the development of private lands for commercial purposes, generally related to tourism. Specifically, the study objectives �Marrying Beauty With Utility were: 1) to determine community leaders' perceptions of impacts from tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway, North Carolina; 2) to identify current tourism related development and perceptions of needed development in communities along the Blue Ridge Parkway, North Carolina; 3) to determine the relationship between perceptions of impacts from tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway, North Carolina and the current level of tourism related development; 4) to determine current attitudes toward scenic resource protection techniques in communities along the Blue Ridge Parkway, North Carolina; and 5) to determine the relationship between perceptions of impacts from tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway, North Carolina and attitudes toward scenic resource protection techniques. Results from this study are important to the future protection of the Blue Ridge Parkway and to other parks and attractions which rely on visual resources. The results identify how important the protection of visual resources really are to leaders and citizens of host communities where tourism can have impacts on the local economy. Furthermore, the results could provide a basis for land use and planning decisions along the Blue Ridge Parkway and in other regions where tourism depends on the natural environment. Finally, this study could contribute to a general understanding of how tourism development is affecting our nation's scenic landscapes. LITERATURE REVIEW Economic impact studies have traditionally received considerable attention in tourism literature. Such studies attempt to estimate the monetary effects of spending by tourists in a community, region or state as a result of direct or indirect spending. Past research has shown that tourism can become an important component of local 35 economies. Sound economic decisions require information about the effects of economic growth or decline and the benefits and/or costs of alternative development strategies (Hastings & Brucker 1989). Numerous studies have been conducted which assess just how much economic effect parks have on host communities (Swanson 1969; Bergstrom, Cordell, Watson, & Ashley 1990; Makowski 1990; Cordell, Bergstrom, & Watson 1992; Stynes 1992; Williams, D. 1992). One of the concerns brought out in these studies is that the aggregate impacts may be considerable but they are not equitably distributed among all areas surrounding the parks. A few of the communities are benefiting economically from development and providing services to the visitors. Other communities are missing out on the benefits because of the lack of development even though they do provide the scenic beauty that attracts the visitors. The Blue Ridge Parkway serves visitors as a corridor rather than a destination, so the spending patterns and the economic impacts are likely to reflect spending at particular nodes along the corridor. The tourism industry in the mountain region of North Carolina (Western North Carolina) has generated approximately $863 million in yearly sales, about 19,000 jobs and more than $200 million in annual payroll (United States Travel Data Center 1992). Three studies have attempted to estimate the value of economic benefits the Blue Ridge Parkway brings to adjacent communities (Williams & Knoeber 1979; Williams 1981; Southeastern Research Institute 1990). The studies that have been reviewed point out that the parkway has contributed to the growth in tourism and the increase in demand for tourism related commercial developments. The economic effects that visitors using the Blue Ridge �36 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Parkway have on specific communities have not been studied to date. In lieu of a more complete study that would be able to estimate direct and indirect economic effects at the county level, this study investigated what community leaders perceived to be the relative economic impacts to their individual communities from tourism on the parkway. In order to do this, the perceptions and attitudes of host community residents as presented in the tourism research literature were reviewed. Historically, the social impacts of tourism have not received as much attention as the economic impacts. Most impact studies have been restricted to studying economic impacts in a vacuum. With this in mind, several authors have attempted to assess the impacts tourism can have on the social structures of communities and more specifically to determine permanent residents' perceptions and attitudes about the presence of tourism in their communities. Measurement of perceptions and attitudes of residents has been the focus of many tourism impact studies. Perceptions are the ways in which individuals translate sensory data into meaningful information that can be used and acted upon (Fridgen 1991). Attitudes are intellectual, emotional, and behavioral responses to events, things, and persons which people learn over time (Fridgen 1991). Measurements of perceptions and attitudes are often used in lieu of measuring actual tourism impacts, to determine community reactions to tourism development (Sethna 1979; Belisle & Hoy 1980; Duffield & Long 1981; Sheldon & Var 1984; Ross 1992; Murphy 1983). This type of research has revealed that perceptions of tourism impacts are negatively related to the distance a person lives from a tourist zone. In addition, positive resident atti- tudes are a function of the state of tourist development of an area, and are reflective of perceptions of the social, cultural, and physical impacts of tourism on the community and its environment. These studies revealed that negative social impacts, economic impacts, stereotyping of visitors, purchasing of second homes by foreigners, cultural exchange, and the ecological impacts of tourism were the issues most important to residents. In addition, lifelong residents and native speaking residents tended to be more sensitive to the impacts of tourism on their culture, while residents in high density areas were more inclined to appreciate the benefits and importance of tourism than those who had less contact with tourists. Perceptions of the environmental impacts of tourism represent another recognized area of study. Scenic beauty has many faces and means different things to different people, depending on their interests. The same landscape can seem agreeable or ugly, fitting or unsuitable, to people of various backgrounds and differing tastes. Diverse opinions relating to landscape judgments are pertinent because they combine to form overall aesthetic judgment (Holmes 1979). Several studies have focused on how residents of tourism communities perceive environmental effects (Farrell 1979; Pizam 1978; Liu & Var 1986; Liu, Sheldon, & Var 1987). Results from these studies indicated that the impact of tourism on the environment is of universal concern. The value of incorporating residents' perceptions in the evaluation of the effects of tourism development was identified, along with the fact that these residents were highly aware of the important role of government planning in the long-term protection of the environment. Likewise, these studies confirmed the necessity of adopting a holistic approach to tourism planning, �Marrying Beauty With Utility since issues on the environment are not perceived as being entirely distinct from economic and social ones. Residents' perceptions of tourism related development encompass another related area of study. The effects of land use decisions have a greater influence on local residents than they have on visitors, due to the local residents' proximity to the area of concern. According to Knopp (1979), inconsistencies or apparent attempts to "kill the goose that laid the golden egg" may be explained by local residents' long term association with the rural or natural environment. Local residents often reach a point of saturation where they may have experienced enough of the natural scene and prefer the change associated with development. As a result, public controls are directed toward the status quo with respect to the natural environment. In an attempt to understand the factors associated with preferences for tourism development, studies have looked at local residents' support for various levels of development (Ahmed 1986; Allen, Long, Perdue, & Kieselback 1988; Long, Perdue, & Allen 1990; Belisle & Hoy 1980; Sheldon & Var 1984). These studies concluded that support for tourism strategies varies with different perceptions of the product benefits offered and the impacts of tourism on the destination, and that low to moderate levels of tourism development are beneficial to a community, but as development continues residents' perceptions tend to take a downward trend. Relationships between residents' perceptions of tourism and their economic dependency on tourism represent another area important to the study of tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway. Perceptions of economic impacts from tourism have been examined by several authors (Rothman 1978; Pizam 1978; Thomason, Crompton, 37 & Kamp 1979; Murphy 1981; Davis, Allen, & Cosenza 1988;). Host community residents are often economically dependent upon visitors and benefit from the services and facilities that cater to tourists. However, vacationers also affect many aspects of local residents' lives, causing them to curtail certain activities and causing deterioration of some parts of their communities. Furthermore, this line of research suggested that residents are primarily interested in the ways in which tourism can develop local amenity resources and in the ways it can provide additional income for the community. All segments of the local population are not affected in the same way by tourism. Some individuals derive enormous benefits from tourism, while others experience tourism's negative effects such as traffic congestion and higher prices. In general, local residents have a positive attitude toward the variety of commercial operations developed to accommodate visitors (Knopp 1979). There are two phases to tourism impacts: 1) what perceivers believe to be the case (a situation often underlying policy decision); and 2) the scientific monitoring of actual physical changes in the total environment (Liu, Sheldon, & Var 1987). The studies that have been reviewed demonstrate that perceived impacts of tourism can be used successfully in determining how residents regard the impacts of tourism on their communities without having to complete a study evaluating the actual impacts. Based on reviewed literature, this study proposes that community leaders' perceptions of impacts from tourism on the parkway can be used in lieu of measuring actual economic impacts. This perceived level of impacts should relate positively to the level of willingness among community residents and leaders to take measures to regulate and plan for tourism related land devel- �38 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings opment along the parkway. Impacts of tourism development on host communities can be broadly categorized as economic, social, or physical (Runyan & Wu 1979). Past studies of economic impact reflect the importance of tourism to rural communities and specifically the importance of the Blue Ridge Parkway to its adjacent communities. A review of social literature provides support for measuring perceptions and attitudes of residents and community leaders in addition to measuring actual tourism impacts to a host community. Literature related to conflicts in tourism development, policies, regulations and planning techniques illustrates what can and has been done to protect the parkway and other scenic resources from what many consider to be incompatible tourism related development. A review of the literature related to the research problem reinforces a belief in preserving our natural and visual resources as tourist attractions in and of themselves. This is the basis for protecting the lands around the Blue Ridge Parkway in order to maintain its integrity as a scenic resource. This study attempted to determine community leaders' perceptions and attitudes toward tourism on the parkway. It attempted to determine current tourism related development and perceptions of needed development in communities along the Parkway. Finally, it examined past and present attitudes toward land use planning and the likely acceptance by private landowners of scenic resource protection techniques. on main roads within a five mile radius of each exit. This included roads on both sides of the parkway. Items recorded in this inventory consisted of any type of facility that could potentially cater to a tourist. This list included: lodging facilities, campgrounds, food services, convenience stores, entertainment, attractions, recreation, transportation, variety stores, drug stores, and gift shops. After all exits had been inventoried, five classifications including: remote, fairly remote, small tourism area, small urban area, and large urban area were defined based on levels of tourism related development. Several criteria were considered in the definition of these five categories. First, the windshield inventory provided a representation of the entire distribution of development on lands along the parkway, within North Carolina. Second, natural breaks in development levels, ranging from rural to urban, were identified from the inventory. Third, and finally, the five categories of development were created based on the exit inventories, natural breaks in development, and expert opinions. A stratified sample of five exits was selected as sample sites. Criteria used in selecting the exits included: development level classifications, geographic distribution of exits along the parkway, Blue Ridge Parkway traffic count data for each exit, and the desire to have representative exits from each of the three larger development categories. Exits which fell in the remote or fairly remote categories were not chosen as sample sites due to the limited number of community representatives at these sites. During the winter of 1993, representatives in twenty-two municipalities and eleven counties within twenty miles of each of the five chosen exits were sent questionnaires. The selection of this sampling "frame" was based on expert opinions. It was presumed that tourists will generally METHODOLOGY An on-site inventory was conducted of tourism related accommodations and facilities at eighty public road access exits on the parkway within North Carolina. This "windshield" type survey was conducted �Marrying Beauty With Utility travel to communities up to twenty miles away from an exit and still return to the parkway. A total of two hundred and forty representatives were identified as potential respondents. One hundred fifty-five representatives answered survey questions, resulting in a response rate of 65%; the distribution of the type of respondents did not differ significantly from the sample distribution. Due to the high costs and logistical difficulties that would be associated with sampling the actual landowners and general residents of the communities, the sample population chosen for this study is representative of leaders within the communities along the parkway. The objective here was to analyze the perceptions and attitudes of community leaders as they represent community residents. Representative leaders included: administrators, elected officials, business community representatives, planners, community development representatives, and other miscellaneous representatives. Due to the dissimilarity in sizes and populations of counties and municipalities, the variety of regional offices, and the difficulty in obtaining complete lists of all representatives at each exit, the numbers of representatives sampled at each exit were not equal. The format and design of the questionnaire were influenced by the objectives of this study. The questionnaire consisted of twenty-four knowledge- and opinionoriented inquiries. Section one of the questionnaire focused on the objective of determining community leaders' perceptions of impacts from tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway. Questions were designed to explore two main areas: community leaders' perceptions of the economic impacts of tourism and the overall importance of tourism as an industry in their specific communities. Section two of the 39 survey contained questions related to the objectives of identifying current tourism related development and perceptions of needed development and determining current attitudes toward land use controls in communities along the parkway. The third objective of this research involved relationships between questions related to objectives one and two, while objective five involved relationships between questions related to objectives one and four. A pretest of the questionnaire was administered to specific groups whose responsibilities parallel those of the sample population. Surveys were distributed to the sample population using a modified Dillman technique (Dillman, 1978). An initial survey was mailed followed by a reminder postcard, a follow up survey and reminder letter, and a second reminder postcard, respectively. One research question and one null hypothesis were derived from the five objectives of the study. They are as follows: Research Question Is there a positive relationship between community leaders' perceptions of impacts from tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway and the current levels of tourism related development in communities along the parkway? Null Hypothesis There is no relationship between community leaders' perceptions of impacts from tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway and the perceived level of acceptance of scenic resource protection techniques. One-way analysis of variance (Computing Resource Center 1992, sec. 5s, p. 86-94; Agresti & Finlay 1986; chap. 13.1) was used to determine if statistically significant relationships existed between current levels of tourism related develop- �1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 40 Table 1. Summary by Exit of Perceptions of Impacts from Tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway Sample Exits Data presented as mean responses* NC16 Impact Questions I. Importance of the tourism industry to the economy of NC? 3. Importance of tourism to local communities' economies? Jefferson /West Jefferson Area 1.4 (n=25) US 321221 Blowing Rock/ Booae Area 1.2 (n=42) NC226A US 70 Little Asheville Switzerland Area /Spruce Pine Area 1.1 (n=ll) 1.2 (n=25) US 19 Maggie Valley/ Cherokee Area 1.4 (n=52) F,p" ^-1.90 P'-1009 3.4 1.8 3.1 2.4 2.0 (n=25) (n=41) (n=10) (n=23) (n=52) J--0000 5. Importance of tourism as an employer in local comminutes? 3.0 (n=24) 1.8 (n=42) 2.5 (n=10) 2.2 (n=24) 1.8 (n=52) F=7.30 />m-0000 9. Overall economic impact of parkway on local communities? 2.0 (n=25) 1.6 (n=42) 1.7 (n=ll) 1.6 (n=24) 1.6 (n=52) p II. Importance of parkway to local communities' economies? 2.8 (n=25) 1.7 (n=42) 1.6 (n=ll) 2.1 (n=24) 2.0 (n*=52) F-9.*5 F 2 40 f ' '°527 ^=5.25 ^SB-0006 13. Percentage of 1.7 2.2 2.8 2.6 1.7 F=5.09 tourism that comes (n=25) (n=41) (n=ll) (n=25) (n=52) /'-•0008 fmm Parkwav? * Mean responses calculated for categories 1-5, category 6, Not Sure/Dent Know, not included. ** Highlighted p values represent statistically significant differences at .05 level. ment and perceptions of impacts from tourism (research question). This analysis allowed for the determination of significant differences between responses of specific groups. In this case, the groups were the five exits, which represent three development levels. In addition, the Bonferroni multiple comparison test was used to determine more specifically where the differences existed (Computing Resource Center 1992; sec. 5s, p. 86-94). Pearson correlations were calculated to measure the degree of linear association between community attitudes toward scenic resource protection techniques and perceived impacts from tourism on the parkway (null hypothesis). RESULTS The first objective of this study was: To determine community leaders' perceptions of impacts from tourism on the Blue Ridge �Marrying Beauty With Utility Parkway, North Carolina. Community leaders' perceptions for the "impact" questions are summarized in Table 1 by parkway exit. Objective three of this study was to look at the relationship between the current level of tourism related development and community leaders' perceptions of impacts from tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway. To do this, comparisons were made for these "impacts," using Oneway Analysis of Variance. Each of the five sample exits was categorized into one of three development levels (US 70=Large Urban Area; NC 226A=Small Urban Area; US 321-221= Small Urban Area; NC 16=Small Tourist Area; and US 19=Small Tourist Area). The objective here was to determine whether there were statistically significant differences in the perceptions and attitudes of community leaders representing three different development levels, regarding impacts of tourism on the parkway. As summarized in Table 1, statistically significant differences between exits were found for several questions. The mean responses by exit for each question is presented, along with the F-statistic and /?- value for each analysis. When community representatives were asked how important they felt tourism is to the economy of North Carolina, no differences were found among the exit groups or development levels. Almost 100% felt it was important, or very important. Conversely, significant differences were found between the exits in regard to their perceptions of the importance of tourism to their specific communities as an industry and as an employer. Respondents were asked, "How important do you feel the tourism industry is to your community's economy?" Statistically significant differences were found among representatives from the exits; however, there was no correlation between the 41 differences and level of current development. Statistically significant differences in perceptions of the importance of tourism as an employer in specific communities were also found. Respondents were asked, "How important is tourism as an employer in your community?" As with the importance of tourism as an industry, the majority of differences in responses did not vary with development levels. Differences were also found among the exits in their perceptions of how important the parkway is to their communities' economies and in their perceptions of the percentage of tourism in their communities that comes from travel on the parkway. These differences did not correlate with current development level. Therefore, there is not sufficient evidence to assume that perceptions differ positively by development level. When community officials were asked if they felt the positive benefits gained from the parkway outweigh the negative costs to their community, 91 % of the respondents said yes. No statistically significant differences were found among the development levels. The research question for this study asked whether a positive relationship existed between perceived levels of impacts from tourism on the parkway and the current levels of tourism related developed. In some cases, perceptions did relate positively with development levels. In other cases, differences were noted between exits, but these differences did not have a positive relationship with level of development. Therefore, while this analysis provided partial support, it is not sufficient to conclude that a positive relationship exists between perceptions of impacts from tourism on the parkway and the current level of tourism related development. �42 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Table 2. Summary by Exit of Community Leaders' Opinions of Current Tourism-Related Development Facility/ Attraction NC16 Jefferson /West Jefferson Area Lodging Facilities Hotels (< 50 units) Hotels (>=50 units) Bed & Breakfasts Campgrounds Youth Camps Resorts Time-Share Condominiums 2.25 (n=24) 2.6 (n=16) 2.3 (n=20) 2.3 (n=22) 1.8 (n=12) 2.11 (n=9) 2.0 (n=9) Recreation/Attractions Theme Parks Miniature Golf Courses Water Parks Night Clubs White Water Sports Hiking Trails Natural Resource/ Recreation Areas Museums Historic Sites 1.0 (n=3) 2.7 (n=10) 2.0 (n=5) 2.6 (n=12) 2.6 <n=13) 2.3 (n=21) 2.2 (n=19) 1.8 (n=13) 2.1 (n=16) Sample Exits Data presented as mean responses* US 321221 Blowing Rock/ Boone Area NC226A Little Switzerland /Spruce Pine Area US 70 Asheville Area US 19 Maggie Valley/ Cherokee Area F.r* 2.6 (n=36) 2.5 (n=31) 2.5 (n=39) 2.4 (n=38) 2.4 (n=30) 2.7 (n=31) 3.8 (n=26) 2.0 (n=10) 2.0 (n=5) 2.2 (n=10) 2.5 (n=ll) 2.3 (n=3) 2.0 (n=4) 3.0 (n=3) 2.6 (n=16) 2.7 (n-15) 2.3 (n=22) 2.1 (n-19) 2.6 (n=16) 2.11 (n=17) 3.3 (n=7) 2.6 (n=49) 2.2 <n=42) 2.2 (n=49) 2.6 (n=45) 2.1 (n=36) 2.2 (n=45) 2.8 <n=32) F*=2.16 p =.0770 F= 1.47 p =.2178 F=0.78 p =.5382 F= 1.74 p =.1456 ^=2.45 p =.0514 F=2.15 p =.0798 F=6.17 /7 = .0003 2.7 (n=27) 2.5 (n=31) 2.5 (n=15) 3.0 (n=23) 2.6 (n=30) 2.3 (n=36) 2.1 (n=36) 2.0 (n=29) 2.0 (n=35) 3.0 (n=2) 2.3 (n-6) 3.0 (n=3) 3.0 (n=3) 2.4 (n-8) 1.9 (n=ll) 1.8 (n=8) 2.3 (n=10) 2.3 (n=10) 3.9 (n=7) 2.7 (n=9) 2.8 (n=4) 3.11 (n-9) 2.3 (n=12) 2.1 (n=19) 2.1 (n«20) 2.2 (11=19) 2.2 (n=17) 2.7 (n-39) 2.5 (n=38) 2.4 (n=28) 2.7 (n=41) 2.6 (n=35) 2.5 (n=45) 2.0 (n=43) 1.9 (n=43) 1.9 (n=44) F=4.80 p = .0017 F=0.22 p = .9283 F=0.58 p = .6808 F=0.47 p » .7588 F=.036 p = .8362 F-2.12 p =.0825 F=0.52 ^ = .7192 F= 1.28 /? = .2811 F=1.00 p = .4121 * (l=Not Nearly Enough; 2=Need A Little More; 3=Just Right; 4=A Little More Than Needed; 5=Way too Many) ** Highlighted values represent statistically significant differences at .05 level of significance. Objective 2 for this study relates to identifying current tourism related development and perceptions of needed development in communities along the Blue Ridge Parkway, North Carolina. Community leaders' perceptions of needed development along the parkway were measured by two questions. The questions were designed to determine community leaders' opinions concerning the current level of development of thirty-one different types of tourism related facilities or �Marrying Beauty With Utility 43 Table 2. continued Summary by Exit of Community Leaders' Opinions of Current Tourism-Related Development Sample Exits Data presented as mean responses* NC16 US 321US 70 US 19 NC226A Asheville Maggie Jeffenon 221 Little Switzer/West Blowing Area Valley/ FaciUty/ Cherokee Attraction Jefferson Rock/ land Area Area Boone /Spruce Pine Area Area Recreation/Attractions - Continued 2.0 2.1 2.0 2.2 2.2 (n=7) (n=44) (n=16) (n=35) Sports Facilities (n=18) 1.8 2.6 1.7 2.5 2.2 (n=34) (n=14) (n=14) (n=9) (n=44) Theaters 2.2 1.8 2.1 1.9 1.8 Cultural/Ethnic (n=8) (n=16) (n-42) (n=15) (n=30) Attractions 2.1 1.9 2.2 2.1 2.1 (n=45) (n=8) (n=16) (n=15) (n=32) Special Events 2.7 2.7 2.0 2.4 2.2 (n-41) (n=19) (n-23) (n=9) (n=42) Golf Courses 2.8 2.4 2.6 2.6 2.9 (n=7) (n=7) (n=38) (n=31) Ski Slopes (n=9) 2.7 3.4 4.2 3.0 3.3 (n=27) (n=7) (n=2) (n=5) (n=34) Go Cart Tracks Service Facilities 2.9 3.0 3.1 2.9 3.1 (n=19) (n=47) (n=40) (11-23) Gas Stations (n=ll) 3.2 3.2 3.0 2.8 3.3 Fast Food (n=19) (n=22) (n-39) (n=9) Restaurants (n=46) 2.1 2.5 2.0 2.1 2.3 Full Service (n=20) (n=39) (n=46) Restaurants (n=22) (n«ll) Convenience Stores 3.1 3.5 3.3 3.2 3.1 (n-47) (n«41) (n=19) (n=23) (n=ll) Shopping Facilities 2.9 2.8 3.0 2.1 3.1 (n=10) (n=16) (n=20) (n=34) (n=45) Gift Shops 2.7 2.9 2.0 2.9 2.9 (n=37) (n=23) (n=18) (n=47) Antique Shops (n=9) 2.7 2.7 2.8 2.4 2.6 (n=20) Local Craft Shops (n=23) (n=39) (n=10) (n=47) 2.4 2.25 2.3 2.0 1.9 Convention (n-17) (n=8) (n=28) (n-37) (n-3) Facilities F,p** F=0.19 p » .9410 F=5.74 p-0003 F=0.80 p - .5278 F=0.16 p = .9578 F=2.22 p = .0703 F=0.95 p = .4396 F= 1.77 p - .1445 F = 0.46 p = .7658 F= 1.35 p = .2549 F=1.3 p = .2746 F=1.89 p=.1154 F=3.13 p =.0174 F=2.35 p =.0578 F=45 p =.7720 F= 1.45 p -.2237 *(l=Not Nearly Enough; 2=Nccd A Little More; 3=Just Right; 4=A Little More Than Needed; 5=Way too Many) ** Highlighted values represent statistically significant differences at .05 level of significance. attractions. Respondents were first asked on a five point scale (l=Not Nearly Enough; 2=Need a little More; 3=Just Right; 4=A Little More Needed; 5=Way Too Many) to indicate their opinions concerning the level of development for those attractions or facilities which are currently in their community or county. Results are compared by exit for each of the related facilities and attractions using Analysis of Variance (Table 2). Facilities and attractions were grouped �44 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings into five main categories including: lodging facilities, service facilities, recreation/attractions, shopping, and convention facilities. A general trend prevailed among the community leaders' opinions, with the majority of responses falling in the "Need a Little More" and "Just Right" categories. Statistically significant differences between the exit groups were found only in four out of thirty-one possibilities. These included current levels of time-share condominiums, theme parks, theaters, and gift shops. In the case of time-share condominiums, significant differences were found between representatives from the exits at US 321-221 and both NC 16 and US 19. In the overall sample response, over 45% said the current development is just right. Representatives from the exit at US 321-221 felt there were way too many time-share condominiums, with over 96% of the response falling between the "Just Right" and "Way too Many" categories. In comparison, responses from NC 16 were skewed in the opposite direction, with 100% the responses falling equally between the "Not Nearly Enough" and "Just Right" categories. In addition, over 50% of the representatives at US 19 said it is just right, while another 31% said they need more. While the responses at NC 226A and US 70 were not found to be significantly different, it should be noted that responses at these exits were very split among the five response categories (Table 2). When respondents were asked to rate the current development of theme parks, statistically significant differences were also found among the exits (Table 2). The average response for the entire sample was "Need a Little More" to "Just Right" (2.7), which accounted for over 69% of the responses. Significant differences were noted between NC 226A and US 19 and between US 70 and NC 16. Statistically significant differences were also found between certain exits regarding the current development of theaters. As presented in Table 2, differences in responses were found between US 321-221, in which over 65% of the representatives said "Just Right" and both NC 226A and US 19. In the case of NC 226A, over 55% said there are "Not Nearly Enough" theaters, with the remaining 44% split between "Need a Little More" and "Just Right." Representatives at US 19 were skewed more toward "Not Nearly Enough" (38.6%), and "Need a Little More" (40.9%). Current development of gift shops makes up the last category in which statistically significant differences were also found between certain exits. Over 50% of the respondents felt that the current development of gift shops is "Just Right," with an additional 22% saying they "Need a Little More." Statistically significant differences in responses were found between US 226A and US 19. The majority of responses (90%) at US 226A ranged from "Not Nearly Enough" to "Just Right." In comparison, response at US 19 followed a more normal distribution, with over 50% saying development of gift shops is "Just Right." The second question relating to current types of development probed further into community leaders' opinions on tourism related development. Using the same listing of tourism related facilities or attractions, respondents were asked to indicate the three attractions or facilities they would MOST LIKE to see developed in their community in th? future with a 1, 2, and 3 ranking. Respondents were then asked to indicate the three attractions or facilities they would LEAST LIKE to see developed, ranking them as A, B, and C. During data analysis, the A, B, and C �Marrying Beauty With Utility rankings were receded as 29, 30, and 31. Responses for each facility or attraction were then totaled and averaged to achieve an overall ranking for each item. As presented in Table 3, the top five facilities or attractions that community leaders would MOST LIKE to see developed in their communities included: #l-Natural Resource/Recreation Areas; #2-Youth Camps; #3-Historic Sites; #4-Full Service Restaurants; and #5-Golf Courses (Note: Mean scores in Table 3 are mean rank 45 scores). The five facilities or attractions that community leaders would LEAST LIKE to see developed included: Time Share Condominiums, Night Clubs, Go Cart Tracks, Convenience Stores, and Gas Stations, ranked 27-31, respectively. These results show that community representatives feel that developments should be complimentary to the parkway. Objective four of this study was to determine current attitudes toward scenic resource protection techniques in corn- Table 3. Opinion Rankings for Desired Types of Tourism Development Mean Rank Score 1.62 Natural Resource/Recreation Areas 2.23 Youth Camps 2.47 Historic Sites 3.50 Full Service Restaurants 3.63 Golf Courses 3.92 Campgrounds Bed and Breakfasts 4.42 4.60 Special Events 4.67 Cultural/Ethnic Attractions 4.95 Theaters 5.30 Sports Facilities 5.69 Museums 6.09 Convention Centers Hotels with less than 50 units 9.97 11.58 Local Craft Shops 11.59 Resorts 12.14 Hotels with 50 or more units Hiking Trails 16.13 White Water Sports 16.13 18.50 Ski Slopes 20.78 Gift Shops 21.30 Miniature Golf Courses Water Parks 25.70 Antique Shops 25.86 26.77 Theme Parks 27.65 Fast Food Restaurants 28.96 Time Share Condominiums 29.26 Night Clubs 29.68 Go Cart Tracks 29.70 Convenience Stores 29.88 Gas Stations FacUity/Attraction Ranking 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 18 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 �1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 46 Figure 1. Influence of Parkway's Presence on Past Land-Use and Development Decisions (Data presented as percent of total response.) 10.10% Not Sure/Don't Know 16.30% No Influence Level 40.30% Small 19.50% Moderate Large ».40% Very Larg< 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% Response Rate n=149 munities along the Blue Ridge Parkway, North Carolina. Once it was determined how important community leaders perceived tourism and the Blue Ridge Parkway to be to their communities, their attitudes toward current and potential scenic resource protection techniques along the parkway were measured using two groups of questions. The first set of questions dealt with present and future influences of the parkway on community development decisions. The second set of questions dealt more specifically with the likely acceptance by landowners of certain types of scenic resource protection techniques. Analysis of these data are presented first for the overall sample and then by each exit group in order to make comparisons by development levels. Several questions were designed to determine how community leaders felt about various land use regulations and development decisions on lands along the parkway. One question was designed to determine how much of an influence the parkway's presence has had on land use and development decisions in their county. Respondents were asked, on a scale of 1 to 6 (l=Very Large Influence; 2=Large Influence; 3=Moderate Influence; 4=Small Influence; 5=No Influence; 6=Not Sure/ Don't Know), how much of an influence the presence of the parkway has had on land use and development decisions in their county. Of one hundred and forty-nine respondents, just over 40% said it has had a small influence, while 19.5% said it has had only a moderate influence. These were followed by 17% that said it had no influence. Only 13% of the respondents felt the parkway's presence has had a large or very large influence on land use and development decisions. In order to determine community leaders' opinions about what role the parkway should play in future development decisions, they were asked, on a scale of 1 to 5, (l=Very Large Role; 2=Large Role; 3=Moderate Role; 4=Small Role; 5=No Role), "What role do you feel tourism from the parkway should play in future development in your community?" Of 154 responses, over 40% said they felt tourism should play a large role in the future development of their community. An additional 19% said it should play a very �Marrying Beauty With Utility 47 large role and 30% said it should play a moderate role. Conversely, only 10% of the respondents said tourism should play a small role or no role in the future development of their community. An important conclusion can be drawn from these two questions. Responses suggest that while most representatives felt that the parkway's presence has had a minimal influence on past land development decisions within their communities, the majority also felt it should play at least a moderate role in future development. Another two questions were designed to determine if community leaders felt that current and future land uses along the parkway are important issues that should be dealt with by government officials. These land uses include such things as: farming, timber harvesting, housing developments, and commercial establishments. The first of these two questions attempted to determine how leaders felt about "current" land uses. Of 151 respondents, over 74% said yes, that they felt current land uses along the parkway are important issues and that they should be dealt with by government officials. Conversely, 17.2% said no, and 8.6% were not sure or did not know. Those respondents who said yes were given the option to indicate at what levels of government they felt these "current" issues should be handled. Of the 112 respondents who said yes, 70 indicated that these issues should be handled at the federal level, while 77 respondents said state level, 69 officials supported county government; and 37 indicated municipal level (Table 4, totals are greater than 112 due to multiple responses). When asked to indicate if they felt "future" land use changes along the parkway were important issues that should be dealt with by government officials, a similar pattern emerged. Of 150 responses, 86% said yes, while only 8% said no and 6% were not sure or did not know. In addition, when asked to indicate at what level these "future" issues should be handled, 87 respondents said federal government, 93 state level, 83 county level, and 43 said municipal (Table 4, totals are greater than 150 due to multiple responses). In addition to determining community leaders' opinions about government intervention in land use issues, respondents Figure 2. Community Leaders' Opinions Regarding the Role Tourism Should Play in the Future Development of their Communities (Data presented as percent of total responses.) No Role Small Role 0.70% 9.10% Moderate Role 30.50% Large Role 10.90% Very Large Role 0.00% 18.80% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% Response Rate n=154 40.00% 50.00% �48 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Table 4. Are Current or Future Land Uses Important Issues that Should be Dealt with by Government Officials? Responses Yes No Not Sure/Don't Know Current Uses (% of Response) (n=151) 74.2% 17.2% 8.6% Future Changes (% of Response) (n=150) 86.0% 8.0% 6.0% If Yes, What Level? % of Responses % of Responses (306 responses)* (253 responses)* 28.0% 28.0% Federal Level 30.0% 30.0% State Level 27.0% 27.0% County Level 15.0% 15.0% Municipal Level * Respondents had opportunity to check all levels of government that applied. were asked, "Do you believe that it is important for your community to have direct input and involvement in creating policies which deal with land use and development along the parkway?" A majority (79%) said yes, while only 16% said no, and 5% were unsure. Respondents were also asked if they were aware of any land development regulations which deal with development along the parkway that had been passed or were being negotiated in their community. An overwhelming 70% of respondents said No, they were not aware of any land development regulations. Only 14% said Yes, while 17% said they were not sure or did not know. Those respondents who did reply Yes (21) were given the opportunity to openly explain the nature of these regulations. The following is a summary of the explanations listed: • Watershed Protection/Water Quality Act • Set back requirements • Ridge law • Timber clear-cutting regulations • Sign controls and ordinances • View preservation • Community officials opposing clearcutting along parkway • Local codes regulating property adjacent to parkway • Revisions to city ordinances to protect parkway • Encouragement of structures of a particular appearance within the viewsheds by parkway Blue Ridge Parkway (NPS) officials have stated that they feel strongly that it is important to have local citizen involvement in the planning and negotiations over land development issues along the parkway. When asked whether local officials have seen evidence of this, 47% of the respondents said No, 28% said Yes, and 25% said they were not sure or did not know. One final question was related to specific types of scenic resource protection tools that are often used by communities. Using a scale from 0 to 5 (0=Don't Know; l=Very Unlikely; 2=Unlikely; 3=Neutral; 4=Likely; 5=Very Likely), respondents were asked to indicate how likely it would �Marrying Beauty With Utility be for landowners in their community to accept sixteen different types of land use control techniques. These techniques are categorized as: Land Acquisition Approaches, Land Transfer Controls, Land Use Controls, Land Development Controls, Tax Incentives, Planning, Sign Controls, View Preservation Ordinances, and Voluntary Approaches. As presented in Table 5, two main patterns of probable acceptance emerged. Over 50% of the respondents rated Land Acquisition Techniques (52%) and Land Transfer Controls (61%) as "Very Unlikely" to "Unlikely" to be accepted. With very few exceptions, the remaining categories of scenic resource protection tools were skewed toward "Likely" to "Very Likely" acceptance. In most cases, Land Use Controls were rated as "Neutral" to "Likely" over 58% of the time (Easements 59%, Scenic Highway Designation 60%, Agricultural Districts 67%). Exceptions were noted with Zoning Ordinances which were skewed toward "Very Unlikely" and "Unlikely" by 60% of the respondents. Responses in the Land Development Controls category were somewhat varied. Subdivision Districts were rated most often (56% of the time) as "Neutral" to "Likely." Cluster Development was more spread out between "Unlikely" to "Likely," which accounted for 66% of the response. Conversely, Development Moratorium was skewed very far toward "Very Unlikely" and "Unlikely," which accounted for 64% of the response. Responses for the majority of the remaining scenic resource protection tools were much more uniform. In five out of seven cases, acceptance ratings fell into "Neutral" to "Likely" at least 55% of the time. These included Tax Incentives 55%, Comprehensive Planning 59%, Site Plan Reviews 70%, View Protection Ordinances 59%, and Tree Protection Ordinances 59%. 49 Responses for Sign Controls were a bit more spread out to include "Unlikely," making the three categories account for 76% of the response. Voluntary Approaches shifted slightly in the other direction to include "Very Likely," making the three categories account for 81% of the responses. The preceding section offered a descriptive analysis of response rates to questions related to land development issues and scenic resource protection techniques in communities along the parkway. In this section, the sample population will be broken down by exit group. Comparisons between exits will determined using analysis of variance. The Pearson correlation (Sommer & Sommer 1980, p. 219; Computing Resource Center 1992, sec. 5s, p. 204-208) was also used in the comparative analysis as a measure of association to determine what type of relationship, if any, exists between perceived impacts and likely acceptance of scenic resource protection techniques. The group of questions used to examine attitudes toward scenic resource protection techniques were categorized and comparisons were made by category only. In order to accomplish this, an index was computed for those categories which included more than one land use control technique. A mean score was computed for each technique by exit. Oneway analysis of variance was used to determine if statistically significant differences existed among the exits in their likely acceptance of each of the nine technique categories. As summarized in Table 6, statistically significant differences among the exits were found in seven of nine categories, excluding only tax incentives and voluntary approaches. Mean scores for the nine technique categories where statistically significant differences between exits occurred are �1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 50 Table 5. Likelihood of Acceptance of Scenic Resource Protection Techniques in Communities Along the Blue Ridge Parkway Response Categories Data presented as percent of total response* Techniques I*"'* Kwm 0 v «7 Uaiflcdy 1 2 3 Land Acquisition Land Transfer Controls Land Use Controls Scenic Easements Scenic Hwy. Zoning Agricultural Districts Zoning Ordinances Land Develop. Controls Subdivision Districts Cluster Development Development Moratorium Tax Incentives Planning 12.4% 19.0% 26.9% 28.2% 24.8% 32.4% 10.3% 12.0% 21.4% 4.9% 4.1% 3.5% 127/2.4 115/2.1 5.5% 6.2% 6.3% 2.7% 10.3% 13.8% 7.7% 35.9% 17.9% 25.5% 17.9% 29.7% 11.2% 25.9% 24.1% 11.0% 33.1% 26.2% 41.3% 17.2% 7.6% 6.2% 7.7% 9.0% 137/3.1 136/2.9 134/3.3 145/2.3 3.5% 12.5% 7.9% 9.7% 12.4% 15.3% 36.0% 10.4% 14.5% 17.9% 17.4% 30.6% 28.1% 15.1% 16.7% 20.8% 37.9% 18.1% 6.5% 34.7% 13.8% 6.3% 6.5% 7.6% 140/3.3 126/2.8 128/2.1 130/3.1 12.1% 6.4% 2.8% 7.9% 7.8% 6.9% 15.0% 30.0% 9.9% 30.5% 16.7% 14.6% 29.3% 39.0% 45.1% 5.7% 6.4% 13.9% 123/3.1 132/3.2 140/3.4 10.3% 11.0% 137/3.2 139/3.3 13.0% 139/3.6 Comprehensive Plans Site Plan Reviews Ualkdy Ne*nd UMy 4 Sign Controls View Protection View Preserv. Ordinances 8.3% 16.6% 24.1% 5.5% 35.2% Tree Protection 4.8% 11.0% 14.4% 16.4% 42.5% Ordinances 4.8% 8.2% 6.2% 14.4% Voluntary Approaches 53.4% * Bold values highlight patterns of majority of responses. ** Mean values and response rates calculated for responses to categories 1-5. highlighed in Table 6. In every case, statistically significant differences were found between US 321-221 and another exit. In the case of Land Acquisition Techniques, differences were found between respondents at US 321-221 and US 226A. Differences in responses to Land Transfer Controls were found between US 321-221 and NC 16. Differences were also found between these same exits for Land Use Control Techniques. In both cases, statistically significant differences were not found between any other exits. Differences in responses to View Protection ordinances were found between US 321-221 and NC 19. In the cases of Land Development Controls and Planning Techniques, re- Very Ukdy 5 Rate/Mean RopoMc d-5)** sponses from representatives at US 321-221 differed once again from NC 16 and NC 19. For Sign Controls, US 321-221 differed from NC 19 and US 226A. US 70 had no responses that were significantly different from other exits. In addition, no differences in responses were found among exits for Tax Incentives or Voluntary Approaches. Objective five of this study was to determine if a positive relationship exists between perceived impacts from tourism on the parkway and attitudes toward scenic resource protection techniques. This objective relates to the null hypothesis of this study, as stated in the Methods section. Pearson correlations were used to measure the level of linear association between �Marrying Beauty With Utility these variables (Sommer & Sommer 1980, p. 219; Agresti and Finlay 1986, sec. 9.3). Four indexes, representing the total sample and each of the three tourism development levels, were created for perceived impacts using questions in the first section of the questionnaire. These questions all related to community leaders' perceptions of impacts to their communities from tourism on the parkway. In order to determine the nature of the relationships, the indexes for perceived tourism impacts were correlated against the nine categories of scenic resource protection techniques. Pearson correlations, presented in Table 7, for the total sample ranged from .0338 for Voluntary Approaches and .3258 for Land Development Controls. Interpretation of this statistic reveals that, in 51 the strongest case, only 10.6% (.32582) of the variability in attitudes toward scenic resource protection techniques can be explained by the perceptions of impacts from the parkway. Moreover, when the responses are broken down by development levels, the relationships were no stronger. In some cases, the relationships were even found to be negative. Therefore, the null hypothesis that no relationship exists between perceptions of impacts from tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway and attitudes toward land use controls was not rejected. CONCLUSIONS Results from this study are important to the future protection of the Blue Ridge Parkway and to other parks and attractions Table 6. Likely Acceptance of Scenic Resource Protection Techniques by Exit Mean Response by Exit ** US 19 US 321NC US 70 F,p*** 221 226A 2.7 F=5.16 2.3 1.8 *2.0 2£ (n=22) (n=44) (n=31) (n=10) (n-20- p =.0007 1.9 F=2.73 Land Transfer *1.6 1.8 2.2 2£ (n=18) p =.0326 (n=19) (n=39) (n=10) Controls (n=29) 2.6 Land Use Controls *2.7 2.33 F=9.92 3.1 M (n=20) (n=42) (n=18) p =.0000 (n=9) (n=32) Land Development *2.2 *2.5 2.8 F=6.93 2.5 M Controls (n=19) (n=38) (n=33) (n=10) (n=16) p =.0000 2.6 3.1 F= 1.86 3.3 Tax Incentives 3.5 3.1 (n=21) (n=44) (n-10) (n=18) p=.l219 (n=37) 3.4 F=6.55 *2.9 3.0 Planning *2.8 i* (n=9) (n=15) p =.0000 (n=20) (n=44) (n=34) F=6.8 3.5 3.5 *3.0 Sign Controls *2.7 4il (n=23) (n=47) (n=10) (n=21) p = .0000 (n=39) 3.1 F=3.70 View Protection *3.0 3.3 3.0 M (n-19) p = .0070 (n=21) (n=46) (n=36) (n=ll) 3.3 F=1.77 3.5 3.6 Voluntary 3.7 3.9 (n=22) (n=48) (n=37) Approaches (n=ll) (n=21) /? = .1386 * Underlined means indicate exits which had significantly different responses from starred means at .05 level of significance. ** Means calculated for categories 1.-5 (l~Very UnLikely; 2=Unlikely; 3=Neutral; 4=Likely; 5=Very Likely), category 0 (Don't Know) is omitted from calculation. '"Highlighted P-values indicate statistically significant differences at .05 level of significance. Technique Categories Land Acquisition NC Id �1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 52 Table 7. Relationship Between Perceptions of Impacts from Tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway and Attitudes toward Scenic Resource Protection Techniques* Total Sample Technique Categories Land Acquisition Land Transfer Controls Perceptions of Impacts Index Categories Small Tourist Small Urban Area Area Large Urban Area . 1 588 .2587 -.0329 .0822 .2545 .3055 .4413 .4746 Land Use Controls .2627 .2028 .3289 -.0716 Land Development Controls .3254 .2419 .4373 .1941 .2644 .1932 -.0377 Tax Incentives .3106 .4776 Planning .2356 Sign Controls View Protection Voluntary Approaches .1566 . 148 1 .0338 .1755 .0261 .0835 -.0893 .2179 .2517 .0855 .2106 .2078 -.0191 .1637 *Oata presented as correlation coefficients which rely on visual resources. Contradictions in policies related to the pursuit for preservation and desires for commercial development often occur in tourism zones. Several authors have contended that more potential lies in the enjoyment and preservation of rural lands, such as the those associated with the parkway, as attractions to tourists rather than in the development of the lands themselves (Cordell, McLellan, & Legg 1979; McNeely & Thorsell 1989; Forester, cited in Fagence 1990; Place 1991). The results from this study show that community leaders do feel that the parkway is important to their communities. In addition, protection of the visual resources associated with the parkway is also important to them. Although the majority of leaders indicated that the presence of the parkway has had limited effect on land use planning in the past, they indicated that scenic resource protection techniques are important tools that should be utilized by government officials to protect the parkway from incompatible development. The problem, however, lies in determining what types of controls will be accepted by different communities. It was determined in this study that probable acceptance of different techniques is not based on development level. However, they do suggest that landowners are more likely to accept techniques that are less restrictive and more voluntary in nature. In considering strategies for tourism development along the parkway, we must consider what types of techniques will be accepted by private landowners along the parkway. The problem along the parkway is that the parkway itself controls very little land (Everhardt, cited in Elliott 1993). Several conservation groups and organizations are advocating better protection and control along the parkway. Unregulated development of this environment has the potential to change the resource base and affect the lives of local communities. The development of policies is an important part of the planning process which recognizes the need for the husbandry of resources which support the tourism industry and contribute to local economies. The roles of controls and incentives are �Marrying Beauty With Utility critical in managing tourism and its impacts (Travis 1982; Gunn 1988). Many alternative forms of tourism strive to conserve the natural resource, deepen the visitor experience, and enhance the social and economic well-being of the community. Sustainable development can only be attained through integrated resource management and land use planning (Tames & Hassan 1990). Mountain tourism should be organic and limited to growth that does not go beyond sustainable development. Possible options to address development problems in western North Carolina have been identified as: regional based management, county based planning, case by case planning, and no state involvement (North Carolina Center for Public Policy Research 1990). Respondents to this study, in contrast, were most supportive of government intervention at the federal and state levels. In the United States and specifically on lands along the parkway, private property rights and land use priorities are sensitive and important issues. Strategies for sustainable development should include both the environment and the human element, and they must be integrated into national, regional, and community planning efforts (Cordell, McLellan, & Legg 1979; Cronin 1990). Past studies have recommended the adoption of holistic approaches to tourism development which balance economic concerns with social and environmental ones (Liu, Sheldon, & Var 1987; Choy 1991). Sadler (cited in Clark 1990) suggested that in order to link tourism development with consideration for the environment, supply side analysis and planning, as well as market intelligence is required. Tourism on the Blue Ridge Parkway is an environmentally dependent industry. Although some specific communities along the parkway have enacted land use regulations to protect the parkway, 53 no comprehensive regional planning has taken place. As previously mentioned, this study has shown that landowners along the parkway are more likely to accept techniques that are less restrictive and more voluntary in nature. In their efforts to work with local communities to develop planning strategies that will protect the parkway, the National Park Service should take these results into consideration. In addition, future research related to the perceptions and attitudes of the actual landowners is suggested. Although this would be a very large task, it would allow planners to more specifically determine the actual attitudes of landowners toward impacts of the parkway, tourism development, and scenic resource protection techniques. Application of a marketing model, which utilizes a traditional marketing mix (product, price, place, and promotion), could be utilized by the National Park Service and other organizations interested in protecting the parkway from incompatible development. A strategy such as this could be used to educate and inform residents of the importance and benefits associated with maintaining the aesthetic quality of the parkway as a scenic resource. Using specific promotional tools, the parkway could be redefined in residents' minds as a product verses just a place. As a product, the parkway could be presented in conjunction with the intangible concepts of conservation and land use restrictions, instead of the more tangible elements associated with land development. The price component of the marketing mix could be used as a tool to portray the opportunity costs associated with conservation, balanced against the revenues associated with certain types of development. Furthermore, the idea that everyone benefits from conservation could be used �54 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings in conjunction with this marketing concept. Identification of specific target markets such as private landowners, general residents, business owners, community leaders, and elected officials could then be used with a promotional strategy to effectively distribute these ideas and related information. Direct mail pieces, public service announcements, or informational programs on local cable networks, for example, could be used to reach residents and private landowners in their homes. In addition, a professional lobbyist could be used by some organizations to reach the legislative market. Furthermore, research data related to: economic impacts of travelers, environmental impacts associated with development, visual preferences of travelers, and perceptions of local residents, are very important to supporting preservation of the scenic integrity of the parkway. Clark, J. R. "Carrying Capacity: Defining the Limits to Coastal Tourism." In M. L. Miller & J. Auyong (Eds.), Proceedings of the 1990 Congress on Coastal and Marine Tourism, (pp. 118-131). Honolulu, Hawaii, USA: National Coastal Resources & Development Institute, 1990. Computing Resource Center. STATA Reference Manual, (release 3, vol. 1-3, 5th ed.). Santa Monica, CA: Author, 1992. Cordell, H. K., J. C. Bergstrom, & A. F. Watson. "Economic Growth and Interdependent Effects of State Park Visitation in Local and State Economies." Journal of Leisure Research 24, 253-268, 1992. Cordell, H. K., R. W. McLellan, & M. H. Legg. "Managing Private Rural Land as a Visual Resource." In D. E. Hawkins, E. A. Shafer, & J. M. Rovelstad (Eds.), Tourism Planning and Development Issues, (pp. 87-97). Washington, DC: George Washington University, 1979. Cronin, L. "A Strategy for Tourism and Sustainable Developments." World Leisure and Recreation, pp. 18-22, 1990. Davis, C. "Developers, Park Service, Battle over Blue Ridge." Sunday Journal and Sentinel, p. unknown, 1970. Davis, D., J. Allen, & R. M. Cosenza. "Segmenting Local Residents by Their Attitudes, Interests, and Opinions Toward Tourism." Journal of Travel Research 27(2), 2-8, 1988. Dillman, D. A. Mail and Telephone Surveys: The Total Design Method. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1978. Duffield, B. S., & J. Long. "Tourism in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland: Rewards and Conflicts." Annals of Tourism Research 8(3), 403-431,1981. Elliott, F. "Unnatural Shadows Begin to Fall on the Blue Ridge Parkway." The Winston-Salem Journal, pp. Al, A8, 1993. Fagence, M. "Geographically-Referenced Planning Strategies to Resolve Potential Conflict Between Environmental Values and Commercial Interests in Tourism Development in Environmentally Sensitive Areas." Journal of Environmental Managements!, 1-18, 1990. Farrell, B. "Tourism's Human Conflicts: Cases from the Pacific." Annals of Tourism Research 6(2), 122-136, 1979. Fridgen, J. D. Dimensions of Tourism. East Lansing, Michigan: Educational Institute of the American Hotel & Motel Association, 1991. Futrell, J. W. "NEPA and the Parks: Use it or Lose it." In D. J. Simon (Ed.), Our Common Lands, Defending the National Parks, (pp. 107-126). REFERENCES Agresti, A., & B. Finlay. Statistical Methods for the Social Sciences, (2nd ed.). San Francisco, CA: Macmillan, 1986. Ahmed, S. A. "Understanding Residents' Reaction to Tourism Marketing." Journal of Travel Research 25(2), 13-18, 1986. Allen, L. R., P. T. Long, R. R, Perdue, & S. Kieselback. "The Impact of Tourism Development on Residents' Perceptions of Community Life." Journal of Travel Research 27(1), 16-21, 1988. Belisle, F. J., & D. R. Hoy. "The Perceived Impact of Tourism by Residents: A Case Study in Santa Marta, Columbia" Annals of Tourism Research 7(1), 83-101, 1980. Bergstrom, J. C, K. H. Cordell, A. F. Watson, & G. A. Ashley. "Economic Impacts of State Parks on State Economies in the South." Southern Journal of Agricultural Economics 22(2), 6978, 1990. Blue Ridge Parkway: Establishment, Administration, and Maintenance, 1936, § 460a-2, 16 U.S.C., 1988. Choy, D. J. L. "The Case for 'Market Failure.'" Tourism Management 72(4), 313-330, 1991. �Marrying Beauty With Utility Washington, DC, Covelo, CA: Island Press, 1988. Gunn, C. E. Tourism Planning. New York: Taylor and Francis, 1988. Hastings, S. E., & S. M. Brucker. An Introduction to Regional Input-Output Analysis. Paper Prepared for Conference on Input-Output Modeling and Economic Development Applications, Kansas City, MO, 1989. Holmes, B. F. "On Blending Tourism with Natural Beauty." In D. E. Hawkins, E. A. Shafer, & J. M. Rovelstad (Eds.), Tourism Planning and Development Issues, (pp. 90-106). Washington, DC: George Washington University, 1979. Keiter, R. "National Park Protection: Putting the Organic Act to Work." In D. J. Simon (Ed.), Our Common Lands, Defending the National Parks, (pp. 75-87). Washington, DC, Covelo, CA: Island Press, 1988. Knopp, T. B. "Tourism, the Local Interest and The Function of Public Lands." In D. E. Hawkins, E. A. Shafer, & J. M. Rovelstad (Eds.), Tourism Planning and Development Issues, (pp. 225237). Washington, DC: George Washington University, 1979. Liu, J. C., P. T. Sheldon, & T. Var. "Resident Perceptions of the Environmental Impacts of Tourism." Annals of Tourism Research 14,1137, 1978. Liu, J. C., & T. Var. Resident attitudes toward tourism impacts in Hawaii. Annals of Tourism Research 75,193-214, 1986. Long, P. T., R. R. Perdue, & L. Allen. Rural resident tourism perceptions and attitudes by community level of tourism. Journal of Travel Research 28(3), 3-9, 1990. Makowski, E. H. Scenic Parks and Landscape Values. New York, London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1990. McNeely, J. A., & J. W. Thorsell. "Jungles, Mountains, and Islands: How Tourism Can Help Conserve the Natural Heritage." World Leisure and Recreation 31(4), 29-39, 1989. Mountain Ridge Protection Act of 1983, §113A205, 14, N.C. Code . Murphy, P. E. "Community Attitudes to Tourism: A Comparative Analysis." InternationalJournal of Tourism Management 2(3),189-195, 1981. Murphy, P. E. "Perceptions and Attitudes of Decision-Making Groups in Tourism Centers." Journal of Travel Research 21(3), 8-12, 1983. North Carolina Center for Public Policy Research. Promises in the Promised Land (video). Chapel Hill, NC: North Carolina Public Television, 1990. 55 Pizam, A. "Tourism's Impacts: The Social Costs to the Destination Community as Perceived by its Residents." Journal of Travel Research 16(4), 8-12, 1978. Place, S. E. Nature tourism and rural development in Tortuguero. Annals of Tourism Research 18, 186-201, 1991. Ross, G. F. "Resident Perceptions of the Impact of Tourism on an Australian City." Journal of Travel Research 30(3), 13-17, 1992. Rothman, R. A. "Resident and Transients: Community Reaction to Seasonal Visitors." Journal of Travel Research 16(3), 8-13, 1978. Runya, D., & C. Wu. "Assessing Tourism's More Complex Consequences." Annals of Tourism Research 6, 448-463, 1979. Scenic America. Press Release: Scenic America to Recognize America's 20 Most Important Scenic Byways. Available from: Mary Ann Lasch, Scenic America, 21 Dupont Circle, Washington, DC 20036, 1992. Sethna, R. J. "Social Impact of Tourism in Selected Caribbean Countries." In D. E. Hawkins, E. A. Shafer, & J. M. Rovelstad (Eds.), Tourism Planning and Development Issues, (pp. 239249). Washington, DC: George Washington University, 1979. Sheldon, P. J., & T. Var. "Resident Attitudes to Tourism in North Wales." Tourism Management 5(1), 40-47, 1984. Sommer, R., & B. B. Sommer. A Practical Guide to Behavioral Research. New York: Oxford University Press, 1980. Southeastern Research Institute. Final Case Study for the National Scenic Byways Study: A Case Study for the Blue Ridge Parkway. (Publication No. FHWA-ED 90-043). Atlanta: U.S. Department of Transportation, Federal Highway Administration, 1990. Stynes, D. E. Visitor Spending and the Local Economy: Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Unpublished manuscript, 1992. Swanson, E. W. Travel and the National Parks: An Economic Study. Washington, DC: Dept. of the Interior, National Park Service, 1969. Tames, D. A., & K. Hassan. "Sustainable Development in Marine Tourism for South Johar Malaysia: The Aseanusaid Coastal Resources Management Project." In M. L. Miller & J. Auyong (Eds.), Proceedings of the 1990 Congress on Coastal and Marine Tourism, (pp. 93-99). Honolulu: National Coastal Resources & Development Institute, 1990. �56 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Thomason, P., J. L. Crompton, & B. D. Kamp. "A Study of the Attitudes of Impacted Groups within a Host Community Toward Prolonged Stay Tourist Visitors." Journal of Travel Research 77(3), 2-6, 1979. Travis, A. S. "Managing the Environmental and Cultural Impacts of Tourism and Leisure Development." Tourism Management 5(4), 256262, 1982. United States Travel Data Center. The Economic Impact of U.S. Travel on North Carolina Counties. Washington, DC: Author, 1992. Williams, D. Personal Interview regarding current research efforts in Virginia, 1992. Williams, R. A. The Regional Impact of The Blue Ridge Parkway in Virginia. Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1981. Williams, R. A., & C. R. Knoeber. Economic Impacts of the Blue Ridge Parkway in Virginia and North Carolina. Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1979. �Marrying Beauty With Utility 57 Landscape Visibility Studies for a U.S. Forest Service Scenic Byway: Mount Rogers National Recreation Area, Virginia William E. Shepherd and Lynn Crafts Context for Landscape Visibility Studies Along Roadway Corridors Over the last 30 years or so, automobile touring has continued to be one of the top two forms of outdoor recreation, walking being the other. With the continued and expanded use of transportation corridors for recreation and tourism, there has been a dramatic increase in the concern and interest shown for scenic roadways. These roadways fall predominately into four (4) categories: scenic byways, parkways, scenic roads and interstate highways. The focus of this work is on the scenic byways which have experienced the most dramatic changes in use and development pressures over the last several years. This change is due to a shift from established roads which provide local automobile and service access to more remote areas to a roadway that provides access to cultural, recreational and economical facilities. The access distinguishes scenic byways from other scenic roadways. The difference is that they are generally identified and designated existing improved rural roadways within the state highway system. This means that the view areas are most often not developed in association with the roadway, but are a product of the context in which the road is located. Scenic byway designation highlights the roadways importance and increase the diversity of users beyond the local automobile and service traffic to include all forms of recreation vehicles, such as bikes and motorcycles. With the completion of most of the federal interstate highway program and the recently passed Internodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act (ISTEA), the importance of scenic byways has come to the forefront of planning and management concerns in the United States. Scenic byways and other corridors, like parkways, greenways, trails and rivers, are a major component to maintaining public access to many of the natural and cultural amenities of our country. Scenic byways are defined by the Federal Highway Administration as " road(s) having roadsides or corridors of high natural beauty and cultural or historic value" (U.S.D.O.T., 1988, p. 1-1) As scenic corridors are identified and promoted for attracting tourists and developers, for presenting the cultural and environmental diversity of America, for taking the pressure off of highways and connecting or reconnecting people with the land, they are changing from a way to get to somewhere else to a destination in and of themselves. How scenic corridors are planned, designed, designated and managed is critical to achieving these ends. The pressures of development, increased traffic flow and changing land use patterns all jeopardize the original character of designated corridors. There are many public and private entities that see the importance of careful planning and managing of these corridors. Note: This presentation is dedicated to Dr. William E. Shepherd who passed away after developing this work and before the completion of the research for this project. I am indebted to him for his work on this project. �58 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Giving them a variety of tools with which to do inventories and analyze the qualities of the areas will insure quality plans that can be implemented and supported by the citizens of the area. be used for visual analysis and development of better corridor management techniques. Most of the studies were performed for the Mount Rogers Scenic Byway in southwestern Virginia. The byway, within the USFS Jefferson National Forest, is part of the major access and circulation link through the Recreation Area. The research, which was primarily developed in the field, built upon, followed and refined techniques developed and presented by Dr. William E. Shepherd for the Third Biennial Linear Parks Conference in 1989. It also relied heavily on the research of Burt Litton for the United States Forest Service (USFS) (1968,1973) and Donald Appleyard (Appleyard, Lynch & Myer, 1966) and Kevin Lynch (1960) in the 1960s and 1970s. The visibility studies developed were used as analytical tools to inventory, interpret and manage the visual resources of scenic corridors. Combining the results of these studies helped to determine existing patterns of the land, management practices, the deficiencies in these practices and an understanding for future directions of the byway's management. Approach to Landscape Visibility Studies In order to more fully understand the characteristics of a particular corridor, and to help insure that appropriate management techniques are implemented, visual studies can be applied. Development of a visual assessment approach that looks predominately at visibility in the landscape is a process that accomplishes this end. Visibility (as the term is used in visual assessment studies) describes an area or areas that can be seen and understood from a particular point or path in the landscape. (Smardon et aL, 1986) A compilation of the studies has developed four specific visibility procedures which provide for a greater understanding of the landscape. These procedures are used as tools to demonstrate what is important or significant along the study corridor. The procedures also determine how understanding of the landscape through resource management can be accomplished. The set of tools was composed of the following procedures: • defining and mapping the extent of the scenic corridor • determining and diagraming distance zones • mapping visibility, including frequency and magnitude of views • preparing an analysis of the corridor envelope. The studies were conducted in response to the need for greater understanding of the landscape, a refinement of visibility studies, development of a set of tools to Study Area The primary site for developing these procedures was Mount Rogers Scenic Byway, in southwest Virginia. The USFS requested that we develop an interpretive management plan for the Mount Rogers Scenic Byway which goes through Mount Rogers National Recreation Area (NRA). The results of this research on landscape visibility were used in the development of the Mount Rogers interpretive management plan. The area of the byway is in between the physiographic provinces of the Ridge and Valley and the Blue Ridge. The focus of this study is the 23 miles section of the byway within the NRA, between the small �Marrying Beauty With Utility towns of Troutdale and Damascus. The byway corridor runs through an upland valley with rolling hills and flat valley bottoms and down a rocky gorge. It is flanked by open fields, some agriculture, settlements, and young mixed deciduous forests. Views along the road are limited and constrained with occasional larger views. The larger views are primarily of Iron Mountain to the north and the shoulders of Mount Rogers to the south, with occasional views of the crest and nearby mountain tops. Recommendations The research conducted provides some very clear understandings about the use of visual analysis for better presenting, maintaining and managing scenic corridors. The recommendations for management and interpretation were derived from the results of studies conducted along the Mount Rogers Scenic Byway. The recommendations included: • development of glens along the byway, which reflect the character and development patterns of the area • provide views of specific ridges that enhance an understanding of where one is located in the landscape (i.e., visual boundaries and focal points) • close views to areas that do not provide an understanding of the area (i.e., screening views that compromise the visual values established for the area) • expand view opportunities of the entire landscapes (i.e., long and distant views), which may be snap shots for the area • add trees along fence existing or abandoned rows to define cultural influences, to frame open pasture views and to enhance real or symbolic landscape patterns 59 • develop a series of visual 'events', or specialized sequence, that reflect the character of the byway experience (i.e., views of the fields from midslope that close down to forest tunnels with glens that appear before intersecting or entry roads) During this process several basic problems arose which created a difficulty in understanding the landscape. Maintaining and enhancing the many of the natural and cultural attributes of scenic corridors, such as those that touch the senses, were the primary role of the management plan. It is critical that managers and designers understand the landscape they are working in so that they can enhance and preserve the attributes that make each scenic byway corridor unique. Study Procedures Recommendations derived from this analysis are predicated on a clear definition of the intent and goals of the designation of the scenic byway or corridor. These procedures were used in conjunction with other typical land analysis studies, including; land ownership, land use, site analysis, and so on. Primarily, the procedures presented here are set of tools that can be used to get a clear understanding (from a visual perspective) of the character, patterns and uniqueness of a particular scenic corridor. This information is most helpful for preserving, protecting and maintaining those qualities. Defining and Mapping the Scenic Corridor The first procedure is defining and mapping the scenic corridor. The scenic corridor is "the visible land area outside the highway right-of-way" (Smardon et al., 1986, p. 313). The intent of this step is to ascertain the extent of area to be examined for the project and to understand the �60 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings corridor as a whole. Initial mapping is done in the office with USGS quad sheets by highlighting the road and then outlining the potential visible area from the road, primarily along the ridge tops adjacent to the road, which often corresponds to watershed divides. The limits of the scenic corridor are the edges of all those areas that may be seen from the road. Military crests greatly influence and reduce the breadth of the scenic corridor. However, these are more difficult to identify, so office mapping will usually be from ridge line to ridge line.1 Generally, the overall area mapped is greater than what is actually seen. Follow up must be made with cross sections, field verification and mapping to have a more accurate corridor delineation, as called for by the particular project. In the field what will be found are distinct patches, or small areas, seen from given points, the composite of these is called the viewshed. Irregularities in the viewshed edge and areas are due to the landform and vegetative cover which limit and direct areas that are seen within the corridor. A compilation of these patches will give a much greater area and a clear understanding of what is seen. For the Mount Rogers Scenic Byway we found that the north side of the corridor had a clear edge following Iron Mountain Ridge (on the ridge and valley province side of the byway). However, on the south side, which was in the Blue Ridge province, the visual edge was harder to discern and required more field and cross-sectional work. in the field and then taken to the office for analysis. There are several ways of determining what is photographed. The selection of either predetermined points or continuous data collection is critical for insuring a clear understanding of the possibilities and limitations offered by the data collected. The following are descriptions of four approaches that could be used. Depending on the type and extent of information being collected, selection of the appropriate approach is important and has its own set of strengths and weaknesses. The first selection approach is the designation of a standard distance or station points (SP) along the road (Figure 1). The advantages of this approach is that it is an equal distribution of information gathered along the corridor making it simpler to determine and diagram by reducing the amount of information that needs to be analyzed. Defining and Diagraming Distance Zones Before beginning the second procedure, which is defining and diagraming distance zones, a determination of how the data will be collected must be completed. Information is best collected photographically Figure 1. STANDARD DISTANCE ItUMwl DESIGNATED POINTS RANDOM POINTS CONTINUOUS MAPPING �61 Marrying Beauty With Utility The disadvantages are that there may be important information lost between the points and that a lot of information may be collected that is not essential to the study objectives. This selection approach is used for the majority of the research along the Mount Rogers Scenic Byway with a designated distance of 0.2 of a mile. The second selection approach is the designation of critical points along the roadway. The advantage here is that important points can be determined and thoroughly studied. Points are determined by proximity to important views, facilities or features; by safety concerns; or other criteria established by the project goals and objectives. This approach also limits unnecessary field work (Figure 1). The disadvantages are that in selecting points early in the process it may not be evident as to which points will provide the necessary information. Furthermore, after critical point selection there may be other areas or points that may also be critical to obtaining a thorough understanding of the corridor. Re-selection later in the process is possible, although this may require additional field work. The critical point technique was used on the corridor envelope analysis portion of our studies and for critical view areas that were not covered by our use of standard distances or station point. Choosing random points along the road is the third possible selection approach. The problems with this method seem to far outweigh its general applicability to visibility work (Figure 1). Problems include: the inability to identify all important features; a poor understanding of patterns, especially in linear or sequential corridors; and difficulty in mapping and understanding the corridor. After experimenting with this procedure we found that it was not acceptable for gathering reliable information along the byway. The final selection approach, continuous mapping seems the most logical as since all parts of the roadway and vistas are included (Figure 1). How areas relate to each other is readily visible and any alterations required along the corridor could be easily understood in context. The problem with this approach has to do with recording. A video tape provides the most complete record of the corridor. It also allows for a sense of the speed by which the corridor can or will be driven as well as an understanding of what can be seen when driving at a particular speed. However, mapping all the information is time consuming and difficult and may mean the recording of a lot of unnecessary inf ormation. Another fact that is worthy of consideration is a statement by the American Society of Civil Engineers Practical Highway Esthetics report of 1977 which stated: At even moderate speeds it takes about 1/16 second for the eye to fixate on an object so it can be perceive. The eye always jumps from one point of fixation to the next, and it sees absolutely nothing between jumps. . . . This fact implies that continuous recording may not even be accurate, in terms of how the visitor perceives the corridor, therefore making it unnecessary. (Cron, 1977, p. 14) Once the most appropriate technique for collecting information has been selected, the analysis of the distance zones can begin. The purpose of this step is to look at the continuity or discontinuity of the views, the sequence of views and distance zones, and the proportional relationships of the distance zones. Distance zones encompass all the areas seen from a given point. They are divided into three (3) primary distance groupings based on the clarity and complexity of the landscape to reduce the complexity of the analysis �Background Sky Middleground Foreground Road Figure 2. Distance Zones. Growing Season SP 0.0 to 6.0 sguipaaDOjj 3DU9J9JUO3 S^JEJ jBaniq £661 ON to �Marrying Beauty With Utility (Smardon et al., 1986). These distance zones are: foreground, middleground and background. These designations follow Litton's work, modified for the Appalachian landscape, which is less distinct and has more distance restrictions due to atmospheric conditions and a more generally rolling topography. The foreground is that area where details and minute textures can be seen, where colors are bright and varied and where human scale is comprehendible. Middleground encompasses the area where entire features can be seen, textures are still noticeable and colors start to blend. The distant background is the skyline area, the frame or backdrop which allows the other zones to be more clearly understood. Colors of the background in the Appalachian region are predominately shades of blue and the textures of the background are mostly nonexistent and are very dependent on the weather. Along the Mount Rogers Scenic Byway at the designated road speeds, approximately 35 m.p.h., it was later proven that the distance zones had the folio wing ranges: foreground 0.0 to 0.2 miles middleground . . . . 0.2 to 1.0 miles background 1.0 to 5.0 miles The study of the Appalachian landscape reveals its many subtle and complex characteristics. Through studying the complexity of the Appalachian landscape, it is realized that the Appalachian landscape has many subtle characteristics. In the study area foreground views are made up of two designations: the first is up to 0.2 of a mile distance from the road and the other is the "intimate foreground'which actually created a physical response in the traveler. The responses created are those that use the senses: the smell of the flowers and trees along the road, the feel of the 63 humidity or coolness next to a stream, the sound of the birds or wind. Many of these responses are lost to the traveler who moves at speeds greater than about 25- 35 miles an hour or who drives on a road corridor where the road does not reflect the land. Station point slides are the best way to record the distance zones. This procedure is best accomplished by driving the corridor and taking slides in both directions at each station point. Whether or not side photographs are taken will depend on the amount of information necessary to accomplish the objectives of the project. Ideally the slides should be taken in the growing and dormant season to get a clear understanding of the existing corridor and the potentials for views and understanding which can only be experienced when the leaves are down. The slides are to be taken back to the office, projected on a grid and percentages of foreground, middleground, background, sky and road totaled. Totals are then tallied, put on a graph and colored to show the arrangement of distant and narrow views and an understanding of the overall visual sequence (Figure 2). Mapping Visibility The next step is to map these view zones to create an understanding of the total land area involved, its magnitude, how often an area is seen, its frequency, and where an area is seen from. This procedure is done by looking at the photos and mapping visible areas. Mapping visibility, as with data collection, is done in both the growing and dormant seasons while driving in both directions along the corridor, for a total of four maps. Mapping the middleground and background areas is most critical as these are the zones that orient the traveler to the landscape. These zones are usually seen from several places, several distances and �64 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings for longer periods of time. The visible areas are delineated and than a line is drawn connecting the delineated areas to the station points from which they were photographed. These lines give an indication of the number of station points that have similar views and from where areas that need to be managed are seen. This also identifies the areas with the most continuous views, those that last the longest while moving along the corridor. When all station points are mapped review of the results will give a sense of how much area may need to be managed. With this information views can be opened or screened depending on the resources and project objectives. This process established that in the Appalachian landscape middleground generally starts around 0.2 of a mile and background (depending on the weather) around 0.75 to 1 mile. Determination of these distances came from measuring the distances from the station points to the areas of middle ground and background that were mapped. Frequency is the number of times a particular part of the landscape is seen from various points along the corridor. This is particularly important as it relates to the continuous mapping, as many sites may be seen from sites between selected points. Once the sites are mapped, their size can be calculated. The amounts of area seen can be tallied and graphed to determine the magnitude of the view. For example: at SP #4 two (2) square miles of middleground view are visible; at SP #5 only 0.75 sq. mi. of middleground are visible; therefore SP #4 has a higher magnitude, even though it views fewer areas than SP #5. The graph will give an idea of the complexity of the landscape. It will reflect how large the areas are that need to be considered for management and how many separate land areas are involved. Then, it is up to the management to determine which areas are most important to be managed, either to actively or through a hands off approach. Preparing an Analysis of the Corridor Envelope The final step is the preparation and analysis of the corridor envelope. The corridor envelope is the three dimensional area surrounding the road. More specifically, the entire cross-section of the road corridor at any given point, including the road plane and everything above it. This procedure has two phases. The first phase consists of analyzing the overall corridor visual experience and is effected at a larger scale than the second phase. Phase one is used to show areas along the road with similar characteristics as well as areas seen from the road. These studies were performed driving in both directions along the road and were primarily fashioned after Burt Litton's research on landscape descriptions (1968). The results of this study can be used to understand the patterns of experiences and the uniqueness of sections of the byway. The second phase consists of analyzing the corridor experience as it relates to the land, while focusing on the foreground experience. Phase two includes a detailed look at the components next to the road, the features adjacent to the road and the intimate foreground experience. Components of this phase primarily had to do with the smaller envelope of the floor (or road surface and platform) and the walls and ceiling (or what is along and over the road). Information was recorded on the road alignment, the situation of the road (including the place in the landscape where the viewer is located), viewer position, road surface characteristics, the compositional aspects of the road (including roadside vegetation placement and �65 Marrying Beauty With Utility Figure 3. Road Grade AT GRADE EMBANKMENT TROUGH HILLSLOPE ( CUT AND FILL) HILLSLOPE (RLL) HILLSLOPE (CUT) makeup), where the viewer is looking, what the view characteristics are and miscellaneous features. All of these components will help define and determine roadside management. (See Figures 3-7 for diagrams of road alignment and road situation characteristics.) Both phases of corridor envelope analysis help define: corridor visibility, foreground complexity, viewer position, and sequence of experience. The results can influence and guide the design of the aspects of visibility, complexity and sequence as well as the management of the roadway, the right-of-way and adjacent foreground areas. Discussion Analysis of these four procedures (defining and mapping the scenic corridor, defining and diagraming distance zones, mapping visibility, and preparing the analysis of the corridor envelope) facilitates three processes: recognition and understanding of how land patterns are laid out, what order the land is viewed in (sequence) and how many variables there are for the scenic corridor. At a time when scenic byways are forced into the forefront due to their tourism and development attributes, preservation of the quality of the corridor is imperative. The tools presented here provide for an analysis of the opportunities and limitations of the corridor, as well as, identifying the areas that are hard to comprehend or are poorly defined. An area that is hard to comprehend is one that has too many elements in one view. Through design and management, accentuation of more pleasant areas and screening of less desirable areas can be accomplished. With the areas of concern identified, site specific recommendations can be made which will guide the future management and development of the area. Figure 4. Compositional Feature / Position EDGE FEATURE FOCAL EPHEMERAL �66 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 5. Compositional Wall PARTIALLY ENCLOSED • distance zones are variable, depending on the season and weather, and far shorter than western landscapes • mapping of visibility is important to determining the location and extent of resource management FENESTRATED Recommendations include suggestions for plantings, clearings, mowing schedules, fencing and other appropriate management practices. Areas are be identified for planting to enhance or focus particular views or cover up others. Specific recommendations for the purchase or designation of view easements can be enacted to locate, control or restrict development. A very important aspect of this analysis is that the inherent character of the landscape surrounding the byway can be identified so that adequate maintenance and enhancement of the character of the byway will occur. This maintenance will insure continued use and prevention of degradation of the corridor. The research presented here was conducted over a two year time period. It included various types of recording techniques in a variety of situations, including seasonal changes. The thoroughness of the process insured a clear understanding that in the Appalachian landscape the following observations are reliable: • analysis of the corridor envelope is a comprehensive way of understanding the sequence, rhythm and character of the corridor and identifying possible location of intervention practices. Further analysis of the corridor envelope procedure needs to be done before it will be a vital tool for choreographing the corridor experience. It is imperative that the experience of the corridor becomes better understood as more and more 'riders' of all types use scenic corridors frequently. For the character and uniqueness of each one is the drawing card which needs to be protected and enhanced, to Figure 6. Compositional Landform ENCLOSED OPEN BOWL GATEWAY • scenic corridors are simple to determine in the ridge and valley province through following the ridge lines • station points are the most reliable and comprehensive recording of information, especially if augmented by site specific data collection at critical points SELF ENCLOSED �67 Marrying Beauty With Utility Figure 7. Compositional Ceiling CANOPIED PARTIALLY CANOPIED for the maintenance or enhancement of existing conditions and character of the corridors. Whether the corridors are byways, country roads, trails, bike paths, river or streams, each needs to have visionary tools cultivated for them that carry out future preservation, development and management plans. REFERENCES HALF CANOPIED J TUNNEL PORTAL offset and deter the pressures inherent in their attractiveness. Conclusion In order for scenic corridors throughout the United States to continue to be places that are pleasant and interesting to go to and to keep them as a resource to be protected, studies like these that set up a strong framework for decision making to be done to insure the character of the corridors. These visibility studies (scenic corridor boundaries identification, scenic zone designation, visibility diagrams of frequency and magnitude and analysis of the corridor envelope) are useful tools for understanding the character, weaknesses and potentials of the scenic corridor. The foundations that are based on informed decisions are critical for setting priorities Appleyard, D., K. Lynch, and J. R. Myer. 1966. The View from the Road. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA. Cron, F. W. 1977. Practical Highway Aesthetics. The Committee on Geometries and Esthetics of Local Highway Division. American Society of Civil Engineers, New York. Litton, R. B., Jr. 1968. Forest Landscape Description and Inventories—A Basis for Land Planning and Design. U.S. For. Service Research Paper PSW-49. Pacific S.W. For. and Range Exp. Stn., Berkeley, CA. . 1973. Landscape Control Points: A Procedure for Predicting and Monitoring Visual Impacts. U.S.D.A. Research Paper PSW-91. Pacific S.W. For. and Range Exp. Stn., Berkeley, CA. Lynch, K. 1960. The Image of the City. M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, MA. Shepherd, W. E. 1989. "Visibility Description, Visual Analysis, and Land Use Control along Scenic Byways: A Case Study in Appalachian Mountains of Virginia and West Virginia." In Parkways, Greenways, Riverways: The Way More Beautiful; Proceedings of the Third Biennial International Linear Parks Conference. Appalachian Consortium Press, Boone, NC. Smardon, R. C., J. F. Palmer, and J. P. Felleman, eds. 1986. Foundations for visual project analysis. John Wiley and Sons, New York. U.S.D.O.T., Federal Highway Administration. 1988. Scenic Byways. U.S.D.O.T., F.H.W.A., Publication No. FHWA-DF-88-004, Washington, DC. NOTES 1. Military crests, often called military ridges, are those shoulders that interrupt the view of the crest from a given location. Military operations were often located on military crests since the enemy had a more difficult time seeing the them in that location. �68 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Protection of Scenic Resources Beyond Park Boundaries: A Case Study from Roanoke County, Virginia Janet Scheid Background The County of Roanoke is located in southwest Virginia and is the largest metropolitan area in this part of the State. The County is about 250 square miles in size and has a population of approximately 79,000. Virginia is one of the only states in the nation that still has independent cities so the City of Roanoke is not included in this population figure for the County. The City adds another 100,000 people and the entire metropolitan area is about 250,000 strong. The Blue Ridge Parkway travels for nearly 470 miles through two states, 29 counties, three national forests and an Indian reservation. The Parkway descends from the Peaks of Otter and for nearly 27 miles travels through Roanoke County. Roanoke has the distinction of being the most urban, metropolitan stop along this scenic motor route. Roanoke County Zoning Ordinance In 1986, the County began to revise and rewrite its twenty year old zoning ordinance. As part of this process the County proposed a comprehensive rezoning of all the land in the unincorporated parts of the County—approximately 44,000 parcels of property. This revamping of the zoning ordinance was near completion 6 years later. In December 1992 the Roanoke County Planning Commission recommended rezoning hundreds of acres near the Blue Ridge Parkway, some with frontage on the Parkway, from an agricultural zoning district to a residential zoning district. After input from the National Park Service—Blue Ridge Parkway Office, the County Board of Supervisors rezoned these properties to an agricultural zoning district "temporarily". The Board wanted more time to examine the impact of residential zoning on sensitive Parkway viewsheds and so set up a committee to study this issue. Viewshed Committee The Viewshed Committee was formed in January 1993. The purpose of the Committee was to identify important viewsheds along the Parkway. The members of the committee were appointed by the County Administrator and consisted of two developers (one with financial interest in property along the Parkway), two National Park Service employees, one member of the Friends of the Blue Ridge Parkway, one Planning Commission member, and myself—a land use planner on the County's planning staff. We began our study by defining the term "critical viewshed" and identifying these viewsheds in the County. As it meanders down the Blue Ridge Mountains, the Blue Ridge Parkway, America's first rural parkway provides the visitor with a leisurely trip through many diverse and beautiful environments. In Roanoke County this is probably more true than in a lot of other places on the Parkway. As I mentioned earlier, Roanoke is the most urban, metropolitan point along the Parkway. The Parkway, therefore provides a wonderful respite from the encroaching suburban development—houses, office buildings and shopping centers. The Parkway has been quite successful in providing visitors with the impression that �Marrying Beauty With Utility they are in a park with boundaries that extend to the horizon. In fact, this is not the case and this illusion is becoming more and more difficult to perpetuate in growing, urbanizing areas like Roanoke County, Virginia. It is neither practical nor possible for the National Park Service to control all lands visible from the Parkway. As this rural parkway travels through a growing metropolitan area how do we preserve the cultural landscapes and scenic resources that are critical to the uniqueness of the Parkway? And who does the responsibility for this lie with? What about private property rights and the need for a growing community to provide housing to meet an ever increasing demand? As our committee went to work these were some of the issues that were foremost in our minds. Results of the Committee's Work We began by agreeing on some definitions. We agreed that a viewshed is a landscape that can be directly seen from the BRP. We also came to a consensus on the factors that would determine whether an area was a critical viewshed. These factors are: 1. Distance and visibility from the Parkway—Critical viewsheds are generally in the foreground (quarter mile) of the area you can see. If there is a significant increase or decrease in elevation/topography or the existence of trees on Parkway property that shield an area from view, than that area is not a critical viewshed. 2. Design—The Parkway is a "planned design". Those areas that are planned and designed to attract the eye are critical viewsheds. This would include not only the scenic overlooks along the Parkway but also the designed vistas. 69 In order to maximize scenic views, the Parkway was located in terrain that normal roads would have avoided. At the time construction on the Parkway began in 1935, there was little or no precedent for the building of a scenic road of this magnitude. Today the Parkway is recognized throughout the world as a significant engineering achievement. 3. Development—Critical viewsheds are pristine areas and can incur only minimum levels of change before destroying the character of that view. If development occurs in these areas it should enhance the rural character of the Park. With these definitions as a starting point, we began our field work in February —the perfect time to assess views without being encumbered by tree foliage. We quickly found out that it was much easier to define "viewshed" and define "critical" on paper in an abstract sense than to go out in the field and apply these definitions. We started with Geographic Information System maps depicting the portion of the Parkway in the County. These maps showed every parcel of property within 10,000 feet of the Parkway. We also studied and evaluated the USGS topographical maps of this area. After many hours on the Parkway, working individually and as a group, we arrived at a consensus of where the critical viewsheds are in Roanoke County. We identified 11 critical viewshed areas. These viewsheds involved over one hundred parcels of property and over 500 acres of private land. Committee Recommendations Our committee has made several recommendations: �70 1. The eleven critical viewsheds are important to the Parkway and the County and should be "protected". 2. The viewsheds should be down-zoned to the lowest density allowable under the Roanoke County Zoning Ordinance. 3. An overlay district should be designed for these viewsheds that would impose additional development standards for these areas. Recommendation #3 merits further explanation and necessitates some discussion of Virginia planning legislation. This legislation conveys zoning authority from the State to the local governments and determines what can and cannot be regulated. Virginia is a Dillon Rule state. In the Commonwealth of Virginia, zoning is a legislative power vested in the State and delegated to the local governments. As a Dillon Rule state, local governments in Virginia only have the authority to do those things specifically spelled out in the Code of Virginia. In most other states, local governments can do anything not specifically prohibited by the State Code—this provides much more flexibility and the opportunity for creative solutions. The Code of Virginia states that local governments can regulate the use of property, the size and area of parcels, and the location, bulk, and height of structures. The County of Roanoke does not have the authority to regulate or impose design standards. For example, the County can not impose standards that regulate house paint colors, exterior materials, pitch of roof, or any other architectural standards. The local government can impose development standards, as our committee has recommended. These may include such things as increased setbacks from the Parkway, height restrictions, increased landscaping requirements and fence standards. 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Perspectives of a Staff Planner Roanoke County is a forward thinking and somewhat enlightened community. The administrative and legislative bodies in the County, as well as the general public, have an appreciation for the scenic beauty and economic benefits of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Granted we are not Eugene, Oregon or Boulder, Colorado but we have had zoning in some form for almost fifty years. It is eminently clear to me that zoning is not enough, and in some cases may be detrimental to creative, environmentally sensitive design strategies. The County was ill prepared to deal with the issue of protecting Parkway viewsheds on private lands. The County does not have any type of conservation overlay district and no means of effectively denying a property owner the right to develop his or her property at some residential density level. There are no mandatory cluster development or open space provisions. Roanoke County has no greenway plan and no ridge top development restrictions. In short, having a County Zoning Ordinance and a County Comprehensive Plan are not enough. It is a start for sure, but the mechanisms must also be in place that allow us to identify, analyze, and than proceed to protect in an efficient, effective and legal manner those natural resources that the County deems critical. The legislative body of any local government is by nature a political body. Politicians respond to pressure. In the case of the Roanoke County viewshed study, pressure has been brought to bear on the Board of Supervisors from several different forces. An active group of preservationists—The Friends of the Blue Ridge Parkway—and an active, organized group of citizens have been pushing for low density zoning and open space require- �Marrying Beauty With Utility ments on these viewsheds. An equally active group of homebuilders and developers have been pushing for higher density zoning on these properties. Unfortunately, there was not a level playing field. The nonprofit groups and citizen groups were not involved in this process at an early enough stage to really be effective. While the zoning ordinance was being rewritten and the zoning maps revised groups interested in protection of the Parkway were unaware of the process and therefore silent. On the other hand, the homebuilders association and the development community were well informed and actively 71 participated in the early stages of this process. Some of the responsibility for this falls on the shoulders on the County, but some must also be taken by these nonprofit groups. The zoning process did not take place in a vacuum. There were public meetings, public hearings, and public notices. Community groups need to stay on top of what is happening in their neighborhoods. This takes time and energy, but the best time to get involved in the decision-making process is early when you can influence decisions rather than being in the untenable position of trying to get decisions changed. �72 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Hope Diamond Richard Posner My first run-in with the LAPD was in the summer of 1948. A motorcycle policeman with siren blaring pulled my parents over for speeding through the intersection of Adams and Normandie. Once the cop caught a glimpse of my mother's huge pregnant stomach, however, he remounted the Harley, turned the siren back on, and motioned us to follow. At 6:22 a.m. the next morning, August 16, at Cedars of Lebanon Hospital, the day Babe Ruth died, I was born. Who were these reckless drivers? My father was in the newspaper business. He and his father sold papers on a South Chicago street corner until Second World War defense work brought them to SouthCentral Los Angeles. Once her sons were out of diapers, my mother taught kindergarten in Watts for twenty-two years. That was then. Now is "verdict season" in the City of Angels, a time of year marked by dread and hope as we brace for the next round in the trials of our two most famous unlucky motor vehicle operators, Rodney G. King and Reginald O. Denny. Heartwarming tales of "Just the facts, ma'am" police work, and family perseverance have long since been eclipsed by the kind of superstition and circumstance associated with the Santa Ana winds and the swallows' return to Capistrano. "Verdict season," which falls between Opening Day and the World Series, goes back to the time of the 1910 bombing of the L.A. Times, the 1940s' Black Dahlia and Sleepy Lagoon murder cases, and the 1965 Watts Rebellion. It is a period of random violence and white-knuckle terror followed by paroxysms of civic handwringing. Bicycling downtown this morning past clusters of homeless people encamped between Spring and Hope, streets which run parallel but do not meet, was yet another reminder of the helplessness this season has come to characterize. For ideological reasons which at the time I did not understand, my parents made a practice of always being one of the last Caucasians to live in primarily African American, Asian, and Hispanic neighborhoods. This meant that as soon as I was old enough to walk, I got caught in the crosshairs of other people's race, class, and gender hatreds: first at 61st Street Elementary School, then at Audubon Junior High School, and later at Dorsey High School. About the time the Dodgers arrived from Brooklyn, family visions for a just society were becoming overshadowed by daily struggles to keep a roof over our heads and food on the table. Although raised in a Jewish household, my childhood religious education became a daily preoccupation with survival. Each morning I would pray to arrive at school without getting knifed by neighborhood punks. Each afternoon I would pray to be allowed to complete my paper route without getting knocked upside the head or robbed by corner dope dealers. Evening prayer asked for a least one-half hour of streetball without being run over by oncoming traffic. That Darwin and Houdini were my patron saints should come as no surprise. School, paper route, and blacktop stickball were necessary evils. My salvation was weekend softball played on real live grass with people not out to harm me. The Rancho Cienega Playground softball diamond, since renamed Jackie Robinson Field, was a demilitarized zone. It provided our neighborhood with a common ground �Marrying Beauty With Utility for the temporary cessation of hostilities. In Take Time for Paradise, the late Commissioner of Baseball, A. Bartlett Giamatti, wrote about the diamond as "a green expanse, complete and coherent, shimmering, carefully tended, and garden." All I knew was that I was in heaven each Saturday, patrolling center field and scanning the horizon for enemy fly balls, while getting intoxicated by the sweet smell of clover and fescue beneath my feet. My only prior big lawn experience was the spongy, manicured carpet of the Hollywood Jewish Cemetery, where on alternate Sundays I would accompany my parents to perform the old Hebrew custom of placing three stones on my grandparents' graves. When they lay me to rest, let the gravestone read: "He was a homeboy who defied many stereotypes. His people were neither absentee landlords nor any relation to the New Jersey Posners who sold hair straightener and skin toner products to African Americans. He came from two generations of mystical German rabbis and Russian socialists whose small hands bore no relation to the size of their genitalia." At the onset of puberty, while other young art students diligently copied old masters such as Rembrandt and Durer, my work took off in another direction. I regularly bicycled to the L.A. Coliseum several hours before Dodger home games to collect the autographs of Hodges and Snider, masters whose signature I would later replicate on Little League teammates' gloves. While admittedly and activity pursued without the expressed written consent of Major League Baseball, in my defense I can only say that it was a skill briefly practiced for one season in the hope that it would compensate for a baseball prowess that consisted of a weak bat, a rubber arm, and gimpy legs. Hope does spring eternal. I was across the street from the L.A. 73 Coliseum, at the University of Southern California on April 29, 1992, the day the riots erupted. As a visiting artist in the School of Fine Arts, I had just presented my sculpture class with an environmental design assignment to address the isolation between USC and the surrounding South Central neighborhood. A vacant lot at the intersection of Hoover and 35th Streets was chosen as the location for this exercise in "town/gown" interaction. When I relocated back to South Central L.A. in 1990, after being away from the area since 1965, I could not believe how wide the social, physical and economic divisions between the neighborhood and campus had grown. Few bridges and even less common ground seemed to exist. The "town/gown" boundary had become an armed Maginot Line with little or no demilitarized space in between. "If you build it, he will come." The genesis for making a "stained grass" window grew out of a conversation a decade earlier with Japanese artist, Shoji Kurokami, who at the time was my studio assistant. While tossing a softball back and forth during a work break, we discussed baseball and language word play. Shoji commented how Japanese alphabetic structure makes it difficult to discern English sounds such as v, th, /, and r, which do not appear in Japanese. He had just read W. S. Kinsella's Shoeless Joe and suggested we build a "praying field." It took ten years to find the right spot. The project, originally planned for the first weekend in May, was postponed when violence erupted a few miles away at the intersection of Florence and Normandie. "I stood in Venice on the Bridge of Sighs and saw a palace on one end and a prison on the other," wrote Lord Byron (Childe Harold's Pilgrimage, c. IV st.l). I stood on Venice Boulevard and saw the flames of Fedco on one end and a Korean �74 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings minimart is ashes on the other. Billowing waves of smoke the size of Kansas twisters wafted overhead. The clouds were neither a sign that a new pope had been chosen, nor an indication that I was about to be whisked away to Oz. By the time the fires subsided, school was over. Finals were canceled. Students were gone and most faculty had fled town. The handful of my class who remained however, felt a strong conviction to follow through with our plan. In response to the sight of our City as a living hell, a Hope Diamond was made at the corner of 35th and Hoover Streets. We wanted to provide television news helicopters something to shoot besides arson and looting. With bold "Trojan color" cardinal red and gold letters forming the palindrome LIVENOTONEVIL inscribed within its ring, Hope Diamond was a temporary earthwork and softball diamond where everyone could steal home. Painted as National Guardsmen still patrolled the streets, this 150-foot-by-375foot landscape painting was visible for forty-eight hours over May 30 and 31, the Memorial Day weekend. In order to make a permanent record of this ephemeral artwork, a time lapse camera documented three weeks of design, fabrication, and dissolution activity from the rooftop vantage point of a nearby twelve-story building. The movie condensed twenty hours of surveying, striping and painting with biodegradable turf pigment (donated by the Decratrend Corporation), a two-hour softball game (complete with an 18-carat outfield made by neighborhood kids holding carrot silhouettes), and twenty-one days of gradual dissolution from lawn mowing, intermittent rain, and general public use, into a six-minute film. It chronicles the transformation of a vacant lot into a regulation softball diamond, and its subsequent reversion back into a diamondin-the-rough. Hope Diamond was an oasis. It was a garden for contemplation and a place for athletic activity where being was as important as playing, cooperation took precedence over competition, and neither winning nor losing were as important as just playing. A whistled rendition of the National Anthem preceded the ceremonial throwing out of the first ball by "Dizzy Dean" Matteson, the Dean of the School of Fine Arts. The motley crew of people who showed up chose sides on the basis of odd-year versus even-year birth dates, then took places on what several participants described as "The World's Largest Diamond." Huge diamonds do not always bode good fortune. According to Guiness, the original Hope Diamond, the famous gem mined in 17th-century India and now in the Smithsonian Institution, known as much for its beauty as for the bad luck associated with its ownership, was rumored to be around the neck of Marie Antoinette when she lost her head. The people's Hope Diamond, if nothing more than an exercise in visual alchemy, at least momentarily transformed the infamous jewel's legendary curse into a blessing. Hope Diamond did not lure hundreds of Angelenos out of their armed response homes or air-conditioned vehicles. Neighborhood folks were discouraged from seeing it by overzealous campus parking lot attendants who demanded a $5 entry fee per car, with no exceptions. Even the several helicopters that briefly hovered overhead quickly flew off in search of fastbreaking action news. Hope Diamond did provide a revelation for Jesse Velasquez. The grounds keeper who methodically striped baseball and football lines at USC home games for the past 20 years, Jesse approached the �Marrying Beauty With Utility Hope Diamond with some trepidation. Several weeks earlier, he was caught between strong-arm administration demands that staff remain on campus during the riot in order to protect USC property, and family concerns for his own health and safety. His preoccupation with school and family matters disappeared, however, the moment Jesse saw the Hope Diamond from the ledge of the adjacent building roof. Slapping both hands over his open jaw, he gasped, "Holy Mother of God." With an ear-to-ear Cheshire cat grin, Jesse looked at my students and beamed, "We did this?" Signs of hope, always difficult to find, are particularly elusive during "verdict season." Richard Posner was born in South Central Los Angeles, where he attended Dorsey High School. Upon completion of four years of alternative service in Appalachia as a Vietnam War Conscientious Objector, Posner received his MFA from California College of Arts and Crafts in 1976. An NBA Fellow (1977), Fulbright Scholar (1980), McKnight (1989), Jerome (1990), and Pollock-Krasner Foundation Award 75 (1994) recipient, Posner's work is in the permanent collections of the Victoria and Albert Museum, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Smithsonian Institution, the Corning Museum, the Exploratorium, and the Craft and Folk Art Museum, as well as in private collections throughout North America, Europe, Scandinavia, and Japan. Posner's numerous percent for art commissions are in state and federal buildings across California, Oregon, and Washington. His Consumer's Lobby, the main entry for the U.S. Food and Drug Administration in Bothell, Washington, received the General Services Administration 1992 Design Excellence Award. Posner has been a Fellow at the MacDowell Colony, Yaddo, The Blue Mountain Center, The Ragdale Foundation, and the Virginia Center for Creative Arts. Posner's work has been published in newspapers and magazines including Art In America, Time, High Performance, New Art Examiner, Landscape Architecture, American Craft, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Village Voice, and The L.A. Weekly. Posner is the author of Intervention & Alchemy: A Public Art Primer and numerous essays about art and culture. �76 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings The Public Spirit of the Recreation Demonstration Area Program Bonj Szczygiel The Blue Ridge Parkway, host of the 1993 Linear Parks conference, was a project conceived during the 1930s depression. A multifaceted endeavor, the Parkway was meant to help the Appalachian economy while offering an opportunity for touring motorists to experience the mountain scenery and history—pleasantly motoring at safe speeds with preserved viewsheds to be appreciated. Given the intended spirit of the Parkway experience, and of this conference, it would seem appropriate to discuss another multifaceted New Deal program; a recreation area building program that also carried with it the typical New Deal double-edge of economic recovery and social impact, called the Recreation Demonstration Area program. The Recreation Demonstration Area (RDA) program exemplifies the hands-on, take-charge attitude shared by President Roosevelt and members of his "brain trust." Ironically the program remains today as one of the administration's more obscure efforts. RDAs were federallydeveloped recreational parks with a strong social and economic mission. Intended as eventual gifts to the states, legal ownership of the parks were transferred soon after completion. As those transfers took place, RDA names were changed to state park designations and the program faded in the nation's memory. Today the number of people who recognize RDA as one of Roosevelt's "alphabet programs" are unquestionably few. Yet Conrad Wirth, organizer of the CCC state park program and director of the National Park Service (NFS) from 1951 to 1964 called the RDA program "one of the really successful New Deal programs ..." (1980, 176). The goal of the RDA program was nothing short of remedying the economic, environmental and social malfunctioning of a given community. Even the program's title indicates the strong-arm approach in teaching, or demonstrating, how to improve nonproductive land-use practices in this country. To accomplish this, the program acquired submarginal farm land or otherwise nonproductive, overused land. The people living on the barren land were removed—either resettled into one of the administration's subsistence homesteads or simply compensated for the purchase and asked to vacate. The "retired" land was then rehabilitated and developed by CCC or WPA workers into a recreation area targeted for use by local underprivileged urban children and families. Proximity to cities was a key factor in RDA location.1 The idea was that with proper land-use management, entire regions could be reformed—productivity given back to the people and the land alike. One program official at a regional meeting of state park work in 1935 put it this way, "By emphasizing the proper use of land and natural resources as the basis of a sound agricultural and industrial economy" we can bring about "a new approach to the correction of social and economic maladjustments of many sorts" (NPS 1935, 20). The plan was grand from its very inception, and yet there were only 31 RDAs developed in this country. An approximation is that for every ten state parks developed or improved during the New Deal, there was one RDA (Merrill 1981,108-195). The purpose of this paper is to describe the RDA program in terms of its goals, management and eventual �Marrying Beauty With Utility 77 scope; and to look at RDA built form as it responded to those programmatic standards. The RDA Program The RDA program was conceived one year after Franklin Delano Roosevelt took office. Concerned with land planning issues, especially submarginal farm issues, the government on February 28,1934, set aside 25 million dollars of its Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) funds for a land utilization program. The "Land Program" was the result. In a 1934 memo that captured the spirit of this broadly optimistic program, the director of the Land Program wrote, "Whenever land is being misused or whenever land may be put to a different and more beneficial use, such land may be acquired under the Land Program of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration" (National Archives, R.G. 79, File 601). After the 1934 dust storm, when skies were solid with Great Plains grit, the Land Program was yet another reassuring symbol of the federal government's new caretaker role. In one broad sweep, the Land Program was designed to purchase abused land, improve the lives of the land owners (by relocating them to more productive land), improve the lives of the nearby urban "industrially stranded" population groups while simultaneously cutting local government costs and teaching the country how to manage land via experimental projects that would serve as "repeatable demonstrations." No small task was before the Land Program as it tried to juggle multiple interests from both the Interior Department and the Department of Agriculture, each agency attempting to get a piece of this land-purchasing action (figure 1). The NPS was granted Land Program funds for the development of four types of recreation demonstration projects: Figure 1. The Land Program's Organizational Chart Federal Emergency Relief Act Department of Interior (DOI) Department of Agriculture \ (DOA) Biological Survay Nation* Part Service BurMU of Indian Affairs The Land Program (given $25,000,000 to purchase land and assist in legal matters) Agriculture Demonstration projects (DOA) Recreation Demonstration projects (DOI/NPS) Indian land demonstration project* (DOI) National Park Waysides Wildlife demonstration projects (DOA) State Park additions Vacation/recreation areas �1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 78 Figure 2: Location of National Park Service/Land Program Developments' IfiOENO: BOA- *tmMt*ttpmmm**b»An* Note WiyiMi «Milopnimi«f«iK*iii«.pil1 1) areas for existing or proposed national parks, monuments and historic areas, 2) development of waysides along existing or proposed highways, 3) state scenic area/ park extensions, and 4) the program's main thrust —development of vacation and recreation areas. Although all four types of land use demonstrations were called "recreation demonstration area projects," the last category alone fully answered the multipurpose challenge issued by the Land Program. In no other form did the NPS so ardently embrace the Land Program's ideology as in the development of these vacation/recreation demonstration areas. Accordingly, throughout this paper, "RDA" does not refer to all four NPS categories, but only to the last category of vacation/ recreation demonstration developments. RDA Locations Areas selected for the establishment of Land Program projects, including RDAs, were based on state and federal land classifications which indicated relative need for an adjustment of land-use. And, in a confidential statement issued in January 1934, Land Program director John Landsill noted that because of the "demonstrational" aspect of the projects, sites had to be selected in terms of not only need, but also in terms of expected levels of success. Therefore, less-publicized requirements such as standards of living, relief loads, local governmental finances, and other economic and social factors quietly entered into the site selection process. Unaware of such political undercurrents, farmers living outside the previously selected areas eagerly listed their land with real estate agencies hoping to catch the eye of federal agents (National Archives, R.G. 79 File 201). The mechanics of locating the 31 RDAs was to have worked interdepartmentally—the regional directors of the Land Program, established �Marrying Beauty With Utility in offices across the nation (to confirm the submarginal quality of land), worked with the district officers of the NFS (who determined the recreational appropriateness of land), and state and local agencies (who agreed to accept eventual ownership of the development) to select potential sites for RDA development. Final landpurchasing decisions were made by the Washington office of FERA. Aside from this democratic approach, those areas of the country beset with the worst ecological conditions received the greatest RDA concentrations. A glance at a map of RDA locations points to some of the country's environmental tender spots (figure 2). A notable exception to this general rule is the environmentally devastated Dust Bowl region; Texas to North Dakota. This area is barely represented in RDA development because there lacked the population to justify the expenditure (National. Archives, R.G. 79, File 601-12). Of the six NFS/ Land Program purchases in this area, only one was for RDA development—Lake Murray, Oklahoma; the other five areas were used to "round-out" existing NFS lands, to fatten-up state park holdings and to create a new national park—Theodore Roosevelt National Park—which included 63,000 acres of Teddy Roosevelt's Elk Horn Ranch (where his 'Rough Riders" were reportedly organized). Purchased at $2.00/acre, this land was far below the average $10—$25.00 per acre cost paid by the Land Program in other sections of the country. A second area to host NFS/Land Program development was the north central lowlands—the corn belt including Indiana, Illinois and Missouri. Subsistence farmers, trying to make a living on sandy, nutrientpoor soils and other submarginal lands, saw their work spiral further downward in the 1930s pre-depression agricultural 79 crisis. They continued to lose their farms to bankruptcy as the depression hit full stride. Six RDAs are testament to those hard times. Pennsylvania has a total of five RDAs, a record development for one state. Their presence points to the state's previously strong industrial base subdued by both the 1890s and 1930s depressions (Pennsylvania and Michigan, which hosts two RDAs, registered unemployment figures of 25% and 44% respectively, during the 1890s depression) (Grant 1983, 8). Pennsylvania also had a long history of denuding its woodlands, and amidst the overtimbered hillsides, tucked into the many watergaps and valleys, struggled farmers lived in virtual isolation. Beyond its economic and environmental qualifications, Pennsylvania also had a functioning state park system which may have attracted RDA program attention; "previous organization" presented one less administrative headache for the NFS. 2 It may also be presumed that the two-term Governor, exforester Gifford Pinchot, helped to present his state as a ready and willing candidate for federal funds. Pinchot's biographer describes the Governor as being "consumed" by his efforts to obtain federal relief money for his state. "No governor pounded more consistently or vigorously on Washington's door . . ." (McGreary 1960, 372). As a result all major cities in the state, but one, had an associated RDA. The 1892 boll weevil infestation can be mapped by its trail of destruction in the Cotton Belt, followed by a trail of Land Program activity. This one Mexican invader fairly succeeded in crippling the Piedmont belt from eastern Alabama to North Carolina, though it took the agricultural crisis of the 1920s to finally devastate the farmers. As part of a general survey of potential recreational sites conducted by the Interior Department �1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 80 Figure 3. Typical NFS camp design. From Park & Recreation Structures by Albert H. Good (1990). A LARGE ORGANIZED CAMP ALONG A DAMMED STREAM (circa 1934), the southern Piedmont region was described as possessing one-fifth of the country's entire submarginal farm lands: In this region we find a common problem; complete bankruptcy of the former prosperous social and economic systems; impoverished population stranded on poor land trying to grow cotton and corn; impotent local governments helpless to provide adequate health, schooling and other public facilities; loss of soil fertility and gullying of land through uncontrolled erosion. (National Archives, R.G. 79, File 601-12) In the Cotton Belt are five RDAs, two state park additions and one national park extension. The rest of the RDAs are less concentrated—aside from the Appalachian projects including work along the Blue Ridge Parkway (Virginia & North Carolina) and in Shenandoah National Park (Virginia)— and represent efforts by individual states to get a federal project, and federal funds, in their midst. The importance of having previously organized state park systems helps to explain the lack of RDA developments west of the Mississippi. Just as that part of the country had seen little need for Fresh �Marrying Beauty With Utility Air camps 50 years earlier, a movement with many similarities to the RDA program prevalent in eastern and central states (Szczygiel 1992, 29), so it would be years later when western states of limited urban development, vast open space and perhaps a national park in their backyard found little need for organized recreation in the form of RDAs. There are only two westcoast RDAs: Silver Creek, Oregon—now Silver Falls State Park—and Mendocino RDA, California—now Mendocino Woodlands Outdoor Center. RDA Built Form As mentioned earlier, RDAs were meant to lose their federal associations. From their inception they were to be turned over to their respective states for maintenance, possible further development and inclusion in the state park system. For almost all RDAs that transfer occurred between 1943-1945. There is one notable exception: 5,500 acres of Catoctin RDA in Maryland were chosen as a presidential retreat by Roosevelt in 1942, a place he called "Shangri-la." It enabled him to escape from, yet be close to, the capitol during WWII. Later, President Eisenhower changed the name to Camp David. 3 Whatever the degree of envelopment by the National Capitol Park System, or the state park systems, RDAs remained physically distinct through the NPS concept of "organized camps." Organized camps are the brainchild of the NPS even though group camping had been a fixed element in the world of private recreation since the mid-1800s. Those earlier, privately sponsored camp buildings were mostly of the barracks type, usually lined in an orderly fashion as if to enforce a regimentation of spirit. Critics of this earlier style of camp were quick to note these buildings were often accompanied by an equally strict organization of 81 daily activities for the youngsters. Tonguein-cheek, NPS director Albert Good described the deficits of that overorganized style, "It will," he wrote, "sometime be recorded that regimentation of camping wrote its own death warrant on a day when a leader of extraordinary genius hit upon the idea of a mass brushing of all the teeth in camp to a kind of dance routine and timing" (1938, Part III, 4). So what was the preferred alternative to camp design? It seemed to be a throw of the dice. "Dice throw" planning is the characterization tagged on NPS organized camp layouts. The effort was by no means as casual as the name implies but rather weighted heavily by consideration of group dynamics; the preservation or re-creation of the wooded character; the desire to reinforce the individuality of the child, and always, an attempt to tread lightly on the land.4 The seemingly careless layout of the buildings was the result of careful analysis. Dignity of the land and of the human experience are addressed in the gentle clustering of cabins and the unobtrusive location of the camp's more functional buildings, such as dining hall and infirmary, to the sleeping cabins (figure 3). Typically each RDA was comprised of 2 to 5 separate camps. The camps contained main staff and support buildings, connected by narrow paths to clusters of sleeping cabins, or units. Each unit could accommodate from 18 to 36 campers. Further enhancing the wilderness effect, the sleeping cabins were small (accommodating only two or four persons), had no bathroom facilities, kitchens or closets and remained basically one-room, unheated structures. The subtle touch of design was also applied to the spatial relationship of each individual sleeping cabin. The cabins were discreetly placed. At no time will you find them too close, or facing one another, or �82 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings too far away from each other. They will instead be slightly askew, subtly turned away so that when the young campers walk out of their cabin they will see nature, not another building, yet never feel abandoned. Paths connecting the cabins with other units respond to the land, as do the approach roads into the RDA. If the dictum "nature abhors a straight line" is true, it was also true for the NPS. But the designs are obviously more meaningful that; they are an exaltation of nature and a careful cradling of the individual. These clusters of small buildings, with their sensitive, low-impact placement on the land were, I believe, a response by the NPS to create a rewarding, enriching experience for the urban youth. The design of NPS organized camps assumed responsibility for those overwhelmed by a harsh urban society, it would have been foreign for them to do less. The architecture of the camp buildings was also in keeping with the larger goals of the organized camp experience—where the uniqueness of place (and therefore design) was taken seriously and where local materials were used to minimize intrusion on the land. "NPS rustic" architecture, that which blends and harmonizes with nature, was meant to reflect the uniqueness of the land and of the individual. Each RDA development was treated with architectural integrity; to date I have not witnessed a duplication of architectural detail in any of the camps visited. While specific regional identities are less pronounced, variety in detail within each individual RDA was the norm. Within an organized camp, architectural variation from unit to unit was usually subtle— whether in treatment, placement or number of windows, porches, doorways etc.— variation upon a theme seems to have been the guiding force. Yet each individual cabin, no matter how small, was conferred dignity. NPS designers were not cookiecutters; for all the dogma encircling the rustic style, 5 there existed a refreshing latitude of nonconformity. That which gives RDAs character— the organized camps—is also the bane of their continued existence. Each camp, usually located in the park's most primitive area, may have over 50 small, separate buildings. Each building, if previously unrepaired, has fifty years of wear and weather on them. If unused, the remote location of the cabins allows vandals to go undetected. A building's derelict condition may cause alarm for park superintendents concerned for the general public's welfare. Some parks have closed public access to their cabins, others closely monitor any activity in the vicinity. In times of slashed budgets, when state parks are barely able to keep the heavily used areas clean and in repair, the loose collection of many little buildings tucked into the far reaches of park wilderness does not offer solace. Some RDA cabins have been razed, others will soon follow. On a more positive note, a recent survey of RDA/park superintendents revealed that the majority of RDA camps (16 out of the 28 responses) have units in good shape and in good use. Campers remark about the unique architecture, the quiet and privacy afforded them and the beautiful locations. People who enjoy and anticipate the primitive conditions are pleasantly surprised by the graciousness of the accommodations and surroundings. Three state parks have turned operation of individual camps over to private agencies for lease and maintenance. That situation seems to work well as a way of diverting the costs from already strapped state park agencies. Given that park superintendents are saddled daily with the responsibility of building maintenance, their overall reaction to the hundreds of RDA structures was quite positive. More �Marrying Beauty With Utility than a few boasted of their unique wards and are doggedly searching for ways to preserve the legacy. End Note On a visit to Raccoon Creek State Park, outside of Pittsburgh, a few years ago I wandered into the remnants of an abandoned RDA organized camp. There, in the calm of an overgrown meadow, sat about 20 small cabins. Each was turned slightly from the other, some faced a deep, treeclad ravine, others addressed the bright expanse of meadow. At first glance the small buildings seemed in good architectural health—a few crooked shutters, an occasional boarded window—but essentially looked as they had almost sixty years ago. But with closer scrutiny, their casual appearance was a shell. The buildings no longer served any function. Their repair had fallen behind, the unusual chestnut log foundations held firm but moisture had rotted interior floor boards. Roofs needed to be replaced. What should be done with these gems in the forest? Should the symbols of a nation at its peak of creativity and desperation continue to be ignored, or worse destroyed? Raccoon Creek recently decided to begin restoring their antique structures and promote their active use. Reactions are mixed at other state parks. Yet whatever the fate of these buildings, their structural fortitude over the years speaks well of their builders. The legacy of the Recreation Demonstration Area program lives, though quite anonymously, within their walls. NOTES 1. The determination of national parks was stated in a 1934 NPS press release to be "primarily set aside because of superlative scenic beauty, natural phenomena, or to preserve archeological treasures and rare wilderness 83 features." Prior to the '30s depression, state parks also tended to follow this pattern. Their locations traditionally were determined by the unique and attractive quality of the landscape regardless of their remoteness to population centers. RDA site selection was in direct contrast to those policies. Instead, it was mandated that sites be within 50 miles from an urban core and that the land be nonproductive, non-sustainable or otherwise overused and therefore considered valueless. 2. When asked for the criteria in selection of RDA sites, one NPS representative remarked, off-the-cuff, that the most important consideration for RDA site selection was a state agency "willing to accept the responsibility for maintenance and operation . . ." (NPS 1935, 22). 3. Camp David is the most famous of the former RDAs—a place so mysterious and important that even Andy Rooney, of 60 Minutes fame, attempted a break-in of the compound (October 10, 1993 airing). He was firmly ousted by the Marines. 4. In a chart illustrating factors involved in organized camp location and development, the NPS stated their objectives regarding site selection, development, personnel, and types of activities. According to the chart, all these consideration were to act in concert to produce "A healthy, happy productive member of society" (Good 1938, 120). 5. As recently as the March 1991 edition of Landscape Architecture magazine, James Krohe, Jr. found opportunity to take a swipe at NPS "parkitecture," further referred to as a "sticks and stones" style that was nothing more than a variant of the log cabin (70). �84 REFERENCES Cutler, Phoebe. 1985. The Public Landscape of the New Deal. New Haven: Yale University Press. Eells, Eleanor. 1986. History of Organized Camping: The First 100 Years. Martinsville, IN: American Camping Association. Good, Albert H. 1938. Park and Recreation Structures. 1990 reprint with introduction by Laura Soulliere Harrison. Boulder: Graybooks. Grant, H. Roger. 1983. Self-Help in the 1890s Depression. Ames, IA: The Iowa State University Press. McGeary, Martin Nelson. 1960. Gifford Pinchot, Forester-Politician. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Merrill, Perry H. 1981. Roosevelt's Forest Army: A History of the Civilian Conservation Corps 1933-1942. Montpelier, VT: Perry H. Merrill. National Park Service. 1935. "Meeting of Fifth Regional Staff: State Park Conservation Work." Unpublished manuscript. St. Louis, MO. Schuyler, David. 1986. The New Urban Landscape. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Szczygiel, Bonj. 1992. "The Recreation Demon- 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings stration Area Project of the New Deal." Unpublished master's paper. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University, Department of Landscape Architecture. Tilden, Freeman. 1962. The State Parks: Their Meaning in American Life. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Tweed, William C, Laura E. Soulliere, Henry G. Law. 1977. "National Park Service Rustic Architecture: 1916-1942." Unpublished report. National Park Service Western Regional Office, Division of Cultural Resource Management. Wirth, Conrad L. 1980. Parks, Politics, and the People. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS Information regarding the RDA program was obtained through records held at the National Archives, Washington, D.C. in the Preliminary Inventory of the Record of the National Park Service (Record Group 79), RDA Program Files: General, Administrative, and Personnel and Reports. The information gathered at those sources supplied most of the RDA and Land Program data at the national level. �Marrying Beauty With Utility 85 Case Study: DeviPs Courthouse Trail Harry L. Baker LOCATION The trail head begins at Devil's Courthouse parking overlook at parkway milepost 422.4. ELEVATION The trail ascends from an elevation of 5462 feet at the overlook to a summit elevation of 5740 feet. Trail length is over 2300 feet. The climb is about 278 feet. GEOLOGY Land forms that make up this site within the Great Pisgah Range were moved westward over 180 miles in geosynclinic folds by upthrusts and overthrusts of the metamorphosed beds of sea sediments by forces of the African Plate grinding against the North American Plate. This took place over a period of 240 million years. At the present time of the geologic clock this formation called Devil's Courthouse exposes a rock face of granitic gneiss. PHYSIOGRAPHY Our site sits on the south slope of the Great Pisgah Range within a massive triangular plateau averaging 5400 feet elevation. This plateau also includes the Tennessee Ridge. FLORA What is left of a Dominant Spruce-Fir Climax Community stands derelict either side of the trail as it climbs the north slope and ridge line to the summit. Acid deposition and the Balsam Wooly Aphid of the 1980s, in conjunction with extreme periods of drought have left their mark. Associated communities of this area include but are not limited to the following: Yellow Rirch Betula Allegheniensis Mountain Ash Catawba Catawbeiense Rhododendron Rhododendron Fetter Bush Pieris Floribunda Mountain Laurel Kalmia Latifolia Service Berry Amelanchier Arborea Despite the impact of the Aphids these Balsams are popping up from seed by natural regeneration and someday will regain a niche in these mountains. PARKWAY TRAILS A parkway trail should be a vehicle of access to sequential points of visual and interpretive resources experiences. A trail is planned on the one hand and is a spontaneous experience on the other—but is always supported by parking. Trails add to our resources access despite the misuse and overuse impacts of increasing numbers of visitors. And they must always be properly signed. We offer these trails for your personal experience but we also expect your experience to be as a visitor we invite. A CULTURAL RESOURCE Resources access also includes myth and its interpretive potential. In a time before the white man had strewn his place names over every hill and hollow of the Great Pisgah Range only Cherokee legend and a natural harmony cloaked these lofty highlands. As a cultural resource Cherokee Myth adds a sensory experience to the awareness of Devil's Courthouse: The mythical giant Tsul-Ka-Lu (called JUDACULLA by the whites) has ethnological associations with the area. The myth goes that when Tsul-Ka-Lu was �1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 86 first seen by this mother-in-law she reacted in repulsion. Infuriated he sought refuge in the high craggies of Devil's Courthouse where he spent his time within his council house and dancing grounds deep within the rocks of the cliff. Today no cave of any particular order exists to our knowledge within this formation. But who is to say that such a myth had no foundation at some time in antiquity and now has left no evidence but in myth. What we know is what remains and that the Cherokee had climbed these heights well before the white man. PLANNING Early in the century, if not before, loggers had already reached these noble heights. A logging trail was found in the 1930s climbing the north slope of the Courthouse by the first planners of the Blue Ridge Parkway. In the late 1930s parkway development plans had been started on section 2V. This included the Devil's Courthouse area. In 1933 Stanley Abbott had been assigned to head the Parkway project. Abbott assigned Henrick Van Gelder to Virginia and for North Carolina he assigned Edward Abbuehl, Associate Landscape Architect to work with the Bureau of Public Roads. Parkway development plans dated 1939 by Ed Abbuehl show preliminary designs for a 14-car parking overlook and pedestrian trail head. A 10-foot shoulder was proposed for a trailway to carry visitors to the top of Devil's Courthouse. Abbuehl worked closely with the Bureau of Public Roads on Graphics and construction of section 2V1 (begun in 1939-completed in 1941). Like the road project Devil's Courthouse overlook was finished with a compacted stone surface. In December 1941, the war emergency stopped most parkway construction till March of 1955 when Troitino and Brown finished Devil's Courthouse tunnel lining that September. Final paving of our area and overlook was accomplished by October of 1958. Looking at a development plan dated 1942 we see the constructed parkway and parking overlook. The proposal for Devil's Courthouse trail is seen here. THE TRAIL In the early 1960s a nature trail prospectus and a plan for a pedestrian overlook with sighting devices at the summit was drawn up. Stone masonry for the wall was hauled up the pedestrian trail to the ridge and dumped. A parkway jeep was used to haul these materials to the top. Soon the Masonry wall was in place with viewing devices in the state-of the-art of the 1930s. A good idea—but not one single device was left within the year. Vandals can not be apprehended when regular patrol by rangers is impossible. Yet the wall remained to protect the visitor from hazards of the precipice beyond. A nature trail marker system was installed on both Devil's Courthouse and Richland-Balsam trails. This marker consisted of a metal information card holder on a pipe anchored in a shallow concrete footing. These disappeared rapidly due to frost action at this elevation on a shallow and loose soil. THE WOOLY APHID While all these small things were taking place at the hands of planners the constant dynamics of natural forces beat about these highlands. The Balsam Wooly Aphid had appeared in the 1950s at Mount Mitchell. At that time the Frazier Fir at the courthouse had not shown infection. But in the late 1970s something eerie was settling over the mountains. An acid deposition from constant fog and rains seemed to cause a critical change in the Balsam �Marrying Beauty With Utility immune system. One can still see thousands of Frazier Fir snags sweeping across the highest mountain ridges south of Wagon Road Gap to the Great Smoky Mountains. This 1980 shot on the RichlandBalsam Trail during the high point of wooly aphid damage shows a typical forest floor of wood shamrock, bracken fern, galax, and associated herbal families. But as the canopy dies as seen on this Devil's Courthouse slide, the excess sunlight begins to foster sun loving plants as briers that proliferate newer plant associations. TRAIL SURVEYS ARE MADE The early 1980s also brought deterioration of the trail itself—a threat to visitor safety. By 1983 things were bad. A large section of the pedestrian overlook wall was gone— lost to winter weathering and vandalism— a potential hazard to visitors on top and to climbers below. Treadways between stations 8+00 and 12+00 were hazardous. Now the parkway was looking at a major reconstruction of the trail. Plans to replace the traditional viewing devices on the wall were investigated. By February 1984 regional money was available. The question, however, was whether to rehab the existing trail or relocate because of the excessive grades of 15% 18%. Robert Steinholtz, Denver Service Center trail expert, who had planned our Tanawha trail at Grandfather Mountain, was called in to look at alternatives of action. Steinholtz made a trip with me to Devil's Courthouse. Using the current standard trail grade maximum of 10% we flagged out alternatives 2 and 3. An alternative 1 would be a rehab of the existing trail. Alternatives 2 and 3 would cross fragile and wet drainage areas and would require elevated board walk construction. Environmental impacts to the hydrological resources and the high costs 87 for boardwalks did not favor these two alternatives. The final decision pointed to rehab of the existing route as it would also be costly to properly obliterate and replant all abandoned trail segments to prevent continued use. THE TRAIL CONTRACT A complete data calculation of all needed quantities for this rehabilitation was formatted into a proposed contract. The finalized contract was put out for bids by Fall of 1984. Everything beyond station 6+64 up to and including the pedestrian overlook was on contract for rehab. The parkway accepted a bid of $22,779 for the rehab project. Work was projected to begin October 1, 1984 and to finish by January 28, 1985. The contractor's first objective was to "improve" the trailway beyond station 15+59. He was given permission to take a bobcat loader over halfway up the main ridge widening the existing 2' - 3' trail to a 4' - 6' treadway. A front end loader hauled masonry stone for the wall to station 15+59. The bobcat would take it up trail as far as it could go then the narrow Georgia Buggy took it to the top. By the end of October, Al Altice, the project engineer came out to the job site to reevaluate project quantities. This resulted in change order No. 1 adding work quantities, and additional time: 1. Additional stone for the wall and a complete repointing of the total wall was approved 2. Additional stone masonry steps were designed and 3. A new item for steel anchor pins was added The project engineer judged that additional material was necessary and that a thorough reconditioning of the wall �88 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings pointing was essential. The additional cost was $9,908. The contractor's mason was skilled at matching the existing stone. Once a section was finished a stone capping was placed and evenly bonded into air-entrained mortar. This specification would withstand the hard freeze/thaw cycles at this elevation. The item for replacement of the viewing plates was put in the contract. Earlier we had found a set of viewing plate blanks in parkway storage. We would supply the finished plates to the contractor. Maybe this time with a little design ingenuity we could help prolong their stay on the wall. We installed the new plates with special bolts anchored through a granite block and countersank in the block. In turn, this block was anchored into the wall, as was the block on the pedestal, with two 5/8" anchor bars. The wall replacement was installed with No. 6 rebars at 4 foot centers. These rebars were tied with galvanized eight gauge steel wire as shown in the drawings. This new section of wall is still holding. The bronze plates still offer the visitor a trail overlook viewing experience as of the 1930s. The workmanship on the interior steps was acceptable. As we can see the original condition prior to contract repair was not. The cap stones were a protection that the original wall never had. Mortar between the cap stones was fashioned to drain all run off. The new cap stone would protect the wall against the weather—but as you will later see—this is no protection against vandals. Here is the spur use trail with wash out as seen in 1980. Here is the same problem area as stabilized by this contract in 1984. Toward the end of November the weather turned bad. Rain and cold weather hampered the contractor's men and equipment and increased harmful impact to the parkway's resources. November the 20th a stop order was signed. A project resume work order was set for April 1, 1985. The winter of 84/85 had been especially rough on the trail. Spring rains came pounding as usual but we were there to witness. By May 1 another time extension was set up to July 1, 1985. A timely meeting of the parkway engineer with the contractor ended with a decision to pave the steep section of the trail with a 2" by 6' topping of asphalt. This would extend the existing asphalt surface, which stopped at station 6-1-64, up slope to end at station 15+59. The resulting change order No. 2 added $6,705 to the contract: This amount was to cover the proposed paving. This decision to pave helped solve two longtime problems: 1. The six-foot treadway of asphalt would help protect the most erosive prone section of trail (6+64 -15+59). 2. Paving the steep grade would give better traction and safety for all hikers. AFTER THE CONTRACT At the contract's completion all masonry was in place and the viewing plates were back in place for the first time in over 20 years. The paving had replaced the log water bars as specified in the original contract. A set of short diverter bars were set at intervals along the lower edge of the trail pavement. At a later time maintenance put in asphalt water bars that divert smaller increments of water which rush down the trail during runoff. These also require periodic maintenance. The asphalt water bars in combination with the diverter bars do work much better. Today most of the trail is in good shape. The contract steps near the pedestrian overlook are OK. A set of random boulder steps are holding up. Log water bars are still in place on the upper segment of trail. The asphalt trail is �89 Marrying Beauty With Utility enduring some edge damage; but for the location—it serves the visitor well. In fact, the visitor tolerates the trails steepness by striking out for the grand destination which is seen from the parking area. HUMAN IMPACTS As use increases we know that resources increase in wear, but some frequent users of this area don't seem to exhibit environmental sensitivity. Active recreational use of the area seems to indicate careless disregard for the contracted retaining wall near the top. This wall was installed to maintain a safe treadway for older and handicapped visitors. All cap stones are gone as well as 12 inches of tread surface. More obvious to view is the vandalism on the main pedestrian wall. In May of this year, a single cap stone was missing from the wall. Just two weeks ago (8/227 93) a total of 13 cap stones were gone. If we ignore this vandalism there is a chance of resource deterioration as we had in the 1980s. Is this degradation of our resources a problem which might be handled by prescribed use? If not, what must we do? Is it overuse? I strongly encourage a continuing initiative for environmental analyses to determine carrying capacities which these extremely valuable resources of the parkway are able to tolerate. We should study the social dynamics and behavioral patterns which affect this trail and area, we should investigate recreational trends and logistics that target this area and see what they mean. Although we ourselves have been less than perfect in protecting this area, we must restate that this is a very special resource, supporting some species that the Park Service remains mandated to protect under legislation. Use of this area is being impacted with: 1. Off-trail Traffic 2. Illegal Camping 3. Human Waste 4. Litter—caption: "What are you doing here in God's country?" 5. Vandalism 6. Trampling of Plants 7. Pedestrian Traffic Beyond the Wall What Alternatives short of temporary closure of the area will it take to determine what must be done to sustain the quality of this parkway experience? The immediate threat from vandalism might be thwarted by the assignment of volunteer monitoring groups to survey the area. We can rebuild the walls and rehab the trail, but we should and must maintain a sustained recreational area worthy of the society that first put together these words: "to conserve the scenery and the natural and historic objects and the wildlife therein and to provide for the enjoyment of the same in such a manner and by such means as will leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations." National Park Service Act of 1916 REFERENCES 1. Adkins, Leonard M., 1991, Walking the Blue Ridge. 2. Ara History: Notes in Blue Ridge Parkway library files, 1954, refer to H. C. Wilburn. 3. Lord, William G., 1981, Blue Ridge Parkway Guide, Grandfather Mountain to Great Smokey Mountains National Park (291.9-469 miles). 4. Mooney, James, 1982, Myths of the Cherokee— from 19th and 7th annual reports, B.A.E., Nashville, Tennessee. 5. Parkway's card file (Interpretive Office Library) a. Place names (MP 422.2) b. Parking overlooks, Devil's Courthouse (MP 422.4) 6. Trail Contract Number CX5140-4-2833: (19841985) Devil's Courthouse/Richlawn Balsam (Harry Baker—project designer and project supervisor). �90 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Evolution of Environmental Consciousness and Emergence of an Environmentally Based Linear Parks Movement William L. Flournoy, Jr. Brief History of Linear Parks Since the European colonization of North America, community parks have drawn the public's attention. Environmental consciousness, however, has been an influence and a growing motivation for the development of linear parks for only the last century and a half. Prior to the mid-1800s, the typical park in North America was the town commons or square. These areas served as a civic focus for their communities, as the centers for government and public gatherings. By 1858 the basic concepts for park development were being rewritten. In that year, Frederick Law Olmsted, the father of Landscape Architecture as an American profession, and Calvert Vaux submitted a plan for New York's Central Park. The design was founded on the theory that pastoral park scenery, with a gracefully undulating topography and scattered groves of trees, was a powerful antidote to the stress and artificiality of urban life. The plan also advanced the purpose of public health by converting swampy areas into rural landscapes and reducing mosquito breeding potential. Olmsted heightened the sense of calmness in Central Park by carefully separating different landscape types and conflicting uses. For example, he made extensive use of the physical separation of different modes of transportation within the 1,000-acre park. Over the next 30 years, Olmsted in conjunction with Vaux, landscape architect Charles Eliot, and others, refined the principles of park development and advanced the concepts of linear parks. In 1865 his plan for Cherry Creek Park and Piedmont Way above the College of California in Berkeley included linear characteristics. The plan visualized a pleasure drive and walks along a creek to an overlook at the top of a canyon and would have produced a pleasure drive through the hills between Oakland and the campus. In 1866, a plan was presented to Brooklyn for Prospect Park. It sought to expand the influences of pastoral parks through an Ocean Parkway connecting Prospect Park to the Coney Island oceanfront, and an Eastern Parkway from the park to the East River. In 1868, two plans were presented. First, Buffalo's northside park system included a parkway linking the several pastoral parks. Then, a parkway was also proposed to link Riverside, Illinois with Chicago. Riverside was a residential community of Olmsted's design, which incorporated linear open space along the stream system and among neighborhoods. In 1887 the "Emerald Necklace" was proposed for Boston. It created a 4.5-mile strip park arching around the inner city and linked the Boston Commons with Franklin Park by way of the Back Bay Fens and the Muddy River. By this time, the concept of linear parks had matured to reach beyond that of pastoral parks as a visual and psychological counterpoint to urban development and beyond parkways as a landscaped travel way between parks. Linear parks were at the point of being physically and functionally recognizable as a distinct park type. The next 80 years saw extensive broadening and deepening in the concepts �91 Marrying Beauty With Utility of linear park development. In 1909, Daniel Burnham presented his Chicago Plan that focused extensively on restoration and reclamation of the Lake Michigan waterfront as linear park and public open space. Burnham's lakefront plans were inspired by Olmsted's work around the city and on the Columbia Exposition. They included lagoons and harbors, a string of offshore islands, and a scenic curving arterial roadway, much of which were created over the following decades. In 1920 Jens Jensen published a plan for Chicago's Greater West Park system that called for a linear network of parks and open spaces. It was a complement to the earlier Chicago Plan, focusing more on the city west of the lakefront and advocating the concepts of greater use of the natural landscape and native plants. In 1928, a forester and regional planner named Benton MacKaye wrote The New Exploration, which included a prescription to stem urban sprawl at the regional scale. His proposal was for a common public ground forming a linear corridor, around and through localities, well adapted for camping and primitive travel. The 2,147-mile Appalachian Trail, existing from Maine to Georgia, is the manifestation of MacKaye's idea and it exemplifies much of his concept. In 1909, the Blue Ridge Parkway was conceived as an idea, although it was not born through construction until it could be a Depression Era child. Landscape Architect Stanley Abbott integrated the concepts of curvilinear alignment, limited access, grade-separated crossings, exclusion of commercial traffic, satellite parks, scenic easements, and a consummate blending of natural and cultural features to convert the entire corridor into a single linear park. A monograph entitled Securing Open Space for Urban America was written in 1959 by William H. Whyte for the Urban Land Institute. It describes how a basic open space pattern known as "greenways" could be established before development occurs, thus producing cohesive neighborhoods with open space in between. Whyte continued to write about the concepts of greenways as linear parks in more of his books, including Cluster Development (1964) and The Last Landscape (1968). In 1969, the City of Raleigh, NC published, The Park With A City In It, a parks and recreation plan that proposed greenways, and in 1972, Raleigh's City Council accepted a feasibility report and plan for a greenway system. Charles E. Little, in his book Greenways for America concluded, "The plan for the Capital Area Greenway... is thought to be the earliest comprehensive local greenway system in the country." The latter Raleigh plan: • updated the traditional concepts of linear parks, • added the emerging knowledge of and interest in ecological system conservation, • proposed an approach for the continuous perpetuation of the greenway system as the city grew, and • integrated these with the traditional concepts of linear park development. Evolution of Environmental Consciousness There has been an environmental element to the parks movement for the last 150 years. It was first displayed as health issues, (such as swamp drainage and mosquito eradication), as well as psychological relief from urban development. The movement began to reflect other environmental issues as knowledge of them grew. The common denominators of these �92 evolving environmental issues were their distinctly linear characteristics, and the likelihood that their solution would be pursued through public funding and regulation. The federal Water Pollution Control Act of 1948 provided technical assistance and funds to strengthen state and local water pollution control programs. The Act focussed only on the construction of sewage systems, without regard for other community needs. Nevertheless, linear sewer for rights-of-way near streams established an important public interest in these corridors. The National Flood Insurance Program was enacted in 1968 to limit continued development of flood-prone lands, establish construction standards for floodproofing structures, and authorize subsidized insurance coverage. As communities participated in this program, traditional attitudes about land were changed. No longer could all land be considered to be "created equal"; alternative uses or values had to be found for flood-prone areas. Thus, a public interest was established in keeping flood-prone lands undeveloped. The Clean Water Act of 1972 strengthened efforts to improve water quality to acceptable minimum standards. One part of the Act, Section 404, established controls over the filling of wetland areas associated with water courses. The Clean Water Act was amended in 1977 to strengthen its standards in pursuit of a "fishable and swimmable" goal for all waters. The Act was further amended in 1988 to include regulation of non-point sources of surface water runoff. As each of these amendments occurred, the relationship between water quality and adjoining land uses was recognized and the public interest in these linear systems was given greater significance. 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Over the past 45 years, the development of environmental law has paralleled the continuing development of linear park concepts. This is a natural marriage because both focus on the same geographical area of the landscape, streams and their adjoining lands. In addition to national environmental laws, individual states have also enacted complimentary legislation affecting riparian systems. As layer has been placed upon layer of regulation, the development potential of stream corridors has been reduced and the potential for alternative public uses has increased. While environmental regulations may keep corridors along streams natural or undeveloped, additional action is required to secure legal public access to those privately owned lands. It has only been within the last decade that increasing numbers of local governments and states have begun the active search for a cost effective way to gain the greatest public benefit from these linear corridors. Environmentally Based Linear Parks Movement Earth Day 1970 is a benchmark for the awakening of the nation to the importance of the environment and the interrelations of ecological systems. Nevertheless, it was not until the President's Commission On Americans Outdoors Report in 1986 that nationwide recognition was given to greenways and their environmental, social and cultural importance. In spite of the growing interest in and knowledge of the environment, the conservation of ecological systems has not evolved as a universal basis for a linear parks movement, which is still driven by the desire for recreational opportunities. The following are a number of structural and institutional weaknesses which need attention before an environmentally based �Marrying Beauty With Utility linear parks movement is possible. 1. Environmental program fragmentation is a major stumbling block. Most laws are passed as narrowly focussed, single purpose solutions that do not reflect the interrelations of ecological systems. As a result, programs do not lend themselves to integrated problem solving in conjunction with other types of public programs. Since the strength of linear parks is their ability to accommodate multiple objectives into a public corridor, the environment cannot become a universal basis for such systems until a way is found to integrate environmental programs. Short of amending the enabling statutes for all of these programs, there may be no comprehensive solution. A longer term approach would be to identify model programs of multiple objective environmental management in support of linear parks development for aggressive educational and promotional purposes. 2. The mission of linear park system managers can also be a significant deterrent. More often than not, the responsibility for management of linear parks falls to a parks and recreation department. The mission of those departments seldom includes planning for or conducting a conservation program for communitywide ecological systems. This discrepancy limits the potential for an environmentally-based linear parks movement. Two options for eliminating this deterrent are either expanding the missions of parks and recreation departments responsible for linear parks, or dividing the responsibility for linear parks among cooperating departments. 3. Public expectation can advance or 93 restrict development of environmentally-based linear park systems. The first national survey of public perception of park and recreation benefits was reported in Parks & Recreation magazine in January 1993. In reporting the 14 most frequently mentioned "community benefits" provided by parks, environmental protection was not present. Neither were any reasonable surrogates, such as open space or nature. They were only mentioned as "individual benefits" of parks, although not highly ranked. This shows that, even though there is broad-based public support for environmental protection, there is no public expectation that linear parks may have a role in conserving ecological systems or the related quality of urban life. If public support is necessary to advance a program through a democratic governmental process, then there is an obvious need and opportunity for public education on the environmental benefits of linear parks before this can be the basis of any movement. 4. Money is required to undertake any major public program, and for better or worse, it can also indicate when a movement is perceived as successful. Considerable amounts of money are being invested in linear parks from numerous local, state and national sources. Yet, the amount of money expended from all sources on linear parks or environmentally-based linear parks has not been identified. This is not to suggest that linear parks must have their own dedicated funding source, but there must at least be sufficient bookkeeping and reporting to identify and track the investment in linear parks. This information will indicate the magnitude of the linear parks movement, indicate trends �1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 94 over time, and accommodate the evaluation and planning necessary to continue a more unified movement. 5. Education is key to establishing and maintaining a movement of any type. It is imperative that knowledge be continuously developed and that this knowledge be released from academia in a timely manner. The professionals responsible for the creation of linear parks must receive initial or in-service training to appreciate the full range of characteristics of such systems. Managers must understand the dynamic consequences (ecologic, economic, social and cultural) of their decisions if the complex interrelations of linear parks benefits are to be retained over time. The public must grow to understand in more detail the importance of linear parks to the quality of the environment and urban life. Education at all levels is important to the continuation of the linear parks movement. Conclusion A linear parks movement has been evolving for the last century and a half. Its first third was founded in the rural parks movement and responded with design innovations that linked pastoral parks together and brought linear parks to the community scale. In its second third the movement continued to generate incremental projects based upon existing concepts, but there also was expansion of the theory to the regional and multi-state scale. Its last third has been characterized by renewed interest in the concept of linear parks, and the integration of environmental protection and ecological system conservation into its conceptual basis. The importance of individual linear parks projects notwithstanding, there is still some question as to the viability of the linear parks movement. There are many examples of linear parks around the world that deserve to be celebrated in all their various forms. There are also many communities and regions that could benefit from linear parks, but may not because of the weaknesses in the movement. The fundamental theories and concepts of linear parks development are well established. The evolution of environmental consciousness has added essentially linear and interrelated ecological systems as the most current improvement to linear park concepts. Perhaps environmental protection can be the motivation for carrying the linear parks movement forward into the next century; but this can only be accomplished if the entire movement progresses. The five previously cited weaknesses of an environmentally based linear parks movement can be addresses as a single issue: structural leadership. It is not being provided by the government or private sectors in a manner that encourages the development of environmentally sound linear parks. No entity is planning for or guiding resources to broadscale linear park system development. The educational programs necessary to support the movement are not universally available. Coordination among the numerous participants in the linear parks movement is not occurring; and in fact, some participants may not even know they are part of the movement. Clearly the linear parks movement has not been institutionalized, but it must become so if it is to reach its potential for environmental, social and cultural benefit. There is so much to be gained in terms of environmental protection and quality of life, the effort to institutionalize the linear parks movement must be made. �Marrying Beauty With Utility 95 BIBLIOGRAPHY "A Focus on Greenway." National Wetlands Newsletter, Vol. 10 No. 5, September 1988. Adams, Lowell W., and Louise E. Dove. Wildlife Reserves and Corridors in the Urban Environment. National Institute for Urban Wildlife, 1989. Adams, Lowell W., and Daniel L. Leedy. Integrating Man and Nature in the Metropolitan Environment. National Institute for Urban Wildlife, 1987. Godbey, Geoffrey, Alan Graefe, and Stephen James. "Reality and Perception." Parks & Recreation Magazine, January 1993. Labaree, Jonathan M. How Greenways Work, A Handbook on Ecology. NFS Rivers, Trails and Conservation Assistance Program and the Quebec Labrador Foundation's Atlantic Center for the Environment, 1992. Little, Charles E. Greenways for America. John Hopkins University Press, 1990. Report and Recommendations to the President of the United States, President's Commission on American Outdoors, December 1986. Whyte, William H. Securing Open Space for Urban American. The Urban Land Institute, 1959. �96 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings The Historic Cultural Landscape and an Expanded Vision of Park Thomas Yahner and Daniel Joseph Nadenicek Introduction The everyday landscape in all parts of this country is filled with meaning. The landscape that people pass through day after day contains stories that are waiting to be read.1 The landscape in many ways is like a document that holds a wealth of information about the natural and cultural history of a place. Despite that fact, people pass through landscapes on a regular basis without gaining even a partial understanding of what that landscape is really about. How can people gain a greater understanding of the wealth of information that is available in the landscape? One way is through planned interpretation. In recent years we have become more interested in landscape interpretation at various levels. One of the ways in which we attempt to facilitate interpretation is through the establishment of parks. We set aside physical environments for people to visit with the hope that they might gain a broader understanding of something about that environment such as its geology, ecology, or cultural history. Such parks, serve a purpose; they allow people—often in large numbers—to gain a greater understanding of the significance of a particular landscape. Those places are expensive to build and maintain. Because of that large investment, they are often intended to be "popular" and the interpretation is sometimes dedicated to flashy themes guaranteed to capture attention. However, there remains a great deal in the larger landscape that is not interpreted. It is possible to tell a larger and more comprehensive story about the landscape than we typically do at the present time, if we expand our vision— that is get at the essence—of park. While the definition and physical description of the park has changed a number of times through history, the idea of park (the essence of park) has remained constant. It has always been about engagement and contrast, about allowing for the possibility for a mental shift to take place in the landscape. If that mental shift takes places, any landscape can be a park. If that engagement does not take place, even a place built as a park will be ineffectual. From that point of view we can think of a larger landscape as a park so long as a mental connection is made between the landscape and the mind of the human who is in that landscape. To think of the larger landscape as a park is good for people as well as the physical environment. People would be provided with numerous recreational and interpretive opportunities and even an ordinary landscape would garner greater respect. The purpose of this paper, then, is to present to you a way of interpreting the larger historic cultural landscape (viewed as park). The benefits of this idea are many and the shortcomings are few. It will allow for interpretation even on an individual basis and at a trifling cost. It can take advantage of both public and private landscapes as they already exist and it can happen almost any where. We have selected the larger landscape near Allentown, Pennsylvania, as a test case for this idea since the National Parks Service has shown interest in interpreting that landscape. �Marrying Beauty With Utility An Expanded Vision of Park: The Park as Idea Parks have been a traditional vehicle for providing interpretive opportunities for people who wish to engage the landscape. But how can a park, a particular piece of geography, help us with a better understanding of the larger landscape? To answer that question we must look more closely at what the park is in essence, what the park has done for human beings for centuries. Obviously parks through history have been different kinds of places. The park began with the Assyrians as an enclosed hunting ground, a general concept that was carried forward through the centuries even past the renaissance period. In the eighteenth century with the work of Brown and Repton the park was defined as a tract of land that was designed with the new natural aesthetic that had emerged. Parks were areas of pleasure and most often included scattered groupings of trees and wide expanses of turf. By the end of the nineteenth century parks were generally considered public places, places designed for the recreational pleasure of all classes of people. Today we use the word park in many ways. There are for example ball parks, amusement parks, and of course parkways.2 Are there any consistent themes related to the park over time that can be derived from such a myriad of places? There are if we are willing to think beyond the park only as a place and concentrate on the park as an idea. From the Assyrian hunting park to modern day parks of all varieties the consistent themes (park as idea) are connected to the notion of recreation, being re-created. The park as an idea is about engagement and contrast; it is about a mental shift, allowing for a different connection to or understanding of the environment.3 When that mental shift 97 takes place the human being is rewarded in the sense that he or she is refreshed and rejuvenated as a result of that new understanding or experience. If we think of the park as an idea, then we must realize that as designers make places, the most that they can do is to provide the opportunity for a "park experience" to take place. We wish to provide the opportunity for people to be re-created and with that re-creation they might also come to a new understanding of the world they have engaged. If we accept this understanding of park, park as the opportunity for engagement, as the opportunity for a mental shift, then we can begin to see opportunities for helping us to understand the landscape in more depth. Such an engagement is good for the observer but also for the landscape that is being observed. If we think about the landscape as a park we will perhaps interact with it in a different way than might typically be the case. Consequently we are proposing an expanded vision of park, a vision that would remove us from the restrictions of a particular piece of geography, typically with one owner, and take us to the realm of the park as an idea. We will demonstrate that even a large landscape with several owners might be a park if it is a landscape that is carefully considered for its interpretive possibilities. The Historic Cultural Landscape: A Story to be Read There are many ways to think and learn about the landscape. One can study maps or read books on the subject. But the landscape itself can reveal a great deal of information, if only we allow our selves to look (let ourselves be engaged). A story (the cultural history of the place) can be read in every landscape.4 The landscape of course is the result of human interaction with the natural �98 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings features of the land itself. The foundation is in the underlying geology; it's physical structure and its mineral composition. In places, this foundation is staggeringly complex and hard to grasp, and in others it is uniform and comprehensible at a glance. Time and climate act upon these underpinnings and influence the specific character of the landform and the soil that covers it. Finally, communities of plants and animals inhabit the land responding to it's conditions and further interacting with them to form the natural component of the landscape. The human contribution to the landscape is more than the playing out of history on the stage of the land—it is a further interaction. Humans shape and are shaped by the natural environment. In the process of going about the business of living their lives, people manipulate the land, alter communities of plants and animals, and build structures. They do these things not in a random way, but in response to social, political, religious and philosophical conditions.5 Humans have always altered the landscape with the available technology; and in response to both opportunities and obstacles. The mark that people have left on the landscape— the artifacts of their lives—remain as visible landforms, distinctive patterns of vegetation, and a wide array of structures. If we can identify and interpret these artifacts, we can use them to tell the story of those people and the world in which they lived. People live in and alter the landscape over time and as the conditions that influence their lives change the kind of artifacts that they leave change as well. Some landscapes show periods of growth and periods of stagnation, others show continuous development. In most landscapes, artifacts of different eras, or periods of time in which the conditions remain relatively stable, are overlain upon one another—each era using and adapting the landscape of the past. When we interpret history in the landscape, we often fall into the trap of being overly selective—choosing only a subset of the artifacts in the landscape to interpret. In some cases we choose those artifacts that have the greatest design value assuming that only examples of high design are important. At other times we choose only those artifacts associated with famous people or compelling events. This selectivity assumes that there is no important history in the ordinary and that only the most enticing is worthy of interpretation.6 There is also more history in the landscape than can be interpreted in a collection of isolated artifacts. What makes the landscape a particularly valuable means of understanding history is that the artifacts of which it is comprised are an integral part of a landscape fabric—systems of artifacts that expand the scope of interpretation far beyond what is possible with any artifact alone. Another form of selectivity is in the model that we often choose for historic landscape interpretation—owning, preserving, and maintaining historic sites as the basis for interpretation. These sites fit the dictionary definition of park—a tract of land set aside for public use. This definition of park as a model for interpretation is essential where structured interpretation and control over change are important. But the obvious limited resources for land acquisition and structured interpretation force us to be selective and to choose only those sites that will return the greatest amount of interpretive punch for those limited resources. Again the result is a subset of the artifacts and therefore an incomplete telling of the history of a place. How then can we interpret more of the landscape without being overly selective? �Marrying Beauty With Utility The answer lies in viewing the entire landscape as a park. The Concept Applied Our goal is to provide new opportunities for people to interpret the historic cultural landscape by thinking of that larger landscape as a park. That parklike engagement is possible anywhere. Recreational and interpretive opportunities abound even in the ordinary landscape. We have selected the Lehigh Valley of eastern Pennsylvania near Allentown as an example, because the Department of Landscape Architecture at Penn State was involved in a cultural landscapes study there, because the National Park Service is interested in creatively interpreting that area, and because the Lehigh Valley contains visible evidence of over 250 years of land use that can be understood through a variety of highly interpretable themes. One way for people to become engaged in the broader landscape is to explore it, on their own, on an interpreted driving tour. A driving tour accompanied by a well-produced guidebook provides the opportunity for people to experience the landscape first hand, have its artifacts and systems interpreted, and make the mental shift that transforms a place into a park. What follows is a series of routes or driving tours D all based around a central spine. The spine allows for the interpretation of the principal themes and provides an overview of the entire region. Emanating from this spine are several loops, each designed to reveal a particular theme in the landscape in greater depth. These can be more than just driving tours however. From the car, with guide book and audio tape, the observer has the ability to see and understand historic landscapes that are privately owned. But where possible, the route should include public 99 sites and landscapes where the observer can experience the historic landscape on foot. These could be formal interpretive facilities, walks down city streets, or parts of larger parks that contain interpretable landscapes. The Central Spine—The Lehigh River Corridor and the Lehigh Canal The corridor of the Lehigh flows from the Ridge and Valley region to the north past anthracite coal fields then through the Lehigh Valley before joining with the Delaware River 50 miles north of Philadelphia. At the northern edge of the valley, the river cuts through Blue Mountain. Through the 18th and 19th centuries this water gap provided one of the few avenues of assess between the Great Valley (known locally as the Lehigh Valley) and the historically more remote mountains beyond. During the 1740s the Moravians built religious communities near the Lehigh at Bethlehem and Nazareth and by 1750 most of the Lehigh Valley was settled. After anthracite was discovered in the 1790s the Lehigh River became one of four primary corridors for transporting coal. Much of the coal made its way to Philadelphia and other destinations beyond but the Lehigh Valley itself, with rich deposits of iron ore and other minerals, became a major consumer of anthracite. The canal was built between 1818 and 1829 with the sole intent of carrying anthracite. During the 1850s railroad construction began along the Lehigh and eventually two railroads ran parallel to the canal. Because of the great volume of anthracite to be transported, the mule-powered canal was able to remain in operation and compete with the railroads into the 1920s. Today remnants of the canal and railroad landscapes and the industries that they supported can be observed and �100 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings interpreted in a relatively continuous route along the Lehigh River. Relatively intact sections of the canal remain adjacent to canal towns around the town of Slatington. Most of the roofs are slate D even barns and sheds have slate roofs. There are slate side walks, slate building foundations, and slate retaining walls. A drive through the countryside reveals slate dumps and abandoned quarries as well as an active quarry. Just as the coal in eastern Pennsylvania was metamorphosed from bituminous to anthracite with the additional pressure and temperature of being near the zone of collision between continental plates that formed the folded Appalachians, the common shale found elsewhere in the Appalachians was here turned to slate. This band of quarries, as narrow as a mile across, follows the northern edge of the Lehigh Valley on either side of the Lehigh River. Throughout much of the 19th century and into the 20th, this region was one of the few major slate producing regions of the country. The decline in the demand for slate, and the resultant stagnation of the local economy can be read in the town of Slatington itself, where there are virtually no buildings that have been built since 1900. The Jim Thorpe/Summit Hill Loop-—Anthracite Coal to the Canal On the upper Lehigh, the town of Jim Thorpe (formerly Mauch Chunk) was the point where anthracite, mined on the mountain to the west, was loaded onto canal boats for transport down river. Through much of the 19th century coal was loaded onto cars at the Summit Hill mines, sent down a gravity railroad that descended 900 feet over eight miles, and then loaded onto canal boats at Mauch Chunk. The corporate headquarters of the Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company was located in Mauch Chunk and today the relative high style of the architecture reflects the prosperity that anthracite brought to the region. The gravity railroad remains as a trace on the mountain side. The towns of Summit Hill, Lansford and Nesquehoning reflect the lives of the people who worked the mines. The Iron Loop—Iron Mining and Production Significant deposits of iron ore were located throughout the Lehigh Valley as well as on the slopes of the ridge to the south. The scars of ore pits and the scattered artifacts of several eras of iron manufacturing combine to tell a story of the history of the iron industry from charcoal iron in the early 19th century to the development of anthracite iron during the second half of the 19th century, to the rise and fall of the 20th century iron and steel industry at Bethlehem. The Slate Belt It is easy to be struck by the abundance of slate used as a building material in and Agriculture Agriculture has been the dominant land use in the Lehigh Valley since the middle of the 18th century. Because of its extensive coverage of the landscape, agriculture is the most imageable of the historic themes in the Lehigh Valley. The Valley has two distinctly different agricultural types that relate directly to underlying geology. The more prosperous are the farms on the prime agricultural soils underlain by the Beekmantown Limestone. This landscape is open and very gently rolling. The farms are large as are the houses and barns, which are likely to be built of limestone. The other agricultural landscape is the northern part of the valley underlain by shale and slate. The topography here is more hilly �Marrying Beauty With Utility and the soils are not as rich, but much of the historic agrarian landscape is nevertheless intact. It is possible the find your way very well in parts of this landscape using a map made in 1874. Because this area has seen little change during the 20th century, there are still fine examples of stone arch bridges and the older Pennsylvania German barns. Urban Change and Development Urban change and development likewise has a long history in the Lehigh Valley. Change in urban fabric is more observable and can be more easily interpreted in the landscape than those in which the artifacts are less obvious. This region has a variety of specific themes of urban change that began with the old Moravian settlement at Bethlehem in the 1740s and continued through to the late 20th century edge city development near Allentown. Between are rural villages, canal towns, railroad towns, and industrial towns. In Allentown, the urban fabric itself can be interpreted to reveal 200 years of periods of growth and prosperity as well as stagnation and decline. Conclusion This concept of interpreting the broader historical landscape is not intended as a replacement for either historical preservation or public parks. Instead it is presented as a supplement to those activities that allows for a more complete interpretation of history, and broader public engagement in it. Since no land would be owned or maintained as a part of the park, the cost of providing recreational and interpretive opportunities 101 would be relatively small and dependent upon the amount of interest that was generated by the idea. The possibilities for accompanying interpretive material are many, ranging from inexpensive brochures, to books and cassette tapes, to very sophisticated high tech wizardry. An interpretive park experience of this variety is available to almost any community or geographic region. Communities, particularly those needing some economic stimulus, have nothing to loose and everything to gain as they consider ways to tell their stories holistically. Even the landscape itself has potential for gain, for the more people who understand the landscape, the less likely are they to abuse it. NOTES 1. See Peirce Lewis; "Taking down the velvet Rope: Cultural Geography and the Human Landscape/' Ch. 1 in Jo Blattti (Ed.), Past Meets Present: Essays about Historic Interpretation and Public Audiences. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press; 1987. 2. Most histories of landscape architecture present the history of the park in this way—see Norman T. Newton, Design on Land: The Development of Landscape Architecture, Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1971; and Philip Pregill and Nancy Volkman, Landscapes in History: Design and Planning in the Western Tradition, New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1993. 3. See Lance Neckar, "The Park: Prospect and Refuge/' Reflections, 6, Spring 1989, pp.4-13. 4. See Lewis 1987. 5. Peirce Lewis in his contribution to the unpublished report: Inventory and Assessment of Cultural Landscapes for the Delaware and Lehigh Navigation Canal National Heritage Coridor, 1991. 6. See Lewis 1987. �102 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Early Visions for a System of Connected Parks Daniel Joseph Nadenicek Introduction Horace William Shaler Cleveland (18141900), an early pioneer in the profession of landscape architecture, designed the Minneapolis Park System in the 1880s. The design consisted of a small urban park near the center of the city that was connected by parkways to a system of parks, lakes and natural environments That park system was initially laid out far beyond the edge of the existing city providing an armature around which the city would grow for the next several decades.1 In laying out his design in the 1880s. Cleveland prophetically encouraged community leaders to look forward a hundred years to when there would be an urban population of over a million people and Minneapolis and St. Paul had grown together. The Twin Cities Metropolitan Area did grow as Cleveland predicted and the park system he designed is today considered one of the best in the country.2 What was the origin of that idea for a system of urban parks? Historians often have treated Frederick Law Olmsted's Emerald Necklace design for Boston as the prototypical connected system that later influenced the work of a number of individuals including Cleveland. However, Cleveland considered the idea of connecting parks long before Olmsted began his Boston work in the late 1870s. In fact, the seed of the idea was sown and began to germinate even prior to the design Central Park. The story of the development of the idea of a system of connected parks is complex.3 The development of that concept—as is so often the case in history—was a result of an evolutionary process, which can be traced at least back to the mid-1850s. It was an idea that was also connected to important literary explorations by prominent American writers about the landscape and civilization. 4 It is no accident that the founders of the profession were first writers before they became landscape architects. Cleveland and his partner Robert Morris Copeland (183074), were particularly influenced by the thought and writing of the Transcendentalist leader, Ralph Waldo Emerson. Those early landscape architects tested Emerson's aesthetic principles in the real landscape in 1855 with the design of Sleepy Hollow Cemetery, Concord, Massachusetts. Sleepy Hollow was more than a cemetery; it was designed as a park and was an integral part of a system of public open space, a town-country continuum.5 Copeland and Cleveland were also influenced by Emerson's "organic aesthetic," which in landscape art meant a close connection to the integrity of the found landscape and a disdain for artificial embellishment.6 From the design of Sleepy Hollow forward Cleveland and Copeland were leaders in the evolutionary development of the idea of connecting urban parks.7 The name Emerald Necklace, often associated with the Boston Park System, is a misnomer in the sense that it is sometimes presented as a metaphoric title befitting Olmsted's master stroke of creative genius. However, a careful reading of Zaitzevsky coupled with a comprehensive understanding of the careers of Cleveland, Copeland, and Copeland's protege, Ernest Bowditch, reveals the true story of the Boston's System; it was an idea that began to evolve in the minds of community �Marrying Beauty With Utility leaders and designers as early as 1856.8 A New Profession: Scientific Farming and Literature to Physical Design The development of the idea of connected parks cannot be separated from the development of the profession of landscape architecture in the United States by the mid-nineteenth century. Cleveland and Copeland were both scientific farmers and writers before they began their career as landscape designers.9 Cleveland was a scientific fanner in New Jersey beginning in the early 1840s. and Copeland followed suite in Massachusetts about ten years later. Scientific farmers were concerned with the practical and the utilitarian, but they were also interested in aesthetics.10 They believed that their experiments and writing on the subject would work to elevate the American farmer (and therefore a significant percentage of the American populace) physically, mentally and morally. Copeland was so convinced of the importance of this task that he wrote an eight hundred page guide on agriculture and landscape gardening titled Country Life. Copeland began that book with the following words: To all lovers of nature and to all engaged in cultivating and adorning the earth, this book is dedicated, with the earnest hope that it may attract to the practice of the arts of culture some who will see that the pursuit is full of pleasure, .. . and also with the hope that some who now earn their bread with the sweat of their brow,. . . will learn that within the round of their daily duties they have every thing which can expand the mind and ennoble the soul.11 By the 1850s agricultural and horticultural experimentation and writing about the affective potential of the landscape was a common pursuit of many well-to-do New Englanders, professional writers, and 103 active farmers such as Cleveland and Copeland.12 Those individuals shared their ideas in print—especially in such publications as the Afew EnglandFarmei. When in 1854 Copeland and Cleveland formed a partnership to provide services in landscape and ornamental gardening and agricultural engineering (they included scientific farming services along with design services), they relied on their literary and scientific farming connections to gain work. In 1854 Simon Brown, the editor of the New England Farmer and Concord resident, enlisted Copeland's advice for the design of the State Farm at Westborough, Massachusetts.13 In 1855 Copeland participated in the Concord Lyceum Series, organized by Brown and Emerson. He delivered an address about art, architecture, and landscape gardening entitled "The Useful and the Beautiful." In the same year the Concord, Massachusetts Cemetery Committee, which included Emerson as a member, retained the services of Copeland and Cleveland to design Sleepy Hollow Cemetery. Sleepy Hollow Cemetery is the final resting place of Emerson, Nathaniel Hawthorne and Henry David Thoreau, but it is also a built reflection of a number of Emerson's aesthetic ideas. Cleveland and Copeland not only had a personal and professional relationship with the Transcendental leader, they also studied his work and were influenced by many of his ideas.14 Emerson's Vision and Influence Emerson influenced the future work of Copeland and Cleveland in two ways. First his writing about aesthetics guided their practice throughout their entire careers. Second, Emerson's vision of civilization and urban life directly influenced their real experiments in urban design. In his writing Emerson promoted an organic aesthetic for all of the arts. He believed that art should �104 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings be true to that which is found in nature and he had a strong disgust for artificial embellishment. He also believed that the development of details of any work must be accomplished "so that the whole presents a union of [the] integrated parts."15 The idea of being true to place and connecting the parts to the whole was a driving impetus in all of the work of Copeland and Cleveland. Emerson also wrote a great deal about a particular vision of civilization and urban life. Though urban experience was often in direct opposition to any natural experience, Emerson believed—unlike his Romantic counterparts in Europe—that some reconciliation of those two worlds was not only possible, it was necessary for the future of American civilization. As Michael Cowan, a leading scholar on Emerson's urban theories has written: First, he [Emerson] wished to see the physical city become more creatively related to its natural hinterland and more internally "natural" or "organic." Second, he wanted to find ways by which the poet [artist, even artist in the landscape] might integrate the growing industrial city into an artistic work that professed to embody organic principles.16 Nature, believed Emerson, if carefully planned for in the design of cities could stimulate the spiritual and moral development of human beings and augment the creative role of civilization. Emerson worked with these ideas in a direct and straight forward way in his home community of Concord, Massachusetts. He was always able to balance the dual roles of distant sage and practical community leader. From the 1830s forward, he made himself available to the affairs of Concord. One of his important contributions was his service on various committees concerned with the public grounds of the community. The concern for the larger landscape of Concord was at first related to the need for more burial space. The office of the Superintendent of Public Grounds was organized in the late 1840s to address that and other needs of the community and Emerson's friend John Keyes filled that position for the first several years. It was as a result of recommendations from Keyes, Emerson, and others that the town acquired the plot known as Sleepy Hollow in the early 1850s. The site had been known as Sleepy Hollow for more than twenty years and it is likely that it was given that name because it reminded citizens of Irving's picturesque descriptions of its New York namesake in the "Legend of Sleepy Hollow." On September 29,1855 Emerson delivered his "Address to the Inhabitants of Concord at the Consecration of Sleepy Hollow" in which he explained the design, the design intent, and the aesthetic vision for the cemetery. Sleepy Hollow was designed in keeping with Emerson's organic aesthetic. It was gracefully fit into a natural amphitheater and a number of native species were planted in the landscape. As if in answer to Emerson's calling the designers sought to be true to the place. In that landscape those that visited the graves of friends and relatives could be sure that indeed even human beings are part of the "vast circulations of nature."17 In addition to its obvious function as a final resting place, the cemetery was also meant to serve the Concord community as a public park, where citizens might come together for games, civic functions, and education.18 "The acquisition and design of Sleepy Hollow represents forward thinking in another way . . . the community leaders [including Emerson] perhaps in consultation with Copeland and Cleveland, began thinking about a system of public open space that extended from the heart of the community to Sleepy Hollow and beyond."19 �Marrying Beauty With Utility Sleepy Hollow, said Emerson, "fortunately lies adjoining to the Agricultural Society's ground, to the New Burial Ground, to the Court House and Town House, making together a large block of public ground, permanent property of town and country— all the ornaments of either adding so much value to all."20 As early as 1855, inspired by Emerson, Copeland and Cleveland considered the possibility of connecting one community, Concord, with their interpretation of the natural environment on the fringe. The Truth About Boston In truth the design for a system of connected parks for Boston began at about the same time as Sleepy Hollow. In 1856 Copeland and Cleveland offered suggestions for the design of Commonwealth Avenue in Boston. As Boston's back bay was being filled, a number of individuals became concerned with the planning and the dispersal of lots on that plot of land. Under the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Resolves of 1856 a committee, comprised of members of the state house and senate and local commissioners, was organized to deal with issues related to the new lands. It was to this committee that Copeland and Cleveland offered their suggestions for the design of Commonwealth Avenue.21 Copeland and Cleveland advised the committee that the width of the proposed avenue should be increased from 170 to 240 feet allowing for a large middle portion that might be planted with rows of trees and used for the recreational enjoyment of citizens which "would be ample for walks and seats secure from the interference of carriages."22 The avenue from the beginning of Copeland and Cleveland's involvement was viewed as a parkway (or boulevard) that might connect the Common and Public Garden in Boston with other areas for recreation on the 105 periphery. It was with that purpose in mind—perhaps following the suggestions of Copeland and Cleveland—that the committee wrote: It is believed that an ornamental avenue of this character, . . . with stately dwelling-houses upon each side, connecting the public parks in the centre of a busy city with attractive and quiet, although populous country in the neighborhood, is a thing not possible of construction elsewhere in the world; and those places where some thing of the same kind already exists have been rendered famous in the consequence.23 The filling of the back bay made Emerson's vision of the city possible for Boston. As early as the 1850s, a number of individuals including Copeland and Cleveland, were in the process of contemplating the physical possibilities of that idea. Even prior to the beginning of the Civil War the concept of a connected park system for the greater Boston area was in the early stages of its evolutionary development. Emerson's Aesthetic vision as translated by Copeland and Cleveland and the actual filling of the back bay contributed to that possibility. The development of that idea like much in American civilization was waylaid by the Civil War. However, soon after the end of the war those issues were again revisited. Copeland and Cleveland continued to refine their thinking during the late 1860s. It is clear that by 1868 the idea of a system of connected parks had reached a higher level of sophistication in the minds of designers and community leaders alike. Copeland had studied the idea in considerable depth. The pivotal year in the history of the evolution of urban park systems appears to be 1869. In "The Public Grounds of Chicago: How to Give Them Character and Expression," written in that year, Horace Cleveland considered future �106 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings parks for a number of cities with special emphasis on Boston and Chicago. Cleveland wrote "If Boston attempts a park comprising any attractions of natural scenery, she must go beyond her own limits."24 Also in 1869 Copeland wrote an article for the Boston Daily Advertiser in which he outlined his scheme for a municipal and metropolitan park system of great magnitude. By 1872 he had distilled and fine tuned his thinking to the point that he was able to publish a pamphlet entitled "The Most Beautiful City in America: Essay and Plan for the Improvement of the City of Boston." In that tract Copeland argued that Boston needed a number of smaller parks and public open spaces rather than a large central park such as in New York. Though Copeland's scheme was far from perfect, he did considered a number of areas—such as the Fens and part of West Roxbury—which ultimately become part of the final plan for the Boston system. Just as Central Park was preceded by an extensive editorial campaign, a connected park system for Boston was promoted in editorials for years before it became a physical reality. Many of the editorials related to that idea in the early 1870s were written by Copeland. Of course, it did not hurt that his brother-inlaw, Charles F. Dunbar, was the editor of the Boston Daily Advertiser during the 1870s. Copeland used that newspaper as a soapbox from which to expound on the benefits of such a system for the citizens of Boston. In one of those articles Copeland spoke of a parkway that would thread its way through parks "of several places instead of one, the selection to be in different parts of the future and present city."25 The idea of a park system for Boston was developed and heavily promoted by Copeland and others in newspaper editorials and articles prior to Copeland's death in 1874. It was also during early 1870s that Copeland employed a young engineer named Ernest W. Bowditch. Bowditch was educated in engineering at MIT. For a time he worked for the office of Shed and Sawyer, Engineers. Copeland hired the services of that office on many occasions during the 1870s, since they were located in the same building as Copeland. Copeland worked directly with the young Shedd and Sawyer apprentice, Ernest Bowditch, on a number of projects. When Copeland felt that he was being over charged by Shedd and Sawyer, he persuaded Bowditch to split off from that office and set up an office of his own. Copeland offered Bowditch a considerable amount of work as an incentive for that change. Bowditch, at the time in his early twenties, was more than willing to take the plunge. Immediately, Copeland and Bowditch began to cultivate a close working relationship that functioned much like a loose partnership. It was during that period (from 1872 to 1874) that Bowditch was introduced to Copeland's scheme (which Copeland was continuing to refine) for a connected park system for Boston. In March of 1874 Copeland died unexpectedly. The following excerpt from Copeland's obituary, probably written by Dunbar, reveals that the idea of a park system was foremost in his mind at the time of his death. "He had done much in the way of laying out and ornamenting private grounds, but his ambition was for work on a grander scale."26 Bowditch seized what he perceived to be a great opportunity and purchased Copeland's practice in landscape architecture. He formed a partnership with Copeland's brother Franklin, believing that the Copeland name would bring him business and add credibility to his practice. On June 24, 1874 Bowditch published an �Marrying Beauty With Utility article and plan for a Boston park system in the Advertiser. Since Copeland was known to have been working on the scheme at the time of his death and because Bowditch was a twenty-four year old engineer with little experience in landscape architecture, it is likely that Bowditch in the article was really presenting Copeland's work (with perhaps only minor changes). He had probably waited for an adequate amount of time to pass after Copeland's death before presenting that work to the public.27 But Bowditch was a quick study and proved to be a capable student of landscape design. He continued to refine and improve the scheme which he had inherited. In 1875 Bowditch published another pamphlet for public consumption titled "Rural Parks for Boston."28 That publication included a plan that showed a remarkable similarity to the park system plan presented to the public by the Boston Park Commission in 1876. The Idea Taken West It is clear that in 1876 Olmsted had only a sketchy understanding of the entire system at best.29 He had only been tangentially connected to the development of the idea for Boston. On the other hand, in fairness, it must be said that during the same years Olmsted was considering similar ideas for other cities such as Buffalo. But that work should be seen only as part of the overall evolutionary process. In fact, all of the early landscape architects discussed in this paper communicated with one another about the idea on a regular basis. Copeland, 107 for example, presented the concept in a letter to Olmsted already in 1869 asking him to comment.30 Cleveland worked for Olmsted on Prospect Park before he headed west in 1869 and no doubt the two men conversed about the concept. Cleveland once in Chicago immediately set out to test the idea in built environments in the Midwest. Prior to 1870 he laid out the community of Highland Park, Illinois where he designed a parkway leading from the heart of the community out to a natural ravine area near the edge. The 1870s was a difficult period for Cleveland's practice. His office burned in the "Great Chicago Fire" of 1871 and he suffered a loss of business as a result of the financial panic of 1873.31 The idea of organization new cities around a connected park system was ultimately put into place by Cleveland in Omaha and Minneapolis. Cleveland began promoting the general concept for the Minneapolis system already in the 1870s, but it was not until the 1880s when the milling town appeared to be destined for unharnessed growth that Cleveland was finally given his chance. The Minneapolis Connected Park System was the crowning achievement of Cleveland's long career and it provided the armature around which the city would grow for the next several decades. There he was able to take ideas that he began to glean from Emerson as early as the 1850s and apply them in a new and burgeoning western city. �108 ACKNOWLEDGMENT This research was funded in part by a grant from the Institute for the Arts and Humanistic Studies, Penn State. NOTES 1. H. W. S. Cleveland, Suggestions for a System of Parks and Parkways for the City of Minneapolis. Minneapolis: Johnson, Smith & Harrison, 1883, pp. 3-15. 2. Lance M. Neckar, Fast-Tracking Culture and Landscape, An Unpublished Paper. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1990, pp. 17-18. 3. The story is even more complex if one factors in a number of developments in Europe related to the idea of connecting various public open spaces in urban environments. Though Americans were influenced by developments in such places as Vienna and Paris, the discussion of that work is beyond the scope of this paper. 4. I first became interested in the significance of literary ideas to the early development of landscape architecture while writing my MLA thesis at the University of Minnesota which was ultimately titled The Literary Landscape of Horace Cleveland. Also see Daniel Joseph Nadenicek, "Nature in the City: Horace Cleveland's Aesthetic" forthcoming in a special issue of Landscape and Urban Planning. 5. See Daniel Joseph Nadenicek, "Sleepy Hollow Cemetery: Transcendental Garden and Community Park," forthcoming in The Journal of the New England Garden History Society. 6. Michael H. Cowan, City of the West: Emerson, America, and Urban Metaphor. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1967, pp. 184-85. 7. This is true except for that small interlude in American History commonly known as the Civil War. 8. Cynthia Zaitzevsky, of course, wrote Frederick Law Olmsted and the Boston Park System. The purpose of this article is not to diminish the accomplishments of Olmsted, his work in the Fens for example will always stand as preeminent achievement in design. But the idea of a connected system for Boston must be seen as it is, the result an evolutionary process. 9. Obviously the same is true of Olmsted. In fact at the time that Cleveland and Copeland began their practice Olmsted was still engaging in scientific farming experiments at his home on Staten Island. 10. Nadenicek, "Cleveland's Aesthetic." 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 11. R. Morris Copeland, Country Life: A Handbook of Agriculture, Horticulture, and Landscape Gardening. Boston: John P. Jewett and Company, 1859, p. ii. 12. Included among the writers who were interested in this realm was Ralph Waldo Emerson who raised pears and studied the natural environment and even his own garden. 13. Simon Brown Journals at the Concord Antiquarian Museum, Concord, MA. 14. Emerson knew Copeland well enough that he was willing to serve as a character witness for him in the 1860s. Cleveland wrote of Emerson in letters to friends and "The Aesthetic Development of the United Cities of St. Paul and Minneapolis." I have recently had an article accepted for publication in the Emerson Society Papers about Emerson's aesthetic influence on Cleveland. 15. Vivian C. Hopkins, Spires of Form: A Study of Emerson's Aesthetic Theory. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951, pp. 66- 80. 16. Cowan, City of the West, p. 183. 17. Ralph Waldo Emerson, "Address to the Inhabitants of Concord at the Consecration of Sleepy Hollow," Emerson Papers. Cambridge: Houghton Library, Harvard University, Sept., 1855. 18. Ibid., part of the educational experience was connected to an arboretum planted in the cemetery. 19. Nadenicek, "Sleepy Hollow Cemetery." 20. Emerson, "Consecration Address." 21. Walter Muir Whitehall, Boston: A Topographic History. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1968, p. 151. Also working on the scheme was the architect Arthur Oilman. That information can also be found in "Report of the Committee Appointed Under the Resolves of 1856," Ch. 76, in Relation to Lands in the Back Bay with Accompanying Documents. 22. "Resolves," p. 14. 23. "Resolves," pp. 14-15. 24. H. W. S. Cleveland, The Public Grounds of Chicago: How To Give Them Character and Expression. Chicago: Charles D. Lakey, Publisher, 1869, p. 8. 25. News article in the Boston Daily Advertiser dated October 24, 1873. Though the article was unsigned, it was almost certainly written by Copeland. Zaitzevsky comes to that conclusion as well. 26.Copeland's obituary in the March 30, 1874, Boston Daily Advertiser. �Marrying Beauty With Utility 27. Cynthia Zaitzevsky, Frederick Law Olmstedand the Boston Park System. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1982, p. 41. 28. "Reminiscences of Ernest W. Bowditch," The Essex Institute 29. Ibid., p. 43. 30. Ibid., p. 36. 3I.Cleveland continued to refine the idea of connected public spaces despite that downturn. He worked with the idea in the design of a number of "romantic suburbs" and he modeled the concept in the design of a cemetery in his 109 hometown of Lancaster, Massachusetts, in 1873. The design of that cemetery should be seen as a model for Cleveland's concept of urban growth and connected environments. The cemetery was laid out like a city with a dense area of stones and ornamental plantings at the center. From there the density of grave sites decreased dramatically as they moved out toward the edge of the forty acre site. Cleveland also designed three distinct groves in which those scattered graves were set. The groves were in keeping with the integrity of the native landscape. The dense urban core was connected to the natural groves by a long tree-lined avenue or parkway. �110 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Managing the Blue Ridge Parkway Viewshed: A National Forest Perspective Jerry Seyden I have enjoyed a long personal relationship with the BRP. I've told Gary Everhart that my wife and spent our honeymoon at Pisgah Inn 19 years ago. What I didn't say, was that we only stayed there because I got high fever on a backcountry Forest Service trail, and the Pisgah Inn was the closest available motel. More recently we have spent six years in Roanoke and two years in Asheville, and both times have lived within a mile or two of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Our family has spent many enjoyable hours at places like Peaks of the Otter and Pisgah Inn . In my position of public affairs officer, I get to deal with many controversies and public issues; National Forest timber management within sight of the Blue Ridge Parkway has gotten its share of my attention over the years. I will talk today of how the Forest Service manages the scenic values of the national forest land that you see while driving along the BRR The Forest Service and the Blue Ridge Parkway have a long tradition of working together. The National Forests in North Carolina were created out of lands that nobody wanted. Logging between the late 1800s and early 1900s, in many places, left a sea of stumps and badly eroded land. The Pisgah National Forest was founded in 1914 with the first land coming from the original holdings of the Biltmore Vanderbilt Estate. The BRP was created in the 1930s, in many cases with land transferred from the National Forests. Nearly 200 miles of the parkway goes through four national forests in Virginia and North Carolina. When you are driving along the parkway, many times you are looking out onto national forest lands . The backbone of how the national forests protect scenery is our visual quality objective system. Each National Forest is zoned according to the relative visual sensitivity of the area. Visual quality objectives (VQOs) vary from preservation in the most sensitive areas such as wilderness, to retention, partial retention, modification, and maximum modification. All of these terms refer to the amount of visual disturbance that is allowed to occur Critical viewpoints from roads and trails are identified and different VQOs are assigned depending on the overall management objectives for that part of the forest and how much visitor use occurs in that area. Another factor we consider is how far away the activity is from a particular sensitive viewpoint. We divide distance into three zones: The foreground includes everything up to half mile away. The mid ground ranges from 1/2 mile to 2 miles distant, and background is defined as three or more miles away. In North Carolina, we recently met with Jim Ryan and parkway officials recently to go over our long range forest planning maps. A lot of national forest land that is in the foreground or midground distance zone as seen from the Blue Ridge Parkway is now out of what we refer to as our suitable timber base so no commercial timber harvest activity is planned. In those areas visible from the parkway that are still in the timber base, we will manage the foreground (up to 1/2 mile away) to fully retain the area's current visual appearance, and we will manage the midground (1/2 mile to 2 miles distant) to �Marrying Beauty With Utility at least partially retain the area's current visual appearance . Let's look at some examples of what activities that we would consider as meeting various levels of visual quality. • Preservation • Retention • Partial retention • Modification (Several slides were shown depicting recent activities that meet the following visual quality objectives. Copies of example slides available upon request.) In retention and partial retention areas it is our intention that we will meet the assigned VQO after one full growing season. One question we often get from our district people is whether this VQO has to be met during the summer when the trees have their leaves on, or also in the winter when the leaves are off and you can generally see farther and notice a lot more evidence of man's activities. We take the stricter approach and say that the VQOs must also be met during the leaf off winter season, even though this is a time when there are a lot few visitors on the forest or the parkway. Managing the viewshed is more than leaving a thin chlorophyll curtain along roadways and playing peekaboo with our clearcuts. Today harvest methods are changing on the National Forests across the south, and especially in those areas which are the most visually sensitive, like the Blue Ridge Parkway and Appalachian Trail. In recent times the Forest Service relied heavily on a harvest method called clearcutting. Clearcutting is a method in which all the merchantable trees are removed from an area up to 25 acres in size, and the site is then prepared for establishing a new stand of trees. Clear- 111 cutting is an efficient method and has proven to be an effective way of regenerating valuable tree species such as oaks. However, clearcutting if done improperly and in the wrong locations can be downright ugly. We are now developing a number of alternatives to clearcutting. The Forest Service now has a new policy in which clearcutting will be used only when other harvest methods are inappropriate or not feasible. Roads are sometimes our biggest visual concern. Long after the trees have grown back the roads will still be visible. We are addressing this by building low standard, temporary roads wherever possible and quickly revegetating the road bed with grasses and in some cases shrubs and trees. But if the road is on a permanent location and will be used again, chances are that you will be able to see the roadway for many years. Of course, as we have all heard, beauty is in the eyes of the beholder. Public complaints from parkway visitors have been few, and cut over tree stands in this part of the country grow back very quickly. When a timber harvest unit is over 20 years old, it takes a trained eye to pick it out from the surrounding forest. A recent VPI study found that people most prefer viewing an unbroken canopy of trees in the distance. Other studies show that many people enjoy a greater visual variety, including some vistas and naturally appearing openings in the forest viewshed. Your perspective also makes a difference. A small clearcut used to open up a scenic vista along a road side would get no complaints, while most would find that same opening objectionable if it were perched on a sideslope that you are staring directly toward. Also, complicating matters is the steep topography which often requires us to use �112 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings cable equipment to extract the timber products. However, these Southern Appalachian forests contain northern red oak and other high quality hardwoods that are highly prized for use in making fine furniture. There are no absolute right or wrong answers here. It is more a question of accurately understanding and responding to public values, which can change over time. We place a high premium on maintaining the beauty of national forests and are willing to forgo some timber values to maintain the scenic quality of the forest as seen from the parkway. Let's talk some now about the mechanics of how we coordinate our timber sale program with the BRP. Several years ago, we informally coordinated with the parkway, but occasionally something fell through cracks. Sometimes Parkway field people were OK with our proposed projects, but Gary and company in Asheville were a little more demanding. Also, in a few cases some timber cuts turned out to be more visible than we anticipated. In 1988, the Forest Service and the Blue Ridge Parkway signed an interagency agreement, which called for early and frequent coordination, field trips, and BRP staff review of Forest Service timber plans before final decisions were made. Through perspective plots and other computerized techniques we can see ahead of time what proposed harvests will look like. The new long range management plan for the Nantahala and Pisgah National Forests in North Carolina will place a premium on visual quality. Similar to other forests in southern Appalachians, we are moving away from clearcutting. Instead of clearcutting, the Forest Service is making greater use of group selection and two aged harvest methods. In group selection, we harvest small groups of trees an acre or two at a time. While being less efficient, these smaller openings are much less noticeable to the average forest visitor or tourist who is looking out onto the forest while driving the Blue Ridge Parkway. The other harvest method we are using is a modified shelterwood that we refer to as two aged management. Typically we will harvest only a little more than half of the mature trees in any given stand, and leave the remaining tress for a long period of time, thus creating a forest stand that has two distinct age classes of trees. The advantage of this approach is that you provide a greater variety of wildlife habitats and these types of cuts are much less visible at a distance to the casual parkway or forest visitor. In fact we have several examples of these two age harvests that are within several miles of the Pisgah Inn. Because of the screening provided by the remaining uncut trees, it is almost impossible to pick out the units, even in the winter with the leaves off the trees Here in the National Forests in North Carolina we receive over 30 million visitors a year, by some estimates more than the Smokies and BRP combined. The National Forests in North Carolina has a multiple use mission. We maintain healthy forest ecosystems and provide habitats for a wide variety of plant and animal species. We offer valuable wood products, but at the same time we are committed to managing a forest that is attractive and pleasant to visit. �113 Marrying Beauty With Utility Design and Construction of Park and Waterway Bridges Eugene C. Figg, Jr. ABSTRACT The design of bridges in park and waterway environments requires design and construction solutions that protect the environment and develop harmony with bridge and environment. The presentation of case studies of successful bridge projects in park and waterway environments demonstrates consideration of aesthetic components and leads to the development of a comprehensive design philosophy. The design philosophy outlines six themes that are used to evaluate bridge aesthetics. The result of incorporating the design philosophy is bridge designs that are environmentally sensitive to construct, serve their users, have pleasing aesthetics, and are in harmony with their environment. INTRODUCTION Bridges in park and waterway environments present unique engineering challenges. The bridge designer must develop bridge design and construction solutions guided by two principles: • Design and construction solutions that protect the environment. • Design and material solutions that are in harmony with the environment. Figg Engineering Group's experience includes many projects through sensitive environments of parks and waterway areas, as well as other environments where bridge aesthetics are of critical importance. Case studies are presented herein which describe our experience in the design and construction of park and waterway bridges. Through these case studies, the aspects of design and construction that serve to protect the environment and harmonize with the environment are discussed. In addition to these case studies, Figg Engineering Group's design philosophy used to ensure overall aesthetics of a bridge project is presented. Specific examples supporting this philosophy or design approach are presented and discussed. DESIGN AND CONSTRUCTION SOLUTIONS THAT PROTECT THE ENVIRONMENT Many innovative design and construction methods for precast segmental concrete bridges have been used to build America's most environmentally sensitive bridges. The ability to precast concrete segments of the substructure and superstructure of the bridge off-site greatly reduces impacts to the natural environment. In addition, precast concrete box girders offer construction techniques that can be built from the top, such as balanced cantilever with an overhead gantry or one directional, progressive cantilever. These construction schemes can be tailored to the bridge site to preserve the natural environment in very sensitive areas like parks and waterways. Two such projects are the Linn Cove Viaduct in North Carolina and the Hanging Lake Viaduct in Colorado. These two bridges were successful because construction schemes allowed them to be built from the top, above environmentally sensitive terrains. Further discussion of these two projects will illustrate how bridges can be built over rugged terrain through parklike environments using innovative construction techniques. Linn Cove Viaduct, North Carolina— The viaduct in North Carolina represented �114 the last major link in the completion of the last seven (7) miles of the 469-mile Blue Ridge Parkway, which connects two national parks—Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountains. This picturesque eastern U.S. area has attracted millions of Americans and international visitors since the 1930s, when construction of the Parkway first began. For more than 10 years the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) searched for a construction method for the viaduct that would not harm the scenic beauty of the Parkway, owned by the National Park Service (NPS). The FHWA decided that a segmental bridge was the best solution. The FHWA determined the location of the bridge, established design criteria, performed the foundation investigation and design, and was responsible for overall construction administration. In a team effort with the FHWA, the consultant provided the technical staff to prepare the bridge design and assist in construction of the segmental portion of the bridge. The Linn Cove Viaduct is a curved, post-tensioned precast concrete box girder bridge, 1,243' long, built from the top down. There are eight (8) spans: 98.6'163'-4 @ 180'-163'-98.6'. The viaduct hugs the contours of privately owned Grandfather Mountain, but only the piers touch the mountain. The bridge seems almost suspended in space, offering unparalleled vistas of the Blue Ridge Mountains. Erected by progressive placement in one-directional cantilever, the Linn Cove Viaduct is the only bridge in North America to be erected by this method. The Linn Cove site had limited access—only one way in and out—and the progressive placement method allowed the delivery of segments, equipment and construction materials over the completed portion of the bridge from a single access point. It also provided easy access to all pier 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings locations, enabling each pier (also built in precast segmental) to be built as the superstructure reached that point. The bridge piers are an octagonal shape with curvilinear faces that form shadow lines and provide improved aesthetics. During the entire construction progress, in order to maintain the "park concept" of the Parkway, stringent environmental constraints were met: no trees were cut, other than those which physically occupied the same space as the bridge, and no rock outcroppings were damaged. Precast segmental bridge construction and the construction scheme selected provided the most economical solution to meet all the environmental requirements. The precast method also allowed casting to continue during the severe winters experienced at this elevation. All the reinforcing cages were prefabricated and all the segments were cast inside a building erected by the contractor about two miles from the bridge site. Because of its vertical and horizontal alignment and site constraints, the Linn Cove Viaduct is one of the most complicated bridges ever built. The horizontal alignment includes spiral curves transitioning to circular curves with radii as small as 250' and with curvature in two directions, which gives the bridge its distinctive "S" shape. Only a small portion of the bridge is on a horizontal tangent. The super-elevation of the roadway goes from a full 10% in one direction to a full 10% in the other direction and partway back again within the length of the bridge. The viaduct includes every kind of alignment geometry used in highway construction. No two of its 153 superstructure segments have the same dimensions, and only one the segments in the entire bridge is straight. The nominal dimensions for the segments are 8'-6"10 long, 37'-6" wide, and 9' deep. Segments were match-cast �Marrying Beauty With Utility using the short-line system. Only one casting machine was used for casting of the superstructure segments. The complex geometry of the bridge was established by the relationship between segments in the casting machine. The sharp curvature results in extreme angular deviations between the two match-cast segments; this required a casting machine that had hydraulic adjustments at all four corners. A specialized geometry control system was required during the casting operations. The Figg Engineering Group computer programs transformed field coordinates of the final bridge to a coordinate system compatible with the casting machine, in order to facilitate verification of the contractor's as-cast geometry. These programs also incorporated the structural deformation data supplied by the Bridge Construction (BC) bridge design program used in the design of Linn Cove. The measurements were taken to an accuracy of .001 ft. The system placed the control points exactly at the joints and corrected for all movements which could possibly occur during casting. No segments were rejected during the entire construction. Aesthetics were paramount to the National Park Service. The segments for the viaduct were cast using one of the most sophisticated concrete mixes ever developed for a segmental bridge in the U.S. The coarse aggregate was crushed dolomitic stone, and the fine aggregate was quartz sand. Admixtures included air entraining agents, retarders, and a super water reducer. To achieve the aesthetics desired by the NFS, an iron oxide pigment was also added to tint the concrete mix to match exactly the color of the existing rock on Grandfather Mountain. As a result, the completed viaduct looks as if it has always been a part of the face of Grandfather Mountain, blending harmoniously with the ancient rock. 115 Hanging Lake Viaduct, Colorado— The Hanging Lake Viaduct, in Glenwood Canyon, Colorado, completes one of the final remaining links to the original Interstate highway system. The project site is located within an extremely steep and narrow portion of an environmentally sensitive canyon. Pressure from both the general public and public agencies dictated that the design of the highway through the canyon blend with the sensitive environment and not disturb the canyon's natural beauty. The bridges were built using precast segmental box girder construction, which allowed the design to meet the owner's strict requirements for overhead erection, aesthetics, and construction schedule. The project consists of two structures totaling approximately 8,400 linear feet of bridge with typical span lengths of 200'. The east-bound structure is 1,308' long and the west-bound bridge follows the steep, rocky talus canyon slopes for 7,121'. Both structures emerge from twin tunnel portals and cross the Colorado River with 300' spans. The west-bound bridge also ends in a tunnel portal at the east end of the project. One of the project's requirements was for the structure to blend as much as possible with the natural beauty of the environment. This was accomplished by using longer spans (200f) to minimize the number of piers along the over-one-milelong viaduct structure. The structure depth was also kept to a minimum for the span length used. A constant depth section was used to better blend with the natural predominant horizontal lines of the canyon rock walls. The horizontal and vertical alignment of the bridge was designed to minimize the impact, both physically and visually, to the canyon. The horizontal alignment follows the natural contour of the canyon �116 and river to provide a smooth, flowing ribbon through the canyon, again blending with the natural surroundings. The vertical alignment rises to 80' above the existing roadway to clear all trees and natural slopes below the structure. The Hanging Lake area of the canyon has long been viewed as a special and unique section by all parties due to the magnificent sheet rock walls and the popular Hanging Lake Trailhead and rest area. The views from the trailhead were determined to be the most critical of the entire canyon. Therefore, as part of the agreement to build the project, the highway would cross the Colorado River just upstream of the trailhead and enter a tunnel to bypass and hide the highway from this critical scenic and recreational area. Since the river crossing would become part of the view shed from the trailhead, the aesthetics of this particular span were of prime importance. The owners wanted a relatively long span over the river for both aesthetic and constructibility reasons. Pier construction in the river would be costly due to the deep layer of soft clay and muck in this part of the canyon. Also, due to the relatively low vertical clearance of the alignment over the river and the natural horizontal lines in the canyon walls, a thin, constant depth structure was thought to look best for the span. A 300-foot span was selected due to the span appearing "centered" over the river when viewed from the trailhead area. As mentioned above, the nominal span length selected for the longer viaduct section of the project was 200 feet based on both aesthetics and constructibility issues. The optimum girder depth determined for this span length was a constant 10 feet. Aesthetically and economically for precasting, the optimum solution for the 300 foot span was continuing the 10 foot 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings section over the river. However, structurally this was not feasible and as a compromise, a special variable depth section was developed to obtain the necessary additional structural depth. By decreasing the slope of webs in the variable depth area to .75 :1 from the typical web slope of 4:1, the effect of a constant depth section could be achieved due to the created shadows. The constant depth line is further enhanced by a horizontal offset of three inches at the bottom web corner. The width of the deepened section at the pier matches the transverse and longitudinal faces of the typical canyon elongated octagonal shaped pier, adding to the aesthetic qualities of the detail. The precast, post-tensioned box girder section provided the flexibility that allowed these pleasing proportions, curves, and aesthetic details to be an economical structural solution as well. The final aesthetic touch to the structure is the application of a colored concrete coating to further enhance the bridge's harmony with its natural surroundings. As previously mentioned, public pressure required that the bridges be built without disturbing the sensitive environment. In addition, there are no reasonable alternate routes capable of handling the interstate traffic at either end of the canyon and, therefore, maintenance of traffic during construction was equally important to the owner as preserving the environment. Thus, the owner required the design of the structure to be such that the superstructure be entirely erected from the top without the use of ground-based equipment which would interfere with traffic or disturb the environment. Also prohibited was the use of falsework or temporary bents during construction in areas where traffic or the environment would be affected. Given these construction require- �Marrying Beauty With Utility ments, the concrete alternate was designed using precast box girder segments erected in balanced cantilever entirely from the top using an overhead launching gantry. The segments were trucked over the completed section of bridge and then placed alternately in cantilever to either side of the pier using the gantry. The gantry was self-launching and could be advanced from the previous cantilever to the following pier without additional ground or structure based equipment. The 300' mainspans were designed with a temporary bent in the river to allow a gantry designed for 200' spans to be used to erect the longer span. The project was bid in 1989 and awarded to the low bidder of $34 million, including 5,000' of roadway construction, and $1 million lower than the alternate steel box girder design. The entire project was opened to traffic in October, 1992. The precast segments were held in place with post-tensioning bars and every other segment in the cantilever also anchors multi-strand cantilever posttensioning tendons. After casting a closure joint in place to connect the cantilever tips, bottom slab tendons were stressed to provide the positive moment capacity of the span. The precast segmental erection method not only allowed the Contractor to meet the project's tight construction schedule, but to finish erection five months early. This allowed the owner to open the structure to traffic early as well, and again help minimize the inconvenience and delays for the traveling public through the heavily traveled canyon. The Contractor was able to average completion of approximately one 200' span per week during the erection of the long west-bound structure. This was possible due to the advantages of precasting the segments year round, thus giving the Contractor the option to acceler- 117 ate the erection schedule during the longer summer days. The superstructure is constructed with precast box girder segments. The typical section is 34'-6" wide, 10' deep and 8' long. The segments were cast at a precasting plant approximately 20 miles from the bridge site which has been in operation for over 10 years. The casting plant has three typical casting beds and one special bed for diaphragm segments such as pier, abutment and expansion joint segments. To meet the project schedule, segments were cast year round inside buildings. A total of 1,1 56 segments were cast for the project. The segments varied in weight from 38 tons to 46 tons and were stored at the casting yard until ready for shipment to the bridge site by truck. Prior to shipment, the segment decks were post-tensioned transversely at the plant. DESIGN AND MATERIAL SOLUTIONS THAT ARE IN HARMONY WITH THE ENVIRONMENT Bridge design involves the scientific work of engineers based on the structural analysis to select, proportion, and detail the features of the bridge to meet the structure's required function. Even though this work is of a technical nature, it also involves a degree of artistic and aesthetic consideration. In bringing art and science together, the challenge is to simultaneously develop forms that follow function while producing structures with pleasing aesthetics. Figg Engineering Group's comprehensive design philosophy works to incorporate both the scientific and the artistic elements of design. The six building blocks or themes of this philosophy are: • Focus on concrete bridge designs. • Configure bridge layouts to open �118 vistas and invite user participation. • Select functional, pleasing bridge shapes that consider the human dimension. • Incorporate native materials. • Accent bridge colors and texture. • Incorporate lighting solutions to highlight bridge features. Concrete Bridge Designs Concrete box girder bridge designs offer smooth surfaces of continuous flat planes. This continuity of surfaces offers significant aesthetic opportunities. While a trapezoidal box girder cross-section provides an appearance that is neat and simple, when properly designed it produces an efficient and cost effective structure as well. The long term durability of prestressed concrete serves to reduce maintenance costs and provide cost savings throughout the service life of the structure. The aesthetic benefits, cross-section efficiency, and low life cycle cost are all reasons to focus on concrete as the material of choice when designing bridges for park and waterway environments. Bridge Layouts Figg Engineering Group's design philosophy features bridge layouts that both open new vistas to the users and follow natural terrains. Structures such as the Linn Cove Viaduct and the Natchez Trace Parkway Arches offer motorists views of landscapes that were not available prior to the construction of these facilities. The Natchez Trace Parkway Arches will be the first precast segmental arch bridge in America with a principal arch span of 582 feet. While these structures open up park areas for the enjoyment of the motorists, the structure must also be designed so it does not dominate the landscape. Hori- 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings zontal alignments, vertical profiles, and super-elevations were selected for these bridges to skirt mountain sides and dip through valleys, marrying the bridges to their sites. Shapes The third theme of the Figg Engineering Group design philosophy is the selection of functional, pleasing bridge shapes that consider the human dimension. These considerations range from selecting dimensions of the superstructure cross-section to selecting the overall shape of the entire bridge that will be seen in a silhouette. The shape of the superstructure is most effected by the structure depth and the angle at which the webs slope. The structural depth (and therefore span lengths) must be selected to give the structure a light and smooth flowing, graceful appearance. The Dauphin Island Bridge in Mobile, Alabama consists of 118' long approach spans with a T deep box girder cross-section. To accommodate the 400' mainspan and maintain unity with the structure the superstructure depth varies from T to 22-1/2' at the pier. A circular intrados was used for ease of construction and for its aesthetic appeal. The Escatawpa River Bridge near Mosspoint, Mississippi with a 300' mainspan, utilizes straight haunches to increase the structural depth at the piers. Most often with variable depth box girders with inclined webs a reduction in the bottom soffit width occurs from the span centerline to the pier locations. This is not especially advantageous from either a structural or aesthetic viewpoint. The Escatawpa River Bridge, however, maintains the width of the bottom soffit of the variable depth box girder and varies the inclination of the sloped webs. The constant width bottom soffit allows a better flow of stresses in the box girder section and does not detract �Marrying Beauty With Utility from the structure's aesthetic appeal. While the variable depth cross-section is the logical approach to providing added moment capacity at pier locations, there are situations where a variable depth cross-section is not desirable. Such was the case with the Hanging Lake Viaduct. As previously discussed, for aesthetic reasons a constant depth superstructure was needed to help the structure blend in with the striated canyon walls. This required the design of a special detail at the main pier locations which allowed for a variable depth cross-section for the 300' mainspan across the Colorado River but gave the appearance of a constant depth cross-section to blend with the canyon walls. Native Materials Native materials should be incorporated when practical. This further brings the bridge together with its setting. Native materials were used in the construction of the Linn Cove Viaduct in North Carolina. Native stone facings were applied to the base of the piers and the abutments to help this bridge blend with the mountain terrain. Similarly, the Wiscassett Bridge over Maine's Sheepscot River utilizes granite facings on the piers. The granite facings were used to minimize the "highwater" mark on the piers due to the extremely high tidal fluctuation and to help the structure blend with the environment. Granite was also used for the curbs. The Pimmit Run Bridge on the George Washington Parkway near Washington, DC represents the use of native materials for a bridge rehabilitation. This was a re-decking project for a steel girder bridge with a concrete deck. The re-decking scheme allowed for the use of precast concrete panels which were ultimately posttensioned transversely and longitudinally. While the truly significant feature of this 119 project is the fact that the structure could be re-decked in only five (5) weekends without disruption to rush hour traffic, an added aesthetic benefit was gained by the use of stoneclad curbs and abutment walls. This allowed the rehabilitated bridge to blend with the other features of the parkway setting. Colors and Textures Closely related to the use of native materials is the fifth theme of the Figg Engineering Group's design philosophy— use of colors and textures to accent a bridge structure. This is most often used in the case of urban bridges where the bridge structure exists in well traveled areas. An example where colored texture was applied to a bridge in a parklike setting is the 1-110 Biloxi Bridge in Biloxi, Mississippi. This bridge is built through very limited right-of-way and traverses a residential area. By using precast concrete box girders, the area underneath the structure benefits from the smooth flowing lines of the superstructure. This results in an area that is usable as a "commons" area for local residents. By applying a colored texture coating the area is even further enhanced. With the addition of walking paths, lamp posts, and landscaping, the area under this bridge serves the area residents as a recreational area. The Linn Cove Viaduct also utilized color to enhance the structure's aesthetics as previously discussed. Iron oxide (found in the natural rock outcropping on Grandfather Mountain) was added to the concrete mixture to tint the concrete. The color match between the concrete and the rock outcroppings added harmony between bridge and mountain. Another example of using color is the Brandywine Creek Bridge in Delaware. This bridge is presently under design and as part of the design process, concrete �120 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings colors and tints have been examined that might be used to match the stones and boulders in Brandywine Creek and surrounding area of the bridge. This will help the proposed structure blend in with the natural environment. park or waterway setting, bridge lighting can also be used to light areas below the structure to also serve as security lighting. Lighting Solutions The last aspect of the design philosophy is the incorporation of lighting solutions to highlight the bridge features. An example of where lighting was used effectively is the Sunshine Skyway Bridge in Tampa, Florida. The cable-stayed structure has a 1,200' mainspan. With the cable-stays painted gold the lighting gives the bridge a dynamic impact at night. In a CONCLUSION Through the use of these six themes or building blocks of the Figg Engineering Group design philosophy we have been able to design bridges that are environmentally sensitive to construct, serve the users, and are in harmony with their environment. The consideration of bridge aesthetics should be at the heart of the design of all bridges, and in fact, aesthetics can not be separated from good bridge design. America Deserves Beautiful Bridges. �Marrying Beauty With Utility 121 The Appalachian Trail Crosses the Cumberland Valley A Case Study of Corridor in Response to Cultural Landscape Preservation, Agricultural Preservation, and Landscape Ecology Neil P. Korostoffand Tom Yahner Abstract The Appalachian Trail is a pedestrian hiking facility of some 2,000 miles running through the Appalachian Mountains from Maine to Georgia. It was originally conceived by Benton McKaye (then of the Regional Planning Association of America) in 1921 as a plan for revitalizing a depressed region via a program of contiguous natural reserves fro recreational activities and development of silvicultural and agricultural resources. This development was largely unrealized though the trail itself has been established through public and private land holdings. The U.S. Department of the Interior, through the National Park Service (NPS), has recently begun purchasing land along the length of the Appalachian Trail to secure public ownership of this important facility. Passing predominantly through forested ridge and valley terrain, the trail makes its longest valley crossing in Pennsylvania where the 16-mile-wide Great (Cumberland) Valley, an intensively cultivated area, lies between two forested ridges. The NPS has acquired a corridor for the trail which consists of a low, wooded, ridge across a limestone valley and agricultural land typical of the Pennsylvania cultural region. It crosses two streams, major highways and local roads. Adjacent to the trail corridor, agricultural land is rapidly giving way to suburban development and transportation facilities. The corridor land is managed by the Cumberland Valley Appalachian Trail Management Committee (CVATMC), a local arm of the Appalachian Trail Conference. The CVATMC sought the assistance of the Landscape Architecture Department at the Pennsylvania State University to develop a design and management plan for the trail and corridor. The goals of the design and management plan for the trail corridor across the Cumberland Valley include developing a hiking experience that derives its character from the natural and cultural features of the local landscape; stewardship of the ecological, cultural, and cultural resources within the corridor; establishment of an ecological corridor linking the nearby forested ridges; and coordination of land use, recreation, and conservation planning with adjacent townships. This paper presents this project as a case study in corridor design and planning in response to cultural landscape preservation, agricultural preservation, and landscape ecology. Contact authors at the Department of Landscape Architecture, Penn State University, University Park, PA 16805; telephone 814-863-2377. �122 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Congress and the Establishment of the John D. Rockefeller Jr. Memorial Parkway, 1971-1972 Philip A. Grant, Jr. On February 9, 1972, Republican Senator Clifford P. Hansen of Wyoming introduced a bill to establish the John D. Rockefeller Jr. Memorial Parkway. According to the terms of Hansen's bill, the proposed parkway would link Yellowstone and Grand Teton National Parks in Wyoming and would be administered by the National Park Service. Approval of the parkway had been strongly recommended on February 7,1972, by Secretary of the Interior Rogers Morton.1 A former governor of Wyoming, Hansen in 1972 was completing his first of two terms in the U.S. Senate. Hansen was a member of the Senate Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs and the ranking Republican serving on its Subcommittee on Parks and Recreation.2 On the date he offered the John D. Rockefeller Parkway Bill, Hansen delivered an address in the Senate chamber, the object of which was to provide colleagues with a brief explanation of the provisions of the measure. Hansen maintained that it was important that the NPS exercise jurisdiction over the parkway "in order that it may be protected from any future activity that would detract from its natural beauty. The Wyoming Senator concluded that the "designation of this area as the John D. Rockefeller Parkway would offer the kind of protection necessary to preserve this magnificent area."3 The Hansen Bill was promptly referred to the Interior and Insular Affairs Committee, a panel consisting of nine Democrats and seven Republicans. After scrutinizing the bill for six weeks, the committee on March 22, 1972, issued a unanimous report in favor of its passage.4 Considered to be noncontroversial in nature, the John D. Rockefeller Parkway Bill was brought to the Senate floor on March 25. Without any discussion, the Senate routinely approved the bill by a voice vote.5 On February 17, 1972, a bill, largely similar to the Hansen measure, was introduced in the House of Representatives by Congressman John P. Saylor of Pennsylvania. Saylor was the ranking Republican member of both the House Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs and its Subcommittee on the Environment. Serving his twelfth of thirteen terms in the House, Saylor had established himself as one of the foremost proponents of conservation on Capitol Hill.6 The Saylor Bill, as expected, was submitted to the 39-member Interior and Insular Affairs Committee. It was not until more than five months later that the committee reached a decision on the bill. On July 25, the committee issued a favorable report on the bill, noting that it differed somewhat in its specifics from the Hansen Bill.7 The John D. Rockefeller Jr. Memorial Parkway Bill was brought to the House floor on August 14. Urging passage of the measure were Congressmen Saylor, Roy A. Taylor of North Carolina, and Wayne N. Aspinall of Colorado. Taylor and Aspinall respectively chaired the Parks and Recreation Subcommittee and the Interior and Insular Affairs Committee.8 Saylor emphasized that the parkway "would directly benefit visitors to the two national parks by providing a continuity of service and protection." Please that the parkway would link together two of the �Marrying Beauty With Utility country's "most outstanding national parks," Taylor noted that the bill was designed "to protect the scenic and recreational values of the area immediately adjacent and intimately associated with these two parklands." Aspinall, hailing the Rockefeller Parkway Bill as "sound legislation," concluded that the bill would "improve the efficiency of the administration of the entire area" and would "insure the future integrity of the connecting corridor for the benefit and enjoyment of the public."9 After less than ten minutes of perfunctory discussion, the House assented to the Rockefeller Parkway Bill without the formality of a roll call. Since there were slight differences in the language of the Senate and House bills, there was a distinct possibility that it might be necessary to appoint a conference committee to reconcile a few items. On August 17, the Senate simply agreed to concur with the text of the House bill, and eight days later President Nixon formally signed the bill into law.10 In its final version the John D. Rockefeller Jr. Memorial Parkway Act consisted of four sections. Section One authorized the Secretary of the Interior to establish the parkway, to make minor revisions in its boundaries with the concurrence of the Secretary of Agriculture, and to administer the existing and future connecting roadways. Section Two stipulated that the Secretary of the Interior could acquire land from another federal agency "by donation, purchase, exchange, or transfer" and from the State of Wyoming "only by donation." Section Three permitted hunting and fishing "in accordance with the applicable laws of the United States and the State of Wyoming" and decreed that lands within the parkway were "hereby withdrawn from location, entry, and paten under the United States mining 123 laws." Section Four placed a limitation of $25,000 for the acquisition of land and imposed a ceiling of $3,092,000 for the overall development of the parkway.11 The John D. Rockefeller Jr. Memorial Parkway Bill was one of the 6,042 bills offered for consideration throughout the duration of the Second Session of the Ninety-Third Congress. After its enactment by the House and Senate, it became one of the 383 public laws of 1972. The JDRMP was the logical culmination of the sequence of events which began with the establishment of Yellowstone National Park in 1872, the passage of the NPS Act of 1916, and the creation of the Grand Teton National Park in 1929. It also became the country's fourth national parkway, joining the George Washington Memorial Parkway of 1930, the Blue Ridge Parkway of 1936, and the Natchez Trace Parkway of 1938.12 The JDRMP differed somewhat from the three earlier parkways in the eastern half of the U.S. The George Washington Memorial Parkway became primarily a commuter thoroughfare along the Potomac River across from Washington, D.C. The Blue Ridge Parkway, extending from the Shenandoah National Park in Virginia to the Great Smoky Mountain National Park in North Carolina, was 477 miles long. The Natchez Trace Parkway, located in Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi, was 447 miles long. By contrast, the JDRMP was only 82 miles long and was in the midst of a remote section of one of the nation's most sparsely populated states. While the JDRMP Bill was initiated by two Republican congressmen, Senator Hansen and Representative Saylor, the bill enjoyed broad bipartisan support in the Senate and House Committees on Interior and Insular Affairs. Also facilitating its passage were the endorsements by Wyoming's two Democrats on Capitol Hill, �124 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Senator Gale W. McGee and Representative Teno Roncalio.13 In terms of cost, the JDRMP Bill was a rather modest proposal. While the bill limited expenditures for the parkway to $3,117,000, an examination of the congressional appropriations for 1972 established that the parkway accounted for only a small fraction of the money approved for the NPS and the Department of the Interior. In 1972, Congress appropriated $221,133,000 for the NPS and $2,548,935,000 for the Department of the Interior.14 6. U.S. House of Representatives, H.R. 13201-A Bill to Authorize the Secretary of the Interior to establish the John D. Rockefeller Jr. Memorial Parkway, and for other purposes, February 17, 1972; Congressional Record, vol. 118, pp. 43424343; Biographical Directory of the American Congress, p. 1772; Congressional Directory, 1972, pp. 157, 284; The Almanac of American Politics, 1972, Boston: Gambit, 1972, pp. 716717. 7. U.S. House of Representatives, Report Number 1237, July 27, 1972. 8. Biographical Directory of American Congress, pp. 552, 1918; Almanac of American Politics, 1972, pp. 120-121, 603-604. 9. Congressional Record, vol. 118, pp. 2810028103. 10. Congressional Record, vol. 118, pp. 28633, 29192, 29303, 29807. 11. The Statutes at Large of the United States of American, 1972, Washington: GPO, 1973, vol. 86, pp. 619-620. 12. Statues at Large, vol. 17, pp. 32-33; vol. 39, pp. 535-536; vol. 45, pp. 1314-1315; vol. 46, pp. 484-485; vol. 49, p. 2041; vol. 52, pp. 407498 [sic]; Hiram M. Chittenden, The Yellowstone National Park, Norman, OK: U. of Oklahoma Press, 1964; Philip A. Grant, "Congress and the Development of the Natchez Trace Parkway, 1934-1946," Parkways: Past, Present, and Future, Proceedings of the Second Biennial Linear Parks Conference, 1987, Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1989, pp. 156162; Harley E. Jolley, The Blue Ridge Parkway, Knoxville: U. of Tennessee Press, 1969. 13. Congressional Record, vol 188, pp. 5727, 15434; Biographical Directory of American Congress, pp. 1464, 1740. NOTES 1. U.S. Senate, S. 3159-A Bill to Authorize the Secretary of the Interior to Establish the John D. Rockefeller Jr. Memorial Parkway, and for other purposes, February 9,1972; Robert Sobel, ed., Biographical Directory of the United States Executive Branch, 1774-1989, Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1989, p. 272. 2. Bruce A. Ragsdale and Kathryn A. Jacob, eds. Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-1989, Washington, DC: GPO, 1989, p. 1128; Robert Sobel and John Raimo, eds, Biographical Directory of the Governors of the United States, 1789-1978 (4 vols.), Westport, CT: Meckler Books, 1978, vol. 4, p. 1783; U.S. Congress, Congressional Directory, 7972, Washington, DC: GPO, 1972, pp. 198, 263. 3. U.S. Congress, Congressional Record, Washington, DC: GPO, 1972, vol. 118, pp. 33273329. 4. U.S. Senate, Report Number 707, March 22, 1972; Post, Washington, DC, March 16, 1972, p. 33; New York Times, March 19, 1972, p. 62. 5. Congressional Record, vol. 118, pp. 1011210113. 14.Statutes at Large, vol. 86, pp. 508-525; Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 1972, Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, Inc., 1973, pp. 516-520. �Marrying Beauty With Utility 125 Beauty and the Beast: Locational Logic of the Blue Ridge Parkway Lisle S. Mitchell This presentation intends to validate the "Beauty and the Beast" metaphor for the marriage of the Blue Ridge Mountains to the Parkway; to explain the geographer's concern and interest in the parkway and in the location of its recreation facilities; to discuss the theoretical logic of positioning recreation facilities along a leisure travel path; to compare the actual configurations of recreation facilities with the theoretical arrangement using a nearest neighbor technique; and to summarize the findings of this research project and discuss the need for additional research. Beauty and the Beast as Metaphor As a father of a nine-year-old and the grandfather of a four-year-old, I have been intimately aware of Beauty and the Beast as a book and as a movie. Even before its relatively recent popularity, I have long been aware of the fairy tale, the Broadway play, and the television series. When I was first made aware of the theme of this conference, "Marrying Beauty With Utility," I immediately thought of the "Beauty and the Beast" metaphor, or analogy, for the marriage of the functional, cultural roadway (i.e., the Beast) to the scenic, natural Blue Ridge (i.e., Beauty). While "Beauty and the Beast" imagery is entirely subjective, it is easy to relate to the beastly man-made construction marring the beautiful natural mountainscape. The Blue Ridge Parkway includes several areas where forms of construction and transport routes through the mountainous regions are less than charming. Still, there are areas which highlight the successful merger of the unmatched beauty of the undulating and meandering topography of the Blue Ridge with the roadway. The Linn Cove Viaduct is one of a number of views of the parkway which seem to validate the triumph of such a union. Geographic Concern To the public, geographers seem most concerned with naming countries and their capitals or with the leading resource, agricultural, manufacturing, and handicraft commodities of the fifty states. Few geographers hold such encyclopedic knowledge high on their priority lists. Broadly, geographers' concerns are categorized in four general topics: 1) earth science or the comprehension of the natural phenomena and processes found on the earth, 2) cultural environmental relationships or the examination of human interaction with the resources of the earth, 3) area studies or describing the nature and character of a specific portion of the earth, such as a country, and 4) a spatial or aerial perspective primarily concerned with why things are located where they are on the earth's surface. In studying the relationship of the Blue Ridge Parkway to the natural environment, this research is concerned with both area studies and spatial studies, examining the distribution of twelve recreation facilities along the parkway. Is there logic or rationale to explain the spacing of recreation sites along a 470-mile stretch of wildly wandering and rolling roadway? The geographer assumes everything found on the earth's surface can be explained. What is seemingly distributed by chance is simply not understood clearly enough yet to be explained. The inquiring mind of a geographer is bent on investigating such �126 Figure 1. Theoretical Distributions and Nearest Neighbor Analyses Concentrated (R=0.0) • tunnels (R=0.55) Random (R=1.0) • easels or interpretive signs (R=0.88) • parking areas or overlooks (R= 1.01) • road access (R= 1.14) • trail access (R=0.96) Uniform (R=2.0) • campgrounds (R=0.95) • gift shops (R= 1.22) • lodging (R=0.88) • picnic tables (R= 1.01) • restaurants (R= 1.17) • service stations (R= 1.04) • visitor centers (R= 1.02) phenomena until the understanding comes. Theoretical Distributions Research on the distribution of recreation phenomena along a leisure travelway is limited. In fact, I know of no studies that have examined the spacing of leisure facilities along a roadway built solely for recreation. There are expected or theoretical patterns of how certain kinds of facilities should or ought to be configured along a line. Theoretically, points along a line may take on three configurations: concentrated, uniform, or random (Figure 1). A perfectly concentrated pattern consists of a single point located at any position along a line. A uniform schema has a number of points equally spaced along a line. A random pattern has not discernible, visual, or statistical pattern of distribution. Tunnels are the only facilities of the twelve recreation facilities found along the Blue Ridge Parkway that have concentrated patterns. Tunnels on the parkway 1993 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings should have an agglomerated distribution because they are located on the southwest end of the parkway in an area of extremely rugged natural topography. A number of man-made facilities should have a relatively uniform distribution as an efficient means of serving the needs of the traveling public. Facilities with uniform distribution include campgrounds, gift shops, lodging, picnic tables, restaurants, service stations, and visitor centers. Randomly distributed facilities include easels or interpretive signs, parking areas and overlooks, road and trail accesses. All of these facilities are specifically related to the randomness of the natural features to which they provide access or reference. Nearest Neighbor Analysis Methods of examining points along a leisure travel path are limited to visual inspection, a method that is extremely unreliable, and linear nearest neighbor procedures. There are a number of such techniques, but only one is used in this research. In nearest neighbor measurements, the linear distance between adjacent locations of each facility type must be found. Fortunately, the data were readily available in The Blue Ridge Parkway Log, a source for all roadway facilities along the parkway by tenths of a mile. With this information, the necessary data was easily gathered to test the null hypotheses that all of the facilities are not significantly different from a random distribution. The specific linear nearest neighbor method used was devised by Pinder and Witherwick (1975) and provides a single statistical value describing the distribution. This statistic, represented by "R," is calculated by dividing the theoretical distance between nearest neighbor facilities and the actual or observed distance. A perfectly concentrated distribution would have a value of 0.0, and absolute random �Marrying Beauty With Utility configuration would be 1.0, and an ideal uniform pattern would be 2.0. Of course, in the real world, nothing is perfect and a significance test is used to determine if values between 0.0 and 1.0 and between 1.0 and 2.0 are statistically different from random. Of the twelve recreation facilities, only tunnels were expected to have a concentrated distribution and this was found to be the case. The theoretically expected distance for tunnels was 10.66 miles; the observed distance was 5.87 and the Rvalue was 0.55. In this case 0.55 was found to be statistically different from 1.0, and therefore the distribution of tunnels along the parkway tends to have a clustered or concentrated pattern. This finding was expected because of the rugged topography located at the southwest end of the parkway's route. Nearest neighbor statistics for recreation facilities with random distributions due to their unpredictable locations are shown in Figure 1 in actual R-values. The R-values range between 0.88 and 1.14, none of which are significantly different from 1.0 or random. These findings were not unexpected as there is no rational reason to expect other distributions nor is there evidence in the literature to suggest otherwise. Campgrounds, gift shops, lodging, picnic tables, restaurants, service stations, and visitor centers were expected to have layouts that approached uniformity. Regular spacing was anticipated because of the service they provide travelers. It was surprising, therefore, when all of the nearest neighbor statistics were found to be random instead (Figure 2). The R-values ranged from 0.88 to 1.22, and several (e.g., restaurants and gift shops) were very close to having a statistical tendency to be uniformly distributed. It was even more surprising to find that campgrounds and 127 lodging had R-values less than 1.0 and had aerial patterns slightly more concentrated than random, when it was expected they would have been more uniform than random. Historically, these findings are surprising because of the lack of commercial development adjacent to, but off of, the parkway in the years immediately following construction. Currently, the random distribution does not seem illogical, because of the large-scale development of services provided in close proximity to the parkway. Summary and Conclusion Of the twelve patterns of recreation facilities located along the Blue Ridge Parkway, only five conformed to theoretical expectations. The seven facilities in unexpected configurations were all service facilities found in random distribution. Since these services are currently provided elsewhere nearby the parkway, the irregular arrangement on the parkways proves not to be a serious anomaly. In the past, however, such an arrangement would not have efficiently met the needs of travelers. The genius of the planners and engineers shaping a ribbon of concrete along a dramatically undulating and wildly meandering ridge line, while preserving and enhancing the beauty of the natural and cultural landscape is apparent even to the casual observer. The intuitive logic of positioning facilities along the roadway for the traveler is not so clearly seen. In spite of this, the original design was spatially sound and had resulted in a nearly perfect marriage between Beauty and the Beast. Attempts to verify the random findings of the nearest neighbor analyses presented have not been successful using different methods. It is the objective of this geographer to continue the search into the locational logic of the Blue Ridge Parkway. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Marrying Beauty with Utility Description An account of the resource <span>The Fifth Biennial Linear Parks Conference was held in Boone, North Carolina, on September 8-11, 1993. Contributors to the proceedings are Edward T. McMahon; Sidónio Costa Pardal; Nancy K. Robinson; Peter S. Szabo; Jim Fox; Sharon Kashkin and Gene Brothers; William E. Shepherd and Lynn Crafts; Janet Scheid; Richard Posner; Bonj Szczygiel; Harry L. Baker; William L. Flournoy Jr.; Thomas Yahner and Daniel Joseph Nadenicek; Terry Seyden; Eugene C. Figg Jr.; Neil P. Korostoff and Tom Yahner; Philip A. Grant Jr.; and Lisle S. Mitchell.</span><br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1LSD6txxbbGGsG_qWVzGv6suPxUmzzPmK/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642482/marrying-beauty-with-utility/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a><a title="Direct Epub Link" href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1CYRVyt8r0G3pKKBsO57lff_fyaCHuviq" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><br /></a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1993 Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource Parkways--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Greenways--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Park districts--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. Proceedings of the Fifth Biennial International Linear Parks Conference 1993 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Conference proceedings Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/a8eaf9966e852bd59c6abc2fc39cba3b.pdf 538ae15a49a1a99ff70e3884d9d76bb0 PDF Text Text �Proceedings of the SEVENTH BIENNIAL CONFERENCE September 11-13, 1997 Lake Junaluska Assembly, NC "A Blue Ridge Heritage Corridor: Celebrating Our Past, Creating Our Future" Appalachian Consortium Press Boone, North Carolina 28608 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1997 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4246-8 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4247-5 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Contents Heritage Training: Partnerships for the Future of Heritage Tourism in Southwestern Pennsylvania Kathleen L. Kadlec 4 Preserving the Orchard at Altapass Bill Carson 12 Preserving the Past and Protecting the Future: Planning in a Blue Ridge Parkway Community Bill Carson and Judith Francis 15 The Botanical Gardens at Asheville — A Depository for Native Plants of the Southern Appalachian Mountain Region Edward J.P. Hauser 21 The Dedication of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park by President Franklin D. Roosevelt Philip A. Grant., Jr. 28 Appalachian's Heritage: The Evolution of the W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection, Appalachian Studies, and the Preservation of Regional Culture and History Fred J. Hay 31 South Carolina National Heritage Corridor Curt Cottle 37 A Blue Ridge Heritage Corridor: Celebrating Our Past, Creating Our Future Lee R. Skabelund and Lon Williams 42 Blue Ridge Parkway: Slicing Through America's Heritage Peter Givens 61 Waves of Grain - Waves of Change: Silos & Smokestacks—Interpreting our Agricultural Heritage Daniel L. McDonald 67 The Blue Ridge Parkway Corridor Protection Project: A Status Report Charles E. Roe 69 Transfrontier Conservation Areas (TFCAS) - Creating Opportunities for Cooperation Jay Singh 72 "Wanted: Large Lots with Views" - Conservation of Blue Ridge Parkway in Watauga County Donna Warmuth 77 �4 Heritage Training: Partnerships for the Future of Heritage Tourism in Southwestern Pennsylvania By Kathleen L. Kadlec, West Virginia University, Morgantown, WV HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The importance of heritage tourism, now the number two industry in Pennsylvania, is a microcosmic example of the burgeoning trend of heritage tourism on a national scale. According to a 1994 publication by the American Association of State and Local History entided "Heritage Tourism: Partnerships and Possibilities," tourism is slated to be the number one industry by the year 2000, and is already the number one export of the United States.1 The Travel Industry Association of America recently reported that more than sixty-five million Americans visited a cultural or historical site last year.2 The movement is so pervasive that President Clinton announced the advent of the American Heritage Rivers Initiative in his last state of the union address and pledged to designate "ten American Heritage Rivers to help communities alongside them revitalize their waterfronts and dean up pollution." in the 1997 fiscal year.3 Even outside the heritage field, heritage tourism is being recognized as an important facet of contemporary culture and economics. A September, 1996, article in American Demographics perhaps summed it up best with an article entitled "Heritage Tourism is Hot."4 Scholarly works on the importance of heritage tourism planning have begun to appear, and a new facet of tourism, ecotourism, is growing in popularity as heritage practitioners express concern about the adverse effects of tourism on the environment. As a key component of heritage tour- ism, heritage parks and heritage areas serve as a means of promoting tourism while also seeking to restore economic stability in an evolving consumer economy. Also essential to understanding the function of a heritage park is its viability as an alternative to placing more burden, fiscal and logistical, on the Federal government by incorporating more parks into the already resource-challenged National Park System.5 As one can see by the accompanying map, the Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources(PDCNR) currently oversees eight state heritage parks and there are three areas currendy under study. Established heritage parks include the Oil Heritage Region in Venango County, the Rivers of Steel Heritage Area in the Upper Ohio River Valley, the National Road Heritage Park along U.S. Highway 40, the Allegheny Ridge State Heritage Park in Cambria and Blair Counties, the Lincoln Highway Heritage Corridor along a five county area of Southwestern Pennsylvania, Lackawanna Heritage Valley in Lackawanna County, Delaware and Lehigh Canal Heritage Corridor along the Delaware River, and the Schuylkill Heritage Corridor in four counties along the Lehigh Valley. In addition to these already established heritage parks/areas, there are three areas under consideration by the PCDNR; the Lumber Heritage Region in north-central Pennsylvania and the Endless Mountains Heritage Region in Northeastern Pennsylvania, respectively. �5 The third area under consideration is a portion of Armstrong county along the Allegheny River for incorporation into the Rivers of Steel Heritage Area.6 Established after 1990, this heritage park network is comparable to other heritage areas in other states, most notably New York and Massachusetts. These states, as well as many others, have discovered the symbiotic relationship between sustainable heritage development and preservation of natural and cultural resources. Without public interest and revenue, in addition to federal funding, heritage parks could not have enjoyed this phenomenal growth. The Pennsylvania State Heritage Parks reflect this reliance on partnerships. According to the PDCNR's "Pennsylvania Heritage Parks Program Manual," a Pennsylvania Heritage Park is "all about partnerships. The foundation upon which the program is structured involves the building and strengthening of regional coalitions of community leaders, non-profit interest groups, the private sector, state agencies, and the federal government."7 This concept of partnerships is evident in the designation process of heritage parks in Pennsylvania. Each heritage park is required to incorporate a local heritage park task force to provide input and guidance in the preparation of the feasibility study project application. This group, composed primarily of citizen groups and individuals, accepts the feasibility study and the area becomes a park planning area until a management action plan is completed. After the plan is accepted by the Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources, the region is designated as a state heritage park. The local heritage park task force then remains an integral contributor in the process of implementation of the heritage park's management plan.8 Since 1990, the Pennsylvania State Heritage Parks that were established through this process have become an interconnected system of sustainable heritage tourism that serves many viable functions, most notably promotion of economic development, education and interpretation, conservation of cultural and natural resources, the facilitation of partnerships among heritage organizations, and the strengthening of collective regional identity among inhabitants of the residents of the heritage area. The latter of these functions is also a prerequisite to the success of any heritage area or park. Without grassroots interest of the community whose heritage is being preserved, the viability of the heritage park is precarious. Furthermore, without community involvement, the efforts at economic sustainability are futile as well. With these three functions in mind, the following case study is the result of one public historian's attempt to establish a heritage training model that would increase the degree of partnerships among organizations with a stake in heritage tourism. HERITAGE TRAINING FOR THE ALLEGHENY HERITAGE DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION The research for this case study was funded by the Allegheny Heritage Development Corporation(AHDC), a nonprofit organization that operates in a nine county area in southwestern Pennsylvania. The progenitor of the AHDC is the Southwestern Pennsylvania Heritage Preservation Commission(SPHPC), created by Congress in 1988 to build upon the documenting of heritage sites by the America's Industrial Heritage Project. The SPHPC relies on a regional planning approach to the preservation of cultural and natural resources in the nine county region. The original char- �6 ter of the SPHPC expires in 1998 and the AHDC, a non-profit heritage development organization, is slated to take its place.9 The SPHPC/AHDC has been active in Pennsylvania's heritage parks from their inception. One of the two state heritage parks in AHDC's region, The Allegheny Ridge State Heritage Park, was created in 1990 with assistance from the SPHPC. Currently, the AHDC is providing one state heritage park, Lackawanna Heritage Valley, with assistance with its heritage passport system and has incorporated the Allegheny Ridge State Heritage Park into its heritage passport initiative. The case study involved originated from the need, as perceived by the AHDC, that more extensive "heritage training" was needed in order to achieve more grassroots support and also to provide communities with leadership and jobs that will expand the heritage community's base. While this comprehensive objective may seem esoteric, the principal rational was to explore ways that the AHDC could both educate people about the heritage of the region and to provide a foundation for sustainable economic development. For matters of convenience, "heritage training" was defined as "any means by which a heritage agency engages in a dialogue with the constituency that it serves and promotes increased awareness of a collective heritage." The actual course of action was undertaken in three phases. The first phase was the performance of a unstructured inquiry of other heritage areas to obtain insight as to prospective methods that the AHDC could apply to its own heritage infrastructure. The second phase consisted of the implementation of current heritage training projects under development by the AHDC. The third phase was a more formal survey of potential partners in the region as to what they feel their "heritage training" needs were and how the AHDC might assist them in meeting these needs. In the first phase of research, the types of heritage training that were in use by various heritage parks nationwide were documented. There was no basis of selection to this process, it served as an introduction to the researcher regarding the latest initiatives of the larger and better established heritage areas. Predominant among these heritage initiatives were leadership training, hospitality training, conferences, technical assistance programs, and volunteer coordination services. Various workshops, mainly in aspects of historic preservation, site management, and archives and records management, were also popular. Other innovative programs consisted of local history days, festivals, and an especially innovative resident awareness program, sponsored by the Hudson River Valley Greenway Communities Council entitled "Company's Coming" This program is designed to strengthen businesses with technical assistance while encouraging them to be more cognizant of local history. Familiarization tours, whereby residents role-played as tourists and toured historic sites in the region are an integral component of the program. Phase two of the research was to continue to follow up on some projects currently under development by the AHDC. One of these projects was to incorporate a heritage awareness program into a local convenience store chain's employee training. The rational behind this program was that since this chain of convenience stores serves as the entrepot for tourists, the more that employees knew about the heritage area, they more they could direct tourists to �7 these heritage sites. Optimally, the convenience store employee would serve as a "heritage ambassador," and both the heritage area and the convenience store would benefit since the tourist would spend more time in the region and patronize local businesses. Due to fiscal constraints, as well as the logistical problems of the convenience store chain, this method was not applicable from a systems viewpoint. It was communicated to the AHDC that each individual store manager did possess a degree of autonomy and could be approached to incorporate some type of heritage ambassador component to their training or day-to-day operations. This program is currently under investigation by the AHDC. Another important component of heritage training implementation was to network with various academic institutions to encourage integration of heritage training into their academic curriculum. There are several community colleges and universities in the nine county region that the AHDC serves, as well as their respective satellite campuses. The most obvious avenue in regard to curriculum expansion is through either hospitality management or parks and recreation programs because the AHDC, with its extensive contacts and experience in the heritage tourism industry can provide assistance with curriculum development, internship opportunities, and job placement. One community college with satellite campuses in the region has recently incorporated a travel and tourism certificate into their hospitality management program. During the research period, contacts were made with two community colleges and one university. It was found that research needed to be conducted in conjunction with these schools to ascertain the marketabitlity of a certificate or addi- tional training in heritage tourism management or heritage hospitality. Also at the university level, effort was made to incorporate a history of place field school into a landscape architecture program. This "History in Place" field school was developed to provide landscape architecture students with some historical research skills, such as researching census records and using Sanborn insurance maps, to assist these students with incorporating a sense of place and historical context into their design projects. The establishment of this "History of Place" field school is also currently under development. In regard to heritage training for the general public in phase two, there were two initiatives under development by the AHDC. The first was a Section 106 Review Seminar for municipalities that was sponsored by a local housing rehabilitation organization, Partners in Neighborhood Revitalization, Inc., and AHDC. These two entities developed the seminar for local government officials and planning departments that administer federal funds for historic rehabilitation. In order to receive these federal funds for historic rehabilitation, municipalities must submit construction proposals to the state historic preservation office that meet the United States Secretary of the Interior's Standards for Historic Rehabilitation. The seminar is designed to familiarize these municipalities with the standards in order to facilitate the dispersement of these funds. Also in regard to the built environment, a house history workshop entitled " Who Slept Here?" was offered to residents through local public libraries and historical societies. This seminar instructed home owners on how to research the history of their home. The other public program, a leadership training program, will be initiated �8 in conjunction with the Pennsylvania State University College of Agricultural Sciences, Cooperative Extension Division. In Huntingdon County, one of the counties in AHDC's region, the "Building Leaders" program has been in existence for three years and has made substantial progress in educating residents and local officials about the need for community leadership. The "Building Leaders" program is a thirty hour program that focuses on team building and community issues. The program will be expanded to the other counties of the region on a county by county basis. Unlike leadership training as offered by area chambers of commerce, the "Building Leaders" program focuses solely on community leadership. This is the foundation of the heritage partnership, because without local leaders who are cognizant of community needs, sustainable heritage development and economic stability are impossible to achieve. Phases one and two provide viable examples of the implementation of heritage training and also demonstrate the comprehensive nature of heritage training. In phase three a more coherent methodology was employed in order to more accurately gauge the demand of the heritage training market. The AHDC also desired to avert duplication of programs already in operation by other agencies and wanted to explore the creation of more partnerships with heritage institutions inside the region. It was decided that a survey would be performed to ascertain the needed information. Survey development and implementation were undertaken in conjunction with AHDC's Marketing Department. Based on the comprehensive nature of the organizations under the AHDC umbrella, two surveys were developed. The first survey assessed the customer service training needs of the following agencies: county heritage committees, tourist promotion agencies, chambers of commerce, main street programs, county planning commissions, and state heritage parks. The term "customer service training" instead of "heritage training" was used because the AHDC believed that the terminology of "heritage training" was too ambiguous and could be easily misconstrued. The objectives of the AHDC were to calculate both the extent of training currently provided by organizations and the willingness of these organizations to partner with the AHDC in implementation of additional customer service training. The survey in Appendix A was sent to these sixtyeight organizations. The response rate for the first survey was forty-one percent. Besides providing demographic data on each agency, it was found that seventy percent of respondents did not have strategic plan that encompassed customer service training, while thirty-seven percent of respondents had observed the need for customer service training. The same number of respondents that recognized the need for customer service training had also been asked to provide the training. Eighty percent of respondents reported that their members desired hospitality training, while fifty percent wanted leadership training. Twenty percent desired a conference/symposium. Of the respondents that had been approached to offer customer service training, only one respondent had not implemented training. Eighty-nine percent of the respondents that offer customer service training offer hospitality training, while forty-four percent offering leadership training. It was not uncommon for respondents to offer more than one type of training and a broad spectrum of the public were targeted for the training. Of the respondents who had not implemented any training, forty-eight �9 percent were planning to in the near future. When asked to report on a scale of one to five as to how important customer service training was to their employees, with five being the highest, it was found that eighty percent rated customer service training above four on the scale. Furthermore, eighty-seven percent of respondents reported that they would assist an external group in implementing customer service training for their employees. In conclusion, many respondents have implemented customer service training, and those that have not are generally willing to assist another organization with implementation. This overwhelming desire on the part of the agencies to partner with an agency presented a unique niche for the AHDC to fill in regard to heritage training. By incorporating a heritage component to new hospitality training programs, the AHDC can foster a sense of collective identity and an appreciation of heritage within these organizations. In addition, since the majority of the respondents are membership organizations, the AHDC should then encourage more attempts by the respondents at needs assessment of their members in order to obtain a more comprehensive evaluation of the needs of all members. In this manner, as well as with implementation of heritage training, the respondents will serve as a "bridge" between the AHDC and the members that the organizations serve. While the survey provided pertinent information, there were flaws with the survey as well. The targeted group was so comprehensive that some questions were misinterpreted and the term "heritage" was confusing to many agencies, such as planning departments and chambers of commerce. But for the most part, all of these agencies were cognizant of the need for customer service training, especially hospitality and leadership training, which the AHDC can partner with them in creating a standardized heritage tourism and community development component to any training program. The second survey targeted a select group of historic sites and overnight accommodation facilities. The objective of this survey was twofold: to ascertain what these businesses/sites were looking for in a customer service employee and to find out how these businesses/ sites perceive themselves in regard to other heritage sites. It was also thought that since these businesses/sites were the largest in each respective county, ascertaining their needs would have a trickledown effect on heritage training, meaning that once these larger sites addressed the issue of heritage/customer training, they could serve as models for other smaller businesses/sites. A copy of the second survey can be found in Appendix B. The survey was sent to thirty heritage sites and businesses.10 The response rate of this survey was forty-seven percent. Once again, the AHDC acquired some concrete demographic data regarding number of visitors/units and turnover rates. Once again, this was couched in the terms of customer service training. The sections were broken down much more definitively than the previous survey. One section dealt with customer service training and the other section dealt directly with heritage issues. In regard to customer service training, ninety-three percent of respondents believed that their employees were engaged in customer service and all of the respondents are seeking communications skills in a customer service employee. Other skills such as computer training and educational background were important as well. Eighty-five percent of respondents provide customer service training, pre- �10 dominantly hospitality training, computer skills, and communication skills. This type of data is integral in establishing partnerships with community colleges and universities that need this market information for program development. In regard to how important heritage tourism was to the respondents, the data was somewhat contradictory. While only fifty one percent of respondents rated heritage sites above four on a scale of one to five as being important to their visitors, ninety-three percent of respondents refer people to heritage sites. Sixty-six percent of respondents also have either an informal or formal partnership with a heritage site, and eightysix percent said that they think it makes their business more attractive. From this we gather that heritage sites are important to these businesses/sites despite the conflicting results to the rating response question. Some of the respondents who rated heritage sites as not important to their visitors were large hotels in metropolis areas whose clientele was more business-oriented. Perhaps most promising in regard to partnership opportunities for the AHDC, fifty percent of respondents are interested in wayfinding seminars for their employees, while fifty-seven percent were interested in local history awareness seminars. Familiarization tours and introductory seminars on the Path of Progress heritage route were also of substantial interest to respondents. In conclusion, the results of the second survey illustrate three main themes among the respondents. Most of these larger heritage businesses/sites provide their own customer service training and are also highly value communication and computer skills. These same entities are aware of the importance of heritage to their business and refer their visitors to other heritage sites, with a substantial degree of collaboration between sites and businesses. The most vital data gleaned from this survey, however, was the desire of these businesses/sites to learn more about heritage attractions. Once again, as with the previous survey, there exists a niche for the AHDC to fill in regard to heritage training that could facilitate a greater degree of collaboration. CONCLUSION The next step in heritage training after the accumulation of data, was to incorporate these findings into a "master plan" for heritage training. Based upon observation and survey quantification, heritage training was broken down into three categories: heritage education services, heritage training in the academic context, and heritage training in the community context. Heritage education services consist of services that the AHDC could provide to businesses or other heritage sites. Hospitality training, preservation seminars, technical assistance, public relations, site development, and interpretive training all fall into this category. Heritage training in the academic context refers to the aforementioned expansion of curricula in colleges and universities, through hospitality management and other programs. Heritage training in the community context encompasses those programs designed to engage residents and other organizations in a heritage dialogue. The "Who Slept Here?" workshop is a good example of this type of training. Other initiatives include historic rehabilitation seminars for home-owners, Bed and Breakfast workshops, leadership training, and genealogy workshops. These three facets of heritage training will work together to facilitate sustainable heritage development and increase a sense of collective identity. But �11 above all, the programs as implemented through this model will expand the community heritage network and encourage dialogue between each of the involved groups and/or individuals. Once accomplished, this enlarged network will have a substantial positive effect on the number and geographical extent of heri- tage partnerships. These more inclusive partnerships are the present and future lifeblood of all heritage areas. Perhaps a greater understanding of the concept of "heritage," a problematic term for many non-traditional heritage organizations, will evolve as these partnerships continue to expand. BIBLIOGRAPHY Brink, Peter. "Informational Pamphlet No. 88," (Washington, D.C.: National Trust for Historic Preservation, 1994): 2. Clinton, William. "The State of the Union: President Clinton's Address," Congressional Digest 76 (March, 1997): 65-67. Dickinson, Rachel. "Heritage Tourism is Hot," American Demographics. (September 1996): 13-14. Hargrove, Cheryl. "Tourism: History's Wake-Up Call," Heritage Tourism. Partnerships and Possibilities. (Nashville: American Association for State and Local History and the National Trust for Historic Preservation, 1994): 1. Mermel, Marcy. "Heritage, Tourism, and Regional Economic Development: A Plan of Action for the Southwestern Pennsylvania Heritage Preservation Commission ," (Project Paper, Cornell University, 1994). Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources, "Heritage Parks of Pennsylvania," October 1996. (Prepared by the Bureau of Topographic and Geologic Survey). Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources, "Pennsylvania Heritage Parks: A Program Manual," (Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources, 1996): preface. Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources, "Pennsylvania Heritage Parks: A Program Manual," (Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources, 1996): 11. Travel Industry Association of America, "Travel Industry Association Releases Landmark Report on Cultural and Historic Tourism." http://www.nchd.org/nchdweb.nsf/TOCPOpenview (7 August 1997). NOTES Cheryl M. Hargrove, "Tourism: History's Wake-Up Call," Heritage Tourism. Partnerships and Possibilities. (Nashville: American Association for State and Local History and the National Trust for Historic Preservation, 1994): 1. ^Travel Industry Association of America, "Travel Industry Association Releases Landmark Report on Cultural and Historic Tourism." http://www.nchd.org/nchdweb.nsf/TOCPOpenview (7 August 1997). 3 William Clinton, "The State of the Union: President Clinton's Address," Congressional Digest 76 (March, 1997): 65-67. 4 Rachel Dickinson, "Heritage Tourism is Hot," American Demographics. (September 1996): 1314. 5 Peter Brink, "Informational Pamphlet No. 88," (Washington, D.C.: National Trust for Historic Preservation, 1994): 2. Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources, "Heritage Parks of Pennsylvania," October 1996. (Prepared by the Bureau of Topographic and Geologic Survey). Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources, "Pennsylvania Heritage Parks: A Program Manual," (Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources, 1996): preface. Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources, "Pennsylvania Heritage Parks: A Program Manual," (Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Department of Conservation and Natural Resources, 1996): 11. 9 Marcy Mermel, "Heritage, Tourism, and Regional Economic Development: A Plan of Action for the Southwestern Pennsylvania Heritage Preservation Commission ," (Project Paper, Cornell University, 1994). 10 The marketing director for the AHDC, Mr. Jack York, was not able to ascertain which sites were the largest and most visited in some of the counties. Therefore the total number of surveys was thirty, as opposed to eighteen. �12 Preserving the Orchard at Altapass Bill Carson, Little Switzerland Community Assoc., Little Switzerland, NC On Jan 6,1995 our family started an adventure still unfolding today. With one day's thought and no preparation or experience, we bought an apple orchard. We didn't want an orchard. We did want to preserve and protect a beautiful and important stretch of land. 'We' consist of sister Kit Carson Trubey, wife Judy and me. Let me say right up front we're not 'from here'. As near as I can tell, that requires at least 2 generations and a familiar last name. The name is OK, but our folks are ftom east Tennessee and that's not quite close enough to here: the Blue Ridge of North Carolina. Even so, we grew up visiting here. An uncle was a mining engineer at Kona in the 40's and 50's. An aunt lived at Little Switzerland in the 60's, 70's and 80's. We grew up loving the beauty of the Blue Ridge, and its beloved Parkway. So it was natural for Judy and me to retire to the Blue Ridge after 3 2 years in business. Kit plans to join us as soon as she can. The land we chose to preserve lines both sides of the Blue Ridge Parkway for about 2 miles. Situated near McKinney Gap at the top of the Blue Ridge, this land overlooks second growth forest for as far as the eye can see. A few mostly seasonal houses peak through the forests in the distance, enjoying the views of ridges and valleys as they etch the Blue Ridge and echo to the Piedmont 30 miles away. The solitude is emphasized but not destroyed by CSX freight trains that still negotiate the loops and tunnels on tracks built 100 years ago to bring the coal and minerals out of the mountains in the west. When completed in September 1908, the Chesapeake Loops were called the engineering wonder of the 20th cen- tury. More than 200, mostly the immigrant workers, died in fights, murders and accidents building this track, and many are buried forgotten along the tracks and in two railroad graveyards on the orchard. Their stories add to the heritage of the orchard. Their employer, tunnels completed, started the orchard in the first decade of this century. Even today only two railroads cross the Blue Ridge in 400 miles from Roanoke to Atlanta. The railroad chose this place to cross for the same reason Daniel Boone did more than a century earlier: its low pass and the nearness of good sized streams on both sides of the ridge. The stream valleys became railroad beds and McKinney's place became the busy resort town of Altapass, the highest point ('Alta') on the railroad, but the lowest for miles either way on the Blue Ridge. The orchard was named for the town and has outlived it. Altapass, bypassed by the automobile, withered and died with the decline of passenger service on the rails. The golf course, two hotels and a boarding house, and the train station itself are gone. The Blue Ridge has long been recognized for apples. The first to bring them here was Charlie McKiimey, Scottish bom first settler in the late 18th century who gave his name to McKinney Gap. "Cove" Charlie engraved his name in other lasting ways to the area. His four wives and 48 children have richly blessed the area with kin who retain his keen humor, slim good looks and outstanding musical abilities. Stories of Charlie and his clan continue to enrich the orchard visitors as they are told and retold on any excuse at orchard events. Orchards flourished nearby at the Cone Mansion in the last decade of the 19th century, ten years before the railroad �13 company planted orchards here and adjoining at Hefner Gap. The railroad could transport apples to East Coast markets long before roads were good enough. Since they already owned the land, planting apples made economic sense for the railroad, an early example of industrial diversification. The railroad literally put Altapass on the map, even named it. The railroad was the CC&O, became the C&O, is now the CSX, and still runs 30 f ieight trains a day past the orchard through the Blue Ridge down to the Piedmont. The skills and finances of a large company were needed to gouge an orchard out of this land. Roads were terraced into the steep mountain side and trees planted on the slopes between the roads. Horses and mules pulled the sledges to dig the roads. Preparing the land, planting the trees, mowing, weeding, grubbing the land, spraying, pruning, thinning, picking, hauling, storing, sorting, boxing, shipping, most of the work then as now was done by hand, hard work open to the elements. The C&O Railroad and the Altapass Orchard employed most of the workers here for the century's first 3 decades, then the orchard and the mines, when the railroad lost customers to the automobile. For the first half of the century the orchard held its own as high paying employment. Most families in Altapass had income from the orchard as well as fond memories and interesting stories about the characters who brightened the orchard operation. In the late 30's the Blue Ridge Parkway sliced the orchard in half and claimed a third to build the "scenic" as the Blue Ridge Parkway was called. The war drained the labor supply in the 40's and by the 50's the Altapass Orchard was 1/3 of the size it previously enjoyed. It had lost its critical mass, and together with increasing labor costs, inside jobs at furniture and clothing manufacturing plants, and absentee owners, the Orchard continued its decline. By 1995, only 80 acres of trees remained, just a quarter of the number of its heyday, and many of them were neglected. It appeared to many that the future of the land lay, sadly, in developing it for seasonal and retirement homes for 'snowbirds' who wanted cool mountain summers and breathtaking beauty of the Blue Ridge. The Blue Ridge Parkway is 'Johnny come lately' here. When the state of North Carolina condemned the land for the Parkway in the 1930's, it chose a strip through the middle of the orchard. A court challenge was established the value of the land. As a consequence, the orchard gave up a narrow passage, and the Parkway owns only a 200 ft wide corridor, with scenic easement on a small portion of the remainder. Thus, no restriction exists on most of the 276 orchard acres remaining. Any use is legally permissible. Plans were being made privately by several individuals and groups to use this land for commercial development. More than one set of plans have been revealed to us since our purchase, with offers of partnership in the various ventures. When we moved to buy the land, we had no knowledge of these specific plans, but clearly the possibility of such plans motivated us. There is no doubt that had we not purchased the land it would not have survived development in some form. Now it is secure for at least the next generation. So, how did we get this place? We are still not quite sure, maybe fate? The previous owners offered it as a charitable contribution to a nearby school, but requiring its continued operation as an orchard. No sale. They offered it to the Blue Ridge Parkway, but with no money available to the Parkway at that time, an actual 'act of Congress' would have been needed. No sale. Various informal negotiations were thought to be underway by local would-be purchasers. No sale. �14 Sister Kit saw an ad in the Spruce Pine NewsJournal and responded with a check the next day. The Orchard was secured. Immediately we started learning apple orchard operation and restoration, as the trees had been neglected for three to fifteen years, hi asking advice from a long time apple grower, Kit asked what would he tell his daughter were she to embark on such a journey. Following a moment of silence, he answered * dig up those old apples and plant Christmas trees'. Good advice is hard to take when it isn't what you want to hear. We're still in apples. The first year we pruned, sprayed, and restored production to 1000 trees, adding 500 more each year. We believe there are 5000 trees altogether so we have plenty more to do. In a previous job, planning was very important. We had short and long term plans, and a big part of our success depended upon following (we called it executing) the Plan. So we made plans for the orchard. Our plan had two elements: restore enough trees to provide fruit for the retail sales at the apple house, and open a craft, food and gift store during the peak tourist season. Can't miss getting a small share, 'our share' of the Y2million tourists passing the orchard each year on the Blue Ridge Parkway. The combination should be profitable enough to pay for the upkeep of the orchard, the preservation of the land, and not deplete our retirement income. The first year was rocky: we went through 29 people to fill three full time jobs. We had labor strife (a grudge against the young foreman), dui arrests, forgery, domestic strife (with the employees, not Judy and me), among the other more expected daily problems of keeping an old sprayer and even older tractors running. As far as apples were concerned, we followed the plan: 5 bushels per tree. Of course it is true that only 2 bushels per tree were retail quality, and the other 3 were sold forjuice at I/10th the return. But surely that was only a first year glitch. The retail business was characterized by minutes of customers and hours of waiting. All agreed that signs would help attract more folks down off the Parkway. Signs along the Blue Ridge Parkway? Noway. Wouldn't that defeat the reason we bought the orchard in the first place? So we didn't get our share'. But we did notice that nearly every customer bought something, and almost all left happier than they arrived. Also bus tours and other groups loved the special attention we gave them, and we loved their concentrated buying power. We learned lots that first year. The second year we refined our Plan: we added groups to apples and tourists, focusing more attention on attracting groups. Since we added 500 more trees to production, we expected a 50% increase in apples. That year we learned about late frosts and hail. Our production fell to 2 bushels per tree, but more were retail quality. We stabilized our work force, only 3 full timers for the three field jobs. We concentrated personal attention from all store employees on each customer, helping them enjoy the feeling and history of the place. And we learned how many customers love ice cream and home made fudge. Sales in all but apples were up considerably, and people were coming back! Maybe not enough yet, but the encouragement was there. Plans, after all are only plans. In the beginning of the third year, we learned about what a warm March followed by a frigid April and May do to apples, and to early May tourists... nothing good. Despite bringing into production a total of 21 00 trees, our crop may still fall short of the first year. Farming is a good experience for Planners. Everyone needs to know they aren't really in control! And I guess this applies to our entire Orchard adventure: its a great ride and where it takes us is still to be seen. �15 Preserving the Past and Protecting the Future: Planning in a Blue Ridge Parkway Community Bill Carson, Little Switzerland Comm. Assoc., Little Switzerland NC &'Judith Francis, Planning and Zoning Administration, Lincolnton, NC Abstract: Little Switzerland is a small unincorporated town located in western North Carolina along the Blue Ridge Parkway. Historically, the residents have relied on deed restrictions to determine land use patterns which have been primarily residential in nature. Recently, increasing population density and diverse land uses threaten its traditional residential and scenic character. The community has now begun a planning process with landowners, two county governments, and the National Park Service. This process of bottom-up consensus building may yield a land use strategy that could be validated by all involved. LITTLE SWITZERLAND: BACKGROUND OF A BLUE RIDGE COMMUNTTY Little Switzerland began as a mountain resort in 1910, just two years after the CC&O Railroad completed the rail bed to the Blue Ridge. The final three miles from the Mt. Mitchell station yielded to mule drawn wagons along a toll road. Fine stone gates still mark the original entrance to the village, named after the rolling Jura Mountain region of Switzerland. The community sits atop the crest of the Blue Ridge at a site which provides panoramic views, clean water, a comfortable climate and a peaceful lifestyle. The original founders established the resort village to be a summer retreat from the hectic pace of the city of Charlotte - lying 100 miles east on the Piedmont. They dreamed of a community where deed restrictions would define land use limits, but each owner could exercise considerable freedoms. While most of the land was "residential use only, with no store to barter or sell," an owner was free to "build a tent or a castle," the only stipulation being that there be only one residence per acre. Areas were set aside for agriculture, hotels, and businesses. Water sources and rights were carefully managed, and excess flow was reserved for a community water system that still serves a portion of the area. Roads were constructed, access easements were created, and a church and meeting hall were built to serve the new community. From an aesthetic standpoint, it is not difficult to see why the founders chose to build Little Switzerland where they did, but the location of the community was, and still is, at the core of some very serious problems. Little Switzerland sits astride the line between McDowell and Mitchell counties - diluting its already slight political presence in local government. The construction of the Blue Ridge Parkway, which literally came right through the middle of the village, caused the church and meeting hall to be relocated, closed portions of existing roads, and swallowed up a considerable portion of the central core and residential areas for road right-ofway and scenic easements. No Master Land Use Plan was ever formally adopted by the residents, and as time went on, and second home development became more pronounced, the boundaries of the community itself became more amorphous. Another serious problem faced by the community is the issue of deed restrictions as the primary method of den- �16 sity control and spatial arrangement. The last thirty-five years of the community's history has been marked by attempts to challenge these restrictions to allow development deemed unacceptable to the majority of residents. Some residents have subdivided their one acre parcels and constructed additional dwelling units. Various business enterprises have, with some successes, overturned the deed restrictions through court action. In 1991, a real estate office was established in a "residential use only" deed restricted area and was taken to court by neighbors with similar deeds ( Dunlap, Carson & Carson vs. Ridgeway &Schabilion, 90 CVS 372). The real estate office was allowed to stay, and the judge counseled the community to seek stronger land use covenants and perhaps, zoning. Community confidence in their traditional land use controls was shaken again in 1993 when a rather conspicuous home was built in a previously restricted Parkway scenic easement. TO DATE: THE INITIAL STAGES OF THE PLANNING PROCESS In 1995, McDowell County began acknowledging and enforcing community initiated zoning in another area of the county. This sparked the interest of community leaders in Little Switzerland who thought that some type of zoning, initiated and conceptualized by the citizens themselves, might alleviate many of the problems they currently faced concerning land use. A series of open meetings ensued - and continue still, to identify the community's needs, prioritize concerns, inventory scenic and cultural resources, and investigate remedial options. A vision statement was formulated that strongly reflects the high value the residents place on scenic quality, biological integrity, and cultural and economic diversity. Several overarching priorities emerged: limit commercial develop- ment, enact a growth management strategy, develop a politically influential community organization, and clarify scenic easement arrangements with the National Park Service. In 1996, planners from the Blue Ridge Parkway led a series of successful workshops to assist the community in identifying primary scenic and cultural resources. A grant to McDowell County from the Year of the Mountains Planning Initiative funded technical planning assistance and a survey which was mailed to over 500 area residents in both counties during the Spring of 1997. Over 45 percent of survey recipients responded and some specific concerns were identified, namely a fear of the proliferation of "tourist trap" commercialism, mobile home parks, billboards, and clear-cutting. Survey respondents also indicated a strong preference for protecting scenic easements for the community and Parkway, keeping housing density levels in line with traditional deed restrictions, and fostering the few remaining agricultural enterprises in the area. A well-attended meeting was held to discuss the survey results at which some residents in the surrounding areas expressed their concerns about possible "bureaucratic meddling" and private property rights. They resented the notion of restrictions that they felt were more appropriate for the village resort than the outer reaches of the surrounding areas. Tensions concerning relationships between newcomers/seasonal residents and families who have lived in the area for generations also seemed to surface. Questions arose concerning how the boundaries were drawn, who was included/excluded, and skepticism about government intervention and involuntary controls. The general consensus that has emerged at this point seems to be that there needs to be a more comprehensive attempt to specifically define �17 the geographical boundaries of the Little Switzerland community and that, within these boundaries, some type of land use controls are necessary to preserve the natural resources and cultural heritage identified by the residents. FUTURE DIRECTION: OVERCOMING OBSTACLES AND EVALUATING THE OPTIONS Before a growth management strategy for Little Switzerland can be formulated, two primary concerns will have to be addressed. First, the geographical boundaries of the core and outlying portions of the community must be defined more rigorously. Identification of the core village district will most probably parallel the original resort area as envisioned by the founders. There seems to be little debate concerning the need for, and willingness to promulgate, growth management in this area. The inclusion / exclusion of surrounding secondary areas will be much more problematic and, as indicated by public comment, open to a great deal more debate. Inclusion of specific parcels in both counties may ultimately rest on the individual landowners' willingness to participate and endorse the process and its eventual outcomes. In both instances, the determination and mapping of boundaries would be made much easier through the application of GIS (geographic information system) technology that would clarify the visual, spatial, biological, and jurisdictional relationships between these "out parcels" and the core area. No local land use plan to give legitimacy to land use controls can be formulated before this step is accomplished. The second issue that must be addressed is the multi-jurisdictional complications associated with an area that rests within two counties. Land use controls in western North Carolina are considered with skepticism by some, as a sinister force by others. Though McDowell County has enacted some limited zoning in one small area, recent attempts to initiate more of the same have met with very vocal opposition from private property rights advocates - and Mitchell County has no zoning at all. Neither county has a professional planning staff, the technological resources, or the financial capacity to offer much assistance to Little Switzerland during the planning process. Uniform implementation and enforcement must be coordinated by the counties if regulatory approaches are decided upon. This is difficult, though not impossible. (An example: McDowell and Burke Counties jointly adopted and co-enforce the Lake James Protection Ordinance which regulates lakeshore development.) In any event, whatever strategy is eventually agreed upon by the residents, no matter how practical, must also have significant levels of political feasibility to ever become promulgated - a daunting task in the political climate of western North Carolina (Kalinowski, 1997). For now, let us assume that these two problems, if not overcome, can at least be reckoned with. The next issue to be considered is the residents' tentative reluctance to accept the notion of regulatory land use controls. If we assume, as some residents of Little Switzerland do, that all land use controls must be voluntary in nature, then a continued reliance on deed restrictions to control density levels and land use types seems inevitable. Some residents have expressed a willingness to institutionalize the deed restrictions by creating more uniform legal text - capable of withstanding some levels of legal challenge. The primary utility of this type of control may be to set minimum lot sizes and restrict parcel subdivision. Unfortunately, the effectiveness of such a strategy will remain a mystery until �18 whatever challenges may materialize. Each judge can interpret things differently - as the residents of Little Switzerland have sadly discovered in the past. It would seem that relying solely on voluntary deed restrictions as a land use control mechanism would provide only mixed results at best. Another option for the community may be to seek the assistance of an existing Land Trust organization, or possibly to establish one themselves. This would allow the area landowners to convey a portion of their holdings to the Trust to be used as a conservation or scenic easement - and thereby give up the right to develop or subdivide their property. This strategy could possibly provide some compensation and/or tax relief to the donors while helping to maintain the scenic vistas and biological integrity of the area. Money to purchase development rights is available from a variety of sources such as private foundations, federal and state grant programs, and various non-profit environmental organizations (Endicott, 1993). The comprehensiveness of this option however, depends almost exclusively on the willing participation of area landowners. With a high level of donors, and done in conjunction with strict density limiting deed restrictions, this strategy could be effective, particularly in attracting owners of out parcels who may have distaste for governmental intervention. Lands set aside in conservation or scenic easements could be maintained by a local community organization, a subdivision's homeowners' association, or perhaps by the Park Service (Arendt, 1996). This could proceed quite nicely until a direct threat manifests itself such as a fast food restaurant right off the Parkway, a "gem mining" tourist operation, or a large "chain" hotel locates nearby because a non-participating landowner decided to sell out. Voluntary participation may be a necessary "first step" in land use controls for Little Switzerland because it is the path of least resistance toward some level of growth management - but it will always be dangerously vulnerable. As was mentioned earlier, some residents of Little Switzerland are opposed to any type of regulatory growth management strategies for the area. These people usually fall into one of two categories: those who oppose the measures as a perceived encroachment on private property rights, and those who have become disillusioned in the past through a disappointing experience with conventional regulatory land use controls. Traditional zoning ordinances that are not designed, implemented, and enforced well have often been responsible for eradicating what they were enacted to protect and may lead to "sprawl-type" development patterns and disconnected community dynamics (Arendt, 1994). There are, however, alternatives to enacting a conventional zoning ordinance such as creating preservation districts, subdivisions incorporating open space design, and conservation zoning techniques that are developed for a particular area's unique concerns. One type of preservation district that could possibly be accepted by most residents would be a Neighborhood Preservation Commercial District in the core area of the village. This approach would allow the residents to preserve the unique character of the central area and determine what types of commercial enterprises could operate there. The 1997 survey indicated that most residents would like a doctor's office, artist studio, some types of retail establishments, and possibly a museum or music hall - but did not want to see more businesses that focused on tourists alone. Preservation districts of this type often incorporate design standards to regulate �19 the type and size of buildings, pedestrian and parking concerns, and common areas / landscaping for the enjoyment of the general public (Ewing, 1996). Permit approvals in a district of this type often are issued as a conditional use meaning they are subject to any additional restrictions deemed necessary for that type of business. This would allow additional discretion in determining what types of businesses could operate in the central village area without prohibiting them completely - and not being able to have the types of business that they want in the first place. A second regulatory measure that might be appropriate for the Little Switzerland area may be an open space design oriented subdivision ordinance. This would not prohibit the subdivision and prevent the development of large out parcels, but rather, it would limit the sprawl of structures across vast expanses of forested land. Open space design subdivisions typically have a smaller minimum lot size and cluster-type arrangement of structures while the remainder of the land, rather than becoming more lots, is dedicated as a permanently undeveloped area. This provides aesthetically pleasing and private neighborhoods while preserving significant portions of viewsheds and wildlife habitat. Additional benefits include a reduction in the costs of road networks and the provision of services such as utilities without a reduction in the total number of lots. At least one North Carolina county now requires an open space design plan be provided, in addition to a traditional plan, for all new subdivisions submitted for review. Final determination of which type of plan to chose is left up to the developer, however to date, nearly one half of the subdivisions subject to this requirement are being developed using the open space design concept (Orange County, NC 1996). Last year, the open space design concept for subdivisions was enthusiastically endorsed by the North Carolina Association of County Commissioners who now publish and distribute a descriptive guidebook to local planning agencies and developers (Arendt, Collins, and Valentine, 1996). It seems that the growth management strategy best suited for Little Switzerland will most like begin as a sort of hybrid combination of some or all of these techniques. Even if all of these concepts are employed, land use determination will still be far from certain. Voluntary participation in deed restrictions will be patchy at best. A preservation district may be acceptable for the village core and perhaps, the immediate Parkway right-of-way area. Open space design subdivisions may provide an attractive option when developing some large surrounding tracts, but what about the other areas? A comprehensive zoning ordinance developed especially for this unique area, and adequately enforced by both counties, may be the most effective method for guiding the direction of land use in the area. The first step in crafting any zoning ordinance is to make sure the land use plan that has been developed for the area is current and describes a vision of what the community wants to achieve. Any zoning ordinance for Little Switzerland must incorporate the following concerns, as expressed by the residents repeatedly in workshops, meetings, and surveys: preserve agricultural pursuits in the area, protect the area viewsheds and wildlife habitat, avoid erosion and unsightly hillsides by avoiding development on steep slopes, maintain the unique and historic character of the community, and provide for the needs of the residents through thoughtful and creative development standards. This may sound like a tall order for �20 a zoning ordinance, but it is possible when done in conjunction with the voluntary approaches previously mentioned. Little Switzerland is experiencing no pressing immediate threat at the moment, so talk about regulatory strategies is somewhat limited. A useful goal for community leaders in Little Switzerland at this point may be to educate themselves and their neighbors concerning the possible options - and the strengths and limitations of those options - before committing to a particular land use control method. This will pay off in the development of a successful, popular and effective strategy for ensuring the integrity of a very special Blue Ridge Parkway community. WORKS CTTED Arendt, Randall G. Conservation Design for Subdivisions: A Practical Guide to Creating Open Space Networks. Washington D. C.: Island Press, 1996. . Rural By Design. Chicago: Planners Press, 1994. Arendt, Randall G., Marvin Collins, and Anne Valentine. Open Space Design Guidebook. Raleigh: The North Carolina Association of County Commissioners, 1996. Endicott, Eve. Land Conservation Through Public-Private Partnerships. Washington D.C.: Island Press, 1993. Ewing, Reid. Best Development Practices: Doing the Right Thing and Making Money at the Same Time. Chicago: Planners Press, 1996. Kalinowski, Franklin A. "A Practical Solution to the Environmental Crisis: The Range of Options." Public Works Management and Policy. (2,1) July, 1997. Orange County, NC Planning Department. Flexible Development Standards for Preserving Rural Character: A Design Manual for Conservation and Development. Orange County, NC: July 20, 1996. �21 The Botanical Gardens at Asheville — A Depository for Native Plants of the Southern Appalachian Mountain Region EdwardJ.P. Hauser, Weaverville, NC INTRODUCTION The Botanical Gardens at Asheville (BGA) was founded in 1960 as a not-forprofit corporation. The BGA is located on a 10 acre site as part of the University of North Carolina at Asheville (UNCA) campus and operates under a Cooperative Management Agreement with that institution. The BGA is now incorporated as part of the UNCA long term Master Plan, The City of Asheville's Greenway Program, and is recognized as one of the cultural gems in the 1997 City of Asheville's Bicentennial Celebration. The BGA is administered by a volunteer and elected Board of Trustees and Executive Committee of the corporation. Two paid employees are responsible for maintenance of the buildings, grounds, and plant collections. However, most maintenance is conducted by over 100 volunteer members of the corporation. It publishes a monthly newsletter titled New Leaf, which is distributed to its general membership. This presentation will provide: 1) a historical account of the BGA growth and development, 2) review of its Mission Statement which focuses on the ex situ preservation of native plants of the Southern Appalachian Mountain Region, and 3) examples and illustrations of native plant preservation. LOCATION The BGA is located on a 10 acre site at the southeast corner of the UNCA campus, at the intersection of Broadway Avenue and W.T. Weaver Boulevard. The site is in the City of Asheville of Buncombe County, North Carolina (See Figure 1). Geologically, it is part of the Blue Ridge Physiographic Province of the Appalachian Mountain System. Locally, it is part of the French Broad River Basin of the Asheville Plateau; said river is less than one mile from the BGA. Floristically, the BGA is part of the Deciduous Forest Biome of North America. The Southern Appalachian mountains of this biome are recognized as harboring the largest biodiversity of deciduous forest plants in the world. Over 2,000 species of higher plants have been identified. Today, over 700 species are a part of the living collection maintained at BGA. Significantly, the BGA site provides a variety of habitats and niches which can support diverse floristic plantings. Reed Creek is a perennial flow stream that runs east to west across the southern boundary of the gardens; it is receives water from two intermittent streams within the site. These waterbodies provide alluvial flats, upper and lower level terraces, hydric, mesic, and xeric niches. Open meadows occur between slopes that are closed canopy and open canopy providing for a variety of shade tolerant and intolerant species. Finally, rocky outcrops that are dry or wet from springs provide additional habitats for mosses, ferns, and hydrophytes. Thus, this 10 acre site provides niches to accommodate the needs of over 700 species. �22 HISTORY The Botanical Gardens at Asheville (EGA) was organized by the Garden Club of Asheville in 1960 prior to receiving Articles of Incorporation from the State of North Carolina, and was originally known as Asheville Biltmore Botanical Gardens, Inc., a nonprofit corporation. A brief two-page resolution by the Board of Trustees of Asheville -Biltmore College (predecessor of UNCA) was passed on November 13, 1960. Said resolution provided a statement allowing the 10 acre site to be used as a botanical garden for the collection of native plants. However, the final sentence of that resolution limited long term stability of the EGA ("It is the understanding of both the College and the Corporation that the Board of Trustees of the College shall always have final and ultimate decision in reference to the use and disposition of said land."). With the conversion of Asheville Biltmore College to UNCA in 1972, an Articles of Amendment was made by EGA, changing its name to the University Botanical Gardens at Asheville. However, no updated resolutions were initiated or passed by the University. In spite of the original and limiting resolution between the EGA and College, an infrastructure of trails, service roads, bridges, gardens, and buildings was constructed by volunteers or built under paid contractual agreements. The layout design (Figure 3) was done by Doan Ogden, a nationally known landscape architect. Sources of monies raised by EGA for capital and operating budgets come from: membership dues, private donations, fund raising events such as "Days in the Gardens, sales profits from the gift shop, and grants from local foundations. No public funds have been used to support its capital and operating expense budgets. Currently, income from an endowment of nearly $400,000.00 is used for budget purposes. Concerns were raised in 1986 when UNCA completed its first ten-year Long-Term Master Plan without consulting EGA. Said plan targeted the 10 acre site of EGA for residential dormitories and parking lots to meet the needs of a growing university. Tensions between the groups reached a climax in 1993, when UNCA initiated construction of the South Ridge Residence Hall, adjoining an erosion sensitive steep slope, along the west boundary line of the gardens. As a result, the EGA adopted its current name, deleting "University" in 1995. With the installation of a new UNCA Chancellor in 1996, changes in the University Board of Trustee's membership, and designation of UNCA as the Liberal Arts University in the North Carolina system of higher education, the executive committee of EGA approached the University, requesting negotiation of an appropriate FIGURE 1. Site location nap for the botanical pardons. �23 agreement that would define the roles and interrelationship of both parties. Chancellor Patsy Reed agreed that EGA was part and parcel to the mission of a liberal arts university. She recommended inclusion of EGA representatives in the 10 year Master Plan Development process in order to provide input and recognition into said plan, which the Board of Trustees would ultimately approve. As a result, in 1997, EGA was included in the Master Plan as a support entity of the university and an appropriate Memorandum of Understanding was executed between EGA and the Board. Under agreement with the Board of Trustees of UNCA, the UBG has the right to maintain said tract of land owned by the University as long as it is used as a botanical garden and for university and community education programs. This document now allows EGA to pursue hiring of professional staff and seek funding sources. MISSION STATEMENT Article II of the most recently passed 1994 Bylaws of EGA states: " The objectives for which the Corporation is formed shall be to preserve and display the native flora of North Carolina and the Appalachian Region for the education and enjoyment of interested individuals and to stimulate research and interest in developing methods of caring for horticultural specimens of this region." In 1995, a report was submitted to the EGA, by resource management consultant, Dr. Gurdon Tarbox, Jr., titled "The Botanical Gardens at Asheville Museum Assessment Program Survey". This report strongly recommended the adoption of a Long Term Master Plan that would maintain the current primary focus of maintaining the EGA as a depository and collection center for native plants of the Southern Appalachian Mountain Region. The Executive Committee of EGA is currently developing a Master Plan to assure continued use of the gardens for its stated mission. In 1998, it plans to recruit professional staff and catalogue its living plant collection in accord with standards adopted by the American Association of Arboreta and Botanical Gardens. Also, the Garden for the Blind is to be renamed the Multisensory Garden and is being retrofitted so as to provide a physical and botanical infrastructure of native plants, allowing for use by a variety of visually or physically impaired people. This garden has been designed by Ms. Mary Wilber, a local landscape architect. The remainder of this paper illustrates the nature of the native plant collection. THE NATIVE PLANT COLLECTION - ECOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION Ecologically, plants native to the Southern Appalachian Mountains, fall into four biogeographic categories. 1) Pan-Appalachian Endemics These are native plants that are typically found throughout most of the Appalachian Mountain Range from southern Canada to the southeastern United States. They are most characteristic of the Deciduous Forest Biome of North America. Good examples include: Cornus florida (Flowering Dogwood), AUium tricoccum (Ramps or Wild Leek), and Acer rubrum (Red Maple). 2) Northern Appalachian Endemics and High Elevation Glacial Relicts. These are native plants that are typically found in the Northern Appalachian Region. However, postglacial conditions supporting cooler climates �24 developed along the high ridges and slopes above 4,000f in elevation. Thus, segments of certain species colonized postglacial habitats of the "high mountain country" as the species complex migrated north, following retreat of the alpine glaciers and Wisconsin Ice Sheets. Good examples of glacial relicts are Clintonia borealis (a Lily), Trillium undulatum (Painted Trillium), Sambucus pubens (Red Elderberry), and Viburnum alnifolium (Hobblebush). 3) High Elevation Endemics of the Southern Appalachians These are native plants that are found only at high elevations (above 4,000') of the Southern Appalachian Mountain Region. Common representatives include: Magnolia fraseri (Fraser Magnolia), Abies fraseri (Fraser Fir), Sorbus americana (Mountain Ash), and Lilium grayi (Gray's Lily). 4) Southern Appalachian Endemics These are native plants that are characteristic of the Southern Appalachian Mountains and are not restricted to high elevations. Representative species include: Claytonia caroliniana (Carolina Spring Beauty), Rosa Carolina (Carolina Rose), and Dodecatheon meadia (Shooting Star). THE CATALOG GUIDE About 733 species of native vascular plants are currently found as part of the native plant collection at EGA, representing the above categories. These are catalogued by Family, Genus, and Species on the basis of their presumed evolutionary relationships (most primitive to most advanced). By affixing numbers starting with numeral one (1) to the first family, first genus of a family, and first species of a genus, and by awarding ascending consecutive numbers to additional taxa, an alphanumeric code is given to each species. For example, Magnolia fraseri has the alphanumeric code 80: 2-4. This means it is the 80th family, second genus of the family, and fourth species of that genus. In addition all species are located as to a grid system with the north axes numbered 1-16 and the east axes coded A - U. All catalogued species are listed in A Guide to the University Botanical Gardens at Asheville (1989), published by EGA. In this publication, listings of families, genera, species, code numbers, and dates of flowering are give. Figures 3 - 4 provide examples of said information. SLIDE ILLUSTRATED SP& CEES The following species listed in Table 1, illustrated by slides, are representative of the living plant collection of the EGA. FIGURE 2. Layout of the botanical gardens as designed by Ooan Ogden. landscape architect. �25 TABLE 1. LIST OF REPRESENTATIVE SPECIES OF THE LIVING COLLECTION OF THE BGA COLLECTION ILLUSTRATED BY SLIDES. Scientific Common Biogeographic Category Name Name Pan-Appalachian Endemics Monarda didvma Viburnum acerifolium Sancruinaria c^nadensis Cornus florida Asclepias tuberosa Impatiens capensis Liatris spicata Echinacea purpurea Helianthus tomentosus Rubus odorata Sedum ternatum Dicentra canadensis Lindera benzoin Podophyllum peltatum Caltha palustris Lilium canadense Smilacina racemosa Trillium erectum Mediola virginiana Bee Balm Maple Leaf Viburnum Bloodroot Flowering Dogwood Butterfly Weed Spotted Jewelweed Blazing Star Purple Coneflower Rough Leaf Sunflower Flowering Raspberry Wild Stonecrop Squirrel Corn Spicebush May Apple Marsh Marigold Canada Lily Spikenard Wake Robin Indian Cucumber Root Northern Appalachian Endemics and High Elevation Glacial Relicts Taxus candcnsis Canada Yew Lycopodium lucidulum Shining Clubmoss Clintonia borealis Yellow Clintonia Sambucus pubens Red Elderberry Viburnum alnifolium Hobblebush Lonicera dioica Vine Honeysuckle Trillium undulatum Painted Trillium Acer spicatum Mountain Maple High Elevation Endemics of the Southern Appalachians Lilium grayi Gray's Lily Magnolia tripetala Umbrella Magnolia Magnolia fraseri Fraser Magnolia Sorbus americana Mountain Ash Oxalis acetosella Wood Shamrock Shortia galacifolia Oconee Bells Southern Appalachian Endemics Rosa Carolina Dodecatheon meadia Ilex opaca Viburnum prunifolium Amelanchier arborea Claytonia caroliniana Carolina Rose Shooting Star American Holly Southern Black Haw Southern Shadbush Spring Beauty �26 VALUE OF EX SITU PRESERVATION OF NATIVE SPECIES Native species need to be preserved as living populations because of their aesthetic, ecological, educational, historical, recreational, medicinal, and scientific values for the peoples of the world, and in particular, the Southern Appalachian Mountains. Some plants may in the future prove to be of direct value to humans as sources of food, medicines, fiber, or other inherent properties which are not presently known. An additional and unique scientific value of the Southern Appalachian plants is that many are at the peripheral edge of their range, or at sites disjunct from their range, or locally endemic. With the diversity of habitats and niches available in the Southern Appalachian Mountains, they are surviving and reproducing under varying degrees of ecological tolerance. Consequently, they provide a valuable and irreplaceable source of genetic stock for use in the study of: 1) ecotypic variation in local or isolated species populations, 2) biochemical, physiological, or morphological variation in local or isolated species populations, 3) genetic variation, i.e., chromosomal, DNA, mutational, in local or isolated species populations, Once lost, such genetic material cannot be replaced or recreated. The ex situ preservation of species provides an opportunity to maintain populations by collection from habitats and sites which are threatened by development or habitat destruction, i.e., clearing for agriculture, subdivisions, or logging. The EGA wishes to learn of native undisturbed habitats that are threatened by development so as to have the opportunity to provide for ex situ preservation. The address for EGA is: The Botanical Gardens at Asheville 151 W.T. Weaver Blvd. Asheville, NC 28804 704/252-5190 In conclusion, the EGA represents a unique opportunity for the in situ preservation of our botanical natural history of the Southern Appalachian Region. Whereas, our national forests, state parks such as Mount Mitchell, natural areas along the Blue Ridge Parkway, i.e., Craggy Gardens provide for in situ preservation, the BGA provides another opportunity, where ever habitat loss is anticipated. University Botanical Gardens Phylogenetic Listing of Plants 2 Eqnlsetaceae Horsetail Family 1-1 1-2 Equlsetum anrensc Equiselum hyeraak Horsetail. Field Scouring Rush 3 Lycopodiaceae Clubmoss Family 1-1 1-8 1-10 Lycopodium lurtdulum Clubmoss. Shining Lycopodium obscurum Ground Pine Lycopodium flabelltibrme Running pine 6 Ophlogtossaceae Adder's Tongue Family 1-1 1-3 Botiychlum vlrgJnianum Boirychlum dissectum Fern. Rattlesnake Fem. Common Grape 7 Otmandaceae Royal Fern Family 1-1 1-2 1-3 Osmunda dnnaraomea Osmunda claytonlana Osmunda negate Fern. Cinnamon Fem. Interrupted Fem. Royal 8 Schlzaeaceae Curly Grass Family 1-1 Lygodluni palmatuxn Fern. Climbing 9 Hymenophyll«ce«e Filmy Fem Family 1-2 TWchomanes peterau Fem. Dwarf FUmy 10 Pteridaceae Maiden Hair Fern Family 1-1 4-1 5-1 Adiantum pedatum Pellaea atropurpurea Plerldium aquillnum Fem. Maidenhair Fern. Purple CUff-Brake Fem. Bracken 8 FIGURE 3. Sample phylogenetic listing of plants from the Guide Book of the botanical gardens. �27 Calendar of Flowering Dates Scientific Name Common Name Location Junlperus virgin iana Cedar. Red GS Symplocarpus foetldus Skunk Cabbage H8.B11 J12 Hexastyils minor Ginger, Small Heart-Leaf Ulmus rubra Elm. Slippery Coryius amerlcana Hazelnut American Q5.P7 Acer saccharin um Maple. Silver Jan. P13.S9.R14 Cardamine parvlllora C13.GI3 Bitter Cress. Small-Flowered R8.S12 Ulmus amerlcana Elm. American 012 Ulmus aiata Elm. Winged T7 Acer rubrum Maple. Red H7.012.P9.T9 Quereus laevis Oak. Turkey R14 Alnus glutlnosa Alder. Black J13 Alnua aerrulata Alder. Tag J13.C13.011 l U l d u n anlsatum Anise Tree. Japanese HS Jugians ctaerea Butternut R10.S4.D12.H3 Cardamine birauta Bitter Cress. Hairy Chaptalla tomeqtosa Sunbonnets P10 Aquilegia canadensis Columbine G9.H6.T10.S10 Cerasdum holoateoides Chlckweed. Mouse-Eared R8 R7.S12 T t . — c u m officinale Dandebon. Common F11.08 OronUum aquaucum Golden Club D11.S11.K12 Vmca minor Periwinkle N11.V6.S9 Accrncgundo Bex Elder R12.S7 Rhododendion austrlnuni Azalea. Florida U7 Vacdniuxn va&Hans Blueberry O8.O10.H8 Populus grandldentata Aspen GS Fagus graadtfoUa Beech. American 013J13 Betulalenta Birch. Cherry Pll Be tula nigra Birch. Rtver P12 Sanguinarta canadensis Bkwdroot Oll.TlO.17.08 Comus fiorida Dogwood. Flowering SHJ».R9J»U Hepaoca acutlJoba Overleaf C12.P10.O11 HepaUca amerlcana Uverkaf C12.P10 37 FIGURE 4. Sample l i s t i n g of p l a n t s from the Guide Book o f the botanical gardens. I n d i c a t i n g alphanumeric code, flowering dates, and l o c a t i o n . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author wishes to thank Mr. Glen Palmer, President of BGA and Chairperson of the Executive Commit­ tee for his guidance and review of this paper and to Dr. James Perry, Professor of Botany at U N C A , for his comments and review of this paper and use of the Justice Slide Collection held at UNCA. REFERENCES Duncan, W and L . Foote. 1975. Wildflowers of the Southeastern United States. The University of Georgia Press; Athens, GA, 296 p. Duncan, W. and M . Duncan. 1988. Trees of the Southeastern U.S.. The University of Georgia Press; Athens, GA, 322 p. Fernald, M . L . 1950. Gray's Manual of Botany (8th Edition), American Book Company, New York, 1632 p. McClure, T J . 1992. North Carolines Mountain Treasures. A Report by the Wilderness Society; Southeast Regional Office; Atlanta, GA, 65 p. Massey, J.R., et. al. 1983. A n Atlas and Illustrated Guide to the Threatened and Endangered Vascular Plants of the Mountains of North Carolina and Virginia. USDA: Southeastern Forest Experimental Station (General Techni­ cal Report SE-20); Asheville, NC, 218 p. Radford, A., H . Ahles, and C.R.Bell. 1968. Manual of the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas. The University of North Carolina Press; Chapel Hill, N C , 1183 PSwanson, R.E. 1993. A Field Guide to the Trees and Shrubs of the Southern Appalachians. The John Hopkins University Press; Baltimore, MD, 399 p. Univ. Bot. Gardens - Asheville. 1989. A Guide to the University Botanical Gardens at Asheville. Asheville, NC, 157 p. Wofford, B.E. 1989. Guide to the Vascular Plants of the Blue Ridge. University of Georgia Press; Athens, GA, 384 p. �28 The Dedication of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park by President Franklin D. Roosevelt Philip A. Grant, Jr., Bronxville, NY On May 22, 1926 President Calvin Coolidge signed into law a bill to establish the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Although Congress and the President had completed the process of authorizing the Great Smoky Mountains National Park in 1926, the park was not officially dedicated until 1940.1 On September 2, 1940 President Franklin D. Roosevelt travelled to Newfound Gap, Tennessee to preside over the dedication ceremonies for the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Accompanying, the President on that occasion were Secretary of the Interior Harold L. Ickes and Governors Clyde R. Hoey of North Carolina and Prentice Cooper of Tennessee.2 The date scheduled for the park's dedication occurred almost preciselyone year after the outbreak of World War II. During the eventful period between September 1939 and August 1940 Nazi Germany had conquered Poland, Denmark, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and France and had begun a sustained aerial bombardment of Britain. Since President Roosevelt had been so preoccupied with a substantial number and wide variety of foreign policy questions throughout the spring and summer of 1940, it seemed likely that he would comment on the international situation in his address at Newfound Gap.3 The President's dedication speech attracted prime news coverage in all parts of the United States. Among the major daily newspapers publishing from page stories on Roosevelt's appearance were the New York Times, Washington Post, Chicago Tribune, Atlanta Constitution, and New Orleans Times-Picayune .4 In his opening remarks Roosevelt reminded his audience that the federal government was proving, its "devotion" to the national park system, pointing out that the Department of the Interior in the near future would be opening national parks in Michigan, California, and Washington. The President asserted: "Here in the Great Smokies, we have come together to dedicate these mountains, streams, and forests, to the service of millions of American people." Alluding to the historical backgrolmd of the surrounding areas the President declared that there were trees "that stood before our forefathers ever came to this continent" and brooks "that still run as clear as on the day the first pioneer cupped his hand and drank from them." Roosevelt promised that in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park "we shall conserve these trees, the pine, the redbud, the dogwood, the azalea, the rhododendron, the trout and the thrust for the happiness of the American people." The Chief Executive explained that the old frontier "lives and will live in these untamed mountains to give to future generations a sense of the land from which their forefathers hewed their homes." Recalling that the "hewing was hard" and the "dangers were many," Roosevelt stated: ...The rifle could never be far from the axe. The pioneers stood on �29 their own feet, they shot their own game and they fought off their own enemies. In time of accident or misfortune they helped each other, and in time of Indian attack they stood by each other. Acknowledging that the American people "no longer face Indians and hard and lonely struggles with nature," Roosevelt complained that "we have grown soft in many ways." Obviously referring to the tragic reality of World War II, the President warned: "If we are to survive, we cannot be soft in a world in which there are dangers that threaten America - dangers far more deadly than were those that the frontiersmen had to face." The President, citing a number of meaningful technological advances, argued that "Europe is closer to America today than was one side of these moutains to the other side when the pioneers toiled through the primeval forest." Noting that the tank, the bomb, and the airplane had replaced the arrow and the tomahawk, Roosevelt ascertained that the "threat is as close to us today as was the threat to the frontiersman when hostile Indians were luking on the other side of the gap-" Convinced that it was entirely appropriate to conserve the Great Smoky Mountains "for the benefit of the American people," Roosevelt also insisted that we had "to safeguard a greater thing: the right of the people of this countryto live as free men." In rather solemn words the President concluded: "Our vital task of conservation is to preserve the freedom that our forefathers won in this land." Roosevelt, calling the United States a country "greatly blessed bythe bounties of nature," voiced regret that we "used up or destroyed much of out natural heritage just because that heritage was so bountiful." Charging that we had slashed our forests," "used our soils," and "encouraged floods," the Chief Executive maintained that "we were brought rather suddenly to face the fact that unless we gave thought to the lives of our children and grandchildren, they would no longer be able to live and to improve upon our American way of life." The President was pleased to recognize that in recent years "we have tried sincerely and honestly to look ahead to the future years." In an optimistic analysis Roosevelt felt that the American people were "at last definitely engaged in the task of conserving the bounties of nature, thinking in terms of the whole of nature." Reflecting on the future, the President expressed the wish that in one hundred years the Gteat Smoky Mountains National Park would "still belong in practice, as well as in theory, to the people of a free nation." Roosevelt, expressing concern over possibilities which might arise, speculated as follows: ...I hope that it will not be confined to people who come hither on Government specified days or on Government directed tours. I hope the trees will not be slaughtered bv the axe in order that a Government might conduct wars of aggression against other nations. I hope that roads and paths and trails will still be built in the cause of the liberty of recreation, and not confined to the ulterior purposes of a war machine controlled by an individual of an oligarchy. Satisfied that a majority of Americans had come to comprehend the "danger" posed by the devastating war in Europe, Roosevelt surmised that the people of the United States were aware �30 that "such a danger cannot longer be met with pitchforks and squirrel rifles or even with the training or the weapons of the war of 1917 and 1918." The final sentiments expressed by the President at Newfound Gap were: The wind that blows through the wide sky in these mountains, the winds that sweep from Canada to Mexico, from the Pacific to the Atlantic have always blown on free men. We sure free today. If we join together now—men and women and children—to face the common menace as a united people, we shall be free tomorrow. So, to the free people of America, I dedicate this Park.5 l Franklin D. Roosevelt on November 5, 1940 was re-elected to an unprecedented third term as President of the United States. Serving in the White House longer than any Chief Executive in the nation's history, Roosevelt was to be involved in the creation of nine national parks during the years of his presidency. Delivering a forceful and eloquent address, the President on September 2, 1940 officially dedicated the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. The Statutes at Large of the United States of America. 1925-1927 (Washing-ton: United States Government Printing Office, 1927), XLIV, 616-617; United States Congress, Congressional Record (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1926), LXVI, 9362, 9451-9452; Freeman Tilden, The National Parks (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1968), pp. 44-50. 2 Robert Sobel (ed.), Biographical Directory of the United States Executive Branch, 17741989 (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1990), pp. 193-194; Robert Sobel and John Raimo (eds.), Biographical Directory of the Governors of the United States. 1789-1978 (4 vols.; Westport, Connecticut: Meckler Books, 1978), III, 1157-1158, IV, 1505-1506; Francis P. Weisenburger, "Clyde Roark Hoey," Directory of American Biography, Supplement Six (New York: Charles Schribner's Sons, 1977), pp. 306-307; Graham White and John Maze, Harold Ickes of the New Deal (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), pp. 102-196. 3 Wayne S. Cole, Roosevelt and the Isolationists. 1932-1945 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), pp. 211405; Robert Dallect, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foeign Policy. 1932-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), pp. 144-251; Robert A. Divine, The Illusion of Neuteality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), pp. 162-335; Mandred Jones, Isolationism in America. 1935-1941 (Ithace: Cornell University Press, 1966), pp. 161-236; William L. Langer and S. Everett Gleason, The Challenge to Isolation: The World Crisis. 1937-1952). pp. 11-404; Gordon Wright, The Ordeal of Total War. 1939-1945) New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1968, pp. 1-45. 4 Times, New York, N.Y., September 3,1940, pp. 1,2; Post. Washington, B.C., September 3, 1940, pp. 1, 2; Daily Tribune. Chicago, September 3, 1940, pp. 1, 2; Constitution. Atlanta, September 3, 1940, pp. 1, 4; Times-Picayune. New Orleans, September 31, 1940, pp. 1, 3. 5 The Public Paper and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt. 1940 (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1941), pp. 370-375; Michael Frome, Strangers in High Places: The Story of the Great Smoky Mountains (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1966), pp. 201-203. �31 Appalachian's Heritage: The Evolution of the W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection, Appalachian Studies, and the Preservation of Regional Culture and History FredJ. Hay, Appalachian State University, Boone, NC At the dedication of the William Leonard Eury Appalachian Collection on October 18, 1971, Professor Gratis Williams said: "The William L. Eury Appalachian Collection contains . . . . books written about the Appalachian Mountain people, their traditions and lore, their culture, their institutions, their problems, and their region. In addition, there are collections of original poems, songs, and other writings of the people themselves as well as films and recordings of rapidly dying art forms and oral history in the mountains." Williams asked "What is the significance of this collection?" His response: "In the early days of Appalachian State University the cultural tradition, handcrafts, and artifacts of the people served by the University were taken for granted. Educational programs were directed toward the orientation of the sons and daughters of the mountain farmers to a general American culture, and what lay immediately about them was largely ignored. In time, though, owing to the vision of such men as Dr. I.G. Greer, a native son and long-time instructor at the college, Dr. W. Amos Abrams, and the librarian, W.L. Eury, the institution became interested in building a collection of Appalachian materials for the use of students and scholars who desire to study the local history, culture, and social problems of the region. This collection, already one of the most important in the region, is destined to grow."1 I read these words of Gratis Dearl Williams (1911-1985) because he is, more than any other individual, responsible for the development of the Eury Appalachian Collection. Williams, a native of Lawrence County, KY began to collect traditional ballads of his region while still in high school. Later, while working as a high school teacher, Williams finished his M.A. degree in English from the University of KY. His thesis presented and analyzed 471 ballads and songs he had collected in the mountains of eastern KY. In 1942, Williams joined the faculty of Appalachian State Teachers College and in 1943 taught the first college course in what was later to be known as Appalachian Studies. In 1961, Williams received the Ph.D. from New York University. His 1661 page dissertation, The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction remains the definitive study of fiction about the region.2 Williams was a primary force behind the establishment of Appalachian Studies as a legitimate academic enterprise; the creation of the Center for Appalachian Studies at ASU and its undergraduate and graduate degree programs; the Appalachian Journal, long the premier scholarly serial for the region; and the Appalachian Consortium, a multi-institutional organization for the promotion and publication of �32 research on the region. A symposium organized to honor Williams on his retirement has become an annual event with its own sponsoring organization, the Appalachian Studies Association. When Williams was preparing to teach that first course in Appalachian song in 1943, he first did a survey of the library's holdings and discovered there were only about 25-30 books having to do with Appalachia at what was then known as Appalachian State Teachers College. With Librarian W.L. Eury's support, Williams began to identify books on the area and on folk song and purchase them for the College's Library.3 This process of identification and purchase of Appalachian materials intensified and broadened in the early 1950s when Williams began work on his now famous dissertation. He, and Acquisitions Librarian Zeb Shook, would visit used bookstores and antique shops to search for relevant materials. Shook kept a list of all of Williams' many inter-library loan requests-the "Selective Bibliography" of Williams' dissertation was 57 pages and 840 citations-and sought through the out-of-print market to locate and purchase copies.4 During these same years from WWII to the 1960s, there was a renewed interest in programs of regional and ethnic studies. Some of these programs had existed for many years, but the existing ones like the newly created programs were greatly inspired and influenced by the international area studies model developed by the Social Sciences Research Council and funded, in large part, as part of the U.S. government's defense efforts. An essential component of the SSRC model was the development of interdisciplinary library collections. Following the success of area studies in American universities, and with the increased national attention focused on marginalized areas, ethnic groups and peoples within the borders of the United States, the 1960s witnessed a blossoming of domestic area studies programs. New programs included African-American Studies, Chicano Studies, Appalachian Studies and so forth. These were interdisciplinary programs modeled on the foreign area studies and shared their need for comprehensive, interdisciplinary library collections.5 When Gratis Williams arrived at Appalachian State Teachers College in 1942, a comprehensive Appalachian Studies was not yet possible. However, scholars at the larger research universities had already taken an interest in collecting the musical and oral traditions of Appalachia and according to Williams: "That's why it was possible as early as the summer of 1943 to teach a course in Appalachian ballads and songs here."6 Williams in remarking on the gradual emergence of Appalachian Studies as a recognized and legitimate academic concentration said: "The big notion of discovering and cultivating ethnic subcultures didn't hit us until the end of the 1950s. At that time, of course, everyone who was of a larger subcultural group or ethnic group, began to concentrate on his ethnicity and it's this concept that is behind the notion of Appalachian Studies, Appalachian Centers, Appalachian Museums."7 The possibility of establishing a special collections area began to be discussed at ASU in the mid-1960s when the University's plans for a new library building were being drawn-up. Initially, library and university administrators thought in terms of a North Carolina Collection but Librarian Leonard Eury became convinced that the collection �33 should focus on Western North Carolina or the Southern Highlands rather than duplicate the efforts of North Carolina Collections elsewhere in the state. The first edition of the Belk Library Handbook in 1968 included the following description: "A special collection of all available material about and from the Appalachian Mountain region is housed here. The library is interested in collecting both published and unpublished materials for inclusion in the collection."9 In 1969, Charlotte Ross was hired as the Appalachian Room's first Librarian. Ross was a native Appalachian from the mountains of North Georgia. Her search for donations led Ross to expand the original mission of the Appalachian Room by expanding its collecting interests to artifacts. In 1971 a major artifact collection was received; the Riley-Fry Collection of hand made coverlets and shams. These had been made in Watauga and adjacent counties from 1900 to 1930.10 Also in 1971, the Appalachian Room received the donation of the I.G. Greer Collection which included a number of antique dulcimers, in addition to his extensive song and ballad collections and field recordings. In October 1971, when the Appalachian Collection was renamed and formally dedicated in honor of recently retired ASU Librarian Eury, it included 2500 published books. In the early 1970s, the Eury Appalachian Collection received other important donations: the Jack Guy Collection of taped traditional music of the Beech Mountain area, and his photograph collection of local musicians and folk toys; the York Ballad Collection from Mocksville, NC; the Amos Abrams folksong collection and field recordings; Virgil SturgiU's diaries and performance repertoire; and the Daniel Boone Loom, which was over 150 years old and believed to have been used by the descendants of Rebecca Bryant Boone, Daniel Boone's sister. The W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection was well enough established by 1973, that when the U.S. Army Berlin Brigade created an "Ethnic Exposition," it asked the Collection to supply the Appalachian portion. Publications, artifacts, photographs and other materials were lent to the Army in Berlin for this expo which highlighted the cultures of African, Asian, Hispanic, and Appalachian Americans for the purpose of increasing multicultural awareness and ethnic pride in the military community. By the time Ross left the Collection in 1975 the book collection had grown to 7227 volumes. Eric Olson, the Collection's first professionally trained librarian, began his term as Appalachian Collection Librarian inJune 1978. The Eury Appalachian Collection had long suffered from insufficient space in Belk Library and Olson oversaw its move from Belk Library to the old D.D. Dougherty Library Building in 1980, and then to the newly acquired University Hall in 1984, and the expansion of its space in University Hall in 1990. Due to the large number of artifacts that the Collection had acquired, the University decided to remove them from the Collection, at this time, and to create a separate museum. Olson retired from University service in 1993. During the Olson years, the Collection continued to grow and to add important manuscript collections, including the papers of Gratis Williams, North Carolina Congressman and Senator James Broyhill and the Appalachian Land Ownership Survey. �34 Through the years the Collection has continued to grow. We now house over 26,000 books; more than 14,500 reels of microfilm, 5300 microfiche, 2300 audiotapes and 800 videotapes and films, 1200 commercially produced phonodiscs, and 300 CDs and CDROMs; about 1,100 linear feet of manuscripts; 150 linear feet of clipping file containing articles from Southern Appalachian area newspapers about the region; over 100 periodical subscriptions, several hundred maps, as well as slides, photographs, and ephemera. And the continued growth has forced us to continue moving. In 1996, after engineers determined that the weight of the Collection had increased beyond the capacity of its second floor University Hall location, space was renovated on the top floor of Belk Library and the Appalachian Collection returned to where it was first established in the Fall of 1968. What is the significance of this Collection's history for the development of regional and ethnic scholarship? It is significant that the development of this special collection preceded and in many ways enabled the development of the regional studies academic program. Before the establishment of the Appalachian Collection a few individual faculty pursued research and offered instruction in Appalachian folklore and literature. But they were few, most important were Issac Garfield Greer who left ASU in 1933, Amos Abrams who left in 1946, and especially Gratis Williams, who served on the faculty from 1942 to 1976, and stayed on the scene until his death in 1985. The Collection was there and growing before most of the scholars who specialize in Appalachia came to ASU and before the Center for Appalachian Studies and its degree programs were created, before Appalachian Journal published its first issue, before the Appalachian Consortium and before the Collection's spin-off the Appalachian Cultural Museum opened its doors. I want next to briefly describe the kind of information that can be found in the unpublished materials of the Appalachian Collection. I use for my example the Abrams Collection. W. AMOS ABRAMS COLLECTION In 1974, former ASU English Professor, William Amos "Doc" Abrams donated to the W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection an assortment of documents. This collection included his correspondence from 1941-1972, his recordings of Appalachian folk song, his extensive folk song collection, the Moses Adams manuscript, his Wilcox-Gay portable record machine, tapes of some of his speeches, the text to 164 speeches, and a card index of speech texts which list locations and dates delivered, and most were delivered on multiple occasions. While a student at Duke University, Abrams came under the influence of English Professor Frank C. Brown. Brown was an avid collector of folklore and Secretary-Treasurer of the North Carolina Folklore Society. Brown coordinated a state-wide collection of song and lore for the society which was eventually published in the seven volumes of The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore (1952-1964). In 1936, Brown asked Abrams to help him collect folk songs in western North Carolina. For the next decade Abrams scoured the mountains in search of song. He also encouraged his students to collect songs for him from their families and friends. The Abrams recordings are on the discs made on the old Wilcox-Gay recorder. Before donating the discs, �35 Abrams recorded each of 515 songs (i.e., 317 distinct songs and variants) from 130 individuals and groups onto reel-to-reel tapes with descriptive remarks explaining how he came to record the song and other notes on song variants and so forth. His recordings include songs by Horton Barker, Gratis Williams, Uncle Pat Fry, Frank Proffit (who Abrams and Brown first recorded), Mr. and Mrs. James York, and the first ever recording, in 1941, of a then 14 year-old Doc Watson, as well as many less well-known individuals. The Moses Adams manuscript was acquired by Doc Abrams in 1937. It belonged originally to Moses Adams of the Dehart community in Wilkes County, North Carolina and is believed to date to around 1825, making it one of the oldest written records of Appalachian folk song. The manuscript is 41/ 2 x 8 inches with thirty leaves, handwritten on both sides, sewn together and bound in homespun cloth. It included about 22 songs, as well as, various marginalia about the songs and farm events. Abrams eloquently described his donation in a letter he wrote ASU in 1974: "Among this collection of folk songs and folk ballads, of course, will be found broadsides, American songs, and religious, patriotic, epic, political, tear-jerking, comic, didactic, moralizing treatises-some of small value and some perhaps rare-but all composing a cross-section of folk song saga of our forebears and contemporaries who once lived and now live in Appalachia. To call the names of the singers and collectors who entrusted their treasures to me between 1935 and 1945 is but to call the roll of those who lived and now live within a hundred-mile radius of Appalachian State University. "The Child Ballads in the collection are those most popular in Western North Carolina, their popularity proved by the unusually large number of variant versions included. Written down often by the poorly educated and sung by the unlettered (but NOT unlearned), they brought to the mountains stirring and storied accounts of lords and ladies, kings and queens and a strange world beyond the deep blue sea. "In all, statistically speaking, the collection contains some 800 items (tides and variants thereof). Some of the manuscripts themselves, both typed and hand-written, are quite old. Some came from family collections; some copied from printed sources; and many, many from memory-from grandmother to mother to daughter and from grandfather to father to son. So mote it ever be!" It is through study of the materials found in the monographs, family histories, government records, serial publications, and archival collections such as the Abrams Collection, that we can broaden and deepen our understanding of the traditional culture and history of the Southern Highlands. And in so doing, to paraphrase anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski, we will be better able to grasp the Blue Ridge Mountain natives' point of view, their relation to life, to realize their vision of their world and the substance of their happiness. And without this kind of understanding, heritage tourism is a sham, is spurious, and is detrimental to the region and its people. Fortunately, there are a number of visitors to our region who realize this and come here not only to see the sights and to enjoy the vast recreational �36 possibilities but to learn about the region and its people, history, and culture. One of the places these tourists come to learn is to the W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection. TOURISM AND THE W.L. EU[RY APPALACHIAN COLLECTION We collect, organize, and provide access to documentation on the history of tourism in the region. This includes research reports such as Dave and Evans' Travel Patterns & Behaviors of Visitors to the Southern Highland Region of the United States (1994), historical works like Noblitt's A Mansion in the Mountains: the Story of Moses and Bertha Cone and Their Blowing Rock Manor (1996), records of tourismrelated associations such as the Horn of the West and the Blue Ridge Parkway Association, taped oral histories of local residents describing early tourists and tourist developments, but also literature promoting tourist attractions such as the first issue in October 1912, of the serial publication The Mammoth Cave Magazine, subtitled Mammoth Cave-Mecca of All Nations, and featuring portraits of presumed visitors on its cover, including Ralph Waldo Emerson, Dom Pedro II, William Jennings Bryan, Jenny Lind, and King Edward VII, or the 1920 Signal Mountain Hotel brochure Signal Mountain: A Place to Live complete with someone's expense log pencilled on the inside back cover (rooms were $4 and breakfast was 50 cents) as well as other ephemera, like postcards and railroad schedules, associated with the tourism development of the region. The W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection is also, in itself, a tourist attraction. Unlike the purposeful development of the Reynolds Historical Genealogy Collection of the Allen County Public Library in Ft. Wayne, IN as a very successful means of attracting visitors and their money, ASU did not intend to create a tourist attraction. But it did. Visiting scholars, genealogists, and journalists from around the country and world regularly visit Boone to use our resources. We've hosted visits of scholars from California, Maine, England, Ireland, Germany, and Japan, genealogists not only from Tennessee and Indiana, but from Texas, Oregon, Canada, and Australia. Indeed, located only a few miles from the Blue Ridge Parkway, the W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection is like the museums, craft shops, scenic views, and historic sites, one of the tourist destinations found along this magnificent linear park. NOTES 1. Williams, Gratis D., "The Significance of the W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection," address delivered October 18, 1971 on the formal dedication of the W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection, Appalachian State University, Boone, NC. 2. Ross, Carl A., "Gratis Williams: The Man and His Legacy," in The Gratis Williams Symposium Proceedings: A Memorial and Examination of the State of Regional Studies in Appalachia. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1989, pp. 1-4. 3. Baker, Barry B., "A History of the Appalachian Collection," ASU History paper, April 1979. 4. Williams, Gratis D., The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction. Ph.D. dissertation, 3 vols., NY: New York University, 1961. 5. Hay, FredJ., "The Subject Specialist in the Academic Library: A Review Article." Journal of Academic Librarianship 16(1), March 1990:11-17. 6. Baker, 1979, p. 2. 7. Baker, 1979, p. 2. 8. Baker, 1979. 9. Eastridge, Gwendolen, Library Handbook: A Guide to Resources and Services. Boone, NC: Appalachian State University, 1968, p. 16. 10. Fry, Annette Riley, "Bedspreads in the Mountain Manner," Americana. 6(2), May/June 1978:28-32. �37 South Carolina National Heritage Corridor Curt Cottle, SC Department of Parks, Recreation & Tourism, Columbia, SC The era of collectively conserving regional cultural, natural and heritage resources to encourage economic revitalization and promote sound conservation practices began in 1984 with designation of the Illinois & Michigan Canal National Heritage Corridor. Since then, Congress has granted federal recognition to fifteen heritage areas, corridors, and tour routes as National Heritage Corridors (NHC), National Heritage Areas (NHA), National Water Heritage Areas or National Heritage Tour Routes. Today I will discuss the South Carolina National Heritage Corridor (SCHC) recognized by Congress in 1996 as being nationally significant. The South Carolina Heritage Corridor originated in a 1990 grassroots initiative in Abbeville, SC, which mushroomed into a resource promotion effort by the surrounding counties of Abbeville, McCormick, Edgefield and Greenwood during the 1996 Atlanta Olympics. As a part of the latter effort, the four counties applied for a "Cultural Visions" grant from the South Carolina Arts Commission. To stimulate rural cultural development, the Arts Commission, working with several other agencies, sponsored the innovative "Cultural Visions for Rural Communities" project to focus on cultural tradition and partnerships among cultural and economic organizations and other local entities. From these initial grassroots efforts, the larger concept of a heritage corridor evolved, uniting fourteen counties as a mechanism for building local pride of place and for creating rural economic development. In 1993 the South Carolina Parks, Recreation and Tourism Department (PRT) was awarded an Intermodal Surface Transportation Enhancement Act (ISTEA) grant to develop a plan for the Heritage Corridor. The study was designed to determine the feasibility, cost and strategy for establishing a Heritage Corridor Plan for a 240-mile long area including 70 cities and towns. Running from the coast of South Carolina up one of its major river systems and into the foothills of the Appalachian Mountains, this corridor would cover approximately one third of the state. In October 1994 Lane, Frenchman and Associates, Inc. and CityDesign Collaborative Inc., working with a multidisciplinary consultant team, were hired to prepare the plan. I acted as the landscape architect\preservation planner for the project. It should be noted that the boundaries and length of the Heritage Corridor had already been defined by PRT when the consultant team was brought aboard. In order to incorporate as many interested individuals as possible into the process, not only were locals invited to numerous public meetings, but four Regional Boards, consisting of elected representatives and a variety of heritage-related committees of community, county and regional levels, were established to guide the process in their regions. Additionally, an Advisory Task Force was established to insure that the Heritage Corridor plan responded to local and state concerns, opinions and needs. The Task Force consisted of representatives from the Regional Boards, representatives of each Tour- �38 ism District, as well as ten state agencies. The Task Force met monthly and participated in directing the study while also offering a forum where state and local participants in the plan could share ideas and concerns. Some of the key challenges that needed to be addressed during the planning process included unifying the length of the corridor with an overall identity and themes; the plethora of historic, cultural, natural and recreational resources in the fourteen counties involved; overcoming historic rivalries between the Upcountry and Low Country; identifying the national significance of the corridor; and most importantly, ensuring effective cooperation of local and state entities most responsible for making the corridor idea work. The methodology for the project emphasized five steps: identifying goals and key issues through a visioning process which incorporated the public, Regional Boards and the Advisory Task Force; understanding the corridor's development history and determining interpretive themes that portrayed the development history; identifying, evaluating and mapping the historic, natural, cultural and recreational resources of the corridor; proposing alternatives for development of the corridor; and finally, proposing ways in which the chosen alternative could be implemented. GOALS AND KEY ISSUES To direct the planning project, a project goals questionnaire was distributed to the Advisory Task Force and all locals who attended regional meetings. The primary goals and key issues identified through that survey acted as the guiding force throughout the project. These included: • Preserve the diverse types of historic resources which portray the range of settings and activities which have been significant to the entire corridor and to its individual communities; • Educate residents and visitors about the history of the Heritage Corridor and its regions, building appreciation for the special qualities of its man-made and natural landscapes as well as its cultures and people; • Facilitate expanded recreational and cultural tourism by South Carolinians and out-of-state visitors, capitalizing on the corridor's rich historical, natural and human resources; • Define programs and projects which can achieve economic benefits from increased tourism throughout the corridor. DEVELOPMENT HISTORY AND INTERPRETIVE THEMES The four regions of the Corridor contain historic, cultural and natural resources which convey the culture and evolution of South Carolina and its rural way of life. Offering a cross-section of the South's land formations, the morphology and character of the landscape have been the fundamental determinant of the SCHC's evolution. The landscape has dictated the form and qualities of its use and settlement, and has delineated the Upcountry and Low Country providing the basis for agriculture and influencing variations in lifestyle. The crucial role the interrelationship of the land and its people played in the developmental history led to the creation of an Historian Advisory Panel, consisting of experts on all aspects of the history of the state. The panel helped the consultant team determine key periods in South Carolina history that reflected important connections between the �39 people and the land. The four periods identified were The South Carolina Frontier (prior to 1788); Imprinting the Landscape (1788-1880); Industry Alters the Landscape (1880-1920); and Reshaping the Landscape (1920-present). Two overarching interpretive themes, spanning the cultural, historic and natural traditions of South Carolina, emerged from these identified historic periods. The first theme, Working Places: Farms to Factories and Beyond, had four subthemes: Working the Land; Traversing the Land: Rivers, Rails and Roads; Politics and Commerce; and the Roots of Southern Industry. The second overarching theme was Southern Culture: A Rural Heritage, with the subthemes of Convergence of Cultures; Institutions of the People; Folklore and Folkways; and Leisure and Recreation. roENTIFY, EVALUATE AND MAP THE RESOURCES Each of the four planning regions offered an abundance of historic, cultural, natural and recreational resources. In order to inventory, evaluate and map these resources, a GIS database was created. More than 1,800 resources were identified and geographically located. The following are the major categories identified in the database: Historic Resources Historic Structures Historic Sites Historic Routes and Trails National Register Sites and Districts Local Historic Districts Archaeological Sites Cultural Resources Events and Festivals Museums Cultural Lodging Cultural Restaurants Folk Traditions Miscellaneous Cultural Features Natural and Recreational Resources National Forests National Parks State Parks Local Parks Other Conservation Areas Bike Routes Hiking Routes Scenic Highways Hunting Areas Fishing Areas Boat Ramps/Marinas Visitor Services Welcome Centers Visitor Centers All the resources were mapped by region where the public, Regional Boards and Advisory Task Force were involved throughout the inventory and mapping process. Regions reviewed their maps in order to identify resources they felt were of highest significance or priority. The team felt it was important not only to identify individual resources but to ascertain whether resources existed in readily recognized patterns. Hence a broad survey of cultural landscapes and settlement patterns was undertaken. The cultural landscapes included: Low Country Plantations, Transitional Agricultural, Woodlands, Railroad, Mill and Maritime Landscapes. The six typical settlement patterns identified within the corridor were: Agricultural Trading Centers, Centers of Commerce and Trade, Resort Towns, Mill Towns, Railroad Towns and Courthouse Towns. Additionally, visual characteristics were broadly identified and analyzed for 2,400 miles of federal, state and county roadways that criss-cross the corridor. Emphasizing the numerous entry points into the corridor, the team reviewed the historic integrity and �40 scenic potential of each roadway and entry into a town. The focus was not merely on the primary routes, but on virtually every major roadway crossing the corridor. A detailed tourism and economic development inventory occurred simultaneously with the physical resource inventory. The tourism and economic development inventory reviewed demographic and employment characteristics, extant tourism and promotion efforts, and current projects and partnerships that had been or were being built. HERITAGE CORRIDOR PLAN AND IMPLEMENTATION The Heritage Corridor Plan weaves together all aspects of the inventories offering ideas for management, maintenance, and tourism promotion including cost estimates and implementation phasing plans. The final plan for the Heritage Corridor operates at three levels: Corridor-wide, regional and local. Visitor infrastructure improvements focus on byways and linkages, with two parallel routes designated along the length of the corridor which pass through representative cross-sections of the corridor landscape and its regions. The need for visitor services through the corridor is addressed via four Regional Heritage Discovery Centers, one within each region. The purpose of the Regional Heritage Discovery Centers is to provide tourism information and interpretation through exhibits, regional tour routes, guides, wayside exhibits, and heritage host programs. These centers will be the focal points for cooperative regional tourism marketing efforts. The plan encourages local interests to create new tourist facilities and attractions which use the corridor's heritage resources. Resource stewardship is of utmost concern within the corridor for unless the resources are protected and preserved, the essential "flavor" of the corridor will be lost. Resource stewardship mechanisms for historic, cultural and natural resources were proposed. An important aspect of the project was identifying the national significance of the corridor to determine if it may be eligible for federal recognition and ultimately funding. It was found that the SCHC is a unified working landscape of significance to both the State of South Carolina and the nation. Several factors contribute to the national significance of the Corridor: the clarity with which the landscape of the corridor conveys the culture of South Carolina; the development of an integrated system of cotton cultivation, transportation and manufacture; the role of the South Carolina Canal and Railroad Company in interstate development and trade; the corridor as the site of pivotal events in several United States conflicts; and the significant role of the corridor in shaping African-American heritage and culture. Implementation of the Plan recommends creating a South Carolina Heritage Partnership, which can focus on the specific coordination, funding, implementation and management requirements of Heritage Corridor development. The functions of this partnership would include program direction, coordination, stewardship, technical assistance, development of standards and criteria, project definition and support, and public information. Three implementation phases were proposed with detailed associated costs for each phase. The action agenda proposed establishing the Heritage Partnership, initiating intensive liaison with the National �41 Park Service, working with SCDOT to establish corridor byways and signage programs, preparing corridor guides, working cooperatively with local entities, preparing initial studies of the Regional Heritage Discovery Centers, and developing monitoring mechanisms, stewardship compacts and marketing strategies for the corridor. CURRENT STATUS Since the final heritage corridor plan was accepted by PRT and the Governor of South Carolina in 1995, several of the proposed actions have occurred, along with other initiatives including: • Creation of a Heritage Tourism Development Office at state level including representatives from business developers, nature-based developers, community developers, and preservation planners; • Hiring of regional coordinators for each of the four regions; • Funding has been designated from the state for $ 1 million each year for ten years plus a $100,000 matching fund for staffing; • Creation of a non-profit advocacy organization, the Heritage Partner- • • • • • ship, located in Edgefield, SC—a community that has been a strong advocate of the heritage corridor from the beginning; Talks have begun with NPS Southeast Support Office, which has offered technical assistance with interpretation and the Regional Discovery Centers in the corridor; SCDOT is in the process of finalizing the corridor signage and installation will begin soon; Preparation of a marketing package for the corridor; Partnership building in each of the regions: identify businesses and industries (two per region) that have a strong reputation for supporting local and state-wide initiatives; Initiation of the Savannah River Scenic Highway. The reaction to the designation of the South Carolina National Heritage Corridor has motivated new economic initiatives at the state and local levels, lending credibility to the project and aiding in the search for future funding. �42 A Blue Ridge Heritage Corridor: Celebrating Our Past, Creating Our Future Guiding development along a linear roadway corridor to retain natural, cultural and scenic values: Application of open space preservation principles and conservation design techniques along the proposed New River Parkway Lee R. Skabelund and Lou Williams, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, VA ABSTRACT The New .River Parkway is being planned as a two-lane scenic roadway along a portion of the New River in southeastern West Virginia linking rich and diverse natural, cultural and scenic resources together with local communities throughout the region. The intent of the parkway is to serve as a principal recreational amenity for the motoring public by providing a leisurely driving experience along the New River and Bluestone Lake and through the rolling uplands of the surrounding Allegheny plateau in a manner analogous to the Blue Ridge Parkway in Virginia and North Carolina. In response to growing development pressures along portions of the New River, the New River Parkway will be accompanied by a Land Management System (LMS) containing provisions to implement resource management and protection policies of the New River Parkway Master Plan for an approximately 1,000-foot wide linear corridor along the scenic roadway. The LMS establishes procedures, standards and regulations for the review and approval of site plans within the parkway corridor. As a portion of the parkway traverses lands within the boundaries of the National Park Service (NPS) managed New River Gorge National River, the LMS is being crafted to be compatible with NPS management policies which support the conservation, preservation and interpretation of outstanding natural, cultural and scenic values in and around the New River gorge for the benefit and enjoyment of present and future generations. The paper presents an overview of evolving open space preservation principles and conservation design techniques for rural landscapes. A sensibly balanced land management approach is advocated whereby conventional land development activities which follow standard zoning and subdivision practices are modified to achieve creative development scenarios using land planning and design techniques that effectively retain natural, cultural and scenic functions and values. The paper discusses and illustrates how conservation design techniques can be applied to rural lands, specifically to rural land within the parkway corridor, in a manner that seeks to balance resource conservation concerns with community development goals. By encouraging or requiring conservation design projects which utilize flexible site layouts, incorporate compact clusters of down-sized lots and follow other innovative land development strategies, important natural, cultural and scenic values can be retained in a manner that helps preserve rural character and enhance the quality of community life. Conservation design promotes the preservation of open space resources such as woodlands, wetlands, stream corridors, farmlands, and areas of cultural and historic significance which function as valuable natural, social and recreational amenities for community residents. Just as important, the preservation of such open space resources offers opportunities for the creation of a more integrated network of protected open space lands. The paper highlights the benefits and implications of linking local open space resources to the larger network of interconnected open spaces and rural landscape types. �43 BRIEF PROJECT OVERVIEW The northern section of the proposed New River Parkway is located along the New River in Raleigh and Summers counties of southeastern West Virginia between 1-64 and Hinton. The New River provides the boundary between the two counties within the project study area, with Raleigh County on the west bank and Summers County on the east bank. In 1978, Congress passed legislation creating the New River Gorge National River (NRGNR) as a unit of the United States Department of the Interior (USDOI), National Park Service (NPS) to encompass a 50-mile long, 62,000-acre river corridor through the Appalachian Mountains in southeastern West Virginia. River-based recreation goals identified in the NRGNR General Management Plan focus on providing opportunities for high quality river recreation experiences while minimizing adverse impacts to the natural, cultural and scenic resources associated with the New River. The General Management Plan discusses land protection within NRGNR boundaries in relation to concerns about uncontrolled growth on undeveloped private lands. Consistent with the national interest in the New River gorge, the General Management Plan states that the NPS will encourage the preparation and adoption of land use regulations (where they do not exist) for lands within and adjacent to the national river. Heavy visitation and use of NRGNR facilities is a growing concern in the project study area. Increased public demand for access to the river and other scenic areas coupled with the development of single family homes along the river have resulted in disturbance to private properties and threaten the environmental integrity of the New River. In response to increased visita- tion and the need for public access along different points of the river, and, in accord with the need for better protection of river resources, the concept of a scenic road or "parkway" along the New River evolved over the past decade. In 1985, the West Virginia Legislature passed legislation formally creating the New River Parkway Authority (NRPA) to oversee the planning of the New River Parkway. Consistent with NRPA Concept and Master Plans, the intent of the New River Parkway is to provide a quiet, attractive and leisurely alternative to existing interstates and highways in southeastern West Virginia. Through the Surface Transportation and Uniform Relocation Assistance Act of 1987, Congress authorized federal funding of $17.6 million toward construction of the northern section of the New River Parkway as a demonstration project to be built under the direction of the West Virginia Department of Transportation, Division of Highways (DOH). In 1986, the New River and its associated aquatic, wetland and riparian habitat areas were classified by the USDOI Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS) as Resource Category 1 in accordance with FWS mitigation policy. The mitigation goal for Resource Category 1 habitat is no loss of existing habitat value; all losses of existing habitat are to be prevented as these areas cannot be replaced. Insignificant changes that do not result in adverse impacts on habitat value may be acceptable provided they will have no significant cumulative impact. In 1988, the West Virginia Legislature granted additional powers and responsibilities to the NRPA to develop and set forth land use regulations and performance standards. These standards and regulations will affect lands �44 500 feet on either side of the roadway centerline, an area hereafter called the "parkway corridor." Implementation of land use controls within the designated parkway corridor is to be carried out under the New River Parkway Land Management System (LMS). The intent of the LMS is to help ensure that areas within the parkway corridor are protected and managed appropriately, to preserve the fragile character of resource areas currently at risk. The LMS is being crafted to be compatible with NFS policies contributing to the preservation and maintenance of this portion of the NRGNR. Current legislation requires that relevant local governmental entities adopt and enforce the LMS. In April 1995, administrators from Raleigh, Summers and Mercer counties met and agreed to work together with the NRPA to develop and implement appropriate land management standards and guidelines within the parkway corridor. REVIEW OF PLANNING CONCEPTS AND ISSUES In general, planning is a means for preparing for the future within a context of constraints and opportunities—most of which are known (hopefully) and some of which are not known. According to the American Planning Association "planning is a comprehensive, coordinated and continuing process, the purpose of which is to help public and private decision makers arrive at decisions which promote the common good of society."1 Planning professionals have encouraged the use of the comprehensive plan as a rational basis for land use decisions based on "a theory of planning as a rational process of choice between different development policy alternatives."2 The formulation of a comprehensive plan (sometimes called a master plan or community plan) for a locality or corridor (as in the case of the New River Parkway) is ideally a product of a comprehensive, coordinated and long-term process. The comprehensive plan represents a vision of where a locality or group wants to go and how it intends to get there, and serves as a policy guide for public and private decision making. The adoption of land use regulations is a common implementation technique used to address the goals and objectives endorsed in comprehensive plans. The authority for local land use planning and regulation is derived from the "police power" that empowers states to enact laws to protect the public health, safety and general welfare. States have delegated substantial portions of this broad regulatory authority to local governments. Zoning is the most commonly used regulatory tool to plan how land is used and to physically separate potentially incompatible land uses. Zoning regulates the use of land and structures and determines the dimensional characteristics of permitted uses, such as minimum lot sizes, the placement of structures on lots, the density of development and the maximum of buildings. In an effort to slow development and preserve open space lands, many communities have applied large-lot zoning techniques which support lowdensity development and minimum lots sizes from 10 to 25 acres. Such large-lot, low density development serves to push new development farther out into rural areas often converting valuable agricultural land and other open space lands into residential districts with little preservation of community open space lands. While zoning ordinances can be used to designate recreation areas and to protect sensitive environmental resources that limit development (such �45 as steep and unstable slopes, and soils unsuitable for septic systems) conventional zoning has encouraged sprawling, large-lot, low-density developments designed with little regard for natural, agricultural, scenic and historic resources, with little variety in terms of housing design and density, and with no or limited provision of open space for community residents and the general public.3 More often than not, conventional zoning has failed to protect the environment resulting in serious detrimental impacts to forests, floodplains, wetlands and prime agricultural lands. Increasingly, zoning ordinances have been revised to be more environmentally responsive through the regulation of nondimensional aspects of development such as landscaping, architectural design, signage, traffic circulation, stormwater management, natural and aesthetic resource protection, and open space preservation. In this way, conventional zoning is gradually being replaced by a more flexible, comprehensive approach to land management that stresses the use of performance standards to guide development and reduce environmental impacts. Performance zoning has been developed to address areas of regulation where conventional zoning has failed, and offers a more flexible approach to land use regulation imposing minimum levels of performance that must be met by each land use and development proposal.4 Flexible land management systems normally retain or supplement the traditional zoning districts but impose performance standards for site design, residential land uses and many environmental concerns. Communities adopt flexible zoning systems to achieve some mix of development objectives, usually involving fiscal, land use, administra- tive, environmental and development quality concerns. In developing a flexible approach to zoning, case studies reveal that communities generally hope to achieve one or more of the following goals: • promote orderly development by ensuring appropriate locations, desirable densities, compatible relationships and a proper balance of uses; • encourage patterns and types of development that minimize infrastructure and other development costs; • improve administration of the development approval process and insulate it from political pressures; • provide for land use types and locations responsive to market needs without excluding significant uses; • stimulate high-quality site and building design; and • preserve environmental resources.5 Flexible zoning ordinances typically focus a good deal of attention on requirements to protect natural resources and, in so doing, incorporate extensive provisions to protect and conserve agricultural lands, lands subject to erosion, wetlands and other types of sensitive lands. Building upon the efforts of environmentalists to protect natural resources, flexible zoning systems provide a more unified approach to environmental protection than most conventional zoning and subdivision ordinances. However, based upon a review of flexible zoning systems in seven communities, the authors of Flexible Zoning: How It Works conclude that"... flexible provisions are only as good as the standards and criteria by which they are implemented and fully succeed only when linked to comprehensive plans and ordinances for environmental protection."6 �46 Rural Landscape Planning The Center for Rural Massachusetts was created by the Massachusetts legislature in 1985 in recognition of the vulnerability of farmland to development. In 1986, the Center received a grant from the Massachusetts Department of Environmental Management to develop practical guidelines for rural landscape protection. In noting the creation of a new discipline called "Rural Landscape Planning", the Center sought to develop guidelines which deal directly with development issues in the countryside, essentially a blending of regional planning with landscape architecture. The Center's staff was concerned that the rural character of the state was severely threatened by conventional suburban development and that vestiges of the traditional rural landscape would become "islands surrounded by a sea of sprawling lowdensity development similar in nature to the land-use pattern ringing most of the major metropolitan centers throughout the United States."7 Noting that the development design process needs to encompass the total landscape of an area while creating "quality landscapes for our new ways of living", the Center argued that develop ment projects such as residential subdivisions and shopping centers must be deliberately designed "to help preserve rural ambience while still accommodating inevitable growth in a responsible manner."8 In the place of standard zoning and subdivision practices which encourage sprawl development, the Center recommended regulatory revisions which would require all new developments proposed on open fields or pastures to be laid out so that no more than 50 percent of the farmland is consumed by streets and lots, and a reduction in lots sizes by 50 percent with the resultant open space permanently protected by conservation restrictions for future agricultural use. The Center noted that this landconserving approach to rural development was specifically designed for implementation in small towns as it would involve little public expenditure, be easy to administer, allow full equity for rural landowners and be fair to developers.9 Cluster Development Essentially what the Center for Rural Massachusetts advocated was the notion of "cluster development" as summarized in William Whyte's publication Cluster Development. Whyte wrote that "if there is to be any environment worth living in, there must be a much more efficient use of the land" and noted that this need "calls for many approaches but the essence is the cluster idea, on the regional as well as the community scale."10 Whyte noted that clustering development on a site is a more effective use of land when compared to conventional development, and the range of choice provided with cluster development "opens up great opportunities" for the develop ment of land and preservation of open space.11 The basic premise of cluster development is the grouping of new homes on a portion of the development parcel so the remainder of the parcel can be preserved as unbuilt open space. Cluster development techniques are an outgrowth of performance zoning, and aim to control land use through the application of flexible design principles and the clustering of development on the most environmentally-appropriate portions of a site. Clustering develop ment on a site helps conserve natural and aesthetic resources and increases the amount of available open space that can be transformed into community �47 parks and recreation areas. Clustering techniques have become increasingly popular as more localities experience unsightly and inefficient urban sprawl development and minimal or no preservation of community open space under conventional zoning. However, experience has shown that when clustering and open space preservation approaches are presented as options to the developer, only a small percentage of developers choose to take advantage of the approaches while the vast majority continue to create "checkerboards of house lots and streets."12 Generally, developers are reluctant to change their conventional development ways, either based on a lack of understanding of the benefits of cluster development or fears of increased development costs (or both), and will only do so when required by regulation. However, there are many economic as well as environmental benefits associated with cluster development that benefit the development community. Cluster development typically does not result in greater overall development density on a site since the number of development units allowed on the site are simply rearranged to preserve natural and aesthetic resources and open space, and improve site design. Cluster development when compared with development associated with conventional zoning offers several benefits attractive both to community inhabitants and developers, including: • limiting encroachment of development in and adjacent to environmentally sensitive areas; • reducing the amount of open land disturbed by development, thereby encouraging the preservation of wetlands, woodlands, prime agricultural lands and rural landscapes; and • reducing the amount of roads and utility lines needed for new develop- ment which can reduce development costs and lower the costs of housing and public services.13 Cluster development is both environmentally sound and economically realistic, and offers opportunities for collective sewer and water service and permanency and maintenance of open space. When planned and designed within the context of its surroundings, cluster development is an appropriate technique for developing land in a rural setting, offering tremendous advantages over conventional development. Advantages include: • greater environmental sensitivity and responsiveness to environmental regulations; • protection of neighborhood character by providing permanent open space for common use; • enhancement of the environmental setting and potential dedication of historic or culturally significant features; • creation of a wider variety of active and passive recreation uses; • creation of a more diverse and architecturally interesting neighborhood; • creation of a friendlier pedestrian environment, including walking and biking opportunities; and • reduction in the need for and number of automobile trips.14 Recent research by the Center for Rural Massachusetts suggests that cluster developments which emphasize the preservation of open space allow undeveloped lands to be integrated into and around the grouping of structures on a site, and ensure direct access to considerably more open land than is possible with larger, residential houselots. Furthermore, the Center's research demonstrated a greater desire on the part of the homebuyer for a home with access and proximity to �48 permanently-protected land than for a home located on a bigger lot without the open space amenity.15 Similar research conducted by American Lives found that "consumers are putting an increasingly high premium on interaction with the outdoor environment through the inclusion of wooded tracts, nature paths and even wilderness areas in housing developments."16 Research by American Lives noted that 77 percent of consumers put "natural open space" as the feature they desired most in a new home development.17 Planned unit developments (PUDs), also called planned residential developments (PRDs), are an improved alternative to conventional subdivisions which often utilize cluster development principles to achieve greater flexibility in lot sizing and configuration. However, as many PUD ordinances lack comprehensive standards which address the quantity, quality and configuration of resource protection or open space areas, environmentally-responsive design solutions are not always achieved.18 Rural Environmental Planning Rural Environmental Planning (REP) is a method used by citizens in small towns and rural areas to plan for the future growth of their locality, and embodies the desire to enhance a community's long-term viability "by balancing economic development and environmental protection in accord with the carrying capacity of the land."19 Noting that "conservation of the natural environment and development of the human community" are equally important planning goals, Sargent et al. contend that "economic growth can be a major goal only when it is compatible with environmental well being... based on the assumption that if the quality of the environment is maintained, land values will actually increase."20 The protection of natural areas and the preservation of wildlife habitats are central objectives of the REP process based upon the underlying premise that conservation is understood to be "the prudent and sustainable use of natural resources."21 In discussing the establishment of conservation designations or zones, Sargent et al. assert that the designation of land as a conservation area need not "deprive rural landowners of inherent land rights" but "may actually enhance land values by guaranteeing wise land use in an area."22 Citing work conducted by the Center for Rural Massachusetts in preparation of the document Dealing with Change in the Connecticut River Valley, Sargent et al. point to the benefit that clustering development on a site has on keeping land in agriculture and preserving open space. Noting that the quality and natural beauty of a ruraTs areas setting and its sense of place are its most basic characteristics, Sargent et al. indicate that rural communities "can accommodate physical growth and new economic activity while maintaining rural character" through a careful planning approach that balances natural resource protection, community values and economic concerns.23 Conservation Subdivision Design The notion that conservation of the natural environment and development of the human community are equally important planning goals parallels the thoughts of Michael Corbett who argues that communities "designed without sensitivity to the natural setting do not reflect our true nature and will fail."24 In response to the call for "social equity and ecological parity", Steiner describes the need for an ecological planning methodology to land development whereby "biophysical and sociocultural �49 information" are used together to "suggest opportunities and constraints for decision making about the use of the landscape."25 Based on these (and many other) theoretical observations on the need for an integrated approach to land development that equitably considers human and natural systems in planning and design, an approach to rural planning has recently been put forward which advocates a practical alternative to conventional zoning aimed at the conservation of natural lands and the accommodation of human development needs. Conservation subdivision design is a planning and design approach that advocates a new form of development for rural areas or areas along the suburban fringe which incorporates the resource conservation aspects of cluster development and the flexibility in lot sizing and configuration of the PUD. Conservation subdivision design, attributable to Randall Arendt of the Natural Lands Trust, refers to residential developments where "half or more of the buildable land area [of a site] is designated as undivided, permanent open space."26 With this type of development, the overall number of dwelling units allowed on a site remains the same as under conventional development but residential neighborhoods are designed more compactly with resource conservation in mind. Smaller lots and narrower single family homes, typical of traditional American villages and small towns, are recommended by Arendt to reduce the site area necessary for construction, and are related to concepts put forth in neotraditional or new town planning, also termed the "New Urbanism."27 Single-family detached homes can be located on compact lots in a manner that conserves natural resources while providing attractive and economically viable housing opportunities. However, Arendt notes that a larger goal is to allow permanent open spaces within developed subdivisions to be "added to an interconnected network of green spaces and green corridors crisscrossing one's township or county."28 NEW RIVER PARKWAY LAND MANAGEMENT SYSTEM The New River Parkway Land Management System (LMS) is being crafted for the purposes of: (1) preserving the scenic quality of the parkway corridor; (2) encouraging development which is appropriate for the scenic quality of the parkway corridor; (3) reducing development impacts to natural, cultural and scenic resources; and (4) promoting the health, safety and general welfare of residents and visitors. The LMS will establish procedures, standards and regulations for the review and approval of site plans associated with new development, changes in use and changes to existing site plans within the parkway corridor. Performance Criteria and Standards Performance criteria and standards specify levels of effectiveness or performance for uses and activities in relation to their ability to conserve, protect and/ or manage important resources within the parkway corridor. Performance criteria and standards are the heart of the LMS and provide guidance as to how projects and activities should be planned, designed and implemented within the parkway corridor to meet the intent of the LMS. Performance criteria and standards are addressed in the LMS under the more general headings of environmental and development compatibility. �50 Compatibility Assessment Review Process The Compatibility Assessment Review Process is the mechanism used to implement the performance criteria and standards established in the LMS, and is intended to encourage orderly, environmentally-conscious development and promote the health, safety and general welfare of the residents within and visitors to the parkway corridor. A primary objective of the generalized site plan review process, and the LMSspecific Compatibility Assessment Review Process, is to provide a mechanism for making informed decisions about the use of resources, especially nonrenewable resources. As the population continues to grow, so grows the competition for the use of dwindling supplies of land, clean air and water, and energy resources. Therefore, it should come as no surprise that the initial, albeit crucial, step in the site planning process is the identification and analysis of sensitive resources through an environmental inventory process. The environmental inventory step typically includes elements such as soils, slope and vegetation mapping, engineering analysis of soils, drainage patterns and sub-surface conditions, and an assessment of impacts that the proposed land use or uses may have on the environment. The information obtained in the environmental inventory stage of the site planning process lays the groundwork for all other decision-making stages and greatly influences how well (or how poorly) the final site design product responds to the unique characteristics of the site. The environmental inventory process can be a relatively simple or a somewhat complex endeavor based upon the complexity and size of the site under study. The conservation subdivision design process highlights the impor- tance of the environmental inventory step in the site planning process. Application of Conservation Planning and Design Principles within the Parkway Corridor Conservation Subdivision Design Arendt notes that "the conservation subdivision has as its central principle the preservation of natural lands as building blocks in community-wide open space networks" and is an appropriate development approach in less developed areas where central water and/or sewer is not available.29 Therefore, the most important step in designing a conservation subdivision is the identification of natural lands to be preserved as open space on the site. Initially, primary conservation areas, including unbuildable areas such as wetlands, watercourses, floodplains, and restrictive soils, slopes and geologic formations, and secondary conservation areas, including sensitive areas such as prime agricultural lands, woodlands, significant natural features, scenic, recreational and cultural resources, and buffer areas, are delineated through the environmental inventory process. The identification of primary conservation areas and secondary conservation areas allows the site designer to move through the site planning process with a thorough knowledge of environmental constraints and opportunities that can help direct development decisions in an environmentally-responsive manner. Potential development areas and house sites are identified to maintain the natural integrity of the site while meeting existing land development requirements and density provisions.30 Ideally, primary and secondary conservation areas should be avoided by development. However, primary conservation areas (i.e., wetlands, watercourses, floodplains, and restrictive �51 soils, slopes and geologic formations) are must avoid lands; these areas are sieved out first as they have limitations or are inherently unsuited for development. While Arendt notes that primary conservation areas are the first type of open space drawn on any site plan, secondary conservation areas must be evaluated to determine which of these areas are of "greater and lesser significance" based on their importance, vulnerability or fragility.31 The selection of secondary conservation areas is perhaps the most critical part of the initial step in the four-step development design process argues Arendt, as it is through the preservation of secondary conservation areas (i.e., lands most sensitive environmentally, most significant historically or culturally, most scenic and/or possessing unusual attributes) that the special features and the natural beauty of a site are afforded protection from development.32 The approach to determining lands suitable for development known as "sieve mapping" was founded on the premise that once land has been through all the sieves and all difficult areas for development have been eliminated, the land remaining is considered suitable for the contemplated land use.33 In essence, as with the delineation of primary and secondary conservation areas, the sieve mapping model argues "against locating uses in particular locations" deemed unsuitable for development.34 In a similar vein, Ian McHarg, in his seminal work Design with Nature, argued that working with the "image of nature as an interacting and living storehouse" we must initiate a program that seeks "to find the highest and best uses of all the land" and identify the "maximum conjunction" of lands and proposed uses.35 Applied with wisdom, conservation subdivision design is consistent with McHarg's injunction. Arendt's approach to creating conservation subdivision designs involves a two-stage process: the background phase and the design phase. The background (or inventory) phase involves understanding the locational context of the site, mapping of natural, cultural and historic features, integrating the layers of information from the inventory (using hand-drawn and/or computer-generated overlays), and prioritizing objectives and establishing criteria for rating and choosing lands to be preserved.36 The next stage is the design phase which includes "four sequential steps" at the heart of the design process: identifying all potential conservation areas (the "all important" first step), locating the house sites, designing street alignments and trails, and drawing in the lot lines.37 Figure 1 illustrates the application of conservation planning and design principles in the parkway corridor for a 45-acre historic farm site located along the New River. This graphic highlights the differences between conventional and conservation approaches to the design of a subdivision of single family homes. Two development options for the 45-acre parcel are shown in Figure 1 each of which divide the original parcel into two smaller parcels: a 39-acre development parcel where new homes will be built and a smaller six-acre parcel which contains the existing historic �52 and no wetland buffer has been provided to aid in water quality maintenance. The use of individual driveways for the ten river lots along with the single entrance to the nine half-acre lots results in a total of 11 additional connection points along the parkway and is contrary to the condition of limited-access necessary for the maintenance of scenic parkway standards. Option B shows a conservation-designed subdivision of single family homes where 8 acres of the site have been subdivided into 19 lots ranging in size from 0.35 to 0.5 acres while the remaining 31 acres (79 percent) of the 39-acre development parcel have been preserved as community open space. The community open space preserved includes an approximately 21-acre village jjreen or meadow (which could be Flgm* 1: Applied, of Conservation Pbutaf and Design Principka in the Parkway Corridi leased for farming purposes with the proceeds going to the community open space maintenance fund), and farm and accompanying outbuildings. an approximately 10-acre nature park Option A shows a subdivision of along the river which includes woodsingle family homes with a design based lands, wetlands and a 100-foot wide upon a conventional development wetland protection buffer. An alternascheme. Nine half-acre lots are shown tive design of Option B utilizing 19 halfon the extreme left side of the drawing acre lots would yield 11 acres of to replicate an existing smaller developdeveloped land and 28 acres of ment adjacent to this portion of the site. community open space (72 percent of A larger portion of the site has been the 39-acre development parcel) includdivided into ten 3.0- to 3.5-acre lots ing an 18-acre village green/meadow which extend from the parkway to the and a 10-acre nature park along the river's edge. A small half-acre site has river. been preserved as community open One of the major benefits of Option space for river access purposes while the B from a scenic parkway perspective is remaining 38.5 acres of the developthe provision of a single access ment parcel has been subdivided into connection to the parkway rather a individual development parcels. By series of individual driveways. The developing such a large portion of the community-scale access road used in site and locating homes in close this example serves 19 lots thus limiting proximity to the river, over 50 percent ingress and egress points along the of the woodland area has been reduced parkway. If existing development �53 while the remaining 8 acres (48 percent) of the 17-acre development parcel have been preserved as community open space. The community open space includes an approximately three-acre village green or meadow, and fouracre nature park along the river Figure 2: A More Compact Form of Cowervation Subdivision Design ia the Parkway Corridor with woodlands, wetlands and a 100-foot wide wetland protection regulations or future conditions necesbuffer. sitate another entrance into the commuIt is our judgement that nity, an additional permanent or conservation-designed developments will emergency entrance could easily be more effectively retain the rural provided by extending the roadway character of the area by protecting from the cul-de-sac to the parkway at the natural, cultural and scenic values and end of the site near the historic farm. functions within the parkway corridor Ideally, private connections to the while providing at least the same scenic parkway will be kept to a economic return from the developer as minimum to facilitate a safe and could be secured under a conventional pleasurable motoring experience. development approach. The applicaOption C (shown in Figure 2) tion of cluster development principles represents a more compact form of a advocated in conservation subdivision conservation-designed subdivision of design is an acceptable method of single family homes where the developpreserving natural cultural and scenic ment parcel has been reduced to 17 values and functions in the landscape acres while the historic farm parcel has but not necessarily the only way of been preserved as one contiguous 28preserving such values and functions. acre parcel containing the existing The current literature on sustainable historic farm, accompanying buildings landscape design, while supporting the and a large portion of the prime basic premise of clustering developagricultural fields. Nine acres of the site ment on a site to reduce resource have been subdivided into 19 lots ranging in size from 0.35 to 0.5 acres impacts, underscores the need to Table A summarizes the vital development and open space statistics for the three options. TABLE A - SUMMARY OF DEVELOPMENT OPTIONS Option B Option A Option C 45 acres 45 acres 6 acres 28 acres 39 acres 17 acres 8 acres 9 acres (19 0.35-0.5- (19 0.35-0.5acre lots) acre lots) TOTAL AREA OF ORIGINAL PARCEL Total area of historic farm parcel preserved Total area of development parcel Total developed area 45 acres 6 acres 39 acres 38.5 acres (9 0.5-acre lots, 10 3.0-3.5-acre lots) Total community open space area preserved Percent of development parcel preserved as community open space 0.5 acres 31 acres 8 acres 1% 79% 48% �54 consider carrying capacity and bioregionalism in establishing a framework for sustainable landscape design. In striving to meet sustainability objectives, such as the protection of ecologically critical areas and the minimization of infrastructure, alternative development strategies including the application of duster development principles should be considered based on specific site conditions. 38 Creating an Integrated Network of Protected Open Space Lands The goal of a conservation-oriented approach to land planning and design is not to simply preserve adjunct pieces of the landscape on disjointed development parcels but to foster the creation of an interconnected, integrated network of open space lands that serves people and sustains natural functions and flows. The connective quality of open space in cluster development was recognized by Whyte as he indicated that a relatively small part of the open space in a community "may be the link that ties many more acres together."39 Whyte found that the open space within a cluster subdivision might be functional in itself, but would become more functional if connected with open space areas in other developed areas and with schools and parks throughout the larger community through a united open space network.40 Arendt notes that "possibly the most important aspect of the development approach known as conservation subdivision design is the opportunity it offers to create an interconnected network of protected lands" thus providing "a true fabric of open space that flows among any number of new subdivisions", and contributing to the protection of water quality and wildlife habitat over a larger area.41 In practice, a series of open space lands can be linked to form a "greenway" which is basically a vegetated corridor used primarily for outdoor recreational activities such as walking, jogging, hiking and biking. However, the formation of greenways is not a haphazard amalgamation of open space lands. Hellmund suggests a four-stage ecological approach to greenway design that includes: (1) reviewing the region to understand its opportunities and constraints for creating a greenway, (2) selecting project goals and key uses for the greenway and defining a study swath within the region with good potential for a greenway, (3) selecting and evaluating alternative alignments for a greenway and then locally setting widths that respond to local ecological conditions and (4) creating and implementing site designs to locate uses and facilities within the greenway, and preparing and carrying out management plans.42 Broader interpretations of greenways held by rural land management professionals and wildlife conservationists go beyond the use of a greenway strictly for recreational activities and include the protection of lands for their value as farmlands, woodlands, sensitive animal habitat and waterpollutant filters.43 Smith notes that greenways composed of natural vegetation along riparian corridors help maintain water quality by filtering excess nutrients in surface runoff before they reach streams and rivers, by forming a physical barrier on the ground surface which slows surface runoff and reduces erosion, and by aiding in the maintenance of natural stream levels and rates of flow.44 In addition to helping maintain the quality of water resources, greenways serve a �55 variety of ecological functions as protectors of natural areas; riparian corridors preserved as greenways are especially important as they support a diversity of valuable ecological sites, including aquatic, Figure 3: Creating an integrated network of open space lands riparian and upland political factors are the central considerhabitats.45 ations, Marsh finds that the "goal in Along the New River Parkway, the environmental planning should be to New River, adjacent wetlands, woodguide change in such a way as to lands and fields, and publically-owned maintain the long-term performance of land (including lands within the New the critical processes and systems of the River Gorge National River) can be landscape."48 linked with open space lands conserved Dramstad et al. provide greater by the wise planning and design of new clarity for planners and designers by subdivisions and developments to create an integrated greenway of indicating that "better suburban develprotected lands. Figure 3 illustrates the opments" do not obstruct species creation of a linear open space corridor movements, pollute nearby waterbodies, or "greenway" within the proposed encourage rapid colonization by invanature park included in Option B and sive plants and animals, nor break up the possibility of linking the open space major patches and natural corridors in lands in Option B with other open space the landscape.49 Better developments areas throughout the larger commuavoid and/or minimize such adverse nity. impacts by concentrating new development within areas of existing human Landscape Ecology and Regional/Environdisturbance and by sensitively locating mental Planning new development at the edge of natural Shafer notes that in managing patches or outside vegetated riparian landscapes, we must seek to "protect buffers. Better developments also existing natural landscape connectivity protect stream and river corridors by and assemblages" meaning that "effecmaintaining or providing a buffer of tive conservation considers the entire vegetation wide enough to control landscape and thus blends into regional dissolved-substance inputs from develplanning."46 Site planning and design oped areas, and they preserve upland must incorporate "a more broadanimal habitat as a conduit for the reaching, landscape ecological apmovement of upland interior species proach where the impacts of a particular and a place of refuge for species land use plan or landscape design are displaced by flooding.50 considered within the larger, ecological Priorities about what is significant, context of the landscape or region."47 critical or irreplaceable need to be Noting that environmental planning established to guide the designation of generally applies to planning and open space within a site. Obviously, management activities in which envisetting such priorities implies the need ronmental rather than social, cultural or to look beyond the boundaries of the �56 site. In applying the science of landscape ecology to the protection of natural areas Forman argues that "in land use decisions it is unethical to evaluate an area in isolation from its surroundings or from its development over time... Ethics impel us to consider an area in its broadest spatial and temporal perspectives."51 Indeed, ethics require land planners to consider each individual site in its broader environmental context. SUMMARY Phil Lewis, eminent landscape architect from the University of Wisconsin, boldly declares the need for a regional design process,--a "systematic, flexible, comprehensive approach to analyzing the landscape and guiding human growth to minimize impact on the land" based upon "an ethical foundation that integrates a land ethic with a social ethic."52 In advocating a landscape ecological approach to land development, as exemplified in the application of conservation planning and design principles within the New River Parkway corridor, the thoughts of Aldo Leopold (herald of the "land ethic") seem especially appropriate. Leopold, known to many as the father of the modern conservation movement, wrote in A Sand County Almanac: "that land is a community is the basic concept of ecology, but that land is to be loved and respected is an extension of ethics . . . all ethics so far evolved rest upon a single premise: that the individual is a member of a community of interdependent parts . . . the land ethic simply enlarges the boundaries of the community to include soils, waters, plants and animals, or collectively, the land."53 In celebrating our past and creating our future, we must consider our impact upon the land as though we are inextricably a part of the landscape—for we are. The application of conservation planning and design principles within the New River Parkway corridor, through the advocacy of the conservation subdivision design approach to land development, seeks a balance between human needs for growth and development and nonhuman needs of sustainability and diversity. The preservation of open space lands within developed areas promotes the preservation of sensitive resources, contributes to the maintenance of the scenic and environmental integrity of a site, and functions as an important link to a larger network of connected, integrated open space lands. However, what matters most is not the specific type of land development approach employed but what the consequences of that approach are on the immediate site under study and within the larger, ecological context of the landscape or region. What is essentially sought is a state of harmony between humans, nonhumans and the land. In the words of Leopold, the "problem we face is the extension of the social conscience from people to land" or the development of a land ethic that "reflects the existence of an ecological conscience... a conviction of individual responsibility for the health of the land."54 Above all, in reference to change in the landscape at any scale and for any purpose, Leopold's words ring loud and clear: "A thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise."55 �57 Lee R. Skabelund Director, Community Design Assistance Center Assistant Professor of Landscape Architecture, VPI&SU and Lon Williams, ASLA Landscape Architect/Research Associate New River Parkway Project Community Design Assistance Center Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University 100 N. Main Street (0450) Blacksburg, Virginia 24061 (540)231-5644 Fax: (540)231-6089 NOTES Information from American Planning Association, Planning Policies, APA Action Agenda, APA News (in Planning), 24B, (July 1979) as quoted by Donald G. Hagman and Julian C.Juergensmeyer in Urban Planning and Land Development Control Law, 2nd edition, (St. Paul: West Publishing Company, 1986), p. 25. 2 Donald G. Hagman and Julian C.Juergensmeyer, Urban Planning and Land Development Control, 2nd edition (St. Paul: West Publishing Company, 1986), p. 24. 3 Samuel N. Stokes, A. Elizabeth Watson, Genevieve P. Keller and J. Timothy Keller, Saving America's Countryside: A Guide To Rural Conservation (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 1989), pp. 134-144. 4 Land Kendig, Performance Zoning (Washington, D.C.: Planners Press, American Planning Association, 1980), p. 3. 5 Douglas Porter, Patrick Phillips and Terry Lassar, Flexible Zoning: How It Works (Washington, D.C.: the Urban Land Institute, 1988), p. 56. 6 Ibid., p. 82. 7 Robert D. Yaro, Randall G. Arendt, Harry L. Dodson and Elizabeth A. Brabec, Dealing with Change in the Connecticut River Valley: A Design Manual for Conservation and Development, Third Printing (Np: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy and the Environmental Law Foundation, 1989), p. 11. Refer also to Julius Gy. Fabos, Planning the Total Landscape (Boulder: Westview Press, 1979). 8 Ibid., p. 12. 9 Ibid., pp. 13-14. 10 William H. Whyte, Cluster Development (New York: The American Conservation Association, 1964), p. 12. u lbid., p. 12. 12 Randall Arendt, "Open Space Zoning: What It Is and Why It Works," Planning Commissioners Journal, Issue 5 (July/August 1992), p. 5. 13 Michael Mantell, Stephen Harper and Luther Propst, Creating Successful Communities: A Guidebook To Growth Management Strategies (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1990), p. 181. 14 Frederick Jarvis, Site Planning and Community Design for Great Neighborhoods (Washington, D.C.: Home Builder Press, National Association of Home Builders, 1993), p. 22. 15 Jeff Lacy, "An Examination of Market Appreciation for Clustered Housing With Permanent Open Space", Department of Landscape Architecture and Regional Planning, �58 University of Massachusetts (Amherst: Center for Rural Massachusetts, 1990), p. 9. 16 EdwardT. McMahon, "Green Enhances Growth," Planning Commissioners Journal, Issue 22 (Spring 1996), p. 5. Research findings based on a 1995 survey conducted for a group of the nation's largest volume homebuilders by American Lives, a San Francisco-based firm as reported by pollster Brook Warrick. 17 Ibid., p. 5. l8 Randall Arendt, Conservation Design for Subdivisions: A Practical Guide To Creating Open Space Networks (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1996), p. 6. 19 Frederic O. Sargent, Paul Lusk, Jose A. Rivera and Maria Varela, Rural Environmental Planning For Sustainable Communities (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1991), p. 3. 20 Ibid., p. 9. 21 Ibid., p. 9. 22 Ibid., p. 9. 23 Ibid., p. 135. 24 Michael N. Corbett, A Better Place to Live: New Designs for Tomorrow's Communities (Emmaus: Rodale Press, 1981), p. 84. 25 Frederick Steiner, The Living Landscape: An Ecological Approach to Landscape Planning (New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc., 1991), pp. 8-9. For an earlier discussion of a framework for the ecological planning approach, see Philip Lewis, "Quality Corridors for Wisconsin," Landscape Architecture 54 (2, 1964): 100-107 and Ian McHarg, "Human Ecological Planning at Pennsylvania," Landscape Planning 8 (1981): 109-120. For an overview of ecological planning, see Frederick Steiner, Gerald Young and Ervin Zube, "Ecological Planning: Retrospect and Prospect," Landscape Journal 7 (1988): 31-39, and George Thompson and Frederick Steiner, Ecological Design and Planning (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1997). 26 Arendt(1996),p. 6. 27 Arendt (1996, 8, 41) states that conservation subdivision design concepts compliment the more formal design approach advocated by the New Urbanism movement and notes, while both rely on more compact neighborhood development, conservation subdivision design promotes more organic lot layouts and loosely configured groups of houses centered on the principle of preservation of natural lands as community open space rather than the more formal streetscapes and street patterns associated with traditional neighborhood development. In summarizing that the more formal designs of the New Urbanism movement are most closely associated with metropolitan corridor locations, new nodes along a regional transportation network or as extensions of traditional historic towns, Arendt (1996, 8, 29) notes that traditional neighborhood developments can be modified to incorporate conservation design concepts and cites an example of a neotraditional village in Chester County, Pennsylvania, which includes numerous commons, greens and playing fields along with an extensive greenbelt of fields, woods and trails. For more information on traditional neighborhood development, see the work of Andres Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk and their book Towns and Town-making Principles (Cambridge: Harvard University Graduate School of Design, 1991). Refer also to Peter Katz, The New Urbanism: Toward an Architecture of Community (New York: McGraw-Hill. Inc., 1994) and Sim Van der Ryn and Peter Calthorpe, Sustainable Communities: A New Design Synthesis for Cities, Suburbs, and Towns (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1986). 28 Arendt(1996),p.xix. 29 Ibid., p. 8. 30 Ibid., p. 7. 31 Ibid., p. 39. 32 Ibid., pp. 41 and 58. 33 John Tillman Lyle, Design for Human Ecosystems: Landscape, Land Use, and Natural Resources (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1985), p. 244. �59 ^Ibid., p. 245. Ian McHarg, Design with Nature (Garden City: The Natural History Press, 1969), p. 128. ^Arendt (1996), p. 27. 37 Ibid., pp. 4047. ^Linda I. Henden, "Evaluating Sustainability of Community Designs" (master's thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1996), pp. 22 and 181-183. Henden's research includes an overview of sustainable community designs and an evaluation of seven urban fringe communities. 39 Whyte (1964), p. 15. 40 Ibid., p. 78. 41 Arendt (1996), p. 49. 42 Paul Cawood Hellmund, "A Method for Ecological Greenway Design," ed. by Daniel S. Smith and Paul Cawood Hellmund (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993), p. 126. 43 Randall Arendt, Elizabeth A. Brabec, Harry L. Dodson, Christine Reid and Robert D. Yaro, Rural by Design: Maintaining Small Town Character (Chicago: American Planning Association, Planners Press, 1994), p. 263. 44 Daniel S. Smith, "An Overview of Greenways: Their History, Ecological Context, and Specific Functions," Ecology of Greenways, ed. by Daniel S. Smith and Paul Cawood Hellmund (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993), p. 13. For more information on greenways, see Charles A. Flink and Robert M. Searns, Greenways: A Guide to Planning, Design, and Development (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993). 45 Ibid., p. 14. 46 Craig L. Shafer, Nature Reserves: Island Theory and Conservation Practice (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990), p. 107. 47 Wenche E. Dramstad, James D. Olson and Richard T.T. Forman, Landscape Ecology Principles in Landscape Architecture and Land-Use Planning (Washington, D.C.: Harvard University Graduate School of Design, Island Press and the American Society of Landscape Architects, 1996), p. 51. For more information on the application of landscape ecology to planning and design, see Richard T. T. Forman, Land Mosaics: The Ecology of Landscapes and Regions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); of particular interest are Chapter 13 Land Planning and Management and Chapter 14 Creating Sustainable Environments. 48 William M. Marsh, Landscape Planning: Environmental Applications, 2nd edition (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1991), pp. 3 and 42. 49 Dramstad et al. (1996), p. 47. 50 Ibid., p. 51. 51 Richard T. T. Forman, "The ethics of isolation, the spread of disturbance, and landscape ecology," Landscape Heterogeneity and Disturbance, ed. by Monica Goigel Turner (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1987), p. 220. 52 Philip H. Lewis, Jr., Tomorrow By Design: A Regional Design Processfor Sustainability, (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1996), pp. 23 and 241. 53 Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac and Sketches Here and There (London: Oxford University Press, 1949), pp. viii, 203 and 204. 54 Ibid., pp. 209 and 221. 55 Ibid., pp. 224-225. 35 �60 BIBLIOGRAPHY Arendt, Randall. "Open Space Zoning: What It Is and Why It Works'*. Planning Commissioners Journal Issue 5, (July/August 1992): 4-8. . Conservation Design for Subdivisions. Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1996. Arendt, Randall, Elizabeth A. Brabec, Harry L. Dodson, Christine Reid, and Robert D. Yaro. Rural by Design: Maintaining Small Town Character. Chicago: American Planning Association, Planners Press, 1994. Corbett, Michael N. A Better Place to Live: New Designs for Tomorrow's Communities. Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press, 1981. Dramstad, Wenche E., James D. Olson, and Richard T. T. Forman. Landscape Ecology Principles in Landscape Architecture and Land-Use Planning. Washington, D.C.: Harvard University Graduate School of Design, Island Press and the American Society of Landscape Architects, 1996. Forman, Richard T.T. "The ethics of isolation, the spread of disturbance, and landscape ecology." Landscape Heterogeneity and Disturbance. Ed. Monica Goigel Turner. New York: Springer-Verlag, 1987. Hagman, Donald G. and Julian C. Juergensmeyer. Urban Planning and Land Development Control Law, 2nd ed. St. Paul: West Publishing Company, 1986. Hellmund, Paul Cawood. "A Method for Ecological Greenway Design." Ecology of Greenways. Ed. Daniel S. Smith and Paul Cawood Hellmund. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993. Henden, Linda I. "Evaluating Sustainability of Community Designs." Master's thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1996. Jarvis, Frederick D. Site Planning and Community Design for Great Neighborhoods. Washington, D.C.: National Association of Home Builders, Home Builders Press, 1993. Kendig, Lane. Performance Zoning. Washington, D.C.: American Planning Association, Planners Press, 1980. Lacy, Jeff. "An Examination of Market Appreciation for Clustered Housing With Permanent Open Space." Amherst: Center for Rural Massachusetts, 1990. Leopold, Aldo. A Sand County Almanac and Sketches Here and There. London: Oxford University Press, 1949. Lewis, Philip H., Jr. Tomorrow By Design: A Regional Design Process for Sustainability. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1996. Lyle, John Tillman. Design for Human Ecosystems. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1985. Mantell, Michael A., Stephen F. Harper, and Luther Propst. Creating Successful Communities. Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1990. Marsh, William M. Landscape Planning: Environmental Applications. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1991. McHarg, Ian L. Design with Nature. Garden City: The Natural History Press, 1969. McMahon, Edward T. "Green Enhances Growth." Planning Commissioners Journal Issue 22 (Spring 1996): 4-5. Porter, Douglas R., Patrick L. Phillips, and Terry J. Lassar. Flexible Zoning: How It Works. Washington, D.C.: the Urban Land Institute, 1988. Sargent, Frederick O., Paul Lusk, Jose A. Rivera and Maria Varela. Rural Environmental Planning For Sustainable Communities. Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1991. Shafer, Craig L. Nature Reserves: Island Theory and Conservation Practice. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990. Smith, Daniel S. "An Overview of Greenways: Their History, Ecological Context, and Specific Functions." Ecology of Greenways. Ed. Daniel S. Smith and Paul Cawood Hellmund. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993. Steiner, Frederick. The Living Landscape: An Ecological Approach to Landscape Planning. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc., 1991. Stokes, Samuel N., Elizabeth A. Watson, Genevieve P. Keller, and Timothy J. Keller. Saving America's Countryside: A Guide To Rural Conservation. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 1989. Whyte, William H. Cluster Development. New York: The American Conservation Association, Inc., 1964. Yaro, Robert D., Randall G. Arendt, Harry L. Dodson and Elizabeth A. Brabec. Dealing With Change in the Connecticut River Valley: A Design Manual for Conservation and Development, Third Printing. N.p: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy and the Environmental Law Foundation, 1989. �61 Blue Ridge Parkway Slicing Through America's Heritage Peter Givens, Blue Ridge Parkway, Vinton, VA Heritage corridors - what we are spending time discussing and thinking about this week - suggest "connectedness", the linking of towns and communities, along with their stories and their environments. Heritage corridors are defined as settled landscapes and places where the land has shaped traditions and the cultural values of the people who live there. These areas encourage both the protection of a wide variety of economic, scenic, and cultural resources and sustainable development for tourism and other economic opportunities. In these places, visitors are educated about a community's history, traditions, and environment. (i) This is the basic definition of a heritage corridor. For those residents of the southern Appalachians, it is almost impossible to read those words without thinking of the Blue Ridge Parkway. A settled landscape... shaping the lives of residents... a land reflecting the culture of the people... protecting a wide variety of resources and traditions. These are phrases that fit the Parkway like a glove. Former planners and superintendents spoke of "integrating the Parkway into the local scene of the highlands" and indicated that the relationship of this park to the region was the "most critical factor" for the future planning and management. (2) The Parkway's "one reason for existence" according to its original landscape architect Stanley W. Abbott, was to reveal "the native American countryside."^) What better way to reveal the countryside of the Appalachians... or the variety... or the "connectedness"...or the heritage of the people...than with a graceful mountain parkway? National Park Service guidelines clearly state that any park road should "lay lightly on the ground... and maintain a sense of intimacy with the country through which it travels." (4) Management Policies for the agency stipulate that roads must be "harmoniously related to the landscape." (5) These standards apply to all park roads, and parkways are much more than just park roads. They play a unique role in a park's interpretive efforts, as one study has suggested, by moving visitors "through actual as well as symbolic time and through real cultural space." (6) At the time of its construction, the Blue Ridge Parkway was the longest road ever planned as a single unit in America. (7) Today, this special place is, by anyone's definition, the kind of connector, link, or corridor - that we are discussing this week. It is perhaps the finest example to be found anywhere and the variety of park stories and resources here is remarkable. When the Parkway was just an idea - before a shovel full of dirt had been turned or one rock carefully placed at a bridge or culvert - an important factor was already established. It would naturally run along the mountains, aligned north to south. This alignment in many ways determines the diversity of the park and the multitude of heritage stories that are interpreted here today. So much of America's cultural and natural history follows an east-west path. Settlement patterns, the lay of the mountains, river drainage patterns, and our tendency as a country in our formative years to "look west", all contribute to this Parkway slicing through and across a multitude �62 of stories associated with the natural and cultural heritage of our region and our nation. Simply because of this north-south orientation, the Blue Ridge Parkway becomes a corridor of protection that captures vignettes of a wide variety of America's great stories. We start to understand the diversity and variety of resources along the Parkway by looking at the hundreds of "overlooks", where, many times the stories and resources are protected. Obviously, we think of Daniel Boone, the "vanguard" of the surge of settlers across the mountains beginning in the mid 18th century. Here is "someone whose life would come to symbolize the western movement." (8) His many ventures west from the North Carolina Piedmont took him across this corridor that we know as the Parkway. Another westward-looking American with Blue Ridge ties was our nation's third president. Thomas Jefferson's vision of America caused him to spend a great deal of his life looking west from his "Little Mountain" near Charlottesville, Virginia. His father's detailed map of the Blue Ridge is one of the earliest and finest. Jefferson spent time at Rockfish Gap taverns discussing his plan for a university, and, in his only published book, Notes on the State of Virginia, he detailed many of his natural and cultural observations and curiosities on the Blue Ridge. In that work, Jefferson speculated that "the mountains of the Blue Ridge, and these the Peaks of Otter, are thought to be of a greater height...than any other in our country, and perhaps in North America." (9) A special collections exhibit at the University of Virginia this spring made the case that "before Camp David, before Martha's Vineyard, before Kennebunkport, there was the Blue Ridge, the backyard of presidents." (10) Eight U.S. Presidents claimed Virginia as their birthplace. In addition, Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt, along with Herbert Hoover, all chose the western reaches of the Commonwealth of Virginia for at least occasional, if not frequent, vacations from the capitol. George Washington made his first trip across the Blue Ridge in 1748 at age 16 with a survey party, recalling many devoted hours to "examining the trees and the soil... and admiring... the richness of the land." (11) James Madison, in addressing an Agricultural Society located in a Blue Ridge county, noted the "errors in our husbandry" that needed correction, including a very contemporary topic to environmental agencies today, the destruction of woodlands. (12) These are stories that we can legitimately preserve Parkway locations. During the American Revolution and the War Between the States, the east-west migration of troops through mountain passes played a significant role. The Overmountain Men from Upper East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia crossed the Blue Ridge headed for a significant battle at Kings Mountain late in the American Revolution. General George Stoneman's raid through Western North Carolina left earthworks that can still be seen at Deep Gap, and troops crossed the Blue Ridge near the Peaks of Otter, maneuvering around Lynchburg, considered a major strategic location. Douglas S. Freeman, in Lee's Lieutenants, notes that prior to the spring of 1861, the geography of Virginia was almost always described in terms of wide streams, blue mountains, and valleys of abundance. "Overnight," he observes, "geography had a new meaning." (13) On "his first real vacation since the war", Robert E. Lee, along with his daughter Mildred, left Lexington, �63 Virginia in 1867 for a five day trip in the mountains. Lee was on Traveler and Mildred rode Lucy Long, a "second string war horse" of her fathers, and they made their way to the Peaks of Otter, spending the night at the foot of the mountain, and riding up the next morning. Mildred recalled that her father sat for a long time on a great rock on the summit of Sharp Top, "gazing down at the glorious prospect beneath." (14) The body of General Lee's friend and fellow soldier, Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson, was transported up the James River, headed for burial in Lexington, Virginia. That portion of the James and the associated locks and canals are part of the Blue Ridge Parkway today. Frederick Jackson Turner's Frontier Hypothesis, though dated, influences our understanding and interpretation of early Blue Ridge setdement. When Turner speaks of "innovation, adaptation, and invention" characterizing each new frontier setdement, along with the continuous pattern of venturing west to "begin over again," there is at least some relevance to the stories we tell and preserve about early Blue Ridge settlement patterns. (15) The stories of natural history in the Blue Ridge are just as important, and sometimes even follow the same eastwest pattern. Mountain passes provide a convenient crossing for a variety of wildlife. "Water Gaps" where the James, Roanoke, Linville, Swannanoa, and French Broad cross the park provide a wealth of cultural and natural history stories and resources protected for the visiting public along the Blue Ridge Parkway. In the area of natural history, the Parkway is widely known, having 1,200 types of identified vascular plants, twenty-five rare or endangered plants and a number of rare or endangered animals. Twelve types of mature deciduous forests exist in the park, along with Canadian vegetation types at higher elevations. One hundred ten miles of streams and thirteen lakes also dot the landscape. Heathbalds and mountain bogs offer unique areas of resource management and interpretive opportunities. This variety of natural features is tied most closely to elevation with ranges from 600-6,000 feet, but the north-south orientation spanning five hundred miles is also a significant factor in creating one of the most diverse units of the National Park System. We could just as easily discuss the linking of areas where music and crafts dominate the story. The history of the early European settlers in the Blue Ridge is perhaps best told by their performing arts rather than by their material arts. The Southern Highlands Craft Guild and the newly forming group of Virginia Artisans are connected in their efforts by the corridor that is the Blue Ridge Parkway. Along the Parkway corridor, we also find the tremendous heritage of traditional string band music. One writer has noted that the Blue Ridge counties between Roanoke and Asheville "dwarf any other area of the nation with their output of historical musical art." The thread that ties all of these together into a "singularly neat package" is the Blue Ridge Parkway. (16) Obviously by now, the point is made... what a tremendous collection of resources and stories tied together by the park, and tied to the land and to the communities, and tied together as a great heritage corridor. The Parkway's earliest designers, planners, and dreamers were probably unfamiliar with the term we are using this week at our conference - heritage corridors. We will not find it in documents of the 1930s and 1940s, but the idea was there. "The �64 charm and delight of the Blue Ridge Parkway", Stan Abbott is quoted as saying "lies in its ever changing location, in variety." Let the road "reveal the countryside".... "integrate" it into the local scene. Finding points of interest whether scenic, cultural or natural - that would please the visitor was always a top design priority. One study from a Linear Parks Conference several years ago, suggests that the engineers and planners keenly understood that "awesome panoramas" can get tedious. Visitors can get "gorged on scenery." (17) So they patiently and consistently went about the business of designing variety into the park design. Follow a mountain stream, climb up on the slope of a hillside pasture, dip into the open bottomlands, and back into the woodlands. Linking these experiences was foremost in their minds. What this variety and "connectedness" means to us today, I think, is reminding us of the necessity of thinking regionally and broadly in the management of this place. We find ourselves on the Parkway working with a multitude of groups, agencies, and organizations, each with an interest in their story that surfaces on the Parkway. Our "partners" are as varied as our resources and the stories that go along with them. The Cherokee nation has an interest in the Parkway for obvious reasons, and so do four national forests and the Appalachian Trail Conference. The folks in Floyd and Patrick Counties, Virginia are passionate about "their" Mabry Mill - and rightfully so - but so are the folks in Spruce Pine about "their" Museum of North Carolina Minerals. The Wilderness Road Museum and the Over-mountain Victory Trail Association have "claims" on Parkway related resources and stories. The point is that multiple resources bring to the forefront multiple partners with the park. These partners represent communities, and when you link hundreds of communities in twenty nine counties by way of a long, linear park, you have created a heritage corridor! Looking back at our earlier definition, the Parkway is, in every sense of the word, a settled landscape that tells the story of residents both past and present. The land here has shaped the traditions and cultural values of the people who have lived here... or perhaps those who just passed through. Thinking broadly about protection and regional heritage along the Parkway corridor, we begin to see the land, to quote Aldo Leopold, as a "community to which we belong", not as a "commodity belonging to us." (18) It is then that we use the land and plan the landscape with the respect that we should. As this National Park Service site fulfills its mandate to "preserve and protect for the enjoyment of future generations," it is both natural and necessary for park managers now and in the future to think in terms of heritage corridors. Working with a variety of communities, professional disciplines, universities, or protection oriented organizations, there is no better place than the Blue Ridge Parkway to care for and interpret these widely diverse stories that are ours to cherish. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbott, Stanley. Interview by Herb Evison 1958. Blue Ridge Parkway Collection, Vinton, Va. Billington, Ray A Westward Expansion - A History of the American Frontier. New York: McMillian Co, 1967. "Blue Ridge Heritage Corridor Fact Sheet". National Park Service. �65 Buxon, Barry and Beatty, Steve, eds. Blue Ridge Parkway: Agent of Transition. Boone: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1986. Bright, John. "The Blue Ridge Parkway - A Catalyst For Environmental Design". Paper presented at the Linear Parks Conference, 1987. Elliott, Lawrence. The Long Hunter - A New Life of Daniel Boone. New York: Readers Digest Press, 1976. "A Facility to Commemorate the Traditional Music of the Blue Ridge Mountains". National Park Service Concept Paper, undated. Blue Ridge Parkway Collection, Vinton, Va. Firth, Ian. "The Blue Ridge Parkway Historic Resource Study". Blue Ridge Parkway Collection, Vinton, Va., June, 1992. Flexner, James Thomas. Washington: The Indispensable Man. Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1969. Flood, Charles Bracelen. Lee, The Last Years. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1981. Freeman, Douglas S. George Washington - A Biography. New York: Scribners, 1948. Freeman, Douglas S. Lee's Lieutenants. New York: Scribners, 1942. Jefferson, Thomas. Notes On the State of Virginia. New York: Harper and Row, 1964. Kercheval, Samuel. History of the Valley of Virginia. Woodstock, Tn: John Gatewood printer, 1853. Leopold, Aldo. A Sand County Almanac. New York: Random House, Inc., originally published 1949. Liles, Granville. The Blue Ridge Parkway: A Unique Part of Rural America. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1980. Lyons, Eugene. Herbert Hoover - A Biography. Garden City, NY: Doubleday and Company, 1964. Management Policies, United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service, 1988. Morgan, Ted. FDR: A Biography. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1985. Parkways: Past, Present, and Future. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1989. Philippon, Daniel J. Landmarks of American Nature Writing From Virginia's Blue Ridge Mountains and Shenandoah Valley. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Special Collections, 1997. Speer,JeanH. "Hillbilly Sold Here: Appalachian Folk Culture and Parkway Tourism". Paper presented at Linear Parks Conference, 1987. Jolley, Harley. The Blue Ridge Parkway. Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1969. NOTES 1 "Blue Ridge Parkway Heritage Corridor Fact Sheet", page 1. 2 Granville Liles. The Blue Ridge Parkway: A Unique Part of Rural America (Boone: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1980), p.l. 3 Stanley Abbott. Interview by Herb Evison, 1958, Blue Ridge Parkway Collection, Vinton, Va., p. 3. 4 John Bright, "The Blue Ridge Parkway, A Catalyst For Environmental Design Innovation" in Blue Ridge Parkway: Agent of Transition (Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1989), p. 57. 5 Management Policies, US Department of the Interior, National Park Service, December 1988, p. 9:8. 6 Jean H. Speer, "Hillbilly Sold Here: Appalachian Folk Culture and Parkway Tourism" in Parkways Past, Present, and Future (Boone: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1986), p. 216. 7 Ian Firth, "The Blue Ridge Parkway Historic Resource Study", June 1992, Blue Ridge Parkway Collection, Vinton, Va., p. 40. �66 8 Lawrence Elliott, The Long Hunter - A New Life of Daniel Boone (New York: Readers Digest Press, 1976), p. 54. 9 Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), p. 17. 10 Daniel J. Philippon, Landmarks of American Nature Writing from Virginia's Blue Ridge Mountains and Shenandoah Valley (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Special Collections, 1997), p. 3. 11 Douglas S. Freeman, George Washington - A Biography (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1948), p. 213. 12 Philippon, p. 4. 13 Douglas S. Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1942), p. 677. 14 Charles B. Flood, Lee, the Last Years (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1981), pp. 157-158. 15 Ray Billington, Westward Expansion. A History of the American Frontier (New York: McMillian Company, 1967), p. 2. 16 "A Facility to Commemorate the Traditional Music of the Blue Ridge Mountains", undated National Park Service Concept Paper, Blue Ridge Parkway Collection, Vinton, Va., pp.4. 17 Stanley Abbott. Interview by Herb Evison, 1958, Blue Ridge Parkway Collection, Vinton, Va., p. 12-13. 18 Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac (New York: Random House, Inc., originally published 1949), p. xix. �67 Waves of Grain - Waves of Change Silos & Smokestacks—Interpreting our Agricultural Heritage Submitted by: Daniel L. McDonald, Ed.D., University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Falls, I A Located in northeast Iowa, the Silos & Smokestacks (S&S) project is a network of historical sites and experiences providing opportunities for interpreting our agricultural heritage. S&S is a private not-for-profit partnership dedicated to celebrating northeast Iowa's agricultural heritage.This project began as a homegrown, grass roots community partnership in 1991. Today, it has evolved to include the United States Department of Agriculture, the National Park Service, private foundations, state, regional and local governmental agencies, not-for-profit institutions and corporate organizations. With the National Park Service designation of S&S as a National Heritage Park in 1996, the project and the region has been identified as "the place" to interpret the significance of these historical agricultural developments. Telling the story of America's agricultural heritage is a vast undertaking. The attraction mix necessary for this interpretation includes villages where the first settlers lived, the first vertical meat processing plant, historical museums, exhibits on animal husbandry, soil, seed and "pharming' research stations, the largest tractor factory in the world, the original railroad station used to transport farm products to national and international destinations, demonstration farms, and century farms. Historical remnants of this legacy are scattered throughout the region and are united under one theme "Americas agricultural miracle". Each story represents an important patch of our agricultural heritage quilt. Each patch provides an interpretive opportunity concerning farming, factories, science or lifestyles. These attractions will entertain and educate people about how their food gets from the field to the table. Woven together they'll tell the story of the heartland contributions to the agrarian, industrial and technological revolutions that have changed the way the world is fed. Jointly marketed, they become a destination attraction encouraging tourists to stay overnight, eat in the restaurants, shop in the stores, purchases souvenirs, crafts, antiques and increase secondary transactions associated with the tourism industry. Two recent studies concerning the viability of the S&S project lend credibility to its potential. This research indicates that 600,000 new visitors can be attracted to agricultural heritage tourism sites and experiences in Iowa. This translates to $66 million in new tourism expenditures, 1,100 jobs with a payroll of $12 million and $4.9 million in new state and local tax revenues. Recent shifts in tourism paradigms also provide a basis for anticipating positive results from the S&S project. Emerging trends of user group characteristics including demographic, lifestyle and psychographic variables of the niche market user group would add additional rational for optimism. As well as the obvious economic diversification and development opportunities associated with the S&S project, additional benefits would include: the preservation of historic sites and �68 landmarks for future generational use, auxiliary community development programs, increased citizen awareness and appreciation of Americas historic impact on our global society, and enhanced knowledge concerning our present ability and responsibilities associated with providing food for the global community. Dr. Dan McDonald is an advisor of the University of Northern Iowa (UNI) Tourism Certificate Program. He was instrumental in the development, delivery and management of this program of study. Since its inception 1994, 216 students representing 16 academic majors have entered this sequence of courses. Among the courses taught by Dr. McDonald are Principles of Tourism, Eco Tourism Development, Rural Tourism Development and Festival and Event Management. Dan serves as liaison and committee member for the Silos &: Smokestacks project. He was a founding member of the Midwest Festival and Event Association and presently severs on it's board of directors. He provides technical assistance to rural communities as a certified member of TEAM IOWA, an Iowa Division of Tourism program. As a member of the Iowa Heritage Tourism Advisory Committee, he has assisted Iowa communities in the development of historic attractions. He served as guest editor and author in the "Changing Faces of Tourism" 1996 summer issue of TRENDS, a publication of the National Park Service and the National Park and Recreation Association. University of Northern Iowa 221 RWC Cedar Falls, IA. USA 50614-0241 Phone: Fax: E-mail: (319) 273-2314 (319) 273-5958 MCDONALDD@UNI.EDU �69 The Blue Ridge Parkway Corridor Protection Project: A Status Report to the 1997 Linear Parks Conference by the CONSERVATION TRUST FOR NORTH CAROLINA Charles E. Roe, Executive Director, Conservation Trust for North Carolina, Raleigh, NC This may be considered the "first annual report" on the progress of the Blue Ridge Parkway corridor protection project in North Carolina. That project began in 1996 as one of the initiatives and recommendations of the state's "Year of the Mountains" Commission. The Governor's appointed Commission, chaired by Hugh Morton, had turned to the private, non-profit Conservation Trust for North Carolina (CTNC) for help to carry out its mission to promote "quality growth and natural resources protection" in western North Carolina. Furthermore, the Commission and administrators for the Blue Ridge Parkway requested that CTNC take the lead in serving as the primary private land trust for protecting more of the Parkway's scenic and natural corridor in North Carolina. CTNC would use donations from the Commission's inaugurated "Preservers of the Parkway" public fundraising campaign to acquire critical tracts of land along the most popular scenic parkway in the Nation. Many of the natural and scenic vistas along the 270 miles of the Blue Ridge Parkway are threatened by encroaching development. The popularity and resulting economic benefits of the Parkway are at risk because of incompatible commercial and residential development on adjacent lands. Along the Parkway, the National Park Service owns aright-of-waythat averages only 800 feet wide, and is even narrower in some sections. The Parkway attracts more visitors than any other park unit in the entire National Parks System, and those visitors generate nearly $2 billion annually for the regional economy. But the National Park Service has had very little federal appropriated funds to buy additional Parkway land for many years. The Conservation Trust for North Carolina is a nonprofit, private corporation founded five years ago to help save more of our state's most important natural and rural heritage resources. Distinct from national environmental organizations with specific agendas, the Conservation Trust helps North Carolina communities, landowners, private land trusts, and public agencies protect and conserve those natural and rural land resources of greatest value to them. The Conservation Trust "inherited" the fundraising campaign begun last year by the Governor's appointed "Year of the Mountains Commission." The success of this project depends upon donations from private contributors. A lead gift of $50,000 was donated directly by the Stanback family to the National Park Service to buy several tracts in the Linville Falls vicinity. Since then another $200,000 has been raised from several hundred donors to purchase land and conservation easements (development rights) from willing sellers. Most recently a private donor has made a one million dollar challenge grant to support the project. Contributors of $500 or more receive a handsome certificate of recognition signed by Governor Hunt. The IRS and the State recognize donations for this project as tax-deductible. �70 The new Blue Ridge Parkway Foundation, established only a few months ago, is now a partner in raising more funds to help the Parkway accomplish its program priorities and to ensure protection of its natural beauty. Asheville Watershed Easement. The first success of the project was acheived a year ago with a permanent conservation easement over the entire 17,395acre Asheville Watershed (consisting of largely old-growth forests in the North Fork and Bee Tree basins on the Blue Ridge Escarpment, from the vicinity of Mount Mitchell to well south of the Craggy Mountains, and including about 15 miles of the Blue Ridge Parkway). That easement was donated by the City of Asheville to the Conservation Trust and guarantees that the land will always be protected for water quality and preservation of natural resources. No timber cutting is allowed above the 3600 foot elevation. The land may not be subdivided or developed. It can only be used for public water supply or for parkland. Since accepting the Asheville Watershed easement, the Conservation Trust has been discussing potential conservation easements over other large watershed areas below the Parkway with their public and private owners. Public Appropriations. The first Congressional appropriation of substantial size in many years was arranged last fall, principally by Senator Jesse Helms upon request by the Year of the Mountains Commission chair. The National Park Service was allocated $750,000 specifically to purchase conservation easements on privately-owned lands adjacent to the Parkway in North Carolina. But to date none of those appropriations have been spent. Governor James Hunt, responding to a request by the Year of the Mountains Commission, asked the state General Assembly to appropriate $2 million for land and easement acquisitions along the Parkway as part of his 1997-98 biennium budget request. The legislature has taken no action on the request. The Year of the Mountains Commission also recommended that the NC Department of Transportation allocate at least $5 million from its share of federal ISTEA "transportation enhancement" funds (dollars that are supposed to be used for greenways, bicycle lanes, scenic roadway protection, etc.) over five years to acquire critical lands in the Parkway corridor. DOT in its 1998-2004 Transportation Improvement Plan committed to spend $ 1.2 over four years (or $300,000 annually) to acquire scenic viewshed lands adjoining the Parkway, but to date no tracts have yet been acquired. Red Bank Cove Acquisition. The Conservation Trust in the first weeks of 1997 completed its first land purchase along the Parkway, using about $55,000 of the "Preservers of the Parkway" donations, to purchase a 22-acre tract of beautiful hardwood cove forest near Wesner Bald, Balsam Gap, and US Highway 74 in Haywood County. The Red Bank Cove tract was sold by its owners for the appraised fair market value. Purchase blocked the possibility of residential construction or timber cutting next to the Parkway. The land is part of a natural area rated as having "statewide ecological significance" by the NC Natural Heritage Program. The Conservation Trust will donate this land for addition to the Parkway. GrandView Overlook Easement. The donation in April, 1997, of a permanent conservation easement over 234 acres beneath the Parkway's "GrandView Overlook" in Watauga County was the first accomplishment of the Conservation Trust's discussions with private �71 landowners who love the Parkway and are interested in the tax-reducing incentives for donating land or easements for conservation purposes. The easement given by Sterling Carroll, president of Carroll Leather Goods Company, preserves the forested slopes below the Parkway's popular "GrandView" overlook near Deep Gap and close to the Parkway Elementary School on Highway 421 (east of Boone). Mr. Carroll wanted to place the permanent restrictions on the property to "help preserve the natural and scenic beauty of the Parkway, and to encourage other private landowners in the area to do the same." Conservation easements should be an effective way to protect more natural and rural landscapes on privatelyowned properties along the Parkway. Easements can earn property owners substantial reductions in federal and state income, estate and inheritance taxes. Critcher Farm Purchase. Using the remainder of the "Preservers of the Parkway" donated dollars, and a generous low-interest loan from Wachovia Bank, the Conservation Trust last week completed the purchase of a 47-acre farm next to the Parkway, near Bamboo Gap, between Boone and Blowing Rock in Watauga County. The purchase blocks the potential residential subdivision or commercial development of this highly visible farmland. The Critcher Family accepted a purchase price slightly below the appraised value for potential development. The Conservation Trust expects to be partially reimbursed by the National Park Service for the purchase price and will convey a permanent conservation easement that restricts future development to a single home site and barn. We will sell the land to a buyer willing to live with those use restrictions. The scenic rural character of this section of the Parkway corridor will be preserved. Other Land Trusts Join the Project. While the Conservation Trust serves as the "Blue Ridge Parkway Land Trust," it also has reached out to several local land trusts to be partners in protecting the natural and cultural heritage of the Blue Ridge corridor. Already conservation easements on private properties next to the Parkway have been acquired by the Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy and the new Western Virginia Land Trust. The Nature Conservancy holds a 2000-acre conservation easement over much of Grandfather Mountain donated by Hugh Morton, and TNG has recently purchased large tracts near Waterrock Knob in the Plott Balsams. Magnificient Challenge Gift. A few days ago the Stanback family of Salisbury offered a $1 million donation to the Conservation Trust for the Parkway project. The grant will enable us to hire project staff, design a long-range protection plan, and expand our efforts to protect other tracts along the Parkway. The grant will be targeted to arrange acquisitions of more conservation easements and purchases of threatened properties, purposely scattered along the length of the Parkway. The Stanback's "challenge" donation is intended to motivate others to increase their giving for the protection of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Thus, we hope this is the first of a long-term series of reports on the progress of this project. We know that we will not be able to prevent all damaging development in the Parkway corridor, but we expect to make dramatic gains in saving many of the Parkway's most beautiful views and environmentally important resource areas. �72 Transfrontier Conservation Areas (TFCAS)Creating Opportunities for Cooperation Jay Singh, University of Washington, Seattle, WA Can conservation and protection of land and biodiversity create economic opportunities as well as open channels for peaceful cooperation? This debate, although in its infancy, has drawn in a number of NCOS, private citizens and government agencies to the fore who are in favor of establishing international parks between neighboring nations as a means of regional economic growth and development. My research, also in its infancy, deals with the prospects of creating such parks. Most specifically, I aim to analyze the socioeconomic incentives for creating TFCAs and the resulting management regime if a successful partnership is established. This paper will present initial -findings of the four levels of international cooperation between neighboring states and present the opportunities and constraints. As I am in the early stages of my research, I would appreciate comments and suggestions from the audience. INTRODUCTION TO TFCAS - What are TFCAS? - Parks or nature preserves that cross international boundaries - Historical backgound - Examples in • Europe & the US • South America • South Asia • Africa - Definition of TFCAS: As the term suggests, transfrontier conservation areas (TFCAs) are natural parks, preserves or related areas that have been divided by international boundaries. "TFCAs are relatively large areas, which straddle frontiers between two or more countries and cover large-scale natural systems encompassing one or more protected areas. These are areas where human and animal populations have traditionally migrated across or straddled present political boundaries." (GEF, 1996) • Historical perspective: Historically national boundaries all the over the world have gone through numerous iterations fragmenting natural areas. International natural areas that once were a single unit are managed separately under diverse and at times opposing national resource objectives. "Parks continue to be designated by boundaries that fail to encompass the habitat required to sustain complete faunal assemblages. Few tracts of land are currently available that encompass entire ecosystems. As a result, most parks are artificial biotic areas inextricably linked to natural and human activities outside their boundaries (Machlis-Tichnell, 1985). • "In 1872 when the world's first National Park (Yellowstone) was established, there were 95 countries in the world. Today there are over 174. That is a lot of changing of borders. In fact much more recently - between 1972 and 1982 - there were 70 boundary changes." (Odegaard in Tborsell,etal, 1990) • Examples of TFCAS: The first TFCAs were created by Poland and Czechoslovakia in 1928 with the Krakow Protocol which created three such parks. Directors of the parks collaborate on various issues especially those concerning tourism and research. �73 US and Canada created N. America's first TFCA in 1932 by formally linking Glacier National park to the Waterton Lakes in Canada. e.g. of Gran Paradisio in Italy - Ibex protected in winter but they go to France (Vanoise) in summer - in 1972 joint program w/France. La Ruta Maya - Mexico, Guatemala, Belize arid Honduras. Nepal/Tibet. There are at present 70-75 possible TFCAs in over 65 nations worldwide. • Potential Benefits of TFCAs ECOLOGICAL • re-establish traditional seasonal migration routes of species • reduce pressures on existing national parks • increase the sizes of areas to maintain larger populations of species and create larger gene pools • encompass entire watersheds to be able to effectively manage the system • Improving protection of internationally shared resources • Increase the sizes of areas to maintain larger populations of species, reduce chances of extinction due to random fluctuations and local disease transmissions, etc. • Establish or reestablish seasonal migration possibilities. In tropics and subtropics in response to seasonal changes in rainfall. • Encompass entire watersheds to be able to control pollution and manage the system better. • Avoid inbreeding depression in small populations. • Reduce gaps between reserves to facilitate movement of organisms. • Increase range of habitat types within reserves. • Reduce transnational pollutants CULTURAL - preserving common heritage SOCIO-ECONOMIC • direct value for non-consumptive use • consumptive use of wildlife and plants • regional transfer of technology and expertise • capacity building (management op portunities) POLITICAL - REGIONAL COOPERATION • Reduce border tensions and stress • Contribute to regional economic development • Before creating any TFCA, community involvement should be a necessary condition. As this will ensure long-term sustainabihty and provide benefits where it is most - at the local community level. • Cultural: - preservation of heritage of indigenous peoples • e.g Masai in Kenya and Tanzania (Serengeti NP and Kenya's Masai Mara game reserve), Inuit across the Bering strait • La Ruta Maya - ecocultural tourism between Mexico, Guatemala, Belize and Honduras in the Maya Regiori • Socio-economic incentive - Expansion of conservation as a sustainable means of income generation. KEY POINT - CONSERVATION DOES NOT ELIMINATE FUTURE USES. • Direct non-consumptive use ecotourism, game viewing - high potential for income generation ecotourism creates foreign exchange - Kenya in 1984 = $240 m, Costa Rica ecotourism generated second most income after coffee. In Nepal in the Mt. Everest area - 90% of area's �74 • • • • • • • income comes from tourism. Richer opportunities for expanded ecotourism - better able to distribute tourists to achieve high quality "experiences" even if total numbers of tourists increase TO TOURISM IS THE SECOND LARGEST INCOME GENERATOR AFTER OIL. (GEF) Consumptive use - medicinal herbs, plants, food - most Africans get their proteins from wildlife, "T.A. Molayan estimates that 50 percent of the population in Africa south of the Sahara depends on wildlife for a source of protein" (MacWis-Tichnell 1985) Expanded opportunities for involving local people and generating economic benefits from the existence of the park Transfer of technology & expertiseexample of Makalu-Burun/ Quomolongnia NP. The Chinese govt. approached Nepalese govt. to learn latest methods in park management especially in Tibet along the border where the residents in both parks shared same heritage. This has led to a transfer of technology and and expertise and confidence building between Tibet (China) and Nepal. Management opportunities potentially created - Save administrative and maintenance costs by achieving economics of scale, etc. Better opportunities for controlled experimentation. Political - TFCAs are also known as peace parks as one of their major objective is to stimulate international cooperation in resource management. Share in economic gains and growth through tourism and contribute to regional growth. "They [peace parks] can have strategic value in preserving natural • • • • areas and promoting coordinated management of shared resources. 4 levels of TFCA management regimes which can facilitate regional friendship. Good relations - become better, cool relationships become warmer, aftermath of war - rebuild confidence; and, in conflicts create DMZ (McNeil in Thorsell, et al, 1990) 1st Level: In cases where countries have warm relations, potential for creating TFCAs is excellent. Also if the economic conditions in both countries are similar the chances are brighter. The resulting TFCA could be solidified formally through a treaty or informally through corresponding resource controlling agencies. This may break down between countries with differing economic condition and warm relations. The potential however does exist to control illegal immigration and other adverse effects if a formal agreement is signed and monitored by both countries. Two initiatives along US/Canadian border and Gulf of Maine/Atlantic Ocean -1. Acadia to Fundy NP 2. Cape Cod National Seashore to eastern shore of Nova Scotia. 2nd level: In cases where countries share cool albeit peaceful relations, the potential exists to further warm the relationship by creating an opportunity to manage large ecosystems and share the benefits. However, issues of sovereignty may not allow co-management. Here the potential for manage the area complimentary maybe an effective recourse. In complementary regimes the park agencies through informal consensus agree to mimic each others management methods. This could lead to improved relations and possible co-management. 3rd Levd: After a major conflict, �75 Level of TFCA Level of Political Warmth Possible Regime 1st Level Warm/Hot 2nd Level Cool/Peaceful Co-mgt. Glacier/ (informal/formal) Waterton Complementary Mgt. Nepal/Tibet 3rd Level Post-war Co-mgt. (informal/ formal) 4th Level During war/armed standoff No-man's land type refuge confidence building measures could include creating TFCAS. German/ Belgian, Dutch and Luxembourg aftermath of war to preserve peace. 4th Level: Border parks can help countries maintain an "unhabitated" buffer zone.... The concept of an international network of border parks as "zones of peace" is one of great potential." (Thorsell, et al 1990) e.g. s of Turkey and Greece park along Evros River boundary helping to protect the Lake Gala wetland site. North and South Korea - DMZ is a de facto wildlife refuge. CASE STUDY: MOZAMBIQUE, SOUTH AFRICA & ZIMBABWE GEF proposed TFCA pilot projects for Mozambique and neighbors: 1. Maputo TFCA: SE part of Maputo province. Combines Maputo Elephant Reserve in Mozambique to the Tenibe Elephant Park and Nduma Game Reserve in KwaZula, South Africa creating the Futi Corridor on both sides of the Futi River. • Benefits: This area is recognized as an International Center of Plant Diversity by IUCN. A large number of endemic Example A no. of European parks after WWII North & South Korea species - Swazi ordeal tree, Neergard's Sunbird and sub-species of red duiker. The Futi Corridor was once a traditional movement route for a population of elephants that is now divided by a fence. This TFCA will relieve elephant pressure on vegetation. Refugees returning after war into Mozambique are resettling causing strain, planning would help alleviate land pressure and create economic opportunities. 2. Gaza TFCA: Would combine the Gaza system in Mozambique to the Gona Rhe Zhou in Zimbabwe and Kruger National Park in South Africa. • Benefits: Due to tse-tse eradication program large populations of wildlife were slaughtered. This was followed by civil war in Mozambique which significantly reduced wildlife populations. However, the habitat in Mozambique is still intact. The Gaza ecosystem in Mozambique was and could be inhabited by giraffe, ostrich, impala, buffalo, elephant, eland, wildebeest, lions, etc. These will be restocked by migrations of these species from Kruger and Gona Rhe Zhou. Game hunting, large natural resource base that can be sustainably exploited. 3. Chimanimani TFCA: Unique Afro- �76 montane system would unite the Mozambican and Zimbabwean areas. Large bio-diversity consisting of endemic species. Jay Singh College of Forest Resources University of Washington 304 Anderson Hall, Box 352100 . finite Return of community land nghts and protection of tradiUonal way ;?,.,, , ,, „ . ' of life and would allow community to control economic decisions. ^S^SS Fax: 206-685-0790, .. - ' E-mail:Jismgh@u.washington.edu ° ° KEY REFERENCES ThorselLJim (editor), "Parks on the Borderline: Experience in Transfrontier Conservation," IUCN, Gland, Switzerland, 1990. • Global Environment Facility (GEF), "Mozambique: Transfrontier Conservation Areas Pilot and Institutional Strengthening Project," Project Document, December 1996, Tbe World Bank, Washington, DC. Machlis, Gary; Tichnell David, "Tbe State of the World's Parks: An International assessment for Resource Management, Policy and Research," Westview Press, Inc., Boulder, Co, 1985. • CIA World Fact Book," CIA 1996 (Botswana, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Zimbabwe) Munro, Neil (editor), "Protected Areas in Our Modern World: proceedings of a workshop held as part of the IUCN World Conservation Congress," Minister of Public Works & Govemmnt Services, Canada, 1997. Barzetti, Valerie (editor), "Parks and Progress: Protected Areas & Economic Development in Latin America & the Caribbean," IUCN, Washington, DC, 1993. • MacPherson, Nancy, "Africa Regional Workshop on Strategies for Sustainability: Report," IUCN, Gland, Switzerland, 1995. "Move to Investigate Viability of Tram-Frontier Conservation Scheme," The Star South Africa, December 9, 1996. Carnie, Tony, "World Bank's Conservation Plan: Proposal Could Rescue Run-down Wildlife Areas," Mercury. South Africa, 1997 (Bushcraft Mag-e-zine Archive News Article-Web Page) • "World Bank Plan for WikUffe in Mozambique," Pretoria News. South Africa, September 26, 1996. • Yeld, John, "Peace Parks to Straddle SA Borders," Cape Argus. South Africa, April 7, 1997. Deacon, Robert T., Murpkv, Paul. "The Structure of an Environmental Transaction: Debt-for-Nature Swap," Land Economics, vol. 73 (1), February 1997. Gowdy, John M., "Tbe Value of Biodiversity: Markets, Society, and Ecosystems," Land Economics. vol. 73 (1), February, 1997. Boyer, David, "The Role of Northern NGOs in the Promotion of Sustainable Development in Africa," Center of African Studies, Edinburgh University, 1990. • Westing, Arthur H., "Core Values for Sustainable Development" Environmental Conservation. Vol. 23 (3). • ThorseU, James, "Through Hot and Cold Wars, Parks Endure," Natural History June 1990. • Richards, Michael, "Protected Areas, People and Incentives in the Search for Sustainable Forest Conservation in Honduras," Environmental Conservation, vol. 23 (3). Superparks The Impossible Dream?" Getaway. November 1996. • de Villiers, Noel N., "Africatourism or Ecotourism?" African Wildlife, vol. 50 (3). Personal correspondence with IUCN. Open Africa Initiative and individuals involved in TFCAs. �77 "Wanted: Large Lots with View" Conservation of Blue Ridge Parkway in Watauga County Donna Akers Warmuth, Appalachian State University, Boone, NC "There is nothing so American as our national parks...thefundamental idea behind the parks, is that the country belongs to the people" - Franklin D. Roosevelt INTRODUCTION Private property along the western North Carolina section of the Blue Ridge Parkway is quickly being developed in a manner inconsistent with the original plan for a rural scenic byway. In response to this threat, the Watauga committee of the Preservers of the Parkway, with assistance from the Conservation Trust for North Carolina, began a campaign to acquire land and conservation easements in significant areas of the Watauga County section of the Parkway. ENCROACHING DEVELOPMENT PROBLEMS Stretching 470 miles between Virginia and North Carolina, the Blue Ridge Parkway links the two national parks of the southern Appalachians, Shenandoah National Park in Virginia and Great Smoky Mountains National Park in North Carolina and Tennessee (Figure 1). Construction began in 1935, and the Linn Cove viaduct section near Grandfather Mountain was completed in 1987. The Parkway scales past two urbanized areas: Roanoke, Virginia, with a population of about 250,000, and Asheville, North Carolina, with a population of about 100,000 (Fordney, 1994). Among the multiple reasons for the construction of the Parkway was to allow visitors to see and experience rural scenes. Much of this purpose has been accomplished due to preserved farms, log cabins, and split rail fences. Another goal of the Parkway construction was to provide the visitor with the sense of a park without borders (Fordney, 1994). However, those borders along the Parkway are quickly narrowing, due to increasing urban sprawl and air and water pollution. The Parkway's scenic and natural resources have begun to attract more retirees, second home owners, vacationers and developers. An additional threat to views along the Blue Ridge Parkway is that only five of the 29 municipalities along the Parkway actually have adopted zoning regulations to restrict density and types of land uses (Rotegard, 1997). However, land use regulations alone are limited as a mechanism to control and stop development along bordering private land. Often, local land use plans may permit high development densities and allow inappropriate land uses. For example, in 1992, a Roanoke property owner was able to gain approval for a rezoning from agricultural to residential zoning for hundreds of acres bordering the Parkway. Parkway officials and advocates are worried that creeping suburbia could potentially spoil the Parkway's grandeur, turning it into an rural freeway (Horan, 1993). The areas surrounding Asheville, North Carolina and Roanoke, Virginia, and the stretch north of Grandfather Mountain through the Boone-Blowing Rock region in North Carolina, are the sections that most concern Parkway planners. These areas �78 Figure 1. Blue Ridge Parkway (Pineola, NC to Jefferson, NC) in western North Carolina have been experiencing the highest rates of growth (Rives, 1993) CONSERVATION OPTIONS The simplest solution to the problem of encroaching development would seem to be for the federal government to purchase more land as a buffer zone along the Parkway. However, the National Park Service does not have the fiscal means to finance outright purchase of these hundreds of miles of private land. The Parkway has limited funds to buy some land each year, but only on a case-by-case basis. Although the Park Service has the ability to condemn land, they prefer not to for fear of incurring the ire of the property owners. However, as economic, demographic and social changes encourage development sprawl, growth pressures along the scenic land bordering the Parkway will likely increase. The federal government is researching ways to more efficiently manage and protect National Parks. In April 1996, President Clinton recognized in a memorandum to the Secretary of the Interior that publicprivate partnerships to enhance park protection and maintenance should be encouraged. Therefore, an emerging potential solution to preserving views and scenic resources along the Blue Ridge Parkway lies in partnerships between the federal government and non-profit conservation organizations to explore different conservation strategies. This partnering trend is illustrated by the recent alliance of four private land conservancies, the National Committee for the New River, the Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy, the Western Virginia Land Trust and the Conservation Trust for North Carolina, to work together with private landowners and the National Park Service to protect the Parkway (Thompson, 1997) Non-profit conservation groups have many different preservation tools. The best choice among those tools will depend on the goals of the property owner and the conservation organization. Voluntary techniques to protect private property may include: nonbinding agreement programs, leases, mutual covenants, tax incentives, acquisition of conservation easements, rights of first refusal, options, deed restrictions, purchase of development rights, and outright acquisitions of property (Stokes et al., 1989). In North Carolina, the conservation easement is quickly emerging as a popular method for protecting and conserving land. The Parkway preservation movement in the Watauga County area has focused on the acquisition of conservation easements and outright purchases of land from willing sellers. CONSERVATION EASEMENTS A conservation or preservation easement is an agreement between a property owner and the easement holder about the treatment of the property by current and future land owners. By allowing the owner to still �79 own and use the land, this method ensures continued protection, because the easement "runs with the land," usually in perpetuity. These easements can be either donated or sold, although typically non-profit organizations seek donations of land, while governmental agencies may purchase the easements (Stokes et al., 1989). Conservation easements tend to work best in situations where the landowner is concerned about preserving the land, the land does not need intensive management, the owner is interested in obtaining tax deductions or estate reductions, and the current and planned land uses by the owner are compatible with the saving of natural features (Conservation Trust for North Carolina). In addition, the permanent protection guaranteed by the easement may increase the value of the remainder of the property. The advantages for having a nonprofit conservation group rather than a local government acquire land and easements are numerous. Conservation groups can work for the public wellbeing without obtaining official public approval, and have the ability to move quickly with less bureaucracy, especially with obtaining donations from property owners. HIGH COUNTRY PRESERVATION ACTIVITIES In Watauga County, an alliance to preserve significant views along the Parkway has been led by the Watauga committee of the Preservers of the Parkway and the Conservation Trust for North Carolina. In 1997, this group purchased one property outright and received a donation of a conservation easement on another property. The Watauga committee joined with the Conservation Trust for North Carolina, the local League of Women Voters, the Blue Ridge Resource Conservation and Development Council, and the AveryWatauga Association of Realtors to sponsor two educational seminars on conservation easements this past summer. This partnership is also exploring the creation of a new land trust, or a partnership with an existing regional land trust, to specifically address conservation needs both along this stretch of the Parkway and in the High Country region as well. The Preservers of the Blue Ridge Parkway campaign was created as a temporary initiative to raise funds to preserve views and land in western North Carolina bordering the Blue Ridge Parkway. Founded in 1996, the "Preservers of the Parkway" was established as a direct result of the work of the Year of the Mountain Commission, which was chaired by Hugh Morton, Sr. The Year of the Mountain Commission was appointed by the governor to examine opportunities for conservation and progress in the mountains of North Carolina. The Preservers program is overseen by the Conservation Trust, and in less than a year, the program has raised over $250,000, purchased 70 acres, and acquired conservation easements on 17,234 acres along the Parkway. Although other committees in western North Carolina have been established, the Watauga committee has accomplished much this past year and has embarked on an aggressive education campaign, with assistance from several local partners. According to Margaret Haydon, chair of the Watauga Committee of the Preservers, the goal for the committee was to begin the fundraising efforts and preservation activities, and then blend those initiatives into a new or an existing land trust foundation. The Watauga committee of the Preservers of the Parkway is composed �80 of various community members, with representation from the real estate sector, private businesses, resort owners and the local electric cooperative. The Conservation Trust for North Carolina accepts the conservation easements, and assists in obtaining appraisals, options and deeds. The Conservation Trust is dedicated to enriching and preserving North Carolina's natural and cultural heritage through advisory and technical assistance to communities and landowners. Acting as a statewide network of regional and local land trusts, the Conservation Trust is a key player in the protection of lands for their natural, scenic, recreational, historic, or agricultural resources. the Conservation Trust for North Carolina, this donation permanently protects one of the most beautiful vistas of forests and mountain slopes and will become a role model for other private land owners. Completed in September 1997, the recent purchase of the Critcher Farm at a fair market value was another coup for the Preservers and the Conservation Trust. The site includes 47 acres and is located on the west side of the Parkway, just east of the Daniel Boone Trace (Figure 3). The parcel includes a farmhouse and barn, with a scenic mountain stream. This preserved land will serve as a good example of the agricultural past along the Parkway. EDUCATIONAL PROGRAM FOR GRANDVIEW OVERLOOK AND THE CONSERVATION CRTTCHERFARM The Preservers and their local To date, the local committee of the partners are aware that the initial step Preservers has worked with the for conservation needs to be the Conservation Trust for North Carolina education of communities to realize the and acquired one conservation easesignificance of the Parkway as an ment donation at the Grandview economic resource. It is also necessary Overlook and has purchased the to communicate that uncontrolled Critcher Farm, near Bamboo Gap development can easily destroy the (Figure 2). features of the Parkway which make it The conservation easement donaattractive. Therefore, much of the early tion at Grandview Overlook includes efforts of the Preservers and their over 234 acres and most of the forested partner organizations have focused on slopes below the overlook on the east side of the Parkway. Figure 2. Conservation Acquisitions in Watauga Co., NC This majestic overlook Along the Blue Ridge Parkway is located just south of the Parkway School. The local property owner gave up all future timbering rights on the property and retains only the rights to construct two homesites in locations not visible from the Parkway. According to Chuck Roe, director of �81 Flpn3. OfatarFtm.M>M>ooa«kMi»M*BM»v.NC An»V*-ta.Co««>«taiTn*fcrNor1bO«lli- educating the public about the potential threats of development and offering alternatives to developing their land. Education remains crucial to the success of a conservation organization, not only to communicate the significance of conserving certain resources, but to encourage donations of money and property. The local Preservers group has made excellent use of the news media, issuing several news releases about their activities in the two local newspapers. By sponsoring a contest among Watauga County schools for art, academic projects and fundraising related to the Parkway, the group has focused public attention on their campaign. Another effective step has been to explore potential partnerships with other organizations, such as the League of Women Voters and the Blue Ridge Conservation and Development Council. The Watauga committee and the Conservation Trust have plans to target educational programs to local estate planners, attorneys, and accountants, because of their ability to influence property owners in estate planning and financial planning for tax reductions. Because conservation easements and these flexible, voluntary methods of conserving land are relatively new to practitioners in these fields, two workshops for property owners have been sponsored by the Watauga Committee of the Preservers, the Watauga County League of Women Voters, the Conservation Trust for North Carolina, the Blue Ridge Resource Conservation and Development Council and the AveryWatauga Association of Realtors. These educational workshops on conservation easements were held in June and August of 1997. Approximately 50 participants attended the two meetings, including legal professionals, financial planners and private property owners. Through finding common ground among the above groups, the Watauga County partnership for Parkway conservation seems to be creating an excellent foundation to preserve Parkway lands. For example, Chuck Roe, executive director with the Conservation Trust for North Carolina, was invited to speak at the April meeting of the League of Women's Voters, a meeting which brought together members of several local preservation and conservation groups. This event also functioned as a recognition ceremony for local land owners who have donated conservation easements along the Parkway. CONCLUSION Support for and interest in conservation of private lands along the Watauga County section of the Blue �82 Ridge Parkway seems to be growing among local residents. Partnerships between civic groups and environmental groups with shared interests and the fundraising efforts of the Watauga committee of the Preservers of the Parkway are accomplishing much toward the future preservation of private land along the Watauga County section of the Parkway. The creation of a new land trust, or the partnership with an existing regional land trust with Parkway preservation as a priority, is necessary to continue this significant work. Lands with a view along the Parkway are "wanted" for conservation by this Watauga County partnership and the Conservation Trust for North Carolina. REFERENCES Conservation Trust for North Carolina. " Conservation Easements: An Introduction for North Carolina Landowners." Produced by the North Carolina Coastal Land Trust and the World Wildlife Fund. Fordney, Chris. "Blue Ridge Blues." National Parks 68 (1994): 26-31. Haydon, Margaret. Chair, Watauga Committee of the Preservers of the Parkway, Blowir^, Rock, NC. Interview, June 1997. Horan, Jack. "Blue Ridge Blues." The Charlotte Observer, 3 October 1993, pp. 1E,2E. Rives, Julie Powers. "Vanishing Vistas: Development Threatening Picturesque Parkway View." The News and Observer,, Raleigh, North Carolina, 24 January 1993, pp.lA, 12A. Rotegard, Laura. Community Planner, National Park Service, Asheville, NC. Interview, August 1997. Stokes, Samuel N., A. Elizabeth Watson, Genevieve P. Keller, and J. Timothy Keller. Saving America's Countryside: A Guide to Rural Conservation. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, pp. 173-203, 1989. Thompson, Jim. "Sterling Carroll Donates Scenic Easement to Protect Grandview." The Mountain Times, Boone, North Carolina, 8 May 1997, pp.1, 20, 21. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Blue Ridge Heritage Corridor: Celebrating Our Past, Creating Our Future Description An account of the resource <span>The Seventh Biennial Linear Parks Conference was held in Lake Junaluska Assembly, North Carolina, on September 11-13, 1997. Contributors to the proceedings are Kathleen L. Kadlec; Bill Carson; Bill Carson and Judith Francis; Edward J.P. Hauser; Philip A. Grant Jr.; Fred J. Hay; Curt Cottle; Lee R. Skabelund and Lon Williams; Peter Givens; Daniel L. McDonald; Charles E. Roe; Jay Singh; and Donna Warmuth.</span><br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1mDk0112v4-xSA8tXbGF22NLys2LJym1Y/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642468/a-blue-ridge-heritage-corridor/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Blue Ridge Mountains Region--Congresses Cultural property--Protection--Appalachian Region--Congresses Parkways--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. Proceedings of the Seventh Biennial Linear Parks Conference 1997 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1997 Language A language of the resource English Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Conference proceedings Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4474773/lake-junaluska.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm Lake Junaluska (N.C.) Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/3b8d9eca4f842297d6f362130f3a312b.pdf fdfd871e121672f73877b484154dd916 PDF Text Text �PARKWAYS, GREENWAYS, RIVERWAYS: The Way More Beautiful �The Appalachian Consortium The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit educational organization comprised of institutions and agencies located in the Southern Highlands. Our members are volunteers who plan and execute projects which serve 156 mountain counties in seven states. Among our goals are: • Preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia • Protecting the mountain environment • Improving the educational opportunities for area students and teachers • Conducting scientific, social, and economic research • Promoting a positive image of Appalachia • Encouraging regional cooperation The Member Institutions of the Appalachian Consortium are: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Gardner-Webb College Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association John C. Campbell Folk School Lees-McRae College Mayland Community College Mountain Regional Library North Carolina Division of Archives and History Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild U. S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Society �PARKWAYS, GREENWAYS, RIVERWAYS: The Way More Beautiful Proceedings of the Third Biennial International Linear Parks Conference 1989 Edited by Woodward S. Bousquet Warren Wilson College Editorial Assistants Thomas E. Rash Mark H. Suggs Appalachian Consortium Press Boone, North Carolina 28608 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program^ Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1989 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4208-6 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4211-6 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Contents Introduction Woodward S. Bousquet, Warren Wilson College, Swannanoa, North Carolina ix I. Keynote Addresses Building Community Support for Linear Parks Anne Lusk, Greenway Promotions, Stowe, Vermont The Invincible Consensus: Opportunities for Cooperative Approaches to Protection of Linear Parks Jerry L Rogers, Associate Director for Cultural Resources, National Park Service, Washington, D.C. America's Surprising Greenways Noel Grove, Senior Assistant Editor, National Geographic Magazine, Washington, D.C, Bikeways as an Environmental Tool Boudewijn Bach, Delft University of Technology, The Netherlands Landscape Architects as Regional Artists Grant Jones, FASLA Vice-President; Principal, Jones & Jones Problems and Solutions of City Street Greening in China Li Rusheng, Ministry of Construction, Beijing, People's Republic of China . 2 7 13 18 28 33 II. Historical Perspectives The Mount Vernon Memorial Highway: The Machine in the Modern American Garden Elizabeth K. Meyer, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts The Merritt Parkway: A Straight Approach to Beauty Richard L. Kent, University of Connecticut, Storrs, Connecticut Parkways and Expressways of Japan Yasuo Bansho, Tokyo, Japan HABS/HAER Inroads: Recent Documentation of Canal Corridors, Park Roadways, and Urban Landscape Plans Sara Amy Leach, HABS Historian, National Park Service, Washington, D.C. The Hudson River and America's Love of Natural Landscape Scenery William A. Mann, University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia 40 52 62 64 72 III. Design and Planning Integrated Recreational Open Space Systems: Planning Concepts and Implementation Strategies Paul M. Rookwood, Wallace Roberts & Todd, San Diego, California . . . . . . 88 �VI Design Studies for the Rockville Facility Right-of-Way Steven L. Cantor, Clarke + Rapuano Inc., New York, New York A Visual Quality Assessment Along the Blue Ridge Parkway for the East Roanoke Circumferential Environmental Impact Assessment Janit L Potter, Virginia Department of Conservation and Recreation, Richmond, Virginia Desert Greenway: Kuwait's Waterfront Park John W. Bright, Committee on Roads and Linear Landscapes, International Federation of Landscape Architects The Greenway for Tomorrow: Three Case Studies Charles Birnhaum, Walmsley & Company, Inc., New York, New York . . . . . The Uncompahgre River Valley: A Recreation Master Plan Lois A. Brink and Ann Skartvedt, School of Architecture and Planning, University of Colorado at Denver Battle Creek's Linear Park Eric W. Lyons; O'Boyle, Cow ell, Blalock & Associates, Inc., Kalamazoo, Michigan The Davis Greenway: A Case Study of a Diversified System of Open Space, Trails, and Wildlife Habitat for the City of Davis, California Stanton Jones, Associate, Davis Rural Land Trust, Davis California; and Mark Francis, Center for Design Research, University of California, Davis . Suburban Parkway Development in Waukesha County, Wisconsin: A Mid-Western Case Study Paul E. Skidmore, Foth and Van Dyke and Associates, Inc., Madison Wisconsin Texas Urban Waterways: Lessons in Linear Park Planning Susanne Christian Sweek; Schrickel, Rollins & Associates; Arlington, Texas 98 115 123 127 139 154 160 176 184 IV. Environmental Considerations Greenways: Recreation Resource versus Land Use Ethic? Charles A. Flink, Greenways Incorporated, Raleigh, North Carolina . . . . . . The Role of Parkways in Barrier Beach Preservation: A Study of Contrasts on Long Island, New York John A. Black, Suffolk Community College, Selden, New York Bacterial Bioassay of Pesticides Contaminating Parkways, Greenways, and Riverways from Nonpoint Sources Hao Xu and Karl Schurr, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, Ohio Designing with the Whole Life Community in Mind Mamie Muller, Katuah Bioregional Journal, Marshall, North Carolina . . . . Bacterial Populations Elevated by Stream Modification Projects Arthur Bender, College of the Desert, Palm Desert, California; and Karl Schurr, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, Ohio 194 200 205 208 211 �Vll Multiobjective Management of River Corridors: A Floodplain Management Perspective James M. Wright, Tennessee Valley Authority, Knoxville, Tennessee 216 V. Citizen Involvement Grassroots Protection of River and Trail Corridors: A Discussion From Experience Lorah P. Hopkins, Schuylkill River Greenway Association, Wyomissing, Pennsylvania River Conservation from the Bottom Up: An Atlantic Regional Approach Elliott Gimble, QLF/Atlantic Center for the Environment, Ipswich, Massachusetts Park Watch: Enlisting Citizen Support to Protect Parkway Values James E. Fox, Blue Ridge Parkway, Asheville, North Carolina Vigilantes, the Neuse, and Sure Salvation: Evolving Advocacy for Greenways William L. Flournoy, Jr., North Carolina Department of Natural Resources and Community Development, Raleigh 230 233 239 242 VI. Management Image-Capture Computer Technology and Aesthetic Regulation in Rural Riverway Planning and Management Richard E. Chenoweth, Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Wisconsin The Abandoned Mines of the New River Gorge: Health and Safety Hazards and Important Cultural Resources Donald Armstrong and Charles Yuill, West Virginia University, Morgantown, West Virginia Greenways: Cornucopia of Opportunities Kristina Reichenbach, Consultant, Petersburg, Illinois Visibility Description, Visual Analysis, and Land Use Control Along Rural Scenic Byways: A Case Study in the Appalachian Mountains of Virginia and West Virginia William E. Shepherd, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blacksburg, Virginia Exciting Liaisons: Cross-Fertilization Among the Disciplines Leads to New Solutions for Greenways Robert M. Seams, AICP, Urban Edges, Inc., Denver, Colorado Appendix: Additional Conference Presentations 252 260 270 275 294 301 �Vlll This page intentionally left blank �IX Introduction "Parkways, Green ways, Riverways: The Way More Beautiful," took place September 19-22, 1989 at the Great Smokies Hilton Resort in Asheville, North Carolina. It represented the third in a series of biennial conferences focused on linear parks. The first such conference was held in 1985 at Appalachian State University in Boone, North Carolina in celebration of the Blue Ridge Parkway's Golden Anniversary. Conference presentations examined the impact of the Blue Ridge Parkway as an agent of transition in the southern Appalachian region. Widespread interest in this event led to another conference two years later. As a result of suggestions from participants in the first conference, the objective of the 1987 meeting was expanded to include parkways around the world. Titled "Parkways: Past, Present, and Future," the second conference was held in Roanoke, Virginia. Presenters attended from thirty states, Canada, Europe, and Asia, representing a wide variety of disciplines and viewpoints. As the title of the present proceedings suggests, the third conference reflected yet another extension of the biennial gathering's theme. The perspective remained international, but papers discussing several types of linear parks—parkways, greenways, and riverways— were solicited. "The Way More Beautiful," as conference chair Barry Buxton explained, represented the belief that there are viable alternatives to the onslaught of development, billboards, and commercialism that is rapidly eroding the remnants of scenic landscapes and degrading the environment. Conference objectives, which had evolved from the 1985 and 1987 meetings, were to: • Examine from an interdisciplinary perspective the historical, conceptual, and design foundations of linear parks around the world. • Focus international attention on the importance of linear parks. • Provide a biennial forum for the exchange of knowledge and experience related to linear parks. • Foster a sense of "shared community" among practitioners from diverse cultural and professional backgrounds. • Identify common values and mechanisms for the sustained support of linear parks. �X Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Once again, this linear parks conference constituted a cooperative effort. The Appalachian Consortium and Blue Ridge Parkway were the two primary sponsors. Also instrumental were the River Foundation, American Society of Landscape Architects (ASLA), and North Carolina Chapter of the ASLA. Important support came from the Lyndhurst Foundation, Broyhill Family Foundation, Janirve Foundation, German Marshall Fund, and Blumenthal Family Foundation. More than 100 presentations appeared on the program. Individual papers, grouped into concurrent tracks, allowed participants to devote particular attention to parkway development, riverway efforts, or greenway systems. Plenary sessions were intended to relate more generally to linear parks. A special part of the conference was the presentation of awards to winners of the Student Art Competition. A tribute to Earth Year, featuring author Thomas Berry, musician Eugene Friesen, and poet Thomas Rain Crowe, took place one evening and was open to the general public. The conference schedule also included multimedia presentations and optional off-site tours. Over a dozen exhibitors represented academic presses, environmental groups, regional artists, linear-parks-related businesses, film makers, landscape architects, and natural resource management agencies. Unfortunately, the summer's dramatic occurrences in Beijing's Tianamen Square forced Li Rusheng of China's Ministry of Construction to cancel his scheduled participation. Remarks to the general session, based on Mr. Rusheng's formal paper, were presented by Ms. Jane Chang of Shanghai. The conference was also not insulated from natural events. Hurricane Hugo's high winds and heavy rains somewhat disrupted the meeting's final two days. Although the worst winds were confined to coastal areas, some participants left Asheville early to assure their flight connections. One keynote speaker barely arrived because of downed trees on nearby roads. Members of the conference steering committee decided to cancel the final plenary and closing sessions so that everyone could travel more safely. Despite these unforeseen circumstances, the conference's overall size and international flavor both grew. Over 250 reservations were made for the first evening's banquet. The final count of attendees during the four days exceeded 300. Participants came from across the United States as well as from Japan, China, Portugal, Poland, The Netherlands, Bolivia, and Canada. �Introduction—Bousquet xi One of the prices of the great interest and enthusiasm for linear parks was the difficult decisions that had to be made concerning the contents of this publication. Over 60 people submitted papers for consideration for inclusion in the conference proceedings. For the first time in the history of these conferences, a review committee had to be formed to narrow the number of papers to be published. There was no shortage of creative approaches to the development, management, and protection of parkways, greenways, and riverways. Thus, papers that do not appear in this book were generally not rejected because of the review committee's evaluation of the quality of the presenters' work. Several other factors entered into the selection process. Papers less likely to be included were those by authors whose writing had appeared in a previous proceedings, those that depended substantially upon slides or other audiovisual material, and those with content appealing to a restricted audience. This proceedings opens with the six keynote addresses presented in general conference sessions. The remaining 30 papers from the concurrent sessions have been divided into six broad categories: Historical Perspectives, Design and Planning, Environmental Considerations, Citizen Involvement, and Management. Listed in the Appendix are conference presentations that were not included in the proceedings. The editor wishes to extend his appreciation to members of the review panel and to editorial assistants Thomas Rash and Mark Suggs. Mr. Rash helped review the papers for mechanics and clarity, while Mr. Suggs took charge of typesetting and production. In addition, Mike Epley, Executive Director of the Appalachian Consortium, and debbie Fields, Consortium Secretary, provided indispensable logistical support for the publication of this book. The review and editing procedures, coupled with staff changes at the Appalachian Consortium, have delayed the completion of this publication significantly. The conference presenters and participants deserve special thanks for their patience. A fourth conference on linear parks is scheduled for Charlottesville, Virginia in the fall of 1989. We invite you to join us in this and future such conferences to share ideas and get to know the community of people from around the world involved in protecting the Way More Beautiful. Woodward S. Bousquet Proceedings Editor August 1991 �Vlll This page intentionally left blank �I. Keynote Addresses �2 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Building Community Support for Linear Parks Anne Lush, Greenway Promotions, Stowe, Vermont I have no hidden agenda. What I want is to see greenways built all across America. If pushed, I will admit that I'd really be happy of they were built all across the world. These desired greenways cover the broadest definition of the word and include everything from biking or hiking trails to wildlife corridors to green linear parks to riverways. When I received my conference program in the mail, I read it and smiled. I noticed that I had been chosen as one of the keynote speakers, probably out of tokenism. Lest you think, "Ah, she was chosen because she is a woman," that's not it. I believe that I was chosen because based on the job titles of the other keynote speakers, I'm about as grassroots as you can get. I come from a town of 3,000 in Vermont. Since 1981, I've been working for the Town of Stowe building a small-town green way. It's a five-mile paved path that runs alongside a mountain stream and crosses the river on ten bridges. I had to raise a total of $680,000 to build the path and talk 32 different land owners into giving their land to the town. The completed path has won a Land and Water Conservation Fund Award, a Take Pride in America Finalist Award, and a Rudy B rune r Award for Urban Excellence. The latter award was won not because Stowe is an urban community, but because of the tremendous community enthusiasm and because it is a model project easily duplicated by other communities. I confess, I like working with communities so much that I read fund-raising and building-community-support books like other people eat popcorn. Not too long ago, I was going through Joan Flanagan's The Grassroots Fundraising Book and I read her definition of grassroots. She said, "Grassroots simply means you are ordinary people." All of you are, for one reason or another, extraordinary people. Just for the moment, however, I'd like to talk to the ordinary person in you. I want to talk to your human kindness, your consideration, your generosity, your enthusiasm, and your compassion. It is these simple qualities that you will use to build community support. Linear parks are such dynamite ideas that you should be able to walk right up to the public at large and say, "Just build it! It's a good idea." But if you did that, even if you got a park built, you wouldn't be giving the public the real gift that you can give them if you build community support. When members of the public help build the linear park, they own it and they take pride in it. Every time they use it or drive by it, they say, "I built that." And that's the gift you give the public by letting them help, by building community support. A good analogy to giving this gift to the public is to instead think of helping little old ladies across the street. If you placed little old ladies on every street corner in the morning, then people on their way to work could help a lady across the street. They would go to work feeling terrific because they had just helped someone. Creating greenways, which can be for senior citizens, children, individuals in wheelchairs, or those with less income, is just one way to be nice to people. The added bonus is that greenways help the land and wildlife too. Not too long ago, I was talking to someone about building community support, and I said that you had to use the echo effect. He corrected me and said, "Anne, that's the ripple effect." I said, "Nope." With the ripple effect, you set the waves in motion, but they fade out and go away. With the echo effect, you get to hear back from the public. They send you money to build �/. Keynote Addresses — Lush the path, or, after it's built, they call you up to say "Hey, the path's terrific." So though you have given a gift to your community in seeking their help and in building community enthusiasm, keep in mind the echo effect. The public thanks you back. The task of building community support is really relatively easy. A while back, I was at a speech given by a freshman legislator from Vermont. He said that getting legislation passed in Washington was like turning the Queen Mary in a bathtub. Building community support for a linear park is much easier. People want to do something good for the environment; the path can be handicapped accessible, and it benefits all ages and all incomes. Building community support for greenways can be done. If anything, it's really more like turning the Queen Mary in a Jacuzzi. In answer to what building community support is really like, I'd say it's similar to a good program on public television. A good program on public television is half education and half entertainment. If you go out to the public to talk about greenways and you try to educate them with intimidating statistics, involved case studies, and frightening projections—if you hit them with too much logic, they balk at the intensity. If, on the other extreme, you just give them fluff, they will think it is a fly-by-night idea of no substance. Building community support is half education and half entertainment. Now, how do you go about building this community support? Identify your public. Is it a small town or a whole state? Once you've identified your public, think of how you would talk to that public. The trick is to think of this as a personal conversation. Of course, you won't be able to talk personally to everyone, but they can be reached through newspapers, magazines, radio, television, and public speaking. Now don't be a media snob and decide you will 3 only talk through the highbrow publications. Good people read the little papers, too. I confess that I was a media snob on a nationwide level. I work on promoting the creation of greenways nationwide, and one day in Washington I was talking to Emily de Roco from the Take Pride in America office. I explained that I didn't know how to go about getting greenways in Time, Newsweek, or even The New York Times. Emily said, "Stop aiming for those publications. Go after Reader's Digest. The people who read Reader's Digest are doers, and they will build greenways. After you identify your public and know who you are going to talk to, then look at your own sincerity. Do you really believe this parkway, greenway, or riverway is a good idea? If you are wavering, get someone else to sell the concept. The public is perceptive and will not commit if you are not committed. You can be young, old, rich, poor, "a good ole boy," or an ingenue. It's your enthusiasm that is evident, and it can be infectious. Maybe some people are born with the self-confidence to build community support, but to others it's easy to look at someone successful at it and say, "They can do it and I can't." Shortly after getting my Master of Arts in Teaching with a specialization in historic preservation, I went to an historic preservation conference. There were some well-to-do women who were the organizers. Later I learned that they had ample time and resources to do the work because their children had graduated from college, their husbands were retired, and they were comfortably set in life. In another instance I began working with some established businessmen and realized that they had the ability to call on a variety of close business associates for help. Somewhat later I worked with some locals on a project and realized that they had an extensive family network plus a heritage that went generations back. �4 They had credibility, which, as a relative newcomer, I was sorely lacking. But in Stowe, there was discussion about tearing down the 1860 Greek Revival Old Stowe High School and putting up a new smaller library. I hesitated to jump in based on all of the aforementioned reservations, but I just didn't want to see the building torn down. It is now the $500,000 restored Town Library and Art Center and is one of the 124 Stowe Village buildings that were listed on the National Register of Historic Places. Once established with your base—by identifying your public and your convictions, and by looking at your sincerity—the specific steps involve the following 15 points. These 15 points might be an oversimplification of building community support, but without community support you will have nothing but a stack of feasibility studies, and we've all seen stacks of feasibility studies. I want you all to feel as if building community support is easy, a shoo-in, so that you won't hesitate to do it. . . and we'll have green ways and linear parks built not only nationwide but all around the world. 1. Get before the public by creating the news either by a.) important meetings or timely decisions, or b.) clever events. I'll admit that sometimes I'll hold specific meetings or make important decisions based on how and when they will hit the press. Of course, I try to anticipate the outcome of the meeting so I don't have any unwanted surprises, and I check with many other groups so they too aren't surprised, but much of the press exposure is positioning for front page. Politicians do this, so why shouldn't linear park builders do it? On the clever events, I never fret about whether or not they will be well attended. I know that the publicity before the event and after the event is a better payoff than the Linear Parks Conference Proceedings event itself. If I hold an event and hope to have 200 people attend, I don't get discouraged if only 175 people attend. Those 175 people are having a good time, and all of the advance and follow-up publicity may have been read by someone who wasn't planning to attend but who was intending to send in a donation. Having read about the amount of effort that went into the event and realizing the amount of fun the participants had, that donor will probably write a larger check. 2. Involve every sector of the community, and be public about the participation. Sometimes, only the people of wealth are allowed to participate in fund-raising activities. You get the largest contribution from them with the least labor. But that leaves out the little guy who might be giving a proportionate or even greater percentage of his income. Find ways to include him. In Stowe for the Stowe Recreation Path, donations were sought by "selling" pieces of the path. You could buy one inch for as little as two dollars, a foot for $15, a yard for $45. I have people who bought a foot and had never given to a nonprofit organization before in their lives, but the path is now theirs and they feel the pride. The donor sign at the beginning of the path lists the names of all the donors, large and small, and it even lists the tourists who gave. I've said that for a tourist the sign has more of a draw that the Trevi Fountain. If you throw three coins in the Trevi Fountain, you will see Italy again. If you sent in a contribution to the Stowe Recreation Path, you'll return to find your name on the sign. 3. Spread the credit to others. You can have no ego in building community support. Your achievements are measured �/. Keynote Addresses — Lusk in community consensus, in giving credit to others. This is the hardest part for those people who realize it's more efficient to be a one-person decision maker. One of the walkways publications stated that to be a good leader for creating walkways, you should be equally passive and aggressive. In the community you have to be passive so the people feel their ideas are heard, and you have to be aggressive so they know if they give you their ideas, you will get the job done. In your job as gobetween, facilitator, or mediator, remember it's not the little victories scored along the way that count, it's whether or not you got the job done in the end. That's how people will measure your worth, so spread the credit to others. People will know in the end it was your shuttle diplomacy that got the job done. 4. If possible, write your own newspaper or magazine articles. A good newspaper reporter will be especially nonpartisan and try hard to tell both sides of the story. These parkways and greenways are so universally beneficial, however, that there really isn't a dark side, and you can say that honestly. If you don't feel qualified to write, then find a sympathetic writer. And just as you were going to get people involved and spread the credit to them, make sure the writer realizes the significance of his or her involvement. A path can be created or not get off the drawing board based on the persuasiveness of the stories told by the writer. 5 to the back of the newspaper. You've got a golden opportunity with greenways, riverways, and parkways. They are all lovely chances for pictures. And don't just line up five heads of the department and have a blow-up of the check and pass it from one person to the other. Get all of those department heads out there with some bicycles or in running shoes. If they insist on the dignity of a business suit, get them surrounded by kids on bikes or tricycles. Have fun with your pictures and get some nice candid shots. Show the joy in linear parks. There's so much of it, it's not hard to capture. 6. Write at a sixth-grade level. This is not insulting to your audience; rather, in a way, it is flattering to your readers. You are acknowledging that their lives are extremely busy and that if they do find the time to read the material, they are apt to scan it. Just write it plainly yet appealingly enough so that when they do scan it they scan the whole article. 7. Always stress the merits. You won't struggle with this point. You won't even sound like a forced Pollyanna. It's easy to say good things about linear parks. Just to guard against an article of yours sounding like a puff piece, remember that balance between half education and half entertainment? Include some of that education and put in some hard facts to bring the vision of the greenway back to earth and down to reality. 5. Pictures, Pictures, Pictures. We all know a picture is worth a thousand words. If given my druthers, I'll always take a really good picture with a small caption under it rather than a tiresome departmental news release, which always gets relegated 8. Be visible as often as possible, and be receptive. In the small town of Stowe, I hang out at the gas station, and I hold informal business meetings in the aisles of the grocery store. �6 People I've never met before call me up on the phone at night to give me ideas. I've gotten a lot of good ideas that way. 9. Think big. If the idea seems too wild, think of the Summer Olympics in California and all of those grand pianos. And don't just aim for public awareness, aim for action. Aim to get the greenways built because if you aim for path creation, along the way people will automatically become aware. 10. At events, make sure everyone is having a good time. Linear Parks Conference Proceedings event. The message was the same every time in the invitation, the articles, and the posters, but the repetition made your sense of anticipation greater. You really wanted to go to the event. 12. Plan on doing pre-publicity, publicity, and post-publicity. The post is if you want to do something similar again. Members of the public will look at your track record, whether or not you acknowledged them, and they will respond to your new idea accordingly. 13. Simplify and clarify. Even during construction of the walkway, make sure everyone feels included. I have a reputation around Stowe for having ruined some backhoe and bulldozer operators. I get out in the field with them and say, "Okay guys. This is what we want. We want the path to meander, to go up and down, to widen and narrow, to open up views and duck back into the shade, to catch the sound of the brook and then head to the quiet of the woods." These guys understand what I'm saying, and they really get into it. Then they are ruined. They never want to go back to digging cellar holes or sewer lines. Think, defend, and explain in simple sentences. I know this is especially tough for some of you, but it is the best way to talk to the community. 11. Repetition, repetition, repetition: nothing drives the home better. Maybe if you are 102 years old and you never plan to need community support ever again, you can risk not saying thank you. Better chances are that you are someday going to want to do something again with your community. Community members will remember if you said thank you the first time. Thank you's can be handled on a caseby-case basis and include general letters to the newspaper editor, formal business letters, mention on the radio, phone calls, personally baked and delivered chocolate chip cookies, I once told someone that if you get an invitation to a community event and you read about it on one little Xeroxed note sent out by bulk mail, you probably won't want to go to the event. But if you get an engraved invitation, hand-addressed with a pretty twenty-nine-cent stamp on it, you read six different articles in the paper about the event, and you see posters and banners all over town, you are going to want to go to that 14. Be consistent. Your perseverance, though not always acknowledged, is watched by the public. And watch your allegiances, too. If you take on five polarized causes, the public will wonder about your convictions and your attention span. 15. Last, say thank you. �/. Keynote Addresses — Lusk and of course, personal notes. The notes needn't just start out with the typical "Thank you so much for . . ." get into the heart of the project and tell the person exactly what their contribution did and how much it meant. There exist so many good feasibility studies gathering dust in file cabinets because no one went out in search of public 7 involvement. The public is receptive to a good idea. Parkways, greenways, and riverways are good ideas. Remember, The Report of the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors called for a prairie fire of local concern to champion the cause. By building community support, you can make that prairie fire roar. The Invincible Consensus: Opportunities for Cooperative Approaches to Protection of Linear Parks Jerry L. Rogers, Associate Director for Cultural Resources, National Park Service, Washington, D.C. Five weeks ago I was in North Dakota at the Fort Union Trading Post National Historic Site where I had the pleasure of watching traditional dances and listening to the music and the folk tales of a Standing Rock Sioux Indian. This individual has a graduate degree in Native American studies and has devoted his life to preservation of Northern Plains Indian cultural traditions. He has found performances among the best ways to achieve his objective, and so he shares his knowledge frequently. He explained the Northern Plains Indians comprehension of the universe as a circle. It is tempting to speculate about the origins of such a view—if you stand on the Plains, no matter which way you turn, the horizon is equidistant. In other words, the visible world is a circle around you. If you apply to this the seven cardinal directions of the Northern Plains tribes—east, west, north, south, up, down, and the center, the universe becomes a globe. Not a globe such as the planet Earth, with Siberia, South America, Europe, and Australia on opposite sides, but a conceptual globe with each individual at the center. The storyteller joked about his confusion at flying across America in an airliner and looking down to see the world divided not into circles, but into squares. High atop the Bighorn Mountains in northeastern Wyoming is a holy place called the Medicine Wheel. It is a 150-foot diameter circle of stones with a large central cairn and 28 lines radiating like spokes from the center. This wheel is the largest of a fairly common expression of an idea related to the one the storyteller shared at Fort Union. It is used to explain the universe (and human life), with all of its apparent contradictions, in unifying terms. The west side of the Medicine Wheel is the Looks-Within Place, representing the introspective nature of humankind. The east side is the Place of Illumination, where we can see everything clearly even at great distances. The south side is the Place of Innocence and Trust, and the north side is the Place of Wisdom, where one may know that trust is not always appropriate. In a book called Seven Arrows, a fellow named Storm explains that each person is born into the world at some point within the Medicine Wheel. Our starting place determines our natural predilections and our instinctive way of perceiving the world. But if we stay in that starting place, we will �8 remain incomplete. A person who remains only in the north will have wisdom but not feeling. One remaining in the east will have clear, far-sighted vision but will never be close to things. One remaining in the south will be the sort of lovable but gullible soul we have all known, and one remaining in the west will see only that which is within himself and thus will go over the same ideas again and again. The quest of life is to attain completeness by seeking experience at many points on and within the Medicine Wheel. In this way a person can gain the benefits of innocence and wisdom and can comprehend things on a grand scale and a small scale as well. Only when we have been around the Medicine Wheel can we attain its center and be capable of balance in the decisions we must make in life. By now you are surely wondering if I have not gotten into the wrong symposium. This one is not supposed to be about circles or squares but about lines. I believe that these metaphors are applicable to all parks. We are and we want to be centers of the worlds within which we work, but our centers are often far off to one side or another of the Medicine Wheel. Parks, linear and otherwise, now have major effects upon the non-park world, and, clearly, the non-park world has major and often threatening effects upon us. We must learn to understand better these other forces and to make them understand us. In this respect, the most important difference between a linear park and a park with a unified land base is that the linear park brings its benefits and its problems to more places, more jurisdictions, and more people than the compact park and thus has an even more complicated Medicine Wheel to experience. But, you say, we are the good guys trying to give nature a chance to survive, trying to preserve history for the inspiration and guidance of present and future generations, trying to make places of beauty and Linear Parks Conference Proceedings solace available to harried souls of the late twentieth century. The bad guys are the ones who send the detritus of their factories into the clouds to rain upon the parks, who build ugliness on the edge of the park boundaries, who keep our budgets so small that we cannot fully execute our duties. I believe that, of course, or I could not bring to my job the zeal that makes it satisfying, but that is my spot on the Medicine Wheel. You and I need to understand the people who are at other places on the wheel. Only then can we know how best to tolerate the negative forces we cannot overcome and how best to overcome those we cannot tolerate. My purpose in speaking to you today is to emphasize that we have not yet incorporated into our pro-park attitudes many other points of view that not only are valid but that have the potential to strengthen and enrich us. I will advocate one major step by which park managers in the United States, especially National Park Service managers, could very significantly strengthen and enrich their positions. Perhaps other nations will derive some benefit from the discussion. I know that much of what I advocate can be learned from other nations. The idea of national parks has been broadly accepted throughout the world. Although the idea of what constitutes a national park appropriately varies greatly from one country to another, 135 nations now have national parks. The idea of preserving history has long been accepted throughout the world. It is not unusual for a nation to elevate this duty to cabinet-level status as a ministry of antiquities or to make it part of a ministry of culture. It is also not unusual for a nation's list of protected monuments, such as our National Register, to extend beyond a selected few outstanding historic places and to encompass hundreds of thousands of places that are important only to their localities. �/. Keynote Addresses — Rogers What is rare is to find the national park management and the cultural resource management functions in the same agency. Perhaps there are valid innate reasons behind the tendency to separate the two, for here in the United States the two have almost always been in the same federal agency, and yet we have been very slow in bringing them into a fully effective union. It is still common for people who work in the park field—national, state, or local—to presume that their jobs deal with a combination of nature, beauty, and outdoor recreation, and for cultural resources to be an afterthought, if given any thought at all. It is not true today, I am happy to say, but not many years ago one could have found a consensus among national park managers that we should be concerned with only the nationally significant areas within park boundaries and should not worry about the more numerous areas of local significance throughout the country. At the same time, it was not unusual for state and local preservationists, who generally were somewhat more urban in orientation, to discount the cultural resource work done by the National Park Service and to downplay the origins of their own programs with the Service. For reasons far too complex for exposition here, the problem became so bad that a few years ago the National Conference of State Historic Preservation Officers adopted a policy to support creation of an independent agency within the United States government to lead the nation's historic preservation—synonymous with cultural resource management—programs. Fortunately, the state historic preservation officers are by no means united in support of such a change, and the many other facets of our historic preservation movement are generally opposed to it. I, myself, who might normally be maneuvering to become head of such an agency, am the most conspicuous and vigorous opponent. Now I believe that the 9 chances of such an independent agency actually being created are very slight. My reason for mentioning it here today is not because I fear that it might happen but because it exemplifies an unfulfilled opportunity that we simply must correct. Instead of separation, we must go in exactly the opposite direction. We must broaden and strengthen the unity of all forces in the United States that work on behalf of cultural resources, and we must make more effective league with those forces that struggle to preserve nature, protect scenic beauty, and provide recreation. I believe that the only possible federal basis for such a broad approach in the twenty-first-century United States will be the National Park Service. Let's look for a moment at some of the problems and opportunities we hold in common. The atmospheric pollution that kills forests and poisons waters also accelerates deterioration of certain building materials. Marble and bronze are especially vulnerable. The 2,200 statues, monuments, and memorials in the U.S. National Parks suffer the same fate as the tens of thousands on town squares and in cemeteries throughout the nation. We assume that these treasures are permanent, but a statue or building that might have lasted 10 generations will last only 6 generations under today's acid rain conditions. A statue that cost $52,000 in 1907 would cost $527,000 today. If we lose them, most will not be replaced. Could we solve this problem better separately than we can together? A combination of population growth and increased mobility is wreaking havoc upon natural, cultural, scenic, and recreational resources at all levels. There are early signs that the worst impact of the baby boom upon housing and other development may be drawing to a close, but remember that the effects of demographic change occur over a very long term. If current trends �10 continue, the United States will reach zero population growth, but not until halfway through the twenty-first century, when there will be 30 million more of us. Many more small historic towns will grow into metropolises; many more historic battlefields and archeological sites will become subdivisions and shopping malls; and far more watershed, wildlife habitat, and scenic beauty will be lost before the desperate fathering of the early 1940s has run its full course. I mention greater mobility. I presume it is good that more people are able to have one house as a residence and another as a retreat. While this is still only a small minority of the population, it is enough to have an impact upon parks, historic properties, and other park-related resources. Equally important is the mobility that comes from electronic communication advances. During last summer's Yellowstone fires, I saw a television interview of one man who lived in West Yellowstone, Montana, and who by electronic means ran a business in Southern California. People with a similar ability to choose where they will live are legion, and guess where they choose to live: on the edge of a national park, in a beach house, next to a wild river, or in a quaint historic village. These forces and others have expanded suburbia into exurbia. The same combination of forces that one year ago threatened to put a shopping mall on historic ground at Manassas, 30 miles from Washington, D.C., was simultaneously threatening the National Historic Landmark village of Waterford, Virginia, 50 miles away. These forces are now skirmishing at America's most unspoiled major battlefield at Antietam, 65 miles to the northwest, and at Brandy Station, 60 miles southwest of downtown Washington. And when I say the same forces, that sometimes has a very literal meaning. Like Lee and Grant from the Wilderness to Appomattox, it has gotten to be the same faces and the same issue; only the courtrooms Linear Parks Conference Proceedings are different. This is by no means exclusively an eastern problem. Who would ever have believed that sleepy little Tucson would have grown up and surrounded Saguaro National Monument? We have twin problems. The units of the National Park System rely in large measure upon a century-old assumption that the parks are protected by their locations in remote areas. But that assumption has been invalid for 40 years. We need a new approach. The historic preservation programs of the 59 states, territories, and similar jurisdictions have grown dramatically in strength and effectiveness. Yet the statutory basis of those programs rests upon a 30-year-old assumption that historic properties need protection primarily from projects funded by the federal government. That assumption has been invalid for more than ten years. We need a new approach. No place today is remote enough to be protected by remoteness, and the greatest threats to historic properties, natural resources, scenic values, and the National Parks comes not from federal agencies but from private parties doing private things on private lands. Park and other resource values, which are critical to the long-term wellbeing of the nation, are at the mercy of individuals. Individuals are granted only a few short years on this earth, and they understandably have short-term ideas about the utility of property. In a few states, serious land-use planning programs are trying to deal with the problem. In most states such matters are left entirely to local governments, and these governments are often more interested in short-term tax-base increases than in long-term concerns. In too many places, no one at all is thinking about it except as they see and regret losses. Under present law, the federal government has no authority to regulate private property in order to protect units of the �/. Keynote Addresses — Rogers National Park System and other important resources. I am far too pragmatic to urge an authoritarian approach in today's political environment. Congress has tried twice and failed to legislate such protection in the last dozen years. Some day the American public will demand strong protection, but not until far greater losses have been suffered. In the meantime we must use the tools at hand. Hence my topic, "Opportunities for Cooperative Approaches." Some of the tools at hand are underestimated. The historic preservation programs the National Park Service has developed in partnership with state and local governments and the private sector have achieved a strength and sophistication that are fully understood by very few. It was this partnership, so recently disdained by those who wanted to work securely within park boundaries, that rose up nationwide a year ago and forced Congress to rescue Manassas. This partnership has thousands of levers of power that can get the desired decision in Congress, in the state house, in city hall, or in the corporate boardroom. Where federal authority ends, this partnership can call upon the authority of a sovereign state. Where state authority ends, the authority of local government to regulate growth and property can be brought to bear. And where authority of any kind ends, the political, economic, and moral strength of a broad-based, middleclass, conservative-but-committed citizen movement can take over. It is my personal goal to bring this federal-state-local and private partnership to a point where it can more effectively help protect units of the National Park System. What does the National Park Service have to offer the partners in return for such impressive gains? The Service has experience and expertise in managing cultural resources. Although we are drastically short of expertise in comparison to our needs, we are well supplied with it in comparison to other 11 institutions. The Service also is the single focal point of all official historic preservation activity in the United States. This circumstance enables us to understand and to find solutions to historic preservation problems on a scale several times broader than anyone else. Only the National Park Service is in a position to share nationwide, through technical information, solutions to problems worked out by individuals throughout the nation and can assure that the solutions will not be disapproved by some higher authority. Above all, the National Park Service is able to offer a popularity that can be translated into strength. We have our flaws and we make our errors, but the American public— indeed the global public—loves the parks and the people who run them. As a somewhat mixed case in point, let me tell you that the forest fire season of 1989 has burned far more acres than the season of 1988. Yet how much coverage have you seen in the media compared to last year, when the mother park was stricken? And if you have followed the 1989 news carefully, much of the coverage is in the genre of "I have been to Yellowstone and nature still reigns—the National Park Service fire management policy was right after all." The fondness in American hearts for the National Parks, and the support they give the National Park Service, could give the larger historic preservation partnership a political base available nowhere else. I view the National Park Service as what Theodore Roosevelt meant by the term "a bully pulpit," and it is my personal goal to use it on behalf of our state, local, and private partners and the historic properties they struggle to preserve. What is being done to bring this change about, and what sort of things might be accomplished? Many things are being done, but two are of overarching importance. First, we are working to remove, or at least to reconcile, the differences between the cultural resource management planning the �12 Service does inside the National Parks and the statewide historic preservation planning the Service sponsors in every state. A state historic preservation plan is no longer something you write in a book. Instead, we are evolving it into a system for understanding the historic properties of a state and for making decisions about them. I believe this system holds enormous potential as a model for protection of resources. Within the National Park System, we are now conducting pilot projects on a new approach to both the natural and cultural resource management planning. This new approach will enable us to understand better and preserve the resources within the parks, and it will also be more compatible with state historic preservation planning. The second overarching change is to improve the system the Service uses to comply with Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act. Our present system is good, but is difficult for states to understand. Because by law the states participate in the Section 106 process, which requires all federal agencies to consult the state historic preservation officer when a federal project affects a historic property, any misunderstanding can harm the partnership. It is my personal goal to make the relationship between park superintendents and state historic preservation officers so close and so mutually beneficial that Section 106 compliance will be effortless. For what needs to be done next, I hope to see park superintendents undertake cooperative ventures with the state historic preservation officers, the 500 local historic preservation commissions, the state and local historic preservation societies or citizen organizations, local property owners, business people, economic development organizations, and just plain citizens to agree Linear Parks Conference Proceedings upon and implement Historic Conservation Districts that would include and surround the National Park units. The value of a National Park unit is so great and so selfevident that I believe an invincible consensus can be developed on behalf of protecting the park in almost every case. I know that in some places this consensus will be very difficult—and linear parks will only be able to do it for one segment at a time. When the chips are down, however, a National Park unit is among the most permanent and stable entities to be found. Other land uses are temporary. Although the advocates for harmful short-range projects are often well connected and powerful, the Historic Conservation District will put them on an even plane with the well-connected and powerful historic preservation network. The combination of park and preservation networks, properly handled, is capable of prevailing against any opponent. That, in abbreviated form, is my proposal. I have a similar vision for cooperation with a network of natural resource advocates, scenic beauty advocates, and outdoor recreation advocates. Those networks exist, but they are far less cohesive, and person-for-person less effective, than the historic preservation network. You can see, I hope, why I believe the key to historic preservation and other environmental protection lies not in independent agencies but in unity within and around the National Park System. That battlefield on the Little Bighorn River might today be known as Custer's Victory had he not in the pursuit of glory split his forces and attacked a larger force. Let those of us who care about the quality of life on earth—in linear parks, square ones, or circles—not repeat Custer's mistakes. �/. Keynote Addresses 13 America's Surprising Greenways Noel Grove, Senior Assistant Editor, National Geographic Magazine, Washington, D.C. I work for the National Geographic magazine, and when people discover that fact, a number of questions pop into their minds. So I think I'll just answer them right now so we can save time in the social hour that follows this dinner. Yes, I travel a lot. No, I don't take all those beautiful pictures. From the completion of a project until it appears in the magazine is a period of about six months—what we call "lead time" in the trade. And to some of you who have known me over the past two years, no, I haven't yet written the greenways article. And yes, I have had quite a few adventures working for the National Geographic. I have been charged by a rhino. I have been held up by road bandits in a place called North Yemen. I have wrestled alligators in the Louisiana bayous to help U.S. Fish and Wildlife officers tag them between the toes. And not too long ago I rode to the front lines in Angola in a Cuban troop truck, transferred to a Russian armored personnel carrier, and reach the front lines where I had to dodge U.S.-financed artillery fired by the other side. So the job is adventurous but gets a little confusing sometimes. I have also come to realize that my favorite assignments are covering the exciting things now happening where the environment is concerned in the United States. Besides, people generally keep their appointments here, and the phones work. I've had a few surprises in my career with the National Geographic, and I'd like to talk to you about surprises tonight. Iceland, I found, is not very icy and Greenland is. Early in my career, I felt my credentials were not yet complete if I did not go to Africa. So I desperately sought and obtained assignment to Nigeria, which was not the Africa that I had always pictured but overcrowded, with underorganized cities, and not-so-very scenic countryside almost devoid of wildlife. My experiences in the rain forests of Venezuela, on the other hand, were everything I expected and more. And although the disappearance of rain forests is of concern to us all, their physical extent was . . . surprising to me. The first time I flew over them in a small plane for several hours, I gradually realized that I had drunk too much of that delicious Venezuelan coffee for breakfast. Nature was calling me desperately, and I don't mean that solid carpet of vegetation 9,000 feet beneath us. It was more complicated than you might imagine, because the young pilot had brought with him his very beautiful girlfriend. So finally, when after the fifth or sixth time I had called out "How far to Ciudad Guyana?" and he answered "About 45 minutes," with great embarrassment I had to say, "I don't think I can make it," and I explained why. He shrugged, looked out the window, and put the plane into a swooping dive that leveled out at a tiny air strip carved out of the bush. It was the only air strip, he told me later, within hours of flying time, and we just happened to be over it. Some weeks later I skipped the morning coffee when I flew an even longer journey from Caracas to the Orinoco River to spend a week with a group of Yanomamo Indians. This trip held one of my biggest surprises. I knew they were primitive; I knew they had been visited by only one or two people who were not Yanomamo like themselves, including the anthropologist who agreed to take me there. Still, I was so surprised by the differences in our cultures, so shocked at being face to face with the Stone Age, �14 that for five days I couldn't take a note. I hunted with them. We communicated in gestures and body language and through the anthropologist, who spoke their language. I even learned a few words of their language. I ate with them, passing courteously on the live bugs, thank you very much. We became friends. At the end of that incredible period of time, I was sorting out my things and loading up my pack, and one of my new friends was squatting in the dirt beside me. He picked up a paper matchbook with a picture of modern Caracas on it, with skyscrapers and tiny people and he asked me "Shori, wedi ka ta?" "Friend, what is this?" "Caracas," I answered. He looked at it a moment longer and said, "Caracas-teri," which means, "The village of Caracas." I guess I expected him to be awed and amazed at so mammoth and modern a village, but he dismissed it by tossing it back in my pile. What did he care about another big, strange, funny-looking village that looked like it didn't have a single monkey—which they eat—and looked far from good hunting grounds for tapir or peccary. You see, the Yanomamo was not interested because he was supremely adapted, adjusted and comfortable in his world. And we are not. We have created a new world, not unlike the Caracas on the matchbook, a world of noise and pollution and concrete. Most of us, nearly 80 percent of us, live in this world, or something like it. Maybe some day we will evolve into some kind of totally urban creature, totally at home, psychologically adapted to a crowded, stacked-up environment, but we're not there yet, not by a long shot, and personally I hope we never get there. We have been gradually losing touch with the natural world, and the effect on our psyches is recorded in the daily newspaper and on the television screen. Yes, the rain forest has caimans and piranhas and carnivorous cats and poisonous snakes, but where safety is concerned, I have felt less Linear Parks Conference Proceedings fear in the rain forest than in the concrete jungles of our cities. Crime, debilitating and dangerous drug use, and many types of aberrant social behavior are all evidence, I believe, of stress caused by living in a crowded and unnatural environment. That's my personal opinion, but it's backed up in the laboratory as well. Some years ago the University of Maryland conducted experiments with mice, overcrowding them in a sterile environment, and observed much different behavior from another group in a stimulating and less crowded environment. The crowded mice, reported the researchers, manifested unusual hostility to each other, homosexuality, and radical behavior among the young that was likened to rodent juvenile delinquency. In another unfortunate comparison to our own experience, scientists elsewhere have found that the brains of rats grow larger when they are raised in a semi-natural environment as opposed to a boring cage. I've spent a lot of time in the outdoors for the National Geographic and personally witnessed its effect on myself and others. A couple of years ago I wrote an article on the Appalachian Trail and walked about 500 miles of it. In all that time I never encountered a single sorehead on the trail. Virtually everyone I encountered was relaxed and enjoying themselves. The effect is not immediate, but it is real. We live behind four walls, often behind locked doors, and it's a bit unsettling to sleep in the open by yourself in the woods. I had camped outside many times, but it always takes a few nights before I am comfortable sleeping outside. But after weeks of living outdoors, I can honestly say that I have never known such peace, such a sense of well-being. And that effect can be felt, perhaps to a lesser extent, if we can get in touch with the natural world for even a few moments every day. On the Appalachian Trail I met a young couple who worked as social workers. We camped together a couple of nights and �/. Keynote Addresses — Grove hiked together by day, so we had a lot of time to talk. They told me they had once had an arrangement with a Philadelphia court in which youthful offenders from the inner city could have a choice between spending their time in jail or spending a month with the couple in the wilderness. Naturally many of them chose the latter. And when a big enough group was gathered, the couple would take them on a long wilderness experience, hiking, camping, canoeing. They told me that remarkable things happened to those tough inner-city kids in the woods. The first couple of days they retained their tough appearance, their jive talk. But after a couple of days something began to break down. They became unsure of themselves in this very different world, and at night, when the kids were asleep, the couple would occasionally hear whimpering coming from the tents. By the end of the month they had a new set of values: they dropped the tough veneer; they were more sociable; they were curious about the world around them. I wish the story could end there. Unfortunately, they went back to their urban environment at the end of the month, and peer pressure soon put them back in their original mode. No one in the inner city understood or cared about their experience in the woods. I think we are all here because we believe in grass and woods, winding paths, scenic rivers, and parkways, and what they can do for us. That's what the greenways movement is all about, and it's happening all over this country. Greenways are many things; they serve many purposes, but I think if you want to trace the reasons for the incredible success of building greenways in America, you have to boil it down to this: they allow a highly urbanized population to get back in touch with some semblance of the natural world. It has been my privilege over the past couple of years to monitor the activity in building greenways in the United States. I 15 have traveled to all major points of the compass discovering what people perceive to be greenways, and how they are creating them. Let me give you a little background if I may on the National Geographies involvement in covering the greenway story. As some of you know, Gilbert Grosvenor, Chief Executive Officer of the National Geographic, served as co-chairman of the recent President's Commission on Americans Outdoors (PCAO). That commission was named by former President Reagan in 1985 to determine what Americans expected in the way of outdoor activity, and what they hoped to see achieved. After some 20 public hearings around the country in which they heard thousands of words of testimony and the examination of numerous papers written on the subject, the commission published its findings. One of the most popular and most talked-about findings was that there is a demand for green corridors that connect existing park lands and that connect people in urban areas with the natural world. Such corridors were being built in the country when the PCAO was making that decision, but time after time in my travels on this subject, those involved in greenway activity suggested to me that the encouragement of greenways by the PCAO had a major impact on construction of them. I was asked to look into greenways and see if there was enough material to make an article for the National Geographic magazine. I made some calls around the country, got a feel for the extent of greenway activity under way and the amount of diversity it offered, and reported that yes, in my opinion this would make a story for us. I undertook an off-and-on coverage, interrupted frequently by other assignments and office duties, but basically I ranged over this country when I could, looking into greenways in some fifteen states. Photographer Phil Schermeister, I think, has gone to some states that I didn't visit, and perhaps vice- �16 versa, but in any event I think we have looked at a fair representation of what is happening. I began this evening by talking about surprises. There has been no more pleasant surprise in all my years of coverage than in seeing what is happening in the building of green ways. Yes, I had recommended to the Geographic that this trend would make a story, but I was not prepared for the enthusiasm that I encountered, for the extent of the work being done, for the implications represented by these threads of green that can tie together this whole country. I've bicycled on rail-to-trail conversions in Iowa that were almost crowded with smiling hikers and bikers in the early evening, out with their families from the city for a taste of bucolic countryside. I've ridden on the Platte River Greenway through Denver at lunchtime, and it was crowded with office workers reconnecting with the outdoors for an hour or so before going back to work. Believe me, it's a lot more refreshing than a two-martini lunch. I went for an evening run on a brand-new greenway along the Yakima River in Yakima, Washington, then returned to my room in a motel that deliberately situated itself near the greenway so its guests could make use of the facility, an example of growing awareness on the part of developers that greenways and careful planning offer some commercial advantages as well. Some projects are modest but terribly effective, like the five-mile greenway pioneered by Anne Lusk through Stowe, Vermont. Some are enormous, such as the evolving 200-mile Katy Trail in Missouri and California's exciting plans for a 500mile ridge trail in the San Francisco Bay area that would touch on 102 communities in nine counties. The Hudson Valley Greenway in New York State is not a trail but a plan for linear connectors in an entire 155-mile corridor in that scenic valley. Large or small, the effect of greenways on people who use them is obvious. I had an Linear Parks Conference Proceedings identical experience happen to me on opposite ends of the country that illustrates this point. I was walking with Dick Trudeau on the Managa-Lafayette Trail north of San Francisco, a seven-and-a-half-mile trail that gets incredible use by an overall community of about 120,000 people. On weekends it is sometimes used by 6,000 to 7,000 people; on weekdays it is used heavily by commuters. As we were walking we were approached by a group of young people, and Dick said to me, "You watch, I'll bet they'll give us some kind of greeting." And right on cue, couldn't have been more perfectly scripted, they did, big smiles, a "good afternoon," and we passed each other. Weeks later in Stowe, Vermont, Anne Lusk and I were walking the asphalt pathway. "It's the strangest thing," said Anne, "on town sidewalks strangers make eye contact, but that's all. On the path they speak, smile, pet each other's dogs." In less than a minute along came a couple that Annie did not know; sure enough, big smiles, a greeting, and since Annie's the kind whose enthusiasm gets everyone in the act, I leaned over and gave their dog a pat. Folks, the outdoors, the natural world, nature, whatever you want to call it, makes people feel good about themselves, and about others. I don't have to tell you that, you are outdoors people or you wouldn't be here. Incidentally, surveys have shown that a majority of Americans—and remember that most of us now live in cities and urban areas—describe themselves as outdoor people. What people say they are and what they do are sometimes two different things. We've got to give them access to the outdoors to reap the benefits they know are there. That is happening in some very unexpected places. I spent a couple of days last week with people of the Trust for Public Lands (TPL) in New York. TPL is helping people buy deteriorated land in the inner city to put to use as greenways. They and the citizens groups they advise are urging �/. Keynote Addresses — Grove municipal governments to create greenways out of land that reverted to the city because of defaulted property taxes in the urban fiscal crises of the 1960s and '70s. At one point, Robert Feder, a TPL staff member, took me to a bridge on 174th Street, and we looked down on a section of the Bronx River that had nice foliage, some weeping willows, some young locusts, and a slowly flowing current dappled by a few early fallen leaves. All around us swirled loud traffic, and a few yards back from the river were decayed houses and trash, but here was a peaceful, even colorful, section of the Bronx River. "Look at that," he said. "You know, if you were deaf, and had blinders on, and didn't have to look through this cyclone fence, that could be the Suwannee River." He's right, you know. With a little care, a pathway, and a canoe franchise, that could be a recreational resource in the middle of the Bronx, a place to get away from the city just for a few moments. By the way, I've been in several of these inner-city riverine systems, and, because they are lower than the land around them, even with traffic running nearby they are usually strangely quiet. Elsewhere I waded through trash and weeds with TPL staff people on the waterfronts of Long Island Sound and the Bronx River to see what is being planned as the Bronx River Walkway. "Sure there are security problems," they said, "but we don't think you delay a project like this because of security problems. The important thing is to get the land now so you can make plans for it later." And that's what's happening all over this country. But there are problems. There are impediments. There are attitudes to change and commercial interests that do not always see beyond their own pocketbooks. Let me give you an example. In April of this year I was returning from the West Coast on a flight that passed over Salt Lake City. We were passing just to 17 the side of it, looking up against the mountains, so it was a beautiful view of the city. I am always particularly interested in seeing how a city is laid out, how livable it looks, how easy it might be to escape from, and I was happy to see that there did indeed appear to be quite a few open spaces fairly near the city proper. I was at the window seat, and I became aware that another gentleman in the seat next to me was also looking down at Salt Lake City, taking in this confluence of urban and rural. Suddenly he spoke and said, "Still quite a bit to be developed, isn't there." I was struck by the difference in our attitudes. I saw open spaces that I hoped could be preserved. He saw empty spaces waiting to be filled. So the battle is not yet won. But it is under way. People in this country are going to their governments and insisting on open space. "It's a complicated process," one of the TPL people told me in New York. "You've got funding battles, and turf battles between different agencies, and sometimes you don't know where a project stands, you just proceed on faith and bank on cumulative pressures to get the job done." Pressure from the people is getting the job done, and many of you people here are doing it. I mentioned earlier that greenway activity in this country has certain important implications, and I think the implication is this: I see it as an early indication that the people of this country are saying, "We've had enough of rampant development and messing up our land. We want open spaces, we want green spaces, and we want to connect them. In short, they're going to their governments and saying, "We want this country back, and we want it more livable." That's what I see happening with greenways, and that's why I find covering it for the Geographic so exciting. My article on the subject is scheduled for April 1990. Tune in for more details. �18 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Bikeways as an Environmental Tool Boudewijn Bach, Delft University of Technology, The Netherlands INTRODUCTION The Netherlands, a country the size of Pennsylvania, has a population of about 15 million. During the first decades of this century, riding a bike was a privilege. By the thirties, bikes were well established and had become taxed items. The situation changed dramatically between 1965 and 1975. Today, every third Dutchman has a car. This demonstrates that the bike has not been appreciated as a means of transportation, despite the fact that almost everybody has a bicycle. Since the seventies, bike use has changed from being an individual means of transportation to being a means for short trips to local shops, schools, or railway stations. Uses for recreation, sport, and as a toy for children are still increasing. The growing number of traffic jams highlights the advantages of bikes. For example, the beach of Zandvoort is within reach on a bike to 150,000 inhabitants of Haarlem. On bikeways, there is no congestion from recreational traffic to the beach, while cars are lined up bumper to bumper on the adjacent highway. In 1984, 10 percent of all person-miles in the country was produced on bikes. Today, about 40 percent of the car trips in The Netherlands are shorter than three miles. In the Dutch climate, this is the standard maximum distance for a nonrecreational trip on a bike. This situation makes promotion of bike transportation, as opposed to car transportation, a political goal. Promoting recreation on bikes serves this policy as well, especially because a lot of recreational tracks can also be used for economical trips. To defend the public space and spend government funds allotted to bike transportation wisely, several bike unions were founded, such as the ENFB for traffic safety in local areas, the LF for long distance bike tracks, and the ANWB to obtain rights for bikers. 1 The tourist department of the ANWBUnion has become a national coordination point for activities such as the development of bike tracks, production of bike maps, and the location and maintenance of "bike finger" sign posts. This kind of work is subsidized by both local and national governments. In 1988, the Dutch state sponsored the bike finger posts project, coordinated by the ANWB, with $300,000 in funds. Today, there are about 470 bikeways in The Netherlands, including a long distance bikeway network of about 3,500 miles. In fact, the Frisian mud-flat island Schiermonninkoog allows only those recreationists who will walk or bike, quite a change for guests from the USA. Through their concern about environmental problems, the Dutch became increasingly aware of the fact that biking produces hardly any noise. But bikes are also favorable for personal health. On a bike you burn some fat and do not produce a lot of waste to be left behind in nature. Judging by the low amount of litter one usually finds, bikeways may be the cleanest linear parks. WHY BIKEWAYS? Environment Using a bike is such a normal part of the Dutch way of living that most politicians forget that safe bike use demands a proper infrastructure. Moreover, the rapidly increasing environmental problems point everybody to the fact that transportation by bike does not produce noise, NOX, COX, or even dioxin. �/. Keynote Addresses—Bach Part of the pollution problem, therefore, can be answered as follows: 1. increase bike use for short, local trips; 2. convert fitness training to low-energyconsuming exercises like rowing or biking; 3. locate recreation and work short distances from homes and public transportation; and 4. improve the network of low-energyconsuming transportation systems (i.e., rail and bicycle routes). The Dutch state recently subsidized the improvement of the local bicycle network in the town of Delft. This construction resulted in a 1 percent increase in bicycle transportation for distance, shorter than three miles. This project stabilized the decline of bike use in Delft at about 40%. Today, the national proportion of bike travel for 19 distances shorter than three miles is about 35%, with overall bike use of about 25%. Some 90% of the 85,000 Delft inhabitants live within this bike reach of the local recreation project, Delftse Hout. On the national level, the Dutch state has a policy of discouraging the use of fossil energy by promoting "vacations in your own country." Measures to promote bike transportation include the possibility of taking a bike with you on the train, and Rent-A-Bike ($3.007 day) at railway stations, of which 62 have a connection with regional bicycle routes. Public Health A still growing number of "joggers" travel by bike, most of them in small groups and on racing bikes. This practice may be healthy, but the cycling speeds of these racing groups pose a threat to touring cyclists. The use of new fibre fabrics and shapes like atefc ' t $&"' f" •' iSi Figure 1. Rent-a-Bike stations are situated near regional bikeways and sell bike maps and information about local recreation topics. �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 20 R1 R1 Fugure 2. Route selection to shorten the "travel time" is a standard habit of low-speed (human powered) transportation. Planners should anticipate this habit and shape bikeways as a compromise between the shortest route and the shortest connection between recreation locations R1-R4. (left) Bikeway with too many detours; (middle) a dull circular and orthogonal bikeway; (right) compromise between landscape scenery and direct routing. the mountain bike gave sporting on a bike a new excitement. Nevertheless, mountain bikes appear to be inconvenient for longer tours and are seldom seen on the national tracks. WHERE ARE BIKEWAYS? Climate and Landscape Bikes have a human motor. In cold and hot weather, this engine may be reliable but not very efficient. Rain also lessens the body's ability to act like a motor. Strong winds and steep or long slopes wear out the human body. A basic requirement for intensive use of bikeways is a landscape without many slopes. In the windy Dutch climate, we also learned the importance of wind protection. The 21 windy miles along the protective dike of our central lake form a real barrier against long-distance recreation. Zoning and Gradients A speciality of bikeways is the light construction of their foundation. For reasonable costs, a bikeway can cross areas with a bad subsoil. This light construction will have little impact on the environment. In several landscapes, the preservation of the succeeding gradients is required to maintain their regional quality. A balance between recreational use and road maintenance can be achieved through the distinction of perpendicular and parallel routings. The roads with a heavy environmental impact have to cross the site by the shortest connection, most of the time a perpendicular line. Light roads can follow "ecolines" (gradients), covering a greater distance in a parallel direction and creating fewer problems. An extra advantage for bikeways is that tracks parallel to gradient zones meet less steep slopes and therefore need few expensive constructions like bridges. Abandoned railway tracks make excellent routes for bikeways, because they were planned with these objectives in mind. The problem of parallel or perpendicular use of the Dutch dunes-and-coast landscape was for years a big issue. The general vulnerability of the salt-sprayed sandy coastal zone ended in the decision to make few short perpendicular roads for car access to the beach. Between Zandvoort and The Hague, over 30 miles, only bikeways may be built within one mile of the sea. The perpendicular car roads stop at parking lots �/. Keynote Addresses—Bach that provide direct access to the parallel bikeways in the dunes. PLANNING CONSIDERATIONS Biking: A Circular Path for Linear Motion? Research by the Institute voor Stedebouwkundig Onderzoek (ISO)2, based on the "revealed preference approach," allowed an estimate of the relative importance of choice factors by comparing actually chosen and non-chosen alternatives. This study generally showed that travel time is the most important motivation in selecting routes in a network. This choice factor stems from the dependence on the human body as a motor during a trip. The second choice factor in selecting a bike route is the quality of the pavement. Again, there is a direct relationship with the human body. A soft or bumpy pavement 21 makes biking tiring. These choice factors point to planning tools such as connecting recreation elements for bicycles with direct lines, avoiding long or steep slopes, and paving bikeways with a smooth and fast top-layer. Other choice factors that have little relation to the human body, such as the road profile (or type of bikeway) and crowding, had a low score in the ISO study. The average bicycle speed is between 10 and 20 miles an hour. Depending on the time available, there are three length scales for bikeways: Outing trip (or "trimming") 5-20 miles Half-day trip 20-40 miles Whole-day trip 40-80 miles The above-mentioned choice factor, short travel time, means that all these three bikeway types should have a layout that gives users the feeling of directness. This Figure 3. From left to right, three bikeway types (same scale): (left) In black a local bicycle round with its start and end in a residential area; (middle) A dotted line a regional bicycle route (for half-or whole-day recreation) with its start and end at a home, a parking lot, or a station; (right) In striped lines parts of (international bicycle tracks (for more days of recreation) with night stops along the track. �22 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 4. Most local bikeways are circular (5-20 miles) with several detours to the town (1,2) and with a route that connects recreation objects such as a lake (3), pubs/restaurants (4), deer-park/belvedere (5,6). and sporting fields (7). preference requires that bikeways be based on linear routing. Recreational stops on a standard Dutch local bicycle round No stops LOCAL BICYCLE ROUNDS A Dutch local bicycle round is more or less a rural track near residential areas and is mainly used by the inhabitants of these areas. Parts of the local round can be used by regional and national touring bicyclists. The realization and maintenance of such local rounds are often the responsibility of the local park or greenbelt caretakers. Quite often, a completely car-free layout is possible. Residents of a typical Dutch town, Gouda (population 60,000), make rather long trips.3 Recreation time from home on a Dutch local bicycle round Maximum 1.5 hours 25% Maximum 2.5 hours 50% Maximum "cycle about" of 3.75 hours 75% Stops are one of the most important activities during such local tours. In the Gouda situation, 70% of the cyclists make at least one stop. 30% One stop 50% Two stops 15% Four or five stops 2% Activities during a recreational cycle about on a local bicycle round Visiting a restaurant of a pub . . . . 32% Sitting in or near the verge 19% Detouring to visit a friend or family 13% Bicycles have a low speed. To promote bike use towards greenbelt recreation, it is important to make shortcuts between built up (high density) areas and recreational destinations. In the Dutch town of Delft (85,000 inhabitants), the local bicycle network is repeatedly short-cutted with the local bicycle round. These shortcuts are so attractive to cars that special auto-barriers had to be constructed. �/. Keynote Addresses — Bach REGIONAL BICYCLE ROUTES Most Dutch regional bicycle routes are composed of relatively uncrowded rural roads with free bike paths through a beautiful landscape. The route will be planned as a chain connecting interesting views and historical points of interest. The general length is 20 miles. If possible, part of a local bicycle round will be integrated with bikeways on the regional and national scale. Most of the time, the ANWB Union takes care of the situation and maintenance of the bike finger-posts (signs) for regional bikeways. Simultaneous information billboards (often in a rural style) are placed at the starting points and at places of special interest. Generally, the bikeway is followed clockwise. On the average, six finger-posts are required per mile. On bikeways longer than 60 miles, mileage information is also given on the finger-posts. 23 (INTER)NATIONAL BICYCLE TRAILS Even on a bike, The Netherlands can be crossed in two days. So the Dutch Long Distance Bikeways ("Langeafstand Fietspaden" = LF Trails), must be seen as part of an international network. Despite its small size and large population, Holland does offer an interesting landscape. In particular, the "wet & dry" gradients (such as salt/sweet, salt/dry, sweet/dry) and the flatness of the landscape make is possible to enjoy a variety ofLF's. The design tools for LF's are roughly the same as for local and regional bikeways. What differs is the number of users. This allows most LF's to follow rather narrow and cheap connections between the local and regional bikeways. The cooperation between Belgium and The Netherlands resulted in Long Distance LF1 Noordzee route Figure 5. (left) Bike finger-posts of the Long Distance Bikeways LF-1 along the North Sea. (right) Structural map of the rather dense Dutch Long Distance Bikeway network. �24 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Bikeway LF-1 Northsea along the coast of these two countries. The route penetrates natural parks that are not accessible by car. The route is so successful that an extension into France is under study TIPS FOR THE LAYOUT OF BIKEWAYS Protection and Social Control The Dutch climate is rather mild, but quite often rainy. One strategy for coping with this weather consists of building a shelter every third mile. The presence of a telephone provides a sense of security. A new kind of social problem is the increase of bike racing and speed training in groups. This kind of crowding leads to conflicts between racers and recreationoriented cyclists. Some national parks have started to close their gates to racers. Handy planning tools to counter racing in groups are, amongst others, a narrow profile (maximum 3-5 feet) of brick pavement, hated by racing cyclists. Slopes, Pavement, and Maintenance Although a lot of cyclists use biking to get into shape, they don't like very steep slopes. This is one of the reasons that old railway tracks are preferable as bikeway Height in Yards 9 trails. An unusual form of bikeway recreation occurs on the rail tracks in Varmland and Halsingland, Sweden, where two people can rent a "drazine." This bike is like a small rail lorry, prepared for a two-person camping holiday along these disused rail tracks. Long slopes should have a much lower incline than short slopes. The beginning, end, and every 100 yards along a slope are appropriate locations for rest points, especially when the rest points provide a beautiful view of the landscape. As a minimum, a rest point should contain a simple bench, a dust-bin, and some stands to park and lock bikes. Bikes do not have much of a suspension system. This design makes all kinds of bikes dependent upon the quality and maintenance of the bikeway. Among the ten most important goals for bikeway maintenance, six items are mentioned that demand a smooth and fast top layer. Top Ten Priorities and Solutions for Bikeway Maintenance 1. Cleaning of dirt (and glass): Accessible to light, motorized cleaning tools. 2. Free profile: Pruning and trimming of greens and verges. 3. Smooth (parallel) profile: Good foundation and drainage Limit 6 3 0 1:5 1:10 1:15 1:20 1:25 1:30 1:35 1:40 1:45 Figure 6. Relation bewteen slope and comfort of a bikeway.4 1:50 �/. Keynote Addresses — Bach 4. 5. 25 No cracks: Direct repair No slipperiness: Direct cleaning of snow and leaves Good night sight: Street lamps at treacherous points 6. 7. Smooth joints: Direct repair 8. No puddles: Good drainage and smooth surface 9. Routing information: Bike-finger-posts and fences 10. No ruts: Less than 4% slopes, direct repair Width and Profile Most cyclists prefer free bikeways wider than 1.5 yards. Figure seven shows a relation found in free bikeways by the ICW 6 between the capacity of a bikeway in relation to its width. In an ideal situation, the width of a main bikeway will be 2.75-3.00m (about 3 yards). This makes mechanical maintenance and snow plowing easy. To allow for the increasing presence of bike luggage trailers, the minimum width of a bridge or narrow part of a bike trail must be three feet. In certain situations, such as on a dike, a narrow bike path is a better solution than routing bike traffic to a multi-purpose road. The connection of a suburb with a local bicycle round or the intermediates that link some regional bicycle routes to national bicycle trails may be narrower. A minimum is three feet. When easy passing of another bike is necessary, the minimum should be six feet. On the other hand, the width of a bikeway can be a handy planning tool to limit its usage. When the maintenance does not require motorized vehicles, a three-foot "mini-bikeway" where you have to get off your bike to pass another person, automatically limits the use to less than one bike each minute. Over short distances (5 to 30 yards), extremely narrow paths are possible at crowded trails. Typically Dutch is a narrow bike-bridge built in a culvert to cross a turnpike. In nature parks, unauthorized cycling across vulnerable areas tends to be infrequent. Cyclists do not like to leave their bikes alone there, either. The National Park De Kennemerduinen, between Haarlem and Zandvoort has very few fences. Park managers discovered that just planting some spiny plants or depositing dead stumps and branches is enough to block mass trespassing in the land adjacent to the bikeways. blkeway capacity (bikes per day) technical capacity 4000 3000 i-direction recreational capacity —i two-direction recreational capacity 2000 1000 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 width in m' Figure 7. Relation bewteen Technical and Recreational Capacity with the Width of a Bikeway. �26 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 8. Accessibility of bikeways by small motorized maintenance tools is important. Collecting debris on a Delft bikeway. CAPACITY, SAFETY, AND CROWDING In our rather small country with a high population, most destinations are close by. This results in a high percentage of bikes on rural multi-purpose roads. On the political level in The Netherlands, a higher risk for accidents is accepted for business trips than for recreational trips. Thus, the limitation on motorized traffic depends upon the type of road.7 In most Dutch rural and recreational areas, the speed-limit is 80 km/h (50 miles/ h). But Dutch roads are narrow and people tend to drive too fast. Crowding from vehicular traffic should determine when to separate bikes from cars with painted bike lanes, or, even better, to build a road with separate bikeways. The acceptable crowding level has become a political item. Another planning factor is the crowding that tourists on a bike sense from the number of other recreational bikes on their bikeway. This kind of hindrance can be considered another form of crowding. Gramman's investigation about crowding on bikeways 8 showed that the opinion of crowding among Dutch bicyclists differed by age, sex, group size, and the kind of bike recreation. More bikes on a track do not affect the "crowding sense" significantly, whereas cars and light motorbikes make the score much higher.9 Cars contribute to more than 60% of all the crowding sensed by cyclists on rural multipurpose roads. �/. Keynote Addresses — Bach 27 ENDNOTES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. This text is partly based on an interview of Mr. Molenaar of the ANWB. Bovy, P. H. L., and D. N. den Adel. "Routekeuzegedrag van fietsers" ("Route choice behavior of bicyclists"). ISO, Delft Universitaire Press, Delft, 1985. Klinkers, P. M. A., "Rondritten van recreatieve fietsers" (Local recreational bike trips"). Information brochure of The Staring Centre, Recreation and Tourism Department, Wageningen, 1989. Verkeers memorandum ANWB no. 4: Fietspaden en oversteekplaatsen. "Onderhoud fietspaden" ("Maintenance of bikeways"). S. V. T.—Mededeling no. 40, Driebergen, 1989; (since 1987 published by CROW, Wageningen). 6. 7. 8. 9 van Alderwegen, H. A.; "Capaciteit ven wegen en paden voor recreatief fietsen" (Capacity of roads and bikeways for recreational bike use). ICW; Wageningen, 1981. Ibid. Gramann, J. H. "Toward a behavioral theory of crowding in outdoor recreation: an evaluation and synthesis of research." Leisure Sciences 5(2): 109-126. Klinkers, P. M. A., ir. A van Hoorn. "Sociale capaciteit onvoldoende draagvlak bepaling fietsaanbood" ("Crowding no base for capacity of bikeways"). Staring Centrum, Dept. of Recreation and Tourism, Recreatie en Toerisme, 1989 nr. 5: pages XX-XXII; ANWB, The Hague. Figure 9. Narrow bike bridge inside a culvert as a cheap way to contract a crossing. Leonard Eurj Collection �28 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Landscape Architects as Regional Artists Grant Jones, FASLA Vice-President; Principal, Jones & Jones It's certainly a pleasure to be here in such beautiful country. This is great golf country, and that's got my attention, because I am a golfer. I'm not a great striker of the ball, but I can hit it pretty far. The pro at my club says that distance will come to me. It's reassuring to know that the older I get, the further I'll be able to go. In fact, it's just a matter of time before I will go too far! That's how I want you to remember this brief talk: "He really went too far this time." But my pro also said that it's not how far I hit the ball, but how it gets there from here—the quality of the trip. In a sense, that's the "Way More Beautiful"—pushing the limits of a linear experience with minimum energy, maximum distance, but a quality experience rich in nuances, free of distractions—a spatial immersion from start to finish, along a sort of linear paradise. So it's a very great pleasure for me to join this wonderful crowd of linear people and to have an opportunity to represent the ASLA, as well as to talk to you about how landscape architects have roles as artists of the "Way More Beautiful." DEFINING THE WAY Before making my pitch for landscape architecture, I would like to define my terms. Just what is the Way More Beautiful? It's a path, a route, a highway, or a byway. It can be a river, but probably not a pipeline or transmission line; it's a passage, a journey, a trip, or a mission; a quest, or just a road to adventure. It can even be a life-style, but implied is a form of paradise, a home or hearth, which gives access to the past and secures the future. We're not talking about something that you can just buy, that you can possess. We're talking about being possessed by the landscape. Frost said that "The land was our's before we were the land's," referring back to when we first came over from Europe. By now, we might be able to say, "We are the land's, what's left of it." WHAT IS A LANDSCAPE Left of it? What's left of it? The landscape. What's a landscape? Well, the Indians say it's Mother Earth under Father Sky, and it's clothed with a skin of soil, covered by vegetation, adapting to some regime of water, the interactive result of climate. It supports wildlife societies, including human life societies, although these human societies can be connected or unconnected to the rest of this wedding tapestry formed between Mother Earth and Father Sky. We love it when we do feel connected. That is, when we're travelling the Way More Beautiful. But just what is a landscape in the sense of what landscape architecture deals with as a profession? A landscape is not landscaping. It is also not just a piece of real estate. I like to say that just as in real estate, where success is determined by three cardinal factors known as "location, location, and location," a successful landscape depends upon three cardinal factors known as "place, place, and place"—past, present, and future. So a landscape is a place in time. It is not landscaping, but a home with a future. A home for plants and animals. The landscape is a habitat. Working as artists with a medium such as this, we must think like stewards. If we are really capable artists, we will maintain our debt to the landscape as our medium of expression. Sometimes, though, we humans, because we are the only animal that can �7. Keynote Addresses — Jones change its habitat, which allows us to live wherever we want to live, outside the constraints of habitat choice, somehow lead ourselves to believe that other animals are free to transport themselves out of habitats within which they are captive. Animals are not separate from habitats, they are inseparable from it. Although this human animal can carry its habitat's essentials with it— even roaming along at nearly the speed of sound through a hostile, non life-sustaining atmosphere from Seattle to the Appalachian Mountains to stand before you at a lovely luncheon—we too will perish without our habitat, which includes the path to grandfather's house as well as the parkway to the mountains and the greenway down the river to the sea, along the Way More Beautiful. EACH OF US IS A LANDSCAPE So, each animal is interlocked with a habitat, each animal is a landscape. So are we, each of us humans, landscapes. We have a wonderful old saying in America. It probably came out of these hills. "You can take the boy out of the country, but you can't take the country out of the boy." That "country" is a landscape that remains within us. It shaped our characters and it tells our story. HOW DOES THE ARTIST IN US FIND HIS OR HER WAY? . . . to Contribute to the Way More Beautiful? Artists often have a habit of sketching in pencil first, making outlines of forms, the main elements, their massing and proportions, their flow. In the landscape, our job should be looking for the lines. The pencil marks are already on the canvas. The Earth is the canvas, and the forms and processes under, in, and on the land provide the lines. 29 The weather is the lighting, air conditioning, and ventilation in the studio. We can go with the flow or against it. We can enhance the grain or cut across it. Really good artists work with the medium. They paint or sculpt or weave or compose with it. They express its characteristics, even reveal its story. THE ESKIMO CARVER The artist of the landscape is like the Eskimo carver, who, finding a weathered piece of Walrus tusk on a remote Bering Sea beach, turns it over and over in his hand, studying its seemingly random features, its cracks and blemishes, its lines. Hours and days may pass before he sees what the ivory "wants to be." He then releases its identity. With the fewest deft strokes, the seal, caribou, wolf, or ptarmigan residing there suddenly pops out, barely disturbing the old weathered tusk. Its integrity is still preserved. The artist of the landscape, like the carver, is also a translator, looking for discourse in the landscape, making the plot more readable, outlining the chapters and presenting the story. A well-designed greenway trail along a river can be like a light, illuminating paragraph after paragraph in the river's story. A poorly designed river trail facility can render the story meaningless or even obliterate its original, rich meaning. NOOKSACK ROMANCE Some of you know that I have a romantic attachment to rivers, particularly since one called the Nooksack captured me about 1973. This river flows off the glaciers of a 10,000foot mountain in Washington State and into the sea between Seattle and Vancouver, British Columbia. We at Jones & Jones were asked to study this river and to identify which segments of its bed and shores should be purchased. Three million dollars would be spent to protect its most valuable lands. �30 We had to justify where and why. I remember sitting on the banks of the South Fork on a beautiful day in late August with my partner Ilze Jones, and with Brian Gray, John Furtado, and Rick Fackler, talking about what makes a river tick and how we might get to know this river and understand ways to recognize and value its assets to justify where the money should be spent. A lot of facts, figures, and statistics were discussed. But I remember being struck with one notion. This river had its own signature. The Nooksack Indians, the Nooksack people, know this river and how it does its thing. So can we. We just had to learn what it was capable of, sort of like an orchestra. We had to find where and how it expressed itself most intensely. In other words, how could we maximize on its own inherent qualities? That was it. Our goal would be to provide the highest quality of river experience wherever we could find it, rather than attempting to identify scenic values or preferences, which can lead to ambiguity and confusion. So that was the notion: Areas possessing high aesthetic quality were assumed to be those that most strongly and distinctly expressed inherent natural process and form. To this day, nobody has convinced me that we were wrong. From this notion, we established our fundamental hypothesis around which the approach to our work developed: that is, quality of experience (alias beauty, scenic quality, aesthetic value) depends mainly on how intensely the landscape expresses itself. However, a single quantitative level of landscape experience (supply) cannot give the complete picture, since the health of the landscape affects the quality of the experience. We would have to judge the supply of river resources qualitatively by adding this dimension of health—we also called it landscape integrity. We measured it with indicators such as uniqueness, diversity, fragility, and seasonality, and on the negative Linear Parks Conference Proceedings side, by human encroachment. Over the next few months, we focused our resources to document the river. Four propositions guided us. I would like to present them to you. 1. Rivers (landscapes) are systemic, and each constitutes a realm which can be identified, delimited, and classified into orders and/or regimes. 2. River channels (landscapes) are predictable in continuum and can be subdivided into distinct segments for analysis. 3. Each distinct river segment (landscape) can be experienced, and the array of natural, cultural, and aesthetic characteristics, which locally contribute to experience, can be quantitatively recorded to establish basic supply or magnitude of characteristics assignable to each of these river segments (landscapes). 4. Each river's (landscape's) basic supply can be evaluated qualitatively according to indicators of health, and as assessment made of the overall landscape assignable to the segment. ARCHITECTS OF THE LANDSCAPE ARE COMPOSERS Let me go back to an earlier metaphor. Each river is an orchestra. Each landscape is a symphony. We linear people know that we are immersed in a symphony of knowledge and delight when we travel the byways, walk the ridges, float the rivers. My pitch to you today is that we architects of the landscape are like composers. Designers hear the music in the earth. They ask the question, "What are the themes?". The landscape artist is helpless without the scientist. I like to think that the dependence is mutual. In fact, if the interaction is fruitful, the landscape architect will give form to �/. Keynote Addresses—Jones scientific concepts. The scientist (the botanist, biologist, limnologist, geologist, geomorphologist, soil scientist, anthropologist) will inform the artist, opening doors to the artist. The scientist in the dialogue will interpret, remind, recall, and restate ideas, all of which carry the art to new levels. The artist will inform the scientist, providing new views into old rooms. The artist will write with the language of the scientist, and draw on the lines in the landscape that give shape to the processes familiar to the scientists. Sometimes he might even lead the scientist into new areas, new insights, new connections. So there is this interweaving going on. The landscape is like a sort of loom. The scientist and the artist, the agency manager and the landscape architect, together should collect and card the wool from the vital threads in the landscape . . . and make the tapestry. You're working with threads. Maybe for you they're strings. Fiddles? It's all in tune with us. Landscapes are filled with information. They seem to resonate with facts, and they stimulate ideas. Landscapes seem to contain stories that are dormant, lying there ready to be taken just for the asking. Landscapes provoke feelings and invite attachments. They are filled with metaphor, contain layers of associations, and they allow us to make connections with the past and the future. In other words, they resonate with us, and through us. There is energy in them, and we sense it. THE CALL OF THE WILD When we're walking through a landscape, especially when we pause, rest, are still receptive to its sounds and smells, many of us become aware of a tone, a sort of chord, a clock-like beat, a melody. It's more than just the wind in the trees, the sound of 31 the stream, the chorus of insects, the loon on the lake, the dove in the palo verdes along the dry wash. Some people talk about the call of the wild. THE ENERGY IN A PLACE These harmonics, this music in a landscape, this spirit in a place, has its own energy. You are in a sort of energy circuit. EACH CULTURE IS A LANDSCAPE Cultures are also rooted in landscapes. When we talk about preserving and experiencing the threads of the landscape, we need all the essential filaments, all the beads on the string, including the buildings, which are an integral part of the architecture of the landscape. We don't need modernist imports, but timeless building forms and traditions, which are rooted in the land and are structural adaptations to the bioclimatic forces that shape the landscape. Wherever possible, these threads in the landscapes that we call linear parks, threads that hold the ecosystem together, that provide the critical linkage for wildlife and the continuities in the balance of things, need to include the vernacular adaptations—the cultural weft in the natural warp lines of the tapestry. Landscapes and cultures should resonate together; in many places, we clash. The linear threads celebrated with this concept are lifelines. So, it's like making a symphony, weaving a tapestry, producing an anthology, maybe making a little magic. How far can I go? Are you still with me? I guess in a way I'm saying "put more art into it." Remember what landscape architects are really good at. We are regional artists. We trace the vital forces in the landscape. In another time, an earlier time, many of us would have been the geomancers laying out roads and cities, placing our �32 monuments, our observatories, and our observation points so that they resonated with the sun, the wind, the seasons, the forces and the energy flow in nature. I responded along these lines a couple of months ago when ASLA asked me to write a leadership vision column in their newsletter LAND—The Landscape Architecture News Digest, focusing on the role of the landscape architect. I decided to get down to the basics. I'd like to share my column with you. It goes like this: A FEW STORIES, CHORDS, & VISIONS What do Darwin, DaVinci, and Buddha have in common? I will tell you a story. We were floating down the Nisqually. (That's another river like the Nooksack, also named after its American Indian people.) "What do you do?" he said. "Well . . . a lot," I said. "It's kind of hard to describe." "What do you call it?" "Landscape Architecture," I said, my paddle sowing water necklaces, stitching clouds onto pool shadows. "What's that?" he said. "Like gardening?" "No, but there's a lot to cultivate. We're trained to think like students, see like artists, and feel like stewards of the landscape; we're sort of architects of the mind, heart, and spirit." The river flowed west, toward the East. "You must like what you do," he said. To really practice landscape architecture, to be fully trained, wholly committed, and gainfully deployed is a lifelong cultivation of "Garden Earth." It is our canvas, and I think the challenge is the greatest art form in the relatively short history of human civilization. We have to have the mind of the scientist or the scientific writer. We are storytellers Linear Parks Conference Proceedings looking for stories; we chronicle the landscape and celebrate its elements like a kind of cuisine. We protect, cultivate, grow, and serve the flora and even the fauna of the landscape in the form of botanical gardens, zoological parks, and nature preserves. We lay out trails, design scenic highways and cultural byways—"Roads of Knowledge," I call them—interpreting what's out there, naming, making the landscape friendly, sparking an ethic of respect in the minds of users as we present these living landscape museums to them. We are artists, creating parks, squares, plazas, esplanadas, boulevards, waterfronts, waterfalls, and water gardens. We design living tapestries on which we play, laugh, love, cry, mourn, and dream, feeling the heart's dimensions linked to nature. We landscape architects create places of the heart. Landscape architects are also stewards and managers of our natural resources, caregivers to wild gardens that refresh the spirit and restore the soul. A few years ago, Rene Dubos, the great microbiologist, author of So Human an Animal (1969 Pulitizer Prize winner), was having lunch with me in my office in Seattle. We had a wonderful time talking about mutual interests, and Rene said, "If I was starting again, I would be a landscape architect. I've always wanted to be one, you know." Now you know why Rene Dubos, Carl Sandburg, and John Muir have something in common. Each, in his own way, was a landscape architect. Let's not get stuck on Olmsted! Conferences like this one are essential. They must be interdisciplinary. I believe that until the gulf between scientists and artists is bridged, the future will be very, very uncertain. Art will take science places it can't go alone, and science will take art into realms of wonder. Each discovery will �/. Keynote Addresses — Jones release the other into new ground. The ground is out there. But the threads to the tapestry are barely hanging together, and they need to be restored. Landscape architects should be the great artists of the century ahead. Scientists and poets should be our cohorts. We'll have to choose places to live and then listen to those places. Each place is a unique piece of the tapestry of the Earth. Places are not interchangeable, but ideas can migrate. We need a landscape ethic that is based on the thought: "It sustains me, so I protect it. I want to know its language." But remember, landscape architects are primarily artists. Our title is just fine: "land" is our medium, "scape" as in a presentation 33 for the eyes, for the mind, and for the spirit to experience, as "architect" to make, to shape, to marry, to build a relationship, to interact with the land as an experience of place. Design with the threads, with the stories that resonate in them; hear the songs of the Earth. As Barry Lopez, a naturalist and writer from Oregon says, Your responsibility is not to know the truth, because no one knows the truth: but to set up the story in such a way that the truth can be revealed. Find and pack your Nooksack, before it's too late. Thank you. Problems and Solutions of City Street Greening in China Li Rusheng, Ministry of Construction, Beijing, People's Republic of China When you are driving or walking down the streets of a Chinese city, no matter how large the city or how wide the street, the most impressive scene is not the street or the buildings along it, but the trees, grasses, and flowers. That "greening" is characteristic of Chinese city streets. The greening of city streets is an especially important aspect of the greening of an entire city. Because of the lack of green space and the great density of the population, street greening is more important in China than in other countries. According to general statistics at the end of 1988, green space covered 26,000 acres of street land, while the green space in the entire city covered 180,000 acres. Early in the Zhou and Qin Dynasty (770-206 B.C.), China began to plant trees along both sides of streets, and trees appeared on the roads connecting cities. Since the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.- 25 A.D.), urban construction has been further developed. Trees were planted on all main streets of capital cities, including Chang An (Xi An) of the Han Dynasty, Luo Yang of the Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 A.D.), Chang An (Xi An) and Luo Yang of the Tang Dynasty (618-907 A.D.), Dongjing (Kaifeng City of Henan Province) of the Song Dynasty (960-1279 A.D.), Dadu (Beijing) of the Yuan Dynasty (12711368 A.D.), and Nanjing and Beijing of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644 A.D.). Up until the Qing Dynasty (1636-1911 A.D.), many market streets developed in Beijing. There were several design patterns in planting trees; these were known by such terms as "general planting," "key planting," and "sparse planting." Since 1949, especially after the "Greening Campaign of Voluntary Tree Planting" was initiated in 1981, the greening of urban streets has developed more rapidly than in previous years. In development for about 2000 years, a comparatively comprehensive system of urban street greening is present in contemporary China (See Table 7). �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 34 Table L The proport ion between width of urban street greening and selected urban streets. STREET WIDTH (meters) GREENING WIDTH (meters) 70 15 S(Wn Nanjing Northern Taiping Street . . . . 42 14 33% Changchun Freedom Street . . 57 22 Guangzhou Dongfeng Street . . . . . . . . . . 44 7 . . 12% Fuzhou Taijiang Road 40 9 22% Hefei Victory Road . . 46 14 . . 21% Zhengzhou Jinshui Road 47 9 20% Jilin Jiangnan Street . . 37 14 38% Dalian Zhongshan Road . . 47 10 Nan Ning Zhonghua Road 28 6 CITY NAME OF STREET Beijing San Li He Avenue The system of Chinese urban street greening can be divided into the following types: 1. Street-side trees: Planting one or several lines of trees along one of both sides of the street. This type of planting can be found in almost every Chinese city and town. 2. 3. Pavement Green Spaces: The green spaces between the streets and the fronts of the buildings. Facilities such as chairs and garden furniture are put in these green spaces. These places give citizens good places to rest and enjoy the view (Figure J). Green spaces segregating driving or riding roads: Located between two driving or riding roads. Generally, one street has one or two greening zones like this. These spaces are set aside mainly for the purpose of sound and 4. PROPORTION . . . . . . 40% . .. 21% 21% smoke insulation, but also aid in the beautification of the city. Green spaces of squares: The green spaces around the public squares, the squares in front of public buildings, the traffic squares, and the parking areas. 5. Green spaces and small gardens in street corners: The small green spaces beside the main streets for the citizen's sparetime leisure and viewing (Figure 2). 6. Green lands by the water: The greening of river banks through cities, and the greening of the roads at lake-side or seaside. There are two sorts of greening: One is "circling," the other is "opening." Examples of "circling" are Hefei, Jinan, and Xi An's circling urban parks. Examples of "opening" are Haihe Park of Tianjin, Southern Canel Park of Shenyang, and the Binhe Garden of Beijing. �/. Keynote Addresses—Rusheng 7. Green spaces under airport approach routes: The green areas beneath airplane corridors. There green areas can be divided into the central "green island" and the green space around it (Figure 3). It has to be pointed out that some of the above-mentioned green spaces have multiple functions. Some of them have played the same role as urban parks. In general, Chinese urban streetgreening projects have functioned far better than overall city development. Although it seems there is nothing to be criticized, there are still many problems to be resolved. Complaints of landscape architects. Most urban streets are designed by urban planners or road engineers, and buildings or other facilities are designed by still other specialists. Very little spare land and space is left, which constrains the creative potential 35 for the landscape. Even the limited creative action possible may be disrupted by other people. Being puzzled about how to preserve tradition. We Chinese people often feel proud of our ancient history and culture. Chinese traditional gardening has been extolled along with other national treasures. In a short time, many Chinese pavilions appeared streetside. This change has not only caused financial waste, but has also had vicious ecological effects. This abuse of garden beauty is discouraging. Lack of artistic features, no "greening within greening." Because of the lack of deep comprehension for the ecological and scenic effects, some of the forms of urban street greening are Figure 1. Side-street trees and pavement green space. �36 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 2. Green spaces and street-corner gardens. monotonous and repetitive. Some problems are caused by horticultural research. Examples include the low quality of green covering, and lack of care for grass and lower plants. Lack of Funding. The funds for greening come from two sources. One is governmental finance and tax income. The other source is the income from administration of urban parks and green space. Because the two funds are not enough for the construction cost of the city streetgreening projects, the leaders of Tianjin, Shenyang, Hefei, Xi An, and other cities raised funds and collected manpower and materials from the citizens and enterprises that benefited from the constructed parks or the greening. This approach helped mitigate the problem of insufficient funding. Disputes over Land. When there are conflicts between urban street greening and buildings and other facilities, it is often greening that is conceded. This results from both financial constraints and people's needs. Where Chinese urban street greening will be heading and how to deal with the above-mentioned problems are the key issues to which we are paying close attention. As we know, urban street greening is a comprehensive task which involves knowledge of botany, ecology, architecture, urban planning, philosophy, psychology, art, and some management technology. Many factors, such as the political-economic system of a society and its historical-cultural background, also have an impact. Landscape architects need to master the related knowledge in order to cooperate with urban planners, architects, engineers, citizens, urban managers, and others. In order to improve the situation, the following approaches have to be emphasized. �/. Keynote Addresses — Rusheng Integrated Planning. In the planning and designing of Chinese urban street greening, landscape architects have to do their best to deal with different factors, including the ratio between green space and streets to scale, function, and form, and how to deal with different types of streets. Landscape architects have to communicate with experts in related fields. They also have to take part in the designing of urban planning and building projects in order to coordinate street greening with other parts of urban construction and management. Combination of Science and Art. We should respect beauty while respecting science. To respect beauty does not mean to pander to somebody's taste, but to create along objective, artistic principles. We should make further use of the successful experiences of our forefathers. 37 Reasonable Use of Money. Because of limited funding, we have to use money wisely. The leading emphasis of urban street greening should be on plants, not facilities. Plants not only protect our environment, they also express natural beauty. If we have more money in the future, we should increase urban green space rather than build unnecessary facilities. Enforcement of Legislation. Planning, construction, and management of urban street greening should all be based on the law. In order to ensure normal development of street greening and to resolve conflicts between street greening and other urban development, we should formulate and enforce laws and regulations. Urban street greening leaves much work for us to do. There are a lot of problems to be resolved. However, we are confident that the future urban streets will be green, beautiful, and full of human achievements. Figure 3. Green space under airport approach routes. �Vlll This page intentionally left blank �II. Historical Perspectives �40 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings The Mount Vernon Memorial Highway: The Machine in the Modern American Garden Elizabeth K. Meyer, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts The appropriation of technological facts and their subsequent transfiguration into symbols of modernity was a major preoccupation of early twentieth-century artists and architects. Committed to representing the spirit of the age, these designers developed a new formal vocabulary by embracing the machine as technology, the machine as form, the machine as process, and the machine as symbol. Contemporary landscape architects of the era were not initial participants in this process of appropriation. Yet in parkway design, they found an ideal opportunity to explore the meaning of one particular machine, the automobile, in the American landscape. The synthesis of these seemingly contradictory realms—those of nature and technology—into a unified aesthetic was not a process unique to the twentieth century nor to the parkway. The relationship between two somewhat contradictory, but often complementary, ideals has historically informed the best of garden and landscape design theories. In the past, cultural attitudes towards "city and country," "culture and nature," and "architecture and landscape" conditioned landscape design. With the nineteenth century's industrial advances, technology—as a symbol and as a tool— became a significant counterforce to the pastoral ideal.1 Landscape and garden designers readily embraced technology as a tool of transformation. The extensive land reclamation required by the century's great public parks, including Frederick Law Olmsted's Central Park and Adolphe Alphand's Pare des ButtesChaumont, the ambitious forestry program developed for Biltmore by Olmsted and Gifford Pinchot, and the insertion of sanitary sewers and street lighting systems into existing cities, are examples of incorporating new technology into the landscape. In these instances, technology was a means of creating places compatible with the aesthetic norms of the day. Technology had yet to be consciously appropriated as a symbol of modernity—the machine—in the garden. This is not to say that isolated occurrences did not exist in the nineteenth century. They could be found in the parks and promenades of Paris, which, under the direction of Alphand and his successor Andre, celebrated technological advances through the forms of iron street furniture, glass and metal exhibition halls, metal suspension bridges, sophisticated drainage systems, and concrete constructions. In America the parkway, first as an integral part of an urban park system and, eventually, as a linear park in and of itself, also celebrated the technology of the times. From its consideration as an intrusion in the park to its acceptance as a major instrument of leisure activity,2 the automobile challenged traditional park and landscape aesthetic theories. As the "sinuous green ribbon's" curvature was increasingly determined by the speed of the machine as well as by the lay of the land, the parkway represented more than the inclusion or celebration of technology in the landscape. The seemingly contradictory realms of the pastoral ideal and the technological fact were not merely juxtaposed; in the twentieth-century parkway, the technological fact as represented by the automobile was synthesized with the pastoral ideal. This synthesis of what had previously been viewed as antithetical resulted in one of the most powerful symbols of the new machine age.3 A noteworthy and frequently overlooked exemplar of this phase of parkway design is the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway, a �//. Historical Perspectives —Meyer 14.5-mile parkway 4 which parallels the Potomac River from Arlington Memorial Bridge to George Washington's estate in Fairfax County, Virginia (Figure 1). Designed and built between 1928 and 1932, the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway route passed through former industrial sites, marshes, farmland, historic Old Town Alexandria (an early eighteenth-century port city predating Washington, D.C.), rolling woodlands, and small streetcar suburbs. Its ambitious engineering and scientific forestry program, guided by a strong landscape-architectural design philosophy, transformed these disconnected, disparate land uses and land units into a unified riverfront park befitting a memorial to the nation's first president. This paper, an outgrowth of research undertaken for the National Park Service,5 will establish the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway's significance as more than a befitting memorial in a historically rich landscape. It aims to establish the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway as the critical link between early twentieth-century regional parkway developments of the Westchester County Parks Commission (WCPC) and the national parkways undertaken by the National Park Service (NPS) and the Bureau of Public Roads (BPR). In many ways, the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway represents the culmination of the WCPC work. The WCPC success in New York, achieved "more by accident than foresight,"6 was codified and transferred to the Mount Vernon staff through shared personnel. Their commitment to enhancing the recreational aspects of driving and to reclaiming river valleys through the most sophisticated available technology epitomized Phoebe Cutler's notion of the "practical and aesthetic coupling"7 inherent in parkway design. As a precursor to the "mature parkways" undertaken by the NPS, the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway was a training ground for those concerned with "integrating the art of landscape architecture 41 and the science of engineering."8 Additionally, it provided the first opportunity to design a parkway that not only preserved unique natural resources but also exploited the commemorative and historical associations of the landscape. The Colonial Highway, Skyline Drive, Blue Ridge Parkway, and Natchez Trace projects represent later manifestations of this phenomenon. 9 Situated in between these two phases of parkway design, the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway embodied the machine age's ideals without rejecting either history or nature. In fact, in the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway, one finds evidence of a possible reconciliation of the machine and the landscape, or the present and the past. Ironically, the automobile, an agent of technology, becomes a means of escaping the city and experiencing the country. It appropriates the countryside as "the motorist's park"10 (Figure 2). The parkway, a project dependent on a scientific understanding of the automobile and the landscape, is a metaphorical journey through the nation's cultural and environmental history. In order to appreciate the significance of the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway's complex and contradictory metaphor and the merits of its technological innovations, a brief detour in our journey is warranted. A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE PARKWAY The Olmsted Parkway (1800-1900) The "shaded green ribbons"11 which we associate with Olmsted Sr.'s work were informed by the Parisian boulevards he visited with Alphand around 1860. These regularly planted routes with separated carriageways and promenades connected significant city institutions and parks. Their regularity contrasted with Paris's medieval built texture, civilizing it through the provision of sun, light, air, and architectural �42 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings I ft, ** 3 *-i a £ §, t£ �//, Historical Perspectives — Meyer verdure. The earliest of American parkways were similarly inserted into the existing city fabric. Eastern Parkway (1866) and Ocean Parkway (1869) in Brooklyn would have provided alternate leisure-travel routes between existing urban parks and proximate natural resources. The two-hundred-ten-footwide section recommended for Ocean Parkway suggests that these American parkways were more "landscape" than "urban"; they were not intended to regularize the city but to subvert it. The evolution from these New York City parkway projects to the unrealized Riverside, Illinois, parkway (1869) to Boston's Fenway and Arborway (1800s) illustrates the gradual pairing of the parkway with unique natural resources rather than with major urban institutions. This development was accompanied by a change in planting distribution—from regularly spaced to informally composed—and in roadway alignment—from integrated into the city grid to an appropriately leisurely, and topographically dependent, serpentine curve. The parkway or boulevard as a regularizing element in the city gave way to the parkway as a picturesque episode in the regular city. The Transitional Period (1900-1925) The replacement of the horsedrawn carriage by the automobile had significant ramifications for the use and subsequent form of the parkway. Olmsted Sr.'s observations that "celerity will be of less importance than comfort and convenience of movement" and that "gracefully curved lines, generous spaces, and the absence of sharp corners . . . suggest and imply leisure, contemplativeness and happy tranquility" 12 mark him as a nineteenth-century man. Two of the next generation's leading landscape architects, John C. Olmsted and Charles W. Eliot, II, wrote articles in Landscape Architecture Magazine that dramatize how quickly America was affected by the automobile. While the observations in Olmsted's article of 1915 were still predicated on horsedrawn 43 vehicles, 13 with the publication of Eliot's 1922 article the "machine age" had begun. In addition to noting the obvious changes in roadway width, scale, alignment, material, and access, Eliot made two perceptive observations: that the moving landscape would replace the static vista as parkway speeds increase, and that the roadway itself— previously a minor character in the parkway—will no longer be subordinate to the park.14 Both of these developments find expression in the work of Jay Downer and Gilmore Clarke in Westchester County, New York. Westchester County Parks Commission (1910-1930) Under the direction of Jay Downer, "the beauty engineer," 15 a river reclamation project begun in 1907 grew into a regional parkway system of nearly 100 miles. The Bronx River Parkway's success as "the first convincing demonstration of the bypass highway within a broad projected right of way"16 was a result of Downer's skill at balancing the needs of the machine and the lay of the land. By limiting travel to recreational vehicles, the scenic aspects of the adjoining parklands were protected and the property values of adjoining landowners increased. Gilmore Clarke, a recent graduate of Cornell's landscape design program, joined Downer's staff as a superintendent of construction in 1916. By 1923, the two were chief engineer and landscape architect for the Westchester County Parkway Commission. In their work on the Bronx River, Saw Mill River, Hutchinson River, and Briarcliff Peekskill parkways, one can see the parkway's form and detail gradually accommodate faster speeds and new technology. The essential characteristics of these projects included a broad right-of-way, gradeseparated intersections, engineered curves,17 divided roadbeds, and limited access. Uninterrupted recreational travel in an elongated park fulfilled the vision of the nineteenth-century romantic, met the needs �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 44 Figure 2. Parkway between Alexandria and Mount Vernon estate. of the twentieth-century rationalist, and engaged the skills of both the landscape architect and the engineer. This innovative parkway system was a regional program. While federal monies were available for road construction after the passage of the 1916 Federal Aid to Highways Act, those funds were available only for roadbed construction, not for right-of-way improvements. In the mid-1920s, with an amendment to the 1916 FHA designating funding for highway right-of-ways and with a 1926 National Park Service / Bureau of Public Roads interagency agreement,18 the legal mechanisms were in place for applying WCPC's lessons on a national scale. Despite Norman Newton's claim that the Skyline Drive was the "first federal parkway," the Mount Vernon Highway warrants that designation. A parkway in all but name, the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway signaled the beginning of a golden era in federal parkway construction. It was followed by the Skyline Drive, the Blue Ridge Parkway, the Colonial Parkway, the George Washington Memorial Parkway, and the Baltimore Washington Parkway. As a precursor to these better-known parkways, the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway deserves a special place in the history of modern landscape architecture. THE MOUNT VERNON MEMORIAL HIGHWAY It is a comprehensive report of the coordinated development of a particular highway problem, showing the essential relationship between the practices of engineering science and principles of landscape art. Experience is proving that the requirements of �77. Historical Perspectives — Meyer 45 good landscape design when embodied in the development of our highways enhances the efficiency of use. . . .Art and science must be harmonized in modern landscape designing. Wilbur Simonson, 1932 19 As a truly modern work of landscape design, the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway did more than merely accommodate the machine within its boundaries. Its designers embraced the machine-as-technology, as evidenced in the extensive dredging landfill necessary to build its miles of isthmuses (Figure 3); they embraced the machine-as-form in the streamlined engineered alignment of the roadway and in the cog-like image of the traffic rotaries and clover leaves (Figure 4); they developed a machine-inspired "fasttrack construction" process to ensure project completion by the Washington birthday bicentennial; and they adopted the machine, the automobile, as modern man's primary instrument of recreation. Paradoxically, the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway team embraced these machine-age values within the context of designing a commemorative memorial. In the early years of the Depression, the nation found strength and vision in the combination of traditional values and technological process. The Mount Vernon Memorial Highway opened for the two hundredth birthday of George Washington in 1932. Its inauguration represented fifty years of planning by private citizens and public officials. The riverfront route connected dozens of historic sites and buildings associated with the nation's first president. This linear connection of historic moments—this twentieth-century narrative —did not correspond to an actual historical road. The Virginia shoreline was irregularly contoured, marshy, and punctuated by numerous streams. Consequently, six bridges and two miles of man-made isthmuses— considerable feats of engineering given the project's time constraints—were necessary to realize this metaphorical historical journey. The river route from north to south revealed a continuously changing landscape, a cinematographic experience. It captured views of monumental Washington and Arlington Cemetery, offered distant prospects to Haines Point and the Maryland shoreline, framed views of Old Town Alexandria, and revealed the majestic panoramic view of the broadened river at Hunting Creek. Alternating woodland corridors, farmland clearings, and dramatic views to Fort Washington characterized the south half of the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway between Old Town and the Mount Vernon estate entrance. Carefully composed views of the Potomac, revealed through selective clearing and careful roadway alignment, connected the modern traveler to Mount Vernon to the broader region's natural and cultural history. The Mount Vernon Memorial Highway's design revealed George Washington's life story through its alignment. But other characteristics contributed to the procession's memorial character. These included the width and sectional profile of the roadbed and right-of-way, the landscape planting, the associated architectural structures, and the relationship to adjoining land units. Realizing an appropriately dignified and memorial landscape within a two-year design and construction schedule required both vision and pragmatism. These attributes were found in Wilbur Simonson, the unknown hero of this project. He was a Cornell graduate with experience working first, for A. D. Taylor, and then, for Jay Downer and Gilmore Clarke at the Westchester County Parks Commission. While Gilmore Clarke, acting as the supervising landscape architect, visited the site once a month, Simonson was responsible for the daily design, supervision, and construction. Cognizant of the need for an instant "memorial" landscape, Simonson relied on sheer tenacity and persuasive diplomacy to push forward a program for �46 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 3. Boundary Channel, 14th Street cloverleaf and Roaches Run landfill. transplanting over 200 mature trees, for planting over 68,000 new trees and shrubs and over 55,000 vines and groundcovers, and for improving the existing soils with 600 tons of peat, 235 tons of humus, and 108.5 tons of fertilizer.20 But quantity alone did not guarantee Simonson's vision. Just as the roadway alignment incorporated historic sites and significant distant views into the parkway, so did Simonson's choice, mix, and distribution of plantings supplement the existing and adjoining plantations. He systematically studied the native flora as a basis for interpreting the existing landscape patterns. This "ecological or natural landscape approach to the highway planting" had three objectives: "to make the highway strip a mere foreground to the surrounding landscape; to enhance the peculiar qualities in the views and scenery of the surroundings through which a highway passes; and to avoid the typical static or garden-estate type of plantation design in favor of fitness with the more dynamic requirements of highway travel."21 To these ends, the plantings for the areas north of Old Town's former industrial sites and landfill differed from both Old Town's street plantings and the marsh and woodland plantings south of Old Town. With advice from the Department of Agriculture's Beltsville research facility, Simonson and his assistant, Nye, 22 determined the proper mix of native plants for the differing soil conditions of woodlands, wetlands, and landfill. An ecologically based process of landscape analysis, soil preparation, and plant selection was vital to the parkway's memorial character. The parkway's architectural structures— roadway, bridges, and buildings—also served the paradoxical goals of commemoration through technological innovation. The fortyfoot-wide roadbed, the dominant built �//. Historical Perspectives—Meyer structure in the parkway, was a marvel of engineering. On dry ground, its concrete surface and three-inch concrete curb carried traffic while collecting surface water into integral inlets. On landfill or in wet areas, the steel reinforced concrete slab was stabilized with wood and steel piles as well as periodic mudjacking. 23 The construction technology, with its drainage structures and structural reinforcing concealed below ground, was, again, significant and vital to the road's stability and dignity. The 14th Street cloverleaf, one of the first in the country, was perhaps the most complex engineering structure in the project. Juxtaposed with the native-stone clad bridges, which appeared as timeless as the landscape, the cloverleaf stood out as a truly modern device. Finally, the character of the existing eighteenth- and nineteenth-century buildings along Washington Street in Old Town 47 Alexandria must be considered as part of the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway design. Since the entire city was viewed as a historic site associated with George Washington's life, the conservation of its of its character was of utmost concern. Through innovative legal measures, the federal government assumed the right to review all land use and design changes along Washington Street. 24 By relying on the most sophisticated structural, ecological, and legal technology, the Mount Vernon Highway team created a landscape of both its time and of its place. They designed a parkway that celebrated twentieth-century techniques and commemorated eighteenth-century traditions and heroes. Less noticeable than the physical design and engineering innovations, but equally significant to the history of parkway design, were the procedural innovations developed by the project team. The design process Figure 4. Mount Vernon Memorial Highway terminus. �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 48 began with a long-term development plan that encompassed the parkway right-of-way and adjoining properties. The development plan, widely distributed to solicit support for the project from private citizens and the Fine Arts Commission, was a beautiful ink drawing rendered by Wilbur Simonson. Including the Virginia and Maryland shorelines from Georgetown and Anacostia Island to a location south of Mount Vernon, the development plan identified future riverfront parks, the proposed National Airport, and active recreational facilities such as a seaplane harbor, yacht basin, and a golf course. Recommendations for land acquisition and for scenic easement agreements with adjoining land owners supplemented the plan. The most visionary recommendation established the George Washington Memorial Parkway along the Potomac from Great Falls south to For Washington and to Mount Vernon, on the Maryland and Virginia shorelines, respectively. The development plan was long-range and regional in its scope, a precursor to the NPS master plan process institutionalized by Vint in the 1930s. As the project proceeded from planning from planning to design and construction, a multitude of innovative tools and techniques were employed. Field conditions were verified with aerial photography and extensive photographic documentation. The roadway was laid out at 1"-50' instead of the 1"-200' standard previously used at WCPC. This approach allowed greater mathematical accuracy in roadway centerline calculations. The local ecological analysis and construction engineering feats have already been chronicled. The fast-track construction process required simultaneous designing of the six separate units—riprap and hydraulic filling, grading and drainage, bridges, paving, lighting, and landscape—each of which was bid separately. The wonder of these design, construction, and management achievements has been captured in many documents. These include the Final Report by W. I. Lee and Wilbur Simonson; a documentary film of the construction process; thousands of progress and post-constructions photographs; the project files in the National Archives; and, most recently, a series of interviews with Mr. Simonson, who until his recent death lived in suburban Washington and drove the parkway regularly. Figure 5. Typical parkway cross section, South of Alexandria. �II. Historical Perspectives — Meyer 49 Figure 6. Intersection of parkway and railroad bridge. Roaches Run. A CONTEMPORARY ASSESSMENT One of the tests of the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway's long-term vision is an assessment of the existing parkway's memorial character. Still remarkably intact, especially in the area south of Old Town, and immensely popular as a linear riverfront park, the parkway has suffered from three shortcomings in the original design. The lack of an adequate right-of-way, which was only two hundred feet in most cases, prevented the incorporation of a continuously divided highway and the establishment of a substantial planted edge in some locations. With increased commuter traffic, the lack of a median detracts from both the parkway's leisure nature and its safety. The lack of adequate screening around new development, especially at Old Town's boundaries, also detracts from the parkway's scenic nature. Adjacent residential developments have resulted in many new intersections along the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway's southern half. Lacking the legal authority to prevent such intrusions, the National Park Service is now required to upgrade the road to accommodate these conditions. The resulting modifications compromise the "limited access" one expects in parkway. On a positive note, the 1930 Development Plan's predictions concerning adjacent airport and recreational facilities have been rather graciously accommodated. The enlarged National Airport relocated a segment of the parkway, resulting in a wider rightof-way and a new median strip. In that respect, the parkway was actually improved by later development plan implementation. The Daingerfield Island Marina, Jones Point Park, Bellehaven Picnic Area, Marina Dyke March Preserve, and the bicycle path have all enriched the recreational aspects of the parkway. �50 During the 1980s the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway was the subject of both a Historic Resources Study and a major roadbed improvements program. The first study assisted the National Park Service in documenting the project's significance and in assessing the impact of future proposals. The second program, the first major renovation in the highway's fifty-year history, was intended to improve the parkway's safety without compromising its character. Both of these developments, research and renovation, have served to increase our understanding of the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway's place in a larger historical context. The renovation efforts have focused the local residents' attention on the fragility of this resource. That heightened awareness will serve the parkway well in years to come. The research has uncovered a wealth of primary source material illuminating a specific project and its designers as well as the broader issue of landscape architecture's contribution to the machine-age aesthetic. The integration of art and technology, the celebration of technology, and the acceptance of the automobile as a vehicle of leisure all Linear Parks Conference Proceedings find expression in the parkway's modern landscape. The reconciliation of these concerns with the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway's memorial purpose provides an intriguing paradigm for contemporary design inquiries. If the original designers' extensive documentation of the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway's intentions and techniques can be seen as an indication of their awareness of this project's potential influence on the nation's highway and parkway improvement program, 25 perhaps this contemporary reassessment will serve to remind us of the potential meaning and beauty possible in the transportation landscape. For this is the realm where that landscape, both cultural and natural, is perceived through the lens of speed, and where disparate, isolated facts are spliced together into a continuous and cinematic work of art (Figures 5 and 6). Art and nature. Romance and reason. History and the future. Nostalgia and progress. Pastoral ideals and technology. Leisure and speed. The Machine in the Garden is indeed a powerful metaphor of contradiction. �//. Historical Perspectives—Meyer 51 FOOTNOTES 1. Marx, Leo. The Machine in the Garden. London: Oxford University, 1964, p. 25. 2. According to Phoebe Cutler, (The Public Landscape of the New Deal. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985, p. 53), "[t]he National Resource Board claimed that recreation accounted for 60 percent of road use in the United States in 1933." 3. See Wilson, Richard Guy. The Machine Age in America 1918-1941. N.Y.: Harry H. Abrams, Inc., 1986, p. 101. 4. Due to the terminology of federal highway funding at the time, the project was called a highway. In form and intention, the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway was a parkway, however. 5. The author, as an associate of EDAW, a landscape architecture firm in Alexandria, Virginia, assisted in researching the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway for a Historic Resources Study from 19861987. Other members of the project team included Eliot Rhodeside, Lila Fendrick, Steve Whiteford, Sara McCracken, and Robert Warnock. 6. Downer, Jay, "Principles of Westchester' s Parkway System." Civil Engineering 4:2 (February 1934) pp. 85-87. 7. Cutler, p. 53. 8. Simonson, Wilbur. Final Report: Unit VI Landscape. Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Public Roads, 1932, introduction. This post-construction summary of the highway's history and landscape construction provides invaluable insights into the ideals and the standards of the time. 9. Cutler, p. 57. "In its pursuit of scenery and an idealized past the parkway's fashion broached megalomania." 10. Eliot, Charles W. II. "The Influence of the Automobile on the Design of Park Roads, Landscape Architecture 13:1 (October 1922) p. 28. 11. Simpson, Jeffrey and Mary Ellen W. Herr, editors. Art of the Olmsted Landscape: His Work in New York City. N.Y.: New York City Landmarks Commission, 1981 p. 34. 12. See Olmsted, Vaux and Co. "Preliminary Report upon the Proposed Suburban Village at Riverside, near Chicago." (N.Y.: Sutton, Browne, and Co., 1868) pp. 3-14, 16-18, 23-29. Excerpt is from S. B. Sutton's Civilizing American Cities, MIT Press, 1979. 13. Olmsted, John C. "Classes of Parkways," Landscape Architecture 6 (October 1915) pp. 37-48. 14. Eliot, pp. 27-36. 15. From conversation with Wilbur Simonson, supervising landscape architect for the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway. 16. Downer, ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. From class notes. LAR 803 Site Engineering, Professor Benjamin Howard, University of Virginia, Spring 1978. 19. Simonson, Wilbur. The Final Report. Introduction. 20. Ibid. These numbers do not include plants collected from adjoining properties or donated plants. 21. Simonson, Wilbur. "Roadside Planting," Landscape Architecture 26:4 (July 1936) p. 172. 22. Simonson was assisted by Henry Nye, an experienced plantsman, with the field identification and planting plans. Nye, a WCPC employee, was recommended by Gilmore Clarke. 23. On the Hunting Creek isthmus, an asphalt base was substituted as the extensive landfill setting rendered concreted slabs less practical. 24. The letter of agreement stipulates that all changes on Washington Street must be in keeping with the memorial character of the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway. 25. See Simonson, Wilbur. "Highway Development in Broad Scale Planning," Landscape Architecture 43 (July 1953) pp. 162-165. NOTE: All photographs are from the National Park Service National Capital Region photographic collection. �52 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings The Merritt Parkway: A Straight Approach to Beauty Richard L. Kent, University of Connecticut, Storrs, Connecticut INTRODUCTION Connecticut's Merritt Parkway was one of the first highways in the country to simultaneously incorporate beauty and efficiency. Although built a decade after the Bronx River Parkway, generally considered the first true parkway in this country, the Merritt had a significant impact on the parkway concept. In the decades that followed, many highways were built featuring, to varying degrees, the two essential characteristics of the Merritt, high-speed movement and sensitivity to the natural landscape. The term "parkway" can be applied to any traffic artery, from a landscaped drive with center and side strips of planted ground to a dual-pavement artery completely free of opposing lines of traffic (Condit, 1961). The central planted dividing strip can be traced back, in this country, to the Governor's Palace in Williamsburg, Virginia, and to European precedents. The other essential feature, the two-level intersection, or crossing at separate grades, is credited to Olmsted and Vaux, who employed this innovation in their design for Central Park in New York City. Although these pioneers of American landscape architecture sometimes used the term "parkway" to refer to roadways that were merely more richly furnished than ordinary streets, later they usually applied the term to drives linking parks with the central city or with other parks. These early parkways, based on European models, might have better been called boulevards. The first designed landscape having the distinguishing characteristics of a modern parkway was the Bronx River Parkway, completed after World War I. The Bronx River Parkway was created as part of a conservation effort to clean up the polluted Bronx River, which had become a home for garbage, disreputable buildings, and garish advertising. The creation of a park along the river and the construction of a roadway through the park provided motorists an opportunity to experience the revitalized natural beauty of the landscape. A 40-footwide roadway, accommodating two lanes of traffic in each direction, was designed for low-speed pleasure driving, with a speed limit originally of 35 miles per hour. Commercial vehicles were not permitted, and the road could be entered or exited only at designated points (Robinson, 1971). The Bronx River Parkway served as a model for the construction of all subsequent parkways. In the words of its planners, a parkway should "preserve for present and future generations . . . charm and natural beauty . . . [and] provide for the refreshment of the mind and body plus the well being and happiness of the people" (Westchester County Parks Commission, 1924). A parkway, according to Newton (1971), is not itself a road but a strip of land containing a roadway for the movement of passenger but not commercial vehicles. The strip of land is not uniform but varies in width depending on biophysical and cultural conditions. The contained roadway is meant for driving at speeds that permit the driver to enjoy the scenery en route, not to pass through the area in the shortest time possible. Additionally, in contrast to the premodern parkway, the modern parkway is a limited access route; that is, abutting owners are denied access over the parkway strip. PLANNING OF THE MERRITT PARKWAY The Merritt Parkway was planned primarily as a high-speed, free-flowing alternative to the Boston Post Road, the only major east- �II. Historical Perspectives — Kent west highway in Connecticut. Due to the explosion in automobile ownership in the 1920s and early '30s, the highway that followed the shoreline of Long Island Sound, linking coastal towns and cities, had become intolerably cluttered and congested. Between New Haven and the New York state line were strung almost 3000 buildings with direct access to the Boston Post Road. Originally called the Merritt Highway, the Merritt Parkway was conceived as an inland solution that would avoid traffic congestion by bypassing built-up areas. Several forces caused the Connecticut State Highway Department to build a special type of road rather than just another highway. The 1920s was the deadliest decade in terms of highway accidents per mile driven (Patton, 1986). Consequently, there was a public outcry for better highways more suited to the capabilities of the modern high-speed automobile. The area of Connecticut through which such a road would pass was known for high scenic quality. Many wealthy and influential people who lived in Fairfield County were highly vocal in their opposition to a highway, correctly pointing out the unsightly conditions along the existing Boston Post Road. Other commuters to New York, who had driven on the Bronx River Parkway, pointed to it as a model for Connecticut to emulate. The Connecticut Highway Department itself, judging from its subsequent actions, must have possessed an uncommonly high degree of environmental sensitivity. It is also quite likely that old-fashioned rivalry and a spirit of human competitiveness was involved. The Merritt Parkway had to connect to the Hutchinson River Parkway in New York and the "boys" in Connecticut wanted to show they could do just as good a job, if not better, as those "uppity so-andsos" in Westchester County and New York City. To gain support the project was named after long-serving and highly respected Congressman Schuyler Merritt. Certainly 53 the road had to do him justice. The economy obviously was important in the '30s. The notion that building a h i g h w a y would provide work for the unemployed was looked on favorably by state legislators, especially since a good possibility of obtaining federal funds for the project existed. It was also anticipated that b u i l d i n g the h i g h w a y would enhance property values of adjacent real estate, stimulate home construction, and increase tourism. Furthermore, at this time legislation existed for the state government to acquire land for parks but not for roads and highways (Larned, 1988). HIGHWAY DESIGN The Merritt Parkway was completed in September 1940 at a cost of slightly more than $21 million. The State Highway Department claimed the parkway had been b u i l t according to the most advanced principles of engineering. The Merritt was designed to have easy grades, banked curves, and straight stretches, offering the motorist a maximum of safety and pleasure and requiring minimum effort on the part of the automobile (Wood, 1935). The highway was constructed on a 300-foot minimum rightof-way (R-O-W) that was bisected into two 150-foot parcels. Construction was limited, innovatively, to the northern half of the RO-W, with the southern half reserved for possible future expansion. Two 26-foot lanes were built for traffic in each direction, separated by a 23-foot buffer strip. There were no at-grade intersections. Instead, bridges and underpasses were constructed at regular intervals. The road was of the long-tangent-short-curve design: 84 percent of the road was tangential (straight), while only 16 percent was curved. No transition curves were incorporated into the design. The maximum grade was eight percent with an average grade of four percent, and the minimum sight distance was 500 feet at �54 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 1. The Merritt Parkway was laid out predominantly in straight lines. both vertical and horizontal curves. Gilmore D. Clarke, consulting landscape architect for New York and the Westchester County Planning Commission, was an outspoken critic of the design. He declared the road was "not even good engineering, to say nothing of parkway planning." Clarke stated that the highway was like a "giant roller coaster," marked by ugly cuts and straight lines joined by sets of curves. In saying that the Merritt did not exemplify state-of-the-art highway engineering, Clarke was correct. Technical standards were lower than German freeways of the time, and in New York and Maryland roads were being built with the more advanced long-curveshort-tangent alignment. As a result, the Merritt Parkway has a somewhat kinky appearance due to the abruptness of changes in direction. Subsequently, it was learned that curves at the ends of long tangents can cause accidents, and drivers find long straight sections boring and monotonous. The ideal solution for fitting a roadway to the topography may be a continuous curvilinear alignment. This design typically consists of long, flat circular curves connected by long, spiral transitions, with approximately two-thirds of the alignment on circular arcs and one-third on spirals. Lorenz suggested this alignment as early as 1940 and used it later for the Aschaffenburg-Nurnberg Autobahn, the German engineering marvel with no straight sections whatsoever. The Hutchinson River Parkway in New York, to which the Merritt Parkway connected, had continuous curvature but with short radii. Since 84 percent of the Merritt was laid out in straight lines, the design was, in a sense, a step backwards. But the Merritt "feels" much more in sympathy with the flow of the landscape than the 84 percent figure suggests. The favorable reception the parkway has received over the years leads one to believe the visual discontinuity of its geometry has not been upsetting to most motorists. �//. Historical Perspectives— Kent THE MERRITT AND THE LANDSCAPE In 1938, the governor of Connecticut, Wilbur Cross, referring to the Merritt Parkway, said, "there is no more beautiful or scenic parkway in America," Many have echoed this sentiment. During the 50-year history of the highway, it has been called, for example, "a national landmark among highways," "a green tunnel," and "Queen of the Parkways" (Monagan, 1977). The Merritt has gained these accolades for a number of reasons, the prime one being the way it presents Connecticut's landscape. The overall goal of the design was to conserve, enhance, and display the landscape through which the highway passed. Southwestern Connecticut is not a dramatic and awe-inspiring landscape; but if it doesn't thrill, its gently rolling hills and forest vegetation seldom disappoint. In many places mature trees are located close to the edge of the highway, and 55 frequently these combine with trees in the median to enclose fully the overhead plane of the roadway. On a sunny day, a motorist experiences the pleasant sequential sensation of moving from brightly lit spaces into shaded ones and then out into sunlight again. The lush vegetation strongly contrasts with the meager plantings typically found on a modern high-speed freeway or interstate. The planting of trees so close to the roadway would not be allowed today for safety reasons. This restriction is somewhat ironic, for the Merritt has an excellent safety record, with fewer accidents than comparable stretches of highway meeting engineerprescribed standards of safe landscaping. Some of the beauty observed in driving along the parkway today is undoubtedly due to the maturation of plantings made half a century ago. Such is the nature of landscape design. It is certainly true that many majestic and stately trees grace the roadway, although the passage of time can be a two-edged Figure 2. The parkway has most curves per mile at its western end. �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 56 sword. According to A. Earl Wood, the landscape engineer originally in charge of roadside development, many plants close to the roadway have been killed by road salting in recent years. Median trees which motorists have run into have been removed for safety reasons. Attention to maintenance has also waxed and waned over the years. Still, the overarching beauty persists. Sensitive landscaping was a hallmark of the Merritt project from its inception. A beautification subcommittee of the Fairfield County Planning Association worked closely with the parkway planners. Wood personally communicated with most of the garden and civic clubs in Fairfield County between 1935 and 1941. After the basic layout of the roadway had been established, a team of landscape architects determined tree groups to be saved, selectively thinned, or removed. Tree work was done under the supervision of a trained forester. A minimum of healthy mature trees was removed; small trees and shrubs were temporarily transplanted and then replanted after road construction. Vistas were cut through the understory to provide glimpses of the countryside as one drove along. Planting was limited to species native to Connecticut: hemlock, pine, dogwood, maple, oak, ash, laurel, rhododendron, ferns, and wildflowers. Special efforts were made to locate plant materials so they would screen the headlights of cars in opposing lanes. Because of this sensitive approach to planting, even the first people to drive along the parkway got the feeling that it had long been there, that the road was wedded to the landscape. All topsoil was salvaged ahead of construction and used for subsequent landscape improvements. Careful attention was given to slopes so the constructed forms would blend sympathetically with natural grades. Steep slopes were stabilized with native vegetation, especially vines, to resist the forces of erosion. On steep embankments, * i8& >'*?;;• Figure 3. Original bridge George Dunkelberger, architect. �//. Historical Perspectives — Kent 57 Figure 4. Recently constructed bridge for Connecticut Route 8. guide fences were constructed from handhewn oak. The embankments were not the steep slopes typical of regular highways but rather gentle inclines blending naturally into the terrain. Headwalls were made of native colored stone excavated on the job and mortared with black-tinted mortar. Additionally, a continuous bridle path was formed along the length of the parkway by joining up old woods roads, surveyor's lines, and footpaths. Thirty-five concrete bridges of the rigid frame-and-arch type were constructed to carry crossroads over the parkway. Each one was adorned with a distinctive facade by George Dunkelberger, the highway department's architect. He used moldings, paneling, and precast concrete ornaments to produce highly detailed art-deco type designs. For the sake of unity, a smaller number of designs might have been better, and would certainly have been less costly, but the department deserves credit for trying to produce something that pleased the eye and provided a needed function. Dunkelberger's bridges are only 40 to 50 feet wide. They enhance the strong feeling of enclosure one gets in motoring along the parkway. Unfortunately, many of the bridges are now showing the effects of age as water has accumulated behind precast panels and caused them to split. More utilitarian bridges have been added in recent years; the State does not follow the original designs when repairs are made because of prohibitive costs. The Merritt does not harmonize with the landscape by adhering to the landscape architect's axiom of following the contours. This approach was not possible since the road had to carry traffic in a basically eastwest direction while the ridges and valleys in the area run predominantly north-south. Generally the route proceeds perpendicular to the contours, necessitating cutting through outcrops and filling in the crevices, hence the "roller coaster" effect previously �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 58 mentioned. The severity of this problem was reduced somewhat by notching ridges and filling the approaches to the notches. The resulting alignment dramatizes the landscape since the driver experiences sequentially the sensations of climbing and descending. Good views are also afforded from the tops of the ridges. The author personally finds the ride quite enjoyable and stimulating, not in the least disturbing. The Merritt was extended eastward nearly to Hartford by the construction of the Wilbur Cross Parkway (WCP) during the late 1930s and early 1940s. Overall design and engineering of the WCP was patterned after the Merritt Parkway, but in an effort to speed completion and reduce construction costs, less attention was given to landscaping and other design details. The importance of roadside treatment can be seen by comparing the two parkways. There are few trees in the median of the WCP, the shoulders are much wider, and the trees are set further back along the road edges. Consequently, the sense of enclosure and close contact with the natural landscape one feels on the Merritt Parkway is considerable reduced. The WCP today provides only a small fraction of the experience of landscape afforded by its older and more intimate cousin. THE MERRITT PARKWAY IN CONTEXT: OTHER PARKWAYS As described earlier, the first parkway to meet the criteria of a modern parkway was the Bronx River Parkway, completed by the Westchester County Park Commission (WCPC) in 1923. The WCPC also built several other parkways as connectors between units of their park system in the '20s and '30s. During this period, work began in the New York City area that eventually produced a highly developed system of parks, parkways, and expressways. Notable projects included the elevated West Figure 5. Wilbur Cross Parkway. �//. Historical Perspectives — Kent Side Expressway (1928-38) and its connector, the scenic Henry Hudson Parkway (193336) on the west shore of Manhattan Island. Unfortunately, in recent times many of the parkways have degenerated into commuter routes virtually indistinguishable from the clogged expressways now characteristic of the metropolitan region. The federal government was also active in parkway construction during the early years. The Mount Vernon Memorial Highway from Washington down the Potomac was built between 1929 and 1932 by the Bureau of Public Roads. The Skyline Drive along the crest of Virginia's Blue Ridge Mountains was begun in 1932 and completed in 1940. In 1936 Congress passed legislation to establish the first national parkway, the Blue Ridge Parkway, connecting Skyline Drive to the Great Smoky Mountains National Park 500 miles to the south. These federal parkways have stayed closest to the original Bronx River Parkway model and continue to be used today primarily as low-speed recreational routes. Perhaps the best example of a modern successor to the Merritt Parkway is the Garden State Parkway, completed in 1956, which travels the length of New Jersey. Designed by the firm of Clarke and Rapuano, the construction was overseen by Oliver Deakin, landscape architect for the state highway department. The parkway, like the Merritt, was definitely designed for highspeed travel. The design incorporated a number of refined principles of cross section and alignment and featured a long-curveshort-tangent geometry. The medians varied as conditions permitted, from 30 feet in urban sections to as much as 400 feet in rural southern areas. Only indigenous materials were employed in new plantings, and small cuts and fills were given fairly flat slopes to blend naturally with the landscape. The net result of these features is a road of good aesthetic character and efficient traffic flow. 59 THE MERRITT PARKWAY TODAY Probably the most significant benefit or pleasure that today's motorist derives from travelling the Merritt Parkway is visual or psychic relief. Compared to a typical modern highway, the parkway is quieter, more coherent, and freer of distractions demanding attention. The plantings along the roadway are so dense, generally, that one cannot see beyond the right-of-way. Oftentimes it seems easier to imagine your are driving across a vast forest rather than through one of the most densely populated regions of the country. Driving on the parkway, the modern motorist is temporarily encapsulated in a "green cocoon," unassailable and immune to the hassles and pressures of everyday existence. On the other hand, there are a number of interrelated problems associated with driving on the Merritt Parkway today: traffic congestion, high driving speeds, and entering heavy traffic flow from the entrance ramps. The Merritt traverses a densely populated area and normally carries a high volume of traffic, especially during rush hour. Cars in the left lane usually move at or above the legal speed limit of 55 miles per hour. Traffic in the right lane is slightly slower, in part because motorists must be prepared to slow down and allow other cars to enter the parkway. The Merritt Parkway lacks the long onramps and entry lanes found on modern high-speed highways. As a result, cars often must come to a complete stop where the onramp meets the right lane of the parkway, certainly a hazardous situation for both the cars attempting to enter the roadway and the cars approaching. Driving on an overcrowded highway, no matter how picturesque, cannot be a restful experience since one must devote considerable attention to other cars and not to the landscape. To fully enjoy driving the parkway today one must pick a quiet time, if such times can be found. �60 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 6. Heavy traffic on the Merritt Parkway today. Compare landscaping with Figure 5. Modernization of entry lanes to the parkway at particularly dangerous locations is an option that warrants investigation at this stage. Unfortunately, construction would inevitably eat up some of the right-of-way, which, with its dense plantings, contributes so much to the parkway's character. A simpler solution, although one not likely to be very popular with commuters, would be to lower the speed limit to the original limit of 50 miles per hour, or even to 45 miles per hour. This recommendation may seem outrageous for a high-speed road, but it might make travel safer and more enjoyable. A lower speed would be easier for entering cars to attain, and it would also reduce stopping distances if a sudden stop were required. The slower speed limit might also encourage "speed demons" to utilize alternate routes (e.g., 1-95) and leave the parkway to those more interested in a leisurely pace. But in truth, this remedy may be little more than wishful thinking on the author's part. CONCLUSION The Merritt Parkway was one of the first modern, high-speed, limited-access roads in America. When completed in 1940 it provided 37 miles of some of the most pleasant motoring in the country, and it halved the travelling time between New York and New Haven. Safe travel at 50 miles per hour (raised to 55 miles per hour in 1947) was possible when the speed limit on other state highways was 40 miles per hour. The Merritt demonstrated that the essential features of the parkway concept could be applied to a high-speed highway. Therefore it should be considered a significant step in the evolution of the modern parkway. For better or, perhaps, worse, the Merritt shifted the emphasis of parkway to "way" �II. Historical Perspectives — Kent 61 and away from "park." The original idea of parkway was a park containing a roadway. The Merritt was, from its inception, a road within a landscaped area; it was first and foremost a conduit for passenger cars. Parkways today comprise two main groups. The first is the recreational type, such as the incomparable Blue Ridge Parkway, and the Westchester County parkways before it, emphasizing travel at a leisurely pace chiefly for the experience of landscape. The second group consists of high-speed roads connecting destination points yet simultaneously providing enjoyable and involving views en route. All parkways like the Garden State, which belong in this second category, can be traced in origin to Connecticut's Merritt Parkway. Although recreational parkways provide incomparable landscape experiences, the Merritt Parkway and other high-speed parkways provide a nation in perpetual motion a more attainable model for general highway construction. REFERENCES Condit, C. W., 1961. American Building Art. New York: Oxford University Press. Robinson, J., 1971. Highways and Our Environment. New York: McGraw Hill. Lamed, A. L., 1988. Personal communication. Tunnard, C., and B. Pushkarev, 1963. Manmade America: Chaos or Control. New Haven: Yale University Press. Monagan, C., 1977. "Queen of the Parkways." Connecticut, Fall, 33-37. Newton, N. T., 1971. Design on the Land. Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press, Harvard University Press. Patton, P., 1986. Open Road. A Celebration of the American Highway. New York: Simon and Schuster. Westchester County Park Commission, 1924. Report of the Westchester Country Park Commission. Bronxville, New York. Wood, A. E., 1935. "The Merritt Parkway History and Plan." Connecticut State Journal, 2:32-35. �62 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Parkways and Expressways of Japan Yasuo Bansho, Tokyo, Japan At the last of these international conferences on parkways in 1987, I stated that there were no parkways in Japan. A subsequent survey, however, has revealed that there are almost as many parkways in Japan as in the United States. One of these is the Yugawara Parkway, a 5.8-kilometer, privately administered toll highway. Japan has an additional eight highways called "parkways" and another twenty-six named "skylines." These are all toll roads, and they all pass through scenic countryside areas, but they are not all parkways in the true sense of that word. In most cases, these highways have merely been given an Americansounding name in order to attract more motorists. However, some of these highways have been constructed with the true Americantype parkway in mind. Before examining these further, I would like to trace the history of Japanese national parks. Japanese national parks are clearly modeled after U.S. national parks. In the 1920s, Japan's Ministry of the Interior studied the national parks of the United States. Following this, in 1931, Japan established the National Parks Law. Eight national parks were created as a result of this legislation. A few years later, the Pacific War broke out. After it ended in 1945, Japan was occupied by the Allied Forces. The General Headquarters of the Allied Powers issued a directive for the protection of Japan's national parks, and put Captain Pobam, formerly of the U.S. National Park Service, in charge. This step marked the beginning of a new stage in Japan's national parks. In 1949, C. A. Richie, also of the U.S. National Park Service, visited Japan to conduct field studies into proposed sites for new national parks. He presented the results of his studies to the Japanese government in 1950. It was in that same year that the Japanese engineer Ikenoue provided the first detailed explanation of the national parkway concept. As an engineer in the U.S. National Park Service, Ikenoue had the opportunity to observe the Blue Ridge Parkway firsthand, and he was thus able to convey accurately its characteristics to the Japanese authorities. Thereafter, Ikenoue played a central role in the effort to bring about the development of parkways in Japan. When Aso National Park was created in September 1953, it became the first national park in Japan to include a parkway bordered by a 100-meter-wide strip of land on both sides. It was named the Yamanami Highway and ran for 57 kilometers through a kaleidoscope of landscapes including pastures, farm land, and forests. Unlike the more typical farm land of Japan, this stretch of highway offered extremely beautiful and remarkably unique scenic views. Following this development, a long and narrow national park was created in 1955. This new park was situated along the edge of the mountains in the Izu Peninsula and extended to the Fuji-Hakone National Park. Called the Izu Skyline, it offered picturesque views, including Mt. Fuji and Sagami Bay on Pacific Ocean. Other long, narrow national parks were created between that time and the mid-1960s. However, these two routes are the clearest examples of attempts to create model parkways. In the 1970s, as a result of the increasing air pollution caused by automobiles, as well as the destruction of the environment that came to be associated with road construction, highways began to receive bad publicity. For this reason, the concept of incorporating parkways into the national parks system began to lose its appeal. Today, few people �//. Historical Perspectives — Bansho are aware that the Izu Skyline and the Yamanami Highway are modeled on American parkways; they are s i m p l y considered typical toll roads. It is interesting to consider exactly how a Japanese parkway differs from the national parkways that exist in the United States. To begin with, there were a relatively small number of automobiles in Japan in the 1950s, as motorization was still in its infancy. Even if driving for pleasure was known to some, this activity was confined largely to trips to and from major tourist attractions, and so there remained a strong impression that driving was primarily a means of getting to a destination. Secondly, in those days the typical lifestyle in Japan differed markedly from that in the United States. Recreation, for example, characteristically implied group activities. This outlook recalled an earlier agricultural society in which recreation was limited to those occasions when the entire community could afford to take time off from planting or harvesting crops. As a result, family or individual recreational activities such as picnics, camping, or hiking were virtually unknown. Indeed, there are no camping areas situated alongside either the Yamanami Highway or the Izu Skyline. However, with the rapid economic growth of the 1980s, changes in people's life-styles have begun to appear. The family structure and ways of enjoying recreation have changed. In particular, family-oriented outdoor recreation is becoming increasingly popular. The third difference concerns the administration of the parkways themselves. In Japan, commercial parkway traffic is permitted, a toll is charged, and there is little control over the surrounding scenery. These features, however, result from Japan's physical and economic environment. In the 1950s, the emphasis on economic recovery after the war dictated that one of the functions of these parkways should be to serve as 63 routes for the distribution of material goods and resources. Also, the national parks system itself took on the characteristics of a regional parks system, and, although surrounding lands were designated as national park areas, for the most part this land was privately owned. For this reason, it was impossible to exercise perfect control over the surrounding landscape. Unfortunately, for these reasons it can only be concluded that there are not true parkways—in the American sense—in Japan. I believe, however, that with today's major changes in society and people's life-styles, the necessary groundwork for the development of true parkways has been completed. Although a number of obstacles do exist, it is possible to make major improvements, particularly on those highways presently designated as national parks. In this way, I believe it is possible to breathe new life into the dream of creating the kind of parkways that were originally intended when these highways were first constructed in Japan. The present and proposed domestic expressways provide the basis for developing a Japanese parkway system. In 1963, there were only 71 kilometers of expressway in Japan. Today that number has increased to approximately 50,000 kilometers, and plans have been made to expand to 140,000 kilometers as we approach the 21st century. Originally, the main purpose of these expressways was to accommodate the rapidly increasing number of automobiles, which reflected the vigorous industrial activity of the 1950s. Today, an expanded expressway network is planned, largely for the purpose of stimulating the regional economies, thus contributing to the expansion of domestic demand. This plan is one of the measures being taken to deal with U.S.-Japan trade frictions. At the same time, the aim is to create highways that can be a source of enjoyment for both motorists and local residents. Since most of the proposed new expressways will be constructed in mountain �64 areas where there will be a low volume of traffic, an important question will be how to generate the revenue to help pay for their construction and maintenance. (This necessity is one of the factors which accounts for Japan's toll-road system.) In order to increase the potential revenue, it is necessary to attract more traffic. One option would be to include parkways in the expressway system. Above all, with the emerging need for driving pleasure as a result of the development of motorization, a true parkway-oriented concept should be followed in building new expressways. A concrete example would be constructing Linear Parks Conference Proceedings parkways as alternate routes connecting one interchange to another while passing through areas of scenic farm land. This design would attract more motorists to the expressways and simultaneously stimulate rural economies. Of course, prior to implementing such plans, surveys and feasibility studies should be carried out. I am confident that skillfully combining expressways with parkways in this way could revitalize those rural areas that are currently suffering from depopulation. In conclusion, it is my belief that the parkway concept has much to offer as a guide to the future development of Japan's highway system. HABS/HAER Inroads: Recent Documentation of Canal Corridors, Park Roadways, and Urban Landscape Plans Sara Amy Leach, HABS Historian, National Park Service, Washington, D.C. INTRODUCTION Linear parks and scenic byways may at first seem an unlikely subject for a federal agency devoted to recording historic buildings and engineering structures to address, but not so in the current historic-preservation climate, which generously encourages the identification of multifaceted cultural resources. Unlike past eras when disciplines such as architecture, landscape architecture, engineering, conservation, and recreation were addressed as isolated specialties, the consensus today appears to be that a multidisciplinary approach is far more valuable. As a division of the National Park Service (NFS) of the U.S. Department of the Interior, the Historic American Buildings Survey / Historic American Engineering Record (HABS/HAER) is well suited to documenting these resources. HABS/HAER's longtime initiative has been to establish the federal—and the highest—standards for recording historic buildings and structures. This codified and comprehensive documentation is threefold: existing-condition ink-on-Mylar measured drawings produced by architects; largeformat (4" x 5" to 8" x 10" negatives) blackand-white photographic views; and inventories, written data pages, and overviews researched and written by historians. The documentation projects undertaken by HABS/HAER, which are wholly financed by other federal or private-sector sponsors, include all three features. HABS is as historic in its own right as the buildings it catalogs. Founded in 1933 as part of Franklin Roosevelt's Works Project Administration, it was a Depression-era effort aimed at employing architects, draftsmen, and photographers. While the goal of relief was paramount, the program was also the first instance of the hitherto private field of �//. Historical Perspectives — Leach historic preservation gone public. That first year was a tremendous success, with thousands of sheets of drawings and photographs produced, so in 1934 HABS was established as a permanent program. A tripartite relationship was formalized among the NFS, the American Institute of Architects as professional consultants, and the Library of Congress, which houses and cares for the collection and oversees public access to the information. The role of HABS was assured with the ensuing Historic Sites Act of 1935, in which the NFS became the primary federal agency responsible for historic preservation. Now more than 56 years old, HABS is recognized as the oldest federal program devoted to this activity. The Historic American Engineering Record was established in 1969 to complement HABS. HAER records, for study and preservation, technology that has been rendered obsolete by contemporary engineering and is in danger of demolition. Like HABS, HAER is a cooperative effort among its professional affiliate, the American Society of Civil Engineers, and the Library of Congress. To date, HABS/HAER has documented more than 22,000 buildings and structures. The estimated 46,000 sheets of drawings, 130,000 photographs, and 71,000 pages of written data are, cumulatively, one of the most popular collections at the Library of Congress. Beyond the primary goal of architectural-history scholarship, HABS/ HAER's priorities are to mitigate the loss of a doomed structure and to produce an "insurance" record that can be used for reconstruction in the case of catastrophic loss. In recent years, the focus has been refined even further to the documentation of nationally significant sites, including National Historic Landmarks, and sites managed by the NFS. While these statistics may seem impressive, the records represent only about 25 percent of the 10,000 major historic 65 structures overseen by the National Park Service; more than 1,500 of an estimated 1,900 National Historic Landmarks remain unrecorded. One incentive for continued recording, sadly, is the fact that an estimated one-third of the sites recorded by HABS/ HAER since its inception have disappeared. Over the years, while HABS/HAER's purpose has remained stable, the division's approach to documentation has evolved in several ways. Foremost is the labor force itself. During the 1930s, professional architects and historians were employed to fulfill the division's goals. During the 1940s, this, like other nonwar-related endeavors, lapsed. When survey activities resumed in the 1950s, it was more cost effective to hire students. Yet with the NPS's Mission 66 (begun in 1956), park buildings were slated for rehabilitation to compensate for the neglect of the previous decade. As a result, the importance of HABS/HAER's documentation efforts was understood. Additional impetus came with the Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended, which requires federal agencies, or others using federal monies, first to assess the impact their work will have on historic sites, and then to record them to one of several levels of HABS/ HAER documentation. Meanwhile, HABS/ HAER began to recruit students of architecture, landscape architecture, history, and historic preservation to carry out its initiatives. Each year, HABS/HAER hires temporary employees—undergraduate and graduate students, as well as some professionals and faculty—to conduct fieldwork and research in small groups, or teams, during twelve weeks in the summer. In 1989 the division oversaw 31 projects and the largest number of "summer hires" to date, 130; they were based across the country, from ship sites in Hawaii and New York City, to steelworks in Pennsylvania and Scotty's Castle in Death Valley, California. In the last few years, however, the scope �66 and subject matter of HABS/HAER documentation has developed beyond the traditional structure-by-structure approach. Rather, it now seeks and encourages multiyear, thematic projects that incorporate fully researched and developed historical contexts and a full range of resources— from industrial/commercial to residential/ rural structures and landscape architecture— as well as a tailored and quantifiable methodology. At the forefront of these broadened inroads is HABS/HAER's documentation of two heritage corridors founded along nineteenth-century canal routes, roads and bridges in National Parks, and eighteenth- and nineteenth-century urban landscape planning. CANAL ROUTES HABS/HAER undertook documentation of the Illinois & Michigan Canal, a designated National Heritage Corridor, from 1985 to 1988. The investigation focused on the towns, cities, and industrial engineering works located along the 96-mile waterway whose "ragged bluffs, gentle slopes . . . and dashing streams . . . render this one of the most delightful locations . . . on the whole route from Chicago to St. Louis," according to a contemporary traveler. This was foremost a survey and inventory, whereby large teams of historians and architectural historians cataloged, researched, photographed, and otherwise recorded sites that developed after 1848 when the canal opened. The waterway ceased to operate relatively late, in 1933, when parts of it became a state park. In 1984 a bill was signed "to retain, enhance, and interpret... the cultural, historic, natural, recreational, and economic resources of the corridor." During the three years of the project, the historic central business districts of ten towns were inventoried. Data were logged on commercial, public, and religious buildings; on industrial and engineering sites Linear Parks Conference Proceedings associated with the canal, as well as its own apparatus; and on rural Utica Township, selected as representative of the area's agricultural heritage. All of the estimated 5,000 sites flourished during the nineteenthcentury heyday of the canal, prior to railway's domination. No buildings erected after 1940 were included in the survey (respecting the 50-year definition of "historic"). The concentration of mid to late nineteenth-century buildings ranges from the 1870s Italianate Reddick Mansion to a 1920s Monticello-inspired Marathon filling station and includes many turn-of-the-century commercial blocks in downtown LaSalle and Peru. A variety of resources relate directly to the canal locks and apparatus themselves, including a locktender's house at Aux Sable and a mule barn in Ottawa— both constructed of dressed stone. The rural segment is best represented by the dwelling and outbuildings of the circa 1911 G. A. Bennet farm. Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC)-built structures such as trail shelters date from the 1930s, when the area served as a park. On the HAER side, documented sites include industrial complexes such as the Norton & Company flour mills; a Quaker Oats grain elevator alongside the railroad track at Morris; the stone Gay lord Building, an 1830s dry goods store and 1860s warehouse; numerous passenger and freight railroad depots; and a variety of railroad bridges. HAER measured drawings were completed on five structures, including the unusual Ottawa Silica Company complex, built 191729. Not only was its current condition recorded, but the "process" drawings of sand sifting and sorting preserve the technology of this rare and outmoded technique. Using traditional local history research materials, which include city directories, county and commemorative volumes, and newspapers, the development of each locality was charted along several themes. The result is more than a mere catalog of individual �//. Historical Perspectives — Leach structures; it includes contextual essays that explain local settlement patterns, the rise of industries, commercial and retail growth, and religious and ethnic patterns. Documentation of the Illinois & Michigan Canal was the largest single HABS/HAER recording project until the ongoing work in Pennsylvania that began in 1988. In Pennsylvania, where only two towns affiliated with the Pennsylvania Canal were studied, HABS historians took a less quantitative, though no less comprehensive, approach. Investigation of the towns of Saltsburg and Alexandria in the summer of 1988 was part of a larger documentation project sponsored by the America's Industrial Heritage Project (AIHP), also an agency of the National Park Service, and by the Southwestern Pennsylvania Heritage Preservation Commission. AIHP, encompassing nine counties in the southwestern part of the state, has two aims: to commemorate the region's iron and steel, coal, and transportation industries, and to interweave associated historic and cultural resources as a focal point for tourism and economic development. The commission formed to oversee development of the area is authorized to designate the Southwestern Pennsylvania Industrial Heritage Route, made up of four state roads that link historic, cultural, and scenic sites. Basing its decision on a reconnaissance study of the region's roads and sites, Congress in 1987 recognized the area as one of the "few recognized historic sites devoted to portraying the development and growth of heavy industry and the industrial labor movement in America." AIHP's financial commitment to HABS/ HAER work has risen from $60,000 in the first year to $335,000 for fiscal year 1990. During the summer of 1989, nineteen historians and architects worked on AIHP projects in Pittsburgh, Johnsontown, and Altoona, among other cities, recording residential neighborhoods, coal company sites, the Cambria Company ironworks, East 67 Broad Top Railroad shops, and glass, coal, and coke facilities. A field office in Johnstown continues to be staffed by four year-round historians. One aspect of the area's industrial and transportation history is the 395-mile Pennsylvania Canal (Figure 1), which opened in 1829 between Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, establishing for the first time a viable trade and transportation route westward past the Alleghenies. The system was particularly noteworthy for its components: the Western, Juniata, and Eastern canal divisions; the Columbia-Philadelphia Railroad; and the Allegheny Portage Railroad, with its innovative inclined planes that conducted cargo across the mountains. Because they have remained largely unchanged since the early twentieth century, Alexandria, on the Juniata River, and Saltsburg, on the Conemaugh River, were selected as representative of the dozens of towns that prospered and matured after construction of the canal and railroad. (Unlike the Illinois & Michigan Canal, however, the waterway was filled in to accommodate the railroad; the only evidence of it, in Alexandria for instance, is a flat, grassy swath across the town grid.) Twentytwo buildings in each town were identified and researched, then recorded in large-format photographs. Resources include such buildings as St. Matthew's Catholic Church of 1847, the 1851 Saltsburg Academy, the 1875 First National Bank of Saltsburg, and the circa 1880s Victorian hardware store of R. J. Taylor. The large number of residences include the Stewart House (later the Canal Inn) of about 1804, the circa 1816 John Cresswell House (made of stone), and the 1850s Connor House (notable for horizontal weatherboard and vertical board-and-batten siding). Most buildings were erected between 1830 and 1900 and reflect vernacular forms, with a sprinkling of the high-style Classical influences that moved west with the canal traffic. �68 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 1. Map of Pennsylvania showing the Main Line Canal connecting Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, and the nine-county America fs Industrial Heritage Project. �//. Historical Perspectives — Leach As important as the HABS building reports are, interpretation of the data relies upon the accompanying historical overviews of canal development in general and of local history. HABS has subsequently recommended that the two towns be nominated for listing in the National Register of Historic Places, and a comprehensive document containing findings and photographs has been published. PARK ROAD SYSTEMS AND STRUCTURES In recent years, HAER has initiated the systematic recording of bridges and other structures associated with park roads. Of approximately 3,300 bridges throughout the national parks system, about 10 percent were evaluated as eligible for the National Register. From this beginning, a pilot project was completed in 1988 in the Washington, D.C., area—encompassing the NPS's National Capital Region, the Colonial Parkway at Yorktown, Virginia, and the Cheseapeake & Ohio Canal in Maryland and D.C. A selection of 43 bridges was photographed and standard data compiled for each. The criteria for inclusion were primarily an age of 50 years or older, design by a significant builder, and/or distinguishing construction features. The selection includes the Monocacy Aqueduct, a nineteenthcentury arched span that carried the C&O Canal (also documented by HABS as early as 1936); a 1930s wood-truss bridge erected by the CCC south of the capital in what is now Prince William Forest Park; and the early twentieth-century Inlet Bridge at Potomac Park on the river. This documentation project was the first endeavor to record to HAER standards all National Register-eligible bridges in the national parks system. The next step, on a grander scale, is a long-range documentation project begun in the summer of 1989. It is sponsored by the NPS's Park Roads and 69 Bridges Program, Engineering and Safety Services Division, which last year began a twenty-year reconstruction program at Yellowstone National Park. Besides the reconstruction slated, an added impetus to starting with Yellowstone was its imminent nomination to the National Register. HAER's documentation resulted in twenty sheets of drawings and large-format photographs for seven bridges in Yellowstone National Park. An example of this type of documentation is Figure 2, which shows the Crawfish Creek Bridge, a concrete barrel arch with masonry facing, completed in 1936. In the summer of 1990, HAER is slated to document eighteen structures associated with Glacier National Park's Going-to-theSun Road, the fifty-mile roadway built in 1932 with a dramatic hairpin turn, from which travelers are treated to incomparable park vistas and sheer drops. Not only the bridges, but also the revetments, culverts, and retaining walls will be drawn and photographed. The road, already recognized as a technical and scenic wonder, will be nominated as a National Historic Landmark. Increasingly more HABS/HAER documentation projects may culminate with such written nominations, in keeping with the division's attention to the most historically significant U.S. buildings and structures. URBAN LANDSCAPE DESIGN In the gap between comprehensive heritage corridors and individually significant sites is a new HABS/HAER direction: the documentation of urban landscape design. The precursor to this trend is exemplified by HABS's 1987 documentation of Merchant and Nuuanu Streets in Honolulu. These two, the oldest designated streets in the Hawaiian capital city, developed around the turn of the century and are largely intact. The project was carried out as a facade study, recording graphically 13 low-rise commercial buildings that boast Classical-, �70 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 2. HAER axonometric drawing of Crawfish Creek Bridge, 1936, Yellowstone National Park. Delineated by Laura E. Salarano �//. Historical Perspectives — Leach Romanesque-, and Spanish Colonial-Revival themes. Traditional elevation and site delineations permit design comparisons unattainable through the human eye or photographs. In 1990, HABS is scheduled to embark on two related documentation projects that will commence where facade studies leave off. In Richmond, Virginia, HABS is planning to record Monument Avenue, an elegant nineteenth-century urban parkway whose flanking buildings are almost exclusively residential and, with one exception, unmarred by architectural intrusions (i.e., grossly altered or incompatible constructions). The 130-foot-wide, fourteen-block boulevard is formally articulated by four rows of trees, decorative pavers, and five primary circles boasting monumental statuary including several unparalleled Civil War memorials. One of the most impressive aspects of the avenue is the preserved quality of the context and unified spirit of the dwellings, all built from 1890 to 1920, and representative of a range of high-style to modest revival styles. The documentation of such a designed landscape is likely to combine an inventory of each building, structure, and feature in the existing historic district. This approach includes large-format photographs of buildings and sculpture alike, and measured drawings of the statuary bases and the most significant dwellings. The narrative component will highlight the context of Richmond during the turn-of-the-century City Beautiful movement and include essays on the architects responsible for all aspects of the scheme. The strict linear nature of the property also renders it a prime candidate for experimentation with documentary techniques such as photogrammetric delineations of whole blocks. Meanwhile, one of HABS's most challenging new projects is scheduled to get underway in Washington, B.C., in 198990. It is the documentation of the urban plan of the capital by French engineer Pierre 71 L'Enfant, and its evolution through early twentieth-century modifications by the McMillan Commission and others. Today, this complex overlay of a grid and crisscrossing avenues is the only extant example of Baroque eighteenth-century urban design in the country. The project will entail a comprehensive history of the 1791 plan, with its wide, tree-lined avenues and array of neighborhood parks or "reservations." A new approach will be HABS's assessment of the less-tangible attributes of the L'Enfant scheme, such as vistas as a deliberate design intention, while the facades along the way will take an ancillary role. In a cooperative effort among the city and national and regional NFS authorities, the culmination of the L'Enfant plan history, delineations, and photographs will serve NFS management needs and become the basis for a National Historic Landmark nomination, perhaps in time for the bicentennial celebration of its design. Planning and political hurdles aside, the methodology used to assess and document the historic plan will help establish HABS standards for recording an urban landscape, ironically exclusive of all buildings except the symbolic two that L'Enfant specifically names, the President's House and the U.S. Capitol. The variety and complexity of these cultural resources pose a challenge to HABS/ HAER, which for more than a half-century has served as the arbiter of architectural and engineering documentary standards. As new cultural resources such as heritage corridors, parkways, and urban designs are recognized, new guidelines must be established to preserve them. To this end, HABS/HAER of late is refocusing on the most significant sites in the nation. Many are in the national parks system, and many are worthy of several years' attention. Today, ink-on-Mylar drawings and large-format black-and-white photographs cannot technically be superseded when it comes to providing permanent visual records of historic structures. �72 Nonetheless, HABS/HAER is also exploring state-of-the-art recording techniques, such as photogrammetry and Computer-Aided Design and Drafting (CADD), which lend themselves to the comprehensive analysis of some sites. In the area of research, historians are taking new tacks toward architectural scholarship, from attention to Linear Parks Conference Proceedings long-ignored vernacular housing to the compilation of data bases that contain hundreds of sites linked by a common historical theme. Whatever the construction, the objective remains to document and to introduce to a larger public a greater volume of information about our architectural heritage than ever before. The Hudson River and America's Love of Natural Landscape Scenery William A. Mann, University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia Americans have not always regarded natural landscape scenery as beautiful. 1 During our country's first two hundred years, there was a general contempt and abhorrence for the unsettled areas, or "back country." Gradually this attitude began to change toward a fascination with wilderness and natural scenery and a passion for preserving it in its unspoiled condition. By the mid-1820s, Americans had grown to love the American landscape and were extolling the virtues of rural life and country living. When the axe and plow had transformed this primeval wilderness into some semblance of a civilization, Americans became nostalgic and began to celebrate, in literature and painting, the charm and wonder of "Dame Nature" (Schuyler, pp. 26-27). This "cult of nature," as it has sometimes been called, led to the popularity of "suburbs" beginning at the turn of the nineteenth century. It also initiated the movement leading to the creation of planned romantic residential communities, to tourism within the wilderness areas of the eastern United States, to the development of the first "rural cemeteries," and to the inauguration of our first urban "country" parks. Why did early Americans so dislike the New World environment? What factors contributed to this about-face in our thinking, and where did it begin? The venue of our change of heart was the older, more settled portion of the country in the vicinity of New York City. Our most important waterway, the Hudson River, figured prominently in this movement. This paper will deal with the early American attitudes about nature; the evolution in our thinking and the factors, such as the paintings of the Hudson River School and romantic literature, that influenced the changes; the corresponding changes that came about in our living relationship with the rural landscape; and the role that early landscape architects played in facilitating Americans' admiration for nature and landscape scenery. COLONIAL ATTITUDES TOWARD NATURE The colonists who settled in New England following 1620 were religious dissenters bent on peopling the New World and spreading the Gospel. Upon leaving England, these Puritans envisioned America not as a wilderness but as a new Canaan—"the Good Land." It was as if they were to emerge out of the "unholy wilderness" of England and enter into Eden where they could freely practice their religion. It must be remembered that England was nearly devoid of any �//. Historical Perspectives — Mann semblance of wilderness or untamed land. After 2000 years of habitation, there was scarcely anything left that could be called a forest. Immediately after their arrival here, the Puritans experienced "unexpected troubles and difficulties" (Reynolds, pp. 60-62). The "promised land" provided a disagreeable climate, food and water shortages, droughts, wild beasts, Indians, and epidemics. Their experiences molded their thinking. In a decade, the colonists' attitude toward the landscape had shifted to contempt for a land which was ". . . wilde and overgrowne with woods" (Heimert, p. 362). Forbidden by their moral tenets from engaging in any frivolity, they were prohibited from leisure outdoor activities or hunting for pleasure and were therefore divorced from casual contacts with nature, which might have nurtured an admiration for their surroundings. The Puritans at Plymouth held to the belief that the "garden" they sought was just beyond the edge of the untamed "thicke Woode." Conquering the wilderness was a moral issue upon which their salvation depended. Splinter groups departed from Cape Cod into the Connecticut and Hudson River valleys. One such pilgrim remarked that "if you would know the garden . . . then you must glance your eye upon the Hudson's river." In 1680, William Hubbard regarded it as "the fertile and desirable tract of land in all the southerly part of New England" (Huth, p. 7). Despite the praises heaped on the region as an agrarian paradise, preRevolutionary accounts are silent on the matter of landscape aesthetics. New England Puritans were not unique in their ambivalence toward nature. The Biblical wilderness was where man yielded to temptations. During the Middle Ages wylder ness was dreaded as the nest or lair of wild beasts—where one became bewildered and fell into a life of sin. Little Red Riding Hood, lured off her route to grandmother's house by the pretty wildflowers, 73 fell prey to the big bad wolf (Stilgoe, pp. 710). Early accounts of travel in Britain are almost devoid of descriptions of scenery. Evidence of human triumphs over nature were recorded in glowing prose but uncultivated places were referred to with scorn or indifference. As England, the mother culture, had damned mountains and wilderness, so did the colonists. The seventeenth-century Puritans' feelings about nature were mingled with the lore of the Dutch settlers of the Hudson River valley. They too did not consider nature to be a friendly backdrop. Unlike the English religious pilgrims, whose definition of wilderness was reshaped here, the Dutch landed in New Amsterdam with a centuriesold hostility toward both forests and mountainous landscapes. Medieval superstitions abounded in their folklore. Holland was flat and nearly devoid of woodland areas. Thus the unfamiliar environments which they encountered in North America were charged with ". . . awful presences and powers." As revealing of the long-standing regional lore as any references to be found were the writings by a nineteenth-century citizen of the middle Hudson, Washington Irving, America's first internationally acclaimed author. In 1819, his narrator of Rip Van Winkle told us that the mountains and valleys have "always been a region full of fable. The Indians considered them the abode of spirits . . . wreaking all kinds of e v i l s . . . the boldest hunter would not pursue his game within its precincts . . ." (Irving, p. 61). In the Hudson Valley's Sleepy Hollow, we are told, ". . . some witching power holds a spell over the minds of the good people . . . The whole neighborhood abounds with local tales, haunted spots..." (Irving, p. 56). Irving was characterizing the widely held American feeling that nature was an unwelcome presence that we might best avoid. His eerie tales also indicate the general absence of an aesthetic consciousness, of �74 attention to the pleasure to be derived from looking at natural scenery. These were not to come about on a large scale until the following decade. In Europe, by the middle of the eighteenth century, there began to be a gradual shift toward a less hostile view of nature. When Jean-Jacques Rousseau took refuge from ideological persecution on an island in an Alpine lake, he found himself to be at one with nature. He thought that by living in harmony with nature man could achieve spiritual nourishment. The "noble savage," such as James Fenimore Cooper's "Last of the Mohicans," soon came to symbolize the romantic notion of "Natural Man." Nature came to be considered both innocent and beautiful (O'Brien, p. 70, n. 15). Rousseau's views initiated the romantic movement with its emphasis on emotion rather than reason. Soon this outlook was being expressed by writers such as Wordsworth, Blake, and Goethe, by musicians such as Mozart and Beethoven, and by the painters Constable, Turner, Corot, and others. There was, however, a heavy moral overtone to much of their work. Much of the European painting of the late eighteenth century was also moralistic in tone. PAINTING AND AMERICA'S ATTITUDE TOWARD NATURE The role that pictures—paintings, lithographic prints or engravings—played in shaping the collective image of the country cannot be over-estimated. A picture can be the starting point of an attitude. Not only can a picture convey an image of a place unknown, we can also be predisposed to like or dislike a place we have never visited due to images of it we may see prior to physically being there (Sontag, p. 162). Prior to about 1820, the graphic arts also treated nature and landscape with indifference or, at least, without an eye Linear Parks Conference Proceedings toward aesthetics. Painting was confined almost exclusively to portraiture, with landscape "entourage" tucked off to the edges. Many early American watercolors were produced by English "view painters" touring this country. Their work, as well as that done by many local painters, frequently incorporated whimsical—but emotionless— backdrops of imaginary English or European garden scenes. More typical were the coldfeeling woodcuts and engravings produced for travel books or for military reconnaissance maps and the topographical views of private estates such as those often found along major waterways—the Hudson, Schuylkill, and Potomac. For all their apparent accuracy of detail, "bird's eye views," usually of major cities, evidenced practically no feeling for landscape aesthetics. It was typical for the late eighteenthand early nineteenth-century American aspirants to go abroad to hone their skills. In this country there were few major paintings that they could study and learn from. They went to the painting capitals—London and Paris—to avail themselves of the works by the great masters. In the salons and museums they confronted the landscapes of the seventeenth-century French landscapists or limners, Claude Lorrain, Nicolas Poussin, and Salvator Rosa as well as their English successors, Constable and Turner. In England and France, such Yankees as Benjamin West, John Trumbull, and Washington Allston were shaped by the romantic way of seeing and painting. The young Americans were inspired to paint "compositions" rather than real scenes from nature. Their spiritual mentors had juxtaposed Biblical or allegorical characters in rural Italian scenery that was articulated with classical structures, many of which were in a state of decay or ruin. Such paintings glorified nature while at the same time glorifying God and the Ancients. The English masters, in emulating the earlier French, retained the emphasis on the �//. Historical Perspectives — Mann landscape—the English countryside—but tended to animate their pictures with livestock and rural peasants rather than historical subjects. Instead of classical temples, intact or collapsed, they articulated the landscape with rustic cottages, medieval castles and Gothic structures. These elements contributed to the "sublime" manner of the pictures, characterized by vivid irregularity of form and texture, with sharp contrasts of strong light and dark shadows and by feelings of obscurity, vastness, terror, pain, and transcendent forces of destruction (Wilmerding, p. 83). Emotional attachment to objects that are old, or look old, is an ancient human trait. David Lowenthal suggested that nature induces all man's works to "come back to her arms—rust, lichen, moss, the cracking . . . of mortar joints . . . and brick itself— Nature never lets up" (Lowenthal, 1976, p. 57). Yet as a very young nation, America had few equivalents of European ruins. Perhaps that is the major reason that ruins held such a grip on the imagination of Americans, particularly our painters. Instead of "imported images from another culture" (Shepard, 1963, p. 8), what we have are mountains. And because these huge, rugged, and weathered landforms had, for so many generations, aroused such emotional and eerie feelings in the American imagination, they were a readily available American landscape equivalent to the sublime elements employed by the English landscape painters. Our nation was also endowed with the other favorite subject of the painters and tales of horror—deep, dark forests. James Fenimore Cooper once referred to our forests as "dark Rembrandt-looking," providing scenes that "Rosa would have delighted to draw" (Miller, p. 150). The remaining major natural element is, of course, water. What more vital commodity to life itself and to the "life" of a landscape composition—be it real or painted—is there than water? America has water in abundance so it became the 75 focal feature of many early nature paintings. After the Revolution, Americans looked less to Europe for their cultural and intellectual leadership. By the nineteenth century, Americans had become nationalistic. We acquired feelings for those things which were uniquely American, and what more distinguished this nation from all others than the landscape itself? As we developed an increased sense of national pride, the landscape acquired patriotic value and became a subject for artists. But instead of portraying the landscape as contrived scenery through which some ancient literary message could be conveyed, a new generation of painters emerged who were intent on glorifying the new nation. At the same time, the eastern wilderness areas were rapidly disappearing due to urbanization, agriculture, and logging. We could, for the first time in our occupation of the continent, see more cleared, inhabited land than undisturbed land in the more populous sections. It was at that point, when nature was first perceived as threatened by people, that we became sentimental and began to reminisce about its endangered beauty (Shepard, 1953, p. 7). One of America's greatest sources of national pride was the newly constructed Erie Canal. It was the single greatest nonmilitary accomplishment in the history of the country when opened in 1825. The 360-mile "big ditch" from Buffalo to Albany linked the Great Lakes, via the Hudson River, to the Atlantic seaboard, enabling untapped resources from the Northwest Territory to be shipped to the mouth of the Hudson River at New York City and from there, to be exported all over the world. The Erie Canal was conceived in 1816 by New York's mayor, DeWitt Clinton. That same year he took over as president of the American Academy of Fine Arts and organized a major exhibition of paintings by America's three leading painters, Colonel John Trumbull, Benjamin West, and Gilbert Stuart. That event has been regarded as �76 "one of the first events heralding the new wave of cultural nationalism after the War of 1812" (Miller, pp. 95-96). In his opening address, Clinton expressed many of the same sentiments which our foremost writers, Irving, Cooper, and Bryant, and many of our landscape painters were soon to express. He stated that the artist's imagination "must derive its forms . . . from the country in which he was born. . . . Can there be a country in the world better calculated than ours to exercise and exalt the imagination? . . . Here nature has conducted her operations on a magnificent scale... this wild, romantic scenery" (Clark, E., p. 8). A single event in New York City changed the course of American painting history and, in turn, feelings about nature and the landscape. Prior to the mid-1820s there was no market in America for paintings of the "dreaded wilderness." Presumably no one cared to look at pictures of the "uncouth state" of the inhabited countryside. In 1825, a Lancashire painter named Thomas Cole, who had come to this country in 1818, placed three landscape views of the Hudson River for sale in a small frame shop. They caught the attention of John Trumbull, who bought one of them for twenty-four dollars. Within months of his first sale, Cole's three paintings were purchased by Philip Hone, the mayor of the city—and its most important art collector. The acclaim Cole received brought commissions to enable him to establish his home and studio on a site directly overlooking the Hudson River and Catskill Mountains in the town of Catskill, New York. From there he traipsed around the wilderness, sketching studies from nature. He would then return to his studio, where he synthesized more idealized landscapes in oil on large canvases. In a letter, written in 1826, Cole described his technique: "[T]he most lovely and perfect parts of Nature may be brought together, and combined in a whole that shall surpass in beauty and effect any picture painted Linear Parks Conference Proceedings from a single view . . . without the objections." 2 Cole was the first to expressively interpret the American wilderness as a theme (Merritt, p. 6). It was Thomas Cole, the Englishman, who sensitized our American eyes,"... and greatly enhanced our incipient love of our own scenery . . . the austere loveliness of our . . . Eastern Mountains . . . and forests . . ." (Mather, pp. 299-300). It was thus that the Hudson River School of painting began—the first truly American movement in painting. Within a decade, the demand for paintings that portrayed the American wilderness had flourished, prompting many aspiring painters to set out traveling the environs of the Hudson to record its beauty. It was upon Cole's advice that they did on-site drawings from nature (Cole, pp. 112). About the same time travel books illustrated with large detailed engravings, often copies of original oils, began to appear. William G. Wall's Hudson River Portfolio and Joshua Shaw's Picturesque Views of American Scenery are two of the earliest and best (Fitch, p. 181). The role of patrons cannot be overstated. Luman Reed and Robert Gilmor, Jr., motivated by their own patriotism, typically dictated the themes they wished to have imbued in the works by the artists in their "stables." One such directive called for "gorgeous colors of the forest trees in autumn." Another patron urged the portrayal of "a true American landscape . . . a rich green valley just pictured after a shower in the soft repose of a summer sunset" (Miller, p. 156). The connoisseurs, more so than the artists, wanted fine detail and realism depicted in the canvases they commissioned. The close working relationship between science and art that had developed by this time contributed to this situation. As the scientists began widening their search for knowledge about our world, it became increasingly important that they accurately document their findings. Lacking cameras, scientific illustrators became a vital com- �//. Historical Perspectives — Mann ponent in the scientific process. Artists were called upon to accompany researchers into the field to record in minute detail images of the physical discoveries in geology, botany, and zoology. In this way, science acquired a greater visual and aesthetic orientation while in the arts there was seen a growing attention to factual detail. The exquisite detail shown in the Hudson River paintings was also motivated by religious morality. Patrons and painters believed moral excellence was akin to physical perfection, and so great detail was a measure of beauty.3 Also, God was thought to be manifested in natural scenery; if America had the most beautiful, sublime scenery in the world, then God must have favored this nation over others (Miller, p. 18). Thomas Cole's work had this religious quality and, through his pictures, he sought to reveal a higher order of creation. The moralism associated with landscape paintings and, in turn, with nature itself can be gathered from the 1830 passage from the Northern American Review in which the writer asserted that the taste for beauty in nature and in art are "nearly allied to the love of good . . . it has often been doubted whether Beauty be anything more than a visible manifestation of those amiable moral qualities of which the mere idea fills the heart with delightful emotions. . . ." The writer further stated that landscape paintings "produce happy and civilizing influences upon society . . . cultivate a love of nature and of beauty, and surround life with charm of elegance and refinement (Novak, p. 62). In 1836, Ralph Waldo Emerson stated in his first book that "in Nature man would find his true emancipation . . ." (Davidson, p. 102). "America is a poem . . .," he wrote, "Beauty . . . will spring up between the feet of brave men. . . ." While Cole also painted landscapes from elsewhere, he relied on the Hudson Valley and the nearby Catskill Mountains for most of his subject matter. From his home ninety 77 miles north of New York City, he could devote the summer months to wandering the landscape to sketch and prepare notations. The winter months were spent painting and conferring with patrons in New York. William Cullen Bryant was a close friend of Cole and at his funeral in 1848 delivered an oration that recalled their "many frequent rambles in the Catskills." A mutual friend and traveling companion, Asher Durand, was commissioned in 1849 to portray the two (Kindred Spirits) in one of their favorite Catskill Mountain settings (Davidson, p. 105). Durand succeeded Cole as the most prominent of the growing circle of Hudson River painters, which, by then, included Albert Bierstadt, John F. Kensett, Frederick E. Church, David Johnson, and scores of others. THE HUDSON RIVER REGION The Hudson region is closely associated with our nation's political past. As described by Bryant, "the whole neighborhood is among the most famous regions of our history. During the War of the Revolution, West Point was . .. one of the most important military posts in the country" (Bryant, 1874, vol. 2, pp. 13-14). The valley was the home and setting for the works of many of this nation's most important early writers. The setting of Cooper's Leatherstockings stories was along the Hudson as were many works by Bryant, Irving, and Nathaniel Parker Willis. John James Audubon, considered by many to be America's greatest ornithologist, was a native of the region as was Samuel F. B. Morse, the inventor and painter, and the landscape architect Andrew Jackson Downing. The Hudson River extends from the New York City harbor to its headwaters 300 miles north in the Adirondack Mountains of upper New York State, near Lake Champlain. It is a tidal estuary for half its length, as far inland as Albany. Its middle section, known as the Highlands, is where the river is �78 bounded on both shores by mountains. The beginning point of this most picturesque portion of the valley is the "Highland Gate" and the town of Newburgh, which is 50 miles from New York City. Overlooking Newburgh Bay, "the most perfect of Hudson's harbors . . . an enchanted region," is Storm King Mountain and ". . . the dark pile of the Cro'-Nest," looming 200 feet straight above the water (Bryant, 1874, vol. 2, p. 7). Farther north, on the western bank, lie the Catskills, or Kaatersbergs, with elevations approaching 4000 feet. Because of the dramatic rise of the land from directly beside the river's edges, the area, called a "water gap," was difficult to develop for agriculture or town settlement. It was, therefore, left largely unaltered. Such a water gap was almost unknown in Britain or Europe, with the exception of the Rhine. Water gaps are usually admired as scenery, and they have "evoked some of the most rapturous descriptions in travel literature" (Shepard, 1961, p. 5). Bryant called the Hudson "our most beautiful and perfect American river" (Bryant, 1874, p. 1). It was in the Hudson region that nature tourism arose in America. In addition to the increasing popularity of the landscape paintings by the Hudson River School, other contributing factors were the increasing number of epidemic diseases, which plagued cities each summer, and the appeal that travel to the Great Lakes and Niagara Falls, via the Erie Canal, offered. The burgeoning railroad network on the east coast and the development of steam-powered "Dayliner" tour boats enabled further penetration of the hinterlands near population centers. Walking for pleasure seems not to ever have had the appeal in America that it did in England. Contrary to rural England, the sheer scale, ruggedness of the Hudson terrain, and fears of actually becoming lost-or of having encounters with snakes and wild animals—discouraged Yankee recreational strolls. Instead, American tourists preferred Linear Parks Conference Proceedings the ease and comfort of tour boats, canal barges, coaches, and excursion trains, all of which covered greater distances than possible on foot. In 1820, a French passenger on one of the Hudson River Dayliners noted that his American travel companions often "dropped their playing cards and rushed out on deck to marvel at certain views . . . as each traveler finds in them new reasons why he should love his country" (Creese, p. 46). Beginning in the 1820s, many lavish resort establishments were created in the Hudson Valley, as well as in the Catskills and around Lake George, Lake Champlain, and other areas in New York State, to capitalize on the growing interest in the wilderness. Two notable examples were the Catskill Mountain House, "a palace built for the angels" 2212 feet above the Hudson, and the Cozzens's Hotel, which Bryant described as "perched high on the brow of the cliff that is the most prominent on the western shore for several miles.. . . Nothing could be more picturesque . . . so bold and rugged . . . several hundred feet above the water. . ."Bryant's admiration of Cozzens's suggests that the Old World still fascinated Americans. When looking up at the hotel from the river, he wrote, "one may deceive himself into the belief that he looks upon some legend-haunted ruin near the Rhine . . ." (Bryant, 1874, vol. 2, p. 14). Resort hotels were stopping-off points for the thousands of travelers who were partaking in the American "grand tour" which also included the spas and gambling casinos at Saratoga Springs and Niagara Falls. Artists of the Hudson River School—Cole, Durand, Church, and George Inness—found the resort pleasure palaces to be ideal subjects for their canvases. Their painted images were often copied and thus widely available as engravings and lithographs, such as those mass-produced by Currier and Ives. The region's remote man-made landmarks soon became widely recognized by Americans �//. Historical Perspectives — Mann from all sections of the country. Many guidebooks appeared at the same time to assist the new breed of backwoods Yankees in plotting their way from one resort to another. THE HUDSON RIVER ESTATES In 1609, the Dutch claimed the Hudson region and meted out land grants of vast size along the east bank of the river to patroons (patrons) to induce them to settle and develop the colony. Because the terrain was steep and because most of the landowners were not dependent upon agriculture, the majority of their property was maintained in a relatively unaltered state. Consequently, the grounds of the Dutch owners and subsequent Yankee gentry tended to be covered in dense trees, with the major exception being the vistas created in order to view the Hudson, the Catskills, or other surrounding landmarks. In contrast, the English landscape gardens that were created in Europe from the beginning of the eighteenth century were contrived compositions of cleared land, of which England had an excess, and planted woodlands rather than naturally occurring forests. It was not until the emergence of the Hudson River School of painting, and the increased interest in nature, that a significant movement toward rural living—and the subsequent experimentation with romantically landscaped country places—came about in America. Until the early nineteenth century, roads were very few and of poor construction; therefore, navigable waterways were the chief transportation routes. Because of its great size, the Hudson was navigable by sail boats as far north as Albany. Each town along the river laid out its public facilities and streets in relation to the Hudson. Since the land around most communities ascended steeply, their major visual orientation was toward the water. A strong identification with the Hudson 79 was also true for most private homes. Most were situated back from the shore and on elevations several hundred feet above the water level with a cleared swath between the house and the water. Thus, commanding views could be obtained. It was this exploitation of appropriated views, or "borrowed scenery," that marked one of the greatest design distinctions between the American version of the naturalistic, or landscape garden, style and the British. 4 Whereas in England, most of the landscaped estates were of immense size and required huge fortunes to create and maintain, Americans did not possess such capital. Therefore, reliance on the setting—the genius loci of one's site—was maximized (Chase, p. 36). In many ways this design was an expression of a basic human desire to seek out the most secure—the least physically threatening—position and the place from which one can feel in greatest control over the environment. From the elevated, unimpeded vantage point that occurs adjacent to a cleared area, one obtains a prospect (Leveson, p. 86). As observable in most great built works, such a position of prominence has long symbolized power and authority. Following the American Revolution, our urban population increased dramatically, and during the 1790s, yellow fever began to plague New York City. Many of those who could afford to purchased Hudson River property, on which they built refuges from the city during epidemics. These people were typically well educated and widely traveled (Reynolds, 1935, pp. 60-62). Their homes were the essence of refined taste in architecture, furnishings and, in the words of Andrew Jackson Downing, "There is no part of the Union where taste in Landscape Gardening is so far advanced, as on the middle portion of the Hudson" (Downing, 1847, pp. 152-153). With this new-found appreciation for the beauty of natural scenery and the �80 pleasures derived through contact with nature, Americans, in increasing numbers, began to turn toward country living on the fringes between the cities and the country. The term "suburb" was first used in the 1840s in connection with the Hudson Valley by the writer Nathaniel Parker Willis. From his home in Cornwall, called Idlewild, he frequently commuted to New York City to confer with his fellow writers. After its invention in 1806, the steamboat made such travel possible as far upriver as Newburgh, sixty miles north of New York. By the 1820s, it was possible for people of the valley to maintain a permanent residence in a rural setting and visit the city for their shopping and cultural life (Creese, p. 46). Bryant found this situation ideal. "All over the Hudson's banks, from Newburgh to New York . . . people cluster in villages . . . gaining, in spite of themselves, from their surroundings" (Bryant, 1874, p. 22). At the beginning of the suburban movement—the 1820s and 1830s—the maintenance and improvement of the grounds of most of the mansions along the Hudson was, according to Andrew Jackson Downing, "carried out under the direction of the proprietors themselves, suggested by their own good taste, in many instances improved by the study of European authors, or by personal inspection of the finest places abroad" (Downing, 1844, p. 29). The only American book on the subject of landscape gardening was the American Gardener's Calendar, written by Bernard M'Mahon in 1806. Only twelve pages were devoted to the subject of landscape garden design, but he emphasized the importance of exploiting the surrounding scenery as was being done along the Hudson: "[EJxtend the prospect into the adjacent fields and country . . . give these an air of larger extent than they really have . . . so that [they] appear to be ... a continuation of the pleasure ground" (M'Mahon, pp. 62-72). Downing claimed that "[t]he only practitioner of the art, of Linear Parks Conference Proceedings any note, was the late M. Andre Parmentier of Brooklyn, Long Island." He considered Parmentier's "labours and example[s] as having effected directly, far more landscape gardening in America, than those of any other individual" (Downing, 1844, pp. 2930). Parmentier, a Belgian horticulturist, came to America in 1824 and established a nursery in Brooklyn. He is reputed to have worked on several estates in that region until his death in 1830. Hyde Park, ninety miles from New York, his only known example, was lauded by Downing as "one of the finest specimens of the modern style of Landscape Gardening in America" (Downing, 1844, p. 34). In 1841, Downing, who lived his entire life in Newburgh, wrote A Treatise On Landscape Gardening, in which he described the character of the region most succinctly: There is no part of the Union where the taste in Landscape Gardening is so far advanced, as on the middle portion of the Hudson. The natural scenery is of the finest character, and places but a mile or two apart often possess, from the constantly varying forms of the water, shores, and distant hills, widely different kinds of home landscape and distant view. Standing in the grounds of smooth lawn, the rich groups of trees shutting out all neighboring tracts, the lake-like expanse of water, and, closing the distance, a fine range of wooded mountain. A residence here of but a hundred acres, so fortunately are these disposed by nature, it seems to appropriate the whole scenery around, and to be a thousand in extent (Downing, 1844, pp. 33-34). In the Treatise, the first of its kind published in America, Downing enumerated the design virtues of forty east-coast country residences which he regarded as exemplary of "tasteful gardening" at that time. Thirteen of his favorites bordered the Hudson. To Downing, �II. Historical Perspectives — Mann water was de rigeur. The presence of water— flowing stream, pond, lake, or sea view— were common to the forty examples cited in the Treatise. Downing's friend, Willis, felt the same about water and scenery: "It is in river scenery . . . that America excels all other lands: and here the artist's labour is not, as in Europe, to embellish and idealize the reality; he finds it difficult to come up to it" (Creese, p. 84). In a speech given in 1848, Downing acknowledged that he was an "Associationist." Those who subscribed to this philosophy believed that mankind is in a constant state of "yearning for the lost garden." Therefore he regarded gardening "as being, next to religion, the great humanizer of the age." His dream was to put "men into daily contact with nature . . . in their country and cottage homes" (Downing, 1848). That ideal, he thought, if demonstrated by those who could best afford it in treating the grounds of their estates, would be spread to lesser private residences and even to the towns (Creese, p. 84). PLANNED SUBURBAN RESIDENTIAL COMMUNITIES Artists and intellectuals were acquiring a missionary zeal about enlightening the public to the virtues of nature and country living— so much so that in the 1850s they conceived America's first planned suburban communities. In 1850 Downing wrote an editorial on "country villages" in the Horticulturist (which he had founded in 1846) describing the ideal rural village, which had "a large open space, common, or park, situated in the middle of the village." Thus, the rural character of the community was established by a naturalistic park, which, he suggested, could be the setting for social interaction and should be covered in lawn and trees and comprise about fifty acres. The best cottages and residences were to be located nearest the park. He prescribed minimum lot sizes 81 and "space, views, circulation of air, and broad . . . avenues of shade trees." While Downing did not use the term "suburban," he spelled out the essential character of future planned suburban communities. When N. P. Willis retired and left New York to live closer to nature, he wrote critiques of the city and extolled the qualities of rural life. At times, however, he grew tired of the very solitude that he had sought. He frequently invited friends to visit him at Idlewild. In 1851 he conceived the idea of developing a community of scholars, called Highland Terrace, to be located on a natural plateau one hundred and twenty feet above the Hudson between Newburgh and Cornwall (Creese, p. 45). While Highland Terrace was never built, within the next few years another planned romantic residential community was conceived and partially constructed: Llewellyn Park. Within view of New York City, sits Orange Mountain surmounted by Eagle Rock—650 feet above sea level. This New Jersey landmark was purchased in 1852 by a wealthy New York pharmaceutical merchant named Llewellyn Haskell. There he was to develop Llewellyn Park, America's first idealistically planned suburban residential community. Haskell was an admirer of nature and a member of the Swedenborgian branch of the Perfectionist sect.5 Other likeminded notables were Irving, Bryant, Downing, and the architect Alexander Jackson Davis. Haskell's Utopian plan reflected his philosophical belief that certain qualities in art and nature, by their association with other past experiences, induce emotional responses in persons exposed to either. This view led Haskell and his fellow believers to be anti-city. In 1853, Haskell hired Davis, who purchased a twenty-five-acre parcel adjacent to Haskell's, and there built his own picturesque house, Wildmont. Each had a commanding view of the Highlands, Manhattan, and the Atlantic. Davis "rusticated" Haskell's house by adding coarse �82 bark-covered timbers to its sides and erecting two pointed towers of rock and wood. Fifteen acres around Haskell's Eyrie were adapted to a landscape garden, while the remaining twenty-five acres were left untouched. Believing that this setting would be an ideal situation for others of their kind, Haskell, with Davis's advice, began to purchase more land around them and to plan the layout of other private residential properties, roadways, and common open spaces. Eventually 350 acres were assembled (Davies, p. 143). Their plan, published in 1857, was laid out in the "modern natural style of landscape gardening" (Archer, p. 155). It was to retain as much of the natural character of the site as possible while providing gracefully winding carriageways, abutted by fifty "villa sites" ranging from five to ten acres in size. Other than private houses, the only structural elements introduced were several rustic seats in the fiftyacre common land known as the "Ramble," and the rocky gatehouse at the neighborhood's only entrance. Llewellyn Park, as a Utopia community, was not long lived. Soon after he began to market the sites, Haskell met with personal financial problems and turned the administration of the project over to individuals with less commitment to his original ideals. Nonbelievers began to outnumber the handful of "radicals," and thus the theosophical basis of the concept was undermined. Many latterday structures were ostentatious contradictions of the wild setting. EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY URBAN PARKS AS SURROGATE WILDERNESS AREAS Throughout the 1840s Bryant, Downing, and others were writing about the importance of creating public parks for American cities. In the Horticulturist, Downing wrote: by establishing refined public . . . Linear Parks Conference Proceedings parks, and gardens . . . you would soften and humanize the rude, educate and enlighten the ignorant, and give continual enjoyment to the educated. Nothing tends to beat down those artificial barriers, that false pride, . . so much as a community of rational enjoyments. Make the public parks or pleasure grounds attractive by their lawns, fine trees, shady walks, and beautiful shrubs and flowers. . . . / see the public . . . places filled with all classes of society, partaking of the same pleasures (Downing, 1848, pp. 156-158). Downing noted that after the invention of the rural cemetery, just a decade before, "these cemeteries are the only places in the country that can give an untraveled American any idea of the public parks and gardens abroad" (Ibid.). His dream of having urban public parks as "great wholesome breathing zones" within our cities began to be realized just a decade after his pleas were made. Unfortunately, Downing did not live to see even the first, New York's Central Park, for it was not designed until 1856, by Frederick Law Olmsted and Calvert Vaux, and completed 20 years later. Within Central Park's 850 acres, however, Downing's vision was fulfilled. In the park are also many of the elements of the sublime and qualities that the picturesque paintings of the Hudson River School had incorporated. The swampy and rocky site was transformed into countless water bodies and into bold statements in massive rock, such as many of the bridges and much of the architecture. The poor quality of the vegetation occurring on the site was overcome by transplanting thousands of trees, shrubs, and vines—so much so that in areas such as the Ramble, in the center of the park, one can conceivably become lost. Thus, within the city of New York, it is possible for an individual wishing to have contact with nature to have a brief "wilderness" experience—however make-believe. �//. Historical Perspectives — Mann 83 CONCLUSION The Hudson River figured tragically in the death of Andrew Jackson Downing. On the morning of July 28, 1852, Downing, his wife, and his mother-in-law boarded the Henry Clay for a trip to Newport. Several hours into their trip the boilers overheated and burst into flame. The pilot overreacted and swung the boat around, sending it crashing into the shore at full speed. Seventy passengers were thrown into the water and drowned. Downing, who was an expert swimmer, attempted to locate and rescue his mother-in-law, but became lost in the confusion and disappeared under the water. His body was found washed up on the shore later that day (Proctor, pp. 253-254). Downing's death came at age 37 when he was at the pinnacle of his career after only 12 years of public life, and was one of the most widely read and respected men in America. William Cullen Bryant's second volume of Picturesque America began with a chapter on the Hudson River. His words of praise for the Hudson, as it terminates at New York City, are a fitting end to this account of the river and its role in shaping America's attitude toward natural scenery: . . . the river flows on in a broader stream, until on its eastern side the city begins, and the stream changes its aspect, and passes between the crowded shores that send out across it the noisy thunder of their busy life . . . the long reaches of [the] still stream, make a sudden end, as the Hudson sweeps grandly and quietly down to the sea (Bryant, 1874, vol. 2, p. 22). I think it is fair to say that today most Americans regard wilderness and natural scenery as beautiful. Many of us also tend to share the belief that life in the country is somewhat of an idyllic life-style—hence the popularity of our ubiquitous suburbs and subdivisions. Yet how many of us realize that this ideal originated relatively recently in our history, in the brief period between about 1820 and 1860, and in a relatively small corner of this continent? It is my conclusion that our love of natural landscape scenery is traceable to the area surrounding the Hudson River and that much of our visual sensitivity toward nature derives from the images of that region produced by the painters of the Hudson River School. Furthermore, our paradigm of what constitutes a beautiful home environment is also attributable to that same time and place. NOTES 1. The word "landscape," in this paper, is used in accordance with its popular usage in this country today. Most Americans consider a wilderness or a tract of land in whatever natural or human-altered state it is in—or a view or scene of such a land area—to be a landscape. Etymologically, "landscape" derived from the German word "landschaft" and meant an aggregation of persons and structures within a clearing and surrounded by a 2. wilderness. Hence, the human-made landscape and the undeveloped forest around it were opposites (Stilgoe, pp. 3, 12). While Cole preferred to produce compositions, Gilmor, his patron, did not. He told Cole, "I prefer real American scenes to compositions . . . 'home scenes.'" In 1836 Cole produced his most true-tonature picture with his "Oxbow on the Connecticut" (Novak, pp. 67, 73). �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 84 3. 4. Since many of the landscapists, such as Asher Durand, began as engravers, they were conditioned to both look at, and represent, great detail Susan Sontag in On Photography states that photographs, "[l]ike a pair of binoculars with no right or wrong end . . . make exotic things near, intimate; and familiar things small, abstract, strange, much farther away (Sontag, p. 167). This was also the case with the composition landscapes of Cole and others, Thomas Jefferson had remarked about the magnificent surrounding landmarks of his Monticello that if the country of Fluvanna, which was visible from his land, was a lake, and nearby Willis's Mountain was a volcano, his scenery would be perfect (Creese, p. 45). 5. Emanuel Swedenborg was an eighteenthcentury Swedish scientist and mystic who believed in a "great chain of being," or "grand harmonic system," composed of three corresponding states—the material, the spiritual, and the divine. Americans who followed this thinking believed nature to be the direct link to a higher reality. Emerson and many of the nineteenth-century Transcendentalists were also Swedenborgians. In his "Nature" (1836), Emerson stated that "[e]very natural fact is a symbol of some spiritual fact." He further expressed that in order for man to find oneness with God, he must "[b]uild therefore, [his] own world" (Wilson, p. 87). BIBLIOGRAPHY Archer, John. "Country and City in the American Romantic Suburb." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 1983. 42:(2), 139-156. Bryant, William Cullen. Picturesque America. 2 vols., New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1874. Chase, David B. "The Beginnings of the Landscape Tradition in America." Historic Preservation, January 1973, 35-41. Clark, Eliot. History of the National Academy of Design. New York: Columbia University Press, 1954. Creese, Walter L. The Crowning of America: Eight Great Spaces and Their Buildings. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985. Cole, Thomas. "Essay on American Scenery." American Monthly Magazine, 1836. 1:(1), 1-12. Davidson, Marshall B. History of the Artist's America. New York: American Heritage Publishing Co., 1973. Davies, Jane B. "Llewellyn Park in West Orange, New Jersey." Antiques, 1975. 107:(1), 142-158. Downing, Andrew Jackson. A Treatise on Landscape Gardening as Adapted to North America. New York: Wiley and Putnam, 1844. Downing, Andrew Jackson. Horticulturist, 1847. 2:(4), 152-160. Downing, Andrew Jackson. Horticulturist, 1848. 3:(1), 9-14. Downing, Andrew Jackson. Horticulturist, 1848. 3:(4), 153-158. Fitch, James Marston. Architecture and the Esthetics of Plenty. New York: Columbia University Press, 1961. Hargrove, Eugene C. "The Historical Foundations of American Environmental Ethics." Environmental Ethics, 1979. 1:(1), 217-218. Heimert, Alan. "Puritanism, the Wilderness, and the Frontier." The New England Quarterly, 1953. 26:(3), 361, 382. �//. Historical Perspectives — Mann Howat, John K. The Hudson River and its Painters. New York: Viking, 1972. Huth, Hans. Nature and the American: Three Centuries of Changing Attitudes. Berkeley: The University of California, 1957. Irving, Washington. Rip Van Winkle and The Legend of Sleepy Hollow (Second Edition). Tarrytown: The Sleepy Hollow Press, 1980. Leveson, David. "Geologic Clarity: A Geologist's Perspective on Landscape Aesthetics." Landscape Journal, 1989. 7:(2), 85-94. Lowenthal, David. "Age and Beauty." The Aesthetics of Landscape: Proceedings of a Symposium held at the University of Hull: 17-19 September, 1976. Jay Appleton, editor. Hull, England: The University of Hull, 1976. Mann, William A. "The Beginnings of Landscape Gardening in America: 1758 to 1845" (unpublished manuscript). Athens, Georgia: The University of Georgia, 1989. M'Mahon (McMahon), Bernard. The American Gardener's Calendar Adapted to the Climate and Seasons of the United States. Philadelphia: T. P. M'Mahon, 1806. Mather, Frank Jewett, Jr. "The Hudson River School." American Magazine of Art, 1934. 27:(6), 297-306. Miller, Lillian B. Patriots and Patriotism: The Encouragement of the Fine Arts in the United States 1790-1860. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966. Novak, Barbara. American Painting of the Nineteenth Century. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1969. O'Brien, Ray J. American Sublime: Landscape and Scenery of the Lower Hudson Valley. New York: Columbia University Press, 1982. 85 Proctor, John Clagett. "The Tragic Death of Andrew Jackson Downing and the Monument to His Memory." Records of the Columbian Historical Society. John B. Larner, editor. New York: Columbian Historical Society, 1925. Reynolds, Helen W. "Country-Seats on the Hudson River in Dutchess County." Dutchess County Historical Society Yearbook, 1935. 60-70. Richards, T. Addison. "Idlewild: The Home of N. P. Willis." Harpers Magazine, 1858. 16:(92), 145-166. Schuyler, David. The New Urban Landscape: The Redefinition of City Form in Nineteenth-Century America. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986. Shepard, Paul, Jr. "They Painted What They Saw." Landscape, 1953. 3:(1), 6-11. Shepard, Paul, Jr. "The Cross Valley Syndrome." Landscape, 1961. 10:(2), 4-8. Snyder, Martin P. "William Birch: His Country Seats of the United States." The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1957. 81:(3), 225-254. Sontag, Susan. On Photography. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1978. Stilgoe, John. Common Landscape of America, 1580 to 1845. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982. Wilmerding, John, editor. The Genius of American Painting. London: Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1973. Wilmerding, John. The Waters of America: 19th-century American Paintings of Rivers, Streams, Lakes and Waterfalls. Exhibition Catalog of the Historical New Orleans Collection. New Orleans: Historical New Orleans Collection, 1984. Wilson, Richard Guy. "Idealism and the Origin of the First American Suburb: Llewellyn Park, New Jersey." The American Art Journal, 1979. 11:(4), 79-90. �Vlll This page intentionally left blank �III. Design and Planning �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 88 Integrated Recreational Open Space Systems: Planning Concepts and Implementation Strategies Paul M. Rookwood, Wallace Roberts & Todd, San Diego, California As one heads north from San Diego on Interstate 5, the Pacific Ocean stays within sight until the road enters Orange County and swings slightly inland along a valley floor defined by steeply sloped ridgelines rising to enclose the small historic city of San Juan Capistrano. Settlement in the valley developed around the abundant year-round fresh water supplied by a network of creeks draining from the upland towards the ocean, centered on El Camino Real, the eighteenthcentury mission road which today's freeway parallels closely. One could imagine such a city having an integrated system of verdant linear parks strung along the floodplains of the creek corridors, protecting riparian habitat, making use of an area where development is prohibited because of flood danger, and celebrating the watercourses that have shaped and brought life to the community. From there, open space corridors would lead trails up to the dominant ridgelines and along to hilltop parks, where visitors can capitalize on panoramic views out over the Pacific Ocean and enjoy the cooling sea breezes to mitigate the summer heat. Instead one finds a park system comprising isolated park sites dotted randomly around the city. The system only partially meets recreational needs and almost totally fails to take advantage of the city's intrinsic landscape opportunities or to contribute to environmental resource management. Rather, the park system represents a typical history of leftover pockets of unbuildable land having been fobbed off onto a city by developers somewhat cynically fulfilling their park dedication requirements. Overhead power lines, inaccessibility, minimal facilities, and steep slopes characterize many of the sites. This unfortunate situation can be clearly linked with the city's lack of any coherent plan by which to develop a system of recreational open space, let alone one integrated with environmental resource management or contributing to identity by capitalizing on the community's landscape aesthetic. Figure 1. Channelized creeks in San Juan Capistrano have destroyed an aesthetic amenity and preclude the integration of resource management and recreation. �///. Design and Planning — Rookwood Forty miles south of San Juan Capistrano lies the city of San Marcos, in many respects a similar community with development concentrated in valley floors that run between dominant, generally undeveloped, ridgelines. Facing intense growth pressure, San Marcos recognized the potential for open space systems as a tool for managing future growth. Early enough in its growth it have the opportunity to plan the majority of its recreational system prior to development, thereby avoiding the problems experienced in San Juan Capistrano, San Marcos recently put in place a master plan and an implementation strategy (including a new implementation tool—the idea of flexible park development zones tied to a mandatory set of program-related performance standards) designed to achieve an integrated recreational open space system. This system, both physically linked and multifunctional, aims to meet community recreation needs, utilize distinctive landscape characteristics to enhance community recreation needs, utilize distinctive landscape characteristics to enhance community identity, and contribute to environmental resource management (Wallace Roberts & Todd, 1989). EVOLUTION OF AN IDEA Neither the idea of a planned open space and recreation system nor the idea of integrating resource management with recreation opportunity is new. Fairmount Park in Philadelphia, one of the largest urban park systems in the world, was established by city ordinance in 1855. The primary purposes in establishing the system were both to protect the city's watersheds, providing for protection and enjoyment of natural environments, and to provide a diversity of recreational opportunity for the city's residents, goals which the current master plan for Fairmount Park perpetuates (Wallace Roberts & Todd, 1983). 89 Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Boston City Council authorized and financed the acquisition, design, and construction of a major park in the Back Bay area. Frederick Law Olmsted became involved in the project and quickly allied with the city engineer in recognizing the need to solve some severe drainage and flooding problems in order to achieve any kind of successful recreational amenity on the site. Before grading had even begun for Back Bay Park, Olmsted had conceived of a much more extensive linear park system that would provide a continuous loop of open space as counterpoint to the urban fabric (Newton, 1971). Within a typically naturalistic scene, incorporating strolling and bridle paths and canoeing on the waterways, Olmsted had transformed miles of potential wasteland plagued by sewage and refuse into a public amenity integrating engineering needs with resource conservation, aesthetics, and recreational amenity. Concurrent with Olmsted's work in Boston, Ebenezer Howard was working in England on his vision for planned new towns integrating the benefits of both urban and rural environments. Published in 1902, Howard's seminal planning study "Garden Cities of To-Morrow" presented his philosophy for the development of truly humane cities where open space for agriculture as well as public health, safety, and recreation would be woven throughout the urban fabric (Howard, 1965). The recreational, civic, social, and spiritual foci of the ideal city would all be within an integrated open space park system. Howard's ideas were most closely realized in the development of Welwyn Garden City. Here, planner Louis de Soissons developed the urban form around an open space corridor which runs through the city's core and connects the city's primary civic institutions. The design derives from both natural and cultural landscape patterns. �90 CURRENT STATUS Given the historic precedent for integrated open space planning, and the rise in environmental consciousness that heralded in the 1960s, one might expect this integrated approach to be commonplace. Yet even in wealthy nations like the United States, which surely have the economic wherewithal to protect their landscape heritage, examples abound of natural resources needlessly obliterated by bulldozer and concrete.1 It is ironic today that the regions facing the most rapid growth and the imminent threat of natural resources being consumed by rapacious development may also be those where integrated planning may have its best opportunity for support. A high level of citizen concern over the loss of open space and the need for growth management translates into political and hence budgetary support, which might be absent in an area of slow growth. In areas of rapid growth there is also significant potential for the generation of revenues through development impact fees to help fund open space and parkland acquisition, design, and construction. Citizen concern and consequent political support certainly played a major role in San Marcos, and evidence also exists to suggest that the correlation between rapid growth and pressure for comprehensive open space and recreation planning is not limited to Southern California. The rapid expansion of population and associated development pressure in Hong Kong over the past two decades led to the initiation, in 1987, of a study of Lantau Island, a popular and relatively unspoiled island recreation destination facing increasing development pressure. The purpose of the study was "to formulate a strategy to guide development in South Lantau within the framework of landscape conservation, with an emphasis on recreation-oriented uses" (Shelton, 1989, p. 23). Exceptional cases exist where integrated Linear Parks Conference Proceedings recreational open space planning occurs before any development. It is more typical, however, that recreation planning in urbanizing areas is concerned with retrofitting parks and open space into areas already built in addition to having some opportunity to plan for areas as yet undeveloped. Planning for integrated recreation in a developed area may seem hopeless, but there is often considerable potential, and recreation planning may even form the catalyst for much-needed redevelopment. Planning for the Hudson Waterfront Walkway, for example, addressed retrofitting a sixteenmile linear park along the New Jersey shore of the Hudson River, a landscape resource of national significance. Until recently, most of the waterfront was occupied by a daunting array of cargo facilities and rail yards. However, with changing needs and priorities, a plan was prepared, and, with much of the area currently under redevelopment, extensive portions of the walkway have already been completed. The primary implementation strategy for the plan involves land use control over private property. Under New Jersey coastal-zone legislation, all developers of property on the river must dedicate easements for and construct and maintain the walkway within their development and provide for connections with the rest of the continuous walkway system. By reopening public access to the waterfront for recreation, the plan allows people to interact with the region's most significant landscape feature in an area previously despoiled by industrial activity. The Hudson Waterfront Walkway must be one of the rare examples of real human benefit derived, at least in part, from the demise of railroads in favor of road freight haulage. Stuttgart, West Germany, lies in a bowlshaped depression surrounded by hills and often suffers from temperature inversions which trap polluted air. In response to the problem, the city has adopted planning ordinances that both restrict development �///. Design and Planning — Rookwood and encourage the establishment of new public open space in the direction of the city's prevailing wind. By combining public recreation with air quality management, Stuttgart provides an unusual example of a community planning for integrated open space in currently developed urban areas.2 The design in the early 1970s of the Woodlands New Community in Texas provides an example of a comprehensively planned new community. The intent was to integrate a full range of social and recreational services with natural resource conservation. The ecological planning method utilized rested on the belief "that the landscape and its natural processes offer opportunities and constraints for land utilization. By identifying and interpreting explicit natural phenomena . . . the planner is able to specify the most and least suitable land use for a particular landscape" (Wallace McHarg Roberts & Todd, 1974, p. 1). By correlating natural processes, recreation opportunities and constraints, and other pieces of information, a composite plan was formed in which the distribution of natural resources and intrinsic potential of the landscape for recreation played fundamental roles in determining the ultimate urban form. PLANNING APPROACH AND IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGY If an integrated approach is to be successfully applied, it is essential that recommendations be based upon an appropriate and coherent methodology. McHarg's struggle in the '60s to quantify the more intangible aspects of ecological planning, in order to counteract the apparent rationality of conventional engineering, finds a close parallel here: without a rational and identifiable methodology, it will often be hard for open space recreational needs to compete successfully against other public facility demands on a city's funds. Most importantly, the planning method should deal with the real place, not 91 an ideal place. Although abstract concepts play a part in planning, any models must be consistent with a given city's conditions. Three primary planning goals can be identified: meeting the recreational needs of the community, weaving distinctive aspects of the natural and cultural landscape into the open space system in order to enhance the definition of community's identity, and integrating development with environmental resource management. Meeting recreational needs requires a tried and tested planning process. Needs analysis may take a variety of forms, including mail or telephone surveys, meetings with special interest groups, comparative studies of similar communities, and research of relevant publications. It should be noted that some recreation planners are calling for a more subjective, experiential, qualitative approach to recreation needs analysis in contrast with traditional statistical approaches.3 The planning methodology will need to address a variety of contextual information regarding development; demographics; the existing planning framework as set out in documents such as the General Plan, specific plans, and the municipal code; existing open space and parks; and existing financial and implementational techniques employed in the city. Interaction with the public will elicit the concerns of the user and also help generate support by publicizing proposals. Needs will ultimately be expressed during planning as a description of the facilities and programs that the overall recreation system should provide for the community. The planning study will search for sites that can physically accommodate these programs and facilities, and for landscape resources that offer physical opportunities, such as surface water bodies for aquatic activities or level ground for active sports. While landscape analysis addresses direct physical needs, the second goal of an �92 integrated approach necessitates a search for a more subtle level of information, for the essence of the cultural and natural landscape which helps to define the city's distinctive character. If the recreational system allows citizens access to, understanding of, and identification with those landscapes that inform the character of place, then the system will help nourish people's sense of belonging. The objective is to avoid the alienating formal ubiquity of much contemporary development. An analysis of the natural processes that have shaped the landscape will go hand-in-hand with an exploration of the significant facets of social history and cultural identity in order to understand the local landscape resources which could reinforce or create a sense of place.4 To fulfill the third goal, the analysis of natural processes must also be structured to reveal the value of the environmental resources of the study area. (While some environmental philosophies include the notion of intrinsic environmental needs, the attachment of value to environmental resources is, it is argued, an inherently cultural process.) In the search for integration, the prime locations are those where an environmental resource determined to require conservation also offers recreational potential. A good example would be a watercourse and floodplain with valuable riparian habitat. Development of the area would destroy habitat, probably incur mitigation costs, and remove from the landscape a feature that has had a formative role in that landscape's evolution. Utilization of this area for a linear recreation site would avoid these negative consequences and permit high-quality passive recreation. It is important to recognize that in certain instances some environmental resources will be so sensitive to disturbance that even limited passive recreation could destroy the value of the area. In other cases the distribution or characteristics of natural resources will simply not coincide with recreation needs. Linear Parks Conference Proceedings However, although resource management and recreation provision will not always go hand-in-hand, they should be considered together so that opportunities for integration are not missed. The final phase of the planning study involves bringing pertinent surveys and analyses together into an integrated plan. Typically, achievement of the central project goals will be explored through a number of alternative schemes before a final solution is selected and refined. A successful plan must have this sustained central vision, even though the details will change over time. This approach is preferable to relying on a collection of miscellaneous agenda items born out of an incrementalist approach and supposing that if sufficient attention is paid to the details the grand scheme will somehow fall into place. The best planning document will remain a purely academic exercise unless some strategy is developed for its implementation. Although identified as a separate component, implementation will pervade planning from the beginning. For example, it is essential that the plan should be realistic; there is no point in setting standards that the city is unlikely to achieve. Typically, implementation will be articulated through a ranked and phased set of goals and objectives, allowing the controlling agency to prioritize the allocation of its resources and to predict the need for various kinds of action. A degree of flexibility in the strategy will allow for changing circumstances over time; for the same reason, an ongoing or periodic revision might be scheduled. The strategy should be comprehensive in uncovering all appropriate implementation opportunities and a variety of potential funding sources for each aspect of the plan. Both the implementation opportunities and funding sources may also be prioritized. Implementation and funding approaches should be consistent with the city's overall approach to public facilities provided that this approach is tailored to the �///. Design and Planning — Rookwood special circumstances pertaining to open space and recreation. Finally, for success, the plan and implementation strategy must be supported by those with budgetary control and be adopted and consistently applied to all planning and design projects. THE CITY OF SAN MARCOS: AN EXAMPLE The city of San Marcos, located 30 miles north of San Diego, is currently facing intense growth pressure. A 1970 population of around 3,000 has swelled today to over 30,000, and the city has a build-out population projection of 110,000 anticipated as early as 2005. Typical of recreational open space planning in a rapidly urbanizing context, there were two distinct planning and implementation situations. The city is already one-third built out and thus contains existing urban fabric that presents problems typical of any developed area. At the same 93 time San Marcos still has large undeveloped areas presenting the opportunity of relatively unconstrained planning. As part of its efforts to manage accelerating development, the city of San Marcos in 1987 appointed a Growth Management Task Force to review a wide range of growthrelated planning issues. One of the seven major conclusions the task force presented in its final report was that there was a deficiency in the city's provision of public parkland. In response, the City Council initiated the preparation of a city-wide Park Master Plan and a Parks and Recreation Element for the General Plan. The project included a survey and analysis, development of alternatives, extensive public input, and staff review and direction, all of which led to the selection of a preferred concept plan. This concept was then developed to indicate the broad location and type of recreation facilities to be present in the city by build out. Finally, an implementation plan was '•'•^^^•^•'.J-^:^^^: Figure 2. San Marcos is early enough in its development to have the opportunity of planning most of its recreational open space system prior to development. �94 prepared, outlining funding, acquisition, and phasing strategies designed to facilitate successful achievement of the plan's vision. The city has a range of natural characteristics that both define its landscape and provide recreation opportunities. At the most general level is a Mediterranean climate, which controls the natural landscape and encourages outdoor recreation. Although the climate is semi-arid, drainage corridors are one of the most significant natural features in the landscape. The drainage and riparian network provides excellent opportunities for establishment of interconnected open space throughout the city. Steeply sloped mountainous ridgelines visually dominate the city and confine the more intensive development to the valley floors. The utilization of ridgelines for recreational open space not only offers highquality passive recreation opportunity, for example trails to panoramic views, but also offers a mechanism through which the city's most conspicuous landscape feature can be conserved as open space, ensuring its continued contribution toward the community's identity. Limited annual precipitation has led to mixed chaparral and coastal sage scrub habitats covering the ridgelines, while the valleys accommodate grassland and riparian vegetation, both of which are sensitive to disturbance and rare in the region. The low availability of moisture to support large shrubs and trees makes any kind of high woody cover especially valuable. The vast majority of natural vegetation in the city has the capacity to accommodate passive recreation without destroying its value, although certain critical areas may have to be kept under restricted public access. While San Marcos has adopted some regulations to help protect natural resources, the integration of recreational open space use into areas of habitat value will probably assist in the long-term conservation of at least a portion of these resources. The city Linear Parks Conference Proceedings has a number of surface water features. The largest, Lake San Marcos, is already surrounded by private development, precluding public access, testament to the loss of resources likely in the absence of a planning strategy. The other significant lakes all have passive recreation potential.5 While in an entirely planned community such as Woodlands the definition of the open space system may form the primary parameters for development and determine the ultimate urban form, the circumstance in San Marcos is more typical. A number of specific factors impacted the plan development. The existence of areas in the city that were already developed gave a high priority to park siting on any remaining open space. Undeveloped areas of the city contained both a number of large land holdings, up to 2000 acres, for which implementation negotiation would be relatively simple, as well as areas fragmented into numerous small holdings, which would involve negotiation with a large number of land owners. Projections of road development, General Plan land use designations, and zoning all served to create differential land values among the undeveloped land parcels, thus further complicating siting and implementation planning. Major future projects such as a new civic center, a new California State University campus, and a large county landfill with extensive life span but projected park afteruse all affected the planning process. The existing park sites had to be taken into account, even if their siting did not fit the new comprehensive approach to site location. Determination of recreation needs involved a community survey mailed to every household in the city. A number of community workshops and meetings with special interest groups were held to elicit the citizens' desires. Two dominant themes that emerged were broad support for a wide range of park sites, reflecting a perception of inadequate existing public recreational open space, and �///. Design and Planning—Rookwood the desire to see a city-wide interconnecting trail system. The plan itself contains four main components, together forming a system of park nodes and greenway links allowing ready access to open space and recreational opportunities throughout the city. Regional parks provide extensive acreage for informal unstructured recreation. Community parks in each area of the city each develop a unique theme, such as water play, active sports, or equestrian use. Smaller local parks are distributed throughout the city, concentrated in family-oriented communities. A trails system for pedestrians, cyclists, and equestrian users is threaded through the openspace corridors linking parks, open spaces, and major activity nodes such as the proposed campus and the city's central civic/ commercial core. The primary landscape resources—its dominant ridgelines and creek corridors— were integrated into the recreation plan for the city. The majority of the ridgelines were intended to accommodate trail connections within open-space corridors, thereby preserving the natural skyline. At significant vista points, the trails will open up to allow resting places that capitalize on the panoramic views. On the city's most dominant peak along its southern ridgeline, a major regional park facility has been sited. The creek corridors formed a natural basis for the valley trail system, allowing the intertwining of public access along and through some of the most varied and attractive landscape in the city. With flood control and riparian mitigation both impacting heavily upon potential development, the planning for recreation use in these areas provided a positive rationale to accompany the more negative and restrictive, but necessary land use controls intended to preserve these special features of the city in perpetuity. In its goal to provide for the community's recreation needs, particularly with regard to active sports, the use of numerical 95 standards, such as a population-ratio analysis of recreation facility needs, formed a part of the planning process. However, the inclusion of a landscape opportunities assessment moved the plan away from being a purely statistical document unrelated to the city's special characteristics to one that helped to identify, reinforce, and perpetuate the identity of the community. The primary focus of the implementation strategy is public-private collaboration relying on a system of development agreements. A public facilities fee will be the primary revenue generator, while in-lieu fees and land dedication from major subdivisions will also be collected under a Quimby parkland dedication ordinance. General funds and other secondary sources will provide supplementary funding, particularly for previously built-out areas. A phasing plan was developed which prioritized parkland and trail acquisition and improvements according to anticipated submittal of development proposals to the city. Components of the plan that were considered under threat from development or particularly critical to its success were phased into the first five years of the plan's implementation. A unique feature of the plan is the creation of park development zones that identify the general location of park sites rather that their precise boundaries. By tying the development zone to a set of mandatory program-related performance standards, the city was given a tool that guaranteed achievement of the necessary recreation facilities yet allowed a flexible and cooperative relationship with the development community. Integration of landscape resources into the plan was largely accomplished during the planning process. However, some facets of implementation specifically related to environmental resource management included easement purchases for sensitive habitats to form buffers around more active parklands. Planning for San Marcos Creek provided �96 a special opportunity to combine resource management with recreational and aesthetic amenities in an area of particularly intense development pressure. Existing proposals for the creek in its downtown section call for construction of a concrete-lined trapezoidal channel to accommodate potential flood flow and thereby permit the construction of a major commercial core on one side of the channel and high-density housing on the other side. This solution to downtown floodplain problems would involve considerable loss of valuable riparian habitat in addition to the decimation of one of the most picturesque components of the San Marcos landscape. In an alternative proposal, endorsed by the Parks Master Plan project, a two-sided mixed-use zone would stretch along either side of a more natural channel in which the flood control function would be accommodated, environmental resources protected, a primary aesthetic resource preserved, and recreation benefit accrued. Furthermore, it is likely that this integrated approach would have a positive effect on adjacent land values. FUTURE PROSPECTS By committing to a comprehensive approach to recreation planning early in its development, San Marcos has gained the potential for an increased quality of life and enhanced community identity, both of which neighboring communities have already lost. It is already apparent in travelling through the region, which of the cities have actively grappled with open-space issues. The differences will become more obvious with time. Nevertheless, it is probably never too late to begin a commitment to planning for open space recreational, aesthetic, and environmental benefits. The success of Stuttgart provides a clear example of the potential in applying strategic vision to previously built-out areas. San Juan Capistrano, where many opportunities have already been lost, still has a number of Linear Parks Conference Proceedings options by which essential components of its community character and recreational provision can be enhanced, and environmental resources protected. How optimistic can we be that such planning will be undertaken and implemented future? To say that these two communities' endeavors are on their own indicative of a more comprehensive approach to integrated recreation and resource planning in the future would be tenuous at best. However, a number of other indicators also point to a hopeful future. There seems to be general evidence that increasing development and loss of open space tend to bring about increased public pressure for careful planning. Across California this result is perhaps best confirmed by a recent spate of voterapproved bond issues, tied to increased taxation, for the express purpose of growth management through open space planning. At a national level, on Capitol Hill the U.S. House recently began a series of hearings on "The American Landscape in the 21st Century" to determine "what role the federal government can play in protecting communities against runaway overdevelopment." At the first hearing speakers from a wide range of backgrounds called for federal support for comprehensive and regional planning. Barbara Bryant, senior vicepresident of Market Opinion Research, stressed that money for planning is available, testifying that "[t]he Public strongly supports government involvement, even earmarked additional taxation, for the purposes of protecting the environment, preserving natural areas, and preserving wildlife." Further federal interest is evident in the proposed American Heritage Trust Act of 1989, which, although not expected to come to the House floor in the near future, contains a strong commitment to planning open space and outdoor recreation (Finucan, 1989). At the international scale, evidence such as the planning project for South Lantau in Hong Kong suggests that the correlation between �///. Design and Planning — Rookwood increased development pressure and support for open space planning holds true across cultural boundaries. The need is present, and seemingly so too is the public and financial support. What is required if such visions are to be achieved is the concerted actions of land use professionals and national, regional, and local administrators to promote actively a comprehensive integrated approach to planning open space for the future. NOTES 1. The despoliation of landscape has been well chronicled by a variety of authors. Ian McHarg's Design With Nature (1971) provides both and global perspectives on the destructive results of reckless development. 2. For a discussion of air quality planning in Stuttgart, see Spirn, 1984, pp. 82-85. 97 3. Chapter 12 of Seymour Gold's book Recreation Planning and Design (1980) deals thoroughly with needs analysis. An interesting presentation was made at the 1988 American Planning Association California Chapter Annual Conference by C. Hamilton, R. Paige, and D. Gray. Entitled "Recreation Space in the 21st Century," it particularly stressed planning approaches which dealt with experiential qualities of recreation provision. 4. Two recent articles in The New Yorker by Tony Hiss provide a fascinating review of what is identified as the landscape or regional approach to metropolitan planning, discussing the idea of reflecting rather than obliterating past landscape form in new urban growth, particularly through open space. 5. A detailed analysis of natural resources in the city can be found in the City of San Marcos General Plan. BIBLIOGRAPHY Finucan, Karen. "Washington Report: Focus on Open Space," Planning, Vol. 55, No. 7, 1989. Fogg, George E. Park Planning Guidelines Revise. Alexandria, Va.: National Recreation and Park Association, 1981. Gold, Seymour M. Recreation Planning and Design. New York, N.Y.: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1980. Hamilton, C.; Paige, R.; and Gray D. "Recreation Space in the 21st Century." 1988 American Planning Association California Chapter Annual Conference. Hiss, Tony. "Encountering the Countryside— 1" The New Yorker, August 21, 1989, pp. 40-69. Hiss, Tony. "Encountering the Countryside— 2" The New Yorker, August 28, 1989, pp. 37-63. Howard, Ebenezer. Garden Cities of ToMorrow. Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1965. Lancaster, Roger A. Recreation, Park and Open Space Standards and Guidelines. Alexandria, Va.: National Recreation and Park Association, 1983. McHarg, Ian L. Design With Nature. Garden City, N.J.: Doubleday / Natural History Press, 1971. Newton, Norman T. Design on the Land: The Development of Landscape Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1971. Reed, David J.; and Perdue, Richard R. Park Planning and Design: An Evaluation Approach. Alexandria, Va.: National Recreation and Park Association, 1979. Spirn, Anne Whiston. The Granite Garden. New York, N.Y.: Basic Books, 1984. Wallace McHarg Roberts & Todd (WMRT). Woodlands New Community: An Ecological Plan. Philadelphia, Pa.: WMRT, 1974. Wallace Roberts & Todd (WRT). Fairmount Park Masterplan—Summary. Philadelphia, Pa.: WRT, 1983. Wallace Roberts & Todd (WRT). San Marcos Parks Master Plan. San Diego, Calf.: WRT, 1989. �98 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Design Studies for the Rockville Facility Right-of-Way Steven L Cantor, Landscape Architect, Clarke + Rapuano Inc., New York, New York INTRODUCTION The firm Clarke + Rapuano Inc. was hired by Maryland National Capital Park and Planning Commission (MNCPPC) to develop design feasibility studies for the Rockville Facility, an eight-mile-long corridor acquired by the state of Maryland during the 1950s for an outer belt highway which was never built. As areas abutting the right-of-way were developed as residential communities, there was widespread neighborhood opposition to any transportation use of the corridor even as traffic congestion problems worsened. Studies were completed with cost estimates for a linear park, a four-lane parkway and a two-lane parkway in order to help MNCPPC, Montgomery County, and other local governments resolve the final land use for this right-of-way. The corridor is approximately 8 miles long by 300 feet wide, stretching across Montgomery County from west to east. The right-of-way begins just east of 1-270 and ends at Northwest Branch Park in the east, intersecting with the future Intercounty Connector. The right-of-way was conceived by Clarke & Rapuano as a linear park and/ or parkway with a parallel bicycle/pedestrian path, linking the existing parklands crossed by the right-of-way. The topography and natural features, together with safe and proper traffic control and appropriate vertical and horizontal alignment, determined the design criteria for the parkway roads. The existing natural features of the right-of-way also suggested uses for recreation. RECONNAISSANCE AND DATA COLLECTION Maps, aerial photos, planning documents, regulations, and surveys were obtained from MNCPPC, the Maryland State Highway Commission, and other sources. A field reconnaissance of the right-of-way identified physical conditions, including vegetation, and verified visually the existing wetlands mapping. Ten categories of vegetation types were established: meadow, mesic mixeddeciduous forest, wet meadow, lowland forest, pine-tulip woodland, tulip forest, old field, disturbed urban woodland, floodplain forest, and woody old field. (See Table L) For most of its length, the Rockville Facility right-of-way passes through solidly established residential neighborhoods. There is a predominance of single-family detached homes on lots ranging in size from approximately 1/7 to 1/2 acre, with the smaller lots occurring most frequently. There are also some apartment developments and commercial/office development. The right-ofway is usually 300 feet wide, but it is narrower in a few locations. The Facility crosses a range of streams and tributaries which drain to the Potomac River. The Northwest Branch of the Anacostia River is designated Class IV, a water quality classification for recreational trout waters. All the other tributaries are designated Class I, water quality suitable for water contact recreation. Only one of these streams, Turkey Branch, parallels the corridor. A CONCEPTUAL STUDY FOR PARK USE The Rockville Facility right-of-way presented an opportunity for interpretation without much parallel in park development. The right-of-way could be viewed as a longitudinal section through an urbanized area, revealing along its way the impact of suburban development on the various natural �99 Table L Existing vegetation. ///. Design and Planning — Cantor �100 features of the area's landscape. Viewed in this manner, the Rockville Facility right-ofway suggested a different concept in its use for a park. It was conceived as a "living ecological museum" depicting the interaction of human social activities with the natural environment, rather than as just a series of recreation sites. This approach established the framework for recreation facilities that are appropriate to the natural features of the right-of-way. The design approach was to allow the existing natural features of the right-ofway—i.e., vegetation, topography, streams, wetlands, and floodplains—to suggest the possibilities for recreation, bearing in mind abutting land uses and major points of access and transportation. At this early stage of planning, the study did not address countywide or neighborhood needs for recreation except in the sense that some needs could be met in a park plan for the Rockville Facility. Each type of vegetation had its own attractive qualities, but some were more generally recognized for their attractiveness, particularly meadow, wet meadow, lowland forest, pine-tulip woodland, and tulip forest. The preservation and enhancement of such particular types of vegetation were primary objectives in the park development, permitting only the introduction of recreational uses and facilities which would not deleteriously affect the vegetation. In time, it was proposed that this protective management policy take on greater significance, because areas of good natural vegetation in Montgomery County would otherwise be forever lost to development. The recreational uses most appropriate within a productive management policy were paths for walking, jogging, bicycling, and horseback riding; physical fitness courses; and natural trails. Being linear, they were adaptable to the length of the right-of-way, with ready access at every street intersection. Paths and trails could be easily fitted into Linear Parks Conference Proceedings the topography and could be connected to small picnic areas at suitable locations. These linear uses would be especially appropriate for areas for mesic mixed-deciduous forest, lowland forest, pine-tulip woodland, and tulip forest. Where the forest types abut residential neighborhoods, particularly multi-family apartment complexes, small tot lots or play areas for young children could be located at the periphery of the woods. Such play areas should be small and located on sites requiring minimal regrading of the land form and little clearing. The floodplain forest areas, with the exception of Northwest Branch, are generally less attractive than the areas of lowland forest. These floodplain areas, which occupy most of the right-of-way along Turkey Branch between Rock Creek Park and Georgia Avenue, are so dense that selective clearing could be permitted to create open meadows for informal play. Linear paths and trails could, of course, thread their way along the streams. It was determined that the meadow areas should be maintained as they are, being most suitable for informal play and picnicking. Portions could be given over to tot lots, small play areas, or fitness exercise equipment. The linear paths and trails could skirt or traverse the meadows. It was recommended that uses in the wet-meadow areas be restricted to interpretive nature trails and passive observation of birds and wildlife. Ball fields for organized team play were considered only for old fields, woody old fields, and disturbed urban woodland, which are the least attractive of the ten vegetation types. Ball fields require extensive clearing and grading, not only for play but also to accommodate parking for cars. Therefore, such uses were considered judiciously and located in relation to existing transportation arteries to make the fields accessible countywide. �///. Design and Planning — Cantor The Rockville Facility connects a number of county parks, and, if observed from the air, would be perceived as a green, open-space extension of those parks. The benefits of incorporating the Rockville Facility into the county park system as a linear connection to those parks are selfevident, particularly in integrating its green open spaces into a regional system. FOUR-LANE PARKWAY Design Criteria The following design criteria for the preliminary studies were applied: Design Speed 50 mph Lane Width 12'-6" each (2 lanes) Bicycle/Pedestrian Path 10 feet Shoulders 10 feet Median 30 feet, constant Curbs mountable Maximum Grade 6.5% Two typical sections were suggested (see Figure 1): Typical Section A, with curbed roadways and grass shoulders; and Typical Section B, with paved shoulders and curbs at the outside edge of the shoulders. Curbs were proposed in order to direct pavement runoff to a storm drainage infiltration system, to keep vehicles from encroaching on the grass roadsides, and for a neater appearance. A combined bicycle/pedestrian path running parallel to the roadway was also provided. (An example of the alignment is shown in Figure 2.) Role as Traffic Artery The four-land parkway design would serve as a major east-west traffic artery, intersecting all important north-south routes that cross the right-of-way. Five major interchanges were proposed. As a four-lane road, the parkway could accommodate a lane for traffic 101 in each direction for high occupancy vehicles at rush hours. With multi-directional gradeseparated interchanges, and a minimum of at-grade intersections, the four-lane parkway would facilitate travel through the corridor. It would become an attractive bypass route for congested existing east-west traffic routes. The bicycle/pedestrian path could accommodate commuter bicyclists and connect to existing bicycle trails. Due to the narrowness of the right-of-way, this path could not be continuous. In some locations the path would end and begin again where there was adequate space. As an alternative, the paved shoulder in Typical Section B could be designated bicycle lanes for commuter bicyclists. TWO-LANE PARKWAY Design Criteria The following design criteria for the preliminary studies were applied: Design Speed 40 mph Lane Width 12'-6" Bicycle/Pedestrian Path 10 feet Shoulders 10 feet Median 30 feet, constant Curbs mountable Maximum Grade 7.5% Two typical sections were suggested (see Figure 3): Typical Section A, with curbed roadway and grass shoulders; and Typical Section B, with paved shoulders and curbs at the outside edge of the shoulders. A combined bicycle/pedestrian path on an independent alignment from the roadway was also provided (Figure 4). Parkway Concept and Traffic Role The parkway was envisioned as a park road linking three major parks, North Farm, Rock �102 = O H O LU CO S5^ Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Jftf �r—PROPERTY LINE -BIKE PATH (INTERRUPTD) 4 LANE PARKWAY Figure 2. Alignment of four-lane parkway and bicycle/pedestrian path. �104 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 3. Typical sections for two-lane parkway. �I—PROPERTY LINE r—2 LANE PARKWAY JLOIUD^) — SUWUVJJ pUV llSlSdQ 'HI -BIKE PATH (CONTINUOUS) Figure 4. Alignment of two-lane parkway and bicycle/pedestrian path. £01 1£ ^P^f/9^ �106 Creek, and Northwest Branch, with a curvilinear alignment fitted to the topography. The two-lane parkway crosses the same major north-south routes as the four-lane design. Although alternates that included interchanges with the Intercounty Connector were developed, these were not recommended in order to maintain the concept of a parkway linking parks and not highways. Even without this interchange, the parkway would serve as a major east-west route through the county. Designed to lower standards than the four-lane facility, (i.e., lower design speed, fewer lanes), the two-lane parkway was not intended to be a high-volume traffic artery. Instead, its role was to provide local access to the several stream-valley parks traversed by the right-of-way. However, to increase its trip-carrying capacity during peak periods, the parkway could be designated as a reversible one-way facility during designated hours. One of the lanes, under this plan, could be reserved for use by high-occupancy vehicles (HOV lane). The bicycle/pedestrian path could accommodate commuter bicyclists and connect to existing bicycle trails. In contrast to the four-lane design, the layout of this path in the two-lane design often moved through varied topography and vegetation at a considerable distance from the roadway. As an alternative, the paved shoulders on Typical Section B could be designated bicycle lanes for commuter bicyclists. ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES Impacts on Floodplain and Stream Location Throughout the four-lane alignment, all bridges over major streams were designed to span the entire floodplain in order to minimize filling in the floodplain and to avoid impeding flow. Further studies would determine whether these spans may be longer Linear Parks Conference Proceedings than necessary. The total cost of these bridges was estimated to be $45.4 million, or about 24% of the total estimated cost of the fourlane parkway. Except at Turkey Branch, the parkway route generally crosses streams at right angles, minimizing both the length of bridges and the filling in of the floodplain. However, an 800-foot bridge, a 650-foot culvert, and rechanneling of 500 feet of Turkey Branch were required as the parkway crossed Rock Creek, Turkey Branch, and Veirs Mill Road. A considerable amount of filling in of the floodplain of Turkey Branch was unavoidable as the parkway extended farther eastward. One thousand feet of adjustments to stream meanders in Turkey Branch would be required as the parkway moves through the floodplain of Turkey Branch. Throughout the two-lane alignment alternative, all bridges over major streams were designed to span the entire floodplain in order to minimize filling in of the floodplain and to avoid impeding flow. The total cost of these bridges in the preferred alignment was estimated to be $15.8 million or about 16% of the total estimated cost of the two-lane parkway. The impacts on floodplains were similar to those of the four-lane parkway, except that the narrower width of the two-lane roadway permitted more flexibility in siting the parkway and substantially reduced the amount of filling and rechanneling required. Therefore, four alternates at Rock Creek, Turkey Branch, and Veirs Mill were considered. The preferred alignment required rechanneling 400 feet of Turkey Branch west of Veirs Mill Road and an additional 950 feet in two locations east of Veirs Mill Road. There was some filling on the north side of the parkway in the floodplain; yet due to an alignment which follows the existing topography while allowing for clearance above the floodplain, this alternate was visually the least obtrusive design. The 1,100- �///. Design and Planning — Cantor foot retaining wall indicated in the preferred alternative minimized filling in of the floodplain. This retaining wall could be eliminated, but the regrading necessary would increase the fill in the floodplain. An evaluation of the impact of the twolane parkway on the floodplain of Turkey Branch was carried out at five selected stations of the parkway. An existing crosssection at each station was compared to a proposed cross-section indicating grades on the parkway. The 100-year storm elevation, taken from the Montgomery County "Flood Plain Information Map," was used in estimating the volume of floodplain capacity lost due to filling and the rise in floodplain elevation. The average rise in water elevation along this corridor, which is approximately 1/3 mile long, was calculated to be 6.75 inches. Although precise topographic data would be required to specify the exact impact at any given location in the corridor, the projected increase in water level did not appear to cause a significant impact. The impact on the floodplain at Northwest Branch and the ICC was minimized by a parkway alignment that avoids the floodplain as much as possible. The bridges over Northwest Branch, and all bridges over streams, would be carefully engineered not to impede flow during storms. Since the two-lane parkway could be fitted to the existing topography better than the four-lane parkway, the amount of cut and fill could be minimized (see Figure 5). There is ample room in the right-of-way to provide for infiltration by use of open vegetated swales, natural depressions, and stormwater retention and detention structures. Of the two typical sections, Typical Section A (with grass shoulders) would be more suitable as a park road. Within the 300-foot-wide right-of-way, a 25-foot pavement has less visual impact than the 45-foot pavement of Typical Section B (with 107 paved shoulders). The grass shoulders are aesthetically more pleasing in blending the road pavement into the landscape. On the other hand, Typical Section B is advantageous in that the paved shoulders can be designated bicycle lanes for commuter bicyclists and are also more stable than grass shoulders for disabled vehicles. Impacts on Wetlands Throughout the corridor, there was considerable filling of the wetlands in the four-lane design. Since the width of the right-of-way is 300 feet, and grading width is typically as much as 200 feet, it is questionable whether wetlands could be created within the rightof-way to compensate for those filled during grading operations. A study was conducted to compare the total area of wetlands in the right-of-way left undisturbed by the two-lane parkway with the area of wetlands which would be filled by grading operations. Of a total wetlands acreage of 206.76, only 39.73 acres, or 19.27%, would be filled. Some acres of wetland could be created within the corridor at suitable locations as compensation for those wetlands that are filled. Further study would be needed to determine if all 40 acres of filled wetlands could be replaced. Noise Impacts on Adjoining Properties In 1983, the Montgomery County Planning Board set forth construction noise guidelines for land use planning and development. These guidelines establish zones of allowable noise exposure levels which depend on the county's traffic volume pattern and population density zoning. The County Department of Transportation is currently using a noise standard of 60 dBA Ldn as an interim noise standard for county highway projects. Therefore, any evaluation of the cost of noise mitigation for a new roadway should �108 use this standard for evaluating potential impacts. While these guidelines are being used to achieve overall goals in planning and housing development, the siting of a new parkway in a residential setting might require additional restrictive standards. The Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) uses noise abatement criteria that relate to the highway's peak hour noise levels. For the purpose of this assessment, there were three conditions under which a direct impact could be declared: 1. If the guidelines set forth by the Montgomery County Planning Board and the County Department of Transportation are violated. 2. If the FHWA peak-hour noise level of 65 dBA is reached. 3. If the projected noise level exceeds the existing average level by 10 dBA regardless of the existing noise level. ( A 10 dBA change is judged by most people as a doubling or halving of the loudness of sound regardless of the levels at which the comparative sounds are presented.) In a narrow corridor carrying high-speed, high-volume traffic on the four-lane parkway, it was determined that there would be significant noise impacts, particularly as the parkway winds close to one side of the right-of-way or when topography directs or reflects noise towards properties bordering the right-of-way. With speeds of 50 mph, peak-hour noise levels of 68 dBa and 65 dBA were anticipated at distances of 100 feet and 170 feet, respectively, from the center line of the parkway facility. Noise levels of this magnitude would be considered significant noise impacts requiring abatement by means of sound barriers along a large portion of the right-of-way lines throughout the project. In contrast, noise levels generated by traffic on the proposed two-lane parkway Linear Parks Conference Proceedings meandering through the 300-foot-wide corridor were determined not to be of the magnitude to create many noise impacts at the right-of-way lines throughout the project area. Based on a design speed of 40 mph, peak-hour noise levels of 64 dBA and 61 dBA were anticipated at distances of 65 feet and 100 feet, respectively, from the center line of the park road. It was anticipated that noise abatement would be necessary at a few locations. Stormwater Management The management of stormwater for the parkway was designed in conformance with the regulations of Montgomery County. A two-part stormwater system would be required in which runoff from the impervious pavements of the parkway roads would be routed to an infiltration system while runoff from the roadsides would be directed to the existing natural watercourses. The roadways for both the two-lane and four-lane parkway designs would have mountable curbs. Runoff would be collected in catchbasins along the curbs and piped to a retention basin. From the retention basin, the stormwater would be piped at a controlled rate to an infiltration basin. Such retention and infiltration basins would be located near the low points of the parkway and outside any neighboring floodplain. The runoff from the landscaped, nonimpervious side slopes, and undisturbed portions of the surrounding park land would be diverted from the roadway by means of grassed swales and culverts, thus allowing this unpolluted runoff to flow directly into the existing natural watercourses. Two alternatives for stormwater management were proposed for the parkway: 1) curbed roadways with grass shoulders, and 2) roadways with paved shoulders and curbs at the outside edge of the shoulders. The runoff from both the two-lane and four-lane �CURBED ROADWAY WITH STABILIZED CRASS SHOULDERS CURBED ROADWAY WITH PAVED SHOULDERS Figure 5. Modest cut section for two-lane parkway. �110 parkways would be substantially greater with paved shoulders than with grass shoulders, therefore requiring larger retention and infiltration basins. Building the two-lane parkway without curbs was considered, allowing the runoff from the pavement to be infiltrated in the grass shoulders. The cost of the storm water management system would be greatly reduced. Such a system would not require as many, if any, retention and infiltration basins, and it would cause less disturbance to the natural features. However, runoff from the roadway pavement would not be separated from runoff from the roadside; such mixing would violate the stormwater management guidelines, since there would be no interception of pollutants from the road surface. Property Acquisition and Costs Most of the land, 295 acres of the total 350 acres required for the parkway, is already owned by Montgomery County or the State of Maryland as part of the right-of-way. The 55 acres of privately owned land are currently undeveloped, and include 13.5 acres proposed as additional parkland. The costs for the four-lane parkway were expected to be approximately $187.7 million with grass shoulders and $192.4 million with paved shoulders. These figures included the ramp connections to the Intercounty Connector. The costs for the two-lane parkway were expected to be approximately $96.8 million with grass shoulders and $99.9 million with paved shoulders. These costs did not include the extensions to the Intercounty Connector, since they were not recommended. With the ramps included, the costs were expected to be approximately $113.7 million with grass shoulders and $117.0 million with paved shoulders. Right-of-way acquisition costs were not included in any of these figures. Linear Parks Conference Proceedings AESTHETICS Four-Lane Parkway The minimum width of the four-lane parkway from outer shoulder edge to outer shoulder edge is 100 feet, a third of the width of the corridor. In order to achieve a safe and correct horizontal and vertical alignment over rolling topography while providing a sinuous route that fits the landforms and affords good views, it is often necessary that the parkway be aligned off center within the right-of-way. The bicycle/pedestrian route must, at times, directly abut the parkway to permit adequate space for screening the route from the residential areas bordering the rightof-way. Particularly where the corridor is narrower than 300 feet, yet even throughout its entire length, the grading in each section of right-of-way must be carried out to minimize the impact of the parkway on bordering land uses. At Rockville Pike, Randolph Road is raised in elevation and the entrance to a shopping center is relocated. To achieve an effective site plan, further study is needed. At Veirs Mill Road, where the right-of-way narrows, additional study is needed to show that the right-of-way can absorb the visual impact of the required structures and grading. There remain many difficult site planning, grading, and environmental issues to be resolved. An alternate section with a variable median was studied to provide a different alignment for the eastbound and westbound roads with a greater separation between them. Such a design would permit extensive plantings in the median. Due to the narrow width of the right-of-way, this alternative was rejected as impractical; greater disturbance of existing natural features would occur. Even with the 10-foot-wide median used in the final preliminary design, it was not uncommon in areas of cut or fill to grade substantially as much as 175-200 feet of the 300-foot right-of-way width. �///. Design and Planning — Cantor Two-Lane Parkway A two-lane parkway in the Rockville Facility right-of-way fits more comfortably into the rolling topography (see Figure 6). The curvilinear alignment flows smoothly, flanked by an independent Class I bicycle/ pedestrian path linking existing trail systems. The parkway edges would be graded so that cuts and fills blend into the existing topography, matching its character. There is ample width to screen adjacent residential neighborhoods with new plantings and to save large masses of significant vegetation. It was also recommended that compatible recreational uses be provided in areas of the right-of-way adjacent to the parkway. The following design criteria for parkway character were recommended: 1. Accomplish regrading with cuts and fills fitting the existing topography with the least disturbance to vegetation cover in a manner consistent with the existing landscape composition or the creation of a new landscape composition. 2. In wooded areas, create an undulating edge starting along the shoulders of the roadway with a variably wide grass strip that extends into gently graded coves planted with understory and small flowering trees. 3. Preserve the pastoral quality of the open areas (originally fields) along the parkway at a number of locations. 4. Retain specimen trees that serve as focal points in the landscape and plant additional specimen trees to enhance landscape scenes or to create rich visual compositions. 5. Maintain or create vistas where appropriate. 6. Install plantings to screen development that is intrusive or detracts from the natural park quality and, conversely, to screen the traffic on the parkway from 111 the view of development, particularly residences. 7. Where noise barriers are necessary, use landforms and planting to the greatest extent possible as means for mitigating traffic noise. 8. Maintain architectural unity and harmony in the parkway structures (i.e., bridges, culverts, walls, noise barriers, guide rails, fences, signs, lighting, etc.) through the use of materials, structural forms, and colors. 9. In constructing interchanges, adhere to the design principles for curvilinear alignment and natural park quality to the greatest extent possible. 10. To reduce mowing needs, maintain open areas as fields of wildflowers, which would require mowing only two or three times a year. (The danger in this treatment is that the fields would quickly revert to shrubs and trees if maintenance becomes lax.) CONCLUSIONS Two-Lane Parkway More Suitable In our study, we developed designs for a two-lane parkway and four-lane parkway (with opposite roadways separated by a median) in sufficient detail to determine their engineering feasibility. Both parkways are possible for the Rockville Facility; however, they differ in their purpose and in their impacts. Clearly, the four-lane parkway is primarily a transportation facility, although it is limited to cars and buses. The two-lane parkway, on the other hand, is primarily a park road connecting a number of parks; only secondarily does it serve transportation. Although the Rockville Facility was originally acquired three decades ago for a transportation route, the right-of-way today is a park-like corridor that threads itself �112 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings �///. Design and Planning — Cantor through built-up neighborhoods of residences and commerce. Consequently, it is perceived as a park, with its varied woods, fields, and streams. Further, the Rockville Facility connects three parks; visually, parts of the right-of-way appear to be parts of those parks. Our study caused us to judge the twolane parkway a more suitable and better use for the Rockville Facility than the four-lane parkway for these reasons: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. The narrower section of the two-lane parkway (45 feet versus 100 feet) requires less clearing and grading, resulting in less disturbance to the natural features. The narrower section results in a more flexible alignment, horizontally and vertically, for both the parkway and the bicycle/pedestrian paths, an alignment which fits the topography and leaves ample space for securing the roadway from neighboring residences. The traffic noise is significantly less due to lower volume of traffic, lower design speed, and greater area of space within the right-of-way for noise attenuation. The alignment avoids the floodplain to a greater extent, leaving more of the floodplain undisturbed, and provides ample space within the right-of-way for infiltration of storm water runoff and flow attenuation. The bicycle/pedestrian path fits more effectively into the right-of-way as an independent system joining or intersecting the parkway alignment at important intersections or stream crossings. The concept of a parkway as a two-lane road linking a series of three regional parks while also accommodating a major 113 east-west traffic flow is more appropriate, given the confines of the 300-foot-wide right-of-way, than a major four-lane transportation artery. Park Concept: Public Policy Implications One policy issue which must be addressed is land ownership, which has been studied by the MNCPPC staff. Three types of ownership were detailed. Seventy-nine acres in the right-of-way were bought by MNCPPC's Advance Land Acquisition Revolving Fund (ALARF) for transportation purposes. If this acquired land is not used for transportation, but is used instead for a park, MNCPPC may need to reimburse ALARF. The State Highway Administration (SHA) owns 215 acres, bought for transportation purposes. Should this land not be needed for transportation, under current law, the land must be offered to the original owner for the amount originally paid by the State. The remaining 55 acres are privately owned and would be expensive to purchase, yet the cost must be evaluated against the intended use and future value. To realize a goal of a linear park running the entire length and width of the Rockville Facility would require creative legislative action in order to use state and privately owned land for recreation purposes. One way in which the park might still be considered to have a major transportation function would be to incorporate a commuter bicycle route meeting applicable county, state, and federal standards. This function might satisfy the designated transportation use of the state-owned land, while reinforcing the park concept addressed in the study, and being eligible for funding from the state and federal governments. A bike way corridor in a park might provide a relief valve for traffic congestion at an economical cost, with minimal impacts on environmental quality. �114 If the state does not consider the bike way concept viable as a transportation function, then the creation of a linear park in the entire right-of-way will require legislative changes to permit acquisition of the stateowned lands purchased for transportation purposes. The acquisition of private land would also be needed. Although these acquisitions may be expensive, their cost should be balanced against the permanent value of preserving valuable recreation and forest resources for future generations. Public Reaction Mounted renderings of the vegetation maps, the conceptual park plan, the two-lane and four-lane parkway plans, and related sections were presented at a public open house at a local junior high school in November 1988. Further presentations and discussions of all the alternatives occurred at two meetings of the Montgomery County Commissioners and the Transportation and Environment Committee in December and January, 1989. The issues of impacts on wetlands and floodplains became more important as these meetings progressed, since the additional bridge structures and the loss of wetlands, even if they could be re-created in desirable locations, were so expensive. The Commissioners finally voted to recommend that the most environmentally sensitive areas of the right-of-way be set aside as parkland, and they acknowledged that a transportation use of other portions of the right-of-way, despite the cost, might still occur. This recommendation was legislated recently. However, it is difficult to imagine how a transportation use could be implemented for either end of the right-of-way. Nevertheless, there is not a consensus to dedicate the entire corridor as parkland. At all meetings, public officials and citizens were surprised at the costs of either parkway option. Also, general opposition to any parkway option was voiced by most Linear Parks Conference Proceedings citizens in attendance, who have spent a generation living adjacent to the corridor. Even though no condemnation of housing or other existing structures was required to implement either parkway option, the strength and organization of the opposition was considerable. Legitimate concerns about costs and environmental impacts were being expressed. One can only imagine the public outcry had the right-of-way crossed through existing residential or commercial development. In Atlanta, for example, a decades-long battle has still not quite ended over plans, almost implemented, to wedge a new commuter parkway through existing residential neighborhoods, destroying many fine homes in the process. Andrew Young, the mayor elected in part because of his opposition to the parkway, now supports it wholeheartedly. The site includes the library and study center of his ally, former President Jimmy Carter. Sadly, in the case of the Rockville corridor, some issues are still in limbo. What will be the final use for the remaining portions of the right-of-way not designated for park land? Neither the county nor the state seems interested in managing additional park lands. If a transportation use, no matter how limited, is not implemented, the state, barring a change in the law, may sell the lands to the original owners, opening the way for more residential development in areas with limited and congested transportation facilities. There has been no decisive political leadership to resolve the problems. As a case study, the Rockville Facility has been unusual in thoroughly evaluating the proposed corridor for both a transportation and a recreation land use. In addition, it has been a valuable experience for both the client and the consultant to appreciate the public policy implications of evaluating a transportation land use opposed by most members of the surrounding community but favored by many planners and government �///. Design and Planning officials concerned about long-term transportation issues in the region. The reactions to the study emphasize the difficulties to be expected when transportation facilities are proposed in congested urban or suburban areas that present difficult site planning and environmental challenges. The costs will be high, and there will be significant opposition by various groups affected, no matter how welldesigned a facility is planned. The era is past when readily buildable land for 115 transportation or residential use can easily be found. The placement of major transportation uses through existing, rights-ofway of varied and difficult character will require as a beginning step a timeconsuming, yet necessary study. If the results are favorable, the long, arduous process of environmental assessment will continue. The eventual outcome will be hard to predict, since the impacts, costs, and politics of the process will often be so complex. A Visual Quality Assessment Along the Blue Ridge Parkway for the East Roanoke Circumferential Environmental Impact Assessment Janit L. Potter, Virginia Department of Conservation and Recreation, Richmond, Virginia INTRODUCTION The Virginia Department of Transportation (VDOT) is proposing the construction of an East Roanoke Circumferential highway (ERC) to connect Interstate 81 northeast of Roanoke to U.S. Route 220 southeast of the City of Roanoke. In October 1987, VDOT retained Harland Bartholomew & Associates, Inc., to prepare preliminary engineering studies and an environmental impact statement (EIS) for this proposed highway. An aesthetics and visual quality assessment was included in the technical studies required for the EIS. This paper summarizes the section of the assessment that focuses on potential visual impacts to that portion of the Blue Ridge Parkway located within the study area. Approximately 15.85 miles of the Blue Ridge Parkway are located between U.S. Routes 460 and 220. This part of the parkway bisects over one-third of the ERC study window. The Blue Ridge Parkway is the most visually significant resource existing in the ERC study area. The Blue Ridge Parkway within the study area was constructed during the 1960s. The scenery from this part of the parkway includes ridgeline views and views into the Roanoke Valley. Designed as a linear highway for motorists, the Blue Ridge Parkway is a federally owned facility operated by the National Park Service. The recreational purpose of the parkway is to provide visitors with a sense of the natural beauty of the area, including the cultural heritage associated with the rural environment. Visitor centers and trails are located adjacent to the Blue Ridge Parkway, with many visitor exhibits and facilities to encourage use as one travels along the roadway. METHODOLOGY The methodology employed for the visual �116 assessment, which identifies potential impacts along the Blue Ridge Parkway, was tied to the overall planning of East Roanoke Circumferential highway corridor. The tasks were divided into three categories: data collection, analysis, and review. Although the tasks required within each of these areas were sequential, they are interrelated. The initial site survey and data collection were conducted as a multidisciplinary team evaluation of the study corridor. Subsequent to the initial site survey, a series of interviews, a literature search, and data collection were conducted. As a part of the data collection, information was gathered from the National Park Service land use maps of the Blue Ridge Parkway. This information was used to identify potential viewpoints from the parkway. A preliminary analysis was then conducted using the data collected during the initial site survey and from aerial photography and topographic maps. The results of the preliminary analysis were presented as part of the evaluation process, which included team members with varied expertise. The team evaluation resulted in the selection of potential candidate build alternates. Subsequent to the selection of the potential candidate build alternates, a detailed survey of the entire length of the parkway was conducted to study the viewpoints that may be present during the leaf-off season. This survey identified each view by a code number, description, and parkway location. Viewsheds identified on the parkway land use maps were verified. Photographs were taken at all viewpoints; field-of-vision angles were recorded for potentially impacted areas; and the composition of each view was identified. Each of the recorded viewsheds was mapped on 1" = 1000' scale aerial photographs of the study area. An analysis of this information identified and quantified the anticipated impacts for each of the potential candidate build alternates. Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Following the analysis, several coordination meetings were held with various agencies, including the National Park Service. A series of public information meetings was also held, during which comment on the potential candidate build alternates was solicited. These comments and the evaluation by team members resulted in modifications which were incorporated into the candidate build alternates selected for further study. After the selection of the candidate build alternates, another field survey was conducted to complete the field data sheets and compare the winter views with a leaf-on survey. Additional panoramic photographs were taken of significant vistas. Based on the additional data collected and the selected candidate build alternates, the viewshed information was updated on the 1" = 1000' scale aerial photograph. Visibility of the ERC alternates from the parkway was verified at critical locations using crosssection analysis. The locations of the candidate build alternates were also indicated on panoramic photographs for those alternates located less than 1000 feet from the parkway. Preliminary engineering data were then incorporated into perspective renderings illustrating the two parkway crossing locations along the ERC. Potential impacts were summarized for each candidate build alternate. The analysis, impact summary, and viewpoint field data sheets were incorporated in the Aesthetics and Visual Quality Memorandum prepared for the Virginia Department of Transportation in July 1988. VISUAL IMPACTS IDENTIFIED The aesthetic and visual impacts of the Blue Ridge Parkway have been categorized as high, medium, or low level. A high-level impact is generally located within 1000 feet of the existing Blue Ridge Parkway, while a low-level impact is one in which the East �///. Design and Planning — Potter 117 Table 1. Summary of Visual Impacts LineG Total impacts Direct impacts of other significant views 1000 feet or less to impact 1000 feet or greater to impact Overlooks impacted Parkway crossing Winter views 12 3* 3 7 5** 1 4*** Line? Line 8 Line 9 13 2* 6 7 2** 1 0 5 3* 1 1 2** 1 0 4 1* 2 2 1** 1 0 Line 6 * 19R-Longitudinal Encroachment, 20R-Parkway River Crossing. ** 4 of the overlook impacts at Stewart Knob and river overlook are winter views. *** These 4 impacts are greater than 1000 feet. Line? * Read Mountain and Roanoke Mountain Overlooks. ** Read and Roanoke Mountain Overlooks. Line8 * N & W Overlook, Parkway bridge over Glade Creek, and Roanoke Mountain Overlook. ** N & W nad Roanoke Mountain Overlooks. Line9 * Roanoke Mountain Overlook. ** Roanoke Mountain Overlook. Source: Harland Bartholomew & Associates, Inc., July 1988 and Revised November 1988. Roanoke Circumferential alternate can be seen, but at a distance over 100 feet. Potential impacts for each of the alternates have been assessed for each of the parkway viewpoints identified. A summary for each alternate and the no-build alternate are described below and summarized on Table 1. Alternate 6 A total of 12 potential visual impacts have been identified from the existing Blue Ridge Parkway to the ERC Alternate 6. Of these 12 impacts, one involves a parkway crossing in the same approximate location as the existing Route 617 overpass of the parkway. Access from this crossing location to the Blue Ridge Parkway is not planned. Other significant viewpoints include the viewpoint located at the Blue Ridge Parkway crossing of the Roanoke River and a 0.3mile portion of the parkway north of this river crossing. The eastward view from the Roanoke River Bridge would be impacted by the ERC bridge crossing the Roanoke River. A longitudinal encroachment of the ERC on the Blue Ridge Parkway would also occur just north of the parkway river crossing. The overlook at Roanoke Mountain will also be impacted by Alternate 6. This view is approximately one mile from the overlook, but due to visitor frequency at the overlook, this impact is considered significant. Two of the remaining impacts are �118 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 1. Blue Ridge Parkway crossing Alternates 6, 7, and 9. Drawn by Randall Gilbert. �///. Design and Planning — Potter located less than 1000 feet from the existing parkway, and seven impacts exist at a distance greater than 1000 feet. Four of the seven viewpoints impacted at a distance of greater than 1000 feet are winter views only. Alternate 7 Thirteen potential view impacts have been assessed for the ERC Alternate 7. The same crossing of the existing Blue Ridge Parkway is used for Alternates 6 and 7. Access from this crossing location to the Blue Ridge Parkway is not planned. Alternate 7 is located some 700 feet from the Read Mountain Overlook. Six other impacts have been located more than 1000 feet from the parkway. The view from the Roanoke Mountain Overlook to Alternate 7 is 1000 feet; however, the overall visual character of the valley could change with development adjacent to the proposed ERC, thereby exacerbating the visual impact. Alternate 8 Five viewpoints identified on the existing Blue Ridge Parkway will be impacted by the ERC Alternate 8. Of these five impacts, three are situated at significant view locations. These locations include the Norfolk and Western Overlook, the bridge crossing Glade Creek, the railroad, and Route 738, and the Roanoke Mountain Overlook. The East Roanoke Circumferential is planned to cross the Blue Ridge Parkway in the vicinity of these viewpoints approximately 800 feet to the south. Access from this crossing location to the Blue Ridge Parkway is not planned. The two remaining views of the Blue Ridge Parkway from ERC Alternate 8 are at a distance greater than 1000 feet. Again, one of these views is from the Roanoke Mountain Overlook and, as stated earlier, represents significant potential visual impact. 119 Alternate 9 Alternate 9 results in the fewest visual impacts to existing Blue Ridge Parkway viewsheds. The alternate was based on a request made by the National Park Service. A total of four visual impacts have been assessed, including the crossing of the parkway at Route 617. Again, access from this ERC crossing location to the Blue Ridge Parkway is not planned. The most significant viewpoint, and the only overlook impacted by the proposed Alternate 9, is the Roanoke Mountain Overlook. Alternate 9 would be visible from the overlook at a distance greater than 1000 feet, but the potential for change in the character of the surrounding landscape throughout the valley would be present due to this proposed ERC location and development that may follow its construction. No-Build Alternate The no-build alternate was also addressed as part of the visual assessment. Visual impacts are not anticipated for this alternate. Future development adjacent to the existing Blue Ridge Parkway right-of-way will continue to present possible visual impacts to the parkway, however. As a result of growth, average daily traffic volumes may increase from commuters using the parkway under the no-build scenario. The relocation of the Blue Ridge Parkway and the use of the existing parkway as an ERC alternate may be studied as a future alternate. RESULTS OF THE ASSESSMENT Each proposed candidate build alternate directly impacts federal properties associated with the Blue Ridge Parkway. The linear nature of the Blue Ridge Parkway prohibits the avoidance of a crossing for a circumferential highway planned east of the Roanoke Valley. Because all of the ERC �O 120 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 2. Blue Ridge Parkway crossing Alternate 8. Drawn by Randall Gilbert. �///. Design and Planning — Potter alternates involve a taking of federally owned recreation park lands, a separate 4(f) section is required in the full environmental impact statement. Avoidance opportunities and mitigation techniques were discussed in this 4(f) section of the EIS. The potential ERC crossings of the Blue Ridge Parkway were of particular concern during the visual assessment. Initially, an attempt was made to plan ERC crossings at a location below the existing grade of the Blue Ridge Parkway. The topography of the area, however, precluded this approach. The crossing location for Alternates 6, 7, and 9 was chosen because of the existing overpass of Route 617. The location of the crossing for Alternate 8 was chosen to permit a rapid climb in elevation across Stewart Knob. Although the crossing itself is in a low area and is not visible from long distances, the viewshed impacts associated with the ERC's climb over Stewart Knob are significant. ERC Alternate 8 directly impacts the Blue Ridge Parkway at the crossing of the ERC and the parkway just north of parkway milepost 108. Approximately 4.3 acres would be impacted due to this crossing. This crossing is planned as an overpass some 25 feet above the existing parkway elevation. The ERC would be a four-lane facility approximately 150 feet in width at the crossing, and the proposed bridge would be similar in design to the crossing proposed for Alternates 6, 7, and 9 (Figure 1). Figure 2 shows the location of the Alternate 8 crossing of the Blue Ridge Parkway, The proposed crossings of the ERC and the parkway would not inhibit the function and use of the parkway and its adjacent park lands. However, if visual impacts are perceived by visitors as severe, the enjoyment of the parkway experience would be diminished. Steps taken to ameliorate visual 121 impacts of the ERC highway construction would lessen the chance of decline in parkway visitation due to the loss of quality scenery, but the visual scarring predicted along the Stewart Knob mountainside as viewed from the N & W Overlook would be a permanent source of criticism by parkway visitors. The visual impacts at sites less than 1000 feet from existing Blue Ridge Parkway viewpoints should be mitigated using a combination of vegetative screening and earthwork along the parkway and/or adjacent to the proposed ERC alternate. Adjustment in the parkway's easement may be appropriate in locations such as the viewshed impact caused by Alternate 7 at the Read Mountain Overlook. In cases where visual impacts occur at a distance greater than 1000 feet, the severity of the visual impact is generally diluted by the increase in space and by the limited interaction between the viewer and the viewed area. Efforts to mitigate the visual impact of a proposed highway directly adjacent to that facility become more important as the distance decreases between the viewer and the view. For example, it may not be feasible to eliminate the viewpoint at an overlook; however, visual impacts can be minimized by avoiding extensive highway cut areas, increasing landscaped areas adjacent to the right-ofway, and controlling adjacent development resulting from highway construction. Since a candidate build alternate has not been selected from among Alternates 6, 7, 8, 9, and the No-Build Alternate, sitespecific mitigation techniques and recommendations for the impacted Blue Ridge Parkway view points discussed in this assessment will be incorporated in the Final Environmental Impact Statement. �122 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings REFERENCES Hornbeck, Peter and Garland Okerlund, Jr., Visual Values for the Highway User: An Engineer's Workbook. U.S. Department of Transportation, Federal Highway Administration, Washington, DC. 1973. Jones, Grant, et al., Visual Impact Assessment for Highway Projects. U.S. Department of Transportation, Federal Highway Administration, Published by American Society of Landscape Architects, Washington, DC. 1979. Litton, R. Burton, Jr., Forest Landscape Description and Inventories: A Basis for Planning and Design. Research Paper PSW-49, USDA Forest Service, Pacific Southwest Forest and Range Experiment Station, Berkeley, California. 1968. Litton, R. Burton, Jr., Landscape Control Points. Research Paper PSW-91, USDA Forest Service, Pacific Southwest Forest and Range Experiment Station, Berkeley, California. 1968. USDI, National Park Service, Blue Ridge Parkway, Land Use Maps. 1968. USDI, National Park Service, Blue Ridge Parkway, Plans for Projects 1M1 and 1M2—Revised as constructed. 1967. �///. Design and Planning 123 Desert Greenway: Kuwait's Waterfront Park John W. Bright, Committee on Roads and Linear Landscapes, International Federation of Landscape Architects INTRODUCTION Desert and greenway—the words seem contradictory and mutually exclusive. And yet in the desert sheikdom of Kuwait a new greenway has emerged. At the headwaters of the Arabian Gulf a city developed and a maritime-oriented Islamic culture flourished among its Arab inhabitants. Now dramatically changed to a petro-industrial society, Kuwait is restoring its historical relationship with the sea. A magnificent greenway, sheathing the urban interface with the sea, promises to be without peer in the world. Only fifty years ago Kuwait was a British-protected sheikdom of pearl divers, seafaring traders, and fishermen. A few Bedouins roamed its harsh desert. But development of the country's petroleum resources, the world's third most abundant in a New Jersey-sized nation, changed all that. Today, 30 years after independence, Kuwait is a wealthy, modern state. PLANNING THE GREENWAY The first master plan for Kuwait City, produced in 1951 on the eve of the oil boom, contained no specific provision for the waterfront, but conceived the present expansive city webbed by broad motorways, in sharp contrast with traditional Arab urban form. Ten years later, an early waterfront plan proved infeasible. The next plan, in the early '70s, boldly envisioned a national park along more than half of Kuwait's 300kilometer shoreline. It further proposed that the city's waterfront be developed for recreational and open-space purposes. A coastal highway was built, separating city from gulf, creating a linear zone of derelict land between highway and sea. In 1975, the city invited five international firms to submit design proposals for this "new, special edge to the city, reflecting its importance as a cultural, commercial, and international centre, at the same time serving to remind of its historical waterside connections." The concept presented by Sasaki Associates with Ghazi Sultan, a local architect, and the Kuwaiti Engineers Office was selected. The jury found their organic, less structural approach most reflective of Kuwaiti culture. The plan respected Kuwait's coastal dynamics and landmarks and laid out a practical, incremental, and economic implementation strategy. The Sasaki team was commissioned to elaborate on its concept. Consultants in beach processes, geotechnics, irrigation, sedimentation, plant materials, and recreation analyzed data on the physical, biological, and cultural environment. Certain design influences were extreme—salinity of soils and irrigation waters, limited materials pallet, geotechnical anomalies, and severe summer weather (temperatures regularly exceed 120 degrees F). In this master plan, the park complemented the coastal highway, the spectacular Kuwait Towers, the Gulf, and city. The coastal highway has been integrated into the greenway itself by changing the highway's character from that of an urban expressway to one more parkway-like. It is reminiscent of the George Washington Parkway's relationship to the Potomac River, but in a far different cultural and physical setting. �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 124 Figure 1. The modern state of Kuwait, with Kuwait Towers on right. The plan divided the greenway into ten zones, each of which related to an adjacent neighborhood. Seven of these zones included "major use areas," where activities and special facilities such as beaches, thematic playgrounds, and marinas were concentrated. Additionally, these zones and major use areas formed the basis for construction phasing. DESIGN ELEMENTS The master plan went beyond concepts. "Modular components"—paved surfaces, furnishings, architecture, boating facilities, amphitheaters, and playgrounds—are defined. These design components establish a continuous character for the 21-kilometerlong greenway. The plan sets standards for site planning, creates vertical interest through land sculpturing, and offers scale definition in the relatively flat and featureless landscape. Materials emphasize naturalness, simplicity, and the harsh environmental conditions. The color, tone, and texture of these materials further complement this sense of naturalness and the country's desert character. Although the variety of locally available materials is limited, local materials dominate the park and are emphasized to reduce dependence on imports. While many of the park's manufactured furnishings are imported, the most costly imported component was armor �///. Design and Planning — Bright stone for the extensive riprapping. This was barged from neighboring United Arab Emirates since local materials could not meet rigid specifications. Enormous quantities of sand for beach nourishment were trucked in from the nearby desert rather than dredging the Gulf bottom due to environmental considerations, mainly the potential harm to Kuwait's notable and historic fisheries. Plantings form a major unifying element throughout the greenway. Although the variety and supply of plant materials are limited (50 trees, shrubs, and ground covers, most of them introduced), there is a sense of richness, simplicity, and hardiness. And this effect is produced in the face of severe sandstorms, virtually non-existent rainfall, and poor soils. Plant concentrations provide 125 focal points, emphasize major use areas, and facilitate maintenance. Plants reinforce and define the linear character of the greenway's singlemost dominant physical element, the coastal highway. Water as a play object and art form is restrained for practical and obvious reasons —it is a precious commodity in Kuwait. Moreover, the Gulf's expansive waters dominate the scene, providing amply for boating, swimming, fishing, and other water recreation. In the desert night, Kuwait is a sparkling city of lights, and Waterfront Park adds a soft transitional edge to the dark Gulf. Lighting is artfully accomplished and greatly facilitates use during pleasantly cool evenings. Site graphics and signs are well Figure 2. Coastal Highway �126 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings coordinated, consistent in design, restrained in number, and appropriately sized. WATERFRONT PARK IN KUWAITI CULTURE At a cost of $170 million (U.S.), two phases of the five-phased park have been completed. Continuity from master plan concepts to constructed landscape has been maintained. In addition, a recently concluded agreement with Iraq will greatly augment fresh-water supplies, which are now limited by production from brackish wells and the world's largest desalinization plants. The greenway is cherished by Kuwait's diverse population, where foreign nationals outnumber Kuwaitis. The nation's wealth has led to substantial increases in mobility, leisure time, early retirements, and large families. Its population is exceptionally young, with 40 percent of the population under 20. Waterfront Park's timely response to this phenomenon is a design that includes extensive playgrounds. Through its design, Waterfront Park's greenway bonds city to sea, and blends simple elements, materials, and forms into a matrix of quality and permanence. It provides a model for urban green ways and linear parks. REFERENCES Al-Mutawa, Subhi Abdullah. Kuwait City Parks: A Critical Review of Their Design, Facilities, Programs and Management, KPI and Kuwait University, London: 1985. Bright, John W. "Mixing Water and Oil." Landscape Architecture, May 1989. Bright, John W. and Pan Arab Consulting Engineers. "Assessment of Recreational and Leisure Activities." The Survey & Upgrading of Existing Gardens & Other Open Space, Study Area IV. Kuwait: December 1988. "Kuwait Builds $400 Million Beach." Engineering News Record, June 6, 1985. "Kuwait Waterfront Project." Middle East Construction, February 1979. "Kuwait Waterfront Project Design Competition: Report of the Jury." February 5, 1976. "Kuwait's Waterfront Revival." Middle East Architectural Design. March 1979. Sasaki Associates, Inc. Summary Master Plan. Master Plan Report, Kuwait Waterfront Project, Volume One. 1977. "Urban Waterfronts '84: Toward New Horizons." A summary of a conference in Washington, D.C., September 14-15, 1984. �///. Design and Planning 127 The Green way for Tomorrow: Three Case Studies Charles Birnbaum, Walmsley & Company, Inc., New York, New York PROSPECT A greenway is a linear park with one or more routes (e.g., pedestrian, equestrian, automobile, waterborne). It is usually joined by a scenic parkway oriented to slow-speed facilities with abutting communities and their non-recreational uses. The ideal of linear park system, or a mixed-use Urban Greenway as advocated in the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors (PCAO), is not new. It comes out of the nineteenth-century Parks Movement in Europe and the United States. It was given form by Frederick Law Olmsted, Sr., in Brooklyn, Buffalo, Boston-Brookline, and Louisville; by H. W. S. Cleveland in Minneapolis, Omaha, and Providence; by the Olmsted Brothers in the Northwest; and by George Kessler in the Midwest. The intent of these linear park systems was clearly set forth by H. W. S. Cleveland in 1890 in his proposal for an ambitious 20plus-mile parkway system for the City of Omaha. Cleveland states: A moment's reflection will show the superiority of the broad parkway with a tasteful arrangement of trees and shrubbery at its sides and in the centre, for the reason that it provides for the wants of a far greater number of people to whom it is easily accessible from adjacent quarters on either side for its whole length; that it necessarily becomes a thoroughfare in which zest of constant active life, with all its attractive display of dress and equipage is combined with the graceful forms and refreshing verdure of natural beauty; that property on its sides speedily acquires very great value, whether for residences or the sites of public buildings, hotels or magnificent shops; while no display of wealth in any other form contributes equally to impress strangers with the idea of civic grandeur as such liberal provision for the health, comfort and gratification of residents and visitors alike. Gone are the days when we eradicated the greenway. In 1910, for example, the Charles River Dam was completed, changing the Emerald Necklace's Back Bay Fens into a permanent fresh water basin. Arthur Shurcliff's plans of the same year document designs for the connection point between the Fens and the Charles River Embankment. The plans were implemented in the next decade, severing gentle pedestrian and parkway connections. The salt marshes of the Back Bay Fens, like New Jersey's Morris Canal, were engineering marvels of their time. The canal, which spanned the state from Phillipsburg to Jersey City, was abandoned and filled in the same decade, in 1912. As with the demolition of historic building treasures in the 1960s and 1970s, we have learned our lessons. We are reminded again and again in our master planning work with historic parks, parkways, and park systems that these old practitioners were pragmatic visionaries, practical and farsighted. Their ideas were driven by environmental and social concerns that are just as relevant 100 years afterwards. Most of their recommendations are as valid today as then. This paper will highlight three case studies in which the firm of Walmsley & Company has been involved: BostonBrookline, Massachusetts; Seattle, Washington; and Baltimore-Howard-Anne Arundel �128 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 1. Back Bay Fens: Proposed improvement of Back Bay. Olmsted, Olmsted, Eliot design; 1879. (National Park Service, Frederick Law Olmsted, National Historic Site) �///. Design and Planning — Birnbaum 129 �130 Counties and Baltimore City, Maryland. The projects range from rehabilitation and restoration to new greenway corridors. Although linear parks programs may now place a greater emphasis on public/private partnerships and community outreach, the overall guiding principles are the same. These principles are clearly stated by George Kessler's "A Park System for the City of Cincinnati" (1907): • To relieve unsightly conditions resulting from the neglected and untenable property which exists throughout the limits of the built-up sections, by reasons of the natural rugged formation of the land, and which will result in some of the most attractive park properties that have been planned. • To preserve as far as possible the unrivaled natural scenery and delightful views found in every portion of the outlying districts. • To connect into a comprehensive system all of the park properties thus selected together with those now existing, for both easy access into each property and for pleasing communication from one to another. • The result is a plan forming a system of parks and parkways connecting the existing park properties, and providing for a number of new park lands and their connections. CASE STUDY 1: The Emerald Necklace Parks, Boston-Brookline, Massachusetts Background and History The overall goal established by the Massachusetts Department of Environmental Management for the Olmsted Historic Landscape Preservation Program is the Linear Parks Conference Proceedings creation of a long-term rehabilitation framework which will guide future planning, management, maintenance, and preservation action through increased public awareness of the Olmsted legacy and through the funding of major capital improvement projects that will describe the rehabilitation process, further increase public support for the historic parks and parkways, and act as a catalyst for generating project funds. The Olmsted Program is intended to preserve the surviving original elements of historic parks and to safeguard the parks' historic design intent, use, and appearance. Its projects are intended to re-establish Olmsted's naturalistic landscapes of river, meadow, and woods within the urbanizing areas of expanding cities and to encourage a broad range of activities in the parks. The four Emerald Necklace Parks—the Back Bay Fens, Riverway, Olmsted Park, and Jamaica Pond—were designed and constructed in the 1880s and 1890s under the direction of Frederick Law Olmsted, Sr., John Charles Olmsted, and Charles Eliot with the assistance of engineers, horticulturists, and a large work force from the City of Boston and the Town of Brookline. Originally, the system was designed as a river park interconnected by the Muddy River, a tributary of the Charles River. As a system of open space, the Emerald Necklace was intended as a refuge from the city, providing freedom and escape into a natural world of water, meadows, and woodlands. Its strongest characteristic was its continuity—the river and ponds formed out of a marshy creek. Its promenades were meant to be an unbroken "pleasure route" following the meandering of the river and connecting the city with neighboring communities and the countryside. Parkways run along all four parks on the Boston side; they are coupled with the Arborway, at the southern end of Jamaica Pond, which connects with the �///. Design and Planning — Birnbaum Arnold Arboretum. As in Olmsted's other parks, the pathways were for pedestrians, the ride for equestrians, and the drive for carriages. Unlike his typical country parks, however, the Emerald Necklace was linear. Its parkways, bridle paths, and walks were compressed into a narrow corridor. They connected city and suburb, and although they were an integral part of the river park, general traffic could use them. Olmsted hoped that non-park traffic would not create a conflict. He stated: "The indirect course of the park-way following the river bank, would prevent [its use] for purposes of heavy transportation. It would thus, without offensive exclusiveness or special police regulation, be left free to be used as a pleasure route." Over the last forty years, increased automobile traffic and eradicated parkway connections (e.g., within our study area at the Sears Parking Lot and outside at the Arborway between the Arboretum and Franklin Park) have begun to separate the parkways from the parks. One of the greatest challenges will be to reunite them. Action A joint venture to balance historic intent and contemporary use requirements for the Emerald Necklace was initiated. Issues were understood in a historic context and developed into a restoration plan that integrated a functional maintenance and management strategy. The project was a three-step process. The first step was a comprehensive master planning process for these historic landscapes to update all earlier, relevant data and integrate them with new data, providing an objective basis for analyzing options, identifying priorities, and guiding the preservation of the four parks and their associated parkways. The second phase is soliciting a broad range of community viewpoints about the parks and parkways. User surveys (both onsite and telephone), public forums, and open 131 discussions lead towards a preservation and management program that can be designed to gain the endorsement of the vast majority of park users and public officials. The third phase is preparing a comprehensive plan that insures that all proposals are scrutinized in relation to time, and aim toward the longevity of all actions. The objective is efficient, cost-effective management and maintenance of existing, restored, rehabilitated, or reconstructed elements of the parks and parkways. With archaeologists, landscape historians, and surveyors contributing to the process, the Phase 1 work resulted in a comprehensive master plan for the restoration and management of the parks. This product includes Early Action Projects as well as First Phase Projects. Over $2 million in projects are now in various phases of implementation. CASE STUDY 2: Lake Washington Boulevard, Seattle, Washington Background and History The Seattle Department of Parks and Recreation commissioned a private consultant team for the restoration planning, design guidelines, and first-phase construction of Lake Washington Boulevard. The 9.2-mile Boulevard lies along Seattle's eastern edge, predominantly along the shores of Lake Washington, linking the University of Washington (at the north end) with Seward Park (south end). Along the length of the Boulevard are a variety of residential neighborhoods, including Montlake, Harrison, Madrona, Leschi, Mount Baker, and Lakewood-Seward Park. This scenic parkway is a key feature in a fifty-mile system of "Parks, Boulevards and Playgrounds" proposed to the Seattle Park Commissioners by the Olmsted Brothers in 1903-1908. The firm remained involved as consultants to the Commission for the �132 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings ! I i ,m iifi'i 111!1,! �wnvqiuig — 2umuv\^ puv uSiszQ 7/7 ££} Figure 4. Parks, Boulevards, and Playgrounds of Seattle, 1909. (Parks Commissioner's Report) �134 next thirty-five years. Lake Washington Boulevard was intended to be a central link along a "charming scenic drive among native trees" connecting several other boulevards and major parks. It was also to be the visual and physical access to the city's major water features, including Puget Sound, Lake Washington, and Lake Union. The original intent of the boulevard (which J. C. Olmsted defined as a "formal street of uniform width, usually 200 feet") was to pass through the forested areas and have a parkway image (which he defined as an "informal landscape garden of natural scenery"). The firm, however, realized that expansion was imminent and decided that a boulevard treatment would be more appropriate. Today the character of the Boulevard is best described as predominantly lake edge (47%), followed by park and forest (30%), and residential (23%). Action The objectives of the project were to understand the historic intent of the Boulevard as a pleasure drive and recreational resource and regain its historic integrity and imagery, to enhance scenic views and vistas, to provide for a range of recreational opportunities, and to resolve encroachment problems while improving function, maintenance, and management capabilities. The inventory and analysis phases documented historic alterations, functional problems, environmental issues, scenic views and vistas, and it described technical materials and construction solutions for the parkway's drainage, structural, and site elements. Alternate plans and designs were tested against the objectives of historic intent, functional needs, environmental protection, scenic preservation, technical appropriateness, and cost. From these evaluations conducted with community representatives, a set of design guidelines Linear Parks Conference Proceedings for the rehabilitation of the parkway was determined. The priorities assigned to the recommended proposals have guided the selection of the initial capital projects. This process has insured that the first improvements are based on a long-term plan for the Boulevard's restoration. CASE STUDY 3: The Patapsco Greenway; Baltimore-Howard-Ann Arundel Counties, and Baltimore City, Maryland Background and History The Patapsco River is the dividing line between Baltimore County to the north and Anne Arundel County to the south. The greenway includes approximately twelve miles of river frontage and stretches from the mouth of the Patapsco River in the northeast at Reed Bird park and Southwest Area Park, to Belmont Conference Center in the west, from the neighborhoods of Halethorpe and Rosemont in the north, and to Baltimore Washington Airport in the south. The Patapsco River lies within the Patapsco State Valley Park, under the jurisdiction of the Maryland Department of Natural Resources (DNR). The DNR, along with the Maryland Department of Economic Development, represents the client group. Within the study area, the park covers approximately 2,000 acres on both sides of the Patapsco River within a 11,000-acre, twenty-seven-mile park. Beginning around 1900, the Executive Committee of the Municipal Art Society began to pursue a comprehensive plan for the City of Baltimore. On May 6, 1902, the Society engaged the Olmsted Brothers to generate a plan that eventually became a report entitled Development of Public Grounds for Greater Baltimore. This document was to be "a careful general �///. Design and Planning—Birnbaum L A K E • W A S H I N G T O N 135 • B O U L E V A R D WALMSLEY * COMPANY INC._ ANALYSIS^HISTORIC VS EXISTING S C A L E : 1' • 800 LEGEND D «[5«NriAi / OivisdNOt I.VOST4A rvp(S"**T Figure 5. Lake Washington Boulevard, analysis of residential, park, forest, and lakeside character areas. (EDAW/Walmsley & Company, 1986) �136 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 6. Patapsco Greenway, eleven "functional areas" from the mouth of the Patapsco at Reedbird Park to Belmont. (Walmsley & Company, Inc., 1988) �///. Design and Planning — Birnbaum examination of the suburban portion of the City of Baltimore and such adjacent parts of the country as may seem to have a close organic connection with it, and for a report stating their advice as to the treatment of that area in respect to the reservation of park spaces and main lines of communication and the general treatment of the same. . . ." The report, published in 1904, proposed linking large existing parks such as Druid Hill (the nation's third oldest), Clifton, Montebello, and Patterson. The development plan contained a route of new stream valleys with a hierarchy of parks and parkways, including Gwynn and Jones Falls, Herring Run, and the Patapsco River. Much of the plan was not realized. Testimony to the soundness of this clearly planned system, however, is provided by the recent ASLA Community Assistance Study, entitled the "Revitalization Plan for the Wyman Park Drive and 33rd Street Corridor," and by the DNR plan for the Patapsco River. Action The Patapsco Greenway parallels and, in part, includes abutting lands that represent opportunities for securing major highvisitation, regional, and national recreation facilities that are not normally provided in a state park but could be supported by the urbanizing Baltimore-Washington corridor; connecting existing state, county, and city parks into a continuous system; creating a scenic parkway; and reclaiming disturbed sites. Final alternative design concepts, a market demand and economic analysis, and implementation strategies are currently under review. Following their resolution, a refined final plan and implementation strategy will be presented publicly. 137 CONCLUSION The reason one sees little of the Urban Greenway idea today is the difficulties attendant to its realization. In the rapidly urbanizing hinterlands surrounding American cities, the escalating price of land and the "leap frogging" that occurs with high-speed freeways, plus multiple small jurisdictions and the lack of a strong unified public policy, have made the coordinated planning of greenways and high-growth corridors extremely difficult. There is hope, however. Today greenways are being designed or rediscovered with newly found alliances and constituencies. Public-private partnerships, with a strong community participation and advocacy component, have been recommended in cities including New York (the BrooklynQueens Greenway), Chicago (using historic boulevards in neighborhood revitalization), and Baltimore (the Patapsco Greenway and the revitalization plan for the Wyman Park Drive and 33rd Street Corridor). Tomorrow's greenways must aim high. They must sensitively accommodate higherspeed automobile traffic (many were originally designed as carriage routes), maintain and enhance scenic qualities, be ecologically sound as well as maintainable, balance varied uses (automobiles, bikers, joggers, and sometimes horses), create optimum pedestrian access to abutting public parklands, and reduce the impact of commuter traffic (both volume and hardsurface area). As Anne Whiston Spirn states in the September 1989 issue of Landscape Architecture magazine: "An appreciation for past contributions is essential if we aspire to truly innovate, not merely reinvent." Today's new greenways or their restored or rehabilitated predecessors must meet this challenge. �138 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings BIBLIOGRAPHY City of Chicago, Life Along the Boulevards: Using Chicago's Historic Boulevards as Catalysts for Neighborhood Revitalization, January 1989. Cleveland, H. W. S., undated letter to the Board of Park Commissioners of the City of Omaha, ca. 1890. EDAW, Inc. with Walmsley & Company, Inc., Lake Washington Boulevard: Working Papers. May 1986. Fox, Tom, and Anne McClellan, The Brooklyn-Queens Greenway, A Design Study. 1988. Hilderbrand, Gary, Back Bay Fens Historic Landscape Report. June 1986. Johnson, George, The Challenge, New Jersey Natural and Historic Resources News. Summer 1988, p. 1. George E. Kessler & Co. Landscape Architects, A Park System for the City of Cincinnati. Report of the Park Commission to the Honorable Board of Public Service of the City of Cincinnati. 1907. Olmsted Brothers, Development of Public Grounds for Greater Baltimore. 1904 (reprinted 1987, Friends of Maryland's Olmsted Parks & Landscapes). Olmsted Brothers, First Annual Report of the Board of Park Commissioners. Seattle, Washington. 1884-1904. Olmsted, Frederick Law, "Suggestions for the Improvement of the Muddy River." Sixth Annual Report to the Board of Commissioners of the Department of Parks for the City of Bos ton for the Year 1880. Spirn, Anne Whiston, "Prospect," Landscape Architecture. September 1989, p. 112. State of Maryland, Department of Natural Resources, Patapsco Valley State Park Master Plan. Adopted March 1979. Walmsley & Company, Inc., Working Paper One: The Patapsco Greenway. July 1988. Walmsley/Pressley Joint Venture, Emerald Necklace Parks Master Plan. 1989. �///. Design and Planning 139 The Uncompahgre River Valley: A Recreation Master Plan Lois A. Brink and Ann Skartvedt, School of Architecture and Planning, University of Colorado at Denver INTRODUCTION The exploration and initial development of the semi-arid region of Colorado was concentrated along rivers. However, as towns and cities grew, the waterfront was deemphasized, with most commercial and civic activity focusing on Main Street or on the railroad. This left the river, in many cases, as an unsightly dumping ground for abandoned cars and industrial waste. Recently, a new awareness has emerged, however, and the recreation and tourism industry has become an important element in the economies of rural western Colorado. Communities are beginning to recognize the river corridor as an important natural amenity and, in the pursuit of economic viability, a focal point for the development of cultural and recreational resources for an entire region. The Uncompahgre River Master Plan began as an idea for a trail that would connect the city of Montrose to the new Ridgway Reservoir. This concept was initiated by a group of privately organized citizens known as the Uncompahgre Riverway Group, Inc. Recognizing their limited resources, they applied for, and were awarded, assistance from the Colorado Initiatives Program for rural economic development. The Landscape Architecture program in the Graduate School of Architecture and Planning at the University of Colorado—Denver was enlisted to provide planning and design services. During the preliminary review, it became apparent that the major focus of this project should be to revitalize the river corridor as a natural system and as a vehicle to connect communities and potential recreation resources within the valley. It was at this point that the Uncompahgre River Master Plan came to fruition as an effort to revitalize a river, not just in one community but along its entire length through three counties and seven towns. It looks beyond immediate hurdles, such as ownership, to maximize the full recreation potential of the valley by celebrating its rich cultural heritage. PROJECT APPROACH To create a master plan that is not generic but responds to context, a thorough understanding of the site's character and history is necessary. Recreation planners and landscape architects, in particular, need to understand the capacity of the natural environment to support human activities. The first step in this process was a site inventory and analysis where students surveyed existing environmental, cultural, and historical characteristics. The study area encompassed approximately two miles on either side of the river and extended 60 miles from the town of Ouray to the confluence with the Gunnison River at the town of Delta. The next phase, program development, utilized user profiles and identified program needs. Consideration of both residents' and visitors' recreation needs was important to the process. A list of different recreation activities and their physical site requirements was compiled. Initial design development began at this stage as teams of students discussed design elements that would be required for different types of recreation facilities. The program development phase made it possible to develop a value system, which rated the ability of the valley's physical and cultural characteristics to accommodate specific recreational uses. Levels of inherent �140 suitability were mapped within the study area for unmanaged recreation, managed recreation, and historical interpretation. With a firm understanding of the site characteristics, the user, and the valley's potential for different recreation activities, the students were prepared to combine the data into two conceptual master plan alternatives. The first recognized land ownership as a constraint; the second did not. Once the maps were complete, they were presented to the Uncompahgre River Group for input. Their comments, in combination with discussions among the students, resulted in the refinement of the plan to final form. As an integral part of the Master Plan, design guidelines were developed. This master plan is not meant to be a final blueprint but to offer ideas and direction for recreation planning along the Uncompahgre River corridor. Because the plan considered natural and cultural conditions along with user needs and requirements, it will provide a strong framework through which future decisions can be made. THE INVENTORY AND ANALYSIS PHASE Study Area Overview The Uncompahgre River runs northwest through western Colorado from its headwaters in the San Juan Mountains at an elevation of 12,000 feet. By the time the river reaches the Gunnison River, 60 miles to the north, it has descended some 7,000 feet. The valley has not been densely settled and remains rural and agricultural. Montrose, the county seat, is the regional business center, with a broad range of services for the valley. Other communities exist, but they are smaller and less economically diverse. Although this project focused only on the river valley, its environmental characteristics are drastically transformed as the river flows from the alpine setting of Ouray down Linear Parks Conference Proceedings to the broad agricultural bottom lands. Thick timber stands vegetate the steep valley sides near Ouray, while further north, the valley widens and the river, bordered with dense stands of cottonwood trees, meanders through cultivated fields. The river cuts through the sandstone layers of the Uncompahgre Plateau, north of the town of Ridgway, providing a strong sense of enclosure. Below Ridgway Reservoir, the valley widens again and continues to broaden. At lower elevations, vegetation changes to scrub pinonjuniper. Field agriculture replaces ranch land pasture, and the network of irrigation canals which traverse the valley is especially evident. The towns along the river reflect their histories and their settings. The varied character of these communities begins to suggest the abundant and diverse possibilities for recreation along the river corridor. Added to the natural resources is the rich cultural heritage that has resulted from the crisscrossing paths and the settlements of different cultures. Ute Indians, missionaries, traders, trappers, soldiers, miners, railroaders, ranchers, and farmers have all left their marks along the Uncompahgre. This cultural heritage offers excellent recreation opportunities as examples of man's efforts to tame the West. Natural Systems The Uncompahgre River flows through a geologically diverse area of southwestern Colorado. The lower sections of the river north of Ridgway are part of the plateau region, which typifies western Colorado. The region is characterized by deep canyons and ravines which cut through mesas, buttes, and plateaus. This distinctive quality of these landforms is derived from the varied erosion rates and brilliant coloring of the different horizontal layers of sedimentary rock. Further south, the Uncompahgre Valley is part of a large volcanic field that extends across �///. Design and Planning — Brink and Skartvedt southwestern Colorado, Utah, Arizona, and New Mexico. Volcanic activity formed the San Juan Mountains, which glaciers and streams carved and sharpened into their present form. This volcanic activity created a network of hot springs, and it isolated areas where minerals such as silver and gold would form. As it travels on its 60-mile journey, the river thus provides a story board illustrating the geologic forces that created the Rocky Mountains. The microclimate in the Uncompahgre River Valley is greatly affected by elevation changes along the river. At lower elevations, below 7,000 feet, the valley has an arid climate with an annual precipitation of 10 inches or less. Winters are mild, with occasional snowfall. Above 7,000 feet, the climate changes dramatically, with an increase in precipitation and cooler temperatures. Ouray, for example, averages 23 inches of rain and 140 inches of snow each year. The Uncompahgre is a perennial river with a 100-year floodplain. It is fed by a series of perennial tributaries. Stream flows have seasonal fluctuations, with snow melt providing the bulk of the surface water. Flows are greatest during the spring and early summer run-off periods. Flooding can occur during spring snow melt and from isolated thunder showers in the late summer. During the summer and early fall, surface water is diverted from the main river channel into a canal system that supplies water to cultivated fields. Irrigation is the lifeblood of the agricultural community, as this way of life could not exist on natural precipitation. Historically, the river was polluted with heavy metals and had a high mineral content from the mine tailings located in the upper reaches of the valley. The Ridgway Reservoir was recently constructed, with a capacity of 80,000 acre-feet of water. Aside from recreational uses, the reservoir functions as a settling area for heavy metals and mineral sediments, resulting in greatly improved 141 water quality below the dam. The vegetation of the Uncompahgre River Valley takes on unique visual characteristics which respond to these changing environmental conditions. Everything from desert shrubs to alpine plants can be found. However, for the purposes of the master plan, broad vegetative zones were identified and mapped. The vegetation along the river banks and within the floodplain consists of dense stands of cotton wood trees and riparian shrubs. From the confluence of the river to Colona, cultivated fields and grasslands dominate. Sage grassland areas begin at 4,900 feet to 5,500 feet, with greater concentrations of sage on steeper slopes. Continuing south, the river valley begins a rapid transformation to pinon-juniper vegetation. Their deeper green and greater massiveness make them visually more dominant than the sage, particularly during the winter months. At 8,500 feet, a more subtle transition to the mixed woodland occurs. Within this zone there are pockets of spruce and fir occurring on north-facing slopes and along the river banks. At Ouray, above 9,500 feet, the spruce-fir vegetation dominates throughout. It is within this subalpine zone that the greatest diversity of vegetation types occurs. Five species of big game mammals inhabit the Uncompahgre River Valley: mule deer, elk, black bear, mountain lion, and bighorn sheep. The river otter was at one time native to the Uncompahgre River Valley. Pollution from mining wiped out the population. Recently, otters have been reintroduced to the Gunnison River, and there have been sightings along the Uncompahgre. The Uncompahgre Valley is also home to a significant eagle population. Golden Eagles are year-round residents. The Northern Bald Eagle winters in the valley from November to April. The river above Ridgway Reservoir does not support a fish population because of �142 pollution from mining operations. The reservoir, on the other hand, is a major fish habitat. The remaining stretch of the river below the dam has good water quality but poor fish habitat due to the instability of the floodplain's gravel alluvium that makes up the stream bed. Generally, wildlife is more diverse along the river valley from Montrose south, due largely to the extensive farming and grazing further north which has eliminated native habitats. The character of the valley also plays a major role. Terrestrial wildlife is associated with habitats that occur at higher elevations, and steeper, more rocky conditions. Wildlife is an important component of the Uncompahgre River Valley experience. Hunting, fishing, and watching wildlife are among the diverse opportunities. Understanding and interacting with wildlife is important for tourists and local residents. The broad diversity of wildlife habitats and humans' effects on them are important from an interpretive and educational standpoint. In this light, a recreation master plan should integrate wildlife into a complete recreational package and maximize it to the fullest extent. The assessment of the landform and visual resources for the Uncompahgre River corridor was undertaken not only to identify opportunities for aesthetic appreciation of the natural landscape, but also to identify where opportunities to interpret natural and cultural history exist. It was necessary that the process chosen to perform this task produce, in the shortest time, a product related directly to landscape design and recreation programming issues. For this reason, it was decided to use what was, for the most part, an objective description of gross landscape elements (landform, land use) while taking into account factors of view-shed distance and viewer's position. For the Uncompahgre River Recreation Master Plan, it was important to consider the relationship between river characteristics Linear Parks Conference Proceedings and the location of adjacent access roads and abandoned railroad right-of-way. Nine separate, distinct valley cross sections were identified, each requiring a different design approach. Each of these valley units was further divided into small river character segments. These segments are differentiated by the dominant land uses adjoining the river. Finally, with each land-use type the associated stream bed pattern of the river was indicated as straight, channeled, meander, or braided. Cultural Systems Humans in the Uncompahgre Valley can be traced back to hunter-gatherer tribes who inhabited the plateau regions of western Colorado as long as 10,000 years ago. Since those early days, people from many different populations have found their way to the valley. From the early adventures of explorers and trappers to later conflicts between native people and incoming white settlers, the valley's history is rich and varied. Whether they came to settle or were just passing through, many left their trace. The Ute Indians' first arrival in the valley was around 1300 A.D. They traveled across the mountain regions of Colorado following seasonal food supplies. Water was a critical component of life and, with natural springs being sacred to the Utes, this river valley came to be an important place in their nomadic journeys. The name "Uncompahgre" means "natural hot springs" in Ute. Little evidence of their early communities has been found along the river, but archeological sites exist on the higher slopes and plateaus, particularly near hot springs. The first white men to come to the valley were Spanish explorers and missionaries searching for a safe inland route from Santa Fe to the missions in California. In the Uncompahgre region, they employed Ute guides. In the last years of the eighteenth �///. Design and Planning—Brink and Skartvedt century and the beginning of the nineteenth, trappers began to find their way to the Uncompahgre River. In 1858, gold was discovered near Denver and the gold rush began. The growth and excitement that accompanied the first prospectors into the San Juan Mountains in the 1860s would irreversibly change the area from a remote river valley to a booming frontier settlement. A second rush occurred in 1886 when the Denver & Rio Grande Western Railroad reached Ouray. The arrival of the railroad where only burro pack-trains occurred before allowed for profitable mining of low-grade ore for the first time. It also established Ouray as a major town, with services for mining operations and settlers. Mining has continued on and off as part of the region's economy since the turn of the century, depending on market cycles of mineral ores. The gold discoveries which brought prosperity to the mining towns of the San Juan Mountains did not bode so well for the Utes. Between 1860 and 1880, conflicts between Utes and whites escalated as white settlers' claims of Ute lands expanded. A Ute reservation that included the Uncompahgre area was established in 1868. Chief Ouray of the Uncompahgre Utes used negotiation and diplomacy to keep relative peace in the valley, but new treaties continued to reduce the size of the Ute reservation. The pressures of the mining boom were too much. Chief Ouray and his people lost the sacred mountains and hot springs of the upper Uncompahgre Valley. The Ute-Removal Act established a reservation for the Utes in Utah on the Uinta Reservation. Farming and ranching developed as white people flooded into the valley to claim new land. By the 1880s, ranching was booming. Cattle were moved from high summer ranges down into the valley for the winter. Montrose became a big shipping point for sending beef to the east. Ranchers introduced sheep into the valley, and Delta 143 eventually became the center of sheep ranching. In 1882, the Denver & Rio Grande Western Railroad (D&RGW) brought rail service to the Uncompahgre River. The towns of Montrose and Delta were established; Olathe was soon to follow. Ridgway became an important railroad intersection in 1891 when a line was extended from Ridgway to Telluride. As the mining boom declined, the rail links south of Ridgway became less economical. In 1951, the lines to Telluride and to Ouray were abandoned. When irrigation was introduced, the valley was transformed into fertile cropland. The sandy soils of the western mesas supported fruit trees, and from the 1880s to the 1910s, the fruit industry boomed. Competition from northwestern states has since reduced the viability of fruit farming, but many orchards still remain. Recent economic hard times have affected the farming industry although crop diversification, marketing techniques, and more efficient methods are now being explored as ways of bringing agricultural prosperity back to the valley. Tourists, the most recent group to discover the valley, are making their own impact as businesses and towns try to capture their dollars. The Uncompahgre Valley is well suited for recreation. The moderate climate in the river valley, especially at lower elevations, allows for year-round outdoor activity, while the mountainous regions in Ouray County support both winter and summer sports. The towns in the river valley have managed parks and sports facilities. Delta and Montrose have existing trail systems that could be tied into a larger plan. In Ouray, a hot springs pool is a valuable resource for both residents and visitors. Two state parks provide water-related activities for the valley. The main transportation routes, US 50 and US 550, parallel the river, running north and south. Smaller county roads and unimproved canal maintenance roads cross �144 the valley. Another major transportation system is the railroad. Although it was abandoned south of Montrose in 1976, a 100-foot railroad easement still exists in some places. Land ownership is an important concern for any master planning effort because of its potential impacts on development. For this project, an exhaustive study of individual parcel ownership was not done. Instead, public ownership and private ownership were used as two broad categories in the inventory. Much of the public land, which makes up about 20 percent of the study area, is already being used or could be used for recreation. The Bureau of Land Management (BLM) and the U.S. Forest Service have large land holdings in the region. On BLM land, grazing, logging, and mining occur. Hunting and fishing are also allowed on both BLM and Forest Service land. The State of Colorado also owns and manages recreation and wildlife areas. In summary, human intrusion into this valley is a timeline of the history of the West. This rich heritage, coupled with the natural beauty of the Colorado climate, are what give the Uncompahgre Valley its great recreation potential for tourists and residents alike. The inventory and analysis phase for the master planning process provided the University of Colorado—Denver students with an opportunity to understand the physical and social attributes of the valley. From the results of their research, a pattern was emerging: changes in geology resulted in changes in elevation, soil, and surficial conditions that in turn affected hydrological and microclimatic conditions that affected vegetation that affected wildlife . .. . all of which affected people and how different cultures, over time, interacted with the valley. These relationships produced different characteristics in different valley segments. From Delta to Montrose, broad floodplains Linear Parks Conference Proceedings with open expanses of grassland and fields evoke the rural farming image of generations past. From Montrose to Ridgway the valley is in transition. Farming and cattle ranching are a major element, but their visual impact is dwarfed by the encroaching forest-covered foothills and mountains. Finally, from Ridgway to Ouray, the origins of a river unfold in the rough, jagged mountains of the San Juans. Here, it seems that everything is concentrated and intensified and the earth is unyielding and unforgiving. Exploitation of the valley can only be achieved by cutting and blasting. It is these three identities that provide the framework by which a master plan can describe how this site's unique characteristics may be utilized to their fullest potential. PROGRAM DEVELOPMENT Concurrent with the site inventory phase was determining what uses or programs will best lend themselves to the particular site. The program development phase identified users and user needs. Once this has been accomplished, a "wish list" of suitable program elements for a recreation plan was compiled. The next step was to further explore these program elements in terms of their physical requirements, compatibility with each other, and the design elements necessary for their implementation. The Users Because recreation includes many uses, the users for this project will be varied. The project team did not attempt to identify every type of user but instead focused on broad categories. The first group of users targeted was local residents. This group encompassed all ages and a wide range of socio-economic positions. Many of those who have chosen to live in the valley have done so because of the beautiful natural setting, the low �///. Design and Planning — Brink and Skartvedt population density, and the rural life-style that the valley offers. Local residents engage in many recreation activities. These activities range from organized sports in the towns to hunting and hiking in the wilderness. Besides local residents, visitors are attracted to the valley. Some of these visitors are just passing through or stopping briefly while others come to the valley to stay and enjoy its facilities. A current dilemma is that most tourists are attracted to the region by the Black Canyon of the Gunnison. It typically only takes a day or two to visit the canyon, and with limited recreation alternatives, most tourists leave immediately. These visitors include sightseeing tourists, crosscountry bikers, and dude ranch guests. As with the residents, a wide range of activity occurs. Ouray, with its historic Victorian architecture and its colorful mining past, is a popular destination for visitors. A comprehensive master plan will serve as a framework to increase activities and further stimulate the tourism industry. By looking at the respective needs of residents and visitors, a list of program requirements was compiled. The primary need of the local populace is the expansion and enhancement of existing facilities and activities in the valley. For visitors, the primary need is to encourage stop-overs along the highway and in towns by providing a greater quantity and diversity of activities and facilities. Most importantly, residents of the valley would benefit from the development of a coordinated recreation system. Linking existing facilities to each other with trails or roadways would expand access for more people. Trails could also be connected with trails on the Uncompahgre Plateau or trails on BLM and Forest Service land. By creating a recreation master plan for the whole valley, resources would not be wasted by facilities duplication. Residents could benefit from a variety of activities that each town could not afford to provide 145 by itself. Visitors to the region could be served by having more recreation areas. Both visitors and local businesses could benefit from expanded visitor services along the river corridor. The program elements defined for these user groups were divided into three major categories: historical interpretation, managed recreation, and unmanaged recreation. The historical category includes historic sites and districts as well as interpretive trails and signs. Managed recreation refers to recreation activities that require built facilities and a certain level of supervision or organization, and unmanaged recreation includes activities that do not require a built facility but could occur on a trail or in a more primitive area. Physical Site Response As a starting point in understanding the physical relationship of a use to a site, a list of landscape characteristics that existed on the site was compiled in matrix form and analyzed in terms of appropriateness for each recreation activity. Activities within the historical category tended to be locationspecific and therefore were related less to physical characteristics than to historic importance. Locations were rated according to condition, level of importance, and interpretive potential. The matrix reveals, as the inventory map suggested, that there are several important sites and structures with good interpretive potential. For the other two recreation categories, physical characteristics such as landform, slope, access to population areas, and vegetation cover were correlated to facilities. The matrix shows that managed recreation facilities require open, level land with easy and close access to roads and towns. Many are better suited to areas not heavily vegetated. Unstructured recreation activities can take place in more varied conditions �146 • O O / Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Highly Suitable Suitable Unsuitable Not Applicable UNMANAGED RECREATION FACILITIES Walking Trail Jogging Trail Hiking Trail Day Biking Trail Tour Biking Trail Mtn. Biking Trail X-Country Skiing Trail Horseback Riding Trail Troilheods Hunting Area Fishing Area Primitive Campsites CD < ID CO LJ ZZ ZZ CO Figure 1. Site Suitability Index. and terrain, and vegetative cover is a desirable site condition. Access to towns is not as necessary, and existing transportation corridors could be suitable for certain trails. Use Compatibility After each recreation facility was examined according to its optimum site needs, the facilities were compared to each other to judge relative compatibility. Each group of students analyzed the effect of activities on each other in terms of limiting or reducing the quality of the recreation experience. In many cases, activities and facilities can be compatible if certain mitigation measures are taken. The matrix suggests that historic sites could be part of certain trail systems but were not as compatible with managed recreation areas. Historical trails could be compatible with certain recreation uses but usually require some kind of mitigation. Managed recreation facilities often accommodate specific activities. As such, these facilities tend not to be wholly compatible with other uses. Different types of trails were not always found to be compatible with each other without mitiga- tion. For example, a biking and walking trail could occur in the same corridor as a horse trail, but these uses could not be accommodated on the same trail surface. In general, trails and the unmanaged recreation category were compatible with other recreation and historical facilities. This compatibility is, in part, why these uses constitute the most important program elements in the master plan. Certain unmanaged uses, such as hunting or primitive camping, are not compatible with other uses because the quality of the experience is based on the need for isolation and remoteness. Design Elements A master plan should be comprised of two parts. The first is the plan itself, which physically maps out areas and prescribes particular uses. Given the magnitude of the project, the plan does not include detailed site proposals or specific design criteria. Although desirable, it would be too difficult to address an entire river valley at that level of detail. The next best alternative is to provide a set of design guidelines. As the second component of the master plan, these �///. Design and Planning — Brink and Skartvedt 147 • Compatible «Compatible with Mitigation ONot Compatible /Not Applicable HISTORICAL INTERPRETATION FACILITIES Archaeological Dig Historical District Rebuilt Historic Site Interpretive Trail Historic Sign/Marker O O OO• O O O GO OO o oeeQ QQ OO OO I m o o Figure 2. Compatibility Matrix. guidelines serve as a method to address design implementation. However, there is a tendency within the landscape architecture profession to treat design guidelines as generic boilerplate material that is not responsive to a particular site or program. It is the intent of this project to avoid such a trap and to explore the use of design guidelines as a logical reflection of the physical and cultural elements of the valley. The first step was to examine the design requirements of the facilities proposed. The primary purpose of the guidelines is to enhance the quality of the user's experience through proper execution of site details. Signs, as an example, are critical in maintaining or destroying a theme or sense of place. Consistent signs throughout the valley will link the various components of the Uncompahgre plan into a single entity. Signs should suggest the character of the river valley and should be easily recognizable. The use of the Riverway logo as part of the plan's sign design was suggested by students. However, the design of the sign should express each site's individual characteristics. Support facilities, such as rest rooms, parking, visitor center, and picnic areas, should not degrade the quality of the experience. Design guidelines should explore design options capable of mitigating that which is potentially undesirable but nevertheless necessary in a facility. Site furniture is another important aspect of design. Again consistency link pieces of the plan together. However, the style of these furnishings should provide continuity without sacrificing diversity, functionality, or the local character. Some elements of the plan will require that structures be built. In these cases, appropriate architectural styles should be used. The character of structures at historical interpretation sites could reflect the theme of the site. Shelters and other buildings not directly related to a historic theme could reflect their location in the corridor. For example, in the lower valley, agricultural architecture would be the model for built structures. Farther south, a style reflecting mining structures or railroad depots would be appropriate. Of primary importance is enhancing the user's experience. A master plan can suggest a location for a roadside overlook, but it is the specific elements with which users come in contact that increases their level of expectation. �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 148 SUITABILITY ANALYSIS This phase is crucial. It is the step where the inventory information is synthesized with the program development information. By rating the valley's suitability for each program element, suitability maps show how HISTORIC SITES S/^ti/ti/ /// the site can accommodate the program. For this project, three sets of maps that corresponded with the program categories were created. Inventory maps were utilized to locate areas that have a primary or secondary level of suitability. /<$/<§/ /f*f*f /£/£/ /£/ M / / f^M^M^ / <* Delto Bonk Robbery O OO """"""oo""j[~r~Z~ZZIIIIJ]Z < Beet Factory D OO £ £ __ £ 21 ^ Ft Uncompahgre D £_£2 *. 2 _ i — *. Z 2. z Ten Milo Stop D OO O * _ §_ 21 _ O 1 Petto Post Office D OO ® £ __ 1 21 P Delta Federal Building D £2_1 ££_ Z I 21 ^ Escokmte Expedition D _£2 ££_ £ 21 _ Ij Olothe Ten Mile Stop O OO 2 *-. £ ~ £ Z 21 _ ^ Menoken School D O G 22_ 1 - £ 21 UJ Montrose RR Depot O ££_• ££ _ Z Z 21 Lathrop House D OO £ £ _£ _X ^ Montrose aty Holi g ££_E ££_L 21 °* Montrose Post Office D ££_E £ £ _ Z— £ 21 2 Thomos Townsend House a 2 £ _ 5. ££— £ 21 — x Old Carriage Shop Q O O_ £ £ « 5. 21 J.C. BeB Home g O O_ £ £ _ 5. 21 Smotl Cobin ~D OO~"""~""""i"o ~ 5, X| I US Rectomotion Office D OO O § _6_ X._ Ute Memorial Site D §._**_§.• £ * _ » ! 2 — £. *_ g m Bosler tee House O^ £ O ££«£__£ 21 _ * J first Alratrip/Gotf Course O •_ O £2_±— £ 21 • ? Vemol Switch D OO £2-.l-E 21 • g Fort Crawford D M — £ 2 — 11 . . £ * —15 — J 21 3 *" Los Pinos Agency D 1_£2-1.* **«!5.-±Z 21 i3 F Rrat White Grove D OO £ £ Z 1 —H 215 1 KeHy Rood D OO ££ 4 _ — L, ^ ; 21 - 5 « • Ridgwoy Dam D * • • £2-1—HZ 21o« £ Chief Shovono'3 Home O £O • £ _JL_M 211S."5 Townsite of Polios D £O • « _£_£ 21 1^55 Ridgwoy Roundhouse D OO O J§._ £. 21 |-5 I Ridqway 10 Mile Stop D £2-. 2 i 2. _ - J w-g 2 Orvis Hot Springs D £ O •_ Z_£ 21 • 'oS*" Cedar Hills Cemetery O OO £._5__R. 2L E gig Stock Lake D •* £ £_§. 21z »-g^ American Lead & Zinc MiH _ D £O _• O 8_ __ T_ 21'5«8"5 Silver Shield Mill D _•£ £ £ 21 c ^fs Radium Hot Springs D _•• £ 9_ 21 5 ~&5 Ouroy's Summer Home D •___ £ O _ § • « _ £ £ __ 10 21 1 "^ Mining in Ouroy Area D a »O •.*_•.£_£_£ 21 -|.t7T Ouroy Historic District ^----~~- g g g ^ ^ n ^ ^ o^eo o Trestle Bridges | |o| | | I |oM I l"l"l I Q I Q I Isl |G| Figure 3. Historic Evaluation Matrix. | | | | | I I |x| �///. Design and Planning — Brink and Skartvedt By comparing the three categories, historical, managed, and unmanaged recreation, a recreation facility pattern began to emerge. The activity centers could combine historical and managed recreation facilities and be connected by trails of different types and sizes. The region from Delta to Montrose is best suited for historical events that occurred during the "early settlement" period. From Montrose to the reservoir, Indianrelated events are more prevalent, and an increase in federal and state-owned land and a greater diversity in landforms increases recreation potential. From the reservoir to Ouray, mining and the railroad become dominant historical events, and wildlife habitats increase. The suitability analysis is thus and important synthesis step in the master planning process. By looking at the site in terms of each program element, a composite picture emerges that is sensitive to the natural and cultural elements of the site and that responds to a specific program and user needs. Suitability analysis bridges the gap between analysis and design and so leads the way to the final step: development of the master plan itself. 149 THE MASTER PLAN The goal of the master plan is to synthesize the information from the previous phases into a design document that can serve as a reference for future planning decisions. This phase involves several steps, starting with concept development. The concept is the underlying premise which governs the physical design. Once a concept is agreed upon, design alternatives are generated and refined until a final plan is created. Working from the original goals of the Uncompahgre Riverway Group and studying inventory and suitability maps, the students developed a concept for the master plan based on the belief that the plan must respond and be sensitive to the natural and cultural conditions of the valley. The concept was to provide a variety of linked recreation activities by creating a hierarchy of trails and a progression of events that would run the length of the river corridor. Students began the process of locating trail corridors and recreation areas by mapping two alternative schemes. One plan took private versus public land ownership issues into consideration; the other did not. • Necessary O Desirable ONot Necessary /Not Applicable UNMANAGED RECREATION FACILITIES Walking Troll Jogging Trail Hiking Trail Day Biking Troll Tour Biking Trail Mtn. Biking Trail X-Country Skiing Trail Horseback Riding Trail Troilheods Hunting Area fishing Area Primitive Campsites LJ QL 3 LJ OO OO Figure 4. Design Development Matrix. o (rt o LJ �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 150 3A3H VICTOWAM DCTAIU PICNIC fAVILUON Figure 5. Architectural Themes. By avoiding privately owned land, less area was available for activity centers and trails in the first plan. Public land was used as much as possible for recreation facilities. Trail corridors were designated alongside existing transportation routes utilizing road and railroad rights-of-way. This plan showed a limited number of trail corridors and activity areas. The second plan was more responsive to the natural conditions of the site. Trail corridors were sited along the river or next to bluffs and vegetated areas. A greater separation of trail types was indicated, and activity areas were larger and more numerous. These plan alternatives presented an ideal situation where land ownership was not a consideration, and a more realistic plan where ownership was considered. Lessons could be learned from both plans. A master plan cannot ignore the realities of ownership and development constraints. But a planning effort should not be limited so as to miss potential opportunities. Combining both alternatives resulted in a plan that responded to land ownership and landscape characteristics. The combination plan provided a blueprint of general locations for trails and activity areas. The plan refinement stage involved defining trail and facility needs specifically for the site and establishing a hierarchy of trails. The scale and number of recreation and interpretive events also had to be determined. Primary trail corridors, designed to accommodate the greatest variety of uses, would require the most improved surface. Secondary trail corridors would accom- �///. Design and Planning — Brink and Skartvedt modate limited activities. A tertiary trail corridor was designated for places where a special loop separate from the main trail corridor might be desirable as part of the overall trail system. Additionally, scenic driving routes were designated as part of the trail system, and a bike lane was recommended along the highway for cross-country biking. The concept also called for a progression of events. There emerged a need to prioritize and define that progression. The plan included major and minor activity nodes. Multiple use nodes would be located near population centers and provide a variety of facilities. Smaller activity nodes would be located at intervals along roads and trails and would be limited in scope. The final phase of the design process was the creation of site plan maps showing refined locations for trail and recreational and interpretive facilities and the completion of design guidelines for certain plan elements. It was important during this final phase to look carefully at each program element in relation to the plan as a whole and in relation to the site context in order to best utilize the unique opportunities offered by the study area and to ensure that the plan was not duplicating recreation components. The final plan is comprised of recreational recommendations that take advantage of the physical and cultural resources unique to each segment of the valley. From Delta to Montrose the plan focuses on the agricultural life-style; farm houses, cultivated fields, and irrigation ditches make up the visual palette. The trail system responds to ownership by locating the primary trail corridor along county and canal roads, with short sections occurring on alluvial terraces and river banks. Secondary trail alignments were designed to encourage local use. They usually occur along county and canal roads and offer an opportunity for a short geological interpretive trail. Where canal roads are utilized, design measures 151 mitigating conflicts between trail users and land owners have been developed to allow trail access across fence lines without affecting the function of the fence. Signs educating trail users about the functions of the canals will be placed at trail entry points. A scenic driving route has been identified, taking the visitor through agricultural fields and orchards. The touring bike route designated along the shoulders of US Highway 50 has a 150-foot right-of-way. A trail cross section has been designed to allow the cyclist to ride safely and out of the flow of traffic. Trail nodes occur at five-mile intervals and provide the opportunity for wildlife, historic and geologic signs and unimproved picnic areas. A highway pulloff has been recommended as an appropriate spot for a fruit stand for local orchards during the summer months. South of Olathe, the primary trail passes an abandoned historic one-room schoolhouse planned as a picnic and interpretive site. The recommended locations for managed recreation areas are at Delta and Olathe, both of which allow residents convenient access. Other historical interpretation opportunities exist that can be linked by the trail telling the story of the valley's history. The story would begin in Delta at Confluence Park at the site of Fort Uncompahgre, the trading post built in the 1830s. Between Delta and Olathe, an agricultural center is planned to highlight the farming history of the region. This facility would combine several elements, including a reconstructed pioneer farm with exhibits of farming implements and tools. Demonstration canals would show the mechanics of ditches and headgates. The agricultural center would also feature a farmer's market selling fresh produce and local handicrafts with a restaurant serving unusual native western dishes such as buffalo steaks. Olathe was a ten-mile stop along the railroad between Delta and Montrose. In �152 this recreation master plan, it will serve as a midpoint activity area between the two larger towns. A walking trail through the town and along the river would serve as a tour and provide access to fishing areas with picnic spots. A wildlife education center in Olathe is recommended as a regional resource for all the schools in the valley, with an exhibit building, outdoor amphitheater/classroom, picnic areas, and interpretive trails. The Montrose to Ridgway Reservoir section of the plan is a transformation where the character of the valley changes from wide-open farm land to a more enclosed valley with heavier vegetation. Cattle ranching is the prominent agricultural operation. The change in vegetation is evidenced by the abundant wildlife in this section. Since this area was the focus of the conflict between the whites and the Utes, emphasis has been placed on the Ute Indian culture and the events that led to its eventual destruction. The abandoned railroad bed is recommended as the primary trail corridor, with secondary trail corridors providing loops that connect adjacent facilities and points of interest to the main corridor. The scenic routes are designated along county roads, and the cross-country bike trail remains along the highway on a widened shoulder of US 550. The intersection of trail loops and scenic routes provides small picnic and overlook sites for wildlife, geologic, and historic interpretation. The abundance of federal land in this section requires trailhead locations. Since parking will be necessary, design measures have been developed to mitigate impact between uses. Montrose has several downtown historic buildings that can be part of a historic walking tour in the city. This trail would also connect to schools and parks, and lead out of town along the Ute Museum trail loop. The great potential for wildlife viewing in this part of the valley would be expanded with the Linear Parks Conference Proceedings addition of riparian wetland and pond habitats in Montrose's town park. The Los Pinos Agency and the Fort Crawford sites should be rebuilt as historical structures with exhibits explaining the history and function of the agency and the conflicts with the Ute Indians. The Ridgway Reservoir is a significant addition to recreation resources in the valley and has already been planned. This plan has been incorporated into the valley's trail system. Trail nodes at points along the river below the dam will require the creation of pools and riffles for improved fish habitat. These fishing and picnic sites will be either simple unimproved areas off the trail or more substantial ones with rest rooms, picnic shelters, and parking areas. Care should be taken to separate activity areas and trails from quiet fishing spots. The upper end of the Uncompahgre Valley from Ridgway Reservoir to Ouray was considered sacred to the Utes with its dramatic mountain scenery, forest vegetation, hot springs, and abundant wildlife. The master plan focussed on the influences of mining, the Indian way of life before the white man, and the rich ecology. The narrow valley configuration precludes the development of several trail corridors for this section. The primary trail corridor will run along county roads. The bike touring route will continue to follow Highway 550. Both the main highway and the county roads are designated as scenic drives. Some secondary trails are planned up out of the valley as trailhead connections to surrounding national forest and BLM lands. In this upper section, where the elevation exceeds 7,000 feet, ski touring is added to the list of trail uses. Although limited, ranching operations occur in this narrow valley and require mitigation for cattle crossings and calving areas. Trails can be raised above underpass structures for major crossing areas. Fences and gates can be used in other locations. Calving areas present a special set of issues �///. Design and Planning — Brink and Skartvedt Figure 6. Roadside for trail design. The first step in design mitigation would be to designate sensitive areas and pull the trail alignment away from those sites. Buffering can be achieved with land form and vegetation as well as fencing. Signs can be erected during calving season to alert trail users to the impacts of disturbance. Trail nodes, road pulloffs, and interpretive stops will highlight the railroad, ranching, and mining history. Geology and wildlife interpretation will also be featured at the trail nodes. Restored railroad trestle bridges, used as river crossings, will utilize signs to interpret the building of the railroad. At the old town site of Dallas, a frontier saloon town, plans to rebuild some of the town's buildings will provide an area for western history interpretation. Another interpretive area will be located in Ridgway at the site of the original roundhouse and rail yards. When located in wildlife habitat areas, interpretive signs will describe the 153 Pulloff. eagles, black swifts, deer, elk, and bighorn sheep that inhabit the southern end of the valley. Telescopes will be provided to allow viewing of elusive creatures like the bighorn sheep. Hot springs will be the site of a roadside pulloff with geological and interpretive signs, or a Ute interpretive center could display early archaeological finds from the Uncompahgre Plateau. CONCLUSION With the conclusion of the master plan phase, the implementation phase begins. The Uncompahgre Riverway Group has already begun construction on portions of the primary trail outside of Montrose. It is hoped that this document will provide a source of inspiration to carry forward the ideas and visions presented. The results of this project have been compiled in booklet form and will serve as a marketing and promotional tool for the Riverway Group to continue its quest. �154 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Battle Creek's Linear Park Eric W. Lyons; O'Boyle, Cowell, Blalock & Associates, Inc.; Kalamazoo, Michigan INTRODUCTION One of Battle Creek, Michigan's most popular recreation amenities is the linear park that winds along the Kalamazoo and Battle Creek Rivers, linking downtown Battle Creek with various city parks, schools, and neighborhoods. The linear park's 15 miles of paved pathways encircle the city and link up with the state of Michigan's Fort Custer Recreation Area located west of the city. The linear park provides a wide variety of recreation opportunities for both casual use and programmed events. Walkers, joggers, and bicyclists enjoy the miles of paved pathways, and merchants have learned that the downtown portion of the linear park is an amenity that spurs sales during special events. The City of Battle Creek Parks and Recreation Department and community groups regularly schedule events on the linear park such as walk-a-thons, bike races, running events, and other programs designed to encourage widespread use of the park. The development of Battle Creek's linear park involved the cooperative effort of many groups and individuals including the Michigan Department of Natural Resources (MDNR), the W. K. Kellogg Foundation, the Battle Creek Area Urban League, and the city of Battle Creek to name a few. The linear park has been well received by the community and has won several state and national awards for its unique design and for the imaginative way in which it was funded and implemented. A complete understanding of the linear park's development and the role that it plays in the community requires a closer look at the city's history, economy, and location in a regional context. COMMUNITY PROFILE AND HISTORY Located in the southern Michigan/I-94 corridor midway between Chicago and Detroit, Battle Creek is within easy driving distance of several major metropolitan centers. Sometimes referred to as the "Cereal City," Battle Creek is internationally known as a center for the breakfast food processing industry. The city's major employers include the Kellogg Company, the Post division of General Foods, and the Ralston Purina Company. This collective industry accounts for the largest single work force in the city. Unquestionably, the city's leading corporate citizen is the Kellogg Company which maintains its world headquarters in Battle Creek and is the world's largest producer of ready-to-eat cereals. As one might imagine, the history of the city of Battle Creek and that of the Kellogg Company are intertwined. The Kellogg family, who moved to the area in the 1860s, were devout Seventh-Day Adventists and followed the faith's health regime of no smoking, drinking alcohol, or eating meat. In 1866 the Adventists set up the Western Health Reform Institute, which later became the Battle Creek Sanitarium, one of the most famous health spas in the world then. While experimenting in the sanitarium's kitchen, W. K. Kellogg discovered a method for flaking wheat, and, in doing so, modern day breakfast cereal was created. As the Kellogg Company grew and became prosperous, W. K. Kellogg began to look for outlets for his many philanthropic interests. Mr. Kellogg's lifetime interest in nutrition and health concerns led to the �///. Design and Planning—Lyons establishment of the W. K. Kellogg Child Welfare Foundation in 1930. The Foundation was later reorganized as the W. K. Kellogg Foundation which has become one of the country's largest foundations. Over the years the W. K. Kellogg Foundation has been a benefactor of many community projects including, as we will see later, Battle Creek's linear park. As the Kellogg Company and the cereal industry grew in the first half of the twentieth century, Battle Creek provided a stable employment base that allowed it to ride out economic downturns better than most midwestern communities. A combination of factors led to an unraveling of the city's economy in the 1960s, however.1 Battle Creek's fortunes began to change for the better in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The city's Fort Custer Industrial Park began to grow into a regional success story, attracting large foreign investments mainly from Japan and Germany. During the same period, a new regional shopping center was built on the outskirts of Battle Creek and a first-class hotel and convention center was constructed in downtown Battle Creek. These latter two events signaled the end of the downtown's traditional role as the main retail district and ushered in its new beginning as an office and service economy. Just as the central business district appeared to be entering a difficult period of transition, it received a major boost from the Kellogg Company when the company announced plans to construct a new $75 million corporate headquarters downtown on the Battle Creek River. The proposal signaled a new era of expanded riverfront use as a downtown amenity. The Kellogg Company's announcement was significant for a number of reasons, including: The headquarters would bring a large white collar work force downtown, lending support to the growing office and service economy. 155 • The development included the construction of an eight-acre riverfront park dedicated for public use. • The development allowed the city to leverage a $12 million UDAG Grant to construct streets, parking lots, mini parks, and other downtown amenities. • The development spurred new private investment downtown, including a new festival marketplace adjacent to the city's downtown hotel / convention center. These events contributed to the positive momentum which allowed Battle Creek to undertake the next step in its revitalization: the development of the linear park. THE LINEAR PARK DEVELOPS The seeds for Battle Creek's linear park were planted in 1980 when the city completed a railroad consolidation project that left approximately 2.5 miles of abandoned railroad running through the heart of downtown at its disposal. Then City Engineer, Tim Hatfield, and City Landscape Architect, Al Wilcott, originated the linear park concept by proposing a modest system of paths and park amenities for this stretch of railroad right-of-way. The linear park received widespread public support and quickly grew into a metropolitan linear park proposal that would include over 28 miles of pathways for non-motorized recreation. After a thorough review of various funding methods, the city sought a 50/50 matching grant from Michigan's Land Trust Fund administered by the Michigan Department of Natural Resources (DNR). The $995,000 application was matched by the estimated value of park land to be contributed by the city. The Michigan DNR was enthusiastic about the project during the grant review process, but expressed concern about Battle Creek's ability to construct and maintain �156 the park. The city made a commitment to the DNR to allocate approximately $ 112,000 annually from the General Fund to the maintenance and security of the park. 2 Construction funds came from two basic sources: approximately $1.2 million from a $12-million Urban Development Action Grant (UDAG) awarded to the city in 1982 to complete various downtown improvement projects, and a $3.5-million grant from the W. K. Kellogg Foundation to construct other portions of the park. With these commitments made by the city and the Kellogg Foundation, the Michigan DNR awarded Battle Creek its grant in January 1984. The W. K. Kellogg Foundation's grant to the city was a continuation of its historical support to local projects. The grant stipulated that funds were to be used in such a way as to provide job training and skill development opportunities to local youth. In order to meet this goal, the City of Battle Creek entered into a contract with the Battle Creek Area Urban League (BCAUL) to manage the recruitment and training of area young people. BCAUL worked with local youth agencies, schools, and neighborhood organizations to select workers. Up to 135 youths were hired each summer between 1985 and 1987 for periods of 10 to 16 weeks. Youth were taught basic construction skills and rules and regulations of their employment during intensive orientation programs. They worked in groups of eight to ten under the direction of a skilled supervisor. In addition, three lead supervisors were hired for their specific skills in the areas of personnel, construction, and administration.3 Work crews were employed in preparing paths, trimming trees, clearing brush, landscaping grounds, building decks and boardwalks, erecting gazebos, and pouring concrete. For many of these young people, it was their first structured work experience; as a result, they were taught valuable lessons about teamwork, punctu- Linear Parks Conference Proceedings ality, and attendance in addition to learning marketable job skills. THE DESIGN OF THE LINEAR PARK The basic route of the linear park was selected by the city's Engineering Department based on a common-sense evaluation of lands owned by the city of Battle Creek or the Battle Creek School System along the desired route. As one can see in Figure 1, a large portion of the linear park follows Battle Creek and Kalamazoo River which provided pleasant, easily accessible areas for the park development. The majority of the remaining park passes through existing city parks, an arboretum, schools, and a community college campus. This design has resulted in a parklike atmosphere along virtually the entire length of the linear park. Several areas of the linear park initially appeared to present obstacles which were creatively turned into assets. For instance, an area along Wagner Drive with a steep bank required the construction of a 1200foot-long boardwalk to complete the path connection. Another area, east of Kellogg Community College (Figure 1, Points of Interest E and /), at first glance presented poor siting options until an agreement was reached with Consumers Power Company to purchase a utility right-of-way for the path. With these problem areas solved, the path easily winds its way. In 1988, a western spur approximately 3.6 miles long was linked to the main loop system to connect with the city's Fort Custer Industrial Park. As the city began to develop the route for the linear park, it hired the landscape architectural firm of O'Boyle, Cowell, Blalock & Associates, Inc. (OCBA) to prepare a detailed master plan for park amenities. This planning effort came as a natural extension of the firm's previous work in designing downtown improvements �///. Design and Planning—Lyons 157 (D i 2 £ 2 ejf, i j ^ 1 £ 1 s j 1 i1 © ® @3 i © ill ^i i i III | © © 5 j j : 1^ | 3 s © I1 1 s i Ji ! 1 t 13 5 i 1 ? 11 ®®@©©©©(D© Figure 1. Battle Creek's Linear Park. financed by the city's UDAG Grant. OCBA's basic task was to propose a package of amenities for the linear park that would begin to develop a quality character and image for the park. New park areas, located at points between the major nodes (existing parks, schools, etc.) identified by the city, were recommended. The landscape architects felt that these park areas were important to the success of the park since the major nodes were sometimes several miles apart. These new parks were concentrated along the rivers partly due to expediency (these areas were already under city control), but mainly because it was felt that these areas would have the most widespread appeal due to their proximity to the water. The downtown portion of the linear park stretches over a five-block area. The downtown linear park segment was seen as the "jewel" that could act as a stimulant to bring people back to the town center. On the west end of this section stands the recently completed Kellogg Company World Headquarters complex. As mentioned earlier, the Kellogg development included the construction of an eight-acre quasi-public park on the Battle Creek River. This passive-recreation park features paved paths, benches, two pedestrian bridges, and extensive landscaping and serves as a prominent anchor to the west end of the downtown linear park. The linear park follows an abandoned railroad right-of-way along the north bank of the Battle Creek River throughout this stretch of downtown. In the 1950s, one block of the river was channelized and covered with a parking lot to service the adjoining retail district to the south. The removal of the parking lot, suggested by previous planning studies, was carried out as part of the linear park's construction. This left the landscape architects with the challenge of beautifying the channelized river. The solution featured repetitively spaced sitting �158 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings £ w^i^ia �///. Design and Planning — Lyons 159 areas cantilevered over the existing concrete seawalls to provide overlooks and a sense of drama to the park. A formal brick promenade links the overlook areas along a 500foot-long stretch of the river. Other amenities in this section of the riverfront include several small gardens to provide pleasant sitting spaces and give relief to the hard-surfaced promenade. A pedestrian bridge was also constructed here to link nearby features. Site amenities were designed to withstand hard use and to provide allusions to the area's railroad and cereal industries. The riverfront was also designed to accommodate annual festivals such as The World's Longest Breakfast Table. This and other festivals were seen as important components in changing the image of the downtown riverfront from an industrial back door to a lively, vital urban park. East of the riverfront promenade the linear park continues along the former railroad right-of-way passing by several churches, the District Court, the Police Station, and the City Hall. CONCLUSION As mentioned earlier, Battle Creek's linear park has been well received by the community. Despite its youth (the main loop of the linear park has only been open since 1986), the park is used by over a dozen community groups for annual events, and an equal number of special events are programmed by the city's Recreation Department. Mr. Linn Kracht, former linear park director, and now Superintendent of Recreation for the City of Battle Creek, reports that casual use of the park by individuals has also been high with peak usage occurring in the early morning and late afternoon-early evening periods. Thanks to the city's foresight in allocating funds for the maintenance and park security, citizens' concerns about the safety and upkeep of the park have not materialized. Police presence has reduced incidents of vandalism and crime to a minimum, further encouraging family use of the park. Maintenance is handled through the city's Department of Public Services, with a separate crew assigned exclusively to the linear park. The linear park has been the recipient of several state and national awards, including honors from the Michigan Chapter of the American Society of Landscape Architects, the Michigan Municipal League, the Waterfront Center of Washington, D.C., and the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development. The future of the linear park also looks bright. Recent developments such as the relocation of industries from riverfront sites to the Fort Custer Industrial Park, and the W. K. Kellogg Foundation's announcement that it will construct a new headquarters building on a downtown riverfront site seem to point to a continuation of riverfront revitalization and the success of the linear park. Future plans call for the linear park to be extended south to link the park's main loop with the popular Binder Park Zoo. If the past is any indication, this connection will be made without a hitch and Battle Creek can boast of a linear park system unparalleled for a city of its size anywhere in the country. Figure 2. (opposite) Typical Section of the Park Path. NOTES 1. 2. 3. Tom Brauer, "Overall Scene, What Makes Battle Creek Tick," Scene Magazine, July 1989 (Volume 14, Number 7), pp. 8-9. Annual Report—The Battle Creek Linear Park, 1984. Annual Report—The Battle Creek Linear Park, 1984. �160 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings The Davis Greenway: A Case Study of a Diversified System of Open Space, Trails, and Wildlife Habitat for the City of Davis, California Stanton Jones, Associate, Davis Rural Land Trust, Davis California; and Mark Francis, Center for Design Research, University of California, Davis INTRODUCTION We recommend [that] communities establish Greenways, corridors of private and public recreation lands and waters, to provide people with access to open spaces close to where they live, and to link together the rural and urban spaces in the American landscape. Americans Outdoors: The Report of the President's Commission, p. 142 By the year 2000, approximately 80 percent of the 280 million people living in the United States will be living in cities. This rapid influx of inhabitants will stretch the ability of a city's resources to provide for the population's needs in many areas. One resource that is already under intense stress is the open space and recreational areas available to the public, both areas within cities as well as outside existing city limits. Most of our current open spaces were created long ago. Hence, most of today's parks and open spaces are old and outdated (and given the current state of public budgets, probably showing their age), not equipped as well as they should be (again, due to public finances), or threatened with loss through development (especially areas that are sensitive and important habitats and ecosystems, such as wetlands and riparian habitats). In addition, many of the parks in existence today are largely under-utilized, due in large part to the inaccessibility of the park (distance, perceived level of safety) to the very people it was created to serve. The result of this situation is easy to deduce: in the future, more people will be attempting to use a resource that has one or more of four characteristics: 1) outdated, 2) poorly maintained, 3) threatened by development, or 4) inaccessible. But how does this analysis apply to the city of Davis, California, and to other semirural cities and towns across the United States? Currently, Davis is a city of 48,000 people with a fair amount of open space and recreational opportunities available to its inhabitants. But with Davis's current growth rate of 2.2 percent, the population of Davis will reach 80,000 shortly after the year 2000. Compounding this problem is the growth that the San Francisco Bay and the Sacramento metropolitan areas are experiencing. This growth is putting significant pressure on the city of Davis to expand at a more rapid rate. Real estate prices, a sure indicator of growth pressure, have spiraled upward in recent years at an alarming rate. (Bay area home prices have appreciated 35% in the past year alone.) In a 1989 report by the People For Open Space (a Bay area open space advocacy group), the group stated that decisions made within the next three to seven years will determine the status of open space well into the twenty-first century, and that failure to act in the immediate future will result in lost opportunities for preservation that will probably never come again. What seems necessary is an immediate increase in the amount of preserved open �///. Design and Planning—Jones and Francis space available to the public for use now and in the future. But is it enough to consider only increasing the amount of preserved open space, or should we consider the quality as well? If a large number of parks are unused, why bother to create more parks? The answer lies in the fact that increasingly more people are recreating closer to home, because of economic-related causes, the amount of available leisure time, or the problems of traveling can present, especially with the increased pressure on highways near urban areas. This trend of staying closer to home has, in turn, led to the discovery of local resources that residents may not have known about before. As a result, parks and open spaces will have to be more than just playing fields and hard courts. They will need to be creative, adaptable, and accessible to more than just the people within a two-minute walk of the park. They will also need, in many cases, to consider issues relating to wildlife and habitat preservation. People are not the sole users of park and open space systems, and with habitat disappearing at an ever-increasing rate, these issues will become only more important in the future. Can a creative, exciting alternative to the traditional park be created that can expand to meet future need, change with changing recreational demands, and solve the accessibility dilemma? Can wildlife and its habitat be protected and maintained in the face of increasing growth and use pressures? Can all this be done, considering the difficulty municipalities have had in financing open space projects in the past? The answer to all of these questions is yes, and the solution can be found in the idea of the urban greenway. GREENWAY HISTORY To waste, to destroy, our natural resources, to skin and exhaust the 161 land instead of using it so as to increase its usefulness, will result in undermining in the days of our children the very prosperity which we ought by right to hand down to them amplified and developed. Theodore Roosevelt, Message to Congress, December 3, 1907 The current concept of the greenway is the result of, and a reaction to, the development and subsequent redevelopment of a once abundant supply of open space in a growing America. This reaction is by no means a new method of dealing with the problems of overcrowding and overdevelopment. One can trace the idea back to the linear parks popularized early in the development of the United States, during the first stage of urban development in the nineteenth century. Examples of early linear park systems include the Bronx River Parkway in New York City, the Rock Creek Park in Washington, DC, and the Emerald Necklace in Boston. The goal of these types of parks, as Olmsted and Vaux stated in their Greensward Plan, was to provide city-dwellers "a specimen of God's handiwork that shall be to them, inexpensively, what a month or two in the White Mountains or the Adirondacks is, at great cost, to those in easier circumstances." This idea was readily accepted by citizens and politicians, and the concept was soon adapted to many purposes, such as the creation of large, interstate, linear open space systems like the Appalachian Trail in the East, which stretches from Maine to Georgia; and the John Muir Trail in the West, which runs the length of the Sierra Nevada Mountains. However, this idea of providing large tracts of open space that were easily accessible to many people seemed to give way during the housing boom that followed the Second World War. Large subdivisions were being haphazardly planned, with little regard for the farm lands and natural habitats �162 they were destroying, and little concern for the coordination of open space planning between neighborhoods. Development has continued to sprawl even to this day, aided by the development by making it easier and quicker to travel farther. However, our extensive highway system is quickly becoming more congested, possibly making it more attractive to live and recreate closer to home; currently, 90 percent of the public spends 90 percent of its leisure time in cities (National Urban Recreation Study, 1978). As a result of all this development, "the quality of the outdoor estate [has become, and] remains precarious. . . . We're losing available open space on the fringe of fast-growing urban areas and near water. Wetlands and wildlife are disappearing" (Americans Outdoors, p. 162). To help reestablish some of the lost habitat and open space, and to preserve and protect what little of the original habitat is left, the concept of the modern greenway has been developed. This highly effective and adaptable idea is beginning to gain wide acceptance throughout the country as a method of establishing large, innovative, accessible, and popular parks that serve the public's needs while enhancing the city's image as a community that values open space and recreation. The fact that the United States is urbanizing over 3,000 acres of land per day and over one million acres per year (Gold, p. Ill), seems to mandate that action be taken now to preserve open space and habitat in the future. In California alone, the population has grown from one million in 1900 to a projected 30 million in 1990, and will increase possibly to 50 million by the year 2020 (Ibid.). What this concern means, for Davis and for communities throughout the country, is that now is the time to begin planning for the future, regardless of how safe or adequate the current situation may appear. In Davis, for example, open space seems plentiful Linear Parks Conference Proceedings now. However, if the population doubles by the year 2000, the current plan for future open space may not be enough to accommodate the growing population, nor will it be accessible to the majority of the public, due to the predicted increase in traffic. In addition, significant preservation opportunities for endangered habitats like riparian and wetlands tracts could be missed if care is not taken in planning for the long-range protection and preservation of these of open space habitat. A greenway can provide the framework for a successful open space element in the future for Davis. Such an effort would place Davis at the forefront of recreational planning, as it was when it created the bike lane system throughout the city, the most ambitious system of alternate transportation at that time. This is the type of forward thinking that is required to assure Davis a future of accessible and successful open space and wildlife habitat. DAVIS—A BRIEF HISTORY OF OPEN SPACE PRESERVATION Throughout its history, Davis, California, has been a leader in innovation and community support in the areas of open space, recreation, and environmental concerns. During the 1960s, Davis implemented the most ambitious bicycle-lane project to that date, providing an alternative to auto traffic that has taken hold to the point that Davis is known as the "bicycle capital of North America." Other innovative ideas include the creation of Village Homes, a residential development planned around open space, while providing solar access for all the residents. This environmental approach to development, spurred by the environmental movements of the '60s and '70s, has shaped Davis into the community that exists today. The majority of the citizens of Davis still support these beliefs, as evidenced by the proportion of Sierra Club members �///. Design and Planning—Jones and Francis residing in Davis (the highest per capita in the nation). Another indicator of public involvement and concern in the continuing development of Davis has been in the political arena, with legislation centered on the issues of open space preservation (Measure S, June 1986), and slow growth (Measure L, June 1986) enacted recently. Both measures have had and will continue to have significant consequences for the future of Davis. Measure L called for Davis to grow "as slow as legally possible." This measure, approved by 58% of the voters, will continue to affect Davis as it moves toward the year 2000 by helping to limit the type of growth that has destroyed the character of many communities throughout California and the United States. However, growth pressures from San Francisco and Sacramento, as well as rising housing costs and the lack of affordable housing in Davis, are putting this measure to the test. Measure S, proposed by a citizen action group called Save Open Space (S.O.S), sought to preserve an abandoned parking lot in downtown Davis that was slated to be developed as a mall / shopping center. A compelling grassroots effort succeeded in stopping the scheduled development, by a vote of 58% to 42%, and preserved the space for the creation of an enlarged Central Park. This mandate, although it applied only the Central Park issue, shows how far the people of Davis are willing to go to preserve and enhance the character of their city through the preservation of open space. While S.O.S. was formed solely for the purpose of preserving the Central Park space its leaders indicated that the group, or another similar organization, could and should be utilized in the future to maintain a level of public awareness concerning similar issues of open space preservation (such as a greenway system). This suggestion was taken to heart in December of 1988, when Friends of the 163 Greenway was established to help educate the public and act as an advocacy group in support of the greenway concept. In December of 1987, the latest General Plan for the City of Davis was approved by the city council after a ten-month preparatory period. This General Plan, a replacement for the General Plan of 1973, has been the subject of some controversy, due mainly to the rapid development of the plan and the limited amount of public input. The 1973 Plan had evolved over a two-and-one-halfyear period and was the work of 11 citizen's committees composed of 120 Davis residents assisted by City staff. The 1987 Plan was prepared, as stated in its opening section, "by consultants and staff in accord with tentative decisions made by the city council following consideration of Alternative Sketch Plans." However, the resultant document is a comprehensive plan that has some real visionary possibilities, and the interest concerning the current Greenway Plan has spurred the city into updating the Open Space Element (O.S.E.) of the 1987 General Plan to include the greenway. Many sections within the current General Plan mandate the preservation of open space and wildlife habitat in the Davis planning area, but the addition of the greenway idea has given a coherent framework to the O.S.E. and to the General Plan as a whole. In addition to the Davis General Plan, the University of California, Davis has just approved its Long Range Development Plan (L.R.D.P). The Davis General Plan takes into account, as it must, the effect the university has on the city. It is substantial. The university's L.R.D.P. sets the course that U.C. Davis will take during the next 20 years, and the changes that will be occurring, including campus growth, open space preservation, and issues of agricultural and research land use, will certainly affect the General Plan, as well as the community itself. One positive element in the L.R.D.P. �164 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings is the idea of "campus as arboretum," which fits well into the concept of the greenway. As the university proceeds with its plan for growth and expansion, it will need to work with the city increasingly in the future, helping to maintain the strong connections that have contributed so positively and economically to both institutions. This relation, too, is covered in the Davis General Plan, Section 2-7B, which outlines the need to "express the interdependence of Davis and U.C.D. in the design of the city and of the campus." The next few years will be critical in the development of Davis. Decisions made now will either help or hinder the ultimate outcome of the growth and development that the city of Davis is currently undergoing. The opportunity for innovation and creativity in urban design that currently exists, however, may disappear within the next several years. Development can proceed very rapidly. Without a strong commitment to community image and character, it could serve to transform Davis into another sprawling bedroom community. However, the opportunity does exist now to plan the future development of the city of Davis in a manner that is innovative and exciting. Creative planning will add to Davis's image, enhancing it, providing citizens with both a city and a way of life. The idea of a greenway system for Davis is one way this goal could be accomplished. Negative constraints , . . inhibit creative solutions that come from a fully integrated marriage of ecology and design. Design must go further and ask: "How can human development processes contribute to the environments they change?" Michael Hough, City Form and Natural Process, 1984, p. 23 THE DAVIS GREENWAY: What It Is and What It Has to Offer A greenway, in the case of Davis, California, is a coordinated system of open space that links existing natural and cultural facilities using city streets, railroad rights-of-way, utility easements, and natural features such as stream corridors and drainage channels. Greenways can also provide corridors of wildlife habitat, act as a buffer zone between developments, and offer many other valuable benefits, such as: 1. Providing citizens with recreational opportunities ranging from quiet enjoyment of natural areas to hiking and bicycling 2. Making available areas where local flora, fauna, and their ecological relationships can be studied 3. Conserving open spaces in and around the expanding urban area in the face of explosive development 4. Increasing the value of nearby property 5. Preserving a means for the city dweller to have a closer relationship with nature 6. Complementing and connecting Davis's existing and future parks, improving the accessibility to these parks, and helping to increase the use of some of the lesser-utilized parks 7. Providing a safe alternative to the streets for pedestrians and bicyclists commuting between homes, schools, parks, offices, and commercial areas 8. Increasing the economic base of Davis by helping to revitalize the downtown area and attracting more tourists interests in experiencing the city, its culture, and its open space 9. Helping to integrate the Davis open space system with the university's open spaces, creating a much larger network than either could create on its own, �///. Design and Planning—Jones and Francis providing citizens and students with a myriad of choices for recreation These are only a sample of the many benefits a greenway could achieve, given the opportunity. Add to these results a sense of civic pride stemming from the support and help of many citizens, serving to foster a sense of public ownership and achievement. The Davis Greenway will also help strike a balance between open space and development, providing a coherent framework for the future while preserving some of the past. Implementing an open space preservation plan like the greenway will also significantly improve the outward image of the city, preventing it from becoming a city of tract homes next to tract homes, development next to development, while attracting more tourists and supplementing the local economy. The main role of the Davis Greenway will be to provide linkages among many of the city's resources, both human-made and natural. Instead of seeing Central Park separate from the Davis Art Center, or seeing Oak Grove Park separate from the University Arboretum, or from Putah Creek, they could all be seen as a part of the whole system, integral in the fabric which makes up Davis. This role will be discussed at length in subsequent sections of this paper. THE DAVIS GREENWAY PLAN The city that has places for foxes and owls, natural woodlands, trout lilies, marshes and fields, cultivated landscape and formal gardens, old as well as new buildings, busy and quiet urban spaces, is a more pleasant and interesting place to live in (Hough, p. 21). This proposal for the Davis Greenway is unlike most greenway projects across the country, not in its purpose, but in its overall design. The purpose of greenways, as stated 165 earlier, is to preserve open space and wildlife habitat in urban settings, while also providing linkages between both cultural and natural areas. While most or all greenways achieve this goal, the Davis Greenway offers an opportunity to create a multi-layered system of open space and habitat, in and around the community, that will meet the needs of a growing population and that is economically beneficial to the community's public and private sectors. With the downtown areas serving as the "hub," this ring of open space would serve to link the downtown area to the university, the university to West Davis, West Davis to the Davis Art Center, the Art Center to South Davis, and all of the aforementioned to the existing parks and wildlife habitat areas in and around Davis. This design will enable residents to travel, on bike, on foot, or in some areas, on horseback, experiencing a wide variety of recreational opportunities that are not currently available. The city of Davis has within it a well developed park and recreational system that provides open space for its citizens. However, many of Davis's parks are unused or underused, due in large part to problems with accessibility and programming. In a 1977 study entitled Neighborhood Parks: The Nonuse Phenomenon, Dr. Seymour Gold found that one of the most significant environmental factors contributing to nonuse in parks was poor accessibility. This concern was also expressed in a survey done recently on recreational habits in Davis (Jones, 1988). This survey also indicated that the main reason people did not use the parks was that there was nothing to do. Both of these problems could be overcome in the implementation of a greenway system. In a community as environmentally aware as Davis, an idea such as the greenway could take hold quickly and become a major asset to the community—socially, economically, and environmentally. �166 RATIONALE FOR A GREENWAY SYSTEM The case for the implementation of a greenway system in Davis is strong, given the current development and growth. From an environmental standpoint, the rapid growth of Davis and surrounding areas could severely impact many aspects of environmental quality, especially in promoting the conversion of agricultural lands to urban uses. The current General Plan will cause the conversion of 1900 acres of prime agricultural land to urban uses, according to the Davis Environmental Impact Report. While development of these lands may seem economically attractive, the image and character of Davis will be severely altered if this conversion takes place without some thought as to how to replace or preserve the feeling of openness or spaciousness that Davis currently has. A greenway design could help mitigate the negative impacts of lost open space along corridors that ring and run into the city. These corridors might range anywhere from 50' to 1500' in width, providing a diversity of experiences while also preserving the open feeling Davis needs to maintain its character. (For a more detailed description of the greenway corridors, see the following section.) Looking at the issue from a recreation standpoint, there is a tremendous desire for innovative and exciting types of recreational opportunities in the city of Davis. While Davis has many parks, as stated before, most of them are sorely underutilized. Still, as the Recreation in Davis Survey revealed, most people who live in Davis recreate in Davis. While between 80 to 87 percent of those surveyed said they used the parks and campus spaces for recreation, only 21 to 29 percent said they used them more than once a week. The most popular place for people to recreate is at home, yet the most popular form of recreation in Davis, according to Linear Parks Conference Proceedings those surveyed, is walking for pleasure. This discrepancy in the survey results could indicate several things, one being that accessibility is a key factor (possibly greater than indicated in the survey), or two, that there is a need for more areas to participate in passive recreation. This idea seems to be reinforced by the fact that, of those surveyed, 100 percent indicated that they would use the greenway for at least one of a variety of purposes: walking (74%), biking (72%), picnicking (54%), or any number of other activities appropriate to the greenway. The respondents also indicated a strong (90%) willingness to help support the greenway through taxation, bond issues, or donations, or by helping to maintain or construct it. These results indicate a strong desire for the implementation of a greenway system. Open space preservation may at first seem costly. However, the opposite is true. While it is difficult to quantify the benefits of open space in a dollar amount, it is possible to do so, and the results are striking. Several empirical studies reviewed by the junior author have been done concerning "the economic impacts and benefits of urban open space (Schroeder, 1982). Empirical work by Correll, Lillydahl, and Singell (1978) found that proximity to greenbelts in Boulder, Colorado directly increases property values. In a study of urban parks, Hammer, Coughlin, and Horn (1974) determined that homes closer to a city park sold for higher prices than similar ones located further from the park" (Francis, Urban Open Spaces, 1974, p. 94). Many developers have argued against open space because it does not generate profit. However, this research serves to disprove that claim, and in Raleigh, North Carolina, home of the Capital Area Greenway, developers who once argued strongly against the creation of the greenway are now completely in favor of it. Many have realized larger profits, and all are providing a much-improved environment that can serve �///. Design and Planning — Jones and Francis 167 Figure 1. Economic Benefits of a Greenway System Economic Development (market values) $660,000 • 50,000 population x 33% users x 20 visits/year = 330,000 visits • 330,000 visits x $2.00/visit = $660,000 spent in Davis on food, supplies, or equipment used in the greenway Increase in Property Values (property tax revenue) $17,050 • 17,051 single family units in Davis (ultimate number as per 1987 General Plan) 17,051 x 2% (homes affected by greenway system) = 3410 units • 3410 units x $200,000 assessed value = $682 million; assuming a 10 percent increase in assessed values projectes an additional $68.2 million tax base. The City of Davis receives $2.50 in property taxes per $1000 of assessed value. A $68.2 million increase in assessed values will yield $17,500 in additional property tax revenue. Tourism (nonresidents) $60,000 • 10,00 visits/year x $3.00/visit = $30,000; assuming a multiplier effect of $2.00 generated for every dollar spent projects a market value of $60,000/year Energy Conservation (residents) $330,000 330,000 visits x $.50/visit = $165,000 energy savings in transportation cost by using the greenway instead of regional park for day use 330,000 visits x $.50/visit = $165,000 energy savings in space heating and cooling while using the greenway instead of staying at home The combined total of $330,000 energy savings becomes disposable income, adding to the Davis economy Total Estimated Annual Economic Benefits $ 1,220,500 Total Estimated Economic Benefits x 25 years $26,676,250 Format adapted from the S.O.S. proposal for the Arden-Mayfair project; analysis similar to one utilized for the American River Parkway in Sacramento, California. as a showcase development for their firm. In fact, the development community in Raleigh, together with the city, have cowritten a new facility fee program that establishes fees and sets guidelines for subdivision and site plan applicants. Davis has several developers who already support the greenway idea, and some have begun to realize that by increasing the amount of open space, and by providing contiguous access to other open areas (like along routes of the proposed greenway), their profits will increase, even though the number of lots will actually decrease. The actual benefits of open space preservation are many, and they should be addressed in conjunction with the capital costs of implementing this type of project. �168 Benefits can be either quantifiable, such as user satisfaction, energy conservation due to use of local parks, tourism, and increased land values, or they can be non-quantifiable, such as improvement of mental and physical health, reduction in levels of air and noise pollution, increased opportunities for the disadvantaged, and increased community identity and imageability. Utilizing the most conservative quantifiable benefit estimates for a system of open space like the Davis Greenway yields a significantly favorable benefit/cost ratio for this investment in the future (see Figure 1). The estimated economic benefit of a greenway in Davis is approximately $1,220,500 per year, or $26,676,250 over a 25-year span. The costs associated with the implementation of such a system could vary a great deal, due in part to the method utilized to acquire the necessary land. Supposing a $500,000 per year capital investment (for land acquisition, construction of trails, etc.), and maintenance costs of $ 100,000 per year (trail maintenance, cleanup, etc.), the total expenditures total $600,000 per year, leaving a $620,500 economic benefit from which the city stands to benefit in many ways. The projection of expenditures is probably high (given that the City of Raleigh, North Carolina spends approximately $100,000 per year on its Capital Area Greenway), but it does serve to make a point—that an open space system like a greenway could contribute a significant amount to the economy of Davis. ELEMENTS OF THE DAVIS GREENWAY The Davis Greenway can best be understood by examining the different elements it contains. The greenway includes four main categories of elements: Greenstreets, Ring Greenway, Connector Greenways, and Natural Habitat. While they all contain many of the same features, they also differ in Linear Parks Conference Proceedings many areas as well, such as use, function, or size. However, it is important to remember that together they constitute a formidable open space system, which could work towards assuring the future residents of Davis the same opportunities for open space, recreation, and habitat preservation that many of today's residents enjoy or possibly take for granted. Greenstreets Streets provide us with the essential freedom of movement on which city life depends. They make and reveal the city. But in the rush to connect, we have ignored their other functions. Should we not reinvent the street to reflect the reality of mixed uses? Stephen Carr and Kevin Lynch, Open Space Freedom and Control, 1979, p. 9 The concept of Greenstreets fits well into the fabric of Davis, given that a part of its image is that of a green, tree-filled community. The Greenstreet portion of the greenway utilizes the existing bike lane system, and, over a period of time, will add signs that direct people to other potential linkages in the overall greenway system. These signs might include directions and distances to nearby parks or points of interest; information on historical sites, community gardens, or interesting wildlife and habitats; or simply a logo identifying the street or trail as a portion of the greenway. In examining Greenstreets, a hierarchy of usage is clear. The main Greenstreets are the most heavily utilized for bicycle automobile traffic. While this pattern of use is sure to continue, it is important to develop alternative routes to be used in the future, due to the expected increases in traffic flow on some of these streets. Alternatives could include the development of greenway bike lanes on less-traveled streets, or the creation of trails along side streets. �///. Design and Planning—Jones and Francis An important element in the design of a Greenstreet is the use of vegetation to create canopied thoroughfares, which are more aesthetically pleasing as well as more energy efficient. Aesthetically, a well-canopied street is much more enjoyable to ride on during the hot summer months, when temperatures in the 100s are not uncommon. Environmentally, a street with adequate vegetation will not only inhibit the creation of "the urban heat island" as Michael Housh (1984, p. 32) describes, but it will also support a diverse population of wildlife absent in so many cities. Unfortunately, many of Davis's streets are currently far from canopied, and unless some design changes are implemented, more of these wide-open asphalt swaths will appear. One remedy for this problem would be to set the sidewalk and the street about four feet apart and create a "treelawn," or planting strip, closer to the street. Bringing vegetation closer to the street will not only help canopy the street faster, it will also serve to slow down traffic. A recommendation to design streets in this manner in future subdivisions could truly enhance the image and quality of Davis's streets and bikelanes. Ring Greenway Create public access for community and noncommercial open space and recreational uses (e.g., community gardens, urban forests, and biking, jogging, hiking, or equestrian trails) onperiphery of the urban area. Plan for completion of Davis as a city surrounded by agriculture and open space uses, rather than a continuously expanding segment of a metropolitan area in which all cities eventually are expected to grow to meet their neighbors. Where feasible, create open space between urban and agricultural uses 169 to provide a visual edge. In order to allow efficient cultivation, pest control, and harvesting methods to be employed on agricultural land, require those property owners wishing to develop to provide a buffer or other means of mitigating the adverse effects of urban development on adjoining agricultural land. 1987 Davis General Plan The 1987 Davis General Plan clearly states that a buffer "ring" around the urbanized area is a long-range goal. However, the actual plan shows some areas that are not protected as open space buffer, which means that the open space around the city would be fragmented and therefore less accessible and successful. The idea of a Ring Greenway is exactly what the General Plan calls for, but it will probably be the most controversial element of the greenway because it departs somewhat from the General Plan. As shown on the greenway plan, the Ring Greenway is made up of many different elements, including the University Arboretum, the drainage swales and ponds in West Davis, the North Fork of Putah Creek as it runs through South Davis, and the drainage channel in North Davis. While the greenway plan follows the General Plan in most instances, there are two areas in particular that deviate from the General Plan—the portion north of Covell and west of Route 113, and the area north of the Mace curve to Road 105. The main reason for this alteration was discovered in a discussion with Thomas Lumbrazo, the Community Development Director for the City of Davis. He intimated that the creation of large tracts of open space along Covell Boulevard west of Route 113, and along Mace Boulevard, would be unacceptable because of the amount of work that is scheduled to occur along these two stretches of road over the next several years. Widening �170 of the roads, new sewer systems, and the costs involved in completing these will override the need for open space along these newly improved streets. As a response to his reaction, the Ring Greenway was relocated north, creating more of an identifiable and contiguous ring around the north side of the city. Many different types of open space, from agricultural lands to biking and hiking trails to wildlife habitat, could be implemented in the Ring Greenway element of the Davis Greenway. Because of its proximity to future development, some care must be given in the specific planning of areas so that wildlife habitat is protected adequately while still allowing for many different types of activities, such as picnicking, biking, jogging, nature study, or horseback riding. The drainage swales and ponds that exist in this element of the greenway offer some of the best habitat and nature study opportunities in close proximity to Davis, as does the riparian corridor of the North Fork of Putah Creek in South Davis. These two habitats are wonderful opportunities for environmental education, passive recreation, and other nonintrusive forms of leisure. Other types of activities, from more typical forms of recreation like soccer, to others like Frisbee® golf, could be accommodated in certain, limited areas. Still other options for innovative land use, such as the sale or lease of land within the greenway area (with a conservation easement and a public access clause attached) for use as small-scale organic farms, tree farms, vineyards, or stables, are currently being discussed. The continuous ring of publicly accessible open space that would be created adjacent to the limit of current and proposed (within the next two to five years) development offers permanent open space close in to the center of Davis, open space that could become an interior ring if (or, more correctly, when) development "jumps the garden wall," Linear Parks Conference Proceedings guaranteeing those residents currently living adjacent to open space continued access, both physically and visually, to large open spaces. It was this type of long-range vision that created the great parks of the late nineteenth century, such as New York's Central Park and San Francisco's Golden Gate Park, both of which were located on the distant outskirts of the city at the time of their creation. Connector Greenways Connector Greenways play a key transitional role in the overall scheme of the Davis Greenway. They serve as an extension of the Greenstreets concept, except that they are farther from the core of the city and have more of an opportunity to exist in a naturalized state. The Connector Greenways can assume several forms. One form could be a strip of undeveloped roadside (Road 99 to Woodland), where a trail built alongside the road has a negligible impact on wildlife while improving the access and safety for greenway users. Another form could be a drainage swale (the swale that runs from the 1-80 overpass to the South Fork of Putah Creek along the property line of the university) that offers a less improved, more natural landscape that approaches "habitat" more closely than the roadside does. Whatever their character, Connector Greenways serve several main purposes, among which are 1) creating a linkage between the city, the Ring Greenway, and the Natural Habitat areas in the Willow Slough and Putah Creek reserves, and 2) providing wildlife corridors to offer cover, food, and habitat as the animals move about. The latter, wildlife corridors, are similar in concept to the idea of "browseways" utilized by the U.S. Forest Service to provide improved habitat and cover for wildlife, particularly deer. This approach is one of the central ideas of the greenway system—not only �///. Design and Planning—Jones and Francis does it provide linkages and opportunities for recreation, but it also provides habitat for many types of wildlife at the same time. This idea is consistent with the environmental image Davis wishes to portray. The city could profit from it economically, culturally, and environmentally. Natural Habitat Areas Require development to be set back from creeks and channels where wildlife habitats exist. Limit activities within the setback area to trails and other uses that would not affect the adjacent natural habitat area. Encourage the University to preserve natural habitat areas on campus. Encourage management of stormretention ponds, drainage ponds, channels, and other appropriate areas as wildlife habitats. 1987 Davis General Plan The Central Valley of California, once home to a myriad of wildlife, is now struggling to provide enough habitat for the comparatively few number of indigenous animals that still inhabit the area. The amount of wildlife habitat that has been lost over the years is staggering. For example, before humans arrived in California wetlands habitat comprised over five million acres in the Central Valley alone; today, there are approximately 86,000 acres left, or just under 2% of the original amount, according to Ducks Unlimited. Many other important habitats have gone this way as well, including riparian corridors, of which the South Fork of Putah Creek and the Willow Slough are prime examples. "The statewide threat to riparian habitats . . . is acute; less than 1% of California's historic riparian vegetation remains intact" (U.S. Department of the Interior, 1980, p. 83). In response to this threat, the city of 111 Davis can act to preserve much of the existing riparian habitat along the two corridors mentioned above by incorporating them into the greenway plan. The city has currently finished a report outlining the method to be utilized in expenditure of the $2.1 million committed to Davis from Proposition 70 solely for the purchase of "riparian, wetlands, and potential wetlands habitat." Proposition 70, passed overwhelmingly in June of 1988, allocates over $70 million for use in the preservation, acquisition, and reclamation of open space and wildlife habitat throughout California. Approved by over 70 percent of the voters, money will be raised through the sale of state bonds and will then be distributed to different cities and other government entities. The process for Proposition 70 land acquisition outlined by the city of Davis is the first real step in preserving open space with an overall strategy, the Davis Greenway, in mind. Putah Creek and Willow Slough, as well as the smaller habitats provided by drainage channels and ponds, are home to many species of animals found nowhere else in this area. In fact, riparian habitats have more avian species diversity than any other habitat type, and there are several endangered species that live in these habitats as well, such as the Swainson's Hawk and the Giant Garter Snake. Unfortunately, most of the habitats that raptors like the Swainson's Hawk prefer are the same areas that humans prefer as well. As a result, the raptor species residing in these areas must be carefully considered and evaluated as to their response towards human activity. During the spring egg-laying and incubation periods, this situation is especially crucial. Many raptors will abandon their clutch if disturbed too much. However, this locality could present an excellent working laboratory for raptor research by groups such as the U.C. Raptor Center for the Davis Audubon Society. By identifying specific nesting locations, areas �172 of the greenway in close proximity to the nest could be cordoned off, or activity in these areas could be restricted. Signs could help in this area as well, serving to protect the nesting animal while also educating the public about wildlife environment. This is a basic approach in conservation education: providing a learning experience that the people benefit from now, while the environment benefits both now and in the future. Both the Willow Slough and the Putah Creek habitat areas can provide this combination of education and preservation. An opportunity for open space and habitat preservation may be afforded in the near future with the creation of the Willow Slough Regional Park. This park will be much different than traditional "lawn and trees" park. This park will be a habitat park, with facilities for hiking, biking, picnicking, and nature study. When completed, it could serve as a model for other areas where natural habitat may be combined, even enhanced (by providing more resources utilized in range and habitat management), by its exposure to low-impact, passive forms of leisure and recreation. THE GREENWAY: DAVIS AND BEYOND Imagine walking out your front door, getting on a bicycle, a horse, or a trail bike, or simply donning your backpack, and within minutes of your home, setting off along a continuous network of recreation corridors which could lead across the country, . . . Greenways are your vehicle for this imaginary trip of the future, reaching out from communities all across America to link cities, towns, farms, ranches, parks, refuges, deserts, alpine areas, wetlands and forests into a vast and varied network of open spaces. Americans Outdoors, p, 142 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings The Davis Greenway has the potential to become the hub of a larger, more extensive system covering the northern valley and foothill areas, and, looking far into the future, possibly connecting up to a regional, or even national, system of open space. While this idea may seem far-fetched, a regional open space network may be more realistic than one might realize. Currently, there exists a bike trail that parallels 1-80 from Davis to West Sacramento. This trail then links up in West Sacramento with a trail that leads to the American River Parkway, which contains some 30 miles of bike lanes and trails between West Sacramento and Folsom. If the linear miles of the parkway were combined with the distance between West Sacramento and Davis and the linear miles contained in the Davis Greenway (not including Greenstreets), the result would be in the neighborhood of 95 linear miles of trails. A small example when the implications of a national greenway system are considered, but it is a start. The Davis Greenway could begin to link areas of the Central Valley together, utilizing open space and trails to provide the framework for a truly regional recreational resource. The park would, in essence, extend to everyone's front porch. Using the greenway, one could travel from a home in Davis, stop by the Farmer's Market on the way out of Davis, ride the bike trail to West Sacramento, pick up the American River Parkway, and arrive at Folsom Lake. Not only is this an enjoyable recreational resource, but it also serves to preserve open space and wildlife habitat. The benefits of such a regional system, expanding existing trails to create an open space system rather than a system of bike lanes, would be astronomical, both in economic terms and in quality of life, especially in an area whose growth rate far exceeds the national average. As the Sacramento metropolitan area continues its rapid pattern of growth, the �///. Design and Planning—Jones and Francis issues of quality of life and open space preservation will only become increasingly important. IMPLEMENTATION The city of Davis is at a critical point in its history. The transition from small town to urbanized setting brings up many critical questions concerning patterns of growth, ultimate size, and community image. Throughout this discussion concerning the Davis Greenway, it has been shown how well the concept of a greenway fits Davis's current situation in helping to provide a framework for a carefully thought-out and ecologically sensitive long-range development plan for both the city and the university. By combining the open space resources of both entities into an overall conceptual plan, both the students and the citizens of Davis will benefit, as will the city and the university. A question now arises however—a question concerning the conversion of what seems like an idealistic dream to many into a reality. How could a greenway be implemented in Davis? There are many conservation alternatives that could be successful in any given situation; however, there are some that have proven to be more successful than others. For the city of Davis, several opportunities exist that could make the Davis Greenway a reality. First, there is an existing Land Trust in Davis that could work with the city to protect and preserve the necessary open space outlined on the proposed conceptual plan. The Land Trust, as a nonprofit organization exempt from taxation under Section 501 (c) (3), can provide cost-effective and nongovernmental alternatives to development for private landowners, while also protecting and preserving open space and/or habitat. Methods such as conservation easements have proven extremely effective nationwide, protecting over two million acres of land to 173 date. The Davis Rural Land Trust could be an effective mechanism in acquiring open space land for the greenway. With the passage of Proposition 70, the city of Davis, as previously mentioned, is scheduled to receive $2.1 million for the acquisition of wetlands and riparian habitat. These funds could provide the beginnings of a greenway or open space fund for the city. Proposition 70 illustrates that the outdoors is important to the citizens of this state, and that they are willing to pay for its protection. In the survey on recreation in Davis, furthermore, 93 percent of those surveyed said that they would support the greenway in some way, and of those, 61 percent said they would approve a small greenway tax, and 53 percent indicated that they were in favor of a bond issue to raise revenue for the greenway. This would seem to indicate that the public sector in Davis believes in the concept of a greenway, and that they would be willing to pay for it. Other alternatives might be to apply for a Community Development Block Grant (C.D.B.G.) for open space acquisition, or to work with private interest groups such as the Sierra Club, the Nature Conservancy, Ducks Unlimited, the Rails-To-Trails Conservancy, or the Audobon Society in a fund-raising or sponsorship manner. Corporate funding could also be sought. There is a limited amount of federal funds (aside from the C.D.B.G.) at this time; however, this situation could change if the American Heritage Trust Bill passes. There are several federal and state agencies that can help, such as the Rivers and Trails Assistance Program of the National Park Service, the Bureau of Land Management, and the Department of Fish and Game. The Yolo County Flood Control District has also expressed interest in designing its next project, a drainage channel north of Davis, in conjunction with the greenway efforts currently under way, incorporating native �174 vegetation and public access instead of concrete channels into the design. When the greenway finally is on the verger of becoming a reality, the community should be given the opportunity to help in the construction of the various portions of the system. This idea has been extremely successful in other communities, serving to foster a sense of ownership of the greenway. Since the Greenway Plan's introduction in July 1988, there have been several public hearings and one successful community involvement is the real key to any successful greenway system. All the hard work, research, and time spent on developing a greenway system will be for nothing if the citizens do not feel that they were allowed any input into its development. And if they do not use it, it could be lost to development in a much shorter time than it took to create. CURRENT STATUS OF THE DAVIS GREENWAY The idea for the creation of an extensive open space network first took shape in the fall of 1987. The junior author and Kerry Dawson, Professors of Landscape Architecture at U.C. Davis, began to formulate a plan for a multi-layered system of open space extending from the center of the city out to the agricultural lands and riparian habitats that surround the city. In the winter and spring of 1988, the senior author began to research the feasibility and potential of this system. This study culminated in June with the completion of a written proposal and plan for the Davis Greenway (available from the Center for Design Research, Department of Environmental Design, U.C. Davis, Davis, California 95616), in which the Davis City Council quickly became interested. In July, a public hearing was held to discuss the status of open space in and around Davis, during which the Greenway Plan was presented to the City Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Council by the senior author in a slide presentation. The plan was subsequently sent to the city's staff for further study, which culminated in a second public hearing devoted solely to the Davis Greenway in November. Attended by approximately 100 people, the public wholeheartedly embraced the idea, and strongly encouraged the city to include the greenway concept in its General Plan. Since that time, the Davis Greenway has been at the center of discussions in the numerous city commissions and task forces dealing with open space planning, where they are recognizing the advantages offered by utilizing open space and wildlife habitat as the framework for proposed development, rather than creating numerous developments with disjointed and unrelated open spaces and habitats. The city has just recently hired a full-time intern to spearhead the greenway effort on the city's behalf, while the Friends of the Greenway has taken up the job of public education and citizen involvement. The result has been an increasingly large coalition of environmental groups, businesses, citizens groups, and city government officials working toward the preservation of open space and the inclusion of the Davis Greenway into the City's General Plan, which is being proposed by the City's Park and Recreation Department sometime during the fall of 1989, upon completion of the updated open space element. The Greenway Plan has also attracted regional and national attention recently. In 1989, the plan received planning awards from the American Society of Landscape Architects and the Sacramento Valley Chapter of the American Planning Association. In addition, the California State Trails Commission has passed a resolution supporting the plan, and the National Park Service's Rivers and Trails Assistance Program has also offered a letter of support in favor of the creation of a greenway in Davis. This �///. Design and Planning—Jones and Francis recognition should help facilitate support for implementing the Greenway Plan. SUMMARY The citizens of Davis value open space and recreation, wildlife habitat, and the environment. Unless some decisions are made fairly soon by both the city and the university concerning the preservation of open space and habitat in the future, however, the opportunity will expire, not to be offered again. The idea of a Davis Greenway, even though not a new concept in open space, can set a framework for open space in the future that is both visionary and flexible. The plan is visionary in that it can provide for the needs of many future generations. It is flexible in that the overall plan is meant to respond to changes in need and recreational use patterns. These are all critical factors which indicate that a greenway for Davis could be a viable idea—now and into the future. The idea of the Davis Greenway can now go one of three ways. It could be forgotten, debunked, or thrown away as a pipe 175 dream that could never happen. The idea could be the subject of debates and discussions over the coming years, possibly until it becomes too late or infeasible to accomplish. Finally, it could be picked up and further developed into a more concrete plan of action, aiming for actually implementing such a system. This last option is the one to choose if open space, habitat, quality of life, and city character are important. The third option is also a challenge—a challenge to those who care enough about the future development of Davis, and of cities in general, to apply the concept in practice. It is a viable idea, possibly a timeless idea, and it should be passed on to other professionals, communities, and citizens so that they can make their choice as well. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors would like to thank Kerry Dawson, Steve Greco, Paul Junker, Jeanne Hippler, Council Member Anne Evans, and Friends of the Greenway for instrumental input in developing and refining the Davis Greenway Plan. BIBLIOGRAPHY Alexander, Christopher, et al. A Pattern Language. New York: Oxford University Press, 1977. Boston Foundation. The Greening of Boston. Boston: Center for Public Service, 1987. California Trout, Inc. Habitat Disturbance and Recovery. San Luis Obispo: California State University, 1981. Committee on Agricultural Land Use and Wildlife Resources. Land Use and Wildlife Resources. Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences, 1970. Diehl, Janet, et al. The Conservation Easement Handbook. Alexandria, Virginia: Land Trust Exchange, 1988. Gehl, Jan. Life Between Buildings. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1987. Gold, Seymour. Recreational Planning and Design. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1985 Hough, Michael. City Form and Natural Process. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1984. Jensen, Clayne R. Issues in Outdoor Recreation. Minneapolis: Burgess Publishing Company, 1972. Jones, Stan ton. Recreation in Davis Survey. 1988. Maryland Department of State Planning. Outdoor Recreation and Open Space Concept Plan. 1970. Nash, Roderick. Wilderness and the American Mind. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967. �176 National Academy of Sciences. A Program for Outdoor Recreation Research. Washington, D.C., 1969. National Park Service. The Riverwork Book, Washington, D.C., 1987. Nicholson-Lord, David. The Greening of the Cities. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987. Office of Planning and Research, State of California. Planning For The Fun Of It. Sacramento: Office of Planning and Research, 1982. People For Open Space/Greenbelt Alliance. Reviving the Sustainable Metropolis. San Francisco, 1989. President's Commission, Americans Outdoors. Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1987. Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Shoemaker, Joe. Returning the Platte to the People. Denver: Greenway Foundation, 1981. Spirn, Anne Whitson. The Granite Garden. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1984. Trancik, Roger. Finding Lost Space. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1986. U.S. Department of the Interior. Habitat Guides for Birds of Prey. 1979. U.S. Department of the Interior. Important Fish and Wildlife Habitats of California. 1980. U.S. Department of the Interior. Western Reservoir and Stream Habitat Improvements Handbook. 1978. Suburban Parkway Development in Waukesha County, Wisconsin: A Midwestern Case Study Paul E. Skidmore, Foth and Van Dyke and Associates, Inc., Madison, Wisconsin INTRODUCTION The parkway movement in America is typically associated with the preservation and development of large-scale (state or regional) linear parks oriented toward or along rivers or mountain ranges. These parkways, which usually include a scenic roadway, serve to protect and display unique natural and cultural resources. Some parkways, such as the Blue Ridge Parkway in Virginia and North Carolina, are owned and managed by the National Park Service. Other parkways, such as the Glen Canyon Parkway in Colorado, are owned and managed by individual state transportation departments. However these parkways might be owned or managed, all have been designated and protected because of their national or state significance as unique natural and/or cultural resources. Increased urban and suburban development in metropolitan areas has put pressure on decision-makers who want to preserve and develop adequate recreation and protected natural areas, but still promote economic development within their communities. These decision-makers recognize the need for their community to grow, while acknowledging their responsibility to provide better services for inhabitants. They are aware of the importance of preserving environmentally sensitive areas, as well as of maintaining a healthy environment within their community. The planners also recognize the need to provide quality park and conservancy lands to meet future as well as �///. Design and Planning — Skidmore existing needs. Finally, local decision-makers are realizing the need to develop guidelines and ordinances to implement these requirements. Local Parkway Issues Economic development and park and conservancy preservation and development can be realized at the community level through the comprehensive planning process. By identifying and preserving prime environmental resources, suburban communities can protect them from incompatible adjacent development and still allow for orderly community growth in other suitable areas. Many existing local parks and conservancy (natural preserve) areas, as well as other prime environmental resources, are located within identified environmental corridors in the community. These environmental corridors usually are located along rivers, streams, and lakes, and they generally are proximate to the site of the historic origin of the community. These natural groupings of existing park and natural areas; community, historic, and cultural resource areas; and prime environmental resources are ideally suited for the development of local parkways or linear parks. Some state and federal decision-makers have recognized the importance of preserving these environmentally sensitive lands locally. There are a number of state-mandated regulations requiring the preservation of various categories of sensitive environmental resources, such as wetlands. There are also a variety of grant-in-aid programs that provide incentives to acquire and preserve prime environmental resources, and there are incentives to acquire and develop quality recreational lands at the local level, too. Finally, there are several programs that assist in preparing plans and training municipal employees to manage their community's environmental resources. 111 Developing parkways locally can be an effective means of preserving prime environmental resources, as well as providing adequate park and recreation facilities to a suburban community. Numerous communities in the United States have developed local parkway systems along environmental corridors. Boston, Massachusetts, and its surrounding suburban communities are good examples of such environmental preservation and park development. This paper will discuss the efforts of one such community, Menomonee Falls, Wisconsin, to implement a local parkway program. Background on Planning Considerable research has been conducted on community development, environmental preservation, and park and recreation planning by a variety of public and private agencies throughout the United States. This information is available to local decisionmakers in order to help them evaluate existing conditions and formulate new policies for managing community growth. Many state and federal agencies have used the information generated by this research to develop programs that help municipalities plan for their future and help them insure orderly community growth. Several of these programs include grants-in-aid, which are used for planning, acquisition, or development of park systems and protected natural areas. These programs act as incentives for municipalities to plan for their future park and preservation needs. Environmental Corridors Extensive research on the character and value of environmental corridors has been conducted at the University of Wisconsin—Madison and other places. Environmental corridors were first identified in the late 1960s by Professor Phil Lewis, Jr. Professor Lewis's research concluded that approximately 95 �178 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings percent of the significant environmental resources of an area are linear, usually situated along streams, rivers, lake edges, and wetlands. His research also showed that by preserving these environmental corridors, a majority of an area's prime environmental resources could be protected. Many county and local governments in Wisconsin and elsewhere have subsequently identified the environmental corridors within their jurisdictions, and they have protected them under their zoning ordinances. The Southeast Wisconsin Regional Planning Commission (SEWRPC) has identified environmental corridors in the village of Menomonee Falls, and the village, in turn, has protected them from development under its zoning ordinance. ways under the heading of urban forestry: 1. Grants-in-aid to municipalities to prepare urban forestry management plans, prepare tree planting plans, train municipal urban foresters, and adopt municipal tree ordinances. 2. Technical help from state forestry experts. 3. Enabling legislation to create community forests, including demonstration areas, municipal nurseries, conservancy areas, timber management areas, and qualification for forestry aids. These programs are available to municipalities to improve the quality of their urban environment in general and of their urban forests specifically. Comprehensive Outdoor Park and Recreation Planning Most municipalities and counties in Wisconsin and other states prepare Comprehensive Outdoor Recreation Plans (CORPs) to plan for the recreation and preservation needs of their communities. In addition to being and effective, systematic means of planning for the recreational needs of a community, the preparation of a CORP is required by Wisconsin state government in order to qualify for Land and Water Conservation (LAWCON) or Acquisition and Development of Local Parks (ADLP) grantsin-aid. LAWCON and its state counterpart ADLP are the major grant programs available to purchase and/or develop park lands preserves. State regulations require that the CORP be updated every five years in order for the municipality to remain eligible for the grant-in-aid programs. Grant-In-Aid Programs The State of Wisconsin, as well as the U.S. government, has a variety of grant-in-aid programs available to municipalities to help them improve the quality of their park and conservancy systems. Most of these programs have requirements regarding comprehensive planning, public use, and environmental preservation or improvement. The state has concluded that these various grant-in-aid programs act as an effective incentive for municipalities to plan and implement programs that satisfy community recreation and conservation needs. Park land acquisition and development, normally funded through local budgets, affects local property taxes. Given the current high cost of municipal services and the trend to try to lower taxes in general, municipalities are usually faced with the task of trimming local budgets to hold the line on expenses. This attitude usually results in park and recreation projects being deferred or eliminated, and park maintenance being deferred. Both state and federal government agencies have recognized this trend, and Urban Forestry The state of Wisconsin provides several incentives to municipalities to manage and improve the quality of their urban vegetation. These programs are administered in several �///. Design and Planning — Skidmore they have tried to help local communities afford these projects. Generally, the grants from grant-in-aid programs are provided on a matching-funds basis for important projects within an area. Most funding agencies rank the grant requests according to the following priorities: 1) acquisition of prime environmental resources, 2) land for new parks, 3) facilities development with a regional impact, 4) facilities having year-round use, and 5) facilities with local impact. Funding agencies have found that these grants stimulate park development. Many local officials find that once they receive a park development grant, private individuals and service groups are eager to donate the funds necessary for the local match. In this manner, many administrators are realizing that state and federal grants act as an incentive for local park development. Land Use Controls Under the police powers authorized by most state governments, local ordinances can be passed or modified to require a developer to dedicate a set percentage of a proposed development as park land or to require that the developer provide urban street trees for each new lot platted. Furthermore, these ordinances can be designed to allow the municipality either to choose which area in the development project it wants for recreational purposes or it can specify that the developer can make a payment in lieu of park land dedication, if the community doesn't need a new park in the area. Other local ordinances can be passed to prohibit development of prime environmental corridors or to require that individual property owners remove diseased or nuisance trees on their land to protect urban vegetation in the area. Many states have legislation that restricts local development in the interest of environmental protection. Wisconsin, for instance, has legislation that defines noxious 179 weeds and requires their removal and legislation that protects prime agricultural lands, wetlands, and historic resources. A CASE STUDY: MENOMONEE FALLS, WISCONSIN The village of Menomonee Falls is a typical midwestern suburban community. It has an area of about 33.4 square miles and a population of about 27,000, and it is situated due west of the major inland port city of Milwaukee in Waukesha County. Menomonee Falls is connected to Milwaukee and other surrounding communities via an everexpanding highway network. SEWRPC has studied development trends in the area and has concluded that significant physical growth will be occurring in Menomonee Falls and other suburban communities surrounding Milwaukee. Historical Perspective Historically, Menomonee Falls has developed in a manner similar to many other small communities in the area. In the mid1850s, entrepreneurs from Milwaukee migrated west and established a lime kiln operation to supply lime to various Milwaukee businesses. The operation was sited along the Menomonee River near one of the many limestone deposits. In addition to being near a source of raw materials, this site was chosen because of its proximity to the Menomonee River, which was used as a power source and water supply. The lime kilns were constructed on the west side of the river, approximately 50 feet from a small waterfall. This waterfall, the "Falls of the Menomonee River," gave the new community its name. Homes were built near the kiln operation, and more businesses were developed in the area to serve the growing population. Many of the homes and businesses were located north of the lime kiln operation and �180 along the Menomonee River. This area, along what is now Main Street, developed into the community downtown. Eventually, the lime kiln operation and a nearby grist mill became obsolete and were abandoned, but community development continued along the Menomonee River. New businesses were built, new homes were constructed, and the village continued to grow. The abandoned lime kiln site and mill pond were purchased and developed as the beginnings of the local park system. As time went on, the community continued to purchase and develop park and conservancy lands in a piecemeal manner. Most of these parks were designated and developed because of their nearness to community residents and the Menomonee River. Today, most of the urban sections of the village of Menomonee Falls, as well as the majority of village-owned park and conservancy lands, lie within one mile of the Menomonee River. Development Problems A growing urban population, improved transportation networks, and an increasing trend of homeowners relocating from central cities to suburban areas have created pressure on Menomonee Falls decision-makers to develop the suburban community even further. Economic competition for prime development land around metropolitan Milwaukee has caused a rapid increase in housing, commercial, and other related land uses in Menomonee Falls. This development has spurred the growth of the local economy and has increased the property tax base, but it also has created a variety of new problems. Often, suburban development in Menomonee Falls has occurred at the expense of important resources. Housing developments and subdivisions were frequently located in prime agricultural areas, and commercial and industrial developments were situated along major roadways and typically included Linear Parks Conference Proceedings large paved parking areas to serve their clients and employees. These parking areas, along with the new roadways and other improvements associated with suburban development, have increased storm water runoff and the chance for surface- and ground-water pollution. Also, increased suburban development has usually meant increased numbers (and use) of automobiles and trucks and an associated increase in noise and air pollution. Generally, competition for prime development land around Milwaukee results in the overdevelopment of housing and commerce at the expense of land uses having lower direct economic value such as agriculture, recreation, and preservation. Even though community development and a growing community population both increase the need for more park and recreation land in Menomonee Falls, developers have been unwilling to dedicate areas for park and recreation due to the high development value of the land. Developers have been reluctant to provide any amenities, such as street trees, landscaping, or sidewalks, since these items would reduce their return on investment. To fulfill their park land dedication requirement under the village subdivision ordinance, some developers have attempted to designate and dedicate storm water detention basins required by village ordinance, as park land. As a result, the village has accepted some storm water detention facilities, several that are unusable and even unsafe, as community recreation facilities. Solving the Problems As in many other small community governments, decision-makers in Menomonee Falls recognized the problems facing their community. They realized that community growth in Menomonee Falls was inevitable and that proper planning and management were necessary. �///. Design and Planning — Skidmore In early 1988, the Menomonee Falls Village Board contracted with the consulting firm of Foth and Van Dyke and Associates of Wisconsin for the preparation of a Comprehensive Outdoor Recreation Plan and an Urban Forestry Plan. Both of these plans were completed and adopted as official village planning documents in late 1988. Since their adoption, these plans have served as development guidelines for Menomonee Falls. The Menomonee Falls CORP was expanded beyond state requirements to include a discussion of recreational issues important in the village, park master plans for each of the village park and conservancy areas, and an inventory and capital improvements program for village schools that had outdoor recreation facilities open to the public. Goals and Objectives A list of goals and objectives was prepared to establish the overall framework for the development of the CORP. The ultimate goal of CORP is to "[establish a Villagewide system of parks, open space and recreational facilities that will economically provide Menomonee Falls residents of all ages with adequate, convenient, and high quality recreational opportunities on a yearround basis." Other goals articulated the need to maintain adequate active and passive recreational lands, provide adequate facilities at all parks in the system, stress the need to preserve environmentally sensitive and historically significant areas, and establish a village-wide urban forestry program to manage vegetation on village land. Examples of supporting objectives include: encourage the use of natural features such as floodplains, wetlands, and woodlands as passive recreation areas; replace old, deteriorating recreation equipment at all village-owned parks; establish an ongoing tree planting and tree maintenance program; and secure 181 additional lands along the Menomonee and Fox River environmental corridors to ensure public control. The goals and objectives provide the framework for the recommendations to be made in the action plan, and, in essence, represent the heart of the CORP. Community Profile A community profile was prepared to analyze present and future growth trends in the community. Generally, Menomonee Falls's population will decline slightly over time, due to a decrease in household size, but housing and commerce will expand because more people will purchase homes in the community. Also, the profile determined that the amount of agricultural land in the village was decreasing, while land devoted to housing and commerce was expanding. Finally, the profile showed that community residents had a higher-than-average income, and that the housing stock in the village was newer than the state average. These last two factors are indicators of the trend toward increased suburban development. Inventory of Existing Park Lands An inventory of existing park, recreation, and conservancy lands in Menomonee Falls indicated that the community has a wide variety of facilities available to its residents. The inventory showed that most of the land along the Menomonee River is owned by the village and managed as park or conservancy areas. An analysis of the inventory and a comparison to National Park and Recreation Association (NPRA) standards reveals several interesting points: 1. The village has a large amount of park land, but some areas are not served by parks. 2. The village basically has the recommended number of appropriate recreational facilities to meet current �182 and future needs. 3. Most of the recreational facilities are in good condition, but some need repair or replacement. Recreational Issues The Statewide Comprehensive Outdoor Recreation Plan (SCORP) was used to identify some general recommendations for park and recreation improvements. Other improvement suggestions were made by local officials and interest groups. Finally, public hearings were held to obtain input from the general public. Several important issues came out of this process: 1. The public was in favor of preserving the environmental corridors. 2. The public wanted more hard-surface trails for walking, cycling, pushing baby carriages, etc. 3. The public wanted more quality park facilities near their homes. Action Plan The final step in the preparation of the Menomonee Falls CORP was the Action Plan and its associated capital improvements program. Generally, this process involved combining the desired improvements identified through public input with improvements identified as desirable according to the SCORP, and repairing or replacing obsolete or deficient facilities as determined in the inventory of existing facilities. The capital improvement program (CIP) provides costs and implementation dates for the improvements identified in the action plan. Improvements are ranked for implementation according to their importance and priority in the overall CORP, generally as follows: 1. Improvements to existing facilities a. correct health and safety hazards Linear Parks Conference Proceedings b. upgrade deficient facilities c. modernize adequate but outdated facilities 2. Install new facilities as deemed appropriate through community input 3. Install new facilities as deemed necessary through comparison to NPRA standards and the SCORP When taken as a whole, these capital improvements represent the implementation plan for the entire CORP. By grouping and prioritizing certain capital improvements, specific CORP recommendations can be constructed. The highest priorities in this plan have been identified as the acquisition of land to complete the Menomonee River Parkway system and the construction of a hard-surface trail system along it. Urban Forestry Plan The leaders of Menomonee Falls decided to prepare an Urban Forestry Plan as a means of managing the urban tree population, maintaining the overall environmental quality of the community. They viewed the plan as an integral component of the process of identifying and preserving the community's prime environmental resources. The urban forestry plan was prepared concurrently with the CORP and contains recommendations that are based on some of the CORP's Action Plan. The final recommendations of the urban forestry plan include trimming one-sixth of the community's urban trees each year, planting about 100 new trees each year to maintain a viable urban forest, monitoring urban trees to locate problems and treat them, hiring new staff to perform urban forestry duties, and removing dead or dying trees and stumps in a safe and timely manner. Implementation Implementation of the Menomonee Falls �///. Design and Planning — Skidmore CORP and Urban Forestry Plan is being accomplished using two methods. Certain recommendations of each plan are administered through existing ordinances or codes, while capital improvements identified in the action plans will be authorized and funded through specific governmental action. The Village of Menomonee Falls applied for a Wisconsin ADLP matching grant to construct a multi-purpose, hard-surface trail along the village-owned portions of the Menomonee River Parkway. The project ranked high in the list of all proposed projects requesting funding and received a $50,000 grant award. Since the award was announced, numerous individuals and service groups have donated approximately $25,000 to the village for use in matching the state grant. Village officials, excited about the grant, hope to apply for more funding to implement more of the CORP recommendations. By continuing to implement the recommendations of the CORP, the village will be able to acquire and develop the balance of the Menomonee River Parkway within five years. SUMMARY Suburban development trends in Menomonee 183 Falls, Wisconsin and elsewhere pose numerous challenges to planners and local officials. Land acquisition and the development of local parkways is an ideal method of protecting prime environmental resources and providing adequate recreational facilities for local populations. These parkways usually contain the most significant natural and cultural resources in a community. Some developers will argue that park and parkway dedication will increase development costs, thereby hindering community development. However, park and parkway development add to the quality of community life and should help increase surrounding property values. Comprehensive planning is an effective method of identifying important natural resources while accommodating economic development within the local community. Numerous state and federal grant-in-aid programs can provide matching funds and act as incentives to park development. Comprehensive Outdoor Recreation Plans, such as the one prepared for Menomonee Falls, can serve as excellent models for the development of local parkways in other suburban areas. BIBLIOGRAPHY Lewis, Philip H., Jr. Madison E-Way System (unpublished report). Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1971. Skidmore, Paul E. Comprehensive Outdoor Park and Recreation Plan—Village of Menomonee Falls, Wisconsin. Madison, Wisconsin: Foth and Van Dyke and Associates, 1988. Skidmore, Paul E. Urban Forestry Plan—Village of Menomonee Falls, Wisconsin. Green Bay, Wisconsin, 1988. �184 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Texas Urban Waterways: Lessons in Linear Park Planning Susanne Christian Sweek; Schrickel, Rollins & Associates; Arlington, Texas There is something about rivers, no matter how small or useless for commerce, that fascinates men and attracts the affairs of men to them. It's not just a matter of drinking water or power to turn millers' wheels, as economists would have you think. It is almost as if a river were in fact, as well as simile, an artery of the community through which its lifeblood courses.l Recreation and preservation of important ecosystems are probably the most common reasons for establishing linear parks along waterways in towns and cities. Community beautification with greenbelts and provision of hike-and-bike trails as alternative transportation systems may also be factors. In some cases the impetus for a linear park may come from a developer's donation to a city of an unbuildable floodplain. Constructing the trail, placing picnic tables and benches, and erecting a few signs may be thought to be enough to create a linear park. However, a more focused approach is needed if these waterways are to be viewed as the "lifeblood" of the community. The waterway's relationship to the community's origin, the landforms surrounding the stream, and the vegetation and its seasonal characteristics may suggest ways to make a city's linear parks a unique reflection of the community. The relationship of the stream corridor to the built environment and cultural life of the community are other factors. Understanding these and other distinctive factors will assist in planning linear parks that reflect the natural surroundings and cultural life of the community. Such parks will enhance the community's quality of life. This paper will examine some of the factors that apply to developing parks along rivers and streams so that they will "attract the affairs of men to them." Case studies of urban linear parks in central Texas will be presented, followed by an analysis of identity factors as they apply to these parks. DISCUSSION According to Roman belief, every being had its genius, or guardian spirit. From this comes the notion of genius loci, the essence of a being or place or what "it wants to be." Place may be defined as a space with a distinct character. From this an individual can develop orientation and identify with the environment.2 The relationship between humankind and nature is the key to this orientation, according to Kevin Lynch. Many factors work against the human connection with the web of life, even the communities in which we live. But it is this connection that gives the deepest meaning to places. All human settlements have features of value and richness but often "we fail to appreciate the importance of place to our quality of life." 3 In his writings on nature and humankind, Rene Dubos points out that some landscapes may be dominated by humans; in others, nature dominates. In either case there is a "persistence of place" that cannot be destroyed by either human activity or the passage of time because the spirit of place represents forces hidden beneath the surface.4 These "stubborn peculiarities" will affirm the identity of place no matter how extensively it has been damaged or altered. [There is] a spatial and textural relationship between rocks, water, soil, and slopes, despite rough handling by �///. Design and Planning — Sweek real estate developers; a characteristic luminosity or poetic melancholy of the air despite the smog; an overpowering mood of the season that air conditioning cannot eliminate, the continuing evidence of historic landmarks even where monuments have been destroyed. It is the persistence of these characteristics that intrigues people who return to their village, city, region, and gives them the thrill of instant recognition. Whether the thrill be one of pleasure, bittersweet nostalgia, or overwhelming sadness, the visitor senses that the physical location is not only an environment but a human place as well.5 However, Harry Garnham, in Maintaining the Spirit of Place, writes that loss of a place's distinctive images results in the breaking of the "essential bond between person and place, with a subsequent tangible loss in the basic quality of life." 6 Defining the features of the notion that each place has a definable spirit or identity, Garnham's work listed "components of identity" as follows: 1. Physical Features and Appearance. The actual physical structure of a place. Its buildings, landscape, climate, and aesthetic quality. 2. Observable Activities and Functions. How a place's people interact with it, how their cultural institutions have affected it, and how the buildings and landscapes are used. 3. Meanings or Symbols. A more complex aspect, primarily the result of human intentions and experiences. Much of a place's character will be derived from people's reaction to its physical and functional aspects.7 The relationship between human societies and water has existed for thousands of years. Cities are said to have originated 185 along the rivers of Egypt and Mesopotamia. The opportunities and problems of the river environment—transportation, irrigation, and flooding—developed communication and cooperation between inhabitants. According to Lewis Mumford, "[t]he very conditions that made large urban settlements a physical possibility also made them a social necessity." 8 Because of the historic relationship between rivers and cities, it seems appropriate that they should have active roles in establishing community identity. Urban activity has made indelible marks on the waterways in the cities and towns of central Texas. Development has caused flooding, channel erosion, and sedimentation. Urbanization, bridge construction, and channel straightening and lining have destroyed riparian communities and have limited access to and along the waterways. However, some cities have developed memorable linear parks with or without these changes. Others are now under construction. The potential for still more remains. CASE STUDIES Piano Piano has developed a linear park system that reflects the city's motto "Building a Community of Pride Through Cooperation." It is a suburban community of 121,000 located about 15 miles north of Dallas. In 1972, when the population was approximately 25,000, the city and the Piano Independent School District had a master park and school plan prepared. Today, there are parks and schools on shared sites throughout the city. The joint facilities create more expansive public open spaces than would be possible if each were separately sited. Linear parks link schools and neighborhoods with playgrounds and other parks. Such a system reminds one of Frederick Law Olmsted's view of the city as a landscape that should be "aired with a �186 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings ' ^^m Figure L Big Lake on Spring Creek in Piano. The Chisholm Trail extends into the distance. Elementary School is at far right center. whole constellation of parks, linked together in an integrated system." 9 There are 27 miles of trails in the linear parks system. The BluebonnetTrail traverses an east-west power line easement for four miles, intersecting with the four-mile Chisholm Trail along Spring Creek (Figure 1). Together, these trails link eight parks, five schools, a library, and several neighborhoods. The creek is dammed to form a lake near one of the elementary schools. Although they are not all linked, Piano's other linear parks have similar features and are evenly distributed across the city. These linear parks reflect their prairie environment. They typify the open character of the Blackland Prairie on which this city, Dallas, and Fort Worth are situated. Native trees are limited to the channel edges. None of the native grass remains; plantings of prairie grass and wildflowers could enhance these parks. The linkages are more than physical and visual. They give a sense of continuity to the neighborhoods and public facilities and enhance the quality of life of this city. Arlington Arlington was not founded on the Trinity River but on one of its tributaries, Johnson Creek. The creek is heavily urbanized, with little remaining open space. In fact, it has flooded so many times that the city and Corps of Engineers are readying plans for bridge and channel improvements. It is an unfortunate example of what results in the absence of integrated planning for the preservation of watercourses. However, with the construction of River Legacy Parks on the Trinity River, the city is recognizing its environmental heritage and participating in the development of the Trinity River greenbelt. River Legacy Parks will offer the residents of this city of 250,000 their first public open space along the Trinity. Except for some farming and sand and gravel mining, this site is largely undisturbed. The bottomland hardwood forest of elm, �///. Design and Planning — Sweek oak, cottonwood, hackberry, and willow along the banks of the river offers visitors a glimpse of the native setting. No trees have been destroyed by channeling and levying such as in Fort Worth. Most of the park is in the flood plain and is being constructed to withstand occasional inundation. The park's 375 acres were assembled from several donations of land from corporations and individuals. More is being sought to complete the Arlington portion of the linkage between Dallas and Fort Worth. The River Legacy Foundation was formed to promote the park and to raise funds for future improvements. (The $2.6 million for the first phase was provided from city bond funds and from state and federal programs.) Four miles of paved paths wind along three-and-one-half miles of riverfront. Several overlooks have been constructed, including a wooden deck that was built by the executive club of a local aerospace business. Use of materials and design is noteworthy here. Native stone is used on the columns at the park entry, the custom-built picnic tables, picnic shelter columns, and paving on the river overlooks. The standingseam metal roofs on the structures are reminiscent of the roofs of early Texas farmhouses. The park's 151 acres of wilderness will provide a quiet and nearly pristine respite for citizens of a city that is best known for its large amusement parks (Six Flags Over Texas and Wet'N Wild) and major league baseball team (Texas Rangers). Besides the trails and foot paths, the park will provide picnic facilities, playgrounds, canoeing, interpretive signage, and a great lawn for informal games and large gatherings. A privately funded nature center for research, education, and interpretive activities will also be built here. The formal dedication and opening are scheduled for April 1990, and a Riverfest to be cosponsored by the Foundation and the Junior League has been scheduled for June 1990.10 187 Austin Texas's capital city straddles the Gulf Coastal Plain and the Balcones Escarpment. The geological change here provides many of the topographic and hydrologic features that give Austin such an attractive setting. Rugged limestone hills wooded with native juniper rise above the Colorado River, which flows through the city. The river has been dammed in several places for recreation, flood control, and hydroelectric production. Town Lake in Austin is the lowest reservoir and has ten miles of shoreline with 754 acres of dedicated park land. Greenbelts have also been preserved on several of the city's streams that flow into the Colorado. Town Lake reflects Austinites' historic concern for the environment, citizen involvement, and community cooperation. The more than 3,000 trees and shrubs planted along the shoreline were financed by citizens and businesses. (Lady Bird Johnson, who makes her home nearby in Johnson City, was honorary chair for the project.) Many bordering businesses and hotels have provided landscaping and trail linkages to the park (Figure 2).11 Tree-line Congress Avenue forms a strong connection between the Capitol and the lake. Austinites treasure their viewpoints along the lake; some of these vistas are protected by ordinance. Lakeside and park facilities include boat ramps, canoe and sailboat rental, the Auditorium Shores Amphitheater, and eightand-one-half miles of jogging and bike trails. The restored Buford Fire Tower, which has been fitted with a carillon to announce the passage of time, is an historic landmark on the north shore of the lake. Several tributary creeks have distinctive natural features, including springs, pools, shelter caves, bluffs, and interesting vegetation. One of these, Shoal Creek, is lined by a greenbelt that winds north for three miles from Town Lake through medical, business, and residential areas before ending at Seider �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 188 Figure 2. Congress Street bridge crossing of Town Lake. Path and steps in foreground connect hotel to jogging trail. Springs Park. It was laid out in 1933 by the Civilian Conservation Corps. Barton Creek Greenbelt provides a wilderness experience within 15 minutes of downtown. Nearly eight miles of footpaths traverse the bluffs and canyons of this corridor. Several trailheads have been constructed between Zilker Park and Loop 360, with future ones planned beyond the loop. This creek also flows into Town Lake. A vine-covered gazebo with a view of the city's skyline marks the point of confluence. The Waller Creek Walkway provides the opposite kind of experience with its mile of paved walks, tunnels, and limestone retaining walls. The creek winds along the east side of downtown before flowing into Town Lake. In all, this city of 400,000 has some 25 miles of trails along its natural greenbelts. Most of them connect with Town Lake, helping to focus Austin on one of its greatest natural assets. A 1976 master plan called for a city-wide greenbelt trail system and future expansion along every major creek in the city. The city's total park system encompasses 10,000 acres. The early planners were determined to save some of Austin's natural beauty. It was one of the first cities to have a comprehensive park plan, completed in the 1920s.i2 The tradition of citizen action and comprehensive planning continues. When citizens believed the Town Lake was threatened in 1984 by high-density projects, tall buildings, and a proposed convention center, they formed the Town Lake Task Force. The task force produced the Town Lake Corridor Study in October 1985. This led to the preparation of the Comprehensive Plan for Town Lake by Johnson, Johnson & Roy, landscape architects and planners. San Antonio Perhaps the oldest and best known of Texas's linear parks is the Paseo del Rio, or River Walk, in San Antonio. Rising from ground water a few miles north of downtown near �///. Design and Planning — Sweek Brackenridge Park, the river loops through the city before flowing 125 miles southeast of to the Gulf of Mexico. Poet Sidney Lanier found the river the "most entrancing aspect" of a city in which he found many attractions.13 In spite of its obvious appeal, the river was nearly lost to a reclamation project. After a disastrous flood in 1921, the city cut a channel between the ends of the oxbow that is now the central part of the River Walk (Figure 3). With most of the flow diverted, businessmen saw the potential for creating buildable land above the old channel. A group of the city's women organized and successfully lobbied against the plan. This group was the forerunner of the San Antonio Conservation Society, which was formed in 1924. Local bond funds and assistance from the federal Works Progress Administration enabled the city to construct flood control gates and bridges and to deepen the channel to improve its flow. Access stairs, walkways, and rock retaining walls were built, and lighting and plantings were added. The WPA funds also made construction of the river amphitheater possible. The River Walk was revitalized and expanded for the 1968 HemisFair World's Fair. The opening of the Rivercenter retail, office, and hotel complex in 1988 marked yet another extension. Now, old mingles with new, knit together by the river, the large trees and bright flowers along its edges, and the nearly constant activity. The river attracts residents and tourists alike. It has been called the "essence of San Antonio. This . . . river is what visitors remember and natives keep going back to."14 The plants give a tropical feeling and increase the feeling of intimacy. Cafes and bars invite one to stop for refreshment. Small barges are available for a ride or a meal on the river. Activity doesn't stop at sundown. At night, the lighted River Walk takes on another life, with music ranging from mariachi to country and western drifting from the clubs. 189 The central part of the River Walk, the River Bend section, is about one and onehalf miles long (Figure 4). Ten to 15 feet above walkways, the bridges carry the downtown traffic back and forth across the river. The Alamo, one of several missions the Spaniards built along the river, is about a block away. La Villita (Little Village), a restoration of San Antonio's earliest residential settlement, is also nearby. Several major hotels front on the river, including one in an old convent. The walks extend both north and south of the busy River Bend area into quieter sections. In the King William Historic District to the south, the river flows in a concrete-lined floodway. Here the walks are about ten feet above the river. They are heavily landscaped, with views of downtown and connections into the neighborhoods. The Figure 3. San Antonio River. �190 historic Army Arsenal, now the corporate headquarters for a grocery chain, is a major presence in this area. The cosmopolitan character of the city is reflected in the variety of activities along Paseo del Rio. The Fiesta de las Luminarias at Christmas is held during two weeks in mid-December. The river is lit with candles in paper sacks and strings of lights in the trees. Las Luminarias symbolizes lighting the way for the Holy Family. Local choirs sing carols along the river. Other festivals and events include St. Patrick's Day festivities when the river is dyed green, and Fiesta Noche del Rio and the Ballet Folklorico de San Antonio at the Arneson River Theatre, which feature traditional Mexican and Spanish music, dance, and drama. Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Physical Features and Appearance Included in this category are items such as unique setting, architectural style, craftsmanship, and use of local materials. While all communities have features of "value and richness," as Lynch says, the natural landscapes of some have more distinctive visual qualities. Compare, for example, the scenic values of Austin's Hill Country setting and Piano's prairie setting. Their built environments differ too. Austin has a distinct urban environment, and Piano's is clearly suburban. The park systems reflect their respective natural settings. Arlington also has a relatively unchanged natural environment ANALYSIS It is the way humans sense the interplay of the natural and built environments that gives a sense of place. Although individual reactions vary, there is a universal recognition of the most memorable of places. In the urban realm, one thinks of Santa Fe, San Francisco, and New Orleans. The "fit" between the natural and the built environment, together with events and activities, gives these places their uniqueness, the "instant recognition" to which Dubos refers. Harry Garnham's work, referred to earlier, concerns identification of small-town uniqueness. However, the criteria listed previously can be applied to any component of the physical environment, including linear parks. Following is an analysis of the linear parks discussed above and ways in which they meet or fail to meet aspects of the criteria. Figure 4. River Bend area of Paseo del Rio has sidewalk cafes and pedestrian bridges. �///. Design and Planning — Sweek in its River Legacy Parks. The use of local materials and native plants in Waller Creek Walkway is noteworthy. Throughout Austin and San Antonio, the indigenous limestone has been used for paving, steps, retaining walls, and drinking fountains. In Arlington the native sandstone is used. Architectural style contributes to the character of the River Walk in San Antonio. Although there are a variety of styles, the Spanish Colonial structures reflect the ethnic heritage of the community. These structures include the Arneson River Theatre and La Mansion Hotel. Observable Activities and Functions The interaction of people with place—how they use it—is one of the components of identity. Several of the parks demonstrate the value and importance of citizen involvement in fund raising and park construction. Events such as Riverfest in Arlington are river-related activities held in the parks to raise funds to improve greenbelts. Volunteers constructed a park feature at Arlington's River Legacy. Surely a sense of ownership results from such direct participation. San Antonio and Austin's Waller Creek demonstrate the importance of pedestrian traffic in highly urbanized settings. At Paseo del Rio, the constant human activity is the key to its success. Waller Creek, however, has not achieved the purposes for which it was designed because pedestrian traffic is lacking. Linear parks are rightly regarded as being passive. They are places for walking, bird watching, fishing, nature study, and other unstructured activities. Such activities help to connect one with the web of life to which Lynch refers. The parks in Piano, Arlington, and Austin are particularly well suited to this activity. Spring Creek in Piano seems especially appropriate for the timehonored childhood pursuits from which memories are made. 191 Meanings or Symbols A place has meaning to the people who experience it. Cultural diversity, individual values, and memories affect human reaction to places. The variety of Austin's linear park system seems to reflect the variety found in the makeup of the community as well as its strong sense of the natural environment. Town Lake, with its satellite greenbelts around which the town is organized, projects the image of fit between the community and the environment. Piano's linkages may not be readily apparent to the casual observer, but its greenbelts give the city a special quality to its residents and visitors. Unlike most linear parks, San Antonio's is dominated by humans and their artifacts. The community's cultural diversity is apparent and provides an added level of uniqueness. Of the cities discussed here, San Antonio is the most closely associated with the river in its daily and seasonal activities. As such, the river has come to symbolize the city. CONCLUSIONS Park planners and city officials are learning how much linear open spaces can do for their communities. The lengthy edge view gives the impression of more park than there actually is. The trails within these parks offer flexibility in recreation: walking, jogging, cycling, skating. The linkages that Frederick Law Olmsted envisioned can include connections to public facilities, historic landmarks, viewpoints, and, of course, other trail systems. Beyond that, landmarks, seasonal events, and communitywide activities seem to make these spaces more successful, for they draw people into the parks. Higher levels of activity will also increase park security. Retail, restaurants, and other �192 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings commercial activity should not be overlooked, but the San Antonio River Walk should not be the model for every mixeduse linear park. Rather, planners should explore their locales to find both the obvious and the hidden features to highlight. Sensitivity to the natural and cultural features of a community and thoughtful planning can produce memorable parks along urban waterways. These waterways will then become the lifeblood of the community, increasing the sense of place, and improving the quality of life. NOTES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Green, 1946. Norberg-Shulz, 1980. Lynch, 1976. Dubos, 1980. Dubos, 1972. Garnham, 1985. Ibid. Mumford, 1961. Sweek, 1988. Aghamalian, September 1989. Zelade, 1984. Mumford, 1961. Green, 1946. Foster, Fairbank, 1988. BIBLIOGRAPHY Aghamalian, Faye, Administrative Aide, River Legacy Foundation, September 1989. Personal communication. de la Chevallerie, Hildebert, April 1989. "Integrating Waterways & Walkways," Parks & Recreation, Vol. 24, No. 4. Dubos, Rene, 1980. The Wooing of Earth. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. Dubos, Rene, 1972. A God Within. New York; Charles Scribner's Sons. Foster, Nancy Hasten and Ben Fairbank, Jr., 1988. San Antonio, 2nd Ed. Austin: Texas Monthly Press, Inc. Garnham, Harry Launce, 1985. Maintaining the Spirit of Place, A Process for the Preservation of Town Character. Mesa, Arizona: PDA Publishers Corporation. Green, Peyton, 1946. San Antonio—City In The Sun. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc. Lynch, Kevin, 1976. "Enhancing the Visual Environment," The Environment of Human Settlements, Human Well-Being in Cities, P. Laconte, Editor. Proceedings of the Conference held in Brussels, Belgium, April 1976. New York: Pergamon Press. Mann, Roy, 1973. Rivers In The City. New York: Praeger Publishers. Mumford, Lewis, 1961. The City In History. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc. Norberg-Shulz, Christian, 1980. Genius Loci: Towards a Phenomenology of Architecture. New York: Rizzoli International Publications, Inc. Sweek, Suzanne Christian, 1988. Rush Creek Trail: A Linear Park Prototype. Master's Thesis, University of Texas at Arlington. Zelade, Richard, 1984. Austin, The Complete Guide to Texas Capital City. Austin: Texas Monthly Press. �IV. Environmental Considerations �194 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Greenways: Recreation Resource versus Land Use Ethic? Charles A. Flink, Greenways Incorporated, Raleigh, North Carolina OVERVIEW Last week I viewed the end of an NBC television program entitled "Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow" in which an astronaut was asked to describe photographs he had taken of the Earth during two Space Shuttle flights flown in the last five years. Most of the photographs showed the destruction of Earth's natural resources: the wholesale clearing of tropical rain forests in Brazil, pollution in Tokyo Bay and in the Pacific Ocean off of Los Angeles, the loss of valuable water resources as massive lakes around the world dry up, and noticeable soil erosion occurring in Ethiopia from poorly managed lands. The final question asked of viewers was, "What kind of world will our children and grandchildren inherit?" This is probably not the first time you have heard about the degradation of the Earth's ecological systems. Nor is this the first time that questions have been asked regarding land use ethics and stewardship. It seems that daily we are reminded of the tremendous impact that humans have on Earth's natural environment. We are aware of world-wide overpopulation, global warming, destruction of valuable forested lands, depletion of surface and ground water supplies, air pollution, and pollution of earth's most precious resource—the oceans. But what can we as individuals do to resolve these problems? As a nation, the United States embodies all of the conflicts being created by a growing, urbanizing world. Since the founding of this nation, Americans have thought of the United States as a vast, unconquerable landscape, with plenty of land for every person, and for every type of use. But as we grow, at the rate of 2.2 million people each year, we realize that much of the water we drink, the air we breathe, the food we eat, and the shelters we call home have been or are being severely affected by the waste products of a growing nation. Competition for limited space is common in the United States, and now that we live closer to each other, we can no longer escape the fact that the urban growth and development of one community affects the lives of people who live in another. In fact, the American way of resource exploitation, capitalism, and limitless growth, the principles which have enabled the United States to achieve the status of a "world leader," are threatening the environmental processes necessary to sustain the delicate structure for all life on this continent. Perhaps the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors (PCAO) summarizes the current status of our outdoor resources best, stating that "[o]pen space, wildlife and wetlands are being lost, often because their value does not register in the economic calculus of development." So how can we as Americans create greater value in our nation's outdoor resources, before they are lost forever? The Blueprint for the Environment, a document that was assembled through the cooperative effort of America's environmental community, provides President Bush with 700 recommendations regarding the most critical national and international environmental concerns. The primary purpose of this report was to define the basic responsibilities the United States faces in the coming years: "Our future is at stake. We face critically important choices: whether to take the actions necessary to ensure the livability of our planet or to stand by and watch the decline of the natural systems on �IV. Environmental Considerations—Flink which all life depends. . . . If we fail to act, we can't expect others to do so." I believe that the environmental problems of the world, of our nation, and within our communities are so overwhelming and complex that many Americans feel frustrated and assume that they have no significant role to play in solving these problems. But each of us can have a direct role in shaping the environment in which we live. Through support of a new land use ethic that provides for the wise management and use of our natural resources, I believe individuals can make a difference. Individuals must become self-educated to the environmental problems of our growing, urbanizing world; we should support the conservation of environmentally critical landscapes to protect essential ecological systems, and we should act to implement new land use programs that encourage balance between man's land use requirements and nature's requirements. I believe that the best way to resolve global problems is to establish a new attitude at the community level. One land use product that best defines this new attitude is green ways. Green ways define an ethic for the proper use and management of our environment. Today, I will address the need for greenways as a product of wise land use management. I will define greenways in terms of both recreation and the environment, and I will present the need for a land use ethic. Finally, I will present the future vision of greenways, not as a recreation resource, but as a land use planning tool which all communities should adopt as a vital component of their comprehensive land use planning process. GREENWAYS BY DEFINITION The green way concept is not easy to define or to understand fully, because it means many things to different people. The 195 President's Commission on Americans Outdoors defines greenways as "corridors of private and public recreation lands and waters [which] provide people with access to open spaces close to where they live, and [which] link together rural and urban spaces in the American landscape." Simply put, greenways link people with natural resources. They are a multiobjective land use planning tool that conserves and protects the natural environment, and at the same time provides for the successful integration of humans into this environment. The use of the term "greenway" dates back to the 1920s. However, greenways as a land use product in the United States date back to the late 1800s when landscape architect Frederick Law Olmsted was designing and implementing open space systems and linear parks in New York City and Boston. Today, perhaps unfortunately, the term "greenway" is often associated with recreation, public access, and public use. I say unfortunately because greenways provide people with more than just closeto-home recreation. As a functional land use component, greenways conserve the natural environment and help protect the delicate ecological systems of native landscapes. GREENWAYS AS RECREATION COMPONENTS As a recreation component, greenways provide opportunities for individual and group, active and passive recreation. Greenways also link neighborhoods with local school systems, providing children with a safe transportation alternative; greenways provide a quiet, peaceful setting for persons in urban areas, offering the opportunity to escape the pressures of urban life; greenways provide a living laboratory for students of all ages, supplementing classroom education with hands-on experience; and greenways �196 offer Americans a safe, defined area for exercise and physical fitness, an essential component for a long and healthy life. A nationwide study recently completed by American Trails indicates that increasing numbers of Americans are using the outdoors with greater frequency. One hundred million of us walk for pleasure, fitness, and exercise; 61 million ride bicycles; 29 million jog; 17 million ride horses; 15 million use canoes and kayaks; and countless other participate in other motorized and nonmotorized activities that make use of linear corridors of land. In the late 1960s, much was made of the fact that all Americans would enjoy shorter work weeks and more leisure time by 1985. The big issue then was, "What will people be doing with all of this leisure time?" Predictions hailed that the average work week would be 22 hours, leaving 18 hours more leisure time available. Another prediction was that the average American could afford to retire at age 38. In fact, April 24, 1989, issue of Time magazine documents that we are losing more and more leisure time every year. According to a recent Harris survey, the amount of leisure time enjoyed by the average American has shrunk 37% since 1973. Over this same period of time the average work week has jumped from 41 hours a week to 47 hours a week. Now most of use are lucky if we will ever be able to retire comfortably. Greenways are becoming an essential component of many local recreation strategies, solving the need for elose-tohome recreation in urban areas. Most people can no longer afford the time, nor the expense, to travel long distances for vacations. The days of the two-week family vacation are going the way of the nuclear family. Greenways also provide greater recreation potential for the average citizen because their linear form provides greater perimeter and more frequent access to the Linear Parks Conference Proceedings resource. Many recreation activities can be best accommodated within linear corridors. Linking different facilities together with green ways is also a way to create more efficient use of those facilities. GREENWAYS AND THE ENVIRONMENT But the greatest benefits that greenways provide to urban communities have yet to be fully realized. Greenways are more than just people-oriented spaces. By their nature, greenways can preserve vegetation, filter sediment and pollution from erodible or poorly managed adjacent lands, help to control water and air pollution, protect wetlands, and conserve wildlife habitat. Perhaps the greatest benefit which greenways provide to urban areas is in absorbing flood waters. In 1973, a tremendous flood engulfed Crabtree Valley Mall in Raleigh, North Carolina. The shopping mall, second largest in the state, had just been completed, and suffered over $2 million in flood damage. Damage to the mall was so swift and sever it demonstrated that there should be no further urban development within flood-prone areas. The city had been studying the concept of greenways for years and finally had the economic incentive to create a city-wide greenway system. Today, the Capital Area Greenway System is a model of success, with over 900 acres of floodplain land available for public use and 30 miles of multi-surface trails that link the community together and maintain the city's green image. Flood waters are now being absorbed in natural landscape buffers that line many of the creeks and streams in the Raleigh metropolitan area. Wetlands are often regarded in disparaging fashion as swamps. The are generally disliked by people because they smell funny, contain a diversity of wildlife that human beings don't particularly care �IV Environmental Considerations— Flink for, and are located within landforms generally regarded as undesirable. However, wetlands should be highly regarded, for they are the birthplace for many ecological systems upon which much life depends. Wetlands serve numerous environmental functions, from providing habitat for waterfowl to recharging the aquifers from which we draw our drinking water. Greenways are an excellent method for protecting wetlands, and for providing people with access to these unique environments. The issue of protecting wildlife habitats is more serious than we may think. Increasing urbanization of America's native landscape is forcing some species out of their natural habitat. Even more seriously, we are cutting off migration routes and confining some species to parcels of land too small for successful habitation. Greenways provide corridors not only for wildlife habitat, but also for migration, and they may in time become the primary areas where a majority of wildlife take refuge from humans' urban intrusion. WHY WE NEED A LAND USE ETHIC The need for an ethic that governs the way in which we use and manage land is not a new concept in the United States. A land use ethic has been discussed since the signing of our Constitution. Most recently, the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors defined the need for a land use ethic stating: "We need a new appreciation of air, land, water, and all living things. As America grows more u r b a n , . . . [there is a] risk that we will lose touch with nature. To value the natural world we must become . . . a part of it." Since World War II, urban and suburban development in the United States has proceeded without ethical regard for the environment. In fact, our current land use 197 ethic dictates that all land units should be developed to their highest and best use—a use that best suits the individual interests of the property owner. Our land development strategies have been motivated by profit, greed, malice, and the absence of understanding of the impact that an individual has on ecological systems. What should be our ethical definition for the use and management of land, and what is a land use ethic? The President's Commission on Americans Outdoors defines a land use ethic as "a personal involvement in the outdoors as an essential part of life. It includes statesmanship, courtesy for others using the outdoors, and stewardship; our obligation to ensure future generations enjoyment of our natural heritage . . . an outdoor ethic reflects pride in our country." We have lost pride in our country, we are losing touch with our outdoor environment. Americans have recently been criticized for being overweight and overly dependent on a mechanized, technological lifestyle. We've engineered our lifestyle into complacency. This criticism is justified. Many Americans ride around in luxurious, air-conditioned automobiles, commuting long distances to work, shopping, and entertainment areas. We work in office buildings and live in homes that have little or no relationship to the natural environment. Most of our urban landscapes are cluttered with human inefficiency. We are turning most of our built environment into Anywhere, USA, mass producing "sameness," living in a McDonald's world. We have lost the ability to give our communities a sense of identity, not only in the United States, but increasingly in other parts of the world as well. And as our distinctive landscapes disappear, those that remain inherit a greater value. Our rural landscapes are being transformed into suburbs, the family farm has all but disappeared, and our once rural-oriented �198 lifestyle has changed to an urban lifestyle. For many Americans, the natural, undeveloped landscape has become a symbol of an earlier, simpler lifestyle. And not only are we losing touch with our natural environment, but the by-products of our new urban lifestyle are contributing to more pollution and degradation of the Earth's natural environment. If we are to reverse our poor land use practices, better understand our environment, and change our collective lifestyle, we must adopt a new ethic for the way we use land, one that every American can understand and implement. ACHIEVING A LAND ¥SE ETHIC How can we achieve a land use ethic in a country as large and diverse as the United States? I believe the reason that earlier attempts to adopt a national land use ethic have failed is because we have not had a land use product associated with the cause. Greenways can become the physical representation of a land use ethic. Greenways represent a land use product that embodies the complete definition of a land use ethic while offering all Americans a product that they can see, touch, feel, and smell. Greenways are real, they are close to where we live and work, and they are "do-able." Successful greenways all have one thing in common, they have been born out of successful partnerships between the public and private sectors. One of the central themes of the PCAO was the need for new publicprivate partnerships to protect the nation's resources and implement projects at the local level. Greenway planning and design are based on a unique "bottom-up" approach, which seeks to unite not only resources of the natural environment, but also the people of a community. As a land use product, greenways should become a mandatory part of all urban Linear Parks Conference Proceedings comprehensive plans for municipal, county, state, and federal lands. We routinely plan for roads, water, sewer, television and electrical services, new housing, industrial sites, places to shop, dine, and entertain but not for the conservation of our native landscape. We need to integrate greenway planning into the growth management strategies of our modern technological society. Greenways need to be thought of as a necessary component of our urban infrastructure. In order to implement this bold initiative we will need leadership. While I strongly believe that the role of government should be de-emphasized, and the role of the individual should be emphasized, I also realize that our nation has always looked to national leadership to accomplish its major goals. Defining and implementing a national land use ethic is a formidable task that carf only be achieved with national leadership.«. President Bush has stated that stewardship shall be a top priority of his administration. The President has unveiled a ten-point agenda for the use and management of America's public lands and natural resources. His major points are: 1. Be good stewards of our natural resources. 2. Enhance political, economic, and social development of our neighboring countries. 3. Place a high priority on educating the public to ensure appreciation and support for our natural resources. 4. Adopt an aggressive policy and fight an international war on drugs. 5. Implement a new "America the Beautiful" campaign. 6. Manage our natural resources in a responsible, efficient, and ethical manner. 7. Manage our natural resources for multiple use. �IV. Environmental Considerations— Flink 8. Apply scientific research to national and international problems, such as water and air quality, global climate change, acid rain, and biodiversity. 9. Promote public policy through harmony rather than confrontation. 10. Encourage the formation of partnerships between governments and private sector and implement the President's "thousand points of light"—the varied, voluntary, and unique organizations within our nation of communities. The President's plan represents a progressive step toward the implementation of a land use ethic; however, the actions of the President are more important that his words. CONCLUSION: THE NEED FOR GREENWAYS Do we really need greenways? The greatest need for greenways is within and around our metropolitan areas, where eighty percent of all Americans will live by the year 2000. Greenways can provide a tangible solution for improving the quality of human life in urban areas by fostering the kind of community spirit, activism, and bonding between local citizens that is presently being lost as our metropolitan areas grow larger. 199 Greenways appeal to all age groups, both sexes, all races, and all nationalities. For many Americans, the "outdoor environment" is a place to hunt, fish, participate in organized sports, jog, ride a bike, or sun bathe. The outdoor environment is something we use, until we are tired of using it. My greater vision for greenways is not just as a recreation resource for the citizens of the United States, but as a vehicle to promote an outdoor ethic—for the wise use and management of our natural resources. Greenways can provide every American with the opportunity to experience nature, to become self-educated to the complex and interconnected environmental processes, to foster a more comprehensive understanding of people's relationship with the natural environment, and to develop a sense of pride and accomplishment, all so that we can improve the quality of life for ourselves today, and ensure that the resources we have enjoyed will also be enjoyed by future generations of Americans. In closing, I would like to share with you a slogan which was adopted by the Capital Area Green way Commission in 1974 as it sought to define what greenways meant to its community. "To leave for our children what our, grandparents enjoyed as children . . . trees, streams, and that quiet place from which to draw strength." BIBLIOGRAPHY Americans and the Outdoors, National Geographic Society, Washington, D.C., January 1987. "The Consequences of Global Warming for Biological Diversity," by Pamela S. Cubberly, World Wildlife Fund Letter, No. 5, 1989, pp. 1-8. A Cooperative Approach to Landscape Preservation: The Greenline Planning Process, by Richard A. Paik, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987. "Corridors of Green," by Jane Rohling, Wildlife in North Carolina, Vol. 52, No. 5, May 1988, pp. 22-27. "Earth's 'Cosmic Shock,'" by Robert C. Cowen, The Christian Science Monitor, Vol. 80, No. 183, August 16, 1988, p. 17. "Facing the Population Issue," by Lester R. Brown, World Watch, Vol. 1, No. 6, November/December 1988, p. 2. "Greenways," by Gilbert M. Grosvenor, Land trusts Exchange, Summer 1987. �200 "Greenways Across America," Land Trusts Exchange, Summer 1987, pp. 10-11. Investing in Park Futures: Executive Summary, National Parks and Conservation Association, Washington, D.C., 1988. "Keynote Address," by Charles A. Flink, Dedication of North Chickamauga Creek Greenway Preliminary Master Plan, Chattanooga, Tennessee, June 1989. "The Legislative Landscape—Vol. 1," by Ian McHarg, Landscape Architecture News Digest, Vol. 30, No. 7, July/August 1989, p. 7. "Making Greenways Happen," by Charles E. Little, American Forests, January/February 1989, pp. 37-40. Outdoor Recreation in a Nation of Communities: Action Plan for Americans Outdoors, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., July 1988. Linear Parks Conference Proceedings "Public-Private Partnerships and Greenways," by Charles A. Flink, State Parks in a New Era—Meeting the Challenge, Conference Proceedings, Hershey, Pennsylvania, June 1989. Report and Recommendations to the President of the United States, President's Commission on Americans Outdoors, Washington, D.C., December 1986. "Survival and Stewardship: Perspectives on the Future of the Landscape Architect's Profession," by Robert W. Ross, Jr., Landscape Architecture News Digest, Vol. 30, No. 3, March 1989, pp. 3-5. "Wise Use Environmentalism," by Darryl Harris, Our Land, Vol. 1, No. 1, Spring 1989, pp. 4-5, 78. The Role of Parkways in Barrier Beach Preservation: A Study of Contrasts on Long Island, New York John A. Black, Suffolk Community College, Selden, New York Early in his career, Robert Moses became concerned with the paucity of recreational opportunities for the people of New York City. Upon his appointment as president of the newly formed Long Island State Park Commission in 1924, Moses set out to rectify the situation. Almost immediately he recognized the recreational potential of Long Island's barrier beaches and noted: There are miles ofoceanfront beaches now inaccessible except by small boat. If the islands between them and the mainland were bridged by an adequate parkway thousands of acres could be made available to public use.l In addition to providing access, however, Moses was determined to avoid the unplanned development that was then prevalent along the barrier beaches to the west of Jones Beach. These areas, developed in the late 1800s and early 1900s as a result of their proximity to New York City,2 were awash with ticky-tacky structures, signs, and other eyesores, giving the barrier beaches an aesthetically unpleasant appearance. Thus, Moses, "instead of building an ordinary road . . . lined with all kinds of objectionable shacks and signs .. . planned to build a parkway with infrequent access."3 Moreover, these parkways would be: more beautiful than any roads the world had ever seen, landscaped as private parks are landscaped so that they would themselves be parks . . . so that even as people drove to parks, �IV. Environmental Considerations—Black they would be driving through parks.4 Moses also insisted on a right-of-way of unprecedented width, along with the provision that the Long Island State Park Commission would review all proposed zoning changes within 500 feet of any state park or parkway boundary. This enabled the Long Island State Park Commission to control land use effectively on adjacent property. In this way the Commission could prevent the aesthetically insensitive development so common at the boundaries of many national parks.5 To assure the integrity of his concept, Moses became involved in virtually every detail of parkway planning, design, construction, and landscaping. The bridges, gas stations, police depots, and maintenance buildings would be constructed of dressed granite and roofed in copper or slate. By day, recreation-seekers would drive through well landscaped ribbon parks lavishly planted with indigenous trees and shrubs. The curvilinear roads would enhance scenic vistas and visual interest. By night, homewardbound motorists would travel along roadways lighted by quaint iron lamps hung from wooden poles.6 Moses's first parkway, the Southern State, was begun in 1927. Shortly thereafter construction began on the Wantagh State Parkway, which was to extend southward from the Southern State, span the Great South Bay and provide access to Jones Beach State Park, which was also under construction at that time. With these massive construction efforts in their early stages, Moses developed his initial plan for the Ocean Parkway in 1927.7'8 It would extend over shifting sands and changing inlets from Jones Beach State Park eastward to Fire Island Inlet.9 The popularity of Long Island's state parks in general and Jones Beach in particular was unprecedented. By 1930, attendance reached 3 million, in contrast to the attendance of 3.4 million that same year at all of the nation's national parks.10 Undoubt- 201 edly, much of the popularity of Long Island's state parks was due to the ease of access over Moses's carefully designed ribbon parks. This popularity gave Moses the impetus to expand the intended scale of the Ocean Parkway. And so, in the autumn of 1930, with only the first few miles of Ocean Parkway constructed on Jones Beach, Moses proposed that it be extended to the eastern-most tip of Long Island's south fork. It would span Fire Island to the east. The parkway would then run the entire length of Fire Island and Westhampton Beach to return, via causeway, to the mainland at Hampton Bays. From there it would continue to Montauk State Park.11 At that time neither Fire Island nor Westhampton Beach was an island. Rather, the entire barrier beach system was one long sand spit attached to the mainland at Southampton some 50 miles to the east of Fire Island Inlet. Only when a March storm in 1931 formed Moriches Inlet and detached Fire Island from Westhampton Beach did Fire Island become a true island. Seven years later, the infamous hurricane of '38 severed Westhampton Beach from the mainland to form Shinnecock Inlet. The major mainland access to this barrier beach was via its point of attachment at Southampton. A road, of sorts, extended westward toward Moriches Inlet long before Moses planned the Ocean Parkway. Originally this road was probably used by local fishermen and land-based whalers. It also provided access to Life Saving Service stations located along the barrier beach. Later, beach cottages began to spring up along Westhampton Beach beside this early road. Moriches Inlet had periodically formed, shoaled, and closed long before Long Island's discovery. Indeed, the Indian name for this area is Cupsogue, "the place of breaking through of inlets."12 As a result of the transitory nature of Moriches Inlet, the only true access to Fire Island, even before it �202 separated from the mainland, was by boat. Thus, development initially began in the vicinity of the boat-docking areas. Off-theroad vehicles were unheard of in those early days. Even today, Fire Island is roadless but, due to off-the-road vehicles, hardly autoless. As on Jones Beach, limited access was a key component of the eastward extension of the Ocean Parkway. 13 Unfortunately, however, the Fire IslandWesthampton Beach segments were never constructed. Moses was thwarted three times in this endeavor, twice in the 1930s on economic grounds, and once again in the 1960s by the embryonic environmental movement. And so the die was cast. Without a limited access parkway there was no feasible way to control development on a barrier beach in private ownership. At Westhampton Beach, with its roadway, development could occur anywhere. Development could also occur easily on Fire Island because the postwar use of off-the-road vehicles has made the entire beach a road with limitless access. Since these vehicles can go and carry building materials anywhere, homes began to spring up everywhere. Houses built on dunes destroyed them. Homes were also built behind the disappearing dunes. When there was no more room for residences on the island, the bayside salt marshes were filled in and bulkheaded, and more homes were built. Undeveloped land on Fire Island became a playground for off-the-road vehicles, which further destroyed the dunes, making the landward areas vulnerable to the periodic attacks of storm waves. One undeveloped area virtually destroyed by off-the-road vehicles is the county park along the eastern reach of Fire Island. Here, uncontrolled offthe-road vehicles destroyed two dune lines in a matter of years. Today, this section of Fire Island, "protected" as public land by Suffolk County, lies virtually at sea level and will surely breach in the near future. Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Ironically, when the Ocean Parkway was opposed in the 1960s, the opposition was based upon the fears of environmentalists who contended that a parkway would open roadless Fire Island to uncontrolled development and destroy the barrier beach. The environmentalists failed to see that development was already rampant. And worse, they failed to assess the impact of the already present off-the-road vehicles and made no attempt to regulate them, a measure that would have provided more protection than the prevention of a limited access parkway. Moreover, with classic tunnel vision, they did not look westward across Fire Island Inlet to see the high dunes, wide beach, and verdant bayside salt marshes of Jones Beach, which had its segment of the limited-access Ocean Parkway. Had they fully evaluated the proposed parkway extension, they would have concluded that Ocean Parkway protects barrier beaches while it simultaneously provides access to recreation areas. These environmentalists instead joined forces with those opposing Moses's RyeOyster Bay Bridge to the north and stoked then governor Nelson Rockefeller's environmental fervor with the contention that both the Rye-Oyster Bay Bridge and the Ocean Parkway were environmentally unacceptable. Political expediency dictated that Rockefeller demand Moses's resignation as Chairman of the New York State Parks Council. Moses complied and angrily resigned as president of the Long Island State Park Commission as well.14 Since Moses was the driving force in the extension of the Ocean Parkway, his resignation effectively sealed its fate. Moreover, without a parkway to limit access, the environmental degradation of the eastern barrier beaches was assured. And so environmentalists won a pyrrhic victory. By keeping Fire Island roadless but not controlling access, the entire barrier beach, with the exception of the relatively small Fire Island National Seashore, has �IV. Environmental Considerations— Black continued to develop. Moreover, by preventing the construction of the Ocean Parkway on Fire Island, any hope of preserving Westhampton Beach through parkway construction was lost since the parkway along Fire Island was a prerequisite for its extension onto and along Westhampton Beach. Today, large sections of Westhampton Beach have been destroyed. As on Fire Island, homes have been constructed on and behind the dunes. Much of the bayside salt marsh has been filled in to provide more land for building. The mismanagement of Shinnecock Inlet to the east has deprived the beach of a ready sediment supply, and the beach face began to recede at the same time that building destroyed the dune system. Even moderate erosion became obvious, alarming those whose homes were built on a disappearing dune. When storms struck the barrier beach in the 1960s, several homes and a large section of the roadway washed away. The residents demanded groins, a cry was taken up by the local decision-makers. This concern resulted in the construction of a mid-beach groin field. A mid-beach groin field is contrary to every precept of barrier beach management, unfortunately. As could be predicted, it merely displaced the erosion to the west. A newly elected group of decision-makers concluded that these groins had failed to control erosion and were thus ineffective. Since that time the "do nothing" alternative has been followed at Westhampton Beach.15'16 During the winter of 1986-1987, the beach breached to the west of the last groin. Homes were lost, and the roadway once again washed away. The road has not yet been repaired, and, as a result, Suffolk County residents have been denied access to one of their few ocean-front county parks. Moreover, residents living along and to the west of the washed-out area have been denied meaningful police and fire protection and ready access to their homes. It is merely a 203 matter of time before an inlet will form in the eroded area to the west of the last groin. Such an inlet will not be short-lived. Since the groins are preventing the normal movement of sediment along this beach, the inlet will persist, migrate, and threaten additional property.17 Today we need not debate the merits of a limited-access parkway. All that is necessary is to consider the Ocean Parkway along Jones Beach and compare its wide beach, high dunes, and salt marshes to the degraded environment prevalent along Fire Island and Westhampton Beach. One cannot escape the conclusion that the Ocean Parkway has provided meaningful protection to Jones Beach while assuring access by millions of people to recreation areas. EPILOGUE The future of Long Island's parkways in general and the Ocean Parkway in particular is not bright. The postwar building boom has continued and is now spreading onto the north and south forks of eastern Long Island. The city lures white-collar workers from the island, and the island's industrial parks lure blue-collar workers from the city. As a result, Long Island's morning and evening rush hours have clogged roadways in both directions. The Long Island Expressway has proven to be inadequate as soon as each section was completed. Commuter traffic spilled over onto the Southern and Northern State Parkways, and these roads, never intended to be commuter roads, became rush-hour parking lots. Eventually, the Ocean Parkway was discovered and began to be used by more and more commuters. In a futile attempt to cope with Long Island's traffic problems, both Southern and Northern State Parkways are being converted to high-speed expressways. Presently, plans are afoot to add four lanes to sections of the Northern State Parkway. Moses's lavishly �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 204 planted and landscaped right-of-way is the key for this conversion because, ironically, it provides the State Department of Transportation with a ready supply of state-owned land upon which to construct the additional lanes. Undoubtedly, Downs's "Law of Peak Hour Expressway Congestion"18 will assure that these arteries will become clogged as soon as they are opened to traffic. And what of Ocean Parkway? Suffolk County's mismanagement of Fire Island Inlet has led to the erosion of sections of Jones Beach. This erosion has become so severe that an approximately two-mile section of the Ocean Parkway has been undermined and closed to traffic. If county inertia continues, and past events indicate that it will, perhaps Moses's parkway-by-the-sea will wash away before it too suffers the indignity of becoming an expressway. NOTES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Moses, 1970, p. 113. Black, in Amer. Soc. Civile Engineers, 1987, pp. 3209-3220. Moses, 1931. Caro, 1974, p. 162. Black, in Krieg, 1989, pp. 141-150. Mallamo, In Krieg, pp. 159-168. Caro, pp. 234-236. Shapiro, 1936, pp. 746-750. Black, in Krieg, 1988, pp. 97-105. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. Caro, pp. 308-314. Ibid., p. 170. Black and Kassner, 1983, pp. 3-5. Moses, 1931. Black, 1985, pp. 110-114. Black, 1987, pp. 47-49. Black, in Stauble, 1989, pp. 159-170. Ibid., pp. 159-170. Downs, 1976, pp. 185-199. BIBLIOGRAPHY American Society of Civil Engineers. The Fifth Symposium on Coastal and Ocean Management. N.Y., 1987. Black, J. A. and J. Kassner. "Cupsogue: The Place of Breaking Through of Inlets," Long Island Forum. Vol. 45, 1, 1983. Black, J. A. "Robert Moses and the Eastern Barrier Beaches," Long Island Forum. Vol. 47, 6, 1985. Black, J. A."From Fort Tilden to Shinnecock Inlet: The Consequences of Roads and Parkways," Long Island Forum. Vol. 49, 3, 1987. Caro, R. The Power Broker. Knopf, N.Y., 1974. Downs, A. Urban Problems and Prospects. Rand McNally, N.Y., 1976. Krieg, J. Long Island Studies: Evoking a Sense of Place. Hofstra University, N.Y., 1988. Krieg, J. Robert Moses. Single-Minded Genius. Hofstra University, N.Y., 1989. Moses, R. Proceedings of the National Shellfish Association. Chesapeake Biological Laboratory, Md., 1931. Moses, R. Public Works: A Dangerous Trade. McGraw Hill, .N.Y., 1970. Shapiro, S. "Long Island State Parks and Parkways," Civil Engineering. Vol. 6, 11, 1936. Stauble, D. Barrier Islands: Process and Management. American Society of Civil Engineers, N.Y., 1989. �IV Environmental Considerations 205 Bacterial Bioassay of Pesticides Contaminating Parkways, Greenways, and Riverways from Nonpoint Sources Hao Xu and Karl Schurr, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, Ohio INTRODUCTION The study reported here came about through events that brought together our research on mutation-causing and cancer-causing pesticides and focused on the injury sustained by two Wood County, Ohio, parks and the river that flows through them. The injury was inflicted by a person intent on draining floodplain land that he had purchased at a low price. He hired a contractor to channelize an extensive length of the Portage River, including the river section flowing through Old Infirmary Park and Adam Phillips Park, as well as parts of the river owned by several farmers. The machinery used was large and efficient; it cut a wide channel in a very short time. The junior author's wife was park manager for both parks, and she became aware of the channelization when the large machinery began widening the channel in the Adam Phillips Park. After an oral exchange with the developer, the park manager phoned the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, the Ohio Department of Natural Resources, local law enforcement personnel, and officials of local government. There was a rapid response by U.S. Fish & Wildlife scientists, who documented the injury to the stream and took samples of the fish populations in a short section of Old Infirmary Park where channelization had not been completed. A Corps of Engineers field officer arrived in a short time and issued a "cease and desist" verbal order, which was followed with a written order to cease and desist channelizing the stream. These actions were taken under the authority vested in the Corps of Engineers by the Clean Water Act. The reactions of the various authorities are interesting; nevertheless, the result was the channelization of the natural stream in the two parks before the "drainage project" could be halted. Shortly thereafter the junior author was appointed to the Water Advisory Council for the State of Ohio by the governor. (The appointment came about because of the intent to protect water resources and water purity in the State of Ohio; however, it was not generated as a result of the events described above.) Among the concerns of the Water Advisory Council were the effects of pesticides and changes in streams resulting from water projects. The unauthorized channelization of the Portage River, in the two parks and on private land, offered an experimental situation which could be used to study changes in streams caused by water projects. The controls for these experiments were immediately upstream from the channelized area. EXPERIMENTAL METHODS Our problem was to evaluate the effects of moving agriculture to the edge of streams, farming the floodplains, and, subsequently, contaminating the water by pesticides. Pesticide levels are exacerbated when the buffering effect of floodplain vegetation is lost through stream channelizations. Present practice in testing for carcinogenicity or mutgenicity of chemicals is in disarray. The usual assays employ large numbers of mice or rats. The cost is very high and, since the life span of these animals is much less than humans, high dosages are given. On the one hand those speaking for the pesticide industry (e.g., Barrick, 1989) ask for a larger foundation of facts. From the same group, however, there is criticism of �206 the cost of testing, criticism of dosages used, and reluctance to retest pesticides that were approved for sale prior to more recent evaluation procedures. The present study was designed to avoid these criticisms and drawbacks and to provide useful information about nonpoint-source toxics that contaminate surface waters. The information will be useful for park managers and for farmers who may use pesticides on a regular basis. Bacterial bioassay of toxics is an attractive alternative to the usual tests employing small mammals. Billions of bacteria can be grown at the cost of a few dollars. The assay species can be kept absolutely pure and genetically similar, which together enhance the statistical accuracy of the results. Bacterial growth is so rapid that many replicates can be completed in a short time. Recent evidence indicates that cancer cells differ from their normal counterparts by changes in their DMA. In effect, the cells are programmed to grow in uncontrolled fashion. The definition of a mutation is an alteration of the DNA in living cells. Therefore, tests for carcinogenesis or mutagenesis can shortcut the expensive and lengthy mammal experiments and focus on the question of DNA injury. We noted that an accurate and sensitive reaction to toxics was developed by Quillardet (1982) which achieved a response to DNA damage of Escherichia coli. This was the SOS reaction, with an operon fusion by plasmid transfer into the bacterial cells. It associates the betagalactosidase gene with cellular reactions to injury. When there is bacterial DNA damage, a rapid biosynthesis of the enzyme betagalactosidase results. Its concentration can be determined by adding the enzyme substrate. This addition results in the production of nitrophenol, a yellow compound that can easily be measured colorimetrically. Xu and Schurr (1990) introduced microtitration techniques with 96 well microplates, automatic photometric record- Linear Parks Conference Proceedings ing, and computerized statistical analysis of the results. These modifications transformed the awkward and tedious lab method into an accurate and efficient bioassay. RESULTS The assay was applied to 22 commercially available pesticides commonly used in agriculture, horticulture, ground-keeping of Table 1. Genotoxicity of 22 Pesticides Assayed by Microtitration SOS Chromotest NAME RESULTS* Acephate Alchlor Altrazine Bentazon Cacodylic acid Captafol Captan Carbaryl Chlorpyrifos Cyanazine Dicamba Dimethoate Dinoseb Ditalimphos Ferbam Folpet Linuron Metribuzlne Monocrotophos Nitrofen Phosmet Trichiorfon 0.0 + 0.047 0.0 0.0 + +++ +++ 0.035 106.0 18.10 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 +++ 0.72 0.0 +++ +++ -M- 0.38 6.71 0.12 0.0 0.0 0.0 + 0.045 0.0 *Potency of DNA injury/nmole Interpretation: + -H+++ = = = = negative positive strong positive very strong positive See Xu, Dutka, and Schurr, 1989 for experimental methods; see Xu and Schurr, 1990 for bioassay protocol. �IV Environmental Considerations—Xu and Schurr golf courses, and botanical management of parks. Table 1 shows the relative genotoxicity of these various chemicals. (Genotoxicity is the capability to injure the DNA of cells.) Nine of the 22 pesticides were found to cause DNA injury. DISCUSSION Perhaps the best known test to detect DNAdamaging agents is the Ames test, also called the Salmonella/microsome assay (Ames, et aL, 1975). However, perfect agreement between our test and the Ames test is not possible because of the different mechanisms of the two tests. The Ames test measures DNA base shifts or substitutions, while our SOS Microtitration Chromotest detects DNA cross-link deletions and insertions. Although there have been complaints about false positive results with the Ames test, we consider it valuable to build the foundation of facts about environmental chemicals. A recent discovery by Nemali, et al. (1989), revealed that toxic chemicals will generate carcinogenic and mutagenic effects in rats by way of mechanism that causes the cells to produce peroxisomes at up to 40 times normal levels. At the same time, H2O2degrading enzymes remain at a low level, leaving the free radicals in cells to express their mutagenic effects. Since Nemali's test can be completed in two weeks, the Ames test can be finished in a shorter time, and our Microtitration SOS Chromotest can be completed in about one day, we suggest that all three should be used to determine the danger of toxic environmental chemicals. It is time to replace the old-fashioned methodology presently used to test for cancercausing and mutation-causing chemicals. An efficient base line for estimation of genotoxicity of pesticides and environmental pollutants can be provided by the Microtitration SOS Chromotest alone. We think that this test will allow extremely rapid 207 screening to identify the most dangerous toxics found in our environment. A toxic chemical giving a positive response could then be assayed by the Ames test and the rat peroxisome bioassay. We have no objection to testing even further by old-fashioned small-mammal bioassay, but we think this would be redundant. The time has come for a renaissance in bioassay methods for testing toxics. We cannot wait for extended data acquisition, where years may pass by prior to a decision about the safety of a particular pesticide. A WARNING TO PARK MANAGERS Baker (1985, 1987) has documented contamination of streams in the Lake Erie drainage by various pesticides. Ohio is not unique in the variety and extent of nonpoint-source pollution of streams; pesticides will be found contaminating parkways, waterways, and streams in most of the United States. In their efforts to enhance green belts, park managers often resort to applications of herbicides, fungicides, and insecticides. We suggest that this is unwise. Enjoyment of parkways and streams should include multiple uses: fishing, swimming, boating, and birding. If parks apply pesticides, multiuse is impossible. Fish populations decline or are extirpated. Bird populations are reduced, and successful nesting may be eliminated for some species. Swimming or boating should be prohibited where carcinogens and mutagens are found contaminating the water. We suggest that all pesticides be labeled if they are genotoxic: "This chemical has been found to injure DNA in a bioassay using live cells; therefore it should be considered capable of causing cancers or mutations in humans." If such labeling were required, we think park managers and farmers would better be able to switch to the less dangerous pesticides which are available. �208 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings BIBLIOGRAPHY Ames, B. N., J. McCann, and E. Yamasaki. "Methods for detecting carcinogens and mutagens with the Salmonella/mammalian microsome mutagenicity test." Mutation Research, 1975, 31:347-364. Baker, D. "Regional water quality impacts of intensive row-crop agriculture: a Lake Erie Basin case study." Journal of Soil and Water Conservation, 1985, 40:125132. Baker, D. "Lake Erie agro-ecosystem program: sediment, nutrient and pesticide export studies." U.S. EPA Great Lakes Program Office, 1987, RO 05727 and RO 05817:1-110. Barrick, S. "Pesticide policy: building a foundation of facts." Dow Chemical Newsletter, The Bottom Line, 1989, 3:2-3. Nemali, R. M, M. K. Reddy, N. Usuda, P. G. Reddy, L. D. Comeau, S. M. Rao, and J. K. Reddy. "Differential induction and regulation of peroxisomal enzymes: predictive value of peroxisome proliferation in identifying certain carcinogens." Toxicology and Applied Pharmacology, 1989, 97:72-87. Quillardet, P., O. Huisman, R. D'Ari, and M. Hofnung. "SOS chromotest, a directory assay of induction of an SOS function in Escherichia coli K-12 to measure genotoxicity." Proceedings National Academy of Sciences, USA, 1982, 79:5971-5975. Xu, H., B. Dutka, and K. Schurr. "Microtitration SOS Chromotest: A new approach in genotoxicity testing." International Journal of Toxicity Assessment, 1989, 4:105-114. Xu, H., and K. Schurr. "Genotoxicity of 22 pesticides by microtitration chromotest." International Journal of Toxicity Assessment. In press (1990). Designing with the Whole Life Community in Mind Mamie Muller, Katuah Bioregional Journal, Marshall, North Carolina The solely human-centered approach to design, in which the environment acts as inanimate backdrop to human activity, is no longer possible. It has resulted in the disruption of the wider life community of the planet and has begun threatening our entire biological life-support system. We are finally beginning to realize that we are part of the natural world, not apart from it. Advances in sciences are teaching us that we are literally in the planet, not on it, and that our human activities are intimately interwoven with the water cycle, the air cycle, the carbon cycle. We are beginning to realize that the ways we form our settlements, our transportation routes, our commerce, and other human functions not only affect human culture, but the whole ecological community of which we are a part. At present, our contemporary capacity for acceleration and exponential growth has brought the question of human impact on the natural world out of the realm of "a nice thing to consider" in design and placed it squarely in front of us, as a question of survival. Yet, our ability to re-constellate our human systems in response to direct feedback falls short of what is required. One consideration in understanding this dilemma is to realize that we as culture may not be fully registering the feedback we are receiving about the devastation of the planet. The information coming in may actually be outpacing our comprehension of it. It may �IV Environmental Considerations—Muller also be that our perimeters of reality have become so limited that we are not fully "hearing" the natural world speak to us about this crucial information. Our insular urbanization, including concrete pathways, processed nutrition, and televised reality, may be blocking us from this information. We may simply be recording whatever is coming in as "noise" or "static" and may not, in fact, be fully noticing the drastic diminishment in quality of life. What now? Those of us who are catching glimmers of the vibrant, functioning life community that surrounds us and co-exists with us need to revive our capacities to see, hear, taste, and feel beyond the "broadcasted" boundaries of the contemporary world. We need to discern what is superficial to our life-support system and what is elemental. We need to begin insisting on design models that describe to us the full reality of our situation—both human as well as ecological. In our modeling we need to acknowledge natural boundaries, not just humanmade boundaries, and to take into full account ecological systems such as watersheds, wind patterns, geological formations, etc. Our models need to integrate ecological principles such as entropy, renewal, biological exchange, carrying capacity, and appropriate scale. We need to be factoring in real costs of projects, not just the set "prices." Real costs include environmental considerations, health considerations, as well as cumulative effects and long-term consequences. A primary aspect of the ecological model is circulation. Human routes need to be designed in the context of other kinds of routes and patterns of circulation. The water cycle, the air currents, even the Earth in its orbit and the moon in its orbit, all circulate and have a bearing on each other. Migration routes of animals; routes of seeds in the wind; pathways of the sand-sharing dune system; animal routes for access to water, food, and for returning to breeding grounds; 209 routes of bees pollinating flowers—all are aspects of the circulatory pattern of the wider life community. Human routes exist in the context of this symphony of movement. In this culture we tend to think of the Earth as a noun, but actually a great deal of Earth functions as a verb. And our models need to reflect that. When we design our human systems, we need to be sure that we are not disrupting this flow of life, a flow integral to our own life. Interestingly, with our culture's overall design promoting excessive mobility, our civilization is becoming verb as well, whether we like it or not. Our access to work, school, social activities, and so forth requires that we "circulate." The fact is that many of us are coming to dwell in our automobiles as well as in our homes. Poor or nonexistent urban planning, as well as other physical and psychological factors, have created forced mobility and diminished the quality of life not only of humans but also of the rest of the life community. When conditions reach such proportions as they have now, with the planet and its human and non-human inhabitants in such condition, what is required in our modeling and our problem-solving? In order to develop comprehensive models, we need to be in touch with what values we want to nurture as a culture. No culture is value-free. Form informs. The forms that we craft to encompass and facilitate our human activities inform and shape us at every turn. Form reflects values, whether we intentionally subscribe to them or not. It is important that we bring into consciousness the values we want to nurture and let them become an integral aspect of our design of human systems. In describing what is superficial and what is elemental to our life-support system, we need to prioritize in terms of optimal use and encourage policy-making and incentives to support these priorities. We also need to �210 develop comprehensive indicators for ecological health. In our modeling, it is essential that we employ more than linear logic. Linear logic gives us solutions such as "add a lane" to deal with population increase and the rise in motor vehicles on the highways. Relying on this kind of logic, we end up with 44 lanes of interstate traffic. Multidimensional logic is required. Such logic encompasses questions of scale, cumulative effects, appropriate use, multilevel interplay of factors, and so forth. And logic is only one facet of our neurophysiological capacity for perception and problem solving. We have available to us whole ranges of perception and creative interplay for interacting with the life community in which we live. We have the capacity for in-depth perception and imaginative reflection on how our human designs would interact with and affect the whole, spatially-physically, developmentally, and psychically. We have the capacity to kinesthetically perceive rhythms as well as the disruption of rhythms, and we have the imagination to envision restoration. It is important that we understand and Linear Parks Conference Proceedings embrace the importance of accurate perception of the natural world and the power of design in relating to it. Design can serve to obfuscate or reveal the natural world to us. It can heighten or reduce our capacity to synchronize with other life rhythms besides our own. A culture can actually design for symbiosis, cooperation, integration, and inclusion with the wider ecological community. What is important in design is the reliance on fresh, attentive perception regarding the nature of our multidimensional reality rooted in the natural world. This is a pivotal time in our planet's history. We have the capacity to witness whole ecological systems at work and to design our human systems to interface comprehensively with these wider processes. It is up to us to renew our inherent capacity to "listen" to the natural world . . . and to act in concert with it. Only when we let its full reality be present to every aspect of our senses are we capable of designing for our own well-being in relation to the rest of the life community. Editor's note: This paper was part of a conference presentation by Thomas Berry and Mamie Muller. �IV Environmental Considerations 211 Bacterial Populations Elevated by Stream Modification Projects Arthur Bender, College of the Desert, Palm Desert, California; and Karl Schurr, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, Ohio INTRODUCTION River channelizations extend through many of the natural streams in the United States. As an example, in Wood County, Ohio, all but parts of two streams have been converted into virtual ditches. The focus of this paper is the effect of channelization on bacterial populations and the interaction of bacteria and sediments resulting from these and other stream modification projects. Channelization removes flood-plain trees, destroys plant cover on the banks, and excavates the natural stream substrate. Water velocity is enhanced, which increases erosion of stream banks and stream beds. In dry weather, a channelized stream will have very low flow due to excessive drainage, which tends to move most precipitation out of the watershed rapidly. In addition, low water levels in the summer and fall prevent dilution of toxic and human wastes. Soil sediments in water are noted for their electrical charges. The surface electrical activity of clay particulates is described by Clapham (1), who noted that electrical charges depended on the sediment particle type. Channelization sediments are complex media, varying with location and often lacking appropriate description in the literature. Nutrient-rich stream sediments are natural, ideal reservoirs for bacterial growth and reproduction. It has been demonstrated that fecal coliforms and enteric pathogens associate with sediments (see, for example, 2-8). Where human activity has altered natural streams through stream modification projects such as channelization, bacterial populations and their distribution in spoils and sediments deserve close examination, especially when considering recreational usage of these sites. SEDIMENT INCREASE AND BACTERIAL POPULATION The study included Old Infirmary Park, Adam Phillips Park, and sections of the Portage River, locations where there was extensive channelization of the watershed. This area is located in northwestern Ohio and drains parts of five counties. Settling flasks were used to document the increased erosion from a channelization project during the spring high-water flow. Figure 1 shows that erosion materials and spoils elevated the sediment load up to 54 times more in the channelized section of the river, when compared to the sediment load upstream in an unchannelized area. The channelization had been completed the previous summer. Bacterial characterization of sediments began with a series of paired comparisons between channelized and unchannelized sections of the Portage River watershed. Plate counts of bacterial numbers were employed using standard methods (9). Tests above and below channelized sections of the river repeatedly revealed bacterial counts two or three times higher in the channelized area. Natural streams, on the other hand, had more stable stream substrates, supported higher populations of micro- and macroinvertebrates, and had lower water temperatures in the summer months due to tree cover. A total of 30 pairs of comparisons were subjected to the sign test (10), where N=30, r=0, and the two-tailed analysis was employed. At a confidence interval of 99%, �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 212 Sediment (ml/L) L> 5 4 2 1 r\ - -, i 24 -c 26 1 Tl 28 I -r-, 2 1 -, 4 1 _. 1 ^ 6 | 1 10 12 14 , 1 16 I 18 1 20 1 • 22 • 24 Days Channelized Unchannelized Figure 1. Sediment burden in channelized and unchannelized study areas of the Portage River, Middle Branch, from ice-out until the end of high water. bacterial numbers were significantly higher in the channelized areas. Recent research studies by Porter, Sanders, and their associates (11, 12, 13) document consumption of bacteria by protozoans. Other microinvertebrates also remove large numbers of bacteria from natural waters. The importance of consumers of bacteria in aquatic systems has only recently been recognized. Unfortunately, however, we found that species that feed on bacteria are represented by very low populations in channelized streams. The opportunity for bacterial survival and multiplication will be enhanced by the physical changes resulting from channelization (see 2, 3, 6). Anaerobic sediments, heating of the water, and destruction of bacterial predators all favor the increase of bacteria. In addition, a channelized stream will deposit increased levels of nitrogen compounds in the floodplain as the result of agricultural runoff. BACTERIAL MOVEMENT WITH SEDIMENT PARTICLES Our preliminary results, showing that bacterial populations are always associated with sediments, caused us to examine the capability of bacteria to move from stream sediments into the water column. This question becomes vital to public health when spoils and channelization sediments contaminate surface waters. In addition, plasmidtransfer technology is being challenged in the courts, and more evidence about E. coli interactions in aquatic sediments is needed in order to make decisions related to the release of genetically engineered bacteria into the environment. A study area was selected in the Portage River two kilometers east of Rudolph, Ohio. The village of Rudolph lacks sanitary sewers and thus relies on septic tanks. A mobile home park with very poorly maintained septic tank systems was the primary local �IV. Environmental Considerations— Bender and Schurr 213 Bacteria # per 100 ml 5000 r 100 200 Meters Downstream • A I [\\\\i B Figure 2. Fecal coliform bacterial numbers from the Portage River. A represents FC in the water column. B represents the number of FC in the water column downstream from where the bottom sediments were hand-roiled. C, D, and E, respectively represent FC present in the water one hour, two hours, and three hours after roiling the sediments. source of raw sewage. The effluent was dumped directly into a drainage ditch which feeds into the river at the study site. Subsurface water at a depth of 45 centimeters was sampled, using sterile containers. The first sampling site was supplemented with sample locations at 100 meters and 200 meters downstream. Five meters above the original site, the stream bed sediments were rolled by raking approximately 4 centimeters of the uppermost sediments. After roiling the sediments, subsurface water samples were taken at the original site and downstream 100 meters and 200 meters. Water samples were taken from all three locations at one-, two-, and three-hour intervals. All samples were packed in ice and immediately brought to the laboratory for enumeration and identification procedures. This sampling schedule was continued weekly for the ten weeks following October 21, 1985. Total (TC) and fecal (FC) coliform counts were determined using accepted standard procedures (9). Each water sample was tested by membrane filter (MF) for total coliforms (TC) and fecal coliforms (FC) by filtering appropriate decimal volumes (TC—0.01, 0.1, and 1.0 ml; FC— 1.0, 10.0, and 20.0 ml) through type HC membrane filters (047S1, Millipore Corporation, Bedford, Massachusetts). The TC were detected with M Endo agar, while the FC were detected with MFC agar (both agars from Difco Laboratories). The TC M Endo agar plates were immediately incubated at 35°C, and MFC agar plates were immediately incubated at 44.5°C. All samples were subjected to the API 20E system (from API Analylab Products) for identification of enterobacteria and other gram-negative bacteria. Figure 2 illustrates a characteristic profile of fecal coliform bacteria during one weekly sampling schedule. Roiling the sediments increased the FC count more than �214 three-fold, 5 meters downstream of the raked area. Almost the same FC bacterial numbers were documented 100 meters and 200 meters downstream an hour later. The FC counts tended to subside three hours after roiling due to sediment settling and downstream transport by the water current. Total coliform bacterial counts revealed the same relative proportions as FC, but they were more than 20 times greater in actual numbers. Typical increases in TC numbers after roiling sediments, are represented by the following samples: 32,000/100 ml before versus 202,000/100 ml afterwards. The roiling of sediments thus brought spectacular increases in both FC and TC bacterial numbers into the water column. Precipitation caused similar increases. When a heavy rain caused muddy water, both FC and TC bacterial numbers were greatly increased. As might be expected, raininduced turbulence raised sediments from the bottom for the entire length of the channelized section of the river. There was, therefore, no difference among the three sample sites and little reduction of bacterial numbers over time until the high water subsided. Natural rainfall, and the stream turbulence it causes, flushes bacteria from sediments into the water column. It becomes obvious that stream sediments from channelization are a public health threat because of the increased bacterial populations associated with these sediments. Either human activity roiling the sediments or natural rainfall can stir up bacterial populations. DISCUSSION Erosion sediments are composites of particulates and become fluid or semi-fluid substrates in surface waters. Since they have electrical charges, this sediment substrate can be compared to mixtures of several ionexchange resins. Characterization of bacteria Linear Parks Conference Proceedings in sediments and spoils will require an analysis of bacterial numbers, counts of bacterial cell type (as shown by EM micrographs), and the documentation of paniculate chemistry in the sediments by xray diffraction. We postulate the existence of complex interactions in sediments found in water. It is reasonably certain that heavy metals bind to sediments through interactions that include the electrical charges on the sediment particles (14, 15). Organic compounds probably attach to sediments in the same way; adsorbance and absorbance are perhaps due to weak electrical charges that form binding sites with organic chemicals. There is evidence that virus particles interact with sediments similarly (16). We suggest that sediments in water react much like redox potentials in oxidation-reduction reactions. A certain sediment particle will have a specific electrical charge. Bacteria, viruses, heavy metals, and organic compounds will attach to the sediment particle. There may be competitive binding among the bacteria, viruses, and chemical pollutants, represented by both weak and strong binding properties, thus accounting for varying degrees of adhesive attachment to sediment particles. Perhaps these attachments vary with temperature, availability of oxygen, and pH of the water. This hypothesis offers useful constructs for future research. Without question, however, is the attachment of bacteria to individual sediment particles. The transport of the attached bacteria to new sites depends on the velocity of the stream at any given time and location. Our experiments in the field and our laboratory tests show that sediments from stream channelization can have significant implications for public health. Because erosion and sedimentation are increased by channelization, the environmental effects of sedimentation should be a factor in each decision regarding a 404 permit for a specific �IV Environmental Considerations—Bender and Schurr project. The results of our work support the decision of Judge N. Walinski of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Ohio (Reid, etaL versus Marsh, etal.\C%\690; January 4, 1984). Judge Walinski linked approval of a 404 permit with a requirement for evaluation of the sedimentation and erosion from the proposed channelization. Related parameters to study in addition to bacterial populations in sediments include virus number, heavy metals, and organics likely to be in the sediments. Water quality, fish and game populations, downstream flooding and low flow levels in summer months are also factors vital to the enjoyment of water resources in our society. If the public interest is not served by a proposed project, our research and that of others now documents specific effects from channelization which can enable responsible officials to refuse a 404 permit. Among the effects to be evaluated are sedimentation, 215 and their associated bacterial populations. From the standpoint of public health, human welfare, and water quality, major stream modifications such as channelization and reconstruction projects should be avoided in parkways, greenways, riverways, and watercourses which are designed to support beautification programs and recreational usage. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We appreciate the cooperation of Dr. C. Heckman, Director of the Electron Microscope Facility, BGSU. Special thanks are due to Donald Shull and Patricia Snyder of the N.W. Ohio Public Health Bacteriology Laboratory for help, advice, and assurance that our tests were precisely in line with standard bacteriological methodology. Acknowledgment also to Barbara Warren, College of the Desert, for her secretarial skills. REFERENCES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Clapham, W. B., Natural Ecosystems. Collier Pub. Co., London, 1983, p. 230. Hendricks, C. W., "Increased recovery rate of salmonellae from stream bottom sediments versus surface waters," Applied Microbiol, Vol. 21, 1971, pp. 379-380. Coleman, R. N., J. N. Campbell, F. D. Cook, and D. W. S. Westlake, "Urbanization and the microbial content of the North Saskatchewan River," AppL Microbiol., Vol. 27, 1974, pp. 93-101. Babinchak, J. A., J. J. Graikoski, S. Dudley, and M. F. Nitrowski, "Effect of dredge spoil deposition on fecal coliform counts in sediments at a disposal site," AppL Environ, Microbiol., Vol 34, 1977, pp. 38-41. Matson, E. A., S. G. Hornor, J. D. Buck, "Pollution indicators and other microorganisms in river sediment," Journal of Water Pollut. Control Fed., Vol.50,1978, pp. 13-20. 6. Grimes, D. J., "Bacteriological water quality effects on hydraulically dredging contaminated Upper Mississippi River bottom sediment," AppL Environ. Microbiol., Vol. 39, 1980, pp. 782-789. 7. Laliberte, P. and D. J. Grimes, "Survival of Escherichia coli lake bottom sediment," AppL Environ. Microbiol., Vol. 43, 1982, pp. 623-628. 8. Schillinger, J. E. and J. J. Gannon, "Bacterial adsorption and suspended particles in urban stormwater, " Journal of Water Pollut. Control Fed., Vol. 57, 1985, pp. 384-389. 9. American Public Health Association, Standard Methods for the Examination of Water and Wastewater, 16th Ed. American Public Health Association, Inc., Washington, D.C., 1985. 10. Zar, J. H., BioStatistical Analysis, 2nd Ed. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1984, pp. 386-395. �216 11. Porter, K. G., E. B. Sherr, B. F. Sherr, M. Place, and R. W. Sanders, "Protozoa in planktonic food webs," Journal of Protozoology, Vol. 32, 1985, pp. 409-415. 12. Porter, K. G., R. J. McDonough, and R. W. Sanders, "Particle feeding by freshwater algae," American Soc. of Limnology and Oceanography, 1986. 13. Sanders, R. W., K. G. Porter, and R. J. McDonough, "Bacterivory by ciliates, microflagellates and mixotrophic algae," American Soc. of Limnology and Oceanography, EOS 66: 1314, 1986. 14. Lafroth, G., Methylmercury—A Review of Health Hazards and Side Effects Associated with the Emission of Mercury Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Compounds Into Natural Systems, Ecological Research Committee, Bull. #4, Working Group on Environmental Toxicology, Swedish Natural Science Research Council, Sveavagen S-113 46, Sweden, 1969. 15. Walters, L. J., T. Kovacik, and C. Herdendorf, "Mercury occurrence in sediment cores from western Lake Erie," Ohio Journal of Science, Vol. 74, 1974, pp. 1-19. 16. Fuhs, W. G., M. Chen, L. S. Sturman, and R. S. Moore, "Virus adsorption to mineral surfaces is reduced by microbial overgrowth and organic coatings," Microb. EcoL, Vol. 11, 1985, pp. 25-39. Multiobjective Management of River Corridors: A Floodplain Management Perspective James M. Wright, Tennessee Valley Authority, Knoxville, Tennessee Our nation's 3.5 million miles of rivers and streams and the lands adjacent to them are some of our most important assets. Making up about 7 percent of our total area, they provide a variety of valuable resources and contain substantial capital investments in structures for those who live, work, or engage in business as well as infrastructure for transportation and commerce. It is estimated that nearly 20 percent of land in our urban areas is subject to flooding and that about half of this flood-prone land is developed. THE GENESIS OF A PROBLEM The early European settlement of this nation occurred along its watercourses for transportation, water supply, water power, waste disposal, commerce, and other purposes. This settlement pattern followed that of earlier native Americans who established their towns and villages along rivers for many of the same reasons. As a result, many of our earliest archaeological sites are along river corridors. Established development patterns caused growth of early settlements to occur along these river corridors, resulting in a continual pattern of occupancy and use. This problem continues even today as unwise decisions are made regarding the expanded economic use of river corridors. These rivers and streams periodically flood when the water runoff from the contributing land areas exceeds the carrying capacity of the conveyance channel. These floods vary in the quantity of water to be accommodated and the amount of adjacent land inundated to temporarily convey and/ or store the excess water. During the early development and growth of our nation, floods were not of major national economic consequence because of limited floodplain occupancy and resultant damage, inadequate data- �IV Environmental Considerations— Wright 217 gathering and synthesis techniques, and rudimentary communication techniques. Floods and their solutions were considered an individual or local problem. Continued development along rivers and streams resulted in concurrent increases in flood damages. Along major rivers some flood events described as "rare" resulted in millions of acres of inundated land, and even more frequently occurring floods of substantial size along smaller rivers or streams, including heavily occupied and invested areas. By the early part of this century, the extent of development and resultant flood damages had increased to the point that federal responses to increasing flood losses were demanded. locations the frequency and magnitude of floods were also increasing because landuse changes resulted in substantial increases in water runoff from paved and other impervious areas. One response was enactment by Congress of the National Flood Insurance Act of 1968. Through this program, first administered by the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) and now administered by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), flood insurance is available to individuals in participating communities as a substitute for post-flood disaster assistance and other forms of federal aid. As a result, those who already occupy or use the floodplain can obtain federally subsidized flood insurance to deal with potential economic loss from future floods. Those who wish to use the floodplain after community enrollment in the National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP) must adjust that use to the flood risk involved. THE FEDERAL RESPONSE The initial federal response was through construction of flood-protective works, i.e., floodwater detention reservoirs, earthen levees, concrete floodwalls, enlarged existing channels, flood bypass channels, and other measures to modify the extent and/or direction of floodwaters to keep them away from occupied and invested areas. The basis for much of this early activity resulted from the Flood Control Act of 1936. Federal investment in flood-protective projects was accompanied by an increase in the rate of economic use of our floodplains as part of overall national growth after World War II. These projects did not keep pace with the rate of floodplain use. Despite federal investments approaching $10 billion by the early 1960s, average annual flood losses increased. More comprehensive approaches to resolving the economic losses and threats to public safety resulting from floods were sought. Floods, which had always occurred naturally, were now causing a national dilemma because of the extent of development within flood-prone areas. In many REDUCING ECONOMIC LOSSES Over 17,000 flood-prone communities are currently participating in the NFIP. In return for the availability of flood insurance, they are required to enact and enforce floodplain regulations that, at a minimum, meet the floodplain management criteria developed by HUD and FEMA to implement the landuse component of the flood insurance program. Most participating communities have enacted the minimum federal criteria. These criteria require designation through a local ordinance of a floodway along the river or stream to allow for safe passage of floodwaters. Future development within the floodway is restricted to those uses that will not cause further obstruction of floodwaters. Although additional development is not prohibited, it is severely restricted. Floodways are also associated with large depths of floodwaters flowing at �218 swift velocities and are considered impractical and unsafe for permanent human occupancy and use. Through the NFIP requirements, communities have designated over 9,000 square miles, or nearly 6 million acres, of river corridors as floodways. These floodways contain many natural resources and most of our riverine wetlands. Development permitted by local ordinances in the remainder of the regulated floodplain (established by engineering studies to include that area that would be inundated by a flood that has a one-percent annual chance of occurrence) must be protected by siting and construction practices to prevent damage upon the occurrence of this and more frequent flood events. As a result of flood insurance program requirements, a total of about 160,000 square miles, or over a hundred million acres, of the nation's floodplains are regulated by local ordinances. The commitment to and effectiveness of these local floodplain regulations vary considerably. Consequently, most floodplain management measures being carried out today at the local level are responses to the requirements of the NFIP. Requirements to adopt these measures stem from mounting flood losses resulting from unwise occupancy and use of our nation's floodplains. Thus, most floodplain management measures have as their primary purpose flood-loss reduction. Floodplain management policies, programs, and practices to implement this objective are developed and carried out largely by those with an engineering or planning background. Floodplain management strategies for flood-loss reduction may be grouped into those designed to modify flooding (the early approaches to flood problems), those that modify the impact of flooding, and those that reduce the susceptibility to flood damage (see Table 1). Each strategy has a variety of tools for implementation. Although widely Linear Parks Conference Proceedings viewed as floodplain management, most measures implemented at the local level involve only floodplain regulations and eligibility for individuals to purchase flood insurance. In addition, some localities have flood modification projects, often designed and built with substantial federal assistance. Although there are a few notable exceptions, most communities have not implemented other listed measures shown on Table 1. EXPANDING FLOODPLAIN MANAGEMENT OBJECTIVES Among floodplain managers at all levels (federal, state, local) there has emerged over the past two decades a slow but growing awareness and interest in maintaining the resource values contained within our river and stream corridors. Existing management measures, primarily designation and controls within the floodway for flood-damage reduction and public safety, provide some resource protection. Most of these measures are, however, limited and are tied to the flood-loss objective. The coalescence of interest and present programs and policies regarding the maintenance of river corridor values may have its genesis in the National Environment Policy Act of 1969. In enacting this measure, Congress formally recognized that the values of environmental resources depend upon the function of complex natural systems. This act declared environmental quality to be a national goal and established a procedure for environmental impact assessment for proposed federal projects and programs that may significantly affect the environment. Federal agencies were required by the act to develop implementing procedures, and most have assigned supporting staff for this purpose. Thus, the legislative and administrative foundation was formally set in place for an evaluation of the environmental values associated with river corridors. �IV. Environmental Considerations— Wright 219 Table 1. Strategies and Tools for Flood-Loss Reduction Strategy A. Modify Susceptibility to Flood Damage and Disruption 1. Floodplain Regulations a. State Regulations for Flood Hazard Areas b. Local Regulations for Flood Hazard Areas 1) Zoning 2) Subdivision Regulations 3) Building Codes 4) Housing Codes 5) Sanitary and Well Codes 6) Other Regulatory Tools 2. Development and Redevelopment Policies a. Design and Location of Services and Utilities b. Land Rights, Acquisition and Open Space Use c. Redevelopment d. Permanent Evacuation 3. 4. 5. 6. Disaster Preparedness Disaster Assistance Floodproofing Flood Forecasting and Warning Systems and Emergency Plans 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Strategy B. Modify Flooding Dams and Reservoirs Dikes, Levees, and Floodwalls Channel Alterations High-Flow Diversions Land Treatment Measures On-site Detention Measures Strategy C. Modify the Impact of Flooding on Individuals and the Community 1. Information and Education 2. Flood Insurance 3. Tax Adjustments 4. Flood Emergency Measures 5. Post-Flood Recovery Source: A Status Report on the Nation's Floodplain Management Activity, An Interim Report, prepared for the Interagency Task Force on Floodplain Management, L. R. Johnston Associates, April 1989. �220 An earlier legislative act had provided a basis for affirming that interest and for work that resulted in its enhancement within the floodplain-management sphere of interest and influence. The National Flood Insurance Act of 1968 directed the development of proposals to be considered by Congress for a unified national program for floodplain management. A document was prepared by the Federal Interagency Floodplain Management Task Force, first issued in 1976 and subsequently revised and updated in 1979 and 1986. The report sets forth two broad objectives—to reduce loss of life and property and to reduce losses of natural and beneficial values from unwise land use—in seeking wise use and management of the nation's floodplains. A conceptual framework provides general guidance for the decisionmaking processes of federal, state, and local officials as well as for private parties. Strategies and tools for flood-loss mitigation and for the preservation and restoration of natural floodplain values are presented in detail. The report groups these values into three broad categories: water resources values, living resources values, and cultural resources values (see Table 2). Strategies for managing floodplains involve those to restore lost or diminished values as well as those to preserve the wide diversity of values in relatively undisturbed floodplains. Finally, actions are recommended to facilitate coordination of management programs dispersed among all levels of government. Emphasis on protecting and enhancing environmental quality is embodied in other important legislation enacted over the past two decades, including the Wild and Scenic Rivers Act of 1968, the Endangered Species Act of 1973, the Clean Water Acts of 1972 and 1977, and the Water Quality Act of 1987. Arguable the most important of these to preserve the natural and beneficial values within the riverine corridors are the clean Linear Parks Conference Proceedings water acts. Section 404 of the Clean Water Act of 1972 supplemented the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers existing permitting program regarding activities in navigable waters (pursuant to Section 10 of the Rivers and Harbors Act of 1899) by requiring permits for the discharge of dredged or fill materials into all waters of the United States. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) was assigned the responsibility for developing guidelines to assist in the implementation of Section 404. Section 404 also authorized EPA to prohibit or restrict discharges with unacceptable adverse impacts on fish, shellfish, wildlife, water supply, or recreation. The Water Quality Act of 1987 made sweeping revisions in EPA's approach to storm water discharge permitting. The EPA was directed to prepare regulations and to implement a permit system for separate storm water sewer systems. Water quality monitoring and mitigation programs will be new responsibilities for the river corridor manager. Implementation of this and other legislations helped set the stage for the 1977 Executive Orders on Floodplain Management (11988) and Protection of Wetlands (11990), both of which accompanied President Carter's Message on the Environment to Congress, in which he stressed the scope of environmental issues and pledged firm support to environmental protection. The Floodplain Management Executive Order established a general policy bringing together concerns for human safety and reducing economic losses with those for restoring and preserving natural and beneficial floodplain values. The policy directives of the order are to 1) avoid direct of indirect support of floodplain development, 2) avoid actions located in or affecting the floodplain unless the floodplain location is the only practicable alternative, and 3) in the absence of a practicable alternative, require that the action be designed or modified in order to �IV. Environmental Considerations— Wright 221 Table 2, Floodplain Natural and Cultural Values Water Resources Values Natural Flood and Erosion Control • Reduce flood velocities • Reduce flood peaks • Reduce wind and wave impacts • Stabilize soils Water Quality Maintenance • Reduce sediment loads • Filter nutrients and impurities • Process organic and chemical wastes • Moderate temperature of water • Reduce sediment loads Maintain Groundwater Supply and Balance • Promote infiltration and aquifer recharge • Reduce frequency and duration of low flows Living Resources Values Support Flora • Maintain high biological productivity of floodplain and wetland vegetation • Maintain productivity of natural forests • Maintain natural crops Provide Fish and Wildlife Habitat • Maintain breeding and feeding grounds • Create and enhance waterfowl habitat • Protect habitat for rare and endangered species Cultural Resources Values Maintain Harvest of Natural Products • Create and enhance agricultural lands • Provide areas for cultivation of fish and shellfish • Protect silviculture Provide Recreational Opportunities • Provide areas for active and consumptive uses • Provide areas for passive activities • Provide open space values • Provide aesthetic values Provide Scientific and Outdoor Education Areas • Provide opportunities for ecological studies • Protect historical and archeological sites Source: A Status Report on the Nation's Floodplain Management Activity, An Interim Report, prepared for the Interagency Task Force on Floodplain Management, L R. Johnston Associates, April 1989. �222 minimize potential harm to or within the floodplain. The Executive Order for Protection of Wetlands, issued at the same time, is closely related and similar in structure. This relationship has been highlighted in implementation of both orders. As stated earlier, most inland wetlands are located within riverine floodplains, and thus the orders often cover the same areas. Experience with both orders strongly suggests the need for integrated management of wetlands and floodplains within river corridors. It also points out that floodplain management (and, for that matter, the management of wetlands and other natural resources) should be regarded as a process by which decisions are made rather than simply a set of floodplain regulations, flood insurance, or flood control structures. With this management framework in place, and lessons and experiences in working with limited objectives and areas, there is a growing interest among floodplain managers and others in broadening the traditional floodplain management objective of flood-loss reduction and protection of lives within a limited floodplain area to include multiple management objectives and approaches. This broadened emphasis involves looking at the entire river corridor and encompasses total watershed management. INTEREST IN RIVER CORRIDOR MANAGEMENT: EXPLANATIONS AND EXAMPLES There are several causes or reasons for this growing, but not yet widespread, interest. Over the past few decades better procedures have been developed to identify and document the natural and beneficial resources and values contained within river corridors. Environmental impact analysis, for example, details the extent of benefits these resources Linear Parks Conference Proceedings provide as well as how they can be impacted, impaired, or even lost. The federal acts and executive orders, described above, have helped to give formal recognition to the environmental aspects of floodplain management and the broader river corridor and to establish a conceptual and management framework. There are also increasing (although still limited) levels of interdisciplinary and intergovernmental cooperation. Most riverine wetlands are located within floodplains, and wetlands managers, floodplain managers, and other natural resources managers are discovering that they are involved in the same areas and share interests and needs. But much remains to be done. There is still a significant polarization of positions, missions, and interests. Some managers have already recognized, and others are discovering that single-objective management approaches are not working well or as effectively as they could or should be working. Most floodplain management objectives and practices use existing watershed and floodplain conditions to determine areas of involvement; generally deal with controlling future development; do little for existing problems; look at only a small portion of the floodplain and river corridor (i.e., the one-percent annual chance flood); and are typically single purpose (i.e., flood-loss reduction). Community and citizen interest in floodplain management for flood-loss reduction is generally lukewarm at best. Most programs exist because of a state mandate or requirement to participate in the National Flood Insurance Program. Because of the perceived unlikelihood of a regulatory "100-year" flood and the prevailing view that government will bail flood victims out, any support is often tacit. Putting together multipurpose management plans and programs to meet a number of community needs helps broaden the political and public �IV Environmental Considerations— Wright 223 support needed for success. This new strategy includes being able to put together funding packages where resources and support are not adequate for single-objective approaches. However, there are several notable examples of communities that are carrying out multiobjective planning and implementation of river corridor management plans for park, parkway, wildlife, conservation, agricultural, or other environmental or social uses. These include Boulder, Colorado; Chattanooga, Tennessee; Minneapolis-St. Paul, Minnesota; Raleigh, North Carolina; Scottsdale, Arizona; and Tulsa, Oklahoma. At the state level, numerous regulatory and nonregulatory programs have been developed that apply directly or indirectly to floodplains, wetlands, shoreline, and natural resource protection. Many of these have paralleled federal efforts in resource management and environmental protection. At the federal level the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency has, over the past two years, taken the lead role in sponsoring, along with several other members of the Federal Interagency Floodplain Management Task Force, several symposia on the subject of multiobjective management of river corridors. The purpose of these symposia was to heighten awareness and interest in management opportunities and to build broader support at all levels. The President's Commission on Americans Outdoors, created by President Reagan in 1985 and chaired by Governor Lamar Alexander of Tennessee, took due note of the importance of these stream corridors for outdoor recreation. The commission's report, released in 1987, called for wide-ranging programs to be implemented at the local level that would clean up and protect rivers and wetlands, preserve floodplains, and educate the public about these valuable recreation resources. The report also envisioned a "living network of greenways" that could be established on streams and other corridors, linking community to community and eventually spanning the nation. Support is growing at the Congressional level. Earlier this year Congressmen McDade (Pennsylvania) and Udall (Arizona) sponsored a series of fact-finding workshops across the nation to gather information and reach a consensus to define more clearly the goals, attitudes, and alternatives available for coordinating the multiple uses of river corridors, including finding ways for achieving balances between conservation and economic uses. FLOODPLAIN MANAGEMENT TASK FORCE VIEWS The Federal Interagency Floodplain Management Task Force and other floodplain management representatives and interests were requested by Congress to share their insights, concerns, and specific ideas for improving multiobjective river corridor management. The task force drew upon information from the EPA symposia and other sources, including its own work in providing a framework and guidance in achieving a unified national program for floodplain management. In its letter to Congress, the task force identified several general guidelines for multiobjective river corridor management derived from the above processes. They are: 1. Let local concerns, not state or federal priorities, generate river corridor projects. A local community or communities should also have a central role in all aspects of the project, from onset through implementation. 2. Bring all viewpoints to the table. Two important benefits are derived: a) the expertise contributed by various interests will help provide solutions, and b) participants will provide broad-based �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 224 3. support in implementing activities identified. Involve the public early and fully, from defining problems and goal setting to implementing solutions. 4. Do not plan to plan, plan to make things happen. In the past, planners planned first and others took action later. Too often, no one took that action. Show progress early; be action-oriented in the short term as well as the long term. 5. Develop a big bag of tools: creative and innovative designs, methods, financing, and institutional arrangements. Single-purpose programs and traditional solutions are not enough. Versatile, creative approaches are needed in all aspects of river corridor management. 6. Recognize that there will be conflicts, and prepare for them. These planning efforts are often initiated because of ongoing conflicts. Head-on confrontation can be divisive, fragment project participants into cliques, and end in stalemates. Creative conflict resolution is needed. Identify win/win solutions wherever possible. 7. Be flexible enough to deal with a variety of geographic situations. Vegetation, geology, soils, topography, and rainfall differ widely, so river corridor projects must be responsive. 8. Base solutions on good science. New and developing areas of scientific expertise include landscape ecology (managing ecologically in the context of the broader physical landscape), geographic information systems, soil bioengineering (using natural vegetation and fibers to stabilize slopes and banks), and wetlands restoration and management. 9. Information is needed on how to do things, not what to do. What to do can and should be determined locally. Better information on how to do it is where the state and/or federal government can provide assistance. The task force's letter went on to state that the last point listed was an area of particular interest. All of the agencies represented on the task force provide technical assistance to states and communities. Clearly, based on the comments of participants in the symposia, there is a need to provide states and communities with specific kinds of technical information that they may not be receiving now. Additional information is needed in a form that will allow integration of many single-purpose programs into one comprehensive framework. One important example is the need for communities to deal with water quantity (flooding) and water quality problems simultaneously. Historically, water quantity has often been dealt with by moving water out of town as quickly as possible. This strategy is not generally compatible with protecting water quality. Technical assistance is needed to identify how to deal with these issues simultaneously. In many cases, integrating conventional flood control approaches with innovative and creative techniques using local topography and natural materials would be the best solution to water resource problems. Both new techniques and integrated approaches should be shared with communities nationally. Natural areas must be planned into the urban environment to meet a number of objectives, including open space, recreation, flood control, water quality improvement, aesthetics, urban wildlife habitat, and others. Providing information and education on the environment to the public in these settings is extremely important. A better understanding of costs, both short and long term, is also needed. Cost effectiveness is often cited as the reason for selecting one strategy over another. Communities need assistance in effectively evaluating costs—including installation, �IV Environmental Considerations— Wright 225 operation, and maintenance—and secondary benefits (such as preventing the need for advanced wastewater treatment) need to be considered. Secondary benefits can be particularly important within the context of multiobjective river corridor management. It appears that widespread interest in multiobjective river corridor management is fostering new ideas about urban development, land use planning, and even urban aesthetics. Many of these innovative designs will "look" different from what we have come to anticipate in urban settings. The interest expressed by Congress and the participants in the symposia helped focus the task force's attention on maintaining and restoring the natural and beneficial uses of floodplains. Reducing flood losses and protecting floodplain values are the two objectives of the task force's Unified National Program. The task force believes that they can be mutually beneficial. As task force members evaluate the status report on floodplain management, they will direct attention to ensuring that the Unified National Program meets this objective. Based on the fact-finding workshops and comments from numerous sources and interests, legislation pertaining to river corridor management is currently being drafted for introduction in Congress. This office has sponsored several symposia and other forums including those on multiobjective river corridor management. Regional offices of EPA, through their wetlands program, can provide technical assistance on how to maintain and/or restore the natural and beneficial values of floodplains. This assistance includes identification of these values, how they will be impacted by proposed development or use, and prevention or mitigation actions and techniques. In addition, the National Park Service (NPS) with the U.S. Department of the Interior has assisted communities in planning to protect greenway values. This activity has been accomplished primarily through the service's State and Local Rivers Conservation Assistance Program, which is designed to help governments, private groups, and landowners prepare conservation plans. Technical assistance usually consists of statewide river assessments and river corridor plans. The plan can be initiated by a government agency or a private group such as a land trust or a watershed organization. This approach has been used in over 40 states and 150 river areas and has resulted in the creation of local river protection groups, conservation legislation, voluntary private landowner actions, and more effective use of existing government programs. The NPS reports that this process has proven to be a positive way for landowners and government interests to help shape the future of important river corridors. In the Tennessee Valley region during the last two years, TVA has been active in encouraging communities to look at designating greenways as devices to preserve floodplains and create recreational opportunities. Agency personnel helped in producing greenway plans for Kingsport and Hixson, Tennessee, and are presently providing assistance on several greenway planning efforts in Tennessee and surrounding states. SOME SOURCES OF ASSISTANCE In addition to the previously reported activities and efforts, there are several other important contributions. Several years ago the EPA determined the need to become involved in wetlands protection beyond its regulatory involvement in helping administer the Section 404 permit program mentioned above. An Office of Wetlands Protection was created within EPA in response to the continuing losses and degradation of the nation's wetlands. The office's primary mission is to look at the nonregulatory initiatives and ways of protecting wetlands. �226 LOCAL REGULATORY AND PROTECTION TECHNIQUES There are several types of regulatory and protection techniques for river corridors currently being applied. These techniques may not be as well documented or understood as those for flood-loss reduction, but they can be effectively integrated or juxtaposed with the more widely applied flood-loss reduction regulatory measures. A number of communities and counties that have adopted regulations controlling activities in the one-percent-annual-chance flood area have also adopted modest amendments to these existing regulations resulting in a less controversial, more immediate and feasible way of protecting many nontidal wetlands and other natural areas. These minimal amendments substantially increase protection. They may be effectively included in other codes and regulations. While most subdivision regulations do not specifically regulate wetlands and other natural areas, nearly all contain prohibitions against building in areas in which soil, subsoil, or flood conditions would create public health or safety hazards. Standards for subdivision development can be expanded to cover wetland and natural areas management. Communities without these protection provisions can adopt minor amendments to their subdivision ordinances to help to protect these areas from further filling, dredging, drainage, or development. Similar strategies can be employed in implementing sanitary codes governing the location and operation of private wastewater systems. Finally, communities that have other special ordinances (such as regulating sand and gravel extraction and tree cutting, and requiring site plan review for major developments), can make minor amendments to the purpose section of such special ordinances to extend their application to wetlands and other special areas. Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Communities undertaking a river corridor management program, particularly a protection program, must be willing to make a long-term commitment that includes not only the above regulatory approaches but also other means to achieve the program's objectives. These other techniques may include: 1. Public acquisition through the use of public funds or by encouraging private donation. The acquisition may be full title and interest of the property or an easement. Funding for public acquisition can be derived from a variety of sources—special taxes, fees, general revenue appropriations, income tax "check offs," and special state and federal programs and funds designated for this purpose. 2. Private acquisition through conservation organizations who then manage or reconvey purchased lands to public resource agencies. 3. Tax incentives whereby the landowner may realize a substantial federal tax benefit by donation of a conservation easement, such as one restricting the donor's right in perpetuity to develop the designated area. Communities can also help protect these areas by ensuring that they are taxed for local real estate purposes at a minimal rate, thereby helping to prevent sale or subdivision due to tax pressures. This action will also reduce the burden of regulation. 4. Public education to help the public better understand the many values provided by our river corridors. This approach has involved printed matter, radio and television programs, educational outings and programs for school children, programs for the business community, and hands-on experiences for the public to "get in touch" with the resource. 5. Actions by citizen advocates that provide �IV Environmental Considerations— Wright 227 important backup to regulatory and nonregulatory efforts by local governments. Managing and protecting the resource of our river corridors need to involve the participation of individuals, conservation groups, and others in a variety of ways and actions. resources and values these areas provide. Localities need "how to do it" advice and support. Experience reveals that the level of local action is generally proportional to the level of assistance provided to local planners and decision-makers. Localities also need follow-up contacts and continuing assistance because of the rapid turnover of appointed and elected officials and because of the inherently slow process of compiling information and of planning and developing regulations and other management approaches. In addition, floodplain managers and others need to broaden their program goals to include maintenance of natural and beneficial resources and resource values along with the traditional goal of flood-loss reduction. A working knowledge of resource protection approaches, techniques, and programs is necessary. There needs to be a broader interdisciplinary, intergovernmental view and effort devoted to river corridor management, eliminating polarization of positions, issues, and solutions. Finally, adding standards to the existing 17,000-plus sets of community floodplain management regulations will rapidly provide a form of protection to wetlands and other sensitive areas. SOME STEPS TOWARDS MULTIOBJECTIVE MANAGEMENT What steps can be taken by floodplain managers, wetlands managers, resource managers, and others to better achieve multipurpose management of river corridors? From this floodplain manager's perspective, several are suggested. First, environment groups, special interests, and community advocates need to understand local floodplain management programs, goals, and administrative procedures and become more involved in influencing the outcome of local decisions affecting floodplain development and use. Local officials and other decision-makers in turn, need to view undeveloped floodplains and other areas in the river corridor as a valuable community asset. To overcome opposition, they will need the help of many others representing various disciplines and interests to document the community FURTHER READING "Questions and Answers on the National Flood Insurance Program," Federal Emergency Management Agency, August 1987. A Unified National Program for Floodplain Management, Federal Emergency Management Agency. Prepared by the Federal Interagency Task Force on Floodplain Management, March 1986. Executive Order 11988—Floodplain Management and Executive Order 11990—Protection of Wetlands, issued on May 24, 1977 by President Carter. A Status Report on the Nation's Floodplain Management Activity, An Interim Report. Prepared by the Federal Interagen- cy Task Force on Floodplain Management, April 1989. "America's Wetlands: Our Vital Link Between Land and Water," Office of Wetlands Protection, U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, February 1988. "Regulations for Floodplains," American Planning Association, Planning Advisory Service Report No. 277, February 1972. "Protecting Nontidal Wetlands," American Planning Association, Planning Advisory Service Report No. 412/413, Dec. 1988. "National Park Service Assists Communities in Planning Greenway Values," National Wetlands Newsletter, Sept.-Oct. 1988. �Vlll This page intentionally left blank �V. Citizen Involvement �230 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Grassroots Protection of River and Trail Corridors: A Discussion From Experience Lorah P. Hopkins, Schuylkill River Greenway Association, Wyomissing, Pennsylvania The Schuylkill River Greenway Association (SRGA) is a nonprofit, membership organization situated in Wyomissing, Pennsylvania. It was founded in 1974 when a prominent local industrialist called together a group of friends to plan for the wise use and protection of the river and its banks. He wanted to ensure that the river would never again be abused. By 1978 the organization had grown to a point where it was incorporated. A hardworking volunteer board, between 15 and 25 members, was established. Staff was hired. Today there are 4 staff members—a Managing Director, Assistant Director, Secretary, and Trails Implementor. Our main goal is to establish a greenway or linear park the length of the 135-mile Schuylkill River. The first accomplishment of the SRGA was the campaign for scenic river status. This activity followed the federal government's Wild and Scenic Rivers Act of 1968 and Pennsylvania's similar legislation in 1972. Following an intense comprehensive study, the Schuylkill was designated Pennsylvania's first Scenic River in 1978. This designation is a noteworthy accomplishment, considering that the Schuylkill was at one time considered a dead river. Its history is lengthy. A canal had been established in the 1820s. The main commerce was in anthracite coal mined at the headwaters in Schuylkill County and transported to Philadelphia, near the mouth of the river. The type of transportation system established, known as slack water navigation, meant that the river would be utilized wherever possible by creating a series of canals and dams. The canal segments paralleled the river with water level controlled by locks. As the coal industry became more prosperous, washeries were constructed on the upstream tributaries, and coal dust was washed into the river itself. In the 1870s, railroads replaced the canal system as the primary means of freight transportation. The city of Reading, located on the Schuylkill, became the railroad capital of the world. By the late 1940s the river had become so clogged and polluted that the City of Philadelphia was faced with considering another drinking-water source. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, under Governor James Duff, and the federal government entered into a major dredging and desilting program between 1948 and 1950. The Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Resources was responsible for the upper reaches, and the Army Corps of Engineers for the area near Philadelphia. Fifty million dollars was spent in this effort. The attitudes of riparian community residents toward the Schuylkill had become quite negative as a result of all the unfavorable attention the river was receiving. Slowly, the Greenway Association has seen a change in these attitudes. The National Park Service (NPS) was instrumental in this transition period. We learned of the NPS's Technical Assistance Program through Section II of the National Wild and Scenic Rivers Act, which authorizes the Park Service to provide technical assistance to states, local governments, and private nonprofit groups in the development of river conservation plans. In April of 1983, we requested and received the National Park Service's �V Citizen Involvement—Hopkins assistance. After many discussions, it was decided that a 22-mile segment of the river be studied. This area was centrally located and had urban, suburban, and rural characteristics. It was located in Berks County and included the Schuylkill River Greenway Association's headquarters. Concern was voiced about how riparian residents would feel about the NFS coming into the area. Would this mean that land would be condemned and rights taken away? Berks County is famous for its Pennsylvania Dutch ancestry. The people are hard workers and very independent. The SRGA felt that a partnership with the NFS would be extremely beneficial to those living within the basin. To allay fears, we decided to ask each municipality to pass a resolution in favor of the study, but we did not request any financial commitments at this point in the process. Starting with the County of Berks, we received subsequent support from the City of Reading; the Boroughs of Leesport, West Reading, and Wyomissing; and the Townships of Ontelaunee, Bern, Muhlenberg, Cumru, Lower Alsace, Exeter, and Robeson. The NFS organized a study management team. Each municipality was encouraged to join in this effort. The Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Resources (DER) played an integral role in the partnership. Greenway members, riparian landowners, area conservation organizations, and interested citizens came together to discuss and study the river corridor. The NFS team was efficient in its work and effective in overcoming fears of a takeover. The Greenway Association provided staff assistance and an office. We organized area meetings. A questionnaire was developed and distributed. The area was canoed and cultural, natural, and historic resources noted. Remnants of the canal era were identified. This activity depended on teamwork. Our regional meeting place was Nolde State 231 Forest and Environmental Education Center. When the study management team met for its final meeting in 1984, a great deal had been accomplished. The team was asked to identify and prioritize recommendations. The National Park Service did not participate in these decisions, because the agency wanted the decisions to come from area residents. A clear majority selected as its top priority the establishment of a greenway system. On the all-important question of who should be responsible for taking the next step, everyone with one exception voted for the Schuylkill River Greenway Association. The one exception was my boss, who voted for the County. In retrospect, he thinks the majority was correct as we were able to carry the project forward. We went back to each municipality in the study area and presented a proposal for a trail feasibility study. This time there was a dollar amount assessed to each community, based on river frontage and population within a quarter-mile of the study area. The county was asked to match the amount raised, justified by the potential enhanced economic development benefits. All but 3 of the 13 municipalities entered into an agreement with us. The SRGA collected enough money to engage a consultant with a planning and landscape architecture background. The Commonwealth paid the salary of a second individual with a forestry degree. Together they canoed, walked, and drove the area taking over 1000 slides to document their findings. Three more nonriparian communities were tied into the river system via tributary trails. The resources identified in the NFS study were included as an integral part of the subsequent study. A detailed, colorful map was developed and a plan written, identifying points of interest by "river miles." Presentations were given to each community. As you are well aware, it is extremely important to include �232 the communities in the entire process. Everyone was excited. Using this successful foundation, the SRGA was able to secure a grant from the Pew Charitable Trust. This grant allowed us to identify riparian landowners and to develop a sample "scenic river overlay." The landowner identification process was more difficult than it might sound. Berks County is the only county in Pennsylvania without a tax property map. There were also many gray areas, particularly with rights-of-way of the canal, railroad, and utilities. The first step in drafting the scenic river overlay was to identify each community's zoning decisions. Zoning is the technical tool a community uses to determine what type of land use is desirable in any given area. As one might well imagine, each community had developed its own zoning language. For example, a single-family residential area might be labelled R-l in one community and termed an R-2 in its neighbor's. In order to compare like designations, a generic, or common, code was established. The zoned areas were assigned their new classifications. It soon became clear which communities were failing to use zoning as a tool for protecting their riverfronts. The scenic river overlay we developed is similar in concept to a floodplain, or steep-slope, overlay. It can be uniformly applied over various regions based on physical characteristics without requiring a change in zoning. We are currently seeking funds that would allow us to promote this study more vigorously. As far as the eight recommendations defined in the 1984 National Park Service report, all have been pursued—to various Linear Parks Conference Proceedings degrees of completion. The NPS partnership added an element of prestige to our Greenway Association and to the Schuylkill River. Attitudes of the riparian community residents have become more positive, as many have joined us in our dream for a greenway system the length of the river. We have maintained a good working relationship with the NPS. In April of this year, along with the Pennsylvania DER, we sponsored a forum on the Schuylkill. It was held at St. Joseph's University in Philadelphia and attracted 125 people. Speakers focused on the report by the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors and discussed the greenway concept on a federal, state, and local level. Descriptions of greenway implementation along the Schuylkill were presented by SRGA staff. People were enthusiastic and recharged. To carry this spirit forward, in June 1989, SRGA and NPS joined forces with the Pennsylvania DER, Pennsylvania Department of Community Affairs, and the Tri-County Chamber of Commerce. We gathered down by the river to celebrate June as Rivers Month and to emphasize the benefits of greenway implementation. One small dog and 120 people boarded 47 canoes for a 12-mile float. According to DER officials, this was the largest flotilla in Schuylkill history. After the excursion, we gathered for a cookout at one of the riverfront parks we had floated by. Our Greenway Association feels that the time is right for another major joint effort with the National Park Service. We have asked for their assistance and hope to have a favorable response. �V Citizen Involvement 233 River Conservation from the Bottom Up: An Atlantic Regional Approach Elliott Gimble, QLF/Atlantic Center for the Environment, Ipswich, Massachusetts INTRODUCTION The Atlantic Region may be defined as northern New England and the easternmost provinces of Canada, that is, the northeastern reaches of Maine, the provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland-Labrador, and the Quebec shoreline of the St. Lawrence River. Spread over roughly 175,000 square miles are fewer than 2.5 million people. The region has been shaped by its waters. Punctuated by thousands of islands, inlets, and bays, the approximately 15,000 miles of Canadian Atlantic shoreline are 15 times longer than their straight line projection. The "Downcast" coastline of Maine is similar. On average, Maine has one linear mile of river for every square mile of land area. Rivers cross and recross international borders. Rivers play an important ecological and historical role in the Atlantic Region. They were the first transportation routes for Indian groups like the Micmac, Passamaquoddy, and Miramichi, searching for game after a short growing season. Explorations by the French and English followed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In 1604, Samuel de Champlain founded the first European settlement north of Florida in North America on the St. Croix River (Maine/New Brunswick). In the 1800s, communities looked to the natural resources along the region's rivers, and local economies were built on lumbering, fishing, fur trading, and farming. Today, traditional river uses such as transportation, drinking water, and even basic ecological services compete with hydropower demands, waste treatment and disposal, increasing recreational use, and second-home development. For example, only 5% of New England's rivers remain free-flowing, and demand for alternative energy sources such as hydropower will intensify into the next century as other sources prove too economically and environmentally expensive. Economically, the Atlantic Region has remained natural resource dependent. The gulfs of St. Lawrence and Maine harbor some of the richest fishing grounds in the world. Unfortunately, overfishing in the 1960s and '70s has severely depleted stocks, and the entire region suffers from high unemployment and low economic standing. In Atlantic Canada, unemployment is roughly 15%, compared with 10% for Canada as a whole. Unemployment in the northeastern counties of Maine is over 10%, while in other more populous southern counties it is under 5%. Forestry, especially the pulp and paper industry, has become a major economic activity in the region, but it, too, is unsteady, affected by the vagaries of demand, competition (sometimes intraregional), and the impacts of spruce budworm and acid deposition. Forest companies are seeing their holdings increase in value more as secondhome subdivisions than as timber lands. Large timber companies are selling their highest-valued land, much of it along shorelines—oceanfront, lakefront, and riverfront. In 1988, for example, Diamond Occidental Forest, Inc., sold almost one million acres across New England, much going to speculators. This land was then repurchased for protection by state governments at premium prices (Boucher, 1989). In response, Congress authorized the �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 234 Northern Forest Lands Study, a two-year planning initiative focusing on changing ownership patterns and management strategies within 32 million contiguous acres of forest lands, from northern New York to the Maine coast. Increased land and water pressures have reinforced the need for more effective management and conservation measures in the region. UPRIVER—THE ATLANTIC CENTER'S RESPONSE The Atlantic Center for the Environment, a division of the Quebec-Labrador Foundation (QLF), has been active in the Atlantic Region for over 11 years, working to build local support for conservation through education, research, and policy programs. QLF is an independent, charitable, community service organization legally incorporated in both Canada and the United States. The Atlantic Center, through its internships, offers programs year-round in the areas of river conservation, research and natural history, inter-regional exchange and policy, information services, and leadership development. Opportunities for conservation and sustainable development have evolved over this period; environmental awareness in the Atlantic Region is high but environmental pressures are also increasing. A coordinated, holistic approach to conservation, that takes into account the region's diversity of jurisdictions and perspectives, is needed. Overall, this region is similar to rural areas elsewhere. Conservation here cannot ignore economic and political conditions, which can present difficult challenges but also can provide opportunities for comprehensive, long-range planning. Thalman (1986) identifies some of the characteristics that rural areas share, characteristics which can dictate conservation strategies in these regions: 1. 2. 3. often rich in natural resources low population densities isolated communities tied by strong traditional values, culture, and institutions 4. economically underdeveloped 5. often economically dependent on outside interests and forces 6. lower formal education levels 7. relatively low political power, by nature of lower population density, education levels, etc. 8. strong sense of regional identity, individuality, and self-reliance 9. dislike of regulations and viewpoints imposed by outsiders, including government 10. less regulation of development 11. scarce support structures for conservation A letter from a regional land trust director in Maine brings these points home (Brooks, personal communication): The biggest problem, I have found, in attempting to equate the experiences of various land trusts, is the great difference between a trust operating in a relatively wealthy, suburban setting and one like ours in a much poorer, less populous area. For example, the Quoddy Region as we currently define it encompasses some 17 towns and territories, with a total population of well under 10,000 and an annual average per capita income of perhaps $10,000 at most. Even a single-town trust in southern New England will likely draw on a considerably bigger population base with a much higher income level. These differences color our approach to every problem. �V Citizen Involvement — Gimble Recognizing the Atlantic Region's important river and land features and the conservation needs expressed above, the Atlantic Center launched UPRIVER, an initiative designed to invigorate and support river and watershed conservation in the region. To date UPRIVER projects have recognized several critical organizational needs for river conservation groups in the region, including the following: • recruit and support good leadership • empower and organize groups for longterm effectiveness • provide opportunities for on-going training • increase understanding of issues through resource inventory and monitoring UPRIVER goals are to: • strengthen the growing network of river trusts and watershed associations • develop sound river protection plans through technical assistance • implement river management plans and develop water quality monitoring programs to form an information base for local groups • build alliances among public agencies and regional and local river protection groups Project areas for UPRIVER are: • Technical Support. Providing resource inventories and assessments and assisting communities in their own watermonitoring programs, we assist groups to set management goals, acquire funds, and make sound decisions based on sufficient information. • Education and Leadership. Historically, the Atlantic Center has provided outdoor and conservation education opportunities for young people in the region; these programs have continued under UPRIVER. In addition, inter- 235 regional and international exchanges and workshops help foster leadership allowing individuals to improve organizational and practical conservation skills. • Policy and Planning. Through contacts at the local, regional, and national levels, the program assists groups by directing appropriate agency resources and attention to their efforts, thus offering local leaders opportunities to generate support at the policy level. • Publications. The Atlantic Center publishes findings from UPRIVER projects, including policy and inventory reports, and occasional papers, to inform various constituencies on environmental and policy issues. Based on a community-oriented approach, UPRIVER continues to be an effective catalyst and facilitator for regional conservation efforts. Employing project associates (interns) from natural resource undergraduate and graduate school programs, the Atlantic Center provides cross-cultural and professional experience to college students. At the same time, within a framework of long-term regional conservation, we contribute professional information and services to organizations and agencies in the Atlantic Region. PARKS AND CONSERVATION IN THE ATLANTIC REGION There are some real difficulties in establishing parks, linear or otherwise, in the Atlantic Region. First, parks are generally easiest to establish on public lands, but New England is mostly private, with the lowest ratio of publicly owned to privately owned land of any forested area of the country (Irland, 1984). Second, public perceptions of parks are not always favorable. There is a great sense �236 of individual rights and independence in the Atlantic Region, an area where natural and social conditions encourage residents to voice their own opinions and to make their own choices. Nothing says this better than New Hampshire's license plate slogan: Live free or die. Groups may take offense at what they perceive as outside interference. Recently, residents in two towns along the coast of Maine voted unanimously to oppose any designation of their area as a National Natural Landmark or consideration of the area as a national park. A group leading this opposition stated as its goal: to protect the Downeast way of life, including both its political freedoms and its rural conservation ethic, from federal and state intrusions, promoted and encouraged by outside pressure groups seeking to exploit our region for purposes of strict preservationism or mass recreation at the expense of the local people (Holmes, 1989). Area residents are rightly concerned about outside growth or no-growth pressures. The picture, however, is not so black and white. Groups can and do work with state and federal agencies to set aside parks. A case in point, also from coastal Maine, is the recent announcement that the state will purchase Shackford Head, a 90-acre peninsula of outstanding scenic and recreational significance. The purchase was proposed and spearheaded by the Eastport Land Trust, a small group of dedicated area residents. Funding for the purchase comes from the $35 million Land for Maine's Future Fund, administered by the State Planning Office. Another fine example is the designation of Wildcat Brook in New Hampshire for National Wild and Scenic River status. There, residents of Jackson, New Hampshire worked with the National Park Service, state agencies, and other groups to develop a conservation strategy for the waters that ran Linear Parks Conference Proceedings through their town. After identifying various protection alternatives, the town voted to support the designation at their town meeting. Park preservation is just one conservation tool, and it can take many forms. Other instruments, such as conservation easements and conservation restrictions, can also help do the job. Finally, no matter what the management tools, effective conservation depends on public cooperation through public participation. GROWTH OF PUBLIC INVOLVEMENT OPPORTUNITIES The public is justifiably concerned with the state of the world's environment, and awareness seems to be reaching new heights. From rain forests to global warming to solid waste issues, people need to know exactly what they can do. They need to understand how their lifestyle choices affect the environment. There is no better time than the present to take advantage of public attention on environmental issues, directing it towards effective and sustainable solutions. River protection is no exception, and recent trends in river conservation suggest stronger public involvement, by necessity if not by luxury. A recent report on river conservation in the 1990s produced for American Rivers notes that [rjegardless of actions taken at the federal and state levels, optimum conservation of the nation's river resources requires effort at the local level and in the private sector. Indeed, if river protection is to succeed, it must be both a tfbottom up" and a "top down" process (Giffen and Parkin, 1989). This approach will require leadership and cooperation at federal, state/provincial, and local levels; technical and financial support for smaller conservation organizations; and increased public support and participation. �V Citizen Involvement — Gimble Recognizing the increased role and opportunity for community action as well as a burgeoning need for technical assistance, the U.S. National Park Service has established a Rivers and Trails Conservation Program designed to assist states, communities, and private organizations in promoting conservation of rivers and trails. The program provides direct staff involvement to selected projects and has been a very successful catalyst and support mechanism for local and regional conservation efforts for these linear resources. Environment Canada recently announced an Environmental Partners Fund to support nonprofit, nongovernmental conservation initiatives. The fund will be dispersed over five years and totals $50 million; it can be used for projects that rehabilitate and enhance the environment or for waste disposal and recycling. These developments have taken place, in part, as recognition of the importance of the growing number of small local or regional environmental groups. Land trusts provide a good example, have doubled in number over the past decade. Over half of the 743 land trusts listed by the Land Trust Exchange (Land Trust Exchange, 1989) have no paid staff, and as many have budgets under $10,000. Sixty-six percent are active in wetland protection, and half or more are involved in protecting watersheds, rivers, lakes, or forests. While the Atlantic Region has its share of these groups, it has plenty of room for more. Almost half of the land trusts listed are in New England; Maine alone has sixty. In Atlantic Canada, there are few such groups but a growing movement and need. 237 CONCLUSION This recognition of, and growth in, community participation reinforces the need for a holistic, regionwide approach to conservation in areas like the Atlantic Region. The area is, like other rural areas, tied to its natural resources economically and culturally. Park and other planning efforts must recognize this interconnection and the need for strengthened institutions to carry out conservation efforts. Linear parks have a place in the Atlantic Region. Protection along river banks is an important first step in providing for a balance of water uses from recreation to industry to habitat requirements. Full protection cannot exist, however, without local institutions and the support they can provide. Small land and watershed associations have needs that also must be addressed even as parks are being considered, including: • leadership development, • information and technical assistance, • opportunities for information sharing and partnerships. In the Atlantic Region, we believe the UPRIVER model works well, serving the needs of human and natural communities within the context that conservation generally takes in a rural setting. But these efforts will be in vain if the organizations that remain in those communities do not have the resources and expertise available to carry conservation forward. UPRIVER is a step in the direction of strengthening community organizations and their involvement in conservation for the difficult economic and environmental choices that lay ahead. Ultimately, the future is in their hands. �238 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings REFERENCES Boucher, N. "Whose Woods These Are," Wilderness, Fall 1989, Vol. 53, No. 186. Brooks, A. Quoddy Regional Land Trust, Inc. Letter, August 15, 1989. Giffen, R. A., and D. Parkin. A Rivers Conservation Agenda: 1990 and Beyond. Land & Water Associates for American Rivers, Inc., USDA / Forest Service, USDI / Bureau of Land Management, and USDI / National Park Service. Washington, D.C., August 1989. Holmes, M. J. "Landmarks Report Delayed Until Park Service Responds," The Quoddy Tides, Eastport, Maine. August 11, 1989. Irland, L. "Recovering the First Frontier," The Nature Conservancy News, Arlington, Virginia. May/June 1984. Land Trust Exchange. 7989 National Directory of Conservation Land Trusts, Alexandria, Virginia. Thalman, D. "Building Support for Environmental Conservation in Rural Areas," Atlantic Center for the Environment, Ipswich, Massachusetts. Unpublished discussion paper, October 1986. SUGGESTED READINGS A Citizen's Guide to River Conservation by Rolf Diamant, J. Glenn Eugster and Christopher J. Duerksen. The Conservation Foundation, Washington, D.C. 1984. A practical guide to grassroots rivers conservation including descriptions of basic conservation tools and strategies and case studies. Saving America's Countryside: A Guide to Rural Conservation by Samuel N. Stokes, A. Elizabeth Watson, Genevieve P. Keller, and J. Timothy Keller. The National Trust for Historic Preservation, John Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Maryland. 1989. A comprehensive reference guide to protecting rural community resources, including natural, historic, scenic, and agricultural. Includes twenty-eight case studies of successful efforts from communities across the United States. The Riverwork Book prepared by Mid-Atlantic Regional Office, Division of Park and Resource Planning, U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service. 1988. A step-by-step process for community-based river protection efforts including how to set goals, negotiate, and generate action. �V Citizen Involvement 239 Park Watch: Enlisting Citizen Support to Protect Parkway Values James E. Fox, Blue Ridge Parkway, Asheville, North Carolina INTRODUCTION In recent years, public use of the Blue Ridge Parkway has increased dramatically. By the late 1970s, the numbers of annual visitors exceeded 15 million. Along with the sharp increase in visitation came a corresponding increase in protection problems: threats to parkway resources, vandalism, break-ins of unattended autos, fires, stranded motorists— all matters needing immediate attention from rangers. However, in the face of ever increasing numbers of visitors, the number of rangers to deal with theses problems had not increased in many years. The ranger force was stretched very thin, especially during peak visitor months. In 1982, Park Ranger Tony Bonanno developed a new program called Park Watch to assist the park staff in serving parkway visitors and protecting our resources and facilities. WHAT IS PARK WATCH? Many cities across the United States have instituted programs called "Neighborhood Watch" or "Community Watch." The goal of these programs is to encourage residents to keep an eye on their neighbors' property and on the community as a whole and to report any unusual or suspicious activities to local authorities. In short, all citizens make a commitment to look out for each other's welfare. Park Watch is a similar program, adapted to a park setting. The objective of Park Watch is to encourage park visitors, neighbors, and local businesses and agencies to take an active role in protecting and preserving their park. Park Watch asks all members of the public to be alert not only for vandalism and other criminal activity, but the whole spectrum of park protection problems including safety hazards, fires, lost persons, accidents or injuries, and even cows on the road. Park Watch asks for help in identifying threats to parkway resources such as illegal tree-cutting, littering, polluting, poaching, or unexplained changes to parkway flora or fauna. People are urged to take time to report anything needing a ranger's attention. By enlisting many extra eyes and ears, there should be fewer serious problems, and, through more prompt notification, rangers should be able to respond more quickly to emergencies. Park Watch is also intended to make visitors more attentive to their own safety and to the protection of personal property. Visitors are urged to lock valuables in car trunks, carry them along when away from the vehicle, or leave them at home. Unfortunately, criminals also visit national parks. Some specialize in breaking into unattended vehicles in search of cash or valuables. A final objective is to warn all who would visit the parkway to commit crimes. Park Watch is intended as a visual deterrent. If a vandal or auto burglar understands that not only the rangers but also parkway visitors and neighbors are watching, he or she may decide not to carry out illegal activities. MARKETING THE IDEA The parkway staff developed a multimedia approach to informing the public of Park Watch. Landscape architect Harry Baker won an award for developing the Park Watch logo, consisting of an eagle's head and the �240 words "Park Watch" enclosed in a circle. This logo appears on all Park Watch signs and literature on the parkway and has also been widely adopted by other parks. The logo is not copyrighted. We encourage its use by other agencies or groups who develop a Park Watch program. The Maintenance and Engineering Division developed and installed Park Watch signs, which were placed at conspicuous locations along the parkway. The original signs exhibited only the logo, but more recent signs include a telephone number for reporting emergency information. Interpretive specialists assisted with the layout and design of printed messages. We use colored fold-over brochures and posters, and also include Park Watch messages on nearly all handout literature. Our cooperating association, Eastern National Park and Monument Association, has assisted by covering some printing costs and by helping with distribution of the Park Watch message. Our concessioner helped out by posting Park Watch information and by providing brochures in motel rooms and other facilities. Bill Banner, of Channel 13 WLOS-TV in Asheville, has been instrumental in developing several 30-second public service announcement tapes advertising Park Watch. These tapes were distributed to 20 area television stations. News releases have been sent to area radio stations and local print media, generally at the start of each visitor season. The active involvement of each parkway employee has been stressed. Maintenance workers along the roadside, volunteers, campground hosts, rangers, and radio dispatchers all must be prepared to handle incoming reports from the public to ensure that critical information is properly processed and appropriate action taken. A Park Watch Committee comprising both staff and field employees was established to meet from time to time and to work Linear Parks Conference Proceedings as a team to seek new and better ways to get the message out and make the program run smoother. New ideas from the committee have kept the program vital and growing through the years. Because of the great length of the parkway, some visitors were have problems reporting critical information. If they were unable to contact the local ranger station, they had to make a long distance call to the parkway dispatcher in Asheville, or else not report the incident at all. The problem was further compounded by the fact that the Parkway Dispatch Office does not operate 24 hours per day. As a result, an unknown number of important calls were never received. Starting in late 1987, the parkway contracted with an answering service in Asheville to receive, toll-free, incoming Park Watch calls 24 hours per day, seven days a week. For convenience and easy recall, the number 1-800-PARKWAY was used. In theory, visitors should be likely to remember this number, even if they see it only once. Later, if they wish to report an incident, they can do so from any telephone in North Carolina or Virginia, at any time of day, and at no charge to the caller. As expected, many people now take advantage of this opportunity to contact parkway officials since it is so convenient. During hours of operation, incoming Park Watch calls come directly to the parkway dispatcher on duty. The dispatcher, in turn, relays the information to the appropriate ranger by telephone or radio. After the Dispatch Office signs off for the day, the contractor receives each call and either relays information or patches the caller directly through to a ranger in the appropriate district. Whoever takes the incoming call answers with the words "Blue Ridge Parkway Emergency." Callers who request parkway information are given the commercial parkway number. �V Citizen Involvement — Fox 241 PARK WATCH RESULTS One of the most frequently asked questions about Park Watch, and one of the most difficult to answer, is how successful has it been. There is no precise way to measure the number of visitors who report important information to us because of Park Watch. No doubt many who call in would have taken the trouble to contact us even without the program. Similarly, resource damage, violations, and accidents that never occur because of Park Watch do not appear as statistics. However, after several seasons of experience, we feel we can at least make some general statements concerning the success of the program. Many Park Watch calls are being received. The number of calls per month continues to grow as the existence of the program becomes more widely known. This level of public use of the system in itself attests to its success. Rangers and dispatchers report that we often learn of accidents or other incidents much more quickly than before Park Watch. Prompt reporting is often critical in responding to serious traffic accidents with injuries and in initiating searches for lost persons, particularly in inclement weather. Year 1981 1982 1993 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 Visitors (millions) Larceny Incidents Vandalism Incidents 17 18 13 19 21 21 23 26 158 124 132 92 167 138 94 104 167 131 182 191 191 252 147 154 Table 1. Since Park Watch is but one aspect of the Blue Ridge Parkway's protection program, it is difficult to isolate its impact on protection activities. However, it is interesting to note that immediately after implementing Park Watch larcenies and vandalism decreased and have remained relatively stable ever since. This change is particularly noteworthy since visitation has continued to climb every year, topping 25 million in 1988. Table 1 shows the trends in recent years in visitation, larceny, and vandalism. FUTURE OF PARK WATCH Our committee continues to explore new ways to refine our system to make it work more efficiently. Presently, we are considering the use of Traveler Information Service (TIS) short-range radio transmitters to give visitors a brief interpretive and Park Watch message as they travel the parkway. Another new-technology medium recently introduced at several parkway visitor centers is computerized visitor information terminals. Visitors may push buttons to select the information they wish to have appear on a television monitor. Among the information provided is a Park Watch message. Technology now exists to include Park Watch as part of an integrated telephonic information receiving and transmitting service. Theoretically, a person could dial a single number and request road information, parkway literature, or locations of colorful wildflowers or fall leaves, as well as report Park Watch information. Presently, we are exploring this possibility. SUMMARY Findings so far suggest that Park Watch has great potential as an inexpensive preventative program to enhance efforts to protect park resources, property, and visitors. Park Watch �242 is easily integrated with existing protection efforts. The premise that the general public is willing to take an active part in protecting park values, once their level of awareness is heightened, appears to be valid. Park Watch requires a team effort on the part of park staffs. Protection, maintenance, interpretation, and administration personnel all have a significant role to play. However, we have found it essential to designate a single coordinator to pull all efforts together and to keep the program on track. A committee has also prove useful for brainstorming ideas to refine and improve Park Watch. Methods to measure objectively and precisely the impact of Park Watch are still lacking. However, statistical summaries suggest that Park Watch is a positive force in reducing crime and resource damage and in expediting response to serious incidents. The number of incoming calls, an element that can be measured, reflects strong and growing public participation. To date, we have sent information packets, on request, to over 100 park areas that were considering implementing Park Linear Parks Conference Proceedings PARK WATCH Figure 1. Landscape architect Harry Baker won an award for the Park Watch logo. Watch. Unfortunately, we do not know how many have carried out implementation, but we are aware of several that have done so. Their responses to the program have been as positive as our own. If you wish to discuss Park Watch or to obtain information packets for starting a program, you may contact Park Watch Coordinator, Blue Ridge Parkway, 200 BB&T Building, Asheville, NC 28801. Vigilantes, the Neuse, and Sure Salvation: Evolving Advocacy for Greenways William L. Flournoy, Jr., North Carolina Department of Natural Resources and Community Development, Raleigh INTRODUCTION vig-i-lan-te, noun; one who is alert, watchful. Raleigh was the first city in North Carolina to undertake a green way program. Today it is recognized as a national leader in community-wide linear open space development. To begin to understand how Raleigh attained this position of respect, it is necessary to reflect on the physical, political, and social conditions that existed nearly 20 years ago, as the city began to formalize a linear open space plan. As the capital city, Raleigh is one of the few cities in the United States that was planned prior to its development. Its location along a ridgeline was designed with a grid layout and five public squares, with the central square being the site of the capitol building. Over the next 180 years, the city grew down the hillsides toward the major �V. Citizen Involvement—Flournoy drainage ways that flow into the Neuse River. This grid pattern was abandoned shortly after development spread beyond the original city limits. Up until the 1950s, numerous neighborhood parks were left along streams between the curvilinear streets of the expanding city; however, after the Korean War, the development community began to use large earth-moving machinery in their businesses. This technology radically changed the way growth was to occur and overpowered the respect that had historically been given to the natural characteristics of the landscape. Raleigh has traditionally had a councilmanager form of government. The council was elected at-large and the mayor chosen from among its ranks. By the late 1960s there was increasing public debate over whether this system was truly representative. A well organized business community seemed to promote and finance candidates more successfully than it did neighborhood interests. The fact that virtually every mayor in memory was a developer made the council target for neighborhood activists, who were outraged about rezonings, thoroughfare plans, and development, all of which they perceived as threats to their homes and lifestyles. By the late 1960s and early 1970s the environmental movement was washing like a wave across the nation. Having learned from the civil rights and anti-war movements, citizens inclined to promote environmental protection were well equipped to plead their cases. The city was rife with environmental issues. Road proposals that would have taken public park lands and wetlands raised the issue of disappearing open space. Recurring flood damage begged the prudence of development in floodplains. Streams that ran red and were, like the Platte, "too thick to drink and too thin to plow" proved to be catalysts for debate about sediment control. Into this arena moved the linear open space issue. Having been considered as a 243 concept in Raleigh's planning efforts since the era of the City Beautiful movement, and later offered as green fingers stretching throughout the city, "greenway" as a term of art was first proposed in three pages of the 1969 parks and recreation master plan, "Park With a City In It." The way in which the Raleigh greenway system was transformed from a linear open space concept into a reality is a story of power, enlightenment, participatory democracy, and survival of the fittest. THE NEXT STEP In retrospect, it is obvious that a simple, linear process could not have succeeded in creating a greenway system. A strategy of establishing a city policy, amending the comprehensive plan, securing a budget, and assigning operational responsibility was too simple and even inappropriate in this case. At the time it was not obvious that this linear approach would not work, but it was clear that the existing institutional structure would not support creation of a greenway system. What evolved, more through cooperation and shared interests than through a specific strategy, was a nonlinear approach. Institutional issues were addressed pragmatically, and once resolved they were fed back into the process of addressing the next institutional issue. This approach had a cumulative effect of changing the foundation upon which civic and business decisions were made, and it has resulted in the creation and metamorphosis of the greenway system. During the 1960s, a program between the City of Raleigh and North Carolina State University's School of Design was established, whereby a small grant was made each year to support a student project of benefit to the Parks and Recreation Department. In 1970, a request was made to use the city's grant to study the greenway concept in more detail. The mayor at the �244 time was the developer responsible for a regional shopping center in a local floodplain. Having been on the receiving end of endless criticism about anticipated traffic and environmental problems resulting from the shopping center project, the mayor was hypersensitive about focusing any more attention on issues relating to streams or floodplains. The study request never saw the light of a council meeting, and a different study request was later substituted. In 1971, the School of Design reapplied for a grant to study green ways. The city had a new mayor, also a developer, but one who did not have the baggage of past investments. He also had a bring-everyone-together approach to issues, so the study was approved with a committee of representatives from city agencies assigned to oversee its preparation. The resulting report was "Capital City Greenway," 100 pages of primer and consciousness-building. The report discussed a broad range of greenway objectives and benefits. One critical concept is the fact that linear open space has significantly more perimeter or edge than traditional consolidated parks. This edge may be used to buffer competing land uses and soften the urban image. Linear open space can connect traditional parks and other activity centers, such as schools and shopping centers. It can also accommodate popular recreation activities, such as jogging, walking, bicycling, and canoeing, which are linear activities that may not be compatible with traditional urban parks. When associated with streams, which are also linear systems, the open space allows flooding to occur without damage to buildings or disruption of the local economy or individual lives. Environmentally, linear open space acts as a vegetated buffer along streams to protect water quality and fragile natural ecosystems such as wetlands. Further, the urban environment is enhanced through air quality, Linear Parks Conference Proceedings temperature, and noise moderation resulting from the conservation of vegetation. Finally, these areas function as wildlife corridors, allowing a greater diversity of animals to travel through and survive within urban areas. The report noted the increasing need for recreational opportunities close to home, a trend that has continued and become even more important with today's demographics, economy, and lifestyles. It also included a methodology for determining greenway widths, the roles of various actors for creating greenways within the urban development process, and several design considerations needed to bring the greenway concept into practice. Transmitted to Raleigh's city council in the fall of 1972, the report was officially "accepted," but it then disappeared within the city administration. THE RELUCTANT BRIDE It is not surprising that the greenway concept did not immediately take root in city programming. Having been promoted more by the public than by the city's administration, there were political, institutional, and budgetary barriers to overcome. The city government was moving in a direction that did not include a significant new program. Even the representatives of city agencies who participated in the preparation of the Capital City Greenway report had not reached a consensus on what they wanted the greenway to be. Raleigh's planning director was a strong advocate for linear open space and felt that the entire length and width of the city's floodplains should become greenways. This position seemed to be his response to the growing recognition that controls were needed on floodplain development. On the other hand, Raleigh's parks and recreation director advocated the use of sidewalk-width greenways to minimize conflict with development interests and to �V Citizen Involvement—Flournoy make the system more economically feasible. From his perspective, the continuity of the green way's trail system was the key factor in its design. In the early 1970s, there was virtually no one in the city administration who could deal with the environmental concepts inherent in greenways. New environmental protection measures were just becoming part of federal law, and the role of states was in the process of being defined. Moreover, it would be years before local governments would be compelled to undertake even the most rudimentary environmental protections. Nevertheless, it was clear that the greenway issue was inexorably tied to issues that had to be acted upon before there would be a reasonable chance for greenways to progress. A PARTIAL SOLUTION Two related issued began to move through the city's and then the county's governing processes. After years of public discourse, a flood in early 1973 thrust the issues of floodplain regulation and sediment control to the forefront. These issues were stalemated until a second flood in mid-1973 occurred, tipping the scales and persuading local officials to approve floodplain and sediment control regulations. Prior to enactment of these regulations, all land was considered to have equal value, regardless of its environmental characteristics. From that time on, however, real estate interests began to realize that floodplains were less developable, and that areas with steep slopes and erodible soils had additional costs included in their development. About the same time, Section 404 of the Clean Waters Act of 1977 further restricted the filling and development of wetlands. The environmental and fiscal debts from unwise development would no longer be passed on to or be borne by the public. While none of the new environmental 245 regulations created a greenway or gave the public any right to use the affected areas, they were invaluable in allowing the greenway concept to mature. All of the regulations were disincentives to development in the areas along streams that were targeted for the proposed greenway system. The changes in perception, attitudes, and market values that accompanied the new regulations allowed greenways to compete for a place in the urban landscape. POLITICS: THE ART OF THE POSSIBLE Other changes occurring in Raleigh at this time were bigger than greenways but accommodated the continued institutionalization of the greenway concept. Prior to 1974, citizens had successfully petitioned for a referendum to change the process for electing their city council and mayor. The new process involved electing several council members representing specific districts, several at-large council members, and the popular election of the mayor. This reform, it was argued, would give neighborhood candidates a competitive chance to gain office and would produce a more representative form of government. Voters approved the new process. In 1974, two years after the greenway report had been accepted by the city, the new, more neighborhood-oriented council agreed to establish a Greenway Commission. This body was to consist of 18 citizens who would advise the council and administration on matters of greenway creation. Yet even this step forward was not without both external and internal compromise. Externally, nearly a dozen greenway advocates were meeting with their champion from the new city council. Their preference was to seek a greenway authority with independent budget and decision-making power, although this concept was politically impractical. �246 Greenway advocates did not want greenways added to the existing Parks and Recreation Commission, because they thought a new program could not mature in competition with established parks and recreation activities. They also felt that greenways should not be added to the existing Planning Commission because this body did not have implementation capacity and should probably not be given such responsibility. The compromise was to create an advisory Greenway Commission with the Planning Department providing staff, and the Parks and Recreation Department providing construction and operation personnel. Internally, council members agreed to the establishment of the Greenway Commission only after each member was assured two appointments, even though this compromise produced an almost unworkably large commission. The city administration also had roles to plan and compromises to make. Historically, the Planning Department performed comprehensive planning and administered land use regulations, but it had little responsibility for facility design. It inherited this new responsibility when the Greenway Commission and greenway program were created. Until this time, the Parks and Recreation Department had provided for organized recreation activities, but unlike league sports, greenways had no organized and defined constituency. The new greenway program required the department to seek out a new advocacy group and to support a program that was important for both its environmental and recreational benefits. The greenway program benefited from the changes in city council elections. Its prospects were also improved by the adoption of floodplain and sediment control regulations. On the other hand, the greenway program required the city administration to expand the perspective and breadth of its services and operations. These major Linear Parks Conference Proceedings institutional changes were brought about by citizens' involvement in their government. THE CONSTITUENCY: AN EVOLVING ADVOCACY Normally, when citizens seek specific actions from their government, there is an identifiable constituency. In the case of Raleigh's greenway program, that has not always been true. What has been most perplexing to decision-makers is that the source of greenway advocacy has continually changed. It was never clear whether popular support was an "inch wide and a mile deep" or "a mile wide and an inch deep." In the early years of greenway concept development and program creation, there was an intentional and concerted effort towards public education. This was carried out first by citizen-advocates as a means of increasing public support, and then by the Greenway Commission. The greenway message of environmental, recreational, cityform, and quality-of-life benefits was delivered to any group that would listen. Hundreds of presentations occurred over a three- or four-year period. The League of Women Voters was active on a broad range of issues, including participatory government and citizen involvement through neighborhood-created organizations. The league also had an environmental agenda reflecting new national concerns. Floodplain regulation, sediment control, and greenways became a focus for carrying that agenda forward locally. Once the greenway program was established, the league moved on to other issues. The greenway issue provided a positive topic and high visibility for the rapidly expanding Sierra Club. Typically an organization is only as good as its individual leaders, and the local Sierra Club group had several excellent leaders who were greenway advocates. Funds were raised for a �V Citizen Involvement—Flournoy sophisticated multi-projector slide show on the greenway concept. This show replaced all previous educational programs because of its quality and the energy of its presenters. The club could also be counted on to take an adversative position on the need for floodplain regulation and sediment control. Once the greenway program was established, the club continued its direct advocacy by getting its leaders appointed to the original Greenway Commission, but the club also began to broaden the scope of its overall interests. Wake Environment was another local organization that supported environmental management through land use decisions and greenways. The rational message and persuasive approach of its leaders ultimately made Wake Environment a victim of its own success. Most of its leadership was absorbed into appointed boards and commissions or elected into office. The success was instrumental in the establishment of the greenway program, but it led to the demise of the organization. After 1974, the character of greenway advocacy changed as the issues moved away from program creation and toward greenway development. There was a year or so of quiet activity as the necessary institutional planning occurred and the program's direction was charted. Once the implementation of the greenway system was begun, neighborhood groups became the advocates. Garden clubs, homeowners associations, and similar groups competed for priority positions on the greenway construction schedule. Not surprisingly, as their individual projects were completed, these groups became less involved, causing a constant turnover of advocates and an appearance of diminished support for greenway programs. The nature of greenway advocacy took another turn after 1980. It became increasingly obvious that there was a need for coordination among local governments to 247 ensure that greenways continued and interconnected across jurisdictional lines. The Triangle Greenways Council (TGC) was established to promote greenways in the six-county Triangle region. Although their dream is for a greenway encircling Raleigh, Durham, and Chapel Hill, their work has remained strictly local. Efforts of TGC members have been directly or indirectly responsible for the creation of separate greenway programs in the City of Durham, the Town of Chapel Hill, and in Wake County. Other communities within the Triangle area continue to accumulate linear open space, even though they have yet to establish greenway programs. Volunteers from the TGC are presently constructing a 40-mile section of the Mountains-To-Sea trail at Falls Lake, and trails at Jordon Lake and in Duke University Forest. The presence of TGC has subtly elevated the greenway issue throughout the area. The Triangle Land Conservatory (TLC), a progeny of the Triangle J Council of Governments, was created to fill the need for a private organization to actively conserve land in an area of rapid urbanization. TLC is presently coordinating the preparation of biological inventories for each of the region's six counties. These inventories are the foundation for private and public efforts to protect the special places and resources described within each county inventory. Many stream corridors are identified in the inventories as existing or potential greenways. The majority of lands owned by TLC includes streams, such as the 250-acre White Pines Preserve at the confluence of the Deep and Rocky Rivers. The existence of TLC has added a new dimension to greenway efforts, even though its conservation goals are much broader. The constituency for greenways has changed significantly over the years. It has evolved from groups with multiple interests focusing on greenways for Raleigh to single- �248 interest groups focusing on greenways for the region. Now that greenways have been built, it is clear that they are heavily used facilities. Many developers are donating open space for greenways and using the proximity as a marketing tool to increase the value and desirability of their projects. In Raleigh, greenways have come to be expected as a community facility, but greenway users still remain in an unorganized constituency. TODAY AND TOMORROW Over the past two decades, tremendous strides have been made to accommodate greenways into the fabric of urban development. Even today this metamorphosis is continuing. Several years ago the Greenway Commission was merged into the Parks and Recreation Commission. This change was viewed with some skepticism by greenway advocates, since it was still uncertain whether the program was mature enough to compete with traditional parks and recreation programs. The concern is now being replaced with renewed faith in the program as the transition appears to be moving smoothly. Public advocacy groups continue to be on the cutting edge of greenway activity. The TLC and the TGC joined forces in 1985 to prepare a report entitled "Future of the Neuse River." This document asks what role the river will serve in the community's future, and it has been a catalyst for pubic policy discussion. To increase public appreciation of the river, these groups have sponsored canoe trips along the river each spring and fall. They have also adopted the upper Neuse River as part of the North Carolina Department of Environment, Health, and Natural Resources' Streamwatch Program. The groups have also gathered existing public information on the extent of floodplains and wetlands, as well as the adjoining landowners along more than Linear Parks Conference Proceedings twenty miles of the river. This information is being used in an effort to secure improved management for conservation purposes or donation of conservation easements or fee title through contacts with the more than 300 adjoining landowners. Having just begun, this massive undertaking puts these nonprofit organizations in the forefront of linear open space efforts in the region. The city's administration, which was once reluctant to pursue greenways, is now embracing the program. A major sewer line proposed along more than 10 miles of the Neuse River presented an unprecedented greenway opportunity. By seeking greenway and sewer easements concurrently, the city has secured 5.8 miles of the needed greenway right-of-way. The remaining greenway lands can be accumulated as specific subdivision and land use plans are received for city review and approval. In another recent development, Wake County, the municipalities with land use jurisdiction along the river, and private interest groups have begun a Neuse River corridor study. The results of this study should be a coordinated effort and a plan for public protection and use of the river. Regulations continue to play an important role in greenway development. Raleigh was the first North Carolina city to adopt development impact fees. Through this system, the provision of greenway open space can be deducted from impact fees owed. This approach perpetuates the greenway network in the absence of a mandatory dedication-of-open-space provision, which has never been included in the city's subdivision requirements. Nationally, Section 319 of the Clean Waters Act Amendments requires every state to prepare a plan for controlling non-point source pollution or surface water runoff. This program is expected to be implemented in the 1990s. Since vegetation buffer strips along streams are an accepted method for �V Citizen Involvement — Flournoy controlling agricultural runoff, it is anticipated that greenways may very well become an accepted method of controlling urban runoff. ON REFLECTION Raleigh's greenway efforts have been a success, but not a total success. Retrofitting the greenway into parts of the city that were developed prior to 1970 is still problematic. One neighborhood wanted a greenway so much that it raised $300,000 to buy out a developer and save the last remaining open space. Unfortunately, this is not a universally applicable solution for completing the greenway network. The opportunities to move previously developed structures to make room for a greenway corridor have also been limited and expensive. Perhaps there is still something to be learned and an innovative solution to be found to resolve this impasse. From its humble beginnings in Raleigh, the greenway concept has spread within the immediate region and to the other major urban centers within the state. For the past two years a Greenways In North Carolina conference has been held to spread the word further. A recent count identified more than 35 local-government programs in the state. The greenway concept is so logical and 249 so attractive that the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors included recommendation for a nationwide network of greenways in its recent report. Nationally, the concept provides an opportunity for largescale river and wetland protection, as well as the connection of national parks and refuges with population centers. Locally, the concept provides a mechanism for integrating the growing body of knowledge about environmental management with closeto-home recreation opportunities and for improving urban aesthetic and quality of life. A linear process for creating greenways did not exist in the 1970s, yet today many of the institutional underpinnings for greenway programs are in place in state and local governments across the country. Thus a simpler, more straightforward process for creating greenways is now possible, and greenways will continue to spread as long as there are alert and watchful citizens and enlightened public administrators. NOTE This paper has been adopted from "A Nonlinear Approach to Open Space" first published in Carolina Planning, University of North Carolina, Vol 15, No. 1, Spring 1989. BIBLIOGRAPHY Blosser, William. "Park With A City In It," City of Raleigh, 1969. Flournoy, William L. "Capital City Greenway," City of Raleigh, 1972. Flournoy, William L. "Future of the Neuse River," Triangle Land Conservancy and Triangle Greenways Council, 1985. Lewallen, John. "Anne Taylor and the Raleigh Greenway," Sierra Club Bulletin, March 1976. Morris, Philip. "Streamside Open Space: It's a Natural," Southern Living, Vol. 9, No. 3, March 1974. Rohling, Jane. "Corridors of Green," Wildlife in North Carolina, Vol. 52, No. 5, May 1988. Ross, Roasanne K. "Park With A City In It," American Forests, November 1978. �Vlll This page intentionally left blank �VI. Management �252 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Image-Capture Computer Technology and Aesthetic Regulation in Rural Riverway Planning and Management Richard E. Chenoweth, Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Wisconsin Parkways, greenways, and riverways may indeed be the "way more beautiful." But try to tell that to those who believe that their economic interests are threatened by protection mechanisms proposed for linear corridors. You will soon hear that beauty is subjective, it is in the eye of the beholder, it is purely a matter of individual taste, it cannot be measured, and it is an amenity we cannot afford in the face of whatever the problem of the day may be. This paper examines the potential roles of image-capture computer technology in communicating visual information pertinent to aesthetic policy development for rivers or other linear systems that traverse rural landscapes. Image-capture technology is a relatively new, relatively low-cost means by which representations (e.g., slides, photographs, or videotape) of the landscape can be digitized, captured by a computer, and modified in realistic ways to depict any manner of change. For example, an existing residential subdivision in one location could be "cut" from one representation and "pasted" into a representation of another area where a proposal for a subdivision is being considered. Furthermore, in a relatively brief time, many manageable attributes of the proposed landscape modification can be readily manipulated—e.g., density, setback, vegetative cutting or replanting, coloration and size of structures, alternative utilities treatments—such that the appearance of the proposed subdivision and subdivision alternatives would be apparent to all. With leadership from Orland (1986, 1988), Sheppard (1986, 1989), and others, this technology is being adopted by landscape architects and others to augment more traditional means of producing visual simulations of landscape change, or as an outright replacement of manual and photographic methods. In addition to professional applications, some have discussed the research potential of imaging technology (e.g., Law, 1989; Zube and Simcox, in press; and Zube, et a/., 1987). Some investigators have also begun to look at issues of realism and validity, i.e., how human responses elicited by video simulations compare with responses to either the actual environment or other kinds of simulations (Carpman, et al, 1985; Clay, 1986; Vining and Orland, 1988). BEAUTY, THE LAW, AND RIVERWAYS Before turning to a discussion of potential roles for video-imaging in the policy arena, it is important to understand that there is an existing legal foundation and framework within which this technology may prove useful. At the federal level, for example, the National Environment Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA) recognizes the assurance of "aesthetically and culturally pleasing" surroundings as a principal purpose of the Act and a responsibility of executive branch agencies both in the management of their own properties and in their regulatory functions. This language is repeated in many states in legislation often referred to as miniNEPAs. In Wisconsin, scenic beauty has assumed an importance in the law that to this day serves as a major consideration in many of the state's regulatory functions. In 1952, the State Supreme Court ruled (Muench v. �VI. Management — Chenoweth Public Service Commission) that the "right of the citizens of the state to enjoy our navigable streams includes the enjoyment of scenic beauty. It is a legal right that is entitled to all the protection which is given financial rights." Thus, under the current interpretation of the Public Trust Doctrine, it is the obligation of the state, as trustee for the people, to be concerned with the visual quality of our navigable waters. In Wisconsin, a water is navigable if you can float the smallest kayak on it during the highest spring runoff. In an important federal case (Berman v. Parker), Justice William O. Douglas determined that the concept of the public welfare should be broadly construed and that beauty is a legitimate purpose of legislation in the public interest. Back in Wisconsin, further flesh was added to this legal framework in Kamrowski v. State. This case dealt with a legislative program that included the condemnation of scenic easements along the Great River Road in order to provide natural, undeveloped views for motorists driving along sections of the Mississippi River. The targeted parcels would remain in agricultural production, but could not be used for more intensive purposes such as residential or commercial uses. The program was challenged on the basis that "public enjoyment of the scenic beauty of certain land is not a public use of such land." The court held that "the occupancy [by the public] is visual" and the enjoyment of the beauty of the land constitutes a legitimate public use whether or not the public is even allowed to set foot on the land. While there is clearly a legal basis for the consideration of aesthetic values, problems arise when attempts are made to implement laws or policies designed to protect those values. Some common cliches reveal the nature of the resistance to aesthetically oriented landscape policies: "Beauty is in the eye of the beholder," and 253 "Beauty is purely a matter of personal taste." From a philosophical perspective, such cliches are insufficiently precise to be regarded as either true or false. From a court's perspective, however, such arguments may be persuasive: any law or policy that imposes one person's set tastes on another who legitimately holds a different viewpoint would be regarded as in violation of the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Moreover, constitutional law requires that those who are regulated must know, without undue ambiguity, what is expected. A concrete example might illustrate the reluctance to embrace aesthetic policy; this paper referred earlier to public rights in Wisconsin to enjoy beauty along navigable waters. In 1976, Mr. Wilfred J. Berry sought a permit from the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources (WDNR) to build a boat slip on the South Fork of the Flambeau River in northern Wisconsin. The only issue was the possible impact on beauty (ecological impacts would be negligible). The WDNR decided to reject the permit application, citing beauty as the reason. Berry challenged the decision and the case was argued before a hearing examiner. Unequipped with the ability to judge aesthetic issues, and not having access to the kind of imaging technology available today, Examiner Joseph P. Schaeve said: Beauty is in the eye of the beholder! So how does one get a handle on such a nebulous concept as scenic beauty ? How do you test whether something is pleasing to the eye? If an analogous situation is determining whether something is pleasing to the nose, I note that the Department of Natural Resources has the following malodorous emission test: An odor shall be deemed objectionable , . , when 60% of a random sample of persons exposed to the odor in their �254 place of residence or employment, other than employment at the odor source, claim it to be objectionable and the nature, intensity, frequency, and duration of the odor are considered. Should we randomly select 10 canoeists, who have canoed past Mr. Berry's lot, to study the application and let 6 of those 10 determine whether the boat slip would be scenically beautiful? How about using the determination of 6 out of 10 of riparian neighbors of Mr. Berry? I think either process would leave the determination wide open for the influence of individual quirks and biases. These processes are just too subjective to pass constitutional muster. While there are many interesting aspects of this case, several are especially relevant to the discussion here. First, the determination of the outcome of the case occurred without any information on the aesthetic consequences of the proposed boat slip; no information was presented from either an aesthetic assessment technique or from a purely visual description of the proposed environmental modification as might be provided by a simulation. Second, the examiner's decision assumed that if different people saw what the boat slip might look like, they would surely disagree about its aesthetic impact. To the contrary, the preponderance of evidence from the aesthetic assessment literature suggests that such an assumption is not warranted; while canoeists and riparian owners may disagree on whether Mr. Berry should be allowed to build a boat slip, they would most likely agree on the aesthetic consequences of the boat slip. Third, while reluctant to impose the assumed tastes of canoeists on Mr. Berry, he is not reluctant, by virtue of ruling that a permit should be granted, to impose his own tastes Linear Parks Conference Proceedings on all of the public, canoeists and riparians alike. Examples, such as that described above, of the difficulties of addressing aesthetic regulatory matters in riverscapes and other linear systems are abundant. The question is: how might image-processing be used to alleviate these and other kinds of difficulties? POLICY ROLES FOR IMAGEPROCESSING TECHNOLOGY There are at least four kinds of roles that image processing might serve in the context of landscape aesthetic regulatory development, implementation, and evaluation: 1) as a tool for enforcement of the public right to know the aesthetic consequences of environmental modifications, 2) as a source of simulations which might serve as negotiated legal documents in the context of new or existing policies, 3) as a tool to help establish perceptually based performance standards in land use regulation, and 4) as a means of assessing monetary penalties for damages to the beauty of parkways, green ways, and riverways. THE PUBLIC'S RIGHT TO KNOW Legally mandated environmental assessments are a product of the fundamental concept that the public has the right to know, within a degree of certitude limited only by the best available knowledge, the consequences of major modifications to the environment. There is no legal reason why the "right to know," so commonly accepted with respect to non-aesthetic environmental issues (e.g., the introduction of toxins), should not extend to aesthetic aspects of environmental issues. It might be argued that imaging technology can provide the "best available knowledge" regarding the aesthetic �VI. Management—Chenoweth consequences of proposed environmental modification. In the past, it has been possible to assert that providing simulations depicting the appearance of the modified landscape would be too costly and too labor-intensive, yielding only a limited number of perspectives in an unrealistic, coarse-grained way. Such arguments should be regarded as unpersuasive in the face of the power and efficiency of new imaging technologies, particularly with large projects where the overall cost is substantial. A simple anecdote might be illustrative. The Minnesota Department of Transportation (MDOT) has decided to put another bridge, in addition to the existing one, across the St. Croix River at Stillwater, Minnesota. This section of the river is currently included under the Federal Wild and Scenic Rivers Program. In a draft of the required EIS, the MDOT addressed aesthetic issues associated with the bridge. Accompanied by a penand-ink sketch of the type of bridge envisioned, the MDOT assured the public that the bridge would be nice. Pressed by the public for a more definitive idea of what might be meant by "nice" in the context of its location over a federally designated scenic river, the MDOT has so far refused to provide simulations of the sort made possible with video-imaging. Situations such as this seem ripe for legal challenge based on the claim of an inadequate response to the public's right to know about aesthetic impacts using the best available knowledge. People are now in a position to insist that the best available knowledge, as represented by imaging technology, be utilized in order to allow the public to anticipate the aesthetic consequences of landscape change. Thus, state-of-the-art video simulations could be regarded as an integral part of an implementation strategy to protect aesthetic values as they are expressed in new or existing laws and policies. Requiring by law that such 255 simulations be provided as a part of environmental assessments is not outside the realm of the possible. Indeed, it seems to be a rather logical step in the evolution of technical means which might be useful in addressing aesthetic issues. A policy initiative requiring that the public be provided a reasonably realistic look at proposed landscape modifications would likely have widespread popular support. NEGOTIATED LEGAL DOCUMENTS With the exception of some maps, legal documents are typically written replete with whereas's. Aesthetic-policy issues, obviously, are primarily visual in nature (not to discount auditory and olfactory stimuli). But, based upon recent preliminary discussions with the Public Intervenor's Office of the Wisconsin Department of Justice, there is no inherent reason that legal documents be confined to writing. With that in mind, I would like to create a scenario in which the products of image-capture technology might serve as negotiated legal documents and suggest how such documents may be more palatable to the legal system than assessment procedures that require that aesthetic judgments be made, whether by the public or by experts operating as surrogates for the public. Imagine now that our Mr. Wilfred J. Berry wishes to put in a boat slip on the Flambeau River. Mr. Berry undeniably has a right to the reasonable enjoyment of his property, including, as a riparian owner, access to the river. The public undeniably has the right to the enjoyment of the beauty along navigable waters in Wisconsin. In the contested case hearing described above, the WDNR was placed in the awkward position of determining whether or not the boat slip would diminish the enjoyment of beauty to the degree that it would be considered an �256 infringement of the public's rights. To fully establish an evidentiary basis to make such a determination would likely require substantial resources, perhaps a publicevaluation type of aesthetic assessment technique demonstrating consensus. The hearing examiner was placed in a similarly awkward position. Indeed, whether or not the examiner wished to be responsible for making an aesthetic (versus legal) judgment, he had little choice in this particular situation. By contrast, WDNR field personnel armed with imaging capability might very well sit down with Mr. Berry and negotiate through image manipulation, a visual solution which attempts to balance the rights of the landowner with the rights of the canoeing public. Such a solution may or may not include the construction of a boat slip. Or if it were to be a boat slip, there may be many alternative designs of varying impact on the public's right to the enjoyment of beauty along navigable waters. The negotiated agreement would consist, in part, of a visual simulation which would be regarded as a contract between the State and the riparian owner concerning a future state of affairs. But suppose that the parties could not agree and consequently wind up in front of Examiner Schaeve. What then? Being provided with a set of visual alternatives, the examiner is in a position to make a legal judgment, rather than an aesthetic judgment per se, about which alternative constitutes and appropriate balance between the rights of the interested parties. To carry the scenario one step further, let us suppose that a visual simulation, either negotiated between the agency and the riparian landowner or mediated and imposed by the judicial system, becomes a part of the contract, e.g., a five-year projection about the visual appearance of the property as a set of conditions pursuant to the granting of Linear Parks Conference Proceedings a permit. How, five years from now, would one know whether or not such a visually based contract had been breached or not? The judgment now called for is a relatively simple one in a judicial context compared to a judgment about the aesthetic value of a landscape: namely, one must decide whether or not the existing situation, as it came to be after five years, is reasonably similar to the visual conditions depicted in the contract. This is not a particularly difficult type of judgment for people to make, and there is substantial psychophysical literature on the reliability of similarity judgments. Indeed, certain kinds of simple grid overlay systems could be used to quantify degree of similarity. Portrayed above is only one scenario among many possible. Another potential use for negotiated "visual" legal contracts is in the area of landscape restoration in which aesthetics may be an objective either by choice or by legal mandate (e.g., mining reclamation of sand and gravel operations along rivers). In this instance, contracts might well comprise some indicators of ecological integrity coupled with visual simulations depicting a mutually agreed upon aesthetic outcome of the restoration effort. There are, of course, many issues to be resolved before the scenarios described above begin to find their way into the aesthetic policy arena. How does the state of our ecological knowledge affect our ability to predict future appearances and within what limits of accuracy, precision, and reliability? And how would such scientific uncertainties be regarded under the law? If we are to be effective in dealing with the aesthetic values of linear systems, the implications and issues surrounding the scenarios described above will have to be explored by environmental designers and planners working with attorneys and representatives of the natural and social sciences. �VI. Management—Chenoweth PERCEPTUALLY BASED PERFORMANCE STANDARDS People, especially residents of rural areas, are notoriously reluctant to adopt local regulations that might protect the appearance of the landscape from potentially aesthetically unacceptable change. While the reasons for such reluctance go far beyond aesthetic issues alone, this phenomenon might be in part attributable to: 1) the inability of people to picture the aesthetic consequences of possible future changes to local landscapes under existing regulations or a "no regulation" situation, 2) an inability to link the provisions of proposed regulations, which are most often communicated in written form (e.g., "Thou shalt not. . ."), to visual images depicting future aesthetic consequences the provisions may afford or deny, and 3) an historical lack of efficient, cost-effective technical means which would allow proposed regulatory language to be adjusted to preferred, concretely imaged aesthetic outcomes of alternative future landscape change. The result of the situation is likely to be a series of disputes over the language and provisions of various existing or proposed regulations, reflecting a pro-development versus status-quo dimension. A more productive approach would be to identify the limits of aesthetically unacceptable change based on responses to simulated images of the appearances of future landscapes. Such limits might the be used to assist in the drafting of regulatory language that provides for growth and development, but within aesthetic constrains imposed not only by legislative mandates, but by shared, visually concrete expectations and preferences people express for their local landscapes. Illustrative of this concept is recent legislation in Wisconsin creating the Lower Wisconsin State Riverway. Achieving a 257 balance between local landowner rights and the clear intention behind the creation of the Riverway to protect the scenic beauty of the area is likely to be an arduous process. The legislation establishes a LWR Riverway Commission comprising local residents and requires that development within the 92.5mile-long corridor be "visually inconspicuous." To a large degree, the determination of the objective conditions that will be regarded as inconspicuous is left to the Riverway Commission. At the University of Wisconsin, we are using imaging technology to create "probable" scenarios and "worst case" scenarios through simulations that depict how the river valley might look in the future: 1) with no additional regulations in effect, 2) with varying degrees of projected participation in voluntary programs such as farmland preservation, 3) under existing administrative rules, and most importantly, 4) under various specific provisions the Riverway Commission may adopt in order to make operational the legislatively mandated performance requirement that development be visually inconspicuous. Image processing is ideally suited for a technical assistance function in land use policy deliberations such as that described for the Lower Wisconsin River. In terms of research, video-imaging is ideally suited to establishing mathematical relations, which can be converted to regulatory language, between small changes to manageable characteristics of the landscape and human reactions to such changes. The work of Gregory Buhyoff and his associates is a good example. They consistently find that such relations are logarithmic; e.g., when damage caused by southern pine beetles exceeds three percent, judgments of visual quality decline markedly (Buhyoff and Leuschner, 1979). Findings such as these have profound implications for landscape management policy. For �258 instance, a policy concerned with forest aesthetics in which substantial intervention efforts were mandated when pine beetle damage exceeded ten percent would be costly and wholly ineffective from an aesthetic perspective. The reader is left to consider other similar situations, such as fire control on federal lands, where aesthetic matters are to be a part of the overall policy analysis. AESTHETIC DAMAGES Despoliation of aesthetic resources in linear corridors and adjacent lands is an everyday occurrence. Even if we became effective in protecting the beauty of many landscapes through planning, design, and policy initiatives, there would still be numerous violations. Unfortunately, economic analyses have not traditionally accounted for unmarked resources such as aesthetics. Kelso (1972) notes that by excluding "nonpecuniaries" (such as aesthetics) from economic trade-off decisions, they have entered the system as though they were free, as if they were "limitlessly abundant and their depletion or deterioration or exhaustion or enhancement for that matter have no value to anybody now or in the future" (Kelso, 1972, p. 11). The bottom line is that it would be most useful to have policies calling for the assessment of monetary penalties for aesthetic damages. In that regard, imageprocessing might play a role. As one example, about two years ago, the City of Lake Geneva, Wisconsin, contacted me about a most interesting problem. A cable television company was refusing to pay its franchise fees for reasons not pertinent to the discussion here. One of the city's legal strategies was to claim that by stringing cable wires along city-owned rights-of-way, the company was causing visual blight in the community. The city Linear Parks Conference Proceedings would be willing to let the blight continue if a portion of the franchise fee would be regarded as compensation to the city for the visual blight. In this case, simulations were created showing 1) the effect of underground wire burial in neighborhoods where wires were above ground and 2) the effect of erecting cable wires in new neighborhoods where they had been buried. These simulations were then used in an economic contingent valuation study of home purchase values and their attendant assessed valuation. Differences of $7,000 in reported willingness to pay were common in neighborhoods with homes in the $85,000 range. In a second example, a wealthy landowner in the Lake Tahoe Basin cut down over thirty trees on U.S. Forest Service property in order to improve his view. The Forest Service landscape architect is working with the land appraiser and legal staff to develop a case. It is likely that monetary damages associated with aesthetic values would be higher than that of the replacement cost of the trees alone (e.g., Niemann and Chenoweth, 1985). Computerized simulations of the original views, both from the landowner's property and the pre-cut views associated with travel corridors and the tourism industry, could be used to help establish a dollar value associated with the aesthetic damages. CONCLUSION Image processing and other computer developments on the horizon will continue to make it easier to simulate site-specific projects. In addition, however, these technologies can be strategically employed to assist in the policy aspects of linear park development, implementation, and evaluation. The various roles described here probably only scratch the surface of possibilities for this technology. �VI. Management—Chenoweth 259 REFERENCES Carpman, J., M. Grant, and D. Simmons. "Hospital Design and Wayfinding: A Video Simulation Study," Environment and Behavior, 1985, 17(3): 296-314. Chenoweth, R. "Stewards of What?" Landscape Architecture, January/February 1986, 132. Clay, G. Assessing the Utility of Computer Video Simulations in Landscape Architecture. Unpublished Master's Thesis. Department of Landscape Architecture, Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois, 1986. Kelso, M. "Economic Growth, Man's Environment, and Public Policy." M. L. Wilson Lectures. Montana State University, Bozeman, Montana, November 1972. Law, C. "Videosimulation: Its Potential as a Research Tool." Unpublished manuscript. Department of Landscape Architecture, Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1989. Niemann, B. and R. Chenoweth. "What Price Beauty?" Landscape Architecture, 1981, 75(5): 76-77. Orland, B. "Image Advantage," Landscape Architecture, 1986, 76(1): 58-63. Orland, B. "Video Imaging: A Powerful Tool for Visualization and Analysis," Landscape Architecture, 1988, 78(4): 78-88. Scarfo, R. "Stewardship and the Profession of Landscape Architecture," Landscape Journal, 1988, 7(1): 60-68. Sheppard, S. "Simulating Changes in the Landscape," Foundations for Visual Project Analysis, R. Smardon, J. Palmer, and J. Felleman, Eds., New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1986, 187-199. Sheppard S. Visual Simulation: A User's Guide for Architects, Engineers, and Planners, New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1989. Vining, J. and B. Orland. "The Video Advantage: A Comparison of Two Environmental Presentation Techniques." Unpublished manuscript. UrbanaChampaign: University of Illinois, 1988. Zube, E., and D. Simcox. "Landscape Simulation: Review and Potential," Environmental Simulation: Research and Policy Issues, R. Marans and D. Stokols, Eds., in press. Zube, E., D. Simcox, and C. Law. "Perceptual Landscape Simulations: History and Prospect," Landscape Journal, 1987, 6(1): 62-79. �260 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings The Abandoned Mines of the New River Gorge: Health and Safety Hazards and Important Cultural Resources Donald Armstrong and Charles Yuill, West Virginia University, Morgantown, West Virginia INTRODUCTION The New River Gorge National River is an approximately 65,000-acre, 50-mile designated segment of the New River. This area is a steep-sided, narrow gorge and river that winds through the Appalachian Mountains of southern West Virginia. The river and its associated landscapes include some of the most spectacular scenery in the East. Diverse plant and animal life thrives in the gorge, and the entire area is rich with prehistoric and historic cultural resources. With the arrival of the railroad in the 1870s, the gorge became accessible to large numbers of people for the first time. With the railroad also came a means of getting the area's rich coal resources to market; by 1920 over 25 towns had been established in support of coal mines located in the northern portion of the gorge. Today, coal tipples, coke ovens, foundations, and mine entries are all that remain of this early mining activity. The extensive past development of the New River Gorge's coal reserves has resulted in significant environmental degradation and numerous potentially severe health and safety hazards throughout the northern two-thirds of the New River Gorge National River. The National Park Service is faced with mitigating the negative impacts of hundreds of hazardous mine openings, coal waste piles, spoil slides, abandoned structures, and hazardous, eroding highwalls (Weesner, 1989). In 1987, West Virginia University, under a cooperative agreement with the National Park Service, began to inventory and quantify all evidence of past coal and natural gas extraction in the gorge. Numerous historic records were gathered and knowledgeable agency personnel and citizens interviewed. The area was flown by helicopter, and extensive on-ground surveys were completed. This effort resulted in a comprehensive mine and well site inventory, completed in July 1988. Figure 1 shows typical mine site conditions found in the gorge east of the town of Thurmond. This graphic illustrates various types of sites that were inventoried (surface mines, older underground mines, and associated structures), the different coal seams, and other landscape features of the gorge. A geographic information system will be used to integrate these inventory data with other park data so reclamation priorities can be determined and related mine and well site issues can be considered in park planning and operations. INVENTORY FINDINGS The most serious potential mining-related health and safety hazards and environmental problems in the gorge are associated with abandoned underground mines. Major potential hazards include open or partially open mine portals (entries), which can be easily entered, and unstable mined-out areas visited by residents or park users. In addition, there are numerous unstable, partially collapsed buildings and other structures (e.g., walls, conveyors, rail, lines, bridges) as well as hazardous equipment and debris. Significant environmental problems associated with the gorge's underground �'//^ l\mj( puv Suoujsuijy—juzuiaSvuvffl saa" aoo' eao' TYPICAL CROSS SECTION THRU THE NEW (CROSS Figure L Typical mine site conditions. SECTIOIM RIVER IS AT RIVEO GORGE MICE IINJDEX <$3 ) jg£ a �262 mines include mine drainage, which is generally not acidic; subsidence of mine voids that causes depressions in the ground surface; and unvegetated, eroding minewaste rock and coal refuse areas. The major deep mine feature is the portal, or entry, which has often sloughed or partially sloughed due to the weathering of unstable rock face material. These portals (most mines include several) are generally at least the height of the coal seam (36 to 72 inches) and may be over 20 feet in width. In addition, at many mine sites there are also tipple, head house, or loadout structure remains (these are structures and equipment for coal cleaning and loading), in addition to typical mine structures such as fan houses, offices, and storage and maintenance buildings. There is often refuse associated with these deep mine sites, generally on outslope areas below actual mines. This material is usually the result of either mine development or the separation of coal from shale and slate "waste rock." However, most of the refuse from actual coal preparation or mechanical cleaning is found closer to river level, the site of the tipples and preparation facilities. Much of this refuse material is only minimally vegetated, unstable, and lying at or near the angle of repose. As such, it is extremely difficult to reclaim. The inventory also identified numerous abandoned deep mines that, more specifically, can be characterized as punch mines. Punch mines, which tend to be newer (post1975) than the larger deep-mine complexes, were generally developed in strip-mined areas to obtain additional coal after strip mining and augering were completed. They also tend to be much smaller, with fewer associated structures and refuse areas, because the coal was often hauled off-site for sorting or cleaning at centralized facilities. Inventory results revealed that unreclaimed surface mines are also the source Linear Parks Conference Proceedings of significant landscape disturbances, with hundreds of acres of unvegetated or partially vegetated bench areas with steep, unstable spoil piles and slides subject to slippage and erosion. Much of this past strip mining was "shoot and shove" contour mining, in which spoil was cast over the outslopes with highwalls left and pioneer vegetation the only source of vegetative cover. Figure 2 illustrates an unreclaimed contour strip mine with typical site features, including an exposed highwall (often over 80 feet high in many areas of the gorge), spoil piles on the bench, spoil slides on the outslope, small areas of impounded water, and random pioneer vegetative cover. Bench widths vary with the steepness of terrain, so such strip mines are generally much narrower in the northernmost areas of the gorge (often less than 100 feet) than in southern areas where the mines become much wider (over 200 feet) due to the gentler slopes and rounded terrain. Major associated problems include erosion from highwall, haulroad and spoil areas; rock falls from unstable highwalls; coal and refuse mixed with the spoil (causing possible polluted drainage); and seasonally or permanently impounded areas causing marshy conditions as well as major spoil slips and sloped failures because of saturated soil conditions. Vegetative cover conditions range from mature, well established pioneer vegetation to areas with minimal or no established vegetation. Strip mining that occurred in the gorge between the late 1960s and early to mid1970s often resulted in partially reclaimed mine areas. Many of these sites include evidence of some backfilled highwalls, rounded spoil areas, planned water retention ponds or impoundments, and planted exotic and/or native vegetation. These areas tend to exhibit fewer erosion, sedimentation, and slope stability problems than the unreclaimed sites. However, most highwalls were left �VI. Management—Armstrong and Yuill Figure 2. Typical unreclaimed contour strip mining. 263 �264 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings either partially graded or completely ungraded and unvegetated. The gorge also has a number of sites that were apparently more recently mined and reclaimed, since contemporary (post1976) mining and reclamation standards were applied (Figure 3). These sites generally include complete or nearly complete soil backfilling against the highwall and planted vegetation (often mixtures of grasses, shrubs, and trees). In addition, designed diversions and ponds, as well as stable open haul roads, are present on most sites. Vegetation tends to be well established, with only smaller, isolated unvegetated and unstable areas, which are often located in drainage ways and at the tops of large backfill areas. The inventory database also included a number of other types of sites and features. Most important among these are river-level coal loading and processing structures, conveyors (that moved the coal between mine and river levels), and coking ovens. These structures were often associated with the old river-level mining towns (e.g., Kaymoor, Nuttalburg, Elverton). In addition, such structures are often among the most visible, accessible, and hazardous features in the gorge and are often visited by fishermen, hikers, and rafters. Lastly, the inventory included some sites of lesser importance, such as small quarries and natural gas wells. These areas tend to be smaller, with minimal health and safety hazard or environmental problem potentials. significant health and safety problems. In addition, 41 sites had significant or moderately significant environmental problems, and 31 sites contained major visual eyesores. Only 3 of the 125 sites inventoried contained no health, safety, or environmental problems. At the same time, many of the inventoried sites offer opportunities for cultural resource preservation, protection, and interpretation as mine and mine town historic sites. With careful planning it will be possible to preserve many of the features and to interpret the significance of these sites for the public. This would be a level of cultural resource protection suitable for a recreational river such as the New River Gorge National River with its mission of focusing on regional cultural resource protection and the provision of wildland recreation opportunities. Recreational use of the sites should be possible without detracting from their historic significance or integrity. A comprehensive resource planning effort will examine opportunities for interpreting coal mining and coking technology changes, mine town life, and the importance of railroads at specific sites and throughout the gorge. The extent of this past mining, the methods used, and the impacts of mining on the gorge landscapes and the lives of its early residents are known to relatively few people. Nevertheless, this mining history is important in the history of the state and the Appalachian region. RELATIONSHIP OF MINES TO CULTURAL AND RECREATIONAL RESOURCES IN THE GORGE A PLANNING CASE STUDY The inventory revealed that abandoned mines pose significant health, safety, and environmental problems in the gorge. For example, 93 separate mine sites were found to be the source of significant or moderately The National Park Service is attempting to implement a planning program that explicitly addresses the inventoried mines as health, safety, and environmental problems and as cultural resources. Figure 4 includes a 5,000acre portion of the gorge north of the historic town of Thurmond, with inventoried mine areas and features (point locations) mapped �JNDTSTURBED HILLSIDE- COVERED SPOIL BACKFILLED HIGHWALL AGAINST HIGIIWALL—i PLANTED GRASSES AND TREES—, BENCHRECLAIMED HAUL ROAD r-DTVERSION DITCHES AND PONDS AUGERED COAL SEAM Figure 3. Typical reclaimed contour strip mine. �266 New River Gorge National River CIS Pilot Study prepared for : THE NATIONAL PARK O 00 5 ^ r -i b b I I Linear Parks Conference Proceedings fi Figure 4. Thurmond study area. �VI. Management—Armstrong and Yuill UN DIST U R B E D H I L L S I D E REDUCE U N S T A B L E H I G H W A L L S AND REVEGETATE EXPOSED HIGHWALL PREVIOUS GROUND L I N E SLOUGHED MATERIAL AGAINST HIGHWALL IMPOUNDMENT 3EST TRAIL LOCATIONS C O A L / S P O I L S ON OUTSLOPE Figure 5. Unreclaimed strip mine developed for trail. 267 �268 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings STABILIZE REMAINS AND RE::GVE HAZARDOUS DEBRIS :-; HAULROAH • FOUNDATIONS AND TRUCTURE REMAINS DEFUSE ON OUTSLOPE Figure 6. Reclamation for cultural resource protection. �VI. Management—Armstrong and Yuill along with historic mine locations and towns. The resulting linear mine benches allowed the planning of a hiking trail adjacent to the river from mine 24 to mine 45 and beyond (Figure 5). Where significant health and safety or environmental problems were found on sites with no important cultural resource values (e.g., mines 35,36,43, and the eastern part of 30), traditional reclamation practices that will remove or disassemble any remaining features are being used. However, sites with health, safety, or 269 environmental problems (sites 25, 26, 30 west, and 33) but with potentially important cultural resources are being planned so that reclamation and stabilization techniques will allow important site features to remain for interpretation. At the same locations, critical health, safety, and environmental problems will be eliminated (Figure 6). This approach to mine site reclamation and cultural site protection is currently being implemented in the gorge by the National Park Service. REFERENCES Conley, Phil. History of the West Virginia Coal Industry. Charleston: Educational Foundation, 1960. Skelly and Loy. Processes .Procedures, and Methods to Control Pollution from Mining Activities. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, 1973. U.S. Bureau of Mines. Mine Map Repository, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. U.S. Department of the Interior, Geological Survey, Eastern Environmental Division. Maps of surface mines classified for stability. 1978. U.S. Department of the Interior, MSHA, District 4, Mt. Hope, West Virginia. Compilation of prioritized refuse areas based on health and safety problems with sizes, configuration, type, and company. Weesner, Margaret. National Park Service. Personal communication, October 1988. West Virginia Department of Natural Resources, Bureau of Reclamation. Surface mine permits, valley fills and sediment pond locations. West Virginia Department of Natural Resources, Division of Water Quality. Stream and sediment pond samples for active surface mines and refuse dumps. West Virginia Department of Energy, Division of Mine Refuse and Dam Control. Data on major active and abandoned refuse piles and impoundments. West Virginia Department of Natural Resources, Division of Water Quality. Active refuse area data. West Virginia Department of Energy, Division of Planning and Development. "Status Report; Coal Mine Refuse Banks and Associated Impoundments in the State of West Virginia." 1974. West Virginia Department of Energy. Active deep mine permits. West Virginia Geologic and Economic Survey. Surface mine permit boundaries. �270 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Greenways: Cornucopia of Opportunities Kristina Reichenbach, Consultant, Petersburg, Illinois The greenway concept is growing in popularity across this country and the term "greenway" is becoming a buzz word among resource managers and certain recreational interest groups. Much attention in America seems to focus on two particular types of green ways: abandoned railroad rights-ofway and stream corridors. While these are valuable greenway resources, the greenway concept is by no means limited to these two themes. The cornucopia of benefits to be derived from green ways and opportunities to establish greenways has only begun to be realized. A GREENWAY BY ANY OTHER NAME . .. Although greenways may come in many sizes and descriptions, they tend to share certain characteristics. In the simplest terms, greenways can be described as vegetated, linear spaces that often connect and consist of individual units of open space. The basic concept of a greenway is further characterized by terms such as "environmental corridor," "corridor," "linear parks," "flyways," "long distance trails," "pathways through civilization," "linear recreationways," and a linear connection between "nodes of interest" or "nodes of diversity." The length of a greenway may vary from one-quarter of a mile to several thousand miles. A local interpretive nature trail represents one end of the size spectrum for greenways (Leedy and Adams), while the "Greenways for America" concept promotes "fingers of green that reach out, from, around, and through communities all across America," occurring in rural or urban areas (Reilly). Often, a greenway will connect urban and rural areas. A greenway may emphasize a particular purpose or feature, or it may serve as a multiple-use resource. Greenways may also reflect a "[s]tatewide pattern of resource values" similar to Wisconsin's priorities for linear resource (Lewis). The list of resources considered in southeastern Wisconsin for designation as an environmental corridor (i.e., a greenway) focuses on key landscape elements including lakes, rivers, streams, floodplains, prairies, woodlands, wetlands, wildlife areas, parks, open space sites, potential parks and open space sites, historic sites, scenic viewpoints, and scientifically significant sites (Rubin and Emmerich, Lewis). THE CORNUCOPIA The diversity of forms in which a greenway may exist indicates the variety of potential benefits to be derived, including habitat improvement, expanded outdoor recreation, increased property values, increased business trade, better water quality, and generally improved quality of life. Although a greenway may not be able to accommodate all of these purposes at once, multiple opportunities often occur. Corridors to and from fragmented habitat areas provide pathways for genetic mixing. Stream corridors, fence rows, and elevated roads provide routes from one natural area to another (Newhouse). In the face of possible boundary shifts among climatic regions, greenway corridors may provide an essential key to maintaining biodiversity. Depending on how quickly the shifts occur, endangered and threatened species otherwise trapped on fragmented nature preserves may migrate and survive. This "mosaic" or "island archipelago" �VI. Management — Reichenbach approach to preserving biotic diversity is being studied in urban and nonurban landscapes to preserve biotic diversity (Rowntree, Dreher and Mariner, Leedy and Adams). A riparian greenway performs the important environmental function of maintaining water quality by filtering out contaminants in runoff, by maintaining lower water temperatures and thus higher dissolved oxygen content, and by inhibiting bank and soil erosion (New York Department of Environmental Conservation; Rowntree; USDA, 1982). Riparian corridors with natural vegetation intact have also been found to reduce flood damage in downstream reaches and to provide the most productive habitat type (Newhouse; Dreher, etai). Green ways along streams also provide a buffer between the stream and potentially degrading land use practices (Roseboom, et al.). The designation of environmental corridors in Wisconsin is used to indicate areas unsuitable for development of water treatment facilities and other activities that may degrade water quality. A similar approach in Washington state identifies environmentally sensitive areas, including stream corridors (Jennings). The vegetation in greenways may perform basic environmental enhancements in addition to hydrologic and habitat functions. Trees and other vegetation mitigate urban heat islands through a moisture/cooling regime. Research on the air-conditioning abilities of trees in developed areas indicates that a community can reduce residential airconditioning demand on a hot summer day by 10 to 15 percent (Rowntree, 1986a). Trees also block cold winds in the winter, reducing energy consumption for heating. In addition, a tree is estimated to absorb 13 pounds of carbon dioxide a year (2.6 tons per acre) in the process of producing oxygen. Due to their effect on energy consumption, urban trees are considered fifteen times as effective in the mitigation of carbon dioxide 271 emissions as are rural trees. In addition, when properly planted along roadways, trees and shrubs act as a natural snow fence (USDA, 1982). Trees also absorb city or highway sounds (Rowntree, 1986b). Greenways provide an opportunity to directly improve human welfare, particularly in urban areas where greenery can mitigate the stresses of concrete and crowds. Numerous studies indicate substantial increases in healing rates by patients with a view of natural greenery over those patients without such a view (Rowntree, 1986b). Roger Ulrich, a researcher at Texas A&M, has conducted extensive monitoring of human response to views of trees and other greenery. A significant reduction in blood pressure and other body signs occurs when going from a sterile man-made scene to a green scene. An interesting trend in the studies cited above is that a savanna-type landscape appears to provide the greatest feeling of security in research participants. Possible explanation for this response is the similarity of the traditional savanna park landscape to the environment in which humans are believed to have evolved (Schroeder). Another interesting finding is a significant increase in the appeal of a landscape that includes water. People seem to be drawn to water, whether it is a fountain, stream, lake shore, or pond. Kaplan's research indicates a preference for the sense of order provided by linear features in the landscape as well as, paradoxically, a certain level of mystery as to where the linear feature leads. Physical health benefits are derived from greenways since they are ideally suited for linear-based recreation such as biking, hiking, and canoeing. Use of the North Branch Bicycle Trail in Chicago, for example, easily exceeds 3,000 cyclists on a summer day, with approximately 500 per hour during peak afternoon hours. According to the same survey, 17 percent of the users said they �272 would not ride a bike at all if the trail was not there (Gobster). A visitor survey by the U.S. Forest Service revealed that virtually the entire country's population participates in linear-based outdoor recreational activities one or more times annually. At least 41.3 percent walk for pleasure, 23.8 percent day hike, 10.4 percent backpack, 13.9 percent canoe or kayak, 6.5 percent cross-country ski, and almost 50 percent do some sort of fishing. Greenways provide a unique educational resource and may serve as outdoor labs for school field trips as well as sites for more general interpretation. The linkage of natural, historic, and recreational resources in many greenways and the sequential occurrence of points of interest can invite interactive learning, increasing student interest and retention of information. The inherent ability of greenways to mitigate several environmental concerns while at the same time providing recreational and educational opportunities to the public on small acreages makes greenways a bargain. In contrast to rectangular preserves, greenways provide long-distance, highquality open spaces by using narrow strips of land that connect existing resources, thereby increasing the value of the individual pieces of land. A greenway easement may be established that provides public access while still allowing the landowner virtually total use of the property. Quite often, the strip of land to be set aside as a greenway has not been actively used by the landowner. Studies reviewed by Stevens in property value with increased distance from a greenbelt but sometimes depressed property values immediately next to an actively used area. COMPETITION FOR THE CORNUCOPIA A vital feature of a recreational greenway is Linear Parks Conference Proceedings access. Community access generates support for a greenway. Once people are involved with a resource, greater understanding can result. The paradox is that the access to and use of a greenway can both win support and lead to conflicts among users while even degrading the environmental values that originally drew people there. Any piece of land open to public access holds a potential for user conflicts. Greenway corridors contain multiple resources and may draw support from many individual interest groups. Several proponents may support the existence of a particular greenway but have different visions of the appropriate management of the resource. In addition, it is likely that a greenway will usually lie in the jurisdiction of more than one governmental unit. The result is a shift of focus from protecting greenway resources to protecting individual claims (Partners in Conservation). In their discussion of "greenlining," Hirner and Mertes recognize citizen input into zoning decisions as a "key means of land protection where each parcel can be tied together through a common thread . . ." Conflicts may be overcome by the establishment of a commission or board of representatives from the various interests. A possible outcome may be designated uses for different areas of a greenway through consensus. Proponents of greenways must seek a consensus and make their interests known to decision-makers. Through such a multiplepurpose approach, a synergy of interests may be facilitated in place of conflicts and fragmented efforts. TO BUILD A GREENWAY Two general approaches may be followed to establish a greenway. One way is simply to buy a linear piece of land. The other is to weave pieces together using conceptual techniques. A key to any greenway development is linkage. �VI. Management — Reichenbach There are limited opportunities in the United States today to buy or designate large acreages of linear land parcels for greenways. The abandonment of railroad rights-of-way provide the most prominent opportunity of this kind. As over 3,000 miles of railroad are abandoned each year in the United States, a one-time opportunity exists to establish long-distance greenways. Other human-made linear features, such as canals, offer a unique opportunity for greenway development similar to a railroad corridor. The Illinois-Michigan (I&M) Canal, for example, stretches across more than 100 miles of northeastern Illinois. The canal was constructed by the state between 1836 and 1848 to provide a shipping link between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi River via the Illinois River. The canal was used until 1933, when it was replaced by another canal that could accommodate larger vessels. The I&M Canal has been developed into a 61-mile hiking-biking trail through a partnership between the state and federal government with local interests. In some sections, the corridor includes state and local parks and preserves. LINKAGE, LINKAGE, LINKAGE A much more common approach to greenway developments today involves a large-scale version of "connect the dots," in which a greenway is superimposed on existing features through various linkages. Coordination of various individual and local projects increases the efficiency of greenway development. It is important to remember that greenways come in many sizes and that small greenways can grow. Through landbanking, promising parcels of land can be purchased for future integration into a greenway or in trade for other linear park lands. Greenway development should be linked with other issues, events, and programs. 273 Business interests, community groups and programs, outdoor events, environmental concerns, social issues, and economic issues can provide a base of support for greenway projects. For example, the Upper Illinois Valley Association (UIVA) was established in 1982 by 19 business and industry leaders in the Illinois and Michigan National Heritage Corridor. The UIVA has made historic interpretation integral to developments in the corridor (Winstel), and the association co-sponsors workshops in various areas along the I&M corridor to provide technical assistance to interested parties. Strategies to avoid negative impacts on the corridor include revised zoning ordinances and subdivision regulations (Camerios). Existing community projects, such as street tree programs, are not often recognized for the potential greenway benefits they could provide. A great opportunity exists to integrate greenway concepts into community tree-planting and maintenance programs through the selection and placement of species for color variety, wildlife habitat, energy conservation, and hardiness (Shien). In addition to energy savings, increased property values, and environmental mitigation, greenways provide economic benefits through increased tourism and recreation. Once greenway planning in Illinois was tied to the state's five-year economic development strategy, funding for greenway development became more available. Greenways are promoted in the Illinois State Recreation and Tourism Plans to increase tourism income. Recognition of potential greenway benefits has won state grants for projects at Rock Island, Fox River, and other corridororiented projects in the state. In addition to financial and voluntary incentives, regulatory provisions affect greenway development. A review of Illinois state statutes, for example, indicates that local governments can play an active role in �274 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings supporting greenway development. Legislation creating Forest Preserve Districts in Illinois specifically facilitates acquisition of linear park land parcels. Special provisions are made for extension of park district lands bordering on public waters to the other side or along those waters. In addition to general land use authorities and responsibilities, the Water Supply, Drainage, and Flood Control Act (P.A. 81-1509) assigns local government the responsibility for stream corridor greenways, floodplains, and stream pollution control. A key recommendation of the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors was the development of "green places for outdoor recreation and conservation close to home" for Americans living in urban areas (Reilly). Greenways certainly can provide these opportunities for both urban and rural residents. Greenways also present cost-effective opportunities to preserve and improve environmental quality. The cornucopia of opportunities to establish greenways and to realize their simultaneous social and environmental benefits is indeed bountiful. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adelmann, Gerald W. "A Preservation History of the Illinois and Michigan Canal Corridor." The Illinois and Michigan Canal National Heritage Corridor, A Guide to Its History and Sources. Eds. Michael P. Conzen and Kay J. Carr. Northern Illinois University Press, 1988, pp. 4352. Camerios, Ltd. "An Historic Canal Town Wakes Up To Its Future." Brochure, Fall 1987. Dreher, Dennis W., Richard D. Mariner, and Constance Hunt. Technical Report: Stream and Wetland Protection—A Natural Resource Management Priority in Northeastern Illinois. Chicago: Northeastern Illinois Planning Commission, 1987. Gobster, Paul H. "Urban Bicycle Trails: Use Patterns and User Preferences." Trends, 1988, 25(3):21-25. Hirner, Deirdre K., and James D. Mertes. "Greenlining: Countryside Parks Come of Age in the United States." Renewable Resources Journal, Winter 1988, pp. 17-20. Jennings, Michael D., John P. Reganold. "Policy and Reality of Environmentally Sensitive Areas in Whitman County, Washington, D.C." Environmental Management, 12(3):369-380. Kaplan, Rachel. "Down by the Riverside: Informational Factors in Waterscape Preference." Proceedings: River Recreation Management and Research Symposium. Minneapolis: January 1977, pp. 285-289. Keiner, Suellen T. The Contribution of Outdoor Recreation to State Economic Development. Council of State Planning Agencies, 1985. Leedy, Daniel L., and Lowell W. Adams. A Guide to Urban Wildlife Management. Maryland: National Institute for Urban Wildlife Studies, 1984. Lewis, Philip H. "Quality Corridors for Wisconsin." Landscape Architecture, 54(64):3-5. Newhouse, David A., Great Lakes Regional Vice-President, National Audobon Society. Personal contact, July 1988. New York State Department of Environmental Conservation. Stream Corridor Management: A Basic Reference Manual. Albany, January 1986. Partners in Conservation. Corridors Working Group Report. June 3, 1987. Reilly, William K., ed. The Report of the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors: The Legacy, the Challenge. Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1987. �VI. Management — Reichenbach Rowntree, Rowan A. "Ecological Values of the Urban Forest." A. F. Phillips and D. J. Gangloff, compilers. Proceedings of the Third National Urbn Forestry Conference. December 7-11, 1986a. American Forestry Association. Rowntree, Rowan A. "Ecology of the Urban Forest—Introduction to Part II." Urban Ecology, 9(1986):229-243. Rubin, Bruce P., and Gerald H. Emmerich, Jr. "Refining the Delineation of Environmental Corridors in Southeastern Wisconsin:'Technical Record, 4(1981): 1-22. Schien, Richard. "Resolving City Tree Issues and Conflicts." International Society of Arboriculture 65th Annual Conference, St. Charles, Illinois, August 1989. 275 Schroeder, Herbert W. "Perceived Quality of Urban Parks and Forests." Trends, 1988, 25(3):18-20. Stevens, Thomas. "The Economic Benefits and Cost of Urban Parks: An Overview." Trends, p. 32. USDA Forest Service. National Forest Landscape Management, Vol. I. Agriculture Handbook No. 434, 1973. USDA Forest Service. Windbreaks for Illinois. Windbreak Information Note No. 2. Forestry 190-16-16, September 1982. Winstel, Jeffery F., Upper Illinois River Association. Telephone interview, April 10, 1989. Visibility Description, Visual Analysis, and Land Use Control Along Rural Scenic Byways: A Case Study in the Appalachian Mountains of Virginia and West Virginia William E. Shepherd, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blacksburg, Virginia INTRODUCTION A scenic byway is a rural country road that traverses areas having outstanding aesthetic, cultural, historic, or interpretive value. The landscape through which the byway passes provides the visual corridor for the roadway. This scenic corridor is generally of greater extent than the adjacent roadside areas and includes middleground and distance views. The entire scenic corridor is of great importance as it provides the visual resources for the byway. The protection and management of the visible corridor along these byways is essential for the continued enjoyment of the scenic resource (Levin, 1988). The scenic quality of these corridors often deteriorates as land use patterns change. New uses, often out of scale and in the wrong location, do not seem to fit the landscape as well as older use patterns. Country roads that once provided superb views and vistas over rural landscapes now provide views of driveways and front yards of residential strip development (Doherty, 1984). This phenomenon has become so commonplace that we often accept it as the inevitable consequence of suburban country living (Blake, 1964). As a result, we often assume that the quality of the visual experience along our country byways will decrease as the level of suburban development increases (Strokes, etal, 1988). To counter this argument, planning and design studies are underway in the Landscape Architecture Program at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University to demonstrate �276 that visual quality can be maintained (or even increased) as the level of rural development increases. Scenic byways can be enhanced through knowledge of the character and quality of the corridor, through understanding of the travelers' experience within that corridor, and by careful attention to the planning and design of new uses in the landscape. Scenic corridor management studies have been undertaken on country roads in the mountains of Virginia and West Virginia. A number of analytic tools useful in recognition and description of scenic resources have been developed along with methods of implementing design criteria. Scenic corridor plans, design guidelines, and performance standards are recommended to implement scenic resource policies and byway plans. These studies suggest that the physical planning of scenic corridors complements land use planning as exercised by many local communities in the region. The purpose of this paper is threefold: 1) to suggest an approach to the planning and design of scenic byway corridors which draws upon the methods of visual analysis developed along country roads in the mountains of Virginia and West Virginia; 2) to outline broadly a framework for a scenic byway plan, scenic resource management system, and site plan review process appropriate for localities in these rural regions; and 3) to describe a number of scenic inventory and evaluation methods developed and tested along these country roads. AN APPROACH TO SCENIC BYWAY PLANNING AND DESIGN Planning for a scenic byway and its scenic corridor is primarily concerned with the physical arrangement of land uses, the impact of land uses upon the landscape, especially their visual impact, and their relation to the Linear Parks Conference Proceedings byway and its foreground corridor. While similar to land use planning, scenic byway planning is not principally concerned with the types of land use or their relation to other community infrastructure. Aesthetic and environmental character, rather than land use type, is the criterion for corridor protection, enhancement, and management. Scenic byway planning consists of five conceptually distinct phases as outlined in Figure 1. Planning and design criteria can be implemented by a site plan review process only if an appropriate policy and regulatory structure exists in the local community. DEVELOPMENT OF A SCENIC BYWAY PLAN The following discussion outlines the five steps in scenic byway planning. Each phase is interrelated with all others, and the sequence is often varied in response to particular situations, opportunities, or requirements. Interaction among phases and tasks within phases should be frequent. Plan formulation or implementation often indicates the need for additional information or review of earlier considerations that may alter the final concept. Public initiative and response are key ingredients in all phases of this process. The public includes residents, landowners, elected officials, interest groups, and, of course, the motoring visitor. IDENTIFY POTENTIALS AND DEFINE GOALS AND OBJECTIVES Defining the full range of aesthetic and environmental opportunities afforded by an existing country road often involves an initial assessment by a landscape architect or land planner. Residents who frequent the road may have a good sense of the charm and beauty of the landscape, but some preassessment is usually required to determine �VI. Management—Shepherd Figure 1. Scenic Byway Planning Process 1. Identify Potentials. Define Goals and Objectives. Pre-assessment of scenic and environmental potential. Community participation in setting goals and objectives. 2. Inventory, Analysis, and Resource Assessment. Current land use. Community considerations. Aesthetic considerations. Environmental considerations. 3. Master Plan for Scenic Byway and Corridor. To express the goals, objectives, and policies. To serve as a guide to decision-making. Realistic goals for growth and change over time. Aesthetic and environmental concerns. Opportunities for views, vistas, pullouts, etc. 4. Scenic Resource Management System. A set of design guidelines. A set of performance standards. A scenic corridor plan. 5. Site Plan Review Process. Establishment of procedure for review. Relation to master plan. Design criteria. Standards. Enforcement. 211 �278 the potential of the road and its corridor. The initiation and development of goals and objectives for a scenic byway and its corridor usually are community-based activities. Opinions, views, and concerns of local residents and landowners who would be affected must be taken into account. Issues must be aired through discussions, public meetings, and interviews with interested parties. To be successful, any scenic byway project must have the support of local community leaders, residents, and civic organizations. INVENTORY, ANALYSIS, AND RESOURCE ASSESSMENT The initial resource assessment will lay the groundwork for the development of a scenic byway plan. The assessment begins with an inventory of the visible corridor, or viewshed, followed by evaluation of views and the sequence of views from the scenic byway. The study would also typically include data collection, mapping, analysis, and evaluation of the aesthetic, environmental resource, current land use, and legal/institutional framework within the byway corridor. Because of the detailed nature of scenic concerns, much of the corridor should be mapped and analyzed at a larger scale (1:6,000 or greater) and will probably require field traverses along portions of the roadway alignment. Resource assessment typically requires a team of specialists working together under the direction of a landscape architect and/or land planner. Aesthetic considerations can be assessed through a number of different inventory approaches and analytic techniques, such as visibility diagrams; visual zone mapping; inventory of significant historic, cultural, and natural features; foreground analysis; and spatial sequence analysis. Several of these methods will be described later in this paper. Environmental considerations can be assessed through the inventory, mapping, Linear Parks Conference Proceedings and analysis of important natural features or landscape elements at appropriate scales and detail. Outstanding natural features or scenic resource areas would be of special interest and should be mapped separately. Any unique, sensitive, or threatened resource should be fully investigated to assure proper planning and management consideration. Of particular concern would be the appraisal of rock, soil, slope, and water conditions if performance standards are to be developed. Current land use can be surveyed and mapped in accord with a land use classification system appropriate to the region. More detailed data and information may be required for certain uses if performance standards are to be written for aesthetic or environmental resources (Duersken, 1986). Community considerations should be surveyed and documented through interviews, meetings, and workshops to determine issues and concerns that may influence people and land use along the byway. Questions regarding scenic corridor planning, land use issues, design guidelines, and local regulation can be addressed with individuals, groups, and communities along the route or in workshops. The overall intent of scenic byway planning and design should be thoroughly discussed with affected parties, groups, and local communities. The result of this work would be to formulate overall corridor concepts and planning and design criteria for the scenic corridor along the byway. MASTER PLAN FOR SCENIC BYWAYS AND CORRIDORS We envision a master plan for a scenic byway as a set of planning and design policies together with a plan that shows the existing alignment of the byway and its scenic corridor. This master plan should serve as an aesthetic design guide to new development within that scenic corridor. The plan's first function would be to �VI. Management—Shepherd express the goals, objectives, and policies of the entity created to develop the scenic byway. In most cases such an entity would be the local communities along the byway. The second function would be to serve as a guide to decision-making for residents and local property owners. To be successful such a plan should be a statement of what most affected residents and communities want— what goals, values, and ambitions they strive for. In many localities it should balance the wealth of scenic and environmental resource against the need for employment, economic growth, and change in land use. Scenic byway plans should reflect realistic goals for growth and change over an extended period of time. However, any plan should not be static. It should instead be subject to periodic review for update and change. The byway plan should be comprehensive in its coverage and consistent in policy over the full extent of the parkway corridor. All individuals and communities within the corridor should be subject to the same set of policies and treated with fairness and equality. The rules and regulations for implementing the plan must be clearly stated and understood. The plan should contain a set of policies to direct the quantity, character, and rate of growth within the corridor and indicate how these considerations are to be achieved. The plan should be both graphic and written, containing narrative sections to describe important aspects of policy more fully. We believe that graphic plan elements are easily understood by most people. For this reason, we would map scenic corridor setbacks, buffers, areas of screening, etc., so that individuals could better understand the development potentials of a piece of property along with the considerations for scenic quality. Such a byway plan need not specify land use but could indicate preferred locations for certain community uses or facilities. It should also indicate opportunities for scenic 279 views, vistas, and other resource amenities. At the same time it should indicate scenic areas or land use situations that pose problems or need to be corrected. We believe that design guidelines afford the best opportunity to illustrate and guide appropriate development. They provide a vision of what could be, and for that reason they are an important element of any plan. Certain land uses or activities should be subject to standards that specify a level of performance that can be measured to determine compliance with the policies of the plan. Such performance standards need to be developed in accord with specific regulations and permitting procedures created to implement the byway plan. Scenic outdoor corridor plans, design guidelines, and performance standards are recommended to implement scenic resource policies and plans. These tools, if systematically applied, can provide both valuable information and a strong design framework for the planner and manager of rural scenic byways. SCENIC RESOURCE MANAGEMENT SYSTEM Establishment of a scenic resource management system depends upon an adopted byway plan and set of policies and guidelines to implement that plan. The use of various controls as tools to implement plans has been carried out in this country for over 60 years. This traditional approach is generally viewed as a legitimate exercise of the socalled police powers reserved by individual states. We envision the adoption of a scenic byway plan as the policy framework for all subsequent actions. The scenic resource management system, as outlined below and in Figure 1, would be composed of three interrelated elements: 1) a set of design guidelines, 2) a set of performance standards, and 3) a scenic corridor plan. �280 Design Guidelines Design guidelines provide ideas for site planning and the design of structures, improvements, and activities within the scenic corridor. They are not a regulation which dictates a specific design solution for a given level of performance. Instead, these guidelines provide a vision and design flexibility. Design guidelines also provide the opportunity to illustrate graphically certain planning and design concepts appropriate to specific situations or specific localities. The guidelines should be developed in graphic and textual format to serve as a guide for use by property owners, public officials, and civic leaders. The following list of items may be appropriate for inclusion in a typical manual of design guidelines for rural regions in Appalachia: • Signage along roadway. Commercial, directional, or informational signage guidelines are extremely important for the image of the byway and scenic corridor; they may require a separate section in the guidelines. • Parking. Examples of possible parking and driveway layouts for different types of land use should be provided; they could address the loading and unloading of commercial vehicles in or adjacent to the byway, and the storage of automobiles. • Screening. Include examples of possible approaches to screening for different land uses and facilities; examples of both natural (vegetation and landforms) and structural screens (fences, buildings, and walls) together with suggestions for materials are recommended. • Building facades. Guidelines should cover architectural control in selected situations, such as historic restoration or new commercial developments or visually sensitive areas along byway. Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Open space corridors. Techniques and examples should be included for the preservation of open spaces along the byway or in other areas; cluster concepts or transfer of development rights may be described. Clustering of building masses. Provide examples of possible planning ideas and design solutions in appropriate situations along the byway. Include other elements as needed. Performance Controls Performance controls are standards that are written appropriate to the locality and to the need for or level of control desired. These controls establish minimum requirements, but not necessarily optimum standards. A performance standard is a regulation that specifies a level of performance that is measured to determine compliance. Implementation of performance standards requires a strong regulatory framework and a high level of technical expertise. The following is a list of possible controls appropriate to scenic byways: • Signage. Size, location, height, and other requirements of all signage within corridor. • Parking. Size, number of spaces, and locational criteria for parking areas for a range of different uses and/or activities; also specifications of loading and unloading areas; proximity to the scenic corridor; and provisions for abandoned or vacated automobiles. • Erosion and sediment. Specific measures to protect and conserve soil and vegetation from erosion and sedimentation; specific measures to protect watercourses and waterbodies; control measures for stormwater runoff and for water quality. �281 VI. Management — Shepherd • • • • • • • Noise. Specific standards to protect byway users and adjacent property owners from excessive noise, especially at unreasonable hours. Dust, fumes, odor. Specific measures, as necessary, to protect people and environment from emissions that could be injurious to health or detrimental to the full use and enjoyment of the byway and adjacent properties. Wastewater and septic systems. Specific measures to protect the public health, soil, and waters of region from health hazards caused by untreated wastewater or malfunctioning septic systems. Refuse disposal. Specific measures to dispose of all refuse in timely manner and in such a way that storage of material is not visible from byway. Glare. Measures and standards to protect scenic corridor and adjacent properties from glare of materials, colors, etc. Lighting. Measures and standards to control night lighting by type, location, and height. Other standards as necessary. Scenic Corridor Plan The scenic corridor plan is a graphic plan that notes the limitations and opportunities for the siting of structures, improvements, and activities on private property along the scenic corridor. This site plan controls the location of land uses relative to selected scenic resources of the byway, as noted in the resource assessment. However, the corridor site plan would not stand alone but would require support from performance standards and design guidelines. For example, the following planning elements could be illustrated on such a plan, as shown in Figures 2 and 3. • Setbacks. Generally along edges of property, especially setback from byway; setbacks can be variable. • Buffers. Variable setback along byway and in other areas within a parcel; use of buffers to protect both scenic corridor and land uses. • Access control. Limited driveway or road access zones along edge of byway. • Special screening. Landform, vegetative, and/or structural screening for land uses or for scenic purposes. Building envelopes. Areas within a property that contain structures and buildings; the purpose is to lessen impacts on scenic corridor. Other elements as needed. SITE PLAN REVIEW Site plan review is the process used by local governments to implement the provisions and requirements of the scenic byway plan as set forth in the scenic resource management system. This process would be activated through a permitting procedure by property owners within the scenic corridor of the byway. Site plan review should be enacted as an ordinance (local code) under authority delegated through enabling legislation for planning and zoning. Most site plan or design review ordinances are based upon the state's power to control or regulate land development so as to promote the public health, safety, and welfare. These so-called police powers rest with the state legislature but can be delegated to local governments, authorities, boards, and commissions. Local controls, such as land use ordinances, must usually specify purposes relative to the goals and objectives of approved land use policies and plans. These adopted plans must �282 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 2. Scenic Corridor Plan. �VI. Management — Shepherd Figure 3. Detail of Scenic Corridor Plan. 283 �284 demonstrate that they promote the public health, safety, and general welfare. The following list outlines the general content of a site plan review ordinance that would be applicable to the land use corridor along the scenic byway: • Purpose of the site plan review ordinance. • Projects requiring site plan review. • Procedure. • Submission requirements. • Criteria for review. • Standards requiring findings. • Enforcement. • Appeal process. • Other sections as needed. SUMMARY OF THE SCENIC BYWAY PLANNING PROCESS The protection and management of the visible corridor is an essential component of the scenic byway plan. Without proper protection and management, corridors tend to deteriorate in visual and aesthetic quality. This deterioration has been the case in many situations where growth and change in land use have taken place in rural areas over a relatively short time (Doherty, 1984). However, interest in rural conservation, especially the protection of rural values, quality of life and scenery, appears to be building (Strokes, et al, 1988). Yet at the same time individual and community concern for economic growth and employment is strong. A central issue is whether conservation and development can coexist in these rural regions. Roads play an important role in both rural growth and rural conservation. How to reconcile disparate opinions and view of rural residents, landowners, and community leaders is an issue of great concern in many courthouses and council chambers. We see Linear Parks Conference Proceedings the scenic byway program as a bridge between the protection of aesthetic and environmental quality and the facilitation of economic growth and land resource development. Scenic byways can be protected and managed through growth and changes in land use. We believe that corridors can be planned, designed, and managed to enhance visual and aesthetic quality through controlled physical growth rather that simply accepting the deterioration of the landscape. To achieve this goal, however, requires the work and support of interested and concerned individuals, groups, and communities. Our approach is to foster community support for scenic byways through traditional land planning procedures. This approach calls for the articulation of goals and objectives of local communities in order to reach consensus on the policies and plan necessary to create a scenic corridor and protect the aesthetic quality of the landscape. We have found that many communities can agree on the value of conserving their rural heritage. The strongest issue appears to be how to accommodate new development or changes in land use. Protection of aesthetic and environmental quality need not be in conflict with new structures, improvements, or activities. Forethought and attention to the site planning and design of these potential changes can create harmonious arrangements that are visually compatible within the existing landscapes. To accomplish this outcome, however, requires scenic byway and visual corridor policies and plans. These policies and physical plans can then be realized through appropriate implementation of good planning and design tools. We have found that performance standards can meet the need for reasonable yet strong control in most environmental situations. For example, in situations where control of stormwater runoff, soil erosion, sedimentation, water quality, and wastewater discharge are important, performance �VI. Management — Shepherd standards can be developed to monitor and control land use activity. Performance controls can also be developed for visual or aesthetic considerations, such as visual screening, landscape restoration, or vegetation management. Design guidelines can provide illustrations and examples of design ideas and solutions in typical situations. Guidelines are important to use as a reference for landowners, civic leaders, and local public officials. They should not, however, take the place of creative or innovative design solutions. The scenic corridor plan contains the spatial elements of overall corridor design. It embodies specific approaches to concept plans and policies on a site-by-site basis. As such, it provides the spatial structure for the individual parcels that make up the visual corridor. The scenic corridor plan may be flexible to allow for innovation in certain situations. In others, it must be firm if it is to achieve the goals and objectives of the corridor plan. It is the spatial blueprint for constructing and managing a scenic corridor. METHODS OF SCENIC INVENTORY AND ANALYSIS Methods of visual analysis of the road and route corridor have been developed by a number of workers in the planning and design fields over the past 25 years (Levin, 1965). Much of this work has been directed towards high-speed highways in urban settings (Appleyard, etal, 1964), freeways (Halprin, 1966), or western interstate highways (Litton, 1968). Less attention has been directed towards small-scale, low-speed country roads, which serve rural populations and regions. Many of these routes traverse landscapes of great character and beauty. These roads have often evolved from earlier wagon routes which served small farms and settlements and still provide a leisurely and intimate 285 connection with the landscape in which they pass. Methods of visual inventory and scenic analysis developed for urban freeways or high-speed interstates are not refined enough for low-speed, narrow country roads (Hornbeck and Okerlund, 1973). Faculty and students in the Landscape Architecture Program have undertaken extensive study of methods of scenic inventory and analysis in the process of developing strategies to enhance and manage the visual corridor along these roads. A number of these methods, described below, are useful for analysis of existing road conditions. VISIBILITY DIAGRAMS AND COMPOSITE MAPS Visibility diagrams and resultant composite maps of visibility provide a simple graphic inventory of the visual corridor from a number of observation points along a road segment. The purpose of such diagrams is to record all areas that are visible, within the entire scenic corridor, from the byway. These areas typically account for only onefifth to one-third of the total scenic corridor (U.S. Forest Service, 1977). It is this visual mosaic that must be protected, enhanced, and managed to provide the visual backdrop for the scenic road experience. While procedures for the selection of viewing points may vary, the construction of visibility diagrams is relatively simple. Each diagram records only those portions of the landscape that are visible in one road direction from a single viewing point, as illustrated in Figure 4. Potential rather than existing visibility is often recorded as changes can occur, especially along the roadway, that may increase visibility. As Figure 4 shows, the total area visible from a single point is usually relatively small and composed of many visual pieces which are noncontiguous. �286 Care should be taken to record only visible features and areas within a reasonable cone of vision since these diagrams will be compiled into composite maps for the entire road segment, as illustrated by Figure 5. Areas visible from a number of different road segments should be especially noted, as their importance may increase with frequency of exposure. Often, background features can be seen from many different locations, and their visual presence in the landscape is important. These are often the landmarks that help us orient and find our way. Visibility diagrams and the resultant composite map are constructed for viewsheds in a single direction of travel; they are not constructed for viewsheds in both directions. Scenic corridor diagrams can be constructed from composite maps by including all visible areas within the scenic corridor boundary, as shown in Figure 6. Areas that are not visible but lie within the scenic corridor may be viewed as inlier areas which require minimal site review as changes in land use should not influence scenic quality within the corridor. In many landscapes, the total area not visible may be far greater than areas that are visible. SCENIC ZONES The scenic corridor may be divided into three distance zones: foreground, middleground, and background. This division is helpful in sorting out the various visible areas for purposes of analysis and evaluation of views (Litton, 1968). This division is also used in designating design guidelines for siting structures and improvements. The measurement of distance within or between zones is somewhat arbitrary, depending upon the scale of the landscape and roadway. Zones in large-scale landscapes viewed from interstate highways are often measured in miles, while zones in small-scale landscapes viewed from narrow rural roads tend to be Linear Parks Conference Proceedings measured in hundreds of feet. The foreground is generally the area adjacent to the roadway and readily experienced by the traveler. It provides the frame of reference, detail, and sense of scale for all views. Along narrow country roads the foreground is in intimate connection with the motorist and is of prime concern for the framing or screening of views. Middleground, the intermediate landscape, often provides the linkage between units or elements in the landscape. Features or scenes in this zone characterize the overall landscape. Middleground views tend to be important to the visual experience of the scenic corridor. The background provides the backdrop or matrix for views from the roadway. It is often a minor component of the total view, especially in ridge and valley regions. However, in large-scale panoramic views the background assumes greater importance as landscape matrix. The general background views tend to be simplified, flattened, and "grayed down" or softened in color contrasts. VIEW ZONE DIAGRAMS View zone diagrams provide an inventory of the relative proportion of foreground, middleground, and background views along both sides of road segments. Views of the sky and the roadway may also be included in the diagram for inventory and analysis, as illustrated in Figure 7. These diagrams allow analysis of the continuity or discontinuity of view zones, sequence and pattern of zone representation, and the proportional content of each zone. View zone diagrams provide quantitative or structural analysis of any view. They indicate when view zone proportions are "balanced." For example, views at station 5 in Figure 7 lack middleground and background context and are focused on the road and foreground experience in both directions, while views �287 VI. Management—Shepherd * Hi < .>; V/ f/%Wt Figure 4. Visibility Diagram Figure 4. Visibility Diagram. �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 288 Figure 5. Composite Map of Visibility Figure 5. Composite Map of Visibility. �VI. Management—Shepherd r*S «i -i- •***•) ft.*''"*^/' W f i M K M * • » » Figure 6. Scentc Corridor Diagram Figure 6. Scenic Corridor Diagram. 289 �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 290 between stations 3 and 4 are more balanced. View zone diagrams provide a quantitative analysis of the various scenic zones. Analysis of zone sequence and pattern of zone visibility is facilitated directly through the use of view zone diagrams. This analysis is most helpful in assessing the need to open up (or close down) views and vistas, especially in the foreground. GRAPHIC FOREGROUND ANALYSIS Graphic methods of foreground analysis provide a notation system for a number of features or components on and adjacent to the roadway (Robinson, 1988). These components directly influence corridor visibility, foreground complexity, viewer position, and the sequence of experience. The components, which may be inventories, include road alignments (horizontal and vertical), viewer position, roadside vegetation type, directed sightlines, view characteristics, and miscellaneous features, as illustrated in Figure 8. Symbols have been developed for each component to categorize the range of visual experience occurring along roadways. The purpose of such analysis is to document foreground conditions for detailed design or management of the roadway, for the adjacent right-ofway, and for foreground areas. The example shown in Figure 8 indicates a road segment which places the viewer in a superior position in the immediate landscape. The roadway is gently curving downward and to the left, adjacent to a fence line and power poles, both of which frame an open foreground and middleground. The right side of the roadway serves as a visual barrier or edge in the landscape focusing the viewer's attention along the road. SUMMARY OF INVENTORY AND ANALYSIS METHOD The protection and management of the visible corridor along scenic byways is essential for the continued enjoyment of the scenic resource. Methods of visibility description and visual analysis can provide data on the visual and aesthetic character of a scenic corridor. They also provide information helpful in the recognition and understanding of the spatial pattern, sequence, and complexity of landscape corridors. Such information is important in the planning, design, and management of existing byway corridors. While several of these methods have been in use for a number of years, others have been developed to meet the need for corridor analysis and for evaluation of rural country roads. Continued research and applied study of rural scenic byways will, it is hoped, provide additional methods of inventory and analysis. The methods described above provide a set of tools to aid in corridor planning and design. These tools, if systematically applied, can provide both valuable information and a strong design framework for the planner and designer of rural scenic byways. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Partial support for this research has been provided through work undertaken for the New River Parkway Authority. Initial study of rural scenic byways and their visible corridors was undertaken in the Graduate Landscape Planning and Management Studio in Landscape Architecture at Virginia Tech in the fall of 1988. Students who participated in that studio and contributed to the work included in this paper include Helen Cozzetto, Zorica Crnojacki, Lacy Evans, David Jacquat, Susan Robinson, Eric Schultz, and Richard Starr. �VI. Management — Shepherd 291 -50 v Figure 7. View Zone Diagram. �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 292 V-A left, ^ . 0 \ left \ m l See. \\ / V EV.AMPUE A>rAa ) o 6 the. Figure 8. Graphic Foreground Analysis. �VI. Management—Shepherd 293 REFERENCES Appleyard, D., K. Lynch, and J. Meyer. The View from the Road, M.LT. Press. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1964. Blake, P. God's Own Junkyard: The Planned Deterioration of America's Landscape. Holt, Rinehart, Winston. New York, New York. Doherty, J. Growth Management in Cities. Volume J: Change and Response. Vert Milon Press. Alexandria, Virginia, 1984. Duersken, C. Aesthetics and Land-Use Controls: Beyond Ecology and Economics. American Planning Association Planning Advisory Service Report No. 399. Chicago, Illinois, 1986. Halprin, L. Freeways. Reinhold, New York, New York, 1966. Hornbeck, P., and G. Okerlund. Visual Values for the Highway User: An Engineer's Workbook. U.S.D.O.T., Federal Highway Administration. Washington, D.C., 1973. Levin, D. A Proposed Program for Scenic Roads and Parkways. President's Council on Recreation and Natural Beauty. Washington, D.C., 1966. Levin, D. Scenic Byways. U.S.D.O.T. Federal Highway Administration Publication No. FHWA-DF-88-004. Washington, D.C., 1988. Litton, R. Forest Landscape Description and Inventories: A Basis for Land Planning and Design. U.S.D.A. Forest Service Research Paper PSW-49. Berkeley, California, 1968. Robinson, S. "Method of Foreground Analysis." A paper submitted to the Graduate Landscape Planning and Management Studio in the Landscape Architecture Program, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. Blacksburg, Virginia, 1988. Stokes, S., A. Watson, G. Keller, and J. Keller. Saving America's Countryside: A Guide to Rural Conservation. John Hopkins University Press. Baltimore, Maryland, 1988. U.S. Forest Service. "Roads" National Forest Landscape Management. Volume 2. Chapter 4. U.S. Government Printing Office. Washington, D.C., 1977. �294 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Exciting Liaisons: Cross-Fertilization Among the Disciplines Leads to New Solutions for Greenways Robert M. Seams, AICP, Urban Edges, Inc., Denver, Colorado Finally, I took a walk alone to the levee. I wanted to sit on the muddy bank and dig the Mississippi River; instead of that I had to look at it with my nose against a wire fence. When you start separating the people from their rivers, what have you got? Bureaucracy! Jack Kerouac, On The Road, 1955 Kerouac's frustration at being shut out from the river typifies the opening salvo in what was to be a protracted battle of nearly two decades between the pragmatics and the romantics over how to handle our nation's waterways. One side was typified by the engineers. Their charge was to serve the public need to be safe from the river's ravages; to make land available for development; to harness the river for shipping goods and generating power. Their employers demanded costeffective solutions and a minimum of liability exposure. The solutions they designed usually met those needs (at least temporarily) but not without great cost to the "soul" of the river or stream. Later, we were to learn that the cost was much more than aesthetic as rivers rebelled and many structural solutions ultimately failed. On the other side of this struggle sat the romantics. This group included, among others, citizen activists, landscape architects, and planners. They argued for preservation, recreation, and beautification but seemed unwilling or unable to address the realities of cost and the fact that people already settled along the rivers and streams and demanded protection from the perils. In the early 1970s, this standoff began to soften with the emergence of the green way movement. Several communities around the nation were beginning to see new possibilities when they looked at their rivers and streams. Urban greenways became an excellent place to begin the process of mediation. Now, new partnerships have emerged between engineering and landscape design professions. Getting its start in 1971, Denver's Platte River Greenway project addressed the Platte River and its tributaries. The Denver Greenway represents one of the nation's pioneering efforts in bringing the disciplines together. Let us explore this process with several specific examples. LITTLETON'S PLAN—A NONSTRUCTURAL ALTERNATIVE After a disatrous flood in 1965, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers decided to proceed with construction of Chatfield Dam. The dam was to be located upstream of metropolitan Denver where the Platte leaves the mountains and enters the high plains. The plan included an "improved" structural channel extending six-and-one-half miles downstream from the dam. This plan did not go unnoticed by Littleton, a suburban community located not far downstream of the dam. Fearing that their beautiful high plains river valley would be ruined by a Los Angelesstyle concrete channel, they expressed their concerns to the Corps and the Corps offered a predominantly earthen channel. Littleton, however, held its ground and put forth an alternative, later to become known as the Littleton Plan (see Payne, 1989). The plan was simple but revolutionary. The Corps was asked to abandon the notion of construction and to commit the funds �VI. Management—Seams 295 Figure 1. A view where the Greenway Trail enters South Platte Park, a 600-acre riparian wilderness on the edge of the Denver metro area. budgeted for structural work to the acquisition of the undeveloped portions of the floodplain. Littleton even sweetened its proposal with a $400,000 bond issue to help with land acquisition. The Corps wanted no part of this alternative. Citing the Flood Control Act of 1950, Corps officials from the Omaha office said the Littleton proposal was not feasible. Littleton, undaunted, went to Washington and pushed for passage of the Water Resources Development Act (Public Law 93-251). Section 88 of the act authorized federal participation with local interests for acquisition of land for flood-control purposes in lieu of structural improvements. With passage of the new act, the Corps provided funding equal to the costs saved by not building the structural improvements, or $756,000, with any costs beyond that reimbursed at 50%. Today, a 625-acre high plains riparian preserve, known as South Platte Park, fronts the South Platte River in Littleton. Now the Corps and green way proponents are working as partners in improving the river downstream of South Platte Park. PUBLIC ACCESS—A MAINTENANCE ROAD AND MORE One of the key elements that made Denver's greenway system a success is the continuous system of interconnected trails along the Platte River as well as its tributary streams and canals. This multi-use trail concept got its start on Denver's Highline Canal, an irrigation and water-supply canal owned by the Denver Water Board. For years, maintenance crews used dirt "ditch rider" roads for �Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 296 access to the canal for routine and remedial maintenance. Through a cooperative agreement between the Denver Water Board and the Denver Parks Department, a paved hike/ bike/equestrian trail was developed along the canal. The new trail linked many residential neighborhoods on the city's east side and was an immediate hit. Fears of lawsuits by injured users and declining property values from vandals attacking adjacent properties did not materialize. Instead, some of Denver's most valuable homes now front the canal trail. Inspired by the Highline Canal success, the people of Denver clamored for a similar amenity along the South Platte River. This task proved far more difficult because the river flowed through some of Denver's least desirable areas. The river had been a dumping ground for years; the surrounding neighborhoods were blighted; and the banks were riddled with broken concrete, trash, and debris. A unique coalition formed to address this challenge. The effort was initiated in 1974 by Denver's then-mayor Bill McNichols. Joined by Joe Shoemaker, a powerful state legislator, a public-private partnership was created. The group raised funds from local, state, federal, and corporate sources to transform the river. Concrete rubble and eroding banks were replaced by stable, yet attractive, sideslopes held with more naturally appearing rock riprap. A continuous warm-tone concrete hike/bike/ equestrian/maintenance trail was constructed, linking parks and feature areas along the cleaned-up river. A few years later, Mary Carter, an energetic volunteer, led a group in the southern suburbs to extend the greenway from Denver through Littleton and South Figure 2. Typical "killer" dam on South Platte River before modification. �VI. Management—Seams 297 Figure 3. Dam on South Platte River after modification. Platte Park to the State Recreation Area at Chatfield Dam. The Corps of Engineers was a key player in this process, providing a graded bench for the trail and over $1.1 million in federal funds, which Carter matched by going to local communities and business for donations. The Denver Urban Drainage and Flood Control District also proved to be an important participant in the greenway development process. This flood management agency had an inspired staff of drainage engineers who immediately saw the virtue of a joint venture with greenway planners. They use the hike/bike path as a maintenance road for debris removal and for access to perform remedial flood control. In return, they provide a portion of the trail maintenance services as well as clean-up and pruning along the river banks. It's been a great partnership! TAKING STEPS AGAINST THE DROWNING MACHINES As the river became a more pleasant place to be, people wanted to ply its waters in kayaks, rafts, canoes, and inner tubes. While any moving water is dangerous, the Platte had an especially dangerous and insidious threat—a series of erosion control and diversion dams. The dams, like many on our nation's rivers, had a uniform edge along the bottom that created a strong, yet not obvious, suction known as a "keeper." This keeper can trap and drown an unsuspecting water recreationist. The greenway organization hired two creative engineering firms to address this challenge—Wright Water Engineers and McLaughlin Engineers. Working with the greenway staff, they developed a stair-step system of pools and weirs to eliminate the �298 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings deadly keepers while creating challenging yet safer boating chutes. In addition to providing an exciting ride for boaters, the chutes have been used for white water competition. These structures also help aquatic life and shore birds, serving as a fish ladder. BOULDER CREEK—A KINDER, GENTLER CHANNEL BOTTOM Inspired by Denver's success, several surrounding communities set out to do the same along their creeks. Boulder planned a similar greenway along Boulder Creek. In the early 1980s, they built the trail and connected several enchanting creek-front parks. They took technology one step further by restoring the creek-bottom fish habitat. Instead of concrete, large rock was placed strategically in the channel to create a system of pools and weirs suitable to building a thriving trout population. As a finishing touch, Boulder added a fish observatory where trail users can stop and observe a pool from below the stream bed. 10,000 TREES—TURNING THE GREENWAY GREEN As nearly two decades of effort on the Denver greenway system draws to a close, most of the trail and boating infrastructure is in place. While Littleton's South Platte Park has preserved acres of riparian forest and grassland, much of the river downstream is barren of trees. In response to this need and as a local step against global warming, Mary Carter and her South Suburban Park Foundation are organizing a massive volunteer tree planting along the banks of the Platte River. The group hopes to transform the Platte River corridor into a green oasis in the heart of the city. CONCLUSION: WE CAN WORK TOGETHER The continuing greenway effort in metropolitan Denver has offered a fertile proving ground where several divergent disciplines have come together, shared ideas, and found new solutions. The process required a common sense of purpose, a willingness to look at a different perspective, and, most importantly, patience and understanding. In Denver, it is still working. REFERENCE Payne, Jon K. The "Littleton Plan," A Non-Structural Concept for Flood Control Littleton Planning Department, Littleton, Colorado, 1989. �Vlll This page intentionally left blank �300 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings �Appendix 301 Additional Conference Presentations Pioneering the Rural Way More Beautiful: The Blue Ridge Parkway. Harley Jolley, Mars Hill, North Carolina. Saving the Traditions of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Granville Liles, Asheville, North Carolina. The Hudson River Greenway. Barry Didato, Poughkeepsie, New York and James Bleecker, New York, New York. The Search for Environmentally Acceptable Corridors for Linear Facilities Such as Roads, Parkways, Power Lines, and Pipelines. Frank Burggraf, Fayetteville, Arkansas. Land Acquisition for Conservation Purposes. Carl Fletcher and Lila Fletcher, Johnson City, Tennessee. Footprints on Rare Plants: Habitat Protection through an Integrated Strategy of Design, Interpretation, and Restoration. Bart R. Johnson, Athens, Georgia. Steps in State and Local Greenway Conservation Planning. J. Glenn Eugster, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Southern Appalachian Treasures at Risk: Regional Planning for Habitat Continuity. Laura E. Jackson, Durham, North Carolina. Improving and Conserving Water Resources in Prince Edward Island, Canada. Lisa C. Huff and Marcia Brown, Durham, North Carolina. Greenways in the Adirondack Park. Robert Quinn and Thomas Cobb, Watertown, New York. An Appalachian Greenway. Stanley A. Murray, Kingsport, Tennessee. The Interstate Highway Program and the Development of National Parkways, 1959-1966. Philip A. Grant, Bronxville, New York. Congress and the Establishment of the George Washington Memorial Parkway, 1929-1933. Philip A. Grant, Bronxville, New York. Designers' Vision of Metropolitan Life: The Providence Metro-District Parks System Revisited. David E. Riley, New Bedford, Massachusetts and Derrick Bradford, Providence, Rhode Island. A Museum of Managed American Countryside: Landscape Management Plan for the Restoration of Stanley Abbott's Vision of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Neil Korostoff, University Park, Pennsylvania. The Use and Development of a Wilderness Centre at the Municipal Level. Jan James, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. Beautification Efforts at a Minimalist Parkway, Richmond National Battlefield Park. Peter Baril, Williamsburg, Virginia. St. Croix International Waterway: Managing a Shared Heritage. Lee Sochasky. Management of Valley Slopes of Owen Sound, Ontario, Canada. Shaheen Ahmad, Brampton, Ontario, Canada. The Cahaba River Corridor: A Wilderness River in an Urban Environment. Brian J. Laltaie, Auburn, Alabama. �302 Wildcat River: Building Cooperative Land Protection Strategies for Successful River Conservation. Phil Huffman and Burnham Martin, Boston, Massachusetts. A Public Administration Vision and Strategy: Protection, Management, Use, and Development of Outdoor Resources. Douglas B. Irwin, Sherwood Park, Alberta, Canada. Challenges and Opportunities in the Restoration and Protection of Industrialized River Corridors: The Blackstone River Experience. Russell A. Cohen, Boston, Massachusetts. The Columbia River Highway: Recreation to Reuse. T. Allan Comp, Washington, District of Columbia. Roads of Knowledge: Finding the Landscape of the Heart. Steve Durrant, Seattle, Washington. The Evolution of Environmental Consciousness and Modern Linear Open Space Systems. Bill Flournoy, Raleigh, North Carolina. The Park As a Classroom. Ken Voorhis, Townsend, Tennessee. Urban Gardening Without Any Land: The Magic of Community Gardens. Marleny Franco, Newark, New Jersey and Tom YoungbloodPeterson, Asheville, North Carolina. River Corridor Green ways: A Natural. Kristina Reichenbach, Petersburg, Illinois. Community Planning for Riverfront Improvement: The French Broad River Experience. Karen Cragnolin, Asheville, North Carolina. Media Relations in a Linear Park. Jim Ryan, Asheville, North Carolina. Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Using Highway Litigation Funds for Open Space Preservation. Gina McAfee, Englewood, California. Paddle Across America: Designing a National Water Trail. Robert A. Hendrickson, Pensacola, Florida. National Rivers Program: A Comparison of the U.S. National Wild and Scenic Rivers and the Canadian Heritage Rivers System. Robert A. Hendrickson and Denis L. Soden, Pensacola, Florida. Natural Environment Conservation Measures on Nikko-Utsunomiya Highway. Tetsuzo Kozawa, Tokyo, Japan. The Role of the Professional in the Administration of Parkways, Greenways, and Riverways. Elizabeth H. Belcher and J. Douglas Wellman, Blacksburg, Virginia. Natchez Trace: Pathway to Parkway. Irene J. Corn well, Nashville Tennessee; James L. Bainbridge, Tupelo, Mississippi; Calvin Le Hew, Nashville, Tennessee. Implementing Olmsted's Vision for Massachusetts' Historic Landscape: A Forest Reservation (1889) and an Urban Park (1895) for the 21st Century. Anne Hoover Henderson, Boston, Massachusetts. The Urban Park of Oporto, Portugal. Lynn E. Miller, University Park, Pennsylvania and Sidonio C. Pardal, Lisbon, Portugal. Landscaping: A National Treasure. Bob Hope, Asheville, North Carolina. Highway Beautification by Using Native Plants. Edward Ingle, Asheville, North Carolina. �Appendix Greenways for America. Keith G. Hay, Vienna, Virginia. Parks for People: Revitalizing Historic Corridors. Kathleen A. Blaha, Tallahassee, Florida. Attitudes of Riparian Landowners Toward a State River Conservation System. Wayne E. Williams, Boone, North Carolina. The Legal Basis for Public Evaluations of Landscape Aesthetics in River Corridor Research. Richard E. Chenoweth, Madison, Wisconsin. EXPLORE and the Roanoke River Parkway: A Model for Environmental Preservation. H.B. Ewert, Roanoke, Virginia. Changing Human Values and Meeting the Demand for Parkways, Greenways, and Waterways: A Social Science Perspective. Denis L. Soden, Pensacola, Florida. An Urban Parkway System: Philadelphia's East and West River Drives and the Benjamin Franklin Parkway. Michael P. Nairn, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Phenomenon of Preserves Concentrated in the Ozarks. Robert Flanders and Robert Gilmore, Springfield, Missouri. Wild and Scenic River Study Report and Draft: Environmental Impact Statement on 13 Rivers in the Ozark National Forest. Lauren M. Kindred, Russellville, Arkansas. Can an Unwanted Future Freeway Find New Life As A Parkway? Patricia B. Willard, Silver Spring, Maryland. Protection of Natural Environment Provided by Penal Law in Poland. Katarzyna Moskwa, Poznan, Poland. 303 Developing Design Elements for Scenic Byways. Lester A. Hoel and Bradbury Purinton, Charlottesville, Virginia. National Forest Service Byways. Bob Ross, Washington, District of Columbia. A Comparative Study of Day Hikers at Great Smoky Mountains National Park and Blue Ridge Parkway. Delmar W. Bachert and Wayne E. Williams, Boone, North Carolina. Greenways and Growth Management: Concepts and Implementation Strategies for the Development of an Integrated Open Space and Recreation System in a Rapidly Urbanizing Region. Paul M. Rockwood, San Diego, California and Toni Seymour, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Listening to the People: A Way to the Way More Beautiful. Grant R. Jones and Steve Durrant, Seattle, Washington. Computer Aided Design of Bikeways. Boudewijn Bach, Delft, Netherlands. Economic Development: The Glue that Binds the Community Agencies Together in Order to Develop the Chain of Lakes. Dan McDonald, Cedar Falls, Iowa. Grassroots Protection of River and Trail Corridors: A Discussion from Experience. Chris Brown, Washington, District of Columbia; Barry Beasley, Columbia, South Carolina; Victor Yarnell, Wyomissing, Pennsylvania. Greenway User Characteristics and Attitudes: A Study of the McAlpine Greenway. Owen J. Furuseth, Charlotte, North Carolina. �304 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Law in the System of Environmental Protection in Poland: The Present and the Future. Leopold Moskwa, Poznan, Poland. A Geographic Analysis of Viewsheds Along Parkways, Greenways, and Riverways: A Universal Model. Arthur Rex, Boone, North Carolina. Pocket Parks and Grassroots Development. Peter Gregutt and Lee Reading, Asheville, North Carolina. Illinois Railbanking. Bob Thornberry, Springfield, Illinois. Battle Creek's Linear Park: Its Past, Present, and Future. Eric W. Lyons, Kalamazoo, Michigan. The Bay Circuit: 120 Miles of Parks, Trails, Waterways, and Scenic Roads in the New England Landscape. Susan Ziegles, Boston, Massachusetts. The Changing Context of Historic Urban Parks: An Analysis of Adaptive Reuse Techniques and Philosophies. R. Bruce Westbrook, Alexandria, Virginia. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Parkways, Greenways, Riverways: The Way More Beautiful Description An account of the resource <span>The Third Biennial Linear Parks Conference was held in Asheville, North Carolina, on September 19-22, 1989. Contributors to the proceedings are Woodward S. Bousquet; Anne Lusk; Jerry L. Rogers; Noel Grove; Boudewijn Bach; Grant Jones; Li Rusheng; Elizabeth K. Meyer; Richard L. Kent; Yasuo Bansho; Sara Amy Leach; William A. Mann; Paul M. Rookwood; Steven L. Cantor; Janit L. Potter; John W. Bright; Charles Birnbaum; Lois A. Brink and Ann Skarvedt; Eric W. Lyons; Stanton Jones; Paul E. Skidmore; Susanne Christian Sweek; Charles A. Fink; John A. Black; Hao Xu and Karl Schurr; Marnie Muller; Arthur Bender; James M. Wright; Lorah P. Hopkins; Elliott Gimble; James E. Fox; William L. Flournoy Jr.; Richard E. Chenowith; Donald Armstrong and Charles Yuill; Kristina Reichenbach; William E. Shepherd; and Robert M. Searns.</span><br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1sOuLg0zJ_-xWUx-j3yGW1KmdslNwdh8M/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642086/parkways-greenways-riverways/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Parkways--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Greenways--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Park districts--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. Proceedings of the Third Biennial International Linear Parks Conference 1989 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Conference proceedings Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4453066/asheville.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/922ba3e8e8aec42939c1105a09f0a3f5.pdf 95a985c6c6087f64858cc6c0272bad7b PDF Text Text �Parkways: Past, Present, and Future �The Appalachian Consortium The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit educational organization comprised of institutions and agencies located in the Southern Highlands. Our members are volunteers who plan and execute projects which serve 156 mountain counties in seven states. Among our goals are: • Preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia • Protecting the mountain environment • Improving the educational opportunities for area students and teachers • Conducting scientific, social, and economic research • • Promoting a positive image of Appalachia Encouraging regional cooperation The Member Institutions of the Appalachian Consortium are: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Gardner-Webb College Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association John C. Campbell Folk School Lees-McRae College Mayland Community College Mountain Regional Library North Carolina Division of Archives and History Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild U. S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Society �Parkways: Past, Present, and Future Proceedings of the Second Biennial Linear Parks Conference 1987 Appalachian Consortium Press Boone, North Carolina 28608 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1987 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4202-4 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4205-5 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Table of Contents The Blue Ridge Parkway: Eight Visions Introduction Gilbert W. Leebrick xi Barry Buxton I. KEYNOTE ADDRESSES Welcoming Remarks ix 1 2 Douglas Cruickshanksjr. Blue Ridge Parkway: Sensitivity, Vision, and Design Gary Everhardt EXPLORE: An American Adventure H.B. Ewert 2 3 The American Society of Landscape Architects' View of Parkways John B. Slater ... 5 Heritage Highways in Canada's National Parks Harrold Eidsvik H. DESIGN AND PLANNING 6 11 Urban Environments and the Mississippi River Corridor Parkway: A Design Critique Robert T. Mooney 12 Developing the Arroyo Concept for Tucson's First Urban Parkway Walter Rogers . . . 23 Parkway Design 33 Gary Klinedinst The Skyline Drive: A Western Park Road in the East Sarah Georgia Harrison 38 The Banff Highway: Pleasing the Park Bruce F. Leeson 48 The Columbia River Shoreline—Highway or Parkway? Sally Schauman and Mary Jorgensen 52 The Roanoke Parkway, Greenway, and River Road Curtis A. Miller 58 William G.E. Blair and The Development of the Geometric Design of Parkways Frank B. Burggraf 68 The Mississippi River National Parkway Lynn Miller 76 The Roanoke River Reclamation Project: Site Specific Planning for a Linear District DavidHill 81 Wilson's Creek National Battlefield Tour Road Allan B. Cooksey and Peter A. Oppermann 92 �. HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES 99 Appalachian Heroes as an Indicator of Appalachian Space: Changes in the Meaning of Appalachian Space and Time, 1858-1985 David P. Hill 100 The Impact of Parkways on Development in Westchester Co., New York City and the Metropolitan New York Region Domenico Annese 117 The Parkway in New York City Ethan Can 121 From Carriageway to Parkway: Evolution of the George Washington Memorial Parkway Bacil Warren 128 Urban Parkways in Madison and Dane County, Wisconsin, 1893-1987: A Midwestern Case Study Paul Skidmore and Arnold Alanen Origins of the Baltimore-Washington Parkway: "Connecting the Great City of Baltimore with the Federal Capital" Jere L. Krakow 147 Congress and the Development of the Natchez Trace Parkway, 1834-1946 Philip A. Grant IV. ENVIRONMENTAL AND ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVES 163 An Economic Framework of the Blue Ridge Parkway Area Paul E. Lovingood, Jr. and Lisle S. Mitchell 164 Enhancing the Parkway Experience Through Side Trips to North Carolina State Parks William W. Davis and Margaret F. Plemmons 179 A Deeper Understanding of the Landscape Awaits Interpretation by the Traveling Parkway Visitor J.DanPittillo 188 Preserving and Protecting the Parkways of Washington, D.C. and Lou A. DeLorme, IV 193 Steven Elkinton New Roles for Urban Parkways George C. Hemmens 201 Hillbilly Sold Here: Appalachian Folk Culture and Parkway Tourism Jean Haskell Speer 212 Area Development Effects on the Colonial Parkway, Colonial National Historical Park, Virginia Peter Baril 220 The Need for a National System of Scenic Highways 225 Edward McMahon �V. MANAGEMENT 229 Accident Analysis as a Decision Tool in Rehabilitating Park Roads RichardG. Wasill 230 The Art and Craft of Managing a National Parkway Granville Liles 237 Development of a Comprehensive Reconnaissance Survey Methodology Based on an Evaluation of the Roanoke River Parkway Survey Gary W. Johnson and M. Wayne Colebank 246 Development of a Management Information System for the Blue Ridge Parkway Benjamin Johnson and William Shepherd 256 A Basic Approach to Classification of Natural Resource Information for the Blue Ridge Parkway William E. Shepherd and Benjamin C. Johnson 260 Line Creek Parkway Corridor Study Allan B. Cooksey and Peter A. Oppermann ... 267 Perceptions and Attitudes of Parkway Rangers Regarding Law Enforcement and Natural Resource Management: Multiple Duties as Sources of Conflict Worth H. Hester, Dennis L. Soden, and Robert J. Meadows 277 Initial New River Parkway Study: Citizen Involvement Plan and Joseph T. Manzo 283 C. Allen Beatty The Blue Ridge Parkway: Can It Survive as a Park Without a Science-Research Program? GarrettA. Smathers 300 The Blue Ridge Parkway Study: Landscape Management; History, Classification, Simulation, and Evaluation Richard C. Smardon, James F. Palmer, andJimothyR. Day 306 Alternatives to Land Acquisition for Parkway Development: The Conservation Easement Option Dennis L. Soden 324 The Problem of Regulating Development in the N.C. Mountains Along the Blue Ridge Parkway William G. Smith 329 �This page intentionally left blank �IX The Blue Ridge Parkway: Eight Visions A photographic exhibition entitled "The Blue Ridge Parkway: Eight Visions" was created specifically for the 1987 conference "Parkways: Past, Present, and Future," whose proceedings are published herein. The Appalachian Environmental Arts Center, a program of the University of North Carolina at the Highlands Biological Station, organized and curated the exhibition. Eight regionally and nationally known photographic artists were invited to submit work concerning the theme "Personal Vision/The Blue Ridge Parkway." They were encouraged to keep a strong personal perspective of the area. Exhibiting artists were William Bake, Gil Leebrick, Jay Phyfer, Benjamin Porter, John Scarlata, Michael Schultz, Sam Wang, and Merry Moor Winnett. Each artist worked with the medium of photography, his or her own combinations and techniques, and his or her personal vision to reflect the diverse manner in which each of us sees the unique area of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Although space does not allow for all the photographs from the exhibit to be reproduced in this book, a very small sampling can be found on the pages dividing the text into sections (e.g. "Keynote Addresses," "Design and Planning," etc.), along with comments by or about the photographers. Gilbert W. Leebrick Associate Director Appalachian Environmental Arts Center �This page intentionally left blank �XI Introduction "Parkways: Past, Present, Future," is the second in a series of biennial conferences focusing on linear parks around the world. The first conference, held at Appalachian State University in 1985, examined the impact of the Blue Ridge Parkway as an agent of transition during the first fifty years. The resounding success of the first conference promoted a suggestion by participants that the conference format be expanded in future years to include an examination of parkways around the world. As devised by the conference steering committee, the stated purpose was to "examine the history of parkways, their conceptual foundations, current contributions as a part of our transportation system, and alternative roles they may play in our future." It was the hope of the steering committee that the conference would be truly interdisciplinary and attract broad representation. I think you will agree after reviewing the table of contents that the committee succeeded in meeting this objective. Presenters representing a wide variety of disciplines attended from Europe, Canada, Asia, and thirty of the lower forty-eight states. This second biennial conference represented a coordinated effort of several organizations which are interested in focusing international attention on the importance of linear parks. The two primary sponsors of the initial conference, the Appalachian Consortium and the Blue Ridge Parkway, were again instrumental in the Roanoke gathering. The River Foundation, leaders of Project EXPLORE on the Roanoke river in Virginia, joined the conference as the third major sponsor in 1987. As was the case with the 1985 gathering, a large portion of the success of "Parkways: Past, Present, Future," can be attributed to the support and involvement of the American Society of Landscape Architects. Parkways: Past. Present. Future features keynote addresses by Harrold Eidsvik on parkways in Canada's National Park System and by John B. Slater on the American Society of Landscape Architects'view of parkways. Also highlighting the conference were Gary Everhardt's presentation "Blue Ridge Parkway: Sensitivity, Vision, and Design" and H. Bern Ewert's discussion of the 5,000 acre river greenway and parkway in Roanoke, Virginia called EXPLORE. For the purpose of this proceedings, the remaining presentations have been divided into four broad categories: "Design and Planning," "Historical Perspectives," "Environmental and Economic Perspectives," and "Management." The first broad category, "Design and Planning," contains presentations which reflect the geographic variety which was evident throughout the entire conference. Parkways, or plans for parkways, in Mississippi, Arizona, Virginia, Canada, Washington, North Carolina, and Missouri are featured. The "Historical Perspectives" section includes a variety of papers but is strongly colored by analysis of eastern systems in New York and Washington. The theme expressed most often in the "Environmental and Economic Perspectives" section is the problem of encroachment and preserving the scenic landscape associated with parkways. Finally, the "Management" portion of these proceedings looks at such themes as visitor expectations, visual preferences, alternative information management systems, land acquisition, and citizen involvement. We invite you to join us in future linear park conferences. Through these biennial events we have established an important forum for the exchange of knowledge and information about parkways and have fostered a sense of "shared community" between practitioners from diverse cultural and professional backgrounds. We believe that those participating come away from the conferences with a renewed commitment to preserving the natural landscape around the world. Barry M. Buxton Conference Chairman �This page intentionally left blank �"ZERO DUSK" WILLIAM BAKE I. Keynote Addresses William Bake is no stranger to us or the Parkway. He has had much of his vision of this land published for all of us to enjoy. His images give us the sense of grandeur while retaining the magic of the Blue Ridge Parkway.—Gilbert W. Leebrick �2 Parkways Conference Proceedings Welcoming Remarks Douglas Cruickshanks, Jr., President, The River Foundation On behalf of The River Foundation, I would like to welcome you to PARKWAYS: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE. It is exciting for The Foundation to be a part of bringing together professionals from across this country and from around the world to see and experience one of the finest examples of parkways in the world, the Blue Ridge Parkway, and to stimulate thinking about the future role of parkways in transportation, conservation, history and the environment. As part of the program, you have an opportunity to learn more about The River Foundation's plans to create a 5,000 acre conservation area, including a Roanoke River Greenway and Parkway, and the EXPLORE Park. EXPLORE will be an American adventure, relating our past in a unique way. We look forward to sharing that with you. While you are here in the Roanoke Valley, I hope you will enjoy the scenic beauty which abounds. Now as we turn our attention to Parkways and the values they represent to us in protecting thalandsc&pe, I am reminded of old man McCaslin's remarks in William Faulkner's short story, *The Bear." To paraphrase if I may, from his conversation about the land, he said: We can never own the land, it is a gift. We are only its stewards and this stewardship demands that the land is preserved for those who follow us. Blue Ridge Parkway: Sensitivity, Vision, and Design Gary Everhardt, Superintendent, Blue Ridge Parkway This international conference provides a focus and an opportunity to share valuable information, and, in the process, promotes a camaraderie between all of us who support parkways. None of us exists as an island and meeting together like this not only facilitates the work of all of us, but also promotes a spirit of cooperation that benefits us all. I hope that in months and years to come we will continue to meet to exchange ideas and renew friendships. Some 54 years ago, a young (he was 25 at the time) landscape architect, Stanley Abbott, received the somewhat unenviable task of designing a parkway nearly 500 miles in length. As he himself said, "It is no simple matter to define irrevocably what a national parkway should be. We have no precedent, as far as I know of, in the world." But having precedent was not Abbott's only concern. The young man not only had to design the parkway, he had to do so by coordi- nating the efforts of a multitude of local state and federal agencies. And the terrain over which the parkway was to pass was certainly far from pristine, In some cases the land was clear cut; erosion was prevalent. The countryside was far from "unspoiled." Yet, Stan Abbott and his assistant, Edward Abbuehl, were not deterred. They were sensitive to the parkway landscape and saw potential that they translated into a vision. They followed this vision with admirable zeal. As Abbott saw it, the job meant "fitting the parkway into the mountains as if nature had put it there." He saw that like any work of art, "the Parkway must carry its justification throughout its entire composition," for in his words, "it can't have its dead areas, its neglected detail. All elements must compose as to please." The road itself was to be built "in a manner that equals the magnificence of the countryside." Structures were to be characterized by "simplicity and informality in order that they �/, Keynote Addresses—Ewert might harmonize with the natural environment." In his vision, the parkway was to be built so as to "reveal the charm and interest of the native American countryside." This obvious sensitivity took its physical expression in a design with distinct features. There would be generous buffer zones. Abbott reasoned that parkway vistas should reveal nothing offensive to the visitor "as far as the eye can see." This included eliminating road crossings and acquiring right-of-way of sufficient width to preclude billboards and strip development. The road, for the most part, would follow the crest of the Blue Ridge, although even here were constraints dictated by topography, by the various states and federal agencies involved, and by available funds. Now, more than a half-century later, we have inherited that farseeing vision from the past. It is as modern as the day it was conceived, even though we live in a world far different from that of the Depression years. In 1986, the Blue Ridge Parkway accommodated more than 21 million visits, a number that surely would have staggered its designers. Visitationhas steadily climbed at arate of about five per cent per year for the past decade. The end is nowhere in sight. Yet, we not only are able to accommodate that number, we are able to provide quality experiences. I suggest to you that this affection for the Parkway is the result of a combination of 3 several things: The natural beauty of the area, its cultural history and artifacts, and the sensitivity and the vision that led to the ultimate design, management and operation. Over the years, others have followed Abbott's pattern - Sam Weems, Jim Eden, Granville Liles, Joe Brown and many others. But, it is not enough to applaud the work of our predecessors; we must follow through. Our operations must reflect attention to detail and strict adherence to the highest standards. Our new facilities must be in keeping with the structures and design concepts that are, by now, well established. In this respect, we must strive not merely to "live up to" those who came before us, but to carry out the dream. And dreams, after all, are what capture the imagination and motivate us to do our best. On September 11,1987, we completed the final section of the Parkway. I can't help but think that our founders would be pleased with the product. Surely nothing could have gone more "lightly upon the land," could have been builtinmore harmony or with more consistency with the natural environment than the Linn Cove Viaduct, a structure on that final section. It is, in my opinion, not only a continuation of the high principles that were set years ago, but is, in fact, an outstanding example of those principles. While the technology that built the Viaduct is a product of the late 20th century, the concepts it embodies are as old as the parkway itself. EXPLORE: An American Adventure H. B. Ewert, EXPLORE Project Director It is a pleasure for me to join you today. It is an honor for our community to host, in this one room, such an outstanding collection of knowledge and interest in parkways. Those of us who live here share with you a deep devotion to the parkway concept—our own Blue Ridge Parkway stands for preservation, conservation, scenic beauty, and environmental protection. And, in the years ahead in our Roanoke Valley region, the parkway will have even greater significance. Our region is planning a bold and innovative project called "EXPLORE"—a multi-faceted undertaking that forever will enhance our beautiful and historic part of the Commonwealth. The Blue Ridge Parkway had a pan in the development of the EXPLORE concept, and the parkway will be an integral pan of the �4 completed project. Three years ago, as the City Manager of Roanoke, I was visited by Gary Everhardt, Superintendent of the Parkway. He reminded me that Roanoke is the largest urban area along the parkway path, and he was interested in the role the city would play in the parkway's upcoming fiftieth anniversary. At about the same time, I was visited by the board of our Mill Mountain Zoo, a local facility that has a direct spur off the parkway into Roanoke. The board was concerned that the zoo had too little space on the mountain for expansion. A third, but significant factor in my story is the situation and condition of the Roanoke Valley economy, whose growth rate is not as healthy as that of other regions in Virginia and neighboring states. These three factors became the impetus for EXPLORE. For me, they served to reinforce the realization that our natural beauty, environment, and rich heritage were value assets that deserved protection. Simultaneously, I recognized that in order to insure regional growth and vitality, to create and maintain employment for current and future generations, and to stimulate business growth and expansion, something big had to be done. Thus, the idea of EXPLORE. So, it is~only fitting that Explore and the Blue Ridge Parkway will be so closely linked. What is EXPLORE? It will be a five thousand acre conservation area and educationhistory project—a family destination that will combine four features into one: an American Indian Park showing authentic Indian heritage and culture, a Blue Ridge Town that replicates an eighteenth century pioneer village and tells of continental frontier expansion, an American Wilderness Park that features continental flora and fauna, and a 25-mile Roanoke River greenway with a scenic roadway, a bicycle path, and a ten-mile extension of the B lue Ridge Parkway into the Explore Park site. Explore will be a national historical zoological park that combines a "living museum" with lodging, restaurants, and a variety of visitor services. Expected to attract one million annual visitors from the Blue Ridge Parkway and Interstate 81, EXPLORE will be designed to create the equivalent of nineteen hundred full time and over Parkways Conference Proceedings twelve hundred indirect jobs, not to mention an additional two thousand construction jobs over our seven year construction period. It will provide a 16 million dollar payroll, while generating local tax revenues of 1.8 million dollars annually and state tax revenues of 2.2 million annually. The principal force behind the EXPLORE project is The River Foundation, a non-profit organization with a number of regional concerns and interests: promoting the scenic quality, initiating positive regional economic growth, providing an education of our rich heritage, preserving our natural beauty, protecting the Roanoke River corridor, and establishing closer connections with other existing resources that include the Blue Ridge Parkway, Smith Mountain Lake, and Virginia Tech. Here is how the Foundation's purposes will be accomplished through EXPLORE: • through a concerted, regional approach with local, state, and federal assistance in partnership with the private sector; • through expert planning and design, by the most qualified and experienced persons; • through a combination of funding sources that includes Commonwealth planning funds, in-kind land and water resources by the Town of Vinton, private contributions, federal funding this spring in the Highway Bill for the extension of the Blue Ridge Parkway to our site, and access funds from Roanoke County to initiate parkway funds from the state. Further funding is anticipated in the state's 1988 biennium budget that will be used for matching federal road funds, purchasing land for the state park, engineering, and flood control. As you can see, EXPLORE is designed to be a major part of the region's economic development. When combined with other regional efforts—airport expansion, a better connector to Blacksburg, flood control, a convention center, and our arts center expansion—EXPLORE will enable western Virginia to enjoy the benefits of �5 /. Keynote Addresses—Slater tourism as a clean, vital industry. Further, by creating this destination in the vicinity of the Blue Ridge Parkway and 1-81, western Virginia will enhance its position as the third part of a statewide triangle of tourism that also includes Tidewater and northern Virginia. Our region will benefit from EXPLORE—and all of Virginia will benefit from the visitors we direct to other destinations. EXPLORE will be a state park that is served by an extension of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Without a doubt, EXPLORE—like the parkway—will endure for years to come. Ours is an ambitious project. And it has its shareofrisk. But EXPLORE is no greater a risk than the experiences of the three hundred thousand Americans—roughly ten percent of our nation's population in the late 1700s—who flooded over and beyond these great Blue Ridge to the Cumberland Gap, pushing the nation's frontier ultimately across the continent. These pioneers are the symbol of our American spirit. The vision we have in western Virginia today is a legacy to their efforts. Thank you very much for being here, and for recognizing the importance to our Blue Ridge Mountains and its timeless parkway. The American Society of Landscape Architects' View of Parkways John B. Slater, Vice President, ASIA Thank you very much for the opportunity to be here with you today. The American Society of Landscape Architects (ASLA) is both pleased and proud to be supporting this most worthwhile conference on Parkways: Past, Present, Future. The title of my talk is "The American Society of Landscape Architects' View of Parkways." That's a rather formidable topic. I hope I'll be able to keep your attention. While researching background material for this talk I came across many references to the Westchester Parkway System and more specifically the Bronx River Parkway. This struck an interesting chord with me since part of my youth was spent within walking distance of the Bronx River Parkway. I can remember snow days when we would hike over to the ponds along the parkway to go ice skating and stopping to climb the rocks on the way back from the movies. They are fond memories for me and I sense the Bronx River Parkway taught me very early on that roads do not have to be a harsh intrusion in our environment. As Dr. Jolley mentioned earlier, "there is a way more beautiful." The message I would like to leave with you from the American Society of Landscape Archi- tects is one of Vision and Value, the theme of our Annual Meeting in Baltimore this year. Vision and value is another way of saying, "there is a way more beautiful" and it takes vision to think of ways more beautiful. Everyone tackles his own task based on his own perspective, training, education, and experience. Landscape architects are trained to constantly think in terms of the quality of life for the user. The user might might be walking through a site, driving into a park, or just sitting passively alongside a river. The important concerns deal with the means to make the experience as positive and pleasant as possible. I am reminded of the time an architect (a building architect and friend) and I had the opportunity to visit a site to research aparticular concept of office building. We were doing this because we would soon be working on a similar type project. Unable to debrief immediately we met three or four days later to review our observations Interestingly enough he was able to describe in the most minute detail features of the building. He could describe the structural system, the roof and parapet dimensions, the fenestration of the windows - all of the features of the building. On the other hand his memory �6 of the "site" conditions was extremely vague. He could not tell me the things that were of interest to me, the site features I had noticed: How was access to the site handled? What was the orientation of the parking? How and where did they deal with the dumpster? How was the entry area of the building handled? Two simple conclusions. One is that you observe better those things you are instinctively interested in, and two is that if you spend your time day in and day out solving a particular sort of problem then the odds are when you have an opportunity to see something you've not seen before your observations relate back to your day to day experiences. Landscape architects spend their days analyzing and designing sites constantly thinking of how to move the user from an arrival point through the site to his intended destination or use. We spend our time trying to choreograph the sequence of events and the "set design" to create a "way more beautiful." We design the "hole in the donut." Outdoor spaces or outdoor rooms replace "set design" and the donut might be many flavors. The space may be enclosed by trees and shrubs or by building walls or some other site elements. It takes Vision to create Value. "Quality of life" is a popular phrase these days but it really translates into increased value for the site or the user. Stanley Abbott had the Vision to design a beautiful parkway. It was his concern that the Value of the park, The Blue Ridge Mountains, and the driving experience be enhanced. Parkways Conference Proceedings Olmsted had the Vision when he set out to work with the land to design parks and public institutions all over this fine country of ours. He has added immense value for a countless number of cities and people. In Maryland the ASLA is currently working on a C.A.T. (Community Assistance Team) to raise the public awareness of the Olmsted Brothers' Vision for Baltimore - that is a series of wide green boulevards and parkways to connect the people with the parks and institutions throughout the city. Seventy-three years ago in Baltimore the Olmsted Brothers were in the business of creating value by enhancing outdoor spaces. I can imagine they were forced many times to argue against their client obtaining a couple more building lots and having to convince the client to spend a little more money to create a quality environment. We all need to spend more time being concerned with our quality of life, with the quality of our environment. There is too much visual pollution, we have too many "Route Ones" with cluttered signage, messy looking intersections, and huge expansive uninterrupted parking lots. Too often we all become numb and complacent when it comes to our surroundings. Landscape architects care about the quality of our environment and we need your help and expertise so we can work hand in hand to make this planet a better place to live. Thank you. Heritage Highways in Canada's National Parks Han old Eidsvik, Senior Policy Advisor, Chairman lUCN-Commission on National Parks & Protected Areas, Environment Canada-Parks, Les Terrasses de la Chaudiere, Ottawa I welcome the opportunity to participate in this important conference. For you, it is a time of real celebration! The final chapter in the development of a pioneering concept in heritage preservation, the Blue Ridge Parkway, is now written: the completion of this innovative, inti- mate, scenic motor route along the mountain crests of Eastern America. We, in Canada, share the spirit of celebrating heritage. Two years ago Canadians toasted the first hundred years of our National Parks System. That birthday party made Canadians �/. Keynote Addresses—Eidsvik focus closely upon the rich natural legacy we hold in trust for ourselves and the rest of the world. Our centennial events made all of us appreciate our natural park lands in a deeper, more complete fashion. This evening, I would like to first introduce you to Canada's National Parks, and secondly share with you some of the special places found along our parkways. Canada has, along with the United States, one of the largest National Park Systems in the world yet it makes up only 1.8% of our country's land mass. Environment Canada-Parks, the agency which administers our 34 National Parks, also has responsibility over more than 60 national historic parks and sites, and 9 canals. There are National Parks in all 10 provinces, and both territories; from Newfoundland on Canada's east coast to the western coast of Vancouver Island and now, westward still to the brooding magnificence of the Queen Charlotte Islands. From Canada's most southerly land form, Point Pelee on Lake Erie, to the northern vastness of Auyuittuq, Northern Yukon and, as of last year, Ellesmere Island National Park Reserve, an arctic wilderness on the very roof of our country —all across our wide and varied land—National Parks beckon the visitor: Wood Buffalo, Canada's largest National Park and the second largest in the world; Riding Mountain; The Bruce Peninsula, in Ontario, Canada's newest National Park and our first National Marine Component; farther east, on the tip of the rugged Gasp6 Peninsula is the Forillon National Park Highland Peninsula which punctuates the Gulf of the St. Lawrence; and Kejimkujik, a prime example of Nova Scotia's quiet interior and a canoeist's heaven flavored with legends of early Indians. It all began in Banff in 1885 with 10 square miles of national landscape dedicated to public benefit and education. Today Banff boasts 2,564 square miles of mountains, lakes, glaciers and valleys. Overwhelming land forms in the Icefields Parkway stretching north to neighboring Jasper National Park are linked by the most spectacular parkways in our entire parks system and indeed, one of the most breathtaking on the entire continent. 7 Just as our two countries are distinct, so are our parkways. The Blue Ridge, like the Natchez Trace, is a distinct unit of the U. S. Park Service. Environment Canada - Parks has no such specific designation for parkways. Our parkways are strictly access routes within established National Parks. Canada's parkways vary greatly in nature and length. In Cape Breton Highlands National Park on our Atlantic Coast, the Cabot Trail skirts 85 miles of rocky coastline and uplands, offering the visitor a true highland adventure. Because parts of the Cabot Trail lie outside the Park, visitors can experience the neighboring region and communities as well as park features. In fact many Cabot Trail travellers fail to distinguish the park territory from its surrounding setting. In Cape Breton the visitor's environmental experience does not end at the park boundary. Within the Park the visitor can sample all major park environments from the parkway, including two different coastlines, the only boreal forest in Nova Scotia, maple-filled valleys, and historical structures such as the Lone Shieling, a reconstructed Crofter's House modelled after those in the Scottish Highlands. Bus touring has grown in popularity and our Park interpreters have developed a successful self-guiding audio tape, so that bus tour groups can interpret the parkway features for themselves. Brushing against the international boundary in the middle of the St. Lawrence River lies St. Lawrence Islands National Park served by the provincially owned Thousand Islands Parkway. Although not administered by Environment Canada, this parkway provides ready visitor access to our resources as well as to a host of heritage destinations along the river. At one time, during the war of 1812, this was a real zone of tension between our two nations. Now it is a heritage corridor managed by a series of cooperating agencies; a tourist haven for Americans, Canadians and visitors from abroad. The province of Quebec boasts three Canadian National Parks. La Mauricie National Park between Montreal and Quebec City, a ten hour drive north of New York City, represents the definitive Canadian woodland �8 Parkways Conference Proceedings Top: Fig. 1. National Parks of Canada. Bottom: Fig. 2. Banff-Jasper (Photo: Environment Canada-Parks, photo by T. Grant.) Highway. �/. Keynote Addresses—Eidsvik landscape. Before park establishment, hunting and fishing clubs controlled access and use in this area. A modem parkway, following a ushaped corridor, provides access to numerous visitor activity areas within the park, including picnic sites, hiking and walking trails, scenic lookouts, canoe portages, and such Laurentian landscape features as meandering lakes. Thousands of miles west near Edmonton in Central Alberta, the parkway of Elk Island National Park invites visitors to examine this prairie environment on an intimate scale. This route provides direct access to park trails exploring lakeshores, marshlands, upland forests and open meadows. The design of the Elk Island Parkway encourages vehicle users to look closely at the park's heritage features as they slowly traverse this motor "nature trail." Certain of our parks have parkways which do not lie lightly on the land, and do nothelp the visitor relate to park resources. Some of these roads date from a time when landscape planning didnothaveahigh priority in design. Such is the case with Kejimkujik National Park in southwestern Nova Scotia. Here park managers have turned a design liability into a visitor attraction. Time, care and the green goodness of wild plants have healed the over-designed, wide shoulders, and the road surface now attracts increasing numbers of parkway cyclists. The parkway leads visitors to lakeland and wilderness canoe launching points, interpretation trails, a viewing tower, campgrounds and beaches. National Parks have successfully recycled some older roadways into attractive parkways. Such is the case in Waterton Lakes National Park, the Canadian component of WatertonGlacier International Peace Park. Here the Akimina and Red Rock Canyon Parkways traverse prehistoric migratory routes. Made available to the visitor are on-site exhibits, picnic areas, trailheads to mountain valleys and alpine lakes. When parks professionals consider parkway planning and design they realize the important legacy the Blue Ridge Parkway has established for all of us. I have seen few parkways which match its standard of excel- 9 lence. This splendid roadway displays a melding of landscape architecture and engineering that, above all, respects the landscape through which it passes. It is an uncommon access system; one that beckons and calms the visitor and provides a series of varied, personal interpretive opportunities; a true Appalachian mountain high! Back home in Canada's national capitol, Ottawa, where I live, we enjoy a roadway inspired by the concept of the Blue Ridge Parkway. The Gatineau Parkway provides motorized access to the park of the same name, a park perched on the very doorstep of Canada's fourth largest metropolitan area. Although administered by a sister agency of Environment -Canada Parks, namely the National Capitol Commission, Gatineau Park fills the same regional niche as Maryland's Catoctin Mountain Park does for your national capitol (Washington and region). In our two countries, efforts of enlightened engineers, landscape architects, interpreters and planners have built an enduring legacy. Canadians have learned much from your successes at the Blue Ridge and other parkways and applied them to our northern part of North America. Our experience with parkways shows that two factors are of critical importance to the visitor. One is the way we greet visitors, and the other is the manner in which we orient and present the visitor to the heritage features en route. Two visitor sub-systems are critical to success. One is signage; the other relates to visitor reception facilities. We are a country with two official languages and many international visitors. We have adopted the international signage system throughout our national parks. Other park systems have copied our success. Some international symbols tend to confuse - i.e., the symbol "E" for exhibit is not understoodbymanyparkvisitors. Weareinthe process of revising our prize wiiming sign manual. Visitor reception centers have become more important with the increasing trend in group touring. We are proud of some visitor reception centers, like the one at the Cheticamp Entrance to Cape Breton Highlands National Park in �10 Nova Scotia. Not all sitings of visitor reception centers have been successful. We can share with you some of our experience through evaluations which we have made of them. We have found the most successful siting criteria for visitor reception centers are similar to siting criteria for gas stations on roadways outside of parks; yet we have a tendency to want to hide our V. R. C.'s and conceal our message. The current reality in Canada is that the public must increasingly pay for public amenities. Since 1984 we have increased total revenues collected by Environment Canada - Parks by about fifty percent in an attempt to reduce the shortfall between costs and revenues. Many revenues are collected through entrance fees to national parks. Because some park roadways provide linkages in transcontinental corridors, there are real problems in collecting revenues to cover costs of operations which are borne by Parkways Conference Proceedings national parks; yet rising road maintenance costs and particularly winter snow clearing costs are ever increasing cost components of national park operations. We are in the process of finding sources of revenue to offset these costs. There are many more challenges associated with the management of parkways and I am certain they will be thoroughly aired and expertly discussed through this invigorating forum. At this time I wish to express sincere thanks for this opportunity to share with you some examples of what we have learned and adapted, and to express my appreciation for including me in the deliberations of this remarkable conference. May I close with a warm welcome to you, to explore our heritage areas and discover the best of our geography along the parkways of Canada's National Parks. �MICHAEL SHULTZ II. Design and Planning Michael Shultz, a self-educated photographer living in North Carolina, says, "I think most people -who have taken time along the Parkway realize it is a door into a special geographical area." �12 Parkways Conference Proceedings Urban Environments and the Mississippi River Corridor Parkway: A Design Critique Professor Robert T. Mooney, AIA, School of Architecture, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign INTRODUCTION The Mississippi River is the mainstream of America. As it winds its way from near the northern border of the United States to the Gulf of Mexico, it is numbered among the great rivers of the world. In its magnificent journey to the sea, it offers the possibility for a dynamic studio without walls for the investigation of parkway design in the urban context the length of the river corridor. Within this framework, and from an architect's perceptions of the Mississippi River corridor, this paper will examine and investigate a number of major metropolitan areas and parkway advocacy as related to urban design-water environment interface. Urban design theory and parkway development often experience extreme tensions in major metropolitan areas. Numbered among generators of those tensions are forces such as acquisition of easementsfor land transportation systems, sight line loss, outdated zoning, industrial blight, inappropriate architectural density, insensitivity to vertical scale, flood control dynamics, lack of provision for pedestrian and public spaces, the absence of long range planning and the deadliest villain of all, disinterested municipal governments. Those same tensions affect design decisions, directly impact the quality of the natural environment of the waterway and, as a result, virtually ignore the idea of the grand potential of river edge parkways in urban settings. Minneapolis, Minnesota; Dubuque, Iowa; St. Louis, Missouri; Memphis, Tennessee; Baton Rouge, Louisiana; and New Orleans, Louisiana offer dynamic models for investigating the quality of the union of urban edge and river edge in major metropolitan sites. They represent the full spectrum of the good, the bad and the ugly. The environment of the metropolitan river edge the length of the river provides interesting contrasts and comparisons. Examination of those same con- trasts and comparisons illustrates a range of cause and effect relating to parkway design, from protracted demise to that of an ebullient renaissance. THE RIVER OVERVIEW In examining the idea of parkway from the position of an architectural designer, I view the term in the first instance in the context of the entire Mississippi River corridor, both urban and rural. Ideally, a parkway in that corridor might be one long, continuous, landscaped thoroughfare which could provide, by its design, interface with the river and its panoramas appropriate to both vehicles and pedestrians. From my viewpoint, the ideal and the reality are far apart despite the years of noble effort behind the so called "Great River Road," which is not a parkway, even though it should be a handsome boulevard of international acclaim, designed to recognize the sweeping grandeur of the Mississippi. With that in mind, and before I address urban parkways specifically, I would like to drop back in time for a moment to look at the Mississippi and its place in American history. I think this is very important, for the river has had a very important role in the development of the United States. The precedents which have emerged from that extremely complex role directly impact upon and are germane to our attitudes and philosophy concerning parkway development. RIVER HISTORY There is no place... no place on earth... quite like the Mississippi River. Indeed, there is no place among all of the nations of the world that so reflects in its historical image the personality of a nation, as the Mississippi River �//. Design and Planning—Mooney reflects the spirit of the richness of the freedom of America. As the river corridor and its broader valley became settled, the Mississippi, as a lineal site, became the anvil on which the tide of immigrants paused to test their values, to seek the fulfillment of the dream of their place in this new land, and to steel and merge their cultures. It was indeed their destiny to forge into the American way of life the real meaning of those sacred documents authored by the founding fathers which assured the profoundly free qualities of life, in these United States, which we cherish so highly. From the time of the earliest explorers traversing the American wilderness, waterways served first as glittering and swift pathways of discovery and later as meandering routes for networking, travel, commerce, and urban growth. Along their wooded and prairie banks, settlements formed among the grand vistas, representing a blending of diverse ethnic origins, cultures and social values. The shorelines of the Mississippi offered all along their length points of pause for arriving pioneers, and they served as well as the starting line to "tame the wild west." Its shifting moods were captured in the vibrance of the penetrating rhythm of the music associated with the river, the birth of the blues and dixieland. It was both in legend and in fact a rip-roaring place of explorers, wars, steamboats, cardsharps, river rats, Indians, lumber barons, plantation gentlemen, slaves, merchants, and among all of this, dramatic architectural statements. The Mississippi was the Grand Boulevard of the prairies and, by its majestic outreach across the land, that of the world as well. It was, and even seems to be today, the edge of the frontier. The fertile flood plains and soaring bluffs of the Mississippi provided splendid sites for the development of the built form and cultural expression of the midlands of America. Though its towns and cities encompassed diversity in function and style, it is important to understand that the river did not lend itself as a palette for grouping architectural styles nor, for that matter, appropriate urban design. Many forces such as political dynamics, cultural values, 13 shifts in the river channel, the great western migration, and time itself have, not by design, dictated a disarray of design thought along the length of the river. As the number of settlers and population density grew, as commerce increased, and as commitment to place became reconciled, the diversity in architectural and urban design and the significance of aesthetics, in a piece by piece way, took a higher place in the hierarchy of personal values. And in this whole process, what was virtually ignored was the development of appropriate urban pathways for vehicular traffic (and the railroads) which worked with the river. The importance of pedestrian access to the edge of the river in urban sites was ignored as well. THE GREAT RIVER ROAD •The Great River Road," the main vehicular pathway along the river, essentially follows the length of the river from Minnesota to Louisiana. At first glance, one might think that this is a carefully designed thoroughfare winding in and about the woodlands and soaring bluffs in the north and meandering with the great tide of the river as it spans the delta. A designed thoroughfare it is not, but k is rather a series of roads across the ten states contiguous to the river which have been diligently promoted under thatname through years of dedicated interest by the Mississippi River Parkway Commission. "The Great River Road" is not what its name might imply. Its 2000-mile length was not designed with the intent of land-river interface but rather the title of the road was applied to a series of connecting highways after the fact. The idea of "parkway" quite simply does not exist along the length of the river in either rural or urban contexts. It would appear that there is greater potential for parkway development in rural areas rather than urban areas along the Mississippi but the political dynamics of accomplishing a uniform design throughout the ten Mississippi River states are at best staggering. This is particularly true when faced with the spector of meshing ten separate state budgetary formats linked with necessary federal assistance. �14 THE URBAN-RIVER EDGE Historically, the romance associated with the river was, more often than not, associated with its towns and cities. They were once the ports of call for the steamboat trade of the nineteenth century, and today those major cities remain centers of business, industry and agriculture. The major urban areas such as Minneapolis, St. Louis, Memphis, Baton Rouge and New Orleans have grown helter-skelter beside the river and, with the exception of Minneapolis, have received little planning consideration until too late. A critical part of that planning was lack of recognition of appropriate vehicular and pedestrian access to and along the river in urban areas. If one examines archival photographs of major cities along the Mississippi it is quite easy to discern how they were initially visually open to the river. Then, with the passage of time that special kind of urban-river interface which should be so much a part of river towns began to vanish. Abandonment of this interface began in earnest following the end of the steamboat era. The aesthetic value and visual excitement of the river was simply no longer recognized. Lack of appropriate zoning and timid planning accelerated the demise. Political expediencies generally disdained association with the river as something of value and so the river was ignored. Movement of city vehicular traffic close by the river became a winding, tortuous experience and, more often than not, that movement came into direct visual conflict with warehouses and industrial walls lining the river's edge. The very idea of "park" for pedestrians and "lineal parks" or parkways for vehicles was somewhere out over the horizon in the zoning, design and planning process. Following World War n, shopping malls on the opposite side of towns from the river were in. The river was out. Indeed, the Mississippi river became passe, a sad commentary on one of the greatest waterways in the world which was, in the first instance, the very reason for the existence of its cities. In the decades following the 40's, vehicular traffic increased, the urban river became Parkways Conference Proceedings more and more hidden and road design in cities along the river, for the most part, failed to appropriately accommodate the visual excitement of the river. As I discussed early on, the cities of the Mississippi River corridor offer a number of models for the examination of parkway design. There is a range of success but more directly there is, by the very absence of urban parkways, a range of overwhelming problems which dictate the conditions which seem to insure and exacerbate the continuation of that absence. It is interesting that in parkway design there are no real common denominators along the river. The problems and the political and fiscal forces have similarities, but the physical problems are quite diversified. For example, Minneapolis is advanced in its parkway work while St. Louis faces a nearly insurmountable problem in parkway development. There are clear and basic reasons for this. There are other contrasts that fall in between and the difficulty varies from city to city. I perceive the need for parkways along the river to be for both vehicles and pedestrians whether the site be rural or urban. This thesis then holds the expectation of a powerful physical, indeed sensory and tactile, link between vehicular man and pedestrian man and the water. In other words I see urban-river-parkways as people places with a real shoreline-water connection. For a number of very real reasons and very real conditions that relationship may be virtually an unachievable reality in the built environment of the 20th century along the Mississippi River corridor. I believe that this is all tied to education, awareness and values. There are no easy answers and, of even more concern, there isn't a compelling movement toward public enlightenment in this regard. EXAMPLES OF URBAN PARKWAY POTENTIAL ON THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER, NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA In examining the cities of the river, a candid look behind the scenes quickly zeros in on the problems but does not necessarily offer quick solutions. For example, New Orleans is �//. Design and Planning—Mooney the oldest city of the river and is composed of 18 distinct districts. It is one of the major seaports in the world. Once the Mississippi River was its grand boulevard. The business of the city and indeed the nation was often conducted, literally, at the edge of the water. Now, an industrial wall of warehouses separates the river from the city (fig.l). The magnificent and delicate scale of the French Quarter has given way to high-rise hotels and office buildings. New Orleans has the potential for one of the most dynamic waterfronts along the river. Indeed, it is one of the busiest waterfronts in the world. But it offers pedestrians access only by the Moon Walk at Jackson Square, at the Spanish Plaza and at the Audubon Park. It does not provide visual accommodation with the river from passing automobiles nor for pedestrians who wish to immerse themselves in the sites, sounds and smells of the port activities as they stroll nearby the river. There is virtually no serious landscape design nor areas for relaxation and observation. New Orleans is tied up in the knots of political expediency and though it has, on paper, a highly structured planning organization, it lacks both the talent and vision for innovative parkway design. There is a well-entrenched "good old boy" syndrome at work that smacks of political intrigue which has little if any understanding of appropriate design. The slivers of urban-river interface which have been opened up have all too quickly become sites for hotels and shopping centers (fig.2). Traffic is congested and streets near the river are unappealing. It is impossible to draw the line between planning and design, and lack of planning and built chaos. Across the river from downtown New Orleans, historic Algiers languishes in slow deterioration. There is a wonderful opportunity here to develop a parkway on both sides which would play upon the magnificent elevations of the city. In this regard, New Orleans lacks visual conceptualization which captures the spirit of the river. The city has produced planning report after planning report full of statistics and land use information without utilizing those investigations to generate more productive use financially and more pleasing use aesthetically. There are physical barriers 15 which may be difficult to overcome, but given the correct design momentum and political support, they could be. Perhaps, for example, considerably fewer docks and warehouses should be opposite the city center. Certainly selective removal would offer a broad spectrum of possibilities for parkway design which would open the city to the river. New Orleans needs a touch of class, a statement of elegance along its river banks. Certainly a parkway, handsomely landscaped with places to drive, play, sit, and walk along the river, could be designed in harmony withvehicularmovement. It could be one of the most handsome parkways in America. The 1983 New Orleans Central Riverfront Study addressed this issue but the city has not come to grips with the problem. Lack of achievable priorities has left New Orleans wanting in just about all aspects of physical planning and design. The problem is massive, almost beyond comprehension, but nonetheless offers a magnificent and worthy challenge. A well designed parkway is probably the last thing that will happen in New Orleans. It is probably in the first order of magnitude in terms of what should happen. BATON ROUGE, LOUISIANA Moving up-river, Baton Rouge, the capitol of Louisiana, faces the same political problems as New Orleans but has begun to move on its city-river interface. A broad boulevard follows the shore of the river along the length of the city center but it has the visual image of a four lane street rather than a parkway. It lacks frequent and easy pedestrian access from downtown and automobile pullouts for viewing river activities. A master plan has been developed to enhance the several city districts but little has been conceptualized in the way of designing Route 61 along the river as a parkway (fig.3). The city is moving to bring more pedestrian activities to the edge of the river with museums and shopping. Louisiana has recently faced tremendous financial problems and it is unlikely that parkway development is very high among state priorities. However, with the strong city movement to interface with the river, park- �16 Parkways Conference Proceedings Top: Fig.l. New Orleans, Louisiana, Docks at the City Center. Bottom: Fig. 2. New Orleans, Louisiana, Overview. �17 //. Design and Planning—Mooney Fig. 3. Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Urban Design Issues. way development in Baton Rouge is an achievable reality. Though Route 61 is a bland statement, examination of its lineal site indicates tremendous potential for a landscaped greenbelt which could bring the city center and the river together. The Baton Rouge Study for the year 2000 certainly supports this thesis and the ease of potential development is greater than that of New Orleans, Memphis or St. Louis. MEMPHIS, TENNESSEE The development of a parkway for Memphis, Tennessee, poses an extremely interesting problem. The city of Memphis is located high on a bluff overlooking the river. Access to the city from the west is via two interstate bridges (1-55 and WO), which cross the Mississippi just north of and just south of the central business district. This introduces the mainstream of vehicular traffic into the city at right angles to the river and well into the city rather than at the edge of the Mississippi. Thus, traffic in Memphis parallel to the river tends to be more local. Memphis has a parkway of sorts below the bluffs of the city, separating the city from Mud Island which should be the focus for Memphis on the river with its excellent museum and pedestrian activities. The Memphis River Road is not really a parkway in the meandering sense or in an aesthetically designed sense for it injects vehicles too quickly on and exits them too quickly off and the traffic is excessively fast. Memphis is in an awkward situation for parkway development because of the close position of its two interstate bridges (1-55 and I40). The west elevation of the city is not particularly long and the travel time element on �18 Parkways Conference Proceedings Fig. 4. Memphis, Tennessee, River Overview. �//. Design and Planning—Mooney the existing River Drive is not conducive to casual viewing of the river (fig.4). A planned development spine of the city to the north and south and a more meandering design of the parkway with pedestrian access to the river is a reasonable expectation. There has been intense reliance on Mud Island for pedestrian use but access is too forced (through monorail) for casual use. Mud Island is one of the most important but most overlooked city attractions along the length of the Mississippi, and Mud Island as a design element could be nicely integrated into the parkway concept. A more relaxed parkway belowthe bluffs with the parks meandering up the bluffs to the city and incorporating Mud Island offers exciting possibilities. Memphis suffers from lack of conceptualizing. It has lost the vigor of its central business district and has somehow lost the dream of vitality. The time is ripe for strategic development of a city plan within strong physical planning as opposed to a socio-political planning framework. Landscape architecture is a lost art along the river at Memphis just as it is in all the major cities except Minneapolis. Memphis is prime for enhancement, and a redesigned parkway at the edge of the river or a totally new parkway on the bluffs linked to the river could be the catalyst that the city needs. Memphis needs a bold plan in the spirit of Daniel Burnham. It is important for the city to preserve its historic architecture near the river. However, it is also important that Memphis move, at the same time, into a very positive physical design effort and to plan for, and to zone for, the idea of a well designed parkway now, or it will never become a reality. ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI St. Louis is the "Gateway to the West" and it seems that it should also be regarded as the gateway to the north and the south along the river. St. Louis is in perhaps the most difficult position for the development of a well designed parkway because it has zoned itself in above and below the Arch andLaCledes Landing with an industrial wall. In so many ways St. Louis has been a visionary city in its planning but its 19 city-river interface has been saved only by the Jefferson National Expansion Memorial (fig. 5). The idea of parkway along the river in St. Louis is in the magnitudeof the problem inNew Orleans. There is no simple solution and I am not at all sure that there is even a complex solution. The 1967 Saint Louis Riverfront Development Plan certainly acknowledges the problem but the reality of successfully addressing it seems light years away. The wholesale and historic lack of planning and visionary zoning along the river has allowed the St. Louis riverfront to become an industrial wasteland with aesthetic and environmental ramifications which are at once local, regional and national (fig.6). Perhaps the most expedient solution and one which would certainly showcase the image of the city is to develop the St. Louis parkway on the Illinois side of the river. MINNEAPOLIS, MINNESOTA Of all the cities along the river, the most elegant in its design and indeed in its philosophy of design as relating its whole metro area to the river, is Minneapolis (fig.7). The city of Minneapolis enjoys a highly structured and professional planning department which generates the best combination of physical and social planning. This is of the first order of importance in the process of successfully uniting the images of city and river. It has vitally active legislative interest at the city government level and serious involvement in the planning process by the city community. Since its beginning in the middle of the nineteenth century, Minneapoli^ has been sensitive to the river and its place in the city landscape and urban circulation. Its West River Parkway study done in 1985 is a model of analysis of city functions along the river including parks, recreational facilities, pedestrian movement, adaptive reuse of historic districts and vehicular circulation (fig.8). It is planned that the West River Parkway be all-weather and that is be a part of the Great River Road System. It includes new land acquisition in its plan and it also merges with the Minneapolis Park System in its design. The design of the parkway stresses protection of the �20 Parkways Conference Proceedings Top: Fig. 5. St. Louis, Missouri, at the Arch. Bottom: Fig. 6. St. Louis, Missouri, Industrial Wall. �//. Design and Planning—Mooney Fig. 7. Minneapolis, Minnesota, River Overview. 21 �Parkways Conference Proceedings 22 Fig. 8. Minneapolis, Minnesota, Riverfront. natural environment of the river while at the same time handsomely provides for parkwayriver interface. Minneapolis is the role model city for parkway design in major urban areas along the length of the river. It has decades of experience and success. The primary ingredient for that success is community sensitivity to good design, community value of the natural environment, and strong and positive design structure in the administration and governance of the city. CONCLUSION With the exception of Minneapolis and more recently St. Paul, the cities of the Mississippi River corridor face an uphill battle in recognizing the importance of implementing design sensitivity in parkway planning. It would be delightful if the Great River Road could be a two thousand mile green belt from the lakes of Minnesota to the Gulf of Mexico incorporating both its urban and rural environments. The "Great River Road" is a magnificent idea. It is a proper direction and it is the only game in town. Though this paper addresses urban parkways, urban and rural parkways should not be considered separately. They need to become a unified whole. But the name of the road is not enough. It needs national "pride of place." That "pride of place" can be realized through a national effort to return to the Mississippi River the dignity of its natural environment and to enrich the lives of the people of the river through design excellence in the relationship between the urban and rural environments and the river. It will require at the urban scale specific interest in learning about and utilizing the role model of Minneapolis. At the scale of the full corridor, it will require the complete and total commitment of the ten contiguous states and the resources of the federal government. It is a concept of national worthiness. It holds the challenge of an American renaissance and an American achievement. �//. Design and Planning—Rogers BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA: a. Algres Riverfront Study 1985. the City Planning Commission, New Orleans, Louisiana. b. The City of New Orleans Development Guidebook 1981. The City Planning Commission, New Orleans, Louisiana. c. Annual Report 1984-1985, Edition 62. The City Planning Commission, New Orleans, Louisiana. d. New Orleans Historic Warehouse District Study. Charles Coplinger Planners, New Orleans, Louisiana. e. Urban Design Review Inventory 1980. The City Planning Commission, New Orleans, Louisiana. 2. BATON ROUGE, LOUISIANA: a. Baton Rouge 2000. An Economic Development Program for the Central Business District Office of the MayorPresident, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. 3. MEMPHIS, TENNESSEE: a. Memphis Riverfront Study 1987. Memphis and Shelby County Office of Planning and Development, Memphis, Tennessee. b. Memphis 2QQQ Policy Plan 1981. Mem- 23 phis and Shelby County Office of Planning and Development, Memphis, Tennessee. c. Memphis 2000. Annual Report 1983. Memphis and Shelby County Office of Planning and Development, Memphis, Tennessee. d. Riverfront Railroad Alternatives Analysis and Feasibility Study 1984. Memphis State University Transportation Studies Institute, Memphis, Tennessee. 4. ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: a. St. Louis Riverfront Development Plan 1967. City Planning Commission of St. Louis, St. Louis, Missouri. 5. MINNEAPOLIS, MINNESOTA: a. West River Parkway Final Location/ Design Report 1985. Minneapolis Park and Recreation Board. b. West River Parkway Engineering Feasibility Technical Report. Minneapolis Park and Recreation Board. c. West River Parkway Final Scoping Report. Minneapolis Park and Recreation Board. d. Minneapolis Metro Center Plan 1990. City of Minneapolis Planning Department. Developing the Arroyo Concept for l\icson's First Urban Parkway Walter E. Rogers, ASIA, APA THE CHALLENGE One: Design a 5-mile urban parkway through the heart of Tucson, Arizona—a growing sunbelt city with a hot arid climate and 12 inches of rainfall a year. A serious problem of ground water depletion has caused public awareness of the need for water conservation and for significant limitations on plant species that require excessive amounts of irrigation Using turf, extensive ground cover, or trees and shrubs that are high water consumers is strictly out of trie question. Visualizing a verdant parkway like those found in areas of the country where annual rainfall naturally supports huge shade trees and lush grasses is also not appropriate. Two: Design a 5-mile urban parkway through the heart of Tucson, Arizona—a city, �Parkways Conference Proceedings 24 with an anti-freeway public sentiment. The city's first proposed urban parkway, studied under a $ 1.2 million planning contract, was put to a public referendum vote in 1984 and soundly defeated. Neighborhood coalitions have grown strong and have used the public meeting requirements of local government to stall, change or stop roadway projects. Three: Design a 5-mile urban parkway through the heart of Tucson, Arizona—a western frontier city not known for outstanding visual quality of its built environment or the view from its roads. Until recently, the pressure of rapid development has resulted in a prioritization of only the basic public roadway improvements with very small budgets, if any, for visual quality and aesthetics such as sensitive landform grading and landscaping. Until recently, few requirements were put on developers to control signage, landscaping and the visual impact of chaotic development. Indeed, Tucson's notorious Speedway Boulevard often has been referred to as one of the ugliest streets in the country. BACKGROUND In the late 1970's it was clear that a long range transportation plan would be one of the measures needed to deal with the growth experienced in Tucson and eastern Pima County and the anticipated future population in excess of one million people by 2005. Population Statistics and Projections, Eastern Pima County1 1985 2005 Increase Population Estimated 1985-2005 Pima County City of Tucson Unincorporated Other Incorp. 624,347 1,062,792 377,546 504,207 235,132 532,210 11,669 26,375 438,445 126,661 297,078 14,706 One of the roadways recommended in the long range transportation plan was a controlled access parkway located along the glide path of the main runway at Davis Monthan Air Force Base—the Aviation Corridor. The route would connect Tucson's only interstate highway just north of the CBD to another major arterial providing for about 10 miles of unimpeded east-west traffic flow. (See Figure 1.) In February, 1981, the Mayor and Council of the City of Tucson authorized Phase I of the Aviation Corridor Study in which a "No Build Alternative" was compared to three improvement alternatives. In December, 1982, the Mayor and City Council adopted the transportation alternative which recommended a new parkway in the Aviation Corridor. This recommendation was approved by the Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT) and the Aviation Corridor was officially designated as State Route 210. The 1981 Regional Long Range Transportation Plan intended to serve transportation needs of the Tucson Metropolitan area through the year 2005. In addition to the Aviation Corridor, another key feature of this plan was a major east-west connector— the Rillito Corridor — also to be planned as a parkway. A strong coalition from the affluent neighborhoods in the foothills north of the proposed Rillito Parkway bitterly fought this highway. In spite of the plans, the Foothills Coalition argued that the highway would decrease property values, severely impact riparian habitat along the edge of the Rillito Wash, and be an intrusion in an area of high visual quality. They also did not trust the engineers and planners, not believing that adequate landscaping or park development would actually be provided for or that it would be properly funded for immediate implementation. The Rillito Parkway was defeated in a public referendum as mentioned above and was deleted from the Long Range Transportation Plan in 1985. Because of the significance of the Rillito Parkway in accommodating regional travel, a new long range transportation plan was authorized and completed in June of 1986. This new plan for the year 2005 accommodated the estimated travel demand for the Rillito Corridor in large part by upgrading and enlarging arterial roads throughout the metropolitan area. �//. Design and Planning—Rogers 25 Fig. 1. Location Map. The 1986 Long Range Transportation Plan also reaffirmed the Aviation Corridor, State Route 210, as a key component of satisfying travel needs. Planning for the Aviation Corridor included a Concept Design Phase from 1983 to May of 1985. Authorized by Mayor and Council, the plan was prepared by Finical and Dombrowski of Tucson in a joint venture with Barton-Aschman Associates, Inc. This plan set the preliminary engineering criteria for the parkway and included participation of citizens andneighborhood groups. Its main goal was to establish the City of Tuscon's general design criteria.2 In 1986, Parsons, Brinckerhoff, Quade & Douglas, Inc. (PBQD) were selected by the ADOT to manage the design process, prepare the engineering designs for the parkway, establish a definitive right-of-way, and manage the preparation of construction documents. PBQD hired Rogers, Gladwin & Harmony, Inc. (RGH) to serve as project landscape architects. PBQD's formidable task was to develop final plans that would be acceptable to the ADOT, the City of Tuscons's Transportation Department, and a long list of special interest groups including the AIA, downtown business groups, neighborhood associations, various environmental groups, even a group sponsoring revival of Tuscon's early twentieth century trolley cars. PBQD and the project's advocates did not want the Aviation Corridor to suffer the fate of the Rillito Corridor and they have taken careful measures to follow the qualitative planning and design criteria that had been established for the project. The input of RGH was essential to successful portrayal and design of the road as a parkway. THE SETTING By the year 2005, State Route 210, the 5mile Aviation Parkway, is planned to carry 40,000 to 50,000 vehicles per day. The con- �26 Parkways Conference Proceedings trolled access facility will slice through the heart of the City's incorporated area. The western 11/2 miles abuts the northern edge of the city's Central Business District (CBD) including a historic neighborhood and bisects a warehouse and light industrial district. The CBD has declined severely as a retail center since 1970 and has been evolving as a government, office and cultural center for the metropolitan area. The northern edge of the CBD has physically existed since the late 19th century due to the alignment of the Southern Pacific Railroad (SPRR) tracks. Therefore, the new parkway will not break up or bisect existing land use patterns in the CBD area. For the next mile, the parkway will travel through residential areas to the north and south of the right-of-way. These neighborhoods have developed differently and also have been separated by the SPRR tracks. Therefore, the integrity of the neighborhoods will not be greatly impacted. The eastern half of the parkway runs along the northern edge of a very large Southern Pacific Freight Yard. The parkway actually will buffer the freight yard from the residential areas to the north. The eastern 3 3/4 miles will include a continuous bike path. Screen walls will mitigate noise pollution and loss of privacy in all residential areas. The western section through the CBD area will have significant vertical elevation changes of up to thirty-five (35) feet necessitating extensive retaining walls, drainage structures and even a tunnel at one point under the SPRR tracks. The parkway development will be designed compatibly with the historical character of the El Presidio Historic District. An extensive site analysis an visual analysis was carried out by Rogers, Gladwin & Harmony, Inc. The goal of the visual analysis was to determine the extent that landscape treatment should occur to provide: 1. A parkway experience. 2. Mitigation of adverse visual effects of the project on adjacent land use. 3. Mitigation of adverse visual impacts on the parkway user. 4. Visibility of urban landmarks including the mountain ranges that enclose the City of Tucson on the north, east, west and south. 5. Aesthetic visual quality of the roadway structure, landscaping, and the view from the road. The visual analysis was based on "Visual Impact Assessment for Highway Projects", prepared as a field guide by the American Society of Landscape Architects (ASLA) for the Federal Highway Administration. (See Figure 2.) The most important conclusion of the visual analysis was that relative to other places in Tucson, the opportunities for interesting or beautiful views from this project are limited. The structural profile will be low, near, or below grade in most places, and opportunities for 360degree panoramic views will be limited to one overpass. This minimal opportunity for panoramic views led the landscape architects to their concept of creating a parkway with an introverted landscape character and a strong sense of place.3 THE ARROYO CONCEPT For as long as people have inhabited the hot dry desert region of Tucson, they have utilized the shady green landscape of the arroyo as a natural park. Even before human habitation of the region, arroyos were used as wildlife movement corridors. The arroyo is an intermittent stream known as a wash to locals. Water often occurs in flash floods during the summer thunderstorm season and may run for days at at time during winter rains and spring runoff periods. The rest of the time the arroyo features a sandy bottom and heavily wooded side slopes or flood plain. While there are many plants that make up the southwestern riparian plant community, the most ubiquitous and well known is the native mesquite, Prosopis velutina. The mesquite often looks like a large shrub when found in small arroyos at elevation of 4-5000 feet; however, �27 //. Design and Planning—Rogers Fig. 2. Visual Analysis Flow Chart. it can grow to a handsome tree with a large spreading canopy in large washes at valley floor elevations of about 2000 feet above sea level in Tucson. The mesquite often grows in dense bosques that contrast sharply with the desert setting. The mesquite bosque is a compelling landscape that draws one to it for respite from the surrounding xeriscape. To those who live in this hot desert, the rivurine arroyo landscape is a natural park. Inbrainstorming the landscape concept for the Aviation Parkway, we found no parkway model in an urban setting anywhere in the desert areas of the state. In fact, Arizona has miles of beautiful roadside and only one officially designated rural parkway that meets ADOT's standards.4 We observed that the Aviation Corridor sliced through the urban setting like a natural arroyo slices through the desert landscape; and we began to visualize the Aviation Parkway as an adaptation of the natural riparian corridor. The Aviation Parkway could become a landscape metaphor for the natural processes of the Valley. The dense canopy of the mesquite trees, which would mature to a 40-foot height and a 50-foot spread, will provide a cool and shady environment for parkway users, reduce glare and pollution, provide psychological noise mitigation, and provide a buffer for adjacent residents. Planting excess right-of-way parcels wherever possible would undulate the edges of the corridor, further enhancing the rivurine character. The concept was well received by the ADOT's Roadside Development Section because it emphasized drought tolerant trees, used virtually no groundcover, provided for water conservation by choice of plant material and utilization of a drip irrigation system, and accommodated maintenance concerns. IMPLEMENTING THE CONCEPT Dreaming up the concept for the Aviation Parkway was one thing. Implementing it was another. Right-of-Way Width. Undulating the edges of the parkway planting to recreate a rivurine bosque of mesquite trees was one broad design goal. This, however, required obtaining excess right-of-way in which toplant. Excess right-ofway is very costly, especially when the main justification for its acquisition is to undulate the horizontal landscaped edge of aparkway. RGH �Top: Fig. 3. Typical parkway planting. Bottom: Fig. 4. Basic right-of-way section, clear zone, and proposed R.O.W. treatment. �//. Design and Planning—Rogers has been successful, however, in a number of cases, and in other places we'll resourcefully rely on existing parks and open spaces to visually extend the parkway beyond the linear rightof-way. (See Figure 3.) Clear Zones. The biggest challenge to creating a parkway with a shade tree canopy was the 30-foot clear zone—AASHTO's criteria for planting setbacks for safety reasons. In the standard 160-footright-of-way, we were not allowed to plant a tree over 4" caliper within thirty feet of the travel lane. When we examined the impact of the clear zone requirement on the basic 160-foot rightof-way we were working with, we concluded that we couldn't execute our planting concept. In fact, under this criteria, m trees over four (4) inch caliper would be permitted within the parkway right-of-way. In order to solve this problem and allow us to achieve the desired mesquite tree canopy effect, we proposed the introduction of Jersey Barriers at the median edge and at each side of the right-of-way. We also proposed shifting the right-of-way off-center by 10 feet allowing the residential side of the right-of-way to carry the bike path. In places where a 180-foot right-ofway could be obtained, we found the Jersey Barrier on one side could be eliminated. (See Figure 4.) Maintenance Access. Approval of the Jersey Barrier proposal also depended on coming up with a solution for safe maintenance access to the medians. An offset Jersey Barrier with a mountable curb was the acceptable solution we came up with. (See Figure 5.) Downtown Segment. A real challenge was finding a way to continue the canopy tree effect through the western downtown portion. Much of this section of the Aviation Parkway will be depressed at depths up to thirty-five (35) feet. Here we recommended stepped retaining walls to provide multi-level planting benches mitigating the height of the retaining walls and allowing the arroyo concept to be continued through downtown. (See Figures 6a and 6b.) One objection to the stepped retaining walls was the difficulty of maintenance access. We proposed a gated stairway access which seems 29 to have resolved the problem. Others suggested that the planting benches would create a nice place for Tuscon's homeless winter visitors to sleep in. We haven't yet found a solution for this problem; however, we wonder how well the fumes and noise of 40,000 vehicles per day as well as the bright highway lighting will induce sleep. Continuity of Rustication. Not a new concept, continuity of rustication for walls and structures is an important feature of the Aviation Parkway. Split face and fluted CMU block and matching form liner finishes in a soft brown color will be used throughout. Treatment also includes specialty pavements and pedestrian amenities at intersections. Signature Elements. A unique concept we recommended was using a signature medallion fashioned of copper — the State metal. The copper medallion has a southwest thematic design. We envisioned its use as a decorative element in overpass structures, wall cornices, bollards, and other design elements. (See Figure?.) Historic Neighborhood Buffer. To buffer the historic El Presidio Neighborhood a linear park alongside the right-of-way was proposed. The plan is a direct response to adjacent land uses and the neighborhood character. (See Figure 8.) CONCLUSION During the final design stages, the landscape architects have maintained a firm posture that the success of the project depends on the extensive and continuous planting of mesquite trees as the dominant theme plant. As each new issue occurs which could reduce the concept, we have found creative solutions to keep the concept in tact. Our vision of the parkway as a shady arroyo enhancing the urban transportation experience is a strong one. (See Figure 9.) The growth rate of the mesquite tree is at least five (5) feet per year, so we'll know how effective the concept is in ten (10) years. We hope the idea will become a model for future urban parkways in hot arid climates. �30 Parkways Conference Proceedings Top: Fig. 5. Maintenance access to medians. Center and Bottom: Fig. 6a and 6b. Downtown intersection and stepped planters. �//. Design and Planning—Rogers Top: Fig. 7. Signature medallion. Bottom: Fig. *. El Presidio Linear Park. 31 �32 Parkways Conference Proceedings Fig. 9. The Arroyo Concept, birdseye perspective. NOTES 1. "Long Range Transportation Plan for Unincorporated Pima County 1986 to 2005," Pima County Department of Transportation and Flood Control District, June 25,1986. 2. "Concept Design Report, State Route 210, City of Tucson Department of Transportation," Finical & Dombrowski/Barton-Aschman Associates, Inc. Joint Venture, May 10,1985. 3. "Aviation Parkway Landscape Concept Design Report," Rogers, Gladwin & Harmony, Inc. for Parsons, Brinckerhoff, Quade & Douglas, Inc., October 1986. 4. "Establishment and Designation of Parkways and Historic and Scenic Roads", ARS41-412 through 41-518. �33 Parkway Design Gary L. Klinedinst, Eastern Direct Federal Division, Federal Highway Administration, Department of Transportation INTRODUCTION The design and construction of scenic Parkways in the Southeastern United States has historically had a large Federal Government presence. The two agencies most responsible throughout the years for Federal Parkways have been the National Park Service (NPS) and the Bureau of Public Roads (BPR), now the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA). The cooperation between the two agencies can be traced to a 1926 "Memorandum of Agreement" between the NPS and Bureau of Public Roads, BPR (then in the Department of Agriculture), which provided for engineering and technical support for the survey, design, construction, and improvement of roads and trails in the National Parks and National Monuments by the BPR. This was the start of a long and close relationship between the two agencies which endures to this day and has produced Parkways on Federal lands throughout the eastern United States that give enjoyment to millions of visitors each year and have in their own right become national treasures. The BPR office responsible for these engineering functions in the eastern United States today is known as Federal Highway Administration, Eastern Direct Federal Division (EDFD). This office, established in 1934 as Eastern Forest and Park District in Washington, D.C., has had many titles throughout the years such as: District 15, Division 15, Region 15, and EDFD since 1981. The Federal Parkways that EDFD and its predecessors have participated in with the National Park Service are: Mount Vernon Parkway* Virginia - authorized in 1928. Skyline Drive. Virginia - authorized in 1930. Colonial Parkway. Virginia - authorized in 1930. George Washington Memorial Parkway. Virginia - authorized in 1930, which included the newly completed Mount Vernon Parkway. Blue Ridge Parkway. Virginia & North Carolina - authorized in 1933 to connect Shenandoah Park with the Great Smoky Mountains. Natchez Trace Parkway. Mississippi, Alabama & Tennessee - authorized in 1934 to connect Natchez, Mississippi, with Nashville, Tennessee. Rock Creek Parkway. District of Columbia authorized in 1913. Suitland Parkway and Baltimore-Washington Parkway. District of Columbia & Maryland - which were wartime efforts to connect military installations and later converted to Parkways. Foothills Parkway. Tennessee - authorized in 1944 for land acquisition to begin. The development of these Parkways was a joint effort of the National Park Service landscape architects and the Bureau of Public Roads engineers which singly could not have accomplished the creation of these true Parkways. Without this joint effort, asmany have found since, you may have a Parkway in name but in reality you have just another transportation facility. PARKWAY DESIGN From an engineering standpoint, designing a Parkway follows standard highway design practice with the exception that extra care needs to be exercised by the engineer in designing the roadway to fit the local terrain and geology. In conceiving and designing a roadway, typical highway design practice follows three major steps: 1. Corridor study 2. Location studies 3. Final design �Parkways Conference Proceedings 34 During the corridor study, aerial photographs and large scale mapping are used to define an acceptable corridor through which the roadway is to traverse. Many preliminary alignment studies within a corridor may be made and field checked by a number of engineering specialists and the landscape architect. As the corridor study progresses more information is generated and more decisions are made which indicate the desired corridor and the location of the preferred general alignment within the corridor. At this point locations for scenic views, park facilities, and locations posing unique technical attention (such as tunnels, exceptional long or high bridges) are highlighted. The location studies concentrate onfurther developing the decisions made in the corridor study, i.e., one acceptable alignment with possibly a few alternate alignments in controversial areas. At the conclusion of the location studies, a set of preliminary plans is produced that has an acceptable Parkway alignment along with other established criteria such as Parkway cross section, vertical alignment and special features requiring further detailed study or design. Constructability of the chosen alignment has also been considered with input from structural, geotechnical, hydraulic and construction engineers. Other professional specialties (from the NPS) are drawn upon at this point in time to consider archeology, history, and of course, landscape architecture. Outstanding features of aParkway such as the Linn Cove structure on the Blue Ridge Parkway, where complex technical problems as well as ecological problems existed, required all the above specialties to bring the structure to reality. This team approach is not unique to highway design but the degree of team work and interagency involvement is considerably higher in Parkway design. The last major step in conceiving a Parkway is the final design. During this step final details are pulled together to produce the plans and specifications that translate all previously made team decisions into a constructable roadway. Final plans and specifications also include other details such as parking area layouts, environmental mitigation measures, and the final contract documents detailing how the Parkway is to be constructed both administratively and technically. As previously stated the above procedures are standard highway design practice. Parkway design deviates and improves on these standard procedures in five major areas. They are: 1. 2. 3. 4. Teamwork Alignment Design Standards Construction Sensitive to the Environment 5. Architectural and Landscape Details TEAMWORK The high degree of interdisciplinary teamwork required for Parkway design as discussed before is essential and unique. This close working relationship of specialists from many professions allows the Parkway to be in harmony with the terrain which is the secret of a good Parkway design. Alignment of a Parkway is one of the most important elements. Parkway alignment is always curvilinear, meaning a flowing alignment from curve to tangent, thanks to the use of spirals. Spirals are a means to transition from a curve to a tangent section of roadway by gradually changing the curvature. This eases you from the curve to the tangent section of the Parkway. Spirals are frequently called easement curves. In many mountain Parkways, the transition from one curve to another is so close that little or no tangent sections of roadway are possible. Thus the alignment along with roadway widening through the curves allows driving along a Parkway to be easy in rough terrain and gives the appearance of a flowing ribbon of roadway. Along with the use of spirals another important feature of Parkway alignment is minimizing cut and fill as much as possible. Retaining walls, structures and varying the degree of curvature are used as well as taking advantage of naturally occurring geologic phenomenon to minimize disturbance to the original terrain. �II. Design and Planning—Klinedinst DESIGN STANDARDS Another important area that makes Parkway design unique is the design standards used and their flexible application to the design. It is interesting to note that the first Memorandum of Agreement between the NFS and BPR called for a standardization of design not only among Park roads but between Park roads and roads of the Federal-aid Highway system. Since that time, the NPS and the FHWAhave had continuing discussions concerning the standards for Park roads and Parkways. As caretaker of the Parks, the NPS sees Parkways as accesses to Parks or historic areas which should minimally disturb the natural terrain and emphasize landscape andaesthetic considerations. TheFHWA due to its role in the Federal-aid Highway system emphasizes traffic and engineering considerations from the standpoint of safety and increased benefits to the user. In an effort to provide the safest and most aesthetic facilities possible, the EDFD and the NPS have worked closely on each Parkway to outline the design criteria appropriate to each Parkway's use. In fact, most of the Parkways were designed before the first general Park road standards were written in the 1940's. The present (1984) NPS ParkRoad Standards are ablend of past experience and accepted highway engineering practice, i.e., American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials standards and landscape architectural considerations. The standards define such features as roadway width, side slopes, grades and degree of curvature. These standards are applied flexibly so that unique situations can be designed individually, balancing costs and aesthetics with safety. The bund application of standards whether they are NPS or the AASHTO is discouraged in Parkway design. CONSTRUCTION SENSITIVITY TO THE ENVIRONMENT Another unique aspect of Parkway design is the sensitive construction techniques needed to bring the plans and specifications to fruition. The construction personnel need more than "an all bulldozer ahead" mentality so common in 35 highway construction. Construction personnel must enforce all environmental constraints in the specifications, insist on quality construction, and constantly be on the lookout for ways in which to adapt the roadway to the geologic conditions encountered in the field. This may entail small design changes during construction in such areas as erosion control, shifting of parking areas to enhance views, and alignment adjustments. Above all, the construction personnel have to have a good working relationship with the NPS Architect and know when to call on the specialists to solve field problems before they get out of control. ARCHITECTURAL AND LANDSCAPE DETAILS The remaining important unique aspect to creating a Parkway is the architectural and landscaping details which are by far one of the most important features that set a Parkway apart from any other roadway. These details are what allows each Parkway to have its unique character. PARKWAY RECONSTRUCTION As a number of the Parkways reach 50 years of age, they are in need of reconstruction. Time has taken its toll on them even though at their age you can't help marveling at how well they have withstood time. The challenge to the engineer in reconstruction of a Parkway is to blend new technology into the process in order to allow the Parkway to age more gracefully and to become safer for the traveling public but at the same time not destroy its well accepted character. Parkways presently under reconstruction are the Mount Vernon Memorial Parkway, Skyline Drive, the Colonial Parkway and Suitland Parkway. During reconstruction, safety retrofitting becomes important in order to decrease the Government's liability from tort claims and to protect the Parkway visitor. This safety retrofitting must be accomplished in such a way as not to destroy the Parkway character. Examples of safety retrofitting without changing the char- �36 Parkways Conference Proceedings acter of the Parkway can be seen on both the reconstruction of the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway and the Skyline Drive. On the Mount Vernon Highway safety improvements include intersection improvements and the addition of crashworthy guardrails where appropriate by current standards. The guardrails used are crash tested wood or masonry. An example of the masonry guardrail was used at the Alexander Street Overpass structure. The masonry facing on the guardrail matches the original masonry on the structure and provides a deterrent for errant vehicles. Vehicles can no longer crash into the abutments of the bridge which are located next to the roadway; instead, the vehicle would strike the aesthetic guardrail and be guided past the abutments saving life and decreasing property damage. The Skyline Drive is also receiving crashworthy masonry guardrails in place of the original mortarless hand-placed rock walls. The original walls would allow errant vehicles to either go through them or be catapulted over them due to their type of construction and low height. The new wall has a reinforced concrete core with a 6-inch stone veneer facing. The new wall, although different in appearance (mortared masonry and 23 inches high) from the original wall, looks quite natural and keeps the character of the Drive when viewed in context with the finished roadway. The new wall also meets present day vehicle crash tests and the improved wall foundations will resist settling into the fill as had previously happened to the original wall. INNOVATIVE SOLUTIONS The design, construction, and reconstruction of a Parkway presents a special challenge to the engineer. Designing and constructing Parkways takes the innovativeness of today's design team. To illustrate this innovativeness, unique solutions to three areas will be discussed: 1. solutions to control cost, 2. solutions to aid the environment, 3. solutions to conquer the terrain. SOLUTIONS TO CONTROL COST Civil engineering is rooted in not only solving problems but solving problems in such a way that is affordable to the client. Although cost is generally not the basis for a decision on a parkway, the solution to that decision considers cost to a high degree. An example of this concept would be the decision to construct a retaining wall in place of constructing a fill or cut. This decision is usually dictated by environmental or aesthetic concerns and desired by the landscape architect. Aretaining wall generally is by far a more costly solution to a problem than a cut or fill. Where cost becomes critical in the decision is in the actual design and construction of the retaining wall. New technology and good engineering will provide an affordable solution. Costs through the years have escalated as has everything else in our society. A good example of the degree of escalation can be vividly seen by comparing the $30,000 per mile cost of the first section of the Blue Ridge Parkway constructed in 1935, to the $4 million per mile cost of the Grandfather Mountain section of the Parkway which has just been completed. Many examples of innovative solutions to control cost are available, but one that also includes the use of new technology is the retaining wall around Rough Ridge on Grandfather Mountain on the Blue Ridge Parkway in North Carolina. The retaining wall was requested by the NPS to conserve the natural vegetation on Rough Ridge which would have been covered and destroyed by a fill. The wall would also be highly visible from other sections of the Parkway and thus would need a stone masonry facing to maintain the character of the Parkway. The retaining wall, due to its height of 40-plus feet, was a technical and cost control challenge using normal reinforced concrete technology. A wall constructed of only stone masonry would not only be ahuge wall (due to height) but a very expensive one at today's $ 1,000 per cubic yard. The solution was a new technology called "Reinforced Earth" which was used as the basic retaining wall. A stone masonry veneer facing was provided to maintain Parkway character. �II. Design and Planning—Klinedinst Reinforced Earth is a process of reinforcing a gravelly soil with steel strips so that the soil will support itself and retain the hillside. The "ReinforcedEarth" readily solved the technical problems of building a retaining wall 40 plus feet high and at the same time was half the cost of a conventional retaining wall constructed of reinforced concrete. Another example of innovation and cost control is the aforementioned Skyline Drive guardwalls. The wall uses reinforced concrete technology to provide stability and crashworthiness and uses a stone masonry veneer for aesthetics. The savings in stone masonry cost is considerable as the wall is 75% reinforced concrete. Other cost control technology, such as modern post tensioning of structural concrete, provides savings over conventional reinforced concrete. Post tensioning allows thinner, more cost efficient structures and enables the designers to create such spectacular structures as the Linn Cove Viaduct on the Blue Ridge Parkway. SOLUTIONS TO AID ENVIRONMENT Since most Parkways traverse areas of great beauty, there is great concern for protecting the environment from the construction of the Parkway. Over the last 10-15 years, great strides have been made in this area using new technology as it continues to be developed. The FHWA and EDFD, in particular, have been pioneers in the field of environmental control. Our specifications are stringent in this area. The use of textile fences to catch and retain sediments in runoff water was pioneered by EDFD. Strict enforcement of the maintenance of these so-called silt fences is performed. A previous Gatlinburg, Tennessee Division Engineer pioneered the use of "stepped slopes" as a means to induce quick vegetative growth on shale slopes which otherwise would not naturally vegetate. This process constructs small steps into the cut slope so that vegetation can quickly establish itself on the steps. During a period of time the steps gradually erode into a uniform slope leaving little trace of their existence. From these experiments came the reali- 37 zation, universally used in highway construction today, that slopes (cut or fill) should no longer be smooth finished, if quick vegetation is desired in order to reduce erosion. Another design aid that ultimately helps the environment is the use of photomontage during the planning stage. Photomontage is the computer projection of the Parkway alignment onto an oblique photograph. With artist enhancement, the result is a near accurate picture of what the completed Parkway section will look like. This enables study of the effects Parkway construction will have on the surrounding environment. This process was successfully used to gain support for the Linn Cove Viaduct on the Blue Ridge Parkway before its construction. Viewing these early photomontages of Linn Cove Viaduct, you couldn't help but feel it was going to be the spectacular structure it is today and that its presence would enhance rather than detract from the environment. SOLUTIONS TO CONQUER TERRAIN Due to the very nature of a scenic Parkway, the country through which it traverses may be rugged, desolate, extremely treacherous and sometimes unstable. Parkway design through such areas requires innovative engineering solutions. A case in point is the newly completed Grandfather Mountain section of the Blue Ridge Parkway in North Carolina. A large portion of this section of Parkway is through rugged talus (rock from above cliffs) and boulder strewn slopes that are inherently unstable and contain underground streams. To conquer the terrain throughout this section, cuts and fills had to be minimized so as to cause the least disturbance to existing marginally stable slopes. Retaining walls in some areas were made flexible since they were founded on talus material that over time will shift and move. Liberal use of structures to cross underground streams was necessary. The Linn Cove Viaduct was an innovative solution to a tough problem. Conventional roadway construction was deemed unacceptable from an environmental damage point of �38 view; thus was born the use of a structure on a hillside. The lack of good foundation locations caused by a boulder strewn terrain throughout the Linn Cove area required the structure be located at preselected foundation sites. The resulting span lengths plus the environmental restraints on the construction of the structure resulted in the necessity to seek a technique such as the match cast segmental construction which ultimately was used to construct this unusual structure. This is not to say that all innovative and unique solutions are saved for the Blue Ridge Parkway. Other Parkways have also benefited from innovative and unique solutions such as the Natchez Trace which has the spectacular Parkways Conference Proceedings Tom Bigbee waterway crossing structure with an impressive 400 plus feet center span as well as the graceful arch structures on the newly completed Tennessee section. CONCLUSION Parkway design, whether it is in the lofty Blue Ridge Mountains, low lying Mississippi sediments, or in the urban Washington, D.C., area, is a challenge for the engineer. The teamwork with other disciplines and the close attention to detail, whether they be engineering, landscaping, or environmental, are what makes a Parkway design different from other transportation facilities. The Skyline Drive: A Western Park Road in the East Sarah Georgia Harrison, ASIA INTRODUCTION Skyline Drive from Front Royal to Rockfish Gap lies within the Shenandoah National Park in Virginia. It is distinct from the Blue Ridge Parkway, which begins at its southernmost tip and extends southward to Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Although both roads are within the National Park System, there are physical and administrative differences which demonstrate the different economic and historic conditions under which they were built. The intention of this study is to show that the Skyline Drive, although not a parkway itself, was influential in the development of succeeding parkways - most notably and most directly, the Blue Ridge Parkway. The scope of this study will encompass a brief history of the events surrounding the establishment of Shenandoah National Park; a study of the origin and significance of the design within its historical context; and a study of the experiential qualities of the Drive which are demonstrative of its background and its influence. SHENANDOAH PARK HISTORY A study of the history of Shenandoah National Park established it as the first major national park east of the Mississippi, as aprecedent for later eastern park roads and parkways, and as a product of the difficult times in which it was created. First, this study will show how the joint interest of the National Park Service and the State of Virginia in preservation in the East led to establishment of the park. Second, the intent is to show how the process of the purchase of land and the sequence of construction for the Skyline Drive set precedents for succeeding national parks and parkways within the East. Third, the intent is to present the design of the Drive as a product of the "makework" projects of the Depression. The movement for an eastern park began in late 1923 at the initiative of Stephen Mather, first Director of the National Park Service. A strong believer in the accessibility of the national treasures to the people, Mather regretted the distance which separated the great majority of Americans from the western parks. The only �//. Design and Planning—Harrison existing national park in the populated eastern states was the tiny Lafayette (now Acadia) National Park on the Maine coast. He persuaded the Secretary of the Interior, Hubert Work, to appoint a commission to study the possibility of establishing a park in the southern Appalachians. (1) In December 1924 the Southern Appalachian National Park Commission recommended that "a portion of the northern 'Blue Ridge of Virginia'" and the Great Smokies of North Carolina and Tennessee be developed as national parks. Because of its accessibility to highly populated areas, the Blue Ridge site was considered the most attractive for initial concern, with development of the Smokies to follow later. The committee enthusiastically urged construction of a "skyline drive along the mountaintop" to present sweeping views of the Shenandoah Valley and the Piedmont. (2) By 1925 it was clear that establishment of a national park in the East was to be quite different from the process in the West, where virtually untouched public lands were set aside for preservation. Most of the Blue Ridge was in private ownership and much of it was second growth forest. The holdings were generally rather small, and the inhabitants eked a poor living out of the wasted soils and dying chestnut forests. Establishment of a national park would involve purchase of the lands, removal of the inhabitants, and restoration of the natural processes to the forests. This was not to be an easy process. In spite of their poverty, the Appalachian people were reluctant to leave the mountains they loved, and bitterly contested efforts to remove them. In addition, Congress specified that no federal funding was to be available for the purchase. Creation of the park was entirely dependent upon transfer of title of the land from the state to the federal government. This left the burden of acquisition on the State of Virginia. Under the influence of Governor Harry T. Byrd, the Commission for Conservation and Development, an unpaid state commission headed by William Carson, was appointed to solicit pledges of private individuals and organizations. The fundraising goal was 2.5 million 39 dollars in order to purchase the chosen 400,000 acres. (3) In the eight years, 1926-1934, that passed before title was acquired, the movement might easily have faltered were it not for several factors. First, much credit is due to the personal dynamism of William Carson. (4) Second, Governor Byrd convinced the Virginia General Assembly to grant an appropriation of one million dollars to the fund. Third, Congress reduced the minimum required acreage two separate times, in 1928 and 1932, resulting in a more easily attainable 160,000 acres. (5) Fourth, a generous donation from John D. Rockfeller boosted the funds. (6) Fifth, President Herbert Hoover attempted to draw public attention to the prospective site by establishing his fishing camp on the Rapidan River (7) in an area that is today part of the park. This camp was significant not only in that it brought needed publicity to fund the campaign, but also in that it provided the reason for thefirstNational Park Service road to be built in the proposed park. For presidential security, a road was built in the summer of 1931 from the Rapidan Camp to Big Meadows and then north to intersect with the Lee Highway, now U.S. 211, at Thornton Gap. Since this was an area hard hit by depression and drought, Congress specified the use of Drought Relief funds and local labor for the construction. (8) The segment from Skyland to Thornton Gap was the beginning of the fulfillment of that grand prediction made in 1924 by the Shenandoah National Park Commission for a skyline drive along the mountaintop. This was possibly the goal William Carson had in mind when he urged Congress to build the road for the more practical and urgent reasons of presidential security and local employment. Plans were quickly made to continue the road from Skyland south to the Spottswood Trail, now U.S. 33, at Swift Run Gap. (9) Then, in the last days of the Hoover administration, Congress approved a northern extension from Thornton Gap to Front Royal. (10) The ultimate goal of a skyline drive stretching the length of the park was always in sight, but it was accomplished one piece at a time. The three eventual sections were completed in �Parkways Conference Proceedings 40 the following order: the middle section, 1934; the north section, 1936; and the south section, 1939. Each section was planned and designed independently; each section had a characteristic terrain to which it responded; each was built with different constraints of funding and time; each was divided into subsections, ten to twelve miles in length, which were contracted out for construction. To a certain extent the design reflects these variations; however, there is a characteristic unity throughout. This unity can be attributed to the landscape architects and engineers who first walked the alignment, striving to fit the topography, to minimize the impact, and to enhance the experience of being in a natural environment in the best tradition of those who struggled with the introduction of roads into the untouched park lands of the West. The National Park Service was established to preserve the vast parks of the West. All of the parks prior to 1930 were carved out of the public domain, primarily untouched by the hand of man. In order to make the scenic and natural features accessible to the public, the Park Service constructed roads from which the parks could be experienced. These roads were potentially great threats to the preservation of the parks. The early park road designers searched for a workable solution. Within the great variety of western parks the designers met with a diversity of conditions and terrains. They found that arbitrary standards were less useftil than more flexibleones. (1 l)They relied on ideal concepts and tried to adapt within each situation. They maintained the following general principles: 1. They strove to fit the topography rather than conform to predetermined standards of alignment, curvature and grade. (12) 2. They considered the appearance of the road (13) and sought graceful curves whose horizontal and vertical components would flow together in easy rhythm. 3. To enhance the experience of being in a natural environment, they allowed the vegetation to come to the edge of the road where possible. 4. They designed low speed roads to better fit the topography and to allow for enjoyable recreational travel. 5. They wound the road between features in a manner that often increased the length of the road and in an order that presented the most logical interpretive sequence. 6. To heal the scars of construction and to protect the roadside from erosion they insured rounding and flattening of slopes and they replanted only indigenous plant species. 7. During the construction process, they were careful to protect large trees and to locate borrow pits out of sight of roads and features. 8. They developed maintenance plans with careful instructions for selective cutting and thinning of vegetation to open up views and vistas. (14) Until the development of the master plan with its detailed graphic and narrative instructions, these design concepts were not recorded; instead, they were understood within a tight group of design professionals, composed of landscape architects and engineers. In 1926 an Interbureau Agreement, authored by L.I. Hewes with Horace M. Albright (15) established a formal working relationship between engineers of the Bureau of Public Roads and landscape architects of the Park Service. It stated: "... the Bureau will instruct its District Engineer to proceed, in cooperation with the Landscape Engineer of the Park Service and the Superintendent of the Park, with the location survey, and to prepare plans, specifications, and estimates for the project." (16) For the Skyline Drive the joint cooperation of the Bureau of Public Roads and the National Park Service brought to the Drive a quality equivalent to that of the western park roads. Two of the individual designers who worked on the Skyline Drive had prior experience on the western roads. Charles E. Peterson, a landscape architect who advised the engineers and �//. Design and Planning—Harrison other landscape architects on the middle and north sections of the Skyline Drive, worked on the General's Highway of the Sequoia National Park early in his career. (17) William Milnes Austin, engineer for the Bureau of Public Roads, who worked on the project from beginning to end, supervised construction of the General's Highway and later worked on the Blue Ridge Parkway. (18) The designers were influenced by the western park roads, especially those built under the Interbureau Agreement. In addition, there were new developments in road design at the time that very likely made an impact on the design of the Skyline Drive. During the 1920's and 1930's the use of spiral easements was becoming more and more prevalent. More and more designers were concluding that the use of spirals was advantageous because of the resultant saving in distance, reduction in cost, ease and safety of travel, and the improved aesthetic appearance. (19)V.R. Ludgale cited Hickerson's Highway Curves and Earthwork, published in 1926, as the authoritative source on spirals used by field designers at the time. It defines a spiral thus: "A transition curve (or spiral) is an easement providing a gradual change of curvature from a straight line to a circular arc. The degree-of-curve changes directly as the distance along the curve." (20) It is perhaps indicative of the newness of the concept of spirals or perhaps the difference in western park roads and eastern parkways to note that the Skyline Drive was not initially laid out with spiral curves. Plain circular curves were used on the first section. (21) Spirals were added as the design progressed. Many of the finest design intentions could not have been carried out were it not for an available labor force. Because of the support of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, six Civilian Conservation Corps camps were established in or near the park in 1933. (22) This provided a wealth of the needed manpower to refine and finish the design. The CCC was responsible for maintenance operations such as vista clearing, cutting and thinning of vegetation, and rounding andflattening of slopes. Under the direction of local masons they built dry stone guard 41 walls. (23) Their work made invaluable additions to the beauty of the design. At the time of the dedication of Shenandoah National Park on July 3,1936, two-thirds of the Skyline Drive was complete. In his address at the ceremony President Roosevelt announced the proposal for an extension of the Drive to the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. This ultimately resulted in the building of the Blue Ridge Parkway. (24) The conditions under which the Drive was built must be recognized for their uniqueness and for their consequent influence on the design. First, it is fortunate that the Drive was built at all, since construction began before establishment of thepark. The need for sustaining the interest of the public in the park project was a part of the push for construction. Second, the funds and labor source for the construction were evidence of the times in which it was built. The Drought Relief money, the local labor force, and later the CCC were necessary for work to proceed. Third, the joint cooperation of the Bureau of Public Roads and the National Park Service continued the Park Service quality of road-building established in the western parks. Fourth, the process of constructing in sections resulted in slight variations in the design that responded to the conditions of the terrain, time and availability of funds. Fifth, the fact that construction was contracted out in subsequent units, each ten to twelve miles in length, set a precedent that was followed by the Blue Ridge Parkway and other later parkways. Sixth, the process by which the State of Virginia acquired and deeded the land to the federal government was an adaptation that the National Park Service was obliged to make in the move East; nevertheless, it set an important precedent for other potential national park lands in settled areas. A 1937 Park Service pamphlet entitled "Requirements and Procedure to Govern the Acquisition of land for National Parkways" establishes the following procedure: "...the states through which the parkway passes, acquire and deed to the United States the rights of way, and the federal government then assumes the responsibility for the construction and maintenance of the parkway road and adj oining �42 Parkways Conference Proceedings recreational areas." (25) A reasonable conclusion is that the national parkways followed the example of the Skyline Drive in the process of the acquisition of land. A study of the history, then, lends an understanding of the following points: 1. The Skyline Drive was aproduct of the depression, as demonstrated by the sources of funds and labor, and by the speed with which the design was completed. 2. The Drive was a product of the National Park Service of the West. It was built under the Interbureau Agreement by some of the same men who had worked on the earlier western national park roads. 3. The Skyline Drive was a precedent for the Blue Ridge Parkway. Construction for the Drive, and later the Parkway, was contracted out in units of 10-12 miles, and the acquisition of land was the responsibility of the State. THE SKYLINE DRIVE In the 1924 report to Secretary of Interior Hubert Work recommending establishment of Shenandoah National Park, the Southern Appalachian National Park Commission suggested that: The greatest single feature, however, is a possible skyline drive along the mountain top, following a continuous ridge and looking westerly on the Shenandoah Valley, from 2,500 to 3,500 feet below, and also commanding a view of the Piedmont Plain stretching easterly to the Washington Monument, which landmark may be seen on a clear day. Few scenic drives in the world could surpass it. (26) From the very earliest days Shenandoah National Park was thought to be best presented as a driving experience. Seven years later when the planning and design was actually begun, the conception had matured into the idea of a oneday round trip drive from Washington, D.C. and vicinity. The key idea, as first expressed by Stephen Mather, was that of accessibility to a large segment of the population. The beautiful scenic views of the mountaintop were to be made accessible to the many, not just the hardy few. Not only did the first park road in the east bring beautiful views to more people, but it also brought design techniques and traditions which became influential on later roads. Astudy of the experiential qualities of the road will help to demonstrate the physical manifestations of its historical context. Alignment. The Skyline Drive was designed to follow the ridgetops in a manner that would reveal the best scenic views and cause the least amount of scar on the land. Views of the patchwork farms and towns of the Shenandoah Valley were alternated with the hazy views of the rolling Piedmont. The alignment was curved right, then left, in a graceful manner that was intended to be pleasing and restful to the eye. (27) Design along the ridge avoided many of the grading problems of a road cut through a side hill, yet the changing elevations of the peaks made it necessary to follow the gaps (28) and swing around the highest points. Design from gap to gap allowed for the alternation of views as each peak blocked one view to shift the focus to another. Cross-Section. Along with the alignment, the cross-section and the extent of grading were considered. Heavy cuts and fills were avoided and a smooth line from shoulder to pavement to ditch slope (29) that blended with the natural topography was the ideal. Where possible, side hill construction balanced the cut and fill to reduce the scar and create a gentle natural line. (30) Overlooks. Sixty-seven parking overlooks were provided along the drive for motorists to stop and view scenery of outstanding beauty. Although they were designed to fit the individual site, there are general characteristics which can describe all but a few minor variants. Designed to accommodate roughly twenty cars, the overlooks were usually structured with planting areas to direct the parking and flow of traffic. Dry stone walls were built by the CCC �II. Design and Planning—Harrison to edge the parking surface and mark the grade break. Middle Section. Standards for gradients and curves varied as work on the Drive progressed. Each sectionhad its own constraints of topography and the standards were responsive to them. In 1931 construction was begun on the middle section of the Drive. Since the park land had not yet been acquired, a 100-foot right of way strip, based on the preliminary road location, was obtained for construction to proceed. As a limited time was allowed for use of the Drought Relief funds, design and construction was rapid. Horizontal curves were initially laid out as circular rather than spiral curves. The minimum radii for curves was less than two hundred feet in order to save time and excavation costs. (31) The roadway width was thirty feet including shoulders. (32) An overlook on the middle section demonstrates the speed of the design of the section and the lack of development of some of the later standard design principles. North Section. For the north section ample time was available to study the design and location of the route. If there were hasty decisions made on the middle section, the north section was designed with a greater care for flowing alignment. The gentle, slowly descending terrain was more adaptable to a good line. The roadway width increased to thirty-four feet and shoulders blended ever more gracefully with the land. The terrain permitted larger, more gracious overlooks. South Section. The south section was the only one to be constructed after the establishment of the park in 1936. Time and funds were available, fortunately, because it was here that the ingenuity of the designers was the most taxed. The terrain was extremely rugged and required careful field study of alternate routes. Because of the quantity of excavation on the south section, the roadway was reduced to the thirty foot width used on the middle section. Although the design of overlooks had matured, in many cases they were difficult to locate without scar. Visitor Section. From the campground and store at Loft Mountain, to the lodge at Big 43 Meadows, visitor services were designed to enrich the experience of travellers. They were carefully situated to avoid encroachment on the scenic value of the road (33) and cause the least damage to the land. As in the national parks of the West, the park road led from feature to feature to visitor service. Vegetation. During the initial design and construction phases, the vegetation was considered primarily from a preservationist rather that aesthetic viewpoint. Large trees were carefully protected during blasting operations and the roadway and overlooks were designed to preserve as much standing vegetation as possible. Valuable trees on fill sections were protected with tree wells. The only planting was to restore vegetation to the graded slopes. This was done with strictly indigenous plant materials. It is worthy of note that the chestnut blight and the cutting practices of past inhabitants in many places left denuded slopes. The Park Service intended for the vegetation to restore itself according to natural processes with very little reforestation. With the exception of Big Meadows, which is maintained by burning and cutting, the cleared areas were allowed to slowly recover. Some work was done with the vegetation by the CCC after the road design and construction was complete. Thinning of dense trees, or vista clearing, allowed greater visibility of scenic views without exposing the roadway and cars to a distant observer. Trees at the overlooks were trimmed or removed as necessary to open and frame views. The original design intent was to allow the vegetation to come to the edge of the road to keep the natural character as much as possible. Maintenance practices through the years have altered this considerably. Today the vegetation is mowed or scythed ten or more feet from the road in many places. Where tall trees remain close to the road, the arching branches sometimes meet, cathedral-like, with the trees of the other side. Details. In some cases maintenance practices are different from the original design intentions. The surface of the roadway, when new, was composed of material from the blast- �44 ing operation to maintain a natural color harmonious with the soil types. The original drainage structures, such as headwalls of pipes and culverts, were faced with hand-laid stones and modestly located. The newer drain types are more conspicuous. Stone guard walls were built by the CCC to define the overlooks and visually reinforce the sharpest curves. Originally these were two feet wide, two feet high (34) and made of local stone. A recent replacement for the now-crumbling original walls is a stonefaced concrete wall that is frequently three feet or more in height. The increased height of the wall can obscure views, especially on the outside of a superelevated curve, where the top of the wall may be equal to or above eye level. Landscape Types. From the time of the first opening of the middle section, the Skyline Drive has been popular with the public. A visit to the Drive can be appreciated for the beauty and the excitement of achieving magnificent views so easily. Looking down from the mountain can create a sense of awe for the visitor. The experience of the Drive can be broken down into several landscape types which are recognized for their beauty and variety. The first landscape type is achieved by the filtered views to the lower elevations as the visitor gradually ascends. With anticipation, he may view distant features, revealed through carefully thinned and controlled vegetation. At an overlook, he may stop to more closely examine the features, through filtered branches which frame and compose scenes within the view. A second type of landscape is characterized by the openness of views. At many overlooks, especially on heavy fill sections, there are very few trees. In contrast to the feeling of security which the trees provide, these vast platforms may suddenly expose the visitor to the sun and wind as he steps out of his car. This may be positive or negative, depending on the season, but it is clearly a part of the perceptual experience. Another instance on the Drive where the vegetation opens to create feelings of expanse is at Big Meadows. This area is maintained by mowing and burning to remind the visitor of past land use practices on the Blue Parkways Conference Proceedings Ridge, but it also serves to create visual variety. Here the experience is one of travelling through a broad landscape where the sky meets the ground. A third landscape type is the sense of enclosure that happens at several special moments along the Drive. Mary's Rock Tunnel creates the most absolute enclosure for six hundred and sixty feet of darkness. In places where the trees arch and touch creating the semblance of a vaulted cathedral, attention is focused within a restricted corridor. Another special instance of enclosure is created where the roadhas been cut through rocks which may perhaps be adorned with fragrant hemlock trees. The Skyline Drive was not designed with careful consideration of the sequential experience. It could be criticized for its monotony. The Drive is completely on the skyline for one hundred and five miles, with virtually the same two views to the east and to the west. The sequence lacks enough variety in the landscape types to compensate for the distance travelled. After the first thrill of being on the mountaintop has abated, there is very little to sustain interest. Soon a rhythm is established as the road curves right, then left, and as the views open and close to the east and west. In one sense the rhythm itself may be enjoyed for the perilousness of the sharp, winding curves that give the fun one might expect in a mountain road. It can also, without relief, become mesmerizing and quickly become tiresome. THE BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY While many of the best moments of the Skyline Drive can be attributed to chance and to the innate beauty of the Blue Ridge Mountains, the sequence of the Blue Ridge Parkway was more carefully designed and planned. Stanley Abbott has been called an "innovator" (35) and even "the father of the Parkway Idea as we define parkways." (36) His ideas on design were descendants of the Westchester County Parkways and Gilmore Clarke. The parkway varied from the skyline to obtain views of special features such as rock outcroppings, streams and waterfalls. Mr. Abbott intended to �//. Design and Planning—Harrison open glimpses into the deepest woods to reveal such features. Also, native trees and shrubs were extensively planted with careful attention to massing of large quantities of similar species. In Stanley Abbott's words: "At focal points a concentration of flowering materials, the mountain laurel, rhododendron, azalea, and the dogwood will be introduced to heighten the interest of the drive." (37) In addition, large rocks were strategically placed to add to the variety. These are not only characteristics of the Blue Ridge Parkway, but they begin to demonstrate the innovations. CONCLUSION The Skyline Drive is anational parkroad in the tradition of the earlier western national park roads. Through its influence on the Blue Ridge Parkway, the parkway idea, as we now understand it, incorporates the tradition of the National Park Service with the design history of eastern parkways. The National Park Service, together with the Westchester County parkways, created the idea of the national parkways, which, from the Foothills Parkway to the Natchez Trace, enrich recreational travel today. NOTES (1) Dennis E. Simmons, "Conservation, Cooperation, and Controversy: The Establishment of Shenandoah National Park, 1924-1936," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 89, No. 4 (October 1981), p. 388. (2) Ibid., p. 391. (3) Ml, p. 393. (4) Carter Wormeley, "The Shenandoah National Park Will Be Established in Two Years" Broadside, 1927. (5) Simmons, "Conservation, Cooperation, and Controversy," pp. 396,398. (6) Interview with Charles E. Peterson, FAIA, Architectural Historian, Restorationist, and Planner, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 26 February 1984. 45 (7) Simmons, "Conservation, Cooperation and Controversy," p. 397. (8) Mi., p. 397. (9) Ml., p. 397. (10) MI., p. 398. (11) U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, "Policy and Guidelines for the Design and Construction of Park Roads," Memorandum to Director from Deputy Assistant Director, Design and Construction (7 December 1967), p. 5. (12) Idem. Traffic Quarterly. "Planning Our National Park Roads and Our National Parkways," by Dudley C. Bayliss (1957), p. 419. (13) H. J. Spelman, "Building Roads in Shenandoah National Park: Area in Virginia Blue Ridge Made Accessible by Recreational Parkway," Civil Engineering 5, No. 8 (August 1935), p. 483. (14) U.S. Department of the Interior, NPS, Traffic Quarterly, pp. 419-420. (15) Benjamin C. Rowland, Park Roads and Parkways. L-l, p. 7. (16) U.S. Department of the Interior and U.S. Department of Agriculture, "Memorandum of Agreement Between the National Park Service and the Bureau of Public Roads Relating to the Survey, Construction, and Improvement of Roads and Trails in the NationalParksandNational Monuments," No. 77562 (1926), p. 3. (17) Interview with Peterson. (18) Engineering News Record. Obituary of William Milnes Austin, 138, No. 19 (8 May 1947), p. 789. (19) T. F. Hickerson, Highway Clefts ?"ri Fprfhwork. 1st ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company Inc., 1926), p. 117. (20) Ibid., p. 83. (21) U.S. Department of the Interior, The Regional Review, p. 4. (22) Simmons, "Conservation, Cooperation and Controversy," p. 398. �46 (23) H. J. Spelman, "Building Roads," p. 484. (24) Simmons, "Conservation, Cooperation and Controversy," p. 398. (25) U.S. Department of Interior, NFS, "Requirements and Procedure to Govern the Acquisition of Land for National Parkways," No. 9219,9 November 1937. (26) Idem. Region One, The Regional Review 4, No. 2, Richmond, Virginia, "The Skyline Drive: ABrief History of aMountaintop Motorway," by Harvey P. Benson, February 1940, p. 4. (27) Spelman, "Building Roads," p. 483. (28) Interview with Peterson. (29) Ml (30) J. L. Harrison, "A New Standard for the Development of Highway Accessibility to Mountain Scenery," Roads and Streets 77, No. 12 (December 1934), p. 434. (31) U.S. Department of the Interior, The Regional Review, p. 4. (32) Mi., p. 6. (33) Md., p. 8. (34) U.S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Public Roads, Final Construction Report. Shenandoah National Park, Skyline Drive Projects 1-AB and 1-BC. (35) Interview with Ludgate. (36) Benjamin C. Rowland, List of Biographies, personal files of B. Howland. (37) Stanley Abbott, "Shenandoah - Great Smoky Mountains National Parkway," 26 June 1935, p. 4., Collected Papers of Carter Glass, Box 332, Manuscript Collection, Alderman Library, University of Virginia. BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Books Parkways Conference Proceedings Hickerson, TJP. Highway Curves and Earthwork. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1926. Lambert, Darwin. Illustrated Guide to Shenandoah National Park and Skyline Drive. Luray, Virginia: Lauck and Company, 1947. Newton, Norman T. Design on the Land: The Development of Landscape Architecture. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1978. Pollock, George Freeman. Skyland: The Heart of the Shenandoah National Park. Washington, D.C.: Stuart E. Brown, Jr., 1960. n. Articles and Periodicals Albright, Horace M. "The National Park Policy." Western Architect: Current Architecture 39 (June 1930), pp. 93-96. Bayliss, Dudley C. "Parkway Development Under the National Park Service." Parks and Recreation. February 1937, pp. 255259. Bell, J. Haslett. "New Road Construction in Western National Parks." Landscape Architecture 31. No. 2 (January 1941),pp.63-67. Bugge, W.A., and Snow, W. Brewster. "The Complete Highway." The Highway and the Landscape. Ed. W. Brewster Snow. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1959. Clarke, Gilmore D. 'The Parkway Idea." The Highway and the Landscape. Ed. W. Brewster Snow. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1959. Davidson, Arthur. "Skyline Drive and How It Came to Virginia." Conserving and Developing Virginia. Ed. State Commission on Conservation and Development, 1934, pp. 75-79. Crowe, Sylvia. The Landscape of Roads. London: The Architectural Press, 1960. Engineering News Record 138, No. 19. Obituary of William Milnes Austin (8 May 1947), p. 789. Heatwole, Henry. Guide to Skyline Drive and Shenandoah National Park. Luray, Virginia: Shenandoah Natural History Association, 1978. Harrison, J.L. "A New Standard for the Development of Highway Accessibility to Mountain Scenery." Roads and Streets 77, No. 12 (December 1934), pp. 431- 436. �//. Design and Planning—Harrison Nichols, Arthur R. "Landscape Design in Highway Development." Landscape Architecture 30, No. 3 (April 1940), pp. 113-117. Simmons, Dennis E. "Conservation, Cooperation, and Controversy: The Establishment of Shenandoah National Park, 1924-1936." The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 89, No. 4 (October 1981), pp. 387-404. Snow, W. Brewster, ed. "Contributors." The Highway and the Landscape. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1959. Spelman,HJ. "Building Roads in Shenandoah National Park: Area in Virginia Blue Ridge Made Accessible by Recreational Parkway." Civil Engineering 5. No. 8 (August 1935), pp. 482-484. Vivian, C.H. "A 450-Mile Pleasure-Only Highway." Compressed Air Magazine (February 1935), pp. 4652-4657. HI. Government Documents U.S. Department of Agriculture. Bureau of Public Roads. Final Construction Report. Shenandoah National Park, Skyline Drive Projects 1-AB and 1-BC. . Manual of Surveys. Design and Construction of Park Roads and Parkways. ByHJ. Spelman. Washington, D.C., 1937. U.S. Department of Commerce. "Scenic Roads and Parkways Study." Manual. Washington, .D.C., 26 October 1964. U.S. Department of Interior. National Park Service. "The 1937 Master Plan for Shenandoah National Park." Shenandoah National Park, Virginia, 1937. ."Park and Parkway Road Guidelines." Memorandum to Mr. SwemfromMr. Brown, 14 February 1967. .Parkways: A Manual of the Revised Requirements Instructions and Information Relating to National Parkways for Use in the National Park Service. No. 7806,1937, "Parkways of the Future: A Radio Discussion between Mr. McDonald, Chief of the United States Bureau of Public Roads and Mr. Demaray, Associate Direc- 47 tor of the National Park Service." 14 April 1935. .Ibid. "Discussion of Federal Parkways." ByA.E.Damaray.No. 112585,24 January 1936. .Ibid. "Requirements and Procedure to Govern the Acquisition of Land for National Parkways." No. 9219,9 November 1937. ."Policy and Guidelines for the Design and Construction of Park Roads." Memorandum to Director from Deputy Assistant Director, Design and Construction, 7 December 1967. U.S. Department of the Interior. National Park Service. Traffic Quarterly. "Planning Our National Park Roads and Our National Parkways." By Dudley C. Bayliss, 1957, pp. 417-440. . Region One. The Regional Review 4, No. 2, Richmond, Virginia. "The Skyline Drive: A Brief History of a Mountaintop Motorway." By Harvey P. Benson. February 1940, pp. 3-10. U.S. Department of the Interior and U.S. Department of Agriculture. "Memorandum of Agreement Between the National Park Service and the Bureau of Public Roads Relating to the Survey, Construction, and Improvement of Roads and Trails in the National Parks andNational Monuments." No. 77562,1926. IV. Unpublished Studies Howland, Benjamin C. Park Roads and Parkways. Roads Class Notes, LAR 525, Landscape Architecture Division, School of Architecture, University of Virginia, 1982. ."Park Roads and Parkways." List of Biographies. Personal files of B. Howland. ."Roads." Personal files of B. Howland. "Proposed Parkway Connecting Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountains National Parks." Copy from Denver Service Center, National Park Service, 9 December 1933. �Parkways Conference Proceedings 48 Simmons, Dennis E. "The Creation of Shenandoah National Park and the SkylineDrive, 1924-1926." Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Virginia, 1978. V. Manuscript Collections University of Virginia. Alderman Library. Manuscript Collection. Box 332. Collected Papers of Carter Glass. Stanley Abbott," Shenandoah Great Smoky Mountains National Parkway." 26 June 1935. Wormeley, Carter. "The Shenandoah National Park Will Be Established in TwoYears." Broadside, 1927. VI. Interviews Ludgate,V.Rosewell. Retired Regional Landscape Architect for the National Park Service. Richmond, Virginia. Interview, 4 March 1984. Peterson, Charles E., FAIA, Architectural Historian, Restorationist and Planner. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Interview, 26 February 1984. The Banff Highway: Pleasing the Park Dr. Bruce F. Leeson, Chair, TCH Environmental Subcommittee, Environment Canada-Parks, and Geoff G. Allan, Senior Landscape Architectural Technologist, Public Works Canada INTRODUCTION The Trans Canada Highway (TCH) was first constructed in 1960 under the authority of the Trans Canada Highways Act. Public Works Canada, as the Canadian Federal Government's construction agency, designed and administered construction within Banff National Park. The TCH was first built as a two lane highway extending 80 km from the Park's East Gate near Canmore Alberta to Yoho National Park in British Columbia. The highway provides access to Jasper andKootenay National Parks and most importantly is an integral part of the major east-west interprovincial highway route. Banff National Park, arecently designated World Heritage Site, is Administered by Environment Canada-Parks under the authority of the National Parks Act. A road of national importance running through a National Park is an unusual situation whereby the road contravenes the basic dedication to leave the Park unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations. Yet the National Park's policy accepts, as one of the facts of economic life, that transportation routes through the National Parks are required in the national interest. Thus, while proposed construction or modification of any major route through the park is the responsibility of Public Works Canada, Parks Canada reviews all such proposals as a matter of policy to ensure that the spirit of the National Parks Act is maintained. Following completion of the TCH in 1960, traffic demand progressively increased and initial studies for twinning commenced as early as 1963. Further impetus to twinning was generated in 1968 with completion, by the Province of Alberta, of a four lane highway from Calgary to the Parks East Gate. Between 1963 and 1971, two proposals were submitted by Public works for twinning the TCH: one for 120 km through both Banff and Yoho National Parks, and a second for 75 km to the Icefields Parkway junction; however, neither proposal met with approval. It wasn't until 1978 that Public Works Canada formally presented an approved plan for review. The proposal comprised three separate design and construction phases designated as Phases I, n, and HI. These sections are 13,14 and 50 km in length respectively. Phase I is complete, Phase n is to be completed in the fall of 1987 and the pre-engineering studies have begun on Phase III. �II. Design and Planning—Leeson and Allan ENVIRONMENTAL REVIEW PROCESSES In the intervening years between 1971 and 1978, environmental considerations began to play a greater role in the evaluation of all construction projects in Canada. In response to these concerns, the Canadian Government established the Environmental Assessment and Review Process (EARP) in 1973, to ensure: • that environmental effects are taken into account early in the planning of new federal projects, programs and activities; • that an environmental assessment is conducted for all projects which may have an adverse effect on the environment before commitments or irrevocable decisions are made, and those which may have significant adverse effects are referred to the Minister of Environment for formal review; and • that the results of these assessments are used in planning, decision-making, and implementation. After an Environmental Screening, if a proposed project requires further study to mitigate the environmental impacts, an Initial Environmental Evaluation (IEE), the second of the 4 levels of environmental assessment integral to EARP, is undertaken. This document provides further assessment of the significance of environmental effects so that a proponent can judge whether the project should be studied in complete detail to produce a full environmental analysis called the Environmental Impact Statement (EIS). Beyond that is a formal panel review of the project. The magnitude of public concern for the project is a vital criterion in assessing the need for full formal panel review. Public Works Canada began environmental studies on the Trans Canada Highway proposal as early as 1971; however, in 1978, an IEE was completed for the section known as Phase I between km 0 and 13. On the basis of the BEE and significant public concern, Public Works Canada as both proponent and initiator of the project, with the concurrence of the Minister responsible for Parks Canada, submitted the twinning proposal to the Federal Environmen- 49 tal Assessment Review Office (FEARO) requesting a formal review. Upon receipt of the request to review the project, FEARO immediately appointed a five member panel. Environmental Impact Statement guidelines were provided to PWC and public information meetings were held to explain the impending review process to interested parties. In February 1979, PWC submitted a completed EIS. Public information sessions were held in May 1979 and formal public meetings were held in June 1979. Theculmuiation of all these activities was the release of the Panel Report in October 1979 in which the project was approved subject to specific environmental conditions. It was to the recommendations and conditions outlined in this report that PWC then directed its efforts in the detailed design stages of the project. This process was repeated to gain approval for Phase n of the project. However, Phase ni received approval to proceed after the submission of only the Initial Environmental Evaluation and a series of public information sessions. This is regarded to be a significant measure of the success of the project to date. PROJECT DESCRIPTION Phase I comprised 13 km of parallel roadway from the Banff Park East Gate to the Banff Townsite. The alignment traverses an existing side valley bench before dropping to the floor of the Lower Bow River Valley. The main structural features included three highway bridges, eight animal underpass structures, 26 km of animal fencing complete with pedestrian stiles, one way gates, vehicle gates and Texas Gates and the relocation and recreation of a major trout stream. Three median designs were utilized: a variable width treed median, a 13 metre wide grassed median, and a raised concrete barrier median. Phase n comprises a further 14 km of divided highway with all but the last 5 km separated by a raised concrete median barrier. This section moves out of the valley floor and rises to traverse a narrow side bench constructed in rock above an aquatic preserve known as the �50 Vermilion Lakes. This section consists of construction of three minor traffic interchanges, 4 animal underpass structures, 9 Texas gates, and a further 28 km of fencing with the gates and access controls previously described. TTiis section is to be completed in the fall of 1987. Phase m will comprise 50 km of completely separate alignment, some cases with up to 500 metres of separation. Pre-engineering studies of aquatic, wildlife, visual, vegetative, geotechnical and alignment elements have been initiated to compile a sound data base for use in the ensuing engineering design. ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT STRUCTURE Although Parks Canada assumes in its mandate the responsibility for environmental protection, the Panel decided that a committee system was required to ensure that the highway design and construction meet with the high environmental and aesthetic standards necessary in the Park. To this end, PWC set up a management structure comprised of six committees. The management structure was composed of three levels: The Policy Committee, the Senior Committee and four working subgroups: the Design, Construction, Public Relations, and Environmental Subcommittees. These committees were composed of personnel from Parks Canada, Public Works Canada, Canadian Wildlife Service and the Environmental Protection Service. Of these working groups, the most active was the Environmental Subcommittee. This subcommittee was responsible for ensuring that the requirements as well as the spirit of the recommendations of the Environmental Review Panel were upheld and satisfied. The issues dealt with by this subcommittee meant the involvement of many different professions including biologists, archaeologists, palaeantologists, landscape architects and engineers. A position of Environmental Coordinator was created to liaise with project management and act as the "eyes and ears" of the Environmental Subcommittee. This unique position had the responsibility of alerting both project management and environmental specialists of Parkways Conference Proceedings potential and existing impacts in order that solutions could be worked out in a timely fashion to prevent or reduce adverse impacts. THE ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES The assessment of the possible environmental influence of the four laning projects addressed an unusually comprehensive scope of natural resource subjects because of the NationalParksetting. Several widely occurring situations and several site-specific conflicts were identified as subjects requiring special attention. These included wildlife/vehicle collisions, fish streams, archaeological resources, wildlife habits and habitat, terrain impact and biophysical restoration. The project location in a major valley of the Front Range of the Canadian Rockies is an important habitat for an unusually diverse assemblage of wildlife. In addition to birds and small mammal populations, the valley is occupied by elk, mule and whitetailed deer, bighorn sheep, moose, grizzly and black bears, wolves, cougars and coyotes. All species have been tallied in the road kill statistics. Elk, with up to 1,000 head being present on winter ranges in the project area, were most commonly involved in vehicle collisions. Prior to the project, approximately one large animal was struck and killed or injured every second day. Any increase in the wildlife collision rate which might be caused by upgrading the highway was unacceptable. Following a study of habits and habitat of the highly mobile and vulnerable wildlife species and an examination of potential mitigating techniques used elsewhere in the world, Public Works Canada and Parks Canada decided on a total exclusion policy. A 2.4 metre high page wire fence continuously enclosing both sides of the highway has been erected. Underpass structures of a conventional open span bridge design have been built approximately every two kilometres to facilitate wildlife access to both sides of the valley. Minimizing the visibility of the fence for highway travellers and maximizing wildlife access to traditional habitat were the most �//. Design and Planning—Leeson and Allan important criteria in positioning the fence and bridge structures. Texas gates, jumpouts, railway crossings, one-way gates, stream barriers, pedestrian stiles, bicycle crossings, hiking trails, access roads and fence terminations were all first time challenges for dealing with the wide diversity of wildlife and recreational use requirements. The complexities of this element of the project and the completeness of dealing with them probably represents a unique undertaking. Relocation of about one kilometre of stream, which was the only habitat for brown trout in BanfTNational Park, was necessary to maintain the preferred highway route alignment. A new, parallel streambed was constructed approximately 300 metres away with special attention to pool/riffle ratios, cutbanks, streambed material and preferred brown trout habitat features. The trout were captured by electro-shocking and, in a one week switchover procedure, held in separate ponds until the new channel could be flushed. Aquatic plants from the abandoned channel were also transplanted to act as nurse stock for eventual colonization of the new channel. The loss of scarce montane ecotypes, which are highly valued ecosystem components in Banff National Park, created a special need for restoration and replacement where impact was unavoidable. Landscape recontouring was undertaken to extend terrain modulations such as gullies or convex slopes from adjacent undisturbed topography into the constructed landscape. Topsoil salvage strategies and selection of indigenous grass seed sources were efforts of precedential uniqueness. Gravel sources were located and developed with special consideration for size, depth and configuration of extraction to enhance the disturbed landforms' subsequent attractiveness as grazing habitat for ungulates. Similarly, waste materials were used to restore earlier disturbed but unreclaimed sites to productive parklands. Exceptionally difficult rehabilitation situations involved experimentation and numerous product demonstration trials. Visitor appreciation of views from and of the highway was an important element of design consideration for profile, viewscape 51 opportunities, structural architecture, landform modulation, landscaping and safety. Archaeological investigations revealed an unexpected treasure of prehistoric occupation of the Bow River Valley. These discoveries literally revolutionized previously held theories of post-glacial colonization of Western Canada's Cordillera up to 11,000 years before present. Similarly, this information necessitated a substantial revision of current hypotheses of the duration and positions of the last glacial advances. More immediately pertinent was the absolute requirement to redesign and relocate portions of the new roadway to safeguard these cultural resources. MONITORING AND ENVIRONMENTAL RESEARCH In addition to the day-to-day attention performed by the Environmental Subcommittee, a substantial program of in-house, contracted and external research is under way. Investigations directed specifically to measuring the success of environmental protection measures are arranged and supervised by the Environmental Subcommittee. These studies reveal a highly successful reduction of the wildlife collision incidences in Phase I: four collisions in the year following fence installation compared to over one hundred collisions in the year prior to fencing. Increasing acceptability of the bridge underpasses as movement corridors for wildlife is being demonstrated. There appear not to be any measurable influences which are negatively affecting wildlife in an enduring fashion. The trout stream re-creation project has been so successful that more fish biomass is present in the new stream two years after construction than was recorded prior to disturbance. Erosion prevention, slope stabilization, vegetative cover establishment and terrain modulation are all judged to be admirably successful. The success of blending reconstructed areas into the native vegetation cannot be evaluated for some years to come. Ongoing research will focus on the long �52 term effects on the wildlife populations, their habits and the impacts on their habitat. To that end, 50 elk have been outfitted with radio telemeters and are relocated on a weekly basis. A surveillance recording camera system will shortly be installed to provide direct and continuous evidence of behaviour which may reveal stress induced by the highway facilities. Changes to existing and future projects will be implemented where improved methods can be devised. Possible habitat changes will be revealed by vegetation plot studies which were initiated several years before the highway project began. New research initiatives will focus on the nearby railway as a negative influence on wildlife, carnivore predation strategies which employ the fence, and the requirement and possibilities for habitat enhancement. An unexpected and visually undesirable result of the successful rehabilitation of the fenced portion of the roadway, is lush ground cover growth. As this area is unavailable for ungulate grazing, the abundant growth looks out of place. We had not imagined the need to devise growth suppression strategies. The administrative process of the bipartite arrangement, whereby Public Works Canada constructed a major project on Parks Canada's lands where environmental preservation is paramount, has been intriguing to numerous researchers. The successful and comparatively harmonious cooperation which facilitated the accomplishment of two such potentially conflicting objectives may be more noteworthy Parkways Conference Proceedings than the environmental successes. Good will and the desire to succeed clearly were critical to the favourable results achieved. THE FUTURE Twenty seven kilometres of the two-lane highway in Phases I and n have been twinned, fenced and reclaimed at a cost of 60 million Canadian dollars. In view of the demonstrated need to upgrade Phase ni of the Trans Canada Highway route, environmental and predesign studies have been proceeding for two years. The reduced wildlife collision situation has createdanew and demanding challenge: howto build an unfenced highway without aggravating and hopefully reducing the existing wildlife conflict. In place of small sensitive trout streams, large powerful rivers must be handled in a sensitive fashion which preserves their environment and recreational values. The demonstration of good intent and environmental management capability in the first 27 kilometres has been so successful that the proponent, with Parks Canada's concurrence, has been excused from the rigorous public scrutiny applied to the early stage proposals. Rather, Public Works Canada is obliged to perform all the same preparations, but to present the information and proposals to concerned target populations. This may even provide an opportunity for more innovative ideas for the management of a high profile public treasure that is Banff National Park. The Columbia River Shoreline: Highway or Parkway? Sally Schauman, Associate Professor, and Mary Jorgensen, MLA Candidate, Departmentof Landscape Architecture, University of Washington, Seattle, Wash. Ideally, one would think that most major American rivers are considered scenic resources and community open spaces. This is certainly true of the Mississippi River as many cities and towns along its path have created parks or open spaces at the river's edge. It is also true that interest groups have formed to conserve river resources, especially the scenic quality of many American rivers such as the Hudson, the Suwannee and the Willamette rivers. Unfortunately, the scenic quality and open space resources of one of America's largest rivers, the Columbia, has not received equal attention. Of course, we have all heard of the recent designation of the Columbia River Gorge as a National Scenic Area. While this action is �//. Design and Planning—Schauman andJorgensen noteworthy, it only deals with a fraction of the Columbia River. The majority of the 1,200 mile long river has received almost no attention as a scenic and open space resource. Debate on the Columbia has mainly focused on other river uses such as hydroelectric power, fish habitat and irrigation supply. Almost no public discussionhas occurredregarding the scenic and open space potential of the Columbia upriver from "The Gorge". The reasons for this are many. One of the most obvious reasons is that the river is not visually accessible in many places upriver from "The Gorge" area. It flows in a deep crevasse for much of its distance, separated from the roads and towns high above on the plateau. One of the reasons "The Gorge" has received its conservation designation is because many were familiar with its beauty as it is one of the few places the roads and towns are on grade with the river. Other than "The Gorge," the Columbia is visible and accessible on grade only in a few places. One of these rare sites is nine miles of the river's shoreline in and near the small town of East Wenatchee, Washington (population 1,690). This town shares the river with its neighbor, the more populous (17,980) town of Wenatchee. In both towns riparian vegetation grows along the river's edge providing a perch for eagles looking for salmon lunch and a path for hikers to enjoy the water views. Outside of the towns and back form the riparian edge are the rows of irrigated apple and peach trees. Both in and out of the town limits the landscape is level with the river and provides a sharp visual and ecological contrast to the surface arid mountainscape. Here is a special regional site. Here also is the site of the rerouted corridor of Washington State Route 2 and 28 (SR2/28). First proposed in the mid 1950's when the land was purchased, this road was planned in the mid 1960's without regard for the visual and ecological features of the site and redesigned as a reaction to some wildlife and recreation concerns with only fleeting regard for the specialness of the site. Probably it is a highway that should not be built, possibly a highway that could have been a parkway. Looking back through 53 the history of this site instructs us about what we should avoid, more than what directions we should take. More than thirty years ago, the Washington State Department of Highways acquired a "water grade" right of way (ROW) for a 4-lane highway from East Wenatchee to Rocky Reach dam. In 1957/58, the final right of way was purchased using one million dollars of federal funds and twelve years later additional land that was needed for a realignment was purchased for $649,000. During this time the community value of the river edge was first formally recognized by a Riverfront Committee formed in 1966, to promote parks on the Wenatchee Area Shorelines. Later, this committee became the Columbia River Environmental Study Team (CREST), and in 1974, called for a park on both sides of the river thus connecting the shorelines by way of the bridges into a greater Wenatchee area open space system. This shoreline plan recognized the unusual open space opportunity on the undeveloped, accessible river edge landscape in Wenatchee and East Wenatchee. Wenatchee did create a park on its side. The highway ROW not in orchards on the East Wenatchee side continued to be used on an ad hoc basis as community open space by joggers, fishermen, bikers, picnickers, and hikers. The fact that all these opportunities would be lost to a highway seemed remote until June, 1980, when the Washington State Department of Transportation (WSDOT) held a public meeting to discuss the future of the ROW land. One year later WSDOT made public a route study and their decision to retain the ROW for a future highway when funding became available. During this time there is no record of much citizen opposition to the highway, only a few local newspaper articles and a small group pleading for the preservation of the river edge. In 1983, WSDOT released an environmental assessment, but not an environmental impact statement (EIS). Since the Federal Highway Administration found that a highway built on this site constituted "no significant environmental impact", WSDOT stated a full environmental impact statement would not be needed. This action galvanized local attention, a Save the River Committee �54 (STRC) filed a lawsuit against WSDOT for failing to file an EIS, and a Build the Highway Committee joined WSDOT as a friend of the court. In 1985, WSDOT released a final EIS showing the river edge route as the preferred environmental design and the STRC sued again, challenging the adequacy of the EIS. In autumn of 1985, the University of Washington's Department of Landscape Architecture decided to use the site as a class project. As an example of a stressed riparian area, the site provided a good learning laboratory for a graduate landscape architectural design studio the multiple resource values of this riparian edge. Simultaneously, but separately, another Landscape Architecture graduate studio, studying computer analysis techniques, was inventorying all of the state of Washington, evaluating natural and cultural features, population demands and recreational characteristics in order to identify lands with high recreation potential. Ranked statewide, the East Wenatchee site fell in the top 11% (Gibson et al., 1986). In other words, the onsite multiple resource values identified by the "riparian" studio were confirmed to have state-wide significance by the "computer" studio. Two questions then arose: 1. How should this site of state-wide importance be designed to enhance its open space value while conserving natural features? 2. How can the road design be modified to enhance the site's open space and natural values? The nine students in the studio divided into two teams and attempted to answer these questions. The first team investigated the open space, habitat, commercial and recreational designs for the site assuming a road would not be built. Their hardest task was one of assigning priorities. For example, where is an animal access to the river's edge more important than human use? The second team looked at the possibilities of modifying the highway design to reduce its impact on wildlife habitat while simultaneously increasing human access, both visual and actual, to the river's shoreline. This group assumed a highway with limited access, per- Parkways Conference Proceedings haps one closed to commercial vehicles. None of the WSDOT alternatives proposed separating commercial and passenger vehicles. However, the proposed highway is anew route for an existing road and presumably, commercial traffic could be maintained on the existing road although WSDOT discounted this possibility by saying it was unsafe. In answering the second question, the student team investigated the possibilities for a "parkway" design. They found it was possible to bridge over rather than to culvert the natural drainways, thus travelways for thirsty upland wildlife seeking the water's edge could be maintained.The students proposed the creation of additional wetlands using irrigation tail water thereby increasing the scant amount of this riparian habitat along the Columbia. The student design also provided a place for bald eagle perching, the only wildlife species to command any significant notice in the various agency reviews of the highway proposal. In the end, the student designed "Columbia River Parkway" had a much richer wildlife habitat than the WSDOT proposal. While habitat design was a class focus, the student proposal also dealt with human access, archaeological resources and commercial developments as an intergral part of the parkway design., The pleasure of traveling along the river without distracting views, the ease of, but controlled access to the water's edge, the non-conflicting accommodation of bicycle and hiker within the corridor and site design of a visually compatible commercial node were all facets of the student parkway missing from the State's design. In the beginning the WSDOT proposal had a single purpose: move more vehicles faster and more safely from one point to another. The agency considered no resource value for the highway other than its ability to carry traffic. Later, WSDOT conducted a visual assessment with no public input, still failed to consider wildlife habitat needs other than the eagles, and provided no human access to the water's edge. In an arid zone of precipitation, any water edge is especially valuable. This riparian/wetland edge is a perceptual and actual oasis. The WSDOT original and later plans ignored most �//. Design and Planning—Schauman andJorgensen of the resource values of this site resulting from its oasis aspect. During litigation, the review process and public debate on the proposed road, input from local citizens and other agencies stimulated WSDOT to mitigate and change the design. A bike trail along pan of the road was added, one half-acre less of wetlands were to be filled, parking lots for river access were added and additional plantings envisioned (WSDOT, 1986). According to WSDOT staff, changes were made to meet individual comments, but not to fit an overall goal (Littooy, 1987). In other words, the design of a single purpose highway was revised in a minor, piecemeal way to gain public acceptance; but in doing so, more and more resembled the parkway the students envisioned. In July, 1987, review and legal activities continue. The court found for WSDOT in the matter of insufficient Environmental Impact Statements, but this action is under appeal. A hearing was held in March 1987 by the State Shoreline Board concerning the appropriateness of the locally issued shoreline permit. A decision from this hearing should be made this fall. The WSDOT is confident it will build a road, but the Save The River Committee believes this is not a certainty. While a resolution is not in sight, some lessons can be learned from this experience. The first lesson is to remember that accessible edges to major rivers should be considered for their multiple resource value to the community and the region. No one should assume that public ad hoc access to any water edge will continue. These are precious public resources. In the future, convenient local open spaces will be ever more important, as reported in 1986 by the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors (PCAO). The PCAO recommended greenway corridors throughout urban areas, thereby providing more opportunity for public access to open spaces (Shands, 1987, and Clawson, 1987). Every attempt through government and institutional means should be made to conserve water edge open spaces for the public's future access. One good way is to form local land trusts and to devise creative public/ private partnerships to acquire these edges for 55 all our use in perpetuity. In the case of East Wenatchee the local open space was clearly recognized. Even the judge who found for WSDOT cited its indigenous scenic quality and lamented the ugliness of the proposed highway. . . . the Court cannot refrain from commenting on its enjoyment of the Court's view of the proposed routefrom this office. Seeing the seasons change from pale greens and yellows of the budding foliage in spring to the dark and verdant greenery of summer, to the reds and oranges andyellows of autumn leaves, to the bleak but beautiful snow-covered scenes of winter helps keep the Court in tune with the seasons and with the beauty of our North Central Washington homeland. Changing this natural asset to one of two lanes (eventually four lanes) of concrete and guardrail and discarded beer cans and McDonald's wrappers does not meet with the personal favor of the Court... (Superior Court, 1987, p.2). Unfortunately no one acted until it was perhaps too late. The second important lesson involves the question: how can we justify public expenditures on single purpose projects in landscapes with existing multiple resource values? This lesson is related to and is as important as the first one, but harder for public action to result in immediate change. During the 1970's pressure for interdisciplinary planning and design of projects in the landscape helped implement the mandate of the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). As a result, public works projects included open space planning, wildlife needs, visual resource considerations and recreation. Sometimes an agency's authority was broadened and sometimes agencies took action under the authority of NEPA. In this era, previously single purpose projects, such as water resource construction, began to recognize special landscape conditions of the proposed site and started to include design features for the visual resources, passive recreation, pedestrian traffic and wildlife needs. Even the most single purpose landscape imaginable, military use, was broadened. For example, the Department of �56 Defense recognizes resource conservation awards for bases that plan for the multiple resource value of the landscape. The recent President's Commission recognized both the fiscal waste of singlepurpose use of landscape and the need for more open space (Shands, 1987, and Clawson, 1987). The Commission recommended further expansion and change in the mandates and actions of several federal agencies. Clearly the Commission has answered the question; they have said we can no longer afford single function design or management of public lands. If the question were directed to the Federal or State Departments of Transportation, what would be their answer? Most likely they would agree but plead no contest because of the fiscal and legal constraints. Certainly the Federal Highway Administration that declared the East Wenatchee project to have "no significant environmental impact" failed to even recognize the archaeological resources, wildlife habitat and urban waterfront value of this site. Most highways have single purpose designs - moving volumes of vehicles swiftly and safely. The inclusion, much less the design, of other functions such as bike paths, visual resources, wildlife habitat and open space is inconsistent at best. While the Federal Highway Administration and WSDOT do employ specialists such as landscape architects, biologists and conservationists, neither agency includes multiple purpose planning and design as a routine matter. The input of these specialists to the engineered design is often to address environmental concerns and/or to pacify public opinion. For example, landscape architects in WSDOT mainly provide planting designs to cover cut slopes and screen highway sights and sounds. They are not involved routinely on every project with the teams of engineers for route selection, alignment within the right of way, connections to existing paths, or earth grading designs. While some WSDOT staff may believe parkway features such as smooth alignment, visual assessment and scenic enhancement are all standard in WSDOT designs, the actual constructed results fall significantly short of parkway quality and rarely are multiple purpose. For example, bicy- Parkways Conference Proceedings cling is a major recreational activity in Washington. Both individual trips and organized events move people around our state and stimulate local economies. Yet WSDOT does not routinely consider bicycles as vehicles and includes them only when the local citizen pressure for bicycle traffic is great. It is easy to point to WSDOT as an agency wasting public funds on single purpose design. Yet the WSDOT staffs are competent professionals. They are following agency policy and the public at large has not sent sufficiently strong signals to stimulate agency change. The history of agency inertia resisting change, leadership and the funding directions given by the legislature are all responsible for wasteful single purpose highway designs in Washington. The East Wenatchee proposed highway is but another example of what happens when citizens do not demand that agencies routinely plan and design for multiple purposes on public work projects built with their tax dollars. Finally, this case study forces us to think about the future. Should parkways again be considered? Is it time to redefine the concept? What should be new in their design? How should they differ from other roads? Let us first consider the past before we think about the future. In this country, road design seems to have been the focus of national attention in several areas. First was the pre-World War n era in which major eastern parkways such as the Blue Ridge and others were constructed. The landscape architectural historian, Norman Newton, described these not as roads, but as strips of land dedicated to recreation and the movement of pleasure vehicles (1971). In other words, these corridor landscapes had both a transportation and a psychological function. Limited access was an important design feature. This, along with route selection and alignment sensitive to the landscape, meant the edges between the parkway and the surrounding landscapes were melds, not abrupt lines. The parkway borrowed the best visual features from the adjacent landscape and screened the worst. For example, while driving the Blue Ridge Parkway one is almost unaware of the extensive �//. Design and Planning—^Schauman andJorgensen resort, urban and second home development in adjacent lands. The interstate highway era began after WWII and continues today. These familiar corridors adopted the limited access and broad curve designs of the parkways, but in no way provided a healthy recreational experience nor a psychologically refreshing view of nature as did the parkways. Minimum right of way widths and grades were developed to move traffic faster and hopefully safer. Now we depend on these routes to move us quickly from place to place. The engineering lessons learned from the interstate experience have had profound effects in all land use. The experience has been translated into standards for all level of roads. Thus, curving, narrowing county lanes are now straighter and wider. In a recent national survey of highway design standards in 225 counties done by the Department of Landscape Architecture at the University of Washington, the results indicate that minimum allowable road dimensions have increased over time and the pressure for increased standardization continues (Hightower, 1987). Whether the standardization of all roadway design is truly necessary and desirable should be considered. The last national focus on highway design occurred in the early 1960's during the administration of President Lyndon Johnson. From this period of concern for natural beauty came regulations on billboards, junkyards and unsightly adjacent landscapes and the new emphasis on landscape plantings. Most of the present results of this period are attempts to use planting design to beautify the graded and filled edges of the highway (often an impossible challenge) or to screen truly ugly sights in adjacent landscapes. Since we depend on the interstate system and since common road standards are increasing throughout the United States, are parkways needed or even possible? In our judgment, modern versions of parkways are very much needed, but their possibility depends directly on changing the present transportation planning and exluding some roads from uniform highway standards. We should not think of nationally significant landscapes for these corridors for two reasons. First, any 57 pristine nationally signif icant landscape should be preserved without the intrusion of travelways; second, greenways are desperately needed closer to home. We suggest contemporary parkways need to be locally important and designed for a wide variety of noncommercial vehicles including bicycles, motorcycles and even boats. These corridors should include pedestrian paths, commercial nodes wildlife habitats and restful green open spaces. Not all open spaces should have travelways within them, but new open spaces should be created and enjoyed by designing a pleasurable travel route to convey citizens from one local special place to another. These travelways might even exclude cars altogether or during busy times. In other words, we should expand the original parkway concept of moving people through the landscape in a pleasurable way. We should create new parkways, perhaps even restore derelict areas, in order to connect locally important sites and provide an enhanced, easily accessible nearby green corridor. The need is clear; the President's Commission held 18 public hearings throughout the United States and conducted a national survey over 12 months. Citizens and the survey told the President's Commission of the need to have nearby open spaces (Shands, 1987). The Commission's subsequent recommendation for open spaces recognized the present trend for shorter family vacations spent closer to home rather than long drives to distant places. But anyone who had studied American open spaces already knew what the President's Commission discovered. Witness the immense popularity of Rock Creek Parkway in Washington DC, Ruston Way along Puget Sound in Tacoma, Washington, the Burke-Gilman Trail in Seattle or the River Walkway in San Antonio, Texas. Each of these travelways traverse unspectacular, but extremely pleasurable and important local landscapes. Each is overcrowded. The Columbia River corridor and East Wenatchee have more spectacular landscape scenery than any of these examples. In fact, the East Wenatchee site has state-wide importance as open space. Yet the likelihood of a road is �58 great and the design of the proposed highway in no way enhances the community open space quality. The present traffic engineering standards accommodate no other purpose than moving automobiles, buses and trucks. If we are to have local parkways then we will need to creatively design these without the presently restrictive highway standards that force all designs to homogeneity. Most importantly, we need an informed public who will designate those special local landscapes that could become future open spaces parkways. We should remember that if the proposed road is completely halted and this site turned over to the community, some travelway within the site would be needed. Thus, citizens should not only be informed as to local open spaces, they should come armed with creative design alternatives for making these accessible. BIBLIOGRAPHY Clawson, Marion, 1987. Outdoor Recreation Report Travels a Bumpy Road. In "Resources," Resources for the Future, No. 88, Summer 1987, Washington, D.C. Gibson, Liz, et al., 1986. An Analysis of DNR Parkways Conference Proceedings Lands: Phase One for State Park Potential. Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Washington, Seattle. Hightower, Jacqueline, E., 1987. Private Roads in Residential Communities. Master of Landscape Architecture Thesis, University of Washington, Seattle. Littooy, Hans, 1987. Personal communication, June 30. Newton, Norman T., 1971. Design on the Land. The Development of Landscape Architecture. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Shands, William E., 1987. Commission Gives Recreation a Shot in the Arm. In Conservation Foundation Newsletter, No. 2, Washington, D.C. Superior Court of the State of Washington, 1987. Court's Memorandum Opinion, No. 86-2-00105-8. WSDOT, 1985. Final Environmental Impact Statement SR2/SR28 East Wenatchee Vicinity, Douglas County, Washington. , 1986. Wetland and Riparian Mitigation Plan. SR2/SR28 East Wenatchee Vicinity, March. The Roanoke Parkway, Greenway, and River Road William G. E. Blair, Principal, Jones & Jones, and Curtis A. Miller, Senior Associate, Jones & Jones INTRODUCTION The Roanoke Parkway, Greenway, and River Road are examples of a renewed American interest in parkways and greenways. They are also evidence of a renewed cooperative spirit and division of labor among federal, state, and local government agencies and non-profit groups for major recreation and conservation projects. As reported in a companion paper presented at this conference, the National Park Service (NPS) has recently completed a Recon: naissance Survey of the Roanoke River Parkway Corridor to determine if it would be fea- sible to build a parkway to connect the western end of Roanoke Valley to the existing Blue Ridge Parkway via the Roanoke Gorge, and then continue on the Booker T. Washington National Monument. The NPS assessed feasibility by locating sample routes that would meet three different sets of parkway design standards and then by evaluating the relative merits and costs of these alternatives. This paper summarizes the results of a subsequent study conducted by Jones & Jones that has culminated in the Roanoke River Greenway Master Plan. The greenway master plan �//. Design and Planning—Blair and Miller builds on the preceding NFS reconnaissance study but acknowledges recent legislative action that has authorized a federal parkway through the Roanoke Gorge. The greenway master plan also broadens the planning focus to include resources conservation along the river and incorporates the results of an extensive community involvement program that has helped the planning team fashion a plan for the Roanoke River that meets the test of public acceptance. Both the greenway master plan and the NFS reconnaissance study were commissioned by The River Foundation, a non-profit organization located in Roanoke, Virginia, with funds provided by private donors and the State of Virginia. The goals of The River Foundation are twofold: first, to improve the quality of life in the Roanoke Valley by conserving and enhancing the environment along the Roanoke River; second, to strengthen the regional economy of Southwestern Virginia by developing a tourism industry that capitalizes on Roanoke's location along the Blue Ridge Parkway and that also respects the integrity of that national treasure. To advance these goals, The River Foundation is planning the EXPLORE Project, which will: 1) create a tourism destination that will illustrate Virginia's historic role in developing the American West; and 2) create a 5000-acre conservation area— the Roanoke Greenway—to preserve, protect, and enhance the environment along the Roanoke River and the Blue Ridge Parkway; and 3) to assist in preventing future flooding. The Roanoke River Greenway Master Plan advocates the establishment of a 40-mile linear open space system to link the natural and urban areas along the river and establish conservation and development goals tailored to the diverse resource issues and opportunities that exist in each area. For example, the Roanoke Greenway would include the Roanoke Parkway in the river gorge, the Roanoke River Road in the urban areas of Salem, Roanoke, and Vinton, and a series of conservation and recreation areas along the river. Land ownership within 59 the Roanoke Greenway would be held by a mix of private individuals, businesses, institutions, and government agencies, and all of these groups would have roles to play in implementing the greenway master plan. AUTHORIZATION OF THE ROANOKE PARKWAY The Roanoke Parkway was conceived as an integral element of the EXPLORE Project, both as a way to experience the Roanoke River and also as a means to protect and enhance the river's environment. The parkway was initially projected to extend from the Dixie Caverns interchange on 1-81, west of the Roanoke Valley metropolitan area, to Booker T. Washington National Monument, some 40 miles to the east. In 1986, The River Foundation asked the National Park Service to determine whether such a parkway would be feasible. The NFS concluded that the two goals appear to be compatible in the Roanoke Gorge, which is largely undeveloped. In this location, the parkway also matches well with the NFS mission, because of the existing visual quality of the landscape that it would traverse. Upstream from the gorge, however, the riverbanks are heavily urbanized. While some riverside areas have been set aside for parks, many portions of the floodplain are occupied by the railroad and manufacturing industries that have provided the economic base for the Roanoke Valley over the last century. In these areas, the issue is not conservation, but rehabilitation, and even reclamation. Consequently, the NFS concluded that a parkway through the urban area would not be an appropriate addition to the National Park System. Accepting this reasoning, The River Foundation and its Roanoke Valley supporters asked the Virginia Congressional delegation to introduce legislation that would authorize the creation of a shorter federal parkway through the Roanoke Gorge. They were successful in these efforts and the Roanoke Parkway was designated as a 10-mile extension of the Blue Ridge Parkway by the Surface Transportation & Uniform Relocation Act of 1987, which specifies �Parkways Conference Proceedings 60 that the new parkway will extend from the east edge of the Roanoke Valley to Smith Mountain Lake and provide a connection between the Parkway and the site of the EXPLORE Project. The Act is silent about the possibility of an extension to Booker T. Washington National Monument. The 1987 Act assigns the responsibility for the design and construction of the parkway to the National Park Service and the Federal Highway Administration. These agencies will direct the preparation of an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) that will consider the environmental effects of alternative routes for the new parkway. As an interested party, The River Foundation is conveying its planning work on the routing and design of the new parkway by means of the Roanoke River Greenway Master Plan. MASTER PLAN PROCESS The overall goals of the planning process employed by The River Foundation were to build a constituency for the Roanoke River, as well as to develop a feasible and acceptable master plan for its protection and rehabilitation. Consequently, The River Foundation assembled a greenway planning team that included not only consultants with expertise in environmental planning and landscape architecture (Jones & Jones) and engineering (Mattem & Craig), but also in community involvement (Thomas & Means). The planning team divided the greenway planning process into five major steps: 1) identify important issues, 2) inventory opportunities, 3) develop alternatives, 4) propose a draft greenway master plan, and 5) prepare the final greenway master plan. Next, the greenway planning team used the geography of the river itself to help facilitate public and local government participation in this planning process, by dividing the study area into five community planning areas that correspond to the five river reaches identified in the NPS reconnaissance study. These reaches and community planning areas also correspond to jurisdictional divisions along the river, as shown in Table 1. Recognizing that local governments would play key roles in adopting and implementing the greenway master plan, the greenway planning team took the lead in organizing a Policy Advisory Group comprised of local government administrators and elected officials, as well as a parallel Technical Advisory Group comprised of key local government staff members. These committees conducted progress reviews on the plan at each step of the planning process. The greenway planning team also organized an extensive public involvement program that included a public workshop for each of the river reaches during each of the planning steps. The workshops gave community members a chance to review the contents of the greenway master plan that pertained to their own geographic areas. Conversely, the workshops gave the greenway planning team repeated opportunities to incorporate local knowledge and values into the plan. Some of the organizational characteristics of the workshops that made them particularly effective included: • Outreach efforts to ensure broad community participation • Recruitment of volunteers to serve as neutral facilitators and recorders Table 1: Land-use jurisdictions and landscape character along the study area river reaches. River Reach Jurisdiction Landscape Character West Roanoke County Salem Roanoke Vinton Smith Mountain Lake Roanoke County City of Salem City of Roanoke Town of Vinton, Roanoke County Bedford County, Franklin County rural, residential residential, industrial residential, industrial, recreation natural (gorge) rural, lakeside residential �61 //. Design and Planning—Blair and Miller • • • • Participation of local government staff and representatives in the roles of hosts, not proponents of the plan Brief opening presentations that included responses to questions raised at preceding workshops Written summaries of previous workshops and small-group discussions Small-group discussion sessions that gave all workshop participants an opportunity to discuss their concerns, ask questions, and critique the plan GREENWAY GOALS AND ELEMENTS The final greenway master plan has been shaped and modified by the results of the local government review meetings and the community workshops, beginning with the goals for the Roanoke Greenway and the elements to be included in it. The following goals emerged over the course of the planning process as a consensus of community aspirations for the river and the lands along it: • Protect the river, and conserve natural and agricultural lands along the river • Beautify the river, and clean up and maintain the river corridor • Raise awareness and appreciation of the river • Provide recreation opportunities along the river and public access to the river • Protect people and property, and reduce flood damage along the river The community workshops also helped to identify specific elements to be included in the Roanoke Greenway. This was important, because the term "greenway" is an elastic concept that requires definition for each project and locality. The starting point for identifying greenway elements was to explain the greenway concept. Most workshop participants were unfamiliar with the greenway concept, but understood the parkway concept because of the presence of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Therefore, greenways were explained by comparison to parkways, using the following text and illustrations. What is a Parkway? A Parkway is a road that is designed especially for pleasure driving or to provide a scenic route from one place to another. Parkways can be the same size as an ordinary road, but because scenery is important for recreational driving, parkway roadsides may sometimes be wider than ordinary roadsides. For the same reason, parkway agencies may make special agreements with neighboring landowners to conserve or enhance the scenic character of their lands. Parkways can also include additional features such as recreation sites, lookouts, picnic areas, rest stops, and information centers. Fig. 1: A slice through a typical parkway. What is a Greenway? A Greenway is a connected series of lands that includes conservation and recreational areas, often along a river. Greenways can be located in natural areas. They can also be located in suburbs and cities, where they combine conservation and recreation areas with existing homes and businesses. Lands in a greenway can be owned by private individuals and businesses, local governments, or other institutions. Some areas in a greenway can be open to the public; other areas can be private. What is important is that the river and other natural resources in the greenway be protected. A wide variety of recreation features can be part of a greenway —for example, bike trails, sport fields, fishing spots, and nature preserves. A parkway can also be a part of a greenway. When planning a greenway, it is important to decide what kind of recreation is appropriate and where it should be located. �62 Parkways Conference Proceedings the greenway as a whole and also helped to tailor the plan to the community values and desires that predominate within each reach. A summary of the results of all the community meetings is presented in Fig. 5. Figure 5 demonstrates that the greenway elements with the highest level of preference are those related to river beautification and cleanup, conservation of natural areas, and the provision of path systems. While workshop participants also expressed support for other recreational elements, the overall level of support for these elements was considerably lower. These results appear to reflect a significant difference in community attitudes among the rural and urban reaches of the river. Workshop participants from the urban reaches wanted the greenway to include both conservation and recreation elements in their areas. Participants from the rural reaches, on the other hand, generally wanted the greenway restricted to conservation elements. Many of the latter, particularly residents of West Roanoke County, expressed concerns about public access along the river. The survey team modified the greenway plan to emphasize conservation elements on the rural reaches and emphasize river cleanup and recreation elements in the urban reaches. Fig. 2: A greenway could include a parkway, a bicycle trail, fishing areas, and more. Fig. 3: Or greenway features could be limited to a trail and fishing areas, without a parkway. Fig. 4: Or greenway features could be limited to river cleanup, flood damage reduction, and environmental protection, without public access. Starting from this general definition of greenways, participants in the community meetings were asked to identify the elements they most wished to see included in their reach of the Roanoke Greenway. The tabulation of these results helped to establish priorities for PROPOSED MASTER PLAN A graphic summary of the resulting greenway master plan is presented in Figure 6. This figure indicates that the plan has been divided into three major components as a result of the reach-by-reach planning process: the Roanoke River Greenway and River Road, the Roanoke Parkway, and recommended highway improvements between Hardy Ford and Booker T. Washington National Monument. Proposed conservation areas along the river are indicated by boxes with a letter code, while recreation areas are indicated by a number code; both are explained in Table 2. Roanoke River Greenway and River Road. The plan proposes a greenway and river road for the three western or upper reaches of the Roanoke River, beginning at the Roanoke County line. The continuous element in the Roanoke �63 //. Design and Planning—Blair and Miller What are some of the possible elements for a greenway? Agricultural Lands 39 Farmland protection 20 Flower gardens 7 Garden plots Cultural Sites 16 Archeological sites 2 Festival grounds 29 Historic sites Environmental Protection 16 Conservation areas 27 Flood damage reduction facilities or areas 30 River cleanup areas Facilities 10 Campgrounds 8 Canoe rental 4 Horse rings 8 Parking areas 24 Picnic areas 8 Playgrounds 23 Restrooms Natural Areas 11 Arboretums 22 Bird sanctuaries and birdwatching areas 18 Duck feeding areas 28 Nature study areas and trails 30 Wildlife habitat improvement areas Paths 29 Bicycle trails 7 Exercise courses 17 Horse trails 17 Parkways 38 Walking trails Scenery 39 River beautification areas 32 Scenic view areas Sports Fields 6 Ballfields 3 Basketball 7 Golf courses 5 Model airplane fields 3 Tennis Water Recreation 13 Canoe & raft launches 24 Fishing access sites 15 River access sites 14 Swimming areas Others 1 Cave exploration 4 Wildflower gardens 1 Spawning areas 1 Planned growth 3 Hunting preserve 2 Tubing rentals & tubing downriver 1 No elements, please Fig. 5. Preferred Roanoke Greenway elements identified by community workshop participants. River Greenway would be the river itself, with conservation and recreation areas sited along the river, much like beads on a necklace. A continuous pathway for non-motorized use the Roanoke River Trail - would parallel the river through the Roanoke and Salem reaches. This would be a "Class I" trail, i.e., fully separated from motorized traffic. It would end at the east end of the West Roanoke County reach (conservation area "D"), where the trail would meet US 460. The plan proposes that the shoulders of US 460 be upgraded and improved as "Class II" bicycle lanes from this point on to Blacksburg. A two-lane, urban "river road" would also follow the river through the Roanoke and Salem reaches, using existing streets such as Riverside Drive in Salem wherever possible. To preclude the development of heavy bypass traffic, however, the plan proposes a gap at either end of the Roanoke River Road. Thus, the eastern end of the river road would not connect directly to the Roanoke Parkway, but would connect to US 24 by means of 13th Street, an existing arterial. Similarly, to protect the undeveloped river run above Green Hill Park, the western end of the Roanoke River Road would tie into US 460 at the Salem city line, rather than continue along the river to the beginning of the West Roanoke County reach. Because of the restricted road rights-of-way along the river in the West Roanoke County reach and the concerns articulated by residents during the planning workshops, neither the river road nor the trail is proposed to follow the river through the narrow, steep-sided valley upstream to Dixie Caverns. Within the Roanoke and Salem reaches, the greenway would also include several actions to reduce flood damage. In Salem, the most prominent of these actions would be to remove several buildings from an apartment complex that has been subjected to repeated severe flooding. These units would be replaced by a levee that would protect the remaining buildings and that would provide a right-ofway for a new section of the Roanoke River Road. InRoanoke, the greenway plan proposes a number of actions that would be coordinated with a Corps of Engineers plan to reduce flood damage by widening portions of the river floodway. The greenway plan suggests excavating bypass channels in locations where there is sufficient room, to create a series of islands that would help preserve existing riparian habitat and improve the appearance of Corps of Engineers project. Roanoke Parkway. In keeping with the Surface Transportation & Uniform Relocation Assistance Act of 1987, the plan proposes that the Rke. Parkway extend from US 24 near the confluence of Tinker Creek to State Route 634 �u r [ ( [ .ioisi'i\ \r\\u,>,vi<) .io\i>| o^ouroNj �//. Design and Planning—Blair and Miller at Hardy Ford. The plan recommends a general alignment for this new parkway that appears to meet the tests of feasibility and public acceptability, and that would also integrate well with the planning for the EXPLORE Project. In making this plan, the River Foundation recognizes that the final alignment for the Roanoke Parkway will be determined by the National Park Service and the Federal Highway Administration, following the preparation of an EIS on alternate routes for the new parkway. As an interested party, however, The River Foundation believed it appropriate to try to identify a feasible location for the parkway in relation to the EXPLORE Project, to solicit public concerns regarding this location, and to carry forward their findings to the federal agencies for their independent consideration. The proposed route for the parkway would start on the north side river in Vinton and would parallel an existing rail line through the Roanoke Gorge, under the Blue Ridge Parkway bridge, and into the site of the EXPLORE Project. The new parkway would provide an entrance both tothe EXPLOREProjectandtotheBlueRidge Parkway in this area. It would continue east, above the rail line, to the steep slopes of Pine Mountain, where it would cross the rail line and river to the south side of the gorge. Here the parkway would provide a second entrance to the EXPLORE Project, hi the vicinity of the planned Blue Ridge Town. The parkway would then continue east and would cross back to the north side of the river. To avoid several residential enclaves, a number of alternatives have been investigated in this area; the most acceptable and feasible of these appears to be a route that avoids existing homes by means of a short tunnel through the neck of the river bend. The parkway route would then continue on the north side of the river to Hardy Ford. This area appears to provide a more suitable terminus for the parkway than any of the areas examined on the south side of the river, because of terrain and the geometry of existing highways. Recommended Highway Improvements. The NPS reconnaissance study investigated Opposite: Fig. 6. Summary of Master Plan. 65 several possibilities for continuing the Roanoke Parkway to Booker T. Washington National Monument. The Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1987 concluded debate on this issue for the immediate future by terminating the parkway at Hardy Ford. However, participants in the community workshops for the greenway planning process expressed the need for highway improvements beyond Hardy Ford. The roads in this area serve as a travel corridor between the Roanoke Valley and the main portion of Smith Mountain Lake, which lies east of Booker T. Washington National Monument. Residents and other users of these roads are concerned about traffic safety problems on the existing roads. These problems appear due to deficient highway geometry and roadbed design; all of the roads are classified as secondary highways and most do not appear to have been designed in any formal sense. Although traffic volumes have been increasing steadily, the existing classifications of these roads effectively preclude state participation in their improvement, because state policies allow improvements to secondary highways only on the basis of existing traffic volumes. The planning team examined the probable traffic impacts of the Roanoke Parkway and the EXPLORE Project in this area and concluded that these impacts would not be significant. Nevertheless, in recognition of the poor state of the existing roads and the increasing problems with traffic safety, The River Foundation has made a commitment to help the local residents in their efforts to secure improvements to the principal travel route in this area, shown on Figure 6 as a heavy dotted line. The first step in doing this would be to secure the designation of this route as a primary highway, which would make it eligible for improvement based on projected future traffic volumes. The planning team also identified the portions of this route that appear to exhibit serious design deficiencies, as a step toward determining the funding needs for improving this route. These recommended highway improvements would also, of course, help improve �66 Parkways Conference Proceedings Table 2: Conservation and recreation elements included in the Roanoke River Greenway Master Plan (conservation elements are indicated on Figure 6 by letter codes; recreation elements are indicated by numbers). Code Recommended Action River Reach 1 Provide US 460 bicycle lanes, roadside landscape West Roanoke Co. 2 Provide Roanoke River Wayside improvements West Roanoke Co. 3 Encourage Dixie Caverns improvements West Roanoke Co. A Conserve scenic river bluffs West Roanoke Co. B Conserve riparian woodland habitat West Roanoke Co. C Conserve scenic river bluffs West Roanoke Co. D Conserve farmland West Roanoke Co. E Conserve scenic river bluffs West Roanoke Co. F Conserve farmland West Roanoke Co. G River cleanup, wooded buffer Salem H River cleanup, wooded buffer Salem 4 Provide Mill Lane historic site, river access Salem I Conserve riparian woodland habitat Salem 5 Provide Riverside Drive picnic area, river access Salem J Conserve scenic river bluffs Salem K River and tributary cleanup Salem L Flood reduction, conserve scenic river bluffs Salem M River and tributary cleanup Salem 6 Provide VA Hospital river access, riparian habitat Roanoke 7 Provide Railroad Ave. historic site, plant nursery Roanoke 8 Provide Norwich river access, riparian habitat Roanoke 9 Prpvide Wasena Park overlook, picnic area Roanoke 10 Provide Riverview Park extension Roanoke N Flood reduction, landscape buffer Roanoke 0 Flood reduction, riparian habitat Roanoke P River cleanup, conserve riparian habitat Roanoke Q Tributary cleanup, conserve riparian habitat Roanoke R Conserve farmland and historic landscape Roanoke 11 Provide Tinker Creek parkway entrance Vinton S Conserve riparian woodland habitat Vinton 12 Provide Niagara dam interpretive center Vinton 13 Provide B.R. Parkway & EXPLORE entrances Vinton 14 Provide EXPLORE entrance at Blue Ridge Town Vinton T Scenic overlook Smith Mtn. Lake U View protection, landscape buffer Smith Mtn. Lake 15 Provide Hardy Ford parkway entrance Smith Mtn. Lake �67 //. Design and Planning—Blair and Miller access between the Roanoke Parkway and Booker T.WashingtonNational Monument. In the long run, however, it may prove desirable to extend the Roanoke Parkway all the way to Booker T. Washington National Monument in order to separate regional tourism traffic from local recreational and residential commuter traffic between the Roanoke Valley and Smith Mountain Lake. CONCLUSIONS The River Foundation's Roanoke River Greenway Master Plan presents a vision for the future in which a cleaner and more beautiful Roanoke River would form the spine of a continuous system of open space that would traverse the urban Roanoke Valley and connect it to the scenic rural landscapes of the Blue Ridge. This vision of a regional greenway promises economic benefits, as well as environmental and recreational benefits, to the residents of the Roanoke Valley; the improvements to urban infrastructure that are necessary to revitalize declining industrial economics include improvements to the local quality of life as well as to streets and utilities. The greenway vision is not limited to the Roanoke Valley. The President's Commission on Americans Outdoors articulates the vision of "a living network ofgreenways" for the entire nation in its report, Americans Outdoors: The Legacy, the Challenge (Island Press. 1987). As one of its principal action recommendations, the President's Commission urges, on page 142, that "communities establish Greenways, corridors of private and public recreation lands and waters, to provide people with access to openspaces close to where they live, and to link together the rural and urban spaces in the American Landscape" The benefits that the Roanoke Greenway offers the Roanoke Valley are precisely those that the President's Commission identifies, on page 146: "Greenways will have significant environmental, conservation, and economic benefits. Innovative design and management could achieve the following: • reduce flood damage; • wildlife habitat protection, and plant and animal conservation; • water table recharge in wetlands and healthy riparians; • improved landscape aesthetics; • enhanced community pride and identity; • more effective use of limited land area for conservation; • concurrent uses by compatible industries; • enhanced awareness and appreciation for midlands; • more diverse local economies from tourism" Again, the Roanoke River Greenway Master Plan presents a vision for the future. In delineating this vision, The River Foundation has been acting as an advocate for the natural and cultural heritage of the Roanoke Valley. The Foundation recognizes that adoption and implementation of this vision will require the cooperation of the many local, state, andfederal agencies that share jurisdiction over the Roanoke River and its shorelands. The River Foundation also recognizes that private organizations, such as itself, also have direct roles to play in greenway implementation, such as land banking, land acquisition, and even some types of development. As the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors notes, "the focus ofgreenways creation should be local groups and individuals, local governments, and local chapters of regional and national organizations." Creation of the Roanoke Greenway will require partnership and The River Foundation is prepared to join that partnership. BIBLIOGRAPHY Jones & Jones, Explore Park Master Plan. The River Foundation, Roanoke, Virginia (1987). Jones & Jones, Roanoke River Greenway Master Plan. The River Foundation, Roanoke, Virginia (1987). �68 Nolen, John, Comprehensive City Plan. Roanoke. Virginia. City Planning and Zoning Commissions, Roanoke, Virginia (1928). The President's Commission on Americans Outdoors, Americans Outdoors: The Legacy, the Challenge. Island Press, Washington, D.C. (1987). Parkways Conference Proceedings U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Interim Feasibility Report and Environmental Impact Statement for Flood Damage Reduction. Wilmington, North Carolina (1984). U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Reconnaissance Survey of the Roanoke River Parkway Corridor. Denver Service Center (1987). The Development of the Geometric Design of Parkways Frank B. Burggraf, FASLA, Professor of Landscape Architecture, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville HISTORIC PERSPECTIVE Until recently very few roads were located by engineering methods. Early rural roads which started as horse and wagon trails ran from farm to market with each landowner maintaining the road which passed along his property. Eventually this gave way to collective efforts to work on the roads at an appointed time in the common interest. Ultimately persons were hired by the county to work on the roads and the property owners paid taxes instead of giving their time. Often there was no right-ofway defined and when there was it was usually one chain or 66 feet. Roads followed the edge of properties, as no farmer wanted his fields cut in two by a public road. This often meant sharp corners at the end of a property, a reality still very much in evidence in the western U.S. at the junction of sections and quarter sections. Gradually the more important roads were improved, usually with surfacing, sometimes with improvements in the more troublesome alinements. Virtually all of our highways have grown out of successive improvements of existing roads, almost always within the existing rightof-ways. In urban areas, streets were commonly plotted in rectangles or squares—the ubiquitous gridiron pattern, fashioned without regard for topography or natural features except for the most formidable of obstacles, and often ignoring existing trails which were located with more consideration of topography. Broadway in New York City is a classic example. It is in conspicuous nonconformance with the grid street pattern because it follows the Wickquasgeck trail of the Delaware Indians which predated even the Dutch settlement of New Amsterdam. Modern highway location employs techniques of civil engineering and land surveying to fix the location and geometry of the road. These techniques are borrowed from earlier railroad engineering and also from early parkway siting experience. PARKWAY GEOMETRICS The basic geometric elements of a parkway are the curves (both horizontal and vertical), straightaways (tangents), ups and downs (grades) and cross sectional elements which locate the cartway in the landscape. Unlike the modern express highway which seeks the most direct and rapid location between two points, a parkway has as its objective the most pleasant location to be traveled at a pace appropriate to the enjoyment of the landscape. Some parkways, by virtue of their controlled access and location, have become heavily used as expressways—the Cross County Parkway in Westchester, for example. Sometimes travel on the parkway seems as fast or faster than covering the same distance on an expressway. If you travel the Hudson River �II. Design and Planning—Burggraf Corridor between Albany and the outskirts of New York City as I have many times, you find a choice of routes. There are state highways like 9W which for the most part go through cities and towns and mix local and through traffic to the discomfort of both. There is the Thruway— a toll road which is designated a part of the Interstate system. It is controlled access with easy grades and curves, very direct and following an easy "water level route". There is the Taconic State Parkway which is controlled or limited access and which winds through more rugged highlands, mountains androlling topography. My personal preference except in extreme time constraint is to drive the parkway. The absence of trucks to contend with and the pleasant and constantly changing landscape makes the drive much more enjoyable, less fatiguing, and while it is longer than the thruway, it actually seems to take less time. EARLY PARKWAY PLANS The parkway concept is generally considered to have its first expression with the construction of the Bronx River Parkway, although I have personally come across many references to parkways which predate it. In his book. Parks and Park Engineering, published in 1916 William T. Lyle writes: The Parkway and Boulevard are connecting arteries which join the parks of a system. The Boulevard is the more formal of the two and is nothing more than a beautified avenue, while a Parkway is much broader, often about 400 feet wide, and may be laid out in a semi-informal manner.1 John Nolen, a notable early landscape architect and planner, in his plan for the City of Little Rock, Arkansas, dated 1930, proposed, among other things, Acquisition of land for a coordinated Park System which will provide playgrounds, athletic fields, neighborhood parks, for intensive use throughout the city, large scenic parks or reservations and connecting parkways, (emphasis added)2 69 That Nolen already had a clear understanding of parkways at that time becomes evident by his definition in the report: Parkways. Aside from the areas which are intensively used for recreation, there is the parkway, which performs a double function—the providing of scenic drives, and the connecting of the large parks and reservations. In this way the water courses, such as the creeks and portions of river banks, are made available for enjoyment, preventing them from falling into insanitary uses, and a means of seeing the city without traversing the crowded thoroughfares of the city.3 Nolen went on to propose specific parkway routes including: Circumferential Drive in the Surrounding Region, for example: a drive on the long ridge toward the Pinnacles, and Shindle Mountain, then leading south and east back to the city.4 Russell Van Nest Black, a planning consultant and a member of both the American Society of Civil Engineers and the American Society of Landscape Architects, in a monograph for the public, administration service published in 1933, not only lists parkways as a usual element of a physical plan for the average small city, but includes a photograph of a handsome grade separation structure on "Central Parkway Mt. Vemon, N.Y." credited to Gilmore Clarke, Landscape Architect and published courtesy of the Westchester County Park Commission. Included in Black's excellent monograph are two plans prepared by John Nolen. One is entitled, "Mariemont: A New Town" subtitled, "An interpretation of Modern City Planning Principles applied to a Small Community to produce local Happiness." Dated July, 1921, the plan depicts tree lined boulevards and ribbon parks adjoining one of the major thoroughfares and the railroad. The other Nolen plan is for the City of Roanoke. It clearly depicts parkways following the watercourses and creating a ribbon of park linking the parks, the city and outlying areas. As was often the case then and is still quite �70 common the excellence of the plan is no assurance of adoption. Funding such schemes obviously presented problems and although the authors of such plans clearly foresaw the growth in demand and the need for action before a rise hi land costs, their clients did not share such concern—at least not enough to act on them. Lyle makes an observation in his publication hi 1916 which perhaps explains in part why there may have been a reluctance to expend public funds for parkways. In discussing the planning of parks he observes: Parks should be planned with a distinct view of the requirements of the population to be benefited. The problem must be worked out for each individual case. The needs of the entire population must be considered with regard to wealth, culture, nationality, age, sex, density of population, etc. Drives, parkways and boulevards will principally benefit the wealthy.5 The perception that parkways benefit the wealthy is understandable in 1916 as there were only about 4,700,000 passenger cars and 400,000 trucks registered in the U.S. just before World War I. Ten years later the number of cars would have increased nearly five times and the number of trucks seven times. Not only was the common ownership of autos unforeseen but the impact upon the settlement and property development that was to be a consequence of such mobility was unimagined. LOCATIONAL CONTROLS In any highway location there are fixed objectives or termini which control the actual siting. For most highways the objective is to connect one community to another. This would be the primary control. Secondary controls would be elements that would have to be accommodated to reach the primary objectives, such as a river crossing, a mountain pass, an existing railroad overpass, a swamp or lake, etc. From our earlier observations we can see that parkways have different location controls. Parkways more often link parks and follow terrain Parkways Conference Proceedings features such as rivers, escarpments, etc. Secondary parkway controls might be desirable overlooks or unique views. Whereas highway engineers would usually avoid steep topography, some parkways are designed to engage and exploit mountainous terrain. These days it is not uncommon for highways to be located entirely in the office from aerial photography and topographic maps. With the computer it is easy to do all the calculations and with modern earth moving equipment it is possible to disregard most topography, simply cutting and filling as necessary to achieve the desired grade and alinement. Parkways have traditionally been located in the field where it is possible to experience the landscape and to appreciate the views attainable and the landscape features too sensitive or valuable to disturb. This also requires collaboration of a high order among the surveyors, engineers and landscape architects. PARKWAY ALINEMENT DESIGN The parkway location will attempt to stay close to the natural earthforms and will minimize grade changes, particularly where grade change would result in extensive removal of vegetation or unnatural grades and slopes. Often the alinement will be compromised rather than the land disrupted. When a vehicle goes around a curve, the resistance to centrifugal force tending to throw the car off the road is entirely a function of the resistance of the tires and any banking of the road which tends to deflect the car back. The larger the radius of a curve, the greater is the speed which the tire's road contact will permit as the less force is exerted by the turning action. Since parkways are often in rugged topography, there are a lot of curves and they are often of fairly small radii. Parkways are usually designed for lower speeds. In cities, drivers are accustomed to driving at various speeds and stopping and going in response to traffic density, lights, changes in paving, intersections, etc. The geometry of curves of sight distances is less likely to determine speed. �//. Design and Planning—Burggraf Once clear of urban areas, the average driver tends to settle down to a steady speed which in his mind is as great as the traffic and the physical characteristics of the highway permit.6 We all recognize that the modern vehicle can go faster than the speed limit or even the speed for which a curve is technically rated. Some drivers choose to drive closer to the practical limits of their equipment than others. It is important to design a road so there are no abrupt changes in the curvature, or if such changes are necessary they should become evident before the driver arrives at a curve which is too sharp for his rate of speed. Thus a road is designed to be balanced with the curves designed, as nearly as possible, for a uniform design speed. Where curves follow the contour of the landscape there is often a sequence of curves first in one direction, then in the opposite. In between the curves there will be a straight stretch or tangent to the curves. In difficult topography there is little room for tangents between curves so the driver must quickly adjust from a turn in one direction to a turn in the opposite. The banking or superelevation of a curve which is necessary for safety and comfort must as quickly be added and subtracted and applied in the opposite direction. The shorter the radius the greater is the need for superelevation and the more quickly must the banking be added. However, a circular curve begins to curve at the point of tangency at the full rate of curvature. If the full rate of superelevation or banking is to occur at the start of the curve it must begin before and end after the curve. This warping can be drastic if curves in opposition occur close together. Conversely, there is little point in banking before the curve as it is not until the curve that it becomes necessary. Transitions from tangents to horizontal curves were developed by the railroads and their use in road alinements was pioneered in parkway design. Transitions or spiral curves are curves of changing radius. They apply the curvature gradually. In other words, a transition 71 curve is a curve of constantly changing radius. Since superelevation can thus be applied as the curvature develops, it makes for a smoother, gradual curve. The computations involved are much more complicated for the establishment of a spiral curve than for a circular curve; this has contributed to their lack of acceptance in highway design. Because of the quality of the resulting drive, particularly in steep topography where tighter curves are required, they have found favor in parkway alinement. The Mount Vernon Memorial Parkway built between 1929 and 1932 is reputed to have been designed entirely without any straight tangents. This accounts for the very liquid, comfortable driving experience where all the curves are so gradual as to be almost unnoticed. The problem of difficult computations of transition alinements was solved in 1940 when the Bureau of Public Roads published Transition Curves for Highways, a book of tables of transition curves for various standard lengths and lengths of curve. Authored by Joseph Bamett, senior highway design engineer, they enabled signif icant improvement in the driving quality of roads employing the techniques set forth. In this short dissertation it is not possible to go into detail about the application of transition curves. Persons interested in exploring transition curves further are directed to the authoritative introduction in the beginning of that book. With today's modem computers such calculations are no longer of consequence. However, interstate standards are so generous (large radius curves) that there is slight need for transitions to be added. A road must be designed to negotiate changes of direction not only right and left but up and down as well. Going up and down hills affects vehicle performance. Older roads often exceeded the 5 or 6% considered to be a practical grade for climbing without significant loss of speed and to be "free-wheeling" on the downgrade but without significant build up of speed because of gravity. As we all know, loaded trucks do not climb steep grades without losing speed. Modern interstates are therefore designed to keep grades to a maximum of 3%. At the top and bottom of grades there must be �72 Parkways Conference Proceedings curves to transition from one slope to another. These curves are parabolic, effecting a smooth transition based on sight distances that permits safe passing or stopping maneuvers. REFINEMENTS Of course changes in grade and changes in direction often occur together and it is design judgments in this arena that constitute the "art" of alinement design. The combination of profile and alignment is important for the landscape design as well asfor traffic operation. The beauty of line may be lost if grade and line are not properly related. Lines "flowing with the country" with carefully placed profile changes are desired. Poorly placed grade changes can distort an otherwise beautiful curve. Thus a summit or hump in the profile of a concave curve, visible across a broad valley, may mar the entire line of the highway. Nor should a curve begin at a summit; it is better to suggest the change of direction before the road goes out of sight.7 Some combinations which, to use engineer's parlance, are "statically and dynamically correct" may have an objectionable appearance. For example, where there is a small angular difference in direction between two long tangents, the horizontal curve connecting them should usually be very much longer for appearance's sake than the acceptable length dictated by design speed; otherwise the curve will appear as a sharp kink to the driver. Similarly, for appearance, longer vertical curves should be used at grade sags than might be required merely to effect the smooth transition from downgrade to upgrade motion.9 THE PARKWAY CROSS SECTION The early planners were aware of the need for a hierarchy of roads and streets to accommodate different traffic densities and kinds of use. Wider right-of-ways are determined to be nec- essary and early parkway designers soon determined the desirability of a median strip. The highway designers were learning that pavements only 16 feet wide were not safe for two lanes of traffic going 50 and 60 miles per hour. Indeed it is hard for us to imagine the three lane road which provided a central lane for passing from either direction. It is not surprising that this plan soon gave way to four lanes and then to the addition of a median strip. The traffic accident rates between 1929 and 1939 were the highest ever recorded in this country. In 1929, 28,000 persons died in highway accidents, a number equivalent to 16.2 deaths for every 100 million miles of motor vehicle travel. In order to reduce the traffic hazard and make it easier to pass slow traffic, many highways were widened to include a third or "passing" lane. This was to prove disastrous. Since the passing lane was used by fast traffic moving in both directions, the frequency of head-on collisions increased and the accident rate on three-lane roads proved to be higher than on two-lane roads.9 The Autobahn, Germany's new system of highways, also influenced American highway engineers. Designed as controlled-access highways built for high speed and with thick pavements, they were designed to provide mobility for the German War Machine. We would ourselves later finance highway construction as part of the "national defense". The Autobahn did have a 15 foot median strip, but it was the Merritt Parkway constructed across Connecticut between 1934 and 1940 that introduced the median strip of varying width, 20 feet at its width but narrowing to nothing at overpasses. The final step of two independent alinements for each direction with a variable median did not occur until later. In 1934, California built its first rural divided highway, incorporating a median strip 20 feet in width. In June of that year, the Maryland Road Commission let grading contracts for a divided highway between Baltimore and Havre de Grace; it had a 30 foot median, although the com- �II. Design and Planning—Burggraf mission expressed its conviction that a 50foot-wide median would be preferable. California was probably the first state to build a divided highway with a 50-foot-wide median separating the roadways; this was in 1938." When right-of-ways were narrow, drainage ditches were at the edge of the cartway and backslopes were often quite steep. Shoulders were nonexistent. Gradually, with wider rightof-ways, shoulders were widened and slopes were eased. Again it was parkway designers concerned with the appearance of their creations that pioneered slope rounding and blending with the landscape. The concern for appearance even went beyond the limits of the rightof-way itself. Regulations of the National Park Service, approved by the Secretary of the Interior Feb. 8,1935, provide for acquisition by several states of rights of way and scenic easements for national parkways. Scenic easements are to be introduced for maximum protection without increasing the areas of land actually provided. A right of way of 100 acres or more per mile shall be provided. The 100-acre right of way would itself be equivalent to a strip of constant width of 800 feet but need not be uniform. Thus the acreage may be balanced to meet conditions, but at no point should it be less than 200 feet wide. Its variation in width will depend on topography and other natural conditions and on the requirements of the parkway design. Similarly, an additional requirement of the 50 acres per mile for scenic easement is a device to control future use of adjoining private land in order to maintain its values for the parkway. The requirements, among others attached to scenic easements, prohibit pole lines, dumps, etc. and structures other than farm buildings, also deny access to the roads and forbid the removal of trees or shrubs but permit government planting. Advertising signs are limited to owner advertisement by means ofl8-by 24-inch signs.11 73 ACCESS We are all familiar with the destruction of the capacity of a highway through unlimited access. No sooner would a highway be constructed than all manner of roadside business would locate along it, each with its own entry, each adding to the burden of traffic and conflict until yet another "by-pass" became necessary for expediting through traffic. The parkway designers, for the sake of their clients—the motoring public—limited access, making the road more pleasant to drive but also safer. Some communities were concerned that highways would depreciate property as well as withdraw lands from taxation. . . . ay late as 1943, some residents of the Riverside section of Greenwich, Connecticut, most of them New York businessmen, were up in arms about the state's proposal to add a third highway to the Boston Post Road and the Merritt Parkway across Fairfield County. Said TownAssessor Clifford R. Wilmot, "if the road goes through Riverside, tax exemption on state-acquired property and depreciation of property along the route would reduce the Greenwich assessment list by $15,000,000." In 1937, John Nolen and Henry V. Hubbard made a careful study of the trend of property values close to parkways in Boston, Kansas City, and Westchester County. Although the age and design criteria of each of these systems differed considerably, in each instance these authors showed that property close to landscaped parkways maintained or increased its value better or more than did comparison properties some distance away from the parkway. To obtain similar information about suburban and rural areas through which parkways and expressways had been built, the California Department of Highways, in 1949, set up a Land Economics Section within its Right-of-Way Department. All the published studies by this section confirm the Nolen and Hubbard findings.12 �Parkways Conference Proceedings 74 ROADSIDE PLANTING While technically not apart of the parkway geometry, and worthy of a paper of this length in its own right, planting bears mention here. It relates to the geometry in a number of ways such as how it influences the choice of route for viewing or for protection of existing vegetation and in possible effects on sight distances. It also will influence the width of right-of-way. Successful treatment of roadside and border growth begins with the acquisition of sufficient right of way. Scenic easement and abutting property control are also most desirable. A governing principle should be the preservation of natural growth and the avoidance of artificial effects. In many areas trees are the most important growth. In forested areas landscaping begins therefore with the clearing and grubbing, for it is necessary to preserve designated trees and even some shrubs. The landscape architect should be available and should mark clearly all trees to be left standing. He should work with the engineers and avoid designating trees that cannot survive grading work or that interfere with proper drainage or safety of future operation, including necessary sight distance and legal vertical clearance. ... To preserve certain groups of trees or specially fine single specimens the center line may require field changes that easily can be made, especially if provided for in the plans and specifications.™ Plantings also contribute to muffling traffic noise and provide screening between the highway and the community. Plantings can also be used to screen the headlights of oncoming traffic. PARK SERVICE EXPERIENCE The National Park Service and the Bureau of Public Roads have a long established partnership in the production of parkways and park roads. Despite the fact that they are housed in totally different departments, the collaboration has been effective and innovative. While the aforementioned geometric considerations involve judicious application of standards during the "design" phase, there is more to the realization of a parkway design. As Conrad Wirth, then Director of the National Park Service, said in an address in 1955: . . . The road systems providing access to these developments require the continuous attention of landscape architects from the time a road is proposed until it is completed. Even after the construction phase has been completed, certain activities and the possible needs for vista clearing, etc. are his responsibility. Working with others, the landscape architect is responsible for creating a circulatory pattern which will serve the essential needs of preservation and protection and appropriate visitor use. A road system of a park area may run a gamut of extremes. It may be a simple, short approach road terminating at its objective in a turnaround and parking area. Or a road systemfor a park area may be a network of roadways involving park roads, state roads, county roads, and private roads, perhaps requiring a number of different standards, and traversing difficult mountain terrain or extreme swamps or arid deserts. The landscape architect charged with the problem of planning a roads and trails system for a park area must at all times balance scenic values against construction costs; he must locate a travel-way in such a manner that it will reveal and describe the splendors of an area—perhaps explain why the road was so located—and not develop traffic hazards or maintenance problems. In applying the forms of order to his composition—sequence, balance, repetition, as true of road location and design as of any landscape composition— he must apply certain corollary principles relating to areas in the National Park System in particular—principles such as conservation, preservation, public use an- �//. Design and Planning—Burggraf ticipation, and development restraint. ...A road may be primitive, relatively undeveloped, -winding, narrow, with steep grades, leading to an accessible but seldom visited overlook of a breathtaking canyon view; or a road may be a multilane divided motorway complete with curbs, gutters, grade separations, and four-leaf interchanges. A primitive road may be used by only one venturesome motorist a day, or a primary may resound with 1 £00 hurrying motorists per hour. Taxing the ability of the landscape architect to cope with varying construction standards and practices is the variety of land forms over which the park roads pass. In Everglades National Park, Florida, the road must be built up from the swamps by a hydraulic and landfill road base of oolite and muck. A portion of Colonial Parkway in Colonial National Historical Park is being built up from tidewater land by a hydraulic siltfill. In Olympic National Park, Washington, the Heart o' the Hills Road, and in Glacier National Park, Montana, the Going-to-the-Sun Highway were literally carved along and through the mountains. In Death Valley National Monument, California, the park road is a sand fill, borrowed in place, generally, across a burning desert. At Cape Hatter as National Seashore, North Carolina, the road within the area is a long sand-and-bitumen ribbon along the sand dunes of an offshore barrier reef.14 The design of parkways is a challenging art and science. There are many fine examples of a high order of achievement throughout the United States and the influence of the design of other highways is also evident. Unfortunately it seems to be an art form that is out of favor. There are still many unique and deserving landscapes to be enjoyed, and the observation that pleasure driving is the number one recreation activity of Americans by the Outdoor Recreation Review Commission ought not to be ignored. 75 NOTES 1 Lyle, William T., Parks and Park Engineering. Wiley and Sons, London, 1916, p.7. 2 Nolen. John. City Plan. Little Rock Arkansas. John Nolen and Associates, Cambridge, Mass., 1930, p.4. 3 Ml, p.ll. 4 ffiid, p. 12 5 Lyle, p.22 6 Bamett, Joseph, Transition Curves for Highways. Public Roads Admin., U.S. Govt. Print. Off., 1940, p.3. 7 Hewes, Laurence Dsley, American Highway Practice. Wiley and Sons, London, 5th printing 1956, p.209. 8 Cron, F.W., "Fitting the Highway to the Landscape," The Highway and the Landscape, p.ll. 9 Bugge, W.A., and Snow, Brewster, "The Complete Highway," The Highway and the Landscape, p.ll. 10 Ibid, p.22. 11 Hewes, p.205. 12 Bugge and Snow, p.15. 13 Hewes, p.233. 14 Wirth, Conrad L. "The Landscape Architect in National Park Work," Landscape Architecture Quarterly. ASLA. 1955. BIBLIOGRAPHY American Association of State Highway Officials, A Policy On Geometric Design Of Rural Highways. AASHO, Washington, D.C., 1954. Baylis, Dudley C., Planning our National Park Roads and Our National Parkways. U.S. Dept. of Interior, National Park Service, reprinted from July 1957 issue of Traffic Quarterly, ENO Foundation. Barnett, Joseph, Transition Curves for Highways. Public Roads Administration, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington D.C., 1940. �76 Black, Russell Van Nest, Planning for the Small American City. Public Administration Service, Chicago, 111. 1936. Hewes, Laurence Ilsley, American Highway Practice. Wiley and Sons, London, 5th printing 1956. Lyle, William T., Parks and Park Engineering. Wiley and Sons, Inc., London, 1916. McCluskey, Jim, Road Form and Townscape. Architectural Press, London, 1979. Nolen, John, City Plan. Little Rock Arkansas. John Nolen and Associates, Cambridge, Mass., 1930. Outdoor Recreation Review Commission, Outdoor Recreation for America. U.S. Gov- Parkways Conference Proceedings ernment Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1962. Raymond, William G., The Elements of Railroad Engineering. Wiley and Sons, New York, 4th ed., 1923. Snow, Brewster W., The Highway and the Landscape. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, N.J., 1959. U.S. Commerce Dept.. A Proposed Program for Roads and Parkways. U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1968. Urban Advisors to the Federal Highway Administration, The Freeway in the City. U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1968. The Mississippi River National Parkway Lynn Miller, Pennsylvania State University BACKGROUND AND CONCEPT For sometime De Soto had been hearing of a great river to the west, a river called the Mississippi. He decided to find it. After a long and hard journey throughforests and swamps the Spaniards came out of the woods and stood upon the banks of this mighty stream.1 This is the typical fourth grade history book description of De Soto's discovery in the 16th century of the "Father of Waters** which had been used for millennia by the aboriginal Americans. The river became a world legend in the 19th century through the marvelous eyes and pen of Mark Twain, but it was not until the 20th century that it was ever studied and assessed as a significant American landscape. The original idea for a parkway along the entire length of the Mississippi belongs to the late Albert P. Greensfelder of St. Louis, Missouri. In the 1930's he recommended that the proposed parkway along the Mississippi River in the state of Missouri be extended from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico. Explaining his concept, Greensfelder said: Our Declaration of Independence 175 years ago pointed our way to the pursuit of happiness. Thomas Jefferson's phrase implies not merely personal but happy communities progressing and prospering. Our particular parkway can develop into a 'Happiness Highway' whereon you and I and those who follow us will seek and find happy days in pleasurable pursuits. A parkway is a way between parks and playlands. We, the people of mid America, must produce such a parkway commensurate with our potentialities. It will require vision, vigor and vitality. Who shall say we, the seven million people in the 118 river counties, lack them.2 In 1938 planners from the ten Mississippi river states agreed to establish an interstate commission to be known as the Mississippi River Parkway Planning Commission. Initial legislation was introduced in Congress in 1939 but action was delayed as the United States became involved in World War n. Following the end of the war, the Mississippi �//. Design and Planning—Miller River Parkway Planning Commission met with the National Park Service and the Bureau of Public Roads to discuss future parkway plans. In August of 1949, the U.S. Congress authorized the National Park Service and the Bureau of Public Roads to study the feasibility of a national parkway along the entire length of the Mississippi River from Lake Itasca in Minnesota to the Gulf of Mexico. Stanley Abbott was called away from his work on the Blue Ridge Parkway to be the supervising landscape architect for the National Park System team working on this project. Abbott, in describing the objectives and goals of this undertaking, said, ... we have all agreed that if this Parkway is to be simply another road with no claim to distinction, then the project has little reason for being. Our goal is higher. In words that are high sounding, but I think properly so, the job is to reveal for the visitor to this Valley every bit that we can of all that comes to mind with the word 'MISSISSIPPI'.. .3 The feasibility study got underway at a time of "parkway fever." The National Park Service had achieved outstanding successes in the 1930's and 1940's with its parkways and especially with the "big daddy" of them all— The Blue Ridge Parkway. This fever or enthusiasm resulted in several studies being completed in the decade of the 1950's. Although some of these proposed projects were challenged (as in the case of the C & 0 Canal Parkway when Associate Justice William O. Douglas of the U. S. Supreme Court argued that a parkway would destroy the uniqueness of the Canal and the project was abandoned), the study of the proposed Mississippi River Parkway resulted in the advancement of new ideas and techniques for the pa±way concept. Although the parkway concept had been adapted to the conservation of mountain scenery and the preservation of historic trails and traces, no parkway had ever transversed a landscape comparable in scale or character to the Mississippi Valley. 77 THE STUDY The study for the Mississippi River Parkway was one of immense proportions. It may very well be the largest single landscape architectural study ever undertaken. The river is 2,552 miles in length; its drainage basin encompasses 31 states. From its beginning at Lake Itasca in Minnesota, it passes through 10 states and 8 botanical/climatical zones; or, as Stanley Abbott described it, .. .from the moose and caribou to the delta alligator.. ,4 In addition to its vast scale and its unique natural features, many of the events which shaped this country's history took place along the banks of this river. One must also consider the human life and cultures of prehistoric man, who existed along the river long before De Soto. Many of these cultures have never been studied or analyzed in any great detail by our archaeologists. As with the Blue Ridge Parkway, this feasibility study was undertaken by a collaborative team from the Bureau of Public Roads and the National Park Service. The National Park Service team members provided the documentation and analysis of the historical, recreational and archeological aspects, along with the assessment of the scenic character of the region and its relationship to the proposed parkway. The Bureau of Public Roads team members completed the basic road survey data and the general determination of selected routes. Both of these agencies participated in the final selection of routes and prepared typical development plans and cost estimates. Collaboration was so successful that it was hard to tell where one team left off and the other started. At the beginning of the study, the design team knew that the Mississippi did not have the awesomeness of the Grand Canyon or the scenic splendor of the Yosemite Valley, but it had the vistas and the magic places which had excited American writers such as Mark Twain to describe a sunset as ... ... a broad expanse of river was turned to blood, in the middle distance the red hue brightened into gold through which a soli- �Parkways Conference Proceedings 78 tary log camefloating black and conspicuous; ... . . . the shore on our left was densely wooded, and the somber shadow that fell from thisforest was broken in one place by a long, ruffled trail that shone like silver; and above theforest wall a clean-stemmed dead tree waved a single leafy bough that glowed like aflame in the unobstructed splendor that wasflowingfrom the sun.. .5 Any study of this size has its share of problems. First and foremost, was the magnitude of the study area. A proper study would require a complete analysis of a strip of land 15 to 25 miles in width along the entire length of the river or the equivalent of analyzing 90,000 square miles(57,600,000 acres) or something about the size of two Pennsylvanias. At this point we see the influence of one of the advanced technologies resulting from World War II—aerial photography. This was one of thefirstprojects to utilize aerial photography to any great extent. Over 22,000 aerial photos at the scale of 1:20,000 were studied which resulted in 10,000 miles of alternate routes being examined at the cost of only $25.00 per mile. After evaluation of the basic data, three approaches were considered. The first was one which would satisfy the basic objectives of the Congressional authorization. This was to select a route for an all new parkway on both sides of the river from Minnesota to New Orleans and a single route from Lake Itasca to Minneapolis. The cost of this proposal was $1,450,000,000. A single route utilizing existing bridges would reduce the cost to $770,000,000. Since an all new parkway would most likely have to parallel existing roads, the economic feasibility of the approach was questioned. The second approach was to build several shorter but disjointed sections of parkway. This was discarded because it would show preference to certain states and communities and it fell short of accomplishing the basic objective. The third plan was to consider marking and designating existing highways on one or both sides of the river. The design team realized that this approach would not produce a meaningful solution since continuous pavements do not exist on favorable locations in proximity to the river. It was realized that there was an opportunity for flexibility of parkway concepts rather than the simple duplication of past designs. Therefore, the logical and most successful approach would be to strike a happy medium between an all new parkway and the reclamation and upgrading of certain existing roads. This plan would result in a project which would cost only $81,000,000. The joint report completed in 1951 concluded that developing a national parkway system on an entirely new location along the Mississippi was not advisable. The team recommended a plan for a scenic route to be developed and administered by the various state highway departments which would improve suitable existing highways to parkway standards with inter-connecting links of new parkway construction. THE RECOMMENDED PLAN Development of the recommended plan would begin with a careful selection of existing highways which would be officially designated "Mississippi River Parkway" when minimum land controls and agreements for future improvements would be obtained. As the existing highways would be "reclaimed," new sections of parkway would be built where the engineering, scenic and/or historic considerations had deemed them important. The plan estimated that 40% of the proposed route would be of new construction. Several new ideas of parkway construction which could be incorporated into the planning emerged from the study. One was the construction of roadways from locally available and inexpensive hydraulic fill. The other was the opportunity to use the man-made levee as an elevated parkway (see figure 1). Levees had seldom been used hi the past because they had predated the automobile. This unique manmade feature would give height to the parkway above the river flats and would enhance the view of the river and the landscape character, (see figure 2). �II. Design and Planning—Miller 79 Top: Fig. 1. Bottom: Fig. 2 �Parkways Conference Proceedings 80 The concept of utilizing existing highways with new parkway construction necessitated a detailed program of land controls to be considered. Tlie following were considered to be absolutely essential: 1. Existing rights of way would have to be widened to the minimum of 220 feet for two lane and 250 feet for four lane. 2. Outright purchase of natural areas of marshland, bluffs, islands, etc. 3. Scenic easements 300 feet wide along both sides of the construction right of way to permanently attach the pastoral views to the parkway. 4. The acquisition of historic sites as well as scenic and recreational areas. Another factor essential in the reclamation of existing roads would be the cleaning up of roadsides. The plan called for public pressure, using outright purchase and permanent zoning to accomplish this objective. A new approach to outdoor advertising was developed to supply needed information to the traveler. In lieu of billboards, the Mississippi River Parkway would have areas set aside along the main travel lanes where appropriate advertising agencies could lease space under strict supervision of the local and State Chambers of Commerce. Such facilities would be self supporting. THE GREAT RIVER ROAD In 1954 Congress responded to the recommendations of the feasibility study and authorized the development of the project along with additional studies. In 1964 new legislation was passed and the name was changed from the Mississippi River Parkway to The Great River Road. At the present time all of the routes have been selected and designated by the river states except for about 20 miles of gravel roads in the state of Iowa. The Mississippi River Parkway Commission, which serves as the official representative of the Mississippi Parkway and The Great River Road, estimates that approximately 1/3 of the projected project as envisioned in the 1951 report has been completed. THE ABBOTT PHILOSOPHY In the present day analysis of this 1951 study, it is imperative that we look in detail at the philosophical input of Stanley Abbott. In a paper presented on February 8, 1951, Abbott expressed a philosophy for the successful development of this project (a philosophy still sound today): The Mississippi River Parkway can be an efficient motorway andperhaps a pleasant one But the success of the project as a touristfacility will depend at least equally on the artistry which is put into the plans as they are finally drawn by the States and into the execution of those plans in every telling detail The Mississippi is a river. In the abstract the problem is to bring about a kind of marriage of the river and the road. ... The parkway must court the river and 6 the river views in every subtle way In a comparative analysis of tourist facilities in Europe and America, Abbott pleaded: . . . we should take a step beyond the forever hot dog, the ubiquitous hamburger. I think of the native dishes—as native as the trout to Minnesota, catfish to Arkansas, shrimp to the Gulf. Likewise, the gift shops should avoid the world's fair stamp and become, instead, the outlets for the native products of this Valley and its people—7 In a broader aspect, Abbott discussed the opportunity to really capture the vast sweep and content of the Valley's history. Sometimes the real history of a region goes by the board for sake of another "George Washington's teacup." In order to accomplish this objective, Abbott said: ... the minor detail of history and legend must not be overlooked. This is a colorful part of the River's lore, and a parkway roadside makes a good place for the telling. ... During these days of high import one develops—or I find that I do—a certain tenderness for the unimportant things of history, such as the little red school- �//. Design and Planning—Hill 81 house 'which no one of prominence attended.9 With this sound philosophy in our minds, we can suddenly see in the distance, through the early morning mist, Huck and Jim floating down the stream in rhythm to the great river: We catchedflsh, and talked, and we took a swim now and then to keep off sleepiness. It was kind of solemn drifting down the big still river, laying on our backs looking up at the stars, and we didn't ever feel like talking out loud 9 3. Park Service and the Bureau of Public Public Roads, August 1952, p. 247. Abbott, Stanley, "The Mississippi River National Parkway", Planning and Civic Comment. Vol. 17, #1, March 1951. 4. Parkway for the Mississippi. A Report to Congress, Part I, prepared by the National Park Service and the Bureau of Public Roads, 1951. 5. Marx, Leo, The Machine and the Garden. New York, 1964, Oxford University Press, p. 321. 6. NOTES 1. Kelty, Mary, The Story of the American People. New York, Ginn & Co., 1937, p.75. Abbott, Stanley, Planning and Civic Comment. March 1951. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid. 2. 9. Marx, Leo, The Machine and the Garden. p. 327. Parkway for the Mississippi. A Report to Congress, Part II, prepared by the National The Roanoke River Reclamation Project: Site Specific Planning for a Linear District David P. Hill Abstract. The most diverse riparian ecosystem on the entire Atlantic slope, the Roanoke River has been the victim of 200 years of civic neglect! The combination of unique and fragile qualities of the Roanoke River Corridor provides for a complex land use planning challenge. In 1984 the Roanoke River Reclamation Project was proposed for the linear district through Salem and western Roanoke County. The project proposes an alternative to the traditional land planning methods. Previous planning methods failed in river corridors because they simplify the synergism of riparian systems to one or several common bases. In traditional zoning, land uses become prescribed, exclusive, and the river corridor has the potential to become a jumble of inappropriate land uses. Realizing the natural and social complexities of the corridor, an innovative land planning methodology was composed to fit the multiple land uses into the corridor with minimum disturbance to the existing environment. The Site Signature Method of land planning was proposed as an alternative for the Roanoke River Corridor as a means of locating and constructing multiple land uses in the environmentally sensitive area. The Roanoke County planning office has been able to use this project as a catalyst to begin a performance zoning policy in environmentally sensitive areas. The next decade presents a critical time for the Roanoke River corridor. During the next five to ten years, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers plans to implement flood plain management strategies and the EXPLORE Project plans to use the river for its aesthetic resources. Several Roanoke Valley Governments intend to use water from a pump-storage reservoir to be created west of Salem in the next decade. Roanoke County plans to construct major infrastructure �82 improvements in the western river corridor, including a sewer interceptor system. When implemented, all of these plans will bring about a major landscape change in the Roanoke River corridor. In a sense, we are discovering the Valley resources somewhat by default. Previously occupied generally by agricultural service and industrial uses, the River corridor now benefits from a shift in the public attention. For the first time in recent history the possibility exists for the river corridor to be enjoyed to its fullest potential by the public. Some design professionals recognized the potential for the river long ago. Inhis 1928 Plan for Roanoke City, the preeminent landscape architect and city planner John Nolen discussed the potential resources of this linear district. Using explicit photographs, John Nolen declared, "The river banks are being used as dumps." He suggested that the Roanoke River near Salem presented a much more beautiful scene. A visual reconnaissance of Nolen's two sites sixty years later reveals that both sites have been the subject of civic neglect. The recent environmental history of the river corridor and the intensive plans scheduled for construction hi the next decade frame quite a problem. The solution lies in whether it is possible to intensify development in the district, and by so doing actually improve the health of the Roanoke River corridor. Historically insensitive land use coupled with the infrastructure for intensive new development calls for an aggressive land planning strategy. In order to solicit sensitive development in the river corridor greater potential for private profit must be created. By allowing greater flexibility in locational criteria of new land uses, development interests will be able to afford a better performance in the environmental criteria of their proposals. The result is a linear district used to the concerns of the business community and designed to the criteria established by the scientific community. By proposing aperformance based linear district in west Salem and Roanoke County, the Roanoke River Reclamation Project intends to celebrate the unique resources of the river corridor. Sixty years after John Nolen's request, the Roanoke Parkways Conference Proceedings River Reclamation Project proposes to reclaim the resources of the Roanoke River for public enjoyment. I. THE ROANOKE RIVER: ROANOKE VALLEY'S SECRET RESOURCE Four critical dimensions of the Roanoke River Corridor make it a unique landscape within the Roanoke Valley. The physical, biological, cultural and aesthetic character of the linear district distinguishes it from others in the region. These dimensions were examined to set a stage for the guiding principles for river corridor development. First, the river corridor has a PHYSICAL character that sets it apart from other parts of the Roanoke Valley, beginning with its geology. The Blue Ridge mountains are among the oldest on the North American continent. Beginning in the Cambrian Age, 225 million years ago, the mountains began to form, and since the Quaternary (and possibly the Tertiary) Period (Amato, 1974) the Roanoke River has broken through the Blue Ridge and sculpted the Roanoke Valley. The floor of the valley is composed of Cambrian carbonates (limestones and dolomites), overlain by quaternary unconsolidated sand, gravel, silt and clay. The characteristics of the geohydrologic formations combined with their position in the low area of the valley make the river corridor the most important ground water management area of the entire Upper Roanoke River Basin. This area has the highest potential for ground water production, and the highest potential to become polluted. Many Roanoke County and Salem residents rely on the quantity and quality of the aquifer. In principle, no land use should be permitted in the river corridor maximum groundwater recharge zone which would damage the recharge potential of the aquifer by creation of excessive impervious surfaces; pollute the aquifer either from surface runoff or septic field pollution; or cause potentially hazardous sink holes from extensive use of large wells which cause cones of depression in the groundwater table. Over the millennia, the Roanoke River �//. Design and Planning—Hill corridor has developed the best soils in the Roanoke Valley. The Captina-Taft-Elk-Robertsdale soil association is ranked by the USD A as category 1 for agricultural purposes. The same characteristics that make Captina among the best agricultural soils in the country are responsible for making it easy for lucrative development of other land uses. This is the classic land conflict: the prime land for agriculture is the prime land for development. The values of the community will determine the solution to the conflict However, the relative scarcity of USDA category 1 soils in the region makes them an especially precious nonrenewable resource. In principle, the Captina association, where other characteristics permit, should be kept open for agricultural use. Soil associations which have high potential for erodability, low potential for building foundations, or are unsuitable for septic percolation should be avoided. Certain other physical characteristics, such as the floodplain and very steep slopes on the outside banks of the river, require exceptional care in construction methods. In principle, these unconventional sites, if they must be developed, must be developed in an unconventional manner which will neither be dangerous to its inhabitants, its neighbors, nor disturb the existing ecological balance of the river corridor. BIOLOGICALLY, the river corridor is unique. The upper Roanoke River houses the most diverse riverine ecological community on the entire Atlantic slope (Burkhead, 1983). This situation has come about largely for two reasons. One reason has to do with its location and the other to do with its history. The Roanoke River shares both the characteristics of the northern and southern rivers on the Atlantic slope. It is in the middle, and the climate of the valley provides a niche for some of the species of both. Also significant is the fact that for about the last two million years, the Blue Ridge and the Alleghenies have protected the Roanoke Valley from rapid geologic disturbance. The result is the existence of endemic relics, timetrapped animals or "living dinosaurs (Burkhead, 1983)" inhabiting the river. Two such endemics are fishes. The Orange-Finned Madtom, No- 83 torus Gilberti and the Roanoke Logperch, Percina Rex both inhabit the river, and the Roanoke Salamander and several rare plant species can be found on the banks. The Roanoke River Basin is located in the eastern forest oak-hickory climax region. The vast majority of the land in the upper river basin has been logged and is now used for silvicultural, agricultural, residential, commercial and industrial purposes. About 70 percent of the land in the upper basin is mixed woods. The woods typically occupy steep slopes and the valley floor is generally clear for agricultural and other uses. The soils of the valley are excellent for wildlife, and these resources could be cultivated with proper development techniques. In principle, river corridor development must not produce stream bom silt which would endanger the habitat of the Madtom species. This is particularly important during the spring spawning months. Land uses should be discouraged when they will impinge on woodland habitats. Land uses shall be discouraged from occupying all of the existing open land habitat in the river corridor. New land uses will begin to develop the tremendous potential for a biologically diverse river corridor community. There are certain SOCIAL systems that contribute to the value of the river corridor. It has been inhabited since the paleolithic period, possibly as early as 9500 B.C. The Paleo Indians were big game hunters in winter, they turned their attention to the river in the summer, and gathered nuts in the fall (Barber, 1980). An extensive woodland Indian society evolved in Southwestern Virginia beginning about 1000 B.C. and culminated about 950 A.D. In the woodland society a more centrally based settlement pattern arose, with emphasis on the floodplain's rich agricultural soils. There are several sites along the river which exhibit the characteristics of campsites, and at the time of the project (1984), the sites were all considered threshold level - they had not been investigated. During thetimeof the great western migration of European and American immigrants, the Native American trail in the river corridor became the Wilderness Trail, taking the settlers to �84 the land of opportunity beyond the Appalachians. Even though there are not any historical landmarks in the corridor, some culturally significant sites now occupy the lands adjacent to the river, including several log cabins and active farmsteads. In principle, development of future land uses should avoid all archaeologically and culturally significant sites. In the case where this will not be avoided, development of archaeologically significant sites should be planned two years in advance of constiuction to allow professional organizations to recover the artifacts. Both structures and details of culturally significant features can be incorporated into new construction. The Wilderness Trail is now roughly the course of U.S. Route 11. Commercial uses dominate the landscape of this strip. Between Route 11 and the river, industries have been developed on prime agricultural land. To the south of the river, the prime land uses are residential and agricultural. In principle, future land uses will be compatible with the existing land uses. Where existing land uses are appropriately sited, new development shall not impact their relationships with roads, river, or neighborhood. Where existing land uses are incompatible in their location, new land uses shall be utilized to moderate the relationship between existing land use and landscape. There are myriad methods which can be used to assess the AESTHETIC character of the river corridor. The USFS and BLM methodologies work on a very large scale, and Jones and Jones have developed a method for assessing wilderness rivers. One of the most helpful methods for assessment of a developing corridor has been advanced by R. Burton Litton (1974). All of the methodologies discuss the importance both of water and topography in creating a sense of place. In the Roanoke Valley, the presence of the river provides the potential for an aesthetic experience. The Resources Group (1977) interviewed 85 riverside residents in the Roanoke Valley, and found specifically that the residents liked the natural rocks, ripples and old trees adjacent to the river. Parkways Conference Proceedings Residents also preferred parks and agricultural land uses in the corridor, liked residential uses and roads, and did not like industrial uses in the corridor. The river occupies the low point of the valley, providing the greatest possible experience of the mountains. The variations in topography, landf orm, and vegetation, and the soothing presence of water contribute to the aesthetic appeal of the corridor. In principle, the visual significance of some places is too great to allow insensitive land development. The design of new structures along the river corridor should have minimal impact for such elements as rapids, pools, natural rocks, still water, and tall old trees along the river. Every attempt to emphasize these amenities should be made at the design phase of new projects. With the realization that more intensive development is bound to happen, the unique case of the Roanoke River necessitates a unique method for land suitability planning: one that is intrinsically tuned to the physical, biological, social and aesthetic resources of each site in the corridor. The four dimensions begin to outline the rich resources of the river corridor. The challenge becomes one of fitting new land uses into the river corridor without sacrificing the resources there. In Virginia (Stats. 15. 1-863), there is an extension of the usual zoning powers that does not appear in the enabling legislation. "Cities are empowered to divide their jurisdictions into districts for the purpose of applying different building codes (Blair, 1969)." Conventional zoning will never adequately address the synergism of the characteristics in this diverse environment. This legislation provides the framework for a River Corridor District. The district would grant locational flexibility to developers in return for their ability to meet certain performance criteria on the chosen site of their project. In some instances, development of new facilities can be used to clean-up the problems associated with some sites, enhancing the potential biological, historical and aesthetic resources. A clear method for evaluation of proposed land uses is essential to the future health of the river. �85 //. Design and Planning—Hill Fig. 1. Roanoke Landscape, west of Salem, Virginia. H. THE SITE SIGNATURE METHOD OF LAND PLANNING There are two curt realities of the Roanoke River corridor which must be taken into consideration when proposing the establishment of a special zoning district. One is that in order for the plan to be politically successful, it would be a great boost to make the plan more lenient than the conventional zoning in place. The second reality is that the historical and biological resources, and to some extent the physical and aesthetic properties of the river corridor are absolutely nonrenewable. Based on the tenet that it is possible to align these frequently irreconcilable realities, the Site Signature Method asserts that in fragile and diverse environments, the issue of preserving and enhancing the intended resources is not so much a matter of regional location as a matter of local construction. Developers are given locational flexibility in exchange for meeting the land use performance criteria established by the scientific community. The result is a river corridor planned according to a free market but con- structed to the specifications of the scientific community. An early step of the process is the establishment of the District boundaries and the District sites. The ends of the river corridor are conveniently established at jurisdictional boundaries, or at changes in the existing land use. Normal determinants for the lateral boundaries include visibility of the river, existing land use patterns, floodplain and first order watershed. Inside the study area, sites occur at about half-mile intervals. Sites vary in size depending on existing land use patterns such as property lines, roads, bridges and crests of hills. They are marked by the Army Corps of Engineers river mile number. The Site Signature Method analyzes the landscape in two ways. The MAGNITUDE of the landscape is a quantitative statement about how much or how great site characteristics are. The CONDITION of the land is a qualitative assessment about the health of sites. The Site Signature Method uses MAGNITUDE to determine character for land use location. �86 Parkways Conference Proceedings Top: Figure 2. Study for Establishment of a Lateral Boundary Bottom: Figure 3. Portion of the Roanoke River Corridor. Note the river miles, site boundaries at 1/2 mile intervals in the landscape. �87 //. Design and Planning—Hill CONDITION is applied to establish site specific performance criteria. The method documents the four critical dimensions of the landscape: biological, cultural, aesthetic and physical. A site sheet is the medium used to keep track of the character of each site. One has been developed for each site in the corridor. Magnitudes are totalled for each dimension and these totals are the basis for the site signature. The site signature represents the character of the site as a person's signature tells something about the character of the person. There is a pattern of larger site signatures upstream. These are more pristine sites, away from urbanized areas. Currently there are 52 sites examined in the Roanoke River study covering both banks of the river along the 13 mile corridor. In order to find the sites appropriate for each proposed land use, a questionnaire was circulated to the planning and design community at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. The instrument is planned so that there is a matrix of questions. The first asks the biological character of a site appropriate for each proposed land use category. The second asks the cultural character appropriate. Desirable aesthetic and physical character make up the third and fourth questions. The questionnaire is designed so questions are the ordinals which were used to establish the site signature grids. Modes of response are plotted on a grid congruent to the site signature grid. These are called Land Use Signatures. The synthesis of questionnaire data and site data is a clear and simple process. To discover whether a site is appropriate for a particular land use, the Land Use Signature is overlaid with the Site Signature. If the corner points of the Site Signature fall within the shaded area of the Land Use Signature, the site is appropriate for the land use. If the proposed land use will be inappropriately sited, the incompatible dimensions are immediately visible. The decision can be traced in the score sheet to landscape characteristics. Traceability is a welcome benefit of the method. A graphic synthesis is performed for the entire river corridor, crossing each Site Signa- RIGHT 372.0 SITE SIGNATURE 3S Fig. 4. Site sheetfor the right bank site at mile 372.0. The site signature appears in the lower left corner of the site sheet. ture with Land Use Signature. Some sites will be appropriate for almost all land uses, some for one or two, some only for preservation. The product of this exercise is the flexible Land Suitability Plan. The Land Suitability Plan is intended to allow locational flexibility for new land use proposals. A design evaluation process is proposed to insure quality development of the river corridor as development is put into place. When implemented, the flexible Land Suitability Plan alone is not sufficient control over the land use of the river corridor. Although a site is "zoned" �Parkways Conference Proceedings 88 ig. 5. Several land use signatures for the Roanoke River Project. for any land use that appears on the LSP, in order to be built, the proposed land use must meet the performance criteria derived from the conditions of the desired site. By using site plan reviews, the Planning Commission requires a developer to sift his proposed development through the Land Suitability Plan (first, coarse sieve). The design evaluation is the second, fine mesh sieve a proposed development must pass before it can be built. Conditions of the landscape are noted in each dimension of the study. They describe the health of sites. Unique features, the diversity of features, fragile features are noted, as well as all characteristics that have been encroached upon. For instance, a unique biological condition may be the "existence of a threatened species." A unique cultural condition may be "an historical landmark," etc. Each site has a distinct palette of different conditions. The conditions of the example site are noted with asterisks infigure 3. According to the Land Suitability Plan, institutions, recreation and residences may be located in the example site. In order to be constructed, the chosen land use(s) must have minimum impact on the noted conditions. Given the incentive for higher potential profit, a developer can afford to invest in a sound design which will perform to these site specific standards. Even though allowed by the LSP, the pros- �//. Design and Planning—Hill 89 Top: Fig. 6. Site Right 372.0 is appropriate for residences. The physical character of the site across river rules it out for same land use. Bottom: Fig. 7. Portion of the Land Suitability Plan for the Roanoke River Corridor. �90 Parkways Conference Proceedings Fig. 8. A Design Evaluation Sheet set up for the conditions of the example site. The example site hasfive special requirements beyond those of the conventional code. They are highlighted with an (*) on the sheet. pect of mitigating some potential land uses with the difficult conditions of some sites will be either physically or financially impossible, thus preserving them. Other sites will have few or no difficult constraints posed by site conditions, and can be developed intensively. Figure 8 shows how the method directly transfers "is" statements to "Thou shalt" statements. Proposed designs perform to existing stable amenities by passing impact formulae or by avoiding fragile areas. Expert plan review is arranged for evaluation of rapidly changing or extremely fragile criteria. This will assist the developer, who sometimes has little knowledge of the requirements of the social and natural landscape, but has an ability to recognize the cost of dealing with the legislated constraints posed by some sites. More importantly, this will assist the local planning body, for discretionary controls require informed and defensible decisions. Of course, all site sheets and design requirements must be available to the public, so Site Signature Method assessments must be in a tight, implementable package. The studies are detailed, decisions are traceable, and the product can be reproduced. �//. Design and Planning—Hill m. DEVELOPING WITH THE RIVER During the next decade, construction in the Upper Roanoke River Basin and especially in the Roanoke River Corridor, will determine the health of the natural and social environments for many decades to come. The current threshold state of the riparian landscape can go either toward a sensitively planned resource or an ecologically and visually dead nuisance. The difference in the future of the corridor lies in the communities' willingness to implement and enforce performance development standards. The answer is that simple. Conventional zoning is either unnecessarily prohibitive (hence politically undesirable) or an ineffective check on the crucial criteria of the district. The first wave of construction in the Roanoke River Corridor will be the completion of public infrastructure. Site specific conditions will be of particular importance to roadway planning, water and sewer line construction, and park and parkway construction. The Roanoke Valley governments have both the background information and the methodology to put this information to meaningful use. It is especially important that public works projects set the example by employing site specific criteria for the upcoming multi-site projects. It has been only in the last several years that we have seen a shift in attention to the Roanoke River Corridor as a popular issue. The new Roanoke County land use plans and zoning ordinance and the creation of the River Foundation have the potential to set milestones in the health of the river corridor. The Roanoke River Reclamation Project has been designed to be extended along the linear corridor from headwaters to the sea. There are several special concerns that surface when one plans an environmentally performance-based linear district. One in particular is that the multiple land uses proposed for the corridor may not be compatible with each other. This suitability concern has been incorporated as an addendum into the evaluation stage of proposed projects. To improve this method, adjacent land use compatibility needs to be considered in the inventory stage. 91 The Roanoke River Reclamation Project proposes a mediator between the developer, scientist and constituent by addressing the concerns of each. By employing the mediator, the landscape can be developed without loss of biological, cultural, aesthetic or physical resources. This "site specific zoning" results in an appropriately developed landscape which celebrates the character of the river corridor. BIBLIOGRAPHY Amato, Roger V. Geology of the Salem Quadrangle. Va. Charlottesville: Virginia Division of Mineral Resources, 1974. Barber, Michael B. Personal Discussion. 1983. (Dr. Barber is archaeologist for Jefferson National Forest and teaches at Radford University.) Burkhead, Noel M. and Rodney Jenkins. Personal Discussion. 1983. (Drs. Burkhead and Jenkins are faculty members, Department of Biology, Roanoke College, Salem, Virginia.) Hill, David P. "The Site Signature Method of Land Suitability Planning in River Corridors." Ed. Roy Johnson. Riparian Ecosystems and Their Management. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 1985. Hill, David P. The Site Signature Method of Land Suitability Planning and the Roanoke River Reclamation Project. Blacksburg, Va.: David P. Hill, 1984. Jones, Grant and R. Jones. 1973, Nooksack. Seatle, Wash.: Jones and Jones, Inc., 1973. Litton, R. Burton, et al. Water and Landscape. Port Washington, New York. Water Information Center. 1974. Nolen, John. "Comprehensive City Plan for Roanoke, Virginia." Cambridge, Massachusetts. 1928. The Resources Group. Visual Analysis of the Roanoke River Corridor. (Research used for Environmental Impact Statement for Rood Damage Reduction. Roanoke River Upper Basin. Virginia.) Wilmington, N.C. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 1983. �Parkways Conference Proceedings 92 Wilson's Creek National Battlefield Allan B. Cooksey, A.S.L.A., and Peter A. Oppermann, AS.LA.1 The Battle of Wilson's Creek, named for the stream that crosses the area, was a bitter one fought between defending Union forces and invading Confederate forces for control of Missouri. The battle took place ten miles southwest of Springfield, Missouri, on August 10, 1861, the first year of the Civil War. Although Union forces under the command of Brigadier General Nathaniel Lyon did not win the battle, they succeeded in keeping Missouri under Union control. Their success helped strengthen the position of Kentucky Unionists, who also kept much of their state loyal to the Union. Historians believe secession by Missouri and Kentucky would have strengthened chances of a Confederate victory in the Civil War.2 Brigadier General Lyon died in the Battle of Wilson's Creek. Public Law 86-434 established Wilson's Creek National Battlefield in 1960. Following the National Park Service's acquisition of 1,752 acres of the battlefield site, Public Law 91-554 provided $2,285,000 in 1970 for development of the battlefield. Wilson's Creek National Battlefield is located 200 miles southwest of St. Louis, Missouri, 180 miles southeast of Kansas City, Missouri, and ten miles southwest of Springfield, Missouri. (Figure 1) It is the only national historic landmark in the surrounding ten-county region. The 1,752 acres of Wilson's Creek National Battlefield are typical of the Ozarks— rolling, hilly, and rocky. The area had changed little since the 1861 battle, and land was used primarily for fanning until it was acquired by the National Park Service. The first changes in the park area were minor site improvements to meet initial and short-term visitor needs. The Visitors' Center and the Tour Road followed. The Visitors' Center, with its displays and fiberoptic interpretation of the battle, sets the stage for the struggle that was the Battle of Wilson's Creek and conveys Missouri's 1861 political and social climate. For many years before the Civil War, Missouri had been the scene of bitter conflict over the extension of slavery; the state was a microcosm of the nation. The Visitors' Center's interpretive program places the struggle in Missouri in the context of the Civil War as a whole and gives a sense of the conflict's fratricidal nature. Interpretation of the Battle of Wilson's Creek takes place along the length of the 4.8mile Tour Road. Using living history, recorded narrations, and the historic scene, interpretive areas help visitors understand not only what occurred on August 10,1861, but also what it meant to the area and the nation. The park has four major interpretive areas: 1. the hills and valley of Wilson's Creek, 2. the Ray House, from which John Ray observed the battle, 3. Sharp's Farm, which was Union Colonel Franz Sigel's third deployment of artillery, and 4. Bloody Hill, the scene of the fiercest fighting in the battle. Our firm, Tuttle-Ayers-Woodward Co., which is a division of Shafer, Kline & Warren, P. A., was selected in 1978 to be a member of the consultant team that would design and develop the Visitor's Center andTour Road according to the National Park Service Master Plan. (Figure 2) Our firm's planning and design responsibilities for the Visitors' Center were: 1. relocation of an intersection at the park entrance, plans for service drives, park access roads, and parking lot; 2. complete domestic water supply system including chlorinization from a deep-well source; 3. fire protection system with a 50,000gallon underground reservoir; 4. physical/chemical sanitary treatment facility; and �93 //. Design and Planning—Cooksey and Oppermann WILSON S CREEK NATIONAL BATTLEFIELD STATE OF MISSOURI NORTH WILSON'S NATIONAL UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR NATIONAL PARK SERVICE LEGEND LAKES COUNTRY CREEK BATTLEFIELD REGION STATE PARK Fig.l. �94 Parkways Conference Proceedings Fig. 2. 5. site grading, utilities layout, pavement design, construction details, and specifications. Construction of the Visitors' Center was completed in 1983, and the Tour Road was completed in 1986. THE TOUR ROAD We included initial planning for the Tour Road in the Visitors* Center phase that began in 1978. Our responsibilities for the final design phase included civil engineering, landscape architecture, and land surveying for the 4.8mile Road, which would include three bridges; seven historical turnouts with parking for cars, �//. Design and Planning—Cooksey and Oppermann 95 Fig. 3. buses, recreation vehicles, and bicycles; four pullovers; three concrete box culverts; many roadway culverts; and revegetation plans. During construction we provided construction-related services that included shop drawing review, field change orders, center line staking, grade staking, slope staking, and plant material location staking. We designed the Tour Road in accordance with the master plan under the supervision of the National Park Service Denver Service Center. Design criteria included the following interpretive requirements. 1. Provide vehicular routing sequential to the battle in a clockwise direction from the Visitors' Center. (Figure 3) �96 Parkways Conference Proceedings Top: Fig. 4. Bottom: Fig. 5. �//. Design and Planning—Cooksey and Oppermann 2. Design a one-way road 20+. feet wide with shoulders to accommodate a speed of 20 miles per hour. (Figure 4) 3. Minimize the physical and visual effect of the road on the park and maximize the park's use and accessibility to interpretive areas. 4. Restore previous areas of resource disturbance to conditions that existed at the time of the battle. (Figure 5) The Tour Road was initially planned for two-phased construction but was constructed in a single phase under supervision of the Federal Highway Administration and directed by the National Park Service. As part of our plans for the Road, bridges, and parking areas, we were to obliterate 11,000 feet of roadway, restore the natural contours and vegetation, emplace 6,900 feet of stabilized turf for walking trails, and revegetate nearly 40 acres disturbed during construction. National Park Service staff members conducted an environmental assessment of the selected Tour Road alignment to evaluate the natural system, cultural environment, socioeconomic environment, and visitor use. The Tour Road begins a few hundred feet southeast of the Visitors' Center and heads east. At its start, the Road descends gently through scattered woods with dense understory and passes the area at which Union forces entered the battlefield. The Road then skirts a small spring and breaks through the heavy vegetation. Continuing east, the Road crosses an intermittent Wilson's Creek tributary and passes an ancient Indian chipping area to the first of two bridges over Wilson's Creek. The turnout for the Gibson's Mill trailhead is immediately past the bridge, and the interpretive display includes appurtenances we designed for all the turnouts—wheel stops, bicycle parking racks, and wooden bollards. Leaving Gibson's Mill, the Tour Road undulates along the rolling terrain past Edgar Cemetery and through open meadows. As it approaches the Ray House from the north, the Tour Road passes over a large box culvert. Although signs clearly mark the Ray House 97 turnout, the ample parking area is concealed from visitors who choose to drive past. A stairway and continuing walkway provide access to the Ray House; a series of ramps and walks provide access for visitors who have disabilities. South from the Ray House for nearly two miles, the Tour Road is built upon an abandoned railroad right-of-way and passes through heavy timber with steep, rocky slopes. Taking advantage of the railroad bed eliminates the need for large cuts in the wooded limestone ridge that parallels the east side of Wilson's Creek. Amile south of the Ray House, visitors find the turnout and short walk that lead to the location of the major Confederate artillery position during the battle. The Tour Road continues south turning 180° in a long, sweeping curve with a bridge that crosses Wilson's Creek and heads north toward Sharp's Farm. Discovery and evaluation of an archeological site prompted relocation of the Wilson's Creek crossing 1,500 feet south of the original crossing location. Approaching the Sharp's Farm turnout across a wide meadow, visitors can visualize Colonel Sigel's final artillery placement on the brow of a steep hill that overlooked the Confederate encampment during the battle. The Tour Road descends steeply (12 percent slope) from Sharp's Farm, crosses Skegg's branch at the bottom of the hill, and proceeds north toward Bloody Hill. The terrain is rolling and has heavy understory. Parking areas at the B loody Hill turnout are concealed from both the interpretive display and the trailhead several hundred feet to the east. Past Bloody Hill, the Tour Road parallels the Union forces' entry into and retreat from the battlefield, passes through heavy timber and steep slopes, and returns to the Road's beginning. Along its route, the Tour Road passes close to the battlefield boundary and adjacent roads. In order to preserve the experience for visitors and to prevent unauthorized access from adjacent roads, we designed plantings of native species in selected natural locations. With time, the screens will absorb into existing vegetative communities. �98 We introduced native grasses and forbs (nearly 50 species) in disturbed areas along the Tour Road to provide a revegetated base comparable to that at the time of the battle. In addition, plantings will provide a continuing source of native seed that can be used to revegetate other areas of the battlefield. CONCLUSION The development of Wilson's Creek National Battlefield is the result of the efforts of many dedicated individuals and organizations, ranging from local residents first concerned with the battle's significance to Missouri's state legislators to the U.S. Congress to the National Park Service and the Federal Highway Administration. Our firm's multi-disciplined design team included professional engineers, landscape architects, and land surveyors with support staff in each area to prepare plans and specifications. During the design phase, we visited the site frequently to evaluate design plans hi light of conditions at the battlefield. We walked the proposed sites, evaluated cut-and-fill needs, determined culvert locations and lengths, and examined the site effect and extent of revegetation required. We became intimately aware of site conditions and the need to minimize alterations of the resource. An example of the care we took in our design is the relocation of a portion of the Tour Road. The center line was staked and evaluated when our design team walked the alignment with National Park Service personnel and decided to realign approximately three-fourths of a mile. We wanted to avoid disturbing the ancient Indian chipping area and removing a solitary red elm in the open meadow between the first two bridges. We redesigned the alignment of both bridges and their adjoining section of roadway. In another instance, we lowered the Ray House turnout elevation two feet so that visitors to the Ray House would not have their view of the battlefield impeded by buses in the parking area. We realigned the Tour Road near the Sharp Farm to avoid affecting the location of Parkways Conference Proceedings the long since removed Sharp cabin. We are grateful for the opportunity to participate in the development of Wilson's Creek National Battlefield, to be a part of the effort to preserve our past hi the present for the future. NOTES 1. Peter A. Oppermann, A.S.L.A., is land planning director for Shafer, Kline & Warren, PA., Overland Park, Kansas; Allan B. Cooksey, A.S.L.A., is land planning director for the firm's division, Tuttle-Ayers-Woodward Co., Kansas City, Missouri. 2. Master Plan, Wilson's CreekNational Battlefield, National Park Service, Denver Service Center, March 30,1977. BIBLIOGRAPHY Archeological Survey and Testing, Tour Road Alternatives, A, B, and C. Wilson's Creek National Battlefield, Midwest Archeological Center, National Park Service, 1982 Environmental Assessment, Tour Road, Wilson's Creek National Battlefield, National Park Service, Midwest Region, 1982 Final Interpretive Prospectus, Wilson's Creek National Battlefield, National Park Service, Denver Service Center, 1975 Historic Base and Ground Cover Map Study, National Park Service, Denver Service Center, 1978 Master Plan, Wilson's Creek National Battlefield, National Park Service, Denver Service Center, March 30,1977 Prairie Propagation Handbook, Boerner Botanical Gardens, Whitnall Park, Hales Corner, Wisconsin, 1975 Standard Specifications for Construction of Roads and Bridges on Federal Highway Projects, FP-79, U.S. Department of Transportation, Federal Highway Administration, 1979 �"DR. MITCHELL'S RESTING PLACE- III. Historical Perspectives Benjamin Porter: "If life in the mountains is a gift from God, then the Blue Ridge Parkway is the highway to heaven An exotic land lies outside my back door, and it's the Parkway that carries me there. No passports needed. And, Dr. Mitchell, I'd like to think you smile in the joy we tourists have travelling these mountains. For how can we help smiling when we find your resting place where your mountain meets the clouds?" BENJAMIN PORTER �100 Parkways Conference Proceedings Appalachian Heroes as an Indicator of Appalachian Space: Changes in the Meaning of Appalachian Space and Time, 1858-1985 David P. Hill ABSTRACT—The last one-hundred and thirty years mark an era of constant assault on the synergism of the man-land relationship unique in American experience. This paper will first discuss the events that distinguished the Southern Highlands and the rural land use patterns that were established and assaulted. Each assault came in the form of technological advances developed outside the region penetrating and saturating the Highlands. Each assault, even though it involved a product of industrial America, could be more precisely described as a conflict of values between the established Appalachian society and the outside American society. Having the technological achievements available to the region, and with the cultural and natural resource exploitation of the region, it is amazing that the patterns of Appalachian space held together as long as they did. Only since World War II has there finally been a breakdown in the rural land use pattern. This paper, through a history of sacred and profane iconography of the region, discusses the rise and fall of Appalachian space. The Southern Highlands region of the United States has produced one of the most distinctive of American cultural landscapes. Within a century after colonization of the back mountain coves, the highland culture developed as one of the most isolated cultures in the history of the civilized world. This isolation provided the potential for an intense reliance on nature and natural phenomena, and fostered an intense commitment to religion. Despite assaults from all physiographical and sociological fronts during the second century of the culture, the conceptual rural farming patterns of the region remained steadfast, and it was not until the last four decades that the patterns of Appalachian space have begun to deteriorate. Isolated development is one of the characteristics of rural agricultural areas in the South- ern Highlands portion of the Appalachian Region. The western portions of Virginia and North Carolina are included in this province, as well as eastern portions of Kentucky, Tennessee, and West Virginia. The landscape of this region is marginally arable. Developing in isolation and having strong religious and individualistic ideals, the Appalachian farming families expressed these ideals in their crafts, land use patterns and folk songs. These form statements of democratic individualism and religious symbolism that are highly worthy of attention. In order to understand the changes in the cultural land use patterns, the first topic will be the role of the mountain as the primary determinant of Appalachian space. The historic roots of Appalachian attitudes toward mountains will be examined. These attitudes have specified the farming patterns of the region. After establishment of the historical pattern, this paper discusses the physiographic changes brought about by modernization of the mountain environment. Cultural changes can be detected by applying this simple ordering postulate: through a topographic slice, the relative cultural value of objects and issues can be determined by their relative elevation in the landscape. By noticing the relative elevation of elements in the Highland landscape, it becomes apparent that the hero of Appalachian space has changed twice in the last one-hundred and thirty years. There have been two prominent changes in the ordering of Appalachian space. Spacial transformations have occurred as a result of changes in the travel industry from 1859 to 1986, and as changes have happened in the post-war era from 1945 to 1986. These "improvements" have shifted the primary determinant of land use patterns in the region. Modernization of the Southern Highlands has changed the way people have regarded mountains. With every technological advance, the �///. Historical Perspective—Hill mountains become a little less heroic, a little less sacred, and the natural environment becomes less meaningful. I. HEROES IN A PROMISED LAND SUBLIME HEROES Since the beginning of American westward expansion the Mountains have been revered. The reverence takes many forms, but the mysterious qualities of the landscape are frequently present in writings, folksongs, in the paintings, and in land use. Thomas Jefferson, in a gesture of symbolism, perched his Monticello on a small knob at the eastern edge of the Appalachians and faced it west.1 Jefferson certainly was not the average Appalachian of the time, but he gives incredible insight into settlement attitudes regarding mountain space and mountain sentiment. He gives us an example of eighteenth century reverence of the mountains with his commissioned descriptive passage about the Shenandoah. Query IV of his Notes on the State of Virginia (1785) is entitled simply "Mountains." While pursuing a descriptive passage, he suddenly is compelled to write: The passage of the Patowmac through the Blue Ridge is one of the most stupendous scenes in nature. You stand on a very high point of land. On your right comes up the Shenandoah, having ranged along the foot of the Mountain an hundred miles to seek a vent. Onyour left approaches the Patowmac, in quest of a passage also. In the moment of their junction they rush together against the mountain, render it asunder, and pass off to the sea. ...It is as placid and delightful, as is wild and tremendous... Jefferson not only admired the mountains, he bought them. With the land supplied to the U.S. by his Louisiana Purchase and the ideal of the pastoral farmer he professed, Jefferson created a land use system that has existed in the Southern Highlands until this date. (NOTE: Even though Jefferson's house occupied a knoll, it was carefully placed in a modest landscape position. Only in the last 20 years has someone 101 built a house on the grassy hilltop behind Monticello, commanding a view over the place!) ROOTS The first permanent European settlement in the Highlands began in the 1730's with German settlers coming down the Shenandoah Valley from Philadelphia. The Scotch-Irish followed down the funnel in the 1740's, occupying the lands not inhabited by the Germans. The Scots hailed mainly from lowland Scottish areas, with soil and climate similar to the Valley. Most of the settlers were protestant, and the Scotch-Irish were aggressively independent. They made ideal frontiersmen, and stayed in the uplands as other groups went further west. The Germans settled in the bottomlands of the valleys, and the Scots moved beyond them into the coves of the mountains. There the cultural land use pattern was established. For over 100 years, the mountaineers survived on the marginal landscape with independent, self-sufficient farms. The end of the French and Indian War of the 1760's opened the wilderness to travel, and over the next five decades an ethnic mixture of settlers poured through the region and onto the Great Plains beyond. Places off the beaten path developed in isolation from these corridors, and over a century established, as John Opie (1981) explains, from the Great Valley to the Midwestern Prairie, one of the world's great agricultural traditions. "Several features of this tradition were unique and gave the American society its distinctive coloration." The frontier farmer labored through his days and nights in intense isolation. His degree of separation from the civilized world was unprecedented in human history and formed the backdrop for his thoughts and actions. More often than not the farmer and his family were literally "off the map," having settled on land that had not been explored, surveyed, or mapped. The impact of backwoods isolation is suggested by the intensity of frontier religion, especially highly emotional camp meeting revivalism (Opie, 1981:62). �102 Human settlement and farming patterns in Appalachia were masterfully sewn to the land using religious beliefs as a thread. This can be seen at the regional scale, at the site scale with farm land use, and down to the smallest detail of the planting calendar. AN APPALACHIAN PORTRAIT The Highland Culture is distinguished by its capacity for non-discursive thought patterns (Wagner, 1981). Non-discursive thought patterns allow for more than one explanation to account for an occurrence. Frequently events are explained scientifically and with traditional sayings such as "If you don't cuss, you'll never raise gourds," or "If the bread's burnt the cook's mad." This harmony of myth and reason in Appalachia shows up in stories, folk song and land use patterns. "The superstitions are almost proverbs - they deal with social style as much as natural or supernatural occurrence (Whisnant, 1975)." The spiritual reasons for action are often tied to religious bases, and even though it may not have been the way the first Southern Highland farms were planned, religious belief grew to be associated with land use patterns. In 1880, the average Appalachian farm consisted of 187 acres, of which 25 percent was cultivated, 20 percent was cleared pasture and the remainder was virgin forest (Eller, 1982). Within the typical farm, there was hierarchical organization of elements, based on the physical and the symbolic forms afforded by the topography. The farmhouses and outbuildings were typically sited in the valleys or on the lower slopes. There was a rationale for this. The houses benefit from their location near springs. There are symbolic reasons for it as well. The valleys feel protected between peaks, but more importantly the house in the valley is in the modest landscape location. The dwelling area was surrounded on the slopes by the meadows, fields and orchards. The Appalachian husbandman worked God's fields in the day and then walked back down to Nature's protective valley at night. From the fields, the farmhouse in the valley was a safe and modest scene. From the farmhouse, the Parkways Conference Proceedings framework, rolling over the rising hills, appeared to have heightened importance. The successful farmer began to identify with his landscape. John Opie (1977) explains that, "the land was part of his own personal identity; conversely, he invented the place where he lived, creating it out of wilderness placelessness. This built landscape signalled to him his chances for survival." Property lines ran back and forth along ridge-tops, cutting the farms into viewsheds. This was a very practical and safe way to divide land. The house was visible from the fields, and the surrounding fields were always in view from the house. Symbolically, this pattern created a sense of "one-ness" for each farm. The isolation created from the land use patterns fostered the mountaineer's independent attitude. Each bowl-shaped farm functioned as an independent organism. The daily life of the husbandman was a scene from Jefferson's picturesque painting of American agrarian life. The vernacular landscape designs had some symbolic meaning in the Southern Highlands; they provided the mountains as heroic monuments in an everyday landscape. The picturesque farm scene and the sublime mountain scene composed the visual poetry of Appalachian Space. The higher the position of something, the more it was removed toward Heaven, and the more it was revered. Mountains themselves crowned the top of the order. Then came the ancestors of the husbandmen. The farmhouse typically occupied the valley in view from the hilltop family cemetery. The remains of immortal souls were silent on the timeless mountain. From the mountaintop, the house and fields in the valley below the cemetery were picturesque scenes. From the valley, the cemetery was in the realm of the sublime. Just as it conferred a kind of immortality on the dead, the cemetery determined descendants' actions for years to come. Children, of course, were bom and raised in the valley, the most fertile area of the land. To construct a house in the valley, the farmer cut and dragged the logs from the surrounding woodlands down to the site where the cabin was assembled. The log house not only offered shelter from the environ- �103 ///. Historical Perspective—Hill Fig. 1. A Southwestern Virginia farm scene exhibiting traditional land use pattern. ment, it quite literally was shelter constructed from the environment. The mountains were the first heroes of Appalachia. All heroes have nicknames, and now maps of the mountains reveal the affection and territoriality within the terrain. Gender roles paralleled topographic contours. InNorth Carolina, for example, Grandmother Gap rests next to Grandfather Mountain. Communities named themselves to celebrate their ties with God and mountains. Mount Zion, Mount Olivet, and Mount Hope are all on the map of the region. Mountains created a framework for farm life, which in turn created a mountaineer's sense of place. The family identified with its farm in the cradle in the mountain. John Opie (1977) argues that the mountaineer's sense of place goes beyond family or even religious ties. He describes a solidarity with the homeplace as a "chthonic mystery," and in working the soil by manual means, the farmer has an intense personal, psychological and spiritual experience. "The rhythms of vegetation simultaneously reveal the mystery of life and creation and the mystery of youth, and immortality." SACRED MOUNTAINS: APPALACHIAN FIRST HERO There are three cross-denominational religious consciousnesses in the Appalachian region: the zionistic, the evangelical and the mainstream Christian (Humphrey, 1984). The churches with a zionistic consciousness provide a case in point of the religious metaphor in the hills, for the tenets of these churches declare that Southern Appalachia is God's promised land. There is a sacred bond with one's geographic place and scripture is used to define planting and harvesting times. An older woman from Watauga County, North Carolina powerfully describes this hold the land has on the people. "Our people are attached to the valleys and mountains all around us. It's been our home for generations. They have the land, the place... People offer us money for our land but we don't want to sell it. You just �104 don't want to be cut off from the sacredness of your land" Humphrey describes Psalms 121:1-2 as reference to the sacred nature of mountainous places. "I will lift up mine eyes unto the hills from whence cometh my help. My help cometh from the Lord which made Heaven and Earth." The passage from Psalms gives insight into the location of the house in the modest landscape position, and it also supports the family cemetery's traditional location on the hilltop. The evangelical consciousness thrives on conversion and "rebirth" of its members, and professes that if people don't subdue nature it is at the expense of their own souls. Zionism helped to create the agricultural land use pattern, and during the time of mountain industrialization, evangelism provided an excuse for those who were forced by economic necessity to move to the milltowns and mining towns. Humphrey notes that evangelism "provided rationale for selling, leaving, changing, or destroying one's land and homeplace." Mainstream religion is also antagonistic to the zionistic consciousness. The wealthier professionals typify the mainstream consciousness. These are the people who manage the mines, or have the second homes in Appalachia. Mainstream Christianity crept into the mountains just before the turn of the twentieth century, and the objective train of thought professed by these faiths runs contrary to the intense man-land emotional relationship which had evolved over the years. It is no accident that the mine managers (mainstream Christian) typically located their homes on the mountaintops, where the miners (zionist or evangelical) graciously occupied the houses in the camps in the Valleys below. The establishment of mountains as heroes in a topographical order provided the possibility for several spatial phenomena: the importance of elevation and its vantage points, the importance of monuments, the importance of enclosure, and the relationship of these concepts to scale and time in the environment. However, the complexities of this system were not a concern of the outsider. By the one hundred and twentieth year after Appalachian settle- Parkways Conference Proceedings ment, the first challenge to the Appalachian hero was getting its finishing touches. II. TECHNOLOGY: THE EMERGENT SUPER-HERO OF THE 19TH CENTURY The first blow to the Mountain culture was the result of a conscious assault on the region from the outside. Beginning in the late 1850's and really thriving in the period following the Civil War was the period of mountain industrialization. The railroad companies of the 1850's and Uncle Sam's highways of the mid 1900's provided the figurative and the literal vehicles for exploitation of the mountain environment. Exploitation came in the form of the double bladed axe and the double bladed pick: while chopping the natural resources from the hills the new exploitative systems undercut the cultural patterns which had developed in the isolated mountains. FIRE ON THE MOUNTAIN: RAILROAD AS HERO The railroad changed the perception of Appalachian scale by the changes it made in the passage through Appalachian space. The railroad reduced mountains to objects which could be quickly surmounted. They became less sacred with easy travel through, over and under them. As the railroads sliced over, around and through the mountains, travelers' perceptions shifted from the mountains as sublime to technology as sublime. Railroad technology and railroad advertising provided a change in the concept of Appalachian time. They brought to the Highlands a vast number of people who would seize this new development as an opportunity for exploitation of Appalachian resources - both natural and cultural. Cultural resources appeared to the mining and lumber barons as cheap labor, and when dealing with a culture that did not understand the meaning of the phrase "mineral rights," cultural exploitation was manifest by the acquisition of legal mineral rights to land almost free of charge. Travel into the pioneer Southern High- �///. Historical Perspective—Hill lands had been along the early roads of the valley floors as they wove through mountain gaps. To the traveler, the Appalachians symbolized the great barrier to the Great Plains. The carriage roads along the valleys occupied the lowpoint of the landscape. With travel at a slow horse's pace, there can be no doubt that the traveler experienced the mountains to their utmost size and scale. The mountains in the earlier frontier represented the dark and dangerous qualities of the truly sublime. To the outlander, mountains held a special sense of reverence, and this was expressed in the humbling experiences while traveling through the region. Porte Crayon, one of Appalachian well known travel artists of the 1800's, describes travel along the roadways to a spring in 1857 (from Fishwick, 1987): The tired horses jogged on, fetlock-deep in dust. Deep forests grew taller and gloomier. There utter darkness closed her wing over all the land Mice, the driver was frightened. So were all the passengers. Nothing ahead but utter darkness. "We must trust the instinct of the horses," Mice said.... Instincts had to suffice in the dark. The outlander did not like to rely on what little providence can be found in these older methods, and industrial interests were bent on finding an alternative way to get into and through the "savage mountains." These days of slow and modest travel in the Southern Highlands were over when in 1858, after great expense, the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad opened its track from Baltimore to Charleston, West Virginia. As an advertising ploy, the B & O invited agroupofprominentEast Coast artists, journalists and politicos to a complimentary trip through the "wild and tremendous" scene Mr. Jefferson had described 73 years before as "worth a voyage across the Atlantic." Harper's Magazine (6/1859) reviewed the trip2 and in the first paragraph of the article we get a vivid picture of the changed nature of travel in the mountains. The ages of gold, and of silver, of brass, and iron, as described by the poets, are past. The present is the age of steam.... 105 The real and the ideal have smoked pipes together. The iron horse and Pegasus have trotted side by side in double harness, puffing in unison, like a well-trained pair. What will be the result of this conjunction Heaven knows. The author of this passage was chiefly concerned with the social relationships that were to occur on the train, but the weight of his comments about scenery could not have been more appropriate. It is the author's later passages which indicate that the Appalachian Mountains were, in conjunction with steam power, capable of producing an experience of the technological sublime. "(The train) was composed of six cars, drawn by engine No. 232—a miracle of power, speed, and beauty, and much the same animal as Job had in his eye when he described Leviathon," he continues. As we approached Harper's Ferry, suddenly a cry was raised on the foremost platform, which was repeated from car to car until the whole train resounded with the exultant shout, "The sun! the sun!" The dim clouds, broken and flying, hastened from the fields like a routed army, while the conquerer appeared in all his might and majesty. The heavens shone clear and blue as a baby's eye; the tender leafage of the mountains looked fresh as a budding girlhood; the swelling bosom of the riverflashed with its jeweled foam.... (NOTE: Harper's artist was none other than Porte Crayon. In contrast to his miserable experience with horse travel one year previous, his illustrations in the Harper's article show an affection for the new steam power.) The author has created a personality for the train, one of a conqueror. The personification of the train is important here, for the train was to replace the Mountain with its nicknames, and replace the Mountain as a symbol of power and omnipresence in the Appalachian environment. Another haunting significance in the above paragraph is that this journalist forecasts, with his tasteless description of the mountains, the attitude the East Coast was to take toward Appalachia in the subsequent fifty years. This ��107 ///. Historical Perspective—Hill was an attitude of colonialist capitalism, and just as the author had lustily viewed the "tender leafage" of the sacred mountains, the lumber barons were to pick the fruits of this "girlhood" as soon as significant improvements to the railroad made harvest possible. The author goes on to describe Harper's Ferry: The fact that it is the seat of a national armory, and has been described in glowing language by Jefferson, may have given it a wider notoriety than the comparative merits of its scenery would justify; and the tourist who only gives it a passing glance may experience a feeling of disappointment. But if, instead of four hours, he should have four days at his disposal, or even four weeks, to pass in exploring the town and its environs, he can be no lover of the sublime, the romantic, and beautiful, if he fails to acknowledge that his time has not been well spent, and that Harper's Ferry has justified her ancient renown. Here the author unintentionally reveals the difference between his new form of travel and the previous mode. The introduction of rapid travel into the mountains would kill the necessity to spend more than four hours in Harper's Ferry, or anywhere else for that matter. Iron horses do not need rest. Unless someone was especially seeking the sudden experience of the "Patowmac and the Shenandoah" by going through the woods at Jefferson's pace, he would never experience the full size and scale of the Appalachians. The train could scale the mountains in a fraction of the time it took to walk them, and it carried its passengers inside a perceivably safe and effortless environment. This advancement eradicated the mountains as a terrorizing place, a place of the sublime. It replaced them however with the thrill of noise and speed, the technological sublime. The hero became the engineer who smote the former heroine turned villain; Nature. The author continues: This system, when first proposed by the chief Engineer, B. H. Latrobe, was sofar in advance of anything which had yet been attempted The result has been a splendid success. Thus, by one bold leap, theAlleghanies were scaled, and the Mountains of Difficulty which existed in the imaginations of the scientific world were dissipated. ... Near the summit of the Alleghenies, the author describes the ladies riding on the shoulders of the engine and relaxing against "his brazen ribs as though he were a pet pony." Then the train arrives at the Cheat River Gorge: From the high embankment that overlooks the river one may see the line of the road from some distance up and down; and nowhere else, perhaps, does the result of human labor lose so little in the immediate comparison to the grander works of nature. One wonders alternately at the vastness of the obstacles and the completeness of the achievement in surmounting them. The author concludes his query with uncharacteristic brevity. The "vastness of objects" in the course of one sentence was transformed into the "completeness of the achievement in surmounting them." The railroad companies tried their best to insure the aesthetic experience occurred for all riders with the same clarity as the author's revelation. In fact, the artists' trip of 1858 on the B & O marked the beginning of a series of railroad advances which were to progressively conquer the Appalachian Chain. Each battle was celebrated by the railroad companies, and each advancement negated the Appalachians as a barrier, and in the mentality of the outsider, transformed any reverence for the mountains into reverence for technology. Lawrence Smith (1982) recalls the 1873 completion of a railroad from Huntington, W. Va. to the tidewater of Virginia: The railroad was completed when the last Opposite: Fig. 2. Pone Crayon's illustrations of the new Hero of Appalachian Space. First the train Conquers time... then Space. Notice the ladies on the Cow-catcher. [Harper's New Monthly Magazine (6/1859).] �108 rails were joined and spikes driven near Hawks Nest on January 29,1873, bringing to realization the dreams of Washington and many others after nearly a century. A train with Chief Engineer Whitcomb and many officials and dignitaries aboard steamed to Charleston where the historic occasion was celebrated with speeches and a display of fireworks. Later, at Huntington, the linking of the Tidewater with the Ohio was symbolized by pouring a barrel of water drawn from the James River into the Ohio. In a reciprocal gesture of symbolism, the train returned to Richmond with water from the Ohio and pulling several cars of coal. Whether the media show caused the celebration of technology or vice versa, there was certainly something recklessly heroic about the railroad taking over the mountain and emerging as the new hero of the Southern Highlands. It seems only fitting that the railroad became the tool used by outlanders for exploitation of the regions' resources. Coal and timber rolled out of the highlands on the railroads, leaving barren lands in the mountains while reaping large profits for the non-resident timber and lumber barons. In an area where the people had been such a part and parcel of the landscape, it is not surprising that the cultural resources were stripped from the land as easily as the mineral resources. Industrialization in the mountains brought about some of the greatest changes in economic life of the independent life of the family farm. Ron Eller (1978) cites the decades between 1880 and 1930 as the decades of major social changes in the mountains. The railroads were responsible for the change, as well as construction of company towns and the introduction of industrial employment. By the end of the 1920's, few farmers were left without at least some of the influence of mountain industrialization. Some of the effects of the cultural transition were drastic when viewed on the regional scale. Two statistics tell the tale of massive changes. First, during this half-century, over six hundred company towns were constructed in the Southern Highlands, and by the end of the period they outnumbered independent towns in coal min- Parkways Conference Proceedings ing regions five to one. To give a more detailed picture, we look at the health of the agricultural heritage: the average Appalachian farm in the 1880's included 187 acres. By the 1930's, the average size had dropped to 76 acres. Railroadmen, lumbermen, and coalmen recruited unskilled mountain labor as a primary source of manpower in the filthy and dangerous business of construction and industrial operation. The farmers moved from the log cabin on the family farms in the upper valleys to the clapboard shacks in mill towns and coal towns. "By coming to a coal mining town, the miner had exchanged the independence and somewhat precarious self-sufficiency of the family farm for subordination to the coal company and dependence upon a wage income (Eller, 1978)." The clapboard shack of the company town was clearly a poor substitute for the cabin on the family farm. This is not to point out that they were of atrociously poor quality, but rather that the land use pattern was incorrect for the culture. First, the houses were clustered in a group, which goes against the grain of the typical ownership patterns of independent coves or clan valleys of Appalachia. Built of imported materials, the company housing did not share the symbolism of the cabin, built literally from the local environment. The company houses were sited in the valleys, but they were typically located near the waste products of the industrial operations and the railroads. In contrast, the mine and mill superintendents' palatial houses were located (heroically!) on the hilltops. Rather than the previous experience of lifting mine eyes to the hills from whence cometh my helpt the new experience revealed for the mountaineer lifting mine eyes to the hills from whence cometh my oppression. In fairness to the mine companies, the palatial homes on the hilltops were located there partially to create a sense of hope for the miners. After the complexity of the mountaineers' landscape symbolism, this certainly was not only a simple gesture, it was simple-minded. The palaces did incite emotion all right, and the indicated rewards served to broaden themountaineer'seconomicrepertoire to include materialistic covets and envies. The real profits of the businesses rolled out of the �109 ///. Historical Perspective—Hill region on the same tracks to the same cities as rolled the resources. The destruction of the agrarian society seemed eminent as farm sizes decreased and people began to move into the camps. It was no doubt difficult for the people to adjust to the drastic changes caused by a change in the economy from self-sufficient agriculture of industrial dependency. Such folk songs as "I Owe My Soul to the Company Store" reflect on the economic shift. It was also very difficult to leave the mountain coves, and to transfer some of the anguish about exemplary people or folk heroes emerged in the nascent industrial operations. HAMMERIN' ON A REAL HERO John Henry was such a folk hero. Although there is some disagreement about exactly who Henry really was, there is convergence on the point that he died in the hurried construction of the tunnels for the 1873 opening of the link between the James River and the Ohio. The popular song about his death gives insight into the displaced farmers' relationship to the mountains, and it shows the perceived need for man to out-perform the technology imported from the flatlands, even when it means the cost of his life. The overriding message of the spiritual is revealing in that even though John Henry proves more powerful than technology, he does not prove more powerful than the mountain... man over machine, but nature over man. In contrast to the popular American version of Engineer as hero, the song reminds us that the hierarchy of the Zionist consciousness is clearly still in order with the Appalachian native: D D John Henry was a little baby, A7 Sittin' on his daddy's knee, G D Said, The Big Bend Tunnel on the C. and 0. Road G D Is bound to be the death of me, Lord, Lord, G D Is bound to be the death of me. John Henry said to his Captain, 1 ain't nothing but a man, But before I'll let your steam drill beat me down, I'll die with my hammer in my hand, Lord, Lord, I'll die with my hammer in my hand." John Henry said to his shaker, "Shaker, why don't you sing? I'm throwin' twelve pounds from my hips on down, Jes' listen to the cold steel ring, Lawd, Lawd, Jes' listen to the cold steel ring." John Henry got a thirty pound hammer, Beside the team drill he did stand. He beat that steam drill three inches down, And he died with his hammer in his hand, Lord, Lord, He died with his hammer in his hand. John Henry had a little woman, Her name was Julie Ann, She went down the track never lookin' back, Says, "John Henry, you have always been a man, Lord, Lord, John Henry, you have always been a man," John Henry was hammerin' on the mountain, An' his hammer was strikin' fire, He drove so hard till he broke his pore heart, An' he laid down his hammer and he died, Lawd, Lawd, He laid down his hammer an' he died. They took John Henry to the graveyard, And they buried him in the sand, And ev'ry time that train comes roaring by, Says, "There lays a steel-drivin' man, Lord, Lord, There lays a steel-drivin' man." Gainer (1977:242) John Henry is the obvious hero, but upon closer examination of the song the most powerful force in the scene is nature. It was no secret at the time that the completion of the C & O �110 Railroad would mark the end of the Appalachians as a barrier. Likewise it is no accident that the song characterizes a death which happened on the tunnels of that very railroad. John Henry, having beaten the strongest railroad construction machine was no match for the providence that served to keep Appalachian space in order. CULTIVATING THE IMAGE Even though railroads were built as the tool for resource exploitation, they provided the means for many upper and middle-class outlanders to experience the mountains. The springs of Appalachia were badly crippled by the Civil War, but they had arebirth with easy rail access, and gave rise to an era where the mountains became a place to luxuriate in the cool air and hot springs of the region. There were the palatial Homesteads and Greenbriers, and there were literally hundreds of other smaller retreats, each boasting of the scenery and the picturesqueness of the environment. A recent work by Marshall Fishwick (1978) discusses the advertising techniques used by the springs emphasized the "recklessly, perhaps hopelessly*' romantic settings of the places as a major selling point. After all, these springs were right next to the primeval mountainforests; danger still lurked out there despite the Arcadian scene within the hotel grounds. The contrast was expressed constantly in 19th century travel literature: "The traveler is charmed by the sudden view of his resting place, surrounded on all sides by lofty mountains and the mysterious forests...." Travelers did not understand the symbolism in the land, and they did not understand the depth of the relationship between mountain landscape and mountaineer. Similar to the case of the mine superintendents' homes, when American travelers first gained access to the region, they discovered a society that did not share their desire for profit. Discursive thinkers with technologized minds, the American mainstream had to find a category to fit these curious people. "Fatalistic" became the label to describe a society that praised "worthless" lands. Parkways Conference Proceedings In her travel book, The Spirit of the Mountains. Emma Miles describes her experiences traveling in the mountains about 1910. Her insight is useful as an outsider's account of contact with the sublime experience of zionistic hero worship: / once rode up the Side with a grandmother from Sawyer's Springs, who cried out, as the overhanging curve of the bluff, crowned with pines, came into view: "Now ain't that finer than anypicteryou ever seed in your life ? - and they call us poor mountaineers! We git more out o' life than anybody." The charm and mystery of bygone days broods over the mountain country—the charm of pioneer hardihood, of primitive peace, of thefatalism of ancientpeoples, of the rites and legends of the aborigines. To one who understands these high solitudes it is no marvel that the inhabitants should be about mystics, dreamers, given to fancies often absurd, but often wildly sweet. Nothing less than the charm of their motherland could hold them there.... Ms. Miles has all the heart of Jefferson in his description of the Potomac, but for Mrs. Miles, there can't be a hero... unless, of course, it is "one who understands these high solitudes." Ms. Miles goes on to explain: Occasionally a whole starved-out family will emigrate westward, and, having settled, will spendyears simply waiting for a chance to sell out and move back again. All alike cling to the ungracious acres they have so patiently and hardily won, because of the wild world that lies outside their puny fences, because of day-dream vistas, blue and violet, that lead their eyes afar among the hills.... Ungracious acres and day-dream vistas are not landscape-heroes. Neither are people who build puny fences heroes. The early Industrial Era in the Southern Highlands is important for it provides us the stereotype of the region and its people that exists to this day in most of mainstream America. The many people who traveled to springs on the railroad lines noticed �///. Historical Perspective—Hill a broken region with failing farms and industrial towns. This image is especially dominant in Hollywood. "The Beverly Hillbillies," "The Dukes of Hazzard," and "Gomer Pyle" are Hollywood's response to books like The Spirit of the Mountains. To Hollywood, the Appalachians are a land of hopelessly simple people who regard their landscape as profane, in contrast to the rest of America which has a cast of deep people who respect pristine landscapes. Real research into both may reveal that historically the reverse has been true. AUTOCHTHONISM, TRACTORIDOLISM AND ROADS WITHOUT RAILS During the early part of the Twentieth century, a new form of machine was introduced into the Appalachian garden. The tractor and the automobile made their debut in the mountains, forever changing the conception of time and space. They were rapidly assimilated into the culture because they offered renewed hope for survival in the region. To the farmer who was just eking out a living of marginal lands, mechanized equipment must have appeared as a godsend. It represented a chance to remain on the farm, the only alternatives being the dismal work of the industrial towns or sharecropping in the flatlands. Even though many farms' finances were too small and terrain was too steep for large machinery, the small-scale equipment that rumbled over the mountains in the early 1900's presented new hope for the farmer and earned a place of honor hi his heart and fields. In the early days of mechanization, farm machinery was treated symbolically as any other working entity on the farm. The equipment shed was built around the barnyard, and in the daytime the machine shared the same terrain of the husbandman on the slopes. A new Appalachian identity became wound-up into this rolling symbol of progress. The mountaineers' relationship with nature changed with a shift in the use of his own resourcefulness. With the speed of the tractor, the view of the farmhouse in the valley became more obscure. The motion of equipment turns a picturesque scene into the blur of the techno- 111 logical sublime. The fixed image changes constantly, producing a moving picture. The foreground becomes non-existent, arid the middlelandscape moves, voiding its symbolic permanence. Even though farm machinery occupied a modest position in the landscape, it served to captivate the focus of attention through its speed. The transformation of space and the condensation of time it caused have dubbed the tractor as a hero of the Appalachian landscape. The automobile has not enjoyed the same reputation of the tractor in the Highlands, particularly because rather than a savior of the fields, automobiles on roads reached into the valleys and coves for the specific purpose of removal of something. Improvements in road building hit closer to home than the railroads, for they left no comer of the region untouched. In the Highlands, there are two types of roads, each held in equal contempt: tour roads and roads to cities. Tour roads were planned especially to gam access into inaccessible areas, taking the tourists into the most isolated and preserved counties in the region. Without a doubt, the most famous scenic roads planned for the Southern Highlands were the Blue Ridge Parkway and the Skyline Drive. Beginning as early as 1909, the resort industry had schemes for a "Crest of the Blue Ridge Highway," which perched on the mountaintops would provide a balcony view of the borrowed scenery below. What a contradiction this road must have been to the proponents of the zionistic outlook, for the Parkways would capture the mountaintop and hold their farms below on display for the tourist. The Blue Ridge Parkway was constructed beginning as a W.P.A. project in the 1930's. A favorite of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, it was met with the same success as the B & O Railroad's artists'journey, hosting a whopping 19 million visitors on the fiftieth anniversary of its beginning. A mountain is no longer a hero when it can be driven over at Parkway speed. As objects become obscure, their place in the frame of the landscape takes on less meaning. Speed turns the picturesque into a technological sublime. As the author of the 1859 Harper's article so clearly pointed out, �Parkways Conference Proceedings 112 Fig. 3.1930's borrowed landscape scene from the Skyline Drive. (Norfolk/Southern Railway Archives) the awe of the experience is absorbed in the accelerated passage of space. The sublimity of the entire Blue Ridge was sacrificed for the farmer for a chance to let the tourist get a commanding view of his picturesque land below. While the parkways were built on the hilltops, the myriad interstate, state and local roads have been constructed reaching into the far heights of the valleys and coves. As progress in road construction continued, contempt for the city and its machines grew in the mind of the mountaineer. In a study of Appalachian literature, H. R. Stoneback (1986) discusses the emerging image of the highway in mountain literature: It seems tome that... somewhat sentimental novels suggest the fundamental patterns of a century of mountain fiction: the roads come to the hills, bringing the machine to the garden, and the mountain autochthons either lose their Eden as they go down the deracinated road to theflatland cities or they experience a more fortunate fall and return to the mountains to reclaim the garden. Scores of works play variations on these themes. Whether on the railroad or highway, easy mobility has been one of the chief agents of change in the perception of Appalachian space. The roads and the railroads brought tourists to the mountains that separated the insular coves of the Southern Highlands. Contact with the outside nation, its evangelical and mainstream religions, its industrial capitalism and its wealthy visitors clearly had a role in changing the mountaineers' perception of the mountains. Not only did the roads and railroads bring changes into the region, their physical presence changed the perception of the region's landscape. Located in some cases on the ridgeline of the mountains and spanning formerly impassible gorges, the technological advances be- �///. Historical Perspective—Hill tween 1858 and 1940 changed the mountain sense of the sublime. Where formerly, the mountains had a substantial hold on travel and land use in the region, by the turn of the twentieth century they had been reduced to surmountable objects by engineers. Objects which had taken hours and days to pass by horseback took a few minutes by 1940. If the mundane land uses of travel and resources exploitation weren't enough, the mountains appeared topographically and metaphorically below the emerging popular travel along parkways with their celestial balconies. No matter what the outside influence had done to this point, Jefferson's family farm was still alive in Appalachian space. The modernization caused by a brush with the outside nation had provided plenty of economic and social changes, but in the isolated coves of the mountains, remnants of the man-land relationship of Appalachian space were still apparent in the landscape. On the eve of World War n, the house was typically located in the coves of the mountains and the fields still surrounded the farm. III. WAR ON THE MOUNTAIN Using landscape as an indicator, war is the event in human experience which creates the most heroes. The landscape always changes with war, and it always changes after war. Landscape is never the emergent hero of a war. The human race always is looking for scapegoats, and being witness to every death and atrocity that war creates, landscape is suspect of villany in every case in history. The landscape of the Southern Highlands, until World War II, had had a history of very little war. In comparison with the rest of the U. S., few Revolutionary or Civil War battles had happened in the mountains and due to the lack of organization among the Indian tribes of the region, barring local incidents, the region as a whole was settled without much hostility. The land use pattern that had evolved in the Southern Highlands was a landscape of peace. It was practically and metaphorically a landscape of peace. The most significant changes in rural Appalachian land use patterns have occurred 113 since World War II. The effects of World War n, the second major form of assault on the cultural land use patterns of Appalachia, finished off what the first had begun. The second attack on Appalachian Space murdered the spacial patterns altogether, for this blow, in contrast to the earlier one being exploitation of the mountain culture from the outside, was a change in the culture from within. The second blow to Appalachian Space came in the form of exposure of mountaineers to foreign cultures during World War n, the most foreign of which, especially in its technologies, was the American culture. The veterans of World War n returned home in the late 1940's with a different outlook on their place in the environment. This exposure to not only the horrors of war, but the victorious attitude that pervaded the allies' mentalities promoted a change in the structuring of the returning veterans' position in society. The change in position brought about a change in Appalachian space. There have been regional trends, but these only account for some minor changes in the rich land-man pattern described earlier. For instance, land subdivision has been rampant in some parts of the Southern Highlands since the war, particularly in the North Carolina highlands. Within the entire region, subdivision has not been any more rampant in the Southern Highlands than in any other region in the country. Roadways have been improved since the war in the Highlands, but this is anational trend as well. The interstate highway system has been completed in the region, bringing in the usual nationally syndicated and clustered fast food and motel chains, but their effect on farming patterns has been to annihilate only those farms unfortunate enough to be near the highway or an interchange. Railroad use has declined steadily as highways have been added and improved. The real change in the land use patterns of the region since World War II is seen at the detail of the family farm. Within the last forty years, the new houses constructed in the region have been built on the hilltops. Typically, the houses are mobile homes or modular. No longer is the log house constructed from the �114 environment, but the house is rather brought into the environment in some form or another. The material change is inevitable, chestnut trees aren't to be found anywhere, and other materials, (including many "lincoln log kits") are available and cheap. The locational issue was not inevitable. The locational criteria for rural housing have changed because the religious or organic ideal of man in the mountain environment has changed. The vernacular talent for locating houses within the wholeness of a farm has been lost. The newer constructions do not share the modest location at the cleft in a complete landscape composition, even though they may be owned by the family which has owned the property for generations. The significance of houses onhilltops is vast, for this pattern indicates the keystone of Appalachian space has been pulled out of the entire order. Houses on hilltops indicate that the family farm does not function as an organism with the home in the heart. They indicate that the mountains have been conquered even by that entity which previously had been placed reverently at its feet. Cemeteries lose their relative position, and mountains have been transformed from the status of "sublime wild nature" to **picturesque homesites." The reasons for this change in land use reveal that there has been some upset that has occurred within the order. The structure of Appalachian space had withstood immense technological assault on the mountains from the outside. Even though technological advances and industrialization had penetrated the mountains, they hadn't wrecked the fundamental ordering of Appalachian space. The 1940's, however, was a decade when the individuals of Appalachian society experienced exposure to the outside American culture. The World War II effort drew essentially a generation of men overseas and women to cities. Appalachian men went and fought in overseas lands. Those in Europe probably did not see agricultural land use patterns extremely different from the ones at home, for the ancestral roots of the region were German and ScotchIrish. They did see, however, the incredible destruction and chaos of war. It is not insignif i- Parkways Conference Proceedings cantthatmany of themajor battles ofWorldWar n consisted of taking mountains and holding them. For example, in mid-August 1944, American troops hit the beach at St. Tropez and marched up the Rhone to defeat Hitler in the Vosges mountains. The psychology of war in general deals with the mastery of landscape position, and mountaintops are obviously the most defensible places. HEROES DURING THE WAR During World War I as well as World War n, the popular way to vent pressure of the war was to sing. In World War II, regional songs were coined. The heroines of the songs were generally a fantastical image of women. Along with the chart-topping "God Bless America" and "Deep in the Heart of Texas" was the song "She'll be Comin' Round the Mountain." Even though this song is obscure in origin, the contraction in the title indicates it may be from the Appalachian Region. If it is, the image would be somewhat unexpected from a peacetime Appalachia. It is of a woman, driving six white horses, coming to meet "us." If one can get over the fantasy of the image, the message is clear. The woman is the new heroine of the Highland Landscape, not the landscape itself or even technology. A second hero of the war was the weaponry of war. The bulldozer, for example, America's secret weapon of the wars, received top billing from the engineering authors. The construction machine, in contrast to all the war destruction machines, emerged after the war with hero status. When Rome expanded its empire two thousand years ago, the houses were likewise expanded to proclaim the riches of victory. Similarly, when the Allies emerged victoriously from World War II, the styles of the U. S. changed to reflect this. At first women's styles were reminiscent of soldiers' and sailors' uniforms, only quickly to sway back to effeminate dress (Jenkins, 1977). American cars expanded, grew fins similar to rockets, and hugged the ground. Suburbia sprawled, for the middle class was ready to announce each winner's spoils, and the single-family house was the �///. Historical Perspective—Hill 115 Fig. 4. Traditional post-World War II siting; The farmhouse has crept out of the valley. Note the former family Homestead in the Valley beyond. accepted way to do it. In the Southern Highlands, the expansionist mentality caused the deterioration of the zionistic consciousness of Appalachian space, and the subsequent decay of that land use ideal. Since the first settlers in the region in the 1730Js had never feared attack, there never had been the need to locate on the hilltop. The expansionists from World War n located houses on hilltops. Houses are not only used to indicate relative social position, but they are placed in high places as a response to fear. The mine superintendents' houses come to mind, as well as this new generation of houses across the Highlands. It is possible that the society, taken from what they thought was Eden, returned after World War n to find it a foreboding place; however, it is more likely that the new culture is afraid of something creeping into the garden. In Appalachia there is frequently a practical reason for action which is backed by mythical explanations. In the case of the houses on the hilltops, there is a simple technological answer. The technologies of the bulldozer make it possible to excavate hilltop land and create roadways to it. Well insulated houses can perform under the adverse conditions, and now wells can be drilled and pumped cheaply. These practical excuses in no way justify houses on hilltops against the earlier scriptural code. The broadened horizons brought to Appalachia as a result of World War n have set a new code for Appalachian horizon. NEW HEROES OF APPALACHIAN SPACE ThehusbandmanreturnedfromWorldWar n with a lost concept of the land as a source of expression and protection. The thrill of capture has progressed into the family farm; there is an experience of the technological sublime when capturing a mountain with a bulldozer. The emerging hero of Appalachian space is the person who can afford the hilltop house. The Southern Highlands are rapidly becoming an ordinary place. After a century of aesthetic �116 siege, the holistic farm land use pattern is beginning to deteriorate. The new heroes of Appalachian space are the victors of World War II. Their presence is established by capturing the high point of the land. Their presence may be the result of fear or pride, but one fact remains: Appalachia is no longer the form statement of a culture at peace. In the Southern Highlands, the traditional cultural landscape was intrinsically ordered to emphasize a man-land experience that transcended society, religion and myth. By noticing the relative elevation of elements in the Highland landscape, it becomes apparent that the hero of Appalachian space has changed twice in the last one-hundred and thirty years. Through the metaphor of heroes, this paper has dealt with prominent changes in the ordering of the Appalachian space. Spacial perceptions have changed as the travel industry has changed form 1859 to the present, and spacial transformations have occurred in the post-war era from 1945 to 1986. These "improvements" have shifted the primary determinant of land use patterns in the region. Modernization of the Southern Highlands has changed the way people have regarded the mountains. With every technological advance, the mountains become a little less heroic, a little less sacred, and the natural environment becomes less meaningful. The newest development in the Southern Highlands region is the predominance of satellite television reception dishes placed on and around the old houses and the new. Given their location in the coves, many of the old houses were never able to receive television waves, even if they were wanted. Now there is a grand effort to end isolation of the last remnants of the culture. The isolated culture of the Southern Highlands regions is finally obliterated, the last victim of World War II. BIBLIOGRAPHY "Artists' Excursion Over the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad," in Harper's New Monthly Magazine, (n.a.), vol. 19,no. 109 (6/1859). New York: Harper and Brothers, 1859. Bowman, Waldo G., H.W. Richardson, Nathan Parkways Conference Proceedings Bowers, Edward Cleary, and A.N. Carter. Bulldozers Come First. New York: McGrawHill, 1944. Drake, Richard. Mountaineers and Americans. Richard B. Drake, 1976. Eller, Ronald D. "Industrialism and Social Change in Appalachia, 1880 -1930: A Look at the Static Image," in Colonialism in Modern America: The Appalachian Case, Ed. Helen Lewis et al. Boone: Appalachian Consortium, 1978. Eller, Ronald D. Miners. Millhands and Mountaineers. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1982. Fish wick, Marshall. Springlore in Virginia. Bowling Green State University: Popular Press, 1978. Gainer, Patrick. "Folksongs," in Mountain Heritage. Ed. B.B. Maurer. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Press, 1977. Humphrey, Richard. "Religion and Place in Southern Appalachia," in Cultural Adaptation to Mountain Environments. Ed. Patricia D. Beaver and Burton Purrington. Athens: Univ. of Georgia, 1984. Jackson, J.B. Discovering the Vernacular Landscape. New Haven: Yale, 1984. Jackson, J.B. The Necessity for Ruins. Amherst: Univ. of Mass. Press, 1970. Jefferson, Thomas. Notes on the State of Virginia. Ed. William Penden. Chapel Hill: U.N.C. Press, 1954. Jenkins, Alan. The Forties. London: Heinemann, Ltd., 1977. Jolley, Harley. The Blue Ridge Parkway. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn. Press, 1969. Kattwinkel, Kevin J. "Barns of Southwest Virginia." Blacksburg Va.: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, n.d. Martin, Charles E. Hollvbush: Folk Building and Social Change in an Appalachian Community. Knoxville, Univ. of Tenn. Press, 1984. Maurer, B.B. (Ed.) Mountain Heritage. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Press, 1977. �117 ///. Historical Perspective—Annese Miles, Emma. The Spirit of the Mountains. Ed. David Whisnant. Knoxville: Univ. Of Tennessee, 1975. Novak, Barbara. Nature and Culture: American Landscape Painting 1825 - 1875. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1960. Opie, John. "A Sense of Place: A World We Have Lost," in An Appalachian Symposium. Ed. J.W. Williamson. Boone: Appalachian Consortium, 1977. Opie, John. "Where American History Began: Appalachia and the Small Independent Family Farm," in Appalachia/America. Ed. Wilson Somerville. East Tennessee State Univ., 1981. Raitz, Karl and Richard Ulack. Appalachia. A Regional Geography. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1984. Smith, Lawerence J. The High Alleghenies. Tornado WV: Allegheny Vistas, Inc., 1982. Stilgoe, John. Personal discussions. Harvard University, Graduate School of Design, Spring, 1987. Stoneback, H.R. "The Road in Appalachian Lore and Literature," in Blue Ridge Parkway: Agent of Transition. Ed. Barry Buxton. Boone: Appalachian Consortium, 1986. Vale, Thomas R. and Geraldine R. Vale. U.S. 40 Today. Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1983. Wagner, Melinda. "America's Alter-Ego." Radford University Magazine. 3, no. 1. 1981. pp. 6-9. Whisnant, David. "Introduction," in The Spirit of the Mountains. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1975. Zelinsky, Wilbur. "The Log House in Georgia," in Geographical Review (Jan.. 1953). New York: American Geographical Society, 1953. The Impact of Parkways on Development in Westchester County, New York City, and the Metropolitan New York Region DomenicoAnnese, FASLA, Vice President, Clarke + Rapuano Inc. Apart from their physical appearances, what is it that actually distinguishes parkways from highways and expressways, since they are all roads for transportation? I must say, recreation, recreation in the form of driving for pleasure and recreation in the use of a parkway's landscape and the parks it serves. The concept of the parkway in the New York metropolitan area has from the start been grounded in social concerns for light, air, recreation and esthetics rather than in the utilitarian purposes of transportation. Beginning with Olmsted's plan for Eastern and Ocean Parkways in Brooklyn, which he envisioned as broad boulevards with tree-lined malls for strolling, parkways in New York City were conceived as pleasure drives, serving as gateways to large parks. America's romance with the automobile really grew out of its old love for the horse and buggy. The Sunday afternoon drive in a horse and buggy was a favorite pastime. What the automobile did was to bring that pastime to the masses. Indeed, during the fifties, the Bureau of Public Roads, the Federal Highway Administration's predecessor, liked to claim that pleasure driving was the most popular form of recreation in the nation. Remembering my youth, driving from Bronx Park to Kensico Dam on the Bronx River Parkway was a favorite pastime of our family on Sundays. In their influence upon urban development, the parkways can be compared to the park squares where the frontage blocks and surrounding neighborhood became prime locations for residences because of the light and air and recreation afforded by the square. The great example, of course, is Central Park, the super park square of all! Along Mosholu and Pelham �118 Parkways in The Bronx, which were established in 1888 as connecting links between Van Cortlandt, Bronx and Pelham Parks, there developed fine residential communities - single and two family residences, deluxe apartment buildings with elevators, walk-up apartment buildings, a variety of housing serving all social levels. Today, a century later, the neighborhoods along Mosholu and Pelham Parkways are the most stable in The Bronx. In Brooklyn, Olmsted's Eastern and Ocean Parkways became fashionable residential boulevards and continue to be so today. In 1987, the New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission designated Eastern Parkway as a scenic landmark having "a special character, special historical and aesthetic interest and value as part of the development, heritage and cultural characteristics of New York City." It is included in the National Register of Historic Places and is therefore protected from "improvements for traffic operations." The parkways of New York created in the 19th century for horse and carriage were the products of purposeful design, but not so with the 20th century automobile parkway. By the beginning of this century, New York City was already beset with traffic congestion and the age of the automobile and truck was being foreseen. Plans for grand highways and bridges, and even tunnels, were conceived but not a parkway just for automobiles, that is not until the Bronx River Parkway was built. One can very well ask, would there ever have been any modern parkway if the Bronx River Parkway had never been built? But that question begs another: would the idea for the Bronx River Parkway have ever risen had not the water fowl in the New York Zoological Park, popularly known as The Bronx Zoo, died in the summer of 1904 from diseases caused by the polluted Bronx River? The State Legislature had for twenty years debated plans for a trunk sewer to clean up the Bronx River valley. William N. Niles, a member of the Board of Governors of The Bronx Zoo, decided to take action and, in 1906, he succeeded in getting the Legislature to set up a commission to study the river. The commission issued a report recommending that Parkways Conference Proceedings a park be combined in the plan for the sewer. And so, in 1907, the Bronx Parkway Commission was created. The construction of a roadway in the combined linear park and sewer project was included in the mandate of the Commission although whose idea it was has never been established. A road in the park would provide city residents with access to New York City's Kensico Dam and Reservoir, then under construction, and also would be a handsome entrance to the City from the north. Since New York City was paying 75% of the project's cost and Westchester County only 25%, one may assume that City officials had a strong interest in the road. Besides, the fact that the road would provide access to Bronxville, Scarsdale, Hartsdale and other new subdivisions along the Bronx River was evident to the three-man commission, two of whom were associated in realestate development. By 1916, the grading onsome sections had been completed but no paving or landscaping had been done. World War I interrupted the project; the parkway was completed in 1924, extending 16 miles from Kensico Dam in Valhalla to Bronx Park in New York City. The Bronx River Parkway was a popular success, so much so that the Westchester County Parks Commission was created in 1922 and the Bronx River Parkway was transferred to the new commission in 1925 when the Bronx Parkway Commission was terminated. The new commission quickly developed a scheme of parks, parkways and outdoor recreation for WestChester County. Dictated by the north-south valley geography of the county, routes were planned in 1923 along Saw Mill, Grassy Sprain, and Hutchinson Rivers with east-west connecting routes. In the decade from 1922 to 1933 Westchester County developed a remarkable system of parkways that was built just for the automobile. As the railroads had in the midnineteenth century, the parkways brought another period of rapid suburbanization to Westchester County. The success of the park and parkway systems in Westchester County was not lost upon the business and political leaders of New York �///. Historical Perspective—Annese City but it took one man to galvanize plans and dreams. I am referring to Robert Moses, of course. It was in 1922-23 that Robert Moses* dream of beaches and parks for Long Island began to take form as he tramped the woods, marshes and beaches and searched out records. He imagined for Long Island a network of parks and beaches connected by parkways similar to the system evolving in Westchester County. A loyal supporter of Governor Alfred E. Smith and an assistant in his administration, the only reward Moses asked of Gov. Smith was the state job of running parks - without salary. So, in 1924, he got the Legislature to establish the Long Island State Park Commission, with himself appointed as head. By 1936, the system of parkways in Long Island was built and after World War II extended further eastward. The demand for housing after World War n brought phenomenal suburbanization to Long Island as potato field after potato field became one Levittown after another, interspersed with shopping centers. Subdivisions crept eastward along the routes of the Northern and Southern State Parkways. Along the Northern State Parkway, large estates were subdivided, a process that began when the parkway's right-ofway was carved out and appropriated. The utilitarian function of the parkways for transportation accelerated as suburbanization increased so that peak hour traffic was no longer confined just to weekends when city visitors to the parks and beaches jammed the parkways. Lewis Mumford was always critical of the undisciplined and linear development in Long Island which, he claimed, was spawned by the parkways. However, consider the climate of the post World War n times: millions of returning veterans, lack of housing, GI insured mortgages, new technology in producing mass, affordable housing, and easily developable land. The Levittowns were inevitable. If the parkways had not been there, other highways would have been built - ordinary highways, not limited access expressways, for that era was still to come a decade later. In 1934, Robert Moses became New York City's Commissioner of Parks under Mayor Fiorello La Guardia. He was now able to put 119 into effect the proposals he had set forth for New York in 1930 as chairman of the New York Park Association's Metropolitan Conference on Parks. Wearing his two hats as head for New York City's parks and the Long Island State Park Commission, he coordinated the construction of parkways in Brooklyn and Queens with those of Long Island, using the same team of landscape architects and engineers. Geographically, Brooklyn and Queens are part of Long Island. The parkways connected with existing and proposed new parks, some of which were still then only dumps and landfills. Notably, the Belt Parkway which circles along the shores of Brooklyn and Queens, has preserved the waterfronts in a continuous park and provides access to the many beaches on the Atlantic. I leave to your imagination the high-rise complexes that would today occupy much of those shores if the Belt Parkway had not been built. In Manhattan and The Bronx, the focus was northward to connections with the parkways in Westchester County. Here the emphasis was on the West Side Improvement along Manhattan's Hudson River shore and Olmsted's Riverside Park, a project which had languished since 1891 when a special commission had made its report for a general purpose road and "grand equestrian promenade, corresponding in character to Rotten Row in London, but in every attraction far superior." That plan was translated into the modern Henry Hudson Parkway. How Robert Moses sought and found funds for its construction is a story of its own. What did the Henry Hudson Parkway achieve? It captured the Hudson River waterfront from coalyards, boatyards and other commercial uses and covered the New York Central Railroad which barred access to the river. It doubled the acreage of Riverside Park. It provided New York City with gateways from the north and from the west via the George Washington Bridge. It made a grander "front yard" for the apartment buildings along Riverside that look out upon the Hudson River. It provided play and sports facilities for the adjacent neighborhoods. Across the Hudson River, on the west side in New Jersey, the stage was set for a new park- �120 way that would extend from Palisades Interstate Park, at George Washington Bridge, 35 miles north to Bear Mountain State Park, connecting via Bear Mountain Bridge to the parkways in Westchester County on the east side of the Hudson River. At the beginning of this century, the governors of New York and New Jersey established the Palisades Interstate Park Commission to preserve the palisades - those spectacular cliffs of igneous rock intrusions that form the New Jersey shore of the Hudson River - and to save them from the quarry operators. With the success of the Woolworth Building and dawn of the skyscrapers, there also came the demand for stone aggregate for concrete. New Yorkers, who looked across the Hudson River, were shocked by the despoilation the quarriers were wracking upon the Palisades. Theodore Roosevelt, then governor of New York, authorized the initial funds for purchase of land along the New Jersey shore and the face of the Palisades, an illegal action because he expended funds out-of-state, in New Jersey, without the authority of the New York State Legislature. Two decades later, John D. Rockefeller, Jr. bought the estates at the top of the Palisades to keep them from being developed with subdivisions and apartment buildings. He donated the land to Palisades Interstate Park, thereby making the Palisades Interstate Parkway a reality. The parkway was planned and designed during World War II and built during the post-war decade. The Palisades Interstate Parkway is again another instrument for transportation that was planned and designed primarily for recreation. It was designed, however, to higher traffic and operating standards than the parkways of the twenties and thirties, namely 70 miles per hour design speed. The parkway was routed through open land in Rockland County and brought to that county in the sixties and seventies the same sort of suburbanization that the Northern and Southern State Parkways had brought to Nassau County on Long Island, but with less density because of the more rugged topography. Although the Palisades Interstate Parkway was graded for a future third lane, the Interstate Park Commission has consistently refused to widen Parkways Conference Proceedings the roadways to three lanes for reasons of esthetics and pleasurable driving. It considers 3lane roadways esthetically unsuitable to the parkway's character and purpose. With the passage of its Parkway and Freeway Act in 1946, New Jersey also embarked on a parkway program. In less than ten years, it planned, designed and built the Garden State Parkway, extending 162 miles fromParamus in Bergen County - across the Hudson River from New York City - to Cape May at the southernmost tip of New Jersey. The Garden State Parkway was designed to serve the beaches and resorts along New Jersey's Atlantic seashore. Recreational areas along its route were carefully considered, primarily picnic areas at about 25-mile intervals and a 225-acre park. A toll road, limited to automobiles and buses, its construction and operation are financed by bonds issued by the Garden State Parkway Authority. Unlike New York's parkways, the Garden State Parkway was not conceived as an integral part of a park system. Nevertheless, its primary purpose was recreational, to serve beach traffic and relieve the incredible congestion it caused. The Garden State Parkway accelerated suburban growth, although Bergen and Union Counties at its northern end were already heavily developed when the parkway was built. Daily, it serves commuter automobile traffic, including buses, unlike the parkways in New York which prohibit buses. The parkways have been beneficial in numerous ways to urban development in the metropolitan New York region. Most importantly, they have preserved corridors of natural features, such as the stream valleys of Westchester County, the Hudson River shoreline of Manhattan, the seashores of Brooklyn, Queens and Long Island, and the Palisades of New Jersey. Secondly, they provide recreation to their adjacent neighborhoods as well as being the means for getting to parks and beaches. And thirdly, they have helped control the quality of development and restrained blight. That the parkways have been so beneficial can be attributed to the social concerns from which they sprang: concerns for light, air, recreation and esthetics and only lastly, in my opinion, for transportation. �///. Historical Perspective—Carr This thesis is readily summed up in the definitions, Gilmore D. Clarke, landscape architect and leading parkway designer, gave to parkways and freeways: The parkway is a "strip of public land dedicated to recreation, over 121 which abutting owners have no right of light, air, or access" whereas the freeway is a "strip of public land dedicated to movement, over which the abutting owners have no right of light, air, or access." The Parkway in New York City Ethan Carr NINETEENTH CENTURY ORIGINS By the mid-19th century New York City had become the great commercial metropolis of North America. The sustained growth of New York had been complemented by ambitious city and state public works which, like the Erie Canal (1825) and the Croton Aqueduct (1842), dynamically affected the character and potential of the metropolitan area. In at least one respect, though, public planning had proved totally insufficient. The streets of Manhattan were laid out according to a strict rectilinear grid that had been published in 18II.1 The hundreds of identical rectangular blocks which resulted were eminently practical for development, but left inadequate provision for open space. By 1850, these blocks had been developed as far north as 42nd Street and the city's population surpassed 500,000; yet the total area of parks and public squares was less than 70 acres.2 The absence of an adequate city plan threatened to make the city uninhabitable. Drastic solutions were called for, and in 1856 the city acquired about 770 acres (later expanded to 840) out of the heart of Manhattan's grid plan for the creation of Central Park. The park was an enormous popular success, and because of increased tax assessments, a successful investment for the City as well.3 The success of Central Park changed the future of American cities by demonstrating the financial as well as aesthetic desirability of innovative city plans. During the 1860s, as city administrators anticipated accelerated growth in new, suburban wards of New York in northern Manhattan, the Bronx and Brooklyn, they called on landscape architects and civil engineers to devise new strategies for urban expansion. Among the most influential city planning features subsequently invented for the New York metropolitan area was the "parkway." Frederick Law Olmsted and Calvert Vaux, the designers of Central Park (1858) and Prospect Park (1865), first coined the term "parkway" in a report to the Board of Commissioners of Prospect Park, Brooklyn in 1868.4 It was in the City of Brooklyn, New York's most important suburb, that the concept was first realized. The "Parkway plan" presented by Olmsted and Vaux attempted to redress the inadequacies of existing street arrangements, which lacked any kind of express throughway for surface transportation. The parkways they proposed were noncommercial through roads, designed for pleasure-riding and driving...[with] ample public walks, with room for seats, and with borders of turf in which trees may grow of the most stately character."5 These linear parks were intended to provide relaxed and scenic access to the amenities of regional parks (in this case Prospect Park), and to engender continuous "parkway neighborhoods" —neighborhoods more open, healthy and attractive than any yet known in large American cities. The two landscape architects made clear that this was no Utopian scheme; they stressed that city government could expect a profitable return on their parkway investment through increased tax assessments along the new roads. Eastern Parkway (1870-74), from Prospect Park to Ralph Avenue, and Ocean Parkway (187476), from Church Avenue to Seabreeze Avenue �122 in Brooklyn are recognized as the first parkways ever built. They are both designated New York City Scenic Landmarks. The entire parkway plan for Brooklyn, however, was never accomplished. Such progressive and comprehensive schemes for residential development (including the plans for the 23rd and 24th wards of the Bronx presented by Olmsted and J. James R. Croes in 1876) were considered impractical, and never fully implemented in New York or Brooklyn. The benefits of regional parks and connecting parkways, however, had been established. In 1888, the City of New York acquired 4,000 acres of the Bronx for a system of regional parks .6 The parks were connected by park access roads called the Mosholu, Pelham, Bronx and Crotona Parkways. These parkways, like Eastern and Ocean Parkways in Brooklyn, were essentially treelined boulevards. Their inspiration lay in the wide avenues of Berlin and Paris, although they were—like the word "parkway" itself—uniquely American adaptations. THE MODERN PARKWAY The first modern automotive parkway with restricted frontage, limited access, and grade separations was built along the Bronx River in New York City and Westchester County early in the 20th century. The Bronx River Parkway was initiated in 1906 as a river conservation effort, similar in many ways to the Muddy River Improvement Proposal (1881) devised by Frederick Law Olmsted for the Muddy River in Boston.7 The Muddy River, like the Bronx River, had become sluggish and polluted, and resulted in a serious health hazard. Olmsted's improvement called for creating a landscaped ribbonpark along the river's banks, which eliminated the residences and businesses which were the sources of pollution. The Muddy River Improvement also featured a continuous carriage driveway, which took advantage of the natural right-of-way of the riverbed. In the Bronx, similar improvements on the Bronx River lagged until after World War I. It was not until 1923 that the linear park and winding roadway designed by Hermann W. Parkways Conference Proceedings Merkel and Gilmore D. Clarke was complete between Bronx Park in New York and White Plains in Westchester.8 The automobile, of course, had proliferated in the meantime, and the beautifully landscaped, curvilinear Bronx River Parkway was greatly appreciated by car owners. As they drove along it at 35 miles per hour, they experienced constantly changing, picturesque views of the restored river and the surrounding park. The convenience and beauty of the many rusticated stone bridges that carried intersecting traffic over the parkway were equally unprecedented. The parkway was a great success, and was followed by a remarkable series of automotive parkways built by the WestChester County Parkway Commission in the 1920s. Designed by Gilmore Clarke and the Westchester County Parkway Commission, 88 miles of suburban parkways were built by 1933, including the Saw Mill and Hutchinson River Parkways.9 These roads had parallels in another developing suburb of New York, Nassau County on Long Island, where Long Island State Park Commissioner Robert Moses was also building a system of suburban parkways. Roads like the Northern and Southern State Parkways, designed by Clarence C. Combs, made the beaches and countryside of Long Island finally accessible to New Yorkers, who for years had been barred from this recreation by poor roads, traffic jams, and the lack of any kind of public access to the beach. By 1929 Moses had acquired 9,500 acres of parkland on Long Island and completed the Southern State Parkway through Nassau County. His greatest success came that August, when Jones Beach State Park and the Wantagh causeway opened. Jones Beach, with its sumptuous bathhouses, campanile water tower and parking for thousands of cars, was an unprecedented public park development. The popularity of Jones Beach was comparable to the success of Central Park 71 years earlier, and was to have just as far-reaching consequences. 350,000 people crowded on to the beaches during the park's first month of operation alone.10 Most of those people drove on the Southern State and Wantagh Parkways to get there. In the 1930s Jones Beach became a model for large- �///. Historical Perspective—Carr scale park development, and modem arterial parkways became an integral part of planning for recreational land use. THE URBAN PARKWAY IN NEW YORK CITY Robert Moses and his design and engineering staff at the Long Island State Park Commission were already planning for the park and parkway needs of New York City while developing Long Island in the 1920s. The New York Park Association's Metropolitan Conference on Parks, which Moses chaired, presented an ambitious set of proposals for the city in 1930.11 The conference's report recommended the immediate acquisition of thousands of acres of undeveloped land for parks, and the construction of a system of parkways and river crossings around and through the city to connect with the suburban parkways in Long Island andWestchester. The Henry Hudson Parkway, the Belt system of parkways, the BronxWhitestone and Verazzano Bridges—all of which were subsequently built—were initially set forth in this pioneering planning report. When Mayor Fiorello La Guardia created a unified Department of Parks for the five boroughs of New York City in 1934, Moses, as sole Park Commissioner, was given the means to implement his urban parkway plan. The major appeal of the city Park Commissionership for Moses was the chance to bring his regional parkway program to "a logical conclusion." "You cannot work out a logical [parkway] development for the suburbs," he pointed out, "unless you know what the city is going to do."12 After 1934 the city carried out precisely the Park Commissioner's plans. Between 1934 and 1940, Moses oversaw the building of over 70 miles of parkways within city limits. The first arterial parkways within New York City had been started in 1929 under Mayor James J. Walker. The eastern portion Grand Central Parkway had been mapped with an overly narrow easement, and a similar problem existed with the Interborough Parkway, which had been laid out from the Grand Central through Forest Park to Eastern Parkway in Brooklyn. 123 Although dissatisfied with the narrow, twisting right-of-ways inherited in 1934, Moses quickly pushed the parkways to completion. An innovative, "cloverleaf * interchange of the Interborough and Grand Central Parkways soon appeared at the southern end of the newlyacquired Flushing Meadows Park. The interchange, known as the "Pretzel," became a familiar symbol of arterial road progress, and an early monument of Moses's emerging system of urban parkways. Looking back on these first projects, he later said, "We learned not to waste time on explanations and post-mortems, and to go on to the next thing, always hoping that it would be a fresh, new project without unfortunate inheritances."13 The next proj ect was never long in coming. The city Park Commissionership was only one of the means by which Moses funded parkway projects. In 1934 two public authorities were created to issue bonds: the Henry Hudson Parkway Authority and the Marine Parkway Authority. Moses was named sole commissioner ofboth. In 1934LaGuardiaalsoappointedhim to the Triborough Bridge Authority, which since 1929 had floundered in the attempt to create a bridge and highway complex between Manhattan, the Bronx and Queens to serve as the heart of an arterial road system for the city. New Deal public works programs such as the Civil Works Administration and, after 1935, the Works Progress Administration were also funding park, parkway and river crossing projects, all of which were now being carried out hand in hand under Moses' unified authority. Because of the Park Commissioner's unique administrative situation, the Parks Department design and engineering staff supervised a wide variety of park, road, bridge and other construction projects. Much has been written about Moses' personal motivations for acquiring so much control over public works projects in the New York metropolitan region; ultimately the effect of his monopoly over important public planning decisions may have been negative. But in the crisis atmosphere of the Great Depression, Moses embodied a kind of public works martial law which seemed justified in the economic emergency. New York received more than any other �124 city in federal work relief funds, and no other individual in the country exploited the New Deal as effectively as Robert Moses.14 Moses revealed what he often called the "silver lining" of the Great Depression: by 1940 he had completely rebuilt New York's park system. In his first six years as Commissioner he added 6,000 acres of parkland and built New York's parks into the premier system of recreation facilities in the country.15 At the same time, he was creating an urban parkway system which was— and remains—unmatched anywhere. THE WEST SIDE IMPROVEMENT The Henry Hudson Parkway and Riverside Park were the first, and in some ways the best, examples of how Moses worked in New York City, where planning public works was more complex and more expensive than it had been on Long Island.16 The development of the West Side of Manhattan was one of the oldest and most difficult public development problems in the city. Since the middle of the 19th century, the Hudson River Railroad (later part of the New York Central) had occupied the right-of-way along the shore of the Hudson. The land for Riverside Park was acquired in 1872, but the plans for the park by Olmsted and Vaux concentrated on Riverside Drive which wound its way along the upper portion of the narrow ribbon of parkland, and left the waterfront unimproved and inaccessible. As early as 1891 proposals were made for the expansion of Riverside Park, the covering of New York Central's tracks, and the construction of a much needed highway out of the city to the north. In 1904 property was even acquired for the construction of a bridge over the Harlem River Shipping Canal at the northern tip of Manhattan. Plan after plan, however, was abandoned because no one could finance the combined costs of such a development. In 1934, Moses implemented his plans for the West Side Improvement, which called for doubling theareaof RiversideParkby covering the railroad tracks with a promenade, and extending the shoreline with landfill. The Henry Hudson Parkway was proposed to run the length Parkways Conference Proceedings of the park from 72nd Street, where it met the elevated highway begun by Borough President Julius Miller in 1927, north to the Saw Mill River Parkway in Westchester. The new park and parkway were designed by Gilmore Clarke, and financing for the job was assembled from a wide variety of sources including a New York State loan to the Grand Central Railroad for railroad grade crossing eliminations, federal, state and city grade crossing elimination funds, and Federal highway and work relief funds. The Henry Hudson Bridge over the Harlem River Shipping Canal was financed by the sale of Henry Hudson Parkway Authority bonds. The Henry Hudson Bridge and the northern part of the Henry Hudson Parkway opened on December 12, 1936.17 The rest of the West Side Improvement, including the new Riverside Park, was dedicated on October 12,1937.18 To complete the West Side Improvement, Moses had overcome monstrous financial and administrative difficulties that had frustrated generations of city planners. Topically, the parkway construction was coordinated with surrounding park expansion and development. The Henry Hudson Parkway itself, surrounded by hundreds of acres of parkland and offering magnificent views of the Hudson River and New Jersey Palisades, today remains one of the most dramatic automotive entrances to an American city. THE MARINE PARKWAY The Marine Parkway Authority was also created in 1934, and financed the construction of the Marine Parkway (through Marine Park in Brooklyn) and the Marine Parkway Bridge. The bridge, which carried traffic across the Jamaica Inlet to the Rockaway Peninsula and Jacob Riis Park, was the longest lif tspan bridge in the world when it opened on July 3,1937.19 More importantly, the parkway and bridge connected Jacob Riis Park on the Rockaway Peninsula to Brooklyn's Shore Parkway and the rest of the Belt system of parkways, which was intended to girdle the boroughs of Brooklyn and Queens. Jacob Riis Park was improved and en- �///. Historical Perspective—Carr larged in time for the opening of the Marine Parkway and Bridge. In general, major park expansion was part of Moses* parkway program, and Jacob Riis Park was developed into "another Jones Beach" according to Mayor La Guardia.20 Marshland was filled, the beach was increased in width by 700 feet, and a new boardwalk was built. The existing bath house was remodeled and expanded. The parking field at Riis park was 70 acres, the largest paved parking space in the country at the time. Marine Park, however, which was also scheduled for extensive recreational development, has remained mostly an undeveloped wetland. In 1974 over half of it was ceded to the Gateway National Recreation Area. THE GRAND CENTRAL PARKWAY AND FLUSHING MEADOWS PARK The most significant example of combined park and parkway development took place in Rushing Meadows, Queens, where the Grand Central Parkway Extension was under construction. While the Triborough Bridge was still unfinished, it was clear that the Grand Central Parkway would have to be extended if the bridge were to have an adequate approach from the east. The obvious route was through the swamps and ash heaps of Flushing Meadows where inexpensive land would be available. In fact, if the entire area were to be acquired, it could provide a sizable park to the east of the parkway route. Most of the land was acquired in 1934; the Grand Central Parkway Extension was begun north through Flushing Meadows and along Flushing Bay, connecting the Triborough with the Long Island state parkways. Over the next four years massive improvements were made to the Flushing Meadows property along the Grand Central Parkway Extension to prepare it as the site for the World's Fair of 1939.21 The ash heaps were leveled, the swamps drained and filled, and two lakes were excavated. The Flushing Meadows Improvement was designed and supervised by Moses' Parks Department, and after the Fair closed, the site was converted into a completely new, 1,200- 125 acre city park: Flushing Meadows-Corona Park. THE BELT PARKWAY The greatest parkway to be built in New York City was actually a circumferential system of parkways around Brooklyn and Queens that came to be known as the Belt Parkway. Work on the seawall and landfill that would eventually support Brooklyn's Shore Parkway, the first section of the Belt, was begun in 1930 as an early work relief project. Moses's Park Department built on these foundations when they finished the two-mile long section of the Shore Parkway which opened near Fort Hamilton in 1934. The Shore Parkway Extension through Dyker Beach Park to Besonhurst Park opened onDecember 12,1936, the same day as the Henry Hudson Bridge dedication.22 With the improvements made by Brooklyn Borough President Raymond V. Ingersoll to Guider and Emmons Avenues along the shore near Coney Island, the route of the Belt Parkway had taken shape on the Brooklyn waterfront by 1937. In December, 1937 the Parks Department published a list of new parkway proposals.23 In the Bronx, the extensions of the Bronx River and Hutchinson Parkways were proposed. For Brooklyn and Queens the completion of the Circumferential Parkway (later shortened to the Belt Parkway) was described. Although in Brooklyn the Shore Parkway was already well underway, in Queens entire new parkways were required to complete the Belt. The Cross Island Parkway was planned to extend from the BronxWhitestone Bridge along Little Neck Bay, through Alley Pond Park and down the eastern border of Queens to the Laurelton Parkway, which extended to Brookville Park. The Southern Parkway stretched the remaining distance through southern Queens to the Shore Parkway near Marine Park. In all, the proposal for the completion of the Belt Parkway described a system of parkways totalling almost 35 miles. "Landscaped parkways, restricted to pleasure vehicles," wrote Robert Moses in an accompanying justification for the request, "have proven not only to be the most efficient way of providing for a smooth �126 flow of traffic, but also to be great neighborhood assets...especially if provision is made for neighborhood playgrounds and walks along these parkways so that they can be enjoyed by local residents and pedestrians as well as motorists."24 Moses's optimism was shared by the Board of Estimate which appropriated $16,000,000 for construction. On October 12, 1938 the Federal government granted $12,000,000 in emergency public works funds to supplement the city funds, and on November 16 work began. Sixty-five bridges and overpasses were built and millions of cubic yards of fill were moved. The Belt Parkway more than doubled the total length of parkways in the city when it opened on March 20,1940.25 It skirted or traversed 26 park areas totalling 3,550 acres, and most of these park areas were improved in conjunction with the parkway construction. In large, regional parks like Alley Pond, facilities of all types were built and large parking areas were provided for motorists. Other parkway amenities included waterfront pedestrian promenades, ballfields, playgrounds and bike paths which still line much of the route of the Belt Parkway. THE END OFTHEPARKWAYERAINNEW YORK The opening of the Belt Parkway in 1940 effectively ended the parkway phase of arterial highway construction in New York City. The routes for parkways had been chosen mostly along waterfronts, through parks, and around the edges of the city. After World War II, few new parkways were planned. Instead commercial highways, called expressways, were built directly through the city, often cutting into dense, heavily populated neighborhoods. The expressways, many of which were part of the new Interstate Highway system, were pragmatically engineered, without landscaped right-of-ways or recreational uses in mind. A golden age of parkway construction in New York City had come to an end. Many of the parkways depicted in "The Parkway in New York City: 1934-1940" (an Parkways Conference Proceedings exhibition of photographs from the New York City Parks Department Photo Archive also submitted to this conference) no longer resemble their original condition. As residential development increased in surrounding suburbs, lanes were added to the parkways to accommodate increased commuter traffic. This only led to more commuter driving and increased congestion—a now familiar phenomenon—necessitating further widening of the roadbeds. In 1978 maintenance responsibilities for parkways were transferred from the Parks Department to the Departments of Transportation and Sanitation, an indication that officials at that time felt the roads were little different from the commercial expressways and interstates built after World War II by other agencies. But parkways are much more than commuter traffic arterials. Still officially mapped as New York City parkland, their wide, landscaped routes survive (or may be restored) in many areas. Parkways were planned and built in conjunction with the acquisition and development of thousands of acres of parks, especially in Brooklyn and Queens. They constitute a system of environmental corridors running through the city, connecting larger parks and waterfronts to one another, and to more crowded urban areas. Together, the parkways and parks planned and developed in New York in the 1930s recast the city's topography, and forever changed the patterns of urban life. During the parkway era of road construction in New York, the original concept of parkways as landscaped, recreational facilities survived. If the historic importance and environmental significance of New York's parkways are realized, the viability of the roads may be resuscitated. The importance of urban parkways as parkland, all but forgotten, should be a key to their future management and restoration. NOTES 1. The Commissioners' Plan or Randel 's survey was the work of three commissioners, Gouverneur Morris, Simeon DeWitt, and John Rutherford, who were appointed in 1807. The plan was surveyed and drawn �127 ///. Historical Perspective—Carr 2. 3. byJohnRandeUr. (Stokes, Vol. V, 1926, p.1531) In an annual address to the Common Council in 1850, Mayor Caleb S.Woodhull pointed out the lack of parks in New York: "All the public squares below 42nd Street comprise only, in the aggregate, about 63 acres, being less (all together) than one-fourth the size of one of the large parks in the city of London." (Stokes, Vol. V, 1926, p.1826) The Board of Commissioners of the Department of Public Parks (a city agency created in 1870 to replace the Board of Commissioners of Central Park) published tables comparing the costs of acquiring and building Central Park against the increased revenues from higher tax assessments on surrounding properties. (Second Annual Report of the Board of Commissioners of the Department of Public Parks. New York, 1872) It was the careful analysis of the Park Commissioners (specifically Frederick Law Olmsted in this case) that first demonstrated the financial benefits a municipal government could expect from developing large parks. 4. Fein, 1967, pp. 129 ff. 5. 6. 7. ibid.,p.!59 The citizens' commission created to select the Bronx parkland made a full report in 1884. Report of the Commission...23rd and 24th Wards of the Citv of New York (New York, 1884) Zaitevsky, 1982, pp.81 ff. 8. Downer, etal., 1925 9. Wilson, etal., 1986, p.97 10. The Architectural Forum. Dec., 1936 ("Pattern for Parks"), p.497 11. Program for Extension of Parks.... Metropolitan Conference on Parks (New York, 1930) 12. The New York Times. Jan. 19.1934.p.2:6 13. Moses, "The Changing City," 1940 14. Millet, 1938, pp.38-41 15. Six Years of Progress. N.Y.C. Parks Dept.. 1940, pp.38 ff. 16. Caro, 1975, pp.525 ff. 17. Opening of the Henry Hudson Parkway. N.Y.C. Parks Dept., 1936 18. West Side Improvement N.Y.C. Parks Dept. 1937 19. Marine Parkway. N.Y.C. Parks Dept., 1937 20. Shore Parkway Extension . . .. N.Y.C. Parks Dept., 1936, p.8 21. The Flushing Meadows Improvement. N.Y.C. Parks Dept., 1939 22. Shore Parkway Extension . . .. N.Y.C. Parks Dept., 1936, p.8 23. New Parkways in New York Citv. N.Y.C. Parks Dept., 1937 24. ibid.,p.4 25. The Belt Parkway. 4 N.Y.C. Parks Dept.. 1940 BIBLIOGRAPHY Report of the Commission to Select and Locate Lands for Public Parks in the 23rd and 24th Wards of the City of New York. Luther R. Marsh, Pres.; John Mulally, sec. (New York, 1884) I.N. Phelps Stokes, The Iconography of Manhattan Island (New York, 1915-1928) Jay Downer and James Owen, Public Parks in Westchester County (New York, 1925), Reprinted from History of Westchester County. Alvah P. French, ed. (New York, 1925) Program for Extension of Parks and Parkways in the Metropolitan Region. Submitted by the Metropolitan Conference on Parks, Arsenal, Central Park, New York City, February 25,1930 (New York, 1930) "Pattern for Parks," The Architectural Forum. Dec., 1936 New York Advancing 1934-1935. Rebecca B. Rankin, ed. (New York, 1936) "Robert (or I'll Resign) Moses." Fortune. June, 1938 �128 John D. Millet, The W.RA. in New York Citv (Chicago, 1938) Robert Moses, "The Changing Citv." The Architectural Forum. March, 1940 Albert Fein, Landscape into Cityscape (New York, 1967) Robert Moses, Public Works: A Dangerous Trade (New York, 1970) Robert Caro, The Power Broker (New York, 1975) Cynthia Zaitevsky, Frederick Law Qlmsted and the Boston Parks System (Cambridge, 1982) New York City Parks Department Publications: These brochures and unpublished papers are part of the New York City Parks Department Archives (Northwest Turret, The Arsenal, Central Park, New York, N.Y. 10021) Opening of the Henry Hudson Parkway. Dec. 12,1936, Robert Moses et al. Shore Parkway Extension and Marine Parkway. Dec. 12,1936, Robert Moses et al. Parkways Conference Proceedings New Parkways in New York City. December 7, 1937, Robert Moses et al. West Side Improvement. October 12, 1937, Harry Sweeny, Jr., ed. Marine Parkway. July 3,1937, Robert Moses et al. Completion of the Henry Hudson Bridge and Approaches. May 7,1938, Robert Moses The Flushing Meadows Improvement, vol.3, no.8,May 15,1939. Final publication with complete resume of all improvements to date... Harry Sweeny, Jr., ed. The Comprehensive Parkway System of the Metropolitan Region. Paper presented to the American Society of Civil Engineers by Robert Moses on January 19, 1939 (unpublished transcript) The Belt Parkway. 1940, Clinton F. Loyd et al. Six Years of Park Progress. New York City Department of Parks Annual Report, 1940 Thirty Years of Progress. New York City Department of Parks Annual Report, 1964 From Carriageway to Parkway: Evolution of the George Washington Memorial Parkway BacilB. Warren The idea of a monumental highway from Washington, D.C., to the home of George Washington at Mount Vernon came into being over a hundred years ago1. But an important element of the story had roots going back much farther. To learn the full story of the George Washington Memorial Parkway and how it came to be built, we have to go back to the time of the Constitutional Convention.2 Both before and after that great event, from 1783 to 1790, when the states were newly united or about to be, they wrangled furiously over the location of their new capital. It is well known that the Potomac area won a narrow victory only after Virginia and Maryland each offered to cede ten square miles to the national government. Somewhat less well known is that they also promised to provide substantial funds to help erect government buildings.3 AN ADVANCE FROM RICHMOND In the Virginia Legislature spirited debate continued, even after the delegates agreed to supply $ 120,000 for buildings. The main question was very simple. Was this sum to be a gift or a loan? The fledgling government clearly could not repay the money, not now. Yet why not try to get it back sometime?4 A young man among the Virginia legislators rose to his feet. His name was John Marshall, and he was later to become Chief Justice of the United States. He suggested a compromise: �///. Historical Perspective—Warren use the word "advance."5 Do not lend the money; do not give the money; advance the money. The advance of funds was promptly approved, but the tantalizing question still remained, and people would be arguing about the meaning of the word "advance" long after John Marshall and all the other members of that legislature were dead.6 Although the advance was legally authorized, the national government found it exceedingly difficult to extract the money from the state of Virginia. President Washington found it necessary to make a personal call on Virginia Governor Beverley Randolph in Richmond to secure the first installment. In a letter to the Commissioners of the District of Columbia on April 13, 1791, the President wrote that the Virginia treasury was empty. Then he added: P.S. Since writing the foregoing I have again conversed with Governor Randolph, and have drawn upon him, pay able to your order,for forty thousand dollars, being the first installment; one thousand of which he 7 hopes to have ready within afew days Those funds not only helped to begin construction of, specifically, the capitol building, but they did something else. In the final analysis they also paid for the first leg of the George Washington Memorial Parkway.8 But that was far in the future. For fifty years Virginia forgot about the doubtful debt owed or not owed by the central government. When, after half a century, the U.S. showed a fiscal surplus for the first time, Virginia began a sporadic and entirely unsuccessful effort to convince Congress that the "advance" was indeed a loan.9 After trying to collect the money off and on for nearly 20 additional years, the Commonwealth of Virginia seemingly gave up the fight, but only on the surface. Some 70 years after the "advance," Virginia adopted a curious method of seeking payment.10 SURROGATE COLLECTORS At that time efforts were being made by a group of Virginians to launch a railroad to be 129 called the Orange and Alexandria line. Asked to support this effort, the legislature assigned its claim of $120,000 against the federal government to the developers of the railroad.11 They said, in effect, "If you can collect this money, it's yours." Naturally enough, the railroad could never collect, but that did not end the story. Events were already in motion that would give that Virginia claim another life. These events began in 1838 with the movement to build a suitable memorial to George Washington.12 Fund raising proceeded for ten years, and construction of the familiar Washington Monument began in 1848.13 FAULTY TOWER Even before the 555-foot obelisk was started some were saying it was all wrong,14 that while thousands of dollars were being raised to erect an inappropriate stone monument, Washington's home at Mount Vemon, close by his tomb, was falling into ruin. The home and tomb, they felt, should be the most important national shrine for the great Commander in Chief.15 The mansion at Mount Vemon had been offered for sale to both the national government and the Commonwealth of Virginia, but both had refused. The Mount Vernon Ladies Association of the Union raised two hundred thousand dollars by popular subscription and purchased Mount Vemon in 1858.16 Immediately following the civil war, public contributions grew rapidly, the house was completely restored and refurbished — also refurnished in the style of Washington's day — and soon the Washington estate was one of the leading attractions for visitors in the D.C. area.17 It might have attracted even more people, except for the difficulty of access. The establishment of boat service helped some, but land routes to the mansion were long and arduous.18 NOBLE CONCEPT It was in 1886, one year after the dedication of the Washington monument in the District19 when a leading citizen of Alexandria, �130 Virginia, Washington's "hometown," had his grand idea.20 H. B. Harlow, then city treasurer, envisioned a great carriageway, leading from the capital, which the first President helped to plan, to the mansion where he had lived most of his life, and on the grounds of which his tomb was situated. This avenue would not only serve as a suitable tribute to our first President, it would make travel to Mount Vemon an uplifting experience, would serve as a spiritual preparation for entrance into the General's home, and it would link the two existing monuments into one truly fine memorial.21 It happened that Harlow's friend, C. C. Carlin, was the Alexandria correspondent of The National Republican, a leading Washington newspaper. Carlin not only wrote a story about Harlow's inspiration, he submitted it personally, and Harlow went with him. They laid it before the editor, Col. E. W. Fox. Col. Fox liked the story, liked the idea, and became a strong advocate. What was ultimately to become the George Washington Memorial Parkway was officially launched.22 But more than 40 years of political maneuvering lay ahead. Col. Fox wrote a number of favorable editorials about the plan, and after the printing of one of these, on September 18,1887, a group of business and political leaders from both Washington and Northern Virginia met to form the Mount Vernon Avenue Association.23 By this time, the idea had become quite grandiose. This was the stated purpose of the association when it was formally convened in 1888: The general object is to build a roadway of noble proportions from Washington to Mount Vernon.24 And noble was no overstatement. They described their avenue as a great highway combining the idea of the Appian Way at Rome and of London's Westminster Abbey. It was to be a roadway, a park, a cemetery, an outdoor hall of statues, and a mausoleum, all wrapped in one. Parkways Conference Proceedings ECLECTIC PLANNING The thoroughfare was to be 17 miles in length, with a proposed width of 250 feet. The entire project would be divided into sections, giving one to each state. It was suggested by the association that each state on its section should erect statues or monuments to its outstanding citizens, and should plant trees and flowers indigenous to its locality.25 It does not require much imagination to see what the heterogeneous result would be. It was further proposed that each state be requested to build upon its reservation a permanent home, an exposition building for the purpose of advertising its educational, industrial, and agricultural advantages, and to place in the building a topographical map. These buildings could also be used for meetings of visitors from the state to the capital. (And today, could provide offices for state lobbyists.) The Commonwealth of Virginia evidently approved all of this, since the legislature gave the Mount Vernon Avenue Association a state charter.26 FUNDING SOLVED What is more, someone remembered that old debt, owed or not owed to the state by the federal government. Since the Orange and Alexandria Railroad had never been able to collect, the legislature in Richmond endowed the association very handsomely by reassigning the debt to it.27 They said, in effect, "We give you the authority to build your grand avenue, and here is a claim for $120,000 with which to fund it. All you have to do is collect the actual cash from Uncle Sam." There must have been chortles and knee slapping in the legislative halls at Richmond, seeing that Virginia had been unsuccessful in collecting that debt for over 90 years. But the strange thing is, the Mount Vernon Avenue group very nearly succeeded before the number of years stretched to 100.28 And, symbolically at least, they did collect the debt in the end. But virtually all original members of the association had died before it happened.29 �///. Historical Perspective—Warren Members of the association got to work on Congress with almost immediate success. On February 28,1889, Congress directed the Secretary of the Army to survey and make cost estimates for a national road to Mount Vemon.30 THE HAINS REPORT Lieutenant Colonel Peter C. Hains, of the Corps of Engineers, was selected for the job, a most fortunate choice. By January 4,1890, he had given Congress a report laying out three major routes with multiple variations, and he had described the entire project in lyrical terms that clearly caught its spirit.31 Furthermore, while still thinking in terms of horse drawn vehicles, he began to forecast some aspects of a modern parkway when he wrote: It should be wide enough to give it character, and still have room for future adornment and expansion. The grades should be light, the alignment in graceful curves.32 It is worthy of note that Col. Hains' report made no reference to the association's flamboyant plans to make the avenue a cemetery, a garden of statuary, and a permanent exhibit for all the states. He envisioned a noble road, to be sure, but only a road. From time to time, members of the association still spoke of the original plan, but it was never actually seriously considered again. Meanwhile, the association was highly optimistic. Its charter had been amended to allow the United States to build the road on Virginia soil. Col. Hains had devised an engineering plan that Congress seemed to favor. The U.S. was indebted to the association for a considerable amount. Everyone seemed to expect quick action. What happened next was indeed quick, but the action was totally unexpected. PRE-EMPTIVE STRIKE Early in 1892, with little or no advance notice, the Washington, Alexandria, and Mount Vernon Railroad commenced construction of an electric rail line over part of the most scenic route to Mount Vemon. By the end of September, trains were running regularly from the 131 capital to Washington's home.33 It was in fact a railroad, but not in local terminology. Those who used it called it the Mount Vernon trolley. The trolley line took away all the momentum that had built up behind the Mount Vemon Avenue. Now it was easy to get to Washington's home, and it was a beautiful ride.34 Though the Mount Vemon Avenue Association redoubled its efforts, the actual construction of its boulevard was now to be postponed for nearly forty years. To the backers, it was a tragedy. But from our privileged viewpoint it is clear the delay actually worked to improve the parkway that finally emerged. Washington himself always used an inland route when he traveled from his home to Alexandria. It was shorter and made the crossing of Hunting Creek, just south of Alexandria, much easier.35 Col. Hains, in his study, seemed to favor this same alignment for the Mount Vemon Avenue, except that the avenue would follow the high ridges as much as possible.36 The trolley line opened up a different way, and carried a great many people along the banks of the Potomac, showing them sweeping views of the majestic river. THE GREENING OF WASHINGTON More Americans were beginning to appreciate the superb natural setting of their capital. The city was now a century old, and people were beginning to compare it with other great national capitals. The U.S. Senate established an Arts Commission to "enhance the beauty" of the city and its surroundings, and by great good fortune, one of the Commissioners was Frederick Law Olmsted.37 In 1901 Mr. Olmsted made a personal survey of the various suggested routes to Mount Vernon,38 walking along the ridges and the river banks, and probably also riding the trolley. He and the commission approved a route that started with the Memorial Bridge, then also under consideration, proceeded through Alexandria on the street Washington originally surveyed, and then followed the river all the way to Mount Vernon.39 �132 IMPROVED BY SETBACKS This even improved on the rail route, because the trolley left the river to cut across the great curve of the Potomac just before reaching Mount Vernon. Instead, the highway follows that curve. As it does so, it plunges from a high bluff to the river's edge, and the trees seem to part like a curtain to reveal a stunning view of Fort Washington across the Potomac. So the long delay led to a simplified plan and a better route. Meanwhile, just two years after Mr. Olmsted made his survey, a group of people in New York City were looking at their own natural resources. In 1903 they proposed that the valley of the Bronx River be preserved as a park. Twenty-two years later, in about 1925, the Bronx River Parkway was completed.40 It was important that the Bronx be built first. Its designers developed techniques and solutions that helped immeasurably when the time came to build the road to Mount Vernon. For when its time finally came, this boulevard had to be built very fast indeed.41 And there was one final gain from the delay. By the time the great avenue was built, horses and carriages were no longer in the picture. We were building now for automobiles.42 Members of the Mount Vemon Avenue Association had not dropped their claim against the federal government, and strangely enough, Congress was taking them seriously. At every session since the debt was transferred to the association, a bill had been introduced, and it had been reported favorably by a number of congressional committees. The Hon. Charles C. Carlin, Representative from Virginia, testified as follows before the House Committee on Claims, December 16,1908: Virginia's claim has been considered a dozen times by various committees of the House and of the Senate and has been reported upon 9 or 10 times favor ably... It so happens that the committees have never managed to report at the same session of Congress; when the House would report favorably, the Senate did not report at all, Parkways Conference Proceedings and when the Senate reported the House did not, and the result has been that no action has been had on the claim.43 The idea of the memorial highway, now linked with construction of the Memorial Bridge, also received increasing support. There were strong endorsements from many leading organizations and individuals, and from several presidents.44 MORE DELAY Congress provided money to begin construction of the Memorial Bridge in 1913,45 and it looked as though the highway would not be far behind; but then came the first World War, and the grand idea of Mount Vernon Avenue was dead once more, or at best, postponed. The war that stopped the highway also brought about the decline of the trolley. Passenger and freight revenues both declined, and the line went into receivership in 1920,46 but continued to run for several years. In 1924 and 1926 Congress passed legislation creating the National Capital Park and Planning Commission, charged with planning the park system, both in the District of Columbia and its environs in Maryland and Virginia. A truly distinguished committee was chosen, and again Frederick Law Olmsted was among the members.47 The event that finally galvanized the Congress into building the Mount Vemon Avenue was nothing new. It had occurred almost two centuries earlier. It was the birth of George Washington. When lawmakers generally realized that the bicentennial of the first President's birth was approaching, rapid action took place.48 ANNIVERSARY POWER On December 2,1924, Congress created a high level United States Commission for the Celebration of the Two Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of George Washington.49 Being high level, the commission was also ponderous, and while it was still pondering Congress acted again. �///. Historical Perspective—Warren OnMay23,1928, Congress authorized the Commission, acting through the Agriculture Department and its Bureau of Public Roads, to construct a memorial highway from the Arlington Memorial Bridge to Mount Vemon.50 Here at last was the goal the Mount Vemon Avenue Association had fought to achieve, but the association was not around to enjoy the occasion. So far as I have been able to learn, the organization disbanded during World War I. The federal government was now proposing to build its grand avenue at national expense. Nothing further was heard about Virginia's claim for $120,000, and I believe it is safe to say that the debt, if it was a debt, was fully if indirectly paid, 137 years after it was incurred.51 The Bicentennial Commission did act expeditiously on one matter. They purchased the disused right-of-way of the Mount Vemon trolley, and three miles of the most scenic portion was made part of the boulevard.52 The Bureau of Public Roads was now gearing itself for a maximum effort. Grading of embankments and construction of 12 stonefaced, reinforced concrete bridges was accomplished in 1930 and 1931. Paving was done in 1931. The Bureau deadline for completion of the Mount Vernon Boulevard was February 22, 1932, and they not only met it, but the highway was actually completed and opened to traffic on January 16 of that year.53 The Bureau is proud of the job it did within restrictive time limits, and well it might be. TALENT AT WORK The bureau was also most fortunate in the help it sought. From Westchester County, New York, the bureau hired Jay Downer, Gilmore D. Clarke, and Henry Nye as consultants. All three had worked on the Bronx River and other parkways built by the Westchester County Park Commission.54 But the two men who rolled up their sleeves in the old World War I torpedo factory in Alexandria and actually designed the boulevard were Wilbur Simonson and R. E. Toms. Simonson, landscape architect, also from Westch- 133 ester County, and Toms, the engineer, drew twenty-foot-long plans detailing the entire project.55 All of these outstanding consultants, engineers, and designers did not, of course, design a copy of the Bronx River Parkway. But they had solved some of the problems there, and they brought some of their concepts with them— as you can see by looking at the bridges in both thoroughfares. AT LAST—A PARKWAY Before construction was well under way, the Congress made an addition.56 Up to now it had dealt with the Mount Vemon Boulevard; now it was talking parkway. The George Washington Memorial Parkway would incorporate all of the Mount Vernon Boulevard, and in addition it would extend up the Potomac, on both sides, to above Great Falls. Here, a bridge would cross the river, providing fine views of the Potomac River Chasm and the falls. On the Maryland side, the parkway would continue down river to Fort Washington.57 Part of this project has never been built. But the portion on the Virginia side, from Memorial Bridge to the beltway, is interesting because it had the advantage of later design. The Mount Vernon portion has only sections of divided highway. The northern part is all divided. The lower part is partly limited access, a serious mistake. The upper section is entirely limited access.58 So far as costs are concerned, Virginia paid nothing for the first section, unless you count that $120,000. For all the rest, both Maryland and Virginia shared the costs of land acquisition with the federal government.59 What started as a grandiose carriageway became a pioneering parkway. The original idea was long delayed in becoming reality, and it profited from the delay. The basic plan was simplified and extended; and it was integrated into the total Washington park system. Circumstances provided the parkway, in its development, design, and construction, with some of the best talent in the world. �Parkways Conference Proceedings 134 ENTER NATIONAL PARK SERVICE Since its completion, the parkway has been under the care and protection of the National Park Service, which has done a remarkable job of retaining the original concepts under the stress of increasing traffic. In 1984 NPS began an extensive renovation of the Mount Vemon section, designed to "up-grade the parkway to 1932 standards."60 The problem now is to determine what can be done to prepare the parkway for the 21st century without losing the attributes we all want to keep.61 What the original planners could never have anticipated was that in over 50 years of hard use, the parkway would change from a ceremonial drive to a major commuting thoroughfare.62 That is what it is today, and yet it still retains much of its beauty, its charm, its aesthetic appeal — for some, even a certain spiritual quality. Professor Frederick Gutheim, who wrote the definitive book on the Potomac River, calls the parkway an American art form.63 Some see it as a living sculpture. It is clearly a work of art, and a national treasure. I lived for a dozen years between the parkway and the river, in Wellington Villa south of Alexandria, and I made that beautiful drive along the Potomac twice a day at all seasons. One of my car pool members gazed at a view of the river framed by the trees, his face almost saint-like. He remarked, "That is truly uplifting. That's all the church I need." I can't go quite that far, but that inspiring drive keeps my spiritual batteries fully charged from Monday through Friday. NOTES 1. John R. Reavis, Mount Vernon Avenue (Washington, Mount Vemon Avenue Association, 1888), p. 3. 2. 3. John Addison Porter, The Citv of Washington. Its Origin and Administration (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1888), p. 6. Porter, p. 7. 4. Committee on Claims, U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings on Senate Bill 5252 to provide for the payment of certain moneys advanced by the States of Virginia and Maryland ... December 16. 1908 (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1909), p. 4. 5. 6. 7. Committee on Claims, pp. 5-9. Committee on Claims, pp. 5-19. John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from Original Manuscript Sources. Vol. 31 (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1939), pp. 280-281. Another letter from President Washington to the District Commissioners, dated August 29,1793 [Vol. 33, p. 75] establishes that the promised funds had been received, but that not all had been expended for the designated purposes. Portions of the funds had presumably gone for streets, sewers, etc. Also see Donald Jackson and Dorothy Twohig, eds., The Diaries of George Washington. Vol. VI [Jan. 1790-Dec. 1799] (Charlotte, University Press of Virginia, 1978). George Washington's diary for April 12 and 13, 1791, confirms that he was in Richmond on those days and conferred with the governor, but makes no mention of the $120,000. Committee on the District of Columbia, U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings on HR 26. an act for the acquisition, establishment and development of the George Washington Memorial Parkway. March 13 and 21. 1930 (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1930), p. 17. 8. 9. Committee on Claims, p. 6. 10. Reavis, pp. 6 and 7. 11. Virginia General Assembly, joint resolution adopted March 15,1850. 12. Eleanor Early. Washington Holiday (New York, Prentice-Hall, 1955), p. 47. 13. David L. Lewis, District of Columbia, a Bicentennial History (New York, W.W. Norton, 1976), pp. 20 and 21. 14. Alex J. Wedderbum. Mount Vemon Ave- �135 ///. Historical Perspective—Warren 15. 16. 17. 18. nue (Washington, Art Publishing Co., 1913), under heading "Mount Vernon Has Become a National Shrine" (pages not numbered). Mount Vernon Ladies Association of the Union, Mount Vernon (Mount Vemon, Va., published by the association, 1974), p. 2; and David Murphy, manuscript Mount Vemon Avenue: Forty Years in Design, p. 2. (Mr. Murphy, now Branch Chief for Rights of Way Acquisition, Land Management Division, National Capital Region, National Park Service, prepared this material in 1979for aprogramof graduate study in Urban Planning at The George Washington University, Washington, D.C. Much of the text was used in support of a nomination of the parkway for inclusion in the National Register of Historic Places.) Mount Vernon Ladies Association, p. 19. Wedderburn, under heading "Mount Vernon Ladies Association of the Union." Murphy manuscript, p. 2. 19. Early, p. 47. 20. Wedderburn, under heading "Section for Each State." 21. Reavis,p. 3. 22. Wedderburn, under heading "Origin of the Idea." 23. Reavis, p. 3. 24. Reavis, p. 4. 25. Wedderburn, under heading "Section for Each State." 26. Virginia General Assembly, Joint Resolution adopted February 18,1888. 27. Virginia General Assembly, Joint Resolution adopted March 5,1888. 28. Murphy manuscript, p. 7. 29. Committee on District of Columbia, p. 17. 30. Lieut. Col. Peter C. Hains, U.S. Corps of Engineers, Report on a Survey of a National Road from Aqueduct Bridge to Mount Vernon. Virginia, contained in letter from the Secretary of War to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, U.S. Congress, January 9, 1890; printed for the House Committee on Appropriations (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1890), p.l. 31. Hains report, pp. 2-8. 32. Hains report, pp. 3 and 4. 33. Murphy manuscript, p. 8. 34. Alexandria Gazette. Nov. 10,1909, states the Washington, Alexandria and Mount Vernon Railway "now has a 5 cent fare." 35. Reavis, pp. 24 and 25. 36. Hains report, pp. 10-13. 37. Committee on the District of Columbia, pp. 4 and 5. 38. National Commission of Fine Arts, Annual Report for 1929 (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1930), p. 115. 39. Bureau of Public Roads, Department of Agriculture, The Mount Vernon Memorial Highway: History. Design, and Progress in Construction (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1930), p. 3; and National Commission of Fine Arts,pp. 115 and 118. 40. Committee on the District of Columbia, p. 34. 41. Bureau of Public Roads, pp. 3 and 5. 42. Washington Post. Dec. 13,1931, article on "Designing 100-Mile-an-Hour Roads," p. 9. 43. Committee on Claims, pp. 5 and 9. The Hon. Charles C. Carlin is the same man who, 22 years earlier, had served as the Alexandria correspondent of the National Republican. It was he who took H. B. Harlow's great idea, the Mount Vernon Avenue, to his editor, Col. E. W. Fox. 44. Wedderburn, under heading "Endorsements by Eminent Men, Organizations, and Commissions." 45. National Commission of Fine Arts, p. 115. 46. Edith M. Spouse, "The Troublesome Road to Mount Vemon," hi Fairfax Chronicles �Parkways Conference Proceedings 136 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. (Fairfax County, Va., Office of Comprehensive Planning), May-July, 1981, p. 2. Committee on the District of Columbia, p. 4. Bureau of Public Roads, p. 3. National Commission of Fine Arts, p. 115. Committee on Roads, U.S. House of Representatives, Committee Meeting February 18. 1930 (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1930), pp. 1 and 2. Committee on the District of Columbia, p. 17. Commenting on this matter, D. Allen Williams, Associate Professor of History, Corcoran Department of History, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, wrote in a personal letter to the author, April 1,1983: "[The Virginia claim was] an interesting piece of Virginia legislative sophistry. The General Assembly was transferring money that did not exist, an uncollectible loan, to try to pay its share for a road it did not desire to build.... The good news is that the Federal government did build the Mount Vemon Memorial Highway ... paid for by federal funds." Murphy manuscript, p. 12. Donald M. Sweig, Ph.D., "A Historic New Road to Mount Vernon," in Fairfax Chronicles. Nov. 1982-Jan. 1983, Vol. 61, No. 4, p. 4. Murphy manuscript, p. 15. Alexandria Gazette (Alexandria, Va., George Mair, Editor and Publisher), May 21,1984, "Parkway Designer Proud of Project," pp. Iand5. Committee on District of Columbia, pp. 6 and 7; and National Commission of Fine Arts, p. 115. President's Council on Recreation and Natural Beauty, A Program for Scenic Roads and Parkways (Washington, U.S. Department of Commerce, 1966), p. 1. President's Council, p. 2. Committee on District of Columbia, p. 15. Alexandria Gazette, May 21, 1984, pp. 1 and 5. 61. Concrete Construction (Addison. IL. Concrete Construction Publications), "Mount Vemon Memorial Parkway," Vol. 29, No. 2, February 1984, p. 142. 62. Concrete Construction, p. 137. 63. Frederick Gutheim. Some Thoughts on the 50th Anniversary of the Completion of the George Washington Memorial Parkway. manuscript notes, not dated, copy provided to author by Prof. Gutheim; p. 1. BIBLIOGRAPHY Alexandria Gazette. Alexandria, VA: George Mair, Publisher. Nov. 10,1909, "Letters Column," p. 3. ,May 21,1984, "Parkway Designer Proud of Project," pp. Iand5. Bureau of Public Roads, U.S. Department of Agriculture, The Mount Vemon Memorial Highway. History. Design, and Progress in Construction. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1930. Concrete Construction. "Mount Vernon Memorial Parkway," Vol. 29, No. 2, February, 1984. Addison, IL: Concrete Construction Publications. Early. Eleanor. Washington Holiday. New York: Prentice-Hall, 1955. Fitzpatrick, John C, ed. The Writings of George Washington from Original Manuscript Sources. Vol. 31. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1939. Gutheim, Frederick, Some Thoughts on the 50th Anniversary of the Completion of George Washington Memorial Parkway. Manuscript notes, undated, copy provided to author by Prof. Gutheim. Hains, Peter C., Lieut. Col., U.S. Corps of Engineers, Report on a Survey of a National Road from the Aqueduct Bridge to Mount Vemon. Virginia, contained in letter from the Secretary of War to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, U.S. Congress, Jan. 9, 1890. Printed for the �137 ///. Historical Perspective—Skidmore and Alanen Committee on Appropriations. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1890. Jackson, Donald and Twohig, Dorothy, eds., The Diaries of George Washington. Vol. VI (Jan. 1790-Dec. 1799). Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1978. Lewis, David L., District of Columbia, a Bicentennial History. New York: W.W. Norton, 1976. Mount Vemon Ladies Association of the Union, Mount Vemon. Mount Vemon, VA: published by the association, 1974. Murphy, David, Mount Vernon Highway. 40 Years in Design. Unpublished manuscript written May 1,1979, as part of a program of graduate study in Urban Planning, The George Washington University, Washington, D.C. Porter, John Addison, The City of Washington, its Origin and Administration. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1885. President's Council on Recreation and Natural Beauty, A Proposed Program for Scenic Roads and Parkways. Washington: U.S. Department of Commerce, 1966. Reavis, JohnR. Mount Vernon Avenue. Washington: Mount Vernon Avenue Association, 1888. Spouse, Edith M. "The Troublesome Road to Mount Vemon," in Fairfax Chronicles. MayJuly 1981. Fairfax, Va.: Office of Compre- hensive Planning, 1981. State of Virginia, General Assembly, Joint Resolution adopted March 15,1850. adopted February 18,1888. adopted March 5,1888. Sweig, Donald M., Ph.D. "A Historic New Road to Mount Vernon,'* in Fairfax Chronicles. Nov. 1982-Jan. 1983, Vol. VI, No. 4. Fairfax, Va.: Office of Comprehensive Planning, 1983. U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Claims. Hearing on Senate Bill 5252... to provide for the payment of certain moneys advanced by the States of Virginia and Maryland... Dec. 16.1908. Washington: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1909. , Committee on the District of Columbia, Hearings on HR 26. an act for the acquisition, establishment, and development of the George Washington Memorial Parkway. March 13 and 21. 1930. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1930. , Committee on Roads, Committee Meeting. Feb. 18.1930. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1930. Washington Post. Donald E. Graham, publisher, issue of Dec. 13, 1931, p. 9, "Designing 100-Mile-an-Hour Roads." Wedderburn, Alex. J. Mount Vernon Avenue. Washington: Art Publishing Co., 1913. Urban Parkways in Madison and Dane County, Wisconsin, 1893-1987: A Midwestern Case Study Paul Skidmore and Arnold R. Alanen, Department of Landscape Architecture, University ofWisconsin, Madison The origins of parkway development in America are usually traced to situations that occurred in the eastern United States during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Through the efforts of landscape architects such as Frederick Law Olmsted, Sr., Charles Eliot, H.W.S. Cleveland, John Nolen, and several other indi- viduals, a number of notable parks and parkways were developed for public use and enjoyment. Olmsted's Central Park in New York City and Prospect Park in Brooklyn are excellent examples of the former, while the features incorporated into Olmsted's and Eliot's proposals for Boston's park system (the "Emerald Neck- �138 Parkways Conference Proceedings \ 1. Tenney Park in Madison, designed by landscape architect O. C. Simonds in the early twentieth century, is still noted for its free-form lagoons, island, and pedestrian bridges. (Source: John Nolen, Madison: A Model City, 1911) lace'*) typify the best of the latter.1 When considering urban parkways, it is obvious that most scholarly attention has been given to developments in the eastern United States. This is only logical since most early parkways, and landscape architects, were situated in this region—the area of highest population density in the nation. Parkway developments that took place elsewhere, and often the landscape architects who designed them, have been ignored in most accounts—especially if the projects occurred in smaller cities and places. (Activities in large metropolises outside the eastern corridor such as Chicago, Kansas City and Minneapolis have been well documented.) The parkways that emerged in several smaller cities are especially interesting since they often reflected, at least partially and at a reduced scale, the design and planning features utilized in the larger, better known facilities. In many cases the smaller centers have not been threatened by the same development pressures that the larger cities have encountered; thus, the physical evidence is more likely to be discernible. Finally, some of the smaller urban areas with a history of progressive planning traditions display a long and continuous history of parkway development that includes examples of various open space design and planning eras. Madison, Wisconsin, and its surrounding Dane County area, is one place where the history of a constantly evolving open space system can be traced over the span of almost one hundred years. THE INITIAL DEVELOPMENT OF A SYSTEM The development of urban parks and parkways was and is an integral part of the overall urban development fabric of Madison and Dane County. Early planners recognized the benefits �///. Historical Perspective—Skidmore andAlanen of scenic and recreational parks, and included proposals for their development in city plans. The first organized efforts at recreationalparkway planning in Dane County were carried out by the Madison Improvement Association (MIA). This private, non-profit organization was formed in 1893 by a number of prominent, civic-minded Madison leaders for the purpose of securing and developing recreational resources for city residents. The MIA initially raised$15,000 through donations, andhiredthe renowned architect Frank Lloyd Wright, from nearby Spring Green, Wisconsin, to design public boathouses for two of Madison's lakes. Shortly after these efforts were undertaken, the Association disbanded because of an inability to raise further funds.2 Shortly after the Association terminated its activities, a similar nonprofit group, with many of the same directors, was founded. This organization, the Madison Park and Pleasure Drive Association (MPPDA), was created in 1896 and raised money to buy land and develop it into recreational parks and scenic parkways.3 Unlike its predecessor, the MPPDA was generally successful in achieving the goals of park and parkway development. Initially, the Association used local volunteer help to develop its facilities. Unsatisfied with no more than sporadic success when pursuing this approach, the Association then made the decision to hire a design consultant in 1899. The directors hired the noted Midwestern landscape architect, Ossian Cole Simonds, to prepare detailed plans for proposed park projects. The most notable products resulting from his efforts were Tenney and Vilas Parks, both located in Madison. Tenney Park and Vilas Park were significant additions to the MPPDA parkway system. Tenney Park, located on Madison's near east side, is known for its large free form lagoons, island, and pedestrian bridges (Figure 1). Vilas Park, situated on Madison's near southwest side by Lake Wingra, is also known for its lagoons, island, and pedestrian bridges, and has zoological gardens. Both parks have been modified and updated through the years, but they still show much of the form originally 139 designed by Simonds. In 1906 the Association decided to replace Simonds with a more "aggressive" designer. After a short stint with a local landscape architect, Emil Mische, the directors hired John Nolen, a prominent, Harvard educated landscape architect from Cambridge, Massachusetts to serve as a design consultant. Hired in 1909, Nolen was commissioned to continue the design development of the MPPDA's growing park and parkway system. Later that year he also was authorized to develop a comprehensive plan to guide the long-range future of the city of Madison. The plan he prepared, entitled, Madison: A Model City, was presented to the Association in 1911. The "NolenPlan," as it was referred to locally, was based on the City Beautiful concept of long vistas, wide boulevards, and centralized public facilities ,4 Furthermore, the plan called for Madison to be developed as a residential, University, and capital city. To achieve the goal of "a beautiful, well-ordered, free, organic city," Nolen proposed grand boulevards to connect the State Capitol to a proposed civic center on Lake Monona, along with another link between the Capitol and the University of Wisconsin (Figures 2 and 3).5 Among other features, Nolen's City Beautiful proposal called for or featured: 1. The development of a city wide park system for Madison; 2. The development of automobile parkways that took advantage of Dane County's scenic beauty; 3. Recommendations to improve the scenic beauty of the city in general; 4. The development of an arboretum for the University of Wisconsin; 5. Guidelines for regulating development in Madison (a model zoning code); and 6. A prototypical suburban subdivision design.6 Nolen's services to the MPPDA also included the preparation of plans for some of the individual parks he identified in the general plans.7 Although his proposals for Madison �140 Parkways Conference Proceedings Top: Fig. 2. John Nolen, hired by the City of Madison to prepare a long-range plan in 1909, proposed a formal linkage between the State Capitol and Lake Monona. (Source: John Nolen, Madison: A Model City, 1911.) Bottom: Fig. 3. Based upon City Beautiful planning concepts, Nolen's proposal called for long vistas and wide boulevards. (Source: John Nolen Papers, Cornell University Library, Ithaca, N.Y.) were never fully realized, many elements were carried out and are still discernible today. The most notable accomplishments include the public purchase of waterfront areas, improved main thoroughfares, zoning regulations, and the development of an excellent park system. The Park and Pleasure Drive Association continued to develop open space facilities after Nolen fulfilled his contract, even though other landscape architects were not hired. The Association continued with its activities in the Dane County Metropolitan Area until 1934, at which time it turned over all land and other assets to the newly formed City of Madison Parks Com- mission.8 The Parks Commission has endured through the years, and still exists as the official agency responsible for developing and managing Madison's open space facilities. Along with the efforts of the MPPDA, several notable landscape architects were designing subdivisions that expanded the Dane County urban parkway system. Besides consulting with the MPPDA, both John Nolen and O.C. Simonds designed "progressive subdivisions" in what was then rural Dane County. Nolen was responsible for Lakewood (later termed Maple Bluff), while Simonds designed Nakoma, a subdivision modeled after the Coun- �///. Historical Perspective—Skidmore andAlanen try Club District of Kansas City, Missouri. Lakewood embodied Nolen's prototypical subdivision design, and contained many of his planning and development principles (Figure 4).9 Originally the site was a low grassy beach that sloped toward the marshy waters of Lake Mendota. The area was dredged and filled, which accommodated a small tier of lots that were strung along a curvilinear plat. The central road, Lakewood Boulevard, was divided and typical of other pleasure drives in Dane County. Nakoma was considered a very progressive subdivision when development began in 1915.10 Based on an overall plan by O.C. Simonds, much of the detailed design was handled by local professionals (Figure 5). Streets were designed to curve gently along the base of the rolling topography, wide tree-lined boulevards were developed, and several community parks were included in the plan. Also dedicated were a 40 acre golf course and a community grade school. In addition, the subdivision was one of the first in the Dane County area to offer public water, electricity, and street improvements prior to development. Finally, Nakoma homeowners were required to sign an agreement that regulated the type of construction, the kind of use, and other subdivision features.11 The subdivisions were typical of a new generation of housing developments in the Dane County area. They included curvilinear streets that followed the natural topography, parks and open space for public recreational use, landscaped boulevards and street terraces to beautify the neighborhood, and building and deed restrictions (early zoning and building codes) to insure orderly and compatible growth. The new housing developments also added significantly to the number of public parks and parkways in Dane County. Most of the new subdivisions were constructed outside the city limits but were eventually annexed to the City of Madison. AN ERA OF EXPANSION Dane County, and Madison in particular, experienced steady growth during the 1920's 141 and 1930's. Subdivisions originally developed outside the city limits of Madison continued to be annexed, and the County's infrastructure was steadily improved to accommodate these developments (Figure 6). The University of Wisconsin was also growing steadily and emerging as one of the more prestigious land grant educational institutions in the natioa These factors, along with the continued growth and evolution of the MPPDA, contributed to the steady development of the County's urban parkway system. In 1934, the Madison Parks Commission was created to develop and manage parkland areas with the city limits of Madison. The Commission, an agency of city government, essentially took over the assets and management of all parks and parkways that had been established by the Association.12 Once the voluntary transfer was completed the Association disbanded and all of its functions were handled by the City of Madison. Since that time, park development has been managed by city personnel andftmded primarily through tax levies. Already during the 1920's, the progressive subdivisions developed early in the twentieth century were methodically being worked into the metropolitan service area of Madison. Nakoma was annexed to the City of Madison, and its parks, open spaces, and boulevards were transferred to the Parks Commission. Lakewood was incorporated into the Village of Maple Bluff, and provided its own government and parks commission. Several other subdivisions were created and absorbed into the urban fabric, with many having small community parks and parkways of their own. These subdivisions helped to create apattera of parks and parkways that emanated outward from the city's center to the fringe areas of new growth. The University of Wisconsin also contributed to and benefited from the early park developments of Dane County. Prior to 1915 the University did not offer formal courses in lane scape architecture. A few planting design courses were taught in the horticultural department, but only on an occasional basis. This changed in 1915, however, when Professor Franz Aust was �142 Parkways Conference Proceedings Top: Fig. 4. While employed in Madison during the early 1900's, John Nolen also prepared a subdivision plan for Lakewood. (Source: John Nolen Papers, Cornell University Library, Ithaca, N.Y.) Bottom: Fig. 5. O. C. Simonds' overall plan for the subdivision ofNakoma began to be developed in 1915. Included in the plan were wide, tree-lined boulevards, several small parks, and a golf course. (Source: Paul Stark Company Archives, Madison.) Following Page: Fig. 6. By 1925, several subdivisions—along with their parks and parkways—had been annexed by the City of Madison. (Source: Paul Stark Company Archives, Madison.) �///. Historical Perspective—Skidmore andAlanen hired to teach landscape architecture as a course of study in horticulture. Aust taught landscape architectural design and construction courses and relied upon other departments to complete the program with drafting and other offerings. Aust, who was educated at the University of Michigan under O.C. Simonds, later worked with Wilhelm Miller at the University of Illinois.13 He was greatly influenced by the philosophy of using native plant materials in landscape design, and promoted these concepts through his teaching and practice.14 Several university officials, including Aust, participated in the planning and park development of Dane County during the 1920's and 1930's. Aust, for example, worked for the Madison Realty Company in designing and developing the Nakoma and University Heights subdivisions for the city. He provided detailed designs for parks, boulevards, and other recreational facilities, supervised the street tree program in Nakoma, and designed numerous individual residences in the area. ProfessorDickson, a plant pathologist, and Professor Moore, a horticulturist, also helped Aust in the selection of plant materials for the parks. In addition to University officials who participated in this park endeavor, numerous students of Aust had the opportunity to assist in the drafting and field work for the projects.15 THE MATURATION OF A SYSTEM One of the most radical developments in Dane County's parkway development occurred hi the late 1950'sand early 1960's whenProfessor Philip Lewis, Jr., of the University of Wisconsin developed his environmental corridor concept. While working for the Wisconsin State Planning Office in theearly 1960's,Lewis determined that about 90 per cent of all signif icant natural resources hi the state—such as fish and wildlife habitat—were located in "corridors" that flanked the streams, wetlands, and edges of other natural communities. Preserving these sensitive corridors, Lewis stated, was a vital priority for public officials. According to the landscape architect, designating these environmental corridors as park lands and develop- 143 ing them for recreational use would be beneficial to the public. Lewis also developed numerous plans during the 1960's to incorporate these environmental corridors into the park systems of the state. The "Madison E-Way System" plan, developed in 1971, was the first parkway proposal to utilize specifically designated environmental corridors.16 Lewis proposed that Madison acquire and develop these corridors, and connect them to other city parks and historic/cultural centers. The "E-Way System" plan, in fact, served as the model for other parkway proposals in the area. Lewis and others have subsequently developed parkway plans based on the environmental corridor concept. Most notably, Lewis proposed a parkway plan for Dane County that expanded the "Madison E-Way System," and he also designated a regional "E-Way System" that would connect regional environmental and cultural centers via Wisconsin's railways. Until now, however, the state plan has been basically unrealized. Another important change in Dane County's parkway development has involved the rules that govern subdivision developments in rural areas. Ordinances regulating the platting of undeveloped land into subdivisions were strengthened during the 1960'sand 1970's. As is currently true of many areas of the nation, most of Dane County's subdivision ordinances require that a developer dedicate a certain percentage of land innew plats to park and open space for the public use. Whereas such rules ensure that a certain amount of land will be dedicated within a given area, most developers usually designate the least buildable land within the plat for open space use. These areas, however, often have the highest concentrations of sensitive natural resources. Hence, designating them for public open space use has dual benefits: the natural resources are preserved and protected, and the open space areas are owned by the body public. The Madison Parks Commission, and the Madison Parks Department and its staff, continued to grow throughout the 1960's. The Commission had a healthy budget by this time, and continued to acquire, develop, and main- ��145 ///. Historical Perspective—Skidmore andAlanen tain parks throughout the city. Also, many small outlying communities had developed their own park commissions and were in the process of implementing individual municipal park systems. At the same time, Dane County, which had begun to implement its own facilities in 1935, was in the process of developing an extensive county-wide park system. This organization, the Dane County Parks Commission, originated in a manner similar to the Madison Parks Commission. It was created when a private parks organization similar to the MPPDA decided to disband. The group, based in rural Dane County, had developed only one park: Stewart Park in Mt. Horeb, which had been purchased in 1935 shortly after the formation of the parks department.17 As was true of similar systems elsewhere, Dane County's parks have been selected because of their unique environmental or aesthetic qualities. Interestingly, most of Dane County's parks fall into the environmental corridors that originally had been identified by Lewis. CONTINUED DEVELOPMENT The parks and parkways of Madison and Dane County, Wisconsin continue to be developed in a number of ways. The acquisition, construction, and maintenance of scenic and recreational facilities have become an established part of urban and rural planning in the county. The Dane County Parks Commission, now a well established organization, continues to develop county-wide park and recreational facilities. Since the time of its organization, it has purchased and developed a number of other parks throughout the county. In the 1970's the "E-Way System" concept proposed by Lewis began to be incorporated into planning efforts. Just recently the county conducted a groundbreaking ceremony to initiate a major effort to acquire and preserve numerous environmental corridors within its boundaries.18 This effort was funded both by tax levies and private donations. The eventual goal is to create a county network of parks that are connected by environ- mental corridor ''parkways." The parkways will have foot and bicycle trails, and also will serve to protect sensitive natural resources. At the local level, several rural communities in Dane County have developed parks and parkways on a smaller but equally significant scale. Communities such as Fitchburg, Verona, and Sun Prairie have parks departments that acquire, construct, and manage recreational facilities within their jurisdictions. Many of these communities are developing pedestrian and bicycle parkways along environmental corridors that are similar to the approach of Dane County, and also are based on the environmental corridor concept. Meanwhile, the Madison Parks Commission continues to develop and maintain urban park land on a large scale. According to local park officials, Madison's park system has become one of the largest, most diverse systems for any city of this size in the nation, and includes a zoo, botanical gardens, and numerous athletic and recreational facilities. Finally, throughout Dane County, local subdivision platting ordinances require that developers still must dedicate apercentage of their landfor park and recreational purposes. This means that such facilities will continue to be preserved, even as urban development increases. As noted previously, most of the lands dedicated under these ordinances are considered marginal for building purposes, but they are, in fact, generally environmentally sensitive and usually found in corridors. Thus, the merger of historical and contemporary parkways continues in a unified and logical manner. NOTES 1. See, for example. Norman T. Newton. Design on the Land: The Development of Landscape Architecture (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1971), pp. 267-317. 2. The Frank Lloyd Wright boathouses were never constructed, but in the early 1900's John Nolen was responsible for siting a similar structure. Constructed in or about 1908, the boathouse is considered the oldest public building in Madison. It still stands �Parkways Conference Proceedings 146 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. in its original location in Brittingham Park and was placed on the National Register of Historical Places in 1973. James Marshall (former MPPD A employee, and first Director of Parks for Madison), interview with Paul Skidmore, August 5, 1986. "Special City Planning Section," Wisconsin State Journal (Madison), March 4,1927. John Nolen, Madison: A Model City (Madison: Cantwell Printing Co., 1911), p. 19. Ibid. Barbara Jo Long, "John Nolen: The Wisconsin Activities of an American Landscape Architectural and Planning Pioneer, 1908-1937," unpublished Master's Thesis, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1978, pp. 28-29. Marshall, interview. Lance M. Neckar, "Progressives, Suburbs, and the Prairie Spirit: Suburban Development in Madison, Wisconsin, 1890-1920," unpublished Master's Thesis, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1980, pp. 92-94. Ibid., pp. 106-107. The benefits and amenities of Nakoma were promoted in a monthly community newsletter published by the Madison Realty Company from 1915 to approximately 1923. Nakoma's land owners were required to sign an agreement prior to receiving title to their property. This contractual agreement, "for the development and protection of an ideal residential community," served as the legal means for regulating development and land use on individual lots. James Mueller (Dane County Parks Planner), interview by Paul Skidmore, August 13,1987. Franz Aust's educational and employment history was traced primarily through an unpublished 1942 resume. Additional information was obtained from the University of Michigan's "Calendar" for 19111912, and from an interview with Aust's son, Alden, conducted by Paul Skidmore on January 29,1987. Paul Skidmore, "Franz Albert Aust— 15. 16. 17. 18. Pioneer Landscape Architect," unpublished paper, Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1985, pp. 12-14. Mi., pp. 8-10. Philip H. Lewis. Jr.. Madison E-Wav Svstem (Concept Chapter), unpublished report, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1971, unpaginated. Mueller, interview. "First E-Way Section to Open June 6," Wisconsin State Journal. (Madison). May 4,1987. BIBLIOGRAPHY Gerhauser, Frank E. "Success and Failure in Madison Urban Land Developments." Unpublished Master's Thesis. Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1923. Lewis, Philip H., Jr. Madison E-Way System (unpublished report). Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1971. Long, Barbara Jo. "John Nolen: The Wisconsin Activities of an American Landscape Architectural and Planning Pioneer, 19081937." Unpublished Master's Thesis. Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1978. Nakoma Tomahawk. Newsletter published irregularly by the Madison Realty Company, Madison, c. 1915-1923. Neckar, Lance M. "Progressives, Suburbs, and the Prairie Spirit: Suburban Development in Madison, Wisconsin." Unpublished Master's Thesis. Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1980. Newton, Norman T. Design on the Land: The Development of Landscape Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971. Nolen, John. Madison: A Model City. Madison, Wisconsin: Cantwell Publishing Co., 1911. Skidmore, Paul E. "Franz Albert Aust— Pioneer Landscape Architect." Unpublished paper, Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1985. �147 Origins of the Baltimore-Washington Parkway: "Connecting the Great City of Baltimore with the Federal Capital" Jere L. Krakow, Historian, National Park Service, Denver Service Center One of the fascinating aspects of historical research is the developing of context and connections among phenomena. In the case of the parkways in the vicinity of Washington, D.C., linkages exist between them and the first parkway in Westchester County, New York. When the Bronx River Parkway opened in 1923, it embodied many concepts that had occurred before but that had not been unified until then. Specific elements combined in the 15-mile stretch to Kensico Dam included limited access, gentle curves, and aparklike setting that invited pleasure driving. An in-depth look at the origins and development of a parkway constructed after several others had already been completed can provide insight into the history of parkways in the United States. For this purpose the BaltimoreWashington Parkway may serve as an example. It is not a classic recreational experience, such as the Blue Ridge Parkway, nor is it just another route to somewhere, such as the interstate highway system. Rather, it is a transitional project which represents a point on a continuum from the parkway to the freeway; it combines elements of both and as such can provide comparative data on road design and development in the United States. To assess origins and development it is necessary to examine some of the milieu spawning the parkway between Baltimore and Washington. Gilmore Clarke, principal designer for Westchester County and later chairman of the Fine Arts Commission and consultant on the Mount Vernon Memorial Parkway, in charge of land use studies for the Baltimore-Washington Parkway, recalled the role of William W. Miles in the Bronx River Parkway effort. It seems that Miles, member of the zoological board for New York City, became concerned about the Bronx River as it flowed south into New York City, causing a filthy eyesore and sought the help of Governor Charles Evans Hughes in arresting resource deterioration. For Miles, a trip to visit Andrew Carnegie in Scotland stimulated his vision for the Bronx Valley. Miles observed a small stream running through the village at Inverness while visiting in Scotland. It was "in sharp contrast to the filthy, smelly waters of the Bronx River in New York."1 Upon his return he lobbied the New York State Legislature for a bill to study the problem. At first unsuccessful, Miles persevered and in 1906 the legislature passed "a bill authorizing a commission of three, to be appointed by the Governor, to inquire into the advisability of preserving the waters of the Bronx River from pollution and creating a park reservation of the lands on both sides of the river."2 The newly formed Bronx River Parkway Commission included Miles as Secretary and Counsel, and through its efforts secured passage of a bill to acquire land for a park, clean up the river, and, later, to provide a road through the parkland as a pleasant entryway to New York City from Westchester County. A concern for the urban scene and the contiguous rural landscape coincided with the focus of reformers in American society at the time. The Age of Industrialism after the Civil War had brought about fundamental changes in American society. On the one hand, backward-looking Americans sought a return to the older, agrarian America when life seemed uncomplicated and conventional. On the other, industrialists recognized the changes wrought by exploitation of basic natural resources such as iron and coal, the changing transportation network, especially railroads, and the industrial sector which used combinations of the above and lured more and more workers to America's cities. The reform movement affected all levels of government and dealt with such issues as crime in the cites, minority rights, and pure food and drug laws, to name a few. Most reformers were firmly entrenched in the middle class and �148 therefore viewed the world from that perspective. Harvard historian Frank Friedel notes that they "believed in Social Darwinism—the idea of the survival of the fittest applied to human society" and possessed faith in the concept.3 One element in that belief system was a faith in science and technology which translated into the notion that societal ills could be corrected through study and investigation. A favorite device used by the reformers, evidenced in the Bronx River Parkway project, was the investigative commission. Former New York governors Theodore Roosevelt and Charles Evans Hughes used them effectively to address problems called to their attention. Cleaning up the Bronx River Valley by means of a commission investigating the issue of preservation fit well with a world view of solving problems through scientific means. The effort brought together those imbued with nature and those who viewed the future with optimism. A cleaned-up valley portended the urban populace communing with nature away from the teeming city to the south, yet suited the world view of the reformers who could claim it for a victory. Incidentally by 1923 they used their automobiles for a pleasuring experience, one that the masses ordinarily did not have available to them. A concomitant development bespoke the importance of preserving and interacting with nature. In his well known work, Wilderness and the American Mind, Roderick Nash underscores the fact that wilderness of the early twentieth century "had attained the dimensions of a national cult."4 Such defects in society as crime, slums, and corruption could be corrected by opportunities to touch nature through restored or natural landscapes like that along the Bronx River. Writing in the Chicago Plan of 1907, Daniel Burnham, active in the McMillan Plan for Washington, D.C., also expressed the need for nature when he said, "He who habitually comes in close contact with nature develops saner methods of thought than can be the case when one is habitually shut up within the walls of a city."5 One might also identify elements of cleaning out less desirable residents (especially new immigrants), such as occurred in West- Parkways Conference Proceedings chester County, all in the name of progress. One particular irony happened to be the desire to present a favorable entry way to New York City from Connecticut. If the city represented much that was wrong hi the nation, should a pleasant entry way be used to embellish the image? Of course duality of thinking has no chronological or generational bounds, as we, too, elevate both wilderness and the city in the late twentieth century. If entryway into New York City assumed importance, it likewise became very important to the nation's capital. A number of individuals lamented the negative impression gained in entering Washington, D.C., from either Maryland or Virginia. Gilmore Clarke raised the issue in a succinct way by calling existing highways in 1938 "ugly and sordid traffic arteries entering the city. There is hardly a more indecent approach to a great capital in all the world than the approach to Washington from Baltimore over United States Route I."6 His observation served as part of a rationale for parkway construction between the two cities. Origins of the planning in the Federal City of Washington, D.C., preceded Clarke's concern by many years, beginning with the selection of Pierre Charles L'Enfant to design the city. George Washington chose the site on the banks of the Potomac "and set its boundaries four-square to the compass points... .>f7 During July of 1790 Congress established the location of the nation's capital on the banks of the Potomac, while Philadelphia remained the temporary capital for ten years. This allowed time to adequately plan the site and start the process which continues today. L'Enfant, chosen by President Washington, had no particular background or experience in planning, and embodied "the artist of the army" concept.8 He had designed Federal Hall in New York City and, besides being French (Americans loved the French), possessed a fine reputation. Remarkably, between March and June of 1791, L'Enfant studied the natural setting and conceptualized a plan in first draft. It reflected the topography, tied grid streets together with major radial avenues and provided for "nodes �///. Historical Perspective—Krakow of urban development" with other radial streets.9 Sited in the plan were the president's residence, the Capitol, and the ceremonial route, Pennsylvania Avenue. The ten mile square area had a unity which transcended time; from key points the entire setting could be observed spreading from the confluence of the Anacostia and Potomac Rivers, including the coastal plain to the surrounding hills. "L'Enfant consistently stressed his aim to generate development of the city throughout its entire area, and the simultaneous development of its several major districts."10 Tributes to the physical setting and L'Enfant's plan came from a variety of travelers approaching Washington from the vicinity of the present Baltimore Washington Parkway. Frederick Gutheim underscores that from the north "travelers had a synoptic view of the town and its natural setting from the hills above the Bladensburg road."11 It was a panorama which needed a grand entryway to the Federal City, an absence which was often lamented by Clarke and others. The nineteenth century saw the populating of the Washington area at an ever increasing pace. L'Enfant's imprimatur remained and was accented as public and private buildings went up and development spread through and beyond the district. As in other cities, public transportation systems aided municipal growth. Urban areas like the capital city became targets of reform as concern mounted for improving the environment of more and more Americans. Planned urban design came of age, a panacea for the urban setting. For twentieth century development of Washington, the McMillan Plan, named for Senator James McMillan of Michigan, guided the effort. A new wave of municipal revitalization had broken over the land. Initiatives from the aforementioned faith in science and technology were illustrated to the maximum at the World's ColumbianExpositionheldin Chicago in 1893. For the Federal City, the McMillanPlanof 1902 embedded in L'Enfant's original plan, served as a blueprint for revamping the mall, building a park system and grouping major buildings. Specific elements of the plan concerned the matter of Washington area parkways. The 149 routes identified in a conceptual fashion became in due course the George Washington Memorial Parkway on both sides of the Potomac River, and the Rock Creek Parkway from the creek mouth to the National Zoo. Another linkage of parks envisaged in the plan used the natural topography of heights to tie Civil War sites intoaproposedFortDrive. Later additions included the Baltimore-Washington and Suitland Parkways. Centered around the Chicago World's Fair design concepts, the individual expression of Washington, D.C., became the "City Beautiful" movement. This urban reform effort closely paralleled the ascendant progressivism of the age; social ills evidenced in American cities could be "fixed up" by applying scientific approaches to problems. During the years before construction of parkways in the Washington area began, several agencies were responsible for planning. Beginning in 1910 the Fine Arts Commission directed implementation of the McMillan Plan recommendations. Duties of the Commission were to "advise on the location of statues, fountains, and monuments in the public squares, streets, and parks in the District of Columbia," plus make recommendations concerning public buildings.12 In 1924 the newly designated National Capital Park Commission assumed some of the responsibilities and itself was replaced in 1926 by the National Capital Park and Planning Commission (NCP & PC). This commission originated in response to efforts to implement the City Beautiful movement and lead the nation to the promised land of planning verities. Both bodies consulted with the Commission on Fine Arts on planning matters in the District and adjacent areas of Maryland and Virginia. Parkways would be the principal "work program" of the NCP & PC, and were "basic elements in City Beautiful planning."13 As automobile traffic proliferated throughout the 1920's, apprehension over its impact in metropolitan Washington mounted. One recommendation of the McMillan Commission regarded establishment of a parkway running between Mount Vemon and the capital city. Many people complained of the visually poor approaches to Washington's home and to the District from the Virginia �150 side. The approach served as a reminder of the desire to improve all routes leading to the city. To that end the Capper-Crampton Act of 1930 became a means. Sponsored by Louis C. Crampton of Michigan, and Arthur Capper of Kansas, House and Senate District Committee Chairmen respectively, the legislation made $16,000,000 available for acquiring parkland in the District of Columbia. An early beneficiary from the act was the George Washington Memorial Parkway for which land was purchased along the Potomac. This proposed parkway along both sides of the Potomac linking together the Mount Vemon Memorial Highway and the Potomac Palisades area came from ideas presented by Milton Medary and Charles Eliot. It would serve to underscore the need for a suitable entryway into the nation's capital. Likewise, another recipient was the future Baltimore-Washington Parkway. Drawing on popular thought about advantages of parkways throughout the United States, proponents of that route went into action. Arguments favoring the roadway during the 1920s revolved around the notion of traffic volume and a scenic entrance into both cities, and especially the capital, in addition to general bandwagon propensity for building parkways at the time. Writing to Charles Moore in 1925, Fine Arts Commission Chairman James Greenleaf urged that the route of such a parkway be cut straight through vergin [sic.] territory from the north portal to the City at the end of 16th Street, instead of following the old line of roads out of Maryland Ave. through the narrow streets of Bladensburg and other villages.14 Greenleaf based much of his opinion on remarks delivered by Jay Downer of the WestChester County Park and Parkway Commission, at a conference held at "Skyland in the Shenandoah Range."15 Downer had argued for new road alignments as being least disruptive to local residents, commercial establishments, and control of access. Notably Downer viewed a parkway, not necessarily as a boulevard of uniform width lined with double rows of trees but a narrow park of varying width Parkways Conference Proceedings through which single or double lines of traffic way wended, all as best suited local topography and conditions.16 FrederickDelano, Chairman of theNCP & PC, strongly supported the new parkway proposal as ameans of "connecting the great city of Baltimore with the Federal Capital."17 In the same communique, Delano expressed support for the parkway to Col. C.O. Sherrill, Chairman of the National Capital Park Commission, countering opposition Sherrill had received from a "Baltimorian" complaining of costs. Delano also made his opinion clear about design matters, saying that a parkway should be a "strip of varying width with roadways on the outer edge and park between, which should be liberally planted with trees wherever possible or retained as forested land."18 Delano added that a parkway should vary "in width from 100 to 1000 feet," with an average of about 300 feet. The "Manufacturers Record," a periodical published in Baltimore, took a keen interest in the highway in the mid 1920s and exchanged correspondence with Colonel Sherrill about a speech he had made in Baltimore during the fall of 1925 favoring a boulevard between the cities. Writing to Sherrill later that fall, Baltimore writer Victor Power sought material for an article in the publication supporting the road and raised the initial tie between the route and various nearby military installations. Power stated that the road would have certain military importance and significance. Within call of the roadway would be Fort Myer, Camp Meade, Fort Howard, Baltimore, the Naval Academy, Annapolis, not counting the military adjuncts and establishments in Washington.19 A final point in the letter cut to the heart of funding the effort: linking the military installations with the roadway would "move the administration to help finance it as a war insurance measure."20 Advocacy for a parkway gathered momentum during the late 1920s when groups like the NCP & PC took up the effort. Ulysses S. Grant III, Executive Officer, expressed to William �///. Historical Perspective—Krakow Ellicott the desire of the Commission for the parkway, calling attention to its recommendation in annual reports from 1927-1929. He also pointed out that the pending Capper-Crampton bill included monies for parkway construction as far as Camp Meade.21 In the same letter Grant raised the matter of a regional planning commission in the Baltimore area advocating the parkway. Near the District, the Maryland National Capital Park and Planning Commission (founded in 1927) would be active in directing and coordinating planning related to projects of mutual interest such as that proposed in the parkway concept. By 1930 it became apparent that the major impetus for establishment of a parkway came from the Washington end of the route. Maryland would have to develop a lobbying effort and build a portion of the route on land between Baltimore and Camp Meade acquired from private interests. Members of various Washington area planning agencies often used arguments specifying the economic advantage that accrued to Westchester County, New York, after the parkway opened there in 1924. A major portion of the rationale for building the Baltimore-Washington road can be found in a report by T.C. Jeffers, NCP & PC Landscape Architect.22 The purpose, according to Jeffers, was "to attract as much of the passenger vehicle traffic from the present Baltimore Boulevard as possible," leaving this already congested highway to bus and freight traffic.23 In order to do this, Jeffers advocated the creation of "a high speed driveway in as direct a line as possible with large radius curves and a minimum number of highway crossings."24 He added that "border roads" should divert local traffic to major crossings of the parkway. Jeffers also drew up a proposed route for the parkway by September of 1932, all the way to Camp Meade which reflected widths advocated earlier by Delano. Preliminary plans for routes included one that ran from Anacostia River Valley to Indian Creek then to Laurel before crossing to the Patuxent and Patapsco Rivers. A portion of the route crossed the ongoing Beltsville development of the United States Department of Agri- 151 culture (USDA). Workers cleared deadfall from some portion of these lands. All live trees and shrubs were to be protected, and especially was this true in the case of small dogwood trees.25 Studies of land use near the routes increased by the mid 1930s when Gilmore Clarke assumed charge of those studies.26 Clarke was nationally known in the field of land planning and parkway design. Designers such as Jeffers sought to include diversity in the route by considering topography which would permit "various kinds of recreation," such as informational waysides, and lakes near Branchville.27 Said Jeffers, **picnic areas are to be provided at suitable locations" for both residents and through travelers that they may have "pleasant resting and lunching places."28 Of note, he added the opinion that "It might be desirable to establish a model wayside camping ground for tourists," on the Beltsville property.29 This suited other design concepts being considered; as Nolen expressed to Delano, a parkway should be a "limited way but the dual highway is the coming thing for intercity and regional routes."30 Advocates addressed many regional issues including roadways, in a Maryland planning document prepared in 1937.31 Of the new roads being endorsed in the report, one was a divided four-lane route running between Washington and Baltimore. Discussion of the parkway to Baltimore included traffic survey information gathered by the United States Bureau of Public Roads in 1932. This indicated some " 181/2 percent of the travelers had as their origin or destination locations other than Maryland, Virginia, or the District of Columbia."32 In short, intercity needs dominated design considerations. Design concepts employed in the report buttressed those noted above and pointed up how many road engineers looked to railroads for the success of such concepts as "limited access separated as to direction, and scheduled for fast express and slow-moving freight."33 Applied to highway design, the parkway concepts in due course evolved to the design of freeways on the American scene. The Maryland report was circulated for comment and a �152 point made by the NCP & PC, prepared at the request of the National Park Service, expressed disagreement over the definition of "parkway." Reviewers wrote that the term parkway has been pretty definitely tied down by legal definition as "an attenuated park with a road through it." Three characteristics determine a parkway: (1) linearform, (2) a road through it, (3) no right of light or air or access to abutting property.34 Delano also circulated the report to members of Congress to make them aware of coordinated planning efforts and of the need for interstate cooperation as rapid growth continued. Other avenues taken to muster public support consisted of press releases and feature articles in local newspapers by such advocates as Gilmore Clarke. Not only did Clarke explain why a parkway was needed between the two cities of Washington, D.C., and Baltimore, but he laid out many elements of design to enhance public knowledge.35 The more important elements called attention to such concepts as limited access, controlled right-of-way, absence of at-grade crossings, entrances and exits on the right-hand side, and divided roadways.36 Clarke urged that beauty and efficiency should be uppermost as highway engineer and landscape architect closely collaborate, that roadsides and structures should harmonize with the environment and topography, and parking spaces should be away from traffic but provide for those desiring to stop.37 During the summer of 1939 a sizeable addition in acreage to Camp Meade carried implications for the parkway route. The War Department obtained money to add nearly 10,000 acres to the reservation. At a conference late in July, the Camp Meade Commander agreed with the planning commissions present to permit the parkway to follow along the edge of the new addition.38 The land purchase closed most of the gap between Camp Meade and the Agriculture Research Center. Secretary of War Harry H. Woodring advised Delano during the summer of 1940 that as soon as funds became available, land would be acquired, Parkways Conference Proceedings including the route for this highway, and the War Department will favorably entertain a further request from the proper agencies to use and occupy so much of War Department lands as are necessary to construct the highway in the location herein approved.39 Just before Pearl Harbor and American entry into World War n, cost estimates began to appear in the range of $12,000,000 to $15,000,000.40WilsonBallard, Chief Engineer of the Maryland State Roads Commission, expressed concern about funding the parkway, though Director of Planning for the NCP & PC, John Nolen, tempered that view. Nolen and Chairman Delano believed that, although the project seemed costly, monies in an amount greater than "50 percent Federal funds might be available under the Federal Aid Road program," since several federal installations lay along the proposed route.41 During 1942 the Franklin D. Roosevelt Administration released $2,000,000 of National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) funds for the Baltimore-Washington Parkway.42 It provided land acquisition from the Peace Monument at Bladensburg to Greenbelt and from Laurel Road to the Jessup entrance of Fort Meade. Survey work secured funding from both the NCP & PC and the Maryland NCP & PC whose sources included appropriations made under the Capper-Crampton Act of 1930. It became more apparent during the war years that federal largesse would be tapped for the parkway and for the management of some portion of it. Originally, the State of Maryland planned to construct it; however, by 1943 the NCP & PC believed that "at least the section from Washington through Fort Meade should be a Federal project, maintained and controlled by the National Park Service."43 Commission minutes went on to add that the parkway simply extended from the Anacostia River Parkway, a portion of the District of Columbia park system, thereby "making it eligible for construction by the National Park Service."44 Sections of the road not funded by the NIRA could be funded by the NPS, but only "as a post-war project."43 For Maryland, it likely meant funding the por- �///. Historical Perspective—Krakow lion from Fort Meade to Baltimore, though the NCP & PC specifically sought funding it all the way to Baltimore.46 A sticky issue constantly raised in the documents pertained to the route to be followed. Various federal agencies had differing points of view, and so did the different planning commissions. The major problem related to the portion of the route running from New York Avenue to Greenbelt. The NCP & PC preferred the Anacostia route, while the Public Roads Administration favored a route on the higher land to the east. Though the route would enter the District at New York Avenue (same as at present), Delano desired a feed into the "Anacostia River Parkway southwest to Constitution Avenue, underpassing all bridges, and finally continuing to the proposed river crossing at Alexandria and over the George Washington Memorial Parkway to Fort Washington."47 Cqjper-Crampton funds could be used along the Anacostia River for extension of the park system, but not in "construction of roads. . . except if and as Federal aid highways."48 As typically happens, the opposing interests each compromised to some extent, due to the persuasiveness of impending loss of funds due to the deadline, and to the endorsement of the easterly route by NPS Architect, Thomas Vint. In the Beltsville area the USDA granted a right-of-way across its property that ranged from 400 to 800 feet wide and encompassed 153.868 acres. Right-of-way acquired at Fort Meade comprised 94 acres and some "206 acres from the Federal Public Housing Authority through the Greenbelt area."49 It remained, however, for umbrella legislation to be enacted by Congress in order to lay out the provisions of the new parkway between Washington and Baltimore. The drafting of legislation coincided with construction on small sections of the road using FIRA funds, with deliberations about underground utility conduits, and with discussions over whether to allow buses on the parkway. Late in 1946 Park Service Associate Director Arthur E. Demaray sent a draft of a proposed bill to Commissioner Thomas MacDonald of the Public Roads Administration.50 The draft attempted to grapple with the 153 matter of administering and funding the parkway. After many exchanges of comments on the various sections, the bill was introduced in the House of Representatives April 8, 1948, and referred to the Committee on Public Works.51 While subjected to rigorous examination and review, it remained basically intact, though not passed and signed into law until President Harry S Truman did so in August, 1950. The law provided that the parkways be administered by the Secretary of the Interior through the NPS; monies for parkways would be appropriated yearly to the NPS and be used for "continuing the construction, development, maintenance and policing of the BaltimoreWashington...Parkways."52 Land for the parkway to Baltimore would be acquired by the United States and considered as an extension "of the park system of the District of Columbia and its environs."53 Camp Meade remained the northernmost point of federal control while Anacostia Park served as the southern limit. Specific design considerations called for the parkway to be administered as a limited access road primarily to provide a dignified, protected, safe, and suitable approach for passenger vehicle traffic to the National Capital and for an uninterrupted means of access between the several Federal establishments adjacent thereto and the seat of government in the District of Columbia?* Determining types and classes of vehicles using the parkway, plus the location of access points, was to be controlled by the Secretary of the Interior with concurrence of the Federal Works Agency. Cost estimates of the federal portion of the parkway fell in the $15,000,000 range, while Maryland estimated the same amount for the twelve miles from Jessup to the Baltimore city line.55 Portions of the route between the two metropolitan areas were in the early stages of construction by 1943, and subsequent sections were completed before passage of the legislation of 1950. Federal appropriations increased after 1950 and resulted in completion of the entire parkway in October, 1954. Reporter Wes �154 Barthelmes, of the Washington Post and Times Herald, wrote a lengthy article extolling the importance of the new road. It would, he said, supplant Route 1 (Washington-Baltimore Boulevard) and rectify "the delays and seedy and cluttered appearance along. . . Suicide Lane, alias Bloody Mary..., where since 1942 there have been 347 persons killed and 4688 injured in 9428 accidents."56 Senator Millard Tydings, Maryland, also spoke glowingly of the new parkway and the contributions it made to Maryland and the nation as an important military defense highway and route of escape in the event of a nuclear war. Illustrative of the joint effort by the Federal Government and the State of Maryland, the portion to Jessup from the District was known as a parkway while the state portion was labeled afreeway. By whatever name, traffic counts the first week showed a daily average of 21,000 vehicles using it, some 6000 more than expected.57 With completion of the Baltimore-Washington Parkway, a major alternative route between the two cities became operational. The original idea for such a roadway, and the shaping of it into reality constitute a significant contribution to the history of modern highways in the United States. In this case study can be seen important design concepts leading from parkway to freeway. The application of principles derived from such sources as railroad design and other parkway experiences enabled the development of the Baltimore-Washington and advanced road design further along the continuum of parkway to freeway. Limiting access, eliminating at-grade crossings, and developing acceleration and deceleration lanes became commonplace concepts in public road design due to their application on such as the Baltimore-Washington Parkway. A final important lesson from that experience relates to the interaction of various planning commissions, federal agencies, and state agencies. Though all had turf to protect and constituencies to consider, communication and compromise permitted the public to benefit from the collective effort. The parkway met most of the goals ex- Parkways Conference Proceedings pressed early on in the project, except for the provision of a quality entry way into the Federal City. This effort continues and, like planners and designers earlier in this century, a vision guides those who continue to seek an improved entryway into the nation's capital. NOTES 1. Washington Star. June 5, 1938, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 2. Norman T. Newton. Design on the Land: The Development of Landscape Architecture (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1974), pp. 598599. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Frank Friedel. America in the Twentieth Century, fourth edition (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976), p. 4. Roderick Nash. Wilderness and the American Mind, revised edition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975), p. 140. Charles N. Glaab and A. Theodore Brown. A History of Urban America (London: The Macmillan Company, 1972), p. 262. Washington Star. June 5, 1938, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. Frederick Gutheim. Worthy of the Nation: The History of Planning for the National Capital (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1977), p. 2. Ibid., p. 16. Ibid., p. 25. 10. Ibid., p. 26. 11. Ibid., p. 20. 12. Ibid., p. 152. 13. Ibid., p. 171. 14. Greenleaf to Moore, letter dated June 9, 1925, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. Delano to Sherrill, letter dated September 30,1925, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. �155 ///. Historical Perspective—Krakow 18. Ibid. 19. Power to Shenill, letter dated October 21, 1925, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 20. Ibid. 21. Grant to Ellicott, letter dated March 10, 1930, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 22. "The Baltimore Parkway," unpublished report dated September 16,1932, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid. 25. Demaray to Symons, letter dated July 30, 1934, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 26. Nolen to Wirth, memorandum dated May 17.1935, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 27. Jeffers, unpublished briefing sheet dated June 4, 1935, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 30. Nolen to Delano, memorandum dated March 16.1936, National Archives, record Group 328, Box 126. 31. Maryland State Planning Commission, "Regional Planning, Paret IV- BaltimoreWashington-Annapolis Area," November 1937, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 32. Ibid. 33. Ibid. 34. National Capital Park and Planning Commission, "Comments on Report of Maryland State Planning Commission on State Recreational Areas," unpublished 1938?, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 35. Washington Star. June 5, 1938, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 36. Ibid. 37. Ibid. 38. Delano to MacDonald, letter dated July 31,1939, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 39. Woodring to Delano, letter dated June 8, 1940, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 40. Minutes of National Capital Park and Planning Commission, September 1941, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 41. Ibid. 42. Demaray to Fleming, letter dated September 28, 1942, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 43. National Capital Park and Planning Commission Minutes, November 4, 1942, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 44. Ibid. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid. 47. Delano to Ballard, letter dated September 19,1941, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 126. 48. Director to Associate Director, National Park Service, memorandum dated September 7, 1944, National Archives, Record Group 79, Box 2835. 49. Ibid. 50. Demaray to MacDonald, letter dated December 30,1946, National Archives, Record Group 79, Box 2835. 51. HR 6177, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 127. 52. Draft of Bill, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 129. 53. Ibid. 54. Ibid. 55. Washington Star, August 4, 14, 1950, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 129. 56. Washington Post and Times Herald. October 4, 1954, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 129. �156 57. Washington Star. October 30, 1954, National Archives, Record Group 328, Box 129. BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources National Archives: Record Group 79, National Park Service. Record Group 328, National Capital Park and Planning Commission. Secondary Sources Friedel, Frank. America in the Twentieth Century, fourth edition. New York: Alfred A. Parkways Conference Proceedings Knopf, 1976. Glaab, Charles N. and A. Theodore Brown. A History of Urban America. London: The Macmillan Company, 1972. Gutheim, Frederick. Worthy of the Nation: The History of Planning for the National Capital Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1977. Nash, Roderick. Wilderness and the American Mind, revised edition. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975. Newton, Norman T. Design on the Land: The Development of Landscape Architecture. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1974. Congress and the Development of the Natchez Trace Parkway, 1834 -1946 Philip A. Grant On February 20,1934 Senator Hubert D. Stephens of Mississippi introduced a bill calling for a $50,000 appropriation in order to initiate a survey of the Natchez Trace, which during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had been a major Indian trail extending through the states of Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee. The Stephens Bill, having the avowed objective of constructing a federal road bearing the name Natchez Trace Parkway, read as follows: Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there is appropriated out of the Treasury of the United States a sum notexceeding $50,000 to be used by the Department of the Interior through the National Park Service with which to make a survey of the Old Natchez Trace throughout its entire length from the section of Tennessee about Nashville to Natchez, Mississippi, the same to be known as the "Natchez Trace Park- way." The said survey shall locate the Natchez Trace as near as practicable in its original route. An estimate of cost of construction of an appropriate national parkway over this route, and such other data as will be valuable shall be obtained by said survey with the objective of determining matters concerning the construction of the Natchez Trace Parkway.1 The Natchez Trace Parkway Survey Bill was immediately referred to the Senate Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads. After scrutinizing the measure for approximately eight weeks, the Post Offices and Post Roads Committee issued a favorable report on the bill.2 On April 30,1934 the Senate, allotting only a few minutes for floor debate, passed the Natchez Trace Parkway Survey Bill by voice vote.3 The Natchez Trace Parkway Survey Bill was dispatched to the House of Representatives and promptly submitted to the Committee on Roads. The Roads Committee two days later unanimously recommended its passage to the �///. Historical Perspective—Grant House.4 On May 7 Representative T. Jeff Busby of Mississippi persuaded his colleagues to pass the bill without the formality of a roll call. The Natchez Trace Parkway Survey Bill was thereupon signed into law by President Franklin D. Roosevelt on May 21,1934.5 The Natchez Trace Parkway Survey Act was only one of the four hundred and eighty-six laws approved by the Seventy-Third Congress in 1933 and 1934. The appropriation of $50,000 was certainly a modest one for a Congress which authorized an overall total of $13,141,600,000 infederalspending.lt would, of course, be the responsibility of future Congresses to review the findings of the survey and determine the feasibility of the Natchez Trace Parkway.6 Of distinct importance to the future of the proposed Natchez Trace Parkway was the Federal Highway (Hayden-Cartwright) Act of 1936. The Federal Highway Act, authorizing one-half billion dollars for the construction and improvement of roads throughout the nation, was the most comprehensive such measure ever approved by Congress. Section 5 of the statute was especially relevant to the Natchez Trace Parkway. It read: For the construction and maintenance of parkways, to give access to national parks and national monuments, or to become connecting sections of a national parkway plan, over lands to "which title has been transferred to the United States by the States or by private individuals, there is hereby authorized to be appropriated the sum of $10,000,000 for the fiscal year ending June 30,1938, and $10,000,000for the fiscalyear ending June 30,1939: Provided: That the location of such parkways upon public lands, national forests, or other federal reservations shall be determined by agreement between the department having jurisdiction over such lands and the National Park Service.7 While the House and Senate passed their respectiveversions of theFederal Highway Bill by voice votes, the House adopted the conference report on the measure by a roll call. The 157 House approved the conference report by a 238-87 majority. The most pronounced support for the bill emanated from congressmen representing districts in Mississippi, Tennessee and Alabama, states in which the Natchez Trace Parkway would be located. Congressmen from these states voted 20-1 in favor of the conference report.8 Shortly after the Seventy-Fifth Congress was called to order in 1937 Representative Aaron L. Ford of Mississippi offered legislation to finalize the status of the Natchez Trace Parkway. The text of the Ford Bill, designed to remove any doubt as to the national government's jurisdiction over the parkway, was worded as follows: ... That all lands and easements heretofore and hereafter conveyed to the United States by the States of Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee for the right-of-way for the projected parkway between Natchez, Mississippi and Nashville, Tennessee, together with sites acquired or to be acquired for recreational areas in connection therewith, and a right-of-way for said parkway of a width sufficient to include the highway and all bridges, ditches, cuts, and fills appurtenant thereto, but not exceeding a maximum of two hundred feet through Government-owned lands (except that where small parcels of Government-owned lands would otherwise be isolated, or where topographic conditions or scenic requirements are such that bridges, ditches, cuts, fills, parking overlooks, and landscape development could not reasonably be confined to a width of two hundred feet, the said maximum may be increased to such width as may be necessary, with the written approval of department or agency having jurisdiction over such lands) as designed on maps heretofore or hereafter approved by the Secretary of the Interior, shall be known as the Natchez Trace Parkway and shall be administered and maintained by the Secretary of the Interior through the National Park Service, subject to the provisions of the Act of Congress approved �158 August25,1916 (39Stat535), entitled "An Act to establish a National Park Service, and for other purposes" the provisions of which Act, as amended and supplemented, are hereby extended over and made applicable to said parkway: Provided. That the Secretary of Agriculture is hereby authorized, with the concurrence of the Secretary of the Interior, to connect with said parkway such roads and trails as may be necessary for the protection, administration, or utilization of adjacent and nearby national forests, and the resources thereof: And provided further. That the Forest Service and the National Park Service shall insofar as practicable, coordinate and correlate such recreational developments as each may plan, construct, or permit to be constructed, on lands within their respective jurisdictions, which, by mutual agreement, should be given special treatment for recreational purposes.9 While the House Committee on Public Lands urged passage of the Ford Bill in July 1937,10 the measure did not reach the House floor until February 1938. After a short, but somewhat spirited discussion, the House passed the Ford Bill by a margin of 200-118. As had been evident with the Federal Highway Bill of 1936, congressmen from Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee mobilized in behalf of the bill. Indeed House members from the three states voted 18-0 for the bill.11 On April 29,1938 the Senate Committee on Public Lands and Surveys endorsed the Ford Bill. With a minimum of debate the bill was approved by the Senate on May 3, and thirteen days later President Roosevelt affixed his signature to the measure. Thus, on May 18,1938 the Natchez Trace Parkway officially came into being.12 Funding for the planning and development of the Natchez Trace Parkway was included in the annual appropriation bills for the Department of the Interior. For the 1938 and 1939 fiscal years Congress approved identical sums of $1,500,000. In 1940 and 1941 the appropriations were $1,350,000 and $1,600,000 respectively. In 1942 the House and Senate agreed Parkways Conference Proceedings upon a substantially reduced figure of $700,000. Because of the extraordinary and unprecedented demands placed upon the government by the nation's involvement in World War II, the 1943 appropriation was a mere $80,740.13 While the annual amounts reserved for the Natchez Trace Parkway were quite modest, congressmen from the Northeast and Midwest frequently alleged that the states of Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee were receiving preferential treatment. These congressmen argued that the Natchez Trace Parkway was not connected with any functioning interstate highway system and that the annual federal expenditures for its construction were unnecessary and unjustified. The critics of the parkway maintained that only a small minority of the nations's population would benefit from its completion.14 One of the most outspoken leaders of the economy block on Capitol Hill was Representative Edward H. Rees of Kanasas. Rees, a conservative Republican serving a rural constituency in the Great Plains, was destined to spend twenty-four years in the House. In 1939 and 1941 Rees offered amendments to delete all funds proposed for national parkways, the effect of which would have been to suspend construction of the Natchez Trace Parkway. The 1939 and 1941 Rees Amendments were rejected by respective tabulations of 118-7 and 67-39.15 Two of Rees' Republican colleagues were Representatives John Taber of New York and Robert F. Rich of Pennsylvania. Taber and Rich, who were to serve a combined total of sixty years in the House, were determined to eliminate the Natchez Trace Parkway clauses of the appropriation bills for the Department of the Interior. The House, however, rebuffed their attempts to frustrate adoption of the 1938 and 1940 conference reports for Interior Department Appropriations. The 1938 conference report was approved by a 204-127 majority, while the 1940 conference report passed by a 197-156 margin. The unanimous votes of 21-0 cast by congressmen from Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee provided substantial proportions of the margins of victory for the 1938 and 1940 conference reports.16 �///. Historical Perspective—Grant An analysis of the various roll calls in the House of Representatives indicated that many congressmen from the Midwest and Northeast were clearly hostile to the Natchez Trace Parkway. Of the one hundred and eighteen votes recorded against the Ford Bill in 1938, sixty were cast by congressmen from the Midwest and forty-seven by members from the Northeast. On adoption on the 1938 Interior Department Appropriation conference report, midwesterners accounted for sixty-four and northeasterners for fifty-two of the one hundred and twenty-seven negative votes. On the 1940 Interior Department Appropriation conference report congressmen from the Midwest provided eighty-two and their colleagues from the Northeast sixty of the one hundred and fifty-six dissenting votes. The proponents of theNatchezTraceParkway were quite fortunate, however, in having several illustrious Southern Democrats on their side. Especially prominent were Representatives Joseph W. Byrns of Tennessee, Speaker of the House between 1934 and 1936, and William B. Bankhead, who occupied the speakership from 1936 to 1940. Also influential were Senators Pat Harrison of Mississippi, Chairman of the Finance Committee, 1933-1941, and Kenneth D. McKellar of Tennessee, who presided over the Post Offices and Post Roads Committee from 1933 to 1946 and was a senior member of the Appropriations Committee during the same period.17 Other Southern Democrats who became energetic spokesmen for the Natchez Trace Parkway were Senators John H. Bankhead of Alabama and Representatives John E. Rankin, William H. Whittington, and Ross A. Collins of Mississippi, Joe Starnes of Alabama, and Albert A. Gore of Tbnnessee. Bankhead, the brother of Speaker William B. Bankhead, was a veteran member of the Senate Appropriations Committee. Rankin and Whittington chaired the House World War Veterans' Legislation Committee and the House Flood Control Committee respectively. Collins, Stames, and Gore served on the powerful House Appropriations Committee, the panel having the exclusive responsibility of initiating spending bills. These six 159 gentlemen, who spent an aggregate total of one hundred and thirty-five years on Capitol Hill, represented states or districts which would be enhanced by the completion of the Natchez TYace Parkway.18 The annual appropriations furnished by Congress enabled the National Park Service to acquire considerable land and undertake actual construction of the Natchez TYace Parkway during the late nineteen thirties. By 1940,9,814 acres had been secured and 86 miles of the parkway were either completed or under construction. Two years later the acreage had grown to 12,834 andmileagehad increased to 105. By the final year of the Third Roosevelt Administration in 1944, the Park Service was exercising control over 13,649 acres and the number of miles was 117.19 Beginning in the latter half of 1943 all federal road construction was suspended for the duration of the war. While there was considerable doubt over the projected length of World War n, it was anticipated that construction of the Natchez Trace Parkway would resume within a reasonable time after the attainment of an international peace settlement. Indeed the needs of the future were apparent in the Federal Highway Act of 1944, a measure which authorized $ 10,000,000 for national parkways during each of the first three years of the postwar period.20 Among the congressmen whose long and distinguished careers have largely paralleled the development of the Natchez Trace Parkway over the past half century is Representative Jamie L. Whitten of the First District of Mississippi. A member of the House since 1941 and Chairman of the Committee on Appropriations since 1979, Whitten in late 1984 recalled the circumstances surrounding the early years of the Parkway. Whitten at that time explained that "the problems of funding, of securing rights of way, of starting work at various places along the route, were not always easy nor were the reasons always apparent." While attending the dedication of a parkway bridge in his honor in Dennis, Mississippi, Whitten declared: As modern as hard surfaced roads and great bridges can make it, the Trace is as �160 close to the natural beauty of years ago with forests and trails, valleys and hills, much as they were in the beginning. When finished it will connect New York and Washington with New Orleans by way of Nashville and Natchez, a great tourist attraction. The Natchez Trace Parkway will eventually extend a length of four hundred and fiftyfour miles. The bulk of the mileage of the Parkway was constructed over the period from 1947 to 1966. During these two decades an additional total of one hundred and ninety-four miles was completed. Notwithstanding the impressive progress made between the years shortly after World War H and the latter half of the nineteen sixties, it must be remembered that the origin and planning of the Natchez Trace Parkway took place during the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt. NOTES United States Senate. S. 2825-A bill to provide for an appropriation of $50.00 with which to make a survey of the Old Indian Trail known as the "Natchez Trace." with a view of constructing a national road on this route to be known as the "Natchez Trace Parkway." February 20, 1934; Jonathan Daniels, The Devirs Backbone: The Story of the Natchez Trace (New York: McGrawHill Book Company, 1962); Clement Eaton, The Growth of Southern Civilization. 17901860 (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1961), pp.31-32; Harnett T. Kane, Natchez on the Mississippi (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1947), pp. 61-78; "Natchez Trace." The Encyclopedia of Southern History (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979), pp. 879-880. 2 A key paragraph in the Post Offices and Post Roads Committee report asserted: "The Natchez Trace is located throughout almost its entire length on highlands between watersheds on the most suitable route over which to establish the national Parkways Conference Proceedings parkway through a section of the country greatly in need of such road facilities from a national standpoint to connect the North and East with the Natchez, New Orleans, and the southwest section of the country." United States Senate. Report Number 740. April 17,1934. 3 United States Congress, Congressional Record (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1934), LXXVffl, 72907281. 4 The Roads Committee concluded: "A great necessity is shown for the construction of a road over this route because road facilities are woefully lacking in that section from a national standpoint need. Most of the people who travel long distances live in cities, own no land, and pay no part in the construction of roads unless the National Government renders assistance....We feel that the survey of this route is an important first step in the right direction, and recommend the passage of the bill." House of Representatives, Report Number 1442. May 2,1934. Congressional Record. LXXVIII, 8266-8267; The Statutes at Large of the United States of America. 1933-1934 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1934), XLVin, 791-792. Department of Commerce, Historical Statistics of the United States. Colonial Times to 1970 (2 vols.; Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1976), n, 1081, 1104,1114. 7 House of Representatives, H.R. 11687-Abill to emend the Federal Aid Highway Act, approved July 11. 1916. as amended and supplemented, and for other purposes. March 9, 1936; Fredrick L. Paxson, "The Highway Movement, 1916-1935," American Historical Review. January 1946, pp. 236253. "Congressional Record. LXXX, 8704-8705; Times. New York, N.Y., April 17, 1936, p.2; June 22,1936, p. 14. 9 H.R. 6652-A bill to provide for the admmistra- �///. Historical Perspective—Grant tion and maintenance of the Natchez Trace Parkway in the States of Mississippi. Alabama, and Tennessee, and for other purposes. April 26,1937. 10 The Public Lands Committee report contained a July 3,1947 letter from the Acting Secretary of the Interior. The Acting Secretary stated: "The area through which the proposed parkway passes best represents the antebellum South, for it suffered less than did other sections during the War between the States. Many historical features, including the old Indian trails, romantic Natchez on the Mississippi, and the opening of the Old Southwest, make the proposed parkway of national interest." House Report 1277. July 21,1937. "Congressional Record. LXXXHI. 1422-1436. 12 Senate Report 1627. April 29.1938: Congressional Record. LXXXin, 6286; Statutes at Large, LH, 407-408. 13 House of Representatives, Hearings on the Interior Department Appropriation Bills. 1938-1943 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1938-1943^): Statutes at Large. L, 546-616; LII, 251-342; LIII, 685-738; LIV, 406-462; LV, 303-361; LVI, 506-561. "Between 1938 and 1943 expenditures for the Department of the Interior amounted to $1,207,907,000. During the same period total federal expenditures were $151,320,644,000. 15 Congressional Record. LXXXIV, 2992-3000; LXXXVH, 4061-4064. 16 House Report 1178. July 1,1937; House Report 2173. May 10,1940; Congressional Record, LXXXI, 4796-4797; LXXXVI, 71267129; James Giglio, "John Taber," Dictionary of American Biography. Supplement Seven (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1981), pp. 733-734. "Stanley J. Folmsbee, "Joseph Wellington Byrns," Dictionary of American Biography. Supplement Two (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958), pp. 8283; J.M.Galloway, "Speaker Joseph W. 161 Byrns: Party Leader of the New Deal," Tennessee Historical Quarterly. Spring 1966, pp. 63-76; Walter Heacock, "William B. Bankhead and the New Deal," Journal of Southern History. August 1955, pp. 344355; Albert D. Kirwan, "Byron Patton Harrison," Dictionary of American Biography. Supplement Three (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1975), pp. 344345; Thomas K. McCraw, "Kenneth Douglas McKellar," Dictionary of American Biography. Supplement Six (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1980), pp. 418-420; Dean Pope, 'The Senator from Tennessee," West Tennessee Historical Society Papers. 1966. pp. 102-122; Martha H. Swain, Pal Harrison: The New Deal Years (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1978). 18 Walter Goodman, "John Elliott Rankin," Dictionary of American Biography. Supplement Six, pp. 525-526; J.B. Key, "John Hollis Bankhead," Dictionary of American Biography. Supplement Four (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1974), pp. 49-51; Lawrence F. Kennedy (comp.), Biographical Directory of the American Congress. 1774-1971 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1971), pp. 768-769, 1018, 1744-1745, 1917. 19 Department of Commerce, Statistical Abstract of the United States. 1942 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1943), p. 1029; Department of the Interior, Information Relating to the National Park Service. 1944 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1944), p. 33. ^Statutes at Large. LVIH, 838-843. BIBLIOGRAPHY Daniels, Jonathan: The Devil's Backbone: The Story of the Natchez Trace (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1962). Department of Commerce: Historical Statistics of the United States. Colonial Times to 1970 (2 vols; Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1976). �162 Department of Commerce: Historical Abstract of the United States. 1942 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1943). Department of the Interior: Information Relating to the National Park Service. 1944 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1944). Dictionary of American Biography (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958-1981). Eaton, Clement: The Growth of Southern Civilization. 1790-1860 (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1961). Encyclopedia of Southern History (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979). House of Representatives: Hearings on the Interior Department Appropriation Bills. 1938-1943 Parkways Conference Proceedings (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1938-1943). House of Representatives: Reports on Public Bills and Resolutions. 1933-1944 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1934-1944). The Statutes at Large of the United States of America. 1934-1944 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 19341944). United States Congress: Congressional Record (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1934-1944). United States Senate: Reports on Public Bills and Resolutions. 1934-1944 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1934-1944). �UNTITLED SAM WANG IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives "In my recent work," says Sam Wang, "I play with an intimacy with the subject... in terms of the viewer's heightened sense of participation in the scene. The content is very much influenced by the tools I use: a camera I built that captures the whole image-circle projected by a wideangle lens. Coincidentally, the circular format also conveys a sense of perfection, serenity, and dignity, or perhaps our longing for such." �164 Parkways Conference Proceedings An Economic Framework of the Blue Ridge Parkway Area Paul E. Lovingood, Jr. and Lisle S. Mitchell, Department of Geography, University of South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina The Blue Ridge Parkway Area, as defined here, consists of the twenty-nine counties in North Carolina and Virginia through which the Parkway traverses for a distance of almost 500 miles (Figure 1). This linear grouping of counties is often thought of as homogeneous in terms of terrain and cultural characteristics. It is true that the counties that make up this region are classified as low mountains and thus share similar characteristics of local relief, slope, morphology, natural resources, flora and fauna. On the other hand, the nature of the cultural traits of these twenty-nine counties is much more heterogeneous. It is the variance in the cultural aspects of the region that is of concern, especially the variety of economic phenomena. The purpose of this presentation is to investigate, from a geographic perspective, the economic framework of the Blue Ridge Parkway Area. There is no one right way to analyze the economic landscape of a region. Every discipline and every researcher within a given discipline will formulate a unique method of study. Within the context of the social sciences, all academic disciplines examine the same regions and use the same data sources; however, the results of their separate investigations will be different because of their distinctive approach. Economic geographers are concerned with the jhysi^T^ng^u^of business aotivities arid fMiitiS^^J^sc^^andlend to display these impacts on maps. Suchlriformation on two-dimeimo^aTl-qpresentations may be viewed from four perspectives (Pattison, 1964). First, economic landscapes may be studied in terms of the natural resources required to operate an industrial enterprise. Second, the economic scene may be analyzed on the basis of how the resident population relates to and utilizes the resources of the natural environment. Third, the spatial arrangement, interrelationships, and dynamics of economic activities in an area may be examined. Fourth, a descrip- tion of the industrial features that give character and uniqueness to a region may be presented. The perspective emphasized in this presentation is the distribution of business establishments by counties in the Blue Ridge Parkway Area, but the human-environment relationships and the description of regional character will be considered in the explanation of areal patterns. RESEARCH DESIGN Data. Standard Industrial Classification data of the County Business Patterns (U. S. Department of Commerce, 1986) was the primary data utilized. The total number of establishments in each of the twenty-nine counties, for ten different business types, was analyzed using standard statistical techniques and presented in the form of computer produced maps and diagrams. The data for the Virginia counties excluded information for "independent cities" and thus it was necessary to gather statistics for each of the eight legal entities within the study area and add them to the appropriate counties. This procedure standardized the data for all counties and made them comparable. Methodolo gy. The approach folio wed here was to identify the study area by mapping the twenty-nine counties adjacent to the Parkway (Figure 1). A map of the resident population of the counties was prepared to illustrate the configuration of the primary human resource of the region. After the area was defined and the population distribution mapped it was necessary to array the data for each of the Standard Industrial Classes (SIC) by the number of business establishments in each county. The data were then classified into discrete classes based on the "natural" breaks in the data. This procedure resulted in four or five homogeneous classes for each of the ten types of establishments. The total number of establishments in each county were treated in the same manner. The ten maps produced following this technique were then �165 IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Lovingood and Mitchell Figure 1 BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY AREA Figure 2 RESIDENT POPULATION - 1984 ^ £ • 31,446 TO 47.579 23.086 TO 29.203 9.874 TO 17.730 �166 analyzed from a geographic point-of-view. To achieve a holistic perspective of the economic landscape of the study area a hierarchical grouping procedure was used to develop multif actor regions. This technique analyzes all ten types of enterprises and then places counties into homogeneous groups or regions. The regions vary statistically between groups but the variance within groups is minimized. This procedure provides useful insights into the economic similarities and differences between counties because it makes possible the mapping of the regions or groups. A summary of the findings is restated and the study concluded by noting some implications for the Blue Ridge Parkway and its bordering counties. POPULATION DISTRIBUTION It was assumed that the reader would be familiar with the Parkway and the twenty-nine counties included in the study area (Figure 1), and that a detailed description of the route and the physical geography of the area was unnecessary. The distribution of population, however, is less likely to be known and is portrayed on Figure 2. Roanoke and Buncombe Counties are by far the largest population centers with about 199,000 and 166,000 individuals respectively. These two metropolitan counties dominate the study area in terms of human resources as well as in all ten types of business establishments. Six counties are included in the second population class with between sixty andninetytwo thousand individuals each. Only one of these counties, Augusta, is located in Virginia. The remaining five counties are found in North Carolina to the south and east of the Parkway. These population concentrations probably exist because of superior natural resources, excellent access afforded by interstate highways, and proximity to the manufacturing region of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia known as the "fertile crescent." There are seven thirdorder counties which have populations from thirty-one to forty-eight thousand individuals. Four of the counties are adjacent to the two largest urban counties and the remaining three Parkways Conference Proceedings are in proximity to the counties in the second class. Populations in the smallest two classes have no discernible spatial pattern except that seven of the nine least populated counties are found to the north and west of the Parkway. BUSINESS ESTABLISHMENTS Total Business Establishments. The spatial distribution of total business establishments is demonstrated on Figure 3. Roanoke and Buncombe are by far the most important counties in this regard. Buncombe County has more than twice the establishments of the highestranking county in the second class (4,258 to 2,058) and Roanoke has more than five times as many establishments as the lowest-ranking county in this class (5,414 to 1,056). The counties in the second class are predominately found in North Carolina (six of seven) on the south and east side of the Parkway. There are eight counties in the third class, four in each of the two states. They tend to be located near the larger business centers. The two smallest classes of counties are evenly divided between the two states and are counties with the smallest populations. A look at total business establishments for the area as a whole is presented in Figure 4. This graph illustrates the relative importance of each type of business as a percentage of the total. Services and retail trade establishments stand out as the dominant type of business in the study area with 28.7 and 28.2 percent respectively. Providing personal services and material objects to the population are primary roles of business centers in a modern economy, and thus these statistics are expected. Contract Construction is the third ranked business with 10.2 percent. There is a constant need to repair and replace aging structures and transportation links as well as to meet the construction needs of ever expanding public and private enterprises. The most surprising factor found in Figure 4 is the relatively large percentage of businesses that are unclassified (8.3 percent). This figure is well above the 2.3 percent of unclassified business for the entire Southern Highlands (Lovingood and Reiman, 1986). Manufacturing and Finance, Insurance and Real Estate are �167 IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Lovingood and Mitchell Figure 3 TOTAL BUSINESS ESTABLISHMENTS BLUE RIDGE PRRKWRY 1.056 TO 2.058 Q SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PRTTERNS 204 TO 429 • 143 TO 168 F igure 4 SPECIFIC ESTRBLISHMENTS RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL ESTRBLISHMENTS SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PATTERNS �168 the fifth and sixth most important business types in the Parkway Area with 7.2 and 7.0 percent respectively. Manufacturing is one of the most basic forms of economic income and the activities of financial institutions are fundamental to the continued growth and development of a region. Wholesale Trade with 5.9 percent and Transport and Utilities with 3.3 percent are the seventh and eighth ranking business types. Wholesaling, of course, plays an important role hi the distribution of material goods to retail outlets, and although transport and utilities enterprises are small in relative terms they are extremely important to the functioning of a modern society. Agricultural, forestry, fishing, and mining establishments make up the two smallest classes of business enterprises. Environmental and resource limitations probably account for these small values. Agricultural. Forestry, and Fishing Establishments. These types of establishments are relatively unimportant in the economic landscape of the Blue Ridge Parkway Area as there are only 281 such establishments. Agriculture, forestry, and fishing are insignificant economic activities along the crest of the Blue Ridge Mountains due to a lack of resources and government contract of land. Therefore, the enterprises that provide goods and services to such concerns are limited in number. About thirtyone percent of all such establishments are located in the urban counties of Roanoke and Buncombe (Figure 5). These counties, on the average, have more than twice as many establishments as the seven counties included in the second class. Six of the counties in class two are found hi North Carolina which indicates a better resource base. The numerical differences between the three smallest classes are minute and there is no discernible spatial pattern. Mining Establishments. Mining is of little economic significance in the study area and the provision of goods and services to this industry is also unimportant. The total number of establishments serving the mining industry is only sixty-nine for an average of 2.4 businesses per county. Roanoke with twelve such establishments is the only county in the highest classification. Rockbridge and Buncombe Counties Parkways Conference Proceedings make up the second class and they only contain nine and six establishments respectively. The seven counties included in the third class are all above the regional average with either three or four establishments each. A majority of the counties (19) have less than the regional mean, and almost one-third have no businesses providing goods or services to mining companies. Four of the ten counties in the top three classes are found in Virginia (Figure 6). Roanoke is the primary county and the other three, Rockbridge, Augusta and Amherst, are clustered at the northern end of the Parkway Area. Two linear groupings of three counties each are found in North Carolina. One group is located on the north side of the Parkway and consists of Buncombe County to the south and Yancey and Mitchell Counties to the northeast. The other agglomeration includes Caldwell, Wilkes and Surry Counties and lies on the south side of the Parkway. Contract Construction Establishments. Three counties are included in the highest class of construction businesses (Figure 7). Augusta County is included with the usual leaders. A concentration of construction activity in Roanoke and Buncombe Counties is obviously related to their large populations and continuing growth and development. Augusta County, although it does not contain a dominant primary urban center, does incorporate two fairly large concentrations of population in Staunton and Waynesboro. It also embodies a significant number of small urban places, because it is a large county in physical size. The county, furthermore, is served by Interstate Highways 81 and 64 and these super thoroughfares provide easy access to Charlottesville and Harrisonburg. Six of the seven counties comprising the second-ranked class are found in North Carolina, the only exception being Bedford. These counties, with two exclusions, are associated with second-level population centers and are located to the south of the Parkway. Hay wood and Watauga Counties, the exclusions, have relatively small resident populations but they possess considerable tourist appeal and educational opportunities. Thus, construction activities related to these enterprises probably ex- �169 IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Lovingood and Mitchell Figure 5 NUMBER OF AGRICULTURAL, FORESTRY AND FISHERIES ESTABLISHMENTS 0 O BLUE RIDGE PRRKWflY 38 TO 48 10 TO 19 5 TO 9 3 TO 4 SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PRTTERNS 1 TO 2 Figure 6 NUMBER OF MINING ESTABLISHMENTS BLUE RIOGE PRRKWRY 12 6 TO 9 3 TO 4 1 TO 2 SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PRTTERNS 0 �170 plain why these two counties are anomalies. None of the remaining counties contain more than ninety construction enterprises and none of the three lower classes of these establishments have recognizable spatial patterns. Manufacturing Establishments. Manufacturing is the fifth most important business type in the study area based on comparative statistics. A total of 2,026 establishments are in operation for an average of almost seventy per county. Only ten counties have more than the average number of businesses and they comprise the first two classes (Figure 8). Roanoke and Buncombe Counties are included in the top class. These counties contain more that onequarter of all the manufacturing establishments and have more than twice as many as the second-class counties. The six counties in the second class are perfectly correlated with the secondary population centers. Five of the counties are located in North Carolina on the southeast side of the Parkway. Augusta County, the sole Virginia representative, is situated at the northern end and on the northwest side of the Parkway. Four of the six counties that make up the third class are found in Virginia. All of these counties are adjacent to at least one county in the first two classes. This finding points to the tendency for manufacturing firms to agglomerate. Fifteen counties make up the two smallest classes and their locations reflect limited population bases, a lack of natural resources and limited transportation linkages to major areas of consumption. Transportation and Other Public Utility Establishments. There are only 927 establishments that provide transport and utility services in the study area, the third smallest business category. Although these functions may be the most important for society at large, they do not make much of an impact on the visible economic landscape. Buncombe and Roanoke Counties have almost 31 percent of the total establishments (Figure 9). The 152 and 131 businesses in the two counties are much larger than the totals in the second class. Six counties are included in the second class. All of them are counties with relatively large resident popula- Parkways Conference Proceedings tions and five of the six are located in North Carolina. The three smallest classes contain twenty-one of the twenty-nine counties in the study area, but only account for 345 establishments or about 37 percent of the total. Spatially, these counties tend to cluster around the more highly populated counties. Wholesale Trade Establishments. Location is probably more important to wholesaling than any other type of business activity considered in this paper. The need to be central to a large productive and consumptive service area is paramount and this principle explains the importance of Roanoke and Buncombe Counties (Figure 10). Even within the highest class there is great disparity as Roanoke has 219 more wholesale businesses than Buncombe. Roanoke's location at the southeastern end of the highly productive Shenandoah Valley explains its numerical superiority. Buncombe County has better access than Roanoke because of the intersection of Interstate Highways 40 and 26, but its mountain environment and limited service area reduce its locational significance as a wholesale center. The two largest centers account for more than 48 percent of all wholesale establishments in the Blue Ridge Parkway Area. Only four counties are included in the second class and three of these are located in North Carolina. Henderson County is adjacent to Buncombe, and Wilkes and Surry Counties are spatially connected just south of theNorth Carolina-Virginia border. Augusta County is the sole Virginia representative and it is located at the northern tip of the Parkway. Nine counties are included in the third class, four in Virginia and five in North Carolina. These counties tend to cluster and to be in proximity to counties with large resident populations. The remaining counties are of limited importance as wholesaling centers. Retail Trade Establishments. Direct provision of goods to the general public is the second most important economic activity in the study area in terms of total establishments. Retail activity is highly correlated with population and thus the primary position of Roanoke and Buncombe Counties is as expected (Figure 11). �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Lovingood and Mitchell 171 Figure 7 NUMBER OF CONTRACT CONSTRUCTION ESTABLISHMENTS BLUE RIDGE PRRKWRY >39 TO 458 01 TO 195 53 TO 90 20 TO 47 H TO 19 SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PRTTERNS Figure 8 NUMBER OF MANUFACTURING ESTABLISHMENTS BLUE RIDGE PRRKWRY I 244 TO 276 106 TO 164 50 TO 65 27 TO 45 SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PRTTERNS 11 TO 24 �172 These counties have more than twice as many establishments as the second class of retail centers. Seven of the eight counties included in the second class are found in North Carolina. Six of the eight secondary retail centers have significant residential populations. The two exceptions, Hay wood and Watauga Counties in North Carolina, are explained by a concentration of tourism and educational facilities and activities. Resident populations in these counties would not support such a large number of retail establishments, but tourists and students provide the necessary monetary base. The third class of retail counties, of which there are five, are located in proximity to counties with larger populations. Fourteen counties are included in the two smallest classes and are evenly distributed in the two-state area. They tend to be positioned in physical environments that are extremely rugged and as a result have poor access. Finance. Insurance and Real Estate Establishments. Services provided by various finance, insurance and realty firms are concentrated in the three counties of Roanoke, Buncombe and Augusta (Figure 12). Although these counties are much larger in terms of total establishments than all other counties there is also great variation within this class. Roanoke has 205 more businesses than Buncombe, and Buncombe has 153 more than Augusta. This variance, for the most part, reflects the differences in the economic base and resident populations of these counties. All seven counties in the second class are located in North Carolina. This location clearly reflects the importance of population size, tourist attractions and educational facilities to these counties. The three lowest classes include nineteen counties none of which has one-tenth the number of establishments as Roanoke. In fact, all of these counties added together do not have the number of financial businesses of that county. These counties do not possess a productive environment or the linkages necessary to be financial, insurance or real estate centers. Services Establishments. Services establishments are absolutely and relatively the most significant type of business activity in the Blue Parkways Conference Proceedings Ridge Parkway Area. The Metropolitan Counties of Roanoke and Buncombe make up the first class (Figure 13). Both counties have more than twice as many services businesses as the next highest county. Nine counties, two in Virginia and seven in North Carolina, are included in the second class of services establishments. The Virginia counties are Augusta and Rockbridge located on the north and west side of the Parkway, and at its northern extremity. Five of the North Carolina counties are on the south and east side of the Parkway and have relatively large populations. Haywood and Watauga Counties on the northwest side of the Parkway have limited permanent populations but possess several tourist and educational centers that provide an extensive range of personal and public services. None of the remaining eighteen counties are out of the ordinary in terms of the number of services establishments. Unclassified Establishments. Establishments that are unclassified cannot play a significant role in characterizing the economic nature of the study area. These businesses are either difficult to classify or for some reason do not fit into the specific definitions used by the Department of Commerce. Nevertheless, the distribution of suchfirms is illustrated in Figure 14. Almost 30 percent of the total are found in the first class which includes Roanoke and Buncombe Counties. Only four counties are included in the second class and they account for more than 21 percent of the total. Thus, six counties account for slightly more than 50 percent of all unclassified establishments. This finding is to be expected because the most unusual types of establishments tend to be found in major population centers. The remaining twenty-three counties are relatively unimportant because on the average they account for little more than two percent of the unclassified establishments. As a result of the above analysis a number of findings about the distribution of business enterprises in the Blue Ridge Parkway Area are fairly obvious. First, Roanoke and Buncombe Counties dominate the economic landscape of the study area. Second, there is a fairly high correlation between the location of business �173 IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Lovingood and Mitchell Figure 9 NUMBER OF TRANSPORTATION AND OTHER PUBLIC UTILITIES ESTABLISHMENTS BLUE RIDGE PRRKWRY 10 TO 16 SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PATTERNS Figure 10 NUMBER OF WHOLESALE TRADE ESTABLISHMENTS SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PflTTERNS 6 TO 8 �174 types and population. Counties with the largest populations tend to have the highest number of establishments of all types. Thus, eight counties, six in North Carolina and two in Virginia, stand out as concentrations of business establishments. Third, in most business categories, counties in Virginia are not as significant as those in North Carolina. Fourth, several counties contain more businesses than would be expected. Augusta in Virginia is outstanding because of its physical size and situation with regard to transportation routes and urban centers. Haywood and Watauga in North Carolina are above average because of their concentration of tourist and educational facilities and activities. Fifth, those counties that usually appear in the three lower classes of business types are lacking in some natural and/or human resources. REGIONS OFTHE BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY Six formal regions were developed using the hierarchical grouping procedure as discussed in the section on methodology (Figure 15). Each region is homogeneous in terms of the ten types of enterprises used in this study. This means the difference in the data varies more between the regions than it does within a given region (Figure 16). There are three single-county regions: Region 2 - Buncombe, Region 5 - Augusta and Region 6 - Roanoke (Figures 15 and 16). As noted in the previous discussions of the ten individual enterprise types these three counties dominate the statistics. All of these counties have large, productive service areas and excellent transportation and communication networks. Roanoke and Buncombe by their very size are important business centers and this concentration of business enterprises acts as a magnet in attracting and maintaining a high level of economic activity. Augusta County, with the independent cities of Staunton and Waynesboro, is not as dominant as Roanoke and Buncombe but because of its large physical size, numerous small urban-like places, significant population and excellent accessibility is classified as a single-county region. Parkways Conference Proceedings Region 3 consists of seven counties all in North Carolina. The average number of specific establishments in these counties is lower than in the three single-county regions but above those found in other multi-county regions (Figure 16). Five counties in this region (Henderson, Burke, Caldwell, Wilkes, Surry) have populations varying between 60,000 and 90,000, are located on the southeast side of the Parkway with relatively productive hinterlands and have good access because of interstate highways. The other two counties (Haywood and Watauga) are located on the northwest side of the Parkway in the mountains proper, contain tourism and educational complexes, and have better than adequate access routes due to their location in relation to the Parkway. These counties are not in the same economic class as the three single county regions; nevertheless, they contain large numbers of establishments of most types and are important generators of economic activity. Region 4 is made up of six counties, three in each state. These counties have no discernible spatial pattern except that four of them share a common boundary with one of the three single-county regions. One of the other two counties (Jackson) is relatively close to Buncombe County, but Carroll County, Virginia is relatively isolated from the most significant regions. Region 4 is not poverty stricken in terms of businesses but it is some 30 to 40 percent below that of Region 3. Region 1 is the largest with 13 counties, seven in Virginia and six in North Carolina. These counties have limited numbers of business establishments (Figure 16). In areal economic sense this region is poverty stricken because it is lacking in the facilities and attendant activities that constitute a viable economy. In spatial terms the seven counties in Virginia have no recognizable pattern; if anything, the distribution resembles a hop-scotch because the counties tend to skip back and forth across and along the Parkway. All of the Region 1 counties in North Carolina are located on the northwest or mountain side of the Parkway, and this reflects the ruggedness of the physical geography and its limited resource base. �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Lovingood and Mitchell Figure 11 NUMBER OF RETAIL TRADE ESTABLISHMENTS BLUE RIDGE PRRKWRY SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PflTTERNS Figure 12 NUMBER OF FINANCE, INSURANCE AND REAL ESTATE ESTABLISHMENTS SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PRTTERNS 175 �176 The regionalization scheme f emulated here has identified six regions, each homogeneous in terms of the number of and type of business establishments. Three of the regions consist of a single county. These counties, Roanoke, Buncombe and Augusta, have large numbers of establishments and thus dominate the economic landscape. The economic superiority of these three regions is explained by their location in productive service areas and nearness to major transport arteries. One additional region, Region 3, consists of seven economically viable counties. None of these counties can compete with the three dominant regions but they do have the mix of business types and number of establishments that constitute above average economic conditions. The site and situational characteristics of these seven counties are not as strong as the leaders but they differ more in degree than in kind. Regions 1 and 4 consisting of nineteen counties are economically disadvantaged compared to the other regions. Their locations with regard to the physical and cultural resource requirements of a post-industrial economy are poor. A comparison of the Virginia and North Carolina counties that make up the Blue Ridge Parkway Area reveals that the Virginia counties, as a whole, are considerably worse off in terms of economic indicators. With the exception of Roanoke and Augusta Counties, all of the other Virginia counties are found in Regions 1 and 4, the two poorest regions (Figure 16). Only Roanoke and Augusta Counties on the northern side of the Parkway are in a position to take advantage of the productivity of the Shenandoah Valley, and the southern counties are adjacent to the relatively sterile upper Virginia Piedmont. North Carolina, on the other hand, only has one of the three major economic centers, but it also contains all of the counties that make up Region 3. These counties are all economically viable because of their location in proximity to the manufacturing centers of the "fertile crescent," excellent access routes, or to the existence of tourism and educational complexes in scenic mountain areas. While the counties in North Carolina are generally better off than those in Virginia, nine of the seventeen Parkways Conference Proceedings counties, more than one-half, are classified in the two establishment poor regions (Figures 15 and 16). CONCLUSIONS The counties of the Blue Ridge Parkway Area are not homogeneous in terms of the number of and/or type of business establishments. Rather, the study area is heterogeneous and has been analyzed in terms of ten specific establishment types and one regionalization scheme. Each of the ten establishment types has different spatial distributions as illustrated in Figures 5 through 14. Although these patterns are fundamentally different there are a large number of similarities as noted above. A holistic view of the entire study area was presented spatially in Figure 15 and aspatially in Figure 16. These illustrations show that the study area can be logically divided into six homogeneous, formal regions. Three of these are single-county regions which are the principal economic growth poles along the Parkway. The three multi-county regions are at three different economic levels: prosperous, poor, and poverty-stricken. The Blue Ridge Parkway with its twentynine counties has been analyzed from an economic geography perspective. Similarities and differences between the physical and cultural environments have been noted and the regions of economic viability have been identified. There are six implications of these findings for the Parkway. First, prosperous counties continue to attract business establishments and thus the Parkway traveler is well served when he or she stops in one of these counties. Second, increased economic growth adjacent to the Parkway may alter the natural, park-like vistas that are an important part of the Parkway experience. Third, the recently completed routeway may serve as a magnet to attract even more travelers to the area and thus further enhance the economic growth of surrounding counties. Fourth, continued growth and development may cause serious congestion along the Parkway, especially at entrance and exit points. Fifth, increased travel along the Parkway may increase the rate of deterioration of the pathway �177 IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Lovingood and Mitchell Figure 13 NUMBER OF SERVICES ESTABLISHMENTS BLUE RIDGE PRRKWflY 1.376 TO 1.673 68 TO 86 SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PRTTERNS 31 TO 49 Figure 14 NUMBER OF UNCLASSIFIED ESTABLISHMENTS BLUE RIDGE PflRKWRY 27 TO 49 SOURCE: COUNTY BUSINESS PRTTERNS 12 TO 20 �178 Parkways Conference Proceedings Figure 15 CLASSES BASED ON THE AVERAGE NUMBER OF SPECIFIC ESTABLISHMENTS AS A PERCENT OF ALL ESTABLISHMENTS - BY COUNTY BLUE RIDGE PRRKWflY REGION 6 1 | : REGION 5 REGION 4 REGION 3 REGION 2 REGION 1 SOURCE: COUNTY RUSINESS PHITERNS FIGURE 16 CLASSES BASED ON AVERAGE NUMBER OF SPECIFIC ESTABLISHMENTS AS A PERCENT OF ALL ESTABLISHMENTS REGIONS ESTABLISHMENTS 1 2 3 4 5 6 48 Agricultural Services, Forestry & Fisheries 3 38 12 8 19 Mining 1 6 2 2 4 12 Contract Construction 34 381 124 78 239 458 106 48 112 244 152 Manufacturing 28 276 Transportation & Other Public Utilities 13 131 37 20 80 Wholesale Trade 12 291 60 29 103 510 Retail Trade 88 386 186 551 1,398 1,131 Finance, Insurance, & Real Estate 17 323 69 41 170 528 Services 76 1,376 330 177 622 1,673 Unclassified 31 305 104 56 158 Region Size (Counties) 13 1 7 6 1 391 1 �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Davis and Plemmons and to related facilities. Sixth and last, the Parkway and the twenty-nine adjacent counties exist in a symbiotic relationship and any alterations of the surrounding environment or the Parkway itself will result in either advantageous or deleterious transformations. In general, the economic framework of the Blue Ridge Parkway Area is normal and change is most likely to occur in those counties with the largest populations and the greatest number of business establishments. BIBLIOGRAPHY Lovingood, Paul E., Jr. and Robert. E. Reiman, "A Regionalization of County Business Patterns in the Southern Appalachians". Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Regional Science Association. March 1986. Pattison, William D., "The Four Traditions of 179 Geography". The Journal of Geography. Vol. 63 (1964), pp. 211-216. SAS Institute Inc. SAS User's Guide: Statistics. Gary, North Carolina: SAS Institute Inc., 1982. U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. County Business Patterns, 1984, North Carolina. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1986. U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. County Business Patterns, 1984, Virginia. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1986. Ward, J. H., "Hierarchical Grouping to Optimize an Objective Function". Journal American Statistical Association. Vol. 58 (1963), pp. 236-244. Waugh, T. C. and J. McCalden. Gimms Reference Manual. Edinburgh, Scotland: Gimms, Ltd., 1983. Enhancing the Parkway Experience Through Side Trips to North Carolina State Parks William W. Davis and Margaret F. Plemmons FOREWORD The Blue Ridge Parkway in North Carolina is no less than a scenic wonderland, each season as glorious as the one preceding it. The vastness of the mountaintop panorama, with the fresh air and the quiet wonder, provides a healing calm for a nation moving far too quickly to appreciate its remaining heritage. As the Blue Ridge Parkway opens a door to the beauty of the once-inaccessible mountain treasures, the nearby state parks in North Carolina provide just the right opportunity for an interactive experience with our natural heritage itself. The following narrative describes the protected areas of the western region of North Carolina which have been preserved as state parks. The historical significance, the geological, biological, and scenic attractions, and the recreational opportunities are outlined for each park. It is the hope of the North Carolina Department of Natural Resources and Community Development's Division of Parks and Recreation, that Blue Ridge Parkway travelers will enhance their experience on the Parkway through side trips to North Carolina state parks, the wonders of which belong to all of us. MOUNT MITCHELL STATE PARK The year 1914 was a turning point in the mountain region of North Carolina. Fraser fir and red spruce, previously plentiful on the mountaintops, were being destroyed by logging companies. Early conservationists were alarmed. So was Governor Locke Craig. Governor Craig took action, and the 1915 General Assembly authorized the purchase of 1,224 acres of land to ensure that Mount Mitchell, �180 Parkways Conference Proceedings Mount Mitchell "the most noted mountain in the eastern portion of the United States, was preserved in its original beauty and grandeur, for ourselves and our posterity'* as North Carolina's first state park. The highest peak in eastern America, Mount Mitchell, stands 6,684 feet high in the Black Mountain range. Many other peaks within the park and surrounding National Forests soar to over 6000 feet. These mountains were the battleground of the Cherokee, Catawba, and Iroquois Indian tribes in the 1600's. Mount Mitchell was named for Dr. Elisha Mitchell, who fell to his death in 1857 while verifying his earlier (1835) measurement of the height of the mountain, previously called "Black Dome." He is buried at the summit of his mountain. When Mount Mitchell first became a state park, there were few visitors because of the inaccessibility of the region. Those who did visit generally drove on privately-owned toll roads to the old logging camp, Camp Alice, and hiked the remaining mile to the summit of the mountain. The Roosevelt Administration's federally funded work program for the unemployed, initiated in the 1930's, gave a new thrust to the development of national parks. Mount Mitchell benefited from the federal program as the Civilian Conservation Corps provided manpower for the concession stand construction, water system installation, trail blazing, and general park landscaping. But it wasn't until 1946 that State Road 128 was built from milepost 355 on the Parkway to the summit, allowing Mount Mitchell's visitation to soar. Today's visitors can enjoy a meal at the restaurant from May through October. There are nine tent campsites, available on a first come first serve basis. Other camping facilities are located in the surrounding Rsgah National Forest. Near the summit are picnic areas with grills, and a snack bar. A museum is located along the short walk to the summit where an �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Davis and Plemmons observation tower provides a 360-degree view of the Black Mountains. Eighteen miles of trails enable those who wish to hike to the famous summit and at least four other peaks of over 6500 feet elevation to do so. These trails connect to many trails in the Pisgah National Forest, providing opportunities for hikes of any length. Much of Mount Mitchell is mica gneisses and schists. The alpine-type flora near the summit is similar to Canadian alpine communities. In the summer, the slopes are covered with bearberry, rhododendron, white hellebore, blue bearded Clinton's lily, and other flowering plants. The interpretive rangers offer guided nature hikes and educational programs. MOUNT JEFFERSON/ NEW RIVER STATE PARKS Mount Jefferson and New River State Parks lie only ten miles from each other in the northwestern corner of North Carolina. Both are accessible from milepost 261 on the Parkway by way of Highway 16 North. Mount Jefferson can be clearly seen from the overlook at mile marker 266. An enjoyable 30 mile loop allows one to visit both parks. Take 16 north 0.5 miles to 163 west. After passing several views of the South Fork of the New River, at 9 miles from the Blue Ridge Parkway, a sign directs you to the entrance of Mount Jefferson State Park. After visiting Mount Jefferson, turn right on 16 and follow the signs to New River State Park 6.6 miles to the bridge over the New River at NC 88. Turn under the bridge and drive 3 miles downstream along the river on a gravel road to the Wagoner Road Access. After returning to 16 south follow along the South Fork of the New River 7.3 more miles to the Blue Ridge Parkway. Prior to Mount Jefferson's acceptance into the state park system, it was called Panther Mountain. It has since been re-named after President Thomas Jefferson's family. Mount Jefferson is noted for its 541 acres of beauty between the North Fork and the South Fork of the New River. 181 A panoramic scene including three states may be viewed from the 4,683-foot summit of Mount Jefferson. Whitetop Mountain in Virginia, Grandfather Mountain in North Carolina and mountains in Tennessee can be seen on clear days. Millions of years ago, the mountain itself was part of a large plateau. Most of this plateau has eroded leaving Mount Jefferson more than 1600 feet above the surrounding terrain. One of the most outstanding chestnut-oak forests in the nation is located on the summit. A heavy undergrowth of purple Rhododendron, mountain laurel and flame azalea completes the vegetational community. Dead chestnut trees still stand in the upper elevations. Chestnut saplings reaching as high as 12 feet sprout from the roots of the old chestnut trees. Wild flowers which grow profusely include iris, jack in the pulpit, galax, solomon seal, dutchman's breeches, as well as dutchman's pipes. The Rhododendron Trail, a self guided one hour walk, provides information on natural history, human history, and legends of the mountain. The cave near the top of the mountain is said to have been part of the Underground Railroad. The Summit Trail leads to afiretower with excellent views of the pastoral valley as well as surrounding mountains. Picnickers can enjoy themselves surrounded by rhododendron, usually in bloom in June. Only a few miles from Mount Jefferson, New River State Park offers the Parkway traveler 498 acres at three sites on a 26-mile stretch of the New River. Famous for canoe outings, the Wagoner Road access in the park is the state's most popular "put-in" point for canoe outings. Two canoe campgrounds and canoe rentals are available through nearby commercial outfitters. The New River park currently consists of three access sites along the river. The first site is the Wagoner Road Access which is 3 miles downstream along a gravel road (NC secondary road 1588) off of N. C. Highway 16 N at Index, N. C. approximately eight miles SE of Jefferson, N.C. The second site, the U. S. 221 Access which can only be reached by canoe, is approximately 1 mile upstream, south, of the bridge �182 Parkways Conference Proceedings Mount Jefferson NewRiver �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Davis and Plemmons crossing the river at Scottville, N.C. A primitive campground with water and pit toilets is located at this site. The third access, the Alleghany County access, is located approximately 1 mile upstream, south, of the state line. This site is also accessible only from the river and provides primitive camping with water and pit toilets as well as a rough shelter-office building. Development plans for this site propose a full facility drive in tent and trailer camping area as well as extensive hiking and bridal trails. On June 30, 1987, Governor Jim Martin announced that the State had approved financial assistance to Ashe County to build a canoe access facility at the NC 88/16 bridge near Index. Ashe County will match this grant with local funds as well as operate and maintain this site. The development of this access site will greatly facilitate public use of the river. Despite its name, the New is the World's second oldest river. Hundreds of millions of years ago it formed the headwaters of the Teays River. The Teays, which pre-dated the Appalachian Mountains, was a huge river that contained the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers as tributaries. Glacial activity in the last million years changed the river channels of the Teays, but did not directly affect the New River. Today the river channel exists essentially the same as it did in prehistoric times. Three species of endangered plants are found along the river: the Virginia spiraea, waterstar mudplantain, and Carolina saxifrage. In addition, six aquatic species which are threatened or of special concern live in the river's waters. These species include a snail, a crayfish and four fish. In the 1960's, the Appalachian Power Company was granted a permit to construct a hydro-electric facility on the river. The series of dams required for this facility would have flooded the valley and destroyed the unique natural habitats. After a long fight by local citizens and supporters across the country, the New River was protected from dam construction by inclusion in the Scenic River System. The best way to appreciate the beauty and history of the region is by canoeing the 26.5 mile "Scenic River" stretch of the New River as it flows north from Dog Creek to the N.C.-Va. 183 line. Beginning and intermediate canoers will be challenged by the few rapids. STONE MOUNTAIN STATE PARK Stone Mountain State Park lies between New River and Pilot Mountain State Parks. Stone Mountain is actually a 350 million year old dome-shaped granite mass with a circumference of over three miles. This awesome feature has been a state park since 1969 and is listed on the National Registry of Natural Areas. A dramatic view of Stone Mountain can be seen from the overlook located at milepost 232 on the Blue Ridge Parkway. To reach the park at milepost 229 take US 21 South for 10 miles, then turn right on state road 1002. Park signs lead the way to the entrance, which is deep in the mountain woods. Originally the hunting grounds of the Catawba Indians, Stone Mountain's wilderness environment is habitat for bear, cougars, and a herd of feral goats. Fishermen enjoy both stocked and native trout streams. The 200-foot Beauty Falls is an unequalled attraction. The park includes both mountain and piedmont vegetation. Along streams and in moist coves are found a variety of trees such as hemlock, beech, tulip poplar, basswood, northern red oak, sweet birch, fraser magnolia, silverbell, and hickory. Rosebay rhododendron often dominate the understory along creeks. Away from the creeks flowering herbs dominate the forest floor in spring and summer. A transition of species occurs with changes in elevation. Oak forests, with subcanopies of dogwood and sourwood, dominate the open, drier slopes. A shrub community of bearberry, blueberry, and mountain laurel is common. An abrupt change from the oak forest to pine forest often occurs along the driest ridges, with the pine forest dominating the drier ridges. Catawba rhododendron are also found on the upper slopes and ridges of Stone Mountain. The 11,285 acre Stone Mountain State Park is relatively undeveloped. Both tent and backcountry camping are available. Trails, including continuous loop trails, rate from easy to strenuous. One of the most popular trails crosses �184 Parkways Conference Proceedings Stone Mountain Pilot Mountain �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Davis and Plemmons the top of Stone Mountain providing tremendous views of the Blue Ridge Escarpment and the park interior. The trail descends near 200 foot tall Beauty Falls and returns through the forests along Big Sandy Creek. Young visitors often slide down slick stream rocks into deep, cool pools of pure mountain water. Birdwatchers hold hikes several times each season. Many resident and migratory species, including the ruffed grouse, the pileated woodpecker, and the scarlet tanager have been identified. Rapelling is a popular sport for hardy climbers who enjoy the challenge of the bare mountain face. Professional rapellers hold informative seminars which are of wide appeal to curious visitors. As in the other state parks, interpretive rangers lead nature hikes and host school groups for environmental education outings. There is also a guided nature trail designed for visitors to learn about the wilderness habitat at their own pace. PILOT MOUNTAIN Pilot Mountain State Park covers 3,748 acres on the western end of the Sauratown range. For Parkway visitors, it is very simple to locate from milepost 199 in Fancy Gap, Virginia. From there, Highway 52 South leads directly to the park entrance, 30 miles away. Pilot Mountain was dedicated as a National Natural Landmark in 1970, due to its visually stimulating appearance. Pilot Mountain commands the landscape for miles around with its unique shape. The Indians called it "Jomeokee" meaning "Great Guide" or "Pilot". 3,000 square miles are visible from Big Pinnacle, a 200-foot tall quartzite marvel which begins 1400 feet above the valley floor. A paved road leads to the Little Pinnacle where picnic facilities are located. A short walk to the Little Pinnacle overlook provides a view of the Big Pinnacle and Dan and Yadkin River Valleys. Trails of vary ing length and difficulty begin here. Rapelling is permitted on the Little Pinnacle but not the Big Pinnacle. The chestnut-oak forests provide habitat for many species of wildlife. Ravens populate the knob, one of their few remaining habitats. 185 Over 70 families of vascular plants can be easily identified in the park, and in the spring the summit area is covered with rhododendron and mountain laurel. Both resident and migratory songbirds make the atmosphere of Pilot Mountain restful and appealing. The Yadkin River Section of the park, which is connected with the pinnacle section by a corridor, consists of 1300 acres on the Surry and Yadkin County sides of the Yadkin River as well as two large islands in the river. To reach this section by roads, exit the main section of the park on US 52 South, turn right at the Pinnacle exit and follow signs to the park. The last mile is currently a gravel road. A group camping area as well as picnic areas are located in this section of the park. Gravel roads lead to the river, where fishing is permitted. Sunfish and catfish are the most common fish. A canoe access site is located on the Yadkin County side of the river near East Bend. There is also a primitive canoe-access campground available on the larger island. This is part of the 165 mile long Yadkin River Trail. A six mile long Corridor trail descends from the pinnacle to the Yadkin River. This trail is used by hikers and horseback riders. The Sauratown Trail, which connects Pilot Mountain with Hanging Rock, is also used by both hikers and horseback riders. Other activities visitors enjoy include family camping, picnicking, fishing, and interpretive programs. Pilot Mountain's location is ideal for stargazing. Astronomy programs are often conducted at Pilot Mountain State Park during the clear nights of the summer and fall. HANGING ROCK STATE PARK Citizen involvement and volunteer assistance are vital factors in the development of state parks. Often, parks are created on land obtained through a combination of purchased and donated tracts. One such park is Hanging Rock State Park, which was developed in 1935 on 3000 acres in the Sauratown Mountains donated by citizens of Stokes County and Winston-Salem. Hanging Rock is conveniently located in �186 Parkways Conference Proceedings HangingRock SauralownTrail �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Davis and Plemmons the north central part of the state, and only a 40minute ride from the Blue Ridge Parkway at its closest point. From milepost 165 in Virginia, Highway 89 (connecting with Highway 8 in North Carolina) leads into Danbury, North Carolina, where there are signs for the park. The easternmost mountain in North Carolina, Hanging Rock is a mountain away from the mountains. Its mountainous topography and piedmont location allow piedmont and mountain ecosystems to co-exist. Here geology and vegetation similar to the Blue Ridge are found amid the Piedmont, providing a comprehensive view of both regions in just one state park visit! The major features of the park are the quartzite-capped rock outcrops, especially Hanging Rock, Moore's Knob, and Cook's Wall. Notable structures in the park include an observation tower on Moore's Knob. Visitors to Hanging Rock may participate in active recreation, such as swimming, canoeing, hiking, and climbing. Rock climbing is allowed on Moore's Knob and Cook's Wall but not onHanging Rock itself. The lake created by the CCC is popular for swimming and boating. Educational programs are offered several times each month by trained staff members. Hanging Rock provides a varied habitat for over 300 species of identifiable mountain and piedmont flora. The elevation climbs from 1000 feet at the gate to 2579 feet at Moore's Knob. This is one of the few regions in which Carolina and Canadian hemlock grow together. Table Mountain Pine and chestnut oak are the major trees. Mountain camelia, catawba and rosebay rhododendron, mountain laurel, the deciduous pinxter flower, azalea, trailing arbutus, and galax, flowers normally found in the mountains, provide an extended blooming season. Sundew is also found here, 100 miles out of its normal range. There are currently over 18 miles of trails to guide visitors along scenic heights, waterfalls, and rocky ridges. A new trail under construction will lead to the Dan River. Acanoe access site and primitive campground which will be part of the Dan River Trail are under development at the Dan River where it runs through the park. The transition of habitat from 187 the Dan River to the rock peaks provides food and habitat for varied wildlife. Raccoon are plentiful and there are populations of deer, gray fox, bobcat and numerous reptiles, and amphibians. Birds, particularly those suited to upper canopy forests, are common. All of this combines to make camping in the park appealing to vacationers. Hanging Rock also offers cabin rentals, which must be reserved months in advance. An added appeal of Hanging Rock State Park is that horsemen and hikers can travel directly from one state park to another, Pilot Mountain, using the SauratownTrail. (Seemap below.) Twenty miles in length, this trail traverses public roadsides and private land, made possible through cooperative agreements with landowners. This is a magnificent example of citizen cooperation and a sharing of our fine resources so that we may all appreciate them. A special feeling is created by the facilities constructed by the Civilian Conservation Corps in the 1930's and 1940's. The large stone and notched exposed beam-covered picnic shelters, a stone bathhouse overlooking the lake, and rock walls are all reminiscent of the Blue Ridge Parkway. SUMMARY More than half the population of the United States is within easy access of the Blue Ridge Parkway. With the recognition of the importance of natural heritage preservation by the state and many citizens organizations, the western region of North Carolina boasts many state parks not to be missed on a trip down the Blue Ridge Parkway. The design and splendor of the Parkway itself force us to slow down and open our eyes to the natural beauty which has existed through the ages. North Carolina's state parks provide the opportunity to explore and appreciate it. Across North Carolina, more than 45 additional state parks and recreation areas are within easy access of major population areas, just waiting for visitors to discover the habitats and natural features so vital to our past, and preserved for our future generations. �188 Parkways Conference Proceedings A Deeper Understanding of the Landscape Awaits Interpretation by the Traveling Parkway Visitor /. Dan Pittillo INTRODUCTION Parkways are generally considered to be resources and sites for leisure uses such as driving for pleasure, biking, hiking, viewing, andphotographing. But are the managers really providing the visitor with the greatest value that a parkway might offer, namely its relationship with the natural landscape setting? Is there an effort to provide parkway visitors valuable understandings of the natural landscape that modern science has discovered? The example of the Blue Ridge Parkway will illustrate where we have the opportunity to go if aprogram of active interpretation is developed. In this brief essay the objective is to describe some examples of research and field observations that are available for interpretation for the Parkway visitor. First we will look at some good examples of interpretation that should be developed. Among them are newly developed theories of how the Blue Ridge relates to the mountain building processes of plate tectonics. Paleoecologists have been able to piece together some ideas of what happened in the more recent past. Botanists have found that many of the rare relict plants of the higher elevations along the Blue Ridge Parkway are related to past climatic influences and distributions. Endangered or threatened plant populations are a valuable resource that find their habitats continually impacted; these need protection and understanding by managers and visitors of the Parkway. Lastly we will suggest some ways that might be considered in development of the interpretative program. How the earth, plants, and animals interact and how they can be viewed are valuable lessons to the astute Parkway visitor. The Parkway visitor can, in his leisure, enjoy the more rewarding depth of understanding of the beauties of Earth and not feel the Parkways are simply a place to speed from point to point. The mystery of the unknown and the path toward under- standing are among the most rewarding experiences of the human mind. Parkway visitors can be provided this deeper understanding at their leisure. THE RISE OF THE APPALACHIANS As travellers approach the 2000-4000 feet of relief of the Blue Ridge Mountains, how often have they pondered, "How did these mountains come to be and how long have they been here?" These questions have been answered in part many times before and usually differently as scientists have added new facts. In the first half of this century, scientists dated the Blue Ridge of the Appalachian Mountains as one of the older ranges in the world, with the rocks of such places as Whiteside Mountain initially estimated about 250 million years old (Keith 1907, p. 4), but rocks of the Whiteside area are now considered much older, about 400 million years as the minimum (McNiff 1967). It was only after the International Geophysical Year, which began in 1957, that the general concept of Wegener on Continental Drift became more accepted in the expanded concept of Plate Tectonics (cf. Wilson 1963 and Scientific American 1970). Following the acceptance of the general concept of Plate Tectonics, the Appalachians are now theorized to have involved many episodes that culminated around 300-275 million years ago (Oliver 1980). To the east, a vast sea, know as the Proto-Atlantic, was spreading 800700 million years ago. Some microcontinents (or islands and peninsulas) formed to the east. Then 600-500 million years ago the Proto-Atlantic began to close and the microcontinents were thrust upon the North American continent. Around 400-350 million years ago an island arc formed to the east and this was subsequently thrust upon the North American continent as Africa collided with North America. Geolo- �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Pitillo gists now theorize that the North American crust was coming from remnants of the smaller microcontinents and volcanic islands that became fused to form our present Blue Ridge and Piedmont (Hatcher 1978; Oliver 1980). Recent seismic techniques for underground exploration indicate that the existing Blue Ridge is an overthrust sheet of metamorphic rocks covering sedimentary rocks similar to those presently found in eastern Tennessee. This has led to speculation about the possibility of gas being trapped beneath the Blue Ridge (Oliver 1980). It is this ancient landscape that the Parkway visitor sees. The visitor is mainly impressed by the dense and extensive green mantle of forests that cloak the mountains to their peaks, sustained by the deep layer of moist soil that was produced by the decay of the rocks during thousands of years. Only occasionally is the forest cover broken by a rock outcropping. More frequently the break in this tree mantle is a product of human activities, with pastures, crops, developed areas, etc., most common in the valleys below the Parkway. It might be enlightening to muse what it might have been like to stand in the southern Appalachians on a mountain at 10,000 feet elevation during the age of dinosaurs. It certainly would reveal a different vision than the present scenery. THE UNEARTHING OF THE PAST HISTORY We are now able to learn many details of more recent history by probing the sediments of recent deposits. This is because of advances in aging sediments by a process called thermolumenescence. Combined with study of the prefossil deposits of plant pieces and pollen, this allows our reconstruction of some interesting past events. One site that has proved especially valuable is at Flat Laurel Gap near Mount Pisgah. Paleoecologists have recently produced the following story for the site (Shafer 1985). About 12,000 years ago when the permafrost melted, a fine, mustard-colored silt washed from melted permafrost slopes and was deposited in the basin at Flat Laurel Gap. Around 9,000 years ago there were deluges of rainfall, 189 resulting in debris avalanches, some of which also moved down into the basin. The botanical record stretches back to 3,000 years ago andhas a dominance of heath species that continues to the present, the longest known southern Appalachian record. These heath species consist of rhododendrons, mountain laurel, blueberries, and other heaths, but include some species now extirpated from the site, such as leatherleaf (Chamaedaphne calyculata) and bog rosemary (Andromedia glaucophylla\ Some other events of note include the extirpation of Fraser fir (Abies fraserD in the late 1800's and American chestnut in the 1930's. It is noteworthy that within the glade of Flat Laurel Gap there remains an open stony flat with an active patterned ground, a geologic term for sorting of coarse to fine materials by alternative freezing and thawing. Apparently the freeze-thaw action on the small boulders and gravel that now occurs within the stony flat during the relatively milder winters of this interglacial time is strong enough to produce small polygons of sorted stones that are about 15-20 cm across. Besides the ancient heath community of Flat Laurel Gap, another species of note here is the bog asphodel (Tofieldia racemosa var. glutinosa). This small lily blooms in the early summer with a spike of white flowers covered with sparkling red glands, like small ruby gems throughout the inflorescence. This "botanical gem" is found scattered along the Appalachians and into Canada. THE NECKLACE OF BOTANICAL GEMS Throughout the growing season, colorful plants are draped from the banks and along the shoulders of the Parkway much as the necklace of sparkling gems of a princess. These showy plants, as well as the rare and endangered plants of the states of North Carolina (Pittillo and Govus 1978) and more recently of Virginia (Coleman and Pittillo 1987), have been mapped and described in the "manual" of important plant habitats for the National Park Service. In Virginia, many of these have been transplanted during and following the construction of the �190 Parkway, producing displays such as the red spruces at Bluff Mountain (mile 51.2) and purple rhododendrons at Laurel Springs (mile 9.3). In many places the Parkway crosses or encompasses beautiful examples of old growth plant communities, also included in the "manual." The public considers Craggy Gardens as one of the outstanding "botanical gems" of the Blue Ridge Parkway. This area has long been sought out for its colorful June displays of purple rhododendron (Rhododendron catawbienseX Over the years, additional botanical finds have made this one of the most significant sites in the southern Appalachians. Many of the Craggy Garden species have affinities to the tundra of the northern Appalachians or farther north in the Arctic tundra. Among the alpine types are spreading avens (Geum radiatumX deerhair bulrush (Scirpus cespitosus var. callosusX andsingle-floweredrush (JuncuscarolmianusX Not only are these plants listed by the state of North Carolina for protection, but their connection with ancestral stock during the glacial periods is significant. Their rareness, then, like a diamond, makes them a valuable part of this "botanical necklace." The dwarfed beeches and yellow birches of the Craggies point to another curiosity in this string of botanical gems. About five miles to the north the Craggies abut the Black Mountains. The Black Mountains extend up to 6,684 feet in elevation atop Mt. Mitchell and the spruce-fir forests extend down to 4,500 feet generally. Looking toward the Black Mountains from Craggy Pinnacle, the dark line of the spuce-fir forest extends downward considerably below the tops of the Craggies. The Craggies rise to slightly over 6000 feet at Craggy Dome and yet, except for a few scattered clumps of Fraser fir and red spruce, are covered primarily with deciduous birches and beeches. This curiosity is yet to be explained but suggestions include the devastation of the spruce-fir forest by the weather changes during the past. Past weather would have played a role in this elimination of the spruce-fir forest in this ecotonal hypothesis that W. H. Whittaker (1956) and A. R Mark (1958) proposed in the 1950's. In this hypothesis the spruce-fir forest moved up dur- Parkways Conference Proceedings ing the warm interglacial period about 5000 years ago and on intermediate peaks the sprucefir was eliminated. When cooling followed and the spruce-fir generally moved down the slopes, those intermediated peaks nothaving spruce-fir became grass balds or became dominated by other species such as heaths. In the Craggies, the heaths presumably were replaced by beeches and yellow birches which became dwarfed by the stressful and severe weather. Another hypothesis that should not be overlooked is the possibility that the spruce-fir forest was lost by fire or a combination of fire and weather damageandhasnotyetbeenreplenished. Thesmall clumps of trees near the outcrops on the south and east sides of Craggy Dome are somewhat similar to clumps that remain in some areas devastated by fire in the Graveyards area of the Balsam Mountains. In the Balsam Mountains to the south are a few more botanical gems that possibly date to glacial times. While working on another project in early summer of 1978,1 noticed a grape fern which seemed out of season (our common grape ferns come up in late summer or fall). It turned out to be the little-leaf grapefern (Botrychium simplex), known generally for Pennsylvania northward to the tundra. There was a good colony on Richland Balsam and later another colony was found farther east at Beech Gap. These have been observed for the past decade or so and generally are decreasing in numbers. A more diligent search in May of 1987 resulted in an additional site with only two plants noted. The interesting thing is that all of these plants are located at high elevations (above 5700 feet) and only on scraped shoulders and banks of the Parkway. I understand that it takes a long period for the gametophytes (the tiny plants scarcely larger than a fingernail that bear the gametes, sperms and eggs) to grow enough to produce sporophytes (the larger ferns we see with the spore-bearing brown dots on the leaf or in this case tiny bead-like clusters that look like miniature green grapes before they ripen) and it had been about 20 years since the construction of the Parkway has been completed. I also learned that a mycologist had discovered that fungus spores can grow from ancient mud �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Pitillo deposits. This led me to speculate that it might be possible that these little-leaf grapef ern plants developed from ancient spores in soils recently exposed by the Parkway construction. Now comes the more difficult task of getting more substantial evidence for this speculation. Many of the botanical gems of the Parkway are more familiar than these. In spring throughout the 470-mile length of the Parkway a showy display of such plants as flame azalea, mountain laurel, and three species of rhododendrons are delightful to the Parkway travellers. But there is an abundance of wildflowers growing throughout the Parkway to make any pan of the summer worth the trip. Trilliums are found in the open forests before the leaves shade them out. Irises, buttercups, fire pinks, bluets, daises, black-eyed susans, phloxes, sundrops, oswego tea, coneflowers, blue bells, monkshoods, goldenrods, asters, gentians, and turtleheads, will give you an indication of the progression of the botanical gems through the growing season. Would anything less than a "necklace of gems" be a suitable metaphor for these beauties of the botanical world? EVENTS IN THE LIVES OF PLANTS What happens when we pay close attention over a period of time to the activities of a plant instead of simply enjoying its beauty for the moment? Have you ever watched the bees scrambling over the flowers of wild celery (Angelica triquinata)? Sometimes the bees tumble off in a drunken stupor. Alas, bees have their own form of pot plants! On amore serious note, the bees are serving the important function of cross pollination. But to my knowledge, the cause of the observation of drunkenness has yet to be explained. Two common early blooming plants of the woodlands are squirrel com (DicentracanadenSis) and Dutchman's breeches CD. cucullariaX These close relatives may be recently derived from a common ancestor if the observations and suggestions by Leslie Bishop (1980) are correct. In her study of these two species at Red Bank Cove (a beautiful natural area near milepost 441 and Balsam Gap in the Balsam Moun- 191 tains of North Carolina), she found that Dutchman's breeches tend to bloom earlier than squirrel corn and thereby have less competition for the bee pollinators. So perhaps these two species recently evolved and are continuing their divergence from each other by timing their blooming further apart. Have you ever noticed how the coloration progresses in witch-hobble (Viburnum alnifolium)? Rather than the green leaves turning red at once, red blocks appear irregularly on a given leaf and in different parts of agiven plant. What is the basis of tliis? To my knowledge, no one has investigated this phenomenon. So here is another example of one of the mysteries that the careful observer can find and attempt to solve in his visits to the Parkway. INTERPRETIVE CENTERS AND INTERPRETERS There is much scientific knowledge accumulating about the natural world. This knowledge diminishes the margin of the unknown as our society matures. When the Parkway visitor travels from the lowlands to the Parkway for the first time, the mystery of the mountains diminishes to some degree. But here he may see new mysteries or perhaps, with a little suggestion from a talented interpreter, can have a different way of looking at familiar things and begin to gain a deeper understanding of the phenomena that surround him. If the Parkway is going to help visitors deepen their appreciation for our National Parks, it is very important that a good program of interpretation be maintained. Unfortunately, too much of the Parkway's financial resources get channelled into the day-today maintenance activities such as replacing pavement, repairing buildings, paying rangers, etc., and interpretation always seems the last thing to be funded. This must change if the natural resources are to be properly appreciated and not destroyed in the push to widen the road, build another trail, clear away the brush, or manicure the grass. One of the most valuable physical assets of any park is the interpretive center. The Parkway is such an elongated park that one center is not, �192 for practical purposes, the best solution. Thus it may be more reasonable to place several interpretive centers at appropriate places. In the southern end, the only interpretive center is at Craggy Gardens. While this is a good location for such a center, it is not open over a considerable portion of the year due to weather conditions. It is not used effectively for interpretation at the present time. It is primarily a book store and information point. This is unfortunate and badly needs changing. A second means of interpretation is by providing personal interpreters. This may be the most effective one, just as a teacher is better than a television program for teaching children how to write. The interpretive staff needs to be expanded considerably and programs offering interpretation for different groups should be a primary objective of the Parkway. There are usually interpretive programs associated with campgrounds and this is as it should be. There should be interpreters associated with each interpretation center. The interpreter should be well versed in the features of the location. It certainly should be possible to hire local people to either develop or carry out the interpretive program for the busy season. The entire interpretive program of the Parkway needs review. It may be found that there is a direct relationship between the quality of interpretation and the quality of the experience of the visitor. If a visitor has a quality experience and learns more about his world, he may be more respectful of the Parkway, national parks, and nature in general. This can be translated to producing less stress on the biosphere and more care in conserving diminishing natural resources. In this way our society may improve, providing a higher quality of life for all of us. Parkways Conference Proceedings BIBLIOGRAPHY Bishop, Leslie. 1980. Competition for pollinators: Interactions between Dicentra cucularia and Dicentra canadensis. Masters Thesis, Western Carolina University, Cullowhee, NC. 30 p. Coleman, D. A. and J. D. Pittillo. 1987. Important plant habitats of the Blue Ridge Parkway, Roanoke to Rock Fish Gap, Virginia. Blue Ridge Parkway, National Park Service, Asheville, NC. 110 p. Hatcher, R. D. Jr. 1978. Tectonics of the western Piedmont and Blue Ridge, southern Appalachians: Review and speculation. Am. J. Sci. 278:276-304. Keith, Arthur. 1970. Geologic atlas of the U.S. — Pisgahfolio. No. 147. U.S.Geological Survey, Washington. Mark, A. F. 1958. The ecology of the southern Appalachian grass balds. Ecol. Monog. 28:293-336. McNiffJ.M. 1967. Geology of the HighlandsCashiers area. Dissertation, Rice University, Houston. 100 p. Oliver, J. 1980. Exploring the basement of the North American Continent. Am. Sci. 68: 676-683. Pittillo, J. D. and T. E. Govus. 1978. A manual of important plant habitats of the Blue Ridge Parkway from the Great Smoky Mountains National Park to Roanoke, Virginia. Blue Ridge Parkway, National Park Service, Asheville, NC. 446 p. Shafer,D.S. 1986. FlatLaurel Gap bog, Pisgah Ridge, North Carolina: Lake Holocene development of a high elevation heath bald. Castanea51:l-9. Scientific American. 1970. Continents adrift. W. H. Freeman Co., San Francisco. 172 p. Wilson, J.T. 1963. Continental drift. Sci. Am. 208 (4): 86-100. Whittaker,R.H. 1956. Vegetation of the Great Smoky Mountains. Ecol. Monog. 26:1-80. �193 Preserving and Protecting the Parkways of Washington, D.C. Steven Elkinton and Lou A. DeLorme, IV ABSTRACT Built as an outgrowth of the City Beautiful Movement and the U.S. Senate's McMillan Plan in 1902, the five parkways of Washington, D.C., today face a variety of problems and opportunities. Changing safety standards, tighter environmental controls, and decreasing maintenance budgets have all affected the parkways. The growing metropolitan area threatens scenic buffers and rural vistas, as well as causing heavy commuter use at rush-hour, overshadowing their intended use as scenic city entrances. Most of the parkways have become radial arms of the area's arterial highway system, connecting the beltway to the city center. Increased volumes and faster cars create pressure for more lanes; while the clearing of adjoining land destroys the slender woodlands along the Parkways' edges. How are the parkways of Washington adapting to increasing urban growth and change? National Capital Region is experimenting with a variety of answers. The fundamental policies governing parkway design, use, and management remain intact—but new efforts include wider turf shoulders, timber guardrail, stone walls, skid-resistant bridge decks, bicycle trails, landscaped drainage and retention systems, restoration of meadows and woodland communities, and selection of available native species for specimen and buffer plantings. Such adaptations preserve the original intended appearance of these special roads, while allowing them to meet new safety standards and the changing conditions of the Nation's Capital. INTRODUCTION The concept of Parkways first appeared in the Washington, D.C., area late in the 19th century. A set of alternatives was considered by the Army Corps of Engineers for the Mount Vemon Highway in the 1890s. The Senate District Committee's The Improvement of the Park System of the District of Columbia (known as the McMillan Plan in honor of the Committee's chairman) recommended eight separate parkways as part of a comprehensive park plan for greater Washington. Two of those roads were eventually built: the Mount Vemon Highway and the Rock Creek and Potomac Parkway. Plans by the National Capital Parks and Planning Commission (NCPPC) in the late 1920s called for a series of radial streamside of riverside parkways providing scenic entrances to the capital city. The short Dalecarlia Parkway (now under the jurisdiction of the District of Columbia) was builtas aresult of these plans. In 1930, the Capper-Cramton Act financed the acquisition and development of the NCPPC's Park and parkway plans, specifically establishing a commission to purchase land for and build the George Washington Memorial Parkway on both sides of the Potomac River. During World War n the remaining two parkways were built to connect the city to important suburban military bases: the Suitland Parkway to Andrews Air Force Base and the Baltimore-Washington Parkway to Fort Meade (now the National Security Agency). In fact the "B-W" Parkway immediately became a major inter-city route, soon connecting the Baltimore and Washington beltways to each other. [For a more complete history of these parkways, see the paper by Dr. Jere Krakow, "Parkways of the Nation's Capital" in this volume.] Figure 1-2 shows the four parkways regionally and in the District of Columbia. Today they are administered by the National Capital Region of the National Park Service. Since these Parkways were completed in the 1950s, the Washington metropolitan area's population has tripled (Figure 3), and the public has come to accept inter-state highways as the norm in high-speed travel. Yet when parkways �194 Parkways Conference Proceedings Fig. 1-2. Washington and Baltimore metropolitan areas showing the parkways in and around Washington, B.C. �195 IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Elkinton and DeLorme D.C. METRO AREA POPULATION GROWTH POPULATION 1900 TO 1980 4 MILLION 3 MILLION 2 MILLION MtTROPOLITAN TOTAL 1 MILLION DISTRICT OK COLUMBIA 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 sOURCE: u.s. bUREAU OF THE cENSUS, sUNDHU j, md Top: Fig. 3. Population growth in the Washington Metropolitan Area since 1900. Note the total has more than tripled since 1950, even though the District's population has stayed about even. Bottom: Fig. 4. Typical parkway scene along the Suitland Parkway, with gentle horizontal and vertical curvature and two lanes in each direction. �196 Parkways Conference Proceedings have been threatened with conversion to interstate standards, as in 1970 when the "B-W" parkway was offered to the state of Maryland for conversion to a state expressway, the public has strongly indicated its support to keep them as scenic alternatives to such highways. Surrounded by increasing urbanization, the parkways face a full array of problems. This paper is a brief overview of some of the measures which are currently being used to preserve and protect these four parkways' scenic character. Many of the illustrations were filmed on video, so they are not reproduced here. Reproductions of those slides and charts that relate to the text are included at the end. PARKWAY CHARACTERISTICS Although each Parkway was built under different circumstances at different times, they have many characteristics in common, including: • broad, gentle horizontal and vertical curvature [Fig. 4] • paved roadway limited to two lanes each way [Fig. 4] • views to scenic features nearby • where possible, landscaped medians • accents on landmarks, such as the Washington Monument. • wide, grassy shoulders (when topography allows) [Fig. 5] • wide rights-of-way, preserving woodland buffers [Fig. 5] • extensive landscaping, including overhanging trees creating alternating bands of sun and shade • stone-faced bridge and drainage structures (Characteristics which are unique to each parkway are not discussed in this paper.) PROBLEMS Today these parkways face a range of problems caused by their location in an increasingly urbanizing metropolitan area, their age, changed highway safety standards, and changing environmental protection standards. Most critical is the increased volume of traffic, much of it occurring at morning and evening rush hour [Fig.6], Noneof these roads was designed for commuter traffic, yet the majority of their use is commutation. Increasing population and urbanization also causes changes in adjacent land use, so that woodlands and fields give way to shopping centers, housing, industrial parks, and in some areas, clusters of high-rises [Fig. 7]. Streams deteriorate hydrologically as adjacent watersheds are cleared and developed. In many areas, dumping is common along the parkways. As the urban area grows and additional highways and utility corridors are built, new bridge crossings, powerlines, and underground cables approach and cross the parkway corridors from all sides, disrupting their scenic continuity. Such land use changes damage the drainage and the visual setting of the parkway, often destroying its intended scenic quality. Many parkway problems are due to age and heavy use: deteriorated pavement, eroded drainage ways, weathered curbs, rutted shoulders, corroded bridge decks and railings. Others stem from inadequate initial design or incomplete installation: at-grade intersections, unpaved ramps, low bridge clearance, tight curves, and poor stopping sight distances. Since their original construction, the parkways' adjoining vegetation has often flourished, obscuring views and creating tangled thickets. Additional problems are related to changed safety standards, and have led to the interim installation of unsightly guardrails and a proliferation of signs. Since the 1950s, annual accident totals have roughly paralleled population growth, increasing three times in 30 years (1,100 in 1951; 3,700 in 1986). Of these, only 1% or less are fatal. Since 1970, numbers of accidents per year have remained about the same from year to year. MEETING THE CHALLENGE Between the late 1950s and the late 1970s, all four of these parkways enjoyed heavy use. �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Elkinton and DeLorme Each was occasionally repaved as needed, but no major capital improvements were made, other than the introduction of off-road bicycle trails along the Mount Vemon Highway and the Rock Creek and Potomac Parkway [Fig. 6]. By 1980 it was clear that all of them needed major rehabilitation work. In the case of the Mount Vernon Highway, this work was considered historic rehabilitation since the road was considered eligible for the National Register of Historic places. In 1983, a 5-cent per gallon gasoline tax was passed by Congress, with the provision that a significant proportion of that revenue be used on federal roads, including Park roads. As a result all four parkways are in the midst of being rehabilitated, starting with Mount Vernon Highway (almost complete), Suitland Parkway (construction about to commence}, and proceeding to the B-W and Rock Creek and Potomac Parkways (feasibility and engineering studies still being completed). Funding for this work is available from four separate sources: special Congressional authorizations drawing on the General Highway Trust Fund, the Federal Lands Highways program, National Park Service bridge and cyclic maintenance funds, and the NPS line-item construction budget. Project funded under the last three sources must compete against similar projects on a national basis. In certain cases this funding covers bicycle trail and landscaping rehabilitation, in other cases not. CONSISTENT POLICIES These recent rehabilitation projects occur under the umbrella of parkway policies which have changed little since the 1930s. These roads are seen as neither parks nor highways, but as scenic experiences in themselves. Since each is unique, no specific parkway standards have been written. Traffic speed limits have not beenreduced. Parkway shoulders are to remain grass. Access to private property owners is consistently denied. And despite increased traffic demands, the parkways have not been widened in the belief that more than two lanes of pavement in either direction destroys scenic parkway character. 197 ENGINEERING CHANGES Since these roads were first built, highway standards have changed—especially the requirements for clearance between the travel way and permanent obstructions (trees, guardwalls, bridge abutments, etc.). In addition, faster speeds and extensive testing have meant that stopping sight distances are longer than in the 1950s. As each of these parkways has been prepared for rehabilitation, all of these factors have been taken into account. Where feasible, acceleration and deceleration lanes have been lengthened Vertical curves creating blind spots near intersections have been lowered [Fig. 8]. Bridge decks have been widened to allow for emergency stopping, and the bridge abutments and parapets protected with guardwalls [Fig. 9]. Grassed shoulders have been widened and hardened by the addition of aggregate into the soil mix to promote stability. Drainage structures have been extended and repaired, retaining their distinctive stone-faced headwalls or paved flowlines [Fig. 10]. Stream flowlines have been stabilized with rip-rap to prevent scour and erosion. Re-establishing mountable curb-and-gutters along the roadways has sometimes meant re-building or replacing earlier storm dram systems. This also adds a foot or two to the travel way for greater safety and edge definition. The largest cost item in each project is replacement of the pavement. In some cases, such as the Mount Vernon Highway, this only involved replacing weathered concrete slabs. In others, the original concrete was kept, but the joints were replaced and an overlay of asphalt was installed. In certain cases, new technology has allowed joints to be carried up through the asphalt covering to minimize annoying rhythmic bumping. Two innovations deserve special attention, since they were designed to balance the higher safety needs with the parkways' scenic appearance. Both are guidance structures to help prevent cars from hitting trees, ravines, or on-coming traffic. Both were crash tested by the Federal Highway Administration and proved equal in strength and durability to standard �Top: Fig. 5. Grassed shoulders, landscaped margins, and wide wooded buffers all help create the scenic charm of the George Washington Memorial Parkway. Center: Fig. 6. Heavy rush-hour traffic on the Rock Creek and Potomac Parkway. Bottom: Fig. 7. Aerial view of the George Washington Memorial Parkway passing around Rosslyn, Arlington County, Virginia. �Top: Fig. 8. Cutting down a vertical curve along the Mount Vernon Highway. Center: Fig. 9. Supplemental concrete guidance structures protecting the railings of a bridge along the George Washington Memorial Parkway. Bottom: Fig. 10. A concrete drainage chute with cobbled apron along the Mount Vernon Highway. �200 metal highway guardrails. One is a timber guardrail, reinforced with steel backing and angle irons. The other is a smooth-surfaced stonefaced guidewall. Both are more expensive than standard interstate "W-Beam" guardrail, yet both harmonize well with the scenic character of the parkways. In addition, an alternative type of post-and-cable barrier has successfully prevented accidents on the outsides of high-speed curves. STILL TO COME Certain protection and enhancement measures have not been covered by this set of rehabilitation efforts so far. These include proactive outreach to have local jurisdictions establish protective buffers along the edges of the parkway rights-of-way. This is especially important where high-rise buildings can break above the tree line and ruin the parkway's scenic edge. A related issue is controlling garish signs which easily ruin scenic quality. Legally such issues are addressed as public nuisances." Also, naturalized landscaping has yet to be successfully applied along these roads to lessen the amount of mown turfgrass while creating more scenic diversity. Currently a 5-acre wildflower project is underway along the George Washington Memorial Parkway in honor of Lady Bird Johnson, and various key entry sites are being considered for colorful annual flower displays. CONCLUSION Not since they were built, have the four Washington D.C.-area parkways managed by the National Park Service undergone such significant repair and rebuilding as is now underway. Increasing conflicts between the desired parkway appearance and highway engineering standards make these projects especially difficult to design. Although their urban setting and role has changed significantly, consistent policy seeking a balance between safety and scenery has set the stage for innovative engineering and landscape design Parkways Conference Proceedings which will perpetuate their unique character into the 21st Century. Eachrehabilitationproject is acooperative effort among the Federal Highway Administration, the Park Service's Denver Service Center, the individual parkway's staff, and the NPS's National Capital Region office. As the Washington metropolitan area has grown and the public has come to accept interstate highways as the norm for high speed travel, one could ask, "Is the concept of a scenic parkway in the city obsolete?" The definite answer is "No." These roads have become a beloved pan of Washington's park and road systems, providing visitor and commuter alike a scenic alternative to other urban roads. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The following people provided materials and helped with the preparation of this presentation: John Byrne, Superintendent, George Washington Memorial Parkway William Clark, Photographer, National Capital Region, NPS Georgia Ellard, Superintendent, Rock Creek Park Manus J. Fish, Regional Director, National Capital Region Peggy Fleming, Naturalist, Rock Creek Park Lt. Fogerty, Information Services, U.S. Park Police Bob Ford, Resource Manager, Rock Creek Park Patrick Gregerson, Planner, National Capital Region Bob Hickman, Site Manger, Greenbelt Park and Baltimore-Washington Parkway John Parsons, Associate Regional Director for Land Use Coordination, National Capital Region Al Teikari, Engineer, Federal Highway Administration. �201 New Roles for Urban Parkways George C. Hemmens, School of Urban Planning and Policy, University of Illinois at Chicago Chicago has an extensive urban parkway system that was once the pride of the city and served as a framework for the physical plan of the city. The parkway system is a series of boulevards that connectmajor parks and linkup with other boulevards to form a ring through what were once the prime residential areas of the city. Today both the boulevards and the parks are in a sad state, having been neglected for a long time. Within the past few years official attention has once again been given to the boulevards. In addition to some refurbishing efforts, the city's planners are examining the potential of the boulevards to again play a major role in the structuring and functioning of the city. This report discusses possibilities for renewal of the boulevards, using Chicago as context. HISTORY OF CHICAGO'S BOULEVARD SYSTEM The history of Chicago's boulevards begins with State legislation in 1869 that authorized three park districts (South, West and Lincoln) to develop parks, boulevards and pleasure drives in their parts of the city. Olmsted and his associates were retained to lay out the South parks and boulevards and by 1871 the basic plan for what are now Washington and Jackson parks, the Midway Plaisance which connects them and other boulevards was completed and some construction was underway. William LeBaron Jenney and his associates were retained to lay out the West parks and connecting boulevards. Between 1870 and 1872 they developed the plans for Humboldt, Garfield and Douglas parks and connecting boulevards and construction was begun. Development of the North parks was much delayed by legal challenges and organizational problems. No large inland parks were developed but some boulevards were laid out and partially developed. The west boulevards connected with the south boulevards and parks at Gage Park, and with the north boulevards at Logan Square forming three sides of arectangle with the lake and aproposed lake shore boulevard as the fourth side. This rectangle provided the basic structure of the system, roughly 27 miles, and other boulevards and parks were connected to it. The boulevard and park system was largely in place by 1880. At that time Chicago was claimed to be second only to Philadelphia in park space and its park and boulevard system was considered a model for the nation.1 The boulevards had a variety of designs to serve different uses.2 Two Olmsted designed boulevards illustrate the differences. Drexel Boulevard had a one-hundred-foot-wide central park strip designed to "invite rest and contemplation" with one-way streets on either side of the park strip. This park strip was heavily developed with plantings, curving walkways, seating areas and fountains. Grand Boulevard, now Martin Luther King Drive, had a wide central drive suitable for through traffic flow, narrow park strips on either side of the central trafficway and then local service streets on the other side of the park strips. Major pieces of the system were not completed until later. Jackson Park, along with the Midway Plaisance, the site of the Columbian Exposition of 1893, was not developed as a park until after the fair and then not according to Olmsted's plan. Daniel Bumham, with his colleague, Edward Bennett, planned major additions to the park and boulevard system in the 1909 Plan of Chicago. One of their aims was to create a much larger park system in Chicago and restore Chicago to a national leadership position in parks and recreation. Tree lined boulevards connecting the parks were a feature of the plan. Bumham proposed an arc shaped boulevard with three major new parks along it extending outward from the existing boulevard rectangle. This major boulevard was designed like Grand Boulevard as a wide linear park with traffic- �202 ways on either side. It was designed to serve both as a pleasure drive and as a major circumferential road. The other major boulevard proposal in the 1909 plan was for the boulevard along the lake shore. Following the 1893 fair he proposed developing the south lake shore of the city as a series of parks, partly on islands, accompanied by a parkway that would connect the center of the city with Jackson Park and the south shore. Bumham's views on boulevards are shown in his discussion of the proper location of recreation facilities and in his proposed stratification of the street system. First, he noted with satisfaction that in locating the new, small, recreation parks developed in the first years of the twentieth century that "the principle has been followed as far as possible of locating them on the proposed circuit boulevards."3 He further suggested that even the larger playgrounds should be located on or adjacent to boulevards "in order that they may be reached from one another by passing through a continuous line of planting."4 Second, he proposed a three part classification of streets: the street; the avenue; and the boulevard. The street provided local access. The avenue was to be the major traffic carrying street. He proposed a number of diagonals superimposed on Chicago's existing grid system to supplement major gridiron "avenues." The boulevard he thought should be "designed primarily as a combination of park and driveway."5 He described the boulevard as "the streets where all heavier traffic is excluded; the streets lined with commodious and even fine dwellings; the streets where grass and trees and shrubs assert themselves, and where there may well be continuous playgrounds for the children of the neighborhood, such as many Chicago boulevards now provide."6 Bumham also approved the location of light industry along boulevards where they were near railroads because "the working people will then enjoy a maximum of fresh air and light; and so will work with greater effectiveness."7 Clearly Bumham viewed the boulevards as part of the park system serving adjacent communities and serving as pleasure drives connecting the major parks and as walkways con- Parkways Conference Proceedings necting minor recreation facilities. The carriage drive and promenade aspects of the system, since they would obviously serve the wealthy, and the proposal that boulevards be lined with "commodious and even fine dwellings" that would be occupied by the wealthy are some of the features of Burnham's plan that later led to criticisms of elitism and grandiosity. The image of children of the poor playing in the median parkstrip, having come from the interior of neighborhoods whose facilities or housing Burnham did not include in his plan, and providing part of the romantic scenery for the wealthy on a Sunday afternoon tour, easily generates criticism and dismissal of Burnham's ideas. But such criticisms are unfair in focusing only on part of Burnham's thinking. It is true that Burnham thought of the city largely from the perspective of his own social class and he thought grandly. For example, the median park strip in his proposed giant arc boulevard was a city block wide. At the same time, however, he had more imagination and more insight into changing urban structure than most of his colleagues. He foresaw that the existing railroad freight yards in the city would eventually be abandoned and proposed turning them into recreation areas connected to his proposed inner loops of avenues and boulevards. He used the existing and proposed boulevards both to provide the traveler with a sense of the structure of the city and to improve the flow of traffic through it. The history of urban parkways in Chicago is a story of faded glory. First, there were the beautiful early boulevards and parks that were important in forming the built structure of the developing city. Then there were Burnham's plans for extension of the boulevards and a larger role for them in shaping and serving the city. But since then there has been only neglect and decline with the end result that an important part of Chicago's heritage has been essentially lost. The grand arc boulevard and the associated parks were never developed. Thelakefront drive was developed but without the accompanying parks. So the boulevard and park system in Chicago is largely what existed at the turn of �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Hemmens the century. Since then the major changes have been administrative. A single park district was formed in 1933 to manage the Chicago parks and boulevards. In 1959 the park district turned over the maintenance of the boulevards to the City of Chicago, but retained control of the parks. The last major improvements to the boulevards were made in the 1930s by the Works Progress Administration. Subsequent Chicago plans have generally ignored the boulevard system. The 1966 comprehensive plan for the city shows a schematic and incorrect map of the boulevard system as part of the recreation section of the plan but does not propose improvements in the system or propose using it as a framework for the recreation proposals that are in the plan.8 Instead a park mall consisting of small parks and playlots connected by specially landscaped sidewalks is proposed. The 1982 comprehensive plan ignores the boulevards. INHERITORS OF THE BOULEVARDS There are many reasons for the decline of interest in the boulevards. Primary among the usual reasons given are changes in transportation technology. The rise of automobile ownership and commuting use, the increase of truck traffic, and the development of urban expressways to accommodate daily commuting are said to have rendered the exclusively automobile boulevard less valuable. At the same time the change in life style and the resulting changes from nineteenth and early twentieth century development patterns to low density urban and suburban development are said to have rendered the inner city parks and connecting boulevards obsolete. There is much factual truth to these explanations. In Chicago, however, and perhaps in other cities the change in occupancy of the adjacent neighborhoods has been a major factor in the decline of the parks and boulevards. The in-migration to these neighborhoods of minority populations, the subsequent complete racial changes of the area, the increasing poverty, the decrease in property maintenance, and finally property abandonment is a sad, familiar story of 203 the fate of Chicago's inner neighborhoods. The blame for the decline of these neighborhoods is usually placed on block-busting tactics of realtors, the actions of absentee landlords, the condition of poverty, and the in-migrants themselves. Less attention is given to the effects of public action and inaction in the decline of these areas. In Chicago the inner city parks and connecting boulevards, especially those in minority residential areas, have been allowed to deteriorate for at least 30 years. Recent lawsuits against the Park District have resulted in a finding that the parks in minority areas, including the historic parks connected by the boulevards , have not been equitably cared for, and the court has required major reinvestment in facilities and maintenance. In 1959 responsibility for the boulevards was assigned to Chicago's Department of Forestry. Since then maintenance of the boulevards has steadily declined. The independent forestry department was changed to a Bureau within Public Works and its budget allocation for new planting and maintenance throughout the city has been reduced. In 1980 the Bureau's budget was halved, and this cut has not been restored. There has been little or no new or replacement planting and little maintenance of planting or other features such as fountains and statues. In 1985 the city was providing minimal maintenance, essentially cutting the grass, on 300 acres of greenway on the boulevards. Another 155 acres were not routinely maintained. The net result is that the parks and boulevards are in very poor condition. Today, development adjacent to the boulevards is of very mixed quality. In some areas the housing along the boulevards remains in relatively good condition. That housing was originally the best in the area. The original housing quality combined with the environmental quality and desirability of the boulevard location has helped preserve the housing while other nearby housing has deteriorated badly. In other areas there are many abandoned, boarded-up buildings along the boulevards and many gaps in development where deteriorated buildings have been pulled down. There has been considerable non-residential intrusion on the formerly �204 residential boulevards, especially at major intersections. Often this involves replacing existing mixed use commercial and residential buildings which provided local retail services with national chain fast food restaurants and gas stations. These changes significantly damage the character, scale and continuity of the boulevards. Restriction of the boulevards to automobile traffic continues, but few of the boulevards retain then- original pleasure drive character. Those boulevards located so that they are convenient for rush hour traffic have become maj or commuting routes. RENEWAL OF THE BOULEVARDS The boulevards are still a major asset to Chicago. Their appearance and condition are poor, but they still provide special character to the areas they pass through and they still provide connection to the major inland parks in the city. Further, the boulevard system gives a special sense of identity to the neighborhoods they pass through. The landscaped park strips tell the traveler she is in a special place and helps her locate herself in the largely undifferentiated gridiron structure of Chicago. Even today, regardless of their condition, when you cross a boulevard or drive on one in traveling through the city, you experience an aesthetic response to the change in the city pattern and to the special design of the boulevard. One-half million people live within three blocks of a boulevard in Chicago according to current estimates. That is one of every six residents of Chicago. The boulevard system goes through 20 of the 77 official community areas in Chicago. So the boulevards affect many and may serve as a rallying point for renewal of the neighborhoods. The City of Chicago has recently begun to examine the boulevard system and consider ways to improve it. This interest seems to have been promoted in part by residents adjacent to the boulevards in neighborhoods that are experiencing stabilization and redevelopment, and in part this interest reflects the commitment of the current city administration to making improvements in the living conditions of inner city Parkways Conference Proceedings neighborhoods. In this section I will review the recent and current efforts to improve the boulevards in Chicago and then identify and discuss issues about adapting boulevards to fit into the changing city. The first boulevard improvement project, in 1986, was to restore segments of King Drive and Garfield Boulevard on the city's south side. Both boulevards connect to Washington Park, an Olmsted designed major park which is further connected to Jackson Park and the lakefront by the Midway Plaisance. The two boulevards were originally very different. King Drive featured a central roadway flanked by 3-foot medians and one-way local service streets and finally 16-foot parkway strips. The original planting was a formal pattern of trees six in a row (two on each median, one on each parkway strip) and about 16 rows per block. Garfield Boulevard was designed with a central 80 foot median flanked by two-way 40 foot streets and a 20 foot parkway strip. The original planting featured trees, bushes, hedges and flower beds laid out in an informal pattern with curving paths and seating areas in the central median. Little of the original planting remains on Garfield, but the original tree planting design on King Drive is still evident. Development along King Drive, once one of the most elegant boulevards in the city, is mixed. Many stately homes remain and some have recently been repaired, but there are gaps hi development and some dilapidated structures. Development along this stretch of Garfield Boulevard is in worse condition and there are more gaps in development. King Drive has become a major traffic facility carrying south side residents to and from Chicago's Loop. Regular local buses also use King Drive. After a lengthy process of joint planning with local community groups, the local alderman's office and other city departments, the planning department prepared a renewal plan for eight blocks of King Drive and 16 blocks of Garfield Boulevard. The plan calls for restoration of the formal tree planting scheme on King Drive and adding trees in an informal pattern to Garfield Boulevard. Extensive restoration of grass areas will be undertaken along with curb �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Hemmens and sidewalk improvements. Community Development Block Grant funds will be used for the boulevard planting program, but other regular city funds will be used for the remainder of the project. These other funds include the street tree program of the forestry department, public works funds for street improvements and the alderman's earmarked funds from an issue of general obligation bonds. This pilot project has become a model for boulevard improvement in Chicago. The model features extensive community involvement, cooperative efforts of city departments using regular funds, cooperative funding and participation from the alderman's office, and limited use of special funds. The local residents are encouraged to participate and given major influence in the planning process. In turn the city expects the community to participate in implementation. Use of the alderman's discretionary funds is one form of participation in implementation. The community is expected to water the grass and trees, pick up debris and litter, get involved in "adopt a block" programs involving garden planting and spot mowing, and get involved in "adopt a tree" programs. The reliance on the community for a significant part of the boulevards' maintenance reflects the reality of very limited current maintenance funds and no new maintenance funds tied to the improvements. The city expects the community to undertake this maintenance out of self interest. The assumption is that boulevard improvements will increase land values adjacent to the boulevard and promote reinves tment as well as improve the quality of life in the neighborhood. Since this first project the city has begun four additional boulevard improvement projects using this approach. The most advanced of these focuses on Palmer Square in the northwest part of the city, and includes Kedzie and Humboldt Boulevards which connect at Palmer Square, and Logan Boulevard which completes the northwest boulevards. The neighborhoods in this area have experienced considerable population change in the past, including a large inflow of Hispanic households, and have recently undergone consider- 205 able renovation and gentrification with an accompanying inflow of young, white professionals. Given the rapid rise in housing costs in the gentrif ied north side neighborhoods closer to Lake Michigan, areas such as Logan Boulevard and Palmer Square have become attractive investments for developers and the so called "urban pioneers." These neighborhoods are generally in good condition and contain good quality housing stock. Along with the push for better public services has come a push for improvement and better maintenance of the boulevards. All of the development along these boulevards has been designated an historic area and the areas have hadrecent zoning changes to reduce the permissible density of development, all with the support of local residents. The residents along the northwest boulevards and squares are well organized. Both squares and the three boulevards have their own homeowner's association and an overall area homeowner's association unites and coordinates them. For several years these groups have operated tree planting and maintenance programs on the boulevards to supplement the limited efforts of the City. The residents have participated enthusiastically in the planning for renewal of this area. The renewal will focus on Palmer Square. The square contains a large central median, 240 feet wide and 1280 feet long, that was originally designed as an informal landscaped garden for strolling and sitting. It was surrounded by wrought iron fence and was heavily landscaped with flower beds, shrubs and trees. At one time a full-time gardener was assigned to the Square. Little of the original vegetation remains, and the character of the square today is an active recreation area. The square is used by a nearby Boy's Club for baseball and other organized recreation. Parochial schools adjacent to the square use it for recreation. Neighborhood children play in the square. Adults jog around its perimeter and use it for active recreation and sitting. The planning process in the Palmer Square project followed the original model closely and successfully. Similar participation, funding and maintenance plans have been established. In �206 the planning process a number of issues emerged that suggest some possible difficulties. The boulevard residents, particularly on Logan Boulevard, want traffic slowed and discouraged through addition of stop signs. The city's practice is to give the boulevard through street treatment to enhance its contribution to traffic flow. Residents around the square proposed a planting design that would greatly restrict the use of the square for active recreation and organized sports. The cost of such development and the maintenance problems both seem prohibitive to the city. In addition, there is considerable disagreement on the best use of the medians. All along these boulevards, medians are used for active play by neighborhood residents, by others, and by local schools and churches. The current plan will give the square a perimeter jogging path, two large grassed open areas, new benches and repaired baths, and many new trees massed in clusters. The plan is a compromise among the different interests and depends heavily on the community for implementation and maintenance. There have been different responses in the three other areas where planning for boulevard renewal projects has begun. In the poorest area the community has not participated actively and has raised questions about the desirability of the project. There appears to be some fear that improvement of the boulevard will lead to gentrification. In poor and less organized communities there also appears to be some questioning of the assumption that the community should contribute its time and labor to the provision of public services. Two major projects, a citizen task force study and the initiation of a comprehensive plan for the boulevards show the city's increased interest in the boulevards, and the emergence of a strategy of using boulevard restoration as a catalyst for inner city neighborhood renewal. In January 1986 Mayor Harold Washington established a citizen Task Force on Neighborhood Land Use and assigned it five tasks. An examination of the boulevards and recommendations for their renewal was one of these. After a thorough review, the Task Force recommended: 1) that the City make a major commitment to Parkways Conference Proceedings restoration and maintenance of the boulevards; 2) develop a comprehensive plan and program for the boulevard system; 3) develop a coordinated public and private program for financing and maintaining boulevard improvements; and 4) centralize responsibilities for the boulevard system that are now divided among many public agencies. The Task Force report has not been officially adopted, but has been credited by city officials with stimulating action on boulevard improvement. The Task Force generally accepted the assumption that boulevard restoration would generate reinvestment along the boulevards, but raised questions about the appropriate character of the boulevards and their role in the overall city structure. Specifically, they questioned "how active arole should the boulevards have as traffic routes or as a recreational space?"9 On the traffic issue, the report noted how historically the boulevards had been turned into major traffic routes in the early twentieth century by removal of streetcars, placement of stop signs on cross streets, and establishment of higher speed limits. The task force had a clear recommendation on this issue: "limitation of traffic volume and speed on the boulevards in order to retain their residential and park character."10 Their other recommendations have a similar character. They tend to support restoration of the boulevard system to its original character and role to the extent feasible. To some extent they suggest a difficult, dual role and identity for the boulevards. On one hand they argue the importance of the boulevard as a city-wide system that has symbolic importance and land development effects at the city scale. On the other hand they argue for their importance at the local, city block scale and support local involvement and influence. The city is now finalizing specifications for a comprehensive plan of the boulevards to be prepared with the support of grants from the National Endowment for the Arts and the National Park Service. It is too early to tell how that plan will develop, but early indications are that it will focus mainly on the boulevards and give relatively little direct attention to the question of neighborhood development. An analy- �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Hemmens sis of existing conditions of vegetation and recreation use, prototype design proposals for boulevard segments and standards for planting, signage and furnishings will probably be included. ISSUES IN BOULEVARD RENEWAL The planning of improvements to Chicago's boulevards raises a number of questions about the appropriate role and function of urban parkways in American cities at the end of the twentieth century. The plans and improvements that are made now will set the framework for urban parkways in the twenty-first century. Chicago's boulevards, designed and implemented at the end of the nineteenth century, have not survived as important sources of strength in the urban fabric in this century. Although much of their decline may be due to technological change and to economic and racial shifts in the city, it is appropriate to ask whether restoring the boulevards to an approximation of their former condition is the right course of action. I will briefly review the issues I have identified in connection with the restoration of Chicago's boulevards. These are traffic capacity, character, adjacent land use, contribution to urban structure, and control. The traffic issue is, I think, the critical one. TRAFFIC Travel on Chicago's boulevards is restricted to automobiles, but there is little resemblance between the present traffic pattern and a leisurely pleasure drive. The boulevards, which are located so that they readily serve commuter traffic, function as arterial streets during rush hours. They carry a large amount of traffic, up to 25,000 vehicles per day currently, and yet retain their special character. In Chicago, as in most other major American cities, it is unlikely that any more expressways will be built. Their high cost and the considerable disruption and destruction of neighborhoods that their construction causes suggest that new expressways are financially and politically infeasible. Existing expressways are seriously overcrowded 207 and the very expensive minor modifications that can be made to increase their capacity will not solve existing problems. Most of the commuting traffic that clogs the expressways is automobiles. A sizeable portion of that traffic could be served by existing and new parkways and boulevards. The legal speed on boulevards would be considerably less than expressways, say 35 rather than 55 miles per hour, but the actual travel speed would likely not be much different during rush hours. From a financial and political perspective, the possibility of improving traffic carrying capacity of existing boulevards and creating new ones seems more feasible than building or rebuilding expressways and existing arterial streets. Current thinking, however, is strongly opposed to using the boulevards as major traffic carrying facilities as shown by the Mayor's TaskForce's report on boulevards. Some of the objection is based on practical experience with poorly designed changes to accommodate traffic on the boulevards. In Chicago most of the actual investments in the boulevards in the last forty years or more have been for traffic carrying improvements. These have involved cutting cross streets through medians and historic squares. Some street widening projects to extend the boulevards have been done clumsily, resulting in unattractive rear yards and garages facing the boulevard. These are serious problems; however, they can readily be avoided by sensitive design. Most of the objection to using the boulevards as major traffic moving facilities comes from an interest in preserving and restoring a style and quality of urban life that we associate with an earlier time. The urban parkway, part park, part pleasure drive, lined with pleasant homes generates feelings of stability, serenity and security. The association of these feelings with this street design have been reinforced over the years by the design of high cost and quality residential areas with parkway like streets with decoratively planted central medians. I suspect that the impetus to restore Chicago's boulevards to their historic role is influenced strongly by this suburban idyll, the romantic �208 subdivision. The reality of Chicago's boulevards is that many of them have been major trafficways for 50 years and longer. They are integrated with the arterial system, although not in the way proposed by Bumham. I think traffic capacity is the critical issue in developing a renewed role for boulevards in Chicago and for urban parkways in general. Once this issue is resolved, the other issues of character, adjacent land use, etc. will be readily resolved. In Chicago the present situation of the boulevards and the general context of highway and public works improvements argue that the boulevards should assume a significant role in traffic movement. Consider the highway investment situation. Chicago's last planned inner-city expressway, the crosstown, was cancelled several years ago due in part to public opposition. The expense, social and economic disruption, and traffic inducement characteristics of expressways provide strong reasons to believe that no more will be built. The expressways are seriously overcrowded. So are the arterial streets. Arterial streets are very expensive to improve. And in my experience, arterial street widening and traffic improvement projects often result in a serious decline in amenity and physical appearance of the streets. Further, existing curb cuts and cross streets limit traffic carrying capacity. Existing boulevards, especially those common in Chicago, designed with a center traffic way, side medians and side streets can carry substantial traffic volumes. Historically, there were limited cross street cut throughs on the boulevards in Chicago enhancing traffic flow. For relatively small investments those boulevard segments located to serve major traffic flows can be upgraded to carry more automobile only traffic without serious negative effects on adjacent development. Interestingly, recent new developments along the boulevards have chosen to locate their auto and pedestrian entrances on the side street rather than the boulevard, reducing traffic conflicts yet retaining the development character of the boulevards. Extension of the boulevard system to create a more complete system and to better con- Parkways Conference Proceedings nect it to the arterial streets and expressways would be the most sensible way to improve service to the ever increasing automobile traffic in Chicago, I believe. In addition, development of new boulevard/parkways in deteriorated areas may provide an important stimulus to development. An example of how relatively low cost boulevard construction could serve these multiple purposes is provided by a recent planning project in Chicago. Architecture and planning students at the University of Illinois at Chicago undertook a year long review and design study of development plans for the city's near south side. Contrary to the city's plans, the students proposed a redevelopment scheme that focused on a new north-south boulevard through the area that would serve as a spine for redevelopment and connect the downtown Loop with King Drive and the boulevard system on the south side. In addition this new boulevard would create direct, classy connections between the Loop and McCormick Place, the city's convention center, and the Loop and Chinatown. Neither is now well connected to downtown in the city street system. The new boulevard would also connect to major arterial streets serving the southwest side, improving those connections to the Loop. The students' design shows how a boulevard can be built into existing urban structure relatively easily. It also shows how different segments of a boulevard can be designed to fit the adjacent development context while still creating the sense of special boulevard identity along the entire route and providing substantial through traffic carrying capacity. There is even successful experience in Chicago with direct connection of restricted, automobile only parkways with unrestricted arterial streets, for example, Fullerton Parkway. CHARACTER OF THE BOULEVARDS The original purposes of the boulevard as pleasure drive and park strip led to designs for passive and active recreation. As on Garfield Boulevard these designs often featured pedestrian strolling and sitting in garden like settings. It does not seem reasonable to restore these �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Hemmens designs. Significant conflicts are emerging in the city's boulevard restoration projects. Today, even on those boulevards that carry relatively light traffic, people must contend with relatively fast traffic and auto fumes. Nevertheless adjacent residents and institutions want to continue to rely on these medians for youth and adult recreation. For security reasons, neighborhood residents are also unlikely to want dense, decorative planting. However, in Palmer Square the residents sought restoration of at least some of the original design in the style of an English garden. Recognizing that while one-time funds for restoration may be made available, and additional maintenance funds will be very difficult to obtain, the city is arguing that low maintenance designs and hardy plantings will be necessary. These emerging conflicts over the use of the boulevard park strips go directly to the issue of the character of the boulevards. In those communities where residents have been active in maintaining the boulevards there is a natural tendency to regard the park strips as local facilities that primarily serve local activities. Active youth recreation is probably the most common activity. The park strips are valued as recreation spaces because they are close to home, there aren't good alternatives close by, and, in some cases, concern about youth gangs in the larger active sports oriented parks and playgrounds off the boulevards. None of these seem compelling reasons to turn the boulevards into local parks and playgrounds. In most neighborhoods adjacent to the boulevards there is vacant land available for playground development. Much of this vacant land is city owned, acquired through urban renewal. It would be more appropriate to develop local parks and playgrounds in these areas. With the existing gaps in boulevard development, it would be possible to locate such playgrounds within a block or two of the boulevards and connect them to the boulevards with greenways as pan of a coordinated strategy of neighborhood renewal accompanying boulevard restoration. Limited, passive recreation with the boulevard serving primarily as a drive and walkway 209 and less as a park seems the most appropriate character for the restored boulevards given the inevitable conflicts with traffic. Enhancing the boulevards for traffic use will further reduce their suitability for active recreation. Since active recreation facilities can economically be developed off the boulevards and the economic benefits of boulevard traffic enhancement are likely to be large, this seems a reasonable tradeoff. The benefits to neighborhood redevelopment of interior park development further support this approach. ADJACENT LAND USE The boulevards created prestige locations and the resulting adjacent development was often more substantial and more expensive than the development a few blocks away. Today the redevelopment potential of boulevards is reflected in the generally better maintenance and value retention of housing along the boulevards and the efforts of boulevard residents to maintain and improve the boulevards. Two land use questions must be answered to develop sound plans for the boulevards. First, what are appropriate adjacent land uses for the future; and second, will restored boulevards have significant attractive power for new development? Chicago, in its first boulevard projects, is taking a cautious attitude toward the development drawing power of boulevards. They have adopted two strategies: following reinvestment on boulevards; or selecting stable areas that have withstood neighborhood change and are judged to have some potential for reinvestment. This passive attitude leaves the issue of the kind of adjacent development up to land developers. There are no special zoning restrictions, design guidelines or other development controls for the boulevards. Over the years the major changes on the boulevards have been loss of housing in the most distressed areas and the replacement of combined residential/local commercial buildings by auto oriented regional commercial development at major boulevard intersections. In the distressed areas, the most likely possibilities for new development along the boulevards are further auto oriented commercial develop- �210 ments and multi-family housing. Both would create a very different scale and visual sense from the original concept of a residential drive. There are two aspects of the adjacent land use issue: the kind of activity and the physical design of it. Visually, we expect an urban parkway to be fronted by a wall of low scale buildings. The historical pattern in Chicago is residential development of two to six stories. The wall of development helps define the parkway as a path in the city and is a desirable characteristic that should be continued. Adjacent development also gives some sense of the neighborhood being transversed. Occasional open space breaks in the wall provide visual variety and a further sense of the community. These can be created by greenways, leading to adjacent parks, by landscaped cross streets and by institutional land uses in landscaped settings. The kinds of land uses that best suit the desired visual characteristics of the boulevard are residential, mixed use residential/commercial and institutional. Those least suited are auto oriented commercial and industrial. However, the actual design of development is more critical than the use. Dispersed high rise residential structures surrounded by parking lots would be as inappropriate as a used car lot. Special development controls for the boulevards with compensatory incentives for quality development are essential if the special character of the boulevards are to be restored and maintained. This has been recognized by the residents of the northwest boulevards who initiated thedownzoning of those areas. However, simple downzoning is not a solution to the problem. To the extent thatrenewedboulevards are attractive to development and return the public's investment through neighborhood revitalization, some increase in adjacent land values and pressure for more dense development is inevitable. Again, this can be turned to advantage by linking boulevard and neighborhood revitalization by, for example, giving density increases andother incentives off theboulevard in exchange for appropriate scale development on the boulevard. Parkways Conference Proceedings URBAN STRUCTURE When you drive across, onto or along a Chicago boulevard you experience being in a special place andyouhave asense of where you are in the city. The boulevards historically served as a major structuring element in the city's fabric. They give a particular kind of legibility to the city because of their design, travel speed and historic role of connecting major parks and creating major nodes. Expressways generate only the image of the central city connected to the suburbs and a large, undifferentiated landscape between the two. Boulevards generate images of neighborhoods and major public spaces. Further they give a sense of the connection between places within the city and of the institutions, such as churches, which serve the city. In short, the boulevards structure and reveal the city in a way that expressways cannot and commercial arterial streets generally do not. The Mayor's Task Force acknowledged the special role of boulevards and called for unique street signage, ornamental lighting fixtures and other features to improve the legibility and identity of the boulevard system. These are useful actions, but to the extent that they are only an attempt to restore the past they are sentimental and fail to develop an appropriate image and role for boulevards in the twentyfirst century. The possibility of adding to the boulevard system to develop a major, specialized traffic system serving automobiles only presents the opportunity to recreate the urban parkway as a major structuring element in the city's redevelopment in the future. CONTROL Finally, there is the issue of who is to control development along the boulevards; who is to decide on the character of the boulevards themselves? I have already discussed some potential conflicts between local residents and city-wide interests in deciding the future of the boulevards. Local residents are particularly concerned with traffic reduction, local use of the park strips, appearance and property value enhancement, especially in the areas experi- �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Hemmens encing reinvestment. City-wide interests are necessarily concerned with improving traffic flow, the system level functioning and urban structural effects of the boulevard. Currently, the city is committed to active involvement of local citizens in planning the redevelopment of boulevard segments. Partly this reflects the political philosophy of the present city administration. But it also reflects the practical necessity of depending on local residents for at least some of the maintenance of new plantings, and of depending on funds under the control of the local alderman for a significant part of the projects' cost. An appropriate balance between local control and city wide control over boulevard renewal will be very difficult to establish. It is complicated by the very different attitudes in the adjacent neighborhoods. It is already apparent that in some of the poorest neighborhoods most in need of the reinvestment that boulevard improvement might bring, local residents fear gentrif ication and displacement as a result. In other neighborhoods private reinvestment is being promoted and boulevard improvement is recognized as an asset toward that end. On balance, I think this is an issue where city wide interests must prevail, but to avoid and learn from the mistakes of urban expressway planning a cooperative, negotiating relationship with neighborhoods will have to be established, and the legitimacy of neighborhood interests will have to be recognized and respected. The task will be easier if the planning is expanded from the boulevard itself to include adjacent development, creating the possibility of trading-off boulevard and interior investments. CONCLUSION In developing a comprehensive plan for the boulevards, Chicago has the opportunity to design boulevards for new and renewed functions in the city. The issues discussed above make clear that there will be strong pressures to adopt a romantic attitude toward boulevards attempting to restore and conserve their former functions. There will also be strong pressures to treat the boulevards as a local problem focusing 211 on the interests of adjacent landowners and to limit the plan to the right-of-way, viewing the boulevard as a thing in itself. There is, however, a need to imagine new roles for boulevards and correspondingly new forms and to plan concurrently for adjacent land development and neighborhood revitalization. Proposing boulevards to be major traffic facilities seems incongruous, but a well designed boulevard with a central trafficway flanked by park strips and then by local streets may be the desirable and feasible method of providing needed capacity for predicted increases in auto travel. At the same time, adjacent land uses are protected from direct contact with heavy traffic and benefit from the added plantings and open space. Further, a system of such boulevards would do much to restore legibility and an understandable scale of the city to people traveling in it. Some existing boulevards may appropriately be separated from this system if they are not essential to traffic flow. Such segments could function as small linear parks and neighborhood control could be granted in exchange for neighborhood maintenance. Those boulevards that are essential to the system of boulevards and to traffic flow would be integrated with the arterial street system similar to the proposals of Daniel Bumham and Edward Bennett in the 1909 Plan of Chicago. As part of a system that serves the entire city, boulevards would once again be a major structuring influence in the city fabric. They could create substantial potential for adjacent development and redevelopment. In conclusion, urban parkways have a future in a city like Chicago, but to realize that future they may need to be different from the pleasure drive and park strip of the past. ACKNOWLEDGMENT Maria Choca and Art Traczyk of the Chicago Department of Planning graciously provided information on Chicago's boulevard restoration projects. �212 NOTES 1. Burnham(1909),p.42 2. Ranney(1972),p.5 3. Burnham(1909),p.44 4. Bumham (1909), p. 44 5. Burnham (1909), p. 82 6. Burnham (1909), p. 84 7. Burnham (1909), p. 85 8. Chicago Department of Development and Planning (1966), p. 40 9. Mayor's Task Force (1987), p. 8 10. Mayor's Task Force (1987), p. 12 Parkways Conference Proceedings BffiLIOGRAPHY Daniel H. Burnham and Edward H. Bennett, Plan Q£ Chicago. Chicago: The Commercial Club, 1909. Chicago Department of Development and Planning, The Comprehensive Plan of Chicago. City of Chicago: December 1966. Chicago Department of Planning, Boulevard Restoration: A Catalyst for Neighborhood Revitalization. City of Chicago: September 1986. CITY LAB, A Boulevard Plan foj; Chicago's Near South Side. College of Architecture, Art and Urban Planning, University of Illinois at Chicago, September 1986. Mayor's Task Force on Neighborhood Land Use, Boulevards. City of Chicago: May 1987. Victoria Post Ranney, Olmsted in Chicago. Chicago: The Open Lands Project, 1972. "Hillbilly Sold Here": Appalachian Folk Culture and Parkway Tourism Jean Haskell Speer, Ph.D., Director, Appalachian Studies Program, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blacksburg Traveling the Blue Ridge Parkway to most any tourist destination in Appalachia demonstrates the extent to which folk culture of the region has become a commodity to be bought and sold. Postcards, calendars, articles of clothing, foods, and artifacts present to the tourist myriad perceptions of the region's traditional culture and become an unwitting and skewed biography of the region for those who do not know its life story. In this paper, I examine the role of folk culture in the economy of Parkway tourism in Appalachia. The study begins with an analysis of the mythology of Appalachia and two of its dominant mythic images, mountaineer as romantic hero and hillbilly as trickster or buffoon. I then consider the ways in which these images have been exploited in the development of tourism in the region, from the early days of mountain travel to the present. Historic sites, commercial attractions, craft and souvenir shops, and tourist resorts have always molded and marketed these mythic images for the most avid consumer—the tourist. To discover the rhetorical and ultimately the economic impact of using folk culture in tourism, I analyze some of the strategies behind particular instances of "hillbilly" marketing, and the perceived effect on the tourist and tourist dollars in Appalachian states. For example, historic sites and tourist concessions along the Blue Ridge Parkway offer an interesting case study. Finally, I consider the political and moral implications of making folk culture a commodity for promoting parkway tourism in Appalachia or in any region. �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Speer THE MYTHOLOGY OF APPALACfflA A few years ago when I was in Europe, I found myself on a train to Zurich in an interesting conversation with a man from Switzerland. After exchanging pleasantries, he asked me about my work in the United States. He had no problem understanding my teaching and research in communication, but my work in "Appalachian Studies" left him perplexed. I explained that I taught and wrote about all aspects of life and culture in the Appalachian mountain region of America. He frowned. "You know," I said, "quilts, dulcimers, coal mining, moonshine" —picking some of the most widely known, romantic symbols of the region, he brightened. "Ah," he smiled, "hilleebeellies." Reluctantly, I agreed, "something like that." I was amazed (and a little chagrined) that the mythology of Appalachia was so widespread and its most potent symbols so firmly entrenched even outside America. I asked myself how this mythology had gotten communicated so widely and with such effectiveness. The answer to that question is complex, involving worldwide perceptions of mountain cultures, the media, and, to no small extent, tourism. What is the mythology of Appalachia? Whether you've realized it consciously or not, you probably know it or parts of it just as my train companion in Switzerland did. From the time Appalachia first became clearly identifiable as an American region (near the beginning of the twentieth century), its mythology was taking shape. And it took its shape in the rapidly developing new media for public consumption at the beginning of the twentieth century — mass-produced newspapers, magazines, cheap novels, photographs, traveling exhibitions, silent films, fund-raising speeches (for work in the new discipline of social welfare), and promotional campaigns to attract tourists to the mountains. In fact, the word "hillbilly" first appeared in print in 1900 in a newspaper, the New York Journal. The reporter defined a "Hill-Billie" as a "free, untrammeled white citizen who lives in the hills...has no means to speak of, dresses as 213 he can, talks as he pleases, drinks whiskey when he gets it, and fires off his revolver as fancy takes him."1 By the 1920s, the fundamental elements of the mythology were wellestablished, but touched by the romanticism so characteristic of conceptions of "native" or "primitive" peoples of the period. (Remember that anthropology and folklore were new academic disciplines of the time.) For example, American playwright Percy MacKaye, after a trip to the Kentucky mountains in 1924, declared in an article in one of the new "serious, scientific" magazines of the period that he had encountered "untamed mountaineers, a rare, unclassified species of the genus homo—strange wildflowers of the human spirit, hardy, wayward, shy, fantastic, beautiful, and doomed to extinction." Going on to contrast mountaineers with the "standardization" he perceived in "civilized life," MacKaye wrote: Over there in the mountains are men who do not live in cages: a million Americans who do not chase the dollar; who do not serve time-machines; who do not learn their manners from the movies, or their culture from the beauty parlors: illiterates, who do not think what they are told to in type; "lazy" people, who have leisure to lean on their hoes and discourse religion and poetry with the dawns and sunsets; old-fashioned "Independence" folk, who take "liberty and the pursuit of happiness" for granted; untamed Americans, who do not ask for "licenses" to live.2 MacKaye added to his story of the mountaineers his personal "vacation" photos made on the trip. This is the image of the mountaineer as romantic hero—the last vestige of the American pioneer. Another version of the mythology is the hillbilly as buffoon, developed as early as the nineteenth century but solidified in "L'il Abner," the cartoon strip created by Al Capp from the 1940s to the 1960s. In this set of images, the hillbilly dashes around in jalopies or brokendown trucks on bad roads, wearing battered clothing, slouchhats and overalls, trafficking in moonshine, eating great quantities of ham (and �214 less familiar foods), and being hopelessly ignorant of the ways of civilization." This is the image of the mountaineer as buffoon.3 (Interestingly this image of hillbilly life served as the basis for what is probably the most popular tourist attraction in the Ozarks—"Dogpatch, U.S.A.") Stories of the region were so widespread in newspapers, magazines, on the stage, in cheap novels, in nickelodeon silent films, in photographs, and in tourism promotions, and the elements of the stories so coherent, that as early as the 1930s one outraged mountain sympathizer was able to write: "People from other sections of the country almost without exception, believe that our mountain people are poor, uneducated, benighted folks, without culture in any degree, living in cabins, and existing wholly upon com pone, fat bacon, and blocade {sic} liquor."4 Mountaineers have been called "pure, AngloSaxon stock," "our contemporary ancestors," portrayed as living a pioneer lifestyle isolated from the rest of forward-moving, industrialized, contemporary America. Mountaineers are, according to the mythology, resistant to progress because they are ignorant, traditionbound, stubbornly proud people, with a zeal for individual liberty bordering on anarchy and certainly leading to violence. And in the consistent inconsistency of mythology, not only are they actively resistant to change, but passive in the face of any change forced upon them—a passivity bom of ignorance, indolence, and bizarre religious beliefs based on superstition and fatalism. Today, the mythology is, if anything, more firmly entrenched and more fully articulated. One current analyst writes (and it's worth quoting in full since it explicates the mythology so well): The stereotype of the mountaineer is an image of the man as tall, gaunt, perhaps stooped, with a deeply lined face and drawn features, hollow eyes and a thin set mouth. He wears overalls that are dusty and patched. His hair is an undefined color between brown and gray. His wife has stringy hair, unhealthy looking skin, and is old for her Parkways Conference Proceedings age, having gained weight as a result of poor dietary habits and having too many children. Around this couple, a small herd of children run wild about a homestead which consists of a broken-down, wooden house, with a leaning porch. The image is American Gothic gone stale. The family receives a welfare check in the mail each month. The man goes off in the afternoon to sit in the shade with his buddies. They pass the jug of corn licker round and round. They don't do much but watch the road: "I could see the car going by on the highway if I bothered to turn my head." Hillbillies are presumed by outsiders to be ignorant and illiterate, incestuous and therefore genetically flawed, poverty stricken, violent, and generally savage....5 No matter what the realities of Appalachian life may be, the mythology is far more pervasive in American life and, I fear, throughout the world. As cultural analyst David Whisnant has commented, "to this day there are a thousand people who 'know* that mountaineers weave coverlets and sing ballads for everyone who knows that millions of them have been industrial workers for a hundred years, have organized unions and picketed state and national capitals in pursuit of their constitutional rights, and have laid their bodies in front of stripmine bulldozers and overloaded coal trucks. Or that, today, they shop at K-Mart and Radio Shack, drive Camaros, and watch as much television as people anywhere."6 THE MYTHOLOGY AND TOURISM Mountains became a fashionable, even cultish, tourist destination in Europe and America beginning in the late eighteenth century and lasting well into the early twentieth century.7 Enthusiasm for mountain travel reached its zenith during the Romantic period of the nineteenth century, coinciding with the coming of railroads to take the tourists into mountain areas. Orally circulated stories and published accounts by travellers into the southern Appalachian mountains contributed significantly to the creation and dissemination of the mythol- �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Speer ogyof Appalachia. By the late 1700s, stories of mythic proportions were already circulating among travellers about the exploits of such intrepid mountain men as Daniel Boone and Davy Crockett (mountaineer as hero). A typical written account of early travel in the mountains is journalist Anne Newport Royall*s description of the people she encountered in the southwest Virginia territory. In her account, you can already hear the mythic images taking shape: "These counties, remote from commerce and civilized life, confined to their everlasting hills of freezing cold, all pursuing the same employments, which consist in farming, raising cattle, making whiskey (and drinking it), hunting and digging sang (ginseng), as they say, present a distinct republic of their own, every way diff erent from any people."8 By 1867, the first "hillbilly as buffoon" character appears as Sut Lovingood in a cycle of stories by George Washington Harris, popular with travellers to the mountain region. Sut, who speaks in a heavy mountain dialect and drinks moonshine, is a mountaineer, as Harris describes him, "among a crowd of mountaineers full of fun, foolery, and mean whiskey."9 Shortly after the American Civil War, improved transportation brought a flood of people to the mountains of Appalachia. Some came as tourists to see the beauty of the mountains and spend summers in the cool, disease-free environment. Some came to mine the region's abundantnatural resources (timber, coal, etc.); some came representing churches or charitable organizations to mine what were thought to be the region's lost souls (the mythology already at work). Some came to find and sell—literally sell—to the American people the commodities of what one early writer called, "a strange land and peculiar people." These early taproots of the mythology of Appalachia took hold and in a fertile period from 1875-1935 grew as dense and complex and tenacious as a thicket of mountain laurel. The outpouring of rhetoric about theAppalachian region in this period is nothing short of phenomenal. In just the first two decades (18751895) more than two hundrednovels andstories 215 were published which described mountain people as "quaint and isolated, living peculiar lives in the shadow of awe-inspiring peaks."10 Countless non-fiction books and magazine articles, particularly travel accounts, frequently illustrated with engravings or later, photographs, sold vigorously, as did untold newspaper stories of mountain life. In more recent years, the mythic icons of hillfolk have come into the consciousness of most people through the visual media—television and film, photography, cartoons, and marketing campaigns to sell land in the mountains and to promote tourism. In the early development of the mythology, photographs helped sell the stories of the hillbilly to the public outside the region; in the 1940s, 1950s,and 1960s(with the first automobile tourism boom in Appalachia) cartoonist Al Capp's L'il Abner series and Billy DeBeck's Snuffy Smith forever inscribed the mythic icons of "hillbilliness" in the public mind; in the 1960s, news photographers and documentary filmmakers animated the cartoon icons with real mountain people, as they saw them, in reporting Johnson's War on Poverty. The 1970s reproduced images of the mountaineer as pioneer hero in the back-to-theland nostalgia craze. The icons of Appalachia have by now become so widely known that they are used to sell calendars, kitsch, real estate, food, and tourism. The Appalachian story has become a commodity which sells well. Take a trip anywhere in the mountains today and you can buy souvenirs of mountain life ranging from the ridiculous to the sublime, from a hillbilly calculator (a cardboard cut-out of a hand with the digits numbered) to a stunningly crafted cathedral window quilt. You can visit John Rice Irwin's attractive Museum of Appalachia (i.e., rural, traditional Appalachia) in Norris, Tennessee, or the garishness of Gatlinburg, Tennessee with its Ripley's Believe It or Not museum, giant waterslides, and the worst hillbilly kitsch imaginable. One of the most popular destinations in southern Appalachia is the Blue Ridge Parkway which attracts twenty million visitors a year. The Blue Ridge Parkway's interpretation of Appalachia and the role of its concessioners in �216 marketing the mythology of Appalachia offer an interesting case study in the interplay between culture and commerce. THE BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY AND APPALACHIA Designers and administrators of the Blue Ridge Parkway early on made a decision to protect and interpret the cultural history of the area through which the Parkway passed. In the 1930s whenlandscape architect Stanley Abbott began designing the Parkway, he said: "Through much of its length the parkway goes through a *managed landscape* and I think it has been pretty clear and relatively unquestioned with the (Park) Service that the problem was to marry ourselves to that managed landscape. This has required a feeling for the rail fence, the old barn, and the farm field" to which he later added, *The picture of ... simple homestead culture... (is) as interesting a part of the Blue Ridge as the natural scene around (it)."11 Abbott, always a strong image-maker, chose an apt metaphor when he described the Blue Ridge Parkway's relationship to the surrounding cultural area as a marriage—sometimes it has been a blissful relationship, sometimes stormy, but nonetheless a permanent and enduring relationship. What Abbott called a "simple homestead culture," much of it the vestiges of a pioneer culture still visible in the 1930s in parts of the mountains, became the focus for the Parkway's interpretation of Appalachia—the mountaineer as romantic hero. In this approach the Blue Ridge Parkway has been remarkably and admirably consistent. A Parkway visitor encounters miles of split rail fences, preserved log cabins, an entirefarmstead(theJohnsonFarm)at Peaks of Otter, a working gristmill at Mabry Mill, and numerous craft exhibits. The parkway has been sensitive (perhaps even a little defensive) in portraying mountain life with dignity and trying to avoid negative stereotypes about the region. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the parkway Guidebooks (1976), when a fictional character, Uncle Newt, who speaks inmountain dialect, is introduced to add "local color" to the Parkways Conference Proceedings Guide. Immediately the author of the Guide hastens to add: "To avoid any misunderstanding: Many of our local contacts had college degrees, spoke perfect English, and, like Uncle Newt, were gracious and helpful. Uncle Newt was bora out of love and admiration for the mountainesque local color he represents."12 Recently the Blue Ridge Parkway administration has come to realize the unique role that parkways can play in cultural interpretation of any area. More than any single destination park or tourist attraction, parkways move visitors through actual as well symbolic time and through real cultural space. Visitors can see the dynamics of culture, both continuity and change. Rather than simply showing visitors the preserved, hermetically sealed, pioneer past of the mountains, the Parkway can help visitors understand the region's past, the ways in which mountain life has changed (and how it has stayed the same), and some potentials and problems for the future of the mountains. There are encouraging signs (too numerous to discuss here) that the Parkway is moving toward this approach.13 For most tourists, the real buying and selling of the commodities of mountain life takes place at the gift shops operated by concessioners at numerous Parkway locales (e.g., Doughton Park, Cherry Hill, Northwest Trading Post, etc.). Just last week I took a trip down the Parkway from near Blacksburg, Virginia, deep into North Carolina stopping at nearly every concession area to see the current state of "marketing the mountains." First, let me say that what I found was mostly pleasing. Many of the concessions had for sale largely locally made products of generally good quality representing mountain cultural traditions still vital today (i.e., basketmaking, quilting, beekeeping, woodcarving, etc.). The concessions do aparticularly good job with regional foodways both in their restaurants and in the foods (apple butter, jams, preserves, relishes, etc.) they sell as souvenirs. (The buckwheat cakes are deservedly famous; the mountain trout, country ham biscuits, grits, and tomatoes areexcellent; and atthe Northwest TradingPost in North Carolina you can sample a true mountain delicacy—molasses stack cake). Perhaps the food tastes so true because local people staff �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Speer the kitchens. The false notes that I found were few but shrill and inevitably the product of nonlocal companies. At the Northwest Trading Post, so fine in most ways, I found a T-shirt, made in Texas, with a drawing of a hillbilly stereotype (slouch hat, slouched position, log shack in the background) with a buxom, young woman standing over the hillbilly, posterior protruding from short shorts (patched, of course!) toward the viewer. Across the top of the T-shirt written in rustic letters were the words: *Thrills in the Hills." Here was a shirt that combined negative cultural stereotyping and sexism all in one. The mountaineer as buffoon. Another T-shirt, discovered in the gas station at Crabtree Meadows, portrayed the stereotypical hillbilly with all his cultural baggage— sleeping against a tree in slouch hat and tattered clothes, hound dog sleeping by his side, a moonshine jug "right handy" (clearly identifiable by the XXX's on it) and flies circling the whole lot. The shirt read, "Laid Back in North Carolina" or "Kicked Back in North Carolina" in another version. Finally, hi the coffee shop/gift shop at Doughton Park, prominently displayed beside the cash register, I bought the "Hillbilly Joke Book," published in Texas, mostly about the Ozarks (but aren't hillbillies the same everywhere?), which must contain every hillbilly stereotype ever known. These may seem like minor concerns but it is jarring to see the people of the mountains presented as "independent pioneer and mountain tackey"14 all at the same time, and in the same place (though it does pointedly reveal much of the ambivalence mainstream American culture has always felt about Appalachia). Similar items depicting negative stereotypes of Black people or Native Americans would bring howls of protest to the Park Service from the tourist public. Does it really matter that a few pieces of hillbilly kitsch are sold along the Blue Ridge Parkway, especially when some of these items sell well? (A Blue Ridge Parkway official once told me that it was unfortunate but true that a lot of the nonlocal, poorer quality items sold much 217 better than the locally made goods, a strong argument made by the concessioners, proving that the economics of culture frequently dominate sensitivity to culture.) I think it does matter, particularly because it puts the Park Service, a federal agency that in recent years especially has tried to be sensitive to the politics of culture, in the awkward position of seeming to hawk ethnocentrism and sexism. The very culture the Parkway celebrates mile after mile gets denigrated quickly when a kid buys the hillbilly joke book as her souvenir to take back home from the mountains. Do hillbilly stereotypes really hurt anyone? Do they really have any significant effect on anyone or anything or are they only harmless fun? The answer to these questions is complicated but a few examples may demonstrate that perceptions of cultural difference always have effects. Many of my students at the university who come from southwest Virginia or other parts of Appalachia tell me that they struggle with their cultural identity because for so long they have been made to feel ashamed of their mountain "hillbilly" heritage. These are exceptionally bright students from mostly middle class or upper middle class homes. Think of the effects on mountain young people who have fewer inner strengths and less moral support. More pertinent to the subject of parkways, the controversial story of the building of the Skyline Drive (and the Shenandoah National Park) centers on cultural perceptions of mountain residents. A decision was made to resettle all mountain residents out of the area when the park and parkway were to be built, "for thenown good." The motives of some of those involved in the resettlement were high-minded, believing that the mountain people would benefit from access to jobs, better housing, education, and health-care. But many found it easy to justify displacement of the residents because they believed the mountaineer's way of life simply wasn't "worth saving," according to one of the project engineers.15 A Park Service historian of the period (1935) wrote, "the area... is almost destitute of the remains of a mountain culture"16 and a caption under a photograph in �218 the plan book for the project stated: "The picture ... tells the story of moronic but contented mountain folk of the average type."17 And finally, another engineer from the road building project resisted putting mountain residents to work on the road, calling them **a bunch of hillbillies" and adding, "Oh these hillbillies, they won't work. They don't know anything. They're lazy. They won't work."18 But the mountaineers did work on the road and research in recent years has shown that the widespread perceptions of "no culture" among the inhabitants of the Shenandoah area simply were not based on evidence which has proven contradictory (i.e., that there was a rich culture operating but not visible to those who saw only what they wanted to see).19 CONCLUSION What can we learn from the experience of Appalachia useful to those interested in parkways? Parkways by their nature attract people— usually great numbers of people—to places where other people live and enact their culture. Parkway planners have to make a decision, either consciously or subconsciously, about their stance toward the local culture and its interpretation. Fredric Jameson argues that efforts at interpretation are plagued by a binary opposition between Identity and Difference; that is, we are faced with the dilemma of either affirming the Identity of the culturally Other with ourselves, or affirming the radical difference from ourselves.20 If we take the first stance, we say " 'they' are just like us" and we fail to "touch the strangeness and the resistance of a reality genuinely different from our own."21 If we take the second stance, we say "'they* are so different from us we can never understand," which casts us in the role of gaping tourists. Both positions have moral consequences which are made clear in Tzvetan Todorov's The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other, an historical case study of the white European encounter with the American Indian. Todorov points out that the Christian missionaries too easily identified with the indige- Parkways Conference Proceedings nous peoples and he asks: "Can we really love someone if we know little or nothing of his identity; if we see in place of that identity a projection of ourselves or our ideals?...Doesn't one culture risk trying to transform the other in its own name, and therefore risk subjugating it as well? How much is such love worth?"22 On the other hand, Todorov views Columbus as guilty of affirming the radical Different of the native peoples, "the failure to recognize the Indians, and the refusal to admit them as a subject having the same rights as oneself, but different. Columbus discovered America but not the Americans."23 The people of Appalachia have been victims of both stances. Like the missionaries and the Indians, Appalachia has been "loved" too much by reformers of one kind or another who have believed mountain people are just like them if only they had the opportunities; who have wanted to make mountain life just like mainstream American culture; who have wanted to help those "poor, culturally isolated mountain folk" get some real culture. One mountain poet has described "How America Came to the Mountains" as "an awful storm."24 On the other hand, mountain people are often seen as so different that they can't be like mainstream Americans, and in fact, we don't want them to be. We prefer them to be what we imagine them to be. How do those faced with this dilemma— Identity and Difference—resolve it? There is no easy answer but I offer three words of advice: Listen, See, and Question. First, listen with empathy to the people whose culture is to be interpreted and, usually, marketed. The Blue Ridge Parkway has been doing this well in recent years with public forums and community involvement. The Roanoke EXPLORE project has discovered that local people need to be and will be heard on the plans for this park and parkway. Second, try to see with new eyes, to look at things, as anthropologist Clifford Geertz says, "from the native's point of view."25 And, finally, we must ask ourselves, as cultural interpreters, some hard questions about our own motives; we must try to see around our own blinders to the political and moral implications �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Speer of our visions and plans; we must be constantly alert to our own cultural hegemony. Using folk culture as a basis for interpretation or marketing along a parkway is a serious and sensitive issue. But Appalachian poet Jim Wayne Miller summarizes with acerbic wit the difficulties of combining folk culture and tourism is his poem, "The Brier Losing Touch with His Traditions"26: THE BRIER LOSING TOUCH WITH HIS TRADITIONS Once he was a chairmaker. People up north discovered him, They said he was "an authentic mountain craftsman." People came and made pictures of him working, wrote him up in the newspapers. He got famous Got a lot of orders for his chairs. When he moved up to Cincinnati so he could be closer to his market (besides, a lot of his people lived there now) he found out he was a Brier. And when his customers found out he was using an electric lathe and power drill just to keep up with all the orders, they said he was losing touch with his traditions. His orders fell off something awful. He figured it had been a bad mistake to let the magazine people take those pictures of him with his power tools, clean-shaven, wearing a flowered sport shirt and drip-dry pants. So he moved back down to east Kentucky. Had himself a brochure printed up with a picture of him using his hand lathe bearded, barefoot, in faded overalls. Then when folks would come from the magazines, he'd get rid of them before suppertime so he could put on his shoes, his flowered sport shirt and double-knit pants, and open a can of beer and watch the six-thirty news on tv out of New York and Washington. He had to have some time to be himself. 219 NOTES Quoted in Archie Green, "Hillbilly Music: Source and Symbol," Journal of American Folklore. 78 (July 1965), 204. 2 Percy MacKaye, "Untamed America: A Comment on a Sojourn in the Kentucky Mountains," The Survey 51 (January 1, 1924), 327. 3 For a discussion, see Stephen W. Fisher, Identity as Symbolic Production: The Politics of Culture and Meaning in Appalachia. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1977. Ph.D. Dissertation, Princeton University, 1977, p. 30. 4 Julia Montgomery Street, as quoted in Charles Alan Watkins, "Merchandising the Mountaineer: Photography, the Great Depression, and Cabins in the Laurel," Appalachian Journal. 12 (Spring 1985), 220. 5 Fisher, p. 29. 6 David Whisnant, All That Is Native and Fine: The Politics of Culture in an American Region (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1983), p. 13. 7 See, for example, Paul P. Bernard, Rush to the Alps: The Evolution of Vacationing in Switzerland (New York: East European Quarterly. 1978); and, Maxine Feifer, Tourism in History (New York: Stein and Day, 1985). 8 Anne Newport Royall, as quoted in Voices from the Hills: Selected Readings of Southem Appalachia. ed. by Robert H. Higgs and Ambrose N. Manning (New York: Ungar, 1975), p. 73. 9 George Washington Harris, Sut Lovingood, Yarns Sun by a "Nat'ral born durn'd fool." Warped and Wove for Public Wear. (New York: Dick & Fitzgerald, 1967), p. 19. 10 Carvel Collins, "Nineteenth Century Fiction of the Southern Appalachians," Bulletin of Bibliography, xviii (1942), p. 186. "Quoted in Douglas Swaim, "Stanley Abbott and the Design of The Blue Ridge Parkway," Blue Ridge Parkway: Agent of Transition, ed. by Barry M. Buxton and �220 Steven M. Beatty (Boone: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1986.) 12 William Lord, Blue Ridge Parkway Guide (Asheville: Hexagon, 1976), p. 5. "Parks Lanier in "Mabry Mill as Metaphor," in Blue Ridge Parkway: Agent of Transition. p. 164, makes the interesting suggestion to replace utilitarian placards explaining the artifacts at Mabry Mill with the words of contemporary Appalachian poets. l4 Charles L. Perdue, Jr. and Nancy J. MartinPerdue, "From Independent Pioneer to Mountain Tackey: Socioeconomic Determinants of Cultural Paradox," paper presented for the American Folklore Society, 1977, p. 3. 15 Perdue, p. 2. 16 Perdue, p. 2. "Perdue, p. 3. 18 Gwen Russell Harvey and Alice Hoffman, "A New Deal for the Mountain Folk: Recollections of the Resettlement Administration," Blu^RidgeP^±w^yiAgsmonimii sition. p. 94 and p. 96. Parkways Conference Proceedings 19 See Charles and Nancy Perdue, "Appalachian Fables and Facts: A Case Study of the Shenandoah National Park Removals" Appalachian Journal. 7 (1980). ^Fredric Jameson, "Marxism and Historicism," New Literary History 11 (Autumn 1979), 43. I am grateful to my colleague Dwight Conquergood of Northwestern University for this and the Todorov reference that follows. 21 Jameson, p. 43. 22 Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other, trans. Richard Howard (New York: Harper & Row, 1984), p. 168. 23 Todorov, p. 40. ^Jim Wayne Miller, "How America Came to the Mountains," The Mountains Have Come Closer (Boone: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1980), p. 47. "Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1972). "Jim Wayne Miller, "The Brier Losing Touch with His Traditions." The Mountains Have Come Closer, p. 44. Area Development Effects on the Colonial Parkway, Colonial National Historical Park, Virginia Peter Baril Colonial National Historical Park was established by presidential proclamation as Colonial National Monument on December 30, 1930, to commemorate the beginning and end of the English-American colonial experience. Congressional authorization earlier that year had specified that the park would be created "... to preserve the historic structures and remains... for the benefit and enjoyment of the people."1 President Herbert Hoover reiterated the purpose of the park as established by the Congressional authorization, and further stated that the park would be comprised of Jamestown Island, passage through the city of Williamsburg, the Yorktown battlefield, and ". . . areas for highways to connect said island, city and battlefield."2 Spurred by the Great Depression, construction on the Colonial Parkway began in 1931, after suitable land cessions and purchases hadbeenmade. Work was interrupted by World War n, and it was not until 1956 mat the Colonial Parkway was completed. Three lanes wide, the Parkway fronts the James and York Rivers for approximately half its twenty-three mile length. Away from the Rivers, the roadway traverses low hills which are maintained in forest. The right-of-way includes several Confederate forts, the ruins of �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—Baril two seventeenth century plantation houses, and the site of at least one Indian village. The soil very likely holds undiscovered archeological remains. Interpretive signs located along its length allude to events as diverse as a sixteenth century Jesuit mission in the area, the brief presence of young George Custer, and colonial real estate. The forested boundaries of the Parkway today are home to a variety of animals. Whitetailed deer often are seen along the roadside or scampering across the paved surface, even within the Williamsburg city limits. Opossums and raccoons are seenfrequently. Great blue herons fish in the shallow water of the James and the marshy tributaries feeding it. Especially lucky visitors are able to observe pileated woodpeckers, ospreys and bald eagles. Selective planting of redbud, dogwood, and locust trees provide a continual show of flowers through much of the spring. From the beginning, the Parkway was planned as a motor road, and the primary management consideration was scenery, a visually pleasant conduit between two places in which strikingly important historical events took place. Turnouts have been placed strategically so as to afford the best view of the two rivers and the water traffic on them. Where the road is out of sight of water, the pullovers are fewer and keyed to some other scenic feature, most notably a large oak tree thought to date to the colonial era. In only one case does the Parkway provide paved access to an area whose primary interest is historic. One of the smallest and least used turnouts, it calls attention to the presence there of a seventeenth century paper mill. The size of the pullovers argues that most of them were intended by their designers for short term use. Only three will hold more than a dozen cars. Lack of any access from the bluff areas to the riverfronts below them also indicates that the planners did not envision recreational use of those beach areas. Visitors were meant to use the turnouts to read the interpretive signs, take in the view for a few minutes, and be on their way. Two picnic areas adjacent to the road were intended for recreational purposes, it is true, but their largely wooded character and 221 locations show they were not meant for anything more vigorous than a cookout. Certainly there are none of the amenities associated with more active recreation, no horseshoe pits, softball diamonds or bath houses. The construction dates of the two picnic areas located along the Parkway also indicate that they were not considered a critical need by the first park planners. Ringfield Picnic Area was cleared and set up in 1956, and Great Neck Picnic Area did not follow until 1963.3 The lack of consideration given to recreational uses of the Parkway is also shown in the adoption of a special federal regulation which prohibits landing or launching boats in the park.4 It should come as no surprise that the National Park Service has trouble restricting or channeling visitation to fit the strictures of Congress, President or park planners. In some cases their intentions have been merely exceeded. In others they have been contradicted entirely. Citizen requests for greater recreational access to the park and for a widened spectrum of permitted activities have been heard practically from the moment the park was established. Representative of this type of public reaction to the park is a letter received in July, 1951, which complained of a lack of parking on the Parkway and a ban on parking on the grass. The park superintendent stoically replied that the purpose of the Parkway is not to provide local recreational facilities, and random parking would destroy the beauty of the roadway.5 Often, however, Park Service reaction to rising recreational pressure has been much more equivocal. In response to a perceived public demand for swimming, the National Park Service created a paved parking area parallel to the Parkway between College Creek and the existing turnout west of the creek. Since the park did not provide lifeguard protection, when drownings occurred there were claims for damages. The parallel parking area was removed in 1971 to prevent continuation of government liability and the James River shoreline has been effectively closed to swimming since that time.6 �222 Rising area population has resulted in a much higher use of the Colonial Parkway as a commuter route. Development of York and Gloucester Counties as suburban areas for people who work in Williamsburg or at the military installations next to the parkway has accentuated this tendency. Though there are seldom traffic jams such as occur in cities, there is little doubt this sort of use is increasing and will continue to rise in the future. This commuter traffic is concentrated on the portion of the Parkway between Yorktown and Williamsburg. The western suburbs of Williamsburg do not rely on the Parkway as a transportation artery and it is unlikely they will come to do so. The growth of the Yorktown-WilliamsburgJamestown triangle will bring about a greater insularity for many of the animals living in the park. Disappearance of game animals from private land near the park probably will result in more poaching of animals along the Parkway, where access is easy, deer browse near the roadside in winter, and the long sight lines make it difficult for the rangers to conduct surveillance. Military spending affects the Parkway because of its proximity to the Yorktown Naval Weapons Station. Any buildup of the armed forces translates into more employees at this installation. Many of them travel on the Parkway, concentrating at the shift changes when traffic is very heavy. People driving to and from work normally would not be said to be recreating, but there is reason to believe many of them use the Parkway because of its scenic values as well as for convenience. An alternative commuter route from Yorktown to Williamsburg exists. In length it is little more than a mile longer than the Parkway route, and if speed limits are not exceeded and one has reasonable luck with traffic lights, is not substantially more time consuming. No scientific work has been done to date to determine the extent of its use between Yorktown and Williamsburg, but judging from observation, this use appears to be light. It is necessary for the National Park Service to evaluate types of recreational use and act Parkways Conference Proceedings as arbiter to determine what is appropriate and to prohibit what is considered inappropriate. Often this is not easy. A body of literature has grown up within the agency to guide the staff within any individual park and to assure uniformity throughout the system. Chapter 36 of the Code of Federal Regulations, for example, prohibits hunting in all areas of the National Parks except as specifically allowed in the enabling legislation of an area.7 Hunting and trapping are prohibited along Colonial Parkway, though both are sometimes done illegally. Taking mammals, birds, reptiles, or amphibians is prohibited, but fishing is only regulated. Since the tidal waters of the York and James are considered salt water, no state license is required, there is practically no limitation on catches, and parking is easy and free. Fishing thus offers a source of inexpensive recreation that contains the added prospect of an economic advantage to those engaging in it. Fishing attracts substantial numbers of persons to the Parkway, many of whom come equipped to make a day of it. At the height of the season they are numerous enough to fill some of the parking areas along the road, effectively barring access to others and making it difficult even to read the interpretive signs. In addition to this effect, some of the less conscientious fishermen and women leave litter behind and their use has resulted in the creation of a number of impromptu trails from the parking areas to the water. Shoreline vegetation has been trampled and the beach areas destabilized. The beaches along the James and York Rivers are utilized for purposes other than fishing. Though it might seem odd for a peninsula, there are few public beaches available in the area, and because of this, shorelines in the park have been visited heavily for many years. This use is concentrated somewhat and probably is governed by the availability of parking. Infact, it does not seem coincidental that the three largest Parkway turnouts are located near the three best beach areas. Earlier we argued that recreational use was not catered to by the Parkway planners, but these three beach areas would seem to be exceptions. However, since they were established, they have come to be used �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—B aril extensively for sunbathing and picnicking. As do the fishermen, people coming to the beaches in the park often stay for the day. Sunbathing in itself might be considered a nonconsumptive use and basically compatible with the purposes of the park. It must be noted, however, that the numbers of these users sometimes is so great that a deterioration of the resource is inevitable. Foot traffic from the parking areas has created more of the eroding trails already mentioned, trails which, judging from visual rather than empirical evidence, are becoming more numerous and suffering greater soil loss as time passes. Many people bring their lunches or other refreshments, and some leave their refuse when they depart. The park must either pay to clean up this trash, or accept a littered landscape, or establish a continual law enforcement presence in these places. Once again, areas that receive substantial visitation for recreational purposes experience trampling of the shoreline vegetation anddestabilization of the shoreline itself. This is particularly significant in the vicinity of College Creek, where the shoreline is moving back due to natural processes, and where a Confederate fort is but a short distance from the beach. Preservation of the historic remains is the reason the park exists, and anything that endangers the old structures is a priori unacceptable. Since so many people desire to use the beaches near the Colonial Parkway, and since the National Park Service Organic Act of 1916 mandates accessible resources for the benefit and enjoyment of the visitors, the park comes under intense pressure to provide recreational facilities. For example, persons who come to one of the small park beaches for the day will need to relieve themselves sometime during the course of their visit. No provision has been made for this understandable human need, so people must either leave the area or find momentary privacy in the nearby bushes. Because parking often is at a premium on weekends, there is a clear preference for the bushes. Interestingly, there has been no clamor for bathrooms from the visitors. Nor has there been any such insistence from either federal or state public health officials. What there has been is 223 pressure for more parking, primarily at Indian Field Creek. Visitors confronted with a full parking lot often park on the grass, an unacceptable practice for both legal and resource management reasons. In an attempt to cope with this heavy use, the park in 1982 set up an overflow lot next to the paved parking area. Even this additional space has been insufficient during peak visitation times, however, and the problem persists. In an addition to this, the bare soil and log barriers of the temporary parking area are ugly. By almost everyone's estimation, so is the long line of parked cars which are there on spring and summer weekends. It can be argued that if this area is crowded with sunbathers, there must be significant numbers of people who do not object to crowding, and who wish to use the park for this type of passive recreation. Trying to cope with such a contention, the park managers at Colonial National Historical Park have worked to define what kind of use is appropriate. A Compilation of Regulations has been issued by the park superintendent for this reason. The compendium prohibits a number of recreational activities in the park, including boating in park waters, fishing in park impoundments, snowmobiling, and skateboarding. The Colonial Parkway is closed to horseback riding, kite flying, ball games, frisbee throwing and other activities not directly related to the historical theme of the park.8 No determination has been made whether fishing or sunbathing are related to the historical theme of the park. The American scene has changed considerably since President Hoover established Colonial National Monument in 1930. So have recreational activities. People do still sometimes drive for pleasure, but driving is seldom thought of as a recreational activity. Many people ride bicycles and jog for fun, however, a situation which the Parkway planners half a century ago cannot be blamed for failing to anticipate. Sunny weekends bring out groups of these enthusiasts, but individual cyclists and runners can be seen almost every day. Neither bicyclists nor joggers have a significant physical effect on the road. It is sometimes contended that bicycle tires exert enormous �224 stresses on a road surface, but there is no noticeable evidence that two-wheeled vehicles have caused any wear to the Colonial Parkway. There do not seem to be any worn pathways along the side of the Parkway caused by runners. The impact of bikers and joggers is rather on the traffic conflicts they sometimes have with automobiles. Drivers habitually swing into the middle lane of the Parkway to pass cyclists, as they should, but use of the middle lane can be dangerous. The motorist who is distracted sometimes does not see a runner or bicyclist. Runners who have the sun at their backs must be especially careful. There was one serious injury to a bicyclist during the summer of 1987, and as long as they share a comparatively narrow winding road with motor vehicles the potential for a serious accident must be considered high. In the 1970's, proposals were made for a bicycle-jogging path alongside the Parkway. Some provision for this bikeway was made, but when it became obvious that funding would not be available in the near future the effort was shelved, and the likelihood of such a pathway is now remote. The idea has produced arather odd bridge in the park, however, a bridge which includes a completely unused auxiliary crossing for bikes and foot traffic. During the day, recreational use can be given at least an ephemeral connection with the original purpose of the park, but when the sun sets little justification for visitation can be made. In fact, much of the after dark visitation to the Colonial Parkway is for sexual relations and for drinking. The impact of this type of recreation is, once again, the quantities of litter produced, the pedestrian traffic on eroding bluff surfaces, and the drain this use puts on park personnel resources. There is no possibility, however, that the Parkway will be closed at night, and so the problems posed by nighttime visitation will persist. There is scarcely a problem in the park that will not become worse in the future if the trends so evident today will continue, and all indications are that the area will see more of the same in coming years. There seems little reason, for example, to doubt the current population growth Parkways Conference Proceedings of two percent per year will continue. Although the parallel is inexact, again there is every cause to believe this population growth will bring about similar increases in numbers of users of the Parkway. In fact, the visitation increase might exceed area population growth because that growth is uneven. Two nearby municipal parks, Newport News Park and Waller Mill Park, receive heavy summer use for recreational purposes, but neither has a beach and the Colonial Parkway therefore will remain the focal point for sunbathers who do not want to drive as far as Virginia Beach. Demographic changes might work to the advantage of the park in this case, as the vast majority of these visitors are young. If the William and Mary student population remains stable and the military installations do not increase their rosters, this type of use should not become more intense. The rapid growth of the Williamsburg metropolitan area has also brought about other changes in the character of the Colonial Parkway. Because it crosses the peninsula, the Parkway must itself be crossed by any land traffic in the area. Numerous bridges now span the old road, including Interstate Highway 64, and though the National Park Service insisted that any bridge over the Parkway must be faced with brick to make it visually compatible, there is still an individual and cumulative effect of noise and visual intrusion. This type of impact also has been caused by the clearing of adjacent land for suburban residences and businesses. During summer these structures are hardly visible from the roadway, but when the leaves fall the narrow corridor of vegetation owned by the park is inadequate to screen nearby buildings. As land has become more scarce there has been a greater propensity to build higher structures. A recent case involves plans for a five-story hotel very close to the Parkway. Area development has caused siltation of the small streams which cross beneath the Parkway. It has brought about noise pollution, and the larger numbers of nearby residents have contributed to air pollution with their automobiles and wood fires. In trying to provide facili- �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—McMahon ties for the local population, the Park Service has consented to several utility corridors above and below the road surface. Electric and telephone lines now cross the Parkway, as do several water lines, one natural gas line, and even a line for cable television. The entry road to one housing development empties on to a Parkway access road, and in 1983 the park superintendent turned down a request for a second similar access.9 As must be clear by now, it is time for a comprehensive analysis of the Colonial Parkway, its capacities and objectives, and what can be done to reconcile a public which desires more intensive recreation with a park which is mandated to preserve historic features. Just such a review is now being made as part of a general management planning process in the park. Public involvement in this process will be solicited, but the park must make management decisions based on the intent of Congress and the President rather than the desires of people in the neighborhood. It is in trying to please everyone that the National Park Service manages to please no one. 225 NOTES 1. 46Stat.855 2. 46Stat.3041 3. Superintendent's Monthly Report, September 1956, and October 1963, unpublished, Chief Park Historian's office, Colonial NHP. 4. Ibid, July, 1951. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 36 Code of Federal Regulations SS7.1 Interview with Trent R. Taylor, Park Ranger and lifetime resident of NewportNews and Williamsburg, Virginia. 36 Code of Federal Regulations SS2.2 Compilation of Superintendent's Orders, April 10, 1987, unpublished, available at the Superintendent's office, Colonial National Historical Park. Recollection of the author. The Need for a National System of Scenic Highways Edward McMahon, Executive Director, Coalition for Scenic Beauty I come today to present only one simple, but I believe compelling idea. We must establish a national system of scenic highways in the United States. Let me invite you to take a short imaginary drive along one of our federal interstate highways. Let's take a trip down Interstate 45 from Houston to the Gulf city of Galveston. Or along Interstate 10 through Florida, Mississippi and Louisiana or on Interstate 40 across North Carolina, into the Appalachians and then westward across Tennessee, Arkansas, and Oklahoma. What would we see? Thousands of billboards of every description, towering over the fields, riding the hills, dominating the landscape and the largest number of them advertising alcohol and tobacco, products channeled by federal law off our airwaves and on to our landscape. Most of our journey we would have been outside developed urban areas, yetrarely would our vista have been free of billboards. Any person aware of the existence of the Federal Highway Beautification Act would quickly assume that this disgraceful mess must have been created prior to 1965. Such an observer might complain that the beautification program has still not gotten around to cleaning up these roads. Would an observer believe that the worst of this blight had been created since the passage of the Beautification Act? Believable or not, that is exactly what has happened - and continues to happen even as I speak. �226 Would the observer believe that almost $220 million has been spent to remove billboards on such roadways in America? Well, once convinced, any taxpay ing observer should be outraged at this waste of public money. Why does America need to preserve scenic highways? Several reasons: first, to meet the recreational needs of those millions of Americans who drive for recreation and pleasure; second, to provide for preservation of routes of historical significance in urban and rural areas; third, to provide for the recovery and conservation of natural beauty and cultural diversity along designated scenic routes; and fourth, to maximize the potential of little used and bypassed sections of highway and return economic vitality to distressed areas through promotion of tourism. NEED All American highways were scenic highways when settlers first carved them out of the wilderness. But scenery was the last thing early trailblazers and road builders had in mind. They merely wanted to get from here to there, the fastest way possible. We now know how civilization has altered or in places demolished the pristine look of America—with highways bearing a large share of responsibility. Yet, even a generation ago, a drive in the country was still an American institution. Families packed a picnic and a road map and set out to discover the wonders of rural America. But today much of our countryside looks depressingly familiar. City blends with suburb. Suburb blurs with rural areas. Every place is coming to look like every place else. Today's drive in the country rewards us with endless vistas of mammoth billboards and flashing signs. Drink this! Smoke that! Eat here! Fly there! The proclamations combine to obliterate our scenery. Our distinctive rural landscapes are rapidly disappearing. In some places—like East Tennessee and Western North Carolina—the clutter is so bad, you literally can't see the mountains for all the billboards. Likewise, in Parkways Conference Proceedings many country towns the tallest structures are no longer steeples or silos but towering signs— many ten stories high. The day is fast approaching when the unspoiled American landscape will endure—like an endangered species—only in national parks and preserves. Government must act to protect a vital but rapidly vanishing part of our heritage—unspoiled roadside America. Like it or not our perception of America is sharply influenced by where autos can go. We see relatively little of anyplace onfoot. Thevast majority of all Americans will never raft a wild river or hike through an unspoiled wilderness. America the Beautiful for most people today is what they can see from our streets and highways. Moreover, numerous surveys indicate that driving for recreation is one of America's leading forms of outdoor recreation. Millions of tourists, day trippers, and recreational drivers want to get away from the boredom and blight all too common along our primary and interstate highways. Instead, they seek unspoiled scenery and unobliterated architecture. They want to visit historic sites, stop and relax at parks and picnic areas, and see farmland and forests not truckstops and billboards. The need for scenic highways is easily documented. Nearly half (43%) of all Americans drive for pleasure according to the 1986 Market and Opinion Research (MOR) Survey conducted by the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors. Pleasure driving to view historic, natural or pastoral sites comprises some 15% of all vehicle miles driven. Indeed the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors found that "driving for pleasure" was the 2nd most popular form of outdoor recreation ranking behind only "walking for pleasure." "Sightseeing," another form of outdoor recreation which typically involves driving, ranked third. Last year, the Blue Ridge Parkway was America's most visited national park. In 1986, over 19 million people drove on the parkway— aroadfor travelers who want unspoiled scenery and spectacular vistas—a road without billboards, truckstops, or commercial clutter. The Natchez Trace Parkway (another see- �IV. Environmental and Economic Perspectives—McMahon nic highway) ranked third among U.S. parks with over 13 million visitors. Likewise the annual pilgrimage of millions to Vermont's Route 100 or California's State Route 1 and the popularity of books like Blue Highways indicate that Americans yearn to explore unspoiled scenic highways. By setting up a national system of scenic roads and highways, America can preserve an important but rapidly vanishing part of our heritage. Doing so will also fill a massive gap in natural resource protection policy while at the same time meeting one of the major unmet needs of Americans outdoors. In her book Country Adventures. Elizabeth Mooney writes of "country roads, innocent of stop signs, billboards, 18 wheel trucks and the attention of road graders. We should be collecting them like diamonds, because they're not making any more of them. They're a last inheritance from the people who came before us and they lead to places that soothe the souls of city folks. They are our compensation for rush hour traffic." IMPLEMENTATION Setting up a national system of scenic roads and highways would be relatively simple. The Parkway system could be designated by using existing secondary (primarily two-lane) roads. Designated routes would take advantage of little used secondary roads and would travel through scenic, historic, geologic, and pastoral areas of the nation. Routes would be designated to offer alternative travel routes to high speed, heavily traveled, commercialized highways. To ensure that all areas of the country are represented in the system, designated routes should be outlined as part of a nationwide scenic routes plan. Unlike traditional national parks which require massive outlays of funds and fee simple ownership of large tracts of land, the scenic highways would depend on low cost land protection measures such as scenic easements and prohibitions against outdoor advertising. Whenever a road or highway is designated as part of the system, regulations would apply 227 to protect the view from the road. Billboards, junkyards, strip mines, and other inappropriate uses would be prohibited or simply screened from view. Scenic easements and private land trusts could be used to protect important features of the built or natural environment However, except for the occasional development of roadside parks and picnic areas, little land acquisition would be required. To establish, maintain and enhance the system of scenic roads Congress could rely on existing highway funding sources. Alternatively, however, it could enact a highway user fee of $250 - $500 per year on each of the over 500,000 billboards which now line our federal interstate and primary highways. This money could be placed in a "beautification superfund" which would be used to maintain and enhance the scenic highways system. The money could pay for roadside landscaping, scenic easements, wayside parks, bike paths, historic sites, etc. Currently billboards are the only "user" of the federal highways which pay no road user taxes, tolls, or fees. In this regard it is important to recognize that billboards derive no value from the private land they stand ojn but from the public roads they stand next to. To understand this principle simply imagine leaving every billboard in America standing exactly where it is but turn it around so that it cannot be viewed from the road. The structure immediately loses all value. Since the 1930's courts have recognized this as the "parasite principle." One court put it this way: "Billboards are parasitic use, living off a public investment, without rendering a public service." Billboards are now flourishing along our federal interstate and primary system. There is no reason why they shouldn't be charged for their use of our highways. A road user tax on billboards can generate needed revenue while helping to enhance and restore the visual integrity of our landscape along the scenic highway system. ADVANTAGES A system of scenic roads and highways would have many advantages. It will preserve �228 a rapidly vanishing part of America's heritage. It will meet the recreational needs of the vast majority of Americans who have little access to traditional national parks and wilderness areas and it will return economic vitality to distressed rural areas through promotion of tourism. As tourists Americans collectively spend billions of dollars seeking unspoiled natural beauty and unblemished historic character. Indeed our scenic heritage is one of our greatest economic as well as physical assets. States like Maine, Vermont, Hawaii, Oregon and Washington have recognized that preserving scenic beauty pays. Establishing a national system of scenic highways will maximize the potential of little used and bypassed sections of highway and will bring tourists into depressed areas along the designated routes. Perhaps most importantly there is a special Parkways Conference Proceedings need to protect rural communities and landscapes that have unique and complex ecological, cultural and historic qualities and a definable sense of place. Yet to date, roadside America has been ignored as a natural and economic resource worth preserving and enhancing. Americans have always drawn strength and inspiration from the beauty of our country. America's greatest leaders—from Thomas Jefferson to Teddy Roosevelt to Lady Bird Johnson— have all recognized that when we degrade America's beauty we diminish the American spirit. For Americans today America the Beautiful is what they see out the window of a car. Unless we want our children and grandchildren to grow up in a blighted, homogenized world of endless clutter we must act now to protect what's left of our roadside heritage. �"LINVILLE AREA, BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY" V. Management John Scarlata is a professor of photography at Virginia Intermont College. He resides in North Carolina near the Parkway. John, who works with large-format cameras, helps us perceive the essence of what we look at. Here, his cameras have been turned toward the Parkway. —Gilbert W. Leebrick JOHN SCARLATA �230 Parkways Conference Proceedings Accident Analysis as a Decision Tool in Rehabilitating Park Roads Richard G. Wasill, P.E., Project Development Engineer BACKGROUND In 1986, the Western Direct Federal Division (WDFD) of FHWA was requested by the National Park Service (NFS) to design and construct an 18 mile resurfacing project in Mt. Rainier National Park from the Nisqually entrance to the Paradise visitors complex. This project was programmed for minor widening to attain a uniform 24 foot width, to make minor drainage corrections, and to make several spot safety improvements along the route under a RRR concept. Our design procedures require the identification of any exceptions to full standards which, in this case, consist of the NPS Park Road Standards adopted in 1984. The park road standards for this route warrant a 35 mph design speed with a 28 foot paved top width for the estimated 1,700 ADT. The maximum regulatory speed is posted at 35 mph. By way of comparison, AASHTO Recreational Road Standards wouldrequire aroadway width of 26 to 32 feet. The original construction of the Nisqually Entrance Road was completed in the late 1920s and predated current engineering standards with regard to roadway design. The proposed resurfacing with minor widening precluded substantial alignment correction. A comparison of design exceptions for this resurfacing project (see Figure 1, Highway Design Standards Checklist) indicates approximately 90 curves on the 18 mile route which do not meet the horizontal criteria for 35 mph. In addition, approximately 20 percent of the curvature exceeds the maximum superelevation rates, and approximately 40 percent of all curves do not provide adequate superelevation runoff. The proposed RRR widening to 24 feet results in substandard shoulder width throughout the length of the project. Due to the substantial numbers of exceptions and potential for associated risks, a comprehensive accident analysis was performed on an interagency basis to ensure that the proposed work properly addressed areas where safety enhancement should be incorporated into the project. This paper provides a brief summary of that comprehensive report dated August 1986. INTRODUCTION There have been occasional differences of opinion with regard to the interpretation of the National Park Service standards. A frequent NPS position is that the 1984 NPS standards are considered as guidelines only. FHWA's position and policy are that these provide both guidance and standards, particularly the latter where minimum numerical values are used. Notwithstanding this difference of opinion, there are provisions for discretionary action in the adoption of exceptions, provided those exceptions are made through conscientious and rational addressing of the local situation and circumstances. FHWA's responsibilities as design experts are to insure that those exceptions to standards are identified so that they can be properly considered in making the ultimate management decisions on the improvement. In late July, an accident analysis was performed for this route by FHWA and NPS personnel. This analysis consisted of a review of accident reports collected from the files of the Mount Rainier National Park as well as a field review of the route to evaluate accident locations and/or potential design inconsistencies from an engineering viewpoint. ACCIDENT HISTORY ANALYSIS Since the park rangers are the enforcement authority, Mount Rainier National Park, like most parks, maintains a wealth of accident information. Unfortunately, some of the problems which plague other agencies are common to the NPS system; namely, ease of information retrieval and identification of specific highway �231 V. Management—Wasill Federal Highway Administration Western Direct Federal Division Highway Design Standards Project Number: MORA 14-1 (i) Project Name: Nisqually-Paradise Location: Mt. Rainier National Park Type of Project: __ New Construction Description Of Work: System: __ Federal-aid Primary __ Federal-aid Secondary _ Off System (Co. Road) __0ther: Functional Classification: Traffic __ Reconstruction /RRR Minor grading, minor base, and bituminous pavement. ./National Park Service __ Forest Service _ Bureau of Land Management Primary Park Road Year Average I ADT Seasonal I Percent Trucks DHV I ADT ~ DHV Current Future D 1,700 seasonally adjusted unknown, not projected Terrain: Mountainous Posted or Regulatory Speed Limit: Design Speed: 35 mpn with exceptions 35 mpn with posted 20-25 mph areas Geometric and Bridge Criteria Standard As Designed Horizontal Curvature 15° maximum Superelevation Superelevation Runoff o.os AASHTO 1984 o.io eo% Crown Gradient Stopping Sight Distance 0.02 13% maximum 225' 0.02 7% maximum Approx. 225' Travel Way Width Shoulder Width Horizontal Clearance Vertical Clearance 11-12 • 3 N/A N/A 11i± Bridge Width Bridge Loading N/A N/A Clear Zones/Guardrail/Br. Rail 121 minimum Exception 80° maximum 90± curves 20% 40% None None Tre(is may limit sight dist ance None AH ^^^^^ ^^^^[[^^ 1.0« minimum Nearly full length Reasons and descriptions of exceptions to standards including analysis of associated risks: See attached sheets. Due to the significant number of exceptions, WDFD performed an Accident Analysis (See August 1986 report). A meeting was held on 8/27/86 with FHWA and NFS personnel to review proposed work-see minutes. Design considerations proposed to mitigate exceptions: Redude excessive super elevation to 0.10 max. Add curve widening. Performed "speed" study using ball-bank indicator to ascertain appropriate warning signs. Final surface to be open graded friction course using AC-20R. Guardrail not warranted based on the accident analysis. Intersection improvement at Upper Ricksacker. Signt distance improvement at Kautz Creek area. Fig. 1. Highway Design Standards Checklist �232 Parkways Conference Proceedings locations. (The NFS is currently developing a Service Wide Traffic Accident Reporting System, STARS, which is scheduled to be implemented in 1987 and is intended to correct these deficiencies.) Mount Rainier National Park (MORA) provided the review team with a "spot" map showing general accident locations and type covering 1979 through 1985. Individual accident reports were available for the most recent 3 years of record. A detailed review of individual accident reports for 1985 and 1984 was made with the various factors summarized and subsequently grouped for statistical comparison. Figure 2 shows a summary for the most recent 2 years of record with the types of occurrences expressed as apercentage and compared to two published statistics: the National Safety Council, 1983, statistics for all Rural Roadway Accidents with Property Damage greater than $250; and US Route 12 in Idaho, a narrow twolane road with similar topography also with property damage greater than $250. Comparison of the data needs to be made with caution due to obvious differences in the routes and type of information collected. For instance, the NPS reports all accidents, regardless of how minor, so long as they are aware of them while each of the comparable statistics exclude property damage of less than $250. Also, the low speed of the road investigated is not necessarily comparable to the range of speeds included in both the NSC and US 12 data. Nevertheless, by comparing the "norms" one can begin to appreciate the types of safety deficiencies prevalent along the route. Some of the more interesting observations are summarized as follows: 1. Thirty percent of the 1984-85 accidents were run-off-the-road type accidents resulting in collisions with embankments, backslopes, trees, walls, and signs. This is lower statistically, however, than the National Safety Council average rate of 43 percent for allruralroads. Of greater significance are the cumulative rates of 12.5 percent sideswipe meetings (vs. 5.8 percent NSC); head-ons 11.3 percent (vs. 5.2 percent*); rear-ends 8.8 percent (vs. 7.4 percent NSC); parked vehicle (in or near roadway) 7.5 percent (vs. 2.7 percent to3.8percent), which individually and cumulatively are indicative of a narrow roadway problem. (*164 miles Idaho Route 12, twolane rural mountainous—12 percent trucks) Afigureof42.5percentofthe 1984-85 accidents occurred on snow or ice with 13.8 percent on wet pavements and 43.8 percent on dry pavements. The winter rates are substantially higher than the NSC ice/snow rate of 14.5 percent; however, this is not necessarily inconsistent with other all-season mountainous roads at high altitudes. The high snow/ice rate appears related to excess superelevations and narrow roadway. The majority of accidents (87.5 percent) were Property Damage Only (PDO) with statistically low injury rates primarily attributed to the low speed character of the roadway. Speeding and alcohol were just slightly above the norm. Extremely significant is the statistic that 87.5 percent of the 1984-85 accidents involved a downhill grade (contributor to excess speed) and/or a horizontal curve (excessive superelevation, snow, ice, sideswipes, and headons). A figure of 6.3 percent of the total accidents and 17 percent of the run-offthe-road accidents involved tree hits. In general, increasing traffic is synonymous with increasing accidents although exceptions have been noted (Ref. 3). The following table compares total accidents for 1983, 1984, and 1985 with typical monthly park visitation statistics and shows that accident rates were highest during lowvolume periods. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. �233 V. Management—Wasill MORA 14 Mt. Rainier National Park Nisqually-Paradise Road 1984-1985 NSC* US 12, Idaho' Accident Type: Run-Off-Road (embk, tree, wall, sign) Sideswipe Meeting (0% passing) Overturn (includes some RDR) Head-On Rear-Ends Parked Vehicle (in or near roadway) Hit Tree Avoid Deer Angle Turning Rate Percent 24/80 10/80 10/80 9/80 7/80 6/80 5/80 3/80 2/80 1/80 30.0 12.5 12.5 11.3 2.5 1.2 43.0* 5.8* 12.6* 5.2** 7.4** 2.7-3.8* 2±* 0.8* 2.2** 7.4** Road Surface: Wet Dry Snow/Ice 11/80 35/80 34/80 13.8 43.8 42.5 19.8* 62.8** 14.5* Liaht Conditions: Day Night Dawn/Dusk 55/80 17/80 7/80 68.8 21.3 8.8 63.3** 30.9* 5.3** Injury Type: Fatal Injury Property Damage Only 0/80 10/80 70/80 0 12.5 87.5 2.4** 47.3** Other Contributina Factors: Single Vehicle Multiple Vehicles 46/80 34/80 57.5 42.5 Speed Alcohol 24/80 13/80 30.0 16.3 Down Hill/Horizontal Curve 70/80 87.5 8.8 7.5 6.3 3.8 28.1* 11.0** Accidents/Mile/Year = 80/18.5/2 = 2.1 *National Safety Council 1983 statistics—All accidents rural roadways: Property Damage Only>$250 **US 12, Idaho, rural two-lane, narrow road with 14 percent trucks on 164 miles: Property Damage Only>$250 Fig.2. MORA summary of accidents. �234 Parkways Conference Proceedings Total Accidents Month January February March April May June July August September October November December 1983-1985 21 28 4 5 9 8 16 22 15 10 13 23 Typical Monthly Visitation(1985) 30,598 28,137 35,637 38,089 90,737 232,048 368,801 402,336 225,289 118,959 44,809 ? FIELD OPERATIONAL SAFETY REVIEW Having developed a "feel" for the types of accidents and armed with the "spot" map, the second part of the accident analysis included a field review for the specific purpose of viewing the various accident locations and identifying roadway design inconsistencies and comparing them to the types of accidents just recorded. Many of the accident locations involved extremely sharp curvature in areas of tight terrain, and corrective action would require substantial costs to improve alignment, which was clearly outside the scope of this RRR project. The majority of these accidents were attributed to excessive speed for the local situations due to the reduced curvature. Again, correction of some of these major areas was clearly beyond the intended scope of the program funding; however, correction of superelevation will be made and curve widening added where feasible. Monitoring of these locations will be performed with a view toward future spot safety improvements. During the field review, several areas were identified as having a high potential for corrective action at minimal cost. Corrections of these areas posed very little if any environmental impacts with regard to those covered in the Environmental Assessment. KAUTZ CREEK EXHIBIT AREA The Kautz Creek Exhibit Area is characterized by a set of reversing horizontal curves partially hidden by a combination of crest and sag vertical curves. Accidents in this general area showed a significant number of vehicles losing control even in good weather, and almost all involved the horizontal curvature in combination with this "hidden" alignment. A warning sign is indicative of a problem in this area and the site was proposed by FHWA for corrective action. A culvert currently at the crest of the vertical curve is slated for replacement and will entail regrading the roadway in this area. FHWA has proposed lowering the crest vertical curve by approximately 2 feet and raising the sag vertical curve approximately 3 feet, with virtually no change in the curvilinear alignment through this area and little or no impact on the environmental vegetation. The cost to correct this sight distance problem is clearly insignificant with regard to the planned expenditures, and agreement was reached to include correction in the project. CHRISTINE FALLS ROCK OUTCROP A rock outcrop at the Christine Falls area showed visual evidence of scarring. Of concern here was the fact that traffic in this tight area tends to shy away from the rock and cross the centerline as evidenced by the wear on the centerline stripe and as further evidenced by observation of traffic in the area. Analysis of accidents typify downhill-horizontal curve involvement and several run-off-the-road accidents hitting the ditch and rock backslope. While the accidents did not indicate hits of this particular rock, there was concern that the location of the uphill bridge parapet could inadvertently lead a motorist head-on into the rock, which encroaches approximately 2 feet beyond the rock wall. Obviously, removal of this rock has caused some concern to the park with regard to protection of the existing structure and effects on closure of the road. Agreement was reached to remove this rock outcrop with expansive chemicals under controlled conditions. �V. Management—Wasill LOWER MILLER INTERSECTION Analysis of the types of accidents occurring at the Lower Miller Intersection again indicated significant downhill horizontal involvement. Of specific concern was a gap in the existing guide walls for a length of approximately 335 feet which originally was proposed by FHWA to be closed with guardrail and which the park has requested to be closed with matchingguidewall. FHWA agreed to close this with matching guide wall, recognizing the serious consequences should a vehicle miss the curve and go off the road in this area. While this is not necessarily considered a crash worthy facility from the standpoint of normal highway safety appurtenances, it is recognized that speeds are low in this area and that the intent is to match the existing wall structure and provide continuity and park aesthetics through the area. UPPER MILLER INTERSECTION The Upper Miller Intersection had very poor geometries. This resulted from the fact that the approach road used to be the main park road and had become an approach road with an extremely obtuse angle to the relocated main park road. At the time the relocated park road was constructed, a proper intersection was not provided. Reverse superelevation was also present on the mainline. Curvature on the main park road immediately preceding the intersection placed traffic in a "blind spot" to the approaching intersection traffic. During our brief observation of this location, a near-accident occurred when a motorist inadvertently thought no traffic was coming and as he pulled out, there was a vehicle which had been in the blind spot causing evasive action to be taken by both vehicles. Although no accidents were indicated at this area for 1984-85 and only eight accidents had been identified since 1979, this was an obvious type engineering corrective action that could be corrected with minimal additional expenditure. The change in use of the two roadways should give major emphasis to the main park road and 235 relegate the one-way approach to a minor status approachatarightangle. This involved a minor relocation and the removal of several very small trees which obstruct sight distance at this location. ROADSIDE SAFETY Much of the roadside along this 18 mile route is characterized by the close proximity of native fir and hemlock trees, many of which were never cleared during original construction. They serve to lend character and confinement to the corridor and in some instances restrict sight distance. Their awesome presence probably accounts for greater shy distance from the shoulder, contributing to a higher than normal on-road, head-on, and sideswipe type accidents. New construction standards for this class of road and this traffic volume would generally require a minimum of 12 foot clear roadside area to enable an errant motorist to safely recover control of a vehicle. This has been an area of concern throughout the project programming and development stage. This amount of clearing would be inappropriate for this project based on environmental concerns and to some degree verified by accident analysis. A number of these trees exhibited "bumper disease," some of which were documented vehicle hits and others were suspected as being maintenance snowplow scuffings. The removal of these trees became an extremely sensitive environmental issue and although the preferred alternative in the Environmental Assessment clearly indicated removal of approximately 90 trees, the final FONSI issued by the National Park Service compromised by indicating a maximum of 20 trees to be removed. Numerous field reviews were made to individually prioritize those trees for removal. GUARDRAIL Guardrail, unlike other design areas, falls into the guideline category as opposed to standards. At present there is no guardrail on the entire 18 mile route with the exception of the �236 few guide walls as previously discussed. Design procedures utilized by the Western Division to supplement NFS standards follow the AASHTO guidelines which permit cost effective analysis with regards to the installation of guardrail. The typical cost analysis curves, however, are based on high speed facilities which clearly were not appropriate in this instance. Predicted collision frequencies were ten times those actually encountered in this accident analysis. Based on the accident analysis and severity, it was not cost effective to install guardrail throughout this project at this time. Guide wall will be installed at the Lower Miller intersection due to the potential hazard at that location. This analysis was unable to identify any specific "high accident" locations which would warrant guardrail at this time. MORA should continue to reevaluate the locations of run-offthe-road accidents to assess the need for guardrail. ROADWAY WIDTH The analysis of accidents from Exhibit 2 are indicative of narrow roadway conditions and inadequate shoulder widths. Improving roadway width from 22 feet to 24 feet is estimated to cost $ 160,000/mile and should reduce total accidents by 9 percent (Ref. 3). Improving the roadway width from 22 feet to full standard 30 feet is estimated to cost in excess of $1,000,0007 mile and would be expected to reduce accidents by 21 percent. The proposed RRR project will preserve and extend the service life of the roadway structure and address a significant portionof the total accident reduction potential. The NFS program decision to treat this project as a RRR project rather than upgrade to full NFS standards is clearly defensible. Curve widening will be added whenever possible. SPEED STUDY Further analysis of the project also revealed many of the horizontal curves had superelevations well in excess of normal maximums, and in many cases, approaching 16 percent. Parkways Conference Proceedings The proposed project will correct these superelevations to a maximum of 10 percent. Under present design procedures the maximum superelevation would be limited to 8 percent. Correction of the superelevations to a maximum 10 percent presents concern from the standpoint that the flatter superelevation will necessitate lower driving speeds during dry weather. The flattening of these superelevations, however, should reduce the types of on-roadway accidents attributable to the excessive superelevations during ice and snow conditions. In order to fully evaluate the significance of the proposed changes in superelevations with little or no change hi alignments, FHWA performed a speed survey using a ball bank indicator to document existing safe running speeds as well as existing advisory and posted speed limit criteria. A listing of recommended signs was included in the project. Upon completion of construction, we will again run a speed study to make final recommendations for posting those areas where restricted speeds are warranted. RESURFACING The surfacing selected for this project was an Open Graded Asphaltic Friction Course. This material was selected for a variety of reasons. Structural improvement was not generally required and, therefore, minimal thickness was indicated. OGAFC is designed to be placed in a 3/4 inch lift. This thin lift also permits a wider roadway section for a given subgrade (or existing surface) width. Since all materials must be obtained from outside the park, the reduced quantities minimize haul costs and damage. This type material is also noted for its improved "wet weather" skid characteristics and its resistance to reflective cracking. Enhancing the characteristics of OGAFC by using asphalt fortified with rubber was recommended to improve the toughness and tenacity of the wearing course in this elevated environment, and to hopefully improve some of the snow and ice "benefits" reported in past evaluations of OGAFC. OGAFC surfaces typically retain a "darker" color and promote faster surface thawing of snow and ice. �237 V. Management—Liles SUMMARY An accident analysis was performed on a proposed RRR project to ensure that appropriate safety enhancements were incorporated into the project. The analysis consisted of a detailed review of accident records covering a 2 year period as well as a field review to identify potentially hazardous areas. The analysis when coupled with identified exceptions to NFS standards served to support various safety enhancements and mitigations for remaining exceptions. Accident costs clearly demonstrated the appropriateness of a minimal widening RRR overlay project in lieu of total reconstruction to full NFS standards. Analysis of accident injury rates and severity on this low speed facility confirmed that application of "cost effective" barrier warrants were inappropriate for this facility since the data used to develop the warrants had been based on "high speed" facilities. Accident analysis indicated significant accident characteristics including snow and ice conditions, downhill, horizontal curvature, excessive speed, and excessive superelevation. Speed studies with a "ball bank indicator" were used to identify improper curve speed postings, and after proposed milling, leveling and overlaying of the pavement surface, will be used to ensure proper posting and sign locations. Special surfacing material was selected for durability and improved frictional characteristics. All agencies face limited funding with regard to rehabilitating and maintaining their facilities and not all facilities can be brought to full standards. Exceptions to these standards need to be fully addressed to ensure that appropriate consideration is given to highway safety. Accident analysis is one method to ensure appropriate attention is given. BffiLIOGRAPHY 1. "Park Road Standards," National Park Service, 1984 2. "Highway Safety Engineering Studies— Procedural Guide," FHWA TS-81-220, November 1981 3. "Technical Note No. 2—Accident-Width Relations for Single-Carriageway Rural Highways," J. R. McLean, Australian Road Research Board 4. "Guide for Selecting, Locating, and Designing Traffic Barriers," AASHTO, 1977 5. "Environmental Assessment of NisquallyParadise and Stevens Canyon Roads," Mount Rainier National Park, February 1986 6. "Finding of No Significant Impact" (PONSI), Mount Rainier National Park, Package 344B, Approved 5/30/86 The Art and Craft of Managing a National Parkway Granville Liles The completion of the "missing link" at Grandfather Mountain is certainly one of the most significant events in the history of the Blue Ridge Parkway. However, it is not as if suddenly the gates were opened for the first visitors, since the Parkway has been enjoyed by millions of visitors for the past fifty years. The purpose of this paper is to discuss some of the highlights of the Parkway's history, and generally explain the development of poli- cies and techniques that originated on the Blue Ridge. This statement also deals briefly with the six superintendents who have been responsible for its management. The Parkway could very well serve as a mirror of our society, reflecting the Great Depression, war, peace, recovery, the influence of politics, and the phenomenal increase of leisure in America. When we consider the beginning years, it is also significant that the Blue Ridge was the �238 first rural parkway in the world. At the time the parkway was proposed, it was so politically motivated that it was under construction before Congress finally got around to passing legislation in 1936 that officially designated it as the Blue Ridge Parkway.1 The concept of a parkway connecting two existing national parks was approved by President Roosevelt in 1933. Most important is that the Secretary of the Interior assigned its management to the National Park Service.2 Up to that time, that agency had been primarily responsible for the western parks, a steward of the frontier landscape. A major departure from the traditional personnel policy of the National Park Service occurred in 1933 when the Director went outside the circle of career employees and appointed S tanley W. Abbott to be in charge of this new project. Abbott was a trained landscape architect with special experience on the Westchester County parks program of New York. Though still a young man, Abbott impressed someone that he had the talent and vision to do the job. He surrounded himself with other talented professionals, and in spite of the network of agencies involved, enabled construction to begin in September 1935 at the North Carolina state line. Abbott and his staff did not have a handbook on policies, or written guidelines on standards, as are available today. Consequently, progress was often by trial and error. Since there was no precedent for a project of this type or scale, Abbott and his associates seized the opportunity to experiment with new concepts in location, design, architecture and cooperative land use. In the early years, these techniques and policies may have at times appeared experi mental, but through the years many of them have survived the test of time and now serve as models worldwide. When the idea of this parkway emerged in the thirties, the National Park Service had been established less than twenty years earlier in 1916. Nevertheless, this young land-managing agency was highly regarded and the career employees were considered among the best in the Government service. The esprit de corps and high morale had always been attributed to its first Director, Steve Mather.3 When Mr. Parkways Conference Proceedings Mather stepped aside because of poor health in 1929, Horace Albright, his assistant, became the Director and served until 1933. By the time the parkway concept was approved in 1933, the Service had its third Director, Amo B. Cammerer. He was a Matherman, and a trained landscape architect. Shortly after Cammerer became Director, the proposed parkway to connect the two national parks was approved. The challenge that Abbott and his staff faced required flexibility of action, while on the other hand they had to work within the emerging framework of Park Service policy and legislated authorities. Recognizing the complexity of parkway management today we should not forget the unforeseen situations that faced the early planners and managers in designing and building a rural parkway of this magnitude. Foremost at the time was the issue of the rightof-way, comprising those lands which the States agreed to acquire on which the parkway was to be built. In the fall of 1934, the Bureau of Public Roads was designated as the agency to negotiate with the States for the required lands. The Bureau first proposed a uniform strip 100 feet on either side of the road center line The planners vigorously objected to such a limited right-of-way and convinced the Bureau engineers that it should contain at least 100 acres per mile, with an additional 50 acres per mile in scenic easement. The States wrongly assumed that the landowners would donate the lands for the parkway, and the local landowners were misled into thinking that they would have free access to this new "scenic" road, as they called it. After much negotiating, North Carolina did get legislation through the General Assembly in 1937 to acquire 125 acres per mile infee simple. Virginia never officially accepted the 100 acres per mile requested, but did go along with acquiring a right-of-way between 400 and 800 feet in width. In North Carolina, before transferring the land to the Service, the State would include in the deeds reservations for private roads and other rights to the individual. In Virginia, the generosity of the State in giving private access rights prompted the Secretary of the Interior to issue an order in 1938 that there �V. Management—Liles would be no more private roads connecting with or crossing the parkway motor road at grade.4 There were so many private road crossings reserved, that years later the Parkway staff is still struggling with plans that will provide access to public roads via other locations and eliminate crossings at grade. Parkway officials have always had as a goal aright-of-way that approximates 125 acres per mile, which is an average width of 1,000 feet. The width may vary so long as the average acreage is acquired. A parkway without an adequate right-of-way, or other land use control, will eventually lose its beauty and purpose and will be little more than an ordinary highway. To give you a general idea of the acreage included in the right-of-way, Virginia has donated something like 15,000 acres and North Carolinahas donated some 22,000 acres. These 37,000 acres comprise about 51 percent of the lands within the initial right-of-way. Approximately 29,000 acres have been transferred from the national forests in the two States, making a grand total of 66,000 acres. A little calculation and you can see that this exceeds the 125 acres per mile. What has really added greatly to the beauty and usefulness of the Parkway has been the private donations at Cone Park, Price Park and Linville Falls. An important element in the 1936Parkway Act was the provision that the Park Service and Forest Service were to coordinate their planning efforts for recreational facilities along the route where the parkway traversed lands of that agency, totaling some 180 miles. The location of the parkway through the National Forest has given it a wilderness character in many places. While competition between these two agencies dates back to Mather and Chief Forester Pinchot, the relationship on the Blue Ridge Parkway has been quite friendly through the years. Each agency appears to respect the policies of the other agency and the Parkway provides a setting for the public to see an excellent example of cooperation in land use planning and management. Any account of the building of the Parkway would be grossly incomplete if it did not include the contribution of the Bureau of Public 239 Roads (now the Federal Highway Administration). The participation of that agency goes back to the Twenties, when Director Mather entered into an agreement for its expert assistance in road design and construction in some of the western parks. In 1933, when the Secretary of the Interior designated the National Park Service as the Federal agency to be in charge of the Blue Ridge, he also requested that the Bureau of Public Roads assist in the design and construction. Ed Abbuehl, a key figure in the early planning and a right-hand man to Abbott, wrote an unpublished history of the Blue Ridge in 1948 and was very complementary of the assistance and cooperation of that agency. Abbuehl said, and I quote: "This project is the product of very close cooperation between the Public Roads Administration and the National Park Service. The two Roanoke offices were given great latitude and freedom in their work and were backed up 100 percent by their respective Washington offices." Much of the land from Shenandoah National Park in Virginia to the Great Smokies in North Carolina had been subjected to such excruciating land use as subsistence farming and logging in a country of steep hillsides and thin acid soil. The land also reflected the damage from field and forest fires that swept across the mountains each spring. Abbott and his staff set about with plans to restore the land, preserve the local culture, and give the parkway some management directions that would survive for the next half century. In 1937, Resident Landscape Architect Abbott devised a unique method of communicating with the neighbors. He issued a "News" letter, advising them that it would be published periodically and would be placed in the local stores, post offices, and other convenient places.5 He promised to keep them informed about issues of interest, such as construction progress. For example, his first issue announced that 100 miles of the scenic Parkway couldnow be driven in the two States. He also informed the people that a major landscaping program would soon begin, and that he was considering leasing back the farm lands in the right-of-way to the former owners. The "News" turned out to �240 be a marvelous public relations gesture. This message was needed to reassure the mountain people that the Government meant well, that the Parkway people were building something of beauty. To leaf through the 53 issues of the "News" published between November 1937 and April 1943 is to clearly see the evolution of policy and decisions, ranging from the prohibition of commercial vehicles, to a request to prevent forest fire, to a progress report of construction. Fifty years ago this fall, Abbott announced that he wanted to "preserve the farm scene of grain, crops, orchards andpastures."Thepolicy to lease back to them the agricultural lands, share responsibility in a lands improvement program, and restore the picturesque farm scene began then. This program has been faithfully continued by succeeding managers. By 1945, a more intensive program was inaugurated to make the parkway an example of good land stewardship. This included leasing back all lands suitable for farm purposes and the restoration of eroded fields. Lands not suitable for agriculture were allowed to return to forest. The result today is amosaic of farms and forest, pasture and meadows of wild flowers. The Park Service rescued a perishable and shrinking resource, and to have seen the Southern Appalachians then, as I did, and to see it now is a dramatic experience. My first assignment on the Blue Ridge began in early 1938, when appointed a landscape technician with the Bureau of Public Roads in North Carolina. A major landscaping program had been inaugurated mat year in both states where the construction had been completed. Local workers were recruited from the unemployment rolls at 25 cents per hour. With some 200 men, we began the repair of the land from construction scars, planting trees and shrubs, and a general restoration of the landscape. The first professional rangers were appointed in 1938 to provide protection for this new parkway. It was during my work as a landscape technician that I became intrigued with the duties of aranger. I applied to Assistant Superintendent Weems for a ranger post, and Parkways Conference Proceedings subsequently got the job. My first assignment was the district from Grandfather Mountain to near Mt. Mitchell. The early rangers served as the eyes and ears of the Superintendent, and it was their duty to protect the resources, enforce the regulations, and educate the local people about this new parkway. Under the watchful eyes of Abbott and Weems, we learned some fundamental lessons in public relations, hard work, and resource management that served us well in long and useful careers. Abbott announced in 1942 plans to preserve historic buildings such as Mabry Mill, the Trail Cabin, Puckett Home, and the Brinegar Cabin.5 These were remnants of a fast disappearing Appalachian heritage in architecture. Because of that initiative, other buildings have been added to the list of structures on the preservation program such as the James River locks, the farmstead at Humpback Rocks, the Johnson Farm at the Peaks and others. These add greatly to the historic and cultural story of the region. During the early years, a unique sign system was designed and perfected on the Blue Ridge that included the distinctive Parkway logo. This logo remains the dominant symbol of the area—a windswept white pine against a big blue sky and mountain peak with a road threading between, all in a circle of blue. The Parkway sign shop for years has manufactured informational and interpretive signs for park use nationwide, and for this alone the Parkway achieved considerable fame. Mr. Abbott served as Acting Superintendent until 1944, when he elected to devote full time to the duties of Resident Landscape Architect. Sam Weems had been operations officer for several years with the title of Assistant Superintendent and was elevated to the Superintendent's position. This was a logical choice since Mr. Weems was thoroughly familiar with the parkway. He served with distinction from 1944 through 1966 as Superintendent. The AbbottWeems era spanned more than thirty years and during this period more than 460 miles of the motor road was completed. We have mentioned earlier the problems that have plagued all Blue Ridge managers �V. Management—-Liles because of the generosity of the states in reserving private roads that crossed the motor road at grade. Recognizing this threat to the safety of the visitors, as well as the visual impact, the Service sought Congressional authority to permit the purchase of such reserved rights. Congress passed legislation in 1961 authorizing the purchase of lands and rights, as well as the authority to exchange lands where the landowner and government would jointly benefit.6 Many such crossings have been eliminated in the past twenty-five years by quitclaim deed where it was feasible to relocate access to a public road across Parkway lands. To better understand the severity of this situation, consider that at one time there were 350 public road easements on the 470 miles, plus some 475 private road easements. Since passage of the legislation in 1961 many of these have been extinguished to achieve a safer and more attractive parkway.7 Present management is certainly aware of the handicap it suffers in controlling the situation. In the mid-Forties, Weems realized that the regulation prohibiting hunting had created public relations problems among the local people, as well as the Forest Service and Fish and Game Commissions. Hunting was an old mountain custom, and the Parkway had completely disrupted this sport. After negotiations with these agencies, an arrangement was worked out to issue permits to hunters, allowing them to park in certain overlooks along the Parkway and walk to the hunting grounds on public lands open to hunting. This has greatly improved relations with all concerned, but is an example of policy development that accommodated an old mountain custom without compromising the law. Unfortunately, it was not possible to work out a suitable arrangement to allow the manufacture of illegal "moonshine." Following the war years, the national parks faced severe problems of overuse, lack of maintenance and worn-out facilities. The Blue Ridge was no exception and the situation was compounded by the urgent need for construction funds. ConradWirth, who had become Director in 1951, proposed a massive improvement program for the parks to be achieved between 241 1956 and 1966, the Golden Anniversary of the National Park Service. Congress and the President supported the program which ultimately gave the parks more than one billion dollars to achieve the goal nationwide. The Blue Ridge Parkway became a principal beneficiary of this imaginative concept. With funds available from Mission 66, the National Park Service and the Federal Highway Administration moved vigorously ahead to complete the Parkway motor road. By the end of 1967, thirty-two years after construction began, more than 460 miles were completed and opened to the public. Only the 7 1/2 miles around Grandfather Mountain remained unfinished. I should mention here some special achievements during the Weems era. In 1948, the Moses Cone Memorial Hospital in Greensboro, North Carolina deeded an estate of some 3,500 acres to the Parkway, including the Flat Top Manor, the impressive summer home of the Cone family. In addition, the Cone Foundation contributes $ 10,000 annually towards its maintenance. In 1949, the Jefferson Standard Life Insurance Company of Greensboro also donated to the Park Service a 3,900 acre estate adjoining the Cone estate. In 1951, a donation from John D. Rockefeller, Jr. of $95,000 enabled the purchase of the Linville Falls area of 535 acres. These three properties, plus the majesty of Grandfather Mountain, give the Parkway a special quality of landscape components not found elsewhere. The earliest record I can find of a public statement regarding the "tourist trade and the Parkway" appeared in Abbott's "News" in April 1940. He stated that "the capacity of the parkway to handle large numbers of people and the scenic quality of the Blue Ridge to attract them is unlimited." In addition, Abbott explained the plan to develop "day use" facilities—shops for the sale of gasoline, oil, food, and picnic supplies. He also announced plans for future overnight facilities at Rocky Knob in Virginia and Bluffs in North Carolina. He added: "We hope that those already engaged in tourist enterprises in the towns and cities nearby the Parkway will keep alive to the increasing needs of �242 the touristfor new and well-rounded service. As we see it, there will be a new business opportunity for local people both on and off the Parkway, and this of course means the entire business community from the farmer who produces through to those who directly play host to the public." In May of 1940, the Parkway advertised for bids on concessions to be located in Virginia (near Rocky Knob), and at the Bluffs in Alleghany County, for gasoline stations, food service, and handicrafts. No complete bids were received. Again in August of 1940, bids were asked for gasoline and food service. In December 1940, Abbott announced in the "News" that no bids were received. Ultimately, a nonprofit distributing corporation was organized, called National Park Concessions, Inc. and under negotiations provided visitor services at Cumberland Knob, Doughton Park, and later at Mabry Mill and Crabtree Meadows. Other concession operations were authorized at the Peaks of Otter in Virginia and at Mt. Pisgah in North Carolina. The facilities were constructed with private capital and are operated by private corporations. Contracts are negotiated on a twenty-year basis with a portion of the profit going to the Government. The operation of the Craft Center at the Cone Manor House is a special one because the merchandise is produced under contract with the Southern Highland Handicraft Guild. One of the most unusual concessions is the Folk Art Center on the Parkway near Asheville. The building was constructed with the help of private funds raised by the Guild. The original concept of this operation was to have been built at Price Park, but was approved for Asheville in early 1975. The Center offers regional crafts of the highest quality and provides demonstrations and exhibits of native crafts. 1946 was the first year that one million visitors came to the Parkway. It was not until 1951 that the first permanent interpreter was added to the staff.7 Bill Lord had been a ranger and his talents for writing and interpretation earned him the first appointment as a naturalist. He is the author of the Blue Ridge Parkway Guide, published in 1961. This has been a Parkways Conference Proceedings standard reference for visitors for 25 Years. For a number of years, interpretation was achieved through signs, exhibits, literature and other innovative methods. Then came the physical improvements such as campgrounds, visitor centers, picnic areas and wayside stations where the interpreters could offer campground programs, illustrate talks, nature walks, tours and the like. The very nature of the Parkway, with its great length, poses a challenge for interpretation. Another excellent reference is Dr. Harley Jolley's The Blue Ridge Parkway.8 Dr. Jolley served for many years as a seasonal interpreter and is probably the greatest authority on the history of the Parkway. Is there some event in the past fifty years that reflects a major change in public attitude toward the parkway concept? In 1961, Congress passed legislation authorizing the National Park Service and the Bureau of Public Roads to make a survey of a possible route of a parkway extension from the existing Blue Ridge south of Asheville to a point just west of Marietta, Georgia.9 After preliminary studies, Secretary of the Interior Udall and Secretary of Commerce Hodges submitted a report to the President and Congress recommending that the extension of approximately 190 miles be constructed. About half of the mileage would be on lands under Forest Service ownership, and the two agencies were instructed to work together on the specific location in the National Forest. Between 1961 and 1968, the National Park Service, U.S. Forest Service and Bureau of Public Roads worked jointly on a more precise general location. Representatives of the Department of Transportation of North Carolina and Georgia were kept informed since they had expressed their willingness to acquire the right-of-way on private lands. All that remained was for Congress to pass legislation authorizing the extension. In the fall of 1966, a major change occurred in the Parkway management when Superintendent Weems accepted an offer to go to Australia and assist that country in developing its national parks. The departure of Mr. Weems at the end of 1966 closed the Abbott-Weems era of watermark achievement. �V. Management—Liles Assistant Superintendent Jim Eden was selected as Weems' successor. Eden was a long-time career employee, experienced in the western parks, and a reliable understudy to Mr. Weems. Although Eden served only one year as Superintendent, he continued with the AbbottWeems programs. He saw the completion and opening in 1967 of the section around Asheville and worked toward a solution of the Grandfather Mountain route. Before the end of 1967, a decision was made in the Washington Office that the administrative offices of the Parkway should be moved to Asheville. This was the first step that eventually led to the complete move of the headquarters from Roanoke to Asheville. Eden transferred to the Regional Office in Santa Fe at the end of the year, creating a vacancy in the Superintendent's Office. It was my good fortune to be selected to fill the vacancy of Superintendent at the beginning of 1968, returning to the Parkway after an absence of 21 Years. During this time, I had served in three eastern parks and three western parks, and the Regional Office in Richmond, Virginia. George B. Hartzog, Jr. became Director in 1964. Hartzog was one of the most dynamic and politically skilled Directors to serve in that post. During his nine-year tenure, he expanded the Service's role in urban recreation, environmental education, interpretation and historic preservation. When I arrived on the Parkway in early 1968, the most urgent issue seemed to be the resolution of the 7 1/2 mile "missing link" around Grandfather Mountain that had been controversial for some 25 Years. In the spring of that year, planners and engineers seemed satisfied with their final location of the middle route. The only obstacles in the way of a settlement were refinements in the location, agreement on easements, and obtaining funds to begin construction. At this critical moment, we were fortunate to get Governor Dan Moore and Director Hartzog to meet in Blowing Rock on June 27,1968 for a luncheon preceding the dedication of Jeffress Park. This meeting gave the Director and Governor a chance to discuss the urgency to complete the Parkway around Grandfather Mountain. Governor Moore prom- 243 ised the Director that he would deliver the deed for this final section in the fall if the Director would earmark funds to begin construction. They both held to the agreement, and on October 22, 1968 at a luncheon at Grandfather Mountain, the deed was handed over to the Director. The occasion ended with the traditional groundbreaking at nearby Beacon Heights. In keeping with the Director's promise, a contract had already been awarded for the two bridges that would link this section with those sections completed some thirty years earlier. It is unfortunate that nearly twenty years have passed since that special event, but there are logical reasons for the delay. The National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 placed restraints on construction techniques, a lack of funds handicapped progress, and the decision to construct the complicated Linn Cove viaduct all contributed to the delay. In the fall of 1968, the Parkway celebrated the occasion of the first ten millionth visitor in a year. On October 9, 1968, Congress passed legislation authorizing the extension of the Parkway into Georgia.10 It is perhaps ironic that the year that the last obstacle to completion of the original Parkway was overcome in North Carolina, Congress would authorize an additional 190 miles. As early as 1968, a tremendous amount of work had been devoted to this proposal. At that time there was considerable optimism that this project would move ahead. The states of North Carolina and Georgia were fully cooperative and by 1970 were ready to begin acquisition of private lands. The planners were working closely with the US. Forest Service since about half of the route would be on lands of that agency. The passage of the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 opened the proposal to public involvement and inquiry. The location began to conflict with proposed commercial developments, particularly in the open gaps and choice areas; environmental groups voiced concern about the potential impacts. The Park Service had not yet prepared an environmental impact statement that might have satisfied the questioners. The Forest Service was probably opposed to the location and there �244 was some indication that the Bureau of Outdoor Recreation was not fully supportive. In 1974, it became apparent that alternate routes had to be studied in order to comply with the provisions of the National Environmental Policy Act. A few public hearings convinced the Park Service that the climate was not right to give the states the green light on land acquisition. As late as 1976, after some pre-assessment hearings, there seemed to be considerable sentiment against the extension. By then, there were no funds available for construction, NEPA compliance was not met, and the attitude of the Service was to put the project on "hold." Now, after a lapse of more than ten years, it is reasonable to believe that this project cannot be revived. The estimated cost in 1970 was $87 million and today it would exceed that cost by many millions. We mentioned earlier the historic significance of the deed received from the Governor of North Carolina in October 1968 that completed the last major land transfer in North Carolina. In Virginia, the Commonwealth transferred by deed in January 1975 several hundred acres at Mill Mountain near Roanoke. This land was acquired jointly by the City of Roanoke and the Commonwealth of Virginia. Continuing consolidation of needed lands and interest in lands have occurred during the past twenty years and we hope that this program will continue. Legislation that really aided the Parkway was the Land and Water Conservation Act of 1964. This provided funds urgently needed to acquire parcels that were critical to the protection of the parkway. With money from this fund and the authority of the 1961 Act, the policy allows the purchase from willing sellers. What happens in the scenic corridor is critical to the future of the Blue Ridge. That includes not only the right-of-way acquired by the states, but the private lands in the outer zone such as the sweeping distant panorama. The government has no control over the outer zone, but what happens in that corridor helps the observer understand the nature, use and history of the surrounding lands. We have long known that the environment of the Blue Ridge country is Parkways Conference Proceedings indivisible and the preservation of the total resource depends upon the supportive behavior of the owners and managers of surrounding lands. As mentioned earlier, the first Director of the National Parks, Steve Mather, established some high ideals and policies that have survived the test of time. The force and excellence of Mather has persisted, though modern-day managers may be less aware of Mather's legacy than earlier career employees. Nevertheless, some of the principles of management defined in 1918 seem to have prevailed, in spite of political changes and fallout that all agencies must face at times. Those searching for a better understanding of the ideals of the National Park Service would do well to read the story of Steve Mather by Robert Shankland. During the sixties and seventies, Director George Hartzog exerted a tremendous influence on the parks. Some seventy new areas were added to the System while he was Director between 1964 and 1972. The Carl Sandburg Home in Flat Rock, North Carolina was acquired in 1969 and placed under the management of the Parkway for several years. In 1971, Hartzog made the decision to move the Parkway headquarters from Roanoke to Asheville. The reason given for the move was the additional work expected on the Parkway extension, although there may have been political reasons. The location of the Blue Ridge in two states, traversing 29 counties, numerous planning districts, and eight Congressional districts has always required close coordination of management practices. To name a few of the complex problems would include the impact of developments along a 1,200 mile boundary, traffic circulation, problems of utility routes, control of billboards, and elimination of hazardous road crossings. Management has always been aware of the need to exert extraordinary efforts toward cooperation with states, counties and local groups. Fortunately, there have always been agencies, non-profit groups, and organizations that have had an exceptional interest in the Parkway and its purpose. One such organization has been the Appalachian �V. Management—Liles Consortium for which we are very proud. I retired from the Superintendent's positional theend of June 1975. Selected to replace me was Joe Brown, an Assistant Director in the Washington Office. Joe had considerable field experience in a number of parks, as well as previous experience as an administrator of municipal parks. Some of his achievements include negotiating a contract for the Folk Art Center and initial progress on its construction. Brown was Superintendent for only two years, but progress continued on the Grandfather Mountain project. He continued to forge ahead on some of the other programs begun in the sixties, including land acquisition, grade crossing elimination, and exploration toward keeping the extension alive. The latter failed. With the retirement of the Regional Director in Atlanta in the late summer of 1977, Brown was selected to fill the Regional Director's position. This was an advancement. Selected to fill the vacancy of Superintendent following Brown's departure was Gary Everhardt. Mr. Everhardt had served as Director for the past 2 1/2 years and was extremely qualified for the Parkway post. Gary had begun his career on the Parkway as an engineer and had served in the west as Superintendent before being selected for the top post of Director. While in that position, he administered a great increase in park development and interpretive programming for the American Revolution Bicentennial. Mr. Everhardt has had an impressive ten years as Superintendent of the Blue Ridge. He managed the completion and dedication of the Folk Art Center. He planned and directed the 50th Anniversary of the Parkway that took place in September 1985. His skill and leadership in management certainly resulted in the completion of the Grandfather Mountain section and subsequent opening in September 1987. Everhardt has made progress on the proposal to constructaheadquarters facility in Asheville by acquiring a choice piece of land. With his special talents at public relations, his dream of having a Parkway headquarters will surely come true. Superintendent Everhardt has followed the Mather tradition in stimulating a high de- 245 gree of esprit de corps and is one of the most dynamic Superintendents in the Parkway's history. We have said little about the economic impact of the Blue Ridge Parkway on this region, but it is impressive. A figure often quoted by Parkway officials is that the actual construction cost of the Blue Ridge is in the range of $130 to $140 million. We have no figure on the accumulated operating cost in the past 50 years, but it would be in the millions since the operating budget for this year alone is approximately $8 million. With 22 million visitors, that would be a cost to the government of 36 cents per visit. We are unable to accurately estimate the dollars spent by Parkway travelers in the two states annually, but 22 million visitors would conservatively spend a billion dollars a year along the Parkway. This makes a great impact and the neighboring communities have always shown a great interest in Parkway travel. The completion of the motor road at Grandfather Mountain will close an era spanning 52 years of construction. However, it will usher in an opportunity to think and act in original and innovative terms of expanded visitor use, research, interpretation, transportation and land use control. The future opportunities are just as endless and challenging as they were fifty years ago. The Blue Ridge presents a particular ecological situation and management must consider its ecological health if it is to endure for the future. This parkway is not isolated on a mountain top, but is at the heart of regional considerations. It is not a self-contained area, carved out of the public domain, but a slice of rural America. It is an elongated park, fitted into a corridor that is harmoniously integrated into the natural landscape. We are proud of the Blue Ridge Parkway and the National Park Service. BIBLIOGRAPHY (1) PublicLawNo.848,June22,1936,known as Blue Ridge Parkway Act (2) Memo from Ickes to Cammerer, November 18,1933, in National Archives �246 (3) SteveMatheroftheNationalParks,Robert Shankland, Alfred Knoph (4) Unpublished History of the Blue Ridge Parkway, February 8, 1948, Edward H. Abbuehl (5) Blue Ridge Parkway "News," November 1937 - April 1943 by Stanley Abbott (6) Act of June 30,1961 (75 Stat. 196) Parkways Conference Proceedings (7) Unpublished History of the Blue Ridge Parkway by William G. Lord (8) The Blue Ridge Parkway. Dr. Harley E. Jolley, University of Tennessee Press (9) Public Law 87-135, 87th Congress, August 10,1961 (10) Public Law 90-555 of October 9,1968, authorizing extension of Blue Ridge Parkway Development of a Comprehensive Reconnaissance Survey Methodology Based on an Evaluation of the Roanoke River Parkway Survey Gary W. Johnson andM. Wayne Colebank ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to present a reconnaissance survey methodology that can be used to determine the suitability of a river corridor for parkway development. The case study, the Roanoke River Reconnaissance Survey, assessed the parkway potential along the Roanoke River in Roanoke, Virginia. A team of National Park Service planners, Federal Highway Administration engineers and consultants conducted the assessment from March 1986 to February 1987. The assessment team combined approaches by McHarg (1969), Hornbeck and Okerlund (1973), and Jones and Jones (1973) to (1) select a parkway corridor based on environmental constraints and resource opportunities, (2) measure the magnitude of the resources, (3) determine landscape integrity along approximately 30 miles of the potentially affectedriver, and (4) identify potential parkway routes. For this paper, the Roanoke River Reconnaissance Survey methodology will be evaluated and necessary refinements proposed, leading to a comprehensive reconnaissance survey methodology applicable for surveying any river corridor and locating alternative parkway routes. INTRODUCTION The Roanoke River Parkway Reconnaissance Survey selected a parkway corridor based on environmental constraints and resource opportunities in the Roanoke River Valley. The Survey measured the magnitude of the resources within the corridor and suggested potential locations where a parkway could be developed to acceptable rural and urban road standards. This paper will be a concerted attempt to document the Roanoke Survey steps and to point out its difficulties and successes. It will also offer suggested means to overcome the shortcomings of the Survey, leading to a thorough and comprehensive survey methodology. BACKGROUND The concept of a public corridor or "greenway" to protect and enhance the course of the Roanoke River through the Roanoke Valley was first proposed in a 1928 Roanoke City master plan. The idea has since resurfaced in various ways, notably in comprehensive plans for Roanoke County and the adjacent Cities of Salem and Roanoke. The most recent revival �247 V. Management-—Johnson and Colebank PARKWAY ASSUMPTIONS IDENTIFY ROUTES CORRIDOR SELECTION Purpose invanfore Level 1 Termini Type Existing Roads Parkway Zone Selected Corridor Area Influence Zones Sample Routes Evaluate Existing and New Roads Landscape Experience Level 2 River and Landscape Classification Landscape Intergrity Design Standards Resource Magnitude Predominance of Resources EVALUATION Summary Fig. 1. Reconnaissance Survey Process. has been associated with a regional project, EXPLORE, for providing extensive recreational, transportation and natural resource conservation opportunities in the Roanoke River Valley. Officials of The River Foundation, a non-profit corporation established to carry out this project, have envisioned a river parkway of over twentyfive miles connecting the central core of EXPLORE with the City of Roanoke and surrounding counties. While the corridor idea has survived in planning documents over the years, numerous questions remain for bringing the parkway concept to fruition. What type of road should it be? What should its purposes be? What route should it follow? To provide some answers, The River Foundation turned to the National Park Service (NPS) and the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA), two Federal bureaus that have extensive experience in parkway location, design, construction, maintenance and operation. These agencies created a study team from both bureaus and began the Roanoke River Parkway Reconnaissance Survey in March 1986. Archaeologists, historians, landscape architects and transportation engineers were assembled as the survey team to assess the resources of the Roanoke River Valley. The NPS was responsible for preparation of the Survey document. The work process that developed in the Survey is shown in Figure 1. Although each component was addressed by the survey team, this paper will concentrate on the procedures developed for the assumptions, corridor selection and resource evaluation portions. The authors' specificrecommendationsfor improving the steps utilized in the Roanoke Survey have also been included in a separate section. References will be made to other components as necessary to demonstrate the interrelationships of the work efforts that were occurring concurrently to those expounded on in this paper. �248 ESTABLISHING PARKWAY ASSUMPTIONS The initial investigative steps of the Roanoke Survey were undertaken with the knowledge that the parkway's purpose, termini, type and landscape experience would be refined during the course of several community involvement meetings sponsored by county governments. Because the reconnaissance survey was taking place separately from, and in advance of, most of the community meetings, the survey team— in association with The River Foundation — developed working assumptions about the purpose, termini, roadway type and landscape experiences desired for the parkway visitors. These assumptions were developed to facilitate corridor selection, resource evaluation and selection of sample route locations. Another basic assumption centered around the definition of a parkway and what definition would be utilized in the Roanoke Survey. The term "parkway" is often defined in many different ways. As the term implies, technically a parkway must have some association with a "park" and a "(high)way". Since there are many types of highways, there is a corresponding variety in parkways. Historically, parkways seemed to have four distinct purposes and functions. These were to encourage traffic movement between parks, provide access to the scenic character of the roadside, increase recreation opportunities and extend economic influences. Most contemporary parkways restrict commercial traffic, limit access and have a high standard of design. The NPS defines its national parkways as Federally owned, elongated parks featuring a road designed for pleasure travel, utilizing scenic, recreational and/or historic resources of national significance. Two factors are integral to developing a parkway to acceptable standards — the presence of rural land use character and resources of interpretive value. These definitions and criteria formed the framework for the Roanoke Survey. Three designs for roadway standards were developed based on these assumptions. The standards included a roadway for use in existing urban areas, one for along existing rural roads and another for new parkway construc- Parkways Conference Proceedings tion. These standards reflect the optimum design characteristics for increasing user experience and traversing the land uses found in the Roanoke Valley. Sample routes selected in the Roanoke Survey incorporated one of these standards as its fundamental design. CORRIDOR SELECTION Because the Roanoke River would be the primary unifying element for the parkway experience, the survey team initially defined an area that included most of the drainage courses contributing to the river as the boundaries for the parkway corridor. Preliminary site visits, however, revealed that this ridgeline-to-ridgeline corridor included land too far removed from the river. Selecting a more appropriate corridor then became a matter of selectively reducing the width of the corridor, but not to the extent that the natural, cultural and scenic resources that contribute to the Roanoke Valley experience were excluded. Narrowing the corridor was accomplished by identifying two types of zones — a parkway zone and an area influence zone (Hornbeck and Okerlund 1973). By utilizing these steps, all physical and perceptual resources in proximity of the parkway termini with potential to affect the corridor boundaries were included. The major components of the two phases are explained in further detail below. PARKWAY ZONE The parkway zone encompassed the most feasible watersheds in which to locate and construct a road between the termini. This zone was physically located by excluding steep slopes, floodplains and wetlands, critical plant and/or animal habitats, high-density land use, and other areas protected by law. These factors were mapped at USGS 1:2000 map scale. The information was then transferred to a corridor scale map (1:6600) developed for the Survey. The resource factors were overlayed using a Rules of Combination logic (Hopkins 1977). The resulting composite suitability map showed areas either with or without construction constraints �249 V. Management—Johnson and Colebank Fig. 2. Selected Corridor. (McHarg 1969). The areas indicated on this map were smaller than the ridgeline-to-ridgeline area previously identified, primarily as a result of the steepness of terrain on both sides of the Roanoke Valley. The parkway zone was defined by drawing a boundary around the areas where construction was suitable. Large rural areas at each end of the corridor were rated by this procedure as suitable for roadway development. To connect the suitable rural areas at either end of the parkway corridor, the parkway zone boundary was also drawn through the urban areas of the Cities of Roanoke and Salem. The parkway zone boundary included existing roadways that could be modified to meet one of the development standards for the Roanoke Parkway. AREA INFLUENCE ZONE The location of area influence zones (resource opportunities outside the parkway zone) were then identified. Area influence zones contain opportunities that would improve the driving and educational experience of parkway visitors and be, consequently, an important influence on the location of corridor boundaries. The area influence zones included the spatial limits of the visual domain (viewshed) of the river and roadway and all natural, cultural, recreation and scenic resources that could contribute to a river parkway experience. Information available from existing reports, documents and field observations were utilized to create an overlay of these resources indicating their location within the parkway corridor. Where historical resources were clustered, a hand-drawn polygon was prepared to delineate this resources group. The same was done for recreation resources where urban recreation parks were too numerous to identify individually. Visual resources identified were within the seen areas from the selected roadway routes. No distinctions were made on the integrity or significance of the recreational or visual resources in this step. These area influence zone locations were then overlayed with the parkway zone map to compare their alignments. The influence zones were evaluated in a subjective manner based on their difficulty for access, proximity to the parkway corridor and potential value to the parkway user. The parkway zone boundaries were then adjusted to include the appropriate area influence zones. The adjusted parkway zone was considered as the selected corridor for the Roanoke River Parkway (Figure 2). �250 EVALUATION Potential roadway routes within the corridor were found to occur in locations either adjacent to and following the Roanoke River or away from it in rural or urban areas. Therefore, the implementation of river and landscape classification framework was required for a detailed study of river-related and nonriver-related routes. This classification framework facilitated the location and comparison of roadrelated constraints and resource opportunities by subdividing the corridor into discrete evaluation segments. Once the segments had been identified, a qualitative assessment of the resources within the segments was undertaken. The assessment steps will be identified later in this section. Maps utilized for this procedure were enlarged to a reach scale of 1:1600 to provide more detail of the existing landscape to the survey team and aid delineation of the unit boundaries developed below. The classification of river segments in the corridor was based on a methodology pioneered by Jones and Jones (1973). In their methodology, a river corridor is classified by patterns of physiography and geology as we 11 as the characteristics of the river. Six reaches were identified in the corridor based on the orientation of the river channel, stream gradient and topographic features. The Roanoke River was classified into thirteen runs. Since river runs were identifiable as perceptually different from each other, they were typified in perspective sketches (Figure 3). These sketches were utilized in community meetings to understand the nature of the existing corridor. Projections could then be made about the types of potential experiences available to the parkway user. The smallest level of classification, the unit, is the essential segment of river creating the distinctive "sense of place". Twenty-nine river units were identified in the selected corridor. During the identification of units, a correlation between the physical limits of the units and the perceptual limits of neighborhoods and communities in urban areas was discovered. Hence, numerous units were named after the "places" associated with certain parts of the cities. Parkways Conference Proceedings Nonriver portions of the corridor were classified by defining units of minimum distinctive landscape character similar to river units. Since the nonriver landscapes were less related to river processes, the method for defining segments involved the identification of a single level of landscape units. Forty-seven units were identified through the classification procedure. The majority of these units were located in the eastern portion of the corridor and were homogeneous in nature and resource content. Sample roadway routes selected in these units were driven by auto and analyzed to identify their overall spatial character and viewshed limits. Each unit as was evaluated as visually separate from the others and spatially unique because of the presence of vegetation, landform, slope, etc. Each unit's character was defined by the magnitude of occurrence for 28 categories of characteristics. A sample inventory form (Figure 4) shows the characteristic categories measured for each unit. The majority of the unit's characteristics were measured in the field. Other category evaluations were made from historic, archaeological, recreation, land use, slope, hydrology, watershed and viewshed maps prepared by the survey team. An extensive collection of color print photographs, color slides and aerial photographs were also used to determine category measures. To assess the corridor resources, a qualitative evaluation of each river and landscape unit was conducted by ordinally rating three indicators of a unit's landscape integrity. Definitions of the integrity indicators were as follows: Uniqueness: A measure of the relative availability or rarity of natural, cultural and recreation resources, measured by the frequency with which they are expressed in any river or landscape unit. Diversity: A measure of the variety, complexity and contrast of the visual impressions derived from measuring the prominence of landform, waterform, vegetation and man-made form within each unit. Encroachment: A measure of the degree of landscape modification by man and the �251 V. Management-—Johnson and Colebank OiXiE CAVERNS iVABUN FORT LEWIS /VEST S A L E M EAST SALEM WEST R O A N O K E CENTRAL ROANOKE EAST ROANOKE V I N ION LYN% ViLLL HARDY ^ J HG E Fig. 3. Run Perspective Sketches. degree of visual disruption measured by relative presence or absence of development or visually intrusive elements. Indicators on the positive side were uniqueness and diversity of the resource and on the negative side, encroachment by urbanization. The combination of these three qualitative dimensions resulted in an ordinal rating of each of the 28 resources categories found within each unit (Hopkins 1977). The ordinal rating (from 0-3) was placed on the inventory form and the chart which was used to graphically display the measure of each unit's resources. The relative presence or absence of the resource categories according to these dimensions were equated to the quality of landscape experience for the potential parkway user. �RIVER UNIT INVENTORY ROANOKE RIVER PARKWAY FOR: THE RIVER FOUNDATION •Y: NATIONAL PARK SERVICE - 08C ZONE: REACH: RUN: UNIT: SURVEYED §Y: FILM. ROLL NO(S) FRAME(S) DATE: WEATHER: MAGNITUDE OF RIVER CHARACTERISTICS UNIQUENESS DIVERSITY RIVER CHARACTERISTIC CATEGORIES NATURAL PHYSICAL ELEMENT} POOLS AND RIFFLES DEEP WATER HOLES RAPIDS TRIBUTARIES BANKS EXPOSED SUNNY AREAS • tOLOQICAL - AQUATIC CRITICAL HABITAT • IOLOQICAL - VE3CT VEGETATION VARIETY % FOREST COVER MAGNITUDE OF RIVER CHARACTERISTICS UNIQUENESS DIVERSITY RIVER CHARACTERISTIC CATEGORIES CULTURAL PHYSICAL ELEMENTS ARCHEOLOCICAL SITES HISTORICAL SITES SIGNIFICANT STRUCTURES HISTORIC LAND ROUTES SETTLEMENT LAND USE URBAN RURAL RESIDENTIAL WOODED OPEN FIELDS IMAGEAiltmr PROMINENT NATURAL LANDMARK COMPLEXITY OF NATURAL LANDMARKS PROMINENT LANDFORMS COMPLEXITY OF PROFILE SCNSE of PLACE VISUAL CONTRAST IN VEGETATION ENCLOSURE LANOFQRM VEGETATION INTEQRmT" RIVER LANDSCAPE Fig. 4. Sample Inventory Form. ( ENCROACHMENT �253 V. Management—Johnson and Colebank Fig. 5. Partial Evaluation Findings Chart. The summary of the resource evaluation steps was contained in a chart titled the Evaluation Findings (Figure 5). This chart was utilized to: (1) capsulize the integrity of the units within the corridor; (2) make some comparative judgements about the parity of resources within the Roanoke Valley and the Blue Ridge Parkway; (3) delineate the units' compatibility for each of the highway design standards assumed for the parkway; and (4) to state the units' standing relative to the criteria utilized by the NFS for parkway development. ASSESSMENT OF THE SURVEY STEPS Having described the Survey's methodology, it is appropriate to address the assets and deficiencies in the procedures and make a few general comments. These comments are offered in the effort of developing amorecomprehensive reconnaissance survey methodology. Reaches, runs and units proved to be the most utilitarian classification levels for survey purposes. The graphic representation of corridor units at a reach scale was very effective in the Survey and served two important purposes. First, classification of corridor units provided the framework for comparing the relative presence (magnitude) of resources in the Evaluation Findings. The reach classification provided segments large enough to handle resource and sample road routes in a comprehensive manner without presenting too much information. Run segments coincided with varying land uses within the reach and provided a very convenient way for describing the corridor's landscape character. Second, classification allowed laymen and professionals to relate to the information being generated in the Survey. The graphic format utilized in the Survey permitted the development of composite overlays for the resources. These were used by interpretive specialists and the community to assess possible "themes" or interpretive potentials along the parkway length. Data synthesis was the major problem in �254 the Roanoke Survey, as it is in many projects of this type. It occurred for three reasons: inconsistently applied criteria, unsupported evaluation findings and undocumented synthesis procedures. The following examples are representative of these problems. First, the corridor selection process, although simple hi concept, was inconsistent in the application of the stated criteria for the Roanoke Survey. Resources of local, regional and/or State importance were included as influences on the location of the corridor boundaries. Since, by definition, the parkway corridor was to be modified for incorporation of all significant resources, NFS significance criteria was not followed. This non-specific ranking of influence resources could have been itemized in the text or the appendix to the Survey report to document the level of significance of resources influencing the corridor's boundaries. Second, the integrity of historic and significant structures was evaluated on the ratings for uniqueness, diversity and encroachment. In reality, the integrity of a historic structure is more likely determined by an assessment of its present physical condition than to its 'uniqueness' or 'diversity'. These measures of integrity have no real meaning for this resource and are consequently of little substantive value for the evaluation of a historic resource. The inventory form utilized to record the presence and magnitude of unit resources arrived at an ordinal rating of each of the 28 categories measured for each unit. This rating was the result of the combination of the three qualitative measures identified on the form. No indication of the arithmetic manipulations of these measures was provided primarily because the ratings and their resulting rankings in the Evaluation Findings were arrived at by "professional judgements" of the survey team members. The reader was left to infer the data synthesis operations employed. Similarly, the Evaluation Findings stated that lands with 'rural character' was one of the criteriafor development of aparkway to acceptable rural parkway standards. However, the inventory form did not contain a category or ratings for 'rural character'. The evaluation for Parkways Conference Proceedings this criteria was developed from the unspecified combination of ratings for the 'Rural Residential' and 'Landscape Integrity' categories. The data synthesis problems did not constitute a "fatal flaw" for the Roanoke Survey, but clarification of these data assimilations would have strengthened the Survey's technical credibility and would be helpful for interested parties. These difficulties could have been resolved by restructuring the inventory form, applying consistent data synthesis steps and elaborating on the evaluation process. The following actions would have ameliorated the difficulties in the Roanoke survey procedures and are offered to eliminate similar problems in future surveys. 1. The inventory form should record the characteristics of the resources in a nominal scale (Anderson 1980). Characteristics should be chosen to be consistent with or comprehensive enough to support the eventual (evaluation) findings. For each of the resource types, the inventory should be modified to suit the evaluation procedure particular to that resource. For example, the characteristics required to evaluate a historic structure might include "structurally sound", "typical of the period" or "candidate for the National Register of Historic Places". As another example, numerical ratings for visual analysis components would be identified and recorded on the inventory form as required to complete the survey's visual analysis process. By utilizing this procedure, the inventory form would express the presence or absence of the resource characteristics. Evaluation of the resource would be made in a separate step. Therefore, multiple combinations of data would be an option to the survey team throughout the survey's duration. 2. The evaluation process should state the exact steps and procedures used to combine the data for each type of resource or individual characteristic. �V. Management—Johnson and Colebank Identification of the steps utilized in the synthesis has the potential to be a substantial work effort. This portion of the evaluation process would likely be located in the document appendix and not in the main text. An initial scoping process by the team members would reduce the required effort to accomplish this task and encourage more systematic procedures for data handling. The actual data manipulations would be completed in the evaluation process. 3. Evaluation findings would rank the products developed in the evaluation procedure based on specifically identified criteria for each resource or individual characteristic of the resource. This does not preclude the analysis of different forms of inventoried data. The criteria could include evaluations for multiple data types. For example, a ranking for a 'high' rural character might be described as an "area that contains a 'high* visual quality rating with greater than 90% rural land use and an encroachment score of less than 12%." 4. Documentation should record the above steps and their results for reference and scrutiny by individuals other than the survey team. Documentation of the data synthesis should be sufficiently clear as to allow replication of the survey results. The Roanoke Survey fell short of this objective. Even with an appendix to the project document, no information was presented on the data combinations used to develop the Evaluation Findings. Inclusion of this type of information in an appendix would bolster the reliability of the survey findings and provide information for replication of the results. Incorporation of these steps would insure that conclusions drawn in the findings would be defensible, based on an acceptable method of data synthesis. They would 255 also force the survey team members to attend to data handling procedures with more rigor than was shown in the Roanoke Survey. REFLECTIONS The procedures utilized in the Roanoke Survey are an eclectic composite of steps borrowed from studies done for other land planning purposes. Because of the multiplicity of steps utilized in the survey components, difficulties in data manipulation and evaluation did occur. It was the intent of the authors to illuminate these difficulties even more so than the successes realized in the Roanoke Survey. We have suggested means to correct the deficiencies that occurred and with the suggestions offered, feel that a more comprehensive reconnaissance survey methodology has been developed. Hopefully more improvements can and will be made to this methodology after further utilization and discussion. If this paper has furthered the understanding and evolution of a reconnaissance survey methodology, then we have succeeded in our purpose. BIBLIOGRAPHY Hornbeck, Peter L. and Garland A. Okerlund Jr. 1973. Visual Values for the Highway User. For U.S. Department of Transportation, Federal Highway Administration. Washington, D. C. Hopkins, Lewis D. 1977. "Methods for Generating Land Suitability Maps:A Comparative Evaluation." Journal of the American Institute of Planners. Volume 43, No. 4. McHarg, Ian. 1969. Design With Nature. Natural History Press. Garden City, New York. Jones and Jones. 1973 .The Nooksack Plan. For Whatcom County Board of Commissioners and the Whatcom County Park Board. Seattle, Washington. Anderson, Paul. 1980. Regional Landscape Analysis. Environmental Design Press. Reston, Virginia. �256 Parkways Conference Proceedings Development of a Management Information System for the Blue Ridge Parkway Benjamin C. Johnson and William E. Shepherd, Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University, Blacksburg The parkway manager needs sound information to adequately manage and protect land resources and plan for their future use and enjoyment by the American people. This has proved to be a major problem to older parkway systems and poses a new challenge to to the planners for a future parkway system. The current complexity brought on by environmental, social, and economic issues in a climate of information dissemination poses unique difficulties to parkway planners and mangers. It seems as if conflict, confrontation, and often contradiction become the order of the day causing delays or, occasionally, elimination of useful proposals. The public's right to know is paramount. The designers'and managers'need for more complete and detailed data is critical. The society's obligation to protect our national and cultural heritage is essential. The need for detailed and complete information goes beyond the boundary of the park site and often covers large areas of adjacent land that is neither controlled nor managed by the parkway. Such a large assemblage of information is not collected for lack of a means for its collection, storage, and retrieval. The frustration and limitations on data due to its form, source, and character has been expressed by the planners and managers for the Blue Ridge Parkway. To date, mechanisms to collect, record, store, and access this very diverse data has proven to be unmanageable. The data is represented in a variety of patterns which can be characterized in four basic forms: 1. Data from documented sources, such as books (writtenform),maps (graphic form), charts and reports (numerical form), photographs (visual record form), and plans (instructional and record form). 2. Data that is a product of the day to day management of the parkway such as safety and enforcement records (written and map), maintenance practice (map and written), observation (notes and impressions), collection - discovery (artifacts, written, notes), and management experience (impressions and practice). 3. Data from secondary sources such as eye witness accounts (verbal), oral histories (verbal), unpublished files (written), political policy and practice (oral, written, implied), memos and notes (written), drawings and art (graphic), tapes and films (oral and visual), and cultural practice (oral, written, graphic). (This data is often the least collected due to its form but frequently the most critical management decision making.) 4. Data that comes form research within the region of the parkway but not necessarily directed to the parkway. (This data usually is reliable for its region but is uneven as it is directed to the parkway objectives. Academic interest driven by other issues seldom is directly applicable to another use of application.) Often data is not recorded or indexed in a way that it can be readily accessible to the parkway designer or manger. Even day to day data collected in a different context is unavailable to the decision makers. Engineering data on the existing conditions of the Blue Ridge Parkway is not usable due to its ungainly format and its inability to be updated. There are over 800 design drawings that detail the parkway's form. Still more data are unwritten and either lost altogether or existing only in the memories of individuals who have worked or participated in the development and management of the parkway over the past 50 years. �V. Management—Johnson and Shepherd Therefore, there is a very special and unique need for a Management Information System to support the parkway as a total experience. The system would enable managers to benefit from historical information that currently is kept in a variety of places. Further, it would assist them in updating and acquiring previously unmanageable information. There is a diverse array of users for the management information system: 1. Parkway or agency managers represent the largest user group for the information system. This group comprises the full range of personnel from the Ranger at the Ranger District to the Park Superintendent and his staff at the Parks central office and on to the National Park Service staff and ultimately to the Department of the Interior. 2. Municipal and public officials and planners comprise a second and critical user for the information system. This group must manage the parkway as it passes through its region and directly impacts its residents. Further, this group has the responsibility to manage and plan the adjacent land that is private and not in the parkway domain. By understanding the information base, plans, proposals, and policies, the State, regional, local, and municipal officials and planners can develop the context for the decision making in regard to the specific segment affecting their areas. The information system could provide the common denominator for negotiating conflicts as they arise within the region of influence. 3. Researchers and educators who see the parkway as a unique and approachable cross section of the landscape comprise the third group of users of the Management Information System. This group has the potential to mediate the differences between the previous groups. Care must be exercised that this group may have its own agenda that may vary in context from the two previous groups. 257 Researchers generally represent the scientific community who have the discipline and experience to develop quantitative and qualitative issues associated with the region and the parkway. The aforementioned users could benefit from such a system which would (in concept) abstract, sort, and classify important data in such a way that it is readily and rapidly available. Moreover, these are the players who have knowledge, talent, skill, and credibility to collect and continually update the data, to certify its accuracy, and to judge its usefulness to the parkway's future. There are internal and external requirements for the information system. The external requirements for the system include but are not limited to: 1. Flexibility is a principle requirement for the system. The users must have the capability to use, adjust, verify, update, clarify the data in order to test ideas, plans, and policies prior to implementation. 2. Accessibility is critical in establishing the common denominator for decision making and management. 3. A means for corporation and incorporation is important in order to keep the management system viable for the long as well as the short term future. Incorporation of new material as it is derived is essential, while corporation will improve the credibility of the management environment. There are three basic internal requirements for the management information system: 1. A method is required for dealing with requests for information from intended users. 2. A capability is needed for acquiring, classifying, storing, and analyzing data about all aspects of the parkway. 3. A method of retrieving data from storage and translating it into thef ormrequired by the user also will be necessary. �258 First, getting the information to the user in a workable format in a timely fashion is critical. The system we envision provides three frameworks for providing information to users. The geo-relational framework focuses on information that is tied to physical location. This data would include mappable geophysical, ecological, and human cultural information most commonly found in a Geographic Information System. In addition, generic engineering data used in the construction of the facility along with day to day management data on maintenance, enforcement, and safety would be available. Linear, nodal, and point data, often not found in the traditional GIS would be stored. Information about the quality, extent, depth, and character of the data would be recorded. The geo-relational framework should be based on a hierarchal classification of spatial units. This classification allows for the definition of point, line, and spatial elements in their appropriate scale. The system provides for the scale transfer of data by zooming in and out of a region based on the detail of information that will be required in decision making .This unique characteristic marks the variation in concept between this information system and the common GIS approaches. An example of this scale transfer is suggested when at one point the linear characteristic of a roadway may focus on a corridor, then move to a right of way alignment, then roadway design, then finally to a center line stripe. Most GIS approaches will only define the corridor. This potential for detail is necessary in management practice for each district where detailed plans are required. Another example of point data would be on the discovery of a rare and endangered species of plant material. Following a typical GIS the location of a rare plant would be indicated by its potential habitat. Our Management Information System will allow for recording the actual location of the rare plant as it relates to the roadway. Interestingly, then its habitat can be determined with certainty and a search for additional locations can be made. This further provides the opportunity for the Ranger Districts to share their findings with other districts and thereby creates a better means for managing the resource. Parkways Conference Proceedings The data-relational framework includes the vast array of information that cannot be mapped or cannot specifically be tied to a site. This can best be described as library data and materials associated with the parkway or the region. This material may include bibliographic references, oral histories, cultural characteristics and implications, public interests, contemporary histories, plans and proposals for the parkway or the surrounding area, implemented or not. This non-traditional data plays by default an important role in decision making. In the past this data has not been catalogued for use in the management or design process. The only time that this type of information has been critical is when there is strong public sentiment against a design or management proposal. Often the agency users are miffed at the unforeseen public reaction to an issue. Resource information, design information, archival information, cultural surveys, public opinion on past issues, family histories, editorial comments, and eye witness accounts characterize the form of much of this data. Indexing, cross referencing and updating this information will be challenge but this may give rise to the technique for establishing the system in the first place. The functional framework represents the administrative structure and the operational functions of theusers. This framework describes the linkage between the different public elements in the design and management process and private user elements that affect the process. The name, addresses, and relationships will be established and maintained. As new connections arise, they will be added to the framework. Secondly, there must be a capability for the acquisition, analysis, classification, storage, and updating the broad array of data envisioned in the system. Establishing the format for acquiring and storing the data requires accuracy and simplicity. Further, it requires knowledge of existing data. To date, all of the geo-relational data is in the form of maps and drawings. Scale is generally inconsistent; however there is a set of the original "as built" drawings from the late 1930's that have been preserved and are of a common scale. They locate the parkway on a reference point basis and are all in the same �V. Management—Johnson and Shepherd format. One problem is that these 800 maps have not been updated since the original parkway construction. They are the "official" maps and have been used by different management elements of the parkway for different tasks since that date. Currently there is no better and more detailed material available. To update these drawings has proved too time consuming and expensive. The plan is to scan these maps from the original and to store the data electronically in a format that will utilize computer aided design technology (CADT). This would minimize the laborious task of getting the data in useful format. From this point, the update procedure would commence using the Ranger District personnel (who know the most about their area of the Parkway) to unload the material. Micro-computers located in each District could accomplish the task as pan of their ongoing management activity. The computer activity would be easy for the on-site personnel, and as a result, the staff would move a long way in terms of general computer literacy. We feel that with care and an adaptation of the CADT, the Geographic Information System (GIS) would be achieved. Satellite data, coupled with university related research programs, would facilitate the need. Analyzing the data poses new questions and problems. The data storage technique, that is currently untested, provides the opportunity to manipulate the data. One major problem with the computer aided GIS technology is the errors caused by small overlapping data entries resulting from map scale, drawing error, or geocoordination. This problem is solved by the computer aided design technology. Modeling, computation, quantification, and graphic presentation are all properties of the technology. Micro-programs will be required to make this system "friendly" to those with little experience. The classification of the data will be established in one of the three categories of georelational, data-relational, or functional. Georelation will take the form of CADT templates. Data-relational will take the form of a library classification referenced to a computer generated map where possible. And, the functional 259 framework will be described in a series of flow charts that will be CADT indexed where possible. Information will be stored from each framework by placing it in one of three different interrelated environments. So the data can be quickly recovered, an electronic storage system will be developed. This should aid in making the mappable data readily usable, the indexed data findable from data-relational framework, and the key individuals updated from the functional framework. A working hard copy of the source information will be necessary so that users may know the form and quality of the data. This will allow users of the indexed information to preview parts of the information for potential use without engaging the computer in an overall search. Finally, it will be important to keep all of the original documents for archival review. The locations for each type of storage should logically follow the need. The electronic store should be kept at the District Ranger headquarters so that it can be easily updated. A hard copy should be at the Parkway Headquarters, and the Archival store should be kept at a university or state library that is equipped to care for such important documents. Thirdly, a method of retrieving data from storage and translating it into the form required by the user will be necessary. Central to the design of the Information System will be the mechanism for the retrieval of data in a format that will be appropriate to the users' needs. The District Ranger will need mapping of his management units in order to provide the field personnel the necessary information to accomplish their work. The parkway superintendent will need the updated management plans for each of the Ranger Districts in order to manage policy. While one real benefit of the system will be the electronic mailing of information between management units, the virtue of the system will be that the Ranger Districts will have the capability to respond to changing situations in their management area on a timely and sound basis. Other users of the system will have the choices of map, report tabular, or graphic formats based upon their need and desire. Finally, there are at least three broad crite- �260 ria in which any information system can be measured: 1. The accuracy in determining the location and subject identification is essential. This system will be established following the ongoing means for the field measurement system. That is, for linear system the mile post reference system will be used. This is very closely tied to the station point system used in the roadway design. The nodal data will be referenced to the property identification reference system that has been used to establish property ownership. This will either be tied to longitude and latitude or the Universal Transverse Mercator system (UTM). Spatial systems will be referenced by UTM or a terrain classification system. Subject information will be accessed by title, topic, and key word reference. Planning and Design information (past or present) will be referenced by project number, location, or type of project. And, archival data will be found through catalog number, subject, location, personal name, date, or key word. Operations will be identified by project number, date, agency, or in some cases by issue identification Parkways Conference Proceedings 2. The establishment of reliability for the data is essential. The amount of related data will be uneven to a given location but the system will be able to establish the boundaries of the data, its initial scale and its reliability. The data will be linked to hierarchical levels for balance and detail. The data will be able to be linked to an established catalog or reference system. 3. The capability for the system is to handle all types of data. The system is designed to take all forms of data. There will be some limitations on the forms of data for direct manipulation. The system is designed to record, store, and maintain text, tabular information, graphic data, mapped information, photographic information, and artifacts. We feel that there is increasing pressure for the parkway to meet new and greater demands than ever before. Therefore, it will be essential to develop a system that will provide the users adequate and up to date information to make better and more informed decisions. These decisions must be based on a diverse and informed cross section of input. We believe that a system, as outlined above (conceptualized), best meets the needs of the parkway now and in the future. A Basic Approach to Classification of Natural Resource Information for the Blue Ridge Parkway William E. Shepherd & Benjamin C. Johnson, Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University, Blacksburg In our previous paper (Johnson and Shepherd, 1987) we have reviewed the wide array of sources of information relative to the parkway and have discussed the need to organize it into a system of storage, such as computer-based, hard copy, and physical stores of artifacts, objects, etc. We also have outlined our approach to fulfilling the requirements of a management information system through linked data frameworks for access to geographic location, thematic materials, and administrative function and, in some detail, have described the benefits of such a system to the management and operation of the parkway. We turn now to the problems and prospects of gathering and storing the spatial related data of natural resources. As used here, natural re- �V. Management—Shepherd and Johnson sources refer to the full range of attributes of the physical environment or, in other words, the landscape. These resources include the rocks, water, soils, flora, vegetation, wildlife, and climate, as well as the many structures and improvements within the landscape of the parkway. The term we use to describe the aggregate of these natural resources is terrain. While considerable information has been developed and is available on many aspects of terrain, much of it is fragmented, uneven in detail, and highly generalized. Some areas have relatively detailed sound resource information on, for example, ecological inventories of threatened plant communities or wildlife habitat conditions, while many other areas lack even the bareness of data on, for example, rock, soil, and water conditions. These areas are then "unknown sites" relative to suitability for some use program or management prescription. As used here an unknown site refers to a site or larger tract of land about which very little is known except its location and the general geographic environment. Our investigations of published sources indicated that both fragmented sites and extensive tracts of land within the parkway have not been inventoried or evaluated for many natural resources, with the exception of topographic base maps. These unknown tracts are of particular concern in attempting to develop a comprehensive data base of information on parkway resources. The problem is to devise ameans of storing information on the terrain of the Blue Ridge Parkway with what information is currently available. In the planning, management, and administration of the parkway there is an increasing demand that existing information on terrain be more available and, in particular, more rapidly available. In addition, the acquisition of new information should be organized more economically and efficiently. We have approached this problem from a practical point of view. While it may be desirable to undertake terrain resource surveys for the entire parkway to develop a comprehensive natural resource data base, it is probably not 261 feasible nor within the budgetary priorities of the National Park Service. Such a research program would require a team of natural scientists and support personnel years to complete and at considerable cost. The question then is threefold: 1. Howcanwemakebestuseoftheinformation which is available to meet current needs? 2. How can we organize this limited information to get the most out of it? 3. How can we plan for future acquisitions of information on the basis of need priority? Our approach is to first look at the problem of fragmented information relative to unknown sites, and how to organize a system which can properly transfer information between known and unknown sites or tracts for purposes of planning, design, and management of the larger landscape. We start from the observation that some level of information on terrain is required in order to base predictions about unknown sites upon previous studies and investigations of known areas. We also believe-that there will be an economy of effort if results of management practices for known areas may be transferred to other known areas in which improvements and practices have not been made. There is also a need to provide the planner and designer with information on the distribution andareal extent of terrain conditions which may impose special design problems or hazards in the use of existing facilities or for improvements to be made in the future. In addition there will be a further economy if the features by which soils, microclimate, vegetative resources, etc. in one site are recognized, recorded, and stored to be available for similar projects in other similar sites. This approach is essentially the transfer of pertinent information between analogous sites, i.e., known and unknown areas which share similar attributes. How then can we determine what site attributes to look for to determine if a site is analogous to another site? Or, more �262 importantly, which of the many attributes of a site need we know to make this transfer of information with some certainty? Most of us share the common perception that every expanse of country can be divided into a finite number of physical regions each with a characteristic landscape of similar broad attributes or pattern of attributes. Such regions are clearly distinct from their neighbors and usually recognizable both on the ground and from the air. We all recognize and have named these regions as, for example, the Ridge and Valley, Blue Ridge, Piedmont, and Coastal Plain provinces of Virginia. Even within these regions we recognize the recurrence of patterns in landform, soils, and vegetation hi smaller and smaller areas. For example, certain ridges, knolls, hollows, valley floors, bottomlands, etc. of the Ridge and Valley province are common geographic names (labels) given to distinct places in our landscape. The unity or distinguishing character of such regions and places can be attributed to a common genesis of rock, landform, soil, etc., over periods of time. More formally this observation has been expressed in a State Factor expression which stated that each part of the land surface is the end product of an evolution governed by parent geologic material, geomorphic processes, past and present climates, and time (Davis, 1899). And further that a change hi any factor (or variable) results in a change in character of the landscape and the pattern of attributes thus formed. Therefore at a larger scale the landscape can be subdivided into natural (recognizable) units on factors which control the formation of these regions. This "genetic" classification would produce units which are unique (non-recurring), although similarities would exist between large units of similar origin, material, and climatic history. At smaller scales the landscape could further be divided into a hierarchy of units on more subtle variables which directly influence landform, water, and soil characteristics. This physiographic" classification would produce small recurring "site types" which could be aggregated into larger types which could be de- Parkways Conference Proceedings scribed and mapped within the larger genetic framework. We have found that the characters used to define these various land types are surprisingly small and, for the most part, both recognizable in the field and accessible within the emerging research literature on terrain classification and evaluation (Shepherd, 1984). In general, we see a need to abstract available terrain information into readily usable form and to sort and classify it according to the type of terrain to which each item refers. A reconnaissance survey of the parkway then could provide a broad framework for ascertaining in what areas terrain information is available and accessible, and what areas require more detailed research and investigation. We visualize a series of pigeon-holes, one for each terrain type, so that all information on one terrain type may be stored in the same pigeon-hole, regardless of which part of the parkway it comes from. We believe considerable economies would follow. Such a system would allow one to use information gained in one area to guide the planning of operations, or the location of improvements in another area. There would be less need to carry out identical preliminary surveys in these similar areas. Also when one known area had been worked over in some detail, a knowledge of the way its attributes varied spatially, and with the seasons, would guide the choice of type of facility or management practice in another analogous but unvisited (unknown) area. Better understanding of the results of management would allow for a reduction in the number of trial and error procedures. Once set up, the pigeon-holes could conveniently contain information not only about the effects on structures, improvements, and land use activities on the attributes of each terrain type, but also on how to recognize each class, e.g., information on rock types, soils, vegetation, annotated areal photography, etc. Once in existence a storage system would attract information both on terrain and on how to recognize terrain types. However a system of pigeon-holes depends upon a prior classification of terrain that groups together within each �V. Management—Shepherd and Johnson class all terrain of analogous attributes, whenever it occurs. Therefore we need to know: 1. How to recognize different kinds of terrain; and 2. The properties of each type of terrain once it has been recognized. At present, the solution of the first problem, by means of geological or soil maps, airphotos, remote sensing data, etc., is often easier than the second. However, there are situations in which it is possible to recognize the terrain but, having done so, there is no readily available information on the suitability of that unit for a particular purpose or practice. As we've stated before, the necessary information may either not have been collected or it may have been lying unabstracted, and possibly forgotten, in old files or reports. The usefulness of statements based upon stored information will depend both upon how accurately the terrain types at unknown sites may be recognized or matched, and also upon how much information is available about the terrain type represented at an unknown site. In order to ascertain the probable attributes of a new site, we must first match that site with a site of which we know the attributes. This is no more than a semi-mechanized and formal parallel to the mental processes of any experienced designer, planner or manager who applies experience from situation to another new situation. Formally we may set about this in one of two ways: 1. We can match an unknown site with the known site to which it is most closely similar, and then assume that the unknown properties of the former are the same as the known properties of the latter. In this case we are using the terrain classification as an aid in the matching of particular individual known and unknown sites, and as a repository for information about individual known sites. 2. We may identify the type of terrain encountered at an unknown site and then apply to it all the information present 263 in the pigeon-hole for that terrain type. Here we are predicting the properties of the unknown case from a generalization of the properties of all known examples of the same terrain type. These two examples represent extremes. They both bring us back to the point that if information on terrain is to be made most readily available, and in particular, if we are to be able to achieve economy of using information from one area to manage and guide operations, etc., in a different but similar area, then there is a need for a storage system based upon a terrain classification. As we've stated, we believe that such a storage system should be a computer-based data store to handle the complexity and volume of material to be stored. In our previous paper we discussed at length our approach to mis problem for the entire management information system. I will briefly review the criteria for such a data store relative to geographic data and, in particular, the current approaches to data acquisition in the landscape. As you may recall, there are three criteria by which a computer based data storage capability can be measured; 1) the degree of refinement of location identification; 2) the volume of related data at each location; and 3) the manipulation facilities or the capability to receive, edit, display, file, and retrieve data. The value of any system can be judged by the extent to which all three of these measures are satisfied (Tomlinson, 1971). The first criterion represents the fineness of landscape stratification and the degree of precision of the referencing system in identifying geographic location. This ranges from crude grid squares through polygonal shapes to a nested hierarchy of natural units of increasing detail. The second criterion represents the amount of scientific, technical, cultural, and practical data available for each location or pigeon-hole in our system. It can range from a minimum of one item of data to thousands of pieces of information. The third criterion represents the capability of the storage system to handle data. This in- �264 creases from simple input and retrieval through a sequence of operations of increasing complexity and sophistication, such as sorting and overlaying procedures to rigorous methods of ecological and systems analysis. However, we see a direct linkage between the basic approach to location identification, the information content to be developed at that location, and a system of terrain classification. This linkage is somewhat dependent upon the basic approaches to resource data acquisition and/or transfer from one site to another site in the landscape. We have found that there are two basic (alternative) approaches to classifying data from the landscape for a data store or "geographic information system". These alternatives may be termed the parametric approach and the landscape approach (Mabbutt, 1968). The parametric approach tends to consider the landscape from the point of view of land uses envisioned. It inventories and/or evaluates the landscape for those use requirements (variables) which limit, control, or optimize a particular use or group of related land uses. For example, the simplest form of parametric map is one which divides a single variable into acceptable and not acceptable classes, such as a flood prone area map or active fault zone map. Such parameters are of considerable importance in locating structures for human occupancy. Ideally the parametric approach seeks to devise a list of relevant land attributes, measure their values, and then map each variable. These maps then may be overlaid to evaluate the composite aggregation of attribute values. This overlay approach may be characterized as a layering of horizontal arrays which are typically mapped at a single scale or level of discrimination. In computer based systems these variables are mapped in single two dimensional arrays of either grid cells or area polygons which can be superimposed to produce new (composite) maps. Data abstracted from secondary sources, such as maps published for other purposes, can present problems of integration into a new mapping scale and format. The parametric approach tends to empha- Parkways Conference Proceedings size precise measurements and is most useful when only a few land uses are being considered. As the number of uses and their requirements increase, the operation becomes more complex not only from the standpoint of evaluation but also from difficulties and problems of data gathering either from secondary sources or, perhaps more significantly, directly from field measurements. In addition, many variables are difficult to express in a parametric overlay system, such as variables of natural process, ecological relationship, and time. As the need for a range of attributes increases, the approach tends to lose its utility because of the requirement for parametric data which is often difficult to obtain or measure. When parametric classifications are used to inventory and evaluate landresources certain inherent problems must be considered, such as the choice of attributes to be mapped, their subdivision into classes, and recognition of these classes on the ground. This is especially difficult because of their essentially arbitrary nature relative to natural processes (Mitchell, 1973). In addition, the parametric approach presents significant problems and difficulties in the situation where data is fragmented or does not exist. Under the parametric approach there is no mechanism to transfer data from a known site to an unknown site, in other words there are no analogous sites or terrain types. Variables are not organized and classified into a natural unit framework, nor, in most cases, could they serve as terrain or site type analogues. On the other hand, the landscape approach seeks to classify land into natural units, measure and describe their attributes, and relate them to land use. This approach views the landscape as an aggregation of materials, forms, and processes which, in their interaction, provide patterns of landforms, water regimes, climatic influences, plant communities, wildlife habitat, and sites for human settlements and activities. Under this approach, all biological activity, including human uses and structures, is viewed as land use (Foreman and Godron, 1985). Landscape ecology, as well as other natural sciences, recognizes that the landscape can �265 V. Management—Shepherd and Johnson be viewed as a mosaic of natural units which vary in size, shape, and scale. These natural units are the building blocks of a landscape region, expanse of country or continent and have been variously described by numerous researchers in the natural sciences and related disciplines (Bailey, 1978). The landscape approach is dependent upon a system of classification to serve as a practical referencing system for natural units, i.e., the object of study. The purposes of this classification are to organize knowledge and simplify interrelationships by identifying similar units for inventory, evaluation, and management of the terrain resource base. The underlying principle of this approach is to identify and describe units with similar attributes which provide similar contexts for use and respond to a defined set of planning, design, and management strategies. In this context, classification plays an important role in organizing knowledge and experience, extrapolating research, transferring experience, effectively allocating resources, and evaluating planning and design alternatives and management outcomes. To this end, we suggest that two classifications be developed; a genetic scheme for large nonrecurring units, such as the distinct geomorphic regions within the Blue Ridge Mountain Complex, and a physiographic scheme for smaller recurring units within the regional landscape. In the genetic classification, large scale natural units will be defined by logical subdivision of the landscape on the basis of origin, process, and resultant pattern of terrain, as outlined earlier in this paper. In the physiographic classification, smaller scale landscape units will be identified on the basis of their distinct forms, materials, and processes. This system recognizes a hierarchy of recurring land types from, for example, larger erosional and depositional landscape units, to smaller physiographic and landform subdivisions of more localized experience. In the literature, these units have been identified by a range of terms, such as land systems, land types, habitat types, terrain types, site types, etc., by numerous researchers hi the scientific disciplines in many agencies and regions. Since 1978 considerable effort has been made to coordinate systems, especially in Federal agencies concerned with land resource planning and management. Efforts are currently being made to develop a comprehensive National Land Classification Framework for use on public lands (Smalley, 1985). The classification system we propose consists of a three level hierarchy of nested physiographic units termed terrain types, site types, and elements, as shown on Table 1. This system appears to be compatible with other taxonomic approaches being developed by the Federal Interagency Team of the Resources Evaluation Techniques Program (Driscoll, 1980). There are however, slight differences in terms, structures, and characters used to define classes primarily because of the more detailed scope and purposes of resource management information in the Blue Ridge Parkway. The upper level of the classification system we call the terrain type, whose members are termed terrain units. These units are a logical subdivision of land type associations as mapped in the Cumberland Plateau and Highland Rim PHYSIOGRAPHIC SYSTEM Classes Mapping Scales Survey Scales Terrain Type Site Type Element 1:12,000 to 1:24,000 Reconnaissance Semi-detailed Detailed 1:1,200 to 1:12,000 not usually mapped Table 1. Nested Hierarchy of Physiographic Classes. �266 physiographic provinces by Smalley (1984) and as generally defined by Weltz and Arnold (1975). A terrain unit is a mosaic of landforms resulting from a common lithologic origin or close association of different but related lithologic units that have collectively undergone similar geomorphic and climatic evolution. It represents areasonable range of lithologic, soil, and drainage conditions significant for prediction of, for example, habitat character or engineering performance. A terrain unit, as described here, is similar to Beckett and Webster's (1962} recurrent landscape pattern. Grant's (1968) terrain unit, and Christian's (1953^ simple land unit. However, a terrain unit is more rigorously defined than other units and is mapped at a considerably more intensive scale. A terrain unit is essentially a relief unit formed from a specific rock type with distinct stratigraphic orientation and characterized by morphologic and lithologic characters which can be recognized and delineated on aerial photographs and topographic maps with the aid of supplementary geologic information. Terrain units are typically contiguous, although isolated units may occur in close proximity. These units may be quite extensive and irregular in shape. Site types are the subordinate class within each terrain unit and members within this class are termed site units. A site is a physiographic unit, relatively homogeneous in external attributes, internal properties, and variations significant to land use. It is defined by attributes of lithology, structure, slope morphology, surficial materials, including soil and water regime. A site, as described here, is similar to Bourne's (1931) site. Webster's (1963) facet. and the land unit of Christian (1953). A site is typically apattern of simple slopes of similar material and water regime formed by a dominant geomorphic process on a distinct rock type of the terrain unit. A change in material, configuration, water regime, or process signals a change from one site to another. Sites within a terrain unit exhibit an internal consistency based upon a common lithologic Parkways Conference Proceedings origin and evolution. A site represents a reasonably uniform set of terrain conditions, such that a single assessment of inherent constraint or opportunity can typically be made throughout. An element is a small relief unit of simple slope surface, not susceptible to practical division on the basis of observable features or properties significant to land use. It is typically a small area of uniform terrain described by a small set of characters, such as micro-relief, soil texture, depth of regolith, runoff, drainage, or groundwater regime. Elements tend to be associated with site types, such that they occur in a pattern unique to that type. An element, as described here, is similar to Grant's (1968) terrain component. Woolridge's (1932^ flats and slopes, and Brink's (1965^ land element. Typically, elements are not mapped but are generally described as a variation within a site unit. Elements can be used to structure the sense of character variability and to ensure logical consistency within a site-type. We have found that physiographic systems produce highly visible units which can be directly observed in the field, primarily because they are partially defined on morphologic characters. Recognizable units allow users to "see terrain" and conceptualize conditions within a spatial context, which is a familiar and real part of their everyday working domain. This, we believe, provides two important advantages of such a system. It bridges the gap between producers of information and user, such as park ranger, interested property owner, community officials, or the public at large, who have a special interest in their parkway. Physiographic units are, for the most part, easily recognized in the field by those interested enough to inquiry. It also allows parkway personnel and interested users to assist in gathering data, i.e., documentation, in a relatively simple and systematic manner, such as through checklists, observations, samplings, photographs, etc. Such activity could greatly assist in filling some of the many voids hi resource data which currently exist throughout the parkway. The physiographic system we've outlined, �267 V. Management—Cooksey and Oppermann while relatively simple to construct and easy to use, is also conceptually sound and a powerful tool in organizing and systematizing information on natural resources for management of the parkway. In conclusion, we believe that the con- cepts, principles, and informational frameworks we've outlined for a management information system, most nearly meets the current needs of the parkway and would provide a firm and practical foundation to build upon for the future. Line Creek Parkway Corridor Study Allan B. Cooksey, A.S.L.A. and Peter A. Oppermann, A.S.LA.J Kansas City, Missouri, has one of the largest park and boulevard systems in the nation. A primary reason for the outstanding system is that it is a priority—citizens and community leaders see its worth and work not only to maintain it but to improve it. The Line Creek Parkway Corridor Study is another example of Kansas City's commitment to its parks. The Board of Park and Recreation Commissioners believes the parkway is essential to development in the Line Creek and Second Creek watersheds. It will open currently inaccessible land and will provide a badly needed major north-south connector to the area. Line Creek Parkway will generally parallel 1-29 and US-169 highways in the northwest quadrant of the Kansas City metropolitan area (Figure 1) and be a major north-south connection from Northeast 68th Street to Northwest 108th Street. The developed parkway will provide vehicular access to areas that currently have little or none. Extension of east-west connector streets will enhance development adjacent to the corridor. The parkway will intersect with Tiffany Springs Parkway, which is currently under construction, will continue north to Northwest 108th Street, and will turn east to become the proposed Shoal Creek Parkway. Our firm, Tuttle-Ayers-Woodward Co., a division of Shafer, Kline & Warren, P.A., studied the Line Creek watershed and suggested a system for developing and building a parkway. Four major objectives were to: • identify existing development areas as well as areas that may develop following parkway construction, evaluate east-west transportation links to promote development adjacent to the corridor, allocate land for an 80-acre community park in the corridor, and recommend phased construction to coincide with adjacent development. METHOD AND DATA We began our data gathering by examining influences on the location and alignment of the proposed Line Creek Parkway. We analyzed slope limitations, hydrology, soil types, vegetation, utilities, land ownership, existing and proposed developments, zoning classifications, and existing and potential land uses. We assumed the current and proposed transportation systems within and adjacent to the study area would remain with parkway development. We used Kansas City topographic maps to delineate site data, routes most desirable for the parkway, and development of adjoining land. RESULTS OF FINDINGS Following are summaries of information we collected. Slope limitations and hydrology The area's topography includes some slopes of more than 12 percent, which will require substantial quantities of cuts and fills to reach acceptable road grades. Slopes in the project �268 area could limit development and construction. The study area contains several ponds and two major drainage patterns. The northern portion of the area flows north and drains into the Second Creek watershed; the Line Creek watershed drains the southern portion and flows south. Major drainage patterns, the lOO-year flood plain, and the floodway are obstacles to development. On the other hand, study area hydrology offers opportunities for the parkway. First, drainage patterns in or near the parkway rightof-way could be modified to become assets to development. Second, we can greatly enhance the area by establishing the parkway in conjunction with or close to the drainage patterns. Soils Most of the northern portion of the study area is the Sharpsburg-Higginsville-Sibley Association. Ridges are generally Sharpsburg silt loam, slopes and most drainageways are Higgins ville silt loam, and creek beds and flood plains are Kennebec silt loam. (Figure 3) The southern portion of the site consists mainly of the KnoxSnead Association with Basehor loam, Snead-rock outcrop, Knox silt loam, Knox silty clay loam, Nodaway silt loam, Wiota silt loam, and Knox-urban land complex. Parkways Conference Proceedings junction with a treatment plant in the Second Creek watershed. The treatment plant will serve the study area north of proposed Missouri Highway 152. The southern portion has water mains from 15 inches to 24 inches in diameter, generally along the west perimeter of the study area. A major sanitary sewer trunk is in the center of the study area. Land ownership Three primary land owners within the study area have development plans for their holdings. Several parcels, particularly in the southern half of the study area, have single-family residences and multi-family residential developments. (Figure 6) A small park at the south end is part of the Kansas City parks system. The northern portion includes scattered farmsteads with numerous owners. Line Creek Parkway development will require acquisition of properties within the proposed right-of-way through purchase or dedication. Existing and proposed developments Vegetation in the corridor consists of scattered woodlands, cropland, and pasture. (Figure 4) The southern half of the site has heavily wooded swales, upland areas, and scattered woodlands. Most of the northern half is active cropland with existing vegetation comparable to woodlands that dominated the area before it became agricultural. Wooded areas are primarily oak, hickory, and maple; developed areas have various ornamental plantings. The study area north of proposed Missouri Highway 152 includes scattered farmsteads and single-family homes but is primarily cropland and pasture. The area south of the proposed highway has single-family developments, multi-family developments, and a restaurant. (Figure 7) Most of the southern portion of the study area is undeveloped and heavily wooded. It has little cropland or pasture. Proposed projects include two commercial developments along Barry Road and several multi-family and single-family subdivisions in the southern portion. A single-family development on Tiffany Springs Parkway nears the west side of the study area. Utilities Existing zoning The study area north of Barry Road has neither water mains nor sanitary sewers. (Figure 5) A sanitary sewer trunk is proposed for the extreme northwest corner of the area in con- Zoning varies throughout the study area. (Figure 8) It ranges from general transient retail business (GP2) to agricultural and low-density residential (GP7) in the "general planned" dis- Vegetation �V. Management—Cooksey and Oppermann LINE CREEK PARKWAY LOCATION MAP 269 �>00-YEAR FLOOD PLAIN : aooowAY SLOPtStN EXCESS Of 12* DRAINAGE CHANNEL ?C? 6B'6O2 tOO/lOF 30 38 H>QQinsvilte Sin Loam ShArpMHjrg Sitt Loam SfWM-Rocn Outcrop Compel K»nn«t>»c StR Loam WioU S.H Loam 39 HoQmwty Sin Loam 480 B««fKxLo«m Knoa S«*1 Loam Krxa SilTy O*y Lo«m Krxw Urban L«r»d Complex . MC2 S$D3 61C'61D �Figure 4 VEGETATION Figure 5 UTILITIES �LAND OWNCRSH*> II EXtSTWtCAND PBOPOSED DEVELOPMENTS I ! .8 EXISHNC ZOMNG �COMPOSITE EXISTING LAND US€ POTENTIAL i 4 t f COMPOSITE PROPOSED LAND-USE POTTNT1AL CORRIDOR CONCEPT PHASED DEVELOPMENT �274 tricts in the northern two-thirds of the area. It ranges from agricultural (RA) to low density, low apartments (R3) in the southern one-third. Composite existing land-use potential Developing a composite analysis map to evaluate the existing land-use potential, we assigned values from 1 to 4 to site influences. We determined 1 to be Most Desirable, 2 to be Desirable, 3 to be Moderately Desirable, and 4 to be Marginally Desirable. (Figure 9) Development potential decreases in the higherranges. For example, MostDesirable (1) areas have good access and location, gentle slopes, good parcel size, favorable utility access, and variable vegetative cover. Marginally Desirable (4) areas have poor access, relatively poor location, moderate to steep slopes, location in or adjacent to flood plain or floodway, poor utility access, and linear parcel shapes. Based on the map, we made assumptions about the potential for development in each area. We concluded that: • areas with the most potential (Most Desirable areas and Desirable areas) are adjacent to and accessible from Barry Road and Green Hills Road and • Moderately Desirable areas are buffered from access to Barry Road and Green Hills Road by Most Desirable areas and Desirable areas. Composite proposed land-use potential We placed a theoretical alignment on the base map and mapped changes in the existing land-use potential to compare proposed landuse potential of a developed parkway. (Figure 10) Although Most Desirable (1) areas and Desirable (2) areas were relatively unchanged as a result of the proposed parkway, other areas generally improved one step as a result of accessibility and relative location. Moderately Desirable (3) areas changed to Desirable (2) areas, for example. Line Creek Parkway, we determined, will have a significant, positive effect on the potential for development of private properties along Parkways Conference Proceedings the corridor. It will provide greater access to the major portions of the study area, increase land values, and encourage development of land currently less than desirable to develop. CONCEPT ALTERNATIVES In developing concept alternatives, we considered the objectives established by the Board of Park and Recreation Commissioners, our own predesign goals, and the design requirements of the parkway within the study area. Commissioners' objectives were to: • • identify existing development areas as well as areas that may develop following parkway construction, evaluate east-west transportation links to promote development adjacent to the corridor, • allocate land for an 80-acre community park in the corridor, and • recommend phased construction to coincide with adjacent development. In addition, our goals were to: • provideavariable-widthmedianusing natural features of the corridor, • minimize stream crossings, bridges, and major storm sewer culverts, • maintain acceptable cut-and-fill requirements, • • preserve and enhance vegetation, limit penetration into the 100-year flood plain/floodway, and • develop an aesthetic parkway. Because certain physical aspects of the study area influence the location and alignment of the parkway significantly, we established design criteria based on discussions with Parks and Recreation staff members, various other City departments, major land owners within the corridor, and the Missouri Highway Department. Once we established the design requirements, we evaluated our data, analyzed existing and proposed land uses, and combined our �V. Management—Cooksey and Oppermann conclusions with the objectives and corridor requirements to develop initial alignments we could review and modify. The major differences in the alternatives were north of Barry Road. We could explore alternative configurations there because it is an area of gentle, rolling terrain with no major developments. Existing and proposed developments, steep slopes, a lake, die flood plain and floodway, and the proposed transit corridor restricted our alignment alternatives south of proposed Missouri Highway 152. After discussing the most desirable aspects of each alternative with Parks and Recreation representatives and with private land owners, we settled on the alternative that became the corridor concept plan. CORRIDOR CONCEPT PLAN The concept we adopted relates well with the existing environment and with future land uses. (Figure 11) The parkway runs north from the intersection of AA Highway and Northwest 68th Street and parallels the proposed transit corridor that will parallel Line Creek Parkway from Northwest 68th Street to the proposed Reiger Road intersection. The transit corridor will be a maximum 75 feet wide; Line Creek Parkway right-of-way adjacent to the transit corridor is 150 feet. The flood plain and steep slopes on both sides of the Line Creek drainage pattern are important reasons for locating the alignment parallel to the transit corridor. North of the Northwest 72nd Street intersection, the parkway widens, and northbound lanes follow the abandoned railroad grade across the dam south of Barry Road. Southbound lanes align below the dam, turn northeast, and parallel the northbound lanes to intersect with Barry Road. Widening the right-of-way at the lake not only creates a smooth transition out of the Line Creek flood plain, it also takes advantage of the panoramic view of the Line Creek valley. The intersections of Northwest 72nd Street and Reiger Road with the parkway maintain acceptable vertical and horizontal limits. 275 The steep slopes of the Line Creek watershed influenced alignment location. The major parkway intersection at Barry Road is located in the sag curve of the proposed Barry Road improvements. Line Creek Parkway proceeds north from Barry Road to where proposed Missouri Highway 152 will bridge the parkway. At the top of the Line Creek watershed, the parkway intersects with Old Stagecoach Road, important because its diagonal alignment through the study area eases vehicular access to the west and northwest. North of Old Stagecoach Road, the rightof-way widens as it descends into the Second Creek watershed and straddles the Second Creek drainage pattern. Aesthetic design merges smoothly with the intersection at Tiffany Springs Parkway. The intersection of Tiffany Springs and Line Creek parkways will be a large traffic circle that will allow a pleasant downhill approach from all directions and a smooth transition for various routes. Locating the traffic circle in the drainage pattern takes advantage of the downhill approach, provides high visibility near the circle, preserves existing vegetation, and maintains large areas of land suitable for development. As the parkway continues north of the traffic circle, it intersects with Northwest 100th Street, aligns close to the Second Creek drainage pattern, and descends farther into the Second Creek valley. Approximately one-half mile north of Northwest 100th Street, the parkway moves out of the Second Creek watershed and turns east to merge with Northwest 108th Street (proposed Shoal Creek Parkway), the northern boundary of the study area. In addition to considering a community park for the area, we considered including land along the Line Creek Parkway flood plain and floodway as park land. For example, the area that begins at existing Robinhood Park west of the parkway and south of proposed Northwest 72nd Street and extends north nearly a mile within the Line Creek watershed flood plain and floodway is unsuitable for development. Its shape and proximity to the parkway, how- �276 Parkways Conference Proceedings ever, make it suitable for either active or passive recreational uses. A small lake—approximately ten acres—on the east side of the parkway could be a passive-use buffer. Some 3,500 feet of frontage adjacent to the west side of the parkway extends 1,000 feet west from Tiffany Springs Parkway north to the south line of the proposed community park and could be park land. The area is unsuitable for development because it is in the flood plain and floodway. Including this land will provide a continuous park along the west side of the parkway from Tiffany Springs Parkway north to Northwest 108th Street. The variable-width median of Line Creek Parkway from Northwest 68th Street to Northwest 108th Street creates a linear park that can be used for active and passive recreation as well as for north-south transportation. It will have a positive effect on development and economic growth along and adjacent to the parkway. With the addition of a community park and the inclusion of additional land in the Kansas City, Missouri, park system, Line Creek Parkway can become a catalyst for development along the corridor as well as in adjacent areas. PHASED DEVELOPMENT While we suggest that engineering design for the parkway alignment be completed as a single project, we know that construction will take more than one season. We believe development could occur in four phases (Figure 12) to allow access to the major east-west transportation links at the beginning and end of each phase. The four phases are: • • Northwest 68th Street to Barry Road, Barry Road to Old Stagecoach Road, • Old Stagecoach Road to Tiffany Springs Parkway, and • Tiffany Springs Parkway to Northwest 108th Street. Three projects proposed for the area could affect the priority of the four phases. The projects are: • • • improvements to Barry Road, construction of proposed Missouri Highway 152, and continued construction of Tiffany Springs Parkway from the west. Other projects could also affect construction phasing. East-west transportation links, however, are adequate to accommodate combinations of phased parkway development. CONCLUSION The Board of Park and Recreation Commissioners has accepted our study and retained our firm to develop right-of-way plans from Barry Road north to Old Stagecoach Road during 1987. We anticipate beginning right-ofway plans in late 1987 for the remaining parkway, which now includes one and one-half miles that were not part of the corridor study. If a March 1988 bond issue is successful, we will begin final engineering plans and acquisition of right-of-way. Development of Line Creek Parkway is a high priority for Board of Park and Recreation Commissioners, who expect the $20-million project to be completed over the next four to six years. NOTES 1. Peter A. Oppermann, A.S.L.A., is land planning director for Shafer, Kline & Warren, PA, Overland Rok, Kansas; Allan B. Cooksey, A.S.L.A., is land planning director for the firm's division, Tutfle-Ayers-Woodward Co., Kansas City, Missouri. BIBLIOGRAPHY City Assessor's Office, City of Kansas City, Missouri Department of Parks and Recreation, Kansas City, Missouri Mike Burke, council member, representative for Northland Industries �V. Management—Hester, Soden, and Meadows Richard Erickson for R & E Properties Harold Hamil, council member, representative for Northland Industries Everett Hedeen, AIA, planning consultant to Hudson Oil Co. properties Walker La Brunerie for W. Kimpton properties Mike Rice, PJB., consultant to Executive Hills, Inc. Flood Insurance Rate Map, National Flood Insurance Program, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development 277 Planning and Development Department, City of Kansas City, Missouri Public Works Department, City of Kansas City, Missouri Soil Survey of Platte County, Missouri, United States Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1985 State of Missouri Highway Department, Kansas City District, City of Kansas City, Missouri �278 Parkways Conference Proceedings Perceptions and Attitudes of Parkway Rangers Regarding Law Enforcement and Natural Resource Management: Multiple Duties as Sources of Conflict Worth H. Hester and Dennis L. Soden, University of West Florida, and Robert J. Meadows Glendale College * Worth H. Hester is an MPA Candidate at The University of West Florida; Dennis L. Soden is Director of Coastal Zone Studies and Assistant Professor of Political Science at The University of West Florida, Pensacola, FL. Robert J. Meadows is Associate Professor and Head, Department of Criminal Justice at Glendale College, Glendale, CA. INTRODUCTION This paper addresses an issue of growing concern within our National Parks system which has direct relevance for Parkway operations and management, namely the increased need for law enforcement activities and how the growth in these activities in turn affects natural resource management. Parkways are an excellent example wherein there is a need for an increased number of personnel in non-traditional Ranger roles. Within the National Park Service, operators of such Parkways as The Blue Ridge and Natchez Trace, this has become an issue of growing concern to management (RANGERS, 1986; Shankland, 1970), as well as students of the Park Service (Meadows and Soden, forthcoming). This study looks at how the increase in law enforcement activities has effected Parkway Rangers assigned to The Blue Ridge Parkway, a 470 mile ribbon of highway starting at Shenandoah National Park in Virginia and running south through North Carolina to its terminus at Great Smoky National Park in Tennessee. In particular, the findings reported here summarize how the role of law enforcement activities is perceived among rangers and view law enforcement in comparison to natural resource activities. In addition, how rangers feel about the decisions which the National Park Service makes in regard to both natural resource management and law enforcement activities is addressed. More importantly for planners and managers of Parkways in the future, how Rangers perceive the nature of their work provides insight into how well multiple duties may be assumed by Parkway operations personnel. In this regard, whether the role of the Parkway Ranger should be that of a "generalist" or "multispecialist" or if, in fact, Parkway Rangers specially trained in law enforcement should monitor the many law enforcement related activities associated with Parkway operation are issues considered in this paper. Part of the rise in law enforcement needs stems from the increase in visitations to Parkways. In the case of the Blue Ridge Parkway annual visitation has risen from less than twelve million in 1975 (National Park Service, 1976) to greater than 21 million in 1985 (National Park Service, 1985). From another perspective, Parkways as alternative roadways maintain many of the attributes of traditional highways and the law enforcement activities which are associated with them, including among others, speed control, traffic control, etc. THESTUDY The results reported in this paper are based on survey questionnaires completed in the Fall of 1986 by 19 Park Rangers assigned to the Blue Ridge Parkway. Through the cooperation of the management of the Blue Ridge Parkway, surveys were distributed on a one-time basis to the 38 rangers then assigned to the unit. Nineteen surveys representing a 50 percent response on a single administration were returned. The �V. Management—Hester, Soden, and Meadows survey1 was designed to address concerns about the degree to which generalists * activities rather than specialists* activities hallmark Ranger work on the Parkway and what attitudes individual Rangers hold regarding a range of law enforcement and natural resource issues. The summary of those findings are reported elsewhere (Hester, Soden, Meadows, 1987) and the particulars of the findings regarding law enforcement attitudes are also considered in other work (Meadows and Soden, forthcoming). These findings show aremarkably high degree of professionalism among the Rangers surveyed and a dedication to their work regardless of the amount of time spent on either law enforcement or natural resource-related work. This study is more limited in scope and restricted in the findings reported. Yet, it will provide insight into an issue of major concern in the development of an effective Parkway operation. FINDINGS Crime in national parks is not uncommon. In 1979 alone, there were 8,600 felony crimes committed in National Parks including, in the worst cases, murder, rape, and armed robbery (Everhart, 1983: 56). Major crime is the exception, rather than the rule, with the majority of crimes involving petty theft of property valued atless than fifty dollars (Everhart, 1983: 56). As visitations to The Blue Ridge Parkway, the focus of this study, have increased over the years the rate of crime has also grown. This being the case, it is most probable that the National Park Service will continue to make many decisions pertaining to law enforcement issues as part of allits operations. Thedecisions they make will be of considerable value for those involved in Parkways management whenever operational changes come about because of increased usage. In light of the increased amount of time spent on law enforcement issues, Blue Ridge Parkway Rangers were asked to indicate the degree to which they agree with decisions made about law enforcement by the National Park Service. Respondents were asked: "How would you describe the degree to which you agree with 279 decisions which are made about law enforcement issues by the National Park Service?" Table 1 reports that more than 50 percent of the respondents are almost always in agreement with National Park Service decisions regarding law enforcement issues. (Based on the sum of response categories "4" and "5"). However, over 30 percent responded that they are seldom in agreement with law enforcement decisions (based on the sum of response categories "1" and "2"). While earlier research suggests ahigh degree of professionalization about law enforcement issues (Meadows and Soden, forthcoming), it would appear that law enforcement issues may be a source of professional concern among the Ranger force, especially when considered as part of the larger National Park Service organizational setting. And, while not all Parkways are associated with agencies as large as The Department of the Interior and the National Park Service, they do and will typically be part of larger bureaucratic structures. As such, they may be faced with similar personnel concerns as decisions come down from the "top" to the operative Parkway employee. In contrast, in the area of natural resource decision making, the respondents are more supportive of National Park Service decisions and see it as less of an overall organizational problem. When asked "How would you describe the degree to which you agree with decisions which are made about natural resource management issues by the National Park Service," 52.6% of the respondents stated that they are almost always in agreement with the National Park Service about natural resource management issues (based on the sum of response categories "4" and "5"), as shown in Table 2. No appreciable percentage registers total disagreement (based on the sum of response categories "1" and "2"). Overall, Blue Ridge Parkway Rangers appear to agree with both law enforcement and natural resource management decisions made by the National Park Service indicating a sizeable degree of satisfaction among respondents about these two issues which impact on Parkway operation. In a historically natural resource oriented agency such as the National Park Service, it is not �Parkways Conference Proceedings 280 TABLE 1 Park Ranger Perceptions Of National Park Services Decisions On Law Enforcement Issues ITEM: How would you describe the degree to which you agree with decisions which are made about law enforcement issues by the National Park Service? N = 19 Frequency Response Categories % Never Agree with NPS Decisions Always Agree with NPS Decisions No Answer TOTALS 1 2 3 4 2 10.5 4 21.1 3 15.8 9 47.3 1 5.3 0 0 19 5 100 Mean Results = 3.16 TABLE 2 Park Ranger Perceptions Of National Park Services Decisions About Natural Resource Management Issues ITEM: How would you describe the degree to which you agree with decisions which are made about natural resource management issues by the National Park Service? N = 19 Response Categories Frequency % Never Agree with NPS Decisions Always Agree with NPS Decisions No Answer TOTALS Mean Results = 3.47 1 1 2 0 8 9 1 0 19 3 4 5 5.3 0 42.1 47.3 5.3 0 100 �V. Management—Hester, Soden, and Meadows surprising that the decisions made regarding the newer role of law enforcement do appear to be of more concern to operative employees than decisions pertaining to their traditional roles as natural resource managers. In sum, there is agreement that there is an increasing need for law enforcement within the National Park Service (RANGER, 1986). Historically, however, the majority of the work of the National Park Service has focused on the stewardship of our nation's most prized natural resources. The bifurcation produced within the National Park Service when both law enforcement and resource management must be undertaken is of great concern to the study at hand, but is not an entirely new issue of concern (Bonanno, 1986). Many feel that where the need for law enforcement in our nation's parks has increased, natural resource management has, as a result, suffered. In this regard, it has been argued that this growth in Park Service duties leads to a need for trained law enforcement specialists within the National Park Service, separate and distinct from traditional Park Rangers who focus on natural resource management, interpretation, etc. In this regard, survey respondents were asked to respond to the statement that "Many contend that there is a need for trained law enforcement specialists within the National Park Service, as well as for natural resource management." Among five response categories exhibited in Table 3, 73.7% of those surveyed believed that there is an equal need for both specialists in both law enforcement and natural resource management, an important concern of which Parkway operators should be aware. However, when asked whether the "Park Ranger should be a 'specialist* or a 'multispecialist' with skills in resource protection, resource management, law enforcement or other skills required to do one's job," Park Rangers responding to the survey do not appear to advocate pure specialization. As Table 4 shows a majority of the Blue Ridge Parkway Rangers (73.7%) record views that the role of the Park Ranger should be that of a "generalist" or "multispecialist". These respondents essentially agree with the idea that a Park Ranger 281 should hold multiple skills in resource protection, resource management, law enforcement and any other skills necessary to perform one's job. In conjunction with Table 3, this reflects a view that while law enforcement specialists may be important and worthwhile components of the Ranger force, each Ranger feels that they should maintain a certain degree of generalization, or multispecialist approach as a way of enhancing the overall operation of the Parkway. CONCLUSION This paper addresses an issue which must be of concern to any Parkway operator. The tensions which occur between careerists content in working in a natural resource setting who are now faced with completing many nonnatural resource activities such as law enforcement, cannot be discounted. Yet, among members of the National Park Service assigned to the Blue Ridge Parkway, the evidence discussed here suggests that the issue cannot be simply addressed by providing for a cadre of law enforcement specialists who would contend with issues of typical roadway law enforcement and a separate cadre for administration of natural resources duties. At least within the setting of the National Park Service, while a clear need for specialists is seen, Rangers believe that they should indeed also be able to conduct themselves in the multiple settings which occur as part of day-to-day operations. What appears most problematic based on the survey findings, is the agreement and disagreement with decisions made by the larger organizations ultimately responsible for Parkway operations. The typical concern that management is unaware of the realities of the employee on the frontline presents what may become a point of tension if decisions regarding Parkway operations are made without proper concern for the experience and practical needs of operative employees. Unfortunately these findings do not provide clear-cut lines from which Parkway managers can simply draw organizational charts depicting separate roles for stewards of the land and law enforcement officers. The findings do �282 Parkways Conference Proceedings TABLES Park Rangers Perceptions Of The Need For Different Types Of Personnel For Law Enforcement And Natural Resource Management Within The Park Service ITEM: Many contend that there is a need for trained law enforcement specialists within the Park Service, as well as natural resource management. I believe there is: N = 19 Response Categories Frequency % Equal need for both. The Park Service mission should emphasize Natural Resource management whenever possible. The Park Service must recognize law enforcement as a priority over natural resource management. Not sure No Answer 14 73.7 3 15.8 2 0 0 10.5 0 0 TOTALS 19 100 TABLE 4 Park Ranger Perceptions Of Their Role As Generallsts Or Multispecialists Within The Park Service ITEM: I believe a Park Ranger should be a "generalist" or "multispecialist" with skills in resource protection, resource management, law enforcement or other skills required to do one's job. N = 19 Response Categories Frequency % Strongly Agree Agree Not sure Disagree Strongly Disagree No Answer 8 6 1 3 1 0 42.1 31.5 5.3 15.8 5.3 0 TOTALS 19 100 �283 V. Management—Beatty and Manzo suggest, however, that while some specialists are seen as necessary by experienced Parkways personnel, a large portion may be generalists or multispecialists, who can address the multiple values, goals and job requirements attendant to Parkways. NOTES 1. A copy of the survey is available from the authors upon request. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bonanno, Tony (1986), "Multi-Specialist Rangers: A New Look at An Old Idea," in RANGER: The Journal of the Association of National Park Rangers. II, 3 (Summer). Everhart, William C. (1983), The National Park Service. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Hester, Worth and Soden, Dennis L. and Meadows, Robert (1987), "Ranger Attitudes and Perceptions of Law Enforcement and Natural Resource Issues; Summary of Findings fromThe Blue Ridge Parkway, Occasional Paper in Coastal Zone Studies. Pensacola, FL: University of West Florida. Meadows, Robert and Soden, Dennis L. (forthcoming), "National Park Ranger Attitudes and Perceptions Regarding Law Enforcement Issues," in The Justice Professional. National Park Service (1975), Public use of the National Park System calendar year report. Denver, CO: United States Department of the Interior. National Park Service (1985), National Park Statistical Abstract of 1985. Denver, CO: United States Department of the Interior. RANGER (1986), "Keynote Speakers—Director Mott's Comments in RANGER: The Journal of the Association of National Park Rangers, n, 1 (Winter). Shankland, Robert (1970), Steven Mather of the National Parks. 3rd ed., New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Initial New River Parkway Study: Citizen Involvement Plan C. Allen Beatty, Concord College, and Joseph T. Manzo, Concord College INTRODUCTION The West Virginia Legislature, in 1985, passed a bill establishing the New River Parkway Authority. This agency was created to coordinate with counties, municipalities, state and federal agencies, public nonprofit corporations, private corporations, associations, partnerships and individuals with planning, assisting and establishing recreational, tourism, industrial, economic and community development of the New River Parkway for the benefit of West Virginians.1 The initial leg of the New River Parkway is to be 27 miles of a north and southbound scenic two-lane highway connecting Pipestem State Park at its southern end with Sandstone National Park at its northern end, and all points between with an entrance and/or exit onto 1-64 at Sandstone, WV. The Parkway is to be patterned after the Blue Ridge Parkway in Virginia. The highway will feature scenic pull-off areas, day use recreational facilities, and other tourist attractions. Besides the aforementioned state and national parks, these tourist attractions include Bluestone State Park, The Bluestone Dam and its Lake, Historic Downtown Hinton, WV, Brooks Falls, Sandstone Falls, and the magnificent cliffs adjacent to the 1-64 interchange. The New River Parkway Authority, with input form the West Virginia Department of Highways and the National Park Service, selected three alternate interchanges to provide ingress and egress to the proposed Parkway at its northern end. These alternates are as follows (see pages 284-286): �284 Parkways Conference Proceedings �V. Management—Beatty and Manzo 285 �286 Parkways Conference Proceedings �V. Management—Beatty andManzo Alternate #1 1. Construct an interchange on 1-64 on the West side of New River. 2. Construct a new roadway on Raleigh County Route 27/2 and Raleigh County Route 26 from the vicinity of the proposed interchange to approximately milepost 8.83 on Raleigh County Route 26. Alternate #2 1. Construct a new roadway along Summers County Route 7 from the 1-64 interchange on the East side of New River to a proposed bridge approximately 2000' North of 1-64 bridge. 2. Construct a new bridge across New River approximately 2000' North of the 1-64 bridge. Alternative #3 1. Construct New Roadway on a short segment of Summers County Route 7 form the 1-64 interchange on the East side of New River to the intersection of Summers County Route 7 and W.V. Route 20. 2. Construct base and pavement widening approximately 0.62 miles of Summers County Route 7 that overlaps with W.V. Route 20. INITIAL AND SECONDARY SCOPE OF THE CITIZENS INVOLVEMENT PL AN Initial Scope As private consultants with our own firm, Southern West Virginia Research Associates, we contracted with the primary and secondary funding agencies, The New River Parkway Authority and The National Park Service, to ascertain, using a survey technique, the attitudes of property owners whose land might be directly affected by the proposed Parkway's alternate entrance and exit interchanges, and subsequently, its initial southbound route. Included within this scope were the following: 287 (1) ameasurementof residence longevity of the property owner/resident within the immediately affected impact areas, (2) a survey of familiarity with the New River Parkway Authority, (3) and assessment of the scenic qualities within the area, (4) an inspection of attitudes relating to possible economic benefits that might accrue from increased tourism, (5) an appraisment of the impact that the proposed parkway will have on local transportation needs, (6) an estimation of using local people on the project wherever possible, (7) an evaluation of attitudes favorable or unfavorable for the proposed Parkway, and (8) a selection of one of the proposed alternate interchange sites and subsequent Parkway route. Secondary Scope SWVRA increased, at no additional cost to the primary and secondary funding agencies, the scope of their original proposal to include, in the survey, two other categories of owner/ residents in the Parkway's geographical area. These were either owner/residents in the immediate impact area, operationally defined as individuals that would not be personally affected by possible projected land use, or property owner/residents in the context area, operationally defined as individuals living in the Summers and Raleigh County geographical area that is in a close proximity to the proposed Parkway's northern alternate access and exit interchanges and routes. Essentially, SWVRA surveyed most of the citizens in the area who could possibly be affected, in some manner, by the proposed Parkway and who could provide meaningful input into the final decision regarding the location of the Parkway's northern entrance/exit interchange and its initial southbound route. Hence the Citizen Involvement Plan. STRATEGY The Citizen Involvement Plan entailed producing an instrument with its concomitant methodological philosophy that would elicit attitudes from landowners, renters, and local business people for whom data would not otherwise be available. �288 The Instrument The strategy, based on the above, was to design an unscheduled (unstructured) survey instrument to measure, statistically, the citizens' responses in the aforementioned seven (7) scope areas. Several revisions of the survey questions were required before the instrument was ready for application. The revisions were based on the following: (1) validity, (2) appropriateness, (3) language, and (4) length. Effort was made in each instance to avoid "loaded" questions. The revised survey items were then submitted to local individuals in close proximity to the survey area for their feedback regarding the aforementioned revision basis. It needs to be mentioned that SWRVA took great care in not using property/owner residents in the immediate survey area for this purpose. This was based on the feature of contamination. SWRVA did not want to contaminate any attitudes of possible respondents, therefore destroying the instrument's validity and reliability. After field testing the instrument in the above manner, and gaining valuable information, a survey form consisting of a personal data section for identifying property owner or resident status plus ten questions was finalized (see appendix). The finalized instrument was submitted to the New River Parkway Authority and the National Park Service for their respective approval, disapproval, or constructive criticism. Receiving both explicit and implicit approval SWRVA began the interviewer selection process. Interviewer Selection SWRVA recruited possible interviewers who were familiar with the geographical area to be surveyed. This was accomplished, in part by placing help wanted ads in the newspapers that service the study area and its immediate surroundings, and by personally contacting individuals we knew who possessed the requisite geographical knowledge of the area. Extreme care was taken not to recruit any possible interviewers that would be directly affected by the proposed Parkway. The recruited individuals were then required to attend a training session that was twofold in nature. First, to familiarize them Parkways Conference Proceedings with the New River Parkway Authority and the scope of the project. Second, to school them in the techniques and methods that are needed to collect valid evidence when conducting an unscheduled (unstructured) interview. To accomplish the first task, the legislative sponsors of the Legislative Bill 2073 that officially established the New River Parkway Authority gave a presentation explaining the philosophy underlying the creation of the Authority. They also included in their presentation the scope of the project and what desirable benefits such a Parkway would bring to the area. The second portion of the training session began with a measurement of the interviewer's knowledge and expertise that would be needed in conducting field surveys, especially when using an unscheduled (unstructured) survey instrument. This apriori expertise and knowledge was ascertained by administering a pretest. It was assumed that most of the possible interviewers would not possess the requisite knowledge and skills. This assumption, based on the pre-test scores was valid. To eliminate these deficiencies the interviewers were taught the necessary skills, techniques and knowledge that are salient to conducting field surveys. Their acquisition of these interviewing essentials was measured by a post-test. Their efficacy was determined by a score of seventy percent of above on the instrument Those who scored within this range were selected as interviewers. Respondent Notification Before the interviewers were sent out into the field to collect the information sought, SWVRA mailed to the property owners/residents in the immediate impact area a letter notifying them that the interviews would be conducted in a specified time frame. Additionally, the major newspapers in the counties of Raleigh and Summers were given press releases regarding the impending interviews. These releases and other pertinent information about the proposed Parkway were published one week before the interviewing was to commence. These notification procedures were to increase citizen �V. Management—Beatty and Manzo awareness that the interviews would be conducted in the area, and to eliminate possible hostilities that might occur between the respondent and interviewer when an interviewer appears unannounced. Interviewer Field Material and Assignments Each interviewer was supplied by SWRVA with a packet of materials that included: (1) a copy of the notification letter previously mailed to property owners/residents in the immediate impact area, (2) a copy of the legislative bill establishing the New River Parkway Authority, (3) three maps, each indicating a proposed alternate northern Parkway access/exit interchange and subsequent Parkway route, (4) a short technical explanation concerning each proposed alternate, (5) interview format and survey questions, (6) field note forms, (7) additional paper for more copious notes if needed. When the interviewers received their packets they were given specific interview assignments based on a geographical grid system. This was the pattern followed except for those who were assigned to conduct interview/surveys in the local post offices with context area property owner/residents. These interviews were conducted on Saturday mornings between 9:30 and 12:30 PM. These hours were selected after consultation with local postmasters. SWVRA was informed that most area residents visited their respective post offices on Saturday mornings to pick up their mail. SURVEY ANALYSIS It needs to be emphasized at this point that the instrument developed by SWVRA was, as previously mentioned, unscheduled (unstructured) in its design. An instrument of this type gives the respondent a wide latitude of responses to the probe questions. However, extensive note taking, or the use of field notes after the interview is required of the interviewer. It was from these notes, after several readings, that each survey was content analyzed and subsequently coded into specific categories, as they related to the scope of the survey. This coding was necessary so the 289 information gathered could be subjected to statistical analysis. The statistical analysis selected for investigating citizen responses to the survey instrument was the Statistical Analysis System, generally referred to as SAS. It is a computer software system for organizing and, of course, analyzing data. The portion of the system used by SWRVA was predominantly "descriptive." Essentially, the data was analyzed by frequencies, numerical counts and percentages. The system also, when requested, produced bar graphs and pie graphs to visibly depict the descriptive data. The total number of individuals interviewed was 94. These respondents were categorized, as previously stated, based on the information they provided, as property owners (absentee), property owners/residents immediate impact area, and property owners/residents context area. These categories were computer transcribed for simplicity as owner=owner, owner=resident impact area, and owner^resident context area. The numerical total and the percentages that each category constituted of total interviewed are seen in Table 1. The residence longevity for N ranged from one year to eighty years. The average length of residency was 26.1 years. Given the length of longevity it was assumed that the individuals who participated in the survey had more than adequate knowledge and insights about the study area. The content analysis of the survey items focusing upon citizen choice of interchange location, and their justification for selectivity disclosed that the justification responses could be categorized into five distinct reasons. These were scenery, local transportation benefit, economic benefit, cost, and privacy. There were some respondents who gave no reason. This response, for statistical analysis was labeled as such. Using these six categories the collected data was cross-tabulated with each category of respondent. The cross-tabulations and respective bar graphs are presented in Tables 2 through 10. The data presented in Tables 11,12, and 13 �290 Parkways Conference Proceedings TABLE 1 CATEGORIES OF RESPONDENTS AND THEIR PROPORTION TO THE TOTAL INTERVIEWED CATEGORY N OwnerOwner Owner=Res1dent Impact Area Owner=Res1dent Context Area 28 22 44 29.8 23.4 46.8 Total 94 100 PERCENTAGE TABLE 2 FREQUENCY CONTROLLING FOR OWNEROWNER BY LOCATION AND WHY THAT LOCATION (N28) ALTERNATE LOCATION ALT.«1 S o f N ALT.«2 SofN ALT.*3 SofN No OP. JEofN Whv Location Scenery 2 7.14 0 00.0 3 10.71 0 00.0 Local Transportation 5 17.06 0 0.00 1 3.57 0 00.0 Economic Benefit 2 7.14 1 3.57 2 7.14 0 00.0 Cost 6 21.43 1 3.57 2 7.14 1 3.57 Privacy 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 No Reason 1 3.57 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 3.57 16 57.14> 2 7.14 8 28.57 2 7.14 Total �291 V. Management—Beatty and Manzo Tables OWNER=OWNER CHOICE OF LOCATION FREQUENCY BAR GRAPH Location No Opinion Cum. Freq. Freq, Choice of Location • •• 2 2 7.14 7.14 K7 4A Qi. IH CA OQ D*r. £9 7.14 71.43 28.57 100.00 FREQ CUH. PERCENT CUH, PERCENT Alternate #1 Alternated Cum. Percent Percent • • • 2 20 Alternate #3 I 1 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Frequency Tables. TABLE 4 OWNER=OWNER WHY LOCATION FREQUENCY BAR GRAPH WHYLOCAT yHY LOCATION SCENERY I i tmmtwmmmm** 5 5 17 »86 17,86 LOCAL TRANS, JWm*WWWWW**WW 6 11 21 ,43 39, 2S ECON, BENEFIT IWUttWWWmWW 5 16 17 ,86 57. H COST inm«mm«mm«mnumni«mw«nt» 10 i 26 35 ,71 92,8< 7 ,14 100.0C NO REASON FREQ I IWtWW ^ 1 ^ 2 2 4 3 4 4 4 5 FREQUENCY 4 A 4 7 4 8 i 4 9 10 28 �Parkways Conference Proceedings 292 TABLES FREQUENCY CONTROLLING FOR OWNER=RESIDENT IMPACT AREA AND WHY THAT LOCATON (N22) ALTERNATE CHOICE ALT.*1 SofN ALT.*2 SofN ALT.*3 S o f N No.Oo. SofN Whv Location Scenery 0 0.00 0 0.00 2 9.09 0 0.00 Local Transportation 1 4.55 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 Economic Benefit 1 455 0 0.00 3 13.64 0 0.00 Cost 7 31.82 0 0.00 1 4.55 1 4.55 Privacy 0 0.00 2 9.09 0 0.00 0 0.00 No Reason 1 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 3 13.64 2 9.09 6 27.27 4 18.18 FREQ CUM. PERCENT FREQ CUM. PERCENT Total 10 45.5 TABLE 6 OWNER=RESIDENT IMPACT AREA CHOICE OF LOCATION FREQUENCY BAR GRAPH LOCATION CHOICE OF LOCATION NO OPINION immmmmmu 4 4 is.ie is.is IWWW*WWWWWWWWWWtmwm 10 14 45.45 63.64 ALTERNATE *2 IWW*W 2 16 ALTERNATE *3 IWWWWWWWtWmtt I 4 4 4 4 4 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 6 22 ALTERNATE tt FREQUENCY 1 7 1 8 4 9 4 10 9.09 72.73 27.27 100.00 �V. Management—Beatty and Manzo 293 TABLE 7 OWNER-RESIDENT IMPACT AREA WHY LOCATION FREQUENCY BAR GRAPH Flm CUH* PERCENT CUH, FREQ PERCENT WHYLQCAT WHY LOCATION SCENERY 2 immmt i 1 i**m i 4 immmtmmmt i itmmmmmmmmmmmtmtmm 9 i \mmnn 2 \ immmmmtm* 4 i LOCAL TRANS* ECON, BENEFIT COST PRIMACY NO REASON 1 1 4. 4. 4. 1 4. 1 4. 2 9*09 9,09 3 4,55 13,64 7 18,18 31,82 16 40,91 72,73 18 9,09 81,82 22 18.18 100,00 1 FREQUENCY TABLE 8 FREQUENCY CONTROLLING FOR OWNER-CONTEXT AREA AND WHY THAT LOCATION (N44) ALTERNATE CHOICE ALT*1 SofN ALT*2 %OfN ALT.*3 SofN NoQp. %QfN Whv Location Scenery 4 9.09 0 0.00 1 2.27 0 0.00 Local Transportation 4 9.09 1 2.27 3 6.82 0 0.00 Economic Benefit 3 6.82 0 0.00 1 2.27 0 0.00 14 31.82 1 2.27 3 6.82 2 4.55 Privacy 1 2.27 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 2.27 No Reason 1 2.27 1 2.27 0 0.00 3 6.82 27 61.36 3 6.82 8 18.18 6 13.64 Cost Total �294 Parkways Conference Proceedings TABLE 9 OWNER=CONTEXT AREA CHOICE OF LOCATION FREQUENCY BAR GRAPH LOCATION CHOICE OF LOCATION FREQ CUM, PERCENT CUM, FREQ PERCENT I immmm i immmmmmmmtmmmmtmmtmmm imm i i 4— 4— 4— 4~_4_-_4— 4__-4-__4-_..4___4_ . __4__ NO OPINION ALTERNATE *1 ALTERNATE #2 ALTERNATE *3 6 13,64 13,64 33 61,36 75,00 36 6,82 81,82 44 18,18 100,00 FREQUENCY TABLE 10 OWNER-CONTEXT AREA WHY LOCATION FREQUENCY BAR GRAPH HHYLOCAT SCENERY LOCAL TRANS, ECON. BENEFIT COST PRIVACY HO REASON CUM, FREQ CUM, PERCENT PERCENT FREQ WHY LOCATION 1 i ttttmmmmmt imtsmmmmmmmmm i i mmmtmm i itmtm immmmtmtm 1 2 3 4 T 5 5 5 11,36 11,36 8 13 18,18 29,55 4 17 9.09 38,64 mmmmmmmmttmmmmmmm 20 37 45,45 84,09 2 T 6 T 7 T 8 39 4,55 88,64 5 44 11,36 100,00 1 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4— 4 — 4— 4 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 FREQUENCY TABLE 11 COMBINED CATEGORY CHOICE OF LOCATION ALTERNATIVES FREQUENCY BAR GRAPH LOCATION CHOICE OF LOCATION FREQ CUM, PERCENT CUM, FREQ PERCENT I immmm 12 12 12,77 12,77 ALTERNATE *i I wwmwwwmwmmwwwwwmtw* 53 65 56,38 69,15 7 72 7,45 76,60 22 94 23,40 100,00 NO OPINION ALTERNATE #2 I !*««** ALTERNATE *3 !W«WWW«WW I 4 4 4 4.—4 5 10 15 20 25 4 4 30 35 FREQUENCY 4 40 4 45 4— 50 �295 V, Management—Beatty and Manzo TABLE 12 PIE GRAPH OF COMBINED RESPONDENTS CATEGORIES BY CHOICE OF LOCATION CHOSEN �296 Parkways Conference Proceedings TABLE 13 WHY WAS ALTERNATIVE CHOSEN FREQUENCY BAR GRAPH WHYLOCAT ECON. BENEFIT WHY LOCATION 1 i tttttttttttttttttttttttt 1 fwwwwwwwwww I IW«WWttWW«ttW COST PRIVACY iwmwwwttwwwwwmmmitmmttmtmmttmmmittm 39 79 wmm 4 83 SCENERY LOCAL TRANS, NO REASON FREQ CUM. PERCENT CUM. FREQ PERCENT 12 i T 4 12.77 12.77 27 15.96 28,72 13 ttttWWtttttltttlttl* i T 2 12 15 40 13,83 42,55 11 94 41,49 84,04 4.26 88,30 11,70 100,00 i__ T — —f— f~--f— — f~ — -f — •}• — •}• — -f — 4 — | — 4 — •}• — + — -f — 4 — i i i i i T 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 38 FREOllFNr.Y TABLE 15 TABLE 14 Visitors to the area Yes No No opinon Total Frequency % 84 6 4 89.4 6.4 4.3 94 100.0 TABLE 16 How W i l l Visitors Help Local Economy Why visit % Frequency Transportation Scenery No opinion 41 25 28 43.6 26.6 29.8 Total 94 100.0 TABLE 17 Overall Opinion of Parkway Frequency % For Parkway Against No opinion 76 11 7 80,85 11.70 7.45 Total 94 100.00 Opinion Why economy Jobs Tourism Access No opinion N 15 57 4 18 % 15.96 60.64 4.26 19.15 Total 94 100.00 �V. Management—Beatty and Manzo statistically summarize, and graphically indicate, alternate interchange access choice and why selection for that location, when the three categories of respondents were collapsed into a single entity representing the ninety-four respondents. The frequency of responses for all categories of respondents as whether or not the interchange will bring more visitors to the area are presented in Table 14. Table 15 indicates their perceptions as why visitation would increase. The content analysis of the survey item "how will visitors help the local economy" resulted in four categories of responses. These responses were 1) Jobs, 2) Tourism, 3) Accessibility to Area 4)No Opinion. The breakdown of the responses for the entire population surveyed are exhibited in Table 16. The information regarding interviewer questions about the surveyed population's perceptions about the interchange improving local needs indicated that 32, or 34.04 percent stated that it would improve transportation by reducing travel time to nearby areas for recreation, shopping, and to places of employment. Additionally, 36 or 38.30 percent perceived better roads in the area as a spin-off effect of the proposed parkway. When these two categories of responses were combined into a single category labeled transportation and better roads, the cumulative numbers 68, or 72.34 percent of the surveyed population felt that local transportation needs would be improved. Those individuals stating no opinion numbered 26, or 27.66 percent of the people surveyed. A very careful assessment of each survey instrument for opinions favorable or unfavorable to the proposed New River Parkway and an access interchange in the Sandstone, WV area produced the statistical distribution that appears in Table 17. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS This project was undertaken to investigate the attitudes of property owners whose land, and usage thereof, might be directly affected by the construction of a New River Parkway ac- 297 cess interchange and its subsequent southbound route from Sandstone, WV. Southern West Virginia Research Associates developed an unstructured (unscheduled) instrument to measure these attitudes. A design of this type was utilized to gain and provide the widest possible latitude of responses. The initial survey items, for the purpose of measurement, were subjected to a field test in an area within a close geographical proximity to the area to be canvassed to determine their appropriateness for the sake of enhancing validity. The original items, based on the results of the field test, were then modified to enhance their validity. The final instrument consisted of ten items. Additionally, there was no one item designed to collect personal data as it related to the property owner/resident status of the individual interviewed. SWVRA expanded upon the initial scope of the survey regarding the population to be surveyed. Included in the survey were property owners/residence in the impact area, but who would not be personally affected by any land acquisition for the Parkway. The study population also included property owners/residents in the context area. Basically, this was operationalized as the area that would receive any possible economic benefits from such a proposed Parkway. Interviewers were carefully selected from a local population that had some knowledge of the survey area. These individuals participated in a training session covering the salient techniques and skills needed to conduct a valid unstructured survey. Those interviewers who scored high (seventy percent, or more) on an instrument designed to measure these acquired skills and techniques were selected to field the survey. The field work was conducted during the third week of September, 1985. The data collected was then content analyzed and transcribed into computer language for the purpose of statistical analysis. The computer analysis produced substantive evidence for SWVRA's conclusions and recommendations. The range and average of property owner/ resident longevity, which far exceeds the na- �298 tional average residency change of approximately once every three years, coupled with the previously unreported rate of three-fourths of the surveyed population having some familiarity with the New River Parkway Authority, led to the conclusion that the individuals surveyed were knowledgeable about the geographical area and the proposed Parkway. ItwasSWVRA's stance that the citizen input into any decisions, based on an assessment of all evidence regarding the actual location of a Parkway access interchange and its subsequent roadway corridor be valued. It was concluded, based on a reporting rate of 84.9%, that the geographical area under consideration by the New River Parkway Authority was perceived as being scenic and should be exploited to attract visitors to the area. It was recommended that a Parkway access interchange be located in the study area. This recommendation was further substantiated by other evidence. The respondents' choice of a Parkway access interchange location, no matter how the property owner/resident status was controlled, was overwhelmingly for alternate #1. The greatest variance in choice of location occurred between the owner=resident impact area and owner=resident context area. However, when compared to the distribution for the other two choices, alternates #2, and #3, between these two groups, alternate #1 exceeded all other choices by a vide margin. The greatest similarity in choice for alternate #1 occurred between owner=owner and owner=resident context area. When all three categories of respondents were combined, the majority, 56.38%, selected alternate #1. The alternate choice that was perceived as being the least desirable by any category of respondents was alternate choice #2. It appeared, based on the data, and this was SWRVA's recommendation that alternate #2 is not a viable option. Conversely, when all category of respondents were combined, alternate #3, when compared to the low response rate for alternate #2, could be considered as an alternative. The distribution of choices for these two alternatives were 23.40% for alternate #3, 7.45% for Parkways Conference Proceedings alternate #2. It was also to be noted that 12.77% of allrespondentshadno opinion choice. These individuals could possibly be perceived as supporting alternate #3. When the no opinion choice was combined with the alternate #3 choice then the effective rate was 46.17%. This was only a 10.21 percentage difference between alternate #1 and #3. Additionally, when examining the alternate choice for the property owner/resident controlled situation, better than one-fourth of the owner=owner and owner= resident impact area selected alternate #3. These are precisely the two groups that would be most affected by any decision to make alternate #3 a viable option. This viability becomes more apparent when the reasons cited for alternate choice are scrutinized. Every category of respondents who selected alternate #1 indicated most often that their choice was predicated upon what they perceived as being less expensive to construct. All other variables, except local transportation needs, were not emphasized by the respondents in any degree of significance when compared to the economic factor of construction cost. However, when based on cost estimates for the interchange construction in this immediate area by the West Virginia Department of Highways, alternate #1 would be approximately 3.3 million dollars more costly to build than alternate #3. It was S WVRA's recommendation that the cost factor be weighed heavily, based on the evidence for alternate choice selectivity, by the New River Parkway Authority in any decisions regarding interchange selectivity. It was also the contention of the organization that construction cost figures relating to three proposed access interchanges and the factors used in the determinations be heavily publicized in the area. This should increase cognizance of cost and how it is determined among those individuals who will be most affected by any interchange site location. This recommendation and contention was also premised on the fact, reiterating the point, that alternate #3 received some significant consideration as a possible choice. Most of those interviewed perceive a Parkway interchange in the area as increasing out- �V. Management—Beatty and Manzo side visitation. Better transportation was the primary reason for this perception. The secondary perception was the scenic beauty of the area. These perceptions receive more credence because the evidence assimilated also indicated that most of the respondents discerned that increased visitation vis-a-vis tourism, would help the local economy. These inferences were not without justification. There is overwhelming information that increased tourism can be a boon to alocal economy i.e., the Smoky Mountain area especially Gatlinburg and Pigeons Ford Term., or Florida, a classic example where a large portion of the income in the state is generated through tourism. It was this organization's recommendation that the concept of tourism be pursued as a salient feature in creating a New River Parkway in an area that definitely, based on most economic indicators, is economically deprived. This recommendation was further buttressed by the fact that most of the respondents see the creation of a Parkway as a mechanism to provide employment for local people. This includes both employment in the actual construction of such a planned Parkway and subsidiary employment opportunities long after construction is completed. The evidence also indicates that most of the respondents perceive the Parkway and its access interchange as improving local transportation needs. This feature was especially important to those who are employed in adjacent areas. It was also important to many who want a greater access to goods and services beyond what the local area is now providing. The aspect of improving local transportation should merit increased attention when considering local support needed to bring a project of this nature to fruition. The final assessment, based on the content analysis of the survey instrument, was that a significant majority of the surveyed population were favorably predisposed toward the construction of a New River Parkway and its concomitant access interchange. The overall favorable opinion, as previously reported elsewhere in this document, was 80.9%. Opinions unfavorable were 11.7%, the remaining 7.4% were 299 unsure. Given this overwhelming support it was SWVRA's stance that construction of the Parkway and an access interchange, in the area under consideration, be undertaken. Caution should be exercised, however. Opposition did exist from some property owners in two of the property owner/resident categories. Most exists in the owner=owner category, with some opposition existing in the owner=resident impact area. The opposition centers around alternate #3 as an access interchange. The opposition focused on a perception, right or wrong, that alternate #3 and its proposed roadway would infringe on the "Old Richmond Home Place." According to information gathered through the content analysis of the survey items, this homeplace was deeded to the above family on a sheepskin deed in 1789. Also, according to some respondents in this particular area, there is a graveyard on Richmond Island that contains two graves that are about 200 years old. These are supposedly the graves of two early Richmond sisters who lived and died on the island. If this is the case, it is suggested that this area of the "Old Home Place" be designated an historical site, but provide owner access to land. It also might be considered for preservation as Cade's Cove has been in the Smoky Mountains. NOTES 1. House Bill 273, Committee on Political Subdivisions, April, 1985 APPENDIX: INTERVIEW FORMAT AND QUESTIONS TO BE ASKED DURING THE SURVEY As interviewers, your initial contact with the respondent will probably occur at the door of the house. It might occur elsewhere on the property; whatever the situation, introduce yourself by name and where you are from. Be explicit about your task, and emphasize that you are representing Southern West Virginia Research Associates. You might begin the interview as follows: Hello. My name is _ _. / am from �Parkways Conference Proceedings 300 . / would like to talk to you about the new interchange and proposed connectors for the New River Parkway. This survey is being conducted by Southern West Virginia Research Associates who will forward your responses and input to the New River Parkway Authority so they can make the best decisions regarding the construction of the Parkway in relationship to the benefits it will bring to the local area. During each interview with aproperty owner, (keeping in mind that this is an unstructured interview, therefore no sequential order is required) the following questions must be asked inthe context of the interview. 1. Are you the owner of this property? (If no, try and get the name of the property owner. If yes, please identify. Continue interview.) 2. Are you familiar with the proposed interchange and the Parkway Authority? (Interviewer will be prepared to discuss the development of the Parkway Authority, 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. the enabling legislation, and its role in the project.) How long have you lived here? How many people in your household? Do you feel the area is scenic enough to be of interest to a majority of non-residents who may pass through? Where do you think the best location would be for the proposed interchange? (Interviewer will have maps displaying alternatives.) Why there? Will the interchange bring more visitors to the area? Why? Would it be good to hire local people wherever possible on this project? Will more visitors to the area help the local economy? Will the interchange improve local transportation needs? Why? The Blue Ridge Parkway: Can It Survive as a Park Without a Science-Research Program? GarrettA. Smathers, Senior Research Scientist, National Park Service, Retired The Blue Ridge Parkway is an elongated park that runs along the high crests of the southern Appalachians, connecting Shenandoah National Park with the Great Smoky Mountain National Park. Because of its national outstanding natural, cultural, and scenic features, the area was placed under the administration of the National Park Service (NPS). This regional jewel was to take its place along with the nation's national parks and monuments in preserving America's wonderlands. PROTECTION AND PRESERVATION As a member of the National Park System, the Parkway is administered under the codes and policies of the 1916NPSAct. Thefounders of the 1916 Act made sure that the law was explicit in its purpose and content. Every knowledgeable NPS employee can recite its basic charge: "conserve the scenery, and the natural and historic objects, and the wildlife therein and provide for the enjoyment of the same in such a manner and by such means as will leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations." To provide for the enjoyment of the parks' outstanding features requires public access to these resources in a manner that does not adversely impair them. Regardless whether man intrudes, there are always natural changes taking place in park ecosystems. Some natural perturbations take place abruptly, such as a volcanic eruption in Hawaii Volcanoes Na- �V. Management—Smathers tional Park that can destroy thousands of acres of forest. Other changes may be subtle and take thousands of years, such as plant succession following a retreating glacier in Glacier Bay National Monument in Alaska. These are not the changes or impairments the 1916 Act referenced, but they and other ecological andhistorical conditions of the park must be understood to protect, preserve, and provide for its enjoyment for generations to come. FIRST SCIENCE PROGRAM—ITS PURPOSE AND SUPPORT The first implementation of the 1916 Act was to establish a naturalist-educational program in the national parks. Its purpose was to provide visitors information about the parks' plants, animals, geology, and cultural history. It was reasoned that the more visitors understood about the park, the more they would appreciate and protect their natural and historical heritage. Along with the naturalist-educational program there developed a wildlife biologist organizational unit that provided expert researchresources management of the parks' biological and physical resources. Also this unit was responsible in guiding the planning and developments of parks to prevent adverse impacts that would impair the unique features. Such names as Dr. Harold C. Bryant, Adolph Murie, and George Wright were the first scientists and resources management leaders of the new agency. (Smathers 1975) In the first few years of the new agency it needed expert research-resources management personnel to guide park development, maintenance, and interpretation. Early park managers assumed this need was implied in the 1916 Act, wherein it stated that enjoyment of the parks' resources must be done in amanner that will not impair them for future generations. To do this wouldrequireanexpertknowledgeof the area's resources. Unfortunately, because of this omission in the 1916 legislation, hi later years some parks' values were adversely impaired or destroyed. 301 A PROGRAM WITHOUT ROOTS The science-research program is not a line item in the NPS budget. It exists solely at the desire of park management. In a manner, the science program serves at the pleasure of the park manager and Director of the NPS. Authority and funding of its existence flow from the Director to the Regional Director to the park Superintendent. They can give and they can take. At times in some parks conflicts may develop between the superintendent and the scientist. Opinions may differ on project funding, importance of the research needs, planned developments, resources management activities or just plain personality conflict that can plague any organization. The scientist is usually supervised by the superintendent. His recommendations can be ignored, delayed, or not considered worthwhile. If he persists in his contentions the scientist can find himself being transferred to another job or worse. In reality, the park scientist has no recourse to a higher scientist-supervisor in settling professional matters on park problems. In some parks the scientists and park managers work exceedingly well together. Conflicts are rare. If they do occur they are readily and mutually resolved. But historic records show that even in these good situations the condition can deteriorate. When normal transfer of personnel takes place, and a "new team" is reassembled, a different mix of personalities may not be as compatible as the old combination. UPS AND DOWNS The foregoing conditions, good or bad, can prevail in any park at any time. The greatest impact, good or bad, on the service-wide science-research program occurs in changes of the national administration. The new Secretary of the Interior and his appointed National Park Service Director set the service-wide policies and missions for the management of the parks. If the science-research program is favored, it generally has service-wide support and prospers. If not, it suffers and so do the parks. �302 The periods of service-wide support and non-support of the science-research program have been described by one observer as the "uppers" and "downers". Historic records show that four (4) major "downers" have occurred since the 1916 NPS Act. During "downers" park values suffer. Citizens visiting parks become alarmed and incensed over the degradation of resources. They readily file their complaints with Congress, conservation organizations, and the administration in office. The response is generally quick and effective and an "upper" follows. A classical example of the "upper" and "downer" syndrome can best be described by an NPS program called Mission 66 and the development of the Blue Ridge Parkway. PARKWAY AND MISSION 66 The Parkway's first planning and development activities were guided by a well disciplined and highly dedicated team of scientists and managers. The multidisciplinary group consisted of a naturalist, historian, landscape architect, and engineer. The superintendent, a highly respected leader, used the recommendations of the group in the decision making process. A full inventory and evaluation of every known natural and historical feature of the park corridor was made for its preservation, interpretation, and scenic value. Once these features and conditions were determined, the roadway and needed facilities were designed to be superimposed upon them with minimum impact. The roadway was designed as a window for viewing the outstanding resources without adversely affecting them with further human contact. Nature trails, side roads, parking areas, and visitor centers were strategically located to tell the story of an area. In 1955, the Director of the NPS launched his Mission 66 program, a 10-year period from 1956 to 1966, to bring national parks up to standards. Shortage of funds to maintain and expand park facilities and visitor services, as well as an exponential increase in visitor use, were creating a crisis in national parks. With the full support of President Eisenhower, NPS Director, Conrad Wirth, moved forward with Parkways Conference Proceedings the Mission 66 program with wide support and great hopes for the national parks. Many fine accomplishments were made. The Mission 66 program was a boon to the developing Parkway. New funding meant that roadway construction, facilities, and personnel staffing could move ahead at a faster pace than previously planned. Unlike most parks the Parkway already had safeguards in place to assure that accelerated planning and developments did not destroy park values. Some other parks did not fare as well as the Parkway, because they did not have a scienceresearch program to evaluate and advise planning activities. Adverse development impacts began to occur. Trails were built over shallowrooted giant redwoods, and in one park a swampland was filled to expand a campground. Seeing park resources destroyed, and feeling the NPS Director was not supporting his scienceresearch program, the Chief Scientist of the National Parks, Victor C. Culhane, resigned his position (Sumner 1967). Immediately the science-research program went Into a "downer". By the early 1960's concerned public, scientific community, and conservationist organizations became alarmed at the destruction of park resources values. Dr. Stanley A. Cain, a world renowned scientist, charged that the National Park Service did not have a basic ecological-research program to meet its resources management and planning needs (Cain 1959). The early 1960's was a period of great public awareness of environmental degradations by pollution and landscape destruction. The new Secretary of the Interior, Stewart L. Udall, became the articulate voice of environmental conservation (Everhart 1972). Because of his concern about the conditions of the national parks, the Secretary had two surveys made to analyze the problems and make recommendations. Both of the reports presented in 1963 were prepared by some of the most renowned natural scientists and conservationists of the time. The first of the reports, chaired by the famous ecologist Starker Leopold, emphasizes the importance of habitat preservation hi the national parks, and the elimination of management interferences that prevented the eco- �V. Management—Smathers logical processes that gave rise and characterized it. It was also emphasized that no restorations of extirpated species were to be undertaken unless based upon sound ecological study and evaluation. This report was titled: Wildlife Management in the National Parks. The second report, A Report of the Advisory Committee to the National Park Service on Research, was prepared by a select committee of scientists from the prestigious National Academy of Sciences. The committee was chaired by William J. Robbins, and consisted of national outstanding scientists, such as Stanley A. Cain, a world renowned plant ecologist. The Robbins report emphasized that parks were unique ecosystems, often only relics left of once great natural systems that characterized our national heritage. Among the report's many recommendations, it charged park managers to undertake no planning or development or resources management activities without a thorough study of the impact it would have upon the park ecosystem and those contiguous to the park. Further it recommended that there be an Assistant Director for Research in the National Parks, and that he have a staff of research scientists to work with managers in seeing that park values were protected and maintained. Unfortunately, both reports failed to recommend that the science-research program be established by legislation and with its own Director and funding. The two reports had an immediate impact on the management of the national parks.In October 1965, the NPS Director's office issued guidelines that stated that no development or habitat management was to be undertaken in national parks without a thorough research study of its impact on the parks' natural and cultural resources. OUT OF CONTROL Before the close of Mission 66, the Parkway began to lose its highly respected researchplanning team, because of personnel transfers and new directives from the NPS Washington office. Eventually, planning development became the sole responsibility of the landscape architect and superintendent, coordinated with 303 the NPS Denver Service Center. Parkway naturalists and historians had only subordinate roles in the over all planning process. In spite of the Director's 1965 guidelines requiring research study before planning, Parkway officials moved ahead to develop high-density visitor use areas and facilities without ecological studies. This uncontrolled momentum resulted in devastation of one of the area's most outstanding scenic, scientific, and cultural features in the Mount Pisgah area between mileposts 406-409. The entire Mt. Pisgah area is covered with an outstanding vegetation type called an Oak Orchard, because of the trees' grotesque growth form caused by severe microclimatic conditions. Studies have shown that these trees have evolved into a unique genetic type, probably as a result of the harsh environment (McGee 1970). Scientists have classified the Mt. Pisgah Oak Orchard vegetation as the best representative in the southern Appalachians (DeLapp 1978). The area contains several unique species of plant and animal life. For example, it is the potential habitat for the national endangered Northern Flying Squirrel. The Flat Laurel Gap section of the Oak Orchard forest contains one of the southern Appalachian's outstanding peat bogs. This site reveals records of late Pleistocene glaciationclimate and its impact on the vegetation of the high mountain summits. 3,000 years of vegetation dynamics for this area can be determined from core-sampling the bog (Shafer 1986). In addition to its natural history, the area abounds in Cherokee Indian mythology and events of European man's settlements. Here is also the story of George Vanderbilt, the great American capitalist and conservationist who started the first school of forestry in the United States in the nearby Pink Beds. In 1966, Parkway officials began to develop the area and award concession contracts to provide food, lodging, and campground operations. Either Parkway officials did not know or ignored the 1965 Washington office directive requiring approval of such developments. Some environmentalists questioned if such services should be provided at this site, because all could be obtained in nearby locali- �304 ties off the Parkway, and there were no hardships on visitors at this location. In 1966 a 40-room inn was constructed to replace an older and smaller facility used in the area before the Parkway acquired the land. At the same time a 140-unit campground with five (5) comfort stations was constructed in a segment of the Oak Orchard forest that contained the unique paleoecological bog. Later a picnic area with forty-five (45) tables and fireplaces and one (1) comfort station were added to the forested site. Within this complex a service station and camper-supply store that contained a 13,000 gallon gasoline underground storage tank were constructed. To handle wastes from these operations, a primary sewage treatment facility that discharges partially-treated effluent into a sand filtration-drainage system, was constructed. This facility is located upon seeps and springs of the headwaters of Pisgah Creek, which is part of the drinking water supply for eastern Haywood County. The sewage treatment facility handles an average of 22,000 gallons of sewage each day with peak periods approaching 31,000. The location and potential failure of this system in contaminating die drinking water supply is a constant concern of Haywood County officials. A NEW PROMISE In 1974 the National Park Service Science Center (NPSC) established a Cooperative Park Studies Unit (CPSU) at Western Carolina University (WCU) to provide research assistance to the Great Smoky Mountain National Park and the Blue Ridge Parkway. NPSC had a cooperative program with the National Aeronautical Space Administration (NASA) to provide space-age technology and ecological services to these Parks for die planning process. The NPS/WCU/CPSU, with minimal support funds from NPS, directed and completed student theses on park projects. This agreement provided the parks with highly definitive research information at a much reduced cost. One thesis project was directed to study heath lands of Mt. Pisgah and Flat Laurel Gap bog and the impacts of developments there. Regrettably, Parkways Conference Proceedings between 1976-1977, the NPSC program was abolished by the new Director of the NPS. The rationale for this action was that the NPSC service-wide program could be better carried out by the individual parks and the NPS Denver Service Center. After some maneuvering in 1977, the NPSC Chief Scientist was reassigned to the WCU/CPSU as a Senior Research Scientist to continue and expand the research program on the Blue Ridge Parkway. In 1978, with a change in the national administration, the former NPS Director was reassigned as superintendent of the Blue Ridge Parkway. The NPS/WCU/CPSU research program, even with meager funding, began to bring great benefits to Parkway planning, resources management and interpretive activities. One highlight of its presence was preventing the construction of a large maintenance facility in the Frying Pan Gap area (mile post 410), a site in the outstanding Oak Orchard forest near the Mount Pisgah complex. LAST DOWNER On June 25,1983, a preliminary "downer" occurred at the NPS/WCU/CPSU that was later to spread throughout the research program in the NPS. On that date, and without any prior warning, the Senior Research Scientist and his staff received notice from the NPS Southeast Regional Office that his position and the CPSU were being abolished by reduction hi force (RIF). He was given 10 days to decide on transfer to a new assignment in Florida or take mandatory retirement. On contacting WCU and Parkway officials he was told they knew nothing about the notice. Upon writing to the Regional Office asking for clarification that the people he worked for knew nothing of the RIF, and that he had over $75,000 worth of research data that only he and his thesis students and University colleagues could process, he was told that he had not answered the RIF notice properly, therefore he was retired. In addition he was told that his concerns over the research data did not matter. Since abolishment of the NPS/WCU/CPSU, many Parkway values have declined or been �V. Management—Smathers destroyed. For example: an endangered species of plant was mowed down; a primitive road built through a North Carolina Natural Heritage site to lay a waterline; mixing isolated endemic Fraser fir gene pools by transplanting seedings near Richland Balsam; using alkaline base materials to make a trail surface in acid soil of the spruce-fir forest zone; and asphalting nature trails. The most flagrant violation was planned construction of an employee's quarters in the already impaired Flat Laurel Gap bog. This proposed action, which drew the wrath of area scientists and conservationists, was defeated. However, the alternative is to build the facility near the present inn, which will destroy another large segment of the Oak Orchard vegetation. The present research "downer" on the Parkway is correlated with increasing commercialization of the area. Aside from business activity at sites like the Mt. Pisgah complex and the Folk Arts Center at Oteen (milepost 382)— where a large green space has been sacrificed for a business venture that could well have been located off the Parkway—nodes of commercial characterization seemed to be proliferating. For example, it has been reported that the popular historic Mabry Mill site, (milepost 176) is now under plans for large expansion. Recently the NPS payed $660,000 for 82 acres of land on Hemphill Knob (milepost 368) to build a headquarters building. The land and facility will be separated from the large River Ridge Mall by the busy Interstate 40. Some visitors centers, that once displayed exhibits and artifacts telling the story of the natural and cultural history of the site, are now more like commercial operations. At the Craggy Gardens Visitor Center (milepost 365) practically all the exhibits that once revealed the outstanding ecology of the area have been replaced with book-sale racks, postcards, and similar materials. The information counter is now more like a sales counter. Scientists have barely begun to inventory and study the unique ecological resources of the Parkway. Passing through five (5) degrees of longitude and nearly three (3) degrees latitude, and reaching to 6,050 feet elevation, the roadway corridor contains one of the most diversified plant and animal life habitats in North 305 America. Much of this great national heritage will be lost or adversely impaired if the research program is not restored with park scientists. Thousands of dollars worth of the WCU/CPSU dormant data is being overlooked by management. It needs to be analyzed and applied. Only a concerned citizenry can accomplish this through legislation that will establish the science-research program as a permanent organizational unit not only on the Parkway, but in every park of the NPS. REFERENCES Cain, S. A. 1959. Ecological islands as natural laboratories, in the Meaning of Wilderness to Science. Sixth Biennial Wilderness Conference, Sierra Club, San Francisco, California. DeLapp, J. A. 1978. Gradient analyses and classification of the high elevation red oak community of the southern Appalachians. MS thesis. North Carolina State University. Raleigh. 483 p. Everhart, W. C. 1972. The National Park Service. Praeger, New York. 276 p. McGee, C. E. 1973. Is variation in budbreak of red oak the result of heredity or environment? Twelfth South. For. Tree Improv. Proc.1973: 185-189. Shafer,D.S. 1986. Flat Laurel Gap Bog, Pisgah Ridge, North Carolina: Late Holocene development of a high-elevation heath bald. CastaneaSl: 1-9. Sumner, L. 1967. Biological research and management in the National Park Service, a history. Natural Resources Vol. 1 (4). National Park Service, Washington, D.C. Smathers, G. A. 1975. Historical overview of resources management planning in the National Park Service. Proceedings: 26th Annual American Institute of Biological Meeting, Oregon State University. Symposium: Natural Resources Planning in the National Park Service II. Natural Resources Plan. National Park Service Science Center, Bay St. Louis,Mississippi. 16 p. �306 Parkways Conference Proceedings The Blue Ridge Parkway Study: Landscape Management; History, Classification, Simulation and Evaluation Richard C. Smardon, Ph.D., Senior Research Associate, and James F. Palmer, Ph.D., Senior Research Associate, Faculties of Environmental Studies & Landscape Architecture, SUNY, ESF, Syracuse, New York; and Timothy R. Day, Assistant Professor, California Polytechnic State University, Department of Landscape Architecture, Pomona, California BACKGROUND In 1984, the School of Landscape Architecture of the State University of New York in cooperation with the University of Tennessee undertook a research project to study viewer reactions to certain vegetative management techniques used by the National Park Service in the Blue Ridge Parkway, North Carolina. The aims of the State University of New York were twofold. The first was to generate a series of photographic simulations depicting the visual effect produced by the control of vegetation immediately surrounding the Parkway's scenic overlooks. Ultimately, the simulations were incorporated into a visitor questionnaire (Day, 1984 and Palmer etal., 1986). The second aim and the purpose of this article involved the investigation and documentation of alternative methods of vegetation management to those currently used by the Park Service. from highly conducive environmental conditions can eventually block the visitors' view from the road. Most vegetation management techniques used by the park Service in the Blue Ridge are very expensive and time-consuming and perhaps more importantly, inconsistent with the living museum goal. Our approach then was to investigate alternative methods that might be more consistent with this goal by presenting the following: • • • % PURPOSE In 1936, governance of the Blue Ridge Parkway became part of the National Park Service (see the Land Tenure Chronology in Table 1). The initial idea of a Blue Ridge Parkway began prior to World War I, but the concept of a scenic road connecting the Shenandoah to the north and the Great Smoky Mountains National Park to the south developed mostly during the Depression years. One of the prime goals then and today was to provide the users with a living museum of natural and man-made form. The problem in pursuing this goal lies in the difficulty in maintaining the open quality which gives the Blue Ridge the character that the visiting public prefers. Rapid vegetation growth produced a clear picture of the most historically significant cultures of the Blue Ridge Settlement; the kinds of land management techniques utilized by native Americans and settlers; and the relationship between these techniques, where applicable, and the kinds of management practice problems faced by the National Park Service today. BLUE RIDGE CULTURE AND MANAGEMENT PRACTICES The first known party to have explored the Blue Ridge Mountain area was DeSoto in 1560 followed by the Bickell Party in the 1730's (Smathers, 1982). In addition to finding Indians inhabiting the area, they found a pristine virgin landscape described as "beautiful valleys covered with woods, pastures and savannahs". The trail system developed by the Indians was extensive, particularly on the slopes and summits where they set up summer camps. Some evidence indicates that these camp sites referred to as balds are still identifiable because of the intense use by the Indians and later �V. Management—-Smardon, Palmer, and Day 307 Fig. 1. Management practices of the different cultures settling in the Blue Ridge Mountains. (Source: Smardon, Day, Redway, and Reichardt, 1985.) settlers (Mitchell, 1938; see Fig. 1). By 1950, the Blue Ridge was sparsely settled in isolated family farming units (see Fig. 1). The land, like most of the south at this time, was managed as garden rather than field. Once suitable farm and pasture land was found by analyzing vegetation cover, hillsides were cleared by burning and girdling (Stilgoe, 1982). Among the early mountaineers, the ScotMshrapidly adopted the Indian ways of cultivation (see the Land Tenure Chronology, Table 1). They used the simple technique of slash and burn but with no replenishment of the soil (Riddel, 1984). Following the Germans, they settled first in the bottom lands where soil and game were best. But, as they moved into the smaller coves where the soil was shallower, widespread erosion led the U.S. Department of Agriculture to proclaim that 100,000 farms were unfit for agriculture (Jolley, 1969). Unlike the Scot-Irish, the German goal was to own the land and manage it more efficiently. They chose land heavily timbered in hardwoods, in valleys composed of limestone soils similar to their homeland (Long, 1972). They planted small gardens on the warm side of their homes on which several types of exotic and domestic vegetables were grown. In addi- �PERIOD LOCATION LAND TENURE PRACTICE CULTURE SOURCE Late 1600s Virginia and Carol in as Plantation settlement, extensive agricultural practice, free-range of livestock, crude structures, cash cropping. English with Scot Irish servants Stilgoe (1982) Pre-1716 Shenandoah Valley Timber burned to increase game habitats. Native Americans Kerchevan (1902) Early 1700s Appalachia Tree girdling, rough ploughing between dead stands. Scot Irish Kerchevan (1902) 1718 Pennsylvania, Great Valley North Carolina Piedmont and Blue Ridge Small patch farming, trees girdled, left standing or burned, corn and tobacco crops. Scot Irish Stilgoe (1982) Graeff (1941) Opie (1980) Kerchevan (1902) 1775 North Carolina German movement continues from Pennsylvania into western counties and highlands of North Carolina. Germans Bittenger (1901) 1776 Blue Ridge North Carolina Blue Ridge and Alleghenys opened up for settlement by continental congress. 1700s Pennsylvania Permanent meadows were ploughed; Germans pasturing occurred 1 May - 1 Nov.; vegetable gardening on warm side of house; neatly fenced; efficient farm practices; tilled intensively, rotated crops, manured; farmstead kept orderly and clean; frequently cattle and sheep turned out into newly cut-over land to subdue it for cultivation; prevailing practice was to pasture livestock on wornout field reverting to succession; fewer farmers laid down land in grass after taking two to four grain crops; upland meadows pastured several years before reverting to crop rotation; apple orchards common; fences symbolise good farming. Long (1972) 1700s Pennsylvania German farm distinguished from Scot Irish by superior size of barns, plain compact form of houses, height of enclosures, extent of orchards, fertility of fields, luxuriousness of meadows, appearance of plenty and order. German Long (1972) 1700-1800 Blue Ridge Bottom lands settled first, most fertile soil and game; future settlers moved into hills and coves. Scot Irish Kercheval (1902) and Weller (1965) 1700-1800 Appalachia Houses built on bottom lands near streams: slopes farmed (perpendicular farming). Scot Irish Weller (1965) 1700-1800 Appalachia Unfamiliar with manuring or soil conditioning; hillside patches cleared as lower fields depleted. Scot Irish Kollmorgen (1942) 1700-1800 Appalachia Principal crops, corn and tobacco. Scot Irish Weller (1965) Stilgoe (1982) Mid-late 1800 Blue Ridge North Carolina Exploitation by lumber and mining companies result in large tracts of cut out. burned out. washed out lands; feldspar and mica; primarily small operations. Scot Irish Sheppard (1935) 19 Blue Ridge North Carolina Governance by National Park Service. National Park Service Smathers (1982) present �309 V. Management—Smardon, Palmer, and Day tion, they usually planted orchards of fruit trees in the first cleared field. The Germans consolidated some of the abandoned patches left by the Scot-Irish and following their European traditions allowed cattle and sheep to graze and subdue the land for several years prior to cultivation. After a period of intense tilling, crops were planted and rotated followed by more manuring to increase fertility. Cattle were routinely allowed to freerange (unmanaged grazing) after the fields became permanent. MANAGEMENTTECHNIQUES UTILIZED The land management *mind-set' carried into the Blue Ridge by these cultures largely determined how the Blue Ridge looks today. Our research indicates four major categories of use and management. They were sometimes used singly but most often in combination with other techniques. Girdling During the mid 1800's to early 1900's, a form of vegetation management called girdling was used primarily by the Scot-Irish. The technique involves simply removing a band or belt of a tree's bark and cambium layer thus inhibiting the flow of moisture and nutrients to the upper stems. Eliminating the tree canopy encouraged understory growth for forage or cultivation. Slash Burning This management technique, most closely associated with the German culture and known as slash burning, had as its goal the superenrichment of the soil. Tree limbs and slabs were piled evenly across the ground and fired, singeing the soil. Then, rye was planted and harvested, after which more limbs were spread and fired, followed by a planting of grains. The process was repeated every 5 or 6 years. A by-product of this technique was the resumption of successional growth. Large areas called colicks were formed after the fields became derelict and are composed even today of a dominant cover of compact heath shrubs. Grazing The settlers raised a variety of domestic animals including sheep, cattle and mules. Due to the thinness of the upland soils, evidence indicates that many of the so-called grassy balds referred to earlier were maintained and extended by the constant trampling. The succeeding grasses, mostly mountain oat grass (Danthonia ompressa and Rumex acetosella) were too competitive and choked most tree and shrub volunteers (Smathers, 1982). Natural Succession The natural succession process is exhibited by the ongoing emergence of plant species and is seen most dramatically following catastrophic phenomena like cutting and burning by man or by natural processes like high winds or soil erosion. The result is usually associated with deep erosion to less fertile subsoil in the margins of old fields and includes heath or broomsedge and asters which can compete with other grasses and which usually replace them quickly. Growing in sparse stands, broomsedge (Andropogon spp.) for example, survives as a monoculture until enough ground litter is produced to support other forms of grass and woody vegetation (Bake, 1972). At the time of writing, the authors have not found enough reference material to indicate the length of time before other pioneering plants out-compete broomsedge on abandoned farmland. However, it appears that the plant has potential applications in a vegetation management policy for the Park* way. Broomsedge is particularly suitable because it does not pose the same entangling and overgrown characteristics of kudzu or woody pioneering plants which it out-competes. It presents to the viewer a fine-textured, uniform mass of vegetation for an apparently extended period of time; and its maintenance needs are minimal. Opposite: Table 1. (Source: Smardon, Day, Redway, and Reichardt, 1985) �310 Parkways Conference Proceedings LANDSCAPE CLASSIFICATION Along the 469 miles of the Blue Ridge Parkway, over 250 scenic overlooks have been established. Due to logistical and financial constraints, as well as the tolerance levels of questionnaire respondents (Zeisel, 1981), simulation of vegetation management techniques at every overlook was beyond the scope of this project. Therefore, it became necessary to select several overlook scenes representative of the range of visual experiences encountered along the entire Parkway. In order to initiate this selection process, a library of Ektachrome slides was obtained from the University of Tennessee. The photographic library of 298 slides contained a shot from each of the established Parkway overlooks plus a number of duplicate photographs made to compensate for poor lighting conditions or technical problems. The slide selection process involved four sequential steps: 1. Formulation of a landscape classification system. 2. Classification of each of the slides in the photographic library. 3. Grouping of overlook scenes based on similar landscape components. 4. Selection of 1-2 representative slides from each of the established groups of overlook scenes based upon degree of photographic quality and suitability for simulation purposes. The classification system used to denote the representativeness of all the images and assist in selection of images for management prescription and simulation included land use, landform pattern and landform spatial configuration, distance zones seen and landscape compositional types (see Figure 2) and see Smardon et al. (1986) for further detail. Selection of I mages for Vegetative Management Simulations Determining what slides (views) were suitable for simulation purposes was based largely on foreground vegetation. In order to simulate the results of possible management techniques for vegetation, it was important to choose views (slides) that contained as much foreground plant-material as possible. By using views that show vegetation from the ground to the crown (top), a more accurate simulation could be produced than by using the views that just show the tops of plants. For example, if one option for management of vegetation was controlled burning of shrubs, and the original view contained just the crowns of the plant material, then the simulation of burning would not portray the total effect of the burning. The effect on surrounding grass and plants and the appearance of the ground could not be simulated. Views (slides) showing vegetation that could be viewed from base to crown were of more value than views showing only crowns when deciding what views would be simulated. Foreground Vegetation Suitability. The first phase in determining foreground vegetation suitability for simulation was an area measurement of all slides. The foreground vegetation in each slide was measured as a percentage of the entire scene. The slides were projected onto a grid. The number of grid sectors with foreground vegetation in them were then counted. If less than 1/3 of the sectors were filled with foreground vegetation, the view (slide) was eliminated from further consideration for simulation. The 1/3 rule was used for several reasons. First, if less than 1/3 of the slide showed foreground vegetation, the view could be overpowered by the emergent background scenery during a simulation of vegetation removal. The view might then be judged on the quality of the background and not on the management technique that was simulated. Second, in order to start eliminating some of the 298 slides from consideration, the 1/3 rule proved to be an effective means of getting the number of possible slides for simulation to a manageable number. The slides that contained more than 1/3 foreground vegetation were then classified according to our foreground vegetation suitability index (Fig. 3). The foreground vegetation suitability index accomplished several things. It was a means to identify the amount of vegetation that �V. Management—Smardon, Palmer, and Day Fig. 2. Matrix for slide classification. 311 �312 Parkways Conference Proceedings SLIDE NUMBER FOREGROUND VEGETATION SUITABILITY INDEX D O M I N A N T VEGETATION HEIGHT (By Area M e a s u r e ) Fig, PRIMARY ==1 3. Foreground Vegetation Suitability Index B A S E TO CROWN BASE TO MID-CANOPY M ' D - C A N O P Y TO CROWN CROWN 4 3 2 I BASE TO CROWN B A S E TO MID-CANOPY MID-CANOPY CROWN 4 3 2 I SECONDARY CLASSIFICATION A. MATURE TREES 1 DECIDUOUS 2 CONIFEROUS 3 MIXED-DECIDUOUS POM. 4 MIXED-CONIFEROUS POM. B. IMMATURE TREES 1 DECIDUOUS 2 CONIFEROUS 3 MIXED-DECIDUOUS POM. 4 MIXED-CONIFEROUS POM. RANK ORDER IN TERM OF DOMINANCE C SHRUB-SCRUB D_ GRASSES WITH SPORADIC SHRUBS £ GRASSES Fig. 3. Foreground Vegetation Stability Index. could be seen from base to crown alone, in the primary and secondary vegetation. A grid system was used to determine the dominant vegetation. The vegetation was then classified in order of dominance for easy reference and comparison of vegetation without viewing the grass as the dominant foreground vegetative feature, shrubs or shrub grown as secondary foreground vegetation and mature deciduous trees as the third most dominant. (See Figure 3). As stated before, views that showed the vegetation from base to crown were determined to be most applicable for simulation. The final phase for foreground vegetation suitability was the grouping of slides in two final categories. The first category included all the slides that had base to crown in both the primary and secondary foreground vegetation. This category was the most suitable for simulation according to foreground vegetation. The second category contained the slides with base to crown in either the primary or secondary foreground vegetation and base to mid-canopy in either or both the primary and secondary foreground vegetation. This category was marginal for simulation. In the final analysis, ten slides were determined suitable for simulation according to foreground vegetation, and twenty-one slides (views) were marginal. After the final product was determined, the next step was to determine what images would be required to produce the final product. In this project, two factors were of prime concern: (1) the visual impact of roadside vegetation on the visitor to the parkway, and (2) the impact of management techniques utilized by the Park Service along the Parkway. Data Treatment After the 298 color slides were taken along the Parkway by University of Tennessee investigators, the slides were coded and classified, as �313 V. Management—Smardon, Palmer, and Day previously described, to determine representative scenes from parkway overlooks. Once the sampling stage was completed, the next step was to apply appropriate management techniques to each scene. To accomplish this task, advice from Park Service managers was needed. Each of the 10 representative scenes was printed, inserted into an acetate envelope and was sent, together with an acetate marker, to the Blue Ridge Parkway Management Supervisor in Asheville, North Carolina. Comments and graphic delineation from the Park Service managers were drawn directly on the acetate overlay and returned. The managers identified three major management techniques common to the 10 representative scenes: first, mowing either by bush hog on accessible sites or by hand cutting; second, selective cutting of brush or trees to allow for significant views; and third, controlled burning in places inaccessible to machines. In order to do the simulation, three pieces of information were needed: U.S.G.S. quadrangle maps for background topological data, photographs behind the vegetation to be removed or modified, and photographs in front of the scene for contextual information. Photographs behind vegetation are crucial because the three management techniques supplied by the Park Service involved eliminating vegetation in one form or another which would reveal new vegetation, topography or manmade form. Another concern to be addressed is seasonal variation. Some management techniques might have a significant impact on views in summer, but the impact on views in winter might be quite different. Possible procedures might be to consider proposed changes with different seasonal impacts or to choose the season with the highest visitation frequency, such as summer with vegetation in full leaf. In this case, the latter procedure was used. It is important that simulations be made for the same season in which subjects will be responding to a photo questionnaire. SPECIFIC VISUAL SIMULATION TECHNIQUES Prototypical Scene Development As stated before, the purpose of the project was to solicit visitor responses to certain NPS vegetation management techniques. After the representative scenes were chosen and comments were received from the National Park Service, each scene was analyzed to determine the appropriate montage technique. This was accomplished by overlaying the original 8-by10 inch print with acetate and with the U.S.G.S. quads to determine hidden topographic features. Ideas were tested using markers. It was decided that two pages with eight images per page would be prepared. Each page would contain the before and after images of four scenes, and each photograph would be 2by-3 inches to allow for a rating scale beneath the images. Consequently, each montage was created at the 8-by-10 inch size and then photographically reduced. Actual Simulation Development Techniques In developing the simulations themselves, several ideas and media were tried. The first and most commonly used technique was "cut and paste." Depending on the amount of change required, two approaches can be utilized. First, in relatively small areas, for example, a bank of large shrubs that has to be eliminated and replaced with smaller shrubs or grass while providing appropriate background material, a technique called "windowing" can be performed (Figure 4). When relatively large areas of the image, such as a tree mass, mountains or sky, have to be altered, a technique we called "layering" which is similar to the "windowing" technique described above can be used (Figure 5). Again, simply trim away the material to be changed, strip the backing from the edge to be retained, and cement new material in place. Experimentation proved to be equally successful in both front and back applications. The next most common technique used we called "coloring." In this instance, a variety of �314 Parkways Conference Proceedings ORIGINAL SCENE / ' VEGETATION BLOCKING MOUNTAIN VIEW CUT OUT REVEALED MOUNTAIN BACKGROUND ADDED Fig. 4. LAYERING ORIGINAL SCENE VEGETATION BLOCKING MOUNTAINS CUT AWAY R t V E A L E D MOUNTAIN BACKGROUND ADDED REVEALED MOUNTAIN MIDDLE GROUND ADDED Fig. 5. Top: Fig. 4. Windowing. Bottom: Fig. 5. Layering. materials was used ranging from color dyes to air brush techniques. In our project, use of coloring was confined to "touch-up." Color dyes matched to the Cibachrome print materia 1 seemed to work best for touch-up in most instances (Ilford 1983 and undated). The last type of montage application involves the techniques of "dodging" and "burning-in" commonly utilized in a darkroom (Time- Life, 1981). These procedures have been documented in a number of professional darkroom manuals. Basically, in slide printing, "dodging" means masking an area so that after development, the area appears black or dark, while "burning-in" produces the opposite effect. Experimentation with this approach did not equal the "cut and paste" technique. The various techniques are summarized in Table 2. �315 V. Management—Smardon, Palmer, and Day Specific Technique Simulation Condition Materials Needed Skills Needed windowing small areas minor modifications new materials to substitute and blend removed areas. cut & paste no special skills layering major modif. same as above same as above feathering to blend veg. new material same as above coloring touch-up to hide cut edges color dyes felt markers artistic skills dodging and burning-in blending homogeneous zones - sky;,, etc. darkroom equipment trial and error Table 2. Summary Matrix. VISUAL SURVEY APPROACH TO EVALUATE VEGETATION MANAGEMENT ALTERNATIVES Introduction These simulations were used by the University of Tennessee team in the preparation of a questionnaire to assess vegetation management alternatives for the Blue Ridge Parkway. Each questionnaire was divided into five response sections: visual preference evaluations of photographic simulation pairs; ratings of vegetation management alternatives; reported participation in outdoor activities; rating of leisure attitude statements; and respondent characteristics. In addition, half the questionnaires included a page which indicated that ecological and economic benefits could be derived from reduced roadside mowing. Approximately 500 questionnaires were distributed between Tuesday, August 9 and Sunday, August 21, 1983. Questionnaire booklists were handed out and retrieved at pullouts along the full length of the Parkway. This section investigates the visual prefer- ences and attitudes toward vegetation management alternatives It also considers the potential of an informational leaflet to influence these responses. The primary methods used in this investigation are analyses of variance and ttests. The following description of the three relevant portions of the questionnaire will establish the context needed to interpret the results of the analyses. Information Leaflet One-half of the questionnaires contained an "information leaflet" at the beginning of the visual preference section. Three photographs were arranged on the page in a diagonal tier, cutting down from left to right. Two of these photographs were also used to represent two sites in the questionnaire (sites 3 and 8). The third photograph was only used on this page. In the upper right hand corner was the following "ecological" message: There are idle spots on every farm - and every highway is bordered by an idle strip as long as it is. Keep cow,plow, and mower out of these idle spots, and the full native �316 Parkways Conference Proceedings There is a collection of photographs presented as three (3) pairs per page. Each picture has a short description under it. Please pay particular attention to the described feature as you rate each photograph. First, look through them quickly to get a general feeling for the photographs. Then, go back and carefully read the description. Rate EACH photo (compared to its pair) for HOW MUCH YOU LIKE IT. Simply circle the number of your choice below each photograph. process causes slightly noticeable differences between the photograph pairs that might be interpreted as site differences. These photograph pairs represent two general types of management activity: eight simulate roadside mowing and ten vista maintenance. Among the mowing comparisons, three compare cutting from a single mower width from the roadside to complete mowing to the treeline (sites 2, 6 and 7). Three more present other mowing width comparisons (sites 1, 3 and 9). One pair addresses the frequency of mowing (site B) and the eighth pair mowing around a road sign (site 4). Among these photo pairs, two are the same but with different captions (sites 3 and 8) and two other pairs have one photograph in common (2a and 7b) and use the same captions. Three management alternatives are represented among the ten vista management comparisons. Two sites (5 and 15) represent the effects of controlled burning as a vista management tool. Intensive cutting of woody vegetation is represented at four sites (10,12,13 and 16) while four more represent moderate or selectivecutting(ll, 14,17 and 18). Of particular interest among these photographs are the reuse of one photograph (lOa and I7a) to create a three sequence comparison (lOa, lOb and 17a, 17b), and the removal of a single foreground tree to reduce vista enframement (sites 14 and 18). The management treatment is generally "tree removal" at these sites, however, at one, it is specifically removal of hardwoods to emphasize conifers (site 18). Attwoothersites(13and 17), the treatment results in a mown foreground crest rather than residual wood vegetation. 1 = not at all 2 = a little 3 = somewhat 4 - quite a bit 5 = very much There are eighteen photograph pairs, each representing an alternative intensity of management. In most cases, both photographs appear to be of the same site. However, the photographs in two pairs (2a/b and 7a/b) are obviously of different sites; in several other pairs (la/b, lOa/b, lla/b, 16g/b and 18a/b), the montage Vegetation Management Alternatives Respondents were also asked to indicate their support or non-support statements describing "various levels at which the grass and shrubs along the Blue Ridge Parkway could be maintained." Responses were recorded on a seven point bipolar scale: (1) strongly support, (2) support, (3) probably support, (4) don't know, (5) probably don't know, (6) don't support, (7) definitely don't support. A total of twelve management alternatives were described in all: four of these alternatives concerned the flora, plus dozens of interesting stowaways could be part of the normal environment of every citizen. (Alda Leopold, Pioneer Ecologistfrom A Sand County Almanac}. In the lower left corner was the following "economic" message: "Just a 50% reduction in mowing on the Blue Ridge Parkway will save taxpayers $71,000 per year.'* Visual Preference Evaluations The general instructions in the questionnaire are: Vegetation management along the Blue Ridge Parkway can be conducted at various levels of intensity. For example, the roadside grass can be mowed weekly, monthly, bimonthly, etc. We would like your opinion of some possible levels of grass mowing and tree-clearing that might be practiced on the Parkway. By rating the vegetation management examples in our photo, we can determine what Parkway visitors prefer. �V. Management—-Smardon, Palmer, and Day frequency of mowing; four described the width of the mowed area; one posed safety as the sole criterion for mowing; and three addressed intensity of cutting or trimming of woody vegetation to maintain vistas at roadside pull-offs. MANAGEMENT FINDINGS Vegetation Management Alternatives The overall statistical analysis for each alternative management statement shows, in general, less intensive management practices receive greater support (see Table 3). An average or typical evaluation supports mowing every three or four weeks when the grass becomes about 8 inches tall. Mowing should extend to some natural break close (within a couple mower widths) to the road's edge. Moderate tree thinning is preferred, but the pull-off vistas should be maintained in any case. Overall, respondents are more supportive of vista maintenance than mowing activities. The mean ratings for both those respondents who did and those who did not receive the leaflet about the ecological and economic benefits of reduced mowing are also compared in this table. In general, those provided with this information tend to be more supportive of reduced mowing and less supportive of intensive mowing. This is the direction of influence one would expect, however, the differences are only statistically significant for most intensive mowing practices and the restriction of mowing to reasons of safety. The mowing leaflet did not seem to influence ratings of vista maintenance alternatives in any significant way. The relationship between the intensity of management and the influence of leaflet was further investigated using two-way analysis of variance models. The management alternatives are grouped for these analyses according to mowing frequency (statements 1 through 4), mowing width (statements 5 through 8), and vista maintenance (statements 10 through 12). The results in Table 4 indicate that the variation in ratings attributable to management intensity is significant in all three models. These differences were further investigated through mul- 317 tiple comparison mean separation tests. Tukey's honestly significant differences (HSD) procedure with a significance level of .05 was used. These results indicate that there is not significantly different support for monthly or fall mowings. However, both practices are preferred to bi-weekly mowings, which is preferred to weekly mowings. A similar situation exists for alternative mowing widths. A single mower width is preferred above mowing to the swale; both are preferable to double width mowing or mowing to the treeline. No difference is evident between these latter, more intensive alternatives. In the case of vista maintenance, waiting 5 to 7 years, before much of the distant view is blocked, is preferred. The other two alternatives, annual maintenance and maintaining at least 66 percent openness, are equally preferred. It is important to remember that overall, there is greater support for vista management than intensive mowing. The information leaflet also had a significant effect on the ratings associated with grass management. However, it did not cause any difference hi vista management preferences between the two groups. The influence of the leaflet was not even among all the statements. Rather, it had a significantly greater effect on opinions about more intensive mowing activities, as previously indicated by the t-tests in Table 3. In addition, those without the leaflet supported mowing to the treeline over double width mowing while the reverse is true for those who received the information leaflet. Visual Preference Evaluations The ratings of how much respondents like the simulated effects of management alternatives are summarized in Table 5. The sites have been grouped according to the general management practice they represent, as previously described. The mean values (x) represent the difference between the ratings for the less managed or control condition and the more managed or treatment condition. Therefore, a negative value represents visual improvement and a value of zero indicates no change in visual quality. A t-test is used to identify those cases where the mean change is significantly differ- �318 Parkways Conference Proceedings Vegetation Management Alternatives Information Leaflet With Without t The roadside grass should be mowed: 1. weekly, like a lawn 6.15 5.64 3.47*** 2. every two weeks, when 3 to 6 inches tall. 4.50 3.88 3.21*** 3.79 3.86 -.41n.s, 4. once in the Fall after the wildf lowers are through blooming. 3.65 3.57 .42n.s 5. only one mower width (7 feet) from the edge of the road surface 3.22 3.41 -1.04n.s two mower widths (14 feet) from the road's edge 4.43 4.23 1.20n.s from the road's edge to the ditch or swale. 3.92 3.73 1.14n.s from the road's edge to the treeline 4.90 4.18 3.67*** 9. as little as possible, only when necessary to maintain driver saf2ty and help prevent grass fires. 3.76 4.21 3.70 3.46 1.19n.s every 5 to 7 years, before the shrubs in the foreground block much of the distant view 3.32 3.21 ,63n.s just often envough so that no more than 1/3 of the view is blocked 3.53 3.57 -.22n.s 3. 6. 7. 8. once per month, when at least 10 inches tall. -2.11* Shrubs and trees at pull-off vistas should be cut or trimmed: 10. annually to maintain a completely clear view 11. 12. Mean Sample Size 241 222 Note: lOn a seven-point bi-polar scale: (1) strongly suport, (4) don't know, (7) definitely don't support. ***?</=.001 **p</=.01 *p</=.05 n . s . p > / = . 0 5 Table 3. Mean ratings of vegetation management alternatives and the effect of an information pamphlet. �Management Action Effects df F-value Mowing Frequency Intensity Information Interaction 3 1 3 130.0*** 9.7** 3.4* Mowing Width Intensity Information Interaction 3 1 3 38.9*** 6.0* 4 4** Cutting Woody Vegetation Intensity Information Interaction 2 1 2 ***p< .001 **p< With Leaflet Without Leaflet Site x 1 Mowing width 1 2 3 6 7 9 1.57 1.32 .21 1.03 -1.50 1.00 Mowing frequency 8 .13 Sign mowing 4 -1.71 -10.7*** 10 12 13 16 -1.89 -.30 -.06 -2.57 -14.5*** -2.13 -1.8n.s. -.16 -.23 - . 4n . s . -23.4** -2.55 Moderate clearing 11 14 17 18 -.32 1.531.35 .35 2.1* 11.2*** 9 m 6* ## 2.5* 1.35 -.19 9 . 1*** -l.ln.s. Condition Major clearing Controlled burning 5 15 n. s.p> 0.5 *p< .05 01 t 3.5* .9n.s. .6n.s. X 10 . 4*** 1.72 9 . Q-«--"-* .95 1.2n.s. -.29 6 . 4*** .47 -10.1*** -1.19 .64 5.8*** . 8n . s .-.45 t Paired t 11.7*** -.7n.s. 5 > 9#-«"K1.7n.s. 2 . 1* -l!7n.s. 2.7** 2.4* -7.3*** -1.4n.s. 3.4*** 1.4n.s. -3.0*** 2.6** -18.1*** 3.1** -17.7*** -l.On.s. -1.3n.s. -24.7*** 1.4n.s. - . 6n . s . .7n.s. -.In.s. -.31 1.36 1.18 .25 -1.9n.s. 9.8*** 7.9*** 1.7n.s. -.In.s. .9n.s. . 8n . s . .5n.s. 1.19 -.17 7.7*** -l.On.s. . 8n . s . -.In.s. -2.36 ***p< .001 **p< .01 *p< .05 n.s.p> .05 1 Notes: The mean difference is a less managed or control condition rating, minus a more managed or treatment condition. Negative values indicate visual improvement. Top: Table 4. Effects of management intensity and information on ratings of vegetation management alternatives. Bottom: Table 5. Mean change in visual preference ratingsfor simulated management situations. �320 Parkways Conference Proceedings Management Action Effects df F-value Mowing width Activity Information Site Info * Activity Info * Site Activity * Site 1 1 5 1 5 5 595.4*** 6.2* 10.1*** 23 . 5*** ,4n .s . 40 . 5*** Controlled burning Activity Information Site Info * Activity Info * Site Activity * Site 1 1 1 1 1 1 69.6*** .2n.s. 2.4n.s. .5n.s. .In.s. 140.8*** Activity Information Site Info * Activity .. Info * Site "* 'Activity * Site 1 1 7 1 7 7 92.8*** .In.s. 13.2** 1.2n.s. ,2n.s. 295.5*** Vista clearing ***p< . 0 01 Note: **p< .01 *p< .05 n.s.p2 .05 Among the effects incorporated into these ailalyses of variance models, Activity refers to control (photo a) and treatment (photo b) conditions. Information refers to those who did or did not receive the information leaflet. Site refers to those sites simulating the activity; in a sense these are simulation repetitions or repeated measures of the management activity. Intensity regroups the vista clearing sites into major and moderate clearings. The two way interactions are also indicated. Table 6. Effects of management activity, information and site on ratings of visual preference. ent from zero. The mean differences and t-tests are reported for both those who received the information leaflet and those who did not. A paired comparison t-test is used to identify significant differences between the mean change in ratings for these two groups. Analysis of variance models reported in Table 6 are used to investigate the effects of these factors. Among the effects incorporated into these models is "activity" or the significance of the change in rating from the control (photo a) to a treatment (photo b) condition. The "information" effect refers to the difference between those who did or did not receive the information leaflet. In a sense, each of the simulated sites are a repetition or repeated measure of a particular management activity. Collectively, they represent the visual variation of using these practices in the landscape. This variation is represented by a "site" effect. For the analysis of vista clearing, a second model grouped the sites into clearing activity of major and moderate "intensity." All possible two-way interactions were also included in these models. The pattern of visual preference for mowing alternatives is very similar between the two groups. Overall, respondents preferred the control or less mown condition. The major exception is �321 V. Management—Smardon, Palmer, and Day a preference for mowing vegetation around a low road sign (site 8). The treatment in site 7 also received a very positive rating. However, this may be because the two photographs were of distinctly different sites. There are significant differences between the mean change for these two groups at half the sites, which is similar to the influence among the mowing management statements. This result is supported by a significant effect in the analysis of variance model for mowing width, as well as the t-tests for mowing frequency (site 8) and mowing around road signs (site 4). In all these analyses, the information leaflet is associated with preference for reduced mowing activity. This effect is accentuated among those who received the leaflet, accounting for the significant interactive term. The most significant effect in the analysis of variance model for mowing width concerns the change at each site from a more intensive management practice. As has already been described, respondents generally support less intensive mowing. The actual variation among the sites is also very highly signif icant, possibly indicating the relative difference in treatment intensity between photos at a particular site, as well as the visual sensitivity of different sites to management practices. The signif icant interaction between activity and site is attributable to the essential lack of difference between the photographs at site 3. The overall preference for the visual effects of vista management practices is clearer, though different, than it was for mowing practices. Cutting activity that removes large amounts of woody vegetation from an overgrown vista to establish an open view are preferred. However, respondents do not appear to support cutting when the vista is only slightly blocked, or when a significant residual is left that still blocks the view. This result is more accentuated but seems to support responses to the management statements, where cutting has supported every 5 to 7 years (seemingly a long time), over annual clearing or clearing before one-third of the view is blocked. Controlled burning also received poor ratings, particularly in the case where there was little change in the vista's extent. Finally, there are no significant differences between the two groups, indicating that the information leaflet had no effect. This may be because the leaflet focused on mowing and the effect failed to carry over to tree clearing. Alternately, it may be because respondents already had a clear position on vista management that is based on a cultural reticence to cut down trees but a strong visual preference for vistas. These results are supported by the analysis of variance results. The actual change in evaluation from the pre- to post-activity is very highly significant. There is also a very highly significant effect, which is strengthened when they are collapsed into major and moderate intensity groups. There is also a very highly significant interaction effect between the activity and site or intensity factors. Essentially, this represents the strong preference for major clearing and the perceived undesirability of only modest clearing. The controlled burning analysis exhibits a similar pattern for activity and the interactive term. SUMMARY AND MANAGEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS Bio-Physical and Historical Management Recommendations Any vegetative management technique utilized should be preceded by a thorough analysis of the goals and objectives to be accomplished. Since the primary object of this research has been the human cultural aspect of viewing from the Blue Ridge Parkway, a number of physical parameters should be considered. Basically, viewing from the Blue Ridge Parkway involves two major components; the position of the viewer and the scene to be viewed. The viewer position generally means either viewing at a scenic overlook while standing or sitting, or viewing along the road while in a moving car. The speed of the car and the road configuration are also important because an impressive view is more likely to be seen while on a straight road at a low speed than on a curve except by a passenger. The amount of vegetation to be removed should be determined not only by �322 what is viewed but whether the viewer is moving or standing still. The major management constraint on the scene to be viewed is not only vegetation but also the underlying topography. Most of the Blue Ridge Parkway is located on relatively steep slopes or on a ridge top, which means that major long views contain foreground sloping away from the viewer. The management technique utilized, controlled burning and cutting or mowing, are effective especially in preventing severe erosion on steep slopes and in soils that are largely thin, well-drained and sterile. However, because of a climate highly conducive to plant growth, sites of prime viewing require constant care. Basically, plant material to be considered should be self-maintaining, physically and microclimatically appropriate to the area and the surrounding vegetable context of the view and the slope on which it is placed. Environmentally, perennial vegetation to be introduced should contain the following characteristics. First, since most soils on steep slopes and ridge lines are thin and deplete of nutrients, plants should be shallow rooted, fibrous and have the ability to absorb and hold nutrients for extended periods of time. Second, since the climate is humid, temperate and rainfall is abundant, plants should be able to withstand the potential erosive effects of heavy rainfall, snow and sedimentation. Physically, plants should be complimentary in terms of form, size and texture to the surrounding site context; but even more importantly, the height of the plant should be selfmaintaining and predictable since placement on a given slope with respect to the viewer position is crucial in maintaining the desired view. Grasses such as broomsedge could be used in near foreground areas; but if the slope falls away sharply, shrubs could be used. Again, consideration should be given to the first two basic elements - the viewer position and the scene to be viewed. Perceptually Based Management Recommendations Perceptually based results from above support roadside mowing every three or four Parkways Conference Proceedings weeks when the grass becomes about 8 inches tall. Mowing should extend to some natural break close (within a couple mower widths) to the road's edge. Annual maintenance and maintaining 66 percent openness of vistas are equally preferred, so it would make sense to wait 5 to 7 years before trimming or cutting shrubs which would block distant views. Cutting which removes large amounts of woody vegetation from an overgrown vista are supported, but cutting is not supported when the vista is only partially blocked, or when significant residual woody material is left which partially blocks the view. In other words, do not cut unless there is potential for creating substantial increased visual access or open views! Controlled burning is also not supported unless there is substantial improvement in vista quality and extent. Synthesis The above summarized perceptual results regarding roadside mowing and vistas maintenance speak for themselves. In addition, our analysis shows greater support for vista maintenance than roadside mowing. The major syn thesis would be the combination of periodic mowing of roadsides and brush clearing of vistas combined with introduction of plant species that either (1) maintain low height and uniform texture and (2) are historically representative of past vegetative management practices; at suitable locations. The latter would be especially appropriate near interpretive areas and facilities. The question of the total mix of vegetative management over the length of the Parkway is more difficult. Since the investigators dealt primarily with static images and simulations, we would propose that questions involving spatial sequences of visual experience need sequential or dynamic simulation. A future agenda item for research would be to simulate moving sequences of vegetative management changes along the Blue Ridge Parkway utilizing video with different simulation media such as scale models, computer assisted graphics or electronic photomontage (computer and video) to illustrate different management alternatives in "real time" sequence. �V. Management—Smardon, Palmer, and Day BIBLIOGRAPHY Bake, W.A. 1972. The Blue Ridge. Viking Press, New York. Bailey, R.G. 1978. Description of the Eco-Regions of the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture. Forest Service. Bittenger. L.F. 1901, republished 1968. The Germans in Colonial Times. Russel & Russel, New York. Bolton, C.K. 1967. Scotch-Irish Pioneers in Ulster and America. Genealogical Publishing Co., Baltimore, MD. Day, T.R. 1984. "Simulating Vegetation Management Techniques Utilizing Color Photographic Montage." School of Landscape Architecture. State University of New York, Syracuse. Ford. HJ. 1966. The Scotch-Irish in America. Archon Books Camden. CT. Graeff,A.D.etal. 1942. The Pennsylvania Germans. Princeton University Press. Princeton. NJ. Jolley, H. 1969. The Blue Ridge Parkway. University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN. Ilford, Inc. 1983. "Retouching Cibachrome II Materials." Technical Brochure TB34EN, Ilford, Inc. Ilford, Inc. undated. "Retouching Cibachrome Tips and Hints," Ilford, Inc. Kercheval, S. 1902. History of the Valley of Virginia. W.N. Grabil. Kollmorgen, W.M. 1942. "The Pennsylvania German farmer." In A.D. Graeff (et.al), The Pennsylvania Germans. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ. Long, A., Jr. 1972. "The Pennsylvania German Family Farm." Publications of the Pennsylvania German Society, Vol. VI. The Pennsylvania German Society, Bieinigsville, PA. Opie, J. 1981. "Where American history began: Appalachia and the small independent family farm." In W. SomerviUe (ed.), Appalachia/ America. Proceedings of the Appalachian Studies Conference. East Tennessee State University, The Appalachian Consortium Press. 323 Palmer, J.F., T.R. Day, R.C. Smardon, A. Redway m and L. Reichardt. 1986. "Simulating and evaluating management practices." In F.R. Noe (ed.), Visual Methods and Perceptions: Approaches to a National Parkway. National Park Service Scientific Series, Washington, D.C. (in press). Riddel, F.S. (ed.) 1974. Appalachia: Its People. Heritage and Problems. Kendall Hunt Publishing Co., DuBuque, IA. Sheppard, M.E. 1935. Cabins in the Laurel. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, N.C. Simpkins, O.N. 1974. "The Celtic roots of Appalachian culture."InF.S.Biddle. (ed.), Appalachia: Its People. Heritage and Problems. Kendall Hunt Publishing Co., DuBuque, IA. Smardon, R.C., T.R. Day, A. Redway in and L. Reichardt. 1986. "Historical overview and landscape classification." In F.R. Noe (ed.), Visual Methods and Perceptions: Approaches to A National Parkway. National Park Service Scientific Series, Washington, D.C. (in press). Smardon, R. C., T.R. Day, T. Redway and L. Reichardt. 1985. "Vegetation management techniques: past and present." In Landscape Research. Vol. 10, No. 5, pp. 9-13. Smathers, G.A. 1982. "Man as a Factor in Southern Appalachia: Bald Formation and Illustrations of Selected Sites along the Blue Ridge Parkway in North Carolina." U.S. Dept. of Interior, Interior Park Service. Stilgoe, J.R. 1982. Common Landscape of America 1580 to 1845. Yale University Press, New Haven, CT. Time-Life, Inc. 1981. "Photographer*s Handbook Revised Edition." Life Library of Photography. Time-Life Books, Inc., New York. Weller,J.E. 1965. Yesterday's People: Life in a Contemporary Appalachia. University Press of Kentucky, Frankfurt, KY. Zeisel, J. 1981. Inquiry by Design: Tools for Environmental-Behavior Research. Brooks/ Cole Publishing Co., Monterey, CA. �324 Parkways Conference Proceedings Alternatives to Land Acquisition for Parkway Development: The Conservation Easement Option Dennis L. Soden, Director, Coastal Zone Studies, Department of Political Science, The University of West Florida, Pensacola INTRODUCTION The development of Parkways requires the purchase of large parcels of land so that the multiple parkway roles of being an alternative means of transportation while, at the same time, providing forftill enjoyment of the surrounding scenery are achieved (Burggraf, 1986: 26). Purchase of the required properties fee-simple is obviously the most direct means of acquiring the necessary land required for road construction. Unless the agency involved in the development of a parkway has eminent domain authority, acquisitions are, however, limited to the property available on the market and, of course, the available funds. These two factors are complicated by the fact that funds available to government units, typically the developers of parkways, are increasingly becoming scarce, and the "budget crisis" does not seem to be going away. In addition, when government does enter into the land market, its competition is likely to inflate market prices. This was the situation which was occasioned when the development of the Santa Monica Mountains National Recreation Area was undertaken (The Conservation Foundation, 1985: 225-226). Thus, the purchase of fee-simple, while necessary to obtain in order to provide a roadway, may be an expensive way of fulfilling the second goal of Parkways—providing enjoyment of the surrounding scenery. What alternatives exist to full fee-simple acquisition? As an alternative to fee-simple, this paper briefly addresses the concept of the conservation easement and its potential in Parkway planning and development. The issue of conservation easements is complex and has been the focus of a considerable literature in the last decade (see for example: Barrett and Livermore, 1983; Champion and Soden, 1987). The extant literature addresses a full range of topics which reflect the complexity and various dimensions of the conservative easement subject, including financial and tax considerations (Daugherty, 1978; Kinnamon, 1980); legislative features at federal, state and local levels (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1978; Thomas, 1975); legal components (Conservation Law Foundation, 1976); and, urban versus rural considerations (Schroeder, 1971; Roe, 1976; Knight and Dye, 1981). This paper does not address these specific issues in detail. Rather the issues of legal, tax and legislative processes are left to to lawyers, accountants and lawmakers within their respective domains. Instead, the general idea of a conservation easement is put forth as one option among the set of instruments available in fulfilling Parkway goals. It does so by suggesting that the acquisition of property through conservation easements may be an approach which can be more heavily relied upon than previously considered for accomplishing Parkway needs. THE EASEMENT STRATEGY In its simplest form, the obtainment of an easement provides use of a property without eliminating its taxable status as property, or markedly decreasing local government tax revenues (Christie, 1985: 147); an issue of importance in an era of fiscal constraint among most government entities. Easements are categorized as either affirmative or negative. An affirmative easement, in general, provides public access or right-of-use to properties. A negative easement precludes some use as a way of protecting areas from development or unsound use. In doing so, a negative easement acts as a means of restricting activity on the land. Con- �V. Management—Soden servation easements fall into this latter category, restricting use of land by placing limits on the activities which may occur in order to prevent incompatible activities on adjacent lands. Of concern here is the use of conservation easements to prevent activities which are incompatible with Parkway goals (Jarvis, 1982: 97; Reitze, 1974: 77). "Conservation Easements" is a generic term which includes several less-than-fee-simple options including: (1) natural ecosystem easements; (2) scenic easements; and, (3) open space easements. While most are aware of common easements such as a right-of-way given for road or utilities access, the conservation easement and its derivatives are adapted to provide economy, flexibility and specificity. The latter limits the development rights of the landowner on his property (Barrett and Livermore, 1983: 4). The three basic types of conservation easements can be summarized as: (1) Natural Ecosystem Easements. Very detailed easements with restrictions and prohibitions carefully designed in consideration of sensitive ecological values. (BarrettandLivermore, 1983: 88) (2) Scenic Easements. Generally involves regulating scenic qualities of the land, including limitations on development density, structure design (i.e., height), and are designed to actively preserve the view. (Barrett and Livermore, 1983: 89) (3) Open Space Easements. Easements which allow for land to be kept in productive uses such as agriculture, grazing and forestry. They are designed to insure conservation standards and land use mixes and require consultation before any change in land use may occur. (Barrett and Livermore, 1983: 90) These easement categories are not all inclusive, nor are they mutually exclusive, they do, however, illustrate a set of techniques by which Parkway planners may obtain rights to 325 additional lands in order to insure Parkway values. DEVELOPING THE CONSERVATION EASEMENT: GOALS AND PROBLEMS The use of conservation easements is not new to Parkways; early scenic easements were used to preserve the view along the Blue Ridge Parkway and Natchez Trace Parkway in the 1930s and 1940s, and the Great River Road in Wisconsin in the 1950s. More recently, however, the concept has become more fully developed, studied and researched. In then* book designed to aid groups and individuals in securing conservation easements, Thomas S. Barrett and Putnam Livermore (1983) provide a basic guide for the development of conservation easements. They propose that seven basic factors come into play in conservation easement development. These are: (1) A generalized statement of the purpose of the easement; (2) Reference to the specific conservation values of the land involved; (3) A list of specific rights given the grantee which will enable enforcement of the easement; (4) A list of specific restrictions pertaining to the undesirable activities which might be reasonably anticipated; (5) A general statement on restriction of uses inconsistent with the intent and purpose of the easement; (6) A list of specific uses or rights to be permitted or retained by the grantor; (7) A general reservation in the easement regarding rights which are not inconsistent with the intent and purpose of the easement. (Barrett and Livermore, 1983: 82-83). In developing a conservation easement, the proper mix of restriction and latitude must be achieved. Early use of conservation easements are indicative of the problems whichmay be encountered in trying to achieve this mix. �326 For example, easement violations are particularly noted where property has changed ownership since the easement was granted or acquired (Jarvis, 1982: 104). Other instances show that landowners are not always fully informed of what rights they are relinquishing when they grant an easement (The ConservationFoundation, 1985: 258-259), while at other times grantors simply have not abided by the easement leading to legal battle lines being drawn between the grantor and grantee (ChampionandSoden, 1987). We might next ask, how can a safe middle ground be achieved, including both specific provisions necessary for protection and more general provisions necessary for flexibility? Barrett and Livermore again provide a useful tool for conservation easement construction by providing a seventeen point Conservation Easement Checklist as shown in Table 1. The checklist in Table I includes the seventeen elements most commonly found in conservation easements. Since conservation easements range across a wide range of purposes— protection of wetland ecosystems (Kundell and Woolf, 1986), perpetuation of farming along Parkways like the Blue Ridge Parkway (Champion and Soden, 1987), or preserving scenic vistas (Vinesett and Soden, 1987)—the content will obviously vary according to the unique characteristics obtaining in each instance. The conservation easement will also vary according to federal, state and local tax laws relevant to it, as well as whether it is a natural ecosystem easement, a scenic easement or an open space easement. Perhaps most important, however, is insuring that the easement conforms to the characteristics of the land it is designed to protect (Barrett and Livermore, 1983: 82). SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Conservation easements are but one of many measures available to Parkway developers and planners to protect the values of the Parkway. The list of alternatives appear to go on ad infmitum, including partial ownership to restrict certain uses, lease acquisition, land exchange, zoning, private stewardship or gift of Parkways Conference Proceedings individual interest to name just a few (The Conservation Foundation , 1985: 259-260; Barrett and Livermore, 1983: 95-118). Conservation easements may emerge as the "most efficient and flexible device" available for land acquisition and conservation today. Coupled with the budget crisis which characterizes much of public activity today, it would seem logical that public agencies involved in Parkway development would see conservation easements as a cost effective means of monitoring and enforcing Parkway values at costs far less than fee-simple acquisition. Conservation easements provide Parkways the benefit of control over the land as it regards values important for their success, while at the same time landowners benefit by having the assurance that their lands are included in future protection. In addition, landowners almost always benefit from reduction in property taxes or tax deductions (Barrett and Livermore, 1983). Although conservation easements are receiving more attention in recent years as the cost of fee-simple acquisition rises, they are not novel ideas without a tradition in law and planning. Conservation easements suggest that land use involves not only rights to development but rights to intangible uses (i.e., preservation), and that these rights can be transferred to others for uses including preservation, esthetics and conservation. They are not, however, a "cure-all" for Parkway planning and development. Clearly it must be understood that conservation easements are simply one alternative to fee-simple. By all means, if you can own all the land necessary to ensure the values of the parkway under development without bearing an excessive financial burden, then do so. This paper only briefly presents the idea of conservation easements as a viable alternative which planners and developers of Parkways should be aware. The specificity of legal and tax ramifications tied to conservation easement is left to others, but a full-scale commitment to the concept is suggested as a way of providing an opportunity for most fully developing Parkways today and in the future. �327 V. Management—-Soden TABLE 1: CONSERVATION EASEMENT CHECKLIST Element Description 3. Parties Legal and Qualitative Description of the Property Type and Purpose of Easement 4. Statement of Intent 5. Documentation of Conservation Values to be Preserved 6. Grant of Easement 7. Rights, Restrictions, Permitted Uses and Reservations 8. Allocation of Costs 9. Subsequent Deeds Identify grantor and grantee including rights to transfer property. Legal description and a "story" of the land identifying conservation values. Statement about type of easement involved (i.e., open space, etc.) and purpose (i.e., to protect local watershed, scenic values, etc.) Also includes a reference to governing statute(s). Intention of easement (i.e., conservation) and goals of both grantor and grantee. Includes resource inventories, maps, reports, photographs, and scientific documentation, to be used as supporting evidence of conservation values intended for preservation. Contains the actual conveyance of easement interest, the length and terms. Determines rights, permitted uses, reservations and restrictions which govern use of land; a negotiated section which is the force and substance of the easement. Costs of maintenance, insurance, taxes, assessments and liabilities to be assumed by grantor and grantee. Statement on the incorporation of the easement in subsequent deeds wherein title is transferred. Provision for forfeit of easement by grantee to another qualified holder. States that grantee will hold easement exclusively for conservation purposes and will only transfer for the same purposes. Statement that easement is culmination of complete agreement among the parties of all oral and written discussions. Statement that if any of the provisions are declared invalid the remaining provisions remain in "full force". Statement pertaining to liability for costs related to easement enforcement. Statement that grantee has easements for use for stated term and that grantor plus all successors shall be bound for stated term. Signatures, date and supporting evidence (i.e., witness, notary, approval of governing body). Any support documents, maps, photos, scientific reports should be attached as numbered exhibits. 1. 2. 10. Executory Limitation 11. Assignment 12. Integration 13. Severability 14. Costs of Enforcement 15. Habendum Clause 16. Date, Signatures, and Acknowledgement 17. Exhibits Adapted from: Thomas S. Barrett and Putnam Livermore (1983) THE CONSERVATION EASEMENT IN CALIFORNIA., Coveio, CA: Island Press. �328 BIBLIOGRAPHY Barrett, Thomas S. and Putnam Livermore (1983) The Conservation Easement in California. Covelo, CA: Island Press. Burggraf, Frank (1986) "The Parkway — A Uniquely American Construct—Is It Obsolete?" in Barry M. Buxton and Steven M. Beatty (eds.) Blue Ridge Parkway: Agent of Transition. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press. Champion, Richard II. and Dennis L. Soden (1987) "Planning Process and the National Park Services: Boundary Review of The Blue Ridge Parkway," Working Papers in Public Administration. No. 87-1, Boone, NC: Appalachian State University. Christie, Donna R. (1985) Florida Coastal Law and Policy: Cases and Readings. Gainesville, FL: Florida Sea Grant College. Conservation Law Foundation (1976) Conservation Restrictions. Conservation Law Foundation of New England. Daugherty, Arthur (1978) Open Space Preservation: Federal Tax Policies Encouraging Donation of Conservation Easements. Washington, D.C.: United States Department of Agriculture, Economics, Statistics, and Cooperative Services. Jarvis, T. Destry (1982) "Adjacent Lands and Intermingled Ownership Problems" in Eugenia H. Connally (ed.) National Parks In Crisis. Washington, D.C.: National Parks and Conservation Association. Kinnamon, David (1980) "Tax Incentives for SensibleLand. Use Through Gifts of Con- Parkways Conference Proceedings servation Easements", in Real Property Problems and Trial Journal. 15 Knight, Robert and Nancy Dye (1981) "Attorney's Guide to Montana Conservation Easements" in Montana Law Review. 42: 21. Kundell, James E. and S. Wesley Woolf (1986) Georgia Wetlands: Trends and Policy Options. Athens. GA: Carl Vinson Institute of Government. Reitze Jr., Arnold W. (1974) Environmental Planning: Law of Land and Resources. Washington, D.C.: North American International. Roe, Charles (1976) "Innovative Techniques to Preserve Rural Land Resources" in Environmental Affairs. 5:419. Schroeder, William (1971) "Preservation and Control of Open Space in Metropolitan Areas," in Indiana Legal Forum. 345. The Conservation Foundation (1985) National Parks for a New Generation: Visions. Realities and Prospects. Washington, D.C.: The Conservation Foundation. Thomas, Alexander (1975) "Transfers of Land to the State for Conservation Purposes: Methods, Guarantees and Tax Analysis for Prospective Donors: in Ohio State Law Journal. 36: 545. U.S. Department of Commerce, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Office of Coastal Management (1978^ The Use of Less-Than-Fee-Simple Acquisition as a Land Management Tool for Coastal Programs. Summary Review. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. �329 The Problem of Regulating Development in the N.C. Mountains Along the Blue Ridge Parkway William G. Smith, N.C. Dept. of Natural Resources and Community Development, Division of Community Assistance, Winston-Salem, N.C. Western North Carolina today is faced with a major irony: The beauty that makes the mountains so attractive is in danger of being destroyed by that attractiveness. These mountains — through which the Blue Ridge Parkway runs — have long been a favorite vacation spot and are rapidly becoming a place for people to spend their retirement years. Therein lies the irony. What makes the mountains so popular is, in large part, their vast unspoiled scenic beauty. Inevitably, however, as more people are attracted to the mountains, they become less attractive. People do not want to move to the mountains so that they can look out the window at a neighboring high-rise condominium. The consequence of this was underscored several years ago when high-rise condominiums were built atop Sugar Mountain in Avery County. The project ultimately led to a statewide Ridge Law but not until after the project was built. The condominiums have no doubt brought in some additional tourist dollars by providing luxurious accommodations with an unsurpassed — and now unique — view, but they have left a permanent mark on the landscape. (The condos enjoy a monopoly due to their status as the only such ridge top development in North Carolina.) BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY PRESERVATION The Blue Ridge Parkway is perhaps the best example of mountain preservation. Thanks to the foresight of our fathers' generation, the unspoiled beauty and natural areas along the Parkway will hopefully be protected for generations to come. The Parkway is protected in a variety of ways. The federal government owns about 87,000 acres in Virginia and North Carolina. Within this property, some 4,500 acres are in an agri- cultural special-use program which allows former owners to continue the agricultural usage of land through a permit system. This program is intended to maintain pastoral scenes along the highway. Another 2,062 acres along the Parkway (1,115 in Virginia and 947 in North Carolina) are in scenic easements which restrict the use of land, but allow individuals to maintain ownership. In North Carolina, Parkway ownership by the federal government or easements average about 115 acres per mile. In Virginia the average is about 100 acres. (A recently published long-range plan for the Parkway recommends that the average acreage per mile in both states be increased to 125.)1 But what about the land around the Parkway? Obviously it would never be practical or economically healthy for all mountain land to be controlled to the extent the Parkway lands are. Most communities must grow to survive. Too many people have had to leave their native mountains in search of employment. Second-home development and tourism have provided a much needed boost to the mountain economy. According to the State Division of Travel and Tourism, 21 percent of the local labor force in Watauga County work in tourist-related jobs, 5 percent in Ashe and 10 Percent in Alleghany.2 Construction and other related industries as well as service industries have also grown with the increase hi development. But, in my opinion, local officials must look more seriously at the need for some controls. Nearby mountain land is generally uncontrolled and poor development standards are creating many problems directly affecting mountain life. The unregulated development may lead to serious economic and environmental consequences in the future. As community planner with the Division �330 of Community Assistance in the Department of Natural Resources and Community Development, I have worked for the past 14 years with the planning programs in Watauga, Ashe, Alleghany and Wilkes counties—the counties in Northwest North Carolina through which the Blue Ridge Parkway runs. In the past three years, I have been specifically involved in Ashe and Alleghany counties with subdivision regulations. I have seen the changes—both good and bad — that development is bringing to the mountains and at the same time heard the arguments against environmental regulations. STATE & LOCAL REGULATIONS IN WESTERN N.C. The State of North Carolina has taken steps to protect development in the past. In 1973 the state adopted a Sedimentation Pollution Control Act that requires control of sediment runoff from all land disturbing activities on sites of more than one acre. Sedimentation from streams, lakes and other waters constitutes a major pollution problem. This act provides for the "creation, administration, and enforcement of a program for the adoption of minimal mandatory standards that will permit development of this State to continue with the least detrimental effects from pollution by sedimentation."3 In 1983 in response to the high-rise condominium project on Sugar Mountain in Avery County, the State of North Carolina adopted its Ridge Law to regulate developments on mountain ridges over 3,000 ft. high. Specifically, the law allows counties and towns to regulate the construction of tall buildings or structures (over 40 ft. high) on protected mountain ridges.4 In many of the counties through which the Parkway passes in Western North Carolina, the state regulations provide the only control of development. The incorporated towns within the region have zoning ordinances, but few land-use controls exist in the less populated county areas - the land where large future developments will most likely be built. Most of the counties do not enforce comprehensive land- Parkways Conference Proceedings use regulations. None have county-wide zoning and only two have subdivision regulations. Controlling development is particularly important to protect the Parkway in the Northwest corner of the western mountains because most of the lands adjoining the Parkway are in private ownership while in the other far western counties national forest lands serve as a buffer. Also, development has been more difficult in the far western counties because the terrain is steeper. The problems with mountain development have been apparent for many years. One of my first assignments in 1973 was to meet with the Ashe County Planning Board to discuss the benefits and limitations of the proposed Mountain Area Management Act (MAMA) which was being considered by the N.C. General Assembly. It was written out of concern for the type of development that was occurring in the mountains. It failed to pass, but a similar program on the coast (the Coastal Area Management Act) was enacted. With funds from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development's 701 planning grant program, land-use studies were prepared for Watauga, Ashe, Alleghany, and Wilkes counties. Implementation of these reports' recommendations have varied among the northwest counties. Watauga and Wilkes counties have done the most toward implementing these recommendations. Both enforce subdivision regulations and floodplain ordinances. Watauga enforces its own sedimentation ordinance. Wilkes enforces a limited area zoning ordinance around North Wilkesboro and Wilkesboro and the KenScott Dam Reservoir. Ashe County adopted a mobile home ordinance in 1973 and a floodplain ordinance in 1977, but does not enforce either zoning or subdivision regulations. Alleghany does not enforce any of the traditional land-use controls such as subdivision regulations or zoning. TRENDS IN MOUNTAIN DEVELOPMENT Not surprisingly while local controls have been slow in receiving approval, development �V. Management—Smith has been increasing. Watauga was the first of the counties to experience the affects of secondhome and tourist-related development. Although Blowing RockinWataugaandLinvilleinAvery County had been popular second-home communities for many years, it was not until the 1960s and early 1970s that the market began to expand throughout the counties. Although the gas shortage of the mid1970s slowed development temporarily, the demand for mountain property today is as great as it ever was with development spreading into Ashe, Alleghany and Wilkes counties. In Ashe County alone, between 1982 and 1986,190 new subdivisions were recorded in the register of deeds office. Most were in the townships near the New River and the Parkway.5 In Alleghany County the scale of development has not been as great as in Ashe or Watauga The Roaring Gap development near the Parkway and Stone Mountain State Park has prospered for many years and several new developments have occurred along the New River. Recently the Fred Willard family property on the New River and the Glade School site near the Parkway were subdivided and sold at auction; both properties contained several hundred acres each. Wilkes is also experiencing new secondhome development in its northeast comer near Stone Mountain State Park and in the northwest corner near Elk Creek. Both areas are near the Parkway. PROBLEMS WITH MOUNTAIN DEVELOPMENT Uncontrolled development has, in many cases, contributed to turning dreams of a mountain home into nightmares. The mountain environment is very delicate. When excavation and construction are not done properly, many problems can occur. An elderly Greensboro couple, for example, purchased a lot in a development near the Creston Community in Ashe County in 1979 for $4,000 but sold it a few years later for one hundred dollars just to get rid of it because of numerous problems with access roads. 331 The steep dirt roads up the mountain were rutted by erosion and the developer did not repair them. In 1982 a new road was cut because the original was too steep. The new road cut off a large portion of the couple's lot and made it too small to build on. For them it was easier to quit than fight the matter in court.6 POORLY DESIGNED SUBDIVISIONS Mountain people call the rocky mountain terrain that is almost too steep to walk on "mulefaced property." But people who do not know the dangers in mountain development have been attracted to this land because of the scenic view. Unfortunately, much mountain property is not acceptable for development. Or, if the property is usable, site preparation may cost three, four or more times that of normal development. According to Gerald Elliot, Ashe County's sanitarian, some developments have been built on steep hillsides that do not have enough topsoil to support septic tank systems. Others have been built or planned on expensive riverbottom land in floodplains with high-water tables. Still other developments have lots that are too small or in the wrong configuration. Although there is no perfect lot size or shape, certain principles need to be followed.7 In one 20-acre subdivision near Grumpier in Ashe County, only three building sites were found to be suitable for a septic tank system.8 SUBSTANDARD ROADS Another majorproblem occurs whenroads are not properly built. Many developers of new subdivisions in the mountain counties prefer private roads rather than public ones that must be built to state standards. Although minimizing the impact on the environment is given most often as the reason for private roads, the primary reason is often money. TheN.C.DepartmentofTransportationrequires 50 foot rights-of-way, paved surfaces at least 18-feet wide with grades not exceeding 12 percent. A typical private road is built of 2 or 3 �332 inches of crushed stone, is about 12-feet wide and has a grade often exceeding the state limit.9 Many are so narrow that only one car can pass at a time. Under normal circumstances, these roads are bad enough, but when an emergency occurs and fire trucks or ambulances can not get through, life and property are threatened. Last winter a family living in Daniel's Daughter development in Ashe County faced this problem firsthand. Their home was destroyed by fire when pumper trucks could not get to their property because access roads were impassable. The West Jefferson fire chief expressing the frustration of the firefighters, was quoted as saying, "That's a perfect example of what they're saying about subdivision regulations. You can't get in; you can't get out; you can't do anything." Ironically this house was only 75 feet from the New River.10 Because roads deteriorate quickly in the mountains, maintenance is critical. But private roads are not maintained by the Department of Transportation. Although the North Carolina General Statutes require developers to warn buyers through disclosure statements that they are responsible for road maintenance, the property owners are the ones who are left with the cost of upkeep. If a homeowners' association is formed and all the property owners are required to pay an annual maintenance fee, funds may be available to cover maintenance costs. But in many cases, these associations do not exist. At a planning board meeting in Ashe County, a resident of one of the older subdivisions told a story that is representative of many others. He and his wife bought a lot in a subdivision several years ago. Initially, the house was planned as a summer home, but when he retired, the house became a permanent residence. As the development gets older, road maintenance has become more expensive. There is no home owners' association requiring a maintenance fee.11 For many who only visit occasionally, this is not a major problem. As a result, only about 30 percent of the property owners pay for road maintenance. Since this generates only enough funds to keep the roads passable, no significant Parkways Conference Proceedings upgrading of the road systems has occurred. Often residents will pave the part of a road in front of their home, while other sections are left graveled. By far the worst situation is when no roads are provided by the subdivider. Land in Ashe and Alleghany can be divided into lots with 50 ft. rights-of-way drawn on the plat and sold to individuals. Except for the survey work, no improvements have to be done to the property. The subdivider takes his money and leaves the site improvements to the property owners. Roads should be installed before lots are sold. Often during construction, roads have to be shifted to avoid problems such as underground rock. When this happens lot lines may need to be shifted. Re-platting lots that have been sold is very difficult once control of the entire tract has been given up. ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS The uncontrolled development that has already taken place in North Carolina's mountains has left its mark and will have a significant impact on the natural environment for generations to come. Roads and home sites that are not properly stabilized will allow soils to be washed into streams and rivers and destroy much of the aquatic life. A 1985 study by the N.C. Division of Environmental Management stated that sedi ment is the major pollutant of the New River. While overall, the River has one of the better biological ratings in the state, the study says that the growing development of vacation and retirement homes will impact on water quality.12 ECONOMIC LOSS Another problem with improper development is the economic loss. Poorly designed subdivisions are generally not successful. Not only do the subdivider and property owners lose, but less successful subdivisions also cost the counties money in both tourist and tax dollars. The natural beauty of the mountains is their greatest asset. If the countryside is scarred �V. Management—Smith with poor development, people will not come to visit or live. This economic benefit will be diverted elsewhere.This is important since tourism is important to these mountain counties. In unsuccessful subdivisions new homes are not built and put on county tax rolls or units are abandoned, reducing their tax value. Then, too, with current land development practices, many subdivisions are not taxed according to their true value. Without subdivision regulations in Ashe and Alleghany counties, there is no control of how the property is listed for taxes. This is how it works: When a subdivision plat or individual lots are recorded, the register of deeds office changes the property's designation from acreage to lots. A tax assessor examines the property, and it is almost always taxed at a higher rate. Since there are no legal restrictions, a subdivider will begin selling lots before any plats are recorded. If he uses land-purchase agreements, no plat needs to be recorded until all the payments have been made. The result is that the improved property is not taxed as lots for several years and the county suffers a large tax loss. OBSTACLES TO LAND-USE CONTROLS With all of the problems of uncontrolled development, why are there so few regulations? Don't the elected officials see the inherent problems? Elected officials are aware of the problems, but implementing local ordinances is a very difficult political decision. Several issues are involved: • Mountain people have a long tradition of self-reliance and distrust for government intervention. The Scot-Irish ancestry has produced an independent people who are accustomed to handling their own problems. • Another obstacle to local regulations is a concern over limiting the division of property among family members. Mountain farms are of ten passed do wn from generation to generation. Subdi- 333 • • • • vision ordinances would require family divisions to meet the same standards as any other subdivision. A farmer with a 100-acre tract can give a son or daughter an acre or two lot without creating a legal subdivision. However, a division of more than two lots wouldfall under subdivision regulations. Many people do not believe that this is right. Often expressed among critics of subdivision regulations is a need to exempt smaller projects of 10 lots or less. They argue that following procedures for development as required by subdivision ordinances is too costly for small developers and eliminates many local developers who have land but little capital. Any new development standard will mean additional costs to the developer. A realtor speaking against proposed subdivision regulations in Ashe County calculated that to meet the proposed development standards the development cost of a typical subdivision would triple.13 Administrative costs to the county are also a concern, particularly to local elected officials. In a time of cutbacks in federal funding and increased financial demands on local government, counties are reluctant to take on new responsibilities. Larry South, Ashe County manager, has estimated that it costs the county approximately $20,000 to support an administrative officer. Even if a fee schedule is established, it would be difficult for a subdivision regulation program to generate enough income to be self-supporting.14 Critics of subdivision regulations contend that enough environmental programs are already in existence: The government would be better off enforcing the programs it already has on the books. �334 REASONS FOR REGULATIONS These arguments have merit and have been used successfully for years to block regulations in the mountains. But the public needs to be more aware of the total picture. Mountain Ethics County zoning and subdivision regulations ensure local control in the truest sense. While based on state statutes, the ordinances that have been proposed were designed by planning boards of local citizens. These ordinances would be administered by local people who are directly responsible to their elected officials. On the other hand, if the development problem becomes too severe or is ignored, the N.C. General Assembly may step in and mandate that certain regulations be passed. This sentiment was expressed by former state representative Margaret "Pinky" Hayden, who sponsored the Ridge Law several years ago. At a meeting of the Blue Ridge Environmental Defense League in Glendale Springs (Ashe County), she said: Local government can handle it (land-use regulations) less expensively and local folks mil take care of their own problems if they are motivated to do it. Often a move in Raleigh provides the motivation}5 Family Exclusion There are many problems with excluding land divided within a family. First, what is a family? Would an exclusion be limited to parents and their children? Or would it include second cousins? Should there be a cap on the number of lots that can be created? Within the past year a "family subdivision" with more than 50 lots was reported in Ashe County. An elderly woman divided her farm among nine children and their children. Since some of the heirs live out of state, they will probably sell their lots to non-family members, so in the future many unrelated families will probably live there.16 The subdivision of land must follow the same rules, whether or not the dividers are relatives. Parkways Conference Proceedings Exemption for Small Subdivisions The General Statutes of North Carolina define a subdivision and provide for certain exclusions. When small subdivisions are excluded under all circumstances, a major loophole is created hi the ordinance. For example, if 10-lot subdivisions are regulated, a subdivider can create a 9-lot subdivision and then sell the remaining land to someone else to create another subdivision the same size or smaller. An example of circumventing regulations can be seen in Ashe County where several adjoining subdivisions have been built containing 49 lots or less. This was apparently done to avoid requirements imposed by the State of Florida on any subdivision marketed to Florida residents whether the land is in Florida or not. Since their regulations only apply to subdivisions with 50 lots or more, the developers in Ashe County have avoided the regulations. Fragmenting the development process undermines the basic intent of subdivision regulations, which is to develop land in a comprehensive and coordinated fashion. Adding Cost to New Development New standards will impose a short-term increase in costs on the developer and ultimately to the property owner. But the costs will be less in the long-term. Redoing mistakes is more expensive than doing it right the first time. Then too, quality developments do sell. Subdivisions with well designed roadways and lots with approved septic tank systems are in great demand. River Mountain Subdivision on the New River in Alleghany County is a good illustration. The owners built a quality subdivision. Although each lot costs several thousand dollars more than the average county lot, they have sold quickly. Except in a few cases local enforcement programs are not self-supporting operations and neither is the local educational system. Protecting local resources is a responsibility of local governments. Other Regulatory Programs The state Land Quality Division does en- �V. Management—Smith force a number of regulatory programs affecting subdivisions, including the N.C. Sedimentation Pollution Control Act. Any land disturbing activities on more than one acre must get an approved sedimentation plan from this division. In order to stabilize the disturbed land, the Land Quality staff recommends development standards, but these are not mandatory. Douglas Miller, regional engineer in the Winston-Salem Field Office whose jurisdiction includes Ashe and Allegheny counties, explained, "The guidelines (Sedimentation Pollution Control Act) address control of runoff when one or more acres are graded. They do not address paving, road width, road grading, lot sizes, or accessibility of emergency vehicles, or anything like that."17 CONCLUSLON Mountain residents are faced with a major dilemma. Do they continue living as they have for generations holding to the apparent belief that land-use should not be regulated? Or do they realize their roles as stewards of the land and look to protecting their property for future generations? Hugh Morton, the developer of Grandfather Mountain, gave a warning recently that should be considered carefully. "There are people who don't care about the mountains the same way we do and unless we make some rules and regulations, we're in trouble."18 There is some evidence that the public is becoming more aware. A recent study conducted for Ashe County by the Appalachian State University School of Business indicated that county residents are concerned about growth and were willing to accept some types of landuse controls, such as zoning.19 Maybe this is a sign that some of the obstacles to good planning can be overcome. The mountain counties must take the responsibility to ensure that future problems due to poor development do not occur. This decision will affect generations to come along the Blue Ridge Parkway. 335 NOTES 1. Land Protection Plan Virginia and North Carolina. Blue Ridge Parkway. The National Park Service, p. 18. 2. N.C. Department of Commerce, Division of Travel and Tourism. 3. "Sedimentation Pollution Control Act of 1973," North Carolina General Statutes. Chapter 113 A, Article 4. 4. "Mountain Ridge Protection Act of 1983," North Carolina General Statutes. Chapter 113 A, Article 14. 5. Ashe County Register of Deeds Office, Jefferson, N.C. 6. Bill Mcllwain, "Mountain Getaway A Horror," Winston-Salem Journal. February, 1986. 7. Charles Peek, "Mule-Faced Projects Cost AIL" Jefferson Times. May 22,1986, p.l. 8. Ibid. 9. Subdivision Roads Minimum Construction Standards. N.C. Department of Transportation, Division of Highways, (1983), 10. frustrated Firefighters Watch House Bum." Jefferson Times. March 5,1987. 11. Ashe County Planning Board Meeting, Jefferson, N.C. (June 1986). 12. Assessment of Surface Water Quality in North Carolina. N.C. Department of Natural Resources and Community Development, Division of Environmental Management, (May 1985), p.133. 13. Susan Van Wyk, "Subdivision Regulations Will Stop Development," The Skyland Post. April 30,1986, p.l. 14. Interview with Larry South, September 1986. 15. D. Smith, "Hayden Opposes Nuke Waste, Erosion Issues." Mountain Times. July 19, 1984, p.8. 16. Files of North Carolina Department of Natural Resources and Community Development, Division of Land Quality, Winston-Salem Field Office. �336 17. Lynn Worth, "Group Risks Compromise on Subdivision Rules," Jefferson Times. April 28,1986. p.l. 18. "We Must Protect Mountains." The Skvland Post. June 4,1986, p.l. 19. Dr. Rickey C. Kirkpatrick and Dr. B.J. Dunlap. Land-Use Planning in Ashe County: A Statistical Study of Residents* Attitudes. Appalachian State University, Boone, N.C. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ashe County Planning Board Meeting. Jefferson, N.C. (June 1986). Ashe County Register of Deeds Office. Jefferson, N.C. Assessment of Surface Water Quality in North Carolina. N.C. Department of Natural Resources and Community Development, Division of Environmental Management. (May 1985), 133. "Frustrated Firefighters Watch House Bum." Jefferson Times. (March 5,1987). Kirkpatrick, Rickey C. and Dunlap, B.J. LandUse Planning in Ashe County: A Statistical Study of Residents* Attitudes. Appalachian State University, Boone, N.C. Land Protection Plan Virginia and North Carolina. Blue Ridge Parkway. The National Park Service, 18. Mcllwain, Bill. "Mountain Getaway AHorror." Winston-Salem Journal. (February, 1986). Parkways Conference Proceedings Miller, Douglas, regional engineer with the Department of Natural Resources and Community Development, Division of Land Quality. Interview. (March 23,1986). "Mountain Ridge Protection Act of 1983." North Carolina General Statutes. Chapter 113A. Article 14. N.C. Department of Commerce. Division of Travel and Tourism. N.C. Department of Natural Resources and Community Development, Division of Land Quality. Winston-Salem Field Office. Files. Peek, Charles. "Mule-FacedProjects Cost All." Jefferson Times. (May 22,1986), 1. "Sedimentation and Pollution Control Act of 1873." N.C. General Statutes. Chapter 113 A. Article 4. Smith, D. "Hayden Opposes Nuke Waste, Erosion Issues." Mountain Times. (July 19, 1984), 6. South, Larry. Interview. (September 1986). Subdivision Roads Minimum Construction Standards. N.C. Department of Transportation. Division of Highways. (1983) Van Wyk, Susan. "Subdivision Regulations Will Stop Development." The Skvland Post (April 30,1986), 1. "We Must Protect Mountains." The Skvland Posl.(June4,1986), 1. Worth, Lynn. "Group Risks Compromise on Subdivision Rules." Jefferson Times. (April 28,1986), 1. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Parkways: Past, Present and Future Description An account of the resource <span>The Second Biennial Linear Parks Conference was held in Roanoke, Virginia, 1987. The conference featured keynote addresses by Harrold Eidsvik on parkways in Canada's National Park System and by John B. Slater on the American Society of Landscape Architects'view of parkways. Also highlighting the conference were Gary Everhardt's presentation "Blue Ridge Parkway: Sensitivity, Vision, and Design" and H. Bern Ewert's discussion of the 5,000 acre river greenway and parkway in Roanoke, Virginia called EXPLORE.<br /></span><br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1M5WxpMJ0OWLACGCtjGik17P2i5annu5F/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642147/parkways-greenways-riverways/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Parkways--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Greenways--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Park districts--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. Proceedings of the Second Biennial International Linear Parks Conference 1987 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Conference proceedings Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4782167/roanoke.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm Roanoke (Va.) Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/0aa42899c2bcab2c69303e50aae51eef.pdf 4fd55749521c57c91071573f65f10947 PDF Text Text �Proceedings of the SIXTH BIENNIAL CONFERENCE September 9-11, 1995 Blacksburg, Virginia "Partnerships 8c Sustainability" Appalachian Consortium Press Boone, North Carolina 28608 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1995 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4196-6 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4199-7 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Contents America's Long-Distance Trails: Corridors of Opportunity Steven Elkinton 4 Managing the Visual Resource Quality of a Scenic Park Christopher D. Jones and William E. Hammitt 10 Congress and the Establishment of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, 1926-1934 Philip A. Grant, Jr. 16 National Parkways: A Demonstration of Sustainable Design and Management Michael Mastrota 19 Keynote Address M. Rupert Cutler 25 The Spring Creek Corridor: A Conceptual Linear Open Space Plan for an Emerging Metropolitan Region Thomas G. Yahner, Timothy R Johnson, Neil P. Korostoff and A. Mark Battaglia 31 Establishing a Link Between Interpreting the Evolution of a Landscape and Landscape Management Practices Terry L. Clements 45 Synecoloties, Greenway Planning and the Pursuit of Synergies Kenneth R. Tamminga 50 Land Use Guidance System: A Participatory Method to Achieving Sustainable Growth and Development Susan M. Smith and Stefanie Mixon 69 �4 America's Long-Distance Trails: Corridors of Opportunity by Steven Elkinton, National Park Service, Washington, DC ABSTRACT Since 1968, 19 federally-administered national scenic and historic trails have been established. They range greatly in length, impact, use levels, and popular support. Some are well known (Appalachian Trail, Oregon Trail, Santa Fe Trail) and are catalysts for proven economic benefits to local economies, conservation of related resources, and enduring public-private partnerships. Others (such as the Trail of Tears, Overmountain Victory Trail, and Florida Trail) are less well known, but have the potential for significant impact in future years. This presentation will outline the current components of the National Trails System, key issues which face both managers and the public along these trails, and research concerning these trails. Of special note will be a current study by North Carolina State University on developing a methodology for assessing the economic impacts of long-distance trails. In seeking self-sustaining mechanisms to perpetuate and protect these trails, similar programs - such as scenic byways and national heritage corridors - will also be referenced. The conclusion will address the issue of sustaining partnerships - what can be learned from the cumulative experience among these trails about enduring citizen action linked to government trail programs. How might these partnerships be affected by recent political changes? What can both sides in a partnership do to sustain their long-term attention and commitment? National trails have been a great laboratory for this work for the past quarter century. INTRODUCTION How many of you have ever knowingly travelled on a national trail? How many of you knew that there existed today a National Trails System? That it touches all but 6 states? That it includes 19 trails and totals more than 35,000 miles in combined length? It is my privilege, working in the National Park Service in Washington, B.C., to help coordinate federal involvement in these trails under the authorities of the National Trails System Act. It was a farsighted act, 27 years ago, using the Appalachian Trail as a model, and creating these trails from the start as partnerships. During the life of the National Trails System Act - an Act which encouraged all kinds of partnerships: federal-state, federal-private, state-local, trail-to-trail, etc. - good examples can be gleaned for students of sustainable partnerships. Today I would like you to join me on a tour of America's national scenic trails (NSTs) and national historic trails (NHTs) and then talk together about some of the sustainable partnership models which have been created to sup port them, and some of the issues which may discourage or encourage such longterm, resource-based partnerships. COMPONENTS I would like to quickly present these trails as a continuum of the history of transportation and settlement in North America. In 1775, the Spanish governor of an obscure outpost in what is now southern Arizona persuaded the Spanish �5 crown to allow him to try and find and colonize the fabled inland sea behind the Golden Gate. Hence the Juan Bautista deAnzaNHT commemorates the Spanish colonization of the San Francisco Presidio. It was established as an NHT in 1990. In 1780, during the American Revolution, frontier settlers heading towards Cumberland Gap the Overmountain Patriots and pushed back the British militia at the Battle of Kings Mountain (leading eventually to British surrender at Yorktown). Today the 300-mile long Overmountain Victory NHT, stretching from Abingdon, Virginia, through Tennessee and Northern Carolina into South Carolina is the only historic trail along which is held a full re-tracement every year. Once the new American Republic was up and running, Thomas Jefferson appointed his two trustworthy aids to explore the newly acquired Louisiana Purchase. During the years 1804 to 1806 the Lewis and Clark Voyage of Discovery followed mostly water routes from Saint Louis to the Pacific Coast. This route became one of the first national historic trails established when this category was added to the Act in 1978. Although it existed for centuries as an Indian trail connecting the Chickasaw and Choctaw Nations to the Mississippi and Tennessee Rivers, and was later used throughout the colonial period, I peg the Natchez Trace NST at 1815 because this was the year that General Andrew Jackson defeated the British at the Battle of New Orleans after marching his troops south on the old Natchez Trace. Today this route is commemorated as a national parkway and remnant trail segments are being restored for hiking and horseback use. In 1821 Mexico achieved its independence and the Santa Fe Trail was opened. A tri-cultural trail: Anglo, Spanish, and Native American,it remained in use until supplanted by the railroad in 1888 and was established as a national historic trail in 1987. In 1837 the U.S. government carried out a forced evacuation of the Cherokee Nation from the southern Appalachian Mountains to what is now Oklahoma. Those routes of evacuation are now commemorated by the Trail of Tears NHT. Once gold was discovered in northern Georgia, the evacuation took place over four different routes, two of which are part of the official trail, established in 1987. The next four trails form an overlapping network all pouring up the Platte River from the Missouri and though the only known wagon crossing of the Rockies at South Pass, Wyoming Territory. In 1841-3 the Oregon Trail was opened. It was also one of the first NHTs established. In 1846 and 1847 Mormons, hounded from the settled eastern states, moved west on what is now marked as the Mormon Pioneer NHT. Today it is the most complete of the NHTs due in large part to network of signs and visitor centers already established by the Mormon Church. In 1849 gold was discovered in California and thousands of gold seekers poured across the country on what is known today as the 5600-mile California NHT. It follows many routes between the Missouri River and the Sierra Nevada Mountains and was established as a NHT in 1992. At the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, the Pony Express was set up as the nation's first overland transcontinental mail service. It only lasted 18 months before going bankrupt and being supplanted by railroads, but has captured the American imagination ever since and was established as a national trail in 1992. �6 The NezPerceNHT commemorates the tragic flight in 1877 of the Nez Pence people who refused to be placed on a reservation. After a summer of pursuit by the U.S. Cavalry, it ended in defeat for the Non-Treaty Nez Perce at the Battle of Bears Paw Mountains where Chief Joseph's spoke eloquent words of surrender, "From where the sun now stands, I will fight no more forever." From 1890 to 1920 what is now the Iditarod NHT developed during the Alaska gold rush period. Today known internationally for the annual dog sled races held each winter, it is managed by the Bureau of Land Management. Conceived in 1921, fully laid out by 1935, and established in 1968 as one of America's first two national trails, the Appalachian NST has cost taxpayers $175 million in federal land protection to buffer the 2,158-mile trail corridor from damaging threats. The "AT" is considered the "flagship" of the National Trails System. The other national trail established in 1968 is the Pacific Crest NST. inspired in the 1930s as a western version of the AT. Fully laid out in 1960s, the land protection program was completed by the Forest Service and BLM in 1993. It is the first national trail to be "completed." In 1978 the Continental Divide NST was established, inspired by the AT and PCT. About 1/3 completed. It offers perhaps the most challenging altitudes and terrain of any of the national trails. Trail enthusiasts in Colorado are working hard to build up a volunteer and financial base for this trail. In 1980 the North Country NST was established, tying together eight national forests in seven states across the Great Lakes Region. Established in 1980, it modelled closely on the AT and is now about 40% completed. Also in 1980 the establishment of the Ice Age NST formalized a 25-year old dream of Wisconsinites to preserve the morainal edge of the glacial landscape of Wisconsin. With strong state government support, it is well on its way to becoming a unique landscape corridor, now about 35% complete as a trail. In 1983 the Florida NST was established, another 1000-mile trail limited to one state. It has become the centerpiece to an innovative statewide greenways program throughout Florida. If any of you travel to Florida and wish to hike or volunteer sometime building trails, the Florida Trail Association would like to hear from you. The last of the current list of national trails was also established in 1983, the Potomac Heritage NST. The idea for this trail started with President and Ladybird Johnson and their love of the Potomac River. It has always been a "topdown" trail and has never enjoyed much constituency support. Today, the Potomac River Greenway Coalition is likely to carry out the original vision of this "trail." ISSUES As you can see from the variety of stories and resources associated with these trails that they are a mixed lot. Indeed, my impression of them after six years in the program is that they are complicated, involving many issues which face park managers. In addition, each relies on a network of partnerships which are sometimes difficult to sustain. From the public's perspective, many of these trails are hard to find. Publicity about them is skimpy. Many trail sites are poorly marked. Sometimes the trails organizations seem more like a private club than a public service. Many people offer to volunteer to help these trails, and without that volunteer help, the trails would languish. How- �7 ever, many groups do not know how to hold and attract volunteers. One true volunteer success story is the Appalachian Trail Conference's ability to bring almost 150,000 volunteer hours forward every year! The point of view of local towns and landowners may be ambivalent. On one hand they are interested in increased visibility and tourism, on the other, nervous about new people showing up and messing things up. Landowners, especially in the West, are reluctant to open trail sites up to the public. Many communities do not even know that special trails thread through their midst and scrape them away in the name of development. Often times a gentle educational program by trail managers and supporters can turn a community around. Recently a developer in Boise was prevented from destroying a section of the Oregon Trail, instead turning into a community greenway. Sometimes threats and difficulties become opportunities for everyone to learn something new about their trail resources. Trail enthusiasts are impatient to get on with protecting, celebrating, marking, hiking, and enjoying the trail they love. Many of the other partners may be more reluctant and feel threatened by this passion. In some places "rut nuts" are well respected, others are seen as odd. Around here some long-distance hikers are famous, while others are looked upon as a breed apart. Yet it is this devotion to trails that fires up the trails community and makes it a formidable force. They get frustrated when they see precious and irreplaceable trail resources threatened or lost. Trail lovers tend to focus on the benefits and advantages of trails, not the problems or the complexity. They also tend to stay local. As we say, paraphrasing Tip O'Neill, "All trails are local." Trail managers are often the public servants responsible for holding a trail together - in the case of these, under specific authorities of the National Trails System Act. They may be willing, but have scarce funds. Or maybe they are eager to help, but get stuck in bureaucratic reviews. Several agencies responsible for these trails do not consider them a primary mission. Public servants try to be objective, and therefore, must balance the demands of many types of often-competing groups. Trail issues depend in large part on your perspective. One person's problem is another's opportunity. CURRENT RESEARCH Trails are not a large area for research - not enough corporations can make money off them. However one study is underway in this area looking at the economic impact these trails may have on states and local communities. Based on his outstanding study of the economic impacts of rail-to-trail conversions five years ago, Dr. Roger Moore of North Carolina State University has been brought on by the National Park Service to explore the economic impacts (specifically use and spending patterns) along the Overmountain Victory National Historic Trail just south of here. Field work is underway this summer. Our hope with this study is to both develop a methodology which can be used on any long-distance trail (or heritage corridor, or scenic byway, or national parkway, etc.) for comparative data, and ascertain the specific economic dynamics along the OVNHT itself. Perhaps at the next one of these linear parks conferences Dr. Moore can come with his results. Without ongoing research the trails community is missing out learning a lot about use patterns, user trends, new �8 developments in trail touring and marketing, etc. SIMILAR LONG, SKINNY PARTNERS I have mentioned not only trails, but other long, skinny resource corridors (parkways, scenic byways, heritage corridors, wild and scenic rivers, etc.). What are they? parkways: scenic limited-access roads and highways on public land, scenic byways: any paved road recognized by state (and soon a n a tional) programs for their scenic qualities. heritage corridors: multi-resource corridors recognized and established by Congress with start-up federal involvement, but longterm local management, wild and scenic rivers: river segments recognized for unspoiled v a 1 ues, managed by state or federal agencies. In some cases a corridor may be a little bit of each. An example is the Columbia River Gorge: it includes two national historic trail, a crossing of the Pacific Crest National Scenic trail, a parkway, several scenic byways, an acknowledged heritage corridor, and a pretty wild river. Each of these types of corridor relies on partnerships for a variety of reasons: they cross manyjurisdictions, they involve both government managers and local volunteers, they include a broad diversity of sites and resources, the involve many communities with their specific cultural orientations. If the partnership holding one of these corridors together stumbles, the corridor idea stumbles. I my view, the most important indicator of the success of a resource corridor project is the strength of its partnership organizations. CONCLUSION: WAYS TO NURTURE SUSTAINABLE PARTNERSHIPS So what is needed to sustain healthy partnerships, and what should be avoided to keep them from failing? (We have a wide range of success and failures just in the trails community.) The medicine for healthy partnerships includes excellent (not just good, but excellent) communications among all parties involved. An inspiring example of this is the 400-mile Bay Area Ridge Trail circling San Francisco Bay and crossing 70 jurisdictions. In addition, a partnership organization has to be subtly structured for stability and to minimize the damaging effects of unsuitable egos. Sound board by-laws are extremely important so that everybody involved understands and plays by an accepted set of rules. Poor leadership and bad press can quickly run a vibrant organization. Forgiveness. It is easy to get bent out of shape when your partner does something you didn't expect. Yet some of these partnerships, unlike a marriage, are forever. Differences will always occur. One way to minimize divergence is to periodically build a common vision that all parties agree to as common ground. As a government player I am often troubled by the contrast between the command-and-control hierarchy needed for accountability and pay scales, and the informal teams that get the work done in partnerships. Can government be a full partner, or is it only comfortable when it is in control, scaring away others? I have seen enough excellent examples of enduring partnerships involving government at all levels that I am convinced that it can work. Government brings stability, resources, and expertise. It may lack passion, inventiveness, �9 and risk-taking. This shows to me that any partners have a double responsibility to make it clear what their skills and limits are, and to find out what the skills and limits of the other partners are. I want to end by focussing on an attitude, that when it is present, seems to make miracles happen - be it along trails, or any of the other corridors we're talking about here. When it is twisted, havoc reins. Partnerships must be seen as a relationship of equals, even if it consists of a small citizens group a giant government agency. If it is considered a subordinate relationship by one side or the other, it is likely to fail. The squashed party will grow resentful. I sometimes hear people say, "We don't have enough funds, lets get some partners." I'd rather hear, "We have a problem, who can help us." A partnerships of equals may even mean putting your non-profit partner first. Lots of government people still think that they have ultimate control. They are most comfortable with a mili- tary-style hierarchy. Their partnerships tend to be authoritarian - "Volunteers, here are your assignments." (Implying "We know best, and we have the upper hand.) But more and more people prefer a task force mode of equal partners solving problems together - "Volunteers, how would you like to contribute?" (Acknowledging that everyone's opinions and comments are welcome and will be respected.) Partners to trails partnerships need to be upfront and clear about their expectations, style, and roles, so that misunderstandings about control and "ownership" do not fester. Trails have proven to me that only partnerships equals are sustainable. Thank you Steven Elkinton, Program Leader for National Trails System Programming, Recreation Resources Assistance Division, National Park Service 782 P.O. Box 37127, Wash., D.C. 20013-7127 phone: 202-343-3776 fax: 202-343-3682 �10 Managing the Visual Resource Quality of a Scenic Park Sightseeing From the Pinnacle Overlook: Cumberland Gap National Historical Park Christopher D. Jones, M.S. Candidate William E. Hammitt, Professor, Clemson University, Clemson, SC INTRODUCTION The Pinnacle Overlook of Cumberland Gap National Historical Park receives over 100,000 visitors per year. It serves as the dominant visitation locale, along with the visitor center, within the Park. The primary reason for the visitation to the Pinnacle Overlook is the excellent views it offers visitors of the scenic resources surrounding the Cumberland Gap area. The viewsheds offer visitors distant views of Fern Lake and adjacent forested mountains, as well as near views of historic Middlesboro. In order to manage the quality of any resource, be it water quality, vegetation quality, and/or wildlife quality, the resource must be inventoried and evaluated. Visual resource quality is no exception. To manage the quality of visual resources, it is necessary to inventory the components of the visual resource, and to evaluate their quality. In the case of the visual resource as seen from Pinnacle Overlook, it is necessary to inventory the various viewsheds as seen from the Overlook and to arrive at some measure of their scenic quality. This information becomes useful in managing the existing condition of the visual resource, as well as any potential disturbances to the scenic resources of available viewsheds. Since sightseeing is the dominant activity at the Pinnacle Overlook, any major disturbance to the scenic resources of its viewsheds may impact the quality of visitor experiences to Cumberland Gap, as well as impact the historic and scenic significance of the National Park. It is hypothesized that one of the, if not the most, scenic viewsheds from the Pinnacle Overlook is of Fern Lake and the surrounding forested mountains. Water, in the form of lakes and rivers, is known to be the most preferred of viewsheds in mountainous areas (Noe and Hammitt, 1988). These are critical viewsheds to preserve from major forms of visual impacts. A situation currently exists at Cumberland Gap National Historical Park for development of a coal strip mine within the Fern Lake viewshed. Although the proposed 214 acre mine would be located outside the boundaries of the Park, it would be developed within the Fern Lake viewshed as seen by over 100,000 visitors per year from the Pinnacle Overlook. The potential visual impact of the strip mine on the scenic quality of the Fern Lake viewshed is of concern to the National Park Service. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the visual quality of scenic resources of viewsheds as seen from the Pinnacle Overlook of Cumberland Gap National Historical Park. The project also investigates visitor reaction to a simulated strip mine within the Fern Lake viewshed. METHODS All sampling of visitors occurred at the Pinnacle Overlook of Cumberland �11 Gap National Historical Park. The main from the Pinnacle Overlook. A tripod overlook platform served as the study and 55 mm. lens were used to inventory site for intercepting Pinnacle visitors. the viewsheds. Sampling occurred on-site at the Pinnacle and consisted of 210 respondents RESULTS AND DISCUSSION (completed photoquestionnaires). Only Scenic Resource Quality Ratings visitors over 15 years of age were asked The major purpose of this research to particiwas to inventory and evaluate the scepate, with nic resource quality of landscape one memviewsheds as seen from the Pinnacle ber per Overlook. A landscape viewshed was couple or no defined as the content captured in a more than 55 mm. photograph, taken from the two memviewing point of the Pinnacle Overbers per look platform. On-site visitors to the larger party Pinnacle Overlook were then asked to participatrate 15 representative photographs of Photo #2 ing, in the the landscape viewsheds sample. Sampling ocfor scenic resource quality. curred on the two weekThe percent of responends of October 15 - 16 dents indicating each of the five possible quality and 22-23,1994. Octorating values, and the avber was selected for samerage (mean) ratings for pling because the Fall foliage color season is one each scene, are reported in Table 1. Figures 1 through of the busiest visitation Photo #6 15 also display periods for the Overthe mean quality look, and because there is far less atratings for the mospheric haze at this time, allowing landscapes. for distant views. The average Visitors were asked to rate phoscenic quality rattographs of viewsheds as seen from ings for the 15 the Pinnacle Overlook by use of a photoquestionnaire. Fifteen (15) —Photo#10 viewsheds ranged from a photo-viewsheds, including the Fern low of 2.56 to a Lake viewshed with and without the high of 4.59. Six of the photos had aversimulated mine, were printed into a quesage ratings of 3.99 or higher, indicating tionnaire. Directly below each photothat visitors liked these landscape scenes graph in the questionnaire was a 5-point "quite a bit" to "very much." Only two Likert type scale for visitors to rate the scenes (photo no.6 and 2) had mean ratscenic quality of each viewshed. ings below 3, indicating that visitors liked The 15 photos selected for the these two scenes "a little." For both of photoquestionnaire were generated by these scenes, about 20% of respondents park personnel and Clemson University indicated they did not like the landscapes researchers. The 15 viewsheds selected "at all" (Table 1). Overall, respondents represented a panoramic inventory of rated the scenic resource quality of the distant and mid-ground views as seen �12 viewsheds rather high, with over onenearly identical to photo no. 10. The scene does differ somewhat from photo half of the scenes rated 3.5 or higher on the 1 to 5 rating scale. However, there no. 10 in that more of a mid-ground ridge is prominent in the left portion of were individual scenes that were liked considerably more than others. scene no. 1. The other viewshed with a mean The most liked landscape viewshed quality rating above 4.00 FUNG FUNG (OVERLINE x ~ = ~ 4.59) was photograph no. 10, which was a back(OVERLINE x ~ = ~ 4.19) ~ was photoground view of Fern Lake and surroundgraph no. 5, a background view of a ing mountains. Over 70% of visitors multi-ridged, mountainous landscape. The center of the scene is dissected by a gave this scene a top rating of 5, indicating they liked it very much (Table 1). highway, but is fairly hidden from view by the surrounding forest landscape. Past research in visual resource management has shown that water is a highly The forest preferred element in landscapes, and and mounFern Lake tains in the serves as a scene domistrong fonate the j cal point, highway eleattracting ments. Photo #5 the The viewer's three least attention liked scenes involved landscape Photo #7 when viewsheds dominated by double-laned viewed highways and their associfrom the vantage point of ated landscape construction the Pinnacle Overlook. It (photo nos. 2, 6, 4). In paris the dominant backticular, the extensive reground or distant moval of forest vegetation viewshed present from adjacent to the highways crethe Pinnacle. ates a "highwall" effect when The second most viewed from the Pinnacle Photo #1 liked viewshed Overlook. Nearly 50% of FUNG ~ (OVERLINE x visitors did not ~ = ~ 4.52) ~ like these scenes, was photograph no.7, which was a foreparticularly ground view of a forested, rock ledge scenes no. 2 and near the Pinnacle Overlook platform. 6. The scene also contained an element Viewsheds of of pastoral scenery in the background the towns of of the viewshed. Landmark or unique Middlesboro and Photo #4 features in a landscape are often preCumberland Gap ferred elements. Nearly 70% rated this (photos no. 8 and 11) were liked "somescene a 5. what" (OVERLINE x = 3.23 and 3.16, Photo no. 1 was rated third in qualrespectively). Thus, the scenic resource ity FUNG ~ (OVERLINE x ~ = ~ 4.40) quality of these small town viewsheds ~. It is a background scene of Fern Lake, were rated intermediate between the �13 highly preferred forest-mountainous landscapes and the least preferred highway development landscapes. A final interpretation is needed concernPhoto #8 ing the viewsheds depicted in photographs no. 13, 14, and 15. An attempt was made to simulate a proposed coal strip mine in the Fern Lake viewshed. Photograph no. 14 was a control or unaltered scene. Photograph no. 13 had the coal mine simulated at one level of development and visual presence, while photograph 15 contained the mine at a more prominent level of viPhoto #13 sual presence. Unfortunately, winter scenes were the only photos available at the time of the simulation development, Photo #14 and thus, the three scenes different from the other 12 summer vegetation I photos in the] questionnaire. However, for the Photo #15 purpose of comparing the control photo (#14) with the two levels of mine development, the win- ter scene is the same. Therefore, any difference in scenic quality rating among the three winter scenes of Fern Lake could be attributed to the mine simulations. Examination of the mean ratings for photographs 13,14, and 15 show that scenic quality was highest for the control scene of Fern Lake (photo no. 14, OVERLINE x = 3.83); followed by photo no. 13, (OVERLINE x = 3.42) which included the lower level of mine development; and was lowest for photo no. 15 (OVERLINE x = 3.20), which contained the greatest level of mine stimulated development. Thus, visitor reaction to the stimulated coal mine Photo #11 development in the Fern Lake viewshed varied in a predictable pattern, meaning that scenic resource quality for the viewshed decreased as the coal mining simulation increased. Visitors were evidently reacting to the visual presence of the disturbed area in the simulated photographs, as researchers deliberately did not instruct nor identify for respondents what the simulations represented during the on-site survey. If the simulations had been identified as coal strip mine development, the scenic resource quality ratings for these scenes would have likely been influenced by visitor attitudes toward strip mines. Thus, we did not want to confound the scenic resource quality ratings for viewsheds with attitudinal biases. �14 Table 1. Scenic quality ratings for landscape scenes viewed from the Pinnacle Overlook at Cumberland Gap National Historical Park, 1994 (N - 210). Mean Photo Scenic Number Quality Rating (%)' (OVERLINE x ) Rating 10 7 1 5 3 9 14 12 13 8 15 11 4 6 2' 1 1.4 1.4 0.5 2.4 1.9 2.99 5.2 5.7 7.6 5.7 13.3 11.0 11.4 20.5 22.4 2 1.0 2.9 2.9 2.9 4.8 7.1 8.6 7.6 15.2 20.1 19.5 16.7 17.1 24.3 29.0 3 6.2 7.1 11.9 13.8 23.3 14.3 21.4 18.1 24.8 31.1 23.8 31.1 37.1 29.5 27.6 4 20.5 19.0 25.7 35.7 32.4 40.0 27.6 36.2 26.7 31.1 21.0 27.3 27.1 15.2 12.4 5 71.0 69.5 59.0 45.2 37.6 35.7 37.1 32.4 25.7 12.0 22.4 13.9 7.1 10.5 8.6 4.59 4.52 4.40 4.19 3.99 3.99 3.83 3.82 3.42 3.23 3.20 3.16 3.01 2.71 2.56 Percent of respondents rating each category, where 1 - liked scene not at all, 2 - a little, 3 = somewhat, 4 = quite a bit, 5 = very much. Mean ratings were based on the 5point scale. FIGURES 1 - 15 Average rating values ( FUNG OVERLINE x) and standard deviations (S.D.) for scenic quality (liking) of landscape scenes at Pinnacle Overlook, 1995. Photo 1 Photo 6 Photo 11 Liking Liking Liking FUNG OVERLINE FUNG OVERLINE FUNG OVERLINE x = 4.40 x = 2.71 x = 3.16 S.D.=0.84 S.D=1.25 S.D.=1.19 Photo 2 Liking FUNG OVERLINE x=2.56 S.D.=1.21 Photo 7 Liking FUNG OVERLINE x = 4 52 ' S.D=0.86 Photo 12 Liking YUNC OVERLINE x = 3.82 S.D.-1.14 Photo 3 Liking FUNG OVERLINE x = 3.99 S.D.=0.99 Photo 8 Liking FUNG OVERLINE x = 3.23 S.D.-1.Q8 Photo 13 Liking FUNG OVERLINE x=3.48 SD ' -=L24 Ph0t 4 ° ESS? OVERLINE x=301 S.D=1.09 S£9 ^ OVERLINE x = 3.99 S.D.-1.02 S14 FUNG OVERLIVE x = 3 83 S.D.-1.17 Photo 5 Liking FUNG OVERLINE 3= 4 19 S.D=0.94 Photo 10 L^ng ™M OVERLINE x = 4.59 S.D=0.77 Photo 15 S FUNG OVERLINE x = 3.20 S.D=1.34 Likin �15 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Visual resource management is an important component of comprehensive park management. Also, sightseeing is often a dominant activity among visitors to parks. Such is the case at the Pinnacle Overlook at Cumberland Gap National Historical Park, where people concentrate to view the scenic resources of the surrounding area. However, visual resource management, like any form of resource management, requires that the resource (scenic in this case) be inventoried and its quality evaluated, in order for efficient management to occur. The purpose of this research was to inventory and evaluate the visual quality of the scenic resources of viewsheds as seen from the Pinnacle Overlook of Cumberland Gap National Historical Park. In October of 1994, 210 on-site visitors to the Pinnacle Overlook were surveyed using a photoquestionnaire. Visitors rated 15 photographed, landscape viewsheds for scenic quality, and provided additional information concerning activity use patterns, past use history, and visitor characteristics. Following is a summary of the major results and some conclusions drawn from the study. Inventory and Scenic Resource Quality of Viewsheds The inventory of viewsheds from the Pinnacle Overlook consisted of four major landscape themes: distant views of Fern Lake, and the surrounding forested, mountainous ridges; mid-ground views of forested areas and rock ledges; small-town views of Middlesboro and Cumberland Gap; and viewsheds of highways and roadside landscape. The most scenic viewshed to visitors of Pinnacle Overlook was a view of Fern Lake and the surrounding mountainous landscape. Approximately 70% of visitors give the Fern Lake viewshed the highest rating on the 5-point rating scale used to evaluate scenic quality. The landscape theme rated second in quality was that involving mid-ground views of forests and rock outcrop-ledges. Least in scenic quality were the viewsheds with double-laned highways and associated roadcuts. Based on the data, it is concluded: The Fern Lake viewshed, as seen from the Pinnacle Overlook at Cumberland Gap National Historical Park is the most prominent and scenic visual resource, according to visitors of the area. Effect of Simulated Strip Mine on Scenic Quality The two levels of coal mine development that were simulated in the Fern Lake viewshed decreased the scenic quality ratings for it. The simulations did not decrease scenic quality a large degree, however, the simulation with the greater level of visual prominence did cause the lower ratings in scenic quality. Our preliminary, simulated evaluation of the possible scenic effect of the proposed strip mine near Fern Lake do not allow for drawing any definite conclusions. We can conclude that: The simulated strip mine in the Fern Lake viewshed decreased the scenic resource quality of the viewshed, but it could not be determined from the simulations if the decrease was significant. Christopher D. Jones, M.S. Candidate William E. Hammitt, ProfessorDepartment of Parks, Recreation and Tourism Management Clemson University, Clemson, SC 1995 �16 Congress and the Establishment of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, 1926-1934 Philip A. Grant, Jr., Bronxville, NY On April 14, 1926 Congressman Henry W. Temple of Pennsylvania introduced a bill to establish the Great Smokey Mountains National Park. The Temple Bill also provided for the creation of the Shenandoah National Park in Virginia.1 The Temple Bill was promptly referred to the House Committee on Public Lands, a panel which exercised jurisdiction over national parks. After scrutinizing the bill for more than three weeks, the Public Lands Committee issued a report in favor of its passages.2 A bill identical to the Temple measure was offered on April 23, 1926 by senator Claude A. Swanson of Virginia. The Swanson Bill was co-sponsored by the two senators from North Carolina the two senators from Tennessee.3 The Swanson Biill was immediately submitted to the Senate Committee on Public Lands and Surveys. Twenty days later the Public Lands and Surveys Committee unanimously agreed that the bill was deserving of approval.4 On May, 13 the Senate debated the Swanson Bill for less than ten minutes. Explaining that the bill was "simply an enabling act," Swanson emphasized that the bill would "cost the Government nothing." Swanson asserted that the federal government would acquire title to a minimum of one hundred and fifty thousand acres in the Great Smoky Mountains. Assuring his colleagues that the government would "not have to pay any money whatsoever for the lands the Virginia senator concluded that the bill did "not become operative until the acreage of land mentioned has been donated to the Government." After hearing Swanson's remarks, the Senate passed the bill by voice vote.5 The House of Representatives on May 14 decided to consider the merits of the Swanson Bill. Congressman Temple, pleased that the State of Tennessee had already contributed about three hundred thousand dollars to the proposed Great Smoky Moumtains National Park, predicted that the State of North Carolina would appropriate between a million and a half and two million dollars to the park. As to the projected size of the park, Temple estimated that from six hundred to six-hundred and forty square miles would be included within its boundaries. Believing that as much as five million dollars in voluntary contributions would be accumulated in the near futures, Temple contended that the government should be very happy to secure the park "on the terms which it is getting them."6 The Great Smoky Mountains National Park Bill was signed into law by President Calvin Coolidge on May 11, 1926. The relevent portions of the text of the law were as follows: ...That when the lands hereafter referred to have been vested in the United States in fee simple, there shall be, and are hereby established, dedicated and set apart as public parks for the benefit end enjoyment of the people...the tract of land in the Great Smoky Mountains in the �17 States of North Carolina and Tennessee being approximately 704,000 acres, recommended by the Secretary of the Interior in his report of April 11,1926, which area, or any part or parts thereof as may be accepted in behalf of the United States in accordance of the provisions hereof, shall be known as the Great Smoky Mountains National Park... SEC. 2. The Secretary of the Interior is hereby authorized, in his discretion, to accept as hereafter provided on behalf of the United States title to the lands referred to in the previous section hereof and to be purchased with...the $1,066,693 which has been subscribed by the State of Tennessee and the Great Smoky Mountains Conservation Association and the Great Smoky Mountains (Incorporated) (North Carolina) and with other contributors for the purchase of lands in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park area.7 During the seven years between 1926 and 1933 the States of North Carolina and Tennessee purchased substantial amounts of land from their respective portions of the Great Smoky Mountains. Also participating in the process of land acquisition were numerous private citizens and organizations. The most significant contribution involved a 1928 gift of $5,000,000 by John D. Rockefeller, Jr. The avowed objective was to transfer title to the land within the confines of the Great Smoky Mountains to the National Park Sexvice.8 By early 1934 it appeared certain that the Great Smoky Mountains National Park would soon become a reality. Accordingly, on January, 25 1934 Congressman Zebulon Weaver of North Carolina introduced a bill to supercede the 1926 statute. Weaver, serving his eighth of fourteen terms on Capitol Hill, represented a district consisting of twelve counties in the extreme western part of North Carolina.9 The Weaver Bill, endorsed br Secretaryof the Interior Harold Ickes, without delay was approved by the House Public Lands Committee. Brought to the House floor for consideration on April 16, 1936, the bill was routinely passed without the formality of a roll call.10 As in the House, the Senate exhibited a willingness to expedite enactment of the Weaver Bill. The bill was favorably reported by the Senate Public Lands and Surveys Committee on May 24 and without any discussion was passed in the Senate chamber on June 6.11 The Weaver Bill became law on June 15, 1934, on which date President Franklin D. Roosevelt affixed his signature to the measure. The Weaver Bill stipulated: That an area of 400,000 acres, within the minimum boundaries of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, acquired one half by the peoples and States of North Carolina and Tennessee, and one half by the Laura Spelman Rockeller Memorial in memory of Laura Spelman Rockefeller, be, and the same is hereby, established as a completed park for administration, protection, and development by the United States, and so much of the Act of May 26, 1926...as is inconsistent herewith is herewith repealed.12 A modest expenditure of federal funds for the Great Smoky Mountains National Park was included in the Department of the Interior Appropriation Act of 1934. The Interior Department Appropriation Bill was introduced on �18 January 16, 1934. Within seven weeks the bill had been passed by both the House and Senate. A minor provision of the Department of the Interior Appropriation Act read: Proposed Great Smoky Mountains National Park: For administration and protection of the portion of the area of such proposed park of which has been vested in the United State... including not to exceed $300 for the maintenance, operation and repair of motor-driven passenger-carrying vehicles for use in conjunction with such work, $22,270.13 While the Great Smoky Mountains National Park was not officially dedicated until 1940, its actual establishment occurred during the period between 1926 and 1934. The park's creation was obviously enhanced by the sustained cooperation between two states, North Carolina and Tennessee, and the United States Government. The Great Smoky Mountains National Park was destined to be the most popular and well-known national park east of the Mississippi River. ^ouse of Representatives, H.R. 11287-A bill to provide for the establishment of the Shenandoah National park in the State of Virginia and the Great Smoky Mountains National Park in the States of North Carolina and Tennessee, and for other purposes. April 14,1926; Bruce A. Ragsdale and Kathryn A. Jacob (eds.), Biographical Directory of the American Congress. 1774-1989 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1989), pp. 1920-1921. 2 House of Representatives, Report Number 1160. May 11, 1926. 3 United States Senate, S. 4073-A bill to provide for the establishment of the Shenandoah National Park in the State of Virginia and the Great Smoky Mountains National Park in the States of North Carolina and Tennessee, and for other purposes. April 23,1926; George C. Farnum, "Claude Augustuc Swanson," Dictionary of American Biography. Supplement Two (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958), pp. 643-644; Henry c. Ferrell, Jr., "Claude Augustus Swanson," Encyclopedia of Southern History (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979), p. 1172. 4 United States Senate, Report Number 824. May 13, 1926. 5 United States Congress, Congressional Record (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1926), LXVI, 9362; Post. Washington, D.C., May 14, 1926, p. 9. Congressional Record. LXVI, 9451-9452; Times, New York, N.Y., May 15,1926, p. 15; Post. Washington, D.C., May 15, 1926, p. 4. 7 The Statutes at Large of the United States of America. 1925-1927 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1927), XLJV, 616-617; Michael Frome, Strangers in High Places: The Story of the Great Smoky Mountains (Knoxville: University, of Tennessee Press, 1966), p. 189; Times. New York, N.Y., May 23, 1926, p. 16. 8 Albro Martin, "John Davidson Rockefeller, Jr." Dictionary of American Biography. Supplement §ix (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1980), pp. 547-549; Times. New York, N.Y., May 25,1927, p. 37; June 24,1927, p. 40; March 7,1928, pp. 1,10; March 24,1928, IV, 6; June 2,1929, VIII, 10; August 13, 1929, p. 9; February 8, 1931, p. 4; April 7, 1931, p. 25; May 2, 1931, X, 13; September 27, 1931, II, 1; November 2, 1931, p. 21; November 3, 1931, p. 30; November 14, 1932, p. 40; June 29, 1933, VIII, 3; July 19, 1933, p. 9. 9 H.R. 7360-A bill to establish a minimum area for the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, and for other purposes. January 25.1934: Kenneth C. Martis. The Historical Atlas of United States Congressional Districts. 1789-1983 (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1982), p. 257. 10 House Report 982. March 15, 1945; Congressional Record. LXXVIII, 6687. "Senate Report 1155. May 24, 1934; Congressional Record. LXXVIII, 10594. 12 Statutes at Large. XLVIII, 964. 13 H.R. 6951-A bill making appropriations for the Department of the Interior for the fiscal year ending June 30. 1935: and for other purposes. January 16,1934; House Report 839. February 23,1934; Senate Report 286. February 10, 1934; Congressional Record. LXXVIII, 3067, 3117-3120; Statutes at Large. XLVIII, 362-395. �19 National Parkways: A Demonstration of Sustainable Design and Management Michael Mastrota, ASLA, Landscape Architect, National Park Service, Denver Service Center, Falls Church, VA Abstract Many people talk about promoting environmental quality and biodiversity as if humans are somehow separated from the quality and diversity they are seeking. Unfortunately, this attitude and our activities are the cause of worldwide environmental degradation. If only we all had the keen understanding of the interrelationships of our natural systems as Aldo Leopold, the father of ecology, who in 1948 wrote, "We abuse land because we regard it as a commodity belonging to us. When we see land as a community to which we belong, we may begin to use it with love and respect.". Now that we are in the middle of the "environmental decade," it is time that we realize that our very existence directly relates to our every action. Indications of change are evident by the recent inclusion of the concept of sustainability when creating and managing human environments. In 1991, the National Park Service (NFS) headed a partnership of allied public and private professionals to establish the Sustainable Design Initiative that will guide the development and management of all national parks. Being recognized as a leader in environmental stewardship, the NFS intends for the Sustainable Design Initiative to serve as a model for all types of development. This paper examines the principles and methodologies behind the Sustainable Design Initiative and its comprehensive approach to planning, design, construction and management. These methods are demonstrated by exploring their practical application to our national parkways. SUSTAINABILITY: CONCEPTS AND PRINCIPLES We find ourselves in an exciting time of new emerging sciences and changing attitudes of social responsibility. More and more frequently we find ourselves confronted with the term "sustainability". Sustainable design, sustainable communities, sustainable development, sustainable resources are all commonly used phrases. It seems that by placing the word "sustainable" before most nouns, we imply some degree of stewardship to the environment and make the noun more palatable. What does sustainability mean? Like any immature concept, there is much theoretical confusion and debate over appropriate definitions, concepts, principles and applications of sustainability. The following paragraphs offer some of the related concepts and principles that assist in forming a definition for sustainability. • Landscape architect, planner and philosopher, Ian McHarg writes, "All systems aspire to survival and success The best and most efficient system is one that requires a minimum of work and adaptation. Such an approach is not limited by scale. It may be applied to locating plants within the garden as well as the development of a nation." • Ecologist, Eugene Odum, equates human cities as a parasite on the natural environment. To maintain their existence, the cities (parasites) require vast quantities of resources from the surrounding environment (host) to support their existence. Our environ- �20 ment acts as the host for these parasites. We know from examples in nature that parasites do not live long if they damage their host. A symbiotic relationship develops when the parasite provides benefit and positive exchanges between the host. • The related concept of bioregionalism contends that life is created and maintained in a community basis where each community shares a mutual life support system. The communities in each bioregion are sustainable since they do not harm neighboring regions or the common life supporting systems. • I recently had the opportunity to listen to Mr. Andy Houston, FAIA, who described sustainability as the union of three concentric forces: the environment, the economy and the social foundation. He contends that sustainability is found in the common overlap of these forces. Development often favors the economic and social aspects thus pulling away from the convergence of these three forces and missing the opportunity to be sustainable. As you can gather, there is no universal consensus on a definition of sustainability. We recognize that human environments are part the natural system which is comprised of numerous complex and intertwined relationships. We agree that our natural system serves as our life support and directly relate to our survivability. Our common goal is to sustain the life supporting abilities of our natural systems over time. If we can achieve a sustainable society, the potential for human survivability is unlimited. Achieving global sustainability is the most complex and important problem facing the world today. It is far too complex for any one nation to solve and will require a global network of partnerships. We are beginning to see professional partnerships align to promote sustainability. In 1993, the International Union of Architects adopted the "Declaration of Interdependence for a Sustainable Future." In addition, the Interprofessional Council on Environmental Design, comprised of architects, landscape architects and engineers developed a vision statement that read, "The ethics, education and practice of our professions will be directed to shape a sustainable future through a multidisciplinary partnership." NFS SUSTAINABLE DESIGN INITIATIVE In October of 1991, the NFS celebrated its 75th anniversary by holding a symposium in Vail, Colorado. The event collaborated the minds of some 700 experts and interested parties to deliberate the future of the NFS. The findings were published in the Vail Agenda which identified unprecedented challenges and set the foundation for the NFS to march into the 21st century. The outgrowth of the Vail Agenda launched many new policies; none more crucial than the Sustainable Design Initiative. The NFS views the Sustainable Design Initiative as a vehicle to adapt to the increasing pressures and demands without compromising values and quality. Shortly after the symposium in Vail, the Sustainable Design Initiative was officially christened. In November of 1991, a forum was held that included representatives from a wide range of government agencies, design professionals, environmental groups and resource and facility managers. This diverse partnership of professionals met to develop a broad based set of principles that would provide practical advice to anyone responsible for managing human activity within areas �21 rich in natural and cultural resources. In September of 1993, after nearly two years of dedicated labor, the Guiding Principles of Sustainable Design was published by the National Park Service. This document is geared to serve as a guide to achieve sustainability when designing and managing facilities within sensitive environments. SUSTAINABLE DESIGN IMTIATIVE: CHANGES AND IMPLICATIONS IN THE WAY WE DO BUSINESS Traditionally, development projects of all kinds have been centered on meeting the needs of the human users. Emphasis is placed on their convenience, functionality, and comfort. These artificial environments are often created at the expense of the natural environment. We rationalize this practice by employing mitigation measures which have come to serve as a disguise for sustainability. Saving the largest tree on the site does not mitigate the loss of the surrounding forest. This is just one example that is common in our communities and exemplifies how we as a society have become comfortable into thinking that we are environmentally conscious. Sustainable development differs from traditional development by shifting the emphasis from providing human convenience and comfort to protecting and preserving the natural systems. When the natural systems are preserved instead of mitigated, we have sustainable development. Traditionally the strategy has been to maintain the existing level of environmental quality. The sustainable approach to redevelopment would counter with the idea to repair, restore and enhance the existing level of environmental quality as a part of the new project. Traditional development focused within the boundaries of the project. Sustainable development maintains no boundaries. Understand the impacts that the project will have on the region. A truly sustainable project is not created at the expense of another location. Landscapes need to be treated as interconnected systems. Linear parks are often surrounded by urban development and serve as the primary means for animal migration. Biodiversity should be enhanced by reconnecting fragmented habitats and establishing large contiguous natural areas. The sustainable approach extends beyond analysis of site inventories by attempting to determine the relationships between site factors and hypothesize how they will change over time. These are just some examples of how the NFS Sustainable Design Initiative is challenging our thinking and methods. As always, other forces such as funding, manpower and human health and safety also have become part of the equation that drives project development. SUSTAINABLE DESIGN IMTIATTVE: APPLICATIONS IN THE FIELD Sustainable concepts, principles and methods are being incorporated into current NFS projects at all stages of the process. The examples presented below all pertain to current work on the George Washington Memorial Parkway, The Baltimore Washington Parkway, and the Suitland Parkway. These parkways are major linear parks that support a variety of transportation, recreation and environmental functions within the Nation's Capital. The increased demand to become commuter roads as opposed to pleasure roads has placed new pressures on the individuals responsible for their management. As a result, work is underway to improve driver safety and �22 to ease congestion at critical points. In carrying out the parkway improvement projects, we have been working to incorporate the ideals of the Sustainable Design Initiative throughout the planning, design, construction and management stages. The following examples are representative of practical applications where the Sustainable Design Initiative is influencing design, construction and management operations. Resource Management After review of the parkways, it was evident that a great deal of resources both financial and environmental were lost in the maintenance practices. In particular, mowing was found to be far more extensive than required and contributing to the fragmentation of habitats (see table 1). This important conclusion has been a topic in all of the parkway projects and has resulted in a significant reduction in the frequency and the extent of mowing. This is one case where the NFS is able to do more with less. Large areas have been taken out of the traditional mowing cycle and are either being reforested, converted to native eastern meadows or simply mowed on a annual basis (see table 2). Reforestation Efforts to reforest large areas are underway on three of the parkways within the Nations Capital. Candidate areas are evaluated based on soil type, size and opportunity to expand existing forest and enhance habitat corridors. There remains much debate concerning the most appropriate method to reforest areas along the parkways. Recommendations on planting densities range from as many as 17,000 to as few as 200 plants per acre. Due to the lack of consensus and the variation in funding available on projects, several strategies are being implemented. Three methods are described as follows: 1) The NFS maintains a cooperative agreement with the Natural Resources Conservation Service (formerly the Soil Conservation Service). The agreement allows NRCS to collect native indigenous seed from the site, propagate the plants and return them to the site for planting near the conclusion of the development project. This process is currently underway on the George Washington Memorial Parkway and includes collection of seed from an endangered plant species known to occur in only one other location in the state. This type of reforestation is costly and requires up to three years of pre-planning but is the purest method to maintain true native material. 2) Another reforestation effort is being used on the Baltimore Washington Parkway which involves the use of regionally native, commercially available nursery stock. The selected areas are tilled to loosen the soil and covered with 4-6 inches of shredded wood chips to minimize erosion and limit invasion by exotic species. Next, the area is staked in a 20 foot by 25 foot grid pattern. Within each grid, 17 of the same dominant hardwoods and 3 understory species are planted. Plants are spaced in a random pattern to achieve a density of 1700 plants per acre. Areas using this method have been found to have a survivability rate of up to 95% after the first year. 3) A third method was recently employed on the George Washington Memorial Parkway and was undertaken as a community partnership effort. In addition to the NFS, the Federal Highway Administration, the National Tree Trust and local boy scout and church groups combined efforts to reforest approximately 2 acres with 1400 trees. One of the areas borders the Boundary Chan- �23 nel which is a major migration path and habitat area for water fowl. Most of the trees were supplied free of charge through the National Tree Trust. This non profit organization was established to foster public and private partnerships to improve environmental and aesthetic quality along transportation corridors. Native Eastern Meadows In addition to reforestation, the NFS is establishing native wildf lower meadows in selected locations. Reduced fuel consumption, lower maintenance requirements, increased wildlife habitat and improved aesthetic values all contribute to make meadows a desirable alternative to turfgrass. Seed mixes are specifically designed for the soil conditions found within the targeted meadow areas. Each seed mix contains 18 to 20 species of regionally native herbaceous plants. Specific sites have been selected based on their size, relationship to the parkway, immediate adjacent conditions, and their ratio of perimeter to area. Meadows with large perimeters and little area are subject to a more rapid rate of invasion by aggressive exotics. As of this writing, nearly 10 acres of native eastern meadows are planned to be implemented on the Baltimore Washington Parkway during the Spring of 1996. Revisions to Standard Maintenance Practices A third method to reduce mowing has been incorporated into the maintenance program for the Suitland Parkway. In this case a mowing hierarchy was created which designated regularly mowed areas, annually mowed areas and no mow areas. The establishment of planned mow lines actually improved aesthetic quality by creating interesting patterns and adding color and texture to the landscape. ENGINEERING AND CONSTRUCTION Recently a 1.4 mile portion of the George Washington Memorial Parkway, was reconstructed where the existing concrete road was badly deteriorated. The traditional first step in this process would have been to remove the existing concrete from the site, place 8-10 inches of compacted base material and overlay with a total of 5 inches of asphalt. As a sustainable alternative, we proposed to rubblize the existing concrete. This process requires the services of specialized equipment which breaks the concrete road slabs into small sections, thus creating a flexible base for the new road bed. The recycled concrete base was topped with recycled asphalt which provided a level aggregate base for the final paving surface. By recycling the existing concrete the need to haul away the old material and bring in new material was eliminated. This conserved resources, reduced pollution from fossil fuels, saved time and greatly reduced the cost of the project. People are often opposed to using sustainable methods because they are believed to be more costly. This is a good example where using sustainable practices yielded a cost savings of nearly $100,000. CONCLUSION Since its inception in 1872, the NPS has strived to be an environmental steward and to preserve the pristine environments under their jurisdiction for the use and enjoyment of current and future generations. There has been much success, some failure and plenty of room for improvement. The Sustainable Design Initiative is one improvement that is changing the way that the National Park Service thinks and carries out its mission. With new technologies, an ex- �24 panding information base and proactive policies, the horizon is filled with exciting challenges. BIBLIOGRAPHY Aberley, David. Futures by Design. Gabriola Island, B.C., Canada: New Society Publishers, 1994. Badowsky, Adam, Horticulturalist with the George Washington Memorial Parkway, interviewed by the author, July, 1995. Calaruso, Charles, Cheif of Maintenance, Greenbelt Park, interviewed by the author, July, 1995. Little, Charles E.. Resource Sustainability In Fu- tures by Design (Gabriola Island, B.C., Canada: New Society Publishers, 1994). National Park Service. Guiding Principles of Sustainable Design, 1993. National Park Service. National Parks for the 21st Centuryf The Vail Agenda, Montpelier, Vermont: Capital City Press, 1992. Odum, Eugene P. Ecology and Our Life Support Systems. Sutherland, Mass.:Sinauer Assoc, Inc. 1989 Steiner, Fredrick.. "The Living Landscape: An Ecological Approach to Landscape Planning." In Futures by Design (Gabriola Island, B.C., Canada: New Society Publishers, 1994). Table 1 Summary of Parkway Mowing Practices Suitland George Washington Bait-Washington Parkway Parkway Memorial Pkwy 12 Times per Year 12 Times per Year 12 Times per Year Mowing Frequency April - September April - September April - September Mowing Season 125 949 1,095 Mowable Acres 1,500 13,150 Total Annual Acres Mowed 11,392 147 1,119 1,291 Annual Person Days 2,100 15,948 18,410 Amount of Fuel Consumption (gal) $2,520 $19,138 Estimated Annual Fuel Costs $22,092 Annual Labor Costs (Wages and $197,250 $22,500 $170,880 Benefits) Estimated Annual Costs (Labor and Fuel) $27,020 $190,018 $219,342 Notes 1. Figures were interpolated from data provided by park maintenance departments 2. Figures to not include hand trimming 3. Costs do not include equipement maintenance and transport costs. Table 2 Reductions in Mowing Through Sustainable Management Practices George Washington Bait-Washington Memorial pkwy Parkway New Reforestation (acres) 5 40 New Native Eastern Meadows (acres) 0 10 Revised Mowing Practice (selective mowing patterns in acres) 0 100 Total Annual Reduction in Mowing (acres) 60 1,800 Total Annual Reduction in Person Days 6 173 Total Annual Reduction in Fuel Consumption (gal) 84 2,520 Total Annual Reduction in Fuel Costs $3,024 $101 Annual Reduction in Labor Costs $900 $27,000 Estimated Total Annual Reduction in Costs (labor and fuel) $1,001 $30,024 Suitland Parkway 0 0 40 480 46 672 $806 $7,200 $8,006 �25 Keynote Address by M. Rupert Cutler, Ph.D., Virginia's Explore Park, Roanoke, VA The silver lining-at least for me-in the dark cloud represented by the lastrru'nute inability of Appalachian Regional Commission Co-Director Jesse White to speak to us this evening is the opportunity afforded me to stand in for him and exercise the privilege of a keynote speaker: To take a broad, philosophical view of the conference theme. So much, then, for the notes on Explore Park's many partners I'd planned to refer to in my original program slot on Tuesday morning. They'd be too narrowly focused. Instead, I've hastily gleaned from my personal library on the history of the National Park Service and on linear parks, trails and rivers in general some of my favorite views by leaders in the fields of park administration, architecture, landscape architecture and ecology over the years, for your consideration. I'm hopeful that these thou-hts, together with a summary of the political environment in which we park people find ourselves today, will remind us of both the philosophical underpinnings of our work-why we're here-and current pressures on linear parks-or where we may be headed. My coal is to set the stage for our important deliberations over the next three days. Reflecting on the state of the National Park System brings to mind the expression attributed to Yankees Manager Yogi Berra, "deja vu all over again." Forty-two years ago, as a student reporter for the University of Michigan student newspaper, The Michigan Daily, I interviewed the then Assistant Chief Naturalist of the National Park Service, Howard H. Gregg, who was on campus to speak on "Nature and Antiquity in the National Parks." Here, ver batim, is the concluding paragraph of my report, published in The Michigan Daily on December 10, 1953: "A recent statement by Bernard DeVoto was read by Gregg- 'It's time to shut down our National Parks until we can afford to rehabilitate them.' He added that this may come to pass if the Federal Government doesn't reverse its trend toward economizing by cutting the Park Service's budget." Word out of Washington, DC today is that the National Park Service's next operating budget will not be enough to keep up with the effect of inflation and that its construction budget-critically important to the Blue Ridge Parkwaymay be cut by 50 percent. Economies associated with the closing of regional offices and the shifting of personnel and other resources from big administrative offices to the parks has some potential to make up the difference, but there's only so much blood in that turnip-as current proposals to completely close some parks and turn others over to the states for administration prove. Our Nation's scenic and cultural "crown jewel" national parks and the thin and fragile golden chains that connect them and provide wildlife and human travel corridors, such as the Blue Ridge Parkway, appear to be at risk now as never before. Only concerted, coordinated efforts by politically active people such as yourselves all across this land will halt and reverse this trend. Fortunately, there are hopef iil signs that such a Grassroots defense of linear and other parks is afoot and becoming increasingly effective. Good examples include the recent activities of the Coa- �26 lition for the Blue Ridge Parkway and the Friends of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Let's take a look back in history and reflect on the views of those in whose footsteps we walk today-our trailblazers. Robert Sterling Yard was Chief of the Educational Division of the National Park Service when he wrote The Book of the National Parks in 1919. (Later he headed—perhaps I should say he wasthe staff of The Wilderness Society.) In the book cited, Yard provides this definition of national parks: "The national parks of American include areas of the noblest and most diversified scenic sublimity easily accessible to the world; nevertheless it is their chiefest alory that they are among the completest expressions of the earth's history. The American people is waking rapidly to the magnitude of its scenic possession; it has yet to learn to appreciate it."1 Bob Yard's observation that the American public "has yet to learn to appreciate" the value of its parks was restated exactly 30 years later by Aldo Leopold in his inspired and inspirational work, A Sand County Almanac, in which he wrote that "[t]o promote perception is the only truly creative part of recreational engineering.... Recreation ... is not the outdoors, but our reaction to it [, and t]he only true development in American recreational resources is the development of the perceptive faculty in Americans."2 Therein lies the continuing challenge for park interpreters: To develop the perceptive faculty in Americans. In other words, after a park- is acquired and its physical development is completed, the real task begins: to promote perception. And what are some of the "perceptions" that must be communicated to park visitors? Listen to an architect, Nathaniel Alexander Owings, in his book The American Aesthetic: "If we are to sustain a healthy balance of life in this country, we must preserve our natural resources, allowing animal and bird life as much right to exist as we do human life. To many this must seem like sentimentality. To those who have taken the effort to find out, it is clearly a matter of life and deathfor all of us. his is true not only biologically, but psychologically ass well. Man needs enormous areas, unscarred by his own kind, as a primary source of spiritual recharging, and this need is as great as his requirement for material sustenance."3 Listen to a landscape architect, Ian L. McHara,, in his book Design With Nature: "Our eyes do not divide us from the world, but unite us with it. Let this be known to be true. Let us then abandon the simplicity of separation and give unity its due. Let us abandon the self-mutilation which has been our way and give expression to the potential harmony of mannature. The world is abundant, we require only a deference bom of understanding to fulfill man's promise. Man is that uniquely conscious creature who can perceive and express. He must become the steward of the biosphere. To do this he must design with nature."4 And if we don't design wit h nature? What then? One response is described in Edward Abbey's book, The Monkey Wrench Gang, in which the protagonist, George W. Hayduke—en route to trying to blow up Glen Canyon Dam—takes to time to savor wild nature: "The heron in the canyon, a bighorn ram on the cliff above, one lean coy- �27 ote on the rim across the river hear the sound of a howl, the song of a wolf, rise in the twilight stillness and spread through the emptiness of the desert evening. One long and prolonged, deep and dangerous, wild archaic howl, rising and rising and rising on the quiet air."' The psychological importance of parks to people has been described not only by the radical Ed Abbeys of the world but by more mainstream writers and speakers. For example, in 1981 the National Parks and Conservation Association sponsored a conference in Jackson Hole, Wyoming on problems in the National Park System that resulted in the publication by the NPCA in 1982 of a book entitled National Parks in Crisis. And the very first piece of text in that book is a quote attributed to Luray, Virginia's own Darwin Lambert: "Visits to national park areas have multiplied threefold in less than a Generation. Far more of us than ever before walk in wilderness now and time-travel in history simultaneously. As we enjoy and save our parks, building their defenses in our hearts, the parks help save us. Interconnections form in our depths. The pattern of the whole grows stronger. We hear again the great orchestra of earth and fife, and our spirits begin again to sing, tentatively yet, but more and more in harmony."6 I didn't have the good fortune to ever meet and talk with John Muir or Frederick Law Olmstead or Aldo Leopold, but I did meet a few of the "greats" in our business before they left us, such as Sig Olson, Howard Zahniser and Benton MacKaye. Sig fought to save the wildness of the Quetico-Superior canoe country. Zahnie saw the need for a statutory federal wilderness system and wrote the Wilderness Act. And Benton MacKaye was the inspiration for the Appalachian Trail, the epitome of a linear park. MacKaye, with whom I spoke at his home in Shirley Center, Massachusetts back when I was a Wilderness Society staff member, was quoted on the cover of the November/December 1985 Appalachian Trail News as saying: "I pictured a mile-high giant walking along the Appalachian range ... If he could now speak. . . he would note signs of man's power that he did not note before, a power to retain, despite the inroads of a metropolitan civilization, a crucial portion of our original primeval America ... ."7 (by which he meant the Appalachian Trail). This quote is from a letter he wrote to Stan Murray, chairman of the ATC Board of Managers, in 1969. In it MacKaye-who first described the AT concept in an article in the October 1921 number of the Journal of the American Institute of Architects—complimented the volunteers who had labored to bring his dream to fruition for their "halfcentury of devotion and accomplishment". Then came the Blue Ridge Parkway, the origins of which you heard described this afternoon by Carlton Abbott in his beautifully illustrated presentation, "Blue Ridge Parkway: Designing a Ribbon in the Sky." The Blue Ridge Parkway became the model for other linear parks across the nation and around the world. The finesse with which it was designed sets it apart from more mundane vehicular thoroughfares, and its tradition of uniquely sensitive engineering and design continues, because an extension of the Blue Ridge Parkway into Virginia's Explore Park including a 600foot curvilinear bridge is about to be �28 built next year with the same attention to detail as was originally the case. And while the original or primary motivating force behind the Appalachian Trail and the Blue Ridge Parkway may have been to get human beings from one place to another, either on foot in by automobile, in as aesthetically pleasing and environmentally sensitive a way as possible, another motive recently has surfaced to help argue for linear parks. That motive was summarized by Partick F. Noonan, President of The Conservation Fund, in his Forward to Charles E. Little's book, Greenwaysfor America: "Urbanization has fragmented our open country, severely jeopardizing the natural corridor systems that protect water supplies, maintain biological diversity, and preserve natural beauty. And new research revealed that recreational activities such as bicycling, jogging, and walking are among the most popular uses of leisure time. These findings clearly suggest a crucial role for greenways in environmental planning and action."8 Even more recently, wildlife biologists have joined the campaign for linear parks, to save imperiled wild animals whose home ranges are being cut up into tiny pieces by logging, road-construction and other human development. Both so-called "sensitive species" requiring large tracts of undisturbed habitat and large keystone predators which range long distances are particularly affected by habitat fragmentation. A statement of my own six years ago—"Overview from Defenders' President," leading off a 1989 report published by Defenders of Wildlife entitled In Defense of Wildlife: Preserving Communilies and Corridors-included this observation: "There does seem to be something new under the sun, so far as practical means of conserving biological diversity are concerned. That approach—the conscious preservation of migration corridors or land bridges between fragmented centers of plant and animal richness—is what this book is intended to describe and advocate.".9 Since then the requirement to identify and protect wildlife travel corridors in National Forest Land Use Plans and other wildland planning documents has pretty much become a standard operating procedure ... and the failure to provide for wildlife travel corridor protection has become a basis for wf Idf fe conservationists to appeal or litigate for a revision and improvement of national forest plans. So linearity in park design serves well both man and beast. Our current problem, then, is not so much the issue of whether linear parks are per se good things, but whether we can defend them in the political process from a new generation of skeptics who want every enterprise, public or private, to stand on its own financially-to pay for itself or prepare to be abandoned. Back in 1951 Freeman Tilden, in his classic textbook, The National Parks, tried to establish why parks are different from commercial businesses: "In the national parks there is no harvesting of timber. There is at present no hunting of wild animals. There is no mining of minerals. There is, or should be, no grazing of domestic animals. There are no shows, or what are commonly known as "amusements." There is no attempt to make profits. The parks are operated on funds appropriated by Congress, and the receipts from visitors go into the miscellaneous receipts of the Federal Treasury, so that the balancing of income and outco, common to business enterprises, �29 does not exist. This scheme of land use, so far removed from the average person's economic experience, may glancingly seem strange and remote. And so it is. It is a new theory in the world, of management of the public land for a superior kind of pleasure and profit; for the perpetuation of the country's natural and historic heritage, untarnished by invasion and depletion other than that of invincible time. No wonder, then, that it is a difficult story to tell."10 While the data from a new analysis of the regional economic impact of parks would be helpful, I've concluded that the only people who can tell that story convincingly are the parks' own users... and the only defenders the parks can count on are the interest groups organized in defense of the parks such as the National Parks and Conservation Association, the Appalachian Trail clubs, the Sierra Club, The Wilderness Society and others, particularly the regional and local groups who know the parks in their own backyards intimately, have acquired a "sweat equity" in their park or parks, and will fight for their parks' survival and well-being. The essential nature of supportive public involvement in park management and park defense was well summarized by William E. Brown in a 1971 National Recreation and Park Association book entitled Islands of Hope: Parks and Recreation in Environmental Crisis: "It cannot be escaped that environmental management to perpetuate the Nation's park and recreation lands provides the action crucible for public involvement in the larger across-the-land environmental reform movement. Only if the public sees the Nation's park and recreation lands as the first line of defense against general environmental decay; gets involved at the action level to save them; and begins to see the local, regional, and national implications in such saving-only then will envirormental communications begin to mean something. The statement that park- and recreation lands are the first line of defense against general environmental decay deserves analysis: It is because environmental quality is so finely balanced that quality environments are so vulnerable. It is just because the struggle for life in degraded urban environments is so hard that park and recreation areas tend toward expendability."1l How important are well-organized local constituencies such as Friends of the Blue Ridge Parkway and the Coalition for the Blue Ridge Parkway to the future of the Blue Ridge Parkway, other parks and park systems in -eneral? The answer is well summarized in a 1990 report published by the Eastern National Park and Monument Association entitled National Park Service: The First 75 Years-Preservitig Our Past for the Future. In its concluding section, on Partners and Alliances, are these words: "Somewhere in the history of nearly every park is a dedicated group or individual who cared enough about that place to do whatever was necessary to save it, improve it, and share its significance with others. "12 If I were to be asked to list a few things I've done in my life that I'd like to be remembered for, they certainly would include my efforts to strengthen our Nation's parkand wilderness systems, such as serving as a lead lobbyist for the passage of the Wild Rivers Act and working in many capacities to expand and strengthen the National Wilderness Preservation System. Life is shorn and in my view there is no better �30 way to spend it than by devoting much it to the defense of nature-to the conservation of the beautiful natural environment we've inherited from our parents and have borrowed from our children. That's what parks are: vignettes or examples of wild nature and of our cultural history. And linear parks serve a special purpose: To provide connections between undeveloped islands of green, to help assure the ecological integrity of the landscape in which we live. Protecting them is our task. Let's get about it with renewed enthusiasm! Thank you. M. Rupert Cutler, Ph.D., Executive Director, Virginia's Explore Park, Roanoke and Adjunct Professor of Wildlife Sciences, Virginia Tech NOTES Robert Sterling Yard, The Book of the National Parks. New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1919, p.3. 2 Aldo Leopold, ASand County,Almanac and SketchesHere and There. New York: Oxford University Press, 1949, p. 174, 3 Nathaniel Alexander Owings, The American Aesthetic. New York: Harper & Row, 1969, p. 144. 4 Ian L. McHarg, Design With Nature. Garden City, NY: The Natural History Press, 1969, p.5. 5 Edward Abbey, The Monkey Wrench Gang. New York: Avon Books, 1976, p. 28. 6 Eugenia H. Connally, ed., National Parks in Crisis. Washington, DC: National Parks & Conservation Association, 1982, p. 1. I Appalachian Trailway News, November/December 1985, cover. 8 Charles E. Little, Greenwaysfor America. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990, p. xii. 9 Gay Mackintosh, ed., Preserving Communifies and Corridors. Washington, DC: Defenders of Wildlife, 1989, p. 5. 10 Freeman Tilden, The National Parks. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1968, p. 18. II William E. Brown, Islands ofhope. Washington, DC: National Recreation and Park Association, 1971, p. 49. 12 William H. Sontag, ed., National Park Service: Th First 75 Years-Preserving Our Past For The Future. Eastern National Park & Monument Association, 1990, p. 60. ] �31 The Spring Creek Corridor: A Conceptual linear Open Space Plan for an Emerging Metropolitan Region by Thomas G. Yahner, Timothy P. Johnson, Neil P. Korostoff, and A. Mark Battaglia, Penn State University, University Park, PA the flood plain, trout and pure water INTRODUCTION conducive sites for villages. Likewise the Spring Creek runs through the first European settlers to establish perNittany Valley, one of the great carbonmanent settlements on this portion of ate valleys in the Ridge and Valley Rethe frontier in the 1790's, found the gion of the Appalachian mountains of central Pennsylvania. Numerous springs creek a valuable asset. They found that the limestone-derived soils were excelarise from the aquifer deep in the caves lent for agriculture and that in places and crevices of the limestone underlythey contained deposits of iron ore. It ing the valley, feeding the stream with a was not long before the native valley forconstant supply of cold, high pH water. est was cleared, it's trees processed into The linear six to eight milewide valley is charcoal, and the once forested landdefined by sandstone ridges that rise scape rapidly changed to one of farms 1000 feet above the valley floor (see figand scattered iron ore pits. Because this ure 1). Spring Creek's headwaters origikarst valley is internally nate in small streams that drained through its untumble through hemlock derlying limestone bedand rhododendron-filled rock, Spring Creek and gaps in Tussey Ridge to its few tributaries run the south of the valley through the landscape, and exit through a gap with large expanses of upcut in Bald Eagle Ridge land between them. The to the north, the water pure water from these making its way to the Atspring-lined streams and lantic Ocean by way of their potential to support Bald Eagle Creek, the Figure 1. The Spring Creek watershed in the Nirtany Valley of Central Pennsylvania. The study corridor in oudine along Spring Crrek the late eighteenth and and the tributaries of Cedar Run. Slob Cabin Run, Roaring Run, Susquehanna River, and and Big Hollow. early nineteenth century the Chesapeake Bay. water power dominated frontier technolThe stream and springs that feed it creogy, made the banks of Spring Creek the ate a diverse set of habitats for many focus of village settlement, commerce, species of plants and animals as the and industry, while the upland was valstream traverses a variety of geologic and ued for agriculture. At many places topographic settings across the valley. along Spring Creek dams and mill races The aquatic habitats of Spring Creek are were constructed to power grist mills, exceptional quality, nurturing one of the saw mills, forges, and other machinery. most productive wild trout fisheries in Small villages grew at these locations, the eastern United States. their stores, post office, and churches People have long valued the creek. serving the surrounding countryside. The archeological remains of prehistory The largest of these nineteenth century line the stream-side where Indians found �32 towns along the creek is Bellefonte, the county seat of Centre County. Until shortly after the turn of the twentieth century, Bellefonte was a prosperous center of rural commerce, industry, and politics, five of its residents becoming Pennsylvania Governors. Throughout the twentieth century, many changes have taken place in the region. The small industries that once lined the creek disappeared and the once-prosperous Bellefonte has stagnated. The Pennsylvania State University and the town of State College, which lie just a few miles west of the creek, has grown from a small agricultural college to the central focus of a growing metropolitan region. This metropolitan region, now an economic force of its own, supports a growing number of high-tech and information based industries, and is experiencing the same kind of decentralized urban growth that is occurring in many locations situated within easy access to the intersection of major highways.1 Urban growth is rapidly encroaching on the Spring Creek corridor. As this occurs, two things will happen that figure 2. Example ol the «nk>c'inrentory — nupciplKitoommurJtcsuidcawtypmn Ihr FohentunS FkzMUvMCtionrflhtMiidycomdor will affect the lives of the future residents of this expanding metropolitan region. First, the cultural and ecological values inherent in the stream corridor will be diminished. Second the opportunities for public recreational open space that the corridor now holds for the future population will disappear as the land within that corridor is developed. In 1993 the ClearWater Conservancy, a local conservation organization, recognized that the creek and adjoining land has the potential to enhance the lives of the community's residents through ecological conservation, historic preservation, outdoor recreation, education, and the establishment of publicly accessible open space. The Conservancy sought the assistance of the authors to study this potential within the Spring Creek corridor. The intent of the project was to study the entire corridor of Spring Creek and five of its tributaries to make recommendations that would guide the Conservancy in their role as advocates for policy change and to inform their efforts in developing a planned program of easements, acquisitions, and cooperative arrangements with local landowners and local governments. The Conservancy would also use the study as a means of informing the public about the potential of Spring Creek, increasing community awareness of the creek and its resources, and ultimately engaging the people of the region in its conservation. In addition the conservancy would promote the recommendations of the study as a community vision-a set of ideas intended to spark enthusiasm within the community for the role that this corridor could play in the community's future. The two year study was funded by the ClearWater Conservancy, the National Fish and Wildlife Foundation, the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Re- �33 sources, the Borough of Bellefonte, the Pennsylvania Fish and Boat Commission, and the Centre Regional Planning Commission. The study was conducted by the authors. ISSUES A region-wide analysis of urban growth reveals the rapid development of the valley's agricultural uplands. Within this changing landscape, the Spring Creek corridor contains natural, cultural, and open space attributes that could contribute significantly to the quality of life in the rapidly growing metropolitan region of which it is a part. The stream corridor has the potential to provide the emerging community with outdoor recreation and education in a connected system of open space enhanced with ecological, historic and scenic landscape values. However, like most places experiencing rapid growth, this region is caught in a familiar dilemma. Public awareness of the form that the emerging community will take and exactly what attributes of the landscape would most contribute to that community's quality of life, lags severely behind the professional planners' ability to protect those attributes from a level of degradation that would render them unusable as a multi-value system of connected open space. The natural, cultural, open space, and scenic attributes of the corridor have been diminished and are further threatened by impending urban growth. The Need for Water Quality Protection Spring Creek is rated among the top five most productive trout streams in the eastern United States. Trout and other aquatic life of Spring Creek depend directly upon the quality of the creek's water, which is threatened by the effects of urban growth. The discharge of waste figure 3. Example of the hydrology and water quality inventory — th« Slab Cabin North section of the study corridor. water from sewage treatment plants into the creek is an inevitable consequence of this growth. In order to maintain the trout habitat, the effluent must be pure but it must also not warm the creek significantly. Along with urban growth comes a great increase in the amount of impervious surface across the landscape. Unless managed properly, the rain that will fall on roofs, roads, streets, sidewalks, and parking lots will run off to be discharged into the creek via drains and storm sewers. This runoff will carry a significant amount of non-point source pollution in the form of sediments and other compounds washed from roads and parking areas, and fertilizers and pesticides from lawns, gardens, and golf courses. Increased runoff and storm water will also disturb the natural hydrology of the creek causing higher peak flows and more destructive floods, and decrease the recharge of ground water aquifers which would otherwise nourish the stream during periods of low flow. The condition of Spring Creek's riparian zone—it's stream banks and flood plains—is of primary importance to the quality of the water and aquatic habitats of the stream. Stream banks without �34 natural vegetation erode severely, choking down stream habitats with sediment. Bare stream banks also allow the sun to warm the stream's temperature beyond the tolerance of the trout during vulnerable periods of low flow in late summer. Cultivated flood plains or adjacent lands allow agricultural chemicals and eroded soil to enter the stream and degrade aquatic habitats. Management of the creek's riparian zone, on both private and public land, will greatly influence the stream's continued quality. T*he Need for Protection of Natural Habitats As Spring Creek flows through the valley, it encounters a variety of natural environments which support a diverse range of biotic communities including several places where particular species have been observed that are notable for their rarity in Pennsylvania, and one that has been designated as globally endangered. Except for the acid conditions of the sandstone ridge which supports a variety of ericaceous plants, most of the corridor is underlain by limestone which imparts a relatively high pH to both soil and water. In the middle of the valley the creek flows through an unusual calcareous marsh. In the lower reaches of Spring Creek, the stream has cut beneath the level of the valley floor creating a canyon that, at its deepest, exposes equally unusual 200 foot-high limestone cliffs. While the creek corridor contains several environments of exceptional quality and variety, the incremental removal of trees, hedgerows, meadows, and other natural vegetation by encroaching urban development threatens to fragment those habitats and diminish biological diversity. Though no single action may seem to cause significant damage to these natural habitats, Figure 4 touB^rttea^JXt^lirra^-tetoLd^xMvatiteMrtymmtor the aggregate effect of hundreds or thousands of separate actions will serve to fragment the corridor's natural habitats into islands of nature in a predominantly urbanized landscape. Vulnerable to predation and to invasion by weedy nonnative species, isolated natural habitats inevitably lose the biological diversity of their native communities of plants and animals. Protecting natural areas and enhancing their connectivity to one another is the means to preserving the integrity of these natural systems for the enjoyment of future generations. Figure 5. �35 The Need for Conservation of Historic Resources Early settlers found the potential for waterpower and the pure springs along Spring Creek to be particularly conducive to the establishment of towns, villages, and industries. Many small waterpower-based industries flourished throughout the corridor in the nineteenth century. Prior to 1850 the iron furnaces of three counties in central Pennsylvania (of which those along Spring Creek were a part) collectively produced half of America's iron. By 1900 however, little was left of this rural iron industry and by the 1930's the last of the grist mills were dosed. Since then, some of the smaller villages have almost disappeared, but those that contained enough urban fabric to survive the loss of their economic base remain as a reminder of a past era. While these industries and the towns that grew up around them are a valuable part of the past, agriculture provides the dominant image of the character of the Nittany Valley landscape. Along parts of the corridor, farms that have remained viable for nearly two hundred years line the stream, their fields, hedgerows, woodlots, and nineteenth century farmhouses and barns reflecting the historic character of the region. These visible remnants of the past are valuable to both present and future residents of the region.2 The tangible past in the landscape contributes to a sense of place and gives both residents and visitors a way to experience history other than seeing it in a book or a museum. Urban growth threatens the integrity of the cultural past in the landscape in a way that is similar to the way that urban growth threatens to fragment plant and animal habitats in the natural environment. The pattern of artifacts of the past in the landscape are often Figure 6. Example of the zoning inventory — the Boalsburg section of the study corridor thought of as fabric. The fabric may be worn, but the woven-in pattern may be interpreted and understood as long as a sufficient number of the threads are in place. As artifacts of the past are lost to urban growth however, the fabric of the historic cultural landscape is fragmented and gradually made less discernible. These incremental changes occur in many ways. Winding country roads are straightened and widened; new buildings are built around and between the old; and artifacts like stone walls, hedgerows, and landforms are easily erased from the landscape. As farms are converted to residential subdivisions, the few remaining farmhouses or barns are insufficient to retain the character of the agricultural past. The end result of this fragmentation would be a total loss of historic fabric so that eventually only a small number of isolated artifacts would remain as vague reminders of the past. The Need for Enhancement of Community Open Space and Scenic Visual Resources Another related and equally important aspect of the corridor is threatened by the incremental encroachment of ur- �36 ban growth-the recreational and scenic value of the corridor as open space for the larger community. The Spring Creek corridor landscape, areas both in public and private ownership, has long been valued for its open space, recreational opportunities, and scenic beauty. Several parks face the creek, it is canoed during high water, and it is a great attraction to fly fisherman who pursue the wild trout that thrive in its cold springfed water. But the corridor's greatest value as recreational open space will not be fully recognized publicly until urban expansion has further developed the valley's farmland and the population density has increased. Only then will the need for open space be fully felt. The corridor has the potential to serve as a central spine of connected open space, but the potential continuity of this corridor has, in many places, been severely fragmented. As growth continues, the extent to which the corridor will continue to be available as public open space remains in question. STUDY PROCESS The process employed to carry out this study can be examined in five component parts. The first is the development of a computer-based system of managing, manipulating, and providing graphic output for the large amount of information generated by the study. The first second component is building a comprehensive landscape understanding through an inventory and analysis of the natural and cultural resources of the stream corridor. Third is an evaluation of those resources to assess their relative value, condition, and potential as elements of an open space system with ecological, historical, and scenic attributes. The fourth part consists of a set of conceptual recommendations that suggest particular actions that might be taken throughout the corridor to enhance those ecological, historical, scenic, and open space attributes. The fifth is a program of public education intended to communicate the study results. A Computer-Based System of Information Management Integral to the completion of all phases of the study is the use of digital media to collect, process, communicate, and store information about the corridor. An integrated approach using a wide range of hardware and software was chosen in order to achieve several important goals. The first is to provide a flexible system that would allow the study team and the Conservancy to integrate and manage the large amount of information collected and produced for the study. This system must allow nonexpert computer users to easily access, update, and archive information. To achieve this goal a 2D/3D computer aided drawing program, MiniCAD 5.0 was selected to complete the mapping component of the project. Although MiniCAD is not a Geographic Information System (GIS), it does provide powerful tools for information management including layering, object naming, groups and classes, and full database and spreadsheet integration. It also allows raster-based digital photographs to be fully integrated with the vector-based mapping elements. The second goal was to provide a system that would provide the most extensive options for manipulating the information once it is in digital form. MiniCAD provides many ways to manipulate the display of information through various combinations of graphic scale, graphic style and layer combinations. These combinations can be programmed as macros that can be �37 executed instantly to set up various combinations of information. The third goal in the use of computer technology was to allow maximum flexibility in the communication of the study information. The use of digital media provided a number of options that were used throughout the study process and at its conclusion. Printed output in color and black and white, at several different scales and sizes, was used in field verification and data collection, distributing information for review, and citizen participation at public meetings. By combining the maps, text, photographs, sketches, and other graphics in a page layout program, the study team assembled an 11x17 inch bound report summarizing the results of the study. Finally, multimedia presentations, projected from a computer on a large screen using an overhead projector and a color LCD projection panel, were developed to deliver customized presentations to a wide range of audiences. These presentations added the dimensions of full motion video and sound to the other types of information (maps, photos, text, etc.) that were used to complete the study. Corridor Inventory of Natural and Cultural Resources The geographic area of study covers the main stem of Spring Creek and five of its tributaries: Cedar Run, Slab Cabin Run, Roaring Run, Thompson Run, and Big Hollow (a dry hollow that lies above an underground tributary of the aquifer that feeds Spring Creek). In all, the corridor under study is approximately 35 miles in length and on average, 2000 feet wide (1000 feet on either side of the stream), creating a total study area of approximately 13 square miles (see figure 1). To begin the process, a low level aerial photographic survey of the corridor was completed providing both a detailed photographic record of the corridor and accurate topographic and planimetric data. The data was digitally converted into CAD maps at a five foot contour interval. To facilitate the study, the corridor was divided into fourteen landscape sections, each section having its own computer map. Paper maps were printed for recording field data which was transferred to individual overlying layers in the computer map. Developing a thorough understanding of this particular landscape would require a four-part inventory: ecology and surface hydrology, cultural history, land use and zoning, and property delineation and ownership. All publicly accessible lands in the corridor were field surveyed several times by members of the study team. Additional data was collected from local and state agencies, governmental authorities, previous scientific studies, historical surveys, and historical maps and other records. The results of the inventory were compiled in a set of four maps (ecology and surface hydrology, cultural history, land use and zoning, and property and ownership) for each of the fourteen sections of the corridor. Examples of these inventories are contained in figures 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7. Ecology and Surface Hydrology-The ecological inventory was begun by examining aerial photographs, noting and recording on field maps the discernible boundaries between vegetation types. These maps were then taken into the field where the vegetative cover was classified into various subcategories under a broader categorization of plant community associations. Figure 2 illustrates the inventory of plant communities and cover types in the diverse Fisherman's Paradise section of the corridor. �38 Rgw«7. R«.»pko<«*propertyow*n«<ihi(>lft««Mury-th>MilMbat(Mcligno<*«Mwty<t»n>k». The flood plain was delineated on each section map along with the wetlands identified by the National Wetlands Inventory. The results of previous scientific studies of water quality, invertebrate density and trout productivity were recorded, and The Natural Heritage Inventory of Centre County provided detailed data on rare, threatened, and endangered species and natural communities. Figure 3 shows the hydrology and water quality map of the Slab Cabin North section of the corridor. Cultural History-The first step in the inventory of the observable remains of the past human use and settlement of the corridor landscape included a simultaneous review of historical maps, a review of the written record of local history, consultation with local historians, and a preliminary field survey. The historical maps, one of the most valuable resources in relating historic themes to the landscape, included an 1873 county atlas, Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps, and a succession of U.S. Geological Survey maps. Archeological data and the results of a previous architectural survey were obtained from the Pennsylvania History and Museum Commission. Data from this research was recorded onto maps and carried into the field as background to inform field observation. All visible artifacts of the past, in use or abandoned, were recorded on the computer maps, along with archeological sites. Figure 4 is a portion of the cultural history inventory of the Belle nte corridor section. Land use and zoning-The corridor land is contained within parts of three boroughs and nine townships, each with its own zoning and land use designations. For purposes of the study these disparate designations were reclassif ied into a single nomenclature allowing the corridor to be evaluated as a single unit. Figure 5 is a portion of the land use inventory of the Lemont section, and Figure 6 is the zoning map of the Boalsburg section. Property delineation and ownershipGiven the tremendous variety of land ownership, both public and private, within the corridor, and the ClearWater Conservancy's interest in easements and cooperative agreements with landowners, an accurate record of property lines and land ownership was developed for the entire corridor. While these records were readily available from the county tax office, they were not available on topographic maps. Property lines and ownership were transferred to the computer maps using the aerial photographs and field observation. Figure 7 is a portion of the Milesburg section property ownership map. Corridor Assessment The necessary step between the inventory of existing conditions and specifying recommendations for the corridor landscape is an assessment of that inventory evaluating its particular attributes relative to the issues outlined above. Each of the corridor's fourteen sections was assessed and that assessment was �39 summarized on a separate map for each of the sections. The following questions summarize the assessment carried on throughout the study corridor. Ecology and Surface Hydrology • Where are outstanding native plant communities and species of special concern, and where are they threatened? • Where are areas of high quality aquatic habitat and where are they threatened? • Where are locations of other outstanding natural resources, such as the visible expressions of geology? • Where are important aquifer recharge zones that need protection from point and non-point pollution sources? • Where is the riparian zone degraded and in need of restoration on both public and private land? • Where is stormwater runoff, sedimentation, and non-point source pollution degrading stream quality? • Where are opportunities for future ecological restoration within the stream corridor? Cultural History • Where are specific historic artifacts or features that represent interpretable themes in the community's past? • Where are zones of outstanding historic interest? • Where does historic landscape fabric exist and where is it threatened? • Where are historic places lacking National Register designation where there is potential? • Where are existing National Register Historic District boundaries inadequate for recognition and protection of historic resources? Recreational Open Space Potential • What lands within the corridor have public ownership and are accessible? • What lands within the corridor have public ownership but public access is currently restricted? • Where is pedestrian access available within the corridor? • Where is recreational access blocked throughout the corridor? • Where are pedestrian and bicyclists presently using the corridor for recreation? • What roads through the corridor are unsafe for pedestrian or bicycle recreational access? • Where does private ownership of stream frontage block public access to the creek? • Where are connections to adjacent public parks and where are connections lacking? • Where are opportunities for the corridor to serve as a regional open space connector? • What areas within the corridor are most likely to undergo residential development in the near future and where is this land use change likely to create demand for recreational access to the creek? Visual and Scenic Character • Where are zones of outstanding scenic character? • Where are scenic views throughout the corridor and where are they unprotected from degradation? • Where are opportunities for scenic and visual improvement to highways that cross the corridor? • Where do natural and historic features provide scenic landmarks within the corridor? �40 Recommendations The study recommendations are intentionally broad and conceptual, designed to inform the Conservancy and the community of ways that the problems and opportunities outlined in the corridor assessment could be addressed through specific actions. A map was developed for each of the fourteen corridor sections to graphically and verbally present the conceptual recommendations. While the recommendations in many places are particular to specific situations, the following represent the general categories of those recommendations. Riparian Conservation Zones-ensure protection of existing wetlands and restore streambank vegetation on public lands and establish special riparian zone management program for private landowners to assist in streambank revegetation and stream buffer maintenance without public access requirements. Urban Stormwater Management-control of runoff and non-point source pollution should be established at existing urban areas. Revegetate Streambanks-eroded streambanks should be revegetated to stop erosion and restore riparian habitats. Canopy trees should be planted to shade the stream, minimizing warming during hot weather. Aquifer Recharge Protection Zones-recharge areas and well fields should have stormwater protection and land use controls to protect groundwater quality. Natural Resource Protection Are&s-areas containing outstanding natural resources should be established to protect rare species and natural communities. Spring Creek Canyon Nature Reserve-establish a nature reserve on the extensive expanse of public land within the Spring Creek canyon. The outstanding natural and scenic resources should be protected and public access improved. Historic Resource Protection Areas-currently unprotected historic resources within the corridor should be protected and public historic interpretation should be improved. National Register Historic Districts-several places within the corridor are eligible and nomination should be pursued. Enhance Public Ao^w-establish recreational path connections on public lands where those connections do not currently exist. Establish recreational access with streetscape enhancement in urban portions of the corridor. Waterfront Parks-in the town of Bellefonte, establish waterfront parks on existing public lands that would enhance access to Spring Creek and recreational opportunities. Scenic Resource Protection Areas-establishment of effective land use controls that preserve scenic resources such as forest cover on mountain sides facing the corridor. Gateways-at particular points throughout the corridor gateways should be established to call attention to particular recreational or management zones or to announce arrival into urban areas. For example, streetscape gateways are proposed for the town of Bellefonte, a gateway is proposed for the entrance into the Spring Creek canyon nature reserve, and one for the place where the corridor enters the State Forest at the creek's headwaters. Scenic Urban Greenway-within the Big Hollow portion of the corridor a large expanse of publicly owned land exists between the Pennsylvania State University and residential neighborhoods that could establish a recreational con- �41 nection between the urbanized core of the region and the main stem of Spring Creek. Recreational Access and Stormwater Managementfor New Development-new residential development within the corridor should provide for recreational access to Spring Creek, establish riparian conservation zones, connect open space and natural habitats along the stream, and manage Stormwater to minimize runoff, increase infiltration, and reduce pollution. Public Education Integral to fulfilling the basic intent of the project is communicating the study results and recommendations to the public. This was accomplished both as a series of public computer-based multimedia presentations made by the authors throughout the course of the study and as a set of printed products to assist the ClearWater Conservancy in their ongoing efforts to communicate the results of the study. The multimedia presentations, combining text, maps, photographs, sketches, sound, video and a live speaker were developed early in the study to introduce a variety of audiences to the intent of the study. Throughout the study, the presentations were adapted to reflect the study's progress. At the study's completion, a final multimedia presentation was developed to summarize the results. The printed products were intended as a complete record of the study inventory, assessment, and recommendations for the fourteen corridor sections. In addition to serving the Conservancy as a record, the products were designed to support a variety of presentational roles. The 11x17 inch bound color report summarizes the study and provides an over- figure 8. An example of the corridor assessment — the Thompson Run section of the study corridor view of the recommendations. The report was distributed to various municipal authorities, civic groups, and business leaders as an educational and fund raising tool. The five maps of each of the corridor sections that contain the inventory, assessment, and recommendations were printed at different sizes for use in different situations. The 11x17 inch maps can be hand held or bound into the report, at 18x24 inches they can be used for table top discussions or small-group presentations, and at 36x48 inches they can be used for large-group presentation and displays. EXAMPLE OF CORRIDOR ASSESSMENT AND RECOMMENDATIONS The Thompson Run section provides an example of the corridor assessment (see figure 8). Thompson Run, is the shortest of Spring Creek's tributaries, yet it lies at a key location in this changing region. Even though it is perhaps the most urban of the fourteen sections, it contains important opportunities for �42 enhancing water quality, the integrity of natural habitats, the expression of local history, and open space connections. Thompson Run arises from Thompson Meadow Spring which is located less than 1000 feet from the most densely urbanized core of State College and even closer to the town"s sewage treatment plant, yet produces a copious flow of cold and very pure water welling up from the aquifer. This isolated habitat is home to a globally rare and endangered animal and a small trout population. Survival of both of these species depends on the continued flow and purity of the spring. Stormwater runoff from the adjacent existing urban development has eroded the streambanks downstream of the spring, and threatens it with ecologically damaging sedimentation. As these pure spring waters flow toward their confluence with Spring Creek, the stream is disturbed and channelized and further threatened by non-point source pollution from the runoff from the adjacent highway and businesses. As Thompson Run approaches Spring Creek, it flows into Millbrook Marsh, the last remaining calcareous march remaining in the valley, which contains rare plants and habitats. This marsh absorbs stormwater, protecting downstream properties from flooding and releases water slowly to maintain dry weather stream flow. The marsh is threatened by runoff and sedimentation from possible urban encroachment at its margins. Thompson Run was named for Moses Thompson one of the iron masters at Center Furnace, a charcoal-fueled iron furnace that operated between 1791 and 1858. The limestone furnace stack and the restored Iron master's house, now home of the Centre County Historical Society, lie along the four-lane route 26 across from the spring which once supplied waterpower to the furnace by way of a millpond and race. Behind Centre Furnace is agricultural land owned by the Pennsylvania State University. Pedestrian access within this area is limited. The furnace and the university are historically linked (through the sale Figure 9. An example of the corridor recomxneneUtions — the Thompson Run section of the study corridor. of furnace land to the State in 1855, to establish the university) yet no pedestrian access exists between these two adjacent properties. The highway is not conducive to pedestrian access and even though two new parks bring pedestrians close to Thompson Run, they fall short of making a connection between the town and the stream. Ecological, historical, scenic, and open space values exist within this small area, yet none are linked to one another, to the town, or to the campus. To illustrate the corridor recommendations, the Thompson Run section again provides a good example (see fig- �43 ure 9). The assessment revealed landscape elements having significant ecological, historical, scenic, and open space values within close proximity to one another, yet having no pedestrian connection to one another, to the town, or to the campus. Recommendations for this section of the corridor suggest enhancements to these values while enabling pedestrian connections and access to the Figure 13. Sketch of proposed Gateway Park. stream. The central component of will be lost to development before comthese recommendations is the establishmunity awareness and support is built? ment of a gateway park to reunite the Will the corridor ever become a conhistorically linked Thompson Meadow nected system of linear public open Spring with Centre Fumace-now sepaspace or will its components remain isorated by the highway. This section of lated? Will Spring Creek remain as a the highway, instead of being a divider, high-quality cold-water wild trout habiwould become the center of the new tat, or will it become a warm and sedipark. The highway would be redesigned ment choked conduit for stormwater? as a tree-lined boulevard with pedestrian Will the corridor fulfill it potential as a access and accommodation for safe pecommunity focus for history and nature destrian crossing (see figure 10). The interpretation? The answers are unpark would establish pedestrian access known, but much of the future success through the existing adjacent parks, through university-owned land, and es- of the corridor study lies in the extent to which the ClearWater Conservancy tablish pedestrian links down-stream to and the regional planners are able to Millbrook Marsh. The stream itself promote a vision for Spring Creek, and would be protected by restoring the the extent to which that vision meets the streambanks and revegetating the riparcommunity's needs and demands for ian zone. Wetlands and sedimentation public open space. basins would be constructed to protect This study was intended as the first the spring from existing stormwater runphase of a proposed series of planning off. Millbrook Marsh would be prostudies for the Spring Creek corridor tected through easements or acquisition that may or may not be undertaken deand designated as a nature reserve with pending upon the success derived from controlled public access and environthis first phase. While the authors bemental education opportunities. lieve that the methods employed in this study were appropriate to the intent and DISCUSSION available resources of this phase, they The ultimate impact of the Spring also believe that future study methods Creek corridor study will not be known should be designed to reflect the scope for many years. Which of the recomand resources of those future phases as mendations will find adequate commuwell as lessons learned from the first nity support to achieve full implementaphase. tion? How many opportunities for open A self evaluation of the first phase space connections within the corridor �44 of the study point to several issues that could be addressed by future phases. For example, future study should actively seek organized public input in the form of surveys, questionnaires, or public meetings. Accurate planning relative to subsurface hydrology is impeded by the lack of a thorough scientific understanding of the extremely complex hydrogeology. Answers are greatly unknown to such crucial questions as the specific locations of aquifer recharge, the flow pattern of the aquifers, and from where individual springs receive their flow. The current study's level of understanding of the visual and scenic characteristics of the corridor lacks specific delineation of valued viewsheds that could be further developed with the aid of computer analysis. Assessment of the corridor was based largely upon the authors' expertise and familiarity with the conditions of the corridor landscape. Future study might benefit from greater input from outside experts in other fields. While utilizing GIS was not seen as appropriate to the needs of the first phase, future study using the analytical capability of GIS would enable the study team to make more precise assessments. The intent of the study recommendations was to present a vision of design possibilities and stimulate community 1 discussion. The study recommendations were aimed at this intent, but could be considered naive relative to the complex nature of the changing landscape in which those recommendations are made. As a conceptual vision, each of the recommendations has the potential to achieve its ecological, historical, recreational and scenic potential, but there are several next steps to be undertaken before these conceptual recommendations can be implemented. The public education component of the study has succeeded in presenting the study's vision to planners, elected officials, and business and community leaders, but no linear open space system proposed for a rapidly growing region can succeed without overwhelming community support. Future phases of the study should both seek broad community input and extend the outreach of public education further into the community. Thomas G. Yahner, Timothy P.Johnson, Neil P. Korostoff, and A. Mark Battaglia The Pennsylvania State University Department of Landscape Architecture 210 Engineering Unit D University Park, PA 16802 Phone: 814-863-2379 email: tgyl@psu.edu Fax: 814-865-3289 The pattern of rapid decentralized urban growth has been explored by Joel Garreau in his book Edge City, and by Peirce Lewis in his paper The Galactic Metropolis. 2 The value of the past to the present residents of a landscape has been written about extensively by such scholars as Peirce Lewis and David Lowenthal. �45 Establishing a Link Between Interpreting the Evolution of a Landscape and Landscape Management Practices by Terry L. Clements, ASLA, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, VA INTRODUCTION The landscapes around us are a record, or an autobiography, of our past. The land forms and available resources influenced our movements, settlement patterns, business ventures and our leisure activities. Today's surface features reflect our past and current values, preoccupations, aspirations and fears. Grady Clay said that, "there are no secrets in the landscape." All of our cultural warts and blemishes are there and our glories too; but above all, our ordinary day-today qualities are exhibited for anybody who wants to find them. (Lewis, 1979) However, they are not always readily apparent and often require some interpretation. Few people consciously realize that even our scenic and "wilder" areas have been, and continue to be, modified and managed by human activities. The Mount Rogers Scenic Byway, located in the Mount Rogers National Recreation Area of the Jefferson National Forest in southwestern Virginia, provided an opportunity to develop an interpretive plan that would encourage visitors and local residents to view the surrounding landscape as a record of on-going natural occurrences and human activities. If people are to develop an understanding and deeper affinity with their surrounding environments, it is vitally important that each begin to see that the landscapes around them are continually modified by such natural occurrences as geologic movements, erosion, and flooding. More importantly, these landscapes have been and are continuing to be, modified by numerous human activities. Such activities as timber harvesting, farming, road and rail building and settlement have influenced the evolutionary course of the region and they will continue to induce change. Hopefully, by initiating an interpretive program that emphasizes the forces of landscape change and evolution as evidenced along this byway, visitors will begin to grasp the magnitude that individual and collective human activities have in this process. THE MOUNT ROGERS SCENIC BY- WAY: A CASE STUDY The Mount Rogers Scenic Byway is a component of the National Forest Scenic Byway System. It provides access to unique opportunities for travelers to discover the cultural, historical, biological and geological resources of a representative Appalachian landscape. While the byway was officially designated in 1988, by 1993 the USDA Forest Service had yet to develop an interpretive program to guide development of interpretive programs and other facilities within this corridor. However, the byway's visual corridor is a dynamic landscape and the region's visual character was continuing to evolve. Clear cut forests were regenerating. Agricultural fields were falling into disuse and hedgerows were disappearing. Vacation homeowners, other non-farmers and new farmers were settling on private lands along the corridor. As economic conditions shifted along the corridor, so did land uses. Also, the USDA Forest Service's mission has evolved from a predominate focus on extracting forest resources and toward a less extractive, conservation-based recreation and tourism land use. If a program interpreting �46 this landscape in transition is to be coherent, landscape management policies and practices have to be developed that support the program goals. Careful inventory and analysis of past, present and potential land uses and their associated visual landscape patterns provided a basis for developing an interpretive plan that links to landscape management practices. The scenic byway's visual and cultural corridor was identified through analysis of visual resource assessment mappings. This analysis revealed land form, landscape, and vegetation patterns unique to the region and quite different from those of other national landscape regions. For instance, the mid-ground landscapes are fairly close to the viewer. Mid-ground landscape patterns such as the "forest glade" are characteristic of this region of Appalachia. Also, although much of the visual corridor is narrowly defined, there are significant long views to the shoulder of Mount Rogers, down side valleys and through Whitetop Laurel Gorge. Due to the predominate deciduous vegetation, visual dominance of foreground, mid-ground and background views varies with each growing and dormant season. When the visual assessment mappings were compiled with research on the region's cultural and natural history, explanations for these patterns were discovered and the continually evolving landscape patterns revealed significant traces of historic natural occurrences and patterns of human settlement and landscape exploitation. INTERPRETIVE STORY SETS Within the boundaries of the scenic byway's visual corridor, there are numerous traces of the region's past natural and cultural identities. The corridor consists of two major landscape types. The western end is domininated by the Whitetop Laurel Gorge. This section of the by way is intimately connected to the creek's run down the gorge as the roadbed runs parallel to and over the creek. Much of the remainder of the corridor is a valley landscape, closely hemmed in by parallel mountain ridges. The evolving landscape or "landscape in transition" provided the focus needed to develop a coherent and informative interpretive theme for the scenic byway corridor. The interpretive theme: Landscapes in Transition, Past, Present and Future, was selected as an appropriate means to present the landscape changes, or evolution, as influenced by natural events and human activities. While the goals of the interpretive theme reflect those of the Jefferson National Forest, they emphasize: (1) creation of a sense of connection between the byway visitor and the Appalachian landscape and (2) provision for visitors to develop an understanding of how and why this landscape has changed and will continue to change. Specific interpretive story lines were outlined to: • trace the forces and events that created the landforms, and wildlife and vegetative patterns, • trace the patterns of resource exploitation from pre-historic man and early settlers to the present day, and • explore evolving land use patterns as they are affected by federal and local land management and recovery practices. The interpretive plan links these three interpretive story sets to identified land management units, specific facility developments and to supporting management practices. For instance, the story of geologic formation can be told by highlighting rock and land form variations and by increasing awareness of vegetation changes that are linked to geologic formations. Settlement sites can be used to reveal the relationships between historic settlement locations, available modes of transportation, and the types and avail- �47 ability of desireable resources. Early settlers looked for individual farm sites large enough to support their families. Later settlements were constructed to support the wholesale logging off of the region. Once the resource was gone, these settlements and their support services diminished in importance or vanished. Present day uses are less extractive and support recreational uses within the region. Lodging and day-use facilities provide services for visitors and area residents. To trace the evolution of the corridor, the visual landscape patterns were overlaid with maps of past, present and potential land uses. This overlays were reviewed to reveal possible relationships between potential land uses and interpretive opportunities and to help determine management and facility development prioritization. Analysis also revealed impacts of current management practices and provided a better conception of future directions for USDA Forest Service management of the scenic byway corridor. LANDSCAPE MANAGEMENT UNITS The byway corridor has a sequence of natural and cultural landscapes specific to this physiographic and cultural region; each is worthy of interpretation and management. Because landscape patterns are a direct result of land management practices, whether planned or the accumulation of incremental actions, it is vital to the success of any interpretive plan to coordinate land management policies and practices with the interpretive theme and with specific interpretive stories. Analysis of the visual assessment maps and the natural and cultural overlays revealed a sequence of twenty-three (23) landscape units representing seven distinct landscape management units. Each landscape management unit includes areas of similar configuration and actual or projected land uses relating to the byway's interpretive theme. These management areas include: • The Vegetated Tunnel: Vegetated tunnels are canopied sections of the roadway and afford strong feelings of entry and exit. Sunlight is filtered and variable throughout the day and seasons. Opportunities exist within these management units to interpret regional physiography, particularly in the Whitetop Laurel Gorge area, and vegetation patterns. Because of past timber extractions and subsequent regrowth, today's vegetation stands are a different mix than the older forest. Landscape management policies should encourage effective maintainance of healthy roadway canopy, a "clean" roadside edge, and periodic open and framed views of the creek and geologic formations. There are no "glades" within this landscape management unit. • The Vegetative Corridor: These corridors have discontinuous roadway canopies and are primarily associated with recreational access points. They also have greater potentials for opening or enhancing long distance views. Currently, these narrow background vistas are associated with such recreational uses as fishing, hiking and picnicking. Understory views within this landscape management unit may also open to mid-ground glades. The glades often mark historic fields and other settlement clearings. Management practices should include thinning and pruning to enhance the background vistas and redevelopment of forest glades at historic "cellar hole" locations. (The glades also open up the enclosure of the corridor and provide a more spacious feel to byway travelers.) • The Stream Corridor: The roadbed and stream are adjacent and frequently cross within the stream corridor landscape management unit. Their close relationship reveals the �48 historic importance of water "gaps" as transportation routes and the stream's current recreational value for fishing, camping and picnicking. These sections of the corridor require careful management and frequent maintenance because they are visually prominent and subject to over-use and site degradation. Artful efforts are needed to maintain and enhance the health of the streams and to sustain the trout population so that the streams can handle the fishing pressure. • The Necklace of Fields: These sequences of small fields and wooded land forms create a spatial sequence of open and closed spaces. While the fields vary in size and configuration, they frequently contain small residences, farm buildings or abandoned homesteads at one edge. Together they play an important interpretive role in explaining the comunulative effect that seemingly small agricultural practices have on the region's evolving landscape patterns. Currently, the fields in this unit are in various stages of succession and transition. Land ownership is mixed and effective management will require the development and implementation of numerous private-public partnerships. The fields are often located along streams and next to a transition landscape management unit or are the transition between Forest Service land and privately held settlement areas. Some of the fields are actively used, while others have been left for various lengths of time without care. The goal for these units is to establish a distinct series of open fields, creating an open and dose sequence as one passes through the unit. The bands of forest trees or "false" fence rows between the fields should be supplemented to strengthen their presence and a sense of historic property lines. • The Large Valley: In the Large Valley landscape units, a mixed deciduous forest frames and bisects the open fields as they extend down the mountainsides. Cows, rock outcroppings, residential and agricultural buildings of many eras, old apple trees and fields in various stages of succession add interest to this scenic pastoral landscape. Approximately half of the byway is located in the large valley between Mount Rogers and Iron Mountain. In the early 1900s, this valley (known as Fairwood Valley) contained a company lumber town of 3000 residents. Today, a few cellar holes and indicator plantings remain. General landscape management recommendations include: fence clearing and maintenance, roadside ditching to create a stronger edge and to discourage parking along shoulder, limbing trees not immediately adjacent to the roadway to symbolize browse lines, and management of long distance views. Specific facilities are being developed to interpret historic settlements and resource uses within this unit. * The Settlements in Transition: Generally, Setthnents in Transition are linear nodes of denser residential and commercial development. Because these areas contain numerous out-parcels, they are the most dynamic management units along the by way. There are continuously changing activities in the residences, agricultural buildings and fields and commercial areas. These units present particularly important land management partnership challenges. Once these partnerships are established management recommendations can be further developed and implemented. Filtered views into the fields should be maintained, the fences repaired and vegetation at the fence rows thinned, or supplemented, and pruned. Succession fields within �49 these two landscape management units should be left to demonstrate "Landscapes in Transition." • Transitional Landscapes: Transitional Landscape units contain numerous types of land uses and are subject to a variety of land management challenges. Newer residences and commercial structures are being built that could reflect historic patterns. However, they need to meet the service demands of local residents and visitors. Once the general landscape managment units were defined and mapped, specific visitor and area resident needs could be addressed on a site specific basis. Each of these specific uses and facilities could be planned in such a way that each supports the over-all interpretive theme and plays a role in interpreting parts of each interpretive story set. CONCLUSIONS The landscape of the Mount Rogers Scenic Byway visual corridor will continue to evolve in response to natural and human actions. Because It is important that people develop an understanding of the magnitude that individual and collective human activities have on a regional landscape, the byway' interpretive program focuses on revealing the collective results of incremental natural occurances and human activities that comprise the visual character of this corridor. In order to effective relate these stories, the interpretive plan has to be linked with management policies and practices governing land uses within the visual corridor. By defining a sequence of landscape management units, landscape managers and facility developers can prepare management guidelines that care for the physical health and economic vitality of the land and well as develop specific stories that support the over-all interpretive goals of the managing body. Note: The Mount Rogers Interpretive Plan and Management Guidelines were prepared by Terry L. Clements and Lynn Crafts. The following students provided research assistance: Chaya Prabhu and Denise Alexander. SELECTED RESOURCES Clements, T. and L. Crafts, 1994. Interpretive Plan and Management Guidelines for the Mount Rogers Scenic Byway. Blacksburg, VA. Jefferson National Forest Interpretive Plan, 1987 Lewis, Peirce R, 1979. "Axioms for Reading the Landcape: Some Guides to the American Scene," The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes: Geographical Essays, edited by D. W. Meinig. Oxford University Press. Litton, R. B.Jr., 1968. Forest Landscape Description and Inventories - A Basis for Land Planning and Design. USDA Forest Service Research Paper PSW-49. Pacific SW Forest and Range Experimental Station, Berkeley, CA. —, 1973. Landscape Control Points: A Procedure for Predicting and Monitoring Visual Impacts. USDA Forest Service Research Paper PSW-91, Pacific SW Forest and Range Experimental Station, Berkeley, CA. Magley,B., 1990. National Forest Scenic Byways. Billings, Montana: Falcon Press. Shepherd, W.E., 1989. "Description, Visual Analysis and Land Use Control along Scenic Byways: A Case Study in the Appalachian Mountains of Virginia and West Virginia," Parkways, Greenways, Riverways: The Way More Beautiful, Proceedings of the Third Biennial Linear Parks Conference 1989. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium. — and L. Crafts, 1993. "Landscape Visibility Studies for a USDA Forest Service Byway: Mount Rogers National Recreation Area, Virginia." To be published in proceedings for the Fifth Biennial Linear Parks Conference, 1993. Boone, NC. Tilden. 1977. Interpreting Our Heritage. 3rd Edition. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press. Terry L. Clements, ASLA Department of Landscape Architecture, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blacksburg, Virginia �50 Synecologies, Greenway Planning and the Pursuit of Synergies by Kenneth R. Tamminga, Penn State University We will win or lose the biodiversity battle on the landscape between the protected areas. Gary Merriam, Landscape Ecologist, 1993. ABSTRACT Three young sciences — landscape ecology, restoration ecology and conservation biology — could offer invaluable knowledge and insight to greenway and linear parks planners, but presently do so infrequently and with little purposeful focus. Linear parks and greenways invariably traverse damaged anthropogenic landscapes where these synecologies also exert their energies. However, planning is rarely informed by them, and is largely unaware of their philosophical underpinnings and inbuilt biases. Conversely, greenway planning does not effectively appraise the synecologies of either its needs or values. There is a tendency, therefore, to work at cross-purposes. Synecologies have different efficacies in different regions and scales, depending on the level of landscape degradation and community vision and commitment to pursue a new, sustainable future. Their conceptual bases and array of principles lend themselves to different masters and vested interests and constituents. A brief case study of an extensive ecosystems planning initiative in the community of Markham, Ontario shows the efficacy of embracing the synecologies. Proposals include preserved and restored ecological nodes, corridors and buffer areas that support and are supported by an allied greenway network. The planning team and 'synecologists' worked hand-in-glove from inventories to implementation strategies. Ecosystems compatibilities and constraints became an integral part of the planning criteria when synecologies informed the planning process. Every greenway initiative must 'find its own path', based primarily on regional characteristics and socio-political values. But the synecologies should be considered in providing a knowledge base to help guide greenway planning into the twenty-first century. INTRODUCTION Partnerships & Sustainability is a timely theme for this year's conference. It merges two of the most promising and energetic solutions to the challenges facing environmental planners in today's complex, contingent world. The former implies changes in the process of acquiring understanding and identifying goals and strategies, while the latter suggests a 'product' - the attainment of the goal of perpetuating a positive environmental, social and economic state through time. This paper will explore one facet of this year's theme: the relationships between greenway planning and the applied ecologies. 'Sustainability' has generated much conceptual debate and semantic rhetoric over the past decade. In so doing, it has acquired a certain dialectic. On one hand, it may have oxymoronic connotations - as in 'sustainable development' suggesting only the inevitability of quantitative growth; on the other it may im- �51 ply something more ecologically tenable, lasting and non-consumptive. In confronting Western society's legacy of environmental degradation, Michael Hough (1990, p. 194) suggests that sustainability requires more than just achieving neutrality, and that local action must take place to effect convincing change. Any intervention or modification in the environment should henceforth make a positive contribution to restoring and enhancing environmental health and cultural identity. The assertion is that in redressing past abuses, we can proceed in good conscience. Greenway and linear park proposals invariably confront degraded landscapes. Where many greenway planners see a richly-grained plinth through which to weave a greenway strand, the ecologist tends to see a stress-adapted but crippled landscape, where some lost functions or lifeforms reappear in a different, pathogenic guise (Rapport and Regier 1995). As socio-cultural artifacts in the human-modified landscape, greenways either contribute to or detract from the sustainability of their region. Like residential sprawl, energy corridors, and traffic throughways, they 'consume' land. Lyle( 1985), Reese and Ratti( 1988) and others have shown that their linear qualities and high edge-to-area ratio can result in significant contact with cultural and natural communities. Planners have a golden opportunity to make meaningful contributions to the search for sustainable, healthy bioregions while meeting related, more focused planning objectives. A scan of published greenway initiatives across North America suggests that planners have been quite content to cobble together whatever vestiges of natural environment are available in achieving a linear parks system in the cultural landscape.1 This apparent sta- tus quo, however, ignores the compensatory obligation of true sustainability in the late modern/post-modern landscape. The process of planning greenways should lead to vital reconstructions of some semblance of ecological health. Greenways by their very nature should serve as vehicles —frameworks — for helping restore degraded ecosystems. Frequently, the links made to achieve greenway continuity are too tenuous, and ecological core areas — sensitive habitat, wetlands, interior forest area, etc. — too small. By fragmenting habitats and crenellating vegetative edges, greenway amenities such as trails and planting schemes may, in fact, serve to reduce rather than enhance regional biodiversity. By extension, environmental health and integrity are compromised (Noss 1983; Reese and Ratti 1988). This situation may be occurring because a bioregional perspective is not being achieved.2 Likely, too, is the common conundrum of having good environmental field data and not knowing how to assess and synthesize it into integrated, ecologically valid solutions. Greenway planners — frequently environmental designers and landscape architects — may still find the integration of intuitive, 'creative' problem-solving with knowledge-based design problematic. In settled landscapes, the appropriate venue for systematic greenway planning is within the paradigm of ecosystems planning, which "judges proposals not only on economic or social objectives, but also on whether they add to regenerating and improving a region's ecological health" (RCFTW1992, p. 77). Ecosystems planning as the medium in which greenway planning proceeds allows restoration to consider the entire landscape matrix. With the whole of the settled landscape — the urban bioregion — within the planner's perusal, ecologi- �52 cal patterns and features past, present and future are within conceptual reach.3 Every landscape system has its own indelible and unique pattern of natural and cultural elements. Just as the notion of landscape as 'palimpsest' has intrigued scholars of cultural landscape history, so may the landscape reveal its layered natural heritage.4 If a goal of greenway planning intervention is to make a positive contribution to ecosystems health and integrity5 (as it should in most cases), then ecological principles and criteria for preservation, restoration and enhancement must be sought as the primary remedy to the effects of ecological fragmentation.6 Greenways and linear parks, as connective, high-contact entities within the landscape, must therefore be considered holistically and contextually. ECOLOGICAL RESTORATION: THE MISSING INGREDIENT There appear to be two main reasons why systematic ecological restoration has played such a minor role within existing and proposed greenway networks in the settled landscape. First, land use planning legislation and private property rights have been viewed as major impediments to implementation of the requisite policies and programs needed to embrace a restoration-bolstered greenway system (Steiner 1990; Tamminga 1994). Secondly, knowledge transfer from these sciences through to planning application has been minimal. Popular greenway planning texts (e.g. Little 1990) are widely accessible to greenway and park planning practitioners. These may commonly be viewed as definitive works on greenway ecology, but may in fact ignore biodiversity issues and the specialized knowledge available in the synecologies. 'Cookbook' publications to date have tended to dwell on the historical, cultural, or recreational values of greenways and linear parks. As a result, ecological conservation as an aspect of greenway planning has mostly been limited to opportunistic preservation, or at best disjointed, incremental restoration initiatives. This paper argues that greenway planning must be more inclusive of ecological theory and principles. But it must do so in a manner adapted to regional conditions and opportunities. To discover the ecological palimpsest, to assess its influence within greenway planning process, and to synthesize this knowledge with ecological principles requires the collaborative expertise (Partnering) of planner and applied ecologist. Knowledge and principles gleaned from landscape ecology, conservation biology and restoration ecology ('synecologies', discussed below) can augment and direct the findings of local ecological inventories. Only then will planners, decision-makers and the community embrace visionary greenway networks that build on both 'what's there' and 'what was-and-could-againbe there'. However, care must be taken in selectively extracting ecological principles and criteria, since each synecology has built-in philosophical bias and differing foci in terms of landscape scale and venue. An orientation to ecological trends in general and the synecologies especially will better enable the greenway planner to fill current knowledge gaps. UNDERPINNINGS IN THE SCIENCE OF ECOLOGY7 The North American urban realm continues to lose its regionally distinctive biodiversity heritage. In its place is an homogenized array of resilient wild- �53 life species that flourish in fractured and intensively utilized urban landscapes. Metropolitan and agricultural hinterlands are characterized by processes and conditions of ecological fragmentation, isolated habitats, an over-abundance of opportunistic species, threatened native species gene pools, and even extirpation of indigenous species. To understand the implications of such conditions, greenway planners must be clearly informed by ecological science. However, if hopes are pinned on ecological laws, planners will find them neither broadly confirmed nor in easily digestible form. Ecology is orders of complexity removed from the basic but universal physical laws that have been hard won within the 'purer' sciences (Pomeroyetal 1988; Mann 1988). Furthermore, Lease notes that "the natural sciences are splitting faster than zygotes" (1995, p. 6). Current post-modern trends are influencing the sciences as much as they are the discourse in the arts and humanities (Soule, 1995). Scientific thought is now largely centrifugal and fragmented rather than convergent and synthetic. The ecological historian Robert Mclntosh has traced the history among ecologists of disagreement over ecological laws. As many as thirty ideas have been represented as solid candidates for ecological law, but have not yet been able to achieve a set of generally accepted constants (regularities or patterns in such things as species and communities), nor have they as yet been able to transform these into quantifiable laws as are found in the physical sciences (cited in List 1994). Even the context within which such laws might be established — ecological theory — has no broadly agreed upon dimensions, making prediction and explanation more difficult (Mclntosh 1985). List provides some relief to the dilemma of the seemingly overly-dynamic condition of past- and present-day ecology: "While any 'normative' appeal to a precise scientific ecology must remain in doubt.. .(ecology) does help us understand various lesser regularities and facts about specific ecosystems and non-human communities, and can provide valuable information about human impacts on those natural systems" (1994, p. 196). Moreover, since Mclntosh's inquiry a decade ago, the ecological sciences have made great strides in establishing clearer understanding of natural systems and interrelations at various spatial levels. Discussing the status of large-scale ecosystems design and its application to Biosphere II, Zeigler (1995) notes that systems ecology rises to the status of a mature science when its methods serve as the design bases for a completely artificial, human-engineered ecosystem. The synecologies, by analogy, can be considered nearing maturity, since they have translated principles through to successful application since about the mid-1980s (and much earlier under other titles). And they have done so with open ecosystems far more complex than the closed, artificial precedent cited by Zeigler. Ecosystem studies may never provide universal laws, but they are producing for the pragmatic purposes of greenway planning useful 'normic' or 'probabilistic' statements — descriptive statements of what will normally or probably happen given a set of circumstances (Pomeroy et al. 1988). When Eugene Odum introduced the third edition of his venerable text The Fundamentals of Ecology in the early 1970s, he served as vocal apologist of the Victorian ecological paradigm of stability, equilibrium and order within ecosystems. Other classic ecosystems ecologists reassert and refine Odum's origi- �54 nal work.8 But increasingly, general and questionable pronouncements have given way to more attainable and realistic notions of ecological dynamics.9 Revisionist ecologists are challenging ordered models of nature, stressing natural disturbances such as fire, wind, climate, and disease (Worster 1995; Soule 1995). Even the word 'ecosystem' is losing its luster, having acquired qualifiers such as 'mosaic' and 'patchiness'. No longer are ecosystems seen as tending toward equilibrium or culmination in a perpetual 'climax' state. Neither are biotic 'communities' so cohesive as once believed; instead, ecosystems are considered dynamic and dependent entities, filled with assemblages of mostly competing (Soule would say 'greedy') species. Thus, over the past several decades, ecological principles of'balance' and 'order' have been replaced by the principle of ecological 'gradation' encompassing a continuum of human and natural disturbances, with degrees of stability or diversity depending on spatio-temporal perspectives (van der Valk 1988; Soule 1995). In everyday life, however, 'ecosystems' and 'communities' continue to be useful terms, minding the provisos stated above. What ecology is telling us is that humans are by far the most important ecological force ('perturbers') today. The most prominent and resilient of ecological concepts is that of biodiversity.10 E. O. Wilson (1992) submits that biodiversity is the key to global health world, and that natural disturbance events and ecological succession contribute to "holding the world steady". Biodiversity is now widely held as a key measure of sustainability, from the global to the bioregional and subwatershed scale (Salawasar 1991; UNCED 1992; Riley and Mohr 1994; Soule 1995). The foundation of biodiversity is genetic variation, permit- ting species and biological communities to sustain themselves through time. Primary local and regional threats to biodiversity include habitat fragmentation, simplification of ecosystems and gene pools, the spread of exotic plants and animals, and human intrusion (Salawasar 1991). Each of these threats may be exacerbated or ameliorated through the implementation of greenways and linear parks. Planners must therefore acquire at least a familiarity with the strains of applied ecologies, as well as their scope, their differing paradigms for achieving biodiversity, and their limitations for greenway practice. TAPPING INTO THE SYNECOLOGDES If ecology is considered a young science11 , its applied offspring can be considered brash neophytes. The synthetic ecologies — or 'synecologies' — of landscape ecology, restoration ecology and conservation biology have existed as distinct fields for no more than two decades.12 Odum's (1971) early definition of synecology: "the study of groups of organisms associated as a unit" (1971, p. 6), has been extended to include theory and empirical research of ecosystems and applied problems of human management (Allaby 1992; Clewell 1993). Synecologies, then, are scientific disciplines involved in the bringing together of component parts of an ecosystem (Jordon 1995). These three synecologies, taken collectively, seek to understand ecological fragmentation and related maladies from the site scale to inter-bioregion linkages. They are an essential response to the acknowledged excesses of the consumptive modern era. Collectively, synecologies offer much useful information to greenway �55 planning professionals because their foci parallel the scale and venue of much greenway planning. They also are poised to interact creatively within a greenway planning context, not content to be "didactic, trickle-down sciences" (Western 1991, p. 433). Synecologists embrace a prescriptive, mission-oriented view of their work. The restorationist Dennis Martinez (1994) sets an 'eco-inclusive' tone that greenway planners might emulate in calling for "simulated natural systems within which humans are intensively engaged as keystone ecosystem players". Martinez is implicitly acknowledging that ecological restoration is essential in interventions within anthropogenic (human-modified) landscapes. Any attempt at categorization of evolving disciplines can be risky. For instance, the 'traditional' site-scale foci of restoration ecologists is increasingly challenged within their ranks, both in published works and scholarly symposia.13 Nevertheless, a wide and generalized overview of the three flagship journals for each of the synecologies shows Figure 1. RnbuofSynecologies. distinct realms of thought and operation. Figure 1 shows five facets — or modus operandi — of each. This conceptual framework suggests some in-built strengths and biases in the synecologies, which in turn may help inform the greenway/linear park planner in selecting strategically from each, depending on project context and scale. As shown, each discipline varies in scale and context, and each proffers a fairly distinctive package of knowledge that discloses their philosophical leanings and environmental foci. The disciplines of landscape ecology and restoration ecology have converged on disturbed ecosystems and fragmented urban and near-urban landscapes. Conservation biology has avoided urbanizing bioregions (see below), but in providing methodological advances and supra-landscape level insights can also be considered a synecology. Landscape ecology considers the development and dynamics of spatial heterogeneity, spatial and temporal interactions and exchanges across heterogeneous landscapes, influences of spatial heterogeneity on biotic and abiotic processes, and management of spatial heterogeneity (Risseretal., 1984). Forman (1981) more simply explains landscape ecology as the study of the interactions and fluxes of energy, mineral nutrients, and species among clustered stands or ecosystems. Importantly, it defines a landscape paradigm of several working scales of biodiversity within an ecologically fragmented region. Typically, scales are discussed as 'alpha' (within habitat or 'ecotope'), 'beta' (between habitat; a local series of habitats), 'gamma' (regional, or watershed) and 'delta' (bioregion or biome) (Noss 1983; Naveh 1994). There are several divergent currents of investigation in the field of landscape �56 ecology which are relevant to planning country. Noss and his contemporaries and design of linear parks and essentially call for a conservation-origreenways. The most fundamental has ented model that reversed the all-conto do with the extent to which landscape sumptive and outward thrusting tendenheterogeneity is embraced at various cies of urban and agro-industrial land scales, and how biodiversity is assessed. uses. The noted landscape ecologist Zev In contrast to the primary MUM obNaveh (1994) emphasizes fine-grained jective of indigenous species conservabeta (landscape matrix) diversity across tion, Naveh pleads the case of sensitive, the whole region. This tends to favor native and non-native ('naturalized') speopportunistic, edge-adapted species that cies, since the landscapes he is considerprefer fragmented habitat (Noss 1983; ing have been settled and modified for Harris and Kangas 1988; Reese and Ratti millennia. Naveh's anthropogenic 1988). model was developed from investigaConversely, Reed Noss (1983,1986) tions of the agro-silvo-pastoral ('perturand many other American landscape bation-dependent') landscapes of the ecologists are increasingly coming to Mediterranean chaparral. Where Naveh support a more comprehensive gamma sees diversity and rich heterogeneity, the diversity, stressing the role of native vegmore biocentric 'gamma diversity' proetation and the conservation of genetic ponents see a loss of regionally distincwealth. Here, the approach usually entive biodiversity heritage replaced with tails a network of ecological reserves and a homogenized array of species that are buffers integrated through corridors for able to flourish in fragmented and inspecies dispersal and colonization (Noss tensively utilized landscapes. Small, and Harris 1986). This 'multiple-use nonviable subpopulations of indigenous module' (MUM) model was developed plants and animals eventually dwindle for application to American settled reaway for wont of adequate space and gional landscapes, where vestigial native genetic inflow (Harris and Kangas ecosystem components were not so 1988).15 seamlessly integrated with a maturing As landscape ecology and conservacultural landscape. The model serves tion biology literature (discussed below) the interests of indigenous ecosystems is showing, complex gamma- and deltaand genetic materials, and lessens the scale diversity can suffer when land manfoothold that generalist species already agers embrace simple beta diversity. enjoy in quanFrom the pertity in any urspective of inban digenous health bioregion.14 It and integrity in also discourthe path of ages the North Ameripatchy, multican urbanizajurisdictional tion, the bigger approach to and more wellplanning and connected the management ecological clearly evident node/reserve FfemZ. M.irkharn'sbiorrgional context. throughout the the better. �57 However, it is important to perceive the extent to which context and cultural heritage influence ecological modeling. Gamma- and delta-scale diversity become almost irrelevant in long-perturbed areas such as the Mediterranean. Obviously, context and cultural values influence ecological research foci, and hence, the range of principles from which greenway planners may draw. Restoration ecology is the ensemble of scientific practices that contribute to ecological restoration — the total set of ideas and practices (social, scientific, economic, political) involved in the actual restoration of ecosystems. The Society for Ecological Restoration definition states that ecological restoration is "the process of reestablishing to the extent possible the structure, function, and integrity of indigenous ecosystems and the sustaining habitats that they provide" (SER 1994).16 Restoration ecology offers a wealth of alpha/beta-scale tools to reestablish or enhance urban ecological process and structure. Botany, plant physiology and soil science strongly influences restoration ecology. Issues such as accidental hybridization, propagation of plants of local provenance, and enhancement of soil biotics and structure are well-addressed in scientific literature and field trials. Conservation biology is a missionoriented science that justifies the necessity for large areas of interconnected wilderness to ensure species viability over the long term (Grumbine 1992). In his capacity as conservation biologist, Noss (1993) raises a call to action as well as scholarly inquiry: "As vital as high-quality empirical work and hypothesis testing are in conservation biology, we get Figure 3. Markham's Wan tor the Knvixunmcnt (summary fwtuiw: greenw«y bails not shown). the job done only by translating scientific findings into policy and management prescriptions, and then by getting those prescriptions implemented on the ground" (p. 216). In contrast to landscape ecology, its biocentric focus on contiguous wildlands (extending at least to the delta/biome scale) as home for wide-range mammals has kept it well away from the urban realm. It traverses similar territory to landscape ecology, however, in its attention to fragmentation in human-modified landscapes (Soule 1986). The discipline's insights into ecosystems viability analysis, gap analysis and wildlife genetics research, however, could have great potential for urban application (Western 1991). Other natural sciences have cast their sights on the urbanizing landscape, and are forming alliances with the synecologies. Urban wildlife biology, for instance, focuses on the urban matrix as habitat and niches for individual wildlife populations. While concern may be expressed regarding invasive species such as purple loosestrife, Phragmites, the cowbird and zebra mussel, urban wildlife biologists generally see the complex and fine-grained interaction between human and wildlife as a desirable condition (Adams 1994; Dennis 1985). Site- �58 and species-specific issues tend to be well-addressed, complementing the restoration ecology focus of restored vegetation communities. Gamma-scale diversity, however, is less of an issue. Ornithologists and avian biologists are similarly collaborators in issues of biodiversity in the urbanizing bioregion. As discussed in the following case study, the plight of neotropical migrants — and synecological prescriptions for their recovery — can play significant form-giving role in the construction of greenway systems. These illustrations could go on, but the main points have been made. Ecology, its nestlings and its allies are in a state of flux, a normal state for young disciplines raised on a diet of reductionist thinking. A semblance of maturity and scholarly cross-pollination is beginning to build, however. The processes of primarily invalidating earlier theories and laws' are giving way to substantive observations and even quantitative (and highly complex) field experimentation. The synecologies exhibit, too, an adequate diversity of priorities and opinions, ranging from distinctly anthropocentric to biocentric. Although no universal algorithms for greenway planning and design problems are available, synecological work can provide a strong basis for establishing principles for ecologically-appropriate greenway planning and design decisions. Following is a case study illustrating how the synecologies informed a major greenway-inclusive ecosystems planning study in a quickly urbanizing Great Lakes bioregion. CASE STUDY17 Overview. Markham, Ontario is a large suburban municipality on the north border of Metropolitan Toronto, near the center of the Greater Toronto Bioregion (see Figure 2). The southerly one-third of its 212 square kilometer landbase is characterized by corporate center nodes and strip commercial development surrounding by low-density residential sprawl (1994 population: 162,000) edging northward into vast tableland cornfields and remnant natural areas. Directly stated, Markham is in dire threat of confirming the assertion of Rapport and Regier that "many locales around the Great Lakes [are] degraded to an abject state of ecological slum" (1995, p. 410). Bracing for the next large develop ment push and spurred by grassroots activists empowered by a very active "redemocratization" in southern Ontario (Rapport and Regier 1995), municipal council hired a multi-disciplinary consulting team to prepare the Markham Natural Features Study, culminating in the comprehensive Plan for Markham's Environment.18 The two-year study pursued a rigorous ecosystems approach. It was conducted concurrent with an urban growth study and a cultural heritage study. The three parallel planning streams converged at critical points throughout this period to ensure as integrative a process as possible. Specialty disciplines represented on the Natural Features study consultant team included plant ecologists, a forester, wetland and wildlife biologists, a limnologist, fisheries ecologists, a hydrogeologist, and an ornithologist. The synthesis of background information and the preparation of the culminating Plan for Markham's Environment was a joint effort between the Project Landscape Architect and the Project Ecologist. The Markham Natural Features Study consisted of two phases: i) a Background Report comprising an eighteen month field study of earth �59 and life sciences and a literature review of synecological theory and principles, and; ii) an Implementation Plan for ecological preservation, restoration and greenway trails linked to the surrounding bioregion (see Figure 3). The Background Report reported 2,200 naturally vegetative communities in the field, classified into 18 different types. While this represented 13.6 % of Markham's land area, approximately 8% of this was anthropogenic in nature.19 Although a few rare birds were noted during the faunal inventory, fauna in Markham was generally found to be indicative of a fragmented and disturbed natural environment. In tandem with the collective synecological knowledge found within the study team, field investigations suggested to the study team that re-creating large contiguous blocks of natural communities should be a priority in the restoration strategy. This would prove to be the primary strategy for accomplishing the biodiversity objective of attaining levels found in other southern Ontario municipalities, including the Greater Toronto Area which is approximately 18% forested (Riley and Mohr 1994).20. The Implementation Plan (Phase 2) contained Markham's Plan for the Environment (Figure 3), which expressed "a vision for the community that provides a framework for protecting, restoring and linking up natural features in Markham to achieve a high quality environment, ecological diversity and numerous outdoor recreation opportunities" (GSHWS 1993, p. ES1-ES2). Based on the field studies and review of literature in the synecologies, six objectives were adopted to guide the planning process: 1. To stop further losses of significant natural features and to minimize other losses. 2. To improve the remaining ecological resources. 3. To create and improve linkages between natural areas. 4. To create/restore larger contiguous areas of natural communities. 5. To meet the following criteria through implementation of Markham's Plan for the Environment: • natural communities - achieve total naturally sustaining vegetative cover of 21% (up from 13.6%). • upland woodlots - achieve 11 % up land vegetation coverage (up from 3.2%). • lowlands - retain and improve lowland communities without losses. • aquatic habitat - retain and restore habitat and riparian communities. • major nodes - achieve ecological nodes of a minimum of 100 hectares in size, with a spacing of 2.5 kilometers. • greenway access - achieve a high level of accessibility to natural communities for residents. • fisheries and water - optimize warm and cool/cold water fisheries; achieve maximum temperature of 21°C and minimum dissolved oxygen of 6.0 mg/1 for cold water fisheries. �60 • plants - achieve naturally reproducing vegetation species list of 500 native plant species (up from 1992/93 count of 387 species). • birds - achieve a cumulative breeding bird species list of 100 species (up from 1993 level of 77 species), of which a 20% portion will be forest interior species. 6. To monitor these objectives to provide direct measure of the "state of Markham's Environment", as appropriately modified to accommodate changes and new information. The Plan's vision and objectives denote an ecosystems approach to pursuing biodiversity, and a belief that healthy and accessible environments in turn contribute to community well-being. It nested a greenway strategy within both qualitative and quantitative targets for biophysical health and integrity. Earlier work by various members of the consulting team on both the adjacent Rouge Valley Park and the 'Crombie Commission' had raised awareness of the need for ecological cohesiveness both within and between large scale ecosystems.21 Extensive field investigations by life and earth scientists and landscape architects wellversed in synecological principles confirmed earlier recommendations for the Greater Toronto Bioregion (Figure 2). The Plan recognized the need to: • protect and enhance water recharge areas throughout the Oak Ridges Moraine, and more specifically in the headwaters of the Rouge and Don River watersheds; • reestablish riparian continuity to link the major ecosystems of Lake Ontario and the Oak Ridges Moraine as a corridor for migratory fish, birds and other wildlife; • protect existing natural enclaves, such as woodlots and small swamps, from further stress and exploitation; • link isolated natural features via substantial natural corridors to facilitate native species movement and minimize the effects of predation (Figure 4); • reestablish tableland linkages between watersheds, for example, between the Rouge, Don and Petticoat/ Duffin's Creek watersheds in Markham (Figure 5); • create a comprehensive greenway network aligned with the ecological network (Figure 3), to be implemented as the restored system matured through time; • set up land use buffers to preserved, restored and enhanced natural features through the land use planning and development approvals process. Three overlay schedules detailed the general Markham's Plan for the Environment: 1. Environmental Protection Areas 2. Ecological Restoration Areas 3. Greenway System. The strategies in Schedules 1 and 2 were aggregated with a greenway network plan to produce the overall Greenway System which is at the time of writing proceeding through the. formal public review process (Duoba 1995).22 Ecological Nodes. Ecological nodes (shown as blocks on Figure 3) were comprised of existing significant natural areas to be preserved, as augmented with substantial ecological restoration lands to achieve a block-shaped, cohesive reserve (Figure 5). This major initiative — singular in Canada — would help ensure the objective of 11% upland vegetation cover. It would also help realize a theoretical objective of 10% 'pristine' natural area for each watershed in the Great Lakes called for by Rapport and Regier (1995). The 100 hectare size of major natural nodes (11 total) was a result of a com- �61 bination of inputs, largely from published sources, but also from bioregional observations by members of the study team in the several years preceding the study. Riley and Mohr( 1994) cite a number of published articles that suggest a minimum forest interior habitat ('threshold') size in the order of 100 hectares is desirable for many neotropical migrants (e.g. warblers, grosbeaks, thrushes), some neotemperate migrants (e.g. Redshouldered hawk) and resident species (e.g. Pileated woodpecker). Parasitism from cowbirds is often noted as the major impact on interior breeding neotropical migrants in fragmented landscapes. Wilcove (1987) found that circular woodlots of less than 100 hectares contain no interior secure from significant predation and parasitism. The shape of the large nodes were as nearly circular as possible to reduce the edge-to-area ratio and related 'edge effects'.23 It was recognized that woodlands of 100 ha, if not less than 500 m in width in any horizontal dimension, could retain interior habitat (Riley and Mohrl994). Because of land ownership, agronomic and infrastructural patterns, enlarged and restored nodes tended to be blocky in shape — a reasonable compromise, and a reflection of the joint efforts of planners and ecologists. A 2.5 kilometer spacing of major natural nodes was cited as being com- parable to the spacing between nests of interior forest bird species with large home ranges, while allowing each node to function as a discrete ecosystem with minimal territorial disputes.24 The reality of field conditions also played an important role in reserve location. Field inventory revealed that concentrations of regionally rare and significant species tended to congregate near stream confluences, where the dendritic hydrological patterns logically coincided with larger areas of lowland and remnant upland vegetation. Perhaps coincidentally, such major existing nodes were spaced quite consistently near the 2.5 kilometer mark. Ecological Corridors. The rationale for ecological corridors was based on the landscape ecology principle that species dispersal between patches is crucial to the prevention of genetic stagnation in small breeding populations (Noss 1983), as well as recolonization after periods of environmental stress (Noss 1987). Harris and Gallagher (1989) echo Noss; they found that corridors served to bolster the small natural reserves to which they were attached, effectively enabling populations to occur in urban-agronomic landscapes that might not otherwise support them. If consistent with bioregional conditions and substantial in width, the potential costs of corridors, such as transmission of fire and diseases, could be minimized (Simberloff and Cox 1987). Like ecological nodes, substantial corridors may themselves provide a semblance of interior habitat for habitat specialists such as neotropical migrants, reptiles and amphibians, and some small mammals. 'Strip corridors' wide enough to maintain interior conditions in their centers were preferred exclusively over 'line corridors' (typically hedgerows and utility rights-of-way) that were essentially all �62 edge habitat. The study team chose a 100 meter corridor width as a compromise between an average maximum of the intrusion of 'edge effects' (e.g. predation and altered microclimate) and a size still able to accommodate some interior habitat. It is also the suggested width required to maintain forest interior tree species such as beech (Ranney et al. 1981). As preliminary GIS-based greenway mapping was field checked and tested in workshop settings, many opportunities arose to establish corridors as wide as several hundred meters, attaining the minimum width criteria for southern Ontario suggested by Riley and Mohr(1994). Tableland hedgerows and riparian corridors provided the framework for most ecological corridors in rural Markham. Hedgerows that had been haven to predatory generalist species were reconsidered as framing elements for infilled forested corridors (Figures 4 and 5), becoming a primary conduit for ecological restoration and cross-watershed linkages. Greenway Overlay. The ecological planning process introduced new trail alignment possibilities, sometimes aligned along the field patterns and farmstead lanes established by pioneering Mennonites in the early 1800s, and in other areas delving into preserved natural features. The result was an interesting dialectic: greenway trail alignments along natural patterns of riparian corridors and major nodes, and along cultural patterns in the rural landscape matrix. Long-term bioregional trail connections were also stressed in the study process. Regional trails plied the more substantial greenways, diverting around sensitive habitats, and connecting the proposed Toronto Waterfront Trail with the Oak Ridges Moraine Trail; trails linking residential and commercial communi- ties with Locally Significant Areas comprised much of the 'secondary' trail system. As the Plan submitted, the "focus is not simply on 'Islands of Green' like typical ESAs (Environmentally Sensitive Areas), but rather on the total greenway system which will become one of Markham's most valued assets" (GSHSW, p. 1-6). But the greenway system served more than recreational objectives. It was from the beginning conceived as an ally in the larger task of ecological renewal. Although the primary purposes of the Plan for Markham's Environment were explicitly ecological, the 'human ecology' aspects of the natural system were as strongly communicated during the planning process. Figure 6, for example, shows a typical lost opportunity for both ecological and recreational linkage between an isolated urban woodlot and more inspirational, ecologically resilient rural features (a mistake municipal planners and developer are not likely to repeat). The concept of day use trail loops in rural areas were quickly grasped by municipal decision-makers; their merit as riparian habitat and new ecological tableland corridors to reestablish links between watersheds was not so immediately apparent. Finally, the two regional governments of York and Metro Toronto — as well as the Rouge Valley Park Advisory Committee and the Provincial office of the Greater Toronto Area — seemed as intrigued with the critical regional trail through Markham linking �63 Lake Ontario with the Oak Ridges Moraine as they were with groundbreaking work in municipal ecosystems restoration. Clearly, the Markham strategy relied on a close intertwining of both recreational and ecological values. General location and specific alignment of trails was a team effort. For example, planners were made well aware that swaths — even wide paths — cut through forests tracts could not only stress mesic habitat, but could destabilize entire faunal communities (Noss 1983). Plan-making thus became an interactive and iterative, rather than linear, process of concept development and measurement against both ecological and recreational criteria. Riparian Corridors and Buffers. When Hurricane Hazel struck with immense force over southern Ontario in 1954 it sparked the wide-spread establishment of Conservation Authorities empowered to acquire f loodlands and riparian corridors and enact regional flood-protection regulations. The 'environmental memory' of this natural disaster is still evident throughout the Greater Toronto Area. Thus equipped with a fairly intact system of stream and river valleys, project hydrologists and biologists were able to establish a comprehensive valleyland classification system. They also noted the capacity of each valley type to accommodate trails. A review of regulatory precedents and available literature resulted in the following recommended changes to Official (Comprehensive) Plan policy: 10 m setback from the top-of-stable-bank or the drip-line of a Locally Sensitive Area (whichever is greater); 10 m setback from the regulatory f loodplain; 10m setback from warmwater stream; and 20 m setback from coldwater stream, with setbacks vegetated with indigenous plants. Again, scientists on the study team worked closely with greenway planners not only to chart restrictions for trail locations, but also opportunities through larger valley systems and future development buffers. On Collaboration. The planner's experience in pattern recognition, their broad familiarity with ecological principles built up through years of working partnerships with consulting biophysical scientists, and especially their understanding of the cultural landscape and land use policy matrix within/around which the framework existed, provided precisely the 'kick-start' that the study team required. The reductionist, analytical strengths of the scientists proved a boon during background study, and a mild encumbrance at the initiation of the plan-making stage. Synthesizing a bioregionally-based 'pattern language' of ecosystems restoration as a basis for plan-making proved to be largely the role of the planner generalist, tested against synecological principles during teamwide collaborative workshops. DISCUSSION As advocates of green systems and linear parks, greenway planners espouse connectedness of ecological processes and celebrate the interplays of human and non-human forces. But fragmentation still plagues even our lauded examples. Andre Clewell, President of the Society for Ecological Restoration, called for unity between practicing restorationists and restoration ecologists, since they "represent two sides of the same coin — the synergy of theory and praxis" (Clewell 1993, p. 141). A parallel synergy must be attained if the missions of synecologists and environmental/greenway planners are to reinforce each other. The foregoing prece- �64 dent illustrates one specific approach to achieving the merging of environmental and social objectives. Markham's Plan for the Environment clearly expressed the belief that greenways are at once natural and cultural entities accommodating human aspirations and many life forms and processes. Seeing What's Not There. Greenway planners miss essential opportunities if they fail to envision the potential for ecological restoration; they often see only 'what's there', not 'what could be there'. The synergies that built the working model in Markham required several paradigm shifts on the part of the planners. This receptivity helped remedy the 'alpha/beta-scale mindset' — common to greenway planners — that result in fragmented solutions to the detriment of regional biodiversity. In acknowledging that natural features (including greenways) in the urbanizing bioregion are islands under siege, an urban bioregional awareness was cultured. Different, more visionary solutions were thus achieved. Conversely, Markham's greenway planners demonstrated to team 'synecologists' the imperative of understanding greenways as cultural constructs melded into the larger cultural/ ecological palimpsest. The planners served an important role in synthesizing regional cultural and natural attributes into a cohesive environmental entity. The contrasting pattern of human 'geometric coordinates' (roads, field and hedgerow patterns, other infrastructure, etc.) and the natural (preserved and to-be-restored) achieved a sort of genius loci, or sense of place, unique to the Toronto region. More robust and readily-available criteria for planning and prioritizing greenways as part of a larger mission to enhance ecosystems biodiversity merits further attention. At the level of both academe and day-to-day practice, the onus is on the greenway planner to set up stronger liaisons with ecologists and scientists in confronting the complex issues along the cultural-natural interface.25 But care must be exercised in bridging the gap; philosophical foci and packages of principles vary widely between and, as noted above, within the synecologies. Bridging the 'Two Culture9Divide. On a broader level, there is a burden on academe to confirm existing hypotheses and generate new insights. The duality of Western science and the social sciences/humanities has been mostly one of isolation, not dialogue. The natural sciences currently do little to inform the humanities, and vice versa. This false dichotomy presumes that science is not creative and that art (greenway planning?) is immune to scientific reasoning (Higgs, 1993). In our attempts to make greenway ecology easy, we have often made it trivial.26 Salwasser (1991) suggests that we embrace complexity as an exciting challenge. Perhaps we need to more often consider the contributions our projects make in the fight to slow global biological impoverishment caused by an accelerating downward spiral of biological diversity.27 Surely, the dual-purpose character of most greenway assignments suggests itself as a primary venue to resolve such tension. Greenways, Place-making and Social Process. Greenway-making at it$ most profound is part of community-building. Rituals that underpin place-making may help reunite nature and culture. Ecological function and integrity can, through participatory planning, become a shared aesthetic experience, and as such contribute to the human quest for �65 identity and renewal (Norden, 1993). To adapt an idea from Malcolm Quantrill (1987), greenways must be seen by the people of the community as contributing to its identity, its spirit. The idea of the greenway-within-ecosystem must exist in the minds of inhabitants; they "should be conscious of its organizational and formal implications" (p. 33). An essential tenet of placemaking calls for a personal engagement between people and landscape, one that draws from the dynamics of local ecology is a primary ingredient in the potent antidote to the city that Rowe fears is not a place, but a "non-stop condition"(p. 59). This newer thinking identifies with the larger bioregion and the informed contributions of scientific and cultural communities; it invites local involvement in ecological place-making through time as a narrative of renewed relationships (people-to-people, people-to-nature). The greenway is an ideal place for this to occur. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank Lilli Duoba (Town of Markham), Michael Houck (Portland Audubon Society), and Rod Mondt (The Wildlands Project) for generously providing information and insights. Appreciation is also extended to colleagues Michael Hough and Derek Coleman for sharpening my thoughts on nature in the urban bioregion. Support was provided by a grant from the College of Arts and Architecture, Penn State University. Kenneth R. Tamminga Department of Landscape Architecture The Pennsylvania State University 210 Engineering Unit D University Park, PA 16802 (814) 865-9511 (voice) (814) 863-8137 (fax) krtl@psu.edu (e-mail) REFERENCES Allaby, M., ed. 1992. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Botany. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Borgman, A. 1995. "The Nature of Reality and the Reality of Nature." In Reinventing Nature? Responses to Postmodern Deconstruction. M. Soule and G. Lease, eds., Washington, DC: Island Press, 3145. Clewell, A. 1993. Ecology, Restoration Ecology, and Ecological Restoration." Restoration Ecology 1(3):141. Duoba, L. 1995. personal communication, Town of Markham Planning Dept., Markham, ON, May 17. Forman, R. T. 1981. "Interactions Among Landscape Elements: A Core of Landscape Ecology." In Perspectives in Landscape Ecology, Proceedings of the International Congress of Landscape Ecology, Wageningen, The Netherlands: Veldhoven, Pudoc PubL, 3548. Fritts, S. and L. Carbyn. 1995. "Population Viability, Nature Reserves, and the Outlook for Gray Wolf Conservation." Restoration Ecology 3(l):26-38. Gilpin, M. E. and M. Soule. 1986. "Minimum Viable Populations: Processes of Species Extinction." In Conservation Biology, M. Soule, ed., Sunderland, MA: Sinauer Associates, 1934. Grumbine, R. E. 1992. Ghost Bears: Exploring the Biodiversity Crisis. Washington, DC: Island Press. (GSHSW) Gore & Storrie Limited, with Hough Stansbury Woodland Limited. 1992. Markham Natural Features Study: Phase 1 Background Report. Markham, ON: unpublished consultants' report. - 1993. Markham Natural Features Study: Phase 2 Implementation Plan. Markham, ON: unpublished consultants' report. Harris, L. and P. B. Gallagher. 1989. "New Initiatives for Wildlife Conservation: The Need for Movement Corridors." In Preserving Communities and Corridors. G. Mackintosh, ed., Washington, DC: Preservers of Wildlife, 1134. Harris, L. and P. Kangas. 1988. "Reconsideration of the Habitat Concept." Transactions of the 53rd North American Wildlife and Natural Resources Conference, 137-144. Hough, M. 1990. Out of Place: Restoring Identity to the Regional Landscape. New Haven: Yale University Press. Hussel, D., M. Mather, P. Sinclair. 1992. "Trends in Numbers of Tropical- and Temperate-Wintering Migrant Landbirds in Migration at �66 Long Point, Ontario, 1961-1988." In Ecology and Conservation of Neotropical Landbirds. J. M. Hagan and D. W. Johnston, eds., Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 101-114. Jordon, W. R. 1995. "Restoration Ecology: A Synthetic Approach to Ecological Research." In Rehabilitating Damaged Ecosystems. J. Cairns, Jr., ed., Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, 373-384. Lease, G. 1995. "Nature Under Fire." In Reinventing Nature? Responses to Postmodern Deconstruction. M. Soule and G. Lease, eds., Washington, DC: Island Press, 3-15. List, P. 1994. "Some Philosophical Assessment of Environmental Disobedience." In Philosophy and the Natural Environment. R. Attfield and A. Belsey, eds., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 183-198. Little, C. E. 1990. Greenwaysfor America. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Lovelock, J. E. 1979. Gaia: A New Look at Life on Earth. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Luymes, D., D. Nadenicek and K. Tamminga. 1995. "Beyond the Great Divide: Landscape Architecture, Ecology and the City" Washington, DC: American Society of Landscape Architects Council on Education, in press. Lyle, J. T. 1985. Design for Human Ecosystems: Landscape, Land Use and Natural Resources. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Mann, K. 1988. "Towards Predictive Models for Coastal Marine Ecosystems." In Concepts of Ecosystem Ecology. L. Pomeroy and J. Alberts, eds., New York: Springer-Verlag, 291-316. Martinez, D. 1994. SER News. A. Clewell, ed., 7(3):6. McHarg, I. 1966. "Ecological Determinism." In Future Environments of North America. P. Darling and J. P. Milton, eds., Garden City, NY: Natural History Press, 526-538. Mclntosh, M. 1985. The Background of Ecology: Concept and Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Merriam, G. 1993. "An Introduction to the Concepts of Landscape Ecology for Ontario Park Managers, Administrators and Policy-Makers." In Size and Integrity Standards for Natural Heritage Areas in Ontario. S. Poser, W. Grins, and T. J. Beechey, eds., Toronto: Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources, 87-92. Noss, R. 1983. "A Regional Landscape Approach to Maintain Diversity." BioScience 33(11):700706. Noss,R. 1987. "Protecting Natural Areas in Fragmented Landscapes." Natural Areas Journal 7:2-13. - 1992. "The Wildlands Project: Land Conservation Strategy" Wild Earth: The Wildlands Project. Canton, NY: The Cenozoic Society, special issue. - 1994. "Whither Conservation Biology?" Conservation Biology 7(2):215-217. Noss, R. and L. Harris. 1986. "Nodes, Networks and MUMs: Preserving Diversity at all Scales." Environmental Management 10(3):299-309. Odum, E. P. 1971. Fundamentals of Ecology. 3rd edition. Philadelphia: Saunders. Pomeroy, L., E. Hargrove, and J.Alberts. 1988. "The Ecosystem Perspective" In Concepts of Ecosystem Ecology L. Pomeroy and J. Alberts, eds., New York: Springer-Verlag, 1-17. Quantrill, M. 1987. The Environmental Memory: Man and Architecture in the Landscape of Ideas. New York: Schoken Books. Ramade, F. 1995. "Qualitative and Quantitative Criteria Defining a Wealthy' Ecosystem." In Evaluating and Monitoring the Health of LargeScale Ecosystems. D. Rapport, C. Gaudet, and P. Calow, eds., Berlin:Springer-Verlag, 43-61. Ranney, J. W., M. C. Bruner, andj. B. Levenson. 1981. "The Importance of Edge in the Structure and Dynamics of Forest Islands." In Forest Island Dynamics in Man-dominated Landscapes. R. L. Burgess and D. M. Sharpe, eds., Springer-Verlag, 67-95. Rapport, D. and H. Regier. 1995. "Disturbance and Stress Effects on Ecological Systems." In Complex Ecology: The Part-Whole Relation in Ecosystems. B. Patten and S. J0rgensen, eds., Enlgewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 397-414. Riley, J. and P. Mohr. 1994. The Natural Heritage of Southern Ontario's Settled Landscape. Toronto: Queen's Printer of Ontario. Robbins, C. S., J. Sauer, R. Greenberg and S. Droege. 1989. "Population Declines in North America Birds the Migrate to the Neotropics." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 86:7658-7662. Salawasar,H. 1991. "Roles for Land and Resource Managers in Conserving Biological Diversity." In Challenges in the Conservation of Biological Resources: A Practitioner's Guide. D. J. Decker, M. E. Krasny, G. R. Goft, C. R. Smith, and D. W. Gross, eds., Boulder: Westview Press, 1131. Simberloff, D. and J. Cox. 1987. "Consequences and Costs of Conservation Corridors." Conservation Biology 1(1):63-71. Soule, M. 1986. "The Effects of Fragmentation." In Conservation Biology: the Science of Scarcity and Diversity. M. Soule, ed., Sunderland, MA: Sinauer Associates, 233-236. �67 - 1995. "The Social Siege of Nature." In Reinventing Nature: Responses to Postmodern Deconstruction. M. Soule and G. Lease, eds., Washington, DC: Island Press, 137-170. Steiner, F. 1991. The Living Landscape: An Ecological Approach to Landscape Planning. New York: McGraw-Hill. Tamminga, K. R. 1994. "Towards an Holistic Systems Approach in Restoration Planning." paper presented at 6th Annual Conference of the Society for Ecological Restoration, Lansing, MI, unpublished. van der Valk, A. G. 1988. "Management: Providing Scientific Basis for Management." Transactions of the 53rd North American Wildlife and Natural Resources Conference, 463-470. Western, D. "Biology and Conservation: Making the Relevant Connection." Conservation Biology 5(40):431-433. Wilcove, D. S. 1987. "From Fragmentation to Extinction." Natural Areas Journal 7:23-29. Wilson, E. O. 1992. The Diversity of Life. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Worster, D. 1995. "Nature and the Disorder of History." In Reinventing Nature? Responses to Postmodern Deconstruction. M. Soule and G. Lease, eds., Washington, DC: Island Press, 6585. Zeigler, B. 1995. "Knowledge-based Large-scale Ecosystem Design." In Complex Ecology: The Part-Whole Relation in Ecosystems. B. Patten and S. J0rgensen, eds., Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 468-484. NOTES Many sources detail greenway projects; see, for example Little (1990) and as well as the forthcoming Greenways special issue of Landscape and Urban Planning, Vol. 33, October, 1995. 2 Bioregion (biological region) consists of a geographic area described by its natural characteristics, primarily landforms and watersheds; an area defined by biophysical rather than political boundaries (RCFTW, 1992). ^Ecosystems planning is a comprehensive land planning approach that emphasizes the need to balance ecosystem health, quality of life, and economic vitality. Policies and development proposals are not judged solely on their economic merits or other social objectives, but also on whether they add to regenerating and improving a region's ecological health. Ecosystems planning emphasizes the importance of natural and cultural diversity (RCFTW, 1992). ^Palimpsest is a word of Greek origin used to describe the faintly visible rubbings on an old parchment that has been reused many times. 5 Norton (in Ramade 1995) describes a general approach to defining ecosystems health that involving five axioms: dynamism, relatedness, hierarchy, creativity, and differential fragility. These measurable terms of reference have apparently not widely influenced greenway and ecosystems planning practice in urban and near-urban North America. ^Ecological fragmentation is a characteristic of human-altered landscapes, where natural habitats have been severed, forming a patchy pattern within a disturbed matrix; ecological imbalances are particularly notable at the edge (Riley and Mohr, 1994). Landscapes which are highly fragmented tend to be impoverished ecologically, low in both health and integrity. Ecological health is a capacity of the land (and all its organisms) for self-renewal (Leopold, 1949). Ecological integrity is the capability of an ecological area to support and maintain assemblages of organisms that have a composition and functional organization comparable to that of the natural habitat of the region (Riley and Mohr, 1994). ^his section was adapted by the author from his contribution to "Beyond the Great Divide: Landscape Architecture, Ecology and the City" by D. Luymes, D. Nadenicek and K. Tamminga (American Society of Landscape Architects Council on Education, Washington, DC, 1995, in press). 8 Other classic ecosystems ecologists reassert and refine Odum's original work In fact, a major volume honoring Eugene Odum* retirement reconfirm the ecosystems model (Pomeroy et al. 1988), and argues repeatedly that ecosystems are stable and resilient, albeit characterized by internal interactions between component species and influenced by external material and energy flows. 9 Lovelock's (1979) Gaia hypothesis is a good case in point. 'Homeostasis' has been shown to have some merit at the global scale in terms of atmospheric self-regulation/feedback. However, at the more relevant spatio-temporal scale of real ecosystems, scientists generally concur it is inapplicable and can lead to a false sense of security (Soule 1995; Pomeroy et al. 1988). IQ Biodiversity (biological diversity) is the variability among organisms from all sources, including terrestrial, marine, and other aquatic ecosystems and the ecological complexes of which they are a part; this includes diversity within species, between species and of ecosystems (UNCED 1992). �68 11 According to ecological historian Donald Worster (1995) ecology is a post-Darwinian biological science that achieved status as a rudimentary discipline during the 1890s. Founders included Ernest Haeckel, Eugenius Warming, and later Henry Cowles and Frederic Clements. 12 Flagship journals Landscape Ecology, Conservation Biology and Restoration Ecology were launched in 1987, 1987 and 1993, respectively, but formal organization and scholarly endeavors under these tides occured earlier. Attempts to restore a collection of ecosystems can be traced at least as far back as work at the University of Wisconsin Arboretum beginning in 1934 (Jordon 1995). 13 The Society for Ecological Restoration 1995 International Conference "Taking a Broader View", Seattle, Washington strives to expand the horizons of applied ecological restoration. Similarly, Fritts' and Carbyn's (1995) examination of bioreserves for the Gray Wolf indicates a 'cross-pollination' of restoration ecology and conservation biology at the supra-landscape level. Likewise, recognized landscape ecologists such a Naveh (1994) are making inroads into restoration ecology publications in an attempt to broaden the scope and systematic understanding of this field. ^Habitat generalist species utilize many habitat types, while habitat specialists are restricted to a specific habitat (Harris and Kangas 1988). Generally in settled, fragmented landscapes, habitat generalists are favored, particularly predatory and invasive species associated with open and edge conditions. 15 Minimum viable population may be defined as the minimum threshold of individuals or some set of other thresholds or limits, that will ensure, at some acceptable level of risk, that a population will persist in a viable state for a given interval of time (Gilpin and Soule 1986). 16 Note that restoration ecology and ecological restoration have developed different connotations. The Society for Ecological Restoration (SER) continues to struggle with the inherent ambiguities of ecological restoration (refer to SER News, Fall, 1994). Expansion to include international members from Britain, Canada, Australia, Japan and elsewhere has led to debates on a more globalized self-perception, of which discussions on what comprises 'indigenous' nature is the most notable. 17 Unless otherwise noted, information in this section is extracted from Markham Natural Features Study , Phases 1 and 2, by GSHSW (1992, 1993). The author contributed on both phases, and was primary author on the Plan for the Environment component of Phase 2. 18 Local activists groups included Environment Markham, 10,000 Trees for the Rouge, and Save the Rouge Valley System. The groundbreaking work of David Crombie and the Royal Commission on the Future of the Toronto Waterfront contributed greatly to public and agency awareness of regional environmental degradation and the measures required to preserve, restore and enhance ecological health and integrity in the bioregion. 19 That is, successional vegetation developing on lands disturbed by human activity. 20 Riley and Mohr (1994) show that Markham is one of the most denuded municipalities in the province, approaching the 5% forest cover of Kent and Essex County in the grainbelts of the extreme southwest corner of the province. 21 The Royal Commission on the Future of the Toronto Waterfront became known as the "Crombie Commission" in deference to its Commissioner, David Crombie. Between 1989 and 1993 the author and others on the consulting team contributed to plans to regenerate Toronto's waterfront, restore the lower Don River through the city, and establish the largest urban wilderness park in Canada: the Rouge Valley Park. 22Land use policy amendments, a redelineation of planning units based on sub-watersheds, environmental guidelines for development, and stewardship and education programs were an integral part of the Phase 2 report. 23 Most criteria for 'edge effect' have been generated by studying avian populations in interior forest settings (see Robbins et al. 1989; Hussell et al. 1992; and Riley and Mohr 1994); however, other effects may include increased insolation, desiccation and sunscald, airborne contaminants and windthrow, increased immigration of insect parasites and weedy species (Riley and Mohr 1994). 24 This reserve spacing is also roughly modelled on the natural territorial spacing of Cooper's hawk, Sharp-shinned hawk, Northern goshawk, and Great horned owl (GSHSW 1993). 25 Almost 30 years ago Ian McHarg made the request of ecologists to "provide the indispensable information the artificers require" (McHarg 1966). 26 A notion borrowed from Leopold's thoughts on land conservation (Leopold, 1949, p. 214). 27 This spiral, in turn, is driven by accelerating rates of loss of species and their habitats. Exponential species extinction rates have increased in the last 50,000 years from one extinction per 1000 years to about 1000 extinctions per year; this is projected to reach 40,000 per year by the end of this century - that is, one specie lost every hour (Naveh, 1994). �69 Land Use Guidance System: A Participatory Method to Achieving Sustainable Growth and Development Susan M. Smith, Ed.D. - Associate Director, WNCT Stefanie Mixon, B.A. - Social Research Associate, Cullowhee, NC As rural communities continue to grow, leaders are searching for ways to manage their growth responsibly. Rural leaders are looking for alternatives that will fit their communities' needs. In most cases, traditional methods of managing growth in urban areas (such as zoning) will not work. Since many of the methods designed to meet urban needs simply are not suitable for rural communities, alternatives must be explored. One such alternative is the Land Use Guidance System, which, employed along with the development of a comprehensive land-use plan, provides guidance for rural communities to use in tailoring growth in their county to their own unique needs. It is a practical and cost-effective way of providing services and maintaining the character of a community. Implementing the Land Use Guidance System requires a community or county to first develop a comprehensive plan to serve as a basis for the Land Use Guidance System. Together, the comprehensive plan and the Land Use Guidance System help communities grow and prepare for the future. Under the Land Use Guidance System, a developer submits his or her development plans to the county. Proposed development projects are then rated for compatibility with the comprehensive plan using a part of the Land Use Guidance System called a Growth Guidance Assessment, which is specifically designed to meet each county's needs. The points in this rating process are assigned according to such factors as the type of water system needed for the project, type of sewage system needed for the project, distance to a fire station, distance to a rescue squad or ambulance base, compatibility of the project to other businesses and residences in the area, proximity to proposed high density growth areas selected by the community, and impact on the public school system. The Land Use Guidance System provides a means of rating all projects or changes in use in a consistent manner. The Land Use Guidance System encourages the cost-effective use of local and state tax dollars by promoting development and growth in areas where services and infrastructure can be provided efficiently, and where the developer will have good access to public services. By managing development, communities can most efficiently use and expand public services, such as water, sewer, and emergency response systems. For example, in 1991, four rural communities in Vermont and Virginia were engaged in a study to analyze their revenues and compare the revenues with the cost of their services (Thomas). In each case, services to residential land exceeded the tax revenue that it generated. Not only do the services required by residential land exceed revenues, but these costs also far exceed the service demands of open, industrial, or commercial land. Therefore it is critical for communities to carefully plan how to provide services to residential areas. Even when services are planned for and provided efficiently, they are expensive. When done haphazardly, these costs can create a service �70 budget deficit for the community. Planning for growth allows communities to avoid the pitfalls of unplanned expansion, which can waste public and private funds by encouraging a shotgun or random approach to providing infrastructure and services. After a proposed project is evaluated by the planning staff and rated using the Growth Guidance Assessment, the developer describes the plans to adjacent landowners, community members, and planning staff at an open community meeting required by the Land Use Guidance System. The purpose of this meeting is to let residents know about the proposed project, to determine the project's impact on surrounding properties, and to provide a way for the developer to work with community members to achieve the best project possible. The best determination for harmonious growth is considered to be public opinion, particularly that of neighbors and adjacent land owners. With the Land Use Guidance System, the community, therefore, plays an active and vital role in its own growth. The objective of these meetings is not to reject but rather improve development projects. In fact, most projects proposed under the Land Use Guidance System are approved. In Bedford County, Virginia, the Land Use Guidance System has been in place since 1990. In that time, 148 projects have been processed through the system and 133 of those were approved, which is an 89.8% approval record. There is a need for increased public awareness, understanding, and involvement in the local planning process, and the Land Use Guidance System provides a new way for citizens to be actively involved in shaping their own communities. To provide a practical guide for rural communities on the Land Use Guidance System, the Land Use Guidance System Handbook has been developed. This handbook was created by Western North Carolina Tomorrow, a regional leadership organization made up of volunteer business and community leaders from throughout Western North Carolina. Western North Carolina Tomorrow received funding from the Lyndhurst Foundation for this project. The handbook outlines the Land Use Guidance System, describes the roles of developers, planners and citizens in the process, and includes resource materials such as handouts, reference lists, and overhead transparencies for local groups to use when considering the Land Use Land Use Guidance System Applicatins Fiscal Year 1990 to December 1994 Bedford County, Virginia Fiscal Year Received Withdrawn/ Approved Denied On Hold 24 4 1990 17 3 1991 36 6 25 5 1 34 3 30 1992 41 6 1993 4 31 1994 32 2 28 2 1995 10 2 0 2 177 23 133 15 Percentage approved/denied TOTALS 10.1% 89.8% (Note: Six applications still going through process in FY 1995) Bedford County Planning Department, January 1995. �71 Guidance System as an alternate growth management method for their county. The Land Use Guidance System Handbook is available to rural communities, county planners and land use planning committees, and others who are interested in land use planning and land policy. For a copy of the handbook, information about workshops on the Land Use Guidance System, or other related materials, please contact Dr. Susan Smith or Ms. Stefanie Mixon at(704)227-7492 or at WNCT, P.O. Box 222, Cullowhee, NC 28723. Information on revenue analysis taken from the following: Thomas, Holly L. "The Economic Benefits of Land Conservation," Technical Memo of the Dutchess County Department of Planning and Development, February, 1991. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. 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Title A name given to the resource Partnerships & Sustainability Description An account of the resource <span>The Sixth Biennial Linear Parks Conference was held in Blacksburg, Virginia, on September 9-11, 1995. Contributors to the proceedings are Steven Elkinton; Christopher D. Jones and William E. Hammitt; Philip A. Grant Jr.; Michael Mastrota; M. Rupert Cutler; Thomas G. Yahner, Timothy P. Johnson, Neil P. Korostoff, and A. Mark Battaglia; Terry L. Clements; Kenneth R. Tamminga; and Susan M. 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Proceedings of the Sixth Biennial Linear Parks Conference 1995 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Conference proceedings Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4747845/blacksburg.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm Blacksburg (Va.) Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/975defef7bfb87c208c5a4960a8e66d4.pdf 3d3545ba47bd330396e53bc5fc4de7e3 PDF Text Text �Archives in /Ippalachia: A Directory Ellen Garrison Editor �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2,004.; its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program.; Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1985 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4240-6 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4241-3 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements 1 How To Use This Directory 3 Map 5 List of Abbreviations 7 Main Entries 9 Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia 9 11 16 24 25 32 36 Coming Attractions 45 List of Repositories 49 Record Type Index 57 Subject Index 59 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit, educational organization dedicated to perserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia. The organization's goals are to assist in solving current problems, to improve the quality of present and future life in the area and raise the pride of the Appalachian people in their traditions and the region in which they live. For further information, please contact the Appalachian Consortium at University Hall, Boone, NC 28608. The telephone number is 704/262-2069. The member institutions of the Appalachian Consortium are: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University First Tennessee-Virginia Development District Lees-McRae Mars Hill College North Carolina Division of Archives and History Southern Highland Handicraft Guild U. S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Association Copyright 1985 by The Appalachian Consortium Press All rights reserved �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS No project of this size is ever completed without help from a variety of sources, and we are grateful to all who made this directory possible. First and foremost, we thank the National Historical Publications and Records Commission for the funding which provided staff and support to mail over 1,000 questionnaires and compile the responses. We are especially grateful to Nancy Sahli and Sandra Anderson of the commission staff who answered numerous questions about the whys, wherefores, and how-tos of the project. This directory would not exist had hundreds of librarians, archivists and curators not taken time from their already busy schedules to complete our questionnaire. A very special thanks to all of you—especially those who, owing to the vagaries of the US Postal Service, received the questionnaire only days before the deadline for return. We hope this research resource we are placing in your hands will be some compensation for your diligence in responding to our queries. The project was planned and directed by an advisory committee consisting of at least one representative from each state included in the directory. These individuals assembled mailing lists, revised and critiqued our survey instrument, encouraged professional colleagues in each state to respond to our queries and personally followed up with potential contributors to insure that our directory would be as complete as possible. For their thoughtful and timely guidance, we wish to thank Lisle Brown, Marshall University, West Virginia; Anne Campbell, University of Kentucky; Richard Dillingham, Mars Hill College, North Carolina; Hellen Kimsey, Mountain Regional Library, Georgia; Michael Kohl, Clemson University, South Carolina; Jim Lloyd, Western Carolina University, North Carolina; Dorothy McCombs, Virginia Polytechnic Institutes and State University; and Charles Robb, Berea College, Kentucky. Kathryn Wheelock, project coordinator, was responsible for compiling our master mailing list, producing and mailing all questionnaires, designing our directory format and inputting all data, and contacting all non-respondents by phone and in person. It is to Kathryn we owe our exceptional response rate. Lewis Cox, a student at East Tennessee State University, assisted Ms. Wheelock in designing the computer-based format for the directory and completed work on the final phases of data entry, proof-reading, and printing after Ms. Wheelock's resignation in early 1985. To Lewis, and his mastery of our sometimes uncooperative Apple II, we owe our success in using the modern technology which baffled others on the project staff. We are also grateful to Susan Twaddle and Milt Tober of ETSU's office of computer services for their assistance in this and other phases of the project. The leaders of the Appalachian Consortium, including Emmett Essin, chairman of the board of directors; Barry Buxton, executive director; Malinda Crutchfield, associate director; and Lois Forrester, administrative secretary, contributed not only practical help in administration and organization but much-needed moral support and encouragement. Jacqueline Stewart, assistant director of the Consortium Press, designed the directory cover and served as our advisor in production and printing of the directory. Members of the Consortium's Heritage and Folklife Committee generously gave of their time during our 1984-85 meetings to critique our survey instrument, suggest additions to our mailing list and cheer our progress. 1 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Many individuals at East Tennessee State University supplied the expertise required to implement the project. To Abbott Brayton, director of contracts and grants; Betty Tester and Lynn Myers, comptroller's office; and Rosemary Barson, University Press, many thanks for your patience and cooperation. Finally, we are grateful to Dr. Fred Borchuck, director of the Sherrod Library, East Tennessee State University, whose support made possible our work on this project; to the many friends in the library's division of reader services who helped compile our mailing list and answered numerous questions quickly and cheerfully; and to the loyal and devoted staff of the Archives of Appalachia, especially Kathryn Wilson and Barbara Minor, who assumed extra duties so that we might devote our time to this project. To all of these colleagues on our own campus and elsewhere whose support, encouragement and hard work made this directory possible, thank you. For the errors and omissions which exist in spite of your best efforts, we take full responsibility. Ellen Garrison Archives of Appalachia East Tennessee State University 2 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory HOW TO USE THIS DIRECTORY This directory consists of entries describing 181 repositories in 195 counties* in south central Appalachia which hold historical records documenting the political, social, cultural, and economic history of the region, and a list of "Coming Attractions/' agencies which do not currently collect manuscript materials but which plan to do so in the future. Also included are indexes by type of material and by subject which will enable researchers to locate selected genres of documentary material (e.g. photographs) or materials related to a particular subject. The questionnaires from which this directory was compiled were mailed to all colleges and universities, public libraries, museums, historic sites, and historical and genealogical societies in the region listed in published directories and to selected secondary schools, businesses, and churches known to hold historical records. We included cultural facilities operated by federal, state, or local governments and public libraries which serve as a repository for local government records. However, we omitted facilities which operate solely as government records repositories and the two state archives (West Virginia Department of Archives and History and the Western Office of the North Carolina Division of Archives and History) in the region. Each main entry, based on the questionnaire completed by the repository staff, includes information on the name, location, and hours of the repository; the type of respoitory; the types of material held by the repository; the broad subject areas covered by these records; the geographical area that the records cover; and the inclusive dates and size of the holdings**. We have also included the name of the staff member primarily responsible for manuscripts in each repository. Researchers are urged to contact these individuals for additional information about a repository's holdings. The main entries are arranged first by state and second alphabetically by the name of the repository. The form of entry used for a repository depended primarily on the form used by the individual completing the questionnaire. Generally, a repository which is a division or department within a larger agency is filed and alphabetized under the name of the department or division (i.e. Special Collections) not the name of the larger agency (i.e. Berea College). However, collections of local historical or genealogical societies which are housed in public libraries are frequently listed only under the name of the public library. Also, the directory was alphabetized by a computer, and computers are intractable little beasts. Therefore all repository names are alphabetized absolutely by the first word in the name (i.e. Frank H. McClung Museum is found under "F"). Because of inconsistencies in form of entry and computer alphabetizing by perhaps unexpected first words in an entry, it is advisable to check under possible variations of a repository * Information on the counties can be found following this section. ** Abbreviations are used for type of repository, type of material, and subjects; a key to these abbreviations precedes the "Main Entries/' 3 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory name when a listing for a specific repository cannot be located. To facilitate such searches, there is a list of all repositories in each state included following the ''Coming Attractions/' X Each entry is numbered in the order in which it is filed, and all index citations are by this repository number. However, because duplications were discovered during final proofreading, five entries had to be deleted after all entries were numbered. Thanks again to our intractable computer, renumbering was impossible in the time available, and therefore there are no entries for numbers 29, 105, 107, 109 and 120. We hope this directory will provide researchers who seek to explore Appalachians rich heritage with access to the local documentary resources which make such work possible. However, we could not include the many repositories outside the region which hold significant documentary material related to Appalachia. For information on these collections, researchers should consult the National Historical Publications and Records Commission's DIRECTORY OF ARCHIVES AND MANUSCRIPT REPOSITORIES and the NATIONAL UNION CATALOG OF MANUSCRIPTS published by the Library of Congress. 4 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory DIRECTORY SURVEY AREA I cartography by arex/rer �This page intentionally left blank �List of Abbreviations Archives in Appalachia: A Directory LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Repository Type BU— CS— CU— GE— HS— MU— OTPLSS— Business Church/Synagogue College/University Genealogical Society Historical Society Museum Other Public Library Secondary School Records MS— OH— GE— AV— PHIA— Manuscripts Oral histories Genealogical charts Audio-video Photographs Records of parent institution Subjects A G — Agriculture/farming A R — Art/architecture BL- Blacks BI — Business/industry CW-Civil War C R - Crafts E D — Education E l — Ethnic groups/immigration F C — Family/community life G E — Genealogy H S — Health sciences IN — Indians LA— Labor L I — Literature L H — Local history M C — Mass Communications M H — Military History (except Civil War) M I — Mining M U — Music N R — Natural resources/conservation P A — Performing Arts (except music) P W — Pioneers/westward expansion 7 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory PS— Politics/government: state and local P N — Politics/government: national R T — Recreation/tourism R C — Religion/church history S A — Social action S T — Science/technology T T — Transportation/travel WO-Women 8 �1-5 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory MAIN ENTRIES Georgia 1 Chattahoochee National Forest Records: MS, PH, IA U. S. Forest Service P. 0. Box 216 Blairsville, GA 30512 404-745-6928 Frances Mason, Forester By Appointment Only 2 Chattahoochee-Oconee U. S. Forest Service 601 Broad St. Gainesville, GA 30501 Subjects: AG, CR, ED, FC, IN, MI, NR, PW, RT, ST Type: OT N. Forest 3 Crown Garden and Archives Subjects: CW, FC, GE, IN, LI, LH, RC Type: HS 4 Forsyth County Heritage Found. P. 0. Box 762 Room 040 Courthouse Cumming, GA 30130 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, PH Subjects: GE, IN, LH, MH, PW, RC Type: HS 5 Fox Fire Fund, Inc. Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA P. 0. Box B Rabun Gap, GA 30568 404-746-5318 B. Eliot Wigginton By Appointment Only Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, PH, IA Whitfield-Murray Historical Society 715 Chattanooga Ave. Dalton, GA 30720 404-887-1626 Don L. Shadburn, Director By Appointment Only Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AG, BI, CW, CR, FC, IN, LI, LH, MI, NR, RT, TT 404-536-0541 Type:OT Rachel G. Schneider, Public Affairs Mon.-Fri. 8-4:30 404-278-0217 Polly Boggess, Director Tues.-Sat. 9-5 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to 1860, 1901 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, HS, LA, LH, MI, MU, PS, PN, RT, RC, SA, ST, TT, WO Type: OT 9 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet �6-11 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 6 Gwinnett Historical Society P. 0. Box 261 Lawrenceville, GA 30246 404-962-1450 Jon McDaniel, Treasurer Mon.-Fri. 9-12 Records: MS, GE, PH Subjects: FC, GE, IN, LH, PW, PS, RC Type: HS 7 Marble Valley Hist. Society GA. Room of Pickens Co. Lib. P. O. Box 567 Jasper, GA 30143 Records: MS, GE, PH Subjects: BI, CW, FC, GE, IN, LH, MI, RC Type: HS Robert S. Davis, Jr., President Mon., Tues., Thurs., Fri. 8:30-5; Sat. 9-12 8 Mountain Regional Library P. 0. Box 157 East Main St. Young Harris, GA 30582 404-379-3732 Hellen H. Kimsey 8:30-5 Weekdays; 1-5 Sat. Type: PL Subjects: AG, CR, FC, IN, LI, LH, PS, RC Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: GE 404-754-4413 Type PL Emily Anthony, Director Mon. 9-8; Tues.-Fri. 9-5; Sat. 9-1 Subjects: GE Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, IA Subjects: AR Type: MU 11 Sequoyah Regional Library 400 East Main St. Canton, GA 30114 404-479-3090 Dorothy G. Hales, Director Mon.-Fri. 8:30-5:30; Sat. 9-4 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS 9 N.E. Georgia Regional Library Jefferson and Green St. Clarkesville, GA 30523 10 Quinlan Art Center Gainesville Art Association 514 Green St., N.E. Gainesville, GA 30501 404-536-2575 Barbara Swerens, Director Mon.-Fri. 10-4 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, OH, PH Subjects: BI, CW, ED, GE, IN, LA, LI, LH, MI, PS, RC Type: PL 10 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet �12-16 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 12 Southeastern Railway & Museum National Railway Historical Society 3966 Buford Highway Duluth, GA 30136 Records: MS, PH, IA Subjects: BI, CW, LA, TT 404-476-2013 Type: HS Michael Cosgrove, President By Appointment Only 13 Vann House Historic Site GA Dept. of Natural Resources Rt. 7, Box 235 Chatsworth, GA 30705 404-695-2598 Tim Howard, Historian Tues.-Sat. 9-5; Sun. 2-5:30 Geographical Area: Appalachia & United States Dates: 1861 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, PH, IA Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, IN, LH, MU, PW, PS, RT, RC, TT Type: MU Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to 1860 Size: 11-50 linear feet Kentucky 14 Appalachian Museum Berea College P. O. Box CP02298 Berea, KY 40404 606-986-9341 John Lewis, Director Mon.-Fri. 9-5 15 Appalshop Films, Inc. P. O. Box 743 Whitesburg, KY 41858 606-633-5708 Laura Schuster By Appointment Only Records: OH, AV, PH Type: MU Subjects: AG, AR, CR, ED, FC, HS, MI, MU, RC, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: AV, PH Type: OT 16 Ashland Public Library 1740 Central Ave. Ashland, KY 41101 Subjects: MI, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1969 to date Size: Records: MS, PH Subjects: FC, BI 606-329-0090 Type: PL Jim Powers, Assistant Librarian Mon.-Fri. 9-9; Sat. 9-6 11 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: 51 linear feet �17-22 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 17 Cumberland Gap Nat. Hist. Park P. 0. Box 1848 Middlesboro, KY 40965 606-248-2817 Wesley D. Leishman Mon.-Fri. 8-5 Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, FC, GE, IN, LI, LH, MI, MU, NR, PA, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, SA, ST, TT, WO Type:MU 18 Eastern Kentucky Univ. Archives Eastern Kentucky University Cammack Bldg., Room 26 Richmond, KY 40475 606-622-2820 Charles Hay, Archivist Mon.-Fri. 8-4:30 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre- 1800 to 1950 Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA Subjects: BL, BI, CW, ED, FC, GE, HS, LI, LH, NR, PS, PN, RT, RC, SA, ST, WO Type: CU 19 Greenup Co. Public Library 203 Harrison St. Greenup, KY 41144 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Records: OH, GE, PH Subjects: CW, ED, GE, IN, LI, LH, TT 606-473-6514 Type: PL Dorothy K. Griffith Mon., Tues., Thurs., Fri. 9-5; Wed. 9-8; Sat. 9-2 20 Harlan County Genealogical Society P. O. Box 1498 Harlan, KY 40831 Type: GE Holly Fee, President By Mail Only 21 Harlan County Public Library Third and Central St. Harlan, KY 40831 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH Subjects: CW, FC, GE, LH, MH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to 1900 Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, PH Subjects: FC, GE, LH 606-573-5220 Type: PL Thelma Creech Wed., Fri., Sat. 9-5; Tues., Thur. 9-8 22 Henderson Settlement Mission United Meth. Church Project Box 205 Frakes, KY 40940 606-337-3613 Type: CS David L. Allen, Executive Director Mon.-Fri. 8-4 12 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV, PH Subjects: ED, FC, LH, RC Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet �23-28 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA 23 Hunt-Morgan House Blue Grass Trust for Hist. Pres. 201 North Mill St. Lexington, KY 40508 606-253-0362 Type: MU Raines Taylor, Administrator By Appointment Only 24 Jenkins Public Library Jenkins, KY 41537 606-832-4101 Mary J. Wolfe Records: PH Subjects: BI, LH, MI Type: PL 25 Johnson County Public Library P. 0. Box 788 Paintsville, KY 41240 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1910 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, PH Subjects: CW, ED, FC, GE, LH, MI, PW, PS 606-789-4355 Type: PL Patricia Patton, Librarian Mon., Wed., Fri. 9:30-5; Tues., Thurs. 9:30-8; Sat. 9-2 26 KY Dept. of Mines and Minerals 120 Graham Ave. Lexington, KY 40506 606-257-8818 John K. Hiett, Geologist Mon.-Fri. 8-4:30 Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, FC, GE, HS, LA, LI, LH, MC, MH, MU, PA, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, SA, ST, TT, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: Maps Subjects: MI Type: OT Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet 27 Laurel County Library 116 East 4th St. London, KY 40741 606-864-5759 Type: PL Gladys Brewer, Asst. Librarian Mon., Tues., Wed.,Fri. 9-6; Sat. 9-5 Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH 28 Lexington Public Library 251 West 2nd St. Lexington, KY 40507 Records: PH, IA 606-253-1750 Type: PL Carol J. Nicholas, Librarian Mon.-Thurs. 9-9; Fri. & Sat. 9-5; Sun. 1-5 13 Subjects: LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Subjects: LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to 1950 Size: 1-10 linear feet �29-34 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 29 No Entry 30 Middlesboro-Bell County Public Library Records: MS, OH, GE, PH 126 South 20th St. Middlesboro, KY 40965 606-248-4812 Virginia T. Green, Director Mon.-Fri. 10-7; Sat. 9-2 Subjects: BI, GE, LH Type: PL 31 O'rear Robinson Library Records: MS, GE, PH, IA Pikeville College Media Center Sycamore St. Pikeville, KY 41501 Subjects: ED, FC, GE, LI, LH, RC 606-432-9371 Type: CU James M. McKellogg, Director Sun. 3-9:30; Mon.-Tues. 8-9:30; Fri. 8-4 32 Owsley Co. Historical Society Subjects: GE, RC Type: PL 33 Perry County Genealogical and Historical Society 301 Kentucky Blvd. Hazard, KY 41701 606-436-3864 Mrs. Bruce Stephens, Board Mon.-Fri. 8-5; Sat. 8-2 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, GE Subjects: GE, LH Type: PL 34 Pike Co. Historical Society Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: Records: MS, OH, GE, PH P. O. Box 752 Pikeville, KY 41501 606-437-4967 Dorcas M. Hobbs By Appointment Only Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, GE KY. Dept. for Libraries P. O. Box 176 Booneville, KY 41314 606-593-5700 Joyce Marcum, Librarian Mon.-Fri. 9-5 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Subjects: AR, BI, CW, ED, FC, GE, LI, LH, MI, RC Type: HS 14 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet �35-39 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Records: MS, OH, PH 35 Pine Mt. Settlement School E. J. Carr Plant Studies Center Pine Mountain, KY 40810 606-558-4361 Ellwood J. Carr By Appointment Only Subjects: LH, NR, RC, ST Type: OT 36 Pineville-Bell County Public Library Tennessee and Walnut Sts. Pineville, KY 40977 Geographical Area: Appalachia, Eastern United States Dates: Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: OH, GE, PH Subjects: GE, LH 606-337-3422 Type: PL Virginia Green, Director Mon. 11-7; Tues.-Fri. 9:45-5:15; Sat. 9-1 37 Rockcastle Co. Public Library Ford Dr. Mount Vernon, KY 40456 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: OH, GE 606-256-2388 Type: PL Alleyne Davis, Librarian Mon., Tues., Wed., Fri. 1-5; Thurs. 1-8; Sat. 8:30-4 38 Special Collections Berea College Hutchins Library Berea, KY 40404 Subjects: GE Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA 606-986-9311 Type: CU Charles Robb, Archivist Mon.-Fri. 9-12, 1-4:30; Wed. 6-10 p.m. 39 Special Collections & Archives University of Kentucky Univ. of Kentucky Libraries Lexington, KY 40506 Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, FC, GE, HS, LA, LI, LH, MI, MU, NR, PA, PS, PN, RC, SA, TT, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, HS, LA, LI, LH, MH, MI, MU, NR, PA, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, SA, ST, TT, WO 606-257-8611 Type: CU Anne G. Campbell, Curator Mon.-Fri. 8-4:30; Sat. 8-12; Sun. 2-5 15 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet �40-44 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 40 Transylvania Univ. Library Transylvania University 300 North Broadway Lexington, KY 40508 Records: MS, PH, IA Subjects: AG, BI, HS, LH, PW 606-233-8227 Type: CU Kathleen C. Bryson, Curator Mon.-Fri. 8:30-4 41 United Methodist Church Archives and History 1387 New Circle Rd., NE Lexington, KY 40505 606-254-7388 Adrian J. Roberts, Director Mon.-Fri. 8:30-4:30 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV Subjects: BL, RC Type: OT Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet North Carolina 42 Alleghany Historical-Genealogical Society, Inc. P. O. Box 817 Sparta, NC 28675 Records: OH, GE Subjects: GE, LH 919-372-8864 Type: PL Lou Reid Landreth, Secretary Mon.-Fri. 9-5; Sat. 9-1 43 Appalachian Room Special Collections Mars Hill College Mars Hill, NC 28754 Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AG, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, FC, GE, IN, LI, LH, MU, RC 704-689-1394 Type: CU Richard Dillingham, Director Mon.-Fri. 12-4 44 Ashe County Public Library Appalachian Regional Library Route 1, 148 Library Dr. West Jefferson, NC 28694 919-246-2041 Jo Greene, Librarian Mon.-Fri. 8-5; Sat. 8-3:30 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: OH, GE, PH Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, ED, El, FC, GE, IN, LA, LH, MH, MI, MU, PW, PS, RC, SA, TT, WO Type: PL 16 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet �45-50 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 45 Asheville-Buncombe Library Sys. Pack Memorial & Admin. Office 67 Haywood St. Asheville, NC 28801 704-252-8701 John Toms, Curator Mon.-Fri. 10-9; Sat. 10-6 Records: MS, PH, IA Subjects: AR, CW, LI, LH, MU, NR, PA, RT Type: PL 46 Blue Ridge Parkway National Park Service 700 Northwestern Bank Bldg. Asheville, NC 28401 704-259-0769 Steve Beatty By Appointment Only Records: MS, OH, PH Subjects: AG, CR, LH, NR, PN, RC Type: OT 47 Broad River Genealogical Soc. P. 0. Box 2261 Shelby, NC 28150 Clara H. Hughes By Appointment Only Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, GE, PH Subjects: GE Type: OT 48 Burke County Public Library 204 South King St. Morganton, NC 28655 704-437-5638 Scott A. Oxford, Curator Mon.-Sat. 8:30-5:30 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to 1950 Size: Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE Subjects: AR, BL, BI, CW, ED, FC, GE, IN, LH, MH, MI, NR, PW, PS, RC, WO Type: PL 49 Caldwell County Public Library 606 College Ave., SW Lenoir, NC 28645 704-758-1369 Type: PL Karen B. Doll, Librarian Mon., Wed., Fri. 8:30-5:30; Tues., Thurs. 8:30-8 50 Canton Public Library Branch of Haywood County Lib. 36 Park St. Canton, NC 28716 704-648-2924 Type: PL Nan Williamson, Librarian Mon., Wed., Fri. 9-6; Tues. 9-7:30; Sat. 9-5 17 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: MS, GE Subjects: CW, FC, GE, LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: OH, AV, PH Subjects: FC, LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: �51-55 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Records: MS, OH, PH 51 Carl Sandburg Nat. Hist. Site National Park Service P. O. Box 395 Flat Rock, NC 28731 704-693-4178 Warren Weber, Curator Daily 9-5 Subjects: AG, AR, BI, CW, ED, El, LA, LI, MU, PN Type: MU 52 Catawba County Hist. Museum Catawba County Hist. Assoc. P. 0. Box 73, 1716 South College Newton, NC 28658 704-465-0383 Sidney Halma Tue.-Fri. 9-5; Sat.-Sun. 1-5 Records: MS, GE, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, IN, LI, LH, MH, MU, PW, PS, RC, TT, WO Type: HS 53 Cherokee County Hist. Museum 205 Peachtree St. Murphy, NC 28906 704-837-6792 Alice White, Director Mon.-Fri. 9-5 Geographical Area: Dates: 1861 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to 1950 Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: OH, PH Subjects: AG, BL, ED, FC, IN, LH, RC, TT, WO Type: HS Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to 1860; 1866 to 1950 Size: 1-10 linear feet 54 Coweeta Hydrologic Laboratory Southeastern Forest Exp. Sta. Route 1, Box 216 Otto, NC 28763 704-524-2128 Type: OT Dr. W. T. Swank, Project Leader Mon.-Fri. 7:30-4 Records: MS, PH 55 Cradle of Forestry in America U. S. Forest Service P. O. Box 8 Pisgah Forest, NC 28768 Records: MS, OH, AV, PH 704-877-3265 Don Fisher, CFA Director By Appointment Only Subjects: NR, ST Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Subjects: ED, LH, NR Type: MU 18 Geographical Area: Appalachia; United States; Foreign Dates: 1866 to 1950 Size: 51-150 linear feet �56-60 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 56 D. D. Dougherty Library Appalachian State University Room 212 Boone, NC 28608 Records: MS, IA Subjects: ED, LH, PS 704-262-4040 Type: CU Michael E. Holland, Director Mon.-Fri. 8-5 57 Davie County Public Library 371 North Main St., Courier 531 Mocksville, NC 27028 Records: MS, OH Subjects: AG, BL, BI, CW, ED, GE, LH, NR, RC 704-634-2023 Type: PL Ruth A. Hoyle, Director Mon., Thurs. 9-8:30; Tues., Wed., Fri. 9-5:50; Sat. 9-2 58 Dry Ridge Historical Museum North Buncombe Library Weaverville, NC 28787 704-645-6555 Josephine Osborne Sat. 11-3, By Appointment Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: MS, GE, PH Type: MU 59 Eastern Cabarrus Hist. Society North Main St. Mount Pleasant, NC 28124 704-436-6612 Billie McAllister Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, FC, GE, IN, LA, LI, LH, MU, PW, RC, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, PH, IA Subjects: CW, ED, FC, GE, IN, LH, MH, MU, RC Type: MU By Appointment Only Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 60 Elbert Ivey Memorial Pub. Lib. 420 3rd Ave., NW Hickory, NC 28601 Records: MS, GE, PH Subjects: GE, LH 704-322-2905 Type: PL Robert Russell, Director Mon.-Thurs. 9-9; Fri.-Sat. 9-5; Sun. 2-5 19 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: �61-65 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 61 Hist. Foundation of the Presbyterian & Reformed Church Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA Box 847 Montreal, NC 28757 Subjects: BL, CW, ED, FC, GE, IN, LH, MU, RC, SA, WO 704-669-7061 Type: OT Jerrold Lee Brooks Mon.-Fri. 8:30-4:30; Sat. 9-1 Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States, Foreign Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet 62 Historic Resources Commission of Asheville & Buncombe Co. Records: IA (Records on Historic Bldgs.) Room 515, City Building Asheville, NC 28807 Subjects: AR 704-255-5434 Type: OT Carolyn A. Humphries, Director Tues., Wed., Thur., 9-5 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to 1950 Size: 63 Hunter Library Records: MS, GE, AV, PH, IA Western Carolina University Special Collections Cullowhee, NC 28723 704-227-7474 James B. Lloyd Mon.-Fri. 8-12; 1-5 Subjects: BL, BI, CW, ED, FC, GE, HS, IN, LI, LH, MI, NR, PA, PS, PN, RT, RC, WO Type: CU 64 Jacob S. Mauney Mem. Library Records: GE 100 South Piedmont Kings Mountain, NC 28086 704-739-2371 Rose Turner, Director Mon. 12-8; Tue.-Sat. 10-6 Subjects: GE Type: PL 65 James Larkin Pearson Library Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV, PH Wilkes Community College Box 120 Wilkesboro, NC 28667 919-696-4465 Fay Byrd, Director By Appointment Only Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Subjects: Type: OT 20 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to 1950 Size: �66-70 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 66 Macon County Public Library Records: MS Fontana Regional Library 45 Wayah St. Franklin, NC 28734 Subjects: GE, LH Type: PL 704-524-3600 Cynthia Modlin, Librarian Mon., Wed., Fri., Sat. 10-5:30; Tues., Thurs. 10-9 67 Mayland Technical College Records: MS, OH, GE P. 0. Box 547 Spruce Pine, NC 28777 704-765-7351 Kenneth Nelson, Faculty Mon.-Thurs. 8-9:30; Fri. 8-8 Subjects: AG, BI, CW, CR, El, FC, GE, LH, MI Type: CU 68 Moravian Archives Subjects: RC Type:CS 69 Moravian Music Foundation Subjects: AR, CW, ED, FC, GE, IN, LI, LH, MU, PW, RC, WO Type: CS 70 Museum of the Cherokee Indian Geographical Area: Appalachia, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Germany Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Records: MS, PH Drama Rd. U. S. Highway 441 North Cherokee, NC 28719 704-497-3481 Maxine F. Hill, Manager By Appointment Only Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: Records: MS, GE, AV, PH, IA 20 Cascade Ave. Winston-Salem, NC 27107 919-725-0651 James Boeninger Mon.-Fri. 9-4 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: IA Moravian Church in America Drawer M, Salem Station Winston-Salem, NC 27101 919-722-1742 Mary Creech, Archivist Mon.-Fri. 9-4:30 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Subjects: BI, CR, ED, El, FC, IN, LH, MU, PS, RT Type: MU 21 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1861 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet �71-75 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 71 Museum of Waldensian History Waldensian Presbyterian Church Rodoret St. Valdese, NC 28690 704-874-2531 Type: MU Paul H. Felker, Minister By Appointment Only 72 N. C. Baptist Hist. Collection Wake Forest University Z. Smith Reynolds Library Winston-Salem, NC 27109 919-761-5472 John R. Woodard, Director Mon.-Fri. 8:30-4:30 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to 1950 Size: 1-10 linear feet Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, ED, FC, GE, IN, LA, LI, LH, MH, MI, MU, PS, PN, RC, ST, TT, WO Type: CU Geographical Area: Appalachia, North Carolina, Foreign Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AG, BI, ED, NR, RT, TT Type: OT 74 Old Buncombe Co. Genealogical Society, Inc. 44 Haywood St. Asheville, NC 28801 Geographical Area: National Forests, North Carolina Dates: 1901 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: MS, GE Subjects: BL.CW, El, GE, IN, LH 704-253-1894 Type: GE Doris A. Cline Ward, Secretary Mon.-Fri. 9-5 75 Polk County Historical Association's Museum 1 Depot St. Tryon, NC 28782 704-894-8827 J. C. Placak, Jr., Curator Tues., Thurs. 10-12 Subjects: El, GE Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA 73 National Forests in NC U. S. Forest Service 50 South Broad St. Asheville, NC 28802 704-253-1636 W. W. Rule, Public Affairs Mon.-Fri. 8-5 Records: OH, GE, PH Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States, Foreign Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AG, AR, BL, CW, FC, GE IN, LI, LH, MH, MI, PS, RC Type: HS 22 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to 1950 Size: 11-50 linear feet �76-80 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 76 Thomas Wolfe Memorial NC Dept. of Cultural Resources 48 Spruce St. Asheville, NC 28801 704-253-8304 Type: MU Steve Hill, Manager Mon.-Sat. 9-5; Sun. 1-5 77 Transylvania County Library 105 S. Broad St. Brevard, NC 28712 Geographical Area: Appalachia, Pennsylvania, New York Dates: 1866 to 1950 Size: 51-150 linear feet Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, HS, IN, LA, LI, LH, MC, MH, MI, MU, NR, PA, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, SA, ST, TT, WO 78 University Archives Wake Forest University P. 0. Box 7777 Winston-Salem, NC 27109 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA Subjects: FC, PS, PN, RC Type: CU 79 W. L. Eury Appalachian Collect. Appalachian State University University Hall Boone, NC 28608 Geographical Area: United States Dates: 1801 to 1860 Size: Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH 704-262-4041 Type: CU Eric J. Olson, Librarian Mon.-Thurs. 8-9; Fri. 8-5; Sat. 9-1; Sun. 5-9 80 Yadkin Historical Society Yadkin County Library Yadkinville, NC 27055 Irma Robertson, Member Subjects: FC, GE, LI, LH, MU Records: MS, GE, PH 704-884-3151 Type: PL Roberta S. Williams, Director 919-761-5472 Myrtle Little, Assistant Mon.-Fri. 8:30-4:30 Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, HS, IN, LA, LI, LH, MC, MH, MI, MU, NR, PA, PW, PS, RT, RC, SA, ST, TT, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, GE Subjects: AG, CW, ED, FC, GE, LH, MH, RC, TT, WO Type: HS 23 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to 1950 Size: 11-50 linear feet �81-85 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 81 Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace NC Dept. of Archives & History 911 Reems Creek Rd. Weaverville, NC 28787 704-645-6706 Type: MU Sudie Wheeler, Manager Mon.-Sat. 9-5, Sun. 1-5 Records: MS, GE, AV Subjects: CW, CR, GE, LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to 1860 Size: 11-50 linear feet South Carolina 82 Greenville County Historical Society Greenville County Library 300 College St. Greenville, SC 29601 Records: MS, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AR, BI, CW, ED, FC, GE, LI, LH, PS, WO 803-242-5000 Type: PL Steve Richardson, Archivist Mon.-Fri. 9-9; Sat. 9-6; Sun. 2-6 83 Oconee County Library 301 S. Spring St. Walhalla, SC 29691 Records: MS, GE, PH Subjects: GE, FC, LH Type: PL 803-638-5837 Dorothy Chandler, Director Mon.-Tues. 9-9; Wed.-Fri. 9-6; Sat. 9-1 84 Pendleton Dist. Hist. & Rec. Comm. P. O. Box 565 Pendleton, SC 29670 803-646-3782 Donna Roper, Archivist Mon.-Fri. 9-4:30 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Records: MS, OH, GE, PH, IA Type: OT 85 Pickens Co. Hist. Society Johnson and Pendleton Pickens, SC 29671 Subjects: AG, BL, BI, CW, FC, GE, LA, LH, RT, RC Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: MS, PH 803-878-7818 Type: HS Dorothy Blase Mon. 2-5; Wed. 9-12; Thurs. 9-12 & 1-4; Fri. 2-5 24 Subjects: AG, CW, ED, FC, IN, LH, PS, RC Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet �86-90 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Records: MS, OH, PH, IA 86 Pickens County Library 110 W. First Ave. Easley, SC 29640 Subjects: FC, GE, LH 803-859-9679 Type: PL Penny Forrester, Director Mon. 9-9; Tues.-Fri. 9-6; Sat. 9-4 87 Special Collections Robert Muldrow Cooper Library Clemson University Clemson, SC 29631 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, GE, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AG, BL, BI, ED, GE, LI, LH, MH, NR, PS, PN, ST 803-656-3031 Type: CU Michael Kohl Mon., Wed., Thurs., Fri. 8-4:30; Tues. 8-9 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA 88 Special Collections/Archives Furman University Library Furman University Greenville, SC 29613 Subjects: CW, ED, FC, GE, LI, MU, RC 803-294-2194 Type: CU J. Glenwood Clayton, Archivist Mon.-Fri. 8:30-4:30 Geographical Area: Appalachia, South Carolina Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Tennessee 89 Andrew Johnson National Historical Site U. S. National Park Service College & Depot Sts. Box 1088 Greenville, TN 37744 Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA Subjects: CW, GE, LH, PS, PN 615-638-3551 Ed Speer, Park Technician Mon.-Sun. 9-5 Geographical Area: Appalachia, Washington, D.C. Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet 90 Archives and Special Cols. Carson-Newman College Library Russell St. Jefferson City, TN 37760 615-475-9061 Imogene Brewer Mon.-Fri. 8:30-5 Records: MS, PH Subjects: CW, ED, FC, GE, LH, RC, WO Type: CU 25 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1861 to 1865 Size: 1-10 linear feet �91-95 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 91 Archives of Appalachia East Tennessee State University Sherrod Library Johnson City, TN 37614 615-929-4338 Ellen Garrison, Director Mon.-Fri. 8-4:30 Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, FC, GE, HS, LA, LI, LH, MC, MI, MU, NR, PA, PS, PN, RC, SA, ST, TT, WO Type: CU 92 Bradley County Historical Society P. 0. Box 2424 Cleveland, TN 37320 615-476-2921 Bill Snell Mon.-Sat. 9-5 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, PH, IA Subjects: BL, BI, CW, ED, FC, GE, IN, LA, LH, NR, PS, RC Type: HS 93 Calvin M. McClung Collection Knox County Public Library 600 Market St. Knoxville, TN 37902 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, HS, IN, LA, LI, LH, MC, MH, MI, MU, NR, PA, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, SA, ST, TT, WO 615-523-0781 Type: PL W. J. MacArthur Mon.-Tues. 9-8; Wed.-Fri. 9-5:30 94 Carroll Reece Museum East Tennessee State University P. O. Box 22300A Johnson City, TN 37614 Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States, Foreign Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet Records: MS, GE, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AR, BI, CW, FC, GE, LH, MH, MI, MU, PS, PN, RT, RC, ST, WO 615-929-4392 Type: MU Helen Roseberry, Director Mon.-Fri. 9-4; Sat., Sun. 1-5 95 Children's Museum of Oak Ridge 461 West Outer Dr. P. O. Box 3066 Oak Ridge, TN 37830 Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States; Foreign Dates: 1866 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV, PH Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, HS, IN, LA, LI, LH, MH, MI, MU, NR, PA, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, SA, ST, TT, WO 615-482-2215 Type: MU Jane Barnes Alderfer Mon.-Fri. 9-12 or by Appointment 26 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet �96-101 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 96 Cleveland State Community College Library Box 3570 Cleveland, TN 37311 615-472-7141 Adeline Baskett, Librarian Type: CU 97 Dayton Library South Market St. Dayton, TN 37321 615-775-9063 Tennga S. Conner Subjects: FC, LH, RC Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1980 to 1860 Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: AV Subjects: GE, LH Type: PL 98 Dulin Gallery of Art 3100 Kingston Pike Knoxville, TN 37919 615-525-6101 Paul Wenzel Records: MS Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to 1950 Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: PH Subjects: AR Type: MU 99 E. W. King Library King College, Inc. King College Rd. Bristol, TN 37620 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 Size: 300-999 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, PH, IA Subjects: AG, AR, BL, CW, ED, FC, GE, LI, LH, MI, PW, PS, RC Type: CU 615-968-1187 Mark Y. Herring, Director Mon.-Thurs. 8-10:30; Fri. 8-5; Add. Hrs. 100 Elizabethton Public Library Sycamore St. Elizabethton, TN 37643 615-542-4841 Type: PL Joyce L. Hawthorne, Director Mon.-Thurs. 10-8; Tues.-Fri. 10-6; Wed. 10-12; Sat. 10-4 101 Fort Sanders Regional Medical Center—Nursing Library 1915 White Ave. Knoxville, TN 37916 Type: OT 615-971-1293 Nedra Cook, Librarian Mon. 8-7; Tues.-Fri. 8-4:30 27 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Records: GE Subjects: GE, LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: PH, IA Subjects: ED, FC, HS, LH, ST Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet �102-109 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 102 Frank F. McClung Museum University of Tennessee Circle Park Dr. Knoxville, TN 37996 615-974-2144 Type: CU Jefferson Chapman, Curator Mon.-Fri. 9-5 Records: MS, PH 103 Great Smoky Mountains National Park Gatlinburg, TN 37863 Records: MS, OH, GE, PH, IA 615-436-5615 Kathleen L. Manscill Mon.-Fri. 8-4:30 Subjects: AG, AR, CW, CR, FC, IN, LH, NR Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States, Foreign Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet Subjects: GE, NR, PW, RT Type: OT 104 H. B. Stamps Memorial Library 407 E. Main St. Rogersville, TN 37857 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to 1950 Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: GE Subjects: GE, LH 615-272-8710 Type: PL Kathy Moore, Director Mon., Wed., Thurs., Fri. 9:30-5; Tues. 9:30-8 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet 105 NO ENTRY 106 Hard wick Johnston Memorial Library Hiwassee College Madisonville, TN 37354 Type: CU 615-442-3343 Kent Millwood, Librarian Mon.-Fri. 8-5 Records: MS, PH, IA Subjects: LH, RC Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet 107 NO ENTRY 108 Kingsport Public Library Broad & New Sts. Kingsport, TN 37660 615-245-3141 Dorothy D. Knierim Mon.-Fri. 9-6 Records: OH, GE Subjects: GE, LH Type: PL 109 NO ENTRY 28 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet �110-115 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 110 Merner-Pfeiffer Library Tennessee Wesleyan College Box 40 Athens, TN 37303 615-745-2363 James D. Tingen Records: MS, IA Subjects: CW, LH, RC Type: CU 111 Morristown Hamblen Library 417 West Main St. Morristown, TN 37814 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1861 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, IA Subjects: El, GE, LH, RC 615-586-6410 Type: PL Polly Potter, Director Mon., Wed., Fri., Sat. 9:30-5:30; Tues., Thurs. 9:30-8 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to 1950 Size: 151-300 linear feet 112 Norris Dam State Park Will G. & Helen H. Lenoir Museum Box 53 Norris, TN 37828 615-494-7673 Type: MU Betty Lovell Summer: Every Day; Winter: Sat., Sun. Records: MS 113 Oak Ridge Public Library Civic Center Oak Ridge, TN 37830 615-483-6386 Type: PL Dorothy B. Diemuke Mon.-Thurs. 10-9; Fri. 10-6; Sat. 9-6; Sun. 2-6 Records: MS, OH, AV, PH 114 P. H. Welshimer Memorial Library Milligan College Milligan College, TN 37682 Subjects: BL, BI, CW, ED, GE, LH, MI, PW, PS, SA Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to 1950 Size: Subjects: LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: Records: MS, PH, IA Subjects: ED, RC 615-929-0116 Type: CU Billie B. Oakes, Assistant Librarian Mon.-Fri. 8-5 115 Parrott-Wood Library Branch of Jefferson County Library Old Andrew Johnson Highway Strawberry Plains, TN 37871 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, PH Subjects: BI, CW, ED, LH, MI, PS, RC 615-933-1311 Type: PL Wenona H. McBee, Librarian Mon.-Wed. 1-6; Thurs. 2-6; Fri. 10-2 29 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1861 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet �116-121 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 116 Pentecostal Research Center Pentecostal Resource Center Cleveland, TN 37311 Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA Subjects: ED, FC, LH, MU, RC, WO Type: CU Frances Arrington, Librarian Mon. 1-9; Tues. 1-5; Wed. 8-10 & 1-9; Tues. 1-5; Fri. 8-12 117 Quillen-Dishner College of Medicine Library East Tennessee State University Johnson City, TN 37614 615-928-6426 Martha Whaley By Appointment Only Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA Subjects: HS Type: CU 118 Restoration Movement Archives Emmanuel School of Religion B. D. Phillips Memorial Building Johnson City, TN 37601 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA Subjects: RC 615-926-1186 Type: OT Thomas E. Stokes, Librarian Mon.-Fri. 8-5 119 Rose Center Museum 442 West Second North St. P. O. Box 1976 Morristown, TN 37814 615-581-4330 William Kornrich Mon.-Fri. 11-5 Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States, Foreign Date: 1901 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States Dates: 1801 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, PH Subjects: AG, BI, ED, FC, LH, MH, PS, RC, TT, WO Type: MU Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size 11-50 linear feet 120 NO ENTRY 121 Special Collections Library University of Tennessee University of Tennessee Library Knoxville, TN 37996 615-974-4480 John Dobson Mon.-Fri. 9-5:30 Records: MS, PH, IA Subjects: BI, CW, ED, IN, LI, LH, MH, PA, PW, PS, PN, RC, ST Type: CU 30 Geographical Area: Appalachia, Southern United States Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet �122-126 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Records: MS, PH, IA 122 Speedwell Manor Speedwell Heritage Foundation 2112 Manor Rd. Knoxville, TN 37920 Subjects: BI, CW, FC, HS, LI, LH 615-577-2757 Type: MU Virginia B. Rogers, Director Tues., Thurs., Sun. 1-5 Records: GE 123 Sullivan County Public Library Box 157 205 Main St. Blountville, TN 37617 615-323-5301 Roberta J. Slagle Mon.-Sat. 9-5 Subjects: ED, GE, RC Type: PL Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to 1950 Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, OH, PH 124 Sycamore Shoals State Historical Area 1615 West Elk Avenue Elizabethton, TN 37643 Subjects: AG, AR, BI, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, IN, LA, LH, MH, MI, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, TT, WO 615-543-5808 Type: MU Herbert W. Roberts, Ranger Daily 8-4:30 125 Tennessee Valley Authority 100 Lupton Building Chattanooga, TN 37402 615-751-2520 Ronald E. Brewer Mon.-Fri. 8-4 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to 1865 & 1951 to date Size: Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to 1860 Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV, PH Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CR, ED, FC, HS, IN, LA, MI, NR, RT, SA, ST, TT, WO Type: OT 126 Tusculum College Library Tusculum College Greenville, TN 37743 615-639-1481 Type: CU Cleo Treadway By Appointment Only 31 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Records: PH, IA Subjects: ED, LH, RC Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet �127-131 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 127 Unicoi County Historical Society Records: MS, OH, GE, PH Unicoi County Library Erwin, TN 37650 Subjects: CW, ED, FC, GE, IN, LH, MH, PW, RC 615-743-6533 Type: HS Hilda Padgett, Librarian Mon., Tues., Fri., Sat. 12:30-5:30; Thurs. 10-5:30 128 Veterans Administration Medical Center Records: OH, PH, IA Subjects: AG, AR, BL, FC, HS, LH, MH, MU, PS, RT Mountain Home, TN 37684 615-926-1171 Ken Harrison By Appointment Only Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Type: OT Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Virginia 129 Blue Ridge Heritage Archive Records: MS, OH, AV, PH Ferrum College Blue Ridge Institute Ferrum, VA 24088 703-365-2121 Vaughan Webb By Appointment Only Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CR, ED, El, FC, LA, LH, MU, PA, RT, RC, TT, WO Type: CU 130 Buchanan County Public Library Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: GE, PH Rt. 5, Box 216 Grundy, VA 24614 Subjects: GE 703-935-2959 Type: PL Patricia M. Hatfield Mon. 1-8; Tues., Wed., Fri., Sat. 8:30-5; Thurs. 8:30-8 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1861 to 1950 Size: 11-50 linear feet 131 Carol M. Newman Library Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University Blacksburg, VA 24061 703-961-6308 Glenn L. McMullen Mon.-Fri. 9-4:30 Subjects: AG, BI, CW, CR, ED, FC, GE, LA, LI, LH, MH, MI, PW, PS, PN, RC, ST, TT, WO Type: CU 32 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet �132-136 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 132 Easley Library Bluefield College Bluefield, VA 24605 306-327-7137 Scott R. Johnson, Librarian Mon.-Thurs. 8-10; Fri. 8-5 Records: IA Type: CU 133 Fishburn Library Hollins College Roanoke, VA 24020 703-362-6591 Anthony B. Thompson Mon.-Fri. 8:30-3:30 Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AR, BL, CW, ED, FC, GE, LH, RC, WO Type: CU 134 Gray son County Historical Society P. O. Box 529 Independence, VA 24348 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, PH, IA 703-773-2761 Type: HS Laura Bryant, Librarian Mon., Wed., Fri. 8-5; Tues., Thurs. 8-7; Sat. 10-2 135 Historical Society of Washington County, Virginia Inc. P. O. Box 484 Abingdon, VA 24210 Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, IN, LA, LI, LH, MU, NR, PA, PW, PS, RT, RC, ST, TT, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Records: MS, GE, PH, IA Subjects: AR, BI, CW, ED, FC, GE, IN, LI, LH, MH, MI, PA, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, TT, WO Type: HS Mrs. Graham Landrum, President Mon.-Fri. 10-5 136 Historical Crab Orchard Museum P. O. Box 12, Route 19/460 Tazewell, VA 24651 703-988-6755 Nellie W. Bunoy, Director Tues.-Sat. 10-5 Subjects: ED, LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1951 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, PH Subjects: AG, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, FC, GE, IN, LA, LI, LH, MH, MI, MU, NR, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, TT, WO Type: MU 33 Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet �137-141 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Records: MS, OH, GE, PH, IA 137 Holston Conference Archives Kelly Library Emory and Henry College Emory, VA 24327 Subjects: BL, CW, ED, El, FC, GE, IN, LH, MH, PW, RC, WO 703-944-3121 Type CU Maribel Elton, Archivist Mon.-Fri. 8-5; Sat. 2-5; Sun. 8-11 Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States, Foreign Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet 138 John Cook Wyllie Library Clinch Valley College of the University of Virginia Wise, VA 24293 703-328-2431 Type: CU Rosemary P. Mercure Mon.-Fri. 8-4:30 Records: MS, OH, GE, PH, IA 139 John Preston McConnell Library Radford University Radford, VA 24142 Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA 703-731-5471 Ann Swain Mon.-Fri. 8-5 Type: CU Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA Type: CU 141 Montgomery-Floyd Regional Library 201 Radford St. Christiansburg, VA 24051 703-382-3342 Kathryn I. Martens Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Subjects: AG, BL, BI, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, LH, MI, MU, RT, RC, TT, WO 140 Kelly Library Emory & Henry College Emory, VA 24327 703-944-3121 Leroy S. Strohl, Librarian By Appointment Only Subjects: BI, CW, ED, FC, GE, LA, LH, MI, MU, NR, RC, SA Subjects: AG, BI, CW, ED, FC, LA, LH, MI, PS, RC, TT, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1861 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Records: MS, PH Subjects: LH Type: PL 34 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1951 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet �142-146 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 142 Patrick County Branch Blue Ridge Regional Library Blue Ridge St. Stuart, VA 24171 Records: OH, GE, AV, PH Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, ED, FC, GE, LA, LI, LH, MU, PS, RT, RC, TT, WO 703-694-3352 Type: PL Frank Quinn, Librarian Mon., Wed., Thurs. 10-6; Tues. 10-8; Fri. 9-5; Sat. 9-12 143 Pearisburg Public Library 112 S. Tazewell St. Pearisburg, VA 24134 Records: MS, OH, GE 703-921-2556 Type: PL Ruby B. Johnston, Librarian Mon. 12-8; Tues. 1-5; Wed., Fri. 9-5; Thurs. 9-5 & 6-8 144 Pulaski County Library 60 West 3rd St. Pulaski, VA 24301 703-980-8888 Melinda Nurmi Subjects: AG, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, HS, IN, LA, LI, LH, MI, MU, NR, PA, PW, PS, RT, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to 1860 & 1951 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: GE Subjects: CW, FC, GE, LH, PS, RC Type: PL 145 Roanoke College Library Roanoke College 212 High St. Salem, VA 24153 703-389-2351 George Craddock, Librarian Mon.-Thurs. 8-11; Fri. 8-5 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to 1900 Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: IA Subjects: Type: CU 146 Smithfield Plantation House Montgomery Branch of APVA Special Collections, VPI Blacksburg, VA 24060 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: PH Subjects: AG, AR, El, FC, GE, IN, LH, MH, PW, PS, PN 703-951-2060 Type: MU C. Leslie McCombs, Director Mar.-Oct.: Wed., Sat., Sun. 1-5 35 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: �147-150 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 147 Smyth County Historical Museum and Society, Inc. Stadium Dr. Marion, VA 24354 703-783-7674 Mack H. Sturgill By Appointment Only Records: MS, AV, PH Subjects: AG, BI, CW, CR, ED, GE, IN, LH, RC Type: HS Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet 148 Tazewell County Public Library 310 East Main St. Tazewell, VA 24651 703-988-2541 Type: PL Laurie Surface, Director Mon., Tues., Wed., Fri. 9-5:30; Thurs. 8:30; Sat. 9-5; Sun. 2-4 Records: GE, PH, IA 149 Wilderness Rd. Regional Museum New River Historical Society P. O. Box 373 Newbern, VA 24126 Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA Mrs. Louise T. Cook, Curator Sat.-Sun. 2-5 Subjects: FC, GE, LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Subjects: AG, BI, CW, ED, FC, GE, LH, MU, RC, TT Type: HS Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet West Virginia 150 Alexander Campbell Archives T. W. Phillips Library Bethany College Bethany, WV 26032 Records: MS, GE, PH, IA Subjects: ED, GE, RC 304-829-7321 Type: CU Nancy Sandercox, Head Librarian Mon.-Fri. 8-4 36 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1801 to 1860 Size: 151-300 linear feet �151-155 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 151 Brooke County Historical Society Brooke County Public Library 1200 Pleasant Ave. Wellsburg, WV 26070 Nancy L. Caldwell Mon.-Fri. 1-9; Sat. 9-5 Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH Subjects: BI, CW, ED, GE, LH, MI, RC, TT Type: HS Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 152 Burnsville Public Library Upshur County Library Kanawha St. Burnsville, WV 26335 304-853-9410 Type: PL Mary S. Black, Director Mon.-Fri. 12-5; Sat. 12-4 Records: OH, PH 153 Capon Bridge Public Library Route 50 Capon Bridge, WV 26711 Records: MS 304-856-3777 Type: PL Patricia Lee, Librarian Mon. 11-5; Tues. 2:30-9; Wed.-Fri. 11-5 154 Clarksburg-Harrison Public Library 404 West Pike St. Clarksburg, WV 26301 Subjects: FC, LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to 1950 Size: 1-10 linear feet Subjects: CW, FC, GE, LH, MH, PW, RC, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, PH, IA 304-624-6512 Type: PL Lloyd Leggett, Curator Mon. 1-8; Tues.-Thurs. 9-5; Fri. 9-3; Sat. 9-1 155 Concord College Library Concord College Athens, WV 24712 Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, IN, LA, LI, LH, MI, MU, NR, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, TT, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA Subjects: ED 304-384-3115 Type: CU Michael B. Pate Mon.-Thurs. 8-10; Fri. 8-4; Sat. 12-4; Sun. 4-10 37 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet �156-161 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 156 Gilmer County Historical Society Court House Annex Glenville, WV 26351 304-462-8634 G. Bayard Young, President By Appointment Only Records: MS, PH Subjects: AR, BI, CW, ED, GE, LI, LH, MH Type: HS 157 Gilmer Public Library 214 Walnut St. Glenville, WV 26351 304-462-5620 Kyle Emerson, Director Mon.-Sat. 9-5 Records: OH, GE Subjects: FC, GE, LH Type: PL 158 Greenbrier Historical Society Archives Greenbrier County Historical Society 100 Church St. Lewisburg, WV 24901 304-647-5401 Type: HS Frances A. Swope Thurs. 1-4:30; Apr.-Nov. 159 Greenbrier, The CSX Hotels, Inc. White Sulphur Spring, WV 24986 304-536-1110 Type: BU Robert S. Conte, Historian By Appointment Only 160 Hampshire County Public Library 153 West Main St. Romney, WV 26757 304-822-3185 Helen Scott, Librarian Mon.-Sat. 10-5 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: GE, PH Subjects: CW, GE, LI, LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to 1860; 1866 to 1900 Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, PH Subjects: BI, CR, RT, TT Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States Dates: 1801 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: OH, GE, PH Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, ED, El, FC, GE, LI, LH, MH, PW, PS, RC Type: PL 161 Hardy County Public Library 102 North Main St. Moorefield, WV 26836 304-538-6560 Marjorie Zirk, Librarian Mon.-Sat. 9-4:30 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet Records: MS, GE, PH, IA Subjects: CW, El, GE, IN, LI, LH, RT Type: PL 38 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: �162-166 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 162 Harpers Ferry Center Library National Park Service History College Harpers Ferry, WV 25425 304-535-6371 David Nathanson Mon.-Thurs. 8-5; Fri. 8-4:30 Records: MS, OH, AV, PH, IA Type: OT 163 Harrison County Historical Society 123 West Main St. Box 2074 Clarksburg, WV 26301 304-842-3073 Madge McDaniel, Treasurer Mar.-Dec.: Mon. & Fri. 2-4 Records: MS, GE, PH Type: HS 164 Jackson County Historical Society P. O. Box 22 Ripley Municipal Building, 3rd floor Ripley, WV 25271 304-372-2831 Ed Rauh By Appointment Only Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, IN, LA, LI, LH, MC, MH, MI, MU, NR, PW, PS, PN, RC, TT, WO Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, GE, PH, IA Subjects: AG, CW, FC, GE, LH, PW Type: HS 165 James E. Morrow Library Marshall University 3rd Ave. and Hal Greer Blvd. Huntington, WV 25701 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to 1950 Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA Subjects: AR, BL, CW, FC, GE, HS, LA, LH, MH, MI, MU, PN, WO 304-696-2320 Type: CU Lisle G. Brown, Curator Mon.-Thurs. 8-10; Sat. 9-5; Sun. 1:30-9:30 166 Kanawha Valley Genealogical Society Myers Ave. Dunbar, WV 25064 Carolyn M. Conner, President Wed. 1-4 Subjects: AR, CW, LH, MH, NR, RT Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States Dates: 1861 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet Records: MS, GE Subjects: BL, CW, GE, IN, LH, MH Type: OT 39 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 51-150 linear feet �167-172 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 167 Mary F. Shipper Library/LRC Potomac State College of West Virginia University Keyser, WV 26726 304-788-3011 P. S. Williams Mon.-Thurs. 8-10; Fri. 8-5 Records: MS, GE, IA Subjects: FC, GE, LH Type CU 168 McDowell Public Library 90 Howard St. Welch, WV 24801 304-436-3070 William A. Muller, III Mon. 11-7; Tues.-Sat. 9-5 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to 1860 Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: PH Subjects: PS Type: PL 169 Morgan County Historical and Genealogical Society Box 52 Berkeley Springs, WV 25411 304-258-2174 Type: PL Katheryn Allemong Mon., Tues., Thurs., Fri. 10-5; Wed., Sat. 9:30-1 170 Morgantown Public Library West Virginia Collection 373 Spruce St. Morgantown, WV 26505 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1951 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, GE, PH, IA Subjects: FC, GE, LH, MU, RT Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, PH, IA Subjects: FC, GE, RC 304-291-7425 Type: PL Susan E. Swanson Mon. 9-8; Tues.-Thurs. 9-6; Fri.-Sat. 9-5 171 Oglebay InstituteMansion Museum Oglebay Park Wheeling, WV 26003 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to date Size: 151-300 linear feet Records: MS, AV, PH, IA Subjects: BI, LH, ST 304-242-7272 Type: MU T. Patrick Brennan, Curator Mon.-Sat. 9:30-5; Sun. 1-5 172 Ohio County Public Library 52 16th St. Wheeling, WV 26003 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1845 to date Size: Records: MS, PH Subjects: LH 304-232-0244 Type: PL Bruce Farrar, Librarian Mon.-Thurs. 9-9; Fri. 10-5; Sat. 9-5 40 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 173-178 173 Pendleton County Historical Society Main St. Franklin, WV 26807 Records: MS, GE Subjects: CW, GE 304-358-7366 Type: HS Mrs. John Harman, President Mon.-Fri. 9-5 174 Pleasants County Historical Society 913 4th St. St. Marys, WV 26170 Isabel Strickling, Treasurer By Appointment Only Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Records: MS, AV, PH Subjects: FC, LH, MI Type: HS 175 Pocahontas County Historical Society 810 2nd Ave. Marlington, WV 24954 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1901 to 1950 Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, OH, PH Subjects: FC, GE, LH, PS, RC 304-799-4973 Type: MU William P. McNeel, Historian Summer: Mon.-Sat. 11-5; Sun. 1-5 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet 176 Potomac State College Library Potomac State College Keyser, WV 26726 304-788-3011 Type: CU Ms. Betty Howard, Librarian Mon.-Thurs. 8-10; Fri. 8-5; Sun. 5-10 Records: MS 177 Pricketts Fort Memorial Foundation Pricketts Fort State Park Rt. 3 Fairmont, WV 26554 Records: MS, OH, GE, PH 304-363-3030 David Elkinton Mon.-Fri. 9-4 Subjects: CR, FC, GE, LH, PW, RT Type: HS 178 Princeton Public Library 205 Center St. Princeton, WV 24740 304-425-3324 Joni L. Dempsey, Director Mon., Tues., Thurs. 10-8; Wed., Fri. 10-5; Sat. 9-1 Subjects: BL, GE, LH Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: 1-10 linear feet Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Records: MS, GE, PH Type: PL 41 Subjects: AG, AR, BI, CR, ED, FC, GE, LH, MI, NR Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 1-10 linear feet �179-183 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 179 Rainelle Public Library 312 7th St. Rainelle, WV 25962 304-438-5335 Danny McMillion, Librarian Records: GE Subjects: FC, LH Type: PL 180 Raleigh County Public Library 221 North Kanawha St. Beckley, WV 25801 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to 1860; 1901 to 1950 Size: 1-10 linear feet Records: MS, GE, AV, PH Subjects: FC, LH 304-255-0511 Type: PL Susan Vidovich, Director Mon. 9-9; Tues.-Thurs. 9-8; Fri.-Sat. 9-5 181 Summers County Public Library 201 Temple St. P. O. Box 9 Hinton, WV 25951 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Size: Records: MS, GE, PH, IA Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, HS, IN, LA, LI, LH, MC, MH, MI, MU, NR, PA, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, SA, ST, TT, WO 304-466-4490 Type: PL Opal Harvey Mon., Wed., Fri. 9-5; Tues., Thurs. 9-9; Sat. 9-3 Geographical Area: Appalachia, United States, Foreign Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet 182 Tucker County Historical Society Hambleton Historical Pres. Society Box 17 Hambleton, WV 26269 304-478-2354 Type: HS Maxine Goff Morgan By Appointment Only Records: MS, OH, GE, PH, IA 183 Vining Library West Virginia Institute of Technology Montgomery, WV 25136 Subjects: CW, FC, GE, LH, MH, PW, RC Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: 300-999 linear feet Records: OH, IA Subjects: LH 304-442-3230 Type: CU Edith Tabit Mon.-Fri. 8-4:30; Additional Hours 42 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: 1866 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet �184-186 Archives in Appalachia: A Directory 184 Williamson Campus Library Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, IA Southern W. V. Community College Armory Dr. Williamson, WV 25661 Subjects: ED, EC, GE, LH, MI, MU 304-235-2800 Type: CU Carol Carlton, Librarian Mon.-Thurs. 8:30-9 pm; Fri. 8:30-5 pm 185 WV and Regional History College Records: MS, OH, GE, AV, PH, IA West Virginia University Colson Hall Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-3536 George Parkingson, Curator Mon.-Fri. 8-5; Sat. 9-5 Subjects: AG, AR, BL, BI, CW, CR, ED, El, FC, GE, HS, IN, LA, LI, LH, MC, MH, MI, MU, NR, PA, PW, PS, PN, RT, RC, SA, ST, TT, WO Type: CU 186 Yesterday's Place Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: Over 1000 linear feet Records: MS, OH, PH 1277 South Broad St. Summersville, WV 26651 304-872-6456 Harry Lynch Sat.-Sun. 10-5 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1801 to date Size: 11-50 linear feet Subjects: AG, BI, CW, CR, IN, LH, MU, NR, WO Type: MU 43 Geographical Area: Appalachia Dates: Pre-1800 to date Size: �This page intentionally left blank �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory COMING ATTRACTIONS Kentucky Agriculture Library University of Kentucky Agricultural Science Cntr-N Lexington, KY 40546 A. P. Powell 606-257-8360 Calvary Cemetery Diocese of Covington 874 West Main St. Lexington, KY 40505 M. M. Sullivan, Secretary 606-252-5415 Hazard Community College Library University of Kentucky Hazard, KY 41701 Eileen Haddix 606-436-5721 Keeneland Association Library U. S. Highway 60 P. 0. Box 1690 Lexington, KY 40592 Doris Jean War en, Librarian 606-254-3412 Lee County Public Library Box V Beattyville, KY 41311 Anna Lee Abner 606-464-8014 Lexington Cemetery Co., Inc. 833 West Main St. Lexington, KY 40508 Robert F. Wachs, Manager 606-255-5522 Lexington Herald-Leader County Library Main & Midland Lexington, KY 40507 Lu-Ann Dunn Farrar 606-231-3334 Lilley Cornett Woods Eastern Kentucky University HC 63, Box 2710 Skyline, KY 41851 Michael Brotzge, Superintendant 606-633-5828 Living Arts and Science Center 362 Walnut St. Lexington, KY 40508 Susan B. Thompson, Director 606-252-5222 Prestonsburg Community College-Library University of Kentucky Bert Combs Dr., Johnson Building Prestonsburg, Ky 41653 Sandra Robertson, Librarian 606-886-3863 45 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Wolfe County Public Library Main St., Box 10 Campton, KY 41301 Billye H. Adams, Librarian 606-668-6571 North Carolina Dobson Community Library Northwestern Regional Library P. 0. Box 237 Dobson, NC 27017 Rausie Hobson, Consultant 919-386-8208 Historic Flat Rock, Inc. P. 0. Box 295 Flat Rock, NC 28731 Edward McCandless, Secretary Lewisville Branch Library Forsyth Co. Public Library Lewisville Plaza Shopping Ctr. Lewisville, NC 27023 Laura Robbins, Supervisor 919-945-3786 Maggie Valley Public Library Haywood County Public Library Highway 19 Maggie, NC 28751 Kim J. Garmon, Librarian Maiden Branch Library Catawba Co. Library Main St. Maiden, NC 28650 Shirley D. Sipe, Assistant 704-926-0461 704-428-2712 Mooneyham Public Library 417 East Main St. Forest City, NC 28043 Mary S. Costner, Librarian 704-245-2281 Museum of N. C. Handicrafts P. 0. Box 778 Waynesville, NC 28786 Mary Comwell, Director 704-452-1551 National Climatic Data Center NOAA, Department of Commerce Federal Building Asheville, NC 28801 Thomas A. Prizio, Chief 704-259-0785 Old Wilkes Jail Museum Old Wilkes, Inc. 203 North Bridge St. Wilkesboro, NC 28697 Joan S. Baity, Curator 919-667-3712 46 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Smith-McDowell House 283 Victoria Rd. Asheville, NC 28801 Julie Risher, Director 704-253-9231 Spindale Public Library 101 Tanner St. Spindale, NC 28160 Maxine A. Harrill, Librarian 704-286-3879 Traphill Branch Public Library Wilkes County Public Library N. Wilkesboro, NC 28659 Emma Billings 919-838-2818 South Carolina Anderson County Historical Society Box 785 Anderson, SC 29622 Beth Ann Klosky, Pres. 803-296-1283 Cherokee Histolrical & Preservation Society Museum P. 0. Box 278 Gaffney, SC 29342 James Taylor, President Pendleton Foundation For Black History and Culture P. 0. Box 122 Pendleton, SC 29670 Annie Webb Morse 803-646-3792 Tennessee Jonesborough-Washington County Library Main St., Chester Inn Jonesborough, TN 37659 Suzanne S. Tuggle, Director 615-753-4841 West Virginia Ceredo-Kenova Public Library Cabell County Public Library 12th and Poplar Sts. Kenova, WV 25530 Cowen Public Library P. 0. Box 187, School St. Cowen, WV 26206 Brenda G. Francis, Clerk 304-453-2462 Diane Forbes, Librarian 304-226-5332 . 47 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Elkins-Randolph Co. Library 416 Davis Ave. Elkins, WV 26241 Jane T. Fair, Librarian 304-636-1121 Milton Branch Library Cabell County Public Library 1140 Smith St. Milton, WV 25541 Elizabeth Reese, Librarian 304-743-6711 Robert F. Kidd Library Glenville State College Glenville, WV 26351 John Hymes, Jr., Professor 304-462-7361 Sutton Public Library West Virginia Library Commission General Delivery Sutton, WV 26601 Wilma Myers, Librarian 304-765-7224 48 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory LIST OF REPOSITORIES Georgia Chattahoochee National Forest U.S. Forest Service Blairsville Chattahoochee-Oconee N. Forest U.S. Forest Service Gainesville Crown Garden and Archives Whitfield-Murray Historical Society Dalton Forsyth County Heritage Foundation P. 0. Box 762 Gumming Fox Fire Fund, Inc. Rabun Gap Gwinnett Historical Society Lawrenceville Marble Valley Historical Society GA Room of Pickens County Library Jasper Mountain Regional Library P. 0. Box 157 Young Harris N. E. Georgia Regional Library Clarkesville Quinlan Art Center Gainesville Art Association Gainesville Sequoyah Regional Library Canton Southeastern Railway & Museum National Railway Historical Society Duluth Vann House Historic Site GA Department of National Resources Chatsworth Kentucky Appalachian Museum Berea College Berea Appalshop Films, Inc. Whitesburg Ashland Public Library Ashland Cumberland Gap National Histical Park Middlesboro Eastern Kentucky University Archives Eastern Kentucky University Richmond Greenup County Public Library Greenup Harlan County Genealogical Society Harlan Harlan County Public Library Harlan 49 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Henderson Settlement Mission United Methodist Church Project Frakes Hunt-Morgan House Blue Grass Trust for Historical Pres. Lexington Jenkins Public Library Jenkins Johnson County Public Library Paintsville Kentucky Depart, of Mines and Minerals Lexington Laurel County Library London Lexington Public Library Lexington Middlesboro-Bell County Public Library Middlesboro O'Rear Robinson Library Pikeville College Media Center Pikeville Owsley County Historical Society Kentucky Department for Libraries Booneville Perry County Genealogical and Historical Society Hazard Pike County Historical Society Pikeville Pine Mountain Settlement School E. J. Carr Pine Mountain Pineville-Bell County Public Library Pineville Rockcastle County Public Library Mount Vernon Special Collections Berea College Berea Special Collections & Archives University of Kentucky Lexington Transylvania University Library Transylvania University Lexington United Methodist Church Archives and History Lexington North Carolina Alleghany HistoricalGenealogical Society, Inc. Sparta Appalachia Room Special Collections Mars Hill Ashe County Public Library Appalachian Regional Library West Jefferson Asheville-Buncombe Library System Pack Memorial & Admin. Office Asheville 50 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Blue Ridge Parkway National Park Service Asheville Broad River Genealogical Society Shelby Burke County Public Library Morganton Caldwell County Public Library Lenoir Canton Public Library Branch of Haywood County Library Canton Carl Sandburg National Historical Site National Park Service Flat Rock Catawba County Historical Museum Catawba County Historical Association Newton Cherokee County Historical Museum Murphy Coweeta Hydrologic Laboratory Southeastern Forest Exp. Sta. Otto Cradle of Forestry in America U.S. Forest Service Pisgah Forest D. D. Dougherty Library Appalachian State University Boone Davie County Public Library Mocksville Dry Ridge Historical Museum North Buncombe Library Weaverville Eastern Cabarrus Historical Society Mount Pleasant Elbert Ivey Memorial Public Library Hickory Historical Foundation of the Presbyterian & Reformed Church Montreat Historic Resources Commission of Asheville & Buncombe County Asheville Hunter Library Western Carolina University Cullowhee Jacob S. Mauney Memorial Library Kings Mountain James Larkin Pearson Library Wilkes Community College Wilkesboro Macon County Public Library Fontana Regional Library Franklin Mayland Technical College Spruce Pine Moravian Archives Moravian Church in America Winston-Salem Moravian Music Foundation Winston-Salem 51 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Museum of the Cherokee Indian Drama Road Cherokee Museum of Waldensian History Waldensian Presbyterian Church Valdese N. C. Baptist Historical Collection Wake Forest University Winston-Salem National Forests in NC U.S. Forest Service Asheville Old Bumcombe County Genealogical Society, Inc. Asheville Polk County Historical Association's Museum Tryon Thomas Wolfe Memorial NC Department of Cultural Resources Asheville Transylvania County Library Brevard University Archives Wake Forest University Winston-Salem W. L. Eury Appalachian Collection Appalachian State University Boone Yadkin Historical Society Yadkin County Library Yadkinville Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace NC Department of Archives & History Weaverville South Carolina Greenville County Historical Society Greenville County Library Greenville Oconee County Library Walhalla Pendleton Dist. Hist. & Rec. Comm. Pendleton Pickens County Historical Society Pickens Pickens County Library Easley Special Collections Robert Muldrow Cooper Library Clemson Special Collections/Archives Furman University Library Greenville Tennessee Andrew Johnson National Historical Site U.S. National Park Service Greeneville 52 Archives and Special Cols. Carson-Newman College Library Jefferson City �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Archives of Appalachia East Tennessee State University Johnson City Bradley County Historical Society Cleveland Calvin M. McClung Collection Knox County Public Library Knoxville Carroll Reece Museum East Tennessee State University Johnson City Children's Museum of Oak Ridge 461 West Outer Dr. Oak Ridge Cleveland State Community College Library Cleveland Dayton Library Dayton Dulin Gallery of Art Knoxville E. W. King Library King College, Inc. Bristol Elizabethton Public Library Elizabethton Fort Sanders Regional Medical Center-Nursing Library Knoxville Frank H. McClung Museum University of Tennessee Knoxville Great Smoky Mountains National Park Gatlinburg H. B. Stamps Memorial Library Rogersville Hardwick Johnston Memorial Library Hiwassee College Madisonville Kingsport Public Library Kingsport Merner-Pfeiffer Library Tennessee Wesleyan College Athens Morristown Hamblen Library Morristown Norris Dam State Park Will G. & Helen H. Lenoir Museum Norris Oak Ridge Public Library Civic Center Oak Ridge P. H. Welshimer Memorial Library Milligan College Milligan College Parrott-Wood Library Branch of Jefferson County Library Strawberry Plains Penecostal Research Center Penecostal Resource Center Cleveland Quillen-Dishner College of Medicine Library Johnson City Restoration Movement Archives Emmanuel School of Religion Johnson City Rose Center Museum 442 West 2nd North St. Morristown 53 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Special Collections Library University of Tennessee Knoxville Speedwell Manor Speedwell Heritage Foundation Knoxville Sullivan County Public Library Box 157 Blountville Sycamore Shoals State Historical Area Elizabethton Tennessee Valley Authority Chattanooga Tusculum College Library Tusculum College Greenville Unicoi County Historical Society Unicoi County Library Erwin Veterans Adminstration Medical Center Mountain Home Virginia Blue Ridge Heritage Archive Ferrum College Ferrum Buchanan County Public Library Grundy Carol M. Newman Library Virginia Polytechnic Institute Blacksburg Easley Library Bluefield College Bluefield Fishburn Library Hollins College Roanoke Grayson County Historical Society Independence Historical Society of Washington County, Virginia, Inc. Abingdon Historical Crab Orchard Museum Tazewell Holston Conference Archives Kelly Library Emory John Cook Wyllie Library Clinch Valley College of the Wise John Preston McConnell Library Radford University Radford Kelly Library Emory & Henry College Emory Montgomery-Floyd Reg. Library Christianburg Patrick County Branch Blue Ridge Regional Library Stuart Pearisburg Public Library Pearisburg Pulaski County Library Pulaski 54 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Roanoke College Library Roanoke College Salem Smithfield Plantation House Montgomery Branch of APVA Blackburg Smyth County Museum and Society, Inc. Marion Tazewell County Public Library Tazewell Wilderness Road Regional Museum New River Historical Society Newbern West Virginia Alexander Campbell Archives T. W. Phillips Library Bethany Brooke County Historical Society Brooke County Public Library Wellsburg Burnsville Public Library Upshur County Library Burnsville Capon Bridge Public Library Capon Bridge Clarksburg-Harrison Public Library Clarksburg Concord College Library Concord College Athens Gilmer County Historical Society Glenville Gilmer Public Library Glenville Greenbrier Historical Society Archives Greenbrier County Historical Society Lewisburg Greenbrier, The CSX Hotels, Inc. White Sulphur Spring Hampshire County Public Library Romney Hardy County Public Library Moorefield Harpers Ferry Center Library National Park Service History Col. Harpers Ferry Harrison County Historical Society 123 West Main St. Clarksburg Jackson County Historical Society P. 0. Box 22 Ripley James E. Morrow Library Marshall University Huntington Kanawha Valley Genealogical Society Dunbar Mary F. Shipper Library/LRC Potomac State College of West Virginia University Keyser 55 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory McDowell Public Library Welch Morgan County Historical and Genealogical Society Berkeley Springs Morgantown Public Library West Virginia Collection Morgantown Olegbay InstituteMansion Museum Wheeling Ohio County Public Library Wheeling Pendleton County Historical Society Franklin Pleasants County Historical Society St. Marys Pocahontas County Historical Society Marlinton Potomac State College Library Potomac State College Keyser Pricketts Fort Memorial Foundation Pricketts Fort State Park Fairmont Princetown Public Library Princeton Rainelle Public Library Rainelle Raleigh County Public Library Beckley Summers County Public Library 201 Temple St. Hinton Tucker County Historical Society Hambleton Historical Pres. Society Hambleton Vining Library West Virginia Institute of Montgomery Williamson Campus Library Southern W. V. Community College Williamson WV and Regional History College West Virginia University Morgantown Yesterday's Place Summersville 56 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory RECORD TYPE INDEX The following is a list of record types with the corresponding reference numbers of the repositories which have those kinds of records. AUDIO-VISUAL-GA: 2, 5, KY: 14,15,17, 18, 20, 22, 23, 27, 38, 39, 41, NC: 43, 50, 52, 55, 61, 63, 65, 69, 72, 73, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81, SC: 82, 87, 88, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 97, 113, 116, 117, 118, 125, VA: 129, 131, 133, 139, 140, 142, 147, 149, W. VA: 151, 155, 162, 165, 171, 174, 180, 184, 185 GENEALOGICAL CHARTS-GA: 3, 6, 7, 9, 13, KY: 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 27, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, NC: 42, 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 52, 58, 60, 61, 63, 64, 67, 69, 71, 72, 74, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, SC: 83, 84, 87, 88, TN: 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 99, 100, 103, 104, 108, 123, 127, VA: 130, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 142, 143, 144, 148, 149, W. VA: 150, 151, 154, 157, 158, 160, 161, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 169, 173, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 185 ORAL HISTORIES-GA: 2, 3, 5, 11, 13, KY: 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 27, 30, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, NC: 42, 43, 44, 46, 48, 50, 51, 53, 55, 57, 61, 65, 67, 71, 72, 73, 76, 78, 79, SC: 84, 86, 88, TN: 89, 91, 92, 93, 95, 99, 103, 108, 113, 116, 117,118, 124,125, 127, 128, VA: 129, 131, 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 149, W. VA: 151, 152, 154, 155, 157, 160, 162, 165, 175, 177, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186 PHOTOGRAPHS-GA: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 13, KY: 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, NC: 43, 44, 45, 46, 4.7, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 65, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, SC: 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, TN: 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 106, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, VA: 129, 130, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 146, 147, 148, 149, W. VA: 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 175, 177, 178, 180, 181, 182, 185, 186 57 �This page intentionally left blank �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory SUBJECT INDEX The following is a list of subjects with the corresponding reference numbers of the repositories which have manuscripts related to each subject. AGRICULTURE-GA: 1, 2, 5, 8, 13, KY: 14, 17, 23, 38, 39, 40, NC: 43, 44, 46, 51, 52, 53, 57, 58, 67, 72, 73, 75, 77, 79, 80, SC: 84, 85, 87, TN: 91, 93, 95, 99, 102, 119, 124, 125, 128, VA: 129, 131, 134, 136, 139, 140, 142, 143, 146, 147, 149, W.VA: 154, 160, 163, 164, 178, 181, 185, 186 ART/ARCHITECTURE-GA: 5,10,13, KY: 14,17, 23, 34, 38, 39, 44, 45, 48, 51, 52, 58, 62, 69, 72, 75, 77, 79, SC: 82, TN: 91, 93, 94, 95, 98, 99, 102, 124, 125, 128, VA: 129, 133, 134, 135, 142, 146, W.VA: 154, 156, 160, 162, 163, 165, 178, 181, 185 BLACKS-GA: 5, 13, KY: 17, 18, 23, 38, 39, 41, NC: 43, 44, 48, 52, 53, 57, 58, 61, 63, 72, 74, 75, 77, 79, SC: 84, 87, TN: 91, 92, 93, 95, 99,112,125,128, VA: 129,133,134, 136,137, 139, 142, 143, W.VA: 154, 160, 163, 165, 166, 176, 181, 185 BUSINESS/INDUSTRY-GA: 2, 5, 7, 11, 12, 13, KY: 16, 17, 18, 23, 24, 30, 34, 38, 39, 40, NC: 43, 44, 48, 51, 52, 57, 58, 63, 67, 70, 72, 73, 77, 79, SC: 82, 84, 87, TN: 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 112, 115, 119, 121, 122, 124, 125, VA: 129, 131, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 147, 149, W.VA: 151, 154, 156, 159, 160, 163, 171, 178, 181, 185, 186 CIVIL WAR-GA: 2, 3, 5, 7, 11, 12, KY: 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 25, 34, 38, 39, NC: 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 51, 52, 57, 58, 59, 61, 63, 67, 69, 72, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80, 81, SC: 82, 84, 85, 88, TN: 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 99, 102,110, 112, 115, 121, 122, 127, VA: 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140, 142, 143, 144, 147, 149, W.VA: 151, 153, 154, 156, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 173, 181, 182, 185, 186 CRAFTS-GA: 1, 2, 5, 8, 13, KY: 14, 17, 23, 38, 39, 43, 46, 52, 58, 67, 70, 77, 79, 81, TN: 91, 93, 95, 102, 124, 125, VA: 129, 131, 134, 136, 139, 143, 147, W.VA: 154, 159, 163, 177, 178, 181, 185, 186 EDUCATION-GA: 1, 5,11, 13, KY: 14, 17, 18, 19, 22, 23, 25, 31, 34, 38, 39, NC: 43, 44, 48, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 63, 69, 70, 72, 73, 77, 79, 80, SC: 82, 85, 87, 88, TN: 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 99, 101, 112, 114, 115, 116, 119, 121, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, VA: 129, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 147, 149, W.VA: 150, 151, 154, 155, 156, 160 163, 178, 181, 184, 185 EHTNIC GROUPS/IMMIGRATION-GA: 5,13, KY: 39, NC: 44, 51, 52, 67, 70, 71, 74, 77, 79, TN: 93, 95, 111, 124, VA: 129, 134, 137, 139, 143, 146, W.VA: 154, 160, 161, 163, 181, 185 FAMILY/COMMUNITY LIFE-GA: 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8,13, KY: 14, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 31, 34, 38, 39, NC: 43, 44, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 58, 59, 61, 63, 67, 69, 70, 72, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, SC: 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88, TN: 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 99, 101, 102, 116, 119, 122, 124, 125, 127, 128, VA: 129, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 146, 148, 149, W.VA: 152, 153, 154, 157, 160, 163, 164, 165, 167, 169, 170, 174, 175, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 185 59 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory GENEALOGY-GA: 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11, 13, KY: 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, NC: 42, 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 52, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 66, 67, 69, 71, 72, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, SC: 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, TN: 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 99, 100, 103, 104, 108, 111, 112, 123, 124, 127, VA: 130, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 142, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 149, W.VA: 150, 151, 153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 169, 170, 173, 175, 176, 177, 178, 181, 182, 184, 185 HEALTH SCIENCES-GA: 5, KY: 14, 18, 23, 38, 39, 40, NC: 63, 77, 79, TN: 91, 93, 95, 101, 117, 122, 125, 128, VA: 143, W.VA: 165, 181, 185 INDIANS-GA: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 13, KY: 17, 19, NC: 43, 44, 48, 52, 53, 58, 59, 61, 63, 69, 70, 72, 74, 75, 77, 79, SC: 85, TN: 92, 93, 95, 102, 121, 124,125, 127, VA: 134,135, 136, 137, 143, 146, 147, W.VA:154, 161, 163, 166, 181, 185, 186 LABOR-GA: 5, 11, 12, KY: 23, 38, 39, NC: 44, 51, 58, 72, 77, 79, SC: 84, TN: 91, 92, 93, 95, 124, 125, VA: 129, 131, 134, 136, 138, 140, 142, 143, W.VA: 154, 163,165,181, 185 LITERATURE-GA: 2, 3, 8, 11, KY: 17, 18, 19, 23, 31, 34, 38, 39, NC: 43, 45, 51, 52, 58, 63, 69, 72, 75, 76, 77, 79, SC: 82, 87, 88, TN: 91, 93, 95, 99, 121, 122, VA: 131, 134, 135, 136, 142, 143, W.VA:154, 156, 158, 160, 161, 163, 181, 185 LOCAL HISTORY-GA: 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 13, KY: 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, NC: 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 66, 67, 69, 70, 72, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, SC: 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, TN: 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 106, 108, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 119, 121, 122, 124, 126, 127, 128, VA: 129, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 149, W.VA: 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 169, 171, 172, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178,179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186 MASS COMMUNICATIONS-KY: 23, NC: 77, 79, SC: 91, 93, W.VA: 163, 181, 185 MILITARY HISTORY (except Civil War)-GA: 4, KY: 20, 23, 39, NC: 44, 48, 52, 59, 72, 77, 79, 80, SC: 87, TN: 93, 94, 119, 121, 124, 127, 128, VA: 131, 135, 136, 137, 146, W.VA: 153, 156, 160, 162, 163, 165, 166, 181, 182, 185 MINING-GA: 1, 2, 5, 7, 11, KY: 14, 15, 17, 24, 25, 26, 34, 38, 39, NC: 44, 48, 63, 67, 72, 75, 77, 79, SC: 91, 93, 94, 95, 99, 112, 115, 124, 125, 131, 135, 136, 138, 139, 140, 143, 151, 154, 163, 165, 174, 178, 181, 184, 185 MUSIC-GA: 5, 13, KY: 14, 17, 23, 38, 39, NC: 43, 44, 45, 51, 52, 58, 59, 61, 69, 70, 72, 76, 77, 79, SC: 88, 91, 93, 94, 95, 116, 128, 129, 134, 136, 138, 139, 142, 143, 149, 154, 163, 165, 169, 181, 184, 185, 186 NATURAL RESOURCES/CONSERVATION-GA: 1, 2, KY: 17, 18, 35, 38, 39, NC: 45, 46, 48, 54, 55, 57, 63, 73, 77, 79, SC: 87, TN: 91, 92, 93, 95, 102, 103, 125, VA: 134, 136, 138, 143, W.VA: 154, 162, 163, 178, 181, 185, 186 60 �Archives in Appalachia: A Directory PERFORMING ARTS (except music)-KY: 17, 23, 38, 39, NC: 45, 63, 77, 79, SC-TN: 91, 93, 95, 121, VA: 129, 134, 135, 143, W.VA: 181, 185 PIONEERS/WESTWARD EXPANSION-GA: 1, 4, 6,13, KY: 17, 23, 25, 39, 40, NC: 44, 48, 52, 58, 69, 77, 79, TN: 93, 95, 99, 103, 112, 121, 124, 127, VA: 131, 134, 135, 136, 137, 143, 146, W.VA: 153, 154, 160, 163, 164, 177, 181, 182, 185 POLITICS/GOVERNMENT—STATE AND LOCAL-GA: 5, 6, 8,11,13, KY: 17,18, 23, 25, 38, 39, NC: 44, 48, 52, 56, 63, 70, 72, 75, 77, 78, 79, SC: 82, 85, 87, TN: 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 99, 112,115, 119,121, 124, 128, VA: 131, 134, 135, 136,140, 142, 143, 144,146, W.VA: 154, 160, 163, 168, 175, 181, 185 POLITICS/GOVERNMENT—NATIONAL-GA: 5, KY: 17,18, 23, 38, 39, NC: 46, 51, 63, 72, 77, 78, SC: 87, TN: 89, 91, 93, 94, 95,121,124, VA: 131, 135,136, 146,154, W.VA: 163, 165, 181, 185 RECREATION/TOURISM-GA: 1, 2, 5, 13, KY: 17, 18, 23, 39, NC: 45, 63, 70, 73, 77, 79, SC: 84, TN: 93, 94, 95,103,124,125,128, VA: 129,134,135,136,139,142,143, W.VA: 154, 159, 161, 162, 169, 177, 181, 185 RELIGION/CHURCH HISTORY-GA: 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 13, KY: 14, 17, 18, 22, 23, 31, 32, 34, 35, 38, 39, 41, 43, 44, 46, 48, 52, 53, 57, 58, 59, 61, 63, 68, 69, 72, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, SC: 84, 85, 88, TN: 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 99, 106, 110, 111, 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, VA: 129, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 144, 147, 149, W.VA: 150, 151, 153, 154, 160, 163, 170, 175, 181, 182, 185 SOCIAL ACTION-GA: 5, KY: 17,18, 23, 38, 39, NC: 44, 61, 77, 79, TN: 91, 93, 95,112, 125, VA: 138, W.VA: 181, 185 SCIENCE/TECHNOLOGY-GA: 1, 5, KY: 17,18, 23, 35, 39, NC: 54, 72, 77, 79, SC: 87, TN: 91, 93, 94, 95, 101, 121, 125, VA: 131, 134, W.VA: 171, 181, 185 TRANSPORTATION/TRAVEL-GA: 2, 5, 12, 13, KY: 17, 19, 23, 38, 39, NC: 44, 52, 53, 72, 73, 77, 79, 80, TN: 91, 93, 95, 119, 124, 125, VA: 129, 131, 134, 135, 136, 139, 140, 142, 149, W.VA: 151, 154, 159, 163, 181, 185 WOMEN-GA: 5, KY: 14, 15, 17, 18, 23, 38, 39, NC: 44, 48, 52, 53, 58, 61, 63, 69, 72, 77, 79, 80, SC: 82, TN: 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 116, 119, 124, 125, VA: 129, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 139, 140, 142, 143, W.VA: 153, 154, 163, 165, 181, 185, 186 61 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Archives in Appalachia: A Directory Description An account of the resource <em>Archives in Appalachia: A Directory</em><span>&nbsp;consists of entries describing 181 repositories in 195 counties in the South-Central Appalachia region which hold historical records documenting the political, social, cultural, and economic history of the region, and a list of “Coming Attractions,” agencies which did not collect manuscript material but which planned to do so in the future. Also included in this directory are indexes sorted by type of material and by subject matter which enable researchers to locate selected genres of material.</span><br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1TXOwpVN3NNUqjZJze4gqwK88PxTj64k5/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642406/archives-in-appalachia" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Garrison, Ellen Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Physical Copy <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1985 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Subject The topic of the resource Archives--Appalachian Region, Southern--Directories Appalachian Region, Southern--Directories Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Directories E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/f87fb8673b4006606bce074527dfbaca.pdf df8e85fb07f2261692e94f7ff600ef20 PDF Text Text �Blue Ridge Parkway Agent of Transition Proceedings B l u e Ridge Golden Anniversary o f the Parkway Conference �Appalachian Consortium Press/Boone, North Carolina �Blue Ridge Parkway Agent of Transition Proceedings B l u e Ridge Golden Anniversary o f the Parkway Conference Edited by Barry M* Buxton and Steven M. Beatty Editorial Assistant: Dana Bartlett �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1986 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3807-2 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3809-6 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �DEDICATION We dedicate these Proceedings and the Blue Ridge Parkway Golden Anniversary Conference to the ingenuity and labor of all the men and women who have played a part i n designing, constructing, and maintaining the Blue Ridge Parkway. �This page intentionally left blank �Blue Ridge Parkway Proceedings INTRODUCTION, B a r r y B u x t o n i K E Y N O T E PRESENTATIONS The Future o f the Parkway, G a r y E v e r h a r d t 1 Environmental Concerns and the Blue Ridge Parkway, Stewart Udall 7 Future Initiatives o f the National Park Service, W i l l i a m M o t t . . . 15 DESIGN A N D P L A N N I N G T h e Parkway—A U n i q u e l y A m e r i c a n Construct— Is I t Obsolete?, F r a n k B u r g g r a f 25 Stanley A b b o t t and the Design o f the Blue Ridge Parkway, Leslie G i g n o u x 33 Stanley A b b o t t and the Design o f the Blue Ridge Parkway, D o u g l a s Swaim 41 T h e Blue Ridge Parkway: A Catalyst for Environmental Design Innovation, John W. B r i g h t 55 T h e Blue Ridge Parkway i n Historical Design Perspective, E. L y n n M i l l e r 65 T h e L i n n Cove Viaduct, Jean 73 Muller T h e Strategic Planning: T h e Means for Seeing Beyond 1987, G a r y W. Johnson 81 HISTORICAL A New Deal for the M o u n t a i n Folk: Recollections o f the Resettlement Administration, Gwen H a r v e y Russell a n d Alice Hoffman 91 I am a Part o f the Parkway, and the Parkway is a Part o f M e , Diane K. Gentry 99 �T h e N o r t h Carolina Congressional Delegation and the Blue Ridge Parkway, P h i l i p A . G r a n t , J r . 107 T h e Blue Ridge Parkway: Mileposts and More, P a m e l a F r y e . . . . 115 T h e Early Days of Parkway Construction, Lester P Lamm Early Appalachian Photographers, R i c h a r d A . Straw 119 129 LITERARY A N D FOLK CULTURE T h e Road i n Appalachian Lore and Literature, H . R . Stoneback 141 Bertha Cook, Blue Ridge National Heritage Fellow, Thomas McGowan 153 M a b r y M i l l as Metaphor, P a r k s L a n i e r 161 T h e Folk Tales of the Eastern Blue Ridge, Jody B r o w n a n d Rex Stephenson 167 T h e Perfect Work, Thomas 173 Rain Crowe ENVIRONMENTAL A N D ECONOMIC T h e Spirit of the Blue Ridge, G i l b e r t L e e b r i c k L a n d Use Attitudes of Rural Residents, James Environmental Quality Points, Scott 189 E Shepherd . . . . 201 S. W e i n b e r g 211 Seasonal Plant Color Changes Give the Parkway Its Character, J. D a n P i t t i l l o 219 Agriculture i n the Blue Ridge Parkway, W i l l i a m O. H o o p e r . . . . 227 Benefits Sought by Blue Ridge Parkway Tourists, M a r k A . Bonn 233 National Concessioner Policy i n Transition: A n Example of the Blue Ridge Parkway, Robert W McLellan and Dominic Dottavio 239 �Notes Concerning Ruins of M o t i o n Machinery i n the Appalachian Landscape, D a v i d R H i l l 245 S T U D E N T ESSAYS Harvard o f Celo, K e l l y E l i z a b e t h D r a u g h n 261 Legends Live O n , C l a u d i a Suzette 265 Deyton Please...Don't Pick the Wildflowers, M a r c i L e d f o r d 269 �T h e Blue Ridge Parkway holds a special place among the 337 units that make up our National Park System. I t represents all o f the values — natural, cultural and recreational — u p o n w h i c h that great system was founded. To all those w h o played a part i n the building of the Parkway, to all those dedicated employees of the N a t i o n a l Park Service w h o watch over it, to all of our friends i n the commonwealth of Virginia and the state of N o r t h Carolina w h o have been our valued partners i n this effort: We salute you, we honor you, we thank you for your contribution and support. D o n a l d Paul Hodel Director Department of Interior �Blue Ridge Parkway Agent of Transition �This page intentionally left blank �INTRODUCTION T h e Blue Ridge Parkway Golden Anniversary Conference was a joyous occasion. It brought together people from all across the nation and from abroad to celebrate America's favorite road. It was especially gratifying to have so many participants i n the early planning and design of the Parkway attend the Conference and participate i n the varied activities. Yet the conference was more t h a n a celebration. I t was a serious attempt to examine the impact the Parkway has had o n a region and its people. Perhaps no other road i n the world interprets the natural and cultural history of a region so well as the Blue Ridge Parkway does the Southern Appalachians. T h e Parkway's 469 miles provide unparalleled vista's of the valleys and peaks of the Blue Ridge as well as a unique glimpse of the culture and traditions of the Southern mountaineer. Exhibit centers help preserve and interpret b o t h the natural and cultural treasures of the region and ex­ tensive trails, lakes and m o u n t a i n streams meet the recreational needs of over 19 m i l l i o n visitors. Like the Blue Ridge Parkway, the Appalachian C o n s o r t i u m is engaged i n preserving the cultural heritage and protecting the natural resources of Southern Appalachia. Since its inception i n 1971, the Appalachian C o n ­ sortium has endeavored to stimulate regional cooperation. O u r thirteen member institutions and agencies and over 100 volunteers serve 156 moun­ tain counties i n seven states. A l l work together to preserve the unique culture of Southern Appalachia and to improve the quality of life for its citizens. T h e Blue Ridge Parkway, a long-time member of the Consortium, has con­ tributed significantly to b o t h of these goals. Sponsoring the Golden A n ­ niversary to celebrate the Parkway's contributions to the region was therefore an exciting and altogether fitting o p p o r t u n i t y for the Consortium. The Conference also provided a perfect forum to put the ideal of regional cooperation to work. From the beginning, the Conference Steering C o m ­ mittee recognized that i f the Conference was to be successful, it required the support and involvement o f professional landscape architects. After all, it was ultimately their vision and leadership w h i c h transformed an often decimated landscape into the Parkway millions of Americans k n o w today. They are the master craftsmen of the Blue Ridge Parkway, the " C r o w n Jewel of the Appalachians." Likewise, support and involvement of civil engineers was needed because their c o n t r i b u t i o n made highway construction possi­ ble and provided employment for thousands of m o u n t a i n people. I n many cases it was this employment w h i c h helped families survive the Great Depression. Fortunately, b o t h the A m e r i c a n Society of Landscape Architects and the N o r t h Carolina Section of the A m e r i c a n Society of C i v i l Engineers i �rendered considerable assistance i n planning and executing the Conference. A d d i t i o n a l support was provided by the N a t i o n a l Park Service, the state of N o r t h Carolina, and the Commonwealth of Virginia. T h e Conference was, in every sense of the word, a model of regional cooperation. In order to stimulate public participation i n the Conference, a student art and essay contest was held. Planned and designed w i t h the guidance of a committee of teachers and administrators from schools throughout the region, the response of students was overwhelming. Over 300 art entries were received i n four categories ranging from first graders to high school seniors. T h e essay competition was limited to high school students and the submis­ sions were varied and exciting. M a n y of the entries were displayed at the Conference and exhibited at several locations o n the Parkway. T h e w i n n i n g students received cash awards and the schools they attend each received, in the students' honor, a selection of books valued at over $500 from the Eastern Parks and National M o n u m e n t Association and the Appalachian C o n s o r t i u m Press. I believe I speak for all of the Conference Committee i n saying that one of the Conference highlights was the pride and joy i n the faces of the parents whose children were winners i n the art and essay contest. In conjunction w i t h the Conference and the other celebration activities, the Appalachian C o n s o r t i u m Press published a commemorative book en­ titled B l u e Ridge P a r k w a y : The F i r s t 50 Years. Written by Dr. Harley E. Jolley and illustrated w i t h color photographs by Dr. William A . Bake, this book tells the exciting history of the Parkway from the early political delibera­ tions about appropriate routes to the modern day controversy surrounding the "missing l i n k " and the construction of the famed L i n n Cove Viaduct. It was the hope of the Conference Steering Committee that the Blue Ridge Parkway Golden Anniversary Conference would be truly inter­ disciplinary and attract broad participation. I t h i n k you will agree after perus­ ing the content that the Committee succeeded i n this objective. T h e Conference benefited enormously from the attendance and partici­ pation of William M o t t , new Director of the National Park Service and Stewart Udall, former Secretary of the Department of Interior. M r . M o t t outlined his immediate and long-term objectives for the National Park Serv­ ice and shared some important observations about current problems and needs. M r . Udall encouraged Conference participants to remember the spirit w h i c h helped make the Parkway possible and to work i n that spirit for the conservation of our threatened natural resources. It's generally acknowledged that the opening session of conferences is extremely important i n setting a tone and giving meaning to that w h i c h follows. O u r opening presentation by noted historian Harley E. Jolley was extremely popular and focused o n "The First 50 Years." It included a compre­ hensive slide presentation of Parkway construction and paid special tribute to the contributions of the C i v i l i a n Conservation Corps. Wilma Dykeman, noted author and lecturer, informed and entertained the banquet audience ii �later that evening w i t h a presentation o n the diverse history of the Blue Ridge M o u n t a i n area and her childhood remembrances of i t . Clearly one of the highlights of the Conference was the presence of Jean Muller, Chief Engineer of the L i n n Cove Viaduct. He flew from Paris to share his expertise o n "precast, post-tensioned, segmental, cantilevered bridge construction" designed to preserve the natural landscape of Grandfather Mountain. Conference participants toured the famed viaduct w i t h M r . Muller and his associate Gene Figg i n the engineering design firm of Figg and Muller. While much of the focus of the Conference was o n the Parkway from a historical perspective, the Conference Committee was vitally concerned w i t h the future. Accordingly, Gary Everhardt, Parkway Superintendent, pro­ vided a detailed and informative presentation w h i c h examined the future of the Parkway and shared details about research and studies currently be­ ing conducted by h i m and the Parkway staff. Conference participants later had an opportunity to share their ideas for the Parkway's future w i t h M r . Everhardt and representatives of the National Park Service. As had been the hope of the Planning Committee, the true strength of the Blue Ridge Parkway Golden Anniversary Conference lay i n its diver­ sity. Over 30 of the papers which were presented at the Conference are shared in this Proceedings. For the convenience of the reader, the contents are divided into five sections based upon subject content. T h e first section is entitled "Design and Planning" and includes two informative presentations o n the role of landscape architect Stanley A b b o t t i n designing and managing Parkway contruction. L y n n Miller places the Parkway i n historical design perspec­ tive, and John Bright discusses the Parkway as a catalyst for environmental design innovation. Jean Muller presents a fascinating look at the innova­ tion incorporated into designing the New L i n n Cove Viaduct. Gary Johnson of the National Park Service continues w i t h the future theme initiated by Gary Everhardt i n "Strategic Planning: The Means for Seeing Beyond 1987." Finally, Professor Frank Burggraf poses the question, "Are Parkways Obsolete?" The second section of the Proceedings focuses o n the "History" of the Parkway and includes an important oral history study by Texan Diane Gentry. Gwen Harvey and Alice Hoffman take a look at the resettlement plan car­ ried out by the National Park Service, and Philip Grant reports o n the ef­ forts of the N o r t h Carolina Congressional delegation during the early political debates surrounding the creation of the Parkway. Les Lamm, Deputy Federal Highway Administrator illuminates the early days of construction o n the Parkway, and Pamela Frye shares a student guide for Parkway travelers. Finally, Professor Richard Straw acquaints us w i t h some of the early photographers along the Parkway. The third section, entitled "Literary and Folk Culture," provides a glimpse into the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia. Professor H.R. Stoneback traces the road i n Apalachian lore and literature, and Parks Lanier shares a metaphorical look at M a b r y M i l l , the Parkway's most popular attraction. iii �Folklorist Tom M c G o w a n tells us about the life and craft of National Heritage Fellow Bertha C o o k w h o has served as a demonstrator o n the Parkway. Pro­ fessors Jody Brown and Rex Stephenson discuss folk tales of the eastern Blue Ridge, and Thomas Rain Crowe shares the perspectives of the Native Americans through poetry and prose. O u r fourth section, focusing o n "Environmental and Economic" con­ cerns, contains an interesting assessment of land use attitudes among A p ­ palachians living along the Parkway by Professor James Shepherd. Biologist D a n Pittillo traces the seasonal plant changes w h i c h help make the Parkway so popular. David H i l l , a landscape architect, i n a unique analysis, suggests that technological ruins and sculpture serve as a noble expression of the Parkway's man-machine-land relationship. William Hooper discusses the i m ­ portance of agriculture to the character of the Parkway, and M a r k B o n n shares his research o n the benefits sought by tourists o n the Parkway. Robert McLellan and D o m i n i c Dottavio discuss the use of private concessioners along the Parkway and the role the Parkway is playing i n the revision o f National Park Service policy. Finally, a brief sampling of photographs of the Parkway, which were part of a much larger exhibit, are included. G i l Leebrick captures the varied moods of the Parkway i n magnificent black and white photography. The fifth and final section consists of our three winning "Student Essays" by Kelly Draughn, Suzy Deyton, and M a r c i Ledford. Each is a very special personal statement about the Parkway and the people w h o live along i t . I n closing, we dedicate these Proceedings and the Blue Ridge Parkway Golden Anniversary Conference to the ingenuity and labor of all the men and women w h o have played a part i n designing, constructing and main­ taining this great national treasure. Barry M . Buxton Conference C h a i r m a n iv �Gary Everhardt Stewart Udall William M o t t KEYNOTE PRESENTATIONS �This page intentionally left blank �The Future of the Parkway Gary by Everhardt Conference participants, honored guests, ladies and gentlemen. G o o d morning. I am happy to be w i t h you this m o r n i n g i f for no reason other than to congratulate and extend my appreciation to Dr. Barry B u x t o n , w h o con­ ceived the idea for this conference, put together a committee to plan for it, and now, this m o r n i n g , has seen it become a reality. Even though we are just getting started, I would like for you to j o i n me in giving Barry, his staff and his committee a r o u n d of applause for their efforts. W h e n I look at the conference program for the next two days, I begin to feel a b i t out o f order. M o s t of you are here to examine the impacts the Parkway has had o n its region over the past fifty years. But the first t h i n g on your program this m o r n i n g is me talking about the future. A t first thought, my topic might seem out of context w i t h the remainder of the program. But when you t h i n k further, it is difficult, i f not impossible, to separate the past from either the present or the future. It is the founda­ t i o n o n w h i c h we must build. We must never forget that today once was yesterday's tomorrow. What if Stanley A b b o t t , Ed Abbuehl....and Sam Weems....had taken only a short-term approach when their minds began to piece together the vision that has become a p a r k r e a l i t y f o r the ages! It is easy to see that they planned well for us. C a n we do any less for those w h o very possibly will be seated at a conference similar to this fifty years from now? I ask you to j o i n me today i n what perhaps might be speculation about the future, but it is speculation that is well founded o n the lessons of the past and, i n my o p i n i o n , thus has merit for that reason. Construction o n the Blue Ridge Parkway began September 11, 1935, when men w i t h the Nello L . Teer Construction Company of D u r h a m , N o r t h Carolina, cut through a barbed wire fence bordering what now is N o r t h Carolina Route 18 and headed south. T h a t spot is b u t a few hundred feet from the Parkway's Cumberland K n o b recreation area, where about 48 hours from now we will begin a day­ long series of events and activities to celebrate the Golden Anniversary of the start of construction of the Blue Ridge Parkway. You all are invited to j o i n us for that day and I hope that you will. Buses will leave here at 8:30 Wednesday m o r n i n g and will have you back by 3:00 p.m. You w i l l have an opportunity to hear remarks by the director of the 1 �National Park Service (who also will be your luncheon speaker tomorrow), the governors of the state of N o r t h Carolina and the commonwealth of Virginia, and the sons of two men w h o have been given a lion's share of the credit for originating the Blue Ridge Parkway concept—Senator H a r r y Flood Byrd Junior, and Franklin Delano Roosevelt Junior. As the Golden Anniversary celebration comes to a close, we will begin to direct all of our attention to the Grandfather M o u n t a i n area a few miles from here. T h a t is the site of the last remaining uncompleted section of the Parkway. I f all goes well, we should eliminate that " m i s s i n g l i n k " sometime during 1987. T h e n our visitors will be able to travel 470 miles from Shenan­ doah National Park to Great Smoky Mountains National Park w i t h no stop signs, no commercial traffic, no strip development....and no b l i n k i n g neon lights. They will have the opportunity to experience, however, endless scenic vistas, an abundance of native flora and fauna, historic structures, accom­ modating concessioners, campgrounds, picnic areas and the dozens of other attributes that have made the Blue Ridge Parkway the most popular Na­ tional Park system area east of San Francisco Bay. After some fifty-two years, the Blue Ridge Parkway will be complete— or w i l l i t l W h e n the motor road is fully open, will the Parkway be finished i n terms of development and will our role as managers be one simply of housekeep­ ing and caretaking? That's a question I urge you to keep i n m i n d as you speak and listen to the accomplishments and impacts of the past during this conference. W i l l the Parkway really have been completed when we h o l d a ribbon-cutting ceremony over at Grandfather M o u n t a i n i n 1987? I hope that next week, or next m o n t h , or even next year you will give me your thoughts o n that question. I don't t h i n k there is any question or any doubt about the appeal and resultant success of the Blue Ridge Parkway. W h a t you will hear over the next two days will provide ample testimony to that question. But will that appeal and success continue? If so, for how long? D o visitors enjoy the Parkway because we provide them w i t h what they desire? O r d i d we attract more than nineteen m i l l i o n visits last year even though we didn't really meet all visitor needs and expectations? I f that is the case, just what are those needs and what is the potential? D o we really want to reach it? More questions. A n y time you deal w i t h the future you also deal w i t h an endless search for answers. We have initiated such a search, and believe we are o n our way to find­ ing, i f not answers, then certainly rather clear cut directions to explore and possibly follow. Late last winter, we invited two groups of citizens w i t h diverse interests and areas of expertise to meet w i t h us and begin to look at what the Parkway 2 �might expect over the next fifty years. These groups, w i t h about a dozen members each, represented the state of N o r t h Carolina and the com­ monwealth of Virginia. T h e N o r t h Carolina group met for two days i n Asheville, while the Virginians met for the same period of time at Peaks of Otter. These meetings were o n purpose loosely structured. We attempted to create an atmosphere i n w h i c h participants would actively give us their o w n thoughts and perceptions rather t h a n react to what we had to say. To say that we were pleased w i t h the results would be a gross understatement. Group members, some of w h o m are i n this room today, identified what they consider the major values of the Parkway as it exists today. They also listed current issues and began to look at the future by defining trends that could result i n issues and impacts. The number and depth of values and issues expressed by the two groups illustrates the strong interest members had—and / hope s t i l l have—in the Parkway. It was surprising to learn how aware they are of the complex rela­ tionships that exist as the Parkway runs through two states, 29 counties and seven congressional districts, not to m e n t i o n some 5,000 adjacent private property owners. A l t h o u g h those M a r c h meetings were held some 300 miles apart w i t h different people i n attendance, what each group had to say was remarkably similar. They collectively saw these as the Parkway's outstanding present values: 1. A n easily accessible place to escape the stress and routine of every­ day life. 2. A n almost endless opportunity to view the scenic beauty of the southern Appalachian landscape. 3. C o n t r i b u t i o n s to local economies through travel and tourism and 4. Resources and facilities that provided needed recreational and inter­ pretive opportunities. T h e major issues affecting the Parkway values today are: 1. Urbanization and other forms of encroachment and 2. The dynamic relationship between the Parkway and its neighbors and the unavoidable impacts they have o n each other. Participants also saw these present issues as continuing to affect the Parkway i n the future. I n addition, they feel that as the Parkway matures, management will face mounting challenges to preserve and protect its natural and cultural as well as visual resources. W h a t will we do to cope w i t h these issues and face these challenges? Here is what the planning groups recommended: Inventory, document and establish levels of significance for natural, cultural and visual resources i n order that their protec­ t i o n can be more easily assured. 3 �Develop a computerized system for storing and managing resource information so that data can be quickly updated and modeled to support planning and decision making. Initiate research to determine the economic w o r t h of the Parkway to adjacent cities and counties. Develop and employ a marketing plan to acquaint neighbors in particular and the public i n general w i t h the economic value of the Parkway. Work w i t h various jurisdictions to determine the significant natural, cultural and visual resources related to the Parkway, but outside its boundary and develop a land protection plan that relates resource protection to economics, and lastly Establish an appropriate organization or foundation w i t h authority to deal w i t h increasing external influences—such as encroachment—through land acquisition or alternate land pro­ tection techniques. We are excited about this planning process, w h i c h really is only beginn­ ing. We have found that our judgments about present Parkway values and issues do not differ appreciably from those of our randomly selected groups. We also share similar thoughts about future issues. The actions recommended to help us better face the future appear to be l o g i c a l and f e a s i b l e . W h a t are your thoughts? D o you agree or disagree w i t h what has been developed thus far? D o you see other values, other issues? D o you have ad­ ditional recommendations for construction of a firmer management foundation? I hope that you do, and, as I mentioned earlier, I hope you w i l l give them to us. I have w i t h me summaries of what was developed by each of the state groups. Please pick up a copy and use it for background and infor­ mation and possibly as a stimulus for generation of your o w n thoughts. We believe this process, w i t h your i n p u t added to that of others, even­ tually w i l l provide the answers to many of the questions I posed earlier. A t the least, we certainly will become much better informed. I n the shorter term, one of our primary goals is to locate the Blue Ridge Parkway headquarters where it is accessible from the motor road. O u r pre­ sent location i n d o w n t o w n Asheville is several miles removed from the Parkway and can be extremely difficult for a visitor to reach. I n addition, a location o n the Parkway would put us i n much closer touch w i t h day-to-day opertions. A n o t h e r thing we want to begin to investigate is visitation. We had more t h a n 19-million visits i n 1984 and very probably will exceed 20-million by quite a b i t this anniversary year. A t the present rate of growth, w h i c h is about five per cent per year, we could reach 25 m i l l i o n annually by 1990. How much is too much? A t what p o i n t will the volume of traffic and 4 �resultant increased use begin to degrade the Parkway experience for most visitors? We don't know, but we need to begin to try to find out. We also need to explore various alternatives—such as alternate forms of transportation—and possibly adjusting use patterns at recreational sites at various times—providing additional visitor use information and service facilities i n order to mitigate the problem. As you can see, we have and will have plenty to keep us busy b o t h shortterm and long-term. I am convinced the Blue Ridge Parkway will never become static or that those of us associated w i t h it will become mere housekeepers or caretakers. The completion of the motor road two years from now simply is the end of one era and the beginning of another. It's an exciting prospect and I for one am looking forward to it. I appreciate the opportunity to be w i t h you here this m o r n i n g and to give you what perhaps is a little different perspective from w h i c h to view the proceedings of the next two days. We wish you well now and i n the future and encourage you to reciprocate w i t h your assistance. T h a n k you for your interest i n the Blue Ridge Parkway—its past, its pre­ sent, and its future. 5 �This page intentionally left blank �Environmental Concerns and the Blue Ridge Parkway Stewart by L. Udall G o o d afternoon. I want to thank Barry and Gary and the others for inviting me to come back. Fve been o n this campus before and I've been on this Parkway before, i n fact, o n the Parkway more times than one as Gran­ ny Liles was reminding me, and I have had a very interesting day reminisc­ ing, thinking about this extraordinary project and what it means to the coun­ try. Pm going to do what gray haired people have a right to do, reminisce a little b i t and look backward. I'll look forward at the end and n o t entirely devoted to the o l d days i n sentiment. I want to say what an exciting t h i n g it was for me to hear M r . Jolly's presentation this m o r n i n g . One o f the peo­ ple, the literary people that I got to k n o w when I was Secretary of the I n ­ terior, was T h o r n t o n Wilder. A friend of mine a year ago finished a biography of T h o r n t o n Wilder and called it The Enthusiast. T h a t was his personality, and I thought of that word as I heard Harley's marvelous presentation. I had occasion i n the 1960's to become acquainted w i t h how the Blue Ridge Parkway happened. A s a politician, i t fascinated me and I learned some things from Harley's booklet and from his presentation that I didn't know. There is a rich story there. A l l of you w h o saw his slide presentation can see how exciting i t was. A n d one of the little hints that I ought to drop on the group today. There needs to be a film, not just for the people i n N o r t h Carolina or the people i n Virginia, b u t for all, that tells this extraordinary story. I t h i n k you have to hear all of the presentation from the Landscape Architect from Arkansas o n whether the Blue Ridge Parkway is obsolete or whether i t w i l l ever be replicated; I suspect he's right that it won't, but, nevertheless, this is a story of politics; it's a story conservation; one of the great stories; it's a story of how things evolve. I want to make a few comments of my o w n about my reading of this particular event i n history. T h e n , my first comment about the glory of the Blue Ridge Parkway is that i t is a r i b b o n r u n n i n g d o w n the spine of one of the most beautiful sections i n all of the U n i t e d States w h i c h , believe me, has much natural beauty. This dry term that we use "outdoor recreation" always bothers me. Maybe we don't have an exact term to describe what I'm t h i n k i n g about. Robert Frost, the poet, had a line i n one of his poems that talks about the need to be versed i n country things. That's what this park does. It gives these millions of people a window into the natural world if they have eyes to see, and many of them, unfortunately, do not. That's part of what this park was all about. 7 �I'm sorry Former Congressman Roy Taylor couldn't be here. He was one of my favorite Congressman. He was, i n his o w n N o r t h Carolina conserva­ tive way, a person who, when he decided to do something, got it done. A n d i n the last year or so that I was Secretary of the Interior, he got through this wonderful piece of legislation w h i c h has now been buried, apparently, to extend the Blue Ridge Parkway o n into Georgia. He and I worked o n that. T h e Carl Sandburg Historic Site is one of my little stories that I like to repeat. I n the summer of 1967, Carl Sandburg died. I had become friends w i t h the Sandburg family. I made a quick trip d o w n , and we had a national memorial service o n the steps of the L i n c o l n Memorial for C a r l Sandburg. I talked w i t h M r s . Sandburg and said, " I f we could have that home just as it is, what a wonderful gift it would be to the people of this country." A n d she wanted to do it. I went to Roy, and I said, "Roy, we've got one year to get this done. C a n we work together?" A n d we did. We got it accomplished. I give you that, not i n a way of boasting b u t of telling you how important the politics and conservation is, and how suttle sometimes the ways are that things get done. If you heard Harley Jolley's presentation this m o r n i n g , there was some fascinating overtones that I want to dwell o n for a moment because it reminds us i n this day of our affluence, and our technology, and our power, and everything else, how things like this got done. Because if there was any period i n my lifetime and i n the history of the U n i t e d States when this country was flat o n its back, it was i n 1933. Some people, even some of the historians, haven't thoroughly recognized, i n my o p i n i o n , the extent to w h i c h the New Deal was a national conservation program: the C C C camps; the way that Franklin Roosevelt, at $.05 an acre, spent Public Works money; and bought, I t h i n k , 20 m i l l i o n acres of forest land so that the eastern part of the U n i t e d States could have national forests. T h e time was right for an idea. T h e n , minds were receptive for something like the Blue Ridge Parkway, additions to the National Park System, and reforestation. A l l of these things were part of what a country that was broke decided to do to start rebuilding for the future. I t was a conservation program, and we haven't sufficiently recognized that. A n o t h e r aspect of this that M r . Jolley covered, and I just wanted to develop it a little b i t further, is what a unique program this was i n terms of federal/state cooperation. I t was n o t a national project as such. One of the most fascinating documents is that telegram from Senator Byrd. I read it i n the book that he sent to the other leaders telling them, i n effect, here's a great opportunity to do something they weren't saying the federal government should do. We're going to have to lead out and get together. I f we do, here's something can be done that will be beneficial, economically, and otherwise, for our states and our people. A n d maybe it is i n this direction that we're headed now. 8 �We have another corner w i t h our national debt. I guess I'm feeling more an o l d time reactionary every day. I ' m appalled at our economic situation which is a corner we're not turning because we may find our national govern­ ment i n a serious economic situation. M o r e and more o f our leadership will have to come from the states i n the conservation field. A n d more and more may have to come perhaps from generous magnanimous private people like those w h o have given large tracts to the Blue Ridge Parkway. Maybe here's a pattern that we go back to the past i n order to get things done. I was talking w i t h M r . Jolley, too, we didn't have time to finish our con­ versation, about this whole question of "Well, where d i d the idea come from? Who launched it? Was it Franklin Roosevelt? Was it H a r r y Byrd? Was it Strauss? Was i t others? A n d so on." A n d I told h i m that I didn't t h i n k that was really very important as to w h o had the idea because the idea probably evolved and grew. W h a t is important is that you had a m i x of people w h o would respond to an opportunity: some of them may have been local peo­ ple; some of them may have been highway officials at the state level; and some of them may have been Secretaries of the Interior like Harold Ickes. Certainly it fascinates me k n o w i n g his reputation later t h a n having been here i n the Congress w i t h h i m for ten years. Harry Byrd, Senator from Virginia was conservative i n the o l d fashioned sense. A n d , yet, here was something that he got enthusiastic about. I n fact, most real conservatists, r e a l conservatists, I stress that, are conservationists. T h e most conservative people i n the country i n my view are conservationists. A n d H a r r y Byrd was a conservationist. That's why he saw this as an opportunity, an idea, a concept. T h e Congressman from this area, Bob D o u g h t o n , was written up back in the 40's as a staunch conservative against some of Franklin Roosevelt's ideas. Here, he was a champion o f this idea. There were others w h o made their contributions. But, the states really had the initiative. If the states didn't put up the money and didn't buy the land, there would be no Blue Ridge Parkway. I believe the whole incredible story of this has to be told because I t h i n k there may be a great lesson or lessons for our country to learn i f we look at how this happened because we may need this k i n d of pattern of cooperation i n the future. Let me comment o n the other aspect of this: laws that you had to take private land, w h i c h is part of having this Parkway and certainly of having the Shenandoah N a t i o n a l Park and partly true, too, the Smokies. A l l of this conceived and came forth i n the middle of the Great Depression fifty years ago, i n the middle of the 1930s. I n the whole history of the National Park Service and its expansion, you can't believe the problems of local op­ position and of land owners fighting you t o o t h and nail we had i n the 1960's when we were expanding the Park Service. Granny tells me, what killed Roy Taylor's idea of extending this magnificent Parkway o n d o w n into Georgia is that the developers didn't want to let the land go. A n d i n the Shenandoah 9 �and parts of the Parkway, w h o i n the west we call the " h i l l people," were there. These people had lived i n the hollows for a long time. I know, par­ ticularly w i t h Shenandoah National Park, they had to just take their land, move them out, and re-settle them. Some people had lived there w i t h their families for centuries. A n d this always strikes you as something rather harsh even t h o u g h they get whatever the property is w o r t h . There is no way the government can take the property otherwise. But it is being taken for a com­ mon purpose, for a national purpose. A l l of us i n this room are stock holders, owners of our little slice of the Blue Ridge Parkway. N o w nobody, unless we are breaking the law, can call us a trespasser and say "Get off. I t is my property. I o w n i t . It's part of my heritage." A n d that, that's very difficult. But, here you had, again, these very conservative politicians of that time willing to face that issue and that question and say, "We're sorry, but we're going to have to buy your land. We'll pay you what it's w o r t h . We're going to have to take private land i n order to put i n place a magnificent public asset." So let's, let's not overlook that aspect as part of what's made this possible. I was astonished, just astonished at breakfast this m o r n i n g when I asked Gary one o f the questions i n the back of my m i n d that I wanted to discuss today. W h a t has been the cost, the total cost to date of the Blue Ridge Parkway? Nearly five hundred miles, one hundred forty m i l l i o n dollars. Breathtaking! Breathtaking! T h e price tag H a r r y Byrd had i n his telegram, if they had acted as swiftly as they could to get it done, was sixteen m i l l i o n . A n d , what are we doing, what are we doing today? T h i n k o f our taxpayer dollars. T h e taxes that we pay, and what we are doing. T h e t o w n that I ' m living i n now is developing a smog problem like Phoenix. They're spending three quarters of a b i l l i o n dollars, w h i c h is five or six times what has been spent o n this whole magnificent project, to r u n a freeway through the middle of a city. That's what we're doing w i t h our highway money these days. I , as a freshman Congressman thirty years ago, voted for the interstate highway program, and I supposed we needed it. N o b o d y voted no, but I have a lot of reservations now about highways i n the wrong places. I t h i n k the job is done. A n d , maybe someday we'll back off. Maybe the Blue Ridge Parkway idea is not simply something whose time has past. Maybe there will be chances at least to do things like it, but not o n this scale to be sure. I used to say, "West Virginia ought to be the Colorado of the east as it has so many magnificent rivers and trout streams and so o n , b u t most of them are poisoned by acid rain drainage out of the coal mines. A n d Presi­ dent Kennedy i n the 1960's, because of what West Virginia d i d for h i m , wanted to help West Virginia. One m o r n i n g , I had an idea. I said, "Let's have a Blue Ridge Parkway somewhere i n West Virginia." A n d I t h i n k I got the Park Service to help me, and we addressed up a piece of paper and floated it around. I t turned out that the Governor and the Congressional people, and so o n , didn't want to have the Blue Ridge Parkway i n West Virginia., 10 �They wanted more miles o f interstate highways so they could get the trucks o n through. A n d what an incredible missed o p p o r t u n i t y that was. A n d so maybe as we settle d o w n and as the automobile part o f our lives slowly shrinks, as it's going to begin to do i n the decade, or maybe a little more, we may see that there still is an opportunity to do some things. It is fascinating even i n the western part o f the U n i t e d States, i n some o f the big sky coun­ try that you have there, that we haven't taken this concept and used it there the same way as the Appalachian Trail, a great m o n u m e n t to this country and a great o p p o r t u n i t y for a unique form o f outdoor recreation. These are some of my thoughts and sentiments as I come back here today. I t h i n k this is a good celebration and I hope the rest goes as well as the beginning. I believe that there is something very vital and very important that this fifty year project says to the country. Since I ' m i n N o r t h Carolina, I want to say something about N o r t h Carolina. I've already talked about Roy Taylor and some o f the other N o r t h Carolina folk w h o were conservationists. This state o f all the states i n the east, o n the eastern seaboard, I believe, has had the most foresight i n conservation. A n o t h e r interesting thing for you historians to work on: W h e n we began i n 1961 w i t h the concept that we ought to have a string of national seashores as a necklace around the whole country. There was one i n existence then, Cape Hatteras. N o r t h Carolina along w i t h Virginia pioneered this idea. They had the only national seashore. This state had provided the leadership. This state had acquired or contributed some o f the land. Yes, there was a wealthy philanthropist family that had done some things, too; but, N o r t h Carolina had set the stage and the style for that k i n d o f action. A n d , while I was Secretary, we added Cape Lookout. There was the support, and there was state support and state money to do those things. Here i n the west you n o t only have fine state parks b u t you have the Blue Ridge Parkway, the Great Smoky Park, and so o n . There has been a constant commitment i n the state to these big projects. I don't k n o w whether it's died out now or anything, b u t I hope it doesn't because I t h i n k you have said something to the nation and to other states about what can be done i f you make a commitment to conservation. A n d as long as our population is still c o n t i n u i n g to grow i n some parts o f this country, our work is n o t done. It bothers me, Gary, (to hear you say this morning,) and I sensed a tone of concern o n your part, "We are now the most visited N a t i o n a l Park i n the country—twenty m i l l i o n people, a five percent increase a year. We'll be up to twenty-five i n five years." W h a t is the carrying capacity of this magnifi­ cent park? That's a question that had to worry everybody i n this room. H o w far can you go u n t i l it's overloaded? A n d the quality, the more people that come i n , the more the quality o f the experience goes d o w n . I t h i n k one of the wonderful things is the open endedness of this k i n d of park. You're n o t under the strict rules that you have i n national parks. 11 �I was interested that cross-country skiing is now an activity at certain times of the year i n this park. T h e fact that there are new forms of enjoyment of the out of doors means they can be incorporated in. A n d as the automobile shrinks maybe we w i l l need a spine of walking trails that young people can walk i n to the park and may be more kinds o f facilities like the a few places that you have along the Appalachian Trail and so o n . That's the great t h i n g about this. I t isn't done. I t isn't done. A n d that's what Gary was talking about this m o r n i n g . We have to rethink i t . We have to replan i t . We have to decide to add to it i f that is necessary. They tell me that the idea, the Roy Taylor idea, that I ' m proud I helped h i m w i t h , to expand into N o r t h Carolina is probably dead. Development has preempted the opportunity that was there. You had Granny Liles to tell me the strange situation where developers and environmentalists stood side by side and weilded the sword that killed the extension. A n d that's an i n ­ teresting and suttle commentary o n the times, too. Two or three final points, and t h e n I ' l l quit. A s you can see, this has been a great stimulation to me to come back here. I was n o t aware, and it stuck i n my m i n d now, that he and his colleagues have n o t gotten their just recognition. Stan A b b o t t , he's gone now, b u t the Landscape Architec­ ture, the concepts, the ideas, you can see them. T h a t was Mission 66. Gary adopted so many of the ideas and concepts that were developed here. W h e n you saw those clear-cuts i n roads and then you saw what is there today, you marvel at the conception and the idea that these people have. One o f the most precious and valuable things is what has been done i n terms of historic preservation. If there is any program that I would like to see it's the one that A l a n Jabbour w i l l have tomorrow, o n arts and crafts. M y wife worked for the Na­ tional C o u n c i l for Traditional A r t s , and we had from these hills many o f the singers and guitarists and other people still clinging and hanging o n to, like the western Indians, the arts that they learned and they knew and how valuable this is and the fact that you can drive through Blowing Rock and these other places and see arts and crafts are a business, something the whole region takes pride i n . Again, there is a marvelous variety that you have here. So, these are thoughts that I have o n this day and I ' m glad you thought to invite me and ask me to come back because maybe, maybe I don't like to be, t r y to be prophetic about economics, b u t I have the suggestion that our good times are n o t going to last and that we may have another great crash perhaps, another time when we have to tighten our belts, another time when we have to ask ourselves what is really important. There was a phrase that was o n everybody's tongues i n the 1930's. T h e o l d timers here will remember it. It's not all forgotten and it was a way of consoling ourselves that although our lives were rather stingy and bleak i n some ways, only i n some ways, that there were consolations, and that phrase was "the best things 12 �i n life are free" You don't hear i t much anymore. T h e best things i n life now all have a price tag o n them. I don't like sports anymore because there are more dollar signs o n the sports pages these days than you have i n the business columns, i f you k n o w what I mean. W h a t are the best things i n life, the things that mean the most to us. Friendship? Love? O f course, things like that. T h e beauty that is all around us. It's there, it's free; i f we'll take time to take an interest i n i t and so o n . A n d that's the thought that I want to leave w i t h you as one o f your elders. I ' m getting along, you know. This is a verse, Gary, that I saw (it's an o l d one that comes from an English Tomb­ stone, I t h i n k ) , o n the mantle of Mardy Marie's place i n the G r a n d Tetons. A n d I'll end w i t h this as my thought for the day. "The wonder of the world, the beauty and the power, the shapes of things, their color, lights, and shades. These I saw. Look ye also while life lasts." T h a n k you, have a good conference. 13 �This page intentionally left blank �Future Initiatives of the National Park Service by W i l l i a m Penn M o t t , Jr. W h e n I was asked to take the job of Director of the National Park Serv­ ice I d i d what I d i d when I was asked by Governor Reagan to take over the state park system I said I wanted to talk to the top man. I n California I didn't know Governor Reagan and I asked to meet w i t h h i m . I went to his office and told h i m I was a Park professional and I understood some of the pro­ blems of the state park system and that I would be operating the state park system as a park professional. He said that's the reason I asked you to come here. You r u n the system; I'll handle the politics. That's the way i t was for eight and one-half years. So when I was asked to become a National Park Service Director, w h i c h I had been asked about before but had other pro­ blems that I was working on, I said I wanted to talk to the Secretary and I d i d and I had twelve points that I said that under those conditions I would be glad to come to Washington. A b o u t a week later I got a call saying the twelve points were acceptable, would I come to Washington and I said yes. A n d I would like to tell you about those twelve points because I t h i n k they are significant. I t h i n k they are important, I t h i n k they are going to spell change i n the N a t i o n a l Park Service, and change is difficult to come by; but, I t h i n k it w i l l happen. We have i n the Service an outstanding col­ lection of dedicated, talented people. A n d the only t h i n g that is preventing them from doing the job that needs to be done is for them to get their light from under the bushel basket out into the open and take the leadership and responsibility that the National Park Service should take. A n d that's happening. A n d I ' m very pleased to see what has taken place i n the last ninety days and I t h i n k you are going to see the results of this new creative approach i n the next year or so. So, I would like to go over these twelve points and I t h i n k you'll find them rather interesting. Point 1. Developing long-range strategy to better protect our natural, cultural, and recreational resources. I n going through these points, I'd like to just briefly touch o n how they may relate to the Blue Ridge Parkway. I ' m not as familiar w i t h the Blue Ridge Parkway as many of you i n this room. I have been o n i t . I came here before I was even interested i n the Director­ ship and spent some time here i n connection w i t h a couple of meetings so I am familiar w i t h the Blue Ridge Parkway. But again, i n listening to com­ ments this m o r n i n g , and i n talking to individuals, it seems to me that one of the areas that you need to put a great deal more emphasis o n and that is the cultural resources that exist along and adjacent to the Blue Ridge 15 �Parkway. I t h i n k from all of the literature that IVe been reading and look­ ing at, there is a great deal of interest i n the natural resources and the scenic beauty, and so forth, but I t h i n k you are not taking advantage of the cultural resources that exist or d i d exist i n this area. A n d I can tell you that there is developing i n this country a great deal of interest i n our cultural and historic background and we need to recognize this and begin to take advantage of it. A n d I t h i n k you have some tremendous opportunities here of develop­ ing the cultural resources w i t h i n the confines or the influence of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Point 2. Pursue a creative expanded land protection initiative. A n d this is very important to the National Park Service. We're beginning to under­ stand through research that the boundaries of our Parks do n o t represent the ecosystem of that particular Park. I n Yellowstone, i n order to protect the ecosystem of Yellowstone National Park, w h i c h when it was established was considered to be a very, very large area, we're beginning to realize that we need to expand the boundary lines of that Park almost double. N o w that doesn't mean we're going to buy the property. It does mean that there has to be a closer relationship between the federal agencies that are involved. N i n e t y percent of this expanded area of Yellowstone, for example, is under the operation of the National Park Service. W h a t I've been saying lately to the federal agencies is that land does n o t belong to the individual federal agencies. T h e National Park Service does not o w n that land. T h e land is owned by all of you i n this room and all o f the other people i n the U n i t e d States. We are the stewards of that land. T h e National Park Service are stewards of the land under our responsibility. The same is true w i t h the Forest Service. T h e same is true w i t h B L M . I t doesn't belong to individual agen­ cies. A n d once they understand that concept, then the opportunity of work­ ing together to protect the resources becomes a very simple process. But i f you say, I o w n the land and I've talked to the various agencies and they constantly say it's our land and I say it's n o t your land. I o w n it, the people i n the U n i t e d States o w n it, you are the stewards. W h e n we once under­ stand that, then we don't have a problem anymore of working out the rela­ tionships to benefit the protection of the resource. A n d I wonder, i n con­ nection w i t h the Blue Ridge Parkway, what it means to the Blue Ridge Parkway and to this area when you are getting a large percentage of people coming into this area who are o n retirement. Previously, the area was worked by people w h o worked i n the area and n o t retired i n the area. W h a t does that mean to the Blue Ridge Parkway? H o w do you handle that k i n d o f a situation when you are dealing w i t h n o t working people but retired people? Quite a change, and I t h i n k you need to understand that. Point 3* Stimulate and increase our interpretive and visitor service activities for greater public support. I t h i n k this is tremendously important. We are going to put a great deal of effort i n t o interpretation. It's n o t going to be something that is secondary. It's going to be one of our very, very 16 �important functions. A n d Fve heard over and over again people say, I don't t h i n k that these urban recreation areas ought to be i n the N a t i o n a l Park System. There's been a lot of discussion about that. Gateway, Golden Gate, Cuyahoga, and so forth, are urban recreational areas. H o w important are these? They are tremendously important to the National Park Service. N o t as scenic areas, not as preserving great cultural resources, b u t as educational institutions. One of the things that we are going to do i n connection w i t h these urban recreational areas, is to t u r n them into universities o f learning about the out of doors and how people should respect the out of doors, how they deal w i t h i t , how they relate to i t . I was i n Yellowstone not so long ago and here was a lady from Los Angeles w i t h a child about three or four years o l d trying to put i t o n a buffalo's back to take a picture. That's the problem we're r u n n i n g into. It's n o t unlike the problem that I ran into d o w n i n the Santa M o n i c a Mountains, another one of our urban recrea­ t i o n areas. A n d I was following a school group that was going out o n one of the fire trails and the teacher was telling the students about the birds and the bees, the flowers and so forth and so on, and all of a sudden a little boy stopped dead i n his tracks. A n d I looked at h i m and I said, " W h a t is the matter?" A n d he said, "You know, there's dust o n this road." A n d that tells you something. That's what we're r u n n i n g into. A n urban popula­ t i o n . N o w another t h i n g that I t h i n k is very, very important and that is that the state legislators and the Congressmen that are coming into the state and into the federal government, i n the next twenty-five years basically, are going to come from these great urban centers, and unless we b u i l d support amongst the urban population, we're going to find i t very, very difficult to maintain the quality of our National Park System. A n d that's true of local parks, and it's true o f state parks. So we need to begin a major educational program so that the people w i l l understand and be able to relate to the out of doors and the out of door experience. Point 4. Share effectively w i t h the public our understanding of critical resource issues. N o w you may wonder about that particular point, but I've heard over and over again from our interpreters they are not given the op­ portunity to discuss critical resource issues. We're going to be discussing these. We're going to be discussing acid rain and what i t means and tell people about it because most people do not understand. They read about acid rain but they don't k n o w what it means. They don't understand it's implication. We're going to be talking about acid rain. We're going to be talking about those things that are critical to the cultural and natural resource protection w i t h i n the N a t i o n a l Park System. Point 5. Increase public understanding of the role and function of the National Park System. T h e National Park System consists of three hundred and thirty-seven units. They are not all national parks. One o f the things I heard over and over again i n Washington was that we have twelve crown jewels—that's Yosemite, Yellowstone, Grand Canyon, etc., etc. A n d I thought 17 �to myself, how could that be that we only have twelve crown jewels. I had been to the Ford Theater, w h i c h is a u n i t of the N a t i o n a l Park System. I n the opening of that Ford Theater this past season, there was an actor stan­ ding o n the stage dramatically lighted and he pointed to the L i n c o l n box and he said, M r . L i n c o l n , I want to tell you about the U n i t e d States to­ day." A very dramatic presentation. After the program, I went outdoors and here was the Washington M o n u m e n t , another u n i t of the National Park System. T h a t lighted by a full m o o n . T h e inspiration, the recreation, the k i n d of feeling that I got from those two incidents was not dissimilar to the same k i n d of situation and the same inspiration and the same recreation that I received when I went to Yellowstone the first time and saw the falls i n the full m o o n . A n d from that p o i n t o n , I said to our people, there are not going to be twelve crown jewels. From now on, we're going to talk about three hundred and thirty-seven jewels i n the crown and this Parkway is one of those jewels and that's the k i n d of attitude we're going to have. I n addi­ t i o n to that, we have a massive educational program that we must put into effect so that people understand that we have national parks, we have na­ tional monuments, we have national seashores, we have national historic sites, we have national historic buildings, we have all kinds of units w i t h i n the National Park System. Each one important, each one providing the diver­ sity and the interest and the excitement and the educational opportunities w i t h i n the National Park Service. This we are going to be able to define. We're going to have management techniques for each one of these classifica­ tions so there would be no misunderstanding why, i n the N a t i o n a l Park, we do one thing, but i n the National Seashore, we manage it a little dif­ ferently. A national recreational area has a different connotation for a manage­ ment p o i n t of view t h a n a national park. A n d so, that's another major job that we w i l l have i n order for the public to understand what the N a t i o n a l Park System is all about. u Point 6. Expand the role and involvement of citizen and citizen groups at all levels of the N a t i o n a l Park Service. You here understand how impor­ tant it is to bring volunteers into the Service. There is no way that the Na­ tional Park System can operate w i t h o u t citizen participation. We need more citizen participation, not less, i n order to do the job and it is the citizens that provide the direction, the information, and the knowledge that helps us to do a better job. A n d I want to say how much I appreciate the citizen involvement at this meeting and what you have done i n the past because w i t h o u t you, I am certain that the Blue Ridge Parkway would never have developed into this wonderful project that it is at the present time. So citizen involvement is terribly important and we are going to increase that involve­ ment over the years. Point 7. Seeking better balance between visitor management and resource management. We concentrated most of our thoughts o n how do we manage the resources b o t h cultural and natural resources. We haven't 18 �given too much attention to how you manage the people that are using the National Park System. A n d , unless we understand how to manage people, we're not going to be able to preserve and protect the resources. So, we're going to be putting a great deal of emphasis into this whole program of how do we train our rangers and our personnel to understand management of people. A n d this is another new area w h i c h we will be putting a great deal of emphasis so that we can understand better the management of people i n order to protect the resource. Point 8, Enhance our ability to meet the diverse uses that the public expects of the National Park Service. We can't i n every u n i t of the National Park Service provide for all the recreational needs of the people, but we need to recognize that recreation is an important element of the National Park System not just the preservation of the natural and cultural resources b u t provided for the recreational demands of the public. So, we need to look at this very carefully and to understand and to develop the recreational poten­ tial of areas w i t h o u t destroying the natural and cultural resources and this is a very delicate balance b u t I t h i n k that we have the talent, I t h i n k we have the personnel that can handle this k i n d of a problem once they direct their attention to that problem and create the necessary environment to provide for the recreational needs of people coming to the National Park Service. Point 9. Expand career opportunity for our employees. This is a very important element because we are n o t going to be expanding as rapidly as we have i n the past. O u r growth is going to be slower. T h e opportunity for employees to advance w i t h i n the Service or to gain employment w i t h i n the Service is going to be less from now on. But there are opportunities to pro­ vide for our employees. One of the things we are going to do and I talked w i t h Horace A l b r i g h t about this just a week or so ago. Horace A l b r i g h t was the second Director of the National Park Service, a man w i t h great pa­ tience, a man w i t h great understanding, who, i n fact, developed the Na­ tional Park System that we know today. I talked w i t h Horace about this. We're going to set up a Horace A l b r i g h t fund w i t h i n the National Park Serv­ ice Foundation and the interest from that fund is going to provide for the sabbatical leave of employees w i t h i n the National Park Service. University professors, ministers all know about sabbatical leave. W i t h i n the National Park Service, that has never been a concept. We're n o t going to make that a concept and employees are going to be able to take sabbatical leave to visit other parks. We have employees w h o have never seen the western parks, for example, or people i n the west w h o have never come and enjoyed some of the eastern parks. That's going to be part of the sabbatical leave or travel to Europe or to South America or Australia or to get additional education. A very important tool i n my m i n d to provide for the morale and increase the efficiency and the effectiveness of members of the National Park Serv­ ice family. 19 �Point 10* Plan, design, and maintain appropriate park facilities. One of the things that we w i l l be looking at is the proper design of our facilities. We have i n the past i n some instances b u i l t facilities that were beyond the capacity of the park that were not appropriate to that park, were n o t har­ monious w i t h the park setting. We are now taking a good hard look at this to make sure that the facilities are harmonious w i t h the park setting, that they are efficient, and effective, and that we do not spend money beyond what is necessary. This is another area that we will be giving some attention to. Point 11. Develop a team relationship between concessionaires and the National Park Service. I n the past, we have had some problems along these lines where the concessionaire, because of political influence and so forth, has attempted to r u n the N a t i o n a l Park unit. That's coming to a halt. We are taking charge. We are going to take the leadership i n this particular area and we are going to work w i t h the concessionaires, but they're going to have to also understand that they're part of the team. A n o t h e r area i n w h i c h we're going to be looking at is the fees that are being charged o n conces­ sions. I couldn't believe it when I went to one park and found out that i n a $50 m i l l i o n dollar gross business we were receiving from the concessionaire half of one percent. That's been going o n now for quite a number of years but, for those of you w h o may be concessionaires i n this room, that is com­ ing to a halt. I don't t h i n k it's fair for us to provide the influence, the beau­ ty, the quality of a N a t i o n a l Park System to a concessionaire w h o does a $50 m i l l i o n dollar gross business and pays the N a t i o n a l Park Service onehalf of one percent. T h a t is not going to be the way we're going to develop this team relationship from this point o n . Point 12. Foster and encourage more creativity, efficiency, and effec­ tiveness i n the management and administration of the National Park System. I've t o l d all o f our personnel from this point o n , when the facts are i n , make a decision. I call this creative decision making because some times we w i l l make a mistake, b u t we are going to make decisions. Unless you make deci­ sions, there is no way to t h i n k creatively. W h a t is very important from this p o i n t o n is that we t h i n k creatively and take the leadership i n doing the job that's necessary to maintain units of the N a t i o n a l Park System i n an effective, efficient manner. A n d I ' m satisfied that we have the personnel that can do the job that we have people w h o t h i n k creatively, w h o can effective­ ly make decisions, we need only to do that to take the light from under the bushel basket and move out i n a highly creative way and I feel very strong­ ly about this because the N a t i o n a l Park Service is the only u n i t of govern­ ment that is responsible for the quality of life i n these U n i t e d States. I n ad­ d i t i o n to that, we provide for their health and for their productivity i n this country and I've come to the conclusion just recently that there's one other element i n the National Park Service that is extremely important and it makes it necessary for us to take creative leadership and to make decisions. T h a t is what the N a t i o n a l Park Service represents to the people of the U n i t e d 20 �States of America, stability. T h i n k about i t . Yosemite is always going to be here. The Blue Ridge Parkway is always going to be here. G r a n d Canyon is always going to be here. There is no other institution that represents stability i n the U n i t e d States. A n d I t h i n k people are searching for that. Cities are being rebuilt constantly. People are moving up and d o w n the country, back and forth across the country, and so the N a t i o n a l Park Service and its units represent stability and people come back over and over again because they recognize that here is stability, and that's something that they cherish. 21 �This page intentionally left blank �DESIGN AND PLANNING �This page intentionally left blank �The Parkway—A Uniquely American Construct— Is It Obsolete? by Frank B . Burggraf EARLY ROAD CONSTRUCTION Broadway, the great white way i n New York City, is a street that began as an Indian trail from lower Manhatten to Washington Heights. It developed as a road because i t sensibly negotiated the grade at a fairly gentle slope. Similarly most early roads developed from farm-to-market roads or trails. O f the 2V2 m i l l i o n miles of rural highways that had accumulated i n the U.S. by 1890, almost none were located by scientific or engineering methods. From 1890 through 1900 the demand for better roads led to State aid and State highway contruction. Still, most efforts were directed to existing roads w i t h slight alterations of alinement and improvements i n road beds and surfaces. After the federal Highway A c t of 1921 States selected the 7% of their mileage that was primary and interstate or intercounty to w h i c h Federal aid was applied. A g a i n funding was directed at improvement of existing roads. In early days route selection of new roads, when it occurred, was as likely to be based o n the presence of good subgrade material as to achieving bet­ ter alinement standards. THE FIRST PARKWAYS Parkways developed quite apart from early highways. T h e Bronx River Parkway, the first, was undertaken to reclaim and preserve a river valley from urban pollutions. T h e road was almost an after-thought and ran to the Kensico reservoir which the C i t y of New York was then just finishing. The Bronx river parkway predated the automobile as a primary mode of transport. Its curves were for horse and buggy speeds b u t it incorporated many of the characteristics of later parkways. Importantly it acknowledged the recrea­ tional value of pleasure driving. T h e Westchester C o u n t y Parkways were built between 1913 and 1930 and stand apart from conventional highway development of the times. They provided four lane, 40 foot-wide roads w i t h ROWs from 200 to 1,700 feet of w i d t h . I n addition to the Bronx Parkway already mentioned, there were: T h e H u t c h i n s o n River, Saw M i l l River, and Cross C o u n t y Parkways. Their cost totaled $60 m i l l i o n of w h i c h half went to land acquisition. I n 1959 and later three were offered to the State of New York w h i c h spent $100 m i l l i o n in a modernization and rehabilitation effort. Parkways were developed by Westchester C o u n t y as a part of their parks 25 �and recreation development. The system included a series of recreation areas covering more than 17,000 acres, including 9 miles of beaches and shoreland. Westchester anticipated the use of the automobile for recreation that was to characterize the post war years nationally. Since 1924 there was similar development of national parkways. T h e M o u n t Vernon Memorial Highway, between Washington and M o u n t Vern­ on, follows the Potomac River. Built by the Public Roads A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , its graceful alinement is unusual i n that it was designed to have no straight tangents i n its horizontal alinement. THE BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY During a tour of the Civilian Conservation Corps w i t h President Franklin Roosevelt, Virginia's Senator Harry F. Byrd suggested that a road over the m o u n t a i n crests l i n k i n g Shenandoah and the Great Smoky M o u n t a i n s Na­ tional Park be constructed. T h e President then authorized the construction of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Dudley C. Bayliss, Chief of Parkways i n the Division of Design and C o n ­ struction of the National Park Service, stated: "Being the first truly rural scenic parkway of such manigtude i n the country, the Blue Ridge Parkway has been the pioneer of a new form of recreational development i n the national park system. T h e techniques of park road location and construction have been utilized, though o n an expanded scale, since national parkways are essentially elongated parks, i n which the camp­ grounds, picnic areas, lodges and other visitor services are planned and developed at nineteen locations along the route through Virginia and N o r t h Carolina, selected to best fit the topography and the requirements of the Project." This quote is from an article published i n 1957 which the Park Service reprinted. Entitled, "Planning O u r N a t i o n a l Park Roads and O u r N a t i o n a l Parkways" this modest publication is an excellent description of the characteristics and objectives of parkway design and the collaboration be­ tween the National Park Service and the Bureau of Public Roads. I have used it as a text for my students for many years. PARKWAY CHARACTERISTICS Parkways are uniquely American. W h a t sets most parkways apart from early highways the world over, is the fact parkways were planned and engineered and their location followed conscious design decisions. U n l i k e highways, they were not intended to follow the most direct route or to ex­ pedite travel from one destination to another. Designed to be driven at a modest speed permitting full enjoyment of the scenery, their purpose is 26 �recreational; no commercial traffic is permitted. Whereas highways connect town to town, parkways usually avoid urban areas and their terminals are most often parks, historic sites or recreation areas. Frequently parkways are designed to encompass intermediate locations of special significance of scenic quality. Compared to early highways, parkways used superior alinement stan­ dards. Many used easement (spiral) curves to make the driver easier and more pleasant for the driver as well as the viewer. While some of them were and still are, two lane roads, parkways d i d pioneer divided separate alinements w i t h travel i n opposite directions. They are also safer at night being free from headlight glare o f oncoming traffic. These medians n o t only permitted plantings, but enabled entirely different vertical and horizontal alinements of the separate lanes and greater adjustment to the existing land form. The wide ROWs which typified parkways permitted extensive landscaping, stabilized shoulders, grade separations between parkway and cross traffic and provision of acceleration and deceleration lanes. T h e extra w i d t h also per­ mitted the landscape architects and engineers to blend the slopes of ditches and cuts and fills into flatter, more natural slopes which were easier to stabilize, more attractive and, i n emergencies, safer to traverse. Billboards are not permitted o n parkways and necessary signs are usual­ ly as carefully designed and located as other details to minimize their i n t r u ­ sion. The Park Service doesn't even like to use the term signs—signs are part of their "interpretation program." Bridges, culvert headwalls, railings and the furnishings of every t u r n o u t or overlook are designed to be i n character w i t h the landscape using natural materials whenever possible. Once a parkway is placed i n service its maintenance becomes impor­ tant to its functioning. N o r m a l l y a maintenance plan is prepared w h i c h defines: the limits of mowing, vistas to be maintained, where trees w i l l be cut or t r i m m e d to preserve the view, and where the natural vegetation w i l l be permitted to establish itself. Parkways like the Blue Ridge often have scenic easements to preserve the quality of off site views. These must be monitored. Parkways pioneered mountable curbs and stabilized shoulders. THE GOOD IDEA Today's highways have copied virtually every characteristic of the parkway. Wider ROWs, divided roadways and grade separations at cross roads. W h y then ask rhetorically about the obsolesence of the parkway? T h e several reasons are: 1. the trucking industry 2. the billboard interests 3. the computer and earthmover 4. the Federal Highway Safety A c t 5. T h e loss of the experience and skills of the parkway designers. 27 �Trucks have displaced the railroads i n supplying our food and goods. T h e trucking interests have influenced the design and construction of every aspect o f the modern highway. A s they often remind you w i t h their little signs, they do pay road user taxes i n support of those highways. The highway planners accommodate them w i t h m i n i m u m grades, large radius curves, heavy pavements and paved shoulders. There are roadside rest areas but they are not like any scenic turnout o n a parkway. They have grown to accommodate large trucks w i t h multiple trailers. To insure that roads are built to their re­ quirements they lobby long and hard. They don't m i n d your auto fuel tax helping to pay for their roads, b u t you can bet they are not for any of their taxes going for a road w h i c h they w i l l be denied the use of. A n d while the modern highway embodies many of the characteristics of a parkway they do n o t respect the landscape, —they go through i t o n the most direct route possible. T h e billboard interests are i n the business of selling your views. They have managed to manipulate the highway laws and the state legislatures to retain access to most of the highways and they are unrelenting. Needless to say, they don't like parkways. Even o n interstates where they are denied access near the highway they circumvent the p r o h i b i t i o n by erecting enor­ mous signs i n the distance. N o parkway could accommodate such intrusion. T h e parkway is designed i n the field by people sensitive to the oppor­ tunities that nature provides and by careful construction and maintenance. T h e modern highway is designed i n an office from aerial photographs and w i t h the aid of the computer. T h e modern earthmovers, make response to topography unnecessary. M o d e r n highway design is dragging a standard template across the landscape establishing the shortest routes at those m i n i m u m grades that trucks love. O n September 9, 1966, the U n i t e d States Congress passed the Federal Highway Safety A c t . A s a consequence of the promulgated standards there has been a concerted effort to make safer all roads that receive federal aid. Everyone is for safety and many consequences o f this act have been impor­ tant contributions to highway safety. M a n y other actions have destroyed and mutilated parkways and i f a parkway were to be constructed it would have a devastating effect o n its design and development. Let us look at the foremost culprit—obstacle clearance. "Statistics show 80 percent o f the vehicles leaving the pavement do n o t travel more t h a n 30 feet from the edge. This 30 feet has been generally accepted as the desirable w i d t h to be maintained clear o f obstacles. Slopes w i t h i n this w i d t h should also be main­ tained relatively flat to permit drivers to regain control of their vehicles." Victor W. Anckaitis, Deputy Secretary and Chief Engineer, Pennsylvania Department of Highways, "Implementing T h e Federal Safety Standards i n Pennsylvania, PA. Highway Trans. Conf. 1968." 28 �Perhaps most vehicles struck obstacles i n the first 30 feet because they were there before, now they h i t them i n the next 30 feet! T h e fact of the matter is that the best safety records have always been w i t h the older parkways, for a lot of reasons. Certainly the logic of the above statement has not been demonstrated w i t h respect to parkways because most had rock faces, steep dropoffs or trees i n the sacred 30 feet. A t the same conference, Herschel Leobowitz, a Professor of Psychology observed: I n our research program, we are particularly concerned w i t h the effects of fatigue and boredom such as are typically encountered i n driving for long periods of time o n modern superhighways." T h e older parkways w i t h their sharper curves and varying landscape are anything but boring, while the new standards of wider lanes, wider shoulders and 30 additional feet of total clearance mean seeing no landscape at all save very peripherally. The combination of highspeed and boredom is no assurance of safety. I mentioned earlier that Westchester turned its parkways over to the State of New York. Some of the monies expended were to upgrade the parkways to the new standards. N o w they have become more expressways than parkways. They all boast steel guardrails i n their medians, at bridges, etc., but the worst is the changes to my "beloved laconic". T h o u g h t by many to be the finest example of parkway design, it connects the Saw M i l l Parkway and the others w i t h upstate New York. One older section w h i c h w o u n d around steep topography and had many trees and stonefaces close to the pavement was modified and widened to provide 6 lanes of traffic. I t is now a highspeed expressway for that southern p o r t i o n . It is my understanding that the Feds wanted to bring the rest of the parkway up to "standard", but some of the New York State highway people who were appalled by what they realized had been done, resisted. They were only able to persuade the Feds by proving the costs of removing the rock would be so great as to make the improvement of questionable cost value. It appears we are going to have to defend the parkways we have, let alone start new ones. It has been judged necessary that shoulders be paved. Again, this accom­ modates the trucks, as stabilized t u r f shoulders have been proven adequate and safe o n many parkways. I have a paper by Cedric Buchanan, District Engineer for the Bureau of Public Roads entitled, "Gravel Stabilized Shoulders for Turf as Used o n the Natchez Trace Parkway" which traces the experience w i t h them i n the early fifties, even w i t h relatively unstable soils. The commit­ tee o n Roadside Development reviewing that paper observed that informa­ t i o n o n stabilized t u r f shoulders had been accumulated since 1945 and that t u r f shoulders would n o t r u t under auto traffic even after being rain soaked. There is no reason why all the standards now adopted for highways need be applied to parkways. u 29 �Perhaps the greatest obstacle to the design and contruction of new parkways is the loss of the parkway designers. T h e men w h o designed the early parkways learned much of their skill i n the field. Retirements and death have deprived us of those accumulated skills and there are few engineers and landscape architects left w i t h the experience i n siting parkway alinements i n places of authority. While traditionally a part of landscape architecture curricula, parkway design has been given less attention and less space i n professional education as other subjects of more current application are added to already tight schedules. Perhaps there is no need for more parkways. T h e study prepared by the Outdoor Recreation Review Commission however, found driving for pleasure the most important and most frequent recreation activity of Americans. I n 1962, an executive order established the Recreation Advisory C o u n c i l . I n 1964, the C o u n c i l issued a policy statement recommending that a national program of scenic roads and parkways be developed. President Johnson i n 1965, i n his message to the Congress o n "Natural Beauty of O u r Country," referred to the automobile as a principle instru­ ment of recreation and pleasure and stated: "By making our roads highways to the enjoyment of nature and beauty, we can greatly enrich the life of nearly all our people i n city and countryside alike." I n 1965 President Johnson signed Public Law 89-285 to provide scenic development and road beautification of the Federal-aid highway systems, com­ monly k n o w n as the Highway Beautification A c t of 1965. Later i n the year the Secretary of Commerce transmitted the report to the Recreation advisory C o u n c i l , "Summary of Findings and Recommendations, T h e Scenic Roads and Parkways Study together w i t h an Abstract of a Proposed National Pro­ gram of Scenic Roads and Parkways," and recommended its approval. T h e proposed program for scenic roads and parkways deserves our at­ tention. I t identifies candidates for improvement and development i n every state. T h e parkway is a uniquely A m e r i c a n construct w h i c h we have evolv­ ed and produced i n excellence i n many select landscapes throughout the U.S. There are many extraordinary locations where parkways could be con­ structed. T h e Adirondack region of upstate New York, for example. W h a t a tragedy i f we abandon this art form or settle for poor imitations. 30 �BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Baylis, Dudley C , P l a n n i n g our N a t i o n a l P a r k Roads and O u r N a t i o n a l Parkways, U . S . Depart­ ment of the Interior, National Park Service, reprinted from July 1957 issue of Traffic Quarterly, Eno Foundation Parkways, U . S . for Highway Traffic Control. 2. Buchanan, Cedric H . , "Gravel Stabilized Shoulders for Turf as Used on the Natchez Trace Parkway," Report 3. 4. Hewes, Laurence I . , American 6. New York, John Wiley <SL Sons, 5th printing 1956. Practice, Liv­ May 1979. Lord, William B . , T h e B l u e Ridge Parkway Guide, The Stephens Press, Asheville, N . C . , 1962. Pennsylvania Transportation Research Center, Proceedings & 7. Highway Lingo, Karen ck Morris, G l e n n , "The Blue Ridge Parkway Winds Through Ages," Southern ing, 5. to the Committee on Roadside Development, Highway Research Board, 1985. Workshop, Penn State, Oct. 1967; Nov. U . S . Commerce Department A Proposed Highway Transportation Conference 1968. Program U.S. Printing Office., Washington, D C , 1966. 31 for Roads & Parkways, Supt. of Documents, �This page intentionally left blank �Stanley Abbott and the Design of the Blue Ridge Parkway Leslie by Gignoux "The grace of the road is i n the way it weaves into the mountains ." (Stanley Abbott). The Shenandoah — Great Smoky M o u n t a i n National Parkway is viewed by many as one of the most important public improvements to further the growth of Southwestern Virginia since the railroad. Stanley A b b o t t is indeed a national hero as is Frederick Law Olmsted (Central Park, Prospect Park, the Fens). A b b o t t was a pioneer i n Parkway design. He ventured the concept of a "scenic parkway" w h i c h i n essence was composed of an elongated park through which a road travelled. Abbott's design for the Blue Ridge Parkway established a legacy i n Parkway design w h i c h has received international recognition. Yet A b b o t t , the designer, has remained virtually unrecognized amidst the Parkway's acclaim. In December 1933, Stanley A b b o t t was appointed resident Landscape Architect for the N a t i o n a l Park Service, and i n 1937 he was named acting superintendent of the Blue Ridge Parkway. W h e n A b b o t t retired from the Park Service i n 1965, he had dedicated 32 years of service to designing and maintaining parks and recreational areas. His projects were numerous and far-reaching; Finger Lakes State Park i n Ithaca (1930), Westchester C o u n t y Parks and Parkways (1931), Mississippi River Parkway (1950) and Cascades National Park i n Washington. T h e formula applied to the Parkway allowed a w i d t h o f 1,000 feet for park purposes, or 100 acres per mile. T h e w i d t h used for the Westchester C o u n t y Parks and Parkways was 250 feet, this was an inadequate w i d t h for views and scenic areas along the Blue Ridge Parkway. T h e influence w h i c h the Westchester C o u n t y Parkway exerted o n the Blue Ridge Parkway can't be underestimated, for i t was one of the principle guideposts i n the design for the Blue Ridge project, and it provided an example for A b b o t t to use as a reference. A b b o t t proved to be a Landscape Architect possessing enormous dedication. T h e Blue Ridge Parkway is perhaps his finest accomplishment, "it is a road of unlimited horizons." Today, the Parkway boasts a wider variety of native wildflowers t h a n can be found i n all of Europe. T h e Parkway has also had a profound economic impact o n the livelihoods of the people of this region. Olmsted once wrote, " I love beautiful landscapes and rural recreations and people i n rural recreations better than anybody else I know." A b b o t t shared this viewpoint and he incorporated the "elongated park" design concept w h i c h offered views and scenic vistas m u c h like the great English W. 1 2 3 4 5 6 33 ��landscape gardeners had achieved, and as Olmsted achieved w i t h Prospect Park i n Brooklyn. As a graduate of Cornell University (1929) and a former captain of the Cornell crew team, A b b o t t held a degree i n Landscape Architecture. He also realized his lack of marketability w i t h such a degree. A b b o t t considered himself an Environmental Planner instead. Earlier, A b b o t t had established a deep interest i n the parkway concept. A b b o t t ' s idea has been compared w i t h that of the European Landscape Architect, Prince V o n Muskau, w h o advised that the activities of humans are a fully natural part of any total landscape. A b b o t t went a step beyond Muskau. He supplied data and referred to statistics which showed clear patterns i n the rise of tourism and auto travel w i t h i n the U.S., and he pointed to an increase i n the number of vacationers at resorts i n county, state and national parks. "We have seen statements by leaders i n the motor industry anticipating a record sale of motor cars during 1937." A b b o t t cited trends towards shorter working hours and longer vacation periods (time w h i c h involved the use of the automobile). Tourists could potentially increase the growth of the auto industry. A b b o t t also addressed the inadequacies of the present highway system. He cited a rise i n construction costs and auto accidents due to "ordinary highways." 7 8 I n his Blue Ridge Parkway treatise, A b b o t t fostered this new n o t i o n of the vacationer. T h e Parkway was a reasonably new solution to the traffic issue and the most important feature of the Parkway was that it d i d not resemble the ordinary highway. "The Blue Ridge Parkway is a pioneer among parkway types. I n this project, the national government, i n cooperation w i t h the states, seeks to meet o n a broad scale of interstate planning the everincreasing demands of the vacation tourist. I n the broadest sense, it is to be a drive for recreation—for the leisurely motorist w h o may spend days or even weeks, vacationing along its 500 miles." The Parkway was not built for high speed driving like the German autobahn, nor was the Parkway designed to be purely a scenic highway connecting two national parks. T h e Parkway was intended to encompass the scenic as well as the recreational element. Abbott's vision for the Parkway was: "from air, a r i b b o n of concrete i n a continuous broader r i b b o n of lovely unbroken green. T h e idea of the Landscape Architects is to fit the Parkway into the mountains as i f nature had put it there." To enhance the natural beauty of the Parkway, the Land­ scape Architects worked to rehabilitate areas marred by Parkway construc­ t i o n . A b b o t t foresaw the addition of small parks and playgrounds to accom­ modate the vacationer. T h e many different types of recreational areas along the Parkway would stimulate added interest for those w h o fish, hike, swim, ride horses, enjoy botany or for the nature lover. T h e Parkway i n Abbott's eyes was "a unique wonderland i n this part of the world." A b b o t t became a regional expert and through his capacity to conduct frequent on-site analyses, he was invaluable to the Parkway's progress. " I can't imagine a more 9 10 35 �creative job than locating the Blue Ridge Parkway, because you worked w i t h a 10-league canvas and a brush of comet's tail. Moss and lichens collected on the shake roof of a M a b r y M i l l measured against huge panoramas that look out forever." T h e national significance of the Parkway i n 1937 had reached the at­ tention of the general public. Nineteen wayside parks w i t h approximately 50,000 accompanying acres were originally planned for the elongated park along the Blue Ridge. A t this time, only seven of the nineteen parks exist along the 500 mile stretch of Parkway. A b b o t t planned one park per 25 miles. T h e Roanoke area i n particular was near four of the finest m o u n t a i n parks; the Peaks of Otter, Rocky K n o b , Pine Spur, and Smart View. " A l l the parks are going to add to the fact that the "scenic" w i l l be a new k i n d of recrea­ t i o n unit—giving the effect of driving through a park for 500 miles." Political battles ensued during the construction of the Parkway. Repeated­ ly, the project suffered financial setbacks. Original Parkway construction estimates had been set at an average of $70,000 per mile. T h e HaydenCartwright Bill (1936) authorized $20 m i l l i o n to be used towards the con­ struction of national parkways. I n the early days of Parkway legislation, Senator H a r r y E Byrd (D.Va.) was a strong supporter of the Blue Ridge pro­ ject. T h e jurisdictional problems w h i c h arose between the Interior Depart­ ment and the Department of Agriculture and Forest Service called for the political expertise of Senator Byrd. U n d e r the Hayden-Cartwright Roads Bill, the Blue Ridge project was appropriated $5.7 million for 1938 and $5.1 million for 1939. A n o t h e r signifi­ cant project being carried out at the same time was Natchez Trace. Natchez Trace received roughly the same appropriations as the Blue Ridge project. I n 1937, the Parkway suffered its first bout from the government's purse. T h e House Appropriations Committee cut the Blue Ridge Parkway budget from $5 m i l l i o n to $2.5 m i l l i o n . Immediately, a State representative fought for increased appropriations. A s a result the project received $4.5 m i l l i o n . This incident illustrated one of the many long political and financial battles w h i c h the Parkway was propelled into. I n addition to the issues created w i t h construction costs, other political setbacks occurred. T h e first involved the resettlement of the Cherokee I n ­ dian reservation, and the second opposition force came from the Wilderness Society which protested the encroachment of a super roadway. The Cherokee Indian reservation rested near the Great Smoky Mountains N a t i o n a l Park and i t fell along the projected route of the Parkway. A s a result, the Parkway Commission proposed the Weaver Bill w h i c h offered the Indians a fair trade of land and money for their territory. T h e resettlement area would be fertile and tillable. The Wilderness Society was a privately funded civic action group possessing the power to sway popular o p i n i o n . Between these two forces the struggle to obtain an ample "right-of-way," political battles i n general delayed construction of the Parkway. The elimination of Tennessee from the Parkway 12 13 14 36 �route caused federal and state trouble as well. W i t h the advent o f World War I I . construction was halted from 1942-44. A b b o t t served i n the military from 1942-44, and he d i d not return to the Blue Ridge project after com­ pleting his duty; however, A b b o t t d i d stay w i t h the Park Service. T h e total development of the Blue Ridge Parkway has spanned nearly 50 years. Construction began i n 1935 and was completed (with the excep­ t i o n of the L i n n Cove Viaduct) i n 1969. T h e Viaduct has been called the "missing l i n k " o f the Parkway. A b b o t t approached the Parkway's comple­ t i o n w i t h a learned and well-seasoned intellect. He always perceived its na­ tional significance. Indeed, Abbott's first design for the parkway was drafted o n the d i n i n g room table at his Salem, Virginia home. Since its inception, the Parkway was distinguished by three elements new to the parkway system i n general: 1. Enough park w i d t h to enable a buffer zone o n either side of the road­ way, allowing for increased roadside beautification. 2. Elimination of major road crossings through the installation of bridges and infrequent spacing of access roads i n order to minimize conflict w i t h major auto routes. 3. Roadway will follow a path effecting the most scenic diversity i n this region o f the U.S. O f these three principles, the broad roadside strip was considered the most important. This type of control would l i m i t "parasitic and unsightly border development" (i.e., h o t dog stands and billboards). T h e Parkway and its structures were intended to.characterize simplicity so that a harmony could be achieved w i t h the natural environment. Various measures were taken to procure a scenic parkway. Regional differences of topography and native plant materials were important to the process, as was the safety and ease of the grade of the road. I t was a parkway for the leisurely motorist. "By warping of the roadside grading into the existing contour of the ground it is hoped to soften the evidence of machine construction." Wayside recreational activities were highly important to the success of the Parkway. Wayside parks were n o t a mere additive, they were a most i m ­ portant part of the formula for conservation along the Parkway. They are "like beads o n a string; the rare gems i n the necklace." T h r o u g h successful and time-consuming Federal land programs, the National Park Service ac­ quired scenic pieces of land for the "intimate appreciation of nature." T h e acquisition of this land was a hindrance i n the construction of the Parkway, since the land was usually owned by private individuals. Thus, m a x i m u m protective measures had to be adopted for the preservation of the natural environment. Scenic easements and the issue of land rights evolved into a policy whereby individual land rights could be retained i f the land was to be used for agricultural or residential purposes. T h e term "right of way" evolved from the "elongated park" concept, and i t was frequently used by the Park Service during the land rights negotiations. 15 16 17 18 19 20 37 �I n conclusion, the Blue Ridge Parkway attributes credit to many different participants who at various stages assisted i n bringing about one of the finest examples of a Parkway to be found o n the East Coast. Yet, A b b o t t has escaped the notice of the general public. Instead, political figures have occupied the limelight. T h o u g h the value of political friends was crucial to the opening of the Parkway, the designer must be applauded for his great c o n t r i b u t i o n to enhancing the aesthetic beauty of the Blue Ridge Mountains while bringing i n people and automobiles and allowing them to participate i n a natural environment. A b b o t t ' s complete familiarity w i t h the Blue Ridge region assisted h i m greatly. One of the principle influences upon the Parkway was the Westchester C o u n t y Parks and Parkways project. Abbott's training o n the Westchester project certainly influenced his n o t i o n of the Parkway. A b ­ b o t t dedicated himself to the completion of the Blue Ridge Parkway and his national reputation has only just begun to be realized. A b b o t t main­ tained a clear concept of the "Parkway" throughout his public career w i t h the Park Service. Certainly, the Blue Ridge Parkway would not be what it is today w i t h o u t wayside parks or broad right-of-ways. As Olmstead envi­ sioned his "emerald necklace" of green parks for the people i n his Boston Park system, likewise A b b o t t envisioned a sequence of wayside parks along a parkway for the vacationer. Olmstead observed Birkenhead Park i n England and made an astute judgement w h i c h i n due respects, A b b o t t must have also believed. " A l l this magnificent pleasure-ground is entirely, unreservedly, and forever the people's o w n . " 21 38 �ENDNOTES 1. Carlton Abbott, interview. 2. "Projected Route of Huge Skyline Parkway" July 1935. "Roanoake Times and World News." 3. Oral Interview, p.i. 4. Oral Interview, p.22 5. Jolley, p. 4. 6. Zaitzevsky, p. 30. 7. Newton, p. 612. 8. From Paper Delivered to Kiwanis Club of Roanoke, by S. Abbott, p. 1. 9. I b i d , p.2. 10. I b i d , p.4. 11. I b i d , p.5. 12. Oral Interview, p. 14. 13. "Nineteen Wayside Parks Along Scenic Route Planned," June 1937. 14. "Millions More G i v e n Parkway." June 1936. Roanoke Times. 15. "Engineers Rewrote Book for Blue Ridge Parkway Bridge." Feb. 1985. 16. "Abbott Tells Club of Parkway Plans." Nov. 1935. Roanoke Times. 17. "Projected Route of Huge "Skyline Parkway." July 1935. Roanoke Times. 18. Ibid 19. Oral Interview, p. 14. 20. "Projected Route of Huge "Skyline Parkway." July 1935. Roanoke Times. 21. Zaitzevsky, p. 20. BIBLIOGRAPHY • Notebook ing bott. o f Newspaper the Design Articles o f the B l u e Ridge ( 1 9 3 4 - 5 4 ) on Stanley Parkway from W i l l i a m Abbott, a Scrapbook Kept Landscape Architect by his W i f e , H e l e n Schank dur­ Ab­ Printed December 1984 by Carlton S. Abbott. (Approximately 75 articles) • Obituary Stanley • Jolley, H . T h e B l u e Ridge Virginia Gazette, Williamsburg, V A M a y 1975. • Zaitzevsky, C Frederick Abbott. Univ. of Tenn. Press 1969. Parkway, Law Olmsted and the Boston P a r k System. Belknap Press of Harvard Univ., Cambridge, 1982. • Interview with Carlton S. Abbott (son of Stanley W . Abbott). • Engineers Rewrote Book for B l u e Ridge Parkway Bridge. Roanoke Times and World-News. Feb. 6, 1985. • Newton, N o r m a n . Design o f the L a n d the Development o f Landscape Architecture. Belknap Press of Harvard Univ., 1971. • O r a l History Interview o f Stanley W. Abbott Interviewed by S. Herbert Evison 1958 Tape No. 55. 39 �This page intentionally left blank �Stanley Abbott and the Design of The Blue Ridge Parkway by Douglas Swaim I would like to begin w i t h a brief review of the early history of the Parkway i n order to set the context for its design. O n November 18, 1933, Secretary of Interior Ickes informed the direc­ tor of the National Park Service that President Roosevelt had approved the proposed park to park scenic highway. T h e n , o n December 19, 1933, $4 m i l l i o n was appropriated by the Public Works A d m i n i s t r a t i o n for building the road, w h i c h was officially designated a "parkway." It is apparent that few, i f any, of the top officials involved appreciated the full implication of their expressed i n t e n t i o n to b u i l d not an ordinary road, but a parkway. There is no doubt that some of the state officials thought of i t as simply another road. There is no doubt, as well, that the residents of the rural areas through w h i c h the road was to pass envisioned it as a glori­ fied farm-to-market highway. A n illustration of this lack of understanding of what the project entailed: at one of the hearings held i n Baltimore and Washington i n 1934 to consider the Parkway route south of Blowing Rock, there was some discussion of w i d t h of right-of-way and a figure of 200 feet was mentioned. The Parkway's young Resident Architect Stan A b b o t t protest­ ed that 200 feet was insufficient, but to no avail at that time. Over the follow­ ing years one can track his success i n conveying the n o t i o n of parkway i n the successive jacking up of the standard for the road's right-of-way. Stan A b b o t t reported to work o n December 27, 1933—just a week after the Public Works A d m i n i s t r a t i o n had appropriated the first $4 m i l l i o n for construction. A l l indications are that A b b o t t was given practically a blank check to design the Parkway. He immediately began to reconnoiter along the proposed routes. T h e route south from the Skyline Drive to Blowing Rock was pretty well settled by the summer of 1934. Secretary Ickes made his decision for the N o r t h Carolina route south of there o n November 10, 1934. Parkway historian Harley Jolley supports Ickes public reasoning that Ten­ nessee had already benefitted from millions i n T V A projects. I—being a loyal N o r t h Carolinian—wonder whether the decision was prompted i n part at least by the reports Stan A b b o t t must have been bringing i n about the spec­ tacular scenery 50 miles n o r t h and south of Asheville. A t any rate A b b o t t was basically handed the general route and told, "There—design and b u i l d a parkway." N o w we're getting into the design of the Parkway proper and i n just 41 �1. Stann Abbott investigating stone masonry precedents southwestern Virginia i n the spring of 1935. in �a minute I want to set out the design principles that guided the process, but first let's quickly review the division of responsibilities among the various agencies sharing the task of getting the Parkway designed and built: Again, the Secretary's decision to follow the crest of the Blue Ridge was a general guide only. T h e first step i n locating the Parkway was field recon­ naissance. I n Virginia, H e n d r i k Van Gelder was i n charge of reconnaissance, and i n N o r t h Carolina, Edward A b b u e h l . (By the way, these two landscape architects, along w i t h A b b o t t , comprised the sole Parkway staff throughout 1934.) I should m e n t i o n that the task of reconnaissance was made all the more challenging by a lack of maps for some sections. The government technicians would reconnoiter a long section, 50 to 100 miles, and establish major control points, generally mountain gaps where the road was certain to fall, and from these work d o w n to lesser control points—and then finally establish a tentative location and flag the whole route. This flagged route was reviewed by b o t h the Parkway's landscape architects and the engineers w i t h the Bureau of Public Roads and, i f approved, the state would be authorized to proceed w i t h topographic surveys that covered a strip two to several hundred feet wide following the flagged line. The state's topographic survey produced the detailed base maps upon w h i c h the Federal people would lay out the road. Once the topo maps had been produced the engineers of the Bureau of Public Roads (BPR) i n col­ laboration w i t h the landscape architects would design the roadway itself. Once a center line had been located and right of way requirements established, it was back i n the hands of states whose responsibility it was to acquire the right of way. A t the same time the BPR engineers i n collabora­ t i o n w i t h the N a t i o n a l Park Service landscape architects prepared the final design for the road. Once plans were complete, the Bureau of Public Roads put the project out for bids from private contractors. Once a b i d was accepted, construc­ tion could begin. Work i n progress was inspected both by the federal engineers and landscape architects. Once accepted, a section of road would be turned over to N a t i o n a l Park Service for maintenance and administration. A l t h o u g h a team effort—or rather a collaborative effort among a diverse group of individuals and agencies, all of w h o m were pioneering i n the sense of doing something n o t done before—it fell to Stan A b b o t t to coordinate and arbitrate throughout the process. Principles It was also up to A b b o t t to establish the principles that would guide the design of the Blue Ridge Parkway. O f course he d i d not do this i n a vacuum. He drew from his experience working w i t h the Westchester Parks Commission; he benefitted greatly from the example of the Skyline Drive that had been built i n the Shenandoah 43 �Park and to w h i c h his parkway would connect (although it is important to note he deliberately chose to design the Blue Ridge Parkway differently); and he benefitted from the counsel of the supervising landscape architects, most notably from Edward H . A b b u e h l , w h o was eventually assigned the task of master planning for the Parkway. A b b o t t ' s basic premise for the Parkway was this, that—in his words—it "has b u t one reason for existence, w h i c h is to please by revealing the charm and interest of the native American countryside." I n support of this overarching standard, A b b o t t and his colleagues developed a number of principles that would guide the design and future operation of the Parkway. These principles show up clearly i n the documents that survive that set out Abbott's vision. I might m e n t i o n what those are: first, A b b o t t ' s requisite boilderplate speech he gave to civic clubs i n western Virginia and western N o r t h Carolina i n the 1930s, several key inter-agency memos he wrote during the 1930s and 40s, his correspondence and reports, and importantly, a wonderful oral history interview that was recorded by fellow Park Service employee Herbert Evison i n the early 1960s. I boil these principles down to 8, although there's certainly nothing sacred about my organization of it—Abbott never organized his vision i n this way— and someone else looking at the material might come up w i t h a few points more, or less, to make. 1) T h e first principle, and i n A b b o t t ' s words, the "most important," was that the roadway would travel through a broad, protected right of way that would allow for the preservation and restoration of an unspoiled roadside landscape. T h e ideal that the Parkway designers set for themselves was that the horizon would be the boundary—in other words, that there would be n o t h i n g i n view from the Parkway f o r as f a r as the eye c o u l d see that would displease the traveler. 2) Second—here entirely i n Abbott's words—In its design the parkway and its structures will be characterized by simplicity and informality i n order that they may harmonize w i t h the natural environment." This principle had implications for the design of all elements o f the Parkway, from the roadway itself d o w n to the guardrails, signs, and waterfountains. Where the roadway was concerned, i t implied a light-touch, sculptural approach to locating the centerline. I n A b b o t t ' s words, "Having selected a route for the road, you design a road that fits the topography sympathetically. That takes, well, almost a form of sculpture—a t h i r d dimensional insight into what is the main con­ tour of this particular land—whether o n broad curve, or, sometimes (since nature doesn't always deplore a straight line) places where the road wanted to straighten out because the land straightened out." 3) Principle #2 speaks to how the Parkway relates to its environment— sympathetically and harmoniously; principle #3 speaks to how all the elements of the Parkway relate to each other. I n short, they must all support one another and contribute to the unified, total experience. A g a i n i n A b b o t t ' s 44 �words, " A n y piece of w r i t i n g that aspires to be a work o f art must carry its justification i n every line. A good o i l painting or a musical work can't have its dead areas, its neglected detail. A l l elements must compose, so as to please." A n d I must add that I t h i n k it's highly indicative of A b b o t t ' s approach that he would compare the Parkway w i t h a work of art. O f course for h i m it was a work of art. 4) T h e fourth principle I see at work i n the design of the Blue Ridge Parkway is A b b o t t ' s dictum: "Variety is the spice of the parkway." Here is a point o n w h i c h A b b o t t diverged from the design concept behind the Skyline Drive. Whereas the designers of the Skyline Drive placed their scenic highway o n the crest of the mountains throughout practically its entire length, A b b o t t took Secretary Ickes directive to follow the crest of the Blue Ridge as a general guideline only. Even awesome panoramas can get tedious, he felt. One could be "gourged o n scenery." Showing great wisdom, or at any rate a keen understanding of h u m a n behavior and perception, A b b o t t and his engineers, and again I quote, "just drilled and drilled all o f us, o n the business of following a m o u n t a i n stream for awhile, then climbing up o n the slope of a h i l l pasture, then dipping d o w n into the open b o t t o m lands and back into the woodlands." He could have added to that, I believe, roun­ ding a sunlit curve and diving into a pitch-dark, cool and damp tunnel— which I think is one of the most pleasing contrasts i n the experience of driving on the Parkway. Stan A b b o t t was fond of quoting Emily Dickenson's poem about a train moving through the mountains as a referent for this n o t i o n of variety: " I love to see it lap the miles and lick the valleys up, and chase itself around a pile of mountains, and then stop, docile and omnipotent, at its o w n stable door." 5) A fifth principle speaks to a slightly more mundane issue, that of the ease and safety of travel o n the Parkway. I f the motorist is to devote a large share of his or her attention to the appreciation of the unfolding scenery, then, for safety's sake, the road itself had better not present the driver w i t h too many surprises. This was accomplished by maintaining a higher stan­ dard of grade and curvature t h a n was c o m m o n o n most roads o f the day. Principle #6. W h e n A b b o t t said the Parkway's reason for being was t o reveal the charm and interest of the native A m e r i c a n countryside," there was implicit i n that statement and understanding that the landscape through w h i c h it passed, although naturally beautiful, was not wild—it was long liv­ ed i n . Again, i n contrast to the Skyline Drive where all native structures were obliterated, the designers of the Blue Ridge Parkway accepted a respon­ sibility to preserve and interpret the cultural history o f the roadside land­ scape. I n A b b o t t ' s words, " T h r o u g h m u c h of its length the parkway goes through a 'managed' landscape and I t h i n k i t has been pretty clear and relatively unquestioned w i t h i n the (Park) Service that the problem was to marry ourselves to that managed landscape. This has required a feeling for u 45 �the rail fence, the o l d barn, and the farm field" A n d elsewhere he said, "The picture of...simple homestead culture...(is) as interesting a part of the Blue Ridge as the natural scene around (it)." 7) Principle #6—preserve and interpret the man-made roadside landscape—leads to principle #7, the need to continue to manage that land­ scape. Or, A b b o t t quoting Rudyard K i p l i n g this time, "Once you tamper w i t h nature, you had better keep it up." This need for continued develop­ ment and management of the roadside landscape applied b o t h to the land­ scape that the Park Service i n h e r i t e d from the highland farmers and to the landscape they c r e a t e d by building a road through farmland and forest. Q u o t i n g supervising landscape architect Ed A b b u e h l , "Some of the homesteads and farms are very picturesque and charming, but there are other places where the i m p r i n t of man has been brutal to say the least." T h e land was scarred by logging, soil erosion, forest fires. A n d then there was the new scar of the Parkway itself. Q u o t i n g A b b u e h l again, "From the very beginn­ ing the landscape architects were most conscious of the scar the parkway would create, i n studying its location. I n only too many places about all that could be done was to hope for the best, knowing that the big fills and cuts were bound to scar the landscape." Principle #7 led to a landscape manage­ ment program that sought to heal b o t h the Park Service's inherited and selfcreated environmental wounds. 8) Principle #8—the last o n my list—held that due to the recreational purpose of this elongated park, and due to the desire to control and protect the total environment experienced by the traveler, it was desireable and necessary to acquire and develop at intervals wayside recreation parks. Wayside parks were another means of literally broadening the experience beyond the narrow mountaintop corridor. According to Stan A b b o t t they were "a most important part of the formula." They were "like beads o n a string—the rare gems i n the necklace." They allowed whole scenic "pictures" to be preserved and provided Parkway travelers w i t h places to stop for a refreshing hike, a picnic, or overnight lodging. It was the application of these principles i n addressing countless design situations that produced the overall design of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Let's quickly review the eight: 1) T h e Parkway traversed a protected corridor—and inasmuch as it was possible, the horizon was the boundary; 2) The Parkway and all of its associated structures were to be characterized by simplicity and informality i n order to harmonize w i t h the natural environment; 3) A l l elements must compose; 4) Variety is the spice of the parkway; 5) D r i v i n g the road should be easy and, hence, safe; 6) The road should be married w i t h the cultural landscape through which it passes as well as w i t h the natural landscape; 46 �7) T h e roadside landscape should be managed to heal the scars caused by man's use and by the construction of the Parkway; and 8) Wayside parks will broaden the experience by taking i n whole scenic "pictures—they will be the gems i n the necklace. These design principles reflect Stan A b b o t t ' s idealized image o f the Parkway—the compelling vision of the Parkway w h i c h he was able to pro­ ject above the cacophony of two federal agencies, two states, and all their descending functionaries attempting to collaborate o n a project of un­ precedented scale and quality. I feel certain it was due i n part to the clarity of that vision that the project held together i n its rocky, formative years. What's more, the vision has guided three whole generations of Parkway builders. Application of Principles W h a t I would like to do next is demonstrate how the vision met reality to produce the Parkway we know. I don't have time, nor has my research been thorough enough, to do this i n an exhaustive way. Rather, I will take samples from the available evidence to show how the Parkway was design­ ed. I shall begin back w i t h the grosser aspects of design—the placement of the road i n the landscape—and work toward decisions affecting the design of details such as signage and guardrails. A n d here it would seem appropriate to introduce a major hypothesis about the process that produced the Parkway: that the task was approached in an experimental, somewhat trial-and-error sort of way—that the designers had no qualms about testing one means of solving a problem and later deciding that their initial product was inadequate and i n need of refinement. This trial-and-error approach will be seen time and again i n the succeeding examples. U p o n reflection, this approach seems appropriate—perhaps even necessary—for and undertaking such as this w h i c h had no precedent. I n Abbott's own words writing i n a 1943 memo, " I t is no simple matter to define irrevocably what a national parkway should be. We have no precedent so far as I k n o w i n the world." Let us move o n to the reality of designing the Parkway: 1) First let's consider the placement of the road. Where would you put your Parkway? H o w would you make your decision? From Ed A b b u e h l we learn that, and I quote, "There are many factors that must be taken into consideration i n making a location for a parkway, such as the usual engineer­ ing problem of cost, alignment, grades, maintenance, and direction, and the landscape features of scenic views, right-of-way, topography, variety of type of country such as a ridge location vs. a valley. M o r e often t h a n not many of these considerations would be i n direct opposition to each other as a cheap right-of-way generally meant rough terrain and increased construction costs, 47 �A roadside slope before grading called for i n development plans. T h e same slope after grading. Rocks have been exposed and cleaned up, opportunity for future erosion reduced. �or nice level land for easy construction would invariably mean higher rightof-way costs to be paid by the state. I t was early decided that there would be many Views' o n almost any location so that a location to seek a view i n itself was simply one factor and not the only one i n the determination." We can also learn something of the terms of the discussion by reading some of the reconnaissance reports sent i n from the field i n 1934 and 1935. From Virginia, landscape architect Van Gelder reports o n a tentative route flagged by the engineers of the Blue Ridge Parkway: "Station 125-143—road swings far to right, through orchard behind farmhouse, and then midway up a hillside through very steep plowed fields, where grading would be almost impossible (see picture). Suggest instead that drive keep to left, close to highway and follow along lower edge of plowed fields. Grades to be adjusted as close to natural as possible. This would also straighten line and do least damage to the farm." Here we find several o f the guiding principles at work. 2) Second, let's consider for a moment the reality o f attempting to pro­ tect a view that extended to the horizon. You w i l l recall that Stan A b b o t t objected to a narrow 200' right-or-way at one of the route hearings i n 1934. His objection fell o n deaf ears at the time. T h e concept of the Parkway was still too new. A s location crews began their surveys out i n the field, however, they quickly found that a right-of-way boundary 100' off the center line would not even circumscribe the larger cuts and fills, m u c h less the views. I n February 1935 the Blue Ridge Parkway agreed to a proposal by A b ­ b o t t that the fee simple right-of-way should average 100 acres per mile w i t h an additional 50 acres protected by scenic easements. This would translate to a right-of-way approximately 825 feet wide i n fee simple w i t h an addi­ tional 400 feet i n scenic easement. N o r t h Carolina accepted the proposal at once and even bumped the fee simple figures from 120 to 125 acres. Virginia offered a compromise whereby i t would acquire 400 feet of scenic easement o n either side of the 200 foot fee simple right-of-way. The farmers of southwest Virginia proved as reluctant to encumber their property w i t h easements as they were to sell outright, however, and so after awhile Virginia settled o n the following formula for outright acquisition: an 800 foot strip through wooded land, a 600 foot strip through poor farmland, and a 400 foot strip through good farmland. Property acquisition and easements helped to extend the Park Service's control. A n agricultural lease-back program helped to blur the boundary between private land and Parkway land. U n d e r the program, farmers w i t h lands adjacent to the Parkway could lease Park Service land for growing crops or grazing. T h e arrangement brought "the cow, or winter wheat, or the corn up to the fence at the edge of the road," and helped to w i n friends and allies i n the process. 3) This next aspect of designing the Parkway is easy to overlook because it has been so successful. We'll call i t landscaping the right-of-way. From a 49 �Seeding and staked m u l c h i n Bluff Park (later D o u g h t o n Park), 1941. Landscape development sought to heal roadside scars, including bringing the grass up to the pavement. Design for a model Parkway gas station, recalling Appalachian traditional architecture. �A b b u e h l and A b b o t t visited the Biltmore Estate i n Asheville i n May of 1935 and photographed this stone masonry bridge. Clay model o f the Parkway's standard stone single culvert, photographed i n the spring of 1935. �report compiled by Ed A b b u e h l i n 1948 we learn that: " I n 1937 Landscape Architect Malcolm Bird undertook the organization of a landscape program and started preparation of landscape development plans. It has been the policy to keep this program to the most essential needs. A t t e n t i o n is first given to stabilization of the cuts and fills which may require further flattening before they can be seeded or planted, clean up and selective cutting of the adja­ cent woods, vista cutting, clearing, liming and fertilizing the open fields, and finally planting of trees and shrubs to help blend the motor road into its environs." A major round of regrading was begun i n 1948-49 to alleviate maintenance problems caused by steep slopes left after early Parkway construction work. This increased landscaping activity seemed to coincide w i t h A b b u e h l tak­ ing over as Resident Landscape Architect and w i t h resumption of work after World War I I . 4) Let's t u r n next to the design of the buildings along the Parkway. Stan A b b o t t set out his concepts of a fitting architectural style for Parkway buildings i n a 1943 inter-office memo. I n it he says: "This office feels that o n the Blue Ridge Parkway we have made a start toward developing a uni­ que and very fitting architectural style i n the public buildings w h i c h have been constructed and i n the plans w h i c h have been projected. I t is simply an adaptation of the general forms, lines, and materials of the local sheds, barns, and dwellings w h i c h adapt remarkably well to Parkway needs. This office feels that the recall of pioneer building methods i n the Parkway struc­ tures is one of the principal opportunities that we have to preserve something of the backwoods feeling that otherwise may disappear from the m o u n ­ tains....It is not true to say that public buildings w i t h the local character should be made a feature of the Parkway. I t is correct to say that since they will be part of a somewhat managed roadside that they may add a harmonious note of the pioneer architecture. Therefore, they do differ i n k i n d from the architecture of many national park buildings where the whole and proper purpose is to make them as inconspicuous as possible." 5) Bridges/Tunnels/Culverts 6) Signs/Guardrails/Fountains (Author's note: Items #5 and #6 above were treated exclusively through illustrations during the conference presentation. I n the case of #5, Bridges/Tunnels/Culverts, the chief points were: the Parkway designers looked to C C C bridges, a stone bridge o n the Biltmore Estate i n Asheville, and the Westchester C o u n t y parkway system bridges for their models; that they examined various examples of native stonework before deciding o n that us­ ed o n the Parkway; that they showed an extra-ordinary attention to detail i n the design and construction of these structures, to the point of construct­ ing scale models of clay i n the Roanoke offices; and, finally, that m u c h of the effort that went into bridges and culverts is lost o n the average Parkway traveler as these structures are seldom a part of the Parkway scenery—example: 52 �8. Evolution of the standard Parkway entrance sign: (a) 1939 version (b) 1948 version, redesigned for symmetry (c) 1949 version, redesigned again for better viewing from roadway �the triple-span Linville River bridge. I n the case of #6, Signs/Guardrails/Foun­ tains, the chief point was that, over time, the Parkway designers approach­ ed the design of these elements experimentally, trying one means and t h e n another to solve the functional problems while attempting to blend the ar­ chitecture into the natural and scenic landscape.] I would like to close w i t h one more quote from Stan A b b o t t , another example of his eloquence i n describing the task that he was about. The quote also underscores the point, mentioned earlier, that his approach went beyond design, as we often conceive of it, into the realm of art. Stan A b b o t t said, " I can't imagine a more creative job than locating the Blue Ridge Parkway, because you worked w i t h a ten league canvas and a brush of comet's tail. Moss and lichens collecting on the shake roof of a Mabry M i l l measure against huge panoramas that look out forever." A n d i f that doesn't send chills up your spine, n o t h i n g w i l l . 54 �The Blue Ridge Parkway: A Catalyst for Environmental Design Innovation by W. B r i g h t John 1. I N T R O D U C T I O N The title of this conference, T h e Blue Ridge Parkway: Agent of Transi­ t i o n " is particularly appropriate to the topic of this paper, for the parkway has been truly an agent for change and innovation i n design of parkways and park roads. While the Blue Ridge Parkway (BLRI) was not the first parkway and has borrowed m u c h of its technology from its predecessors, it expanded considerably o n and contributed to this technology. Moreover, the Blue Ridge Parkway was a major catalyst influencing significant changes i n land use, economics, conservation, and tourism along its 470-mile corridor. Since these spin-off influences are very adequately treated by other speakers at this conference, this paper will concentrate o n those technologies of parkway design w h i c h were perfected o n the Blue Ridge Parkway, plus those w h i c h originated here, and those design influences w h i c h now trans­ cend the park and parkway field. I would submit that it was largely through these design innovations and practices that the Blue Ridge Parkway was, some years ago, designated America's most scenic road. For other roads traverse the same terrain and still other roads traverse even more spectacular countryside. u 1.1 History of Parkway Development America's first parkway, paralleling the Bronx River i n New York, had an auspicious origin—that of obviating trash dumps and land fills. Interesting­ ly, this parkway, completed i n the Model-T era of 1924, embodied some very advanced concepts, some only recently coming into vogue. First, it was con­ ceived as a linear park to protect a resource value, not just a roadway to service traffic. Second, although not finally constructed i n this manner, it was proposed as two one-way, separated roadways, each o n separate align­ ment. T h i r d , since this facility was i n reality a park, the roadway served the park, thus excluding frequent access and commercial traffic. A n d fourth, the Bronx River Parkway set the stage for curvalinear alignment, sculptured grading, and preservation of roadside values. This parkway connects the parks of n o r t h e r n New York C i t y w i t h the city's reservoirs i n nearby Westchester County, and proved the progenitor 55 �of the noteworthy Westchester C o u n t y Parkway System. But this system, though adopting the design concepts of its mentor, differed i n basic pur­ pose. I t was conceived to serve as commuter network. I n 1932, the first National Parkway was opened, connecting Washington, D C . to our first President's home at M o u n t Vernon. Interestingly, this parkway enjoyed some o f the traits of all its predecessors—it followed the sinuous course of a river through as elongated park, it connected two key attractions, and served commuter needs. Thus parkways started as linear parks treaded by a pleasantly drivable and pleasingly designed motor road l i n k i n g the city to the suburbs or to suburban objectives. 1 . 2 B l u e Ridge Parkway I n A Historical Context T h e Blue Ridge Parkway originated neither as an environmental pro­ ject nor as scenic connector route, but, as the late Senator H a r r y F. Byrd declared, to make work and to promote tourism. Initial emergency relief funds were allocated i n 1933, and, as we know, construction started i n 1935. Congressional authorization for National Park Service (NPS) administration d i d not come u n t i l the following year. Rapid progress was made until interrupted by World War II, following which momen­ t u m was resumed. Now, this week, we can all see work underway to close the last gap at Grandfather M o u n t a i n . T h e contract for final paving and finish work o n this section is scheduled for 1986, w i t h completion i n 1987. D u r i n g these last 50 years we have seen pleasure driving b o o m as an almost inherent h u m a n right. T h e O u t d o o r Recreation Resources Review Commission's (ORRRC) report of about 25 years ago found driving for pleasure America's number one outdoor recreation activity. M o r e recently, the gas crunch of 1973 and increasing interest i n active, participatory recrea­ t i o n activities diminished the popularity of such driving. Interestingly, this decline was not experienced o n the Blue Ridge Parkway. I n fact, public use continues to increase year after year. To explain this enigma, one has to realize that the Blue Ridge Parkway is much more t h a n a driving experience; it's really a total park experience. L 3 A Complete ParkAVay I n this historical context, the Blue Ridge Parkway has developed as a complete "park way," not simply a commuter route or an urban connector. It is truly a linear park threaded by a roadway, i n w h i c h the linear park is the objective, rather t h a n its termini. T h e Blue Ridge Parkway epitomizes the ideal i n other ways. Commer­ cial traffic is excluded providing an o p p o r t u n i t y for lower geometric stan­ dards, less costly structural sections, and safer driving conditions that result 56 �from lack of mixed traffic. Its ground-hugging geometry exemplifies another characteristic of the complete parkway. N o where has this criterion been more successfully ap­ plied, perhaps b o r n of necessity i n such tortuous terrain. Long after this parkway standard was established the National Park Service embodied this principle i n its policies for all park roads, saying "A park road lays lightly o n the ground and strives to main­ tain a sense of intimacy w i t h the country through which it is passing. These policies furthermore extend parkway location and geometric stan­ dards to all park roads by declaring that "...No road should be designed simply as a connecting device to link together points of interest. Every segment should relate to the environment through which it passes i n a meaningful way; and should, to the extent possible, constitute an enjoyable and informative experience i n itself." G o i n g back even further into the policies of the National Park Service, its first Director, Stephen Mather, declared i n 1924 that "Particular attention... will be given to laying out the roads...so that they w i l l disturb as little as possible the vegetation, forests, and rocky hillsides through w h i c h they are built..." 2. T h e B l u e Ridge Parkway Perfects Borrowed and Transferred Technology Initial w o r k o n the Blue Ridge Parkway leaned heavily o n borrowed technology, especially from the Skyline Drive i n Shenandoah National Park and from the designers of the Westchester C o u n t y System. I n fact, some of the same people were involved. Stanley A b b o t t , landscape architectural genius behind the Blue Ridge Parkway was recruited from Westchester County. 2 A U n i o n of C i v i l Engineering and Landscape Architectural Skills One of the ingredients of successful parkway development thus borrowed was the idea of a location and design team composed of civil engineers and landscape architects. From that very first parkway along the Bronx River, this complementary m i x proved critical. I n the case o f the Skyline Drive, this mix was assured through the j o i n t efforts of landscape architects of the National Park Service and engineers of the Bureau of Public Roads (BPR), 57 �the predecessor agency to the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA). I n ­ terestingly, this particular bi-agency team concept, starting i n 1930 o n the Skyline Drive, and extending to the Blue Ridge Parkway a few years later, is still functioning. But the Blue Ridge Parkway extended the team concept to include other disciplines as well. Natural and social scientists became i m ­ portant members to assist i n decisions o n alternative locations, to deal w i t h people affected by the parkway, and to design public use programs. 2.2 Design of Structure and Landscape Furnishings Blue Ridge Parkway predecessors established a new standard for design of parkway structures such as bridges, signs, and buildings. Parkway struc­ tures, i n contrast to those typical of highways, were naturally more park-like i n character and made more extensive use of natural materials, earth tones, and indigenous forms. Because the Blue Ridge Parkway was more park-like than its predecessors, typical parkway structure design concepts were extended from those devices serving primarily traffic to all man-made structures w i t h i n parkway b o r d e r s interpretive markers, visitor centers, fences, and administrative facilities. Thus was b o r n the concept of a park-wide architectural theme, i n this case har­ moniously capturing the flavor of a two-state m o u n t a i n area. Editorially I might note that recent years have witnessed an unfortunate erosion of this design theme, particularly i n parkway's signs; the new ones are more akin to a highway environment t h a n to a park. The reason for this successful design is that the Blue Ridge Parkway didn't simply mimic earlier parkway structures, b u t rather adopted the concept of park-like structures and harmonized the concept to the southern Appalachian landscape through use of indigenous forms, materials, and colors. A s we have seen, the parkways bridges, guardrails, signs—every man-made object— reflect the character of its environment. I n this reflection we see an extraordinary quality—the quality that our new N a t i o n a l Park Service Director William Penn M o t t is now demanding, and a quality unfortunately lacking i n too many park environments. 2.3 Curvalinear Alignment These mountains dictated use of another b i t of borrowed technology— curvalinear alignment—in w h i c h gently sweeping curves connect short tangent sections of roadway. The result is a r i b b o n that adapts well to the topography and result i n a flowing, enjoyable, and safe driving experience. More t h a n its predecessors, the Blue Ridge Parkway demonstrated the important relationship between horizontal and vertical alignments, that the two basic components of highway design must be considered as one, that horizontal and vertical curves should occur simultaneously. 58 �This curvalinear alignment avoided long uninteresting tangents w h i c h only encourage high speed and induce drowsiness. Interstate highway system planners later adopted this principle, even i n gentle terrain to provide a safer and more esthetic highway. To draw an analogy, horizontal and vertical alignments i n parkway design is similar to a music score w i t h its treble and base bars—sometimes played separately, more often i n unison, always i n harmony. 2.4 Streamlined Cross*Section A n o t h e r b i t of borrowed technology adopted to insure better ground fit was the so-called "streamlined cross-section." This was achieved by laying out slopes back and extending fill slopes. But more important t h a n simply flattening slopes, was the concept of variable slope, that is, the deeper the cut or fill, the steeper the slope and, conversely, the shallower the cut or fill, the flatter the slope. Thus was avoided the usual cookie-cutter, template effect w h i c h still characterizes so many of our state highways. A detailed, b u t extremely important element of this streamlined crosssection is edge rounding, that is, rounding the edges created by the intersec­ tion of man-made ground planes and natural ones. Shoulder edges are round­ ed into rounded ditches or flattened back slopes. T h e Blue Ridge Parkway pushed the streamlined cross-section concept outward to conceive the "day-lighted" cut. Artificial berms left o n the downslope side of a shallow full-cut section were removed to naturalize the road's appearance. I n addition these daylighted cuts provided vistas, park­ ing area sites, and borrow material to balance earthwork. 2.5 Turnouts, Rest Areas, and Recreation Areas While daylighted cuts provided an occasional parking area, most stops along the Blue Ridge Parkway were carefully planned around resource or visual values. These waysides, spaced an average of only a mile apart, underscore the park, rather than traffic, orientation of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Their variety is m i n d boggling—scenic overlooks, historic sites, museums, tourist accommodations, information centers, campgrounds, natural phenomena, picnic areas, and more. Every key vista and feature is served. Frequent recreation areas, usually centered around some prominent feature and some managed by other agencies, offer rather complete parks in themselves. T h e frequency and variety of all these waysides add i m ­ measurably to the "completeness" of the Blue Ridge Parkway. 2.6 F u l l Roadside Development W i t h i n the immediate roadway prism the Blue Ridge Parkway established 59 �new standards of roadside development. N a t u r a l vegetation was rigorously protected; plantings were used sparingly and limited to native species.Topsoil was likewise protected and used to dress raw slopes and mixed w i t h gravel to build stabilized turf shoulders, another effort to naturalize the motor road. These roadside restoration and maintenance activities were guided by a Blue Ridge Parkway i n n o v a t i o n called " L a n d Use Plans." Still i n use to­ day, these plans established undulating mowing limits, defined vistas to be kept often, designated agricultural lands to be farmed, and located fences. 2.7 L a n d Acquisition Acquisition of lands for the Blue Ridge Parkway was unique i n one respect and t r a d i t i o n i n another. Like other national park projects i n the east, most land was purchased by the states and donated to the N a t i o n a l Park Service. Some lands were contributed by other public agencies and private donors. T h e unique aspect of the acquisition program was the fact that among roadway projects, it was a corridor acquisition rather t h a n simply a rightof-way acquisition. Consequently the park-like corridor varied considerably i n w i d t h . Its boundaries were designed to encompass the immediate viewshed, not just the roadway itself, plus widenings to include areas of high resource value. 3. I N N O V A T I O N S U N I Q U E T O B L U E R I D G E P A R K W A Y While the Blue Ridge Parkway thus borrowed and perfected other's technologies, its planners and designers pioneered a number o f parkway concepts. 3.1 R u r a l Adaptation of an U r b a n Concept A m o n g these innovations was the fact that the Blue Ridge Parkway took an essentially urban concept from New York and adapted it to the rural set­ ting of the Southern Appalachians. While i n some respects similar to its predecessor Skyline Drive, it differed significantly i n that it d i d n o t simply traverse a large natural park, nor a m o u n t a i n spine, but rather a variety of rural landscapes, seeking to preserve each for its o w n inherent value. Because of this rural environment, the planners were as concerned about the background and middle-ground views as the urban parkway planners were about the foreground. I n contrast to its urban predecessors, for exam­ ple, very little planting had to be installed to screen out objectionable views. T h e result of this i n n o v a t i o n was that the Blue Ridge Parkway itstegral w i t h is surrounding landscape, rather t h a n a "stand alone" park or a landuse determinant like a typical highway. 60 �3.2 M u l t i p o i n t Connector A n o t h e r innovation of the Blue Ridge Parkway was its intent to con­ nect a multitude of interest points. Previous parkways were largely and simp­ ly pleasant trafficways between two points; or, i n the Skyline Drive case, a park road along w h i c h were developed attractions. This innovation brought about the addition of new skills to the tradi­ tional engineer-landscape architect team. Resource assessment specialists, natural and social scientists, and interpreters entered the picture. This freedom of location meant that Stan A b b o t t and his early colleagues had choices to insure variety. Earlier parkways had little choice but to go where the roadway could or must. 3.3 L a n d Management and Protection Tools Since the Blue Ridge Parkway was a different k i n d of park, or a parkway i n a different k i n d of setting, innovations i n land management and visual quality protection were required. It was important to achieve and maintain landscape diversity. Hence, i n addition to buying lands i n the traditional park fashion, partial interests or scenic easements were used. Jokingly, it's said that a scenic easement takes all rights from a property owner except the right to pay taxes! While these easements have been a con­ t i n u i n g management problem, they have effectively increased the zone of visual quality protection. This is important since the whole concept was not to "plant out" adja­ cent, unnatural land area, b u t rather to encourage a continuing panorama of rural diversity. Even lands bought i n fee simple were often leased back for agricultural purposes to maintain the visual character, to reduce National Park Service maintenance workload, and to create good neighbors relations. A n o t h e r key Blue Ridge Parkway innovation was the cooperative land management efforts, borne no doubt of necessity due to the parkway's gerry­ mandered configuration. N o w m u c h i n vogue and called "regional plann­ ing," from the outset the Blue Ridge Parkway staff has meticulously main­ tained and nurtured b o t h legal and human relationships w i t h easement grant­ ors, local and state planning and highway agencies, tourism promotion groups and many others. Its predecessors, i n contrast, b o t h parks and parkways, once established were virtually autonomous, whereas the Blue Ridge Parkway was and still is greatly dependent o n a collaborative effort. 3.4 A F u l l Service Parkway T h e Blue Ridge Parkway truly fulfilled the mandate implied i n the word P a r k w a y . Too often we equate a parkway w i t h its motor road, b u t I like to 61 �t h i n k of a parkway as much more t h a n that, an elongated park through w h i c h is threaded a motor road. Or, i f you wish, a series of park features connected by a pleasant roadway. Hence, the Blue Ridge Parkway provides an enormous array of natural, cultural and recreational attractions, plus a full complement of commercial services for the traveler, but on a modest, harmonious scale. The staff is equally varied, and i n contrast to the normal highway department cadre, has great depth i n natural, cultural, and "people" management skills. 4- I N F L U E N C E S B R O U G H T A B O U T B Y T H E BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY The Blue Ridge Parkway, and some of its contemporaries, have had signifi­ cant influence o n road design, b o t h w i t h i n parks as well as outside. Moreover, other systems w i t h i n parks have been influenced, and areas adjacent to the Blue Ridge Parkway have been beneficially affected. Taking this last influence first, while the Blue Ridge Parkway d i d effec­ tively put m o u n t a i n people to work, its indirect impacts through tourism have had much more sustained influence and much greater economic benefit to the region. T h e Blue Ridge Parkway had notable influence o n highway design, especially through the Bureau of Public Roads, now the Federal Highway Administration, and also through those few perservering landscape architects able to penetrate the fundamental location and design functions of state highway departments. This influence was virtually codified by the prestigious American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials ( A A S H T O ) when it established the objectives for Interstate Highway System design to include "pleasing appearance" as well as "safe and relaxed driving." Because of its environmental success, the Blue Ridge Parkway no doubt contributed to our nation's environmental awareness, especially among road builders. Restoration of borrow pits and spoil areas, soil stabilization and revegetation, protection of natural and cultural features, and respect for com­ m u n i t y values, are now all accepted principles. Streamlined cross-section designs, separated roadways, flowing alignments, and frequent rest areas brought about more adequate rights-of-way for new highways. I n parks around the country, indeed the world, you can see another influence brought about, at least i n part, by the Blue Ridge Parkway. A con­ sistent and harmonious design standard was established and respected by all for architectural objects, roadway structures, and "street furniture," especial­ ly signs, imposed upon park landscape. Sadly I must report that this fundamental precept has not been con­ sistently observed i n all units of our National Park System. I noted last week in Yellowstone, that thousands of feet of ugly W-beams weathering steel guard 62 �rail mounted o n galvanized H-beam posts was being installed imparting a terrible visual character to one of the most scenic roads i n the world's first National Park. A l l of these influences, especially those of roadway geometry should be easy to "sell," because the Blue Ridge Parkway has been, and still is, as I understand, one of the safest roads i n the country. While this is no reason to halt the quest to make it even safer, it's no reason either to compromise the inherent design characteristics that contribute now to its enviable safe­ ty record. 2. C O N C L U S I O N Most of the foregoing has been l o o k back." I n concluding, we should take a clue from Blue Ridge Parkway Superintendent Gary Everhardt's open­ ing remarks and look forward. As I detected from Gary's remarks, the closure of the final gap at Grand­ father M o u n t a i n does not complete the parkway. I hope this doesn't come as a great disappointment to all of you looking forward to the 1987 r i b b o n cutting, as I am, b u t there are many unfinished items i n this "perfect work." More trails are essential. A parkway headquarters is needed. More camp­ ing and picnicking areas are required. A n d , most importantly, the visual quality of b o t h man-made and natural values, the most important resource of the parkway, needs more protection. I would be extremely remiss i f I d i d not m e n t i o n the absolute reliance we have o n the "dog w o r k " of maintenance to perpetuate this perfect work. W i t h o u t continuing, enlightened maintenance of physical facilities, of visual values, and of h u m a n institutions, the Blue Ridge Parkway would soon become just another highway. Moreover, rather t h a n simply taking care of our o w n , i n effect adopting a fortress mentality, and since we're not likely to replicate the Blue Ridge Parkway, or even extend it into Georgia or South Carolina, we can use its concepts and standards i n our design of new roads and rehabilitation of o l d ones. u A recent W a s h i n g t o n Post article sadly noted "We don't b u i l d main roads like this any longer, and though the reasons are, up to a point, understandable, it is nonetheless a great shame. W h a t has been largely lost is the esthetic dimen­ sion of road building...the skill—or is it the will? — to b u i l d beautiful highways has been displaced by sheer expediency...." T h e article continues somewhat more upbeat by declaring that 63 �"...in their form and very purpose the parkways represent an ideal that should not be surrendered lightly. This is nothing more, nor less, t h a n a simple dictum: Highways can be beautiful. Or, to put it a slightly different way: D r i v i n g can be pleasant." I n and of itself the Blue Ridge Parkway provides that experience. A n d it can provide an example for others to emulate. 64 �The Blue Ridge Parkway in Historical Design Perspective E. by Lynn Miller T h e Blue Ridge Parkway is not only a tract o f land w h i c h "contains" a road b u t also a very unique landscape architectural design form evolving over several hundred years. I n 1869, Frederick Law Olmsted and Calvert Vaux designed the pro­ genitor of America's residential communities. This plan for Riverside, Illinois, combining residential units w i t h integral open space, projected a "parkway" w h i c h would connect this suburb w i t h the city of Chicago. A l t h o u g h never built, i t was one of the first uses of the term "parkway." Since the railroad was the primary means o f transportation, one can assume that these two great masters envisioned a road primarily for pleasurable travel at a relative slow rate o f speed. T h e use o f the term "parkway" by Olmsted and Vaux was not a quirk of nomenclature b u t was the evolution o f design influences and philosophies beginning w i t h 18th century England and extending through the great park movement of the 19th century. T h e triumphful and dictatorial design of the goosefoot intersection o f A n d r e LeNotre produced a "king's highway of forced nature." This concept of highway design was an important factor because it encouraged the painters, poets, philosophers and "land improvers" of the 18th Century English Land­ scape School to design approaches and vehicular corridors which would relate to the land and would be a complimentary part of the newly organized and rehabilitated landscape. T h e genius of Capability Brown's design at Stowe illustrates not only the territoriality of Brown as a designer but also a design scheme which placed emphasis o n vehicular access as an integral part of the design. Through careful­ ly, contrived vistas, modification of the ground form and articulated approach roads, Brown succeeded i n satisfying the dictum: "...the foot should not tread where the eye has already been." T h e precept o f this d i c t u m was a very i m ­ portant factor for the 18th century English Gentleman, w h o armed w i t h a Claude Glass (camera obscura), traveled far and near to study, view and assess these romantic landscapes. This overwhelming desire to contemplatively view the landscape was part of a vast movement w h i c h rehabilitated a "sick" and denuded landscape by planting indigenous trees, stopping soil erosion and p u t t i n g organic matter back i n t o the soil. Therefore, as landscapes for country seats were created the approach road became an extremely important and significant element of the design. H u m p h r y Repton, i n his writings, pointed out: 1 65 �"...the road is an artificial work of convenience and at one time had been deployed as the most ostentatious feature through the centre of parks..." In his design for Woburn, Repton writes: "...Utility suggests that the road should be the shortest possible: it was for this reason that i n former times the straight line was adopted, accompanied by rows of trees leading to the front of the house, w h i c h was probably the origin of avenues..." "Such an expedient is beneath the dignity of A r t , w h i c h should display her works naturally, and w i t h o u t puerile ostentation..." "When the oblique line was adopted, and a road brought through the park, instead of taking a straight line, it was discovered that, w i t h very little deviation, some interesting parts of the scenery might be shown i n the approach; and by degrees its first object, that of being the nearest way to the house, was changed into that of being the most beautiful. Hence have arisen all the absurdities of circuitous approaches, so aptly ridiculed by a modern poet i n describing improvers, who: 2 l e a d us many a tedious r o u n d to show the extent of their employer's ground.' " 3 Repton's design for the country seat at Sherringham (figure 1 and 2) illustrates the detail and careful orchestration of an approach road. After traveling one half a mile o n a road through a dense rhododendron thicket, the viewer is brought to a p o i n t where he gets a brief glimpse of the sea, the house and then as the road continues—the viewer is engulfed i n the total landscape. Eventually, these man-made landscapes, at a park-like scale w i t h their unique approach roads, caught the astute and keen eye of observers such as Prince Pueckler, A n d r e w Jackson D o w n i n g , Frederick Law Olmsted, and Charles Eliot. Prince Pueckler i n the design for his two great public parks (located i n what is now the German Democratic Republic) became the first professional to discuss the design characteristics and the spatial relationships of roads and the necessity to incorporate the activities of man into the total landscape. In Pueckler's H i n t s on Landscape G a r d e n i n g published i n 1835, he pro­ jected criteria for the design of roads and park drives: "...roads and paths should not r u n i n continual curves like a ser­ pent w o u n d r o u n d a stick, but should rather make such bends as serve a definite purpose easily and effectively, following as far as possible the natural contours of the ground...." "...two curves close together i n the same road or path seen at the 66 ���same time do not look well. I f this cannot be entirely avoided, then a sharp t u r n should be relieved by a larger, more rounded t u r n , and the former should seem justified by trees or plantations o n the inner side (figure 3). If there is no obstacle the road should be allowed to r u n straight or only slightly curved, no matter what the distance. Wherever an obstacle appears, it is better to make a short t u r n close to it t h a n a long, gradual t u r n for the sake of the so called curve of beauty. The sharp turns are by far the more picturesque, especially i f the road disappears w i t h such a t u r n i n the depths of a forest." T h e writings of Repton and Prince were widely read and discussed i n this country and incorporated into the literature of the period. Edgar A l l a n Poe i n the short story "Landor's Cottage" provided the following descrip­ t i o n of a road: "The road, except i n being open through the wood bore no resemblance to any road that I had seen before...what to make of all this, of course I knew not. Here was art undoubtedly—that did not surprise me....It was not the amount but the character of the art w h i c h caused me to gaze up and d o w n i n bewildered admiration....there were few straight, and no long uninterrupted lines. Everywhere was variety i n uniformity. It was a piece of 'com­ position,' i n which the most fastidiously critical taste could scarcely have suggested an emendation...." By 1858 these design principles and early philosophies were manifested i n the design of the Greensward Plan for Central Park by Olmsted and Vaux. The Greensward Plan not only provided separate traffic systems but empha­ sized park drives for comtemplative viewing to the point of advising the park visitor of the direction to travel for the proper experience. Therefore, it should n o t be a surprise to find a "parkway" proposed i n the Olmsted and Vaux plan for Riverside. I f one scrutinizes the executed design for Riverside, one will find the Olmsted trademark of the sunken roadway w h i c h was not the "cut and f i l l " design o f the normal highway engineer. A l t h o u g h some of the depth has been lost from a century of road repair and additions of layers of asphalt, it still represents the historical perspective of landscape architectural design which the late Eugene DeSilets described as follows: "Like a surgeon, the landscape architect makes the incision to graft into nature a man-made device and carefully sews up the w o u n d to restore the natural skin or cover." Following Riverside, the term "parkway" was utilized by Olmsted and others but it never became a definitive design form w h i c h succinctly distinguished it from boulevard and avenues. I n the period of time between Riverside and the Bronx River Parkway, the only professional to attempt a design form similar to our present day parkway was Charles Eliot. Eliot, 4 5 6 69 ��trying to get the Metropolitan District commission to t h i n k creatively beyond boulevards and ordinary roads, prepared designs for parkways i n w h i c h he showed sensitivity to the land and an awareness to environmental constraints. Eliot's proposed parkway had a right-of-way of 120 feet w i t h a large median strip for the inclusion of electric street cars to make the park reservations accessible to the masses and the parkway use was to be restricted to pleasure vehicles. I n addition to this, Eliot saw his parkways as valuable fireguards to protect forest reservations. Unfortunately, the Metropolitan District C o m ­ mission d i d not follow Eliot's advice and this initiative towards the creation of a true parkway was lost. W i t h the deaths of Frederick Law Olmsted, Sr., Henry Codman, and Charles Eliot, landscape architecture headed into a d o l d r u m where many of these guiding principles and philosophies were forgotten or were not suitable for the eclectic mood of the era. The confusion of this era is illustrated by J.C. Olmsted's article i n Landscape A r c h i t e c t u r e Q u a r t e r l y i n October of 1915 where the distinction between boulevards, avenues and parkways are made o n the basis of size rather t h a n o n the basis of any design criteria. The pregnancy of the parkway idea had to gestate u n t i l the work of the Bronx River Commission i n the early 1900's at w h i c h time the b i r t h took place as part of an 18 year effort to clean up the Bronx River so that it would not be injurious to waterfowl i n the Zoological Park. I t was here that the present day parkway got its distinct definition. A s N o r m a n T. N e w t o n suc­ cinctly states i n D e s i g n on the L a n d : "The parkway was n o t itself a road, it c o n t a i n e d a road. The strip of land was not just a highway w i t h uniform grassy borders; it was of significantly varying w i d t h , depending o n immediate topographic and cultural conditions. The roadway was meant for comfortable driving i n pleasant surrounding, not merely for getting from one place to another as fast as possible. Perhaps most important was the distinctive provision that abutting owners had no right of light, air, or access over the parkway strip." The Bronx River Parkway had resulted i n a revolutionary design form w h i c h legitimately included the activities of 20th century man. Following this legitimate b i r t h were successive generations of offsprings including the Blue Ridge Parkway. T h e Blue Ridge Parkway w i t h its added feature of the scenic easement brought this unique design form to its culminating peak of success. Its suc­ cess echoes Prince Pueckler's words when he wrote: "The park should appear to be untrammeled Nature where the only h u m a n activity visible are the well kept roads and the judiciously scattered buildings." In its modern day sense, the unique design form was best described by Freeman Tilden when he wrote: "This is one road where, because the highway is protected by a 7 8 71 �buffer strip, the traveler will n o t be importuned to use any par­ ticular shaving cream, dentifrice, or chewing gum. There are no signs suggesting that you come i n just as you are and eat at a restaurant that went out of business several years ago. If you wish advice o n what pills to take for your special misery, you w i l l have to leave the Blue Ridge Parkway and make use of the older routes." 9 END NOTES 1. 2. Crowe, Sylvia. Garden New York: Hearthside Press, 1958, p. 58. Design. Repton, Humphry. A n Enquiry into the Changes o f Taste i n Landscape Gardening. London: J . Taylor, 1806, pp. 110. 3. . Fragments on the Theory and Practice o f Landscape Gardening. London: J . Taylor, 1816, pp. 161463. 4. Pueckler, H . H . L . H i n t s on Landscape 5. Poe, E . A . Complete Stories and Poems Gardening. o f Edgar Cambridge: Riverside Press, 1917, pp. 81-82. A l l a n Poe. New York: Doubleday and Co., 1966, p. 583. 6. Desilets, Eugene, G . K . Scott & . W . H . Simondson. "The A S L A in San Francisco: Highway Aesthetics." Landscape Architecture 7. Newton, N . T. Design on the Land. 8. Pueckler, H . H . L . H i n t s on Landscape 9. Tilden, Freeman. T h e N a t i o n a l Parks. 48 (1957) 9-18. Quarterly Cambridge: Harvard University and Belknap Press, 1971, p. 597. Gardening. Cambridge: Riverside Press, 1917, p. 39. New York: A . A . Knopf, 1968, p. 394. 72 �The Linn Cove Viaduct Jean by Muller A v i t a l l i n k i n c o m p l e t i n g the B l u e Ridge P a r k w a y , L i n n Cove V i a d u c t hugs the contours o f a r u g g e d m o u n t a i n . Top down c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the precast post-tensioned segmental c a n t i l e v e r s preserved the n a t u r a l landscape. OCEA Award o fMerit. How to preserve the scenic environment around Grandfather M o u n ­ tain i n N o r t h Carolina was a problem that left a seven mile gap i n the 469 mile (755 km) long Blue Ridge Parkway for more t h a n 20 years. T h e solu­ t i o n is a precast concrete segmental viaduct that was built from the top down w i t h o u t disturbing the site of its scenic vistas. T h e 1,243 ft (379 m) L i n n Cove V i a d u c t is a post-tensioned box girder winding around the m o u n t a i n i n an S curve. Connecting roadways that will finish the gap w i l l be completed by 1987. The environmental constraints and inaccessibility of the site — the bridge itself was the only way i n or out — and alignment problems make L i n n Cove the most complicated concrete segmental bridge ever constructed. Horizon­ tal alignment includes spiral curves going into circular curves w i t h radii as small as 250 ft (76 m) curving i n two directions. O n l y a small p o r t i o n is on a horizontal tangent. N o two of the 153 segments have the same dimen­ sions, and only one segment i n the entire bridge is straight. T h e box girder segments are nominally 8V2 ft long, 9 ft deep and 37V2 ft across the slab (2.6 m x 2 . 7 m x 11 m). T h e segments were cast using one of the most sophisticated concrete mixes ever developed for a segmental bridge i n the U.S. T h e coarse aggregate was crushed dolomitic stone, and the fine aggregate was quartz sand. T h e aggregate was transported to the casting site about a mile from the bridge site. A Type 1 cement was used to obtain the specified 28 day strength of 6,000 psi (41.4 MPa) and the lifting strength specified at 4,000 psi (27.6 MPa). Admixtures included air entraining agents, retarders and a super water reducer. A n iron oxide pigment was also added to t i n t the concrete to match the color o f the existing rock o n Grandfather M o u n t a i n . Because the m o u n t a i n is notorious for high winds and severe winter weather, casting was done inside a metal building so that work could pro­ ceed during the winter. Completed segments were stored along the roadway leading to the bridge site. T h e post-tensioned box piers precast i n 30 t o n (27 Mg) segments were match cast vertically. A l l segment erection, including foundation segments, took place from the top d o w n by one-directional cantilever. Normally, progressive placement 73 ���incorporates temporary cable stays o n top of the bridge, but because of the curves, attaching the cables and carrying the loads would have been extremely difficult. Instead, temporary steel bents were used at m i d p o i n t of each span as the cantilever progressed. T h e unusual stress conditions were analyzed by computer and erection proceeded w i t h o u t a single problem. T h e precast box piers are founded o n drilled microshaft piles that are reinforced and grouted. This drilling was the only construction activity at ground level ahead of superstructure erection. The tops of the microshafts are encased i n a footing, w h i c h was the only cast i n place concrete required to b u i l d the piers. Pier shaft segments are either 6 or 9 ft high (1.8 or 2.7 m). T h e first seg­ ment of each pier was placed before the footing was cast to allow proper alignment; this assured that the top of the pier would be located i n the cor­ rect position. The pier segments were trucked from the storage area over the completed p o r t i o n of the bridge to the end of the cantilever. T h e n a stiffleg crane pick­ ed up the segment, swung it around and lowered it to proper position. Joints were bonded w i t h epoxy and the new segment stressed to the previously erected one w i t h thread bar tendons. A l l tendons were grouted for b o n d and corrosion protection prior to placing the pier cap. Once the cap was set, eight 12-strand post-tensioning tendons were i n ­ stalled, starting at the top of the pier and extending through and out of the side of the footing. These were then stressed and grouted. Superstructure segments were also delivered to the cantilever end by truck. There the stiffleg crane lifted the segment, swung it out and lowered it to w i t h i n 6 i n . (152 mm) of the cantilever end. Epoxy was then applied to the j o i n t face and the segment was moved to the cantilever end where the tem­ porary thread bars were installed and stressed. The thread bars extend through intermediate stiffeners, w h i c h made them accessible b o t h during stressing and later removal. T h e entire operation, from the time the segment reached the end of the cantilever o n the truck to attachment, took from 60 to 90 minutes. T h e final step of the erection process was threading and stressing the permanent tendons consisting of 19 low relaxation strands Vi i n . (12.7 mm) i n diameter and 270 ksi (1,861 MPa). T h e erection or negative moment ten­ dons are located i n the top of the box girder section, generally extending from the cantilever end to a symmetrical p o i n t beyond the first support. T h e stressing end of the tendon is at the cantilever end j u n c t i o n of the web and top slab, w i t h the opposite end coming outside the box girder void at a stiffener location. Locating anchors i n these areas provided plenty of con­ crete to distribute anchorage stresses. Positive moment tendons are located i n the b o t t o m of the section w i t h b o t h ends terminating at intermediate stiffeners. T h e stressing sequence of these tendons was predetermined by computer analysis. 76 ���The L i n n Cove project, like others of its type, had an epoxy specifica­ t i o n requiring the concrete to be above 40F (4.4C). A special j o i n t heating system allowed the contractor to continue placing segments through the winter months. M o r e t h a n 20 were erected using this method, and its suc­ cess has important ramifications for other precast segmental projects built i n the n o r t h e r n part of the U.S. and Canada. D u r i n g construction of the bridge, the position of the superstructure matched the predicted location at all times. Joint thicknesses of 0.02 i n (0.5 mm) achieved regularly are due to precise casting control. Aesthetically, the completed viaduct looks as i f it had always been part of the face of Grandfather M o u n t a i n . T h e innovative erection scheme was highly successful. N o trees, other than those directly i n the path of the bridge, were cut. N o rock outcroppings were damaged, as they had been covered during construction to prevent concrete, grout or epoxy from staining them. Construction of the $7.9 million viaduct began i n 1978 and the last seg­ ment was placed i n December 1982. D u r i n g 1983 the contractor cast the curbing, completed the abutment, completed the grade o n the n o r t h end of the viaduct (inaccessible before the bridge was erected), installed guar­ drails and applied a waterproofing membrane and wearing surface. 79 �This page intentionally left blank �Strategic Planning: The Means for Seeing Beyond 1987 Gary by W. Johnson INTRODUCTION The legislated purpose of the Blue Ridge Parkway under the A c t of June 30, 1936, is to link Shenandoah National Park i n Virginia and Great Smoky Mountains National Park i n N o r t h Carolina and Tennessee by way of a recreationally oriented motor road. T h e intent o f the legislation that established the parkway was to provide an elongated park for public use and enjoyment through safe, uninterrupted, leisure motor travel and the conservation and interpretation of the natural and cultural resources of the Southern A p ­ palachian Mountains. This concept is embodied today i n a Parkway that winds 470 miles through the Blue Ridge, Black, Great Craggy, Great Balsam, and Plott Balsam Mountains. Since the Blue Ridge Parkway's establishment i n 1936, literally thousands of people have focused their energy and talents o n construction of the 470-mile-long motor road. Those efforts will soon be realized w i t h completion of the Parkway motor road around Grandfather M o u n t a i n i n N o r t h Carolina, scheduled i n 1987. B o t h the 50th anniversary celebration o n September 11, 1985 and the 1987 completion of the motor road mark the dawn of a new era for Parkway management. Management's focus o n design and construction is now shif­ ting towards protection o f Parkway resources. There is a question inherent i n this management shift: W h e n the motor road is fully open, w i l l the Parkway be finished i n terms of development, and w i l l management's role be one simply o f housekeeping and caretaking? O n the surface, the answer might appear to be yes; management need only take care o f what has been constructed over the past 50 years. However, for a park that extends through two states, 29 counties, and seven congressional districts; has some 5,000 adjacent private property owners; and w i l l host some 20 m i l l i o n visitors i n 1985, there are no simple questions or answers. Just the m e n t i o n of the future of the Parkway generates a great deal of con­ versation and differing opinions about what future Parkway needs w i l l be. One shared opinion: A degree of commitment, creativity, and skill equal to or greater t h a n that required d u r i n g the last 50 years, w i l l be needed i f the N a t i o n a l Park Service is to meet the challenge of protecting Parkway resources over the next half-century. T h e N a t i o n a l Park Service is committed to making an effective, well81 �planned management transition into the next 50 years of Parkway opera­ t i o n . Balancing commitment against sound planning is the key to making that transition. Planning will entail more t h a n collecting data and p l o t t i n g trends. Aggrressive actions are required to meet goals and objectives. W h i l e many planning opportunities for affecting future Parkway management have been discussed informally, an attempt to relate them i n a comprehensive way has been initiated only recently. Parkway management and staff per­ sons have identified the need to approach the future through a strategic or long-range planning process. STRATEGIC P L A N N I N G I n January of 1985, Superintendent Gary Everhardt, members of his staff, and Park Service planner met to design a strategic plan for the Blue Ridge Parkway. Strategic planning is not u n k n o w n to parkway management and the Park Service's Southeast Region management staff. Regional Director Bob Baker earlier had appointed Superintendent Everhardt chairman of a task force to implement strategic planning o n a regionwide basis. T h a t effort was completed during October 1984, a little over 18 months after i t commenced. Planning for the Parkway has become an extension of that effort, only w i t h a more park specific focus. T h e goal of Parkway strategic planning is to provide a forum for the identification of issues, needs, and problems i n the Blue Ridge Parkway region. M o u n t i n g demands o n the Parkway and its resources, as well as changing land uses, demographic trends, and economics, require realistic management strategies. To reach these strategies two objectives must first be met. They are the following: 1. Identify immediate issues, needs, and problems through various methods, including surveys, meetings, and discussions. Initiate assess­ ment and analyze steps to clarify issues and identify specific needs; develop strategies to resolve issues and make recommendations to regional director. 2. Identify likely future demand and formulate strategies, policies, and directions for increasing the reliability of management to meet future requirements. Tasks to accomplish strategic planning are organized into five phases, as follows: Phase 1. Small group work sessions i n Virginia and N o r t h Carolina w i t h knowledgeable participants from outside the National Park Ser­ vice to identify parkway values, immediate issues, and future concerns. Phase 2. Summarize results of group sessions and distribute, w i t h com­ ment worksheets, to those attending the Blue Ridge Parkway 50th anniversary conference as well as o n a regional basis to identify 82 �Parkway purposes, values, issues, and trends. Small group work session w i t h participants from Virginia and N o r t h Carolina to synthesize data and isolate issues. Phase 4. A series of small task forces consisting of NPS and outside par­ ticipants to develop management strategies addressing related issues. Phase 5. Strategic planning summary report w i l l outline issues, manage­ ment strategies for resolving issues, means to accomplish manage­ ment via traditional Park Service plans or necessary innovative means. Phase 1 was implemented i n M a r c h of 1985. Invited participants from outside the National Park Service attended meetings held i n Asheville, N o r t h Carolina and at Peaks of Otter, Virginia. These participants brought to the meetings a diverse range of professional and personal expertise from their positions i n local, state, and federal government, education, the news media, and i n organizations related to tourism, travel, and recreation. Three categories of information were collected at each meeting: perceived parkway values, current issues, and future issues. The number and the depth of the values and issues expressed by participants demonstrated a strong i n ­ terest i n and understanding of the Parkway. It was obvious that the par­ ticipants were well aware of the complex relationships that exist between the Parkway and the various jurisdictions through w h i c h it passes. A l t h o u g h the meetings occurred some 300 miles apart, each w i t h com­ pletely different participants, the perceptions and concerns expressed were remarkably similar. O f the values identifies, b o t h groups highest priority was given the Parkway's role as an easily accessible place to escape the stress and routine of everyday life. Secondly, they valued the Parkway for the op­ portunity it provides for viewing the scenic beauty of the Southern A p ­ palachian landscape. T h e t h i r d value was the parkway's contributions to local economies through its role i n travel and tourism. Lastly, the groups valued parkway resources and facilities for providing needed recreation and interpretive opportunities. W i t h the parkway values i n m i n d , b o t h groups singled out urbaniza­ t i o n and other forms of encroachment as their primary concern, currently and i n the future. T h e dynamic relationships between the parkway and the surrounding region and the unavoidable impacts they have o n each other was seen as management's top challenge b o t h today and well into tomorrow. Participants were aware that for the last several years management has concentrated o n completion of the parkway motor road, but felt there now is a shift toward management and protection of parkway resources. A s com­ pletion of the motor road nears, maturity of the resources is being more greatly realized. B o t h meeting groups spoke clearly about how management's challenge now is i n constructing the methods and finding the means to protect resources that are valued o n national and international scales. Phase 3. 1 83 �O n the following pages are either external or internal issues combined from b o t h meetings. Issues are summarized by management topics. VISUAL RESOURCES External Issues—Traditional land uses are changing and there is lack of regulation o n adjacent lands to assure use and development that is com­ patible w i t h parkway values. Internal Issues—Landscape planting areas are maturing and becoming overgrown. There is the need for a landscape renovation plan to reaffirm the effectiveness of plant materials to enhance the scenic experience of driving the parkway. NATURAL RESOURCES External Issues—Increasing instances of forest decline, air and water pollu­ t i o n , resource extraction, and disposal of hazardous waste. Internal Issues—Increases i n visitor use at some sites and the need to thoroughly identify rare and endangered and/or critical natural resources. CULTURAL RESOURCES External Issues—Unclear responsibility of parkway management i n perpetuating values of regional cultural landscpes and i n identifying past and emerging cultural themes, periods, and material expressions. Internal issues—Lack of documentation and definitive strategies for iden­ tifying and managing prehistoric and historic resources. INTERPRETATION/EDUCATION External Issue—Present interpretive media and messages lack diversity and are limited to specific and often unrelated sites rather than the more overall interrelated regional picture. Internal Issues—Messages and media are outdated. VISITOR NEEDS, ACTIVITIES, A N D PROTECTION External Issues—Need to provide more information about off-parkway sites, resources and facilities compatible w i t h parkway values, and coordinate related programs w i t h the appropriate agencies. Internal Issues—Need to determine what services visitors want, where they want them, w h o they want to provide i t , and how much they are willing to pay for i t . Need to determine appropriate level of site use versus resource values. 84 �ACCESS A N D TRANSPORTATION External Issues—Existing public as well as private accesses act as a stimulus for off-parkway development and increased traffic. Internal uses—Increased traffic i n b o t h recreational and commuting use are slowing traffic, causing congestion and visitor frustration. DEMOGRAPHICS AND ECONOMICS External Issues—Conflict between off-parkway development and land use for private economic gain versus protection of parkway resources and values. Lack o f knowledge about economic importance of parkway o n adjacent counties. Internal Issues—Need for visitor profile data to determine w h o parkway visitors are, why do they come, what do they do o n the parkway, where do they come from, what do they want to do, etc. LEGAL, ADMINISTRATIVE, A N D POLITICAL MANDATES AS CONSTRAINTS External Issues—Inability of federal government and unwillingness of state and county governments to take action o n implementing land-use controls. Conflicts between public agencies because of different mandates. Internal Issues—Budgetary changes caused by different funding philosophies under varying administrations. SUMMARY A t this time Phase 1 is complete and Phase 2 is nearly so. T h e number and complexity of issues identified thus far make a very strong case for the role of future parkway management being one of more than simply housekeep­ ing. It is becoming apparent that where the National Park Service once could concentrate o n activities w i t h i n the Parkway corridor, it now is being drawn into a whole milieu of issues generated outside of its jurisdiction. Strategic planning, as park management has undertaken it, provides a systematic way to see and anticipate beyond the Parkway boundary and jurisdiction. While the planning effort is not yet complete, some management strategy recommendations have become obvious. They are being shared now for i n ­ formational purposes and probably w i l l be expanded at a later date i n the phase 5 summary report. 85 �RECOMMENDATIONS 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Inventory, document, and prioritize visual natural, and cultural resources into levels of significance so that resource protection can be assured. Develop a computerized system for storing and managing resource i n ­ formation so that data can be quickly updated and modeled to supportplanning and decision-making. Initiate a study to determine the economic w o r t h of parkway to various entities. Develop and use a marketing plan that encourages a cooperative ap­ proach to visitor services throughout the Parkway region. Work w i t h adjacent counties and states to determine significant visual, natural, and cultural resources related to but outside parkway boundry; develop a land protection plan that relates tourist dollars to resources visitors appreciate. Work to establish an appropriate organization or foundation w i t h the authority to deal w i t h increasing external influences, such as urbaniza­ t i o n , through acquisition of threatened lands. Various perspectives and the insights of many people will be required to address the preceding issues and to then implement recommended manage­ ment strategies. Parkway Superintendent Everhardt acknowledges that it will be impossible for the National Park Service to accomplish this planning alone. He is actively seeking informtion, advice, and cooperation from Parkway neighbors to accomplish the "mission of protecting a generous slice of Southern Appalachian natural and cultural history." To further that end, please provide your thoughts o n the future of the parkway o n the attached comment worksheet. COMMENT WORKSHEET This worksheet is provided so you might share your ideas for planning the future of the Blue Ridge Parkway. As management emphasizes shifts from 50 years of parkway design and construction to managing and protecting parkway resources, your comments are most important. We need your thoughts o n protection of scenic resources, managing parkway access, renovating overgrown vistas and landscape areas, providing visitor services, interpretation, working w i t h other federal, state, and local agencies, and overall management direction. Look over the questions identified below and add your comments. Feel free to attach additional sheets for comments and other ideas that you have about the parkways future. Please complete and return the worksheet to: Superintendent National Park Service Blue Ridge Parkway 700 Northwestern Bank Building Asheville, N o r t h Carolina 28801 86 �1. What is the purpose of the Blue Ridge Parkway? (Define what you believe the parkway is now and what it should become) 2. W h a t do you value most about the Blue Ridge Parkway? (List three) 3. W h i c h of the parkway values that you identified i n No. 2 do you believe will be compromised i n the future and now? 4. W h a t is the parkway's present visitor market, and how well does the Park Service serve it? 5. Is there anything else visitors want that is not being provided now? 6. What natural resource issues does parkway management need to address? (current) (future) 7. What cultural resource issues does parkway management need to address? 87 �(current) (future) 8. W h a t trends i n land use, urbanization, economics, agriculture, recrea­ t i o n , folk culture, demographics, etc. do you believe w i l l affect parkway management? Please identify other ideas and issues you t h i n k should be considered: I n your o w n priority of concerns, please tell us what you t h i n k is the most important thing to keep i n m i n d when planning for future manage­ ment of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Please give us your reasons for your choice — that is very important: 88 �HISTORICAL �This page intentionally left blank �A New Deal for the Mountain Folk: Recollections of the Resettlement Administration Gwen Russell by Harvey and Alice Hoffman T h e Shenandoah Homesteads Project i n Virginia was a federal program designed to relocate the people w h o would be displaced by the incoming Skyline Drive and Shenandoah N a t i o n a l Park. T h e project was initiated i n 1934 but was taken over by the Resettlement A d m i n i s t r a t i o n w h e n it was created i n 1935. T h e Resettlement A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was one of Roosevelt's New Deal programs which attempted to alleviate the nations growing poverty problem. T h e idea was to move poor people out of their work scarce com­ munities or off their exhausted land and relocate them i n model communities w i t h steady employment. Many of the projects were designed to be supported by a local industry, such as the government-built furniture making factory at Arthurdale, West Virginia, one of Mrs. Roosevelt's special interests. Others were to be supported by means of a cooperative farm or dairy. Initally the federal government would buy the land and lease i t to the resettled people at a low interest rate. They were to repay the loan and eventually become the owners. These ideas were very controversial. Felix Brunner i n a series of Washington Post articles called it "one of the most far-flung experiments i n paternalistic government ever attempted i n the United States."*Harry F. Byrd, Senator from Virginia, said the program was a permanent monument to a waste and extravagance such as has never before been k n o w n i n a civil­ ized country." He was expecially critical of the high cost of the houses o n the Shenandoah Homesteads Project and scrutinized every phase of the project. A n d i n fact, many of the Resettlement Administration's aims were not practical. The idea of dispersing a big centralized factory into many different communities became ineffective when industries felt they could not cooperate for economic reasons. A n d people, including some of the Shenandoah area mountaineers, often resented the governmental intrusion into their private lives, even i f that government was trying to help them. The Resettlement A d m i n i s t r a t i o n (which i n 1937 became the Farm Security Administration) also had successes. M a n y agonizingly poor people were given sturdy new homes, good land and the first chance i n their lives to pull themselves out of debt. Largely because of its novel approach to old societal problems, the Reset­ tlement Administration attracted many dedicated and idealistic people. One u 2 91 �such person was Nelson H . Cruikshank. Cruikshank was b o r n i n 1902 and raised i n the small t o w n of Fostoria, O h i o . He inherited his father's liberalism, strong opinions and eloquence. Cruikshank majored i n economics at O h i o Wesleyan University where he received his B A degree i n 1925. He then studied at U n i o n Theological Seminary and became a Methodist minister. Cruikshank declares that he undertook the ministry from a desire to work for the general social welfare of people. Having grown up i n a small t o w n , the ministery was the only conceivable outlet for such work. W h e n Cruikshank moved out into the wider world and met w i t h more opportunities, he began to feel that he could accomplish more outside of the church. He was working for the Emergency Peace campaign when a friend from the electrical workers' u n i o n i n New Haven told h i m of a possible job i n Raleigh, N o r t h Carolina, as a labor relations officer for the Resettlement Administration. Cruikshank jumped at the offer, was interviewed and hired. He was very pleased w i t h the new job since it was directly related to furthering his conviction that the government could and should try to help all people to be able to live decently. "Before," he says, " I felt I was just putting shin-plasters o n a sick society, I wanted to really get involved..." But as is always the case when w o r k i n g for an institution, especially one as huge and complex as the federal government, Cruikshank often found obstacles i n his path. This was especially the case i n dealing w i t h the Shenandoah Homesteads Project i n Virginia. W h e n Cruikshank first visited the Shenandoah Project, it became ob­ vious to h i m that the impoverished mountain people who were to be resettled i n the wake of the incoming Park should have a hand i n building their o w n houses. He then d i d n o t let any barrier such as government red-tape, a recalcitrant resident engineer, or the m o u n t a i n people's o w n cultural isola­ t i o n deter h i m . He found he was not alone i n his struggle. He often received unexpected aid from others who had become equally convinced of the worthi­ ness of the endeavor. T h e same spirit of devotion to public service has since led Cruikshank to direct the Farm Security Administration's migrant worker camps famous i n Steinbeck's The Grapes o f W r a t h , to a seven year battle lobbying for Medicare o n behalf of the A F L - C I O , to serve as President of the N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l of Senior Citizens, and as counselor to President Carter o n Aging. The following story of the Shenandoah Homesteads Project is an edited transcript of a series of taped interviews conducted w i t h Nelson H . Cruikshank i n his apartment i n Washington, D C i n June, 1977. I reported for work (for the Resettlement Administration) o n January 18, 1937 at the headquarters of Region I V i n Raleigh, N o r t h Carolina. This particular story starts w i t h the fact that there was a double reason for reset­ tling the m o u n t a i n people of the Shenandoah area. T h e Department of I n ­ terior had just taken over the land for the parks to b u i l d the Skyline Drive. 92 �There was no road at the time going along the Blue Ridge Mountains. Now, it goes all the way from Front Royal, Virginia down to the Blue Ridge Parkway i n the Great Smokies. The government developed the National Park and put unemployed workers to work building the highway. Well, the purpose of this piece of resettlement was that w i t h the Skyline Drive and the Na­ tional Park being set up, you couldn't have these people who had no economic base at all starving to death o n the edge of the park. So the idea was to take these families and build seven little villages for them: Elktown, Madison, Ida Valley, Wolftown, C.B.I. School, Washington, and Flint H i l l . The people w h o lived i n this section of Appalachia belonged to some of the oldest A m e r i c a n families. They had o l d Anglo-Saxon names like Nicholson, C o r b i n and Adams. I n the migration westward, they had become k i n d of locked i n . This was a little back eddy of the Western movement of families out of coastal plains. They came soon after the Revolutionary War and built substantial cabins and clapboard houses. T h e n their little farms enabled them to live rather decently. I n those days, there were two or three other economic bases for them to live on. One of them was a luxuriant growth of chestnut trees. They would gather the chestnuts, and chestnuts sold quite well i n the cities. T h e n along about the time of World War I , there was a chestnut blight that h i t and destroyed every chestnut tree east of the O h i o River. Well, that cut out that foundation for a cash income. A b o u t the same time the chestnuts died off, p r o h i b i t i o n came i n and these boys knew how to make liquor back i n those hills. Today even, i f you go off the Skyline Drive you can go to places and see the remnants of some of those stills. T h e n the Roosevelt A d m i n i s t r a t i o n came along, and Prohibition was repealed. T h e bootleg liquor that had brought a high price all but disap­ peared. So, one t h i n g after another had just pulled the economic b o t t o m out of their existence. They had no way of making any other cash w i t h one exception. This was only a few miles away from where Senator Harry F. Byrd had his vast apple orchards. Every fall those apples had to be picked. He would hire these people to come i n for a dollar a day and pick the ap­ ples. This would give them maybe fifteen or twenty dollars cash income i n the whole year. That's all they had. Their background was such, too, that they carried over a number of the characteristics of their ancestors. They were fiercely independent and they wanted to work but there were just no jobs for 'em anywhere i n the area. They were a poor but proud people. Now, it wasn't my job to be o n the social side of it. I was just to see that the engineer i n charge of construction behaved himself, and that he didn't cheat o n the labor and so forth. But when I got to know just a little bit about the people and I saw how proud and independent they were, I said, "It's all wrong for the government to build these houses and have them all built and then say, ' M r . So-and-So, here's your house. Move in.' They ought to have a part i n building them because they resented anything that 3 93 �looked like charity. Furthermore" I said, " i f we let them do some of the building, they can earn wages o n it. They're unemployed like anybody else and we don't need to bring i n a lot of labor from the outside." Well the engineer, he didn't like this idea at all. He called them a b u n c h of hillbillies. T h e engineer's name was Mosby and he proudly claimed that he was a grandson of General Mosby i n the Confederate army. He was very proud of that. He liked to t h i n k of himself as a tough guy. But I said to h i m , "Well, M r . Mosby, these people, I know there're not many skilled crafts­ men, but all these ditches to be dug, all these roads to be built, the clearing to be done, all of that common labor these people can do as well as anybody else. You can pay them so it will lessen the debt." They were to go into these places and buy them off, pay the government back. T h a t was the theory. "They don't want to go i n loaded w i t h debt. They want to have a feeling that they helped b u i l d these houses." But he resisted it. I went back to Washington and I told my boss, Dr. Evans, I t h i n k there's a very interesting project out here aside from labor relations. I'd like to have a couple of weeks. He said, "Okay." He was a very socially minded guy. I found out that i f I wanted to get these men to work, I'd have to see an o l d man named Leroy Nickeron w h o was the patriarch of the area. His name wasn't actually Nickerson, that's the way they pronounced i t . It was a c o m m o n name and there was a Nickerson Valley and a Nickerson Creek and all. But o n the map it's spelled N-I-C-H-O-L-S-O-N. So, I wrote to M r . Leroy Nicholson, General Delivery, Luray, Virginia. I said " I ' l l be i n Luray at the Post Office at 10:00 o n a certain morning," I t h i n k it was the 18th of Feburary, " A n d I'd like to meet you there and talk about the prospect of you and some of your associates going to work o n the government project." W h e n the time for the meeting came I was there but M r . Nicholson never showed up. I waited around a little while, went next door and got a cup of coffee. Finally I came back and said to the Postmaster, "Does M r . LeRoy Nicholson get his mail here?" The Postmaster said, " O h , you the feller that wrote h i m that letter from Raleigh?" He said, "It's here." " I wrote it ten days ago," I said. " O h yeah," he said, "but M r . Nicholson won't come d o w n to get his mail u n t i l sometime i n the spring. He doesn't come i n here i n the winter, ever. He comes i n two or three times a year and gets his mail. It's here, I got your letter right here," he said. So then, I went and looked up the forest ranger and I said, " I guess i f I am to see M r . Nicholson, I've gotta find him." He said, "That's right. How's your car?" I said, "It's all right." I had a Nash Lafayette. He looked at it and said, "Well, it's got pretty high wheels. I guess we can make it. We can make it all but the last few miles." T h e ranger rode out w i t h me and we went over the boulders and ford­ ed streams and finally it came d o w n to where it was no longer safe to take a car. So we walked d o w n a trail and came upon a cabin w i t h a garden plot near i t . T h e ranger introduced me to an o l d man w i t h long, white whiskers. 94 �M r . Nicholson and I sat o n the stoop, w i t h his family gathered around us, and discussed the matter of his people going to work. I told h i m about how they were building the project and that the people were gonna move out. A n d yes, he knew they were going to have to move out and he didn't like that. He'd lived i n this cabin and his father had lived i n the cabin. Well, I remember, and this is a very important part, I was sitting facing M r . Nicholson and the ranger k i n d of moved where he was behind h i m but not directly behind h i m , k i n d of over his shoulder. Finally Nicholson said to me, "Well, I'll tell you, young fellar," he said, "can you come back tomor­ row?" O h , and I thought of that long road, banging over those rocks, for­ ding those streams and the walk d o w n there and I looked over his shoulder and noticed that the ranger ws vigorously nodding his head, yes, So I said, "Yes, M r . Nicholson, I'll be glad to come back tomorrow i f it's necessary." Nicholson said, "Yes, I'll have to talk it over w i t h my boys, and I'll talk it over and we'll let you k n o w tomorrow i f we'll go along." G o i n g back up the h i l l w i t h the ranger, and I d i d need h i m because the path forked every hundred yards or so; i f you didn't k n o w your way around, you could get lost so easily, I said, " W h y didn't the o l d boy sign up now? W h y do I have to come back?" He said to me, "Cruikshank, these people have been fooled. People have taken advantage o f them. They're very wary of somebody that wants them to sign up right now." He said, "He's gonna go along. I k n o w h i m well enough, know his attitude and the way he talked to you. He'll call i n some of his boys tonight and he'll sell 'em the idea. You come back tomorrow and he'll tell you that it's all right. But he wants to be sure that you were willing to come back. T h a t was the test of your good faith." T h e ranger and I went back the next day and M r . Nicholson d i d agree to go along. Well, the next t h i n g we get them registered as being unemployed at the local employment office i n Culpeper, Virginia. I remember very well the per­ son i n charge was Miss Georgianna Stringfellow. I explained the whole thing to her. She thought it was a good idea but she said, "Where do I come in?" I said, " N o w you know, Miss Stringfellow, we're not going to get all these people to come d o w n out of the hills. They haven't been i n Culpeper i n the last twenty years, probably. W h a t I want is for you to give me a block of Social Security numbers so that when they come i n to work, we'll be able to give them their numbers and i t ' l l all be legal and everything. "Well," she said, " I don't know. They're supposed to come i n here and register. I don't k n o w i f I should do that or not. This is k i n d of irregular, M r . Cruikshank." So I said, "Well, all right. T h i n k it over." I knew I couldn't push her. T h e n just as I was going out, her assistant, although she needed an assist­ ant like a toad needs a vest pocket because she didn't have that much work, came out o n the porch and said, " M r . Cruikshank, let me ask you something. I heard what you were talking to Miss Stringfellow about and I t h i n k it's 95 �a great idea. D i d you ever play Michigan?" A n d I thought to myself, "Michigan, that's some k i n d of Seven-up. It's an o l d card game." I said, " I t h i n k maybe I d i d once or twice when I was i n college or something b u t I've forgotten about it." She said, "Miss Stringellow loves to play Michigan. Where are you staying?" I said, "The L o r d Culpeper Hotel." She said, " I f you get an invitation, w i l l you come over this evening and play Michigan?" I said, "Yes I w i l l ! " She said, "That's the way to get to Miss Stringfellow." I went back to the hotel and sure enough as I was finishing my dinner, there was a phone call and Miss Stringfellow asked i f I would come over and j o i n i n a hand of Michigan that evening. I went over and lost three or four dollars. I hung around the whole next day. It's not hard hanging around there, it's such beautiful country, you know. I went back the next night and I remember altogether I lost seven dollars w h i c h I never got back because I couldn't figure a way to put that seven dollars o n my expense ac­ count. T h e next day, I came i n and Miss Stringfellow said, " H o w many numbers do you want?" and when I told her she gave them to me. So I went and got ahold of my W P A friend and we got our maps and started out. We would find these chaps and tell 'em to report to pick-up points on the road the following M o n d a y and we would have trucks bring them to work. M o n d a y m o r n i n g I was there. I didn't know whether these guys would show up or not. The engineer Mosby kept saying, " O h these hillbillies, they won't work. They don't know anything. They're lazy. They won't work." So I was very interested to see how it would come out. Pretty soon the trucks started rolling i n and almost all of the mountaineers showed up. I was tickled to death that my scheme was working, but then Mosby's clerk w h o also resisted the idea of the mountaineers working, came over and said, " I told you, Cruikshank, this wouldn't work." I said, "What's the matter now?" He said, "They all got the same name. H o w the hell are we gonna keep a payroll?" "Whaddaya mean, they all got the same name? That's impossible," I said. "Well," he said, "most o f 'em they're named Nicholson." Well, i t came back to my m i n d that when I had been going around recruiting there had been a number of them that told me their name was Nicholson. The supervisor said, "They're all named Roy Nicholson. You can't keep a payroll like that. We'll all be i n trouble. Send these guys home. They're no use." " A h , come on," I said, "We've got around every problem up ' t i l now, this isn't impossible." "Well," he said, "you figure it out." A n d he stalked back into the little cabin w h i c h was his office. So there were these men, all k i n d of sitting around, hungry-looking, beat-down guys, some of 'em were barefooted, hardly an overcoat i n the crowd and i t was a cold day. I got up o n a crate or a stump and said, "Gentlemen, we got a problem. I don't know whether you ever worked for the govern­ ment or for a contractor or anything, b u t you know, i f you do, you have to keep payrolls. You understand what a payroll is?" A n d I saw about one 96 �hundred and fifty blank expressions i n front of me. "Well," I said, "you know when you work, you get paid by the hour and i f one of you gentlemen was present and working and the other man couldn't work that day, it wouldn't be fair for b o t h o f you to get paid." Vigorous shaking of heads. They understood that. I then said, " N o w I have been told that several of you are named Roy Nicholson, is that correct?" Several nodded their heads. I said, "Well, would all of the gentlemen here that are named Roy Nicholson just m i n d stepping forward a little bit, I want to talk to you." A n d about a dozen guys came up, a dozen or more. I said " D o you have a middle initial?" I got blank expressions. I explained that my middle initial was H and so forth. A n d they didn't, none o f 'em seemed to have a middle initial. "Well," I said, "we can straighten this out. We can give you a middle initial right now." I picked out a likely looking mountaineer and I said, " N o w you sir, as long as you're o n the project here and you're working and you want to keep your time straight like I explained, do you m i n d i f we call you M r . Roy A . Nicholson?" He nodded his head and said, "Yes," that was all right. "Now," I said, "You go up to the clerk of the works there i n that little office, you see, and tell h i m your name is Roy A . Nicholson." A n d picking out another, I said, "You sir, would you go up w i t h your friend and when he's finished registering, you tell the clerk of the works that you're Roy B. Nicholson." I went o n and as I recall, I got d o w n to the N's or M's or somewhere i n the middle of the alphabet. I gave them all middle initials. There were a couple of other names and there were Corbins and there were Adamses and a couple of others w i t h the same name. I gave them middle initials also. T h e n I went up to the clerk of works and I said, "You see i f you want to put them to work, you can. There's always a way." So, I was feeling pretty good and I thought I had solved that problem. But about a m o n t h later the payrolls came into my office at Raleigh and lo and behold this clerk had not shuffled the Social Security numbers and there was Roy A . Nicholson, number 125-10-5310, or something and Roy B. Nicholson, 125-10-5311, Roy C. Nicholson -1512 and so o n . N o w i f anything ever looked phony o n a government payroll, that did. I knew there was n o t h i n g really illegal about 'em. I also knew that as chairman of this Watchdog Committee, Senator Byrd, because of his interest i n this project, asked for everything about it to be brought to his attention and that somebody i n his office would get brownie points by bringing this "phony" payroll to h i m . But there was no way out o f it. So I just shut my eyes and signed approved, Nelson H . Cruikshank, o n all of 'em. But the t h i n g is, that to this day I never heard from Sentor Byrd. 4 5 97 �ENDNOTES 1. Felix Brunner, "Utopia Unlimited," T h e Washington Post, Feb. 10, 1936. 2. Congressional Record, 75th Congress, 1st Session, 1937, p. 7966. 3. This is not quite correct. T h e mountain people also supplemented their income by selling dried apples from their own orchards, by making baskets and other mountain crafts for sale, by begging from visitors at the summer resort hotels, and by gathering chestnut bark from the dead trees to be sold to the tanneries. 4. 5. These social security numbers are fictitious. Cruikshank surmizes that the reason he never heard from Senator Byrd might be that Byrd's old friend and political ally, Georgianna Stringfellow was also involved and would be in as much trou­ ble as Cruikshank if Byrd brought the matter to Congressional investigation. We thank Phillip Hastings, historian for the U S . Government Park Service in Shenandoah National Park for access to park records. BIBLIOGRAPHY Baldwin, Sidney, Poverty and Politics: T h e Rise and Decline o f the F a r m Security Administration. Chapel Hill: T h e University of N o r t h Carolina Press, 1968. C o n k i n , Paul K . , Tomorrow a New World: T h e New D e a l Community Program. Ithaca, New York: Cor­ nell Univesity Press, 1959. Jolley, Harley E . , T h e B l u e Ridge Knoxville: T h e University of Tennessee Press, 1969. Parkway. Sherman, Mandel and Thomas R . Henry, H o l l o w F o l k . 1933. Facsimile: Berryville, Virginia: Virginia Book Co., 1973. Stryker, Roy E. and Nancy Wood, I n This Proud Land: America 1935-1943 as Seen i n the F S A Photographs. Greenwich, C T New World Graphic Society Ltd., 1973. U.S. Congress, F a r m Security Act o f 1937. Report U.S. Government print off., T h e Resettlement U.S. Government print off., I n t e r i m Report N o . 1065. 75th Congress, 1st Session. Washington, D C . Sept., 1935. Administration. o f the Resettlement Administration. Washington, D.C., April 1936. Wilhelm, E.J. Jr., T h e B l u e Ridge: M a n and N a t u r e i n Shenandoah Charlottesville, V A : T h e University of Virginia, 1968. 98 N a t i o n a l P a r k and B l u e Ridge Parkway. �I am a Part of the Parkway, and the Parkway is a Part of Me by Diane K . Gentry Most people view highways as cold, impersonal slabs of concrete built by strangers o n noisy earthmoving machines. T h e majestic Blue Ridge Parkway, w i n d i n g nearly 500 miles along mountaintops from Shenandoah National Park i n Virginia, to Great Smoky Mountains National Park i n N o r t h Carolina, is different. This park road, w i t h its relaxing blue-velvet views of layers of foggy mountains, was launched as a Depression era make-work pro­ ject i n the 1930s to give proud, but poor and isolated, m o u n t a i n men jobs. T h e Parkway was largely built by the men w h o lived beside i t . I n September 1935, when construction began, the world of the Blue Ridge opened up and lives began to change. I n September 1985, as the Parkway marks its 50th anniversary, it's time to celebrate this scenic engineering miracle i n human terms through the words of the local people w h o helped b u i l d it, raised their families beside it and love it. These are the stories of the first construction crews, a C C C laborer, maintenance men, rangers and a superintendent, all Parkway retirees w h o shared the road's colorful beginnings and launched it into the present. Leo Collins is a 6'5 /2" giant of a man w i t h a big, open friendliness to match. T h o u g h he retired i n 1983, after nearly 37 years o n the Parkway, he was still a boy when his father's farm was split to make room for the new road. "People couldn't visualize a road cut through these mountains, but they were still excited," he remembers. "We were remote w i t h only one paved road i n the area. Tourism was unheard of before the Parkway. We didn't even get electricity here before 1946! There were small family farms, a few sawmills and loads of moonshine stills. Families gathered roots and herbs to sell—ginseng, w i l d cherry bark, May apples, sassafras, and galax. They'd bring them to the general store at Hare, a place named for all the rabbits trapped there." Leo's father and brother eagerly joined landscaping and rock laying crews earning 25-30<£ an hour. "That was big money i n the mountains i n those days. The m u d was so deep they couldn't get a wagon through to go to work so they walked four miles to the job and four miles home i n all kinds of weather," Leo says. Leo's career was quite a contrast. D u r i n g his last eight years o n the Parkway, he was i n charge of all maintenance i n N o r t h Carolina—262 miles. M a n y an 18-hour day he'd drive his territory round-trip, stopping along the way to check o n his construction and maintenance crews. T h e Collinses 1 99 �left their new home o n the Glade Valley farm for 23 years to live nearer Parkway offices. " I don't regret a minute of it," he says. Retirement brought Leo back to his farm beside the Parkway where he grows exquisite Christmas trees and heads the Blue Ridge Parkway A l u m n i Association, a group of Parkway retirees he brought together. "We're a family connected by the Parkway," he explains. "We take a lot of pride i n it. I am a part of the Parkway, and the Parkway is a part of me. I love it." "The Parkway is beautiful because everyone took a real interest i n their work and tried to do their very best," says Ralph Joines, 72, w h o b u i l t rock walls, overlooks, water fountains, and signs o n the Parkway from the 1930's to 1973. He single-handedly built the pedestrian overlook at Alligator Back, cutting, fitting, and laying stone so people could enjoy the spectacular view. I n those early years, rock work was all done by hand. Take the 250-300-foot-long retaining wall Ralph and others b u i l t at the coffee shop i n D o u g h t o n Park. "That was before the days of cranes," Ralph says. "We rolled big rocks o n timbers, broke them to the right length w i t h 18-pound sledge hammers, then used hand chisels to shape them. I t was hard work. Since I retired, I like driving up o n the Parkway and looking at all the things I built. I ' m proud to have worked o n the Parkway." Ralph still lives i n the o l d two-story farmhouse where he was b o r n , o n a 40-acre farm. " I ' d get up at 5 a.m. to m i l k my eight cows by hand before breakfast. They'd always be o n top of the m o u n t a i n , so I'd have to climb up and get them. T h e n I'd walk three miles to Mahogany Rock o n the Parkway to catch a truck to the construction site. I got a lot of exercise i n those days." Parkway planners carefully preserved hardy Appalachian lifestyles like Ralph's and those w h o went before h i m by saving cabins, homes, farms and a water-driven m i l l along its route. T h e 100-year-old Brinegar cabin i n D o u g h t o n Park is a good example. "Caroline Joines Brinegar was my great aunt," Ralph says. " I spent many a day i n that house. She was a fine weaver, and her husband made shoes for us and others. Daddy told me one pair had to last all winter. O n the first day o f May, I'd throw them away and go barefoot." A n o t h e r k i n d of lifestyle, filled w i t h elegance and beauty, is preserved o n the parkway near Blowing Rock, N o r t h Carolina. T h e 20-room Flat Top Manor, home of Moses Cone, the " D e n i m K i n g " of the textile business, is now a distinctive m o u n t a i n craft center o n a 3600-acre estate. D u r i n g their careers Leo and Ralph helped keep the lovely wooden turn-of-the-century mansion i n good repair. A grand old man of the Parkway, 81-year-old Clyde Downs, had a special reason for manicuring its grounds. " I grew up o n the Cone place from the time I was five years old, lived there u n t i l 1951, and raised my four children there," the small, soft-spoken man says. "Daddy started working for the Cones i n 1909. A s a boy, I picked dandelions off the yard and hauled water to the apple pickers i n the orchard for 3V2<£ an hour, then stayed o n to work for 100 �Mrs. Cone u n t i l she died i n 1947. There were 33 workers' houses o n the place, each about one half acre so we could have a garden, a cow, some hogs, and chickens. I t took at least 50 people to keep the place up w i t h its apple orchards, gardens, carriage trails, lakes, and dairy. T h e Cones really loved the land and beautified it. They were always good to us. They'd give the men a suit of overalls and a denim jacket every Christmas and the children would always get a great big box of candy from Mrs. Cone. She was a pleasanttalking somebody, i f you didn't get her crossed up. She didn't like fussing and quarreling. I f somone started that, they'd be laid off. She wanted us to be one big family." W h e n the government took over the estate, naming it Moses H . Cone Memorial Park, Clyde joined the Parkway maintenance crew and worked for 30 years, retiring at age 78. A l t h o u g h he had other jobs along the P a r k ­ way, Clyde always kept the grounds around the mansion and the mountaintop cemetery where the Cones are buried mowed, trimmed, and i m ­ maculate. " I have a special warm spot d o w n i n my heart for that place," he admits. U p the Parkway, past Flat Top Manor into Virginia, cows still graze behind well-maintained split rail fences because the park service had the foresight to lease some of the adjoining land it purchased back to the farmers for $1 an acre a year. This perpetuated the farm scene so essential to the atmosphere on the gently rolling first sections of parkway. One of the major differences between a parkway and a highway is that a much greater right-of-way must be acquired to assure a park-like atmosphere w i t h m i n i m u m development. Most farmers sold their land willingly because as Ralph Joines puts i t , "They could use the money m u c h better than the land at that time." Records from the late 1920s show the average cash i n ­ come from farms i n the region was a whopping $86 per year. But, not everyone was ready to sell. Mac Combs was part of a crew clearing the right-of-way i n Virginia when he stumbled onto a cabin. W h e n the door flew open, he looked d o w n the barrel of a shotgun held by a mountain mother who wasn't ready to move her brood. T h e crew backed up slowly and continued clear­ ing o n the other side of the cabin u n t i l the sheriff evicted the family the next day. " I n those days, clearing the land was hand work," says Mac, 72. "We didn't have any chain saws back then, just cross-cut saws and axes. M e n were everywhere cutting trees. We'd call to each other as one was about to fall. T I M B E R ! T h e woods would just ring." "I've walked this Parkway from Deep Gap to the Virginia line, b o t h sides of it backwards," laughs Fred Handy, a wiry, energetic 80-year-old farmer who spent 30 years working o n the Parkway, ending up a foreman. " I staked off the right-of-way, driving stakes 15 feet apart. You have to stake off one side, then go up and bring the other side down; that's why I went backwards. It was a right smart job setting stakes i n that rough country. We'd cut d o w n 101 �trees and eight or 10 of us would carry them out like pallbearers." Fred and his wife farmed 90 acres i n Glade Valley, N o r t h Carolina. "We raised wheat, hogs, cattle, a dairy herd, turkeys, and vegetables, b u t you couldn't make a profit farming. We sold our turkeys to pay our taxes, and the grocery store would carry us for a year before we'd have to pay up." "People were so happy when they heard the Parkway was coming through. T h e Parkway made jobs where there were no jobs. It saved these little towns. I was happy to pull o n heavy socks and gun boots up to my knees and walk four miles through the fields to work all year. I've cut ice out of the ditches so they could dig em." For younger men like Vaughn H e n d r i x , w h o grew up two miles from the Parkway, four Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) camps were established along the route. "The C C C was for boys 18-20 like me w h o didn't have a job," Vaughn says. "This country was full of them. It was like being i n the army. T h e barracks we lived i n were shipped from Oklahoma wall by wall. We stood reveille every m o r n i n g at 6 a.m., marching around w i t h wooden rifles. They gave us a uniform, work clothes, a place to sleep and our eats. We earned $30 a m o n t h , but $12 of that had to be sent to our parents and $6 a m o n t h went for laundry. It didn't leave us much." But the C C C contributed much to the Parkway. "We cut out the picnic ground at D o u g h t o n Park and made the h i k i n g trails, working six to eight hours a day. We didn't have any heavy equipment to cut trails through the woods, just saws and arms and elbows. I ' m proud that i n the C C C from 1938 to 1940,1 helped b u i l d D o u g h t o n Park, then returned from 1962-1983 to help maintain it. T h e Parkway is the best t h i n g that ever happened i n this area." Some of the Parkway had to be sliced through solid rock. " I helped do the drilling and blasting," says Ralph Joines. "For softer rock they used black powder, about as coarse as buckwheat, which they stored i n metal kegs. They'd measure down and see what length hole they had, so they'd know how much powder to put i n there to crack the rock enough for a shovel operator to get it out. Someone would yell T I R E I N T H E H O L E ! ' three times, and we'd all r u n for cover." Curtis H o r t o n , now 73, ran every k i n d of heavy equipment they had, building four sections of parkway from 1935-1940. "We had pans, shovels, tractors, bulldozers, and motorgraders, all pretty primitive compared to what they use now. T h e cabs o n the shovels were so big, they looked like small houses moving around. N o one ever taught us how to r u n the equipment. I watched other people moving the levers and used my c o m m o n sense. I was lucky. I n all those years, I didn't even get a little finger broke." " T h e m o l d tractors are awful mean i n the steering. Normally you pull the right hand lever and it will go right, but coming d o w n h i l l , i t jumped out of gear and careened left d o w n the side of the mountain. O n the older tractors, you had to stick a crowbar d o w n i n the flywheel and pull it over 102 �to crank it. Sometimes the thing would backfire and kick the crowbar plumb across the field. T h e n you'd have to go h u n t it. O h , they were a job to start." According to Curtis, w h o made 45 £ an hour instead of the standard 30<£ for laborers (15<£ hazard pay, perhaps), getting the slopes started o n top was the biggest challenge. "You had to work your way up the rock. M e n had to tie themselves up w i t h ropes and use jackhammers to chisel out a place wide enough for me to get the bulldozer across. I f I h i t anything like a rock, root or stump w i t h the side of the blade, the bulldozer would spin and scoot right d o w n the mountain. I never turned one over, but I came mighty close." I n the late 1930's, Granville Liles, now 71 and retired from a distinguished 37-year career w i t h the park service, supervised 200 local men landscaping the raw banks and rough cuts left by construction. "We had a planting plan that would tell us where to seed, plant grass, open vistas at overlooks and plant shrubs." T h e native rhododendron, m o u n t a i n laurel and flame azalea that paint the Parkway w i t h colorful b l o o m every June didn't come from greenhouses. "We'd go into neighbors' fields and ask them i f we could dig up their rhododendron," Granville says. "Fortunately, most farmers were delighted to get their pastures cleared, then we'd transplant. I guess we land­ scaped 40 miles i n N o r t h Carolina w i t h o u t missing a day. We built a fire o n the side of the road and continued planting all winter." W h e n handsome young Liles decided he wanted to be one of the Parkway's first rangers, he contrived a scheme to attract the attention of then assistant superintendent Sam Weems, a man b o t h loved and feared. He blocked the Parkway w i t h rails. " I knew M r . Weems would be driving through that day and I didn't want to miss him." Weems was noticably upset when his big government car skidded to an unexpected stop, but the enter­ prising Liles got the job. Grandville found being a ranger i n the early history of the Parkway fascinating, often amusing and sometimes downright exasperating. "It's hard for people 45 years later to realize that the Blue Ridge Parkway opened up country w h i c h had been virtually inaccessible and often primitive. T h e first rangers were often involved i n public relations work, educating the local people to the Parkway and its restrictions. There were so many traditions i n the mountains we had to combat." Moonshine stills were almost as common along the Parkway as pine trees. Once, when Granville was driving long-time Parkway superintendent Sam Weems o n the Parkway to Laurel Springs, a small car raced by them at breakneck speed. " W h a t are you trying to do, k i l l me?" Weems shouted, as Granville tore after i t , b u m p i n g off a side road near Sheets Gap. He knew the car was full of liquor. After about a mile, the driver jumped out and ran into the woods, leaving behind a lifetime supply of moonshine. "You don't need all this for evidence, do you?" Weems asked, grinning. Greenville chased many a moonshiner, cock fighter, and hunter off the 103 �Parkway i n his time. I t was harder for h i m to explain to farmers that the Parkway's ban o n all commercial vehicles also meant they couldn't haul thier chickens to market, even i f it was the only paved road i n the county. I t was a m o u n t a i n tradition for farmers to b u r n their fields every Spring to k i l l the ticks, snakes, and red bugs and improve grazing. Forest fires blazed fre­ quently and were very difficult to control. A s the m o u n t a i n people came to love and respect the Parkway, harmful traditions like b u r n i n g died. " I t h i n k the Parkway represents the highest quality of preservation I've seen," Granville says. " N o road i n this nation equals it i n beauty. T h e local people have a love for the land that gives the Parkway a special quality." Dean Richardson's first memory of the Parkway was from the bed of his granddaddy's pick-up. "As the Parkway came closer to our farm, we'd drive up there o n Sundays to look at all the machines w i t h wheels higher than our heads cutting a road through the mountains. It was exciting!" Dean has a superb view of the Parkway near Mahogany Rock from his farm near Sparta, N o r t h Carolina, w h i c h rises to the 4,000-foot elevation. His family has owned the land since before the C i v i l War. It's almost a spiritual ex­ perience walking over m o u n t a i n meadows w i t h Dean and his little dog, sur­ rounded by his Black Angus cattle and listening to h i m talk about his love for the land and the Parkway. "I've loved the Parkway since I was a k i d . It's the views, the atmosphere, the people and the relationship the Parkway has always had w i t h visitors and neighbors. M y big excitement as a k i d was seeing District Ranger Gran­ ville Liles drive through t o w n i n his ranger car w i t h the big antenna and spotlight. One day Granville walked into the barber shop when I was sit­ ting there. He looked so big and handsome w i t h that uniform and tall ranger's hat. I decided then that I wanted to be a Parkway ranger for the dignity and excitement of it." Dean was a ranger for 36 years before his retirement i n 1984. " I ' l l never forget my pride i n dressing up i n that uniform, p u t t i n g o n my badge and driving up the Parkway." Dean was k n o w n for the extra effort he put into helping people o n the Parkway, like peeling off his hat, shirt and tie one day to change the ther­ mostat o n a broken-down car. O r finding a man w h o had died o f a heart attack o n one of the trails, breaking the news to his wife, driving her to a motel, and notifying relatives for her. Dean is the k i n d of man people don't forget. He brought a special brand of sensitivity to the ranger's job. " I ' l l never lose my excitement for the Parkway," Dean says. "Watching the sunsets heading south from D o u g h t o n Park i n the evening, sunsets all the way back as far as you can see o n the m o u n t a i n ranges. O r the early m o r n i n g fog that blanketed the valleys as I drove to work. Family reunions and Sunday school picnics i n D o u g h t o n Park. Leaves changing color. Snow o n the mountaintops. T h e Parkway leadership is to be praised for the way they preserved the land and the heritage of the m o u n t a i n people." After ranger and superintendent jobs at M a m m o t h Cave, Shenandoah, 104 �Great Smokies, Death Valley, Yosemite, and Rocky M o u n t a i n national parks, Granville Liles came home to be superintendent of the Parkway from 1968 to 1975. He accomplished much during his leadership, like resolving the Grandfather M o u n t a i n right-of-way, the only missing l i n k of the Parkway, w h i c h w i l l be completed i n the late 1980s. He also acquired the land for the Folk A r t Center near Asheville, the center of m o u n t a i n crafts o n the Parkway. But environmentalist Liles' greatest gift to the Parkway was his push to purchase critical lands to minimize commercial development along the corridor of the Parkway. I n the 1930s, Parkway planners thought that the purchase of 100 acres a mile would be adequate to preserve natural beauty and scenic views. T h e area was so isolated that the land had little value. Land which sold for $5-$40 and acre during the Depression may now climb as high as $20,000 an acre for a choice building lot overlooking the Parkway. N o one i n the '30s could visualize some modern American developers' greed to cash i n o n over 19 m i l l i o n Parkway tourists a year at the price of the landscape. A t Mahogany Rock, one of the loveliest scenic overlooks o n the Parkway, a developer had built an aerial tram. "We must have spent a m i l l i o n dollars to acquire Mahogany Rock land and eliminate that eyesore of a tram," Granville says. "We were fortunate to get the money to buy hundreds of parcels of critical lands to save the farm atmosphere so important to the beauty of the Parkway." The Blue Ridge Parkway has a history of dedicated employees. Gran­ ville speaks of their "esprit de corps". "It's a high morale Park Service employees have when they work i n these beautiful areas," he explains. " I t gives you a sense of pride and a sense of protecting something extremely precious and valuable." Leo Collins and Dean Richardson simply call it "love". Beyond the Parkway's breathtaking views, there's the human element working behind the scenes building, preserving and protecting. I t is the b o n d to the Parkway men like Granville, Leo, Dean, Ralph, Clyde, Mac, Fred, Vaughn, and Cur­ tis share w h i c h has made the Parkway such a special place these 50 years. 105 �This page intentionally left blank �The North Carolina Congressional Delegation and the Blue Ridge Parkway by P h i l i p A . G r a n t , Jr. O n M a r c h 4, 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt was sworn i n as the thirtysecond President of the U n i t e d States. Five days later the newly inaugurated Chief Executive summoned the Seventy-Third Congress into emergency ses­ sion. Between the opening ceremonies o n M a r c h 9, 1933 and the formal adjournment of the Seventy-Fourth Congress o n June 20, 1936, T h e House of Representatives and U n i t e d States Senate were to enact a substantial number and wide variety of significant laws. M a n y of these measures were designed to alleviate the acute sufferings caused by the Great Depression. The foremost priorities of the first Roosevelt A d m i n i s t r a t i o n included combatting unemployment and improving highway transportation. C o n ­ gress eagerly cooperated w i t h the President i n these areas and approved an impressive array of landmark bills to effect relief and recovery. One of the most noteworthy developments of the years between 1933 and 1936 was the establishment of the Blue Ridge Parkway. A m o n g the individuals vested w i t h the responsibility of approving or rejecting Roosevelt's historic initiatives were the two U n i t e d States Senators and eleven members of the House of Representatives from N o r t h Carolina. These gentlemen, like their colleagues from other parts of the nation, would cast votes o n an exceptionally large number of bills and resolutions. Five of these congressional measures involved the Blue Ridge Parkway. T h e origins of the Blue Ridge Parkway could be traced to the National Industrial Recovery A c t . Signed into law by President Roosevelt at the White House o n June 16, 1936, the N a t i o n a l Industrial Recovery A c t provided for a $3,300,000,000 federal public works program. One of the key provisions of the statute was Section 205 (a), the text of w h i c h read as follows: N o t less t h a n $50,000,000 of the amount made available by this act shall be allotted for (a) national forest highways, (b) na­ tional forest roads, trails, bridges, and related projects, (c) national park roads and trails i n national parks approved or authorized. The author of the National Industry Recovery A c t was Democratic Representative Robert L . D o u g h t o n of Laurel Springs, N o r t h Carolina. D o u g h t o n , i n M a r c h 1933, was beginning his twelfth of twenty-one terms on Capitol H i l l and his first of eighteen years as Chairman of the prestigious Committee o n Ways and Means. Doughton not only served as floor manager of the National Industrial Recovery Bill i n the House chamber, but also as a leader of the conference committee reconciling the differences between the 1 107 �House and Senate versions of the bill. T h e N o r t h Carolina congressional delegation supported the bill by a 10-0 majority. O n December 5, 1933, the Public Works A d m i n i s t r a t i o n (PWA), w h i c h had been established under the National Industrial Recovery A c t , decided that $4,000,000 would be set aside for the construction of a scenic highway between the Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountains National Parks. Two weeks later the decision of the Public Works A d m i n i s t r a t o n was transmit­ ted to the Director of the National Park Service, thereby according official sanction to the planning of the future Blue Ridge Parkway. One of the principal questions to be resolved was whether N o r t h Carolina or Tennessee would be the location of the southern portion of the Blue Ridge Parkway. O n February 6, 1934, a delegation of distinguished N o r t h Caroli­ nians testified before a federal hearing presided over by representatives of the Public Works Administration, the National Park Service, and the Bureau of Public Roads. Strongly urging the N o r t h Carolina route for the parkway were U n i t e d States Senators Josiah W. Bailey of Raleigh and Robert R. Reynolds of Asheville and Representatives D o u g h t o n Zebulon Weaver of Asheville, A l b e r t L . Bulwinkle of Gastonia, Franklin W. Hancock, Jr. of Ox­ ford, and William B. Umstead of D u r h a m . O n September 17, 1934, a second hearing was conducted i n an auditorium of the Department of the Interior Building i n Washington. Direct­ ing this hearing, at w h i c h spokesmen from N o r t h Carolina and Tennessee advanced their respective arguments o n the route of the Blue Ridge Parkway, was Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes. T h e N o r t h Carolina contingent at this hearing included Senators Bailey and Reynolds and Representative Doughton. Ickes finalized his decision o n the Blue Ridge Parkway o n November 10, 1934. Dispatching identical letters to the Governors of N o r t h Carolina and Tennessee, the Secretary concluded that the "decided weight of evidence is i n favor of the so-called N o r t h Carolina route." The members of the N o r t h Carolina congressional delegation were obviously pleased w i t h Ickes' decision. T h e second piece of legislation affecting the destiny of the Blue Ridge Parkway was the Federal Highway A c t of 1934. This law went into opera­ t i o n o n June 18, 1934, immediately after the President affixed his signature. Section 2 o f the act was worded: To further increase employment by providing for emergency construction of public highways and other related projects, there is hereby also authorized to be appropriated, out of any money i n the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the sum of $24,000,000...to be expended for the survey, construction, reconstruction, and maintenance of highways, roads, trails, bridges, and related projects i n national parks and monuments, national forests.... A highly respected N o r t h Carolina congressman who was conspicuously 2 3 4 5 6 7 108 �involved i n the deliberations over the Federal Highway A c t of 1934 was Representative Lindsay C. Warren of Washington. Warren, a future C o m p ­ troller General of the U n i t e d States, i n 1934 was completing his fifth of eight terms i n Congress. I n his capacity as the ranking Democratic member of the House Committee o n Roads, he helped produce the committee report advocating passage of the bill. Thereafter Warren would be appointed to the House-Senate conference committee having the task of refining the contents of the b i l l . A l t h o u g h a few Republicans voiced objections to certain features of the Highway Bill, it was virtually certain that the measure would pass the heavily Democratic House. A Republican m o t i o n to recommit the bill was rejected on a 257-85 roll call and minutes later the bill was approved 255-26. Consist­ ent w i t h their stand o n the National Industrial Recovery Bill of the previous year, N o r t h Carolinians i n the House were aligned 6-0 against recommittal and 5-0 i n favor of passage. W h e n the Seventy-Fourth Congress assembled i n January 1935, there was a consensus w i t h i n the ranks of House and Senate leaders that addi­ tional funds were desperately needed to mitigate the excesses of the Depres­ sion. T h e most important law approved by Congress during the ensuing months was the Emergency Relief A p p r o p r i a t i o n A c t of A p r i l 9, 1935. Especially relevant to the Blue Ridge Parkway was Section 12 of the act. I t provided: T h e Federal Emergency A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n Public Works established under...the National Industrial Recovery A c t is hereby continued u n t i l June 30, 1937, and is authorized to perform each of its functions under said A c t and such functions under this joint resolution as may be authorized by the President. A l l sums ap­ propriated to carry out the purposes of said A c t shall be available u n t i l June 30, 1937.... Serving o n the Committee o n Appropriations i n 1935 was Represen­ tative Umstead. Umstead, later to be Governor and U n i t e d States Senator from N o r t h Carolina, was one of the committee members endorsing the report o n the Emergency Relief A p p r o p r a t i o n Bill. Because of the extraor­ dinary severity of the lingering economic crisis, few observers were surpris­ ed when the bill passed the House and Senate by the overwhelming ma­ jorities of 317-70 and 66-13 respectively. N o r t h Carolinians o n Capital H i l l voted 12-0 i n favor of the bill's enactment. Augmenting the National Industrial Recovery A c t , the Federal Highway Act of 1934, and the Emergency Relief Appropriations A c t of 1935, the Federal Highway A c t of 1936, authorized additional money for the Blue Ridge Parkway. Section 5 of the act stipulated: For the construction and maintenance of parkways, to give access to national parks and national monuments, or to become connecting sections of a national parkway plan, over lands to 8 9 10 11 109 �which title has been transferred to the U n i t e d States by the States or by private individuals, there is hereby authorized to be ap­ propriated the sum o f $10,000,000 for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1938, and $10,000,000 for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1939: P r o v i d e d : T h a t the location of such parkways u p o n public lands, national forests, or other federal reservations shall be determined by agreement between the department having jurisdiction over such lands and the N a t i o n a l Park Service. As i n 1934, Representative Warren was prominent among the con­ gressmen w h o shaped b o t h the committee report and the conference report o n the Federal Highway Bill. T h e b i l l itself was n o t subjected to a serious challenge u n t i l the conference report was submitted to the entire House. Notwithstanding the criticisms levelled by several Republicans, the conference report was adopted o n a 238-87 tabulation. Six N o r t h Carolinians cast af­ firmative votes, while n o t a single congressman from the Tarheel State was recorded i n the negative. 12 13 O n A p r i l 24, 1936, Congressman D o u g h t o n introduced a bill providing for the administration and maintenance of the Blue Ridge Parkway by the Secretary of the Interior. O n the following day the D o u g h t o n Bill was favorably reported by the Committee o n Public Lands. O n l y one paragraph i n length, the D o u g h t o n Bill proposed that ...all lands and easements conveyed or to be conveyed to the U n i t e d States by the States of Virginia and N o r t h Carolina for the right-of-way for the projected parkway between the Shenan­ doah and Great Smoky M o u n t a i n N a t i o n a l Parks, together w i t h sites acquired or to be acquired for recreation areas i n connection therewith, and a right-of-way o f said parkway o f a w i d t h suffi­ cient to include the highway and all bridges, ditches, cuts, and falls appurtenant thereto, b u t n o t exceeding a m a x i m u m o f two hundred feet through Government-owned lands as designated o n maps, heretofore or hereafter approved by the Secretary o f the Interior, shall be k n o w n as the Blue Ridge Parkway and shall be administered and maintained by the Secretary o f the Interior through the N a t i o n a l Park Service.... Securing recognition i n the House chamber o n June 20, 1936, D o u g h t o n offered a m o t i o n to suspend the rules and pass his b i l l to place the Blue Ridge Parkway under the jurisdiction o f the Department of the Interior. Because o f firm opposition b o t h from Republicans and many Democrats from the populous states of the industrial northeast, i t seemed doubtful whether the D o u g h t o n Bill could attract the support o f the two-thirds ma­ j o r i t y required by the House rules. After the prescribed forty minutes of general debate, the House voted 175-125 to suspend the rules. Unfortunate­ ly, this majority was twenty-five votes short of the necessary two-thirds ratio the three hundred House members recorded i n the tally. 14 15 110 �After experiencing the frustration of having his bill rejected, D o u g h t o n succeeded i n persuading the Committee o n Rules to recommend that his measure be approved by the House. According to House procedures, a resolu­ t i o n emanating from the Rules Committee needed only a simple majority for acceptance. The Rules Committee recommendation was adopted o n a 146-139 tabulation, and minutes later the House passed the D o u g h t o n Bill by a margin of 145-131. T h e Senate thereupon approved the bill by voice vote, subsequent to w h i c h it was signed by the President. D u r i n g the Second A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of Franklin D. Roosevelt, the pro­ gress of the Blue Ridge Parkway was expedited by the annual bills funding the multitude of operations of the Department of the Interior. Indeed the "National Park Service" sections of the Department of the Interior Appropria­ t i o n A c t of 1937, 1938, 1939, and 1940 provided for an aggregate figure of $17,500,000, reserved exclusively for the Blue Ridge and Natchez Trace Parkways. 16 17 Determining appropriations for the Blue Ridge Parkway provoked con­ troversy only i n 1937. Congressman D o u g h t o n , convinced that additional federal money was needed for the parkway, o n May 19, 1937 offered an amend­ ment to the Department of the Interior A p p r o p r i a t i o n Bill. The D o u g h t o n Amendment proposed an increase from $3,000,000 to $5,000,000 for the 1937 appropriation for the Blue Ridge and Natchez Trace Parkways. Strongly sup­ ported by Representatives Bulwinkle and Weaver, the D o u g h t o n A m e n d ­ ment was adopted o n a 221-160 roll call. T h e N o r t h Carolina House delega­ t i o n , which had been consistently sympathetic to the Blue Ridge Parkway, favored D o u g h t o n A m e n d m e n t 11-0. Throughout the New Deal era all thirteen N o r t h Carolina congressmen were Democrats. O n l y New York, Pennsylvania, California, Illinois, Ohio, Missouri, and Texas elected more Democrats to the House and Senate. New York, Pennsylvania, California, Illinois, and O h i o were, of course, substan­ tially more populous than N o r t h Carolina and each of these states also elected a high p r o p o r t i o n of Republicans to represent them o n Capitol H i l l . T h e sustained presence of thirteen N o r t h Carolina Democrats i n the halls of Con­ gress at least partially explained why the Blue Ridge Parkway was a key pro­ ject i n a Democratic Administration. A t the beginning of the New Deal, N o r t h Carolinians had an aggregate total of one hundred and twelve years of longevity i n Congress. Four of these gentlemen, Senator Bailey and Representatives D o u g h t o n , Warren, and Ed­ ward W. Pou of Smithfield, chaired major standing committees between 1933 and 1940. N o r t h Carolina not only benefitted from the solidly partisan com­ position of its delegation, but also from the exceptional seniority accumulated by several of its congressmen. Three N o r t h Carolina congressmen, Doughton, Bulwinkle, and Weaver, were the spokesmen for districts whose territory included the Blue Ridge Parkway, while Senator Reynolds was a resident of Asheville near the 18 111 �Parkway's eventual southern terminus. Two others, Representatives Umstead and Hancock, were to seek election to statewide office and obviously wish­ ed to appeal to voters i n the Blue Ridge Parkway counties and the nearby areas of western N o r t h Carolina. A l t h o u g h the Blue Ridge Parkway was admittedly only one of many historic New Deal projects, it was destined to have a noteworthy impact o n the future history of N o r t h Carolina. By their diligent efforts the N o r t h Carolina congressional delegation helped transform the Blue Ridge Parkway from a dream of a comparatively few number of individuals to a permanent reality for millions of Americans. 112 �ENDNOTES 1. T h e Statutes at L a r g e o f the T h e Public 2. Papers United States o f America, House of Representatives, H . R . 5 7 5 5 - A b i l l to encourage competition, and to provide for the construction n a t i o n a l industrial o f certain May 23, 1933; House of Representatives, Report purposes, (Washington: 1935) X L I I I , 195-211: 19334935 1933 (New York: Random House, 1938), pp. 251-256. o f F r a n k l i n D . Roosevelt: useful recovery, public to foster fair and for works, other 1 5 9 , May 23, 1933; Report Number 2 4 3 , June 10, 1933; United States Congress, Congressional Number (Washington: United States Record Government Printing Office, 1933),LXXVII, 4062, 5692; Frank Freidel, F r a n k l i n D . Roosevelt: Laun­ the New D e a l (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1973), pp. 444-452; Jordan A . Schwarz, ching "Robert Lee Doughton," Dictionary o f American Biography, F i v e (New York: Charles Supplement Scribner's Sons, 1977), pp. 180-181. 3. Harley E . Jolley, T h e B l u e Ridge Parkway (Knoxville; University of Tennessee Press, 1969), pp. 43-44; Department of the Interior, A n n u a l Report o f the I n t e r i o r , 1 9 3 4 (Washington: o f the Secretary United States Government Printing Office, 1934), p. 196. 4. Jolley, T h e B l u e Ridge American Biography, p. 61; David R . Kepley, "Robert Rice Reynolds," Dictionary Parkway, Supplement John R . Moore, "Josiah William Bailey," Dictionary o f American Biography, F o u r (New Supplement York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1974), pp. 42-43; Lawrence F. Kennedy (comp.), Biographical tory o f the American Congress, of (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1981), pp. 643-644; Seven Direc­ 1 7 7 4 - 1 9 7 1 (Washington: United States Government Printing Of­ fice, 1971), pp. 540, 665-666, 1062, 1601, 1842, 1892. 5. Jolley, T h e B l u e Ridge 6. A n n u a l Report 7. Statutes 8. House pp. 79-80. Parkway, o f Secretary o f I n t e r i o r , 1935, p. 210; Jolley, T h e B l u e Ridge Parkway, pp. 86-87. at L a r g e , X L I I I , 993-996. Report o f American 1 0 4 4 , March 23, 1934; House Congress, 1 9 0 3 , June 9, 1934; Biographical Report pp. 1883-1884; T h e Public Papers and Addresses Dictionary of Franklin D . Roosevelt, 1 9 3 4 (New York: Random House, 1938), pp. 302-303; Frederick L . Paxson, "The Highway Move­ ment, 1916-1935." American 9. 10. 11. Congressional L X X V I I I , 8651-8652. at L a r g e , V L I X , 115-119. Statutes House Record, January 1946, pp. 236-253. H i s t o r i c a l Review, Report 15, January 23, 1935; Congressional John Raimo (eds.) Biographical Directory Record. o f the Governors L X X I X , 5135, 5150; Robert Sobel and o f the United States, 1789-1978 (4 vols.; Westport, Connecticut: Meeker Books, 1978), I I I , 1161-1162. 12. Statutes 13. House at Large,XLIX, 1519-1522. Report 2 3 7 1 . April 3, 1936; House Report 2962, June 2, 1936; Congressional Record, LXXX, o f the B l u e Ridge Parkway 8704-8705. 14. H . R . 1 2 4 5 5 - A b i l l to provide i n the States for the administration and maintenance o f V i r g i n i a and N o r t h C a r o l i n a , and for other purposes, April 24, 1936; House Report June 20, 1936; Congres­ 2 5 4 4 , April 25, 1936. 15. Congressional 16. House of Representatives, H . Res. 559-A sional Record,LXXX, Record, 10583-10588. resolution L X X X , 10614-10615; Statutes relative to H . R . 12455, at L a r g e , X L I X , 2041; Times, 21, 1936, p. 30. 17. Statutes 18. Congressional at L a r g e , L , 564-615; L I I , 291-342; L I I I , 685-738; L I V , 406-462. Record, L X X X I , 4797, 4801-4803, 4876-4877. 113 New York, N . Y , June �This page intentionally left blank �The Blue Ridge Parkway: Mileposts and More by Pamela Frye D u r i n g the spring semester 1985, the members of the Appalachian Cultures class at Radford University, under the direction of Dr. Melinda Wagner, compiled a book about the Blue Ridge Parkway entitled M i l e p o s t s a n d M o r e . T h e project was begun initially because of the class' interest i n the Parkway, but when it was discovered that it was the Parkway's 50th A n ­ niversary, it added an extra spark of interest to the work. A t the beginning of the semester, each member of the class chose a cer­ tain section of the Parkway w h i c h she would be responsible for researching and writing about. For example, several class members chose to cover the Parkway mile by mile, from milepost 0 to milepost 469. This information was compiled into the section appropriately titled "Mileposts...". Research on this section was aided greatly by William G. Lord's series of works o n the Parkway. A n example of the information found i n this section is the entry for milepost 90.9, Bear Wallow Gap, elevation 2258: The gap's name comes from the fact that bears come here i n the summer to cool off by wallowing i n the m u d created by the spring located o n the level northwest p o r t i o n of the gap. This spring leaves the ground moist and muddy all year long. (p. 7) In an effort to make the book as interesting as possible, only those mileposts which the class felt would be the most informative reading have been included. While a great deal of the Parkway is covered briefly i n the "Mileposts..." section, the class felt that more in-depth research should be conducted into the major attractions. T h e information collected o n these attractions can be found i n the section titled "...and More". Included i n this section are ar­ ticles o n Mabry's M i l l , Grandfather M o u n t a i n , Groundhog M o u n t a i n , and the Peaks of Otter. A n article o n the Carroll C o u n t y Courthouse Tragedy includes a ballad about Claude A l l e n , one of the men involved i n the i n ­ famous shoot-out: Claude A l l e n was that tall and handsome, He still had hopes u n t i l the end, T h a t he i n some way or other, Escape his death from the R i c h m o n d Pen. (P- 29) There is also a story about A u n t Orlena Puckett, whose cabin is located along the Parkway. Included i n this story is folklore concerning the b i r t h of children: 115 �If the number of creases i n each of the infant's legs are the same, the next b o r n will be girl. If a baby's footprint is put i n its first snow, croup will be warded off. (P- 27) Also included i n the "...and M o r e " section are some articles of special interest. O n e is an article entitled "The Blue Ridge Parkway and Its Effects on the Local People". It discusses how the Parkway has affected some of the people of the Patrick-Floyd County areas of Virginia, and their feelngs toward the Parkway. Included are interviews as well as some very interesting infor­ mation about how the Parkway acquired some of its land i n the early days. A n o t h e r article i n this section deals w i t h some o f the more c o m m o n flora found along the Parkway. It includes a brief description o f the plants as well as medicinal and cooking uses for them. There are also two articles about the animal life o n the Parkway. The first contains folklore about some of the more c o m m o n animals: A man w i t h hair o n his legs is considerd a good hog raiser. Keep your washpot upside d o w n and the hawks will n o t bother your chickens. Hang a black snake head down to assure rain i n forty-eight hours. If a spider is spinning a new web, count o n fair weather. (P- 35) T h e second article is simply a listing of the most abundant and most fre­ quently observed w i l d animals of the Blue Ridge region. As the semester and the book finally began to draw to a close, the class felt that the project had been a worthwhile effort. They had produced a book that they could all be proud of and i n the process, they had learned a great deal, not only about the Parkway, b u t about the environment, about Appalachian values, about people's attitude toward the land, and how these values and attitudes can be affected when they are faced w i t h change. Since the completion of M i l e p o s t s a n d More, members of the class have felt that several areas of the Parkway have n o t been covered quite as fully as they could have been, due to the semester time limit. So, during the fall semester 1985, two class members, Pamela Frye and Kimberly Burnette, w i l l continue working o n the book. I n hopes of increasing their personal knowledge of the Parkway, this past summer Pamela and Kimberly drove the Parkway from milepost 167 at Rocky K n o b to its end at milepost 469. D u r i n g their trip, the girls collected information that they will add to the book, some of w h i c h is factual, some personal observations. W h e n work begins o n the book this fall, more in-depth research and interviews w i l l be conducted o n topics already covered such as the flora and fauna and the folklore sections. Plans have also been made to include new 116 �articles o n topics such as fox hunting, crafts along the Parkway, ghost stories associated w i t h the Parkway, the C i v i l i a n Conservation Corps, and govern­ ment projects similar to the Parkway such as the Tennessee Valley A u t h o r i ­ ty. There w i l l also be additional photographs and drawings added to furth­ er enhance the visual appeal o f the book. Once this work is finished, the book should then be complete and ready for publication. WORKS CITED Jolley, Harley, B l u e Ridge Parkway. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1969. A n extensive review of the background and origins of the Blue Ridge Parkway, including photographs and maps. T h e Appalachian Cultures class would like to acknowledge Dr. Jolley and his work which was the main source of information for the "Origins and History" article found in Mileposts Lord, William G . T h e B l u e Ridge Parkway Guide, and M o r e . Vol. 1-4. Asheville, N o r t h Carolina: T h e Stephens Press, Inc., 1974. A guide to the Parkway by milemarkers. Includes some very interesting stories about the areas in which the various attractions are found. Mileposts and M o r e , original version. A guide to the Blue Ridge Parkway including milepost informa­ tion as well as articles about the major attractions along the Parkway. A revision of the book is currently in the works. N O T E : A l l page numbers cited in the preceding paper have been taken from the original version and may differ in any future versions. 117 �This page intentionally left blank �The Early Days of Parkway Construction Lester by R Lamm In observance of its 50th year, the Blue Ridge Parkway has been discussed and analyzed from many different points of view. We have reviewed the history of its philosophical, economic and legislative origins. We have paid tribute to the genius of those w h o conceived and formulated the principles w h i c h have so unerringly guided its development. We have acknowledged the resourcefulness and dedication of the designers, and builders whose patient and painstaking efforts over nearly two generations have created the uni­ que gift, from and to the A m e r i c a n people, w h i c h the Parkway has become. A n d we have touched o n the face, the people, the history and culture of the land through w h i c h it passes, and its impact o n and promise for that haunting and beautiful region. Engineers are presumed to be practical and stolid people w h o do not generally wax lyrical about their assignments. M o s t engineers, i n most assignments, live up to this image. But the Parkway, w h i c h has enthralled so many millions of its visitors, and inspired such devotion and loyalty among those who administer and maintain i t , has equally worked its spell o n many of the engineers, hard-bitten or otherwise, w h o have worked w i t h their Park Service colleagues to bring it all about. One engineer, a native of these mountains, has published books of photographs and poetry—at least as an engineer understands these things— about the Parkway, to which he devoted most of a long and successful career. Others, drawn to this work from distant points, found i n the Parkway the final challenge of their professional lives, and i n the Southern Appalachians, their final home. For i n celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Blue Ridge Parkway, we of the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA, but better known throughout most of the Parkway years as the Bureau of Public Roads) also mark the 50th anniversary o f our association w i t h the National Park Service i n this great undertaking. I n this endeavor, since its inception, we have been an essen­ tial, if junior, partner. T h e collaboration among professionals of the several disciplines involved has been so close, the bonds forged i n the c o m m o n ef­ fort so strong, and the dedication to a single objective so complete, that to separately evaluate the c o n t r i b u t i o n of each Department to a given proj­ ect would be very difficult. T h e task has demanded and deserved the best efforts of b o t h ; and i n such j o i n t undertakings the lines of demarcation tend over the years to become blurred. So it is not so much the role of F H W A i n this work that I want to review, but, rather, the challenges faced, the methods pursued and 119 �the accomplishments achieved by all concerned. But I do need to say something about how and why we became involved at all. T h e involvement of the F H W A w i t h the Blue Ridge Parkway (in the time frame i n which we speak, let's, for old times sake, just call it the Bureau) followed almost automatically from a 1926 "Memorandum of Agreement" between the Park Service and the Bureau, relating to the survey, design, con­ struction and improvement of roads and trails i n the National Parks and National Monuments. T h e engineering and technical support to the Park Service provided for i n that agreement was given further definition, generally i n the form w h i c h it retains to this day, i n a memorandum from Thomas H . MacDonald, Chief of the Bureau of Public Roads, dated January 22, 1934. This memorandum reads, i n part, as follows: " A District Office is established at Washington to supervise the Park and Forest work of location, design and construction...in the East. "The purposes are:.... "To establish suitable standards of location, design and construc­ t i o n for such highways i n accordance w i t h the topography and amount and nature of the traffic; and to provide suitable unifor­ mity i n standards and methods of construction. "To provide an organization to undertake the location, design and construction of Park and Forest roads and such other highway work i n the eastern section of the U n i t e d States as may be en­ trusted to the Bureau. "The District Office herein set up will immediately take over the direct supervision of all work contemplated or under way i n eastern parks, including: National Capital Parks Colonial National M o n u m e n t Shenandoah National Park Great Smoky Mountains National Park Acadia N a t i o n a l Park The proposed parkway connecting the Shenandoah National Park and the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. This memorandum went o n to appoint a director of the new organiza­ t i o n as stated: 120 �" M r . H.J. Spelman is assigned as District Engineer i n charge of the District Office..." Thus was officially born the Eastern Forest and Park District of the Bureau of Public Roads, i n t u r n designated District 15, Division 15, Region 15 for nearly two decades, and finally, now, the Eastern Direct Federal Division of the Federal Highway Administration. First and foremost among the ten successive chiefs of this destinguished organization and longest i n tenure of office (1934-1958), M r . Spelman's pic­ ture precedes those of his nine talented successors o n the walls of the FHWAs A r l i n g t o n , Virginia office. W i t h the completion of the Skyline Drive, i n the Shenandoah National Park, i n sight, and recognizing that the development of the Blue Ridge Parkway would be a long and challenging undertaking, the Bureau's Luray office was relocated to Roanoke, Virginia, and assigned responsibility for the design and construction of the northern portion of the Parkway. The Bureau's office i n Gatlinburg, Tennessee has assigned responsibility for the southern p o r t i o n of the Parkway. Reconnoitered and flagged by Bureau personnel i n January 1934, the corridor for the Parkway was established, and immediately mapped by survey parties from the States of N o r t h Carolina and Virginia. From this data, the alinement was projected o n survey maps by Bureau personnel, working closely w i t h the Park Service. T h e final locations for the first projects were staked i n 1934 and early 1935, and profile, cross-section, drainage and other data obtained from w h i c h to complete the contract plans for the initial projects. Once the Parkway alinement was determined and design work started, the rights-of-way for the Parkway were acquired by the States of Virginia and N o r t h Carolina w i t h State monies and donated to the Park Service w i t h the understanding that the Federal Government would construct the Parkway. T h e right-of-way w i d t h varied from a m i n i m u m w i d t h of about 200 feet to several hundred feet, and averaged 125 acres per mile. Design standards, developed for the Skyline Drive, were refined for the Blue Ridge Parkway to give the visitor a pleasant tour of the mountains and its culture and panoramic views of the valleys to the west and the Piedmont Region to the east. T h e basic concept was to provide a curvilinear aline­ ment using spirals to transition from one curve to another and smooth ver­ tical grades to provide m a x i m u m o p p o r t u n i t y for scenic view yet minimize the impact o n the terrain. The 45-mile per hour desired driving speed limited the horizontal curvature to about 8° curves although numerous exceptions were used to a m a x i m u m of 25° to match the terrain. I n addition, vertical grades were limited to 8 percent w i t h additional compensation (flattening) i n horizontal curves to ensure that vehicles of the time could pull the grades w i t h o u t major problems. T h e cross-section was to be a 20-foot pavement w i t h grass shoulders, 3 feet wide i n cuts and 5 feet wide o n fills. Again, 121 �recognizing that the road would generally be a continuous curve i n many areas, it was decided that curve widening to a 5-foot m a x i m u m additional w i d t h would be necessary to provide for a safe flow of traffic. T h e geometries, and pavement and roadbed widths selected were con­ sidered the m i n i m u m that would satisfy reasonable safety requirements. Even these standards were acceptable only because trucks would not be permit­ ted o n the Parkway. A s time went on, it was apparent that many special design features would be needed to make the road fit the mountains. These included: hand laid and mortared rock embankments, stone masonry and other retaining walls, tunnels, and special bridge designs from simple stone masonry arches to the ultimate engineering challenge, the L i n n Cove Viaduct. As usage grew, visitor facilities such as parking areas, campgrounds, and picnic areas were added to the designs. Features such as timber guiderail and stone masonry guardwalls were developed to maintain the natural appearance yet add the margin of safety necessary to meet the needs of users. I n the course of these early projects, the procedures, techniques, engineer­ ing and architectural standards were featured which have guided the Parkway designers and builders for the past 50 years. Initiatives and decisions arriv­ ed at by A b b o t t , A b b u e h l , Weems and others from the Park Service, and by Spelman, Austin, Lee, M i d d l e t o n , Woodrow, Geisler and others from the Bureau, have stood the test of time, and launched this enterprise o n a clear and well-blazed path. Slowed or stimulated i n t u r n by wars, economic crises or changing priorities, progress has never lagged for lack of leadership or direction. W i t h design concepts and contract plans proceeding at full speed and w i t h $16 m i l l i o n allocated for the construction through the N a t i o n a l I n ­ dustrial Recovery A c t of 1933, it was time to meet the next challenge, that of actually building the Parkway. T h e first project, advertised i n M a y 1935, was Project 2A1, for grading, drainage, and "traffic-bound crushed stone base," for 12.5 miles from the Virginia State line south to N o r t h Carolina Route 26 near Roaring Gap i n Alleghany and Surry Counties, N o r t h Carolina, and passing through the area k n o w n as Cumberland Knob. Bids for this first project were opened o n June 12, 1935, and the con­ tract was awarded to Nello L . Teer of D u r h a m , N o r t h Carolina, w h o sub­ mitted the lowest of 10 bids i n the amount of $363,837.50, or about $30,000 per mile of construction. It is interesting to look at some of the prices i n the tabulation of bids: Unclassified excavation $ 0.29 cu. yd. Excavation for structures 1.40 cu. yd. Crushed stone 1.90 t o n Reinforcing steel 0.045 lb. Stone masonry 12.50 cu. yd. Concrete 22.00 cu. yd. Today, we would expect prices for most of these items to be from ten 122 �to fifteen times these amounts—for some items, much more. I n fact, over $30 m i l l i o n has been spent to close the final 7.5-mile gap at Grandfather M o u n t a i n or better t h a n $4 m i l l i o n per mile. By the same token, the vehi­ cle the Parkway was b u i l t for only cost $600 to $800 i n the 1930 s b u t cost $12,000 to $15,000 today. A s might be expected from these comparisons, estimates o f the total Parkway cost have neeeded revision from time to time, although it remains one of the Nation's best bargains i n terms of public works. Following award o f the first contract o n June 18, the contractor began clearing operations at the beginning o f the project o n September 11, 1935, exactly 50 years ago. Thus began the long and difficult process w h i c h has brought us where we are today, w i t h the end o f the trail finally i n sight. It was n o t an easy process. T h e parkway was, by design, to be built i n an area where roads were typically n o t built. I t was an undertaking to pro­ vide scenic views and quiet pleasant wandering, rather t h a n a transporta­ t i o n facility and, as such, the designs were laid ever so carefully i n some of the most rugged terrain i n the region. Except for crossing at the James, Roanoke, and French Broad Rivers, the Parkway stays i n the clouds w i t h elevations o f 2,000 feet up to better t h a n 5,000 feet at its high points near M o u n t Mitchell and o n Pisgah Ridge i n N o r t h Carolina. I t was an engineering challenge not only to locate and design but also to construct. Working among boulder fields, streams and rivers, and o n steep terrain, i t was imperative that the delicacies of nature be preserved. T h e job was to make the road "fit" as t h o u g h i t belonged, as t h o u g h i t was a part o f the m o u n t a i n . , In the early days, the contracts provided for the maximum use of natural local materials. Stone masonry was used i n lieu of concrete for almost all structures, more because i t was economical and labor intensive rather t h a n esthetic. Today, stone masonry is used for just the opposite reasons. Crushed stone for base material was quarried and crushed o n the roadway, whereas today's modern processing and hauling equipment makes it more economical to purchase construction materials from commercial and manufactured sources. Even using local workers, the area was so remote that contractors had to set up camps—small self-sufficient villages—to keep workers close to the job site as compared to today's construction worker w h o typically drives 50 miles or more daily. T h e beginning o f the Parkway was a time when contracts were designed and awarded at an accelerating pace. Two additional projects i n N o r t h Carolina and the first Virginia project, 8.5 miles from Jarmans Gap to Rockfish Gap, Project 1A1, were awarded i n November 1935. This Virginia project started the Parkway southward from Milepost 0, the boundary of the Shenan­ doah National Park. W i t h i n 2 years, Bureau District Engineer H.J. Spelman, w r i t i n g i n the July 1936 issue of Roads a n d Streets, was able to report that 119 miles of grading and 14 bridges were under construction, at an estimated expenditure of some $4.6 million. M r . Spelman also reported that over 2,000 men were employed during M a y o f 1936, and i t was anticipated that that 123 �number would exceed 2,500 at the peak of the construction season. Thus the economic benefits to a desperately impoverished region, one of the princi­ pal reasons for the Parkway's existence, were not long i n making themselves felt. T h e reports o f those early projects and the recollections o f the few re­ maining participants make it apparent that the design and construction pro­ cesses have not greatly changed, at least i n the essentials. Time has brought increases i n b o t h productivity and cost. While construction equipment has increased i n capacity and productivity, there have been relatively few changes i n type. Scrapers and front-end loaders quickly replaced the skip trucks, skips, and steam, air or gas powered shovels of the earliest days. More sophisticated compaction methods and equipment replaced the slower and more haphazard compaction derived from traffic. I n more recent times, an improved road network throughout the region enabled the concrete transit-mix truck to replace the on-site one and two bag concrete mixers o n virtually all work, however remote. T h e Nation's entry into World War I I brought park road and parkway construction to an abrupt halt; personnel and resources were diverted to more urgent needs. To this end, Project 2P1, a 7.9 mile, $678,000, grading project from Balsam Gap to Bee Tree Gap i n Buncombe County, N o r t h Carolina, was suspended i n December 1941, o n orders of the War Produc­ t i o n Board, and remained suspended u n t i l 1946 when it was finally ter­ minated. Leaving a m i n i m u m of Bureau and Park Service personnel to preserve the framework of the organization and to manage 3 camps of "con­ scientious objectors" to maintain the completed work, the resources of b o t h Government and contractor forces were absorbed i n the war effort. M a n y of those n o t going directly into military service were engaged i n supporting efforts such as the A l c a n highway, access roads to the t i n mines of South America, Pentagon Road network, or military construction projects b o t h at home and worlwide. T h e economic effects of the relief program of the 30's, and the stimulus of mobilization and war production combined to reduce the justification and indeed, the need for massive public works. Finally, w i t h the war's end, the concerns of peacetime could be resumed, among them the construction of the Parkway. I n the postwar years, new challenges, problems and priorities replaced some of the Nation's older con­ cerns. Parkway construction, lacking the economic imperatives of the depres­ sion years, proceeded at a slower piace. W h e n the war broke out, some 316 miles of Parkway had been graded; 43 bridges and 11 tunnels had been built. T h e substantial completion of over 300 miles of road i n the 6-year period, 1935-1941, sharply contrasts the 40-year period following the war, w h i c h has been consumed for the completion of the remaining 170 miles, w h i c h underscores the change i n pace, reflects the Nation's new priorities, and the effects o f two subsequent major wars. Nevertheless, i n this period, some of the most critical, challenging and 124 �expensive sections of the Parkway have been completed. T h e decade of the 50's saw the completion of the southern sections of the Parkway to its ter­ minus at the Oconoluftee River i n the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, completion of the section near Boone and Blowing Rock, and the development of Price Lake. By the m i d 60's, the three major stream crossings—those of the James, Roanoke and French Broad Rivers, had been built. T h e important suburb­ an bypass sections around Roanoke and Asheville were nearing completion, each involving many grade separations and several major viaducts. T h e re­ maining 15 tunnels, for a total of 26, were put i n service. Except for a 7.5-mile gap o n the southern flank of Grandfather M o u n t a i n i n N o r t h Carolina, the Parkway was complete. By 1970, we were well into the home stretch—closing the final gap o n Grandfather M o u n t a i n . Interchanges at Beacon Heights to the south and Holloway M o u n t a i n Road to the n o r t h were nearing completion. Design studies were under way for the few remaining miles, i n many ways the most difficult and controversial section of all. T h e gap has been slowly closing w i t h alternating projects o n the n o r t h and south. A l l that remains is the completion of six bridges between L i n n Cove and Rough Ridge that are currently under construction, and a future contract for the final paving of the gap. T h e entire 470-mile Parkway is expected to be opened to the public by 1987. I n addition to its responsibilities as locators, designers and contract ad­ ministrators, the Bureau also played two other important roles i n the early days of the Parkway. Bureau personnel were contractors o n 6 "force account" projects between 1939-1941. Providing its own men and equipment, the Bureau built several of the beautiful stone arch structures still i n place. A m o n g these stone arch structures is the longest o n the Parkway, a 3-arch, 497-foot-long structure over Linville River and i n N o r t h Carolina. T h e force account method became necessary when the intensive amount of work drove con­ tract prices up to the point that these projects could be more economically built w i t h Government forces. This d i d not, however, require the Bureau to go out and hire many people or buy m u c h equipment because our other role at that time was Parkway maintenance. T h e Bureau maintained com­ pleted sections of the Parkway u n t i l they were surfaced, which, i n some areas, did not occur until the late 1950's. Therefore, the Bureau had men and equip­ ment experienced i n construction and used them to the best advantage i n helping to complete the Parkway. Over the 50 years of development, the Parkway has generated interest throughout the construction world. While the motivator of the Parkway was to provide work for local people, contractors also saw the benefits o f this major Public works project. Contractors from as near as Asheville, Roanoke and other Parkway towns to as far away as Colorado, Texas, Missouri, and Michigan, have constructed sections o f the Parkway. I n addition, most 125 �of the stone masonry work has been done by skilled craftsmen from Spain and Italy, drawn to the region by the work, and still plying their craft today i n the maintenance of the Parkway. D u r i n g the postward decades, the evolution of b o t h technology and public attitudes had its impact o n design and construction practices. Heightened concern for the environment, required some modification i n the prac­ tices acceptable i n simpler times. Yet environmental concerns were n o t new to the Parkway designer. A s early as 1933, models were constructed to show the benefits of slope grading and landscaping to achieve the blend of road­ way w i t h terrain. Concern for air quality eliminated the b u r n i n g of debris from clearing operations. Concern for water quality and erosion placed limits o n the extent of open excavation. Silt fences, settling basins, berms, tem­ porary seeding and other measures, together w i t h monitoring of water quality i n affected streams, became routine elements of every contract. Work limits were restricted and enforced, and operations i n and near live streams were curtailed. Features to be preserved were flagged or fenced to place them clearly 'off-limits,' and more care went into mitigation of the visual impact of scar" resulting from clearing and from cuts and fills. u Walls and bridges became more frequent alternatives to heavy grading i n sensitive or particularly scenic areas. I n fact, i n the last 7.5 miles, engineers saw the need to b u i l d numerous walls ranging i n height from a few feet to over 50 feet at Rough Ridge and constructed of concrete, rock filled gabion baskets, and modular walls, all economical methods of replacing the stone masonry walls of the past, or at least providing an economical support system for facing w i t h stone masonry. I n this same area, 10 bridges span ravines and small m o u n t a i n streams to protect the natural surroundings. I n at least five of these locations, original design concepts considered earthfills, some supported by retaining walls. T h r o u g h o u t the 50 years of development, the essential steps i n the preliminary engineering process an basic design standards governing the designs of Parkway projects have changed very little. I t is a tribute to the competence and vision of the early planners and to the organizational and creative genius of such men as A b b o t t and Spelman that these policies have so well stood the test of time. I n contrast, the engineering techniques and equipment by w h i c h these steps are accomplished have, i n recent years, undergone rather startling changes. Developments i n photogrammetry, op­ tics, electronics and especially computer technology have had a revolutionary effect o n the processes of mapping, surveying, locations, foundation investiga­ tions, and design. Region 15's highway and bridge engineers were quick to recognize and adapt to the new technology, the increase i n productivity be­ ing such that the unit's staffing has declined from prewar peak of more t h a n 1,000 employees, to the present level of less than 200. From being, at its inception, one among several public works programs intended primarily for the relief of poverty and suffering i n an area so remote 126 �as to be virtually u n k n o w n except to its residents, the Parkway, by the 70's, had become a famous and well-loved National landmark, an economic mainstay of the region through w h i c h it passed, and a jealously guarded possession of a vigorous, unabashed and watchful public—why not—it's their road! But it meant that o n Grandfather M o u n t a i n , we must proceed w i t h caution. A n d so we are, under the skillful guidance and consent of Park Service landscape architects, and w i t h the continuing coordination and ad­ vice of Bureau engineers, closing the final gap i n a spectacular manner. The problems presented by the terrain at L i n n Cove gave the F H W A engineers and Park Service landscape architects a final challenge i n com­ pleting the Parkway. The solution was the 1,243-foot long L i n n Cove Viaduct. The structure, conceptualized i n a motel i n Boone, was designed to skim the boulders and float along the treetops to avoid disturbing the appearance and stability of the terrain. Built from the sky, it is made up of 153 individual pieces placed from above and, like the boulders it spans, no two are alike. It is, perhaps the most exciting single engineering feature of the Parkway, and the last major technical challenge to be met i n completing the Parkway— i n realizing the Dream. This structure accomplished the elegant closing of a challenging gap w i t h its completion i n 1983. It is fitting that this engineering accomplishment has received such wide recognition including eight profes­ sional awards, the most prestigious of w h i c h is the 1984 Presidential Award for Design Excellence. U p o n completion of the Parkway i n 1987, the Park Service and the Bureau will have completed their mission, to connect the Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountains National Park w i t h a quiet, leisurely motorway, free from distractions and dangers of the ordinary high speed highway. I n doing so, 470 miles of road, 160 bridges, 26 tunnels and countless retaining walls will have been constructed through more t h a n 260 contracts, at a cost of approximately $130 m i l l i o n . The construction of the Blue Ridge Parkway has provided one other important function for the Bureau. Over the fifty years it has been a train­ ing ground for nearly 200 of our 1,600 young engineer trainees. I t has en­ hanced the formal education these young men and women brought to the Bureau and has provided lasting memories of professional and natural exper­ iences. It has been the beginning of professional careers for some 25 engineers, w h o have moved o n to high posts i n the Bureau, engineers w h o would lack professionally if not for their experiences o n the Parkway. I , being one, fondly remember my days at Bluff M o u n t a i n tunnel and the Tuggle Gap Bridge. Even today, the Parkway continues its c o n t r i b u t i o n as a training ground for two of our t h i r d generation of young highway and bridge engineers. So, as the fifty years have passed, many engineers have served their apprenticeships o n the Parkway and moved o n to other responsibilities. Others stayed on—captivated by the challenge, or by the mountains, or by the excitement that comes from personal, creative efforts rewarded w i t h visibly 127 �beautiful and lasting results—something lamentably rare i n the life of public servants, at least i n such a literal and tangible sense. But for all whose good fortune i t has been to participate, it has been a great adventure. A n adven­ ture b o t h physical and intellectual; b o t h professional and spiritual. It is very satisfying to contribute to a great public undertaking w h i c h has done so m u c h benefit and so little harm; w h i c h has preserved so much, yet brought such profound change; w h i c h i n creating a park reaching to the horizon, has exerted an influence far over the horizon. W h i c h is b o t h a bargain and a treasure we can leave to all Americans and to all generations. 128 �Early Appalachian Photographers by Richard A . Straw Southern Appalachia has been extremely fruitful ground in which hun­ dreds of photographers in this century have found a rich source of inspira­ tion for their art. Among the earliest regional photographers were Margaret Morley and William BarnhilL Morley's book, T h e C a r o l i n a M o u n t a i n s , ap­ peared in 1913 and though it contained only twenty-four photographs, her images chronicle the everyday lives of mountain people all over western North Carolina in an engaging and sensitive manner. Her best works show women doing the tasks that filled their days and defined their place in pre-industrial mountain society. Her photos are an open and deliberate attempt to cap­ ture what she believed to be the honesty and straightforwardness of life in the southern highlands that surround the Blue Ridge Parkway. William Barnhill arrived in western North Carolina from Philadelphia in 1914 and immediately set out to record on film all aspects of mountain life in Madison and Buncombe counties. He was probably the first photographer to make pictures of mountain culture for his own enjoyment. He was independent and worked for no newspaper, no editor, nor did her have a studio of his own. He was, in fact, something of a vagabond and he set out to photograph the region to satisfy his own curiosity and inner drive. For this he is certainly unique in the history of early Appalachian photography. His works are significant historical documents of Appalachian life in the early 20th century (although he did not mean for them to be) and are remarkable for their artistry and lack of bias or romanticism. What is especially amazing about his photos is that they were kept in private hands for over a half century until published in American H e r i t a g e and Life magazines in 1969 and 1970, respectively. The half century dormancy of BarnhilFs photos removed themfromthe mainstream Appalachian image makers, such as Doris Ullman, who gained national recognition during the 1930s and who determined, for better or for worse, much of the country's preception for the region. Margaret Warner Morley was born February 17, 1858 and lived for a decade after the publication of T h e C a r o l i n a M o u n t a i n s . She is not well known and, in fact, information on her life is scarce. She is best remembered for a long string of children's books on the lives of birds, insects, and small animals. T h e C a r o l i n a M o u n t a i n s was her only major work for adults. Morley was born in Iowa but her family moved to Brooklyn, New York while she was young and it was in the East that she received her formal education. She was drawn to teaching and graduated from New York City Normal Col­ lege in 1878. Her main interest was biology and she pursued that subject 1 2 129 �at several different schools i n Chicago and Massachusetts. I t was i n connec­ t i o n w i t h data she prepared for her classes that Morley began to gather material for her books (17 i n all). Her books had some pioneering impor­ tance because they came at a time w h e n nature study was first established as a definite part of grade school courses. I n addition to the specific infor­ mation i n them, her books offered important moral lessons to children about being k i n d to animals and conservation. It is u n k n o w n exactly why she initially chose to go to western N o r t h Carolina b u t once she was there she was enthralled by the scenery and the environment, so m u c h so that she spent part of each year for twelve years at the resort c o m m u n i t y of Tryon, south o f Asheville. From her base there she explored the surrounding mountains and described t h e m i n lavish and loving detail. She also took some extraordinary photographs. Her photos show us a personal image of the m o u n t a i n environment w i t h little o f the romantic influences that permeated her writing. Because she grew up and was educated i n the 1870s and 1880s i t is most likely that Morley came i n t o contact and read the works of the local colorists who published stories about Appalachia i n the popular magazines o f the day. Perhaps this was the i m ­ petus w h i c h drove her to go to western N o r t h Carolina i n the first place. It was the local colorists who created the notion that Appalachia was a strange land inhabited by a distinct and peculiar people w h o were unchanged from an earlier period of A m e r i c a n history. T h e "static image" as Ron Eller calls it, had become accepted as fact by the 1890s w h e n Morley first began to travel to Tryon. Her prose is littered w i t h the sentimentality and attach­ ment to quaintness that characterized the local colorists' image of Appalachia but her photographs are remarkably devoid of these qualities. I n them, neither she nor her audience are a part of the scene, and instead, the images she froze i n time unfold before us w i t h o u t our interference or justification. By the time Morley published her photos of railroads and economic development, an influx of n o r t h e r n missionaries and teachers had brought vast changes to the mountains. Obviously the image o f m o u n t a i n life that she presented was that o f a passing and vanishing age. This provides a key to why she sought out scenes w h i c h depicted everyday life and the material aspect of the highlanders' world. She was comfortable w r i t i n g about and photographing nature and, therefore, she sought i n her photography to highlight the important relationship that existed i n pre-industrial Appalachia between nature, home, and work. T h a t fiber w h i c h held the fabric of this w o r l d together, the connection between land, home, and family is the domi­ nant theme of her photos and suggests that she was at least suspicious o f the changes that she could not help b u t witness around her. T h e o l d life of the high country was passing away, and she worked hardest w i t h her photos to preserve that image. Her photos do n o t strike a condescending chord, rather they stand as documents and reflect the positive side o f her percep­ tions. She d i d n o t have the painter's license to leave anything out o f her 3 130 �photos, and thus they do appear as clear evidence of pre-industrial reality even t h o u g h they were obviously chosen to illustrate a text written by the same person w h o took the photographs. Morley was clearly an outsider and she was i n the mountains to observe. She described i n detailed photos the mountain peaks, the coves, the streams, the animals, and of course, the people. She liked the m o u n t a i n people w i t h w h o m she visited o n her nature treks. They emerge from photographic work as neither pathetic nor heroic. Perhaps her awareness of change as a force i n nature stimulated her to document a lifestyle as i t had been during a time when land, family, and work intert­ wined i n a stable, workable, and balanced society. A contemporary o f Morley's, although there is no evidence at present that they ever met, was William Augustus Barnhill. He was a free-spirited and adventurous individual w h o began vacationing i n the South during the first decade of this century. I n 1910 he decided he w o u l d like to move to western N o r t h Carolina; he began to correspond w i t h the Secretary of the Asheville Board of Trade about the possibility of locating i n that resort city. In 1913 Barnhill read Horace Kephart's book, O u r Southern Highlanders, and was convinced that western Carolina was the place for h i m . He moved there i n 1914 and spent the next three summers photographing the land and people w i t h i n a twenty-five mile radius of Asheville. I n 1917 he went off to World War I , returned to Asheville i n 1918, and worked as a commer­ cial photographer there u n t i l 1922 when he moved to Cleveland. Barnhill was quite taken by Kephart's descriptions and photos of moun­ tain life, and when he moved to N o r t h Carolina, he went straight to Bryson C i t y to meet Kephart and to show h i m some of his photos. Kephart was impressed and told Barnhill that he would use some of them i n a future book o n the mountains. Kephart died, however, before the book was writ­ ten. Like Kephart, Barnhill was a dedicated hiker w h o backpacked w i t h his camera into remote m o u n t a i n areas. BarnhilPs photos are striking represen­ tations of the texture of m o u n t a i n life. They are sensible and believable and, like Morley's, are free of much bias and romanticism. His images are also primarily of people working: women c h u r n i n g butter, k n i t t i n g , spinning, weaving, drying foods; men splitting shakes, plowing or hoeing corn. His photos are a splendid record of agricultural self-sufficiency i n a time when one's ability to work the land defined the quality o f life. M a n y o f BarnhilPs photos are set o n or around M t . M i t c h e l l . He made the first of many trips there i n the summer of 1914 i n the company of a party which included a motion picture photographer who was making publici­ ty photos i n the area. I n the summer of 1915, a party of newspaper editors who were attending a conference i n Asheville were taken o n a courtesy trip to M t . M i t c h e l l and again Barnhill went along. D u r i n g this trip he took pictures of what he saw o n the way and solicited orders from a sample album he had made previously along the railroad. Barnhill had an entrepreneurial bent and d i d not pass up an opportunity to sell his photographs. I t is curious 4 5 6 131 �that he has stated i n an interview that he was n o t aware of the historical value of his photographs u n t i l the 1950s b u t had he been, he probably would have sold t h e m earlier. W h e n the Perley and Crockett Company o f Black M o u n t a i n , N o r t h Carolina started an excursion trip over the logging railroad to M t . Mitchell, Barnhill had a photographic concession, and he later shared a photographic and souvenir business w i t h the owner o f Camp Alice at the foot of the m o u n t a i n . Barnhill spent days at a time hiking into the mountains around Asheville. His enormous curiosity drove h i m to record as m u c h of what he saw as he could. His motivation, i f we are to believe h i m , was simple. " I wanted to have a record o f where I'd been to have something to talk a b o u t " He w o n the confidence and friendship of the people w i t h w h o m he came i n contact and lived w i t h t h e m for short periods o f time. He moved freely and obtain­ ed intimate photographic studies of their way of life. He photographed the people he met because, " I was as interesting to t h e m as they were to m e " There is no evidence that Barnhill consciously attempted to alter the culture of the region or to present a specific image o f i t to the public. U n l i k e many photographers w h o would follow h i m , he d i d n o t select those images that fit w i t h outside expectations of what " m o u n t a i n people" were like. Instead, he sought to record what he saw around h i m because he was aware o f its existence and he was somehow stimulated by its presence. " W h a t Fve seen there is just what Fve seen w i t h my o w n eyes," he has commented. His photos are so important i n this context because we are able to look at t h e m w i t h o u t wondering about his intentions or for w h o m he worked. He d i d n o t even t h i n k of himself as a documentary photographer and has claimed that, "Documenting is the last t h i n g I consider." I t is important, however, to view such disclaimers w i t h some skepticism. Barnhill was far less manipulative t h a n other Appalachian photographers, Doris U l l m a n for ex­ ample, b u t the process of selection, arrangement, and t i m i n g is inseparable from the very act of looking through the camera and opening the shutter at some chosen moment. One can be totally unconscious or highly con­ scious o f that process as one takes a picture, b u t i t is there, nevertheless. Barnhill had no special interpretive message to convey t h r o u g h his i m ­ ages, although from the distance of time we are grateful for his meticulous attention to detail i n people's lives. He stimulated others to document the region b u t he d i d n o t discuss his photography w i t h them. He claims, " I wouldn't talk m u c h that way, n o t that I had intentions of covering up, b u t I was just making pictures. That's what I wanted to do and that was my answer. M y story was there." T h e rare comment he has made about his work concerns his interest i n process and design and how they operated i n an orderly fashion i n m o u n t a i n society. He photographed the pottery works i n the Beech C o m m u n i t y o f Madison County, for example, and he made a series o f photos that show the process by w h i c h wool is worked into cloth. He sought i n his images a natural composition w h i c h would illustrate 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 132 �the essence of a moment suspended i n time but not outside or removed from the system of w h i c h it was a part. His images are an artist's expression, not those of a cultural politician. His photos are, "what came out of me...what I saw." Like Morley, Barnhill photographed people engaged i n all facets of work. He was particularly interested i n what we now refer to as m o u n t a i n crafts. He was, however, unaware of the intentional revival of certain crafts i n A p ­ palachia at that time, and he has said his only interest was his curiosity about how people "made every simply thing." Neither d i d Barnhill attempt to make a statement about the changes that had altered tradition i n the moun­ tains nor d i d he use his photos to illustrate how people were losing the selfsufficiency that he so admired, He was, i n his own words, "just photographing people." BarnhilPs limages can be classified into three styles: record photos; character photos; and process photos. T h e first type is simple the image of what happened before the eye o f the photographer and he recorded it to capture a moment i n time; the character study was the product of his i n ­ terest i n the different people he met and these photos resulted from his at­ traction to a particular face, the look i n an eye, the t u r n of a head, or a certain nuance of appearance; the process photo captured what he saw as the organic design of life and he recorded the process because he admired its orderliness and function, not to document its existence. W h a t Barnhill vigorously pursued was an accurate image of the people he met. He sought to portray their individuality, to k n o w each one's different story, but not to lose sight of their place w i t h i n the larger group. He is sensitive to the pitfalls of image making but believes that his early work was neither influenced by an awareness of nor an avoidance of Appalachian stereotypes. T h e result of this approach is that BarnhilPs photos stand above later, and especially depression era photographers, because his photos have a can­ did, genuine look to them. Barnhill devoloped a relationship w i t h his sub­ jects that transcended the chance meeting and w h i c h was based o n mutual curiosity, tempered w i t h a straightforwardness, that each could respect of the other. Barnhill d i d not have to ask people to pose for h i m because he was so comfortable around them and they accepted h i m completely. He can­ not remember anyone talking to h i m or asking h i m anything about what he was doing. N o one questioned why he was taking their photos. He d i d not have to arrange for people to sit for h i m ; and, i n fact, he is adamant about how unposed his photos were. T h e photo of the women spinning, carding, and weaving is obviously an exception to this. Most of his photos have a spontaneity to them that suggests that he just happened to be someplace at the right time. For example, one of his photos is of a man salting sheep o n Craggie M o u n t a i n . W h e n he took that shot the man d i d not look at Barnhill or even bother to ask what he was doing. To describe another of his photos Barnhill states, " I started setting up the camera and I don't 15 16 17 18 19 133 �remember saying anything. A n d she didn't ask me anything." N o w i n order to fully understand the importance of historical photography it is necessary to ask certin questions. For example, what are our perceptions as viewers, and what were the motives and goals of the photographer? Photos clearly guide and fashion our most basic sense of reality and many of our most cherished images of the past have come from frozen pictorial descriptions more so than from the written word. "Photos are magical illusions, matchless pieces of information, descriptions of things, scenes, and persons infinitely more v i v i d than words...They seem miniature worlds, n o t copies but the things themselves." Photos are certainly historical documents b u t they are also experiences i n their o w n right because they give us the opportunity to witness the past as i f it were, momentarily at least, present. T h e historian Michael Lesy pioneered the study of photos not simply as illustrations of history, but also as revealing documents and expressions that are a source of insight as well as i n f o r m a t i o n . W h a t makes this true is our ability to read the picture, to reconstruct some small drama before the tak­ ing of the photo that evokes more t h a n meets the eye. T h e viewer defines to some extent what is depicted as reality i n a photo through his o w n i m ­ agination and relates this to other images he has seen, and then he deter­ mines i f the image is representative or fanciful. To the historian the most difficult task is to decide i f a given photo is a fairly reliable image of what did exist. Would the photographed scene have taken place even if the camera had not been present? Documentary photographers have a great deal of power to manipulate a scene, but they are limited by their desire to show us what is there. I t is because of this that the photographic image is the closest we can come to an objective representation of past reality. 20 21 22 Equally important is to k n o w by what criteria the photographs were originally made. B o t h Morley and Barnhill photographed a place and time w h i c h was passing into history before them. They were b o t h alien to their subject matter but were drawn to it either out of curiosity or to document it for outsiders. W h a t Barnhill has said about his motives does not lead one to conclude that he consciously sought to help shape the image of what Appalachia was thought to be. A l t h o u g h a certain amount of scepticism is healthy concerning his movites and influences, the fact that over fifty years later his photos influence our image of what the region was like during the early 20th century is not equivalent to saying that he went there to inten­ tionally reveal a particular image of the m o u n t a i n people through his photography. He did, of course, do this through his conscious or unconscious choice of subjects and settings but what is crucial is whether he d i d this w i t h the intent to change or present the culture according to his selective view. Margaret Morley was i n the mountains to study nature and to write a book about the region and its people and she took her photos to supple­ ment her prose. Morley clearly tried to present an image of the mountains 134 �by Margaret Morley by W i l l i a m B a r n h i l l �to the outside world, and her view was so popular that a copy of her book was for many years i n each guest room of the Grove Park I n n of Asheville. W h a t is fascinating about her choices is that she photographed images and scenes that are remarkably similar to BarnhilPs. This suggests two possibilities. Either Morley and Barnhill shared a vision of the region w h i c h was already well established i n the national m i n d or they b o t h were drawn to those aspects of the region w h i c h appealed to their artists' imaginations and sensitivities. A s is usually the case there was certainly some of each possibility b e h i n d their choices of people and places to photograph. Morley was influenced by the local colorists and Barnhill was enamored of Horace Kephart, b o t h powerful influences. A n d yet they were also artists w h o were i n a unique position to depict the people they met very nearly like they appeared to them. Taken individually as a group what do the photos of Barnhill and Morley reveal to us about Appalachia? I f we are to believe h i m , Barnhill d i d n o t consciously attempt to rearrange aspects of the culture for public consump­ t i o n . Certainly his work was a forceful impact u p o n our perception of what Appalachia was like during the pre-industrial era and the image that is laid before our eyes does not conflict w i t h our cherished notions of what A p ­ palachian should look like at that time. Morley's photos certainly depicted what she wanted her readers to see as they read her book. But was she photographing selectively to present a pre-conceived image of the region that would support the assumptions popularized by the local color writers o f her youth? U n t i l we know more about her life we will not know. Taken separately from her prose, her photos, mostly middle distance and distant views, sug­ gest that there was a unity to this life, that every event had its place i n the overall scheme of things. This approach to photography gives a detached feeling as if one is viewing a drama unfolding. There is little suggestion that the people i n her photos are posing for an audience. Most are off alone, apparently unconcerned w i t h the photographer, w i t h o u t the sense that the intrusion of the camera has i n any way altered their ordinary patterns of behavior. I n the end photographs, like any other historical document, exist i n two worlds, that i n which they were made and that i n which they currently reside. But they cannot tell us everything regardless of how carefully the photographer sought to capture reality. They retain, as works of art, a precious amount of mystery that fires our imaginations, and as historical documents they stimulate us to learn more about the region so we can compare the visual image w i t h the literary image. Fortunately Morley and Barnhill are two sym­ pathetic and sensitive photographers whose lives and work are vital to under­ stand what Appalachia has been and continues to be. 136 �NOTES 1. Sam Gray, "Mountains and Valleys and People in T h e Back of Beyond,' " T h e Arts N.C), 2. 3. For general biographical data see, New York Times, Eller, M i n e r s , 18804930. 5. February 15, 1923. For a complete discussion of the static image and its impact on Appalachian history see, Ronald D. 4. J o u r n a l (Asheville, February 1982, p. 3. Millhands, and Mountaineers: Industrialization o f the Appalachian South, (University of Tennessee Press, 1982), pp. xv-xxvii. Asheville (N.C.) Citizen-Times, August 19, 1979. Interview, William A . Barnhill by Polly Cheek, Richard Dillingham, Linda March, and Rob Amberg, Mars Hill, N . C , November 17, 1982, p. 41. Appalachian Room, Mars Hill College. 6. I b i d . , p. 42. 7. Conversation by the author with Richard Dillingham, Mars Hill, N . C , January 25, 1985, author's notes. 8. Asheville ( N . C ) Citizen-Times, August 19, 1979. 9. Interview, William A . Barnhill by Polly Cheek, et. al., p. 28. 10. I b i d . , p. 33. 11. I b i d . , p. 60. 12. Ibid. 13. This idea was imparted to me in a letter from David Whisnant, April 19, 1985. 14. Interview, Barnhill by Cheek, p. 50. 15. I b i d . , p. 51. 16. I b i d . , p. 68. 17. I b i d . , p. 70. 18. I b i d . , p. 60. 19. Interview, William A . Barnhill by Richard Dillingham, Mars Hill, N . C . August 24, 1983, p. 38. Mars Hill College Oral History Program, Mars Hill College Archives. 20. 21. Interview, Barnhill by Cheek, et al., pp. 36-37. Exhibitions Staff, T h e American I m a g e : Photographs from the N a t i o n a l Archives, 18604960. (Na­ tional Archives and Records Service, 1979), p. ix. 22. One of several books which illustrates this concept is, Michael Lesy, Bearing I m a g e o f American L i f e . (Pantheon, 1982). 137 Witness: A Photographic �This page intentionally left blank �LITERARY AND FOLK CULTURE �This page intentionally left blank �The Road in Appalachian Lore and Literature by H.R. Stoneback I should say at the outset that I have my reservations about the term "Appalachian literature," that I share w i t h James Still the feeling that such a term is "fairly restrictive." A s Still says, "Southern literature is good enough for me." Yet, even i f Appalachia, as Still suggests, is a " m y t h , an imaginary place," as well as a "legal m y t h " by virtue of the A R C definition, we are here today i n what is legally Appalachia to celebrate the 50th anniversary o f a splendid road w h i c h is part of what was originally conceived as the " A p ­ palachian National Parkway." T h e fact that a goodly p o r t i o n of the Blue Ridge Parkway lies outside the mythic or legalistic terrain of Appalachia leads me to feel free to cross the mythical boundaries between Appalachian and Southern literature. One of the most memorable road images i n all literature, and a touchstone for this meditation, is found i n the opening paragraphs of Robert Penn War­ ren's A l l the K i n g ' s M e n . Warren's "dazzling, slick" new highway may "hyp­ notize" you and k i l l you; b u t i f you stay awake, "you'll go w h i p p i n g o n into the dazzle" and "way off ahead...the slab will glitter and gleam like water...You'U go whipping toward it, but it will always be ahead of you, that bright, flooded place, like a mirage." This celebrated passage, an emblem o f the Fall, richly serves the purposes o f the novel. For our purposes, i t evokes the fall as well as the hypnotic dazzle of the road, the road w h i c h has led millions of A p ­ palachian migrants away from the mountains toward the mirage of better lives, as well as the road which has seemed for half a century to be the public answer to the dilemmas of the region, the billions o f dollars spent o n dazzl­ ing roads w h i c h often connect n o t h i n g w i t h n o t h i n g , w h i c h all too often lead nowhere. Permit me to claim one more celebrated passage as a resonant road-sign. Anse Bundren, i n W i l l i a m Faulkner's As I Lay D y i n g , has this to say about the road: D u r n that road...A-laying there, right up to my door, where every bad luck that comes and goes is b o u n d to find i t . I told Addie it want any luck living o n a road when it come by here, and she said, for the w o r l d like a woman, "Get up and move, then." But I told her i t want no luck i n i t , because the L o r d put roads for travelling: why He laid them d o w n flat o n the earth. W h e n He aims for something to be always a-moving, He makes it longways, like a road or a horse or a wagon, b u t when He aims 141 �for something to stay put, he makes it up-and-down ways, like a tree or a man. We might interrupt Anse to note that this is the passage w h i c h Faulkner identified as the "core image," the seminal passage which generated the novel. Anse continues to berate the serpentine temptation of the road, which keeps "folks restless and wanting to get up and go somewheres else when He aim­ ed for them to stay put like a tree or a stand of corn...if He'd a aimed for man to be always a-moving and going somewheres else, wouldn't He a put him longways o n his belly, like a snake?" For Anse Bundren, then, the road is a powerful distruptive force, the central thrust i n the process of deracinat i o n . (It is perhaps necessary to remind students of Appalachia that this Mississippi voice is indeed Apalachian, that Faulkner's Bundrens and scores of other vivid hill-people inhabit the mythic terrain as well as the legal boun­ daries of Appalachia). To stay for the moment w i t h classic fiction, let us consider briefly the work of Elizabeth Madox Roberts. I n The T i m e O f M a n , concerned w i t h Kentucky knob-dwellers o n the borders of Appalachia, the road is a key symbol, for Roberts constructed the novel around the n o t i o n of the tenant farmer, who offers an apt symbol—as she noted i n her journal—for an Odyssy (sic) of man as a wanderer." The novel begins and ends o n the road, and the thematic tension, the intricate prose rhythms and the deep form follow "the t u r n i n g of the roads." Baldly reduced to a sentence, the novel declares that "travelen the road is one o'nary life"; poised against this orneriness is Ellen Chesser's enduring vision of home, place, community, as expressed in this magical sentence: "The farm was secure and the land was placed, all beautiful and near." A n o t h e r Roberts work, The G r e a t Meadow, would be my candidate for the finest novel of the Appalachian frontier. It is, i n a sense, the primal road novel, for it is concerned w i t h the movement from the Blue Ridge to Ken­ tucky, following i n Boone's footsteps through the Gap, following the urhighway of Appalachia, o n a quest to make a home, to "make a world out of chaos" i n Kentucky. Here is the dream of the frontier settlers: A vision of stone walls and rail fences setting bounds to the land, making contentment and limitations for the m i n d to ease itself upon. T h e wearying infinitives of the wilderness come to an end..Through the farms r u n lanes and well pounded roads, making a further happiness, ways to go to meet a neighbor at his o w n house. These pre-machine age roads are the roads of reasonableness and calm necessi­ ty, the roads w h i c h define rather than destroy place and community. I n Roberts' later fiction, the unreasonable roads enter the landsape. B l a c k is M y Trueloves H a i r , for example, is set i n an "age of violence and unbelief... Age of fear and hurry...in this new-fangled world of hard, shallow things." Dena James, the novel's central figure, seeks to be healed through earth, "the 1 2 142 �ancient oracle" after she has been the victim of a short b u t burtal love affair w i t h — of course — a truck driver. T h e road is even more fundamental i n the story, " O n the Mountainside." "Hit's a moven age," the displaced o l d mountain man declares, and the road has led h i m to "be-nasty" his feet w i t h the dirt of the settlements and the minds. He now knows, as he tells the d o w n b o u n d young man caught i n the same mobility: " I was a plumb traitor to my G o d when I left the mountains..." In the domain of the very best m o u n t a i n fiction, I cannot help but hear voices reverberating from James Still's R i v e r o f E a r t h . Even though there are few roads, except for those w h i c h follow the creekbeds, the mobilityderacination paradigm provides the design. M o t h e r dreams of "a place cer­ tain and enduring"; she knows that "moving is an abomination"; she detests "forever moving yon and back" and asks "Where air we expecting to draw up to?" Father, w i t h no will to farm, believes there's a mine working somewhere and follows the rough roads to the next coal-camp. A n d the haunting figure of Walking John Gay, symbol of a deeper restlessness, casts his long shadow over the hills. "Where air ye forever going?" Uncle Jolly asks Walking John Gay. Uncle Jolly, w h o has made up his m i n d to settle and farm, declares at the end that the Baldridges are "a pack o' Walking John Gays, alius agoing." Retain the design of R i v e r o f E a r t h , add fifty years and billions of dollars w o r t h of highways, and father is i n Detroit or Chicago, mother is still dreaming of a "place certain and enduring", and just about everybody else is i n the pack of Riding John Gays. A n d the preacher's voice, Brother Sim Mobberly's urgent inquiry and lament, echoes d o w n the hills: " O h , my children, where air we going o n this mighty river of earth...?" I must confess to feeling some discomfort w i t h the inventory format that my topic seems to demand. It is more properly the subject for a book. Such a book would have chapters dealing w i t h the early local colorists and their insistent images of m o u n t a i n isolation, w h i c h set the stage for the later orgy of roadbuilding, migration, and mobility. I t would also have a chapter o n those later writers, a cut above the local colorists, perhaps, but aesthetically uneven and more narrowly regional—or provincial—than a Faulkner, Roberts, or Still. One work that might be discussed under this rubric is Dubose Heyward's Angel, w h i c h has at its center the road as a symbol of evil, the emblem of "a devastating civilization." Hardly a successful novel, A n g e l is, however, an exemplary instance of road imagery i n Appalachian fiction. Heyward renders his mountain world, for the most part w i t h wearisome Murfree-esque imagery, replete w i t h "mountain glory" set-pieces; his theme, familiar enough, seems to be that the last frontier and our contemporary pioneers—the ultimate rampart of a tottering, primitive world—are under assault by the machine age. First the railroad, then the highway penetrate Angel's "primitive world", and as inevitably as i n a country song, she becomes a fallen angel, falling from the mountains into t o w n , to the accompaniment of the 143 �"possessive roar" of the railroad and the "infernal d i n " of the "rickety machine—the automobile. I n the archetypal machine-in-the-garden pattern, Appalachian and American, the valley is "doomed to prosperity", a dam forms a resort lake, a pretentious hotel is built to accomodate gaudy outlander tourists, and billboards sprout everywhere o n the "road (which) blossomed evilly into a m a i n street w i t h a cinema palace and many hideous and i l l assorted business buildings." Worse yet, an evilly burgeoning highway ap­ proaches the town. W i t h the highway comes the "year of great drought" and the consummation of Heyward's rather obvious waste-land design. However, certain unresolved—or uncontrolled—ironies lurk at the heart of the work. AngePs true-love, Buck, comes back from lowland exile as a member of the prison gang building the new highway. Buck, w h o was the prototypal proud and independent moonshiner, is now the reformed and educated prison trustee, whose speech has lost its m o u n t a i n flavor. Moreover, as he explains to Angel, he's a "good road man now." I n short, Buck is pardoned, and as the " d i n of the road builders" dies away the rains come to the waste-land and the lovers are reunited. Angel has insisted to the end o n her desire to live i n her beloved mountains b u t she goes off to the flatlands w i t h Buck, who has been promised a job—what else b u t driving a truck i n Raleigh. (Sic transit gloria m o n t a n L ) Similar images of the road pervade m o u n t a i n novels but the resolutions of the pattern differ. T h e m o u n t a i n world o f Waits Lowe, i n Maristan Chap­ man's The H a p p y M o u n t a i n , is interlaced w i t h h i l l paths and lanes, the com­ fortable "walkable ways". These hills are not yet under assault by the machine age, but Waits, the "wild-wandery" main character, is restless to see the world beyond the mountains. He sets off eagerly and after various encounters— w i t h a car that almost runs h i m off the road, w i t h a filthy hobo w h o serves to suggest the consequences of perpetual mobility—Waits makes i t to the flatland city. After an initial phase of commingled confusion and curiosity, the city reveals itself to Waits as an incoherent place, indifferent and boring— "all w o r n d o w n alike", he says of i t , unlike the "separateness" of the hills. T h e city streets seem endless i n their deadening similitude. Waits concludes: "These hard roads don't pleasure my feet any." Thus he makes his way back to the happy m o u n t a i n , where his true-love Dena awaits his return. He has quenched his thirst for the road, learned that "the other end of the w o r l d " is most likely to be found "right by the stepstone of your o w n house." It seems to me that these two somewhat flawed and sentimental novels suggest the fundamental patterns of a century of m o u n t a i n fiction: the roads come to the hills, bringing the machine to the garden, and the m o u n t a i n autochthons either lose their Eden as they go d o w n the deracinated road to the flatland cities or they experience a more fortunate fall and return to the mountains to reclaim the garden. Scores of works play variations o n these themes. There is ambivalence i n most o f the works, unresolved ten­ sion resulting perhaps from an uneasy (or unconscious) gnostic embrace o f 144 �the m y t h of progress—and the road, the highway, is the primary artery of gnosticism—in combination w i t h a sentimental sense of loss, a nostalgic long­ ing for m o u n t a i n springs and streams and hollows and log cabins i n an unravaged Arcadia. A l l of this, a century of Appalachian mythology, amounts to a formidable burden for contemporary Appalachian writers. A l t h o u g h there is no space here to discuss today's writers, it is perhaps necessary to declare that their m o u n t a i n roads are the same though they negotiate the curves w i t h greater s k i l l Quaintness-mongering is finished. Picnic regionalism is dead. T h e missionary-settlement school syndrome is cured, and its equal­ ly fuzzy and bemused opposite number, then activist-authenticity syndrome shows signs of abatement. If there is such a thing as "the Appalachian writer" then there are many good ones today. They may fear that, like the speaker i n Jim Wayne Miller's " G o i n g South", they " w i l l probably d i e / i n a long line of traffic"; still, like Gurney Norman's D.R., they are probably o n the road home, to reclaim the stripped land, to resist and to create i n the bright par­ ticularity of place. " A t least the highways make i t somewhat easier for people to abandon the area." The New Y o r k Times, August 11, 1985. I will now invoke the word "lore" i n my title i n order to say a few words about images of the road i n non-fiction, i n essays, oral history, autobiography and song. I do not intendto suggest any formal sense of "lore", as i n folklore; I mean simply accumulated knowledge, facts, beliefs. A n d since we are talk­ ing about road-lore, it pleases me to note the Indo-European root of lore: l e i s " , track, furrow, footprint, etc. By and large, writers of non-fiction concerned w i t h Appalachia have been more generous i n their attitude toward roads. M a n y have seen roads as the most urgent necessity, the great blessing making possible advances i n medical care, educational and economic opportunities. Mary Breckinridge, for example, writes i n W i d e N e i g h b o r h o o d s that the "coming of the highways" has brought "the great blessings of electricity." (She includes the telephone as "another blessing o f civilization". I must confess I have a difficult time finding the area code for blessedness o n my telephone, which is usually turned off). I n one of the oral histories i n O u r A p p a l a c h i a , a "mountain missionary", Sam Vandermeer, recollects his persistent efforts to get roads i n the Buckhorn area. He recalls the t r i u m p h of getting a gravel road and remembers vividly the "thrill of riding over some blacktop". The recently published autobiography of G. C. Jones yields one of the most illuminating accounts o f roads and roadlessness i n all Appalachian lore. T h e evocation of wagoneering i n the Kentucky mountains, hauling wagonloads of supplies and shine up Pine M o u n t a i n , is v i v i d and concrete and w o r t h dozens of Kentucky local color 145 �novels. Is it ironic or inevitable that the young man w h o is an expert w i t h wagons and mules and rough roads grows up to be a handler of heavy machinery, a master hand at mining, blasting, drilling and road-building? Towards the end of his narrative, he writes w i t h obvious pride of his career as road-builder: New highways were replacing the dangerous narrow trails and gravel roads throughout the mountains of Eastern Kentucky, blasting the mountains d o w n to near the level of the valleys...I decided I'd had enough coal mining, and hired o n w i t h the drill­ ing and blasting crew...I was soon put i n charge of the surface blasting of the largest m o u n t a i n that had ever been moved for the construction of a road. G r o w i n g U p H a r d i n H a r l a n County, then, is a most instructive chapter in the Great Book of Appalachia: the self-reliant m o u n t a i n boy, the hardy rural teamster, grows up to move the mountains he loves, to make the roads out, to leave the mountains, and now, retired i n Florida, to write about them. As the bold-text caption i n the recent New York Times (Aug. 18, 1985) review of this book suggests, perhaps Red Jones is the archetypal "Appalachian War­ rior:' A n o t h e r engaged observer of the region, John F. Day, offered fresh i n ­ sights o n the effects of roads some forty years ago i n B l o o d y G r o u n d . O n e of Day's most memorable sketches, "Jacks i n a Jenny-Barn," begins as follows: "Highways l i n k i n g the county seats and byways j u t t i n g a few miles up the hollows have brought a degree of modernization to eastern Kentucky, b u t they also have brought road-houses." A n d w i t h the roads and road-houses, Day stresses, have ccome greater scope for drinking, cheating, brawling, and a general decline of morals, manners, and tradition. Day records this talk w i t h a m o u n t a i n woman: " M y ole man gives me hell all t h ' time fer r u n n i n around, b u t I wanna have some fun. A i n ' t n u t h i n ' up there i n that holler. T i l l two years ago you couldn't even git up there—except walkin'..." "...Roads surely have made a difference." "You betcha they've made a difference. Least you can find something' to do now. Let's have another drink. I feel like howlin'." T h e sacramental center of the road-house is, of course, the jukebox. A p ­ propriately, the sketch ends w i t h slugging, knifing and shooting over somebody's song selection. A n d , as a footnote for songcatchers and folklorists, Day reminds us that "You A r e M y Sunshine" has replaced "Barbara Allen." Yet Harry M . Caudill, i n his Afterword to Day's B l o o d y G r o u n d , com­ ments o n the role of roads i n the region's "progress," i n ending "the old cloying isolation and insularity." He also observes: "New roads were b u i l t to b r i n g tourists and 'industrial diversification'. Instead they gave rise to new coal mines and countless coal trucks." I n various places Caudill has commented on the linkage of better roads and progress. Yet at the same time he sees 146 �clearly that m o u n t a i n people "had caught the highway fever" as long ago as the 1920s. I n the preface to The M o u n t a i n the M i n e r a n d the L o r d he reminds us that "roads went up the creeks and hollows, and the isolated and land-locked became mobile. Schools were consolidated, and the precinct and community lost importance...the new mountaineer became, i n the main, a rootless individual cut off from his cultural origins, his beginnings, his heritage." A s Caudill has i t , "peripatetic mobility" is one of the "principal deculturing influences that have ravaged the mores of the central A p ­ palachians." Certainly this is generally true i n A m e r i c a n experiences, yet it does seem especially and intensely so for the Appalachian experience. Just a few weeks ago, a lead story appeared i n the Sunday Times (August 11, 1985) by Ben A . Franklin, under the headline: "Despite 20 Years of Federal A i d , Poverty Still Reigns i n Appalachia." The piece begins: "Logan, W. Va.—A new concrete highway near here, Appalachian Corridor G, curves smoothly through wide, newly blasted granite canyons and soars over resculpted green mountains. But then, repeatedly, barricades appear, and the concrete ends." T h e article rehearses the familiar facts concerning the aid programs. M o s t striking, however, is the emblematic use of the highway, the unfinished A p ­ palachian C o r r i d o r G—(There is something terrifying about that name)— w h i c h serves to represent the billions of dollars w o r t h of m o u n t a i n roads built i n the last twenty years. Accompanying the article is a photograph of a coal truck o n the new highway, approaching a sign w h i c h reads: "Freeway Ends Vi Mile." I n the key quotation concerning the present role of highways Professor William M i e r n y k of West Virginia University is reported to have said: " A t least the highways make it somewhat easier for people to abandon the area." T h e o l d French proverb says: " I n the beginning was the road." W i l l the new Appalachian proverb lament: " I n the end there was n o t h i n g but roads"? " A l m o s t heaven, West Virginia... Take me home, country roads." Since weVe been o n the road here a long time, and the freeway is about to end, allow me to shift down and talk for a moment about roads and songs, since more often t h a n not the most popular songs i n the mountains seem to talk about roads, roads that lead away from home and roads that lead back home. I will speak not as a professor of folksong but as a country singer these past t h i r t y years. A century ago they were singing about roads and rambling: L o r d Lovel was still telling Lady Nancy Bell that he was a-going "strange countries for to see," and the true-lover was still saying T i l be back a g a i n / I f I go ten thou­ sand mile." These timeless, placeless road songs were not narratives and laments of migration. Since the 1920s, however, since the last milk-white steed was traded i n for a M o d e l A Ford and the o l d songs faded away, most road songs have as their basic premise migration, deracination and the heart's 147 �unfulfilled desire to go home. The fathers of my generation of country singers rambled a good deal w i t h Jimmie Rodgers, and some of them d i d some "Hard Travelling" i n the Guthrie-Depression mode. Many of them were "going down the road feeling bad." But i n the 30s and 40s most of them were already singing from the sentimental stance of out-migration and deracination: "Carry M e Back to the M o u n t a i n s " "Kentucky IT1 Be Returning S o o n " "Take M e Back to Renfro Valley" and " O h I want to wander back to the cabin o n the hill." A n d , of course, that "silver-haired daddy" was always "waiting i n a vine-covered shake i n the mountains," i f you could just get back home w i t h o u t having a "wreck o n the highway." T h e n the 50s and 60s came and it was our t u r n : we began by singing "Ramblin' M a n " w i t h H a n k Williams and soon it was "Gotta Travel O n " ; then we were all i n "Detroit city" singing " I wanna go home." These were the songs we sang, and hundreds more like them, i n a thousand hill-country road-houses, i n a thousand bars o n lonely city streets. A n d , too, some of us sang w i t h Dylan—Tm going down that long, lonesome road, babe/ Where Pm b o u n d I can't tell—or chanted about how it felt to be a rolling stone. Some of us sang along w i t h my o l d Nashville friend and neighbor, Billy Edd Wheeler, about the "Coal Tattoo'—Travelling d o w n that coaltown road / Goodbye...I'm leaving you behind." O r we sang w i t h Tom T. Hall, my wife' childhood neighbor, about a mountain "Homecoming," a brief poignant visit from "the road" w i t h the remnants of the family. A n d even though we were married and had kids, we were still singing (and believing) w i t h Merle Hag­ gard: " D o w n every road there's always one more city...the highway is my home." By the mid-70s, however, we were all settling down, wherever we were, and trying to write quiet songs about home. One of the biggest h i t tunes captured the m o o d of the period: "Take M e Home, C o u n t r y Roads." I t is useful to remind ourselves that this immensely popular song is built around stock images of the Appalachian myth—life is old there," "moonshine," etc.— and that the Blue Ridge and West Virginia serve as general A m e r i c a n touchstones for the vision of "country roads" and "home." (Incidentally, the songwriters had never been to West Virginia). O n a 1984 concert tour of many cities of C h i n a , the Soviet U n i o n , Poland, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, France and Ireland, we—and here I drop the communal "we" employed above—found that the most requested song everywhere was "Take M e Home, C o u n t r y Roads." Everybody, from Peking to Leningrad, from Prague to D u b l i n , wants to come home to West Virginia. But no, it's n o t West Virginia they want to come home to o n that country road (and i f they d i d would they believe what they saw?) It's the deeper resonance of the Appalachian m y t h they sing about. N o t even that, exact­ ly, for Appalachian mythology means nothing to them. Rather—and we here i n the Appalachian w o r l d need to be more aware of this—it is the larger m y t h , the ancient, forever new and universal Arcadian m o u n t a i n m y t h 3 148 �they long to come home to: I n Peking, they may have been singing of coun­ try roads to the hills o f West H u n a n , where the M i a o minorities have held fast to their mountains and time and tradition, resisting for centuries the aggressive imperialism and gnostic assault o n custom and culture emanating from the Northeast; i n Leningrad, perhaps, they were singing about dispossess­ ed hill-towns i n the Ukraine; i n Poland, they were chanting the song of the high Tatras, where resistance is still a man's lot and p o r t i o n and joy; i n Czechoslovakia, they were dreaming of the enslaved and exploited hills and hollows o f the Bohemian Highlands; i n D u b l i n they longed to go to the abandoned mountains of Connemara, or to rest under the green flank of Ben Bulben. A l l over the world, the ancient hill-country m y t h recurs and reawakens i n song and story, suggesting a new solidarity, the solidarity o f the intensely local, the solidarity of the single, separate road or creekbed, the single, separate h i l l and hollow, the blazing particularity of the deus l o c i i n each place. These are the country roads that w i l l take us truly home. "You know my interest and belief i n this project." Franklin D. Roosevelt to H a r o l d L . Ickes (Feb. 10, 1936), re: the "Appalachian National Parkway" It seems, then, that most of our Appalachian writers and singers have not had much good to say or sing about roads and highways; more often t h a n not, the road symbolizes all the forces w h i c h destroy a sense of place, past, and community. Moreover, the roads devastate the land. John Robin­ son, i n H i g h w a y s a n d O u r E n v i r o n m e n t , places our roads very high o n the list of "ecological sicknesses," accuses our road-builders of "monumental sins" against the countryside. Lewis Mumford, i n The H i g h w a y a n d the C i t y , warn­ ed i n 1958 that "the A m e r i c a n has sacrificed his life" a n d his freedom to the "religion of the motorcar." Highway building, he says, often has the same effect o n man and nature "as the passage of a tornado or the blast of an atom bomb." " O u r age," he fears, " w i l l be k n o w n to the future historian as the age of the bulldozer and the exterminator." A l l of these comments are apt, I t h i n k , i n the general American sense as i n the particular Appalachian sense. Lest I appear guilty of bad form, reporting all these unpleasant things about roads to a group gathered to celebrate the golden anniversary of the Blue Ridge Parkway, let me hasten to say that the Parkway is an exception to all this. It is, i n fact, n o t a road or highway at all, but as C o l l i e r ' s E n ­ c y c l o p e d i a puts it: "a long narrow park...for leisurely travel." A s Secretary of the Interior H a r o l d L . Ickes stressed i n 1936 the p o i n t of the Parkway is to protect the traveller "from the dangers, annoyances and ugliness of the usual highway." Since I have already spoken too long here, as literary 149 �critic and country singer, I will not adopt the guise of historian of the Parkway or Roosevelt's road-building policies. Yet, after one Roosevelt scholar t o l d me casually—Oh, the Blue Ridge Parkway was just another C C C make-work project". I was compelled to spend long hours w i t h Roosevelt's papers at the Presidential Library and I thought I should report what may not be general­ ly known—to wit, Roosevelt had a deep and enduring interest i n the Parkway, w h i c h he envisioned as the nucleus of an "Appalachian National Parkway" to r u n from the Canadian border to n o r t h Georgia. I n a confidential memorandum to Ickes he argued for the m o u n t a i n ridge route, as opposed to the "so-called M e t r o p o l i t a n Route," and he made precise suggestions as to the route. He headed this statement w i t h these words: "You k n o w my interest and belief i n this project." I t would seem that F D R had a vision of another k i n d of road, a country road that might take us home, n o t just to the disappearing "scenic wealth" of the eastern U.S., but home to a sense of history, home to rumors and echoes of the Appalachian m y t h , the fron­ tier sturdiness that the country so badly needed i n the depression, i n the lengthening shadows of world war. If, as my grandfather used to say, you w i l l permit me to be personal, I w i l l close w i t h a reminiscence of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Some twentyfive years ago I was drifting around the mountains of Virginia, h i t c h h i k i n g w i t h a friend. A s the phrase goes, we were "on the road," and a charitable observer might say we were wandering troubadours. We picked guitar and sang everywhere, trading songs for meals, drinks and places to sleep. One of the roads we walked was a stretch of the Blue Ridge Parkway, not far from Lexington, Virginia. We slept i n an o l d log barn one night. We didn't cover m u c h of the Parkway then, because the h i t c h h i k i n g was not so good, and there were no audiences for our songs. I'd forgotten all this until I was remind­ ed of i t by a song I heard o n the radio the other day, o n the way back from reading the Roosevelt papers concerning the Parkway. The name of the song is "Stoney," a classic "road" story-song w h i c h was a moderate country-folk hit some years ago. I t was written and sung by my old road buddy, w h o went o n to celebrity as Jerry Jeff Walker, singer-composer of "Bo Jangles" and scores of other songs. I n the ballad "Stoney" he recalls our o l d days on the road, i n particular the roads of the Blue Ridge and—for a pieceways at least—the Parkway. As he sang—we were that free t h e n / just walking down the r o a d / and never really carin'/ where the highway goes'—I was haunted by an elusive image of the Parkway w h i c h I hadn't seen for a quarter of a century, w h i c h was for me an unfinished road, and forever just that k i n d of road where you felt free, where you didn't have to care where it went or how fast you got there. So now, o n the 50th anniversary of the Parkway, and the 25th anniversary of my drifting personal acquaintance w i t h i t , I may just try to finish that road, h u m m i n g an old song or two about freedom and home, m u m b l i n g an o l d phrase or two from the mythic lore of A p ­ palachia about Boone and Walking John Gay, about an end b o t h to the 150 �uninflected wilderness and the wearying split infinitives of the Interstates and all the Appalachian Corridors. NOTES 1 Faulkner's hill-people are "Appalachian" not only because the powerful Senator Stennis of Mississippi was a member of the appropriations committee behind the Appalachian Regional Commission (as some students of Appalachia have suggested), but because the hill-country of northeastern Mississippi is palpably as well as "legally" Appalachian, and because Faulkner thought of his hillpeople—with their East Tennessee and Blue Ridge heritage—as still inhabiting a region which is "the final blue and dying echo of the Appalachian Mountains." Indeed, although Faulkner has been neglected (when not maligned) by students of "Appalachian literature", his hill-people, their Appalachian tradition, mood and manners, represent one of the richest workings of the veins of the hillfolk myth. 2 T h e quotation from Roberts' journal is cited in Robert Penn Warren's "Introduction" to T h e Time o f M a n , the 1963 Viking edition. T h e reader who desires a more thoroughgoing discussion of road symbolism and the hillfolk myth as they appear in the fiction discussed in this essay is referred to an unpublished dissertration, H . R. Stoneback, "The Hillfolk Tradition and Images of the Hillfolk in American Fiction Since 1926," Vanderbitt University, 1970. 3 In addition, in radio and television appearances in China, the program directors invariably re­ quested that we sing "Take M e Home, Country Roads." After lectures on American folk and coun­ try music, someone always asked me how "...Country Roads" fit the patterns I had discussed. W h e n a Chinese publisher asked me to compile a book of "American Folksongs, he made a special point of asking me to include"..Country Roads." A n d , after I had divided the songs in that book into various categories—Prison Songs," "Work Songs," etc.—the Chinese publishers and readers expressed their greatest enthusiasm for these categories: "Songs of the Road" and "Songs of Home." A n d the Chinese, too, like the people in Day's road-house, prefer "You Are M y Sunshine" to "Barbara Allen." 151 �WORKS CITED Breckinridge, Mary. Wide Kentucky, Neighborhoods; A Story Lexington: U P of o f the F r o n t i e r N u r s i n g Service. 1981. Caudill, Harry M . T h e M o u n t a i n the M i n e r and the Lord. Chapman, Maristan. T h e Happy Day, John F. Bloody M o u n t a i n . New York: The Literary Guild, Lexington: U P of Kentucky, Ground. Faulkner, William. As I Lay Dying. Heyward, DuBose. Angel. Jones, G C . Growing New York: George H . Doran, Miller, Jim Wayne. T h e M o u n t a i n s H a v e Come Mumford, Lewis. T h e Highway Roberts, Elizabeth Madox. Black and the City. is M y Truelove's Meadow. 1928. 1930. 1926. Lexington: U P of Kentucky. Closer. 1985. Boone: Appalachian Consortium Press, New York: Harcourt, Brace & . World, H a i r . New York: Viking Press, New York: The Literary Guild, T h e T i m e o f M a n . New York: Viking Press, and O u r Environment. 1980. 1963. 1938. 1930. " O n the Mountainside", in T h e H a u n t e d M i r r o r . New York: Viking Press, Robinson, John. Highways 1980. 1981. New York: Cape and Smith, U p H a r d i n H a r l a n County. , T h e Great Lexington: U P of Kentucky, 1932. 1926. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971. Roosevelt, Franklin D. "Roads and Highways File." Presidential papers. Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, N Y . Shackelford, Laurel, and Weinberg, Bill. Our Appalachia. Still, James. River o f E a r t h . New York: Viking Press, "An Interview with James Still." Appalachian Warren, Robert Penn. A l l the King's New York: Hill ck Wang, 1940. Journal. Volume 6, No. 2 (Winter, 1979). M e n . New York: Harcourt Brace, 152 1977. 1946. �Bertha Cook, Blue Ridge National Heritage Fellow Thomas by McGowan Bertha C o o k (Figure 1) sits o n the front porch of her neat white house i n Sands, a community n o r t h of Boone, four miles d o w n N.C. state route 194. She pulls fourteen strands o f white thread, doubled i n her needle, through a ball of beeswax and then begins to twist and pull a quick line of colonial knots through blue dots o n a large sheet of muslin. Knots pop up i n neat rows. She occasionally stops to snip off unacceptable knots w i t h scissors. Rows of knots meet to form patterns. They trace the windings and leaf shapes of a grape vine. A r o u n d a central wreath of the grape vine design is a rectangle of small knots. Close up, the knots appear like little flowers, the crossed threads of the k n o t t i n g making a deft, tight cluster. 1 Bertha C o o k has made traditional knotted bedspreads i n this way since the second decade o f this century. For over twenty years she demonstrated her craft at the Blue Ridge Parkway Craft Center i n Blowing Rock. I n 1984 the National Endowment for the A r t s recognized her career as traditional craftsperson, the excellence of her work, and her role as active bearer of this Blue Ridge tradition by naming her a National Heritage Fellow. The knotted bedspreads M r s . C o o k makes are folk artifacts native to families i n Watauga County, N o r t h Carolina. A spread's basic field, a large sheet of unbleached or whitened muslin, is decorated w i t h patterns formed by small knots and other embroidery stitches. Yarn fringe tied into intricate patterns trims the spread. The fringe and knot designs follow patterns handed o n i n local families, and the way of making spreads has been passed from mother to daughter. Makers use traditional k n o t and fringe patterns that they alter by their individual artistry. Using methods and patterns practic­ ed by at least five generations of her family, Bertha Cook applies the dynamics of folk art—tradition and innovation—to produce spreads distinguished by her individual skills and family values. She is an active bearer of the material culture traditions of knotted bedspread making and a noted raconteur of the tales that express the history and values of that craft. D u r i n g her years as demonstrator at the Parkway Craft Center and at folk festivals and crafts fairs, those traditions have touched a public wider t h a n her family and community. To start a new spread Mrs. Cook follows traditional local ways of "stamp­ ing" or "laying off" patterns. M r s . C o o k places the new muslin sheeting over a spread already knotted w i t h the chosen pattern. W h i l e she once would lay the pattern spread across a porch floor and tack and stretch it d o w n 2 3 4 153 �Photo by Tom M c G o w a n Figure 1. Bertha C o o k works on a kotted bedspread o n her front porch, Sands, N.C., summer 1984. �"neat," she now uses her double bed as backing for stamping. She explains, " I f I put it o n the floor, I couldn't get up." She then arranges the new spread carefully over the pattern spread, paying attention to position the new sheeting squarely w i t h the pattern area i n the desired position. Mrs. C o o k stamps w i t h a cloth soaked i n a bluing solution. By rubbing the cloth over the ridges formed by the k n o t patterns below the spread, the pressure of the knots below causes a b i t of bluing to wear off onto the new spread. T h e bluing marks form lines of dots w h i c h duplicate the position of the o l d knots. Later, when she has finished k n o t t i n g the pattern over the dots, she will soak the spread to remove the bluing marks. Part of M r s . Cook's tale repertory discusses stamping i n times past. Because knotted bedspread making became a source of extra cash income for households, having patterns from w h i c h to copy spreads for sales became important. A family might protect its copy of a good seller, sharing it only w i t h selected relatives and neighbors. One set of stories reflects those days of sales rivalries. After suitable hesitation to show she doesn't wish to spread scandal, M r s . C o o k tells of surreptitious overnight "borrowings" of spreads. While a spread was soaking i n a stream to take out the bluing or hanging on a clothesline to dry. another maker might briefly sneak it home to be stamped so she could acquire the new pattern. M r s . C o o k also relates a repeated local story describing how some women i n the o l d days used sooty pie-plate bottoms, instead of bluing, to stamp a new spread. But she admits that she can't understand how they could get such sheets clean again. Mrs. C o o k also recounts a favorite family folk story about her mother, Mrs. Cary Hodges. W h e n young, M r s . Hodges arranged w i t h a neighbor to stamp a Bird i n Tree pattern, a very popular seller then. A t the time, M r s . Hodges didn't have a full bed-sized w i d t h of muslin, but was making the new spread from two narrower sheets that she planned to sew together. But in her h u r r y to copy the two half pattern, separately o n each of the sheets, she reversed the birds' positions and so produced two birds facing out i n ­ stead of in. M r s . C o o k laughs each time she repeats this favorite tale. She remembers what a fine maker her mother was and delights that even such an expert could make a basic mistake that reversed a traditional design. Mrs. C o o k keeps a collection of old spreads i n an upstairs room for stam­ ping patterns, but she has not been locked into simply copying them. Her rightful pride is her o w n "personal" Grape Wreath, a stately design w i t h a rich circle of grapes and vine i n its center (Figure 2). I n the spread business, Grape Wreath designs had developed as popular sellers, but Mrs. Cook wasn't satisfied w i t h duplicating someone else's pattern. She describes how she made her o w n design: " I made the circle by tracing a wash basin, and I made grape bunches where I thought they should be. There's fifty-seven of 'em." Even i n duplicating this pattern, M r s . C o o k w i l l make small changes, adjusting small details as she works along. Five years ago a Double Grape Wreath from Appalachian State's Fry 5 6 155 �Collection became popular after being pictured i n a magazine article. M r s . C o o k asked i f I could get her the spread to stamp. She and her daughters W i l m a Hartley and M a r y Brown made copies, and M r s . C o o k filled some telephone orders for the spread. But she relates she didn't like it as m u c h as the Single Grape Wreath she herself designed. She made only a few special order Double Grape Wreaths before returning to making her o w n design. T h e basic stitch i n M r s . Cook's spreads is a k n o t made w i t h multipleply cotton thread. She is very particular i n distinguishing the k i n d of k n o t she uses. W h i l e some local makers use a conventional French k n o t , M r s . Cook calls her stitch "colonial knots." She learned the stitch from her mother, w h o used this same term. M r s . C o o k has taught i t to her daughters and granddaughters and to observers (even me). She also dislikes the term "candlewicking" to describe her work. W h i l e "candlewick spread" is a term current i n b o t h scholarly and popular needlework lexicons for this type work, M r s . Cook, like many local makers, limits "candlewick" to describing tufted stitching, a once popular local practice, but one Mrs. Cook doesn't particularly like. Her personal difinitions of "colonial k n o t " and "candlewicking" reflect her senses o f pride and close personal and family identity i n her work. 7 8 For her Grape Wreath pattern, M r s . Cook's k n o t t i n g material is seven strands of cotton thread doubled over i n her needle to form a fourteen-ply cable. She varies the number of strands according to the k n o t size proper to different patterns. Before beginning to k n o t , she firmly pulls the strand through a slit i n a beeswax chunk to help keep the strands together and smooth the sewing. She starts a k n o t row by pushing the needle into her sheeting and t h e n pulling it out at the spot where she wants the next k n o t . She pulls the thread through w i t h her right hand o n the needle, and then, w i t h her left hand, bends the thread coming out of the sheeting to the left. She holds this thread bend, usually about three inches from the exit hole, close to the sheeting, b u t n o t so tight that she can't twist her needle around it. She reaches her needle over and under this thread segment and twists the needle so that the thread wraps once around i t . T h e n she pushes the needle back through the fabric close to spot where it had just come out. She pops the needle back out at the p o i n t for the next k n o t and begins to pull the thread tight. The tightening of the twisted thread forms her "col­ onial knot." T h e colonial k n o t is the only embroidery stitch used i n C o o k family Sunflower, Bird i n Tree, and Bowknot and Thistle patterns. Over forty years ago, M r s . C o o k d i d make tufting i n a Hickory Leaf spread, w h i c h she still uses to cover her o w n double bed, b u t "turfing," as tufting is called locally, is something she no longer does. She does supplement the basic colonial k n o t of her Grape Wreath spreads w i t h satin-stitch grapes and running-stitch leaf veins. A g a i n she learned these other stitches from her mother. After the embroidered sections are finished and the bluing washed out, 156 �Mrs. Cook trims the spread w i t h hand-tied fringe (Figure 3). She makes fringe by tying repeated loops of a cotton-yarn cable. She forms this cable by w i n ­ ding together six strands of four-ply yarn, w h i c h is thicker and rougher than her k n o t t i n g thread. Some makers call it "tobacco twine." To tie fringe, she uses two sets of tools made by her late husband: a wooden frame and varioussized wooden needles. First she wraps a good supply of six-strand cable about the center of a hardwood needle or "shunt." T h e n seated before the frame, she passes the needle around the frame's top rail and ties a series of loops. Building from this base row of loops, she ties other loop tiers, again using quick twists and passes of the shunt to k n o t the yarn. She uses "sticks," dowels o f different sizes, to gauge each row. By varying the size and form of loops and knots, she forms tiers of elegant "lace" to be sewn along the fringe edge. For a doublebed spread, she ties eight yards o f fringe. W h e n she has tied the final row of loops, she then cuts the loops around the frame's rail. These loose ends produce the fringe edge that w i l l hang d o w n from spread. I n earlier days, she notes, makers often used a broom handle across two chairs for a frame. M r s . C o o k herself has two frames. T h e larger one is for work at home. Its smaller partner is more transportable; she used it i n demonstrations o n the front porch of the Parkway Crafts Center. A l t h o u g h she knows of plastic shunts available i n crafts stores—in fact, her daughter Jackie Clay uses a set—Mrs. C o o k prefers keeping her o l d husband-made wooden set. Her preference again shows her allegiance to things made i n her family—artifacts that have proved serviceable, but which also carry family connections for her. Different arrangements of fringe have local names, w h i c h M r s . C o o k identifies readily. The Cook fringe repertory ranges from Spider Web to Single and Double Fence Rows, but M r s . Cook's favored choice i n recent years has often been Crowfoot bordered by a simple Net pattern. I t forms hand­ some spread edging, b u t she also prefers it for economic reasons. Crowfoot takes less yarn t h a n another favorite, Spider Web. She often comments o n the continually higher costs of materials and so sometimes combines aesthetics and frugality i n favoring Crowfoot. Over the years M r s . C o o k has sometimes teamed w i t h one of her daughters i n making a spread. While mother finishes the colonial k n o t field of the spread, daughter will be tying the fringe t r i m for it. Boone's bookmobile librarian, M a r y Brown, remembers learning from her mother when she had "to stand o n a wooden box" to reach the top of the fringing frame. These spreads combining mother's and daughter's work lose nothing of Mrs. Cook's demanding standards and represent a meaningful j o i n i n g of work by dif­ ferent generations i n the family tradition. This splitting of work was a characteristic of Mrs. Cook's demonstrating w i t h her mother, Carrie Hodges, and has been repeated i n later dual demonstrations by M r s . C o o k and her own daughters. 9 157 �Figure 2. Details from Bertha Cook's Single Grape Wreath design for kotted bedspreads. Photo by Tom M c G o w a n Figure 3, Spider Web pattern fringe, handtied by Bertha Cook. Photo by Tom M c G o w a n �Bertha C o o k takes special pride i n the sewing of fringe to a spread. She points out that not many local makers know her attachment technique. She takes care that fringe along sides is spread attractively, and she pulls fringe loops together tighter at corners so they w i l l hang properly. She attaches the fringe strip w i t h a briar stitch sewn w i t h the same yarn used i n fringe tying. T h e briar stitch looped through the first row of fringe gives the ap­ pearance of another row of Net. This practice adds a little more w i d t h to the fringe, but also gives the appearance that the fringe is tied directly to the sheeting, instead of having been made separately. Again Mrs. Cook learn­ ed this technique from her mother, and she has taught it to her daughters. Like her preference for colonial knots, this special touch forms part of the C o o k family heritage of spread making. Days spent demonstrating her craft at festivals and the fairs of the Southern H i g h l a n d Handicraft G u i l d and o n its closed-in demonstration porch at the Moses Cone manor house have provided outside reinforcement of Mrs. Cook's family craft and story traditions. Tourist observers have become her customers and best advertising. Their compliments have corroborated the strong family pride she always possessed for her craft and her mother's ways. M r s . C o o k has also handed o n her craft and her mother's ways. M r s . C o o k has also handed o n her craft by example and spoken instructions to interested women outside the traditional contexts of family and local com­ munity. Stories of women w h o tried to show her the "right" way to French k n o t or w h o just couldn't catch o n to fringe tying are now parts of M r s . Cook's narrative repertory. Talking w i t h the public has also provided another context for her to repeat her tales of k n o t t i n g i n earlier days, to recount anecdotes illustrating the values and techniques of her craft, and to emphasize its history i n her family as a "hand me down" craft. A l t h o u g h those outside contacts have provided a market and publicity for Mrs. Cook's work, I doubt they have much influenced her ways of working, her pattern choices, or her aesthetic preferences. A s her son J.D. C o o k remarked after viewing a videotape of M r s . C o o k working and talking, "She's just like M o m m a Hodges," the mother w h o taught her to k n o t and fringe. Fine needlework and this connecting of generations distinguish knot­ ted bedspread making i n the Cook family tradition. One of my favorite stories from M r s . Cook's narrative repertory describes how she learned fringe ty­ ing i n 1913. I t is a tale that sums up a long life well spent i n following a family craft tradition. She relates: I was 18 years old...My grandmother, my aunts, and my mother, they all d i d i t . I never d i d want to tie it, but I did...One day, M o m m a said, " N o w big as you are, i f you don't learn to tie fringe I ' m gonna w h i p you." So I didn't want to be whipped and I learned. N o w I've been t y i n ' ever since. 159 �NOTES 1. Eighty slide illustrations accompanied the presentation of this paper. Earlier articles on Bertha Cook are my "Bertha Cook, Maker of Knotted Bedspreads," Arts 3 (Fall 1980): 1-2, rpt. as "This Tie Binds Family, Tradition, Art," 1980, p. 14A; "Mrs. Bertha Cook, an Appalachian Artist," Black Cook, Maker of Blue Ridge Spreads," T h e Arts Charlotte Jack Appalachian Observer, 10 Sept. 12 (1983): 21-23; and "Bertha J o u r n a l 10 (March 1985): 42. This paper incor­ porates findings from those articles. Mrs. C o o k is also the subject of a videotape, "Bertha Cook, Maker of Knotted Bedspreads," available through the Department of English, Appalachian State University. Short discussions of Mrs. T h e Craftsman i n America Cook are included in Cynthia R . Ramsay, "Fiber and Fabric," (Washington: National Geographic Society, 1975), pp. 98-99; W. Amos Abrams, "Citations: Bertha Hodges Cook," N o r t h C a r o l i n a F o l k l o r e J o u r n a l 22 (May 1974): 95; and a film directed by Stella Stevens, "The American Heroine. Part I : A Dream of the South." 2. See "Bertha Cook," T h e N a t i o n a l H e r i t a g e Fellowships (Washington: National Endowment for the Arts, 1984), p. 5. 3. For discussions of Watauga County spreadmaking, see Annette Riley Fry, "Bedspreads in the M o u n ­ tain Manner," Americana, May-June 1978, pp. 28-32, and Lark Shea, "Mrs. Annie Watson: A Maker of Appalachian Knotted Bedspreads," N o r t h C a r o l i n a F o l k l o r e J o u r n a l 30 (Spring-Summer 1982): 34-42. 4. Mrs. Cook demonstrated at the Southern Highland Handicraft Guild's Craftsman's Fairs in Gatlinburg, Tenn., and Asheville, N . C . , 1951-77; the N o r t h Carolina State Fair's Village of Yesterday, 1952-80; Appalachian State University's "Blue Ridge Coverlets and Knotted Bedspreads: A Regional Exhibit," 1981; the World's Fair Folklife Festival, Knoxville, Tenn., 1982. A postcard (Aerial Photography Services, Charlotte, N.C.) pictures her demonstrating at the Southern Highland Guild's Craftsman's Fair. 5. For discussions of Carrie Hodges, see Emma Weaver, Crafts N.C.: and Knotting," Artisans 6. i n the Southern o f the Appalachians (Asheville, Highlands Southern Highland Guild, 1975), p. 42, and Edward L . Dupuy, "Mrs. C.G. Hodges: Fringing (Asheville, N . C . : Miller Printing, 1967), pp. 38-9. This spread is pictured in "Getting Started in Candlewicking," Decorating Crafts Ideas, Sept. 1981, pp. 22-23. 7. 8. Riley, p. 31. See, for example, Allen H . Eaton, H a n d i c r a f t s o f the Southern Highlands (New York: Russel Sage Foundation, 1937; rpt. New York: Dover, 1973), pp. 225-27; Carleton Safford, America's and Coverlets (New York: Dutton, 1972), p. 279; and Yvonne L. Amico, Candlewicking from Quilts Yesterday (Irvine, Cal.: Gick Publishing, 1983). 9. A photograph of Bertha C o o k and Carrie Hodges hangs in a side corridor of the Parkway Crafts Center in the Moses C o n e manor house, Blowing Rock, N . C . 160 �Mabry Hill as Metaphor by Parks Lanier For fifty years now the Blue Ridge Parkway has symbolized human ingenuity i n man's t r i u m p h over the mountains. Harley E. Jolley's account of the building of the Parkway recalls that often t h e survey parties found themselves cutting swaths through a country so isolated that it still presented a frontier-like atmosphere. Getting to the survey site itself was an adventure that carried the survey crews from modern cities and transportation into a m o u n t a i n wilderness where the terrain was extremely rugged and the obstacles to a man o n foot were numerous" (Jolley 108). N o w from milepost zero at Rockfish Gap i n Virginia to milepost 469.1 i n N o r t h Carolina the mountains have been tamed. Intrepid motorcyclists and even bicyclists travel where fifty years ago no one ventured. Visitors are counted by the tens of millions annually. A favorite stopping place for millions of these visitors is M a b r y M i l l at milepost 176. The seventy-five year old mill remains i n operating order, much as it was when Ed M a b r y and his wife, "The Boss," kept it between 1910 and 1935. For tourists it is an attractive anachronism, something which can be used but is no longer useful. I n his poem "The M i l l , " Edwin A r l i n g t o n Robinson has left a dispairing portrait of a miller and his wife w h o have outlived their usefulness. They k i l l themselves. Such was not the fate of the Mabrys w h o d i d not outlive the era i n which they were useful, he dying in 1936 and she i n 1938 after selling the m i l l to the National Park Service w h i c h was bringing the Parkway to their front door. Today, M a b r y M i l l supplies tourists w i t h buckwheat flour, conrmeal, and grits. But that is not all they may come away w i t h . M a b r y M i l l dispenses information o n the Appalachian way of life as well. Behind the m i l l is an area w h i c h displays "examples of m o u n t a i n industry from Mabry's time." By walking from exhibit to exhibit along a circular asphalt trail, the visitor finds himself i n an area w h i c h is b o t h museum and garden. From the buildings, tools, and farm implements o n display, he can glimpse authentic patterns of life and work fifty or seventy-five years old. The artifacts he views have been carefully selected and artistically arranged. From time to time the visitor can discover some of them i n use, as at apple butter or molasses making season, b u t for most of the time they stand barren of life. T h e moonshine still is never used; it remains discreetly empty, off to itself among trees i n an area remote from the path w h i c h winds to the more lawful m i n t still or bark press. As Harley Jolley says, " A ride along the (Blue Ridge) highway opens win­ dows o n a cultural history more t h a n two centuries o l d " (Jolley 3). T h e u 1 2 3 161 �garden-museum behind M a b r y M i l l is only one such window, but the view onto w h i c h it opens is remarkably beautiful. Purists i n the study of A p ­ palachian life may argue that it is too prettified and therefore misleading. They might say that because the view is highly selective, it risks the very authenticity it boasts. It is too narrow even to be called a microcosm of A p ­ palachia, yet common aspects of the Appalachian experience are highlighted for the busy tourist. A s the guiding brochure points out, "The exhibits i n ­ clude a horse-powered cane m i l l used to squeeze the sugary juices from sorghum stalks; an evaporator where the juice was boiled into sorghum molasses; a m i n t still used to distill the flavorful oil from the m i n t plant; and the fabled moonshine still, a source of b o t h praise and condemnation in m o u n t a i n tales and songs." There is also a blacksmith shop where o n most weekends the fire is hot and the anvil rings, and a cabin useful for displays of quilting and weaving, but there is no privy to be seen. Mabry M i l l is not a microcosm of Appalachian life, but it is a microcosm of the Blue Ridge Parkway. One way to view the Parkway is to see it as a garden 469 miles long and 2 lanes wide. It is a garden through w h i c h one can travel at forty-five miles an hour, or i n which one can remain motionless in contemplation. M a b r y M i l l , like the Parkway, is a planned experience. Harley Jolley reminds us that great care has been taken to show nature to advantage. "Working very closely w i t h the (Parkway) engineer," he says, "was the landscape architect. He determined which trees would be sacrificed, which stone cliff would be blasted, where the overlooks would go, what could be done to hide the scars made by the construction crews, where a retaining rail would be located, and whether the roadside fences would be stone or rail. I n Short, any question of an aesthetic nature came w i t h i n the province of this specialist, whose guiding principle over the years has been to pro­ mote to the fullest the Parkway's natural beauty" (Jolley 131). Interpreting the Appalachian experience has always been largely a ques­ t i o n of aesthetics, whether it be a consideration of quilt making or the best way to paper one's walls w i t h newspaper and magazine pages. The Blue Ridge Parkway is 469 miles of interpretation written i n tree and stone, i n grass and rail. I n constructing a garden there are, says Teiji Ito, who has written about the Japanese garden, "only two attitudes toward nature. One confronts it or one accepts i t " (Iwamiya and Ito 7). I n interpreting the Appalachian ex­ perience, there are, similarly, only two attitudes. One confronts it or one accepts i t . Since the Blue Ridge Parkway and the museum-garden w h i c h is M a b r y M i l l are interpretations of life along the Parkway and, by extension, off the Parkway as well, it is important w h i c h aesthetic attitude prevails, the one of confrontation or the one of acceptance. T h e presence of a Resident Landscape Architect o n the Blue Ridge Parkway staff would seem to suggest that the project prefers confrontation to acceptance. But Teiji Ito's insights into the Japanese garden suggest that 4 5 162 �another attitude may be at work. "Ask a Japanese gardener the secret of gardening" Ito says, "and he will h o l d up his pruning shears. This pruning, called sentei, allows a more natural and, at the same time, more ideal beau­ ty to emerge. The beauty is there from the first. It is not created, it is merely allowed to express itself i n a louder voice and i n plainer terms. The beautiful garden lives. The gardener merely makes this beautiful garden more visible" (Iwamiya and Ito 9). This principle of pruning, magnified by dynamite and bulldozers, seems to have been at work along the Blue Ridge Parkway. Spread over 469 miles, the process becomes nearly invisible. Concentrated i n a few acres of M a b r y M i l l , it cannot be hidden as easily as one hides a two-mile scar o n a moun­ tainside. Rocks millions of years o l d could be moved, but not a m i l l i n place only 25 years. It required from the landscape architect acceptance, not con­ frontation.. A screen of pine trees along the southbound lane suggests a com­ promise between artistic dictates and the mill's inherent limitations. Ed Mabry did not b u i l d for nostalgia; he built for utility. Parkway aesthetics, however, embraced the m i l l and i t , i n t u r n , exerted its influence. T h e struggle has yielded a harmonious resolution w i t h acceptance o n b o t h sides. M a b r y M i l l is a tour garden, and as such has much i n c o m m o n w i t h the Japanese tour garden. This particular garden style i n the Japanese tradi­ t i o n evolved from the religious paradise garden and the tea garden (Iwamiya and Ito 40). Like the area around M a b r y M i l l , "these tour gardens were very free i n b o t h form and pattern" (40). But unlike Mabry M i l l , "the tour garden, no matter how many buildings it contained, was always arranged around its path, and this path was always arranged around the lake or pond....Oc­ casionally, i n addition, there were branch paths, looping out and return­ ing" (42). A t M a b r y M i l l , the p o n d is isolated from much of the tour path which loops behind it. T h e water is wedged between the front of the m i l l and the Parkway, a happy circumstance for tourists w h o cannot stop, but who can say nevertheless, " I saw M a b r y M i l l . " M a b r y M i l l , as I said earlier, is a microcosm of the Blue Ridge Parkway, not of Appalachia. This selectivity is also something w h i c h it shares w i t h the Japanese tour garden, w h i c h may display a small-scale M o u n t Fuji or other notable scene, or use distant scenery, such as mountains, as a background for a garden which "frames" it. Such "borrowed scenery" is very popular. Teiji Ito says, "The idea of borrowing a view and incorporating it into a garden was not new. I n a sense it had always existed. A mossy stone brought from deep i n the mountains and set up i n a t o w n garden brought w i t h it more than itself. It brought the suggestions of the place from whence it came....Tour gardens, if possible, incorporated at least some of the surround­ ing scenery" (45). Additionally, a Japanese tour garden might be allusive i n its construc­ t i o n , inviting a visitor w i t h literary tastes to find there an entire story or favorite scenes. Ito says, " A rewarding walk i n the Katsura garden, for 163 �example, presumed a thorough knowledge of The T a l e o f G e n j i i , said to have been Prince Toshihito's favorite book and one which had certainly been con­ sulted i n determining precisely what was to go into the garden" (Iwamiya and Ito 45). Obviously there is no need to i m p o r t rocks or miniature mountains i n ­ to M a b r y MilPs garden, but there is borrowed scenery aplenty: the lumber rack, the log hauler, even an entire cabin w h i c h has been dragged onto the property from miles d o w n the road. A n d this borrowed scenery cannot help but be allusive since it is an assemblage of the material culture of Appalachia so long celebrated by novelists, poets, historians, folklorists, and other regional investigators. A l l the volumes of F o x f i r e are for sale i n the M a b r y M i l l giftshop, i f one needs to refresh his memory. To the Japanese garden i n Portland, Oregon, the "novel innovation" of a haiku poetry stone was added to characterize the garden (McFadden 200-201). I n the Mabry M i l l tour garden, poems by Appalachian writers might easily replace the utilitarian placards. By the iron kettle, for example, one could pause to read Jeff Daniel Marion's poem "Recipe," w h i c h describes the making of lye soap: collect &L m i x water, a sprinkle of ashes, & seepage i n an iron kettle: one tempered by the b u r n i n g years of use, black & three-legged to squat over the fire you have prepared ( M a r i o n 16) Beside the plow is a perfect place for Jim Wayne Miller's "Breaking Ground," a poem constructed i n the shape of a plow point (Miller 30). I regret the absence of a well at M a b r y M i l l , for by it I would affix a copy of Fred Chappell's "Cleaning the Well," w i t h its line for tourists who enjoy mountain water, "Whoo! It's G o d D a m n cold!" (Chappell 14). Billy Edd Wheeler's poem "The Craft Shop" could be tucked among the giftshop displays of M a b r y M i l l coasters and place mats hawked by a clerk w h o quotes, "Howdy, and what can I do-ye-fer?" (Higgs & . M a n n i n g 327). The garden-museum of Mabry M i l l , selective though it is, pruned though it is, instructs us, as the entire Blue Ridge Parkway from w h i c h it takes its cue instructs us, i n an Appalachian aesthetic. I n the interplay of light and shadow, i n clear air or i n mist, one sees the diversity—evergreen and deciduous, sharp needle and broad leaf, rough trunk and smooth limbs. There is permanence and change—the mountains, the water rushing over the m i l l wheel. There is simplicity and complexity i n wood and stone, man's geometry and the geometry of nature. Man's tools are there, stones to grind the grain, wheels to haul the wood, plows to cut the earth. Everywhere there is con­ trast and kinship. 164 �If a garden is one w h i c h accepts rather t h a n confronts nature, as the garden at M a b r y M i l l is, it holds a special gift for its visitor. To h i m it i m ­ parts a yearning to seek the garden i n the world to w h i c h he returns. T h e paradox of the garden is like the paradox of the poem. It is not our world we are to find i n it; instead, we are to seek it i n our world. One may find it i n unexpected places and at unexpected times. It may come i n the weathered pattern of rock, the patina of wood, the translucence of a leaf, or it may be found i n a sound or a taste. Perhaps that is why tourists carry away bags of buckwheat from M a b r y M i l l , so they can taste the garden later, far away. Danny M a r i o n titled one of his books of poetry O u t i n the C o u n t r y , Back H o m e . I would also like to suggest "out i n the garden, back home." From that perspective, there are no tourists at M a b r y M i l l , only homefolks looking for home. NOTES 1. M a b r y M i l l Today and Yesterday (Eastern National Park and Monument Association, 1977), sec­ tion 1. 2. M a b r y Mill, section 5. 3. M a b r y Mill, section 1. 4. M a b r y Mill, section 1. 5. See, for example, Geraldine N . Johnson, " 'Plain and Fancy': T h e Socioeconomics of Blue Ridge Quilts" and Charles E . Martin, "Decorating the Appalachian House," both articles in Journal, autumn Appalachian 1982. REFERENCES Chappell, Fred. River: A Poem. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, Iwamiya, Takeji and Teiji Ito. The Japanese Jolley, Harley E . T h e B l u e Ridge M a b r y M i l l Today and Yesterday. Marion, Jeff Daniel. T i g h t Lines. 1975. Tokyo: Zokeisha Publications, Ltd., 1972. Garden. Knoxville: T h e University of Tennessee Press, Parkway. Eastern National Park and Monument Association, 1969. 1977. Emory, Virginia: Iron Mountain Press, 1981. McFadden, Dorothy Loa. O r i e n t a l Gardens i n America, A Visitor's Guide. Los Angeles: Douglas-West Publishers, Inc., 1976 Miller, Jim Wayne. Dialogue W i t h a Dead M a n . University Center, Michigan: Green River Press, 1978. Wheeler, Billy Edd. "The Craft Shop." Voices from the H i l l s . E d . Robert J . Higgs and Ambrose N . M a n ­ ning. New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 165 1975. �This page intentionally left blank �The Folk Tales of the Eastern Blue Ridge Jody by B r o w n a n d Rex Stephenson Each region of the U n i t e d States has created and preserved its o w n folk tales, stories passed d o w n through generations via the oral tradition. T h e legends that surround Casey Jones, John Henry, Davy Crockett, Jesse James, and Simon Suggs have become as much a part and symbol of our culture as the American flag. During the last forty years most of these regional folk tales have been recorded or printed, resulting i n the generalization of most folk tales. Nevertheless, folk tales still indicate the values that once marked particular regions and show the process a society uses to pass its values o n to others. The South produced an unusual variety of folk tales. The isolation of the residents and the importance of the oral tradition, especially i n the more mountainous communities, encouraged diversity i n folk stories. A l t h o u g h many of the folk tales derived from O l d World stories, the free adaptations in the new environment and culture that settlers discovered i n the South produced a plethora of variants. A typical story about an uncaring step­ mother abusing her stepchildren only to defeated by them may have many different versions even i n a relatively small area. The material for the stories d i d not establish a tradition i n itself. T h e key ingredients were excellent storytellers, eager audiences, and numerous occasions for the stories to be transmitted. T h e all important storytellers were first, of course, products of their cultures. They shared the same language, dialect, values, beliefs, aspirations, and predicaments. Rather t h a n someone brought i n from specialized training elsewhere, the storyteller was one w h o was very much a part of that community or group to w h i c h he was speak­ ing. His relationship to the folklore was deeply felt. The folk material reflected him as a fellow member, a fellow creator, and a fellow perpetuator of the community as much as the audience. Thus, the storyteller had a personal connection w i t h the material that he was transmitting. Since he was a product of that community, his creations and inventions were likely to come from an honest understanding of the c o m m u n i t y values inherent i n the material. His personal connection enabled the storyteller, in his inventiveness, to be flexible. He knew the character types, the en­ vironment, and the kinds of situations that entertained his listeners. Because he also knew the mentality and temperament of his audience, he could easily integrate local features into his narratives. This empathy between the storyteller and the community not only gave the storyteller his material, it also encouraged his art. Once the storyteller has chosen to tell a particular plot, he begins making choices. These choices 167 �reveal his skill and knowledge i n the marrying of traditional stories and local color w i t h the dramatic. Because he does n o t merely copy what he has been t o l d and experienced, but instead reshapes and refines the material through his special awareness, he is an artist. T h e community's influence, however, is still important. U n l i k e other artists w h o also create art from the ingre­ dients of their lives, the storyteller constantly evolves his stories and tests them i n presentation. For a folk tale to endure the listeners must do more than understand and appreciate the story; they must tell it. T h e story must so capture their fears, beliefs, general knowledge, humor, concerns, or values that they repeat the story. U n l i k e the art of the writer, poet, painter, composer, or potter whose work produces an artifact, the storyteller's art is ephemeral. T h e suc­ cessful storyteller discovers how to employ personality and a sense of the dramatic through observing other storytellers, the audience responses, and the audience's attention during the narration. Intuitively, he learns about pause, inflection, vocal color, and dramatic b u i l d and so becomes adept i n these skills during delivery. T h e tales that survive i n the Blue Ridge are the ones w i t h regionally important material fired i n the k i l n of regular retelling by numerous successful storytellers. T h e Southern way of life w i t h its close kinship ties, casual and relaxed tempo, and pride i n developing an oral memory also lent itself to the perpetua­ t i o n of storytelling. Cecil Sharp, an Englishman w h o traveled i n Franklin C o u n t y i n 1918, recalled: "They are a leisurely, cheery people i n their quite way," and noted that although many of the m o u n t a i n folk were illiterate, "they are good talkers, using an abundant vocabulary racily and often pic­ turesquely." A l t h o u g h the Jack Tale is probably the most famous folk tale of the general Blue Ridge region, it is not the most c o m m o n o n the eastern slope. This area is rich w i t h ghost—haint—stories, witch tales, tall tales, and especial­ ly moonshining stories. These folk tales show the values of people and the means society uses to transmit cultural concepts. T h e best source for these stories is Raymond Sloan whose father taught school i n Franklin County. In addition to stories he recalled from his father, Sloan was a WPA folklore collector i n Franklin county. Sloan, w h o never trained as a folklorist, stated once that he was probably chosen because he was a good typist. However, Sloan was an excellent collector, and m u c h of the traditional material he preserved has been published i n U n c l e Esom's Grist Mill—Other Stories, F o l k Tales a n d Tall Tales. One of the most interesting stories i n this collection is "The Hoop Snake." T h e story assumes that the audience is familiar w i t h this unusual species of reptile that grabs its tail i n its m o u t h and rolls downhill. I n the story several children are playing w i t h barrel rings by rolling them d o w n the mountain. One of them accidentally picks up the hoop snake—this vicious snake that only inhabits the eastern slope of the Blue Ridge. The terror of the children 1 168 �when they realize that the hoop is alive teaches the audience to be careful i n their play. A s b o t h a tall tale and a warning tale, "The Hoop Snake" shows how storytellers were important teachers as well as entertainers i n the society. Probably the best k n o w n , b u t unpublished Franklin C o u n t y tale, "Ear­ ly's Light," illustrates local adaptation of traditional stories i n order to con­ vey moral themes. Miss Elsie Turner of B u r n t Chimney and Dr. J. Francis A m o s of Rocky M o u n t are the primary sources for the story. T h e story re­ counts the death of Jubal Early's brother and his wife's plan to marry the overseer of the plantation shortly thereafter. T h e two Early boys, i n an at­ tempt to stop the wedding, bring the deceased Early's coffin to the wed­ ding. While everyone recounts this incident as a factual tale and numerous individuals around B u r n t C h i m n e y attest to seeing the "Light," that is Ear­ ly's ghost wandering from the grave, the tale is still very close to the archetypal situation of a husband trying to influence his wife and society, a story best k n o w n to us as Shakespeare's H a m l e t . Shakespeare's play is i n the tradition of several Roman, Norse, German, and French stories which feature a Danish King, Horwendil, who is murdered by Feng, his brother, i n order to be able to marry Geratha, Horwendil's wife. Pretending to be mad, the Queen's son, A m l e t h , commits a number of irra­ tional acts u n t i l he can avenge the murder and thus cleanse the nation. I n the Saxo Grammaticus legend the hero feigns stupidity to protect himself against his uncle-father. While "Early's Light" carries no suggestion that the principle female chararacter may be an accessory to the murder nor any question of succession to a throne—both c o m m o n features of this general European story—it does use many other story elements. T h e two Early boys do pretend cooperation after first objecting to their mother's remarriage. The remarriage threatens the boys' inheritance and way of life. T h e ghost of the first husband speaks directly to the wife and, i n so doing, changes her at­ titude about the marriage. While there is no doubt that some parts of "Ear­ ly's Light" are true, most of its dramatic qualities seem to have been derived from this general European tradition. Furthermore, the story clearly con­ veys the area's moral themes of eternal faithfulness, preservation of family control of property, and the relative roles of women and men. The most prevalent folk tale representative of the Blue Ridge is the "Jack Tale". Jack Tales, w h i c h center o n the "little feller" w h o always comes out o n top, were originally O l d World tales. T h e character appears i n Jacobs' British collection as Jack i n Germany as a character called Hans. Richard Chase, the individual most responsible for recording the Jack Tales, notes: " I t is clear that m u c h of our A m e r i c a n tradition is Irish and German as well as British." T h e m o u n t a i n folk modified and adapted the Jack Tales to fit the Blue Ridge environment and cultural situation. I n their present form the Jack Tales represent "a curious mixture of O l d World tales and m o u n t a i n life." Thus "Jack and the Beanstalk" became "Jack and the Bean tree." A l t h o u g h 2 3 169 �it is basically the same story, each incident has been varied to fit m o u n t a i n life. Jack hides from the giant i n the bake-oven, and instead of stealing a golden goose, a magical harp, and a bag of gold, he takes a " s k i n n i n knife," a "rifle-gun," and a "coverlid" that has "bells all over it." The giants dialogue still partially reflects the English heritage of the story: FEE! FAW! F U M M ! I smell the blood of an Englishmun. Bern' he dead of bein' he alive, I'll grind his bones, To eat w i t h my pones. A n o t h e r example of adapting the stories is the tale, "Jack and the H i d ­ den Valley." I n this tale, Jack goes for a walk and comes upon a party where the K i n g is dancing the Virginia Reel. Jack walks up to the K i n g and says, "Howdy, King." T h e K i n g replies, "Howdy, Son." Jack and the K i n g begin to talk when a "whole passel of big unicorns come up i n front of them and "bellered a mighty blast." Later Jack notices the King's daughter and asks to marry her, but the K i n g turns d o w n his request. Jack and the King's daughter r u n away when "he seed they was all drunk." The next day Jack and the girl return to find the King, but all they find is a sign w h i c h reads "Moved to a New Location, signed, the King." So Jack and the girl "was married" and "had fourteen Kinds, jest like Jack." This story illustrates the lack of any understanding of kings of kingdoms. T h e idea that a king would just move his kingdom like m o u n t a i n people move to another point i n the "holler" was perfectly acceptable. A n o t h e r major p o i n t this story illustrates is that the m o u n t a i n folk have a very democratic spirit. Since everyone was equal, finding the K i n g doing the Virginia Reel and talking to a commoner like Jack was completely accep­ table, even expected. O n l y one Jack Tale was ever recorded i n Franklin County. I n 1980 Ray­ m o n d Sloan, recalled "Jack and the L u m p of Silver," a tale his father, RT. Sloan, told h i m . Raymond Sloan recalled his father's teaching days at Pigg River and how every Friday, i f the students had been good all week, the afternoon was spent spinning tales. The older Sloan probably heard the Jack Tale from one of his students. The story follows very closely the West Virginia tale of "Foolish Jack;" Jack is sent to t o w n by his mother and o n the way trades his lump of silver for a cow that is dry, then trades for a horse that is lame, u n t i l finally he ends up w i t h n o t h i n g . Despite Jack's material losses the audience sees h i m as the hero illustrating a strong value of the com­ m u n i t y about barter and the moral values that influence trading. Contained w i t h i n folk tales is a treasure chest of wisdom accumulated and passed by one generation to guide and direct the next. Folk materials mark the growth and progress of civilized man. According to Gerald Tyler, "There are things i n folk (materials) that evoke immediate, universal, and sometimes irrational responses; things w h i c h seem to touch h u m a n beings 4 170 �not i n the head or heart but near the solar plexus" Whether the folk tales "touch" the heart, the m i n d , or "Near the solar plexus," the p o i n t is that they do make an impact upon us. True, they are entertaining, but the value is far greater than just pleasure. Last season's funniest television situation comedy is seldom remembered this year, while folk tales have lasted for centuries. Besides their enduring qualities, folk tales are important cultural teaching tools. C h i l d r e n always respond to folk material; it seems to say something special to them. Folk stories are as important as play i n the preparation of the child for life. I f play is the child's equivalent of real experience, then folk tales are the child's equivalent of the great literature of the adult world. Far from being m i n o r amusements, folk tales put us i n touch w i t h the values of people. They affirm the creativity of people and show the power of stories i n transmitting cultural principles. ENDNOTES 1. Cecil Sharp, "Cecil Sharp's Collected Papers, 1917-18, American Visit," The Cecil Sharp Library, London, England. 2. Geoffrey Bullough, N a r r a t i v e a n d D r a m a t i c Sources o f Shakespeare, Vol. 7 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973), 5-30. 3. Richard Chase, A m e r i c a n F o l k Tales 4. R . Rex Stephenson, The Jack Tales: a n d Songs A Teacher's 171 (New York: Dover Press, 1956), 63-71. G u i d e (Ferrum: Ferrum College, 1979). �This page intentionally left blank �The Perfect Work Thomas by Rain Crowe T h e eye blinks and we're enraptured i n a 'new world—Such is the ex­ perience o f traveling the serpent-like spine o f the Blue Ridge Parkway. W i t h each bend i n the road a new panorama and a new experience of indigenous discovery. A road w h i c h travels the high ridge-line o f the Southern A p ­ palachian Mountains is almost as mythic a fashion as the Cherokee tell their stories of the Uktena: the horned snake guardian of the Smoky Mountains, where the parkway ends to the south near the Georgia line. A n d all the while as 'pristine' i n its upkeep and landscape as Jefferson's 'Monticello,' where the parkway begins to the n o r t h as if it were but an expansion of the driveway to that historic house.... In this sense the Blue Ride Parkway is truly the 'high wire' act of the region of the Southern Appalachians. A region k n o w n for its natural beau­ ty, its unique cultural heritage, and a climate w h i c h n o t only nurtures sustenance and sustainability, but which conjures up loftier images of a k i n d of perfection and beauty which would rival those of the 'Garden of Eden' itself. M y journey along this internationally k n o w n road is best traced by the line of my life. A line which began i n the Parkway's 'feet—the Smoky M o u n ­ tains of N o r t h Carolina where I spent my boyhood years isolated, protected, and educated by the natural world and the world of Celtic as well as Cherokee tradition. Where I was taught the wisdom of silence from the big trees i n the Joyce Kilmer woods. There, I learned of the great gift of abundant and perfectly (naturally) clean water. There, I came to k n o w the ancestral (much like 'grandparents') comfort of the mountains, i n this place where time, for a young m o u n t a i n boy, almost literally, stood still. Later, my family and I would travel the length of the serpent's back up the parkway to central Virginia, where I spent my high school years i n the shadow o f Monticello and the echoes of Jeffersonian colonialism, still ap­ parent i n the 'plantation smiles' w h i c h had come to be labeled "southern hospitality," and a language that was foreign to me, (having come from the world of oral tradition and Scotch-Irish-American dialect, where triple negatives and 'turns of phrase' were high literature!) as if I had been awakened from sleep only to find myelf i n some foreign land. But like many a plant, I adapted and came to love these lush valleys and r o u n d hills as my own—as an extension of the seemingly elder 'grandparents,' those aged and bearded mountains to the south, my family and I had so reluctantly left. In the years that have followed I have lived i n or visited most every corn­ er of these Blue Ridge Mountains, as well as the greater world beyond, and have found that the only way that I k n o w to address them is, as 'Home.' 173 �A n d if 'home' is where the peace of m i n d , the strength of will, and the heart is; then truly I am Home! A n d it's at home that I've found I do my best work, where we do o u r best Work. A n d it is here that, finally, I've made my stand i n pursuit of perfection, as reflected i n that work..."The Perfect Work." T h e perfect work' is what we do w i t h our God-given talents, i n service, and how we use these talents to grow. To become more fully w h o we t r u l y are. A n d i n this way, how we are related to the individual and collective growth of others, as, by example, we assist them i n their 'race' w i t h Destiny. In their struggles to conquer the prejudice of Time..*. W h a t I am implying here is a reference to the overall process of our col­ lective as well as individual relationship(s) w i t h the process of change and stewardship where it pertains to the vision of harmony/growth/well-being amongst all natural systems, b o t h regionally, and w i t h regards to our planet, and beyond.... 'The Perfect Work' i n its most complete sense, then, would seem to i m ­ ply an attunement to a process of 'synthesis' simplicity whereas one's o w n cycle of growth is concerned; and at the same time, an awareness and v i ­ sionary sensitivity to the regions of natural and mystic Truth that, nest-like, makes up that environment which, i n t u r n , creates one's spiritual-physicaluniversal Home. For, to be conscious and Awake to the specific realities of the place i n w h i c h we live; (its ancient history, its more recent history, and its place i n the here and now w i t h regard to stewardship and preservation) is important to w h o we are if we are to see ourselves i n this life w i t h respect to knowledge, balance and harmony, and the continuation of our future ancestry. Yet, a vision confined only to a sense of political, ethnic, or geographic boundaries is a limiting one w i t h regards to the possibilities w h i c h lie out­ side these boundaries. For the words "region" or "work" when implying separa­ t i o n or division, limit our pursuit or understanding of a sense of g r e a t e r unity, w i t h other peoples, other animal and plant life, and other more etheric rela­ tionships and knowledge inherent, but i n some cases less available, to us all. So how does one address his 'work' and the peoples of his region through the use of inspired language? Perhaps by first allowing himself to be vulnerable enough to share the experiences of his vision as a journey around the circle of his o w n life. A life as manifest i n his perception of the process of growth. G r o w t h , i n its more mythic sense as well as i n its more practical sense, w h i c h embodies the confrontations one encounters i n his wanderings and deal­ ings w i t h the material world, and the experience/wisdom that arises from that journey. A journey w h i c h becomes the experience of how one sees himself (how we see ourselves) w i t h regards to individual and collective human Destiny. A Destiny w h i c h is this life. Such is the Work of the Poet.... W i t h the Blue Ridge of the Southern Appalachians as my natural and experiential l i n k to the world of Nature, the landscape (region) of my 174 �beginnings, and the home of the images I use now as reflections i n the 'mir­ ror' of my 'Work,' I would like to begin this journey around the perimeter and into the 'souP of the cycle of my o w n growth (this exploration of just what the different aspects of what "work," and even "the perfect work" might be) at the beginning.... I n most of the ancient cultures we k n o w of, their days began w i t h the ritual of thanks and prayer. A n d just as the beginnings of poetry come from these ancient peoples, our ancestors, and their rituals of song, chant, and prayer, so then should any journey begin i n ritual, w i t h the act of giving thanks to all that has come before us, that has given us the foundations from which we draw our inheritance. A n d , so, it is from the "Work of Respect" for these beginnings, and the true beginnings of the poetic tradition we might begin, w i t h a chant appropriate to the native peoples of the Blue Ridge M o u n ­ tains and a Cherokee song w h i c h is a call to the spirits of Earth, asking for the blessing of u n i t y and harmony i n our everyday lives: hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula ungula, ungula... hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula ungula, ungula... hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula ungula, ungula... hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula hey-hey-hey-hey, hey-ungula ungula, ungula... A n d then from the more recent Christian written tradition, and the "equivalent" this adapted version: A SONG OF DEVOTION after David T h e earth is my body, and I shall not want; it beckons me to lie d o w n i n green pastures. 175 �It shares w i t h me its clean waters; and it nurtures my soul. It leads me along the paths of right t h i n k i n g for its o w n sake. Even though I walk through valleys among shadows of darkness, I fear no evil; for the earth is w i t h me; its mountains and its seas they comfort me. O, great Earth, you have set a banquet before me i n the hearts of my enemies; have filled my m i n d w i t h revelations, and my wonder grows! Surely the deer and the seasons shall follow me all the days of my life; and I w i l l live i n the beauty of this world forever. Hey-when-i. Amen! W i t h respect for and i n remembrance of those traditions that came into this region o f the Southern Appalachians and eventually began to call it 'home,' and i n that sense became consciously "indigenous," coming to, w i t h love, refer to themselves and their love for this land as "new natives—we give thanks to that part of our ancestry w h i c h came from those European roots: R E M E M B E R I N G O U R K I N : A Eulogy for Gelolo M c H u g h (1907-1981) Heaven is i n the heart. Edens, and pasture of endless green. A n d n o t h i n g b u t soothing l i g h t T h r o u g h the gateway to the West, death is driving darkness to the grave, to corncribs of night. Toward the final thunder of all our collective dreams. 176 �I n the corners of the planet Earth, nexus is holding its dance. Listen, as the spirits of all animals and the hearts of all men bounce i n perfect r h y t h m i n the dirt! A s the resurrection bird sings swansongs to an ancient caste. A n d w i n d is blessing the air w i t h its wings— T h e ashes we are spreading through this grass is food for the rain. A special mist, mulching the memories of our past. A n d the crickets and the robins sing! So long o l d friend. T h e space you are leaving, empty, behind, is slowly filling like a springbed of love i n this rain. Here. Where we are all Family i n this place. O u r children soon to be d r i n k i n g from that stream... It has been said that the soul of every man is feminine. Sense of Place, and our search for true Identity: "the Work o f Inner Balance," begins then, perhaps, i n our search for the feminine. T h e special muse w h i c h speaks to us all, and inspired by w h o m , we create. O u r interior link, i n finding and facing "Her," w i t h the feminine "mother," i n Earth. T h e goal o f this initial stage of the journey being a search for the feminine towards the goal of 'an­ drogyny.' A path which, for myself, was one of finding my maleness by discovering first my femininity. A discovery of strength of heart by, first, learning to dance.... L E A R N I N G TO D A N C E I am disappearing into the side of her body. Her body, w h i c h when it lifts and turns, also moves the Earth. I have given up the toys of my childhood and my ambitions for o l d age. A n d have moved deep w i t h i n the walls of her silver skin. 177 �I am through w i t h my love of suffering. A n d the words that describe that love. I am going to carry o n a magnificent affair w i t h the w i n d from the inside of her body where we b o t h sleep. Friends, I am going deeper, even deeper inside t h a n the animal or the blade of grass— I am looking for the stones. T h e stones that lay to the side and i n the bed of the Great River. A m o n g those stones there is only one rock w i t h my name. I w i l l pick it up and h o l d it high above my head i n the inner light. I will know many things. Outside w i t h her body, she is teaching the w o r l d to dance! From the search for Self, and a sense or place of balance and harmony w i t h i n , we move, literally, onto the land.... A n d a search for "sacred place." Places that draw us magnetically and even surrealistically to a spot where we are at rest, and so can be most effective i n what we do i n this life. O u r 'Home' and our work i n the natural-geographic world: SACRED SPACE T h e lake i n the room of death is o n fire. T h e tiger is eating my legs. A n d the desert is quiet now w i t h the memory of my blood. O n the avenues at night women are calling my name. "Love," they shout from the corners of the house of lights— 178 �W h a t i f G o d were governor of these states? H o w would the stars i n our dreams or the eyes of Isis dance i n the memories of police? Too many cars i n my blood! Somewhere is a piece of land where all of silence plays d r u m . Where greed is a shade of blue each night that covers my sleep. A n d lust is the gift of milk from a goat. These traces are like the silhouette of lightning i n hands. T h e eyes of a brick. O r the sacred spot where eventually everything stands.... LOOKING FOR LAND Fast as the fool's trace whispers over high hills, I try to buy land. O, what a clown would come into this place so long looking for blood! H o w can any man O w n a piece of the earth! A week too late, the silver goes back into the pockets of our ancient lives. A n d the land our children would love thickens as we walk away, Empty. Feet tired. O u r hearts as heavy and as brittle as rust, i n leaving behind this special place to die. 179 �Grounded and centered i n a place o n Earth, o n the earth, and once we are "Home" (earth-wise) we begin what friend Gary Snyder calls "the real work." A k i n d of work w h i c h is companion to destiny, self-sufficiency, and the key to health. Here, work is the regional harmonizer of the inner and outer worlds. A service to self, to one's family, to community, and final­ ly, to the 'family of Man.' OCCAM'S RAZOR for Wendell Berry "Work is the health of love." T h e best path. Something as simple as wood. As w i l d as a tree. O r the perfect essence of space— These ways. Like the magic of hands: gone, w i t h o u t trace.... I n a small world, I live w i t h the things I grow. Careful of what comes. Letting n o t h i n g go. A n d after the 'real work' comes pattern of health and habit, come the first glimpses of: THE PERFECT WORK! Love is the perfect work. A music w h i c h rings all the bells i n the temple. A special w i n d i n the t r e e s Listen to the way the drummer hits lovingly his d r u m . T h e way the dancer moves over the warm earth. A n d watch as children leave their bodies behind o n the o l d logs around the fire and sing! T h e world is aglow i n the shadows of the children singing. O f the sticks against 180 �wood. O f the heavy silent breathing of the old ones w h o sit off to the sides o f the circle and pray. W h e n I am at work i n my garden I take off my shoes. I let my other hands embrace dirt. I plant myself i n this place. A n d k n o w i n g what love is, I awake. I n this place i n my body. Full of dream music, Full of light! I n the words of Thomas M e r t o n : N o man is an island." A n d after work we look to our families and those w h o w i l l become extended family and community i n their most meaningful sense. A n d our sense of self and region grows, expands beyond our visions of singularity, towards a realization of c o m m u n i o n and Oneness w i t h all peoples, and all living things: u LEVITATION H o w easily the o l d table moves to the touch of our family of hands. A l o n e , or i n pairs we only gather here to partake i n the ritual of food. Travelers i n the history of a day's work. O n l y o n special evenings at those perfect times each year when we all meet do the spoons and bowls get their chance to dance. A n d the still and starry night outside those ancestral rooms sits cross-legged i n the lotus of the heavens i n trance— W i t h age we learn to rise above our needs. To make do w i t h a good meal and a wish. To watch carefully how the pendulum swings i n the corner o n the o l d clock. A n d the way the candle flickers from its o w n breath o n an evening w i t h o u t w i n d . For a m i l l i o n years we have gathered like this around tables made of rock and of wood. I n families. Raising our voices i n prayer. Talking to the men and women of night. U n t i l 181 �the sun comes up over the mountains. A n d we dream of perfect islands of love, and are there.... Just as poetry i n the healing aspect of language, so is it important that we look to our bodies and minds w i t h regard to health and well-being. To focus our personal and collective goals o n the q u a l i t y and longevity of ex­ istence. A n d our original and natural 'birthright,' beyond death. I t is here that the healing aspects of 'the creative' serve to insure our sense of perfec­ t i o n through longevity and the continuation of an affirming and vital future: FOR T H E FEATHERS I N T H E HEALER'S FAN "Any idea, person, or object can be a Medicine Wheel, a M i r r o r for man. T h e tiniest flower can be such a M i r r o r , as can a wolf, a story, a touch, a religion or a mountaintop." —Hyemeyohsts Storm This is the one that flies, the one w i t h wings w i t h every man's heart i n its hand. A n d this one is w i n d . T h e one that breathes, the holy breath that moves through all things— This is the one that cares. T h e soothing blue i n the dusk of every eye. A n d this, the flame. T h e fire gone w i l d i n the streets of w i l d dance. T h e seam i n the blouse of night— This is the one that dreams. Kisses stolen from the rain. O r the voice w i t h i n books. This is the one that cries. Water from the m o o n . O n tables for those w h o pray and weep for their meals. A n d this one sings! New songs to the planet Earth. O f new death, new life, and new b i r t h — This is the one that heals. Heaven's hands reaching d o w n from the drumbeats of space. 182 �Light from the wheel. Dressed up i n the fashions of grace.... A n d w h i c h one is this, hiding behind all the other feathers i n the fan? It is the one that dies. T h e one that tunes his bow to the strings of death. W h o take lightly the lives of all trembling and arrogant men. A n d like the one that flies, comes back. To live again! for Hawk Littlejohn T h e rest are the ones that dance. I n the shadows of the healer's full m o o n fire. A t the edge of the lake. Its blood beating time o n the tambourine shore. To each dancer and dance sculpting the sand w i t h their dreams. Ringing longevity's bells. From the rope w i t h i n ! Our journey around the sacred circle of life brings us, finally into the forest of the region of universal consciousness and awareness. A place where the big trees grow. T h e hiding places of the u n k n o w n , and the "beyond." W h a t we do here depends upon what we have done w i t h where we have been before. H o w we have built and completed the foundation work i n the previous experiences of our journey. Here among the virgin trees we bring our awareness of w h o we are into relationship w i t h the universal scale of the spiritual-physical marriage shared inherently i n the concept of the Godrealized Oneness amongst all things. A n d we have come, full circle, to our true beginnings, and as a result of the perfect work, we're.... ...GOING H O M E Suppose everything we k n o w is false. Our bodies are not our bodies. Rivers not rivers. A n d air not really air— But something else. Imagine the w o r l d as a shadow of another life. Where there are no sweet smells of food cooking. A n d no food. Where there are lovers 183 �kissing. A n d no lips. A n d no lovers. Where there is no such t h i n g as darkness or light. O n l y eyes.... T h e dream we imagine to be our lives, is just that: a dream. Each of us is a drop of water. A part of an endless sea. W h e n we are swimming i n that ocean, we become that sea. O n l y when we walk out of that sea are we alone, and are b o u n d to the limits of this life. T h e sound of waves reaches the ears of the u n b o r n C h i l d , asleep. Yet, there is no sound. T h e ringing the shepherd hears i n the high meadow, from the bells around the necks of each of his sheep, is a wonderful music! Yet, there are no bells— We are all working our way back to The Sea. Where everything lives. N o t h i n g exists. A n d we're Free! FALL FROM GRACE Fall is the season of the poem! T h e cold breeze of the m i n d as it talks to the earth i n the language of fallen leaves— Where I to have but one name for the changing trees it would be "God." Where I to have but one bowl for my m o r n i n g rice it would be made of wood. Where I to have but one path through the woods to the place where I go to pray it would be along the stream. Were I to have but one robe to keep this body warm it would be made of the finest wool! N o matter where we go to be alone, beauty i f living there too. The way excellence stands guard at the door of a poor man as i f he were rich. 184 �W h e n I say to the woman I love, " I love you" all she hears is the voice of my pain. It is when I reach for her hand that my heart speaks! W h a t is summer saying to this fall! Is it some sweet goodbye? Is i t the list of names winter is wearing i n the hidden seams of its coat? O r the lullaby of an ancient kiss? It is this: From the seed that once gave b i r t h to the tree, to the tree we w i l l return and embrace. Each year. A a fallen leaves. From grace! SEED T h e true pulse of M a n is the same as any vegetable grown from seed? From hands that have learned to scratch the soil like another skin, the seed slips into the wounded earth. Like the prophet w h o lays d o w n by water and begins to dream.... the seed begins to take o n new life. W E A R E A L L SEEDS! A piece of grain between the forefinger and the t h u m b of G o d . T h e cold fire of night that gives life to the soul of dying wood. A n d the voice of rain, as light, as it enters and make love to the earth. H o w wonderful that this small r o u n d seed could grow into the majesty of a great tree! Into the face of a flower. O r the sweet taste of something to eat. 185 �W E A R E A L L SEEDS! Circles reflecting rainbows 'round the sun. Where a smile is brother to a sister's kiss. A n d prayer is the lodge we will one day k n o w as peace. Growing from the prophet's dream of the garden. Becoming the forests and fields. Infecting the o l d mountains w i t h Life! 186 �ENVIRONMENTAL AND ECONOMIC �This page intentionally left blank �The Spirit of the Blue Ridge by Gilbert Leebrick "The images i n this exhibition share a feeling of spirit w h i c h is unique unto the Appalachian M o u n t a i n s and the Blue Ridge Parkway. This spirit is an underlying force of this land we cherish." T h e Blue Ridge Parkway, as it winds its way through the Southern A p ­ palachian Mountains, affords infinite potential for the making of five photographic images. The unique structure of the parkway allows for uninter­ rupted involvement w i t h b o t h "nature" and the landscape. Nature is defin­ ed literally as rocks, flowers, clouds, salamanders, and the like. T h e land­ scape o f w h i c h nature is a part, encompasses artifact, ideology, history, and aesthetic and displays us as cultures. Nature, the primodal force, generates creative energy and connects us as humans to a more universal system. Land­ scape is symbolic, b o t h a vision o f the "real" w o r l d and an artifact concern­ ing ideologies. Photography is a medium of visual communication. This dictates that something is communicated when the photographic image is made and view­ ed. T h e message might be as simple as the documentation of a family o n their summer vacation along the Parkway or as complex as a personal sym­ bol of a moment of connection to nature. Photography may be used to docu­ ment, to exaggerate, or to relay feelings as well as ideas. Photography has the potential to communicate the non-visual as well as the visual. T h e photographs included i n the exhibition are o f the latter catetory. They have less concern w i t h particular geographic locations and unique natural phenomona. T h e images were made to communicate a feeling as well as a concept of the forces working i n nature, the forces that are nature that are unique u n t o the Parkway. A s one does when lying o n a hilltop viewing the clouds, certain sym­ bols, and, at times, anthropromorphic designs are gestalted. Very often these visual realizations trigger a feeling or understanding of personal and cultural connections w i t h nature. Eastern philosophers use the word "satori" for such an experience. Images created during such experiences have the ability to communicate this energy to the viewer i n a literal as well as a nonliteral manner. Landscape and nature are n o t synonomous b u t the photographic i m ­ age may communicate the less tangible aspects o f nature through the con­ cepts of landscape. 189 �NOTES O N T H E PHOTOGRAPHS T h e exhibition photographs were printed from 4x5 and 2 k x 3!4 size negatives made o n Kodak Tri-X film exposed at 200 A S A and developed i n Kodak HC110 developer. Various developing times were used i n order to compress or exaggerate contrats for creative reasons. T h e prints were made o n Oriental Seagull Paper, developed i n a two bath system and archivally processed and mounted for permanence. The University of N o r t h Carolina operates the Appalachian Environmen­ tal A r t s Center, a facility dedicated to creating a visual and verbal dialogue among the arts, sciences, and humanities concerning the natural environ­ ment. To this end, the center sponsors classes, workshops, lectures, exhibi­ tions, and produces educational media. T h e photographs were made by Gilbert Leebrick, Associate Director of the Appalachian Environmental A r t s Center. x T h e following chosen photographs represent Leebrick's conference exhibition: 190 ����������This page intentionally left blank �Land Use Attitudes of Rural Residents by James E Shepherd Introduction Research has shown that more people are migrating to rural areas from urban ones. This urban-to-rural migration is termed t u r n a r o u n d migration and the concept has become widely accepted i n the U n i t e d States (Wellman 1980). This migration trend is causing b o t h a physical and social change i n the rural landscape. U r b a n residents have been moving to rural areas for many years, b u t u n t i l recently, the physical composition of the rural land­ scape went unnoticed (Healy and Short 1981). N o w the physical change of the rural landscape is more apparent. Rural landowners are selling off their land holdings to urban transplants and large corporations (Stephenson 1984). Rural family farms are being divided into smaller residential tracts, large recrea­ tional developments or extractive industries. The rural native now has a group of "invaders" i n close proximity (Healy and Short 1981). I n some incidences he or she has sold his or her home i n the hollows and valleys and purchased another home (sometimes a mobile home) along the highway corridor (Stephenson 1984). J.B. Jackson (1970) calls these highways the "social land­ scape" and directs attention to the changing development along them. Rural areas are now composed of a variety of residents from different social and economic backgrounds. Because of this variety, potential for social conflict exists. One possible social conflict is the difference i n attitudes regard­ ing land use and objectives for the rural landscape. Planners and sociologists believe a better understanding of the impact of urban migration o n the rural landscape is needed. I n an effort to help reach a better understanding of the impact o f urban migration o n the rural landscape is needed. I n an effort to help reach a better understanding, this research studies the attitudes toward land use o f current residents i n one rural area beginning to experience tur­ naround migration. T h e rural area was Grayson County, Virginia. Rationale for Study Landscape Architects and planners must reach a better understanding of the attitudes and potential for social conflicts i n rural areas to evaluate their plans and decisions for the rural landscape more effectively and sen­ sitively. This is o f particular importance to the planners and landscape ar­ chitects w h o make decisions about the Blue Ridge Parkway. T h e Blue Ridge Parkway transverses many rural counties while introducing urban visitors 201 �or potential residents to rural communities. Most of the migrants to rural areas have previous ties to the area through relatives, friends or travels. Some of the newcomers i n Grayson county discovered the area by traveling the Blue Ride Parkway. This is significant when considering that the Parkway only passes through the extreme southeastern tip of the County. It is vital to reach a better understanding of potential social conflicts in rural areas that went to retain their rural quality of life (Wellman 1980). Very often we tend to generalize about the attitudes of rural residents. Unless research is done, an important aspect of these issues is left to generalizations and assumptions. True feelings and attitudes residents have toward land use are seldom realized by planners and landscape architects. M e t h o d and Study Area To obtain the attitudes of rural residents regarding land use, I have con­ ducted ethnographic interviews. A l l the interviews were tape-recorded. Five basic groups of residents were found i n Grayson County. First, the residents were divided into native or non-native categories. From these two categories, residents could fall into one of three subcategories: (1) Retirees or summer home resident (2) Counterculturist (3) Movers and Shakers. Some residents remained only i n a native of non-native category, while others fell into a combination of categories. Movers and Shakers are the most influential people in the community. A list of these leaders was provided by the local newspaper (The D e c l a r a t i o n 1984) and was starting point for my interviews. M y grand­ father, w h o is now 85 years o l d and a native of Grayson County, provided another starting p o i n t for native and non-native informants, particularly in the western section of the County. A "snowball" technique of interview­ ing was employed. After each informant was interviewed, they were asked to recommend other possible informants. A t this time twenty interviews have been completed and interviews are still being conducted. Grayson County, Virginia is an area just beginning to experience t u r n ­ around migration. Riley (1977) believes it is best to study an area where new principles for the rural landscape will have the potential to create the most change. These are regions w i t h few people, where present poverty exists i n a landscape of underdeveloped richness (Riley 1977). Grayson County, Virginia is a rural area appropriate for such a study. T h e 1980 Census data indicated that Grayson C o u n t y had a popula­ t i o n of 16,679. A 7.4 percent increase i n population occurred w i t h i n the ten years period between the 1970 and 1980 census. This increase is signifi­ cant for Grayson C o u n t y because from the 1940's the C o u n t y has seen a steady out-migration and a loss i n population (Comprehensive Plan, Grayson County, Virginia 1980). 202 �Reason for Turnaround Migration A l t h o u g h each rural area possesses unique characteristics, rural sociologists and planners cite several c o m m o n factors w h i c h contribute to turnaround migration (Schiefelbien 1977, Schwarzweller 1979, Stephenson 1984, Zube 1974, Healy and Short 1981, D u b b i n k 1984): • • • • Industries locate i n rural areas providing employment. Transportation and highway systems are improved. A great number o f national parks and recreational areas are created. Dissatisfaction w i t h the urban environment attracts many retirees, recreationists and persons seeking a different lifestyle. • Development of residential areas i n a variety of price ranges makes rural areas more accessible to a larger economic market. Some of these same factors are contributing to the start of turnaround migra­ t i o n i n Grayson County. M o r e employment stability has been provided to the county by an exercise equipment manufacturer (Nautilus) locating i n the town of Independence. Grayson County is the home of the M o u n t Rogers National Recreational Area, Grayson Highlands State Park and also the head­ waters for the scenic New River. Low density of population, a clean environ­ ment, and an abundance of natural beauty have attracted many retirees and persons seeking a different lifestyle to the County. Others Studies Most of the literature concerning urban-to-rural migration describes the characteristics of the newcomers. Generally, urban-to-rural migrants are younger and of higher socioeconomic status than the rural populations they are joining (Schiefelbein 1977). Because of the difference between the natives and non-natives, numerous social conflicts may occur. A m o n g the social conflicts w h i c h have been suggested are: competition for jobs, change i n rural social stratification, conflicts of culture and life-style, and conflicts over growth and economic development. Several studies have looked at specific points of possible social conflicts w i t h i n changing rural communities and have reached various conclusions. Ploch (1978) studied the possibility of conflicts concerning competition for jobs i n rural Maine. T h e newcomers, having more formal education and higher occupational status t h a n the natives, were n o t job competitive. I n fact, the newcomers tended to stimulate the local economy by reviving ex­ isting small businesses and creating new ones which attracted tourism. Also, no support for the "job scarcity" hypothesis was found by Price and Clay (1980) i n their study of t u r n a r o u n d migration i n rural Michigan. G r o w t h and development preferences among urban migrants and rural natives have been issues i n several studies. M a n y rural sociologists reason that the urban migrant is escaping the negative aspects of cities or living 203 �out a passion for small t o w n or rural life. These migrants should seek to preserve the rural character of their new residence. This reasoning has been referred to as the "gangplank" or "last settler" syndrome. Voss (1980) found that the majority of b o t h newcomers and older residents favored growth. Later he found urban migrants no less interested i n growth and development than established residents of the upper Great Lakes region (1980). Ploch (1978) anticipated conflicts over growth, b u t found little evidence to sup­ port this view. Rather, he found that native people and newcomers to rural towns i n Maine had a shared interest i n preserving the ruralness of their towns. D u b b i n k (1984) studied the towns of San Juan Capistrano and Bolinas, California. He found that Bolinas attracted the counterculturists of the 1960 s hippie's movement. San Juan Capistrano attracted retired persons. I n b o t h of these towns he found a direct relationship between duration o f residence and attitudes toward growth. D u b b i n k (1984) also found that b o t h natives and newcomers wanted to preserve the ruralness of the towns, b u t they had different concepts as to what was "rural". T h e newcomers' concept of rural centered o n the landscape and open spaces, while the native person's con­ cept focused o n lifestyle ( D u b b i n k 1984). , M a n y potential social conflicts w h i c h could occur as a result of t u r n ­ around migration were included i n a study conducted by Marans and Wellman (1978) i n the upper Great Lakes region of Michigan. They found that social conflicts caused by t u r n a r o u n d migration i n their study region appeared unlikely. Newcomers and established residents had m i n i m a l dif­ ferences i n terms of socioeconomic and demographic characteristics, satisfac­ t i o n w i t h local services, and attitude toward growth and development. O u t ­ door recreation participation was the only area showing consistent differences, and i t is doubtful that these differences alone would prove to be sources of serious conflict. I n most cases, in-migration to rural areas has bought about some change, usually positive (Dubbink 1984). I n a study which is now considered a classic i n rural sociology, V i d i c k and Bensman (1958) determined that change i n rural communities is often a result of newcomers. A l l of the reviewed studies suggest that t u r n a r o u n d migration w i l l produce different degrees of change i n each rural community (Dubbink 1984). Therefore, a study which was con­ ducted i n a similar location as the study area for my research would be beneficial to examine. Stephenson (1984) conducted a study of in-migration to the Western counties of N o r t h Carolina w h i c h are geographically near Grayson County, Virginia. Stephenson (1984) compared native and non-native residents i n his study of "Shiloh", N o r t h Carolina. He first looked at "Shiloh" i n 1965 and t h e n again i n 1980. He found some distinctive differences i n the "Shiloh" com­ munity w i t h i n the 15 years. What he found i n 1980 was a town settled mostly w i t h persons whose origins were outside of N o r t h Carolina. T h e tax records t o l d an important story. "Seventy-eight percent of the town's increase i n 204 �population was made up of non-natives" (Stephenson 1984). Stephenson (1984) interviewed many newcomers as well as natives and found that at­ titudes toward land use and social issues varied. However, he found the main attitude of the community was one of "muted tolerance, a keeping of distance, a muted disdain" (Stephenson 1984). Results and Discussion A l t h o u g h my interviews are still being conducted, trends and patterns among the different residents of Grayson C o u n t y have already begun to ap­ pear. I n Grayson C o u n t y in-migration may help provide jobs and boost the local economy. One migrant from Brooklyn, New York has started a natural food store i n the town of Independence. The local newspaper i n Independence was purchased by an outsider w h o now boasts the longest single ownership w i t h i n the past twenty years. Perhaps, the best k n o w n new business is the Troutdale D i n i n g Room. T h e owner is from New York C i t y and is capitaliz­ ing o n the current "rural chic" movement. Customers come from the i m ­ mediate area and around the state, b u t not too many of the older native people dine here. They do admire the owner's a m b i t i o n for this business endeavor. One issue found to cause a great deal o f frustration i n Grayson C o u n t y is the fate of the County's 1903 Courthouse. A new courthouse was built and the former Board of Supervisors never made a decision about what to do w i t h the o l d one. T h e present four-member Board of Supervisors has been deadlocked for four years over the issue. Finally, the Independence Town Council pased a historic zoning ordinance i n an effort to save the courthouse. T h e overwhelming majority o f the persons interviewed thought the court­ house should be saved. Reasons for two Board members wanting to tear the old courthouse d o w n go deeper t h a n simple economics. First, the present Board "inherited" the controversial issue from their predecessors. Second, they perhaps feel some resentment by having their authority lessened by newcomers instigating the issue. A l t h o u g h the issue has been the cause o f a great deal of frustration, it has tended to make C o u n t y residents more united by causing awareness of historic structures and c o m m u n i t y image. A similar issue was studied by Graber (1974) i n Georgetown, Colorado where an historic preservation districting board started by newcomers had a great deal of influence o n the growth o f the community. T h e issues w h i c h concerned this board were found to unite the t o w n . For the most part, everyone interviewed stressed the need for some type of industrial growth. This seems to be the number one priority for this County w h i c h is still very poor. However, the majority of b o t h the newcomers and natives t h i n k this should be controlled growth. Both groups want to preserve the ruralness of the C o u n t y while promoting growth. There are differences i n the degree of growth w h i c h the groups o f residents w i l l accept. Movers 205 �and Shakers are the most eager to accept industrial growth. Newcomers were willing to accept growth, but stressed controlled growth the most strongly. Older natives saw the need for industrial growth, but were the least opinion­ ated as to the level of control. Recent retirees expressed the strongest op­ position to industrial growth. I f industrial growth does come to Grayson C o u n t y it will probably be limited to the eastern section of the C o u n t y near the town of Independence. Mountainous roads and rugged topography would make i t difficult to locate industry elsewhere. T h e strongest issue for native people has been the taking of land by the forest service to create the M t . Rogers N a t i o n a l Recreational Area. Natives feel strongly about this issue because the federal land acquisition disrupted a lifestyle and rural community they once knew. They see land n o t being used i n the way it once was. People they knew were forced to move, their houses were t o r n d o w n and their barns burned. T h e land has been left "to grow up" as one native woman said. L a n d that was once used for many agricultural purposes is now left to produce only its natural beauty. A n example of the native attitude of wanting to keep land i n its former rural uses was demonstrated by my grandfather. One question asked of everyone interviewed was whether or n o t they plan to sell some or all of their property. M y grandfather recently sold ten acres of his property. This is land where his o l d home once stood. He was asked i f the land had too m u c h sentimental value to sell to a newcomer. He said that he would prefer to sell i t rather t h a n let the land grow up becuse he could no longer main­ tain it. M y grandfather's former property joins a very beautiful area of the county. It is called Brier Ridge because of the berry briers which grow here. M y mother has t o l d me stories of picking wash tubs of blackberries and taking them to the store to sell when she was a girl. Years ago, native residents d i d n o t concern themselves very much w i t h w h o owned Brier Ridge or other land i n the County. For example, i f they wanted to h u n t i n the forest, they d i d so w i t h o u t the government telling them when and how to do so. N o w a newcomer has bought all the land o n Brier Ridge and has built five houses there for relatives. Native people i n the area are glad to see this happen. They t h i n k the land is being used for a good purpose, since there were once houses there. T h e man w h o now owns most of Brier Ridge seems very interested i n preserving the ruralness and beauty of the area. He has also made an effort to become involved i n the lifestyles of the native people w h o are his new neighbors. The following summarizes the results of this study. First, native residents and newcomers have shared interest i n preserving the ruralness of Grayson County. Second, b o t h groups understand the necessity of industrial growth for a poor County. T h i r d , the native person's perception of "rural" is i n terms of their o w n past lifestyle, while the newcomer's perception of rural is based more i n terms of the landscape and preconceived ideas of rural life gained 206 �through secondary sources. Fourth, at this time there is little social conflict between natives and non-natives as aa result of turnaround migration. Newcomers are seeking out natives i n order to gain acceptance or out of necessity for survival. Natives are welcoming newcomers w h o show a w i l l ­ ingness to learn their skills and traditions. Conclusions and Recommendations Slow development may be one of the County's greatest assets. Grayson C o u n t y still has its best commodity; its rural character and unsoiled natural beauty. Therefore, Grayson C o u n t y is i n a fortunate position: the C o u n t y may learn from other rural areas w h i c h have experienced a greater degree of turnaround migration. A likely direction for Grayson County's future is along the same line as counties i n Western N o r t h Carolina (Comprehen­ sive Plan, Grayson County, Virginia 1980). Stephenson's (1984) research i n "Shiloh", N o r t h Carolina is a study from w h i c h Grayson C o u n t y can learn. Stephenson found a much greater degree of social conflict between newcomers and natives t h a n was found i n Grayson County. Perhaps the biggest reason why this social conflict was not found i n Grayson C o u n t y to the degree it was i n "Shiloh" was that Western N o r t h Carolina has k n o w n a much higher degree of in-migration. Also, the newcomers i n Stephenson's study area d i d not seek out the native people as they do i n Grayson County. Therefore, as in-migration increases i n Grayson County, efforts to encourage positive social interaction between newcomers and natives should be encouraged. T h e fact that newcomers are making an effort to become involved i n the rural community i n Grayson C o u n t y is an important discovery of this study. A major factor i n native acceptance of newcomers is that as a result of massive out-migration i n the 1950's and 1960's the C o u n t y was left w i t h few young people to carry o n the traditions and skills of the native people. As a result, when a newcomer makes the effort to befriend an older native, they are warmly accepted and b o t h benefit greatly. Based o n studies and observations i n Grayson C o u n t y some recommen­ dations may be proposed. Perhaps the most important recommendation is for the C o u n t y to increase rural com m uni ty development efforts. Over the years Grayson C o u n t y has lost its sense of community. N o w w i t h a decrease i n out-migration and an increase i n in-migration, the social and physical future of Grayson C o u n t y is uncertain. I n Grayson County, as i n other rural areas, community development would mean economic development. There is a tendency i n this country to apply big business solutions to agriculture and rural areas even though evidence suggests these solutions are not working. Culture is the root of agriculture and rural communities. C o m m u n i t y development would be the best economic development that a rural area such a Grayson C o u n t y could undertake. 207 �This study i n Grayson C o u n t y has shown that the residents have shared interest i n retaining the ruralness of the County, while realizing that some growth is needed. T h e native residents' perception of ruralness is similar to that found i n Dubbink's (1984) study of two California towns. Native residents regard ruralness i n terms of their past lifestyle. I n an effort to retain this lifestyle, community development is needed. Newcomers need to be educated i n the cultural aspects of the area they are joining. Natives need to k n o w that their skills and tradition are valued and appreciated. Planners and designers w i l l be asked to help solve the problems o f rural areas as in-migration increases. They must understand attitudes o f b o t h natives and newcomers i n order to make the best possible plans and deci­ sions for the rural landscape. This is of particular importance to the plan­ ners and landscape architects of the Blue Ride Parkway. T h e Blue Ridge Parkway continues to change and affect the rural areas w h i c h i t transverses. Landscape architects for the Blue Ridge Parkay must gain a better understan­ ding o f the attitudes o f native and newcomers w h i c h the Parkway brings. This better understanding is needed so that the Parkway may continue to expose urban residents to a traditional rural landscape. 208 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Graber, Edith E . "Newcomers and Oldtimers: Growth and Change in a Mountain Town." R u r a l Sociology 39 (April, 1974): 504-513. Grayson County, Virginia, Comprehensive P l a n (November 20, 1980). Healy, Robert G . and James Short. "The Changing Rural Landscape." Environment Ml, 23 (December 1981): 30-34. Jackson, J.B. Landscapes, Press, ed. Ervin H . Zube. Amherst, Massachusetts: The University of Massaachusetts 1977. Marans, Robert W . and John D. Wellman. T h e Quality L i v i n g , A n n Arbor, Michigan: o f Nonmetropolitan The University of Michigan, 1978. Ploch, Louis A . "Effects of Turnaround Migration on Community Structure in Maine," New i n U r b a n - R u r a l M i g r a t i o n . New York, New York: Academic Press, Directions 1980. Ploch, Louis A . "The Reversal in Migration Patterns — Some Rural Development Consequences." R u r a l Sociology 43 (February, 1978): 293-303. Price, Michael L . and Daniel C . Clay. "Structural Disturbances in Rural Communities: Some Repercus­ sions of the Migration Turnaround in Michigan." R u r a l Sociology Riley, Robert B. "New Mexico Village in a Future Landscape." Changing Massachusetts: T h e University of Massachusetts Press, Schiefelbein, Susan. "Return of the Native." Saturday 45 (April 1980): 591-607. R u r a l Landscapes. Amherst, 1977. (November 1977): 10-11. Review. Schwarzweller, Harry K . "Migration and the Changing Rural Scene." R u r a l Sociology, 44 (Spring 1979): 7-23. Stephenson, John B. "Escape to the Periphery: Commodifying Place in Rural Appalachia." Journal, Appalachian 11 (Spring 1984): 187-200. Vidich, A r t h u r J . and Joseph Bensman. Small University Press, Towns i n Mass Society. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton 1958. Voss, Paul R . "A Test of the Gangplank Syndrome' A m o n g Recent Migrants to the Upper Great Lakes Region." J o u r n a l o f the Community Development Society 11 (January, 1980): 95-111. Wellman J . Douglas. "Social Conflict Associated with Turnaround Migration: Evidence from Northern Michigan." Blacksburg, Virginia: Department of Forestry, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1980. " W h o You Should Know", The D e c l a r a t i o n . 30 January 1985, special sec. B, p. B2. Zube, Ervin H . and Margaret J . Zube, editors. Changing The University of Massachusetts Press, 1977. 209 R u r a l Landscapes. Amherst, Massachusetts: �This page intentionally left blank �Environmental Quality Points Scott by S. W e i n b e r g INTRODUCTION: I n 1969 the Environmental Policy A c t was passed by the Congress and was signed into law o n January 1, 1970. The purpose of the law was to "declare a national policy w h i c h will encourage productive and enjoyable harmony between man and his environment; to promote efforts w h i c h prevent or eliminate damage to the environment and biosphere and stimulate the health and welfare of man," This was indeed a giant step forward, helping man and his environment become equals. I n over a decade, the EPA has had some success and some failure. One of the major problems is that it can take months or even years for an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) to be written. T h e statement i n itself is a very complex document. I t should include the following divisions: A statement of objective, technological possibilities for achieving the objective, an environmental characterization report prior to initiation of action, alternate engineering plans, identification of impact, assessment of impact and recommendations. T h e EPA is an effective way of controlling man's dominance over the natural environment o n the federal level. A l t h o u g h some states have enacted laws similar to the federal EPA, many states have no legislation i n this area. T h e state of Georgia is approximately two thirds tree covered. Since Georgia is considered a "Sun Belt State", the anticipated growth pattern points to a rapid rate of growth. This means that more building will be taking place i n the state at a rate faster t h a n past years. W i t h this influx of development, what will happen to the native trees? C a n the state afford to disregard the natural aspects that add much to the overall character of the state? C a n we afford to see thousands o f acres of trees destroyed and not replaced? A t the smaller level of government i n the state, the city, t o w n , or coun­ ty, we see that there are few i f any guidelines that consider the environment when t h i n k i n g about development at this scale. Realistically, one must first consider that a business (or a group of businesses) moving into a local municipality is a positive step forward for the local area. It means an i n ­ crease i n jobs and taxes. This alone is generally sufficient reason for gran­ ting zoning changes and building permits. The question that I have concerns the impact of locating the structure(s) on a specific site. W h a t happens to the trees that are removed to make way for the building or parking lot? W h a t about the removal of a home for the native animals that inhabit the site? A s a landscape architect, I feel that a device to measure the impact and suggest alternatives is necessary. A device 211 �must be simple and easy to use, an efficient device. N o t something like the EPA o n the federal level, but a device that can be used by local municipalities w i t h o u t the need for a professional o n staff. Need requires a device that can be used quickly and effectively at the smallest levels of government. This type of device will let a community grow and still provide for steward­ ship of the environment. The method is quite simple and local governments can adapt and use the system i n a matter of days. T h e method is called En­ vironmental Quality Points (EQP). Using a system w h i c h employs EQP, a particular site, is inventoried for plant materials. This inventory generates a given number of points. T h e points are standardized for the state. T h e points were established by a panel of six professors, specialists i n horticulture and landscape architecture, at the University of Georgia. Objectives T h e main objective is to provide a system where an appreciation of the environment can coexist w i t h local development. T h e primary reasons for the study are: 1. To provide a system where parts of the natural environment can be replaced i f damaged or destroyed. 2. To provide a system w h i c h w i l l perpetuate the tree cover i n the state of Georgia. 3. To provide local governments w i t h a device that can lead to coexistance between development and the environment. 4. To provide a system that can erase erosion problems associated w i t h development. 5. To provide a system that encourages conservation of existing materials. 6. To provide a tool to aid i n the site analysis process. H o w It Works It may be helpful for a complete understanding of how the EQP w i l l function to provide an example. I t is important to remember at this p o i n t that the example is totally hyopthetical. T h e site is i n Athens, Georgia. T h e site is a small parcel of land, about 2.4 acres i n size. A Corporation is looking at the site to decide i f it would be a good parcel of land for locating a restaurant. T h e architect o n the site determines, from past experience, that most sites require a m i n i m u m of 2.5 acres for building and parking. A l t h o u g h the site falls about one tenth of an acre short, the location has excellent potential. T h e development of this piece of property by the Corporation w i l l mean complete destruction of the natural landscape. T h e site is fairly diversified. I t contains b o t h heavy con­ centrations o f trees and open spaces. Once the Corporation purchases the site and before a building permit 212 �w i l l be issued, an inventory of the site must be made, and a total number of EQP must be assigned to the site. A s the second step, the new owners w i l l submit their plan to the city showing the method that they will use to develop the property and replace the destroyed number of points. T h e inventory of the site and the points each item is assigned are: PLANT NAME White Oak White Oak Red Bud Dogwood M t . Laurel Red Maple Water Oak EQP (a) QTY (b) 9 9 7 10 8 9 7 Total SIZE SIZE F A C T O R (c) 8 3" 1 2 7" 2.33 18 T 1 3 10' 1.6 19 3* 1 3 3" 1 12 2" .66 Site EQP Value 522.38 EXTENSION (axbxc) 72 41.94 126 48 152 27 55.44 I n this example you can see that a total of 522.38 EQP will be destroyed. It will be up to the developer of the property to obtain a landscape design w i t h a m i n i m u m o f 522.38 points before a building permit w i l l be issued. HOW TO U S E T H E EQP SYSTEM STEP 1 Prepare a basic inventory of the selected site. Using the sheets provided, list o n l y the plants that w i l l be destroyed by the pro­ posed develoment. List the size and quantity of the materials. The quantity c o l u m n is considered c o l u m n b". Locate each plant that is listed o n the inventory sheet i n the sec­ t i o n marked "Assigned EQP". Find the assigned value for each plant and write i t i n under the EQP c o l u m n of the inventory. T h a t c o l u m n is considered c o l u m n "a". After locating the EQP it is necessary to use a figure that relates size of the plant i n the inventory. This is called the "size Factor." Locate the Size Factor for each plant and write it i n under the column marked Size Factor. T h i s c o l u m n is considered c o l u m n "c". These figures can be found at the beginning of each section of plant materials. Be careful to use only the size factor that relates to the plant materials i n the individual sections. After all columns o n the inventory sheet have been filled out, multiply columns a x b x c . This w i l l give the extension value for each of the plants listed o n the sheet. I t takes into considert i o n the EQP, the size and the quantity of each plant. After dou STEP 2 STEP 3 STEP 4 213 �STEP 5 ing this, add up all the extension values. This yields the t o t a l EQP for the site. Prepare a landscape plan for the site. Once the plan is completed, use the plant schedule to fill out the inventory sheet. Using the same steps (1-4), prepare an estimate of the EQP for the total site based o n the planting plan. T h e planting plan must replace the same total EQP as would be destroyed by the proposed development. SYSTEM EVALUATION I n order to evaluate the system and its practical application, two sites i n Athens, Georgia were selected. T h e first project site was to have a bank building located and assigned, and the second site was a single family residen­ tial lot. One of the major concerns was the cost to the developer or homeowner of implementing the system. I t was felt i n order for the system to be advocated by the design professionals and government agencies it should not force the developer to spend additional funds beyond the "normal" land­ scape budget. For example, i f a developer were to construct a small commer­ cial building and have the building professionally landscaped, the cost should be no more i f the EQP system were used. T h e first site tested was i n East Athens. The site was fairly well vegetated. It contains a mixture of pines, dogwoods, cherries, hawthornes and oaks. Figure 1 is a complete listing of the materials o n the site, their respective sizes and their EQP value. T h e first step i n the testing was an on-site visit. I t should be noted that the drawings described were done by two senior level landscape architec­ ture students as part of an advanced planting design class. D u r i n g the i n ­ itial visit, the site was measured and plants were located and properly i n ­ ventoried. O n the site that was to house the new bank building, all plant materials were to be removed during construction. The first plan was designed by a student w i t h complete knowledge of the system. T h e major goal of the design was to have i t approach and exceed the 2045.68 EQP points. T h e first design (see Figure 2) resulted i n a site EQP rating of 2067.95 points. Figure 3 shows the complete breakdown o f plants, sizes and total points. Comparing this to the total existing EQP rating of 2045.68 it was shown to have replaced, w i t h even a few extra points, the materials that were des­ troyed. A second plan was done for the site by another student, w h o was unaware that this was a test for the EQP system. I n that plan, the student's design has an EQP value of 2649.89 points. By comparing the fact that more plant materials were being installed by the second student who was unaware of the system t h a n the first w h o had k n o w n of the system, it would be a fair assumption that the cost of the system would not impose any financial hardship o n the developer required to provide landscaping for a project. 214 �A similar approach was initiated for the second test site, a small single family residential site. Two plans were first ordered, one plan was completed w i t h o u t the student's knowledge of the EQP system. T h e other was done w i t h the student knowing how many points were being removed and need­ ed replacing. I n this instance a plan was completed w i t h a value of 2375.37 points by the student w i t h o u t knowledge of the system. T h e second plan was completed by the student w i t h knowledge of the system and contianed a total p o i n t value o f 1788.2 points. T h e test was again successful since it was under the value of points required by the student w i t h no knowledge of the system and over the basic requirements of the rating of plants removed, w h i c h was 1419.4. See Figure 4 for the design and plant listing for the new plant installation. A l t h o u g h the plans represent only two sites, it has given enough validi­ ty to the system to begin using i t o n a trial basis w i t h further and more extensive testing needed. A l o n g w i t h the need for widespread testing of the system comes recommendations for implementation. Due to developmental costs and other costs associated w i t h building, the following recommendations regarding the use of the system are made: 1. A l l commercial and industrial development would be required to replace the damaged or destroyed plant materials at a rate of 100% of the inventory. 2. Developers of subdivisions and housing (single family only) would not be required to replace plants that are removed from streets, right of ways and for the basic area of the footprint of the house +10 feet. A l l other materials would be replaced at 100% of the EQP rating. 3. Single family homeowners building their o w n homes would not be required to replace materials that fall w i t h i n the building +20 feet of the house. A l l other materials would be replaced at a figure of 50% of the EQP rating. 4. Developers of multi-family housing would not have to replace the materials located i n roadways or right of ways. They would be re­ quired to replace materials located i n parking areas and the building footprints along w i t h all other damaged and/or destroyed materials. Conclusion T h e main objective of this study is stated i n a previous section is "to provide a system where appreciation of the environment can coexist w i t h local development." T h e system does work to meet the main objective of the study. T h e system functions to replace materials from the natural land­ scape so development can take place and at the same time maintain the quality of the overall landscape. Originally, the system of Environmental Quality Points was developed 215 �w i t h the idea that the system could be incorporated into the legal system of cities, towns and counties and eventually at the state level. After many months of study and testing, it became evident that bringing the system into the legality of land use planning would be very difficult. T h e major problem w i t h requiring compliance to this type of system deals w i t h taking the "site inventory", figuring out just what plant materials would be damaged or destroyed during the development phase. Some of the methods to circum­ vent the system were discussed at meetings w i t h the Fulton C o u n t y Plann­ ing Commission and w i t h members of the Macon-Bibb Planning Commission. W i t h this realization comes the o p p o r t u n i t y to use the system i n other ways. T h e first way i n w h i c h the system could function, and function pro­ perly and successfully, is if it were used as a "standard." I t could be a method of recommending to developers what the city or other municipality would like the developer to do i n order for the developer to obtain the necessary permits. T h e most important point to make here is that the local govern­ ment must have some type of landscape ordinance o n the books or prepare to have an ordinance developed and passed into law before this "standard" could be used. I n this way, a planning office could make it clear that they would readily accept any plans submitted for approval if they follow the basic "guidelines" of the EQP system. T h e second method by w h i c h this system could be used would be as an "Environmental Ethic." M a n y landscape architects and conservationists approach a problem trying to conserve as m u c h as possible. T h i s type of device would allow for a system to go beyond the basic conservation ethic and begin to return portions of the built landscape to conditions similar to predevelopment. I t is felt that the use of the Environmental Quality Points system as a basis for an environmental ethic for designers could be the most useful purpose of all. (It can assist the designer i n development and i n redeveloping a sense o f original land quality.) T h e system also functions to slow d o w n erosion problems w h i c h often occur w i t h large scale, and sometimes small scale, development. This is done by requiring that destroyed plants be replaced, w h i c h provides erosion pro­ tection i n most cases. Environmental Quality Points is a system w i t h great potential. I t can serve to perpetuate general environmental quality i n an area. T h e system provides for the rehabilitation of environmental quality destroyed during the construction of most projects. W i t h the ease and basic simplicity of the system, i t can serve to protect and enhance the environment. 216 �D A T E P R E P A R E D : 3/6/84 PROJECT I N V E N T O R Y - TEST SITE LOCATION: ATHENS A l l Shrubs: 0 EVERGREEN Loblolly Pine Loblolly Pine EQP QTY SIZE SIZE F A C T O R EXTENSION 15+ft. 3.25 TOTAL 1716 Pinus Taeda 8 66 1716 A l l Evergreens: 1716 SMALL TREE Dogwood Dogwood EQP QTY SIZE SIZE F A C T O R EXTENSION 12 ft. 2 TOTAL 20 Cornus Florida 10 1 20 Higan (Japanese) Cherry Prunus Subhirtella Higan (Japanese) Cherry 8 3 10 ft. 1.6 38.4 Higan (Japanese) Cherry 8 4 11 ft. 1.8 57.6 Higan (Japanese) Cherry 8 10 12 ft. 2 160 256 Japanese Crabapple Japanese Crabapple Malus Floribunda 8 1 10 ft. 12.8 1.6 12.8 A L L S M A L L T R E E S : 288.8 SHADE TREE Water Oak Water Oak EQP QTY SIZE SIZE F A C T O R 1 In. .33 EXTENSION TOTAL Quercus Nigra 7 8 18.48 18.48 A L L S H A D E T R E E S : 18.48 T O T A L E N V I R O N M E N T A L Q U A L I T Y P O I N T S F O R S I T E O R P L A N T I N G D E S I G N : 2023.28 Fig. 1 217 �D A T E P R E P A R E D : 3/6/84 PROJECT DESIGN-TEST LOCATION: SITE ATHENS EQP SHRUB QTY SIZE Kurmue Azalea 8 Yaupon Holly 9 1 TOTAL 976 Ilex Vomitoria Yaupon Holly EXTENSION Kurmue Azalea Kurmue Azalea SIZE F A C T O R 122 25-36 in. 976 30 25-36 in. 1 270 270 °T T 7 T P ° TM£ TT ATT A L L orlKUDo: IZ^tO AT T r\ Pr?r T?PFKi 7 S M A L L TREES EQP QTY SIZE Crape Myrtle 10 Dogwood 10 Sweetbay Magnolia 7 1.2 TOTAL 36 Magnolia Virginiana Sweetbay Magnolia EXTENSION n Cornus Florida Dogwood SIZE F A C T O R c Lagerstroemia Indica Crape Myrtle > 3 8 Ft. 36 11 12 Ft. 2 220 220 6 10 Ft. 1.6 67.2 67.2 ATT A.LL SHADE TREE EQP QTY SIZE American Beech 9 Red Maple 9 Scarlet Oak 10 EXTENSION 1.33 DLJ.L TOTAL 59.85 Quercus Coccinea Scarlet Oak SIZE F A C T O R 0 Acer Rubrum Red Maple T D C r 1K c t o : Fungus Grandifolia American Beach ^XIAl I OJV1A.LL 5 4 in. 59.85 10 4 in. 1.33 119.7 119.7 24 4 in. 1.33 319.2 319.2 A L L S H A D E T R E E S : 498.75 T O T A L E N V I R O N M E N T A L Q U A L I T Y P O I N T S F O R S I T E O R P L A N T I N G D E S I G N : 2067.95 Fig. 3 218 �Seasonal Plant Color Change Give the Parkway Its Character by J. D a n P i t d l o INTRODUCTION Visitors to the Blue Ridge Parkway are attracted primarily to changes i n vegetation produced by seasonal influences. This is clearly indicated by the fact that the highest visitation coincides w i t h the most dramatic and visible changes i n the vegetation that occurs i n October. There are other subtle differences expressed by vegetational changes t h t subconsciously may be sensed by the Parkway visitor: these differences are the thesis of this essay. Vegetation is the D o m i n a n t Visual Feature of T h e Appalachians Compare the Appalachian Mountains to the younger western m o u n ­ tains and most people will recognize the "subdued" "old" "friendlier" character of the Appalachians. T h e Rocky Mountains, for example, are twice as high, have massive exposures of jagged rocks, and generally have less vegetative cover. The Rocky M o u n t a i n peaks are usually widely spaced and have physical components of the environment such as rocks, soil, etc. more prevalent than the peaks of the plant covered Appalachians. When one views the landscape i n the Rocky Mountains, gray, red, brown, blue, white, or other colors of the rocks, soil, or water are most prominent. A t the warmer and lower elevations, dryness may contribute to the presence of bare soil or rock. Above the timberline snowfields become ever more pro­ minent as elevation increases until the highest elevations are covered by snow and ice year-round. I n the valleys below where glaciers have scoured out depressions, glacial lakes occur. I n contrast, when one views the Appalachian Mountains, rock, soil, or water accent the ever pervasive cover of vegetation. Even i n winter when the plants are generally dormant, their surfaces of twig and bark, or the dead leaves o n the forest floor become the most prominent features. Thus, when the vegetation is combined w i t h the physical elements of rock and water, we find the living, dynamic entity we recognize as the "friendly" Appalachians. W h e n Europeans settled i n the Appalachians, they entered a forest dominated landscape. This land was already occupied by the Native Americans— Cherokees— who had carved rather small openings i n the forests for their homes, villages, and ceremonial grounds. Therefore, i f one were to have stood at any vantage point now occupied by the Blue Ridge 219 �Parkway, the view would have been that of immense expanses of forests w i t h only occasional openings where the Cherokees had their homes i n the valleys. Other, more natural openings might have been noted. Perhaps i n portions of Virginia and northwestern N o r t h Carolina there were meadow openings. These openings would have been prairie-like w i t h grazing by bison, elk, or other plant eating animals. Probably they often were burned by the Native Americans to encourage their life-sustaining game animals. Farther south along the Parkway, i n the higher portions of the Blacks, Craggies, Balsams, and Smokies, there were other small forest openings, grass or heath balds and rock outcroppings. T h e early settlers entered this region i n the late 1700's and began to carve homesteads out of this "wilderness." Forests w i t h their raiding animals and sprouting locusts were perceived as elements of the landscape to be con­ quered. Ever so slowly these goals were accomplished, w i t h many of the children and grandchildren of these original settlers leaving the rugged hills for the better life i n the surrounding plains. It is this setting, conceived by the visionaries of the Blue Ridge Parkway, that is providing the citizens a glimpse of part of our American heritage. T h e Parkway route was chosen so that a cross section of b o t h the cultural and natural features of the southern Appalachians would be available for future generations of Americans. W i t h the collecting o f those artifacts not yet rusted or rotted and reconstruction of those that were, we now have cultural items such as Mabry's M i l l and Brinegar's Cabin. But the survival of the natural landscape is related more to the fact that the organisms have continued to live, reproduce, and grow t h a n it is to our saving parts of this landscape through preservation. Vegetation Is the Living, D y n a m i c Characteristic of the Appalachian Landscape T h e two physical elements of the Appalachian landscape occupying secondary roles are water and rock. Water is the most active of these two; it exists i n two major forms and is mobile i n the natural ecosysystem. Water actually occurs i n three forms; gaseous water vapor, liquid, and solid ice. Because water vapor is invisible to us, except possibly i n the combined form that produces haze, we w i l l not consider it here. L i q u i d water is our most frequently encountered form. Humans are naturally and culturally attracted to this form of water, and when it occurs i n larger quantities along the Parkway, humans are usually present. Certainly waterfalls and cascading streams are perceived i n the h u m a n m i n d as beauty. I n its somewhat rarer form, water as ice, snow, frost, or rime produces visual changes i n the land­ scape that are not only attractive to humans but are utilized differently. Skiers who now seek out remote portions of the Parkway w i l l attest to this, T h e second physical element, rock, is more prominent o n the Parkway where 220 �it has been exposed, i n many cases by construction of the highway, t h a n it is i n the valleys surrounding the Parkway. Except for the hue changes, darkening, and weathering w i t h age, rocks generally exhibit no visible changes w i t h seasonal or daily patterns. Thus we come to the most prominent feature of the landscape, the vegeta­ t i o n . Vegetation changes w i t h season, life form, life stage, and i n combina­ t i o n w i t h changes i n the physical elements, especially water. Let us take a closer look at this change, perhaps elucidating what has been i n our subsconscience, and perhaps opening up avenues for better appreciation of the Parkway i n our future visits. Plants in W i n t e r W i t h o u t really t h i n k i n g about i t , one usually perceives winter as a time when plants are a dull gray, dormant, and uninteresting. If one were to take another view, that there might still be something taking place i n the vast forest, though more slowly i n the cold temperatures, one might find vegeta­ t i o n i n winter to be less dull. Most of us know that plants are the food source for w i l d animals, especially those w h o cannot hibernate and must continue to forage for food i n winter. N o t all birds, for example, hibernate nor fly to Florida for the winter. Birds perceive red colors and i f one looks, red ber­ ried plants are scattered throughout the Appalachians. Besides the more familiar red-berried American holly, the close cousins of the deciduous hollies, commonly called winterberries, frequent b o t h ridges (7/ex a m b i g u a var. m o n t a n a ) and swamps or streambanks (7. v e r t i c i l l a t a ) . What a delight to the senses to walk up a ridge and see heavily laden branches of these scarlet fruits framed against the blue winter w i t h cottony white clouds passing above! N o t only the fruit of plants are of interest i n the winter landscape, b u t as almost anyone who has travelled the Parkway can attest, there are beautiful patches of green moss that cover the rocks and some tree trunks i n nearly any season (figure 1). Some of the mosses begin their life i n late winter when the eggs i n the female plants mature and await the splash of a raindrop o n the moss "flowers" to carry their sperms through the air to the awaiting female plants. I t is usually i n late February that the young sporophyte plants begin their life while still attached to the female plants and rise w i t h their shaggy caps to expose their b r o w n stems. W h e n driving along the Parkway, it is quite noticable that some mosses have changed from their usual green to the white and b r o w n hues belied by the spore-producing offspring. There are other events that the careful observer w i l l notice along the Parkway i n winter. A m o n g them are changes i n some o f the more hardy winter plants, such as rhododendrons. Rosebay rhododendron, the most c o m m o n o n the Parkway from low to high elevations, w i l l begin to roll its leaves as the temperature drops below freezing. I t seems that the colder it gets, the tighter the rhododendron's leaf is rolled, b u t apparently no one 221 �Fig, 1 Appalachian Oak " O r c h a r d " C o m m o n i n the high m o u n t a i n eleva­ tions, stunted growth is typical of n o r t h e r n red oaks (Quercus r u b r a var. b o r e a l i s ) . I n the cloud mists that frequent the m o u n t a i n peaks and gaps, lush growths of mosses (darker patches o n the tree trunks) and lichens (lighter patches) add variety to the winter scene. Photograph by Gilbert Leebrick © 1985, Appalachian Environmental Center. 222 �has studied this. M o u n t a i n laurel (called " i v y " by local people while the rhododendrons are called "laurel"), o n the other hand, remain flat-leaved but becomes more "glassy" as the cells freeze. I f the higher elevations are accessible and these plants do n o t warm up before clouds surround them, another remarkable change occurs. T h e clouds begin to freeze to the cold surfaces as the super-cooled droplets make contact. The result is rime or "hoar frost." For all those that have been delighted to see this, the imagination is the only limitation for delight i n this phenomenon. Winter is the time when another remarkable phenomenon occurs i n the n o r t h e r n p o r t i o n o f the Parkway. Frequently i n the low meadows and swamps of this region, suitable habitats for the skunk cabbage occur. This unusual species of the arum family has evolved a mechanism that enables it to flower even before the snow has melted or the soil has thawed. It generates enough heat i n its growing b u d to melt its way up from the roots as its flower­ ing spathe emerges through the m u d . Temperatures measured inside these spathes indicate several degrees difference between the inside temperature and the air temperature.. Skunk cabbage also generates a fetid odor, attrac­ tive to flies which also emerge from their watery overwintering habitats. These flies find the w a r m t h and bits of food provided by the skunk cabbage flowers attractive while they unwittingly go about the task of assisting i n cross pollina­ t i o n of the small flowers w i t h i n the spathe. By the time the spring peepers have gotten their chorus together, the young seeds of the skunk cabbage are well developed. T h e Season of Swelling Buds While the spring peepers herald the coming of spring for the listeners, the swelling of the red maple flower buds and the drooping of the alder "tags" are the first signs of spring for the eyes. A l t h o u g h only the size of buckshot, thousands o f red maple buds viewed up a m o u n t a i n slope or through the flats of swamps w i l l give a definite red t i n t to the forests. T h e same effect is produced by the hundreds of alder tags that yield clouds of yellow pollen to the warm breezes as they drift along the creek banks. It's very soon after the red maples have burst forth w i t h their yellow pollen (giving an orange t i n t to the spring pastels of the landscape) or bright red stigmas soon to enlarge w i t h red-winged young fruits, that the pure white of the serviceberry or "sarvis" blooms. T h i s plant may be even better as a barometer for spring: i t is very visible and starting i n M a r c h at the lower elevations i t progresses onward into M a y at the highest elevations of the Parkway i n the Balsams. Since most of the forests of the southern Appalachians are deciduous, the sun rises as winter wanes and brings greater w a r m t h to the forest floor. This, combined w i t h the increasing day length, is all that is needed to en­ courage the buds o f bulbs, rhizomes, and corms of the forest perennials or 223 �seeds of the annuals to burst forth w i t h the challenge of spring. These spring herbs waste no precious moments; some complete their growth, flowering, pollination, and fruit set w i t h i n two to four weeks. This means that the forest floors become a riot of colors between M a r c h and early M a y as the forest canopy begins to emerge. A m o n g the first herbs to b l o o m are the spring beauties and trout lilies. B o t h these species have developed resource conserving mechanisms, open­ ing their petals to expose their nectar, pollen, and stigmas only i n the warmth of sunlight. Spring beauties are delicately pink, pen-striped o n their petals, guiding the foraging insects to the bright yellow spots near the petal base where nectar awaits the obliging pollinator. Bees attracted to the turned-up yellow petals w i l l likewise be rewarded as they scramble o n the hanging an­ thers and stigma when the nectaries are approached from below. It is n o t long after these earliest b l o o m i n g beauties that the showy lilies really put forth the Appalachian spring. Perhaps nowhere else i n the w o r l d is the show o f trilliums better t h a n i n the Appalachians. A t least six species of trilliums occur here, often i n a mass o f colorful blooms. Some have three variegated leaves w i t h the flower sitting low i n the center and are either maroon ( T r i l l i u m cuneatum) or yellow (X cuneatum var. l u t e u m ) . Others have green leaves w i t h the flowers slung o n stalks below (X c e r n u u m , X g r a n d i f l o r u m . X catesbaei, X u n d u l a t u m , or X erectum var. v a s e y i ) . These vary from white (X g r a n d i f l o r u m ) , to white w i t h red stripe (X u n d u l a t u m ) , to p i n k (77 c e r n u u m , X c a t e s b a e i ) , to deep maroon (X erectum var. v a s e y i ) . It is impressive to walk below a colony of the latter one w i t h its deep fleshy tones and three-parted pattern. One realizes that any good fly could n o t pass up the o p p o r t u n i t y to stop and do its thing. Out along the roadway or i n the meadows flanking the Parkway, other species are making their impressions o n the passersby. Weedy species often find the shoulder of the roadway suitable habitat to carry o n their life cycles. Besides the yellows o f dandelions, golden ragworts, or cat's-ear, there are patches o f blue that, when viewed from a distance are called "split milk," but up close are more commonly called bluets or "Quaker ladies standing by the garden gate." There are not many showy early b l o o m i n g shrubs, but one has not ap­ preciated what is provided o n the Parkway unless pinkshell azaleas ( r h o d o d e n ­ d r o n vaseyi) have been seen. Except for portions of northwestern N o r t h Carolina, the more extensive populations of this species occur i n the Balsams in Jackson County. Starting i n the vicinity of the Graveyard Fields, the charm­ ing p i n k to almost white flowers emblazon the road shoulders, cliffs, and woods openings of this area. I t is only the first two weeks of M a y that the pinkshell azalea can be seen; thus, it is only a brief time that this rarity o f the plant w o r l d can be seen and cherished. A n d not to be outdone, a first cousin, the flame azalea (JR. c a l e n d u l a c e u m ) is already making its debut at lower elevations. William Bartram was quite 224 �impressed by this most flamboyant of A m e r i c a n shrubs, w i t h its flame col­ ors ranging from yellow to almost red. Because of its wider altitudinal distribu­ t i o n , flame azaleas can be enjoyed from late A p r i l u n t i l early July at various places along the Parkway. Perhaps more celebrated i n this family of plants is the late spring blooming of the evergreen rhododendrons, especially the purple rhododendron ( R h o d o d e n d r o n c a t a w b i e n s e ) . This species made the Craggy Gardens famous, as visitors began to come to see the Garden's displays long before the Parkway was established. M o r e recently, as the bushes have aged and as a succession of other plants have moved into the heath balds occupied by the purple rhododendron, the floral displays have diminished somewhat. But these plants can be enjoyed at other stations along the Parkway, because many were planted earlier i n the landscaing projects. Secondly, there are displays of another species, sometimes called the Carolina rhododendron (R. m i n u s ) . This one has smaller leaves and the flower clusters vary from white to p i n k or even to lavender. T h e visitor need only keep a lookout for these between May and early June for enhanced appreciation. By the time most forest floor spring plants have formed their fruits, the trees above have leafed out, bloomed, and have begun the long process of setting their fruits. W h i l e leafing out by the willows might be underway i n February at the lowest elevations near the James River, it won't be complete u n t i l m i d May at the highest elevations i n the Balsams. Thus it is June before it seems to be summer throughout the Parkway. T h e G r e e n Season Summer is the time for growth, filling of fruit, and storage for the up­ coming dormant seasons for the plant w o r l d of the Appalachians. Green leaves, spread out to capture the energy of the sun, comprise the predomi­ nant feature o f nearly all Appalachian plants. A few species have their se­ quence reversed, blooming and setting fruit later i n the season. I t is these late bloomers that now become more attractive to the Parkway visitor. Early summer can be colorful where the more weedy types of wildflowers occur. A t lower elevations, the oxeye daisy is one of the more c o m m o n meadow and border plants. Its combination of yellow center and circle of white ray flowers are well k n o w n to young lovers as they romantically pluck each ray alternating the saying, "he (or she) loves me and loves me not." It isn't very long after daisy blooms that the butterfly or chigger weed (Asclepias t u b e r o s a ) is blooming forth i n orange or yellows. A t about this same time, b o t h the lacy white wild carrot (the same species as our cultivated carrot) or queen Anne's lace ( D a u c u s c a r o t a ) and black-eyed Susan ( R u d b e c k i a h i r t a ) w i t h its purple-black centers and ring of yellow rays spot meadow and road bank alike. If variety and color are to be enjoyed most, it is the higher elevations 225 �of the Blacks, Craggies, Balsams, or Smokies that should be sought. Just as the flame azaleas begin to fade, a rainbow of color awaits the unfurling of the sepals i n the yellow sundrops ( O e n o t h e r a t e t r a g o n a ) , orange turk's cap lily ( L i l i u m s u p e r b u m ) , red-orange to red Canada lily (L. canadense), scarlet fire p i n k (Silene v i r g i n i c a ) and oswego tea ( M o n a r d a d i d y m a ) , d a r k p i n k w i l d p h l o x ( P h l o x C a r o l i n a ) , lavender wild bergamot ( M o n a r d a f i s t u l o s a ) , or blue chickory ( C i c h o r i u m i n t y b u s ) , o r t a l l b e l l f l o w e r (Campanula a m e r i c a n a ) . These plants are not only brilliant i n color but typically are seen along the Parkway i n large masses, unmistakably grouped to more effective­ ly attractive pollinators. N o t only do the higher elevations have masses of blooming plants, here some plants commonly associated w i t h spring, such as fire pink, or goldenrods, more typical of autumn, b l o o m about the same time. O n the other hand, leaves of trees begin to change colors just as the spring flowers finish bloom­ ing. Thus while spring arrives later at the upper elevations, a u t u m n arrives sooner. T h e Season of Resplendence I n September i n the high elevations, nights become a b i t cooler while days may bask i n brilliant sun as the hazy days of summer begin to evaporate. These conditions often bring o n the change i n the leaf that reveals the other colors masked by the green chlorophyll. Usually sourwood, dogwood, red maple, etc. are the first to reveal their red colors. Birches, m o u n t a i n maples, sugar maples, and the like begin to show their yellows as chlorophyll is bleach­ ed by the sun. Goldenrods h u r r y their seed maturing processes while blue gentians and ague weed ( C e n t i a n a c l a u s a l , G. g u i n g u e f o l i a ) fruit pods swell w i t h i n their retained, colorful blue corollas. Like a yellow shade being dropped i n a sunlit room, the mellow yellow colors decend slowly at first, and more quickly w i t h the first h i n t of light frost, u n t i l by m i d October the entire valley floors have been transformed into the final brilliance o f autumn. Tulip trees or yellow poplars are one of the earlier trees to show yellow colors i n the valley coves. Red maples and sourwood spot the entire area w i t h red. Mockernut hickories and rich golden yellows and finally scarlet oaks express the feature for w h i c h they are nam­ ed. Given all this and the cool, clear air masses that often clothe the Appala­ chians, a u t u m n can be almost electrifying to the eyes. Shortly after a warm rain or a brisk w i n d , the brilliance departs almost as quickly as i t seems to have appeared, and the quietness of winter is felt i n the m o r n i n g calm. Even u n t i l Thanksgiving some of the oak leaves w i l l linger, but the rush o n the Parkway has passed and the finally quiet roadway awaits the first soft hush of the snow. 226 �Agriculture in the Blue Ridge Parkway by W i l l i a m O. Hooper It is unusual, of course, but the Blue Ridge Parkway is really an elongated park consisting of a corridor or strip of land averaging about 800 feet i n width, but often wider, w i t h a motor road superimposed upon the meandering right-of-way extending through National Forests, densely populated neighborhoods, open farm lands, narrow valleys, and over precipitous ridges from Rockfish Gap near Wayneboro, Virginia, to the edge of T h e Great Smoky M o u n t a i n N a t i o n a l Park near Cherokee, N o r t h Carolina. I n addi­ t i o n to the hundreds o f small parcels of land acquired by the states of N o r t h Carolina and Virginia to form the basic 470-mile stretch of right-of-way, the U n i t e d States of America, by means of purchase and donations, acquired a collection of tracts to establish expansive park units such as Peaks of Ot­ ter Park, Smart View Park, Rocky K n o b Park, Cumberland K n o b Park, D o u g h t o n Park, Julian Price Park, and Moses H . Cone Park, each to be managed by the N a t i o n a l Park Service according to its intrinsic qualities so that each park u n i t w i l l exhibit some of the traditional images of m o u n ­ tain culture. Perish the thought, b u t i t would be a very dull and rapid travel experience to drive through the Blue Ridge M o u n t a i n s along the magnifi­ cent elevations of the Parkway motor road if there were no open fields along the way to provide panorama and picture and to expose the life styles, b o t h past and present, of Parkway neighbors. I n its route through mountain farm communities, the Blue Ridge Parkway opened great picture windows to expose a way of life hitherto heavily veiled from the eyes of the A m e r i c a n tourist. I t was an interesting pattern of selfsufficiency and ingenious make-do unmatched by any people of that time i n history. Still i n silent operation were the scythe and the cradle along w i t h the muffled sounds of homemade grist mills powered by racing m o u n t a i n streams. Still i n picturesque array were the pole-centered haystacks ringed by a split rail fence u n t i l the hay was scattered around the meadow to force the feeding cattle to disseminate their manure droppings to fertilize the next hay crop. Still i n delightful symmetry were the great shocks of corn neatly embellished w i t h bright, yellow pumpkins encircling the stack. Occasional teams of oxen were still working their way slowly across the cultivated slopes amid the prevalence of horse-drawn equipment. A n d buckwheat was still a "catch crop" that supplied nectar for the honeybee, feed for the livestock, and a most delicate flavor for one of the tastiest hotcakes ever served to a visitor. A Yankee city slicker, Stanley W. Abbott, and his right hand power broker from Kansas, Edward H . A b b u e h l , recognized the singular beauty of m o u n 227 �tain agriculture and moved w i t h alacrity and authority to set the stage i n a master plan for its perpetuation i n the Parkway. I n formulating plans for the development and maintenance of the Parkway corridor, the landscape architects often indicated certain manage­ ment details for open fields to be set aside for agricultural use. Split rails, for instance, were given preference for exposed fence lines carefully located to take advantage of such niceties as harmony and style. Crop rotation might be practiced i n suitable locations while hay fields, pastures, and orchards were preferred i n other locations. Using artistic skills w i t h inspiration and vision, the landscape architects drew their plans for croplands and pastures w i t h the same good judgment that they used to select some open fields for regeneration to woodland. Without the cultivated croplands and pasture fields, the Blue Ridge Parkway would soon become just a 470-mile strip of woodland w i t h an occasional break for an open vista to be maintained at tremendous expense w i t h axe and saw. Lost to the visitor would be the warm exposure of a graceful m o u n t a i n culture w i t h some of the world's most enchanting scenery. I t was the Blue Ridge Parkway visionary w h o pioneered and developed management outlines for preserving orchards and crops and pasture for the benefit of the millions w h o visit the Parkway each year. To manage a few thousand acres of land i n one big tract is quite dif­ ferent from managing nearly five thousand acres composed of small parcels scattered over a distance of 325 miles amid elevations often ranging from less than one thousand feet to more than four thousand feet. Yes, the Parkway contains nearly five thousand acres of open land to be leased to Parkway neighbors. T h e diversity of these parcels of land required study and analysis to determine use-capability based o n slope, soil type, and erosion losses. Moreover, there were no guidelines to help the professional pioneers w i t h their mission to devise workable programs for the maintenance of farm land i n government ownership. But if i t were left to the Park Service to maintain all this open land w i t h mowing machines and men, it is obvious that the cost would overwhelm the park budget. So, there was a serious demand for skilled management to enlist the adjoining property owners i n a scientific land use program o n Parkway and adjacent lands i n order to conserve soil and moisture, eliminate the insidious erosion problems, and maintain the open fields w h i c h provide the distant vistas. Parkway management met the challenge by employing an agronomist to set i n m o t i o n a novel program involving adjoining landowners w h o would agree to use Parkway lands i n accord w i t h scientific information available at the time. This land manage­ ment program began w i t h a few hundred acres just before the second World War interrupted Parkway construction for the duration of the conflict. Daniel Levandowsky, a Russian emigrant, was the first agronomist i n charge of agricultural use of Parkway lands. Levandowsky's antipathy for waste led h i m into time-consuming projects to convert hardwood leaves, sawdust, and other salvageable materials into plant nutrients or soil 228 �conditioners w h i c h were ideal for small garden plots, but too limited and too expensive for practical application i n general agriculture. He clearly recognized the evils of too much cultivation as the cause of inordinate losses of soil and moisture and, to provide an alternative, he began to introduce new h i l l culture practices i n the highlands o f Virginia and N o r t h Carolina. T h e widespread need for soil and moisture conservation led Levandowsky to seek and obtain the assistance of the Soil Conservation Service i n establishing work units i n counties along the Blue Ridge Parkway. Demonstra­ t i o n projects were very helpful i n educating and encouraging the farmers associating themselves w i t h the Parkway program. A s farmers learned new techniques i n the use of Parkway lands they applied their knowledge to the benefit of their o w n operations and, often enough, to adjoining neighborhoods. It w i l l be increasingly difficult for anyone to visualize or imagine the scene along the Parkway i n those years of the Great Depression when large farm families and their livestock were supported by intense cultivation of row crops accompanied by overuse of unfertilized pastures. Altogether com­ mon were the housewife and children, each w i t h hoe i n hand, working slowly accross the hillside i n an assault o n weeds and grasses while the head of the family used a horse-drawn plow to cultivate the soil between the corn rows. Aside from cash crops, such as cabbage and potatoes, almost every mountain farmer relied upon a large crop of corn for grain and fodder. Fod­ der, consisting of the leaves o n the cornstalk, often supplied most of the roughage i n the feed of farm animals while the grain was reserved for attend­ ing livestock destined for the table or the market. C o r n was king. C o r n sup­ plied bread for the table and, often enough, was a primary source of income i n the form of "white lightening" or "moonshine." Cash was so hard to come by i n the dark days of the depression that some m o u n t a i n men were willing to risk "gittin' caught" for the monetary rewards of manufacturing illicit whiskey. Whether it was used for corn bread or corn liquor, too much of this crop was grown o n slopes that should have been covered i n grass or trees. Gullies and rills and exposed subsoil followed too much cultivation so that erosion was widespread and unrestrained. Erosion was a showy, destructive force that removed topsoil from the slopes and clogged the streams all over the agricultural areas of the Blue Ridge Mountains. A t the close of the second World War, Stanley W. A b b o t t elected to return to the Blue Ridge Parkway as Resident Landscape Architect while Sam P. Weems was promoted from A c t i n g Superintendent to Superinten­ dent. So, it was Superintendent Weems w h o then moved courageously and forcefully to correct the accelerated losses of soil and moisture w i t h i n Parkway boundaries. W h e n there was a mild suggestion that erosion might be nothing more t h a n another element of natural forces, it was Superintendent Weems who declared that erosion — by whatever name it might be called — was most unwelcome i n the Blue Ridge Parkway. He already had strong support 229 �and assistance from Otis B. Taylor, a brilliant workaholic, who had been selected to develop a soil and moisture conservation program for N a t i o n a l Park units east of the Mississippi River. This was the situation when William O. Hooper left the Soil Conservation Service to become Blue Ridge Parkway agronomist just after Germany surrendered i n 1945. I n the years that followed the second World War, there were two distinct but closely related programs of land management o n the Blue Ridge Parkway. T h e parcels of land set aside for agricultural use were assigned by special use permit — a k i n d of lease — to farmers w h o paid a fee to use the land according to specifications supplied by the Parkway agronomist. I n the steepest fields where bad farming practices had taken an insiduous toll before the land was acquired for the Parkway right-of-way, M r . Taylor's soil and moisture conservation program was implemented under the supervision of the Parkway agronomist. Most of this land had to be stabilized and planted to trees. T h e stabilization program and the leasing program were expanded to some ex­ tent i n order to include the lands immediately adjoining the Parkway where the private landowner shared i n an operation that would blend private land w i t h parkway property to eliminate the intrusion of a marked property line. I n extending the conservation of soil and moisture from Parkway to adjoin­ ing lands, the essential element was cooperation. Local landowners supplied equipment and labor and most materials while the Park Service supplied technical assistance, some of the materials, and lot of push and shove en­ couragement. This entailed numerous meetings and discussions to promote understanding and harmony. A l o n g w i t h the early efforts to develop land management programs to include all those parcels of open land i n the Blue Ridge Parkway, there was a muted but visible element which required the personal touch and imagina­ t i o n of the Parkway agronomist; namely, a modest exhibition of historic crops such as buckwheat and linen flax along w i t h picturesque haystacks and per­ manent meadows and the typical types of split rail fences. But, just as surely as machines have gradually displaced horses and oxen, those machines have also eliminated towering haystacks, and colorful shocks of corn ringed w i t h yellow pumpkins, the enchanting fields of buckwheat, and the interesting plots of linen flax. Like the m o u n t a i n farmer, the National Park Service became more mechanized by standards and guidelines that supplant imagina­ t i o n and individuality among its personnel. This has eliminated the Parkway agronomist and many creative functions of other professionals so that manage­ ment is largely reduced to routines described i n regulations and handbooks. Handbook management cannot match the quality or the effectiveness of professional creativity — the k i n d o f creativity that is required to arrange for fields of buckwheat that attract the honeybee and the camera bug. A n d , w i t h o u t the professional managers, w h o w i l l arrange contour strip cropping to provide beautiful patterns of crop rotation for the protection of the earth's t h i n layer of topsoil? W h o will arrange to catch the eye of the Parkway 230 �visitor w i t h shocks of corn and piles of pumpkins? W i l l a few seasonal employees, dressed i n artificial attire, put o n an expensive mimicry of pioneer life while the genuine elements of Self-sufficient m o u n t a i n culture disappear forever from the Blue Ridge Parkway? 231 �This page intentionally left blank �Benefits Sought by Blue Ridge Parkway Tourists by Mark Bonn Since 1939, the Blue Ridge Parkway has served as a major tourist destina­ t i o n area. Data from the U.S. National Park Service indicates that when compared w i t h other national parks, the Blue Ridge Parkway (BRP) is a na­ tional leader. I t ranks as the 13th largest national park by acreage (82,000 acres) as well as the 17th most popular N P S A area w i t h overnight stays (254.611). Perhaps most significant is that the BRP leads all national parks i n terms of recreational visits w i t h 19.2 million tourists reported during 1984. This represents an increase of 7.5 m i l l i o n tourists per year since 1979. Because of this phenomenal growth, i t was deemed necessary to explore one of the most important market segments of the BRP: the recreational tourist. A l t h o u g h varied studies have addressed recreational issues at other national parks, limited data exists w i t h respect to BRP tourists and their behavior. Tourists using the BRP as a recreational area were interviewed during the summer of 1985. Specifically, tourists were interviewed around Boone— Blowing Rock—Linville, N o r t h Carolina, commonly referred to as the N o r t h Carolina " H i g h Country." On-site information was collected and analyzed pertaining to benefits or motives sought by those tourists for using the BRP as a linear park. A d ­ ditional information was obtained w i t h reference to use patterns, origin, distance traveled, length of stay, economic expenditures, and level of satisfac­ t i o n w i t h the overall experience. This pilot study was intended to gather base-line data i n order to develop user profiles so that managers and tourism related enterprises would better understand the wants and needs of those BRP tourists i n the Boone—Blowing Rock—Linville, N o r t h Carolina area. I n order to meet the objectives of this study, a survey interview instru­ ment was developed. Information relative to the study was determined utiliz­ ing several methods. Research needs were first identified through conversa­ tions w i t h M . Harris Prevost, President of the Blue Ridge Parkway Associa­ t i o n during March-May, 1983. I n addition, telephone conversations w i t h Mr. Gary Everhardt, Superintendent of the BRP during this same time period enabled the researcher to establish a set of priority variables deemed essen­ tial by the current BRP management. I n order to make future comparisons w i t h BRP tourists and the general population o f tourists visiting N o r t h Carolina, questions were incorporated from the 1984 N o r t h Carolina Travel Survey pertaining to travel behavior, 233 �demographics, psychographics, and activities preferences. I n all, over 500 usable responses were obtained for analysis. It has been recognized that benefit analysis is a useful marketing tool i n the development of policy and new product/services design. T h e BRP, utilized heavily i n the past as a source of information collection and pro­ gram implementation that often serves as a model for other national parks, was selected for this market research to better understand the importance of benefits sought by BRP tourists. This study was concerned w i t h identify­ ing poeple w i t h pleasure travel needs, w h o had money to spend, and a w i l l ­ ingness to spend it. Recent tourism studies have attempted to determine satisfaction w i t h a resource or destination by segmenting tourists according to motives, desired outcomes, or psychological benefits sought. One study successfully segmented tourists w h o engage i n float trips i n Big Bend N.P by using benefits sought. Ten distinct underlying socio-psychological motives or benefits resulted from this analysis (Graefe, 1977). A n o t h e r study attempted to determine tourist satisfaction at a national military park by implementing benefit segmentation of tourists (Knopf and Barnes, 1980). T h e data demonstrated the potential role that visitor sup­ port staffs can have i n influencing user experiences. Also, the benefit segmen­ tation analysis showed the importance that orientation information, and the dominant role of desired psychological outcomes had upon visitor satisfac­ tion. Benefit scale items were constructed using 25 statements that were iden­ tified as important pleasure vacation benefits by previous studies (Crompt o n , 1977; Gray, 1981; B o n n , 1982; B o n n , 1984). A reliability coefficient of 0.764 was attained for the 25 benefit items, w h i c h was deemed acceptable for the purpose of this study. Factor analysis w i t h varimax rotation was used to identify underlying dimensions, or market segments of the overall BRP tourist. T h e analysis of the 25 benefit items suggests four underlying dimensions, or benefit scales w h i c h accounted for 80 percent of the variance explained. I n constructing the benefit scales, most of the variables loaded heavily o n at least three fac­ tors. Factor loadings i n the 0.65 to 0.75 range were considered strong evidence for placement of a variable. T h e final determination of scale content was based upon mathematical, theoretical and heuristic criterion. T h e four markets identified through benefit segmentation analysis are identified i n Table 1. The four distinct tourist segments were named "Scenery", "Escape-Relax", "Education/Adventure", and "Family-Social". Due to the fact that a large percent of individuals interviewed were w i t h party sizes of two or more, it was surprising to see the segment "family-social" account for on­ ly 0.07 percent of the variance explained. Table 2 further describes group size of responding tourists. W i t h respect to tourist origin, an overwhelming majority of responding tourists indicated they were from N o r t h Carolina. Tennessee, South 234 �TABLE 1 M A R K E T S E G M E N T S O F B L U E RIDGE PARKWAY TOURISTS UTILIZING BENEFIT Market Segment 1 (Scenery) Proportion of variance explained Variable SEGMENTATION Market Segment 2 (Escape-Relax) =51% Proportion of variance explai ned Factor Loading Variable =12% Factor Loading Scenery .899 Unwind .790 Beauty .801 Get Away .782 Wilderness .705 Rest 6k Relax .741 Environment .701 Escape .610 Market Segment 3 (Education/Adventure) Market Segment 4 (Family/Social) Proportion of variance explained = Proportion of variance explained = 7% Variable 10% Factor Loading Variable Factor Loading See New Things .780 Enrich Family Relations .881 Learn About Areas .777 Spend time with Family .825 Explore New Places .771 Reduce Friction with Family .790 Learn About History .651 Develop Comradery .741 Interact with Locals .601 Meet New People .595 Carolina, V i r g i n i a , and Florida accounted for nearly all o f the remaining respondents. Small percentages o f tourists, however, indicated t r i p origin o f distances over 500 miles (See Table 3). TABLE 2 G R O U P SIZE O F T O U R I S T S V I S I T I N G T H E B L U E R I D E P A R K W A Y D U R I N G S U M M E R , Percent of Sample Group Size 4.2 1 > 24.8 3 14.6 19.5 4 5 or 36.9 more 100.0 TOTAL TABLE 3 O R I G I N O F B R P T O U R I S T S V I S I T I N G T H E N.C. H I G H C O U N T R Y Percent of Sample State N.C. 52.00% 14.65% Tennessee S.C. 11.19% Virginia 10.01% Florida 7.22% Others 4.93% TOTAL 235 100.00% 1985 �Economic impact to local economies by tourists visiting the BRP was an area of interest previously expressed by Parkway management. T h e total direct expenditures presented here do n o t fully represent the impact u p o n the local communities by those surveyed tourists, b u t rather serve as a parameter for future studies. Due to the multiplier effect, or the number of times a dollar may actually t u r n over i n a given community, the magnitude of economic impact is extremely difficult to assess. However, when asked to approximate how much BRP traveling parties spent i n the N o r t h Carolina H i g h C o u n t r y area, over 50 percent indicated expenditures of less t h a n $10 (See Table 4). TABLE 4 B L U E R I D G E PARKWAY T O U R I S T E X P E N D I T U R E S B Y PARTY IN T H E N O R T H C A R O L I N A H I G H COUNTRY Amount Percent of Sample $ 0 24.06% Less than $10 60.75% $10 to $50 6.55% $51 to $100 2.10% $100 or more 1.33% N o Response 5.21% Total \00.00 W h e n asked to identify what recreational activities tourists engaged i n while using the BRP, nearly half o f the respondents indicated driving for pleasure as the major pursuit. H i k i n g , shopping for supplies, visiting scenic areas, visiting historic sites, camping and picnicing were the most popular recreational activities identified by those responding tourists (See Table 5). TABLE 5 BRP TOURISTS A N D T H E I R R E C R E A T I O N A L PURSUITS W H I L E V I S I T I N G T H E N O R T H C A R O L I N A H I G H C O U N T R Y D U R I N G S U M M E R , 1985 Activity Percent of Sample Driving for Pleasure 46.24% Hiking 41.05% Shopping for Supplies 36.51% Visiting Scenic Areas 33.79% Visiting Historic Sites 27.64% Camping 10.87% Picnicing 10.30% Other 52.66% *Totals do not add to 100 percent due to multiple responses. 236 �Tourists were asked to indicate the length of time spent o n the BRP. Over 55 percent of those respondents indicated they spent less t h a n one day traveling the BRP. However, over 30 percent indicated use exceeding one day (See Table 6). TABLE 6 L E N G T H O F STAY B Y B R P T O U R I S T S DURING SUMMER Length of Stay 1985 Percent of Respondents Less than 1 Day 56.34 1 Day 12.72 2 Days 7.51 3 Days 5.92 4 Days 3.10 5 or More Days 2.46 Non-respondents 11.95 TOTAL \00.00 The final part of the survey examined overall satisfaction w i t h the BRP experience. Respondents were asked to evaluate five satisfaction items o n scales ranging from 1 to 10 w i t h 10 being the highest attainable level of satisfac­ t i o n . Results are described i n Table 7. TABLE 7 L E V E L OF BRP TOURIST SATISFACTION W I T H SELECTED VARIABLES Satisfaction Variable Average Level of Satisfaction Overall Impression 8.8 Cleanliness 8.1 Crowdedness 6.2 Safety/Security 8.3 Availability of Goods/Supplies 7.7 I n conclusion, this study sought to identify and develop baseline data in an attempt to define market segments of the BRP tourist. Utilizing a limited budget, sampling frame and an abbreviated survey instrument, over 500 tourists were analyzed. Five distinct tourist markets were identified. Overall impressions of the BRP as a recreational tourist destination were very favorable. It is recommended that in-depth tourism marketing studies be coor­ dinated w i t h local BRP communities to determine specific regional market segment fluctuations as well as economic impact information. Indeed, this study supports that the BRP is a consistent "agent i n transition" for tourists. 237 �REFERENCES Bonn, Mark A . 1982. T h e Relative for Segmenting Pleasure Bonn, Mark A . 1984. Ski Beech U t i l i t y o f Sociodemographics, Vacation Psychographic Scales and Benefit Scales T r a v e l M a r k e t s . A n n Arbor Press, A n n Arbor, Michigan. Unpublished report for Ski Beech Resort, Beech M o u n ­ M a r k e t i n g Study. tain, N C . Crompton, J.L. 1979. Motivations for Pleasure Vacation. Annals Graefe, A l a n R . 1977. Elements o f M o t i v a t i o n and Satisfaction o f Tourism 6 (4): 408-421. Research, i n the F l o a t T r i p Experience i n Big Bend N a t i o n a l P a r k . Unpublished Master's Thesis, Texas A & L M University, College Station, Texas. Gray, David E . 1981. Recreation Experience. From a speech presented to the Executive Development Program for Park & Recreation Professionals, Texas A & . M Knopf, Richard and J . D Barnes. 1980. Determinants Study o f Visitors to Gettysburg o f Satisfaction University, Februry 19, 1981. with a Tourism Resource: A Case N a t i o n a l M i l i t a r y P a r k . Tourism Marketing and Management Issues, George Washington University, Washington, D C . 238 �National Concessioner Policy in Transition: An Example from the Blue Ridge Parkway by Robert W. M c L e l l a n and Dominic Dottavio Change is inevitable. This is true for all individuals, organizations and government entities. Whether change is fostered by social influences, political pressures or environmental factors, a strong base of information can pro­ vide direction for necessary policy or operational adjustments. A large part of the necessary information can come only from sites where these ad­ justments are initially tried. T h e Blue Ridge Parkway has played a major role as a base for conduc­ ting research, i n addition to the myriad of other functions it must perform. T h e research role of the Parkway makes it not only an "Agent i n Transition" but an innovator i n shaping the form and conduct of NPS policy o n a na­ tionwide level. One of the most recent examples of the Parkway's leadership i n shaping NPS policy concerns the private sector provision of goods and services tradi­ tionally provided by the public sector. Specifically, the Parkway's use of a private concessioner to operate one of the campgrounds along the Parkway is part of the current administration's philosophy toward government and the economy. T h e administration has hoped to stimulate economic growth by reducing the presence and involvement of government. O u t d o o r recrea­ t i o n management, like other public land practices, has been influenced by these policies. T h e administration has urged the private sector to take an increased role i n providing recreation facilities and services. Former Interior Secretary, James G. Watt stated that concessioners ...are going to play a tremendously important and growing role" i n providing recreation factilities and services o n public lands (Frome, 1981 :16). A number of public agencies manage land for outdoor recreation. For many of these agencies, private con­ cessioners provide some recreation related facilities and/or services. A m o n g these agencies is the National Park Service. u NPS Concessioner Operated Campgrounds: In 1983 the N a t i o n a l Park Service initiated a two-year pilot program to determine the feasibility and benefits of having private sector concessioners operate Service campgrounds. The objective i n having concessioners operate select National Park Service campgrounds was to permit park management 239 �to reduce a part of its housekeeping and maintenance burden and to apply the resources thus saved to the continuance of restoration of other essential functions. Properly handled, the program was expected not to reduce faceto-face visitor contact, but rather to enhance the quality and quantity o f contact through park programs. T h e two-year pilot program was completed at the end of the 1984 camping session. T h e program was initially approved by the Director of the National Park Service and the Regional Directors were informed by letter o n 1 A p r i l 1983: . . . " I have approved a pilot program of concessioner operated camp­ grounds at Blue Ridge Parkway, Crater Lake, Lassen Volcanic and Big Bend N a t i o n a l Parks and Lake Mead N a t i o n a l Recreation Area. ...The way i n which the public perceives concessioner opera­ t i o n of campgrounds is vital not only to this program but, even more, to continued support of all National Park Service endeavors. This is not a give away but rather it is a hard headed business decision o n the part of the government w h i c h lets us concentrate available people and dollars o n those functions which are critical to the operation of the parks. ...Please proceed early to negotiate final agreements w i t h your concessioner and keep this office ap­ prised o f your progress" (Dickenson, 1983). Based o n this letter the aministration of the Blue Ridge Parkway entered into an agreement w i t h a private concessioner to "...operate and maintain a N a t i o n a l Park Service campground for the public o n the Blue Ridge Parkway..." Site and visitor protection were among the necessary criteria recogniz­ ed by the Blue Ridge Personnel for selecting w h i c h campground could be managed by a concessioner. The criteria for site selection included such items as: 1. Assuring the site was not included i n a bear management area. 2. Selecting a site that would not require involved management actions regarding hazardous wildlife; unique or endangered flora or fauna; sensitive resource issues; site restoration or recovery programs; pest management programs or similar difficult situations. 3. Assuring the necessary facilities existed to limit possessory interest by the concessioner during pilot program. 4. Selecting a concessioner able to demonstrate the ability to perform or execute: a) maintenance b) repair c) record keeping d) initial firefighting duties e) resource management f) personnel management g) required reports to the Service 240 �h) litter pick-up Selecting an operator w i t h an understanding of NPS policies and procedures and the ability to communicate effectively to the public regarding the two-year pilot program. Once all the necessary safeguards were i n place the Blue Ridge Parkway, the Clemson Department of Parks, Recreation and Tourism Management and the Clemson Cooperative Park Study U n i t undertook an evaluation of visitor reaction to the concessioner operated campground. Either on-site or mail contracts were made w i t h over 1,600 campground visitors during 1983 and 1984. They were asked to evaluate their satisfaction of the camp­ ground under concessioner operation, and also to compare the operation of this campground w i t h other NPS operated sites. 5. Results: A l l visitors contacted were asked i f they had stayed at the concessionoperated campground or other NPS campgrounds prior to 1983. Interview­ ed visitors to two other NPS operated campgrounds were also asked i f they had stayed at that campground before. If they had, they were asked to com­ pare the current management w i t h these previous visits or visits to other sites.These responses are presented i n Table 1. A l l 1983 and 1984 visitors to the concession-operated campground (1214 visitors) were asked to respond to four items concerning: the enforcement of rules and regulations; adequacy of patrols; facility cleanliness and upkeep; and, impression of employees. Yes or no responses were requested. These responses are given i n Table 2. TABLE 1 COMPARISON OF CURRENT A N D PREVIOUS CAMPGROUND Concession Campground number percent Item 18,689 Total Visitors MANAGEMENT Other NPS Sites number percent 100% 1,957 10% 400 768 Total Response 39% 174 Visitors who had stayed at campground prior to 1983. Management 45% was: better 185 25% 25 14% same 481 64% 143 82% 86 11% 6 4% 1,492 76% 381 95% better 513 35% 246 65% same 831 57% 122 32% worse 107 7% 13 3% worse Visitors who had stayed at other N P S campgrounds. Management was: 241 �TABLE 2 VISITOR REACTION TO T H E A D E Q U A C Y OF SELECT ITEMS AT C O N C E S S I O N CAMPGROUND Number of yes no Item Percent yes Rules and regulations adequately enforced? 1054 88 92% Adequately patrolled for safety? 1011 70 94% Facilities clean and well kept? 1098 82 93% Employees pleasant, 1110 60 95% knowledgeable and helpful? Visitors were asked to express their satisfaction w i t h 17 items at the camp­ grounds. A total of 603 visitors to the concession campground and 403 visitors to other NPS operated sites responded to the satisfaction scale. T h e scales record visitor impressions from 2 to 10, w i t h higher numbers indicating more satisfaction. Results are displayed i n Table 3. TABLE 3 M E A N VISITOR R E A C T I O N TO SELECT ITEMS AT C A M P G R O U N D S (2=poor; 10=excellent)* Satisfaction Items Concessioner Campground Other NPS Sites First Impression 8.5 8.6 Cleanliness of Campsites 8.7 8.8 Cleanliness of Other Facilities 8.3 8.2 Upkeep of Campground 8.4 8.7 Control of Pets 8.8 8.5 Privacy of Campsites 8.0 7.7 Campground Attractiveness 8.5 8.7 Availability of Supplies 7.7 7.1 Recreation Opportunities 8.0 8.5 Ease of Check I n 8.5 8.7 Safety <SL Security 8.2 8.6 G o o d Rules/Regulations 8.2 8.5 Enforcement of Rules/Regulations 8.5 8.6 Employees Helpfulness 8.6 8.9 Employees Knowledge 8.5 8.9 Employees Attitude 8.7 9.1 Recommendation to Friends Concerning Campground 8.6 8.8 *Scale: 2-poor; 4-below average; 6-average; 8-above average; 10-excellent. Campers were asked to complete a "Delighted/Terrible" rating[ scale. T h e 242 �D / T scale measures consumer satisfaction. Responses are converted to a ten point scale w i t h higher numbers indicating satisfaction w i t h a product or service. A t least a one point difference is necessary before it can be conclud­ ed real satisfaction differences exist. Visitors responses are displayed i n Table 4. TABLE 4 CAMPERS RESPONSES TO ITEMS O N T H E DELIGHTED/TERRIBLE Concessioner Campground (N- =600) Camper Response SCALE Other NPS Sites =409) (N = Delighted 190 32% 157 38% Pleased 270 45% 189 46% Most Satisfied 98 16% 50 12% Mixed 36 6% 6 1 % 1 ^1% 1 ^1% Unhappy 3 ^1% Terrible 2 < l % Mostly Dissatisfied O n a scale of 1-10 the mean for this area was: 8.9 8.6 TABLE 5 SUMMARY OF VISITOR COMMENTS (those made by at least 10% of the visitors) Number of Times Mentioned 1983 1984 Total Facility Related Showers Desired 22 38 60 Light at Restroom Wanted 14 30 44 Desired Water at Sites 8 10 18 G o o d Campsites 9 7 16 14 1 15 Electricity Desired at Sites 7 8 15 Hot Water Desired 3 11 14 Campsites Lack Privacy 2 12 14 Liked Primitive Atmosphere Management Related Generally Favorable Comments: Liked Campground/Enjoyed Visit 41 49 90 Hope to Return 17 21 38 Campground Well Maintained 13 9 21 Friendly Helpful Staff 9 9 18 G o o d Interpretive Programs 7 4 11 Generally Negative Comments: 12 16 28 Inadequate Supply of Firewood 3 22 25 Poor Reservation System 5 13 18 Inadequate/Poorly Informed Staff 11 6 17 Patrolling Inadequate 14 1 15 8 4 12 11 1 12 Want Better Programs or Information 3 8 11 Too Expensive 3 7 10 Negative Towards Concessioner Operations Noise Levels Too High Restrooms Unclean or Supplies Inadequate 243 �Visitors to the concession campground were asked to make any addi­ tional comments about their visit or about the campground. Nearly 75% of the visitors made comments. Table 5 presents a summary of the comments made: For inclusion i n the table a comment had to be made by a total of at least 10 visitors. Summary: I n summary the data collected for this project indicated only m i n o r changes be put into effect for continuation of concessioner operations. A list of camper comments was also compiled for use i n future planning. Lack of complaints may well have been a result of the foresite of Parkway person­ nel i n setting up the criteria for the pilot project. The operation of the camp­ ground by a concessioner seemed to be transparent to the visitors and no problem was significant enough to jeopardize continuance of the program. W h a t d i d emerge, however, was a strong data base from w h i c h to work in setting up other similar operations. The Blue Ridge Parkway played another major role i n providing information o n w h i c h national policy could be for­ mulated. T h e Blue Ridge Parkway went beyond being an "Agent i n Transi­ tion", it played a major role i n providing necessary information for intelligent decisions concerning future NPS policy. 244 �Notes Concerning Ruins of Motion Machinery in the Appalachian Landscape by D a v i d P. H i l l ABSTRACT This paper argues that although perceived as "ugly" and "tacky," technological ruins and sculpture i n the Blue Ridge are sometimes a noble expression of a man-machine-land relationship. Some of these expressions are picturesque symbols of a sub-culture w h i c h has a "more complete view of things." Idle machinery seen melting d o w n into the landscape or used as sculpture inyards represents a dialogue between man and nature. Mechanical ruins are the visible language of this dialogue. T h e language is a quiet one, and it often goes unnoticed. This paper will deal w i t h some of the detailed expressions of the native m o u n t a i n people. I t will single out and discuss the phenomenon of idle machinery i n the Blue Ridge landscape, and offer observations about its present forms and functions. THE MACHINE IN THE BLUE RIDGE The physical landscape of Appalachia and particularly the Blue Ridge brings a mixed bag of images into the m i n d of the unfamiliar visitor. Probbly one of the first images most people have is the spectacular natural scenery of the region. Right o n the heels of this first mental image is one of a poor and uneducated A m e r i c a n M o u n t a i n sub-culture eking out a living o n marginal lands w i t h marginal equipment and never throwing anything away. W i t h the success of "Beverly Hillbillies" and more recently "Dukes of Hazzard," almost every A m e r i c a n has an idea o f M o u n t a i n People and M o u n ­ tain Landscape. Those w h o have never visited the region may believe it is a land of peculiar people w i t h a peculiar affinity for m o t i o n machinery. N o matter how corrupt the H o l l y w o o d image of Appalachia, there is evidence w h i c h supports the idea of an Appalachian sub-culture. Having close ties w i t h marginal land through agriculture, the Appalachian has developed steep slopes and tiny plains as i f he was walking o n eggshells w i t h his farming machines. T h e mountains were a fragile environment and there is no doubt that the use of automated machinery caused profound and irreversible changes to the soils and slopes. Mostly due to ignorance, reverence for the land evolved more slowly t h a n reference for the machine. I t is no wonder. Mechaniza­ t i o n must have appeared as a godsend to the farmer w h o was barely surviv245 �ing off the land during the first part of this century. The celebrated machine was unleashed into the mountain garden, creating new hope for success and a renewed opportunity for families to stay there. A t the same time the farming machines were first rumbling over the H i g h l a n d Plateau, the Blue Ridge Parkway designers integrated the traveler and his automobile w i t h the Appalachian Landscape. T h e parkway design provided a sublime contrast of technologies and cultures. T h e Blue Ridge native was living i n Thomas Jefferson's "middle landscape," owning land and having close tie to the Earth by farming it as a family. Individuality and ingenuity were two of the highest virtues. Resourceful and satisfied w i t h the status quo, the M o u n t a i n M a n treated his landscape as a palette for selfexpression. Natives created fields as artforms w i t h the new miracle of mechanized horsepower. Travelling through o n the new Parkway was a different society: the mainstream of America. A technolgically based breed, the mainstream desired the bigger, the better, the "new" and the "improved." W h e n American travelers first gained access to the isolated parts of Appalachia and discovered that the natives d i d not share these desires, they identified the natives' mindset as "fatalistic." T h e M o u n t a i n People were a curiosity, satisfied w i t h "poor" lands and low income. Their mystical treatment of the landscape was equal­ ly curious, praising it while apparently wrecking it w i t h ruins. Contrary to the widely held prejudice that the Appalachian is careless and even thoughtless i n the disposal of "old j u n k machinery," the Blue Ridge farmers show a very special affection for the machine and its use o n the land. The Blue Ridge Parkway's intent has been to introduce the casual visitor to the scenery and to native farming families. Over the last half century, the "ugliness" created by the native farmer and the picturesque scenery of the region has created a wicked and ever changing design problem for Parkway officials. This paper will conclude by casting light o n the Parkway's role during the next fifty years as an agent of preservation—not necessarily for the preser­ vation of idle machinery—for the preservation of the expressive Blue Ridge culture. There is a continuous discourse between man and environment i n marginal lands, and cultures i n these regions usually develop a modest i m ­ age of themselves i n the frame of nature. There is a graceful relationship between the Appalachian Native and Landscape. T h e Blue Ridge People have a dialogue w i t h the landscape, its vistas, its plants and animals. T h e machine has enabled people to survive i n the mountains, and has symbolically become the language of this dialogue. O u t of respect for machines, the i n ­ genuity of the M o u n t a i n M a n appears i n form several ways. First, there are sculptural self-expressions. I n these sculptures, parts of machinery are adaptively re-used as functional and aesthetic pieces. There are plow mailboxes, milk-can mailboxes and so on. Sometimes their "story" is of former land uses. Always their "story" is about the man-machine-land relationship. T h e 246 �second expression is symbolic. Here, the machine is used as a monument. Machines are sited i n monumental positions afforded by the Blue Ridge ter­ rain. The symbolism of these expressions is important because it is a sign of the native farmer's close ties w i t h the land. The third category is the study of an aesthetic accident...a very picturesque accident. As idle machines begin to melt into the land, the dialogue becomes less man-land and more machine-land. I n all instances these details by the farmer demonstrate not only his i n ­ genuity, but his frugality and a sensitivity to the history of land use. 1. T E C H N O L O G I C A L E X P R E S S I O N S Resourcefulness is one of the attributes of the Appalachian society. I n the Blue Ridge, n o t h i n g is ever obsolete. America sees this resourcefulness as an indicator of two things; poverty, and more importantly, a thought pro­ cess. The mainstream of American society has developed a linear thought process. I n contrast, the Appalachian sub-culture developed the capacity for non-discursive thought (Wagner, 1981). This adaptation enabled m o u n t a i n people to get along i n the mountains, i n fact it may have been a survival mechanism for life i n a marginally arable land. Whatever the case, we get to see resourcefulness e x h i b i t e d i n the landscape. T h e trait is most visible when there is still active man-land working relationship such as farming or timbering. I n this instance, the "sculpture" is the land itself. The terrain sets a perspective stage for contour plowing, crop rotation, orchards and decorative fences. Where the relationship has ceased, we can detect an obvious pathos for the past. I n areas where farming or timbering has been curtailed, or technologiccal advances have made former machines obsolete for agriculture purposes, artifacts begin to appear i n the landscape to serve as markers of the past relationships. Pieces of machinery frequently serve as monolithic sculptures i n yards or at entrance roads. White tractor-tires-planted-with-flowers-scattered-aboutyards seem to be a rural American phenomenon, and is very prevalent i n the Blue Ridge. Tires filled w i t h flowers and wagon wheels i n flower beds offer an interesting paradox. I n the past, the wheel has rolled over small plants. I n these environmental artworks, they are the foundation for the plantings. One of the most prominent examples of these artifacts are story-mailboxes. There are milk-can mailboxes, plow mailboxes, and even tractor tire mailboxes. I n each case, the mailboxes tell the story of what has happened o n the near­ by land. T h e plow mailbox, for instance, is usually found i n flat or rolling farm regions. It is typically constructed w i t h a horse or ox drawn plow. Either the tractor has replaced the work animal, or agriculture has ceased entirely i n these areas. I n the coves of the mountains, there are logging chain mailboxes, w i t h the links skillfully and carefully welded together i n an "S" curve. Just as the plow serves as testament to the former row-cropped 247 �F i g . L Wagon wheel used as a backdrop in a flower bed. �Fig. 2. Plow Mailbox along U.S. 221 i n Floyd County, Va. �flatlands, the logging chain mailbox is a marker of logging, the previous manmachine-land relationships i n the coves of the mountains. T h e "native habitat" of the milk-can mailbox is along o l d highways and secondary roads at the entrance to farms, w i t h big dairy barns and silos i n the background. These sculptures are not spontaneous disposal of j u n k . They are monuments. The intentional sculptural relics are tangible monuments which offer unlimited access to the past. They tell stories of the way people have lived w i t h i n the landscape. I n each case, the artifact holding the mailbox was a vital l i n k of survival i n the previous man-machine-land relationship. W i t h o u t the plow, the farmer could not have farmed. T h e tool was the foun­ dation of his family's income. The plow was the tool through which he com­ municated w i t h the soil. Similarly, the m i l k can represents the marketing l i n k of the dairy farmer's living. It was the carrier of his production, and transported his family's efforts to the mouths of many people. W i t h o u t the presence of the logging chain and something to pull i t , the forester could not have logged. The walls of countless city buildings were rubbed w i t h the chain o n their way out of the woods, and the logger or his descendants are showing it off. As a mailbox post or as yard sculpture, the symbol of former income now stands as the symbol of global communication. Mailboxes are the com­ mon frontispiece for rural A m e r i c a n homes. Expressive story-mailboxes i n ­ troduce the artisan to visitors or even to passers-by. Just by looking at his mailbox or the sculpture i n his yard, we k n o w a great deal about his history and his feelings about the environment. T h e resourceful expression of the Blue Ridge farmer has created a " c o m m u n i c a t i o n d o u b l e entrendre? I n ad­ d i t i o n to their utilitarian role of holding a mailbox, plows, milkcans and chains are now man-man communication tools of former man-nature rela­ tionships. They line the roads of the highland plateau between Roanoke, Va. and Boone, N.C. Just as the mainstream identified the Appalachian sub-culture natives as "fatalistic," there is a tendency for the mainstream to label the natives' sculpture as "tacky." T h e sculpture needs to be seen for the stories it tells. The beauty of these monolithic sculptures lies i n their ability to communicate the man-machine-land relationship the careful observer will find i n the Blue Ridge. T h e first category deals w i t h m o n o l i t h i c pieces of machinery as sym­ bols of past man-machine-land relationships. T h e second category will deal w i t h m o t i o n machinery as a significant part of a complete work of vernacular landscape design. This category is a little closer to the wholistic (fatalistic) Appalachian view of m o t i o n machinery's place. T h e artists of these pieces use a different scale. They compose entire pieces of machinery as monuments in the environmental tapestry of working farms, rather than the artists above who used parts to tell of past relationships. 250 �2 . SILENT M O N U M E N T S O N HILLTOPS There seems to be a scientific and mythical explanation for many of the land use patterns i n the Blue Ridge cultural landscape. This dual ex­ planation creates a harmony o f reasons for peoples' actions. To the land­ scape observer i t indicates a society comfortable i n its environment. T h e Blue Ridge culture has developed mythical and practical patterns w i t h the terrain. A special love for and celebration o f topography is exhibited i n songs and tale, and i t is exhibited i n environmental art. After the age of fear from Indian attack, the farmhouses and outbuildings have been typically located i n the valleys or o n the lower slopes. There is a rationale for this. The houses benefit from their location near springs (Miles, 1975). There are symbolic reasons for i t as well. T h e valleys feel protected between the peaks, but more importantly the valleys are i n the modest location. T h e dwelling area is sur­ rounded o n the slopes by the fields. T h e Blue Ridge farmer worked God's fields i n the day and t h e n walked back to Nature's protected valley at night. Property lines ran back and f o r t h along ridge-tops, cutting the farms into viewsheds. This was a very practical way to divide land, having the house visible from the fields and vice-versa. Symbolically, i t created a sense of "one­ ness" for each farm. T h e isolation created by the land use patterns fostered the Mountaineer's independent attitude. From the perspective o f the early Parkway, each bowl-shaped farm must have appeared as an independent organism. T h e house was i n the most modest landscape position. T h e cemeteries were not. They were located o n top of the hills. After living i n the valleys and working o n the slopes, the dead were honored w i t h tenure i n the monumental landscape position. They were buried o n the hill-top, forever overlooking the fields and the farmhouse area. These cemeteries were dot­ ted across the same ridges as the Parkway, and these institutions share the same views to the remaining farmhouses. T h e farmer treated his farm machinery symbolically as any other work­ ing entity o n the farm, just as the family members and animals. T h e equip­ ment barn is typically clustered i n the modest landscape position w i t h the house and the barns, and naturally the machinery shared the same work area as the farmer o n the slopes. W h e n machinery "dies," or becomes u n ­ necessary, it starts to accumulate o n the farm. Sometimes, the dead machinery is placed i n the monumental position as is the family. It is placed o n the hill-tops, w i t h o u t any i n t e n t i o n o f ever being used again. There is a prac­ tical reason for this. O n the hilltops, i t is out o f the way o f the barnyard and the fields. But symbolically i t is "laid to rest" overlooking the fields i t farmed. M o u n t a i n folklore is full of cases where landforms, trains, etc. were sometimes given names and almost always given gender. Again, this trait is seen i n cultures w h i c h have a comfortable relationship w i t h their 251 �F i g . 3. Truck monument o n a hill-top. �landscape. What we see o n the hills, at least i n symbol, is that the Blue Ridge farmer has personified his early farm machinery. This personification is likely to have come about because of the savior role it played o n the early twen­ tieth century farm. Even though many farms were too small i n size and i n finances and too steep i n terrain for large machinery, the small scale equip­ ment that rolled over the Blue Ridge and renewed the farmer's hope i n the early 1900's earned it a place of honor i n his heart and i n his landscape design. David Whisnant (1975), i n his i n t r o d u c t i o n to The S p i r i t o f the M o u n t a i n s , discusses Appalachian emotional expression and deals w i t h folksong as an outlet for emotion. C o m i n g from a culture i n w h i c h feelings are valued most when rendered at the highest pitch, one may be pleasantly surprised to witness such an art of indirection drawing o n the voices of tradition for personal effect. N o t only the songs, w h i c h speak of people's feelings mostly through action or highly conventional images, but also the day-to-day relationships of the mountain peo­ ple reflect this indirection. By applying Whisnant's observation about musical expression to sculptural expression, the idea of these symbolic silent monuments o n hilltops is not so far-fetched. Machines o n the hill-tops are living symbols of past man-land relationships. They are visible from all sides, reminding the visitor the way M o u n t a i n people feel about machines and nature. In the previous category, environmental sculptors employed parts of machines to represent former relationships. I n this case, the machine itself is the conquerer, enduring prior hardships and dying w i t h enough parts to cast a silhouette o n the hilltop. The silent machine, out of the way o n hilltops, fulfills the dual role as reminder of the past and "a guide to the future; just as it confers a k i n d of immorality o n the dead, it determines our actions in the years to come (Jackson, 1980)." The sculptural uses of machinery discussed i n the first two categories of this endeavor seem to have occurred intentionally. T h e t h i r d category deals w i t h a k i n d of accident w h i c h can provide a powerful aesthetic ex­ perience. This category can be enjoyed for a new relationship which American society is just beginning to acknowledge. 3. A E S T H E T I C A C C I D E N T S The place of the machine i n the landscape has always represented an American Identity. D u r i n g the settling of the West, painting the machine in the landscape became a national obsession! T h e symbolism of trains and fresh timber cuts o n the newly discovered lands became a favorite subject for American realists and impressionists. The subject showed up i n the "mid­ dle ground" of primitive art and well renowned painters well into the twen­ tieth century. A l t h o u g h the machine i n the garden could be a horrify253 �ing sight, it was a very picturesque sight and the painters took full advan­ tage of it. "The paradoxes of this relationship to nature are sharply revealed in the 'civilizing' of the land. Progress toward America's future literally under­ cut its past (Novak, 1980)." I n the Blue Ridge, decaying machines are visible i n the barnyards, i n the fields and o n the hill-tops. These same machines that were cause of the destruction i n the paintings fifty years ago are now the effect of destruc­ tion. Their destruction results from a force more powerful than they — natural reclamation! We have come full circle. T h e melting sculptures represent a new chapter i n the picturesque. Robert Jungk (1982) explains that perhaps these ruins have not been accepted as aesthetically pleasing because unlike architectural ruins, they have not come d o w n to us from the distant past, "...they still belong to our near present. They are not uplifting but rather ludicruous and horrifying at the same time. I t must be a disconcerting experience for anybody w h o mistakenly thought that such technical equipment to be precise and trustwor­ thy, and relied o n its functioning properly." Where the other categories of man-machine-land dealt w i t h vernacular expression, this aesthetic experience is picturesque w i t h o u t anybody's i n ­ tent. The paradoxes of this relationship are quietly revealed w i t h nature taming technology. For example, bulldozer w h i c h has pushed d o w n thousands o f trees is n o t an impenetrable steel shield around a growing locust. T h e feel­ ing from the discord of these accidental discoveries completes the circle of the man-machine-land relationship. This time Nature is initiating the dialogue. N o matter where their location or the intent of the artist, these silent iron and steel machines have all the right characteristics to be virtual for­ tresses for wildlife. They are placed away from the activities of the farm, and have nooks and crannies up off the ground for nest building. They offer shelter previously unavailable i n the fields. Motors become homes for birds and mice, tires for mosses. This is not to say i n the least that these melting machines are ecologically beneficial. I n fact, the opposite is true. They more than make-up for the occasional nest by poisoning the ecosystem w i t h oils and metals. But the decaying machines are reality, and they are a vital part of the Appalachian cultural landscape. Even i n a state of silent decay, machines remain the language between us and the Garden of Appalachia. Ruins of m o t i o n machinery i n the land­ scape celebrate a vernacular past where there are no dates or names. They are simply a symbol of the way we have communicated w i t h the Blue Ridge. A PLACE FOR RUINS T h e Blue Ridge Parkway has served as an agent of transition for the culture of the Blue Ridge Native. I n the 1930's, the Parkway became the first 254 �hard-top road i n many o f the M o u n t a i n counties 0 ° l l > 1969). It was the tool to open the isolated ridgetops to tourism. Fortunately, w i t h limited ac­ cess and closed to commercial vehicles, the Parkway was a slower "agent of transition" t h a n it could have been. Its design presented the tourist a belljar view of the native farms. While trying to screen the "ugly" parts of the Blue Ridge while focusing o n its beauty, the Parkway, owning and manicur­ ing a very neat foreground, has cultivated vistas to the patchwork scenes of the valley farms i n the "middle landscape." T h e picturesque mountains i n the background complete this living landscape painting. T h e intersec­ tions w i t h commercial routes became changed and although some adjacent landowners will claim their lives were "forever changed," the Appalachian Sub-culture was alive and well and generally held its o w n w i t h o u t too much to do w i t h the parkway. Now there are much faster agents of transition i n theAppalachian Land­ scape. From the completed Interstate Highway System to satellite reception dishes, the m o u n t a i n culture is becoming rapidly assimilated into the mainstream o f American society. N o w that the last culvert is i n place, the role of the Planning, Design and Engineering office w i l l change dramatical­ ly. T h e Parkway has a chance to serve as an Agent of Preservation. D u r i n g the next fifty years, the Appalachian Sub-culture will be severely endangered and may become extinct. A l t h o u g h celebration of the cultural landscape has been a constant objective of the Parkway, w i t h the rapid disappearance of the culture, i t is imperative that the cultural landscape be used to demonstrate an active, working, living landscape. e v Implied throughout this paper is a reminder to those concerned w i t h the Blue Ridge Parkway that the many farmers' patterns and details along the road are part and parcel of the Blue Ridge Society. I f the Parkway wants to keep the primal vistas of the landscape painter's "middle landscape," it needs to protect the culture of Jefferson's "middle landscape." Masters at i n ­ tegrating the machine w i t h the land, and holding some of the prime farmlands in the region, the Parkway Management has potentially its greatest role about to develop. D u r i n g the next fifty years, the greatest challenge for the plann­ ing and design office w i l l be the celebration of the unique society and its relationship to the landscape. 255 �F i g . 4. Parallel chrome o n the grill is barely recognizable as vines reclaim this truck cab. �BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Eller, R o n a l d D . " I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n a n d Social C h a n g e i n A p p a l a c h i a , 1880-1930: A L o o k at t h e Static Image." I n C o l o n i a l i s m i n M o d e r n A m e r i c a : The A p p a l a c h i a n Case. E d . H e l e n Lewis et al. B o o n e : A p p a l a c h i a n C o n s o r t i u m , 1978. 2. Ford, T h o m a s R. " T h e Passing o f Provincialism." I n T h e Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey. Ed. T h o m a s R. F o r d . L e x i n g t o n : U n i v e r s i t y o f K e n t u c k y Press, 1962. 3. Jackson, J.B. Landscapes. A m h e a r s t : U . o f Mass. Press, 1970. 4. Jackson, J.B. The Necessity 5. Jefferson, T h o m a s , Notes A m h e a r s t : U . o f Mass. Press, 1980. f o r Ruins. on the State o f V i r g i n i a . E d . W i l l i a m Penden. C h a p e l H i l l : U . N . C . Press, 1954. 6. Jolley, Harley. The 7. Jungk, Robert. " T h e Ruins C o m p l e x . " I n D e a d 8. Leib, Prudence, "Junk Cars: M i n e s o f Valuable M e t a l . " I n Changes vironment, 9. Blue Ridge Parkway. a n d N a t u r a l Resources. K n o x v i l l e : U . o f Tennessee. 1969. Nicholaische Verlagsbuchhandlung, Tech. 1982. f o r A p p a l a c h i a : Energy, En­ A p p a l a c h i a n Regional C o m m i s s i o n , 1976. M a r x , Leo. The M a c h i n e i n the G a r d e n : Technology a n d the P a s t o r a l I d e a l i n A m e r i c a . N e w York: O x f o r d U n i v . Press, 1964. 10. M i l e s , E m m a , The S p i r i t o f the M o u n t a i n s . E d . D a v i d W h i s n a n t , K n o x v i l l e : U . o f Tennessee, 1975. 11. N o v a k , Barbara, N a t u r e a n d C u l t u r e : A m e r i c a n Landscape P a i n t i n g 1825-1875. N e w York: O x f o r d U n i v . Press, 1980. 12. Vance, Rupert B. " T h e Region: A Survey." I n The Southern A p p a l a c h i a n R e g i o n : A Survey. Ed. T h o m a s R. F o r d , L e x i n g t o n : U n i v e r s i t y o f K e n t u c k y Press, 1962. 13. Wagner, M e l i n d a , "America's Alter-Ego." R a d f o r d 14. Westbrook, Bill and John H u r t Whitehead I I I . R u r a l V i r g i n i a . H u r t and Whitehead, 15. University Magazine. 3, no. 1. 1981. pp. 6-9. 1974. W h i s n a n t , D a v i e E. " I n t r o d u c t i o n " I n T h e S p i r i t o f the M o u n t a i n s by E m m a Bell M i l e s . K n o x ­ ville: U . o f Tennessee. 1975. 16. W i d n e r , R a l p h R. "Preserving the A p p a l a c h i a n E n v i r o n m e n t . " I n Changes Environment, a n d N a t u r a l Resources. for Appalachia: A p p a l a c h i a n Regional C o m m i s i s o n , 1976. 257 Energy, �This page intentionally left blank �Nature Celebrating O u r Blue Ridge Parkway by Jacob Jackson Bondurant First Place A r t Catetory—Grades K-3 Bell H e t h Elementary School Untitled by Rebecca Johnson First Place A r t Category—Grades 4-8 M o u n t a i n View School Morganton, N o r t h Carolina Time to Fertilize by Kay Cochran First Place A r t Category—Grades 9-12 Swain C o u n t y H i g h School Bryson City, N o r t h Carolina STUDENT ART AND ESSAYS �This page intentionally left blank �Harvard of Celo by Kelly Elizabeth D r a u g h n First Place East B u r k e H i g h S c h o o l Growing up i n Burke C o u n t y i n the foothills of the Blue Ridge Parkway has given me many opportunities to visit its parks, stop at the overlooks, and camp nearby. I remember from my earliest childhood, crossing underneath the underpass o n Buck Creek Gap o n my way to Granny's house in Yancey County. A s we rode along, my mother pointed out that my grand­ father Willard Robinson had operated a wagon drill i n the construction of the Parkway tunnels; Uncle Herman (Robinson) worked o n a crew that paved the section from Buck Creek Gap to M c K i n n e y Gap. W h e n we went to visit my grandmother's home, we learned about the little communities that lay along our route o n Highway 80, Busick, Hamrick, and at last, Celo. T h e road wandered along the South Toe River, past federal lands, saw mills, and cow pastures. M t . Mitchell stood guard over the smaller mountains like the Seven M i l e Ridge. M y mother described her childhood experiences i n Celo, one of the com­ munities snuggled i n the Toe River Valley. She recalled her first school, an institution of some claim to fame, at least by name. T h e school opened i n the twenties, she thinks, and housed grades from one to eight i n its wooden, three-room structure. She walked to school barefoot i n spring; she jumped the branch for exercise and fun at "recess". T h e facilities typified the primitive, lovely wooded setting. T h e water fountain resided outside, bubbling from a mountain spring. M o t h e r and her friends often brought p i n t jars o f fresh milk to cool for lunch. T h e lunch was an individual affair, bags or pails, spread out o n the desks or outside, as the weather allowed. Other facilities boasted two outhouses, one for boys and one for girls. "Being excused" meant a shivering trip i n the cold winter climate! Inside each room, students warmed themselves i n varying degrees, by a large pot belly stove, filled by coal. Those w h o sat close by always suffered from splotched legs. Those far away never had such symptoms, unfortunately; they wore chillblains! One of the teachers during my mom's school years, Miss Ray, Miss Young or M r . Bennet, would build the fire. Deserving students would receive the honor of bringing i n buckets of coal and sweeping the floor at the end of each day. Mother's favorite time was the weekly visits of Miss Shirley and Miss Peterson, two religious workers, w h o came to tell Bible stories. Their forte was a flannel board w h i c h was about as close to a "show" as the m o u n t a i n 261 �children ever got. Years passed. W i t h progress came consolidation, and the little school closed d o w n i n 1951. M o t h e r and her peers moved into South Toe River School, located o n land that had belonged to her family. It was a fine brick building w i t h indoor plumbing, a lunchroom, and a wonderful playground — a whole new world. T h e little three-room school fell into disrepair, and, finally, o b l i v i o n — except i n the hearts and memories of the mountain children, like my mother, Emma Robinson. She knows, and wants others to know that some of the m o u n t a i n children near the Blue Ridge Parkway attended an educational institution of distinction — Harvard, of Celo. 262 �The Viaduct by A m y Koupus Second Place A r t Category—Grades K-3 Oak H i l l Elementary School Morganton, N o r t h Carolina Untitled by David Lambert Second Place A r t Category—Grades 4-8 Virginia Junior H i g h School Bristol, Virginia Untitled by Heather Pittillo Second Place A r t Category—Grades 942 Cullowhee H i g h School Cullowhee, N o r t h Carolina �This page intentionally left blank �Legends Live On by C l a u d i a Suzette Deyton 2 n d Place Burnsville, N . C . M o u n t a i n Heritage H i g h School He remembered going to school barefoot, not because shoes h u r t his feet, but because his family could not afford them. He remembered firing the boiler for his daddy as he sawed the timber he cut into strips. He remembered playing hookey from school and going swimming i n the river w i t h the older boys when there was still ice along the edges of the bank. He remembered taking his first drink of moonshine i n the smoke-house where his daddy kept it h i d . He told his children stories of times when his older brothers had to h u n t for food because there was not enough meat. He told them stories his daddy told h i m , of coming to the mountains from the coast, and building his family a two room log home, a luxury i n those days. He never went any farther than fourth grade, and he never learned to read. A t the head of Locust Creek i n South Toe River Valley, my great­ grandfather raised six children, eighty banty roosters, and sixteen pure-bred coon hounds. He raised his children well: to dance when they heard good music, sell when they had a good offer, always believe i n G o d , but a little nip would not h u r t now and then, and that apple trees were what to look for when selecting a wife. To make a living for his family, he ran a sawmill. His oldest son and nephews logged all day so my grandfather and great-grandfather could saw them the next day. They used horses to move their logs. He worked six days a week and o n the seventh day he rested. He d i d not take his family to church because it was too far to walk. He read to them from the Bible, not word for word because he could n o t read, but he knew the stories so he told them to his children and they never knew any dif­ ference. He was a big man, six foot, six inches, and weighed two hundred, fifty pounds i n his prime. He learned to make moonshine from his daddy, a trade passed from father to son i n those days. T h e revenuers never blew up his still because they never found it. Sunday nights were always special to his children because o n these nights, he played his harmonica and they danced w i t h each other and neighboring children. They danced far into the night, and across the hills you could hear shouts of joy and the music combining to make happiness. W h e n the neighboring children returned to their homes, there was never any danger of being killed or kidnapped. They knew their way home perfectly. Sometimes the children stayed the night. For snacks they had cold biscuits and sowbel­ ly i n them. If they wanted to campout, they went outside w i t h two blankets. 265 �M y grandfather used to take his friends and i n the middle of the night, slip out to the smoke-house and d r i n k a little of Paw-paw's moonshine. His children suffered, but they had many good times and many good rememberences to tell their grandchildren. He never had an electric light i n his house nor an automobile. They could not afford a radio, so to hear the news he went to the general store where you bought everything from pots and pans to farm equipment. They had no home luxuries. A room of your o w n was simply out of the question. I f you had to go to the restroom i n the night, you d i d not go d o w n the hall and to the right, you went outside to the little house w i t h the half-moon o n the door. I f it was cold, you held i t . I f you could not, you wet your bed and froze anyway. To take a bath you carried water from the creek and filled a large tub. I f you wanted a hot bath, you put a fire under it. Soap was homemade from ashes. It was called lye. I f there was a lice epidemic you made a paste of sulphur and water and put it o n your head. If that d i d not get r i d of them, you shaved your head, girl or boy. A stick of candy at Christmas was far too generous and o n Easter you went to church. Life i n the mountains was hard. C h i l d r e n were expected to do many grownup things like keeping the barn clean, catching the evening meal, work­ ing w i t h your father from daylight to dark. The children d i d not complain because they d i d not know any difference. They d i d not wish for things they d i d n o t have because there was no point i n it. You simply had what you could afford. M o u n t a i n people were well-adjusted. They had to learn to take the good w i t h the bad, and i f more bad than good come your way, well, that was expected. If you move to the mountains to get away from the city's bright lights or noises, well, you have come to a wonderful place. The sun sets here bright and pure because there is n o t h i n g to hide it from us, no smog, no p o l l u t i o n . W h e n it comes up i n the morning, there is a feeling of new b i r t h for all the forests and animals. Yesterday's mountain children have grown, many of them are dead, others live to tell their children and grandchildren of life when there was no cars, no television, no electricity. Today's mountain children listen to their heritage, their m o u n t a i n heritage, and learn. Someday, they will tell their children of the wonders the Appalachian Mountains* have given us, and this way legends live on. This is a wonderful place, and it must be preserved for our grandchildren. Above my grandfather's house there is the remains of an old house, an old smokehouse, and an old still. I walk through the woods o n the old trails, made long before my great-grandfather came, and i f I listen closely to the w i n d I can hear a harmonica playing and shouts of glee coming from the dancing children. I f I listen closely enough, I can hear them b i d goodnight to each other as they trudge home through a beautiful forest, over the h i l l , 266 �to their o w n log cabin by a babbling stream. The mountain people have progressed greatly but are still the same deep w i t h i n . They are hard working wonderful people. I know. I have lived here all my life. Life here is mysterious and w i l d , but it is a place of beauty, freedom, love, and kindness. People here are the same, and they will never change. They will fight for what is theirs, their mountain heritage. T h o u g h the forests may be burned and the mountains leveled, the memories, the folk tales, the songs, and the music w i l l remain i n the hearts of the pure mountainbred forever. T h e legends live on. 267 �Scenic Postcard by Matthew Proffitt T h i r d Place A r t Category—Grades K-3 Cove Creek School Sugar Grove, N o r t h Carolina Scene of the Parkway by Tonya Brown T h i r d Place A r t Category—Grades 4-8 Cove Creek School Sugar Grove, N o r t h Carolina Peace o n the Parkway by Kyle Keeter T h i r d Place A r t Category—Grades 9-12 Watauga H i g h School Boone, N o r t h Carolina �Please—Don't Pick the Wildflowers by Marci Ledford 3rd Place Marshall Elementary School Marshall, N . C . You are looking outside the window of your car as you travel along the Blue Ridge Parkway. You will marvel at the beauty of the land around you. This is one of M o t h e r Nature's ways of saying thank you to all the people who have contributed to the preservation of this area. Grand views, numerous wildflowers, trees, and the majestic beauty of it all, will make you realize how much you love the land. You continue along, getting more entranced by the splendor that unfolds around you. As one drives along i n early spring, one will encounter various types of vegetation. The spring temperature increase of the Blue Ridge reaches the valley floor first, then the increase moves up the mountainside. T h e first flowering plant you will see is the skunk cabbage. I t blooms as early as late January but no later t h a n the first of March. It is found i n swampy areas of the Parkway. A s it grows, it generates heat. This melts the frozen ground around i t , thus allowing it to grow. Since it is u n c o m m o n and does not have elaborate blooms, this first sign of spring usually goes unnoticed. Soon after the skunk cabbage blooms, bloodroot begins its appearance from mid-March to m i d - A p r i l . These plants can mainly be found at heights under 3,000 feet, but those that grow above 3,000 feet will eventually b l o o m in the middle of A p r i l . Soon after the bloodroots b l o o m various plants such as spring beauty, serviceberry, silverbell, birdfoot, violet, crested dwarf-iris, squirrel corn, I n ­ dian paintbrush, great chickweed, princess tree, and redbud can be seen. These plants b l o o m from M a r c h to June. These are just a few of the more beautiful wildflowers along the Parkway seen i n the spring. M a n y are found along m o u n t a i n trails, where people very often hike. People are inclined to pick flowers, either for their beauty, or to make a collection for an arrangement. T h e flower, spring beauty, will serve as an example—it is abundant at all elevations of the Parkway. O n l y three to four inches tall, it grows o n wood­ ed slopes. Its dainty and beautiful flowers are narrow and white w i t h pinkstriped coloring. The silverbell is another of the beautiful wildflowers along the Blue Ridge. Their blooms are plentiful during A p r i l and May. The small white bell-shaped flowers hang from the branches of the medium-sized tree. 1 2 269 �O f the thirty-one violets i n the Blue Ridge, the birdfoot violet is dif­ ferent from the others. Most violets have two dark and three light petals, but all five of those of the birdfoot vary i n tints of bluish-purple. Its bloom­ ing form can be observed from M a r c h to June. It is so-named because the leaves resemble the shape of a bird's foot. It thrives under dry, open woods. T h e graceful crested-dwarf-iris can be found i n its blooming splendor during A p r i l and May. T h o u g h only four to six inches tall it brightens road­ sides and open slopes. T h e flowers vary from a rich blue to light purple or white. T h e Indian paintbrush receives it's name for an interesting reason. T h e petals, the majority of which are red, are shaped similar to an Indian's feather. T h e bases of the petals are green, suggesting that they have been dipped i n paint. It can be observed i n its peak b l o o m during A p r i l and May. A n elegant display of the beauty often seen o n the Blue Ridge Parkway, is the princess tree. Also, called the royal paulwaonia, it can be found along road banks and populated areas. T h e purple bell-shaped flowers add grace to the Parkway. T h e flowers appear i n late A p r i l and early May. D u r i n g A p r i l and M a y at elevations up to 1500 feet the landscape is brightened by the redbud. T h e deep pink flowers will appear o n the branch­ es as well as o n trunks. As the summer comes upon us, the floral exhibition gets into full swing. T h e heath family blooms i n a crowded sequence during M a y and June. T h e pinxter-flower is the first to make it's appearance. Also k n o w n as purple honeysuckle, it is often mistaken for honeysuckle. Depending o n elevation, the flame azalea blooms from A p r i l to July. It lines the roadsides i n Rocky K n o b , Craggy Gardens, and M o u n t Pisgah. Probably the most popular blooming display is i n June and July. A t Craggy Gardens alone, w i t h the exception of the autumn display, no one thing attracts as many visitors to the Parkway as the wonderful rhododendron. Wildflowers i n June and August attract many insects. The joe-pye-weed w i t h its pink-purple flower are sure targets. A t o p twelve or fifteen feet high stems, it is clear to see the splendor w h i c h attracts visitors, as well as insects. T h e ironweed is an impressive plant to be seen o n the Parkway. It's pur­ ple flowers can be seen at their peak during August. A flower pollinated by the h u m m i n g b i r d is the cardinal flower. T h e red flower clusters attract the hummingbird. They can be found i n wet, swampy areas and at b l o o m from June to August. From July to September the abundant white flowers of the Virgin's Bower, can be seen scattered along the Parkway. T h e feathery fruits are attractive when they appear during autumn. A l t h o u g h rare south of Maryland, the closed gentain can be found along the A l u m Cave Bluff Trail and alongside the Blue Ridge Parkway. T h e pur­ ple blooms can be seen during August and September. T h e c o m m o n goldenrod is fairly abundant. Blooming i n August and 3 4 5 270 �September the rod-like and golden spreading flower clusters bloom until first frost. It is seen at elevations of 5,000 to 6,000 feet. T h e most likely candidate for being the last wildflower of the year to bloom will probably be w o n by the witch-hazel. The stringy, cream-yellow blossoms are seen after the leaves have fallen from the nearby decidous trees. Sometimes they last u n t i l after the first snowfall. The last floral scent of the year is the faint tangerine smell of the witch-hazel. The wildflowers are now i n their dormant stages of life. N o t totally dor­ mant, now is the time that they work to reproduce more of their o w n k i n d . If you pick one flower, you destroy six future flowers. T h i n k about it. Many are tempted to pick a flower t h i n k i n g just one w o n t hurt. One will hurt. I n destroying the beauty, we are also destroying the reproductive process i n w h i c h more flowers are able to bloom. This beauty cannot last unaided. Year after year thousands of tourists pass through the Parkway and daily destroy a part of the natural surroun­ dings. One does not realize the effect he or she has o n the environment. If each traveler o n the Parkway gathers flowers, litters, and builds campfires in restricted areas, we will eventually destroy the natural grace of the Blue Ridge Parkway. I f we aren't able to preserve this beauty, what will we do when our grandchildren ask to see such beauty as we have described i n a bedtime story about our childhood? Conservation is the key to preserving the natural beauty of the Parkway. Please, don't pick the wildflowers. 271 �E N D N O T E S 1. Catlin, David T.—A N a t u r a l i s t ' s B l u e R i d g e P a r k w a y — p . 36 2. C a t l i n , D a v i d T.—A N a t u r a l i s t ' s B l u e R i d g e P a r k w a y — p . 56 3. C a m p b e l l , C a r l o s C , H u t s o w , W i l l i a m R, Sharp, A a r o n , J—Great Smoky (4th Edition)—p. Mountains Wildflowers 14 4. Bake, W i l l i a m A . - T h e 5. Catlin, David T.—A N a t u r a l i s t ' s B l u e R i d g e P a r k w a y — p . Blue Ridge-p. 32 92 B I B L I O G R A P H Y Bake, W i l l i a m A . - The Blue Ridge - V i k i n g Press - C a t l i n , D a v i d T. — A N a t u r a l i s t ' s B l u e R i d g e P a r k w a y - c 1984 - N e w York - c. 1977 - 112 p. — U n i v e r s i t y o f Tennessee Press o f K n o x v i l l e 208 p. C a m p b e l l C a r l o s C , H u t s o w , W i l l i a m F , Sharp, A a r o n J. — G r e a t Smoky Mountains Wildflowers (4th e d i t i o n ) — U n i v e r s i t y o f Tennessee — K n o x v i l l e — c 1979 — 114 p. Frome, M i c h a e l — Strangers i n H i g h Places ( T h e story o f the Great S m o k y M o u n t a i n s ) — D o u b l e d a y a n d C o m p a n y Inc. — G a r d e n C i t y , N e w York — c 1966 — 394 p. H y l a n d e r , Clarence J. — The York - c 1959 _ W o r l d o f P l a n t L i f e Second E d i t i o n — The Macmillian Company — New 653 p. Scott, L y n t h a , Eiler, Terry, Fleischhaven, C a r l — B l u e R i d g e H a r v e s t — Library o f Congress — W a s h i n g t o n - c 1981 Seeman, Elizabeth — I n the A r m s o f the M o u n t a i n s — C r o w n Publishers Inc. — N e w York — c 1961 - 251 p. 272 �BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY The First 50 Years by Harley E . J o l l e y with photographs by William A . Bake 48 pages 40 color illustrations 28 black and white photographs The Blue Ridge Parkway: The First 50 Years celebrates the golden anni­ versary of one of America's great motor roads. Harley E. Jolley's lively text outlines the history of the road and William A. Bake, outstanding photographer of the American South, has captured the Parkway in all its seasons and its moods in his exciting color photography. $4.95 plus $1 postage for each copy. The Appalachian Consortium Press University Hall, Appalachian State University Boone, NC 28608 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS Boone, North Carolina The Appalachian Consortium Press is a division of the Appalachian C o n s o r t i u m Incorporated, specializing i n the publication of carefully pro­ duced books of particular interest to Southern Appalachia. The Press is con­ trolled by the Publications Committee and the Board of Directors, the members of w h i c h are appointed by the Chief Administrative Officers of the member institutions and agencies of the corporation. East A p p a l a c h i a n State Universit]; Lees-McRae College Blue Ridge Parkway Mars Hill College Tennessee State Universit]; /^a^C^x Mountain Regional Library APPALACHIAN f j | § CONSORTIUM N. C Division o fArchives Southern & History Highland Handicraft M^m^x Guild Western Warren Wilson Carolina College University United States Forest Service W e s t e r n N . C. H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c . Great S m o k y Mountains Natural History Association � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Blue Ridge Parkway: Agent of Transition Description An account of the resource <span>Published in 1985, the&nbsp;</span><em>Blue Ridge Parkway: Agent of Transition</em><span>&nbsp;is a compilation of papers presented at the Blue Ridge Parkway Golden Anniversary conference. Intended to be a celebration of the Parkway, the conference was a way for people to come together and examine the road’s impact on the region and its people. Promoting unity and the idea of regional cooperation, the conference organizers invited a variety of speakers including landscape architects and civil engineers to talk about the parkway’s natural impact on the environment, construction, and employment for thousands of mountain people. The parkway's 469 miles provide unparalleled views of the Blue Ridge and a look into the culture and traditions of the Southern mountaineer.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1ChImtHwaRD65xbUXch5-lTSQZ73GnvTq" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638072/blue-ridge-parkway" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Blue Ridge Parkway (N.C. and Va.)--Congresses Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. Proceedings of the Blue Ridge Parkway Golden Anniversary Conference Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Buxton, Barry M. Beatty, Steven M. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Conference proceedings Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/8985588f513e8feecae47409b88e237f.pdf 5a8bc45a1f2f06cc66f65b129d3605d6 PDF Text Text �Proceedings of the F O U R T H B I E N N I A L I N T E R N A T I O N A L C O N F E R E N C E November 12-14,1991 Charlottesville, Virginia Parkways, Greenways, Riverways: A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Appalachian Consortium Press Boone, North Carolina 28608 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1991 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4214-7 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4217-8 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �1991 Fourth Biennial International Linear Parks Conference Parkways, Greenways, Riverways: A Partnership for Beauty and Progress �2 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Contents The Virginia Congressional Delegation and the Blue Ridge Parkway Philip A. Grant, Jr. 4 America's Unprotected Scenic Corridors: The Quest for a National Policy Helen Cozzetto and Don Cozzetto 10 Historic Resorts: Rediscovery of an American Legacy Judy Byrd Brittenum 22 The Appalachian Trail Across the Cumberland Valley Neil P. Korostoff, Thomas G. Yahner, Timothy P. Johnson 33 A Visual Assessment of the New River Wayne E. Williams, Delmar W. Barchert, PaulL. Gaskill, and Holly Pierce 46 Roanoke River Corridor Study, Phases I and II Helen Smythers 52 An Interactive Recreation Demand/Supply Model for Personal Computers Herman F. Senter and James P. Jarvis 56 The Use of Computer Animation in Developing Interpretive Facilities Along the San Juan Skyway James L. Sipes and Richard F. Ostergaard 68 Metro Green: A Greenway Proposal for Kansas City Stephanie A. Rolley 74 Visual and Environmental Concerns for the Higashi Fujigoko Highway in Japan Shigeo Sudo 84 Concept Plan for the Highlands Scenic Tour Micheal L. O'Brien, William E. Shepherd, and Sarah Duncan 91 �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Three Pennsylvania Linear Parks The National Road: A Traveller's Landscape Stephanie Sechrist Heritage Park and Historic Riverway in the Pennsylvania Oil Region Randy Mason The Delaware & Lehigh Canal: Heritage Development in Perspective—Whole Places and New Partners in Linear Parks T. Allan Comp Development of a State Roadside Vegetation Management Plan in Wisconsin Paul E. Skidmore and Bruce F. Woods 3 92 93 97 102 109 Selection of Alternative Routes for the Southern Extension of the New River Parkway Sarah Duncan and William E. Shepherd 118 Concept Plan for the New River Parkway William E. Shepherd and Sarah Duncan 122 The Southern Appalachian Man and the Biosphere Cooperative Hubert Hinote 139 �4 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings The Virginia Congressional Delegation and the Blue Ridge Parkway Philip A. Grant, Jr. On March 4, 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt was sworn in as the thirty-second president of the United States. Five days later, the newly inaugurated chief executive summoned the Seventy-Third Congress into emergency session. Between the opening ceremonies on March 9, 1933, and the formal adjournment of the Seventy-Fourth Congress on June 20, 1936, the House of Representatives and United States Senate were to enact a substantial number and wide variety of significant laws. Many of the measures were designed to alleviate the acute sufferings caused by the Great Depression. The foremost priorities of the first Roosevelt administration included combatting unemployment and improving highway transportation. Congress eagerly cooperated with the president in these areas and approved an impressive array of landmark bills to effect relief and recovery. One of the most noteworthy developments of the years between 1933 and 1936 was the establishment of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Among the individuals vested with the responsibility of approving or rejecting Roosevelt's historic initiatives were the two U.S. senators and nine members of the House from Virginia. These gentlemen, like their colleagues from other parts of the nation, would cast votes on an exceptionally large number of bills and resolutions. Several of these congressional measures directly or indirectly involved the Blue Ridge Parkway. In the Seventy-Third Congress, Virginia's two senators were Harry F. Byrd of Berryville and Carter Glass of Lynchburg. Among Virginia's members of the House were Representatives A. Willis Robertson of Lexington, Clifton A. Woodrum of Roanoke, and Thomas G. Burch of Martinsville. Byrd, Glass, Robertson, Woodrum, and Burch, each of whom would occupy chairmanships of major committees or subcommittees in their respective bodies, would offer strong support for the Blue Ridge Parkway during the New Deal period.1 The origins of the Blue Ridge Parkway could be traced to the National Industrial Recovery Act. Signed (NIRA) into law by President Roosevelt at the White House on June 16,1933, the NIRA provided for a $3.3 billion federal public works program. One of the provisions of the statute was Section 205(a), which reads: Not less than $50 million of the amount made available by this act shall be allotted for (a) national forest highways, (b) national forest roads, trails, bridges, and related projects, (c) national park roads and trails in national parks approved or authorized. The Virginia delegation in Congress favored the NIRA by a 9-1 majority.2 On December 5, 1933, the Public Works Administration (PWA), which had been established under the NIRA, decided that $4 million would be set aside for the construction of a scenic highway between the Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountains National Parks. Two weeks later the decision of the PWA was transmitted to the director of the National Parks Service, thereby according official sanction to the planning of the future parkway.3 On February 5, 1934, a delegation of distinguished Virginians testified before a federal hearing presided over by �5 A Partnership for Beauty and Progress representatives of the PWA, the National Park Service, and the Bureau of Public Roads. While there was a consensus that the parkway should proceed from the Shenandoah National Park to the Peaks of Otter in Bedford County, there were differences as to the precise direction of the remaining portion of the parkway southward to the North Carolina state line. Congressman John W. Flannagan, Jr., of Bristol favored a route that would run west of Roanoke through Botetort, Craig, Giles, Pulaski, Bland, Wythe, and Smyth Counties. By contrast, Flannagan's colleague, Congressman Burch, urged a route passing east of Roanoke through Franklin, Floyd, Carroll, Patrick, and Grayson Counties. It was finally decided that Burch's proposal would be adopted, thus guaranteeing that Virginia's two hundred and seventeen miles of the parkway would be located within the confines of the congressional districts represented by Robertson, Woodrum, and Burch.4 The second piece of legislation affecting the development of the Blue Ridge Parkway was the Federal Highway Act of 1934. The law went into operation on June 18, 1934, immediately after President Roosevelt affixed his signature. Section 2 of the act was worded: To further increase employment by providing for emergency construction of public highways and other related projects, there is hereby also authorized to be appropriated, out of any money in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, the sum of $24 million . . . to be expended for the survey, construction, reconstruction, and maintenance of highways, roads, trails, bridges, and related projects in national parks and monuments, national forests . . . Although few Republicans had voiced objections to certain features of the Federal Highway Bill, it had a virtual certainty that the measure would pass the heavily Democratic House. A Republican motion to recommit the bill was rejected on a 25785 roll call, and minutes later the bill was approved 255-26. Consistent with their stand on the NIRA of the previous year, Virginians in the House were aligned 9-0 against recommittal and 8-0 in favor of final passage.5 Augmenting the NIRA and the Federal Highway Act of 1934, the Federal Highway Act of 1936 authorized additional money for the Blue Ridge Parkway. Section 5 of the act stipulated: For the construction and maintenance of parkways, to give access to national parks and national monuments, or to become connecting sections of a national parkway plan, over lands to which title has been transferred to the United States by the States of by private individuals, there is hereby authorized to be appropriated the sum of $10 million for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1938, and $10 million for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1939; provided, that the location of such parkways upon public lands, national forests, or other federal reservations shall be determined by agreement between the department having jurisdiction over such lands and the National Park Service. The Federal Highway Act of 1936 was not subjected to a serious challenge until the conference report was submitted to the entire House. Notwithstanding the criticisms leveled by certain Republicans, the conference report was adopted on a 23887 tabulation. Eight Virginians in the House cast affirmative votes on the conference report, while the ninth member was absent for the official roll call.6 On April 24, 1936, Congressman Robert L. Doughton of North Carolina, whose district bordered on the southwestern corner of Virginia, introduced a bill provided for the administration and maintenance of the Blue Ridge Parkway by the Department of the Interior. On the �6 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings following day, the Doughton Bill was favorably reported by the Committee on Public Lands. Only one paragraph in length, the Doughton Bill proposed that After experiencing the frustration of having his bill rejected, Doughton persuaded the Committee on Rules to recommend that the bill be approved by the House. According to House procedures, a resolution emanating from the Rules Committee needed only a simple majority for acceptance. Within minutes after the opening of floor debate, the House passed the Doughton Bill by a 145-131 majority. Voting 6-0 in favor of the Doughton Bill, the Virginia delegation provided nearly half of the fourteen vote margin of victory.9 Two weeks after the passage of the Doughton Bill, President Roosevelt dedicated the Shenandoah National Park. In an address at Big Meadows on July 3, 1936, the president thanked the men "who have opened the Shenandoah National Park and other parks for the use and enjoyment of our citizens." Emphasizing that the nation was "going to need many other young men as they come to manhood, need them for work like this—for other Shenandoahs," Roosevelt asserted: all lands and easements conveyed or to be conveyed by the States of Virginia and North Carolina for the right-of-way for the proposed parkway between the Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountains National Parks, together with sites acquired or to be acquired for recreation areas in connection therewith, and a right-of-way of said parkway of a width sufficient to include the highway and all bridges, ditches, cuts, and falls appurtenant thereto, but not exceeding a maximum of two hundred feet through government-owned lands as designated on maps, heretofore or hereafter approved by the Secretary of the Interior, shall be known as the Blue Ridge Parkway and shall be administered and maintained by the Secretary of the Interior through the National Park Service.7 Securing recognition in the House chamber on June 20, 1936, Doughton offered a motion to suspend the rules and pass the bill to place the Blue Ridge Parkway under the jurisdiction of the Department of the Interior. Because of firm opposition from many Republicans, it seemed doubtful whether the Doughton Bill would attract the two-thirds majority required by House rules. Congressman Robertson of Virginia, stressing that the bill carried "no appropriation or authorization for appropriation," declared that the measure simply provided for the administration of the parkway "when built by an appropriate agency of the Department of the Interior." After hearing Robertson's explanation, the House voted 175-125 to suspend the rules. Unfortunately, this majority was twenty-five votes short of the necessary two-thirds ratio. Virginians in the House favored suspending the rules by a 6-0 margin.8 Is it a dream? Shall I perhaps be accused of an exaggerated passion for planning if I paint you a picture? You who are here know of the great usefulness to humanity which this Skyline Drive achieves from now on, of the greater usefulness which its extension, south through Virginia and North Carolina and Tennessee to the Great Smoky Mountains National Park will achieve. In almost every other part of the country there is a similar need for recreational areas, for parkways which will give to men and women of moderate means the opportunity, the invigoration and the luxury of touring and camping amid scenes of great natural beauty like this.10 During the Second Administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt the progress of the Blue Ridge Parkway was expedited by the annual bills funding the operations of the Department of the Interior.Il would be the �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress responsibility of two Virginians, Chairman Glass of the Senate Committee on Appropriations and Representative Woodrum, a senior member of the House Committee on Appropriations, to work with their committee colleagues in determining how much money would be designated for the National Park Service. Altogether the Department of the Interior Appropriation Acts of 1937, 1938, 1939, and 1940, provided that $17.5 million would be reserved exclusively for the Blue Ridge and Natchez Trace Parkways.11 Agreeing on appropriations for the Blue Ridge Parkway provoked minor controversy in 1937 and 1939. In 1937, the House rejected a Republican attempt to delete funding for the parkway on a standing vote of 123-21, while two years later an identical G.O.P. measure was defeated on a 113-7 standing vote.12 In 1937, Congressman Woodrum, denouncing the Republicans for opposing appropriations to build the Blue Ridge Parkway, argued that the parkway had been "authorized by an act of Congress, which was fundamental legislation, and upon this basis the States of Virginia and North Carolina have acted in good faith." Woodrum's Virginian colleague, Robertson, vigorously supporting Doughton's amendment to increase the 1937 appropriation for the Blue Ridge and Natchez Trace Parkways from $3 million to $5 million, contended that it should be "a source of great pride that we are the first and only nation in the world to construct along the top of a great mountain range a tourist drive that combines safety with great scenic value." The Doughton Amendment, favored by all nine Virginians in the House, was adopted on a 221-160 roll call.13 In 1939, Congressman Robertson complained that the vast majority of House Republicans were hostile to the Blue Ridge Parkway. Robertson was consoled, however, that the Republicans in his congres- 7 sional district were "deeply and vitally interested in the construction of the Blue Ridge Parkway, destined to be the greatest scenic highway in the world."14 Throughout the New Deal era, Virginia ranked among the most solidly Democratic states in the nation. In 1936 and 1940, President Roosevelt carried Virginia by respective proportions of 70.5% and 68.4%. The chief executive fared especially well in several communities located in close proximity to the Blue Ridge Parkway, handily prevailing over his 1936 and 1940 Republican challengers in such cities as Roanoke, Staunton, and Buena Vista. Indeed, in 1936 and 1940, Roosevelt won the three Virginia congressional districts through which the Blue Ridge Parkway was being constructed by rather convincing margins. The levels of support for the president in these districts were: 1936 Fifth District 1940 67.3% 70.1% Sixth District 65.1% 66.4% Seventh District 62.4% 60.5% Inasmuch as a popular Democratic president strongly favored both the conservation of natural resources and highway construction, it should not have been particularly surprising that he was sympathetic to the Blue Ridge Parkway. The reality that the electorate of Virginia was so steadfastly loyal to Roosevelt was a factor which could not be ignored in terms of measures to facilitate the development of the park way.15 Between 1933 and 1940, while both the House and Senate were firmly controlled by the Democratic party, all eleven Virginia congressmen were Democrats. Nine of the eleven members of the Virginia delegation served continuously throughout the first two Roosevelt administrations, and by 1940 these nine gentlemen had accumu- �8 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings lated an aggregate total of one hundred and forty-four years of longevity on Capitol Hill. Serving on the Senate Committees on Appropriations and Finance and the House Committees on Appropriations, Ways and Means, and Post Offices and Post Roads, these congressmen, affiliated with the majority political party, were obviously in positions to wield influence over legislation affecting the Blue Ridge Parkway. The fact that the Blue Ridge Parkway was being constructed through three districts represented by congressmen from Virginia certainly had a bearing on the way members of the Virginia delegation viewed the entire question.16 �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 9 NOTES 1. Raymond H. Pulley, "Carter Glass," Dictionary of American Biography, Supplement Four (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1974), 330-332. Steve Neal, "Harry Flood Byrd," Dictionary of American Biography, Supplement Eight (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1988), 67-69. Henry C. Ferrell, Jr., "Harry Flood Byrd," Encyclopedia of Southern History (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979), 165-166. James E. Sargeant, "Clifton A. Woodrum of Virginia: A Southern Progressive in Congress, 1923-1945," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 89 (July 1981): 341-364. Philip A. Grant, Jr., "Virginia's Congressional Committee Chairmen, 1911-1960," Virginia Social Science Journal 10 (April 1975): 51-55. 2. U.S. Congress, Congressional Record 77 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1933), 4062, 5692. The Statutes at Large of the United States of America, 1933-1935 48 (Washington, D.C., 1935), 195-211. Frank Freidel, Franklin D. Roosevelt: Launching the New Deal (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1973), 444-452. New York Times, 27 May 1933, 1. New York Times, 14 June 1933, 1. 3. Harley E. Jolley, The Blue Ridge Parkway (Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1969), 4344. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1934, (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1934), 196. 4. T. H. Watkins, Righteous Pilgrim: The Life and Times of Harold L. Ickes (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1990), 461-472. Jolley, 61, 86-87. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1935 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1935), 210. 5. U.S. Congress, Congressional Record 78 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1934), 8651-8652. Statutes at Large 48, 993-996. Frederick L. Paxson, "The Highway Movement, 1916-1935," American Historical Review 51 (January 1946), 236-253. New York Times, 19 July 1934, 1-2. 6. U.S. Congress, Congressional Record 80 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1936), 8704-8705. Statutes at Large 49, 1519-1522. 7. U.S. House, Report No. 2544, 25 April 1936. Jordan A. Schwartz, "Robert Lee Doughton," in Dictionary of American Biography, Supplement Five (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1977) 190-191. 8. U.S. Congress, Congressional Record 80, 10583-10588. 9. U.S. Congress, Congressional Record 80, 10614-10615. Statutes at Large 49, 2041. New York Times, 21 June 1936, 30. 10. The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 79J6(New York: Random House, 1938), 238-240. New York Times, 4 July 1936, 1. \\.Statutes at Large 51, 564-615. Statutes at Large 52, 291-342. Statutes at Large 53, 685-738. Statutes at Large 54, 406-462. 12. Congressional Record 81, 4797. Congressional Record 84, 2992-2993. 13. Congressional Record 81, 4796-4797, 47994800. Congressional Record 84, 3055. 15.Svend Petersen, A Statistical History of the American Presidential Elections (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1963) 94-98. Richard M. Scammon (comp.), America at the Polls: A Handbook of American Presidential Election Statistics, 1920-1964 (Pittsburgh: Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1965), 474-476. 16. Bruce A. Ragsdale and Kathryn A. Jacob (eds.), Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-1989 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1989), 632, 702, 721, 931, 1005, 1066, 1726, 1831, 2085. Congressional Quarterly, Inc., Guide to U.S. Elections (Washington, D.C., 1985), 633-634, 931, 936, 941, 946, 951. Kenneth C. Martis, The Historical Atlas of United States Congressional Districts, 1789-1983 (New York: Macmillan, 1982), 166-173, 276. �10 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings America's Unprotected Scenic Corridors: The Quest for a National Policy Helen Cozzetto and Don Cozzetto OVERVIEW One of the most important public policy issues facing Americans in the next two decades will be the effective management of scenic resources, vistas or corridors along the nation's roadways. Despite the fact that discussion surrounding scenic byways occupies an increasing amount of time on the political agenda at both state and national levels, precious little effort has been directed toward developing a comprehensive policy strategy to protect the country's scenic landscapes from the tremendous pressures exerted by development. This paper seeks to focus on the many issues of this problem as experienced through a series of three case studies at the state level. It is hoped that these case studies can provide a framework for a national policy concerning scenic byway corridor protection. INTRODUCTION Fascination with America's scenic beauty can be traced back to the days of Thomas Jefferson when he eloquently documented his excitement over landscape vistas that captured his imagination during repeated rural travels.1 Two Hundred years later, the increasing use of the automobile coupled with a dramatic increase in domestic tourism, has translated into broad, severe land-use implications for all three levels of government. Efforts to properly protect and manage our scenic resources along picturesque roadways, are increasingly critical as more and more of us begin to explore and exert pressures on America's scenic landscapes. Today, tourism represents one of the top three industries in forty of the fifty states.2 Sadly enough, however, the federal government as well as many state and local governments do not seriously consider the ramifications of this 37 billion dollar a year industry. 3 Almost daily we read newspaper articles of rural scenic landscapes being destroyed by an influx of development which hopes to capitalize on the "intrinsic values" that make these landscapes so special. A recent example of this was brought forth in April 1991 by Minnesota State Senator Roger Moe who sponsored a new scenic byway bill. This does not necessarily mean that the good Senator is a champion of scenic corridor protection. Rather, it seems that Moe owns property in the northwest part of the state. Last summer, the state department of transportation 'rebuilt to upgrade' a highway near Moe's property and in the process destroyed trees, wetlands and indeed the very scenic character of the landscape. This first hand experience so angered the senator that he proposed a statewide standard for roads that mirrors standards enforced in the national forests.4 The inherent dichotomy in this example, is that the scenic land corridor which so attracted the public in the first place, created such pressures of development and congestion, that it was destroyed by the 'improved' quality of the highway. As we have all witnessed, the zeal to develop and exploit a fragile scenic resource often has the effect of "killing the goose that laid the golden egg."5 In 1987, the Report of the President's Commission on the American Outdoors, recommended that; "Local and state governments create a network of scenic byways... and take action to protect these �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress resources." This statement along with the explosive growth of the tourist industry, has encouraged a resurgence of interest in scenic byways at all levels of government. In February 1989, the first legislation in fifteen years on scenic byways was introduced in the Senate by Senator Jay Rockefeller (D-WV) and in the House by Congressman James Oberstar (DFL-MN).6 The bill directed the Secretary of Transportation to study many aspects of scenic byways including the introduction of a national system, designation and guideline criteria, economic impacts, safety issues, and inventory of existing national corridors. In October 1989, approval was given by Congress to examine the Scenic Byways Bill and one million dollars was provided for a yearlong study, which is now complete. During one of his press announcements, Senator Rockefeller stated, "Preserving scenic beauty is one goal of a national scenic byway program but there's also a tremendous economic benefit." It is this statement that reinforces the economic development preservation dichotomy discussed above and why an assessment of existing scenic corridor protection was undertaken. If scenic byways in fact are a catalyst for the ever-growing tourist industry, it is vital that we know how to properly protect and manage all of our scenic resources that make this economic development so attractive. Much research has been done on the effects of increased human activity on the environmental degradation of scenic resources. However, little research has been conducted on the larger issues of aesthetic degradation of scenic landscapes (referred to as corridors), along roadways. This paper assesses the successes and failures of scenic corridor protection in three state-designated scenic byways programs. These programs provide a crosssection of the country and representative 11 of a ten case study thesis which assessed long-established scenic byway programs in the US.7 This research indicates that the scenic byway field is currently fragmented and that a need exists for a "holistic" approach to scenic corridor protection. The need for both research and specific policy action has recently been accelerated by Congress's inability to deal effectively with corridor protection. The 1991 Highway and Transportation Bill falls far short of the mark. Indeed, the Senate's version would effectively roll back many of the existing laws controlling "managed trashing" of interstate and primary roads, a move that may well affect scenic roads as well. It is the federal government's responsibility to ensure that scenic corridors are protected as a whole, while allowing state and local governments the flexibility needed to develop concrete policies and implementation strategies that are jurisdiction specific. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW In order for the reader to understand the need for a comprehensive management strategy aimed at protecting scenic corridors, it is important to consider current developments in light of historical antecedents. The first parkways were constructed by state and municipal governments in the early 1890s and 1900s Examples include the Bronx River Parkway and the Westchester County Parkway.8 Despite the fact that Congress passed legislation defining a national vision for parkways in 1916, the federal government did not implement the policy until 1929 when funds were appropriated for the construction of the Mount Vernon Parkway.9 Probably the most famous parkway in the country, the Blue Ridge Parkway, was constructed under Roosevelt's New Deal administration.10 The 1960s brought a renewed �12 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings interest in the environment in general and scenic corridor protection in particular. President Johnson was a strong proponent of the 1965 Highway Beautification Act. He envisioned a comprehensive aesthetic program which included legislation concerning scenic roads, easements, and control of billboards along highways. Unfortunately, as with many innovative policy initiatives, the dollars appropriated by legislators fell far short of the intent of the visionaries who proposed the legislation. Despite the fact that there have been renewed efforts by some politicians at the federal level—an example is Congressman Peter H. Kostmayer's bill titled "The American Landscape Protection Act of 1990"—as well as some private initiatives—The American Society of Landscape Architects' proposal to include aesthetics under conservation reserve objectives in the 1990 Farm Bill—the strategies aimed at scenic corridor protection are fragmented and oftentimes inconsistent with broader long-term political objectives. In addition, the increasing federal deficit has continued to limit discretionary spending in most areas other than defense.11 This perpetual state of financial exigency has seriously constrained efforts at more comprehensive policies concerning corridor management. A number of important beautification and land management initiatives have been undertaken over the years in many states. Three of these oldest programs include California, Maine, and Minnesota. These case studies attempt to highlight the significant events that have developed recently and to determine if there is any common foundation upon which a comprehensive national corridor management policy can be constructed. use conflicts between growth development and the protection of its scenic resources. The problem will be exacerbated by the prediction that the state's population will increase by an additional ten million by the year 2010.12 How well the state will respond to this massive increase in demand upon its scenic resources base remains to be seen, but indications are that the population today takes seriously its commitment to a high quality of life standard. In 1990, this was evidenced by a plethora of environmental issues being considered by politicians, public administrators, interest groups, and the public writ-large. This acute awareness translates into public debate and fosters the "pure democracy" model of government through the use of public referenda. Over the years, California has used a variety of land management tools to try and protect its scenic resources from indiscriminate development. Since the early 1930s when scenic easements were initiated to protect views and open space lands along highways (especially coastlines), the need to protect scenic corridors adjacent to roadways has been of continuing concern. In 1963 the legislature passed the State Scenic Highways Program to address this issue and "establish the State's responsibility for the protection and enhancement of California's natural beauty by identifying those portions of the state highway system which, together with the adjacent scenic corridors, require special scenic conservation treatment."13 Although the California Department of Transportation (Caltrans) administers all scenic highway programs, responsibility for specifics such as the designation and protection of the scenic corridor, rests with local government agencies of cities and counties. This decentralization component is important. In calling for a national policy on scenic byways we in no way infer that the federal government should be involved CALIFORNIA California has had a long history of land �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress in micro managing specific jurisdictions. We believe that state and local agencies will welcome a national policy detailing specific standards and providing categorical grants as long as they maintain the autonomy to develop policies that are peculiar to their own geographic areas. Caltrans's Perspectives California's scenic highway program is characterized by locally developed tools such as general (comprehensive) plans, specific plans, and ordinances. State scenic highway regulations specify that cities and/ or counties develop and implement scenic corridor protection programs to conform with state requirements. These protection programs vary from one jurisdiction to another. In general, the degree of controls are at a level necessary to protect the scenic appearance of the corridor and to meet community goals. The protection measures can be in the form of regulations or policies in the local general plan or area plans. The minimum requirements for a scenic protection program listed below have been part of the scenic highway program since 1963. 1. Regulation of land use and density of development 2. Detailed land and site planning 3. Control of outdoor advertising 4. Careful attention to and control of earth moving and landscaping 5. Regulation of design and appearance of structures and equipment.14 State scenic highway program regulations call for monitoring the local protection program and renewal of the official scenic designation every five years. Renewal is granted if local official and the Caltrans District Scenic Highway Coordinator concur that the protection program is being enforced. Those communities not in 13 compliance have one year to meet standards or withdraw from the program. This tool can be effective, if diligently applied. However, enforcement at both the local and state level varies with the degree of interest in the program and the availability of funding. Direct program costs at the state level are confined to a portion of the personnel costs for the program coordinator and for some district coordinators. Caltrans considers public awareness and participation the most important tool in this program. The local scenic highway protection program should be prepared in cooperation with local citizens' committees, affected property owners, environmental groups and anyone else who would be impacted by the proposed designation. Ideally, these groups are involved at the earliest possible date to afford ample time for review and comment before official action is taken. Effective citizen participation will result in a protection program which generally meets local desires. Corridor protection programs in officially designated state scenic highway corridors are subject to specific review by Caltrans. However, all general plan elements are reviewed by the department as part of the California Environmental Quality Act review process. Many general plans contain a scenic highway component, which is an optional element of the enabling legislation. California has established a list of state highways eligible for scenic designation, but participation is strictly a local option. Caltrans feels that they should be partners in land-use/transportation decisions, but the state should not dictate local land use. Today the conflicts over growth control is an issue that affects scenic corridors and the scenic highway program. Those wishing stricter control over land use will see scenic highway designation as an aid. Those who wish to intensify local growth �14 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings development view it as a hindrance. districts, special permits (use or density restrictions), buffers and set backs, architectural controls, sign controls, fee acquisition/leaseback, and wider than usual road right-of-ways. The Department of Transportation does not administer or manage many of these tools but concentrates its work on the design and maintenance of landscape forestry. Visual assessment techniques are part of the formal process and selective thinning is considered the department's specialty. From the Department of Transportation's standpoint, there are two issues regarding administration and enforcement that concern them. The first is the lack of coordination between those trying to preserve and protect scenic corridors and timber companies who own large tracts of land bordering scenic roads. Many timber companies clear-cut forest crops without regard to the scenic aspects of the resource. Officials within the Maine Department of Transportation stress the need for a comprehensive orientation program for these companies. They express their frustration at trying to enhance aesthetic qualities along the state's roads only to have an adjacent parcel of land decimated. What is needed is a coordinated effort between private and public sector agencies aimed at the development of a unified land management strategy.18 The second problem for the Department of Transportation is the issue of growth along scenic corridors. Comprehensive planning at the county levels is often poorly coordinated with the state's overall objectives. This adds to the difficulty in retaining the existing character of the scenic corridors. Since 1968, Maine has had land management information on file but no specific, tangible legal standards, so that enforcement of standards has been uneven at best. A related issue is the much publicized state of financial exigency affecting eastern MAINE Maine's scenic highway program was initiated as a direct result of the 1965 Highway Beautification Act. In 1969 the Maine Scenic Highway Board was created and later restructured in 1972 under the Commissioner of Transportation.15 The Commissioner, charged with establishing a scenic byway system, considers the following: 1. scenic value 2. safety aspects 3. economic implications 4. preservation of scenic value 5. compatibility with other national, regional and local conservation plans.16 Although a number of state statutes emphasize the protection of scenic beauty and the various land management tools to protect the scenic quality of its highway corridors, the primary purpose of the program today is considered in the context of economic development and tourism. Maine is a strong Home Rule state.17 The Departments of Transportation and Economic Development oversee land management issues but programs are administered and enforced through local planning boards and Conservation Commissions. This results in a wide variety of land management techniques being applied which presents problems in assessing each local jurisdiction's success rate. Maine's Department of Transportation Perspective Maine employs a wide variety of land management tools to protect its scenic -resources. These include: zoning (both at the state and local levels), scenic area overlay districts, design review overlay techniques, highway/transportation overlay �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress seaboard states in general and Maine in particular.19 This translates into a reduced commitment of scarce financial resources to scenic land management. When times are tough politicians have difficulty understanding that scenic resource protection is a high priority. The perfect analog is the traditional approach on large construction projects. When the budget is tight the first part of the project that gets cut is the landscape, because this approach views the landscape only as an afterthought or in fragmented terms which can be manipulated to suit the specific building construction. Program Summary Maine's scenic highway program has been in existence for a sufficient length of time that allows the Department of Transportation to pinpoint current difficulties and to predict future problems. At the present time, politicians view tourism on scenic roads as the primary vehicle to regional economy recovery. Yet, they are unwilling and probably unable to allocate the much needed resources to protect the scenic landscape. Private land trusts and community groups are struggling to protect small parcels of scenic lands in the state, but the Department of Transportation realizes that a comprehensive effort to protect scenic corridors must be initiated at state and federal levels in order to effectively protect these scenic resources. Maine views a federal scenic byways program as a positive step toward protecting existing scenic resources. This is a departure from traditional highway thought which has been concerned only with infrastructure. The Department feels perhaps it is time to broaden its thinking and reassess the department's role in resource protection. MINNESOTA In 1924, the scenic North Shore Highway 15 in Minnesota was opened to the motoring public. Meandering along the magnificent waters of Lake Superior, it remains one of the most spectacular scenic roads in the United States. Yet with all Minnesota's scenic management experience on roadways, it is perhaps surprising to learn that the state is only now in the process of consolidating an official scenic byways program. Historically, Minnesota has been a leader in the area of innovation when it comes to scenic land management. Since the early 1950s the state has administered a scenic easement program dedicated to acquiring scenic lands adjacent to highways. The legislation establishing the program dates back to 1965.20 Its main purpose was to preserve scenic lands in private ownership and control the proliferation of billboard and outdoor advertising. The need to further improve visual qualities along highways prompted the state legislature to initiate a new program in 1971 aimed at controlling and eliminating junk yards along public roads. These efforts were followed by various land use statutes which are related to highway projects including limited use permits, transfer of fee title lands, highway easements, and cooperative agreements with other pertinent agencies.21 In 1978, Minnesota began to devote considerable attention to its role in the development of the Great River Road. This federally assisted project encompassing ten states and two provinces along the Mississippi River, lends definitive proof to the fact that collaborative efforts between various levels of government and private agencies can culminate in a major success story. Minnesota regards this project as atypical of other scenic roads within the state because management and administrative issues are handled separately through the Minnesota Mississippi River Parkway Commission. �16 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings In 1986, as part of the State Transportation Act, the Minnesota legislature passed a new law promoting recreational enhancement along state scenic highways. The law called Highways In Recreation Areas (HIRA), dictates the coordination of highway construction and recreation opportunities between the Department of Transportation and the Department of Natural Resources. Cooperative interagency efforts have been specifically laid out, including the evaluation and designation of "unique and scenic" highway segments "to protect, interpret or enhance the visual, natural or cultural character of roadway corridors."22 Weed Inspectors. The Department of Transportation will also be the lead agency in the new Scenic Byways program. The North Shore program is overseen by counties and communities and the Great River Road program by the Mississippi River Parkway Commission and adjacent communities. The De Facto, Scenic Easement, and Great River Road programs are administered and enforced at the state level; the North Shore and Great River Road at both the county and local levels. The following tools are used by Minnesota in scenic byway management: Minnesota's Department of Transportation Perspective Minnesota has recently established several programs related to scenic roads. These programs include: 1. 2. 3. 4. Scenic Easement Program Great River Road Program Highways in Recreation Areas North Shore Management Plan 5. De Facto Management Program The goals and objectives of each program vary but all include a combination of scenic preservation, improvement of recreational opportunities and touristrelated economic development. The Great River Road program also lists historic preservation as one of its purposes. Land management tools used specifically for scenic corridor protection are applied in the North Shore and De Facto programs. The Scenic Easement, Highways In Recreation Areas, and Great River Road programs do not use land management tools for this specific reason. The Department of Transportation is the lead agency in the De Facto program. This program incorporates a cooperative effort with the Department of Agriculture 1. The North Shore program employs comprehensive planning, local level zoning, special conservation or corridor districts and special purpose boards or authorities. 2. The Great River Road program employs local level zoning (billboards), sign control, conservation or scenic easements, wider than usual road right-of-way (paved shoulders), voluntary programs and special purpose boards or authorities. 3. The Scenic Easement program employs scenic area overlay districts, sign control, fee acquisition/leaseback, conservation or scenic easements and technical committees. 4. The De Facto program employs erosion and sediment controls, and wider than usual road right-of-way. The Great River Road was chosen by the Department of Transportation for land management assessment because those responsible for the project have over ten years experience in the application of land management techniques. The following criteria was used for assessment purposes. 1. Fit local expectations; conduct local meetings and use results in route development guides. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 2. Funnel funds through local agencies. 3. Incorporate a statewide advocacy group such as the Legislative Commission in the Great River Road. Results indicated that fitting local expectations and incorporating a statewide advocacy group is considered very effective. Funneling funds through local agencies is considered only moderately effective. All three approaches lend themselves to ease of administration. Counties are charged with specific administrative responsibilities but work closely with state agencies as well as the Legislative Commission. The Scenic Easement program was highly effective when it was initially implemented. However, the state's inventory of properties is not easily accessible, and so there has been a lack of continuity and follow-up in the program over time. The properties are still owned by the state but land uses have not been inventoried or monitored within recent years. There appears to be a real need to update this information especially in light of the fact that the program was such a major investment over 30 years ago. Minnesota does not differentiate between the management of scenic byways with other land management programs and finds optimal effectiveness in programs where a combination of state agencies are working together on a project. Each agency has a vested interest in some phase of the project so that goal attainment and project completion are enhanced. Task forces are also effective in this sense and may have significant non-agency membership from the community. The Department of Transportation also feels that participation with local communities cannot be underscored. In both the short and long-terms, issues of development and harvesting of natural resources are significant concerns for Minnesota's scenic roads programs. In 17 the short-term, the development and adoption of the Scenic Byway system is a concern due to a changing political climate. In the long-run, the system's maintenance is a concern due to long-range financial constraints. Program Summary Minnesota's scenic byway protection issues differ from those states that have experienced overwhelming development pressures during the past twenty years. Nearly 27% of the state's land base is owned by the federal government,23 so land-use issues outside the major urban centers, tend to focus on vegetation and wildlife management and resource harvesting.24 Scenic protection does not seem to be a problem with public lands. Private land that has been critical to retain for scenic purposes, has often been bought by the state or placed under the scenic easement program. Over the years, the Department of Transportation has worked extensively with visual analysis techniques for use on scenic corridors and has recently developed a comprehensive Visual Impact Assessment Process which is legally grounded on various aesthetic and environmental laws.25 Although this process is still in its infancy, it offers many exciting possibilities for cataloging and assessing impacts on scenic corridors which can be used to decide important protection issues. The Transportation Department has also expressed interest in setting up a taxonomy for typical landscapes.26 This recognizes the need to go beyond the current emphasis on spectacular landscapes to include land and water forms unique to specific regions. For example, the prairie landscape is often viewed as unattractive by local residents. However, many tourists find it fascinating. Equally important is the fact that these types of landscapes are bowing to the pressures of �18 development and so are also rapidly disappearing. During the 1988 draft stage of the new Highways In Recreational Areas program, the greatest percentage of comments referred to a need for more public and interagency cooperation on all scenic highway projects. These include more streamlined administrative procedures, a concerted effort at retrofit and enhancement of existing facilities, and more effective highway signing.27 It remains to be seen if Minnesota will be successful in its new cooperative vision of scenic protection. To date, their track record has been one of the best in the country. CONCLUSION The three case studies presented above highlight some of the positive and negative aspects of initiatives concerning scenic byway/corridor management at the state level. Appendix A depicts a table of the breakdown of land management tools used by all ten states in the original thesis and highlights the most frequently used across the country. Let us now turn our attention to another state which has no scenic byways program in place at this time. At present, North Dakota is skeptical of any federal involvement in scenic byways programs, viewing them as just more lost revenue for construction and maintenance programs.28 However, the recent influx of Canadian travelers and various film images are impacting the state's tourism industry and the state is trying to 'cash in' on this windfall, which brings us back to the dichotomy discussed earlier in this paper. Until recently, many Mid-West states have conjured up images of bald prairie and raging blizzards. But a resurgence in 'western interest' displays a tremendous beauty of the land and a rich history attached to the opening up of the Dakota territory. Even so problems associated with 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings the lack of proper regional planning are eroding some of this roadside beauty, especially near urban centers. This problem is now beginning to surface on the Lewis and Clark trail leading into the Fort Abraham Lincoln State Park outside Bismarck. Billboards, residential and commercial development and lack of protection for river bottom lands have resulted in creeping destruction of the scenic resources' along this roadway. Some progress has been made to establish scenic easements along critical viewsheds leading into Fort Lincoln but increasingly this pressure has come from the public. In a recent public meeting on the future needs of the park, "acquiring lands and scenic easements to protect park integrity," was listed as a top priority requiring immediate attention by all of the public participants. Over 60 people attended this meeting and represented a wide range of special interest groups.29 Interestingly enough, the Highway Department will have nothing to do with this initiative, even though the road is considered a scenic road of national importance and is managed on both the state and federal levels. Their view is that scenic byway programs and corridor protection are considered a low state priority and funnels money from more important interstate road development and maintenance.30 Even the Tourism Department, which is charged to promote the beauty of the state openly endorses the use of billboard advertising in its promotional campaigns and uses a minibillboard to display its mission statement. At the beginning of this paper, we indicated a need for a comprehensive national policy with respect to the very important subject of landscape degradation along America's unprotected roadways. As evidenced by the lack of cohesiveness in this field, it is increasingly obvious that the federal government must take a proactive role in this regard. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Now that the interstate highway system is almost complete, Congress has turned its attention to what has been termed "highway demonstration projects." 31 Several key politicians have benefited handsomely from this new focus. The Senate Appropriations Chairman Robert Byrd secured $137 million for his home state of West Virginia,32 David Bonior received $3.9 million for a bicycle trail in Michigan, Representative Lehman, and Chairman of the House Transportation Appropriations Subcommittee received approval for an $18.6 million project to revitalize the Biscayne Boulevard in Miami.33 This exercise in pork barrel politics is characterized by Francis Francois, Executive Director of the American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials as "nothing more than the congressman's ability to get money for his district."34 The 1992 Transportation Bill, currently the subject of great debate on the floors of Congress, falls far short of dealing with the realities of the situation. On July 10, 1991 the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Transportation approved a $14.2 billion bill for the transportation department for fiscal 1992. However, on August 1 an embarrassed group of Democratic House leaders were forced to pull the five-year 153.5 billion highway bill. The bone of contention is the proposed five cent a gallon gasoline tax. Many members of Congress oppose the tax because they claim that it is regressive, affecting in a disproportionate way low and middle income Americans.35 Congress needs to get its act together. Implementation of the following recommendations would greatly assist state and local governments in their efforts at scenic corridor protection: 1. Develop a series of national minimum standards similar to those currently in place for wetlands protection. 19 Specifics would include: • the designation of specific highways as scenic. •development of comprehensive scenic corridor plans by all state highway agencies. Municipal and county governments would then be required to conform to the state plan. • close loopholes and develop regulations governing outdoor advertising, regional and site planning, and landscaping. • specific regulations prohibiting obstructions or clear cutting in scenic vistas. 2. Implement the five cent fuel tax. One cent of the tax to be targeted toward corridor protection and transferred to the state level.36 3. All demonstration projects be considered in the broader context of corridor protection. 4. Establish a joint committee to ensure a coordinated effort at policy implementation—i.e., federal and state representatives from key departments such as transportation, environment, and tourism would constitute the committee. None of us would be so naive as to proclaim a "quick fix" for the aesthetic protection of America's highway corridors. The issues involve politics, and the complexity of the situation is exacerbated by the number and levels of governments involved. One thing is clear, however. The 1990s is no place for continued political rhetoric and electoral calculus. Policy guidelines and the appropriate funding must come from an informed federal government. Members of Congress must act quickly and without favoritism before the damage to our scenic corridors becomes irreparable. �20 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Helen E. Cozzetto is Manager of Planning and Development for the North Dakota State Park system. She holds degrees in photography and architecture and has recently completed a Master of Landscape Architecture from Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University. Dr. Don A. Cozzetto is Assistant Professor and Director of Graduate Programs in the Department of Political Science at the University of North Dakota. His Ph.D. is in public administration from Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 21 NOTES 1. See Edwin M. Betts and H. B. Perkins, Thomas Jefferson's Flower Garden at Monticello, (Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virqinia, 1986). 2. G. M. Bastarsche, "Scenic Highways Targeted," American Automobile Association Fact Sheet, Summer 1989. 3. Remarks by Undersecretary Rockwell A. Schnabel before the Scenic Byways Conference, American Recreation Coalition, Washington, DC, November 6, 1989. 4. See "Moe's Scenic Highway Bill Strikes Sparkes In Hearing," Grand Forks Herald, April 18, 1991, B-3. 5. "Development Paints Grim Vista at Shenandoah," The Washington Post, October 7, 1989 and "Congressmen Seeking Study of Shenandoah Battlefields," The Washington Post, December 9, 1989. 6. Bills S 432 and HR 1087. 7. Helen Cozzetto, The Status of Corridor Protection Along Scenic Byways, Unpublished Master of Landscape Architecture Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blacksburg, VA, 1990. 8. David R. Levin, "Scenic Corridors," Highway Research Record #166, (Washington, DC: Highway Research Board, 1967). 9. Domenico Annese, "The Impact of Parkways on Development in Westchester County, New York City and the Metropolitan New York Region," Parkways: Past, Present and Future, (Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1987). lO.Harley E. Jolley, The Blue Ridge Parkway, (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1969). 11. See The 1991 Budget in Brief, Washington: Office of Management and Budget. 12. Irving Schiffman, Alternative Techniques for Managing Growth, (Berkeley, CA: University of California Institute of Government Studies, 1990). 13. California Streets and Highway Code-Div. 1 Ch.2 Art 2.5 14. Ibid. 15. Maine Department of Transportation In-House document—January 20, 1975. 16. Ibid. p. 1. 17. See Donald Hagman and Julian C. Juergensmeyer. Urban Planning and Land Development Control Law. (St. Paul, MN: West Publishing Company, 1986) pp. 53-54. 18. Telephone interview with Mr. Clyde Walton, Landscape Architect for the Maine Department of Transportation, March 20, 1990. 19. The reader may recall that the Governor and Legislature could not agree on a fiscal 1991 budget. The result was that Maine's government infrastructure virtually shut down for two weeks in July. 20. Minnesota Statute & 173.04 21. Highways in Recreation Areas, (St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Department of Transportation, September 1988). 22.HIRA, note 20 supra, p. 3. 23.HIRA, note 20 supra, p. 4. 24. Corridor Management Plan, supra. 25. Visual Qualify for EIS Processes, (St. Paul, MN: Department of Transportation; Environment Services Section, 1989). 26. Telephone interview with Catherine Thayer, Senior Planner for Minnesota Department of Transportation, March 20, 1990. 21.HIRA, supra, p. 25. 28. Phone conversation with Norlyn Schmidt— North Dakota Department of Transportation Planning Division; Bismarck, ND, Oct. 16, 1991. 29. North Dakota Parks and Tourism Department: Fort Abraham Lincoln State Park Advisory Board Survey, May 22, 1991. 30. Phone conversation, note 28 supra. 31. See Mike Mills, "Lawmakers Lard Highway Bill with $6.8 Billion in Projects," Congressional Quarterly, July 27, 1991. 32. See Lawrence J. Haas, "Bird's Big Budget Stick," National Journal, February 9, 1991. 33. "House Travels Favorite Road To Funding Local Highways," Congressional Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 28, July 13, 1991. 34. Ibid, p. 1884. 35. David S. Cloud, "House Dispute Over Gas Tax Puts Highway Bill on Hold," Congressional Quarterly, August 3, 1991. 36. The tax was estimated to increase annual revenues by approximately $6 billion. $1.2 billion would be allocated to scenic corridor protection. �22 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Historic Resorts: Rediscovery of an American Legacy Judy Byrd Brittenum Abstract As America watched its role as an industrialized nation unfold, the orchestration of resort development and the preservation of natural scenery counterbalanced the impact of the new lifestyle. In the period between 1875 and 1920, the intrigue of the resort community fueled the park movement and the preservation of outdoor space and natural scenery. This paper will explore the particular relationships between two cities, Hot Springs, Arkansas and Asheville, North Carolina, as examples of resort communities that played key roles. It will investigate the social and cultural reasons for this genre to command such an important place in America's environmental and conservation movement. The glory of the leading men often overshadowed the cast that provided the artistic, design and technical support for resort development. Often, little is known about the input of the design professionals who plan these places. At the turn of this century, Colonel Samuel Fordyce in Hot Springs and George Washington Vanderbilt in Asheville, embarked upon independent ventures which attempted to bring Man, Health and Nature back into balance. Both of these men assembled the best of America's design professionals to ensure that their ventures would be successful. Richard Morris Hunt, George Mann, Eugene John Stern, and John Lawrence Mauran were the architects and Fredrick Law Olmsted and Jens Jensen, the landscape architects, who contributed to the unique architectural significance of these towns. They would design a classical heritage in cultural and physical resort development which would serve these towns even until today. Vanderbilt and Fordyce provided the masses with models of elegance (Biltmore House and the Fordyce Bathhouse), entertained guests not only in their opulent palaces but also in their rustic lodges, contributed to the establishment of forestry programs and enabled such present day treasures as Pisgah National Forest, the Blue Ridge Parkway, and Hot Springs National Park to become realities. The paper will examine relationships between the men and their entourage and those impacts on tourism today. Introduction This is the story of two mountain towns that rose to prominence as health resorts by the late 1800s. These two, Asheville, North Carolina, and Hot Springs, Arkansas, flourished longer than most of their counterparts and still attract travelers today. Furthermore, the landscapes that surround these places were catalytic models for the preservation of natural scenery and fueled the park and outdoor recreation movements in the United States. While health resorts were usually visited first for medical reasons, they often became Meccas for the wealthy. The adjacent scenery and landscape contributed visually and aesthetically to their mystic. The popularity of this landscape encouraged the restoration and preservation of these natural treasures and provided economic, social, and cultural reasons to maintain them (Cohen, 1978,218; Pigram, 1980, 520). The premise of this paper is that today's tourism and continued economic and cultural development in Asheville and Hot Springs is largely due to certain key socially and financially prominent individuals who had selected the towns as their homes by the turn of the �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress century. Additionally these men orchestrated acquisition there and provided protection for perpetuation of that natural legacy. (Swaim, 1981,42) George Washington Vanderbilt in Asheville and Samuel Wesley Fordyce in Hot Springs adopted these towns as their permanent homes and brought with them a more affluent lifestyle, an entourage of visitor-friends, financial support for regional development and their own personal interests in the environment surrounding these resorts. Without their particular efforts to preserve the native beauty of the adjacent land, the context of these towns might have been largely lost. Using Vanderbilt as a well-known example of a man who helped to develop and preserve Asheville first as his home and later as a national landscape, this paper will compare Samuel Fordyce's same influence in Hot Springs. This comparison of the two city fathers will reveal a historic pattern that might be applied to other turn of the century health resorts which are still viable tourist attractions today. George Vanderbilt and Samuel Fordyce dreamed dreams and then executed them with flourish. Today there are certain residuals which can be directly attributed to the influence of these men and provide a continuum for tourism today. These are: 1. Unique, professionally designed architecture, both building and landscape, of which both private and public examples exist; and 2. Parks and other outdoor, set-aside land including natural corridors, parkways and forests. (Gunn, 1988) To expand the idea that these men provided models for viable historic resort development, some basic tenets of tourism must first be examined, then a brief summary of the existing conditions at these towns when Vanderbilt and Fordyce arrived and a look at the Victorian times in which they lived. 23 Tourism Planning Today successful tourism must address the social, cultural, and economic needs of a resort. Most already have unique visual qualities, whether architecture or landscape. Future development, however, can have negative impact as well as a positive one. In order to ensure the viability of these inherent characteristics, protection of the physical and cultural resources as well as promotion of non-intrusive recreation opportunities must be secured. It is often the influential efforts of key individuals that saves these resorts from the effects of poor development: homogeneity and cultural dilution, economic strain, and physical encroachment. (Gunn, 1988) When historic resorts are protected or sensitively enhanced, they retain an appreciable amount of the original character that made them significant. Unique sustainable architecture and landscape is most often at the heart of good tourism, planning and attention to incorporating local culture provides an interchange between the two. The selection of key social, cultural and economic conditions at the place is critical. Unique architecture can be both public and private. Landscape may relate to issues of recreation, visual scenery, or urban adjacency. Cultural conditions link the native and visitor and may involve both art and craft. The basic understanding of the historical context of a region and the particular eras which impacted them are often the most crucial increments of information when linking the these social cultural and economic conditions together. Asheville and Hot Springs Before Vanderbilt and Fordyce Asheville and Hot Springs, both located near historic Indian lands,, developed partially as early trail stops. Asheville lay on part of a road which originated in South Carolina and ran through North Carolina �24 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings to Tennessee. Called "The Land of Sky" in promotional literature, Asheville developed a regional reputation when people found that cool, summer mountain air worked as a curative for consumption and malaria. Hot springs, with greater trail claims as part of the Hernando Desoto route, was perhaps first known for its intrinsic geological resources. It was, in fact, the "Valley of the Vapors" which drew the Indians and the famous explorer band to the healing hot waters long before the permanent settlers came. The travelers visiting the two towns were quite different. The more affluent Southerners traveling to Asheville could afford to gather their children, servants and goods and move to higher ground for the duration of the summer. These visitors came to prevent illness as well as cure it. In Hot Springs the ill sought the healing waters and came in many circumstances. The position of these resorts was to provide basic accommodations for guests while they sought good health. Many of the permanent inhabitants scurried to make quick money or provide recreational, tavern-like entertainment. Others looked with a long eye at these dallying pursuits and saw more opportunity in building a broader base on which the communities could grow. (Eubank, 1936) In Asheville primitive shelters and then taverns, like Alexander Fs, had existed along the Buncombe Turnpike for quite some time. These taverns gave way to the larger wood-frame or brick inn. The Eagle Hotel, built in 1814, and the Buck Hotel, built in 1825, were some of the earliest. The popular Swannanoa Hotel came along in 1879 and other more elaborate hotels followed. (Swain, 1981, 35) Some of these hotels cost as much as $200,000 and were kept open the entire year. "It was the day of family-style hostelries in Asheville and the surrounding valleys, where ladies wore dresses of muslin and crinoline that swept the floor, and no gentleman would think of removing his coat while toiling up Beaucatcher Mountain." (Asheville Citizen) Hot Springs, too, had established a hotel and tourist trade based on its health resort image. "In 1820, Joseph and Nancy Mellard built the first of the many hotelries that before the end of the century would distinguish Hot Springs as a city of hotels." (Brown, 1982, 12) This was quite a remarkable venture since Hot Springs only had 84 people living in the township at that time. The thermal springs soon brought much business to the early health resort. The Hale Bath House and Hotel began the first of many visitor-related developments. The Rector and Stidham's Hotel were promoted as having conveniences for warm-bathing for invalids. These more primitive places were eventually replaced by luxurious hotels and eleven separate Spanish Renaissance bathhouses, making up what was then and is now called "Bathhouse Row." (Scully, 1966) The imported inhabitants of the two towns soon outnumbered the locals. The citizens became more accepting of "different habits, religions, morals, dress, likes, and dislikes and speech patterns." (Brown, 1979) The tolerance of new and different customs subsequently influenced change when many rural South towns resisted it. Asheville was eventually to be even more greatly influenced by Vanderbilt's continental friends. Hot Springs too had an influx of wealthy outsiders. Due to Samuel Fordyce's influence in getting the government to build the new Army and Navy Hospital there and the growing Hot Springs Reservation lessees, many outside medical and military personnel arrived to oversee the business there. The Victorian Era Influences On Resort Development The Gilded Age was a term used to �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress describe the culture of the newly rich during the period of about 1870 to 1916. The industrial growth that began in the early 1800s. and boomed again after the Civil War gave rise to many new products and production methods. Inventions such as the telephone, the phonograph, the electric light, the first skyscraper, the automobile and the airplane provided opportunities for incredible economic change in America. The social and cultural changes, however, differed greatly between the North and the South. The South remained mostly rural and poor while the North flourished. The untaxed, Northern wealthy were always seeking amusing ways to spend their money. For example, The Four Hundred was a group of inner-circle New York socialites designated thus by Mrs. William Backhouse Astor because that was the number she could hold comfortably in the ballroom of her New York brownstone. They were regulated by dogma controlling such trivialities as not "letting two white or brown sauces follow each other in succession" in a meal or not serving "truffles twice in that dinner." (Vanderbilt, 1989, 98) New York society, on the other hand, unconventionally had been known to distribute party cigarettes rolled in $100 bills, held banquets where guests ate on horseback in grand ballrooms, and clad their dogs in $15,000 diamond collars. (Vanderbilt, 1989,263) There was simply too much money that abounded, and there was no end in sight to the extravagant spending. At the same time the average pay for a worker in the United States was about $495 a year, and only one family in twenty made more than $3,000 a year. (Gustavus, 1939, 164) This was truly the Gilded Age, for some. By the late 1880s, the rich were interested in getting away from the cold Northern winters and in protecting themselves from disease; the only commodity 25 their money could not buy was good health. Newport, Rhode Island and Saratoga, New York had been major vacation colonies of the wealthy until then. (Paige, 1987) The move to warm, southern climates came about the time The Jekyl Island Club was formed. An initial group of 53 of the wealthiest men in the world hired noted landscape architect H. W. S. Cleveland to master plan their Georgia island community. Vanderbilt's older brother, William K. Vanderbilt, was a charter member of this club. (Mann, 1990, 7) The major attraction for the club was its isolation. Hunting, fishing and boating were some amusements the guests enjoyed rather than the old social pastimes in New York. The artisan water there was purported to be as health-giving tonic. (Mann, 1990, 8) Now that they were comfortable with the civilization they had provided for themselves, the rich had begun to retrace their steps back to the wilderness. Vanderbilt and Fordyce As Catalytic Models Vanderbilt and Fordyce both indirectly and directly influenced the resort communities of Asheville and Hot Springs to become the tourist attractions they are today. Without a doubt, the natives who before took their home environment for granted began to look differently at those resources when the affluent began to arrive there. The influx of travelers brought a new sense of pride to the towns as the effect of the rich was evidence of the permanency of their new found prosperity. Even later, when other visitors no longer came for just health reasons, they continued to be drawn by the architecture, open land and scenery which contributed to the sense of place of each. While monetary constraints and the personalities of Vanderbilt and Fordyce were quite different, nevertheless, it is easy to recognize that their business and �26 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings personal interests, their visions about the quality of life, and their dreams for their adopted hometowns interrelate both with each other and with the previously outlined tenets of tourism. By examining first Vanderbilt and then Fordyce, it can more easily be understood how they embarked upon independent ventures which attempted to bring Man, Health, and Nature back into balance. who, when he died, had more money in his estate than was held in the United States Treasury. George Vanderbilt's father more than doubled that figure. (Vanderbilt, 1989, 54) Vanderbilt dedicated himself to a quality lifestyle in his adulthood. Not particularly interested in the societal games of his family, he was able to envision himself a gentleman land owner. In fact, in 1886 shortly after his mother and he came to the Battery Park Hotel in Asheville on a vacation, he began purchasing land for a mountain retreat. Vanderbilt was to build a permanent estate which would become the hallmark for Asheville's future tourism trade. His home, The Biltmore, certainly stands as a significant architectural, feat, but the landscape which surrounds this residence probably gives as much credence to the building itself and to George Vanderbilt's part in developing Asheville. Vanderbilt sought the finest architect and landscape architect he knew, Richard Morris Hunt and Fredrick Law Olmsted, and commenced an effort which would catapult both Asheville and him into national history. Basing the Biltmore Estate on the European model of land management, Vanderbilt began to buy all of the land that his eye could see from his new home site. This land would eventually become over 100,000 acres and include Mount Pisgah. He and architect Richard Morris Hunt planned his home to be one of the grandest in America. (Ward, 1989) The residents of nearby Asheville had mixed feelings about the indomitable Mr. Vanderbilt and the other new residents and visitors who arrived almost daily. Some felt that the town would be marred by the influx of more people; others accepted the changes and decided to make the best of it in their own way. In his attempt to purchase all the land that he could see from his George Washington Vanderbilt George Washington Vanderbilt, the youngest of William H. Vanderbilt's eight children was a "gentle youth, more serious and studious than his older siblings and something of a mother's boy." (Auchincloss, 1989,58) He was dark, frail of build and shy. While his older brothers and sisters calculated ways to enter proper New York society, he read, studied philosophy, became fluent in eight foreign languages, and engaged in other intellectual pursuits. (Vanderbilt, 1989, 271) The grandson of two opposing types, Cornelius "The Commodore" Vanderbilt, a unrelenting shipping and railroad tycoon, and his mother's father, a Dutch Reform minister, the young Vanderbilt was intent on handling his money and soul carefully. Writing in his diary at age 13, he entered this item: I don't think I have spent today as I should have done. I have trusted too much in my own ability and not enough in Jesus. (Auchincloss, 1989, 59) The well-intended young Vanderbilt must have been influenced greatly by his extravagant family though. On their way up in New York society, they had been known to spend as much as $250,000 on one party and had often hired prominent architects to design sumptuous estates costing as much as seven million dollars. (Vanderbilt, 1989,121; 188) But, after all, it was his grandfather The Commodore �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress hilltop home, Vanderbilt gave an opening for humorist Bill Nye who lived at the Swannanoa Hotel to remark that the Vanderbilt mansion "commands a fine view of any place." (Asheville Citizen) Vanderbilt continued his architectural influence in Asheville in other ways. While he was establishing the Biltmore Estate, Vanderbilt invested approximately 65% of the capital in the Kenilworth Inn, a competitor of the Battery Park Hotel. This luxurious hotel was to be destroyed by fire soon after its opening but was quickly replaced and is still in use as a sanatorium. Vanderbilt, seeking housing for the support facilities of his vast empire, established Biltmore Village at the gate of the grounds of the Biltmore. It would be many years before this small community would become a retail tourist attraction. Nevertheless, the attention to contiguous design, repeating the image of a English village nestled within Fredrick Law olmsted's romantic landscape at the Biltmore would later prove an appropriate frontispiece for the tourist-visited Biltmore home. Vanderbilt was instrumental, too, in developing the town Victoria and had five villas designed there which could house affluent, long-term Asheville visitors and their servant staff. While only one villa remains today, a collection of historic buildings in Victoria and Asheville employed the services of the Vanderbilt resident architect, Richard Sharpe Smith and the landscape architecture firm, Olmsted and Sons. (Swain, 1989; Beveridge, 1987, 109) Without Vanderbilt's influence, none of this extended landscape would probably exist. The second influence that can be attributed directly tc^thd mbdel George Vanderbilt represent^ is his creation of a regional landscape. The parks, outdoor recreation corridors, pnd open land which remain today read like a Who's Who in national land acquisition: the first forestry school in the United States, Pisgah 27 National Forest, and land which is now a part of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Vanderbilt borrowed from the Jekyl Island retreat idea when he built the isolated Buck 'Springs Lodge and Shut-In Trail near the summit of Mount Pisgah. The Shut-in Trail, running from the Biltmore grounds to the rustic-style, timber lodge (actually a compound of four buildings) was the focus of one humorous story. (Baldwin, 1991) Vanderbilt did not believe the car a practical invention; his wife challenged him to admit that it was if she could get a car up Mount Pisgah. Imagine his surprise, after arriving at the lodge on horseback one day, to find the car awaiting him. Somehow, Mrs. Vanderbilt had managed to have the car driven, pulled and pushed over rugged, almost impassable terrain to the lodge. That same Shut-In Trail is a part of the Appalachian Trail System today. (Brower, 1978) Strange that Vanderbilt, who had left the bustle of New York for his mountain retreat at Asheville, had to build yet another retreat. The hunting and outdoor recreation trend of the times had probably prompted him to construct the retreat for his wealthy friends who came to the Asheville mountains to get away from their urban homes and had found only splendor at The Biltmore. Samuel Wesley Fordyce From his birth Samuel Wesley Fordyce embraced life fully. The son of a minister and the oldest of eleven children, his Ohio home was the headquarters for Methodist circuit riders. There were often four to six at a time visiting and he, like Vanderbilt, made an individualidentity statement for himself. Unlike the refinng Vanderbilt, Fordyce's youth was filled with unpredictable, bby-lik^pMiks, By the age of sixteen he was sent^way to school in Pennsylvania and then, after yet another episode, to even another school. (Fordyce, 1919) �28 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Those two and a half years provided experiences which would change his attitude toward life forever. In the fall of 1858, he witnessed the historic Abraham Lincoln/Stephen A. Douglas debate. He became acquainted with the future president when Lincoln took time to play with the boys during the breaks in his schedule there. Later, on Fordyce's trip home from that institution, he stopped in Chicago and was permitted to spend time with the Illinois delegation when they declared Lincoln as their candidate for president. Fordyce arrived home in Senecaville a changed young man and went to work for his father who at that time had become director of the Central Ohio Railroad. (Fordyce, 1919) Fordyce's life was soon interrupted by the Civil War, and he helped to organize the 1st Ohio Volunteer Cavalry. Serving the Union Army at the battles of Murfreesboro, Chickamuga, Shiloh and Perry ville, Kentucky, he gained a reputation for valor. For example, he was wounded three times and was captured three times, but never served a day of imprisonment due to courageous escapes. (Fordyce, 1919) It was during this time when he met his future wife, Susan Chadick,! also the daughter of a Methodist clergyman but a daughter of the South as well. According to stories, Colonel Fordyce was in command of a district in Northern Alabama, and it was his duty to secure the lines. He met his bride-to-be after her father slipped across the Union lines to visit his family for a time. He was pursued by the Union soldiers, and Miss Chadick, in a hurry to protect her father's flee, accidently shot herself in the hand. It was Colonel Fordyce who came to call and express his regrets about the incident. After the end of the war, they were married, and the Fordyce's moved to Huntsville, Alabama, where Colonel Fordyce gained much respect and mutual love from the citizens of his new home. Fordyce, unlike many Northerners of that time, worked diligently to restore the economy of the South through his business, the Fordyce and Rison Bank. (Fordyce, 1919) Unfortunately, Colonel Fordyce was beleaguered with postwar ill health due to sustained exposure, long duty and wounds. By late 1872, he was diagnosed as having six months to live. Leaving his wife and two children with her family, he took his doctor's advise and went alone to Hot Springs for a final chance at recovery. The rough stagecoach ride brought him into Hot Springs to the only proper hotel in existence, one which was made of only planks and rough paper. (One of the proprietors, S. H. Stitt, had been a young man in Nashville when he met Fordyce the first time and provided him a cot on which to sleep during the Civil War.) Fordyce could not leave the crude Hot Springs bath house for two weeks as his weight had dropped from 175 to 120 pounds. Hot water was brought to him to drink and bathe in. Three months later, Fordyce had gained 20 pounds, was eating again and able to return to Alabama. (Fordyce, 1919) Fordyce's gratitude for his new-found health challenged him to come back to Hot Springs. He wished to promote the city in order that others would know of its restorative waters. Using the same courageous spirit and energy which had served him during the war and during his illness, he moved his family to Hot Springs and concentrated on building it to national spa recognition. With Stitt, he was to build the palatial 300 room Arlington Hotel and himself pioneered the gas, electric light and water companies, and then the street railway system. (Scully, 1966) Later when his personal business empire, the Cotton Belt Railroad, took him physically away from the spa city, he would live in a grand French Chateau style home in St. Louis �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress but still remain a resident of Hot Springs. (Savage, 1987; Fordyce, 1919) In 1904 he built a 18 room log home on 1,200 acres which he called "The Cabin" and to which he returned every Spring until his death in 1916. John Fordyce often substituted for his father in business matters during this time. As Samuel Fordyce's oldest son, he would also become a major player in Hot Springs' development. Recognized nationally as an inventor, Desoto historian, and accomplished engineer, it was only after his father died and he had inherited "The Cabin" that he moved to Hot Springs to help carry on the Fordyce legacy there. Samuel Fordyce influenced Hot Springs's development in the same two ways that Vanderbilt influenced Asheville development. Remaining today are significant architectural buildings, a grand hotel, and a national landscape which includes Hot Springs National Park and the Quachita National Forest. The Fordyce Bathhouse, now the interpretive center for Hot Springs National Park, and the Arlington Hotel are perhaps the most famous architecturally, but the old Fordyce home, "The Cabin," built in 1904, is an architectural wonder of the city little known today. Secluded, the home retains approximately fifteen acres of its original 1,200 acre forest land. Like Vanderbilt's Buck Spring Lodge, it is also an example of a wilderness retreat. The 400 remaining acres of the Fordyce grounds are now a part of the Hot Springs National Park. The government also owns outlying site amenities as the water wheel which brought early electricity and water to the house, a lake, boat house, and other significant, Fordyce designed structures. The property grounds are laid out sensitivity by Fordyce for he knew first hand the restrictions of grades and site after supervising the construction of 24,000 miles of railroads 29 from St. Louis to Texas. Mr. Fordyce hired professional architects for his projects when he could. Architect John Lawrence Mauran of St. Louis designed "The Cabin" and George Mann and Eugene John Stern designed the Fordyce Bathhouse. Fordyce had a keen appreciation of landscape architecture too. He was interested in the manner in which the engineers would plot the streets of the town and the mountain roads adjacent to Bathhouse Row. Fordyce said that he knew that "modern" landscape architects strived for the effects which he had adapted from necessity in his railroad building days, and he oversaw the road building in Hot Springs so that it too would follow those same design ethics. (Fordyce, 1919) Fordyce's involvement in Hot Springs went well beyond the city limits for he had single-handedly brought about the most significant happening in Hot Springs history. In 1832 the United States Government had set aside land for themselves for the first time when they designated the Hot springs Reservation. However, the men who were drawn initially to this unique area began to make leases and claim its natural resources for themselves. Finally, in 1876 the Supreme Court established a commission "to survey the reservation, to lay out the town and to consider the claims of the local residents and to reserve certain portions of the four sections, including the Hot Springs and Hot Springs Mountain as a Permanent Reservation." (Scully, 1966,31) Fordyce states in his autobiography that he believed that the most beneficial thing he had done in his life was to help bring about the passage of the bill that established that commission and a subsequent bill which set aside the mountain landscape adjacent to the Hot Springs corridor. Having known President Grant since his generalship in the Civil War, Fordyce went to Washington to help the �30 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Arkansas delegation get the bill passed. At about three in the morning, this former union officer managed to see President Grant and persuade him to sign it. This bill was probably the last signed by Grant before he left office. It took another attempt to set aside over half of the mountainous terrain which surrounded the urban Hot Springs Creek. (Fordyce, 1916) This woodland and the land around "The Cabin" remain today as examples of the few old growth forests left in the United States. Additionally, Samuel Fordyce's son, John, continued his father's impact on the forested area around Hot Springs by working to establish the Quachita National Forest. As honorary highway commissioner for the Arkansas Highway commission, he was instrumental in securing Blue Star Memorial Highway designation for part of the state road system as well as designing Highway 5 from Little Rock to Hot Springs as a parkway. In 1909, Fordyce, acting through the Hot Springs Water Company and Railway Company, established Hot Springs Golf and Country Club. This club was one of the first U.S. golf courses with grass greens in this country and was devised to serve hotel guests in the town as well as city residents. Fordyce did not stop at outdoor recreation but built the Hot Springs Opera House as well. He invited many distinguished stars of the day like Lillian Russell. (Scully, 1966) Like Vanderbilt's Buck Springs Lodge and Shut-In Trail, Samuel Fordyce had a trail of his own which linked "The Cabin" with the Fordyce Bathhouse and the national park lands in downtown Hot Springs. During the time the Fordyce's lived and directed much of the activity in Hot Springs, two professional landscape architects and a landscape engineer worked there. In 1890 Fredrick Law Olmsted consulted on initial site plans for Bathhouse Row and the adjacent Army and Navy Hospital grounds. Mr. Olmsted visited the park himself on his way to what would be his last trip to the Biltmore. (Olmsted, 1895) Those preliminary plans were probably not entirely his own however because Mr. Olmsted's health failed almost immediately thereafter. Later the noted Chicago landscape architect Jens Jensen spent two days establishing a bulb planting plan for the Bathhouse Row promenade. (NPS, 1917) The main landscape development was designed and completed by Captain Robert Stevens of the Army Corps of Engineers and included many greenways and park areas which still provide a backdrop for the urban bathhouse promenade. The National Park Service is presently restating many of those landscape plans in their 1991 schedule. Summary George Washington Vanderbilt and Samuel Fordyce were affected greatly by their backgrounds and Victorian times. Even if their wealth allowed them the luxury of a more selfish lifestyle, their expenditures also affected their chosen hometowns. Fordyce remained largely in the wings of many of his philanthropic endeavors while Vanderbilt openly extended his holdings. Nevertheless, both of these men left legacies of unique architecture and landscape as well as the continued protection for those legacies. Modern tourism principles can be linked to the success of these two resorts. The unique architecture and the seemingly boundless landscape surrounding those structures are two important connections. Perhaps greater though is the cultural heritage that is preserved at these places. The timelessness that is contained there because of the vision, energy, and ability of these two men is a heritage all Americans can share. Successful resort developments during the Victorian Era might be measured against these sterling examples. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Author's Footnote This summer, after completing what seemed to be the last research for this comparison, out of curiosity I visited the historic, parklike Bellfontaine Cemetery in St. Louis to see the grave of Samuel Fordyce. Located on what is commonly called "Millionaire's Row," overlooking the Mississippi River delta, the simple Fordyce marker is aligned with others of 31 more grand and prominent scale. The cemetery reads like a Who's Who of Fame and Fortune; across from Fordyce's grave one mausoleum by Louis Sullivan holds National Register designation. Samuel Fordyce, in death as in life, looks simply beyond the trappings of wealth onto the rolling land and river and upon an example of the extended landscape he fought so intensely to preserve. �32 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Bibliography Asheville, North Carolina: The Land of the Sky. Asheville: Asheville Board of Trade, 1905. Proceedings. Washington, D.C.: Landscape Architecture Foundation. Asheville Citizen-Times, September 11, 1932. n.p., December 13, 1936, October 21, 1962, March 26, 1950. National Park Service, Department of the Interior, pamphlet, "Shut-In Trail, Blue Ridge Parkway and Pisgah National Forest, A National Recreational Trail." National Park Service, Hot Springs, Arkansas. Construction and Preservation Programs. File D-22, general, 1917-1932. Norman, Geoffrey, "Pop Hollandsworth's Secret Hiking Trail," Esquire Magazine, August, 1978. Olmsted, Fredrick Law, to William A. Stiles, 10 March, 1895. Letter. Paige, John C., and Laura Soulliere Harrison. Out of the Vapors: A Social and Architectural History of Bathhouse Row. U.S. Department of the Interior/National Park Service, 1987. Pigram, John, Jr. "Environment Implications of Tourism Development," Annals of Tourism Research, 7(4), 1980, 554-583. Savage, Charles C. Architecture of the Private Streets of St. Louis, The Architects and the Houses They Designed. Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1987. Scully, Francis J., M.D. Hot Springs Arkanasas and Hot Springs National Park. The Story of a City and the Nation's Health Resort. Little Rock, Arkansas: Hansen Co. & Pioneer Press, 1966. Sondley, F. S. A History of Buncombe County, North Carolina. Spartanburg: The Reprint Company, 1977. (Originally printed by Advocate Print of Asheville, 1930.) Smith, Richard Sharpe, My Sketch Book. Asheville: Samuel J. Fisher, 1901. Swaim, Douglas. Cabins and Castles, The History and Architecture of Buncombe County, North Carolina. Asheville, North Carolina: Historic Resources Commission of Asheville and Buncombe County, 1981. Tessier, Mitzi Schaden. Asheville, A Pictorial History. Norfolk, Virginia: The Donning Company, 1982. Vanderbilt, Arthur T., II. Fortune's Children, The Fall of the House of Vanderbilt. New York: William Morrow, 1989. Ward, Susan. The Gilded Age at Biltmore Estate. Asheville, North Carolina, The Biltmore Company, 1990. Ward, Susan M., and Michael K. Smith. Biltmore Estate. Asheville, North Carolina, 1989. Auchincloss, Louis. The Vanderbilt Era, Profiles of a Gilded Age. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1989. Baldwin, Cathleen, Research Assistant, The Biltmore Company, submittal to author, July, 1991. Beveridge, Charles E., and Carolyn F. Hoffman. The Master List of Design Projects of the Olmsted Firm, 1857-1950. Boston, MA: Massachusetts Association for Olmsted Parks, 1987. Brower, Nancy. "Highland Happenings, Shut-In Trail," The Asheville Times, July 13, 1978. Brown, Dee. The American Spa, Hot Springs, Arkansas. Little Rock, Arkansas: Rose Publishing Company, 1982. Cohen, Erik. "The Impact of Tourism on the Physical Environment." Annals of Tourism Research, 5 (2), April/June 1978, 215-237. Dykman, Wilma. The French Broad. New York: Rinehart and Co., 1955. Fordyce, Samuel Wesley. Autobiography. Unpublished, 1919. Eubank, Fanny D. "Drovers' Trail Riders Found Adventure and. Profit In Early Days," Asheville Citizen-Times, Asheville, North Carolina, Sunday, June 28, 1936. Gunn, Clare A. Tourism Planning. New York: Taylor and Francis, 1988. Gustavus, Myers. The Ending of Hereditary American Fortunes. New York: Julian Messner, 1939. Harshaw, Lou. Asheville, Places of Discovery. Asheville, North Carolina, Bright Mountain Books, 1980. Health Resorts of the South, Boston, Massachusetts: George H. Chapin, 1892. Lynes, Russell. The Tastemakers, The Shaping of American Popular Taste. New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1980. Mann, William. "Sittin' on Jekyl, Planned by H. W. S. Cleveland, Georgia's Jekyl Island Club Was America's First 'Winter Newport,'" In Selected Works: Council of Educators in Landscape Architecture, 1990 Conference �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 33 The Appalachian Trail Across the Cumberland Valley A Case Study of Linear Park Design with Cultural Landscape Preservation, Agricultural Preservation, and Landscape Ecology Neil P. Korostoff, Thomas G. Yahner, Timothy P. Johnson INTRODUCTION In 1921 Benton MacKaye, one of the founders of the Regional Planning Association of America, proposed an experiment in regional planning that included a greenbelt or "open way" through the Appalachian Mountains of the Eastern United States that would serve as a geographical control for urban growth from the great cities of the Atlantic coast and piedmont and a contiguous system of natural reserves for recreational activities and the development of silvicultural and agricultural resources. Though this visionary concept of the linear park as an element of regional planning, conservation, and recreational development was largely unrealized, the idea of a simple foot path from Maine to Georgia captured the imagination of a significant number of outdoor enthusiasts. Volunteer effort established the 2,000-mile Appalachian Trail and in the ensuing decades has maintained the trail, built shelters and bridges, and operated hostels. The trail passed mainly through public lands, across state and national parks and forests, but where there was no alternative, it crossed privately owned land, or at the last resort, traveled on public roads and highways. Because the trail follows the Appalachian Mountains, and because the trail is intended as a wilderness experience, much of the footpath follows ridge tops and remote mountain terrain. In several places however, the trail must cross valleys where it intersects roads, population centers, agriculture and other land uses that contrast with the wilderness experience. In recent years, development pressure has threatened the continuity of the trail and prompted the federal government to acquire a corridor of land for the trail so that it may be preserved for future generations. The priority for land acquisition has been in those places most threatened by urban growth and development. One such place is the Cumberland Valley of Pennsylvania. The Cumberland Valley is the longest valley crossing on the Appalachian Trail, some 16 miles across, and has long been recognized as a important missing link. In 1975 the Department of Landscape Architecture at Penn State University studied the feasibility of various valley crossing alignments for the trail. Shortly thereafter the U.S. Department of the Interior, through the National Park Service (N.P.S.), began the process of acquiring land for the Appalachian Trail Conference in order to provide a corridor of public land for the trail to cross the Cumberland Valley. (Figure 1). The corridor for the trail consists in part of a low wooded ridge, the adjacent intensively cultivated rolling valley framed by the thickly forested parallel mountain ridges of the Appalachian Range. It crosses two streams, major highways and local roads. Adjacent to the trail corridor, agricultural land is rapidly giving way to suburban development and transportation facilities. The corridor land is managed by the Cumberland Valley Appalachian Trail Management Committee (CVATMC), a local arm of the Appalachian Trail Conference. In 1988 the CVATMC sought the assistance of the Department of Landscape Architecture at the Pennsylvania State University to develop a plan for the trail and corridor which would �S§UIp99DOJJ 9DU3J9JU03 S5fJBJ JB3Uiq 1661 34 Figure 1: The Cumberland Valley Region of Pennsylvania and the Appalachian Trail Corridor �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress recommend an alignment for the trail, and to devise a design and management plan for the approximately 1,600 acres of corridor land. Funding for the project was provided through a grant from the Alexander Stewart, M.D. Foundation. The study process entailed three distinct phases: 1) Analysis of existing conditions; 2) Development of a conceptual base; 3) Recommendations for specific design and management actions. The analysis included both an on-site and a regional scale study of the existing geological, ecological, visual, and cultural conditions. This information was mapped using the Macintosh Computer in the drawing software Claris CAD. Conclusions were drawn and summaries compiled of the ecological environments, the visual characteristics, and the cultural resources of the corridor. From this analysis, a conceptual base was developed—a detailed set of ideas, goals, objectives, and proposed methods that would inform the specific recommendations for design and management of the corridor land. THE STEWARDSHIP CHALLENGE Early in the process the design team realized that the acquisition of a corridor for the Appalachian Trail across the Cumberland Valley presented a new set of problems for the Appalachian Trail Conference and its local representative, the CVATMC. In its previous history trail management had for the most part been performed by just such local volunteer organizations. Their activities consisted mainly of blazing or marking the trail, removing fallen trees, building rough bridges and drainage for the footpath, maintaining shelters and other rustic trail facilities. The newly acquired corridor of some 1,600 acres of largely agricultural land constituted an unprecedented management challenge for this small group of volunteers, trail enthusiasts, and their small 35 paid staff. The most basic decisions regarding trail alignment, access, and corridor land management required an examination of fundamental stewardship values, goals, and objectives on the part of the ATC and the CVATMC. The full range of corridor design and management issues, and the importance of the corridor for the Appalachian Trail and the Cumberland Valley region, were considered together under the tide of "stewardship" issues. When contrasted with the totality of the Appalachian Trail, the new corridor offered many new and unique conditions. For most of its 2,000-mile length the Trail largely traverses forested areas on the crest of the Appalachian Mountains remote from urban development and the modern world. The Cumberland Valley is an intensively cultivated region, crossed and recrossed by major highways, and serving as the recent locus of suburban growth from the nearby cities of Harrisburg and Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Through-hikers, those Maine to Georgia stalwarts, and other long distance recreational backpackers, would encounter a valley landscape very different from the mountain vistas common to most of the Trail. What attitude should the new corridor and trail take toward these new landscapes? Not only is the Cumberland Valley physiographically distinct from the Appalachian ridges, but in many respects its ecology is profoundly different. The underlying limestone and shale geology has weathered and eroded to create a rolling valley floor, where surface water is rare, but groundwater abundant in soluble, cavernous limestone bedrock. The basic, nutrient rich soils derived from these substrata, in this humid, temperate environment, give rise to a community of plants and animals distinctly different from that on Appalachian ridges. While most of the forests of bass wood, hickory, oak, ash, and hackberry native to this soil have been �36 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings removed for agriculture, what role shall the unique natural history of this valley have in the management of the trail and corridor landscapes? And what of particularly sensitive natural resources of the corridor—springs, wetlands, and rare or endangered species? How shall they figure in the ATC's plans for the Cumberland Valley corridor? The ecological value of the corridor has important implications for the entire Cumberland Valley region. The preservation of biological diversity has become an important conservation issue. The diverse mosaic of locally adapted deciduous forest biotic communities which once covered the valley variously cut, cleared, burned and grazed through the past three hundred years for agriculture, urban development, industrial, and commercial use. While some of the forest cover has regenerated over time, the resultant landscape, especially that of the Cumberland Valley, is a patchwork of farm fields, wood lots, hedgerows, and residential and commercial areas, all divided, or connected, by narrow corridors of utility rights-of-way, highways, etc. Conditions such as these, technically described as habitat fragmentation, separate populations of native wildlife and plants into units too small to sustain genetic viability resulting in a loss of biological diversity. In rapidly urbanizing areas habitat fragmentation is accelerated as large estates, farms, and even abandoned former agricultural land is subdivided for residential and commercial use. In light of these important regional ecological issues how should this marvelous new potentially connective linear park be designed and managed? The landscapes of the Cumberland Valley also contain well preserved and illustrative examples of its three hundred year European history which, sadly, are threatened and rapidly disappearing under the rising tide of suburban sprawl. Houses, barns, farm steads, cemeteries, roads, walls, fences—what approach shall the ATC take toward these cultural resources? Are they worthy of the hikers' attention or potential liabilities and maintenance headaches? While the corridor itself contains several structures of historic significance, many others were visible from corridor lands. Can these views be considered in trail design? And what of the biotic cultural resources-the hedgerows, orchards, field patterns and resting trees-how shall the ATC, as management steward for the land, approach these objects of living, perishable history? While agriculture is still a dominant land use in the Cumberland Valley, it is rapidly being supplanted by urbanization and transportation related activities. Much of the corridor land is excellently suited for farming and was formerly in agricultural use. As farming diminishes in the valley, what role should the corridor lands play in that land use change? Is the agricultural history of the Cumberland Valley a worthy subject for the attention of the through hiker as well? While the Appalachian Trail is first and foremost a hiking facility the acquisition of this important corridor presses the questions of the role of this new linear park in the land use and recreational open space issues of the region. Is the new corridor a regional green belt, a bar to urbanization and suburban sprawl? Will future residential subdivisions crowd its boundaries to benefit from the open space amenity it provides? Is the Appalachian Trail primarily for long-distance backpackers, a kind of limited access hiking path, or shall it also be available for shortterm day use by local residents? Shall its design and management be integrated with that of local parks and open spaces? It was imperative that these and many other questions be asked and answered as design and planning of the corridor began. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress THE CONCEPTUAL BASE Once the corridor land and the region were inventoried and analyzed, the Challenges facing the ATC were articulated, and specific questions were asked, it was then necessary to mold a vision of the trail corridor that would integrate the Trail with the Cumberland Valley landscape. This conceptual base would be a set of ideas, concepts, or principles from which specific design and management recommendations could be made. Without this base the corridor plan would simply be a loose group of reactions and responses without integrity or purpose. The concepts were seen as falling into two basic areas—those relating to land stewardship and those relating to the experience of hiking the trail. Land stewardship included three areas—the cultural, the ecological, and the agricultural stewardship of the landscape. Hiking experience addresses the relationship between the hiker and the landscape. CULTURAL STEWARDSHIP — The cultural artifacts that exist within the trail corridor should be retained and incorporated into the design in a way that allows for their preservation. It is assumed that the land-use change underway in the Cumberland Valley will eventually convert much of the agrarian landscape to residential and commercial uses, and so doing, erase or mask most of the artifacts that comprise this distinctive landscape character. However, the ownership of the trail corridor by the National Park Service ensures that this land will be preserved in perpetuity and presents the opportunity for any cultural resources retained within the corridor to also be preserved, even if the cultural landscape is lost elsewhere in the valley. Both the biotic and the structural cultural resources within the Trail corridor 37 should be retained and preserved as historical artifacts that, when experienced in the total context of the trail corridor, serve to complete a picture of the human interaction with the landscape. The artifacts of the vernacular cultural and historic landscape that exist within the trail corridor should be incorporated into the trail design in a way that allows them to be part of an integrated landscape rather than become a collection of separate and unrelated pieces. The greatest number of these historic landscape elements should be retained and they should remain within their natural relationships. These relationships might include house, barn, and fields; stone wall, hedgerow, and pasture; or a cemetery in a field within sight of 200-year-old houses. Biotic Cultural Resources are defined here as those communities of plants and animals that were associated with the agrarian landscape of the Cumberland Valley prior to the recent conversion from an agricultural to a residential land use. These communities may include hedgerows, fields, pastures, gardens, and ponds. The biotic cultural resources within the trail corridor should be retained and preserved as historical artifacts that, when experienced in the total context of the trail corridor, serve to complete a picture of the human interaction with the landscape. • Remaining examples of the historic small field and hedgerow pattern that exists within the corridor should be retained as open space surrounded by hedgerows. These fields should either be maintained in cultivation, put into pasture, or managed as permanent meadow. • Old hedgerows should be retained. • Resting trees, that were left standing alone in fields by the early farmers as a shady place to rest horses, should be retained, and if possible, the trail should be routed to pass by them. �38 • Gardens, fruit trees, and domestic trees and shrubs should be retained where they occur around farm steads. • Ponds within the trail corridor should be retained. Structural Cultural Resources may be defined as the constructed features in the landscape that relate to the agricultural period prior to the conversion of the land use from agricultural to residential. This includes such features as houses, barns, cemeteries, fences, and stone walls. The structural resources within the trail corridor should be retained and preserved as historical artifacts that, taken together, provide clues to the cultural history of the corridor and the entire valley. • Stone walls should be retained, should be kept free of vegetation, and should not be broken at trail crossings. • Where stone walls have been broken, they should be restored if the same quality of workmanship can be attained to match the remaining portion of the wall. • Houses and barns and outbuildings within the corridor that are of historic value and in restorable condition should be retained. The buildings should be stabilized, their exteriors restored, and interiors renovated to meet the functional requirements of an adaptive reuse. • If it is not possible to retain a house or barn, the structure should be carefully demolished to retain the stone foundation, and any walkways, trees, or garden sites associated with the farm stead should also be preserved. • Cemeteries should be restored and maintained so that their features are intact and protected from deterioration. • Deteriorated remnants of five-rail, 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings split rail fences should be measured and documented so that this form may be used in the future where small amounts of fencing are needed. ECOLOGICAL STEWARDSHIP—The ecological components of the corridor should be preserved, restored, or enhanced so that the greatest diversity of habitats within the corridor are allowed to function as part of broader ecological systems. Analysis of the trail corridor and the adjacent land concluded that: • the corridor landscape is ecologically diverse but fragmented into small habitat patches by the agricultural and other land uses; • the few remaining forested areas are small and have a disproportionately large amount of edge and little shaded interior; • access to water is limited for many species; • the movement of plants and animals is barred by large areas of agricultural land transportation corridors and other land uses; • the rapid conversion of the adjacent land from an agricultural to a residential use may further reduce connections for the movement of plants and animals by eliminating hedgerows and wood lots adjacent to the corridor and reducing the areas of native habitats within the valley. Therefore, the corridor design should enhance the diversity of native habitats, establish forested corridors, and open free access to water resources. The concepts address those goals by looking at issues of preservation, reforestation and restoration, and connections. Preservation—Maintain and protect all existing physical and native biological �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress components of the natural environment, including the natural vegetation, wildlife, soil and water resources within the trail corridor. • Areas of native vegetation, mature forests, and mature individual trees should be preserved and protected. • Fields that are released from agriculture should be managed to return to native vegetation. Some areas should be managed to remain at an early stage of succession, while others will be allowed to succeed to forest. • All water resources including springs, wetlands, ponds, and streams should be preserved and surrounded with a one hundred foot wide buffer of native vegetation. Reforestation and Restoration—Patches of native valley forest types, hedgerows, and successional habitats, such as permanent meadows and old-fields, should be reestablished within the trail corridor. • Forest patches should be reestablished with the greatest possible area and a minimum width of three hundred feet, as a means to establish forest interior habitat. • Reforestation should be done with forest species native to the limestone valley, and all efforts should be made to ascertain specific locations for specific forest types within the valley. Wherever possible local genotypes should be propagated for reforestation. • Exotic and invasive species must not be introduced and where possible, management efforts should aim for the elimination of nonnative pest species such as multiflora rose, Japanese barberry, and Oriental bittersweet. • A buffer of natural vegetation, preferably forest, of at least one hundred feet in width should be established 39 around water resources and wetlands to protect wetlands from disturbance, to filter fertilizer and pesticide residue from agricultural or urban runoff, to enhance the ecologic and habitat value of wetlands, and to increase the access for wildlife to water. Connections—Wherever possible a continuous forested strip of three hundred feet minimum width should be established within the trail corridor to connect both existing and reforested patches of valley forest. Connections should be made between forested patches within the corridor and to forested patches outside the trail corridor. • If possible, patches of valley forest should be established wherever the corridor joins a patch of existing valley forest adjacent to the corridor. • A continuous forested strip connecting forest patches within the corridor should be established at the greatest possible width, while meeting the agricultural and open space requirements of the hiking experience. This strip should have a minimum width of three hundred feet. • A forested strip should be established to connect water resources and wetlands to forested patches and other habitats. AGRICULTURAL STEWARDSHIP— The prime farmland that has been in continuous agricultural use for greater than 200 years should be incorporated into the corridor design and agriculture Should be allowed to continue as a viable land use in a changing landscape. Active agriculture should be incorporated into the trail corridor, partly as a cultural/historical feature, and partly as a component of the contemporary landscape. With agricultural land rapidly disappearing �40 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings from the adjacent landscape, retention of farms in the trail corridor will enhance local landscape diversity as well as local cultural diversity. Incorporating agriculture into the trail corridor presents several challenges. First, farming practices must be managed to minimize soil loss and to protect water resources. Field design should follow best agricultural conservation practices including crop rotation, strip cropping, and grass waterways. Pest management should be carried out with a minimum of pesticides and herbicides within a program of Integrated Pest Management, as prescribed by the National Park Service. Second, agricultural fields should be designed so that they can be farmed using contemporary machinery and practices. However in the event of a conflict between agricultural efficiency and the considerations of trail design, or the conservation of cultural or ecological resources, it is agricultural efficiency that should be compromised rather than the other values. Conflicts could be resolved by subsidizing the agricultural activities or by taking specific fields out of agricultural production and allowing them to become permanent meadows managed as a substitute cover. Third, agricultural fields must be compatible with the trail so that the sometimes conflicting requirement of each can be incorporated into a unified design that minimizes interference of one use with the other. In all cases the overall requirements of the trail should be the leading consideration in the overall design. The direction of cultivation should follow the direction of the trail and the trail should not cut across the direction of cultivation. The trail may be incorporated into the field design by running between contour strips but should be given a sufficient right of way to allow for the various types of machinery to work and turn without ever crossing the actual footpath. Where the trail must cross a pasture, it should be fenced to eliminate the possibility of confrontation between hikers and grazing animals. THE HIKING EXPERIENCE—In recognition of the important role that this corridor would play in recreational open-space for the changing Cumberland Valley Region the trail should be designed so that it is accessible, usable and interesting for repeated day-use as well as for use by through-hikers. The experience of hiking the trail corridor in the Cumberland Valley should be designed so that: the path is spatially clear; the experience is aesthetically and visually interesting; and the experience of hiking the trail is educational revealing the history of the Cumberland Valley, the ecological, and the geological environment to the hiker. When walking the trail, the overall design of the trail corridor should lead the hiker through the landscape with minimal reliance on signage and trail markers. The hiker should not be unintentionally lead off the trail by confusing spatial messages. When the trail corridor was purchased by the National Park Service, the corridor boundary did not always coincide with existing landscape Alights. In many cases the boundary ran through the middle of an existing field so that there was no clear definition to the corridor. In such cases corridor design should redefine the corridor edge and reestablish spatial units within the corridor. The design of the immediate trail environment should help to guide the hiker along the footpath and through the valley. Various devises could be used to orient the hiker such as directing the trail toward distant focal points, aligning the trail along existing linear features like hedgerows and streams, and utilizing the topography as a source of �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress direction and movement. In order to create interest and provide a varied experience of the landscape, the trail should pass through or adjacent to a diversity of spatial situations. Throughout the trail corridor the hiker should walk through a series of "rooms" of different sizes, scales, and characters each the result of a different type and maturity of plant community interacting with topography. The trail should interact with different spaces from a variety of vantage points— from the center, from the edge, or from the outside looking in. The trail should relate to the topography in a variety of ways to create interest and to reveal the landform Likewise the trail should relate the great diversity of individual cultural, ecological, and geological features within the corridor. Some features are individual points, while others are linear. Point features include old trees, rock outcrops, springs, ponds, and buildings. Linear features include streams, stone walls, hedgerows, and abandoned roads. To create interest while revealing the features in the landscape, the trail should interact with these features but relate to them in a variety of ways. The various components of the landscape—the topography, spaces, and the many individual features—can each be seen as layers of experience that flow through the trail corridor. Within each layer, the specific pieces fit together to create a sequence of experiences that reveals the landscape as fully as possible while creating variety in the way that the landscape is experienced. On the ground, these layers will fit together much like the harmonic lines of a musical score—each one working well in its own right, but combining to create a total composition. PROJECT EXAMPLE One illustration of how these concepts were applied to the site is at the southern 41 side of the valley where the trail meets South Mountain. Here, the agricultural fields were without contour strips and without hedgerows. There was no forest connection through the corridor between South Mountain on one end of this section and the Yellow Breeches Creek on the other. And no opportunity existed for a trail route through the farm land. The recommendations called for a threehundred-foot strip to be reforested as a connection for the movement of plants and animals between these two environments. It was recommended that the agricultural land be laid out in contour strips. The trail was designed to be between forest and agriculture, in places within the forest, and to also run between contour strips with agriculture on both sides. The layout of the Agricultural strips was intended to be visually appealing to the hiker, to maximize soil conservation, and to be able to be farmed profitably. The following set of recommendations for one section of the Trail corridor is an example of the management and design recommendations provided to the A.T.C. It is keyed to the accompanying map (Figure 2). Section 2 In this section, the Sunday property (Figure 3) is an entire farm of good quality but eroded agricultural land. The nineteenth-century farmhouse establishes a focus for the farm and presents an opportunity for adaptive reuse of the structure. Wide open views are available to South Mountain, as well as to potentially developable land to the east and west. The forest and wildlife connection between the valley bottom and the adjacent upland is severed. An important concept is to establish this forest connection between South Mountain and the floodplain forest of the Yellow Breeches Creek, as a functional linkage for people, plants, and wildlife. 2 A. Hedgerow—A hedgerow should �42 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 2. Sections 2 and 1 of the Recommendations for the Appalachian Trail Corridor. be planted to screen the view from this section to the pallet factory at the northwest corner and to the pallet stacks along the northern boundary of the corridor. 2 B. Agricultural Practices and Trail Alignment—This section should remain in agriculture, using contour strips and grass waterways to minimize soil loss, according to the recommendations of the SCS. The Trail should pass between strips, following the undulating topography as the strips wind through the landscape. The trail will pass an existing cluster of trees orienting hikers traveling in either direction and the �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress hiker will be able to see the lowland forest along the Yellow Breeches Creek. 2 C. Hostel / Alternate Route / Side Trail—The limestone Sunday farmhouse should remain, be restored and used, if possible, as a hostel. This four-opening, two-front-door house faces the railroad. It seems possible that, when the house was built in the mid nineteenth century, it faced a road that was later replaced by the railroad. The barn is missing but a kitchen garden site, a planting of lilacs, the site of a privy, and the site of a clothes line remain and could become the basis of a domestic landscape restoration. An alternate route for the Trail should be created, bringing the Trail to the house. 2 D. Screen—This area should be allowed to return to forest to screen the view to the pallet plant and the adjacent houses. This wooded area will also limit unauthorized vehicular access to the 43 corridor. 2 E. Forest Connection—A threehundred-foot wide band of forest should be established as a connection for the movement of plants and animals between the Yellow Breeches Creek and South Mountain. Native species should be established with seeds, seedlings or trees and removal of exotic species. 2 F. Power Line—This 115,000 volt transmission line has an easement of one hundred and twenty feet. The area within this easement should be maintained as a woody old-field or perennial meadow. Section 1 This section has good quality agricultural soil that is eroded in some places. Open views are available throughout the section to existing development and land with development potential. The present agricultural pattern conflicts with the direc- Figure 3. The Sunday Farmhouse offers the opportunity for reuse as a hostel. �44 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings tional needs of the Trail as well as with accepted soil conservation practices. This section lacks the forest connection to Yellow Breeches Creek. 1 A. Safe Road Crossing—The Trail should cross Leidigh Road at its intersection with Gutshall Road. 1 B. Agricultural Practices—This section should remain in agriculture, using contour strips and grass waterways to minimize soil loss, according to the recommendations of the SCS. The fields should run in a north/south direction so that they follow the directional requirements of the trail. 1 C. Hedgerow—A fifty-foot hedgerow containing some native evergreens should be planted along the western edge of the corridor as a screen. Some openings should remain to provide filtered views to the houses along Gutshall Road associated with the iron mining on South Mountain in the nineteenth century. 1 D. Forest Connection—A threehundred-foot-wide band of forest should be established along the east side of the corridor as a connection for the movement of plants and animals between the Yellow Breeches Creek and South Mountain. The Trail should pass along the western edge of the proposed forest corridor. In the short distance between the top of South Mountain and the Yellow Breeches Creek, the hiker will move through a series of plant communities including those of the ridge top and mountain slope, the moist lower slope communities, the valley and floodplain forest communities. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study was undertaken in cooperation with the Cumberland Valley Appalachian Trail Management Committee, the Appalachian Trail Conference, and the National Park Service. Funding for the project was provided through a grant from the Alexander Stewart, M.D. Foundation. The original study performed by the Department of Landscape Architecture at Penn State University. The project team, headed by Professor A. Mark Battaglia, included Associate Professor Daniel Jones, and the authors, as principal investigators. Bonj Sczcygiel contributed to the sections on trail philosophy and the history of the Cumberland Valley. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 45 BIBLIOGRAPHY Baker, Joseph. "A Cultural Resource Assessment of the Cumberland Valley Trail Relocation for the Appalachian National Scenic Trail". (Unpublished manuscript. Harrisburg, PA; August 1989). Becher, Albert E., and Samuel I. Root. Groundwater and Geology of The Cumberland Valley, Cumberland County, Pennsylvania (Harrisburg, PA; Pennsylvania Geological Survey; 1981). Beers, Frederick W. Atlas of Cumberland County (New York; F. W. Beers and Company; 1872). Birchard, William, Jr., and Robert D. Proudman. Trail Design, Construction, and Maintenance (Harpers Ferry, WV; The Appalachian Trail Conference; 1981). Burch, William R., Jr., Editor. Long Distance Trails: The Appalachian Trail as a Guide to Future Research and Management Needs (New Haven, CT; Yale University; 1979). Burgess, Robert L., and David M. Sharpe, Editors. Forest Island Dynamics in Man-dominated Lan dscapes (New York; Springer-Verlag; 1981). Flippo, Herbert N., Jr. Springs of Pennsylvania (Harrisburg, PA; Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Department of Environmental Resources, Office of Resources Management; 1974). Forman, Richard T. T., and Michel Godron. Landscape Ecology (New York; John Wiley and Sons, Inc.; 1986). Foster, Charles H. W. The Appalachian National Scenic Trail.: A Time To Be Bold. (Charles H. W. Foster, Needham, MA, 1987). Glass, Joseph W. The Pennsylvania Culture Region, A View From the Barn. (Ann Arbor, MI; UMI Research Press, 1986). Harris, Larry D. The Fragmented Forest: Island Biogeography Theory and the Preservation of Biotic Diversity (Chicago, IL; University of Chicago Press; 1984). Hunter, Malcolm L., Jr. Wildlife Forests and Forestry: Principles of Managing Forests for Biological Diversity (Englewood Cliffs, NJ; Prentice-Hall, Inc.; 1990). Johnson, Hugh. "The Appalachian Trail and Beyond." Journal of American Institute of Architects (October 1971): 23-27. Lewis, Pierce. "Defining a Sense of Place" The Southern Quarterly (Spring-Summer 1979) 2446 Little, Charles E. Greenways for America (Baltimore and London; The Johns Hopkins University Press; 1990). MacKaye, Benton. "An Appalachian Trail: A Project in Regional Planning." The Journal of the American Institute Of Architects (1921). MacKaye, Benton. "The Appalachian Trail: A Guide to the Study of Nature." Scientific Monthly (April 1932): 330-342. MacKaye, Benton. "Wilderness Ways." Landscape Architecture 19 (July 1929): 237-249. National Park Service, National Trails Assessment (Washington, DC; U.S. Department of Interior; 1986). The Atlas of Pennsylvania. A cooperative project of the three commonwealth research universities; Temple University, eds. Cuff, David, William Young; University of Pennsylvania, ed. Edward Muller; The Pennsylvania State University, eds. Wilbur Zelinsky, Ronald. (Philadelphia; Temple University Press; 1989). Proudman, Robert D., and Reuben Rajala. AMC Field Guide to Trail Building and Maintenance 2nd Edition (Boston, MA; The Appalachian Mountain Club; 1981). Wilshusen, J. Peter. Geology of the Appalachian Trail in Pennsylvania (Harrisburg, PA; Pennsylvania Geological Survey; 1983). Zelinsky, Wilbur. "The Pennsylvania Town: An Overdue Geographical Account" The Geographical Review (April 1977) 127-147. �46 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings A Visual Assessment of the New River Wayne E. Williams, Delmar W. Barchert, Paul L. Gaskill, and Holly Pierce INTRODUCTION The New River is the second-oldest river in the world, and only the mighty Nile is thought to be older. In 1976, a 26.5-mile corridor received protection from both the State of North Carolina and the federal government. The purpose of the North Carolina Natural and Scenic Rivers Act of 1971 is: "To protect rivers with outstanding natural, scenic, educational, geological, recreational, historic, fish and wildlife, scientific, and cultural values." The federal National Wild and Scenic Rivers Act provides for a scenic river to be: "Free of impoundments, with shorelines or watersheds still largely primitive and shorelines largely undeveloped, but accessible in places by roads." The designation of the New River corridor as a scenic river brought a collective sigh of relief to those who had fought a 14-year battle to keep the Appalachian Power Company from building a hydroelectric power generating dam on the river. The battle is detailed in Schoenbaum's (1979) The New River Controversy. The protection provided by the designation is detailed in the statutes: The Natural and Scenic Rivers Act offers protection for designated river segments by restricting project works— such as dams, reservoirs, water conduits, transmission lines, and water resources projects that would have direct and adverse affects—(G.S. 113A44); by permitting acquisition of riparian lands in either fee simple or lesser interests, such as conservation easements (G.S. 113A-38); and by management activities that may be instituted by the Department of Natural Resources and Community Develop- ment in performing its duties and responsibilities (G.S. 113A-36). Of three types of protection authorized by the Natural and Scenic Rivers Act, only the restriction on project works automatically occurs upon designation. Riparian lands are not affected until acquisition of land or interests in land takes place by the state. For land acquisition (other than by donation), development and operations to take place, legislative appropriations are necessary. (State of North Carolina, 1990, p. 3) Federal and state designations, however, have failed to truly protect the New River scenic corridor as it meanders through Ashe and Allegheny Counties of Western North Carolina. The failure is a result of the lack of acquisition funds from the legislature. There has been ample cause for concern expressed in the print media. Thompson (1990) alarmed the public by reporting in The Mountain Times: "Officials in the National Park Service have discussed decommissioning the New River." The National Rivers Coalition listed the New River as one of the ten most endangered rivers in America for 1990. The endangered status has been announced in such publications as Trilogy, Canoe Magazine, and various newspapers. A team of state officials examined the river corridor in 1989. Collins, a member of the group, stated that the river corridor: is seriously threatened by uncontrolled growth and destructive development within the visual corridor. There are large subdivisions planned and under development throughout much of the 26-mile corridor. They are clear cutting on near vertical slopes and building substandard roads creating severe �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress erosion problems and severe adverse impacts on the visual corridor. (Thompson, p. 1) Further evidence of threats to the River is provided by Albee (1988), author of The South Fork New River Survey Study—Draft Report. He concludes: We know substandard development is occurring, that more will occur in the near future, and that there is relatively little environmental degradation which we can show to underline the urgent need for further regulation. Without some form of regulatory development, the scenic resource which North Carolina agreed to protect in taking responsibility for administration of the New River under the NWSR as amended could be legally and irreparably degraded over the course of the next few years. (Albee, p. 21) A need existed to be able to freeze the New River in time. A visual baseline was needed against which the future scenic qualities of the corridor could be measured. A chronicle of the rapidly changing landuse patterns of the river corridor will be invaluable to future planners and researchers. Discussions were held with F. Boeder of the North Carolina Division of State Parks; Jay Wild, Superintendent of the Mt. Jefferson-New River State Park; and Paul Wetzel of the National Committee for the New River. It was determined that there was indeed a need to do a visual assessment of the New River corridor. Support for the project was first procured from the National Rivers Coalition. The coalition is comprises several national conservation organizations: American Rivers, National Audubon Society, Sierra Club, National Association of State River Conservation Programs, American Canoe Association, American Whitewater Affiliation, National Wildlife Federation, and the Wilderness Society. The coalition makes, distributes, and 47 monitors seed grants from Recreational Equipment, Inc. (REI). The coalition considers applications that focus on the following five criteria: 1. adds rivers for study or designation in the National Wild and Scenic Rivers System or improves the management of designated rivers; 2. improves state river programs through efforts on legislation, regulations, and/ or implementation of a statewide rivers assessment; 3. promotes the passage of state or federal legislation that would facilitate federal, state, or local river protection; 4. supports increased funding for the National Park Service's Conservation Assistance Program for Fiscal Year 1991; and 5. protects and enhances natural resources and recreation for rivers subject to hydropower licensing and relicensing. Holly Pierce, a Leisure Studies major at Appalachian State University, prepared the initial proposal to the coalition. She received technical assistance from Drs. Wayne Williams, Del Bachert, and Melissa Barth. The proposal was approved and the seed grant totaled $500. It was restricted in that it could not be used to pay salaries. The seed grant was awarded to the National Committee for the New River, the grassroots organization responsible for administrating the funds. Additional support was secured through the Appalachian State University Environmental Issues Committee. The committee presents the annual Think Globally, Act Locally Environmental Research Service Award. The funds are available for faculty and student projects of benefit to the environment on a competitive basis. The amount of the award was $385. �48 METHODOLOGY The methodology employed was relatively simple. Two-person teams traveled approximately five miles per day by canoe and prepared a videotape and photographic record of the river corridor. Videotaping was done with a hand-held Panasonic VHS Reporter camera using 3M T120 Professional Videocassettes in the 120-minute length. The team stopped approximately every half mile to take 35mm slides. Photography was made with a Nikon FM 35mm camera with a Nikor 50mm (normal) lens using Fujichrome 100 ASA film for color slides. The 50mm lens was chosen to minimize distortion of landscapes. Equipment was transported in a waterproof King Pelican case. Seven days were spent completing the survey. STUDY REGION The section of the river to be surveyed consisted of the 26.5 miles of the South Fork of the New River and the New River designated under the federal Wild and Scenic River System as a scenic river. This section begins approximately one mile upriver from the Wagoner Road State Park Access and ends at the North CarolinaVirginia state line. It includes four elements of the New River State Park, several commercial campgrounds, canoe rental businesses, and numerous private residences. Photographic Survey Preparations for the survey were begun by purchasing topographic maps corresponding to the path of the river through Ashe and Allegheny Counties. The study region included three quadrangles: Jefferson, North Carolina; Laurel Springs, North Carolina; and Mouth of Wilson, North Carolina-Virginia. Locations for photography were chosen on the basis of identifiable cultural landmarks (bridges, 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings parks, buildings) and geological formations (streams, islands, bluffs, etc.) as indicated on the topographic maps and numbered consecutively. Landmarks were chosen to facilitate replication of the study in the future. At each location, views of the river were recorded from the following directions: upriver, downriver, river right, and river left. Three exposures were made for each angle for a total of twelve exposures for each location to produce three complete sets of slides and videotape. In all, 49 locations were photographed for each of the four angles for a total of 196 slides for each set prepared. Videotape Survey Videotaping started with an audio announcement by the camera operator of the numbered position corresponding to the section of the river to be videotaped. The location was again announced each time the team stopped to take slides. When photographing was completed at each location, the opportunity was taken to resume videotaping with an upriver view. Camera operators were instructed to pan both sides of the river as well as tape directly downriver. In all, the team produced approximately eight hours of videotape. RESEARCH APPLICATIONS The visual assessment can be utilized in several research applications. These include a basis for future historical studies, land-use analysis, longitudinal studies, and attitudinal studies. Historical Studies Historical researchers are often faced with the problem of consolidating pieces of data. The task is difficult enough when dealing with printed or written documents. It is compounded when nonprint records are sought. Historical photos are often in �49 A Partnership for Beauty and Progress poor condition or unlabeled. Many photographic records are the result of chance, providing only anecdotal information. The combination of 35mm slides and videotape in a survey alleviates these problems. By sampling a large section of a linear park, researchers can prepare an extensive record of the visual nature of the resource. This type of record goes beyond the usual historical photographs of tourist attractions, family gatherings and building dedications. Further, this study was designed to capture the river recreator's eye view of the river corridor. Both the slide and videotape records were prepared from a canoeist's vantage point. The videotape adds a constant view of the river plus an audio record of the sounds of recreation and wildlife mixed with vehicle noise, agricultural machinery, and construction equipment noise. The result should be a fascinating, extensive look into the past for historians, planners, and resource managers of the future. Land-Use Analysis One traditional, time-tested approach to land-use surveying is the "windshield inspection" (Goodman, 1968). Surveys of this type are routinely done from vehicles or on foot in highly developed areas such as central business districts. In order to organize the data collected through this type of survey, a land-use classification system is used. In most cases, categories of land use correspond to those used in zoning ordinances. More specific categories can be created for predominantly rural or industrial areas. The videotape record of the New River constitutes a windshield survey from the canoeist's perspective. In conjunction with the topographic maps showing the photographic locations for the survey and county plat maps, the videotape can be used to produce a land-use map. It should be noted that the map thus created would represent only those land uses visible from the river. While a large portion of the sample is still in open space and agriculture, a significant share reflects residential use, commercial development, and construction (see Figure 1). Longitudinal Studies It is hoped that available funding will enable the survey team to replicate the survey on a five-year basis. General aesthetic changes can be charted through updates of the videotape survey. A more quantitative analysis can be accomplished through replication of the slide sample. The baseline data collected through this project will provide the basis for ongoing analysis of the visual character and land use of this section of the river. Attitudinal Studies Reactions of sample groups to slides selected from the survey collection could form the basis for attitudinal studies. In Figure 1. Results of Land-Use Analysis Land Use Open Space Frequency %* 119 60 Agriculture 16 8 Residence Commercial 28 14 5 3 Park 4 2 12 6 2 1 Utilities Residence Under Construction 2 1 4 2 Historic Site 1 1 Residence/Agriculture 3 2 196 100 Road/Bridge Development/Clearing * Rounded to the nearest whole percent �50 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings an effort to provide quantitative measures of aesthetic preferences for management approaches on U.S. Forest Service lands, Daniel and Boster (1976) developed an approach known as the Scenic Beauty Estimation Method. The approach has been shown to be both reliable and valid in measuring attitudes of identifiable groups toward landscape aesthetics. An adaptation of the Scenic Beauty Estimation Method could be used to measure differences in perceptions of groups currently sharing the New River corridor. Organizations representing real estate developers, Christmas tree farmers, and other agricultural interests, conservation and preservation interests, and business dependent upon the river (canoe rentals, campgrounds, etc.) could be asked to rate the aesthetic value of slides from the survey collection. Further funding will be sought to support this effort. basis for further historical, longitudinal, or attitudinal research. Its immediate power, however, lies in the potential impacts that visual images of river development have on the viewer. The written word, no matter how graphic, cannot convey the effects of river corridor development as can a visually explicit medium. Given this potential, excerpts of the visual assessment project can be very useful in educating the general public about the deteriorating condition of the New River. Plans are under way to produce a 20-minute video presentation composed of tape and slides from the survey highlighting development and land-use issues. Nonprofit organizations such as the National Committee for the New Rive*should systematically sponsor public forums designed to both update citizens and to develop a renewed interest in the preservation of the river. It was a grassroots movement that provided the impetus for initial designation of the New River into Scenic River status, and it must be a similar effort that will convince political decision makers that it is again time to act on behalf of the river. Further presentations made to land conservancy groups or potential corporate sponsors could garner additional river support. In essence, the visual assessment project provides an excellent database for grant proposals to a variety of agencies. Especially applicable may be corporate foundations that would be willing to provide the sponsoring nonprofit agency land acquisition or scenic easement funding. Ultimately, it is the responsibility of the North Carolina government to act on its promise to purchase and protect the land adjacent to the scenic New River corridor. This research documents the result of inactivity, but also graphically shows lengthy regions of undisturbed natural beauty that must be systematically pur- MANAGEMENT APPLICATIONS From a management perspective, there are several ways this study can be utilized. The basic justification for the project is predicated on the unwillingness or inability of the state government to purchase property in the scenic river corridor or to effectively control private land owner activity. Thus, publicizing the fact that this research is even necessary becomes an effective marketing application of this project. The commitment of corporate grant funds through REI and the extensive interagency cooperation necessary to accomplish the project are further marketing attributes. Many scenic river systems are experiencing similar problems to the New River, and perhaps the study's purpose, methodology, and administration will be applicable to river corridors in other geographic locations. As noted, the visual database created as a product of this study can serve as a �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 51 chased and preserved. If this visual message is carried by representatives of nonprofit organizations and concerned citizens groups, budget officers, and legislators are more likely to introduce and support funding initiatives for future river corridor preservation. This research has visually documented the condition of the entire 26.5-mile scenic New River corridor. Copies of the photographic and video materials resulting from the study will be housed in both Appalachian State University's Appalachian Collection and with the Mt. Jefferson-New River State Park. The latter collection will be jointly held with the National Committee for the New River. Time will determine the value of the project. REFERENCES BIBLIOGRAPHY Albee, M. (1988) South Fork New River Survey Study. Draft report presented to the N.C. Department of Natural Resources and Community Development. Daniel, T., and R. Boster. (1976) Measuring Landscape Aesthetics: The Scenic Beauty Estimation Method. USDA Forest Service Paper RM-167. Denver: Rock Mountain Experiment Station. Goodman, W. (1968) Principles and Practice of Urban Planning. Washington, DC: International City Managers Association. Schoenbaum, T. J. (1979) The New River Controversy. Winston-Salem, NC: J. F. Blair Publishing. Austin, S. (1981) Land-Use Change Along the South Fork New River, North Carolina—1975-1987. Unpublished thesis. Durham, NC: Duke University. Smith, W. (1987) The Problem of Regulating Development in the N.C. Mountains Along the New River. Winston-Salem: N.C. Department of Natural Resources and Community Development, Division of Community Assistance. State of North Carolina. (1977) South Fork New River Study. Raleigh, NC: N.C. Department of Natural Resources and Community Development. USDI. (1976) Final Environmental Impact Statement: Proposed South Fork New River National Wild and Scenic River, N.C. Washington, DC: Bureau of Outdoor Recreation. Venters, V. (1990) "Old River, New Trouble." Wildlife in North Carolina, 54(8): 8-15. State of North Carolina. (1990) An Assessment of the North Carolina Natural and Scenic Rivers System. Raleigh, NC: Division of Parks and Recreation. State of North Carolina. (1971) North Carolina Natural and Scenic Rivers Act. N.C. General Statute 113A Sects. 30-44. Thompson, J. (1990) "New River Future Uncertain." The Mountains Times, 11(25):!, 14. U.S. Congress. (1968) National Wild and Scenic Rivers Act of 1968. P. L. 90-542, as amended April 1977. �52 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Roanoke River Corridor Study, Phases I and II Helen Smythers INTRODUCTION Helen Smythers, Chief of Community Development for the Fifth Planning District Commission in Roanoke, Virginia: Recently, I served as the Project Manager for the Roanoke River Corridor Study. Three other PDCs also provided staff for this project West Piedmont, Central Virginia and New River Valley. The 7 participating localities were the Counties of Montgomery, Roanoke, Franklin, and Bedford, the Cities of Salem and Roanoke, and the Town of Vinton. The Smith Mountain Lake Policy Advisory Board also assisted. The smartest thing we did was to get the environmental and interest groups in on the study from the start. There were 22 of them and they gave me some great ideas, and they weren't afraid to get dirty and go out surveying the river with me. AN INNOVATIVE COOPERATIVE STUDY The Roanoke River Corridor Study is a multi-jurisdictional, multiregional cooperative study. The idea for the study originated in 1987, when the local planning commissions in the Roanoke Valley and the Fifth Planning District Commission began meeting together to discuss mutual needs. In 1988, the group recognized that the river could not be examined in a segmented fashion and that there would be numerous benefits in studying the river from its headwaters to Smith Mountain Lake. Therefore, the study area was expanded to include the other PDCs and counties. The Virginia Environmental Endowment, Virginia Water Control Board, and participating PDCs funded the study and report preparation in 2 overlapping phases from December 1988 through September 1990. During this process, differing opinions were analyzed and compromises were sought. The result was the completion of a cooperative study representing the joint needs and recommendations of the river's diverse users. Since that time, the study has been under local government review. When each locality has taken action, the jurisdictions and PDCs will resume meeting to implement the recommendations. STUDY AREA The study area encompasses the Roanoke River (including North and South Forks) from its headwaters in Montgomery and Roanoke Counties through the Roanoke Valley to Hardy Ford Bridge at Smith Mountain Lake in Bedford and Franklin Counties. The length of the study area is approximately 80 miles and the width of the study corridor is generally 750 feet from the floodplain boundary on either side of the river. I imagine that many of you are familiar with the Chesapeake Bay Initiatives. Well, the Roanoke River Basin is not located in the Chesapeake Bay area; our study area is in southwest Virginia. Since we did not have the unifying influence of the Chesapeake Bay Act, our task was both more difficult and much easier. For example, localities looked more favorably on our ideas because they came from a grassroots effort and because the localities were involved every step of the way. I'll admit that adoption of the recommendations has taken up to a year in some jurisdictions, but overall, opposition has been slight. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress STUDY GOAL The goal of the study was the documentation of existing conditions in the Roanoke River Corridor, with an emphasis on recommending ways in which identified problems, opportunities, and protection needs can be addressed. This was achieved through the cooperation of three committees—policy, technical, and citizen— as well as five open community workshops. The result is a comprehensive computerized river inventory and a set of shortterm and long-term recommendations for public and private involvement. SLIDES OF SURVEY FINDINGS Numerous slides were taken while the planners surveyed the river corridor. (The following is the outline of captions for the slide show presented. Publishing limitations prohibits the inclusion of the slides here.) 1. ROANOKE RIVER CORRIDOR STUDY 2. The river as seen from a footbridge by Victory Stadium. 3. The North Fork as seen from Route 785 north of Luster's Gate. 4. LAND USE 5. An industry that is located in Roanoke County built up to the river's edge. 6. An industry in Salem that maintains an extensive vegetative buffer between the building and the river. 7. Outside storage in an older industrial area. 8. This is a newer industrial area (Blue Ridge Beverage) in Glenvar where more controls are in place. 9. Commercial use shown located on river's edge. 10. A commercial building in Roanoke City with a berm between the river and the building. 53 11. Residential use located along the river that shows erosion control of drainage. 12. Here's a single family home that maintains a buffer by the river. 13. A history of floods explains the need for this measuring sign under the bridge near Roanoke Memorial Hospital. 14. Recreational land is an excellent use of floodplain land. This is the River's Edge Sports Complex in Roanoke City. 15. This shot of a Dairy Farm on the North Fork shows the result of the lack of erosion controls. 16. Agriculture and grazing is located mostly on the North Fork of the river, but in Glenvar (Roanoke County) there are also a few farms. 17. Another agriculture use is the taking of water from the river to irrigate fields. 18. This shot shows how the bank is being undercut by the fluvial processes of the river. 19. This slide is near Blacksburg Country Club and shows an erosional control provided by the Rip Rap on the meander bend. 20. This is on the North Fork where cattle are allowed to graze along the bank. 21. Same practice but located on the South Fork. 22. This slide shows a natural state of the bank. Notice the fence along the bank to keep farm animals away from the river. 23. This slide shows the lack of erosion controls for the drainage exiting from this dairy farm. These soils are excessively eroded. 24. This farm maintains a thick buffer from the river. 25. Litter is a problem almost every where along the river. This litter is thrown from the roadside into river. �54 26. There is litter near the river here where route 636 crosses the South Fork. 27. Community cleanup activities help correct litter problems. This is a cleanup crew outside Tweeds on Clean Valley Day. 28. This is treated sewage entering the North Fork from Blacksburg Country Club. 29. This is the water intake for the City of Salem. 30. This is a shot of the train derailment of April 20, 1990, near Ironto. 31. This is a shot about 3 to 4 miles downstream from the derailment where farmers are trying to keep cattle from entering the river. A hay barrier is in the foreground to catch some of the oil spill. 32. This is a scenic picture down on the river below the river derailment. 33. ACCESS 34. This is in Roanoke City in Wasena Park. The sign tells of hazards in this part of the river. 35. Just a few hundred feet downstream, men are fishing for trout recently stocked in the river. 36. More recreation in Wasena Park. 37. This is a playground in Norwich. 38. Here is a picture on the North Fork that shows a fence blocking passage on the river. 39. Further downstream on the North Fork, in a very navigable part of the river, barbed wire is strung across the river to deter cattle. 40. ENVIRONMENT 41. A refrigerator is seen here near Shawsville Elementary School. A hazard no doubt. 42. A beautiful shot of the South Fork marred by debris dumped into the river from the roadside. 43. The debris in the previous slide is 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings shown here in its proximity to the road. 44. Limiting access may help reduce illegal dumping. 45. As will public trash cans. 46. This slide shows erosion of the bank, possibly natural. 47. This extensive use of rip-rap and a pipe prevents further erosion to a previously damaged section of bank. 48. Drainage from a commercial and residential area, notice the erosion caused by the runoff. 49. Close-up shot of the drainage from previous slide. 50. This is a paved drainage way. 51. Runoff in the urban area. 52. Green Hill Park in Roanoke County uses grassed drainage ways to direct runoff. 53. Another shot of Green Hill Park. 54. This area near Lafayette is used as a pull off from the road to dump debris on the bank of the river. 55. This is a tributary behind the previous junk pile that is thoroughly littered. 56. In Salem, some popular river access points were blocked to vehicles in order to reduce littering from cars. 57. This is a large dump in Montgomery County near the Roanoke County line. Its length is about 70 yards long. 58. This picture shows that its height is about 15 to 2 feet. It is only 10 to 20 yards from the river. 59. Illegal dumping was less of a problem in areas where house-to-house collection is provided—these are Salem's trash containers. 60. CULTURAL RESOURCES 61. Here we have the rural setting that is characteristic of lands along the North Fork of the Roanoke River. 62. This is also on the North Fork in Ellett Valley. 63. North Fork again. �55 A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 64. Even in the urban areas, quiet family homes by the river are a prized way of life. 65-69. I want to leave you with some images of the beauty of the river— both in the more isolated areas and in the urban areas. RECOMMENDATIONS Following completion of the river inventory, recommendations for future action were made. First, we ask that each locality formally adopt the Roanoke River Corridor Study as a part of its Comprehensive Plan, and appoint a planner to serve on a commission that will help implement the recommendations. That group, tentatively called the Roanoke River Conservation District Commission, should have its first meeting by late 1991. We anticipate that, among other things, a conservation overlay zone will result from this future planning work. This overlay would be presented to each locality for consideration and adoption. It might include such things as: a. limitations on the development and use of lands lying within the corridor overlay zone b. compliance with Best Management Practices for all uses and development undertaken in the zone c. establishment and/or retention of minimum vegetative buffer areas along the riverbank d. soil and erosion measures for all land disturbance activities in the zone e. performance criteria for land development planned within the zone SUMMARY Compared to some of the presentations you will hear at this conference, we are closer to the beginning than we are to the end of a long, complex process. Our goal, protection of the Roanoke River Corridor, may take decades. However, I am dedicated to the goal and willing to put in the time needed. Wish us luck. And thank you for listening. �56 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings An Interactive Recreation Demand/Supply Model for Personal Computers Herman F. Senter and James P. Jarvis ABSTRACT A revised model for estimating demand/ supply relationships for outdoor recreation activities within a geographic region is discussed. Data requirements to operate the model and output reports of analyses are explained. Use of the menu-driven interactive model software (for IBM-compatible PC's) to perform various analyses is illustrated. Current applications of the model for needs analysis and planning in a statewide context are described. INTRODUCTION The recreation demand/supply model RDSM discussed below is the fourth generation of a model initially developed for the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers [1, 2]. The original model (Version 1.0) was subsequently modified for use by South Carolina's Department of Parks, Recreation, and Tourism (SCPRT) and the Georgia Department of Natural Resources (GDNR) [3]. The development of an interactive software code for IBM compatible personal Computers (Version 3.0) was reported in [6]. The current edition of the RDSM software, Version 4.0, was created to facilitate its application by GDNR. It is used by GDNR for inventory record keeping, needs analyses, exploratory research analyses, and report generation. The Version 4.0 software is menu-driven and self-instructing; thus, little or no training is required for routine analyses. RDSM requires baseline data on recreation activities, population-based demand for those activities, and the available recreation supply within the study region. Demand is distributed on a site- by-site basis according to travel distance factors. Analyses are done activityby-activity for the years specified. RDSM (remand projection methodology is based on projected population growth and expected trends in future participation. Estimates of demand and supply are expressed in units of activity occasions per prime season weekend day. RDSM consists of three main modules: 1) a demand estimator; 2) a supply inventory; and 3) an allocation procedure. These are shown schematically in Figure 1 (see also [3]). Factors affecting demand, supply, and the allocation process are indicated in the figure. Basic information items needed to quantify these factors are listed in Table 1. These are discussed below. BASELINE DATA REQUIREMENTS Initially a study region (or market area) is determined; for example, a state. The region is partitioned into demand centers for which base year population estimates and growth projections are available. These centers might be counties within a state, or in a more detailed analysis, census districts. For each activity to be studied, per capita participation rates are required, together with information on willingness-to-travel for that activity. The study region is also partitioned into supply sites which may be single facilities or aggregates of several facilities within a locality. Supply sites and demand centers need not be identical. The amount of supply for an activity at a site is based on the quantity of facilities at the site, their carving capacities and the activity turnover rates. This information constitutes a supply inventory for the study region. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Travel times, distances, or costs between each demand center supply site pair must be specified. They are used in conjunction with willingness-to-travel factors to allocate the demand to supply. For each activity, travel time zones and corresponding preferences must be estimated from survey data. Figure 2 (see also [3]) provides an illustration of four travel-time zones. The number and sizes of the zones, and the travel factors Pi and p;, depend on the particular activity. For example, most individuals are unwilling to travel far to play tennis (Ply small), while campers usually prefer to travel some minimum distance from home (pi' large). Factors to account for differences in activity participation rates between urban and rural demand centers and to allow for out-of-region demand are optional. Likewise, supply site attractiveness ratings are optional. For reporting purposes, analysts may wish to aggregate demand centers or supply sites, perhaps by geographic subregions such as planning districts within a state. Information about desired groupings must be provided. As an example, GDNR uses RDSM for statewide demand/supply analysis. Demand centers are the 159 counties which are also the supply sites. Baseline data is maintained for 14 outdoor activities. U.S. Bureau of the Census county population figures are used together with Georgia's population projections and participation rates to estimate demand. Supply information is updated as changes in facilities occur to maintain an accurate inventory of supply for each activity and county. Analyses are reported by county, by planning district (five), and for the entire state. OPTIONS AND OUTPUTS To analyze a particular activity, the model user must select the activity and the year of the analysis. RDSM reports total 57 demand, met demand, unmet demand, used supply, residual supply and potential usage by demand center, by supply site, by subregion, and for the entire study region. These measures are in units of activity occasions per prime season weekend day. Alternatively, the user may elect to analyze all activities for a single demand center or supply site. Other options permit the user to change baseline data such as participation rates or supply inventory. An unspecified a blank" activity is provided to facilitate study of the effects of adding a new activity to the list of existing ones. Unless specifically designated, changes in baseline data are not permanent, existing only for a single session of model use. Some principal features of RDSM are illustrated by the samples of screen output which follow. Program execution is initiated by entering the command RDSM. A start up screen (Figure 3) is displayed while the software reads the required baseline data. When initialization is complete, the user may proceed to the Main Menu (Figure 4). Items (1) - (4) of the Main Menu are used to revise baseline information. Data changes can be temporary, for simulation purposes, or permanent for inventory updating. Options (6) or (7) may be selected to specify the kind of activity analysis desired. For illustration purposes, suppose the user chooses to analyze a specific activity. Entry of main menu option (7) brings up the Activity Selection Menu (Figure 5). All activities provided in the baseline data are listed as well as a blank activity which may be used to introduce a new activity, either temporarily or permanently. Figure 5 illustrates the procedure for analyzing an existing activity, Text Camping, for the year 1985. Effects of competition for facilities by out-of-state users are excluded, while site attractiveness effects on demand are considered. �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 58 Demand from Population Center in Study Region for an Activity Demand for Private Facilities Social & Economic Factors Population Participation Rates Raw Demand Projected Shifts in Preferences Demand on ^ Prime Season Weekend Day) Prime Season Factors Supply at Resource Site Average Activity Duration Turnover Rate Carrying Capacity Resource Facilities Supply on ^ Prime Season Weekend Day) Resource Use History Allocation Met Demand (Use) Demand Needs Analysis Allocation Unmet Demand Supply Figure 1. Three modules comprising RDSM After pausing for activity analysis computations, RDSM returns to a modified main menu which included the additional item (8) shown in Figure 6. Entry of this report option brings up the Report Menu of Figure 7. (If output is directed to a printer or a file, a tenth option, "All of the above," appears.) Reports generated by selections of items (1) - (7) of the Report Menu are shown in Figures 8-15 respectively. To illustrate the procedure for changing baseline data, suppose option (1) of the Main Menu (Figure 4), "1. Display or Change activity data" is selected. The user is prompted to choose an activity, after which the data for that activity is displayed (Figure 16). �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 59 Example: travel times t Zone 1: Zone 2: Zone 3: Zone 4: 0.0 ^ t ^ 0.5 hours 0.5 < t £ 1.0 hours 1.0 <t £2.0 hours t > 2.0 hours Willingness-to-travel factors: p. = percent willing to travel beyond zone i 1 (i=1,2,3) p'i = percent insistent on traveling beyond zone I (i-1,2.3) Figure 2. Example of travel time zones. The preceding figures illustrate some analyses, procedures, and features of RDSM. The software is self-documented and assumes no prior instruction of the user. Experience has shown that novices can readily follow the menu instructions to produce the reports they desire. The software includes a variety of safeguards against entry of invalid data (such as a negative participation rate) or accidental erasure of baseline information. Further information about RDSM is provided in the RDSM User's Guide [5]. Details about the software and about data specifications are given in the RDSM Technical Reference [4]. CURRENT APPLICATIONS Version 4.0 of RDSM is used by GDNR for analysis, planning, and report production. By updating changes in recreation facilities, a current site-by-site inventory of supply is maintained. The model enables Recreation Demand-Supply Model Version 4.0 (1990) prepared for Georgia Department of Natural Resources Parks & Historic Sites Division by Upstate Resources, Inc. P.O. Box 152 Six Mile/ SC 29682 Reading data and initializing One moment please... system. Reading activity rate data Reading population data Reading travel time data Reading supply inventory data Reading out-of-state usage data Reading site attractiveness data Reading regional aggregation data Initialization complete. Press any key to continue... Figure 3. Initialization Screen �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 60 Recreation Demand/Supply Model v4.0 (URI-1990) Main Menu 0) End this session 1) 2) 3) 4) Display Display Display Display or or or or Change Change Change Change activity data supply data population data groups for Demand Areas and Supply Sites 5) Change report destination (Screen, Printer, File) (currently: Screen) 6) Analyze all activities for a single demand area/supply site 7) Analyze a specific activity Enter a number between 0 and 7 and press return: Figure 4. Main Menu Recreation Demand/Supply Model v4.0 (URI-1990) Choose an activity. 0) Return to main menu 1) 4) 7) 10) 13) Tent Camping Trailer Camping Pool Swimming Baseball Day Hiking 2) 5) 8) 11) 14) Enter a number between Golf Lake Fishing Basketball Bicycling Lake Swimming 0 and 3) 6) 9) 12) 15) Tennis Motor Boating Football Trailbike Riding Blank Activity 15 and press return:! Do you wish to include the effects of out of state usage (YYN)?n Do you wish to include the effects of site attractiveness (Y/N)?y Enter the year for which the model is to be run (1985-1995) . Enter a number between 1985 and 1995 and press return: 1985 Figure 5. Activity Selection Menu �61 A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Recreation Demand/Supply Model v 4 . 0 (URI-1990) Main Menu 0) End this session 1) 2) 3} 4) Display Display Display Display or or or or Change Change Change Change activity data supply data population data groups for Demand Areas and Supply Sites 5) Change report destination (Screen, Printer, File) (currently: Screen) 6) Analyze all activities for a single demand area/supply site 7) Analyze a specific activity 8) Produce reports for activity: Tent Camping Enter a number between 0 and 8 and press return: Figure 6. Main Menu with Report Option Recreation Demand/Supply Model v4.0 (URI-1990) Choose the report to be generated for activity: Tent Camping 0) Return to main menu 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) Statewide summary Regional demand summary Regional supply summary Planning district demand summary Planning district supply summary Demand area summary Supply site summary Usage for each demand area-supply site pair Potential usage for each demand area-supply site pair Enter a number between 0 and 9 and press return: Figure 7. Report Menu �62 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Recreation Demand/Supply Model v4.0 (URI-1990) Statewide Summary of Demand and Supply for 1985 Activity: Tent Camping Supply units: Sites Includes effects of site attractiveness (Values given in supply units per prime season weekend day) Total demand Demand for public, designated facilities Demand for other facilities Total supply inventory 5367. 3489. 1878. 3057. Met demand Unmet demand Residual supply 1790. 1699. 1267. Press: E to Exit... Figure 8. Statewide Demand and Supply Report Recreation Demand/Supply Model v4 . 0 (URI-1990) Demand summary for Geographical Region Supply units: Sites Year: 1985 Activity: Tent Camping Includes effects of site attractiveness (Values in supply units per prime season weekend day) Demand Area Total Demand Met Demand Unmet Demand Totals 3489. 1790. 1699. Mountains Metro Central Southwest Southeast Coastal 486. 1172. 868. 401. 338. 223. 304. 405. 493. 235. 214. 138. 182. 767. 375. 166. 124. 85. Press: E to Exit... Figure 9. Geographic Region Demand Report �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 63 Recreation Demand/Supply Model v4.0 (URI-1990) Supply summary for Geographical Region Year: 1985 Activity: Tent Camping Supply units: Sites Includes effects of site attractiveness (Values in supply units per prime season weekend day) Supply Area Total Supply Used Supply Residual Supply Totals 3057. 1790. 1267. 810. 173. 849. 230. 718. 277. 507. 173. 520. 211. 298. 303. Mountains Metro Central Southwest Southeast Coastal Potential Usage 0. 329. 19. 420. 197. 80. 1527. 909. 1455. 434. 530. 284. Press: E to Exit. . . Figure 10. Geographic Region Supply Report Recreation Demand/Supply Model v4 . 0 (URI-1990) Demand summary for Planning Area Supply units: Sites Year: 1985 Activity: Tent Camping Includes effects of site attractiveness (Values in supply units per prime season weekend day) Demand Area Total Demand Demand Met Unmet Demand Totals 3489. 1790. 1699. Coosa Valley North Georgia Georgia Mountains Atlanta Regional Northeast Georgia Chattahoochee-Flint Mclntosh Trail Oconee Cent. Savannah River 219. 114. 153. 1172. 147. 108. 143. 72. 147. 62. 223. 107. 125. 405. 97. 44. 73. 46. 90. Press: L for Last, N for Next, E to Exit Figure 11. Planning Area Demand Report 7. 28. 767. 50. 64. 70. 17. 133. �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 64 Recreation Demand/Supply Model v4 . 0 (URI-1990) Supply summary for Planning Area Supply units: Sites Year: 1985 Activity : Tent Camping Includes effects of site attractiveness (Values in supply units per prime season weekend day) Supply Area Total Supply Used Supply Residual Supply Totals 3057. 1790. 1267. 114. 98. 84. 612. 173. 325. 173. 16. 0. 178. 125. Coosa Valley North Georgia Georgia Mountains Atlanta Regional Northeast Georgia Chattahoochee-Flint Mclntosh Trail Oconee Cent. Savannah River 84. 30. 56. 67. 74. 287. 0. 0. 0. 0. 53. 10. 30. 56. 67. 64. Potential Usage 674. 176. 677. 909. 230. 149. 483. 247. 166. Press: L for Last, N for Next, E to Exit... Figure 12. Planning Area Supply Report Recreation Demand/Supply Model v4.0 (URI-1990) Demand summary for Demand Areas Supply units: Sites Year: 1985 Activity: Tent Camping Includes effects of site attractiveness (Values in supply units per prime season weekend day) Demand Area Total Demand Met Demand Unmet Demand Totals 3489. 1790. 1699. 10. 4. 6. 2. 22. 5. 14. 26. 10. 7. 4. 4. 2. 22. 4. 8. 7. 10. 2. 0. 2. 0. 0. Appling Atkinson Bacon Baker Baldwin Banks Barrow Bartow Ben Hill Press: L for Last, N for Next, E to Exit. Figure 13. Demand Area Report 1. 6. 19. 0. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 65 Recreation Demand/ Supply Model v4.0 (URI-1990) Supply summary for Supply Sites Supply units: Sites Year: 1985 Activity: Tent Camping Includes effects of site attractiveness (Values in supply units per prime season weekend day) Supply Area Total Supply Used Supply Residual Supply Totals 3057. 1790. Potential Usage 1267. 20. 0. 35. 0. 47. 0. 0. 33. 0. Appling Atkinson Bacon Baker Baldwin Banks Barrow Bartow Ben Hill 20. 0. 35. 0. 47. 0. 0. 33. 0. 0. 0. 0. 0. 0. 0. 0. 0. 0. Press: L for Last, N for Next, E to Exit.. Figure 14. Supply Site Report Recreation Demand/Supply Model v4.0 (URI-1990) Actual Usage for a demand area-supply site pair Year: 1985 Activity: Tent Camping Supply units: Sites Includes effects of site attractiveness (Values in supply units per prime season weekend day) Demand Area Supply Site Actual Usage : : : Appling Atkinson 0. Press: E to Exit... Figure 15. Usage between a Particular Demand Area-Supply Site Pair 35. 0. 38. 0. 125. 0. 0. 215. 0. �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 66 Recreation Demand/Supply Model v4.0 (URI-1990) Activity Participation Rate Data Choose an item to change 0) Return to main menu 1) Activity name: Tent Camping 2) Supply unit name: Sites 3) Fraction of population participating A) Number of activity occasions per participant per year Overall participation rate (activity occasions per year) 5) Fraction of activity on a prime season weekend day 6) Fraction of activity at public, designated facilities 7) Urban-rural ratio 8) Average carrying capacity of a supply unit 9) Average daily turnover rate Capacity standard (activity occasions per unit per day) 10) Copy willingness-to-travel factors from another activity Enter a number between 0 and 0.1210 1.8000 0.2178 0.0145 0.6500 1.0300 3.5000 1.0000 3.5000 10 and press return: Figure 16. Activity Participation Rate Report the recreation planner to simulate the relative effects of various changes in the recreation system, such as shifts in supply, demand, participation rates, site attractiveness, etc. For example, the impact on met demand resulting from closing of facilities at specified supply cites due to operating budget cuts can be studied. Population projections provide a means for anticipating future demand and corresponding supply location needs. The model produces relative measures of demand and use on a county-by-county basis which serve as a guide to allocation of state recreation funds among the countries. Demand and supply figures computed by the model may not coincide with actual use on prime season weekend days and must be interpreted by the analyst on the basis of experience and by comparison of relative effects. Attempts to validate model outputs, or to scale activity estimates to correspond with observed use, have been hindered by the absence of actual use data. CONCLUSION The discussion of RDSM in this report illustrates some principal features of the model software and describes its use as a tool for statewide outdoor recreation planning and analysis. Application need not be limited to that setting. The general structure of the model invites its adaptation to analogous situations where demand and supply can be measured and a "cost" or penalty (reward) function for assigning demand to supply can be defined. One purpose of this paper is to describe Version 4.0 of RDSM in the context of its current use. A second purpose is to invite consideration of other applications of this model for recreation planning and analysis. Suggestions for changes or improvements in the modeling concepts are sought. Comments or discussion regarding the software are welcome. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 67 Table 1. Information factors required for each module of RDSM I. Factors Related to Demand Estimation 1. study region: geographic region and its subdivisions 2. population estimates and projections 3. activities 4. units of measurement: activity occasions, visitor hours, etc. 5. time of measurement (e.g., prime season weekend day) 6. standards a. participation rate (% participating and frequency) b. trends in participation c. fraction of participation during prime season d. fraction of participation on weekend days e. urban-rural participation rate factor 7. demand served by "undesignated" facilities 8. demand served by non-public facilities 9. demand arising outside the geographic region II. Factors Related to Supply Inventory 1. designation of supply region 2. location of each enterprise site 3. activities per enterprise 4. carrying capacity 5. attractiveness III. Factors Related to Allocation Decisions 1. travel zones 2. willingness-to-travel 3. attractiveness weights REFERENCES 1. J. P. Jarvis, P. R. Saunders, and H. F. Senter. "Forecasting Recreation Demand in the Upper Savannah River Basin," Annals of Tourism Research 8, 236A256 (1981). 2. J. P. Jarvis and H. F. Senter. "A Model for Outdoor Recreation Planning," The Clemson University Review of Industrial Management and Textile Science 18:2, 71-76 (1979). 3. J. P. Jarvis and H. F. Senter. "Evaluating Outdoor Recreation Alternatives," National Outdoor Recreation Trends Symposium, Asheville, NC, 89-97 (1980). 4. J. P. Jarvis and H. F. Senter. Recreation Demand/ Supply Model (version 4.0): Technical Reference. Upstate Resources, Inc., Six Mile, SC, 1990. 5. J. P. Jarvis and H. F. Senter. Recreation Demand/ Supply Model (version 4.0): User's Guide. Upstate Resources, Inc., Six Mile, SC, 1990. 6. J. P. Jarvis, H. F. Senter, and T. Yearwood. "Applications of an Interactive Supply-Demand Model," Southeastern Recreation Research Conference, Asheville, NC, 7-18 (1987). �68 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings The Use of Computer Animation in Developing Interpretive Facilities Along the San Juan Skyway James L. Sipes and Richard F. Ostergaard The San Juan Skyway, located in southwest Colorado, traverses some of the most spectacular, rugged, and primitive country in all America. The Skyway is a 232 mile loop that connects the historic mountain towns of Durango, Silverton, Ouray, Telluride, and Cortez. The route has been described as an outstanding showcase of some of the most dynamic and spectacular rugged scenery in the nation and is often referred to as "The Most Scenic Drive in America." It was designated by the State of Colorado Scenic Byway Commission as the state's first State Scenic and Historic Byway. The Skyway is also one of three United States Forest Service Scenic Byways selected for the Department of Transportation's use of grant money made available by the 1989 Scenic Byways Study Act. A scenic byway is a travel route which traverses a scenic corridor of outstanding aesthetic, cultural, historic, or interpretive forest values. Also, within the Forest Service system, the forests charged with the development of the byway were designated as "Centers of Design Excellence" with the purpose of demonstrating "how to do it" for others developing scenic byways programs. One "how to" project involves the use of computer animation to develop interpretive facilities along the San Juan Skyway. Forty-nine sites along the San Juan Skyway have been identified as locations for proposed interpretive facilities. The dominant interpretive themes are spectacular scenery, forest management activities, historic mining districts, geological formations, fall colors, ancient cultural ruins, weather dynamics, and the early railroads. Interpretation will take the form of signs at designed pullouts or along the highway, naming certain features or mountain peaks, or telling the story of a point of interest. A series of three basic modules were developed for the proposed interpretive facilities. The first module is a "camera point" that consist of a small viewing deck and parking for two or three cars. The other two modules are much larger and more complex. A "standard" module consists of a viewing deck intended for 15 to 25 people and provides parking for five cars and two RVs. An "expanded" module (Figure 1) has essentially the same layout, but the viewing deck will hold 30 to 40 people and parking space is available for eight cars and three RVs. Common to the "standard" and "expanded" modules is a staging area on the walkway between the parking areas. Within the staging area, the design provides for a large landscape rock sunk partially into the concrete. A plaque attached to the rock gives credit to the partnership responsible for the facility construction. Each module was designed to be relatively maintenance free, to provide the stated interpretive opportunities and to aesthetically fit the landscape. The modules will be adapted from one site to another, as necessary to fit site conditions. The public has high expectations regarding the planning and development for interpretive facilities along the San Juan Skyway. Interpretive opportunities can greatly aid in the enjoyment and experience of the visitor, but only if the proposed interpretive facilities enhance, rather than detract from the surrounding landscapes. To adequately determine the impact of �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 69 Figure 1. Expanded Plan these proposed interpretive facilities on these surrounding landscapes, 3-D computer-generated models of the basic interpretive modules were constructed (Figure 2). These computer-generated models and animation sequences will greatly aid in future efforts to develop possible partnerships with service organizations and interest groups along the route. 3-DIMENSIONAL MODELING To create 3-D computer models of the interpretive facilities, traditional handdrawn maps were digitized using AutoCAD release 11. The digitized lines and arcs were combined to create polylines and exported as a DXF file into 3D Studio (Autodesk Inc.), a three-dimensional modeling tool that provides sophisticated animation as well. 3D Studio is composed of six modules that provide the capability for modeling, rendering, and scenedescription: 2D Shaper, 3D Lofter, 3D Editor, Materials Editor, Renderer and Keyframer. The DXF files were imported into the 2D Shaper module and converted the polylines into two-dimensional "shapes" which were lofted in the 3D Lofter module to create three-dimensional objects. In this manner, simple rectangles were projected up to create the retaining walls that defined the edges of the viewing decks for the interpretive facilities. The same method was used to create the benches, steps, curbs, sidewalks, and signage. The most time-consuming task in 3-D animation is building the 3-D models which form the foundation of the sequences. A mathematical model of a building, a site, a retaining wall, or an interpretive facility can often be built or modified in far less time and at less cost than it takes to build a physical model with comparable accuracy. However, it should not be overlooked that 3-D modeling can be a laborious, repetitive task and intricate 3-D shapes can create special problems for the modeler. Traditional modeling methods can be used, but are time consuming and do not adapt well to objects with complicated shapes - such as trees and topography - that were a necessity to create the surrounding landscapes for the interpretive facilities. (Hoffman and Teeple, 1990) Other software packages provide alternative ways to create 3-D objects. One method is to create simple geometric shapes such as cubes, cylinders, spheres, cones, and rectangles and combine them to create more complex objects. To create the trees surrounding the viewing decks, a black cone was constructed and turned upside-down. Numerous rectilinear plates were constructed and placed over the cone �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 70 Figure 2. to created the layered appearance of evergreen trees. The surrounding landform consists of thousands of thin rectangles rotated in space and joined at the edges (Figure 3). ADDING A TOUCH OF REALISM The ability to create 3-D computer models is important, but it is the ability to make them look realistic that is so beneficial. A major difficulty with 3-D models is a lack of detail and the "cartoonish" appearance of the final images. Without taking a lot of time to add details, the computer-based models would be limited to use as study models. To add an acceptable level of detail and realism, 3D Studio texture mapping provides the Renderer module and the Materials Editor. 3D Studio's Materials Editor applies surface and light-reflective characteristics to an object and adds a touch of realism. Bump mapping, surface properties, and texture mapping all affect an object's appearance. Bump-mapping creates the appearance of roughness on a surface. Surface properties refer to the degree of transparency of and object and the way its surface reflects light and objects around it. In texture mapping an image of a texture, material, or object is overlaid on a 3-D computer model of an object. This image can be drawn by the designer with a paint system, but it is typically scanned from a photograph or a slide via an optical scanner. For example, a wood grain was captured and wrapped around a series of rectangles to help illustrate the benches in the viewing deck. The same technique was used to scan images of a specific site to create the background scenes. The Renderer module allows the selection of settings for rendering and shading. After 3-D computer models of the interpretive facilities were constructed and materials defined, photorealistic colorshaded renderings of the models were produced under varied light conditions. The final renderings of the 3-D models were combined to create the illusion of animation. The final animation sequences simulate a series of visual experiences, such as those seen from a moving automobile (Figure 4). �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 71 ANIMATION True animation requires that smooth, realistic movements be captured by the computer display. In traditional animation, 24 frames are typically displayed for every second of animation. Computer animation uses a slightly different standard of 30 frames per second. As a result, approximately 900 images are required to create a 30-second animation sequence showing a car driving past the interpretive facilities along the San Juan Skyway. Computer animation has evolved because much of the repetitive work associated with traditional cell animation can now be accomplished quicker and easier using computer techniques. Traditional animation studios from the past, including Walt Disney, were often described as "sweat shops" where talented artists were subject to long hours of repetitive, monotonous tasks. Even the classic cartoons from the past were tedious for the animators who labored to create them. A 15-minute cartoon featuring Mickey Mouse, Donald Duck, Goofy, and the gang would contain approximately 30,000 drawings and might take a team of 20 skilled animators, artists, editors and checkers a month or more to produce. (Computer Images, 1986) Computers can simplify the animation process and speed it up dramatically. Computer animation systems can be divided into three major categories: (1) electronic slide show, (2) 2D animation, and (3) 3D animation. (Anderson, 1989) Unlike true animation, an electronic slide show does not create the illusion of animation by rapidly displaying a series of images. Rather it creates the illusion of animation by providing smooth transitions from one image to the next. Two-dimensional programs simulates traditional frame-by-frame animation by combining sequences of images created with "paint" software. (Cudlitz, 1989) 3-D animation consists of creating simple geometric primitives such as rectangles, cylinders, and cones, combining these shapes to create more complex objects, and then moving around these objects. Three-dimensional (3-D) software Figure 3. �72 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Figure 4. provides you with a wide range of choices for designing realistic models and creating simulations with real-world properties. 3D animation has proved to be suitable for use by architects, but has not been utilized to the same degree by landscape architects. (Kinnucan, 1989) LIMITATIONS There are a number of reasons why the United States Forest Service and other organizations do not use computer animation. The primary reason is lack of knowledge by the users. Most designers have not been exposed to this technology, and acquiring this knowledge is difficult. In both the classroom and the office, learning to use computer animation software takes time away from an already busy agenda. As a result, most firms or organizations do not have anyone with the necessary skills or training to be proficient at creating three-dimensional computer animation sequences. There are also a number of technical limitations. In terms of memory and processing power, animation is the most demanding computer graphics application. The amount of storage and processing power needed to create these types of sequences results in an expensive computer that falls outside the budget of most organizations or design firms. A typical PC-based animation system might include the animation software, a microcomputer with an 80386 or 80486 processor, a math coprocessor, 4 MB of RAM, a Targa video graphics board, an analog or composite monitor, a mouse or digitizer, an animation controller, and a good 3/4-inch tape deck. This system can be expected to cost approximately $25,000430,000. (Jadrnicek, 1988, pp. 70) Another potential limitation is the final appearance of an animation sequence. The style and look of computer animation is noticeably different from that of traditional eel animation. (Vasilopoulos, 1990) If the �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress final animation sequence is created by hand, we expect the quality to match that of the sequences created by Disney studios. If the final sequence is created via computer graphics, we compare these images to those we see on television. At the professional level of production, a 30second commercial might take months to produce and typically has a budget of maybe $100,000 to $200,000. (Anderson, 1990, pp. 229) This is well beyond the resources of most organizations. Only in the past few years have microcomputer animations been con- 73 sidered a feasible alternative to mainframe animations. In the area of quality, microcomputer animation has finally caught up to mainframe animations. (MacNicol, 1989) With the price of 3D hardware dropping and with PC systems beginning to add these types of 3D capabilities, landscape architects might find 3D computer modeling more appealing in the future. The ability to add motion via computer animation presents some interesting opportunities for conveying design alternatives such as the proposed interpretive facilities along the San Juan Skyway. SOURCES Computer Images. Time-Life Books Inc., Richmond, VA, 1986. Cudlitz, Stuart. "Move It." Macworld, June 1989, pp. 108+. Gantz, John. "The Changing Animation." Computer Graphics World, July 1988, Vol. 11, No. 7, pp. 25-28. Harbison, Don. "Landscape Architects Tap CAD & CIS." Computer Graphics World, Vol. 11, No. 12, December, 1988, pp. 32-38. Hoffman, E., Kenneth Hoffman, and Jon Teeple. Computer Graphics Applications: An Introduction to Desktop Publishing & Design Presentation Graphics, Wadsworth Publishing Company, Belmont, California: 1990, pp. 227229. Jadrnicek, Rik. "Architectural Animation." Computer Graphics World, April 1988, Vol. 11, No. 4, pp. 70-74. Jadrnicek, Rik. "Bring a Project to Life with Animation." CADENCE, June 1990, Aerial Communications, Inc., pp. 71-73. Kinnucan, Paul. "3-D Modeling Systems." Computer Graphics Review, Vol. 4, No. 9, September 1989, pp. 16-27. MacNicol, Gregory. "A PC-Based Animation Primer." Computer Graphics World, November 1986, Vol. 9, No. 11, pp. 34-41. MacNicol, Gregory. "PC Animation Gains Steam." Computer Graphics World, July 1988, Vol. 11, No. 7, pp. 50-55. Robertson, Barbara. Animation Goes to Work. Computer Graphics World, July 1988, Vol. 11, No. 7, pp. 38-48. Robertson, Barbara. "The Art of Improvisation." Computer Graphics World, December 1988, pp. 42-48. Vasilopoulos, Audrey. "Cartoon Animation." Computer Graphics World, Vol. 13, No. 1, January 1990, pp. 77-80. �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 74 Metro Green: A Greenway Proposal for Kansas City Stephanie A. Rolley . . . to undertake important work in a halfhearted manner is the poorest economy, . . . it is far better to plan comprehensively and broadly and proceed with actual construction leisurely, than to attempt economy in the original plans. Report of the Board of Park and Boulevard Commissioners Kansas City, Missouri 1893 One hundred years after the 1893 plan for Kansas City's parks and boulevards, tulle spirit of that plan has been resurrected. Approximately 230 miles of potential green way have been identified, mapped, and presented as an organizing framework for the increasingly dispersed metropolitan area. Rediscovering and building upon George Kessler's legacy, the plan offers a vision for Kansas City in the next century. This proposal, known as Metro Green, began early in 1990 as a community service project conducted by landscape architecture professionals and students. As the project grows, it promises to bring individuals and organizations across the city together in a variety of partnerships to implement the plan. The intent of his paper is to describe the historical context of Metro Green, to document work done to date and partnerships formed, and to discuss the future of the proposal. HISTORICAL CONTEXT In 1893, George Kessler, a landscape architect, and August Meyer, a civic leader, made a bold proposal for Kansas City's future. The result was a network of boulevards and parkways that structured the city's growth for almost 50 years. The system initially connected a number of small frontier settlements. Expansion of the system through the early 1900s provided a catalyst for the city's growth. The boulevards followed natural features rather than the existing street grid, creating graceful sweeping roadways that attracted residential development and preserved the natural environment. Kessler's plan serves as a model for planning which connects the natural and built environments. He recognized the benefits, both financial and aesthetic, of designing a city to enhance the natural environment. The impact of the 1893 plan on Kansas City's form is undeniable. Kansas City was a vehicular oriented city long before the nationwide sub urbanization of America after World War II. Boulevards carried people, first by carriage and later by automobile, out into surrounding farmland and encouraged development of small suburban communities. The intent was to build a city low in density. As a result, downtown is primarily a symbolic center for business. Today, the majority of the city's business is conducted in suburban business centers and office parks. It was Kessler's plan which initially drew the city's growth away from the river and downtown, and, in doing so, established the suburban quality of the metropolitan area. During the past two decades Kansas City grew at unprecedented rates. The metropolitan area now encompasses eight counties, five of which are almost entirely urbanized. That five county area encompasses over 66 communities in two states. Home to 1.5 million people, Kansas City today is much more than the dusty frontier community for which Kessler planned. The political struggles he faced are multiplied many times over as jurisdictions overlap and conflict. The character of the land has changed as well. At the turn of the century, Kansas City was situated on land characterized by rolling hills and wooded slopes. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Today, the city stretches from the steep bluffs at the confluence of the Kansas and Missouri Rivers to the flat farmland of rural Kansas and Missouri. The beauty of the land within Kansas City's expanded limits is often subtle and less easily preserved than the area Kessler shaped. THE PROCESS Metro Green was developed as a gift to the host city of the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Landscape Architects (ASLA), Kansas City. Each year the local ASLA chapter in the city hosting the convention conducts a Community Assistance Team project. The program's intent is to provide visibility for the profession through community service. Past projects include a boulevard redevelopment plan in Baltimore, Maryland, a master plan for the Presidio in San Francisco, California, and a gateway design for Orlando, Florida. The scope, duration and final product of a 75 CAT project is left to the local chapter, but all present solutions to a significant local community design problem. The 1991 Community Assistance Team was comprised of landscape architecture professionals in both the public and private sectors and students and faculty from Kansas State University. The team received special assistance from Philip Lewis, Jr., Director of the Environmental Awareness Center at the University of Wisconsin. With the 1893 plan as inspiration, discussions about a potential ASLA Community Assistance Team (CAT) project began in April 1990. Members of the local ASLA chapter identified a short list of objectives: • Identify areas where potential linkages and connections could be made between the park systems of different political jurisdictions. • Develop a set of planning/design Source: 1989 LamJis Aerial Photography Figure 1. Urban Boundaries of the Kansas City Metropolitan Area �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 76 1970 KANSAS OTY METRO AREA POPULATION 1990 KANSAS OTY METRO AREA POPULATION 2010 KANSAS CITY METRO AREA PROJECTED POPULATION Source: Mid-America Regional Council Figure 2. Population Distribution in the Kansas City Metropolitan Area guidelines for these areas of potential linkage and for other areas not included within existing park plans. • Create a planning forum that would eventually be institutionalized and would foster the exchange of ideas and opinions among the region's park planners. With these objectives as a general guide, a studio of Kansas State University landscape architecture students set out to explore Kansas City. While area and issue specific studies have been completed on a regular basis, there has not been a comprehensive study of Kansas City's physical characteristics in the past twenty years. The studio organized an unprecedented inventory of the five county metropolitan area to identify the urban boundaries, transportation patterns, significant landmarks and land use patterns, parks and designated open space, and slopes, woodlands, and stream corridors. Urban Areas Developed and undeveloped areas were mapped to determine the outer boundaries of urban Kansas City. The intent was to gain an understanding of Kansas City's actual boundaries. Rapid suburban growth during the 1980s outstripped most long range plans for communities on the city's fringe. The pattern that emerged is one of concentrated urbanization at the confluence of the rivers surrounded by fragmented development of former farmland. Figure 1 illustrates the impact of the natural environment on development. Northern and eastern metropolitan Kansas City, an area characterized by steep bluffs and dense vegetation, is divided by belts of open land. In contrast, the flat rural character of the southwestern area of the city facilitated development, resulting in an almost solid mass of urban form unbroken by open space. Figure 2 illustrates the rapid growth of suburban Kansas City during the past 20 years and projecting ahead 20 years. As projected, the continued expansion of Kansas City to the southwest could occur without relief imposed by the natural environment. Transportation Patterns In Kessler's plan, boulevards and parkways provided connections between small communities. A strong visual image of Kansas City, for visitors and residents alike, is often one of curving boulevards, wide medians and stately homes. In reality, that image is created by a very small part �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress of Kansas City and the historic network forms a very small part of the city's transportation system. As engineers assumed responsibility for roadway design, boulevards and parkways became names of streets rather than roadway types. The 1893 report called for a network of roadways which would check the tendency to spread out. Today we have a network which facilitates our tendency to sprawl. The following figure illustrates the location of Kessler's 1893 network within contemporary transportation systems. Landmarks and Land Use Significant historic, cultural, entertainment and commercial landmarks were identified and mapped. Selected sites include regional attractions such as the Nelson Atkins Museum of Art, the Truman Sports Complex, and Worlds of Fun, as well as small, but significant, historic site and neigh- 77 borhood shopping districts. In addition, general land use was mapped in the categories of commercial district, industrial areas, and residential districts. The intent was to gain an understanding of Kansas City's built form The map revealed a city of distinct communities. Although Kessler's historic network of roadways was not extended beyond the limits of Kansas City, Missouri, the city continued to grow as a series of small suburban communities in the pattern he established. Parks and Designated Open Space Cataloging all parks and designated open space in the five county area was a substantial part of the inventory. Recognizing that existing parks would probably provide the foundation for the yet to be selected Community Assistance Team project, this task was completed in a much more thorough and comprehensive way 1S93 Network ~ North Source: Mid-America Regional Council Not to Scale Figure 3. Transportation Systems in the Kansas City Metropolitan Area �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 78 JO119JO119 HUMANA GREENWAY UNKAGE LDCJrttorc HUMANA in-tc-7 OVERLAND PARK, KS County: JOHNSON JO '^" , Class: 7 Stnln AOM: 0.1 Owrmhlp: CHY JO107J FadHtfM: BP JO103Comments: 20* WIDE EASautEKT. GREENWAY AREA JO121JO150J Source: Kansas State University, Department of Landscape Architecture Figure 4. Park Inventory of the Kansas City Metropolitan Area than the other inventory factors. The inventory of over 600 parks is contained in a freestanding document providing a summary of each park's location, size, classification, and facilities. (See Figure 4) Analysis of the inventory revealed a number of existing connections between individual parks. Linear parks of one mile to over fifteen miles in length are part of several municipal and county park systems. Slopes, Woodlands and Stream Corridors It was the Kansas and Missouri Rivers which attracted the Kansa and Osage Indians and, later, trappers and settlers to the area. In the early 1900s, as development followed the boulevard system, Kansas City turned its back on the rivers. Today, the shorelines are lined by industrial uses, often making the rivers inaccessible and unattractive. The two rivers are fed by dozens of tributary rivers, creeks and streams contained within five major watersheds. The majority of tree masses are found near streams or concentrations of water. Similarly, slopes over 12.5 percent are usually found adjacent to waterways. In the north and east, wooded bluffs wind along the streamways. In southwest and west Kansas City, the mixture of agriculture land and grassland bordered by wooded creeks creates a much different environment. ANALYSIS With a comprehensive inventory in place, the studio set about locating a specific linear park project for the ASLA local chapter to adopt as the 1991 CAT project. Synthesis of the inventory revealed a series of potential connections far greater in scale than originally anticipated. Instead of one linkage or one connection between a Kessler boulevard and a modern boulevard, the group discovered a concentric pattern of open land composed of an inner loop of approximately 90 miles and an outer loop of approximately 140 miles. The team had hoped to find potential connections between existing parks. Instead, the possibility of a system that could link much more than single parks was revealed. A proposal for a comprehensive green way system, Metro Green, was selected as the 1991 CAT project. Examination of the inner loop reveals the rich topography and vegetation of the heart of Kansas City. Although suburban growth pushed beyond the inner green belt, it has remained relatively unthreatened. The land simply did not allow development. As a result, much of the southern portion of the inner loop is already a part �79 A Partnership for Beauty and Progress of municipal and county park systems. In Jackson County, Missouri and Johnson County, Kansas there are well established linear systems which could serve as a strong foundation for the Metro Green system. In contrast, much of the outer loop of the proposed system is tenuous and fragile. Suburban development easily moves over the stream ways of the plains, submerging natural drainage patterns in pipes. Farmland has proven an ideal site for residential subdivisions and large industrial parks. Little of the potential outer loop has been secured by public ownership. The Metro Green proposal identifies those areas most threatened by current and future development, areas where the green way could provide a valuable buffer between existing and future development. Connections between the two loops could be provided through corridors. Some might follow stream ways, others could follow abandoned rail rights of way. In urban areas, simple sidewalk connections along major thoroughfares could link one loop to the other. Another dimension was added to the proposal with the selection of Phil Lewis, Jr. as an advisor to the project. Long recognized as an important contributor to green way development, Professor Lewis was invited to assist in the design process. At his suggestion, tile inventory of significant historic, cultural, entertainment and commercial locations was analyzed more closely. The proposed green way system winds through a variety of landscapes, both cultural and natural. At Professor Lewis' suggestion, specific locations to allow visitors and residents to learn about Kansas City's unique communities and landscapes were added to the Metro Green proposal. Called "discovery centers," the range of possible sites includes museums, parks, wildlife refuges, North Source: USGS Not to Scale Figure 5. Woodlands and Stream Corridors in the Kansas City Metropolitan Area �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 80 Figure 6. Metro Green Concept Plan community buildings and commercial recreation sites. Although diverse in character, each would be tied to the Metro Green system by common signage, exhibits and maps of the entire system. Once revealed, the green way concept was tested and refined. Kansas City area landscape architects met with city staff members, county agencies and local groups to explore the possibilities for the concept in their jurisdictions. After the intensive process of inventory and analysis, refinement and testing, the proposal moved away from site specific recommendations to a very vague map of the proposed system. Assured that the foundation for a comprehensive green way system exists, the project team prepared a proposal for the �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress concept. Maps used for promotion of the idea delineate the potential green way within watershed boundaries. Community names and all but the most significant highways have been omitted, encouraging residents to orient themselves in relation to natural, rather than man made systems. It is hoped that individuals and communities will be inspired to chart the specific path of the system through their part of the city. THE PROPOSAL Taken in part, Metro Green represents important recreational and cultural opportunities, many of which already exist. Implementation of any part of the proposal will provide valuable connections between parks and communities. Much of the proposed system builds upon an existing framework of parks and open space with as much of 30 percent of the proposed system already in public ownership. As a whole, the Metro Green proposal could help shape Kansas City in the Twentieth Century in much the same way the 1893 plan shaped the city's early development. This time the linkages to be made are green rather than macadam and the challenge is to contain rather than promote growth. In a report prepared by ASLA members for presentation to the city, Metro Green is described as crossing through the entire range of natural and cultural landscapes to be found in the metropolitan area. It would run parallel to and occasionally be intersected by the main transport routes in the metropolitan area so that it would be highly accessible and well integrated with the roadway network that now exists. It would also link the region's most important museums, nature centers, public gardens and cultural-historical landmarks. In short, it would offer a geographical framework for organizing, experiencing and understanding our natural environment and our cultural 81 heritage. Moreover, Metro Green would also serve as an extraordinary outdoor recreational resource (ASLA, 1991). The potential benefits include economic, environmental, educational, and recreational improvements. Just as Kessler's plan increased property values at the turn of the century, the success of other green way systems suggests that Metro Green could enhance adjacent property values and, accordingly, property tax revenues (National Park Service, 1990). At the same time, a comprehensive green way system could protect the natural environment and continue Kessler's legacy of sensitive connections between the built and natural environments. While preserving the environment, the green way would provide opportunities for children and adults to learn about ecological relationships within that environment. Development of discovery centers would enrich the educational value of the system. Changing recreational demands call for linear systems to provide people with access to open spaces close to where they live that provide opportunities for walking, jogging and bicycling (President's Commission, 1987). The Metro Green responds to these demands. The Metro Green proposal stands to benefit from a number of timely circumstances. The centennial celebration of the 1893 Plan for Parks and Boulevards has refocused attention and funding on Kansas City's historic network. Civic pride in the system is growing and expansion of Kessler's legacy is politically popular. As suburban development slows in the 1990s, the Kansas City metropolitan area will have an opportunity to adjust to the new shape and size it acquired during the 1980s. Part of that adjustment will involve planning for parks and open space to serve and buffer newly developed areas. Finally, the nationwide resurgence of interest in greenways should serve the Metro Green �82 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings proposal well. Recent publications provide technical support and answer questions about implementation, funding, maintenance and other details. The very term greenway is readily recognized by the public and politicians. mentation progresses, responsibilities will change. As anticipated, the individuals, agencies and organizations listed above will be joined by other interested parties. In the next phase, pursuit of the concept will be led by MARC. Through the efforts of MARC, a Metro Green Steering Committee has been named and preliminary funding is in place. The Steering Committee will work with governmental agencies and special interest groups to develop an implementation plan. Landscape architecture professionals and students will provide assistance as an ongoing community service effort. The process is dependent upon forming and building upon existing partnerships. Initially, landscape architecture students and professionals formed a partnership which allowed extensive inventory and analysis in an academic setting and translation of those ideas by design professionals. This is a simple but often overlooked relationship that offers a wealth of benefits to all involved. The existing Partnerships between MARC and local governments will be essential to implementation of the concept. Local governments look to the Council for information that connects them to the rest of the city. MARC must rely upon the individual jurisdictions to implement specific plans. As the proposal gains momentum, new partnerships will be necessary. Site specific implementation will require private and public sector cooperation. Management and maintenance of the system will most likely require partnerships between governmental agencies and special interest groups. PARTNERSHIPS Metro Green grew out of one specific group, landscape architects, looking for a public service project but the project quickly involved a large number of people and organizations: • ASLA. Local professional and student members of the American Society of Landscape Architects • MARC. The regional planning agency for metropolitan Kansas City, MidAmerica Regional Council • Special Interests. Local municipal, county, state and federal agencies with specific interests in the project as well as special interest groups such as the Audubon Society, Sierra Club, and Hiking Association The effort began with intense effort by landscape architects supported lay governmental agencies and special interest groups. MARC provided important base data, a mailing list, and meeting space and the various agencies and organizations with special interests aided in data collection and review of the proposal. On October 19, 1991, David Warm, Director of MARC, accepted the Metro Green proposal as a gift to the Kansas City area from the American Society of Landscape Architects. On November 18, 1991, the concept will be presented formally to municipal and county agencies in the metropolitan area. The presentation represents a symbolic shift in responsibility. The intent is for the agencies, groups and individuals involved in Implementation of Metro Green to work in a cyclical rather than linear progression. As imple- THE FUTURE FOR METRO GREEN Even without a cohesive plan, potions of Kansas City will remain green. Floodwaters and rocky slopes will ensure preservation of some open space. But a great deal of open space is in jeopardy. At �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress this point, the proposal for Metro Green remains a concept. Analysis was refined only to the point of identifying major patterns. Maps have been drawn in a way which discourages individual identification of home and property. The next step is for the people who own the homes and property and manage the communities to chart the future of Metro Green. In 1903, the Olmsted brothers proposed a 40-mile loop for Portland, Oregon as a part of the Lewis and Clark Centennial Exposition. Like the Metro Green proposal, the plan was to link meadows and forest with the parks and boulevards of Portland. It was almost 75 years before significant portion of the loop was completed. Only recently has strong interest spurred implementation of the rest. Today a one hundred and forty mile loop is in progress (Little, 1990). Like Portland's plan, Kansas City's Metro Green is a plan created in celebration of a special event. It is ambitious and far reaching. Early in the process, ASLA members expressed concern that the proposal was too big to be realized. As enthusiasm for the concept grew within the city, those fears turned to questions about how such a large project could be managed. Following George Kessler's advice and the model of cities like Portland, Metro Green has been planned "comprehensively and broadly." The challenge ahead is to implement the proposal for, rather than during, the next century. 83 Stephanie Rolley, ASLA, AICP, is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Landscape Architecture, Kansas State University. She was responsible for direction of the studio which conducted the inventory and analysis and developed the green way concept. Questions regarding this project may be addressed to her at KSU, 215 Seaton Hall, Manhattan, KS 66506-2909 or (913) 532-5961. REFERENCES American Society of Landscape Architects. (1991). Metro Green. Kansas City, MO: American Society of Landscape Architects. Kansas City Board of Park and Boulevard Commissioners. (1893). Report of the Board of Park and Boulevard Commissioners. Kansas City, MO: Hudson-Kimberly Publishing Company. Little, C. (1990). Greenways for America. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press. President's Commission on Americans Outdoors. (1987). Americans Outdoors: The Legacy, the Challenge. California: Island Press. Rivers and Trails Conservation Assistance Program. (1990). Economic Impacts of Protecting Rivers, Trails, and Greenway Corridors^ Washington, DC: Department of the Interior, National Park Service. Rolley, S. (Ed.) (1991). The Kansas City Metropolitan Greenway: A Report by the KSU ASLA CAT Studio. Manhattan, KS: Kansas State University, Department of Landscape Architecture. Wilson, W. (1989). The City Beautiful Movement. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press. �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 84 Visual and Environmental Concerns for the Higashi Fujigoko Highway in Japan Shigeo Sudo INTRODUCTION Public interests to visual quality and natural environment related to developments of human society have become very important concerns in Japan. This means that highway constructs have become at the very difficult situation in naturally and visually preserved areas, if the considerations of visual and environmental aspects as well as environmental countermeasures have not been taken into account. "Highway constructions which are gentle to living things" is becoming widely used in Japan. On the other hand, people who live in developed areas where visual quality and nature have disappeared from the surrounding environment drive out to suburbs every weekend to satisfy their demands for nature. Development of motorization has led people to various nearby sight-seeing areas easily. As a result, traffic jams are common on highways in sight-seeing areas in Japan, especially in touring seasons. The Higashi Fujigoko Highway passing through at the foot of Mt. Fuji and in the area of the Fuji Hakone Izu National Park, which is one of the tourist meccas in Japan close to the Tokyo district, was planned to dissolve traffic jams while maintaining the visual quality and natural environment of the area. Investigations were conducted to preserve the visual and natural resources of the corridor. This paper documents the results of investigations and the project plan of the visual and environmental countermeasures related to the Higashi Fujigoko Highway (Figure 1). to Tokyo Tomei Expressway Gotenba I.C f ^— Yamanakako I.C Subashiri i.C Tfujiyoshida I.C Higashi Fujigoko Highway Figure 1. Route map of the Higashi Fujigoko Highway. to Nagoya �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 85 Photo 1. Mt. Fuji as veiwed from the Higashi Fujigoko Highway. INVESTIGATIONS FOR PRESERVING VISUAL QUALITY AND NATURAL ENVIRONMENT Investigations were conducted to ensure the preservation of the important visual quality and natural environment of the corridor near Mt. Fuji. The objectives of the research were to clarify the visual and natural qualities of the area and to analyze the present situations of existing vege- tation, wildlife, soil, and visual landscape elements. A visual landscape analysis was conducted to obtain countermeasures for the destruction of the visual quality of the area—which is one of the most representative sceneries in Japan—and to establish visual landscapes for driving. Environmental investigations were organized by biosphere, soil, and visual landscape elements. The results of investigations were also reflected in the reuse of Figure 2. Roadkill from crossing the corridor. �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 86 Flying route of birds Figure 3. Tall tree planting near the roadway. top soil for embankments, in the set of culvert boxes for wildlife pass, in bridge design, and in planting design. Planting design was one of the most important countermeasures to recover vegetation on the destroyed area and to preserve the visual quality (Photo 1). ENVIRONMENTAL INVESTIGATIONS AND SOME COUNTERMEASURES Not only animals and plants, but microbes and other things live together symbiotically in soil. Once one of the relationships of the biosphere is destroyed, the balance of the living things which has been kept for a long time will be broken. In general, nature has its own restorative potential; however, there might be a limitation of the restoration. For example, it is critical in high mountainous regions, serious climate zones, and so on. Investigations of the biosphere of the corridor were conducted to obtain the biological information and to assess the critical impacts on the biosphere from the highway. Investigations of Vegetation Investigations of vegetation were conducted by vegetation group surveys and constitution surveys of species in different areas of natural environment of the corridor. Results of the investigations Photo 2. 50 cm thickness for topsoil reuse. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 87 Photo 3. Reusing the topsoil on the embankments. reveal the important vegetation groups to be preserved in the corridor and pointed out the species to be planted for the planting plan. Several groups of vegetation types, such as Japanese red pine forests, oak tree forests, Japanese beech forests, and so on were listed as preserved vegetation. Investigations of Wildlife and Birds Investigations of wildlife and birds were conducted with existing data collection surveys, hearing surveys, field sigh surveys, and a roadside census. As a result, there were no special wildlife and birds which need specific preservation countermeasures in the area of the corridor. However, the results of the investigations revealed the important areas where wildlife and birds expectantly cross the corridor. It was considered that planting as near the roadway as possible is important in lessening the open space of the corridor (Figure 2). Planting tall trees near the roadway is expected to enable birds to cross the roadway (Figure 3). Planting bushes near culvert boxes is also expected to enable wildlife to use the culvert boxes as wildlife passes. Photo 4. The scenery from the viewing point after construction. �88 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Photo 5. The scenery of Mt. Fuji at the Hashigahara segment. Investigation of Insects Investigations of insect life were conducted to obtain the change of the environment after the highway construction. If the numbers of specific insects increase after the highway construction. It was pointed out that the reuse of the topsoil and planting native vegetation would lessen the environmental impact of the corridor. SOIL INVESTIGATION AND SOME COUNTERMEASURES An investigation of soil was conducted to clarify the condition of the soil in the corridor and to examine the possibility of topsoil reuse. Topsoil reuse, which is one of the most important countermeasures for biosphere preservation, had been done in many places. However, a big project of topsoil reuse was conducted in the construction of the Nikko-Utsunomiya Highway in 1978. Follow-up investigations conducted from 1981 to 1982 revealed that the environmental impacts to the biosphere by the highway construction were very light. Continuous follow-up surveys showed that the growth of the vegetation on the highway was improving and the visual landscape was becoming compatible with the surrounding landscape. Surveys also showed the effectiveness of the utilization of the topsoil which is useful for the planting base and the high-level preservation of the natural environment. Investigation of the soil was conducted to obtain data of soil cross, physical quality, chemical quality, and soil thickness of the corridor. The biggest problem of topsoil reuse is how to store the mass of topsoil in the corridor. Stock yards of topsoil in the adjacent areas near the corridor will negatively affect the natural environment. In this case, future construction yards were used as stock yards for the topsoil. Stored topsoil reused on the embankments is 50 centimeters in thickness. VISUAL LANDSCAPE INVESTIGATIONS AND SOME COUNTERMEASURES Mt. Fuji is the highest mountain in Japan. The landscape which includes Mt. Fuji is one of the most representative sceneries in Japan. The Japanese people love Mt. Fuji and have for a long time. Many mountains which have the name "Fuji" exist in Japan. Fugaku-sanjurokkei, a set of wood prints of 36 scenes of Mt. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Fuji, printed in the 19th century, says that the people of that time admired Mt. Fuji. Investigations of visual landscape were conducted to prevent the visual intrusion of the highway into the scenery of the area and to produce fine driving landscapes. Field surveys concerning the highway appearances in the visual landscape along the planned corridor were conducted at 17 points which were documented in the environmental impact assessment report. The contents of the surveys included photographic analysis, measurement of distances from viewing points to the roadway, vegetation analysis, and analysis of planned road structures and other visual elements. Four points were reported as extremely high visual concerns. Three of these points are visually impacted areas where the roadway passes through the middle scenery zone. Generally, a highway alignment is visually concerned with the middle scenery zone, which is normally defined as the area apart from 1000 to 2000 meters from a roadway to a viewing point. It is important that a highway alignment should be visually compatible with the background scenery. The fourth point is where a bridge was constructed near the 89 scenery zone. In this case, bridge abutments were set back in order to hide them from the viewing point (Photo 4). It was anticipated that the visual landscape for drives was remarkable scenery because of the open views with grass. In addition, the visual landscape of this area is considered the best scenery with Mt. Fuji along the corridor. Planting tall trees was eliminated and guard cables were used only on the Nashigahara segment of this roadway to take advantage of the excellent scenery (Photo 5). PLANTING DESIGN Based on the investigation of the visual resources and vegetation, 3 types of vegetative landscape, representative of Japanese pine forest landscape, deciduous forest landscape, and pine forest landscape, were categorized. Various species of native vegetation were planted on the embankments and near the roadway to harmonize the highway with the landscape. Investigations were also conducted to identify species and planting density. Basic concepts of the planting design include establishment of previous vegetation as much as possible and creation of the roadway's scenic beauty harmo- Photo 6. Planting near the roadway. �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 90 Photo 7. The harmonized roadway with the visual landscape. nizing with the visual landscape of the area. 1. Planting should be done at all construction sites. 2. Existing vegetation should be used as much as possible. 3. Planting should be done near the roadway as much as possible, considering the clearance limit to ease crossing roadway for birds. 4. Planting plans should be designed with mixed varieties of vegetation. 5. Planting plans should also be done by compound storied forests and be compatible with the surrounding vegetation. 6. Planting density should be determined based on the density of the existing forests. These basic considerations were totally applied for the detailed planting design not only for the landscaping of the highway, but also for the recovery of nature on the construction sites (Photos 6 and 7). CONCLUSION Follow-up investigations reveal the recovery of the vegetation on the embankments becoming the habitat of small wildlife. These investigations also showed the utilization of culvert boxes for the wildlife passes. The Higashi Fujigoko Highway has gradually harmonized with the visual landscape of the surrounding area by the planted vegetation. Visual and environmental considerations for this highway were supported by the follow-up investigations. Consideration of visual quality and natural environment are vital to preserve natural landscapes and to harmonize highways with surrounding sceneries as well as to create new roadway landscapes for drivers. Shigeo Sudo is a member of the Japan Highway Landscape Association and the Road Facility Section of the Tokyo First Construction Bureau of the Japan Highway Public Corporation, Tokyo. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 91 Concept Plan for the Highlands Scenic Tour Micheal L. O'Brien, William E. Shepherd, Sarah Duncan The Highlands Scenic Tour is a recent addition to the National Forest Service Scenic Byway Program. The tour provides motorists contact with an area of exceptional scenic beauty, abundant historical interest and diverse examples of multiple use forest management. The tour will be an important component in the recreational development of a region rich in natural resources. The tour is significant as an example of the potential for expanding recreational development in the National Forests. The concept plan is noteworthy for its development process and its design proposals. The purpose of the National Forest Service Scenic Byway Program is to draw attention to outstanding scenery on National Forest lands and to provide opportunities For the public to view well managed and changing forest landscapes. The tour is the first scenic byway designated in the George Washington, and the second Forest byway designated in Virginia after one in the Jefferson National Forest. The concept plan is an example of the opportunity for partnerships in the National Forest projects. The Concept Plan for the Highlands Scenic Tour was developed by members of the Landscape Architecture Department of Virginia Tech. The plan was funded through a Challenge Cost-Share Agreement entered into by the U.S. Forest Service and The Community Design Assistance Center, College of Architecture and Urban Studies, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. The center is a public service once of the College that provides assistance with physical planning and design to Virginia localities. Tulle center provides faculty and students of the college with the opportunity to participate in community development. The route follows a 20-mile loop located just off of Interstate 64 in Allegheny and Rockbridge counties making it easily accessible to local, regional and interstate visitors. The route is composed of segments with varied and distinct characters that have abundant scenic and recreational values. One segment of paved two-lane road follows a deep forested valley along native trout streams. The remains of a pre-civil war iron ore mining community, mines, railroad grades and bridges, and building foundations are evident throughout the valley. This segment is bordered to the west by the Rich Hole Wilderness area. Another segment is a gravel forest service road that climbs the ridge of North Mount airs. The road reveals a sequence of vistas culminating in one of the finest overlooks from the Alleghenies to the Shenandoah Valley and the Blue Ridge. Along the ridge are sandstone outcrops and cliffs and many varieties of flowering shrubs. The third distinct segment of the road is the actual carriage road used by early settlers to cross the mountain. This narrow and windy road descends through rich cove forests. The loop has various examples of timber and wildlife management. The planning process combined a detailed resource inventory and logging of road characteristics with a synthetic overview of the site in the field to elicit the development concepts. The Plan's proposals included visual management guidelines, an interpretive program, facility developments, roadway improvements and implementation strategies. The main site development proposed is the Campbell �92 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Fields visitor center located near the site of the former mining community, and houses the historical interpretation program. An innovative management demonstration area is proposed along the North Mountain road segment. In the North Mountain Management Demonstration Area new ways of integrating recreation, wildlife, and timber values would be explored as research into sustainable ecosystem management. Features of the development would include the creation of grassy balds for wildlife and scenic enhancement, an observation platform, cove hardwood preserves and uneven-age timber management. Three Pennsylvania Linear Parks INTRODUCTION The following three papers focus intently on two Pennsylvania State Heritage Park efforts and one National Park Service project. All are linear parks and all are intent on developing multiple resources within their boundaries. Our mutual goal in pulling the three projects into a single session was to highlight the work being done in Pennsylvania and to then use the larger D&L project to provide some perspective on the whole heritage development movement currently emerging in the United States. Thanks to a network of support from Congress, State government and local planning agencies, the state of Pennsylvania is in the midst of a major exploration of linear heritage park development. Drawing on historic sites within thematic regions or corridors and strengthening the mix with natural and recreational interest, the Pennsylvania program builds toward economic development through both increased tourism and increased local awareness and organization. At present, at least four different regions are in a feasibility study phase and at least two others are already moving toward a Management Action Plan for their region. This session brings papers on three of those projects in Pennsylvania to the linear parks conference. The first deals with the National Road, a pre-industrial transportation project built by the federal government starting in 1815 and still containing a remarkable number of surviving structures, villages, even landscapes of early Federal America. The second deals with the region in which oil was first discovered and developed commercially, a "boom town" region of gushers and rampant environmental devastation that is today an appealing recreational area with a remarkable historic base. The third, the Delaware & Lehigh Canal National Heritage Corridor, is an already-designated corridor just beginning its final master planning phase. The three sites are different in time, in their historic setting, and in the interests of those advocating their recognition. The three presenters are equally varied, coming from historic preservation, cultural geography and the history of American technology. Together, the projects and their presenters offer a remarkable opportunity to discuss a state linear parks process in the early stages of its implementation and to reflect on the lessons learned for the benefit of those that will come after. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 93 The National Road: A Traveller's Landscape Stephanie Sechrist Since the advent of the automobile, the face of the country and our vision as a people has changed remarkably. With the growth of our cities and the disappearance of our rural landscapes, fewer and fewer historic roadways retain their historic significance. Changes to our landscape perceived as positive or necessary are oftentimes detrimental to our sense of place and the survival of our historic roadways and rural landscapes. Historic roadways provide ample opportunities—for recreation, preservation, conservation of natural and scenic areas, and for economic development and cultural tourism. By their nature, historic roadways cross many boundaries and link many jurisdictions and therefore provide opportunities for preservationists, conservationists, and economic development and tourism officials from many places to work together toward a common goal. It is an incredible opportunity as well as a tremendous challenge. Most important, however, is the preservation of whole places, which is paramount to the retention of history and heritage in a region, community or place. This paper explores a heritage development project in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania aimed as conserving and interpreting a portion of the National Road, an early nineteenth century interstate road constructed by the federal government to connect the eastern seaboard with the expanding frontier. One of several Pennsylvania State Heritage Park projects, the National Road Heritage Park Feasibility Study has recently ended. This paper includes a brief history of the National Road, then addresses heritage development as a new tool to preserve historic places that combines preservation, economic development and cultural tourism. Lastly, the challenges faced during the initial planning stages of the proposed National Road Heritage Park are identified. A truly "National" road was conceived of as early as the 1790s, when Albert Gallatin, Secretary of Treasury under Thomas Jefferson spoke of the need for a federally funded road, suggesting that improved transportation would unite the country and maintain political and economic cohesiveness within the new nation. The proposed road would not traverse through untouched terrain, but instead follow well established, but treacherous trails, blazed first by Native Americans and followed by General Braddock and George Washington during the French and Indian War. With growing numbers of settlers, both traveling and settling in Southwestern Pennsylvania and beyond, and increased trade and communication flowing westward, a more permanent and well constructed road was necessary. The 1790 Whiskey Rebellion of Southwestern Pennsylvania, (a rebellion by fanners who were frustrated by the difficulties of reaching eastern markets), had only reaffirmed the need for better and more direct roads. An interstate road would accomplish many feats—it would facilitate communication between the seat of government and the expanding nation, establish a military presence in the West, and open up trade on the vast river basins of the Ohio and Mississippi. Although the Road was approved by Congress in 1806, it was not begun until 1811 and finally completed to Wheeling, West Virginia, its first terminus, in 1818. Instantly, the National Road became one of the busiest routes in America, carrying ideas, pioneers and freight to and from the West. �94 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings A distinct culture and way-of-life immediately evolved along the Road almost entirely generated by, and dependent upon, its traffic. Pike towns were quickly established in response to the economic prosperity associated with the National Road, creating a transportation landscape unfamiliar to the region. This flurry of activity continued well into the early 1850s as the Road expanded into Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. By the mid 1850s, with the completion of the B&O and the Pennsylvania Railroads to Wheeling and Pittsburgh respectively, the Pennsylvania portion of the National Road lapsed into a state of desertion. The railroad carried people and freight with great speed and efficiency, something with which the Road could not compete. The railroad played a significant role in making Southwestern Pennsylvania a worldwide industrial power, but only along those sections of the National Road where coal and steel drove the economy did the Road remain active. The majority of the National Road in Pennsylvania sat quietly reminiscent of its magnificent past. Then, in the early twentieth century the National Road enjoyed a brief revival as automobile touring became one of America's favorite past times. Patriotism and the erection of nationalistic monuments commemorated civil war veterans, female pioneers, the French and Indian War, and fallen war heroes like General Braddock. This nationalism, along with the invention of the automobile, attracted travelers to the National Road armed with travel guides to the "Main Street of America," path of the first pioneers. The resurgence of activity along the National Road fostered the construction of garages, gas stations, restaurants and motor courts. In 1926 parts of the National Road were incorporated into U.S. Route 40, a transcontinental highway. Gradually the highway became mainly a route of transport and then, in the 1960s and 1970s, the Road was bypassed by interstate highways. Today, as in the late nineteenth century, the National Road is the road less traveled. The National Road is an exceptional historic roadway that retains a sense of its original grandeur. Ninety miles of the original Road survive in Pennsylvania, sometimes obscured by development but largely evocative of a pre-automobile road and traveler's landscape. The distinct Road-related resources that survive along many stretches of the old Road in Pennsylvania are strong reminders of an era that took center stage in a national theatre. Many physical manifestations of the era still remain on the landscape: the curves and grades of the original route, the taverns and toll houses, the pike towns, and the rural setting all create a larger sense of place - a real setting for a very real historic place. Remarkably, it is the first era of activity along the Road that is most evident, not the later auto-related layer of growth or any subsequent layers of growth along parts of the Road that are meant to be modernizations. The old Road shines thorough leaving an impression, whether conscious or unconscious, on those who live along it and those who travel it. There is an urgency to understand, to preserve and to interpret the National Road's history and heritage before it, like too many scenic highways, is lost to disrepair, disrespect or destruction. The preservation and interpretation of the Road and the place will be no small task, nor can it be accomplished by one interest group. Likewise, the Road can not, and should not, be made into a museum. The three county region of Pennsylvania through which the Road passes is a living environment, one that evolves and changes as people and their ideas do. The history and heritage of the region should be conserved for its historic significance, as well as for its significance in the lives of �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress those living in the region. Heritage development is a promising vehicle to achieve this goal. Heritage development is an approach to place that recognizes that the heritage of a region leaves its footprint on the built, living, and natural environment. Many places that still exhibit their heritage (for example a company town that was developed to house workers of a coal company or a pike town that was founded to meet the needs of travelers on the National Road) fail to see it as a positive asset. They do not see its potential as a foundation for their region's future; instead, they see it as something to be replaced with something new, and therefore better. Heritage development replaces the negative stereotype that history is debilitating with a positive self image for a community, one that can be perceived by an outsider. Both the federal government and select states have begun to recognize the need to retain large areas or places, representative of an idea or a theme, as increasingly the preservation of individual sites or building neglects the larger picture. Towns, buildings, rural landscapes, traditions and life-styles are recognized within a larger context, one more inclusive and interesting to the average citizen. Heritage development brings together groups and ideas never thought related, all in the name of preservation, economic development and cultural tourism. Cultural tourism is one of the fastest growing segments of the economy which taps into America's desire to see, hear and touch "history." For visitors, a heritage park or a heritage corridor provides a history lesson of a special place but also a place to relax and enjoy the other recreation and entertainment facilities a region has to offer. Heritage development requires the cooperation of not just preservationists but conservationists, economic development 95 and tourism officials, as well as private citizens. It is an interesting approach that requires a broad vision, community support, and cooperation between public and private organizations. This type of development reaches across political, economic, social and physical boundaries to foster a consensus approach to regional cooperation and development. Since it is a multifaceted goal its benefits are numerous; a sense of community pride, the preservation of important buildings and sites and their physical surroundings, an increase in visitors, and as a result of all this, a boost to the local economy. Obviously, the visitor will benefit, but the real beneficiaries will be the residents, those fortunate enough to live in an area that is proud of itself and its heritage. Nationally, three heritage corridors have been designated by the federal government and a growing number of states (like New York, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania) are establishing heritage development programs of their own. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania has developed the Heritage Parks program, a pioneering heritage development initiative to conserve and interpret the state's industrial traditions into the twenty-first century. Established in 1989 at the initiative of the state's Department of Community Affairs (and not the typical State Historic Preservation Office), the program commemorates the industrial heritage of particular regions within the state, with themes ranging from transportation to steel production to textiles. A Pennsylvania State Heritage Park is not a "park" in the typical sense. Instead it is a distinct place, regionally defined by and underlying historic theme. The thread that ties these areas together is the combination of historic, cultural, natural, and recreational resources. The resultant environment creates an overall character, a sense of place. In the National Road �96 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings region, the whole place is essentially a historic district ninety miles long, running through the valleys and atop the ridge lines of Southwestern Pennsylvania, and carrying with it nearly two centuries of national significance. This travelers landscape makes a strong case for Heritage Park development. The State of Pennsylvania, regional residents, county governments, and private organizations and agencies recognize the significance of the National Road, to the state and the nation as well as to local residents. These numerous groups are now working together to incorporate the area into a Heritage Park. Under the Heritage Parks program, not only individual sites are preserved, but also their environs— the pike towns, rural landscapes, and historic buildings that are contiguous with the National Road. It is not just the Road that is significant and worth preserving, but it is the sense of place created by all those things combined. The National Road Heritage Park Project is one of several Heritage Park projects now underway in varying developmental stages across the state. The first planning stage, a feasibility study, has just concluded. The focus of this early planning phase was to determine the potential for the National Road region to become a successful Heritage Park. The state required that two goals be met at this early planning stage in order for the area to receive Heritage Park designation and proceed on to the Management Action Plan. First, the resources in the region, the physical manifestations of the National Road and the resultant cultural resources, had to be sufficiently complete and compelling. Second, there had to be adequate regional support, cooperation, and coordination among intergovernmental and interagency organizations to develop and manage the Heritage Park regionally. Meeting these requirements and adhering to the state's sometimes stringent guidelines proved challenging. It was immediately clear that the historic resources, the old taverns, toll houses, and rural landscapes, were reminiscent and strongly suggestive of a different time and place. The presence of the built, as well as the natural environment, was striking especially because it was the earlier phase of development along the Road that survived with such consistency and strength. Given the regional economic depression, the length of the linear corridor, the many jurisdictions it traverses, and the typical north-south, not east-west, flow of communication, the level of interagency and intergovernmental cooperation was much less resilient. Not since the heyday of the National Road has the basic political and social orientation of the counties and smaller communities along the National Road run east-west, since the railroads and the interstates shifted communication north and south. What did develop during the planning process was a clear consensus among private citizens, largely business leaders along the National Road, who saw the potential of the Heritage Park and were willing to join together and work for it. Fortunately, as the planning process came to a close, the more active participation of governmental officials on the Steering Committee and a commitment from county governments to actively support the project more closely addressed the state's need for strong intergovernmental and interagency cooperation. Not only did the people of the region learn to see the potential of the National Road Heritage Park, but so too did many local governments and private agencies. The real success of this early planning project was the growing communication among citizens, governments and private agencies throughout the entire National Road region in Pennsylvania. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Historic roadways are threatened by becoming a thing of the past. However, these linear corridors are essential to our sense of self. It is hard to imagine a place where there is neither open space not scenic views, but if we neglect our environs, we may very well be faced with this reality in years to come. The Pennsylvania State Heritage Parks program and other heritage development initiatives throughout the country have recognized the impact of preserving and interpreting our larger historic landscapes. Whether they take the form of heritage parks, scenic byways or greenways their results are similar—a place where visitors and residents alike can celebrate in the history and heritage of a place, and at the same time take part in the events, activities, and traditions a region has to offer. As a result of this growing interest in heritage devel- 97 opment, the mood is looking brighter for the establishment and preservation of our historic roadways. Stephanie Sechrist completed her BA in Art History and is currently working on her MA in American Civilization with a concentration in Historic Preservation at George Washington University in Washington, D.C. Her work experience includes a term at Preservation Action, the national lobby group, and a thematic warehouse survey project in Northwest for the D.C. Preservation League. She also has experience in manuscripts and special collections and in photographic conservation and exhibition—both while at the University of Delaware. She served as Co-Director of the National Road Feasibility Study. Her BA degree is in Art History from the University of Delaware, 1990. Heritage Park and Historic Riverway in the Pennsylvania Oil Region Randy Mason This paper is about the planning of a linear, regional heritage park in the Oil Region of northwestern Pennsylvania. The building blocks for the planning effort are the region's history as the birthplace of the modern petroleum industry; the wellinformed, enthusiastic and organized citizens leading the effort to conserve . . . and develop; and, from a physical planning perspective the region's stream valleys and its urban system. This paper will outline the process as well as the products of establishing the Oil Region State Heritage Park. I'll start by describing what kind of linear park this is proposed to be, and the factors informing that idea (we know there can be many kinds of linear parks). Then I'll talk about the particular, unique resources and opportunities present in the Oil Region and how they might be synthesized into a plan and a set of actions to create this regional park. What kind of linear park will the Oil Region Heritage Park be? The shortest way to say it is that it will be a regional partnership park, based on industrial history, and designed to incorporate both conservation and economic development goals as well as some others. The planning process is sponsored by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania's Heritage Parks Program, which provides matched planning grants and some implementation funds to highlight those areas that have a significant industrial history (Pennsylvania as a state is nationally significant in this regard) and have been hit hard by the advent of the postindustrial economy. The �98 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings program primarily aims to preserve and interpret industrial heritage and develop cultural tourism based on that heritage (this focus on the industrial complements the state's other tourism marketing focus on political and military history, sloganized under the "America Starts Here" banner.) Pennsylvania Heritage Parks (of which there are nine in different stages of development) are, as I said, partnership parks, designed to foster cooperation among various public, private interest groups and agencies. Partnership parks are contrasted with conventional parks in that they do not require land being brought under public ownership; it is not a piece of real estate with a fence and gates around it, it's better described as a web of commitments and mutual agreements. The state's Heritage Parks Program manual reads: "A Pennsylvania Heritage Park is a process as well as a product." [sic] The efforts made at fostering cooperation and maintaining region-wide dialogues are as important as the implemented plans and parks themselves. Within the overall goals of preserving the state's industrial heritage and improving the quality of life in the communities the Program maintains five explicit goals: • economic development: the bottom line • cultural conservation: physical and human (these two are often seen as competing, but these parks bring them together) • intergovernmental and interagency cooperation: the process framework and the strongest way to build broad support • education • recreational development. For a region to proceed through the multistage planning and implementation process, the local Task Force must document their progress toward meeting these five goals. The early stages of heritage park planning call for development of an historic theme (based on the industrial history and extant resources) and rough boundaries. The theme is self-evident in the Oil Region! (It can be more problematic in other, more diverse regions, such as the Schuylkill River.) I'd like to focus on the boundaries here because they speak most directly to shape and linearity. Although it is officially called a heritage park, the geography and history of the Oil Region suggests that it would more appropriately be called a heritage corridor: There is a linear structure that characterizes the planning region stemming directly from industrial history and development of the oil industry along Oil Creek and the Allegheny River. This linear structure is used as the base resource— the spine—for the corridor. Some have called this structure—this pattern—an "historic riverway," a term that capture the industrial historical theme as well as the natural/physical presence and importance of the streams and their valleys. HISTORY / GEOGRAPHY Now that the planning process and the heritage park concept have been introduced, let me back up and outline the history and the geography that this whole thing is based upon . . . and how the "historic riverway" came to be. Before 1859, the Oil Region was an inaccessible, sparsely populated region of the Alleghenies. Near Titusville in 1859, oil was recovered by drilling through about 60 feet of rock and "sands." This event permanently changed the region. This discovery of oil and the experience of creating an industry created the region. All the early innovations of technology and management were devised here, from the hardware to John Rockefeller. When word of the oil discovery got out, it set off an enormous boom period. The was a ready �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress market for illumination and lubrication oil, and fortune-seekers came in droves. More people came to the Pennsylvania oil boom of the 1860s, it is claimed, than participated in the California gold rush a decade earlier. Hillsides were cleared and derricks sprouted everywhere. Hay farms became oil farms. During this period (1859 to the early 1870s) a compact urban system was created to extract, transport, and trade oil. Different small cities performed the different functions of the oil industry and were closely integrated by economic structures as well as by the drainage spine down Oil Creek to the Allegheny River (and from there on to Pittsburgh). From north to south, Titusville (production center), Oil City (corporate, exchange and manufacturing center), Franklin (county and regulatory seat), and Emlenton (small refinery and capitalists town), remain today to tell the story of the early oil industry. Some of the most fascinating and entertaining stories, though, are told by a fifth type of place, which no longer exist, really: the oil boomtown. Although there are many examples, the foremost is Pithole City. Nothing of the this city of 15,000 remains today, except some cellar holes and the small visitor center signifying that it is a state historical site. The place was built and taken down in the space of a few years; when the oil ran out locally, there was no reason to stay and houses were dismantled and taken elsewhere.) The initial ten or fifteen years of industrial and urban development that brought on the boom are the focus of the Heritage Park. The communities created during this period today comprise a remarkably intact region with great potential for interpretation. Having been educated as a landscape historian and cultural geographer, the most fascinating aspect of all this is the set of relationships between the human histories and the material histories. By this I mean 99 the relationship between the natural resources that enabled the oil industry to grow, the innovators who made things work and made a lot of money, the economic system that was created, and the built environment that was shaped by and for this industry: the mineral itself, the knowledge of stratigraphy and salt well drilling for the initial discovery; the tight steep valleys of the Alleghenies, the innovation of pipelines to bypass teamster transportation, and the building of cities in this rugged, isolated natural landscape. This place has an extraordinary feel because, knowing just a bit about this early history, one can see the historical patterns and relationships present in the contemporary natural and urban landscapes of the region. The small cities of the region, as I said, were functionally different parts of the oil economy, and today the urban form of each reflects this in the mix of buildings, the town's location, the orientation of the grids, and so on. In the towns the only clear vistas are along the river, giving a sense of why the riverway has been so important to this region. There are several refinery complexes remaining in the region, but the more interesting technological, historical resources are the pieces of old (and still used) oil extraction machinery, pipes and tanks strewn about the woods all over the place. This speaks to the continuity of the oil industry over more than a century: although the methods, technology, economy, form, and environmental regulation of the industry have certainly been transformed, the industry survives: a living heritage and an active force in shaping the contemporary landscape. The pattern established in that initial period of development remains remarkably strong, especially in the built environment and character of the communities and the linkages between places. Although altered by such watershed changes in geography �100 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings and history and the coming of the railroads in earnest in the 1870s, the decline of the industry regionally after discoveries elsewhere in northern Pennsylvania and later in Texas and Oklahoma, the establishment of the highway system, and postwar urban decline, this historical pattern of the development of the oil region—and the continuing industry itself—is quite apparent today and is one of the region's most valuable and valued resources. This pattern of urban places and stream valleys is such that no one place is a typical oil town, and to really understand this place and the early history, one must visit all the places, rally see the region. This has very positive implications for cultural tourism in the region. Today, although the postindustrial economy has hit this region very hard, the residents show uncommon determination and resilience, they really care about this place and they strongly identify with the place's oil history as the defining quality of their region . . . oil and oil heritage remain a part of everyday life here (and as much as we have heard this claimed in any number of places, it is truer here than anyplace I've encountered) . . . Quaker State and Pennzoil remain as respected business community presences of the lake and all the individual boats with it; the region has already demonstrated that it can effectively cooperate; the heritage park would help establish and reinforce the structures of regional cooperation that will make it easier to expand the scope of cooperative efforts in the future. Heightened sense of place and community pride: the rallying point of park development and planning is regional history; it will be a primary basis for setting boundaries, establishing linkages between existing resources, building public support and generating revenue through cultural tourism; awareness of local history helps solidify the sense of place beyond that evoked by the physical and interpretive resources and reinforces the pride of citizens in their community and in the larger sense of the region; the education goals implicit in the focus on history are really seen by the broadest band of residents as one of the foremost benefits of the park, in addition to being one of the state's avowed goals; the story of the region's development—the story of oil— will be targeted to multiple audiences: visitors and tourists who come seeking such information; local and regional schoolchildren who are taught local history in the fourth grade, but who might benefit from being taught the history of the region beyond the boundaries of their community; and lastly to all residents of the region (newcomers and old-timers) who often don't realize the great value and excitement in the history of their community and the common bonds the share with surrounding communities. Recreation and open space: A third opportunity for the Oil Region Heritage Park lies in continuing to develop recreation facilities and open spaces. These kinds of amenities, as we know, are attractions both for visitors and residents. They directly affect the quality of life for OPPORTUNITIES From analyzing the historic resources and the contemporary resources of the region, and gleaning from the public and from community leaders a sense of their goals, my firm, as planning consultants to the local Heritage Park Task Force, has worked to identify some of the potential opportunities presented by the park. Regional cooperation and development: there is the opportunity to realize the benefits of joint action and the pooling of resources and expertise; this is a plan to improve the quality of life in the region and all its communities; to raise the level �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress local residents (and in so doing also improve the posture of Oil Region communities in ongoing endeavors to attract businesses to locate in the region). Recreation and open space projects can also be designed to reinforce the linear linkages underlying the region's history, thereby providing interpretive opportunities. The Oil Region has been quite successful in creating some of these recreation linkages, in the form of riverside bike trails. A regional rails-to-trails organization is very actively working on expanding the network of trails. Bike tails are a good example to demonstrate how one project, if coordinated under a Heritage Park umbrella, can work toward several goals: a single bike trail can be a recreational project, an interpretive project (with signage to tell the story to users), an economic development project (a direct amenity for communities, a draw for tourism), and a project that fosters and utilizes regional cooperation. Economic opportunities: cultural tourism; continuing industrial development; downtown revitalization; addressing inconsistencies in housing markets (shrinking cities and dependent, aging populations); opportunity for addressing these problems comprehensively, as related issues, as regional issue, not as separate pieces requiring piecemeal solutions. LINKAGES Now, having a sense of the broad range of opportunities that the Oil Region Heritage Park presents, we can ask about physical and programmatic planning linkages to tie together some of these opportunities into a coherent linear structure (that makes sense to residents and tourists intuitively and graphically). Interpretive linkages: rediscovering the history of the boom years; forging and comprehensible, comprehensive visitor experience (you can't see just one town in 101 the Oil Region and say you've seen a typical oil town; the places here are complementary and different, the region is a whole comprised of distinct communities and linkages) to interpret oil history and present an effective tourism economic development tool (longer stays) Programmatic linkages: expanded regional dialogue (already established by the HP initiative and other efforts) .. . expanded regional entrepreneurship (established by the OC&T Railroad) . . . expanded joint marketing efforts . . . possible region-wide technical assistance sponsored by ORHP Council. Natural linkages: focus on the streams themselves: Oil Creek and the Allegheny River: the lifeline of the initial boom, the spine of the region's development (historic riverway) .. . what gives the ORHP its linear structure, its intuitive strength, its common sense role in the redevelopment of the region because it enabled the initial industrial development of the region . . . indications that the streams are returning to their former prominence: Allegheny designation as National Recreation River, the Oil Creek State Park, interest in water recreation, interest in environmental concerns can't be overlooked. Many industrial places that emerged in the 19th century along linear river systems, especially in the east in the prerailroad era, have significant potential for rediscovering their historical and physical/ environmental roots. Through heritage planning, some regions are realizing that they can use their historic, natural and human resources to build partnerships and plans for the future and prosperity of the region—and not as single communities in isolation. Pennsylvania's Oil Region is in the process of rediscovering and redeveloping its linear geography—its historic riverway—through planning a regional, linear heritage park. For the Oil Region, at least, �102 it looks like the linear shape is the shape of the future as well as its past. Randy Mason is a cultural geographer and planner who coordinates the geographic resource surveys at TMA. A graduate of Pennsylvania State University, where he studied with Pierce Lewis, Mason brings a close working knowledge of the physical and cultural geography of Pennsylvania. He taught Regional Geography to under- 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings graduates at Penn State, worked as an Editorial Researcher for National Geographic Magazine and the Historical Atlas of the United States (published by the National Geographic), and presented a paper on "A New Cultural Geography" to the Association of American Geographers in 1990. His MS degree is in Cultural Geography from Pennsylvania State University, 1990; his BA is in Geography and English from Bucknell University, 1986. The Delaware & Lehigh Canal: Heritage Development in Perspective Whole Places and New Partners in Linear Parks T. Allan Comp, Ph.D. Fifteen years ago the historic preservation and recreation agencies of the federal government were merged into a new agency, the Heritage Conservation and Recreation Service. While that decision and its consequences created enough controversy to last the rest of the century, it also created a few real projects that, seen in some perspective, proved to be remarkable in their anticipation of future trends. One of those projects was a linear park planning project, focused on the historic preservation, recreation and economic revitalization potentials of the Lehigh Canal, an early 19th-century transportation canal in eastern Pennsylvania. A summerlong study concluded there was great potential, resource inventories and economic revitalization case studies were completed, local agency heads and politicians announced their support. Just as effective momentum for the project began to build, Ronald Reagan took over the White House, HCRS was merged into the National Park Service, and federal budgets were slashed. The project report and its list of supporters went to the file for lost hopes, but its content never really disappeared from the agendas of many involved. Today, thanks largely to cooperation between Congressional delegations and local interests, the Lehigh Canal is part of the Delaware & Lehigh National Heritage Corridor, one of three National Heritage Corridors in the United States. The project is (rather reluctantly) directed by the National Park Service, which received a specific line-item appropriation (essentially an order from Congress) to plan the Corridor. While it is essentially a top-down planning effort, there is a conscious effort to inform and enlist the local interest groups that once formed the Lehigh Canal project coalition as well as others along the Delaware Canal and those to the north where only rails could carry the Anthracite coal that created the need for the transportation system in the first place. Primary activists are those seeking better land use protection in Bucks County and advocates of tourism and economic development along the Lehigh and further north. They form an odd mix of history buffs, avid �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress recreationists and environmentalists, community and economic development agencies, tourism advocates, and representatives from areas with economies so devastated that history may be one of their most marketable commodities. Perhaps even more revealing, throughout the country there are increasing numbers of disparate (sometimes even desperate) attempts to create something bigger than an historic district, braver than a conservationist's defensive posture, stronger than most advocates current ties to constituents, and directly linked to Congressional interests. These heritage development efforts come under an infinite variety of titles and they have existed in some form for many years, but they all seem to share a common frustration with a traditional narrow definition of place and an equally narrow definition of constituent. National heritage corridors, state heritage parks, national rivers, cultural tourism projects, historic reserves, national recreation areas, national scenic areas, national rivers and trails, historic highways, and several other kinds of places are being developed in every part of the country. They are trying hard, as part of their program, to incorporate a developmental and expansive approach to the sense of whole place and whole people, to break one old and worn intellectual tradition in both recreation and historic preservation and replace it with a larger vision of both strategy and tactics. These heritage development areas challenge us with the opportunity to rethink traditional approaches and partners—indeed, they demand it if recreation, conservation and historic preservation interests are going to play more than defense in this game. Even better, these regional approaches offer an opportunity to reassert an old role as advocate, to get back in front of the parade and lead an expanded and expanding constituency. 103 Although there are only three federally designated and formally titled National Heritage Corridors at present, there are many earlier examples with different names, and the number of new areas under development is in the hundreds. Even before Lowell National Historic Park became the model for heritage tourism and development, Golden Gate National Recreation Area and Gateway National Recreation Area in New York City included large numbers of historic resources within their boundaries and were created to encourage tourism, recreation, and some form of economic development. Indeed, the National Park Service manages more National Recreation Areas than it does formal National Parks and they may rival parks for the total number of historic resources within their boundaries as well. Other areas, like Ebey's Landing National Historic Reserve in Washington state and the Pinelands in New Jersey were essentially growth management efforts within areas remarkable for their comfortable mix of natural, scenic, recreational, and historic resources. Using this exact same mix of resources and the same desire for economic development and growth management, the Illinois-Michigan National Heritage Corridor (the nation's first) started with a practical sense of the possible and a small plan of what could happen in just one town along the canal. Today it continues that leadership, developing ever more expansive constituents for Corridor development efforts, bringing in groups and interests once overlooked or passed by, and maintaining its practical sense of the possible. The processes that are creating this recent surge in interest in heritage development are neither complex nor hard to find. For at least the last ten years if not forever, Congress has been interested in finding ways to put good projects in its own districts. If defense plants and giant highways loose favor, then something else �104 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings needs to take its place. At the same time, issues like cultural landscapes, local involvement, growing recreational interests, tourism and economic development, and public history all created fertile ground for Congressional seed. Because no one in Congress is interested in essentially defensive and particularist thinking (at least not in public), the more expansive and inclusive were these projects, the more they dealt with the whole place and all the interests in it, the more strongly they were supported. To gain the wide base of support that Congress requires to do almost anything, the people developing these heritage projects turned to every possible constituency. People trying to raise interest in an old highway or canal discovered there were other forms of conservationists interested in outdoor recreation along on in that same historic site. In other places, bicycle trail advocates teamed up with river and nature groups and then discovered their project was actually located in an historic transportation corridor, a good stroke that brought in a few more advocates and gave the whole enterprise a certain cachet at least. More important, both the historic and the recreation advocates discovered their numbers could create an economic presence in a place and economic development and tourism quickly became the byword of most, if not all, of the heritage development regions. The point of all this was not to somehow hoodwink an unsuspecting Congressional committee, it was to build a wide base of support directly linked to the area of the project and to assure some economic benefit would accrue to the expenditure of federal dollars. Whatever the organizers choose to call the area— heritage park, national river or trail, historic highway, or recreation area, they made sure the local residents were behind the effort and would benefit from it. Advocates wisely found every possible source of support for each project, whether it be prairie grass conservationists, bed and breakfast developers, environmental hardliners, history buffs, outdoor recreationists, or kids that just wanted to fish. What they did, even if unknowingly, was to demand a new definition of historic place—vastly larger and more encompassing than the traditional sites, buildings, and districts — and an equally new definition of recreation interests—larger and comfortably inclusive. And this broad constituencybuilding and place-definition is working, time after time, place after place, no matter what the name of the place or its essential historic characteristic. When it attracted the citizen support, it worked. The next step in this process was to find an agency within the federal government that could be given money in a line item within the budget and told to spend it on a particular project. The agency most often selected has been the National Park Service, in part because there is a long tradition of doing so, in part because of its park planning, recreation, and historic preservation offices, and in part because of its ease of access and direction within the Interior budget. In the past, the NPS assumed a strong leadership role (creating the partnership with state recreation and historic preservation offices that remains a model today), but lately that leadership role is being forced on the NPS by Congress and its constituents. Indeed, one might argue that virtually all of the new planning and development directions taken by the National Park Service in the last twenty years were initially forced on the Park Service by Congress, and often to the detriment of the core Park Service mission. While support for park maintenance and other essentially boring budget areas languished, support for line-item Park Service projects and technical assistance efforts in these new heritage �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress places throughout the United States increased significantly. There are other logical reasons for Congressional preference for the National Park Service over other possible agencies. The Park Service is big, it has a large office in the Denver Service Center filled with the necessary kinds of expertise to plan and develop the first steps of these heritage development projects and that office works on soft project dollars: it is the willing (sometimes anxious) beneficiary of Congressional interest in new things to plan and assist. Most important, the National Park Service is generally perceived in Congress and in these new places as userfriendly. They are the good guys doing good things with the People's money and there is no safer way to spend public funds, at least most of the time. The best advantage for us in the recreation and historic preservation worlds is that most of this money for new places passes through the hands of the agency most responsible for historic preservation, archeology, recreation, rivers and trails, and all the other things residing in what was once the Heritage Conservation and Recreation Service and are now within the Cultural Resources offices of the NPS. We—the recreation and historic preservation interests— are literally standing in the doorway with heritage development opportunities running right over us. We need only to catch up with the process, both intellectually and administratively. This heritage development pattern of linkage among strong constituents, active Congressional leaders, the National Park Service, and the heritage offices within the Park Service creates some interesting and promising relationships that harken back to an earlier grassroots era. Because the Park Service sees its core mission as far different from the needs of these new heritage places, it tends to advocate temporary, technical assistance efforts to 105 aid these places over any long-term commitment. There are exceptions like West Virginia, where a powerful Senator is creating a permanent need for NPS personnel throughout the state, but only a very few states will ever enjoy that kind of committee leadership. Because most of Congress no longer enjoys an unfettered budget, this interest in assistance, in developing large places for multiple enjoyments without buying the whole thing and calling it a park, is reinforced. The result is an approach that does what recreation and historic preservation interests started out with—an emphasis on temporary governmental assistance to local groups who must then carry the burden and do the work themselves. The multiplicity of support groups required to make these heritage places possible also works against any particular aspect of a plan that would create two clear sides to an issue. If purchasing land creates tension in the assembled supporters, restraint is often self-imposed by the group to assure their success—deals are made, and the process moves forward. Indeed, because of the inclusive interests of these projects, they more often than not depend wholly on consensus planning, on nondirective but persistent leadership, and on independent judgement (NPS or consultants) to surface and assist in resolving the harder or more divisive issues. It consistently appears that the deep human connections between these places and their supporters quickly become the perspective used to unite, to overarch the smaller differences. It is an old and common technique to use the ties to place as a way to build a larger sense of community interest in that same place, but it is one recreation and historic preservation fail to use expansively. Too often, the focus is on protection, on "keeping the heritage in heritage park," while others are building constituents with our best agenda. �106 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings One brief illustration of this community and constituency-building aspect of heritage development can be drawn from the Delaware & Lehigh National Heritage Corridor. The effort is being coordinated by the Delaware & Lehigh National Heritage Corridor Commission—twentyone people who represent towns, counties, historical, recreation, business and environmental interests in the region, as well as the heads of several key state agencies and the National Park Service. The Commission's charge is to draft the plan that will shape the partnerships that will establish and maintain the Corridor. The plan will encourage preservation of important historic buildings, structures, and cultural landscapes—including scenic vistas and areas of natural beauty. A second goal is to make the important heritage of the region come alive through exhibits, tours, signage and other interpretive and educational programs. A third goal is to extend and enhance recreational opportunities for residents and visitors alike, particularly a Corridor-long trail. Equally important, the plan is intended to bring economic opportunity to the Corridor and its communities. Besides coordinating the plan, the Corridor Commission is providing assistance to a number of local efforts that advance the overall goal. Although the planning process won't be finished until the summer of 1992, the tourist promotion agencies in Bucks County, the Lehigh Valley, and the Poconos, worked with the National Park Service and produced 200,000 copies of a guide to the area and its heritage attractions. Three environmental groups—the Nature Conservancy, the Wildlands Conservancy, and the Bucks County Conservancy—examined the entire Corridor to identify recreational opportunities, significant ecological areas, and important greenspaces and scenic vistas. Penn State University researchers identi- fied cultural landscapes and the Hugh Moore historical Park and Museums along with the Pennsylvania Historical and Museums Commission identified historic resources. The Pennsylvania Heritage Affairs Commission is studying the dozens of ethnic groups in the region, assessing the imprint of their cultures on the region. On the more developmental side, the Lehigh River Foundation, a consortium of business leaders formed to support the Corridor, had commissioned a film of the Lehigh Valley portion of the Corridor, a professor at Muhlenburg College is making a photographic study of the Corridor, and Wilkes University is planning a symposium on the history of the Corridor. Leadership Lehigh Valley, a joint venture of three area Chambers of Commerce, studied the industrial history and current condition of the area and the feasibility of organizing a corps of college-age Rangers to guide visitors at various points in the Corridor. Following a series of public workshops, the Commission announced eight "Directions" for the Corridor planning effort that exemplify the diversity of their interests. They are: • Complete a continuous 150-mile bike-hike trail • Restore or stabilize canal towpaths and structures • Create curricula on local cultural and natural history • Establish a program for cultural and natural history • Improve visual and recreational access to canals and rivers • Develop cultural tourism opportunities • Market and rehabilitate underused historic sites • Protect scenic areas, scenic roads, and vistas The pattern here is as old as recreation �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress and historic preservation, but it's new as well. Citizen interest, local political interest, even some willing agency assistance are not remarkable. On the other hand, multiple-county cooperation, interagency support among federal entities, political support from state and federal elected officials, and strong interest from recreation and conservation groups all centered on a complex historic site stretching from the Delaware Bay to the anthracite coal fields are remarkable. The Delaware & Lehigh; National heritage Corridor is being transformed into a long thread weaving together disparate interests, creating a strong sense of whole place, and enabling those living within it to work cooperatively, effectively, and with great success. It is a project vastly larger than the standard historic district, certainly braver than any of the single agencies or individuals whose cooperation made it happen, and it linked directly to the strongest political offices in the region. The National Park Service provides only technical and managerial expertise and works with the Commission to achieve the goals of the planning process. Today, improved recreational use, increased tourism and new opportunities for economic development all animate the D&L Corridor, bringing continued support from a broad spectrum of constituents for ongoing efforts. A recent survey of heritage development efforts by Preservation Action (the national grassroots lobby group) found nearly one hundred groups at one stage or another of creating their own Delaware & Lehigh or I&M Canal heritage corridor. Typically, state recreation or historic preservation offices and similar advocates are seldom in the lead. Instead, tourism, community development, economic development, or independent conservancies and other non-profits are in the lead, gaining new constituents, learning new per- 107 spectives and developing the political ties essential to success. This early failure to fully realize the new opportunities within heritage development seems a tragic loss. These heritage development projects are large and will eventually include vast numbers of park and historic resources within a much more supportive environment—need we ask more? These same heritage development projects will garner strong and effective constituent support because they must do so to succeed—do we require a formal invitation to participate in this expansive constituency support? One of the fascinating things about these large and complex projects is the range of interests and perspectives that can be brought to bear in developing support. The process offers the opportunity to learn from environmentalists what they care about and why—as well as what it is they do that gets them millions of members; to learn from recreational bicyclists that they actually do care about what they ride through and would, if offered the opportunity, be refreshed by an interpretative sign that helped them understand the whole environment; to learn from the tourism types just what really makes a small market work and from the economic development types just what it takes to put out an effective welcome mat—both vital perspectives if our small towns are to survive; and to learn from ourselves just how far we really can stretch, how many new inputs we can absorb, how many new tricks we can still teach this old dog. Heritage development also offers us the opportunity to teach, to communicate the real value of ties between ourselves and our pasts and to demonstrate the vitality of recreation, landscapes and historic places in contemporary life. It's been fifteen years since there was much being done by the federal government for recreation or historic preservation and its clear that the process is still moving only one project at a time, �108 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings but it is moving. The growing strength and numbers of these heritage development projects promises continued development—and the continued opportunity to better shape just what these projects ought to be. This inexorable journey into heritage development could promise a more vital intellectual content and context, as well as a deeper connection between the resources we value, ourselves, and those around us—it depends largely on our ability to participate usefully and effectively. firm. He resides in Washington, D.C. Dr. Comp previously served as Senior Historian for the Historic American Engineering Record, where he developed and directed a series of HCRS rehabilitation planning studies including Lockport, Illinois; and as Chief of the Cultural Resources Division in the Pacific Northwest, where he directed the Columbia River Scenic Highway project and a series of vernacular landscape studies of Ebey's Landing. He currently serves as Project Director for the Management Action Plan for the Delaware & Lehigh National Heritage Corridor and for several other heritage park and historic site interpretive and development projects in the United States, Poland, and Russia. T. Allan Comp is an historian working as Senior Associate with Means and Associates, a planning and heritage development �109 A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Development of a State Roadside Vegetation Management Plan in Wisconsin Paul E. Skidmore and Bruce F. Woods PREFACE This paper is excerpted in large part from the "Roadside Vegetation Management Policy" that was developed by the Office of Highway Maintenance of the Wisconsin Department of Transportation. The "Roadside Vegetation Management Policy" was produced by the Roadside Vegetation Management Committee under the direction of Ted Stephenson, P.E., the State Maintenance Engineer for Highways. The authors of this paper have selected and edited appropriate sections of the Policy to present the proposed comprehensive plan to manage the vegetation along Wisconsin's roadsides. Currently, vegetation inventories are being conducted, and vegetation management plans are being prepared. As the implementation of the "Roadside vegetation Management Policy" progresses, the various elements of the overall policy will be evaluated and modified as necessary. ABSTRACT In 1990 the Wisconsin Department of Transportation (WiDOT) developed the State Roadside Vegetation Management Policy for Wisconsin. WiDOT developed this policy through discussions with the Roadside Vegetation Management Committee, which included state end county highway commissioners, wildlife and vegetation experts, the Wisconsin State Patrol, state highway maintenance personnel, landscape architectural consultants and concerned citizens. The Roadside Vegetation Management Policy establishes vegetation management priorities along Wisconsin road- sides. Other policies and plans address, or will address other policy issues related to highway roadsides. The Roadside Vegetation Management Policy identifies seven major components that are central to a comprehensive and effective policy on roadside vegetation management. These components are: 1) the highway system, 2) vegetation, 3) aesthetics, 4) wildlife, ,5) vegetation management, 6) vegetation inventory, and 7) vegetation management plans. The highway system component identifies the roadside and its associated vegetation as an integral part of the highway system. The entire highway systems includes roadways, roadsides, structures (bridges), and roadside facilities (rest areas, weigh stations, information centers, etc.). The vegetation component identifies the types of vegetation associated with Wisconsin roadsides. This vegetation includes: trees, shrubs, turf, and ground cover. Vegetation can be indigenous or foreign, and it also can be natural or restored. The aesthetics component identifies the appropriate visual character of Wisconsin roadsides. Roadsides should complement what lies beyond the edge of the right-of-way, and should not compete with Wisconsin's visual character. Since the roadside is only a small part of the motorist's field of view, it should not detract from the whole viewshed. The wildlife component identifies the appropriate role of wildlife in the Wisconsin roadside. Reasonable effort should be made to preserve existing habitat on roadsides. Roadsides should be man- �110 aged to provide an environment suitable for wildlife to live and reproduce, provided that motorist safety is not jeopardized by doing so. The vegetation management component identifies appropriate alternative methods of managing roadside vegetation. These vegetation management methods include mowing and cutting, pesticide application, burning, and integrated pest management. The vegetation inventory component identifies alternate methods of locating and classifying roadside vegetation. Elements of the vegetation inventory include: vegetation species, location, size, density, roadside vegetation type, native plant community remnants, presence of rare or endangered species, and aesthetic values. The vegetation management plan component identifies the recommended plan for inventorying, managing, and monitoring Wisconsin roadside vegetation. The plan initially calls for pilot vegetation inventories in each of the eight WiDOT highway districts while management policies and guidelines are being developed. The plan then calls for a six year statewide vegetation inventory, and the implementation of appropriate vegetation management techniques. After the Wisconsin State Roadside Vegetation Management Policy was adopted by WiDOT in 1991, two additional documents were developed to put the policy to use. From the policy, an administrative rule was developed. This rule provides authority to WiDOT to implement the policy in the state. From the administrative rule a roadside maintenance manual was developed. This document contains the guidelines and mechanisms by which the policy will be implemented in the field. Currently, WiDOT is conducting pilot vegetation inventories, and preparing specific elements of the Roadside Vegetation Management Plan. 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings INTRODUCTION Roadsides are an integral part of the highway system. They protect the highway facility itself, and promote highway safety by providing a recovery area for errant motor vehicles. Roadsides comprise the area from the pavement shoulder to the property (rightof-way) edge. In Wisconsin, there are about 150,000 acres of roadsides. Three major policy areas apply to Wisconsin's roadsides. They are: 1. vegetation 2. utility accommodation 3. roadside highway facilities The Roadside Vegetation Management Policy establishes future practices to manage the vegetation along Wisconsin's roadsides. Other policies or plans address, or will address the other policy areas of highway roadsides. There are seven major component parts that are central to a comprehensive and effective policy on roadside vegetation management. They are, the highway system, vegetation, beauty and aesthetics, wildlife, vegetation management, types of vegetation inventory, and vegetation management plans. BACKGROUND Formal roadside vegetation management by WiDOT began in 1931. At that time, the seed specifications for roadside planting called for agriculturally oriented seed mixes and maintenance by mowing, burning or harvesting. Roadside vegetation policy evolved through the years to include seed mixes of lawn type grasses, mowing and/or herbicide use for better control of the landscape. WiDOT's vegetation policy has been heavily influenced by economics. In 1962, AASHTO revised maintenance guidelines to reduce mowing as herbicide became �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress easier and less expensive to use. The 1973 and 1978 oil crises and decreased fuel tax revenues negatively impacted highway maintenance budgets. WiDOT drastically reduced mowing to the ditch line and 30 feet out from the edge of pavement once every three years. Though fuel oil costs and supply still influence roadside vegetation management, environmental preservation has become an overriding concern. In 1983, WiDOT drastically reduced herbicide use in compliance with State ground water protection legislation and Federal hazardous material legislation. Concurrently, there was growing concern that early disturbances to roadsides (mowing before August 1) destroys thousands of wildlife nests and nesting sites annually. Thus, the time had come for a comprehensive review of the roadside management policy. THE HIGHWAY SYSTEM The term "highway system" frequently refers to state highways, which are signed and numbered as Interstate, Federal and State highways. However, the highway user is not limited to cross country travel on state highways. The motorist has access to other roads and freely changes from cross country travel on state highways to distribution and land access travel on county and town roads. Within the densely populated urban areas, the urban traveler has similar freedom to travel on the arterial, collector and local streets that urban "systems" provide. State highways are principally rural facilities that are conceived, designed, constructed and maintained to move people, goods and services from place to places safely and efficiently. User comfort and enjoyment is also a goal and result of highway development and operation. Early roads in the United States were merely paths or trails from point to point along the route of least resistance. When 111 roads were improved by grading to accommodate wheeled vehicles, it became evident that in order to maintain a constant width of surface, additional land along the roadside was needed to accommodate cuts and fills. Gradually, the advantage of having control over this land became evident and the practice of owning or leasing land beyond the edge of the roadway became policy. Eventually, paved surfaces replaced gravel roads, shoulders were added for additional safety and roadsides became part of every highway. Presently, highway right-of-way widths range from 48 feet to 350 feet or more. Today's highways perform the same functions as earlier roads; but, they are designed, constructed and maintained to carry large volumes of light and heavy vehicles at high speeds. As motoring for pleasure became popular and the concept of scenic highways evolved, the aesthetics of highway design took on greater significance. Roadsides became the medium for fitting the highway to the terrain. Roadsides acted as the transition zone between the linear geometric regularity of the highway and their adjacent lands. VEGETATION In the early 1800s, prior to European settlement, Wisconsin's landscape was covered with a wide variety of vegetation communities, including, northern and southern hardwood forest, oak savannas, pine barrens, and prairie grasslands. For example, northern hardwood forests of red maple, hemlock, yellow birch, etc. covered 48% of the total land surface in the state oak savannas covered over 21% and prairie grasses covered 6%. However, native vegetation of pre-European settlement times is quickly disappearing. Today less than 2,000 acres of the original 2.1 million acres of native Prairie remain. Human development of the land was �112 devastating to native plant communities, especially during the post war period of improved technologies. Agriculture and suburbanization caused the greatest damage by penetrating deep into the natural landscape. Highway construction for the interstate system accelerated in the 1960s and required expansive rights-of-way. The end result of all these forces was the destruction of thousands of acres of forest, wetland and prairie. In response to the need for quick and economical stabilization of large areas disturbed by construction activities, a variety of "exotic" or nonnative trees, shrubs and grasses became the traditional solution for soil stabilization and vegetative cover along roadsides. Nonnative species such as Colorado Blue Spruce, Crown vetch, and Kentucky Bluegrass were introduced, transforming the native landscape into a tidy, visually uninteresting and ecologically unstable roadside. Nonnative plants were promoted as the new and better solution. They were commercially available and familiar. While native seed and plant sources for Big Bluestem, Black-eyed Susan, dogwood, and oaks were in short supply or difficult to transplant, nonnatives were now familiar members of the local nurseries and residential landscapes. The use of nonnative plants over time offers a sobering and valuable lesson. Excessive labor, energy and environmental costs are required to sustain a vegetation policy based largely on nonnative plant species. An improved roadside vegetation policy is overdue and must strike a more equitable balance between functional, aesthetic, and environmental considerations. The concept of "natural roadsides" is not new. "Natural roadsides" refer to roadsides that contain undisturbed or reestablished native plant communities and land forms existing before 1840. 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings As early as 1975, Wisconsin began implementing pilot projects which reintroduced native vegetation back into roadsides. Fifteen counties have already benefited from these projects. Other Midwestern states such as Minnesota, Iowa and Illinois have joined Wisconsin in the search for answers to similar roadside vegetation problems. Interestingly, each has returned to a native plant solution, looking to the past and discovering answers for the future. Native vegetation offers many benefits to highway managers, motorists and wildlife. Perhaps the single greatest advantage is protection of the highway facility through long term prevention of soil erosion. Limited mowing, encourages thick deep roots to anchor the soil along roadsides. Furthermore, native plants tolerate the wide range of soil types and climatic conditions present in Wisconsin. The variety and adaptability of native vegetation can sustain cover through adverse growing conditions. The variety present in natural roadsides also offers motorists a rich aesthetic landscape, full of textures and colors enhanced by seasonal changes. Finally, native plants provide much needed habitat for wildlife. Roadsides have become nesting grounds for birds and small animals because they are relatively undisturbed areas. Highway managers have relied on mowing to control woody plants for safety purposes. However, research shows that short mowing actually stresses the plant and weakens the root system, thereby increasing soil erosion. Additionally, lawn or turf grasses used for roadside cover do not perform well over thousands of highway miles with varying soil types and growing conditions found in Wisconsin. The use of nonnative grasses, in conjunction with mowing, has created unstable roadsides with potentially dangerous �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 113 consequences for the highway facility. Thus, WiDOT policy now limits regular mowing to a 10 foot pass from the shoulder, of not less than 6 inches high. The central goal of the roadside vegetation policy for the 1990s is preservation and reestablishment of "native vegetation" in support of functional highway needs. The benefits of pursuing this policy far exceed the labor, energy, and environmental costs required to sustain a vegetation policy based largely on nonnative plant species. More than any other country, ours is an automobile society. For most Americans, the automobile is a principal instrument of transportation, work, daily activity, vacation and pleasure. By making our roads and highways to the enjoyment of nature and beauty, we can greatly enrich the life of nearly all our people in city and countryside alike... Our task is twofold. First, to ensure that roads themselves are not destructive of nature and natural beauty. Second, to make our roads ways to recreation and pleasure. BEAUTY AND AESTHETICS President Lyndon Johnson 1966 Message on Natural Beauty to the Congress of the United States Beauty and aesthetics are two of many factors involved in roadside design. Second only to safety, they are two of the most important from the motorist's point of view. Roads provide a viewpoint from which the country is most often seen as they form a network over the face of the land. It has been estimated that at least one-third of all motor travel is for social, recreational or vacation purposes, and driving for pleasure is nation's most important outdoor recreational activity. As early as 1949, legislation advanced a nationwide interest to preserve and protect the natural beauty of the Mississippi River Valley for the motoring public. Scenic, recreational and local traffic factors unique to this corridor were recognized when preliminary planning began for a parkway. Modifications to the geometric standards were accepted by the United States Congress, and charged to the Mississippi River Parkway Planning Commission for implementation. During the 1960s, federal legislation addressed highway aesthetics. The United States Department of Transportation Act of ]966 declared it national policy to preserve, where possible, the "natural beauty of the countryside, public parks and recreation lands, wildlife and waterfowl refuges, and historic sites." In 1969, the National Environmental Policy Act expanded national policy to "encourage productive and enjoyable harmony between man and his environment." Furthermore, the Act requires Environmental Impact Statements for all federal projects significantly affecting the environment — including highways. These provisions include all locales, not just rural areas or woodlands. In 1987, national legislation was enacted directing the use of native wildflowers along federally aided highway projects under Section 136 of the Surface Transportation and Uniform Relocation Act. In conjunction with legislation, public opinion has changed over time as highway systems develop and expand. Americans are more environmentally conscious and thus expect more from the highway system. No longer are motorists content with ribbons of concrete cutting through the landscape to get from point A to point B. Roadway travelers expect diverse, panoramic views and broad curving highways, in addition to interesting and graceful routes. WILDLIFE Modern land use practices have done much to destroy wildlife habitat. The change �114 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings from "horse" power to "horse power" enabled a single farmer to increase the land on which he produces crops from several acres to several hundred acres. As farm machinery evolved unto larger, more powerful equipment, the farmer found it expeditious to enlarge his fields by removing fence rows and farm lanes between fields, making one large field out of several smaller ones. By doing so, the farmer destroyed some of the prime habitat and nesting cover used by wildlife. Other changes in farming practices such as using herbicides in row crops to eliminate weeds and earlier mowing of hay have also taken their toll. Government programs aimed at controlling crop production, such as the current "set-aside" program, are often hailed as a boon to wildlife but are temporary in nature and subject to change with every change in program. This change has not been limited to "horse" power. The farmer's exodus to the city has enabled developers to convert agricultural fields to housing tracts and shopping centers. This conversion has reduced wildlife habitat even further. Regarding changing land use patterns, a report entitled "Managing Minnesota's Farmland Roadsides: A Case Study In Wildlife Management" says: relative permanence of wide and even distribution of highway rights-of-way. Historically, the standard practice for managing roadside grasses has been mowing. Over the years, the number of acres mowed and the number of mowing cycles per season have been curtailed. While the reduction in acres mowed provided more land suitable for habitat, the timing of the mowing cycles still precluded development of ideal habitat condition. In 1989, WiDOT moved to correct this situation by adopting a policy which allowed most mowing more than ten feet from the edge of the shoulder only during the month of August. The new schedule enables those species of birds which nest in grasslands to complete their nesting cycle before the grass cover is mowed. The grasses regrow later in the fall and provide residual nesting cover required for the next spring. The roadside, with its variety of trees, shrubs and grasses, has tremendous potential to be used by wildlife. Currently, this potential is not fully realized. All animals and birds are negatively affected by lack of habitat. This could be remedied with positive decisions involving management of their habitat. WiDOT has planted shrub hedgerows, native grasses and forbs for beautification, restoration, snowdrift control, etc. Presently, the creation of wildlife habitat is an equally valid reason. Wildlife populations can be directly affected by maintenance practices on roadsides. The report from Minnesota notes that "wildlife researchers once believed that roadsides were only used for nesting when other cover was not available. Now they know that many nesting animals favor roadsides over other cover types..." As off-right-of-way habitat continues to dwindle and highway right-of-way remains fairly permanent, roadsides may become Marshes have been drained, burned and filled. Wood lots have been cleared. Diverse agriculture has been replaced by extensive planting of row crops . . . which offer poor shelter for wildlife. Fall plowing has sharply reduced the amount and quality of food and shelter in cultivated areas. Chemical fertilizers have reduced the need for crop rotation, a system which left hay fields available to wildlife. As land available for wildlife habitat continues to shrink, the importance of roadside management policies increase. This importance is directly related to the �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress corridors for migration. VEGETATION MANAGEMENT Prior to 1931, abutting highway property owners were responsible for maintaining roadside vegetation. Most roadsides were in agriculture or commercial use. If not in use, the roadsides probably were covered with native vegetation. Formal management by WiDOT of state highway roadside in Wisconsin began in 1931. In those early roadside management days, mowing was the principal tool. Burning, using WPA crews was also used to control vegetation. The 1931 WiDOT seed specification called for agriculture oriented mixes of Rye, Oats, Timothy and Alsike Clover. In 1935, the seed specification was revised and set up for four soul types. The mixes included Redtop, Kentucky Bluegrass, Timothy, Red Clover, Alsike Clover and Alfalfa. These mixes moved the seed more toward turf type and/or lawn grasses. Cutting, scything and mowing became standard practice and all mowable roadsides were cut. Mowing probably served as a form of weed control to aid neighboring farmers. Or perhaps, the European influence with their controlled landscape became the objective measure of beauty. The 1941 seed specification continued the trend toward lawn type cover with the addition of Colonial Bentgrass and Ryegrass to the mixes. In 1951, the seed specification was simplified by dropping the alfalfa, sand vetch, and colonial bent. The removal of alfalfa and sand vetch are evidence of emphasis on lawn type mixes. The colonial bent does not mix well with other grasses and was probably problem on roadsides. In 1957, the seed specifications were revised and Red Fescue replaced Timothy in the mixes. The mixes were also reduced to two. In 1963, Kentucky 31 Fescue was introduced as more tolerant of adverse 115 conditions and good for steep slopes. During the 1957-1963 time period much nationwide highway roadside management discussion centered on reduction in mowing and preservation of native vegetation. Also, during this time period herbicides were easier and cheaper that mowing as a means of controlling roadside vegetation. In 1962, AASHTO revised the maintenance mowing guide and called for reduced mowing. Highway roadside vegetation management policy from 1930 to 1960 resulted in the peak effort to control the landscape using western European ideals. Most of the roadside was mowed, except very steep slopes. Selective and broadcast methods of spraying pesticides were employed. Selective spraying killed the vegetation around guard rail posts. The entire roadside was sprayed to kill broadleaf weeds. Growth retardants were used to slow vegetation growth in areas difficult to mow. In 1969, the Wisconsin roadside seed mixes included nine species in five different mixes, including Birdsfoot Trefoil and crown vetch. The 1973 and 1978 oil embargoes resulted in significantly higher gas costs as less fuel was available. Less fuel caused a funding short fall in the Transportation Fund. Accordingly, there were significant reductions in the state highway budget, including highway maintenance. The budgets for mowing and herbicide vegetation control were significantly reduced also. The resultant roadside mowing policy permitted mowing out to the ditch line. From the ditch line to the edge of the right-of-way was not to be mowed or sprayed, except for noxious weeds. The policy encouraged growth of existing vegetation, as well as natural development of existing native vegetation in this area. This was a drastic change, especially at interchange areas which were completely �116 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings mowed. The herbicide budget was reduced but the policy did not change. In 1981, Red Top and Alsike Clover were dropped from the WiDOT seed specifications. Also during the early 1980s, "safety clear zones" were emphasized to improve safety for errant vehicles. The clear zone is to be kept free of woody vegetation and fixed objects that increase damage and injury on impact. In 1983, Wisconsin enacted major ground water protection legislation. At the same time federal hazardous material legislation was being implemented. Wisconsin legislation requires commercial applicators of herbicides to be licensed and certified; state laws exempt county highway maintenance personnel from licensing, but requires certification. The laws also restrict pesticide use. The impact of these laws demanded a comprehensive review of roadside vegetation management practices. Reduced spraying will require less planting of turf grasses and a desirable return to deep rooted native vegetation. As stated earlier, there was considerable concern that early disturbances to roadsides destroy thousands of nests and nesting sites annually. The most serious factor adversely affecting wildlife production is mowing before August 1. In 1989, after considerable review and discussion, WiDOT modified its roadside mowing policy: continue until existing inventory of purchased material is exhausted. Additional herbicide purchases must be justified. This new policy was also established as a pilot project for native vegetation research and mowing equipment performance analysis. Based on actual field experiences in 1989 and another period of discussion, an updated mowing policy will be formulated for 1990. • Mow +/- 10 foot shoulder cuts as needed. Mow vision corners as needed for traffic safety. • Mow other areas according to current policy, but only during the month of August. 1 mowing pass over fill slopes 1 mowing pass beyond the ditch line Mow out to the clear zone once every three years • Limited herbicide spot spraying may INVENTORIES There are many wildflowers native to Wisconsin which are a source of pleasure to all travelers and should, therefore, be preserved. ... We must be alert to preserve all that can be preserved. . . . The problem of proper attention to roadside planting, involving the preservation of good plants and the destruction of noxious weeds, is one phase of the large problems of (highway) maintenance. 1916 Biennial Report of the Wisconsin Highway Commission These phrases, published 75 years ago, seem to voice many of today's concerns. Thus, the goal remains to preserve what is acknowledged as a valuable resource and to preserve that which is pleasurable for the viewer. Facts about existing roadside vegetation along Wisconsin's state highways should be known and recorded before statewide and site specific plans can be developed and implemented. Current data related to roadside plants exists only as a prerequisite to, or as the result of, a highway improvement project. These are site-specific project inventories and cover only a few miles of the ,400 center-line miles of state highways. There are other existing vegetation database resources that can provide facts or factual premises for this planning effort: �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress • Robert W. Finley's map, the "Original Vegetation Cover of Wisconsin," a 1976 compilation of notes from the U.S. General Land Office. • John T. Curtis's map, "Major Plant Communities of Wisconsin," ca. 1840. 1970s WDNR Natural Heritage Data Base • County Inventories of Native Vegetation. • University of Wisconsin, College of Agriculture, School of Landscape Architecture's records on railroad and roadsides in southern Wisconsin. • Various private citizens who have inventoried native vegetation along roadsides, including: "Citizens and Me," reports from Cy Kabut Vera Stroud Inventory of Waukesha County, and others. This fact-gathering process is called an "inventory." VEGETATION MANAGEMENT PLANS An inventory of the 150,000 acres of Wisconsin's state trunk highway roadsides is needed to provide a factual base for planning vegetation improvements and maintenance. Vegetation management plans for segments of highways will be the product of this comprehensive process. These segment plans will be synthesized and prioritized into a six-year vegetation enhancement program that will: 1. Save valuable native plant remnants, 2. Initiate modern roadside vegetation maintenance to improve the quality and quantity of native vegetation, and 3. Improve the visual quality of the roadside through appropriate landscape planting. 117 This plan will be tailored for all highways within their respective ecological regions. Highway Inventory Segments The roadside inventory shall be conducted on aerial photograph strip maps created from available widow coverage photography. The aerial photograph strip maps shall be the base map during the inventory. Roadside Vegetation Data Elements The roadside inventory should identify and classify the data elements defined in the inventory: 1. general plant species 2. critical plant species 3. native plant community 4. suggested enhancements 5. terrain 6. adjacent land uses 7. significant land forms 8. general soil type SUMMARY Roadsides can have their own inherent beauty, but should also complement or enhance what lies beyond the edge of the right-of-way, and not compete with Wisconsin's visual variety. Since the roadside is in the motorist's field-of-view, it should accentuate the whole viewscape. To meet the state roadside vegetation demands into the 21st century state highway managers must develop detailed vegetation management plans. These plans must be based on detailed vegetation inventories and appropriate vegetation management techniques. Finally, the vegetation management plan must reflect and enhance the aesthetics, the wildlife, and the vegetation of the surrounding area, while providing safe driving conditions along the highway system. �118 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Selection of Alternative Routes for the Southern Extension of the New River Parkway Sarah Duncan and William E. Shepherd The New River Parkway is a planned, 2-lane, scenic byway through 50 miles of the middle New River basin. The middle New River basin is described as the watershed area into the New River from the boundary between Virginia and West Virginia, up to the New River Gorge in West Virginia. This area is filled with state and national parks which testify to the scenic significance of the area and its natural, recreational, and cultural resources. The New River Parkway was conceived to link these resources in a way that provides a pleasant, leisurely driving experience. In 1987, the proposed route of the parkway, which extended from Interstate 64 through the New River Gorge National River to Hinton, West Virginia, was extended south in order to better serve other recreational facilities important to the area. This southern extension begins at the mouth of the Bluestone River and ends with a connection to Interstate 77, the West Virginia Turnpike in the vicinity of Princeton. This extension will also make the parkway an important link between two major interstate highways (Interstate 64 and Interstate 77). Unlike the northern and central segments of the parkway, which are confined to the narrow bottom lands along the rivers, the southern extension must traverse a huge and varied land area bounded by the Bluestone River Gorge to the north, Federal Route 460 to the south, the New River Gorge to the east, and Interstate 77 to the west. Because this area is so large and contains so many different landscapes ranging from high plateaus to deep gorges, a variety of possible parkway routes could be developed. A procedure, therefore, had to be developed for the inventory, analysis, and evaluation of this landscape so that areas with the greatest potential could be realized, which would aid in the selection of general parkway routes. It should be emphasized at this point, that the goal was to select general routes and not a specific alignment. The procedure developed by Virginia Tech involved community participation, a scenic assessment of the area, and a resource inventory done in conjunction with Southern West Virginia Research Associates. The procedure began with community meetings. People of the local community were invited to suggest possible parkway routes and to point out areas of significance. Many of these people had lived in the area all their lives and were from families who had occupied land in the area for generations. Consequently, these residents were very familiar with the terrain, history, features, and network of existing roads in the area. Their suggestions and comments gave insight and provided the researchers with a more in-depth understanding of the area. The next step involved conducting a scenic assessment. The purpose of the scenic assessment was to identify the scenic value of different areas within the study area. The most scenic areas would be better suited for the parkway since the parkway's intent is to provide visitors with a scenic driving experience. This assessment began with a study of the physiographic characteristics of the area, that is, characteristics related to the land form, elevation, and drainage patterns. These characteristics were studied in the field and with hypsographic maps, which are �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress maps with different colors representing different elevations. The coloring makes it easier to see the shapes and changes of the land. From these studies, the area was divided into different physiographic units. Fourteen different physiographic units were identified in the area. They ranged from knobs and plateaus to creek bottoms and river gorges. SCENIC VALUES Next, the scenic value of each physiographic unit was determined. Scenic evaluations were made using a scoring system. Landscapes were rated as they appeared during the spring and fall months when tourist activity is greatest in the area. Each unit was rated on a scale from 0 to 5 for the following elements. View Existing or potential background views were favored in the scoring. These are the distant, blue views that are often found at overlooks or pull-offs. They are generally considered very scenic. The more background views in a unit and the greater the potential for background views in a unit, the higher the score in this category. Water Resources Water can add visual interest to a scene and, in the case of large water bodies, it can help to unify a scene. A number of studies, in fact, indicate a human preference for landscapes with water. Conspicuous water bodies, such as a lake or a river, therefore, received the highest scores. Creeks and streams, which were more common to many of the units, received mid-ranged scores. Landforms Unusual or spectacular landforms, such as the river gorges, which range in depth from 800' to over 1000', received high scores. Also receiving high scores were landforms 119 which provide for more variety in the experience of them, such as the hill and valley areas where the experience is always changing as one winds over and around the landforms. Color Color is difficult to evaluate because it is always changing. Most of this change, however, is in the plant material itself and not so much in the rocks, soils, bark, etc. Color was therefore scored according to the color-giving elements in the unit. Color giving elements include: 1. Distant Views—They add the colors blue or purple to the palette. 2. Land Uses—Fields, for example, can add yellow, while forests are a darker green. 3. Rock Formations—Prominent rock features such as the cliff faces found in the river gorges, often add different colors the palette of the unit. 4. Plant Materials—Generally, the colors of plant materials are fairly predictable. In the summer forests are green; in the fall, they are a mix of brown, red, yellow and orange; in the winter they are grey and brown. Spring is the most difficult to predict. Understory trees and shrubs can add conspicuous accents of white, purple, and pink. Some units may contain more of these conspicuous flowering plants than others. The more these plants can be identified, the more complete the score under this category will be. Scenic Integrity This general score was based on the researchers impressions of the unit as they viewed it and experienced it. Consideration was given to how consistent the quality of the scenery was and what potentials existed. �120 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings An overall scenic score for each unit was calculated by adding the scores of each of the above five categories. The higher the overall score, the more scenic the landscape of that unit was considered. Land Use Land uses compatible with the parkway are those which support the tourist-related economic, recreational, scenic, and historic goals and objectives of the parkway concept plan. Most of the area is forest, farms, and scattered residences, all of which are compatible with the parkway. Land uses considered incompatible with the parkway were commercial uses located along heavily traveled roadways. These commercial uses were mostly oriented toward the needs of the local resident. They included auto dealerships, schools, and video shops. PARKWAY POTENTIAL SCORES After realizing the scenic values of the study area, other factors important to the concept of the parkway had to be considered. Each unit was, therefore, reevaluated according to the factors that would make it more suitable for a parkway. The "parkway potential" of each unit was determined by rating from 0 to 3 the quality and quantity of the following elements. Recreation Resources The more existing national, state, or county parks in the unit, the better the score. Also receiving high scores were units with high occurrences of resources such as streams which could potentially support recreational activities. Historic Features Many historical features exist in the study area. These have the potential to become a point of interest along the parkway. Historic features could include: 1. Historic Structures—Structures in good condition are favored. 2. Cemeteries—Those associated with churches or private family plots, which are very common in the area, are of historical importance. 3. Historic Locations—These are places where, possibly, a significant event took place. This could include turnpike routes, ferry crossings, and settlement areas. Archaeological sites were not considered a potential resource for the parkway because they are to be kept hidden for their own protection. Consequently, they were not scored in this evaluation. Scenery The results of the scenic assessment were used here. If a unit's scenic score fell into the top 1/3 bracket, it received a high parkway potential score. Natural Features These are features which might add interest. Natural features include, but are not limited to, waterfalls, prominent cliff faces, and unusual plant communities. Rare, threatened, and endangered plant sites were not evaluated as an attraction. Rather, they were to be avoided for their own protection; so they were not scored. The overall parkway potential for each unit was realized by adding the scores from each category. In order to confirm the results of this procedure, interested citizens were also invited to score the units. Everyone generally agreed that the Bluestone and New River Gorges, and the ridges and rugged lowlands near them had the most potential to support the purposes of the parkway. Three alternative corridors for the southern extension of the New River Parkway were selected based on the results of this procedure. Subsequent review of these alternatives by the New River �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress parkway Authority, civic groups, and interested citizens resulted in the recommendation of two alternatives. Alternative 1 is oriented toward the New River Gorge in the eastern portion of the study area. It provides for variety in the experience as it follows ridges overlooking the gorge, valley farms, the bottom lands along the river, and high plateaus. This alternative terminates at the newly constructed West Virginia Tourist Information Center near the intersection of Interstate 77 and Federal Route 460. Alternative 2 is oriented toward the Bluestone River Gorge in the western 121 portion of the study area. It is a more direct route which mainly follows the Tallery Mountain plateau and its edge, where the views into the Bluestone River Gorge are outstanding. As it descends off the plateau into the rugged lowlands, it makes a direct connection with Interstate 77. Both alternatives are described in further depth in the New River Parkway Concept Plan. This plan also describes in greater detail, the purpose and intent of the New River Parkway along with the goals and objectives of the New River Parkway Authority. �122 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings Concept Plan for the New River Parkway William E. Shepherd and Sarah Duncan Project Description The New River Parkway is a planned 50 mile scenic byway utilizing existing and new roadways in the middle New River basin of southern West Virginia. The Parkway will serve as the southern gateway to the New River Gorge National River and unite major recreational and cultural facilities along the New and Bluestone Rivers into a scenic road system. The Parkway is being designed as a two lane touring parkway through a defined "parkway corridor" which will include compatible private uses, commercial services and public recreational facilities near or adjacent to the roadway. The parkway is envisioned as a scenic roadway linking rich and diverse historical, cultural, scenic and natural resources together with local communities throughout the region. While the New River Parkway will link major recreational facilities, it holds the potential to serve as a principle recreational amenity for the motoring public. The intent of the parkway is to provide a pleasant leisurely driving experience along the New River, Bluestone Lake and through the rolling uplands of the surrounding Allegheny plateau. A master plan for the New River Parkway is currently being developed by the New River Parkway Authority. In accord with this plan, the parkway will be designed to improve river access, enhance the quality of scenery, provide recreational opportunities, protect compatible rural uses, conserve and protect sensitive habitats, and encourage new tourismoriented facilities and business. All lands within 500 feet of the parkway will be subject to the policies and regulations of the parkway master plan and land manage- ment system of the New River Parkway Authority. Parkway facilities will include safety pullouts, scenic overlooks, rest areas, accessways, trails, bikeways, historic/ cultural sites, recreational areas, habitat preserves and scenic management areas. Project Setting The project is located in Raleigh, Summers, and Mercer Counties of southern West Virginia within the immediate watershed of the middle New River basin. Adjacent larger communities include Beckley, Princeton and Bluefield, West Virginia. Smaller communities with more direct access to the Parkway include Hinton, Pipestem, Lerona and Athens. While historically remote and isolated, this region of West Virginia is within a day's drive (500 miles) of 65% of the entire population of the United States. The middle New River basin is generally that watershed area from the boundary between Virginia and West Virginia to the south and the great gorge of the New River to the north near Laurel Creek in Fayette County. Principle rivers within this basin which contribute to the New include the Bluestone River from the west and the Greenbrier River to the east. Physiographically this basin is part of the Allegheny plateau which consists of at least two peneplains which have been deeply dissected by the New River and its major tributaries. Upper surfaces are remnants of rolling plateaus and knobs which have been divided and cut by the ancient drainage system. Narrow river valleys, riverine bottomlands, and hollows closely follow the intricate drainage pattern leaving most of the land in steeply sloping ridges and gorges. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress This rugged landscape of the Appalachian Highlands has served as a barrier to movement and communication fostering a sense of isolation for those hardy pioneers who first settled along the New River and its tributaries. This region, first settled in the late 18th century, is a wellspring of Appalachian culture. Planning Background In 1978, Congress passed legislation (Public Law 95-625) creating the New River Gorge National River "for the purpose of conserving and interpreting outstanding natural, scenic, and historic values and objects in and around the New River Gorge and preserving as a freeflowing stream an important segment of the New River in West Virginia for the benefit and enjoyment of present and future generations." Recognition of the national importance of the resources of the New River led to increased interest in the cultural assets and recreational opportunities within the middle New River basin. The concept of a Parkway or touring road along the New River evolved over a period of five years or more. Initially ideas were put forth for the upgrade and improvement of Route 26 which serves the west side area along the New River where most of the park's facilities are located. Heavy visitation of park facilities has caused traffic problems on this narrow country road. In 1985, with the strong support of local representation, the West Virginia Legislature passed legislation formally creating the New River Parkway Authority to oversee the planning of the Parkway. The legislation called for the Parkway Authority to coordinate with governmental agencies, public and private corporations, organizations and individuals "for planning, assisting and establishing recreational tourism, industrial, economic and community development of the New River 123 Parkway for the benefit of West Virginians." Additional powers and responsibilities were given to the Parkway Authority by the West Virginia Legislature in 1988 "to develop and set for land-use regulations minimum performance standards which are necessary to implement the Authority's plan or plans" within a scenic corridor extending 500 feet of either side of the roadway. Present membership of the Authority includes three voting members from Raleigh, Summers, and Mercer Counties appointed by their respective County Commissions. Nonvoting members include representatives from the New River Gorge National River, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and West Virginia Divisions of Transportation, Commerce, Agriculture, and Natural Resources. The New River Parkway Authority prepared the original concept plan (1987) for the Parkway which focused on a 24 mile long scenic route running from newly completed Interstate 64 south along Route 26, the Hinton Bypass (Route 3), and Route 20 to Pipestem State Park near the Mercer County line. This plan described how existing areas could be enhanced and new facilities developed for visitors and local residents along with the actions needed to implement the plan. On the basis of the goals of the original concept plan, the Surface Transportation and Uniform Relocation Assistance Act of 1987 (Public Law 100-17) authorized the expenditure of $17.6 million to construct a portion of the New River Parkway in accordance with the recommendations of the New River Parkway Authority for the purpose of demonstrating benefits to recreation, tourism, and industrial, economic, and community development. As the Parkway Authority initiated preliminary engineering studies of possible �124 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings alignments and future traffic patterns, it became apparent that the Parkway could not provide adequate access and circulation to all of the recreational facilities it was intended to serve. As a result of these studies the proposed route of the parkway was extended by the Parkway Authority to link with Interstate 77, the West Virginia Turnpike, in the vicinity of Princeton. This extension facilitates connection to the two major interstate highways within the region providing the necessary access and circulation to existing and proposed recreational and cultural facilities within the basin. The Bluestone National Scenic River, which includes a major segment of the lower Bluestone River and Gorge between Pipestem and Bluestone State Parks, came under New River Gorge management in 1988. Interpretive activities were begun in 1989 with general management and land protection planning currently being developed as this newest of national recreation facilities begins operation. The Parkway will provide direct access to this Scenic River, linking it with the New River Gorge National River. In 1989 the Parkway Authority contracted with Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (Virginia Tech) to prepare a Master Plan and Land Management System for the New River Parkway. Through community participation and the cooperative efforts of many agencies and local governments, the Parkway Authority developed goals and objectives to locate and construct the Parkway and properly control land use within its scenic corridor. Policies derived from these goals and objectives will be implemented through a comprehensive land management system to encourage compatible land use while protecting the scenic corridor. In 1990 the Parkway Authority requested Virginia Tech and Southern West Virginia Research Associates to prepare a Scenic Corridor Assessment of the entire Parkway from Interstate 64 to Interstate 77 with specific consideration given to the study of alternative routes for the southern extension of the Parkway. This research was preparatory to the development of a comprehensive concept plan for the entire New River Parkway. This overall concept plan has been developed through the cooperative effort of West Virginia Department of Transportation, Southern West Virginia Research Associates, and Virginia Tech. The West Virginia Department of Transportation recently has completed the necessary engineering studies for a number of alternative parkway alignments for the first phase of construction from Interstate 64 to the Hinton Bypass. This portion of the Parkway has required the most complex and careful design as it must balance the diverse considerations for wildlife habitat, riverine wetlands, scenic qualities, and rural settlements along the margins to the river. A draft environmental impact statement has been being prepared for this section from Interstate 64 to Hinton which assesses the preferred Parkway alignment along with other possible alternatives. Cultural and Natural Resources The cultural and natural resources of the middle New River basin are many and varied. In large measure, they are unspoiled by changing land use patterns and the pressures of rapid urbanization. With the exception of the industrial boom in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the region remains little changed. Recent urbanization followed the wave of secondary highways built in the late 1940s and early 1950s. For the most part these highways bypassed much of this region, following more easily traversed terrain. The settlements and farms in remote ridges, valleys, and narrow bottoms remain much �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress as they were many years ago. The history of this region is evident in the cultural and natural landscape of today. The Cultural Landscape The New River has, over the centuries, carved a magnificent gorge into the steep mountains of West Virginia. The river also left its impression on the people living near it. Not only did they learn to work with the river, but they also became like the river, hardy and determined to exist in this isolated region. The earliest Indian settlers dating back to 10,500 B.C., found the land to be rich with deer, wild turkey and buffalo. It was a common hunting ground for many of the tribes that lived near the area. The numerous salt springs attracted the wildlife and were highly valued by the Indians. It was often in the quest of salt springs that native tribes came into deadly combat with each other and later with pioneer settlers who migrated from Virginia. No permanent Indian settlements existed in this region of the Appalachian Highlands at the time the white pioneers began to move in. The Shawnee, Cherokee, Creek, and Chocktaw tribes that roamed the lands along the New River lived to the north and south of this region. Major Indian trails followed the New River and served as a link between the Warrior's trail (later the Wilderness Road) in the ridge and valley province to the southeast and the Ohio River basin to the northwest. A network of trails also connected the Greenbrier valley with the Bluestone Gorge and the southern Appalachian Highlands to the southwest. There is evidence, however, that great numbers of Indians had, at an earlier time, inhabited villages along the New and Greenbrier Rivers. Crumps Bottom contains significant archaeological sites where some of these villages existed around 1200-1671 A.D. 125 The first white settlements were established by the families of George Washington's militia coming from regions in Virginia. They first settled in the Greenbrier Valley along the eastern drainage of the middle New River basin establishing a number of small forts and fortified settlements. These settlers were tough and selfreliant, withstanding the forces of nature, isolation, American wars, and frequent raids by Indians, particularly the Shawnee. Many of the Indian trails developed into the first roads and later into important turnpikes. The rugged terrain of the middle New River basin made travel and the construction of roads extremely difficult. The Red Sulphur Springs Turnpike, one of the first roads through the basin, became an important route to the salt industry. In 1850 the Mercer Salt Works were established at the springs near Lick Creek. The salt was carried along the turnpike to the New River where it was transported across Shanklin's Ferry. The bustling community that developed near the ferry boasted a general store, post office, blacksmith shop, and water mill. The Civil War proved to be especially difficult for the families living in the New River basin. Much of what was grown in the area was used to feed the Confederate troops, and people were torn between the north and the south. Some of the places along the New River were renamed during the Civil War. Bull Falls, near Crumps Bottom, was renamed Warford when the locals directed the Federals to this rough part of the river for crossing. Historically, people living in this area survived by hunting and farming in the narrow bench of lowlands near the river. Until the 1800s, the river was the only reliable form of transportation. People living in the area depended on the river for their livelihood and connection to the outside world and consequently developed �126 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings a strong, lasting bond with it. This bond is still felt by residents today. Because of their isolation, people living in the area have always had to make the most of what they had. Most of what was bought, coffee, tea, and salt was bartered, that is, paid in exchange for their own farm products. One mill usually served several small communities. The oldest mills were water powered, being built on the New River itself, or on one of its many tributaries. Cooper's Mill still stands along a remote section of the Bluestone River deep within the gorge. The remains of other mills can still be found, such as the mill at Pipestem and the one along Pipestem Creek to the north. After 1952, the local mills began to close in favor of the larger, more advanced milling companies found in Hinton and Princeton. Ferries were also common on the New River as they served as the only crossings for wagons and their passengers. The ferries no longer exist on the New River, which some believe is a tragedy. Their extinction greatly impacted the social fabric and cultural flavor of the area. Travel down river was also common many years ago. The bateaux, a flat, narrow boat maneuvered by long poles reaching to the bottom of the river, was used to carry products from the farms near Crumps Bottom and Indian Creek to the markets in Hinton. Hinton was not a town with "city slickers" until after 1874 when the Chesapeake and Ohio railroad was completed through the New River Gorge. The railroad was originally built to provide a connection between the Chesapeake Bay and the Ohio country. In making this connection, the railroad followed the New River Gorge from Hinton to the coal producing areas of the gorge in the north. The transportation provided by the railroad helped the coal industry boom and became one of national and international importance. The success of the coal, railroad, and timber industries was rapid and resulted in many changes, but was unfortunately short-lived. By 1950, much of what had been established was gone or abandoned. Changes in the methods of coal mining, the working out of older mines, the conversion of locomotive power from steam to diesel, and the consumption of the timber resource affected everyone. Today, the town of Hinton is a trip back in time. Not much has changed in its physical appearance since the 1950s, but in many ways that makes the town special. The cobble streets and the handcrafted buildings are full of the vitality and pride of its heyday. Many of the small, isolated, farming communities that developed around the mills, churches, and general stores remain in the area. Their structures are often in good condition due to their continued use. The Natural Landscape The New River, which has been such a force in shaping the people, has also spent eons shaping the land. From its headwaters at Blowing Rock in North Carolina, the New flows north through Virginia and West Virginia. Only in West Virginia, however, has it carved a magnificent gorge into the mountains, ranging in depth from 600 to 1,400 feet, and in width from a half mile to over one mile. The New is considered especially unique, however, because the river flows north and west, perpendicular to the axis of the Appalachian ridge and valley mountain system. For this reason, the New River is considered by most geologists to have existed before the uplift of the Appalachian range, one of the oldest in the world. The cutting of the river through the mountain range as it slowly rose formed the gorges and deep river bottoms that we see today along the New and Bluestone Rivers. The steep walls of the river gorges reveal the geological �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress formations that make up the Appalachian plateau. Because of the northwest tilt of these sedimentary formations, the southern portion of the gorge reveals the older layers, while the deeper, northern portion reveals the younger layers. While the exact age of the river is unknown, many believe it to be at least 65 million years old. It was once part of a longer river system called the Teays that flowed north through central Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois to the Mississippi River. During the ice age, however, a glacier diverted the waters and created the Ohio and Kanawha Rivers that the New River currently flows into. The landscape surrounding the New River is diverse and of great beauty. It is comprised of steep mountains, rolling plateaus, narrow canyons, thin ridges, and low-lying valleys. This topographic diversity harbors a wide variety of plant and animal species, many of which are rare in the region and the nation. The New River itself is the largest warm water stream fishery in West Virginia. At least fifty-eight species of fish inhabit the waters, some of which are game fish, such as large mouth bass, small mouth bass, catfish, muskellunge, walleye, and crappie. Downstream from Hinton, the New River supports seven species of freshwater mussels and an unusual colony of eastern river cooler turtles. These turtles are isolated from the river cooter turtles of the coastal plains and Piedmont of southeastern states, and may represent Pleistocene relics. The abundance and variety of animals can be attributed to the excellent instream and riparian cover found along the New River. Consequently, the entire river has been identified as existing or potential spawning grounds. The New River Gorge is clearly a unique and valuable natural resource to the entire nation. In recognition of the national significance of this resource, the 127 Federal government has designated 52 miles of the New River Gorge, from the town of Hinton to Fayette Station, as the New River Gorge National River. This designation not only protects the cultural resources and rare natural features, but also makes them available to people who want to interact with and contemplate their rare beauty. Two of the New River's major tributaries have also been protected by the federal government. The Gauley River, north of the New River Gorge National River has been designated a National Recreation Area because of the class rapids that provide for some of the most spectacular white water rafting in the East. The Bluestone River, south of the New River Gorge National River, has been designated the Bluestone National Scenic River because of the spectacular and rare beauty of this river and gorge. These national lands, along with seven state parks, all within a 30 mile radius, give testimony to the cultural, recreational and ecological significance of the area. Issues of Cooperative Venture Development of the Parkway will require a cooperative effort among federal, state, county and local governments working in conjunction with private businesses, landowners, civic organizations, and citizens. The Parkway Authority will serve, on the one hand, as facilitator and coordinator of this community effort and, on the other, as implementer of land-use policies on private development through the Land Management System. To achieve a consistent level of mutual cooperation will require that all members of the Authority, voting members and nonvoting member agencies, communicate and coordinate their respective planning and management goals and objectives. This is necessary to achieve consistency in purpose and direction for the Parkway �128 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings itself and all lands, both public and private, within the parkway corridor. Agencies with land-management directives and responsibilities, such as the National Park Service, Army Corps of Engineers, West Virginia Departments of Natural Resources and Transportation, have a special responsibility to ensure that the Parkway Authority is fully informed and involved in all decisions which impact either the Parkway or lands within the parkway corridor. The legislative mandate of the New River Parkway Authority is to implement a Master Plan and Land Management System controlling and guiding development within the parkway corridor. To this end, all new development within the parkway corridor will be subject to comprehensive standards, design guidelines, plans, and permit procedures to ensure the compatibility of uses and activities and appropriate development. The Parkway Authority will continue to work with counties and local governments to help plan for future growth and change within the region in a partnership role. The Parkway Authority is also responsible for the recommendation of design standards and route selection of the Parkway. Policies within the Concept Plan and subsequent Master Plan will help shape and guide their recommendation for the alignment and overall design of the Parkway itself. Many visitors are not aware of the many and varied recreational, scenic, and cultural attractions the New River region has to offer. Promotion of the region as a "destination resort", where families could spend a week pursuing a wide range of activities, is a key to the success of the Parkway and the development of tourism within the region. The Parkway could serve as the accessway to many of these attractions providing a leisurely touring experience for the visitor. Concern has also been raised about the lack of a centralized facility which could provide information about the many attractions in the region. The Parkway Authority supports the development of a visitor's facility to serve both the New River Parkway, the New River Gorge National River, and other major recreation facilities in the region. Such a facility located on the Parkway would encourage visitor use of the Parkway as a scenic entrance to the New River Gorge National River, Bluestone National Scenic River, Bluestone Public Hunting and Fishing Area, Pipestem State Park, and Bluestone State Park, as well as help to stimulate local businesses. Liner and debris along the Parkway is considered a major problem by landowners, civic leaders, and visitors to the area. There is need for a more coordinated regional effort to clean up litter along roadsides and debris along the banks of the New River and its tributaries. The Parkway Authority will support and coordinate non-regulatory voluntary programs and educational programs with interested citizens, agencies and organizations. Such efforts can encourage communication and cooperation at the local level to recognize the importance of the recreational and scenic resources of the region. Issues of Economic Development The intent of the Parkway Authority is to encourage tourism related development within the region. The New River Parkway has the potential to draw visitors from throughout the United States as well as tourists from other countries who desire to see, firsthand, the rural character and traditional culture of the Appalachian highlands. The Parkway Authority supports economic development within the region and in particular, businesses, activities, and enterprises which are compatible with the �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress overall goals and objectives of the Concept Plan. The Parkway Authority supports local businesses which offer regional goods and services, hire local residents, and invest in capital venture programs to benefit all West Virginia citizens. The Parkway Authority supports tourism and related activities within the parkway corridor which are appropriate and compatible with the outdoor recreational facilities and Parkway improvements to be developed. The Parkway Authority will establish standards and guidelines for tourist facilities regarding scenic and environmental impacts. The overriding concern is to ensure that new tourist development be sensitively located and designed, be in scale and harmony with the traditional rural character of the region, and support the function of communities, and contribute to the quality of life of local residents. New developments should complement, not contrast or destroy, the quality of life and rural character of the landscape. To this end, the Parkway Authority will encourage alternative growth strategies which do not impair the cultural, natural, recreational and aesthetic objectives of the Master Plan and prohibit developments which do not meet the requirements. Issues of Accessibility to Recreational Resources A concern of the Parkway Authority, landowners, and community leaders is to find a way to provide safe and appropriate public access to the river and other natural and scenic resources, while protecting the rights of private property. Increased public demand for access to the river and other scenic areas has resulted in an increase in trespass and damage to private properties. As the number of visitors increase, so will the pressure for access to rivers, streams, and wildland habitat areas. In part, this has been brought about 129 because of a lack of sufficient public facilities and access points to the river and other natural areas. Water-oriented recreation is the largest attraction for visitors to the parkway. Possible water-based recreation activities are many, from sight seeing and picnicking along the river to the more active boating and white water rafting. Increasingly more demand will be felt for a greater range in recreational opportunity and experience along the parkway corridor. To meet this demand will require greater number and diversity in recreational facilities and improvements. To alleviate some of the conflict between property owners and recreationalists will require additional public facilities and improvements within the parkway corridor. Some facilities and improvements can be developed at the time the parkway is constructed by taking advantage of opportunities along the route for pullouts, vista points and river access parkettes. Such amenities can be provided as part of the overall parkway development. In addition, accessways, driveways, and roads to private property can be carefully located and designed to minimize conflict between the parkway visitor and local resident. Unsafe roadway conditions and potential traffic congestion must be minimized. The use and enjoyment of private property along the parkway is an important factor in managing the parkway corridor. Issues of Parkway Alignment The term, "parkway," is commonly associated with a parklike driving experience through scenic natural landscapes. These roadways are carefully designed to reveal to the driver the pleasurable qualities of the surrounding landscape. Many parkways in the country have provided such an enjoyable driving experience that they have become internationally recognized. �130 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings The New River Parkway is planned as a "touring parkway" passing through the diverse and dramatic landscapes of rural southern West Virginia. (The name for the New River Parkway was derived from a survey of local residents.) It will provide connection to Interstates 64 and 77 and serve as the principal gateway to the recreational resources and opportunities within the middle New River basin. The Parkway will provide direct access to the New River, Bluestone Lake, the Bluestone River, adjacent watershed slopes, stream valleys, and upper plateaus within the river basin. The Parkway, along its length, will also provide connection to other scenic rural roads which access adjacent areas of recreational, scenic, and historical value. These rural routes and spur roads form a network of scenic byways to serve both resident and visitor. To accomplish this vision of a touring parkway system will require that the New River Parkway be designed by a recognized set of aesthetic principles of highway design. The essential form of the touring Parkway should express its function, to move people safely and leisurely through the landscape. The Parkway should have a pleasing appearance, should fit gracefully into its surroundings, and become an integral part of the landscape. To accomplish this will require that the Parkway have minimum adverse impact on its environment, and provide pleasant visual experiences for the traveler. The Parkway should be laid out to provide a variety of outward views of the country through which it passes. The location should take advantage of the finest views and vistas in the landscape. The Parkway should appear to be in proper scale and fit the landscape without using excessive cuts and fills. Such fitting should be an important consideration when selecting the design speed and geometric standards for the road. An objective of the Parkway vision is to create a small scale, low speed touring road. The Parkway should blend into the landscape as unobtrusively as possible with a minimum of scar and visual disruption. Unavoidable scars should be promptly healed or concealed by harmonious grading of landforms and appropriate planting to restore a natural appearance. The Parkway should allow the traveler an intimate experience of the adjacent landscape. The Parkway should have a graceful three-dimensional appearance from the traveler's viewpoint. It should appear smooth, continuous, and predictable, without bumps or kinks. One of its aesthetic functions is to provide connection and continuity through diverse landscapes. The Parkway right of way should be of sufficient width to accommodate the necessary facilities for present and future traffic; to provide adequate space for pullouts, vistas points, and parkettes; and to provide adequate space for stable rounded slopes, drainage channels, safe shoulders, and border transitions to adjacent areas. To the extent possible, parkway facilities and improvements should be located within the right of way. Necessary structure and improvements, such as bridges, culverts, retaining walls, guardrails, and traffic control signs should be as unobtrusive as possible and should be of pleasing and appropriate design fitting the character and quality of adjacent landscapes. Existing desirable vegetation within the right of way should be preserved to the greatest extent possible. The Parkway should be protected from erosion by living vegetation. Vegetation other than for erosion control such as trees and shrubs, should be selectively thinned or planted to maximize views and vistas and to help merge the roadsides into their surroundings. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Issues of Conserving Natural and Scenic Resources The natural resources of the parkway corridor and its environs are an outstanding asset to West Virginia and to the nation as a whole. Many of these resources are the attraction that draws visitors to the region and the parkway corridor in particular. These natural resources need to be protected and managed to ensure that the opportunity to experience them will continue for future generations of residents and visitors alike. These resources include the geology, soils, water quality, fisheries, wetlands, riparian habitats, wildlife, vegetation, air quality, and low level of noise. Some of these resources are rare, threatened, and endangered species and unique habitats needing special protection and management. A portion of these resources are already protected and preserved in the New River Gorge National River and the Bluestone National Scenic River. The Parkway Authority intends to extend that protection to the entire parkway corridor. The rocks along the parkway corridor are sedimentary formations that were deposited during the Mississippian and Pennsylvanian periods over 280 million years ago. The terrain within this region is essentially a deeply dissected plateau being cut by the river and its many tributaries. The resultant landforms tend to be rolling uplands, steep hill slopes and rugged gorges. Soils along the parkway corridor are mostly formed from shales and sandstones and tend to be shallow, rocky, of low fertility, but well suited for woodland and forest. Bottomlands along the river and gently sloping uplands provide the only opportunity for the cultivation of crops. Water quality is generally good except for high levels of fecal coliform bacteria 131 along certain reaches of the New River and its tributaries. In some cases, the levels of bacteria exceeds the West Virginia criterion for water contact recreation. High levels of fecal coliform bacteria indicates a lack of adequate sewage treatment for dwellings and communities along the river and in adjacent areas. In some cases raw sewage is leaching into the river or carried directly by tributary streams. Such a situation poses a health problem for recreationists and local communities alike. The New River and its tributaries comprise the largest and most significant warm-water fishery in West Virginia and one of the best fisheries in the eastern United States. The New River supports and maintains game fish populations of a number of fish such as large mouth bass, catfish, and walleye. The river also has good spawning grounds in part provided by existing excellent habitat conditions. The maintenance and management of this vital resource is critical to ensure continued productivity. Issues of improving water quality, protecting productive habitat and backwater channels and islands are of major concern to the Parkway Authority. The Parkway Authority, through application of the Land Management System, will ensure that all applicable state and federal regulations are followed in the protection and management of wetland resources along the parkway corridor. Little is known about many of the wildlife populations of the New River and its tributaries. Rare, threatened, and endangered species are known to exist in the region, especially in riparian and aquatic habitats. Many of these species are listed on state and federal lists. Care should be exercised in planning, design, and location of public and private facilities and improvements along sensitive habitats. Wildlife could be threatened by poor water quality, the use of toxic chemicals, and the destruction of habitat from �132 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings development. The topographic diversity of the parkway corridor has led to the development of an unusual variation of flora, plant communities, and habitats. The landscape is characterized by the mixed mesophytic forests of deciduous trees and shrubs. Rare and endangered plant species occur within the parkway corridor at isolated sites, some in proximity to areas frequented by people and under use by utility companies. A relatively large flat rock plant community in Sandstone Falls supports rare and sensitive plant species. At least fifteen heritage sites have been identified within the immediate region. These sites have statewide ecological significance. Sensitive plant species and communities could be threatened by the use of toxic chemicals, construction, and trampling. The Parkway Authority is concerned with the protection of these biological resources from unnecessary changes in plant communities and wildlife habitats especially adjacent to riverine systems. An important management strategy of the Parkway Authority will be to ensure minimum alteration of plant communities and vegetation to protect the natural hydrologic cycle. Aesthetic resources are the most important key to the success of the New River Parkway. Outstanding features including views, vistas, natural land and water forms and historic and cultural features provide the scenic resource for the Parkway. The unique patterns of land use and topography give this region its own special character. While the appreciation of scenery is largely dependent upon the viewers own perception, the landscapes of this region are acknowledged by most people to be of outstanding character and quality. How additional development might affect the visitor's appreciation of these scenic resources is of major concern to the Parkway Authority. The principle attraction of this region is found in the expression of a harmonious balance between human activity and the dynamics of nature and natural processes. It is therefore, critically important that all development, including the Parkway itself, be located, planned, and designed sensitively and with care to maintain the scenic integrity of the parkway corridor. The Parkway Authority will implement the Parkway in a manner that minimizes the destruction and/or alteration of adjacent landscapes. Specifically, the parkway road and its related facilities and improvements will be designed, located, and constructed to minimize cut and fill sections, destruction or alteration of vegetative cover, ecotones and habitats, and loss or interruption of productive lands and land uses. Road improvements should not overwhelm or destroy the natural beauty of the parkway corridor. To integrate the Parkway into the landscape will require that the road be scaled to fit harmoniously into the landscape. If the quality of the touring experience is diminished by the character of roadway and roadside, then the quality of the overall recreational experience of the parkway corridor is, unfortunately, diminished. To conserve, protect, and manage the scenic resource will require firm performance standards and design control over new developments. Site specific planning and design is necessary for each segment of the Parkway, for each structure, improvement or use. This is necessary to ensure that each new development or use fits into the overall scenic concept of the Parkway. One of the best ways to ensure the overall visual integrity of the landscape in all its detail is to encourage visitor and resident stewardship of the parkway corridor's scenic beauty. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Issues of Conserving Cultural and Historical Resources Cultural and historic resources in the parkway corridor and its environs are identified with the human use and settlement of the land. The New River was the primary corridor that linked the Ohio Valley to the ridges and valleys of the Appalachians and the Piedmont and coastal plain beyond. Indian trails and later trails of early migrants passed through this region. Roads and related developments were slow in coming to this rugged country. Turnpikes to scattered settlements followed waterways and natural passes through river gorges and upland plateaus. Early settlements served as remote centers for the hardy pioneers who sought a livelihood from the resources of the land. Major settlements occurred after the discovery of coal and timber resources and the construction of the Chesapeake and Ohio railroad lines into and through the region. Hinton grew as a railroad center serving many smaller settlements along the New River. Lumbering and agriculture supplemented the economy through the region as forests were cut and cleared to make way for fields and towns. The remnants of forts, early roads, farms, and settlements still exist within the middle New River basin. The extent of these cultural resources is not known and their full historic significance is yet to be determined. Additional archaeological and historical research and study is needed to identify and evaluate these resources. It is the intent of the Parkway Authority to coordinate and cooperate with these researches whenever possible. The New River Parkway provides a unique opportunity to facilitate access to and interpretation of our cultural heritage. It is the intent of the Authority to implement the Parkway in a manner that protects these cultural resources and 133 minimizes the destruction and/or alteration of known sites and resources. The Authority will ensure that all applicable state and federal regulations are followed in the construction and development of parkway facilities and all new developments within the parkway corridor. The Authority will also encourage visitor and resident stewardship through the promotion and coordination of programs to preserve, restore and protect these resources. Issues of Enhancing Recreational Opportunities The opportunity for a wide range of outdoor recreation experiences is the principal attraction to much of this region. The region is rich in established recreation resources including the New River Gorge National River, Bluestone National Scenic River, Gauley River National Recreation Area, Pipestem State Park, Bluestone State Park, Camp Creek State Forest, and Bluestone Hunting and Fishing Area. The intent of the Parkway Authority is to tie together many of these outstanding recreational resources through the creation of the Parkway and a network of rural scenic byways. Water-oriented recreation is a principle attraction of residents and visitors along the parkway corridor. Recreationists can participate in a range of active and passive activities from sight-seeing, picnicking, and hiking to fishing, swimming, and boating. Vacation resort facilities, such as those established at Pipestem State Park, provide a diverse balance to the more traditional outdoor recreation activities. Here within an hour's drive is a rich diversity of facilities and activity areas for all ages and interests. Collectively, the middle New River basin provides as full a complement of recreation activities as found in few areas in the country. The intent of the Parkway Authority is to improve the accessibility to these �134 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings outdoor recreation opportunities within the parkway corridor. At the present time, access to the recreational, scenic, and historical resources of the New River basin is restrained by an irregular network of secondary highways and substandard rural roads. These roads also serve as commercial arterials carrying truck traffic and daily commuters. The Parkway will provide a quiet, leisurely alternative to the busy interstates and highways which traverse portions of the basin. Opportunities for accessibility also includes the provision of river access points for people and boats, access areas for day use and camping activities, tourist commercial facilities, adjacent communities, and nearby historical and cultural facilities. To further complement the existing recreation resource potential, the Parkway Authority encourages new development that allows or provides use and enjoyment of the these resources. In addition to being an important link between established recreational facilities, the parkway corridor is a recreational resource in its own right. Recreational touring is the fastest growing outdoor recreation activity in the country. The parkway provides an outstanding opportunity for leisurely touring and sight-seeing through these scenic landscapes. Growth and change within the parkway corridor must be controlled and managed to ensure that the quality and character of this scenic landscape is preserved. Use and activities which do not serve the recreational intent of the Parkway should not be allowed as they detract from the overall recreational experience and, if allowed, would change the character and quality of the parkway corridor. implement the Parkway and to guide the development of new land uses within the Parkway corridor. These goals and objectives evolved from a series of workshops and meetings with residents, civic groups, public officials, and Authority members. They provide the framework for policies to be formulated in the master plan which will implement provisions of the land management system. Goals and Objectives of the New River Parkway Authority The New River Parkway Authority has adopted a set of goals and objectives to Goal 1: Cooperative Venture The New River Parkway will be implemented as a cooperative venture among private and public interests at all levels or organization. OBJECTIVES: • To facilitate the activities of nonvoting members regarding the New River Parkway. • To establish comprehensive standards and guidelines for all new development within the Parkway corridor. • To support and coordinate nonregulatory voluntary programs with interested individuals, agencies, and organizations. • To support and coordinate educational programs with interested individuals, agencies, and organizations. • To encourage the development of a visitor's facility to serve both the New River Parkway and the New River Gorge National River. Goal 2: Economic Development The New River Parkway will encourage economic development within the New River corridor. OBJECTIVES: • To support compatible economic development which benefits all West Virginia citizens. • To support appropriate tourism development. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 135 • To encourage land uses appropriate to the Parkway corridor. Goal 3: Public Access The New River Parkway will improve public access to the New River and other features while respecting private property rights. • • OBJECTIVES: • To provide safe and appropriate access to private property along the Parkway corridor. • To provide safe and appropriate public access to the New River and its adjacent resources, including cultural, historical, natural, recreational, and scenic resources. • • • Goal 4: Parkway Alignment The New River Parkway will be designed to fit sensitively and harmoniously into the diverse landscapes of the region. OBJECTIVES: • To create a small scale, low speed touring road. • To provide connection and continuity through diverse landscapes. • To implement the Parkway in a manner that allows an intimate experience of the adjacent landscape. • To locate Parkway facilities and improvements within the Parkway right-of-way where possible. Goal 5: Protect and Manage Natural Resources The New River Parkway Authority will protect, manage, and interpret important natural resources of the Parkway corridor and its environs. OBJECTIVES: • To minimize alteration of vegetation to protect the hydrologic cycle. • To restrict the introduction of sedi- • ments, nutrients, and toxic materials into the hydrologic cycle. To ensure that all applicable state and federal regulations are followed in the protection and management of wetland resources along the Parkway corridor. To minimize the destruction and degradation of habitats important to the use and enjoyment of the Parkway corridor. To ensure that all regulations are followed in cleaning up trash and litter along the Parkway corridor. To ensure that all regulations are followed in providing safe and adequate domestic water supplies and sanitation facilities. To ensure that all regulations are followed in conserving and protecting the low level of noise along the Parkway corridor from all sources. To ensure that all regulations are followed in protecting ambient air quality along the Parkway corridor from all sources. Goal 6: Protect and Enhance Aesthetic Resources The New River Parkway Authority will protect, manage, and enhance selected aesthetic resources of the Parkway corridor and its environs. OBJECTIVES: • To implement the Parkway in a manner that minimizes the destruction and/or alteration of adjacent landscape. • To implement the Parkway in a manner that provides a scenic drive with a strong sense of visual continuity through diverse landscapes along the New River and on adjacent plateaus. • To minimize the impact of urban infrastructure on the scenic quality of the Parkway corridor. • To minimize the impact of new development on the scenic quality of the �136 parkway corridor. • To encourage visitor and resident stewardship of the Parkway corridor's scenic beauty. Goal 7: Protect Cultural and Historical Resources The New River Parkway Authority will protect, manage, and interpret important cultural and historical resources of the New River corridor and its environs. OBJECTIVES: • To implement the Parkway in a manner that minimizes the destruction and/or alteration of cultural and historical resources. • To ensure that all applicable state and federal regulations are followed in the protection and management of cultural and historical resources. • To encourage visitor and resident stewardship of the Parkway's cultural and historical resources. Goal 8: Enhance Recreation The New River Parkway Authority will protect, manage, and enhance recreational resources important to the use and enjoyment of visitors and residents. OBJECTIVES: • To improve the accessibility of existing outdoor recreational resources of the region. • To improve the accessibility to outdoor recreational experiences within the Parkway corridor. • To encourage new development that allows recreational use and enjoyment of the New River and the Parkway corridor. New River Parkway Concept Plan The New River Parkway Concept Plan provides the vision for the creation of the Parkway and its corridor. It defines the 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings overall goals and objectives for the Parkway and sets the conceptual framework for subsequent Master Plan and Land Management System. The New River Parkway will be a touring parkway through the diverse and dramatic landscapes of southern West Virginia. It will provide the opportunity for a leisurely traveling experience offering views and vistas of rugged mountain slopes, river valleys, rural settlements, and scattered farms. The Parkway will be designed to lie gracefully upon the land, becoming an integral part of the landscape as viewed from the road and to the road. It will be a small scale, low speed touring road offering a sequence of visual experiences in keeping with the character of its scenic corridor and beyond. The Parkway will offer the traveler an intimate experience of adjacent woods, streams, and fields. The Parkway will provide essential linkages to Interstates 64 and 77 to facilitate safe and convenient access to the recreational and cultural resources of the middle New River basin. The Parkway will serve as the southern gateway to the New River Gorge National River and as the principle access to the Bluestone National Scenic River as well as other recreational and cultural facilities of regional and national importance. The Parkway will provide touring facilities for the traveler along its length such as overlooks, safety pullouts, river access points, spur drives, parkettes, and trails. While the Parkway will be a destination facility in its own right, it will also provide connection to a network of scenic byways and rural roads to allow the traveler the opportunity to further explore the region. The Parkway corridor, extending some 500 feet on either side of the road, will be protected under the provisions of the Parkway Authority's Land Management �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress System. Land use control will be established through corridor site plans, performance standards, and design guidelines for all new developments. Appropriate land uses will be encouraged which are sensitively located and designed within the corridor and which support the goals and objectives of the Parkway. Tourist facilities will be encouraged which are in scale and harmony with the traditional rural character of the region, support the function of existing communities, and contribute to the quality of life of local residents. Land uses and activities incompatible with the policies of the Parkway Master Plan will be prohibited. The Parkway provides the opportunity for interpretation of the cultural and natural landscape of the middle New River basin. This region, rich in history and scenic resources, offers visitors and residents alike the opportunity to experience the cultural landscape of the Appalachian Highlands. Interpretive programs and facilities will be established through the cooperative efforts of the Parkway Authority, public officials, civic organizations, and interested citizens. The Parkway provides the opportunity to weave the richness and diversity of the natural, scenic, and cultural landscape of the middle New River basin into the fabric of reality and experience. New River Parkway Master Plan The New River Master Plan will guide the physical development of the Parkway and will protect and manage its scenic corridor. The Master Plan contains a set of comprehensive policies and diagrams that shows the existing and future alignment of the Parkway. The policies address the issues and concerns of residents, property owners, public officials, and Authority members. It serves as a firm guide for all new development, both public and private, within the scenic corridor. 137 The first function of the Master Plan is to express the goals, objectives, and policies of the New River Parkway Authority as established through numerous workshops, meetings, and studies, and as derived form the original concept plan and this document. Issues and concerns fundamental to the economic welfare and quality of life of residents within the middle New River basin were addressed through an open community participation process. The Master Plan reflects realistic goals for compatible uses and appropriate development over an extended period of time. The second function is to serve as a guide to decision-making for local property owners and public officials. It indicates uses and activities appropriate for development within the parkway corridor, such as recreational uses and tourist facilities. It also limits uses not appropriate for inclusion, such as industrial and commercial enterprises not related to the recreational, cultural, and scenic experience of visitors to the parkway. The Master Plan reflects strong consensus and cooperation among local, state, and federal interests in the middle New River basin. The Master Plan sets the scope and direction for the Land Management System which will implement land use policies. New River Parkway Land Management System The Land Management System contains the provisions necessary to implement adopted policies of the Master Plan within the parkway corridor. The Site Plan Review process is the procedure which will be used to implement the provisions and requirements of the Land Management System. This process will be activated through a permitting procedure by property owners or developers for new development within the Parkway corridor. The system is composed of three interrelated elements: the scenic corridor �138 1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings site plan, design guidelines, and performance standards. The scenic corridor site plan describes the opportunities and limitations for siting of structures, improvements, and activities along the corridor. This site plan controls the location of land uses relative to selected scenic resources of the Parkway as noted in the Master Plan. Design guidelines illustrate how and what to do relative to site planning and design of structures, improvements, and activities within the scenic corridor. They provide a vision and example of appropriate site planning and design. Performance standards specify levels of performance for uses and activities to conserve, protect, and management importance resources of the scenic corridor as specified in the Master Plan. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress 139 The Southern Appalachian Man and the Biosphere Cooperative Hubert Hinote I appreciate the opportunity to tell you about an organization that we believe will play an important role in resolving resource-related issues in our region. It's the Southern Appalachian Man and the Biosphere Cooperative, usually called SAMAB. SAMAB's story begins with the great physical beauty of Southern Appalachia— a scenic magnet that has attracted visitors and new residents for many years. This population growth has accelerated dramatically during the past two decades. So have demands on the natural resources of the mountains. Many resources have been depleted, some alarmingly. The region today has problems with water supply and wastewater treatment, soil erosion and stream siltation, domestic and industrial waste disposal and air pollution, among others. These problems often are not dealt with adequately. Without evidence to persuade them otherwise, many elected officials have upheld the traditional independence of Southern Appalachian people with regard to land use; It's my land and I'll do as I damned well please with it, has been perpetuated as an unwritten law. The result is a scarcity of stewardship —in either a Biblical or a more modern sense. There are few land-use and zoning laws, and little in the way of growthmanagement strategies. There is inadequate resource-protection regulation by government. This has resulted in philosophical clashes between individuals and groups who take extreme stands on many resourcerelated issues. One side usually wants relatively unrestricted use of natural resources. The other side has seen the results of uncontrolled growth and development elsewhere and tends to advocate total preservation. Neither position is completely right, nor completely wrong. Although there has been negative use of natural resources over the years, use of those resources has had a positive effect on the economy and the well-being of people of the region. The problem is that extremists' arguments often are founded more on emotion than on facts. Meanwhile, it has been difficult to bring facts into the equation. That's because there isn't enough documented natural resource and economic data to (1) convince either side of an issue that opposing arguments might have validity, and (2) to provide a realistic basis for remedial policy or legislation. What's badly needed is solid scientific information that can help dissolve much of the disunity, and, at the same time, provide a basis for sensitive decision making by public resource managers, private developers and elected officials. Reacting to this situation, a number of Federal agencies with regional interests got together in the mid-1980s to explore the concept of an organization that could become a source for this much-needed data. It quickly became apparent that in order for such an organization to be successful, it would have to: 1. Recognize the need for economic development and resource conservation in the Southern Appalachian region; 2. Have the capability to generate economic and natural resource data �1991 Linear Parks Conference Proceedings 140 germane to specific regional issues; 3. Become recognized as a voice of reason by moderates and extremists; 4. Become a source of information for elected officials responsible for legislation to protect and enhance the interests of all parties. These stipulations eventually became the operational guidelines for the Southern Appalachian Man and the Biosphere Cooperative. Officials representing six Federal agencies and bureaus agreed in August 1988 to work jointly and provide initial financial support for SAMAB. Charter members were the: Economic Development Administration, National Park Service, Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Tennessee Valley Authority, U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service and U.S. Forest Service. Since, the Environmental Protection Agency and the U.S. Geological Survey have become members of the Cooperative. The Appalachian Regional Commission, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and Soil Conservation Service are considering membership. In addition, the State of Georgia has joined, while Alabama, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee and Virginia, all of which have lands within the SAMAB zone of cooperation, have been invited to also become active state partners. The Zone of Cooperation I mentioned is a somewhat loosely defined mountainous area that includes five designated units of the Southern Appalachian Biosphere Reserve—the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, Coweeta Hydrologic Laboratory in the Nantahala National Forest, the National Environmental Research Park at Oak Ridge, Tennessee, Grandfather Mountain, and Mt. Mitchell State Park. There are more than 260 Biosphere Reserves throughout the world. All have been designated by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as areas worthy of preservation because of their unique natural resources or usefulness in studying human impacts on the land. Designation of an area as a Biosphere Reserve does not, and I emphasize not, bring with it any regulatory authority; there are no restrictions on private land use within or adjacent to it. It is not a covert means of expanding the public land base. It does not give Big Brother another way to dictate what can or cannot be done on the land. In other words, as a television comedian once said, "What you see is what you get." Within this framework, and with its extensive and diverse membership, SAMAB easily has the expertise to thoroughly comply with its mission statement, which is: To foster harmonious relationships between humans and their environment through programs and projects that integrate the social, physical and biological sciences to address actual problems. I wish I could tell you that SAMAB already has been smashingly successful in meeting all of its challenges. I regret that I cannot—yet. I can say, however, that some impressive first steps have been taken. Actively addressing some of the situations and problems affecting people and their environment in the Southern highlands, SAMAB has provided leadership for a number of actions, including: A model program at Pittman Center, Tennessee, to demonstrate that tourism and natural resource protection can be compatible. Free informational meetings to inform the public of threats posed by a fungal disease (dogwood anthracnose) to the native flowering dogwood tree. �A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Environmental education programs for Grades K-8 on the Great Smoky Mountains National Park Biosphere Reserve and the Southern Appalachian Region. Production of the first of what will be annual conferences to address prominent environmental issues in the region. Creation of a tax-exempt, nonprofit foundation that provides an avenue for private sector, university and other involvement in SAM AB. Preparation of informational literature and close contact with regional media to make SAMAB's presence, role and mission more well known. Thus, after a relative brief existence, SAMAB appears to be on its way toward earning a permanent and respected niche in environmental and economic affairs in Southern Appalachia. The diversity of its membership gives SAMAB the ability to examine issues and problems from a big picture perspective. This helps eliminate any agency bias and ensures that the Cooperative is recognized as a voice of sound judgment. I don't have a crystal ball that will allow me to look into SAMAB's future, but one doesn't have to be a fortune teller to see some things clearly. First and foremost, SAMAB's responses to environmental and economic questions and issues will continue to be based on a broad spectrum of knowledge and delivered without the stamp of any particular area of interest. 141 However, in order to achieve longterm success, SAMAB first must solidify some important short-term goals. These include: 1. Continued support by members until financial independence is achieved through support by the SAMAB Foundation. 2. Sound cooperative working relationships with universities and organizations involved in natural and cultural resource, social and economic research. 3. An agency compatible, computerized database (geographic information system, or GIS) on the ecosystems of the Southern Appalachian region. 4. Leadership for other regional groups that are considering or following SAMAB'S example. In conclusion, the need for an organization such as SAMAB in the Southern Appalachians is evident, as it is in many other areas where the forces of use and preservation are in competition. While SAMAB has made significant positive strides in a relatively short time, many steps remain to be taken. If these steps are taken successfully, the natural and cultural resources of Southern Appalachia will be better protected, visitors will be able to see and enjoy them, and residents of the region will prosper economically. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Parkways, Greenways, Riverways: A Partnership for Beauty and Progress Description An account of the resource <span>The Fourth Biennial Linear Parks Conference was held in Charlottesville, Virginia, on November 12-14, 1991. Contributors to the proceedings are Philip A. Grant Jr.; Helen Cozzetto and Don Cozzetto; Judy Byrd Brittenum; Neil P. Korostoff, Thomas G. Yahner, and Timothy P. Johnson; Wayne E. Williams, Delmar W. Barchert, Paul L. Gaskill, and Holly Pierce; Helen Smythers; Herman F. Senter and James P. Jarvis; James L. Sipes and Richard F. Ostergaard; Stephanie A. Rolley; Shiego Sudo; Michael L. O’Brien, William E. Shepherd, and Sarah Duncan; Stephanie Secrest; Randy Mason; T. Allan Comp; Paul E. Skidmore and Bruce F. Woods; Sarah Duncan and William E. Shepherd; and Hubert Hinote.</span><br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1PIYX3A-MPKcKCgYNwZnvv6Ko6GvQBIjt" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642147/parkways-greenways-riverways/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. Proceedings of the Fourth Biennial International Linear Parks Conference Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1991 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Subject The topic of the resource Parkways--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Greenways--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Park districts--United States--Design and construction--Congresses Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Conference proceedings Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4752031/charlottesville.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm Charlottesville (Va.) Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/c8381866672c3972b8d14d5397c8a07b.pdf 4d5343b2de23bbd5e3b5db75873f487e PDF Text Text �This project was sponsored through the Education Committee of the Appalachian Consortium by the following agencies: The Blue Ridge Parkway Pisgah National Forest The Appalachian Trail Conference East Tennessee State University and The Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy Project Director: Patricia Lockamy, Blue Ridge P a r k w a y Coordinaors: D r . R o b e r t a H e r r i n , East T e n n e s s e e S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y ; Phyllis H o n e y c u t t , B u n c o m b e C o u n t y S c h o o l s E d i t e d B y : S u s a n Isaacs; East T e n n e s s e e S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y A r t , Layout a n d Editorial Assistance By: M a r y A n n Lawrence, Asheville, N C ; Janet Kahler, Asheville, N C Special A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s T o : D r . O l s o n H u f f , P e d i a t r i c D i r e c t o r , R u t h & Billy G r a h a m ' s C h i l d r e n ' s H e a l t h C e n t e r , A s h e v i l l e , N o r t h C a r o l i n a f o r his k e y n o t e a d d r e s s a n d e x p e r t i s e in t h e e f f e c t s o f t h e e n v i r o n m e n t o n c h i l ­ dren's health. E m i l y B u r l e s o n o f t h e A p p a l a c h i a n C o n s o r t i u m , w h o s e r v e d as a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o o r d i n a t o r f o r the project. Joe D e L o a c h o f the Tennessee E a s t m a n H i k i n g C l u b , w h o helped c o o r d i n a t e f u n d i n g . D r . M u r r a y E v a n s o f t h e S o u t h e r n A p p a l a c h i a n H i g h l a n d s C o n s e r v a n c y , w h o s e r v e d as a p r i ­ m a r y instructor a n d guide for the project. T e r r y S e y d e n , P u b l i c A f f a i r s O f f i c e r f o r Pisgah N a t i o n a l Forest, w h o h e l p e d c o o r d i n a t e f u n d i n g and personnel. �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located i n Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works i n Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal i n the field to this day. W i t h funding from the A n d r e w W. M e l l o n Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities O p e n B o o k Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This w o r k is licensed under a Creative Commons B Y - N C - N D license. To view a copy o f the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1995 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4244-4 I S B N (ebook): 978-1-4696-4245-1 Distributed by the University of N o r t h Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �INSTRUCTORS FOR AN APPALACHIAN CURRICULUM Robert Resource Ed A Cherry Management Specialist, Blue Ridge Parkway teacher w o r k s h o p held o n the c a m p u s o f A p p a l a c h i a n State University in J u n e , 1 9 9 5 . T h e pur­ Clark: Habitat n A p p a l a c h i a n C u r r i c u l u m is a p r o d u c t o f t h e Appalachian Curriculum Summit, a week-long pose o f the w o r k s h o p w a s t o a l l o w children f r o m the Manager, Grandfather Southern Appalachian region t o gain better educational Mountain access t o t h e t r e m e n d o u s r e s o u r c e s i n t h i s a r e a . Dave The project targeted f o u r t h - g r a d e teachers because they are Danley in a n a d v a n t a g e o u s p o s i t i o n t o i n f l u e n c e c h i l d r e n t o b e Botanist, United States Forest Service environmentally conscious a n d because f o u r t h - g r a d e curricula are c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e g o a l s o f t h e p r o j e c t . Dr Murray Evans: However, the activities p r o d u c e d m a y be a d j u s t e d f o r any age g r o u p . Professor Emeritus Dr. Roberta Associate Phyllis and Botanist, University of Tennessee During the w o r k s h o p , Herrín Professor of English, East Tennessee State University Honeycutt Schools Director and Education, North of Programs they contain some o f the m o s t environmentally signifi­ c a n t a r e a s in t h e A p p a l a c h i a n H i g h l a n d s a n d b e c a u s e North Carolina State Parks t h e y a r e a c c e s s i b l e t o s c h o o l g r o u p s in b o t h w e s t e r n N o r t h C a r o l i n a a n d eastern Tennessee. A t each site, the teachers were m e t by experts w h o g u i d e d t h e m t h r o u g h Lockamy Carolina Mt. Mitchell, and Roan M o u n t a i n , including a portion o f t h e A p p a l a c h i a n T r a i l . T h e s e sites w e r e c h o s e n b e c a u s e Buncombe Coounty Marti Kane Patricia the teachers visited f o u r focal sites: T h e B l u e R i d g e P a r k w a y , G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n , an examination o f the major environmental concerns, Interpretive Specialist, Blue Ridge Parkway s u c h as b e a v e r d a m s a l o n g t h e P a r k w a y , w a t e r q u a l i t y a t Linville Falls, a n d a c i d d e p o s i t i o n a n d i n s e c t d a m a g e o n M t . Mitchell. O n Roan M o u n t a i n and the Appalachian Lillian McElrath Resource Management Trail, they explored the need f o r balance between p u b l i c Steve Specialist, Blue Ridge Miller Parkway use a n d p r o t e c t i o n o f r a r e a n d e n d a n g e r e d s p e c i e s . T h e results o f t h e i r research a n d e x p l o r a t i o n s are present­ e d h e r e , as A n A p p a l a c h i a n C u r r i c u l u m , a g u i d e w r i t t e n Park Ranger, Grandfather Mountain f o r teachers, by teachers. T h e activities presented m a y be c o p i e d a n d u s e d b y a n y class o r g r o u p w h o w i s h e s t o Frank Roth Operations John learn m o r e a b o u t the resources o f t h e S o u t h e r n Assistant, Forest will encourage other teachers t o take a d v a n ­ ing classrooms for their students. Mt. Mitchell State Park Shupe Park Ranger, Mt Curriculum t a g e o f t h e s e t r e m e n d o u s r e s o u r c e s , a n d use t h e m as liv­ Sharpe Superintendent, Steve Pisgah National A p p a l a c h i a n r e g i o n . T h e i n t e n t is t h a t A n A p p a l a c h i a n Mitchell State Park �The activities Curriculum in An by seven ers from the Appalachian region Carolina They chosen and Tennessee. for the project ence in teaching records in the N o r t h C a r o l i n a State University. North in S c h o o l in Black M o u n t a i n , N o r t h p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e p r o j e c t as a s t u d e n t She all C a r o l i n a , w i t h t w e n t y years o f class­ intern t o c o m p l e t e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r her experi­ r o o m experience. She also has over b a c h e l o r o f science degree. their t w e n t y - f i v e y e a r s o f e x p e r i e n c e as a sea­ were and M a r y C h a n d l e r - M a r y is a s e n i o r a t teacher at Black M o u n t a i n Primary teach­ due to their in the region for excellence The authors C i n d y M e d l o c k - M r s . M e d l o c k is a Appalachian were written classroom. sonal p a r k ranger w i t h the Blue Ridge P a r k w a y . She r e c e i v e d h e r b a c h e l o r s include: a n d m a s t e r s degrees in e d u c a t i o n f r o m W e s t e r n C a r o l i n a University. Project Director: P a t r i c i a L o c k a m y - M r s . L o c k a m y is L i s a G i b s o n - M r s . G i b s o n is a f o u r t h - the N o r t h Carolina Interpretive g r a d e t e a c h e r a t Isaac D i c k s o n Specialist f o r the Blue Ridge Parkway, w h e r e she d i r e c t s e d u c a t i o n , p r o g r a m ­ Elementary S c h o o l in Asheville, N o r t h D i a n a P e n n i n g t o n - M r s . P e n n i n g t o n is C a r o l i n a . S h e is a g r a d u a t e o f M a r s a fourth-grade teacher at M o u n t a i n m i n g , a n d exhibits f o r the N o r t h Hill College a n d has w o r k e d for City E l e m e n t a r y S c h o o l in M o u n t a i n C a r o l i n a side o f t h e p a r k . She also A s h e v i l l e C i t y S c h o o l s f o r o v e r seven y e a r s . S h e is a l s o a n e x p e r i e n c e d p r e ­ C i t y , T e n n e s s e e , w i t h o v e r e i g h t y e a r s o f serves o n t h e E d u c a t i o n C o m m i t t e e o f the Appalachian C o n s o r t i u m . c l a s s r o o m e x p e r i e n c e . She h o l d s a s c h o o l t e a c h e r w h o is l o c a l l y n o t e d f o r masters o f arts in t e a c h i n g degree f r o m excellence in t h e c l a s s r o o m . Mrs. East T e n n e s s e e S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y . S h e is G i b s o n resides w i t h her h u s b a n d a n d active in s c h o o l a n d c o m m u n i t y a c t i v i ­ t w o children in Asheville. ties a n d s p o n s o r s a n a w a r d w i n n i n g 4 H c l u b in M o u n t a i n C i t y . Project Coordinators: D r . R o b e r t a H e r r í n - D r . H e r r i n is a n A s s o c i a t e P r o f e s s o r o f E n g l i s h a t East Tennessee State University. A n active C a t h e r i n e G l e n n - M r s . G l e n n serves as m e m b e r o f the Appalachian a teacher at Fairmont Elementary Karen Purcott - Karen teaches at S c h o o l in J o h n s o n C i t y , Tennessee. She F a i r m o n t E l e m e n t a r y S c h o o l in C o n s o r t i u m f o r m a n y years, she previ­ holds a bachelors degree f r o m Illinois J o h n s o n City, Tennessee a n d h o l d s a o u s l y s e r v e d as C h a i r m a n o f t h e State University a n d a M a s t e r s in m a s t e r s d e g r e e f r o m East T e n n e s s e e Education Committee. E d u c a t i o n f r o m East Tennessee state S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y . She w a s n a m e d t h e University. Tennessee Social Studies Teacher o f the S h e h a s b e e n r e c o g n i z e d as the Tennessee A s s o c i a t i o n o f M i d d l e Year i n 1 9 9 0 . Karen has w o r k e d o n S c h o o l s T e a c h e r o f t h e Year ( 1 9 9 3 ) . p r e v i o u s c u r r i c u l u m p r o j e c t s in m a t h M r s . G l e n n also received a n a t i o n a l a n d social studies a n d has developed a w a r d f r o m Keep A m e r i c a Beautiful in a n d directed o u t d o o r programs for the 1991. Girl Scouts. C r y s t a l C h a p m a n - M r s . C h a p m a n is a fourth-grade teacher at Johnston Phyllis H o n e y c u t t - A m e m b e r o f t h e E l e m e n t a r y S c h o o l in B u n c o m b e Appalachian Consortium Education C o u n t y , N o r t h C a r o l i n a , w h e r e she w a s C o m m i t t e e w h o helped coordinate this recently n a m e d the 1 9 9 5 - 9 6 J o h n s t o n project, M r s . H o n e y c u t t also has t w e n - E l e m e n t a r y T e a c h e r o f t h e Year. S h e is ty-nine years o f t e a c h i n g experience in a g r a d u a t e o f Brevard College a n d T h e the A p p a l a c h i a n r e g i o n . She has w r i t - University o f N o r t h Carolina at t e n several i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y c u r r i c u l u m Asheville. guides. M r s . H o n e y c u t t is a r e s i d e n t o f M o h a w k , Tennessee a n d received her Bachelors degree f r o m M a r s Hill College a n d has c o m p l e t e d g r a d u a t e w o r k at Western Carolina and A p p a l a c h i a n State Universities. Phyllis H o n e y c u t t - M r s . H o n e y c u t t s e r v e d as t h e c u r r i c u l u m c o o r d i n a t o r as w e l l as a n i n s t r u c t o r f o r A n A p p a l a c h i a n C u r r i c u l u m . S h e is a l s o an active m e m b e r o f the E d u c a t i o n C o m m i t t e e o f the Appalachian Consortium. �TABLE O F CONTENTS I. The Blue Ridge Parkway Julian Price Memorial Eager Beaver From Marshes To M e a d o w s H o w ' s The W a t e r U p There? 6 Park..7 8-9 42 Habitats on Grandfather Mountain ....103-105 IL Roan Mountain And The Appalachian Trail 49 From O n e Teacher T o Another ....106 History O f Grandfather M o u n t a i n 107 M a p p i n g The Appalachian Trail 50-52 11-12 Beaver Poetry 13-14 Nature Walk 15-17 Extra, Extra! Read All A b o u t It! 5 3 - 5 6 Roan: A Mountain O f Opportunity 57-59 R o a n W o r d Search J u l i a n Price T r i p R e c o r d e r 60-61 Scavenger H u n t O r Bingo Beaver A d a p t a t i o n s 62-63 18 19 T h e M o d e l Beaver 20-21 Beaver H a b i t a t 22-23 S u r v i v a l A t Its Best 64 Environmental Management ....65-68 A p p a l a c h i a n Trail Patch Design 69-70 Linville Falls 24-25 26 M y Grandfather Mountain 71 Plant..108 Wildflower Quilt 109 Suggested G r o u p Activity Schedule ....110 Grandfather Mountain Weather Station ....111 Grandfather Mountain Information 112 Chaperone Evaluation 113 IV. Mount Mitchell..114 Dr. Elisha M i t c h e l l 115 History o f M o u n t Mitchell A n d The Black M o u n t a i n s ML Grandfather Mountain Weather O n Grandfather M o u n t a i n B o o n e Fork Trail ..100-102 N o r t h Carolina M a p p i n g Exercises ..43-48 10 J u l i a n Price W o r d Puzzle M u s e u m S c a v e n g e r H u n t II 116-117 ....72 Air Pollution Detective 118 C l i m b Every M o u n t a i n 119-122 M o u n t M i t c h e l l W o r d Search W a t e r C o l l e c t i o n A t L i n v i l l e Falls . . . . 2 7 123-124 Issues A t G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n . . . . 7 3 Transpiration 28 M a n And Nature Life A t L i n v i l l e Falls 29 30-31 Plant H u n t 83 Food W e b 84 32 Disguise A C a d d i s f l y 82 Animal Walk Water Quality 33 L e p r e c h a u n vs. D i n o s a u r 34-35 The Wildflower Coloring Book..85-91 Glossary 36 Matching 37 The ABCs G o 38 A n i m a l Puppets 92-96 Grandfather Mountain Wildlife K e y i n g O u t Leaves A W a l k In T h e W o o d s 39-40 41 Habitat 97 Grandfather Mountain Crossword Puzzle 126 74-78 A n i m a l s A t G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n ..79-81 L i n v i l l e Falls F i e l d S t u d i e s 125 A Q u i l t Is T h e Q u i l l Scavenger H u n t 98-99 Field T r i p F o r m s 127-129 �BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY T h e B l u e R i d g e P a r k w a y is k n o w n t o d a y as p e r h a p s t h e greatest scenic h i g h w a y in t h e world. I n d e e d , it w a s designed t o meet this e x p e c t a t i o n over 6 0 years a g o . It e x t e n d s 4 6 9 m i l e s a l o n g t h e crests o f t h e S o u t h e r n A p p a l a c h i a n s a n d links t w o n a t i o n a l parks — S h e n a n d o a h a n d G r e a t Smoky Mountains. A l o n g t h e w a y , it m e a n d e r s t h r o u g h some o f the m o s t significant cultural and n a t u r a l resources in N o r t h C a r o l i n a a n d V i r g i n i a . T h e P a r k w a y p r o v i d e s seemingly endless b u t b r e a t h ­ t a k i n g views o f parallel m o u n t a i n ranges, scattered hills, a n d m o u n t a i n f a r m s . W i l d l i f e is a b u n d a n t a l o n g t h e P a r k w a y . Y o u r s t u ­ d e n t s m a y be d e l i g h t e d t o observe deer, bear, w i l d turkey, or bobcats. They m a y enjoy bird w a t c h i n g like t h e h a w k m i g r a t i o n s i n t h e s p r i n g a n d f a l l o r t h e h i g h e l e v a t i o n s p e c i e s s u c h as t h e w i n t e r w r e n . P e r h a p s t h e y w i l l o b s e r v e a g r o u n d h o g as i t sits erect a l o n g the roadside o r enjoy a glimpse o f a fox o r o p o s s u m . T h e y a r e s u r e t o n o t e signs o f w i l d l i f e all a r o u n d . H i s t o r y is r i c h i n t h i s n a t i o n a l p a r k . T h e s t o r i e s o f i n d e p e n d e n t m o u n t a i n p e o p l e are t o l d a t m a n y o v e r l o o k s a l o n g t h e w a y . T h e r e are l o g c a b i n s , w o r k i n g f a r m s , a m o u n t a i n m a n s i o n a n d a grist m i l l . A l l w a l k s o f h i s t o r i c a l m o u n t a i n life leave s o m e t y p e o f t a l e t o tell a l o n g t h e P a r k w a y . In s o m e areas, s t u d e n t s m a y even observe a u t h e n t i c A p p a l a c h i a n h a n d i c r a f t in p r o d u c t i o n . Wherever you go a l o n g the Parkway, you will find resources t o m a t c h y o u r c u r r i c u l u m . Recreation a r e a s , v a r y i n g i n size f r o m several h u n d r e d t o several t h o u s a n d acres, are wilderness g e m s f o r t h o s e w h o enjoy the out-of-doors. abundant. C u l t u r a l resources are M o s t d e v e l o p e d areas include picnic facilities, r e s t r o o m s , w a t e r f o u n t a i n s a n d hiking trails. T h e P a r k w a y offers an ideal s p o t f o r a field t r i p f o r a n y age g r o u p . Be s u r e t o b e p r e p a r e d f o r c o o l w e a t h e r a n d u n e x ­ p e c t e d changes in the weather. As in m a n y m o u n ­ tain areas, students will need g o o d w a l k i n g shoes, plenty o f f o o d and water, and a w a r m jacket. T h e activities t h a t f o l l o w reflect b u t a sample o f w h a t y o u can d o a l o n g the Blue Ridge Parkway w i t h y o u r c l a s s . W e h o p e t h a t y o u w i l l a d a p t all o f t h e a c t i v i t i e s i n t h i s b o o k t o v a r i o u s P a r k w a y sites — o r p e r h a p s create a f e w activities o f y o u r o w n . For fur­ t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t t h e Blue Ridge P a r k w a y call (704) 298-0398. �JULIAN PRICE MEMORIAL PARK J u l i a n Price M e m o r i a l P a r k is n o t o n l y o n e o f t h e m o s t scenic areas a l o n g the Blue Ridge Parkway, b u t also o n e o f t h e m o r e diverse. T h e variety o f r e s o u r c e s a v a i l a b l e h e r e m a k e i t a n a p p e a l i n g site f o r a n y class f i e l d t r i p . T h e area offers a large p i c n i c a r e a , c a m p g r o u n d , h i k i n g trails, lakes, p o n d s , a n d streams, restrooms a n d seasonal b o a t rentals. The teachers in this p r o j e c t especially r e c o m m e n d the J u l i a n Price P i c n i c A r e a , w h i c h h a r b o r s a N a t u r a l Heritage Area a n d visible beaver activity a l o n g B o o n e F o r k C r e e k . T h e t r a i l a l o n g B o o n e F o r k is w i d e , f l a t , a n d accessible directly in the picnic area. R e s t r o o m s are presently available f r o m M a y t h r o u g h October. F o r d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n , call t h e Blue R i d g e P a r k w a y B l u f f s D i s t r i c t O f f i c e a t S a n d y Flats (704) 295-7591. T h e J u l i a n Price a r e a is a l s o a d j a c e n t t o t h e M o s e s H . C o n e M e m o r i a l Park o n t h e Blue Ridge Parkway. Here, students m a y gain insight into some o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a ' s finest c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e as t h e y v i e w t h e t e x t i l e g i a n t M o s e s C o n e ' s m a n s i o n , w h i c h he n a m e d F l a t T o p M a n o r . T h e m a n o r , n o w k n o w n as t h e P a r k w a y C r a f t C e n t e r , is o p e r a t e d b y t h e Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild. Authentic m o u n t a i n h a n d i c r a f t s u c h as p o t t e r y , h o o k e d r u g s , basketry, f u r n i t u r e , a n d h a n d w o v e n materials are o n sale o r e x h i b i t . O f t e n , v a r i o u s skilled h a n d i c r a f t artists d e m o n s t r a t e their particular arts at the cen­ ter. T h e activities t h a t f o l l o w were designed f o r t r i p s t o t h e J u l i a n Price P i c n i c A r e a . field However, many o f t h e activities f o r Linville Falls, M t . M i t c h e l l , a n d R o a n M o u n t a i n w o u l d also w o r k here. T h e o p e n s e t t i n g a n d v a r i e t y o f r e s o u r c e s a t j u l i a n Price P a r k lend themselves t o a m u l t i t u d e o f curricula. We h o p e t h a t y o u w i l l find t h e f o l l o w i n g a c t i v i t i e s u s e f u l a n d t h a t they will inspire y o u t o design a few o f y o u r own. à J �EAGER BEAVER GOAL: U s i n g t h e b e a v e r as a n e x a m p l e , t h e l e a r n e r w i l l b e aware o f the relationship between the history o f a r e g i o n a n d its l o c a t i o n , n a t u r a l s e t t i n g , n a t u r a l PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1 . R e s e a r c h t h e b e a v e r a n d its u n i q u e a d a p t a ­ t i o n s t o a q u a t i c life. resources a n d n a t u r a l changes. Identify ways people affect the environment. 2. Research t h e beaver f u r t r a d i n g business. D i s p l a y b e a v e r t r a p p i n g a r e a s o f t h e U.S. o n STATE OBJECTIVES: NORTH CAROLINA: a m a p a n d develop a beaver fur store s h o w ­ i n g t h e uses o f b e a v e r i n t h e l a t e c o l o n i a l era a n d / o r early p i o n e e r s e t t l e m e n t s . SOCIAL STUDIES: T h e learner will evaluate ways t h e people o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a use, m o d i f y a n d a d a p t t o t h e i r physical e n v i r o n ­ MATERIALS: ment. Reference resources A n a l y z e causes a n d c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e misuse o f t h e Sketch p a d / d r a w i n g materials e n v i r o n m e n t a n d p r o p o s e alternatives. 5.3: Camera (optional) 5.3.2:Give an example o f the misuse o f the e n v i r o n m e n t , trace its causes a n d c o n s t r u c t a t i m e l i n e o r use o t h e r g r a p h i c o r g a n i z e r s t o e x h i b i t these causes. 5.3.3:Given an environmental p r o b l e m , predict the short-term a n d l o n g - t e r m consequences a n d p r o p o s e alternatives. INTRODUCTION: T h e Blue Ridge Parkway, p a r t o f the N a t i o n a l Park S y s t e m , is c o m m i t t e d t o r e s t o r a t i o n a n d p r e s e r v a ­ tion o f plant and animal wildlife. Wildlife manage­ m e n t includes m a n y different tasks, including the m a n a g e m e n t o f native species w h i c h w e r e o n c e lost b u t are n o w r e t u r n i n g t o the area. T h e beaver was o n c e master o f the forest o f the S o u t h e r n A p p a l a c h i a n s . As a keystone species, t h e b e a v e r c r e a t e s its o w n e n v i r o n m e n t , f o r c i n g o t h e r s p e c i e s t o a d a p t . F r e s h w a t e r w e t l a n d s , s u c h as b o g s , are j u s t o n e possible c o n s e q u e n c e o f beaver territory. T h e b e a v e r is w e l l a d a p t e d t o its a q u a t i c e n v i r o n ­ m e n t , a l l o w i n g i t t o s u r v i v e a n d t h r i v e as l o n g as its p r i m a r y p r e d a t o r , m a n , a l l o w s . Beavers d i s a p p e a r e d q u i c k l y after b e i n g discovered in the A p p a l a c h i a n M o u n t a i n s . H u n t e d f o r its f u r , k i l l e d f o r b e i n g a n u i ­ sance, a n d r u n o f f by e n c r o a c h i n g settlers, the beaver has n o w r e a p p e a r e d a l o n g the Blue Ridge Parkway. W i l d l i f e m a n a g e m e n t techniques are again challenged by this eager a q u a t i c m a m m a l . Note pad �EAGER BEAVER ON-SITE ACTIVITIES: POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. 1. B e a v e r d a m s a t J u l i a n Price P a r k a r e p r i m a r i l y Make a timeline o f m a m m a l disappearance a n d reappearance a l o n g the Blue Ridge c o n s t r u c t e d f r o m a c o m b i n a t i o n o f sticks, leaves a n d m u d . O b s e r v e a n d d i s c u s s t h e p r o s P a r k w a y . A g o o d r e s o u r c e is A Naturalist's a n d cons o f this type o f construction. W h a t Ridge Parkway skills w o u l d t h e b e a v e r n e e d t o m a k e a d a m ? 161). W h a t have been t h e consequences o f their d a m s ( p o n d s , f l o o d i n g , b o g s , etc.)? 2. M a k e a m o d e l , d i o r a m a o r poster o f a beaver d a m , lodge or h a b i t a t . Explain the u n i q u e fea­ Discuss t h e r e t u r n o f the beaver t o the Blue tures. This c o u l d be a c u l m i n a t i o n o f the Ridge Parkway region. W h e n d i d the beaver 2. Blue by David T. Catlin (pages 140- research d o n e p r i o r t o t h e visit. disappear? W h e n d i d it return? W h a t positive a n d negative consequences have o c c u r r e d 3. Have a d a m - b u i l d i n g contest. Have individuals o r g r o u p s t r y t o m a k e a stick d a m a n d test i f it since its r e t u r n ? will hold water back. 3. Beavers are c r e p u s c u l a r a n i m a l s (active a t t w i ­ l i g h t a n d d a w n ) s o v i s i t o r s d o n ' t u s u a l l y see t h e m . Be a b e a v e r d e t e c t i v e a n d list c l u e s t h a t 4. Write a p o e m or w o r d description a b o u t the beaver. will p r o v e t h e existence o f beavers a t Julian E Economic g n a w i n g , d a m s , etc. A Aquatic t h e l o c a t i o n o f y o u r clues. W h a t m i g h t these V Vegetarian clues tell y o u a b o u t t h e beaver p o p u l a t i o n ? E Environmental W h a t is t h e r a n g e o f b e a v e r t e r r i t o r y ? 4. B Price P a r k . L o o k f o r t r a c k s , e v i d e n c e o f b e a v e r R Reintroduce M a k e sketches o r m a p M a k e a list o f o t h e r m a m m a l s , b i r d s , insects, a m p h i b i a n s a n d reptiles t h a t share the b e a v e r ' s e n v i r o n m e n t . D i a g r a m t h e layers ( l e v ­ els) o f e a c h o n e ' s p l a c e i n t h e h a b i t a t . How does this affect t h e f o o d chain? H o w are dif­ ferent resources used by each type o f a n i m a l ? 5. As y o u observe t h e e n v i r o n m e n t , notice the p l a n t life. M a n y " g r a s s y " p l a n t s near w a t e r h a b i t a t s are a c t u a l l y sedges o r rushes. Use t h e s i m p l e r h y m e t o classify t h e "grasses" a r o u n d the b o g . W h a t geometric shapes w o u l d describe t h e sedge b l a d e a n d t h e rush stem? SEDGES HAVE EDGES RUSHES ARE ROUND GRASSES A R E FLAT WHEREVER THEY ARE F O U N D . Busy �FROM MARSHES T O MEADOW �JULIAN PRICE WORD PUZZLE J D E A Z W S H 1 C w R D E N P J U S S X C w u 0 L G A F R D W Y E X K Z B X C B L X S W A s U s T H K 1 E R Y A S H T T O M N G E A S W P B E U C Z 1 Y E M S U E L C 1 A R K F E B Y 0 Q 0 1 N L E E F O 0 K R V K I Y 0 Q J K Y Z T T F R T R E B T C A M P G R O U N D U N T D D J 1 L M D N A L T E W E Y 1 L K W 1 W A N D S Q G F K L N X W T V 1 S P A N J E X G E P H Y Y M R M C H A A Y X B U D J A E P D 1 D 0 N A K P T R C C W Z R M Z P N G K B D A E V D B O G M M E G G G A D A M H 1 M M V J R D Y J Y G J U O G 0 A R E F L J 1 L 1 B 1 S E D G E S C O B P K W A N T X C A L U K Y T Y A L E P C P B L G H W O B X 1 D E R X H G U 1 G U V K T C X Z D K H C K B L R E E U T T A T Y C Q 1 H 0 N C L R G V T W D E P T U 1 V B X N Y S U T 1 R T E D J C X N A U O M L Y P Z T X D T W A O Z A F G W W C N WORD LIST ADAPTATION BOG COMMUNiTY DETRITUS KEYSTONESPECIES RUSH WATERLOGGED BEAVER BOONEFORK CREPUSCULAR EARTHEN LODGE SEDGES WETLAND BLUERIDGEPARKWAY CAMPGROUND DAM JULIANPRICE MILEPOST SEDIMENT �JULIAN PRICE WORD PUZZLE ANSWERS E R . E A . B L U . . . . N . . . . . . . H S U R C T . R H K B E E 0 P Y 0 U S N S T E C 0 F U N 0 L E R A S K P R F C E S D G E P A R K W A Y S E D I MENT n C N M L A A M P O S C M L U L P T T G E R R W R O E S G T N U . V A E E N . l A D D D L G U . B E ,1 S Y T 1 N C D E G O L R E T A W G B D P T A T I ON m WORDLIST ADAPTATION BEAVER BLUERI D G E P A R K W A Y BOG BOONEFORK CAMPGROUND C O M M M M UNITY CREPUSCULAR DAM DETRITUS EARTHEN JULIANPRICE K E Y S T O N ESPECIES LODGE MILEPOST RUSH SEDGES SEDIMENT WATERLOGGED WETLAND �BEAVER POETRY GOAL: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l d e v e l o p d e s c r i p t i v e skills b y c r e a t i n g a d i a m o n d - s h a p e d p o e m using information a b o u t beavers. ACTIVITY: Using i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t beavers learned at J u l i a n Price P a r k , h a v e s t u d e n t s w r i t e s i m p l e diamond-shaped poems. This simplified form h a s seven l i n e s . T h e f o r m a n d a s a m p l e p o e m STATE OBJECTIVES: are s h o w n b e l o w . Y o u m a y w a n t t o c o l l a b o r a t e NORTH CAROLINA: on a few g r o u p poems t o help students LANGUAGE ARTS: become comfortable with the f o r m . 2: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l use l a n g u a g e f o r t h e a c q u i s i t i o n , i n t e r p r e ­ tation, and application o f information. INTRODUCTION MATERIALS: I n f o r m a t i o n fact sheet a b o u t beavers Beaver d i a m o n d - s h a p e d p o e m a c t i v i t y s h e e t 1. B e a v e r s t r a v e l t h r o u g h w a t e r like a s w i f t b u l l e t . Reference b o o k s 2. Beavers have f l a p s o n t h e i r nose t h a t close w h e n Crayons they go underwater. Markers 3. 4. Pencils B e a v e r s h a v e c l e a r e y e l i d s t o see u n d e r w a t e r . Beavers have chisel-like t e e t h t h a t c a n c u t a t h r e e - i n c h tree in five m i n u t e s . 5. Flaps c o m e d o w n over t h e beaver's t e e t h so t h e y can chew underwater. 6. Beavers are very a d e p t w i t h t h e i r h a n d s a n d f i n ­ g e r s . T h e i r f o o t p r i n t s l o o k like h a n d s . 7. B e a v e r s a r e v e r y c l u m s y o u t o f w a t e r . T h e y use t h e i r p a d d l e - l i k e t a i l s t o give t h e m b a l a n c e . NOUN ADJECTIVE, VERB, VERB, VERB SENTENCE O R PHRASE W I T H 4 VERB, VERB, ADJECTIVE, 8 . A b e a v e r c o l o n y c o n s i s t s o f six t o e i g h t b e a v e r s . ADJECTIVE WORDS VERB ADJECTIVE NOUN BEAVER FURRY, FAST SWIMMING, CHEWING, BUILDING, CUTTING, CLUMSY O U T OF CREATIVE, EATING CHISELING WATER BUSY CONTRACTOR �BEAVER POETRY �NATURE WALK GOAL: v e g e t a t i o n t h a t g r o w s t h e r e is t h e t r a d e m a r k o f a T h e learner will identify w e t l a n d s a n d u n d e r s t a n d g r a s s e s , s e d g e s , r u s h e s , c a t t a i l s , a n d w a t e r lilies. m a r s h . S o m e c o m m o n f o r m s o f v e g e t a t i o n are their i m p o r t a n c e . S t u d e n t s will discuss the beaver's It h a s b e e n s a i d t h a t m a r s h e s a r e c l o s e t o b e i n g r o l e as a w e t l a n d c o n t r i b u t o r as w e l l as s o m e b a s i c the m o s t efficient habitats o n Earth. They p r o ­ adaptations. vide f o o d , shelter a n d water. STATE OBJECTIVE: 2. Bogs are freshwater w e t l a n d s t h a t . u s u a l l y consist o f p e a t , w h i c h is r i c h o r g a n i c m a t e r i a l m a d e o f NORTH CAROLINA: d e c a y i n g p l a n t m a t e r i a l . Layers o f p e a t c a n b e 4 0 2.4: K n o w t h a t animals a d a p t t o their environment. feet t h i c k . Peat c o n t a i n s a c i d a n d decays m a t t e r 2.7: K n o w t h a t a n i m a l s are i n t e r d e p e n d e n t . very slowly. M a t e r i a l , f r o m p r e h i s t o r i c t i m e t o t h e 6.1 : C o l l e c t , o r g a n i z e a n d d i s p l a y d a t a f r o m surveys, research a n d classroom experiments. TENNESSEE: p r e s e n t , t h a t is b u r i e d i n i t o f t e n is w e l l p r e ­ served. 3. S w a m p s are usually o v e r t a k e n by s h r u b s a n d trees. T h e a m o u n t o f w a t e r in a s w a m p c a n v a r y Recognize t h e d i f f e r e n c e s a m o n g a n i m a l s . f r o m a s m a l l a m o u n t t o several f e e t d e e p . Realize h o w i n d i v i d u a l s i m p a c t t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . S w a m p s c a n s u p p o r t a variety o f a n i m a l life. A n i m a l s s u c h as a l l i g a t o r s , p a n t h e r s a n d r a c ­ INTRODUCTION: WETLANDS: c o o n s c a n live i n a s w a m p . BEAVERS: A l l w e t l a n d s a r e m a d e o f w a t e r . H o w e v e r , all b o d i e s o f w a t e r ( p o n d s , l a k e s , rivers, c r e e k s , e t c . ) a r e n o t T h e b e a v e r is a d a p t e d t o l i v i n g i n w a t e r . It h a s f l a p s c l a s s i f i e d as w e t l a n d s . A w e t l a n d is a n a r e a t h a t h a s t o c o v e r its e a r s a n d m o u t h s a n d a n e x t r a p a i r o f s o g g y s o i l o r is o f t e n c o v e r e d w i t h w a t e r . T h e s e a r e a s c l e a r eyelids t o s w i m i n t h e w a t e r . A b e a v e r b u i l d s a s u p p o r t p l a n t a n d a n i m a l life u n i q u e o n l y t o a w e t ­ d a m t o c r e a t e a w a t e r e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h t o live. l a n d . For this r e a s o n , w e t l a n d s are valuable a n d a d d U n t i l a p o n d is f o r m e d , i t lives i n t h e s i d e s o f river- a n o t h e r link a m o n g wildlife, water, land a n d people. b a n k s , a n d t h e e n t r a n c e t o its h o m e is u n d e r w a t e r It is i m p o r t a n t t o p r o t e c t w e t l a n d s s o t h e p l a n t a n d to deter predators. a n i m a l life w i l l c o n t i n u e t o g r o w a n d live. O n c e t h e p o n d is t h e size i t l i k e s , t h e b e a v e r b u i l d s A b i g c o n t r i b u t o r t o t h e f o r m a t i o n o f w e t l a n d s is t h e its l o d g e i n t h e m i d d l e . T h e f l o o d i n g c a u s e s n e a r b y b e a v e r . A n e x a m p l e o f its w o r k is seen a t J u l i a n Price trees t o c o l l a p s e , a n d f i s h , d u c k a n d a m p h i b i a n s P a r k . W h e n a b e a v e r b u i l d s its d a m , t h e w a t e r o f t e n f i n d a n e w h o m e . P r e d a t o r s are t h e n a t t r a c t e d t o f l o o d s t h e s u r r o u n d i n g area, t u r n i n g it i n t o a m a r s h the area by the possibilities o f prey. or swampland. Beavers a r e i m p o r t a n t a l o n g t h e B l u e R i d g e P a r k w a y M a r s h e s a n d s w a m p l a n d s are t w o o f t h e three types because they are t h e o n l y a q u a t i c m a m m a l living o f freshwater w e t l a n d s . T h e types o f freshwater wet­ t h e r e . Beavers b e c a m e e x t i n c t i n N o r t h C a r o l i n a lands are: because o f the beaver f u r t r a d e in t h e settler's t i m e , b u t it w a s r e i n t r o d u c e d t o t h e area. 1. Marshes make up a b o u t 9 0 % o f wetlands. The �NATURE WALK PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES: ON-SITE GAME: Bulldozer 1. C o m p l e t e the m a t c h i n g / d e f i n i n g w o r k s h e e t . 2 . List d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o f a n i m a l s f o u n d i n a w e t ­ DIRECTIONS: land. Pick t w o o p p o s i t e sides o f t h e p l a y i n g f i e l d as 3. Research t h e beaver. Find o t h e r a d a p t a t i o n s it h a s a n d h o w i t lives. b o u n d a r i e s . T h e n pick t w o o r three people t o be the bulldozers. T h e b u l l d o z e r s s t a n d in the m i d d l e o f t h e p l a y i n g f i e l d . E v e r y o n e else a r e w i l d l i f e ON-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. Have s t u d e n t s describe the beaver h a b i t a t : s u c h as p l a n t s , a n i m a l s , t h e w a y i t l o o k s , w a t e r level, h o w s o g g y t h e g r o u n d is. 2. W h a t d o w e m e a n by h a b i t a t ? 3. Point o u t other habitats created due to the e n v i r o n m e n t the beaver created. 4. C o u l d the habitat change? H o w ? W h a t d o you think w o u l d happen then? 5. Set aside t i m e f o r s t u d e n t t o d o s o l o w o r k . M a k e sure students spread o u t . Have t h e m w r i t e d o w n e v e r y t h i n g t h e y see, h e a r , s m e l l o r feel. A f t e r a specified t i m e , have t h e m share t h e i r list w i t h t h e c l a s s . M a k e a m a s t e r list o f all t h e t h i n g s t h e y f o u n d . s t a n d i n g a l o n g o n e o f t h e b o u n d a r y lines. Tell t h e b u l l d o z e r s t o t u r n a r o u n d because y o u a r e g o i n g t o p i c k several b e a v e r s . T h e b u l l d o z e r s c a n n o t k n o w w h o the beavers are because t h e b e a v e r s a r e t h e o n l y o n e s w h o c a n save t h e wildlife a n d make the b u l l d o z e r s ' j o b harder. O n c e the beavers are selected, t h e b u l l d o z e r s c a n turn around. T h e bulldozers yell, "Give m e s o m e w i l d l i f e ! " Everyone has t o r u n a n d t r y t o m a k e it t o t h e other b o u n d a r y w i t h o u t being tagged by the bull­ dozers. If the w i l d l i f e get t a g g e d , they have t o s t a n d in t h a t s p o t like a t r e e u n t i l a b e a v e r saves t h e m . Beavers c a n save w i l d l i f e b y r u n n i n g b y t h e m a n d t o u c h i n g t h e i r f e e t . Beavers c a n o n l y d o t h i s o n the next run back t o the b o u n d a r y . If a beaver gets t a g g e d , it c a n n o t be saved by POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: o t h e r b e a v e r s . It h a s t o lay i n t h e s p o t l o o k i n g like 1 . T a k e t h e m a s t e r list a n d m a k e a w e t l a n d f o r t h ( o n t h e b u l l d o z e r s ' c u e s ) u n t i l all a r e t a g g e d m o d e l f r o m i t . T h i s c a n b e as b i g as a w a l l m u r a l o r as s m a l l as i n d i v i d u a l p i c t u r e s . MATERIALS: Construction paper Scissors Glue Crayons/markers Tape/stapler C a r d b o a r d , egg c a r t o n s a r o a d kill. Everyone keeps r u n n i n g b a c k a n d by the bulldozers. �NATURE WALK WETLAND WORKSHEET MATCHING: 1. Freshwater w e t l a n d t h a t consists o f peat. A) Wetland 2. A n a n i m a l a d a p t e d f o r living in water. B) M a r s h 3. Acidic organic material. C) Bog 4. A n area often covered w i t h water. D ) Peat 5. It s u p p o r t s a v a r i e t y o f a n i m a l life. E) S w a m p 6. T h e m o s t efficient habitat on Earth. F) B e a v e r A n s w e r : 1-C, 2-F, 3 - D , 4 - A , 5 - E , 6 - B QUESTIONS: 1. H o w does a beaver m a k e a w e t l a n d ? 2. W h y are w e t l a n d s valuable t o the e n v i r o n m e n t ? 3. W h a t k i n d o f v e g e t a t i o n g r o w s in a marsh? 4 . W h y are things well-preserved in a bog? 5 . W h a t k i n d o f a n i m a l life c a n a s w a m p s u p p o r t ? 6 . W h e r e d o b e a v e r s live b e f o r e t h e y b u i l d a l o d g e ? 7. W h y is t h e b e a v e r i m p o r t a n t o n t h e B l u e R i d g e P a r k w a y ? REFERENCES M i l l e r , A r t h u r P. a n d M a r j o u r i e , L Park Ranger Guide to Rivers and Lakes. S t a c k p o l e B o o k s , 1 9 9 1 . N a t i o n a l Park Service. N a t i o n a l Parks a n d C o n s e r v a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n . Biological Diversity Curriculum: a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n . M i n n e s o t a Environmental Ed. B o a r d , 1 9 9 0 . \ F e d e r a t i o n . Ranger Rick's Nature Scope: Wading into Wetlands, 1992. Make a World of Difference. N a t i o n a l Parks �BEAVER ADAPTATIONS GOAL: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l c o n s t r u c t a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f sci­ ence c o n c e p t s t h r o u g h analyzing systems. T h e learn­ er w i l l d e m o n s t r a t e a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d use o f graphing. PRE-SITE ACTIVITY: Use t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h a u n i t o f s t u d y o n a n i m a l s or, specifically, beavers. Students will research a n i m a l s a n d c o m p a r e similarities o f a n i m a l g r o u p s by sharing their STATE OBJECTIVES: projects. Include the c o n c e p t o f animal a d a p ­ tation. NORTH CAROLINA: SCIENCE 5.2: Investigate a n i m a l s a n d t h e i r b e h a v i o r s w i t h i n n a t u r a l environments 5.2.1 : C o m p a r e a n d c o n t r a s t v a r i o u s a d a p t a t i o n s o f d i f f e r e n t animal groups t o their environment MATH 6.1 : 1. T a k e a "Beaver W a l k " ( a r r a n g e t h r o u g h t h e Blue Ridge P a r k w a y ) . H a v e s t u d e n t s n o t e in n o t e b o o k s / s k e t c h p a d s all s i g n s o f b e a v e r s , s u c h as t r e e f e l l i n g s , l o d g e s a n d d a m s . C o l l e c t , o r g a n i z e a n d d i s p l a y d a t a f r o m c l a s s r o o m experi­ ments 6.2: ON-SITE ACTIVITY: Formulate questions and interpret information f r o m charts, tables, and graphs 2. A s a c l a s s , b r a i n s t o r m b e a v e r a d a p t a t i o n s . Include: • H a n d s t h a t are h u m a n - l i k e •Long fingers for m a n i p u l a t i o n TENNESSEE: SCIENCE: Recognize t h e d i f f e r e n c e s a m o n g a n i m a l s Realize h o w i n d i v i d u a l s i m p a c t t h e e n v i r o n m e n t • W e b b e d feet f o r s w i m m i n g •Tail f o r b a l a n c e a n d s w i m m i n g •Chiseled, s h a r p t e e t h f o r felling trees •Flap b e h i n d t e e t h a n d n o s e f o r p r o t e c t i o n underwater MATH: Use i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m t a b l e s , c h a r t s a n d g r a p h s t o solve problems 3. Create a Venn d i a g r a m t o d e p i c t similarities a n d differences b e t w e e n beavers a n d h u m a n a d a p t a t i o n s . Use t w o h o o p s t o c r e ­ a t e t h e V e n n d i a g r a m . List a d a p t a t i o n s s e p ­ arately o n index cards. Students then place cards o n the Venn d i a g r a m , p r o m p t i n g dis­ cussion. T h e cards can be f r o m s t u d e n t s d u r i n g t h e b r a i n s t o r m i n g session o r n o t e d in a d v a n c e . I n c l u d e t h e f o l l o w i n g : W e b b e d feet Toes Tail Hands Flap b e h i n d t e e t h / n o s e Feet Chiseled Teeth Hair �JULIAN PRICE TRIP RECORDER 1. Destination: 2. Departure time: 3. Present t e m p e r a t u r e / w e a t h e r c o n d i t i o n s : 4. Beginning mileage: 5. Ending mileage: 6. H o w far? 7. Arrival t i m e : 8. Temperature/weather conditions at destination: 9. Elevation: 10. Watershed? SKETCHES AND NOTES �THE MODEL BEAVER GOAL: T h e g o a l o f t h i s l e s s o n is t o e d u c a t e s t u d e n t s a b o u t w i l d l i f e t h a t lives i n m o u n t a i n s t r e a m s , s u c h as i n J u l i a n Price P a r k . BACKGROUND INFORMATION: T h e N o r t h A m e r i c a n b e a v e r is a n i n t e l l i g e n t a n i m a l , a c c o r d i n g t o I n d i a n f o l k l o r e . It is a h a r d w o r k e r , w i t h physical characteristics t h a t a l l o w it t o b u i l d a OBJECTIVE: l o d g e in o n e day. T h e N o r t h A m e r i c a n beaver T h e learner will u n d e r s t a n d the physical characterist i c s o f b e a v e r s a n d h o w t h e y live. S t u d e n t s w i l l b u i l d a m o d e l o f t h e a n i m a l ' s h a b i t a t a n d p l a c e ¡t o n a w e i g h s 3 5 t o 4 0 p o u n d s , a n d its b o d y is a b o u t t w o f e e t i n l e n g t h . T h e t a i l is u s u a l l y a b o u t o n e - t h i r d as l o n g as its b o d y , o r a b o u t 1 0 i n c h e s . m o d e l o f h u m a n h a b i t a t . S t u d e n t s w i l l use p r o b l e m - T h e beaver has r e d d i s h - b r o w n o u t e r f u r a n d d a r k - s o l v i n g skills t o t h i n k o f w a y s m a n a n d a n i m a l s c a n b r o w n u n d e r fur. T h e fur protects the beaver a n d live t o g e t h e r . T e a c h e r s w i l l give b a c k g r o u n d i n f o r m a - keeps it w a r m a n d dry. T h e beaver has a r o u n d t i o n a n d lead the discussion. body, strong head and powerful j a w s a n d teeth for chiseling trees. T h e beaver's t w o t e e t h have s h a r p edges t h a t b e c o m e w o r n , b u t t h e s e t e e t h c o n t i n u e STRANDS: t o g r o w t h r o u g h o u t t h e beaver's life. Science a n d A r t T h e b e a v e r h a s f l a p s i n s i d e its e a r s a n d a m o u t h t h a t c l o s e s w h e n i t s w i m s . T h e b e a v e r h a s t w o eye- STATE OBJECTIVES: l i d s — o n e is a c l e a r l i d t h a t c l o s e s w h e n u n d e r w a t e r . T h e b e a v e r ' s f r o n t f e e t h a v e j o i n t s like h u m a n NORTH CAROLINA: animals. h a n d s , a l l o w i n g t h e b e a v e r t o c o n s t r u c t its l o d g e 2: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l have a general k n o w l e d g e o f 2.4: K n o w t h a t a n i m a l s are a d a p t e d t o t h e i r e n v i r o n m e n t . s w i m m i n g , a n d its t a i l is b r o a d , f l a t a n d c o v e r e d 2.7.5: Discuss h o w h u m a n s m u s t care f o r t h e e n v i r o n m e n t t o w i t h scales. T h e b e a v e r uses its t a i l as a r u d d e r f o r insure t h a t a n i m a l s r e m a i n h e a l t h y a n d species survive. s w i m m i n g a n d t o sit u p . T h e b e a v e r is a g r a c e f u l precisely. T h e b e a v e r ' s b a c k f e e t a r e w e b b e d f o r s w i m m e r a n d can stay u n d e r w a t e r f o r 20 m i n u t e s . TENNESSEE: T h e b e a v e r a l s o uses its t a i l t o w a r n o t h e r s b y s l a p - 35401 : p i n g it o n the surface o f t h e w a t e r . U n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e effects o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l c h a n g e t o inhabitants. 354P1 : U n d e r s t a n d t h e basic c o n c e p t o f h a b i t a t a n d h o w h a b i t a t s c a n be p r e s e r v e d . T h e b e a v e r lives i n a c o l o n y o f six t o e i g h t b e a v e r s . A b e a v e r ' s life b e g i n s as a k i t , w h i c h a r e b o r n i n l i t t e r s o f t w o t o six b e a v e r s . T h e k i t s live w i t h t h e i r m o t h e r s f o r three years a n d t h e n f i n d a m a t e a n d b u i l d a lodge o f their o w n . T h e b e a v e r ' s l o d g e , o r h o m e , is c o n s t r u c t e d i n t h e g r o u n d w i t h an o p e n i n g t o the water. T h e lodge has two rooms- a " m u d " or work r o o m and a "living" r o o m w h e r e t h e y rest. T h e l o d g e s a r e m a d e o f m u d a n d sticks f r o m p o p l a r , a s p e n , w i l l o w a n d b i r c h t r e e s , a n d t h e b e a v e r eats b a r k f r o m t h e s e t r e e s . T h e beaver w o r k s a t n i g h t , d u r i n g early sunrise o r d u r i n g late sunset. T h e beaver stores f o o d a n d s p e n d s t h e w i n t e r r e s t i n g i n his l o d g e . T h e b e a v e r is a " k e y s t o n e " s p e c i e s , j u s t like h u m a n s , meaning they manipulate their environment t o suit their needs. �THE MODEL BEAVER PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. Research t h e beaver, his d a m a n d l o d g e . M a k e lists o f o t h e r r o d e n t f a m i l i e s . 2. W h a t role d o e s t h e beaver play in n a t u r a l resources a n d wildlife? W h a t role d i d t h e beaver have d u r i n g t h e f u r t r a d e height? ACTIVITIES: Construct a model o f a 20-acre habitat for people a n d beavers. Use b u t c h e r p a p e r t o d r a w l a n d a n d s t r e a m s . C u t trees o u t o f c o l o r e d p a p e r a n d m a k e a f o r ­ est o n s o m e o f t h e p r o p e r t y . H a v e s t u d e n t s r e m o v e t r e e s as t h e y n e e d f o r c o n s t r u c t i n g t h e i r houses. T a l k a b o u t t h e f a c t t h a t b e a v e r s live t h e r e a n d the people will be m o v i n g in o n the beavers. W h a t will h a p p e n t o t h e beavers? Have students build a house o u t o f a box. D i s c u s s w h a t is h a p p e n i n g t o t h e a n i m a l h a b i ­ t a t as t h e a c t i v i t y c o n t i n u e s . V i s i t J u l i a n Price P a r k a n d see t h e a n i m a l h a b i t a t . A s k s t u d e n t s t o identify the current p r o b l e m s f o r m a n a n d t h e beaver. H a v e s t u d e n t s t h i n k o f w a y s t o i m p r o v e t h e s i t u a t i o n , s u c h as d e s i g n a t i n g w i l d l i f e a r e a s like J u l i a n Price P a r k . POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. D r a w a picture o f a beaver's lodge a n d d a m or construct a model diorama o u t o f papier-mâché. 2. W r i t e a story. Pretend y o u are a beaver a n d discuss y o u r p r o b l e m s a n d w h a t y o u c a n d o t o m a k e y o u r life b e t t e r . �BEAVER HABITAT GOAL: To look at the ways that management o f our animal r e s o u r c e s e n s u r e s e n d a n g e r e d o r t h r e a t e n e d species will survive. PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. C o m p a r e t h e goals a n d values o f t h o s e w h o w a n t t o p r o t e c t the beaver w i t h those w h o w a n t t o r e m o v e t h e beaver . STATE OBJECTIVE: NORTH CAROLINA: 2 . 7 . 5 : Discuss h o w h u m a n s m u s t care f o r t h e e n v i r o n m e n t t o ensure t h a t a n i m a l s r e m a i n h e a l t h y a n d survive TENNESSEE: 2. Beavers r e q u i r e c o n s i d e r a b l e l a n d a n d w a t e r resources t h a t c o u l d be used f o r o t h e r p u r ­ p o s e s . D i s c u s s t h e s e uses a n d d e b a t e w h i c h is b e s t . 3. C o l l e c t news articles a n d i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t b e a v e r s a n d d i s c u s s t h e i n f o r m a t i o n i n class. T o realize h o w i n d i v i d u a l s effect t h e e n v i r o n m e n t 4 . D e b a t e t h e issue o f m a n v e r s u s t h e b e a v e r BACKGROUND INFORMATION: The reintroduction o f endangered and threatened o v e r t h e r i g h t t o use t h e l a n d . D E B A T E : S H O U L D A N I M A L S BE P R O T E C T E D ? SHOULD SHOULD NOT a n i m a l s is c o n t r o v e r s i a l . ( A n e x a m p l e is t h e c u r r e n t They are natural resources. vs. They provide resources. c o n t r o v e r s y o v e r t h e r e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t h e Red W o l f They can become endangered, vs. They get in man's way. t o t h e S m o k i e s . ) T h e r e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the beaver t o Animals should be protected, vs. Animals shouldn't be protected. this area has caused s o m e c o n f l i c t also. T h e beaver h a s d o n e s o w e l l i n its h a b i t a t t h a t i t h a s c o n f l i c t e d D I R E C T I O N S : T h i s is a b a s i c o u t l i n e f o r a s i m ­ w i t h its n e i g h b o r s o v e r l a n d . T h i s c o n f l i c t o c c u r s ple d e b a t e . T h e s t u d e n t s will need t o d o w h e n the beavers d a m streams, a n d the subsequent research t o have s u f f i c i e n t i n f o r m a t i o n f o r t h e f l o o d i n g causes p r o b l e m s f o r m a n . d e b a t e . T h e y m a y p i c k sides o r t h e t e a c h e r m a y a s s i g n sides. O T H E R POSSIBLE TOPICS: 1. T h e effect o f t h e f u r t r a d e o n a n i m a l p o p u ­ lations. 2. T h e effect the decline in a n i m a l populations had o n Native Americans. 3. T h e f u r trade's affect o n t h e s e t t l e m e n t o f r e m o t e ar eas? ON-SITE ACTIVITY: As the students visit the beaver h a b i t a t , have them make drawings o f their observations (the type o f d a m s , evidence o f c o n f l i c t w i t h m a n a n d the environment, etc.) W e r e the d a m s a n d surroundings w h a t the students expected? If not, w h a t was different? Continued on following page. �BEAVER HABITAT POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: BEAVER HABITAT S t u d y t h e d r a w i n g b e l o w . Is t h i s t h e t y p e o f b e a v e r h a b i t a t y o u o b s e r v e d ? H o w d o y o u a c c o u n t f o r differences you observed? L o o k carefully a t t h e Beaver l o d g e . W h a t k i n d o f b u i l d e r d o y o u t h i n k t h e b e a v e r is? W h a t s p e c i a l a d a p t a t i o n s w o u l d i t ne ed s? �BOONE FORK TRAIL GOAL: T o e d u c a t e s t u d e n t s a b o u t beavers a n d their a d a p ­ tation. PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. Have s t u d e n t s research beavers using books. STATE OBJECTIVES: NORTH CAROLINA: SCIENCE: 2. Have students design a n d d r a w their inter­ p r e t a t i o n o f a b e a v e r , its h o m e a n d its structures. All L A N G U A G E ARTS: All 3. T h r o u g h role play, have s t u d e n t s w o r k SOCIAL STUDIES: t o g e t h e r as i n d i v i d u a l s o r g r o u p s t o s h o w 5.3: h o w the beaver w o r k s t o survive. A n a l y z e causes a n d c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e misuse o f t h e physical e n v i r o n m e n t a n d p r o p o s e alternatives. 5 . 3 . 2 : Give a n e x a m p l e o f t h e misuse o f t h e e n v i r o n m e n t , t r a c e its causes a n d c o n s t r u c t a t i m e l i n e o r use o t h e r g r a p h i c o r g a n i z e r s t o e x h i b i t these causes. 5.3.3:Given an environment p r o b l e m , predict the short-term MATERIALS: A r t p a p e r ( m a n i l l a is b e s t ) a n d l o n g - t e r m c o n s e q u e n c e s i f n o t h i n g were d o n e a n d Pencils p r o p o s e alternatives t o d o i n g n o t h i n g . Crayons MATH: All MUSIC/DRAMA: Role p l a y a n e n d a n g e r e d species. HEALTH: Actions produce consequences. Chalk Markers C o l o r e d pencils Index cards t o label g r o u p s / i n d i v i d u a l s Rope t o m a r k o f f space f o r role-play TENNESSEE: Resources: b o o k s o n beavers SCIENCE: All SOCIAL STUDIES: All �BOONE FORK TRAIL ON-SITE ACTIVITIES: POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. 1 . C r e a t e a life-size p a p i e r - m â c h é b e a v e r ( u s e H a v e s t u d e n t s sketch f i e l d d r a w i n g s o f beavers ( s h o u l d t h e y b e s o l u c k y t o see o n e ) , t h e i r p h o t o s , f i e l d j o u r n a l s , a n d m e a s u r e m e n t s as a d e n s , t h e i r d a m s a n d t h e r e m a i n s o f trees they resource). have used. 2. 2. D i v i d e t h e class i n t o t h e s a m e g r o u p s o r b y i n d i v i d u a l s a n d have t h e m w o r k t o g e t h e r as a label. 3. H a v e s t u d e n t s take pictures o f these areas a n d beaver c o l o n y t o b u i l d d e n s , d a m s , etc. Have students a p p r o x i m a t e the length o f the b e a v e r , b o d y a n d t a i l f r o m a safe d i s t a n c e . 3. Develop a n d write a story a b o u t the beaver or t h e p a r k visit, either f a c t o r f i c t i o n . M a k e it into a report with photos. MATERIALS: Individual field journals Tape measure MATERIALS: Cartons o f w h e a t paste C a m e r a s ( a u t o m a t i c p r o c e s s i n g is b e s t ) Newspaper Film Chicken wire Plastic s a n d w i c h baggies ( t o store p h o t o s ) Floral wire ( f o r h o l d i n g it t o g e t h e r ) Permanent markers Paints Resources: b o o k s o n p h o t o g r a p h y a n d beaver Markers m o u n t (possibly available on-site) Small p h o t o a l b u m s or p h o t o protectors Report Covers Pencils Resources: Papier-mâché art guide �LIN VILLE FALLS Blue Ridge P a r k w a y M i l e p o s t 3 1 6 L i n v i l l e Falls h a s a l w a y s b e e n o n e o f t h e m o s t p o p u l a r s t o p s a l o n g the Blue Ridge Parkway. L o c a t e d c l o s e t o t h e t o w n o f Linville Falls, N o r t h C a r o l i n a , the area features spectacular views o f t h e scenic falls t h r o u g h Linville G o r g e . In a d d i ­ t i o n t o t h e falls, y o u r class m a y e n j o y t h e m o r e q u i e t a q u a t i c a r e a s o f D u g g e r s C r e e k a n d t h e Linville River o r p e r h a p s the picnic area, visitor center, c a m p ­ g r o u n d , hiking trails a n d restrooms. Linville Falls is accessible by t r a v e l i n g R o u t e 2 2 1 t o the Blue Ridge P a r k w a y , t h e n f o l l o w i n g t h e signs n o r t h t o t h e f a l l s area. A w i d e , relatively f l a t , o n e - h a l f mile trail leads f r o m t h e visitor center t o the w a t e r falls. T h e trail system leads first t o a view o f the u p p e r falls, a relatively b r o a d b u t s h a l l o w d r o p o c c u r r i n g before the water makes a second, spectacular p l u n g e o v e r t h e l o w e r f a l l s . T h e p l a n t life a l o n g t h e trail, b o t h by the riverbanks a n d t h r o u g h o u t the g o r g e i n c l u d e s a n a b u n d a n c e o f rare species, virgin h e m l o c k , a n d a g r e a t variety o f h a r d w o o d trees a n d wildflowers. T h e stream border between the t w o f a l l s is o n e o f t h e f e w l o c a l e s in t h e m o u n t a i n s where y o u can f i n d the three native r h o d o d e n d r o n s g r o w i n g s i d e b y s i d e : t h e r o s e b a y , c a t a w b a , a n d Car­ olina. M o s t o f t h e f o l l o w i n g activities c a n be a c c o m p l i s h e d w i t h y o u r class a l o n g t h e t r a i l t o t h e f a l l s o r i n t h e c l a s s r o o m . T h e a q u a t i c activities were designed f o r t h e q u i e t a r e a s o f t h e L i n v i l l e River a n d D u g g e r s C r e e k , b o t h o f w h i c h a r e a c c e s s i b l e f r o m t h e Linville Falls p a r k i n g a r e a . F o r m o r e i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t Linville Falls, call t h e Blue Ridge P a r k w a y Gillespie G a p District Office at ( 7 0 4 ) 7 6 5 - 6 0 8 2 . ft*9 U u r a ( 8 # p 404J �WATER COLLECTION AT LIN VILLE FALLS GOAL: FIELD STUDY The students will develop an understanding o f the A s y o u b e g i n y o u r h i k e , s e l e c t several leaves o n process o f t r a n s p i r a t i o n . T h e learner will d e m o n ­ d i f f e r e n t species o f trees. Place a b a g g i e over strate transpiration a n d will calculate h o w m u c h t h e leaves a n d c l o s e y o u r b a g . w a t e r t h e p l a n t w i l l give o f f in a day. Record the time: STATE OBJECTIVES: S T R A N D : Science a n d M a t h Continue your walk. Record the time you returned: NORTH CAROLINA: 6.1 : C o l l e c t , o r g a n i z e a n d d i s p l a y d a t a f r o m surveys, research a n d c l a s s r o o m e x p e r i m e n t s , i n c l u d i n g d a t a c o l l e c t e d over a period o f t i m e . Include d a t a f r o m o t h e r disciplines such as science, p h y s i c a l e d u c a t i o n a n d social s t u d i e s . Describe the c o n d i t i o n o f the b a g , then answer the f o l l o w i n g questions. T h e l e a r n e r w i l l u n d e r s t a n d a n d use s t a n d a r d u n i t s o f 1. H o w long were you gone? 2. 4: M e a s u r e t h e w a t e r in t h e b a g . H o w m u c h metric a n d c u s t o m a r y measure. TENNESSEE: did you collect? MATH • M u l t i p l y u p t o a f o u r - d i g i t n u m b e r by a one-digit number. •Solve o n e - s t e p w o r d p r o b l e m s i n v o l v i n g a d d i t i o n , s u b t r a c t i o n , 3. W h e r e d i d the w a t e r c o m e f r o m ? m u l t i p l i c a t i o n a n d basic d i v i s i o n f a c t s . • M e a s u r e l e n g t h , w e i g h t ( m a s s ) a n d l i q u i d c a p a c i t y in s t a n d a r d or metric units. BACKGROUND INFORMATION: 4. I f y o u u s e d t h e leaves f r o m m o r e t h a n o n e species o f t r e e , w h i c h species p r o d u c e d t h e most water? 5. F i n d t h e r a t e o f t r a n s p i r a t i o n . U s e t h e t i m e and the a m o u n t o f water produced to fig­ T r a n s p i r a t i o n c a n n o t b e seen j u s t b y l o o k i n g a t a ure t h e r a t i o . plant. W h e n the plant's leaf pores open t o allow the c a r b o n dioxide t o c o m e in a n d the oxygen t o f l o w o u t , w a t e r e v a p o r a t e s f r o m t h e leaves t o k e e p t h e 6. In t h e s p a c e b e l o w , d r a w a n d i l l u s t r a t e t h e l e a f f r o m o v e r h e a t i n g . T h i s p r o c e s s is c a l l e d t r a n s p i ­ w a t e r cycle. H o w are w e d e p e n d e n t o n r a t i o n . S c i e n t i s t s e s t i m a t e t h a t a n a c r e o f c o r n gives trees? o f f 4 , 0 0 0 gallons o f w a t e r a day. �TRANSPIRATION BACKGROUND: Plants have a c o o l i n g effect o n o u r e n v i r o n m e n t d u e t o "air c o n d i t i o n i n g " created by evaporation o f w a t e r t h r o u g h t h e s u r f a c e o f t h e leaves. T h i s p r o c e s s is c a l l e d t r a n s p i r a t i o n . L a r g e q u a n t i t i e s o f w a t e r a r e released i n t o t h e a t m o s p h e r e t h r o u g h this process. MATERIALS NEEDED: Plastic ruler Plastic baggies G r a d u a t e d cylinder Watch ACTIVITY: S e l e c t several d i f f e r e n t leaves, c o v e r w i t h t h e p l a s t i c baggie, then c o m p l e t e the following chart. Leaf name Start time Stop time Total H 0 2 Comments �LIFE AT LINVILE FALLS Whirligig Beetle Whirligig Larvae Caddisfly Caddisfly Larvae v. / j i->. • %• i-' • Dragonfly Nymph Dragonfly A I Stonefly Stónefly Nymph Tadpole Reference: Aquatic Project Wild �GOAL: To study an aquatic c o m m u n i t y and understand PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES: h o w the members interact. 1. H a v e s t u d e n t s s t u d y t h e life cycle o f v a r i o u s a q u a t i c insects a n d d r a w t h e stages o f t h e OBJECTIVES: NORTH CAROLINA: 2.4: K n o w t h a t a n i m a l s are a d a p t e d t o t h e i r e n v i r o n m e n t life c y c l e . 2. Have students discuss h o w m o s t a d u l t s r e a c t t o i n s e c t s . H a v e s t u d e n t s list b e n e f i c i a l a n d h a r m f u l insects. Have s t u d e n t s decide w h a t w o u l d h a p p e n t o various insects i f a p a r t o f t h e i r life cycle w a s d e s t r o y e d . TENNESSEE: T o realize e n v i r o n m e n t a l p r o b l e m s v a r y f r o m o n e c o m m u n i t y t o another ON-SITE ACTIVITY: Have students c o m p l e t e the field study o n the f o l l o w i n g page. Dugger's Creek, located adja­ c e n t t o t h e p a r k i n g a r e a a t L i n v i l l e F a l l s , is a n e x c e l l e n t site t o o b s e r v e a q u a t i c life. Photocopy the drawings o f aquatic creatures o n the preceding page for your students t o assist i n t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f c o m m o n a q u a t ­ ic l i f e . POST-SITE ACTIVITY: Have students d o a f o l l o w - u p o f their favorite insect. T h e y m a y w a n t t o d r a w pictures o r make a d i o r a m a to s h o w the mini-ecosystem o f the insect. �FIELD STUDY OBJECTIVE: A s t r e a m o r p o n d is a n e x c e l l e n t e x a m p l e o f t h e d e l i c a t e b a l a n c e o f its i n h a b i t a n t s . By c a r e f u l o b s e r v a t i o n a n d analysis, o n e can learn m u c h a b o u t the interrelationship between living things a n d their e n v i r o n m e n t . ACTIVITY: A . Select a p o n d o r s t r e a m . B. C o m p l e t e a f i e l d o b s e r v a t i o n . 1. Give the l o c a t i o n o f y o u r b o d y o f w a t e r : 2. Record the temperature o f the water: °F °C Record the time o f the observation: 3. Record t h e f a c t o r s w h i c h w o u l d affect the w a t e r t e m p e r a t u r e , shade, d e p t h , rate o f f l o w , etc. 4. Record the type o f rock a r o u n d the stream: 5. Is t h e r e s h a d i n g ? I f s o , h o w m u c h ? 6. Describe the a m o u n t o f turbidity: List f a c t o r s t h a t a f f e c t t h e t u r b i d i t y : W O R K S H E E T FOR AQUATIC ANIMALS COMPLETE T H E FOLLOWING CHART: Name Adult/ Nymph/ Larva Habitat Behavior Food Caddisfly Larva on rock stone house carnivore Dragonfly nymph in w a t e r fast m o v i n g aquatic Comments: �WATER QUALITY GOAL: T h e learner will evaluate h o w people o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a use, m o d i f y a n d a d a p t t o the physical envi­ r o n m e n t . T h e l e a r n e r w i l l u n d e r s t a n d a n d use s t a n ­ BACKGROUND INFORMATION: dard units o f metric a n d customary measure and Discuss w i t h s t u d e n t s these i n d i c a t o r s o f w a t e r solve p r o b l e m s a n d r e a s o n m a t h e m a t i c a l l y . T h e quality: l e a r n e r w i l l d e m o n s t r a t e a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d use o f g r a p h i n g , p r o b a b i l i t y a n d statistics. T h e learner w i l l use l a n g u a g e f o r t h e a c q u i s i t i o n , i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a n d a p p l i c a t i o n o f i n f o r m a t i o n . T h e learner will d e v e l o p t h e a b i l i t y t o use s c i e n c e p r o c e s s skills. 1. pH 3. smell 4. temperature 5 . species l i v i n g i n t h e w a t e r ( n u m b e r a n d variety) STATE OBJECTIVES: ON-SITE ACTIVITY: NORTH CAROLINA: SOCIAL STUDIES: 5 . 2 : E x p l a i n h o w N o r t h C a r o l i n i a n s use, m o d i f y o r a d a p t t o o w n ) t o c o m p a r e w a t e r q u a l i t y a t Linville t o MATH: 4 . 1 1 : F o r m u l a t e a n d solve m e a n i n g f u l p r o b l e m s i n v o l v i n g l e n g t h , w e i g h t , t i m e , c a p a c i t y a n d t e m p e r a t u r e a n d verify reasonableness o f answers D e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r t h e r e are s u f f i c i e n t d a t a t o solve p r o b ­ lems 5.6: Solve p r o b l e m s by o b s e r v a t i o n a n d / o r c o m p u t a t i o n u s i n g calculators and computers when appropriate 5.7: Students will collect d a t a and prepare a g r a p h ­ ic o r g a n i z e r ( u s e t h e c h a r t b e l o w o r c r e a t e their physical e n v i r o n m e n t 5.3: Verify a n d i n t e r p r e t results w i t h respect t o t h e o r i g i n a l other locations. Students will make predictions before collecting d a t a a n d make conclusions a b o u t the research. Discussion questions m a y include: 1. F o r m u l a t e e n g a g i n g p r o b l e m s i n c l u d i n g ones f r o m every­ day situations 6.1 : C o l l e c t , o r g a n i z e a n d d i s p l a y d a t a f r o m surveys, research Is t h i s w a t e r s o u r c e a w a t e r s h e d ? 2. W h a t c a n y o u c o n c l u d e a b o u t t h e n u m b e r o f living species in t h i s w a t e r source? p r o b l e m . Discuss a l t e r n a t e m e t h o d s f o r s o l u t i o n s 5.8: appearance 2. 3. H o w d o e s t h e p H level c o m p a r e a t e a c h o f t h e c o l l e c t i o n sights? (Students can then graph the data.) a n d c l a s s r o o m e x p e r i m e n t s , i n c l u d i n g d a t a c o l l e c t e d over a p e r i o d o f t i m e . I n c l u d e d a t a f r o m o t h e r disciplines s u c h as science a n d s o c i a l s t u d i e s . L A N G U A G E ARTS: MATERIALS: p H kit 2.1: I d e n t i f y , c o l l e c t o r select i n f o r m a t i o n a n d ideas 2.2: A n a l y z e , synthesize a n d o r g a n i z e i n f o r m a t i o n a n d discover Thermometer M a g n i f y i n g glass r e l a t e d ideas, c o n c e p t s o r g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s 2.3: Collection jars Apply, extend a n d expand o n i n f o r m a t i o n a n d concepts Chart or notebook for recording data SCIENCE: 2.1 : D e m o n s t r a t e t h e a b i l i t y t o observe 2.2: D e m o n s t r a t e t h e a b i l i t y t o classify 2.3: D e m o n s t r a t e t h e a b i l i t y t o use n u m b e r s Location Prediction Appearance Smell Temperature pH Species Conclusion �DISGUISE A CADDISFLY GOAL: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l c o n s t r u c t a c a d d i s f l y case u s i n g materials f r o m nature. INTRODUCTION: T h e c a d d i s f l y is a n i n s e c t t h a t s p e n d s m u c h o f its y e a r l o n g life u n d e r w a t e r . W h e n c a d d i s f l i e s a r e f o u n d in s t r e a m s , i t is a g o o d i n d i c a t i o n OBJECTIVES: t h e w a t e r is o f g o o d q u a l i t y . O t h e r i n s e c t s t h a t NORTH CAROLINA: are " g o o d w a t e r " i n d i c a t o r s are t h e m a y f l y a n d SCIENCE 2: the stonefly. T r o u t a n d o t h e r fish love t o eat •The learner w i l l have a general k n o w l e d g e o f a n i m a l s a n d t h e c a d d i s f l y s o t o p r o t e c t itself, t h e l a r v a insects. b u i l d s a c a m o u f l a g e d case a r o u n d its b o d y . •The l e a r n e r w i l l r e c o g n i z e t h a t a n i m a l s a n d insects are a d a p t e d t o their environment. ACTIVITY: T o m a k e a c a d d i s f l y c a s e , use a t h i n c a r d b o a r d tube. Close the t u b e at one end w i t h tape. Cover the entire t u b e w i t h glue. Cover the t u b e w i t h n a t u r a l m a t e r i a l s s u c h as leaves, t w i g s , s m a l l r o c k s . Use m a t e r i a l s t h a t w i l l c a m o u f l a g e the t u b e . M a k e the caddisfly larva using m o d ­ e l i n g clay. P u t t h e l a r v a i n s i d e t h e t u b e . eggs laid in w a t e r , larva attached to a sunken twig MATERIALS: Thin cardboard tube Tape Glue pupa a d u l t , a f t e r it h a s left the w a t e r Clay Leaves Twigs Small rocks �LEPRECHAUN vs. DINOSAUR GOAL: T h e learner w i l l be a w a r e a n d recognize a c o m m u n i ­ PRE-SITE ACTIVITY: t y ' s l a y e r e d e f f e c t a n d its i m p a c t o n p l a n t s a n d a n i ­ 1. F a m i l i a r i z e t h e s t u d e n t s w i t h f i e l d g u i d e mals t h a t share the same ecosystem. b o o k s o n trees, w i l d f l o w e r s , etc. 2. T r i a l r u n s o f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n p r o c e s s e s , STATEOBJ ECTI VES: t a x o n o m y m a y be d o n e closer t o h o m e . See Ranger NORTH CAROLINA Terrific" Rick's Nature Scope "Trees are (pages 14 a n d 20-22). MATH : T h e learner w i l l solve p r o b l e m s a n d r e a s o n 6.1 : mathematically. C o l l e c t , o r g a n i z e a n d d i s p l a y d a t a f r o m surveys. S C I E N C E 2: T h e learner w i l l have a general k n o w l e d g e o f a n i m a l s . 2.4: K n o w t h a t p l a n t s a n d a n i m a l s are a d a p t e d t o t h e i r environment. 2.7: K n o w t h a t p l a n t s a n d a n i m a l s are i n t e r d e p e n d e n t . SKILLS: O b s e r v i n g , classifying, measuring, predicting, interpreting. 3. Practice m e a s u r i n g tall trees in t h e n e i g h ­ b o r h o o d using the steps f o u n d in Ranger Rick's (page M e a s u r i n g items — rulers, tape measures, yardsticks Field g u i d e s t o t r e e s , p l a n t s , a n i m a l s Sketch p a d w i t h paper for rubbings Pencils o r o t h e r w r i t i n g t o o l s , c o l o r i n g i m p l e m e n t s Charts Scope "Trees are Terrific" 57). 4 . T h e h e i g h t o f a t r e e is m e a s u r e d f r o m t h e g r o u n d t o its t o p t w i g a p p r o x i m a t e d t o t h e n e a r e s t f o o t . S t u d e n t s n e e d t o s t a y o n level g r o u n d as t h e y m e a s u r e . A. MATERIALS: Nature H o l d y o u r a r m in f r o n t o f y o u so y o u r f i s t is a t eye level. H a v e a n o t h e r t e a m m e m b e r measure the distance f r o m your f i s t t o y o u r eye. B. Face t h e t r e e a n d h o l d a y a r d s t i c k s t r a i g h t vertically so t h e d i s t a n c e f r o m y o u r n a n d t o t h e t o p o f t h e s t i c k is t h e s a m e as t h e d i s t a n c e m e a s u r e d i n s t e p A. C. W a l k b a c k w a r d a w a y f r o m t h e tree until y o u c a n see t h e b a s e o f t h e t r e e b y l o o k ­ ing over y o u r fist a n d the t o p o f trie tree by l o o k i n g over the t o p o f the yardstick. D. W h e n y o u c a n see t h e t r e e c o m p l e t e l y by l o o k i n g over the t o p o f the yardstick and the t o p o f your fist, a n o t h e r person should measure the distance between y o u a n d t h e t r e e . T h i s d i s t a n c e is t h e a p p r o x i m a t e height o f the tree. �LEPRECHAUN vs. DINOSAUR ACTIVITY: D i v i d e t h e class i n t o L e p r e c h a u n s a n d D i n o s a u r s . QUESTIONS A B O U T T H E PLANTS: T h e L e p r e c h a u n g r o u p w i l l c o m p i l e a list o f p l a n t s a n d a n i m a l s less t h a n 1 2 i n c h e s t a l l o r l o n g . T h e 1. W h a t w a s the smallest p l a n t f o u n d ? D i n o s a u r g r o u p w i l l c o m p i l e a list o f p l a n t s a n d 2. Largest p l a n t f o u n d ? the teacher/guide. 3. M o s t unusual? E n c o u r a g e t h e c h i l d r e n t o b e as s p e c i f i c i n t h e i r 4. M o s t colorful? 5. M o s t frequently f o u n d plant? 6. Least f r e q u e n t l y f o u n d p l a n t ? a n i m a l s m o r e t h a n 2 4 inches tall o r l o n g . T h e b u f f e r z o n e o f 1 2 - 2 4 i n c h e s is d i s c r e t i o n a r y f o r lists as p o s s i b l e . F o r e x a m p l e , list " W h i t e O a k " r a t h e r t h a n j u s t " t r e e " . S o m e items m a y be o n b o t h lists ( e x a m p l e , W h i t e O a k t r e e a n d o a k seedling, r o b i n a n d r o b i n g egg). M u s h r o o m s a n d lichens m a y be distinguished by color, shape o r other characteristics. E a c h g r o u p / p e r s o n m a y use m e a s u r i n g i n s t r u ­ m e n t s s u c h as r u l e r s a n d t a p e m e a s u r e s . W h e n a c t u a l m e a s u r e m e n t is n o t f e a s i b l e , e s t i m a t i o n skills s h o u l d b e e n c o u r a g e d . 1. W h a t w a s t h e smallest a n i m a l f o u n d ? 2. S t u d e n t s s h o u l d fill in t h e i n f o r m a t i o n o n the c h a r t a s t h e i t e m s a r e f o u n d . A g e c a n b e as s i m ­ p l e as " g r o w i n g " o r " f u l l g r o w n " . QUESTIONS A B O U T T H E ANIMALS: It's f u n t o guess t h e a g e o f t r e e s b y t h e i r size. S o m e g r o u p s m a y w a n t t o d e s c r i b e t h e l o c a t i o n , f o c u s i n g o n t h e soil ( m o i s t , dry, dark, light, rocky, sandy), lighting ( s u n n y , shady, c a n o p y , u n d e r s t o r y ) , etc. Largest a n i m a l f o u n d ? 3. M o s t unusual? 4. M o s t colorful? 5. M o s t frequently f o u n d animal? 6. Least f r e q u e n t l y f o u n d a n i m a l ? Sketches, leaf o r b a r k rubbings o r p h o t o g r a p h s m a y be used f o r a c c u r a c y a n d e n h a n c e m e n t . Teachers m a y w a n t t o designate the areas f o r t h e g r o u p s . Teachers m a y assign t h e c o l l e c t i o n t o i n c l u d e as f e w o r as m a n y i t e m s as t i m e a n d o p p o r t u n i t y will allow. (Five t o 1 0 i t e m s c a n u s u ­ Discuss t h e e n v i r o n m e n t a n d h a b i t a t f o r t h e plants a n d animals. W h y were they f o u n d at this location? W h a t was healthy/unhealthy for them? ally be collected.) POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: W a r n the students a b o u t handling plants and ani­ 1. Use t h e f o l l o w i n g h e a d i n g s f o r y o u r c h a r t : Have groups m a k e a m u r a l o r m o d e l o f their findings. mals and discourage trampling. 2. Have g r o u p s share i n f o r m a t i o n a n d m a k e a Location plausible f o o d chain d i a g r a m f o r their loca­ Plant/Animal tion. Number found Distinguishing characteristics 3. Have each g r o u p / p e r s o n write a story a b o u t Measurement estimate l i v i n g as a l e p r e c h a u n o r d i n o s a u r i n t h e e n v i ­ Age r o n m e n t they charted. U p o n c o m p l e t i o n o f e a c h g r o u p ' s c o m p i l e d list, t h e g r o u p s s h o u l d c o m p a r e lists b y p l a n t o r a n i ­ m a l s l i s t e d , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , m e a s u r e m e n t s , etc. �GLOSSARY Acid Rain: A type o f pollution t h a t occurs w h e n sulfur G e o l o g y : T h e structure o f the Earth's crust in a p a r t i c u l a r a n d n i t r o g e n c o m p o u n d s in t h e a t m o s p h e r e react w i t h region. water vapor. Habitat: A space, area or type o f environment that Adaptation: A behavior, physical feature or other charac­ includes water, f o o d a n d shelter t h a t an a n i m a l needs t o t e r i s t i c t h a t h e l p s a n a n i m a l o r p l a n t survive in its h a b i t a t . survive a n d r e p r o d u c e . Barometer: An instrument for measuring atmospheric H u m u s : Layers o f soil a n d o r g a n i c m a t e r i a l in a f o r e s t p r e s s u r e . A l s o u s e d t o m e a s u r e h e i g h t a b o v e sea level. f l o o r , i n c l u d i n g d e c a y i n g leaves, needles, etc. ( l i t t e r ) . Biological C o n t r o l : A n a t u r a l m e a n s o f c o n t r o l l i n g pests. Multiple use management: T h e practice o f m a n a g i n g a f o r e s t f o r several uses ( m i n i n g , c a m p i n g , l o g g i n g , e t c . ) . Bog: Poorly drained freshwater wetlands characterized by a build-up o f peat. N i c h e : A s p e c i a l p l a c e in a c o m m u n i t y o c c u p i e d b y a cer­ t a i n o r g a n i s m . T h e r o l e o f a n o r g a n i s m in its c o m m u n i t y B o t a n y : T h e s t u d y o f p l a n t life, s t r u c t u r e , g r o w t h and or habitat. classification. Peat: Partially d e c o m p o s e d plants a n d o t h e r organic C a n o p y : U p p e r m o s t layer o f m o s t forests. M a d e u p o f m a t e r i a l t h a t b u i l d s u p in p o o r l y - d r a i n e d w e t l a n d h a b i ­ b r a n c h e s a n d leaves o f t h e t a l l e s t trees. tats. C l i m a x f o r e s t : T h e f i n a l s t a g e in p l a n t s u c c e s s i o n . Percolation: D o w n w a r d f l o w or infiltration o f water Community: A group o f interacting plants and animals living in t h e s a m e area. t h r o u g h the pores o r spaces o f r o c k a n d soil. P i o n e e r s p e c i e s : Plants c a p a b l e o f i n v a d i n g b a r e sites a n d C r e p u s c u l a r : A n a n i m a l t h a t is a c t i v e j u s t b e f o r e t w i l i g h t o r j u s t before sunrise (beaver). living t h e r e u n t i l a n o t h e r p l a n t replaces it. Population: A group o f animals or plants o f the same D e c i d u o u s t r e e s : T r e e s t h a t lose all t h e i r leaves e a c h year. D e c o m p o s e r s : D e a d material t u r n e d i n t o useful nutrient- s p e c i e s t h a t live i n t h e s a m e a r e a . R a p t o r s : Birds w h i c h are p r e d a t o r y ( h a w k s , o w l s , eagles). r i c h o r g a n i c m a t t e r t o b e u s e d b y o t h e r p l a n t s t o live a n d S e d i m e n t : Particles o f s a n d , soil a n d minerals t h a t are g r o w (fungi, lichens, mosses and washed decomposers). from t h e l a n d a n d settle o n t h e b o t t o m s wetlands and aquatic Deforestation: T h e process o f clearing forests. Detritus: Bits o f v e g e t a t i o n , a n i m a l r e m a i n s a n d o t h e r of habitats. Silviculture: T h e c u l t i v a t i o n o f forest a n d s h a d e trees. o r g a n i c m a t e r i a l t h a t f o r m t h e base o f f o o d c h a i n s in S t o m a t a : S m a l l p o r e s in a tree's leaves a n d s t e m s t h a t wetlands and other habitats. o p e n t o a b s o r b c a r b o n d i o x i d e a n d release o x y g e n . E c o s y s t e m : A l l l i v i n g t h i n g s a n d t h e i r e n v i r o n m e n t s in a n Succession: T h e orderly, gradual and c o n t i n u o u s replace­ a r e a o f a n y size, l i n k e d b y t h e f l o w o f e n e r g y a n d n u t r i ­ ment o f one kind o f plant c o m m u n i t y by another. The ents. c h a n g e in p l a n t a n d a n i m a l life o v e r t i m e . Ecology: S t u d y o f relations o f living things t o o n e a n o t h e r T h r e a t e n e d species: A species w h o s e n u m b e r s are l o w o r and to their environment. declining. E d g e effect: A n area w h e r e t w o types o f vegetation come t o g e t h e r . A n i m a l s t e n d t o c o n c e n t r a t e in these areas T r a n s p i r a t i o n : T h e process b y w h i c h a tree loses w a t e r t h r o u g h s t o m a t a o n its leaves a n d s t e m s . because o f diversity o f f o o d a n d shelter. U n d e r s t o r y : Layer f o r m e d b y t h e c r o w n s o f s m a l l e r trees E n d e m i c : Native o r c o m m o n t o a region. Always present. in a f o r e s t . Exploitation: T o t a k e a d v a n t a g e o f a resource selfishly W a t e r s h e d : A n area w h i c h drains into a s t r e a m , lake, and r i v e r o r s y s t e m o f r i v e r s . D r a i n a g e is d u e t o t h e s l o p e o f unethically. E n d a n g e r e d species: A species in i m m e d i a t e d a n g e r o f b e c o m i n g extinct. E v e r g r e e n t r e e s : T r e e s t h a t d o n o t lose all o f t h e i r leaves each year. Extinct: N o longer living. Forestry: T h e science o f m a n a g i n g forests. ridges, causing w a t e r t o f l o w d o w n w a r d (divide). W e t l a n d s : Areas t h a t , a t least periodically, have w a t e r ­ logged soils o r are covered w i t h a relatively s h a l l o w layer o f water. Bogs, freshwater a n d saltwater marshes, a n d freshwater a n d saltwater s w a m p s are examples. �MATCHING 1. Watershed A A r e a w h e r e a n a n i m a l o r p l a n t f i n d s e v e r y t h i n g i t n e e d s t o live. 2. Forestry B Areas o f w a t e r - c l o g g e d soil o r area c o v e r e d w i t h s h a l l o w w a t e r . 3. Community C Partially d e c o m p o s e d organic m a t e r i a l . 4. Extinct D T r e e s t h a t lose leaves. E A n i m a l s o r p l a n t o f t h e s a m e species t h a t live i n t h e s a m e a r e a . F D r a i n i n g system f o r water. 7. T r a n s p i r a t i o n _ G Science o f m a n a g i n g forests. 8. H Particles w a s h e d f r o m the l a n d t h a t settle. I Type o f pollution w i t h c o m p o u n d s a n d water vapor. 5. P o p u l a t i o n 6. _ Sediment Stomata 9. A d a p t a t i o n _ 10. Habitat J S m a l l p o r e s i n leaves a n d s t e m s . 11. Bog K G r o u p o f interacting plants and animals. 12. Succession L Active a t t w i l i g h t o r sunrise. 13. Peat M U p p e r m o s t layer o f f o r e s t . 14. Deciduous N Process o f l o s i n g w a t e r b y p l a n t s . 15. Decomposers. O Freshwater w e t l a n d . 16. Canopy P A feature t h a t helps a n i m a l s or p l a n t s survive in a h a b i t a t . 17. A c i d rain Q T a k e d e a d m a t e r i a l a n d m a k e i t u s e f u l as n u t r i e n t s . 18. Wetlands R S h o w c h a n g e in e n v i r o n m e n t . 19. Crepuscular S N o longer living. 20. Evergreen T T r e e s t h a t d o n o t lose leaves. Answers 1.F 2. G cover answers if photocopying K 4. S 5. E 6. H 7. N 8. J 9. P 10. A .C 14. D 15. Q 16. M 17.1 18. B 19. L 20. T �THE A B C s GO... Name: Try to remember Working A. B. C D. E. F. C. H. I. JK. L. M. N. O. P. Q. R. S. T. U. V. w . X. all the thing you learned with a friend, write an environmental about Linville Falls. fact or rule for each letter. ��1. L e a v e s a r e s h a p e d l i k e n e e d l e s go to go to Leaves are broad a n d flat 2 . L o n g n e e d l e s g r o w in b u n c h e s o f 5 3 WHITE SPRUCE SITKA Needles are s h o r t a n d g r o w singly along the branch SPRUCE 3. Leaves are oposite go to 4. Leaves are simple 4 go to Leaves are alternate 5 SILVER MAPLE Leaves are c o m p o u n d HORSE C H E S T N U T 5. Leaves are simple go to 6. Leaves are lobes 6 go to Leaves are c o m p o u n d 8 WHITE Leaves are toothed O A K go to 7. Leaves are long and slender 7 W E E P I N G W I L L O W Leaves are rounded C H O K E 8. Branches have thorns CHERRY H O N E Y - Leaflets are toothed LOCUST BLACK WALN UT Opposite leaves g r o w directly a c r o s s from o n e a n o t h e r , in p a i r s blade/ Alternate 2 leaves g r o w singly along thebrance,with A compound has many space between each leaf A simple l e a f is m a d e up o f only one leaf blade leaf leaflets �A WALK IN THE WOODS �GOALS: T h e learner will u n d e r s t a n d t h a t elevation affects the PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES: t e m p e r a t u r e a n d p r e c i p i t a t i o n o f an area. T h e learn­ 1. er w i l l c o m p u t e t h e b a s i c d i f f e r e n c e s . Have students c o m p l e t e the worksheets o n elevation a n d t e m p e r a t u r e a n d t h e n discuss the results. OBJECTIVES: 2. Have s t u d e n t s design a travel b r o c h u r e f o r the Blue Ridge Parkway, f e a t u r i n g o n e o f NORTH CAROLINA: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l solve p r o b l e m s a n d r e a s o n i m m e d i a t e l y . t h e sites t h e y f i n d a p p e a l i n g . 3. H a v e s t u d e n t s p r e p a r e a class c o l l e c t i o n o f pictures t h a t represent the Blue Ridge TENNESSEE: Parkway at each season. T h e y c o u l d then Use i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m t a b l e s , c h a r t s a n d g r a p h s t o solve p r o b ­ make seasonal collages. l e m s i n v o l v i n g t h e basic f o u r o p e r a t i o n s o n w h o l e n u m b e r s . 4. Have each s t u d e n t m a k e a q u i l t square s h o w i n g their favorite p a r k w a y site. ON-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. As the students travel o n t h e p a r k w a y , have t h e m r e c o r d t h e t e m p e r a t u r e every 1 0 miles a n d create a line g r a p h f r o m this i n f o r m a ­ t i o n . The activity should reinforce the c o n ­ densation rate/temperature relationship. 2. Have students l o o k at o u t c r o p p i n g s o f rocks o n t h e r o a d b a n k s a n d tell t h e t y p e o f rock a n d the rock f o r m a t i o n , if possible. 3. H a v e s t u d e n t s use a r o c k h u n t e r ' s f i e l d m a n u a l t o i d e n t i f y r o c k s t h e y see. 4 . S t o p at the N. C. M i n e r a l M u s e u m . POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. Have students identify h o w the m o u n t a i n s were a barrier to the settlement o f the west­ e r n p a r t o f t h e s t a t e . H a v e s t u d e n t s use t h e Knoxville Q u a d r a n t t o p o g r a p h i c a l m a p most hiking stores) (at t o locate g a p s t h e early s e t t l e r s c a m e t h r o u g h . D i s c u s s t h e e a r l y set­ tlement patterns. 2. Have students research the early pioneers s u c h as D a n i e l B o o n e a n d t h e n l o o k f o r places o n the m a p n a m e d f o r t h e m . 3. S t u d e n t s m a y w a n t t o d o f u r t h e r r e a d i n g a n d research. �NORTH CAROLINA RELIEF MAPPING DIRECTIONS: A relief m a p shows elevation o f height. O n the m a p , b e l o w e a c h l e t t e r is a n a r e a o f t h e s a m e g e n e r a l ele­ v a t i o n . C o l o r all areas w i t h t h e s a m e letter t h e s a m e c o l o r . For e x a m p l e , c o l o r all t h e A ' s y e l l o w t h e n g o t o t h e key f o r t h e m a p a n d c o l o r t h e A y e l l o w . D o ACTIVITY: Look at the pattern the colors make then answer the following questions. 1. W h a t is t h e c o l o r o f t h e g r e a t e s t p a r t o f t h e state? each letter the same w a y , c h o o s i n g different colors f o r each letter. 2. Using the m a p , h o w m a n y m o u n t a i n s are a b o v e 5 , 5 0 0 feet? 3. SJSStO. NORTH CAROLINA: Feet RELIEF Meters Above 5,000 A Above 2,000-5,000 B 610-1,524 1,524 1,000-2,000 C 305-610 500-1,000 D 152-205 List t h e n a m e s o f t h e s e m o u n t a i n s . �NORTH CAROLINA CROSS SECTION ACTIVITY: C o l o r e a c h s e c t i o n o f t h e c r o s s s e c t i o n . It is b e t t e r t o use a d i f f e r e n t c o l o r f o r e a c h s e c t i o n . A c r o s s s e c t i o n is a w a y o f l o o k i n g a t e l e v a t i o n ( h e i g h t ) . L o o k a t this cross section f r o m W i l m i n g t o n t o A s h e v i l l e . N o t e t h e rise i n e l e v a ­ t i o n as y o u c r o s s t h e s t a t e . F o r e a c h rise i n ele­ v a t i o n o f 1 , 0 0 0 f e e t , t h e r e is a 3 ° d r o p in t e m ­ p e r a t u r e . W i t h this in m i n d , a n s w e r t h e f o l l o w ­ ing questions: 1. I f the t e m p e r a t u r e in W i l m i n g t o n ( 0 eleva­ t i o n ) is 8 5 ° w h a t w o u l d b e t h e a p p r o x i m a t e t e m p e r a t u r e in A s h e v i l l e ? O n t h e B l u e R i d g e Parkway? 2. H o w m u c h c o o l e r w o u l d it be o n M o u n t Mitchell ( 6 , 6 8 4 feet). H I N T : subtract. Multiply then �NORTH CAROLINA YEARLY RAINFALL ACTIVITY: T h e m a p b e l o w s h o w s the average yearly rain­ fall f o r y o u r state. C o l o r t h e b o x e s i n t h e key, u s i n g a d i f f e r e n t c o l o r f o r e a c h b o x . T h e n c o l o r all t h e s e c t i o n s o n the m a p labeled A w i t h the c o l o r y o u used f o r b o x A i n t h e key. C o l o r t h e o t h e r s e c t i o n s o n t h e m a p w i t h t h e s a m e c o l o r s s h o w n in t h e key. W h a t is t h e a v e r a g e y e a r l y r a i n f a l l i n y o u r p a r t o f the state? Inches Centimeters Above 64 A Above 163 56-64 B 142-163 48-56 C 122-142 44-48 D 112-122 Below 44 E Below 112 �NORTH CAROLINA YEARLY SNOW FALL ACTIVITY: T h i s m a p s h o w s t h e average yearly s n o w f a l l in y o u r state. C o l o r t h e b o x e s i n t h e key, u s i n g a d i f f e r e n t c o l o r f o r e a c h b o x . T h e n c o l o r all t h e s e c t i o n s o n the m a p labeled A w i t h the c o l o r y o u used f o r b o x A i n t h e key. C o l o r t h e o t h e r s e c t i o n s o n the m a p w i t h the s a m e c o l o r s s h o w n in the key. W h a t is t h e a v e r a g e y e a r l y s n o w f a l l i n y o u r p a r t o f the state? Inches Centimeters Above 8 A Above 20 6-8 B 15-20 4-6 C 10-15 2-4 D 5-10 Below 2 E Below 5 �NORTH CAROLINA AVERAGE JULY TEMPERATURE ACTIVITY: This m a p s h o w s the average July t e m p e r a t u r e in y o u r state. C o l o r t h e b o x e s i n t h e key, u s i n g a d i f f e r e n t c o l o r f o r e a c h b o x . T h e n c o l o r all t h e s e c t i o n s o n the m a p labeled A w i t h the c o l o r y o u used f o r b o x A i n t h e key. C o l o r t h e o t h e r s e c t i o n s o n t h e m a p w i t h t h e s a m e c o l o r s s h o w n in t h e key. W h a t is t h e a v e r a g e J u l y t e m p e r a t u r e i n y o u r p a r t o f the state? �NORTH CAROLINA AVERAGE JANUARY TEMPERATURE ACTIVITY: T h i s m a p s h o w s the average J a n u a r y t e m p e r a ­ tures in y o u r state. C o l o r t h e b o x e s i n t h e key, u s i n g a d i f f e r e n t c o l o r f o r e a c h b o x . T h e n c o l o r all t h e s e c t i o n s o n the m a p labeled A w i t h the c o l o r y o u used f o r b o x A i n t h e key. C o l o r t h e o t h e r s e c t i o n s o n t h e m a p w i t h t h e s a m e c o l o r s s h o w n in t h e key. W h a t is t h e a v e r a g e J a n u a r y t e m p e r a t u r e i n y o u r p a r t o f the state? �ROAN MOUNTAIN AND THE APPALACHIAN TRAIL Pisgah N a t i o n a l R i s i n g 6 , 2 8 5 f e e t i n t o t h e sky, t h e b e a u t y a n d majesty o f Roan M o u n t a i n promises your s t u d e n t s a field t r i p they will never f o r g e t . R o a n M o u n t a i n is n o t a s i n g l e p e a k , b u t r a t h e r a l o n g , high ridge w h i c h spreads in waves f o r m o r e t h a n five miles t h r o u g h Pisgah N a t i o n a l Forest over the N o r t h Carolina/Tennessee border. The A p p a l a c h i a n Trail follows this wave, taking your stu­ dents t h r o u g h r h o d o d e n d r o n g a r d e n s , over rare " b a l d s , " a n d t h r o u g h forests carpeted w i t h w i l d f l o w ers a n d f e r n s . A l t h o u g h t h e a r e a is i s o l a t e d a n d w i l d , i t is w i t h i n a n easy d r i v e o f B o o n e , B a n n e r Elk and Blowing Rock, N o r t h Carolina, and Johnson City, Tennessee. R o a n M o u n t a i n is f a m o u s p a r t l y b e c a u s e o f its l a r g e b a l d s — areas t h a t r e m a i n free o f trees f o r n o a p p a r ­ e n t r e a s o n . T h e b a l d s a r e easily a c c e s s i b l e f r o m t h e Appalachian Trail-at Carver's Gap. A n o t h e r attrac­ t i o n are the R h o d o d e n d r o n G a r d e n s , w h i c h b l o o m in late J u n e . T h e g a r d e n s o f f e r m o r e t h a n 2 0 0 acres o f c a t a w b a r h o d o d e n d r o n , the largest such expanse i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . T h e m o u n t a i n is a l s o r i c h i n history, h o m e t o the once f a m o u s C l o u d l a n d Hotel. T o d a y , i t is m a n a g e d b y t h e N a t i o n a l F o r e s t Service a n d T e n n e s s e e S t a t e P a r k S y s t e m , a n d is n o t e d as a fine example o f wise forest m a n a g e m e n t . R o a n M o u n t a i n is a u n i q u e l y i n t e r e s t i n g p l a c e . P e o p l e c o m e t o h i k e t h e b a l d s , t o see t h e r h o d o d e n ­ d r o n in b l o o m , t o enjoy the fall c o l o r s , a n d t o c a m p a n d p i c n i c . T h o u g h i t is easily a c c e s s i b l e , t h e R o a n is r e a l l y a w o r l d u n t o itself. W e s u g g e s t t h a t y o u t r y s o m e o f t h e f o l l o w i n g a c t i v i t i e s a n d give y o u r s t u ­ dents a n experience t o treasure. Directions to Roan M o u n t a i n : F r o m Tennessee: Take Highway 19E f r o m Elizabethton t o the village o f R o a n M o u n t a i n . Proceed 22 miles t o the t o p o f the m o u n t a i n by fol­ l o w i n g t h e p r o m i n e n t signs f o r R o a n M o u n t a i n State Park a n d t u r n i n g o n t o Tennessee H i g h w a y 143. F r o m N o r t h C a r o l i n a ( n o r t h e r n counties): Find y o u r w a y t o Elk P a r k , N o r t h C a r o l i n a , t h e n f o l l o w H i g h w a y 19E across t h e Tennessee line t o the village o f R o a n M o u n t a i n . A t t h e signs f o r t h e p a r k , f o l l o w Tennessee H i g h w a y 143 t o the s u m m i t . From N o r t h Carolina (southern counties): Take N o r t h C a r o l i n a 2 6 1 f r o m Bakersville. North C a r o l i n a 261 will meet Tenressee 143 at the state b o r d e r a t the crest o f R o a n M o u n t a i n . Forest �MAPPING THE APPALACHIAN TRAIL GOAL: T h e g o a l is t o g i v e s t u d e n t s a sense o f t h e l e n g t h o f ACTIVITIES: t h e A p p a l a c h i a n T r a i l a n d its b e a u t y . T h e l e a r n e r w i l l Find t w o m a p s w i t h the eastern h a l f o f the use m a p p i n g skills t o m a p t h e A p p a l a c h i a n T r a i l . U n i t e d S t a t e s o r use t h e m a p s i n c l u d e d . O n e m a p needs l a t i t u d e a n d l o n g i t u d e lines o n it, STATE OBJECTIVES: STRAND: S o c i a l S t u d i e s a n d Physical E d u c a t i o n . a n d the other should s h o w m o u n t a i n ranges. Have students f i n d Roan M o u n t a i n o n the lati­ tude and longitude m a p at 82° west latitude and 3 6 ° n o r t h longitude. Have students m a r k Roan M o u n t a i n w i t h a marker. Have students m a r k the trail first w i t h a pencil a n d , after NORTH CAROLINA: b e i n g c h e c k e d , use a m a r k e r t o h i g h l i g h t t h e 3.11 : L o c a t e N o r t h C a r o l i n a o n m a p s o f t h e U n i t e d States a n d trail. T h e teacher can check o n e s t u d e n t in o f the w o r l d using latitude a n d longitude designations. TENNESSEE: e a c h r o w a n d t h e n l e t t h e s t u d e n t s c h e c k every­ o n e else i n t h e i r r o w . Recognize t h a t n a t u r a l r e g i o n s are r e p r e s e n t e d o n d i f f e r ­ e n t t y p e s o f m a p s b y u s i n g p h y s i c a l f e a t u r e s , c l i m a t e , veg­ Have the students take the m a p s w i t h t h e m o n e t a t i o n a n d n a t u r a l resources. Use l o n g i t u d i n a l a n d l a t i t u ­ the field trip. Students s h o u l d m a r k the area d i n a l lines t o l o c a t e n a t u r a l r e g i o n s o n t h e m a p s . hiked w i t h a different c o l o r marker. Record the t i m e it takes t o hike the trail. U p o n returning BACKGROUND INFORMATION: t o the c l a s s r o o m , have s t u d e n t s calculate h o w l o n g it w o u l d take t h e m t o hike t h e entire trail. Other points to plot: S t u d e n t s will need t o research the A p p a l a c h i a n M o u n t a i n s a n d trails. Have students t o f i n d o u t the 1. Springer M o u n t a i n , G e o r g i a 84 W latitude and 3 4 N longitude beginning a n d ending points o f the m o u n t a i n trail. T h e y will need t o collect longitude a n d latitude p o i n t s o f these l o c a t i o n s . T h e y also will need t o f i n d 2. T h e A p p a l a c h i a n T r a i l is 2 , 1 6 8 m i l e s s t r e t c h i n g f r o m S p r i n g e r M o u n t a i n in G e o r g i a t o M o u n t K a t a h d i n in E r w i n , Tennessee 83 W latitude a n d 3 5 1/2 N l o n g i t u d e the length o f the trail. 3. Roan M o u n t a i n , Tennessee 82 W latitude and 36 N longitude N o r t h e r n M a i n e . T h e t r a i l is t h e l o n g e s t c o n t i n u o u s ­ ly m a r k e d h i k i n g t r a i l i n t h e w o r l d , s t r e t c h i n g t h r o u g h 1 4 s t a t e s . It is n o t a n easy w a l k a n d w a s created f o r serious hikers w h o w a n t a physical chal­ lenge w h i l e e n j o y i n g s p e c t a c u l a r scenery. 4. Turner's Gap, M a r y l a n d 78 W latitude and 39 3 / 4 N longitude 5. S o u t h e r n N e w Y o r k 74 3 / 4 W latitude and 42 N longitude 6. W h i t e M o u n t a i n s , N e w H a m p s h i r e 4 4 N latitude and 73 W longitude 7. M t . K a t a h d i n , M a i n e 4 6 N latitude and 69 W longitude Resource: Silver, B u r d e t t a n d G i n n , Science T e x t b o o k . �MAPPING THE APPALACHIAN TRAIL �MAPPING THE APPALACHIAN TRAIL ANSWERS �EXTRA, EXTRA! READ ALL ABOUT IT! GOAL: T h e learner will be a w a r e o f the relationship ACTIVITY: b e t w e e n t h e h i s t o r y o f a r e g i o n a n d its l o c a t i o n , n a t ­ Pass o u t c o p i e s o f " R a r e G r a y ' s Lily a t H o m e ural setting, n a t u r a l resources a n d natural changes. o n R o a n " , i n c l u d e d . Read a n d discuss articles together. C o m p l e t e s u m m a r y sheet. STATE OBJECTIVES: NORTH CAROLINA: L A N G U A G E ARTS A N D SOCIAL STUDIES: 2.2: T h e learner w i l l analyze, synthesize a n d organize i n f o r m a ­ t i o n a n d d i s c o v e r r e l a t e d ideas, c o n c e p t s o r generaliza­ tions. 2.3: T h e learner w i l l a p p l y , e x t e n d a n d e x p a n d o n i n f o r m a t i o n and concepts. 5: T h e learner w i l l e v a l u a t e w a y s t h e p e o p l e o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a use, m o d i f y a n d a d a p t t o t h e physical e n v i r o n ­ ment. T h e learner w i l l w r i t e a n e w s p a p e r a r t i c l e a b o u t t h e rare G r a / s Lily f o u n d o n R o a n M o u n t a i n . T h e learner w i l l use c o r r e c t c a p i t a l i z a t i o n a n d p u n c t u a ­ tion. I n f o r m s t u d e n t s t h a t they are t o be a r e p o r t e r a n d w r i t e a s t o r y in t h e E a r t h S m a r t N e w s p a p e r a b o u t t h e d i s c o v e r y o f G r a y ' s Lily. T h e article should c o n t a i n a headline, illustra­ t i o n a n d byline. T h e article s h o u l d c o n t a i n information about: W h o is A s a G r a y ? D e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e lily L o c a t i o n o f its g r o w t h Reasons f o r t h e p l a n t ' s rarity S o l u t i o n s f o r its c o n t i n u a t i o n MATERIALS: N e w s p a p e r a r t i c l e " R a r e G r a y ' s Lily a t H o m e o n R o a n " i n J o h n s o n C i t y Press (July 3 , 1 9 9 5 ) Earth S m a r t N e w s activity sheet " R a r e G r a y ' s Lily a t H o m e o n R o a n " a c t i v i t y sheet, s u m m a r y sheet �EXTRA, EXTRA! READ ALL ABOUT IT! RARE GRAY'S LILY AT HOME O N ROAN BY MICHAEL JOSLIN R O A N M O U N T A I N — As early summer establishes itself on the verdant balds, among the wind-rippled green and gold grasses can be seen glowing bits o f flame - the blossoms o f the Gray's Lily or Roan Lily. This fiery flower w i t h its combination o f beauty and rarity has become an important part o f the heritage o f the Roan Highlands. Gray's Lily links today to the distant past. I t is a rare plant that exists naturally i n only a few areas. The Roan is its main habitat. The lily was discovered there, and the main population o f this nationally significant plant exists there today. As the balds go, so goes the lily. Keeping the balds clear o f woody vegetation is a major problem today. The ways i n which this distinctive flower reacts mark the relative success o f the means used É| . \0^È^ÊÊm preserve the unique character o f ^ B r If iJÉhi the grassy balds. I n prehistoric times, large Jewel o f t h e b a l d s herbivores kept the balds clear o f woody species that eventually would have turned these high-elevation meadows into forest. According to Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, N . C , mammoths and mastodons, as well as ground sloths, horses, peccaries, caribou, moose, muskoxen and bison, "ranged the Southern Appalachians." : t o "The impact o f these species individually and collectively o n the regional vegetation was very likely quite spectacular," wrote Weigl i n his proposal Southern Appalachian Grassy Balds: Rethinking Both Origins and Management. Over the millennia, grazing animals kept the balds open. The Indians hunted the herds, and later the white settlers would drive their own livestock to fatten i n the summer o n the luxuriant grasses. I n late June and early July o f 1841, the pioneering American botanist Asa Gray traveled through parts o f the Southern Appalachians to study and collect plant specimens. While dazzled by the incredible wealth and diversity o f plants i n the region, he was equally impressed by the scenic beauty o f the open meadows and the mountains on all sides. He ascended the Roan after climbing Grandfather Mountain. "It was just sunset when we reached the bald and grassy summit o f this noble mountain, and after enjoying for a moment the magnificent view i t affords, had barely time to prepare out encampment," Gray wrote i n an article published shortly after his trip to our mountains. One ofirhe plants he identified on this trip was the liliu m canaclejg^SAccording to Jim Massey, director o f the Discovered last century growing in the Roan M o u n t a i n balds, the Gray's Lily is a rare flower t h a t relies o n the bald's lack o f w o o d y vegetation. G r o w t h o f blackberries and alders hampers the plant's chance f o r success, and the United States Forest Service is exploring ways t o keep the balds clear so the lilies can flourish. Left, a Gray's Lily blossom is covered w i t h m o r n i n g dew; below, botanist Asa Gray, for w h o m the lily is named, probably first noticed it o n an 1841 expedition t o the area. herbarium at the University o f N o r t h Carolina at Chapel H i l l , this species o f lily closely resembles the Gray's Lily. Gray may have discovered the plant that bears his name on this first visit, but he failed to distinguish it from its near relative. In 1879, his protege Sereno Watson officially described the flower and named i t for his mentor. During the 19th century and much o f this century, livestock kept the balds open on the Roan Highlands and thus kept the Gray's Lily i n a flourishing state. Cleo Edwards grew up on a farm below the balds and spent much o f his recreation time among the herds o n the meadows. He knew the lilies and saw them i n the 1930's, 40's and 50's. "Yes, they was plenty o f them," Cleo said. "It seems like they done a lot better than they do now. The stock kept everything picked down around them." After the U. S. Forest Service acquired the balds during the middle decades o f this century, the government stopped the grazing. Shortly thereafter, the slow but steady process of woodland encroachment began. As the blackberry briars and alders flourished, the Gray's Lilies declined. In the past two decades, the Forest Service has tried many different ways to prevent the disappearance o f the unique habitat o f the balds. Fire, chemicals, weed mowers and other means have been employed with little permanent success. Then, for three years a herd o f goats was given part o f the job. "We have found that where we grazed with the goats, the following year we found hundreds o f Gray's Lily seedlings where they had not been before," said Frank Roth, a ranger for the Toecane District o f the Pisgah National Forest that oversees the balds. "When we kept the goats out o f that place the next year, the blackberries came back and shaded the lilies out," Roth said. "Where we let the goat's graze, there were still hundreds o f them. We're putting i n plots and doing more monitoring o f what's happening there now." The goats are gone this year; last summer was the third o f a three-year test program. Time will tell how quickly the briars and other woody species overshadow the lilies. �EXTRA, EXTRA! READ ALL ABOUT IT! SUMMARY SHEET 1 . W h a t is t h e " J e w e l o f t h e B a l d " ? 2 . W h o d i s c o v e r e d it? 3. W h e n w a s it discovered? 4 . W h a t is a n o t h e r n a m e f o r G r a y ' s Lily? 5 . T h e G r a y ' s Lily relies o n t h e b a l d s ' l a c k o f 6. In p r e h i s t o r i c t i m e s , large 7. I n p i o n e e r d a y s , t h e 8 . T o d a y , as t h e . k e p t t h e b a l d s clear o f w o o d y species. k e p t b a l d s clear. f l o u r i s h e d , t h e G r a y ' s Lilies d e c l i n e d . 9 . W h a t o r g a n i z a t i o n h a s t r i e d t o h e l p save t h e G r a y ' s Lily? 1 0 . W h a t h a s t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n t r i e d t o d o t o s t o p t h e g r o w t h o f o t h e r p l a n t s t h a t a r e k i l l i n g t h e lilies? N a m e t h r e e . 1 1 . W h a t a n i m a l s were used t o get rid o f u n w a n t e d plants o n the balds? ANSWERS 1. T h e G r a / s Lily 2. Asa Gray 3. 1841 4 . R o a n Lily 5. W o o d y v e g e t a t i o n 6. Herbivores 7. Livestock o r g r a z i n g a n i m a l s 8 . B l a c k b e r r y b r i a r s a n d / o r alders 9 . U n i t e d States Forest Service 10. Fire, C h e m i c a l s , W e e d m o w e r s 11. Goats �EXTRA, EXTRA! READ ALL ABOUT IT! EARTH SMART NEWS SPECIAL EDITION FOR ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES HEADLINE: BYLINE �GOAL: T h e learner will u n d e r s t a n d the relationship between t h e h i s t o r y o f a r e g i o n a n d its l o c a t i o n , n a t u r a l set­ t i n g , n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s a n d n a t u r a l c h a n g e s a n d its effect o n the e c o n o m y o f the region. ACTIVITY: T h e R o a n H i g h K n o b a r e a is a u n i q u e l a n d o f resources a n d o p p o r t u n i t i e s . A l t h o u g h p e o p l e are a w a r e o f its scenic a n d r e c r e a t i o n a l a s p e c t s , the R o a n also has a n e c o n o m i c t r a d i t i o n . STATE OBJECTIVES: NORTH CAROLINA: G O A L 5: T h e learner w i l l e v a l u a t e w a y s t h e p e o p l e o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a use, m o d i f y a n d a d a p t t o t h e physical envi­ ronment. 5.2: D e s c r i b e h o w N o r t h C a r o l i n i a n s n o w use, m o d i f y o r a d a p t t o t h e i r physical e n v i r o n m e n t . 5.3: A n a l y z e causes a n d c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e misuse o f t h e p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t a n d p r o p o s e alternatives. B e l o w are s o m e o f t h e resources t h a t have been o f e c o n o m i c value t o the p e o p l e living in the area. Describe h o w each c o n t r i b u t e d t o the local e c o n o m y . If possible, t r y t o locate a n d identify the plants. APPALACHIAN TRAIL F R A S E R FIR GALAX "PINE" CONES G O A L 11 : T h e learner w i l l assess c h a n g e s in ways o f living over T H E FOREST t i m e a n d investigate w h y a n d h o w these changes 11.3: CATAWBA occurred. GRASSY A N D H E A T H RHODODENDRON E v a l u a t e t h e effects o f c h a n g e o n t h e lives o f t h e GINSENG people o f N o r t h Carolina. CRANBERRY CREEK IRON BALDS MICA CHAMPION COMPANY R O A N M O U N T A I N STATE PARK MATERIALS: Note pad Plant identification b o o k Roan M o u n t a i n State Park b r o c h u r e C o p y o f Roan High K n o b Area Analysis B o o k : W i l s o n , Jennifer. Roan Mountain: Passage of Time DISCUSSION: T h e N a t i o n a l Forest Service m a n a g e s t h e R o a n H i g h K n o b area. H o w are they t r y i n g t o m a i n ­ tain the distinctive qualities o f Roan M o u n t a i n , s u c h as p l a n t s , w i l d l i f e a n d h u m a n n e e d s ? W h a t suggestions d o you have f o r preserving a n d enjoying the b e a u t y o f t h e area? C h o o s e f r o m t h e list a b o v e w h a t y o u t h i n k h a d the m o s t destructive influence o n Roan M o u n t a i n . Give y o u r reasons. Explain w h a t y o u c o n s i d e r t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t use o f t h e R o a n High K n o b area today. �ROAN: A MOUNTAIN O F OPPORTUNITY res r e p r e s e n t a s p e c t s o f f o r e s t m a n a g e m e n t . D e b a t e w h i c h ones m i g h t be a p p r o p r i a t e itain. Taken from Ranger Rick Nature scope, "Trees are Terrifie" on �ROAN: A MOUNTAIN O F OPPORTUNITY Forest products and use-Discuss aspects of each. �ROAN WORD SEARCH D V 1 R S 1 L V 1 C u L T U R E B Y X D X E F X E W E Q Q Y C N R L H X F R G N B R F Q W Z N U W Q C 1 H B S O D R S T X Q B O Y W X J G A C A O 0 U N F E Y N G J S Y R O Y 1 N D T T D 1 0 O M B L E W S W J F E Y F 0 R Q N 0 S U V L K 1 M T B X F L P S O X J z u D U D E D C L E P L P S O T W T C H K 0 E C 1 R L A S G B Y F N Y T N W A H z M N C C L J L Y A R F A 0 G X R E K T D N D E E 0 B B A N B C G P R B J E E E 1 A R S D 0 A X R A 0 C z V p E H S E R R O 0 S M K L O G M T L Z F S M S R L Z G R N 1 Q U D U F E A O U Y S 0 T T A X S R L O N K B Z P S N U X H D E H R R T V K E N U J Y W K U Y D H W S B Q Y H Y A C U V S T H D N 1 K L U O B 1 X M V E 1 Z M B E M U G R T V A R L 1 A R T N A 1 H C A L A P P A L Z N G A R D E N S G F H N R B H W B E U K D A B W A T A C R N P D Y J U A J R M WORD LIST APPALACHIANTRAIL BOTANY CLOUDLAND EVERGREEN GRAYSLILY RHODODENDRON SILVICULTURE BALD CANOPY DECIDUOUS FORESTRY MULT1USEMANAGEMENT ROANMOUNTAIN SUCCESSION BLACKBERRY CATAWBA DEFORESTATION GARDENS OVERLOOK ROSETREE �ROAN WORD SEARCH ANSWERS B O T A N Y C C L O U D Y R R E B K C A L . . . Y L I L S Y . . T N E M E G A N A M E S U I WORD LIST APPALACHIANTRAIL BOTANY CLOUDLAND EVERGREEN GRAYSLILY RHCXXXDENDRON SILVICULTURE BALD CANOPY DECIDUOUS FORESTRY MULTIUSEMANAGEMENT ROANMOUNTAIN SUCCESSION BLACKBERRY CATAWBA DEFORESTATION GARDENS OVERLOOK ROSETREE �SCAVENGER HUNT or BINGO GOAL: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l c o n s t r u c t a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f sci­ ACTIVITY: ence c o n c e p t s by analyzing systems. T h e learner will T h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n sheet c a n be used in a v a r i ­ recognize the differences a m o n g animals. ety o f w a y s . S t u d e n t s m a y use i t as a s c a v e n g e r STATE OBJECTIVES: t h i n g s as p o s s i b l e o r i t c a n b e u s e d as a f o r m NORTH CAROLINA: items t o make a vertical, horizontal or diagonal h u n t a n d t r y t o find as m a n y o f t h e s e l i v i n g S C I E N C E 5.1 : S C I E N C E 5.1.1 : find Explore t h e g r o u p i n g s o f animals l i n e . S t u d e n t s m a y b e a s k e d t o l o c a t e all m a m ­ U s i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , classify i n t o g r o u p s a n i ­ m a l s s h o w n o n t h e sheet, etc. m a l s s u c h as i n v e r t e b r a t e s , reptiles, m a m m a l s , a m p h i b i a n s , f i s h a n d insects TENNESSEE: SCIENCE: o f b i n g o , in w h i c h s t u d e n t s a t t e m p t t o T h e l e a r n e r w i l l recognize t h e differences a m o n g animals. �SCAVENGER HUNT WOODCHUCK RACCOON FELLED BEAVER TREE �SURVIVAL AT ITS BEST GOAL: T h e learner will evaluate survival i n f o r m a t i o n a n d learn basic trail a n d h i k i n g safety. PRE-SITE ACTIVITY: B r i n g t o class a n d h a v e s t u d e n t s b r i n g a r t i c l e s a b o u t p e o p l e w h o have been rescued after OBJECTIVE: h a v i n g been h i k i n g . C o n d u c t w i t h t h e class a discussion o f safety a n d w h a t y o u w o u l d need T o e n c o u r a g e t h e r e s p o n s i b l e use o f o u r n a t u r a l t o d o i f y o u b e c a m e lost. D i v i d e t h e class i n t o parks a n d wildlife areas a n d t o develop a caring atti­ t e a m s a n d have t h e m design a safety p a c k t o t u d e t o w a r d o u r n a t u r a l resources. take w i t h t h e m o n a h i k i n g t r i p so t h a t i f y o u became lost you w o u l d k n o w w h a t t o d o . STATE OBJECTIVES: H a v e t h e t e a m s r e p o r t t o t h e class a n d t h e n vote o n the best plans a n d survival kits. NORTH CAROLINA: SCIENCE: 2 . 7 . 5 : Discuss h o w h u m a n s m u s t care f o r t h e e n v i r o n m e n t t o ensure t h a t a n i m a l s r e m a i n h e a l t h y a n d species survive. ON-SITE ACTIVITY: Have t h e s t u d e n t s keep a j o u r n a i o f all t h e possible accidents a n d ways t h a t their plans SOCIAL STUDIES: 5: T h e learner will evaluate ways the people o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a use, m o d i f y a n d a d a p t t o t h e physical e n v i r o n ­ ment. TENNESSEE: SCIENCE : Realize h o w i n d i v i d u a l s a f f e c t t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . SOCIAL STUDIES: Be a w a r e o f w a y s p e o p l e a f f e c t n a t u r a l resources. w o u l d h a v e w o r k e d . A g a i n as y o u b e g i n t o h i k e stress s a f e t y a n d t h e n l e t t h e s t u d e n t s e n j o y t h e b e a u t y o f t h e i r s u r r o u n d i n g s . Let t h e m d e c i d e t h e p a r t t h e y l i k e d b e s t a n d as they take a b r e a k j o t s o m e n o t e s f o r later use. Once again a camera or a video camera w o u l d be a useful t h i n g t o have. POST SITE ACTIVITY Take the things the students observed a n d d e s i g n s o m e s c e n a r i o s a n d give t o t h e t e a m s a n d h a v e t h e m p l a y o u t t h e b e s t s u r v i v a l sce­ nario. Have t h e m evaluate the difference b e t w e e n t h e real h i k e a n d t h e m a k e b e l i e v e one. �ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT GOAL: sure. Balds are n o t static; p l a n t succession d o e s T o s t u d y a m a n a g e d f o r e s t a n d realize t h a t c a r e f u l occur on them. m o r e t h a n a 1,000 acres, m o s t l y w i t h s o u t h e r n expo­ p l a n n i n g a n d m a n a g e m e n t is p r a c t i c e d t o e n s u r e R o a n H i g h K n o b is a u n i q u e a n d s e n s i t i v e e c o s y s t e m sensitive species survive. t h a t attracts visitors f r o m a r o u n d the w o r l d . T h e n a t u r a l forest lands in the R o a n H i g h K n o b area are STATE OBJECTIVE: administered by the Cherokee (Tennessee) a n d the NORTH CAROLINA: Pisgah ( N o r t h C a r o l i n a ) N a t i o n a l Forests a n d are a 2 . 7 . 5 : Discuss h o w h u m a n s m u s t care f o r t h e e n v i r o n m e n t t o p a r t o f t h e U.S. F o r e s t S e r v i c e ' s p l a n n e d m a n a g e ­ ensure t h a t a n i m a l s r e m a i n h e a l t h y a n d species survive. m e n t area. T h e forest plan provides m a n a g e m e n t guidance for the maintenance and preservation o f the unique ecosystems o f the area. TENNESSEE: T o realize h o w i n d i v i d u a l s effect t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . A p a r t o f the A p p a l a c h i a n Trail goes t h r o u g h the a r e a a l s o . T h e a r e a is t o b e m a n a g e d t o m a i n t a i n BACKGROUND INFORMATION: distinctive o u t s t a n d i n g scenic q u a l i t y , w i l d l i f e a n d p l a n t c o m m u n i t i e s as w e l l as t h e S p r u c e - F i r a n d h a r d w o o d forest. T h e goals are t o m a n a g e the area The Appalachian M o u n t a i n s were f o r m e d approxi­ m a t e l y 4 0 0 m i l l i o n years a g o , w h e n the m o v i n g c o n ­ tinental plates o f N o r t h America a n d Africa collided a l o n g w h a t is n o w t h e e a s t c o a s t o f t h e U n i t e d States. T h e entire process o f buckling a n d fracturing a n d u p l i f t i n g is t h o u g h t t o h a v e t a k e n a b o u t 5 0 m i l ­ lion years. T h e rocks t h a t make up Roan M o u n t a i n actually predate the f o r m a t i o n o f the Appalachians. The old­ est v a r i e t y is c a l l e d C r a n b e r r y G n e i s s . D a t e d a t m o r e t h a n a b i l l i o n y e a r s , i t is a m o n g t h e o l d e s t r o c k s t o b e f o u n d i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . G e o l o g i s t s believe t h a t t h e peaks in the vicinity o f R o a n M o u n t a i n m a y h a v e b e e n as h i g h as 2 0 , 0 0 0 t o 3 0 , 0 0 0 f e e t b e f o r e the slow process o f glaciation a n d erosion b r o u g h t t h e m t o t h e i r p r e s e n t h e i g h t . It is g l a c i a t i o n t h a t is given a large share o f t h e c r e d i t f o r the Roan's u n i q u e f l o r a . T h e glaciers extended their principle e f f e c t i n t h e S p r u c e - F i r f o r e s t t h a t is f o u n d a l o n g t h e 5 , 0 0 0 - f o o t level g i v i n g rise t o a n a r e a o f u n u s u a l v e g e t a t i o n k n o w n as t h e " C a n a d i a n z o n e . " A n o t a b l e e x a m p l e o f t h e " C a n a d i a n z o n e " is t h e R h o d o d e n d r o n garden located past Roan High K n o b t o w a r d the southwest part o f the Roan. T h e r e are t w o basic types o f b a l d s w i t h n u m e r o u s v a r i a t i o n s . Areas p o p u l a t e d b y grasses, w e e d s a n d w i l d f l o w e r s a r e k n o w n as g r a s s b a l d s . A r e a s t h a t s u p p o r t t h e g r o w t h o f s h r u b s are called h e a t h balds. T h e R h o d o d e n d r o n gardens constitute the m a j o r s h r u b b a l d o n R o a n M o u n t a i n . T h e grass b a l d s are m o r e e x t e n s i v e , a n d t h e y a r e all s i t u a t e d n o r t h w e s t o f Carver's G a p . Roan B a l d , Jane Bald a n d Hump M o u n t a i n are l o c a t e d o n l o n g b r o a d ridges above the 5 , 5 0 0 feet elevation m a r k . T h e y cover an area o f to appear natural, while maintaining the natural ecosystems a n d p r o t e c t i n g the h a b i t a t f o r threat­ ened a n d e n d a n g e r e d species. �ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES: POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. 1. Research t h e effect o f t h e l o g g i n g i n d u s t r y o n 2. M o u n t a i n area. Possible g r o u p a s s i g n m e n t s : H o w d i d t h e e a r l y s e t t l e r s use t h e g r a s s b a l d s ? •The A p p a l a c h i a n T r a i l D i d this effect the environment? 3. •The R h o d o d e n d r o n g a r d e n •The B a l d s L o o k a t t h e n a t u r a l secession process a n d • R e c r e a t i o n a l use o f t h e a r e a d e c i d e w h e t h e r t h i s is w h a t t h e g e n e r a l p u b l i c really w a n t s . Divide the students i n t o g r o u p s a n d have each g r o u p devise a m a n a g e m e n t p l a n f o r t h e R o a n the area a n d o n the environment. 2. Have students w r i t e letters t o the N a t i o n a l Forest Service t h a n k i n g t h e m f o r t h e i r w o r k 4. S t u d y t h e Forest Service's M a n a g e m e n t Plan a n d the o p p o r t u n i t y t o visit t h e site. f o r t h e R o a n areas a n d t h e n discuss: • A p p a l a c h i a n T r a i l uses a n d m a i n t e n a n c e 3. Have students write their representative urging • T h e h a r v e s t o f F r a s e r Fir s e e d l i n g s c o n t i n u e d s u p p o r t f o r the N a t i o n a l Forest •Cone picking Service. •Cross-country skiing 4. •Hiking trails • R e c r e a t i o n a l use 5. D e b a t e t h e f o l l o w i n g issues: • P r o t e c t i o n o f r a r e species a n d t h e i r h a b i t a t s . • R e c r e a t i o n a l use o f N a t i o n a l F o r e s t L a n d s . •Protection a n d maintenance o f the R h o d o d e n d r o n Gardens and the balds. ON-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. H a v e t h e s t u d e n t s o b s e r v e as m a n y e x a m p l e s as p o s s i b l e o f p l a n n e d m a n a g e m e n t a n d t h e n list specific w a y s t h e y are h e l p f u l . 2. A s t h e s t u d e n t s w a l k o n t h e trails, have t h e m identify the following: W i l d strawberries S p r e a d i n g avens Goosberry M o u n t a i n oatgrass Sedge Yarrow Bluets ( Q u a k e r ladies) Hair cap moss Lichen Catawba Rhododendron Saxifrages Red Spruce F r a s e r Fir M o u n t a i n Ash Sand Myrtle Have students make a m u r a l depicting the parts o f a forest m a n a g e m e n t plan. �ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT INTRODUCTION: In t h e 1 8 0 0 ' s , t h e f o r e s t w a s e x p l o i t e d as a n inex­ haustible resource. T o d a y the forest industry plans for the future. M o d e r n forest planning includes r e f o r e s t a t i o n p r o j e c t s , r e s e a r c h o n t r e e diseases a n d land-use p r o t e c t i o n . T o ensure a c o n t i n u o u s c r o p o f t r e e s f o r f u t u r e u s e , l o g g i n g p r a c t i c e s , s u c h as selectc u t t i n g a n d c l e a r - c u t t i n g , are used t o reduce c o m p e ­ t i t i o n b e t w e e n r e p l a n t i n g s a n d t h e m a t u r e trees. C o n e s are harvested t o ensure seedlings f o r f u t u r e MEASURE A T R E E ACTIVITY: 1. M e a s u r e y o u r tree. H o w many hands around? H o w many footsteps around? N o w measure w i t h the tape measure. H o w m a n y inches a r o u n d ? forests. PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES: Measure the s h a d o w o f y o u r tree. 1. M a k e a list o f a l l t h e w a y s w e use t r e e s . W h a t is t h e t i m e o f d a y ? 2. I f trees w e r e harvested w h a t c o u l d be d o n e H o w m a n y feet long? W i l l this affect y o u r measure? Explain w h y . t o prevent erosion? 3 . T h e C h r i s t m a s t r e e i n d u s t r y is a g r o w i n g e c o n o m i c f a c t o r in the area. H o w does it e f f e c t t h e e c o n o m y , a n d w h a t is its f u t u r e ? 4. C o m p l e t e the worksheets on "Measure a Tree" and "Observe a Tree." 3. Native A m e r i c a n s measured the height o f trees in t h e f o l l o w i n g m a n n e r . W a l k a w a y f r o m t h e t r e e u n t i l y o u c a n see the t o p o f the tree, while h o l d i n g y o u ankles a n d v i e w i n g t h r o u g h y o u r legs. T h e n t u r n a n d pace o f f the distance f r o m where you a r e s t a n d i n g t o t h e b a s e o f t h e t r e e . T h i s is e q u a l t o t h e h e i g h t o f t h e t r e e . ( N o t e t h i s is based o n the a s s u m p t i o n t h a t the angle f o r m e d b y t h i s s i g h t i n g is 4 5 d e g r e e s ) . N o w y o u try. Record y o u r answer. MATERIALS: Tape measure Paper �OBSERVE A T R E E ACTIVITY: 1. V i e w the tree f r o m a distance. Sketch the tree o n this page. 2. O b s e r v e t h e tree u p close. T o u c h t h e tree. Describe the: CONES AND NEEDLES ACTIVITY: Observe a c o n e , b r a n c h a n d s o m e needles f r o m different conifers (pine, spruce, hemlock and fir). Then answer the following questions a n d make a d r a w i n g o f each category: 1. O b s e r v e c o n e s f r o m t h e d i f f e r e n t trees a n d Bark describe each cone. Look Leaves Branches 3 . W h a t a r e t h e c o l o r s o f y o u r tree? Feel Smell 2. E x a m i n e e a c h n e e d l e a n d d e s c r i b e e a c h cone. Look 4. W h a t u n u s u a l f e a t u r e s d o e s y o u r t r e e have? Arrangement 3. Measure the cones a n d c o u n t the n u m b e r o f scales. 5 . W r i t e a p a r a g r a p h t o h e l p o t h e r s see y o u r t r e e . U s i n g as m a n y d e s c r i p t i v e p i c t u r e w o r d s , a d j e c t i v e s as y o u c a n . Length Circumference Count Seed 4 . Is t h e r e a n y e v i d e n c e o f d i s e a s e ? MATERIALS: Ruler Tape measure Pencil Paper �APPALACHIAN TRAIL PATCH DESIGN GOALS: Students will design an A p p a l a c h i a n Trail patch d e p i c t i n g a p l a n t , a n i m a l o r e n v i r o n m e n t a l issue. ACTIVITY: Using the p a t t e r n sheet, design a p a t c h t h a t people w h o hike the A p p a l a c h i a n Trail c o u l d STATE OBJECTIVES: wear. Consider plants, animals or e n v i r o n m e n ­ NORTH CAROLINA: Trail m i g h t encounter. Students c o u l d research t a l issues p e o p l e w h o h i k e t h e A p p a l a c h i a n SCIENCE: a n d d i s c u s s t h i n g s t h a t m i g h t b e seen o n t h e 2 . 7 . 5 : S t u d e n t s w i l l discuss h o w h u m a n s m u s t care f o r t h e envi­ trail. r o n m e n t t o ensure t h a t a n i m a l s r e m a i n h e a l t h y a n d t h a t species survive. A n e x c e l l e n t b o o k t o s h a r e w i t h s t u d e n t s is Blind Courage b y Bill I r w i n . T h e s t o r y is a b o u t Bill I r w i n , w h o w i t h his seeing-eye d o g b e c a m e INTRODUCTION: the first blind person t o hike the 2,168-mile Appalachian Trail. T h e A p p a l a c h i a n T r a i l is t h e l o n g e s t c o n t i n u o u s l y m a r k e d h i k i n g t r a i l i n t h e w o r l d . It s t r e t c h e s u n b r o ­ ken f o r 2 , 1 6 8 miles f r o m S p r i n g e r M o u n t in G e o r g i a t o M o u n t K a t a h d i n in n o r t h e r n M a i n e . T h e A p p a l a c h i a n T r a i l f o l l o w s t h e p e a k s a n d valleys o f the A p p a l a c h i a n M o u n t a i n s t h r o u g h 14 states. M o s t o f the A p p a l a c h i a n Trail was created where no f o o t p a t h h a d existed f o r p e o p l e w h o w a n t t o view spectacular scenery a n d accept the physical chal­ lenge o f scaling rugged m o u n t a i n s . B e n t o n M a c K a y e is o f t e n m e n t i o n e d as t h e f a t h e r o f the Appalachian Trail. MacKaye offered a proposal i n 1 9 2 1 f o r a " l i n e a r p a r k , " a series o f r e c r e a t i o n a l communities t h r o u g h o u t the Appalachian chain o f m o u n t a i n s f r o m N e w E n g l a n d t o G e o r g i a t o be c o n ­ nected by a w a l k i n g trail. His proposal was a l m o s t c o m p l e t e d by 1937. T o d a y , t h e t r a i l passes t h r o u g h n a t i o n a l a n d s t a t e parks a n d forests, g a m e lands a n d local jurisdic­ t i o n s . V o l u n t e e r s a n d h i k i n g c l u b m e m b e r s keep the trails m a i n t a i n e d . MATERIALS: Paper Scissors Glue Crayons Markers �APPALACHIAN TRAIL PATCH DESIGN Design a n d c o l o r a n A p p a l a c h i a n Trail Patch t h a t hikers o n t h e trail c o u l d wear. C o n s i d e r t h e d i f f e r e n t a n i m a l p l a n t s o r e n v i r o n m e n t a l issues t h a t h i k e r s m i g h t e n c o u n t e r o n t h e t r a i l . Y o u r p a t c h s h o u l d i n c l u d e t h e s e w o r d s " A p p a l a c h i a n T r a i l . " Be c r e a t i v e . W h e n f i n i s h e d , c u t o u t y o u r p a t c h a n d m o u n t i t o n c a r d b o a r d . �GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n represents the best o f the Blue Ridge in rugged strength a n d g r a n d e u r . W h i l e the l o n g slopes incline t o a sharp, jagged c r e s t l i n e o f g r a y r o c k , t h e p r o f i l e o f a g r a n d f a t h e r is o u t ­ l i n e d a l o n g t h e s u m m i t . T h e g r a n d f a t h e r f a c e is c o m ­ posed o f one o f the oldest a n d m o s t durable rocks k n o w n — a n a n c i e n t q u a r t z i t e . A n d t h e m o u n t a i n i t s e l f is h o m e t o m o r e endangered plants a n d animals t h a n any­ w h e r e else i n t h e S o u t h e r n A p p a l a c h i a n s . G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n , w h i c h is p r i v a t e l y o w n e d , h a s d e d i c a t e d its e x c e p t i o n a l e c o s y s t e m s t o t h e p u r p o s e s o f education and conservation. It is d e s i g n a t e d as a s p e c i a l c o n s e r v a t o r y f o r rare a n d endangered a n i m a l s . Your stu­ d e n t s w i l l g e t a n u p - c l o s e l o o k a t s u c h species as c o u g a r , b l a c k b e a r , a n d b a l d a n d g o l d e n eagles. T h e y m a y a l s o t o u r t h e G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n N a t u r e M u s e u m , hike o n trails t h r o u g h high-elevation ecosystems, a n d cross the f a m o u s mile-high swinging bridge t o ancient rock outcroppings. G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n is s o s p e c i a l t h a t i t h a s b e e n d e s ­ i g n a t e d as a B i o s p h e r e Reserve b y t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s , w h i c h recognizes the great, u n i q u e qualities o f this m o u n ­ tain. It is h o m e t o m a n y r e s e a r c h e n d e a v o r s , r a n g i n g f r o m s t u d i e s o n r a r e a n d e n d a n g e r e d species t o t h e effects o f air p o l l u t i o n o n high-elevation plants a n d a n i ­ mals. G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n is o p e n y e a r r o u n d . S c h o o l s a r e a s k e d t o s c h e d u l e t h e i r t r i p s b y p h o n e ( 8 0 0 - 4 6 8 - 7 3 2 5 ) as f a r i n a d v a n c e as p o s s i b l e . T h e r e is a p e r p e r s o n fee f o r s t u d e n t s a n d a d u l t s , w i t h o n e a d u l t free f o r every t e n c h i l ­ d r e n . G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n also provides a theater, cof­ fee s h o p , p i c n i c a r e a , r e s t r o o m s , a n d s h u t t l e b u s e s f r o m the parking area. T h e p a r k is easily a c c e s s i b l e f r o m U.S. 2 2 1 b e t w e e n Linville, N C a n d t h e Blue Ridge Parkway. C o m e prepared f o r c o l d w e a t h e r , r a i n , w i n d s , a n d steep terrain. T h e f o l ­ l o w i n g a c t i v i t i e s w i l l h o p e f u l l y e n h a n c e y o u r class t r i p t o this great resource. �WEATHER ON GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN GOAL: S t u d e n t s will recognize the cause a n d effect o f the ACTIVITIES: atmospheric conditions. 1. T h e learner will u n d e r s t a n d h o w weather predictions are m a d e , recognizing t h a t a t m o s p h e r i c c o n d i t i o n s v a r y in d i f f e r e n t places a n d realizing these differ­ ences a f f e c t t h e a t m o s p h e r i c c o n d i t i o n s . Have students keep a daily l o g o f w e a t h e r conditions at school and h o m e for a week b e f o r e t h i s t r i p . R e c o r d t h e t e m p e r a t u r e , sky c o n d i t i o n s , air c o n d i t i o n s , w i n d direction (make your o w n weather vane) and w i n d speeds (use n e w s p a p e r s , television a n d radio reports to compile information). STATE OBJECTIVES: a n d determine an average. Have a s t u d e n t S T R A N D : Science a n d M a t h t o research t h e elevation o f y o u r s c h o o l . NORTH CAROLINA 4: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l u n d e r s t a n d a n d use s t a n d a r d u n i t s o f metric a n d c u s t o m a r y measure. 4 : 1 1 : F o r m u l a t e a n d solve m e a n i n g f u l p r o b l e m s i n v o l v i n g l e n g t h , w e i g h t , t i m e , c a p a c i t y a n d t e m p e r a t u r e a n d verify reasonableness o f answers Compare temperatures at h o m e and school 2. W h e n o n G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n , h a v e s t u ­ d e n t use t h e w e a t h e r i n s t r u m e n t s o n t h e m o u n t a i n t o collect the weather conditions. After r e t u r n i n g t o s c h o o l , have students c o m p a r e the differences between the t w o l o c a t i o n s a n d discuss the causes f o r the dif­ ferences. H a v e s t u d e n t s t a k e t u r n s as a TENNESSEE: K n o w i n g h o w w e a t h e r p r e d i c t i o n s are m a d e Recognize h o w a t m o s p h e r i c c o n d i t i o n s v a r y a n d t h e effect o f changing atmospheric conditions BACKGROUND INFORMATION: Students should study the definitions o f weather, temperature clouds and precipitation. H o w do clouds f o r m ? H o w d o you predict the weather? m e t e o r o l o g i s t a n d give t h e w e a t h e r f o r e c a s t . �GOAL: T h e learner w i l l u n d e r s t a n d science ideas by analyz­ i n g s y s t e m s . T h e l e a r n e r w i l l use s t r a t e g i e s a n d processes t h a t e n h a n c e c o n t r o l o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n skills d e v e l o p m e n t . PRE-SITE ACTIVITY: Have students b r a i n s t o r m questions a b o u t ani­ mals. T o d o t h i s , have s t u d e n t s p r e p a r e t w o o r three questions t o ask the guide. Prepare a " W h a t I know, what I want to know, and what STATE OBJECTIVES: I learned" chart. NORTH CAROLINA ON-SITE ACTIVITY: SCIENCE Investigate a n i m a l s a n d t h e i r b e h a v i o r w i t h i n n a t u r a l envi­ D i s c u s s issues a b o u t t h e a n i m a l s l i v i n g i n c a p ­ ronments. 5.2: tivity o n G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n such as: 5 . 2 . 1 : C o m p a r e s i m i l a r i t i e s a n d differences o f a n i m a l g r o u p s . Engage in a c t i v i t i e s t o e x p l o r e a n i m a l b e h a v i o r . C o m p a r e a n d contrast various adaptations o f different animal groups t o their environments. 1. W h e r e s h o u l d the b a b y a n i m a l s be placed after being b o r n in captivity? S h o u l d they r e m a i n w i t h t h e i r p a r e n t s ? Is t h e r e r o o m f o r LANGUAGE ARTS t h e o f f s p r i n g t o live w i t h t h e i r p a r e n t s ? 1.1 : T h e l e a r n e r w i l l a p p l y p r e p a r a t i o n strategies t o c o m p r e ­ S h o u l d t h e y b e freed i n t h e w i l d ? S h o u l d t h e h e n d o r c o n v e y experience a n d i n f o r m a t i o n . a n i m a l s be placed in zoos? 2.2: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l a n a l y z e , synthesize a n d o r g a n i z e i n f o r m a ­ t i o n a n d d i s c o v e r r e l a t e d i d e a s , ideas o r g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s . 2. S h o u l d y o u feed w i l d a n i m a l s ? S h o u l d visi­ T h e learner will apply, extend a n d expand o n i n f o r m a t i o n t o r s be a l l o w e d t o feed t h e bears? D o a n d ideas. h u m a n s contribute t o the bears 3.1 : T h e learner w i l l assess t h e v a l i d i t y a n d a c c u r a c y o f i n f o r ­ W h o benefits f r o m feeding the bears? 3.2: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l d e t e c t t h e v a l u e o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d ideas. 2.3: 7 obesity? m a t i o n a n d ideas. POST-SITE ACTIVITY: TENNESSEE: Have students w r i t e a letter t o the e d i t o r SCIENCE: e x p l a i n i n g t h e i r v i e w o n o n e o f t h e s e issues. Realize e n v i r o n m e n t a l p r o b l e m s m a y v a r y f r o m o n e c o m m u n i t y Have students share a n d discuss these views. t o another. H a v e s t u d e n t s p r e p a r e a p u b l i c service Identify e n v i r o n m e n t a l concerns o f the local c o m m u n i t y . a n n o u n c e m e n t t h a t offers a s o l u t i o n . Realize h o w i n d i v i d u a l s a f f e c t t h e e n v i r o n m e n t V i d e o t a p e t h e a d a n d share it w i t h o t h e r class­ LANGUAGE ARTS: Students will identify correct capitalization and p u n c t u a t i o n , w r i t e l e g i b l y in cursive style a n d i d e n t i f y relevant a n d irrelevant i n f o r m a t i o n in a p a r a g r a p h . es. H a v e s t u d e n t s w r i t e a r e s p o n s e o r r e v i e w o f the ads. �SCAVENGER HUNT BACKGROUND INFORMATION: H a v e s t u d e n t s as a c l a s s b r a i n s t o r m q u e s t i o n s a b o u t a n i m a l s . H a v e s t u d e n t s p r e p a r e several q u e s ­ tions t o ask the g u i d e . Prepare a " W h a t I k n o w , w h a t I w a n t t o k n o w , a n d w h a t I learned" matrix. ON-SITE ACTIVITY: 1. Scavenger H u n t c a n be d o n e b y i n d i v i d u a l s or small groups. 2. T h e Scavenger H u n t q u e s t i o n s m a y be d i v i d e d o r d o n e as a g r o u p . I f d i v i d e d i n t o g r o u p s , stagger t h e s t a r t i n g p o i n t s in the m u s e u m . T h i s activity can be d o n e w h i l e STATE OBJECTIVES: o t h e r classes a r e d o i n g o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s , s u c h ALL FOR N O R T H C A R O L I N A A N D TENNESSEE as t h e s w i n g i n g b r i d g e , t r a i l s , m o v i e s o r a n i ­ mal habitat. MATERIALS: Pencils Clipboards Copies o f the Scavenger H u n t Resources: G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n rangers a n d m u s e u m d i s p l a y cases. �SCAVENGER HUNT BIRDS: MUSHROOMS: 1 . W h i c h b i r d is a b i r d o f p r e y ? 1 . W h i c h m u s h r o o m l o o k s like a n E a s t e r egg? 2. W h a t b i r d m a k e s t h e s o u n d o f a cat? 2. 3 . W h i c h b i r d likes t o e a t f i s h ? 3 . W h i c h m u s h r o o m l o o k s like a s t a r ? List t w o d e a d l y m u s h r o o m s . 4. W h i c h m u s h r o o m has a n o d o r ? MINERALS: 1. Is y o u r c o u n t y r e p r e s e n t e d b y a m i n e r a l ? Yes No EDIBLE BERRIES: 2 . W h i c h m i n e r a l is s h a p e d like a c r o s s ? 1. W h i c h berry c o u l d y o u m a k e tea f r o m ? 2 . W h i c h b e r r y is M i l d r e d t h e B e a r ' s f a v o r i t e ? TREES: 1 . W h a t k i n d o f t r e e is p i c t u r e d ? WILDFLOWERS: 2. H o w o l d is t h e t r e e ? 1 . W h i c h f l o w e r h a s a n i n s e c t i n its n a m e ? 3 . W a s t h e t r e e y o u n g o r o l d w h e n m a n set f o o t o n 2. W h i c h p l a n t c o u l d be used t o m a k e tea? the m o o n ? 3 . W h i c h f l o w e r h a s a l a d y ' s s l i p p e r s h o e i n its name? GOLD: 1. W h e n w a s g o l d discovered in N o r t h Carolina? 4. W h i c h c o l o r w o u l d y o u buy? Yellow 2. H o w m a n y gold mines were located on Grandfather Mountain? 5. Pink Is t h e N o r t h C a r o l i n a ' s s t a t e f l o w e r l i s t e d ? Yes No 6 . W h a t is t h e N o r t h C a r o l i n a s t a t e f l o w e r ? �SCAVENGER 7. W h i c h p l a n t m i g h t p r e a c h a s e r m o n ? HUNT DANIEL BOONE: 1. W h a t d i d D a n i e l B o o n e search f o r o n Grandfather Mountain? DEER: 2. H o w l o n g d i d D a n i e l B o o n e live? 1. W h a t are the antlers covered w i t h ? 3. W o u l d y o u carve a message o n a tree? 2. W h a t are t h e antlers used for? Yes No 4. W h y or w h y not? 3 . W h a t c o l o r is t h e d e e r a t b i r t h ? 4 . W h a t c o l o r d o t h e y t u r n as w i n t e r a p p r o a c h e s ? COUGARS: 1. W h a t are o t h e r n a m e s f o r a c o u g a r ? BLACK 1. BEARS: H o w m u c h does a cub weigh at birth? WEATHER: 1 . W h a t is t h e l o w e s t r e c o r d e d t e m p e r a t u r e o n Grandfather Mountain? 2 . W h a t is t h e life s p a n o f a b e a r ? INDIANS: 2 . W h a t is t h e a v e r a g e w i n t e r s n o w f a l l ? 1 . W h e n d i d I n d i a n s l a s t live o n G r a n d f a t h e r Mountain? 3 . W h a t is t h e h i g h e s t r e c o r d e d w i n d s p e e d ? 2 . W h i c h r e l i c w a s m a d e f r o m clay? RARE AND E N D A N G E R E D SPECIES: 3 . W h i c h r e l i c m a y h a v e b e e n u s e d as a h a m m e r ? ( l o o k in W o o d l a n d p e r i o d ) 1. W h a t does endangered a n d extinct mean? 2. H o w m a n y f a l c o n s were released o n G r a n d f a t h e r Mountain? �SCAVENGER HUNT 3 . W h a t c a v e d o b a t s live in? BOTANISTS: 1. N a m e a f a m o u s French b o t a n i s t . 4. H o w d i d B l u e R i d g e G o l d e n R o d g e t its n a m e ? 2 . W h y w a s M i c h a u x here? 5 . W h a t d o b a t s use t h e i r e a r s f o r ? 3. W h a t t w o G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n p l a n t s d i d M i c h a u x discover? 6. W h a t d o b a t s eat? 4. W h a t country was Michaux from? EAGLES: 5. W h a t f l o w e r w a s n a m e d f o r A s a Gray? 1 . W h y c a n ' t t h e eagles o n G r a n d f a t h e r Mountain fly? 2 . W h i c h e a g l e is t h e n a t i o n a l b i r d ? AIR POLLUTION: 1. W h a t p o l l u t a n t s f o r m a c i d rain? GEOLOGY: 2. W h a t d o e s air p o l l u t i o n d o t o t h e forest? 1. W h a t caused t h e split r o c k t o split? 3. W h a t t w o trees are a f f e c t e d b y a c i d rain? 2. W h i c h t w o c o n t i n e n t s collided? 3. W h a t k i n d o f r o c k m a k e s u p R o u g h Ridge? SPECIAL RECOGNITION: 1. W h a t special r e c o g n i t i o n has G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n received? RAVENS: 1 . W h a t is t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n a c r o w a n d a raven? 2. C a n ravens be t a u g h t t o talk? �SCAVENGER HUNT ANSWERS BIRDS: COUGARS: 1. Screech O w l 1. M o u n t a i n l i o n , p a n t h e r , p u m a 2. G r a y C a t b i r d 3. WEATHER: Kingfisher 1. -32° MINERALS: 2. 5 7 inches 1. 3. 1 7 2 . 5 3 m . p . h . 2. Staurolite RARE A N D E N D A N G E R E D SPECIES: TREES: 1. 1. 2. 21 2. 3. Black Rock Cave 3. 4. Blue Ridge M o u n t a i n s 5. GOLD: 6. 1. 2. EAGLES: 1. T h e y have been i n j u r e d b y h u n t e r s a n d p a r t o f MUSHROOMS: their w i n g was removed by a veterinarian. 1. Caesar's M u s h r o o m 2. 3. Earth Star Stinkhorn B a l d Eagle D e s t r o y i n g a n g e l a n d Fly A g a r i c 4. 2. GEOLOGY: 1. 2. A f r i c a a n d N o r t h A m e r i c a EDIBLE BERRIES: 3. S a n d s t o n e 1. Teaberry 2. Blackberries, Huckleberries RAVENS: 1 . A r a v e n is l a r g e r , a b e t t e r f l y e r , m o r e i n t e l l i g e n t , noble WILDFLOWERS: 1. 2 . Yes Butterfly Weed 2. O s w e g o Tea 3. BOTANISTS: Lady Slipper 4. Subjective 1. A n d r e M i c h a u x 2. T o o b t a i n p l a n t s f o r t h e King's G a r d e n o f 5 . Yes. D o g w o o d 6. Versailles Jack-in-the-Pulpit 3. Flame Azalea a n d Red ( C a t a w b a ) DEER: 4. 1. Velvet Rhododendron 5 . G r a y ' s Lily France 2. Defense 3. Brown w i t h white spots AIR POLLUTION: 4. G rey-brown 1. O z o n e , a u t o m o b i l e s , t r u c k s , buses, airplanes, industry BLACK BEARS: 2 . Use p i c t u r e t o d e s c r i b e 1. 3. Less t h a n a p o u n d R e d S p r u c e a n d F r a s e r Fir 2. 3 5 years SPECIAL RECOGNITION: 1 . It h a s b e e n d e s i g n a t e d as a S o u t h e r n INDIANS: 1. During the American Revolution A p p a l a c h i a n B i o s p h e r e Reserve. 2. T h e b o w l 3. L o o k in W o o d l a n d Period There are four movies available at the park. Topics DANIEL BOONE: the black bear, hawks, cougars and an overview 1. G a m e a n d G i n s e n g Grandfather 2. 1 7 3 4 - 1 8 3 3. Mountain. of include �ANIMALS AT GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN GOALS: T h i s is t o s t u d y t h e e f f e c t s o f m a n o n t h e e n v i r o n ­ PRE-SITE ACTIVITY: m e n t a n d m a n ' s effect o n endangered a n d threat­ Have the s t u d e n t s research a n d discuss t h e f o l ­ ened a n i m a l s , a n d t o c o m p a r e a private b i o m e lowing: ( G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n ) w i t h state a n d national biomes. STATE OBJECTIVES: NORTH CAROLINA: 2.4: T o k n o w that animals adapt t o the environment. 2.7: T o k n o w t h a t a n i m a l s are i n t e r d e p e n d e n t . E n d a n g e r e d species T h r e a t e n e d species Biome Private b i o m e Public b i o m e Food web Wildflowers Trees in t h e A p p a l a c h i a n s 2.7.1 : T o t r a c e f o o d c h a i n s b e g i n n i n g w i t h green p l a n t s . TENNESSEE: ON-SITE ACTIVITIES: T o recognize differences between animals. 1. Have s t u d e n t s c o m p l e t e t h e w o r k s h e e t s o n T o realize t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s a f f e c t t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . t h e f o l l o w i n g p a g e s as t h e y t o u r t h e s i t e . 2. Have students d r a w the profile o f the m o u n t a i n as t h e y a p p r o a c h i t . 3. Have students speculate o n the n a m e o f G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n a n d w h e r e it c a m e from. POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. 2. Have students make f o o d webs. Have students c o m p l e t e the w i l d f l o w e r col­ oring book. 3. Have students m a k e a w i l d f l o w e r o r a n i m a l mural. 4. Have students research the Lynn Cove V i a d u c t , listing the t h i n g s t h a t m a k e it unusual. 5. Have students research legends o f t h e area. �ANIMALS AT GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN COMPLETE THE FOOD WEB FORTHE WHITE-TAILED DEER. DRAW ARROWS TO CONNECT THE VARIOUS USERS. �ANIMALS AT GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN �PLANT HUNT �ANIMAL WALK AS YOU HIKE ON THE TRAILS OR WALKTHROUGH THE SITE, WRITE THE LOCATION OF EACH ANIMAL YOU SEE ON THE SHEET. WHEN YOU RETURN TO YOUR CLASSROOM, SELECT AN ANIMAL FOR FURTHER STUDY. 4. 5. 6. �FOOD WEB MAKE YOUR OWN FOOD WEB. WRITE THE NAME OR PICTURE OF THE ANIMAL YOU HAVE CHOSEN AND USE LINES TO SHOW RELATIONSHIPS. �T H E WILDFLOWER COLORING B O O K Anatomy of wild flowers �T H E WILDFLOWER COLORING B O O K Cross-section of wild flower 17 43 •44 42 16 8 V 45 15 40 14 47 46 39 5 »13 4 12 38 10 2 51 11 •1 37 27 36 52» # 35 34 *28 •3«$ •2!» •32« •38 •31 �T H E W I L D F L O W E R COLORING B O O K �T H E WILDFLOWER COLORING B O O K �T H E WILDFLOWER COLORING B O O K �T H E WILDFLOWER COLORING B O O K Wild Geranium Dutchmen's Britches �T H E WILDFLOWER COLORING B O O K Violet �ANIMAL PUPPETS GOAL: T h e learner will research o n e o f the f o l l o w i n g ani­ m a l s : b l a c k bear, c o u g a r , w h i t e - t a i l e d deer, b a l d eagle o r g o l d e n eagle. T h e learner w i l l w r i t e a s h o r t paragraph a b o u t an animal and attach a written p a r a g r a p h t o a paper b a g a n i m a l p u p p e t they creat­ ed. ACTIVITY: Using the a t t a c h e d i n f o r m a t i o n sheets o r u s i n g o t h e r reference b o o k s , have s t u d e n t s research one o f the animals. Students should find 5-10 facts a b o u t their chosen a n i m a l a n d transfer this i n f o r m a t i o n i n t o p a r a g r a p h f o r m o n an index card. STATE OBJECTIVES: North Carolina 2: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l have a g e n e r a l k n o w l e d g e o f a n i m a l s . 2.4: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l k n o w t h a t a n i m a l s are a d a p t e d t o t h e i r environment Have students construct a p u p p e t o f their ani­ mal. T h e index card s h o u l d be a t t a c h e d t o the front o f the puppet. T h e s e p u p p e t s c o u l d b e u s e d as a b u l l e t i n b o a r d display o r in a p u p p e t s h o w f o r y o u n g e r students. INTRODUCTION: G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n provides a n excellent h a b i t a t for the following animals: black bear, cougar, w h i t e - t a i l e d d e e r , b a l d e a g l e a n d g o l d e n e a g l e . See t h e a t t a c h e d i n f o r m a t i o n sheets f o r i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t each a n i m a l . MATERIALS: Paper l u n c h sacks Construction paper Glue Scissors Yarn Fake f u r W i g g l y eyes Pipe c l e a n e r s Index cards Reference b o o k s �ANIMAL PUPPETS AMERICAN BLACK BEAR c o m m o n l y w h i l e t h e f e m a l e is i n h i b e r n a t i o n . T h e Phylum: Chordata ally 2 - 3 . A t b i r t h , t h e y o u n g w e i g h 6-8 p o u n d s a n d Class: Mammalia n u m b e r o f y o u n g per litter ranges f r o m 2-5, b u t usu­ are n a k e d a n d b l i n d . T h e y are usually w e a n e d a t 6-8 m o n t h s o f age, b u t remain w i t h the m o t h e r d u r i n g t h e i r s e c o n d w i n t e r o f l i f e . T h e y w i l l leave o n t h e i r Order: Carnívora Family: Ursidae o w n the next spring. Life e x p e c t a n c y : A b o u t 3 0 - 3 5 y e a r s i n c a p t i v i t y , 3 - 5 y e a r s i n t h e w i l d b e c a u s e o f i t s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n as a G e n u s species: Ursus americanus g a m e species. Geographic range: T h e distribution o f the black b e a r is m a i n l y i n t h e f o r e s t e d a r e a s o f t h e U n i t e d States a n d C a n a d a . Characteristics a n d habits: H e a d a n d b o d y lengths a r e five f e e t t o six f e e t ; t a i l a b o u t f o u r i n c h e s ; a n d s h o u l d e r h e i g h t is u p t o t h r e e f e e t . T h e w e i g h t o f t h e b l a c k b e a r is a p p r o x i m a t e l y 2 0 0 t o 6 0 0 p o u n d s , females being lighter t h a n males. T h e m o s t c o m m o n COUGAR, PUMA, MOUNTAIN LION, PANTHER c o l o r phases are black, c h o c o l a t e b r o w n , a n d cinna­ m o n b r o w n . A w h i t e a n d blue-black phase are rare. Phylum: Chordata T h e u s u a l l o c o m o t i o n is a l u m b e r i n g w a l k , b u t t h e Class: Mammalia Family: Felicidae b l a c k b e a r c a n be q u i c k i f necessary. Like o t h e r b e a r s t h a t s l e e p t h r o u g h t h e w i n t e r , t h e G e n u s s p e c i e s : Felis c o n c o l o r ( 1 5 s u b s p e c i e s h a v e black bear becomes fat w i t h the approach o f cold b e e n r e c o g n i z e d ; t h e r a r e s t is t h e F l o r i d a v a r i e t y . ) weather, finally ceases e a t i n g , a n d g o e s i n t o a d e n i n G e o g r a p h i c range: Wilderness areas o f western a p r o t e c t e d l o c a t i o n t o sleep f o r t h e w i n t e r . A m e r i c a , f r o m southern A l b e r t a a n d British During hibernation, body temperature drops from C o l u m b i a in C a n a d a d o w n t o t h e Straits o f 1 0 0 ° F t o 8 8 - 9 3 ° F, t h e r e s p i r a t i o n s l o w s , a n d M a g e l l a n in S o u t h A m e r i c a ; also i s o l a t e d p o p u l a ­ m e t a b o l i c r a t e is d e p r e s s e d . T h i s w i n t e r s l e e p is t i o n s i n t h e E a s t e r n U.S. a n d F l o r i d a . T h e y m a y b e interrupted by excursions outside d u r i n g periods o f t h e w i d e s t d i s t r i b u t e d o f all A m e r i c a n m a m m a l s . w a r m e r weather. Such o u t i n g s are m o r e n u m e r o u s i n t h e s o u t h e r n l a t i t u d e s . H i b e r n a t i o n u s u a l l y lasts Characteristics: A large, slender c a t w i t h small head a n d l o n g , heavy cylindrical tail a n d r o u n d e d ears 3-4 m o n t h s . t h a t a r e t u f t e d . Its f u r is s o f t , u n i f o r m l y d u l l y e l l o w ­ Diet: A t least 7 5 % o f t h e b l a c k bears' diet consists o f i s h - b r o w n , r e d d i s h - b r o w n , o r gray, paler o n the vegetable m a t t e r , especially fruits, berries, n u t s , flanks grass, a n d r o o t s . T h e d i e t also includes insects, fish, r o d e n t s , c a r r i o n , a n d o c c a s i o n a l l y large m a m m a l s . a n d shoulders a n d merges into dull whitish o n t h e u n d e r p a r t s . Its t a i l is t o p p e d w i t h b r o w n t o b l a c k i s h f u r . T o t a l w e i g h t is 6 t o 8 1 / 2 f e e t , o r m o r e ; its h e i g h t a t t h e s h o u l d e r is 2 6 t o 3 0 i n c h e s . T h e R e p r o d u c t i o n : T h e sexes c o m e t o g e t h e r b r i e f l y d u r ­ w e i g h t o f t h e male ranges f r o m 1 0 0 t o 1 7 5 p o u n d s . ing m a t i n g w h i c h generally peaks f r o m June t o m i d - F e m a l e s w e i g h a b o u t 4 0 p e r c e n t less t h a n m a l e s . I n July. Females r e m a i n in estrus t h r o u g h o u t t h e season the t r o p i c s , cougars average smaller t h a n in n o r t h ­ u n t i l t h e y m a t e . T h e y u s u a l l y give b i r t h every o t h e r ern a n d s o u t h e r n extremes o f their range. year, b u t s o m e t i m e s w a i t 3 - 4 years b e t w e e n litters. S e x u a l m a t u r i t y is b e t w e e n t h r e e a n d five y e a r s o f H a b i t s : T h i s a n i m a l lives i n a w i d e r a n g e o f h a b i t a t s a g e . P r e g n a n c y g e n e r a l l y lasts 2 2 0 d a y s , b u t t h e r e is f r o m d e s e r t s t o g r a s s l a n d s a n d r a i n f o r e s t s , f r o m sea d e l a y e d i m p l a n t a t i o n . T h e f e r t i l i z e d eggs a r e n o t level t o m o u n t a i n r a n g e s . E a c h c o u g a r h a s a n e x t e n ­ i m p l a n t e d in the uterus until a u t u m n , a n d e m b r y o n ­ sive t e r r i t o r y , t h r o u g h w h i c h i t r o a m s o n a r o u g h l y ic d e v e l o p m e n t o c c u r s i n t h e l a s t 1 0 w e e k s o f p r e g ­ circular p a t h t h a t m a y be 1 0 0 miles in c i j ^ m f e r - nancy. Births o c c u r m a i n l y in January a n d February, ence, thus leaving each h u n t i n g g r o u n d �ANIMAL PUPPETS f o r days a t a t i m e . S u p p o s e d l y the s t r o n g , silent m e m b e r o f the cat family, the cougar, particularly GOLDEN EAGLE t h e m a l e , h a s b e e n r a r e l y k n o w n t o y o w l in t h e w i l d . Phylum: Chordata D i e t : T h e c o u g a r is a f o r m i d a b l e h u n t e r , its p r e y Class: Aves Order: F a l c o n ¡formes Family: Accipitridae r a n g i n g f r o m s m a l l r o d e n t s t o f u l l y - g r o w n deer. O n t h e a v e r a g e , a N o r t h A m e r i c a n C o u g a r m a y kill o n e u n g u l a t e , s u c h as a W h i t e - t a i l e d o r m u l e d e e r , e a c h week. T h e prey, usually killed f r o m a m b u s h after d a r k , is f e d u p o n o n t h e s p o t , w i t h t h e r e m a i n i n g carcass d r a g g e d t o a h i d i n g place a n d covered w i t h s t i c k s a n d leaves. T h e c a t m a y o r m a y n o t r e t u r n t o f e e d o n its r e m a i n s . M a n y c o u g a r s l e a r n t o m a k e a n easier living b y p r e y i n g o n d o m e s t i c livestock, i n c l u d i n g y o u n g horses. T h i s b r i n g s t h e a n i m a l in c o n f l i c t w i t h m a n , a n d h u n t i n g f o r t h e p r e d a t o r is c o m m o n i n t h e w e s t e r n U.S. R e p r o d u c t i o n : T h e g e s t a t i o n p e r i o d is t h r e e m o n t h s , a n d there are usually t w o o r three y o u n g ones in the litter. T h e c u b s are a t first heavily m a r k e d w i t h black s p o t s t h a t e v e n t u a l l y f a d e . T h e sexes live a s h o r t t i m e together d u r i n g m a t i n g a n d then go their separate ways again. The y o u n g cougars spend up to t w o years w i t h t h e m o t h e r , l e a r n i n g t o h u n t a n d survive o n their o w n . Life e x p e c t a n c y : L e f t u n m o l e s t e d b y h u m a n s , t h e c o u g a r m a y live 1 0 - 1 2 y e a r s . History: T h e earliest m o d e r n cats were smallish a n d m a d e t h e i r a p p e a r a n c e a b o u t 13 m i l l i o n years a g o . It t o o k a n o t h e r 1 0 m i l l i o n y e a r s f o r t h e b i g c a t s ( c o u g a r i n c l u d e d ) t o evolve. G e n u s species: A q u i l a chrysaetos Geographical range: Lonely m o u n t a i n o u s regions o f N o r t h America, Europe, N o r t h e r n Asia a n d N o r t h e r n A f r i c a . O n t h e East C o a s t , t h e g o l d e n eagle nests i n n o r t h e r n N e w H a m p s h i r e . In w i n t e r , some migrate t o the G u l f States. Characteristics: T h i s eagle, larger t h a n m o s t , a t 3 0 4 0 inches, has a seven-foot w i n g s p a n , w h i c h a l l o w s it soar very gracefully. Y o u n g b i r d s have scattered w h i t e m a r k i n g s , a n d a d u l t s have d a r k - b r o w n b o d i e s , w i t h the t o p o f the head a n d the neck golden b r o w n . T h e legs o f t h i s b i r d , u n l i k e t h e b a l d e a g l e , h a v e f e a t h e r s d o w n t o t h e i r t o e s . T h e b i l l is l a r g e a n d s t r o n g ; the u p p e r h a l f curves d o w n sharply over the lower. S t r o n g toes a n d s h a r p t a l o n s g r a s p prey. H a b i t s : T h e G o l d e n Eagle u s u a l l y n e s t s o n r o c k y ledges o n s t e e p m o u n t a i n s i d e s , a l t h o u g h o c c a s i o n ally nests are in tall trees. T h e nests are very large, w i t h o n e r e p o r t e d t o b e seven f e e t h i g h a n d six f e e t a c r o s s . T h e G o l d e n Eagle u s u a l l y m a t e s f o r l i f e , a n d frequently returns yearly t o the s a m e nesting area, usually t o the s a m e nest. B o t h p a r e n t s are r e s p o n s i b l y f o r w a r m i n g t h e eggs o f t h e i r b r o o d , g u a r d i n g the nest, a n d b r i n g i n g f o o d t o the y o u n g . D i e t : G o l d e n eagles f e e d o n m a m m a l s , s u c h as r a b bits a n d f a w n s a n d s o m e t i m e s y o u n g l a m b . T h e y also catch a variety o f birds, i n c l u d i n g w a t e r f o w l . R e p r o d u c t i o n : T h e e a g l e h a s o n e b r o o d a year. U s u a l l y 2 o r 3 eggs a r e l a i d a t o n e t i m e a n d i n c u b a t e f o r 3 4 - 3 5 days. A t 1 0 - 1 3 weeks, t h e eaglets are r e a d y t o leave t h e n e s t . H i s t o r y : In W e s t e r n N o r t h A m e r i c a t h e g o l d e n e a g l e has the n a m e " w a r eagle" because Native A m e r i c a n s p r e f e r r e d its w i n g a n d t a i l f e a t h e r s f o r w a r b o n n e t s . Life e x p e c t a n c y : 3 0 y e a r s �ANIMAL PUPPETS WHITE-TAILED DEER Phylum: Chordata n u t s a n d a c o r n s . It o f t e n s t a r v e s i n w i n t e r . R e p r o d u c t i o n : B r e e d i n g takes place in late a u t u m n and after a gestation period o f 2 1 5 - 2 3 0 days, the Class: Mammalia doe produces f r o m one to four young precocial, called f a w n s . T h e y are w e a n e d a f t e r a b o u t f o u r Order: Artiodactyla m o n t h s , a n d a d o e c a n breed by t h e age o f t w o . T h e i r life e x p e c t a n c y is 9 - 1 2 y e a r s . Family: Cervidae Hunting: W h i t e - t a i l e d a l o n g w i t h M u l e a n d Black- G e n u s species: O d o c o i l e u s Virginia G e o g r a p h i c r a n g e : T h i s species o c c u r s o v e r m o s t o f N o r t h and Central America and parts o f South America. Characteristics: A large b u c k o r m a l e m a y w e i g h 2 0 0 - 3 0 0 p o u n d s a n d m a y m e a s u r e u p t o seven f e e t f r o m the head to the tip o f the one-foot tail, and s t a n d s a b o u t 3 4 i n c h e s a t t h e w i t h e r s . T h e y have l i m b e r b u t c o m p a c t b o d i e s . T h e ears a r e l a r g e b u t u s u a l l y s l e n d e r . T h e legs a r e l o n g a n d s l e n d e r a n d h a v e p a i r e d h o o v e s . G e n e r a l l y t h e i r f u r is r e d d i s h b r o w n or gray above, w i t h white undersides and a white tail. T h e g e n e r a l f o r m o f t h e a n t l e r is c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n m a l e s o f v a r i o u s species. T h e y have s o l i d , b o n y o u t ­ g r o w t h s arising f r o m the frontal bones a n d w i t h this species have o n e m a i n b e a m w i t h side tines (spikes). A n t l e r s g r o w u p t o 3 0 inches l o n g w i t h the e n d tines p o i n t i n g u p w a r d . T h e antlers are shed a n d p r o ­ d u c e d a n e w e a c h year. In t h e W h i t e - t a i l e d d e e r , t h e u p p e r i n c i s o r s a r e u s u ­ ally a b s e n t o r p o o r l y d e v e l o p e d , a n d a gall b l a d d e r is u s u a l l y a b s e n t . T h e y h a v e p r o m i n e n t f a c i a l g l a n d s b e l o w e a c h eye, a n d t h e i r senses o f s i g h t , h e a r i n g , a n d smell are very acute. H a b i t s : D e e r like m o s t b r o w s i n g a n i m a l s a r e c r e p u s ­ c u l a r . M o s t live i n s m a l l b a n d s c o m p r i s i n g f a m i l y g r o u p s . A l t h o u g h m a l e s a r e p r o n e t o b e s o l i t a r y sea­ sonally, they are k n o w n t o be p o l y g a m o u s , collect­ ing h a r e m s a n d b a t t l i n g o t h e r bucks f o r possession o f the does. D u r i n g the rutting ( m a t i n g ) season, t h e y are likely t o be u n p r e d i c t a b l e a n d m a y a t t a c k w i t h either antlers or hooves. T h e underside o f the t a i l is w h i t e a n d f o r m s a c o n s p i c u o u s f l a g w h e n t h e t a i l is r a i s e d , as i n cases o f a l a r m . It is a s t r o n g s w i m m e r , c a p a b l e o f m a k i n g excellent speed in t h e w a t e r , as w e l l as r u n n i n g as f a s t as 3 0 m p h o n l a n d a n d j u m p i n g as h i g h as 8 f e e t . D i e t : In t h e w i l d , W h i t e - t a i l e d d e e r f e e d m a i n l y o n t w i g s a n d leaves r a t h e r t h a n o n g r a s s , a n d a l s o o n tailed deer are t h e m o s t w i d e l y h u n t e d b i g g a m e a n i ­ m a l i n t h e U.S., a n d a r e s e c o n d o n l y t o r a b b i t as t h e most-hunted m a m m a l world-wide. The flesh, or v e n i s o n , o f m o s t d e e r is e s t e e m e d as f o o d . In c e r t a i n areas deer have o c c a s i o n a l l y b e c o m e o v e r a b u n d a n t , a n d because o f the d e p l e t i o n o f n a t u r a l p r e d a t o r s s u c h as c o y o t e s , w o l v e s , w i l d c a t s , a n d b e a r s , d i s ­ ease a n d s t a r v a t i o n o f t e n d e c i m a t e l o c a l p o p u l a ­ tions. N o w , however, checked hunters, a n d flexible game regulations tend t o control their numbers. �ANIMAL PUPPETS BALD EAGLE C o n s e r v a t i o n : T h e B a l d Eagle is o n t h e f e d e r a l e n d a n g e r e d species list. It h a s b e c o m e s c a r c e i n t h e Phylum: Chordata lower 4 8 states because o f pesticide p o i s o n i n g w h i c h causes infertility a n d fragile eggshells. T h e Class: Aves 1 9 7 0 overall p o p u l a t i o n w a s slightly m o r e t h a n 1 0 0 0 . As a result o f the D D T b a n a n d r e p o p u l a t i o n Order: Falconiformes Family: Accipitridae ( N u m b e r s d o not include Alaska's p o p u l a t i o n o f G e n u s species: Haliaeetus leucocephala G e o g r a p h i c r a n g e : B e i n g o n e o f t h e sea e a g l e s , t h e b a l d e agles n e s t s a l o n g f r e s h o r s a l t w a t e r s i n N o r t h A m e r i c a , m o s t o f t h e U.S. a n d s o u t h i n t o M e x i c o . C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : T h e a d u l t is b l a c k i s h b r o w n w i t h a s n o w w h i t e h e a d a n d t a i l , w h i c h is v i s i b l e i n its f o u r t h y ear. It h a s u n f e a t h e r e d s t r o n g f e e t a n d t o e s w i t h s h a r p t a l o n s , s t o u t legs, a n d a s t r o n g l y h o o k e d b i l l t h a t is n e a r l y as l o n g as its h e a d . A d u l t s a r e u s u ­ ally 3 0 - 4 0 inches l o n g w i t h a w i n g s p a n o f 6-8 feet, w i t h the female b e i n g larger t h a n the male (usually b y 1 / 3 ) . T h e i r eyes a r e h i g h l y d e v e l o p e d , a n d its vision binocular (capable o f altering focus f r o m t w o f e e t t o t w o m i l e s a n d still see s h a r p l y ) a n d 3 t o 8 t i m e s k e e n e r t h a n t h e eyes o f a m a n . H a b i t s : D i u r n a l b i r d o f p r e y . Kills w i t h its t a l o n s a n d d i s m e m b e r s w i t h its b i l l . W i l l s i t p e r c h e d o n a t r e e l i m b for hours, seeming n o t t o move or blink. D i e t : Feeds o n f i s h , m a m m a l s , a n d r e p t i l e s . A l t h o u g h m a i n d i e t is f i s h , i t c a t c h e s v e r y f e w itself, e i t h e r p i r a t i n g f r o m o t h e r b i r d s s u c h as o s p r e y s o r picking u p dead fish o n the shore. R e p r o d u c t i o n : T h e b r e e d i n g s e a s o n is e a r l y s p r i n g ( F l o r i d a in O c t o b e r , s o u t h e r n states in D e c e m b e r , c e n t r a l states in J a n u a r y , a n d M a i n e / C a n a d a in m i d M a r c h ) . T h e y h a v e t h e s a m e m a t e s f o r life a n d r e t u r n t o t h e s a m e n e s t every year. T h e n e s t is a h u g e , b u l k y s t r u c t u r e o f sticks lined w i t h grass o r moss, usually built o n a cliff or pinnacle o f rock w i t h i n easy f l i g h t o f s e a , l a k e , o r s t r e a m . T h e n e s t h a s 4 t o 1 2 i n c h e s a d d e d t o i t e a c h year. T h e f e m a l e lays 1 t o 3 e g g s ; 3 5 t o 4 0 d a y s l a t e r t h e y h a t c h ( i t t a k e s t h e b a b y a b o u t 2 4 h o u r s t o b r e a k i t s e l f free o f its s h e l l ) , w i t h b o t h p a r e n t s s h a r i n g t h e i n c u b a t i o n a n d care o f t h e y o u n g . T h e eaglets eat m o r e t h a n t h e i r o w n w e i g h t e v e r y d a y . T h e g r e y d o w n is r e p l a c e d b y d a r k b r o w n j u v e n i l e p l u m a g e in a b o u t e i g h t w e e k s , w i t h a d u l t p l u m a g e t a k i n g 5 - 1 0 years. T h e y o u n g stay w i t h the a d u l t s until they learn h o w t o h u n t anc techniques, the n u m b e r increased t o 5 0 0 0 by 1 9 8 2 . b a l d eagles, presently e s t i m a t e d a t 1 1 , 0 0 0 ) . H i s t o r y : B e c a u s e o f its f i s h - e a t i n g h a b i t s , t h e B a l d Eagle w a s c o n s i d e r e d a n e n e m y o f A l a s k a n s a l m o n fisheries. Alaska w a s o n e o f t h e last states t o h a l t t h e b o u n t y o n eagle c a r c a s s e s i n 1 9 5 2 . B e t w e e n 1 9 1 7 1 9 5 2 , Alaskans killed a n d p a i d f o r 1 0 2 , 9 4 6 o f these b i r d s . T h e B a l d Eagle is t h e e m b l e m o f t h e U n i t e d States. �GOAL: Students will define h a b i t a t a n d describe elements MATERIALS: o f h a b i t a t s in o r d e r t o design a n a p p r o p r i a t e h a b i t a t Teacher's Guide t o G r a n d f a t h e r for an animal. Reference resources STATE OBJECTIVES: C o l o r e d tiles Mountain Poster b o a r d / l a r g e d r a w i n g p a p e r Drawing/coloring implements NORTH CAROLINA 2: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l have a general k n o w l e d g e o f a n i m a l s . PRE-SITE ACTIVITY: 2.4: K n o w t h a t a n i m a l s are a d a p t e d t o t h e i r e n v i r o n m e n t . A t G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n there are black 2.7: K n o w t h a t a n i m a l s are i n d e p e n d e n t . SCIENCE bears, w h i t e - t a i l e d deer, W e s t e r n c o u g a r s , b a l d 2 . 7 . 5 : Discuss h o w h u m a n s m u s t care f o r t h e e n v i r o n m e n t t o e n s u r e t h a t a n i m a l s r e m a i n h e a l t h y a n d species survive. BACKGROUND INFORMATION: eagles a n d g o l d e n eagles. A l t h o u g h t h e s e s h a r e G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n , each has u n i q u e h a b i ­ t a t needs a n d resources. Have the s t u d e n t s research o n e o f these a n i ­ m a l s , f o c u s i n g o n its h a b i t a t n e e d s a n d t h e w a y t h e a n i m a l h a s a d a p t e d t o its e n v i r o n ­ H a b i t a t includes f o o d , shelter a n d w a t e r t h a t an a n i m a l n e e d s t o s u r v i v e a n d r e p r o d u c e . It c a n a l s o m e n t . W h a t a r e its f o o d , s h e l t e r , r e p r o d u c t i v e a n d survival needs a n d t e c h n i q u e s ? b e t h e e n v i r o n m e n t w h e r e a n o r g a n i s m lives. Each species o f w i l d l i f e has specific h a b i t a t require­ ON-SITE ACTIVITIES: m e n t s a n d is l i m i t e d b y t h e q u a l i t y a n d q u a n t i t y o f Have the students concentrate o n the w a y available habitat. T h e plants a n d surface water Grandfather M o u n t a i n attempts t o meet the w h i c h c o m p o s e h a b i t a t s are influenced by t e m p e r a ­ needs o f this a n i m a l . Have s t u d e n t s describe t u r e , rainfall, sunlight a n d the h u m a n activity. t h e h a b i t a t . W h a t is d o n e t o a l l o w t h e a n i m a l H a b i t a t s o f t e n c h a n g e as a result o f h u m a n distur­ t o live n a t u r a l l y ? W h a t p r o b l e m s a r e i n a c a p ­ bances o r natural occurrences. These changes can tive h a b i t a t ? H o w a r e t h e s e p r o b l e m s b e c o r ­ b e as d r a s t i c as a m i n i n g o p e r a t i o n o r as s u b t l e as a r e c t e d ? M a k e a list o f necessities f o r t h e h a b i ­ decaying o a k tree. These changes force animals t o t a t a n d a list o f t h i n g s w h i c h w o u l d b e n i c e t o a d a p t , c o m p e t e w i t h o t h e r s in the h a b i t a t , o r die. have. Describe h o w these needs w o u l d be f u l ­ filled — place, p e o p l e , m o n e y etc. As the e n v i r o n m e n t recovers, w h e t h e r using natural p l a n t succession o r h u m a n assistance, n e w plants grow. This newly-created habitat often favors species n o t p r e s e n t b e f o r e t h e e n v i r o n m e n t w a s dis­ t u r b e d , which allows wildlife managers to m a n i p u ­ l a t e h a b i t a t s t o m e e t t h e n e e d s o f a c e r t a i n species. POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: Have students design a h a b i t a t f o r their ani­ m a l , i n c l u d i n g m u s t necessities a n d n i c e t i e s . U s i n g c o l o r e d tiles a n d p o s t e r b o a r d , have s t u ­ d e n t s d r a w t h e h a b i t a t t o scale a n d t h e n f i l l i n LITERATURE CONNECTION: w a t e r , shelter, f o o d sources, etc. T h i s m a y be M a c M i l l a n / M c G r a w - H i l l . G r a d e Five. Don't c o m p l e t e d i n several d i m e n s i o n s . Fly Story — Tonweya and the Forget to Eagles U p o n c o m p l e t i n g t h e h a b i t a t , have s t u d e n t s S o m e p e o p l e say G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n received its write a report f r o m the animal's viewpoint-of n a m e because it has the shape o f a n o l d m a n ' s face v i e w d e s c r i b i n g its w a y o f l i f e . as h e is l y i n g d o w n . H a v e s t u d e n t s w r i t e a t a l l t a l e e x p l a i n i n g h o w G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n g o t its n a m e . I f it r e m i n d s y o u o f a n o l d m a n ' s face, w h y d i d the o l d m a n lie d o w n ? W h o s e g r a n d f a t h e r w a s he? W a s he a g i a n t ? W h o c a r v e d t h e m o u n t a i n t h i s w a y ? �GRANDFATHER MOUNTIAN CROSSWORD PUZZLE R R K E N D A N G E R E D H H G X Z E R E H T A F D N A R G E H E K w A K D L L 0 E 1 J R F T A Z E D H E R O S 1 O N O P D E Q X E U 1 W 1 R A E B K C A L B R S L B N V G E T X S L J Y S H R G A T T S 1 0 V G 0 Q R 1 F U U Y P R E V G F N W A T M D L U Q T T C N 1 T X E H U R 0 1 T U W 0 D Z C Q S Q B H Y W Z F F M C N E E E 1 E D R M Y A S K Z Y W P U V L G T L S B N E H K S 0 M 0 U N Z N M T A 1 1 G T Y E N J 0 1 M G T A 1 H B G T C N H A E 0 A E B L S x o M S L 1 A R T 1 G W E R Q G T Y J B P M U X 1 B D Z C G B G D N N L A D R J V E U N 0 R X W R O R B L C 1 E E F F X 0 J c s T Q H N L L 1 U A O ! W R V H T H D U 1 E A S C O O D A B U Y P H Q B X O C H Y E U 1 R R 1 BALDEAGLE BIOLOGICALCONTROL BIRCH BLACKBEAR CHRISTMASTREE ENDANGERED EROSION EXTINCT GOLDENEAGLE GRANDFATHER HABITAY MOUNTAIN MUSEUM SOIL SPECIES SWINGINGBRIDGE THREATENED TRAIL WHITETAILDEER G C Z G 1 Z T Z H E 1 F R C Z S M N R B E N K A R P V Y Q W K L T 1 N E R M T R L 0 R R T H A B 1 T A T 1 S B D H 0 M G �GRANDFATHER CROSSWORD ANSWERS S WI N G 1 N G B R R E E D L 1 A T E T 1 H W, R E L G A E D L E E W E S T E R N C N H D T • E G O L D E N E A G L E A A • E D E N E T A E N F R G D . T E N * . T S . . 1 S , , R A R . C A 0 M . P . E R « A • . N S M . 0 M E D G E E * . 1 . . T . U U C R B . T S . N S . X • « » L 1 . T 0 K S C . E « . • 1 . R . • « I A » » • A . . H O L N B . * . L O R T N O C L m * A C ! I D G E A B . . O U G A . .. R H T . H . .. C . . . R . 1 . R H A B I T A T . 1 E E . . A U S . 1 M . G O L O I » B . B . WORD U S T BALDEAGLE BLACKBEAR EROSION GRANDFATHER MUSEUM SW1NGINGBRIOGE WESTERNCOUGAR BIOLOGICAUCONTROL CHRISTMASTREE EXTINCT HABITAT SOIL THREATENED WHITETAILDEER BIRCH ENDANGERED GOLDENEAGLE MOUNTAIN SPECIES TRAIL �M U S E U M S C A V E N G E R H U N T II 1. W h e r e c a n t h e w h i t e - t a i l e d deer be f o u n d in o u r country? 14. W h i c h b i r d ( t h e b a l d eagle o r g o l d e n eagle) inhabits m o u n t a i n o u s o r hilly terrain? 2 . Is t h e r e a t h r e a t o f e x t i n c t i o n f o r t h e w h i t e t a i l e d deer? 1 5 . W h i c h t y p e o f r o c k b e g i n s as m u d ? 1 6 . W h i c h r o c k b e g a n as g r a v e l d e p o s i t e d i n a r i v e r 3 . W h a t c o l o r is t h e w h i t e - t a i l e d d e e r ' s c o a t d u r i n g the summer? During winter? bed? 17. H o w o l d are the oldest rocks o n G r a n d f a t h e r Mountain? 5 . W h a t is t h e f o o d f o r c o u g a r s i n t h e w i l d ? 18. H o w d i d the split in "Split R o c k " develop? 6 . W h i c h t y p e o f c o u g a r is m o r e p l e n t i f u l — t h e 1 9 . W h e n w a s g o l d w a s d i s c o v e r e d in N o r t h 4 . W h a t are three o t h e r names f o r the cougar? Eastern c o u g a r o r W e s t e r n cougar? Explain. Carolina? 20. 7. E x p l a i n t h e b o d i l y p r o c e s s o f h i b e r n a t i o n . H o w m u c h does the largest g o l d nugget o n display in N o r t h C a r o l i n a w e i g h ? 2 1 . W h a t is s e c o n d a r y o r a l l u v i a l g o l d ? 8 . W h a t is t h e n o r m a l d i e t o f a b l a c k b e a r ? 22. W h a t does the scientific c o m p o u n d Be3 A I 2 0 1 8 name mean? 9 . W h a t is t h e life e x p e c t a n c y o f a b l a c k b e a r ? 2 3 . W h a t are five types o f q u a r t z f o u n d in N o r t h 10. W h a t does the w o r d " r a v e n " mean to the Carolina? Cherokee? 2 4 . W h a t c o l o r is K y a n i t e ? 1 1 . W h a t is t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n a r a v e n a n d a crow? 25. W h a t m u s h r o o m c o u l d be a m e m b e r o f t h e legal p r o f e s s i o n ? 1 2 . W h e n c a n a r a v e n b e seen a t G r a n d f a t h e r Mountain? 2 6 . W h a t are the t w o p o i s o n o u s m u s h r o o m s o n display? 1 3 . W h e n d i d t h e eagle b e c o m e a n e m b l e m o f t h e U.S.? 2 7 . W h a t is a n e x a m p l e o f a " c o s m i c " mushroom? �MUSEUM SCAVENGER HUNT II 2 8 . W h a t ¡s t h e s t u d y o f p l a n t s c a l l e d ? 4 1 . W h i c h plant was discovered a n d n a m e d by the French botanist A n d r e Michaeux? 29. W h o discovered a n d n a m e d the plants o n Grandfather Mountain? When? W h a t country w a s he f r o m ? 4 2 . W h a t type o f rare squirrel can be f o u n d o n Grandfather 30. W h y did this botanist c o m e t o N o r t h America? Mountain? 4 3 . W h a t are t w o types o f d y i n g trees o n Grandfather Mountain? 3 1 . W h a t t w o p l a n t s d i d he discover? 4 4 . W h a t are three reasons w h y these trees are dying? 3 2 . W h a t rare p l a n t n a m e d after a n o t h e r f a m o u s botanist blooms on Grandfather Mountain on h i g h g r a s s y a r e a s d u r i n g J u n e a n d July? 4 5 . W h a t are t w o sources o f air p o l l u t i o n t h a t affect G r a n d f a t h e r Mountain? 3 3 . W h a t t y p e o f w i l d f l o w e r b l o o m s o n l y in September? 4 6 . W h a t is t h e h i g h e s t p e a k i n E a s t e r n A m e r i c a ? 3 4 . W h i c h w i l d f l o w e r resembles a lady's shoe? 4 7 . W h e n d o s c i e n t i s t s believe t h e s e q u e n c e o f r o c k building o n Grandfather M o u n t a i n began? 35. W h i c h wildflower name reminds you o f Tennessee's state flower? 4 8 . W h i c h trail d i d y o u hike t o d a y ? 3 6 . W h i c h w i l d f l o w e r s h o u l d always be r e m e m bered? 4 9 . W h a t is t h e I n d i a n w o r d f o r G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n t h a t also means "great w i n g e d one"? 3 7 . W h a t t y p e o f e n d a n g e r e d p l a n t is c o n s i d e r e d t o be t h e m o s t b e a u t i f u l o n G r a n d f a t h e r Mountain? 3 8 . W h i c h o w l is n a t i v e t o N o r t h C a r o l i n a ? 3 9 . W h i c h b a t c a n o n l y be f o u n d in N o r t h C a r o l i n a on Grandfather Mountain? 4 0 . W h a t species o f g o l d e n r o d w a s federally listed as t h r e a t e n e d ? 5 0 . W h i c h t y p e o f w i l d f l o w e r is n a m e d f o r a n I n d i a n s m o k i n g device? �MUSEUM SCAVENGER HUNT II 1 . A l l o v e r t h e U.S. e x c e p t f o r a s m a l l p o r t i o n o f t h e West 2. N o , t h e p o p u l a t i o n t o d a y is a t its l a r g e s t . 3. In s u m m e r i t is r e d d i s h - b r o w n ; i n w i n t e r i t is 24. blue 25. Lawyer's w i g o r shaggy m a n e ( c o p r i n u s c o m a t u s ) 26. destroying angel o r fly-agaric heavier g r e y - b r o w n 27. earth star 4. mountain lion, panther, p u m a 28. 5. deer 29. A n d r e Michaeux, 1 7 9 4 , France 6. W e s t e r n c o u g a r . T h e r e are o n l y 2 0 Eastern 30. 31. h i b e r n a t i o n . D u r i n g h i b e r n a t i o n , the black bear beats eight beats a m i n u t e . 8 . C o n s i d e r e d a c a r n i v o r e , t h e b l a c k b e a r is r e a l l y m o r e o f a v e g e t a r i a n . T h e b l a c k bear eats grass, leaves, b e r r i e s , a c o r n s , n u t s a n d i n s e c t s . 9 . T h e life e x p e c t a n c y o f a b e a r is u p t o 3 5 y e a r s . Flame azalea r h o d o d e n d r o n , red r h o d o d e n ­ dron, Michaeux's bear's b o d i l y processes s l o w d o w n , r e s u l t i n g in b r e a t h e s o n c e every 4 5 s e c o n d s , a n d t h e h e a r t He came t o gather plants for the royal gardens a t t h e palace a t Versailles. c o u g a r s in t h e Everglades. 7. B e c a u s e w i n t e r b r i n g s a s h o r t a g e o f f o o d , t h e botany lily 3 2 . G r a y ' s lily 33. Closed Gentian 34. Pink Lady's Slipper 35. Iris c r i s t a t a 36. Forget-me-not 10. Raven m e a n s " g r e a t w a r chief." 37. Heller's Blazing Star 11. R a v e n is l a r g e r , a b e t t e r f l y e r a n d s h o w s m o r e 38. Eastern screech o w l — red phase intelligence. 12. year-round 13. In 1 7 8 9 w h e n G e o r g e W a s h i n g t o n t o o k o f f i c e . 1 4 . G o l d e n e a g l e . T h e b a l d e a g l e is a w a t e r b i r d . 15. phyllite 16. metaconglomerate 17. 39. Virginia big-eared bat 40. Blue Ridge G o l d e n r o d 41. A p p a l a c h i a n aven o r s p r e a d i n g aven 42. n o r t h e r n flying squirrel 43. Red spruce a n d Fraser f i r 4 4 . w o o l y aphids (insects), acid rain a n d air pollution 1 b i l l i o n years 1 8 . T h e s p l i t b e g a n as a s m a l l f r a c t u r e w h e n e a r t h stresses a c t e d o n t h e r o c k t o b r e a k i t . Ice f r o z e in t h e j o i n t , s e p a r a t i n g t h e r o c k further. 4 5 . A u t o m o b i l e s , buses, airplanes, oil a n d coal powered plants, industrial boilers 46. M o u n t Mitchell at 6 , 6 8 4 feet 47. m o r e t h a n o n e billion years a g o 48. Black Rock hiking trail p r o c e s s e s a n d f o u n d i n river o r s t r e a m b e d s . 49. Tanawa 22. Beryl w i t h e m e r a l d 50. Indian pipes 23. m u d inclusion, rock crystal, amethyst, smoky amethyst, champagne 19. 1799 20. 13.9 oz 21. G o l d freed f r o m original rock by weathering �HABITATS ON GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN Name: BLACK COUGARS: BEAR: 14. W h a t else a r e c o u g a r s c a l l e d ? 15. W h a t d o c o u g a r s l o o k like? 16. H o w large are cougars? 17. H o w far can cougars r o a m ? 18. W h a t d o c o u g a r s eat? 19. H o w m a n y cubs are usually b o r n t o a m o t h e r ? 20. W h a t d o n e w b o r n c o u g a r c u b s l o o k like? 1. W h a t are five t h i n g s b l a c k bears eat? 2. 3. H o w m u c h d o black bears weigh? H o w tall are b l a c k bears? 4 . W h a t c o l o r s are b l a c k bears? 5. H o w fast can a black bear run? 6 . W h a t is t h e b o d y t e m p e r a t u r e o f a b l a c k b e a r during hibernation? 7. W h e n d o b l a c k b e a r s m a t e ? 21. H o w l o n g d o c o u g a r cubs stay w i t h their mother? 8. W h e n are c u b s b o r n ? 22. 9. 10. H o w l o n g d o c o u g a r e s u s u a l l y live? H o w m a n y c u b s are usually b o r n t o the m o t h e r ? H o w o f t e n d o b l a c k bears deliver cubs? WHITE-TAILED DEER 23. W h e r e d o w h i t e - t a i l e d d e e r live? 24. In w h a t t y p e s o f g r o u p s d o d e e r live? 25. H o w m u c h d o deer weigh? 26. W h a t d o e s t h e w h i t e - t a i l deer l o o k like: 1 1 . W h a t a r e c u b s like a t b i r t h ? 12. H o w l o n g d o cubs usually stay w i t h their m o t h ­ er? 13. H o w l o n g d o b l a c k b e a r s u s u a l l y live? �ANIMAL HABITATS ON GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN 27. W h e n a d e e r senses d a n g e r , w h a t d o e s i t d o 40. W h e r e d o e s t h e g o l d e n eagle nest? w i t h its t a i l ? 4 1 . W h a t d o e s the g o l d e n eagle eat? 28. H o w l o n g are the male's antlers? 29. H o w l o n g d o males keep their antlers? 30. H o w m a n y f a w n are b o r n t o each doe? 31. H o w d o f a w n s keep safe w h i l e t h e i r m o t h e r s 42. W h a t d o e s t h e t h e a d u l t g o l d e n e a g l e l o o k like? 43. W h a t is t h e m a i n d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e f e a t h e r s o f t h e g o l d e n a n d b a l d eagle? 44. H o w f a r c a n a n e a g l e see? 45. H o w m a n y eggs d o eagles u s u a l l y lay? 46. H o w l o n g d o e s i t t a k e f o r t h e eggs t o h a t c h ? 47. W h o t a k e s c a r e o f t h e b a b y eagles? 48. W h e n d o b a b y eagles l e a r n t o f l y ? 49. H o w l o n g d o b a b y eagles s t a y w i t h t h e i r hunt for food? 32. W h a t d o w h i t e - t a i l deer eat? BALD EAGLES AND GOLDEN EAGLES 33. W h e r e d o b a l d e a g l e s nest? 34. W h a t d o b a l d eagles e a t ? 35. H o w d o they get their f o o d ? 36. W h a t d o e s a b a l d e a g l e l o o k like? 37. W h a t is t h e w i n g s p a n o f t h e b a l d eagle? 38. W h e r e d o e s t h e g o l d e n e a g l e u s u a l l y live? 39. W h a t is t h e w i n g s p a n o f t h e g o l d e n eagle? parents? 50. Is i t legal t o h u n t eagles? �ANIMAL HABITATS O N G R A N D F A T H E R M O U N T A I N ANIMAL HABITAT A N S W E R SHEET 26. reddish-brown fur w i t h a w h i t e underside, dis­ tinctive w h i t e tail 1 . v e g e t a b l e s , fruit, b e r r i e s , n u t s , r o o t s , i n s e c t s , fish, rodents, carrion 2 7 . raises like a f l a g 2. 2 0 0 - 6 0 0 p o u n d s 28. 3. 5- 6 feet tall ( f r o m head t o t a i l ) , stands 3 feet a t 2 9 . t h e y g r o w n e w a n t l e r s e a c h year. u p t o 3 0 inches l o n g the shoulder 30. black, chocolate b r o w n , cinnamon 1-4 f a w n s 31. 4. they hide in the forest a n d stay perfectly still. brown 5. u p t o 3 0 m . p . h . 3 2 . t w i g s , leaves a n d a c o r n s 6. b o d y t e m p e r a t u r e d r o p s t o 8 8 ° t o 9 3 ° F f r o m 100° F 3 3 . a l o n g freshwater o r saltwater in N o r t h A m e r i c a 7. J u n e a n d e a r l y J u l y 34. fish 8. January a n d February 35. they rob other birds or pick u p dead fish o n the shore 9. 2 t o 5 cubs per litter 3 6 . t h e a d u l t is b l a c k i s h - b r o w n w i t h a s n o w - w h i t e 10. 11. c u b s w e i g h 6-8 oz. a t b i r t h , a n d they are b l i n d head a n d tail usually every o t h e r year 37. 2.5-3 feet and naked 38. 12. lonely m o u n t a i n o u s regions o f N o r t h A m e r i c a , Europe, N o r t h e r n Asia a n d N o r t h Africa usually w e a n e d a t 6-8 m o n t h s , b u t stay w i t h their m o t h e r until the following spring 39. 41. s m a l l a n i m a l s , like r a b b i t s a n d y o u n g d e e r m o u n t a i n lion or panther 15. r o c k y l e d g e s , s t e e p m o u n t a i n sides 2 5 - 3 0 years 14. 7 feet 40. 13. large, slender, y e l l o w i s h - b r o w n cat, w h i t e m u z ­ zle a n d e y e b r o w s , d a r k b l a c k l i n e a r o u n d eyes 42. dark-brown bodies with a golden-brown head a n d neck 16. 6-8.5 feet in l e n g t h , stands 2-2.5 feet a t shoulder 4 3 . g o l d e n e a g l e h a s f e a t h e r s d o w n t o its t o e s . 1 7 . as m u c h as 1 0 0 m i l e s i n a c i r c u l a r p a t t e r n 44. 2 or 3 cubs 20. b l u e eyes, h e a v y b l a c k s p o t s t h a t e v e n t u a l l y f a d e 21. 2 years 22. 1 0 - 1 2 years 23. 1 t o 3 eggs r o d e n t s , deer, fish 19. 2 t o 4 miles 45. 18. N o r t h and Central America, parts o f South 4 6 . 3 5 t o 4 0 days 47. both the mother and father 4 8 . after a b o u t 8 weeks 49. America 24. in s m a l l b a n d s — a f a m i l y g r o u p 25. 200-300 pounds until they learn t o h u n t 50. no �FROM ONE TEACHER T O ANOTHER . A N I M A L HABITAT A N D WILDLIFE EXHIBIT: BLACK R O C K HIKING 1. Students m a y purchase f o o d t o feed animals. 1. S t u d e n t s m u s t stay b e h i n d t h e g r o u p leader. 2. 2. Students m u s t stay o n the trails a n d w a l k . If students buy wildflowers, p u t their name o n TRAIL t h e i r b a g a n d leave i t a t t h e w i l d f l o w e r b o o t h . Pick t h e m u p b e f o r e leaving. 3. Students s h o u l d n o t pick w i l d f l o w e r s . 4. 5. MUSEUM: Keep litter in b a c k p a c k s . E a c h s t u d e n t is r e s p o n s i b l e f o r r e c o r d i n g i n f o r ­ mation from numbered post o n the trail. Pass o u t a m u s e u m s c a v e n g e r h u n t t o e a c h c h i l d . Students should record their i n f o r m a t i o n and Children m a y w o r k together t o find answers, b u t 1. n u m b e r o n an index card. each c h i l d needs t o fill in their o w n f o r m . 6. S t o p a t # 3 0 . A teacher will be s t a t i o n e d o n t h e r o c k f o r m a t i o n . Five o r six s t u d e n t s a t a t i m e w i l l 2 . S t u d e n t s s h o u l d use c l i p b o a r d s . be a l l o w e d o n t h e f o r m a t i o n . 3. G r o u p leaders collect the f o r m s t o be graded a n d r e t u r n e d n e x t w e e k . Prizes w i l l b e a w a r d e d f o r highest scores. DIRECTIONS T O GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN F R O M J O H N S O N CITY, T N : SWINGING BRIDGE AND GIFT SHOP: 1. 1. A d u l t s m u s t be a t t h e b e g i n n i n g , m i d d l e a n d e n d 2. Travel o n H w y . 181 S o u t h t o intersection f o r o f the bridge. Leave J o h n s o n C i t y . Elizabethton. 2. S t u d e n t s s h o u l d cross t h e b r i d g e in s m a l l g r o u p s 3. and one at a time. 3. Students are n o t a l l o w e d t o g o b e y o n d the end Follow Hwy. 321 (Hwy. 67) through Elizabethton to Hampton. 4 . C o n t i n u e o n H w y . 1 9 E S o u t h p a s t Elk P a r k t o o f the bridge to the rock f o r m a t i o n . Crossing the Cranberry. b r i d g e is t h e s t u d e n t s ' d e c i s i o n . 5. A t C r a n b e r r y , f o l l o w H w y . 1 9 4 t o N e w l a n d . 4. Remind the students t o w a t c h o u t for hats a n d glasses f a l l i n g o f f w h i l e o n t h e b r i d g e . 6. In N e w l a n d , t u r n l e f t o n H w y . 1 8 1 S o u t h t o w a r d Linville. 5. A t t h e g i f t s h o p / s n a c k bar, s t u d e n t s m a y p u r ­ chase souvenirs. N O KNIVES or any item resem­ 7. In L i n v i l l e , c o n t i n u e s t r a i g h t o n H w y . 2 2 1 . b l i n g a w e a p o n m a y be p u r c h a s e d . 8. S t o p a t the G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n entrance gate 6 . T h i s is a g o o d s p o t f o r a r e s t r o o m b r e a k . 7. W h i l e a t t h e g i f t s h o p , t h e g r o u p n e e d s t o s t o p a t the weather station and record the following on the g r o u p leader's c a r d : t i m e , d a t e , t e m p e r a t u r e a n d speed in k n o t s a n d miles per hour. t o get tickets. �HISTORY O F GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN Name: Date: 1. W h e n w a s the m o u n t a i n was created? 2. H o w was the m o u n t a i n was formed? 3. H o w o l d are the oldest r o c k f o r m a t i o n s o n G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n ? 4. W h a t was the original Indian name for the m o u n t a i n ? W h a t did the n a m e mean? 5. W h o n a m e d t h e m o u n t a i n G r a n d f a t h e r ? W h y ? 6 . O n w h i c h h i k i n g t r a i l c a n y o u b e s t see t h e o u t l i n e o f G r a n d f a t h e r ' s f a c e ? 7. W h a t is t h e h i g h e s t p e a k i n t h e B l u e R i d g e M o u n t a i n s ? W h a t is t h e e l e v a t i o n ? MATCHING Asa Gray A . H i g h e s t p e a k in t h e Black M o u n t a i n s Andre Michaux B. F r e n c h b o t a n i s t w h o c l i m b e d G r a n d f a t h e r M t . i n 1 7 9 4 w h i l e o n a n expedition f o r King Louis XVI M o u n t Mitchell C. H i g h e s t p e a k in U n a k a M o u n t a i n s H u g h M a c Rae M o r t o n D. Early e x p l o r e r w h o h u n t e d i n G r a n d f a t h e r M t . i n t h e 1 7 6 0 ' s . Roan M o u n t a i n E. I n h e r i t e d G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n f r o m his g r a n d f a t h e r i n 1 9 3 2 . Daniel Boone F. Built the Mile-High Swinging Bridge. D i s c o v e r e d r a r e lily t h a t b l o o m s o n G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n i n J u n e a n d J u l y . ANSWERS MATCHING 1. 6 2 0 m i l l i o n years a g o F Asa Gray 2. T w o o f t h e e a r t h ' s p l a t e s s l a m m e d t o g e t h e r , t h r u s t i n g great sec­ B Andre Michaux tions o f the continent upward. A M o u n t Mitchell 1.05 b i l l i o n years E H u g h M a c Rae M o r t o n 4 . T a n a w h a — f a b u l o u s h a w k o r eagle C Roan M o u n t a i n 5. Pioneers ( l o o k s like a n o l d m a n ' s face o n o n e o f t h e cliffs) D Daniel Boone 3. 6. P r o f i l e T r a i l 7. G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n ' s C a l l o w a y Park ( 5 , 9 6 4 ft.) �MY GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN PLANT NAME: DATE DUE: T h e p l a n t / t r e e I a m r e s p o n s i b l e f o r l e a r n i n g a b o u t is: W h a t I found out about my plant/tree: Picture o f m y plant/tree: �WILDFLOWER QUILT NAME: DATE DUE: M y wildflower: Information about my wildflower: 1. D r a w a picture o f your wildflower o n the quilt square. 2. W r i t e t h e n a m e o f y o u r f l o w e r o n the q u i l t square. 3. W r i t e a t least t w o f a c t s a b o u t y o u r w i l d f l o w e r o n t h e square. 4. M a k e y o u r squares colorful a n d neat. �SUGGESTED GROUP ACTIVITY SCHEDULE ARRIVE: GROUPS: 10-10:30 a.m. T h e r e will be f o u r g r o u p s . T w o g r o u p s will begin a t h a b i t a t / m u s e u m / w i l d f l o w e r area w h i l e the o t h e r t w o g r o u p s will begin a t Black R o c k T r a i l / B r i d g e area. These g r o u p s will exchange areas in t h e a f t e r n o o n . LUNCH: G r o u p s w i l l eat l u n c h in t h e covered shelter by t h e m u s e u m o r in t h e r o o m a t t h e b r i d g e b e t w e e n 1 1 : 3 0 a . m . a n d 1:00 p.m. GROUP SCHEDULES: GROUP I G R O U P II G R O U P III G R O U P IV 10:30 habitat museum m o v i e hike lunch bridge 11:30 museum movie animal habitat t o hike 12:00 bridge lunch 12:30 lunch lunch 1:00 t o hike t o bridge animal movie 2:00 t o hike museum movie habitat animal habitat 2:30 to bridge 3:30 In t h e a t e r In t h e a t e r In t h e a t e r In t h e a t e r 4:00 Leave f o r S c h o o l Leave f o r S c h o o l Leave f o r S c h o o l Leave f o r S c h o o l habitat/museum �GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN W E A T H E R STATION BACKGROUND INFORMATION: ACTIVITY: W e have used d a t a f r o m F a i r m o n t Elementary S c h o o l in J o h n s o n City, T N . You will w a n t t o s u b s t i t u t e d a t a f r o m y o u r o w n site. 1. M a k e a d o u b l e line g r a p h t o c h a r t t h e t e m ­ perature at Fairmont a n d Grandfather TEMPERATURE FAIRMONT Mountain. GRANDFATHER MT. 2. C o n v e r t t h e w i n d speed t o miles per h o u r . 3. Find the difference between the t e m p e r a ­ 9:00 a.m. 63° 12:45 p.m. 54.6° 10:30 a.m. 65° 1:10 p . m . 54.1° 11:30 a.m. 70° 2:45 p.m. 54.3° 12:15 p.m. 73° 3:00 p.m. 54.3° 1:30 p . m . 76° 2:30 p.m. Use t h e c o l l e c t e d d a t a t o c o m p l e t e t h e f o l l o w ­ ing problems. tures for F a i r m o n t at 2:30 p.m. a n d Grandfather M o u n t a i n for 3:00 p.m. W h a t factors w o u l d make the difference? W h a t general rule a b o u t these f a c t o r s c o u l d y o u make? 4 . T h e e l e v a t i o n o f J o h n s o n C i t y is a p p r o x i ­ m a t e l y 1 , 2 0 0 f e e t a b o v e sea level. A t t h e s w i n g i n g b r i d g e e l e v a t i o n is 5 , 3 0 5 f e e t 78° a b o v e sea level. W h a t is t h e d i f f e r e n c e ? 5. W r i t e a n u m b e r sentence t o s h o w h o w f a r WIND you hiked o n Black Rock Trail. SPEED FAIRMONT calm GRANDFATHER MT. 12:45 p.m. 15 k n o t s N E 6. T h e d i s t a n c e f r o m J o h n s o n C i t y t o t h e entrance t o Grandfather Mountain B i o s p h e r e R e s e r v a t i o n is 4 9 . 8 m i l e s . It is a n o t h e r t w o miles t o the m u s e u m a n d habi­ 1:10 p . m . 15 k n o t s N E 2:45 p.m. 15 k n o t s N E t a t area. Traveling f r o m the m u s e u m park­ i n g l o t t o t h e B l a c k R o c k h i k i n g t r a i l is 1.2 miles. F r o m Black Rock hiking trail t o the S w i n g i n g B r i d g e is 0 . 3 m i l e . C a l c u l a t e t h e 3:00 p.m. 20 knots NE total distance traveled by bus d u r i n g the trip to Grandfather M o u n t a i n . 1 knot - 1.15 mph 7. A m i l e e q u a l s 5 , 2 8 0 f e e t . T h e e l e v a t i o n a t the bridge w a s 5 , 3 0 5 feet. H o w m u c h a b o v e a m i l e is t h e b r i d g e ? SNOWFALL MONTH INCHES October 1.0 November 3.0 December 24.5 January 16.5 February 1.0 March 5.5 April 0.0 8 . T h e a l t i t u d e o r e l e v a t i o n a t t h e b r i d g e is 5 , 3 0 5 f e e t . T h e h e i g h t a t t h e m u s e u m is 4 , 7 2 0 a n d a t t h e e n t r a n c e g a t e is 4 , 2 7 0 f e e t . Is t h e e l e v a t i o n g r e a t e r b e t w e e n t h e bridge and the m u s e u m , or the m u s e u m a n d the gate entrance? 9. Create a b a r g r a p h s h o w i n g the m o n t h l y snowfall on Grandfather M o u n t a i n using the provided data. �GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN INFORMATION SHEET WHEN: Friday, O c t o b e r 13, 1995 TIME: 8:30 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. COST: $ 1 5 . 0 0 per s t u d e n t ( t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a n d a d m i s s i o n fee) $ 1 0 . 0 0 per parent chaperone DUE BY: WHAT TO T h u r s d a y , O c t o b e r 5, 1995 BRING: Jacket (a m u s t ! ) Head covering Rain gear ( d e p e n d i n g o n weather) S t u r d y , c o m f o r t a b l e shoes ( n o s a n d a l s o r slick b o t t o m s ) Safe, sensible c l o t h i n g (layers are best) Sack lunch w i t h t w o drinks Backpack ( t o h o l d l u n c h , n o t e b o o k s , etc.) Clipboard Spiral n o t e b o o k Pencils Camera (optional) M o n e y for gift shop/snacks (optional) ACTIVITIES: N a t u r e hike ( a p p r o x . 1 mile o n Black Rock Trail) Visitation o f animal habitats W i l d f l o w e r exhibit Nature movie Swinging bridge excursion M u s e u m scavenger h u n t I a m interested in c h a p e r o n i n g . I a m interested in s p o n s o r i n g a c h i l d . Name: Student's h o m e r o o m : �TO: G R A N D F A T H E R M O U N T A I N C H A P E R O N ES FROM: 5TH. G R A D E TEACHERS RE: TRIP EVALUATION W e w i s h t o express t h a n k s t h o s e w h o v o l u n t e e r e d t o c h a p e r o n e o u r G r a n d f a t h e r M o u n t a i n t r i p . Y o u r presence supports the i m p o r t a n c e o f the students' learning. W e a s k t h a t y o u c o n t i n u e t o h e l p us b y c o m p l e t i n g t h e f o l l o w i n g e v a l u a t i o n f o r m . Comments: 1. T r a n s p o r t a t i o n : Adequate Good Inadequate Helpful Very Helpful Inadequate Helpful Very Helpful Habitat: Routine Interesting Challenging Wildflowers: Routine Interesting Challenging Museum: Routine Interesting Challenging Trail: Routine Interesting Challenging Bridge: 2. Poor Routine Interesting Challenging Preparation of Chaperones: Comments: 3. Preparation of Students: Comments: 4 . Activities: 5. W h a t w a s t h e best p a r t o f t h e trip? 6. W h a t w a s t h e least effective p a r t o f t h e trip? 7. W a s t h e c o s t o f t h e t r i p a p p r o p r i a t e ? 8. Suggestions f o r i m p r o v e m e n t s : Why? �MOUNT MITCHELL t. M i t c h e l l , t h e c e n t r a l d o m e o n t h e Black M o u n t a i n R i d g e , is n o t e d f o r b e i n g t h e h i g h ­ est m o u n t a i n i n t h e e a s t e r n U n i t e d S t a t e s , a t 6 , 6 8 4 feet. B u t it also boasts a rich natural a n d cultural h i s t o r y a n d is a n e x c e l l e n t s e t t i n g f o r a s c h o o l f i e l d t r i p . In 1 8 3 5 , D r . E l i s h a M i t c h e l l , a p r o f e s s o r o f sciences f r o m the University o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a , first visited the B l a c k M o u n t a i n R a n g e t o d e t e r m i n e its m e a s u r e m e n t s . By m e a n s o f b a r o m e t r i c r e a d i n g s o n several o f t h e h i g h p o i n t s , he d e t e r m i n e d t h a t t h e B l a c k s , r a t h e r t h a n M t . W a s h i n g t o n o f N e w H a m p s h i r e , r e p r e s e n t e d t h e t o p ele­ v a t i o n in t h e east. Dr. Mitchell's w o r k c o n t i n u e d until 1 8 5 7 , w h e n he fell t o h i s d e a t h a t M i t c h e l l ' s Falls o n t h e n o r t h s i d e o f t h e B l a c k s , as h e s o u g h t t o p r o v e t h a t M t . Mitchell was the highest peak o f all. T o d a y M t . M i t c h e l l is n o t e d f o r t h e d e c l i n e o f t h e s p r u c e a n d f r a s e r f i r f o r e s t t h a t o n c e c o v e r e d its s u m m i t . A l t h o u g h i t is w e l l k n o w n t h a t m a n y o f t h e t r e e s s u c ­ c u m b e d t o insect d a m a g e f r o m the Balsam W o o l y A d e l g i d , m a n y p e o p l e b e l i e v e t h a t a i r p o l l u t i o n is a l s o a factor. T h e f o l l o w i n g activities will encourage y o u r students t o consider the history o f this f a m o u s peak, f o l l o w logging practices here, a n d m a k e s o m e c o n c l u s i o n s a b o u t envi­ r o n m e n t a l threats t o the area. M t . M i t c h e l l , a N o r t h C a r o l i n a S t a t e P a r k , is o n l y a c c e s ­ sible f r o m t h e Blue Ridge P a r k w a y a t m i l e p o s t 3 5 0 — a b o u t a n h o u r n o r t h o f Asheville. T h e closest state r o a d access is w h e r e R o u t e 8 0 i n t e r s e c t s t h e B l u e R i d g e Parkway, between M a r i o n a n d Burnsville, N C . For fur­ t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n , call t h e p a r k a t ( 7 0 4 ) 6 7 5 - 4 6 1 1 . �DR. ELISHA M I T C H E L L GOAL: T h e g o a l is f o r t h e s t u d e n t s t o realize t h a t t h e s t o r y ACTIVITY: o f D r . E l i s h a M i t c h e l l is t r u e a n d a p a r t o f A m e r i c a n Have students write a friendly letter asking f o r history. e n o u g h p u b l i c a t i o n s s o e v e r y o n e i n t h e class OBJECTIVE: a cover letter f r o m y o u , o r c h o o s e the best one. h a s o n e . P u t all t h e l e t t e r s i n a n e n v e l o p e w i t h U p o n arrival o f the p u b l i c a t i o n s , read a n d dis­ T h e l e a r n e r w i l l realize t h e s t o r y o f D r . E l i s h a M i t c h e l l is a t r u e s t o r y . T h e l e a r n e r w i l l w r i t e a l e t t e r a s k i n g f o r a p a m p h l e t o n Dr. Elisha M i t c h e l l . T h e learner will write a n o n f i c t i o n a l a n d a fictional story a b o u t themselves. cuss t h e m a t e r i a l . H a v e s t u d e n t s w r i t e a t r u e story a b o u t themselves. Before g o i n g o n the field t r i p , tell t h e s t u d e n t s t h e y w i l l be w r i t i n g another story w h e n they return, a n d this time they will pretend they were the one w h o discov­ ered M o u n t M i t c h e l l . Tell t h e m t o be a w a r e o f t h e s u r r o u n d i n g s so t h e y c a n give a realistic STRAND: account o f their fictional f i n d . Language Arts Ask students t o address the f o l l o w i n g ques­ t i o n s in t h e i r stories: STATE OBJECTIVES: H o w d i d y o u travel ( m o d e o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ) ? NORTH CAROLINA: G O A L 2.3: T h e learner will apply, extend a n d expand o n i n f o r m a t i o n a n d ideas. G O A L 3 . 2 : T h e learner will d e t e r m i n e t h e value o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d ideas. W h a t obstacles did you encounter? W h a t were you wearing? W h a t d i d y o u eat? TENNESSEE: I d e n t i f y p a r t s o f f r i e n d l y letters a n d e n v e l o p e s . Read selected W h a t supplies did y o u carry w i t h you? materials t o distinguish between fact a n d o p i n i o n , distinguish reality a n d fantasy, a n d distinguish f i c t i o n f r o m n o n f i c t i o n . W h a t plants and animals did you encounter? BACKGROUND INFORMATION: Have students write for background information a b o u t a m o n t h b e f o r e y o u are t o visit M o u n t M i t c h e l l . A s k f o r t h e p u b l i c a t i o n " D r . Elisha M i t c h e l l and the Measuring o f M o u n t Mitchell." N. C. D e p a r t m e n t o f Environment, Health a n d N a t u r a l Resources Division o f Parks a n d Recreation P. O . B o x 2 7 6 8 7 Raleigh, N . C. 2 7 6 1 1 - 7 6 8 7 OR M o u n t M i t c h e l l State Park Route 5 Box 7 0 0 Burnsville, N . C. 28714 W h a t was the climate? �GOAL: T o study the i m p a c t o f the lumber (logging) industry o n the Black M o u n t a i n Range a n d M o u n t Mitchell. T o be aware o f the relationship between the history o f a r e g i o n a n d its l o c a t i o n . STATE OBJECTIVE: NORTH CAROLINA: 5.3: A n a l y z e causes a n d c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e misuse o f t h e p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t a n d p r o p o s e alternatives BACKGROUND INFORMATION: Beginning in the 1 8 7 0 ' s , n o r t h e r n speculators a n d o u t s i d e b u s i n e s s m e n c a r v e d o u t h u g e d o m a i n s in t h e r i c h t i m b e r l a n d s o f t h e A p p a l a c h i a n s . By 1 9 1 0 o u t l a n d e r s c o n t r o l l e d the best strands o f h a r d w o o d a n d a large p e r c e n t a g e o f t h e surface l a n d in t h e region. M o r e t h a n 7 5 % o f the land came under the control o f 13 c o r p o r a t i o n s . O n e t i m b e r c o m p a n y a l o n e o w n e d m o r e t h a n o n e - t h i r d o f the t o t a l acreage. These c o m p a n i e s c a m e i n , c u t t h e forests a n d left w i t h o u t a n y t h o u g h t t o the d a m a g e they left b e h i n d . Watersheds were d a m a g e d , there was n o g r o u n d cover t o h o l d the rainwater, a n d m a n y d a m a g i n g f l o o d s o c c u r r e d . These l o g g i n g o p e r a t i o n s left o n l y a small p o r t i o n o f t i m b e r in t h e Black M o u n t a i n s untouched. B u t t o a c o n s i d e r a b l e degree t h e l a n d d i d recover, a n d spruce a n d f i r trees o n c e again t o o k h o l d , a l t h o u g h i n a lesser d e g r e e . T h e l o g g i n g o p e r a t i o n s o f t h e early t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y p r o v e d t o be the greatest t h r e a t the Black M o u n t a i n s h a d experi­ enced. B u t o u t o f this threat t o the range's integrity, a state p a r k was established, a n d o n M a r c h 3, 1 9 1 5 , a n e w era o f t o u r i s m began. PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES: Have students d o research o n the l o g g i n g i n d u s t r y in t h e m o u n t a i n s . Assign g r o u p s o r individual students the following topics. I. T h e e a r l y h i s t o r y o f l o g g i n g 1 8 0 0 - 1 8 5 0 A. H o w were the logs used? B. H o w were they cut a n d transported? C. H o w m u c h was paid for the lumber? II. T h e l o g g i n g i n d u s t r y f r o m 1850-1900 A. W h a t changes t o o k place in t h e i n d u s t r y and country? B. W h a t c h a n g e s o c c u r r e d i n t r a n s p o r t a ­ tion? C. W h o p r o f i t e d f r o m t h e industry? III. T h e l o g g i n g i n d u s t r y f r o m 1900-1950 A. The movement to protect the m o u n ­ tains f r o m exploitation. B. T h e e a r l y l e a d e r s o f t h e m o v e m e n t . C. T h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a state p a r k . IV. T h e h i s t o r y f r o m 1950-1955 A. The growth o f tourism g o o d or bad? B. T h e n e w d a n g e r s o f a c i d r a i n o n B a l s a m Wooly Aphids. C. T h e future? V. E l i s h a M i t c h e l l A. The man. B. His w o r k . C. T h e controversy between M i t c h e l l a n d Clingman. �VOCABULARY BLACK MOUNTAIN ON-SITE ACTIVITIES: WINDFALLS W i n d f a l l s are a d o m i n a n t feature near t h e crest MOUNT MITCHELL o f the Black M o u n t a i n s . M a n y people o w e their existence t o t h e l o g g i n g i n d u s t r y o f t h e WINDFALL early 20th c e n t u r y . L o g g i n g a n d r e s u l t i n g f o r e s t LOGGING INDUSTRY TRAIN (TWEETSIE) BIG T O M WILSON ELISHA M I T C H E L L THOMAS L CLINGMAN BALSAM W O O L Y APHID fires exposed t h e u n c u t f o r e s t t o t h e full f o r c e o f s t r o n g w i n t e r w i n d s t h a t f r e q u e n t h i g h e r ele­ vations. This began the w i n d f a l l process. W i n d f a l l s are g r a d u a l l y p u s h e d u p - s l o p e until t h e y reach t h e h e i g h t o f a r i d g e . Several w i n d ­ falls c a n be o b s e r v e d f r o m t h e t o p o f M o u n t Mitchell. 1. H a v e s t u d e n t s l o c a t e w i n d f a l l s v i s i b l e f r o m the t o p o f the m o u n t a i n . Have t h e m sketch these w i n d f a l l s . H a v e t h e m n o t e o t h e r evi­ dence o f m a n ' s effect o n the e n v i r o n m e n t . ACID RAIN 2. H a v e s t u d e n t s n o t e a l l e v i d e n c e o f d a m a g e F O R E S T FIRE SPRUCE FIR HEMLOCK STATE PARK t o the b i o m e (ice, w i n d , etc.). POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. U s i n g a t o p o g r a p h i c m a p , h a v e s t u d e n t s locate w i n d gaps. 2. H a v e s t u d e n t s s u g g e s t s o l u t i o n s t o t h e p r o b ­ lems they observed. 3. Have students w r i t e letters t o their local rep­ resentative asking f o r his/her s u p p o r t t o continue f u n d i n g for M o u n t Mitchell State Park. 4. Have students design an advertising c a m ­ paign t o s u p p o r t a n d preserve t h e p a r k a n d its b i o m e . 5. Have s t u d e n t s w r i t e p u b l i c service announcements to support the park. �AIR-POLLUTION DETECTIVE GOAL: 1. C u t five strips o f o a k t a g ( 1 0 x 2 5 c m ) . Identify e n v i r o n m e n t a l concerns o f a local c o m m u n i t y . STATE OBJECTIVES: Punch a hole in one end o f each strip. 2. C u t five pieces o f s t r i n g 15 c m l o n g . P u t a piece o f s t r i n g t h r o u g h t h e hole in each o a k ­ NORTH CAROLINA: t a g strip. Tie the string t o m a k e a l o o p f o r SCIENCE: hanging the strip. 2 . 7 . 5 : Recognize h o w h u m a n s m u s t care f o r t h e e n v i r o n m e n t t o e n s u r e a n i m a l s a n d p l a n t s r e m a i n healthy. 3. Fold each strip in h a l f lengthwise. T r a c e five nickel-sized circles in a r o w o n t h e t o p h a l f T h e learner w i l l c o n s t r u c t a n a i r p o l l u t i o n i n d i c a t o r a n d o f each strip. C u t o u t t h e circles. m o n i t o r v a r i o u s sites t o d e t e r m i n e types o f p o l l u t a n t s . 4. INTRODUCTION: Put t a p e o n t h e o u t s i d e o f each strip so t h e sticky side o f t h e t a p e s h o w s t h r o u g h t h e S c i e n t i s t s a r e still t r y i n g t o d e t e r m i n e w h a t f a c t o r s are holes in t h e strip. T h e n f o l d t h e s t r i p in h a l f responsible f o r the destruction o f the forests o n t o c o v e r t h e h o l e s . Seal w i t h t a p e . M o u n t M i t c h e l l . T h e m a s s i v e d y i n g o f t h e Fraser Fir a n d Red Spruce trees has increased a t a rate o f 3 0 % 5. Find a d i f f e r e n t place t o h a n g each strip, o v e r t h e l a s t several y e a r s . R e s e a r c h i n d i c a t e s a c o r r e ­ b o t h inside a n d o u t s i d e . Label each strip lation between air p o l l u t i o n a n d forest decline. Eight w i t h the l o c a t i o n where y o u are g o i n g t o o u t o f t e n d a y s , M o u n t M i t c h e l l is c o v e r e d i n c l o u d s h a n g it. a n d f o g t h a t is s o m e t i m e s as a c i d i c as v i n e g a r . 6. O p e n the strips so t h e sticky p a r t o f t h e t a p e is e x p o s e d . H a n g t h e s t r i p s i n t h e l o c a t i o n s you chose. N o t e the time w h e n you h a n g each strip. MATERIALS: 5 s t r i p s o f o a k t a g p e r s t u d e n t / g r o u p ( 1 0 X 25 c m ) 7. T h e n e x t d a y , c o l l e c t t h e s t r i p s . A s y o u c o l ­ lect each strip, f o l d u p t h e b o t t o m a g a i n 5 pieces o f s t r i n g per s t u d e n t / g r o u p ( 1 5 c m long) a n d seal i t . Nickels ( t o trace a r o u n d ) A c t i v i t y a n d d a t a sheets 8 . R e t u r n t o y o u r c l a s s r o o m . U s e a h a n d lens Tape t o observe any particles t h a t collected o n the Scissors tape. Record y o u r observations in the c h a r t . Ruler Hole punch H a n d lenses DISCUSSION: ACTIVITY: 1. W h a t d i d y o u observe o n t h e strips? S t u d e n t s m a y w o r k i n d i v i d u a l l y o r in small groups. 2. W h e r e d i d y o u f i n d t h e l e a s t a i r p o l l u t i o n ? After visiting M o u n t Mitchell, students construct a i r - p o l l u t i o n i n d i c a t o r s t o t e s t o t h e r areas f o r a i r 3. C a n y o u tell i f there are d i f f e r e n t types o f air pollution. Follow the directions below. Students pollutants? record i n f o r m a t i o n o n data charts. Location T i m e exposed Observations 4. H o w can y o u reduce air p o l l u t i o n in these locations? �CLIMB EVERY MOUNTAIN GOAL: T h e learner will collect, organize a n d display d a t a t o ACTIVITY #1 s h o w r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f e l e v a t i o n t o p l a n t life a n d Find the elevation o f each m o u n t a i n listed h u m a n r e s o u r c e uses. then rank them from highest t o lowest. Place e a c h m o u n t a i n p e a k , w i t h its e l e v a t i o n , o n t h e STATE OBJECTIVES: m a p o f the Blue Ridge Parkway f r o m B o o n e t o the Asheville area. NORTH CAROLINA: MATHEMATICS: G o a l 4 : T h e l e a r n e r w i l l u n d e r s t a n d a n d use s t a n d a r d u n i t s o f metric a n d c u s t o m a r y measure. 4.11 : F o r m u l a t e a n d solve m e a n i n g f u l p r o b l e m s i n v o l v i n g Mountain Grandfather Height Ranking Mountain Hawksbill l e n g t h , t i m e a n d t e m p e r a t u r e a n d verify reasonableness o f answers Roan M o u n t a i n G o a l 6 : T h e l e a r n e r w i l l d e m o n s t r a t e a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d use o f g r a p h i n g , p r o b a b i l i t y a n d statistics. INTRODUCTION: T h e Black M o u n t a i n s were once grander t h a n the p r e s e n t - d a y Rockies o f t h e W e s t , b u t erosion has Tablerock M o u n t a i n M o u n t Mitchell M o u n t Pisgah t a k e n its t o l l o n t h e s e m o u n t a i n s . D e s p i t e w e a r a n d t e a r o v e r t h e c e n t u r i e s , t h e B l a c k M o u n t a i n s still i n c l u d e t h e highest m o u n t a i n east o f the Mississippi River, M o u n t M i t c h e l l . ACTIVITY #2: M o u n t a i n s a n d forests have a u n i q u e r e l a t i o n ­ s h i p . C e r t a i n t r e e s like t o g r o w a t c e r t a i n e l e v a ­ T h o u g h there was controversy during the m i d 1800^ over accurate m e a s u r e m e n t o f the peaks, M o u n t M i t c h e l l is c o n s i d e r e d t h e t a l l e s t a t 6 , 6 8 4 tions. Sketch an outline o f a m o u n t a i n a n d label the f o l l o w i n g elevations: Above 5500 Spruce/Fir feet. M o u n t M i t c h e l l , n a m e d f o r Elisha M i t c h e l l , t h e scientist credited w i t h the d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f the 3500-5500 Hemlock) peaks l o c a t e d between B o o n e a n d Asheville, N o r t h Carolina. N o r t h e r n H a r d w o o d Forests ( B e e c h , S u g a r M a p l e , Y e l l o w B i r c h , Eastern m o u n t a i n ' s c l a i m t o f a m e , is b u t o n e o f several h i g h 1500-4500 Below 3500 C o v e H a r d w o o d ( D e c i d u o u s ) Forests O a k - H i c k o r y Forests ( B l a c k O a k , W h i t e O a k , Red O a k ) POST-SITE ACTIVITIES: 1. S t u d y t o p o g r a p h i c a l m a p s , e l e v a t i o n m a r k ­ ings, etc. 2. Have the students make an elevation m a p o f one o f the m o u n t a i n s o f the Black Mountain group. 3. Report on h o w Clingman and Mitchell established the elevations using a barometer. 4. Find o u t h o w t o p o g r a p h e r s determine elevation today. �CLIMB EVERY MOUNTAIN Boone » I -Julian Price, fork. « • \ % i f falls t # Crfy # • f Museum 17 IV t t # t I I • t Hendersonville �CLIMB EVERY MOUNTAIN �CLIMB EVERY MOUNTAIN �M O U N T MITCHELL W O R D SEARCH L V K R R Q K J C J 1 G A Y E F F C H C U F Y E D L R V J P C H A G S 1 P D Z H R V H W 1 D Z H G W W Z 0 G E O Y V A Z D 1 A N R Z 0 T K R A O C Y 1 Z W 0 S T E 1 C U V A F D L E B S L H H W Y B O G H E F A P Z C K 1 F R L X 0 C P B W F V R C 0 E N 1 K 1 V A E R E K E N L A A U A C D C R 1 R Y H 1 N 1 A Z T V S F C R Y Q F L E A M G R W G M R T 1 A C V K X L O O w B H M 1 L L A F 1 N G M S A R F R K 0 F D A S C K J F D E T E M A E M Y N 1 G G N K B A D 1 C A T N T R 0 N C U T 1 0 N C A S U J Q s T M O u N N R J J A N D A W O X Q O R 0 L N G B M S O T N O Z 1 N N 1 N S S S Q X N B R 1 R A B O L F S A 1 N W 1 M H K S B 1 U R A 1 V F K N M G A O R W M 1 Z J 1 T M G N A 0 Q E T U S R S N D A R T B L E M R S H 1 C S T T M 1 A C T D E H F S W E G H W L D M D L P 1 Y K 1 S M V N S 1 M X J J R 1 W O R D LIST ACIDRAIN BLACKMOUNTAINS FRASERFIR MINING PISGAH TOURISM WINDFALL BALSAM CUNGMAN LOGGING MOUNTMITCHELL RAILROAD TOWER WOOLYAPHID BAROMETER ELEVATION MINERALS OBSERVATION SUMMIT WEATHERSTATION �MOUNT MITCHELL WORD SEARCH ANSWERS . DI H P A Y L O O W M I N L L A F D R E WO T . C L I N G M A . . R I R E S A R F . D A O R I A R N. O . I T M A O T U S N R T E M H I T T A C E H W E . L . L I N G . N I WM N I . N E R A R E T E M O R A B L S G N I G G O L . H B A L S A M A NI A R D I C A . . . T G . . . . I S E L E V A T I ON M I O B S E R V A T I O N M P . U . S T O U R I S M B L A C K M O U N T A I NS WORD LIST ACIDRAIN BLACKMOUNTAINS FRASERFIR MINING PISGAH TOURISM WINDFALL BALSAM CLINGMAN LOGGING MOUNTMITCHELL RAILROAD TOWER WOOLYAPHID BAROMETER ELEVATION MINERALS OBSERVATION SUMMIT WEATHERSTATION �M A N and N A T U R E GOALS: T h e learner will evaluate ways the people o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a use, m o d i f y a n d a d a p t t o the physical envi­ r o n m e n t . T h e learner will develop an understanding o f t h e n a t u r e o f s c i e n c e . T h e l e a r n e r w i l l use l a n ­ guage f o r critical analysis a n d evaluation. PRE-SITE ACTIVITY: Prepare a class m a t r i x o f " W h a t w e about M o u n t Mitchell. North Carolina: SOCIAL STUDIES: Discuss the c o n c e p t of m a n versus n a t u r e a n d h o w this c o n c e p t applies t o M o u n t STATE OBJECTIVES: know, w h a t w e w a n t t o k n o w , w h a t w e have l e a r n e d " Mitchell. ON-SITE ACTIVITY: Have students take notes o n the e n v i r o n m e n t A n a l y z e causes a n d c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e misuse o f t h e o n M o u n t Mitchell. Have students sketch w h a t physical e n v i r o n m e n t a n d p r o p o s e alternatives. 5.3: t h e y see. SOCIAL STUDIES: 5.3.3:Given an environmental p r o b l e m , predict the short-term a n d l o n g - t e r m consequences i f n o t h i n g were d o n e a n d propose alternatives t o d o i n g n o t h i n g . LANGUAGE ARTS: T h e l e a r n e r w i l l d e t e r m i n e t h e v a l u e o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d ideas. POST-SITE ACTIVITY: Read a n d discuss the f o l l o w i n g editorial the Asheville Citizens N e w s p a p e r f r o m from August 1913. SCIENCE: 1.1 : S h o w t h a t s c i e n t i f i c k n o w l e d g e is p u b l i c . "From a standpoint o f commercialism, the wonderful a c t i v i t y o f t h i s d i s t r i c t , f e l l i n g these g r e a t m o n a r c h s o f t h e 1.2: Recognize t h a t science is h i s t o r i c . forest, c u t t i n g t h e m into short lengths, t r a n s p o r t i n g t h e m 1.4: Recognize t h a t s c i e n t i f i c k n o w l e d g e is t e n t a t i v e . t o t h e m i l l , c u t t i n g t h e m i n t o l u m b e r , d i s t r i b u t i n g t h e m in 1.5: D e m o n s t r a t e t h a t science is p r o b a b i l i s t i c . t h e v a r i o u s b u i l d i n g c h a n n e l s , a f f o r d s a scene o f i n t e n s e interest a n d t h r i l l s t h e b e i n g w i t h a sense o f d e v e l o p m e n t a n d progress, t u r n i n g nature's resources i n t o m o n e y — TENNESSEE: the m a n — created s t a n d a r d o f values. SOCIAL STUDIES: T h i n k o f it! W i t h i n a n o t h e r twelve m o n t h s t h e m a g n i f i ­ Be a w a r e o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e h i s t o r y o f a c e n t forests o f s p r u c e a n d b a l s a m o n t h e s l o p e s o f M o u n t r e g i o n a n d its l o c a t i o n , n a t u r a l s e t t i n g , n a t u r a l resources M i t c h e l l , t h e h i g h e s t p o i n t east o f t h e R o c k i e s , 6 , 7 1 1 feet a n d natural changes. Identify ways people pollute the a n d p r i d e o f t h e entire eastern s e c t i o n o f t h e U n i t e d l a n d , w a t e r a n d air. States w i l l fall b e f o r e t h e axe o f t h e l u m b e r m a n t o b e turned into money!" SCIENCE: DISCUSSION: Realize t h a t c h e m i c a l s m a y b e h a r m f u l t o t h e e n v i r o n ­ m e n t . Identify e n v i r o n m e n t a l concerns o f the local c o m ­ 1. m u n i t y . Realize h o w p e o p l e i n t e r a c t w i t h t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . W h a t is t h e w r i t e r r e f e r r i n g t o b y " t h e s e great monarchs o f the forest?" 2. W a s the writer m a k i n g a prediction about the future? 3. A c c o r d i n g t o the writer, w h a t w a s the rela­ tionship between m a n and nature? POST-SITE ACTIVITY: Have students write their o w n editorial about the conditions at M o u n t M i t c h e l l , including possible solutions t o the p r o b l e m s . Students can make d i o r a m a s t h a t depict the physical environment o f M o u n t Mitchell today and w h a t it m i g h t have l o o k e d like 1 5 0 years a g o . �A QUILT IS THE QUILL GOAL: T o d e t e r m i n e t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f Elisha M i t c h e l l ' s ON-SITE ACTIVITY: w o r k a n d its e f f e c t o n m o d e r n g e o g r a p h i c u n d e r ­ As s t u d e n t s t o u r t h e site a n d visit t h e m u s e u m standing. h a v e t h e m k e e p a j o u r n a i o f all t h e p l a n t s ( m a k e d r a w i n g s o f w h a t t h e y see a l s o ) a n d a n i ­ OBJECTIVE: mals t h a t they observe. If any questions c o m e T o evaluate t h e w o r k o f Elisha M i t c h e l l a n d T h o m a s Clingman will be discussed u p o n r e t u r n t o t h e class. I f u p have t h e m record t h o s e also. T h e j o u r n a l s students have a c a m e r a o r t h e s c h o o l has a video camera this w o u l d help w i t h a video or picture record o f the trip. Students could write STATE OBJECTIVES: a script O R go w i t h the video or picture j o u r n a l with comments. NORTH CAROLINA: L A N G U A G E 2 T h e l e a r n e r w i l l c o l l e c t , i d e n t i f y , o r select i n f o r ­ m a t i o n a n d ideas 3:1 T h e l e a r n e r w i l l assess t h e v a l u e a n d a c c u r a c y o f i n f o r m a ­ tion POST-SITE ACTIVITY: Have the students design a travel b r o c h u r e TENNESSEE: describing t h e feature they liked best, o r have L A N G U A G E : 2 : T h e l e a r n e r w i l l i d e n t i f y relevant i n f o r m a t i o n in a t h e m te ll t h e s t o r y o f M o u n t M i t c h e l l b y designing a quilt; design a n d c o l o r each paragraph s q u a r e , t h e n p u t t h e m t o g e t h e r f o r a class q u i l t and history o f the trip. SUGGESTED BOOKS: W e s t e r n N C : Its M o u n t a i n s a n d Its P e o p l e PRE-SITE ACTIVITY: by O r Blackman W o r k i n g in t e a m s o r p a i r s h a v e t h e s t u d e n t s research material o n T h o m a s C l i n g m a n a n d Elisha M i t c h e l l , C l i n g m a n ' s D o m e a n d Mount M i t c h e l l . T h e y will need t o include the f o l l o w ­ ing: l o c a t i o n , c o u n t y a n d m o u n t a i n range; exact h e i g h t a n d c o n t r o v e r s y r e g a r d i n g h e i g h t ; vege­ t a t i o n t y p e a n d a n i m a l life c o m m o n a n d d i s ­ tinct; a brief history o f b o t h m o u n t a i n s ; back­ ground information on both Clingman and Mitchell. A f t e r having s p e n t time o n the topic, have t h e students prepare questions and write back­ ground for a debate; then allow students to c h o o s e s i d e s ( i f t h e sides a r e u n e v e n t h e teacher will need t o intervene); a l l o w t i m e t o p r e p a r e t h e n select a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e t o d e b a t e t h e issue w i t h t h e o t h e r t e a m . T h i s is a g o o d t i m e t o tie i n t o p o l i t i c a l d e b a t e s t h a t g o o n in election years. A History o f M t . Mitchell a n d the Black Mountains b y S. K e n t S c h w a r z k o p h �FIELD TRIP FORMS We're Going on a Field Trip! mm Our class is going to on We will eaveat and return at , Please sign if I have permission to go. DATE TIME TIME CHILD S NAME 1 • • J. PARENT'S SIGNATURE Note to teacher: Before duplication have your students autograph the card. Be sure to sign your name also. Make enough copies to last throughout the year. When a student is absent, place a bright foil star beside his or her name and send the card home. �FIELD TRIP F O R M Field trip form We plan to leave school at and return at. Your child will need to bring $ by to pay for . Dress your child for the trip. Other important notes . . • I would like to be a chaperone on this trip. • I'm not able to be a chaperone on this trip. Please return this signed slip by: date �LUNCHTIME BEAR LUNCHTIME IS. GRRREAT' e \ <JL> Bit TO... � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Appalachian Curriculum for Fourth Grade: Environmental Concerns and the Blue Ridge Parkway in Western North Carolina and the Appalachian Trail in East Tennessee Description An account of the resource <em>An Appalachian Curriculum</em><span>&nbsp;is the product of a week-long teacher workshop held on the campus of Appalachian State University in June, 1995.&nbsp;<span>The purpose of the workshop was to create materials that allowed children from the Southern Appalachian region to gain a better understanding of the environment and the natural and cultural resources available on the Blue Ridge Parkway in Western North Carolina and the Appalachian Trail in East Tennessee.</span>&nbsp;<span>The results was a fourth grade curriculum guide aligned with North Carolina and Tennessee state learning objectives</span>.</span><br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1vAXYgWekfAFBuNxfV9BqqOeyE9YZqBxd" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642444/an-appalachian-curriculum/">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Education--Curricula--Appalachian Region Education--Curricula--North Carolina Education--Curricula--Tennessee Appalachian Region--Study and teaching Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Isaacs, Susan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1995 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Instructional and educational works PDF Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/19654c7cefcaaf4bf406c301f5164618.pdf cfd7e482e0be29548995d3871779181b PDF Text Text �Looking for Native Ground �The Appalachian Consortium Press The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit educational organization comprised of institutions and agencies located in the Southern Highlands. Our members are volunteers who plan and execute projects which serve 156 mountain counties in seven states. Among our goals are: Preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia Protecting the mountain environment Improving the educational opportunities for area students and teachers Conducting scientific, social, and economic research Promoting a positive image ofAppalachia Encouraging regional cooperation The Member Institutions of the Appalachian Consortium are: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Gardner-Webb College Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association John C. Campbell Folk School Lees-McRae College Mayland Community College Mountain Regional Library North Carolina Division of Archives and History Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild U. S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Society �LOOKING FOR NATIVE GROUND: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry by Rita Sims Quillen Appalachian Consortium Press Boone, North Carolina 28608 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1989 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3846-1 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3848-5 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Grateful acknowledgment is made to Jim Wayne Miller, Fred Chappell, Jeff Daniel Marion, and Robert Morgan for permission to reprint selections from their poetry and excerpts from their personal correspondence. Thanks are also due to Louisiana State University Press for permission to reprint selections from Fred Chappell's The WorldBetweenthe Eyes andMidquest; to Jonathan Greene at Gnomon Press for permission to reprint selections from Robert Morgan's Groundwork; to Wesleyan University Press for permission to reprint selections from Robert Morgan's At the Edge of the Orchard Country(© 1987 by Robert Morgan); to Appalachian Journal for their permission to reprint excerpts from essays by Dan Leidig and Fred Chappell first published in their pages; and to J. G. Ferguson Publishing Company for permission to reprint excerpts from Carl Jung's Man and His Symbols (©1964 J. G. Ferguson Publishing Company.) Finally, thanks to George Ella Lyon for allowing use of excerpts from her personal correspondence. This project has been supported in part by a grant from the Center for Appalachian Studies and Services at East Tennessee State University. �Dedicated To my patient and loving family, Mac, Kelsey and Teague �Contents Acknowledgments Introduction 1 2 Jim Wayne Miller Fred Chappell 9 21 Jeff Daniel Marion Robert Morgan Conclusion Notes 61 35 49 63 �This page intentionally left blank �Acknowledgments This book took six years and the efforts of many individuals and institutions. First of all, I want to thank Fred Chappell, Jeff Daniel Marion, Jim Wayne Miller, and Robert Morgan for writing the poems and for patiently answering my questions. Richard Blaustein at the Center for Appalachian Studies and Services at East Tennessee State University provided financial support. Roberta Herrin of the Appalachian Consortium Publications Committee offered constant moral support and many helpful recommendations along the way. Also at East Tennessee State University, my graduate committee was a constant source of ideas and enthusiasm. Dr. Anne LeCroy, Dr. Don Johnson, and finally, the man who continues to inspire me, Dr. Jack Higgs, were always ready to help. Dr. Styron Harris also read and commented on the manuscript. Exchanging letters and drafts of the manuscript with George Ella Lyon helped reshape the manuscript in some ways, and I can't thank her enough for her clear thinking and kind advice. At Tri-Cities State Technical Institute, my friend, Fay Gamer, did an outstanding job of preparing the final manuscript and Vicki Houser, everybody's favorite English teacher, helped with proofreading. Leland Cooper, Jane Shook, and Barry Buxton at the Appalachian Consortium helped in more ways than I have time to name. And finally, I thank my husband, Mac, and my children, Kelsey and Teague, for their love and patience. Thanks to the grandparents and my sister, Greta, for babysitting. Thanks to everybody for believing. 1 �Introduction l believe the natural scenery which will be found, on the whole, productive of most literary intellect is that mingled of hill and plain, ... The men who are formed by the schools and polished by the society of the capital may yet in many ways have their powers shortened by the absence of natural scenery, and the mountaineer, neglected, ignorant, and unambitious may have been taught things by the clouds and streams which he could not have learned in a college, or coterie. (Ruskin 169-70) As middle-class America has infused the Appalachian region, the native mountain people have found themselves caught in a cultural time warp that may be unparalleled in our history. The rural life, with its unique values, dialect, and institutions, is being replaced by, or at least heavily mixed with, a mainstream society. The politicians and businessmen of the area laud this as progress, and, of course, the standard ofliving and education have improved in the region. But the people of the mountains-old and young, educated and illiterate, farmers and teachers-have mixed feelings about this "progress." In response to this undercurrent of anxiety, area writers, particularly the poets, have sought to describe and explain the evolution that is taking place within the culture. P. J. Laska has written: In the work of Appalachian poets with roots here the very concep- tion of art seems different, not just because it is more political or more critical or more didactic, but because it seeks to break down the wall that separates literature from life. It is art that seeks to be involved in the life of the people and tries to do this at a time when there is very little poetry being written which connects itself to the world of people and their history, their struggles, and their work ... Our poets are therefore out of tune with most of what goes on in the national poetry network, and are by choice, I think, closer to a regional folk conception of art. (193-96) Four of the region's respected poets, Fred Chappell, Jeff Daniel Marion, Jim Wayne Miller, and Robert Morgan, are primarily folk artists, 2 �Introduction by Laska's definition, and give an account of a particular people. The recurring images in their poetry are of everyday, common events: tending the land, hunting and fishing, watching children, visiting friends and family, growing old. There is also in this poetry a very strong sense of place; events are occurring in a place easily identified by its sights, sounds, and people. The biographies of Chappell, Marion, Miller, and Morgan contain strong similarities. Each is a native of the Appalachian region and comes from an agrarian community that he left behind in order to enter the academic world. They are all now middle-aged husbands and fathers reexamining themselves, their families, and their world as many people do in mid-life. They share a sense of loss and need for solace in their remembering. Their pain becomes ours, and their story is the story of almost everyone in Appalachia whose family has been here for generations. All four poets are at the forefront of a regional literary movement that has arisen in Appalachia in response to the area's rapid growth and change in the last generation. Jim Wayne Miller has noted in his introductions to both Jesse Stuart's Songs of a Mountain Plowman and James Still's The Wolfpen Poems that today's younger Appalachian writers owe a tremendous debt to both these Kentucky poets. Their identification with the earth and its seasons, with the rhythms of mountain life, the careful attention to nature and its possibility for metaphor, continue in Chappell, Marion, Miller, and Morgan. Still and Stuart provide a bridge from past to present. While they were students at Vanderbilt University, both Jesse Stuart and James Still were advised by their teacher, Fugitive poet1 Donald Davidson, to write about home and its people. Both did just that, creating an impressive body of poetry and fiction about southern Appalachia by two talented native sons. Their writing shows that both men knew the source and strength of their vision-the place itself. Jesse Stuart wrote, "It is my land and I am part of it I I think I'm clay from the heart of it" (267). And in the poem "River of Earth," also the title of his famous novel, Still refers to those who have "struck pages with the large print of knowledge, I The thing laid open, the hills translated" (21). Jim Wayne Miller notes that Jesse Stuart's "Great Thought"-that nature renewed itself season after season while man only "cycled" once3 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry is repeated throughout his work both as metaphor and organizing principle (Introduction vii). Contemplation of the mountains' sharply defined seasons continues to be a fruitful effort for contemporary poets, particularly Robert Morgan and Jeff Daniel Marion, as later chapters will show. The younger writers' debt to Still is more complex. As Miller has pointed out in his introduction to The WolfpenPoems, James Still refused to participate in the either-or literature about Appalachia that was being published in the 1930s and 40s. He refused to be a dewy-eyed romantic or a political preacher. Miller writes: "As a consequence, Still's poems discover not just a landscape of beauty and wild freedom, and not just visual blight and exploitation, and hard, unremitting conditions" (Introduction xix). The same statement could be applied to Jesse Stuart, though Stuart definitely leans to the romantic side on occasion. Both Still and Stuart were influenced by the realistic writing of the early 20th century and by people like Donald Davidson who advocated using regional materials. They are precursors of Miller, Marion, Morgan, and Chappell in their eye for home truths and their willingness to "tell it like it is." With the exception of Miller, who occasionally takes an unapologetic tum in the pulpit, these four contemporary poets shy away from blatantly political poetry. Their work avoids political or ideological rhetoric on the region's history, future, or problems. Their approach more closely fits Allen Tate's idea of traditional writing, first defined by him over fifty years ago: To write traditionally is not to use local color or one's past; it is the assumption that people up to a certain point will behave in a manner to which one is accustomed and that one's grasp on human emotions and actions is in the end the only possible grasp. To write traditionally is to approach the chosen subject matter with an instinct for its meaning, rather than a theory.... A self-conscious regionalism destroys tradition with its perpetual discovery of it. And regionalism ... when it merges with sectionalism is death to literature. Sectionalism is politics; it is aggressive and abstract, and has as its true sphere a field of action which is hostile to art. (Regionalism 159-60) It could be said that ultimately everything is political. In this case, 4 �Introduction the sense of self, the awareness and pride, that makes one write good regional poetry is a political force, as well as an artistic one. But all four of these poets know that overtly political or "preachy" poetry is rarely good poetry. So they infonn us, mold our opinions, refine our sensibilities and lift our spirits with talk of muddy fields, ice-blue mason jars, huckleberries, and the folks down the road. As Kentucky poet and critic George Ella Lyon has observed: If, as Laska says, Appalachian poets break down "the wall that separates literature from life," don't they also break down the categories that separate political from pastoral (which is a sort of life/art distinction in itself) ... Isn't it political to think the stove is important, to think Matilda and her dipper worthy of contemplation? ... Isn't it a political statement to "break down the wall that separates literature from life?" I think it is. (Correspondence) Guy Owen, writing in a review of Jeff Daniel Marion's Out in the Country, Back Home for Southern Poetry Review, talks about the "Neopastoral poetry" movement, saying: Of course, the pastoral has always been with us in the simplistic nature poems and rhymed effusions of poetry societies. But these are a different variety of "pasture poets." Their view of rural life is no more romantic than Agee's inLet Us Now Praise Famous Men and many of their poems are as bleak and painful as Walker Evans' haunting photographs. (64-65) The best approach to this contemporary poetry is to avoid pastoral vs. political labels. Far more useful is Laska's "folk artist" conception. The most eloquent definition of the tenn thus far was published by Fred Chappell, who maintains that there are basically two types of\vriters: the folk artist and the "writers of the arabesque" (1Wo Modes 337). "Folk Artist" is a derisive tenn, says Chappell. Yet, there are a great many writers from every city and country, from every walk of life, who are labeled folk artists: Chekhov, Flannery O'Connor, Faulkner, Melville, Welty, Frank O'Connor, Mark Twain, Thoreau, and others. Chappell explains how he distinguishes between the folk and arabesque writer: ... Writers of the arabesque ... may be distinguished from folk 5 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry writers in that their work is less concerned with delivering basic narrative materials than with manipulating these materials in an idiosyncratic manner. All art is, of course, treatment, but the arabesque artist will insist upon what we might call a "post-treatment;" after a satisfactory narrative outline is determined he then manipulates the elements so that his train of narrative becomes of secondary importance and may, in fact, disappear almost entirely... He speaks to an audience for whom style is a mild intoxication. (337-38) Then Chappell defines the folk artist-the opposite of the arabesque writer-and discusses the merits of the folk artist's obviousness. What the writers point out is the fact that in a true presentation of the obvious, the particularities of life retain their stubbornness and independence, do not become quirks, justifications, or mannerisms of an isolated psyche ... (The folk artist) does not see his reader as available to his thought if he does not situate him fairly comfortably in recognizable appearance. . . . His use of appearance is for the reader to look through, not at. (337-38) Chappell, Marion, Miller, and Morgan are very different writers, each with his own unique style and approach, but all four can comfortably share the identification of "folk artist." As subsequent chapters will show, there is a pattern of growth and development common in the work of each poet. Beginning with earlier published works and moving to more recent ones, the chapters chronicle each poet's increase in awareness of memory's place in the creative imagination, as he acknowledges his debt to his mountain past as a wellspring of inspiration. Their writing is in contrast to much modem American poetry which is increasingly abstract, obscure, intensely personal, and highly intellectual. Many poets today detach the poem and the reader from any experiential reality. Modem poetry too often becomes a dance of words on a page. But these poets' motivation for writing includes not only Emerson's conception of the poet as seer and namer (9-45) -someone who enlarges and transcends ordinary experience-but also a strong cultural and regional experience. They explain their personal experience to themselves and to the rest of the world. They describe a life and a place 6 �Introduction so clearly through particular and narrow details that others can experience them as well. By synthesizing their personal past, present, and imagined future, Chappell, Marion, Miller, and Morgan transcend the region and bring a wider understanding of the mountain culture in a state of flux. 7 �This page intentionally left blank �Jim Wayne Miller �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry Jim Wayne Miller is recognized as a primary force in the contemporary literary scene, the root of burgeoning Appalachian writing. Through his books of poetry, such as Dialogue With a Dead Man and The Mountains Have Come Closer, his essays on Appalachia and America, his reviews, and his wide lecturing, Miller has helped define and shape the conception of this new regional awareness. As a former student of Donald Davidson, one of the original Vanderbilt "Fugitives," Miller is comfortable going against the tide. He is aware, as Fred Chappell points out, that "folk artist" is a derisive label, yet he embraces it gladly and extols its possibilities for freedom, both in a literary and personal sense. Miller is usually more blunt and forceful in his call for action and awareness than any of the other three poets. For Miller, poetry can be a catalyst for growth and change. Poetry is not simply a response to something: it can be a whole new agenda. Fred Chappell could be describing Miller's poetry perfectly when he writes of the folk artist, " ... he is after home truths ... His use of appearance is for the reader to look through not at" (Two Modes 338). In Dialogue WithaDeadMan, we look through Jim Wayne Miller's struggle with grief at the loss of his grandfather. The recurring images in the poems reflect the loss of something precious, of ensuing grief, then healing and rejuvenation. He sees that in the death of this person he has lost a part of himself-a part that was more closely tied to family and home and mountains than he had previously realized. In the opening section of the book, "Copperhead Cane," Miller remembers his grandfather and illuminates his feelings about him by focusing each poem on a particular aspect of their life and work together. In still life pictures of rural Appalachia, we see the two hanging tobacco, fox hunting, fishing, making snake canes, mending fences, and cutting timber. Many of the poems consider for the first time the reality of doing these things alone. "Copperhead Cane" (an image for the twisted, ugly nature of grief) deals with the initial stage of grief-the disbelief, the denial, the descent into despair. Throughout the book, a shadow becomes the dominant image by which Miller conveys the acceptance of death and loss, and rejuvenation. The shadow makes its first appearance in "Hound and Hook" (18), by the lantern lights used for fox hunting and night fishing. The shadow, 10 �Miller identified with the dead man, is still Miller's shadow. The shadow represents a part of his own personality, his own psyche that is struggling to accept this death and survive. Carl Jung has explained "the realization of the shadow" at great length in his book, Man andHisSymbols (168-71). The shadow,hesays, is a part of the personality that: [For various reasons,] one has preferred not to look at too closely. . . . The shadow is not the whole of the unconscious personality. It represents unknown or little-known attributes and qualities of the egoaspects that mostly belong to the personal sphere and that could just as well be conscious ... The shadow usually contains values that are needed by our consciousness, but that exist in a form that makes it difficult to integrate them into one's life. (173) In the middle section, "Dialogue With a Dead Man," the narrator and the shadow begin speaking to each other, talking about their feelings as they go their separate ways. By acknowledging the shadow's presence and establishing a dialogue with him, Miller's narrator begins the painful process on the road to self-healing and spiritual growth. He attempts to integrate the values of the shadow into his consciousness. The opening poems in the section-"Walking," "Old Ghost," and "Stalking"-detail the awareness of the shadow and its seemingly relentless pursuit of the narrator. Then, finally, there is a "Meeting." My shadow was my partner in the row. He was working the slick handled shadow of his hoe When out of the patch toward noon there came the sound Of steel on steel two inches underground, (25) In "Dog's Eye," Miller's shadow has become a constant preoccupation to the speaker. He longs for some words, some comfort, and he asks, "Why have you followed me through this unbroken round of days and nights and never spoken?" (26). The impatient shadow chides Miller's narrator for his self-absorption in his own misery, saying in "Vine," I'd just as lief you left off making pictures of your grief 11 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry early and late and hanging them between me and the light. (28) The shadow, then, tells Miller's persona that it is time to move beyond grief, to accept the passage of time and let himself come to understand the shadow. But the speaker in the poems is not ready to listen. He tells us and the shadow that he fears he will not recover. "A Dark Place," "Night Storms," "The Hungry Dead," and "Last Words" are dark, introspective poems. The only dialogue is within the narrator and his conscious, grief-stricken self. But midway through the section, images of life and healing emerge-images of rejuvenation within the heart and spirit. "Berry Picking," "A Mountain Field," and "Thaw" are about springtime and newness. In "Sowing Salt" Miller uses an image of birth, a cow licking her newborn calf: "I am restored ... Mother light licks me dry in a pasture" (49). In the next poem, "Living Forever," a newborn creature thinks it will live forever. Finally, in "Writing my Name," the imagery is of insects metamorphosing: locusts, worms, little larvae. Re-birth has taken place and foreshadows the "born again" idea of Miller's second book, The Mountains Have Come Closer. Miller's persona has finally accepted the loss, and more important, integrated the shadow and acknowledged its message into his consciousness. The shadow has become a friend, as Carl Jung writes: Whether the shadow becomes our friend or enemy depends largely upon ourselves ... The shadow is not necessarily always an opponent. In fact, he is exactly like any human being with whom one has to get along, sometimes by giving in, sometimes by resisting, sometimes by giving love, -whatever the situation requires ... if the shadow figure contains valuable forces, they ought to be assimilated into actual experience and not repressed. ( 173-75) The shadow now becomes a vital part of the speaker's personality and he realizes this. In "Last Words," the shadow says, -Well, neither of us will be at rest until our separate voices speak as one and I move with you, black shadow in sun only as you move. You'd do well to remember, 12 �Miller I lost my hold on life but still crave earth. To me you stand like green-barked second-growth Sprung from stumps and treelaps of old timber. (39) In the final section of the book, "Family Reunion," Miller tran- scends grief. He decides that he is and always has been "on native ground," and death cannot take the memories, feelings or values away. He finds renewal and a sense of security in the gathering of his family. He also sees renewal simply in the physical surroundings, the mountains themselves. I travel everywhere on native ground; Roads turning into darkness tum me home ... (57) The idea of renewal and self-acceptance is reinforced in the final poem, "Family Re-union." ... living and dead mingle like sun and shadow under old trees. For the dead have come too, those dark, stem departed who pose all year in oval picture frames. They are looking out of the eyes of children, young sprouts whose laughter blooms fresh as the new flowers in the graveyard. (78) There is a strong parallel between Miller's struggle to accept the loss of his grandfather and the personal struggle experienced by almost every person growing up in the mountains. All modems who have grown up here and have roots going back several generations begin at some point to feel an estrangement-a sense of loss. There is a desire to hold on to something-it is intangible and it is somehow connected with family. Life forces us to make choices and move on, just as Miller has done. We loosen our grip on the past and look ahead. Adaptation involves both the acceptance of change and loss and a renewal of faith and energy. Miller shows us how to see past and future at the same time, denying neither, yet strongly aware of our footing on native ground. 13 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry Miller expands the idea of self-acceptance and spiritual growth in his second book, The Mountains Have Come Closer. Part One is entitled "The American Funhouse." The poems in this section draw from the author's current situation-the reality of Jim Wayne Miller, poet, professor of German, a middle-aged husband and father. He writes about his children mostly in "Saturday Morning," "Living With Children," "A House of Readers," and "Skydivers." And he shows some anxiety, though not morbid or humorless, about growing older in "Getting Together," "If Your Birthday is Today," and "Fish Story." In the poem "Getting Together," Miller's persona begins to look back at himself and some old friends, realizing the changes that the years have brought. Each one of us sees the friend he knew standing back of the one this friend has become. (Mountains 5) And "Skydivers" depicts feelings of alienation, a sense of being apart from family much like the estrangement among the old friends in "Getting Together." When we are quiet in our separate rooms at night, I think we are all skydivers falling through our separate spaces ... (15) This picture of changing, growing old, and dying ends with the poem "Going South" in which the speaker actually envisions his own death. Part Two, "You Must Be Born Again," prepares us for Part Three, "Brier Sermon." The poems in Part Two center on disenchantment with northern city life or any life, for that matter, that seems rootless. He begins to introduce the character of the Brier and build a certain frame of mind so the reader can later listen to the Brier's sermon. fu "Tum Your Radio On," the narrator is trapped in a noisy, sleepless city. He wants always to know where home is-it sustains him somehow. He gets out his shoebox of family photographs. His grandmother and grandfather look like one another and sit in their split-bottom chairs looking "so comfortably in place" (22). 14 �Miller Something about the way they sat spoke to him through his own thoughts all the way from the mountains, like a powerful transmitter: this place belongs to us, their faces said, and we belong to it. When it's time, we come out on this porch and take our ease, and talk as naturally as the frogs in the poplars sing toward dark. (22) In "Chopping Wood," "His Hands," and "Winter Days," the speaker thinks of work-hard physical work-and memories of the mountain outdoors as he tries to cope with an alien place. In "Brier Visions," he looks at his childhood home. Change is moving him and many others away. He finds that he has "settled in a suburb, north of himself" (28). He writes of a place that is changing quickly, becoming unrecognizable. Like floodwaters rising in the night, radio waves moved up the mountain valleys. Coves and hollers rocked with the city's flotsam: Wrigley's and Lucky Strike, Ford, and Goodyear. Lifted off the land by a rising music, trees cut loose by singing saws, the people rode the receding suck of sung commercials, floated like rafted logs toward the mainstream. (26) All of America rushes toward the mainstream; this description could be of Everywhere, USA. For the speaker the changes have come faster than he can accept, creating tension and a vague anxiety about the future. There is also a real sense of loss. Beginning in Part Two with "Down Home," Miller prepares us for the Brier's sermon by contrasting the old world-its people and valueswith the new. He tells us, ...He kept meeting feelings like old schoolmates, faces whose names he'd forgot. He came on feelings he could enter again only as a stranger might a house he'd once lived in; ... (28) 15 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry Again here we have the connection of a house to the self. In Dialogue With aDeadMan, the poem "Native Ground" introduced this image in the line "a new house rises" (Dialogue 57). Once the speaker gains his footing on native ground (something he had lost when he lost contact with his shadow-self), he can re-build a new self. Old and new integrated elements of his consciousness are sewn together now. Miller expands this image in the poem "Restoring an Old Farmhouse." He suggests the idea of being born again here, leading up to the sermon. The persona is drawn back to the weathered farmhouse in Kentucky like "a deer drawn again and again to a saltlick" (Mountains 30). As he begins to renovate the house, removing the weathered boards, he finds that the nails have rusty heads, but a "shank bright as the day it was driven" (30). This newness underneath symbolizes the protection and the salvation in the unique born-again experience that the Brier will urge us toward. As the speaker in the poem removes these old boards, he is: Dismantling country feelings. Tearing down, building up again from what was salvaged. In that farmhouse, under that low sky in November, he read of his past like a salt-caked sheet of newsprint used once to paper a smokehouse shelf. (29) Then finally, in four lines of images only, the message of the coming Brier's sermon: A coming shape, a new room and view, rose from old flooring. 1\vo times mingled. Fresh sawdust spumed yellow as sunlight from old timber. (29) The next poems-"He Remembers His Mother," "Bird in the House," "Set Apart," "On the Wings of a Dove," and "Every Leaf a Mirror"-are sensuous and full of images connected with home in the mountains and past feelings. They detail the strain, the pulling apart inside, of a man trying to live in two worlds, summed up in "Every Leaf a Mirror" when he writes: 16 �Miller Every leaf was a mirror he looked in reflecting his face among smokestacks, billboards, shopping centers, mills, and vacation cottages hanging like a mirage along the ridgetops. (36) The final poem in this section, "Born Again," is of remembering, not just idle romantic reminiscence, but remembering as a vital part of growth and self-acceptance. To remember is to touch the shadow-self again. Sometimes a past time sank, silent, into the ground of his remembering. Searching, he could find no more than traces, scattered signs, as if no more remained of that lived time than a rotten foundation beam, a rusty hinge dug out of the ground, a bent nail, a plowpoint ... His memory lived, died, and lived again each re-birth restoring him to himself, saying: you must be born again and again and again. (37) Now we are ready for Part Three, the "Brier Sermon." Anger and frustration of the Brier's visions build and build as we find out "How America Came to the Mountains" in a deafening roar of manufactured goods, bulldozers, asphalt highways, and commercials. fu other poems, we see the Brier singing ballads, making chairs, and reading about himself in novels. fu all these activities he is misunderstood, misrepresented, and stereotyped in a mold that he cannot escape. So, finally, Miller tells us, "One Friday night, the Brier felt called to preach" (52). The ensuing sermon is a summary, a brilliant synthesis of all the ideas in both Dialogue With a Dead Man and The Mountains Have Come Closer. The Brier's sermon reveals a new awareness for mountain peoplean awareness of anger and resentment. This anger is not just directed toward others, but toward himself and his peers in and out of the mountain culture who have shunned their roots so completely. The sermon does not advocate a reactionary romanticism. Miller does not suggest that we can or should tum back the clock. fu fact, the Brier directly addresses the 17 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry back-to-the-land primitivism embraced by so many young people when he says: But you don't have to live in the past, You can't, even if you try You don't have to talk old fashioned, dress old fashioned You don't have to live the way your foreparents lived. (55) He is talking simply about knowledge and understanding of our past and our family-good and bad. He encourages acceptance of past, present, and future and the integration of all three into the self. He says of the family: But if you don't know about them You're not going anywhere. (55) The shadow-image also makes another appearance in the Brier's sermon when he says: Forgetfulness of the fathers makes us a people who hardly cast a shadow against the ground. (56) At the end of the sermon, the Brier blesses an "invisible crowd on the sidewalk" (64). Miller dedicates the book to "Jim Brown and Tom Brown and the invisible crowd on the sidewalk" (1). Jim and Tom Brown are referred to in the sermon as educated people who "don't believe in nothing" (52). The sermon, in other words, speaks to both the educated and uneducated who have lost touch with the inner part of themselves, the shadow self where values, beliefs, and the influences offamily reside. Miller sees that many have lost touch and cut themselves off from the shadow in a rootlessness that crosses the lines of race, class, and education. Miller's Brier urges his listeners to get up off their backs; he compares them to boys who are always under cars with just their feet sticking out-"up to your elbows in moving parts I flat on your back always looking up" (57). The Brier wants less passivity among the people and more awareness of their own personal strengths and political power. 18 �Miller You can sit in the smooth upholstered seats of power and listen to the music playing, (58) He tells the people that the important thing they've lost is not the physical trappings of a culture, the way of life, but the spirit. By moving off to other places and" ... living in dirt I living in filth and trash" (60), we reveal our lack of spirit and our lack of connection. A spirit keeps its own place clean like around a fox's den ... We've lost the ground from underneath our feet, lost the spiritual ground. We've run off and left the best part of ourselves We've moved to the cities, moved to town and left our spirits in the mountains to live like half-wild dogs around the homeplace. (60) He also expresses anger at the media, intellectuals, the politicians, the churchmen-all the people who have so shaped and misshaped the Appalachian image for outsiders and for the Appalachian people themselves. The Brier's listeners are urged to pray for a clear vision of themselves, free of self-defeating sterotypes. When the people have been born again, are able to see and be themselves with the contradictions inherent in that-what happens then? Miller's Brier says: It's the best of both. It's being at home everywhere, It's living in your own house. It's stepping out your own front door every morning. It's being old wine in a new bottle.... It's going back to what you were before without losing what you've since become (63) After the Brier admonishes the crowd once more to be born again, he finds that it has scattered and he is talking to no one. But he raises a 19 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry hand and blesses them anyway. Ironically, he then "disappears behind a motor home" (64), a mobile, transient dwelling. This is the direct imagistic opposite of the old farmhouse that has symbolized the self in earlier poems. Jim Wayne Miller has created a unique mountain folk character in the Brier, a character for the eighties and beyond. He represents both a voice and a symbol of the new, growing awareness among mountain people that it is time to pause and reflect, time to recognize the causes of some of our problems, time for some pride and self respect. It is time for all of us, individually and collectively, to find our footing on native ground. 20 �Fred Chappell �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry Though he has an international reputation as a novelist, short story writer, critic, and poet, Fred Chappell keeps close ties to horne. A native of North Carolina, he is currently professor of English at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. A list of former students contains a number of distinguished writers, Robert Morgan among them. And Chappell works close to home in his poetry, too. But he is capable of reaching anywhere in the world's literature and tying it to the world in Appalachia. He is, in fact, a modern Dante, a fact astutely discussed by Stephen Marion in an article on Midquest, Chappell's tetralogy that earned him the Bollingen Prize for Poetry in 1985. With his grandfather a sort of Virgil-a guide to the past one generation removed-Fred travels death in mid-life as Dante did; innocently, he is sent down the icy pit of his imagination, the hollow space of fleshless wonder drilled in the mind by the endless falling away of the present, the tangible, into the spirit void of the past, memory. Poised between two ceaseless journeys-memory, the lost world, and imagination, the unfound world-Fred is afraid he is nowhere, dead. (29) Like Jim Wayne Miller, Fred Chappell engages in a dialogue with a dead man: but he is talking to himself. Both men have a vision of Death and live to write about it. They come away with new knowledge and enriched imaginations that continue to feed their poetry. But more important, both come away with a new awareness ofthe debt they owe to family life and values in their own Appalachian communities. Only there did they find the strength for the journey to darkness and back. Fred Chappell's first book of poetry, The World Between the Eyes, is not a thematically unified collection. The poems deal with a variety of subjects and ideas from children to baseball. Whereas Miller often uses end rhyme and tightly controlled sonnet form, Chappell's poetry can take any form, any shape. His language is bold, even shocking, but always appropriate to his subject. If any theme predominates at all in The World Between the Eyes, it is rebellion. The book is about the young Fred Chappell, who is trying to break out, to express his individuality. Growing up to be the intellectual, the thinking, caring writer is never easy. It is fair to say it can be harder, 22 �Chappell due to economic and cultural factors, to do so in the outlands of Appalachia than in some other American setting. One of the poems, "Tin Roof Blues," is the description of Canton, North Carolina. It would surely deter anyone thinking of visiting the place. It is a stinking, dirty, noisy mud hole, "an obscure hell" (World 37). Chappell writes then, "It's true I never asked/If a poet was what you wanted, I I never got the chance" (37). After giving us random images of the place and its people, Chappell's narrator tells us he watched it all "buried in hay in the loft of the bam I and buried in some crazy I book about the stars" (39). His feelings of being different and his search for some freedom from the restrictions of his childhood world are expressed in other poems in this collection also. In "Land of Cockayne," "The Father," "The Mother," and the title poem "World Between the Eyes," Chappell addresses the problems of family interaction and rebellion. In "Land of Cockayne," the speaker is angered by a letter from his mother. As he sits in the house with his wife and daughter nearby, somehow the letter becomes a threat, a bitter reminder of both future and past. The weather here ... Grandmother ... I stuffed it back. your mind is like an unwashed dish, I think, Christ! Three generations of a house Alive, still strangling one another, writing Letters about the weather. The leaves kick. I think. Just die and leave me the money. (8) This feeling of being strangled by family continues in the poems "The Mother" and "The Father," but there seems to be some sense of acceptance at the end of these poems, a lessening of the bitterness shown in "The Land of Cockayne." In "The Father," the boy is commanded to follow his father to an unknown destination. The father leads the boy to a spring, the source of the family's water. "Not much a man can do when the source goes bad" (World 25). And he says accusingly to the boy, "Doing nothing, you. Roam the hills all day. I Why don't you find another spring?" (25). The scene then changes abruptly to the boy, holding his father's razor and looking in the minor. As he stands there, he describes his father's boots. 23 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry ... Belligerent Creases, an armor of mud, curve of front sole like an unmeaning smile, hooks Dull in dull light, thick socks Loll out, sun weary, stained. On the stone Ledge, boots heavy and impersonal as a command. (26) Then we come to this statement in italics. "The sergeants have eyes like knuckles. I Water's heavy, sir. Wrong. Time of Year" (26). These are recurring images in this collection. At the beginning of the poem, the father's eyes were said to be " ...eyes like knuckles, like cool joints I of bone" (24). The father then is identified as oppressive, maybe violent. Could this negative image of the father also be tied to the statement "Not much a man can do when the source goes bad" (25)? After this description of the father's boots, the boy holds the razor to his wrist, imagining his own death. He finishes his fantasy and puts the razor away, having "... acquired a darkling wisdom, (and) ... the drift of the future" (27). Then the scene changes abruptly again. The boy has led the father to a pool of water. He is sure there is a spring underground; the father is skeptical. He asks: "How can you know for certain?" One moment informs every moment, can't fool Someone who's lived through his death, come out grinning, mind surcharged with the future. (27) The poem ends with the refrain of a dripping faucet that has figured throughout the poem. "One one now one I now one one one" (27). This is a poem about an awareness of mortality and also a growing sense of self. It is about one's ability to differentiate himself from parents and acquire that all-important sense of separateness necessary for spiritual and mental growth. The mother in this childhood world "minces from the room" (28) and "seems to teeter as she goes, waltz I of a drunken fly. She's all needles, yes" (28). The boy in the poem runs from the house, filled with jealousy over a new baby, and looks back down on it from atop a hill. He plots escape again from his parents and revenge as in "The Father." 24 �Chappell Could live in the woods and eat bugs! Or, handily build a Snug Cabin, chink it with mud And trap the animals ... He rubs his wrists Could murder his mother, conquer the world. (30) But again, the boy sees beyond his fantasy, beyond what is essentially an easy answer. "What's the future for? /The problem is to acquire a dignity independent of those persons I for whom the dignity is intended" (30). Now the words "dignity" and "independence" have entered his awareness: a threshold has been crossed. There is some small peace, then, in the last stanza. But when he rumbles out of the hills, going Home, he bears himself steadfast, The final temptation borne down ... He stops to take the measure of the family door And then he enters. (31) Taking measure of the family door is something Jim Wayne Miller is also doing in Dialogue With a DeadMan as he struggles with the same strong ties of family. It is the title poem, "The World Between the Eyes," that deals most effectively with the theme of the struggle for selfhood. The images of past, present, and future self are presented here, and it is this poem that most foreshadows Chappell's long, self-exploratory work, Midquest. It is interesting to note that the poem is set in October during a visit to his father's old house, now unoccupied. This image of an old house connected to self-discovery and awareness is found throughout Miller's work, as was discussed earlier. The boy wanders the house, remembering the resentment and pain of childhood. In images of militarism, oppression, and warfare contrasted with water there is a continuation of thought from "The Father." The talk begins again about troops and their lieutenants and the "sergeants have eyes like knuckles" (World 11). He is also acutely aware of the present and future, and he can feel them both in the house, too. 25 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry It's an old house, his father's house Foot set upon the floor, a trembling Advances from joist to joist; it suffers In patience the agonies of weather And enclosure. And of time, the time also, Charged past endurance with the future. (14) Chappell begins to repeat the military imagery that we by now associate with the father and therefore the past. After this comes a list of the comforts he has-the house holds the comforts of past, present, and future. From his childhood, he has: old bottles discolored buckles and heavy buttons a musty trunk the spotted mirrors pages grubby with dust in mildewed books. (15) Then, he lists the only kind of comforts that he can imagine for his future. They are fantasies, dream-like images. Unfinished islands, broken moons, That ships ply between the suns: Idols buoy in his head, tactile And urgent as weather. Outfits himself For the virgin rivers and the savage traffic. He yawns. His shadow is empty on the walls. (15) It is interesting to note the images of the shadow and the old house appearing here together in the same poem, though they are not developed as in Miller's work. The poem ends with the comforts of now. He's blest in his skins, an old stone House, and a sky eaten up with stars. (15) The World Between the Eyes has been disavowed by Chappell himself, who considers it a feeble attempt to write his latest book, Midquest (Correspondence). Like Jim Wayne Miller's early works, The World Between the Eyes does seem to contain themes and ideas that are 26 �Chappell morefullydevelopedinlaterwritings. JustasTheMountainsHaveCome Closer reflects a continuation of personal and artistic growth and a deepening self-awareness on the part of Miller, Midquest, comprised of four previously published books, shows us Fred Chappell's development in thought and philosophy over his first 35 years. In Midquest, Fred Chappell evolves into "the poet as Maker [who] wants to create an integrated personal myth, one so local and true every human being immediately becomes aligned with a lost, personal, forever inarticulate history" (Stephenson 26). The four sections of Midquest refer to the four elements: "River," "Bloodfire," "Wind Mountain," and "Earthsleep." Each book contains eleven poems that grow out of the same 24-hour period: the speaker's 35th birthday. His family appears throughout. As Chappell tells the reader in the preface, "Each volume is dominated by a different element of the family: 'River' by the grandparents, 'Bloodfire' by the father; and there is a family reunion in 'Earthsleep,' the part most shadowed by death" (X). Chappell also asserts in the preface that it is the poems about Virgil Campbell, that "garrulous old gentleman," that gave Midquest "its specifically regional, its Appalachian, context" (X). Though Virgil is a strong regional character, he is not the only one. The parents and grandparents are just as identifiable. Their language, their values and beliefs, all place them squarely in Virgil Campbell's neighborhood. Chappell also tells us in the preface that the persona in the book " ... was reared on a farm but has moved to the city; he has deserted manual for intellectual labor, is 'upwardly mobile'; he is cut off from his disappearing cultural traditions but finds them, in remembering, his real values. He is to some extent a demographic sample" (X). To show that a disappearing culture's values are really his own, Chappell must show us these values and the people who hold them. Like Miller, he finds some salvation in his family as he approaches middle age. Holding on to them, not clinging dependently or weakly, but holding on to the part of the past that gave rise to his values becomes important on his 35th birthday. He does not paint a rosy picture; there is pain in his voice. But there are also love and respect. Like Miller, Chappell wants to become aware of and accept the past, present, and future. The intellectual moved to the city 27 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry from rural Appalachia must deal with his family. The ties that bind here can pull him backward or at least keep him at a standstill unless he can look positively at the people who made him. The opening section, dominated by the grandparents, is "River," where the dominant image is flowing water representing continuity, eternity, and the connection of one place to another. In "My Grandmother Washes Her Feet," the grandmother sits on the edge of the bathtub, cooling her feet in the water and talking to the boy. She tells him stories about the family-stories that reveal a world of seedy, rowdy characters. She says he needs to know about them, not just the " ... fine men, brick houses, money ... Generals, and the damn Civil War, and marriages. Things you brag about in the front of Bibles." (9) She tells him about the drunkenness, suicide, insanity in the family. The boy has never heard these things. "0 what's the use," she said. "Water seeks Its level. If your daddy thinks that teaching school In a white shirt makes him a likelier man, What's to blame? Leastways, he won't smother of mule-farts or have to starve for a pinch of rainfall. Nothing new gets started without the old's Plowed under, or halfway under. We sprouted from dirt Though, and it's with you, and dirt you'll never forget." (11) Like Miller's Brier, the grandmother is concerned that the boy does not know or understand his past. He is rushing toward middle-class life and work and values as if he has no roots. The grandmother knows that past, present, and future must be acknowledged, absorbed, and most of all, accepted if a person is to be whole. Second-generation-respectable Don't come to any better destiny. But it's dirt you rose from, dirt you '11 bury in. Just about the time you '11 think your blood is clean, here will come dirt in a natural shape You never dreamed. It'll rise up saying, Fred, Where 's that mule you're supposed to march behind? 28 �Chappell Where 's your overalls and roll-your-owns? Where 's your Blue Tick hounds and Domineckers? Not all the money in the world can wash true-poor True rich ... (12) He says at the end of the poem that he could follow those disreputable "shadow-cousins" (12). As in Miller's work, the shadow is connected to images and people from the poet's past. Though it is not a dominant image in Midquest, the realization of the shadow-cousins shows a determination to remember, and remembering is an important part of growth for anyone. The whole section is naturally preoccupied with remembrance because it is about the oldest members of the family. "Dead Soldiers" occurs in 1946, and we meet Virgil Campbell for the first time as he fires his gun into a raging river that floods his store. And we hear stories about the Grandmother's wedding day and Grandfather's lapse into the Baptist faith. The persona, "ole Fred," understands the grandparents and their past lives for the first time. He asks the Grandmother, "But what do you remember?" (35). And she answers him, "Oh, lots of things, I About all an old woman is good for I Is remembering ... " (35). Chappell tells us here essentially the same thing as Jim Wayne Miller's Brier: that knowing about the lives of our foreparents is important and necessary. There is value for all of us in their collective memory. The second section, "Bloodfire," focuses on the boy's father. He is the first generation of his family to move to the educated, middle-class, professional life. The dominant image of this section is fire; of the four elements, fire is the one representing short intense energy, a fleeting search for life. The father exhibits many conflicting attitudes toward his home and his past. In "My Father Allergic to Fire," the Father expresses his shame and disgust at being connected, however loosely, with the Klan while growing up. He seems to be revulsed by the South in general. Maybe hellfire is good for the South, a kind of purgative. We could use a lot of that. (62) "My Father Bums Washington" tells about the time during the Depression when the Father burned some money out of desperation. Moving 29 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry from the agrarian Appalachian background to the middle-class was more difficult during this economic crisis. Burning the money is one of his father's continued acts of defiance, as he tries to escape, fights his past, and attempts to rise above it. In the Virgil Campbell poem in this section, the father and the boy go back to Campbell's store for a visit. Virgil tells a hilarious story about a parade in the town. The local moonshiner, Big Mama, rides her still through town on a float and gets one of the parade mules drunk. The father listens to the story: "Okay," my father said, "it's good to know The eternal verities still hold their own, That poverty and whiskey and scratch-ankle farming Still prop the mountains up ..." "Time keeps grumbling on. Let's drink us a drink: here at the end of the world." (80) There is sadness in those words, but sadness with an edge of bitterness. The life the Father has tried to escape is disappearing anyway. The world of Virgil Campbell still exists in some places, and it is both reassuring and painfully ironic. "Wind Mountain," the third section, is not focused on a particular member, Chappell tells us, "in order to suggest the fluid and disordered nature of air" (X). "Second Wind" describes, from the Grandmother's point of view, the day of the Grandfather's funeral. The house full of neighbors and relatives smothers her, and she steps out for a walk. It is a stifling, hot day, yet an unexpected breeze comes through the fields where she has worked her life away. It was the breath of life to me, it was Renewal of spirit such as I could never Deny and still nan1e myself a believer. The way a thing is is the way it is Because it gets reborn; ... The wind that turned the fields had reached the rose Vine now and crossed the lot and brushed my face. 30 �Chappell So fresh I couldn't hear Aunt Tildy 's voice, So strong it poured on me the weight of grace. (106) This poem is followed by "My Mother Shoots the Breeze," in which the mother admonishes the son not to romanticize the lives of the old ones. Memory is good, so long as it is whole and accurate, not sugar-coated . . . . What I meant to tell you: It was hard, hard, hard, hard, Hard. (109) This section vacillates as Chappell looks at the good and bad of the changing mountain life. If "River" is about the grandparents and "Bloodfire" about his father, then "Wind Mountain" seems to be essentially about the son as he looks for his place and tries to sort out these different values. The poem "Remembering Wind Mountain at Sunset" is a long reflection on life in the mountains, and the language and tone remind one of "The Brier Sermon" in places. The narrator stands atop Wind Mountain hearing voices of the past and present. He warns about the loss of heart and spirit among these people just as Miller's Brier does. He sees not only the spiritual danger but also the physical danger, the violence born of poverty and frustration . . . . I heard from the valley below the wearied-to-silence lamentation of busted hands, busted spines, galled mules and horses,last breeze rubbing the raw board-edge of the corncrib, whimper of cold green beans in a cube of fat, the breathing of clay-colored feet unhooked from iron brogans ... (128) Chappell's persona continues telling us about the hardship of the Appalachian life-the floods, the poor land, the lack of work and hope-through different voices he hears as he stands there on the hill. And again on his 35th birthday, as on every birthday of his life, he has to turn his back on it. He must move on to the life he has chosen for himself. 31 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry All this I heard in the stir of wind-quarrel in Wind Mountain notch, rich tatters of speech of poor folk drifting like bright Monarchs. And then on the breeze a cowbell, and the kitchen lights went on in the valley below and a lonesome churchbell calling home,home,home,home till I could bear it no more. Turned my back. (133-34) Walked down the mountain's other side. The final section, "Earthsleep," is a family reunion. Death recurs as a pervasive theme, and in each poem about each family member earth imagery dominates. "My Mother's Hard Row to Hoe" is about the hard work of the Mother's childhood and her determination to escape it through education. I wouldn't care if I learned myself to death at the University in Tennessee So long as I could tell those fields goodby Forever, for good and all and finally. (152) Of course, there were good things. But echoing "My Mother Shoots the Breeze," she tells us that she would not let those good memories sway her. There were some things I liked, of course there were: I walked out in the morning with the air All sweet and clean and promiseful and heard A mourning dove- ... No! I COULDN'T CARE. You've got to understand how it was hard. (152) The father's attempt to escape the hard life is dramatized in "My Father Washes His Hands." The father stands washing his hands as he tells the boy about losing the family mule. In order to bury it in the shallow grave, he had to break its legs. The grief he felt at this act made him think it was time to quit. 32 �Chappell ... Heavy is how I felt, empty-heavy and blue as poison. So maybe it's time to quit ... (154) All the time he continues to wash his hands, trying to remove the clay dirt from his knuckles. He is still trying to break free from the land. But he cannot, not totally. The last lines are: I handed him the towel. He'd washed his hands For maybe seven minutes by the clock, But when he gave it back there was his handprint. Earth-colored, indelible, on the linen. (155) The next family member to speak is the Grandmother. "My Grandmother's Dream of Plowing" is one of the most haunting poems in the book. The Grandmother tells the boy about a dream in which her husband's plow uncovers a chunk of gold. Her husband asks her, "Is that your baby that was never mine?'' (179). Indeed, the gold turned into a cherubic baby, then a small, demonic goblin; as Frank says, "We're old, ... we're old already, Anne. I And, see, the baby's changed to something else. I It's turned into an ugly little man" (179). The horrified Grandmother wishes it to die, and it does. After its awful, convulsive death, the Grandmother feels terrible remorse. Perhaps the gold-baby-demon transition symbolizes the changing of the Grandmother's hopes and dreams during her lifetime. The bitterness borne of hard work and many defeats completely kills the dreams and, therefore, the reason for living. To end old and bitter is a sad fate indeed. In "My Grandfather Dishes the Dirt," the Grandfather chides those who stand around his grave remembering and grieving. He is at peace, he says, and he likes it down there, "Dreaming in cold earth my freshened dream" (181). Each family member's poem is about letting go of romantic illusions of an idyllic rural Appalachian background. By associating each one with earth/death imagery, Chappell acknowledges the changes that time has brought. He has remembered and integrated their experiences, just as MillerdidinDialogue With a DeadMan, and he is ready to move on. The final poem in the book, "Earthsleep," is about never forgetting, about 33 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry being reborn, ideas reminiscent of "The Brier Sermon." It ends on a powerful note of life and love and sun-red morning. It is the bottomless swoon of never forgetting, It is the foul well of salvation. It is the skin of eternity like a coverlet. It is a tree of fire with tongues of wind. It is the grandfather lying in earth and the father digging. The mother aloft in air, the grandmother sighing. It is the fire that eats the trees of fire. It is Susan in the hand of sleep a new creature. I am a new creature born thirty-five years to this earth ... The love that moves the sun and other stars The love that moves itself in light to loving Flames up like dew Here in the earliest morning of the world. (Midquest 186-87) 34 �Jeff Daniel Marion �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry What strikes the reader first about Jeff Daniel Marion's poetry is his uncanny, penetrating observations of the natural world. Rarely are people the principal subjects in his poems. Unlike Miller and Chappell, Marion speaks through nature, letting the cycles of earth and animals and the seasonal rituals speak oflarger truths. Ultimately, Marion is always after the big picture, the universal truth found in the detail of everyday lifethrough a spider web, a shivering hound, or a favorite fishing hole. As Dan Leidig has written: The sense of local place, the creative force of memory, the presence of story in history, the abiding connections of family, the neighborly character of the small town, the intimacy of the small farm, the irreducible character of country things, the art in ordinary work, and "just plain days gone by"-these are the materials from which Marion's poems arise (143). Marion certainly fits Chappell's definition of a folk artist, as his poems are still-lifes of scenes, people, places, even single objects from his past and his present. Note some of the titles from his earlier book, 0 utIn The Country, Back Home: "Old Mason Jars," "Hoe," "Below Mossy Creek in Mid-August," "Deserted Barn," and "Above Newport at the Galloping Sluice." Compare these titles with some in Jim Wayne Miller's books: "How America Came to the Mountains," "Born Again," "Brier Sermon," and "Brier Visions." It is easy to see how the political vs. pastoral categorizing starts; even the titles suggest Miller is the more didactic, direct, and political. But there are elements of the political consciousness and the pastoral, quietly contemplative poet-observer in the work of both Miller and Marion, as there are in Chappell and Morgan. The best introduction to Marion's thought and style may be a poem in his latest book, Tight Lines. 2 In "Crossing Clinch Mountain in February," the language is rich, almost liturgical, making a statement of purpose for all Marion's poetry. Like Miller and Chappell, he takes us all home by taking the long way around, weaving through fields, hills, and valleys of another place and time that is really here, now, and always. I take the long road to arrival, past barns whose weathered gray sings the fading light. 36 �Marion Fields lying fallow along the way sow dreams of a small farm washed in creek-light, its steady ebb a tallow of days, and of those cattle whose hunger tolls them across hillside trails to be stabled at last beneath a dark vaulted & hushed as cathedrals. In this dusk I am your single candle, faint echo of starlight on far mountain roads singing the way home. Like Miller, Chappell and Morgan, Jeff Daniel Marion explores the self-the poet's imagination, understanding, and vision. But Marion does not create characters like Miller's Brier or Chappell's Virgil Campbell. The Brier and Virgil are explorations into another soul, mind, imagination, and history in order that we might better understand ourselves. All of Marion's characters are the same voice essentially, the same persona. Marion is always talking to himself. He can be Matilda, or the farm wife; he is old man Tilley, the voices from Rogersville giving directions, or the Chinese poet beamed down into East Tennessee, but it is still the same voice. This is not surprising since Marion's quest is to understand how he and the rest of us fit into the cosmic scheme, the rituals of nature. We are the hub of the great turning wheel. Marion seeks to interpret this interaction, expand upon it. He is an intensely personal poet, but not egocentric at all. It is the sameness and the stillness, the unchanging strength of the voice that captures us and holds our attention. As Frank Steele has written about Out in the Country, Back Home: ... the whole book is about the relation between the person ... and the landscape, leafscape, skyscape, lakescape around him. But at the 37 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry deepest level the book is about the growth of imagination-that's not only what the naming signifies and the voice-stillness, but also the metaphorical connectiveness all through. The voice of a poet is nourished by places as if it were a kind of plant. The poems are poems of self-discovery, as well as place discovery: the inside-outside reciprocity of transcendentalism works beautifully here to produce its metabolic rhythms, indications of spiritual growth, inscapes of pure accuracy. (Correspondence) Marion's poems exist on a plane where experience and imagination are one, fused into a great openness. Gerald Wood calls Marion the poet/ priest giving meaning and order (39-45). This is exemplified in a poem in Tight Lines called "By the Banks of the Holston," which records old man Tilley's fishing trip down the Holston River. It takes on the importance of a religious holiday with old man Tilley as the pilgrim searching for solace and renewal in the natural world. It is Sunday when old man Tilley boards his skiff in the heavy morning mist. Marion writes of a man who trusts and loves the river as he lets the current carry him away and offers us a hymn of praise to it as joyous celebration of the natural world. for dark loam of hidden coves, for the river's shifting eddies and shoals let there be hosannas, hosannas forever, hosannas forever & ever. "My Grandmother Sifting" is another classic example of Marion's style in that the character in the poem is only part of the image, a sepiacolored memory that holds a larger meaning for Marion. The old blind woman sifts flour, letting it fall across her fingers, savoring the texture of it. Marion relates this act to religious ritual, "alone daily I she I breaks this bread" (Country 23). Though she is blind, she enjoys the communion with the world that her other senses allow. Even the simple chore of sifting flour to make bread brings her a great peacefulness very much like what old man Tilley finds on the river. It is in one of Marion's most beautiful poems, "Ebbing and Flowing Spring," that we see the strong connection of Marion's thought with 38 �Marion Miller's and Chappell's. The character in this poem is Matilda, her spring and her dipper symbols for another way oflife in another time. The poem begins with Matilda dipping water from the spring as she talks about herself and history. You waited while Matilda's stories flowed back, seeds & seasons, names & signs, almanac of all her days. Moons & years & generations & now Matilda alone. (Country 65) What's past is gone. But connect with what remains; it's the water that's still here, Marion says. We can continue to satisfy our thirst for elemental knowledge, for connection to something. Your reach for the dipper that's gone, then remember to use your hands as a cup for the cold that aches & lingers. This is what you have come for. Drink. (65) The water imagery continues in poem after poem with the flowing spring representing his and his family's past. The idea of water as cleansing and redemptive is suggested. The spring is the baptismal font where the country boy is "born again," as Miller's Brier urges, into a new person with new awareness and respect for his family and cultural heritage. At the spring Marion's narrator "re-discovers" his father, seeing him not only as his parent, but as a part of history, a link to his own inner self. He can listen to the reminiscing of an old man in a new way. Listening, I settle back and find the places in his voice: an old cemetery, its gate rusty, the air heavy with the incense of cedars. He names those friends once more. 39 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry Savoring the tales he tells, he resurrects them one by one. They do a strange dance shaped by his words and for a moment I believe I knew them, shared their days. (52) At the spring, the speaker tells us his father's youth is buried in this place "quiet and forgotten" (52). But echoing the idea of the "Ebbing and Flowing Spring," his father dips his hands in the water, drinks, and is rejuvenated. He kneels, cups his hands to drink and believes what he has always told me: There are some springs that never go dry. (52) The final poem in Out in the Country, Back Home is "Boundaries," a very quiet but firm statement of purpose. Marion means to go his own way, searching for know ledge and an expanded consciousness. Labeling his mission as political or pastoral wastes time. Ultimately, on the same quest as Miller, Chappell, and Morgan, Marion describes the search in the metaphor of walking boundaries on his land. I'm always at home here still believing the reward of this labor is vision honed to the blue sharpness ofridges. (66) Marion's latest work, Tight Lines, is a more mature and complete expression of his poetic gifts. It is a contemplation of the seasons with specific poems for some months of the year and man's rituals enacted during those seasons. It has been said that ritual breeds faith, not the other way around, and Marion's work illustrates this principle. Not only religious ritual, but also the everyday rituals we enact as part of country life enrich the faith, hope, and spirits of those who participate. 40 �Marion A good example of this idea at work is the poem "Recipe." It describes soapmaking as an important ceremonial event. The speaker begins with the mystical directions, "It must be done by the dark of the March moon." The magical ingredients must meet special requirements, also. Take water from the rain barrelssnow-melt & late winter rains, water too early for mosquitoes, green scum, & the stagnant ponds of breeding: Take hickory ashes from the hearth sift of long winter nights by the fire. As the steam & bubbles rise it is time to add hogskins & cracklins: memories of mud wallows in summer & the first hard cold of winterhog killing day. Note that each ingredient must have a very natural connection to the culture, to the rural way of life. This is communion, marking a rite of passage in which Marion's persona cleanses his spirit and renews himself with a fresh scent from childhood. with the scrub & sting of this life you are cleansed to begin the day. Here we have the poet/priest, Marion the mystic. Soapmaking is not just some neat, old-timey skill valuable for the self-sufficient lifestyle it represents. As Gerald Wood says, "Even ancient and venerable rituals and images must be restored by the imagination of the poet who wants to achieve authenticity in his own time, not someone else's" (42). Marion's imagination imbues the natural cycles and rituals of life in the country with spirituality. 41 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry In Tight Lines gardening becomes one of the most important rituals of all. In "March" the seeds are carefully planted indoors in order to get good, healthy plants to set out in spring. Marion savors the language of the garden, which is as rich as the soil. Gardens provide the perfect sensory stimulation that feeds the poetic mind, the necessary ritual for the spirit, and the perfect metaphor for the nurturer and seeker of know ledge. We keep watch & tend a memory, turning this local soil in search of tongue's delight: Cushaw & Okra Hickory Cane & Seneca Chief Blue Lake, Honeydew & Muskmelon. This savor of names seasons the waxing and waning of all our moons until the earth speaks its own language, a zodiac of dirt where we reap our lives. In Tight Lines the theme of the quest dominates. The journey is one of the soul, a cosmic eye searching the night sky. We wander on the dark plain, and only through connection with seasons and the rituals of seasons can we know our place and keep our sanity. The contrast of light and dark remains constant, as we are urged to be keepers of the flame, holding the light for others to follow. In "0 Light" a hand invades the darkness, reaching for the grain scoop. In "Crossing Clinch Mountain in February," Marion tells us "I am your single candle," only a "faint echo of starlight." But more often, starlight, lanterns or even snow offer the white light that guides the traveler. The poet is the seeker of light. The poems are the bearer. The light comes from homes, the hearth fires, and lanterns. They are earth 42 �Marion stars. In "Late October in East Tennessee" we sympathize with the old hounddog, out there in that cold darkness, searching and waiting for something-an answer, a sense of belonging. Far beyond him all across the valley farmlights bum through acres of fog like stars strung from ridge to ridge or dusty lanterns hung by the hearth. Two winter poems offer the richest contrast of light and dark, winter being the bleak season that can extinguish, or at least weaken, the strongest fire. In "Winter Watch" we are trapped by cold and darkness, and rescue is far away. So begins the trilling of first cold, crisp October whose blue clarity is a lullaby to settle the comshocked field before winter locks in, setting its teeth on edge & every eave: wherever water seeks to run, the hard cold fact glistens: here winter nails us in between hearth & dark comers where already our stories grow too dark to tell. But "Some Morning," Marion tells us, we will wake to a new vision, a new feeling of winter. Our dreams will make it so; the search for fulfillment and love can continue in a snowflake. This is not syrupy nature poetry, but merely an affirmation of nature's restorative powers and man's reliance on them. The speaker in the poem looks out across a field of snow into the eyes of a deer in the dark edge of the woods. Both look out from darkness into light, dreaming of what might be. Some morning in December you will wake to a dream of white: outside your windowsill each snowflake swirls to silent caroling. The morning is hushed 43 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry as old Sundays, sifting through acres of memory ... You scan the fields beyond woodshed, past pond, fencerow to the dark edge of woods. There, for a moment, the eyes linger in belief: branches of young pines bowing to all this white & a single doe, head lifted, still getting the scent of whatever moves darkly beyond, riding the waves of first snow past this dream. The final poem is "Solstice," meaning literally and figuratively the sun standing still, a pause in the natural flow. Marion is standing still and taking stock: Tight Lines is an assimilation of the internal world of imagination and the external world. For him and his reader, the book gives cause to reflect, to ponder our place in the world. Through "Solstice," a very short poem, we see all elements of Marion's viewpoint coming through. The natural world is there; so is man, but not in the flesh, only his spirit-empty shirts hanging on a clothesline. The great ballet of light and dark continues. The stars are in their heaven anyway, and the dark is, finally, not evil, just an interesting contrast. As Gerald Wood has noted, Marion creates for himself a new order. "In this new world, neither nature, friends, nor the town can save the poet from the responsibility for his own imaginative journey, which in Marion's view is continually nourished by the fertile darkness outside routine living and dull awareness" (45). Hickory smoke rising & leaves settling. The Monday wash hangs down the line, shirts billowing out taut, pulsing. A sea of sedge grass ripples, leans to the sun. 44 �Marion Somewhere beyond this drift stars chart their courses, Shards of light buoyed on dark waves. Marion's collection Vigils (in press)3 contains many poems published in earlier books, but added in with the new poems here and rearranged into three sections, they form a clearer picture of his poetic gifts. Marion has found his voice in his vision. In the first two sections of the book, "Making Believe" and "Listening to the Land," memorysharp and sometimes bittersweet-is the subject and central image. Layer after layer of memory is peeled away- moments to whole lives, places to entire communities-as Marion again goes after the essence of his experience. He returns to the wellhouse, the barn, the creek bank to focus on each particular detail of the scene, so that a single object, such as a hoe, a dipper, or a buckeye, is the key to the door of imagination. Memory as both the subject and central image is exemplified by "At the Wayside." Returning to an old high school hangout, the speaker in the poem finds new faces, updated decor. He stands for a time, lost in the rush of past moments. He remembers dancers whirling, the spinning records on the jukebox, the overhead fans humming; all these images suggest the wheel of time, the sweet blur that childhood and adolescence often become for us. The mirror behind the cash register reflects the now-lined face which contrasts smartly with the youthful, unfamiliar one behind the counter. The poet flounders momentarily in this sea of reminiscences until the boy behind the counter calls the speaker and reader back to the present. Saying he wants "Just some change," Marion expresses a wistfulness for youth and its simple pleasures in a quietly ironic end to the poem. In "Letter" we see how Marion ties memory to the natural world, to seasons. He returns to the outdoors for images to express his feelings and ideas. Winter images abound in this poem. "Letter" is a sad meditation on a loved one who is now far away. The good times are connected with summer; there is a remembered meadowlark and fluttering quail, a day of picking blackberries together. The poem moves from now-winter ("Yesterday sleet and blue cold") to past-summer(" ... our buckets nearly filled I with July's harvest.") This connection of memory 45 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry and seasons continues in other poems. In "Waning," the subject is coming home, a recurrent theme ringing like a dinner bell in Marion's work. These words from the poem are particularly revealing: "You learn winter is distance, -a point memory curves its line toward." Winter and memory are also linked in "Winter Watch." "Backward toward I a time when I memory is a scar cross I stitching pain to joy, grief to loss." It seems that winter and memory are inextricably linked in the poet's mind. Summer is experience-sensory feasting-we live for the moment. But winter is the season of the intellect and spirit, a time to sit back and reflect. Winter is the sorting-out time for memory, the season for waiting. Patience is a virtue for anyone; it is an essential quality for a poet. The title of this book, Vigils, has admirable associations. A vigil requires many of the most desirable human capabilities: patience, devotion, discipline, honor, and faith. The poem "Barsha Buchanon," which is about a woman keeping a vigil for a man who never returns from a trip to the store, contains a central idea for the whole collection. Her story is an epochal one, honoring a remarkable display of love and endurance. For 30 years, she waits, laying out supper and clean clothes for him every night. Tending her animals, house, and garden, she never gives up hope: his return is always a possibility. A lone figure steps out of the woods, hand uplifteda flutter of wings, the quick catch in breath turns to ache-again the voice betrays: only a neighbor. There is a striking similarity between this poem about Barsha Buchanon and Robert Morgan's poem "Chant Royal" in At the Edge of the Orchard Country. In Morgan's poem about his grandfather, the refrain is "Adequate for survival, withstanding all knocks" (67). Marion's character keeps a heroic vigil; Morgan's grandfather is never beaten, not by the weather, bad luck, or illness. Both poems are heroic epics of a common man or woman, using elevated form and language to focus on individuals who showed endurance and perserverance in the face of great trouble and pain. In these poems human spirit triumphs. Morgan and Marion celebrate people whose lives have inspired in them a renewed 46 �Marion awareness of toughness, of heroism, at a time when our heroes seem to be mainly those who can afford a good agent or a good lawyer. Jeff Daniel Marion is the voice of civilization on the frontier of his East Tennessee home. There is a wildness, a disarray, that man, with his language, his memory, his simple tools (a hoe, a dipper), his intrusion on the landscape, must confront. Like Robert Morgan, Marion seeks to know what is real; so he keeps an ear to the ground while his eyes search skyward, just beyond the trees. 47 �This page intentionally left blank �Robert Morgan �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry In aletterto the author, Cornell University Professor Robert Morgan discusses his life and writing, noting: Appalachia has been called an island of the past, and while that is not entirely true by any means, there is a parallel perhaps between our sense of awakening and the relish of new freedom the New Englanders felt in the 1830s to 50s. There is that emerging from the rapt gloom of fundamentalism into the wide natural daylight. (Correspondence) Robert Morgan emerges into that wide natural daylight on every page of his 1979 book, Groundwork. The book is a journey, moving from high up in the mountains themselves, as Morgan contemplates the natural boundaries that have defined his unique mountain community, to the valley below where the people live and work. Like Jeff Daniel Marion, Morgan is a clear-eyed, meticulous observer of nature. He constantly seeks to understand how man fits into the scheme of things. The two men are equally attentive to detail and appreciative of natural mysteries. But there is also a marked difference in perspective. Whereas Marion sees man's connection with seasons and the rituals of life and growth, decay and death as positive, even as an anodyne for the pain that is the price of vision, Morgan seems to view nature in a more adversarial role. For him, the value lies in the struggle, as two powerful forces attempt peaceful co-existence. Morgan has written, "I believe in the anarchic and creative soil, and stick to the fringes of society, out where it comes into collision with nature, in the chaotic backwashes and countereddies" (Notes 37). Marion's world is an elemental order where know ledge, vision, and peace are possible; the darkness that we must acknowledge is "out there" beyond the creek, the woods, the garden. His relationship with the earth and his poetry is fiducial. For Morgan, the darkness is everywhere: nature embodies chaos, but so does imagination, and reason can give order to both. In "The Transfigured Body: Notes on Poetry from a Journal," he writes: The marginal and chaotic have promoted more permanence than the institutions of the majority ... Out of desperation comes the recklessness to get near enough to chaos for some fire, and out of alienation the patience to husband and direct it for the community. (34) 50 �Morgan "The Hollow," the opening poem in Groundwork, begins in the marginal, chaotic mountains, explaining why the first settlers stayed there, charmed and transfixed by the beauty of the peaks rising around them. The ridges were "a screen I sent up from the oaks and hickories I to keep them hidden from disease I and god and government, and even time" (1). In "Fear," Morgan continues describing the people and places who make up his mountain community. In this wild, natural world, superstition reigns, and the natural entwines the supernatural. A flea circus of dust thrown up in the yard means the haints are near the ghosties roost like cocoons in the appletree. I've seen bones underground burn like filaments when passed over by highwires from town, in torment with the suffering of the elements. Everybody knows the waterfall is haunted by a woman strangled in her wedding dress back then; mushrooms are the fingers of the dead reaching though and crickets their moving eyes. Trash around the spring means one has tried to get back in there. (3) After a contemplation of the boundaries, the high mountain divides that separate this particular place from everywhere else, Morgan moves down to where the people are. Like Chappell, Morgan is a storyteller. He tells tales that have been told over and over. We sense that these stories are about real people. These are not the mythic, symbolic personages of some of Danny Marion's poems. Morgan's people have flesh and bone, and a little less beauty and grace. The flavor of oral tradition abounds; we picture evenings spent re-living these moments of family history. In Morgan's first story-poem, a man named Revis and his bride come to their newly built cabin after their wedding to spend their first 51 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry night together. Revis has built his cabin on a huge, flat rock, thinking this namral foundation would provide the best possible site for his home. But the rock was already home to a huge nest of rattlesnakes, and the first fire built for his new bride brings them out. 4 It was she who wakened to their singing near the embers and roused him to go look. Before he reached the fire more than a dozen struck and he died yelling her to stay on the big four-poster. Her uncle coming up the hollow with a gift of bearham two days later found her shivering there marooned above a pool of hungry snakes and the body beginning to swell. (8-9) There are serpents in this Paradise, and man must always be on guard. Morgan continues his contemplation of snakes in the next poem, "The Flying Snake," in which the snake takes on mythic proportions and his great-grandpa, the Snake Killer, becomes an epic hero. Agiant rattler had killed four settlers and many farm animals. Attempts to stop the cruel killer had failed. Morgan imparts human or super-human characteristics to the rattler, suggesting it always knows when the hunters are coming. Morgan's great-grandfather finally conquered the snake. He got a brilliant idea of tying his seine net around his team, and he rode out to meet the snake, standing up in the wagon. When the snake made a lunge at him, it got caught in the net and the old man was able to shoot him. The memory of killing the snake became a haunting nightmare for the old man. For the reader the snake is a powerful symbol of the darkness of nature and of the deeper question of how we account forit in God's world. Morgan leaves us wondering with these last lines. Years later he'd imagine spiders falling from the sky like snowflakes, 52 �Morgan and mad dogs and angels in storms, and once in a nightmare he shot by mistake Jesus as he came through the east in Rapture light. (11) In that dark gloom of fundamentalism Morgan mentioned earlier, Jesus and his angels are a mystery in God's plan and arouse the same feelings of dread as spiders, mad dogs, and snakes, the dark sentries of the wild. There is danger in God's world, and Morgan constantly reminds us, not that we might pull away or limit ourselves, but that we might use the knowledge and heightened senses for greater awareness and self-knowledge. J. B. Merod writes: Despite the pretensions of intellect, wealth, or social position, nature equalizes us all; but Morgan goes beyond that knowledge to instruct us in the uses of disorder and catastrophe. In his view danger comes in many forms. Just as there is threat in privilege, there is also a threat in the status quo, in the weight of entrenched modes of thought and life. Against the inertia of habit, Morgan proposes to go with nature: to ride the waves and rhythms of natural process ... (57). Morgan's personal and family history weaves in and out of various poems as he comes to terms with his feelings about his past. Like Chappell, Miller, and Marion, he takes stock, as he approaches mid-life, of who he is and where he and his family have been. There is sometimes a glimmer of resentment for exploitive "outsiders," as in "Plankroad." Adolescent longing comes to life in "Bean Money" where the young farm boy plots his escape from the hard work and isolation of his mountain farm. After a summer of aching, sweaty labor, the father pays him his share of the season's profits. It is greedily stored away to finance, he hopes, a new life for himself. That consecrated metal was an abstract drawn off the soil and sweat and cast into a jewelry of values. I meant those struck emblems to act as compact fuel, like nuclear pellets, to power my long excursion out of the sun and beyond the ridges ... 53 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry ... the young summers become signs to be translated again into paper, ink and paper, in the cool timeless leisure I saw while washing my feet on the back steps. (31) But mostly, the talk of the past is gentle, tinged with pathos. "Mountain Page" is a re-evaluation or assessment poem. Here we see the speaker's understanding and sympathy for those who have gone before. We feel his sadness for the family-its hardships, suffering, unfulfilled dreams. Morgan writes: My people came from South Carolina by way of Mountain Page in the last century and suffered here long enough to build a church and leave a dozen graves in the crab orchard. one wasted years in search of a secret lead mine the Cherokees rumored was behind a cliff Another shunned his field to dig for gold that the millionaires at Flat Rock must have buried in the Civil War. (47) Now the narrator sees himself in these lives, sees his own failures and accepts those of his forebears. And I stop to let their haunt blow past and dew out in the weeds while I prospect and dig and bury expectations: my people prayed and dug and failed here too. (48) A dominant theme in Groundwork is man vs. nature, particularly the idea of the people in his family and community struggling with the forces of nature. In "Canning Time," the yearly rite of canning peaches becomes an ordeal, a trial that vexes body and soul. It is almost a battle scene. The canners do not partake in a religious ritual of communion with 54 �Morgan nature, as we might see in Jeff Daniel Marion's world. They are women at war, fighting for survival. In that hell they sealed the quickly browning flesh in capsules of honey ... (20) In "Huckleberries" the suffering necessary to be part of nature is the underlying idea. The poet gathers berries with a friend called F. A., and he fears every buzz and hum. "Never trust the innocent twig in high I berry country; it may be stingworm I snake or walkingstick" (32). As they pick the berries "so few, so tedious to gather" (32), F. A. relates a tale which presents the most terrible image of nature invading the security of home-the darkness snuffing out the light and fire of the heart. A panther steals a baby from a cabin porch. A posse trails the animal to its den where the remains of the infant are found. This tragedy is contemplated as they sweat and ache in the hot sun, gathering their sweet treasure. When they finish, they have paid a price, both in the tale and in the tedium of the labor. "The morning has been said and won, I hands bloody with sweet sun" (33). Another image that occurs in Groundwork is land left barren and useless. Morgan's memories of his childhood North Carolina are not a romanticized vision of lush, green fields and postcard mountain scenes. He remembers in "Milksick Pen" a place where a poison weed grows that will taint the milk of the cow who grazes there. A fence erected around the place allows the forest to flourish untouched by man or animal. And in "Smokehouse Dirt" the salt used to cure meat has created a sterile desert where neither animals, plants, snow, nor light can rest. Man and his appetites have left a scar. The shadow of the meat-hung roof puddles sterile as the site of Carthage. Rain will lick away the savor in about a century. The light cannot feel at home on this ground for a while, nor rabbits warm here at a hearth of vegetation. The scald won't even hold a drop of snow, but eats 55 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry away the lush crystals fast as heat. Where the smoked ham sweated and fatback wept its oils, and molasses cooked down to plasma in jars, erosion rubs brine in the wound same as a piss bum in the pasture. The lye tub drooled its whey also. Hunger has left a tear track, recondite among the thickets. (43) Morgan's persona remembers the hard times and backbreaking work of the farm life, and he is willing to let it go. The farm boy knows too well the stubbornness of mountain land, its reluctance to yield up its bounty. In "Secret Pleasures" he returns to fields he once worked and seems to rejoice in the land that is now being left to nature; the poet enjoys knowing that no one works this field. Though everyone else has had the good sense to abandon it, Robert Morgan, the poet, returns to find a new use for the land. . . . Let it scab and fur over on its own and offer no crop bigger than dew and the headwork of berrypicking. My secret pleasure: to come and watch these shoots work up their honey from bitter clay. Lichen gardens improve the scars, patching over history. I offer the land my leisure. (50) Not all the interaction with nature is portrayed as negative or dangerous, however. One of nature's most destructive elements-firebecomes for Morgan a life force, a symbol of renewal. Fire fascinates him: this powerful image occurs memorably in "Bumoff," "Baptism of Fire," and "Burning the Hornet's Nest." We are reminded of his statement, "Out of desperation comes the recklessness to get near enough to chaos for some fire" (Notes 32). The fire is the imagination and the human spirit. Morgan has no patience with complacency; the poet must 56 �Morgan live and think dangerously. With his poetry, Morgan means to build a little fire under us, like a good Baptist preacher. With this seeking of the light, Morgan is reminiscent of Marion. But his light is the light of a raging fire, as his interest in the scientific gives metaphor to an obsession with fire's power. In "Burnoff' fire is part of the work at hand, and it is a positive force. The fields are burned in the spring in order to kill the weeds and prepare the ground for planting. He presents and analyzes the event as if it were an experiment, some chemical process, a perspective that is pervasive in Groundwork. There is also a spiritual side, though, to the the burning of the fields. As though the conflagration summons dirt syrup and fire ink out of clay to irrigate anemic soil to pave the slope tar-black. The shadow will need to be turned like frying ham, sweet with baked larvae, wormeggs, roots. We rub the season's minstrel char on skin, and ask the land to hold its charge until we plug in seeds. (22) Fire is not the only metaphorical element in this poem; the work involved is also significant. The value of physical work is a recurring theme in Morgan's poems, as it is in Marion's. These poets remind us of the writings of Simone Well, the French philosopher who devoted much thought and energy to the contemplation of the relationship of work to the human soul. She believed that work and thought must combine to produce wholeness in society and the individual, writing: "If the whole spiritual life of the soul . . . and all the scientific know ledge acquired concerning the material universe are made to converge upon the act of work, work occupies its rightful place... it becomes a point of contact between this world and the world beyond" (32). Preparing the field for planting becomes a point of contact with the world of the spirit through fire, literally and metaphorically, as the fire embraces the spirit seeking knowledge, wholeness, vision. The burning 57 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry field offers its own revelation to the poet/seer/scientist. It connects with an image in the poem about the burning hornet's nest that Morgan describes as a great burning eyeball (41 ). As Stephen Marion says in his essay: "Fire sweeps life, death, and decomposition together in one swift vision ... A certain essence, a signal, is revealed, as if the fire threw vision as it throws light" (25). That is why Gondan, the preaching fieldhand in "Bapti~m of Fire," argues with the conventional notion of water, symbol for the blood of Christ, as the only element with redemptive powers. Gondan says: The Word says it takes the Baptism of Fire to see the Kingdom ... Anyone that ain't rubbed clean by purifying flame better get his asbestos suit. (28-29) Morgan's image of fire dovetails with Fred Chappell's here, as we remember the poem "Bloodfire" when the father says, "Maybe hellfire is good for the South, a kind I of purgative. We could use a lot of that" (Midquest 62). The key word is purgative because Morgan and Chappell share the idea of redemption made possible by fire. All of us need to feel the fire occasionally to shock us out of our smugness, our laziness, our vulnerability to self-importance. For Morgan and Chappell, nature's most violent element, fire, seems to offer more power to change and renew than its quieter sister, water. Groundwork is no lament of the horrors inherent in the natural world or even the hell of burning imagination in the mind of a North Carolina farm boy. Morgan is not complaining. The voice is admiring, seeking understanding, questioning the source, and cataloging the mysteries of the scientific world. Morgan is the scientist/poet in the tradition of Henry David Thoreau or, more recently, Loren Eisley. As Stephen Marion has observed: For Morgan, science is a sense of new ground. He watches natural reactions and cycles and introduces human senses to form an experiment, a poem, to reveal the essential properties of all the elements involved. The poem is a field laboratory, where measurements are done by hand and eye. It is a place where the senses of nature are 58 �Morgan given life to react with the senses of man to produce a glow that is essence (27). Robert Morgan's latest effort, At the Edge of the Orchard Country, from Wesleyan University Press, is an even more developed expression of many themes and motifs found in Groundwork. In this book Morgan draws on memory, family stories, and local history of his North Carolina home, bringing grandparents, parents, aunts, uncles, and cousins to life in poem after poem, "recovering pieces of the morgenland" in a very thorough fashion (68). The book opens with a poem about Horace Kephart working in his tent on a chapter of Our Southern Highlanders, writing he does as repayment to his parents for all the years of college and all the blessings life afforded him. The poem and its theme of indebtedness become a metaphor for Robert Morgan and At the Edge of the Orchard Countrya repayment of a debt to the people and places who made him. Every poem in the first section is a broken twig on the twisted path of Morgan's memory of his childhood and family. "Passenger Pigeons" and "Buffalo Trace" are about homing in and finding direction. The sleeper in "Feather Bed" dreams and drifts across space, time, years "Across the troubled Atlantic and centuries/toward a white immaculate garden" (7). Thomas Wolfe feverishly writing in his Brooklyn apartment is juxtaposed with a moonshiner back home in "Looking Homeward," directing our attention to the final poems in the section. "Halley's Comet" and "White Autumn" feature women in the family album whose words and lives informed Morgan's own. Indebtedness becomes the dominant theme of the entire first section, gratefulness for having "yet another spring he'd been I privileged to remember ... " (12). One important image from Groundwork, fire, and one important idea, the value of physical work, continue in At the Edge of the Orchard Country. Fire, heat, and light provide the central image in poem after poem. The burning intensity of a creative genius like Thomas Wolfe is held up beside the moonshiner's fire in "Looking Homeward." A comet, a swirling bomb of gases jetting though the night sky, is "a kind of promise of the continuance I of things in a broken world-" (12). In "Manure Pile" and "Dead Dog on the Highway," the heat of fermentation 59 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry is the focus. From the tiniest light of all, the lightning bug, to the emotional heat of a "hot and vivid" (29) revival in a country church, fire of any kind is important to Morgan, suggesting the possibility of renewal, promise, and positive energy. In "Nail Bag" we learn of the pioneer practice of burning a barn down for the nails. This was necessary in order to move on to new, more fertile land. The settlers would arrive with their reclaimed nails, bum the logs that were cleared from the new claim, scatter the ashes and reap a bountiful harvest. Fire again brought a new beginning, a place for another generation. As though all husbandry and home were carried in that charred handful of iron stitches, blacksmithed chromosomes that link distant generations. (61) As in the work of the three poets previously discussed, the value of physical work is a predominant idea in Morgan's book. In the world of the farm, people do not sit idle, or worse, in front of the television. They do not have time for aerobics, jogging, or analysts. There is much to do, and the people Morgan brings to life for us are busy. They rake, sweep, plow, plant, clean off the cemetery, tend their land and animals. Even a little boy like the young Robert Morgan could not spend too much time dawdling. He says, "I had other lives also, and work to do" (41). In "Harrow" the work of plowing takes on cosmic importance, as the finished new ground is "the planet's newest field" (38). And in "Field Theory" work as a preserver of sanity and innocence is the underlying idea. I like to think they found in work soil subliminal and sublime, Their best conspiracies were two breathing in the night ... (68) The second section of the book focuses on nature's sights, sounds, and smells-from manure to spring flowers, lightning bugs, the air itselfthen the poet moves us easily, quietly into childhood memories of church services, hiding in potato holes, visits with relatives, a boy's first attempt to plow. Morgan is mining his memories for insights into his character, 60 �Morgan the whys of his own journey through life. There is the same exciting mix of scientific knowledge and terminology in the poetry that we saw in Groundwork. These lines from the poem "Brownian Motion" offer an example. The air is an aquarium where every mote spins wild and prisms the morning light. Lint climbs sparkling on convection's fountain, and magnetic storms boil away like gnats bumped by molecules. Every breath swarms the clear spores, ions seethe, magnified in playful flight. (23) Section three, the last, is a continued regression into the past, beyond Morgan's personal memories, to a historical tracing of a more cultural memory, and his indebtedness to the collective experience of his forefathers and mothers. These poems chronicle the life of the early pioneers, with descriptions of how the early settlements were set up, how land use was parcelled out, and what role the Indians played in the past of the Appalachian mountains. Showing his mastery of complex poetic forms, Morgan writes about his grandfather using a very difficult old French form, the "Chant Royal." The technically formidable form requires five stanzas of lllines each, followed by an envoi. Each section ends with a refrain. Morgan's "Chant Royal" is a hymn of praise and a prayer, a fitting close to any ceremony-hence its position as the next-to-last poem in the book. The poem recounts the life of Morgan's grandfather, born weak and fragile. Only determination on the part of his mother kept him alive. Her strength not only saved him but also prepared him for a hard life. When the grandfather was finally able to buy a piece of land of his own, Morgan tells us "he sank a well through rock-weathered debt depression, set groves, I Adequate for survival withstanding all knocks" (67). This last line becomes an underlying theme for the entire collection, as the envoi enlists the help of higher powers in living a life of integrity. 61 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry Guardian ghost inhere herein before Jove may this music honor his example improve my time as he invested his and no less unorthodox discover significance in the bonds his fate wove adequate for survival, withstanding all knocks. (67) Memory. History. Imagination. Science. These are the subjects of At the Edge of the Orchard Country, the entire collection a fermentation of Morgan's complex system of interests. Like the other poets discussed here, Morgan acknowledges and honors memory's place in literature. But his distinction lies in his successful blending of science and poetry. He may be the answer to I. A. Richard's ideal, discussed in his famous essay "Science and Poetry," in a book by the same name, published in 1926. As Richards pointed out, science alone can only tell us how things behave, how the universe exists and operates; it cannot tell us why. Science cannot tell us what we are, what the world is. That is the poet's job. Survival in the modem scientific world requires that the scientists and poets not tum away from each other, but instead become more alike. In a letter to the author, Robert Morgan has written, "In my own case I feel equally moved by the old hymns at baptizing and quantum mechanics" (Correspondence). That might serve as a motto for him in one sentence. His sense of adventure, his desire for order and understanding, and his quest for vision are equally satisfied in poetry and science. 62 �Conclusion Imagine a linear diagram with three segments. On the left is civilization; a small area in the middle represents the frontier, where civilization and nature meet and mingle; to the far right is nature. All four poets have roots in the frontier experience. Chappell and Miller stand looking over civilization: its systems, politics, history, psychology, culture, and mythology, and how they fit into it. They have been to town and are trying to make sense of what they see, put themselves and their mountain families and culture into perspective. Jeff Daniel Marion and Robert Morgan look to the wildness of nature for answers. Marion examines that mingling of civilization and nature on his own personal frontier to see how he, with his simple tools and his sharp eye, can create some order for himself. Morgan, the modem Thoreau, immerses himself in that great whirling chaos of nature, rejoicing in its raw power, its beauty and its truth. The scope, importance, and durability of the current effusion of poetry from the Appalachian region remain to be seen. But one thing is certain: Fred Chappell, Jim Wayne Miller, Danny Marion, and Robert Morgan are at the center of it. As their work has been distributed and studied over the past decade, they have been gaining recognition as harbingers of a grassroots literary movement.5 Some have been tempted initially to dismiss any notion of a new Appalachian branch on the American literary tree, seeing it only as an afterthought of the Southern Renaissance that occurred in the 1940s. There is a grain of truth in that assertion. Like the Fugitives, Chappell, Marion, Miller, and Morgan probably never lost any sleep trying to write a poem for The New Yorker. They are seeking their own voice and style in a language flavored with mountain sounds. Being regional to them does not mean being limited. As George Ella Lyon has written: This is not to say a writer has only one voice or is limited to the scope of her backyard. But in some sense her work must begin there, at the rootwad. And wherever she travels she must take that place with her, must feel in the dark of memory for its shape. If not, her work will 63 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry be the literary equivalent of Walter Cronkite's accent: literature from nowhere. (Literature 4) The cultural experience that spawned these four poets does have something in common with that of the generation of Southern writers that came before. The Deep South earlier in the century and the Southern Appalachian mountains even today represent rural areas with distinct cultural traditions and values that have experienced rapid industrialization and commercialization. Today's Appalachian poets, like the Vanderbilt Fugitives of forty years ago, are writing about the "crossing of the ways," as Allen Tate called it. "It has made possible the curious burst of intelligence, ... not unlike, on an infinitesimal scale, the outburst of poetic genius at the end of the sixteenth century when commercial England had already begun to crush feudal England" (Profession 768). P. J. Laska is right in saying that these Appalachian poets write of ordinary people's lives, work, struggles, and history. They are definitely "closer to a regional folk conception of art" (195). They are nourished and stimulated by their academic experiences, past and present, while writing mostly of and for the common man. All four poets return to elemental images again and again. Chappell's Midquest is organized around the four elements; Morgan relies on fire as a central image in Groundwork. Marion returns to water-the river, creek and spring-throughout his poems. Jim Wayne Miller writes with dirtstained hands and an easy familiarity about working the land. Even though they now spend their days in the clean, academic world of students, books, and papers, the spring feeding their imaginations comes from a world outside that sphere, the world of memory and the natural world. Their motivation for writing is the individual search for understanding, values, a way of living in a changing world where they will always be different. Though Chappell, Marion, Miller, and Morgan are acquainted and are very thoughtful readers of each other's work, they do not work as a group. Unlike the Fugitives, these poets have no sweeping upheaval of the literary establishment on the agenda. In response to the poetic energy unleashed by these four and many others, several small magazines and presses have emerged in the area, dozens of new books have been published by regional writers, and many 64 �Conclusion writer's workshops and public readings are regularly scheduled around the region. Several anthologies, as well as collections designated for the high school and college classroom, are in press. Common Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry, as yet unpublished, and A Southern Appalachian Reader from Appalachian Consortium Press, two notable examples, should bring new readers and critical attention to the region's writers. Though the focus of this book has been on men only, it must be noted that the Appalachian writers publishing currently seem to include mostly women poets. George Ella Lyon, Jane Wilson Joyce, Bettie Sellers, Maggie Anderson, Bennie Lee Sinclair, Pat Shirley, Lee Howard, Kathryn Stripling Byer, Rita Quillen, andJo Carson join well-known prose writers such as Lee Smith, Lisa Alther, Lou Crabtree, and Wilma Dykeman to write about the changing times in their Appalachian communities. Fred Waage, former editor of Now and Then, may be right in observing, "The conjunction of persisting skills and changing roles has given Appalachian women-more, perhaps than men-a position at the flash point of transformation in our culture" (2). It is certain that they are vitally interested in that transformation and how it affects them personally. These women question their own values and purpose in order that they might help themselves and the next generation have a clearer self-image and understanding of history. Kate Byer's The Young Girl in from the Harvest, Jane Wilson Joyce's Quilt Poems, and Mountain by George Ella Lyon, for example, all involve extensive use of memories from childhood and family stories. Like Chappell, Marion, Miller, and Morgan, these women are now college teachers, no longer living in the communities where they grew up. But it is those communities and the family and friends they have there that provide the stuff of poetry. Of course, these women writers often find different metaphors from those of the men; the elemental world that a woman returns to is more likely to be indoors. So in their poems involving elemental images, the water will be in the "Kitchen Sink," as in Kate Byer 's poem. The fire is in the cookstove, the air is in the baby's breath. The work is quilting, canning, cleaning, taking care of others. But the result is the same. 65 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry Memory sets the boundaries, provides a starting point for the chronicle of a life and its meaning. We are defmed by our work and nourished by it. Whether the writer is a man or a woman, the story of the changing world ofAppalachia begins with the childhood of these contemporary observers, who have seen the work and therefore the very nature of day-to-day life change drastically. Fred Chappell, Jeff Daniel Marion, Jim Wayne Miller, and Robert Morgan help lead the way in a quest for knowledge, holding the light for others to follow. They have accepted the family influence and experience in their present lives. This new awareness gives them a vision of the future. By recounting their own lives and family histories, they are in fact telling the story of all the people in the Appalachian region. They fit P. J. Laska's definition of the folk poet in that their poems are about a particular people, place, and time. And their work reminds us of Emerson's concept of the poet when he says," ... the poet is representative. He stands among partial men for the complete man and apprises us not of his wealth, but ofthe common wealth" (11). These four poets, and others sharing their interests, make us aware of the common wealth we share as a part of the mountain culture. Appalachia is on the threshold of change; the past is gone. We cannot hold on to it. But feeling love and respect for our family and the land itself is not romantic provincialism. An examination of our cultural past can bring a positive assimilation of our many selves, our many shadows. We can be reborn in anew form but still on native ground. 66 �Notes 1. A most insightful analysis of the Fugitive poets, Allen Tate, Donald Davidson, John Crowe Ransom, and Robert Penn Warren, and their philosophy is Louis D. Rubin's The Wary Fugitives: Four Poets and the South published by Louisiana State University Press. Rubin points out that the Agrarian's primary agenda was to promote a return to humane values and encourage the affrrmation of the individual in modern technological society. The sense of place and awarness of memory that is central to Appalachian poetry represents a similar philosophical viewpoint. 2. There are no page numbers in Tight Lines, so quoted lines are identified in the text by mention of the name of the poem. 3. Quoted lines in Vigils, to be published in 1989 by the Appalachian Consortium Press, are identified by the name of the poem in the text. 4. This story is also told as part of John Ehle's novel The Landbreakers, a fact that Robert Morgan was surprised to learn. He told an audience at the Hindman Settlement School in 1987 that he heard that story growing up and believed it to be true. It was only a few years ago that he learned about the scene in the novel and realized the story was a "tale." 5. See the bibliography of contemporary Appalachian poetry in Appalachian J ourna/13.1 (Fall 1985): 51-77, and a listing of both magazines and workshops inNow and Then 4:2 (Summer 1987) for further information about Appalachia's literary scene. Works Cited Chappell, Fred. Midquest. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,l981. _.The World Between the Eyes. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971. _. "Two Modes: A Plea for Tolerance." Appalachian Journal 5 (1978): 335-39. Emerson, Ralph Waldo. "The Poet." Essays. 1883. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1974. 9-45. Jung, Carl. Man and His Symbols. Ed. Dr. Marie Louise von Franz. Garden City: Doubleday & Company, 1964. Laska, P.J. "Poetry at the Periphery: The Possibility of a People's Culture in Appalachia." Appalachia/America: Proceedings of 1980 Appalachian Studies Conference. Ed. Wilson Somerville. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1981. 193-96. Leidig, Dan. "On the Rim of Knowing: The Achievement of Jeff Daniel Marion." Appalachian Journal10 (1983): 142-56. Lyon, George Ella. Letter to the Author. 8 March 1984. _."Literature in Its Place." Mossy Creek Journal 9 (1985): 2-5. Marion, Jeff Daniel. Out in the Country, Back Home. Winston-Salem, NC: The Jackpine Press, 1976. _.Tight Lines. Emory, VA: Iron Mountain Press, 1980. _. Vigils. In press. 67 �Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry Marion, Stephen. "Gleaning the Unsayable: The Terrain of Vision in Poems by Robert Morgan, Fred Chappell, and Jim Wayne Miller." Mossy Creek Journal 9 (1985): 25-33. Merod, J. B. "Robert Morgan's 'Wisdom-Lighted Islands.'" The Small Farm (1976): 54-62. Miller, Jim Wayne. Dialogue With a Dead Man. 1974. University Center, MI: Green River Press, 1978. _. Introduction to Songs of a Mountain Plowman by Jesse Stuart. Ashland, KY: Jesse Stuart Foundation & Morehead State University, 1986. _.Introduction to The Wolfpen Poems by James Still. Berea, KY: Berea College Press, 1986. _.The Mountains Have Come Closer. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1980. Morgan, Robert. Groundwork. Frankfort, KY: Gnomon Press, 1979. _.Letter to the Author. 13 March 1984. _."The Transfigured Body: Notes on Poetry from a Journal." The Small Farm 3 (1976): 32-39. Owen, Guy. Rev. of Out in the Country, Back Home, by Jeff Daniel Marion. Southern Poetry Review 17:1 (1977): 64-65. Ruskin, John. Ruskin As Literary Critic. Ed. A. H. R. Ball. New York: Greenwood Press, 1969. Stephenson, Shelby. "Midquest, Fred Chappell's Mythical Kingdom." Iron Mountain Review 2 (1985): 26. Still, James. The Wolfpen Poems. Berea, KY: Berea College Press, 1986. Stuart, Jesse. Man With a Bull-tongue Plow. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1934; 1959. Tate, Allen. "Regionalism and Sectionalism." New Republic, 23 December 1931:159-161. _. "The Profession of Letters in the South." The Literature of the South. Eels. Thomas Daniel Young and Floyd C. Watkins. Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1968. 75968. Waage, Fred. "From the Editor." Now and Then 2.1-2 (1985): 2. Weil, Simone. "The Need for Roots: Prelude to a Declaration of Duties Toward Mankind." Trans. Arthur Wells. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1952. Wood, Gerald. "The Poetry of Jeff Daniel Marion." Appalachian Heritage 13.1-2 (1985): 39-45. 68 �about the author rita quillen is the author of the full-length poetry collection The Mad Farmer’s Wife (Texas Review Press), a finalist for the 2017 Weatherford Award in Appalachian Literature. Her novel Hiding Ezra has a chapter included in Talking Appalachian (University of Kentucky Press), a scholarly study of Appalachian dialect. One of six semi-finalists for 2012 Poet Laureate of Virginia, Quillen received a Pushcart nomination in 2012 and 2015 and a Best of the Net nomination in 2012. Her previous poetry collections include Her Secret Dream, which received the Book of the Year award from the Appalachian Writers Association. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Looking for Native Ground: Contemporary Appalachian Poetry Description An account of the resource <span>Fred Chappell, Jeff Daniel Marion, Jim Wayne Miller, and Robert Morgan are primarily folk artists who write poetry about people doing common, everyday tasks. Each poet in his own unique style illustrates a strong sense of place and community. All natives to the Appalachian region, each come from an agrarian community that they had to leave behind to enter the world of academia. </span><em>Looking For Native Ground</em><span> was published in 1989 comparing Chappell, Marion, Miller, and Morgan because of their place at the forefront of the regional literary movement in the 1980s.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1zj8NypxuB1S5O8ylmQadKmJpjotDEhNY" target="_blank">Download EPub</a><br /><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638461/looking-for-native-ground" target="_blank"><br />UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource American poetry--Appalachian Region--History and criticism American poetry--20th century--History and criticism Chappell, Fred, 1936- Marion, Jeff Daniel, 1940- Miller, Jim Wayne Morgan, Robert, 1944- Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Quillen, Rita Sims Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/d036fe3c69df9e74660271ec029d320a.pdf aa0c27a7e359aa39fd49dedcce0df7ba PDF Text Text ��This page intentionally left blank �The Mountains Have Come Closer �This page intentionally left blank �JIM W A Y N E MILLER The Mountains Have Come Closer Appalachian Consortium Press Boone, N o r t h Carolina 1980 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1980 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3659-7 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3661-0 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �M E M B E R INSTITUTIONS OF THE A P P A L A C H I A N C O N S O R T I U M Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Ferrum College First Tennessee-Virginia Development District Lees-McRae College Mars Hill College United States Forest Service University of North Carolina-Asheville Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Association AFFILIATE M E M B E R S Council on Appalachian Women, Inc. North Carolina Division of Archives and History i �This page intentionally left blank �For Jim Brown and Tom Brown, and the invisible crowd on the sidewalk. �ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Acknowledgment is gratefully made to the editors and publishers of the following journals and anthologies, in the pages of which some of these poems have previously appeared: Adena, Appalachian Journal Carolina Quarterly, Christian Home, Contemporary Poets of the New South: A Sampler, Green River Review, Help Yourself, International Poetry Review, Jimson Weed, Kentucky Poetry Review, Mountain Review, Plainsong, Puddingstone, Southern Poetry Review, Southern Voices, The Small Farm, Touchstone. "Certain Dreams" and "Getting Together" appeared in The Georgia Review, V o l . XXVIII, No. 1, Spring, 1974. " A House of Readers" appeared originally in Help Yourself and is also included in A Geography of Poets, edited by Edward Field, Bantam Books, Inc., 1979. "On the Wings of a Dove" appeared in the Anthology of Magazine Verse and Yearbook of American Poetry, 1980. P u b l i c a t i o n o f The Mountains Have Come Closer w a s m a d e p o s s i b l e b y a partial grant f r o m the N o r t h C a r o l i n a A r t s C o u n c i l a n d the N a t i o n a l E n d o w m e n t f o r the A r t s i n W a s h i n g t o n , D C , a federal a g e n c y . iv �CONTENTS Part One: In The American Funhouse / i SATURDAY MORNING GETTING TOGETHER / / 3 5 IF Y O U R B I R T H D A Y IS T O D A Y / A P L A G U E O F TELEPHONES 7 CERTAIN DREAMS / 8 LIVING W I T H C H I L D R E N I SHARE / / 9 10 FISH S T O R Y / 12 A H O U S E O F READERS SKYDIVERS / 6 / / 14 15 GOING SOUTH / 16 Part Two: You Must Be Born Again i n BRIER RIDDLE / NO NAME 20 / 19 TURN YOUR RADIO O N / 21 �CHOPPING W O O D HIS H A N D S / / 23 24 WINTER D A Y S / 25 BRIER VISIONS / 26 G O I N G T O SLEEP BY A T R O U T S T R E A M DOWN HOME / 28 RESTORING A N O L D F A R M H O U S E LIGHT L E A V I N G / BIRD IN THE H O U S E / / / 33 34 O N THE W I N G S OF A D O V E EVERY LEAF A M I R R O R BORN AGAIN / / / / 36 37 THE BRIER B R E A T H I N G L O N G VIEW 31 32 HIS THREE-LEGGED D R E A M / / 30 HE REMEMBERS HIS M O T H E R SET A P A R T / 40 / 38 35 29 27 �Part Three: Brier Sermon i 4 1 HARVEST / 43 THE BRIER LOSING T O U C H W I T H HIS T R A D I T I O N S SHAPES / / 45 ABANDONED / 46 H O W A M E R I C A C A M E T O THE M O U N T A I N S HE W A T C H E S A TELEVISED SENATE H E A R I N G HE SINGS B A L L A D S / / 47 / 50 THE BRIER REVIEWING N O V E L S / 51 BRIER S E R M O N — " Y o u Must Be Born Again." vii / 52 49 �This page intentionally left blank �PART ONE: IN THE AMERICAN FUNH0U5E �This page intentionally left blank �SATURDAY MORNING Seven hundred miles inland I wake to waves crashing beneath the bedroom w i n d o w . I look out. Sure enough, the house is p l o w i n g gently—at three knots, maybe—through a moderate green sea of grass and w i l d onions. Nothing else has changed. It's Saturday morning. Books, bats, balls, dolls and teddy bears w i t h idiot smiles—the contents of every bedroom spilled like puzzle pieces over floors. A n d every room offers a non-stop show. Here theme music darts along w i t h the lives of talking animals. Bells ring, whistles blow, glass breaks, timbers shatter. D o w n the hall the ears of other walls tingle w i t h teen-age promises of love. W i n d o w s are misted over w i t h so much yearning. The palm of a catchers mitt has broken into a sweat. In the living room—leftovers of a party from three years ago. The glasses have grown elegant fur linings. W h e n I enter, the dip dish scurries backward like a spider. The vacuum cleaner whines by me in the hall. I pause m i d w a y between two entertainments where teenagers pledge undying love to talking animals. I open a door and step into the h u m and drone of a thirty-minute wash-cycle. 3 �This is the engine room. Engine room, engine room, the washer says. I become a cat trying to back d o w n a tree. M y arms retract into m y body until only the hands stick out, making feeble burrowing motions. In the garage I turn myself into a hammer. I drive two nails into the wall and hang a while between them. I become a twenty dollar bill and hide inside m y wallet. Disguised as an o l d overcoat, I climb the folding ladder to the attic, pull it up after me and sit among suitcases. Engine room, engine room, the shuddering attic floor says. But this is the baggage room. The house plows on through waves of grass, traveling somewhere. Suddenly I k n o w I am a suitcase someone else w i l l live a life out of w h e n w e arrive. 4 �GETTING TOGETHER Suddenly o l d friends are in the house. Laughter. Separated years back, we've wandered around lost in the American Funhouse. Together again, what a c r o w d w e are! The walls are angled mirrors multiplying us many times over. Each one of us sees the friend he knew standing back of the one this friend has become, and shyly, like an unacknowledged companion, confused b y all this familiarity, unseen b y our friends, stands the person w e k n o w we are. Laughter. M o v i n g through the crowd, I realize I've gradually got used to walking around in m y life a huge elongated trunk and rippled face, a bulging wrap-around brow, m o v i n g on stumpy legs, m y belt just above m y shoetops, m y chin riding level w i t h m y fly. I have forgotten parts of myself, m y ears lie curled like lettuce leaves, m y hands grow right out of m y shoulders, no wrists or arms or elbows i n between. Glancing past familiar strangers, I try to hold out a hand to someone w h o holds out a hand. Laughter! W e hold back all but the little horrors. 5 �IF Y O U R B I R T H D A Y IS T O D A Y you are a year older and well into a cycle w h i c h began w i t h the alignment of Venus and Mars in your seventh house which is mortgaged to the Daylight Savings & Loan Assoc. Expect your days to accumulate like o l d newspapers full of bad news, to come back canceled checks, to lie swollen like the pages of a book left out in the rain. Stay away from friends, partners; avoid telephones, since their ringing starts dozens of memoranda fluttering in your stomach, like birds roused out of sleep. This is no time for a change, keep wearing those same dirty socks. If opportunity knocks, say you gave at the office. 6 �A PLAGUE OF TELEPHONES They infest m y life. Attaching themselves to walls, they sit like locusts clutching treebark in a seventeenth summer. Silence is the scratching of their feet on scattered papers. They crawl on me, creep into m y ears and cling there, bulging with bad news, singing Pharaoh, Pharaoh! 7 �CERTAIN DREAMS I don't mean the k i n d of dream that sings all day from some dark place in the mind, like a cricket in the house, or those shy ones, creatures fond of damp places, shunning light, silverfish that scurry away as y o u wake, or those y o u come on like errant spiders between books, or even those that crouch, a mouse in a drawer. I'm talking about certain dreams that make y o u wonder, H o w did they get there? For coming on them is as if, whistling and fumbling w i t h m y keys, briefcase in hand, Td opened the door onto the solid rump of a horse quartered in m y fourth-floor office, and startled, the horse turned in that small place, hooves clopping, then stood reading titles on a bookshelf. —That sort of dream. A dream y o u don't doubt, still you wonder, H o w d i d it get there? It is as if you were troutfishing back o n Little Snowbird on a fine June morning, knee-deep at the lower end of a pool, and looked up and there—with a hide like elm bark— lay an alligator sunning o n a rock. That sort of dream. 8 �LIVING W I T H C H I L D R E N Sorcerers, they've turned the house into a serialized fairy tale. The plot, full of reversals, mysterious messages, unfolds day after day, surprising as fried marbles underfoot. A frog o n the floor, waiting to be kissed. A rabbit, a pet snake. Half a sandwich shelved w i t h books. Ghosts, guns, flowers. Winged, web-footed snakes drawn on the walls of bedrooms, their caves. There is an enchanted forest inhabited by crayola people w h o fear the heat of the sun and never venture from under their crayola trees—so different from the watercolor folk, w h o live in an eternal spring, standing forever in watercolor puddles, hands reaching up to a sun that looks d o w n on them, a blissful idiot. In m y desk drawer, an unfamiliar piece of paper that accordions out: "Don't touch this or y o u ' l l die!" It's too late. 9 �1 SHARE with children and foxhounds a w a y of sizing up h o w a situation smells. Like a child w h o hangs back in the corridors of all public buildings because his skin remembers the doctors office, I am wary of commencements, ritual initiations, the keynote address at three-day conferences, programs where any honor is conferred. A w a y of thinking w i t h the ear only makes coughing echoing in a vaulted hall bloom like sprays of funeral flowers. Faces under platform lights bear a tint of the undertakers art. Voices amplified through microphones come to me soaked in ether. During invocations, opening remarks, the speakers peroration, I am one of those w h o looks out over the c r o w d aware only of h o w we are all frozen like diced fruit suspended in gelatin, quivering a little. After a wedding I am apt to step out of the church and head for the gravesite. A t commencements I have a compulsion to express sympathy to the bereaved family. I have a fear of wandering out some evening in the rain, after the benediction, m y umbrella under m y arm, m y overcoat buttoned to m y jacket,— 10 �of standing in a drizzly parking lot under blue mercury lights watching the lanterns of night fishermen bob in waterbeads standing on a car. I'm afraid I may be found sitting in someone's car trying to start it w i t h m y office key, but quite lucid about the girl w h o sat beside me at eighth-grade graduation, and remembering well enough a horsehair hanging on a barbed-wire fence in a mountain pasture. 11 �FISH S T O R Y B y February we were growing restless. Evenings we sorted through our tackle boxes, making everything neat, untangling snarls of leaders, hooks, and swivels, sharpening knives. O u r boat sat on its trailer in the garage. W e polished brass, put i n a cockpit light, tightened cleats, coiled anchor lines, ran the motor in a barrel until it purred. But the lake held l o w and muddy, full of stumps and rocky ridgetops jutting from the chop like the backs of dinosaurs. A week of rain brought the creeks d o w n muddy. C o l d w i n d drove the water, slopping it against red-clay banks, stirring it to a soupy froth of rising falling rocking driftwood rafts. O n a Saturday i n M a r c h w h e n roadsigns droned in w i n d we took a whole trunkful of kites and fishing rods and drove to the big field beside the school. I snapped a flopping shark-faced kite onto a spinning rod and let it run, shaking its head, up into the currents of high blue sky. Fred flew a red-eyed dragon, Jimmy a bat. W e braced the butts of our rods against our stomachs, we pumped, we reeled. I tried the stiff salt-water rod and reel and burned m y thumb as the shark raced off with all m y monofilament. W e gave the kites their heads, then fought them d o w n , adjusting drags, comforting burnt thumbs 12 �w i t h a kiss. The kites took off toward distant trees, made long, bull-necked runs at far-away power lines, darted, twisted, rolled, swooped while w e ran backwards reeling up slack line. M o r e than once they tangled our lines high overhead. A low-test line I used for trout in Trammel Creek popped like a pistol shot, then fell toward me as the shark lunged free. W e waved to h i m and wished h i m luck.—That night blue sky kept running underneath m y eyelids, and the shark-faced kite w i t h jagged teeth was climbing still, trailing a length of line. I w a v e d again. 13 �A HOUSE OF READERS A t 9:42 on this M a y morning the children's rooms are concentrating too. Like a tendril growing toward the sun, Ruth moves her book into a wedge of light that settles on the floor like a butterfly. She turns a page. Fred is immersed in magic, cool as a Black Angus belly-deep in a farm pond. The only sounds: pages turning softly. This is the quietness of bottomland where y o u can hear only the young corn growing, where a little breeze stirs the blades and then breathes in again. I mark m y place. I listen like a farmer in the rows. 14 �SKYDIVERS W h e n I think of us seated in our separate days, a hand under m y breastbone tightens around a bar, m y seat tips back, rises, and m y feet swing free, as if I were riding a chair-lift in an amusement park. W e are strung out in five seats at fixed distances from one another, dangling our feet over treetops, over the heads of funny people telescoped into themselves, whether thin or fat, rising past several musics, past zebras and llamas in their lots. Looking back at one another, we wave and clown. O n e b y one y o u turn ahead of me and, still climbing, I touch m y hand to yours as y o u pass, m o v i n g d o w n . W h e n we are quiet in our separate rooms at night, I think we are all skydivers falling through our separate spaces. W e float, lie prone in a circle. Reaching out, we hold hands for a moment, then w e r e off on our o w n currents, tumbling, backpedaling, swimming or taking the sun in a playground high over a b r o w n yellow and green checkerboard where roads run like lines in the palm of m y hand. It is pleasant and so still but we are falling farther and farther apart through private corridors of air. The earth grows under us, and begins to be patches of ground the size of our shadows. 15 �GOING SOUTH Sorry to inconvenience so many people, and feeling it a breach of decorum to have so private a thing happen i n public, I think I w i l l probably die in a long line of traffic on an evening i n N o v e m b e r when mercury vapor lights are coming on. A red light w i l l jam i n m y brain and I'll sit there slumped over the wheel blocking a main artery while angry cars begin to honk behind me. A traffic division helicopter w i l l dispatch a cruiser and report on a radio stations afternoon Traveling H o m e show one stalled car, one lane of traffic backed up. The cruiser, the ambulance, the Live A c t i o n tv unit, the whirling lights, the curious looking into the camera— all w i l l flicker o n the screen at 10:07. The face of the eyewitness w h o discovered the truth will fade into a commercial at 10:09. Newsprint w i l l disappear like sooty snow. Traffic w i l l flow smoothly once again. Journalists w i t h their noses into news w i l l miss the o n l y story w o r t h the telling. So here it is, like footage recovered from a correspondent w h o went careering into death, camera clicking to the point of impact: high over the town, above tiers of power lines, a black river of birds turned slowly and flowed south. 16 �PART TWO: YOU MUST BE BORN AGAIN �This page intentionally left blank �BRIER RIDDLE For a long time he lived like a frog in m y pocket. In a black forest a lost girl came and kissed him into a handsome prince. Since then he has been living off a generous patrimony, a one-eyed king in a country of blind fingers. 19 �NO NAME H e stopped being able to say "I." A s if a stroke had frozen his face and given h i m some impediment of speech, he lost the gift of idle talk, grew impatient w i t h words that rose like bubbles from the mouths of pretty goldfish in a glass aquarium. Like a school of minnows that must swim against a current or else panic, crowd, suffocate and die, his thoughts sought out a deep invisible flow and, m o v i n g against it, lived among dangerous slow-moving shapes that had no name. 20 �TURN YOUR RADIO O N I H e couldn't hear his o w n thoughts i n the city that never slept. Like a voice on a far-off radio station, his thoughts rose and fell i n a storm of static. The city's rush and roar even poured through his dreams, boiling up like a waterfall. Asleep or waking, he tried to keep a sense of direction south. Lying awake in the smoky carbon darkness of northern nights, facing east, he kept a knowledge, like a book under his pillow, that the mountains lay to his right, beyond the mills and warehouses. But sometimes he'd come awake in darkness and find the r o o m had turned in the slow current of his sleep. H e w o u l d not rest again until he'd righted the room, and sleep was drifting away from the waterfall's roar toward the quietness of mountains. But he never drifted home before he w o k e . H e felt so stilled inside, a breathing silence. It was as if his thoughts had been a friend, a buddy w h o went everywhere w i t h h i m . N o w he turned and found that old companion hadn't followed h i m here. II Sometimes he'd sit for hours looking through a shoebox of family photographs: his grandfather leading a pair of Walker foxhounds; the o l d man atop a boulder in the Bearwallow holding his squirrel gun like a walking stick, or on the porch w i t h his grandmother, both of them sitting in split-bottom chairs. Weathered and home-made like the chairs they sat in, and like the house 21 �and barn, so comfortably i n place, they l o o k e d like one another. Something about the w a y they sat spoke to h i m through his o w n thoughts all the w a y from the mountains, like a powerful transmitter: this place belongs to us, their faces said, and w e belong to it. W h e n it's time, we come out o n this porch and take our ease, and talk, as naturally as treefrogs i n the poplars sing toward dark. 22 �CHOPPING W O O D Idling traffic, fumes at a busy intersection of nerves. Dances o n the deck of coffee-laden freighters plying arteries. Smoke-filled meetings floating through veins, tables turning. The sting of nicotine laid like a lash on a horse's rump. That screech and snort, that babble and grunt disappears around a bend in the blood. Merciful, hard labor numbs the nerves as it advances, snuffs out every light in a steady rain of darkness. Pain goes to sleep as night falls over any small farm of flesh. A n d the resurrection and miracle of rest after labor: arms awakening, a hundred tingling lights lit along creeks and ridges; a rooster crowing in flesh becoming light w i t h birdsong from the meshed branches of nerves casting shadows like trees along the river. 23 �HIS H A N D S H e noticed his hands, h o w they cracked each other's knuckles, h o w his fingers thrummed restlessly on every table top, foraging for magazines, snuffling about in his pockets for cigarettes, like a dog tracking a mole. H e noticed his hands reassuring one another, noticed them turning on television sets when he wasn't looking, like horses w h o learn to open gates and barn doors w i t h their noses. He k n e w his hands had learned from h i m h o w to seem independent, h o w to hide from the larger creature they were just a part of. His hands were only children telling on the street what they'd heard at home. He walked in the woods. Fish hung in his veins, shadows fanning. Birds circled his farthest green thoughts. He came home after dark, the m o o n following like a friendly old dog. A t home he noticed his hands, alert, looking up, trying to start a game of fetch. 24 �WINTER D A Y S H e loved w a r m winter days w h e n woodlands opened their summer secrets to a passerby. Treeshadows lay crisscrossed, l o w creeks deepened, borrowing their cold blue from the sky. Icicles glistened on the rock-backed ridges, a field of broomsage hissed in the w i n d . Frost and fencepost shadows melted b y edges of pasture-fields where coal-black cattle stood. Sunlight ricocheted from tin-topped barns, streaking the chalk walls of the limestone quarry. Between white sycamores the river turned, sure of where it was going, in no hurry. 25 �BRIER VISIONS I W h e n he thought hard, his m i n d became a plowpoint digging in, turning a furrow in his brow. Sometimes he struck a snag, a rock or root; the bright point rode up into the light, then dove deep again to his gee and haw. II A l l the woods and weathers he'd ever k n o w n , his mind, when he took hope, turned sunlight slanting d o w n through leafless trees in m i d - M a r c h when redbuds blooming broke a jam of crisscrossed shadows in the coves. Ill Black as a crow his m i n d w o u l d fly across stripmined land where muddy water heaving rose and fell, red froth and foam, bubbles of blood i n the mouth of a gutshot deer. IV Like floodwaters rising i n the night, radio waves m o v e d up the mountain valleys. Coves and hollers rocked w i t h the city's flotsam: Wrigley's and Lucky Strike, Ford and Goodyear. Lifted off the land b y a rising music, trees cut loose by singing saws, the people rode the receding suck of sung commercials, floated like rafted logs toward the mainstream. 26 �G O I N G T O SLEEP B Y A T R O U T S T R E A M From where he lay the steady crash of water d o w n over rocks a hundred yards upstream was no more than the far-off waterfall a sudden w i n d set roaring in the treetops. Like icy water running from a bold spring that w i n d came pouring off a thunderstorm back on the headwaters. H e lay like a trout hugging the bottom of its flowing. O v e r his head, toward the surface of that windstream, w i l l o w leaves, silver in the flow, became schooled minnows going against the current. He saw them swimming, swimming in one place; then, letting go, he drifted backwards in the flow and came to rest where the light of stars grew d o w n like bonewhite roots under a bank of wet leaves, rotten w o o d , darkness. 27 �DOWN HOME Those sudden weathers, those a w k w a r d encounters! H e kept meeting feelings like old schoolmates, faces whose names he'd forgot. H e came o n feelings he could enter again only as a stranger might a house he'd once lived in; feelings like places changed almost beyond recognition: a once-green pasture field g r o w n up in pines too thick ever to enter again. O h , some of them he picked up as easily as gripping this ax b y its smooth helve, or the handles of that p l o w leaning unused a long time in the toolshed. But what about those feelings he came o n like graves of childhood pets—a dog, a brindled cat, a bird— their little bones in hidden graves marked only in memory? H e had to admit it: he didn't live here any longer. H e was settled in a suburb, north of himself. 28 �RESTORING A N O L D F A R M H O U S E He kept coming here. O n the low-skied landscape rolling behind his eyes country feelings, settled and gray as weathered farmhouses left leaning in Kentucky fields among broomsage and cedars. H e kept coming here a deer drawn again and again to a saltlick. Pulling away a warped, split board, he found beneath it another just as o l d but seasoned and straight, sawmill fresh. H e drew a rusty-headed nail, found its shank bright as the day it was driven. Dismantling country feelings. Tearing d o w n , building up again from what was salvaged. In that farmhouse, under that l o w sky in November, he read his past like a salt-caked sheet of newsprint used once to paper a smokehouse shelf. A coming shape, a new room and view, rose from old flooring. T w o times mingled. Fresh sawdust spumed yellow as sunlight from o l d timber. 29 �LIGHT L E A V I N G His mother was sixteen when he was born. They grew up together. N o w he was older than she was. But one thing never changed: night always fell, drifting over fields, settling softly on the tops of trees, like his mother's black hair falling over her neck and d o w n her back w h e n she loosened her combs in the evening. 30 �HE R E M E M B E R S HIS M O T H E R He thought of her and a churchbell's wider and wider ringing spread over the still pool of a Sunday morning. His rusty recollections of her were like a handful of fishhooks and knotted droplines: scent of honeysuckle and hymnals, blue sky full of bees and belling, cackle, buzz and bawl. The flash of a hummingbird over marigolds growing inside a whitewashed tractor tire. His mother in her black dress on Sunday morning became a crow's call in his ear, her hand a crow's foot clutching a black Bible. Sweat, soap and vanilla on a Sunday morning, the air on his hot cheeks standing cool as the touch of polished marble gravestones. Resurrection. Wasp wings. Fall, flight. Under the leafy tangle of his senses death and religion always gliding, gliding, snakes in a dark green swale of creeping kudzu. Ridgetops and hollows rose and fell around them. High overhead the churchhouse creaked, an old ship's rigging. They sailed in a storm of hymns, slammed to the trough, rolled to the crest of sermons, the cemetery trailing always in their wake, acres of heaving ringing buoys. 31 �BIRD IN T H E H O U S E In a d o g w o o d winter of grief he always turned from fresh graves into another country. Subtraction of lives from the land altered fields, changed weather, shortened seasons, made h i m — n o longer a face reflected in the cool springs of their eyes— a sudden stranger to himself. H e turned always k n o w i n g their lives had bounded the country he had known—the rounds and routines of their days, little seasons, familiar weathers, certain as rosebuds, fall apples or first frost, their rooted lives great trees, his summer shade, their stories o n the porch at night: rain o n the roof. Like lines in the palms of their hands, paths they made from house to barn to field got lost in weeds and never came home. Fields and buildings turned their backs on one another. A hill eroded d o w n to white limestone: flesh fallen from bones. H e always turned away w i t h a heart fluttering like a sparrow beating its wings at a w i n d o w inside the emptied house. Beyond a baffling hard transparency: cedars, fenced fields, light, air, country he came from. 32 �HIS THREE-LEGGED D R E A M He saw it coming, lumbering, big and black, the light of fire reflected on fast water flashing in its eyes. Its bones shone cold and white right through the flesh. H e felt the warm brush of its low-slung belly pass over h i m so close he smelled mineshafts and rotting toadstools. Its thrashing brought h i m wide awake. M o v i n g toward the backside of his mind, drawing near, as he w o u l d a place where he had set a trap, he found, fast in the steel blue jaws of his remembering, only a foot—jagged bone, tendons twisted at the stump of a black paw clenched like a baby's hand. A n d still—on moonlit branchbanks, sandbars of sleep—he can find its tracks. Sometimes he can even catch a glimpse of his ranging, three-legged dream before its bones glowing in its dark shape, pale in his waking, turn starshine at dawn on black stumpwater. 33 �SET A P A R T A l w a y s n o w he carried a pearl-handled grudge, snub-nosed, heavy, holstered close to his heart. Where once he held his tongue, he carried a blade, good steel that held only its cold keen edge. H e drove his mind so hard it sang like whining wheels rolling high over gaps and gorges on trestles of determination. Rounding turns, he came on his black thoughts, hunched over entrails like buzzards eating carrion on the road. The thing or two he knew he carried folded like the certain knowledge of hundred dollar bills whispering in a side flap of his wallet. A n d drove toward mountains, and a self he w o u l d become: old man in faded denim, gray as a weathered barn, fencepost at a field's edge—until he moved. 34 �O N THE WINGS OF A D O V E Once, after he'd come back from O h i o , he w o r k e d at road construction for a summer back up on the Laurel and Ivy Rivers in M a d i s o n . After work, instead of going all the w a y to Asheville, he'd stop by a bootlegger's in Marshall, buy some white, and drive to a place d o w n on the French Broad River below Redmon D a m . Pulling his car d o w n a sandy road, nosing it back into the willows and sycamores so far they closed around it, he'd sit there after sundown, the smell of tar and sweat and asphalt in his clothes, smoking and drinking white, listening to bluegrass on the radio, watching the river, mountains and sky run together in the coming dark. Catfishermen built fires along the bank, and over on the island, and hung their lanterns out over the water. His troubles sat right under his breastbone, black as a treeful of starlings, all talking at once. But when Bill M o n r o e and the Bluegrass Boys played W a i t a Little Longer, Jesus, or Blue M o o n of Kentucky, and his m i n d throbbed and hummed like pistons under the hood of a good truck hauling his thoughts over a long open highway, and the lights on the riverbank got in tune, his m i n d turned into a whining sawblade spinning so fast it grew invisible and quiet. The starlings under his breastbone stopped talking. Then white doves rose out of his ribcage and flew out over the river toward the island. 35 �E V E R Y LEAF A M I R R O R O n c e when he tended corn i n mountain fields and raised tobacco in branchbank bottom patches, he'd break a little garden ground i n spring, leave the tending to his wife and younguns, and in the slack time strike out w i t h a little budget of clothes, and w o r k a spell i n timber— stay gone till it pleased h i m to come home again. But n o w the sun turned clockwise in the sky, and radio shows sang out of junked cars rolled over on their sides along the creek. Even in the woods, and i n the fibers of the shirt on his back he heard time ticking. Every leaf was a mirror he l o o k e d i n reflecting his face among smokestacks, billboards, shopping centers, mills and vacation cottages hanging like a mirage along the ridgetops. Time swept past roaring like a tractor-trailer, leaving h i m hatless in a wake of fumes. 36 �BORN AGAIN Sometimes his whorled ear became a seashell and he heard only correspondences: w i n d streaming through the tops of trees was a far-off waterfall, the tooting of a hunter's horn came to h i m the remembered baying of coonhounds barking treed, the sounds standing as solid as barns on a ridge in the clear air of afterstorm. Sometimes a past time sank, silent, into the ground of his remembering. Searching, he could find no more than traces, scattered signs, as if no more remained of that lived time than a rotten foundation beam, a rusty hinge dug out of the ground, a bent nail, a plowpoint. His memory clouded like a m u d d y spring, and he'd go shadowless under wet skies. W h e n his weather cleared, he'd see some long lost day as plainly as if it were a shiny quarter lying on the bottom of a pool, bright as a tin-topped barn in Sunday morning sunlight. His memory lived, died, and lived again, each re-birth restoring h i m to himself, saying: y o u must be born again and again and again. 37 �T H E BRIER B R E A T H I N G In the evening when he walked down the steep slope of his breath into the hollow of sleep he distinguished all his different breathings— breathing that fluttered like swallows i n a chimney breathing that sang easy rhythmical a crosscut saw in timber breathing short shallow strokes chopping corn hoeblade clacking in rocks breathing that never bottomed out but kept o n giving, going d o w n like p l o w e d newground still sinking underfoot as he passed o n and came d o w n soft again breathing so deep it went all the w a y home to a quiet cove where pee wees called 38 �breathing that turned his body leafy turned it cold and came up out of a maze of passageways a groundhog from its den breathing from so far back it trickled transparent over rocks and stood i n sunlit pools where ripples spread wider and wider where shadows of leaves grew gills that slowly rose and fell. 39 �L O N G VIEW Shooting over the highway at seventy miles an hour, he met fenceposts and telephone poles swishing past in blurred panic, receding in the rearview mirror, gone like falling screams. His heart, unhurried, paced itself b y those Kentucky knobs that kept the river and wide bottomland between them and never fell behind but followed like a herd of graceful beasts still undiscovered and unnamed they lived so deep inside the continent. 40 �PART THREE: BRIER SERMON �This page intentionally left blank �HARVEST N o w his whole life seemed weathered and old-fashioned. W h e n others spoke, their words made pictures with gleaming surfaces and metal trim. He spoke drafty pole barns and garden plots. His customs had a mustiness, a smokehouse m o l d about them; his shriveled wisdom hung like peppers and shuckybeans from a cabin rafter. Beliefs leaned back like doors w i t h broken hinges, stood sunken like a rotten springhouse roof. Still, he thought of songs landlocked two hundred years, living in coves and hollers, far from home, b y creeks and waterfalls, and springdrain trickles,—songs that still remembered the salt salt sea and held all past time green in the month of M a y and made all love and death and sorrow sweet. So he wasn't sad to see his life gathered up in books, kept on a shelf like dry seeds in an envelope, or carried far off like Spanish needles in a fox's fur. His people brought the salt sea in their songs; now they m o v e d mountains to the cities and made all love and death and sorrow sweet there. Heaviness was always left behind to perish, to topple like a stone chimney. But what was lightest lasted, lived in song. 43 �T H E BRIER L O S I N G T O U C H W I T H HIS T R A D I T I O N S O n c e he was a chairmaker. People up north discovered h i m . They said he was "an authentic mountain craftsman." People came and made pictures of h i m working, wrote h i m up in the newspapers. H e got famous. G o t a lot of orders for his chairs. W h e n he m o v e d up to Cincinnati so he could be closer to his market (besides, a lot of his people lived there now) he found out he was a Brier. A n d w h e n his customers found out he was using an electric lathe and power drill just to keep up w i t h all the orders, they said he was losing touch w i t h his traditions. His orders fell off something awful. H e figured it had been a bad mistake to let the magazine people take those pictures of h i m w i t h his power tools, clean-shaven, wearing a flowered sport shirt and drip-dry pants. So he m o v e d back d o w n to east Kentucky. H a d himself a brochure printed up with a picture of h i m using his hand lathe, bearded, barefoot, in faded overalls. Then w h e n folks w o u l d come from the magazines, he'd get rid of them before suppertime so he could put on his shoes, his flowered sport shirt and double-knit pants, and open a can of beer and watch the six-thirty news on tv out of N e w Y o r k and Washington. H e had to have some time to be himself. 44 �SHAPES W h e n he saw people flowing out of the mountains, leaving like a line of clanking coalcars, his life grew damp and heavy in his flesh, turned dark and cold as charred w o o d in a rained-out fire. The smallest thing, though, still could fire his spirit— a chopping ax far off in the woods, foxhounds running on the ridge at night, the cries of children playing in the creek, a dog lapping water in the dark. W h e n he found deer tracks on the logging roads his life grew light and dry. Near the weathered silver of old barns his life caught fire and he studied shapes in the flame of his o w n spirit. 45 �ABANDONED Sometimes his m i n d flew black as a crow over hundreds of coves and hollers fallen silent since the people were swept out like rafted logs on spring s high water. Then his life w o u l d stand empty as an abandoned house in one of those forgotten places, his days like blackened chimneys standing in fields going back to thickets of second growth— untended tombstones in a cemetery up some lost valley. Sometimes he thought there was nothing left but the life of a half-wild dog and the shelter of a junked car turned on its back i n a ditch, half grown over w i t h honeysuckle. O r else his life became the house seen once in a coalcamp in Tennessee: the second story b l o w n off in a storm so stairs led up into the air and stopped. 46 �H O W A M E R I C A C A M E T O THE M O U N T A I N S The w a y the Brier remembers it, folks weren't sure at first what was coming. The air felt strange, and smelled of blasting powder, carbide, diesel fumes. A hen crowed and a witty prophecied eight lanes of fogged-in asphalt filled w i t h headlights. M o s t people hadn't gone to bed that evening, believing an awful storm was coming to the mountains. A n d come it did. A t first, the Brier remembers, it sounded like a train whistle far off in the night. They felt it shake the ground as it came roaring. Then it was big trucks roaring d o w n an interstate, a singing like a circle saw i n oak, a roil of every kind of noise, factory whistles, cows bellowing, a caravan of camper trucks bearing d o w n blowing their horns and playing loud tapedecks. H e recollects it followed creeks and roadbeds and w h e n it hit, it blew the tops off houses, shook people out of bed, exposing them to a sudden black sky wide as eight lanes of asphalt, and dropped a hail of beer cans, buckets and bottles clattering on their sleepy heads. Children were sucked up and never seen again. The Brier remembers the sky full of trucks and flying radios, bicycles and tv sets, whirling log chains, red wagons, new shoes and tangerines. Others told h i m they saw it coming like a wave of tumbling dirt and rocks and carbodies rolling before the blade of a bulldozer, saw it pass o n by, leaving a wake of singing commercials, leaving ditches 47 �full of spray cans and junk cars, canned biscuit containers, tinfoil pie plates. Some told h i m it fell like a flooding creek that leaves ribbons of polyethylene hanging from w i l l o w trees along the bank and rusty cardoors half-silted over on sandbars. It was that storm that dropped beat-up cars all up and d o w n the hollers, out in fields just like a tornado that tears tin sheets off tops of barns and drapes them like scarves on trees in quiet fields two miles from any settlement. A n d that's w h y n o w so many o l d barn doors up and d o w n the mountains hang b y one hinge and gravel in the creek is broken glass. That's h o w the Brier remembers A m e r i c a coming to the mountains. H e was just a little feller then but he recollects h o w his M a m a got all of the younguns out of bed, recalls being scared of the dark and the coming roar and trying to put both feet into one leg of his overalls. T h e y left the mountains fast and lived in Is, Illinois, for a while but found it dull country and m o v e d back. The Brier has lived in A s If, Kentucky, ever since. 48 �HE W A T C H E S A TELEVISED SENATE HEARING W h e n he listened to the soft-handed sons-of-bitches, when he heard their words moving fast like feet trying hard not to break into a run, he saw little copperheads pouring over each other into the wideopen mouth of their mother. 49 �HE SINGS B A L L A D S He guessed he knew a hundred of the old songs his people sang when they came from across the waters: The Knight in the Road, The Turkish Lady, and such like. He couldn't recall a time when he didn't know them. His grandfather sang them, and his father, too. When the right mood took him, he sang them still. And when he sang, the scholars gathered around. They said he was a marvel, a great find. It was hard to believe there was anyone like him left. But when he'd leave the homeplace down in Madison, and go up to Asheville and find work as a gardener at some of the fine houses there, his neck turned red. When he drank in the bars down on Lexington Avenue, and sang the country songs right off the jukebox, the big mirror running behind the bar saw nothing but white trash. And five hundred third-rate novels claimed him. 50 �T H E BRIER R E V I E W I N G N O V E L S When he looked at his image in those novels people packed with swimsuits and sun-tan lotion so they could read of mountains at the beach, he saw himself jerked along—moonshiner, feudist, speaking Elizabethan English— through plots that, like old newsreels hurrying people here and there, made clowns of kings and dignitaries. Yellow-paged thrillers. Comfortable people used to keep them under their pillows with a neatly-folded nightshirt. Drowsy episodes of wittys, mountain maids, granny women.—And so to sleep. 51 �BRIER S E R M O N - " Y o u Must Be Born Again." One Friday night the Brier felt called to preach. So Saturday morning, early, he appeared on a street corner in town and started preaching, walking up and down the sidewalk in front of a hardware and sporting goods store, back and forth in front of the shotguns and spin casting rods and Coleman camp stoves in the window, and looking across the street to the Greenstamp Redemption Store, where all the women brought their trading stamps. Cars and trucks were passing on the street, women were going in and out of the Redemption Store; and a few men and boys were standing around, in groups of three or four. The Brier knew they were listening even though they were not looking at him. He took as his text, "You Must Be Born Again", and started drawing the people closer, saying: You may say, Preacher, where is your black Bible? Why ain't you preachin down sin? You may say, Preacher, why ain't you talkin about hell? What about lipstick and short dresses? What about cigarettes and whiskey? What about dope and long hair? Well, I didn't bring my Bible for a purpose. Because this morning I wanted to say to you I've been through all the books and come out yonside. I'm educated, but not like the Brown boys. Let me tell you about the Brown boys. Feller over close to where I live wanted some little cedar trees dug up and planted in a row beside his house. Tried to hire the Johnson boys, his neighbors, but they were too scared to do it, didn't believe in digging up cedar trees; they'd always heard you'd die whenever the trees got tall enough for their shadow to cover your grave. Get somebody else, they said. Get old Jim Brown and Tom Brown. They're educated, don't believe in nothin. 52 �Well, I'm educated, but not like the Brown boys. There's something I believe in: You must be born again. When he told about the Brown hoys, the Brier heard some of the men laugh and say things to one another. Across the street at the Redemption Store a woman had come out and stopped, holding a little hoy hy the hand. The Brier figured the woman and the little boy would like a story, too. You hear preachers talk about being lost. What does it mean? What's it got to do with being born again?—Feller I know, he didn't go to church, but a church bus always ran right by his house, and his boy, about five or six years old, wanted to ride it. So he let him go. Little boy got over there in church and they were having a revival. Preacher knelt down by the little boy, said, Son, are you lost? Little boy said, Yes, for the bus had gone up several creeks and hollers, picking up other people, and carried the little boy so far from home he didn't know where he was. We're not so different from that little boy. We can be lost, sitting right in the churchhouse. Because we've been carried a long way around, we've got so far away from home, we don't know where we are, how we got where we are, how to get home again. I know I wasn't so different from that little boy. In my father's house, Jesus said. Our foreparents left us a home here in the mountains. But we try to live in somebody else's house. We're ashamed to live in our father's house. We think it's too old-fashioned. Our foreparents left us a very fine inheritance, but we don't believe it. I just want to set you down, gather you together, and read you the will! 53 �YouVe wanted to run off and leave it, this inheritance. You didn't want to see it, ashamed to hear about it, thought it wasn't pretty because it wasn't factory-made. You put it back in the attic, you've thrown it off in a corner of the barn, thrown it down into a ditch. In my father's house. The house our foreparents left had a song, had a story. We didn't care. We said: them old love songs them old ballets them old stories and like foolishness. We were too busy anyway giving our timber away giving our coal away to worry about love songs to worry about ballets to worry about old stories and like foolishness. But I know a man he had a song from his foreparents. It got carried off to New York City and when he heard it played on tv one night by three fellers who clowned and hip-swinged he said he began to feel sick, like he'd lost a loved one. Tears came in his eyes and he went out on the ridge and bawled and said, "Lord, couldn't they leave me the good memories?" Now that man wasn't lost but he knew what he had lost. 54 �You've done your best to disremember what all you've lost. You've spoiled the life that's yours by right of inheritance. You have to go around to the back door of the life that belongs to somebody else. You're neither here nor there. You're out in the cold, buddy. But you don't have to live in the past. You can't, even if you try. You don't have to talk old-fashioned, dress old-fashioned. You don't have to live the way your foreparents lived. But if you don't know about them if you don't love them if you don't respect them you're not going anywhere. You don't have to think ridge-to-ridge, the way they did. You can think ocean-to-ocean. You say, I'm not going to live in the past. A n d all the time the past is living in you. If you're lost, I say it's because you're not living in your father's house. It's the only house you've got the only shelter you've got. It may be just a mountain cabin, but it's shelter and it's yours. I left my father's house. O h , I was moving. But I noticed I wasn't getting anywhere. I was living in somebody else's house. I kept stepping out somebody else's door and the roads I traveled kept winding, twisting, had no beginning, had no end. 55 �M y own house, heired to me by my foreparents, was right there all the time yours is too but I wasn't living in it. Well, I went home. And when I stepped out of my own front door when I knew where I was starting from I knew then where I was going. The only road I could go was the road that started from my own front door. —In my father's house, that's what the Bible says. A n d it speaks of the sins of the fathers sins of the fathers visited on the children unto the fourth generation says the sins of the fathers will set the children's teeth on edge. You were probably wondering why I wasn't talking about sin. Well, I am. But I say, Forget the sins of the fathers. What about the sins of the sons and daughters? We've got enough sins of our own to think about. We're able to set our own teeth on edge. Ours is the sin of forgetfulness forgetfulness of the fathers forgetfulness of a part of ourselves makes us less than we ought to be less than we could be. Forgetfulness of the fathers makes us a people who hardly cast a shadow against the ground. You've heard it said you can't put new wine in old bottles. Well, I don't know. But don't be too sure you're new wine. Maybe we're all old wine in new bottles. The Brier was walking up and down the sidewalk, in front of the hardware and sporting goods store, passing back and forth in front of the guns and fishing rods and catalytic heaters, and 56 �a good crowd was gathering across the street in front of the Redemption Store. He was pacing to the corner and hack, stop­ ping to lay a hand on a parking meter. Traffic was increasing in the street. Some of the people passing nodded or waved a hand, for they knew the Brier. He nodded, and waved back. When the light stopped traffic in the street, he stood on the balls of his feet and talked across the tops of cars to the crowd in front of the Redemption Store. The light would turn and the traffic would move on—cars and pickup trucks, motorcycles, RV's pulling boats. A boy parked his wide-tired jacked-up car at the first parking meter in front of the Brier, got out and went into the hardware store. The Brier moved down and talked across the car's hood. I see these boys with their old cars jerked up on a pulley out under a tree somewhere. I see the cars looking like monster-beasts that have these boys' heads bit off and half of their bodies already eaten up. I see them lying flat on their backs with their heads up under cars, nothing but their feet a-sticking out, their hands mucking around in grease and gears. And I think, buddy, that's how America's got you, that's just the view you have of this country. You've had your head eat off, or else you're flat of your back looking up into the guts and gears of America, up to your elbows in her moving parts, flat of your back, always looking up. And I think to myself I'd like to open up your heads just like you raise the hood or go into a gearbox. I'd like to re-wire your heads and gap your spark plugs and re-set your timing. Because you can get off your back you can have a new view 57 �you can get behind the wheel of America. You can sit in the smooth upholstered seats of power and listen to the music playing. But first you've got to come home and live in your father's house and step out your own front door. There's a road back, buddy. Let me go back a little, let me tell you how we got in this fix in the first place. Our people settled in these mountains and lived pretty much left to themselves. When we got back in touch we started seeing we had to catch up with the others. And people came in telling us, YouVe got to run, you've got to catch up. Buddy, we've run so fast we've run off and left ourselves. We've run off and left the best part of ourselves. And here's something peculiar: running we met people on the road coming from where we were headed, wild-eyed people, running away from something. We said, What'll you have? and it turned out they were running away from what we were running after. They were on their way to sit a spell with us. We had something they wanted. When they got here, a lot of us weren't to home. We'd already run off and left ourselves. So they set to picking up all the things we'd already cast off— our songs and stories, our whole way of life. We couldn't see the treasures in our own house, but they could, and they picked up what we'd abandoned. 58 �You say, Preacher, you must be touched, that's foolishness. How can anybody run off and leave himself? I say, Don't ask me. You're the one who's done it. You've kept the worst and thrown away the best. You've stayed the same where you ought to have changed, changed where you ought to have stayed the same. Wouldn't you like to know what to throw away what to keep what to be ashamed of what to be proud of? Wouldn't you like to know how to change and stay the same? You must be born again. Say you were going on a trip knowing you wouldn't ever be coming back and all you'd ever have of that place you knew, that place where you'd always lived was what you could take with you. You'd want to think what to take along what would travel well what you'd really need and wouldn't need. I'm telling you, every day you're leaving a place you won't be coming back to ever. What are you going to leave behind? What are you taking with you? Don't run off and leave the best part of yourself. And what is that best part? It's spirit. I tell you, I know places in these mountains, back off the big roads, up the coves and hollers old home places with barns and apple orchards, cattle gaps, haunted by spirits 59 �spirits of people who left there taking everything with them but their spirits for their spirits wouldn't leave that place and their spirits are there yet like half-wild dogs or cats that will live on around a place after the people are gone. And I know other places in our towns and cities where the people have moved to without their spirits. Do you believe in signs? I do. I believe in signs. A n d when I see people living in dirt living in filth and trash I believe it's a sign. It believe it's a sign the spirits of those people are living somewhere else. For a spirit won't live in filth and nastiness. A spirit keeps its own place clean like around a fox's den when the little foxes come out and play in the evening and it's clean around the den. Yes, foxes have their dens but what do we have? We've lost the ground from underneath our feet, lost the spiritual ground. We've run off and left the best part of ourselves. We've moved to the cities moved to town and left our spirits in the mountains to live like half-wild dogs around the homeplace. You say, Preacher, we have to change. That's right. But we're forgetful. 60 �It's our forgetfulness that's a sin against ourselves. We don't know any more about our history than a dog knows about his daddy. We're ignorant of ourselves confused in what little we do know. All we know is what other folks have told us. They've said, You're fine Anglo-Saxons, pioneer stock. Then we went to the cities. They said we were trash, said we were Briers. They said, You're proud and independent. They said, You're narrow-minded. They said, You're right from the heart of America. They said, You're the worst part of America. They said, We ought to be more like you. They said, You ought to be more like us. You've heard that prayer that goes: Help us to see ourselves as others see us. Buddy, that's not a prayer we want to pray. I believe we ought to pray: Lord, help us to see ourselves—and no more. Or maybe: Help us to see ourselves, help us to be ourselves, help us to free ourselves from seeing ourselves as others see us. I know it's hard to turn loose of that old self, that confused self. You think, That's the only thing I am, what someone else has told me I am. I've hung there, I know. I've twisted in that wind. But you can turn loose, you can do it. 61 �One dark night in the fall of the year a man went out to coonhunt—went by himself. His dogs they struck a trail and he followed up the ridge, stopping to listen, moving on, moving through the dark. And when his dogs barked treed, way over yonder, he hurried on through the brush, moving faster, and walked, yes, walked right over a cliff. You'll do that in these mountains if you're not careful. Well, he managed to grab a hold as he went over. A little twisty, runty tree was growing out, out from a crack in the cliff, and he hung by it, held on in the dark. But he couldn't do anything but just hang there. He couldn't get back up, there was no footing. A n d nothing but death and darkness there below him. But he couldn't hold on much longer, either. Finally all the strength in his hands was gone. He couldn't hold on any longer, and he fell— about a foot. Yes, fell about a foot. He'd hung as long as he could, He'd held to dear life, just as anybody will. Having no choice, he turned loose of his life. But he didn't lose it. He didn't lose himself, he found himself, found himself on firm ground. A n d he went home. But he went home a changed man. You're hanging like that man. You're struggling for a toehold in the dark. You're holding on to that old self but your grip is growing weaker all the time. Turn loose. All you'll do is fall about a foot. You'll fall about a foot to spiritual ground. You'll fall home. You'll walk away a different man or woman. 62 �Oh, you'll think, I'm going to die. But you won't die. Fm not talking about physical death. When you die a physical death you're put into the ground. And the Bible teaches youll be raised up, resurrected from that physical death. But Fm not talking about physical death. Fm talking about spiritual death. Fm not talking about life after death. Fm talking about life before death. Fm saying if youre dead in life, spiritually dead in life, you must be born again, you must be born again and again and again. You say, Preacher, what's it like? I'm here to tell you: It's like becoming a little child again but being grown up too. It's the best of both. It's being at home everywhere. It's living in your own house. It's stepping out your own front door every morning. It's being old wine in a new bottle. It's getting to know another side of yourself. You know how sometimes when you squirrel hunt a squirrel will get on the back side of a tree and if you step around there, he just goes around to the side of the tree where you were standing, and if you step back around to that side again, he goes to the side where he was in the first place and on and on and you never get him that way. You've got a side of yourself that's like that squirrel, always out of sight. What's it like—being born again? It's going back to what you were before without losing what you've since become. 63 �They say people can go blind gradually. They say people can go deaf gradually. Lose the sense of taste little by little. They forget the shapes of leaves on trees, forget the sound of the creek running, the world just blurs, grows silent. They forget the taste of coffee and all their food. Now what would it be like if that sight were given back? If they heard the creek running again, or a crow call? If suddenly they could taste their food again? Something is restored to them, a richness. They've found something they didn't even know they'd lost. They're born again to sights and sounds and tastes. Oh, you must be born again. Do you remember, back when you were little, and wore brogans or heavy shoes all winter? And do you remember that first day in spring when you took them off and started going barefoot? The air was warm but the ground was still so cool, your feet were white and tender but you felt light-footed you had good wind and you felt like you could fly right off the earth. You must be born again! The crowd had scattered now. The street was almost empty when he finished. He stood a moment like a blind man smiling and gazing past people he spoke to. Then he reached out, as if to gather something in and, raising his hand higher still, he blessed an invisible crowd on the sidewalk. Traffic stopped at the light, and the Brier on the corner disappeared behind a motor home. When it pulled away, he had gone. 64 �This page intentionally left blank �This page intentionally left blank �ABOUT THE AUTHOR J I M W A Y N E M I L L E R (1936-1996) was b o r n i n Leicester, N o r t h Carolina. H e received his B . A . from Berea College i n 1958 and his Ph.D. in German Literature from Vanderbilt University i n 1965. H e was a professor of German language and literature at Western Kentucky University and a major influence o n literature and poetry i n the Appalachian region. �This page intentionally left blank �P u b l i c a t i o n o f The Mountains Have Come Closer was c o o r d i n a t e d a n d d e s i g n e d b y Susan H u f f m a n w i t h cover design b y Steven B u r k e of Raleigh, N o r t h C a r o l i n a . Typesetting a n d type design was b y H o l l a n d Typographies in Lenoir, N o r t h Carolina, �This page intentionally left blank � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Mountains Have Come Closer Description An account of the resource <em>Mountains Have Come Closer</em><span>&nbsp;is a collection of poems by Jim Wayne Miller which draw on his life experiences growing up and living in Appalachia. Miller was awarded the Thomas Wolfe Award for the book in 1980.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1gCXNYEVqsNSsRJN-GwCSzyAfrwQTXCZZ" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469636597/the-mountains-have-come-closer" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Mountain people--Poetry Miller, Jim Wayne Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Miller, Jim Wayne Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1980 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Poetry E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/ebffe31504e5378672090388f08c1790.pdf f57453e92f7a5924c8a71f3d4387b5e7 PDF Text Text �EMERGING PATTERNS _ IN THE SOUTHERN HIGHLANDS A Reference Atlas Volume 2: Agriculture VA NC SC GA produced by THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM, INC. in cooperation with APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH CAROLINA and TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY Economic Development and Analysis Branch edited by MALINDA L CRUTCHFIELD PAUL E. LOVINGOOD, JR. Department of Geography University of South Carolina ROBERT E. REIMAN Department of Geography Appalachian State University �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 1004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program; Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1986 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4220-8 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4239-0 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit educational organization comprised of institutions and agencies located in the Southern Highlands. Our members are volunteers who plan and execute projects which serve 156 mountain counties in seven states. Among our goals are: • Preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia • Protecting the mountain environment • Publishing manuscripts about the region • Improving educational opportunities for area students and teachers • Conducting scientific, social, and economic research • Promoting a positive image of Appalachia • Encouraging regional cooperation The member institutions of the Appalachian Consortium are: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association John C. Campbell Folk School Lees-McRea College Mars Hill College Mountain Regional Library Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild U. S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Association North Carolina Division of Archives and History �This program is supported by assistance from the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), a Federal agency. Under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, the Age Discrimination Act of 1975, and applicable TVA regulations at 18 CFR pts. 1302,1307, and 1309, no person shall, on the grounds of race, color, national origin, handicap, or age, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or otherwise be subjected to discrimination under this program. In addition, no qualified handicapped person shall, on the basis of handicap, be subjected to discrimination in employment (including hiring) under the program. If you feel you have been subjected to discrimination as described above, you or your representative have the right to file a written complaint with TVA not later than 90 days from the date of the alleged discrimination. The complaint should be sent to Tennessee Valley Authority, Office of Equal Opportunity Compliance, 400 West Summit Hill Drive, Knoxville, Tennessee 37902. A copy of the applicable TVA regulations may be obtained on request by writing TVA at the address given above. �TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD PREFACE ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS PART 1 — The Study Area 6 1.1 Counties of the Southern Highlands 1.2 Physiographic Regions 1.3 Number of Farms—1982 1.4 Percent Decrease in Number of Farms—1945-1982 1.5 Average Farm Size in Acres—1982 1.6 Percent of Total Land Area in Farms—1982 1.7 Percent Decrease in Land Classified as Farms—1945-1982 The Role of Farming in the Southern Highlands: An Historical Perspective by Alan J. Hauser 21 PART 2 — Agricultural Land Use 24 2.1 Cropland as a Percent of Total Farmland—1982 2.2 Harvested Cropland as a Percent of Total Farmland—1982 2.3 Woodland as a Percent of Total Farmland—1982 2.4 Pasture Land as a Percent of Total Farmland—1982 2.5 Percent of Total Farms Harvesting 1-9 Acres—1982 2.6 Percent of Total Farms Harvesting 10-49 Acres—1982 2.7 Percent of Total Farms Harvesting 50-99 Acres—1982 2.8 Percent of Total Farms Harvesting 100 Acres and More—1982 2.9 Farming Regions Based on Percent of Farmland in Total Cropland, Harvested Cropland, Pasture and Woodland—1982 An Examination of Agricultural Land Use in Three Sub-Regions in the Southern Highlands by Alan J. Hauser 43 PART 3 — Farm Types (By SIC Codes) . . . . .48 3.1 Cash Grain Farms as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 3.2 Tobacco Farms as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 3.3 Sugar Crops, Irish Potatoes, Peanuts and Other Field Crop Farms as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 3.4 Vegetable and Melon Farms as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 3.5 Fruit and Tree Nut Farms as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 3.6 Horticultural Specialty Farms as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 3.7 General Farms, Primarily Crops, as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 3.8 General Farms, Primarily Livestock, as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 3.9 Beef Cattle Farms as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 3.10 Dairy Farms as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 3.11 Poultry and Egg Farms as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 3.12 Animal Specialty Farms as a Percent of Total Farms—1982 Types of Farm Production in Southern Appalachia by Glenn A. Mitchell . 73 �PART 4 — Farm Productivity 78 4.1 Percent of Total Farms with Sales Less Than $1,000—1982 4.2 Percent of Total Farms with Sales $1,000-$4,999—1982 4.3 Percent of Total Farms with Sales $5,000-$9,999—1982 4.4 Percent of Total Farms with Sales $10,000-$19,999—1982 4.5 Percent of Total Farms with Sales $20,000439,999—1982 4.6 Percent of Total Farms with Sales $40,000-$99,999—1982 4.7 Percent of Total Farms with Sales $100,000 or More—1982 4.8 Percent of Total Sales from Corn, Wheat, and Soybeans—1982 4.9 Percent of Total Sales from Tobacco—1982 4.10 Percent of Total Sales from Hay, Silage, and Field Seed—1982 4.11 Percent of Total Sales from Vegetables, Sweet Corn, and Melons—1982 4.12 Percent of Total Sales from Fruits, Nuts, and Berries—1982 4.13 Percent of Total Sales from Nursery and Greenhouse Products—1982 4.14 Percent of Total Sales from Poultry and Poultry Products—1982 4.15 Percent of Total Sales from Dairy Products—1982 4.16 Percent of Total Sales from Cattle and Calves—1982 4.17 Percent of Total Sales from Hogs and Pigs—1982 4.18 Percent of Total Sales from Sheep, Lambs, and Wool—1982 4.19 Type of Farming Regions Based on Agricultural Sales—1982 Small Farm Productivity: Evaluating an Appalachian Tradition by Marnie H. Muller 117 PART 5 — Farm Management and Organization 122 5.1 Percent of Total Farms with Owner Operators—1982 5.2 Percent of Total Farms with Part Owner Operators—1982 5.3 Percent of Total Farms with Tenant Operators—1982 5.4 Average Age of Farm Operators—1982 5.5 Average Age of Farm Operators—1945 5.6 Percent of Farm Operators Whose Principal Occupation is Other Than Farming—1982 5.7 Percent of Total Farms with Male Operators—1982 5.8 Percent of Farms with Individual or Family Organization—1982 5.9 Percent of Farms with Individual or Family Organization—1969 5.10 Percent of Farms with Partnership Organization—1982 5.11 Percent of Farms with Corporation Organization—1982 Patterns of Farm Management and Organization in the Southern Highlands by Dennis L Soden 145 PART 6 — Farm Ecology 148 6.1 Percent of Total Land in Farms on which Commercial Fertilizer was used—1982 6.2 Percent of Total Land in Farms on which Lime was used—1982 6.3 Percent of Total Land in Farms on which Sprays, Dust, Granules, Fumigants, Etc., were used to Control Insects on Hay and Other Crops—1982 6.4 Percent of Total Land in Farms on which Chemicals Were Used for Defoliation, Growth of Crops, and Thinning of Fruit—1982 6.5 Percent of Land in Farms on which Agricultural Chemicals of All Types were used—1982 Towards an Economic Perspective on Appalachian Agriculture by J. Linn Mackey 159 �FOREWORD No aspect of the economy of the Southern Highlands is as important to the character of Appalachian life as is agriculture. Yet one cannot help but be shocked by the paucity of research and writing on this vital subject. Even among people of Appalachia there is a sense of nostalgia when discussing agriculture. Farming is something that our grandparents did, and it represents a dying lifestyle. Indeed, the disintegration of agriculture and the lifestyle which accompanies it is transforming our culture and our communities. Nationwide, since 1940, approximately 30 million people have left the farm. Agricultural indebtedness and overhead have reached record levels as inflation has slowed and land values have stabilized. How many evenings have we agonized as the national media present devasting scenes of farm foreclosures and family tragedy? I cannot help but painfully recall the testimiony of President Johnson's Special Commission on Food Policies in 1967 which said, "The country's biggest farm problem is a surplus of farmers." Today, the word farming is obsolete. It has been replaced by agribusiness, agripower, and the all important export-import quotient. Agriculture is indeed undergoing an epochal revolution. In a single lifetime U.S. agriculture has "advanced" more than in all the proceeding millenniums of man's labor on the land. But what does this revolution mean to the people of the Southern Highlands and to our cultural traditions? Wendall Berry reminds us in The Unsettling of America that food is a cultural product; it cannot be produced by technology alone. "A healthy culture is a communal order of memory, insight, value, work, conviviality, reverence, aspiration. It reveals the human necessities and the human limits. It clarifies our inescapable bonds to the earth and to each other. It assures that the necessary restraints are observed, that the necessary work is done, and that it is done well. A healthy farm culture can be based only upon familiarity and can grow only among a people soundly established upon the land; it nourishes and safeguards a human intelligence on the earth that no amount of technology can satisfactorily replace." Emerging Patterns of the Southern Highlands: Volume II not only represents an effort by the Appalachian Consortium to address the paucity of information about agriculture in Appalachia; it also represents our continuing commitment to the Jeffersonian principle of participatory democracy. It reflects our belief in a strong community voice in the future of the Southern Highlands. This commitment is equally resolute among the faculty and researchers who are responsible for this volume; the Tennessee Valley Authority which provided financial support for the project; the University of South Carolina and Appalachian State University which gave generously of both human and technological resources. This second volume of Emerging Patterns and its examination of agriculture in the Consortium's 156 county service region reflects our concern over the impact of a disappearing farm economy on the life of Southern Appalachia. We hope that this volume will stimulate additional research into the problems and opportunities which face agriculture in the Southern Highlands. ff Barry M. Buxton Executive Director Appalachian Consortium �This page intentionally left blank �PREFACE For a number of years, the members of the Regional Cooperation and Development Committee of the Appalachian Consortium sensed a need for the development of a simple yet highly illustrative source of information about that area of the Southern Highlands which the Consortium regards as its "sphere of influence." In 1984, discussions with the Tennessee Valley Authority led to their granting supportive funding which made possible the publication of an introductory atlas entitled Emerging Patterns in the Southern Highlands: A Reference Atlas. Members of the Research and Development Committee were convinced that this first volume would fill an immediate need and would lead to the publication of an entire series of atlases based on different aspects of life in the Southern Highlands. Events have proven the members of the committee correct. Many groups study this region and make decisions about courses of action, yet few have had access to information which is clear, easily interpreted, and reliable. Volume 1 met the need of organizations such as schools, Chambers of Commerce, county and town planners, and church associations for a convenient source of accurate information about the region they serve. Because farming has played such a key role in the life of the region from the time of the earliest frontier subsistance farms up until today, agriculture was chosen as the topic for this second volume of Emerging Patterns in the Southern Highlands. Again, we are indebted to the TVA for their support. For this Volume and for Volume 1, data in digital form have been converted by computer to catagorized pattern values and plotted in class intervals for each discreet data element. This process, known as Geographic Information Management and Mapping System (GIMMS), is a great deal faster than manual cartography and results in a product that lends itself to intra-area comparisons and contrasts. Most of the maps in this volume convey an immediate message in terms of the magnitude and distribution of each phenomenon. However, individual maps are accompanied by a short text to assist the user in orientation to the various parts of the study area and to point out some of the more significant findings which the maps portray. In examining this volume, the user will find that county names have been omitted from the pattern maps. To identify specific counties, the user must place the transparent overlay found in the pocket at the back of the volume over the individual maps. Following the publication of Volume 1, a series of public programs was held led by scholars whose approach to the data was based on their own study of the regionfs history. These lectures stimulated a great deal of interest and discussion. Because such an approach was considered so valuable a component of the project, this second volume contains an essay printed at the end of each of the six parts. Authors of the essays are regional scholars whose research and thinking about the Southern Highlands support and enrich this volume. The Appalachian Consortium intends to follow this agriculture volume with others which will examine in depth topics of importance to the region. An entire series of atlases is envisioned. Such a series will be a quality tool which individuals, businesses, and agencies will find of great help as they seek to understand this fascinating area of the country. Malinda L Crutchfield Editor 3 �This page intentionally left blank �ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This second volume of what has become a continuing series would not have been possible without the combined efforts of many persons among the Department of Geography at the University of South Carolina, the Department of Geography and Community Planning at Appalachian State University, the staff of the Appalachian Consortium, membership of the Regional Cooperation and Development Committee of the Consortium, the Economic Development and Analysis Branch of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Generous help in producing the maps was given by the Social and Behavioral Sciences Laboratory at the University of South Carolina. Special acknowledgement must go to Graduate Research Assistant David Doerter of USC and to Elizabeth Bordeaux and Sandra Sanders of ASU. Thanks is also given to Dr. Barry Buxton whose vision for the project has inspired us and to Ms. Malinda Crutchfield whose patient overseeing of this project has kept us on track. And, finally, to all of the many members of the Appalachian Consortium who contributed ideas, time, and moral support to the idea of a series of working atlases specific to our region. Paul E. Lovingood, Jr. Robert E. Reiman Co-authors 5 �PART I — THE STUDY AREA Map 1.1 — Counties of the Southern Highlands* This map and the table below give some idea of the size, population, and spatial distribution of the counties in the study area. Number of Counties, Area and Population, 1980 State Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia Total Number of Counties Area (sq. ml.) Population 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 5.485 9,340 12,763 3,851 13,209 10,648 7,529 62,825 418,695 684,487 1,406,354 791,895 1,761,935 939,120 878,301 6,880,787 All of the counties—except for the cluster of Montgomery, Roanoke, Franklin, Patrick and Henry in Virginia, Catawba and Cleveland in North Carolina, and Hart in Georgia—lie within the Appalachian Region as defined by the Appalachian Regional Commission. However the most recent delimitation of the Appalachian Region has been made by Karl B. Raitz and Richard Ulack in a recently published work: Appalachia: A Regional Geography (1984). All of the counties of the study area used herein fall well within their region's boundaries. Otherwise, the selection of counties included in this atlas has been somewhat arbitrary, based mainly upon the "sphere of influence" as perceived by the collective membership of the Appalachian Consortium. Members have on-going research and work, professional connections, and/or study interests in the counties as delimited herein. All of the physiographic elements of the Appalachian Mountains: Piedmont, Blue Ridge Mountains, Ridge and Valley Zone, and the Appalachian Plateau are represented in the regionalization scheme (Map 1.2). * Reprinted From Volume 1. 6 �7 �MAP 1.2 — Physiographic Regions The study area is truly a region of varied topography. For the most part the deep cutting by water of the mountains and high plateaus has resulted in what is often termed "hilly country." The exception, of course, is the Blue Ridge Section of the older Appalachians — a spine of rugged mountains that extends from Virginia to Georgia as it straddles the Tennessee-Virginia state boundary. This belt varies in width but averages about 70 miles across. It contains the Blue Ridge, Smoky, and Unaka Mountains; some places elevations exceed 6,000 feet. On the eastern side of the belt is the Blue Ridge Escarpment from which the land slopes sharply downward. At the bottom of this slope, at elevations roughly 2000 to 3000 feet lower, and with much less pronounced local relief, are the hills, low plateaus, and lowland plans of the Piedmont Physiographic Province. To the west of the Blue Ridge the land slopes more gently, onto the hills and low plateaus of the Great Valley of East Tennessee in the south and into the Ridge and Valley Section to the north; the longitudinal valleys are traversed by major water courses. Beyond this to the west is another area of heavy relief—the Cumberland Mountains of Eastern Kentucky and the Eastern Highland Rim in Tennessee. Finally, the extensive Cumberland Plateau in the northwest portion of the study area slopes gradually westward. The dissection of the plateau has formed distinct valleys that transect large flat-topped erosional remnants. The potential for agriculture on this type of landscape is marginal, at least in comparison with the large amount of flat, adequately watered interior plains in other parts of the United States. Because much of the land is in slope the use of mechanization is limited; the higher rainfall of the region (fostered by orographic lifting) results in sometimes severe leaching of the soils. Although valley bottoms may contain deposition of fertile alluvium, their extent is small and their productivity is hampered by the propensity for flooding. Soils are often thin because of the closeness of rock to the surface, and the accumulation of organic material is hampered by continuous erosion. The land is, however, well suited to trees, and, if they are removed carefully and the slopes planted in grass, the resulting pastures can provide a good base for animal production. The forest environment is also a good place for tree crops (deciduous fruits, nuts), small fruits, and ornamentals. The high degree of local relief throughout much of the region provides some varying and even magnificient scenery but also serves as an impediment to access and to the development of transportation routeways, both land and air. 8 �PHYSIOGRAPHIC REGIONS MOUNTAINS AND HIGH PLATEAUS VALLEY ZONE LOW PLATEAUS AND PLAINS 13fl 9 �MAP 1.3 — Number of Farms — 1982* A farm, as defined for the 1978 and 1982 censuses, is any place from which $1,000 or more of agricultural products were sold, or normally would have been sold, during the census year. In 1982 there were 2,240,976 farms in the United States, of which 101,470 (or about 4.5 percent) were located in the 156-county study area. The pattern shows the largest numbers of farms in the Great Valley and Blue Ridge Mountains of Tennessee and Virginia, in the northern Piedmont of North Carolina, the western Piedmont of South Carolina, and on the western fringe of the area on the Appalachian Plateau of Kentucky. The largest number of farms (3,881) is in Greene County, Tennessee. The coal mining counties of Kentucky and West Virginia show the smallest numbers of farms. In fact, in West Virginia four of the seven counties in the lowest class interval have less than 50 farms apiece, with the lowest county (McDowell) having only eight. The Tennessee-Virginia portion of the Southern Highlands not only has the largest number of farms, but also has the highest acreage—nearly one-third of the total. It also experienced the highest increase in the number of farms during the 1978-1982 period. This concentration of farms is due mainly to the fact that broader expanses of suitable land are available in the Great Valley; the less-rough lands of the Appalachian Plateau in the Kentucky portion also offer more opportunities for farming. * Adapted From Volume 1. 10 �NUMBER OF FflRMS - 1982 SOURCE: 11 1382 CENSUS OF flGRICULTURE �MAP 1.4 — Percent Decrease in Number of Farms—1945 to 1982 In 1945 there were 5,859,169 "farms" in the United States; by 1982 this number had declined to 2,240,976—a loss of nearly 62 percent. In the study area the overall decline was from 280,718 to 101,470—about 64 percent. A significant amount of this decline was, of course, due to the changing definition of the term "farm." Whereas in 1982 the definition was based on the sale of a specific minimum amount of agricultural products (Map 1.3), in 1945 a farm was "all the land on which some agricultural operations are performed by one person, either by his own labor alone or with the assistance of members of his household, or hired employees." (It was not until the 1950 Census of Agriculture that the product value feature was instituted.) The 1945 figures included considerable areas of land not actually under cultivation and some land not even used for pasture or grazing so long as the land was under control of the operator and considered part of his farm. The slightly heavier loss of farms in the study area was caused mainly by abandonment of land that was too rough for effective farming, by purchase of farmland for coal mining, and by the demise of the subsistence farmer. The map patterns distinctly reveal the higher losses in the coal-mining counties of eastern Kentucky and southwestern Virginia. On the Carolina Piedmont high losses can more than likely be attributed to the increase in the encroachment of housing and industry in the more populous areas. It should be noted, however, that from 1978 to 1982 the number of farms in the study area actually increased by slightly over six percent (nationally there was a 0.7 percent decline), with some of the largest gains in the coal mining counties. The gains can be attributed to gradual reclamation of some mined land, by a renewed interest in farming by people already on the land, and by the counter-movement of people to rural areas. The patterns also emphasize the fact that decreases in numbers of farms are much lower on those lands where farming has always been viable, such as in the counties of the Great Valley and on the western edges of the Appalachian Plateau. 12 �PERCENT DECREflSE IN NUMBER OF FRRMS - 1945 TO 1982 SOURCE: 13 1945 FIND 1982 CENSUSES OF R6RI CULTURE �MAP 1.5 — Average Size Farm In Acres—1982 The overall average for farm size in the study area is 103 acres, less than one-fourth the average size of farms on a national scale. Even counties at the top of the range show averages considerably below the national figure. The reasons for small farm size in the region are obvious—much of the land is in slope, farm acreage on valley floors in relatively small and often is shared by many owners. The traditional subsistence nature of the original agricultural settlement in the region also has contributed to the smailness. From 1978 to 1982 average farm size in the United States decreased about two percent (from 449 acres to 440 acres), while in the study area the decrease was more dramatic— about seven percent (from 110 acres). In the region, farm sizes are highest in the Ridge and Valley area and on the western edge in Tennessee; the mountain counties along the North Carolina-Tennessee border have the smallest average. Several counties in Upper East Tennessee show small average size, more than likely due to the "rurban" character of the area—where persons with an agricultural heritage take advantage of such urban amenities as employment in manufacturing plants, cultural amenities in small cities and more and better retail outlets, but they continue to live on small farm acreage. 14 �RVERflGE SIZE FflRM IN RCRES - 1982 iLRNK = NO DRTR SOURCE: 15 1382 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 1.6 — Percent of Total Land Area in Farms — 1982* The table below contains some base figures that are quite helpful in the interpretation of patterns of agricultural land use in the region. FARMLAND IN THE SOUTHERN HIGHLANDS — 1982 Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia Region Number Number Counties State Farms of 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 of 7,265 10,728 22,571 4,749 33,390 18,228 4,549 101,480 A eras rarmianci inai is: Land in Farms (Acres) Average Size (Acres) Cropland Woodland Pasture 702,444 1,171,043 1,971,802 616,684 2,864,033 2,477,531 653,590 10,457,127 97 109 87 130 86 136 144 t03 309,210 409,568 880,911 346,666 1,588,039 1,017,695 227,981 4,780,070 264,886 580,165 762,537 189,827 855,760 836,719 294,877 3,784,771 75,343 78,099 178,666 48,817 238,848 508,770 95,125 1,223,668 Houses, Etc. 53,005 97,598 149,688 31,374 181,386 114,347 34,976 662,374 The 62,825 total square miles of the study area translates into 40,208,000 acres, about 1.8 percent of the total land area of the United States. Land area classified as "farms" in the study area is 10,457,127 acres; this is about one percent of the total farmland in the nation. According to the Bureau of the Census, the acreage designated as "land in farms11 consists primarily of agricultural land used for crops, pasture, or grazing. It also includes woodland and wasteland not actually under cultivation or used for pasture or grazing, provided it was part of the farm operator's total operation. Land in farms is an operating unit concept and includes land owned and operated as well as land rented from others. All grazing land, except land used under government permits on a per-head basis, is included as "land in farms" provided it was part of a farm. All land in Indian reservations used for growing crops or grazing livestock is included as land in farms. Whereas in the United States about 43 percent of the total land area is considered to be "farmland", in the study area only 26 percent is so classified. The pattern of land by county devoted to agriculture shows the higher percentages concentrated in the Great Valley of Virginia-Tennessee, with some high counties on both the eastern and western fringes of the region. The coal mining counties in Kentucky and the mountain counties in North Carolina fall in the lowest class interval. * Adapted from Volume 1. 16 �PERCENT OF TOTflL LRND RRER IN FRRMS - 1982 KY SOURCE: 17 1982 CENSUS OF RBRICULTURE �MAP 1.7 — Percent Decrease in Acres of Land in Farms—1945 to 1982 The 5,859,169 farms in the United States in 1945 contained 1,141,615,000 acres of land; average farm size, however, was less than half (195 acres) what it was in 1982 (440 acres). The decrease in farm land nationally from 1945 to 1982 was 126,837,766 acres, or about 11 percent. In the study area the decrease was 30,056,807 acres or about 74 percent. As was the case with the number of farms (Map 1.4) some of the decline can be attributed to the difference in definition. However, the comparison with national figures is striking. Most of the same reasons prevail as did in the number of farms—abandonment of farm land to mining, demise of the subsistence farmer, and conversion of farm land to other uses. As can be easily seen, the heaviest concentration of decline was in the "coal" counties of eastern Kentucky and southern West Virginia—with another concentration, somewhat smaller, in western North Carolina and northern Georgia. The smaller decreases were, as might be expected, in the Ridge and Valley area of Virginia and in the Great Valley of Tennessee. Even the smaller and moderate decreases were dramatically higher than the decrease nationally. 18 �PERCENT DECRERSE IN RCRES OF LRND IN FRRMS - 1945 TO 1982 KY BLRNK = NO DflTfl SOURCE: 19 1945 RND 1982 CENSUSES OF RGRICULTURE �This page intentionally left blank �Commentary The Role of Farming in the Southern Highlands: An Historical Perspective by Alan J. Mauser Farming has been vital to the Appalachian region ever since white settlers first came to the area. Until almost the time of the Revolutionary War, the mountains of Virginia and North Carolina had presented a formidable barrier to westward migration. However, in the late 1760's and the 1770's, that barrier melted before settlers who pushed into areas such as eastern Tennessee where the Watauga Association was formed, the extreme western region of modern-day Virginia where the North-of-Holston settlements took root, and the mountains and bluegrass area of Kentucky. These settlers were hungry for land on which they could build a new life for themselves. The land they found was not suited to the type of large-scale production that would later come to be characteristic of midwestern states such as Illinois, Iowa, or Kansas, but in the closing years of the 18th century, that made little difference since the labor-intensive nature of farming at that time made it unreasonable for a single family to try to farm large areas. Within the Appalachian region, some areas contained a substantial amount of flatland such as the Great Valley that extends from the Chattanooga area up into the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. However, many other regions possessed only small parcels of level ground with the majority of the land being either too steep for plowing or prone to erosion. What led people to settle in these hilly areas rather than pushing on to find more sizeable tracts of arable land further west? The beauty of the region, along with the nature of farming at the time, were such that many settlers became convinced that they could carve out a good life for themselves and for their families from the wilderness. A farm at that time and in this region would not have been seen as a large, cash-producing enterprise but rather as an essentially self-contained unit that would enable each family to care for itself with little assistance from or contact with the outside world. Even had it been possible for most of the farms in the region to produce enough surplus food above and beyond the basic needs of the farm family to make it profitable to try selling large amounts of farm products elsewhere, the great difficulty of transporting a substantial amount of goods more than a few miles would have made the exporting of farm products to distant markets very difficult. A wagonload of goods might at times be carried to a larger town or railroad depot in order to secure some cash, but that was only an occasional event and not a mainstay of farm operation. This isolation of many farms within the Appalachian region persisted well into the 20th century. The nature of the land was well-suited to the type of lifestyle that would long be imposed on the region because of its isolation. A small number of relatively level acres was sufficient to raise enough grain crops and vegetables to feed even a sizeable family. Land that was too steep to use for such crops could nevertheless be used to grow fruit trees, such as apple and cherry, could be cleared to provide pastureland for cattle, or could be left forested as a source of timber and firewood and as a haven for the game which, especially in the early years of settlement, could compensate for periods when other foodstuffs were in short supply. Thus, the effective isolation of the region from the outside world during most of its history and the difficulty of communicating regularly with people and communities just a few miles away forced most families in the region into an intimate symbiosis with the land on which they lived. The lifestyle that evolved was not based on a money-oriented relationship to the outside world with crops sent out in exchange for funds which could then be used to buy manufactured goods for the household. It was rather a fiercely independent lifestyle in which it was presumed that all the necessities of life could be grown or produced by the family and its immediate community. While a few items were brought in from outside the region, such exchanges were kept to a minimum. 21 �While this lifestyle would persist for a considerable period of time, changes in the external world and the intrusion of those changes into the region would eventually make this lifestyle more difficult to sustain. But even before these external forces became powerful enough to have a dramatic impact, the growth of the population heralded significant changes. Since there was virtually no industry and since other occupations such as coal mining and the harvesting of timber could support only a certain amount of population growth, the source of livelihood for most people would of necessity continue to be the family farm. As the population grew, however, the amount of farmland, and especially the amount of arable land that was available for each family, shrank as parents subdivided among several children the land that had been theirs. Improved agricultural methods, hybrid seeds, and better farm tools and machinery could lead to a more intensive rate of production per acre, but there clearly were limits on how far the land could be pushed to improve production, and such improvements were incapable of radically altering the nature of these farms as essentially family-oriented units with little hope of growing major amounts of cashproducing crops. Especially after World War I, the isolation of the region began to break down because of the advent of radio, the incursion of modern roads into the region as the automobile became a common means of transportation, and, in more recent years, the appearance of television. The highways facilitated migration from the region which in turn eased some of the pressure on the land to sustain the population. However, the opening to the outside world also brought rapid movement toward a money-based economic system. Younger generations especially began to desire the things they heard described on the radio and/or saw brought into the mountains. Aspirations once raised, whether they be for modern conveniences such as washing machines or refrigerators or for better medical care or for means of convenient and rapid transportation, are not easily suppressed. The self-sustaining, family unit could not produce such items by itself, and the family farm as an economic unit came to be under serious pressure since in most cases it also proved incapable of producing a sufficient surplus of farm goods to provide the cash with which to obtain what was desired. While for older persons, the answer to this dilemma has often been to attempt to ignore what has been brought in and to try to keep things pretty much as they were, for the younger generations, a serious conflict of values has developed. There is a desire to maintain the small family farm and as much as is possible of the heritage it represents. Yet at the same time, there is the realization that in many cases a full-time, occupational commitment to the family farm will necessitate the abandonment of any serious attempt to secure even a medium-level standard of living. Hence, many persons have become parttime farmers, heavily dependent on another occupation as their major source of income. What this strong trend toward part-time farming means for the future is one of the key issues that will need to be addressed. The trend toward part-time farming does enable persons to maintain their ties to the land and its rich cultural heritage while also upgrading their quality of life. As map 5.6 shows, in all but a handful of counties in the Appalachian region more than half of the farmers have a principal occupation other than farming. Part-time farming requires, however, a sacrifice of opportunities that might be available elsewhere. A decision to stay and try to work at basically two professions as opposed to leaving and seeking employment elsewhere will involve choices affecting persons1 lives in ways they may not suspect when they make a decision. One thing leaders in the community can do is to establish educational programs that will assist people in making such decisions with a full knowledge of the consequences, both positive and negative, that will follow a decision to leave and seek employment elsewhere or a decision to stay and coordinate part-time farming with other employment. Another significant step that community leaders can take is to encourage farm owners not to sub-divide further the land that they have. It would seem best to encourage parents to pass on their land intact to one of their children, hopefully the one most inclined to pursue farming, rather than to continue to distribute the small amount of productive land available among an ever-increasing number of persons. This may involve difficult decisions, 22 �since in many cases land is the only significant asset parents can leave to their children. Furthermore, a decision to compensate the other children by saddling the son or daughter who remains on the land with a substantial debt in order to "buy out" the siblings could doom that person to failure in a situation where the land may not be capable of producing a large amount of cash income. Despite these difficulties, however, it is clear that to continue to sub-divide the land, especially on the smaller farms, is to make it even less likely that farming can provide a reasonable income for those who stay on the land. Too much sub-division of the land can make even part-time farming a difficult venture unless such farming becomes more of a hobby than a serious attempt to enhance one's income. It is noteworthy that this atlas contains a map depicting the percent decrease in land classified as farms (1.7), but it does not contain a map depicting the percent increase in farmland. To put it differently, in every county in the region the amount of land classified as farmland has decreased significantly since 1945. Even taking into account changes between 1945 and 1982 in the way land is classified, this is still a significant statistical trend indicating that in the Appalachian region farming is on the wane. With only a few exceptions, all the counties outside the Great Valley area which, because of its physical features, has much of the best farmland in the region have experienced a dramatic drop in farm acreage from 1945 to 1982, and even in the Great Valley area, the drop has been quite substantial. Farming is playing a declining role in the lives of people in this region, and any look to the future must ask how the role of farming can be redefined in order to maximize its usefulness to the people of the region. That the importance of farming in the economic life of the region is on the decline may also be seen when one observes the age patterns for farmers in the region. It is difficult to find many counties where the percentage of farm operators under 35 years of age exceeds 25%, and in most counties, the percentage is 20% or less. This may in part be due to the fact that parents and/or grandparents are still listed as the prime operators, but it is nevertheless an important piece of information pointing to the "graying" of farming in this region. Significantly, it is difficult to find many counties where the percentage of operators 55 years of age or older is less than 25%, and in most cases the percentage is 40% or more. While there are some exceptions to this pattern, a comparison of maps 5.4 and 5.5 will confirm the "graying" of farm operators. It appears that there will be a further decline in the role of farming in the region as older farmers retire without an adequate number of younger farmers to take their place. Clearly, major changes are underway in the nature of farming in the Appalachian region. As the role of farming in the economic life of the region is redefined, ways must be found to enable farming to ensure a reasonable livelihood for both full-time and part-time farmers if farming is to persist as an important factor in the lives of the people. This atlas is intended to provide information that will be useful as an assessment is made of ways to keep farming a viable, contributing factor as the region looks to a new generation and beyond to the 21st century. 23 �PART 2 - AGRICULTURAL LAND USE MAP 2.1 — Cropland as a Percent of Total Farmland — 1982 The Bureau of the Census considers this category as land from which crops were harvested or hay was cut, and land in orchards, vineyards, nurseries, and greenhouses. Forty-three percent of all farmland in the United States is classified as "cropland." In the study area the amount is slightly larger, approaching 46 percent. As might be expected, the proportion designated as cropland usually is higher where the total land area in farms is high and where the number of farms is high. The counties of the Great Valley and the Piedmont are at the high end of the scale while the coal-mining counties of Kentucky and West Virginia form a large cluster at the lowest class interval. The mountain counties of North Carolina also tend to have smaller amounts of cropland. The kinds of crops grown on these lands are somewhat restricted, the major grain crop being limited mostly to corn. Some cotton is still produced on the North and South Carolina Piedmont parts of the study area, and vegetable production is important in eastern Tennessee. Tobacco is still the dominant cash crop in four of the states (Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia); fruit orchards occupy significant amounts of land in North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, and West Virginia. 24 �CROPLRND RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMLRND - 1982 BLRNK = NO DRTR SOURCE: 25 1982 CENSUS OF R6RICULTURE �Map 2.2 — Harvested Cropland as a Percent of Total Farmland — 1982 This category includes land from which crops were harvested or hay was cut and land in orchards, vineyards, nurseries, and greenhouses. Land from which two or more crops were harvested was counted only once, even though there was more than one use of the land. In the United States, of the 1,014,777,234 acres of farmland, only 326,306,462 acres (32.2 percent) were categorized as harvested cropland. In the counties of the study area the figure was only 2,036,279 acres out of 10,341,349, a little less than 20 percent. The patterns vary only slightly from those on Map 2.1; counties with the highest percentages of cropland tend to have also the highest percentages of harvested cropland and the counties low in farmland are low in harvested cropland—with the exception of a few counties on the Tennessee-Virginia/Kentucky border. Where there is a difference it is usually not more than one class interval; where the difference is greater it is probably because a particular county has a higher or lower amount of farmland in woodland or pasture. The low amount of harvested cropland is reflected most strongly in the patterns for Kentucky and West Virginia. It should be noted that the six counties in South Carolina reported 186,903 acres harvested, as compared to only 131,462 acres in the 19 counties of Georgia, 122,747 acres in the 26 counties of Kentucky, and only 95,807 acres in the 16 counties of West Virginia. In fact, in Kentucky and West Virginia there were 8 counties that reported less than 500 acres harvested in 1982. 26 �HRRVESTED CROPLRND RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMLRND - 1982 BLflNK = NO DRTR SOURCE: 27 1982 CENSUS OF R6RICULTURE �MAP 2.3 — Woodland as a Percent of Total Farmland — 1982 This category includes natural or planted woodlots or timber tracts, cutover and deforested land with young growth which has or will have value for wood products, and land planted for Christmas tree production. While only about 9 percent of all United States farm acreage is classified as woodland, the study area has a much higher proportion—about 36 percent over the 156 counties. The pattern of woodland distribution is almost exactly the reverse of the distribution of cropland, with the high values on the smaller farms of Kentucky and West Virginia and the low values in the Great Valley and Piedmont counties. Farm woodlands can be very productive in a region such as this where soils are better suited to the growing of trees rather than crops and where the rainfall is abundant and well distributed throughout the year. Mountain logging has long furnished excellent and diversified hardwoods for the furniture industries of the Piedmont, and the emergence of Christmas trees and shrub farming (for which slope land can be used) has provided a new high value economic activity for parts of the region. Farmers also use woodlands as a conservation measure (prevention of erosion on steep lands) and as sources of firewood and locally-used lumber; small sawmills are often located on farms in the study area. 28 �WOODLflND RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMLRND - 1982 KY BLRNK = NO DflTR SOURCE: 29 1982 CENSUS OF R6RICULTURE �MAP 2.4 — Pastureland as a Percent of Total Farmland — 1982 This category covers land used only for pasture or grazing that could have been used for crops without additional improvement, and all land planted in crops that were grazed before the crops reached maturity. Also included are cropland used for rotation pasture and land in government diversion programs that were pastured. However, cropland that was pastured after crops are harvested is not included. Because of the influence of the large open areas in the western states, the overall United States percentage of land in this category is a little over 42 percent. In the study area, on the other hand, it is only about 12 percent. The Virginia counties, both Great Valley and Ridge and Valley, dominate the high end of the distribution. The Georgia counties also tend to be above average in this category of land use. Lowest values are scattered with the exception of a five-county cluster in West Virginia and another of similar size on the western side of the study area in Tennessee. Recently there has been a tendency toward the increase of land in this category as non-productive woodlands are converted to pasture for raising beef cattle. 30 �PRSTURE LRND RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMLRND - 1982 KY BLRNK = NO DHTfl SOURCE: 31 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 2.5 — Percent of Total Farms Harvesting 1-9 Acres — 1982 Of the 101,530 farms in the 156-county region only 85,708 reported crops harvested in terms of acreage. Of that number only 9,466 fell in the 1-9 acre category, or about 11 percent of the total. Figures for the region are not very different for the nation as a whole, where the average is slightly greater (about 13 percent). The highest concentration of these farms is found mainly in the hills of eastern Kentucky and in several mountain counties astride the North Carolina-Tennessee border; however, the category also is closely related to low acreage farm size (Map 1.5)—small farms harvest small acreage. In terms of actual number of farms in this category the average for the study area is about 61 per county. This figure, however, varies greatly from state to state. The average number ranges from 8 for the Georgia portion, while the Tennessee portion is the highest with 116. Booneand Mingo Counties (West Virginia) have none; Greene County (Tennessee) tops the list with 632. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 32 Number of Farms HarvestIng 1*9 Acres 149 1,271 2,334 102 3,967 1,472 171 9,466 Average 8 49 75 17 116 61 11 61 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS HRRVESTING 1-9 flCRES - 1982 KY SOURCE: 33 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 2.6 — Percent of Total Farms Harvesting 10-49 Acres — 1982 Of the 85,708 farms in the region reporting crops harvested, 32.1 percent fell in the 10-49 acre category; nationally only about 24 percent of the farms were so categorized, again a reflection of the smaller average farm size in the region. These farms form a pattern that is most heavily pronounced toward the periphery of the region and in the more northerly part of the ridge and valley area. Of the 156 counties only McDowell County, West Virginia, had no farms in this category; Greene County, Tennessee, again topped the list with 1,411, far above the average for all the counties in Tennessee. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 34 Number of Farms HarvestIng 10-49 Acres 1,225 2,535 7,230 1,062 10,313 4,393 749 27,507 Average 64 98 233 177 303 183 47 176 �PERCENT OF TOTflL FRRMS HRRVESTING 10-49 RCRES - 1982 KY SOURCE: 35 1982 CENSUS OF R6RICULTURE �MAP 2.7 — Percent of Total Farms Harvesting 50-99 Acres — 1982 About 24 percent (20,876) of the farms in the region harvested 50 to 99 acres in 1982. The pattern here is almost inverse to the 1-9 acre category (Map 2.5), especially in the hills of eastern Kentucky and along the North Carolina-Tennessee border. Small farm size is again the dominant feature, as the national figure for the same category is only 11.4 percent. As can be seen from the patterns, variations are most pronounced in Kentucky and West Virginia; there is a distinct mountain/Piedmont dichotomy in the North Carolina portion of the study area. McDowell County (West Virginia) has only one farm in this category while Monroe County (West Virginia) of relatively similar size has 150. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 36 Number of Farms Harvesting 50-99 Acres 1,080 2,421 4,778 899 6,855 3,764 1,079 20,876 Average 57 93 154 150 202 157 67 134 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS HRRVESTING 50-99 RCRES - 1982 KY SOURCE: 37 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 2.8 — Percent of Total Farms Harvesting 100 Acres or More — 1982 Surprisingly, the largest number of farms reporting crops harvested in 1982 (32.5 percent) fell in the 100 acres or more category; this figure is quite comparable to the percentage nationally. The higher densities are scattered, and the patterns are distinctly related to average farm size (Map 1.5) and terrain features. The "coal counties" of Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia stand out rather vividly in terms of lack of agricultural activity on any large scale. In Kentucky, for example, while the average number of farms in this category (in the study area) is 147, the heavy coal-producing counties average about 89. In West Virginia the situation is even more pronounced-—with an average of 120 such farms per county, the coal areas average only 36. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 38 Number of Farms Harvesting 100 or More Acres 1,545 3,810 5,170 1,323 7,690 6,407 1,914 27,859 Average 81 147 167 221 226 267 120 179 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS HRRVESTING 100 RCRES OR MORE - 1982 KY SOURCE: 39 1982 CENSUS OF FlGRI CULTURE �MAP 2.9 — Farming Regions Based on Percent of Farmland in Total Cropland, Harvested Cropland, Pasture and Woodland — 1982 The regionalization scheme portrayed by this map is based on comparative values, as shown in the following table: Land U Total Total Total Total s e Cropland Harvested Cropland Pasture Land Woodland 1 2 3 4 39.4 15.6 15.1 39.1 26.8 8.4 6.6 55.0 62.5 33.0 8.3 23.4 50.7 21.7 7.3 36.0 It should be noted that these figures are not percentages, but are values that allow comparisons among the regions. (Harvested cropland, pasture land, and woodland are all components of "total cropland".) For example, Region 3 shows the highest values for total cropland and harvested cropland and the lowest value for total woodland—reflecting the better topography of the Carolina Piedmont and the Great Valley of Tennessee. Region 2, on the other hand, consisting mainly of the counties with the rougher lands (the "coal" counties of Kentucky, Tennessee, and West Virginia and some of the mountain counties of North Carolina and Georgia) covers the areas that are less suitable for crop production; here emerge the highest values for woodland and lowest values for pasture land and harvested cropland. Regions 1 and 4 tend more toward a mixture of activities, with somewhat more balance among the cropland categories, with Region 1 standing out in amount of pasture land and Region 4 having the second highest values in total cropland. This scheme reflects strongly the diverse nature of agricultural activities thoughout the study area in general. Many of the counties have greatly varying topography, soil, and even rainfall regimes; farming, in addition, is highly sensitive to sun and wind exposure. While Regions 1,2, and 3 are fairly contiguous, counties of Region 4 are less so, and tend to be marginal or transitional to the other regions. 40 �FflRMING REGIONS BRSED ON PERCENT OF FRRMLRND IN TOTRL CROPLRND, HRRVESTED CROPLRND, PRSTURE RND WOODLRND - 1982 RE6ION 4 REGION 3 jjijl REGION 2 SC SOURCE; 41 1982 CENSUS OF R6RICULTURE REGION 1 �This page intentionally left blank �Commentary An Examination of Agricultural Land Use in Three Sub-Regions in the Southern Highlands by Alan J. Hauser Even a very brief survey of the maps in parts 1 and 2 of this atlas will reveal the great diversity which exists within the region. This diversity may be seen in the physiographic characteristics of the various areas, the number and size of farms within each area, the use to which the farmland is put, and the rate at which the farms are being abandoned as people look to other occupations as their prime source of income. The information provided is presented by counties, and that may, to a limited extent, present a misleading picture since considerable diversity sometimes exists within a particular county. Nevertheless, if we regard the data as providing basic information about clusters of counties which together form a sub-region, we gain a good picture of what agriculture is like in a particular area. We will look at three sample areas, seeing how we can form an aggregate picture of each area by co-ordinating information contained in a number of maps. Our first example is the area containing the heavy coal-producing counties that lie on both sides of the Kentucky-Virginia border and extend up into West Virginia and down into the Tennessee counties north of Knoxville. We note immediately that farming in this area has only a very minor role to play. For example, the percent of total land area in farms (map 1.6) is very low in most of these counties, being in most cases 10% or less and rarely ranging above 20%. This is to be expected since most of these counties are very rugged with a high amount of their land being unfit for farming. If one looks at the percent decrease in acres of land in farms from 1945 to 1982 (map 1.7), one notes a dramatic drop in the percent of acres counted as farmland. There has also been a sharp decrease between 1945 and 1982 in the number of farms in the area (map 1.4). Even if one takes into account the fact that this has never been a major farming region, it is clear that farming is rapidly dying in this area since considerably less than half of the acres counted as farms in 1945 are still so counted. This compares with a significantly smaller percentage decrease in farm acreage in most other counties of the Appalachian region. One also notes that cropland as a percentage of total farmland is very low in most of these counties (map 2.1) as is harvested cropland as a percentage of total farmland (map 2.2). The percent of total farmland that is wooded (map 2.3) tends, on the other hand, to be very high while the percent of total farmland that is used as pasture (map 2.4) is, in most cases, unusually low for the region. The number of farms in the coal-producing area is also quite low (map 1.3) with fewer than 200 farms in many of the counties. A very high percentage of these farms harvest 9 acres or less (map 2.5). If one then looks at map 4.1 from the first volume in this atlas series, it becomes obvious that, with few exceptions, these counties are among the most poverty-stricken in the Appalachian region. A glance at map 3.6 in the first volume will show that many of these counties have the highest or close to the highest percentage of housing in the Appalachian region lacking some or all plumbing facilities. A high percentage of lack of plumbing facilities is normally indicative of a low standard of living in a particular area. What can we conclude from our brief survey of this sample area? We note that while the area in the past several decades has moved quite dramatically away from the basically self-sustaining farm, it has not prospered from the move to an economy strongly dependent on the coal industry (note that some of the highest percentages of farm operators whose principal occupation is other than farming are evidenced in these counties, map 5.6). A rather high percentage of the population in these counties lives in mobile homes (Volume I, map 3.4), another indicator of a low standard of living, and the median value of owner-occupied housing (Volume I, map 3.1) is unusually low. While one should be careful not to overgeneralize, the course of events in this area would appear to suggest that a movement away from the self-sustaining family farm will not necessarily lead to a higher quality of life. In fact, it can lead to a loss of much that is good and desirable in the previous 43 �economic and cultural situation without its being replaced by a lifestyle of corresponding value. This is not to say that the development over the past century of the coal industry has been an unequivocally bad experience. It is conceivable that today things could be worse if the coal industry had not appeared to provide employment for people who were finding it increasingly difficult to support a family on the family farm. But heavy dependence on a single industry as an area moves away from the self-sustaining farm unit as the basic model of the area's economic life clearly entails some danger. While there are no easy solutions to the economic hardships experienced in an area like this, ways must be found to provide a variety of economic opportunities for persons who elect to stay in the area, including opportunities that might transform the family farm into a more specialized enterprise that can provide at least a reasonable amount of income for those who stay on the land. And perhaps until conditions improve, others should be encouraged to leave and seek opportunities elsewhere. The land and the one main industry simply are not capable of supporting all the people in the region at a reasonable level of income. The decision to leave will often involve cutting ties to a heritage that goes back many generations, but until there are major new developments in the area's economy, there may be no other choice if the region is not to sink further into poverty. Our second sample area is the Great Valley which extends from the Chattanooga area up into Virginia and on toward the Shenandoah Valley. Some of the best farmland in the Appalachian region lies here, and the rolling nature of the land makes farming somewhat easier than in other parts of Appalachia. There are a high number of farms in this area (map 1.3) with the number of farms tending to be higher in Tennessee where the average size of farms is smaller (map 1.5) and with the number of farms per county tending to be lower in Virginia where the average size of farms is larger. As map 1.7 indicates, the percent decrease from 1945 to 1982 in acres of land in farms is considerably lower in this region than in many other areas of Appalachia, and the percent decrease from 1945 to 1982 in the number of farms is also lower here than elsewhere (map 1.4). This area also has a high percent of total land area in farms (map 1.6), more so than in other areas. Especially in the Tennessee portion of the Great Valley, cropland as a percent of total farmland is quite high (map 2.1). It is interesting to note, however, that a substantial portion of that cropland went unharvested in 1982 (map 2.2). Not surprisingly, there is not much woodland in this area (map 2.3). The amount of farm land in pasture is, on the other hand, quite high, especially in Virginia and the northern counties of Tennessee (map 2.4). In the Great Valley counties in southern Tennessee and in a large number of counties in Virginia, farms devoted primarily to beef cattle form a high percentage of total farms (map 3.9). Clearly, farming has a considerably greater chance for success in the Great Valley area than it does in a number of other areas of Appalachia. However, even here the picture is not one of farms with a large, yearly amount of cash sales. As map 4.2 shows, in 1982, all the Great Valley counties in Tennessee, with only one exception, had at least 40% of their farms with sales of $5,000 or less, and in many of the counties, more than half the farms had sales below $5,000. This co-ordinates closely with map 5.6 which indicates that in almost every county, at least 50% of the farm operators listed an occupation other than farming as their principal occupation. This clearly indicates how pervasive part-time farming is likely to be in the Appalachian region for the forseeable future. Even in the Virginia portion of the Great Valley where beef cattle play a major role and where total farm sales are substantially higher than in Tennessee (compare maps 4.2 through 4.7), the percent of farm operators whose principal occupation is other than farming tends to be quite high, not falling below 50% in any county. From what we have seen in the Great Valley area, it becomes clear that even in an area where there is some of the best farm land in the Appalachian region, the standard of living is not all that high. If we look back to map 4.1 in the first volume of this atlas series, we note that per capita income, while it is not as appallingly low as in the coal mining counties discussed earlier, is certainly not as high as it is in the clusters of counties that surround major metropolitan areas such as Knoxville, Chattanooga, Charleston, Winston- 44 �Salem, Greenville-Spartanburg, the Bristol-Kingsport-Johnson City triad, and Roanoke. The same is true if we look at map 4.2, which describes median family income. If we look at map 4.3 in the first atlas, we note that the percent of families below the poverty level tends to be relatively low in the urban areas just listed. The farm land in the Great Valley encounters a higher percentage of families living below the poverty level, but the percentages are not as high as the alarming ones in many of the coal-mining counties. What these statistics tell us is that while farming in the more productive agricultural areas of Appalachia is able to provide a reasonable source of income, in most cases this source of income by itself will not enable a family to attain the standard of living to which many are likely to aspire in the 1980's. The high percentage of farm operators, even in the Great Valley area, who in 1982 had to resort to another occupation as their main source of income is a rather clear indicator that farming may in the future become increasingly less capable of sustaining those who choose to operate farms. If the family farm as a self-sustaining unit has already almost passed from the picture, perhaps a key question for today is the format in which farming can continue to be a significant factor in the economic life of rural areas of Appalachia. This leads into a discussion of the third sample area. This area is defined not so much by physiography, as in the case of the Great Valley, but rather by its prime agricultural product, poultry and poultry products. Map 4.14 shows that in the counties of northeastern Georgia and spilling over somewhat into the adjacent counties of Tennessee, North Carolina, and South Carolina, there is a major poultry-producing region. In many of these counties, well over half of the total agricultural sales are from poultry and poultry products. No doubt a key factor in the importance of poultry farming in this region is the proximity of these counties to a major metropolitan area—Atlanta. They also are within a reasonable distance of Chattanooga and Greenville-Spartanburg. Poultry farming is a highly specialized form of farming, one which can thrive if there is a major market area nearby. The impact of the movement by many farm operators in this area to poultry farming can best be gauged by looking at maps 4.2 through 4.6. These counties are among the lowest counties in the Appalachian region regarding the percentage of farms reporting sales of $19,999 or less. What is especially noteworthy is that many of these counties are among the highest in Appalachia regarding the percent of farms reporting sales of $40,000 or more. Some of the counties have substantially more than 20% of their farms reporting sales of $40,000 or more. And nowhere else in the Appalachian region is there so large a clustering of counties with such a high percentage of farms reporting sales of $100,000 or more. Even if one looks at the Great Valley area in Virginia which has large farms and specializes in dairy products and cattle, there is not so high a concentration of farms with sales above $40,000. One should be careful not to conclude too much from this data. For example, it does not necessarily imply that poultry farming is the answer to economic hardship in all areas where farming is currently not producing much income. A number of conditions need to be right if poultry farming is to work, perhaps the most obvious of these being proximity to a major marketing area. If one compares map 4.14 with map 1.2 from the first atlas, the close association of poultry farming with major market areas becomes quite clear. Roanoke County, Virginia, derives more than half its total farm sales from poultry and poultry products many of which are no doubt consumed in the city of Roanoke. A number of the counties surrounding Knoxville produce some poultry products, as is also the case in the Charleston, Huntington, Ashland area of West Virginia and Kentucky. While in these two regions, poultry farming does not play a major role except in Scott County, Tennessee, and in Lawrence County, Kentucky, it is a significant factor in farm economics. When one turns, however, to the cluster of counties in North Carolina that runs from Ashe, Alleghany, and Surry Counties in the north, to Polk, Rutherford, and Cleveland Counties in the south, it is obvious that here we have another major poultry producing region aided by the close proximity of Winston-Salem, Asheville, and Charlotte and a number of somewhat smaller cities like Hickory, Kannapolis, and Gastonia. Significantly, if one looks at sections of the Appalachian region that are a significant distance from a substantial urban area, there is 45 �not a great deal of poultry farming. In fact, in most of the counties of Kentucky, the counties of southern West Virginia, the counties of western Virginia, most of the counties of northeastern Tennessee, and all the counties of far western North Carolina (with the exceptions of Cherokee and Clay Counties which border on the major poultry region discussed earlier), poultry products account for less than 1 % of total farm sales in those counties. Clearly, specialized farming can, if the conditions are right, play a major role in the revitalization of farming in the Appalachian region. However, it may not be possible in all areas to produce the type of dramatic results that have accompanied the development of poultry farming in northeastern Georgia. In many areas of the Appalachian region, one may need to be satisfied with small and gradual changes in the format in which farming is carried on. However, it is likely that such changes will often determine whether farming will succeed or will fail, whether it will provide a productive occupation for farm operators, or whether it will lock many of them into a cycle of poverty. Much careful study of farming in this region will need to be done if the problems confronting farmers are to be solved. This atlas is meant to provide one resource by which the study may be carried forth. Bibliography Eller, Ronald. Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1982. Proctor, Roy, and White, T. K. "Agriculture: A Reassessment." The Southern Appalachian Region. Edited by Thomas Ford. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1967. Raitz, Karl, and Ulack, R. Appalachia: A Regional Geography. Boulder: Westview Press, 1984. 46 �This page intentionally left blank �PART 3 — FARM TYPES (BY SIC CODES) This series of 12 maps portrays agriculture in the Southern Highlands using a scheme known as the "standard industrial classification (SIC) system." These classifications are used to promote uniformity and comparability in the presentation of statistical data collected by various agencies. Farm establishments engaged primarily in crop production or livestock production are classified into the industry group which accounts for 50 percent or more of the total value of sales of its agricultural products. Of the 101,470 farms in the study area 97,247 (about 96 percent) have been so classified. MAP 3.1 — Cash Grain Farms as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 Cash grain farms are those that produce crops such as wheat, corn, soybeans, barley, buckwheat, cowpeas, dry field and seed beans and peas, flaxseed, lentils, mustard seed, oats, popcorn, rye, safflower, sorghum, and other small grains. About 3.6 percent (3,660) of the total farms in the study area are considered cash grain farms, compared to 25.7 percent nationally. This is as might be expected. High grain production is generally highly mechanized and is found on more expansive farms on relatively level land. Over one-fourth of the counties in the study area, mostly those in the more mountainous parts, have three or less farms per county producing primarily cash grains. Highest values, reaching toward the national figure, are found mostly on the outer edges of the region. Three counties (Cleveland and Yadkin in North Carolina and Anderson in South Carolina) each have over 200 cash grain farms. Portion off Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number off Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number off Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 48 Number of Cash Grain Farms 380 248 1,461 632 634 201 104 3,660 Average 20 10 47 105 19 8 7 23 �This page intentionally left blank �MAP 3.2 — Tobacco Farms as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 Tobacco has long been a mainstay of farming in many parts of the Southern Highlands. Forty (40) percent of the farms in the region fall in this category. Nationally, slightly less than 6 percent do so. It should be noted, however, that in terms of SIC classification (over 50 percent of total crop value) 38 of the 156 counties have no farms in this category; another 11 counties have only 1 to 5. On the other hand, 32 counties have more than 500 farms per county producing primarily this crop; Green County, Tennessee, has the largest number—2,438 farms. Most of the tobacco produced in Kentucky, Tennessee, and in the mountains of North Carolina is of the air-cured Burley variety; that produced in the North Carolina Piedmont is flue-cured. Because tobacco has high value per acre and can utilize smaller plots of land, it is an ideal crop for a region where over fifty percent of the farm operators have a principal occupation that is other than farming (Map 5.6). Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms Number of Tobacco Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 11 7,971 8,729 0 16,187 6,396 974 40,268 50 Average 1 307 282 0 476 267 61 258 �TOBRCCO FflRMS RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS - 1982 SOURCE: 51 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 3.3 — Sugar Crops, Irish Potatoes, Hay, Peanuts, and Other Field Crop Farms as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 In the study region 2,773 farms (2.7 percent) fall in this SIC classification, as opposed to 4.5 percent nationally. The number of farms per county is much more even, with an average for the region of about 18. Percentages shown on the map may be somewhat misleading; Marian, Perry and Pike Counties (Kentucky) and Clay, Boone, Logan and McDowell Counties (West Virginia) show high percentages but have only a few farms in this classification. This is because total agricultural production in these counties is so low (Maps 4.1 thru 4.18). Washington County (Virginia) shows a very low percentage but has more farms (21) in this category than the regional average. Green County (Tennessee) also shows a relatively low percentage but has the region's highest number of farms (49) in this classification. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 52 Number of Sugar Crops, Irish Pot., Hay, Peanuts, and Other Field Crop Farms 228 249 559 201 720 586 230 2,773 Average 12 10 18 34 21 24 14 18 �SUGflR CROPS, IRISH POTRTOES, HRY, PEflNUTS RND OTHER FIELD CROP FRRMS RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS - 1982 KY SOURCE: 53 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 3.4 — Vegetable and Melon Farms as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 Vegetable and melon farms total 1,278 in the region, or about 1.3 percent; this is almost identical to the figure of 1.4 percent for the whole United States. Henderson County (North Carolina) leads in the highest number with 66 farms in this classification; Spartanburg County (South Carolina) and Cocke and Rhea Counties (Tennessee) are next, with 65, 50, and 46 respectively. These counties also show high percentage values. The low overall level of this agricultural activity in the region is reflected by the fact that over three quarters of the counties have 10 or less farms in this classification. Portion off Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number off Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 54 Number of Vegetable and Melon Farms 134 59 431 162 298 156 38 1,278 Average 7 2 14 27 9 7 2 8 �VEGETflBLE FIND MELON FRRMS RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS - 1982 SOURCE: 55 1982 CENSUS OF HGRICULTURE �MAP 3.5 — Fruit and Tree Nut Farms as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 This SIC classification also accounts for a low percentage of farms (1.5) in the region. Nationally, the figure is about 3.8 percent. Fruit and nut production is primarily apples, peaches, and pecans. Apples are produced primarily in the Virginia portion of the region and in Henderson County, North Carolina, with peaches and pecans in the North and South Carolina Piedmont and in Georgia. Henderson County leads the region in numbers, with 263 of its 608 farms in this classification. Spartanburg and Oconee Counties (South Carolina), Gilmer County (Georgia), and Carroll County (Virginia), are next with 154,88,58 and 45 farms, respectively. After those, the numbers fall drastically and are very uneven, with no county in Kentucky having more than three farms in this category; 19 counties in the region have no fruit/nut farms. (McDowell County, West Virginia, shows a high value but only because 2 of its 8 farms are so classified.) It is somewhat of an anomoly that fruit production is not higher throughout the region. Early settlers were able to nurture many varieties of deciduous fruits. Even moderately sloping mountain land (such as in Henderson County, North Carolina) is well suited to tree production. The most deterrent factor, over the past several decades, has been the absence of access to markets (suitable transportation routeways) coupled with perishability of fruit crops. However, with the advent of better roads and more modern preservation and processing methods, the region has great potential for this high value category of crop production. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 56 Number of Fruit and Tree Nut Farms 106 27 616 290 145 296 40 1,520 Average 6 1 20 48 4 12 3 10 �FRUIT FIND TREE NUT FflRMS RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS - KY SOURCE: 57 1982 CENSUS OF RGRI CULTURE 1982 �MAP 3.6 — Horticultural Specialty Farms as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 Horticultural specialities consist of ornamental plants; nursery products such as bulbs, florists' greens, flowers, shrubbery, flower and vegetable seeds and plants, and sod; and mushrooms and vegetables grown under cover. There are only 883 farms (less than 1 percent) with this SIC classification in the region. However, only 1.3 percent of the farms nationally are so classified. Numbers of farms in this category are small, and the distribution uneven throughout the region. Avery County, North Carolina, with 64 farms, has more than all the counties in Kentucky and West Virginia combined (58). McDowell County (West Virginia), although showing a high percentage, has only one farm in this category, again reflecting its very small total of agricultural production. Christmas tree and shrub farming have become viable economic activities in some parts of the region. The climate of much of the land throughout the region is well suited to this activity. Cutover and reclaimed land, with adequate technology applied, could easily be adapted to this effort. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 58 Number of Horticultural Speciality Farms 59 24 411 77 170 108 34 883 Average 3 1 13 12 5 5 2 6 �HORTICULTURRL SPECIRLITY FRRMS RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS - 1982 KY SOURCE: 59 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 3.7 — General Farms, Primarily Crops, as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 This classification includes farms that have significant production and sales but no one crop with 50 percent or more sales in a specialty group. The 2,644 farms of the region comprise 2.6 percent of the total, the same as the percentage nationally. The average for the 156 counties is about 17; the highest number, 52, is in Surry County, North Carolina, and there are only 3 counties in the region with no farms in this classification. The counties with higher than average percentage values tend to be those where number of farms is small and where agricultural activity is low or where other specialty farms perdominate. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 60 Number of General Farms, Primarily Crops 124 269 590 147 835 440 239 2,644 Average 7 10 19 25 25 18 15 17 �GENERflL FRRMS, PRIMRRILY CROPS, RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS - 1982 SOURCE: 61 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 3.8 — General Farms, Primarily Livestock, as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 These farms produce livestock and livestock products, including animal specialities, but with less than 50 percent sales in any single large specialty group. In the 156 county region there are 1,107 farms so categorized or 1.1 percent of the total; this compares with 1.3 percent nationally. The distribution of these farms is fairly even — only five counties having none and few counties with more than a dozen. A cluster of counties in Tennessee (Green, Hawkins, and Washington is an exception with 58,22 and 21, respectively). Even those counties that indicate a high percentage pattern have only a few of these farms, again reflecting their overall low level of agricultural activity. The patterns on this map and on the preceding one (3.7) serve to emphasize the fact that the diversified farm no longer has much of a role to play in agriculture in Appalachia. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 62 Number of General Farms, Primarily Livestock 69 150 202 58 312 227 89 1,107 Average 4 6 7 10 9 9 6 7 �GENERflL FRRMS, PRIMRRILY LIVESTOCK, RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS - 1982 SOURCE: 63 1982 CENSUS OF R6RICULTURE �MAP 3.9 — Beef Cattle Farms as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 Beef cattle farms deal with the production or feeding of beef cattle, except feedlots. Following tobacco, this is the second largest farm type in the region with 34,294 operations so classified. This amounts to 33.8 percent of the total number of farms and exceeds the national figure of 27.6 percent. Only in Kentucky and West Virginia are there less than 10 of these farms per county. (In Kentucky, Leslie County has 7, Perry County, 9; in West Virginia, Logan County has 9, McDowell County, 4.) The average number for the region is 220 per county, with 21 counties having over 400 farms in this category. The patterns on the map show quite clearly the areas where this activity is of the most importance locally: The ridge and valley zone, the Carolinas' Piedmont, the Great Valley, and even some of the more mountainous counties. This type of farming can utilize fairly steep, rough land if it is prepared carefully and kept in good condiiton. The region contains thousands of acres of land that can be converted to grazing without doing serious damage to the environment. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 64 Number of Beef Cattle Farms 3,418 1,563 6,501 2,629 10,308 7,684 2,191 34,294 Average 180 60 210 438 303 320 137 220 �BEEF CRTTLE FRRMS RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS - 1982 SOURCE: 65 1982 CENSUS OF RGRI CULTURE �MAP 3.10 — Dairy Farms as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 Production of cows' milk and other dairy products and raising of dairy heifer replacements is the role of farms in this SIC classification. Only 3,530 farms (3.5 percent) fit this category, about half the 7.3 percent for the country as a whole. Average number of dairy farms per county is 22.6 for the region. In Georgia only Hall County exceeds the average; in Kentucky 15 of the 26 counties have no dairy farms. In the portion of West Virginia that is within the region only 2 counties (Mason and Monroe) exceed the average. In the region dairying is not as easily carried on as is the production of beef cattle. Pastures must be less steep and close to milking facilities; road conditions must be good because of the need for quick transport of the product to market, and adjacent land needs to be suitable for the production of hay and fodder crops. In addition, a much higher degree of capitalization is necessary — a critical factor in a region of relatively low wealth. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 66 Number Dairy Farms 103 133 672 76 1,453 994 99 3,530 Average 5 5 22 13 43 41 6 23 �DfllRY FflRMS nS R PERCENT OF TOTflL FRRMS - 1982 SOURCE: 67 1382 CENSUS OF RSRICULTURE �MAP 3.11 — Poultry and Egg Farms as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 Poultry and egg farms produce chickens, chicken eggs, turkeys, duck, geese, pheasants, pigeons, and quail. With 3,817 such farms in the region (3.8 percent), the number is double the national figure of 1.9 percent. Although production in this category is fairly important, it is highly clustered. There are only 70 poultry/egg farms in the Kentucky counties, 63 in South Carolina, 47 in Virginia and 37 in the West Virginia counties of the study area. The remaining 3,600 farms are in Georgia, North Carolina, and Tennessee. Wilkes County (North Carolina) is the leader with 459 establishments; Hall County (Georgia) is second with 335; its surrounding counties all have high numbers of farms in this category. The numbers per county in Tennessee are not nearly as high; the leaders — Bradley and Grundy counties — have 89 and 78, respectively. Poultry and egg production are highly mechanized operations and require considerable capitalization, much of which is furnished by elaborate marketing organizations. Establishments must be located where transportation facilities are adequate for the delivery of feedstuffs and for rapid removal of the product to processing plants. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 68 Number of Poultry and Egg Farms 2,123 70 1,047 63 430 47 37 3,817 Average 112 3 34 11 13 2 2 24 �POULTRY RND EGG FflRMS RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS - 1982 KY SOURCE: 69 1982 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �MAP 3.12 — Animal Specialty Farms as a Percent of Total Farms — 1982 This SIC classification includes farms that produce fur-bearing animals, rabbits, horses, ponies, bees, fish in captivity except fish hatcheries, worms, and laboratory animals. While this is one of the less important of the agricultural activities in the region, there are 1,473 farms (1.5 percent of the total) so classified — representing about one-half of the 2.9 percent nationally. Distribution throughout the region is relatively even with no outstanding concentrations; only eight of the 156 counties have no farms in this category. The counties with the highest numbers of these farms are all urban (or adjacent to urban areas) — Forsyth and Hall in Georgia, Boyd in Kentucky, Buncombe and Forsyth in North Carolina, Anderson, Greenville and Spartanburg in South Carolina, and Blount, Hamilton, Knox, Loudon and Sullivan in Tennessee. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 70 Number of Animal Specialty Farms 173 108 365 134 414 197 82 1,473 Average 9 4 12 22 12 8 5 9 �ANIMAL SPECIALITY FARMS AS A PERCENT OF TOTAL FARMS - SOURCE: 71 1982 CENSUS OF R3RICULTURE 1982 �This page intentionally left blank �Commentary Types of Farm Production in Southern Appalachia by Glenn A. Mitchell What is the future of jobs, local communities, and the environment in our region? Looking at the types of farms in Southern Appalachia tells us much about the kind of work people have done in the past in different areas and what they might be doing in the future. It helps us get past the broad generalizations and stereotypes to the foundations of the local economics and ways of life in our communities. Using this atlas to understand the types of farms in Appalachia is a necessary first step towards understanding the problems and benefits of the changes taking place in our region today. This is a research atlas. Its purpose is to provide information so that each of us can ask our own questions. Such questioning enables us to compare our own communities with those in other counties across the region. It helps us see the ways in which what seem like unique problems and circumstances are actually part of broad patterns affecting many other communities. These comparisons can help us make better choices about our future and take us one step closer to working together to solve our common problems. We can ask questions about what will happen to family and community life as members of extended families leave the family farm to look for work. Who will protect the rural landscape as rising land prices and taxes force the sale of farm land to real estate developers? Is it possible to attract the kind of industry that will provide jobs and be compatible with rural values? Will tourism and retirement settlements drive out the farmer, or will they strengthen our resolve to support farmers as they provide stewardship of the rural landscape we all love? Going east to west, the geographical divisions of Southern Appalachia are the Piedmont, the Blue Ridge Mountains, the ridge and valley area with its Great Valley, and finally the Allegheny Plateau. With the mountain slopes and high rainfall which leaches nutrients and creates poor soils, agriculture is not extensive except in the Piedmont and the Great Valley. The Piedmont is the most urban and industrial area with its cities of Atlanta, Greenville, Spartanburg, Charlotte, Greensboro, and Winston-Salem. Its hills have poor soil. They were originally farmed by shifting cultivation with each generation clearing new land as soil lost fertility and was abandoned. Then the land was intensively cultivated in cotton. Now it supports pulp pine plantations. There are nut and fruit orchards in Georgia and South Carolina and concentrations of poultry production near Winston-Salem and Atlanta. The Blue Ridge Mountains were originally important only as a lumber area. Now it is an area primarily important for tourism with its National Parks system running from the Great Smoky Mountains up the Blue Ridge Parkway to Shenandoah National Park and with such private development as Gatlinburg, Cherokee, and Blowing Rock. Its urban center is Asheville. The Ridge and Valley area includes the Great Valley running down through the Shenandoah, the Valley of Virginia, and the Valley of East Tennessee. With its limestone base and deep, rich soils, it attracted the original settlers who came down the valley from Pennsylvania into the Southern Appalachians. It is the main area of commercially important farms today with beautiful dairy, beef, and tobacco farms and market production for local urban areas. These include Roanoke, the Tri-Cities of Bristol, Kingsport and Johnson City, and Knoxville, Chattanooga, and Birmingham. The Allegheny Plateau, extending down west into West Virginia, East Kentucky and East-Central Tennessee, is a more rugged area. This fact made agricultural settlement difficult, and the area is characterized today by its bituminous coal mining. (See Raitz and Ulack, 1984 for a discussion of the geography of Appalachia and its development.) Traditionally the types of farms in Southern Appalachia, except for the Great Valley, have been small with crops raised in the small valleys and coves and livestock grazed in the adjacent mountain woodlands and pastures. Corn and vegetables were grown on 20 73 �to 40 acres of cleared land at the bottom of the cove where the first settlers built their houses, and pigs and cattle ranged freely on the slopes eating the mast of fallen nuts and acorns or meadow grasses. As population increased, new farms were started further up the slopes on more marginal land with shallow soils and problems of erosion. (See Eller, 1982, for a discussion of early patterns, and their change with industrialization.) The wide variation in land slopes and soils within the region has led to a wide variation in the size and types of farms. Throughout most of the area, it is still the woodlands and small farms with their gardens and tobacco plots which predominate on the slopes and shallow soils of the mountains. In the coal mining areas of East Kentucky where agricultural land is unavailable, there are small subsistence plots. Only in the broad, rich valleys and lowlands such as the Great Valley of Virginia and Tennessee do larger, commercially important farms dominate the landscape. The pressure on the resources of small farms produced the rural exodus of Southern Appalachian people in the 1960's. There was also an increased reliance on small plots of tobacco as a cash crop and a shift to beef cattle on upland pastures. The majority of farm operators, especially near urban or mining areas, today work off the farm to support their families. Farming for them is a way of life and a source of income to supplement generally low, industrial wages. Only on the larger farms of the Great Valley and the poultry farms of North Georgia is farming itself a large-scale enterprise. It is not a line of work with a lot of opportunity for the young, so the average age of farmers throughout the area is over fifty. We must ask ourselves what the future of agriculture and rural life in our region is going to be. (See Proctor and White, 1967, for an assessment of agriculture from the perspective of the 1960fs.) Using the US Census Categories, the four types of farms which predominate in different areas are tobacco, beef cattle, poultry and eggs, and fruit and nut. They are defined by the US Census's Standard Industrial Classification system in terms of the activities which account for fifty percent or more of the cash value of their products. Because of this, some of the terms used to define the types of farms on the maps may seem unfamiliar. Also the small family subsistence farm with a variety of crops which we associate traditionally with the mountains does not stand out. What is highlighted is the type of farming important today. These are the types of farms which define the rural economy and life today and of which we must become more aware as we support the role of agriculture in the future of our region. Tobacco and beef have both developed out of traditional patterns adapted to small-scale mountain farming, and they are widely distributed in the region. Poultry and fruit production are also activities with a history here, but they are concentrated only in a few areas. Today tobacco is distributed throughout the core of the region in North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, and Kentucky (map 3.2). Tobacco constitutes ninety percent of the farming in many counties and is the most important cash crop in the area. The Burley tobacco of the mountains is produced on a small scale. Federal allotments control production. It is air cured in small barns on the farms, and often produced on an acre or less. This fits well with the existing size of farms. Since it requires intensive work only during the spring planting and fall harvest, tobacco serves well as a family income supplement in rural areas which are usually dependent economically on only a few employers. The main areas of the tobacco industry are outside the region however with Burley in central Kentucky and fluecured tobacco, which is produced on a large scale and dried in large heated sheds, in eastern North Carolina and Virginia. This makes the tobacco economy of the mountains vulnerable to policy decisions made elsewhere. Any negative impact on the tobacco economy would hit rural families hard throughout the region. The end of the price support system for example may mean the end of the family farm in the region unless alternatives are available. Beef cattle production is also widely distributed throughout the area but is concentrated in the hills and lowland areas around the periphery of the region in the Piedmont of the Carolinas and Georgia, in Tennessee, and in the Ridge and Valley area of Virginia and West Virginia (map 3.9). Cattle raising developed out of the traditional subsistence pat- 74 �tern of agriculture in this region, and it is well adapted to the sloping uplands which are unsuited for cultivation but where adequate rainfall and cool temperatures produce good pastures. The main stimulus for increased cattle production is not its adaptiveness however but the increasing demand for meat in a society spending more money for food and the higher prices farmers can get for beef compared to most other farm products. The same market pressures have brought increased competition for greater efficiency through improved breeds and mechanization. This makes beef production an increasingly expensive enterprise which is vulnerable to financial pressures such as increased interest rates. A related type of agriculture is dairy farming. It is concentrated in a diagonal strip across the region along the Great Valley and the surrounding hills (map 3.10). Dairy farming is generally concentrated near urban areas with ready access to transportation and markets for the fresh milk. It can be a good fit to the region ecologically, but it is also highly competitive and costly. It requires high investments in livestock, buildings, feed storage, and sanitation equipment to meet state and federal health regulations. Dairy farmers often raise a cash crop of oats or barley as a nurse crop for alfalfa or clover and corn cut green for silage. Another related type of farm is the general farm with livestock. This more closely parallels the traditional farms with a variety of crops and animals and is more common in the more marginal agricultural areas of the mountains of Kentucky and West Virginia. Hogs, though part of the traditional subsistence diet of the region, are not important commercially because the main corn growing areas are in other places such as Iowa. The third main type of farming found in the region is poultry, primarily broilers and turkeys, and egg production. This is now a highly industrialized and specialized form of agriculture concentrated near large, urban transportation and processing centers. Large co-ops and feed supply companies provide chicks, feed, medicine, and advice to the farmer who provides buildings and labor. The supplier then buys the broilers at a fixed price and butchers and markets them. The industry is entirely unrelated to the traditional pattern of a few chickens running around the farm yard, but it is attractive to small farmers whose primary employment is off the farm because it can be operated with a small investment and limited hours. This type of agriculture is highly concentrated in two areas. The main center is in North Georgia east of Atlanta with another center in North Carolina near Winston-Salem (map 3.11). It is highly commercialized with a typical farm production of $40,000 to $100,000. The fourth distinctive pattern is the fruit and nut farm, especially apples and peaches, in the mountains and hills of Western North Carolina and adjacent South Carolina (map 3.5). Henderson County, North Carolina, is one of the apple capitals of the country. The fruit grown in these areas represents a specialized horticulture appropriate to the area with a potential to expand with the increased transportation in the area. Other horticultural specializations such as Christmas trees and nursery plants are increasing in the region (map 3.6). Grain farming is found in the lowlands and plains of North and South Carolina (map 3.1). Other patterns are less distinctive or dramatic but represent the wide variety of strategies farmers use to make the land productive in an increasingly competitive and changing agricultural economy. Vegetables such as snap beans, tomatoes, turnip greens, and sweet corn are grown in Tennessee (map 3.4). It will be necessary for each user of the atlas to look carefully at his own area and compare it with others to find the patterns most important to his community. To step back and summarize, we can look at the four types of farming regions defined by the predominant agricultural sales of the area and presented on map 4.19. Region Two is distributed throughout the area and characterizes the typical farming of the Southern Appalachians. It includes the counties with an even mix of tobacco and beef cattle farms, with dairy, and with some poultry farms. Region Three is scattered around the periphery of the mountains and is characterized by the same mix of types of farms but with more tobacco and poultry. Region Four is composed of several centers of beef cattle production along the Great Valley in the center of the region especially in Virginia and adjacent West 75 �Virginia. Region One, to the south in North Georgia, is almost exclusively a poultry producing area. The future of farming in the region depends on may factors but most of all on what happens in the economy and society outside of agriculture. The decline of rural, textiles factories for example will make it hard for people to stay on the farm and continue the small-scale, part-time farming pattern in the area unless other sources of employment come into the region. Since the eighteenth century, the forests, coal, and scenic beauty of the region have been the base of its development. Coal is nonrenewable and its mining environmentally destructive. It is dominated by a large, capital-intensive system under outside control and by small, unstable strip mines, and it creates a migratory work force. It is not therefore a base for sustainable, local development. Timber, on the other hand, is still an alternative. It is a renewable resource like agriculture. It prevents erosion and builds soils and protects the natural beauty of the area. It is economical, and it supports recreational uses. There are problems with present patterns however. Shifting or brush fallow cultivation promotes inferior species, and the woodlands are not allowed to reach maturity. Fragmented ownership of land and uneven taxation which is higher for commercial forests than farm woodlands make it difficult to expand production. The most likely alternative being promoted throughout the area is tourism with its recreation and summer/retirement housing development. It capitalizes on the rural character and natural beauty of the region and has a long history going back to the early 1800's when summer visitors from the coast were drawn to the mineral and hot springs of Virginia and the cool Blue Ridge Mountains. With easy access from the Midwest and East Coast population centers, there is great potential for future growth. Unfortunately, such development drives up land prices and taxes and drives farmers off the land. The impact of road putting, clearing, and leveling land to build houses destroys the very rural beauty people are attracted to, and the economy it creates is one of seasonal, unskilled jobs especially for women who work as cooks and maids at low wages. It is a type of development particularly vulnerable to economic cycles since people can cut back their vacation plans in hard times. So even with careful planning, it can only be seen as a supplement, not a basis, for a sound local economy. The present pattern of conversion of farmland to recreational use and to subdivison for seasonal housing began in the mid-1960's. It takes three patterns. Dispersed Development is occurring throughout the area as unproductive farmland is sold cheaply by farmers, and houses and cabins are built haphazardly with poorly developed roads and services. Commercial-Cluster Development around town centers is typified by Cherokee, Gatlinburg, and Pigeon Forge on either side of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. While Cherokee looks more cluttered, its less controlled development has resulted in a greater sharing of revenue than on the other side of the park where a few families own the land and others work for poor wages. The third pattern of Subdivided Tracts for sale to outsiders is created by outside investors with intensive development of roads and facilities which are often poorly planned. They are attractive because they create jobs and a local tax base, but they also increase land costs and taxes for the local community as it struggles to meet the increased demand for services such as hospitals and schools. The environment is usually degraded by the cutting of trees and roads. Erosion, sedimentation of streams, flooding, and sewage problems follow. A two-class system is created as the upper middle-class outsiders create their own world of activities and services from which locals are excluded (Raitz and Ulack, 1984:252). It is the farmers who have husbanded the rural environment of our region in the past who must now be seen as important for the future. They need to be supported with fair tax, finance, and land use policies if we are to maintain a rural landscape. We have gone through tremendous changes in the past. The early industrial boom which occurred from roughly 1890-1925 and which was heralded by the coming of railroads and the coal, timber, and textiles industries was followed by stagnation, the Depression, and the rural exodus of Appalachian people out of the mountains from 1925 to 1965. Now we are in a period 76 �of recovery and growth from 1965 to the present. The War on Poverty; the building of a regional economic base of energy, water, and interstate highways by the TVA and the Appalachian Regional Commission; and new, industrial development and tourism have again brought fundamental changes. We have made many choices and put much money into building the future as we have gone through these changes. But who has made the decisions, and who has benefited? We have come to realize that big projects benefit urban centers but leave behind the rural farmers and that meeting basic human needs with new clinics and schools, like welfare, creates greater dependence on outside government agencies. What we see now is that we need greater opportunities for entrepreneurs such as farmers and small businessmen so they can help build our local economies by creating jobs and income for us to meet our own community needs. We also see the need for more planning in our local areas and the region as a whole so we can see the needs and potentials that we have and make choices as communities about the kind of future we want to create. We need to ask more questions about the types of farms that exist in our areas, where they fit into the local economy and what they need to be viable. We can compare our areas with others to see what has worked in areas with similar types of farms and what other types might be viable as new patterns of change emerge in our region. It is up to each of us to ask these questions so that we can find the answers which are vitally important to all of us. 77 �PART 4 — FARM PRODUCTIVITY The fact that agriculture is still an important economic activity in the region is supported by statistics which reveal that while the study area contains only about 1 percent of the total farmland in the United States, farms sales in the region account for 1.44 percent of the national total. The pattern is somewhat uneven, however, as sales output of many of the farms in the region indicates rather low agricultural productivity. For example, nearly 60 percent of the total number of farms turn out less than $5,000 worth of products annually, as opposed to a national percentage of 36.4. At the higher end of the scale, only about 13 percent of the farms yield more than $20,000 worth of products per year while the national figure is nearly 40 percent. MAP 4.1 — Percent of Total Farms with Sales Less Than $1,000 — 1982 Although the definition of a "farm" is "any place from which $1,000 or more of agricultural products were sold, or normally would have been sold during the census year," there were a number of farms in the study area (16,537, or 16.3 percent) that did not actually achieve this criterion. This is somewhat higher than the national figure of 11.3 percent; it reflects the marginal nature of farming in parts of the region, and also the high number of part-time farmers (map 5.6). This is especially true in the South Carolina and West Virginia counties where 25 to 30 percent of the farms fall into this sales category. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 78 Number of Farms with Sales Less Than $1,000 1,579 1,309 3,961 1,453 4,600 2,409 1,226 16,537 Percent of Farms with Sales Less Than $1,000 21.7 12.1 17.6 30.6 13.8 13.2 27.0 16.3 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS WITH SRLES LESS THRN $1,000 - 1982 KY SOURCE: 79 1982 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �MAP 4.2 — Percent of Total Farms With Sales of $1,000-$4,999 — 1982 Further indication of the low agricultural productivity in the region is reflected in the fact that a plurality of the farms (43.4 percent) show annual sales of between $1,000 and $4,999, compared with the national figure of 25.1 percent. The pattern of high percentages is concentrated in the smaller farms of eastern Kentucky, in the West Virginia portion of the study area, and in the rougher lands east and west of the Great Valley. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties Number of Farms Number of Farms with Sales $1,000-4,999 Percent of Farms with Sales $1,000-4,999 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 2,375 5,322 8,684 1,967 15,480 7,877 2,384 44,089 32.7 49.3 38.5 41.4 46.3 43.2 52.4 43.4 80 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS WITH SRLES SI,000-S4,999 - 1982 SOURCE: 81 1982 CENSUS OF RGBICULTURE �MAP 4.3 — Percent of Total Farms With Sales of $5,000 to $9,999 — 1982 About one-sixth of the farms in the study area show a sales output of $5,000-$9,999 worth of agricultural products per year. This figure is still higher than that for the entire United States, which is one-eighth of the total farms. Concentrations of the higher percentages are at the western edge of the region in Kentucky, in the Ridge and Valley area of Tennessee and Virginia, and along the Blue Ridge Escarpment in North Carolina. These are areas where part-time farming is the norm, with the operators having a primary occupation elsewhere. Nevertheless, by planting high value crops such as tobacco, Christmas trees, or deciduous fruits, the farmer can still have a reasonably good supplemental income. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 82 Number of Farms with Sales $5,000-$9,999 606 2,107 3,612 566 6,329 3,391 590 17,201 Percent of Farms with Sales $5,000-9,999 8.3 19.5 16.0 11.9 19.0 18.6 13.0 16.9 �PERCENT OF TOTflL FflRMS W I T H SPILES $5,000-$9,999 - 1982 KY SOURCE: 83 1982 CENSUS OF RGR1CULTURE �MAP 4.4 — Percent of Total Farms With Sales $10,000-$ 19,000 — 1982 In this sales category, farms in the region compare more favorable with national figures — 10.2 percent in the Southern Highlands as opposed to 11.6 in the United States. As can be seen from the table, the Kentucky, North Carolina, and Virginia portions of the study area are quite close to the national percentage. The Georgia, South Carolina, and West Virginia portions, however, fall at around half the national figure. The most obvious concentration of these farms is through the Great Valley of Tennessee and in the Ridge and Valley zones of Virginia. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 84 Number of Farms with Sales $10,000-19,999 363 1,219 2,594 308 3,418 2,213 255 10,370 Percent of Farms with Sales 10,00019,999 5.0 11.3 11.5 6.4 10.2 12.1 5.6 10.2 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS WITH SRLES $10,000-$19,999 - 1982 SOURCE: 85 1962 CENSUS OF HGRICULTURE �MAP 4.5 — Percent of Total Farms with Sales $20,000-S39,999 — 1982 In the study area, farms in only three counties (Surry, Stokes, and Yadkin, North Carolina) achieved sales comparable to the national figure for the category — 11.1 percent. Of concern is the fact that a substantial number of counties in the region (18) perform at the 1.0 percent level or less — most of those being located in the "coal" counties of Kentucky, Virginia and West Virginia. The combination of small farms, rough land and lack of emphasis on farm markets all contribute to this relatively low productivity. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 86 Number of Farms with Sales $20,000*39,999 353 508 1,481 180 1,611 1,087 106 5,326 Percent of Farms with Sales 20,00039,999 4.9 4.7 6.6 3.8 4.8 6.0 2.3 5.2 �PERCENT OF TOTflL FflRMS WITH SflLES S20,000-S39,999 - 1982 KY SOURCE: 87 1982 CENSUS OF flGRICULTURE �MAP 4.6 — Percent of Total Farms with Sales $40,000-$99,999 — 1982 The production of high value agricultural products (e. g., poultry, beef cattle) permits farms in about a dozen of the counties in the study area to display output at the higher end of the sales scale, near or above the national figure (14.8 percent) for this category. Otherwise, most of the counties have only a few farms producing at this level. The pattern of counties with 1.0 percent or less is similar to that of the previous one (Map 4.5), with the addition of more mountain and coal counties. Portion off Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number off Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number off Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 88 Number off Farms with Sales $40,000-99,999 661 192 1,099 121 1,053 703 94 3,923 Percent of Farms with Sales 40,00099,999 9.1 1.8 4.9 2.5 3.2 3.9 2.1 3.9 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS WITH SRLES $40,000-S99,999 - 1982 KY SOURCE: 89 1982 CENSUS OF R3RICULTURE �MAP 4.7 — Percent of Total Farms with Sales $100,000 or More — 1982 This highest category accounts for only about 4 percent of the agricultural productivity in the study area while nationally the percentage is 13.5. The pattern of production of poultry and poultry products (Map 4.14) correlates very closely, again illustrating the need in the region to concentrate more heavily on the "value added" aspect of farm productivity, or that aspect which produces the greatest value for the least amount of cost. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 90 Number of Farms with Sales 100,000 or more 1,336 63 1,131 151 783 541 70 4,075 Percent of Farms with Sales 100,000 or more 18.4 0.6 5.0 3.2 2.3 3.0 1.5 4.0 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS WITH SRLES $100,000 OR MORE - 1982 SOURCE: 91 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 4.8 — Percent of Total Sales from Corn for Grain, Wheat, and Soybeans — 1982 The patterns on this map clearly illustrate the fact that the Southern Highlands is not a region of grain and soybean production. Sales amount to $62,245,000, or about 3.7 percent of total agricultural sales for the region. For the entire United States this category of production accounts for 24 percent of the national total. Low grain/soybean output is, of course, understandable in view of the absence of level land where mechanization can make this type of crop production highly desirable. The few counties with high percentages are located mostly on the lowlands and higher plateaus such as the Carolina Piedmont and the edge of the Appalachian Plateau in Tennessee. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 92 Total Sales From Corn, Wheat, and Soybeans (x $1,000) 6,006 2,397 21,049 8,389 18,453 2,919 4,549 62,245 Average Total Sales per County (x $1,000) 316 92 679 1,398 543 122 190 399 �PERCENT OF TOTflL SflLES FROM CORN, WHERT, RND SOYBERNS - 1982 KY SOURCE: 93 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 4.9 — Percent of Total Sales from Tobacco — 1982 Tobacco is the second largest money crop in the region, accounting for 18.7 percent of total sales. By way of contrast only 2.1 percent of United States agricultural sales is from tobacco. Production is, however, concentrated in only a few areas: bright, flue-cured is prominent on the North Carolina Piedmont; burley tobacco in the mountain counties of North Carolina, upper East Tennessee, and on the Appalachian Plateau in eastern Kentucky. Some of this production is on small farms that grow little else; it is an important supplemental cash crop raised by farmers whose primary employment is other than farming. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 94 Total Sales From Tobacco (x $1,000) 46 57,546 106,092 0 99,238 51,461 4,245 318,628 Average Total Sales per County (x $1,000) 2 2,213 3,422 0 2,919 2,144 265 2,042 �PERCENT OF TOTflL SflLES FROM TOBflCCO - 1982 KY SOURCE: 95 1982 CENSUS OF R3RICULTURE �MAP 4.10 — Percent of Total Sales from Hay, Silage, and Field Seed — 1982 Sales in this category provide only 1.1 percent of farm income in the region, which figure is not very different from the national figure of 1.8 percent. The pattern shows no particular concentration. The high values for counties such as Pike/Harlan (Kentucky) and Boone/Clay (West Virginia) are somewhat misleading because of the fact that total agricultural production in these counties is very low. Portion off Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number off Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 96 Total Sales From Hay, Silage and Field Seed (x $1,000) 1,722 1,917 3,281 1,220 5,955 4,111 965 19,171 Average Total Sales per County (x $1,000) 91 74 106 203 175 171 60 123 �PERCENT OF TOTRL SRLES FROM HflY, SILRGE RND FIELD SEED - 1982 KY SOURCE: 97 1382 CENSUS OF R6RICULTURE �MAP 4.11 — Percent of Total Sales from Vegetables, Sweet Corn, and Melons — 1982 Sales in this category provided only $18,890,000 — about 1.1 percent of the total for the region; nationally the figure is 3.1 percent. As can be seen from the table, the bulk of present production is in the North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia portions of the study area. The region is, however, not exploiting well the potential for farm income from this type of crop. Small farm plots, part-time farmers, suitable climate and soils, and access to urban markets all make this sort of farming very viable. What is most lacking is available capital for hothouse facilities, technical assistance, and adequate marketing schemes. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 98 Total Sales from Vegetables, Sweet Corn and Melons (x $1,000) 870 370 5,778 1,720 6,729 3,236 187 18,890 Average Total Sales per County (x $1,000) 46 14 186 287 198 135 12 121 �PERCENT OF TOTflL SflLES FROM VEGETRBLES, SWEET CORN RND MELONS - 1982 KY SOURCE: 99 1982 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �MAP 4.12 — Percent of Total Sales from Fruits, Nuts, and Berries — 1982 These crops provide another minor portion of the region's agricultural income, accounting for only $17,454,000 — about 1 percent of the total. The strong counties in this category, such as Polk and Henderson in North Carolina, Spartanburg in South Carolina, and Botetourt in Virginia produce mainly deciduous fruits. What has been said about vegetables and melons (Map 4.11), is also true for this type of crop. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 100 Total Sales From Fruits, Nuts and Berries (x $1,000) 528 74 8,430 2,953 297 5,160 12 17,454 Average Total Sales per County (x $1,000) 28 3 272 492 9 215 1 112 �PERCENT OF TOTflL SRLES FROM FRUITS, NUTS RND BERRIES - 1982 KY SOURCE: 101 1982 CENSUS OF HGRI CULTURE �MAP 4.13 — Percent of Total Sales from Nursery and Greenhouse Products — 1982 The $31,786,000 provided by sales of these products amounted to 1.9 percent of the region's agricultural income. This compares favorable with the 2.9 percent nationally. Production is, however, concentrated in those areas where seedlings are required for tree crops and around urban areas where flower markets are available. Portion off Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 102 Total Sales From Nursery & Greenhouse Products (x $1,000) 2,710 343 11,684 5,417 7,562 3,745 325 31,786 Average Total Sales per County (x $1,000) 143 13 377 903 222 156 20 204 �PERCENT OF TOTAL SALES FROM NURSERY AND GREENHOUSE PRODUCTS - KY SOURCE: 103 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE 1982 �MAP 4.14 — Percent of Total Sales from Poultry and Poultry Products — 1982 Sales from poultry and poultry products, the largest sales category for the region at $605,197,000, account for 35.6 percent of the farm income, compared to only 7.4 percent nationally. These high value products, like tobacco, are concentrated in only a few parts of the study area; the Carolina Piedmont and North Georgia dominate the patterns. The potantial for expansion is only moderate, mainly because there is intense competition from other areas in the eastern United States. Moreover, considerable capital is needed because poultry production is highly mechanized and processing facilities must be located near the production areas. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms Total Sales From Poultry and Poultry Products (x $1,000) 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 362,037 6,126 179,724 11,148 38,067 8,005 90 605,197 104 Average Total Sales per County (x $1,000) 19,055 236 5,798 1,858 1,120 334 6 3,879 �PERCENT OF TOTflL SflLES FROM POULTRY RND POULTRY PRODUCTS - 1982 KY SOURCE: 105 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 4.15 — Percent of Total Sales from Dairy Products — 1982 Dairy products are also a mainstay of the region's agricultural income, providing 18.6 percent of total sales. This also is considerably higher than the national figure of 12.3 percent. High output of diary products is dependent upon nearby markets and adequate processing facilities; most of the counties with a strong showing in this category are located favorably in this respect. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms Total Sales From Dairy Products (x $1,000) 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 11,612 5,894 84,709 13,213 104,653 86,202 9,901 316,184 106 Average Total Sales per County (x $1,000) 611 227 2,733 2,202 3,078 3,592 619 2,027 �PERCENT OF TOTRL SRLES FROM DRIRY PRODUCTS - 1982 KY o.o SOURCE: 107 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 4.16 — Percent of Total Sales from Cattle and Calves — 1982 In terms of sales, the $273,140,000 provided by cattle and calves makes this the fourth most important agricultural product for the region, although it is somewhat lower than the 24 percent for the United States as a whole. However, the amount is notable in view of the fact that this is not a strong grain-producing region. Most of the animals raised in the region are grass fed on improved pastures. Because the rainfall/temperature regime of the study area is conducive to the growing of grass, the potential for greater production is quite good, provided that the relatively small amount of capital for improvement and maintenance of pastures can be obtained. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms Total Sales From Cattle & Calves (x $1,000) 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 18,729 20,683 44,937 6,028 85,550 83,059 14,164 273,150 108 Average Total Sales per County (x $1,000) 986 796 1,450 1,005 2,516 3,461 885 1,751 �PERCENT OF TOTflL SflLES FROM CflTTLE RND CRLVES - 1982 SOURCE: 109 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 4.17 — Percent of Total Sales from Hogs and Pigs — 1982 Hogs and pigs provide $35,883,000 in sales — only about 2.1 percent of farm income in the study area. This is less than one-third of the 7.5 percent produced nationally from the sales of hogs and pigs. These statistics are not surprising in light of the low production of grain crops in the area. As can be seen from the patterns, production is highly scattered; about half of the counties show very low sales. Also, the pattern is not closely related to the pattern of grain sales. This is probably because hogs are often fed crops that are not marketed.. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number and Pigs Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 110 Total Sales From Hogs per County (x $1,000) 10,126 1,057 7,670 2,349 9,007 5,070 604 35,883 Average Total Sales per County (x $1,000) 533 41 247 392 265 211 38 230 �PERCENT OF TOTflL SRLES FROM HOGS RND PIGS - 1982 SOURCE: 111 1982 CENSUS OF TOR I CULTURE �MAP 4.18 — Percent of Total Sales from Sheep, Lambs, and Wool — 1982 The very lowest contribution to farm income in the region is from the sale of sheep, lambs, and wool. The $2,416,000 in sales amounts to only 0.1 percent and is about one-fifth of the national share of 0.5 percent. Strong production is limited to a few counties in the Virginia and West Virginia portions of the study area. Potential, in terms of production, is high because of the same factors that pertain to cattle and calves. Marketing potential, however, is low in view of the low demand in the United States for sheep as a food source and for wool as fiber. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 112 Total Sales From Sheep, Lambs and Wool (x $1,000) 18 49 129 1 89 1,814 316 2,416 Average Total Sales per County (x $1,000) 1 2 4 0 3 76 20 15 �PERCENT OF TOTflL SflLES FROM SHEEP, LRMBS RND WOOL - 1982 SOURCE: 113 1382 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �MAP 4.19 — Types of Farming Regions Based on Agricultural Sales — 1982 Patterns on this map form a composite picture of all of the foregoing maps in this section. Region 1, primarily in the North Georgia portion of the study area, is completely dominated by poultry and poultry products with modest emphasis on cattle and calves. Region 2, into which most of the counties fit, is dependent on mixed production but with a more even distribution of the major categories of tobacco, poultry, cattle, and dairy products than exists in Region 3. Region 3 is composed of a small number of counties — widely scattered throughout the region — and depends the most on tobacco, with poultry, cattle, and dairy products still important. Region 4, concentrated in the Virginia/West Virginia portion, is primarily a producer of cattle, calves, and dairy products with some emphasis on tobacco. This regionalization scheme shows rather vividly the diversified nature of farm sales in the Southern Highlands. TYPES OF FARMING REGIONS BASED ON AGRICULTURAL SALES — 1982 (Percent of Each Region's Sales by Commodity) Commodity 1 Corn for Grain Wheat Soybeans Tobacco Hay, Silage, Field seed Vegetables, Sweet Corn, Melons Fruits, Nuts, Berries Nursery and Greenhouse Products Poultry Products Dairy Products Cattle and Calves Hogs and Pigs Sheep, Lambs, Wool 0.7 0.1 0.8 0.1 0.3 0.5 0.1 0.4 79.1 1.1 7.8 1.8 0.0 114 REGION 2.2 0.4 1.4 25.0 2.1 1.5 1.0 2.7 10.0 15.9 10.2 2.1 0.1 1.7 0.6 1.4 30.6 1.4 2.1 1.3 1.7 19.6 12.0 15.7 1.8 0.0 1.2 0.0 0.6 7.1 3.6 2.0 0.1 0.5 1.8 10.5 50.0 2.0 0.9 �TYPE OF FRRMING REGIONS BRSED ON RGRICULTURRL SRLES - 1982 REGION 4 REGION 3 Jill REGION 2 SC SOURCE: 115 1962 CENSUS OF RSRICULTURE REGION 1 �This page intentionally left blank �Commentary Small Farm Productivity: Evaluating an Appalachian Tradition by Mamie H. Muller It is worthwhile to keep in mind that the census definition for "farm" has changed nine times since 1840. The present definition of "farm" is any place from which $1,000 or more of agricultural products were sold or potentially could have been sold during the census year. The previous definition was any place with less than 10 acres from which $250 or more of agricultural products were sold or potentially could have been sold during the census year, or any place 10 acres or more from which $50 or more of agricultural products were sold or potentially could have been sold during the census year. The shift to the present definition disqualified approximately 302,000 farms (Fisher and Harnish, 1981). In addition to studying the maps in this atlas, it would also be helpful to get a general overview of the 1982 Agricultural Census data by studying the 1982 Census of Agriculture Graphic Summary maps and figures. Here you will get a sense of the Southern Highlands in relation to the rest of the country as well as a quick review of the change in data from census year 1978 to census year 1982. There is a wide range of agricultural enterprises throughout this study area of southern Appalachia as is evidenced in maps 4.8 through 4.18. This diversity provides a certain strength to the agricultural economy in the study area as well as to the wider regional economy. Within the farms themselves, particularly the smaller farms, there is a diversification of production. In times of such fluctuating circumstances, diversification on the regional and individual farm level makes excellent sense. Here is a look at some of the specific regional products: • Poultry, particularly broilers and turkeys, has become a significant farm product in this region as is evidenced by the number of counties with poultry products as 95% of total sales (map 41.4). 'Two of the counties with the greatest increase in market value of agricultural products were Union County (918.8%) and Wilkes County (698%), North Carolina. In both of these counties, more than three-fourths of the agricultural income in 1978 was derived from poultry" (Raitz and Ulack, 1984). In North Georgia, "general farming has given way to the production of broilers in the most highly concentrated, broiler-producing area in the nation. In six counties (Dawson, Forsyth, Hall, Lumpkin, White, and Habersham), farmers derived more than 90% of their agricultural income from poultry" (Raitz and Ulack, 1984). • Dairy products are also important (map 4.15), although recent government policies may encourage the decline of the small and medium-size dairy farms in this region. Dairy farms require a particularly high investment in equipment, livestock, and buildings, so when the return on the investment is marginal, a small or medium farmer is forced to consider "getting out" of the business. « Beef cattle production is particularly suited to the terrain of the region and so is an important product for both part-time and full-time farmers (map 4.16). Alleghany County, Virginia, in particular, has shown a high increase in market value of agricultural products because of "increased livestock production on a small agricultural base. Here, sales of beef cattle and calves accounted for about 78% of the 6.6 million dollar farm income in 1978" (Raitz, 1984). Again, government policy with regards to the dairy industry may, in turn, impact the beef industry by potentially glutting the beef market with "dairy cow" beef and thereby lowering the prices of the "cattle" beef. This could seriously affect a number of small, full-time and part-time farmers who are raising beef cattle in this region. • Another important agricultural product for both the full-time farmer and part-time farmer in this region is tobacco, in particular burley tobacco (map 4.9). Because burley can be air-cured in small barns, the crop is especially well-suited to the small farms of this region. 117 �• In terms of fruit, nuts, and berries production for the region (map 4.12), a "few selected areas have specialized in fruit production for decades. Much of Virginia's apple production, for example, is concentrated in the Shenandoah Valley... In North Carolina, apples and peaches were planted intensively around Hendersonville, thereby making Henderson County the seventh-largest producer of apples in the nation" (Raitz and Ulack, 1984). Major berry crops for this region include strawberries, blackberries, and blueberries. • Production of vegetable crops offers tremendous potential for this area in terms of future agricultural development. At the present, however, the region accounts for only about 3% of the nation's vegetable acreage (map 4.11). Major vegetable crops include stake tomatoes, cabbage, green beans, potatoes, squash, and sweet corn. • Nursery and greenhouse products also offer considerable potential for agricultural income for the region (map 4.13). There is a rapidly expanding Christmas tree and woody ornamentals industry as well as multi-million dollar greenhouse operations. Greenhouse products include: poinsettias, carnations, Easter lilies, as well as a wide variety of bedding plants, both flowers and vegetables. « Though not reflected in the atlas maps, production of trout which is considered an agricultural product by the census is an important, up and coming product for this region. Western North Carolina "now has the distinction of being the No. 2 trout production spot in the nation, although admittedly a distant second to the state of Idaho" (McGough, 1984). An important aspect for agricultural productivity in the Southern Highlands is the ongoing research being conducted regionally at such centers as the Mountain Horticultural Crops Research Station and Extension Center near Fletcher, North Carolina. Established in 1949 by the University of North Carolina, the station studies pest control, plant diseases, crop culture, growth regulators, soil compaction, fertilization, pollution control, potato and tomato breeding, ginseng, and other subjects. Research centers like this help increase farm productivity and farm income in the region by offering farmers new crop strains adapted for the mountain region as well as new production techniques and methods for increasing efficiency. Another important element is the dissemination of research findings to the farmers. Agricultural extension agents provide an invaluable service to the southern Appalachian agricultural community in this way. They also provide much needed, technical assistance including training in financial management and direct marketing. They advise regional farmers in the production of all the agricultural products referred to in these maps. Unfortunately, a number of these services are in jeopardy. The present administration is proposing a cut-back of 59% of the Agricultural Extension Service budget for fiscal year 1987. This would severely impact farmers in the Southern Highlands who rely heavily on the extension agent for agricultural "news" and advice. In addition to governmental research and technical assistance, there are also private institutions which can be helpful to the Southern Highlands farmer in terms of assistance and research information. Organizations like the Regeneration Project headquartered at Rodale Press offer "regenerative" technology and strategies in the area of agricultural production and marketing that are particularly helpful to small-scale and medium-scale farmers. In terms of research, there is also a need in southern Appalachia for environmental/agricultural type research to determine how the quality of agricultural production is being affected by such factors as acid rain, pesticide and herbicide use, water contamination, etc. Small farmers have been an elemental part of the fabric of the Southern Highlands culture and economy. Small farms continue to be important to this region because they build community and promote a democratic, less corporate political base (Fisher and Harnish, 1981). Clearly it is important that national policy shift towards encouraging the economic viability of small-scale farms. Even in terms of national security, it is important 118 �to maintain the viability of small farms as they relate to a dependable, national food supply. Small-scale, food production means decentralized, independent systems of production which are not so dependent on huge machines, large energy input, and extensive transportation requirements. In Wendell Berry's words, "There are, to be sure, urgent political and cultural arguments for the preservation of the small farm... But perhaps it is most necessary now to insist upon its practical justification: the overwhelming likelihood that its survival is indispensable to a sound, durable agriculture and a dependable food supply" (Berry, 1981). For many southern Appalachian residents, part-time farming provides a substantial supplement to their yearly income. Also many families depend on being able to raise a good deal of their annual food supply. Loss of farmland in the region, therefore, is affecting not only full-time farming families but also part-time farming families as well. During the four year period 1978-1982, agricultural land in this study area of Appalachia declined by about 41,664 acres or about .4%. A large number of counties recorded declines—at least 89 of the 156. Loss is due in part to farmland conversion to nonagricultural use such as second home development and highways. Loss is also attributable to financial pressures on small farmers. It is important that local and regional governments assess the problem of loss of farmland in their locale and take steps to preserve and protect this critical resource. Community financial support for small farmers, fair tax breaks, and community education concerning the importance of farmland would be additional ways to help with this problem. In order to promote an economically sound, agricultural production system for the region, it is important to study the entire existing cycle; Where does the product go after it leaves the farm? Does it get processed, stored—where, by whom? Does it get retailed— where, by whom? In terms of the regional, agricultural economy as well as the broader, area economy, it may be more productive for the "raw products" to be processed, handled, and sold within the region. In a time when more profits usually go to the retailer and processor than to the producer, it is especially important to strengthen direct "farm to consumer'1 marketing options. Farmers' markets, tailgate markets, and pick-your-own enterprises are significant avenues for Appalachian producers to get the most out of their products. In addition, producer cooperatives are an important strategy as well as producer-consumer alliances. Technical assistance and support from the wider community are invaluable in helping the agricultural community establish economic stability as it seeks regional markets for its products. The Southern Highlands of Appalachia would greatly benefit from a substantial, comprehensive analysis of the regional agricultural production system from beginning to end to determine how the area's overall economy would be enhanced by locating a larger portion of the agricultural production cycle within the region itself. To ensure the continuation and quality of farm productivity in this region, it is important that both formal and informal, comprehensive, regional planning occur in which farm productivity is studied in relation to the wider regional context. A comprehensive model of the region needs to be developed which would accurately reflect the existing regional systems including the natural, ecological systems as well as the interfacing human systems such as transport systems, finance systems, food systems, etc. It would then be important to determine if the present systems are ecologically, economically, and socially sustainable systems. The spirit of the Southern Highlands is embodied in the independence of its people and the richness of the land itself. The capacity to produce agricultural products is part and parcel of this sense of independence and self-sufficiency. In analyzing agricultural productivity in these Southern Highlands, it is important to look at more than just the tangible "end products." Agriculture in these Southern Highlands not only contributes to the economic vibrancy of the region but also enriches and renews facets of its elemental spirit. 119 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Berry, Wendell. The Gift of Good Land. Ban Francisco: North Point Press, 1981. Cornucopia Project. The Empty Breadbasket? The Coming Challenge to America's Food Supply and What We Can Do About It. Emmaus, PA: The Cornucopia Project of Rodale Press, 1981. Farm Foundation. Increasing Understanding of Public Problems and Policies—1985. Oak Brook, IL: Farm Foundation, 1986. Finger, Bill; Fowler, Gary; and Hughes, Chip. "Institute for Southern Studies: Special Report on Food, Fuel, and Fiber." Southern Exposure, II (1974), 145-210. Fisher, Stephen L, and Harnish, Mary. "Losing a Bit of Ourselves: The Decline of the Small Farmer." Appalachia/America, Proceedings of the 1980 Appalachian Studies Conference. Edited by Wilson Somerville. East Tennessee State University: The Appalachian Consortium Press and the Appalachian Studies Conference, 1981. Ford, Thomas R., ed., The Southern Appalachian Region, A Survey. Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 1967. Hadwiger, Don F. and Talbot, Ross B., ed. Food Policy and Farm Programs, Proceedings of The Academy of Political Science. New York: The Academy of Political Science, 1982. Kindscher, Kelly. The Kansas Food System: Analysis and Action Toward Sustainability. Whiting, KS: The Kansas Rural Center, 1982. Madden, J. Patrick, and Baker, Heather Tischbein. An Agenda for Small Farms Research: A Report on Phase II of the National Rural Center's Small Farms Project. Washington, D.C.: The National Rural Center, 1981. McGough, Morris. "WNC Farm Income: $313.6 Million." Asheville Citizen-Times, October 28, 1984. National Agricultural Lands Study. Final Report 1981. Washington, DC: Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1981. Raitz, Karl B., and Ulack, Richard Appalachia: A Regional Geography. Boulder: Westview Press, 1984. Sampson, R. Neil. Farmland or Wasteland: A Time to Choose. Emrnaus, PA: Rodale Press, 1981. Steiner, Frederick R., and Theilacker, John E., eds. Protecting Farmlands. Westport, CT: AVI Publishing Co., Inc., 1984. Vogeler, Ingolf. The Myth of the Family Farm: Agribusiness Dominance of U.S. Agriculture. Boulder: Westview Press, 1981. Whyte, William Foote, and Boynton, Damon. Higher-Yielding Human Systems for Agriculture. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983. 120 �This page intentionally left blank �PART 5 — FARM MANAGEMENT AND ORGANIZATION MAP 5.1 — Percent of Total Farms With Owner Operators — 1982 Operation of farms by owners is much higher in the Southern Highlands (72.5 percent) than in the United States as a whole (59.2 percent). As can be seen from the map patterns and the table, it is highest in the West Virginia and Georgia portions of the area and lowest in the Piedmont counties of North and South Carolina. (McDowell County, West Virginia shows a considerably lower percentage than the national average. This figure is somewhat unreliable because of the very small number of farms in the county.) This pattern of high percentages of farm operation by owners is not surprising given the traditional style of individual ownership of relatively small tracts of marginal farm land within the region, especially in the more mountainous and hilly parts. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number With Owner Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 122 Number of Total Farms Owner Operators 5,613 7,630 15,222 3,317 24,997 13,285 3,623 73,687 Percent of Farms with Owner Operators 77.3 70.7 67.4 69.9 74.9 72.9 79.6 72.65 �PERCENT OF TOTflL FflRMS WITH OWNER OPERRTORS - 1982 "Gfl SOURCE: 123 1982 CENSUS OF BGRICULTURE �MAP 5.2 — Percent of Total Farms With Part-Owner Operators — 1982 In the United States, about 29 percent of the farms are part-owner operated. In the study area, the figure is considerable lower — about 20 percent. The pattern is virtually the inverse of that on the map of owner operators, with high percentages in the Carolinas1 Piedmont and the lowest in West Virginia, Georgia, and Kentucky. Note especially the large number of counties with percentages below the regional figure. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number off Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number off Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 124 Number off Total Farms with PartOwner Operators 1,082 1,801 5,716 1,181 6,272 3,802 739 20,593 Percent off Farms with Part-Owner Operators 14.9 16.7 25.3 24.9 18.8 20.9 16.2 20.3 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS WITH PRRT-OWNER OPERRTORS - 1982 SOURCE: 125 1982 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �MAP 5.3 — Percent of Total Farms With Tenant Operators — 1982 The overall figures clearly show that the Southern Highlands is not an area of high farm tenancy. The percentage for the region (6.4) is much lower than the U.S. average (11.6). The pattern is rather even, except for several counties in West Virginia where there appears to be a wide range of values, some of which is the result of very low numbers of farms. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennesee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 126 Number of Farms with Tenant Operators 266 879 1,631 249 2,121 1,147 187 6,480 Percent of Farms with Tenant Operators 3.7 8.2 7.2 5.2 6.4 6.3 4.1 6.4 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS WITH TENRNT OPERRTORS - 1982 KY SOURCE: 127 1982 CENSUS OF BGRICULTURE �MAP 5.4 — Average Age of Farm Operators — 1982 In the United States, the average age of farm operators in 1982 was 50.5 years, considerably below the mid-range for the region. In fact, only 8 of the 156 counties in the study area showed average ages less than 50.5 years. The 53 farmers in Pike County (Kentucky) averaged 60 years in age; 15 of the counties showed average ages of 55 or higher. Farmers in Jackson County, Kentucky, averaged the lowest in age — 48.6 years. A comparison of the 1982 figures for average age of farm operators with those figures for 1945 (Map 5.5) indicates that average age of operators in the study area is increasing at a rate exceeding that in the nation as a whole. 128 �RVERRGE RGE OF FRRM OPERRTORS - 1982 KY SOURCE: 129 1982 CENSUS OF FORICULTURE �MAP 5.5 — Average Age of Farm Operators — 1945 In 1945 the average age of farmers in the United States was 48.7 years, only 1.8 years lower than the 1982 average. This 1945 average is near the mid-range of average ages for counties in the study area. It is interesting to note, however, that in five of the counties (Bell, Jackson, and Lee in Kentucky; Henderson in North Carolina; and Monroe in West Virginia) averages actually decreased by as much as 2 years over the period from 1945 to 1982. On the other hand, Pike County, Kentucky, which had one of the lowest averages in 1945 (46.7 years) shows the highest average in the region in 1982 (60 years). 130 �RVERRGE RGE OF FRRM OPERRTORS - 1945 KY SOURCE: 131 1945 CENSUS OF HGRICULTURE �MAP 5.6 — Percent of Farm Operators Whose Principal Occupation is Other Than Farming - 1982 It can easily be seen from this pattern that farming is an ancilliary occupation in the Southern Highlands. In the United States, less than half (44.9 percent) farm operators are so classified, while the average for the study area is 60.1 percent. However, it should be noted that the pattern is very uneven, with a number of counties having percentages considerably higher or lower than the regional average. As might be expected, most of the coal counties show very high values as do some of the counties close to urban areas. Counties with high agricultural sales (such as those in the poultry/cattle regions) tend to be at the lower end of the scale. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farmers 7,266 10,722 22,569 4,747 33,490 18,206 4,549 101,549 132 Number of Farmers whose Principal Occupation is Other Than Farming 4,286 6,605 12,523 3,097 20,642 10,847 3,010 61,010 Percent of Farmers whose Principal Occupation is Other Than Farming 58.9 61.6 65.2 61.6 59.6 66.2 60.1 �PERCENT OF FRRM OPERRTORS WHOSE PRINCIPRL OCCUPRTION IS OTHER THRN FRRMING - 1982 SOURCE: 133 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 5.7 — Percent of Total Farms With Male Operators — 1982 In the study area, the percentage of farms with male operators is overwhelmingly large (91.7) but still is smaller than that for the nation (94.6). This is more than likely a function of small average farm size and high numbers of farmers whose principal occupation is other than farming (Map 5.6). Also, farming in the Southern Highlands has been traditionally a male occupation. In terms of female operators, only 29 of the 156 counties have percentages of female operators above the mid-range. These counties are mostly in the Ridge and Valley Zones of Virginia and Tennessee, on the Appalachian Plateau in Kentucky, and in the Piedmont area of North Georgia. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 134 Number of Farms With Male Operators 6,692 9,791 20,902 4,459 30,474 16,596 4,228 93,142 Percent of Farms With Male Operators 92.1 90.8 92.6 93.9 91.3 91.1 92.9 91.7 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS WITH MRLE OPERRTORS - 1982 SOURCE: 135 1982 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �MAP 5.8 — Percent of Total Farms With Individual or Family Organization — 1982 The Southern Highlands is still an area where the family farm is the predominant management type. The 90.3 percent of farms so classified is somewhat higher than the national average of 86.8 percent. Through the Ridge and Valley Zone, on the Appalachian Plateau, and on the Carolinas' Piedmont the percentages tend to be closer to the national figure, while the higher percentages generally show up in the coal counties of Kentucky, Virginia, and West Virginia. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 136 Number of Farms with Individual or Family Organization 6,673 9,699 20,305 4,300 30,120 16,377 4,241 91,715 Percent of Farms with Individual or Family Organization 91.9 89.9 90.0 90.6 90.2 89.6 93.2 90.3 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS WITH INDIVIDURL OR FRMILY ORGRNIZRTION - 1982 KY SOURCE: 137 1982 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �MAP 5.9 — Percent of Total Farms With Individual or Family Organization — 1969 Percentages of family farm ownership in the region increased slightly, during the thirteen-year period — from 85.9 percent in 1969 to 90.3 percent in 1982. The map patterns indicate, however, some rather drastic changes in percentages over this period for a few of the counties. Note, for example, Forsyth, Towns, and Hall in Georgia; Harlan, Knott, and Perry in Kentucky; Stokes and Swain in North Carolina; Scott in Tennessee; Craig in Virginia; and Boone in West Virginia. 138 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS WITH INDIVIDURL OR FRMILY ORGRNIZRTION - 1969 BLANK = NO DRTR Gfl SOURCE: 139 1969 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 5.10 — Percent of Total Farms With Partnership Organization — 1982 In regard to the partnership form of farm organization, the region — with 8.4 percent of farms so classified — does not differ markedly from the national figure of 10 percent. Only nineteen of the 156 counties show percentages higher than the national figure; nearly one-third of the counties are considerably below the regional percentage. Partnership organization appears to be most favored outside of the coal-mining area in the Great Valley of Tennessee, on the Appalachian Plateau, and on the eastern edge of the region in Virginia and the Carolinas. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 140 Number of Farms with Partnership Organization 452 959 1,881 354 3,027 1,585 262 8,520 Percent of Farms with Partnership Organization 6.2 8.9 8.3 7.5 9.1 8.7 5.8 8.4 �PERCENT OF TOTRL FflRMS WITH PRRTNERSHIP ORGRNIZRTION - 1982 SOURCE: 141 1982 CENSUS OF R6RICULTURE �MAP 5.11 — Percent of Total Farms With Corporation Organization — 1982 Nationwide 2.7 percent of the total farms are organized as corporations; in the study area the figure is much smaller — 0.7 percent for the 156 counties. In 23 counties, mostly in Kentucky and West Virginia, there are no farms with this category of organization. The high figure for McDowell County, WV, again is misleading because of the low number of farms — one of its only eight farms is a corporation. Otherwise, the higher percentages appear mostly on the periphery of the region. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Number of Farms Number of Farms with Corporation Organization 7,265 10,725 22,568 4,747 33,390 18,226 4,549 101,470 112 22 237 75 38 168 27 679 142 Percent of Farms with Corporation Organization 1.5 0.2 1.1 1,6 0.1 0.9 0.6 0.7 �+PERCENT OF TOTRL FRRMS WITH CORPORflTION ORGRNIZflTION - 1982 KY SOURCE: 143 1982 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �This page intentionally left blank �Commentary Patterns of Farm Management and Organization in the Southern Highlands by Dennis L. Soden It has been suggested that perhaps the most outstanding feature of American farms today is their lack of common attributes. Today's farms vary in size, organization, geography, location, commodities provided and growth (O'Rourke, 1978). Farming in the Appalachians reflects this suggestion, providing unique attributes and patterns occasioned by geographic, political, economic, and social factors. The fate of the "family farm" remains a central issue of American agriculture. Nationwide, many family farms are inefficient and will continue to disappear from the landscape. Yet the day of the corporate farm does not appear to be looming on the Appalachian horizon. Instead, it appears that the region maintains two important features of agrarianism which direct how its farms are managed and organized: first, a closeness to nature and second, the rugged individualism we have come to associate with the American farmer. Appalachia is marked by many picturesque farms which dot her landscape. The farm setting is part of a regional, agriculture system in which the principal management mechanism is the "owner-operator"—a farmer who lives on the land he tills (see map 5.1). The picture is not, however, idyllic. Rural Appalachian farmers are facing changes in their identity in many places as they become a minority in the rural population. We might suggest that this is symptomatic when the invasion of non-farm interests which often place new and conflicting demands on rural lands threaten the family farm forcing agrarian philosophies into a single mold of farm, town, county (O'Rourke, 1978:61). In addition to the growth in the Appalachian region which many contend has changed the essential character of the region, or at least threatens to do so, the Appalachian farmer contends with a plethora of other factors which influence farm organization and management. For example, except for a small portion of the Southern Appalachians in northern Georgia and the northernmost portion of North Carolina which are also reported in Chapter 4 as the richest farms in the region in terms of sales, the owner-operator does not rely entirely on his farm for a livelihood. Reflecting a trend begun in the five-year period 1949-1954 when nearly one-half of Appalachian farmers were classified as having "other incomes greater than farm sales" (Proctor and White, 1967:87), today's farmers, it appears, are continuing along the same path. In many counties (see map 5.6) over 80% of the farm operators maintain a principal occupation other than farming. Two possible explanations, among a host of possibilities, may be put forward. First, compared to the Southern region in general, a relatively larger percentage of the land of the Appalachians is "totally unsuited by its topography for agriculture production except forestry" (Proctor and White, 1976:88). The land is very productive in small plot's (except perhaps the author's own garden), but is characteristically steep and not conducive to standard, American, agriculture techniques employing high-levels of mechanization using equipment mostly designed with large, flat acreage in mind. As one of the lead authors of this atlas series has correctly pointed out, the Appalachian tendency towards non-use of the steeper lands, especially given the conducive soil and climate, may be more appropriately an American response. In contrast, in many less developed and developing nations to which parallels of the Appalachian experience are often drawn, the fertility of the Appalachian soil would be benefit enough, and the steepness of the topography would be quickly dismissed. Second, off-the-farm opportunities are increasingly available to Appalachian farmers. Unlike their fathers and grandfathers who farmed the land before them, today's farmers are better educated and are often drawn into the non-farm economy where better pay is available without the risks associated with farming. 145 �These ideas, coupled with an era of decreasing crop values and rising operating costs, make it, more often than not, nearly impossible for farming to be the primary occupation of most Appalachian farmers. Thus, while most Appalachian farms are managed by owneroperators, they are, in reality, part-time operations with little commercial significance (Gardner, 1981:5). We might safely suggest that in addition to the family farm which is operated for subsistence, Appalachia may also be witnessing a rise in the number of owner-operators who act the role of "gentlemen farmer." Retirees, along with highly trained professionals, often seek acreage with some of the attributes of a working farm as part of their search for a better quality of life while, in the end, not seriously pursuing farm matters. This proposed group which would be made up of relatively affluent individuals is quite different economically speaking from the preponderance of operators in the heavy coal-mining counties running from West Virginia through eastern Kentucky and into Tennessee, for example. The counterparts to the new "gentlemen farmers11 are often operating Appalachians least productive farms as is noted in the previous chapter. The dominant, organizational structure among agriculture units in Appalachia is the individual or family farm (see map 5.8) which the evidence tells us exists more than 80% of the time. Since 1969 (see map 5.9), some counties have reported drops in the numbers in the individual/family farm category. It is difficult to determine a reason for this drop, but we may suggest something beyond the common farm crises which most Americans are familiar with. In many cases, farms have been sold to developers and speculators as land values have escalated or as the sons and daughters of farmers increasingly seek nonfarm careers. Faced with these factors and the turbulence that marked the agriculture sector during the 1970fs and well into this decade, it is not out-of-the-question to suggest that retirement opportunities or economic factors have made conditions off-the-farm look considerably more attractive than they might ever have before. Clearly, the Appalachian farm is a male dominated sector (see map 5.7). Amercian women have doubtless made great strides, but farm operation has not been an area which has attracted women in numbers. Consequently, it remains a male dominated sector of the economy in Appalachia, as is the case elsewhere in the nation. There are, indeed, farms operated by women, but "nonscientif ic investigation" suggests that many of these operators are widows or gained property from inheritance which is farmed by husbands, sons, brothers, or tenants. Family corporations, partnerships, or conglomerates which are the hallmark of agriculture elsewhere in the nation are relatively rare organizational types in the region (see maps 5.10 and 5.11). It is most likely that large-scale, corporate-type farming is not profitable given the topography of Appalachia and the output of the "typical" Appalachian farm. Unlike its midwest counterparts, thousand acre farms of grains which are mechanically dependent for production do not exist in Appalachia. Absent are the massive combines and selection of capital goods. Instead, family farms, small in acreage, with little more than a single tractor prevail. Tenant farming is also rare (see map 5.3), being most common in a pocket of West Virginia and, in general, reduces in number as you progress southward. Tenant farming is low for a number of possible reasons, not the least of which are low sales values, lack of available farms for rent, and the difficulty of "getting a start" in the contemporary U.S. farm environment. In the 1930's, nearly 30% of all Appalachian farms were of tenant form. This number dropped to approximately 14% by 1954 (Proctor and White, 1967:93) and continues to be a relatively minor share of all farms today (see map 5.3). It is said that "the influence of geographic factors diminishes as technology grows" (Durant and Durant, 1968:16). Contrary to this, geographers have provided us with a picture of the Appalachian agriculture sector which suggests that technology has played less of a part in influencing man to conquer his terrain. The contemporary organization and management of Appalachian farms suggests that the family farm culture versus the technologically oriented farm conglomerate has taken first priority. However, drawing conclusions about agriculture remains, to a large extent, speculation. Indeed, it may be quite safe to say that male operators will be the dominant force for some time and that the typical, Appalachian 146 �farmer is in his mid-fifties in age (map 5.4), slightly older than his national cohorts (Tweeten, 1979:279). But the statements do not reflect a simple reality—the farm landscape is under pressure as the region is faced with new demands on its resources by heretofore unseen developmental forces whose goals are often at odds with farm standards, culture, and practice. As farmers continue to rely more and more heavily on non-farm income, will the ride down the highways and backroads of Appalachia reflect the same farm landscape we see today? A different picture may exist ten, fifteen, or twenty years from now. No vast cattle ranches or grain farms can be expected. Today's Appalachian farms are simply organized to match their output and are not managed as tax shelters or profit centers but are as much a part of tradition within the region as anything else—a tradition many feel is threatened as the region is shaped by the forces of change. Appalachian farmers typify what Americans believe farmers are, but as they struggle with the land, the economy, and change in the region, the view this atlas gives us today may be a picture which is fading with time. Yet if there is one thing which stands out about the Southern Appalachian region, it is its culture and heritage, a combination which can survive over a thousand obstacles. Let us hope that this is the case and that the heritage of the family farm continues for a long time to come in the region. BIBLIOGRAPHY Durant, Will, and Durant, Ariel. The Lessons of History, New York; Simon and Schuster, 1968. Gardner, Bruce L The Governing of Agriculture, Lawrence, KS: The University Press of Kansas, 1981. O'Rourke, A Desmond. The Changing Dimensions of U.S. Agricultural Policy. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978. Proctor, Roy E., and White, T. Kelley. "Agriculture: A Reassessment." The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey. Edited by Thomas R. Ford. Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 1967. Tweeten, Luther G. Foundations of Farm Policy. 2nd ed. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1979. 147 �PART 6 — FARM ECOLOGY MAP 6.1 — Percent of Total Land in Farms on Which Commercial Fertilizer Was Used —1982 In the region, farmers used commercial fertilizer on nearly 18 percent of the land — somewhat less than the national use of just over 22 percent. As might be expected, use of fertilizer is the lowest on the farms that probably need it the most, in those counties where farm size is small, land is rough, and farm sales low. Note especially the low percentage (about one-fourth to one half of the national average) on the farms in the coal counties of eastern Kentucky, Virginia, and West Virginia. Use is equal to or exceeds overall United States use in the Piedmont counties and in the Great Valley of Tennessee. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Acres of Land In Farms 702,449 1,066,821 1,960,923 616,427 2,864,077 2,477,062 653,590 10,341,349 148 Acres of Land in Farms on Which Commercial Fertilizer Was Used 109,684 93,245 446,284 616,427 585,938 338,806 56,848 1,843,067 Percent of Land in Farms on Which Commercial Fertilizer Was Used 15.6 8.7 22.8 34.3 20.5 13.7 8.7 17.8 �PERCENT OF TOTRL LRND IN FRRMS ON WHICH COMMERCIRL FERTILIZER WRS USED - 1982 'Gfl SOURCE: 149 1982 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �MAP 6.2 — Percent of Total Land in Farms on Which Lime Was Used — 1982 Relatively high, evenly distributed precipitation in the Southern Highlands causes an attendant leaching of the lighter elements from the soil; the addition of lime serves to counteract the resultant acidity that retards plant growth. Lime is applied to about 3.3 percent of the land in the study area — three times the national figure of 1.1 percent. However, like commercial fertilizer, some of the poorer land that needs lime the most is the least treated. In fact, in 8 of the region's counties (4 in the Kentucky portion, 1 in Virginia, 3 in West Virginia) no lime whatsoever was used. The pattern of distribution is similar to that of the use of commercial fertilizer (Map 6.1). Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Acres of Land in Farms 702,449 1,066,821 1,960,923 616,427 2,864,077 2,477,062 653,590 10,341,349 150 Acres of Land In Farms on Which Lime Was Used 31,865 21,359 86,671 41,435 80,595 57,248 19,636 338,809 Percent of Land in Farms on Which Lime Was Used 4.5 2.0 4.4 6.7 2.8 2.3 3.0 3.3 �PERCENT OF TOTRL LRND IN FRRMS ON WHICH LIME WRS USED - 1982 SOURCE: 151 1982 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �MAP 6.3 — Percent of Total Land in Farms on Which Sprays, Dust, Granules, Fumigants, Etc. Were Used to Control Insects on Hay and Other Crops — 1982 Insect control measures were used, on the average, on only 2.7 percent of the land in the study area — as opposed to 7.2 percent nationwide. Following a pattern similar to that of the use of fertilizer and lime, fewest acres were subject to control measures in most of the Kentucky and West Virginia counties. Use was highest in those counties specializing in tree crops and in vegetable production. Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION Number of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Acres of Land in Farms 702,449 1,066,821 1,960,923 616,427 2,864,077 2,477,062 653,590 10,341,349 152 Acres of Land in Farms on Which Sprays, Dust, Granules, Fumigants Were Used 12,617 7,517 88,173 31,461 80,822 53,316 7,585 281,491 Percent of Land In Farms on Which Sprays, Dust, Granules, Fumigants Were Used 1.8 0.7 4.5 5.1 2.8 2.2 1.2 2.7 �PERCENT OF TOTflL LRND IN FflRMS ON WHICH SPRRYS, DUST, GRRNULES, FUMIGRNTS, ETC. WERE USED TO CONTROL INSECTS ON HRY & OTHER CROPS - 1982 KY SOURCE: 153 1982 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �MAP 6.4 — Percent of Total Land in Farms on Which Chemicals Were Used for Defoliation, Growth of Crops, and Thinning of Fruit — 1982 Chemicals designed for use as defoliants, growth stimulants, or crop thinners were applied to only 0.4 percent of the land in the Southern Highlands, about half of the 0.9 percent used on a nationwide basis. This is not surprising in view of the types of crops that are grown in the region. Use is above the national figure in only 9 of the 156 counties. No chemicals of this sort were used at all in 50 of the counties. Number Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Acres of Land in Farms 702,449 1,066,821 1,960,923 616,427 2,864,077 2,477,062 653,590 10,341,349 154 Acres of Land in Farms on Which Chemicals Were Used For Defoliation, Growth of Crops, and Thinning of Fruit 6,253 1,962 13,116 2,836 9,331 7,196 1,591 42,285 Percent of Land in Farms on Which Chemicals Were Used For Defoliation, Growth of Crops, and Thinning of Fruit 0.9 0.2 0.7 0.5 0.3 0.3 0.2 0.4 �PERCENT OF TOTRL LRND IN FRRMS ON WHICH CHEMICRLS WERE USED FOR DEFOLIRTION, GROWTH OF CROPS RND THINNING OF FRUIT - 1982 KY SOURCE: 155 1982 CENSUS OF RGRICULTURE �MAP 6.5 — Percent of Total Land in Farms on Which Agricultural Chemicals of All Types Were Used — 1982 When all types of agricultural chemicals are considered, use in the Southern Highlands is quite high; nearly one-third of the land is affected. In only a few of the counties (1 in North Carolina, 5 in Kentucky, 1 in Virginia, 7 in West Virginia) does the proportion of land treated fall below the figure of 5.1 percent nationally. Total use appears to be highest on those lands where field crops are grown (Map 4.8) and where pastures are being improved for the feeding of dairy cattle (Map 4.15). High use is also reflected in the patterns of agricultural sales (Part 4). Number Portion of Study Area Georgia Kentucky North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Virginia West Virginia THE REGION of Counties 19 26 31 6 34 24 16 156 Acres of Land In Farms 702,449 1,066,821 1,960,923 616,427 2,864,077 2,477,062 653,590 10,341,349 156 Acres of Land Percent of Land in Farms in Farms on Which on Which Agricultural Agricultural Chemicals of Chemicals of All Types All Types Were Used Were Used 214,978 156,460 904,824 380,153 974,015 586,118 102,562 3,319,110 30.6 14.7 46.1 61.7 34.0 23.7 15.7 32.1 �PERCENT OF TOTflL LflND IN FRRMS ON WHICH R6RICULTURRL CHEMICRLS OF flLL TYPES WERE USED - 1982 KY SOURCE: 157 1982 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE �This page intentionally left blank �Commentary Towards an Ecological Perspective on Appalachian Agriculture by J. Linn Mackey There are many perspectives for examining agriculture in the Appalachian region. This essay will approach the topic from one of the newer and perhaps least familiar perspectives, the ecological perspective. Ecology has been defined as the study of the relationship of living organisms with each other and with their physical and biological environment (Miller, 1982). The physical environment refers to such things as sunlight, climate, weather, air, water, and soil. The biological environment includes millions of different species of organisms. Ecology focuses on the interconnection and interrelation of both the physical environment and the various organisms. Given the number and diversity involved, it would appear that an understanding of interrelationships would be hopelessly complex. Yet, although a young science, ecology has made great strides in understanding how the complex system of nature works and how humans impact nature. A grossly simplified but indicative summary of ecological precepts are Commoner's Laws of Ecology: 1. Everything is connected to everything else; 2. Everything must go somewhere; 3. Nature knows best; 4. There's no such thing as a free lunch (Croall and Rankins, 1981). Ecology reached public attention and began to play a role in public and policy discussions with the publication of Rachel Carson's book Silent Spring in 1962 (Carson, 1962). Using an ecological perspective, this book documented the threat of persistent pesticides such as DDT and essentially led to its banning in this country. Carson's book was soon followed by the works of another scientist, Barry Commoner, who applied and popularized the ecological approach to a variety of issues including the uptake of radioactive fallout into the food chain, water and soil pollution, and energy use (Commoner, 1971,1976). While at Washington University in St. Louis, Commoner founded and directed a Center for the Biology of Natural Systems which, among other things, applied ecology to the study of agriculture. Since these early works, there has been an expanding and now extensive literature that examines agriculture from an ecological perspective. It is useful here to distinguish between the use of ecology within what could be termed "conventional" agriculture, i.e. the dominant, agricultural science, technology, and practice in the U.S. and an ecologically based critique of this "conventional" agriculture. Roy Jackson has described this distinction as follows; To an outside observer, agricultural scientists appear to have been splitting into two camps. One camp continues in the trends of what has become "conventional" agriculture, with its large-scale mechanized production, assisted by hybrid seeds, fertilizers, herbicides, insecticides, hormones, antibiotics, and other outputs of a highly developed manufacturing industry. The other camp, which could be termed either radical or conservative/reactionary, emphasizes "organic," "ecological" approaches with biologicalequilibrium pest controls and generally smaller-scale, mixed or closed-cycle farming (Jackson, 1984). This essay takes the perspective of the latter camp not the former. Given the orientation for holism and interrelatedness, the basic unit for study in ecology is the ecosystem, a self-sustaining collection of living organisms and their environment (Miller, 1982). An ecosystem might be a pond, a river, a forest, a tobacco field or a whole farm. The ecological perspective looks at the overall make-up and functioning of ecosystems through long time periods with emphasis on the sustainability of the whole rather than any single component of the ecosystem. This tends to lead the ecological perspective to judge 159 �"conventional" agriculture or modern industrial agriculture rather harshly in contrast to the rather prevalent view that modern industrial agriculture is an overwhelming success. The issue is one of sustainability versus productivity. In the conventional view, modern agriculture is an overwhelming success because of its "productivity." A piece of land may be currently very productive in terms of bushels of corn or pounds of tobacco, but the ecological perspective would ask about the soil, about erosion, about loss of nutrients. It would ask about the use of chemicals, their long range effectiveness, and the effect of chemicals on other organisms including humans. It would ask about the use of nonrenewable resources like petroleum, about how the cost and dependability of petroleum will look in 10 to 20 years not just right now when prices are relatively and temporarily low. Based on such considerations, an ecological perspective might reach the conclusion that although current output of crops is high, this cannot be sustained, and the ecosystem, including its production of corn or tobacco, might be seriously and permanently damaged. Indeed, such an ecological perspective has been applied to historically earlier agricultural systems. Consider the Fertile Crescent in the Middle East where agriculture began. In Mesopotamia, now Iraq, an extremely productive agricultural system emerged 6,000 years ago based on irrigation. It has been described as a veritable Garden of Eden. Over time the productivity of the land diminished due to salinization and by the time the Hitites moved through the area, they found not a land of milk and honey but a few, dry, dusty villages (Campbell, 1985). The historian Pliny tells of the farmers of Babylon who harvested two annual crops of grain and grazed sheep on the land between crops before the year 2,000 B.C. By the twelfth century, another historian, Otto of Freising, wrote, "But what now is Babylon? A shrine of sirens, a home of lizards and ostriches, a den of deserts (Huessy, 1977)." Another historical example with perhaps greater relevance to Appalachia because of the mountain topography is Greece. Ancient Greece was once covered with lush forests, ample water, and productive soils. A productive agriculture and satisfying way of life emerged in early Greece that shows interesting parallels to the lives of indigenous peoples who inhabited this region and to the white settlers who moved into these mountains and established self-sufficient ways of life. Reay Tannahill, in her book food In History, writes that "while the human population was small, the farmer and his family lived off the land in modest comfort. They grew a little wheat or barley, tended their olive and fig trees and a few vines, reared pigs, and kept a goat to provide milk and cheese. If they were rich, they might have a small flock of sheep, or a pair of oxen or mules (Tannahill, 1973)." But Plato in his Critias warned of deforestation, overgrazing, and soil erosion that would occur. And Tannahill writes that by 650 B.C. many of the people of Greece were "living a marginal existance on marginal land. As the population increased, good land became scarce. The hillsides had been denuded of many of the trees to provide timber needed for houses, for the ships on which the Greek states depended for trade and transport, for the charcoal which was being swallowed up in ever-increasing quantities by the demands of metalworking" (Tannahill, 1973). Note that this is not primarily environmental destruction by agriculture but rather over population and over utilization of forest resources by development and industrial uses. Prior to these developments, the rains were not destructive being moderated and absorbed in the ground by the forests. But with deforestation and over grazing, "now, instead, the rains became destructive, pouring down on the naked hills too heavily to be absorbed and then thundering on to flood the plains. Gradually the hills lost their soils and the valley their fertility" (Tannahill, 1973). We in Appalachia need to heed the historical example of Greece. Scoville lists the soil erosion from U. S. cropland by region. Sheet and hill erosion for Appalachia is estimated to be 3.8 metric tons/hectare, the highest of any region in the U. S. and exactly twice the U. S. average of 1.9 metric tons/hectare (Scoville, 1980). Stream and river siltation is acknowledged by many to be one of the most pressing environmental problems in Appalachia, although clear cutting and construction rather than agriculture appear to be the largest contributors. 160 �Citing examples of the historical, ecological perspective, Peter Huessy warned in testimony before a subcommittee of the U. S. Senate Agriculture Committee that "no civilization has survived this destruction of large amounts of its agricultural land and its soil's fertility. History is littered with the scattered ruins of civilizations which through greed, ignorance, and short sightedness, have turned God-given gardens into man-made deserts" (Huessy, 1977). The ecological perspective applied to past history should warn us of the folly of judging an agricultural system on current productivity rather than on long-term, ecosystem sustainability. This atlas would make an even more substantial contribution if it were possible to make a direct assessment of the sustainability of Appalachian agriculture. Unfortunately, such data does not seem to be available and if available not always comparable across state boundaries. Nevertheless, we will proceed to make some general judgements on agricultural sustainability in Appalachia using an ecological perspective and comparing it to the data which is available. An aspect of ecology which yields an interesting perspective on modern agriculture and Appalachian agriculture in particular is the concept of succession. Since this concept may not be generally familiar and since it will be the basis of our general assessment of the sustainability of agriculture in Appalachia, we will develop and illustrate ecological succession in some detail. With or without human intervention, ecosystems change through time. Given a particular location with characteristic climate, the biotic community or the living organisms which occupy the ecosystem change in terms of type, number, and pattern of species over time. The replacement of one kind of natural community of organisms by another over time is called succession. There are two types of succession, primary and secondary. Primary succession is the sequential development of biotic communities where none had previously existed. An example would be where a glacier melts leaving exposed rock. Over time, weather wears the rock, and lichens and moss grow on the rock and begin the process of soil formation. Eventually enough soil is present so that small herbs and shrubs take root. This is followed in time by a heath mat of low growing shrubs. Over still longer time, trees like Jack pine, aspen, and black spruce take over from the heath mat. Eventually taller trees like balsom fir, paper birch, and white spruce shade out the shorter trees. Secondary succession occurs when successional changes take place in an area that has previously gone through primary succession but has been disturbed and set back to an earlier stage. The disturbance could be natural, caused, for instance, by a volcanic eruption or flood. It could be human, caused by logging, burning, or mining. Since some aspects of previous stages remain, secondary succession proceeds more quickly to the climax stage, the last stage of the successional process. Climax ecosystems tend to be self-perpetuating and long-lived as long as the climate or other, major environmental factors remain basically the same. As an illustration of secondary succession, let us consider abandoned farmland in Appalachia. Such land is first invaded by crabgrass or other hardy species adopted to survive in bare, often depleted soil. This initial, invading species is called a pioneer species. Insects and mice quickly join the pioneer community. Soon the pioneer community is joined by tall grasses and herbaceous plants. The shade of these newcomers eventually eliminate the sun-loving pioneers. Rabbits and seed eating birds appear. In three to ten years, young locust and pine trees emerge in the field. As they grow, they slowly shade out the grasses and herbs. New animal species like woodchucks, chipmunks, and squirrels invade this woody habitat. The shade from the growing forest is inhospitable for pine and locust seedlings but favorable to shade-tolerant, hardwood trees such as gum, oak, and hickory. The hardwoods eventually tower over the pines and displace them, yielding a climax community. Both visually and in terms of ecosystem functioning there are significant differences between the early stages of succession and the climax stage. The early stages are characterized by low species diversity, only one to two pioneering species. However, the productivity at this stage is high with rapidly growing populations expanding to exploit the 161 �resources of the open ecosystem. Because of the fewer species in the early stages of succession, populations are susceptible to disturbance and change. Stability is low. Nutrients like nitrogen and phosphorous move rapidly through the system and flow right out through erosion and other processes. In contrast, the climax ecosystem is highly diverse, made up of many interacting species. It has greater stability. The overall productivity is low, but the mature ecosystems have the ability to entrap and hold nutrients. The differences between early and mature ecosystems has been summarized. "The early stages of succession are characterized by high levels of productivity, low species diversity, and rapidly growing population. The final stage, or climax community, is characterized by high species diversity, stable populations, intricate food webs and relatively low net productivity" (Chiras, 1985). We can now apply the concept of ecological succession to agriculture. From an ecological perspective, agriculture represents ecosystems kept at an early stage of succession. The reason for this is the high productivity of the early stages of succession. In order to maintain this productivity, however, agricultural practice must fight the successional process itself. Crabgrass and other pioneering species must be kept out. Also, because agriculture represents ecosystems kept at an early stage of succession, nutrients flow out of the system and must be replaced through applications of fertilizer. The systems must be protected from disturbance since they lack environmental resistance such as predators. Low species diversity attracts insects and diseases which require intervention through use of pesticides and fungicides. Harvesting of the annuals returns the ecosystem back to an early stage where it is susceptible to erosion. Modern, industrial agriculture uses mechanization and chemicalization, both requiring a large energy subsidy to maintain these early stage ecosystems. This accounts for the heavy dependency of modern industrial agriculture on petroleum. Howard Odum says, "Fossil fuel supported works of man have eliminated the natural species and substituted industrial services for the services of those natural species, releasing the same basic production to yield" (Odum, 1971). In a real sense, modern agriculture is hostage to the price of oil as the events of the last decade have clearly shown. In order to feed the world's growing population, the high productivity of early stage ecosystems is needed. Yet the ecological costs we are paying are severe and raise once again the question of long term sustainability. In the view of one ecological critic of modern agriculture, "Pollution and environmental deterioration are unintended, direct by-products of industrial farming because the exotic nutrients and insecticides do not fit into natural, ecosystem cycles but instead merely pile up in unexpected places to block these cycles. The massive use of chemical pesticides also has serious direct implications for public health and has stirred widespread public concern and controversy on many occasions" (Bodly, 1976). However one feels about this indictment of modern agriculture, it does suggest a set of problem areas with which to evaluate agriculture in Appalachia from an ecological perspective. To summarize, these problem areas are: soil erosion; depletion of soil nutrients and fertility; energy use; energy costs and prospects for energy supplies; loss of agricultural and biotic diversity; pesticide and insecticide use and consequences. We propose to deduce some general propositions about Appalachian agriculture from this ecological successional perspective and compare them with the data in this atlas. By topography and history, Appalachia was ill suited for the development of industrial agriculture. As the data in this atlas shows, much of the topography of Appalachia is not suitable for farming. Map 1.6 shows that except for the Ridge and Valley zones of Virginia and Tennessee and Lowland and Plains regions, the percent of total land area in farms is below 50%. Much of the farmland in the Ridge and Valley zone of Virginia is in pasture land (map 2.4). Map 2.3 shows that most of the land in the coal producing countries of Kentucky and West Virginia is listed with woodland as the largest percent of total farmland. Substantial farmland in counties in the mountains and high plateaus is listed as woodland. Tillable land is generally scattered in valleys and plateaus, and farm size is small as the 162 �maps in Part 2 show. Mechanization could not be effectively applied to such an environment. Thus as the country moved away from subsistence farming toward a market economy for agricultural products, Appalachia was unable to compete. This suggests that the indicators of industrial agriculture, mechanization and use of chemicals, would not be extensive and would be significantly less than in other agricultural regions of the country. Looking at map 6.5 which indicates overall use of agricultural chemicals this is confirmed. The highest use of agricultural chemicals is in the broad valleys such as the Great Valley of Virginia and Tennessee and the lowlands and plains of North and South Carolina. It is only in this latter area that chemical use approaches the norm for regions of intensive, industrial agriculture. The exceptions to this can be accounted for by counties which grow speciality crops that require chemical applications such as the sprays used on the apple orchards in Henderson and Transylvania Counties of North Carolina. The agriculture which did develop in the region after full marketization of agriculture had to adapt to and utilize the unique characteristics of the region or fill special niches in order to survive. Thus as this atlas shows, tobacco, poultry raising, cattle grazing, raising Christmas trees and botanicals have emerged to fit these unique characteristics of the region. Each of these types of farming, except for tobacco which in the mountain regions is kept to small patches, is less removed from the climax successional stage and thus requires far less environmentally invasive and ecologically disruptive measures to sustain them than industrial agriculture. Poultry raising requires little alteration of the land and, except for a possible source of run off pollution, is not a significant ecological threat. Cattle grazing requires few chemicals and no disruption of the soil from plowing although overgrazing can be a danger. Growing Christmas trees leaves a ground cover and roots to hold the soil. The only ecological problems arise because this monoculture invites insects and fungi which require chemical sprays although non-persistent sprays are usually used. Tobacco poses the most ecologically disruptive farming practice since it is the most susceptible to erosion and soil depletion and often requires chemical treatment. However, in mountain areas, plots are kept small in comparison to other agricultural land uses. The overall prediction from this analysis is that environmental damage and ecological disruption from agriculture in Appalachia is not an overly serious problem and is far less than in other regions where industrial agriculture holds full sway. The chief ecological threats and environmental destruction are more likely to arise from mining, clear cutting of forests, construction, and development rather than from agriculture. Collection of uniform data on these ecological problem areas is needed. We conclude this ecological perspective on Appalachian agriculture on a positive note. Given the problems which loom over industrial agriculture, its ecological disruption and its dependency on mechanization, capitalization, and petroleum, one can see and perhaps is seeing major dislocations and adjustments. The problems facing industrial agriculture will likely lead to substantial changes which will in the end transform this type of agriculture. One might predict that a new agriculture will emerge that is less dependent on mechanization and its high capitalization costs, less dependent on petroleum, more labor intensive, less dependent on chemicals, and more ecologically based. If this be true, then Appalachian agriculture can be viewed as having a fifty year head start on this agricultural transformation. The chief threats to Appalachian agriculture in the future will be the same as the chief ecological threats to the region identified earlier. They are mining, clear cutting of forests, and development. We need to heed the story of early Greece lest we repeat once again the environmental destruction of a lush mountain region. 163 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Bodly, John. Anthropology and Contemporary Human Problems. Menlo Park, CA: Benjamin/Cummings, 1976. Campbell, Bernard. Human Ecology. New York: Aldine, 1985. Carson, Rachel. Silent Spring. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962. Chiros, Daniel. Environmental Science: A Framework for Decision Making, Menlo Park, CA: Benjamin/Cummings, 1985. Commoner, Barry. The Closing Circle: Nature Man and Technology. New York: Knopf, 1971. . The Poverty of Power: Energy and the Economic Crisis. New York: Knopf, 1976. Croall, Stephen and Rankin, William. Ecology For Beginners. New York: Pantheon, 1981. Huessy, Peter. "So/7, People and Civilization." The Literature of Limits. Edited by J. Linn Mackey. Boone, NC: Center for Instructional Development, Appalachian State University, 1981. Jackson, Roy. "What is Scientific Agriculture? Holism As An Orientation In Scientific Effort." Man-Environment Systems, 14, Nos. 5 and 6 (1984). Miller, G. Tyler, Jr. Living In the Environment. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1982. Odum, Howard. Environment, Power and Society. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1971. Scoville, O. "Changes in Farmland: Policy Implications." Population Bulletin, 36, No. 5 (1980). Tannahill, Reay. Food In History. New York: Stein and Roy, 1973. 164 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Emerging Patterns in the Southern Highlands: A Reference Atlas - Volume II, Agriculture Description An account of the resource <span>The second volume of&nbsp;</span><em>Emerging Patterns in the Southern Highlands: A Reference Atlas</em><span>&nbsp;focuses on agriculture in the 156 counties in the Southern Appalachian region. In addition to the maps and data, six essays by scholars of the region are included to support and enrich the volume.</span><br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1euRpOEyACLJA50FcwPegWZ6-MWyjsmKj/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642208/emerging-patterns-in-the-southern-highlands" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Agriculture--Appalachian Region, Southern--Statistics Appalachian Region, Southern--Maps Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lovingood, Jr., Paul E. Reiman, Robert E. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Reference works E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/608a239bb60b1b04b039b12cd644e5b5.pdf 5c241a043c44f9894efdb53716b3a908 PDF Text Text �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2.004., its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1998 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4242-0 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4243-7 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �An Appalachian Curriculum Table of Contents Welcome to An Appalachian Curriculum..2 Acknowledgements 3 ROANOKE MOUNTAIN DESCRIPTION & LOCATION 29 The Blue Ridge Parkway 4 Distance and Elevation 30 HUMPBACK ROCKS DESCRIPTION & LOCATION Wildflowers In Bloom 32 5 Living On A 19th Century Blue Ridge Farm...6 MABRY MILL DESCRIPTION & LOCATION 34 Life Then and Now 7 A Log Cabin for Everyone? 35 Mapping the Appalachian Trail 8 Visiting Mabry Mill - Then and Now 40 Traveling in the Mountains 9 From Town to Country 42 Tending the Farm or Going to Town 10 Water Powered Energy At Mabry Mill 49 Humpback Rocks Word Search 11 Changing Times At Mabry Mill 51 A 19th Century Letter from Back Creek 13 FOURTH GRADE STANDARDS OF LEARNING JAMES RIVER DESCRIPTION & LOCATION 14 Transportation Across the Old Dominion 15 Water Quality in Otter Creek 17 Traveling Along the James River 18 Animals Around Otter Creek and James River 20 Presidential Impressions of Virginia 21 PEAKS OF OTTER DESCRIPTION & LOCATION 23 Changing Times At the Johnson Farm 24 Plant Transpiration 25 Water Quality In the Blue Ridge 26 Elevation and Change 27 Disguise A Caddisfly 28 Mathematics Science 55 English 58 History and Social Science 1 52 60 �Welcome to "An Appalachian Curriculum" The activities presented may be copied and used by any class or group who wishes to learn more about the resources of the Southern Appalachian region. The intent is that An Appalachian Curriculum will encourage other teachers to take advantage of these tremendous resources, and use them as living classrooms for their students. An Appalachian Curriculum is the product of a week-long teachers' workshop held on the campus of Radford University in June, 1998. The purpose of the workshop was to allow children from the Southern Appalachian region to gain better educational access to the natural and cultural resources available on the Blue Ridge Parkway. The project targeted fourth-grade teachers because they are in an advantageous position to influence children to be environmentally conscious and because the Virginia fourth grade curriculum focuses on the history of the Commonwealth. The activities presented here, however, can easily be adapted for any age group. During the workshop, the teachers visited Blue Ridge Parkway sites at Humpback Rocks, James River, Peaks of Otter, Roanoke Mountain, and Mabry Mill. These are the most commonly visited sites in Virginia along the Parkway and are the closest to the communities where educational visits typically originate. At each site, the teachers were able to discuss the resources and the history of school group visitation with Parkway staff. Throughout the summer and fall of 1998, the teachers developed educational activities that coincided with the Standards of Learning for Fourth Grade. These activities, and others written by Parkway staff, comprise the curriculum guide. This guide is a curriculum written by teachers for teachers. 2 �ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The activities in An Appalachian Curriculum were written by three teachers from the Appalachian Region of Virginia. They were chosen for their experience in teaching in the region and for their record of excellence in the classroom. The authors include: Carolyn Pillis - Ms. Pillis has over twenty years of teaching experience and has taught fourth and fifth grade students at G.W. Carver Elementary School in Salem, Virginia for the past nine years. Carolyn has also taught school in South Carolina, Nebraska, and Hawaii. She received her Bachelors Degree from Radford College and a Masters of Education from The University of Virginia. Donna Wright - Ms. Wright is a fourth grade teacher with thirteen years of experience at G.W. Carver Elementary School in Salem, Virginia. She received her Bachelors Degree from Radford College. Diane Grant Thompson - Ms. Thompson is a fourth grade teacher at Oak Grove Elementary in Roanoke, Virginia and has more than twenty eight years of teaching experience. She received her Bachelors Degree and Masters Degree from Longwood College. Diane was named the 1995 Teacher of the Year for Roanoke County Schools and honored the same year as Teacher of the Year by the Salem - Roanoke County Chamber of Commerce. She has served as a consultant with MacMillan, Delmar, and Charlesbridge Publishers. Project Directors: Peter Givens is the Virginia Interpretive Specialist on the Blue Ridge Parkway and directs education, programming, and exhibits for the Virginia Districts. Patty Lockamy is the North Carolina Interpretive Specialist and has similar responsibilities for the North Carolina Districts of the Blue Ridge Parkway. They each bring to this project over twenty years of work in a variety of National Park and Environmental Education facilities. Special Thanks to: Emily Burleson of the Appalachian Consortium who served as administrative coordinator for the project, and to Dr. Grace Toney Edwards, Director of the Radford University Appalachian Studies Program to took the time and effort to share her knowledge of the region with the workshop participants. Funding for An Appalachian Curriculum was provided by the National Park Service's "Parks As Classrooms" Grant Program. 3 �BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY and hiking trails. The Parkway offers an ideal spot for a field trip for any age group. The Blue Ridge Parkway is known today as perhaps the greatest scenic highway in the world. Indeed, it was designed to meet this expectation almost 65 years ago. It extends 469 miles along the crests of the Southern Appalachians and links two national parks Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountains. Along the way, it meanders through some of the most significant cultural and natural resources in North Carolina and Virginia. The Parkway provides seemingly endless but breathtaking views of parallel mountain ranges, scattered hills, and mountain farms. Be sure to be prepared for cool weather and unexpected changes in the weather. As in many mountain areas, students will need good walking shoes, plenty of food and water, and a warm jacket. The activities that follow reflect but a sample of what you can do along the Blue Ridge Parkway with your class. We hope that you will adapt all of the activities in this book to various Parkway sites - or perhaps create a few activities of your own. For further information about the Blue Ridge Parkway, call (828) 298 0398. Wildlife is abundant along the Parkway. Your students may be delighted to observe deer, bear, wild turkey, or bobcats. They may enjoy bird watching - like the hawk migrations in the spring and fall or the high elevation species such as the winter wren. Perhaps they will observe a groundhog as it sits erect along the roadside or enjoy a glimpse of a fox or opossum. They are sure to note signs of wildlife all around. History is rich in this national park. The stories of independent mountain people are told at many overlooks along the way. There are log cabins, working farms, a mountain mansion and a grist mill. All walks of historical mountain life leave some type of tale to tell along the Parkway. In some areas, students may even observe authentic Appalachian handicraft in production. Wherever you go along the Parkway, you will find resources to match your curriculum. Recreation areas, varying in size from several hundred to several thousand acres, are wilderness gems for those who enjoy the out-of-doors. Cultural resources are abundant. Most developed areas include picnic facilities, restrooms, water fountains 4 �HUMPBACK ROCKS MILEPOST 5.8 Humpback Rocks is the northernmost developed area on the Blue Ridge Parkway, located at Milepost 5.8 near Waynesboro, Virginia. Here, visitors find a combination of cultural and natural history features common to the Blue Ridge. Humpback Rocks Visitor Center A one-quarter mile trail from the visitor center connects a number of nineteenth century farm buildings, put together as a "museum" of Appalachian culture in the 1950s. Costumed interpreters are available from spring to fall, demonstrating life on a rural Blue Ridge farm. The remnants of a midnineteenth century turnpike follow along the Parkway as well. The exhibits in the Humpback Rocks Visitor Center help tell the story of life along the Blue Ridge from 1850 1950, and are designed to dispel many of the myths and stereotypes of Appalachian life. The Appalachian Trail traverses the area and provides wonderful hiking opportunities. Hiking to the top of Humpback Rocks has been popular since before the establishment of the Parkway. Magnificent views to the west across the Shenandoah Valley and toward the Allegheny Mountains reward the hiker at the summit. Humpback Rocks can be reached by following U.S. Route 250 or Interstate 64 to the Blue Ridge Parkway exit at Rockfish Gap. Follow the Parkway south to Milepost 5.8 and the visitor center parking lot. 5 �LIVING ON A 19™ CENTURY BLUE RIDGE FARM Goal The student will learn how an 1890s farm in the Blue Ridge may have actually looked and how economics and self-sufficiency were a life style. PRE- SITE ACTIVITIES Read a novel with a setting in the mountains. Shiloh, Bridge to Terabithia, or When I Was Young in the Mountains are suggestions. Students can discuss how life depicted in the book is different or similar to their own. Ask "How would the book change if the setting was different? How would the book change if dialect was not used?" Discuss what students think a typical farm would need to be selfsufficient in the 1890s. Use map skills to see what town Humpback Rocks is near. On a current map, show the railroad and highways crossing at nearby Rockfish Gap. Strand English - Reading/Literature History and Social Science Standards of Learning English 4.4,4.6 History & Social Science 4.5,4.6 Background Information Humpback Rocks is at Milepost 5.8 near Waynesboro. A visitor center and a reconstructed museum of mountain farm buildings are located at the site. The Visitor Center exhibits are designed to break down many of the stereotypes about the early settlement and life along the Blue Ridge and deal with housing, occupations, transportation, entertainment, and tourism in the Blue Ridge from 1850-1950. At the farm, visitors can walk in and around 19th century log buildings and see costumed interpreters demonstrating lifestyles, skills, and crafts. ON SITE ACTIVITY Discuss with the students what surprises they encountered. How is the farm similar to what they expected? Discuss how common hand made items were compared to store-bought items. How did people get items they could not make or produce on their own? In what ways is the cabin similar to your own home? Write a paragraph or sketch a picture of the most unusual thing you have encountered on your visit. Materials Needed POST SITE ACTIVITY Suggested Background Reading Discuss how rural life was changing with the coming of the railroad in the 1850s. Did living close to town benefit the occupants of this farm? Notebook and pencil Spencer's Mountain, Earl Palmer Our Vanishing Landscape, Eric Sloane Write an acrostic poem about the farm. Write three things they knew about farming prior to their visit. Write two things they learned about farming based on their visit. Write one thing they want to research about farming. 6 �LIFE THEN AND LIFE NOW Suggested Background Reading Goal A Pioneer Sampler, Barbara Greenwood Spencer's Mountain, Earl Palmer Our Vanishing Landscape, Eric Sloane The student will demonstrate an understanding of advancements made in technology and industry in the twentieth century by preparing a chart comparing the farm museum to their own home. PRE - VISIT ACTIVITIES From the chart, the student will write a paper comparing and contrasting their home with the farm museum at Humpback Rocks. Students will make a list of the activities and chores they completed in their own homes prior to coming to school that day and carry the list to Humpback Rocks. Strand History and Social Science English - Oral Language and Reading/Literature ON - SITE ACTIVITIES Students will note how a family living on a farm such as this secured and prepared food, cleaned clothes and washed dishes, cooked, manufactured or bought fabric for clothes, kept and cared for livestock, received information from local towns and cities, and heated their homes. Students will chart how the activities they listed from their own home were completed on an 1890s Blue Ridge mountain farm. Standards of Learning History and Social Science 4.6,4.7 English 4.2,4.7 Background Information Humpback Rocks is at Milepost 5.8 near Waynesboro. A visitor center and a reconstructed museum of mountain farm buildings are located at the site. The Visitor Center exhibits are designed to break down many of the stereotypes about the early settlement and life along the Blue Ridge and deal with housing, occupations, transportation, entertainment, and tourism in the Blue Ridge from 1850-1950. At the farm, visitors can walk in and around 19th century log buildings and see costumed interpreters demonstrating lifestyles, skills, and crafts. POST-SITE ACTIVITIES Students will identify five improvements or inventions that have made life easier and more efficient for Virginians since the 1890s. After students have reviewed and shared the results of their chart of home activities and farm activities, they will use the chart as a guide to write a paper comparing their own life to the life depicted at Humpback Rocks. Materials Needed Notebook and pencil 7 �MAPPING THE APPALACHIAN TRAIL PRE-VISIT ACTIVITIES Goal Locate two maps, one of the eastern United States and one of the Commonwealth of Virginia. Have students locate the Appalachian Trail, the Appalachian mountains, and Georgia and Maine. Strand ON-SITE ACTIVITIES Standards of Learning Have students mark Humpback Rocks on each map and identify one section of the Appalachian Trail on site and marking it on the map. Hike a portion of the trail, noting the time it takes and the distance covered. Also spend time identifying trees, wildflowers, or other natural features. Students will use map-reading skills to map the Appalachian Trail and get a sense of its length and importance. History and Social Science Science - Resources History and Social Science 4.2 Science 4.8 Background Information POST-SITE ACTIVITIES The Appalachian Trail stretches 2,168 miles from Springer Mountain in Georgia to Mount Katahdin in Northern Maine. The trail is the longest continuously marked hiking trail in the world, stretching through 14 states. It is not an easy walk and was created for serious hikers who want a physical challenge while enjoying spectacular scenery. Students will need to research the Appalachian Mountains and trails. Upon returning to the classroom, have the students determine how long it would take to hike the entire Appalachian Trail based on their time and distance recorded on - site. Have the students plot the following points along the Appalachian Trail, noting the longitude and latitude of each: Springer Mountain, Georgia Materials Needed A map of the Eastern United States, a Commonwealth of Virginia map, a US Geological Survey map of the Sherando VA quadrangle, notebook and pencil. Peaks of Otter, Virginia Humpback Rocks, Virginia Southern New York State Suggested Background Readings Walking the Blue Ridge, Leonard Adkins. The Height of Our Mountains, Branch and Philippon. A Naturalist's Blue Ridge Parkway, Catlin. White Mountains, New Hampshire Mt. Katahdin, Maine Discuss the importance of preserving the natural features of the areas along the Appalachian Trail for the benefit of all Americans. 8 �TRAVELING IN THE MOUNTAINS Goal Suggested Background Readings Students will identify a variety of transportation routes across the Blue Ridge and read historical accounts of Virginians traveling in the mountains in the 1800s. The Great Wagon Road, Parke Rouse. The Height of Our Mountains, Branch and Philippon. Westward Expansion, Billington. Strand Pre - Visit Activities History and Social Science English - Research Students will look at a variety of maps of Virginia and note land and water transportation routes, discussing the mountains and the barrier they formed to east-west transportation. The advantages of living on a transportation route, social and economic, will be discussed and the teacher will read portions of 1856 letter (perhaps in costume) describing life on the Howardsville Turnpike. Standards of Learning History and Social Science 4.2,4.5,4.7 English 4.9 Background Information Several transportation routes cross the mountains near Humpback Rocks and help document the history of this portion of the Blue Ridge. Remnants of the Howardsville Turnpike, a c. 1840s route that connected the Shenandoah Valley with coastal markets, are visible in the area. In the 1850s, a railroad tunnel was completed under Rockfish Gap and became a strategically important route during the Civil War. U.S. Route 250, Interstate 64, and the Blue Ridge Parkway all represent transportation developments and helped connect portions of the mountains with other regions of the Commonwealth. On - Site Activities At Rockfish Valley, Afton, and Shenandoah Valley overlooks, busses will stop and teachers can point out the valleys and distant views of railroads and highways. At Humpback Rocks, students will divide into groups using different maps and locate historic and current transportation routes across the mountains. In The Height of Our Mountains, teachers can read selections from journals of people who traveled in the Blue Ridge, i.e. George Washington as a sixteen year old boy and William Byrd during the survey of the Virginia and North Carolina border. Materials Needed A current Virginia Highway Map, a U.S. Geological Survey map (Sherando, Waynesboro East and/or West), a U.S. Geological Survey raised relief map (Charlottesville, VA), 1885 atlas of Augusta County by Hotchkiss. Colored markers or pencils. Post - Site Activities Students will create a map of Virginia and draw as many historic routes of transportation as they can identify and write a journal entry about some of the adventures possibly encountered on a trip in the 1800s. 9 �All that is Native and Fine: The Politics of Culture in An American Region, David Whisnant. TENDING THE FARM OR GOING TO TOWN Goal Students will see that, even in mountain communities, the industrial growth of nearby towns affected people's lives tremendously. Pre-Visit Activities Teacher discusses with students the effects of landscape on the lives of people who settled in Virginia. These could include the advantages or disadvantages of mountains, rivers, mountain gaps, and coastal regions related to economy, development of towns, and the sense of community that develops in an area. Strand History and Social Science Standards of Learning History and Social Science 4.5 Background Information As a class, create a list of all of the advantages and disadvantages of living in the Blue Ridge region. Allow children to create the list without any "right or wrong" answers so that the list can be used on-site to actually determine real advantages and disadvantages. At first glance, Humpback Rocks and the collection of restored 1890s buildings suggest to visitors that mountain families were always isolated and not connected with industrialized towns or the regional economy. A closer look, however, combined with a little research, demonstrates that there were roads connecting this area with Waynesboro and the canal traffic on the James River. People living in the mountains could work in the Mount Torrey Iron Furnace, or buy manufactured goods in nearby towns. The industrialization that swept the nation and the Commonwealth of Virginia in the latter nineteenth century also affected rural, mountainous communities. On - Site Activities First by observation and then by using historic and current maps, determine where roads crossed the mountains and connected Humpback Rocks with local towns. Using advertisements from local newspapers, look at the items that were available in Waynesboro and the opportunities for employment that existed in logging, apple industry, iron works, railroads, and canals. From A Pioneer Sampler by Barbara Greenwood (1840s and somewhat preindustrial, but with many good items), read about peddlers, local stores, gristmills, and schools that played an important role even in rural communities. Reference the advantages-disadvantages list that the students made. Materials Needed Atlas of Augusta County 1885, Hotchkiss, Current map of Virginia, notebook and pencil. Suggested Background Readings "Land and Family: An Historical View of Preindustrial Appalachia," Ron Eller. Appalachia on My Mind, David Shapiro. Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers: The Industrialization of the Appalachian South, Ron Eller. Post - Visit Activities Create another advantages-disadvantages list by reviewing and correcting the list made before the Parkway visit. 10 �HUMPBACK ROCKS WORD SEARCH The following words are ones that you may hear during your visit to this part of the Blue Ridge Parkway and are important to your understanding of the stories that took place here. In the word search, you may find the words forwards, backwards, vertically, or horizontally. Have fun! Humpback Turnpike Rockfish Gap Iron Ore Augusta Peddlers Wildflowers Appalachian Trail Howardsville Blue Ridge Shenandoah Railroad Valley Isolation A O T 0 A R Z E O H L N T 0 A L E E K H P P L Y E N R N R C Y N R 0 T E S T U M D 0 N T 1 S A E M D M N N T N W O C M 0 A P E D D L E R S P A T M L L O A P R F L A O L B O V R A R E U P S O R O O R B A 1 N 1 G R 1 V M O R R Q O D 1 C O A L C H 1 U U N O M A A P E Y B R E A L T C A 0 K P H U M R N L S T N N P 1 R V 1 S T R R U F K K 0 C E P S W A B W P U E R A N O S P P S T 0 T A C B 1 S T T R A L L P K E L S 1 N H U R N L A Y N A Y 1 D 11 T T A Y S T N M E S Q H L T H S N E K G Cabin Mountains Waynesboro Industry Virginia Apples R E H 1 C O L N H A 0 D N A N E H S H E A 1 U R G 0 U N S 0 T R A E L T 0 R T E R H O A E H E L O W A B B L B 0 M U N O L A W O 0 N 0 K M P B A T 0 P M T Y L O P E Q M M L S 0 N L R R 0 A E S 1 V W A T S O R A N L E L 1 F D O A D A S T L O 1 N 1 R R U W L R O L 1 P M A A A O R R N A P P L E S A L L 0 S O T D T E T R 1 �Shortly after moving to Back Creek, on the western side of the mountains below Humpback Rocks, Jane Lewis wrote the following letter to her brother. 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"7&u<e tnu&f, fate£euM& write 13 I 4i/<t^t to fa**, V^ *il 'tfa- �JAMES RIVER MILEPOST 63.8 The James River crosses under the Blue Ridge Parkway at this spot, providing a unique experience for visitors. Both from a natural and a cultural perspective, there is much information for visitors to learn. Otter Creek James River Visitor Center The Parkway dips to 649' above sea level here, and the vegetation, climate and animal life are affected accordingly. A nature trail follows along Otter Creek and around Otter Lake. A short loop trail at the visitor center is an excellent spot for identification of local trees and provides great views of the river. Geologically, the area is significant as the James River creates a great "water gap" where it cuts through the mountains. /' C-1 vp\ Mountain \ x Lake r..,, .•""*, The James is perhaps the most historic waterway in the Commonwealth, figuring into the recorded history of Virginia at almost every major crossroads. A restored canal lock and exhibits in the visitor center record the efforts to establish the James River and Kanawha Canal, which made this river navigable from west of the Blue Ridge to Richmond. The James River Visitor Center and picnic area are located at Milepost 63.8. Visitors can reach the site by following U.S. Route 501 from Lynchburg or Buena Vista to its intersection with the Parkway. Turn north on the Parkway and cross the James River to the visitor center. 14 Highest [I....it*" V ''•"*"••» "' *"•>»>•• i\ Peaks of Otter Visitor Center LYNCHBU �TRANSPORTATION ACROSS THE OLD DOMINION Goal PRE SITE ACTIVITIES Strand Teacher and students should discuss various methods of transportation that have been used by Native Americans and European settlers in the history of the Commonwealth. "Game trails" (buffalo, deer, etc.), foot paths, wagon roads, stage coaches, rivers and canals, railroad, and recreational transportation should be identified and listed in a rough chronological order. Students will trace the development of systems of transportation across the history of Virginia. Science - Force, Motion, and Energy History and Social Science Standards of Learning Science 4.2 History and Social Science 4.1,4.2,4.5,4.7 ON SITE ACTIVITIES Students should read the displays in the visitor center and visit the restored canal locks. Teachers should then call attention to the fact that other transportation routes are also in view, allowing children to identify them and place them in order of development. Background Information The Blue Ridge Parkway crosses the James River here and dips to its lowest elevation, 649' above sea level. There is a footbridge across the river and restored locks on the canal system that make this a memorable experience for visitors. The wayside exhibits and the displays in the visitor center tell the story of the construction and importance of the James River & Kanawha Canal system. Standing on the footbridge, visitors can also see the route of a US Highway, the CSX train tracks, and, obviously, the Blue Ridge Parkway. It is an excellent place to contemplate and study the development of numerous methods of transportation that parallel the history of the Commonwealth. Teachers should distribute highway maps and allow children to mark interstates, rivers, scenic roads, and gaps where rivers and roads cross the Blue Ridge. Note that good transportation routes and systems are essential to the development of cities and industries throughout the nation. POST SITE ACTIVITIES Materials Needed Have the children sketch people engaged in the various types of transportation that have been discussed and note that transportation from place to place is sometimes necessary, but in modern times, it can be purely recreational. Official State Transportation map. Notebook and pencil. Suggested Background Reading Waterway to the West, James Kirkwood. The Great Wagon Road, Parker Rouse, Jr. 15 �91. Confederate soldiers on the canal. �WATER QUALITY IN OTTER CREEK PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES Goal Students will evaluate the water quality in a low-elevation stream and discuss how people living in Virginia use, modify and adapt to the physical environment. Discuss with students the following indicators of good water quality: appearance, pH, smell, temperature, number and variety of species living in the water. Strand Students will collect data and prepare a chart comparing water quality in Otter Creek with water quality at another site near their school. Students will make predictions before collecting data and make conclusions about the research. ON-SITE ACTIVITIES Science - Living Systems, Resources Standards of Learning Science 4.5,4.8 Discussion questions may include: Background Information The Parkway in this area winds along Otter Creek and Otter Lake for several miles, creating a good habitat for field study. The creek empties into the James River at the Visitor Center. The James figures prominently in the history of the Commonwealth of Virginia. The Parkway is at its lowest elevation (649' above sea level) where it crosses the James and, consequently, the vegetation and animal life in this area is very different than most parts of the Blue Ridge 1. Is this water source a watershed? 2. What can we conclude about the number of living species in this water source? 3. How does the pH level compare at each of the collection sites? POST-SITE ACTIVITIES Students and teacher will compare the data at the collection sites and discuss why the water quality tends to be superior in mountain streams. The discussion should be directed toward the following conclusions: Materials Needed 1. The nearer the source, the better the water quality should be. An aquatic field guide, pH kit, thermometer, magnifying glass, collection jars, chart or notebook for recording data. 2. Protected land with a good variety of trees and other vegetation acts as a filter, keeping silt out of streams. Suggested Background Reading A Naturalist's Blue Ridge Parkway, David Catlin. The Height of Our Mountains, Branch and Philippon. 3. Trees and other vegetation provide shade and cool temperatures. 4. Less construction in protected lands means less runoff of silt and dirt. The discussion should emphasize the need for carefully planned development that protects the water resources in major watersheds. 17 �TRAVELING ALONG THE JAMES RIVER Goal Pre - Visit Activities The student will learn how geographic location influenced settlers' lives Discuss with students the geography of Virginia, emphasizing each region's unique features. Discuss how transportation routes affected peoples' lives. Share information from Waterway to the West and explain how changes in land forced the use of locks. Strand History and Social Science English - Oral Language, Writing Standards of Learning History and Social Science 4.1,4.2 English 4.1,4.7 On-Site Activities Background Information Divide the students into small groups, each one with a map of Virginia. Mark the route of the James from its headwaters to Richmond. The children should note the various regions of the state and the obvious passes through the mountains where the rivers cross. Point out to the children that a trip by canal from Lynchburg to Richmond took seven days. The James River figures prominently in the history of the Commonwealth of Virginia. The tremendous water gap created where the James cuts through the Blue Ridge tells an important geological story as well. The Parkway is at its lowest elevation (649' above sea level) where it crosses the James and, consequently, the vegetation in this area is very different than most parts of the Blue Ridge. There is a footbridge across the river and restored locks on the canal system that make this a memorable experience for visitors. Post - Site Activity Pretend to be a farmer taking tobacco from Lynchburg to Richmond in 1840 when the canal was first completed. Write a journal of what the students think it would have been like to travel the canal. Be sure and include animals and trees seen along the river. Have a journal for each day of travel. Discuss how in 1890 the train came through the area causing canal travel to be less useful. Materials Needed Commonwealth of Virginia Highway Maps for each group of students. Colored markers. Suggested Background Reading Waterway to the West, James J. Kirkwood. Why do the students think railroads were better for moving people and crops? 18 �o> The James River Canal above Richmond �ANIMALS AROUND OTTER CREEK AND JAMES RIVER Goal Students will demonstrate through their writings and drawing how various animals interact with each other in an ecosystem. PRE SITE ACTIVITIES Give students a list of animals that they could expect to see or expect to see evidence of at the site. Have as many pictures of the animals available to the students as possible. Strand Science - Living Systems Standards of Learning Science 4.5 ON SITE ACTIVITIES Background Information Students will hike all or part of the Otter Creek trail and mark the checklist when they see animals or evidence of animals. Students should take notes on the location of animals and describe the habitat. The James River figures prominently in the history of the Commonwealth of Virginia. The tremendous water gap created where the James cuts through the Blue Ridge tells an important geological story as well. The Parkway is at its lowest elevation (649' above sea level) where it crosses the James and, consequently, the vegetation and animal life in this area is very different than most parts of the Blue Ridge. The Parkway winds along Otter Creek and Otter Lake for several miles, creating a good habitat for field study. POST SITE ACTIVITIES 1. Allow the students ample time to discuss all animal sightings. 2. Have students locate pictures of animals they saw in the field guides or in other reference materials. 3. Discuss the habitat of the various animals. What part of the habitat do these animals have in common? Could these animals survive and thrive in a different environment? Why or why not? Materials Needed Notebook and pencil, field guide to animals, charts of animals Suggested Background Reading 4. Students will draw the animals they saw and write at least three facts about the animals and its habitat. Put the illustrations and information in a book and pick an appropriate title. A Naturalist's Blue Ridge Parkway, David Catlin. A good, standard field guide to the Eastern United States. 20 �Suggested Background Reading PRESIDENTIAL IMPRESSIONS OF VIRGINIA A Naturalist's Blue Ridge Parkway, David Catlin. The Height of Our Mountains, Branch and Philippon. Goal Students will study a natural area along the Parkway, read historical accounts by US Presidents on the natural history of the Commonwealth, and write a journal entry of their observations. PRE SITE ACTIVITIES In the course of study on plants and animals, spend time with students discussing the abundance of natural resources in the Commonwealth. Discuss the variations in elevation and topography that affect the growth of various kinds of vegetation and the presence of various kinds of animals. Emphasize the importance of responsible protection of our natural resources. Strand Science - Resources, Living Systems English - Writing History and Social Science Standards of Learning ON SITE ACTIVITIES Science 4.5,4.8 English 4.7,4.8 History 4.7 Hike the Trail of Trees or the Otter Creek Trail and identify species of trees or signs of animal life. Discuss the elevation and geographic location of this area, the presence of the James River, and the geological "water gap" that the river cuts through the Blue Ridge. Background Information The James River figures prominently in the history of the Commonwealth of Virginia. The Parkway is at its lowest elevation (649' above sea level) where it crosses the James and, consequently, the vegetation and animal life in this area is very different than most parts of the Blue Ridge. The Parkway winds along Otter Creek and Otter Lake for several miles, creating a good habitat for field study. The "Trail of Trees" at the James River Visitor Center, or the "Otter Creek Trail" offer opportunities to identify animals and plants in the area. Numerous historical accounts, written by US Presidents, tell of the importance of the natural features of the Blue Ridge, and can be used to convey a strong environmental protection message. Sit down with the students at the end of the hike and read selections from The Height of Our Mountains by George Washington, James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, Theodore Roosevelt, Herbert Hoover, and/or Franklin Roosevelt that emphasize the natural resources of Virginia. POST SITE ACTIVITIES Have students make a journal entry and a sketch of the natural features they observed on the trip. Have them write the entry as if corresponding with someone from another region or country who had never been to Virginia. Remind students that Thomas Jefferson wrote his first draft of Notes of the State of Virginia in response to questions posed by a friend from France. Materials Needed Notebook and pencil. One copy for the teacher of The Height of Our Mountains, Branch and Philippon. 21 �10 IS) George Washington as a young surveyor �PEAKS OF OTTER MILEPOST 86 Natural «"<*" V—' / APPLE 1 ORCHARD MountainV The Peaks of Otter, at Milepost 86 near Bedford, has been a well-known, popular tourist destination for centuries. Sharp Top, Flat Top, and Harkening Hill collectively make up the Peaks of Otter and have been photographed, studied and visited by some of Virginia's most famous residents, including Thomas Jefferson and Robert E. Lee. Peaks of isitor Center G3SOQ The history of tourism and its economic effect on the residents of this community can be described here in detail. In addition, there are a number of nature trails that allow visitors to explore the rich natural history of the area. The Peaks of Otter is home to some rare and endangered species of plants and animals. The streams offer a rich look at aquatic life in a mountain watershed. The Appalachian Trail traverses the area and provides great hiking opportunities. The adjacent Jefferson National Forest provides an expansive outdoor area for study and recreation. OKE RoanDk« Mountain The Peaks of Otter visitor center is at Milepost 86. From Bedford or Buchanan, take Virginia Route 43 - a steep and winding accent - to the Parkway. From Roanoke, follow the Blue Ridge Parkway north for approximately twenty miles. 23 �CHANGING TIMES AT THE JOHNSON FARM Pre - Visit Activities A visit to the Johnson Farm would correspond best with a study of Virginia's history in the 1920s and the economic and social transition of the Commonwealth from agricultural to urban and industrialized. Goal Students will demonstrate an understanding of the transition in Virginia from an agricultural to a more industrialized society through the writing of journal entries. On - Site Activities Strand Standards of Learning 1. At the farm, students will record as many observations as they can about what they think it was like living here in the 1930s. Students should record how the family cooked, cleaned, bathed, obtained food, and slept. Background Information 2. Students should sketch the layout of the farm and outbuildings as well as the objects and major furniture inside the house. History and Social Science English - Reading/Literature History and Social Science 4.5,4.6,4.7 English 4.4 Sharp Top, Flat Top, and Harkening Hill are the three individual mountains that are known collectively as the Peaks of Otter. This has been a landmark and a destination site for travelers in Virginia's Blue Ridge for hundreds of years. Robert E. Lee and Thomas Jefferson are among the notable Americans to visit or write about this area. The community that once surrounded a series of inns and hotels is now represented by the Johnson Farm, dating to the 1920s and 1930s. Unlike many Parkway structures, the main log house is covered with whitewashed siding, representing a change that took place in many mountain communities during the early 1900s. 3. Students will try to decide how the family obtained goods and services such as mail, electricity, and medical care. 4. Students will find out from the interpreter how this family interacted with tourists and visitors to the hotel at the base of Sharp Top. Post - Site Activities As a class, discuss notes and observations about the Johnson Farm. Based on these observations, have students write a detailed journal entry about a typical (or not-so-typical) day in the life of a family living at the Johnson Farm in the 1930s. Students should include knowledge of how goods and services were obtained. Allow students to illustrate their work as well. Materials Needed Notebook and pencil for each student Suggested Background Reading The Peaks of Otter Life and Times, Peter Viemeister. 24 �PLANT TRANSPIRATION Goal PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES Students will develop an understanding of the process of transpiration by demonstrating the process and calculating how much water a plant will give off in a day. Explain that plants have a cooling effect on our environment due to "air conditioning" created by evaporation of water through the surface of the leaves. This process is called transpiration. Large quantities of water are released into the atmosphere through this process. Strand Mathematics - Computation and Estimation, Measurement Science - Scientific Investigation, Reasoning, and Logic; Life Processes ON-SITE ACTIVITIES Standards of Learning As students begin their hike, select several leaves on different species of trees. Place a baggie over the leaves and close them tightly with rubber bands. Record the time and proceed on the hike. Mathematics 4.6,4.13 Science 4.1,4.4 Background Information When group has returned to the beginning, note the time, describe the condition of the bag, then answer the following questions: Sharp Top, Flat Top, and Harkening Hill are the three individual mountains that are known collectively as the Peaks of Otter. This has been a landmark and a destination site for travelers in Virginia's Blue Ridge for hundreds of years. In addition to the cultural stories of tourism and the travelling public in the Blue Ridge, the Peaks of Otter is a grand natural resource as well. The Elk Run Nature Trail begins at the visitor center and circles .8 miles. There are markers that identify tree species and the relationships existing between plants and animals in the forest. How long were you gone? How much water was collected (measure if possible)? Where did the water come from? Which species of tree produced the most water? If possible, determine the rate of transpiration by using the time and amount of water to determine a ratio. POST-SITE ACTIVITIES In the classroom, have the students draw the water cycle. Discuss how dependent our population is on water. Materials Needed Pencils, notebooks, small plastic "baggies" and rubber bands for each group of three students. Suggested Background Reading A Naturalist's Blue Ridge Parkway, David Catlin. Any standard field guide to the Appalachian region. 25 �WATER QUALITY IN THE BLUE RIDGE PRE-SITE ACTIVITIES Goal Students will evaluate the water quality in a major watershed and discuss how people living in Virginia use, modify and adapt to the physical environment. Discuss with students the following indicators of good water quality: appearance, pH, smell, temperature, number and variety of species living in the water. Strand ON-SITE ACTIVITIES Standards of Learning Students will collect data and prepare a chart comparing water quality in the Peaks of Otter area with water quality at another site near their school. Students will make predictions before collecting data and make conclusions about the research. Background Information Discussion questions may include: Science - Living Systems, Resources Science 4.5,4.8 Sharp Top, Flat Top, and Harkening Hill are the three individual mountains that are known collectively as the Peaks of Otter. This has been a landmark and a destination site for travelers in Virginia's Blue Ridge for hundreds of years. In addition to the cultural stories of tourism and the travelling public in the Blue Ridge, the Peaks of Otter is a grand natural resource as well. Winding through the picnic area is Little Stoney Creek, a good example of a "headwater" stream with a variety of aquatic species and easy accessibility for field study. 1. Is this water source a watershed? 2. What can we conclude about the number of living species in this water source? 3. How does the pH level compare at each of the collection sites? POST-SITE ACTIVITIES Students and teacher will compare the data at the collection sites and discuss why the water quality tends to be superior in mountain streams. The discussion should be directed toward the following conclusions: Materials Needed 1. The nearer the source, the better the water quality should be. An aquatic field guide, pH kit, thermometer, magnifying glass, collection jars, chart or notebook for recording data. 2. Protected land with a good variety of trees and other vegetation acts as a filter, keeping silt out of streams. Suggested Background Reading A Naturalist's Blue Ridge Parkway, David Catlin. The Height of Our Mountains, Branch and Philippon. 3. Trees and other vegetation provide shade and cool temperatures. 4. Less construction in protected lands means less runoff of silt and dirt. The discussion should emphasize the need for carefully planned development that protects the water resources in major watersheds. 26 �ELEVATION AND CHANGE PRE VISIT ACTIVITIES Goal Discuss the basic geology of the Blue Ridge and the features that make them unique. Discuss in general terms the composition of the forest and the difference that elevation makes in vegetation and in human use of the forest and mountain resources. Students will collect, organize and display data to show the relationships of elevation to plant life and human use. Strand ON SITE ACTIVITIES Science - Resources, Interrelationship in Earth/Space Systems History and Social Science Find the elevation of five or six mountains in the region, including those that make up the Peaks of Otter. Also note the height of Mt. Rogers, Virginia's highest peak. List them on a chart and rank them from highest to lowest. Standards of Learning Science 4.6,4.8 History and Social Science 4.2 Mountains and forests have a unique relationship. Certain trees grow best at certain elevations. Sketch an outline of a mountain and label the following elevations: Background Information Sharp Top, Flat Top, and Harkening Hill are the three individual mountains that are known collectively as the Peaks of Otter. This has been a landmark and a destination site for travelers in Virginia's Blue Ridge for hundreds of years. As visitors climb up to the Parkway from surrounding communities, they will notice a number of variations in temperature, vegetation type, and human use of the landscape. South of the Peaks of Otter near Roanoke, the Parkway travels on a thin ridge line that opens up vistas eastward toward the Piedmont and westward across the Shenandoah Valley and to the Alleghenies. Above 5500 3500-5500 1500-4500 Below Spruce/Fir Northern Hardwood Forests (Beech, Sugar Maple, Yellow Birch, Eastern Hemlock.) Cove Hardwood (Deciduous) Forests Oak-Hickory Forests (Blck Oak, White Oak, Red Oak) POST SITE ACTIVITIES 1. Study topographical maps and elevation markers. 2. Have the students make an elevation map of one of the mountains at the Peaks of Otter. 3. Find out how topographers determine elevation today. 4. From The Height of Our Mountains, read one historical account of the Blue Ridge. Materials Needed Notebooks and pencils, binoculars, tographic map that includes elevations. Suggested Background Readings A Naturalist's Blue Ridge Parkway, David Catlin. The Height of Our Mountains, Branch and Philippon. 27 �DISGUISE A CADDISFLY PRE SITE ACTIVITIES Goal Discuss with students the basics of life forms in a clear mountain stream. Include information on the caddisfly as follows: The student will find caddisfly cases in the stream and construct a model in the classroom. The caddisfly is an insect that spends much of its yearlong life underwater. When caddisflies are found in streams, it is a good indication the water is of good quality. Other insects that are "good water" indicators are the mayfly and the stonefly. Trout and other fish love to eat the caddisfly so to protect itself, the larva builds a camouflaged case around its body. Strand Science - Living Systems Standards of Learning Science 4.5 Background Information ON SITE ACTIVITIES Sharp Top, Flat Top, and Harkening Hill are the three individual mountains that are known collectively as the Peaks of Otter. This has been a landmark and a destination site for travelers in Virginia's Blue Ridge for hundreds of years. In addition to the cultural stories of tourism and the travelling public in the Blue Ridge, the Peaks of Otter is a grand natural resource as well. Winding through the picnic area is Little Stony Creek, a good example of a "headwater" stream with a variety of aquatic species and easy accessibility for field study. Students will collect data on temperature and pH, and determine the water quality in Little Stony Creek. Students will make predictions before collecting data and make conclusions about the research. Students will find a caddisfly case and make notes and observations necessary to construct a model in the classroom. POST SITE ACTIVITIES Make a caddisfly case, using a thin cardboard tube. Close the tube at one end with tape. Cover the entire tube with glue. Cover the tube with natural materials such as leaves, twigs, and small rocks. Use materials that will camouflage the tube. Materials Needed In the field: An aquatic field guide, pH kit, thermometer, magnifying glass, collection jars, chart or notebook for recording data. Make the caddisfly larva using modeling clay and put the larva inside the tube. In the classroom: Thin cardboard tube, tape, glue, clay, leaves, twigs, small rocks. Suggested Background Reading A Naturalist's Blue Ridge Parkway, David Catlin. Audubon Pocket Guides and Peterson First Guides (Insects, Fishes, and Amphibians.) 28 �ROANOKE MOUNTAIN MILEPOST 120.4 Roanoke is the largest metropolitan area along the 469 miles of the Blue Ridge Parkway. For those who live, work, and go to school in an urban setting, the park is a welcomed natural corridor across the Roanoke Valley. Roanok* Mountain 0 Roanoke is a city that grew out of the industrial revolution and the coming of the Norfolk and Western Railroad in the late nineteenth century. Remnants of iron ore mines are in the area and the change in Virginia from agricultural to industrial is a logical point of discussion and programs. With no visitor center or covered facilities in the area, the Roanoke Mountain Campground serves as the gathering place for any school group visiting the Parkway. There are trails around the campground, open spaces, forested areas, and abundant examples of Blue Ridge flora and fauna. There is also a unique opportunity here to experience the "interface" between natural and urban lands and the concept of nature in your "back yard." The Parkway is accessed in Roanoke at US 460, US 220, VA Rt 24, or Walnut Avenue. The Roanoke Mountain Campground is located on the spur road off of the Parkway to Mill Mountain Star, at Milepost 120.4. 29 - ••• - \ �DISTANCE AND ELEVATION Suggested Background Reading A Naturalist's Blue Ridge Parkway, David Catlin. Goal Pre Site Activities The students will calculate and measure distances between various places on the Parkway and compare various elevations in the area. Social Studies Math - Computation and Estimation Looking at the Parkway map, US Geological Survey Map, and the Virginia Highway map, students should locate prominent mountains, National Forests, major rivers, and the Parkway. Have the students estimate the distance from their school to Roanoke Mountain Campground. Standards of Learning On Site Activities Background Information In addition to other activities associate with the field trip such as tree identification or nature hikes, students will estimate the approximate length of the Parkway, the distance from Roanoke Mountain to Explore Park, and the distance from Roanoke Mountain to Mabry Mill. Strand Social Studies 4.2 Math 4.6 Roanoke Mountain Campground is a wonderfully wooded and natural area just minutes from the city, so there is a great opportunity for short trips that will take students into another environment. There are hiking trails through the campground and a variety of woodland flora and fauna that may be seen. Probably more than any other developed area, a visit here demonstrates the connection between urban and rural, between the Parkway and its neighboring communities, and the importance of protecting natural areas and green space. This campground is the only suitable gathering place for large groups in the Roanoke Valley area of the Blue Ridge Parkway. There are no covered facilities. Have students identify the highest mountains shown on their maps and determine the difference in the elevation at the various locations. Discuss how the changes in terrain and elevation can affect the flora and fauna in an area. Post Site Activities Have the students chart or graph the differences in mileage and elevation that they determined on site. Using the Parkway map, have the students make a graph with elevations marked vertically (from 500 to 6000 feet and at 500 foot intervals) and mileposts marked horizontally (from 0 to 469 miles and at 50 mile intervals). Note the NCA/A border at Milepost 216, which state has the highest mountains, rivers crossing at the lowest points, and the rapid change in elevation in some of the Virginia sections. Materials Needed Notebooks, pencils and rulers for each student. Parkway brochure. US Geological Survey Map of Roanoke or Virginia Highway map. 30 �Elevation 6000 feet 5500 feet 5000 feet 4500 feet 4000 feet 3500 feet 3000 feet 2500 feet 2000 feet 1500 feet 1000 feet 500 feet Milepost 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 Using the Blue Ridge Parkway brochure, mark elevations (vertically on the left) by approximate milepost (horizontally across the bottom) for Rockfish Gap, White's Gap Overlook, the James River, Apple Orchard (the highest Virginia elevation on the Parkway), Great Valley Overlook, Roanoke River, Adney Gap, Rocky Knob, Groundhog Mountain, Piper's Gap, Air Bellows Gap, Jumpinoff Rock, Beacon Heights, Buck Creek Gap, Green Knob, Beetree Gap, Graveyard Fields, Richland Balsam (the highest point on the Parkway), and Oconaluftee (the southern end of the Paikway) Based on your graph of Parkway elevations, consider the following questions. 1. Find the North Carolina/Virginia state line, mark it on the map, and decide which of the two states has, generally, the highest mountain ranges. 2. Looking at the map, decide what the two lowest points you graphed have in common. 3. Do you think it was more difficult to build the Parkway in North Carolina or Virginia? 4. Why do you think there are 26 tunnels on the Parkway in North Carolina and only 1 in Virginia? �WILDFLOWERS IN BLOOM Pre Site Activities A field trip to Roanoke Mountain should be coordinated with the general science study of plants, resources, and living systems. The anatomy of plants should be covered prior to visiting the park. With a standard field guide and a Parkway "Bloom Calendar," have students identify the wildflowers and or blooming trees and bushes they are likely to find during their field trip. Goal Students will identify species of wildflowers, noting their varying characteristics and applying their knowledge to plant anatomy. Strand On Site Activities Science - Life Processes, Living Systems, Resources Students will identify wildflowers while walking the trails at the campground. They will focus on wildflowers pictured on the Blue Ridge Parkway brochure, or the ones they identified prior to their visit. Students should record the name of the flower in their notebook, a brief description, and a quick sketch. Standards of Learning Science 4.4,4.5,4.8 Background information Roanoke Mountain Campground is a wonderfully wooded and natural area just minutes from the city, so there is a great opportunity for short trips that will take students into another environment. There are hiking trails through the campground and a variety of woodland flora and fauna that may be seen. Probably more than any other developed area, a visit here demonstrates the connection between urban and rural, between the Parkway and its neighboring communities, and the importance of protecting natural areas and green space. This campground is the only suitable gathering place for large groups in the Roanoke Valley area of the Blue Ridge Parkway. There are no covered facilities. Post Site Activities Students will take time to re-draw and color their field sketches, using field guides and other photographs. They should identify and label the leaves, stem, roots, flower, stamen, pistil, and seed. Demonstrate any of the following in the classroom: Tie a clear, plastic bag onto a plant stem and watch the transpiration of water that is evident over a period of time. Coat the upper side of four leaves and the under side of four leaves on a plant with petroleum jelly. The leaves coated on the underside where the stomata allows air and moisture to escape will die and the ones coated on the upper side remain unchanged. Materials Needed A map of the Roanoke Valley showing the campground and its close proximity to the city. Any good field guide to flora of the Blue Ridge. A Parkway "Bloom Calendar." Lean a potted plant at a 45 degree angle against a stack of books and watch the stems and leaves turn upward during the course of its growth. Suggested Background Readings A Naturalist's Blue Ridge Parkway, David Catlin. 32 �Anatomy of wild flowers 33 �MABRY MILL MILEPOST176 Mabry Mill is perhaps the most photographed spot on the Blue Ridge Parkway. Oncecommon water-powered grist mills are becoming more rare across rural America, and the picturesque nature of Ed Mabry's mill fascinates current visitors as much as it did the original Parkway planners. A short trail in and around the mill area contains buildings and exhibits on other mountain "industries" such as blacksmithing and sorghum making. During the visitation season, costumed interpreters are demonstrating skills and crafts common to early 20th century rural communities. The concept of mountain communities is a good story to tell here, since the Mabry's mill, blacksmith shop, and sawmill served as a central gathering place in the Meadows of Dan area. The industrialization of Appalachia and the migration of workers from rural to urban areas was part of the reason for the demise of the mill in the 1930s. Obviously, this is an important concept to convey to school students studying Virginia history. Mabry Mill is located at Milepost 176.1. It can be reached by accessing the Parkway from U.S. 58 at Meadows of Dan and traveling north approximately one mile or by accessing the Parkway at Virginia Route 8 and traveling south approximately eleven miles. 34 �A LOG CABIN FOR EVERYONE? Goal PRE SITE ACTIVITIES Students will compare types of housing and construction to understand how machinery and industrialization affected the lives of many Virginians in the first decades of the twentieth century. Discuss the following with children prior to the visit: Early settlers in many parts of rural America built one-room log cabins, the most efficient and functional shelter for their family. Parkway planners in the 1930s preserved log cabins for their rustic appeal and visually pleasing look. Throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century and into the early twentieth century, local sawmills like Ed Mabry's became a central feature of most Blue Ridge communities, and residents began covering their log homes with siding. The next logical step was whitewashing them with a mixture of lime and water. Strand History and Social Science Standards of Learning History and Social Science 4.5,4.7 Background Information Mabry Mill is one of the most visited sites on the Parkway and a favorite place for visitors who want to experience remnants of turn-ofthe-century Blue Ridge crafts, industry, and community. Mabry Mill was in operation at this site from about 1910-1936 and was the "hub" of the Meadows of Dan community. Ed Mabry and his wife Lizzie ground various grains and operated a small sawmill and blacksmith shop. The site also includes a nineteenth century log cabin and a blacksmith shop. Photographs of the Mabry home on wayside exhibits demonstrate the variety of housing construction existing in the Blue Ridge in the early twentieth century. On the drive to Mabry Mill, especially coming from the Roanoke area, have students look for farmhouses and agricultural scenes adjacent to the Parkway. ON SITE ACTIVITIES Have students compare the buildings in the Mabry Mill complex with the photograph of Ed and Lizzie Mabry's home. What were the advantages of a home with siding? Did Ed Mabry's sawmill operation make it more likely that those living in this community could build similar houses? Did Ed Mabry put siding on his house as an "advertisement" to draw business? Materials Needed Attached background information on Mabry Mill. Notebook and pencil. Historic photograph of Mabry home (also included on the wayside exhibit on site.) POST SITE ACTIVITIES Have students draw three pictures, one of the Matthews Cabin, one of Ed Mabry's house, and one house they noticed along the Parkway. Suggested Background Readings A Pioneer Sampler, Barbara Greenwood. The Blue Ridge Parkway, Harley E. Jolley. Background material on Mabry Mill. 35 �3iuoq afsq^ jo qoaod rjuoaj aq:j uo KaqBpj aTzzji pun pg 9£ �CO �CO CO After many additions, a one-room cabin becomes more spacious and comfortable. �I CO Many Blue Ridge homes were built as framed,structures instead of log cabins. �VISITING MABRY MILL THEN AND NOW Goal PRE SITE ACTIVITIES The student will develop historical analysis skills including identifying, analyzing and making generalizations about life in Virginia history using primary sources including artifacts, photographs, and documents. Teacher needs to discuss background on Mabry Mill with students. Discuss information on gristmills found on pages 144-145 in A Pioneer Sampler. Discuss methods of transportation that developed in the mountains culminating with the Blue Ridge Parkway and how life in the mountains changed as roads improved. Strand History and Social Science English - Writing, Research ON SITE ACTIVITIES Standards of Learning Using the first wayside exhibit and the background information provided, students will list likenesses and differences between the historic photograph and the current, restored mill. Students should note differences in the building as well as the surrounding landscape. History and Social Science 4.5,4.6,4.7 English 4.7,4.9 Background Information Mabry Mill is one of the most visited sites on the Parkway and a favorite place for visitors who want to experience remnants of turn-ofthe-century Blue Ridge crafts, industry, and community. Mabry Mill was in operation at this site from about 1910-1936 and was the "hub" of the Meadows of Dan community. Ed Mabry and his wife Lizzie ground various grains and operated a small sawmill and blacksmith shop. The elaborate system of flumes needed to collect enough water to operate the mill provide evidence of Ed's ingenuity and persistence. The site also includes a nineteenth century log cabin and A blacksmith shop. Students will sketch a picture of the present i I, to be completed in the classroom. While touring Mabry Mill, teacher should elaborate on the role that a miller had in the community. Students should discuss a "typical" day when folks came to get their meal ground and understand the barter system that often served as payment. POST SITE ACTIVITIES Draw pictures of the original gristmill on 1/2 of a sheet of large drawing paper and the restored gristmill on the other half. Materials Needed Attached background information on Mabry Mill. Notebook and pencil. Historic photograph of Mabry Mill (also included on wayside exhibit at the site) Write a paragraph or paper comparing and contrasting the original mill and the restored mill. Students will bring to school one item that they no longer want that someone else might find desirable. Using the bartering method, students will trade and barter for each other's objects. This could also be done with pre-packaged food brought from home. Suggested Background Readings A Pioneer Sampler, Barbara Greenwood. The Blue Ridge Parkway, Harley E. Jolley. 40 �Mabry Mill as is appears today (above) and as Ed Mabry operated it (below), 41 �FROM TOWN TO COUNTRY Goal PRE SITE ACTIVITIES Students will observe the economic and social transition from a rural, agricultural scene to a more urban, industrialized one and apply this to their study of similar changes in twentieth century Virginia. During the study of changes in twentieth century Virginia, discuss with students the industries found close to them and the number of people employed there. Find out how many students' parents or relatives work in various industries or factories. Discuss with them the number of Virginians employed in agricultural jobs today compared with a generation ago. Strand History and Social Science Science - Living Systems, Resources Standards of Learning Have them write down five changes in the scene from industrial to agricultural as they travel to Mabry Mill. Note that the protection of farmland, forests, and an agricultural scene is due, in part, to the coming of the Blue Ridge Parkway. History and Social Science 4.5,4.6 Science 4.5,4.8 Background information Mabry Mill is one of the most visited sites on the Parkway and a favorite place for visitors who want to experience remnants of turn-ofthe-century Blue Ridge crafts, industry, and community. Mabry Mill was in operation at this site from about 1910-1936 and was the "hub" of the Meadows of Dan community. The site also includes a nineteenth century log cabin and a blacksmith shop. The "high plateau" that the Parkway follows leading to Mabry Mill is heavily agricultural with many homes and farms reminiscent of Virginia in the 1930s and 1940s. The change from towns, cities, and industry to a rural, agricultural scene offers an opportunity to discuss similar changes throughout the Commonwealth in the twentieth century. ON SITE ACTIVITIES Discuss with students the concept of "community" which existed even in the mountains during Ed Mabry's day. Discuss the concept of bartering agricultural goods for specialized skills such as blacksmithing. Have the students visualize and imagine a gathering of people at the mill, how far they traveled, the importance of visiting with friends and neighbors, and the differences in transportation in a rural, agricultural setting. In the Mabry Mill handout (attached), discuss the section on changing technology, better roads, the availability of mass-produced goods, and an increasingly cash-based economy in the region. Materials Needed POST SITE ACTIVITIES Suggested Background Readings Have the students draw or describe on paper a scene around Ed Mabry's mill that represents the gathering of a community in the early 1900s. Notebook and pencil. Background material on Mabry Mill. Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers: The Industrialization of the Appalachian South, Ron Eller. 42 �MABRY MILL Mabry Mill - Then and Now A cross-country drive or a quick look around our hometowns will confirm that America's landscape is always changing. In national park sites, however, just the opposite is often the case. "I remember this place from our family picnics as a child," visitors will often say. The Blue Ridge Parkway is that kind of place to the many millions of people who have traveled this beautiful road for generations. It has become one of those few things in their lives that seem to remain constant. Along the Parkway, there is no better example of the enduring past than Mabry Mill. For many visitors, this is the Blue Ridge Parkway and the site most often associated with this spectacularly scenic drive between Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountains National Parks. There is no more recognizable place or any more photographed view than this rustic gristmill near Meadows of Dan, Virginia. In the early part of the twentieth century, water powered gristmills were a common site in almost every community in the southern mountains. This one isn't particularly distinctive or unique. It would not stand out a generation or two ago as anything more than just a common mill - a necessary service and a gathering place for the local community. The Parkway was designed to nestle gently into the existing landforms and preserve the cultural and natural history of the southern mountains. Ed Mabry's gristmill happened to be located in an area chosen for the new scenic road and it made sense to use this site to emphasize one of the more colorful elements of rural mountain life. Many sights and sounds familiar to Ed Mabry's generation still exist here. The splash of running water, the steady rhythm of the turning wheel, and the ring of a blacksmith's hammer echoed here long before this place became a visitor attraction. In addition to the sights and sounds common to a mill operation of an earlier generation, today there are more buildings that tell a bigger story of crafts and skills that served families, neighbors, and the larger community. Contemporary visitors can eat lunch, buy stone-ground meal, or join in on the traditional music and dancing on Sunday afternoons. The way Mabry Mill was then, and the way it is now - either way, it is a Parkway kind of place - yours to enjoy, to learn, and to remember. 43 �The People Ed Mabry was born in 1 867 near the Pinnacles of Dan, Virginia, a tortuous canyon carved by the Dan River and known locally as "The Bent." At age eighteen, with his new wife, Ed built a cabin and began farming one hundred acres. He supplemented his income by working with his father-in-law making chairs for the neighbors in the community. The two of them built a water-powered lathe for their business, indicative of Ed's early interest in machinery of various types. Despite his youth, Ed quickly developed a reputation in the community as a man who could fix things. "Carry it on to Ed" was common advice when repairs of any kind were needed. A few years later, and with a broken marriage behind him, Ed Mabry left home to work in the zinc mines of Pulaski, Virginia. In just two years, he was back in Meadows of Dan, married to Mintoria Lizzie deHart, and farming a newly purchased fifty-acre tract. According to neighbors, Ed's interest was never in farming. His persistent dream was to own and operate his own mill. In order to fulfill that dream, Ed needed more cash, so in 1 896, he and Lizzie moved to the coalfields of West Virginia where Ed established himself as a camp blacksmith. Success in this venture brought the Mabrys back to Virginia and living on the land where Ed would eventually build his long-desired mill and fulfill his dream. His first structure was a blacksmith shop in which he practiced his trade and developed skill in repairing wagons. "He could do any kind of work," one neighbor recalled. "Ironwork or any kind of metal, he could do it in the shop... and woodwork... as nice as anybody in the county." By 1 910, Ed's persistence, willingness to work jobs that would give him the initial capital, and his drive and ingenuity paid off. He finally built a water-powered mill that would become a focal point of this close-knit mountain community. A company in Mount Airy, North Carolina supplied the cast iron gears according to Ed's specifications, and his first set of millstones came from the Brushy Mountain quarry near Blacksburg, Virginia. With his fascination for gadgets and skill at using almost any tool, Ed built the rest of the mill himself His land, however, was unusually flat and without a stream that carried sufficient force to generate power for milling. So the Mabry's began purchasing land in order to secure more waterpower. Small tracts of one quarter to three acres were adequate as long as the water rights were granted in the deed. Between 1 905 and 1 914, they purchased five small parcels and built an extensive flume system. A small dam stored the runoff from rains and spring thaws. 44 �The Operation Water-powered gristmills were already common in the southern mountains when Ed Mabry built this one just after the turn of the century. It was smaller than most, but together with the blacksmith shop he already operated and the sawmill and woodworking tools he added in later years, the mill attracted a sizable number of customers. Neighbors in the community appreciated Ed's resourcefulness, ingenuity, and hard work. The Mabrys actually operated two mills or sets of stones connected by belts to the drive shaft of the waterwheel. One of this ground cornmeal and the other ground "chop," a mixture of grains fed to livestock. The round stones used in this type of mill were shaped at the quarry, but it was the miller's responsibility to "dress" the stones by making furrows in the grinding surfaces with a double-headed pick, a tool that Ed Mabry could easily fashion and sharpen in his blacksmith's shop. The distance between the millstones was critical in the grinding process. A good miller could determine if the stones were adjusted properly by feeling the ground corn in his hand. The rate at which the stones turned also helped determine the quality of meal. Too much friction and heat could give the meal a burned taste. The fact that the Mabrys always struggled at this site for enough water to turn the mill wheel probably helped them in the long run to grind better tasting meal. Perhaps it was a combination of the Mabry's expertise and the superior, slower grinding process that distinguished this mill from its larger competitors. Several local mills ground wheat or buckwheat in addition to cornmeal. Many of them had bolters, rotating cylindrical screens that separated the fragments of ground grain according to size. Corn, for example, yielded three products: cornmeal, grits, and a coarser grind of cracked corn called bran, usually fed to poultry. The Mabrys had no bolter, but their loyal customers were willing to carry sacks of ground corn home and sift out the cornmeal and grits on their own. Sometime after 1910, Ed connected a circular saw to the water wheel. He salvaged gears from an old threshing machine, and purchased other essential parts, probably through mail order. Logs were moved on a carriage, a low, wooden frame that rolled along steel tracks. A single man could operate the sawmill with levers that controlled a homemade clutch and the series of gears. Ed could saw five hundred board feet of timber a day, yielding everything from two by fours and framing materials to lumber for local furniture makers. 45 �After his sawmill was in place, Ed sawed the lumber to add a carpentry shop to his mill. The water wheel powered all the tools, and no one in the region had a more elaborate set-up than Ed Mabry. A planer, tongueand-groove jointer, grindstone, and a double bladed jigsaw were among the various implements this versatile man used to provide services to his community and to make a living. The Community Gristmills were an integral part of America's past. Preserved mills today are beautiful and picturesque attractions, providing inspiration for writers, poets and photographers. Usually, however, they are inactive and a sharp contrast to the bustle of activity during their days of production. Even in some of the rugged sections of the Blue Ridge, there were communities and neighbors connected to and dependent on each other. A local mill like the Mabry's served as a community hub. People came and went constantly. In many communities, the local mill was an information center where neighbors caught up on the latest news. It was an inviting place and the owner usually enjoyed the esteem of neighbors. The operation was so essential that the miller may have been exempt from other public service duties like road repair. More often than not, the miller bartered or traded his service. Customers usually brought about two bushels of shelled corn to the mill at one time. The Mabrys charged their customers one-eighth of the amount of corn brought for milling. Ed and Lizzie interacted with people from all over the county and had the reputation of being hard-working, honest neighbors. Ed got to know the people who visited the mill. He learned their names and came to know them in depth - who they were, what they did, how many children they had, and their hopes and dreams. He gave each customer patient, personal attention. Likewise, the community grew to know and love the Mabrys. They trusted their work, and faithful customers boasted that the Mabrys ground the best meal in the area. Ed and Lizzie's response to the community was just as supportive, and they were ever ready to reach out and lend a helping hand. According to one neighbor, Ed "tended to his own business. He didn't bother anybody, and I never did hear him speak a harm[ful] word about anybody. And I never knew of anybody having a working around here that old man Ed Mabry didn't go and help, and he was a good hand at anything he went at." 46 �In later years, Ed's health declined and he found it increasingly difficult to maintain his mill and, especially to constantly repair the flumes. To get around the need for waterpower, he bought a small, kerosene engine to power the mill. He died in 1936, but Lizzie, resourceful like her husband, operated the mill for a while on her own. By the late 1 930s, locally-owned, water powered mills were declining in Blue Ridge communities due to changing technology. Better roads came into the mountains, facilitating travel to larger towns. Mass produced, manufactured goods were more easily obtained and communities no longer felt dependent on the miller, woodworker, and blacksmith. Larger and more efficient mills in towns offered products at cheaper prices and the overall economy of the region was becoming increasingly based on cash rather than the barter of goods. Young people found it more appealing to move to larger towns for factory work than follow in the agrarian footsteps of their parents. The Park On September 11, 1 935, just inside the North Carolina state line, construction workers turned the first shovel of dirt for the Blue Ridge Parkway. This recreational motor road, designed to link Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountains National Parks, provided a significant economic counter to the effects of the Great Depression on the people of the Blue Ridge. The "Scenic" as it was often called, created training and jobs for local residents. It also provided construction contracts for companies who bid on the various sections of roadway and bridges. The Parkway was a tremendous undertaking. Working cooperatively, the National Park Service designers, state highway engineers, and the Bureau of Public Roads attempted to marry the roadway to the landscape. In addition, designers carefully selected and preserved many log buildings, homes, and other rustic and colorful cultural structures along the Blue Ridge. The project was a landscape architect's dream; an opportunity to mold and shape a beautiful scene that also enhanced the driving experience. As Parkway landscape architect Stan Abbott later commented, "I can't imagine a more creative job than locating the Blue Ridge Parkway. The moss and lichens on the shake roof of Mabry Mill measured against huge panoramas that look out forever." This was his reward for the years of design and planning that took place here. Abbott and other landscape architects, engineers, and highway department officials traveled extensively through the region designated for the Parkway. They immediately chose Mabry Mill as one of the special scenic places to be preserved in this section of the park. 47 �Photographs from the late 1 930s and 1 940s do not show a nicely manicured site with the reflecting pool that greets visitors today. Instead, the site was much more unkempt in appearance. Water coming off of the waterwheel fed into a marshy grassland and the mill showed the effects of having been closed and largely neglected. Still, designers quickly recognized its aesthetic possibilities. All along the new scenic roadway, the landscape architects' tried to create a picturesque scene rather than a historically faithful one. They sometimes removed buildings and replaced them with ones more quaint and of more interest to the travelers. Such was the case at the Mabry complex. Ed and Lizzie's two story framed house was removed and a log cabin brought in and reassembled. To the landscape architects, the current Matthews Cabin seemed well suited to the landscape, even though it was not authentic to the site. Over the years, the nostalgic appeal of the site has endured. Today, Mabry Mill remains a focal point of the community and a gathering place for neighbors. Weekends at the Mill, especially during the fall color season, can mean bumper to bumper traffic. Music and dancing are common, and the smell of cooking apple butter settles around the Mill. Images of Mabry Mill grace magazine covers and postcards across the country and sometimes around the world. Everyone, it seems, wants to capture this place on film, on canvas, or maybe just in the mind. A trip down the Blue Ridge Parkway represents many things to many people, but Mabry Mill ranks near the top of the list as a place to glimpse one of the most appealing symbols of America's past and as a place to remember. 48 �WATER POWERED ENERGY AT MABRY MILL Goal The student will write a paragraph discussing how Mabry Mill takes potential energy and turns it into kinetic energy. PRE SITE ACTIVITIES Students and teacher should discuss potential and kinetic energy along with simple and complex machinery. Discuss grist mills and how they affected the local economy of rural communities. Lead students in a discussion of why grist mills were a needed service. Strand Science - Force, Motion, and Energy Social Studies English - Writing Standards of Learning ON SITE ACTIVITIES Science 4.2 Social Studies 4.2,4.3 English 4.7 Tour Mabry Mill and discuss how Ed and Lizzie Mabry's operation assisted the local community. Students should understand that mills were common to almost all communities in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Discuss what part of the mill is a simple machine. Follow the flumes toward the water source and discuss the process of gaining enough water power to effectively operate the mill. Background information Mabry Mill is one of the most visited sites on the Parkway and a favorite place for visitors who want to experience remnants of turn-ofthe-century Blue Ridge crafts, industry, and community. Mabry Mill was in operation at this site from about 1910-1936 and was the "hub" of the Meadows of Dan community. Ed Mabry and his wife Lizzie ground various grains and operated a small sawmill and blacksmith shop. The elaborate system of flumes needed to collect enough water to operate the mill provide evidence of Ed's ingenuity and persistence. The site also includes a nineteenth century log cabin and A blacksmith shop. Teachers should relate to the students that in its final year(s) of operation, the Mabry's changed to a kerosene-powered engine to drive the mill. As roads and transportation increased, and people began to work more in factories in the lowland towns where manufactured goods were available, the need for a local, "community" mill decreased significantly. POST SITE ACTIVITIES Materials Needed Students will write a paragraph or paper about how Mabry Mill uses potential energy and turns it into kinetic energy. Notebook and pencil Suggested Background Readings The Gristmill, Bobbie Kalman. A Pioneer Sampler, Barbara Greenwood. 49 �•^^ /relink. _.x:j-:f" ^ ^:w£~^/\.. U) o �Ron Eller. Handout material on Mabry The Gristmill, Bobbie Kalman. CHANGING TIMES AT MABRY MILL PRE SITE ACTIVITIES Goal Students will utilize the Mabry Mill site to evaluate the economic and social transition from a rural, agricultural society to a more urban, industrialized society in Virginia from the 1870s to the early twentieth century. Read and discuss/4 Pioneer Sampler, emphasizing social and economic opportunities and changes that may apply to Virginia society. Read and discuss The Gristmill, drawing a sequence picture to show how a mill was built. Have the students write captions for each picture that describe the steps. Identify the terms gristmill, miller, milldam, millrace, gear, millstones, and barter. Create two Venn diagrams, one that compares social life and one that compares economic life today verses the descriptions contained in A Pioneer Sampler. Strand History and Social Science English - Oral Language, Reading/Literature, Writing Standards of Learning History and Social Science 4.5,4.6 English 4.1,4.2, 4.3,4.4, 4.5,4.7, 4.8 ON SITE ACTIVITIES Background Information Discuss the advantages of bringing products to a community gristmill compared to grinding them at home. Have the students identify other services that were available to people when they brought grain to the mill. Mabry Mill is one of the most visited sites on the Parkway and a favorite place for visitors who want to experience remnants of turn-ofthe-century Blue Ridge crafts, industry, and community. Mabry Mill was in operation at this site from about 1910-1936 and was the "hub" of the Meadows of Dan community. The site also includes a nineteenth century log cabin and a blacksmith shop. The "high plateau" that the Parkway follows leading to Mabry Mill is heavily agricultural with many homes and farms reminiscent of Virginia in the 1930s and 1940s. The change from towns, cities, and industry to a rural, agricultural scene offers an opportunity to discuss similar changes throughout the Commonwealth in the twentieth century. Have the students create a chart and, as a group, discuss life in the region prior to 1900, during the Mabry Mill era (1910-1936), and after the Mabry Mill era (including the coming of the Parkway). Include references to food service, social interactions, primary industries, schooling, clothing, and transportation. POST SITE ACTIVITIES Review the pre-site Venn diagrams and discuss and changes related to things learned at Mabry Mill and reasons why the mill operation closed down. Sketch a picture of the Mabry Mill operation. Materials Needed Notebook and pencil. Suggested Background Reading Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers: The Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 51 �MATHEMATICS STANDARDS OF LEARNING The fourth-grade standards place emphasis on division with whole numbers and solving problems involving addition and subtraction of fractions and decimals. Students will continue to learn and use the basic multiplication facts as they become proficient in multiplying larger numbers. Students also will refine their estimation skills for computations and measurements and investigate the relationships between and among points, lines, segments, and rays. Concrete materials will be used to solve problems involving perimeter, patterns, and probability. While learning mathematics, students will be actively engaged, using concrete materials and appropriate technologies such as calculators and computers. However, facility in the use of technology shall not be regarded as a substitute for a student's understanding of quantitative concepts and relationships or for proficiency in basic computations. Students also will identify real-life applications of the mathematical principles they are learning that can be applied to science and other disciplines they are studying. Mathematics has its own language, and the acquisition of specialized vocabulary and language patterns is crucial to a student's understanding and appreciation of the subject. Students should be encouraged to use correctly the concepts, skills, symbols, and vocabulary identified in the following set of standards. Problem solving has been integrated through the six content strands. The development of problem-solving skills should be a major goal of the mathematics program at every grade level. Instruction in the process of problem solving will need to be integrated early and continuously into each student's mathematics education. Students must be helped to develop a wide range of skills and strategies for solving a variety of problem types. Number and Number Sense 4.1 The student will • • • Identify, orally and in writing, the place value for each digit in a whole number expressed through millions Compare two whole numbers, expressed through millions, using symbols (>,<, or =) Round whole numbers expressed through millions to the nearest thousand, ten thousand, and hundred thousand. 4.2 The student will identify and represent equivalent fractions and relate fractions to decimals, using concrete objects. 4.3 The student will compare the numerical value of fractions having denominators of 12 or less. 4.4 The student will read, write, represent, and identify decimals expressed through thousandths, and round to the nearest tenth and hundredth, using concrete materials, drawings, calculators, and symbols. 52 �Computation and Estimation 4.5 The student will create and solve problems involving addition and subtraction of money amounts using various computational methods, including calculators, paper and pencil, mental computation, and estimation. 4.6 The student will estimate whole-number sums and differences and describe the method of estimation. Students will refine estimates, using terms such as closer to, between, and a little more than. 4.7 The student will add and subtract whole numbers written in vertical and horizontal form, choosing appropriately between paper and pencil methods and calculators. 4.8 The student will find the product of two whole numbers when one factor has two digits or less and the other factor has three digits or less, using estimation and paper and pencil. For larger products (a two-digit numeral times a three-digit numeral), estimation and calculators will be used. 4.9 The student will estimate and find the quotient of two whole numbers given a one-digit divisor. 4.10 The student will • • Add and subtract with fractions having like and unlike denominators of 12 or less and with decimals through thousandths, using concrete materials and paper and pencil; and Solve problems involving addition and subtraction with fractions having like and unlike denominators of 12 or less and decimals expressed through thousandths. Measurement 4.11 The student will • • 4.12 Estimate and measure weight/mass using actual measuring devices and express the results in both metric and U.S. Customary units, including ounces, pounds, grams, and kilograms: and Estimate the conversion of ounces and grams and pounds and kilograms, using approximate comparisons (1 ounce is about 28 grams, or 1 gram is about the weight of a paper clip; 1 kilogram is a little more than 2 pounds.) The student will • • Estimate and measure length using actual measuring devices and describe the results in both metric and U.S. Customary units, including part of an inch (1/2, %, and 1/8), inches, feet, yards, millimeters, centimeters, and meters; and Estimate the conversion of inches and centimeters, yards and meters, and miles and kilometers, using approximate comparisons (1 inch is about 2.5 centimeters, 1 meter is 53 �a little longer than 1 yard, 1 mile is slightly farther than 1.5 kilometers, or 1 kilometer is slightly farther than half a mile.) 4.13 The student will • • 4.14 Estimate and measure liquid volume using actual measuring devices and using metric and U.S. Customary units, including cups, pints, quarts, gallons, milliliters, and liters; and Estimate the conversion of quarts and liters, using approximate comparisons (1 quart is a little less than 1 liter, 1 liter is a little more than 1 quart.) The student will identify and describe situations representing the use of perimeter and will use measuring devices to find perimeter in both standard and non-standard units of measure. Geometry 4.15 The student will investigate and describe the relationships between and among points, lines, line segments, and rays. 4.16 The student will identify and draw representations of points, lines, line segments, rays, and angles, using a straightedge or ruler. 4.17 The student will identify lines which illustrate intersection, parallelism, and perpendicularity. Probability and Statistics 4.18 The student will determine the probability of a given simple event, using concrete materials. 4.19 The student will collect, organize, and display data in line and bar graphs with scale increments of one or greater than one. Patterns, Functions, and Algebra 4.19 The student will identify and locate missing whole numbers on a given number line. 4.20.1 The student will extend a given pattern, using concrete materials and tables. 4.20.2 The student will solve problems involving pattern identification and completion of patterns. 54 �SCIENCE STANDARDS OF LEARNING The fourth-grade standards stress the importance of using information, analyzing data, and validating experimental results. Defining variables in experimentation is emphasized, and making simple predictions from picture, bar, and line graphs is underscored. Questioning and hypothesizing become more detailed at this level. Students are introduced to basic principles of electricity and to the concept of energy as it relates to work and machines. Relationships are investigated in the interactions among the Earth, moon, and sun and among plants and animals and their environments. In examining weather phenomena and conditions, students identify various factors, make predictions based on data, and evaluate the results. The importance of natural resources in Virginia is emphasized. Scientific Investigation, Reasoning, and Logic 4.1 The student will plan and conduct investigations in which • • • • • • • • Distinctions are made among observations, conclusions (inferences), and predictions Data are classified to create frequency distributions; Appropriate metric measures are used to collect, record, and report data; Appropriate instruments are selected to measure linear distance, volume, mass, and temperature; Predictions are made based on data from picture graphs, bar graphs, and basic line graphs; Hypotheses are formulated based on cause and effect relationships; Variables that must be held constant in an experimental situation are defined: and Numerical data that are contradictory or unusual in experimental results are recognized. Force, Motion, and Energy 4.2 The student will investigate and understand that energy is needed to do work and that machines make work easier. Key concepts include • • • • 4.3 Energy forms (electrical, mechanical, and chemical energy); Potential and kinetic energy; Simple and complex machines; and Efficiency, friction, and inertia. The student will investigate and understand the characteristics of electricity. Key concepts include • • • The nature of electricity (voltage, ampere, resistance, conductors, and insulators Circuits (open/closed, parallel/series) Magnetism and magnetic fields 55 �• • Static electricity Historical contributions in understanding electricity. Life Processes 4.4 The student will investigate and understand basic plant anatomy and life processes. Key concepts include • • • • The structures of typical plants (leaves, stems, roots, and flowers); Processes and structures involved with reproduction (pollination, stamen, pistil, sepal, embryo, spore, and seed); Photosynthesis (chlorophyll, carbon dioxide); and Dormancy Living Systems 4.5 The student will investigate and understand how plants and animals in an ecosystem interact with one another and the nonliving environment. Key concepts include • • • • • • Behavioral and structural adaptations: Organization of communities; Flow of energy through food webs; Habitats and niches; Life cycles; and Influence of human activity on ecosystems. Interrelationships in Earth/Space Systems 4.6 The student will investigate and understand how weather conditions and phenomena occur and can be predicted. Key concepts include • • Weather factors (temperature, air pressure, fronts, formation and type of clouds, and storms); and Meteorological tools (barometer, hygrometer, anemometer, rain gauge, and thermometer). Earth Patterns, Cycles, and Change 4.7 The student will investigate and understand the relationships among the Earth, moon, and sun. Key concepts include • • • • • The motions of the Earth, moon and sun (revolution and rotation); The causes for the Earth's seasons and phases of the moon; The relative size, position, and makeup of the Earth, moon, and sun; Unique properties of the Earth as a planet and as part of the solar system; and Historical contributions in understanding the Earth-moon-sun system 56 �Resources 4.8 The student will investigate and understand important Virginia natural resources. Key concepts include • • • • Watershed and water resources; Animals and plants, both domesticated and wild; Minerals, rocks, ores, and energy sources; and Forests, soil, and land. 57 �ENGLISH STANDARDS OF LEARNING The fourth grade student will communicate orally in large- and small-group settings. Students will read classics and contemporary literature by a variety of authors. A significant percentage of reading material will relate to the study of math, science, and history and social science. The student will use text organizers, summarize information, and draw conclusions to demonstrate reading comprehension. Reading, writing, and reporting skills support an increased emphasis on content-area learning and on utilizing the resources of the media center, especially to locate and read primary sources of information (speeches and other historical documents) related to the study of Virginia. Students will plan, write, revise, and edit narratives and explanations. The student will routinely use information resources and word references while writing. Oral Language 4.1 The student will use effective oral communication skills in a variety of settings. • • • • 4.2 Present accurate directions to individuals and small groups. Contribute to group discussions. Seek the ideas and opinions of others. Begin to use evidence to support opinions. The student will make and listen to oral presentations and reports. • • • Use subject-related information and vocabulary. Listen to and record information. Organize information for clarity. Reading/Literature 4.3 The student will read and learn the meanings of unfamiliar words. • • 4.4 The student will read fiction and nonfiction, including biographies and historical fiction. • • • • 4.5 Use knowledge of word origins; synonyms, antonyms, and homonyms; and multiple meanings of words. Use word-reference materials including the glossary, dictionary, and thesaurus. Explain the author's purpose. Describe how the choice of language, setting, and information contributes to the author's purpose. Compare the use of fact and fantasy in historical fiction with other forms of literature. Explain how knowledge of the lives and experiences of individuals in history can relate to individuals who have similar goals or face similar challenges. The student will demonstrate comprehension of a variety of literary forms. 58 �• • • • • • 4.6 Use text organizers such as type, headings, and graphics to predict and categorize information. Formulate questions that might be answered in the selection. Make inferences using information from texts. Paraphrase content of selection, identifying important ideas and providing details for each important idea. Describe relationship between content and previously learned concepts or skills. Write about what is read. The student will read a variety of poetry. • • • Describe the rhyme scheme (approximate, end, and internal). Identify the sensory words used and their effect on the reader. Write rhymed, unrhymed, and patterned poetry. Writing 4.7 The student will write effective narratives and explanations. • • • • • • • 4.8 Focus on one aspect of a topic. Develop a plan for writing. Organize writing to convey a central idea. Write several related paragraphs on the same topic. Utilize elements of style, including word choice, tone, voice, and sentence variation. Edit final copies for grammar, capitalization, punctuation, and spelling. Use available technology. The student will edit final copies of writings. • • • • Use subject-verb agreement. Avoid double negatives. Use pronoun "I" correctly in compound subjects. Use commas in series, dates, and addresses. Research 4.9 The student will use information resources to research a topic. • • • • Construct questions about a topic. Collect information, using the resources of the media center. Evaluate and synthesize information for use in writing. Use available technology. 59 �HISTORY AND SOCIAL SCIENCE STANDARDS OF LEARNING The standards for fourth-grade students allow them to explore the rich history of Virginia from 1607 to the present. Geographic, economic, and civic concepts continue to be presented within this historic context. Students should use geographic tools to analyze the influence of physical and cultural geography on Virginia history. Fourth graders should also focus on concepts of economic interdependence and the historic ideas that form the foundation of political institutions in Virginia and the United States. Historic and current examples of monetary exchange, credit, and taxation should be compared, and students should begin examination of constitutional documents and the structure and operation of state government. 4.1 The student will explain the impact of geographic factors in the expansion and development of Virginia, with emphasis on • • 4.2 The student will use the concepts of absolute location (e.g., using grid systems) and relative location (e.g., direction, reference to neighboring states, and water features) to • • • • 4.3 The location of American Indians, various European settlers, and African slaves; and The location and growth of cities in relation to the Atlantic Ocean, the Chesapeake Bay, major rivers, the fall line/fall zone, and the Shenandoah Valley. Locate and identify on maps and globes his/her local city or county, Virginia, the other original states, the United States, Western Europe, and West Africa; Explain how physical characteristics, transportation routes, climate, and specialization influenced the variety of crops, products, and industries and the general patterns of economic growth in Virginia; Illustrate how communities in Virginia differ in physical features, such as land use, population density, architecture, services, and transportation; and Construct physical maps and three-dimensional models that include the essential map elements and the geographic regions of Virginia (Tidewater, Piedmont, Ridge and Valley, Allegheny Plateau), and the U.S. (Coastal Plains, Appalachian Mountains, Interior Lowlands, Great Plains, Rocky Mountains, Basin and Ridge, Coastal Range.) The student will explain the economic, social, and political life of the Virginia colony, with emphasis on • • • • • • Its political and economic relationship to England and other nations; Characteristics and contributions of various groups of people; The role of money, banking, saving, and credit in colonial Virginia; Reasons for, and Virginia's role in, the American Revolution; The backgrounds, motivations, and contributions of George Washington, George Wythe, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe, Patrick Henry, and other prominent Virginians in the Revolutionary era; and The significance of the Charters of the Virginia Company of London, the Virginia Declaration of Rights, the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom, and the Declaration of Independence. 60 �4.4 The student will describe the social and political life of Virginians between the Revolutionary War and the end of the Civil War, with emphasis on • • • 4.5 The student will evaluate the social, political, and economic life in Virginia from the Reconstruction Period to the 20th century, with emphasis on • • • 4.6 The Reconstruction Period and its impact on politics and government, the economy, demographics, and public opinion; The impact of segregation and Jim Crow laws; and The economic and social transition from a rural, agricultural society to a more urban, industrialized society. The student will trace the history of Virginia in the 20th century, with emphasis on • • • • • 4.7 The contributions of Virginians to the establishment of the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights, and the success of the new national government; Conflicts between northern and southern states and within Virginia, including Nat Turner's Rebellion, and events leading to secession: and Virginia's role in the Civil War, including major battles and leaders in the Confederate army, including Robert E. Lee, J.E.B. Stuart, and Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson. The accomplishments of prominent Virginians, including Woodrow Wilson, Harry F. Byrd, Sr., L. Douglas Wilder, and Arthur Ashe; Social and political events linked to desegregation and Massive Resistance and their relationship to national history; The impact of advances in transportation and communication on migration, economic development, and the integration of Virginia into the U.S. economy and eastern Virginia into the northeast megalopolis The role of money, banking, saving, and credit in contemporary Virginia; and The types of taxes collected and the types of services provided by each level of government The student will develop historical analysis skills including • • • Identifying, analyzing, and making generalizations about the life in Virginia history using primary sources including artifacts, diaries, letters, photographs, art, documents, and newspapers; Distinguishing fact from fiction by comparing documentary sources on historical figures and events with fictionalized characters and events; and Summarizing and sequencing major events in Virginia history from 1607 to the present and locating significant places and events on a map. 61 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Appalachian Curriculum for Fourth Grade: Environmental Concerns and the Blue Ridge Parkway in Virginia Description An account of the resource <em>An Appalachian Curriculum</em><span>&nbsp;is the product of a week-long symposium workshop held at Radford University in Radford, Virginia in June 1998. The purpose of the workshop was to create materials that allowed children from the Southern Appalachian region to gain a better understanding of the environment and the natural and cultural resources available on the Blue Ridge Parkway in Virginia. <span>The results was a fourth grade curriculum guide aligned with Virginia Standards of Learning (SOL)</span><span>.</span></span><br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1VgKqpoyYjqkz_K9Rx_qOP7Xi-51__dAi" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642420/an-appalachian-curriculum/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a><br /> Subject The topic of the resource Education--Curricula--Appalachian Region Education--Curricula--Virginia Appalachian Region--Study and teaching Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pillis, Carolyn Wright, Donna Thompson, Diane Grant Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1998 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Instructional and educational works PDF Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4780837/radford.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm Radford (Va.) Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/8dc18538a8cf422c0e8d2ab1477860cf.pdf 885b8b9ffc413a1afb169f9a20ccc8b0 PDF Text Text �TTie author, mid-way through construction of Old Tom, summer 1976. �HOGWILD A Back-to-the-Land Saga text and photography by JOCK LAUTERER with additional photography by Maggie Lauterer �Other books by the author: Only in Chapel Hill Wouldn't Take Nothin 'for My Journey Now Runnin' on Rims �For my children, Selena, who was raised in a barn; and Jonathan, who was born because of one. �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004^ its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program^ Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1993 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3847-8 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3850-8 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �HOGWILD Vll A Back-to-the-Land Saga CONTENTS: Foreword A Word to the Wise Acknowledgments ix xvi xviii CHAPTERS: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Beginnings / 1 How Firm a Foundation / 8 Summer of 74: Barn-Razing and Cabin-Raising / 24 Roofing: In Which We Become Acquainted with 5,500 Shingles / 36 Joisting Along / 45 Wherein Our Hero is Floored and Builds a Playhouse / 52 In Which We Chink and Daub, and Win a Press War / 72 The Cabin Grows as Friends Pitch In / 82 In Which We Move a Smokehouse and Create Another Hogwildling / 90 Of a Giving House and Lofty Ambitions / 108 In Which We Have a Son and are Illuminated / 126 Wherein the King of Siam Builds a Chimney / 136 Rocking On / 144 Hearth and Homing In / 155 In Which the Sweatmore Construction Co. Gets Fancy / 166 In the Home Stretch /177 Moving In At Last / 190 In Which We Live the Dream / 197 Life and Death Within the Dream / 203 Homecoming / 210 ��Foreword "Talk of mysteries! Think of our life in nature — daily to be shown matter, to come in contact with it — rocks, trees, wind on our cheeks! the solid earth! the actual world! the common sense! Contact! Contact! Who are we? Where are we?" — Henry David Thoreau Walden Hog wild. It was an outrageous name for an outrageous notion: that several families might form a loose confederation of homesteaders, buy a big chunk of land, build our own homes and become as self-sufficient as practically possible. The early 1970s was a time of a quiet green revolution in the backwoods of America. In the front lines were the former campus activists of the '60s, the retired demonstrators for Civil Rights, the tired protesters against the Viet Nam war, and the disillusioned political critics of a federal government perceived as increasingly and inherently adversarial, if not downright evil. We had repaired to the country where we turned our considerable energy loose on a smaller, more manageable scale. If we couldn't save the world, then we'd work on improving our own world in a small and intensely personal way; we would make our lives harmonious with nature and the physical world as we found it. It was a notion that fired our times and our minds with a righteous zeal and a sense of profound purpose. We went back to basics. Back to the land. This is the story of how we joined with five other families on 300 acres in a dream of building our own homes with virtually no previous carpentry experience. It was, as the place came to be known, Hogwild. Located just east of the rocky flanks of the Blue Ridge Mountains in western North Carolina's Rutherford County, we could have the best of both worlds: the isolation of the mountains yet without the temperature extremes of the high country immediately west of us. �X The view west from Hogwild toward Hickory Nut Gorge. Philosophically and in practice, we were not so much a commune as we were a community; a spontaneous rural assembly of like-minded young coots with families to raise, houses to build, and dreams to try. And we weren't afraid to be a little bit outrageous. However, we were nothing like the stereotypical version of the '70s commune popularized by Hollywood as inhabited by chronically stoned pot-heads stumbling around obliviously in the woods, mumbling nothing more profound than "cool, man," and sharing everything from property to non-exclusive affections. At Hogwild, we each owned our own land and lived within the traditional contexts of our marriages. As a community, we had log house-raisings, skinny-dipping in the river, frolicking nights of country music of our own making, weddings in the woods, and parties on the lawn. We shared our tools, our muscles, our time, and the land that was Hogwild. We were bound together by our common interest in organic foods, our dedication to conservation and environmental sanity, and our desire to provide our children with an appropriate place in which to grow up. Spiritually and philosophically as builders of our own shelter and caretakers of our own land (as opposed to owners), we were most influenced by Eastern thought and by Native American gentleness. We joked about belonging to the Southern Buddhist Church. But that would have offended my bearded ancestors in the Friends Meeting House, so I concluded somewhat in jest that if I had to reduce my faith to a phrase, �XI then it would be Zen-Quaker. With maybe a touch of Cherokee on the side. If we were a part of a movement or a cause or a national phenomenon, we certainly didn't know it. There was no newsletter for whoever or whatever we were becoming: "Homesteaders" or so-called "Back-tothe-Landers." We at Hogwild simply felt we were bound together on a private journey in wood. If we were pioneers, we were unwitting ones; I doubt that pioneers grasp their own uniqueness anyway. That perspective is a luxury of a hindsight we couldn't have at that time. What is clear now is that we were caught up in the creative confluence of a synergy that resulted in some amazing houses and some equally amazing times. Like others, I found quiet inspiration and sustenance from publications — not so counter-culture as new culture — such as the Whole Earth Catalog, and Mother Earth News, (which we scoffed at for its "Hey Gang, you can build a house of mudpies in a day" brand of gee-whiz journalism). Most importantly, Eliot Wigginton's first Foxfire book (1972) with its chapter on log cabin building, Eric Sloane's An Age of Barns and Art Boericke's The Woodbutcher's Art, the Guide to Handmade Houses, all combined to free me from my conventional thinking of how a place should or could be built. From the very beginning, log cabins have been in my genes. My great-grandfather Nixon Rush, the Quaker minister, was born in the log house (1836) that his father built east of Shepperds Mountain in Randolph County, N.C. Old Rush was an adventurer who took off for the Colorado Silver Rush of 1859 before settling the family farm, "Rush Hill," in rural Indiana. His son, my grandfather Charles, restored a log cabin in the '20s in Indiana for a summer retreat away from his career as a university librarian. As a boy, I built "houses" out of orange crates, packing boxes and old tin sheeting, and these propped-up knee-high shanties had the proclivity of collapsing about me with a great clamor as I crawled in. This is basic instinct, says Bradford Angier, in his fine book, Building Your Own Cabin in the Woods. Angier suggests that the impulse of building is so intrinsic to the human spirit that we see it reflected in the role-play of small boys — building clubhouses, tree houses — any sort of slapdash place to call their own. As a boy growing in the confines of a university town during those formative years, my link to all things woodsy was Scouting in general �xn Campus folksingers of the '60s, "Jock and Maggie" are ready by 1974 to put songs and dreams into the reality of wood, rock, and mortar. Bill and Jeanette Byers, the "King and Queen of Hogwild," with daughter, Hannah, in the winter of'1974. and Troop 39 in particular. The outfit provided me with a confidence in myself and my abilities to live comfortably in a wild setting. Plus, Scouting provided me with the male role modeling and the sort of wilderness experiences that my single parent mother couldn't give me. Troop 39, not so cointidentally, was a pioneering troop, specializing in the skills of lashing pine logs into 20-foot-tall signal towers with an elaborate rope monkey bridge strung from the ground up to one tower, across to the other tower, and down to the ground on the far side. To an 11-year-old pudgy kid, this edifice took on DeMilleian scale. As an adolescent, I became something of a professional Scout, as was the custom in our troop, becoming a leader of younger boys, wise to the ways of the woods, earning my Eagle rank and staying with the troop until I was 16. Building the cabin was the ultimate expression and extension of my Scouting experience. But still, none of this would have happened had it not been for Maggie — the girl who bowled me over at a University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill campus meeting where students were taking their turns introducing themselves invariably as Susie Q. from Charlotte or John J. from Raleigh, and so forth — cities so big we didn't even need to be reminded what state they were in... And when it came her turn, this ravenhaired beauty stood up and announced simply: "I'm Maggie Palmer, and I'm from the Mountains!" �xiii She was from a town so small back up in the mountains that she knew no one had ever heard of Crossnore (pop. 250) and she wasn't about to be humiliated by all those city slickers. From the first time I saw her proudly proclaiming her "mountainess," I was, as my friend Tom Callison says, "all eat up." We became folksingers together, fell in love and were wed. From the start we shared the dream of going to the mountains and having a weekly newspaper. By 1973 we had realized this dream. Maggie and I had been married for seven years. Our wildling daughter, Selena, was five. The weekly newspaper, This Week, started by two friends and I in 1969, was flourishing. Without knowing it, we had become: YURPies (Young Upwardly-mobile Rural Professionals). The decision to go Hogwild was the result of myriad influences. One of those events was my cathartic interview for a job as a photographer with National Geographic magazine in November 1973. After looking at my work and at several year's worth of bound volumes of This Week, the magazine's director of photography, Robert Gilka, told me This Week was one of the finest papers of its kind he'd ever seen, and he asked me if I would leave it to move to D.C. Whether the question was rhetorical or specific, it didn't matter. Leave my paper?! How could I do that and live in Washington, D.C.? Within me, a country mouse vs. city mouse debate raged briefly. But in the end it was no contest. My course as a country editor was already plotted and I suspect Mr. Gilka knew that very well. Yet the funny thing was, I got the distinct impression from the wistful look on Gilka's face as he leafed through my papers that he would have liked to have been in my shoes — and that he wouldn't have left his blooming country weekly in the hills of the Southern Appalachians either. In that winter of 1973-'74, with our growing awareness of the earth's finite resources and our second house just having received the horrific moniker of a "total electric home," we both began to become susceptible to a drastic alteration in our means of shelter. We began to feel that we were little more than caretakers and financial trustees of our present, energy-hogging house with its big drafty halls, high ceilings, leaky windows, and a fireplace with such a draw that it could suck all the heat out of the house as fast as the baseboard units could crank it out. It is said that creative change for the better is stimulated by dissatisfaction with one's present state, and we were ripe for the revolution. Maggie and I began to suspect that there were basic rules of shelter �xiv dynamics we'd never dreamed of before. Here's one: Lauterer's Law of Site Specifics: That your shelter and the particular dynamics, configuration, location, style, mood, lighting — all combine to form a total ethos that dictates to a great extent the behavior of its inhabitants. Or, to borrow a turn of phrase from the health folk: you are where you live. So, we wondered, what if the owner-builder could be active instead of passive, as is usually the case in our dwellings, and dictate his own life and style by fashioning and forming a structure up and around that philosophical and intellectual core long before the first napkin-blueprint is ever drawn. This was the basic precept of Hogwild, and this, more than cinderblocks, was the foundation for our house. What a thought: that you don't build houses and stick people in them willy-nilly; but rather you take a person or a family and build the house around them as an extension of their personal and corporeal identities. No wonder the house's gestation period was the same as a high school or college undergraduate education. We didn't build this cabin so much as we raised it and nurtured it. Long before the first shovelful of dirt was moved, before the first nail pounded or the first log laid, this house was sensed — much as a mother-to-be can sense the tiny seed of the embryo long before its presence is officially confirmed. We felt this house deep down, dreamed of it, envisioned it to be the vital, vibrant, nurturing, creation-inspiring and life-supporting homeplace that would itself became a living entity. Such a house was Tom. Not that he had a name, much less a gender, early on. But surely the old barn possessed an innate personality: honesty, authenticity, durability and sort of a stout hardiness. So that even as we saw him that first blustery winter day in 1974, all bedraggled with vines, Tom still beckoned. During the four years it took to build Tom, a lot was going on professionally as well as personally. For one thing, I was losing my hair, and after a couple of years of combing what has been called "a dime's worth of hair over a dollar's worth of head," I decided to take matters in my own hands, so to speak, and I shaved my head. Still do. At the paper, we became recognized as the best non-daily newspaper in the state. And during this period, we purchased a press and bought out our competition as well. At the same time, I was beginning to understand the importance of �XV gathering and printing oral history and the development of my brand of what I call "folkloric photojournalism." Those weekly features resulted in two books, Wouldn 't Take Nothin 'for My Journey Now in 1980 (the University of North Carolina Press) and Runnin' on Rims in 1986 (Algonquin Books of Chapel Hill). Without quite realizing it, I came to live the style of those about whom I was writing. Building the cabin gradually evolved into the ultimate expression of who I was, who we were corporally, of our adopted countryness, and of my work. Professionally these years encompassed a tremendously prolific and creative body of work as a photographer and writer. I can't help suspecting that Hogwild's energy had something to do with that "good karma," as we called it. As co-publisher and co-editor at This Week, I had the luxury of rambling on (and on) in weekly columns in which I regularly proselytized for the homesteading way of life while writing about Tom's progress. Readers came to know Tom as sort of an extension of their own house. "How's the cabin comin'?" they'd say to me on the street, and: "Read about it in the paper." Folks seemed to enjoy it, although fellow journalists kidded me unmercifully for that. "You're the only reporter I know who can put up one log and get 20 inches of copy out of it," jabbed my buddy Roy Thompson of the Winston-Salem Journal. I reckon I deserved it, but every hour I wasn't working on the paper I spent out there in the woods with Old Tom. Were we obsessed? How can I answer that? At lunch we drew designs and "blueprints" on napkins and check receipts. While covering city council meetings I doodled fanciful drawings of cabins amid the notes of subdivision regulations and zoning appeals. For four years we were immersed in a project that demanded our very best if we were to realize its completion. And we were totally committed to that dream. It took all the extra energy we had — but at the same time, the expenditure sustained and nurtured us. From the very start, Maggie had the foresight and vision to hint broadly that I should keep a diary of the house building by giving me a journal whose blank pages challenged me as much as the cleared building site. If I could commit mortar, rock, and log to the land, then I could do the same with ink to paper. What follows are the Chronicles of Tom; the saga of a homesteading couple whose lives were forever changed by those times. Every house we've ever lived in since has borne the indelible stamp of Old Tom and of a place called Hogwild. �A Word to the Wise "What does not destroy me, makes me stronger." — Friedrich Nietzsche To those would-be woodbutchers who turn here for sustenance: building a house from scratch is much like climbing a major mountain — defining "major" as being 14,000 feet or over, a peak so formidable that it will kill you if you go at it blithely unprepared. First, you have its picture burned in your mind's eye. Early on, when you are deciding to climb it, that is your only vision. Maybe it's a photograph in National Geographic, a two-dimensional, four-color separation representing a critical mass, height, wind, cold, deprivation, oxygen starvation, precipice, muscle failure, cold sweat, and fear. At that point, you don't know what you're looking at, and if s a good thing. You collect your stuff, marshal your forces, make the ten thousand arrangements, set aside the time, and gird your loins. You have an inkling that this will be a once-in-a-lifetime experience, something to tell the grandkids about. The romance of it enthralls you but you really haven't any idea of what you're getting into — except that deep down you know you need to do this thing. The Tenderfoot sets out. You have your vision to warm you as you draw closer to the mountain and you are gay and glib. After traveling for days, while still 100 miles away, you see its forbidding icy spire against the sky. Impossible. It can't be that big. Nothing can be that big. Something's wrong. We must be there already. Something's wrong with the map, or the odometer, or something. Your mind gapes at the mountain's monstrosity. And still you drive toward it, and still it looms, no larger, no nearer. Just a maleficent pyramid jutting violently into a benign baby-blue sky. You drive through the night — so that the next day when you have arrived at the mountain's base, you can no longer see its top. Instead, inglorious and trivial matters occupy you. Getting to base camp, pitching camp, even the life-sustaining acts of eating and drinking seem somehow remote. A sense of unreality descends, for you can no longer see your goal though you are standing on its very flanks. You are too close to see clearly but too far along to turn back. �xvit As you set out the next morning, you rely on your original vision to sustain you. You climb and climb. Progress seems marginal. Why is this taking so long? No one told me there'd be so many tiny infuriating obstacles: altitude sickness, the skree slope, cutting steps in the snow and ice, the wind, and always the fatigue. In the fine dust of the skree slope you take one step and slide back two. The higher you go and the closer to the triumph, the slower you go. The thin air permits one step at a time. But still, you slog on. As the air thins, breathing itself becomes a challenge. Even though you may be climbing with buddies, as the labor becomes more intense, you become more insular, bargaining for progress: I must be getting higher if the air is becoming thinner. So where's the freaking end to all this? But no summit greets your pained sight. Someone has been kind enough to warn you about the "false summit syndrome" in which, because of the mountain's curvature and your position on its side relative to the top, the true summit keeps itself hidden and always seems to recede and indeed elude you — so that you find yourself straining repeatedly for what you think is the Big Top, only to get there and find to your total dismay, another slope stretching 2,000 feet up into the cobalt blue sky. So you regroup and trek on upward. And another summit and yet another present themselves, and each time you attain their heights and yet are not rewarded with the peak.... So that when at last you step out on yet another summit that has beguiled you again — but this time there's nothing higher, and nowhere else to go but down — you are distrustful and wary. You glance about furtively. Is this really it? Your whole being has become attuned to serial triumph and disappointment and is ready to resume the climb. But if then, it really is "it," then you stand perfectly still, lost in the solitary wonder of the enormity of the thing itself, not so much that of your accomplishment. Now, because it has been such a solitary effort, your emotions are difficult to share adequately with anyone else. It becomes an intensely private celebration, an enigmatic triumph. Though you may have had advice and help along the way, the ascent was ultimately dependent on your faculties alone. Quintessentially it boiled down to a confrontation between you and the Mountain — or more accurately, you versus yourself against the physical world. If there's a grain of Zen in you, you realize in a burst of insight that "against" should read "with" and thus you are granted the additional �xviii blessing of having an authentic tactile experience with the physical and metaphysical world. Then as you come down and return to base camp, something else wonderful begins to steal over and percolate through you. It's your sense of perspective. It has been enlarged and intensified. You can "see" the whole even though you can no longer see the top. You have been there. You know where it is. And you will never be the same. Your spirit has become as big as the mountain you thought you couldn't climb. -J.L. August 1992 Penn State University Park, Pennsylvania �XIX Acknowledgments: Just as mountain-climbing and cabin-building are alike, so too are building a house and writing a book. In fact when someone asked me what I was doing this summer, like an idiot savant I replied: "I'm building a book and writing a cabin." The two acts are strikingly similar; both take a long time and involve a lot of people. Yet in the end, often it is only the author or the builder who gets the most credit. This should not be the case — and especially with this book and this house. During the four-year construction phase, my partners at This Week and The Daily Courier in Forest City, N.C., had the patience and wisdom to allow me the time out of the office to build my own place. Indeed, they shared in the project vicariously. And as for this book, it was made possible in part by Brevard College and its gifted president, Dr. Billy Greer, whose insight and enthusiasm for this project created time for me to reflect and write the first draft. Penn State gets the credit for enabling me to finish the manuscript by providing computer expertise and equipment, as well as writing time. I owe a debt of unspeakable gratitude to my partners in the dream, Bill and Jeanette Byers, without whom, Hogwild — both the land and the book — would never have happened in the first place. To Maggie Lauterer-Allen, the forewoman of Sweatmore Construction Co., I can only offer this quote: "Some things just can't be said. And they can't be whistled either." But I pucker up anyway. Her foresight started me keeping the journals and her vision was responsible for the house every bit as much as were my sweat and muscles. Without her nurturing and positive presence, I doubt that I could have sustained the effort. Heartfelt thanks to my editorial assistant and graphic artist, Lin Redmond, who has been a true friend and inspiration through the book's production. And finally, a special thanks to the good people at The Appalachian Consortium Press, Gratis Williams' dream. It seems now no coincidence that it took four years both to build the cabin and to get this book to press. �Atop Father Austin's View, Bill and Stuart Byers and I behold a sundown over Hickory Nut Gorge. �1 Beginnings "I'm gonna cash in my hand and pick up on a piece of land I'm gonna build myself a cabin in the woods And it's there I'm gonna stay until there comes a day When this old world starts changing for the good Now the reason I'm smiling is over on an island On a hillside in the woods where I belong I wanta thank Jimmy, Jimmy, John, Nick and Laurie The No Jets Construction for setting me down a homestead on the farm." — James Taylor "Mud Slide Slim," 1971 Saturday, June 8,1974 — I am 29 years old today. It is time to begin what must be the most singularly ambitious task/dream of my young life: to build my own house. Maggie has given me a diary, or a journal, a "nothing book," it's called. Inside is Thoreau's quote about stepping to "a different drummer...." Well, that's one tattoo I hear only too well. She has inscribed the journal thusly: "We are about to embark on an unforgettable journey through summer, one (during) which, knowing you, you'll have recordable thoughts and memories. "And so to preserve some bit of it, this little book is given to you — to fill with your log of our new Dream. Fill it with sketches, ideas, tales of snakes and sore muscles, anything — just make it yours. "And when they ask you about writing a book, tell them you've got one bound and printed. By the way, you have my permission to use my name in this one. — with all my love, Maggie." �2 Hogwild Could we make a house out of this barn? In the winter of 1974 we thought so. Tuesday, June 11,1974 — The beginning is always the hardest. A book, like a house, opens with an outline, a foundation. (I can see it now.) So quit dreaming, and just start. See where it leads. Here's the kid who chickened out building the Cub Scout crystal radio set — and I want to build my own house?! Lord knows Jocko's no titan of carpentry, and yet, it does seem feasible. The Swiss Family Lauterer marooned by choice on 300 acres of Hogwild with dogs, cats and friends; building an environment free of the trash of our cities and towns. Is that And this would be the living room. We'd so crazy? have to preserve the high ceilings too, Maggie No, I answer my doubting side. This is the wisest thing decides. �Beginnings 3 I've ever done. I believe time will prove this to be true. This all started six month ago — deep in winter when January's gloom seemed impenetrable. Two friends, Bill and Jeanette Byers, had told us of a fabulous tract of land, known as the Whitesides Place, they'd found in the Green Hill community about eight miles west of Rutherfordton up toward Lake Lure. The Byers wanted mainly a glorious old Victorian gingerbreaded house that dominated acres of bottomland down by the Rocky Broad River, and they needed to find friends of the right ilk to come in and help them buy the land. At first we were simply happy for Bill and Jeanette, that they had found their dream house, but we ourselves entertained no serious notions about joining them... until Maggie made the discovery of a log barn that apparently was very old, and appeared to have been a dwelling in a previous lifetime. There beside it was another structure, a tumbledown two-story frame house that was chock full of lovely wood, heart pine it appears. This was the original Whitesides house, and after the Big House was built in 1915, it became a tenant farmer's house. I can't say exactly what it was that finally tipped us over the edge; it was a combination of things: our steep house payments, outrageous heating bills, the frustration of trying to keep a 12-room house clean, the desire for more privacy, and urge to be closer to friends like us — and most importantly the influence of my best friend, Mike Thompson, who has just rescued and restored an old place in the country near here. Mike had only marginal experience in carpentry, and yet he just busted in and mm £*>A'S» ' -3'**"^ •?. , Selena and the old Whitesides tenant house, "The Giving House," from which we will salvage a treasure trove of wood. �4 Hogwild did this great thing through sheer grit. Well hello, I say, if Mike can do it, why not me? And besides, the basic outline is just "Lincoln Logs/' At any rate, about midway through gray and cruddy January we made up our minds to do it; to sell the big house and throw in with this new wild idea. In fact, the whole scheme was so wild that Bill, in a fit of genius, dubbed the Green Hill property "Hogwild." And the name has stuck. At first the company of our Earth During one of our first forays to Family consisted of the Byers (Bill Hogwild — trying to decide whether and Jeanette and 3-year-old Hanand haw to buy the place: Jeanette and nah), the Kings (Joan and Al and Hannah, Maggie and Selena in the big kids), The Walthers (Jim and Rosehorse barn. mary), and Randy Williams, a friend of Bill's from Winston-Salem. But as weeks went by and Bill beat his brains out engineering the land deal by himself, the Kings opted instead for some land they'd found across the river and bowed out. Tom Cowan, a talented watercolorist, and Father Bill Austin, a socalled "hippie priest" at the black Episcopal church, also came and went, after briefly sharing in the hopes of buying in with us. When it came down to signing papers and plunking down the money in early February, three families remained, and so the Byers, Walthers and Lauterers signed for the whole place. I got a Federal Land Bank loan and paid one-third down, $4,500, buying 48.6 acres for $13,500 or about $280 an acre. Imagine just hiking around 300 acres trying to A name to fit an audacious idea. decide which part you wanted. After �Beginnings 5 I always thought Bill and Jeanette's Big House looked like a Mississippi river boat left stranded up on the knoll. Built in 1915, it is a wonder of gingerbread and angled walls. weeks of slogging up and down the mountainsides in mud and rain, we found a secluded valley just east of Bill and Jeanette's Big House; a perfect cove for the cabin. It had been logged within the last ten years and so we got it cheap. When it came to surveying our tract off, surveyor Bill Hawkins did the work while Jim Walther and I helped to cut the line and hold the pole. It was sort of a dead-reckoning and therefore cheap method of guessing on the map where things were, penciling in a theoretical line and then just heading off in that direction with hopes that the final result would be as close to the 50-acre goal as possible. As it turned out, we didn't do too badly. We closed on the land in March, and by this time it had become a real Byers family event with Bill's younger brothers, Bruce, Stuart and Burwell, buying in too, along with Randy Williams, Mike Thompson's sister whose name I don't know, and Bill's dad buying the remaining plot originally wanted by Father Austin. (We still call that high point on the land "Father Austins View.") Incidentally, why we found this cut-over land attractive in its ugliest bare January state is still a mystery to me. Perhaps we had a vision, and our dreams were so strong. �6 Hogwild TTze /and had been logged a couple of years before and was downright ugly in winter. But it had potential — and, it was cheap. Here, we're standing in the Soccer Field looking up at the knoll where the cabin will go. By April we were working on the land every spare weekend, clearing the site by hand with swing-blades, clippers, and bush-ax. No bulldozers allowed here. Bill and Jeanette moved into the Big House, and in late April, the younger brothers, both in their early 20s, erected a sure-enough teepee and had set up primitive homesteading in the meadow by the river. All spring we engaged in the slow and sweaty task of clearing the land. I lost a contact lens to a flying limb on the first day out. We camped on warm early spring nights by the creek, heard deer crashing about in the underbrush, worked on the building site, and played in Silver Creek making dams and terraces. The little cove that Maggie discovered cuddles up to Silver Creek like a mountain mama. Prior to finding the spot, we'd walked circles around the spot, and it was only after the ridge (Jockey's Ridge) we'd wanted at first proved to be outside Hogwild entirely, that Maggie led me up the cove and then she later found the level knoll where we finally decided to build. We named our cove Sourwood Holler for the abundance of blooming and early-turning sourwood trees, which have always had something of a mystical quality to me. "I've got a girl on Sourwood Mountain, hay-dee-ding-dang, doodle- �Beginnings 7 all-day," my Chapel Hill Elementary School music teacher, Mrs. Adelaide McCall, had taught us to sing. Naming the places has been a fun and frightening task; how many times in your life do you get to name geographical features for all time? Silver Creek, the bubbling mountain stream that makes something of a peninsula out of the knoll, was named that for a variety of reasons: a poem by Maggie referring to "sweet silver eyes," a Bob Dylan song about the silver singing river, and Thoreau likening water upon land unto the eye of the earth. The Soccer Field is the long flat meadow below the cabin site and creek, coined by Jeanette for its length and width. Maybe we will play soccer in there someday. Hogwild, it turns out, was a perfect name for this place. Bill and Jeanette have installed a big yellow mailbox out by the main road with the following painted on its side: Jeanette and Wm. J. Byers are HOGWILD fife--., -. ? ' "- '"'.:Jlf -K . : • *f£ *, 'A** -.. ? " ' Bill and Jeanette's mailbox. �2 How Firm a Foundation "A terrace nine stories high begins with a pile of earth; A journey of a thousand miles starts under one's feet." — Lao Tsu 6th century BC Wednesday, June 12, 1974 — After we got the newspaper printed, I hustled out to the land, burned gobs of brush. Health Dept. man came that afternoon and told us where the septic tank should go. Then I contacted the road and septic tank company. They said they'd be here next week. The cabin site sits down in the cove about 300 feet below the Byers' driveway. We found a decrepit logging trail that will serve as the bed for a road. Once it is dozed and graveled I believe it will work fine, even though it is steep. Thursday, June 13, 1974 — Sold our house today to the Rogers of Burlington. Good news is that we have until August to move. At the land we burned more brush, cleared more land, and I chainsawed two big poplars on the cabin site that had to go. Too bad, because I'm trying to hang on to every tree I can, including one bent big dogwood that was bowed and practically destroyed by a partially fallen poplar. Friday, June 14,1974 — We have broken a garden at the land just across Silver Creek in the Soccer Field. Much to our amazement we found several Indian pottery shards in the loamy soil, confirming Bill's supposition that this area was once populated by Cherokees, who either lived right here or used the nearby river as a trading path. After gardening in the sultry heat, we knocked off and just went and �Haw Firm a Foundation '*'1* ''''^ii|^^ 9 -ir- "i.j. .- * The log barn sits up on Hogwild Blvd. WO yards above the building site. The tenant house is in the background. sat cooling off in a little waterfall way up Silver Creek above the cabin site. Down by the creek we have cleared sort of a play area, and I've built a rock fireplace. Tonight we had a great fire and did roast corn and burnt wieners. Bill and Jeanette came by with Hannah and we sat up until dark talking by the firelight about our dreams. Saturday, June 15,1974 — Borrowed a truck today and drove up to Jonas Ridge where Dr. Austin Hyde has a cabin. He has donated a bunch of wood he's salvaged, fine old 14-foot beams and tons of siding. Also, we bought a four-man tent so we can camp down in Sourwood Holler this summer while building. Sunday, June 16,1974 — It was Father's Day, so we had Maggie's dad down for a picnic on the land, but after carrying the old picnic table down to the creek and pitching the tent, the heavens opened and it came a frogstrangler. We had to retreat back to the Byers' Big House for lunch. Later, we worked on labeling the logs. I've devised a method that goes like this: file cards are marked with the log's identification number, wrapped in "Baggies" and stapled on either end so I'll know original positions. Also, I've photographed the barn extensively for record-keeping. The front of the barn I've labeled A and B, 1-13 from the ground up. �10 Hogwild The back is labeled M (for Maggie) 1-13; the north side is labeled W (for Wild) 1-13; and the south side X (because I couldn't think of anything else cute) 1-13. The barn's south wing is supported by two huge horizontal logs: Big Mama and Big Daddy. Pop's on top. Then the vertical support beams are Zonk 1 through 9, so named after one of my stranger nicknames. The north wing's beams are less intact, Sad Sack being the name of one of the partially rotted sill beams, and the verticals are Skipper 1 through 9, because that's one of Selena's nicknames and thafs her bedroom to be. By dusk Maggie and I had finished labeling the cabin. (I notice I have started calling the barn the "cabin," and that's projecting quite a bit, because what we're talking about is surely only a barn - a low entrance, second story hay door, dirt floor and stalls.) There are two rafters about eight logs up that span the center room. Maggie and I crawled up there as the evening settled in. We just sat there dreaming and listening to rampant whippoorwills going Hogwild. Oh yes, also unloaded the beams and siding from Dr. Hyde's cabin in Jonas Ridge; turns out the wood is solid chestnut! Couldn't be more tickled. Monday, June 17,1974 — After a hard day on the paper, we got out to the land by 6 p.m. for a final day of cutting and burning in anticipation for the road and septic tank folks due here by Wednesday. Stopped well after sundown and went by Bill and Jeanette's for tea and sympathy. Bill and I got into an endless planning/strategy session about how to take the barn down and move it. All appears ready to go into action. I should be able to start the foundation (we hope) by Thursday, June 20...take say 10 days for that, and possibly be moving logs down and out by July 1. Hope against hope. Wednesday, June 19,1974 — Today was supposed to have been D-Day for the road and septic tank, but they failed to show. That threw me off. Guess we've got to get used to that. I discovered too that the log labeling done with Bic "Banana" felttipped pen has washed off in the rain. Even wrapped in Baggies, the ink dissolved. Will do it over in something wax-based like Crayola Crayons. Thursday, June 20, 1974 — I got to the land around noon and began working alone salvaging wallboards from the tenant house. It's beautiful wood — wide tongue and groove pine without any knots. I found a lovely fireplace with huge hearthstones. The house is just full of this �Haw Firm a Foundation 11 n Front and overhead views of the barn structure. heart pine. We'll use it all. Got more than enough of the faded whitewash pine to do the kitchen. Worked all morning alone, the dogs and the hearth fire as company. A huge rainstorm blew in that afternoon. The old house groaned and clapped tin roof sheets in the high wind. It was truly wild. Mid-afternoon a concrete truck arrived and brought 200 blocks and six bags of Brixment for the foundation. But of course I don't have a road down in the Holler yet, so the entire load had to be left beside the road at the top of the cove; reckon I'll have to tote them in by hand... �Hogwild 12 11 ig*ft"2 "I ^=^a!==:3X barn labeling system proved its value with time. Maggie came later that afternoon and together we attacked the upstairs bedroom, salvaging a ceiling that was water-damaged, plus one side wall. It was dirty, hot and rewarding work; like getting something for nothing. While pulling back one wallboard, I uncovered the lair of a big coiled blacksnake which jumped out at me as if spring-loaded. If there's not a track event called the "standing backwards leap," then maybe there ought to be, and I'd have qualified. I leapt backwards and fell over a pile of wood. Along with the horde of yellowjackets we liberated, it was a pretty exciting encounter. We washed up in Silver Creek, cooked hoop cheeseburgers over the house's ancient fireplace, havA summer storm blows across Hogwild ing a wonderful evening camping as I salvage in the tenant house and in the old house. light a fire. Ruby the Weather Dog seeks reassurance. Friday, June 21, 1974 — Today is �Haw Firm a Foundation 13 Saint Han's Day, the Midsummer Night's Eve. Bill tells me that traditionally during this, the shortest night of the year, the old Scandinavians partied like wildmen around a bonfire. So thafs what we're going to do. I worked all day digging foundation ditches for the footing. About halfway through, Bruce Byers brought me a gas-powered ditchdigger from North State Gas Co. That is some monster. It was all I could do just to keep the thing under control; like trying to hold back a raging bull. But by the end of the day, I had completed the basic outline of the cabin: 18'x22' and not squared at all. Wednesday, June 26,1974 — While trying to place a sturdy log house down on the sloping knoll in the Holler, we're aiming at maintaining the exact atmosphere of the place. I want to leave as many trees as possible. If I dig the foundation footings by hand, there will be no need for a dozer, whose maneuvering would no doubt destroy trees needlessly. The idea is for the cabin to look as if it just grew there, truffle-like. It should appear as if the cove gently cradles around the old log cabin. In many ways, I'd love just to have a path winding down through the woods to the cabin. But I'm having to compromise here. I need a road to get the logs, blocks and rocks in, and today it was the septic tank that had to get in. Today was in/credible — as in "beyond belief." Maggie in the "kitchen " wing with logs labeled Big Daddy overhead, Big Mama below, and vertical Zonk uprights. �14 Hogwild Barefoot Selena clambers around in what will be the living room. I got there at 9 a.m. and the septic tank folk were there chomping at the bit to be done with it. This was the same outfit that was supposed to do the road, but that part of the operation seemed absent. Because I'd never had any experience with this sort of thing, I just kept expecting them to know what they were doing and do it right. �How Firm a Foundation 15 The barn on Hogwild Blvd., logs labeled and ready to be moved down into Sourwood Holler. It was a collision between ideological opposites, between a young pioneer wanting to preserve his habitat and mad-dog industrial widgetconstruction mentality. The job superintendent, a Rod Steiger lookalike, growled at me right off: "Y'orta hadda bulldozer in here," he said as he huffed past me up the little logging trail. Fantastic. I wagged my head, dreading the next hours. And I had plenty to dread. These guys just didn't respect the Land. Trees meant obstacles to these men. Knock 'em down if they're in the way. I felt like a guest at my own place. Saving trees became my main concern as the contractor seemed to square off; he just wanted to get done and get out. I wanted it done right and with minimal damage. But the cabin's remote location and difficult terrain really hacked him off. Here was the line-up: The septic tank like a big gray coffin riding on an eight-ton, E-flat, double-clutching eightwheel Mack truck as long as the log barn, a platoon of dump trucks with gravel, and a back-hoe to dig the hole and the aerating field below the tank...all this was backed up Bill's road, their diesel engines growling and ready. When it all started, there was no stopping the debacle; there could only be damage control on my part. Once, when I was pulling back an oak sapling around one of those immense dump trucks as it eased down �16 Hogwild the woodland path, the driver looked out at me and grumbled scornfully, "Getta ax." Horrified by the total lack of understanding and hanging in mid-air from this dude's monster truck, I had the presence of mind to paraphrase good old John Muir: "Any fool can cut down a tree, "I responded. "But it's just a little bit tougher to try and save one." That fell on deaf ears, for the driver looked at me as if I was the goldangest fool he'd ever seen. So there I was, dashing around pleading with machine operators to watch that sourwood please, and couldn't we just lift that dogwood over the bed of your gravel truck, thank you... The superintendent stormed past me about mid-day, and snorted, "If I'd seen this job, I'd never come." Slowly it began to dawn on me: they were going to get all those trucks down here, get that septic tank in, get stuck up to their proverbial axles, and then put the road in. I watched with a mixture of fascination and horror as every one of those trucks that rumbled down the steep, narrow logging path got hopelessly mired in the muck they themselves had made out of my humble entrance. So, to get those trucks out, the backhoe had to spend much of the morning pulling trucks inch by inch out of the cove, and the result was two-foot-deep tractor tire gouges in the "road." Plus, the fact that they busted two logging chains in the effort didn't improve the workers' temperament. When things quieted down, I had a chance to get on with my work of starting to lay the concrete footing for the foundation. The workers watched in undisguised amazement the primitive foundation taking shape. "You dug this by hand?" one asked, just to make sure. By the end of the day, the septic tank was safely snuggled in its bed, the gravel field installed and buried nearby, I had five feet of footing poured, and the "road" looked like dark brown mashed potatoes. By this time I was fully prepared to agree with one trucker who offered kindly, "You'd be better off just to go in the bushes." It had been a day of sound and fury, of Man demonstrating his power to thrash the Land into submission. And for me, the encounter confirmed my worst suspicions, reinforcing my conviction that I'd do this one by myself and do it right. When they had all left, when all the clanking earth-moving, eating and chomping equipment had rumbled out of my valley at dusk, I walked to the brink of the cove — and something seemed to take hold �How Firm a Foundation 17 of me; I froze in my tracks, barely breathing. It was the sound of the woodland silence. Holding my breath not to mar that spell, I opened all senses of sight, smell, hearing, feel, and yes, taste to the land, as it seemed to rush back protectively from all sides to reclaim the little cove in a wilderness hug of green utter silence, as if to comfort my cabin site for the day's injustices and brush away sourwood tears. And right then I promised my cove I'd never again let Man inflict himself upon her fragile beauty; that it'll be done the hard way, the right way, and in such a way as not to disturb a single leaf. It's a promise I intend to keep. Maggie returned from a late-night jazz singing practice and we sloshed down to the campsite in the rain, mud and muck. We both just passed out and slept great on our cots amid the staccato lullaby of fat raindrops dive-bombing off the overhanging boughs and slapping flatly on the canvas tent. Thursday, June 27, 1974 — We had a fine breakfast up at the tenant house because there's plenty of dry wood there. This morning the sun is shining but all the wood down at the campsite is soaked. My initial footing of yesterday was dry, though. I spent the morning putting in the remaining footing on the entire north face of the foundation. I'm ready to lay block when it dries. Happy day. By 2 p.m. the rains returned, and a real downpour too. So I retreated to Jean's Kitchen, the local country cafe in Green Hill, and wrote herein and had lunch. The rain seemed to want to settle in, so I returned to salvage in the tenant house. Maggie returned from shopping and errands, and we spent four hours taking out nails, stacking boards, and uncovering two more fireplaces. By sundown we had three fires Doing it the hard way: toting in blocks one going, and it was cozy even by one and digging footings by hand. �18 Hogwild I've laid the first course, and momentarily lose control. though the rain continued unabated. We cooked supper there over the fire, and then worked by firelight salvaging until around 9 p.m. we drove down to B and J's for real Hogwild blackberry sundaes, and watched Kung Fu, a TV program Bill likes for its Eastern philosophical approach. And then we took our flashlights and stumbled off into the woods to our campsite and so to bed. Friday, June 28,1974 — When the biblical folk wrote of building your house upon a rock, and the hymnist penned, "How Firm a Foundation/' they knew the value of building a house, however humble, upon something more substantial than what many of our ticky-tack subdivision tract houses rest upon. This log cabin venture took another historic first step this morning with the laying of the cornerstone, the first block. This minor miracle occurred without official fanfare, mayoral ribbon-cutting, or photographers snapping pictures of silver shovel-wielding investors. Just me in my grubby red gym shorts, kneeling in the mud. I placed the first block snugly in its bed of concrete to the sibilant hurrah of Silver Creek. And I stopped to look about if the forest or my cove was paying proper attention to the momentous event. No, there was no change in the land. Just a hole with some hardened concrete. But otherwise the wildness remained unimpressed. Well, I was impressed. I've had absolutely no previous experience in block laying or any other form of construction for that matter. The city boy turned country man discovers at every turn that there is so much to be learned. So much that I don't know. And I learn painfully, trial and error. �Haw Firm a Foundation 19 A foundation, for instance, requires engineering comprehension I'd never dreamed of — especially when building on a slope. The first-timeout builder learns (1) start it level and keep it that way, and (2) the higher the ground the deeper you dig, and the lower, the shallower you dig. By mid-afternoon I'd put in 14 blocks (all carried down the Holler by hand, two at a time), the entire first row of the north face — all perfectly level if a little crooked in places. Lesson # 47: No one told me to keep my hands out of the concrete. After a couple of days of handling the stuff, my hands look like those of Dustin Hoffman playing a 115-year-old in Little Big Man. So knotted with new muscles and calluses, my hands feel like those of pioneers and they do vast injustice to guitar strings. Reckon the real old-timers playing by the light of lamplight at day's end got used to playing with those strong, gnarled tools, the hands of a man of the land. Saturday, June 29, 1974 — Observing my work, Jeanette says, "It actually looks like something's being built down here now." Today was a really good work day — completed almost the entire north and west faces, three to four blocks high on the foundation. All this goes very slowly, since we're still without a road and forced to haul everything in like coolies by hand: blocks from the top of the cove two at a time, buckets of sand that we've filched from Broad River sand piles at the swimming hole three miles away, and water toted by bucket up from Silver Creek — and all is mixed with an old broken-handled hoe in a borrowed mortar pan. Maggie went to sing at Land Harbors in Linville tonight. Selena and I camped out at Silver Creek site. Sunday, June 30,1974 — Maggie didn't get back from the gig until 3 this afternoon. No phone down here so she couldn't reach me. I was really worried, and contemplated for the first time what life might be like without her: unimaginable and empty. Selena had played all day down at Hannah's, and I worked alone laying block, and even though it was a lovely day down in the Holler, I was strangely lonely for the first time. When Maggie returned in the mid-afternoon I was so relieved I was ashamed for needing her so much. She had finished singing late and had opted to spend the night at her mom's in nearby Crossnore. We concluded the day with a Byers family picnic down at the Big House, and if there was a celebratory feeling about the affair, maybe I was imagining it; or maybe I was just privately rejoicing for the return of my raven-haired mountain woman. �20 Hogwild Monday, July 1,1974 — A newspapering day for me, and the road is still in shambles from the Great Septic Tank Massacre. Wednesday, July 3,1974 — Glory be! The wilderness road happened! As fate would have it, no sooner did I berate the drivers of Big Things ravaging Sourwood Holler than I have to eat those words. I have met a backhoe operator and a bunch of dump truck operators who are virtuosos at their craft. Roger Watson, the backhoe operator, is a math teacher at Cool Springs Junior High during the school year. On the backhoe he is a calm, meticulous artist gently at work. I could practically see Roger's mental computations and mathematical exactitude translated to backhoe tractor blade as he went over and over the road until it satisfied his painstaking specifications. Not a single tree felt even the vaguest whisper of his blade. And the dump truck fellows delivering the gravel this time did a magnificent job of backing in part-way and carefully getting out again. Indeed, one dude tickled me... after dumping his load, he said, "Fellers back at the office have been talking about this place." He grinned at my wilderness road and chuckled. This time, I was only too glad to chuckle along with him. Thursday, July 4, 1974 — We traveled to Snow Camp to sing for the dedication service of the new outdoor drama, The Sword of Peace, which is fitting, because it's about the North Carolina Quakers during the Revolutionary War — and my ancestors on the Rush side of the family were Quakers in this state and very much a part of that history. Friday, July 5,1974 — A sultry thing, July. Air conditioner busted in the front office and if s so hot up there you can't think. I'm writing in the airconditioned darkroom with my trusty black Royal nestled on the easel of the enlarger. Today I laid several more blocks and more footing around the northeast and southwest corners after re-measuring and relocating strings and stakes. Maybe it's because I'm out in it all the time now...but it seems like this is one wet summer. Every time I crank up to lay block the heavens open and dump on me. Still, I'm three-quarters of the way through the foundation. �Haw Firm a Foundation 21 Saturday, July 6,1974 — Raining buckets again. Drove the Ghia down the road loaded with concrete blocks (Ghias aren't made for such yeoman service) and the road is so mushy yet, the car couldn't climb out. Precipitation seems adamant about flooding out my best efforts. I really wanted to finish the foundation this weekend. I'm learning about construction deadlines vs. the fickle elements, and about reconciling the two. Perhaps wilderness road will pack down and firm up with time. Otherwise I'll be forced to rename it "Four Wheel Drive." Today I laid the corners on both NE and SW sides and am ready to charge on towards the final SE corner — if only the weather will cooperate. That afternoon some real friends came to my rescue. My old best buddy from Chapel Hill and early days at This Week, Danielle Withrow, blew into Hogwild accompanied by the Chigger-Slappin' Shine-Sippin' Summer Jug Band of Goldsboro (where Danielle now works as director of the Arts Council). What a crew: Dan Mason, Alice Creech and Rick Ervin all helped by toting blocks down to the site. And of course, an outfit with a name like that couldn't work without a marching tune, so they accompanied themselves on kazoos, playing "Colonel Bogey's March" (the theme music to The Bridge Over the River Kwai) as they came striding into the clearing with their blocks. What a great afternoon; I got a lot done on the foundation. And that night on the campfire we cooked up a goulash sort of mixture we call "Union Grove," named for the fiddler's convention where we met. The dish consists of anything and everything anybody Kazoo'ing while they work, Rick Irving has to contribute. and Dan Mason carry blocks. After supper we lit into �22 Hogwild -^,•;••••• •." "" .- *^.-i . ^; :-r7*^^.-&.A :,,F'-,4^ '• +t> •?%!/"• Chigger-Slappin', Shine-Sippin' Summer Jug Band comes to our aid. jug band music and on through the night and then when the monsoons came, we piled into the tent and kept at it (all nine of us) while outside the campfire mysteriously kept blazing through the downpour.. .until it got so bad that the tent started leaking and we had to hightail it down to Bill and Jeanette's and just passed out on the floor and slept fine. Sunday, July 7, 1974 — We returned to the campsite for breakfast, and whipped up a gobbledygook omelette — the eggy counterpart to "Union Grove." The sun came out and I was able to lay more block. That afternoon we all went swimming in the Rocky Broad, and cooked supper at B&J's. Long live the Chigger-Slappin', Shine-Sippin' Summer Jug Band! They really made a difference. Wednesday, July 10, 1974 — Nearing completion of foundation. Good weather allowed me to work all afternoon after getting the paper out. Thursday, July 11, 1974 — A really good work day. I nearly completed the blessed foundation. Just 15 more blocks to go and I've used up all 200. So I had to go to Henson Timber and buy the remainder. Lewis Barnes, who is sort of my spiritual mentor there, kids me unmercifully whenever I go in and ask inevitably dumb questions. And this time he got a hoot out of seeing me loading 15 concrete blocks in the tiny Karman Ghia. �Haw Firm a Foundation 23 Friday July 12, 1974 — Today I completed the 18x22' foundation. I couldn't be more happy about it. The damned thing actually came out level! I christened the foundation with a Rolling Rock, being fresh out of Dom Perignon at the time. And then I christened myself with a brew as Maggie took pictures of the laying of the historic Last Block. Incidentally, to save myself from having to tote out garbage, I've been stashing my empties in the air spaces in the concrete blocks. I reckon in the 24th century, some archeologist will unearth the cabin and find a rich lode of historically precious beer bottles buried like time capsules from 1974. At last, the foundation is completed. We pose for ceremonial photos. �3 The Summer of 74: Barn-Razing and Cabin-Raising "No great journey was ever begun with apologies" — Chinese saying "Well begun is half done." — Aristotle Sunday, July 14,1974 — We got up early, having spent the night again at the campsite. Along with Bill and his cousin Terry Klavan, an engineer from Charlotte, I attacked the roof of the barn before it got too hot. It was one of those days where you know in the early morning that On a morning as hot as blazes, Bill, cousin Terry Klavan, and I attack the roof. �Barn-Razing and Cabin-Raising 25 it's going to be a baker, and it would make the tin roof a veritable frying pan for would-be woodbutchers. We clambered around like kids on a jungle gym; it was admittedly scary but exhilarating, taking the old tin roofing off and slinging the sheets below, where Maggie and Jeanette stacked them. Next we took down the old rough-sawn pine roof boards. How tall the thing seems when you're 30 feet off the ground working on a 45-degree pitch and you're throwing away your own support system. The sun blasted down making me wish out loud I had my Caterpillar cap ("Cat Hat," I call it), causing Bill to opine that if I did, I'd be a..."Cat on a Hot Tin Roof." I guess we were getting altitude sickness. We got pretty silly; the three musketeers slinging wood and tin about from a giddy height. We finished around noon and were hot, sweaty, and grimy from old barn grit and dirt. We decided to call it a day, and all trooped down to the swimming hole and threw ourselves in the cooling Broad as a reward. The result of our work is that the building now looks less like a barn and more like a Jeanette hits the water down at the old cabin. Now I am ready for the swimming hole after a day's hot work. final barn razing itself. Wednesday, July 17,1974 —Today has been absolutely unreal: Bill and I, just two men, took down the entire barn and we did it completely by hand. Starting to work at dawn, we tackled the problem of how to remove the roof rafters. This was no small undertaking, for the pitch was easily 45 degrees and the rafters met at the ridgepost fully two feet above our reach. We had no idea how to take down the rafters and still keep them intact. �26 Hogwild With careful rope work, the barn comes down, log by log. "Well, let's not think about it too much/' Bill said. "Lef s just get up there and start doing it." And so thaf s what we did. We just did it. Starting at the outside gables, we unhooked RB and RK series (Roof Bath and Roof Kitchen) where they joined the top sill log, number 13 on either side and nicknamed "Big Deal" (for one of the Jets from West Side Story) and so named because of their immensity. As we went along, we learned by doing, and figured out that the process of unhooking every other rafter (so we still had something to hold onto), letting one end drop in a lazy arc, would loosen it at the other end where it met that out-of-reach ridgepole. Then on the ground, we could simply wrench it free. While Bill shimmied down one Big Deal and loosened rafters on his side, I did likewise on the opposing Big Deal. Through this process, with log rafters falling all about us, we laughingly developed a sort of a battle-cry for the day... "You OK?" I'd holler after a series bit the dust. "Yeah, I'm OK," Bill'd call back. Naturally this led us to conclude slaphappily that the title of a book on how to survive a barn razing/cabin raising would have to be titled I'm OK, You're OK. At last, we got it down to three series of rafters on each side. Then, we saw he could unhook that skeleton at the middle, and simply push either end down in a controlled fall. So that's what we tried — and it worked. Amazingly, none of the skinned pine pole rafters broke. And we �Barn-Razing and Cabin-Raising 27 were left standing there 15 feet up on our respective Big Deals, now the tallest thing around. It was a heady, verily experience. By midday we were ready for some heavy equipment. I'd contracted with a young man to come with his tractor and forklift, and use this device to remove the logs, drag them down to the Holler and then put them back up, again using the forklift. It seemed like the logical way. But it was not meant to happen that way. The dude arrived on the forklift and his friend came on the tractor, but once they saw the size of the project, they both started jawing about, "Hey, man, I mean wow, this sure looks like a lotta' work, man..." While they stood around flapping their jaws, Bill and I devised a method for removing the logs simply by means of rope and muscle. See, we were on a builder's high, and weren't about to let indecision stop us. We found we could rope each end of the top log, and lower one end at a time, using the next log down as a brake. We began by unpegging the top sills, the Big Deals, and we must have lowered eight logs while these two helpless guys watched. Once, while I was lowering my end of a log, a rusty nail bit into my stomach; I didn't even notice. "Hey, man, you're bleeding," said one of the groundlings. They didn't understand, we were having too much fun to hurt. Finally, the pair of shrinking violets belatedly decided to help. But they were pathetic; they dragged two logs down to the foundation and returned to tell us that was all they could take. I couldn't believe it. I had contracted to pay as much as $250 for their work. But it worked out for the best. Bill and I had discovered the Eureka Factor, and we were doing it all ourselves for free and having a ball at the same time. Filled with confidence in our new-found strength, we Bill, Stuart, and Burwell Byers pitch in, and it's done. �28 Hogwild lowered logs until, around 4 p.m., we got to the seventh round. Then brothers Burwell and Stuart arrived and pitched in. We experienced a rare 30 minutes in which we took down the last 28 logs using what we called the Four Corners Offense (with apologies to Dean Smith). Using our rope method, each of us took one top corner of the barn, and alternating as our turn came, we gently lowered our corner to the ground, until the barn's logs lay scattered about our feet, and we cheered. Incredible. We had met adversity and overcome it with sheer common sense. A keystone building philosophy has been uncovered. I'm reminded that it's something I've heard before but hadn't fully internalized: when Maggie was asking 90-year-old Aunt Nettie of nearby Bills Creek how she learned to quilt, the wonderful old woman just smiled and told us, "Why child, y' just do it!" What Bill and I have discovered is that if you just begin, then the answers have a way of revealing themselves to you. The process is its own solution. But the builder has to be attuned to this possibility for novelty. And you have to give yourself permission to go out on this "leap of faith," as my friend Reggie Cooke calls it. I may never be the same again. And the beautiful thing about all this is that now it seems equally feasible to put the process in reverse — and reconstruct the entire cabin using ropes and the same Four Corners Offense. Only, this time, gravity won't be on our side. At the end of this zoomy day, we four guys went swimming in the Broad to wash off, and that was so fine. It helped, as my legs are cramping terribly tonight. But it's worth the price. I was a monkey-man on the Lincoln Logs. We all went out to supper and returned to bed early at camp as Steve Walker had been contracted to come early with his tractor and haul logs. Also, Bill's friends Charlie Ratcliffe and Cousin Gene Ham are assembling so that we'll have a slew of folk here for a cabin-raising! Somebody pinch me. Thursday, July 18,1974 — Another fabulous workday. The whirlwind roared on. Steve Walker with his tractor arrived at midmorning but had little success dragging logs with the cable he brought. So I hightailed it to town and bought one monster of a logging chain, and raced back to the woods. Hooking up the first three logs, Steve sounded like a country Eeyore: "You'll be the luckiest man alive if you get all these logs down �Barn-Razing and Cabin-Raising 29 'Crazy Steve" drags the logs from the old site to the new foundation in a day. there by today," he said gloomily — and then proceeded to amaze himself and us as well. The thing worked, and the pace picked up dramatically. By midafternoon the pessimist was converted; he'd done it and done it all. I paid him $75 after much talk about doom and gloom prompting me to call him Crazy Steve. It was all very depressing and sobering but worth listening to. "People will be killing each other for food within six months," Crazy Steve said, advising, "Keep a gun, and better save your bullets — for people!" Later that day, we start in, and get four courses up. �30 Hogwild After the prophet drove away, Burwell and Stuart agreed to help us lay the first four series of logs. This was the most exciting moment: actually placing the big sill log, X-l and W-l in place on the foundation and having everything fit. Have I mentioned this before? But the foundation rectangle wasn't square, and so that the notches would fit correctly, I had to basically build the foundation "wrong," that is to say: true to the fit of the old barn, even though it was whackeyjawed. Working on, the three of us put up 12 logs, or three series, and past there, we saw we' d need fresh recruits before going any higher. The logs we were hefting were 22 feet long and 10 inches wide and 14 inches thick. That's a lot of log. Again the gentle Broad River accepted our filthy but honestly dirty bodies with its soul-reviving whirlpool bath. Afterward we all supped together at Bill and Jeanette's. Gene Ham, an old friend of Bill's from Sewanee, was there with friend Kristin along with my good man Charlie Ratcliffe (whose services I have acquired to help me roof) and wife Susan. We had a fine veggie supper and talked of the D-Day to come. Friday, July 19,1974 — Cabin-raising! A day I'll never forget. It began with the four of us, me, Bill, Gene and Charlie, going at the logs with strong backs and lots of laughing. We did it by pure heft, and using the labeling system we'd devised. The file cards (marked with Crayola Crayons, wrapped in Baggies, and stapled on either end of the log) had Here goes: Bill, me, Cousin Gene Ham, and Charlie Ratcliffe start in with the lower logs. �Barn-Razing and Cabin-Raising <Sfe«.>>-*:'' . 31 ~" The logs go up with relative ease until they begin getting over our heads., ...then it takes every thing you've got. survived being dragged down into the Holler. It was sort of like building a house by Mattel; we just followed my diagrams and hunted for the right log in the piles. Whoever found it would holler out "Wild-8!" or whatever, and then we'd get together and tote it over and heave it up into its place. By noon the cabin was rising about us seemingly of its own will. But we had gone about as high as we could without busting a gut. The women up at the Big House had fixed a hearty lunch for the pioneering menfolk: chicken gumbo with veggies from our gardens, and Kristin's "health bread." It was great, and we rested sore backs until Burwell and Stuart arrived with friend Chris Riegert �32 Hogwild j%^y:f Gene Horn and Charlie Ratcliffe work one corner. The two 40-foot monsters that span the wings challenge us, especially on the deep side. �Barn-Razing and Cabin-Raising 33 around 1 p.m. Our work force was now seven, and they were magnificent. The higher the logs had to go, of course, the tougher the work became. The guys pulling the ropes became airborne like church bell ringers, at times completely off the ground with bodies perpendicular to the inside of the log wall. On the outside, there were three guys hefting each end, and up on top were another two pulling the rope from that position. There were times when each one of us was strained to his physical Up she goes, one corner at a time, and with rope handlers on the inside walls. limits. The higher we go, the more the building process reminds us of playing on a jungle gym. �34 Hogwild Looking back on it now, I realize that if anything had slipped, or anybody had fallen, it could have been taps right then and there. The massive heart pine logs would have mashed us like buckwheat cakes. But we were working too hard and having too much fun to think of anything like that then. And we were being swept up in the momentum of the building; I guess it's the spirit of a cabin-raising. The closer we got to the top and to completion, the more the excitement mounted. Maggie added to the sense of history being made by running around taking pictures of the whole process. When about midafternoon it started raining, no one seemed to notice. The light summer shower came as sort of a summer elixir sent to soothe sweaty workers. We heaved, grunted, and shoved on through the drizzle, until at last, the two behemoth logs, Big Deals X-13 and W-13, were manhandled into place. Then came the finishing touches of lining up the biggies and actually pegging the original pegs back into their old positions. Perched high atop one corner, I whacked the final peg home and cheered, waving my hand-ax like a Hogwild thing. We clambered down the logs, grinning broadly, slapping backs and popping beers. What a cosmic rush to see my house, as Charlie put it, "flipping up before my very eyes." I am boggled; in the space of three days friends and I had taken down, moved and rebuilt the core of the house. This barn-razing/cabinraising has been a total experience. I've never worked so hard, for so long, for such a stake. Nor have I ever been so dirty, so happy and so exhausted in the space of three decades since I boarded this spaceship earth. I know this is just the beginning in many ways. Floor, roof, wiring, plumbing, windows and the Ten Thousand Little Things have to be done before it's finished. I'm confident we can do it all in good time. But the first and most crucial step was the log-raising. It was just as good as I hoped it'd be; a once-in-a-lifetime experience. �Barn-Razing and Cabin-Raising 35 Then at last, there it is, 13 courses high, standing proud, solid, and straight. �4 Roofing: In Which We Become Acquainted with 5,500 Shingles "Gimme Shelter" — the Rolling Stones Sunday, July 21,1974 — As old Aunt Nettie says, "Good friends is good friends." And today more good folk came to help. After the Organic Garden Club picnic down at B&J's, several adventurous high-wire artists joined me for the aerial act. Crazy Steve was great up there, along with Hogwilder Randy Williams. First, we devised a sort of a poor-man's scaffolding out over the core of the cabin (25 feet straight down, and no net). Then we put up the kingpost — that's the center roof brace, and then when we tried the corner rafters, we discovered the top of the roof extended two feet out of reach. Necessity being the mother of invention, the only alternative was to whack the kingpost down to within reach , and therefore, lower the entire roofline by two feet. Aesthetically I stewed over this, but what to do? Friends were there to work, and, as friend Jim Dunn says, this roadblock to our progress was being "obstacular." So we did it, and work continued. Meanwhile, another item of aesthetic importance solved itself. That was the roofline: I wanted it to have the swag that the barn had. Sounds crazy maybe, but I liked that gentle swayback that comes with age; I had no idea how it happened or how to reproduce it faithfully — until we got into it. Again, the Eureka Factor kicked in. We built the ridgepole out of one-by's nailed together (because we didn't have a 2x4 30 feet long) so that it was supple, and long enough to accommodate the overhang I wanted: not much on the chimney side, and about five feet on the creekside. The idea was to give it the flare of a Swiss chalet; sort of a prow of a roof. �Roofing 37 Getting up the basic ridgepole and ridgeline takes more doing that I imagined. The Organic Garden Club pitches in. Well, when we put the ridgepole up, it naturally sagged slightly because of its light construction, and I could see from that suggestive framing, made really by a mere seven pieces of wood, the bare outlines of a complete roof. It was like a sketch done in wood. And the swag seemed to be there of its own accord. Eureka encore! Thursday Aug. 1,1974 — Notes to myself: — Move (somewhere) by Aug. 15 at the latest. Find a house. — Complete foundation blocking on bathroom and kitchen wings so roof can start. — Get 2x1 Os and fill in for rotten logs. — Notch roof rafters — by hand, in cooler time of day. Monday, Aug. 5,1974 — We have power! The temporary service box has been nailed up to the big poplar outside the future kitchen, and Rutherford Electric Membership Corporation sent a team out here to connect the electricity. I abhor the powerline coming down through the woods; it's offensive, and when all is done, I'll have the powerline buried. One of the linemen looked at what I was doing and asked me with honest amazement: "You mean, you're gonna live here?" �38 Hogwild Thursday, Aug. 8,1974 — Today and yesterday Charlie and I got all the rafter poles up on the main section of the cabin. And yes! The swayback is reproduced in the roof because — of all things — the top sill logs (Big Deal X-13 and Wild-13) were laid sideways and have been like that for gosh knows how many years — so the natural effect is for a sideways log to sag in the middle from its own weight, whereas a log laid upright keeps its rigidity. Friday, Aug. 9,1974 — Amazing. Simply amazing. Today America got a new president. Charlie Ratcliffe and I were working on the bathroom wing joisting and framing when Jeanette hollered at us all the way from the Big House: "Nixon's quitting! It's on TV! Come see!" We dropped our hammers and ran out of the cove, up the hill, and down the driveway to B&J's, talking excitedly. Can this be real? Have they finally gotten Tricky Dicky? Hot and sweaty and clad in cut-offs, dusty nail aprons and brogans, Charlie and I sat stunned in front of the TV. We knew we were watching history. Serves the old crook right. While Watergate has been brewing and Nixon's administration coming unglued in this summer of '74, I'm proud to say I have been building something of honest substance out here in the woods, far away from all that subterfuge and political chicanery — something that's going to outlast many administrations to come, too. It's strange to be building a dream house, and yet not be able to move into it. We've got to get out of the Pea Ridge house by next week, and so we've been looking for temporary shelter while we finish the cabin. This week Jim Walther put us on to an old abandoned house next door to him in Rutherfordton. If the town had a condemnation ordinance, this place would have been used for practice by the fire department. Jim and I scarfed it up for $7,500. It's a steal, but it needs a lot of work. Built around the turn of the century, it has no insulation, the windows are the original drafty big-paned jobs, it has no subfloor — and what's there is old pine, painted brown. (Can you believe they painted the floor?) The wiring and plumbing is ancient, and the kitchen and back porch appear to be just barely hanging on by fingertips to the rest of the house. As far as heat, it has none. I mean nothing. It does have four fireplaces with connections for wood heat, so I reckon this winter we'll start that experiment. �Roofing 39 At the cabin, I've spent the last few days laying the foundation columns for the wings — the kitchen and bathroom sides. Charlie has been helping me frame all that in. And meanwhile I'm getting my first serious lesson in carpentry. The first thing I learned is: get a good hammer. My lightweight, rinkydink hammer made Charlie laugh. And I broke an old wooden-handled hammer I borrowed from Bill. I got what both he and Bill recommended: a big rubber-handled, steel-shanked Stanley Rocket. Now this is a hammer. When I hold it in my hand, I feel its authority. So do the nails. Wednesday Aug. 14,1974 — This moving business has been very timeconsuming and frustrating. It's a wonder we survived the last few weeks. The move was simply terrible: two long weekends with a U-Haul and friend Tony Napoli helping with the heavy stuff. I hated being away from the cabin, but one thing I'm learning this summer — you do what you can do, and be thankful for that. Friday, Aug. 16,1974 — And thankful is what I am tonight. Charlie and I worked like wildmen the last three days, pushing through the framing of the north wing, and today was glorious. Charlie keeps exclaiming "how free this building is..." since we have no blueprints or foreman to answer to. Charlie grins and shakes his head in delight, saying to himself, "I love this. I just love this." You want a room here? We wave into space. We put a room here. Creating something from raw nothings. Three rooms became wooden reality, emerging from napkin drawings, our imaginations, and the demands of the building itself. We two worked through sun and rain until that section was entirely raftered. This was no easy task because I decided I wanted the wing extended to make 12-foot-wide rooms, extending the cabin wings by four feet on either side. This meant extending the rafters from 13'8lf to 15 feet. I came up with a method for extending the rafters, and it involved making new lumber work with old round pine pole rafters. Charlie agreed it was OK structurally. We ran into plenty of problems along the way. For instance we totally forgot the 22-foot-long sill on the north wing. It had to be manufactured as most of that stall on the original barn was completely rotted out. Luckily Billy and Jeanette had donated a bunch of great logs, 5x7s and 4x5s, from an old outbuilding they'd salvaged up at their place. The 22-foot-long outer beam (with a 32-inch overhang over Selena's �40 Hogwild bedroom window) was pieced together from two of those beams; big brawny things they were too. We did what's called a lap joint, and pegged it together. This took longer than expected, but if we learned anything in August it was that things done right take longer. By the time we got the last of the 13 rafters up, we were accompanied by a light August shower. We didn't care; our energy level was high and we were so nasty and dirty that the rain came as a welcome refreshment. Another thing: why run in from the rain when you have nowhere to run? And the irony wasn't lost on us — that while we were building shelter from the elements, those very elements were reminding us how fickle and domineering they could be. We were hot and sweaty when those rains came, and so we just worked on through the glorious shower. The thirteenth hand-notched rafter slid into place, and the sun broke out over us to bathe Sourwood Holler in August tinsel. We cheered and then laughed at each other for looking like two happy drowned cats, hair all matted to our heads, clothes dark with the wood grime of a 150-year-old barn. We took silly pictures of each other. Charlie looked beat. But I struck an Al-Jolson-in-gym-shorts pose. Ta-da! This place is coming together. Yes! The north wing rafters are up, rain or no rain. Ta-da. �Roofing 41 Sunday, Aug. 21, 1974 — Time is sweeping implacably through the year's rushing arc; a faceless juggernaut bent on nothing but its own motion. Time, that Fagin, hurls me ready-or-not into fall. Summer now lives in boxes of black-and-white photographs and a red journal that lamely excuses itself. Autumn creeps lightly into Sourwood Holler. From the cove's green-plumbed depths the cabin rises. Slowly it has sprouted wings. The wings of a great wooden bird spread about her like a mother hen shielding biddies. We, the Biddy family, work beneath those wings and rejoice in flights of fancy: there'll be a big glass door here, and a skylight here, and.... A week flits by. 200 trips to Henson Timber Co. Another couple dozen supply runs to Hills Hardware. Got any eight-inch lag bolts? And a resulting treasure hunt in the store's basement with Robert Hensley. The rain tries its best to wash the road away. Silver Creek gargles her incessant watery yodel. The sounds of approaching autumn wheeze in reedy sibilance. The woodwind section is chaired first by those soprano pipers who know but one note: listen. In the country you can hear autumn coming. The first turncoat is the sourwood, whose finger leaves play treason to the summer, abandoning her greenery for an August burgundy. Deep scarlet splashes stain the still verdant cove like spilled wine. The cabin, like a live thing, settles and adjusts to its new setting and the time of year. Already the logs, green with last week's rain, have found their gray exterior again. The cabin snuggles to its bed as summer dwindles. With time, it appears more mushroom-like, and less like a creation of man. Each day as I leave the Holler, I pause part-way up the hill to turn and look back on the cabin...and sometimes I can scarcely believe that I had anything at all to do with its being here. Sunday, Aug. 25,1974 — Now, a week later and August is all but gone. It's been an amazing month of comings and goings, of moving and settling, and of discoveries and frank confrontations with reality. Work at the paper will get intense again this fall and I won't have as much time as I've had this summer. We've come brickwall up against the stark realization that our log cabin cannot possibly be ready for habitation by this fall. So now work progresses...but we feel a new sort of freedom since the deadline effect has been removed. �42 Hogwild For the last three days Charlie and I have been involved simply on the kitchen side. Framing in has required much ingenuity, for that side stall had all its logs intact and melding old log beams with new lumber is taking a lot of time and unconventional carpenterial thinking. The challenge is to take the original hand-hewn logs of the old cabin and mold it with the shiny-bright, perfectly planed and kiln-dried 2x8s from the lumber yard. Where the new regular surface meets the most irregular and undulating old beams — ah, here, Charlie and I are in new water, like ancient mariners with no maps except the warning: "Beyond Here, There Be Dragons!" So, we go slow, and with respect. Notes to myself: Get 90 feet of 12-inch-wide aluminum flashing for ridgetop, exchange 15pound felt paper for 30pound weight, order cedar shingles for 1000 square feet of roof, get 50 pounds of roofing nails. Aug. 31, 1974 — All this week Charlie and I have been sheathing the roof with plywood. And I have learned a great lesson in physical science; how to confront a 4 f x8 f sheet of plywood, grab it squarely with both The wild roofer strikes a heroic pose hands, heft it (and these buggers aren't that light), then balance it somehow, walk up a ladder, and get it onto the roof rafters. The actual sheeting of the roof has gone quickly, and Charlie has done much of that work. Ready now for shingling. I know it sounds impractical to take the time to roof this big place with individual cedar shakes, but to our way of seeing it, this is absolutely the only type roof to have over an old log cabin. Sunday, Sept. 1,1974 — This is glorious fun — quite easy, too, once you �Roofing 43 get the knack. We started at the kitchen downside, doubling the first course of sweet-smelling cedar shingles to provide a drip shield. Then we established a lovely alternating pattern with the shingles that Charlie said made it look like "you've hired a drunk to help you do your roof." Wednesday, Sept. 11,1974 — We have spent five sessions roofing now, and twice Bill has helped considerably. Charlie has been just incredible; he's taught me so much about carpentry and about being laid-back and still getting it done. And that's what we did today. We actually finished the blasted roof, finished it totally and forever. It was extremely difficult working on the steeper profile of the roof, the ankles took a beating — not to mention having dreams at night of falling off. But we persevered — and in the final minutes of today's work, like horses running for the stables, we galloped through the final bits of touching up and finally crowning the roof with a tiptop row of coursing along the ridgeline. My way of celebrating was to take pictures of Charlie strad- Bill and Charlie start in on the cedar shake dling the ridgeline like some shingling. circus elephant rider. Then the last nail...and Charlie climbed down and just sat there in the driveway gazing sort of amazedly back at our creation. The look on his face mirrored the way I felt too. Damn if we didn't do it: all 5,550 shingles, 52 rafters, about 65 logs including two 40-feet-long wing-logs... So we took pictures. Five-year-old Selena shot one of me slouched happily in front of the cabin, exhausted but happy, and waiting to see if she was going to drop the Nikon F or not. She didn't. And if she had, I probably wouldn't have cared. Just too happy to hurt. Wednesday, Sept. 18,1974 — Taking a break from the Summer of '74. Charlie says we OD'd on shingles. Maybe so. One thing I know is that �44 Hogwild this project is an intensely personal journey. "It'll rain in on you/' preached one reader when he saw a cabin picture in the paper. "Looks like you've got the hardest work yet to do," said another. "When you gonna get that place finished?" I'm asked. I believe I know the answer now: longer than just 90 days, longer than I had ever imagined possible. So long in fact, that had I known, I don't know if I would have taken this project on. Now, I can't say when it will be "completed." That word smacks of deadlines, and Lord knows in the newspaper business I have enough of those already. So after a couple of weeks off, Charlie and I will start in at a pleasurable pace with the floor joisting. I'm not going to subject myself to the tyranny of time. Right now, before I can look ahead too fast, I have to look back at the Summer of '74 when a barn came down, and a log cabin went up. Pioneer zeal or not, I couldn't have done it without my friends. And now, I feel deep down that we're entering a new phase. A time to get down to basics; down to flooring. Nailing down the ridgeline, Charlie rides the crest like an elephant trainer. �5 Joisting Along "/n wildness is the preservation of the world/' —Thoreau Wednesday, Oct. 2,1974 — We watch the cedar shake roof already turn from red to gold to bleached pale yellow as time and the elements do their magic. I'd like to think I'm aging as gracefully. After a three-week layoff, the Sweatmore Construction Company is marshaling its forces for the Fall Offensive. The cabin awaits its innards. Floor joisting and subflooring come first. Faithful sidekick Charlie has been advanced $100, and we'll go at it this week. My body has recovered from the summer's wounds. The gash caused by that nail during the barn-razing has left a curious scar on the side of my torso: it looks like a tiny figure who appears to be in the middle of buck dance step. I wear it like a tattoo, a dueling scar. My shoulders have stopped aching, and hammer-banged thumbs are all healed. That probably means it's time to go out and bang them again. Thursday, Oct. 3,1974 — New wine! Walking up above the cabin this morning to get a good view back — I noticed on the ground a round, purple-black marble-like thing...there — another. My gosh, I realized — scuppernongs — everywhere! The ground was littered with the fallen deeply-ripe grapes, as if a kid had spilled his bag of purple marbles. Selecting a dark black beauty that was fairly bursting with expectation, I chomped down on autumnal serendipity. What a fruit. It spread through my senses like — yes — new wine. An incomparable taste. No wonder as a child I never cared for this variety; it's an adult taste of fermentation. Each bite is a heady drink of nature's spirits. Looking up, I saw above me in the spindly pines, a grape vine �46 Hogwild loaded with purple beauties. And they were falling like manna from heaven (sweet purple hailstones) and bouncing on the pinestraw floor like so many cheery unbreakable Humpty-Dumpties. I got down on all fours and gladly scrounged all I could, recalling what an anthropology professor once said — that the lowest economic form was the "pickers and gatherers." Ah well, I've come to that, have I? The woodbutcher knows he's getting somewhere when he uses a salvaged 40-penny nail for a pipe-tamper — and starts writing on wood. Having no notepaper out here today, I was at a loss — until I divined that cedar shake shingles might make a fine tablet. Et voila! I'm writing all this with ballpoint pen on leftovers from the roof. Now I'm sitting in the "kitchen" and I use that word loosely. Right now, it consists of the bare log outline. I'm perched on Big Mama, the 10x10, 22-foot-long beam that spans the length of this roomTaking notes on a backwoods tablet. to-be. She's a crusty gal, a handhewn beauty who could have given the Clairol ad men their inspiration about getting older and better. Sourwood Holler has lived up to her name. The sourwoods are rampant with diamond-hung pendant blossoms. And the leaves are deep Sangria against the royal blue sky of morning. A new sound: that of gentle descent. Leaves clippety-clopping from their perches. A flock of tulip poplar birds are engaged in free-fall. Every leaf that falls lets in a little more sky, making things more airy and vastly blue. Thursday, Oct. 17, 1974 — Charlie hasn't shown up. I'm beginning to think it'll be a while before I see him. The joist beams have been �foisting Along 47 delivered and I reckon I'll have to do it by myself. Down by the creek the blue and white striped tent is still standing. Today it reminds me of a knight's campaign tent. Well, that fits. I joust. I joist. Brace yourself, Sir Cabin. Saturday. Oct. 19, 1974 — I have started painting the town house in Rutherfordton. We settled on a deep Wedgwood blue to cover the offdingy white that it was. And this color, plus the place's poor construction, has led to a name for the old house: the Blue Shed. Wednesday, Nov. 6,1974 — The campfire smell permeates the sunny Sunday afternoon where by the Silver Singing Creek I am pecking tentatively at the old black Royal I've lugged down to the picnic table. A fire started just for company in the rock fireplace returns a Sunday New York Times fittingly back to the elements in sunshafts of sweet smoke. The campfire cackles in post-Halloween merriment, sending witchy sheets of heat to distort the far hillside as if viewed through old window panes. The fire speaks of cookout breakfasts and late-night sing-arounds. The creek mutters of wading and boyhood dam-building. Now here's a fine contradiction: fire and water combine for a duet of opposites. From the lower side, the cabin looks like a giant mama hen trying to get airborne. �48 Hogwild Overhead, an Indian Summer breeze, like some celestial whisk broom, is sweeping away the leaves of Sourwood Holler leaving gaunt gray guardians (Rodin's "Burghers of Calais") standing about as if caught in a frieze-frame of my camera shutter's one-thousandth-of-asecond blink. Leaves like balsa gliders pour out of the azure. I lie on my back and play little games. Will one land on me? Some spiral down like helicopters, others take purposeful, slanting dives to their landing strips. On this impossibly beautiful afternoon all I'm wearing is tattered jean cut-offs (the ones which Maggie lovingly embroidered "Zonkie" on one rump). I have to marvel at the temperature; you can't tell where your skin stops and the air begins. From the battered, long-handled tin dipper hanging on the little hickory tree limb, I take long draught of spring creekwater. The taste of it is like a sweet, cold kiss. The two good dogs flounder happily about downstream, and now Ruby comes to thrust her sopping wet, graying muzzle to my bare thigh; I return her thoughtful, devoted gaze. By god, it is surely good to be alive this November day. Sunday, Nov. 17,1974 — I am three-quarters of the way through joisting the kitchen now — and because I'm working with short spans of five feet and less, I have discovered it is something I can do without help. I guess Charlie will make it up to me someday. I put 2x8s on 16-inch centers. Getting those rascals level has taught me a lot about notching and fine work. Today while working I happened to look down at the ground — something had caught my eye in the dirt beside the foundation. I reached down and brushed away the soil from the small white object. A good omen from the past. �Joisting Along 49 An arrowhead. I was stunned. I stared at the perfectly carved white quartz relic in my hand as if it was a message or a gift from one ancient authentic native craftsman to this would-be woodsman. To think, not only that my cove was inhabited by Indians, but that right here, exactly where we chose to build a log house, an arrow fell, and lay here all those years — as if it was here for me to find. Ifs enough to make me believe in signs. A good omen, this. Sunday, Nov. 24,1974 — Maggie, who is working as a roving folksinger with the county school system, has discovered a rockmason for me. Kurt Kaltreider, a scholarly philosopher, mid-twenties I'd guess, is teaching up at Union Mills Elementary School and rocking in his spare time. He's agreed to do the fireplace and chimney. Last week he came out and helped me with the kitchen joisting, and we've become buddies. He refuses to take any money. Says this is as good for him as it is for me. Now that is a friend. And right now I could use one. Next on our agenda is to order 13 tons of Carolina gray granite from an old rockman he knows way up in Marshall; that's higher up the mountains of Madison County. Christmas Day, 1974 — A year of a family odyssey, of time and moving, of old houses and log cabins, a summer we thought would never end - but then it ended before we were ready. Looking back now at the events we lived through during that one trip around the sun, how it all stands in clarity, insulated like Vonnegut's "bug in amber." How'd we get it all done? Why didn't I get more done? The other night I made a woodblock print of the cabin. It's very primitive, but somehow satisfying, and appropriate because it's a woodcut. Putting dreams of wood on wood, ink to wood, and wood to paper. Circles within circles. I hold the cabin woodcut in my hand like a doll of a dream girl. The cabin is out there, with its pale gold roof rising from gray Sourwood Holler. I'm there, but I'm not there. The place anchors me, frees me as it tethers me, stirs me as it becalms me. Lao Tsu reminds me to hold holy all things natural and mark this Christmas quietly, to find a measure of Quaker peace within: The highest good is like water: It gives life to the ten thousand things, �50 Hogwild A woodcutter's log cabin and does not strive; It flaws in the places that men reject and so is of eminent virtue... Holdfast to the center for that is the only true way of being whole.... Saturday, Dec. 28,1974 — We have been heating with wood at the Blue Shed this winter. In the living room-kitchen, we're using a Franklin stove, which is attractive but totally inefficient. For Selena's room Bill helped us find a Fisher "Baby Bear" stove. It's the most air-tight thing I've ever seen. For wood, I'm toting scraps back from the cabin and picking up packing crates around town, I've got a hunch I'm not doing it as well as I could. This week I finished joisting the kitchen, and tomorrow I'll start sheathing it with 5/8 inch plywood. I'm really looking forward to getting on with things. I've been re-inspired by books Maggie gave me for Christmas: Eric Sloane's An Age of Barns, and an owner-built home book full of photos and philosophy, Woodstock Handmade Houses. A couple of quotes from the latter: 'The more builders, the less bombers." And: "...the important thing is how these Old Places were salvaged �Joisting Along 51 from abandonment and love — or lack of... that's real ecology — revering materials and the long-ago labor of these self builders. Really look — and you can see what those old-timers wrote with an adze on the side of a beam." And as if the authors were reading my mind: "Every shelter was once just a dream." Dreaming is one thing: now let's get off our duffs. To do: - subfloor the kitchen. - block and joist rest of cabin. - get remaining timbers and beams down from barnsite. Stack and cover with old tin. - build good bridge across Silver Creek. - get rocks - begin rockwork - get blocks, cement, and make base for firebox/chimney - measure spaces for doors, windows, and fireplace - cut out holes in logs for same. Rockmason friend Kurt Kaltreider helps joist on the kitchen. �6 Wherein Our Hero is Floored and Builds a Playhouse "One truly understands only what one can create." — Giambattista Vico "Thirty spokes share the wheel's hub It is the center hole that makes it useful. Shape clay into a vessel; It is the space within that makes it useful. Cut doors and windows for a room; It is the holes which make it useful. Therefore profit comes from what is there; Usefulness from what is not there." — Lao Tsu Saturday, Jan. 11, 1975 — A new year, a new page, and a new phase. Today I finished subflooring the kitchen. Tomorrow I do the block supports in the center section for the 18-foot-long joists. Wednesday, Jan. 22,1975 — The rocks for the chimney came today. Both the load and the guy who delivered it were something else. Tom Caldwell ("Old Tom," Kurt calls him) was as bent as a question mark. As soon as the grizzled mountain man from way up in Madison County got out of the flatbed truck, he eyed us up and down, grinned toothlessly and from his spacious wool jacket pulled a bottle of Wild Turkey. "If n you boys are gonna help unload these rocks, you're gonna need this," he croaked, proffering the bottle of liquor. Whew-EEE! If that stuff didn't make me want do a "double back-flip and run a half mile..." We sort of got loaded unloading. The rock itself is the loveliest rock I've seen — Carolina gray granite, �Wherein Our Hero is Floored 53 Thirteen tons of Carolina gray granite arrive from Madison County via "Old Tom " Caldwell, right. Tom called it. And now I've got 13 tons of the stuff strewn around the dogwood tree beside where the chimney will rise. Thursday, Jan. 23, 1975 — A reverence for things natural. One of the things I've learned along the way is that I've always had a profound respect for rock and wood in its natural and aging state; man cannot improve on nature. Bill tells me the Japanese After the Wild Turkey it's time for a smoke. have a word for this: "Wabi," roughly translated as "the artful state of decay." I have come to regard the barn itself — just as it is — as some sort of a temple. This is good and bad; while it means I respect the structure and its innate identity and karma, it is also true that we can't live in a barn. So philosophically today's work represented a giant step forward. It was a little traumatic cutting out the 6x6-foot hole for the fireplace and chimney with my Stihl chainsaw. �54 Hogwild The first cut is made and the firebox is in position. It's the first time I've actually cut into the barn, altering the log structure in any way, and there was something frightening (would it weaken the cabin? Will it fall down?) and almost irreverent about it. But my fears were groundless. The operation went fine — and besides, it had to be done. Sort of like having a tooth pulled to make way for something new. Today also I built a little bridge across the creek, lugged remaining logs from the barn down to the cabin, and covered them with tin. Saturday, Jan. 25,1975 — I got a good start on joisting the north wing, which includes Selena's room and the bathroom. Don't forget: order two tons of "Columbia white" sand from Robbins Brick Company, plus 10 bags of No. 1 Portland, something in which to Wabi —the Japanese have a word for "the artful state of decay." �Wherein Our Hero is Floored 55 One horsepower: Bill uses Tony to haul some more logs. mix the stuff called a mortar box, and old shovel and hoe I don't mind ruining since I'll be mixing it by hand. Also, the "Heatilator" firebox has been delivered; it's one gollywhomping hunk of steel. Friday, Feb. 7, 1975 — I'd call this appropriate energy use: Bill Byers wanted to see how well Tony the horse would do as a draft animal, so he hitched him up and dragged a couple of donated logs down to the cabin. No tractor's rumble, no noxious fumes. And it was probably the same method used around 1850 when the barn was originally built. Just good honest one horsepower. We call it low-tech. Saturday, Feb. 8,1975 — Kurt and I started in on the blockwork for the firebox today — Kurt laying block and me mixing and slopping out the mortar. Something as massive as a rock chimney starts humbly enough with earth moving: starting with sand in a borrowed wheelbarrow and digging out earth for the footings. There is something so kinetic about this building process. I stand back from the cabin, hold up my hands to cup an imaginary monument of rock, framing its image with the hands that will build it...right...there. �56 Hogwild Click. The mind's shutter winks and the image is briefly but indelibly imprinted on the emulsion of my inner eye. Saturday, Feb. 15,1975 — Hair? what has hair got to do with all this? It seems the more the cabin goes up, the more hair falls out. With that, plus the weight lost working on the cabin last summer, there's no telling what I'm going to look like when the house is finished. I can see it now: I started out fat and fuzzy, and when I'm done here someday, I'll be bald and emaciated — having given my all for a legacy in Kurt starts with the firebox base. wood, rock, and mortar. Today, while Kurt laid block I placed the first of the 16-foot, 10-inch-long roughcut 2x10 joist beams for the main room. We had to work together to determine where the floor level would be in relation to the fireplace, which we decided In the living room, I dream after putting up the first joist. �Wherein Our Hero is Floored 57 would be raised about a foot off the floor. Happily, the two bottom sill logs (X-l and Wild One) are square and larger than their buddies that make up the wall. This allows me to lay part of the joist notched on the log, which adds greatly to the floor's stability. Maybe this is Carpentry 101 and all builders already know this stuff...but I don't have any knowledge or experience in this field. Every challenge I come up against I just have to think through and then wade through. I go a lot on faith; I'm like a dowser looking for water. I have to trust the wood to take me where it wants to go. So I spend a lot of time just standing around, gazing into space...thinking, thinking. But what I'm doing is imaging. It's like a giant chess game I'm playing with an entire house; each thing I do is like a move on the board, and I'm projecting into the next move: how will what I do today affect what I do tomorrow? Sounds like a model for responsible living; little wonder I feel myself growing so. Sunday, Feb. 16,1975 — Step Number One for Building Log Cabin: get a tetanus shot. The ersatz pioneer rediscovered that rule again this week. Earlier, Kurt had slashed his finger on a rusty nail and went and got a shot. But it wasn't long until he was putting the serum to good use again. Yesterday I had propped several large upright "Zonk" logs in place between the kitchen floor and Big Daddy, the main overhead beam running the length of the kitchen. Kurt was rummaging around in the kitchen, not realizing that the Zonk logs were just free-standing.... He was kneeling on the floor going through some box when he bumped the bottom of Zonk 3, a 10x10 hunk of solid heart pine — now crashing down soundlessly on him. Kurt must have sensed doom, for he glanced up just in time to spot the 100-pound monster whispering down right at his head. He vaulted backwards and the log missed his head — but caught him amidships and pinned him to the kitchen floor, where he lay gasping for breath while I came running. Once he had climbed out from beneath this would-be sword of Damocles, more dazed that injured, Kurt demanded pointedly, "Why'd you name that log Zonk? 'Cause that's just what it did to me." Label a log "Zonk" and that's what you'll get: zonked. I guess I'll have to be more careful with my appellations around here. Things have a way of living up to their names. �58 Hogwild Saturday, Feb. 22,1975 — Spring makes timid entry into the Holler with spring peepers singing tentative songs ("wheep-wheep!") down in the marshy end of the Soccer Field. We finished the block support for the firebox, and it took four guys to heft the piece of steel into place. Then we started on the hearth base inside the cabin, and we're filling it with junk rock and freebie brick I'm picking up anywhere I can find it. We're ready to start rocking soon. I can't wait. Saturday, March 1, 1975 — A remarkable day during which I finished the joisting of the creekside end of the main room. I guess I ought to be calling it the living room but if s so big — if s the 18' wide, 22' long core of the old barn. Today included a couple of miracles (which I have learned almost to expect now). Earlier, I had been concerned how the deck could be affixed to the house. But today I came up with the idea of starting the deck at the northeast corner of the cabin — and resting part of the deck joists on the foundation. These deck beams, which run underneath and perpendicular to the room joists, by their sheer weight alone support the final two main room joists. I mortised them all into place. The result is a cantilevered effect, I believe it's called. The weight of the two main room joists on top force the four 12foot-long deck joists onto the fulcrum of the cabin foundation. It's about the zoomiest thing I've come up with so far. Thursday, March 6, 1975 — Transactional analysis guru Sam Keen would have liked today. Sam says: don't deny a Kurt lays the cornerstone of the chimney. da or a circumsta ce the y * Pos' sibility for novelty. �Wherein Our Hero is Floored 59 When Kurt came down to the Holler today, I figured we'd be doing more inside blocking on the hearth — but instead he said: "What the heck! I want to start rocking/' So just like that — we did. The laying of the first rock was maybe not as big a deal as an official cornerstone laying. But still we marked it with picture-taking and cheers. Since I had ordered two and a half tons of good sand ($29) with the new mortar box, mixing mortar is much easier now than it was with the Dyers' borrowed wheelbarrow. Kurt has taught me how to mix mortar for rock: here's his recipe — take half of a 94-pound bag of Portland plus 15 shovelfuls of good sand, mix to even consistency, then slowly add water and stir to the proper feel. For rockwork, Kurt likes it kind of dry — especially compared to "wet mud," as they say, used for blockwork. I learn also that mortar for rock "cures" over a period of 24 to 48 hours, and also that the most important thing in rockwork is not the mortar (as the novice supposed) but the fit — and especially gravity. All the mortar in the world won't hold a sloppy fit in place, Kurt tells me. By the end of the day, Kurt had laid two courses all around the base of the chimney. "Facelaid," it's called, because the broad "face" of the rock faces out, as opposed to "flat-laid." We chose this style quite naturally, because this rock is so beautiful that it would be a shame to hide any of it. But this kind of work requires infinitely more patience and skill — even I can see this — because a whole day's work can simply collapse if you bump one rock before it is seated. Between the rock and the firebox, we're putting in about R's slow going, but the ''face-laid" rockwork 12 inches of junk rock to fill is lovelV' �60 Hogwild Down at the Big House, Artist-in-Residence Deborah Compton gives a puppet show for the kids of all ages. and insulate. This is going to be one bohunker of a chimney. Friday, March 7,1975 — Well, how about this: the newspaper is growing so nicely that we're contemplating buying a larger office uptown around the corner on Main Street. And the place we're looking at is so big that we can put a press (we've got to buy one first, dreamer) in the basement, and get to design our own offices and darkroom as well. After six years �Wherein Our Hero is Floored 61 of working crazy hours, I reckon we've earned it. For my office I think I'll use all that gray stately oak siding that was originally on the old log barn's stalls. I bet when it's dried out and wirebrushed, it'll be a fitting backdrop for black-and-white mounted enlargements. Saturday, March 15,1974 — After finishing whaf s called "bracing and bridging" between the joists (X-shaped connectors made out of 2x4s) I made great progress in sheathing the main room with plywood subflooring. My whole perspective changes now that I have a floor to walk on. Remember, all I've ever been used to is a dirt floor in this log barn. By golly, having solid wood to walk on — and it so sturdy underfoot — is downright thrilling to a kid who a year ago practically didn't know which end of a hammer to hold. Yes! "Yes." Why did I say that? The word has become a motto around our house to symbolize "Yes I can, yes I can." I am The Little Engine Who Can. Maggie has taken up the hue and cry, and somehow found me a folder that just says "YES" on the front. Into this I put napkin drawings, legal pads full of designs, catalogs full of ideas and bills from building supply places. On top of that, she's taken my beleaguered and fading red gym shorts that I wear out here every day (and wash every night) and embroidered a small "Y-E-S" on the left haunch. When I'm out here totally alone, I have my Yes Book and my Yes Pants to silently urge me on. And there are times when I need all the positivism I can get. Saturday, March 22,1974 — We made it through our first winter heating with wood — and I for one appreciate spring's coming this year in a way I never have before. We Hogwilders gathered last night at Bill and Jeanette's to observe the Vernal Equinox's arrival. At our own Rites of Spring, we woodchuckers chuckled and clapped each other on the backs for having chucked — oh, say three cords apiece through the long winter. On the new living room floor we spread our cots and spent the night in the cabin for the first time — no windows, no chinking... it was like camping in one big log tent. And this morning we were awoken by birds going berserk with song: doves hollering for you to plant your corn and mockingbirds just singing fit to bust over April's coming. There are some kind of teensy �62 Hogwild warblers whose high-frequency twee-to-weet is so far up the octave that their song practically hurts the ear... and a pair of industrious flycatchers is building a nest under the eaves of the cabin's overhang. My Quaker granddaddies call to me from the past to Be Still and Know. So I listen a lot out here. Silver Creek joins with those small-fry frogs in a welcoming anthem to the return of Life to the Land. I learned from reading Foxfire that the way to build a cabin is to erect the complete structure firsthand only then do you cut your doors and windows. I had done some careful measuring, based on using the salvaged doorframes and doors out of the tenant house we've been using. This morning, Maggie's dad, Ralph, came by — and since he's an old mountain boy with a sure hand with the chain saw, we let him loose on the project. In little under 30 minutes, he had done the job — with me directing and grabbing each cut-out log as it fell, propping and bracing the standing walls with chocks of wood and us shouting over the chainsaw's razzmatazz. Maggie, with her hands in her overalls, watched in stunned amazement as Dad cut the two main doors, one leading out into the kitchen/entrance and the other to Selena's room and the bathroom. When it was done, we could walk from room to room for the first time, freed from the horizontal "bars" that had made the central core of the cabin something of a prison. Now we were given a feeling of continuity...so we walked around the place for a while, just getting the feel of the newness and free space...all the napkin drawings in the world can't compare with the actual sensation of walking through Cutting the doors: Maggie's dad, Ralph your dreams like that. Palmer, takes chainsaw to 150-year-old Oh, we'd say, so that's logs. Suddenly, we can walk through walls. what it feels like to walk from here to there. m �Wherein Our Hero is Floored 63 Then, when this was done, I made the mistake of saying something about how nice it would be to build Selena that playhouse she's been moaning about for her sixth birthday, April 11. Dad, who was feeling his oats from the project just completed, said, "Hello, let's do it." And so the three of us pitched in, clearing a spot across the creek that faces the Soccer Field, laying a quick block foundation and putting together an 8'xl2' base frame, flooring it with plywood. Whambang, nothing to it, thanks to Dad's energy. We can now walk from room to room for the first time. We have a new sense of space. Sunday, March 23, 1975 — It occurs to me today that what I'm doing is building far more than just a playhouse. I should have guessed it earlier. This place is just as important to Selena as the cabin is to us. And to Maggie, the playhouse is a reincarnation of her childhood place, called "the Bluehouse," that sat up in the apple orchard between her parents' and grandparents' house. That was really the genesis for this project: Selena hearing Maggie talk wistfully about her beloved Bluehouse — a hideout for little girls and dollies and make-believe beside the enchanted forest. So the Playhouse takes on The basic frame of the Playhouse is up, as added significance, and we race Maggie feigns total exhaustion. �64 Hogwild for time against the birthday deadline. Today we threw up a basic frame, and Bill happened by to teach me how to build rafter sections. After he left and I was scrambling around bare-backed in the fine spring day, artist friend Bill McCullough (who lives over the next ridge just outside Hogwild) stopped by and wanted to help. So we had ourselves a Playhouse-raising. By the end of the day we had that sucker up and the roof sheathed and the shingling started. It's amazing how fast a little place can go up. I was talking to Bill Byers about cutting out the doors at the cabin, and upon counting the rings, we found the logs to be 100 years old when the trees were felled. From our research we've determined that the barn was well over 100 years old when we found it. Subtract another 100 years for the age of the logs when cut, and that gets you back into the 1700s, prompting Bill to muse, "That gives you a graphic idea of how really young this country is." That means the logs of this cabin were young pine trees in the year 1776 when my ancestors were living in central and eastern North Carolina, and — who knows? — packing powder in muzzle-loaders to take on King George III. Talk about Bicentennial vibes...! can see for myself the broadax signatures of those old-timers every time I look at one of these old logs. And I say to the logs: you guys were growing right here when the Indians hunted around your bases, camped in your shade, when the mountain men whipped up on Ferguson at Kings Mountain... and I am Vonnegut's Billy Pilgrim, "unstuck in time/' staring at a wall that is anything but blank This is what Eric Sloane is talking about when he speaks of "a reverence for wood." Amen. Saturday, March 29,1975 — The Playhouse is coming together quickly. We've added windows bought at a salvage place in Try on, siding from Dr. Hyde's treasure trove from Jonas Ridge, inside paneling Maggie got down in Shelby, porch uprights and banisters salvaged a couple of years ago from a house being torn down in Forest City on Cherry Mountain Street. Friday, April 11, 1975 — It's been a frantic week trying to get finished in time for Selena's party tomorrow. It's taken a group effort, with �Wherein Our Hero is Floored 65 the siding's up, and there's the old hen in the background. Selena helping along with new friend Deborah Compton (a children's theater artist-in-residence with the public school system). Jeanette donated blue curtains, and we've painted the Playhouse smoke blue in honor of the original Bluehouse, adding red shutters and white columns and banisters for a real All-American Bicentennial Playhouse. Saturday, April 12, 1975 — Somehow we finished in time for today's birthday party at the Playhouse, and it was grand. Friend Andy Morgan, another theater artist-in-residence, gave Selena a Sad Little Clown face with his theater make-up, which is what she wanted from him. Seven other little kids from the neighborhood came out and had a fun day in the Holler. Number One Daughter reminds me to add that she has named the big hill that forms the opposite side of our cove and looms above the Playhouse. Selena named it "Slickey Mountain," after she and Hannah tried walking up it but kept sliding back down. The two little girls, carrying their dolls, inform me seriously that they believe Slickey Mountain to be home of "real fairies." And to that I would have to add, naiads and dryads, too. �66 Hogwild On the day of the party, kids (and Deborah and Andy) pose for group portrait. Selena (far left) opts to come as a sad-faced clown — a face of Andy's making. Sunday, April 13,1975 — A day for reflection. Spring has come romping across Sourwood Holler — all except the place's namesake has burst in splendor in the deep silence of Hogwild: bloodroot first, then pinxster, flame azalea, phlox, trillium, aster, daffodils, shadbush (called "sarvice" by mountain folk) — plus our cove is awash with legions of irrepressible dogwoods. �Wherein Our Hero is Floored 67 In an alcove of old log rafters above the kitchen a family of crested flycatchers is nesting among the beams. So somebody has beat us to the punch of living here. Well, I'll respect squatters' rights. Nothing has happened recently on the chimney. Kurt got about three rounds up, about knee-high, and then got involved with opening a health food store in Rutherfordton, so I don't know.... One crisis at a time, please. This week our newspaper bought that place uptown and we began moving. Reckon Hogwild will have to take a backseat for a while. Friday, April 18,1975 — I feel like I'm in italics. Slanting visibly forward. This week I actually got to help build my new office. Each one of the three co-publishers designed his own office, and naturally the old cabinman had to have the rustic look. So I paneled two walls with the old oak siding off the log barn and did wainscoting along the third wall with thinner old barnwood. This ancient stuff had been rescued by Maggie after it lay in the honeysuckle for a while. Maggie sorted it, de-nailed and covered it. I hauled a load to the Blue Shed and steel-brushed it and let it dry out before carrying it to the paper office. I think it looks great — along with modern track lights, a fourth wall of bookshelves and built-in layout desk, and plush burgundy carpet. But I have caught a lot of ribbing from friends and workfolk passing through. Our electrician, Al Buchanan, has taken special delight in teasing me. While installing the track lights in my office, Al wondered out loud, "I can't imagine why you want lights like this in a barn." Not long after that, local radio personality Uncle Bud wandered in, and upon entering my office with its deep carpet, he grinned under that pencil-thin mustache of his and said, "feels like walking in cow manure." Well, what the heck — by the time I'd added my old rolltop desk, wing-back editor's chair and wood cookstove (perfect for filing negatives), the new office did have the feel of a barn away from home. Or, "barn again," so to speak. Sunday, April 27,1975 — If s night and we're back at the Blue Shed after two wonderful nights at the land. Early in the evening a full spring moon ballooned softly into the April sky while the Sourwood Family and best friend Danielle Withrow sat around a small woodstove I've hauled into the airy main room (just for atmosphere) and talked late into the night. �68 Hogwild We slept on cots with the moonlight streaming in through the cracks of the unchinked cabin's logs, a fine cedar roof overhead, and a sturdy floor beneath, and around us those old logs in a xylem and phloem huddle. The next morning, after a hearty country campfire breakfast, Maggie and Danielle practiced some mountain buckdancing in the sandy campsite by the creek. Maggie is an old clogger from way back, while Danielle has just learned. Me, I feel good about walking without falling over my gunboats, much less dancing. But Saturday must have been my day. Danielle broke the dance step down into a simple shuffle, stomp-stomp-stomp (change feet) shuffle, stomp-stompstomp — and before I knew what I was doing — by cracky, I was clogging. We just spent our first night at the cabin, We moved up to the cabin sleeping wonderfully on cots while the full where the floor was smooth moon streamed through the cracks. and perfect for this sort of foolishness, and there, the trio of buckdancers beat a lively tattoo on the snare drum floor. Must have made quite a bit of a ruckus because later that day neighbor Bill said he could hear us dancing all the way down at the Big House. Saturday night was blissful again; a full moon night thick with whippoorwill songs and spring peepers lullabying. Today when the temperature soared, I laid my cabin tools aside and reverted about 20 years, spending the afternoon in the ageless art of Creekmanship. That consists of dam-building, creek-dredging, fingernail-mashing, rock-hauling, ankle-wading and back-burning. The perennial nine-yearold loose on the land. The kid who never got his fill of playing in creeks is making up for lost time. One of my definitions of Heaven consists of unlimited mountain creeks and days like today in which I can wander happily making rock dams and causeways for eternity. �Wherein Our Hero is Floored 69 Saturday, May 31,1975 — I count the man lucky who gets to participate in not one, but two log cabin-raisings in a single lifetime. Bill's younger brothers, Burwell and Stuart, who are both in their early 20s, have been camping out over on their land on the 3; eastern side of Hogwild. They both work for their dad, Jim Byers, at North State Gas Company, and during their delivery rounds on the big Carolina blue propane gas truck, they have been busy scouting for log structures all over the county. Earlier this spring they put up a couple of log barns from 15 miles away Valley. These gentle, easy-smiling laid-back boys embody the spirit of our Hogwild extended family that cares and shares, works and plays together and profoundly loves this land. When someone needs help or Another cabin-raising. Burwell has a place going up — with the help ofErwin Johnston, is into a major project, we all Stuart, and Ricky Robbins. That's Burwell just drop what we're doing and on the right. head across the mountain. This morning the word went out: cabin-raising at Burwell's! I walked from my place up to Bill and Jeanette's Big House, following the old roadbed that winds down into Bill and Jeanette's bottoms, across Silver Creek and back onto my land and the road that skirts the little two-acre bottom we've got and have come to call Teardrop Field for its curious shape... there the roadbed closely parallels the Rocky Broad River, which this morning was running wide, deep, and green. Every time I walk thisland I am impressed again with just how big 300 acres is. The road turns up the hill, away from the river, and goes past an old sawmill, where Burwell's land starts. From across a sloping field you can see the two barns the boys have put up and the rock piers of the new cabin. �70 Hogwild Burwell and Stuart were already barebacked and working with friends Erwin Johnston and Rick Robbins on the lower couple of courses of a cabin that they estimated to date back to the 1830s. We five had our hands full with the job of heaving those huge logs up, up and up again higher. Five guys mustered just barely enough muscle. Some of those logs were eight inches thick and twelve inches deep and thirty feet long. When it's that old heart pine, that's a lot of log. When we're all gut-busting to manhandle a big log Burwell enlarges a door on the cabin while into place, straining to keep Rick Robbins watches. our balance and keep our end up — it's a virile, team experience. Football for keeps. If we can score and push this thing across the goal then we get more than just six points; somebody gets a house to live in. Without Burwell and Stuart last summer, I couldn't have built my place. So it was satisfying to be able '%^'. .-*f:-: ^iSP J ? ll i t I ^ Stuart watches as Burwell uses a go-devil to knock a log into alignment. �Wherein Our Hero is Floored 71 to return the favor today. It got hot quickly today. Their cabin site sits high on the southern flank of the far side of Laurel Mountain and gets the sun's full blast in the morning. Sweat ran down into our faces, stippled our backs, and made rivulets down our chests in the grime of 150-year-old logs. We were soon filthy but having great grimy fun. When you build a log cabin it is a total body experience: you use practically every part of your body to get a log in place: not just your hands and arms, back and shoulders. It reminds me more of rock climbing than carpentry. You might use your thighs to balance a log briefly while you grip your perch with your knees like a horseman. You have to pay constant attention to your feet and your toe-hold. And because it's a team experience, you're always monitoring where everyone else is and what they're doing. We became profoundly interdependent; no one person can single-handedly take on the weight of a log. So we learned to move like five men in a sack race. We became a single body. With the logs all up, we rewarded ourselves with brews and hit the old swimming hole on the Rocky Broad. As John Denver says, "Thank God I'm a country boy!" Then we hit the Rocky Broad, where the waters refresh and regenerate us. �7 In Which We Chink and Daub, and Win a Press War "Quis'excuse, s'accuse." * — Gabriel Meurier "There is no heavier burden than a great opportunity/7 — anon. June 20, 1975 — We have retreated to Brigadoon by the Sea; the first week-long vacation I've had since the paper started six years ago. And even this had to be rescheduled around Little League playoffs — such is the life of a small-town newspaperman. Listen: re/treat... to savor a dessert once more. And also, to beat an orderly retreat from the Western Front. Western North Carolina and the cabin, to be exact. We are at a little-known fishing village on the Carolina coast with the anachronistic name of Surf City ("two girls for eeh-vree boy...") I doubt there are even two "girls" on this entire beach — at least not the kind of which the Beach Boys crooned. The ocean is the leading lady here, and none may compete. It has just finished raining and my red-jacketed journal page is splattered with blue flecks as the ink runs before the waning storm. A cooling breeze. The booming thunder out over the Atlantic. I am burnt but relaxed for the first time in ages. It's as if the tension and anxiety of newspaper and building deadlines, some real and others imagined, are flowing out of me with the receding tide. The cabin is in a resting phase. We've done little or nothing since finishing the Playhouse in April, May being taken up with moving the He who excuses himself, accuses himself. �In Which We Chink and Daub 73 newspaper office and a full month's worth of weekend singing at weddings and at Union Grove fiddlers' convention. I turned 30 this month — and it's as good a time as any to stop on the decade's nexus to take stock of where we're going with the Hogwild dream. I've always heard it said: it's all a matter of style. I'm beginning to suspect that growing up is largely a matter of learning to deal with compromises, of reconciling dreams with the constraints of reality. My rockmason, Kurt, has had a boy, Peter, by his fair dancing wife, Sallie, and also opened a health food store in town. So absolutely nothing has been done on the chimney since that flurry in March. And how can I expect more? We have only a gentlemen's agreement, and he can do whatever whenever since he won't accept pay. Secondly, Maggie and I arrived at the agonizing decision that we must not go in debt for further construction materials — thus setting back the cabin's completion. Therefore we have elected to put off spending $1,500 for Andersen Windowalls, $1,000 for plumbing, and $1,000 for wiring until we can afford it. After all, why'd we go Hogwild in the first place? Part of it was to be as self-sufficient as possible, and that meant financially too. I think I'm relieved. June something, 1975 — I'm not even sure what day it is today. How unlike me not to be grounded on time and calendar. One of my transactional analysis mentors, the author Sam Keen, preaches the doctrine of the Vibrant Present. Okay, here it is: curtains billowing inward from a sea breeze, towels drying on the porch waving back at the wind, beachbooks stacked in sandy array on top of the refrigerator, a pile of beach memorabilia and oceanic icons cluttering one end of the dining table, a usually busy camera empty now and making a great paperweight.... "We live stripped down at the beach —" Maggie's wisdom for the day. And she's right. A minimal amount of clutter gums up the vacational workings. Guilt is left behind. Nothing in Surf City we can improve on. No floors to sand, no log walls to chink, no chimneys to fret over, no cabins to feel accountable for. The follower of the Tao is reminded: Have not — Want not. But in truth, we know our wanting is only on vacation too. So what does a one do on a woodbutcher's holiday? "Have a ball! And if you don't have a ball — it's nobody's fault but your own!" shouts a fat lady from New Jersey at her brood next door. �74 Hogwild She's been issuing have-fun-or-else orders at her cowed clan ever since they collided with the Atlantic yesterday. Nobody talks back, I notice. Secretly, I take her advice to heart. I have shed my watch and other conventional monsters that mark the tyranny of time, and so doing, I have began seeing the "ten thousand things" that the Tao speaks of. Thousands of little rounded pebbles, polished by eons of oceanic tumbling land pounding. When Maggie suggested that we might use these jewel-like obloids in daffodil planters, I was forcibly struck with the notion of collecting sacks of them. After two days of picking up hundreds of these rocks, I began wondering what on earth I was doing. Am I that production-oriented? So obsessive-compulsive, that I am compelled to throw myself headfirst into some artistic endeavor — even one as humble as gathering the smallest pebbles on the beach? Yes, and then...maybe it's something more than that. So simple and perfect are these lovely objects that I am led to a new thought, as if the Atlantic is too vast and too gross an object for a human to truly understand and embrace. So I concentrate on the loveliness of bits and pieces of the Atlantic. My focus is narrowed, and it is intense. Is this not what I'm doing in my career and, indeed, with the cabin? This the Last Day at the Beach: if I am Zen at all, then I must be partly Baptist as well, for I believe in the power of the water. People come down to it with all their humdrum hang-ups, foibles and anxieties. I am a gentle spy. I discern this couple's walk, that old man's walk, I catalog their stride, the way he looks out of his face, inventing dossiers on what he does in real life. I am a camera. They come to the water stripped down, too. And I watch the water beat their hurt and worries out of them, lull it out of them; thrash, tumble, humble, spin-dry and wring it out of them. What man, topsy-turvied by a wave that started 2,000 miles away, can hope to retain a shred of his gray, pin-stripe, three-piece-suited vanity? He presents himself to the healing waters, and is renewed, just as after this re/treat I am baptized with purpose, and my vision is renewed. It is time to return to the front. Thursday, July 3, 1975 — Tonight I feel like a mud-dauber. I started chinking the spaces between the logs today, and we've come up with a strong, air-tight and insulated form of what the old-timers around here call "daubin'." Foxfire suggests red clay, straw, water and hog's blood to make the �In Which We Chink and Daub 75 stuff bind. But I want the chinking to be gray like the logs, so I'm going with the same mortar we're using for the rockwork — the only difference being that I mix this stuff wetter than Kurt likes it for his work. Cousin Gene Ham suggested wrapping fiberglass insulation in a chicken wire "sandwich" and stuffing this into the space between the logs first, toe-nailing this into the space, and then slapping mortar or either side. If s a tedious process because the fiberglass has to be cut with big shears, as does the chicken wire with wire clips. It's itchy and scratchy work, but once I've nailed this insulated lathing into place, the actual chinking is fun to do. I mix about as much mortar as I think I can do in a couple of hours, set up a log (one cut out for a An up-ended log serves as a table. I've got a mess door) on end for a of mortar ready for chinking. working platform, and use a small piece of plywood as my mortarboard, and with two small trowels, go at it. The work is pleasant during this hot summer. There I am in the cool shade splatting the stuff on the lathing. I start from the bottom of the space with the mortar and work my way up. The mortar simply grabs onto the chicken wire and I finish each row at the top with a narrow rockmason's trowel. All this we invented ourselves, not many folks around who can show you how to chink a log cabin — besides, we're �76 Hogwild making this method up as we go along. Then, after one side dries in a couple of hours, do the other side and you're working against a rockhard resistance. Working higher up on the cabin is tedious. You have to balance the mortarboard on the ladder's top rung and then often as not you spill the whole thing down your front and onto the floor. This chinking business takes patience and an artistic love of dabbling in gooey things. I find I seem to have a knack for this mixing and working with "mud." Maybe I'll become a potter someday. I like to envision some future winter day when this chinking will be keeping out the cold — and we're seated around the massive rock fireplace recalling all this. We'll edge closer to the flames and chuckle about the time that Grandpa Jock almost fell off the ladder and spilled a whole mortarboard of cement down his front. Saturday, July 5, 1975 — As the cabin goes up, it looks like I'm falling apart. I've lost so much hair now in the back that I look pretty awful; don't have any idea what it's about. I've just developed this big bald place in the back. This happened once before three years ago and it eventually all grew back. And not only am I going bald, but I've also had to start wearing glasses again. The constant wood dust, log cabin grime, and mortar all over my hands have forced me to abandon my contact lenses. So I no longer look like the same dude who started this madness just a year ago. Sunday, July 6,1975 — We have just finished the biggest three-day push of the summer. Kurt returned and rocked along ever so slowly; he's now just above knee level. I mixed mortar and chinked the north wall; there are 11 spaces to chink, 22 feet long, with the cracks varying from one to four inches. Yesterday Bill came down and helped me frame in the kitchen. We built the window frames based on the rough opening sizes of the Andersen windows I intend to buy some day. Like a rough sketch, the framing gave me such a good idea of how the kitchen will look someday. The power of suggestion of the skeletal outline of those 2x4s is amazing to me. Saturday, July 12,1975 — Things are wild at the paper: we are seriously considering buying our own press, a used Goss Community from Meterie, La. And this week we have received the first solid nibble that the Courier-Sun might be willing to sell out to us. Holy cow, that would be �In Which We Chink and Daub 77 Selena watches as balding dad chinks up high. the most incredible thing that could possibly happen to a bunch of young journalistic whippersnappers. But we can't breathe a word to anyone about this deal while if s in the works. �78 Hogwild Saturday, July 19,1975 — Impossible. The cabin-raising was a year ago. Now the cedar shingle roof has turned a pale gray, with only the slightest hint of golden days. The progress on the cabin is tantalizingly slow, yet it is an everlasting source of energy, peace and joy. Finishing will always be the final objective, but not the only one. I'm having a hard time explaining this to people who wonder why we've not moved in. I've inadvertently stumbled on the kernel of my building philosophy: it's not so important how the cabin is coming... if s how I'm coming. How can I explain? Just being here is a worshipful experience. I work in a state of wakeful dreaming. Like T'ai Chi, building this house is a form of moving meditation. Over the last year the cabin has assumed an identity and a life of its own. It will not be bullied or rushed. I have had to learn to listen and pay attention to the cabin's rhythm. One man working alone. Each new operation is its own education. I learn by degrees, new active verbs in gerund construction: joisting, flooring, rocking, chinking. One board at a time, one 4'x8' sheet of plywood at a time, one rock at a time, one trowel of mortar at a time, one day at a time. The would-be woodbutcher learns lessons not only of patience and human endurance, but also of applied mathematics which never sank in during his formal education. If that's so, then this must be my "informal" education. I do my sums and figuring with ballpoint pen on scraps of wood. Housebuilding 101 in the wilderness classroom, with the cabin as a hard but fair teacher, brings to mind the adage: 'Tough teachers make for tough pupils." This old barn has taught me a thing or two about problem-solving. Never before have I, one man alone in the woods, had to grapple with such an imposing task. But simply by confronting the problem, and then disassembling it, log by log, and then putting it back together piece by piece, I have gained great insight into the logical progression of problem solving. The Zen-Quaker builds like this: — Becalm yourself. Purge yourself of your anxiety. — Identify the problem. Confront it and demystify it. — Get the Big Picture in your mind's eye and assign priorities, articulating the steps. — Then compartmentalize. Focus completely on just the one task at hand, and do that task wholeheartedly to completion. �In Which We Chink and Daub 79 — Move on to the next logical step. And the next. — Completion is a function of nothing left to do. Saturday July 26,1975 — Salvaging is a complete religion. We've used everything on this hog but the squeal, as the old saying goes. Now we've even used the very ground the place stood on. After years of animals living therein, you can imagine the potency of that soil once the plot was bared to the sun last summer. That's where we plopped our seeds this spring — and what a garden has sprung up. I feel like Jock and the Beanstalk, what with Swiss chard, squash, and kale practically leaping out of the ground. I have to eat spinach sandwiches just to get rid of the stuff. Now it is late afternoon and I am sitting in the driveway up the hill above the cabin watching the sun march across the shingled roof. Behind me up the hill our resident woodthrush warbles his liquid summer song. I've been chinking all weekend alone since Maggie and Selena have gone to Walt Disney World for the week. The chinking goes well; it is whiter than I had imagined it would be, but also everlastingly strong, which is gratifying. Another self-discovery along the way: I may be more of a craftsman than a scholar, in spite of my college town upbringing. Chinking is an artistic endeavor, more like painting with a palette knife... and it's an archival concrete painting. And today I notice that I'm approaching the halfway mark in the cabin's chinking. Sunday, July 27,1975 — A threatening frogstrangler has just blown past to the north, missing Hogwild by one valley. Ruby the Weather Dog creeps around my feet whimpering as the menacing thunder grumbles from the head of Sourwood Holler's Silver Creek. Maybe she was struck by lightning recently, a friend suggests of old Rube's new paranoia of thunder. She's eight years old and has just started to go bonkers over storms this summer. I give her the comforting she wants: we chat about the weather, I tell her there's nothing to worry about, and she apologizes with sad auburn eyes for bugging me so, but she can't help herself. Wednesday, Aug. 27,1975 — In today's edition we announced that we are buying the competition paper. The changes at This Week going on right now are mind-boggling: purchasing the Forest City Courier-Sun, �80 Hogwild combining the two staffs, and then installing a new press next week. This is what we had been working toward all along and I reckon "fullness of time" had reached critical mass. Co-Editor Ron Paris said in today's paper, 'The events of this week have been monumental ones for us." To put it mildly. We both know this is going to be one crazy autumn. It is late afternoon. I am down by the creek with typewriter, trying to get some perspective on it all. We carried straw mulch out this afternoon for the garden, and before I write I have to pick golden strands out of the Royal's keys. The sickly-sweet smell of bug repellent wards off the persistent buzzbombing of no-see-ums. An Ohio Blue-Tip explodes, and a corncob pipe responds, sending tobacco incense rising like the late afternoon thunderheads straight up into the umbrella dogwoods overhead. The typewriter, ordinarily an officious-sounding braggart when enclosed in four walls, sounds properly muffled by choruses of crickets and cicadas, and by Silver Creek's nearby incessant "Shhhh —," the waters scolding the old black Royal on the picnic table. Late August is the time of the insects. They wheeze, chirp, buzz and throb their last mighty tune. Butterflies, sensing the end of some golden time, grow emboldened. Fritillaries bask on hearth rocks, swallowtails show off on the iron-colored Joe Pye weed — and one friendly zephyr has decided to be my mascot and follows me around the log cabin like a spotted pup. They all know a change is coming. My sourwoods are all individuals, some still in high summer green, others brazenly splashed with red wine plumage. A light breeze stirs the Holler, sending an early-turning flame-yellow tulip poplar leaf on a plunging sky-dive. The first falling leaf of the year sends an oddly thrilling sensation of impending change through me; an eagerness to be away from summer's mugginess and on the with urgent business of autumn. And the business at hand is very urgent indeed. At This Week we are leaving an old phase behind and entering a new era of power and independence. We worked for this moment for seven years, and now that it's within our grasp, the magnitude of its actuality is almost more than we can comprehend. This fall I imagine I'll need as never before the creative, regenerative power and sustaining energy that Hogwild gives me. Saturday, Aug. 30,1975 — Reporter friend Lew Powell of the Charlotte Observer interviewed Maggie and Jeanette for a piece he did on how �In Which We Chink and Daub 81 women of the Carolinas are dealing with women's liberation and their own private lives. The headline over Jeanette's story read: "Ski Bum Turns Earth Mother." Lew did a good job catching Jeanette, who in many was is the "earth mother of Hogwild farm." She told him that when they were living in Colorado, she told Bill "If you ever want to move back to Rutherford County, I'll leave you." But she changed, and of Hogwild she said, "This has always been Bill's dream house; he spotted it a long time ago. I begged him not to bring me out here. I didn't want to love it as much as he did. "I'm peaceful now. Marriage had a soothing effect on me. I feel like I have a purpose in raising a family. We couldn't have it this good anywhere else. Bill's brothers all live around here, and we have a good, down-home family thing. "Sometimes I feel confined even here. But usually I just look around and think 'all this laaaand and nobody else around!" Jeanette, 26 now, told Lew, "I'm the same beebopper I've always been. It seems like you get to a plateau you're happy with and then you spend the rest of your life working to stay there. "Sometimes I picture myself at 55, working in the garden, wearing a bonnet, with a bunch of children trailing along behind me." When it came her turn, Maggie told Lew she tried at first to be a traditional stay-at-home wife but that "something else in me had to have a chance to breathe. I didn't understand it at first, why I felt so frustrated. I loved my home and my child, but I resented the he's-the-Papa, I'm-theMama thing." Maggie told Lew about her career as a jazz singer, folk musician, and artist-in-residence with the schools. She said, "Jock just takes over on weekends. He's responsible for Selena and the house. He rejoices in my fulfillment and is not jealous at all." But she concluded, "If I had to chose between my marriage or my independence, I couldn't decide. They're both important to my happiness." �8 The Cabin Grows as Friends Pitch In "The ornaments of a house are the friends that frequent it." — Ralph Waldo Emerson Wednesday, Sept. 24,1975 — I feel as if this weekend was the first time I'd seen my family in 20 days. Over the last three weeks, I have had scarcely a moment to write in this journal — let alone work on the cabin. We installed our newspaper press, bought the competition newspaper and integrated the two staffs, moved all their stuff over to our new offices, and are putting out our own papers and putting in some incredible hours. But this weekend was beautiful out on the land, and the first time I'd had to work on the long-suffering cabin since early August. Sourwood Holler was resplendent in crimson; a battalion of Beefeaters in gray breeches and hardy burgundy coats stand watch as fall slips unobtrusively down through the foothills. Losing hair but gaining ground: I take over Overhead, the high cirrus the chimney. clouds are sharply defined against the art deco blue sky. No hazy umbrella of muggy air. Instead, autumn washes the cabinman with invigorating breezes — blowing all manner of things about — including shards of fiberglass insulation. Ouch. �The Cabin Grows as Friends Pitch In 83 Maggie is flanked by clogging buddies Dan Mason and Danielle Withrow We're using the stuff for our insulated chinking, and it's nasty business. You've got to wear a Sherman tank or at least overalls, long sleeves and a bee-bonnet to work with the pink stuff. But I must be allergic to it; I break out in bumps just thinking about it. It is slow and toilsome work. At the rate we're going, we'll be all chinked by Valentine's '76. As we get higher up the walls, the work becomes progressively tougher. Saturday, Maggie and I were assisted �84 Hogwild by friend Deborah Compton, who concentrated all day on one corner. It was her first time at chinking, but she still couldn't resist signing her name in the mortar when she was done. Ain't that just like a Gemini? As the day wore on, and we got over our heads, so to speak, the only way to get where I really needed to work next was to stand in the chimney. Actually what I did was to stand in the firebox, but it still must have looked pretty silly. We got pretty punchy about chinking, making up bad jokes about it: I feel like I've got mortar on the brain. Or imagine a log cabin construction company with the framed company motto hanging on the wall: "Chink." Ah, the trowels and tribulations of chinker. I may really be out of my mind, for today I started rocking the chimney all by myself. I've about concluded that Kurt isn't coming back, and since I was working around the chimney with mortar, I wondered to myself: well, what about this rock from the pile going here on the chimney. And much to my joy, it fit. So I kept at for a couple of hours and laid several nice rocks and repaired several of Kurt's falling rocks. Hey, this is fun! Sunday, Sept. 28,1975 — Another great weekend at the Holler where I feel like I'm being regenerated and restored after the power drain of the 19-hour pressday. This one man's family had a chinking party today. And what a time we had. Friends Danielle Withrow and her new husband, Dan, along with Deborah Compton, pitched in for a day of progress and silliness. And then we settle dawn and have a chinking party. �The Cabin Grows as Friends Pitch In 85 I decided that the aggregation should be called "Little Maggie and the 3-Ds." While they chinked, I mixed and forked mortar — prompting Dan to suggest that I was the mortar-forker. More bad chinking jokes continued. "I'm chinkin'!" Dan declared, striking an affected "Hee-Haw" pose. "And I'm grinnin'!" responded Danielle. Then, without another word, they both threw down their trowels and commenced to buckdance on the cabin floor. Maggie joined in with the footy tattoo, and the three clogged around the place, laughing and stomping, raising a fine mist of mortar dust that wafted out between the logs. The foot-stomping good country weekend made me all but forget about the 19-hour Tuesday behind me, and the one coming up. So ends an incredibly busy and lovely September. Log Cabin Gothic. After the party, the ensemble poses for a serious portrait. Saturday, Oct. 18,1975 — I have become a disciple of the "Sleepy Smart School of Chinking." Have no idea who Sleepy is — only that Robert Hensley down at Hills Hardware has enlightened me about Mr. Smart's method for making chinking both warm and permanent. Here's the recipe: after mixing half a bag of Portland Cement (Type One) with 15 shovelfuls of "Columbia white" sand, and adding appropriate water 'til if s stiff, you throw in a smidgen of something called �86 Hogwild Acrylic Concrete Binder (made by Bonsai). A smidgen in this case is about half a cup. The result is mortar that resembles concrete "Cool Whip." It sort of plasticizes the chink, making it easier to spread to the point that we feel like we're frosting the cabin. I'm told this space-age chinking will resist cracking, expansion and shrinking — the latter two being a chronic log cabin problem with winter's temperature extremes. Sunday, October 19,1975 — I have to wonder about closure. When does the builder ever get to stop and say now, it's complete. Like the live thing that it is, this log cabin seems to grow more than it is "built." Maybe it will always be growing, and thus never "done." If so, then the cabin is like child whose growth we mark on the side of the bathroom door with pencil notations of height coinciding with events: four-foot, five-inches at kindergarten graduation; the bathroom doorframe as vertical diary. This week we mark the "door" with a fresh growth entry. My 90year-old grandmother not only drove the 200 miles from Chapel Hill — which in itself says something about the regal woman's abilities — but she also spent Saturday with us doing what we would have been doing at the cabin anyway: chinking. Grammy Lionne Rush (Vassar 'O5, DAR, Republican Women's Club, University librarian and curator of the Rare Book Room) is a doughty old queen, and it never occurred to me she might have anything in common with our woodsy venture. So we were pleasantly surprised to find out that she and Granddad Rush had had a similar experience when they were young parents back in the '20s, reconstructing a couple of log cabins within a loose community of friends in Indiana. So she knew whereof she chinked. It was a poignant time for her. The cabin, its woodland setting, and the chinking brought back memories of those happy Indiana log cabin days, of her three girls as young children, and of her husband, Charles, taking particular pride in designing the rock chimney so that it would draw just right. She took real joy in helping us build our own home. And it was good for us working together on such a permanent edifice. We all felt a sensation of connectedness — past to present, present to future. I loved the picture I took of her chinking — she with trowel in hand and a happy expression. She's handling the tools with as much confidence and dainty flair as if she's serving tea to the University women's circle. �The Cabin Grows as Friends Pitch In 87 Who says you can't chink at 90? Grandmother Lionne Rush of Chapel Hill shows us how. I'll always remember Gram chinking that corner of the kitchen. I'm reminded again how that when each person helps us on this cabin, their offering of presence, time and work is memorialized in wood, rock, and mortar. Sunday, Nov. 2, 1975 — October relinquishes the calendrical baton to dashing November and the 1975 Relays move to the llth runner. It is a smooth transition. The pass goes hardly noticed. There is more stir made over the daylight saving time switch and earlier sundown than there is fanfare welcoming the month of Scorpios and Thanksgiving. Even the weather seems to have forgotten that winter is supposed to be on the way. The log cabinman worked shirtless this weekend, rocking and chinking in the Tar Heel Indian Summer. I observe fall's welcome arrival: wasps who have taken up residence in the airy kitchen (framed in, but no windows) zoom and dive-bomb like tiny Stukas. This autumn the leaves just crumpled and gave up the ghost without much attempt at color — save the sourwoods which went out �88 Hogwild in a blaze of auburn glory. And now, with the leaves all down, we can look out from the cabin's perch on the knoll as if someone has dropped a green curtain on an outdoor amphitheater spread before us, revealing the creek winding its way below, the bridge leading across to the graying Soccer Field, and the bottomlands lying fallow and sere beyond the mouth of the narrow valley. For the first time since we built it last spring we can see the kid's new Playhouse from the cabin. A sense of a homestead is beginning to creep in here. I feel like king of all I survey, and since I can abruptly witness more of my wild kingdom, my sense of proprietorship is enhanced. Sometimes I stand on the lip of the kitchen's creekside prow just gazing out and listening to the last of the wheezy crickets singing slower now, like an entomological chronometer, old November's song. Sunday, Nov. 9, 1975 — Kurt came down today for the first time in months, and pitched in to rocking the chimney again. It's about waisthigh now. Good to have him back. Yesterday Maggie and I drove to Try on and bought all the siding for the cabin at Ellis Kuykendall's salvage place in Tryon. The 10 and 12inch-wide, rough-cut pine boards had grayish-blue streaks in them, because, Mr. Kuykendall allowed, they'd been cut in the dark of the moon. So we got the lot at the bargain price of $85 and hauled the load home in the back of the newspaper company van. Sunday, Nov. 30,1975 — While Kurt rocked along, Maggie and I had a glorious day, completely siding the kitchen with the pine boards. We worked out a system wherein Maggie measured and marked the boards while I'd saw and nail them in place. It was so hot and sunny that I was forced to shed my shirt and work in the warming sunlight. It was a thrill to see the walls go up, enclosing the kitchen wing. Hey, this place is beginning to look like a sure-enough house! Kurt is about one-third the way through the chimney — roughly five feet tall now — and this requires one set of scaffolding to facilitate hauling the rocks up to their resting places. Thus another stolen day on a stray weekend turns dreams into reality. We pour ourselves into this heart pine hope chest. I can't say exactly when it happened — when I first started thinking about this old log barn as "Home," but it has surely happened. And it's �The Cabin Grows as Friends Pitch In 89 not just the house itself, but where it sits, the land it occupies. There is a spirit in the Holler that I sense no other place. The valley fairly resonates with mystery and history. The trees have souls. Selena insists that the fairies live on Slickey Mountain. And when she tells me that, I don't laugh at her. I wouldn't be the slightest bit startled if one day a graceful tulip poplar spoke to me... or if on a full moon night I caught the flitting movement of distant figures dancing in some firefly-lighted glade... or the sound of faint pipe music intermingled with Silver Creek's chorus. Of this I'm certain: I'm a guest in the Holler's hospitable halls. Not the owner, nor the lord of the land extracting his tax and toll — but rather a privileged and devoted caretaker. The rights of this cohabitant do not exceed those of the hawks, deer, foxes, and owls who know my land more intimately than I could ever hope to. The difference between me and the animals is that I'm aware of the land's beauty and worth, and fully cognizant of my frightening ability to destroy it. I'm the only animal in Sourwood Holler that can do that. Someday, our log cabin home will reflect that reverence for the land. I would be most humbled and honored if someone told me it already does. r •f-r^^^^:..^ We have just sided the kitchen with salvaged pine boards bought cheap because they were cut in the wrong phase of the moon, according to the seller. �9 In Which We Move a Smokehouse and Create Another Hogwildling "Luck is the residue of design." — Branch Rickey, as manager of the Brooklyn Dodgers "Chickens come home to roost" — traditional American folk saying Sunday, Jan. 11,1976 — One good cabin-raising deserves another. One of our brothers of the land, Gene Ham, who participated in my cabin raising, has now joined us at Hogwild. We have found a terrific log house for Cousin Gene Ham, Now, to move the monster... �In Which We Move a Smokehouse 91 ' logs down, we pitch in to load them on the truck. Gene, who teaches at Clinch Valley College in Wise, Va., is an old '60s classmate of Bill Dyers' at Sewanee, where they discovered they were related. I started calling him "Cousin Gene" too, though he wasn't kin to me at all. But he seemed to be part of the Hogwild family from the start, even though he lived so far away, so the title fit. After repeated visits to Hogwild, Gene was finally ensnared by its charm. We encouraged him to join us — and he couldn't resist when the Byers found a log house over in the Shiloh community about 15 miles from our land. Gene bought a couple of acres on Hogwild just above the site of my barn and the tenant house. Down in a cove, he'd discovered an old chimney, and local lore has it that parts of my barn came from an old log cabin that once stood there — which explains why some of my beams are notched as if from a previous lifetime. "Big Daddy" in the kitchen has notches that weren't being used when I found the barn in '74, and the style of notch is dated at 1850, according to historian Eric Sloane. Also, the "Zonk" series of vertical log supports in the kitchen had the same kind of "double-seated rafter notches" which were designed for use in a horizontal position, proving they too were in a second lifetime when I found them. Over the last four days, a slew of us have pitched in and built Gene his cabin, in much the same fashion as we did with my barn. But because of the distance that had to be covered, it was a more complex operation and it took a lot more friends. Gene, a wiry Southern gentleman who refers to himself as "that 155pound weakling from Tupelo," had more than his share of the action. During the take-down of the cabin, he fell off the roof and went right �92 Hogwild through the floor, a drop of at least ten feet straight down. Gene, with his characteristic dry wit, allowed that the fall "was done alone, and thus was made more bearable, since I was spared the embarrassment of it all/' Then the next day he fell again — this time while he was working on top of the cabin and grabbed a rotten log for a hand-hold and the thing gave way. Gene toppled backwards onto the ground and the rotten log came with him, just missing him when he landed. No harm done; Gene was just learning the first rule of log cabin building: keep your tetanus shot current. I still maintain you've got to hurt a little with a cabin before you can really birth it fully. And if that's so, then old Gene certainly paid the price of initiation. At the razing site Thursday, we had assembled a crew of eight to 12 folks who toted logs and heaved beams onto the flatbed truck of our generous neighbor, Hugh Whitesides. Hugh is a great bear of a man who farms and raises pigs. Hogwild borders him on the west, and you'd think a native Rutherford Countian might look askance at all us longhairs building cabins back in the woods — but no, Hugh has been befriended us all, and in turn, he is invited to parties, gatherings and musical shindigs. The rest of the workers included Hogwilders Bill and Jeanette, along with brothers Stuart and h,: Burwell; their friend Richard Davis from Forest City; Jeanette's cousin Jerry from Atlanta and girlfriend Sandy; as well as Hugh's two boys, Billy and Bobby. Once the truck was loaded, Hugh slowly drove back to Hogwild, and then carefully edged down Gene's driveway, which, like my road two years ago, wasn't prepared for a truck of that size. So, after getting mired to the axles, the truck was abandoned and Cousin Gene looks pleased and he ought to be. �In Which We Move a Smokehouse 93 Gene's place goes up quickly. By this time, we had six log barns or old cabins on Hogwild; we were vets at this business. we carried the logs in by tractor and a trailer borrowed from the Byers' gas company. By Sunday, a rock pier foundation had been expertly crafted with some help by Hogwild neighbor Bill McCullough, who is not only a painter but also a gifted rockmason. We were ready for another cabinraising, and based on what we'd learned from doing my place, we were practically veterans. Of that original crew, six out of the seven were here for this one. This was the best way I could express my thanks to Cousin Gene for his help on my place. A cabin-raising is a gift; and like the best gifts, its value and beauty lies in sharing. Something very special happens when you're 15 feet up, clinging to a log wall with one arm, muscling a mammoth log upwards with all your strength, and you're giving your gut-busting best for someone else's house...I have come to discover that the gift works both ways. And I don't think I was imagining this: that during these cabinraisings I sense us all getting off on how historically appropriate such a building party is — especially in this, our Bicentennial year. The success of such an event is dependent on every man, woman, and child there (and we used all three). Every time eight people put their backs into a log, and it slid into its well-worn half dovetail notch, there would follow a communal sigh or satisfied bursts of alright's and �94 Hogwild yeahl's and now, what's next? As Sunday wore on, and the log structure rose higher, Sweatmore Construction Company had added friends Jerry Green, Erwin Johnston, Toni Shell and Peggy Shearon. We needed every ounce of muscle we could muster. We have learned not to underestimate these 500-pound logs. At any given time, a slipped foot, a missed grasp on a rope or log could result in disaster. Perhaps it is this added danger factor that makes a cabin-raising race for its climactic ending. The higher we go, and the tougher each log becomes, the more the excitement builds. In Sunday's faint drizzle, we were treated to a special country event •' *f~. *•> »•*;*< * ,,. . ' • . j_ «&*-<;. • *". **?.- : • 7* Three-quarters up, we pause for a Sunday feast. �In Which We Move a Smokehouse Oh no, not another log barn. No problem, we say. We can handle it. 95 Wildman celebrates roof coming off the Pea Ridge Smokehouse. when Jeanette and Hugh Whitesides' wife, Bernice, whipped up a picnic for the cabin-raisers. We had about three more courses of logs to go, and those logs which were lying about on the ground now became impromptu tables and benches for an old-timey Sunday feast. A bushed crowd of workers flopped around on the forest floor to chow down. "Don't you know," exulted Jeanette, "this is the real thing." I could see in Gene Ham's face the same sort of amazement I felt at my cabin-raising. "Yesterday I never would have believed it," he mused. "And today, it looks like it just grew here hundreds of years ago." Friday, Jan. 16,1976 — I have a bad case of cabin fever... and a couple of cracked ribs. Here's the play-by-play: three years ago, while still living in the big house on Pea Ridge, Maggie and I had found a small log barn way back in the woods. For $125 we decided to buy what turned out to be an old smokehouse. The remains of a fairly decent road still led to the old homesite. So yesterday Maggie and I rented a small U-Haul truck and eased our way into the site, figuring that we could take down that 12'xl5' barn in an afternoon without breaking a sweat. When will I ever learn? Even though we had labeled it and knocked off the rotting roof �96 Hogwild But alas, this barn is bigger and heavier than we reckon for. (Photo by Selena Lauterer) And it's all that Maggie and I can do just to get it dawn and onto the truck. �In Which We Move a Smokehouse 97 earlier, what appeared to be a "cute" little barn, turned out to be a bear. Maggie and I strained and gutted it out, first taking down the barn and then hefting the big logs into the truck. The logs were simply heavier than I had estimated. Is there a Murphy's Law of Building Log Cabin? If so, it must go something like this: "The given weight of a any log increases incrementally and proportionately by the square root of how many people are there to lift it." In other words: you never have too much muscle. Well, we just flat busted a gut — that's all there is to it. The pictures that Selena took of Maggie working as my helpmate are infinitely revealing; she doesn't even look like herself. And during the work she broke down and cried at one point, "I'm just not strong enough." So that made me strain to Herculean limits — and when we found that the bottom four logs were chestnut and heavier than all the rest of the pine logs, it took even more muscle than before. But in the end, we did get them loaded on the truck, and we lumbered back across Rutherford County to Hogwild, all nasty and grimy, where at Jeanette and Bills' we were fed and wined while we regaled them with stories of our brute strength. We were It was one of those weird nights — warm for sitting there eating and drink- January, a full moon, plenty of spirits. So why not put the barn up tonight? ing and trying to get over it when one of the Byers brothers (I don't remember who it was) chortled, "Hey! we've got all these people, why not put up the barn right now!" There was a lovely full moon lighting the valley like a huge bluish spotlight, and the mild January temperature was in our favor, and since we were high as kites from all manner of things including the day's work, I figured — why not? �98 Hogwild So the five of us jumped up from the table and trooped down to the Holler. The crew included the three Byers brothers plus Keith 'TooTall" Harrill, who at 6 feet, 10 inches, came in mighty handy. Earlier I had built a minimalist block corner foundation. And onto this we started laying the logs. Nearby a fire was started and someone had some Boone's Farm and I guess we were all pretty zapped — for on the fourth course around, we inadvertently toppled over one of the foundation piers and the whole thing fell with a crunch. Not to be deterred, I piled the blocks back and we went at it again, this time with five hefty dudes making the work go fast. It was such craziness, putting up the smokehouse by moonlight while we were so buzzed. I was inside of the frame at the very apex of each corner, and then guys were handing me up log-ends to lift and place into the grooves — when we got up to the top and the only person who could heave the log up was 'Too Tall" Harrill... ...And the only way I could reach the log he was handing me, was to lean over the top logs and put all my weight on the edge of my rib cage... I was hanging off the steepest corner, which must have been 10 feet off the ground, with big Keith stretching all of his immense frame while he handed a big 15-foot-long log up to me. When he did this, and I grabbed the log, I remember feeling something give inside me, but I was having too much fun at the time to wonder what it might be. Using my rib as a fulcrum, I gained another log barn and lost a rib. That's what the doc says. So I've got to wear a brace for a couple of weeks, and it really hurts when I laugh, and that's pretty silly because the brace is really like a girdle and I've about heard my fill of "my girdle is killing me" jokes. Wednesday, Feb. 11, 1976 — The other day I hosted a class of first graders out here at the cabin. It was a part of their study of early American culture in connection with the Bicentennial celebration. I was trying to impress the 6-year-olds with the rough-hewn quality of pioneer life as they toured the place, showing them the tools of the American backwoodsman: the froe, the maul, the adze, the auger and the broadax... until we arrived at the kitchen where I was giving a lecture on how the old builders pegged their log homes together. I took pains to stress how everything I was using at my reconstruction was likewise imbued with age and antiquity — until one little boy interrupted loudly, 'There's something that's not old!" pointing at an empty �In Which We Move a Smokehouse 99 The tools of log cabin building: clockwise from bottom, froe, auger, pegs, adze, maul, ax, broad-ax and framing hatchet. Coke bottle. So much for faithful reconstructing of the pioneer life. Saturday, Feb. 21,1976 — A light rain falls. I am seated in the kitchen (framed, sided, but still windowless). After a sip of water from the creek, I observe the day's work — roofing the new log smokehouse. �100 Hogwild ••-,,: . Indispensable handyman Joe Ryan came by playing his penny whistle, and ended up helping. The cracked rib has healed slowly so I've worked at an easy pace this month. I constructed the roof by first using two 18-foot-long pine poles left over from my original barn for the top sills. Then I tried my hand at notching and pegging for the first time. Pegged the new sill into �In Which We Move a Smokehouse 101 the old top log, and notched a place to seat the rafters. Last week, two zanies, Andy Morgan and Sam McMillan (both public school artists-in-residence) came out and helped hoist the rafters I'd built out of new lumber. Today I planked the roof with the old roughcut pine boards salvaged from the original log barn almost two summers ago. This afternoon I thought I was hearing things: I could swear it was a penny whistle playing a Scottish hornpipe or an Irish jig. But because the spring peepers have started their soprano spring song today down in the marsh, I couldn't be sure at first. Stopping my work, I cocked my head towards the sound. It was a penny whistle all right. And as the music grew louder, I realized the music maker was coming right down into the cove. Then out of the trees steps Joe Ryan, a neighborhood handyman, old-time music maker and transplanted New Englander, piping gayly on a little silver tin whistle. It was a positively haunting sound in the Holler. Joe climbed up on the rafters and played me a tune as I resumed my work. Joe, who takes Saturdays off because he's a Seventh Day Adventist, The Byers get together and make a purchase so they can do some serious farming. Jeanette waves as Burwell drives and Bruce rides. �102 Hogwild Neighbor friends Max and Michelle are married, and we give them a party at the Big House, beginning with Joe Ryan on the bagpipes... elected to help me anyway, and together we finished the uphill side of the roof. As to what this building will be, it's anybody's guess; a guest cottage, Maggie's studio? It really doesn't matter. I find it satisfying to have another log building on the land, so that while I'm working on one, I can gaze at another... sort of a mirror effect. For now, we just call it the Smokehouse in honor of its first lifetime. .with dancing to follow. Sunday, March 1, 1976 — We are blessed. Another child will bear our name, our life, our style, our heritage as Americans and Hogwildians. This was not an accident, �In Which We Move a Smokehouse 103 but neither was it planned for just now. Rather, we think it was just supposed to happen. But we couldn't make up our minds when it would be convenient to have a second child. We believe the Smokehouse made that decision for us. If memory serves, we were being natural this winter and using "rhythm..." Well, as best as we can figure it, all the heavy lifting and heave-ho'ing that poor Maggie did back there helping on Gene's cabin one weekend and razing the Smokehouse the next simply threw her cycle into a revolt. And the following week we went to the annual North Carolina Press Association convention and I reckon while "celebrating" any number of things including seven more press awards, I sired Liza/ Jon. Whoopee I say. She/he is scheduled to be born in early October, from all reliable guesses. Sunday, March 8,1976 — We durn near burned up Hogwild today. We were burning brush near Selena's Playhouse, and the fire got away from us. Fed by gusting March winds, what had started out as a tame little blaze exploded as it hit dry pine, old grass, and dead vines. It was as if someone had thrown gas on the fire. Maggie beat on the flames with her hoe, and I hollered, "I'll get buckets!" and ran scrambling licketysplit across the creek up to the cabin to get all the buckets I could gather — grabbed up four big heavy-duty buckets I've been using to haul junk rock and mortar, and dashed back down the hill to the creek, filling the buckets and running at top speed the 25 yards between the creek and the fire. By this time it was 20 feet wide and leaping 10 feet into the trees at the base of Slickey Mountain. I threw in the first two buckets of water and it didn't seem to do a damn bit of good. I could just see us burning up the whole 300 acres by our carelessness. Maggie, in spite of her pregnancy, had just toted two buckets from the creek and while she threw that on the fire, I ran back for another load — and when I did, in my haste and panic, knocked down poor Selena. The little girl was standing in the middle of the narrow path, paralyzed by terrible spectacle she was witnessing. "Get outa' th' way!" I bellowed — but she didn't move, and I couldn't stop my forward momentum. One of the buckets bowled her over backwards. I could see she wasn't seriously hurt. I felt awful — but I'd have to take care of her later; right now the emergency at hand had to be dealt with —and for a minute there I thought we were going to lose it. Two more racing trips back and forth from creek to fire with the big and �104 Hogwild impossibly heavy buckets sloshing with water. It occurred to me in one of those silly mental parenthetical asides that I, and especially Maggie, would never be able to tote so much weight were it not for all the adrenaline pumping. The brain does funny things in crisis. My mind's eye snapped something of a photographic image of Maggie in her big baggy overalls and brogans, her long black hair tied back in a red bandanna. She's got a bucket in either hand, she's biting her lower lip in concentration, and she's taking these big loping strides, walk-running sort of like a Chinese coolie with all that weight. She was flat-out busting it. Meanwhile I was trying to figure out how to get word to the Green Hill Volunteer Fire Department, and how on earth they were going to get a fire truck down in the Holler, much less across the creek — and how there was nothing between here and Clark Road but 300 acres of On the deckside, Maggie chinks... �In Which We Move a Smokehouse 105 woods... all the while, Selena is sitting on the ground bawling her eyes out — and Maggie and I are yelling instructions and encouragement to each other over the angry roar and frightening crackle of the fire. Rather than fear, I was awash in the strangest emotions, guilt over knocking the kid down, guilt in advance for burning up Hogwild, anger at myself for being so stupid as to let a fire get away from us, angry for Selena's being in the way, angry at myself for colliding with her, angry at her for being no help, angry because we were fighting for our land. I wouldn't let this thing happen to us. All that guilt, anger and sense of responsibility translated into superhuman energy. And I reckoned Maggie was feeling some of those same emotions. After the fourth trip to the creek and back, we saw that the battle had turned in our favor — and this only redoubled our efforts. Another round with the buckets and we were definitely winning. We cornered the blaze as if it was a vicious wounded beast and beat it into submission with Silver Creek's saving grace. And then, suddenly, it seemed to be over. We had won. While the coals still required a lot more dousing, we knew we had triumphed. And the first thing we did was to get all in a family group hug with Selena in the middle of the two spent firefighters. I told I was sorry over and over. I'm sure she didn't understand. I think we were pretty lucky she wasn't hurt. As for the land, it was left with an ugly black scar and three pine trees blackened 20 feet up their trunks. It was so close; it could have gone either way, and would certainly been a major disaster had Silver Creek not been so close by. And a strange thing, until now as I write this, it never occurred to me that the cabin was in danger, that the fire might leap the creek. But indeed it might have. Sunday, April 11,1976 — Selena turned seven today, and we staged a gala event at Hogwild. I bet we were the first drama ensemble to perform an improvised version of the hit musical Oliver in a log cabin. The event was totally Selena's idea, one she has been cooking on for some time. Of course, as producer and birthday girl, she cast herself in the starring role. Selena's friends were Fagin's "boys." Artist-in-Residence Andy Morgan played mean old Mr. Bumble, Maggie was Mrs. Bumble, Artist-in-Residence Deborah Compton played Nancy, Selena's little red-headed friend, Alice Roberts, was the Artful Dodger, and yours truly took pictures and doubled as Fagin. We brought a kiddie record player out to the cabin, and ran an �106 Hogwild extension cord to the temporary power box mounted on the big tulip poplar outside the front door, and stuck the Oliver soundtrack on the turntable and did the show in mime. Cleared the construction debris from the floor of the living room, we had ourselves a rollicking good play, with children romping around the old cabin, or being chased by Mr. Bumble (whose improvised costume consisted of an Army greatcoat, a blanket for padding, a broom from a staff, and a yellow plastic bucket for his helmet). Can't imagine what we'll do next year to top Oliver for theatrics... just hope Selena doesn't decide she has to be Charlton Heston and have The Ten Commandments down by the Rocky Broad River. Another birthday party extraordinaire: Selena plays Oliver Twist and asks "Please sir, I'd like some more." That's Andy Morgan as Mr. Bumble reacting: "WHOT?!" �In Which We Move a Smokehouse 107 ;• ••• ^ ^vv^a^: w .^ It/ P IV -^A&kL-,'-' ::?— •''?*: *V~ •/""-'':\T^^.^J|| ' •H -* "jr" Selena skips rope dawn Hogwild Blvd. to Bill and Jeanette's horse barn. ^ - �10 Of a Giving House and Lofty Ambitions "Though this be madness, there is method in 't." — Shakespeare "What next, Spiderman ? " — Marvel Comic Books Wednesday, May 12,1976 — With a pen I have inadvertently written on a scrap piece of 2x4 what I think is the theme for this phase: 'Ten Things At Once." Framing. Insulation. Salvaging. Put up more board and batten. Get batten. Staining. Get loft beams sawed. Put them up. Will need help for that. Wiring? What about getting windows? Build a front porch; design same. I need eight hands like one of those Hindu gods. Because the more involved with building I get, the more diverse it all becomes, each project is its own world apart, and yet it is all somehow intertwined under the same roof. So instead I take time out to go sit by the creek this gorgeous spring day and reflect on it all. With apologies to Annie Dillard, I am a Pilgrim at Silver Creek: I say pilgrim because I come down here like worshiper to a natural shrine. It is just below the cabin and so close — and yet a different world; a green chapel, the rock fireplace its altar. I can come here and feel a certain relief from the taskness that burdens me just up the hill, confronting me, confounding me, and at times overwhelming me; a gigantic challenge of my own making. I take stock. Maggie is huge with Lizajon, as we have come to call the growing contraction within who'll soon be with/out. Eliza the girl, Jonathan the boy. Either or both are welcome. �Of a Giving House 109 A wise old turtle surveys his creek world. Other things a'bornin': a year after we started chinking, we have finally finished. I bought rough-cut Ix4s and I hired Joe Ryan to rip them into 1x2 battens to cover the exterior siding. I've nailed these up and we've stained the siding with bleaching stain to protect and speed the "graying" of the board and batten to match the old logs' ancient natural gray. Bill Byers helped me frame Selena's room and the bathroom on the north wing, and in Selena's room I'm using a large plate glass window salvaged for free from the newspaper office. Enough, I cry to myself. The leaves are out, shielding me from the reminder of all I have yet left to do. I take off my shirt, kick off my shoes and step into the creek. Icy fingers slip fudge-mushy goo between my bare toes. All about me Silver Creek's hushaby song fills the sun-dappled afternoon with its singular symphony. I stand breathlessly still, a rock in the creek's rush; only my eyes move, argus-like; they see: Stiff-stalked cattails dancing wildly in a sunny reflection. A solitary deer track signing the sand bank. Tiny shelled periwinkles bulldoze miniature roadmaps in the silt of the creek bottom. A clutch of fragile blue "forget-me-nots" — each blossom no bigger than an aspirin, dot the mossy bank. A wise old box turtle with rings and wrinkles to testify to his age, glares at the creekworld like an amphibious Ahab. �110 Hogwild Life is all about me. A nondescript smallish snake swims away with energetic S-curves to the creekbank's dark haven. A spotted leopard frog jettisons himself from his launching pad. A brown salamander, slippery and slick as the neighboring creek pebbles he looks like, wriggles beneath the surface. Woodsflowers vie for my attention. I imagine blooming clumps of mountain laurel to be pale pink strawberry ice cream cones. I catalog the modest violet, the daisy flea bane, false and true Solomon's seal, the Clinton's lily, pinxter, flashy splashes of flame azalea, purple wild iris, growths of voluptuous pink lady slipper, and my favorite — the sweet bush, which fills the coves and hollers with a pungent spring perfume. As if stalking the very creek itself, I inch my way upstream. I am her greatest admirer. Even during a recent dry spell, the creek's springfed level remained reassuringly constant. This wellspring gives me cause enough for reverThe first thing up in the spring, a snow-white bloodroot. ence. I take care not to step on the thousands of fresh-water snails that line the rock-lipped edge. Seen from above, the periwinkles look like so many weekend sun-worshipers at some summer-clogged beach. The newest green leaves of the broad basswood and downy-soft beech ovals stretch out over the water. Lowly liverwort clings to wet cave rocks. Butterflies — zephyrs, tiger and black swallowtails — flit among the shadows with a thousand other skimmers and wheezers. I stop to examine the story left by a raccoon come to the creek's sandy bank to clean his supper. A single teacup boat — a solitary mountain laurel flower, is flung �Of a Giving House 111 into the torrent and dodges in and among the current, tumbling downstream past succulent mossy banks, fat-faced communities of clematis, shiny-leafed galax in bloom and over granite bedrocks flecked with fool's gold. But no matter how lovely or spectacular the animal or plant life — it is always the water itself that draws my attention. Each waterfall deserves its own celebration: there is the constant contrasting play of turbulence against solidarity, of impermanence against permanence. The roiling liquid is ever changing, ever alike, constantly replacing itself, rushing on in tiny parts — yet the form appears to stay the same. The water asks nothing but gives all. So that is what the Tao means: 'The highest good is like water.../' As I walk up the creek I hear her music; each falls has its own note... here a reedy tenor, there a throaty baritone, or here a pure soprano. Virtuoso solos, duets and quartets can be enjoyed just by changing positions — as if an audience member has the liberty of strolling about on stage amidst a great chorus in performance. I return downstream to the pic- Fern fronds unfurl. nic table by the little pool where the creek flattens out and is less vocal. Here she whispers to me her secrets. Sweet silver secrets. I step out of the creek, baptized. I leave the chapel-roofed dogwoods and stride up the hill to pick up my hammer. Am I not renewed? Thursday, June 10,1976 — I see we're coming up on the second anniversary of this a/mazing project. And what a growing two years it's been. 'The house that Jock built" was supposed to have been done in three months.... Now we've hunkered down and put our shoulders to the task. Knowing as much as I do about mountain climbing and house building, I have come to appreciate the psychological danger of anticipating the �112 Hogwild Framing and siding the north wing, the bathroom side. An Organic Gardening Club meeting down at the Big House. �Of a Giving House 113 false summit. So I try not to look for the horizon. We comfort ourselves with small triumphs along the way. This week we finished putting up the exterior siding on the north wing, which took some real doing since the boards had to work their way around the beautiful half dovetail notches which I wanted to display. As we were putting up the last boards this afternoon, a summer thunderhead rumbled threateningly from the east over Slickey Mountain and quail called to each other, "bob-WHITE!" from their shady hideouts on Laurel Mountain. I have also dug out the shallow side of the bathroom and built a trap door so we can finally subfloor that room, the last room in the house to get floored. The crawl space under the basement was so shallow that for the longest time I couldn't figure out how to handle the problem. I'm hoping we're on the brink of another phase with the milling of big beams for the loft. I have contracted with sawyer Ed Rhodes of nearby Cove Road to mill me eight 3x6-inch, 18-foot-long pine beams that will stretch across the width of the living room to support an upstairs bedroom for me and Maggie. It will have closets, a balcony overlooking the living room below, and large windows in either gable. The beams were to be ready today, but so far, haven't been delivered. Andy Morgan, my red-headed clown-in-residence buddy, has agreed to help when it comes time. Another surprise: when we opted for a factory-made circular stairway of oak, the price came back at almost $1,200 — well beyond our financial reach. So we said, "trust and obey," and sure enough, once we relaxed, things worked out. During the Organic Garden Club picnic at Hogwild last week, one of Joe Ryan's friends from his church, Carlton Mason, heard me moaning about the stairs, and he responded, "Heck, I can build you that — how's walnut?" And he wants to do it for just the price of the materials and welcomes my help. How about that for being neighborly? Friday, June 11,1976 — It is indeed a special day. Happy second anniversary. Two years since we embarked on this singularly sane journey in wood. Tonight I return alone to Sourwood Holler's loveliness, after finding that the sawmill up in Shingle Holler has busted so the beams can't be sawed. �114 Hogwild But no matter. The beams will be ready in the Fullness of Time. And I've plenty to do.... Tonight as I sit in the gathering dusk of this log home, I'm awestruck by the simple beauty. Imagine this: a drive-in movie picture screen, and seen in wide angle are a pair of feet stretched away from the camera's view... and in the foreground are white athletic socks, red mud-stained "garden boots" and baggy size 44 overalls rolled up to the knees to catch the evening breeze. I sit on the picnic table bench in the kitchen, feet out of the big window with its low sill, watching the fairy lights of fireflies dance in the gloom. Away from me, the trees of the Soccer Field march silently like giants advancing, their silhouettes indistinct and mysteriously fuzzy. A pipe. Lazy smoke eddies over my head. From an old snuff glass I got at a flea market I have a shot of quieting pink Chablis. Andy's birthday wine. Thanks, kid. Ruby the Weather Dog comes in and checks to see if I'm still here and haven't gone and left her. She thrusts her noble head on top of my thigh and loves me with eyes that speak of deep, doggy devotion. "Roooby," I croon. Silver Creek rushes constantly with its singsong voice. A whippoorwill breaks the June evening with a persistent plaint. In the east, where Slickey Mountain comes down to nuzzle at the nape of Laurel Mountain, a lighter glow appears, promising a full moon later on. I reflect on the day's progress, Maggie and I working all day here — she staining the exterior of the kitchen while I framed the last section of the kitchen facing the deck. I built a small window space and hung an old door salvaged from the tenant house up the hill. I believe I will do some major salvage work up there this month. The tenant house, which was part of the original deal, is mine for the taking - or as much as I can use. Other parts of it will go to Gene Ham and Bill's brothers — so in the end, every bit of the old house will be recycled in a new house somewhere on the land. Getting too dark to write now. Sunday, June 13,1976 — D-Day, or maybe "B" (for bald) Day would be better. Sitting there in church today, I just decided, I'd had it with five years of falling hair and looking splotchy. I marched home from church, and after announcing my intentions, shut myself in the bathroom and had at it — first with scissors, and then �Of a Giving House 115 with razor. I was going to shave my head or be durned. About one-third of the way through, I almost lost my gumption, but by then I figured it was too late — so I went on and finished the messy job. Well, it looks terrible, but it feels right. Without any sun on my scalp I look like a new convert to a Hari Krishna sect, or worse. Poor Selena. When the seven-year-old saw me, she ran out of the house shrieking, "I'm Why is this man smiling. never coming home again!" I can't say as I really blame her. I do look worse than a raw GI shorn of his locks at basic training. And it's already tiresome being called "Kojak" by the local yokels. But if the shoe fits.... Maggie is amazing. She loved me with my hair falling out, and now she loves me looking like Yul Brynner. I don't think it much matters to her what I look like. But for me, I can see right now this is going to take some getting used to. The following exchange is a good example in Humility Training 101. Bill and Jeanette's 5-year-old, Hannah, ogling the shaven sphere: "Boy, do you look crazy!" Curly: (going along, good-humoredly) "Oh yeah?" Hannah: "Yeah! You oughta' go home and look in a MIR-row!" Saturday, June 26,1976 — Haying must be the hottest thing under the sun. When we all heard that farmer Hugh Whitesides was needing to put up his hay, Hogwildlings mobilized and turned out in force. Nothing heroic, just neighborly — especially in light of Hugh's help last winter on Cousin Gene's cabin-raising. Burwell, Stuart and Bill Byers, Cousin Gene and I pitched in, and through the sun-broiled afternoon we toiled over the heavy bales, loading, unloading, while Hugh's machinery chomped the flaxen-haired field into still more bundles. Chaff and grain got in hair, combined with sweat to nettle the workers as we combed the fertile Broad River bottoms. �116 HogwUd Hogwild alert: we go help Hugh Whitesides gather his hay. ' - . . '*• Bz7/ loads a bale. Gene's right behind him, and Stuart awaits the truck. And when afternoon lengthened into evening and the job was finally done, the hay all safely stowed away in an old house, then the cool river's swimming hole offered us its ultimate reward. Sunday, June 27,1976 — For the last two weeks, Gene and I have been working hard at salvaging the old tenant house, which has yielded up �Of a Giving House 117 such a rich bounty that Maggie and I've taken to calling it "the Giving House," after Shel Silverstein's classic and wise cartoon book, The Giving Tree, all about selfless giving and consistency. The place is chocked full of clear, knotless heart pine — called "forest pine" by the oldtimers around here. I think what they mean is the loblolly pine, but it is the virgin or near virgin growth in the forests that were allowed to grow to such a height and maturity that the wood grew straightgrained and hard in a way loblollies don't (or aren't al- This is the old-style, post and tenon lowed to) grow in these days construction. of forest harvesting. The Giving House must have been a real beauty in its day — I try imagining 75 years ago when the virgin pine had been cut from those knotless giants of the Broad River basin. It seems almost a shame to dismantle the old house — for the tumbledown place hadn't shown its true identity until I (covered with bat and owl guano) discovered its classic framing. It wasn't just the irreplaceable heart pine....("You can't buy that at the lumbeiyard anymore," the old-timers tell me). It wasn't the first part of the house I salvaged two years ago and found little to remark at. It was only when I got to the second part of the house that I was awestruck by what I had on my hands. Taking down the upper rafters I came to the massive corners of the house where I found hand-hewn beams pegged together. And the massive "H" beams framing the mud-daubed chimney had been built by post and tenon method — the style of precision jointing and notching that predates and precludes the use of nails. In short, the Giving House is a masterpiece of pioneer craftsmanship. Gene has already salvaged the roof, so I must work quickly now to get the wood in out of the weather. I go to the door and watch the rain approaching: a gray line of diaphanous gauze dropped like a scrim �118 Hogwild down from the gray cotton candied masses above. I take off my broad-brimmed felt hat and lay down my hammer. Off with each grimy glove, then the soiled towel to wipe away rivulets of sweat and attic grime. The break gives me a chance to reflect on the old house's wonder and to watch the storm's advance. The trees on the far side of the June-green valley quiver and then chuckle one to another as if the wind had passed there telling a good joke that makes them now bend double with laughter. An indigo bunting flits to a nearby ruined pear tree, the bird's brilliant blue plumage a gaudy splash against the chartreuse leaves and Confederate gray rain clouds. The summer heat breaks; the storm brings a reprieve as refreshing ozone-rich cool air sweeps up the valley. August 8 - 14, 1976 — I can't believe this: it's Tuesday and I'm not putting in 18 hours in the back shop of the paper office. Instead, the Lauterers have taken a whole week away from housebuilding and newspapering. Today is pressday back in Forest City, and the coeditor is sitting beachside with his gangly feet dangling in the surf. Maggie is about eight Classic framing in the "Giving House.' months pregnant with Lizajon, who is extremely active; the kid's going to be either a soccer player or a tap dancer to judge by the way she/he's kicking and hoofing around in there. As for me, I've gotten totally used to the Yul Brynner look, and have found that I don't burn like I thought I would, and that swimming "in the bald" is an amazing, sensuous experience. I can feel more because I have more skin. At the cabin, things have been blasting along. Two weeks ago Ed Rhodes delivered the loft beams — eight 3x6s for $132.1 thought that was way too much, but when he threw in enough Ix8s left over to completely floor the loft, it seemed like a pretty good deal after all — for �Of a Giving House 119 the beams are beautiful, green sawed loblolly pine by the looks of the logs I saw on his truck back in June. The beams lay around until I could get the necessary help. But first Maggie and I had to decide just where we wanted the loft to go, how far out to extend it over the living room, and how close to put the beams. We finally settled on using seven beams, 19 inches apart, with a 12-footwidth extending across the 18-foot-wide room. So the loft will take up just over half of the room's ceiling space and leave a wonderful airy, open high ceiling. I notched the supporting wall logs with chainsaw and chisel, dragged the first two beams into the cabin and manhandled them into place by myself on two separate days. The next Saturday, Andy Morgan and David Kirby (an artist who makes lovely silver jewelry) came down and donated the entire day to the lofting. We had this marvelous rhythmic system going: I'd cut the notch while David chiseled out the block and then all three would haul the beam into place. It went quite fast, and after Maggie served a picnic lunch to the good friends, we charged on into mid-afternoon, getting the last beam up. We couldn't stop then, so we threw the flooring up there — and presto, we had a loft! In the remaining weeks of July I spent a lot of time moving much salvaged lumber from the Giving House down to the Holler. On the last load, with the "Obie," a beat-up 1957 VW bus (named for Objet d'Art), crammed to the gills with wood, the brakes gave out coming down the steep incline to the cabin... I just barely managed to stop using gears and handbrake. Whew. I piled the flooring from the Giving House in the living room along with the 4x5 beams, put much of the paneling in Selena's room and the kitchen, and then loaded the Smokehouse chocked full of wall and ceiling boards from the Giving House. But I guess the weight was too much for the little woebegone log barn. This is the barn put up in a high January night when we knocked the foundation over in our excitement, resulting in the bottom side of the smokehouse being six to eight inches lower. When I added all that new weight this week it must have put an additional strain on the place. Some time when we weren't there, the Smokehouse shifted downhill off its upper foundation. Luckily, the entire weight of the barn was caught by a log "flying buttress" we had fortuitously placed on the lower side to brace the building. (Maggie's idea, I believe.) How it remains standing is still something of a miracle to me. The tallest foundation pier is tilting �120 Hogwild The new front porch and Maggie, eight months pregnant. precariously — and I reckon the solution is to jack up the whole shebang and re-stack the foundation. The last week in July we built the front porch — which was a joint project perfectly suited for the would-be carpenter and his very pregnant assistant. �Of a Giving House 121 After diddling around with various elaborate roof designs, we took Gene Ham's suggestion of a shed roof with a simple angle. For the basic 5'x8' floor frame we used the "gangplank," a pair of 2x8s long used as the walkway up to the kitchen. I leveled the whole frame on blocks flush against the cabin, and used flat rocks found up on the main road for the front two piers. The supporting posts are stout old 4x4s from the Giving House. The rails and banisters I made from the marvelous old grayed chestnut given to us by Dr. Hyde from his Jonas Ridge place. I've been saving them for two years now. I roofed it with poplar planks left over from last year's salvaging expedition to Kuykendall's in Tryon; he'd thrown in that poplar to sweeten the deal and I couldn't figure out what to do with the stuff. I covered the roof with 90-pound asphalt paper left over from the main roofing job two years ago. And for shingles we elected to go firstclass and use the thick premium-grade hand-split cedar shingles, costing us $18 a bundle, as opposed to $6 for the lesser grade I used for the main roof. The shingles alone cost almost forty bucks, which seems pretty steep, but it is worth it — for the porch seems to connect the cabin with the earth and makes the barn/cabin begin to look and feel like a home and a house as never before. With pregnant Maggie (in spacious overalls) supervising and hauling the shingles up the ladder to me, I laid them on the porch roof, and later I built some crude steps to do for a while. After talking about it for nearly a year, we have finally gone ahead and taken another plunge, ordering the first of the expensive thermopane windows: one for Selena's room, the medium sized casement for the kitchen's east side, and the dinky casement for the kitchen's west wall facing up the hill... haven't the foggiest idea how we'll pay for them. Selena, a saucy seven now, is forever slaying me with her commentary on life. Coming back from the beach, we took time out for a tour of the USS North Carolina in Wilmington, and as I was explaining that the battleship had seen action in World War II, Selena wondered aloud, "Wow, who won that war?" "We did. The Good Guys." I simplify history whenever possible. "Oh," she replied thoughtfully, scanning the ship's length. 'That's why it's not all banged up." While I was working on the cabin recently, Selena and Hannah were seating in the sandpile just below the kitchen. They were playing a game �122 Hogwild they call 'Teenager." This consists of taking your toy car and zooming around the sandpile roads while dramatizing the dating game. They had planned to pick up their "girls" and drive them to "the end of the world" (as they called the edge of the sandbox). I couldn't help overhear the exchange between Selena and her buddy, five-year-old Hannah. Selena: "C'mon, I'm gonna go pick up my girl Julie." Hannah: "OK, I'm gonna go pick up my girl Jello." Sticking my head out the window, I had to laugh, "My girl Jello?" But Hannah could only smile back with her June-apple cheeks and give me a happy shrug, as if to say what's wrong with a girl named Jello? Selena arrived at a memorable rite of passage this week called Learning To Ride a Bike. She seemed ready for the experience this summer and I was convinced I could teach her. So the other day back at the Blue Shed in Rutherfordton we did it. I chose to teach her in town so she could learn on pavement. In my favorite baggy size 44 faded overalls, I launched her out on the level stretch and padded Creek sprites Selena and Hannah up Silver Creek barefoot along beside her, gripping the rear of looking for "fairies." the bike's seat, chattering like a rowing coach: "Peddle, peddle, peddle... think middle, sit in the middle of the bike, turn your handlebars the way you feel you're falling...peddle-peddle... c'mon, you're not peddling!" We must have been a sight: a bald dude in clown-sized overalls barefootin' it down the road with Little Bright-Eyes teetering like a wind-up doll in the stirrups of the blue Huffy. And on that day something magical happened — you know that feeling — when you discover the mystical missing key to a solution. All �Of a Giving House 3 •? toe- «f 7" /^ Co ^/3it«u ' 123 n3 Cousin Gene's fanciful invitation for Hannah's gala birthday party. at once, Selena was doing it — with me running along with a hobbling gait, letting go. Really letting go. It was like holding a small bird in my hands and then having it burst into flight. She chortled with unrestrained joy at the sensation of floating. She was on her own. She had her Wheels now, and her life was suddenly transformed from a pedestrian crawl to Transports of Joy. She spent the next remaining hours perfecting her new-found skill. Coming in that evening for dinner, she remarked in wonder, "My room looks different... Everything looks different since I've learned to ride my bike." And that night, after the bedtime story, Sleepyhead told us wisely, "Riding a bike is like life. You've just got to go on peddling — no matter what." Wednesday, Aug. 25,1976 —This past weekend I spent salvaging more good stuff out of the Giving House, the wonderful old tenant house that �124 Hogwild has been so generous to us all. I have come to believe sincerely that buildings have souls, and emotions like restraint, hostility, coldness, or on the other hand, graciousness and benevolence. This Giving House has given of itself so well, in spite of being dilapidated and weathered. A magnanimous spirit dwells herein. And maybe this is because she knows all her vital organs were being recycled into new houses: Cousin Gene got the roof, Burwell and Stuart have felt her generosity too, but I'm getting the lion's share of flooring, wall boards, floor joints, hewn sills, at least five doors and frames, and beautifully weathered gray exterior siding. Two years is a long time to be undressing a house — a long time to be building another — it forces the salvager-builder into an intimate relationship with his buildings; one coming down as another goes up. Board by board I dismantle the Giving House and mantle the cabin. Each board must be carefully pried loose from its setting. If it's tongue and groove, which most if this is, then this operation takes further care that I don't split out the tongue or groove which I'll need to replace. Then each board must be de-nailed, steel-brushed, and toted either by hand or by Obie the VW workbus down the trail to the cabin for dry storage. This weekend I came to the point where I realized the next logical step was to salvage the stairway. As usual, I was working alone, so I tackled the problem head-on, starting at the top by taking off the stair treads. Then, about three treads down, I wondered aloud — why can't I just knock the stairs down intact and save taking the thing apart in fifty jillion pieces? So I whacked the supporting studs out of the way and got underneath the stairs and gave the risers a light prod... A word of explanation here: anyone who has ever done any serious salvaging knows there are two phases in this work: the meticulous board-by-board method described above — but at other times you have to go into a state of Creative Berserking. If s as if nothing can stop you, you're pushing down walls all about you amid great sturm und drang... and you're still standing there, crowbar in hand, covered with sweat and grinning through the bat guano and wood grime. Though sound and fury threaten to engulf you, you're indestructible. Today I was in Berserker mode. So... I figured well heck, I'll just give the stair risers another light tap with the crowbar, strike an Atlas pose and catch the thing... Tap When the stairs fell on my head, arms, and shoulders I remember �Of a Giving House 125 thinking: this is what it's like playing rugby and getting gang-tackled in the middle of a scrum. So much for Atlas. The stairs had fallen straight down on top Mr. Milquetoast, and I had simply folded up like an accordion, crumpled backward with the stairs pinning me to the floor. As I lay there under the down staircase, arms and legs poking out from either side, I had to start laughing... Zonk, that was one of the stupidest things you've ever done. I've heard of people falling down stairs — never stairs falling on people... The experience left me with a Red Badge of Ignorance on my elbow where I had taken the fall. But it was nothing really, just "took the bark off," as the old-timers around here say. Less like a wound and more like a memento from the Giving House, a reminder from the old girl: "Don't take gravity too lightly." Friday, Aug. 27,1976 — We don't take much to graven images around here, and I've always thought it tacky to have concrete figurines in your lawn — but two have come to live with us down in the Holler, and they're symbolic. The first is a cement rabbit so animated that we knew Hazel-rah from the first moment we saw him. Or maybe he's the Velveteen Rabbit. At any rate, he's Real. The second was a gift from Jeanette. A fat, bald laughing Chinese good-luck god, Ho-Ti, I believe is his name. He's just the Zen reminder I need from time to time. Ho-Ti spends a lot of time sitting up in the woods laughing at his bald- Ho-Ti watches and laughs at his look-alike headed counterpart. builder budd V' �11 In Which We Have a Son and are Illuminated "Lo, children are a heritage of the Lord: and the fruit of the womb... As arrows are in the hand of a mighty man, So are children... Happy is the man that hath His quiver full..." -Psalm 127 Tuesday, Sept. 28,1976 — My son, Jon, has joined us on the outside this morning. It is late night now, and I'm back at the Blue Shed trying to internalize The Most Amazing Thing I've Ever Seen. Words like stumbling messengers arrive babbling and incoherent. The moment is too great for them. Who, having been there, can speak of the birth of his own children with detachment and clinical objectivity? For a woman it must be the ultimate physical experience; pain and ecstasy — and so much joy that writing about it sounds downright mawkish. But still, the words must come out, just as Jon had to be out with it: a sight for all time. It started early this morning at 5:30 with the water breaking. Excited, we jumped out of bed to see if this was really Lizajon's debut. And it was. A light pink show was found with the water. We woke wide-eyed Selena with the good news. Then Maggie began having contractions ten minutes apart. After a quick Breakfast of Champions to fortify ourselves, we packed our bags and took off in the gray, misty pre-dawn for Crossnore Hospital, 30 minutes up the mountain. Crossnore is not only Maggie's hometown, but it was also where she was born, where Selena was born, and where she knows all the nurses, and they all call you "honey." It's the next best thing to having �In Which We Have a Son 127 a baby at home. We had agreed this is where we wanted to have Lizajon, even though the old Doctor Fink (who incidentally delivered Maggie and Selena, and who is a second cousin of Maggie's) said she'd never heard of Lamaze or Rooming In... she did say she'd give it a trial run and if we did okay, then she'd see about it. She told me sternly that I would be the first man ever to be allowed in that hospital delivery room for the birth of his child. We roared up the mountain at 70 mph while the contractions increased in tempo from five to three minutes apart. There we were, speeding along the narrow mountain road, laughing and talking, and when the contractions came, doing Lamaze breathing — and it was working. We got to Nannie's by 8:30 and were welcomed by Aunt Cordelia and Nannie, who insisted on feeding us, so I wolfed down ham and eggs, but Maggie was ready to pass out, so when Nannie (88 years old and an veteran on baby matters) said we ought to get over to the hospital, I paid attention. In little Crossnore (pop. 250) going to the hospital means going about 100 yards across the valley, so we were there within the space of a minute. By then, Maggie was having contractions every two minutes, and while nurse Aldie Johnson and Dr. Fink prepped Maggie, Dr. Fink grinned and said, "You're going to have that baby all by yourself/' which is exactly what we intended to do. Maggie was wheeled into the small, green tile delivery room, and I was ensconced in a mint green gown. We got Maggie on the delivery table and had a time insisting that Maggie not lie "flat of her back" in the traditional hospital pose. So we got her jacked up, and by that time, Dr. Fink found that Maggie was completely dilated. "Well, Margaret, it's up to you," she said, and, "You can start pushing any time now." Maggie began, and I propped her up under her back and braced her while chattering at her and coaching her breathing. Soon Dr. Fink observed happily, "Well, it's got dark hair," and then 15 minutes later of pushing, we got him/her to the place where his/her head wouldn't slide back down the birth canal. At last, Dr. Fink wondered aloud if Maggie shouldn't take a hormone pill to bring on a stronger labor, but I said I was not in favor of that, we wanted this to be as natural as possible, and that seemed to make Maggie redouble her efforts by shoving the baby into this world. But after two more unsuccessful pushes, I consented... but no sooner than had Maggie popped the thing into her mouth than she had a terrific push which shoved the top of the baby's head up and out. Dr. Fink �128 Hogwild performed a quick, small necessary episiotomy to the side of the previous one... Then everything happened at once. While Dr. Fink said, "You can rest now/' Maggie practically shouted, "How can I stop now?!"and kept shoving and shoving. In ten seconds the upper body of a lovely new person emerged and while only half out hollered its first cry... we were all working, pushing, catching and coaching. I saw the umbilical cord and mistook it for a boy's parts, and had to chide myself to wait for the proof. The excitement and anticipation of what Lizajon would be was as unbearably delicious as Christmas morning. Then he popped out, or I should say, slid out — like a baseball player in slow motion sliding into home plate where Dr. Fink, the Catcher, caught him. He was Out. But he was safe. And he was he. When I saw his maleness, I hollered, "It's a boy. Look!" and Maggie could raise up enough to witness that small wholly holy perfect miracle, the birth of our son. Amid tears and laughter, Jon was placed on his mom's tummy and I was instructed to hold his feet lest he tumble off. I thought this curious as it was not in our Lamaze training, but just then my son wa- Words. No words. Only a baby's elf-blue eye tered me down, but good. Dr. and rockabye sweet baby Jon. Fink stepped back expertly as a bright arc of urine christened the new father. Somehow I got the sneaky feeling this was not so unexpected to the old doctor, but at the time, it only produced more laughter and joy. "Well, that works," Dr. Fink quipped. She cut and tied the cord and the placenta was delivered. Jon had some white vernex on him, but not much. They wrapped the little boy in a blanket and put him on the surgical table nearby, and I went over and hovered over Jon — for it was Jon at last — and did the strangest �In Which We Have a Son 129 thing: I wanted to sing to him. But the only song that came into my delirious mind was a John Philip Sousa march. What the hey — why not a celebratory march at the birth of your son? So there I was, whistling and crooning The Stars and Stripes Forever to my newborn. Jon winked open his left blue eye for his first sight of this world. He must have thought: "M'gawd, a bald dude scat-singing a Sousa march." No wonder he slammed his eye shut. That didn't deter the triumphant father. I kept crooning softly and rubbing his back to get his lungs full and circulation going while Dr. Fink patched Maggie. It was a happy time in that merry little delivery room, with Maggie beaming across at me with those tear-sparkled silver love eyes, me humming Sousa, and Dr. Fink talking softly to the nurses and congratulations all around. We wheeled immediately across the hall into Maggie's room, and we had insisted that Jon come along and that I be allowed in as well; this "rooming in" was all very new for this mountain hospital. But we had been a hit with Lamaze, and Dr. Fink said she was so impressed with the method that she would allow other trained couples to try it. We felt like true groundbreakers — as well as babymakers. I swear but that Jon smiled in the low light of the hospital room. The first thing I did was take their picture. We spent the day with each other marveling, phoning friends and family, admitting family members to gape at the newest news. But it was Tuesday, and so I had to blast back down the mountain and help get the paper out. At 12:30 a.m. we finished up, and I charged back up the mountain to see the wonder of it all. Wednesday morning, I found that Maggie had not slept a wink since her water had broken. She was in a state of grace, floating in a transcendental joy that she didn't want to surrender to sleep. She said: "If this was Heaven then there would be no pain. But this is Earth, so it is rapture." Saturday, Oct. 2,1976 — I have returned to Crossnore with a batch of birth announcements I composed and had printed. Sitting on the bed, we addressed the cards and chattered happily to each other and Jon. Selena has been a marvel too. She announced today, "I'm gonna hold that baby until I get sick and tired of it." �130 Hogwild Jon's first trip to Hogwild. Ruby guards while Jeanette gives the girls and dolls a ride on Tony. Sunday, Oct. 3,1976 — We brought little Jon home today. The sun is out. The little nursery we fixed up for him in a back room is small but delightful with a high crib and wallpaper that reminds me of all The Wind in the Willows critters at a country fair. When I hold him in my arms, I point to the animals and recite their names, there's outrageous Mr. Toad, stout-hearted Mr. Water Rat, and heroic Mr. Mole. Jon will know more of these characters later. �In Which We Have a Son 131 Son-rocking at midnight in an old yellow wicker chair, my reeling senses are barraged by unedited overlapping phrases and quotes from the week: For unto us a child is born/ hail to thee, little man; barefoot boy with cheeks of tan/ all babies look alike — like Winston Churchill/ Uncle Ben says it's a 'possum/ he's got her nose and my eyes. Winking smiling waving crying my son speaks perfect body language. A leaf, a stone, a baby's elf-blue eye and rockabye sweet baby Jon. Sunday, Nov. 1,1976 — This year, by gum, we're going to be ready for the winter and wood heat. Having two kids in the Blue Shed has mobilized me into preparing adequately. If I'm going to heat with wood (and in the Blue Shed that's all she wrote) then I've got to be serious. Last winter we stacked wood on the porch and it was better than nothing — but an honest-to-goodness woodshed would be ideal. So, for the last two months I've been banging away on this critter — a project designed to keep me building close to home, since Maggie hasn't ranged very far from the Blue Shed with Jonathan Rush on her hands. He demands and deserves our attention, a fine lad, we're so proud of his even Libran temperament. A "good baby" by all standards, not colicky like Selena was as a poor babe. I reckon she was miserable as an infant — I know we were; it seemed to me she cried all the time. I should call the Guinness Book of World Records about this woodshed/toolshed/glorified clubhouse of mine. I have been keeping track of expenses and by my calculations, I built it for $7.50 — and that was just for nails! The salvaged wood came from several sources: Father Austin's office remodeling two years ago, the exterior siding and the door come from the Giving House, the windows were freebies, and the roof — ah, here's the coup de grace — it is aluminum sheeting which I got from the newspaper pressroom. They're the plates actually used to print the offset newspaper. I simply turned the ink side down and nailed them in place... I bet I'm the first builder ever to get printer's ink on his hands while laying down roofing. And it feels sort of strange to be in the woodshed and look up at the ceiling and be able to read last week's newspaper. I built the woodshed on a concrete slab that was left over in the side yard from some previous owner with a trailer. When it was done, I discovered to my chagrin that I had built one corner narrower by a whole foot. Duh. So the little woodshed has a decidedly whackeyjawed look about it. Oh well, each outhouse is another dry run, and I recall a �132 Hogwild quote I need to put down but can't attribute: "There are no mistakes — only lessons." Wednesday, Nov. 3, 1976 — For the last two weeks Hogwild has been the site of a magical event: a watercolor workshop led by our artist friend Tom Cowan. Bill and Jeanette served as co-hosts, cook, and maitre d', stove-stoker, and house musician for the 27 artists from all over the country who stayed at the Big House. We regard our friend Tom Cowan as the best North Carolina watercolorist, but he has not received the recognition we think he deserves. Like many artists, his strength doesn't lie Swaddled in wrappings, artists take in marketing and promoting advantage of the clear morning air. himself. I think Jeanette and Bill came up with this workshop idea in order to help him out. Tom has been living out here from time to time — in a converted schoolbus parked up in the woods near a mountain I call Sundowner, or for a time in the spacious hayloft of the Byers' horse barn. Tom, a native McDowell and Rutherford Countian, went up to Chadd's Ford last year and had a chance meeting with Andrew Wyeth, his idol and mentor. The meeting forever changed Cowan's life. "Paint what you know best — your home," Wyeth reportedly told the young artist. Tom took Wyeth's advice, returning to the mountains and to Hogwild where he set up a summer studio in the barn loft at B&J's. There, he started seriously cranking out watercolors as fast as he could go. And they are so innately Hogwild. It's clear that he has found a rustic inspiration here. So it was only natural that a workshop be held in the Southern Gothic splendor of the many-cupola'd Big House — a structure I've �In Which We Have a Son 133 Tom Cowan instructs neighbor Billy Whitesides, a budding artist. always said reminded me of a Mississippi River boat (minus the paddle wheel) marooned up on a hill. After advertising in prestigious national art journals, the workshop drew folks from 10 states, and we all enjoyed the paradoxical sight of Cadillac Sevilles, Jaguar XJ-6s and Mercedes clogging Hogwild's narrow dirt driveway. The students themselves included a coughdrop factory worker from Pennsylvania, a retired Naval commander of the nuclear submarine base at New London, a Green Hill schoolboy (neighbor Billy Whitesides who has been excused from classes to pursue this interest), an interior designer, a hairdresser, a pastel artist from Disney World, and several women like Pat Viles of Conover, N.C., who Saturday, when it was all over but the hugging, said: "At 4 o'clock today I go back to being a JeanMe CQoking {n her b{g CQuniry mother and a housewife." kitchen �134 Hogwild The artists experienced a glimpse into a life of wood heat, downhome country music, home-cooking, no television — just two weeks of thoughtful watercolor painting. A few of them did some lifestyle rethinking. "Now this is the way to live," concluded one svelte big-city Northerner. Tom would give instruction on technique in the barn loft studio in the mornings, and then in the afternoon the artists fanned out across Hogwild to paint and sketch on their own while Tom made the rounds, giving each one individual attention. They painted the Rocky Broad, a teepee in the meadow, the barns, the Big House, all made more amazing by the clarity of the October chill, the tang of woodsmoke, and Hogwild's raucous autumn colors which were at their best this week — as if the Land knew it was modeling and wanted to show off. Christmas, 1976 — We are truly woodbutchers. For Christmas, Maggie has given me a big red wheelbarrow to tote wood from the new woodshed to the house. With four wood stoves going, we are able to keep the Blue Shed right toasty in spite of old leaky windows, no subflooring or insulation. When I'm at work, Maggie keeps the fire going in just the living room-kitchen combination, where the Franklin stove keeps this "snuggery" livable. In Selena's room we have a Fisher "Baby Bear," in the front living room we use only on special occasions, we have a wonderful old stove we call "Vesuvius" and in my office where I do most of my writing on an ancient pre-World War II Underwood, I have a decrepit little stove I got for nothing at the demolition of an old house downtown in Rutherfordton. The Blue Shed, with its two tall chimneys, has flue openings in every room except Jon's where we've been forced to resort to baseboard electric — a grudging concession to necessity and modernity. Obviously, the first word that Jon has had to learn is: "Hot!" and as we point to the stoves and jerk our hand away in mock alarm and we say it with such wide-eyed gusto that at three months the little elf has learned "not to touch!" He is full of smiles and chortles for all of us, this alert happy little character. Selena has emerged from her self-absorbed only-child state, and has made herself precious to us more than ever now in her new role of Big Sister. It is a role she has embraced with gusto, and I'm very proud of her acceptance, and indeed, of her ownership in this experience. We are at Nannie's big house high in the mountains where it almost always snows for Christmas. No less than 25 kith and kin are here. �In Which We Have a Son 135 This afternoon a slew of us took the traditional post-dinner trek across the mountain over to the "Uncle Robey Place" when a light misting of snow began and then started falling heavier. The mountains' tree-lined gray ridges stood like a steel etching against a sky falling in silent slow motion. We stood in a whitening meadow, listened to the hush of the evening snowfall, throwing our heads back to catch snowflakes in our wide open mouths. Selena and Linda Whitesides play in the snow on Slickey Mountain; the view shows her playhouse, the Soccer Field, and Bill and Jeanette's place beyond. �12 Wherein the King of Siam Builds a Chimney "If I am not for myself who will be for me? If I am only for myself what ami? And if not now... when?" - Hillel, The Ethics of our Fathers "I yam what I yam." — Popeye the Sailor Man Saturday, Jan. 1,1977 — Ok, here we go. A new year and the first day of another Spring Offensive. Over Christmas we have decided to take the leap: we're aiming to be in the cabin by next Christmas. This is outrageous, but if I don't give myself a goal then this thing could drag on indefinitely. It's already been three years since we started dreaming, and two and a half years since construction started. So we have categorized the remaining work in order to "divide and conquer." Low-cost, single-handed activities: rockwork — all I need is mortar, flue-liners, freebie junk rock for fill, more firebrick and trowels; flooring — need to get boards planed and buy nails; framing — entrance way, bathroom and hall, just need 2x4s. Moderate cost or two-man activities: deck — have three long beams, but need pillars of some type, as well as decking itself; stairs — Carlton Mason says he'll do it for cost of lumber; insulating floors — would like to have help on that nasty project. Expensive stuff: plumbing, wiring and windows. After examining the list, it seems the thing to do next is to frame the interior and start on the hearth and chimney by myself as it seems that �Wherein the King ofSiam Builds a Chimney 137 Kurt has disappeared for good. The last couple of times out here, he'd say, "My head's just not right to lay rock today." I reckon what he meant was that he really wanted to go write his dissertation on Soren Kierkegaard. I understand Kurt's moved to Black Mountain and is working on his Ph.D. Regardless, I owe this gentle philosopher/rockmason a debt of gratitude. He may have left me with a chest-high chimney, but he also inadvertently taught me how to lay rock. Sunday, Feb. 6,1977 — This week I have been framing the gables over Selena's room and the bathroom, the hall on the north wing, and the entrance way to the cabin. I sense some sort of a sub-religion, or at the very least a guiding philosophy emerging during this journey. I am metamorphosing from a naive boy who thought he could build a cabin in 90 days to a young man burdened with the awesome weight of his commitment. And something else I am learning to embrace: I am alone. Ultimately this cabin a'bornin' is my burden. Maggie is there to coach me with the breathing, to support my back, and cheer me on. But this cabin is my baby. Right now I feel like it's stuck in the birth canal. I'm in prolonged labor. And this year is going to be a major contractor's contraction. I am alone. One man versus height and weight and gravity with no blueprints and no team of carpenters to help me heft the other ends of things, measure places I can't reach, hand me tools I've forgotten or dropped when I'm perched on ladders or dangling off scaffolding or hanging off log walls; no one to jaw with me and keep me going; no one to tell me what to do next. Hence I repeat to myself: "What next, Spiderman?" I am truly single-handed. A carpenter with but one hand. I'm working at heights and over spans and with weights which defy the rules of modern commercial carpentry. Sometimes my own selfdoubts and realization of my own abysmal ignorance of building are my greatest obstacles. Who would put up with a contractor/builder who has taken three years to build a house? I'm not sure that even I can put up with myself much longer. When I say I'm working without plans, I mean formal plans. We've got gobs of sketches, doodles and diagrams done on the backs of restaurant checks, city council notes, and paper napkins which constitute the body of our "plans"as such. But they're just broad brush strokes, and the mystery of translating ink on paper to the reality of wood and nails, rock and mortar, glass and plaster is left up to me. I have learned to cope by using a meditative process of "imaging," �138 Hogmld or even better, en/Visioning. That is, I stand before the project at hand in total silence, staring at the space where this wall or window or chimney must go, and I get visions in my mind's eye of how it will go up, piece by piece, When I'm in this mental state, mode or brainwave pattern of the super creative builder, I find that I am having a certain builder's high, or a woodbutcher's buzz. No wonder building is addictive. Sometimes I wonder if thaf s part of the reason I seem to take so much time for each project. Lessee, I'll try this, and then that, and then...well, don't worry about that third or fourth step, just do it. And I come out of my Architect mode and go into Carpenter mode, but all the while the Visioner is watching over my shoulder, making suggestions and refinements along with way. Ha, that worked. Now, on to the next step. Ah! this is so logical. If s like I'm right-brained, mostly intuitive and not very mathematical or rational. I wasn't much of a scholar, and always regarded myself as "a bear of very little brain." But when I'm in this mental configuration — imaging and creating from the ether of visions — it's as if I'm using a whole bunch of gray matter on the logical side that has never before plugged in. It's like driving down the road on three cylinders and the other three suddenly kick in. And the feeling is positively electric, as if the synapses are literally clicking like circuits firing; the mental power surge is almost frightening. Into the equation I must always factor in my singularity and how I will manhandle weight, height, reach, and span. Have you ever watched a spider on a ledge tentatively extending one leg or another over the chasm, and then sending out hopeful webbings? How do you accurately measure across 12 feet of space when you're 14 feet up in the air? I become the Spiderman sending out my measuring tape like the strands of webbing over and over again until it reaches its destination and takes hold. Saturday, Feb. 12, 1977 — I know I don't have time to do this, but I couldn't miss the opportunity: I'm playing the part of the King of Siam in the local community theater production of the King and /, early in April. I can't pass it up because it's the ultimate stage role for the likes of me. I mean — how many chances does a bald dude get to star in a major production, strut around the stage like a big spoiled brat, holler at people and have them jump? Hey, I'm beginning to like this King business. �Wherein the King ofSiam Builds a Chimney 139 > Maggie with baby Jon and Ruby — and in the background a chimney that has started calling my name. We've been in rehearsals about a week now, and already Maggie is telling me I'm becoming impossible, so I reckon that means I'm starting to get into my character, that of an Oriental irascible curmudgeon, lovable yet unlovable. �140 Hogwild At the outset of the renewed campaign on the chimney, it looked like this. Feb. 20 — at last, I'm rocking on again. Sunday, Feb. 20,1977 — The King of Siam stalks around his log cabin kingdom learning his lines, shouting royal proclamations to the trees and ordering the rocks about. Some of the stones are obeying. I noticed one rock that seemed to want to go... here in the chimney. And just like that, after a year's hiatus, I am rocking the chimney in earnest, having decided at last that if if s to be done, I must do it myself. If it's good for the cabin then it's good for Siam. The King is losing weight, and this beats pumping iron. If I'm going to walk around on �Wherein the King of Slam Builds a Chimney 141 stage bare-chested in front of half the county it might look a little strange for the Lord of Light to have a beer belly hanging out. Wednesday, March 2,1977 — We have taken a loan out on the Blue Shed and now have enough shekels to shake this cabin project loose. First, we ordered $1,500 worth of Andersen double-glazed, casement windows. Next, I found old Leroy Sims, a local plumber, and he came out and plumbed the place for a couple of hundred bucks. Likewise next week, a local electrician is going to wire the entire cabin for $400. Meanwhile I continue rocking along and pretty soon I'll need to rent a second round of scaffolding. Friday, March 18,1977— After three separate whole days of rocking I'm up over six feet now. I'm filling in the cavity between the flue liners and We 've just put in the new windows and hope they're worth the money. the exterior rock with junk rock I'm picking up along the roadside — and when I find a nice big flat slab of granite, I put it aside for the hearth. Today also, the windows were delivered, and we started putting them in. The biggest one of all, which is roughly 5'x9' and about 10 feet off the ground, was hauled into place in the kitchen with ropes by Maggie, Jeanette, and myself. Electrician Terry Wilkie came this week and wired the place in one morning — and wiring a log cabin is no simple chore. We had to figure �142 Hogarild rockmason turns King ofSiam briefly as my Yul Brynner haircut pays off. My leading lady is Ursula Hunt of Rutherfordton. (photo by Gerry Gerlach, courtesy of Rutherford County Arts Council) out together how to run power over, under or through logs so the wires would be concealed. The solution was to go under the floor and have mostly floor outlets in the living room which is within the main core of the logs. Then he wired the two "modern" wings conventionally. Sunday, April 3,1977 — 'The King is Dead. Long Live the King!" After three stunning performances playing to packed houses in the Cool Springs Junior High auditorium in Forest City, I have laid to rest King Mongkut, the Lord of Light of Siam, circa 1862. The backwoods Yul Brynner perceives a nuance in the title of the �Wherein the King ofSiam Builds a Chimney 143 King and I, as if the King is another facet of my self (as indeed he is) and the play is titled by the actor playing the King. I can see now why drama folk get so completely hooked on show business. The performance demands a total effort from you, and in return, when you're on stage (and there really is something to "taking" the stage) you get a soaring sensation. For instance, I'm no great singer, but walking out on the stage for one of the King's solos with the music of a full orchestra lifting, supporting, and encouraging me, I was filled me with a sense of responsibility and power. Vignettes from the play as they quickly recede: right before the opening curtain in the gloom of the darkened stage, three Siamese dancing girls and me all doing deep knee-bends, sit-ups and push-ups to get psyched up for the show... once having to improvise lines when someone on stage skipped two pages ahead in the script, the panic in her eyes when she realized what she had done, and then relief and triumph when we steered the scene safely to its proper conclusion without ever breaking character or letting the audience know of our mental gymnastics... finally the big death scene of the last performance when I was so totally in character and died so thoroughly that I just lay there and forgot to get up for the curtain call — then when I realized the curtain was opening, Lazarus had nothing on me. I vaulted from by deathbed and raced the opening curtain to the stage right wing — and ran smack-dab head-on into one of the palace walls. The dark bronze makeup has lingered all week. Sunday night after the last performance I took a final bath in the Blue Shed and the "race" that I had become for a week was e/raced, and all that tan was committed to memories and bathtub rings... But I know the cure for the post-play blues. It's head-first back to cameras, typewriters and my real Hogwild kingdom in Sourwood Holler where my palace of logs awaits the return of the king. �13 Rocking On "Life always gets harder toward the summit." — Nietzsche "L'audace... toujours I'audace." * — George Jacques Danton Wednesday, April 20,1977 — My royal dais is now my scaffolding extending up worshipfully in front of the rock chimney. I have drawn several designs for the chimney and I can see that the hardest part is going to be to make the angles match as the chimney turns in and angles upward at about the top log. How on earth am I going to match the angles? Is there a rockmason's tool I don't know about? So far all my chimney designs look like soft drink bottles. Wednesday, April 27,1977 — After a weekend of modern dance workshops with New York-based dancer Dan Wagoner, we had him out to the cabin for a picnic down by Silver Creek. It made me see how truly rustic and primitive the place is, seeing it through the eyes of someone from the Big Apple. But instead, the world-class dancer from the Big City could only say nice things about the clarity of the air and water and of our purpose. We were moved. Friday, April 29,1977 — Framed in gables over bathroom and Selena's room. Installed windows, put in plywood, insulated with fiberglass, nailed up tarpaper and shingled the exterior with cedar shakes like the roof. It looks terrific. Saturday, April 30,1977 — Thunder at Sourwood Holler. Throaty ominous stuff makes Ruby the Weather Dog pant-pant her hot, nervous * "Audacity — always the audacity." �Rocking On breath on my bare leg, slightly crazy red eyes implore me to make the loathsome shotguns leave her alone. Spring's first frogstrangler complete with incessant rolling thunder booms in on sheetfeet of sound and rain across my valley. All those new leaves will now clap open like popcorn. Now they are wagging at being patted reassuringly by sky strokes. Neighbors Bill and Jeanette have been caught in the downpour while investigating a break in the waterline up Spring Creek. Now they are seen running through the Soccer Field like two kids playing kick-the-rain in the puddles. Their two horses, Tony and Elfie, who have been grazing in that meadow, go stand in the eaves of Selena's Playhouse. I watch the rain and feel very much at home. Saturday, May 7,1977 — I've heard sculptors say that the rock will tell you what it wants to be, that if you'll listen close enough the form within will dictate the carving. Now I've learned something of a similar law about laying rock: that you let the rocks tell you where they want to go and what they want to 145 V • ri n Chimney drawings, real and fanciful. �146 } . \ Hogwild './-*'• Spring comes to Sourwood Holler, as father and son cut up. do. But you've got to trust the rock implicitly. Here's how it works: I stand looking first at the space I must fill. Then I walk around the rockpile like a dowser in something of a meditative trance until one rock will...well, for lack of a better term — glow. The right rock will actually seem to be emitting some sort of lowlevel radiation as if signaling me. Maybe it's Zen and the Art of Rockmasonry, but you'd have to be made out of stone yourself to miss that energy. The first time this happened, it was slightly scary. But then I learned to trust the rocks and await their signals. As a result I'm now 10 feet up and going strong. Actually the hardest thing about all this is hefting the huge flue-liners in place. The terra-cotta monsters are big, ungainly, and must weigh 80 pounds. I have to wrestle them up the scaffolding and then into place in the center of the chimney. Saturday, May 21,1977 — It has taken me several days to figure out how to install the wooden sliding double doors made by Peachtree that face out onto the creekside deck. Because I needed the 6-foot, 9-inch height, I was forced to drop the sill down to the foundation, and chisel out half �Rocking On 147 of an overhead log. When it was done and in place, I was just thrilled by the results. Saturday, June 4,1977 — I reached the top log today. That's 12-feet, six inches up. Now ifs time to swing in on the angle before going up again. I have come up with a primitive rockmason's angling device. Remember how worried I was about determining my angles and duplicating them evenly on each side of the chimney? I've devised a simple device that looks like a "T" with a moveable crossbar. It's so simple that it's almost sinful, made out of two Ix2s. I stand back from the chimney, hold this device up to the chimney, and literally en/vision the rocks' angle, then duplicate it by matching it with the T's cross. I nail it in place. Then, I pick out my rock and carry this angle tool with me up the scaffolding and simply use it as a guide when laying the rock. I'm sure real rockmasons have an official tool for this function, but out here we're talking about the mothers of invention. Sunlight highlights the lines of the face-laid rocks. Thursday, June 9, 1977 Framed in the gable over the chimney so I can rock on up. And in an act of acrobatic courage, I climbed out onto the top log and knocked out the original round, crooked kingpost which supports the center of the roof's gable on the uphill side, (and the roof didn't fall down as I had fantasized) and replaced it with a pine 4x4 salvaged from Dr. Hyde's cabin years ago. Friday, June 10,1977 — I have been so focused on the chimney I didn't �148 Hogwild even remember my birthday Wednesday — but Maggie did, catching me totally off guard with a surprise lawn party at the Blue Shed when I returned from the cabin that afternoon. Maggie had sent out the word that what Jock really wanted for his birthday was rocks. So there was our front yard, littered with stones of all sizes and shapes. My buddy and fellow reporter Joy Hoagland brought me a 50-pound hunk of granite tied up in the demure pink ribbon. And then there were Hogwild neighbors Bill and Nancy McCullough who maintained they thought they were supposed to bring a cock, not a rock, as they appeared on our doorstep with a lightning-eyed rooster with fiery feathers and bristling for a scrap. Said bird promptly ran a'fowl and took to the neighbor's pine tree and I spent much of my birthday party climbing same and picking pine needles out of my hair, such as it is. After thanking Bill and Nancy, and convincing them of their mistake, we bagged the bird and deposited him in the trunk of their car. So what should my wonderous ears perceive the next morning when at dawn's early light there broke upon the downy dusky mantle of morn a raucous Cocka-doodle-doo! coming from the side yard. Hmmm, I thought vaguely as I wandered about the Blue Shed's dewpiddled lawn searching for the morning paper. Hmmmm, what a pleasant pastoral sound is that. Reminds me of Chanticleer... Yoiks and oddsbodkins — it dawns on me, that's my rooster. My birthday rooster perchen in yon woodshed waking all my goode neighbors. Avast ye squabs, ye dastardly deed-doers. How cometh it to pass that yon crowing cock hath extricated self from cartrunken and tis belocken in mine olde woodshedde? Tis passing strange methinks. Three more trumpet blasts from that rooster and my mind's made up. Donning my Rooster Gloves, I grab Brewster the Rooster by his dangerous heels and heft him into Obie the Rooster Bus (which also doubles as a duck bus, dog bus, photo bus, log bus, rock and cow manure-totin' bus). The dang rascal crowed all the way to my log cabin. Brewster the Rooster has gone Hogwild where he can crow all the live long day for all I care. Yes, I feed him, and he sleeps under the cabin porch. No, I don't have a dab of pity when Maggie suggests, "Don't you think he'll get lonely?" To paraphrase someone famous: Frankly, Scarlet, I don't give a hoot. Saturday, June 11,1977 — While framing in the gable over the chimney �Rocking On 149 I banged one of the top rocks with a piece of plywood and the rock toppled, struck me on the shoulder, glanced off and fell with a great crash to the rockpile below. I cussed like a sailor. I'll be okay. I think I was more stung by my own clumsiness than I was by the wound itself. In the late afternoon a summer trashmover rolled in. The squall line blew in pitch-black from the west like some aerial tidal wave. I covered the chimney with the tarp and concluded it was wise to get off that lightning rod-like scaffolding. It is three years to the day since having begun this journey in wood, and now in rock. That seems much more significant to me than the fact that I've turned 32. How can three be more than 32? But it is. While I'm rocking on, Maggie has undertaken the insulation of the walls because she can reach it and the work doesn't involve heavy lifting. We've yet to run water, lay floors, finish top gable windows, rock the hearth, finish the inside walls, do the entire kitchen cabinets, install lights, build a stairway, construct loft closets, finish the deck, and I'm sure there are 10,000 other things I've forgotten. Thursday, June 16, 1977 — Down in Forest City the Kiwanis Club has been collecting rocks from all over to build a memorial chimney on the town square to commemorate the town's original name of Burnt Chimney. Last week they finished the monument and they had left over a slew of rocks that folks had toted in from vacations all over the nation. Gene Blanton of the Kiwanis Club knew that each one of those rocks was in some way significant to its contributor, so Gene called me and said he wanted those rocks to go to another historic chimney and that I could come get them. I That's me, looking like a man from Zircon, was only too happy to get all according to my daughter. those pet rocks for my pet �150 Hogmld chimney, which is in itself a monument to one man's audacity. My budding artist daughter presented me with a drawing of the budding rockmason at work. I think it captures the essence of the character rather succinctly, particularly the fact that she has depicted me as one of Erich Von Daniken's outer space crazies. Well, if the shoe fits.... Thursday, June 23,1977 — I am charging now. Last weekend I did the angles and my homemade angle device worked like I had hoped it would. That phase went quickly because I didn't have to work against gravity; the rocks just lay there, as opposed to the ones I'm laying now, which must stand on their own, pretty much free of mortar. I mean, I'm using mortar but it's deeply recessed and I've learned that if a rock is going to stay put, then it's got to fit and feel right for all time. The best way to lay rock is to pretend you're doing it dry wall, that is, without the crutch of mortar. That's the way the Incas and the Egyptians and the old masters of pioneer America did it, dry wall. Remember the first rule of great rockwork: there ain't no cement in the Pyramids. As of the end of the workday I am three rounds of scaffolding up in the air and ready to cut into the actual roofline so that I can go higher, and on up above the angled eaves. I might even make it by my target date of July 1! Sunday, June 26, 1977 — I am at home at the Blue Shed, totally exhausted. It is dark now and I can barely write. But I've got to get this down. I cut the roofline with the circular saw on Friday, and then the monolithic thing rose as if by its own volition over the roofline. Saturday I had to add a fourth round of scaffolding, and now that puts me about 25 feet in the air up over the rockpile, increasing the angle of ascent to the point that yesterday afternoon while grappling with a humongous flue liner, I about fell to my ruin. I had gotten the critter to the third level of scaffolding and was heaving it up to the fourth and last... when I realized its weight was bowling me over backwards. Everything goes into slow motion in my memory banks at this point. All I can remember is that I knew it was a choice of dropping the flue liner (about 12 bucks down the tube and a trip 16 miles back to town for another one) or trying to save myself with some sort of weird maneuver and in the end probably getting killed trying to save a freaking flue liner. I concluded in slow motion that it probably wasn't worth the risk, and as we (the flue liner and I) were falling, I heaved it �Rocking On 151 away from me well out over the rockpile, and at the last moment grabbed the closest iron bar of the scaffolding. The flue liner hit the rockpile with a dramatic explosion of terra-cotta on granite. A red warning light was flashing. It was Ratcliffe's Rule of Building — Number 47, taught to me by my old carpenter buddy three years ago when we were charging along on the roof late one afternoon and Charlie started banging his fingers with the hammer and almost fell off the roof. Looking at me, he said levelly, "When you start hurting yourself, it's time to quit." And so saying, he climbed down off the roof and hung up his hammer for the day. I decided to heed the alarm, thus ending a day's work. At least the only thing broken was the flue liner, and I returned to the Blue Shed shaken but intact. Tonight, looking for spiritual refreshment I have turned to the Tao Te Ching, and have been warmed by Lao Tsu's admonition reaching from sixth century B.C. China across the ages to a remote Appalachian mountain holler where a sun-burnt, bald-headed, bedraggled specter in cut-off khakis and brogans hears the wisdom: "People usually fail when they are on the verge of success. So give as much care to the end as to the beginning; Then there will be no failure." Friday, July 1,1977 — I have missed my deadline but don't care, because I'm doing so well. I've worked through horrific heat and monsoonal downpours these last two days. My fingers have become raw on the pads from handling the skin-eating mortar and abrasive granite. But now I'm too excited, too near the end to care about a little pain. Sunday, July 3,1977 — Today when I laid the Last Rock I didn't even realize it. I was concentrating so hard on not falling out of the sky, balancing there 25 feet over the rockpile, one foot on the ladder, the other on the top of roof's ridgeline, juggling rock and mortar, trying not to knock down what I'd just set, and getting the top relatively level... that when the last rock was in place, only then did it dawn on me: that was it. Selena was playing in the sandpile below and Maggie was watching, taking pictures as we cheered. We couldn't wait to take down the scaffolding and see the lovely thing all by its self. Took it all down in a hurry, steel-brushed the excess mortar in the crevices, swept the spilled mortar off the roof, took down �152 HogwiU /""""* l'L''^( , | : |f ^fui v 'fiiitft "~ Is rt actually done? I feel just the way I look: completely wasted. the ladder and stood back and just plain gawked. I couldn't believe it. Forsaking the usual bottle of champagne, I kissed the chimney, hugged it — well, why not? — and sloshed a beer on its rocky flanks, �Rocking On 153 Our best working drawing, traced from a photo and filled in. then gave my sunburt head a similar blessing. Then for the longest time, I just sat in the shade in the driveway staring at the thing, trying to separate my fantasies from the reality of its form, trying to believe my eyes. It was done. I had done it. My first impulse then was to record it on film, and we burnt up two rolls of film just to make sure it was real — at least on film. I wanted proof that it wasn't some figment of my imagination. I built a 25-foot-tall rock chimney. There! See? It sounds like an outrageous lie! But yes, as the afternoon wore on, I began to accept the fullness of the new thing itself, slightly flared at the top like an old musketeers blunderbuss, thrusting out of the earth more like a purposeful granite cliff rock formation than something man-made. And then a new awareness began to steal over me: I hadn't built it. It has always been there. Always. My cabin has never been without its rocky companion. The cabin like a boxing ref holds up Rocky's triumphant paw over its roofline. And I in the amphitheater of Sourwood Holler am on my feet wildly applauding the granite-jawed slugger. Thursday, July 7,1977 — Another first. These last two days I've started �154 Hogwild the first interior finish wall work. I'm grateful to be out of the weather, for July has turned terrifically hot and we've hit a dry spell. The wood I'm using is the beautiful, old heart pine tongue and groove from the Giving House which Maggie calls honey wood because of its rich golden color. Working in the west bathroom wall, I'm laying the wood on an angle and it feels very adventurous and slightly zoomy. Friday night we all "camped" at the cabin, and it was little Jon's first night here. I reckon it was a pretty crazy thing to do, for the skeeters about carried us off — yet sitting around a small picnic campfire, singing songs with Selena and Hannah, Ruby the Guardian Lion just at the edge of the quilt, and Jon drooling at the fire and waving his arms at the music... well, what's a few bugs at a magic moment like that? On a cool summer's eve, we share the campfire's mystery. �14 Hearth and Homing In "Nothinggreat was ever accomplished without enthusiasm." — Ralph Waldo Emerson "Give me a fulcrum on which to plant my lever, and I will move the earth." — Archimedes Thursday, July 14,1977 — It actually feels like we can get the house done in early winter. Wouldn't it be magnificent if we could make it by Christmas '77? Now that the chimney is done, I'm filled with a new awareness of the possibilities. With 20/20 hindsight, I realize that the uncompleted chimney had stood as an obstacle. The task loomed so huge I couldn't see past it. But now, if I can just keep up my energy and keep plugging away.... The last two days out here I did more interior wall angle work in Selena's room, and about finished the bathroom walls. Friday, July 15,1977 — It's been hot as an oven these last two weeks. I've been walling Selena's room and sweating a six-pack a day, which is considerably more than my intake. Today while mowing around the cabin I ran over an underground yellowjackets' nest and got blasted on the left hand before I could leap out of harm's way. The swollen left hand made working difficult the rest of the day. Thursday, July 21,1977 — What was that noise? At first I didn't even recognize the sound of rain. It's been three dry weeks. At first I thought it was big fat grapes plummeting out of an overhead vine: pat, pat, they plopped solo in the fine dust. I turned my face skywards to the steel gray ice cream cone piling up �156 Hogwild over Hogwild — and received a solitary July baptism right in the eye. I laughed with delight. The emaciated earth seemed to gasp in relief. The tempo of the patter increased as the lazy raindrops multiplied and grew finer. Up on the hill above the cabin the pines moaned a thankful sigh. The stuff began coming down in sheets, and the air became zingy and buoyant as the dust and gunk and heat were magically swept away. There have been 19 straight days of temperatures over 90 degrees and no rain. If I'd been up on that scaffolding still working on the chimney, this journal would have to be completed by a ghost writer, literally. I was so thankful I cheered unabashedly. You can do that when you live way out in Boondonia. Blessed water. Let it rain. Monday, Aug. 1,1977 — Remember Carlton Mason — the dude who said he'd do the circular stairs? Well, late this afternoon he came by with a load of beautiful thick and broad white pine. I skipped City Council meeting to watch and help where I could. If s terrifically exciting to see it go up. We used one of the massive handhewn 4x6s from the Giving House as the upright around which to build the stairs. Carlton really proved what a master builder he is, mortising and notching the stair treads into the big upright. We stopped at 11 p.m. after getting seven treads in, and five more to go. I have no idea when he's coming back, but that's okay, I've got fifty-eleven other things I need to be doing. Thursday, Aug. 11,1977 — We've made a commitment to solar energy and appropriate energy use. This cabin will be heated almost totally by wood and sun. I want to try something they're calling "passive solar," which amounts to south and east windows, all thermal-paned (thermopane), deep overhangs, and no windows on the cold north side where the sun never shines. Another thing I've learned about passive solar is that if a house is well insulated, and it is heated, then it needs something to actually hold the warmth. Our solar zealot friend, Rick Pratt, insists lots of interior rock in a hearth as well as the chinking itself will constitute what he calls "thermal mass" which will act as a holding agent. We've decided to have high overhead windows in the main room gables, and Rutherford County Glass Company is custom-making thermal-paned windows to my specifications after I framed the openings and took careful measurements. Three windows for $115. Mr. Lester's �Hearth and Homing In 157 prices are excellent and his outfit does good work. Friday, Aug. 12, 1977 — The completion of the chimney has filled me with such confidence that I have now embarked on a truly Hogwild journey in rock: building a raised hearth and arched fireplace. Hello, of course I don't know how to build an arch, but I bet I can do it. I only know after doodling some designs for a conventional level fireplace top I didn't like them. So I've got to figure out how to lay an arch. I've been looking hard at the magnificent arched bridges along the Blue Ridge Parkway — now there's some mastery in rock. Today I started the simple part, which is just building the hearth itself, which will be raised one foot above the floor. This whole project is made possible by there being enough rock left over from the chimney for me to build this whopper inside. But the mountain granite is so irregular that I've elected to use local granite which I've just found prospecting along road cuts. And philosophically it's satisfying to use the free rocks of Hogwild in the hearth. Note: I am committed now more than ever to finishing by Christmas. I've promised myself we're moving by then — no matter what. Sunday, Aug. 21,1977 — How about that? I finished the hearth today with the flat native granite and it looks fabulous: three feet deep, seven feet long and one foot off the floor. Now I'm ready to start going up with vertical rock. This will be like the chimney work but much more painstaking. Saturday, Aug. 27,1977 — Culture Shock. We are sitting on a deck at the North Myrtle Beach Hilton like two backwoods yahoos come to the Big Apple. I can't keep my mouth shut; this can't be real. But for our 10th wedding anniversary, we were awarded a "free weekend vacation" by a local wood stove company. Well, it turns out that the whole thing is a trick and a treat from our friend Russell Scruggs who saw that we were going loonytune working on the cabin all the time — and the only way we would tear ourselves away would be through a bit of friendly treachery. So here we are, pina colada in hand, while a Trinidad steel band plays... a room 15 stories up over the Atlantic... stuffed lobster tails for dinner last night... boogied at a glitzy nightclub called "Out of This World." Too true, Too much. The cabin seems like if s as far away as the back of the moon. How will I ever thank old Scruggs for a little perspective? �158 Hogwild I've lined the front of the firebox with firebrick, added the air ducts and am now building the raised hearth. Looking back on this week: I'm two rounds up on the front of the fireplace, and most importantly, have discovered how to lay an arch. Friend Mike Andrews loaned me a book on rockmasonry which has enlightened me: I build a wooden form that exactly duplicates the fireplace cavity, then I lay the arch-rocks (all slightly wedge-shaped), building in from each side and resting them on the form until I get to the center and top of the arch, and lay the triangle-shaped keystone to fit in the center and this holds it all in place by wedging. Then you wait until the whole thing dries and sets up before knocking out the form. So... I'll try it. Also, Thursday and Friday we began plastering the kitchen walls with a white mortar substance called "Surewall." First I had sheetrocked the room, then nailed chicken wire to the walls for lathing, and then we started paddling the stuff on like stucco. It looks so great I could just holler. I hauled floorboards in Obie the Construction Bus over to Joe Ryan who has a huge planer in his workshop and together we planed the floorboards out of the Giving House for the new kitchen floor. The whining blades chewed into the dull top of the old pine boards expos- �Hearth and Homing In 159 ing new golden heart pine beneath. In spite of getting blown and covered head to toe with sweet-smelling sawdust, it was thrilling to witness the rebirth of those boards. Saturday, Sept. 3,1977 — More Sure walling going on in the kitchen. Also today I built the arch form out of 2x4s and plywood, installed it, and have started in laying the arch. This is fun! Mike Thompson, my best old buddy, has agreed to hire out at $3.50 an hour, and help us get in by Christmas. His carpentry skills and love of the rustic will make these last few months a joy. This week he came and hung the two living room doors using the old frames and doors from the Giving House. And is he good. He's teaching me a thing or two about "finish carpentry." It's a whole different discipline from framing. Everything has to be spit-spot. Saturday, Sept. 10, 1977 — Late this afternoon I finished the fireplace. But the really wondrous moment came when I removed the arch form by sawing off the legs — et voila, there stood the arch — with no visible means of support. No one around to witness what seemed to me the small miracle — so I whooped and danced around the cabin floor. The rock had actually done my bidding. It strikes me as slightly incredible — as in: beyond belief — that I, Mr. Zero, could construct such a loveliness. I built a small christening fire in the fireplace and then raced outside to witness smoke lazily drifing out of the chimney for the first time. Sitting on the hillside above the cabin with early autumn's dusk coming on and the crickets winding down, I was filled with profound satisfaction at the ageless sight of smoke curling affectionately above a cabin, of hearth and home — and of the two really connected for the first time. To borrow a Rogers and Hammerstein line, it was "a cliche coming true." Sunday, Sept. 11,1977 — Carlton Mason came and built two more stair treads — tricky ones in the arc of the turn so it took a lot of time just to take those two steps. It was a single-handed job, so I installed two stationary windows in the upper gables of the kitchen — and then like a dumdum cracked another window as I was trying to shove it into its tight berth. Too late, I'm reminded of Carpentry Rule No. 48: "Don't Force It, Son." �160 Hogwild Saturday, Sept. 17,1977 — Maggie and I decided it might be worth it to have the logs and the old wood doors on the north wing sandblasted, so for two days, Charles Martin of Union Mills, outfitted like something out of a sci-fi thriller, stalked around the bathroom and Selena's room blasting the wood down to its honey-golden surface. Well worth the $40 — though we'll be sweeping up sand for weeks. Sunday, Sept. 18, 1977 — Everything is snowballing in a wonderful synergy: today while Carlton was finishing the stairs, Mike worked on door frames and I continued plastering the kitchen walls with Surewall. Once the stairs were complete, it was such a pleasure just to walk up and down, looking rather foolish maybe, but it's as if I was feeling the sensation of walking up and down stairs for the first time. Carlton made the rise and tread so satisfying. And on top of that, he insisted on charging us only the $64 for the materials. The two-inch thick white pine treads are stout and very blond. Quite a contrast to all the old gray wood of the logs, but it is not objectionable. We'll stain them lightly and then polyurethane them for protection. Sunday, Sept. 25,1977 —David Kirby helped me install the two big west gable windows — a real chore because we had to Carlton Mason's stairs are being built of scale two 20-foot ladders and sturdy white pine. carry those hefty moms up there. It was just one of those jobs I couldn't have done alone. Now that they're in, it's lovely. Today I also completed the Surewall stucco work in the kitchen. Mike and I have also started framing in for windows along the east gable over the loft so we can get our sizes and go ahead and order the windows. Now that the stairs are in, we can put down the loft floor. Mike has been more than worth the $94 I paid him for six workdays. His emotional support has buoyed me up as well. �Hearth and Homing In 161 The final thing, finished on Sept. 10. Am I amazed or what?! Wednesday, Sept. 28, 1977 — Report from the Home Front on the Occasion of Baby Jon's First Birthday: it has long rankled me how when certain smalltown newspapers (our own included) publish those cutsey first birthday pictures that the yearlings always look so confounded nice. These kids look heaven-sent. Veritable apple-cheeked, rose-petal, �162 Hogurild cream-fed cherubs caught by the dime store photographer with the touch of a Rubens. In short, not at all like real 1-year-olds. Slowly the seed of an insidious smart-aleck idea began germinating. What if some parent were honest enough to picture their kid caught redhanded in some typically awful activity. Ah, he'd be striking a blow for honesty then, wouldn't he? So when Jon's birthday rolled around, I was on the sleuth for the First Birthday Picture that would tell the capital-t Truth. All week I've been watching him extra carefully waiting for the perfect moment. I had my pick. He unraveled a whole roll of toilet paper, tearing each downy soft segment apart, and we found him sitting in the bathroom in a Charmin little nest of Carolina Blue stationery. He investigated the cupboard, removing everything from the lower levels, discovering that Kayro syrup and salt shakers could be opened and were some fun to pour together and then mush around on the floor with the seat his diapers. Other choices included: turning over the cat water, eating cat food, punching holes in the screen doors, playing in the commode if the top is left up, tearing pages out of magazines, eating same, beating on the TV screen, trying to gargle with gravel, and thumping the bejabbers out of my long-suffering, old black Royal (well Dad does it, he makes it look like so much fun). But this weekend I finally found the truly accurate image of King Kong Jr. We were working at the cabin, Maggie sanding walls in the bathroom and I installing windows in the kitchen... when we both noticed independently that it had gotten real quiet in the living room where Jon was supposedly ensconced in his We caught him eight feet off the floor and walker. Feeling that prickle of s#;/ climbing. parental premonition, we both �Hearth and Homing In 163 Dawn in our swimming hole, mother and waterbaby. raced for the living room to find to our horror and delight (her horror, my delight) the little stinker confidently scaling the 20-foot extension ladder. There he was, eight feet off the floor and going strong — right over the rock hearth, his face wreathed with a look of bodacious accomplishment. I had to make Maggie wait until I could grab the camera for the picture. Now that is what I call an honest representation of a 1-year-old manchild. Saturday, Oct. 1,1977 — Hogwild is growing! Today Stuart married his long-time girlfriend, Cindy, a sweet Rutherford County girl with long blonde hair, an easy smile, and laughing eyes. Jim Walther helped perform the ceremony on the lawn outside Bill and Jeanette's Big House. The marriage processional consisted of Will Hogwild and the Rocky Broad Boys on guitar (Bill a.k.a. Will Hogwild), mandolin (Andy Morgan), fiddle (Joe Ryan), and bass (me) playing some sweet old country string-band waltz. A dance and a covered-dish supper followed on the grounds, where most of us ended up as the night wore on... I don't actually remember much about the event at this point. But I do remember that Jim Walther, he, late of the ministry, was �164 Hogarild asked to give a blessing before we chowed down. Jim (whose God must have a pretty well defined sense of humor) spread both arms and announced with a straight face that this was an "Old Cherokee Blessing/' And as a hush fell over the crowd in the yard, Jim said something like (and I paraphrase freely here): "Yaaaah — nahpooky, ting-tang, wallawalla - bing-bang, ooh, yeah-yuuyh..." And since that seemed to satisfy everyone, we fell to eating, drinking, making music and merry. Wednesday, Oct. 5,1977 — I was bending nails at the cabin this afternoon when the whine of a low-flying airplane disturbed the valley's peace. It was circling slowly over Hogwild as if somebody up there was really interested in us. Supposing it was a carpetbagging land developer casing out the joint, I ran out in the yard and shook my fist at the sky. "If s mine and don't you forget it," I yelled. Then directly, the farm bell down at Bill and Jeanette's began to toll. Then I heard Jeanette shout, "I need help!" Grabbing my snakebite kit I took off licketysplit up out of Sourwood Holler, only to find Jeanette calmly painting the porch rail. But this didn't settle my nerves — the last time she called for help I found her just as calmly refinishing furniture yet with a big gash in her foot where she'd fallen on a rusty bucket edge — so I knew the lady could be stainless steel. "If s okay," she said. "It's just a game warden stuck down on the lower road," she shrugged. "I tried to tell him." The lower "road" is that trail to Burwell and Stuart's land reserved for four-wheel drive vehicles, tractors and the trail bikes Burwell and Stuart sometimes use. It was not designed for a low-slung Plymouth Fury which was now stuck up to its arm-pits. The game warden was polite and chagrined. He said he'd been alerted by the circling spotter plane that two figures had been seen below looking suspiciously like illegal bow hunters skulking about. After his car got stuck, he'd gotten out, his gun at ready, and was preparing to sneak over there and nab the poachers red-handed. That's when Jeanette caught up with him and asked him what in Sam Hill he was doing. About that time, Burwell and Stuart, who heard the alarm bell too, came on the run. And when it turned out that these two fellows were the "two suspicious-looking characters," the game warden was fairly speechless. More so when they helped him push his car out of the mud. And I can still see the look on his face when he found out the two �Hearth and Homing In 165 "outlaws" had been doing nothing more than digging their outhouse. I told the warden it would be a perfect shame for a man to get shot for digging his outdoor privy. He quite agreed and left post haste. Burwell and Stuart on the porch of the little cabin. �15 In Which the Sweatmore Construction Co. Gets Fancy "It is better never to begin a good work than, having begun it, to stop." — Venerable Bede "Blessed is he who has found his work; let him ask no other blessedness/' — Thomas Carlyle Wednesday, Oct. 12,1977 — It all boils down to a matter of style. Style of living, the trappings you choose to outwardly manifest those values you hold to be self-evident. Even as Mike and I work on what seems to be the skeleton of the cabin's interior, we are confronted with design problems that demand a certain final stylistic understanding on our part. We have to have a shared vision of the cabin's overall look ultimately in mind. Where you live (the neighborhood, the kind of house it is, the way it's decorated) says so much about its occupant. A house reveals the inhabitant to the keen observer. It is a statement of who you are, and it shouts that proclamation whether you want it to or not. We have learned this simple lesson by living in the Blue Shed for three years — where to each other and to friends we steadfastly maintain: "We don't really live here, we're just camping." We say, "Just wait — you'll see the real Jock and Maggie when we get the cabin finished. Then, you'll see our true style; then we'll be living where we live for sure." Abruptly, we have discovered we have been "camping" at the Blue Shed longer than we have ever "lived" any where else in our 10 years of married life. The irony is not lost upon us, and it hastens us onward. The Blue Shed, quite on its own, has taken on a design look, then, �The Sweatmore Construction Co. 167 that is something of a practice run for the cabin... refinished old pine floors and high ceilings, wainscoting and wallpaper, woodstoves and lots of bookshelves, Tom Cowan watercolors and my black-and-white photographs, oriental rugs and pottery ware, exposed beams and energy-efficient windows, bare logs and the latest in kitchen fixtures and appliances — it's a combination of things both old and new. We think we have a new word for it: "rustslick." A melding of the best of the old — the rustic, with the most modern of things — the slick. So today Mike and I leapt into an ambitious project that required quite a bit of design skill. First, we floored the loft, which was simple enough. Then we built a frame for the divider between the loft and the cathedral ceiling. This involved a lot of what Mike calls "nose-picking time" — that's what Mike irreverently calls my creative carpenterial design meditation. We came onto this idea of facing the loft divider with the old exterior tongue and groove from the Giving House. This stuff is 12 inches wide, at least an inch thick and weathered to a silver-gray. Our design scheme is based on the angle work I've started in the bathroom. Mike likes it so much he suggested Mike and I frame the loft, adding silvered exterior tongue and groove from the Giving we use that as a thematic device, and do a "V" shaped House. angle pattern. Working at 18-foot heights with exacting 42 degree angles and old wood is no simple feat, so I was really glad I had help on this project — and when done, the wall turns out to be a work of art. It is just miraculous. When you first walk in the room, its sunburst lines force your line of vision up, and with it, your spirits rise. You could hang nothing on these walls and there would be art there yet. �168 Hogwild Saturday, Oct. 15,1977 — We have wondered about a new road running up the creek valley and so have employed a bulldozer operator to come out and look at the situation. As we have explored up the Silver Creek valley above the cabin we discovered an old roadbed that paralleled the creek, and then petered out as the incline started up. It seems to be a natural back entrance, The other reason for this road is that Bill seems adamant about not fixing up Hogwild Blvd. I believe he actually likes it inaccessible, in fact, prefers it that way. But in bad weather, that means: impassable. My problem is that working on the newspaper, I have to be able to get in and out, so maybe the best way to handle it diplomatically is to be responsible for my own access. Hence a new road on my land that bypasses the worst of the mudholes on Hogwild Blvd. We had the new road dozed today, and the only problem came when the bulldozer operator insisted that we didn't need a pair of switchbacks I said were necessary. He said the switchbacks would make the road too steep, but I maintain just the opposite to be true: that without them, the road would have to charge right up the mountainside to get out of the valley. He said not to worry, and plowed on. How do you argue with someone sitting above you with four tons of growling steel in his hands? He had his way, and I reckon it's okay. What do I know about roadbuilding? The results are awfully steep in the worst place. But on the bright side, the road as it runs along by the creek is plumb wonderful; the new road opens up the creek valley to the cabin and makes us feel our land is accessible in a way never before realized. We are "tickled witless," as Gene Ham would say. Also, the dozer man shoved around the front yard, upon Maggie's direction, leveling and extending our yard; and I have to admit, this is something I should have done years ago. Sunday, Oct. 16,1977 — Having finished the loft wall with the angled barnboard, Mike and I now have built the closets in the loft; one side for Maggie and one for me. Today we did the finish work on Maggie's side, complete with neatly angled doors and curly-cues that took a bit of chutzpah to do. Now I'm ready to do some finishing touches on the chinking around the loft logs, and start thinking about the main room's ceiling. Folks tell me that two-inch-thick Styrofoam (RIO to R15) needs no ventilation since it doesn't have a vapor barrier, and that's the way to insulate the �The Sweatmore Construction Co. 169 ceiling. Then, just use fiberboard, lightweight and cheap, made by Celotex for under three bucks a 4'x8'. You can't beat that. Wednesday, Oct. 19,1977 — The sun loafs down behind cabin eaves. A breeze stirs dry-handed oak applause. A droning airplane makes a sleepy pass to the north. The crickets are slowing down. I am beguiled by the season of ferment. Something here is about to pass. The old red dog moans in her sleep in the front porch sun. The light falls golden on the distant bottomlands stretching in a saffron palette to the clear-voiced river. The cumbersome mud daubers are in a mild state of panic, inspecting each chinking crack, each nook and niche in the shade-splashed rock chimney. They maneuver awkwardly, flying leadenly like B-52s attempting aerial acrobatics. These dark heavy bombers have no malice for me; their stingers are forgotten. They're looking for winter haven; they too feel the warning chill in the air. I too am a mud-dauber in the grips of the autumnal juggernaut. Will I have my crack in the chink ready when cold weather comes? If I don't get in by Christmas won't I die? It's too much to contemplate. I buzz on. Mike takes a work break to visit with Maggie and Jon, the latter of whom has just turned over a soft drink. �170 Hogwild Saturday, Oct. 22,1977 — Mike Thompson is keeping me sane. He keeps me laughing and thinking, questing and questioning all the time he's out here working for his measly three fifty an hour. That's all he'll take. A better friend no man ever had. Plus, he's a born teacher. What better way to be taught than by a friend? As we build we banter of nails and Nietzsche, of cabins and Kant, of headlines and Hegel, of boards and bards, of Man's Place in the Universe and of our place in the country. Thompsonian Doctrine: It doesn't really matter what you do in life, just so long as you feel it is worthwhile. Then, dig in, and do it well. Though Mike is a couple of years younger than I, he is wise and kind in a way I've never before known in a man. The high school kids he teaches and reaches feel this special aura too. He has make an indelible impression on the lives of hundreds of students at East Rutherford High School for six years. We like to joke that he's the county's hippie teacher and I'm his journalistic counterpart. He salvaged and restored an old house over in Duncan's Creek on the other side of the county back in '73, showing me indirectly that it was possible for a city boy to come to the country and come to terms with tools and objects and living on the land. His marriage hasn't worked out and he has recently separated and is living in a shacky little house way back up a red mud road in Sunshine. He drives a beat-up red Chevette that has a peculiar penchant for getting stuck in his and every other driveway. Mike is a Renaissance man and we love him for his wisdom and his vulnerability, his depth and his talent. He has taught me everything from the value of a miter box to Travis-picking on the guitar; he can run backwards faster than anybody I've ever met, a talent he has displayed in hilarious backwards-running contests. He is equally at home teaching international relations and world geopolitics, philosophy, psychology or African studies. He is a German scholar and laughs about the good earthy sound of the language. To Mike, the word nagels is somehow infinitely more expressive and onomatopoeic than "nails." Likewise with toogles for "tools." Mike is forever blessing me with his lexicon of new words, neologisms that make me look at the language afresh. I can't say exactly how it started today — but as we were working, the subject of political geography came up, and because we knew we were both knowledgeable on the subject, a little game began. "Hand me the 16-penny nagels," Mike said, "and give me the �The Sweatmore Construction Co. 171 location of the Bosporus and Dardanelles, and what is their political and historical significance?" "Here," I said, handing him the nagels. "Critical narrow straits between the Black Sea and the Aegean, politically sensitive because it's Russia's southern exit to the Med. Also the conflict line between old enemies Turkey and Greece." Pausing briefly to measure a board, "We need to cut it here," I said, "and what's the capital of Upper Volta, what language do they speak and what was its colonial name?" "Okay," said Mike, squinting at the pencil line on the board and then manhandling the circular saw through the required cut, "Ouagadougou, (pronounced OO-ga, DOO-ga) French, French West Africa." Mike got a new board. "Name the two ethnic groups on the island nation whose capital city is Colombo," he challenged flatly. 'Tamil and Sinhalese," I shot back, "Country's name is Ceylon." Then it was my turn. "Name the second tallest mountain in the world, and give me both of its names." (Ha, I thought I had him here.) But a grin sprawled across Mike's face. "K-2. Mount Goodwin Austin," he said and then laughed outloud. "How in th' hell did you know that?!" I shouted back in mock anguish. Mike shrugged happily and turned right around with: "Name the four main islands of the Japanese homeland." I had to strain for this one: "Hokkaido, Honshu ... Shikoku and Kyushu... whew." And so it went... a game of geographic wits played in a log cabin in the middle of 300 Hogwild acres. Sunday, Oct. 30, 1977 — We have framed the east gable's permanent windows and installed the three sections, awaiting now the big center casement. Our buddy Andy Morgan got married today over in Sunshine in what has to go down in the history of Rutherford County as the most bizarre wedding ceremony ever witnessed. The groom (short, leprechaun-like, curly red hair and red beard, green laughing eyes) wore white overalls; the bride (Andrea, a sophisticate from Try on) was attired in white cotton bloomers and an antique bodice contraption that I could have sworn was another undergarment. She looked like something out of Gone With the Wind, yet I couldn't tell if she was just in the act of dressing or if this was some high fashion statement. Having been in the woods so long, I assumed the latter. As the afternoon went on, she seemed to acquire more old white cotton petticoats. �172 Hogwild But that's not all. The preacher arrived on a motorcycle with black robes flapping in the wind. The bride and groom were both made up like clowns or maybe it was mime: white face with big red cheek circles. The ceremony took place under a giant cargo parachute draped over a large cedar tree from which they had rigged speakers. The nuptial couple processed to Judy Collins singing "Send in the Clowns." There must have been a hundred of us crazies standing in a big circle holding hands under this parachute while Andy and his bride giggled their way through the ceremony like it was comedy. It made perfectly good sense to go out like that, I reckon; she's an actress and Andy is a make-up artist, clown and mime actor. Weddings are pretty much staged productions anyway, so they figured, why not do it like a production number? Sunday, Nov. 9,1977 — It's been two weeks now since we had a couple hundred dollars' worth of gravel and small stone, called "crusher run," put down on the new creek road, and I have to report that it was all been washed away by two humongous floods on Saturday and Sunday. I have a feeling this was no ordinary rainstorm, but a high water mark in every sense of the word: the Rocky Broad left its banks and flooded all of our bottomlands. Even little Silver Creek turned into a torrent and shoved the footbridge 25 yards downstream. We are sick about the new road. Obviously we should have insisted on those switchbacks and proper ditching. On the brighter side, the new grass Maggie sowed on the new banks back then has boldly sprouted in spite of the rains. Meanwhile Mike and I undertook and solved a thorny problem, that of leveling the kitchen subfloor which was intersected by a major support beam, "Big Mama," which actually stuck up an inch above the floor's surface. So we adzed and axed and planed her down, then subfloored the whole place with particle board, and filled the cracks where the new wood met the old floor beam with Surewall, so that when the final flooring goes down it will be relatively level. We have also installed the last big Andersen casement window in the east loft gable. While Mike has done the difficult finish work on my closet, I have been sheetrocking the east gable, and then Surewalling the interior. Mike has been proving his worth as a skilled carpenter: every single one of the angles in the loft closets are obtuse or acute. And when we ran out of old pine from the Giving House, we used old oak bought from a nearby salvage place for a couple of dollars. The grayed oak doesn't fight with the heart pine as I feared. �The Sweatmore Construction Co. t — 173 ,-r~--f - The basic floor plan. Entrance is upper right. Sunday, Nov. 7,1977 — Mike didn't come today so I sheetrocked the west gable — working alone on the high ladder with 4x8 sheets of the unwieldy stuff. After today I have a new definition of eternal damnation: singlehandedly sheetrocking the ceiling of hell. Saturday, Nov. 12,1977 — No, wait. I may have found a better damnation: single-handedly insulating hell's basement. But thankfully I had help on this odious task. Mike and I did the kitchen floor insulation in nothing flat — working together and with plenty of crawl space. But the living room was altogether different. The �174 Hogwild crawl space is about two and a half feet and if we hadn't had each other to cuss at, joke to and keep sane, I do believe I might have gone plain bonkers in that dark, dank narrow cave with the infernal itchy fiberglass getting all over us and the sweat just pouring off. But Mike is such a trouper. Together we go into sort of a carpenter's overdrive, and our hyped energy carries us through the task like it's some kind of joyful challenge. Maybe that's not what the Beatles meant when they wrote "I Get By (High) With a Little Help From My Friends," but thaf s what the song means to me. The cabin stands and grows as a lasting testimony to so many true friends whose imprint and signature I can read literally everywhere I turn to look. Wednesday, Nov. 16, 1977 — In order to try and finish this winter (Christmas is looking more and more like a long shot), we have elected to get a building materials loan of $3,000. The final push is going to require that we have that financial resource readily in hand. Up to this point we have tried to pay as we go, but now that we're in the home stretch, so to speak, we have to be able to buy things quickly. For instance, today we drove over to Rick Pratt's solar store in Try on and stuffed the van full to the gills with $300 worth of two-inch thick Styrofoam sheet insulation for the ceiling. Wednesday, Dec. 7, 1977 — I am making my final entry in the wellthumbed, dark red-backed journal Maggie gave me three and a half years ago. Funny, but I'd always assumed I'd finish the cabin on the last page of the "Yes Book." But instead, it feels like only a first installment. A new, burlap brown journal awaits more adventures. A fresh page beckons. The continuing saga of Sourwood Holler is something I may always be writing. Thursday, Dec. 8, 1977 — Plumber Leroy Sims finished the rough plumbing Sunday. We paid him $439 for the lovely copper work he did throughout the house. I have been hard at it installing the Styrofoam ceiling insulation — a simple and pleasurable operation. I measure the stuff, mark it with a pencil, gently saw it with hand saw, and then just cram it between the rafters where it is held in place by wedging. Also on Sunday Mike and I started the final flooring in the kitchen with the old Giving House tongue and groove. When we got halfway through we saw had just enough to finish the kitchen but not enough to do the front hall as well. That area (4'x8f) will require a different set of salvaged wood. �The Sweatmore Construction Co. 175 The problem arises from inconsistencies in the salvaged flooring from the Giving House where the floors were cut, milled and laid in different times, and therefore they were of different widths and thicknesses. That requires me to use them faithfully in this reconstruction. Thursday, Dec. 15,1977 — We finished the kitchen floor on Sunday, and today I worked alone shingling the exterior of the east and west gables around the high windows. On the west gable it went very quickly as I did a straightforward pattern. But on the east side overlooking the deck, I elected to do a sunburst pattern that radiates down and outward from the apex of the gable. This required trips up and down the ladder for every single shingle to be measured and custom cut. But the result is eminently satisfying. Sunday, Dec. 18,1977 — Before Mike left yesterday on a much-needed two-week vacation to his parents' place in Florida, we framed and sheetrocked the front hall divider, and hung another old door from the Giving House so that the cabin will have a foyer with a cold air baffle. In a fit of orderliness, Maggie and I decided a major clean-up day was in order, and so we swept sawdust, re-stacked salvaged wood and organized tools. By the end of the afternoon, the place looked like it made a little more sense. Sunday, Christmas Day, 1977 — A year ago today I said we'd be in the cabin by this Christmas, so I have to be disappointed that it didn't happen... disappointed in myself and ashamed that I've let Maggie down. But shoot — we couldn't have worked much harder. So I'm trying to reconcile the failure. Or at least what feels like failure. Again, I have set myself up to be tyrannized by time. So... what lessons do I draw on this snowy Christmas day? It must be that I should not worship time frames so strictly. Things must be allowed to happen in the fullness of time. I should instead rejoice in the good; the fact that I am not sacrificing quality workmanship for time or speedy completion. Thursday, Dec. 29,1977 — Working in the cold, with a cold, I today all but finished the high east exterior shingling on the gable. It's a good singular project that I can piddle on while Mike is gone. Today the temperatures were in the teens and really too cold to work, and I was too sick to work, but I did anyway. �176 Hogwild Saturday, Dec. 31,1977 — Another cold day, but what fun. My young friend Jimmy Grogan, editor of the school newspaper, came out and wanted to help. So I figured out a project for us to do — which was building the flat kitchen hearth for the woodstove thaf s going in the corner. We need an insulated rock platform on the floor and insulated backing up against the log wall as well. It took all day to lay the fivefoot-wide semi-circular hearth. Jimmy mixed mortar and I showed him how to lay the big, broad flat rocks from Silver Creek. It looks wonderful and I enjoyed teaching this gifted young man such an old craft. He's a Morehead Scholarship nominee to Chapel Hill and I bet he gets the prestigious scholarship. And if he doesn't, he can always be a rockmason. Tomorrow is the first day of 1978, which marks the fourth year of work on this cabin. I find that difficult to comprehend. The kitchen hearth base is complete; Jon takes measurements. �16 In the Home Stretch "Y0« know the nearer your destination the more you're slip-slidin' away." — Paul Simon Thursday, Jan. 5,1978 — I am going to finish this dadblasted albatross of a house this year or else it's going to be (with apologies to Kurt Vonnegut) Welcome to the Monkey House. On this first working day of the new year, I gathered flat stones and laid the first vertical course along the walls for the kitchen hearth. We are anticipating a big double-doored Fisher woodstove from Russ Scruggs. Alone with the cabin all day. No one came down. The rock rising surely from the floor. A wind blowing through the open doors on a chilly January day. This piece of rockwork is the easiest yet most freeform I've done. The base is a triangle with a rounded front, and the sides are fan-shaped. The design happened on its own accord. One more day Down at the Big House: we celebrate January birthdays. �178 HogariU and I'll have it done. Celebrating a pair of Capricorn birthdays, last night we feasted at Bill and Jeanette's in fine style. Bill turned 30 this week, and Jeanette, I think, is 27 next week. Maggie and Jeanette cooked one of their typically great meals, served with wine and the roaring of Bill's huge Fisher "Grizzly Bear" fireplace stove, followed by music of our own making by Will Hogwild and the Recycles (Bill, Joe Ryan and me). Saturday, Jan. 7,1978 — I can't believe it. I hear third-hand that Mike Thompson is not coming back from his Christmas vacation to Florida. This is very strange indeed. I am truly boggled by this development. What could have happened to him? Apart from the personal considerations, this is a set-back for the cabin, which was a couple of months from completion so long as there were the two of us banging away out there. But now... I just don't know. It feels like another six months at the very least if I have to do it singlehandedly. Reckon I've become spoiled. Having Mike has shown me that some jobs are just ludicrous to try alone. But then, I did it for three and a half years, and by damn, I'll do it again. Besides, I've been doing well enough working alone these last three weeks. But today I've been in shock over Mike. Rocklaying on the kitchen hearth has gone very slowly and will require another day to finish. What I've done so far is pretty fine. From there I don't know what to do next. I've got a couple of months of little doodlysquat things that need to be tied up: — Build a front door from scratch. — Front hall final touches: Surewall and wainscoting from barnwood. — Get triple-wall stovepipe for kitchen woodstove — install. — Plane flooring for living room floor — install. — Custom kitchen, bathroom cabinets —have them installed. — Ceiling (Celotex or U.S. Gypsum insulation board). Friday, Jan. 13, 1978 — Deep in winter's grasp tonight. It has been so bitter cold that I can't work with the mortar, so the kitchen hearth still awaits a warm day. Maggie is away singing tonight in snowy Asheville. Taking advantage of the cold to run errands, Maggie and I went to Tryon yesterday and got the triple-wall steel chimney from Rick Pratt's wood and solar shop. We also visited potters Claude and Elaine Graves who live outside Columbus in a dome house made of concrete. I needed this inspiration �In the Home Stretch 179 Homesteading neighbors Claude and Elaine Graves of Columbus and their "big gray elephant." because he's been working on it I believe he said for five years. Now that I'm in my fourth year, I need all the encouragement I can get. The big difference between us and the Graves is that they've been living in their house while they've been working. While this has been stressful to them, (especially with baby Zeke tottering around the construction mess) it has also been satisfying. We committed early on to not trying to live in the clutter of housebuilding and I think I'm glad. Yet talking with the Graves made me yearn to be in, no matter what state of completion the house was in. Maggie has engaged the Graves to make custom-designed tiles for the kitchen: green vines and Delft blue birds on white background. It's very exciting to get to the point where we're finalizing on the finishing touches. Sunday, Jan. 15, 1978 — At last! Two weeks after starting, I finally finished the kitchen hearth. This was the first day in ages warm enough to work (even while Wednesday's snow still rested on the rocky shoul- �180 Hogwild The kitchen hearth is complete. It's the smallest yet most artistic rockivork I've yet done. ders of the new chimney, which in itself was a new sight). Finishing the hearth was deeply satisfying for me; there's just something so innately physical about rocking. It is an ultimate tactile experience, combining the best of art with weightlifting. The thing itself is an authentic reflection of the land: rock, sand, and water — all came from Silver Creek. I spent a lot of time selecting, sorting, and trying every imaginable combination of rocks until I was content with my final choices to finish �In the Home Stretch 181 the top row. By sundown it was finished — and just as I completed it, the last golden rays of a winter sunset blasted through the kitchen window like a follow spot to highlight the new rock star. The paparazzi rock fan takes pictures. Yesterday we sank $160 in light fixtures, a bathroom sink and commode. Because lighting is intrinsic in establishing mood, we have been careful about these choices: plain white spheres for the bathroom and back hall, a simple four-socket indirect light for the sink, an oldfashioned coach light-style front porch light, spotlights for the kitchen galley to be mounted overhead on the Big Daddy central beam that runs the 22-foot length — and for the front hall we are still looking for a perfect hand-woven basket to use for the lampshade. The bathroom fixtures back up our "rustslick" design motif: a white bowl sink, fixtures that are simple but Danish modern in style, and a low-slung Star-Trekky looking commode. Saturday, Feb. 4,1978 — Knocking out doo-dah projects left and right now: finished the final shingling of exterior high east gable, insulated and sheathed like a barn door the old hay loft opening of the east gable, decided where to put kitchen stove in such a way as to make the kitchen galley wider. And finally, I filled in the last section of subflooring in the living room which I'd left open by the big raised hearth while Mike and I were insulating the basement. This last job was dictated by safety considerations after a narrow miss last week: Selena had her friend, Teresa Brewer, come over to play. Scampering around the cabin, Teresa ran through the living room — and suddenly disappeared through the hole in the floor — just as magically and terribly as the entrances and exits of the Wicked Witch of the West from Oz. The fall may have been only a three-foot drop, but it was between beams, concrete blocks, and a rock hearth. I was terrified as I saw the hole swallow up the child. Then, there was her little face, poking back up out of the hole, with her eyes big and round in amazement. Aside from a scratch or two, she was unscathed. We took that as fair warning to close up the trap door. Sunday, Feb. 5,1978 — A great day! In spite of odds, we got the Fisher Grandpa Bear down to the cabin and onto its hearth in the kitchen — a job I really dreaded because the big monster was one chunk of cast iron and steel. We took the newspaper van over to Lattimore in the next county �182 HogoriU where Russ Scruggs lives. He had the stove waiting for us on his porch, and using a mover's dolly borrowed from Joe Carson's furniture place in Rutherfordton, we got that thing into the van with minimal hassle. Then back at Hogwild, we found Bill and our prospective cabinetmaker, Raymond Lee of Country Cabin Collection. So we had plenty of muscle. After backing the van to the porch, we wheeled the stove into the house and up onto the hearth, where we placed it catty-cornered. And the fit is just right, and not an inch to spare, either. Jubilation. Then Ray and I worked up the measurements and estimates for the bathroom cabinets Maggie has designed. His estimates were quite modest I think for the kind of custom quality work his shop does. He promises to have the work done in a month, at which time we'll deliver kitchen drawings to him and they'll go to work on that. Et voila. We are beginning to cook. Saturday, Feb. 11,1978 — Are we being treated to an early spring this year? It sure feels like it. We've been blessed with three wonderfully warm days here, and in spite of my fighting the annual case of the nasal gunkywunkies, I've gotten more done: finished west high gable shingling, finished sheetrocking in entrance hall, and best of all — insulated and sheathed east kitchen exterior gable at last. I say "at last" because it was done backwards. I'd sheetrocked and stuccoed the interior before completing the exterior. I have to shake my head and wonder at my own bald-faced self sometimes. The dry warm weather has also allowed us to drive down the ruination of the creekroad (dubbed "Four Wheel Drive" because that's the only type of vehicle that can scale it). We'll have to get that "road" reworked this spring. Friday, Feb. 17,1978 — Recovering from a bout with the flu. I am all but finished with papering and shingling the east kitchen gable exterior. The work is rewarding and attractive, tying the wings of the cabin together stylistically with the central log core. Saturday, March 4,1978 — Excitement! The bathroom cabinets arrived and we installed them today. They are simply fantastic. The boys at Country Cabin Collection built them to our specs: natural pine, cut nails, black hardware, and overall stained Minwax's Puritan Pine and then finished with a low gloss. They are worth every bit of the $408. Sunday, March 5,1978 — Good old Joe Ryan worked with me well into �In the Home Stretch 183 - Windows are in, high and law, and I've shingled the gables. Maggie is painting the trim a Wedgwood blue. Now with the leaves gone, we can see the chimney fs full beauty. the night getting the kitchen woodstove vented. We used handsome black eight-inch stovepipe that winds around artistically to the ceiling connection of the steel chimney which itself took all afternoon to install. We lighted a ceremonial fire to test the new stove's draw, and the christening cheered the kitchen. Sunday, March 12,1978 — Spring trips shyly into the Holler and with it comes a renewal of the blooming log cabin builders. Today I attended to hanging and finishing the hall door to the kitchen, an old thing from the Giving House, while Maggie painted the windows a color we call Sourwood Blue which is Wedgwood Blue to anyone else. Late this evening while a warm dusk deepened the spring shadows, I finished framing the prospective front door which I'll be building from scratch. Saturday, March 18,1978 — Maggie is still floating from the exhilaration of her one-woman jazz show, Maggie Lauterer Sings, that she produced and starred in at the community college. It was a marvelously successful jazz/pop concert. Two standing ovations. Today, back in our log cabin world, Bill and I are equally high, for �184 Hogwild Bill and I have just put dawn the new (old) living room floor. we have laid one fourth of the living room floor. With his expert help, it goes quickly and easily. Meanwhile in the kitchen, Jeanette is sanding and refinishing that floor. What energy! B&J have really pitched in here and have gotten us rolling again. Of Mike's departure and rumored new career in Florida I can only wonder with incredulity at the switch from log cabin builder to stock broker. I'm sure the next time we meet he'll help me understand how the transition was a logical one. Saturday, March 25,1978 — After three good days flooring, Bill and I finished laying the living room floor, while outside a spring shower accompanied our hammering. In the kitchen, Jeanette continues to caulk and sand down the old floor Mike and I laid in December. To ward off a spring chill, we had fires going in both stoves today, and it made the place seem downright homey. Thursday, March 30, 1978 — Manna from Heaven? Bill and I have enough flooring left over to do the front and back halls as well. Amazing. And I was worried that there wasn't enough flooring to do the living room — and now we have plenty for the whole house. Something about the parable of the fish and the loaves comes to mind here. Thanks be. �In the Home Stretch 185 The power company folks came today and trenched for the underground electric cable so we won't have any unsightly lines coming into the cabin. And when they were done, these good old boys walked around the house looking at the place with open admiration. One fellow said the line I hear so often that it rankles: "Gonna be nice when you get it done." Friday, March 31,1978 —Jeanette is doing the most lovely work: four coats of polyurethane in the kitchen has turned the old floor to gold. And then she stained (Puritan Pine) the new wood of the stairs and the loft, and then finished those areas as well Meanwhile, I have framed the interior of the little window by the living room hearth, using the last of the old sandblasted heart pine. This took much chiseling of the surrounding logs to get the fit just right. It is my best finish carpentry work to date and I'm deeply satisfied with the results. Wednesday, April 5,1977 — The 47 Things. They stare up at me from the legal pad. They're what I have left to do. Everything from building the front door to doing the ceiling to running the water line. Each one is a separate personality yapping for attention and howling my name. I am like an ol' mama hound with too many pups and not enough fixtures. Friday and Saturday, April 7-8,1978 — I have learned the oriental art of compartmentalization. Isolate the problem of the highest priority, shut out the clamor of the others, and complete the selected task in utter concentration. Today was a truly (Hog) wild day with a major work force doing separate jobs all over the cabin. I was at wit's end to coordinate it all: Bill and I finishing window trim in the kitchen while Maggie and Jeanette worked on floor finishing in kitchen, loft and stairs. I was accused of being grumpy. Well hello Jack, with the end in sight and after four years, I reckon I am feeling a little zoomy. Sunday, April 9, 1978 — Sometimes I get the feeling I'm more of a participant in this pageant than I am its producer. The interior of the cabin is assuming its own marvelous identity: in the front hall the chevron design wainscoting of old barnwood echoes the pattern of the living room loft divider, and mirrors again the angle-wood design in the north wing as well. �186 Hogwild We put in a good ten hours here today, completing the front hall wainscoting, doing final trim on the windows and bathroom door with salvaged oak and pine. Saturday, April 14,1978 — Cosmic days. Three in a row. For a reason known only to Abba, Allah, Baba, Buddha and maybe even Bubba, I felt like tackling the front door. To begin the interior side, I nailed Giving House tongue and groove onto a plain core of three-quarter inch plywood in a simple vertical pattern. But for the front I wanted to do something more artistically articulate. And the thought occurred that the front door ought to be like the cover of a book, that it ought to alert the reader or the entrant that what was about to follow inside would be a reflection of that frontispiece. So to establish the mood, I did the front door out of old pine in a diagonal cross pattern. Mind you, I've never done anything like this before, so it was a pretty outrageous thing to attempt. When it was done, and it far outstripped my wildest expectations, I was filled with a profound sense of accomplishment — both as a finish carpenter and an a graphic artist. Saturday, April 15,1978 — My generation and those younger take three vital life-supporting factors for granted: heat, light, and water. Folks raised in the Depression times and earlier still marvel silently each time they walk into an evenly-heated warm house, flick on a wall light switch, or turn on an inside faucet. After four years of heating exclusively with wood, I've learned not to take heat for granted. But I still admit to expecting electric lights to respond without my thinking of the miracle. And this weekend I got my initiation into the why's and wherefore's of water. Before Hogwild, if someone had asked me where water came from, I probably would have said: "out of the faucet, of course." I began dreaming about a gravity-fed water system four years ago when we discovered from the original survey maps that Bill and Jeanette got their water from an old double-headed spring high up on our land — fully 2,000 feet from their house, but only 750 feet from our cabin. The fact that my spring had been feeding their house with water since 1915 attested to the spring's prodigious capacity. Indeed, the spring's overflow created what we dubbed Spring Creek which forms the narrow verdant gorge between Slickey Mountain and Laurel Mountain. A tiny path winds up the wildflower-strewn hills and under the �In the Home Stretch 187 groping mountain laurel thickets to a large rock-lipped spring which was covered with ages of leaves, sediment and a giant, round, once-red Coca-Cola sign. Yesterday I turned into a sherpa and made repeated assaults up the narrow creek gorge, lugging 50 pounds of Sacrete, joints, clamps, assorted tools — and most ungainly of all — 600 feet of plastic one-inch piping. At the top, there beside Bill and Jeanette's spring lay my reward: another pool — deep and clear and still. Wallowing around in the silted bottom were an assortment of spring critters — tiny wriggling salamanders, snails, and one granddaddy mudpuppy. With local rock and my concrete mix, I built a retaining wall to form a dam and make the holding pool deeper. And through the dam I imbedded one end of the pipe, encasing it in window screen, and covered that with a perforated tobacco can to act as a primitive filter and salamander-baffle. Then I stumbled backwards down the middle of the creek with the giant coils, unrolling the piping, and connected the 100-foot lengths with joints and clamping until I got past Selena's Playhouse and to the low point in the waterline where it crosses Silver Creek before rising the last 100 feet or so up to the cabin. There I stopped for the day. Sunday, April 16,1978 — "Water water, everywhere,/ Nor any drop to drink..." The Rime of the Ancient Mariner comes to mind today, for at first it seemed like even with the plenitude of water, I would have none. This morning after the concrete dam had hardened, I went up to the head of the waterline at the spring and connected the pipe to the outflow pipe — and nothing happened. I don't know what I expected; I guess I just thought the gravity would send the water a'gushing. But I still had more to learn about hydro-engineering. Then it occurred to me that maybe it needed a gentle nudge. I clambered down the rocky creek to the first 100-foot junction of the pipe, disconnected it, and took it to my lips like I was about to give a blast on the world's largest Alpenhorn — but instead began sucking 100 feet of air out of the pipe in hopes of getting the suction going. When I was about blue in the face I heard it coming like a highball express — rushing and jostling and chuckling to itself down the pipe. Then whoosh, the springwater exploded through the pipe, all over me, and sending the pipe writhing like a live thing. Joyously, I jammed the two sections of pipe together, getting sprayed thoroughly as the pressure fought the union, clamped the pipe down, and ran with sopping tennis shoes like a wildman down through the middle of Spring Creek, �188 Hogwild oblivious to the leg-clawing branches and face-slapping vines toward the base of Spring Creek where, long before I got there, I could hear the geyser — a gusher that had blown off the gate valve I had loosely clamped to the end. The awesome power of gravity and water pressure astounded me. From that meek bubbling pool up the cove had come this thrashing powerhouse. I whooped and cavorted about like old Dan Gunn of Treasure Island) a bedraggled figure in wet cut-offs and raggamuffin tennis shoes dancing about in the gushing spray. Later, after calming down somewhat, I attached the gate valve at the low point at Silver Creek, turned the flow off, and ran the last 100 feet of piping uphill to the cabin and put a proper end valve on, wondering to myself: can water really run uphill? Then I turned the whole system on, and Kowabunga, Buffalo Bob. The whole shebang worked like gangbusters — water all over the place! I make this vow — that when it's all said and done, piped into the cabin, that when I turn on the spigot and spring water comes a'gurglin' — never again will I take for granted that seemingly simple miracle. Sunday, April 23, 1978 — After Maggie and I sanded the living room and hall floors for what seemed an interminable time yesterday, and after having blown through fifty bucks worth of sandpaper, we finally finished. Did we save money? I don't know — but I do know we by Jiminy did it ourselves. The reward came when we put down the first coat of finish, and that clear polyurethane acted like a stain, and to our surprise the sanded, ash-blond old pine turned to a deep red cedar color — much darker than we thought it'd be, but lovely in a woody, resinous depth that is already growing on me. Friday, April 21, 1978 — Still burnt out from an all-nighter Tuesday putting the paper to bed... nevertheless today I built the closet in Selena's room, and best of all, a tiny loft in her room that will eventually be Jon's bed when he's old enough to climb up and down safely. It's neat and strong, built out of salvaged culls from several flooring projects. Saturday, April 29,1978 — A day of serendipity. After bonking my head for the fifty-eleventh time on Selena's low door, I came to a revelation: (first of all, when you're bald, that's a capital-b Bonk) that when a feature of a house keeps hurting you then if s not built right. And so without further ado, I ripped the door apart. What was that �In the Home Stretch 189 line from Ecclesiastes about "a time to build up and a time to tear down..."? This was one of those times. I'd built the door using a short door from the Giving House and a nice old piece of plate glass that I can remember my mother mounting on white fire bricks and using as an art deco coffee table. I can remember this glass table from earliest childhood, hence its sentimental value. Later today, while building the exterior north "door" (in quotes because it's a permanent wall and just made like a false door) at the end of that the north wing hall where Jon's crib will go, I had a vision. A window. It would be such a shame to close off light to his little room... but where to get an inexpensive window just the right size without going back to town and ordering one...? Then "the Eureka factor" kicked in with Maggie suggesting that I use Mom's little glass coffee table for Jon's window. So, that which I had just destroyed gave me what I needed to create something new. After framing it in, I ply wooded and tarpapered the little false door, and finished the exterior with a fanciful pattern of salvaged pine angled this way and that. The new construction again mirrors the unusual angled effect of the front door. I've got to admit, I got pretty high over building that little door. Using that "builder's high" to keep my momentum going, I ran down to Bill's where I had some plywood stored, and carried two 4'x8's back on my back down to the cabin. I spent a wonderful evening sheathing the back hall in its entirety while a full spring moon floated up over Slickey Mountain like a grinning hot air balloon, and the April night was thick with the songs of lovesick whippoorI get fancy on the hall exterior false door. wills. �17 Moving In At Last "Perseverance is a sign of will power. He who stays where he is endures." — Lao Tsu Thursday, May 4,1978 — It is approaching graduation time. The time frame is too obvious for me to miss the comparison. I have spent four years at Hogwild U. and this is definitely my senior year. Just one more semester and I believe I would have hit the wall. I must finish this dissertation of wood, rock, and mortar by Commencement. The concept is very Zen: that I must finish so that I can "start." The metaphor works. That first summer session of 1974 I was so naive and bright-eyed. I thought I could skip a couple of grades and get done in three months. As a freshman I thought a toe nail was something you clipped, that a plumb bob was a character on The Waltons, that it was impossible for water to flow uphill, and was so ignorant of one tool that I proudly "invented" mine of sheer need — only to find two years later that any dingdong carpenter or kid who took shop in high school knows what a T-bevel is. Then, depressed by the immensity of the project, I glided cynically into a second year, becoming a proverbial wise fool along the way. I found out that the more I did, the less I knew. Along the way I met classmates at this land-grant college who in turn helped me cram for pop quizzes. Tutors were everywhere. Distinguished Professors of Carpentry Byers, Ratcliffe, Thompson and Ryan guided my studies. Visiting Scholars in Rock and Woodwork Kaltreider, Mason, Morgan and Kirby helped me hone my new-found skills. As so often happens at college, the junior got his act together. Realizing what my major was, I dug in with renewed focus and intensity. I was charging so hard that I scarcely noticed when I slipped into the comfortable maturity of the senior year. This spring I have hit my stride and it feels good to red-line it. Cram- �Moving In At Last 191 ming has become a way of life. Finals loom before me. I've got major exams in every room of the cabin. I wonder what my diploma will look like? Sunday, May 7,1978 — Another week speeds by and I feel we've not done enough. It goes slow this week because of problems beyond my control. Also, Maggie is under the weather right now, so I've done no night work this week. Enough apologies, we have started the ceiling at the lowest points where it's the easiest to reach: the bathroom, Selena's room, back and front halls. Here's our system: salvaged Ix4s serve as supporting furring strips that run perpendicular to the old pine pole rafters. The ceiling material I finally settled on is 4x8 foot sheets of Armstrong Temlock at $5 a sheet. We're using big-headed roofing nails to tack the sheets up. What really keeps the ceiling in place is two-inch wide molding strips we sawed out of old barn wood. The final ceiling looks vaguely Tudor — but it reminds me more of the World War II era temporary housing for Naval pre-flight students and later, guys on the G.I. Bill at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill — a place called Victory Village where the style was '40s Barracks Utilitarian. Sunday, May 20, 1978 — The last two weeks have been spent on the ceiling. (Picture that, if you can.) I did the living room single-handedly since Bill has summarily taken off for Nashville presumably to do something with his music. I brought all my old scaffolding in from the chimney work and constructed three units to reach the 18-foot-tall ceiling. But the ceiling material is so lightweight that the work was surprisingly easy. And the final product doesn't looks as rinkydink as I once feared it would. The kitchen, as expected, has turned out to be a whopper of a challenge. The kitchen cabinets arrived yesterday as promised — and they are really lovely. Solid pine and stained with Minwax's Early American. But as we moved them in place, we hit a snag. My plumber (who has left for Costa Rica) didn't leave enough rise in the plumbing above the floor, so Joe Ryan will have to come and rig something special before cabinetmakers Ray and Dan can come back and bolt the blamed thing down. Also, I've just learned that nobody wants to mess with custom countertops, so it's up to ol' Slick. As of today I've got 23 Things left to do. Saturday, May 27, 1978 — I returned to the cabin in the evening after �192 Hogurild Tlie loft with banister and closet all but complete. And I've just finished the ceiling. friend Jeanne Petillo got married on the front porch of her log cabin up Shingle Hollow way. I worked until 11:30 p.m. on high obtuse angles of the ceiling in bathroom and front hall. It was so quiet down here and I was concentrating so hard that when one of Jeanette's cats came mewing into the cabin she spooked me pretty badly. Earlier I had parked the car way up at the top of the hill — and with no moon at all, the night was dark as a coal pit. I walked out with the kerosene lantern swinging boogeyman shadows into the woods. Sunday, May 28, 1978 — Joe installed final lighting receptacles and I acted as apprentice. We worked into the night to finish. The tile people come tomorrow to do blue and white floor covering in bathroom and kitchen. Also, we've ordered a chocolate brown Formica countertop which Joe has agreed to install. Friday, June 2,1978 — I finished the final touches of stucco work in the front hall and kitchen. The front hall is just flat-out spectacular. I got a late start today because I had to wait until Jeanette and Maggie had finished putting down the fifth and last coat of polyurethane on the living room floor. It glows with a deep reddish patina that only old heart pine possesses. A bit of excitement when 21-month-old Jon decided that the newly- �Moving In At Last 193 varnished floor would make a great skating pond. He sneaked in the living room, fell in the wet polyurethane, and then made little footprints all over the porch and screamed bloody murder about getting cleaned off. This evening after Maggie left, I spent hours putting up the front door. Four big butt hinges had to be chiseled in place, and the door itself is so massive that I can just barely grunt it around. It must weigh 200 pounds. But I hefted it into place, and even then had to spend ages sanding and chiseling both door and frame to get it to fit perfectly. But then there she was — one instant ancient door. The Old World look and weighty feel of it remind me of the German church doors on which Martin Luther nailed his theses. Thursday, June 8,1978 — My birthday. Nine-year-old Selena presented me with a card she'd written: 'To Dad Age 33 But Still Going Strog." Going strog. That about sums it up. Another cosmic birthday present: One day last week after a sweaty work day, I was taking a shower down at Bill and Jeanette's when the phone rang. No one was at home so I answered it. Turned out to be a thousand-to-one shot — it was Charlie Ratcliffe, to whom I had advanced a hundred bucks four years ago. "How's the cabin coming?" he asked. He was calling to see if I still needed him so he could come work off the debt. The timing couldn't be more perfect as we seem to be entering the final month of finishing the cabin. So today he came and worked on the very difficult angle closet doors that had to be made out of old thick oak. Later we set out to build the front steps out of old logs left over from the door cut-outs, but instead in a burst of creative insight turned it into a semi-circular ramp instead. Later, I worked until midnight stuccoing the back hallway. Sunday, June 11, 1978 — Four years to the day since we started this wildness. It is with the utmost satisfaction that I mark this anniversary. Graduation is at hand. Next week maybe? Charlie and I had a zoomy day building the base for the giant deck. Two years ago I had started this with the base for a 14-foot, six-inch long deck, and today we doubled that size. It is 28 feet long and 16 feet deep, and supported by massive log pilings culled from door, window and fireplace cutouts from the original main cabin. Charlie says that viewing the cabin from the driveway side "you'd never guess there was a durned dancehall on the other side." �194 Hogurild The Charlie Ratcliffe Memorial Dancehall Deck changes the whole cabin in a way I never could have anticipated — extending both living rooms and kitchen out, into, and over the woods. Now, standing sunburnt and fuzzy-headed out on the corner of the deck's prow six feet off the ground, I can turn around and look back at the cabin — and lo, it's like seeing an old friend for the first time in four years. There he is — this is the same eye-level, three-quarters perspective from which I viewed the old barn when it sat up on the road, squatting in the honeysuckle waiting for me. This is my dream's-eye view. Seen from here, the cabin no longer looms up awkwardly like an ungainly mama chicken trying to get airborne. Now, the cabin appears more like something imagined by the Disney Studio from the '40s — a place for Snow White to hole up; Heidi-snugglish yet not cutesy. My Swiss blood must have had a stronger hand in this design than I had previously conceded. The place has an authentic alpine look, yet not Subdivision Chalet. Meanwhile, everything else is snowballing along. The amazing Joe Ryan has been so important to me these last few weeks that words fail to impart the full extent of the man's role. After finishing the final plumbing in the bathroom and kitchen, he has put down the kitchen countertop, a demanding job involving a 10-foot-long, horseshoe-shaped galley with drop-in stove at the end. Yesterday, while I helped him glue down the countertop, I was alarmed to see him pick up my red gym "Yes Shorts" to wipe off the excess glue. I grabbed them from his hands like I was snatching my toddler out of a freeway. 'Thought it was a rag," Joe said flatly, nodding at the bedraggled, hole-shot faded red shorts. "Well, it's not!" I retorted in mock offense. "Could have fooled me," Joe replied dryly in his typically New England tone, turning back to his work. My Yes Shorts. My beautiful red four-year-old Damn the Torpedoes, Full Steam Ahead gym shorts with the go-ahead motto sewn on the thigh. They were this white man's breach cloth since that first crazy summer of '74. They've been patched, retreaded and reborn — a garment of historic proportions which I shall have bronzed or framed and hung in a place of honor over the fireplace where in my advancing age I can gaze fondly at them recalling four insane and completely soul-satisfying years. A rag indeed. That, sir, is my diploma. �Moving In At Last 195 Monday, June 12,1978 — I just heard on the news that builders in North Carolina say home construction costs this last year have gone up nine to twenty percent — and that in the Raleigh area the average cost for a 1,500-square-foot new home is $57,500. We bought 50 acres for $15,000 and that's already paid for. I'll bet the house won't cost over $10,000, and we'll have the building material loan paid off in three years. Need I say more? Friday, June 16,1978 — Everything is in italics now, happening at 78 rpm. I feel like something out of a Mack Sennett blotchy black and white film, running around too fast and jerky for real life, but getting things done licketysplit. Working at the newspaper this week, I look at my hands in wonder. How foreign and demure the typewriter keys seem by comparison to the things my methiolated hands have been manhandling this final week: logs and hammers and pickaxes to the point that my muscled right hand actually feels larger than my left. The keys feel like a child's toy and each one of my fingers feels as large as a fist. I knit my brow at the new hands I don't recognize; has their owner metamorphosed as much as they have? Saturday, June 17, 1978 — Big time. Joe has finished and the kitchen looks fantastic. He only charged $283 for all his work over the past month, too. Charlie Ratcliffe finished his week with me, and more than made up for that debt. When he was leaving and we were shaking hands, I thanked him for being so loyal — and then asked him how much I owed him for "tuition." Charlie stopped a second, and then there was that lovely grin that breached his easy-going face. We hugged. 'This is one great house," he said, slapping me on the back. Then later, while I was rushing about doing finishing touches, James Harmon's grading boys showed up to redo my terrible roads. So I hotfooted it up to the top of the hill and we walked the course for the switchbacks and talked about ditching and draining — and I liked the outfit so much I said let's go with it. While I was showing the bulldozer operator, J.V. Biggerstaff, around the place, he allowed that he grew up nearby, but didn't say where exactly. I was going on about how we moved the cabin down from up on the road, and how we'd salvaged an old farmhouse up there too — when suddenly J.V.'s face lit up. "You mean the old house up the road?" He could scarcely believe it. "Why, I used to live there," he announced. �196 Hogmld 'Thought that thing would have rotted down years ago." Turns out the maestro bulldozer artist lived in the Giving House when he was about 5 years old and that he vaguely remembers the old log barn he used to play in — the same "barn" to which he was now cutting a road. The irony of it: his upstairs bedroom had contributed some of the most perfectly intact wood for the new house. I took this as a good omen. They did great work. And now after four years of grappling with road problems, our system is now graveled and suitable for normal vehicular travel. Also today — with the final plumbing done, I fit the rubber pipe from the spring to the house intake valve and — well, there it was: we had water, as if by magic in all the faucets and shower and commode. The sound of the water rushing through the copper pipe for the first time felt like being inside a living being with the blood coursing through its veins. Sunday, June 18,1978 — A preliminary D-Day. We got a solid start on moving, starting with the living room of the Blue Shed — everything toted out in the newspaper van. This is thrilling, but we've got another week's paper to get out, and more packing to go before we hit Normandy Beach full scale. Both Maggie and I admit to being antsy. But with graduation at hand, I reckon we're entitled to a little "senioritis." June 27, 7978: ifs done, and ready for us to move in. �18 In Which We Live the Dream "Behold, we count them happy which endure." - James, 5:11 "If you done it, it ain't braggin'" — Dizzy Dean Wednesday, June 21,1978 — I admit it. I've spent the last four years as a closet pioneer, a schizo editor/log cabinman. I've burned the candle at all three ends. I've OD'd on roofing, been stoned by a chimney, been floored, chinked, fiberglassed, block-busted, Hogwild every minute of the way. People keep asking, "Would you do it again now if you knew how much time it was going to take?" I don't know if I can answer that accurately just yet. I can confidently say, "I wouldn't take nothin' for my journey now," (in the words of the old gospel song). But don't ask me that question today — because the reply would be a bumptious Yes! For today was moving day. And today we began living the dream. The last couple of nights we lay awake at night in the Blue Shed amid piles and boxes, sleeplessly and speechlessly planning the moving strategy, eager to be up at 4 a.m., yet knowing we'd pay later if we did. We fell into fitful frenetic sleep, shot through with zany dreams. There's Mrs. Olsen, and I'm chasing her around a giant Folger's Coffee can the size of a log cabin with a cedar shingle roof. Now, Charlie Ratcliffe and I are on that roof, and we're hammering down shingles one by one, only this time they're hamburger buns instead of wood shingles. Then there along the crest of the eastern ridge of Laurel Mountain, we notice the ominous silhouette of hundreds of Nazi soldiers bearing down on us. But instead of attacking, the Nazis break into a chorus line, a vaudeville kick line, jackboots in step-knee, step-kick and they're singing some �198 Hogurild silly tune: "If s so much fun to be a Nazi/ It's downright hotsy-totsy/ With Hitler, Rommel and Goerring/ Oh, we love to go a'warring." And by now the Broadway musical Nazis are swinging from the trees onto my scaffolding, and... "You're snoring," Maggie punched me awake. "I'm sorry but you were snoring." "Maggie, you're not going to believe what I just dreamed," I tried to tell her. 'The cabin was a coffee can and the roof was hamburger buns and we were being attacked by singing Nazis and..." "Babe," she hushed me. "I believe you've got cabin fever." And why not? What better reason to be delirious? The cabin is finished. Today we moved in. Two sentences I've waited four years to say. And even now it sounds like a grand fib. My imagination can be forgiven; I'm in overdrive — physically and mentally supercharged by reality's finality. The calendar for June looks like Ike's pre-D-Day engagement schedule. Marshaling forces, coordinating men and materials, getting the right people to do the right thing at the right time at the right place. Four years of building rises now to a smashing crescendo of hammer beats and circular saws whining in a crashing Wagnerian final chord. We started out incorrectly loading the U-Haul truck with dinky stuff in the back. Then, around mid-day, friend Robert Miller, the Incredible Black Hulk himself, shows up — and it turns out Robert's granddaddy was a professional mover, so Roberto knew a thing or two about the art. Plus, Robert has muscles, so that just the two of us were able to load the piano, as well as other big items into the truck. Friend Harold Cleaves (who will be renting the Blue Shed) came by to lend a hand too, so by midafternoon we were in great shape. After loading breakables into Robert's VW van, we threw dog, cat, and kids into the Volvo and went tearing out to Hogwild forever. I took the big U-Haul down the new road triumphantly; the whole trip in was like a victory parade. We unloaded stuff all afternoon, with Robert and Harold being great help. The only real problem we encountered was the big refrigerator which was so large it required that I knock one of the Zonk supports in the kitchen temporarily out of place, and then I had to also tear out some sheetrock to make room for the double-door critter. By 5 p.m. it was all off the truck: beds in rooms, Jon's crib in the back hall, the piano in the living room, the washer and dryer in their cubbyhole in the bathroom, the big china hutch in the living room, a �In Which We Live the Dream 199 million boxes of books and stuff stacked about and Maggie trying to make some sense of it all. After our moving friends left, we worked on into the evening — and other friends dropped by to wish us well — potters Claude and Elaine Graves, painter Bill McCullough and wife, Nancy; and Bill Byers with a housewarming bucket of fruit and wine. It is St. Han's Day, the longest day of the year. The Longest Day indeed. We were so busy and happy we couldn't think of joining the annual party down at the Big House until we got more done at our little house. A most imperial full moon sailed up over Hogwild — mystical and welcoming us tonight. And for once a homey sight. Around midnight after the kids were asleep, we walked hand in hand down to Bill and Jeanette's — two grubby lovers strolling past party-goers strewn about the Big House's lawn — many of whom didn't recognize us at first — then when they did, were probably wondering what those crazy Lauterers where doing up at this hour of the night. We walked together as if in slow motion. And then a homebound moonlight stroll to savor. How many nights have I seen the cabin in the moonlight when the thought of living there was always a distant dream, never the reality. Now the dream is real. We are living the dream. This is Commencement. We showered and went to our bed in the lovely loft bathed by sheer blue moonlight angling in through the windows. We slept as if dead. Friday, June 30,1978 — The last day of June. The most exciting June of my life. This week we have been Settling In. Stowing away things in longawaited places. In a fit of unfettered creativity, Maggie has handpainted a line of bluebirds and green vines ringing the kitchen wall above the windows, and it echoes the design in the tiles done by the Graves. She was worried that I wouldn't like it, but I think it pulls the kitchen together graphically.I've built some shelf units upstairs out of salvaged pine, and now I'm doing bookshelves downstairs. It's all so easy now that we live here. Tonight I am seated at the kitchen table, the old black Royal which has accompanied me down to the old picnic table for so many days of writing these past four years is now jouncing on the old round clawlegged table. The first words a man writes in the house he's built should, one �200 Hogwild supposes, be grandific; Spenserian sonnets dripping adjectival verbosity, splendid verse worthy of literary journals. Not an American Legion baseball story. Clunk goes reality. Sunday, July 2, 1978 — It is raining just now, a good hard afternoon trashmover. I love rain here; I always have. But it is so different from before — when the rain seemed more of an adversary, threatening me with isolation, hemming me into the Holler, forbidding me to leave. But now here is home, and I needn't leave. It may seem like a subtle difference but it's a profound shift. It's taken a simple thing like a summer shower to make me feel deep down the enormity of the change: for four years we were camping at the Blue Shed and then in one blitzing day we've turned our world on its ear. Saturday, July 15,1978 — Over the last ten days I have truly savored working out here, even more than I did the last four years because I've not had to leave it each night. I'm about finished with the giant deck. I went down to Shelby and got my salt-treated pressurized lumber direct from a supplier — 380 square feet of 2x6s for only $245. It would have been almost double that elsewhere. I have built my railing and supports out of logs and chestnut poles lying about. One monstrous 4x6 oak beam that I'd been saving for four years turns out to be exactly the right length —14' 6". This is amazing to me since this beam was found just lying in the old barn, not a part of the structure as such. I kept waiting for a place to use such a hunk of wood; that's what I mean about the wisdom of waiting for the fullness of time to reveal itself to you. This piece of wood didn't want to be cut for lesser purposes, and I had the good fortune to wait until the very end of the building process to be illuminated as to its real purpose. The deck is now finished and it all but doubles our living space. What a joy it is. Thursday, Aug. 17, 1978 — Tomorrow night we are having our sureenough housewarming. We've gone into hyperdrive getting everything "party-ready." This has served as a great excuse to finish all those dibbydabby things you tend to let slide once you live in a place: I laid a rock front walkway in an S-curve, did the finishing touches on four units of bookshelves, eight feet tall and about 16 feet long. Then I mowed the "yard" such as it is, and also mowed the woods all the way down to the creek and around Selena's Playhouse. In addition, Bill has BushHogged the Soccer Field, and it makes the whole place look like a wilderness estate. �In Which We Live the Dream 201 Friday, Aug. 18, 1978 — If, upon my death, the Infinite asks me if I would like to re-live one single day, I believe it would be today. From start to finish, it was moving, total, consuming bliss. The Housewarming was one big Stroke. And for me personally, it like a final chapter in the incredible journey begun a distant four years ago. The place looked like it was ready for a visit from Better Homes and Cabins. About 20 folks gathered out on the deck in the cool of the idyllic August evening with fiddling and singing, my mortar pan converted to an icy tub full of beer, plates of Maggie's lasagna, Jeanette's biscuits and a full August moon blooming over Laurel Mountain to add to the kerosene lanterns. A sweet soul-satisfying evening. People who'd watched us build this place over the years just walked around gawking... asking questions with unbridled admiration: "How'd you do this?" "How'd you do that?" If the building process hadn't taken so long I think I would have been embarrassed. So many of the people had had a hand in the cabin one way or the other: Rick (our solar energy zealot) and Maureen Pratt from Tryon; Clayton Spencer and fabric artist wife, Joyce, who are building their own place over that way too; artist Bill McCullough, who helped with Selena's Playhouse, said, "I wouldn't have missed it;" This Week reporter Joy Hoagland who's heard her fill of my trials and tribulations; fiddling carpenter Joe Ryan; my co-editor, Ron Paris, (who's been through a lot of sacrifice on account of this place) and wife, Janice — as well as Hogwilders Stuart and Cindy Byers (who are building like crazy now too); Burwell Byers; and of course Bill and Jeanette — our blood brother and sister of the land. I could be mistaken, but ol' Bill and Jeanette looked as happy and as profoundly satisfied as did cabinfolk Jock and Maggie, who, after everyone left, stayed up very late just talking and savoring. �202 Hogwild Ready for the housewarming. On the deckside, Jon's got his liquid refreshment ready. �19 Life and Death Within the Dream "In my end is my beginning." — Mary Queen of Scots Monday, Sept. 21, 1978 — My old dog died today. My old Ruby the Weather Dog, Ruby the big red alligator. The best dog in the world. I found her dead this morning in her bed in the VW bus. We heard her moaning last night, but it was Sunday night, and I didn't suppose it was serious. Must have died in her sleep last night. From what I still don't know. Could I have saved her? I guess I'll never know. She was simply the best dog in the world — a big, smelly red-haired hunk of a mutt, a glad-hearted mix of golden retriever and St. Bernard. The size of a small fire truck and the same color. As gentle and kind as the day is long. Great cinnamon sad eyes set in a handsome head charred with a square black Bernard's muzzle that in its llth year had assumed a distinguished gray frosting. She was our first baby. We got her in Chapel Hill for a song, and Maggie christened the black-faced pup after a lovable and wise old black cook she'd known. Ruby was always at her happiest when riding in the car, hanging out of the window just as far as gravity and inertia would allow, and — on several occasions, inertia won out — and the poor dog was sent skidding and tumbling into ditches. But usually she had the wind and momentum under control. All through my log cabin misadventures Ol' Rube accompanied me on salvage runs, on supply trips — no matter how tightly packed the VW van, there was always room for the dog: wind-swept, red and black hair rippling like a Kansas wheat field before the storm, her great proud head jutting into the wind, mouth open and her tongue lolling, she appeared to enjoy eating the rushing air. In her old age she had grown neurotic about storms, hence her nickname, the Weather Dog. She could always sense a storm brewing, and when one did blow in, she sought out our company, staring wildly at us �204 Hogwild with those reddish eyes and panting: is it okay? Will it go away? When the children came, she was never jealous like an older sibling might be. Instead, she assumed her new duties as Mother Protector and canine nanny. She loved to swim, hence her other moniker, the Big Red Alligator. She had the peculiar talent of drinking water from a spigot. She never bit anyone. She stayed close to home. She barked at the right time and with proper decorum. She was a true lady. Digging a grave for a 75-pound dog is an act of contrition. For all the times I forgot to feed her, left her out in the cold, treated her mean, didn't return the devotion she gave us, or didn't take her moans more seriously. The Soccer Field's rocky soil yielded reluctantly to my shovel. I worked up a towering sweat and was glad for the absolution, even though this morning was cool and the sun had yet to burn away the dew on the lace doily cobwebs in the grass. We cried aloud for Ruby. Laid her there in the meadow. Cried for our first baby to die. I told the Lord that Ruby was due a rabies shot. Hot tears blinded my eyes as I shoveled the dirt onto the red fur below. "I can't look!" I wailed, blubbering like a child. Maggie, holding little Jon, turned away across the meadow to pick flowers for the grave. Even little Jon, who called her "Boo," sensed the solemnity of the passing. Waving to the purple asters on the grave, he said, "Bye Boo." I can't shake the feeling that this is the end of an era. October, 1978 — I am building again. Rebuilding. Recovering and healing. A replacement dog has been acquired to try and fill Ruby's paws. But "Lucy" is a yappy nervous The new Woodshed and a young foxhound and I openly resent woodbutcher at work. �Life and Death Within the Dream 205 Southern Living comes to our house and turns the kitchen into a studio. her intrusion. But we do it for the kids, who have their own needs. Selena adores Lucy, but every time I look at her cross-eyed the little hound shrinks in terror and pees on the floor. For my own rehabilitation, I have salvaged and moved the little Woodshed from town, rebuilding it here for a nice tall, two-story barn where we can store stuff, keep our wood dry and give me a place to chop and saw in the dry of the little barn's overhang. The whole thing was built pretty much from Giving House and cabin left-overs. During the last two weeks we've been visited by miraculous visitors from the outside world. First, a team from Southern Living called Maggie wanting to do something on mountain cooking in an appropriate setting. So photographer John O'Hagan and assistant foods editor Linda Welch came out to the cabin and staged this elaborate country breakfast under all sorts of studio lights. It won't be published until next fall, but we still felt like stars. Then not long after that, I got a call at the paper from an Art Boericke saying he wanted to come check out the cabin for a new book he was doing on owner-built homes. "You mean the Art Boericke?" I exclaimed. He was delighted and slightly embarrassed that I actually knew who he was. I rushed home, and told the old Californian that his original book had been one of the main influences pushing me to build the very house he had now come to see. �206 Hogwild The biggest log house to go up on Hogwild yet — Burwell has himself a log mansion. Brother Bruce's log house goes up to the north of me. That's Ben hanging on the back of "Will Hogwild." What wonderful irony. And there was photographer Barry Shapiro whose pictures had freed me up to build Hogwildly. While Art talked with Maggie, I trailed around with Barry talking shop as he shot the house. We discovered we both had the photo-documentary urge. I told him I had a new photo book in the works, something on old folks from the Southern Appalachians. Barry said he is working on a photo book of his own: "San Francisco Transvestites I Have Known," he said. And we laughed at the outrageous juxtaposition. �Life and Death Within the Dream 207 Hogwild grows. This month Bruce Byers has finished his cabin up to the north of us. He built a "kit" cabin with 6x8 logs, so he did it pretty much singlehanded, except for help from his girlfriend, Toni Shell, a college student at UNCAsheville. Bruce is an ideal neighbor to occupy the headwaters of Silver Creek. We've backpacked together, worked together on conservation projects, and I respect him tremendously for his convictions, gentle temperament and perseverance. His younger brother Burwell had a monstrous cabin-raising recently which took every able-bodied soul — and then some — from Hogwild and beyond. This new log structure, right beside the little one we all helped raise three years ago, will be a log mansion when he gets it done. There, I just caught myself; "when he gets it done/' I said. How pleasant to use that The Charlie Ratdiffe Memorial Dancehall phrase about somebody else's Deck gets put to good use by Selena and place. friends doing disco. Sunday, Nov. 1, 1978 — Sourwood Holler is alive with comings and goings. Overhead the sky leaps up to take precedence as the foliage slips away. Again, we can see clear down to the creek, to the footbridge and beyond to the little girl's fanciful Playhouse built years before while the cabin was still more barn than house. The leaves, for which the leaf-lookers journey hours from cities to glimpse, put on a brief private exhibition. Even after several tentative warning frosts, my friends the paper wasps zoom drunkenly about in summer's last hurrah, looking for refuge. I know that feeling. This year I've found mine. �208 Hogwild ' : ;"-• r~ '•' -;: Home at last. "We Raise the Song of Harvest Home." In the cerulean blue globe that cleanses itself each autumn I watch a patient red-tailed hawk describing figure eights, and there's a furiously-flapping barn owl caroming through the gathering dusk. And a final treat: glimpses of that massive migration in progress, the confident, fragile monarch butterflies slipstreaming down from the north. One by one the aeronauts flutter purposefully high over the cabin, guided by some unseen benevolent hand ever due-south toward their Mexican winter hideaway. Monday, Nov. 2, 1978 — Having just read some ancient Chinese philosophy, I feel moved to put my contented frame of mind into simple, declarative observations. Perhaps if Lao Tsu had been a Hogwilder he'd have put it something like this: I am seated in my wicker chair in the darkened study of the new little barn I have just finished. Outside dusk has fallen on a fine Indian Summer's day. Above me the stars wink on. Below me the woodpile is dry and tall. Out of the salvaged windows I see the familiar outline of �Life and Death Within the Dream 209 the house I built. The rock chimney's granite jaw rises solidly against the warm beckoning windows of home. Inside the woman is cooking supper in a country kitchen. The daughter is peacefully in her room doing her homework. The two-year-old is banging on a cooking pot with an egg-beater. Ah, is this not happiness? �20 Homecoming "No Epilogue, I pray you, for your play needs no excuse/' — Shakespeare "A Midsummer-Night's Dream" "Still Crazy After All These Years." — Paul Simon Thursday, May 14,1992 — The passing of almost 20 years have been kind to "Old Tom," as the cabin has come to be known. Would that I had come through that period as unscathed. I am sitting on the silver-gray deck as a perfect spring dusk creeps down Sourwood Holler. Below, a swollen Silver Creek is chortling from two days of rain. Above, an almost full moon peeps over the silhouetted piney east ridge. The sweet smell of May is tinged with the acrid smell of wood ashes — ashes not from a wood stove but from a house fire. Homecoming indeed. The very term implies that you have a home to come back to. Only the heroics of friends and the Green Hill Volunteer Fire Department makes this simple moment of serene creekside contemplation possible. It's hard enough for me to grasp that this cabin is pushing 20, and that the bright golden cedar roof Charlie Ratcliffe, Bill Byers, and I lay down in 1974 should have turned to so much tinder just waiting for a dry spell, an errant spark, and a malicious wind to burst into a conflagration. In short, my roof had turned into a disaster waiting to happen. On Friday night, Jan. 31 of this year, all those factors combined. And it wasn't until he heard the roar of the flames that my house-sitting friend, Tony Napoli, realized what was happening. Phoneless, he sent a visiting friend sprinting up the hill to get Bill, who a couple of years ago moved into Gene Ham's log cabin. Bill called 911 and then set out for the cabin to help. �Homecoming 211 Meanwhile, Tony was so adrenalated that he practically vaulted onto the porch roof and then up onto the main roof where the fire was raging through the dry shingles beside the kitchen chimney. He'd dragged the garden hose up there with him, but when he turned it on, nothing came out. The old thing had crimped and tangled below, cutting off the water. But Tony wasn't about to let that stop him, and so he ripped off his sweater and began beating on the flames. Tony said later that as he was fighting the fire he had a "little chat" with the Almighty, not making any promises about lifestyle changes, but acknowledging that some divine providence would be mightily appreciated right about now. And right about then, he heard the sirens. By a stroke of good fortune (how about more divine providence) the Green Hill boys only knew where the cabin was because of a grass fire the week before down at the nearby Big House. About this time, Bill arrived at the top of the road and saw the flames in the Holler. "Good-ness, Jock," he exclaimed later, "I wasn't worried about your cabin — I figured that was a goner — I was worried about the woods." Bill said the fire was so hot that zephyrs shot off the burning shingles like a prairie fire in a stiff wind. So hot the Styrofoam insulation crumpled like squashed ants. So hot the aluminum roof flashing melted in misshapen silver blobs, and the asphalt roofing paper flowed and dripped like melted wax. The firemen arrived, pausing briefly at the top of the road to wonder if they could get their big trucks down my little driveway. And then throwing caution to the winds, they barreled down into the Holler, threw out their hoses, leapt on the roof, and doused the flames. The roof had burned through at the hottest point, flaming embers falling on Tony's bed below in the loft. Seeing this, the firemen rushed in the house, busting one of the loft windows so they could hurl the smoldering mattress out on the deck below where they could hose it down without fear of water damage to the house. In fact, they put out the fire with so little water damage that to this day I remain astonished. Oh sure, there is soot unending and little things to be put right, but it's piddling by comparison to what could have happened. This fire was a close thing — a dodged bullet, a narrow escape, disaster averted. The other day when I went up to the station to thank the firefighters, an assistant chief who had been on my roof told me frankly, "Another five minutes and you coulda' wrote that place off." �212 Hogivild Another five minutes and almost 20 years of loving that place — not to mention the four years of building and dreaming — would have been nothing but ashes, rubble, and memories. To say I was lucky is shallow — more like gifted, blessed, reprieved. In February, Tony cleaned up and patched the roof and found himself a new place to live so I could move back for a summer of writing and reclamation. And in March, my Brevard tennis partner and roofing contractor, Dennis Newman, who I call "Dr. Roof," gave the old cabin a brand-new fireproof fiberglass-asphalt shingle roof, the same pale golden color of the original cedar shakes. So here I sit tonight in the gathering spring evening as the smells of sweet May assail me — beauty bush and flowering wild cherry — good woodsy loamy earth smells. The silver dollar in the sky reminds me how close I came to having to draw comfort from the old Buddhist expression: My barn having burned to the ground I can now see the moon. Friday, May 15,1992 — I arrived at Hogwild yesterday from Penn State where I have just completed my first year as an assistant professor of journalism with the dream job of building the School of Communications' photojournalism program. From Hogwild to Penn State, from six families on 300 acres of woods to a Big 10 campus with 39,000 students: as Maggie and I used to say, "'It's a long way to Tipperary/" When I drove down the old driveway, I felt a jumble of conflicting emotions: scared of seeing the fire damage, confronting the reality and pain that I had left all this... and yet I couldn't deny my delight at being able to live here again — even if it's only a summer writing retreat. OK, I said to myself, turning the Jeep Cherokee onto the well-graded and deeply graveled "Hogwild Blvd.," I know this sentimental journey is going to be bittersweet, a minefield strewn with historical relics sure to blow up in my face. I steeled myself for the inevitable ambush. Duly, the journalist noted the changes: Bill and Jeanette's bodacious mailbox of the '70s ("Jeanette and Wm. J. Byers are Hogwild") had been replaced years ago by a cute model put up by the Floridians who had bought the place. But that mailbox, made to look like either a tiny chalet or a monstrous birdhouse, was now rotting, falling apart, and a wren was nesting in its ruins. Yet that was nothing compared to my mailbox, which was all but on its knees, the old support log totally gone to rot. Together, the two �Homecoming 213 mailboxes looked downright decrepit. Continuing down the road: no trace of where the Giving House stood, and a field of daisies occupied the original log barn site of 18 years ago this summer. Pausing at both places, again I felt the kinetic energy of the ground over which I'd worked and dreamed. Just down from there, with a mixture of humor and sadness, I saw the wrought iron and brick gate the Floridians had built. Two imposing brick columns were topped by ornate lamps. I wondered, what is this — a country club? The entrance to The Addams Family estate? Talk about an anachronism. Turning toward my humble driveway, I grew philosophical. I knew I was going to get ambushed, and here it was. But I was unprepared for the next one. My narrow driveway, taking off to the left just above the ostentatious gate, had become overgrown with little pines. Maggie with her beloved hedge trimmers would have had a field day here, I chuckled to myself at the thought of her happily "zapping" the loathsome underbrush. And then there was Tom. If anything, he looked more at home in the Holler than I could have imagined. The growth of trees we had planted or worked to save now nurtured the cabin in return. The knee-high Colorado blue spruce planted the Christmas of '78 stood 16 feet tall, obscuring a quarter of the house from view. I stood on the lip of the hill, looking at the scene, trying to take it all in. This is not a dream, not a memory, not a photograph. I am here and Jon cooking in Tom's kitchen, summer 1992. �214 Hogwild Selena writing in the living room, summer 1992. this is now, As proof, I reminded myself, there's the new roof looking good. Then my heart leapt. There stood Ruby. In the deep shade of the chimney loomed a red shaggy apparition. I stood perfectly still and consciously made myself start breathing again. Think, I commanded. It must be a neighbor's dog which by sheer coincidence is an over-sized �Homecoming 215 golden retriever. Walk, I told my wooden legs. Beat, I told my stumbling heart. Suddenly, the spirit-dog bounded happily out to me — just the way Ruby would have. I fell to my knees, threw both arms around this totally strange dog in complete trust, burying my wet face in its mane — and we rolled around the ground like children tussling. Thus did Ruby-reincarnate welcome the prodigal back to Hog wild. When I had recovered sufficiently, I noted how through the last 12 years the renters had taken good care of Old Tom. Clearly they, too, had loved it and respected the workmanship. After being away for so long and having lived in so many modern houses, my first impression of the cabin was one of authenticity, of texture and rich colors, earth-tones of rough gray logs and lighter gray chink, of native stone and silvered barn siding, of white stucco walls and deep russet gold of the old pine floors, doors, and cabinets. How could I have left this place? It's a treasure, a family legacy beyond reckoning. Walking around in Tom, I realized the lightness of living here again — and especially of passing this magic kingdom on to the children. Indeed, not surprisingly, Selena, the little Fairy Princess of Slickey Mountain, had turned into a poet. After finishing college and working in Greensboro for a year as a para-legal, she announced her plans recently to move back to Hogwild this summer to work on her writing. What could be more perfect in the fullness of time? And "little" Jon, little no more, but now a strapping 6'2" rock 'n' roll drummer boy of 15, thinks this place is "cool" and "awesome" and wants to soundproof one of the rooms for practice sessions. I have to chuckle at how he is turning out. Born to drum, fetal "Lizajon" must have been going for the bass drum pedal all those times he kicked Maggie. Sitting on the far corner of the deck (the prow, I used to call it, for the angle juts into the woods like a ship bravely plowing through the green breakers), I was again immersed in the aura of the place: quiet yet zooming with energy and peace for me. This is one of my main creative "hot spots," a mystical power base that recharges and regenerates me. If this is so, then what has kept me away for so long? Why has it taken the Bedouin journalist this long to take this sentimental journey home? After years of emotional questing, I think I have the answer now. Because when we are hurt and pull away, we tend to pull too hard. At least I did. It reminds me of sophomore high school biology when we studied the reproduction of spirogyra. The way the algae made more of itself was by a process called "conjugation," during which the single cell �216 Hogwild would stretch and elongate as if its two disparate poles were fighting to get out of the same grocery bag. The cell looked like it was caught in a taffy-pull until the two parts lurched violently apart in a microcosmic separation. Similarly, when our marriage ended, I had pulled myself away from Hogwild and the mountains. Pulled too hard, perhaps. But such were the needs of healing. "Rooo-by," I crooned softly to the not-Ruby dog snoozing in the sunlight at my feet. "Hey, big fella, how 'bout a walk?" I stirred out of my lethargy as the dog jumped to his feet at the magic word, "walk." First, I inspected the homestead, cataloging the deferred maintenance. Selena's Playhouse was still standing, though the vines had taken over. The Woodshed needed a new roof in the front. And the Smokehouse, bless its heart, was still leaning at its gravity-defying angle. As I was checking out the Smokehouse's crumbling block foundation, I spied something green and glinting buried there in the leaves. A glassy shine. It could only be one thing. And so it was — a pony-sized Rolling Rock bottle. I could date it exactly to January 1976. What a joke on me. I'd stuffed the foundation with my empties, thinking how archeologists from 2420 would find my "time capsule" from the '70s — and now look who turns out to be the explorer in his own past! Setting off on my pilgrimage around Hogwild, I paused at the top of the road where I had a clear view of Old Tom below in the Holler; it was right here that the cabin had received its anthropomorphic handle. During a 1982 visit when I had Jon, 6 at the time, we were driving out of the place — and at this exact spot, the little boy had asked pointedly, "Dad, who named Ruby?" "Maggie," I replied. "Who named Lucy?" he asked of our current dog. "Selena did," I responded. "Who named Sourwood Holler?" he wanted know. "I reckon I did," I said, wondering where all this was leading. "Yeh! And you named Obie and the Blue Shed, and Selena got to name Slickey Mountain!" Jon blurted as if this was something to which he'd given considerable thought. " — And I haven't got to name nothin' nothin'!" He sounded definitely left out of the process. "Well," I said, taken aback by the injustice of it all, "what would you like to name?" "What's the cabin's name? You got a name for the cabin?" I was conscious of the boy looking at me carefully, his blue flashlight eyes boring in. �Homecoming 217 "No. Reckon it's just always been The Cabin." I was really intrigued now. "What do you want to call it?" 'TOM," Jon announced seriously with scarcely a pause. "The cabin's name is Tom." Did I laugh? I don't remember. I only know I was instantly delighted at the notion of 'Tom" — perhaps with the affectionate prefix "Old" added for cadence and respect. Old Tom the mountain man who brought us the rocks from high off the Blue Ridge years ago. Old Tom Bombadil from the Hobbifs tale. Tom Tom the Piper's son/Stole a pig and away he run. An agelessly wise and roguish boy of an old man. Something of an irascible curmudgeon in wood. A cabin named Tom. It was perfect. How could the little boy know how well he had chosen? So, on up the drive I went, wondering at all the changes that had happened to me, to Maggie, to Bill and Jeanette, and to the folks of Hogwild. Who all was still here? W7hat did their houses look like? How many kids did they have? What had happened to the Hogwild dream? I had only inklings of some of the answers. Whereas in the mid-'70s our group was bonded by common goals, by the end of that decade, some of us were swept away from Hogwild by other equally compelling currents. The Hogwild dream became not so all-consuming, and some of our lives seemed at the mercy of forces we couldn't readily understand. Three families left and broke up, and three families stayed together and on the land. The three that left, ironically, were the original three Hogwild families: Byers, Walther and Lauterer. The three families who stayed on the land and stayed together were the three younger Byers brothers who had joined us later. Of the original three, the Walthers had the least to do with Hogwild. They did some reforestation, but that was all. Later, they divorced, and Rosemary married the town mayor and moved away. Jim moved south and went into newspaper management. In 1982 Bill and Jeanette sold their amazing house to the Floridian couple, who quickly added a front yard swimming pool — the very height of gauche, it seemed to us Hogwilders at the time. Standing at the top of my road, gazing through the gate down at the Byers' former Big House, I recalled how Bill and Jeanette had always been driven by great dreams. When they left Hogwild, it was for a new dream: to head west, buy land or an old house and start a ski lodge. However, the trip west proved that land was either inaccessible or exorbitantly priced. Returning to the South, they bought and renovated an �218 Hogwild old house in the ski village of Banner Elk and converted it into a bed and breakfast ski lodge. Meanwhile, Bill worked on his MBA at Appalachian State University. Although by 1983 Maggie and I had already gone our separate ways, we were stunned when we heard of their split. Why is it that your best friends' breakup is more shocking than your own? Jeanette stayed to run the inn, and Bill moved to Charlotte to sell commercial real estate — philosophically about as far a cry from Hogwild as one could possibly get, we thought. Well, I mused, turning to hike up the main road toward the old log barn and Giving House sites, it was no more revolutionary than what happened to the Lauterers. We grew in different directions. First, I began veering away when our weekly newspaper, This Week, went daily in late '78. It wasn't long until I was captivated by the siren song of starting another weekly. We left Hogwild in March 1980, having lived here less than two years — after working on it for over four years. The new weekly in neighboring McDowell County was only a marginal success, and after two very difficult years, the recession of 1982 delivered a coup de grace, and we sold out and broke up. As irony would have it, I returned to the cabin alone and lived there for a year of healing, before going to teach at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Brevard College, and then Penn State. During this time, 1982-92, in order to make ends meet, we rented the cabin to a series of house-sitting friends. Maggie was recruited by the Asheville Citizen-Times where she became a respected feature writer, photographer and columnist with the touch of an Appalachian Will Rogers. She subsequently joined WLOSTV in Asheville, continuing her unique personal style of journalism, winning many awards for her work. A couple of years ago, she married a wonderful man, Zack Allen, a former reporter turned director of the Western North Carolina Nature Center, and together they bought and restored a delightful old Waltons style place in East Asheville. For their wedding present, I gave them six weekends of bust-a-gut labor at the old farmhouse. Throughout all this, we agreed the children were our primary concern — that they feel loved through the separation — and so we kept that family feeling in spite of our distance and personal needs. We stayed close. We nurtured them through the split the best we could and through it all remained good friends. So as I stopped by the field where we'd found the vine-covered log �Homecoming 219 barn back in the winter of '74,1 realized books and houses have a way of never ending where you think they will. Maybe things don't exactly end at all. They go right on living in spite of our best attempts to put down periods. Is that what Tom was trying to tell me all along? That humanity tends to see time as a horizontal line with significant dates and events marked off with short perpendicular strokes: birth, school, marriage, children, career, retirement, death — all neatly projected, plotted on your own chronological ruler. If Old Tom taught me anything, it's that change and growth always and forever are spiraling upward and outward. Maybe from now on I'll see life not like a yardstick, but rather a chambered nautilus. As if to underscore that thought, the big red dog and I found ourselves at the lip of the road leading down to Gene Ham's log cabin, "Kyoto Knob," inhabited now by none other than the former King of Hogwild, the architect of my dream, Bill Byers, a.k.a. Will Hogwild, himself. Now there's a neat, tight circle. My buddy on the land had returned at last to his music, his original great love. A fine singer-songwriter and guitarist, Bill had done several tapes in Nashville recently, and I think they're quite good. Moreover, he's doing exactly what he wants to do. Plus, I hear he's bought a piece of Hogwild adjoining me atop Laurel Mountain. Calls it "Toehold." What could be finer than for Will Hogwild to be a'building again? Of the Byers' children, I learned that son Ben, 17, lives there with Bill; Hannah, Selena's faithful childhood playmate, is a rising senior at UNC-Asheville majoring in history and psychology. The youngest, Will, a rising eighth grader, is with Jeanette, who remarried and moved to the famous resort community of Southern Pines and then to Beaufort, S.C. Busy as ever, she is studying computer graphics and selling real estate. And what of the other Hogwilders? I hear Gene Ham is a public school teacher in south-central Tennessee where he and his brother bought one of his old family homeplaces. Maybe he'll come visit us this summer. Every time I think of Gene, I am reminded of our fraternal society, the Knights of the Okra, whose motto is "Semper Gumbo." Bill McCullough, the superb artist who lived across the river and who could also have made his living as a rockmason, moved back to the Low Country after inheriting the family farm near Georgetown, S.C. I learned he's become a successful portrait and landscape painter. Living in Charleston, he also teaches art at the Gibbes Museum. Charlie Ratcliffe, my right-hand man, who I'd seen a couple of times in Chapel Hill while he was visiting friends, was a successful and happy interior decorator specializing in designer wallpapering. Now I hear �220 Hogwild During a summer 1992 reunion, clockwise from front, Will, Ben, Gene Ham, Bill and Hannah Byers at Gene's cabin. he's based in nearby Waynesville as a builder. He's remarried and has a young family. Mike Thompson, my mentor as both carpenter and teacher, wisely returned to his first love — teaching. After working for years as coordi- �Homecoming 221 nator of the gifted and talented students program at McDowell High School, he had two books on the subject published. In 1990 he moved to Jackson, Tenn., where he married a third time, and now works with the academically gifted at the University School of Jackson, still inspiring young minds to greatness, I'll warrant. Tom Cowan, the wonderful watercolor artist who, for a time lived humbly in Bill and Jeanette's horse barn and later in a school bus parked out here, has seen his fortunes change for the better, too. An inheritance has allowed him to paint, travel, and teach as he pleases. Most recently he is setting up his own studio in Gatlinburg, Tenn. Art Boericke and Barry Shapiro, who researched and photographed Tom after we'd finished, published their work in a handsome book, Handmade Houses: the Natural Way to Build Houses, 1981, Delacorte Press. The multi-talented carpenter Joe Ryan, who helped me in so many ways in the final completion of Tom, still lives near here up on Clark Road, where he has a busy workshop. And Keith Harrill? I'd learned that 'Too-Tall" (who helped me build the Smokehouse that crazy night in '76) had become a builder in the county. Well, that fits. By the time I'd mulled over all that, I'd arrived at Bruce and Toni's place — but I hardly recognized the "cabin," for it was a cabin in its core only. Its size having quadrupled, the place was more like a homestead, Bruce and Toni Byers with sons, left to right, Zachary, Elliott, Alexander and Samuel. �222 Hogurild Stuart and Cindy Byers and children, clockwise from front, Judson, Caleb, Etta and Rachel. an estate where slick had overtaken rustic, with a classy white concrete driveway looping attractively up the hill and into a spacious turnaround play area bordered by a log garage housing a Volvo station wagon, a playhouse, basketball court and late-model VW touring bus. Off to the side they'd built a swimming pool and, farther up the hill, a lighted regulation tennis court. The reason for all this became quickly apparent. Bruce and Toni had four boys: Zachary, 11; Elliott, 9; Samuel, 5; and Alexander, 3 in August. At present they were all out shrieking with laughter as they bounced on the trampoline below the house. Inside, the house had grown handsomely with stucco walls, exposed beams, stout casement windows and the designer colors and wallpapers that Jeanette and Maggie pioneered. Bruce and Toni dressed as if they shopped from Lands' End or L.L. Bean, and they wore it well, striking me as content and stable. Toni remembered how in 1977 when she was still in college and helping Bruce build the cabin on weekends, they had a falling-out. Toni said, "I remember thinking, 'Shoot! he's going to live here — and after all the work I've done,'" She said, grinning across the room lovingly at Bruce. �Homecoming 223 Burwell and Jeannie Byers and sons, left to right, John, Thomas and Henry. As the dog and I left and loped up the hill toward the next brother's place, I encountered a new log cabin on top of the ridge facing west. The brothers' parents, Jim and Louise Byers, had had a charming weekend get-away log cabin built on old "Father Austin's View." At the homes of Stuart and Burwell, the growth had been equally exponential. By contrast, in the mid-'70s those two free-spirited guys had started by camping out at Hogwild in a teepee. Now look at their places. The original cabins of 15 years ago served now as cores for places that cried out for photo spreads in BH&G or Southern Living. Yet the ambitious additions melded harmoniously with the original structures. Stuart and Cindy had four children: Judson, 12; Etta, 10; Rachel, 7; and Caleb, 4. Their multi-leveled house seemed to go on forever. Outside, the house was complemented by at least four log outbuildings, each one a masterpiece, grouped around a paved drive with a pool tucked discreetly behind one barn. As the day lengthened into dusk I clumped down the trail to Burwell and Jeannie's. There I found that they had three boys: John, 10; Thomas, 7; and Henry, 5. Burwell had turned his place into something of a log mansion; there's just no other word for it. Huge expanses of thermopaned glass mounted in soaring gothic gables, cathedral ceilings, barnboard, rockwork and exposed beams — not to mention several more log barns. It occurred to me that the brothers had collected log barns the way some people do fine art. Hogwild had become a living �224 Hogwild museum of Southern Appalachian log structures. And the three remaining families had taken the design feel of early Hogwild and enlarged grandly on the theme. Unless I miss my guess, I counted no less than 15 log cabins and barns during my circuit of Hogwild. They all still worked for the family propane gas company and had made a good thing of it. Burwell and Stuart had bought the eastern bottomlands and far hill when logging had gotten too near, thus expanding Hogwild by another 100 acres. As I left the last brother's home, (minus the dog, who'd turned off in the woods somewhere) and traipsed down to the river road, I knew I was under the spell of a new but enduring Hogwild. The magical homecoming day was stretching into a sweet spring evening, and Stuart's easy, broad grin kept looming in front of me like a Cheshire cat. "Yeah," he had said with satisfaction, arms crossed over his chest, "we're getting dug-in." I hit my land down where the river road runs just above the rushing Rocky Broad, and there I was greeted by a musky bouquet of river scent percolating the spring dusk. As strongly as that fecund aroma, the thought came over me: Hogwild lives! There was a continuity after all. The '70s dream had changed, just as the cabins had grown in size and style, but the commitment to the land and to each other was very much intact in the '90s. The three brothers and their wives had taken the baton passed by Hogwild's founders and had carried very well in our absence. Now Bill Byers is back and building. I'm living in Tom, who survived his trial by fire. And Selena is coming to live here. Even the Floridians, who, after a decade, have become "Hogwild-ized," are a part of this place, too. They don't seem so different from us now as they once did. Have they become more like us, or have we become more like them? I couldn't help wondering at the contrast between the '70s and now. Had we all turned into the YURPies I'd joked about back then — Young, Upwardly-mobile Rural Professionals — with central heat, pools, minivans, Jeep Cherokees, VCRs, camcorders, and retrievers? Even the irony of my spending the summer writing on a state-of-the-art Apple Macintosh in a log cabin was not lost on me. As I hiked on along the overgrown trail back toward Old Tom, I realized how much of a community this place has become. Just look at the number of kids here now. Why, Hogwild could easily field its own Little League team. At the brow of Sourwood Holler I was greeted by the sound of a homecoming committee in full voice. Down in the Soccer Field a whole vibrant flotilla of bog frogs, spring peepers, were chorusing their wheezy welcome. �Homecoming 225 Then, as if on cue from some master stage-lighting technician, over Slickey Mountain there billowed a May full moon, casting its golden luminescence upon the cabin standing sturdily in the Holler below. I stood transfixed, as if hearing my name called faintly but unmistakably. It was Sourwood Holler calling me home. I was caressed by the knowledge, as sure as the moonlight, that Hogwild would always beckon, and that I would always answer, "Yes!" The ultimate affirmation of what I had dreamed of, worked on, lived for, lived through — as well as left behind, returned to, reclaimed, and reconciled, could be reduced to three simple letters: Yes! Another moonrise over Sourwood Holler as Hogwild beckons me home. �This page intentionally left blank �Homecoming : S& ••*!"" ** _ ; A Hogwild reunion 18 years after: St. Han's Day, summer 1992. 227 �228 Hogarild Credits Grateful acknowledgment is made to the following for permission to reprint previously published material: Mudslide Slim by James Taylor (c) 1971, SBK Blackwood Music Inc. and Country Road Music Inc. All Rights Controlled and Administered by SBK Blackwood Music Inc. All Rights Reserved. International Copyright Secured. Used by Permission. Woodstock Handmade Houses (c) by David Ballentine and Robert G. Haney, 1974,Woostock, N.Y. Used by Permission. Excerpts of "Ski Bum Turns Earth Mother," article by Lew Powell, The Charlotte Observer, 1975, Used by Permission. Still Crazy After All These Years (c) 1974, Paul Simon; and Slip Slidin' Away (c) 1977, Paul Simon, Used by Permission. Popeye (c) Reprinted with Special Permission of King Features Syndicate, Inc.; N. American English Language Rights. Spiderman (c) Reprinted with Special Permission of Marvel Entertainment Group, Inc.; N. American English Language Rights. Colophon HogwilcTs body text is Palatino 10 point, the title face is Goudy Old Style. The book was designed on the picnic table in Tom's kitchen using a Macintosh I I si with Pagemaker. Photos were taken with Nikon F-2s with Kodak Tri-Xfilm. �ABOUT JOCK LAUTERER is the Project. This is as the in 2,001, for ten at as McDowell in City Owlj In Journey Now (1980), at by the of the Carolina University of North for Prior to ran the He has North is the Hill (1968), Wouldn't Running' on (1986). at as to his the Daily Courier#in of For My � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Hogwild: A Back-to-the-Land Saga Description An account of the resource <span>In </span><em>Hogwild: A Back-to-the-Land Saga,</em><span> readers learn that the term “Hogwild” was an outrageous ideology—that a loosely organized confederation of like-minded individuals could carve out a simple country lifestyle from an enclave of mountain land, raise their own crops, bring up their children in peace and serenity, and build their own free-spirited houses with logs timbered from the local forest in an environmentally conservative fashion. It was in the 1970s that Jock Lauterer, a photographer turned builder, joined six other families on a 300 acre homesteading community in the Southern Appalachian mountain range. He documented his experience through pictures and vivid descriptions of the process of building “Old Tom,” the house that eventually housed him and his family.</span><br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Sf-dc8W14tR3wcx4HrX6fu4YsqV-0PD3/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638478/hogwild" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Mountain life--Appalachian Region, Southern House construction--Appalachian Region, Southern Log cabins--Appalachian Region, Southern Lauterer, Jock--Homes and haunts--Appalachian Region, Southern North Carolina--Social life and customs Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lauterer, Jock Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1993 Language A language of the resource English License A legal document giving official permission to do something with the resource. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia North Carolina Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/c47d59e024173ca4211a87c52ef637cc.pdf 7d6aa8d2b467605e7c6b4451dffea212 PDF Text Text �THE CHEROKEE PERSPECTIVE: WRITTEN BY EASTERN CHEROKEES Edited by Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1981 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3849-2 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3851-5 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Dedicated to the Cherokee People: Past, Present and Future �This page intentionally left blank �ACKNOWLEDGMENTS: We wish to express our deepest appreciation to all those who worked with us in the development of this book. We are especially grateful to Rupert Costo and Jeannette Henry of the American Indian Historical Society; Gerald Eller, Borden Mace, Susan Huffman, and Martha McKinney of the Appalachian Consortium; and to Sharlotte Neely, Burt Purrington and Zohara Boyd for their editorial work. �This page intentionally left blank �FOREWORD The Cherokee Perspective is not intended to be a review of historical literature about the Qualla Boundary, nor is it meant to be a sociological study full of bar graphs and statistics. Compiled by Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle, the book is actually the product of many writers, each of whom deals with a different aspect of Cherokee life. These authors have not researched their material; they have lived it. Because it was written in this way, the book may have lost something in academic methodology and unity, but it has also gained much in immediacy and impact. The editors have tried to preserve the book's vitality by not meddling with the writers' words too much. If the interviews are ungrammatical, then that is the way the people involved speak. The incoherence of certain dance descriptions, recipes, and folk tales is also deliberate. The old people who are the keepers of these traditions wish to share only part of their knowledge; the rest, they say, must remain within the tribe. This book is not intended to be a scholarly work. It is a living testament for future scholars to analyze. Zohara Boyd Assistant Professor of English Appalachian State University �This page intentionally left blank �FOREWORD When the Appalachian Consortium Press asked me to do editorial work on a manuscript for a book called The Cherokee Perspective, I was pleased to help out because I realized how valuable such an endeavor could be. Besides the value of the book's immediate impact, I was excited about the undertaking, because I saw the book as a means of creating primary source material. Besides my fieldwork, I have conducted ethnohistorical research on the Eastern Cherokees, and I realized the value of such a book to that kind of inquiry. Most of my ethnohistorical work has been at the Federal Records Center in East Point, Georgia, where all Eastern Cherokee Agency files of the Bureau of Indian Affairs are now housed. Sometimes, I have pored over box after box of dusty documents looking for that letter, diary, or report which would put flesh and blood on an era of Cherokee history, only to have to content myself with school attendance records or purchase orders. After awhile, the feeling is that of being on a treasure hunt. I can remember the joy upon finding out that Henry M. Owl, an enrolled Eastern Cherokee, had written an M.A. thesis in history at the University of North Carolina in 1929. It was full of Owl's opinions, criticisms, feelings, and goals for the Cherokee. It put flesh and blood on the 1920's for me. It was even better than interviewing someone now about that era. The feeling was of interviewing an informant frozen in time for nearly half a century. The Cherokee Perspective will have that effect on future generations of Cherokees and Cherokee researchers. Such an undertaking cannot be totally objective in its outlook, and its value anyway probably lies in the opinions and biases of its writers, the Cherokees. When I read Henry Owl's account of the Cherokees in the 1920's, I did not assume that his point of view was universal. But combined with other sources of information, Owl was invaluable. The editors, researcher Laurence French and Cherokee Jim Hornbuckle, have opinions not necessarily shared by others, but that is as it should be. I do not, for example, share all their opinions. The book's writers also have their own varied opinions. When one puts together the views of each of the writers along with other data, one does get a mosaic of opinions, which is "objective," on which to base an "objective" study. The Cherokee Perspective has many strong points. One of these is that it includes an article on Snowbird, a traditional community not studied until recently, written by a Snowbird man. When I did my own research on Snowbird, I found it quite difficult to find any firsthand data on the community. Yet, by many criteria it is perhaps the most traditional of Eastern Cherokee communities. �The book appropriately begins with a chapter on Cherokee history and culture which is an important basis for appreciating the folklore and poems that follow as well as a basis for understanding the contemporary problems that are explored. Sometimes the editors include daring accounts, such as that of Indians in local jails, and sometimes the accounts are simply moving, such as those on the preservation of Cherokee crafts and dances. The mini-biographies at the end cover traditional and notso-traditional people, men and women, old and young. Firsthand data is critical for the Eastern Cherokees. Probably no other group has been written about so extensively and yet has often been so horribly misunderstood. The Cherokees have a mystique which attracts everyone from boy scouts seeking Indian lore to little old ladies with Cherokee blood. Some Indians themselves have suggested that if everyone who thinks he has Cherokee blood really does, then the Cherokees are ancestors to most of the world's population. Firsthand data helps cut through mystique to reality. An accurate assessment of the Cherokees is crucial to understanding North American Indian history and culture. The Cherokees are often labeled the most changed of all Native American groups, and yet the core of traditional cultural traits which persists is amazing. Most histories tell only part of the Cherokee story, and the gaps between the data are often larger and more significant than the data. Many histories concentrate on the "progress" of the Cherokees toward Americanization and ignore the factions that have been relatively more traditional. Firsthand data is a significant step toward sorting out the puzzle. The Cherokee Perspective covers the gamut from fiction to non-fiction and from past to present. It is a valuable collection of the feelings and opinions of more than two dozen contemporary Eastern Cherokees. They tell us something now about Cherokeeness, and they tell the future something, too. Sharlotte Neely Associate Professor of Anthropology Northern Kentucky University �INTRODUCTION The Cherokees have always been concerned with education and with means of improving educational facilities for the tribe. Following the turbulence of the 1960's and early 1970's, especially that involving the American Indian Movement, concerned Cherokees began to plan their own protest movement. But, unlike the rebellious means used by the American Indian Movement, the Cherokees decided, instead, to work with the existing structure, attempting to get more Cherokees involved in tribal matters and into important positions in the schools, tribal council and BIA management. As a means toward these ends, Cherokee students at the Qualla Boundary started a student organization in 1973 with the intent and purpose of improving the educational prospects among Native Americans attending non-Indian colleges and universities. Most agreed that cultural shock, strain and conflict played a crucial role in past educational failures among Cherokee students in their higher educational pursuits. Consequently, a priority objective of the group was to ascertain the reasons for these failures and to provide workable solutions to the problems. At a well-attended community meeting, held at the Cherokee Boys Club, a master plan was drafted incorporating cultural workshops, special tutorial programs, college/high school Indian student liaison programs and adult Indian educational programs. Soon these participants, including Cherokees ranging from elementary school age to senior citizens, became interested and deeply involved in their cultural heritage, both past and present. At the same time they were concerned with what they considered to be the existing "white-wash" of their cultural heritage. They realized that most of the writing on their culture was done by non-Indians, and while most of these individuals were highly trained and well-meaning, the students felt certain of these Cherokee portrayals lacked authenticity, or at least suggested an ethnocentric white bias. A major objective of the concerned Cherokees was to research their own culture, and with this mandate, they set out to accomplish this task. They went up into the coves and talked with the traditional elders, corroborating all information once it was obtained and transcribed. They were most fortunate that the American Indian Historical Society took an interest in their cause, lending invaluable encouragement and support. The Society made provisions for the publication of a special Qualla issue of the Wee Wish Tree, which served as a model for this larger work. �To encourage more Cherokees to join the effort, special college courses were offered at the Cherokee High School under the supervision of Dr. Laurence French, Project Coordinator and Faculty Advisor to the Cherokee Student Organization. Many of the articles in the book are a direct result of these courses. Clearly, the rewards of this project were much greater than originally anticipated, and today all those who participated have come to feel a great sense of pride regarding this endeavor. A final note is that many now have their degrees and are teaching in the reservation schools or are working in the areas of law, health and social welfare. Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle, Editors �TABLE OF CONTENTS PART ONE I The Cherokees —Then and Now An Historical Glance Contact, Conflict and Change The Contemporary Scene II Comments on the Cherokee Way of Life Education Tradition and Change Contemporary Social Issues PART TWO I Cherokee Heritage and Folklore Stories by Carl Lambert, Cherokee Historian Cherokee Dances II Cherokee Poetry III Cherokee Arts and Crafts Introduction The Origin of Cherokee Arts and Crafts Cherokee Crafts Today The Art of Cherokee Cooking IV From the Cherokee One Feather, the Official Tribal Newspaper V Cherokee Profiles �This page intentionally left blank �PART ONE �This page intentionally left blank �CHAPTER I The Cherokees —Then And Now AN HISTORICAL GLANCE: Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle Introduction The Cherokees represented the largest southeastern tribe at the time of white contact, with an estimated population of about 20,000.1 The Spanish explorer DeSoto apparently was the first European to enter Cherokee territory, doing so in the spring of 1540 when his group ventured into what is now Highlands, North Carolina, a mountainous region where southeastern North Carolina, northwestern South Carolina and northeastern Georgia meet. The Indians there called themselves "Ani-Yun-Wiya," meaning the uReal People" or the "Principal People." Others referred to them as "Cherokee" (Tsalagi), meaning "Cave People." The Europeans spelled this word "Chalaque" in 1557, "Cheraqui" in 1699 and "Cherokee" in 1708. This last term has survived to the present. It has no meaning in the Cherokees' own language. Language Linguistically, the Cherokees are related to numerous other tribes, including both the Iroquois and Tuscarora Indians. The Iroquois were and still are the largest northeastern confederacy of tribes, while the Tuscarora were eastern North Carolina cousins to the Cherokees. Today, the Tuscarora probably make up the largest component of a non-tribal confederation, the Lumbee Indians. Speculation has it that thousands of years ago the ancestors of both the Iroquois and Cherokees comprised the same parent tribe, which ranged from the Saint Lawrence River to the Florida Everglades. Over time, the two groups divided their territory, with the Iroquois remaining in the north and the Cherokees in the south. A further division among the ProtoCherokees supposedly occurred when a coastal group split from the larger tribe, creating the Tuscarora Indians. This popular scenario has recently been challenged by information generated from current archeological research by the University of North Carolina, most notably at the Warren Wilson College site in western North Carolina. This site represents the oldest continuous udig" in the eastern United States, having been active for over a decade now, and suggests that the Cherokees may have lived in this area for at least four thousand years or more, longer than originally believed. This has led to new speculation concerning the Iroquois/Cherokee relationship. Now, there is speculation �that this larger confederation originated in the southeast with the Iroquois breaking away about a thousand years ago and moving north, rather than the reverse. Physical Appearance Lieutenant Henry Timberlake remarked in the early 1700's that Cherokees were of middle stature with light brown or olive complexions. He considered them to be both handsome and proud. He went on to say that they had erect posture and were well built with small hands and feet. The females dressed in midlength buckskin skirts, waistcoats, leggings and moccasins. They wore their hair long, braided or coiled on top of their heads. Men wore buckskin loin cloths, shirts and moccasins during warm weather, adding leggings during the winter. They shaved their head and face except for a patch on the back of their head. Here they wore one feather which indicated their clan affiliation. Children went unclad, weather permitting, until puberty, at which time they followed the prescribed dress pattern for their sex group. Traditional Cherokee Culture and Belief System The Cherokees at the time of white contact claimed some 40,000 square miles of territory encompassing areas in eight southern states — Georgia, Alabama, South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia and West Virginia. The Powhatan, Monacan, Miami, Shawnee, Tuscarora, Catawba, Cherawa (Sara), Creeks and Chickasaw were among the Cherokees' immediate Indian neighbors during aboriginal times. Other Indian tribes living at various times in what is now the state of North Carolina were the Hatteras, Chowan, Weapemeok, Woccon, Cape Fear Indians, Coosa, Occaneechee, Keyauwee, Eno and Saxapahaw. The Cherokees considered themselves to be the "principal people" mainly because they represented the largest southeastern Indian tribe at the time of white contact.2 This self-image played an important role in their aboriginal belief system. Although the early Cherokees did not worship personages, they nonetheless did have a common, shared belief system, one that parallels Christianity. They viewed earth as a great island floating in a sea of water. Above the earth island was the "sky vault" made of solid rock. The earth island, according to this belief, was secured to the sky vault by four cords, each attached to one of the four corners of the earth island. On this island, the Cherokees were the principal people. The similarities between early Christian beliefs and those of the aboriginal Cherokees are interesting. It was only in the early 1500's that the Christian concept of heaven and earth met with serious opposition. Prior to the "Enlightment" and the period of exploration, �the Catholic Church assumed that the earth was flat and surrounded by water. Accordingly, heaven was thought to be immediately above earth, giving the impression that this was a concrete structure. And, lastly, Christians felt they were the principal people on earth. Hence, by comparing the aboriginal Cherokee belief system with that of the European Christian beliefs of that time, we see certain commonalities. Clearly, the greatest difference between the two beliefs concerns objects of worship. European Christians believed in Christ, while the Cherokees believed in Nature. They, like other Indian groups, learned to respect the natural phenomena that played such an important role in their survival. Creatures of all sizes including the bee, buzzard, wolf, bear, deer, crow and owl, as well as plants, fish and even the terrain—the rivers, valleys and mountains—all played an important role in the Cherokee belief system and social structures. (This will become clearer as we discuss the tribal organization and family structure of the early Cherokees.) Nature and its inhabitants were credited with making the earth. These creatures were supernatural, much like the white man's God. The main difference is that nature, not man, emerges as the most powerful entity.3 This philosophy more closely represents the Oriental view of man than that posited by western cultures and is typical of small-scale societies everywhere. Tales abound concerning supernatural creatures such as giant yellow jackets and great buzzards. These tales were significant to the aboriginal Cherokees because they explained those difficult questions which every social group must address: the beginning of time, the origin of man and the meaning of life. The Cherokee system apparently worked well for the tribes during aboriginal times, and the changes that took place in their belief system were mainly due to pressures generated by white contact and conflict. Tribal Organization The early Cherokees did not have a centralized, state-level political structure as such. Their political organization most closely approximated that of a chiefdom, i.e., a kin-based, segmented, non-egalitarian, small-scale society. Most Native American groups are usually referred to, however, as tribes. From the records of early explorers, notably Adair and Timberlake, it is estimated that between 16,000 and 20,000 Cherokees, living in 60 or more villages, occupied this vast territory of some 40,000 square miles. While there was no permanent tribal-wide social structure, tribal leaders did emerge on occasion during a crisis or situation that warranted such leadership. For the most part, the Cherokees exercised local automony with the various villages. The larger link between the villages was the clan structure, consisting of seven matrilineal clans. Since the 60 or so Cherokee villages were �distributed over this vast territory, five natural regions emerged over time: the "Overhill," "Lower," "Middle," "Valley" and "Out" towns. In turn, many of these geographical sections spoke their own dialect of the Cherokee language. This language variation attests to the self-sufficiency of the Cherokee village structure. Like most southeastern Indian groups, the Cherokees maintained stable farm villages and did not move from one campsite to the next. The permanency of their villages was also reflected in the construction of their homes. Cherokees never lived in teepees or similar portable structures like nomadic groups of the Plains or Northern Forest. Early white explorers found the Cherokees living in permanent villages of log and clay dwellings. The villages themselves were located on level land near rivers and other waterways and were usually close to forest areas. Each of the villages housed between 300 and 600 people with separate, private homes available for about every ten persons. This means that the smaller villages consisted of 30 log homes, while the larger ones were double that size. The villages closely resembled those of medieval Europe with the homes clustered together in the village proper surrounded by fields, gardens, pastures and often by a pole fence designed to protect the village perimeter. In fact, it is this basic village structure that many white frontier communities were based upon. Farming was very important to the Cherokees' survival, and the permanency of their villages suggests a sophisticated knowledge of cultivation, since the former generally would not have been possible without the latter. Fishing and hunting supplemented their agricultural subsistence.4 Each village had a town house, which was used for public meetings. The importance of this structure was stressed by both its size and design. It was the largest village structure and was often elevated on a mound so as to emphasize its significance. It consisted of seven sides, one for each of the Cherokee clans. The town house represented the heart of the village, and to signify this, a symbolic flame was kept burning in the house throughout the year. The town house also served as the village religious center and the most important social institution within the aboriginal Cherokee society. It provided the binding force necessary for this otherwise highly decentralized people to stay together as a tribe. All important matters were discussed publicly within the town house. No one was omitted, and all adults, both males and females, could participate. Decisions were based upon consensus, and once agreement was reached, all concurred, even the dissenters.5 People grouped themselves according to clan affiliation, and not by sex, age or viewpoint. They sat in their respective sections with the arbiters seated in the center, close to the flame of vitality. Each village had two chiefs who represented white and red factions typical of southeastern Indians, and the 6 �nature of the discussion determined which chief presided over the town meeting. The "white chief1 regulated domestic affairs, which were especially important from spring planting until the fall harvest, while the "red chief," or warrior chief, was more important during the winter season, which was the time for war. Females played an important role in both domestic and war councils, with evidence indicating that on occasion they even served as "white chiefs." The fact that most village chiefs were males does not, however, imply that the females played subordinate roles to men. Females seem to have had an equal voice in all village councils, in addition to playing a very crucial role in the social regulation and survival of the Cherokees as a cultural group. Hence, a basically equal sexual division of authority existed among the early Cherokees. The males played the dominant role in external affairs such as wars, hunting and intervillage competition, while the females regulated intravillage domestic affairs as well as intervillage clan matters. The females may have even had the upper hand, since males had little say regarding clan regulations and sanctions, while females played an important role even on the war council where an assemblage of uwar women," or "pretty women," offered counsel concerning strategy, time of attack, fate of captives and other important matters. European females were, of course, quite subordinate to their male counterparts during this same period and remained so for nearly four centuries after their initial settlement in America.6 The clan structure held the Cherokees together as a people. It provided their identity and regulated marriages and mobility as well. The Cherokees had a matrilineal/matrilocal system, meaning that the female played a dominant role within the family structure. The Cherokees traced their lineage through the female. When a Cherokee couple married, they moved to the home of the bride. Early Cherokees identified themselves according to their clan affiliation. The seven clans were the "Wolf Clan," the "Deer Clan," the "Bird Clan," the "Red Paint Clan," the "Blue Paint Clan," the "Wild Potato Clan" and the "Long Hair or Twister Clan." An unmarried male would refer to his mother, in particular, and her clan, in general, for his family identification. Once married, he would then also refer to his mother-in-law and her clan for his identity. Females merely associated with their own clan and with the clan of their immediate female superior (mother, etc.). Evidence indicates that most of the 60 villages had all seven clans represented. Those few that did not have all seven clans represented became known as "neutral villages." The village and clan structure together provided a strong unifying force which allowed this highly decentralized, widely dispersed people to remain as one tribe. Each of the four main �districts, excluding the out towns on the periphery, had at least one strong village which acted more or less as its informal capital. During times of strife, the chiefs of these district capitals would meet and devise a plan of action. If necessary, one of these district chiefs might temporarily emerge as the tribal leader, stepping down as soon as the crisis passed. Similarly, each clan had a "mother village" where the ultimate matriarch resided. Clans, regardless of district affiliation, consulted with their respective "mother villages" concerning family norms, regulations and sanctions. Thus, while there were over 60 autonomous villages, each with its own town house and chiefs (red and white), the larger tribal organization consisted of district "capitals" (at least four) and seven "mother villages" (one for each clan). Both males and females were enfranchised, with both sexes sharing in the authority and responsibility of village life.7 The Family Structure and Village Life The early Cherokee family can best be explained within the larger context of the seasonal cycle, the clan and the village. Moreover, this approach focuses attention on the important role nature played in Cherokee life. Unlike our twelve-month, fourseason year, the Cherokee year was divided into two seasons, summer and winter. The summer extended from planting time up until harvest time, while winter was that time following harvest until spring planting. This was a natural, functional year based upon their agricultural way of life. Each season was punctuated by distinctive events and festivals much as the Christian year is. All Cherokees worked hard during the summer season, planting, fishing and hunting. The women did most of the farming, while fishing and hunting were left to the men. A common form of intervillage entertainment during the summer season was the "stick ball" game, from which modern-day lacrosse developed. Here, a ball made of stuffed animal skin was placed in the center of a field, with opposing teams attempting to bring the ball across their respective goal line located at opposite ends of the field. Small wooden sticks with netted ends were used by the players to scoop up, carry and throw the ball. Apparently, it was a "noholds-barred" game with serious injuries and even death sometimes resulting. These games reached unbelievable levels of emotion and excitement, with numerous spectators of both sexes and of all ages loudly cheering on their teams. This represented one of the few activities in which such overt public license was tolerated. Clearly, this activity seemed to relieve the strain and tension generated by the arduous summer season. Winter season was the time for hunting, intertribal wars and the avenging of unsettled altercations, while six major festivals highlighted the summer season. The early Cherokees celebrated 8 �the "First New Moon of Spring," the "New Green Corn Festival," the "Green Corn Festival," the first appearance of the "October New Moon," the "Establishment of Friendship and Brotherhood" and the "Bouncing Bush Festival." The "First New Moon of Spring" celebrated the spring planting, while the "New Green Corn" and the "Green Corn" festivals rejoiced in the crops* progress. The first appearance of the "October New Moon" looked forward to the anticipated harvest, while the "Establishment of Friendship and Brotherhood" and the "Bouncing Bush" festivals celebrated the cooperative harvesting effort put forth by all villages. These last two festivals allowed each Cherokee to begin a new year free of sins, crimes or hardships. They also signified the New Year for the village itself. Old clothing, furniture and the like were ceremonially burned in a large communal bonfire followed by the extinguishing of the "sacred fire" in the town house. Next, homes, the town house and the village square were all swept clean, the exterior of the town house was whitened with clay, and a new fire was lit for the new year. All personal, tribal, village and clan transgressions were forgiven, and refugees could return home from neutral villages, while everyone purified himself by drinking the "black drink" (which induced vomiting) and bathing in the nearest stream. These activities lasted about a week. Every seventh year, a seventh major festival, the Uku Dance, was held to reinstate the principal white chief. Three other significant festive events occurred during the Cherokee year: the "Victory Dance," the "Animal Dance" and the "Ball Play Dance." These events commemorated the war party, the hunt and stick ball competition respectively. The "Victory Dance" emphasized the importance associated with the warrior role among Cherokee men. The young Cherokee male was conditioned for the warrior role, this clearly being the most important facet of the male's overall status. But unlike the movie version of the Indian massacre, war, at least among the Cherokees, represented a highly regulated event. Wars were based on vengeance and directed toward other tribes. Many of these encounters involved altercations with other tribes that violated the Cherokees' vast territorial boundaries. Retaliation was considered successful when the number of enemy killed equaled the losses of one's own tribe. Wholesale massacres were unknown and certainly were not condoned, according to Cherokee custom. Nonetheless, many early white observers who witnessed the frenzy and enthusiasm of the Cherokee war party felt that the Cherokees may have deliberately sought out excuses for war. After a battle, the warriors returned with their captives. Captives were killed only if it was necessary to balance the vengeance tally. Actually, Cherokee warriors were quite subdued following a battle, in compliance with their custom requiring a �prescribed purification period. However, their enthusiasm was merely kept latent during this time, and the "Victory Dance" marked the official end to the purification period and the beginning of the war party celebration. Again, the intensity of this celebration shocked white observers, who described it more as an orgy than a dance. Apparently, both male warriors and females participated in the frenzied activity. The "Animal Dance," on the other hand, was designed to bring good fortune to the hunters. Here special dances were performed for particular animals. Adorned in animal skins and wooden animals masks, the hunters pleaded with Nature to help them in their hunt. They addressed the particular animal desired—racoon, beaver, buffalo, bear or deer —pleading with it to allow itself to be killed, hence aiding in the survival of the Cherokees. This festival indicated their reliance on nature for survival. The humbleness of the dance also reflected the subordinate role the Cherokees felt man played in the larger universe. The "Ball Play Dance" occurred prior to the intratribal stick ball games and included the use of conjurers and taboos.8 It is within the context of this dual season, focusing on these festivals and events, that the Cherokees carried on their domestic lives. The early Cherokees maintained extended families, meaning that the grandmother, her husband, her married daughters and their husbands and children probably all shared the same house. At any rate, an average of ten persons lived in each family dwelling. These homes were constructed on vertically set logs, roofed with bark and insulated with clay. There was one entrance, and an opening in the roof served as a smoke exit for the fire pit, which was centrally located in the house. These homes were usually without windows. Privacy was not a paramount issue, given the Cherokees' communal way of life. Apparently, this arrangement worked well, since it survived for over a thousand years prior to the advent of the white man. The village farm, itself, was a communal effort, with all men and women joining in the initial groundbreaking and planting. Then, the fields were left to the women, while the men hunted, fished, repaired homes and fences, dug out canoes, made blowguns and bows and arrows, mended nets and performed other chores. The rearing of the children was totally dominated by the females, who seemed to possess tremendous authority in these matters. They also fired clay cooking utensils, wove sashes and baskets, tanned and prepared animal skins for clothing and collected herbs and wild vegetables, which also played an important role among the early Cherokees. The women used them for spicing or augmenting meals, while medicine men used them for medical cures as well as for both white and black magic. In the fall, the entire village cooperated in the communal harvest. Thus, 10 �the early Cherokee village was a balance between a specific division of labor based upon sex and communal cooperation and sharing. The major external check on taboos, custom violations and the administering of sanctions was the intratribal clan structure. The Cherokee ethos or value system helped to sustain their harmonious domestic lifestyle. This society had no policemen, courts or written laws. It was regulated by custom, dictated and enforced through consensus and not through formal law. Gearing (1962) summarized the Cherokee ethos as U01d equals good equals honor." This represented a complicated psychological and social process which served to perpetuate both harmony and the status quo. Deference, ritual purification and avoidance were the three most crucial values associated with the Cherokee ethos, which stressed cooperation rather than competition. Thomas (1958) labeled the Cherokee ethos "The Harmony Ethic," thereby setting it apart from the white "Protestant Ethic." The Cherokees' early belief system must indeed have been a strong and powerful one since attributes of it have survived up until the present. Of the three basic values, ritual purification seems to be the only one that has been largely lost; and this occurred mainly because of the demise of wars, stick ball and the hunt, coupled with the Cherokees' conversion to Christianity. Perhaps the similarities between Christianity and the aboriginal Cherokee ethos are the reason deference and avoidance have survived. After all, it is within the Christian perspective that these deep-seated values continue to have meaning for the Cherokees.9 Deference, then as today, was expressed in terms of respect, especially when complying with a friend or relative's wishes and not in terms of formal obligation such as exists in our society (civil, juvenile and criminal law as well as numerous lesser legal obligations). Avoidance represented the actual implementation of the deference value. Here, elaborate networks of avoidance provided the needed regulatory sanctions, thereby minimizing the need for and use of formal controls such as police power, courts and corporal punishment. Ostracism was the most common control mechanism, while death was reserved only for the most serious transgressions. Ostracism as a control sanction also included disapproval and ridicule, while death fell into the realm of vengeance. Both types of control were administered by the clan. Serious transgressions included murder, violation of mourning taboos and the abusing of women and children. In these instances, vengeance became a clan responsibility. The clans involved (victim's and offender's) acted as "corporate individuals" in resolving these matters. Often they sought a reasonable compromise regarding the obligatory avenging of the transgression. Clan obliga11 �tions and not emotions prevailed, creating an environment of rational justice. If the two clans could not reach a satisfactory compromise, then the issue was brought before the village council for advice, again leaving the ultimate solution to the respective clans involved. If the verdict was death, the offender would be notified, yet allowed to remain free until the execution date. Individual shame sufficed in most instances as a device for detainment. But those few who did not savor the idea of death often attempted to escape to a neutral town, one that was not represented by the avenging clan. If successful, they would be compelled to remain there until after the new year purification ritual whereby their transgression would be forgiven, and they could then return to their home village without fear of clan reprisal. The early Cherokees had two types of capital punishment: honorable and dishonorable. Honorable death involved being killed in a stick ball game. Here the offender's death was prearranged by the two clans involved in the altercation. Members of the avenging clan would then gang up on the offender and kill him during the contest. This was the most honorable type of death, bringing the least shame to the offender and his clan. Dishonorable death, however, was designed to humiliate the offender or his clan. To illustrate, the offender might be bound hand and foot, carried up a mountain and thrown off a cliff. At the other end of the Harmony Ethic continuum is the Cherokees' unique perception of the individual. Once Cherokees were properly identified and labeled according to their clan and village affiliation, they were allowed considerable latitude in their own personal behavior. This not only shocked whites who came into contact with them but amused their neighboring tribes as well. Not adequately understanding the Cherokee ethos, many of these outsiders considered the Cherokees to be juvenile and promiscuous, mainly because they seemed to lack personal constraint even once they reached adulthood. This personal behavior was associated with certain traits, many of which have survived to the present. They are as follows: 1. The avoidance of overt hostilities regarding interpersonal matters and an emphasis on nonaggressiveness. 2. The use of a neutral third person, or intermediary, for resolving personal altercations. 3. A high value placed on independence. 4. A resentment of authority. 5. A hesitancy to command others. 6. Caution in interactions with other persons. 7. A reluctance to refuse favors and an emphasis on generosity. 8. A reluctance to voice opinions publicly. 9. Avoidance of eye and body contact (handshakes, back slapping, etc.) when conversing with others. 12 �10. Emphasis placed on group cooperation and not on individual competition. During aboriginal times, summer stick ball competition and winter war parties provided temporary escape from the dictates of the Harmony Ethic, allowing both males and females an outlet for pent-up frustrations. The new year purification ritual and its week-long celebration culminated in a total emotional purge of any tensions acquired during the year. This system seemed to work well for the early Cherokees. But white insistence on eliminating these ritualistic tension outlets, while not replacing them with any viable alternatives, has greatly increased the frustration level of many contemporary Cherokees, making them susceptible to the same personal and social problems that other people in our society have. The early Cherokees' personal freedom is best expressed in terms of the family process. Young Cherokee children were socialized to play the appropriate sex role. The female stages of development included infancy, childhood, womanhood and, for a few mature women, the higher statuses of uclan matriarchs" or u pretty women" (those providing counsel to the red chief). Males followed a similar process, developing from infancy to childhood and then adulthood and the higher statuses of chief (red or white) and "beloved man" (distinguished warrior) for a few mature men. Children learned their respective adult roles from immediate family members, although these people were not necessarily their biological families. Boys and girls learned their respective roles through apprenticeships, usually during adolescence. Pottery, basketry, blowgun making, fishing, hunting, farming, building construction, cooking and tanning all required periods of internship and were learned in the context of the larger extended family. Once the children reached puberty and acquired the necessary skills for their sexes and age groups, they were eligible for marriage. Again, contrary to the popular Indian stereotype, brides were not bought, given away or bargained for. Dowries were unknown among the Cherokees. In fact, the Cherokees generally practiced free mate selection centuries before it became a popular European and American practice. The decision was ultimately left up to the prospective bride. Her hand was asked for, and only she could consent. Once married, males had to move into the home and village of the bride's mother. The only constraints on the free choice of marriage partners were rules of exogamy prohibiting one from marrying within one's own or one's father's clan. Corresponding rules of endogamy encouraged one to marry into either of one's grandfather's clans. Marriages were regulated by the women in the village. The clan, that is, the female members, punished both male and female marital offenders when they violated sacred clan taboos, the most serious 13 �transgressions being those involving neglect of wife and children and violations of widow's and widower's mourning customs. Even when a husband neglected his wife and children, other males played insignificant roles in these matters. Records indicate that violators of family taboos, including men, were often publicly beaten by female members of the abused person's clan. Otherwise, there was considerable freedom within marriage. Most Cherokee families were, and still are, small, consisting of three to four children. Moreover, the wife had considerable license regarding family size. Not having today's knowledge of birth control or abortion, a mother was allowed to perform infanticide if she wanted to rid herself of an unwanted child. A male's doing the same thing constituted murder. Divorce was a rather simple process. The female merely placed her husband's belongings outside the dwelling if she chose to divorce him, while the husband simply moved out if he chose to initiate divorce. Since brothers-in-law and other male relatives did not get involved in these matters, the male peer group was seldom disrupted by a marital breakup. Children were cared for by the wife's clan and seldom posed a problem. If a mother wanted to relieve herself of older dependent children, she merely gave them to someone within her clan who would love and care for them. Amazingly, this system allowed maximum personal license among adults with minimum trauma for the children. More responsibility, however, was expected concerning widows and widowers. The widows were expected to marry their dead husband's brother, the levirate, while the widowers were expected to marry their deceased wife's sister, the sororate. It is not known how rigidly this custom was enforced since the divorce process was so easy. Another common practice was for males to marry outside their own village, signifying considerable intervillage mobility, at least within each of the four major tribal districts. 14 �CONTACT, CONFLICT AND CHANGE: Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle Initial White Contact and Influence Sporadic white contact occurred for over a century after DeSoto's initial venture into Cherokee territory. Much of this contact was initiated by the Cherokees themselves, who traveled as far away as Spanish Florida in war parties. The spoils of these attacks provided both horses and firearms for the Cherokees. The first major white influence leading to more or less continuous Cherokee/white interaction occurred in 1673 with James Needham and Gabriel Arthur. Eleven years later (1684), eight village chiefs signed the first Cherokee peace treaty. The treaty was signed in hieroglyphics since the Cherokee syllabary was not created until 1821. White trappers and traders interacted with the Cherokees for the next century, some dealing in the flourishing Indian slave trade. Cherokees and other Indian groups were encouraged by white slave traders to sell their captives to them. Although Governor Sayle of South Carolina outlawed Indian slavery in 1671, Lauber (1970) indicates that the traffic in Indian slaves continued. Demands for Indian slaves were great and were encouraged by the Spaniards, French and English. The Westo, Esaw, Congaree and Savannah tribes all preyed upon the Cherokees, selling their captives to the English. Many Indian slaves ended up in New England, Canada, the West Indies and even Europe. The Indian slave trade lasted about a century (1680's to 1780's), and by 1780, all the Indian nations within English colonial territory in the South were either extinct or had retreated westward into Cherokee and Creek territory for protection. The Indian slave trade, along with the Old World diseases, accounted for the demise of the dozens of Indian tribes neighboring the Cherokee Nation in what is now North and South Carolina. Nash (1974) found that in 1708 the population of the Carolinas consisted of 5,300 whites, 2,900 African slaves and 1,400 Indian slaves. History indicates that neither Blacks nor Indians took slavery lightly, as many rebellions occurred during this time. Whites, however, used Blacks to quash Indian slave uprisings and vice versa, instituting a divide and rule policy. Diseases, like the Cherokees' disastrous smallpox epidemic of 1738, completed the decimation of southeastern Indian tribes.10 Toward the end of the devastating Indian slave trade (1775), Colonel Richard Henderson and eight associates were successful in obtaining a large tract of Cherokee territory, encompassing what is now central and western Kentucky and parts of North Carolina and Tennessee, from a few susceptible village chiefs. 15 �This purchase, incidentally, was for a private corporation, The Transylvania Land Company. The chiefs' payment for this land was two thousand pounds and a log cabin filled with trading goods. This sale shocked the Cherokees into action; and in 1806, in an effort to discourage this from happening again, the Cherokees made it a capital offense to sell Cherokee land to outsiders. Whites used more than deceit and slavery as weapons against the Cherokees; they used war as well. In 1759, South Carolina mounted a large, armed expedition of 1,700 soldiers led by Governor Lyttleton against the Cherokees. Two years later, in 1761, 1,800 British regulars and 700 provincial militiamen again attacked the Cherokees, burning villages and crops. These encounters served to establish the new eastern boundary of the Cherokee territory and forced the Cherokees to acknowledge the English as their permanent neighbor. Later it was the Americans in this position, and in 1776 the Cherokees suffered four devastating attacks by American troops. Hence, the Indian slave trade, diminishing territory, Old World diseases and increased altercations with whites forced the Cherokees to reevaluate their traditional ways and to develop a system that would stand up to these new challenges. The Emerging Nation At first, the most significant "mother town," Kituwah, in the Middle District, and the Overhill District capital, Chota, served as transitory tribal centers, while village chiefs developed a comprehensive plan of tribal unity. By 1792, the chiefs organized the "Grand Cherokee National Council." This steering committee was mandated to resolve the issues of national leadership and centralized government and to develop a viable political philosophy sufficient to deal with their new white neighbors. Little Turkey, a "beloved man" from Ustanali village, emerged as the first Principal Chief of the Cherokees. This early attempt at tribal political organization took on many of the aspects of the old village system. Rule was still by consensus and not by formal law, and representation and power were distributed according to village and clan affiliation. At the apex of this hierarchy was the Principal Chief, also known as the Chief Speaker or "Most Beloved Man of the Entire Nation." Next, there were four regional chiefs, one from each of the four district capitals. The remainder of the National Council was comprised of village chiefs. This system worked until the death of Little Turkey in 1807, at which time rapid changes occurred. Formal laws replaced consensus, and the Cherokee political organization took on more and more qualities of the white man's system. In 1808, the tribal police force (Regulating Companies), introduced in 1797 to curb 16 �horse theft, was upgraded into a more permanent national police force now named 'The Light Horse Guard." Clearly, the year 1808 marked the official beginning to the Cherokee republic known later as the "Cherokee Nation." The Principal Chief and Vice Chief were now selected by the National Council made up of village chiefs, with these leaders and the council empowered to enact and enforce tribal laws. By 1810, the clan structure was weakened considerably, vesting more power and authority in the National Council. This was deemed a necessary step since folk and formal control competition would only have complicated matters. Also, the traditional clan blood vengeance and the new rule of law proved to be incompatible, resulting in the former being outlawed. Unfortunately, this transfer from a folk to a formally structured society greatly undermined the progressive and powerful role Cherokee females once played. The transition was not a smooth one; and in 1809, there was a movement to divide the tribe into two groups—the "Upper Cherokees," composed of traditionalists, and the "Lower Cherokees," composed of more acculturation-minded Cherokees. President Thomas Jefferson discouraged the split, enticing the Cherokees to continue their pursuit of a unified democratic nation. Mindful of Colonel Richard Henderson's deceitful land purchase, the Cherokees enacted one of the first tribal laws dealing with diminishing territorial claims. Skeptical of the white man's promises and treaties, the National Council made it a capital offense in 1806 for Cherokees to sell tribal land to non-Cherokees. In an effort to show the strength of the new government, a spectacular case was made of Doublehead, a village chief and outspoken opponent of Chief Little Turkey. Apparently, Doublehead had signed away some Cherokee land to the United States, represented by agents of President Jefferson. Two up-andcoming Cherokees, "The Ridge" and Alexander Saunders, were designated as Chief Doublehead's assassins. The death of such a visible and vocal village chief was probably designed to accomplish the following: 1. To emphasize the superiority of the new National Council over the old autonomous village system, 2. To make Cherokees aware of the critical land situation and 3. To send a message to the United States officials that the Cherokees were aware of their deceitful tactics. The Cherokee leaders were quite perceptive on this last issue. While President Jefferson was apparently encouraging the Cherokees to pursue their objective of an autonomous nation, he was also setting the stage for its demise. The 1802 Georgia Compact proved to be the vehicle for not only the Cherokee Removal, 17 �but for the removal of the other four "Civilized Tribes" (Choctaws, Creeks, Chicasaws and Seminoles) as well. This arrangement between the State of Georgia and the United States provided the federal government with all western lands claimed by Georgia beyond the original colonial boundaries in exchange for Jefferson's promise to remove all Indians from the state's borders. These borders refer to those which Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Alabama and Tennessee agreed upon when they ratified the United States Constitution (1788-1800). These potential state borders dissected the Cherokee territory, leaving no land at all for the Cherokees or any other Indian groups. President Jefferson's deal involved removing all Indians west of the Mississippi River. The 1785 Hopewell and the 1791 Holston Treaties, which preceded the 1802 Compact, followed a similar pattern, again being designed to further weaken the Cherokees. To complicate matters, the United States ignored the Cherokees' claim to sovereignty, placing them under the jurisdiction of the respective states claiming Cherokee territory.11 Despite these efforts to undermine Cherokee progress, the nation emerged anyway. In 1792, Ustanali replaced Chota as the tribal capital, and it was also in the late 1700's that New Echota, near modern-day Calhoun, Georgia, became the national capital. Black Fox succeeded Little Turkey as Principal Chief, served for only a short time and was replaced by Path Killer, who ruled during the most crucial period of national development (1808-1827). The next Principal Chief became the most famous of all Cherokee leaders —John Ross. Ross ruled for four decades, serving as chief during the height of the Cherokee Nation, during Forced Removal and during the development of the new western nation (Oklahoma). In 1817, the first steps were taken in establishing the Cherokee "republic." That May, the Cherokees established a national bicameral legislature, consisting of an upper house (Standing Committee) where the members were to be selected by and from members of the lower house (National Council). The Standing Committee, later renamed the Naitonal Committee, consisted of 13 members elected by the National Council for two-year terms. The National Council members were, in turn, elected from their own districts. The old four regional districts were now doubled, creating eight districts overall, each with four elected members to the National Council and its own district judges and marshal. Two national districts also had a circuit judge and a Light Horse Company (national police). Path Killer was Principal Chief of the new nation, Charles Hicks was both Vice Chief and National Treasurer, John Ross was President of the National Committee (upper house) and 'The Ridge" (Major Ridge) was 18 �Speaker of the National Council (lower house). In 1823, the nation created a Supreme Court, hearing 21 cases its first term. Then, in 1827, only 46 years after the United States Constitution was adopted and ratified, the Cherokee Nation adopted its own constitution. The preamble emphasized the preservation of democratic principles, individual freedom, and respect for God. We, the representatives of the people of the Cherokee Nation in convention assembled, in order to establish justice, ensure tranquility, promote our common welfare, and secure ourselves and our posterity the blessing of liberty, acknowledging with humility and gratitude the goodness of the sovereign Ruler of the Universe, in offering us an opportunity so favorable to the design, and imploring His aid and direction in its accomplishment, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the Government of the Cherokee Nation. All male Cherokees 18 years or older were enfranchised, while those 25 or older could run for the National Council. The Principal and Vice Chiefs were elected by the National Council for four-year terms. The Principal Chief had veto power which in turn could be overriden by a two-thirds vote of the council. The National Treasurer was selected by a similar process but for only a two-year term. The three Supreme Court justices were elected for four-year terms as was the National Marshal. District judges and sheriffs were elected in local elections and served two-year terms. United States President John Quincy Adams publicly welcomed the Cherokee Constitution. However, a core of conservative Cherokees, under the leadership of White Path (an elected councilman), attempted a revolt intended to repudiate the constitution, abandon Christianity and revert back to the old village tribal system. The revolt was short lived, but the discovery of gold on Cherokee territory in 1829 only served to increase white/ Cherokee tensions and White Path's effort to destroy the newly founded nation. The Cherokee political revolution was supported by an equally impressive cultural revolution. In 1740, the Moravian Society of United Brethren established the first successfully organized Cherokee mission. In 1758, the Presbyterians established their mission, adding a mission school in 1803 under the direction of the Reverend Gideon Blackburn. Reverend Blackburn's Hiwassee School had some two dozen students, encouraging him to start a second school in 1806 at Richard's Field. But, in 1810, poor health forced Reverend Blackburn to close his schools. The nation later established its own school system which taught both Cherokee and English. Sequoyah's syllabary aided in the written preserva19 �tion of the Cherokee language taught in the traditional school environment. In 1828, seven years after Sequoyah developed his Cherokee alphabet, the Cherokee national newspaper, The Phoenix, was created. It was estimated that by 1830 half of the Cherokees' 16,000 population could both read and write Sequoyah's alphabet, while a smaller group could read and write English as well. The Cherokee Nation was so successful that by 1825 the nation was operating uin the black." There were successful farmers, herdsmen and merchants, with Cherokee trade reaching as far southwest as New Orleans. White eastern liberals were astonished at the Cherokees' high level of social, political, religious and technological development in such a short period of time with a minimum of outside help. The Cherokees, without a doubt, proved that American Indians could reach a level of cultural development equal to that of the white. While this impressed many, it upset others.12 The Cherokees* rapid culture change was the result of a conscious effort on the part of certain Cherokees to "accommodate" to white Americans as part of a larger effort to cope with the white onslaught. While other Indian tribes tried warfare, intertribal political alliances and cultural revitalization movements, the Cherokees, or one faction of them, tried accommodation. When they "fought" the white man, it was through the courts, not on the battlefield. They hoped to convince the white man, through their Christianity, political system and American lifestyle, that they were not "savages" but "civilized" neighbors, undeserving of removal. The faction pressing for accommodation included many Cherokees with white relatives or who had themselves intermarried with whites, thus being more exposed to American society. In the inaccessible mountains, resided traditional Cherokees who resisted accommodation. In the end, accommodation failed. Forced Removal The Cherokee removal was part of a larger plan to force all Indian groups west of the Mississippi River. Five tribes (Cherokee, Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw and Seminole), those referred to as the "Civilized Tribes," especially impeded white development in the Southeast. The smaller tribes were all but destroyed during the century of Indian slavery and Old World diseases. Intertribal wars were promoted by the whites for the purpose of furthering this destruction. The five civilized tribes were more difficult to destroy. Instead of succumbing to white plans of self-genocide, these Indian groups adopted the white man's form of government and culture to their way of life. The most successful group was the Cherokees. This irritated those whites who wanted to rid their state of these "savages." 20 �Removal had its beginning in 1802 with President Jefferson's Georgia Compact. The Cherokees, however, resisted all attempts at removal, except for a small group voluntarily moving to what is now Arkansas. This group represented a small core of conservative Cherokees who adamantly opposed the development of the nation. Instead of changing its traditional ways, this group moved West in 1817, only to be moved again in 1828 to what was then known as "Indian Territory" (Oklahoma). Perhaps the most important event leading to the forced removal of 16,000 Cherokees was the election of Andrew Jackson as President of the United States in 1828. Immediately following Jackson's inauguration, Georgia enacted a law annexing all Cherokee territory falling within its proposed borders, doing so over strong objections from the Cherokee Nation. Georgia not only ignored the Cherokees' plea but openly encouraged overt aggressive acts directed against the Cherokees by Georgia residents. Both Georgia and President Jackson refused to protect the Cherokees from this harassment. Jackson's actions were challenged by the United States Supreme Court in Worchester vs the State of Georgia. When the Court denied all claims of the United States and of individual states regarding sovereignty over the Cherokee Nation and declared the Cherokees a dependent, domestic nation, Jackson defied the Court, while Georgia intensified its harassment of the Cherokees, confiscating their schools, council house and printing plant and encouraging white raids upon Cherokee plantations and towns. These white raiders were known as upony clubs." The State of Georgia went so far as to divide the Cherokee Nation into "land lots" and "gold lots," the former consisting of 160 acres and the latter 40 acres each. These lots were then distributed among Georgia citizens through public lottery with each citizen receiving a ticket. This occurred in June 1830, two years after Jackson was inaugurated and five years prior to any formal Cherokee Removal Treaty. All this time, Principal Chief Ross pursued legal recourse as a solution to this problem, doing so while the President of the United States and the State of Georgia resorted to more barbaric methods. This certainly provided an unusual twist to the common assumption that the Indians were subhuman savages, while whites were civilized and orderly. The Cherokee Forced Removal, one of the most shameful events in American history, refuted this common image.13 The chain of events leading to the "Trail of Tears" officially began with the 1835 "New Echota," or "Removal," Treaty. The Reverend Schermerhorn was commissioned by President Jackson to obtain a treaty from the Cherokees. Deceit had to be used since all parties knew that Chief Ross and the vast majority of Cherokees were openly opposed to forced removal. The plan was to incapacitate Ross while Schermerhorn enticed Major Ridge and 21 �other council members to sign the treaty. Chief Ross was called to Washington, D. C., while Schermerhorn got Major Ridge and 19 others to sign the Treaty of New Echota, which, in effect, agreed to removal, meaning that the Cherokee Nation could now be moved in its entirety west of the Mississippi River to "Indian Territory," land set aside for the five civilized tribes and other Indian groups. Jackson knew that Ross would continue to object to the Treaty, and he had the Cherokee Chief arrested and jailed on several occasions. Jackson was a frontiersman and "Indian fighter." In fact, both John Ross and "The Ridge" served under him in the 1813-1814 Creek War. Both Cherokees rose to the rank of major, which explains the change in "The Ridge's" name. What Jackson did not understand was that it was not Ross alone who resisted being displaced from his traditional home. Hence, while Schermerhorn and the "Treaty Party," as those who signed the treaty became known, conspired, Vice Chief Lowery obtained 15,904 Cherokee signatures protesting the treaty. Nonetheless, the United States Congress ratified the treaty in May of 1836 by a margin of one vote. The treaty was legal and binding according to the United States, and the Cherokees were given two years to remove themselves west to Indian Territory. The specifics of the treaty stated that all Cherokee land east of the Mississippi River was ceded to the United States in exchange for seven million acres in Indian Territory and $5,000,000. In implementing the treaty, Jackson had the Cherokees disarmed (July 30-September 1, 1836). The Cherokees did not resist because most believed that the United States would come to its senses and change its mind. After all, the whites never bothered to honor any of the other treaties, and history had shown the Cherokees to be the most "treatied" Indian group in the country. Only the families of the "Treaty Party" and their small following moved voluntarily and in comfort. As the time ran out for the others, frantic efforts were made to get the United States to repeal the treaty. In February of 1838, Chief Ross presented another petition, this time with 15,665 signatures or nearly the total Eastern Cherokee population. Congress declined by a vote of 36 to 10. President Martin Van Buren refused to intervene, and in April General Winfield Scott took command of the 9,500 member occupation force and started building stockades in which the Cherokees were to be incarcerated until forcefully removed. Then in May, exactly two years after the Removal Treaty became official, General Scott began the roundup. Cherokees were arrested in their homes, in the fields, everywhere, and were allowed time to pick up only a few provisions before being herded into the makeshift stockades to wait months on end for removal. 22 �A Georgia volunteer who later rose to the rank of colonel in the Confederate Army wrote, "I fought through the Civil War and have seen men shot to pieces and slaughtered by the thousands, but the Cherokee Removal was the cruelest work I ever knew."14 Impatient white mobs followed the troops, looting the abandoned homes, plantations and villages. Within a month, over 10,000 Cherokees were confined within the stockades, ill fed and ill treated. Some Cherokees successfully avoided detention, hiding out in the Appalachian Mountains. But once the Cherokees realized that the whites were going to rid themselves of the Cherokees at any cost, Ross convinced the United States that he could lead his people west without military assistance. This last group left in October with approximately 16,000 Cherokees in a 600-wagon caravan. Ross became the "Superintendent of Cherokee Removal and Subsistence/' even over the strong objections of former President Jackson. The "Trail of Tears," as the removal is commonly called, cost thousands of lives. Hundreds died in the stockades; over 1,600 died along the trail itself, while hundreds more died shortly after reaching their destination from the hardships associated with removal. Overall, over 4,000 died as a direct result of removal, quite a high proportion of the 16,000 Cherokees who actively resisted being forcefully expelled from their nation.15 Emergence of the Eastern Band The Appalachian Cherokees, notably the villages of Alarka, Aquorra, Stekoih and Cheeoih, consisted of conservative Cherokees who neither participated in nor endorsed the Cherokee Nation. They clung to the traditional ways, placing great emphasis on the old village and clan system. Other disenchanted conservative "full bloods" joined their ranks until the time of removal. The 1835 Cherokee Census bears this out, indicating that of the four major Cherokee concentrations (old tribal districts), the North Carolina Cherokees (Appalachian) had both the fewest Black slaves and the fewest whites living among them, although they represented the second largest population concentration.16 The North Carolina Cherokees were allowed to avoid removal due to special arrangements made on their behalf by their white legal counsel, William Thomas. To avoid removal, the Appalachian Cherokees had to separate themselves from the Cherokee Nation and to accept North Carolina's sovereignty over their villages. Some Cherokees living outside the boundaries of the Cherokee Nation in North Carolina had already accomplished this status prior to the removal era. Many felt this action would serve to preserve their way of life; therefore, they delegated Will Thomas with a special power of attorney, allowing him to represent them in these legal matters. 23 �Thomas had lived among the Cherokees since childhood, working for a white businessman and politician. Since his early teens, he had managed the man's trading post located on the white/Indian border. Soon, Thomas had his own trading posts, dealing mostly with the Appalachian Cherokees. The Regional Chief of this area, Younaguska, liked "Little Will" and made him his adopted son and an honorary member of the tribe. By the time Thomas was 31 years old, he had considerable power and authority among the Appalachian Cherokees. It was then that he represented his adopted family, the Appalachian Cherokees, during the negotiations concerning the 1835 New Echota or "Removal" Treaty. In 1836, he successfully secured a written agreement which entitled the North Carolina Cherokees to a proportionate share of the $5 million cash settlement as well as excluding them from being removed. A sizeable contingent of North Carolina Cherokees elected to remain behind, doing so legally and not as fugitives. Other Cherokees did manage to evade removal by hiding in the mountains. They could not have represented a sizeable group, however, since the total Appalachian Cherokee population only accounted for about 1,000 Indians, including those legally entitled to remain plus any fugitives. The tale of Tsali probably best explains the real sentiment of the Appalachian Cherokees. Tsali has become a folk hero and an inspiration as a resistant against the removal of which he was to become a victim. Tsali, an influential local Cherokee leader who served as both a village chief and later as a member of the National Council, apparently was attempting to avoid the roundup by slipping into Appalachian Cherokee territory, only to be detected while camping along the Little Tennessee River by a detachment of General Scott's soldiers. In the ensuing altercation, some soldiers were killed and others wounded, while Tsali and his band sought refuge in the rugged Appalachian Mountains. In order to discourage this type of behavior, General Scott decided to make an example of Tsali. Younaguska, fearing that federal troops would have a difficult time distinguishing between his people (those legally mandated to remain east) and the wanted refugees, consented to aid in the search for Tsali and any other refugees hiding out in his territory. General Scott was receptive to this plan, sending Euchella and an armed contingent of Cherokees under the direction of Colonel Foster and his troops to find and punish Tsali. Euchella's group caught Tsali and, under federal pressure, executed him and all male members of the group with the exception of Tsali's youngest son. The females were placed in the Fort Scott stockade and later removed with the rest of the Cherokee Nation. As a reward for his services, Euchella and his men and their families were allowed to remain east along with 24 �Younaguska's Cherokees. In some respects, Tsali thus became the savior of the Eastern Band through his sacrifice.17 In all, about a third of the North Carolina Cherokees elected to remain east, and of those, only a small proportion legally complied with the conditions set forth in the 1835 Treaty, that of registering individual land tracts (deeds) and filing for state citizenship. Apparently, these Cherokees only wanted to retain their old lifestyle and had little interest in adopting the legal and social structure of North Carolina. Again, Thomas represented his adopted people in a paramount legal battle, this time before the North Carolina General Assembly. He argued successfully for the authority to have the North Carolina Cherokees incorporated into a state corporation with himself assigned the role of corporate president and trustee. This corporation later became known as "The Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians." Thomas then went to Washington, D. C., where in 1848 he got Congress to authorize an award of $53.33 for each North Carolina Cherokee listed on the original 1835 census. Thomas then was authorized by virtue of his executive position within the Cherokee corporation to use this money to purchase land for the Eastern Band. Better lands had by this time already been grabbed off by white settlers, and the Cherokees were left with more mountainous tracts. Those few Cherokees who bothered to register their land in compliance with the 1835 Treaty owned their land outright, but this only accounted for some 17,000 acres. In comparison, by 1850, 38,000 acres were purchased for the Eastern Band Corporation. However, Thomas deeded all this land to himself and not to the Cherokees, since by this time it was illegal for non-whites to own land in North Carolina. He also borrowed money to purchase this land, a loan Thomas never repaid, even when reimbursed by the United States Government.18 When the Cherokees expressed an interest in the Civil War, Thomas, obtaining the rank of colonel in the Confederacy, commanded a regiment which included a battalion of Cherokees, Thomas' Legion. It was after the War that the federal government started to investigate Thomas' accounts and his role as legal guardian of the Cherokee trust fund. During the federal investigation, Thomas, his health failing due to the war, was unable to appear before the investigative bodies. Realizing the danger of any individual being chosen guardian, the Eastern Cherokees invited the United States Government to serve as trustee, and the Cherokees took on reservation status.18 Thomas' legal actions in behalf of the Eastern Band led to over a century of litigation which was finally resolved in 1973. 25 �THE CONTEMPORARY SCENE: Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle Introduction The Cherokee Corporation ceased to exist in the eyes of the federal government in 1925, when the Eastern Band transferred all money, land and collective property to the federal government, which was to hold these assets in trust for them. The Eastern Band was now under federal sovereignty. Its federal reservation status was terminated by the 1924 Baker Roll. At this time, many felt that the Eastern Cherokees would receive a final allotment of land and money such as their western counterparts had received at the turn of the century. In anticipation of sharing in the resulting monetary settlement, many non-Indians joined the rolls by simply bribing those conducting the census. These "pseudoCherokees" are referred to as u five dollar Indians" even to this day. Fortunately, the Eastern Band was spared termination, and, instead, it came under federal protection and was changed from a state corporation into a federal reservation. The largest land tract is called the "Qualla Boundary." This, plus Snowbird, Tomotla and the 3,200 Acre (Thomas) Tract, comprise the Eastern Band of the Cherokee Indians' reservation. The social conditions of the Eastern Band did not improve until the Great Depression, with the "Indian New Deal," and road building and other federally-sponsored programs (CCC and WPA). This work provided income to Cherokees who never before had held steady, paying jobs. Processed foods, store-bought clothing and other manufactured products now became the norm instead of the exception. Needless to say, the Cherokees welcomed this newfound prosperity. These federally-sponsored work programs also helped to open up the otherwise isolated Southern Appalachian region. Ever since the late 1800's, state and federal plans had been prepared for a national park in this area. The reasons for a national park were to share the area's unique beauty with all Americans and to make the area more accessible to its indigenous population (white, Cherokees and Black). The Eastern Cherokees played an important role in the development of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park from the beginning. In 1899, the Eastern Band sold the 33,000-acre Love Speculation specifically for the purpose of an Appalachian park. Then, in 1933, North Carolina and Tennessee both transferred Southern Appalachian acreage to the federal government to be used for the park. It was during this time that Cherokee laborers began building the main access road (U. S. Route 441) through Cherokee territory to the proposed park site. And in order to ensure national regulation of both the proposed 26 �park and its main drawing card, the Cherokee Indians, the federal government assigned official reservation status to the Eastern Band in 1934 under the Wheeler-Howard Reorganization Bill. Thus, the stage was set for developing Southern Appalachia. These plans were contingent upon the development of the Tennessee Valley Authority; the Blue Ridge Parkway; the Great Smoky Mountains National Park; the Cherokee reservation; Gatlinburg, Tennessee and other towns as tourist attractions to the park. The Great Smoky Mountains National Park opened in 1938, transforming the Eastern Band from an isolated, obscure Indian group into the most visited Native American group in the United States. The Qualla Boundary Today, the Eastern Band is often referred to as the Qualla Boundary, but the millions of seasonal tourists know it mainly as "Cherokee." Altogether, the Eastern Band consists of some 56,500 acres held in federal trust for the Cherokees. Because of the Eastern Band's reservation status, the Cherokees are exempt from paying property taxes. Nevertheless, the tribal government levies its own sales tax, which is used for fire, police, sanitation and human services. The Cherokee schools are federally administered, as are health and other services. The two basic federal agencies serving the Qualla Boundary are the Bureau of Indian Affairs (B.I.A.) and Public Health Service (P.H.S.). These agencies serve the 7,000 Cherokees living on or near the reservation. Cherokee families of the Eastern Band can be classified as either "affluent," "traditional" or "transitionary." The "affluent" Cherokees, while few in number, represent the phenomenal success of regional development in Southern Appalachia since the Great Depression. These are the families that profited from the tourist development. They live much like their successful white counterparts, owning beautiful homes and expensive automobiles and adhering to the business and social customs of the Protestant Ethic. They value education as a means to success, making certain that their children acquire proper, quality education. For many of these Cherokees, English is their only language. Actually, these Cherokees are not easily distinguishable from other middle class Americans. The "traditional" Cherokees are those who have tried to preserve the old ways. They represented the vast majority of the Eastern Cherokees at the time of removal and were still a sizeable group until the advent of the Great Depression and the opening of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Today, about a third of the Eastern Band could be classified as "traditional," with the largest groups residing in the Snowbird and Big 27 �Cove Communities. These Cherokees usually live in isolated coves away from the tourist scene. Children learn Cherokee as their first language, acquiring this and other attributes of their traditional culture within the family setting. Often, multigenerational families and close relatives share one of these small community clusters, dividing up domestic tasks. Fields, livestock and gardens, as well as the important skills necessary for a nearly self-sufficient lifestyle, are shared by the kinfolks. The old and the new coexist in a delicate balance between compulsory education and home apprenticeships, Christianity and traditional mythology, modern medicine and folk medicine, formal legal controls and customary law, federal subsistence and assistance and self-suffi iency and individual autonomy. What is amazing is the ability (if these people to resolve these contradictory pressures and still maintain a close semblance of the old ways. The utransitionary" Cherokees represent a new breed emerging with the tourist industry. They are Cherokees who do not fully belong to either the "affluent" or "traditional" classes. They are caught in a cultural lag. They are Indians, yet many cannot speak their native language and know little about their rich traditional culture. However, these same Cherokees have not sufficiently acquired the skills necessary to compete successfully within the larger dominant society. They are caught in between two cultural worlds. Although many of these people receive certain basic support through federal, state and tribal programs, this often is not enough. These Cherokees are an inadvertent product of the rapid economic and social change that has accompanied Southern Appalachians new tourist status. A direct relationship seems to exist between the prevalence of social problem and personal maladjustments and the economic success of tourism in the area. "Transitionary" Cherokees comprise the majority of the Eastern Band. Not all are caught up in the dire consequences of social problems and personality maladjustment. Many are seeking either to learn and preserve the old traditional ways or to acquire the skills necessary to compete in the larger white world. Another popular route for "transitionary" Cherokees is to combine the best of both worlds, to be bicultural, learning their native language and their rich heritage while also acquiring higher education so as to compete in the larger, dominant society.19 Most of the reservation is situated in rugged, highly vegetated mountainous terrain. In all, there are nine communities—Cherokee (Yellow Hill), Painttown, Soco, Big "Y", Big Cove, Birdtown, the 3,200-Acre Tract, Tomotla and Snowbird. All but Tomotla and Snowbird are located on the Qualla Boundary. Snowbird is 60 miles away, and Tomotla 80. Although the old clan 28 �system no longer plays an active role within the Eastern Cherokee tradition, some feel that certain of these communities were initially designed as "mother villages" in order to preserve the clan structure within the isolated Appalachian district after the bulk of the nation was removed west of the Mississippi River. Cherokee is the business, administrative and tourist center of the Eastern Band. The two main access roads, U.S. Routes 19 and 441, pass through Cherokee, with the latter leading directly to the Blue Ridge Parkway, the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, and into Tennessee. Route 19 follows on through to Bryson City on its westward course and to Maggie Valley eastward, both local tourist attractions. On these two routes, lies the heaviest concentration of tourist attractions, including restaurants, gift shops and theme parks. These structures are colorful, often depicting Plains Indian teepees, Northwest Coast totem poles and Southwest thunderbirds. Cherokee men dressed in "war bonnets" stand outside these places of business as added attractions. Both tribal and federal agencies are located in the Cherokee Community. These agencies plus the Qualla Co-op Gift Shop, the elementary school, the Indian Health Service Hospital, pharmacy, outpatient clinic, U.S. Post Office, banks and the Cherokee Historical Association office, as well as their new $1.5 million museum, are all situated in a congested section of Route 441, just where it makes a right angle off Route 19 heading toward the national park. Across the Oconaluftee River, another road known as the "backside" or Acquoni Road runs parallel to this section of Route 441. Located on this road are two of the three boundary industries, The Cherokees and White Shield of Carolina, as well as the vast Cherokee Boys Club facility, the Rescue Squad, most tribal services, the Qualla Civic Center, the Mutual Help Housing facility, the Children's Home Chapel, a cluster of gift shops and the new $7.5 million high school. Several bridges link these two parallel roads. By taking the second bridge from the center of town and continuing along this road across Highway 441, one will end up in the large parking lot belonging to the Cherokee Historical Association and used for its enterprises—the Oconaluftee Indian Village and the outdoor drama Unto These Hills. Also located on Route 441, closer to the national park entrance, is "The Boundary Tree," a tribal enterprise consisting of a motel, service station, and restaurant complex. Continuing on Route 19 where it and 441 separate, one arrives at the new Holiday Inn facility. From this brief travelogue, one can imagine just how congested the Cherokee community can be during the peak of the tourist season. Yet, in spite of all these tourist and governmental structures, the community claims 828 permanent residents whose 29 �homes are nestled in little coves and clearings away from the main tourist strip. The eight other communities are mainly residential, yet none of them, with the exception of Snowbird and Tomotla, totally escapes the outreaches of the tourist industry. Painttown closely challenges Cherokee with its commercial development. It has Frontierland, which is one of the Cherokee's major tourist attractions. The community is located on that part of Route 19 which goes east toward Soco and eventually out of the reservation and into Maggie Valley. Painttown has 774 permanent residents, who, again, mostly live off the main tourist route. Down the road is Soco Community, which is one of the largest on the boundary in size. Although some commercial enterprises continue to dot Route 19, most of Soco's residents live a considerable distance from the tourist trade. These 746 Cherokees live on Old Soco Road, Washington Creek Road, Blue Wing Road, Long Branch Road, Macedonia Road and Old Mission Road. The clusters of homes are often quite far apart, separated by dense woods, ridges and branches (brooks). Soco and Maggie Valley are, in turn, separated by a rugged ridge, and the transition from the reservation into the white settlement is quite spectacular. Many of Soco's residents are "traditional" Cherokees, and it is not unusual to see small, unpainted, yet sturdy cabins off in clearings. Many small wooden churches, mostly Baptist, are scattered throughout the community. There is no industry in Soco, but it does have a major tourist attraction, Santa's Land, which is close to the Painttown line on Route 19. Big UY" is the smallest boundary community with only 371 residents. These people live along Wright's Creek, Swimmer Branch and Big Witch Roads, separated from the tourist trade by a rugged mountainous terrain. There are no commercial attractions or industry in this community. It contains the tribal timber reserve, but no logging is allowed on it. Soco and Big "Y" are adjacent communities and form a single township or voting precinct known as the "Wolftown Township." Physically, Big Cove is the largest community within the Eastern Band. It is one of the strongholds of the "traditional" Cherokees. Big Cove is a spectacular area with high rugged ridges surrounding it and only one access road. Those living in the most remote parts of this community must travel 14 miles to Cherokee, much of the distance over a meandering mountain road. Many of these Cherokees choose to remain isolated from the rest of Cherokee, especially from the tourist element. Many of its 709 residents share in a collective kinship subsistence organization, relying as little as possible on outside resources. Ironically, the deep mountain cove was once destined to become a tourist lake; but, fortunately, the Cherokees rebelled against this idea. This 30 �resistance by the Cherokees greatly altered the original National Park Service plans. The Blue Ridge Parkway, for example, was rerouted to terminate in the valley at Big Cove. The original plans were for the combined Sky Line Drive/Blue Ridge Parkway to pass through Virginia and North Carolina and into Tennessee. While this action saved Cherokee from being cut in half, it did not really hinder the tourist trade. Now the Blue Ridge Parkway and the Great Smoky Mountains National Park merge in Big Cove. Because of the situation, some campgrounds are located at the entrance of the Big Cove Community. Since these facilities are for tourists traveling in their own self-contained campers, fewer of the glittering attractions associated with the other tourist districts are found here. Moreover, the tourists and Big Cove residents seldom interact, unlike the other tourist situations on the reservation. Birdtown Community is the most heavily populated community with 1,057 Cherokees living there. It is located in a wide valley providing an environment suitable for homes sites. Off the main tourist route, its roads, Adams Creek, Goose Creek and Old Route 4, provide access for the local residents. Yet, even this Indian "suburban" community is feeling the tremendous pressure of the tourist industry and its effort to expand and absorb even more of Cherokee's restricted land area. Motels, crafts shops, restaurants and campgrounds have recently found their way into Birdtown. Several Baptist churches and a few general stores serve the particular needs of the Indian population. The seventh community, Snowbird, is located some 60 miles away from the Qualla Boundary. It is located in Graham County, west of Jackson and Swain Counties, which encompass the Qualla Boundary. Since this tightly knit community of 463 Cherokees does not participate in the tourist trade, it comes the closest, along with Big Cove, to representing how things were for the Eastern Cherokees during their first century of isolation (1835-1935). The traditional ways are still quite strong among these Cherokees. Interestingly, young Snowbird Cherokees are compelled to attend the local public school (Graham County Schools). Yet, in spite of this exposure to the very conservative white mountain community value system, most of these Cherokees survive with their own native cultural heritage intact. Not far from Snowbird is a small contingent of Cherokees residing in the adjacent western county, Cherokee County, in the Tomotla community. While living closer to Snowbird than to the Qualla Boundary, these 149 Cherokees have little in common with either group. Most are referred to as "White Indians," as are many on the Qualla Boundary, meaning it is difficult to distinguish them both physically and culturally from their white neighbors. 31 �Another sizeable trust area is the 3,200 Acre Tract, technically part of Birdtown, located close to the Qualla Boundary in Swain County. It is, however, separated from the boundary by "deeded" land. The 162 residents live in homes scattered along the ridges making up this tract. These Cherokees either go to the boundary or to adjacent white communities for their everyday needs. Nonetheless, they have access to the Birdtown Community regarding any tribal privileges such as voting. All told, over 5,000 registered Eastern Cherokees officially reside on the reservation. Another 2,000 live near the reservation, some on their own deeded property, and the total tribal enrollment may top 8,000. Tribal Government The Qualla Boundary, the 3,200-Acre Tract, Snowbird and Tomotla are divided into six voting precincts: Yellowhill, Big Cove, Birdtown, Wolftown, Painttown and Cheroah. Yellowhill is the precinct name for Cherokee Community, Wolftown is a single precinct for Soco and Big "Y" Communities and Cheroah is the precinct for Snowbird Community and the Cherokee County settlement of Tomotla. Birdtown includes the 3,200-Acre Tract. Each precinct or "township" elects two representatives to the Tribal Council every two years. This is done through general elections in which all enrolled residents of these townships who are 18 years old or older can vote. Elections are determined by a mere plurality, and many elections have been won by a single vote. To qualify for council, a Cherokee must be an enrolled resident of his or her precinct, 21 years old or older and at least 1/16 Eastern Cherokee (blood degree). The 12 elected councilmen then select their own officers: a chairman, a vice chairman, both Indian and English clerks, an interpreter, a marshal, a messenger, a janitor and an officer manager. All six precincts also participate in the election of the Principal Chief and Vice Chiefs who serve four-year terms. Again, a mere plurality of the votes is all that is required to be elected. To be eligible to run for either Principal or Vice Chief, a Cherokee must be an enrolled member of the Eastern Band, 35 years old or older and at least 1/2 Eastern Cherokee (blood degree). Once elected, the Principal Chief selects his executive advisor whose appointment must be ratified by the Tribal Council. Thus, Cherokee tribal government consists of a 12-member Tribal Council and a three-member Executive Committee, an organizational structure that corresponds closely to the original system first established in the 1820's. The Tribal Council is similar to the old National Council, or lower house, while the Executive Committee corresponds closely to the old National Committee, or upper house. The major differences is the size of the two systems. It would not be feasible today to have a large council or committee. 32 �Thus, the current system actually represents a reduced model of the old national system. Tribal government handles the day-to-day operations of the reservation, doing so through boards and committees. Enrolled members can approach individual board or committee members or introduce resolutions at the regular Tribal Council meetings, which are open to the public. Interestingly, the Cherokee form of government during both aboriginal and present times has long used American-style democratic practices. Today, close parallels can be found between the New England "town meeting" form of local government and that of the Cherokee Tribal Council meetings. It should be noted, however, that the federal government, through the Secretary of the Interior and the Bureau of Indian Affairs, has the ultimate voice regarding major tribal resolutions. While the Tribal Council has the authority to receive and pass resolutions, these must be approved by both the Principal Chief and the Bureau of Indian Affairs' Superintendent and then forwarded to the Secretary of the Interior for approval. The Executive Committee and Tribal Council, on the other hand, have virtually total control over the administration of federal and state grant programs as well as the regulation of tribal enterprises. 33 �Tribal Government Model of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians U. S. Department of Interior \ 00 B. I. A. Cherokee Agency Tribal Voters Tribal Council Executive Committee / �The Role of Tourism Today, the Eastern Cherokees are the most visited American Indian group in the United States, and this is due mainly to their tourist image. Tourism has proved to be a mixed blessing to the Cherokees. While it has brought a new level of prosperity to the tribe, it has also been the source of increased social problems. But given a choice today, few Cherokees would elect to go back to the old pre-Depression days when poverty, hardship and isolation were the Cherokees' lot. Today, many are optimistic that somewhere within their complex contemporary lifestyles lie the solutions to the Cherokees' problems. Perhaps this is so. At any rate, a new breed of Cherokee, born during the tourist realm, has emerged, determined to work toward maintaining this new level of prosperity while at the same time alleviating the sources of mental and social problems among his people. If this happens, then the Appalachian Plan, conceived in the last century, finally will have fulfilled its original purpose of opening up this once remote area so that both the indigenous population (whites, Blacks and Cherokees) and outsiders can share in its natural beauty while at the same time raising the standard of living of those once isolated within these mountain communities. Tourism has created a situation similar to the old aboriginal days, that of a dualistic year. Again, the year is divided into two distinctive seasons, summer and winter. That is one of the problems with tourism; the employment is seasonal and the pay poor. Today, the summer is the tourist season, and during the six months from April to October, millions of tourists converge on Cherokee. Recently, the seasonal total reached eleven million people. Then, as if thrown back into time, the reservation is again suddenly transformed into a remote, often desolate, setting during the winter season. This cyclic impact of tourism has had adverse psychological, cultural, social and economic effects on the Cherokees, the nature of which will be discussed later in this section. First, let us look at the "tourist situation." There are actually two tourist circuits in Cherokee, one designed for the average ublue collar" tourist seeking escapism and another which caters to the more sophisticated tastes of the tourist elite (middle and upper classes). The main tourist strip appeals to the majority of the visitors—the average tourists. Here, families shop, talk and eat in a festive atmosphere, buy trinkets and have their pictures taken with "chiefs." For these people, Cherokee is a fun place that gives them a chance to get away from it all. In certain respects, Cherokee has been a tourist attraction ever since the first white contact when traders and trappers found the Cherokees to be an enjoyable, yet curious, group. To35 �day, tourists still feel excitement in being among the Indians. People's fantasies often run wild, some seeing the Cherokees as proud and noble Native Americans, others viewing them as barbaric savages. Few tourists make any distinction between Cherokees and other Indian groups, since their knowledge of Native Americans is frequently based upon media stereotypes. The public's fascination with Indian culture, as portrayed by the media, makes Cherokee a popular tourist attraction and the Cherokees the most visited American Indian group in this country. The proprietors of the tourist attractions take full advantage of this fact. Millions of tourists leave Cherokee believing that they have, in fact, visited an authentic Indian village, one that is representative of our nation's nearly 800,000 Native Americans. To make matters worse, about one-third of all Cherokee tourist enterprises are white-owned or leased, and these comprise the largest money-making operations. The other tourist attraction offers an alternative to the street tourist scene. Through the establishment of the Cherokee Historical Association, a non-profit organization, an attempt has been made to provide a cultural tourist environment, one that distinguishes between the authentic Cherokee culture and the media Indian image presented in the streets. The Cherokee Historical Association was formed to preserve the original Cherokee culture through the creation of three tourist offerings: the drama Unto These Hills, the Oconaluftee Indian Village and the new $1.5 million Cherokee Museum. The' idea for the drama originated with Foght's Appalachian Plan, and the stage script was later written by Kermit Hunter, a graduate student at the University of North Carolina. Unto These Hills is an emotional portrayal of the history of the Cherokees, from initial white contact in 1540 up until the Removal and the establishment of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. A similar production, The Trail of Tears, was later developed for tourists visiting the Western Cherokees in Tahlequah, Oklahoma. The Oconaluftee Indian Village is located next to the Mountainside Theatre, which produces Unto These Hills. Here the Cherokee Historical Association has created a replica of an early eighteenth century Cherokee community. The village opened in 1952 and, like the drama, has proved to be a success among the tourists visiting the Qualla Boundary. The most recent (June, 1976) addition to the Cherokee Historical Association's tourist enterprises is the $1.5 million museum located on the main tourist route (441) in the Cherokee community. One of the most interesting phenomena associated with Cherokee tourism is that of "chiefing." Here, phenotypical Indian males dress up in colorful Plains Indian garb, including the fullfeathered bonnet of a war chief. Some Cherokees refer to these 36 �pseudo-chiefs as "grasshopper chiefs" or "postcard chiefs." The former label reflects the fact that these chiefs come out in the spring and disappear in the winter much like a grasshopper. This is a full-time seasonal employment for about two dozen Cherokee males, while dozens of others do it on a part-time basis. It is hard work since the "chief" often has other obligations to the shop sponsoring him, such as janitorial services, and he is apt to work 12-hour days, seven days a week. Apparently, "chiefing" was one of the "Indian attractions" mentioned in Dr. Foght's Appalachian Plan. The first "chiefs" appeared with the parkway and the Great Smoky Mountains National Park right after World War II. It is alleged that Tom Jumper was the first "chief." Today, "Chief Henry" claims to be the most photographed Indian chief in the world. Not all "chiefs" are as successful as "Chief Henry," yet chiefing does provide a livelihood for men who otherwise might not be employed during the tourist season. The "chiefs" make most of their money from tips paid by tourists who photograph and pose with them. The usual tip is 25 cents, although substantially larger tips are not uncommon. Most "chiefs" stand beside a fake teepee located in front of the shop sponsoring them, waving to tourists, enticing the travelers to visit them and the shop. Signs indicate that tips are required when photographing the "chiefs," and some have even devised unique acts such as group dances where the hat is passed after the performance. Other shops employ Cherokee girls dressed as "Indian princesses." While some Cherokees feel that "chiefing" is a degrading profession, others justify it because it brings money into the community. One thing is certain and that is the fact that thousands of tourists leave Cherokee glad that they had the opportunity to talk with a friendly "chief," many coming back year after year repeating this process. Overall, tourism seems to be both disruptive and beneficial to the Qualla Cherokees. Its contradictory nature provides a challenge for future generations of Cherokees. Hopefully, they will be able to resolve this dilemma within the present framework of cultural, social, economic and personal interaction. Cherokee Progress Once separated from the larger Cherokee Nation following Removal, the Eastern Cherokees attempted to reinstate the old village cooperative system known as the Gadugi. Earlier, it was stated that the entire village cooperated in the aboriginal agricultural endeavor. This system of cooperative agriculture was merely an attempt to preserve that system. Part of the reason for this was the need to consolidate land and other limited resources facing the isolated mountain Cherokees. Eventually, white expansion and development offered an alternative to the Cherokees' 37 �limited cooperative farming endeavors. Cherokee males now were hired out as day laborers. Eventually, the Gadugi collapsed when the State of North Carolina began taxing them as corporations. This led to the decline of the once prosperous Cherokee community farms. Later, the federal Indian agency attempted to develop community farm organizations as a substitute for the Gadugi system. The federal program could not, however, replace the old Gadugi system; and, as a result, the Cherokee economy declined during the first three decades of this century.20 Federal dependency started with the takeover of the educational system in the late 1800's, continued with the community farm organization project and culminated in the Eastern Band's reservation status in 1925. The public works program of the Great Depression finally pulled Cherokee out if its economic slump. This progress was shortlived, however, with the war economy eliminating many of the public works programs and with the new park program severely restricting logging operations. Ironically, as the tourist industry opened up Southern Appalachia, bringing thousands of outsiders into Cherokee on a seasonal basis, the average Cherokee initially benefited little from this. Consequently, the Eastern Band suffered another economic depression during the recession of the mid and late 1950's. This situation was exacerbated by the closing of the Indian boarding schools under the new federal termination program. The fear of termination and the elimination of some federal programs forced the Eastern Band to initiate its own economic measures. In 1952, the tribe imposed its own sales tax in order to provide police, fire, sanitation and recreational facilities for the Cherokees. The tax, originally three percent, was raised to four percent in 1970. Now, three-fourths of the tax supports Cherokee tribal community services, while the remaining one-fourth goes to the Cherokee Tribal Council fund for administrative purposes. The tribal levy, plus lease revenues for white-run tourist businesses and for logging stumpage, provides the major tribal monies. Tribal enterprises such as the Boundary Tree motel, gas station and restaurant and federal and state sponsored human services programs (grant-operated) also contribute to Cherokee's current economic and social environment. The reinstatement of federal programs greatly aided the Cherokees in the mid-1960's. Today, educational and health needs are furnished largely by federal agencies. Light industry was brought to the reservation during the mid and late 1950's and early 1960's. In 1956, a tourist-related industry, Saddlecraft, established itself in Cherokee, producing moccasins and other craft items to be sold in the local market during the tourist season. It has since changed its name to The Cherokees and now has a nationwide distribution of its goods. 38 �Later, in 1959, White Shield Industry was established and, in 1963, Vassar Corporation joined the Cherokee industrial complex. While these industries proved to be a blessing during the depressed 1950's and early 1960's, many Cherokees today feel the low pay and the companies' opposition to unionization make them less attractive employers. The mid and late 1960's witnessed a tourist boom in Cherokee; and, to accompany this, new attractions suddenly appeared, including Frontierland, Santa's Land and the Holiday Inn, as well as numerous new motels, restaurants, shops and campgrounds. Today, there are more than 200 separate tourist attractions located on the Qualla Boundary. As the tourist industry expanded, so did the tourist trade; and, by 1972, eight million people visited Cherokee during its tourist season. Remote Cherokee settlements such as Snowbird, Tomotla and the 3,200-Acre Tract are without any tourism or industry, causing permanent hardships for their unemployed. It is estimated that the overall employment distribution for the tribe is as follows: Manufacturing of nondurable tourist-related goods 25% Professional and related services 21% Other industries 15% Manufacturing of durable goods 10% Personal services 10% Construction 9% Wholesale and retail trade 6% Agriculture and forestry 2% Transportation, communication and utilities 2% The six-month tourist season provides 90 percent of the reservation's income. This has created a situation in which some Cherokees live quite well during the summer, but are unemployed and socially depressed during the winter off-season. For some Indians, the tourist business is quite lucrative, leading, as mentioned earlier, to a number of affluent Cherokees. Increased tourism has also affected the traditional Cherokees who would prefer to remain apart from tourism and outside influences. As more land is ceded to the tourist industry, it is becoming increasingly difficult for traditional Cherokees to remain isolated. At the present time, only one percent of the total reservation (56,000 acres) is used for the purpose of agriculture. Even the family garden has been abandoned by most Cherokee families. Not one Cherokee family makes it livelihood solely from farming. This is the cost of progress. Some feel that the only answer to the dilemma is better educational opportunities for the Cherokees, while others suggest abandoning tourism and other white customs and returning to the old ways. Any realistic pro39 �gram will most certainly have to incorporate both the dominant contemporary societal values as well as the Cherokees' rich cultural heritage. This blueprint for the future is not only possible, it has already begun. Recent federal programs have provided quality homes for many Cherokees and have improved transportation by surfacing hundreds of miles of reservation access roads. Such measures, together with the Cherokees' renewed interest in their own culture, provide an atmosphere of progress.21 40 �REFERENCES AND NOTES FOR CHAPTER ONE 1. Since no accurate census was possible at the time of the white contact, 20,000 is a liberal estimate of the Cherokees at that time, while conservative estimates range between 16,000 and 18,000. Also see Glen Fleischmann, The Cherokee Removal, 1838 (New York: Franklin Watts, Inc., 1971); James Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees (Nashville: Charles Elder Reprints, 1972); Douglas Rights, The American Indian of North Carolina (Durham: Duke University Press, 1947); and John Phillip Reid, A Better Kind of Hatchet (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1976), p. 2. 2. See Douglas C. Rights, The American Indian of North Carolina (Durham: Duke University Press, 1947) and James Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees (Nashville: Charles Elder Reprints, 1972). 3. Also see Duane King and Laura Hill, "The Mythico-Religious Origin of the Cherokees," Appalachian Journal, Special Cherokee Issue 2, no. 4 (Summer 1975): 259-264. 4. Most early documentation on the aboriginal Cherokee lifestyle came from the diaries, letters and memoirs of James Adair, Wiliam Fyffe and Henry Timberlake. Also see Grace Steele Woodward, The Cherokees (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1963). 5. See Fred Gearing, Priests and Warriors (American Anthropological Association, vol. 64, no. 5, part 2, October 1962) and James Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees (Nashville: Charles Elder Reprints, 1972). 6. See John Reid, A Law of Blood (New York: New York University Press, 1970) and Fred Gearing, Priests and Warriors (American Anthropological Association, vol. 64, no. 5, part 2, October 1962). 7. See John Reid, "A Family Writ Large," A Law of Blood (New York: New York University Press, 1970). 8. See Grace Steele Woodward, The Cherokees (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963), pp. 48-50. 9. See Fred Gearing, Priests and Warriors (American Anthropological Association, vol. 64, no. 5, part 2, October 1962); James Mooney, Myths of the Cherokees and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees (Nashville: Charles Elder Reprints, 1972); and Robert K. Thomas, "Eastern Cherokee Acculturation," (Master's Thesis, University of North Carolina, 1958). 41 �10. See Gary B. Nash, Red, White and Black: The Peoples of Early America (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1974) and Almon W. Lauber, Indian Slavery in Colonial Times (Williamstown, MA: Corner House Press, 1970). Nash noted that in 1708 the Carolina colony consisted of 5,300 whites, 2,900 African slaves and 1,400 Indian slaves. Moreover, most male Indian slaves were sent out of their colony of capture because of the fear of escape or insurrection (p. 112). Lauber went on to claim that Cherokees were made slaves to their white captors until the 1760's. 11. See Glen Fleischmann, The Cherokee Removal, 1838 (New York: Franklin Watts, Inc., 1971); Grace Steele Woodward, The Cherokees (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963); Henry Thomas Malone, Cherokees of the Old South (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1956); Edward Dale and Gaston Little, Cherokee Cavaliers (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1939); John Reid, A Law of Blood (New York: New York University Press, 1970); James Mooney Myths of the Cherokee and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees (Nashville: Charles Elder Reprints, 1972); and John P. Brown, Old Frontiers (Kingsport, TN: Southern Publishers, Inc., 1938). 12. See Peter Collier, When Shall They Rest (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1973). 13. See Bernard W. Sheehan, Seeds of Extinction (New York: W. W. Norton, 1974); also see Henry Malone, Cherokees of the Old South (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1956). 14. See James Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees (Nashville: Charles Elder Reprints, 1972), p. 130. 15. See John P. Brown, Old Frontiers (Kingsport, TN: Southern Publishers, Inc., 1938); Glen Fleischmann, The Cherokee Removal 1838 (New York: Franklin Watts, Inc., 1971); and Peter Collier, When Shall They Rest (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1973). 16. See Douglas C. Rights, The American Indian of North Carolina (Durham: Duke University Press, 1947), p. 193. 17. See Denton R. Bedford, Tsali (San Francisco: The Indian Historian Press, 1972). 18. See Fred B. Bauer, Land of the North Carolina Cherokees (Brevard, NC: George E. Buchanan Press, 1970). The late Fred Bauer was a former Vice-Chief of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. 42 �19. See John Gulick, "The Cherokee Reservation: Its Nature and History," Cherokees at the Crossroads (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1960), pp. 1-22; and Harriett Kupferer, The "Principal People," 1960 (Anthropological Papers, no. 78, Bureau of Ethnology Bulletin 196), pp. 215-325. 20. See "The Free Labor Companies," in John Gulick, Cherokees at the Crossroads (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1960), pp. 89-90. 21. See "Population and Economy Study," Comprehensive Plan -Volume I (Cherokee, NC: Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians, 1974). 43 �CHAPTER II Comments on the Cherokee Way of Life EDUCATION The Cherokee Boarding School: Karen French Owl* The Cherokee Boarding School began in 1881. It was built by Quakers from Indiana—the Society of Friends —and operated by them until June 30, 1892. The Quakers were not permitted to operate the school after 1892 because Chief Nimrod Jarrett Smith vetoed a resolution by the Tribal Council for the continued operation of the school. The Quakers' control of Cherokee schools ended for basically two reasons: a controversy surrounding the abilities of the local Quaker Superintendent for Education and the end of the "Quaker Policy" on the national level which began a trend away from missionary, non-Indian schools to federally-operated ones. After Quaker control ended, the federal government took over the school under the direction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. In 1892, there were 13 teachers at the school, nine females and four males. The teachers' salaries were $30 per month. The school was operated in a military manner. Students wore uniforms; the girls had different colored dresses to wear for each activity, and the boys had different colored shirts. The students reported for roll call at various times of the day. The daily schedule was as follows: 5:00 - 9:00 a.m. Breakfast and work detail 9:00 - 11:15 a.m. Classes 11:15 - 12:00 noon Lunch 12:30 - 1:30 p.m. Individual work detail 1:30 - 4:00 p.m. Afternoon classes 4:00 - 6:00 p.m. Supper 6:30 - 7:00 p.m. Recreation 7:00 - 8:00 p.m. Study hour 8:30 p.m. Lights out The students were assigned work stations and reported to their stations at least twice a day, depending upon their work detail. The school had its own bakery, kitchen, dairy and garden; and the students actively competed for the better work assign* This information was obtained from Ms. Owl's uncle, Carl Lambert, the Cherokee Historian. It was transcribed from taped oral conversations. 44 �ment in these areas. The students provided most of their own food products and performed much of the maintenance of their school facilities. Their classes consisted primarily of basics in mathematics, reading and language usage (English only). Students were punished for speaking Cherokee; some had their mouths washed with soap for speaking Cherokee and some were beaten. Boys received instruction in agriculture while girls took home economics. All students attending the school were not boarding students. Those who lived nearby came to the school during the day and went home each evening. These day students were permitted to wear their own clothing and were not expected to wear the uniforms provided by the school. By the 1930's, communitybased day schools were firmly established, and boarding school attendance was beginning to decline. The boarding school had so few students in the early 1950's that it was discontinued in 1954. This was the same year that bus service was provided for the community day schools. Each community school now had students from various parts of the reservation. When the buildings are gone, all that will remain of the Cherokee Boarding School will be the memories of those students who attended. Former students of the boarding school have mixed feelings about their times at the school. Most of them did not like going to the school, mainly because they did not get to see their homes and families except on the weekends when family members were allowed to take them home. Their freedom to explore the mountains and streams was curtailed. Nonetheless, many former students attribute their successes in life to the boarding school. They state that they would not be where they are today without having attended the boarding school. Educational Needs of the American Indians: Anonymous Cherokee Educator It is my opinion, established by my personal education, formal and informal, plus having served as an educator for 18 years, that the educational needs of the American Indian can best be summed up by the following. Of course, this list is not necessarily in order of importance. 1. Develop a program that will change the American Indian s behavior patterns. It is generally accepted that the American Indians are passive in nature. So, they need to develop a more aggressive attitude. I do not mean that they should become more hostile. But they should set higher and more realistic goals/standards and start clawing and scratching to reach them. 45 �2. We need to develop a system whereby we get qualified Indians into the mainstream of life. We must develop quality programs that put Indians in positions that can affect change. Allow the qualified Indians to determine their own destiny. But we need to develop programs for the American Indians that will ensure that we get qualified Indians making these decisions. As of now, the white man is still dictating the policies that directly or indirectly affect the American Indian's entire life. 3. Take the "torn foolery" out of the Indian Preference Act. This is one of the most ill advised moves that the federal government has come up with. Sure, it looks good on paper, but the fact is that this rewards mediocrity. American Indians are being elevated into positions in which the only qualification that they have is their degree of Indian blood. Consequently, the entire program is going down the drain. And I am not at all sure that this is not the overall plan of the bureaucracy. Think about it! The American Indians are making an attempt to come out of their shells, determine their own futures, so to speak. This move is sure to be defeated if the present trend is allowed to continue. We do not have the numbers of qualified American Indians required to handle the intricate details involved in the implementation of programs and the restructuring of future programs to meet the rapidly changing needs of the American Indian. 4. A change in the present "Something for Nothing" policy. There must be a great effort made toward changing the American Indian's outlook toward life. Not only should he be motivated to achieve, but how and why to achieve. When one is given the chance to succeed, it has a tendency to "blind" one's perspective to the old cliche of "paying the price.' Failure loses its significance when it is Jree.' The American Indian must be taught the importance of "earning" one's own way. Success has an entirely different meaning to the individual who succeeds by his own initiative. 5. The American Indian must be taught to live in the present and for the future, not in the past. Of course, teach him that his cultural heritage is very important, to be proud of it and help preserve it for future generations. But, as badly as I hate to say it, we live in, and are governed by, the laws of a white society. Therefore, if we are to take our rightful place beside the white man in all aspects of society, we must think and act like our counterparts. 46 �6. Formal education plays a vital role in the future of our American Indian people. I am an advocate of the multitrack educational system. Too often we find that educators teach to only one section of the curve, teaching, for example, college preparatory subjects and foolishly forgetting that a far greater percentage of the students have very little, if any, desire to enter college. The other students "root hog or die." Consequently, we have self-appointed experts teaching those few things the educator feels are important, but not necessarily important to the student. We must develop the vocational aspects of Indian education. Also, the law of supply and demand in the work world should be stressed. Do not teach a student to be a computer programmer unless you also teach him that in order to succeed, in this particular field, he will have to leave the reservation. It is pointless and a waste of time and money to teach an Indian professional fundamentals only to have him return to the reservation to lace drums or go on welfare. 7. Education committees are another form of "trickery" the bureaucrats have dreamed up to add to their long lists of charades. The American Indian Education Committees are in no way, shape or form equal to their white counterparts. These committees exist in name only and their only function is as consultants. The Indian is allowed to recommend; but the final choice, in matters of importance, remains in the hands of the white man. 8. The Bureau of Indian Affairs has a rule that Indian employees cannot hold tribal office. Here again the bureaucrats, even if it is unintentional, have developed a system to keep the Indian in his place. The most qualified Indians that we have, by their degree of formal and/or informal training, are employed by the federal government. Consequently, our tribal affairs are being conducted by incompetent, uneducated Indians, not by design but by necessity. Now, this is not to say that we do not have any qualified Indian administrators. But I am positive they are the exceptions rather than the rule. In summary, I would hasten to add that this is only one man's opinion, and the only way I can qualify my philosophy is from my experiences and the fact that I was born and raised on an Indian reservation. If this does not earn the right to an opinion, nothing will. 47 �I can state freely, without reservation (no pun intended), that the American Indian can only better himself by learning to understand the white man's way of life; learn to stand on his own two feet; develop the feeling that if there is someone ahead of him, he is in the wrong place; reach down, grab his boot tops and start pulling; stop standing around waiting for someone to offer him a better life, free of charge and requiring little or no effort on his part; stop feeling that because his ancestors were mistreated the world owes him a living. In other words, if the American Indian is ever to reach goals/levels in comparison to his white counterparts, he must accept the fact that his counterparts have risen to their status by dedication and hard work, not by feeling sorry for themselves and that no one gave it to them. I fully realize that a lot of my people would take issue with a lot of what I have said. And it pains me to have to say these things. Nevertheless, I am convinced that this is the situation as it is today. Cultural Clash in Education: Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle Introduction The Protestant Ethic exemplifies the official policy of the paternalistic federal and state agencies mandated to regulate their Indian wards. These agencies subscribe to the Protestant Ethic and its values of achievement, motivation, and educational, occupational, financial and material success. They attempt to implant these cultural values through secondary institutions, making certain to maintain a social and often physical distance between them and the group they are regulating. This formal separation between the regulators and the regulated often succeeds in generating an insurmountable communication gap. The lack of primary interaction between the two groups denies either group the opportunity to empathize with the other. And the flow of communication in these situations is usually one-way, initiated by the dominant regulating agencies and directed toward the dependent, subordinate group. This is unfortunate, since these regulating agencies seldom receive or solicit needed information and feedback from those they are regulating. Hence, the reservation system shares many of the shortcomings Goffman (1961) associated with total institutions. A small elite group of regulators determine policy according to their beliefs and cultural perspectives, while maintaining rigid physical and social distance between themselves and those being regulated. The irony is that these systems are nourished by their failure. Prisons, mental hospitals and Indian reservations all have as their clients social members who are considered to be deficient in some respect, ac48 �cording to the dominant normative structure. Therefore, they are perceived as needing special training in order to overcome their shortcomings. Yet once they have been subjected to these institutional environments, their chances of recovery or adjustment become all the more remote. This is because there is a vast difference between what these institutions are mandated to do and what they actually accomplish. Ideally, Indian reservations are designed to prepare Indian wards to adapt to the competitive white world. Actually, the opposite occurs. Instead of teaching independence, reservations foster dependency. The more Indians are subjected to the regulatory agencies, the more they become dependent upon them. Goffman (1961) feels that white self-interest plays an important role here. Prisons, mental hospitals and Indian reservations provide high status jobs for many members of the dominant majority society, and each of these types of institutions have, in fact, evolved over the years into multi-million dollar enterprises. Like any other large business enterprise, these regulatory institutions believe in progress, growth and, most importantly, survival. If prisons, mental hospitals and Indian reservations performed their jobs and, in fact, adequately prepared their clients to become selfsufficient members of the larger society, then these institutions would diminish in numbers and size in direct proportion to their effectiveness. But, by making their clients dependent upon them, these institutions guarantee their own existence, and even their own expansion, since they produce their own failures. Whitedominated Indian reservations, then, like mental hospitals and prisons, become custodial and not treatment institutions. Crucial to all these dependent institutions is the stripping process whereby the individual is psychologically stripped of his or her homeworld identity. For American Indians this involves being denied their cultural heritage. For Native Americans, the stripping process involves many structured programs, from beating them or washing out their mouths for speaking their native language, to the more subtle, "progressive" programs such as "follow through," in which the young Indian child is overwhelmed with the Protestant Ethic during those susceptible early years in school (kindergarten through third grade). Nevertheless, all of these programs produce a similar result, that of creating confused, dependent, marginal Indians. These programs fail because once they strip the Indian of his cultural identity, denying him access to his people's ways and hence his own psychological security, the regulating agencies fail to fill this void with a viable substitute. And even if they did adequately prepare the Indian for white middle-class America, there is no guarantee that the dominant society would accept the Indian. Since few are adequately prepared, most are socialized to 49 �live an adolescent existence. Federal paternalism creates adolescent wards who are torn between the arbitrary expectations of adult responsibility and those of childhood dependency. One has only to examine the behavior of reservation Indians to see how effective this program of federal paternalism has been. Certainly, these once proud people did not manifest these traits prior to the reservation system. The nature and extent of white secondary controls have varied over time but nonetheless have had a tremendous impact on the Eastern Band. Secondary controls represent formal institutions mandated to carry out specified functions. Educational, economic, religious, legal and human service institutions are some of the most significant institutions within our larger society. These functions were once performed by the basic primary unit—the family. Urbanization and industrialization have changed this arrangement, replacing the multi-faceted extended family with the small nuclear model. The nuclear family, as a separate unit, could no longer provide for all these needs; therefore, people became dependent on outside, or secondary, agencies for these services. Thus, a basic difference between folk and Western-type societies is the way in which basic community needs are met. Folk societies, such as the early Cherokee model, provide for most of these needs within the context of the extended family situation, while in Western societies separate, secondary institutions have emerged to provide these needs, mainly as a result of the limitations associated with their smaller family units. Social theorists have long associated distinct cultural ethics with these two types of societies, suggesting that the folk societies are comprised mainly of primary and informal social controls, while urban/industrialized, Western-type societies dichotomize primary (family and peer groups) and secondary (education, economic, religion, legal and service institutions) controls. Durkheim (1901) emphasized the significance of the "collective will" or a primary concensus among folk societies. Sumner (1910) called this process "folkways." This clearly describes the aboriginal controls utilized by the early Cherokees. Secondary controls, in contrast, rely on formal organizations, bureaucracies, rules and regulations, all coordinated within a rigid division of labor designed to facilitate a specific institutional philosophy, policy or function. There is little doubt that the educational institution is our most powerful secondary control organization. Compulsory education laws require a minimum of ten years in school, exposing the child to these controls at a very young and susceptible age. In fact, the most crucial formative years are spent in school. Most would agree that education certainly is beneficial to both the student and the society, for a high literacy rate is an asset to any 50 �cultural group. But, one must keep in mind that the educational process involves more than merely learning academic subjects; the school is one of the most powerful socializing agencies in our society, second only to the family. Herein lies the educational dilemma. Often, the socializing factor outweighs the academic function leading to a counterproductive situation. School systems which place strong emphasis on rigid cultural controls usually generate hostile academic environments that produce failure and bitterness instead of intellectual fulfillment. The early mission and federally-run Indian schools were of this type. Education was not an end in itself, but rather was seen as the primary vehicle for resocialization. These types of educational institutions were first started in the late 1700's as a service to the entire Cherokee Nation and continued to develop until Removal. Educational efforts were reestablished among the Qualla Cherokees in the late 1800's with the Quakers' endeavor to civilize and educate the Eastern Cherokees. At this time, the "Friends" entered into a ten-year contractual agreement with both the Cherokees and the federal Indian Agency, establishing the physical institutions and academic models that were absorbed by the federal government after the Quakers' contract was terminated in 1892. This model included both a centralized boarding school and community day schools. The school system limped along in the interim decade until it came officially under total federal control in 1901, a situation which has continued to the present. The joint boarding school and day school system continued into the early 1950's when a new consolidated day school system replaced this older model. Discipline and white enculturation were the methods of the old system. Children were sent to school as early as ages three and four and remained in school until the eighth grade. No high schools were available under the old system, although a few gifted Cherokee students had access to outside high schools and colleges. But, for most students, school was a harrowing experience. Enculturation was pursued with zeal, and children were whipped and had their mouths washed out with soap for speaking Cherokee. Ostensibly, this method was effective, since most elements of the traditional Cherokee culture were extinguished during this period. The bitterness associated with the boarding schools is still felt by many older people. No one knows how this experience may have influenced others such as their children and other close relatives. The day schools were little more than one-room school houses, located in Snowbird, Big Cove, Birdtown, Cherokee and Soco. A woman who taught in one of these community schools for a quarter of a century said it was not uncommon to have a student/teacher ratio of 70 to one. Even with the consolidated 51 �school system in the 1950's, students could still be compelled by court order to attend Indian boarding schools in the west. Students who attended these schools in Oklahoma tell of similar techniques of severe discipline, rigid formality and social and physical distance between students and teachers. They also tell of another interesting situation, that of inter-tribal hostilities. The Bureau of Indian Affairs maintained some of these schools much like reform schools. Indians with behavioral or learning problems were sent to these special boarding schools from a number of reservations, creating a heterogeneous Indian population. As in other total institutions, the ri^'d formality and distance between the staff and students, coupled with the students' separation from their traditional environment, forced them to rely on the student subculture for the fulfillment of primary emotional and psychological needs. This proved to be traumatic for many. Native Americans, like any other diverse group, are comprised of numerous tribal groups, many of which have little in common. This cultural diversity resulted in the emergence of a subcultural stratification system and a network of prescribed interaction patterns. Therefore, each tribal or geographical group formed its own cohesive group with hostilities directed toward certain other groups. Members were expected to date and associate only with their own acceptable group network, with violations usually resulting in intergroup fights. Kupferer (1960) had some interesting comments on the Cherokee boarding schools. She found that those who most resented the schools were conservative Cherokees: The mention of school elicits such reminiscences as: "They put dresses on me to keep me from running away; think maybe I be ashamed to go through Cherokee in a girl's dress, but I did anyway." This speaker is a young man in his early 30's. Another man about 56, recalls that there was a "little stone house they locked the runaway boys in . . . they kept them from speaking Indian, too." Speaking about forbidding Cherokee speech, another said, "They used to make us work, or whip us, if they caught us speaking Indian. I didn't like that at all. Im proud to say that I can read and write in my own language." A woman of 65 agrees with his comments, adding, "Seemed like they wanted us to be white." One final anecdote illustrates how vivid these recollections are for some. "Thompson," / said, "tell me about when you were in school. Thompson is a man over 70. "One feller he hold one arm and another— sticks about that thick—(he used his forefinger to illustrate the size) and whup me." "Why?" I asked. "Runnin1 away; after that I runned away and never come back. They shouldn't have done that to me." (Kupferer, 1960: 186). 52 �Toward A Working Educational Model Many scholars have addressed themselves to the restrictive nature of our middle-class educational system. Thomas and Wahrhaftig (1971) emphasized the futility of our educational system based on the Protestant Ethic when it is applied to cultural out-groups, notably the Ozark whites and Cherokees residing in Oklahoma. These authors felt that American subcultures, especially those that do not subscribe to the dictates of the Protestant Ethic, do not benefit from our education process. The system fails because it no longer adequately absorbs marginal members into the dominant middle-class lifestyle. And while numerous others have written on the effects of multicultural learning situations, one thing becomes quite apparent—our formal educational system serves a role other than merely "educating" per se. Its most crucial mandate is to "socialize," that is to prepare students in such a fashion that they will be able to function within the existing socio-cultural system. This is where the challenge lies for the creation of a working educational model. The challenge is to strengthen and preserve the positive attributes of our country's marginal subcultures using the cultural milieu as a vehicle for preparing these people to cope within multiple-cultural environments. Reinstating their cultural pride without adequately preparing them for the challenges of the dominant culture will be as futile an effort as past efforts have been. These efforts restricted access to their traditional culture while only partially availing them access to the dominant culture. And even among those few who have been successfully "assimilated," many often later come to resent this success and begin searching for their lost heritage. Any viable multi-cultural educational model will place tremendous responsibility on the academic end of this relationship. The most important factor will be overcoming ethnocentrism, or what Max Weber referred to as our "value orientation." Teachers must be sensitive to their students' needs and must be able to empathize with their students. To do this, they must first become aware of the cultural differences existing between the larger dominant society and those of the particular subculture. Burger (1968), in discussing ethnopedagogy, emphasized the role of the teacher as a bicultural agent. This is an important first step. Equally important, the instructional model must be capable of explaining the dominant value system in terms of the subcultural value system. Dreeben (1967) stressed the relationship of learning norms of independence, achievement, universalism and specificity within our educational system. These are all important values within the Protestant Ethic. Again, the challenge is to 53 �translate these values in terms of the particular folk culture in which often the group, and not the individual, may be the primary focus of attention. A third step involves the teachers1 interest in their students. Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968) mentioned this in their work "Pygmalion in the Classroom." They found a direct relationship exists between teacher expectation and student achievement. It is not enough merely to have Indian or Black teachers teaching minority students. Race or sex of the teacher apparently plays a minor role in regards to actual academic productivity. What really counts is having concerned, competent teachers. A group of concerned Cherokees have been actively working on the educational problem existing at the Qualla Boundary. They have been working on this for a number of years now, and progress would probably have been minimal if it had not been for the construction of the new $7.5 million Cherokee high school. While such an elaborate facility in itself will not improve the level of instruction, it is hoped that it will inspire new hope in many students who otherwise would leave school prematurely. Especially important is the new adult education center operating at the school. College-level courses are for the first time being offered on the reservation, making it possible for adults to complete up to two years of college. Again, these programs by no means guarantee success. In order to ensure success, however, concerned Cherokees have offered their own input into the educational situation. First, a Native American student organization was formed. The organization's objectives are: 1. To promote a sense of unity among Cherokee students attending college. 2. To encourage other Cherokees, both adults and high school students, to go on to college. 3. To establish a tutorial and counseling program designed to help the Cherokee student adapt to this new cultural and academic setting. Few faculty and administrators realize that the Cherokee "Harmony Ethic" differs considerably from the larger white "Protestant Ethic." For this tutorial and counseling program to be effective, the faculty tutors and counselors will have to first familiarize themselves with these cultural differences. 4. To establish a Cherokee Studies minor or concentration for Cherokee students. This would be multi-disciplinary and would aid these future leaders in preserving their cultural heritage. 5. To actively promote the Cherokee culture. 6. To gain recognition for the Cherokees' academic accomplishments and to use the organization as a vehicle for 54 �obtaining grants, scholarships, etc., as well as exploring potential job prospects and graduate studies. In addition, the Cherokee Student Organization sponsored a community-wide meeting for Cherokee input into a federal grant awarded to Western Carolina University, a state university located some twenty miles away from the reservation. Their suggestions were as follows: 1. THE DEVELOPMENT OF A SUMMER PREPARATORY P R O G R A M FOR C H E R O K E E HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS AND ADULTS ANTICIPATING FURTHERING THEIR EDUCATION: Here, it was suggested that special programs be devised and implemented to ascertain the particular needs of Cherokee students while still in high school. The special programs should include such topics as uhow to study," "what is expected of the college student," "adjusting to cultural shock," as well as special preparatory courses for those with academic deficiencies. Most felt that these preparatory programs should utilize special classroom environments, ones that draw the student into the curriculum. 2. ACADEMIC YEAR TUTORIAL PROGRAMS FOR ENROLLED REGULAR STUDENTS: It was strongly felt that one of the most important goals of any revised program designed to improve the quality of Cherokee education is the availability of concerned, competent tutors and counselors. At the time of the meeting, many felt that without this service Western Carolina University's high Cherokee attrition rate would just continue. 3. THE DEVELOPMENT OF A SPECIAL ADULT EXTENSION PROGRAM AT CHEROKEE: This has already been established since the organization's initial meeting, but, again, many are concerned with the quality of this program. It seems that, as in the past, limited communication between high administrative officials was involved in the establishment of the Cherokee extension campus. If these same people have failed in past efforts, what makes them so certain that renewed programs will bring about more productive results? Many Cherokees who are receptive to the educational needs of their people, but who are seldom consulted, feel that for the extension program to truly benefit the Cherokees, items (1), (2), (4), (5) and (6) of this proposal must first be seriously considered. 55 �4. ONGOING NATIVE AMERICAN CULTURAL WORKSHOPS: This proposal was felt to be a very important one, especially by those members of the tribe who have had exposure to outside academic institutions such as Western Carolina University. It is felt that Western Carolina University faculty, especially those involved in teaching Cherokee students, should participate in these workshops. These cultural workshops certainly should be compulsory for tutors. This type of exchange is needed because students and faculty often come from different cultural backgrounds, unaware of conflicting values that may impede the learning process (ethnocentrism). 5. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A STUDENT COMPANIONSHIP PROGRAM: Here, members of the Cherokee Student Organization would work on a one-to-one basis with potential college students, helping orient them to their new academic environment. This program is intended to better prepare the potential student psychologically, culturally and academically for his prospective role as a university student. This interchange could lead to orientation credit for the new student and credit toward the "Cherokee minor" for the assisting Cherokee Student Organization member (see item #7). 6. THE UTILIZATION OF A CHEROKEE ADVISORY GROUP: This organization should consist of members from the Cherokee Student Organization, tribal council, the Cherokee Advisory School Board, the Bureau of Indian Affairs and others with the purpose of aiding in any and all Western Carolina University matters relevant to channels of communication between the University and the Qualla Boundary, providing valuable input and feedback concerning Cherokees' educational needs. 7. THE CREATION OF A CHEROKEE MINOR AT WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY: Strong interest was shown toward the development of Native American courses at Western Carolina University, which would not only benefit Indian and non-Indian students alike but would provide for a Cherokee minor for students from the Qualla Boundary. This would provide an additional incentive for many potential college students, while at the same time providing an invaluable service by helping the Cherokees to preserve their cultural heritage. 56 �Conclusions This model represents the initial stages of what concerned Cherokees perceived as a workable, multi-cultural program for their people. Clearly, the model's application extends beyond any particular academic institution and pertains to all Native American groups. The model is unique in that it was developed by Native Americans having a "Cherokee perspective" about contemporary Indian education. Moreover, the model aided Western Carolina University in developing its Indian education programs, some of which are now being offered on the Cherokee reservation (Cherokee campus). Many Cherokees and non-Indians feel that this is a promising beginning. 57 �TRADITION AND CHANGE Traditions Kept by the Snowbird Cherokees of Graham County: Herbert and Yvonne Wachacha* The Snowbird Indians of Graham County have kept their Indian identity out of pride and determination and while doing so have managed to avoid adopting much of the lifestyle of the larger white society. Keeping the Indian culture alive in the Snowbird Community has been very difficult since there is constant interaction with whites not only in the community but also in education and employment. Yet, the Snowbird Indians have largely been able to retain a pure Cherokee bloodline and to preserve their native language. Today, the Indian population in the community numbers about 350. In the Snowbird area, especially in Snowbird Creek, the Cherokee and white land tracts are interspersed in checkerboard fashion, causing tense interethnic relations. But, with all the pressures put upon the Snowbird Indians to adopt the white society's culture, they are very much Indian and are proud of it. The people of the Snowbird Indian community strive to help each other when problems arise. The old people of the community are treated with great respect by the younger Cherokees, for they are considered wiser because of their age. While white society considers old people as helpless social dependents, Cherokee elders are the primary transmitters of tribal traditions and beliefs. Recently, an elderly Indian lady bought a pig but did not have a pen to keep it in. About ten men from the community built a pen for her. While the Indian men worked, their wives prepared a large dinner at the elderly woman's home. When the job was finished, everyone sat down to eat a hearty meal. They joked and laughed and told stories in the Cherokee language. No money was expected for the job they had done. Most of the people feel it is their duty to take care of the older people in the community, for few, if any, are ever sent away to a home for the aged. When funds for a project are needed, Snowbird people have box suppers and bingo games. People bring food, usually in a shoebox, consisting mainly of the traditional foods such as bean bread, ramps, hominy and many more Cherokee foods. These box suppers are sold to the highest bidder. *Editors' Note: Information contained in this section is supported by Dr. Sharlotte Neely's ethnohistorical research, "Ethnicity in a Native American Community," Ph.D. Dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1976. 58 �The Indians in Snowbird have very few personal relations with their neighboring whites, but live in harmony and respect with one another. Unlike the Qualla Boundary, the Snowbird Indians do not depend on whites nor do whites depend on Snowbird Indians to attract tourists to obtain a source of income. Most whites in the area seem to resent the Indian's nature and never fully understand it, thus creating stereotypical images of the Indians. Whites living in the reservation borderline areas are inclined to be the most prejudiced, feeling that the Snowbird Indians are lazy, drunken, dumb and on the government dole. Therefore, many of the Snowbird Indians do not give their friendship lightly, for the white has to prove himself worthy, but when confidence is gained the friendship is a highly rewarding one. The two of us live in a completely Anglo community in the Stecoah section of Graham County. People in this section have very strong feelings about interracial marriages, and I, Yvonne, broke an unwritten law by marrying Herbert, an Indian. On one occasion, help was needed in the building of the Stecoah community's church, and Herbert was asked to aid them. For three weekends, in his spare time, he went to work on the building with the other church members. Not once was he invited to attend or join the church. The community seems to ignore my husband in all social organizations, such as Rescue Squad meetings and other meetings about improving the community. If there is a men's softball league, my husband is never informed; this hurts his pride very much, for he feels unaccepted. Most of the reaction in the community to Indians stems from the fact that not many have had personal friendships with a different race, and they see the stereotyped Indian. My husband feels the coldness of the community towards him, so he returns to Snowbird to find social acceptance and his identity as a person. The Snowbird Indians have had to put on two faces, one for their own people and one for the whites, in order that they might preserve their own culture and identity. The Cherokee language is spoken fluently by most Snowbird residents over the age of 18. In a Cherokee-speaking family the language is used at all times, even in the presence of nonCherokee-speaking whites. Cherokees seem to be very proud to know and speak the language. Most children do not learn much English until they enter grade school. All of the Snowbird Indians, except for a few older people, are bilingual, speaking both the Cherokee and English languages. The Cherokee language is very important to the Snowbird Indians, helping them to maintain their own tradition. Religion plays an important part in the life of a Snowbird Indian, for it is the main social outlet for young and old alike. All of 59 �the community, except for a very few, attend church functions regularly. There are three Indian churches in the Snowbird area; in all three the sermons are preached in the Cherokee language. Once a week, mostly on Tuesday, the Snowbird Indians go to the top of a mountain to pray. Some Sundays the people bring food and serve dinner, and afterward there is singing. Most of the Snowbird Indian people are very conservative in church. The neighboring white churches make it a rule to point out any wrongdoings of the deacons; the Snowbird Indians hardly voice any bad comments against a person. Their attitude toward the death of a person in the community is quite different from that of the white society. For three days, the deceased Snowbird Indian is placed in the church, where people from the community sit up with the deceased's family to comfort them in their sorrow. Singing groups come and sing over the body during this period. Refreshments and food brought by the people are not only served to the immediate family but to all the people of the community. When the funeral is over, everyone returns to his home to rest. One Indian preacher suggested that after attending a funeral for three days, the participant was "contaminated" and should stay home as much as possible to "recover." Once a year, in the summer, a "Trail of Tears Singing" is held outdoors in an open field. The field is cleared off by the men of the community for the singing, mainly because there is not enough space indoors for the number of people attending this function. Singing groups from the surrounding areas and from out of state are invited to sing. The Indian people of Snowbird feel stronger ties with other traditionalist Cherokees, even those of Oklahoma, than with non-traditionalists. The "Trail of Tears Singing" gives the people a chance to socialize with the Indians from Oklahoma. Many Indians from Oklahoma, who are mostly "full bloods," are invited to stay as guests in the homes of Snowbird Cherokees while attending the singing. The singing event is informal with no charge to anyone. Refreshments are sold to help pay travel fare for some of the singing groups. Since the early 1960's, the Snowbird Indian children were forced to attend white-dominated public schools. Most of the children had spoken the Cherokee language and had never used the English language to the extent of competing in school with children whose native language was English. This caused the Indian children to fall behind in their studies. The change was so great that one man stated that the Cherokee children were either forced to abandon their Indian identity or to drop out of school completely. He also suggested that the Indians in Snowbird would do better if they did not have to experience the cultural shock 60 �and assimilation that public schools cause by trying to change the Indian's identity. The Snowbird Indian children of today have learned to adapt to the white society's school, but not to the point of changing their Indian culture. The Indians who attend public school are treated fairly equally by the other children, mostly because the Indians have proven to be superior in sports, and the school is known for its athletic department. Snowbird Indian students are not outspoken; hence, many do not get involved in activities other than sports. Most seem to fear failure. The few that do participate in the various clubs are very highly acclaimed by the school. Very few ever take studies seriously enough to go on to college. Some just do not seem to want to change their culture and lifestyle and to be considered by their people as a usmart-ass whitey." The Snowbird Indians are co-workers with the whites in the various plants and other places of employment in Graham County. A few of the middle-aged people work for a program sponsored by the government designed to help the needy people in the community. Many people of the Snowbird Indian community feel that the government hands out jobs to the Indians living on the Qualla Boundary, but, at Snowbird, we have to live and work just like the white folks. Some feel that the "white Indians" are the ones that get the high paying jobs on the Qualla Boundary, while the full bloods of Snowbird are forgotten. Even with the close working contact with whites, the Indianwhite relations are strained. There is no personal interaction after work hours, and the only reward of the job is the income. In recent years, many new brick homes have been built by the government for the people of Snowbird. The people make payments on the new homes according to their income and the number of children in the family. This advancement in housing has caused the whites to feel some petty jealousy toward the Snowbird Indians, but the Indians could not care less about others' attitudes. The Snowbird Indians are not commercialized. On the Qualla Boundary, an artificial Indian culture is portrayed to lure tourists to the area. The Snowbird Indian, however, has maintained a natural Indian culture without influences to change it. Many of the Snowbird Indian women make authentic Cherokee beadwork and baskets, some of which are sold on the Qualla Boundary. Many of the older men and women, today, practice herbal doctoring and the art of conjuring. The herbal doctors treat sick babies for common ailments. For the adults, the common cold, broken limbs, toothache, sick stomach and many more ailments are treated. Many put religion and conjuring together, believing the Lord endowed certain people with the power to heal the sick 61 �afflicted by evil spirits. Plants and herbs were put here by the Great Spirit to help the sick, but only a few have the knowledge to use them. The Snowbird Indians who are known to be herbal doctors and conjurers speak very little English but write and speak the Cherokee language. The alphabet of the Cherokee was not only used in writing, but was used to record traditional prayers and ritualistic ceremonies. Before they die, medicine men reveal their secrets to a special few. On one occasion, I talked to a Snowbird Indian girl who was having fainting spells in her last months of pregnancy and had gone to an Indian doctor. When I asked her questions about her visit to the Indian doctor, she said she could not tell to whom she went or the procedure that was used to help her. If she did, the cure would not work, and she would become sicker. In my husband's family any problems that arise are thought to be the result of another family's conjuring against them. In one incident before I married my husband, he went to his going-away party before reporting back to the service and wrecked his car returning home from the party. He was not hurt except for a few cuts and bruises, but he could not return to the Marine base. Two days after the wreck, he and his mother came up to where I lived at the time. She was going to see a conjure man on the Qualla Boundary because she felt someone in the Snowbird area wanted her son to wreck. Unaware of how serious she was, I spoke up and told her maybe the alcohol was the cause of the hex. I don't think I made such a good impression on my future mother-in-law. When the young people in the Snowbird area become problems, their parents believe someone is conjuring against them. They will go to the most powerful conjurer and pay him for rolling the beads and chanting against the other family. Some even go as far as Oklahoma to hire the best conjurer. Many ways to fight off evil spirits and hexes are taught to the Indian children at a young age. One way I have been told is to wash your face in a clear, running stream early in the morning, facing the rising sun. This is done in order to protect yourself from enemies. From the viewpoint of the Snowbird Indian, the magic of the Cherokees is not to be taken lightly. All people in Snowbird are serious about their beliefs, and even the whites are afraid to say anything against it. The Cherokees and the Great Depression: Karen French Owl The era of the Depression had varying effects on individuals, depending upon their jobs, economic status and ambitions. The following paragraphs relate the memories of two Cherokee men 62 �who lived through the Great Depression. I will refer to them as Mr. A and Mr. B. Mr. A is a full-blooded Cherokee Indian and lives on the Qualla Boundary. He works for an agency of the federal government and is an ordained Baptist minister. In 1929, Mr. A was 14 years of age and lived with his family in a remote area of the Boundary. Mr. A remembers his family as being self-sufficient. His family grew its own food and made most of its farm tools. Hunting was their favorite recreation which also provided a supply of meat for their table. Life for Mr. A was affected very little by the Depression, in that most of the food and clothing that his family had was made and produced by them. Items needed from a store, which involved a two-day journey, were bought with trade items that were grown or made by the family. Mr. A remembers that some items were not available at times. He did not know the reasons nor did he care about the absence of certain items. To Mr. A, the Depression was only a word. Mr. B was a young man during the Great Depression and was living in Oklahoma when it began. He was working in a bakery and remembers people standing in long lines to buy the necessary family items. Many items were scarce, and they cost more than most families could afford. When the bakery closed during the depths of the Depression, Mr. B returned home to the Qualla Boundary. Upon his return, he found that life was somewhat easier at Cherokee. He remembers that almost everyone had enough to eat. Because most inhabitants of the Boundary were accustomed only to essentials, they did not suffer tremendously during the Depression. Each man has different memories of the Depression era, yet their memories are typical of many Cherokees who lived during that era. Their life-style on the Boundary made their existence during the Great Depression easier than in many other parts of the country. Interviews with Cherokee Traditionalists: Karen French Owl and Richard Crowe R. F. — Cherokee Male L: What are the major differences between our culture today and how it was in the old days? R. F.: Well during the time when I was growing up we were living in the heart of our culture. The only activities we had that we looked forward to was on weekends when we had our tribal pow wows. I remember dancing all night, having a aood time. It's very disturbing to see that this culture has been torn and that our younger people have not had the interest to keep our culture burning 63 �like other tribes and other reservations. However, I think some of the young people now are beginning to organize and to bring back some of the dances, which I think is a start in bringing some of our culture back like they once were. L: Were there problems in those days which no longer exist? R. F.: No, I wouldn't say that there were. I think we didn't recognize the problems like we do today. We had problems with drinking being the cause of some of our Indian people fighting among themselves and hurting one another and even would involve death. But people then would kind of slow down and it would kind of get to them in a way where you wouldn't see the drinking or any of this hostile play being done for quite some time now. But I can see today that the same hostile play will develop, and it doesn't faze our people in this generation at all It's just something that happens every day is the attitude that they're taking. Where back in the early years, I feel people had more respect. If they drank, you did not see them in public as much as you do today. I.: Do you think there are problems today that didn t exist in the old days? R. F.: Well, yes, I would say that my heart really bleeds for the younger generation that has to face the problems that we did not face during my youth. We did not know and did not have any knowledge of any dope like our younger generation is involved with today. I don't know what I would think if we had seen any of this in our younger days. I think this, too, has a lot to do with the respect the younger generation has for their parents. There is a gap between the parents and children today, which wasn't a gap and no problem at all between the parents during our youth. We find that the youth are more aggressive of being on their side of any conversation that may develop, more so than when I was growing up because we had respect for our parents. What our parents said we shut our mouth. We didn't dare make any kind of comment, and we appreciated our parents because I don't know what I'd have been today if I did not take that into consideration. 64 �/.: Well, then, you think the family has changed a lot? R. F.: Oh, it has. It really has. I think, too, that the parents of today's youth that have come up the way I just mentioned where they had respect for their parents tried their level best to bring their children up in that manner. We don't have near the problem with our children because I think we understand what took place and what we want our children to have this day and time as much as a lot of homes we find on the reservation that it tears my heart to know that the children don't have this kind of respect for their parents. I don't think it's to the point that they don't respect their parents; I think the parents just don't want to give in and hear their side of the problems. After awhile, it develops till the children say, "Well, if I can't talk to my parents, who can I talk to?" L: How has housing changed? R. F.: I would say it has changed 100 percent. I remember many times sleeping upstairs in my grandfather's house and it snowina with wind blowing through the cracks and ltd hit you in the face. We would have to dig our way out through snow to cut wood to help our grandfather saw wood with a crosscut saw, and now today they have power saws that can cut ten times as much wood in a few moments as it took us in a whole day. Then, here we have oil heat. When you build a farmhouse, you've got a warm house. The house is insulated. More people are getting good homes. We're just thrilled to death that our people now can truly say that we're coming up from the time of log houses and one or two window houses. We have more light, and our children don't have any excuse now of not having good lights to study for their better money or their education. L: What about entertainment from then to now? R. F.: Well, I still say that we entertained ourselves by finding things to do that we would be involved and always away from the older people. I remember many times that we would build homemade sleds and ao up the mountain where there were some of taese pine ridges. That was a thrill to slide in pine needles and take us some kerosene oil and a rag, and we'd rub the 65 �kerosene on our sled runners till we got the speed we wanted. When we got through sliding we would play tag on trees. That would last all day long. Like I said early, weekends we would look forward to going in different homes and seeing them play. They made their own homemade games. They used homemade baskets they called blackjack. Back then people baked sweetbread out of syrup. That's what they would bring, and I know that they would bet the sweetbread in the games. About midnight, we would all get around and eat the sweetbread together. That was some of the entertainment we had. Today, they have entertainment of movies. I remember first going to the boarding school It was a thrill for me to be counted as a good boy. I didn't have no demerits. I wasn't punished in no way, and for my reward I was chosen to go to the first silent movie that I ever seen in Sylva. It was a thrill Then later years come the sound. Our young generation today have drive-in theatres and all of this now that they can go and play various other games. There's games that we never dreamed of ever seeing that the children have today. But still altogether our Indian children here at Cherokee still lack the recreation program that I would like to see them have that would keep them off the streets and that they would have a place to come and go for their own entertainment rather than on the backsides and up on the mountain roads off drinking and carousing around. I.: What about the tribal government? R. F.: Now, you're asking about something that I really love to get into. I feel that there needs to be a change in our tribal government. By this I mean a change of our administration. We are sitting on a gold mine here, and we don't have the initiative to develop the gold mine we are sitting on. We have followed the same administration year after year until it's at a standstill I'd say that right now the Cherokee Indian government is 15 years behind time. We should be that far ahead. I can see things now that need to be developed. I can easily recommend five, ten, 15 year programs if the tribal government today would only listen and begin to take some of the suggestions some of our people are making. I would say that we have a tribal government, but it can be bettered. Above all, it grieves my heart 66 �to know and to realize that our older people, our great-grandparents that stood as the leaders of our tribe, they believed in the leadership of a high God. Today, at our present council, I'm sorry to say that we may have one on the council who can get in touch with God. The rest of them, they don't respect God. All they think about are having good times and drinking, and these are our leaders. What can they say to our younger generation if our younger generation can point their fingers at our leaders and say, "Who are you to tell me what I shouldn't do whenever you are doing the very same thing here." So, if we're going to be leaders, let's be the leaders that God would have us to be. Let's be the leaders that we can truly say we have the leadership of the Holy Spirit. I don't know what I would do if we had a chief and a vice chief, every time the council went into session, that would go in and say, "People, we are here to carry on and transact our people's business, but before we go on, let me be the one to lead you in the word of prayer." I don't know what I'd do if we had this kind of chief that would do this. This, to me, would be what God wants us to do. This is the only way we're going to get out of the slum that we're in. Until we get men in there that fear the Lord and will do what God will have us do by the leadership of the wonderful Holy Spirit to guide our people. I.: How has the B. I. A. changed? R. F.: Well, the B. I. A., I'll say whenever I first went to school, I remember them being very, very disciplined to the Indian people. When we were put in boarding school, our parents didn't have no control over the children as they do today. Children went to boarding school they were entirely in the hands of the officials of the B. I. A. If you got a whipping, your parents couldn't come down and jump on the teachers or to discipline areas like they do today. A tale can be told on any of our teachers today, and the parents are ready to go jump on the teachers and would hit the teachers if they could get by. I think at the time we realized or knew that we were in the hands of somebody with authority. They even punished us for talking in our own native language. That's why I can't speak the Cherokee language like I would like to. It's simply that it was scared out of me in boarding school I don't know how many times they 67 �I.: R. F.: I.: R. F.: I.: washed my mouth out with a cake of soap for talking Indian language. I've told many people that I'd make today's laundromats sick of the soapsuds that come out of my mouth. All in all, I thought it was good. We learned to have this kind of respect for older people. I think one of the things I'm thankful for is that I learned to drill and do some of the training they get in military training today. I learned how to march; I learned how to drill while I was in boarding school, which I didn't have to do when I was in service. I would say from that point that our schools were equivalent to the public schools today. You had to study. They didn't pass you just because you were too old to be in one class. I think whatever they call it, progressive education, there was no such thing as that. You were promoted by how much you learned, by how much knowledge you had. This was good. Seems like somehow today our education needs to be reviewed, taken inventory of and become a part with the public schools. Now I know that you children have been accounted as a "A" student in Cherokee High, and I have said many times, I wouldn't know or not. I wouldn't know until you stood alongside of a non-Indian, and then if you made the grade over a non-Indian, I would say, yes, you are an "A" student. Do you feel that the B. I. A. has too much control over the Cherokee? No. I don't think they got any control at all I think more and more they're trying to educate our leaders to the point where they would love to see our people take over a lot of responsibility that the B. I. A. has now in self-determination program. It's our leaders that's afraid to grasp this kind of responsibility. I think they're going to have to learn and going to have to be trained what responsibility is. I feel that government is too slack in this respect. I don't think they are emphasizing this too much to our tribal leaders, and giving them that kind of training that they should be giving them for this kind of responsibility. Do you think if they had the leaders to do it that they would let them take over? I think so. Do you feel that those "chiefs" downtown help or hurt the Cherokee image? 68 �R. F.: I don't think it makes that much difference. After all, an Indian with feathers is a chief to white people. Really and truly, I don't think it makes that much difference. How many of our people actually know just how the Cherokees dressed? Did the Cherokees wear feathers? We don't know. This is one phase of our culture that we don't know. I wish we did and begin to dress like our forefathers did, especially on Indian days. I.: Do you think the young people today are better prepared? R. F.: Much better. If they'd only take the advantage. I would love to see them go on to higher education where one day they could step into the leadership slot. It's time that our younger people began to think in this manner, because the older people are already set in their mind and you cannot change it. So you're going to have to develop this kind of change with our younger people that have this kind of ability to go on and get that education, prepare themselves so that can come. It's going to be a struggle; I'm not going to say that it's going to be an easy task for them. I'm not going to say though that people are going to be easily persuaded. I think that the more young people who get this kind of education will learn more of what is needed for our people here and that I hope they can take this initial stand and be our leaders of tomorrow. I.: What was family life like in the old days? R. F.: I think it was closer. Like I said, we knew iuhat respect for our parents meant, and we were tickled to death to be at home with our parents. Many, many people cannot say that they were in a position to be with their parents. The only time we had a chance to be with our parents during the school year was on vacation, and then our parents had to come get us out of school for the occasion. We find that this was a thrill to know that we were coming back home to eat our Indian food that we were so used to. It was a thrill for us. That's something else that has died out. You don't find this Indian food like we did whenever we were young. I.: Did you speak Cherokee in the home? R. F.: Yes. I.: Did you speak both Cherokee and English? 69 �R. F.: No, we tried to forget the English. In fact, a lot of our parents would understand Cherokee better. My father could speak enough English to be understood, but he couldn't raise a conversation in English too well. L: Was the boarding school the only school you went to? R. F.: Yes, except I went for a couple of years to a vocational training school in Asheville. That was in the latter part of 1940 and 1941. Then, from there I volunteered for the service. L: How far did you go in boarding school? R. F.: Tenth grade. L: When you were growing up, how did you court? R. F.: I guess we went more to the girls' homes. We didn't take her out as much as they do today. The parents were stricter on the girls than they are today. I never did court your mama by ourselves. We always had to take her brother or her dad with us to the movies. The only time I got to hold her hand in the movies would be when the lights went out. L: How has religion changed over the years? R. F.: Well, I would say that people really lived closer to the Lord. There was more love shown in the older days than it is in the present day. People did respect and fear the Lord. Very, very few times in my days have I seen the older people drinking on the Lord's Day or in public. If they drink, they never came out in the public. Nowadays, it don't make any difference. They don't even have any respect for the dead; they'll come and drink or come in under the influence when there's a death. They'll even come into the church under the influence. That you did not see in the old days. I would say that our people showed what a Christian really was more so than they do today. I wish it wasn't that way. I wish it could be the same today as it was back in the older days. Back then, the preacher preached hell and damnation. People accepted it, they believed it. Today, the word says that people's hearts will harden and it's this way today. People say that they know Jesus pardoned their sins, they say they are Christians, but I don't know. It's hard to prove sometimes whether they really know what the meaning of Christiani70 �ty is. You can preach to people today, and they look at you like it's a mystery story or something. It's something that you say, do you believe it or not. That's the attitude that people have. I would say that the Christian life today has many, many obstacles, and they're going to face more according to the teaching of God's word. The Bible is being fulfilled more every day. There's just not the complete change in a person today as there was in the older times. Like I say, the main thing lacking in our churches today is the love. It was a thrill for people to visit one another in churches, especially in our union meetings and our associations. Why, people would come all the way from Robbinsville and wouldn't go back until the whole week was over with. They would stay with families. People would invite them. People visited one another more than they do now. Nowadays, you see somebody coming to visit you, the first thing that comes to their mind is what have they come to borrow now? What made him come? They don't realize that maybe he's just coming to visit, to pay his respect. But, we always had an intention of saying something. This is why I say there is bound to be something lacking in our religion from the older religion that our forefathers experienced. Then, everybody had to walk, too. They didn't have modern facilities like we have today. They walked, and maybe this is what kept them closer to the Lord, because their faith was much, much greater than our faith today. I.: Do you think the world is facing major problems with the development of industry? R. F.: I wouldn't say the industry, but the world does play a greater part, because people have a lot more things to face than our forefathers. L: Was religion taught more in the homes then? R. F.: Yes, I would say it was a thrill to see them read in their Indian Testaments under the light of an oil lamp. It was a thrill to gather around a big fire in the fireplace and hear them singing the old time praises to God. I would say that this modern generation is falling away from this. They can't even get our children together to have a family altar. I think that up until we go back and follow the footsteps of our forefathers that showed us the way and develop these 71 �things, we'll not be as close to God as our older people were. But that don't mean that we can't get close to God. I say that it's within ourselves, that we are robbing our own selves of the blessing that God would pour out to us if we would only do what He wants us to do. L: What do you feel are the major overall differences between the old days and today? What do you think are the best and the worst things that have happened? R. F.: Well, I think, as I said, during the education period of people going to boarding school, the people had more opportunity to go on without too much problem into higher education. A lot of our children graduating from high school today are having difficult times because of some of the studies that they have to have to go on to college that a lot of them are dropping out because of this strain. I think this is bad. It makes our people feel that they're failing and it wasn't their fault. I think that our people are once again coming back to our leaders. This is why we're going to have to educate the community from the grass roots of people. If this is what they want, then their voice is going to have to be heard to make this kind of change. I feel that our people have in their social, life better understanding. They are in a position now where they can respect and take advantage of the facilities of better health care. If they've got good health programs that they can utilize, then this will educate them to have a better, healthy life. After all, this is some of the things that our people have been without for years. Now, a lot of our families at one time, worms was counted as one of the worst diseases our children could have, simply because we did not have the health facilities that we have today. We drink water from our springs. We did not know anything about inside bathrooms like we have today in our modern homes. I just think this is a great change from the time of my youth up to the present time. I.: So you think that if the younger generation takes advantage of the opportunities they have that they will be able to change? R. F.: Yes. I know they will 72 �G. 0. — Cherokee Male L: What are the main differences in the culture of today and that of the old days? G. 0.: Well, in my days, it was a different world from today. They are living with a modern world. People are living with the advancing of time and they don't have the old-timey way of living. You didn't have the conveniences of living that you have today. You had to do without a lot of things that are convenient to you today. L: Were there problems in those days which no longer exist? G. 0.: Well, yes. Mainly transportation, because we had to walk everywhere we wanted to go, unless you were fortunate enough to have a mule or a horse. The roads are good now, but they were more or less trails in those days. L: Are there problems today which did not exist in the old days? G. 0.: Why, yes. There's all kinds of problems today. Your children are a big problem today, where they didn't exist in the old days. Back in those days you didn't have drugs, and the alcohol wasn't as plentiful as today and cars, and all those things weren't a detriment to life then as they are today. L: Has the family changed much? G. 0.: Yes, families changed a lot. Some don't raise as big families as they used to, and the children of today aren't as obedient as they were in the old days. They were more interested in doing things at home than in taking off down the road to see what the neighbors were doing. L: Has the housing changed much? G. 0.: Yes, the housing has changed. Why, you could see that. In the old days the houses were made with what they had to make houses with. They didn't have modern machines and tools and modern conveniences you have today to build houses with. It was mostly done with manual labor back in those days. You didn't have factories to put out products like they do today. L: What about entertainment? 73 �G. O.: Entertainment has grown. It's more modern than back in those days. Then we only had our own games and our dances. We walked miles to our Indian dances that we don't have today and our ball games. We had very little ball games like today. Baseball, basketball and football we had, but not like it is today. Our main games were our own Indian games and dances. I.: What about the tribal government? How has it changed? G. 0.: Well, I think the tribal government today, now this is my own opinion, is more of a tradition than it is a government. Back then we had the old Indian council that really governed the people, their ways of doing things, and they settled differences. But today they more or less, seems to me like, they're just carrying on a tradition, but it's more in a modern way than it was back in those days. I.: Then you feel that the tribal government had more say-so back then? G. 0.: Yes, they had all the say-so. I.: What about the Bureau of Indian Affairs? has it hurt or helped the Cherokees? How G. 0.: Now, I could say yes, it's helped, because it's given them opportunities that may have come along anyway, but it gave them the opportunity to come and get their education and training. I.: Do you feel that the B. I. A. is here just to hold the Cherokees down, or do you think they are here to someday let the Cherokees take over their own? G. 0.: I don't know. I know what they're supposed to be here for. They're supposed to be here for guidance or just more or less for the record, not to run their affairs or tell them what to do or how to do it. They're just more or less to be a guidance. Seems to me like they do more than that. I.: Do you feel that the "chiefs" downtown hurt or help the image? G. 0.: Now I don't believe they're hurting. I believe they will give a more understanding for the people who don't know what Indians are like. All they know is what they see on television. By 74 �these Indian "chiefs" out there, I don't think it's a hurting thing, but it is letting the people know more how the Indians do live. That is if they get up and talk to you. I.: Then you feel that they can better prepare the tourists for what the Indians are really like, other than just what they see on television? G. 0.: Yes, because 75 percent of them don't know what an Indian is. They don't pay no attention to an Indian walking down the street if he don't have feathers on him. They don't know the difference. They want to know where the Indians are at, just because they don't have feathers on them. I.: Are our young people being better prepared today? G. 0.: Oh yes, very much so. They are just as well prepared as you'll find them anywhere else, because they've got ability in the different walks of life. You've got them in all walks of life and trades. They do have the same abilities as anyone else has. I think they are, yes. L: Do you think they are better prepared today because they have more opportunities? G. 0.: Oh yes, they have more opportunities, and they're getting more interested now than what they were in those days. They are getting away from that backwardness. They're going to school and learning something, whereas in the old days they were bashful and backward about doing things. L: Do you think they were really bashful or if society said they were bashful? G. 0.: Well, some were really bashful. Of course, now, it could be that some just didn't have the opportunity to mingle with much. L: What was family life like in the old days? What do you remember about your family life? G. 0.: When I was a kid, father was the boss of the house and the children were seen and not heard and even seldom seen. When company came you disappeared, went out to the woodshed, the back room or out in the yard somewhere to play and didn't stand around with the company. If you had company for a meal, the children waited till 75 �the grownups were through before they came to the table to eat L: Did you speak Cherokee in the home? G. 0.: Yes, Cherokee was spoken and English. Both were spoken in some of the homes, in some homes just Cherokee was spoken. L: Where did you go to school? G. 0.: I went to Cherokee and I went to grade school. L: And college? G. 0.: / went to Boston, Massachusetts. It was a radio training. It was a special course, not like going off to school. L: Did your training help you later in life? G. 0.: Yes, that was the trade that I took up after I'd been in the service 30 years. L: How did the service help you in life? Did it make you more open? G. 0.: Well, yes. I got to see different kinds of life the world over. L: How was courting done when you were young? G. O.: Well, I imagine it was the same, but it was more chaperoned than it is today. You didn't get out and run around or get in a car and go somewhere all by yourself. You stayed with the parents and didn't go off fishing somewhere by yourself. L: The parents were always around? G. 0.: Yes. L: Has religion changed much? G. 0.: Well, it was the same as it is today or practically the same. It's more modern now. We had just a little church with maybe a dozen or so in the church where now there are big churches. We just had a little frame building or a log cabin or something that we went to Sunday School and church in. Now there are big buildings. We didn't have electricity or gas heat. L: What do you think are the most outstanding changes between your life then and life today? G. 0.: I'd say education, because education gives broader knowledge and more opportunity. They 76 �are taking it up and getting more advance in different ways of living than in those days. L: Do you think that today's children in the family life are disciplined as much as you were? G. 0.: No, nowhere near it. L: Do you think that in that sense they should go back to the old way? G. 0.: Maybe not entirely, but I believe that's up to the parents. If they wanted to or didn't, that's their business. C. H. — Cherokee Male L: Could you tell me about how many people you encounter during the season? C. H.: Oh, put it this way. I have my picture made about tliree million times a year. L: What is the average age range of these people and where do you think they are from? C. H.: The general age range of the people who take my picture are between 25 and 95 and are from au parts of the world and United States. I'd say that 40 percent of them are from out of the United States, Germany first, England second, and I've had my picture taken with people from every country in the world. L: Did any of them leave a sizeable tip for the privilege of having their picture made? C. H.: Welly I'll put it this way. Germany tips better than any other country in the world. India tips worse than any country in the world. The Soviet Union tips better than India will Germans tip better than any other people, in any part of the world. In fact they tip better than American people. L: I wonder why. C. H.: I don't know. I've been told that salaries are better, higher pay in Germany than they are in America. L: How long is the chief ing season? C. H.: From Good Friday until November 1, seven days a week and about eight to ten to twelve hours a day. 77 �/.: When did chief ing first start at the Qualla Boundary and under what circumstances? C. H.: Carl Standingdeer, the first Indian to ever wear the feathers, called it chiefing. Moses Walkingstick was the second, Ramsey Walkingstick was the third, and Henry Lambert was the fourth, known as Chief Henry. I've been at it for 19 years now. Carl and Moses are both dead. Ramsey's still alive, but he only works one day a week. There are lots of us others. I've got my picture on 43 different postcards, including the 3-D postcards. That's the reason I claim I'm the most photographed Indian in the world. Estimated number of pictures taken of me is 43 million. I.: Over the 19 years? C. H.: Yes. I.: And they were the first ones, the ones you mentioned? Are they all called Chief Henry? C. H.: No. They were all called Chief and then their first name. Chief Standingdeer and Chief Walkingstick used their last names, and their names were Carl Standingdeer and Moses Walkingstick. They were the first to wear the feathers, and they wore the headdress only. However, I was the first to ever wear the full dress costume with tailpiece and headdress and decked out in 10,000 feathers, plus all your beadwork. I.: How many of the members of the tribe participate in this profession? C. H.: When I first started 19 years ago, there were five of us then. The other members of the tribe would make fun of us because Indians didn't wear feathers, Cherokees at least. This past season there were about 400 of us and everybody made fun of everybody who didn't have a feather on. Nineteen years ago they made fun of you for having a feather on. I.: How did you get established? C. H.: Twelve hours a day and $3 a day and long hours and hard work. I.: Was it voluntary? C. H.: No, I was out of work and needed a job. Carl Stanford, when he owned Pioneer Trading Post, I went to work for him, $3 a day, 12 hours a day, posing for pictures and tips. Better known then 78 �L: C. H.: L: C. H.: L: C. H.: L: C. H.: L: C. H.: as . . . Well^ it has changed names nine times since that time, the shop. It's changed owners about six times since Carl had that shop. You stand in front of that shop every year? I stood in front of that shop while Carl had it, and then I worked for Monty Young for three years, then worked for Autry Steward, Western Photos, for three, then I had my own place for two, then I worked for Bruce Pruett, then I worked for Jimmie Morris for five. I guess next year I'll be with whoever pays the most. I'm unemployed. Do the stores play any role in promoting chiefing? When I first went to work, they furnished the costumes, plus a salary. Now I work by the hour's salary and I furnish my own costume. I make my own costumes and work by the hour. Then I work for the store as an attraction for the store. I invite everybody to stop into the store and keep them parked straight in the parking lot. You make your own costume. You don't have to remake it every year do you? If it's an eagle bonnet, you make it over and over again, but if it's a turkey bonnet, after a couple of years, you throw it away and start all over again. How does chiefing benefit the American Indians in general, and the Cherokee Indian in particular? Well, if you know your job, you can benefit yourself, if you don't know your job, you can't. If you know what you're doing, you can make a good living at it, chiefing, you can make so much that you quit working construction jobs at time and a half. But if you don't know your job, the shop is just going in the hole by having you out there. Knowing your job, you mean . . .? Knowing what you do, wearing the feathers, and how to attract people's attention. I can touch any kid, no matter how scared he is of me, as long as the parents keep their mouths shut and give him five minutes with me. I can have him smiling and sitting on my knee. But I can't if they say 79 �you better be good or that Indian's gonna get you. That's just like if a kid gets lost and they send a policeman out to get you, and the policeman's out hunting a kid. That's the wrong thing to tell a kid because when a kid gets lost the policeman's gonna hunt him, and if he sees that policeman he's gonna hide from him. Right? L: Yes. C. H.: You know who's got a belt buckle like that. Merle Travis. Identical. He's got one on just like that on his last show. I loaned that one to him for his last show. I've also loaned Bobby Goldsboro a couple of pieces. I looked at Merle Travis taping that show and I looked at the belt buckle, and I said, "Damn, I believe it cost him . . ." A beaded band with two feathers in my hair would be a full chief costume and on the Tennessee stallion, that's like Tennessee Walker. I'll be a riding him while in the costume, (regarding visit to "Hee-Haw" taping session) I.: C. H.: I.: C. H.: Are you excited? (reply to this was not coherent) Do you enjoy horseback riding? That's the first damn horse I've ever been on in my life. I have two horses, a black Tennessee Walker and a Appaloosa. I never ride them. My daughters ride them. L: Do you feel that many tourists come to Cherokee with false images of the American Indians and Cherokees? C. H.: Yes. Ninety percent of the tourists who come here look for Indians who live in teepees and run around naked and hide between trees, ride horses. Very few people who come to Cherokee expect to find the Indians as they live today, and the only ones who do, have been here before and know what to expect. I think there should be a program set up, not by the Cherokee, probably by the federal government, teaching people overseas, foreign people, of how Indians live today. Not that they live in teepees and ride horses and act like savages. Ninety percent of them that come from Germany think we live in teepees and that we'd scalp 'em if they don't tip you. I believe that's so. L: So, you don't tell them any different. 80 �C. H.: I work with a barrel in front of me with TIPS on the front of it and if any of them don't speak English, I point at the barrel. They know when it comes to reading TIPS. I.: What are some unique and unusual experiences you have encountered? C. H.: Oh, yes. I have at home many scrap books of every state. When I first started out, I'd ask people what state they was from, or what country they was from, and I have letters sent back from every state in the union, every country in the world, and I've started one on every county in the states, and it's gotten to where it's taken up more room than I had room for. I just dropped it. I have every state in the country and every country in the world, including Red China and Russia, before they signed the peace treaty with the U. S. In fact, I was sent a book that looked like the Life magazine of the U. S., but it's the Life of Moscow, and when I first got that book, I had the FBI check that over three times over that book, and I finally give them that book. It showed the parades in Moscow and all that. Men from the embassy out of Washington, D. C., thought I was an agent or something or other. I.: That was unusual. C. H.: But I have all that and I decided what the heck, why keep records. I keep daily records of the weather, how much I make, temperature and whether it's raining or snowing, and I keep that and have since the day I start until the day I quit, and I have that for seven years. But I quit keeping. People say, 'Til send you a picture," and at first I recognized that as their tip. But when I got a picture from every country in the world and every county in the district, I think a little tip in the barrel would be better. I just come out plain and say this, which I didn't want to start with. A lot of people feel offended if you don't tell them. I've had a lot of them ask where the barrel is or where I put my tips. After I got everything I wanted from overseas, I set this big barrel out there, and I figured anybody could see. But I had to ask even after I put the barrel out there. You hate to charge for your services, but you hate to do it for nothing. L: So, you have lots of pictures. 81 �C. H.: I have seven scrapbooks at home that cover every state in the union and every country in the world. I had my picture made with a lot of famous stars and different people. In fact, the last three months I've posed with Johnny Cash, Tammy Wynette, George Jones, Loretta Lynn, the Hee-Haw bunch. I've posed with all the top Nashville stars within the last five months, which was good 'cause they bring in good money. I worked with Tammy Wynette before she ever became a star, and I think she worked with me because she figured she owed me a favor or something. I.: I guess a big experience would just be meeting a(l those people. You're bound to learn a lot. C. H.: I put it this way. I enjoy my work as chiefing more than any other job. I worked construction in the wintertime, underground construction, worked in California, Chicago, Canada, Washington, D. C. and Chattanooga for the past two years. But I'd rather see one happy kid's face than H happy superintendents' faces. And all kids, reaardless of where they're from, no matter if they're rich, poor, middle class, they all know what an Indian looks like, and if you can make him smile, it's worth a week's pay on construction. There's been many days when I haven't made anything, but I've made a few kids happy because they seen an Indian in costume and had their picture made with them. I made something, but as far as money or salary, there was nothing. I'd rather do it and make a few kids happy than do it for the money. I know that even working in the spring and fall, we have some local counties who bring the Head Start kids in, and they have never seen an Indian in costume. They ask all kinds of silly questions, and when you see this, you know that kids in Germany have really no idea of a real Indian. You have to like to do it. You can't get drunk and do any job, and you can't get drunk and be a chief. You have to enjoy your work and do it right. I don't know, if you see one happy kid, you can look over what you should have made and what you didn't make. Do you understand what I mean? I.: So, it's rewarding. C. H.: That's what I've always said. If I see a kid who's screaming his head off 'cause he's afraid of an In82 �dian, and if the parents keep their mouth shut and give me five minutes with the kid, I'll have him sitting on my knee and laughing and talking. I've told a few of them that I wasn't an Indian, that I was a bear and the Indian was further on up the road. When I first started, Ramsey Walkings tick started 23 years ago, and he had two years on me, and he worked across the road from me. Everything he done I did and done it better than he did. If he posed for a picture, I posed for a picture, and Id either kiss the kid, shake hands with the men, and kiss the ladies. Then I got where I set them on my knee, and then he got to copying me, and then I got to where I opened me door for people. Whether they took my picture or not, I'd open the car door for them and ask them inside. He wasn't doing that, and I got a jump on him. Then, we worked together. When I went to work at the same place, he was getting $6 a day and I was getting $3, and when I quit, I was getting $9 and he was still gettina $6. Then I went to work by the hour at $1 an hour, then $1.25 an hour, $1.50 an hour, $1.75 an hour, and this past year I got $2 an hour and this was straight time, no time and a half. A man can still make a good living just working by the hour 'cause you can put in 24 hours a day if you want. I put in 18 hours a day this past summer. I.: If you are chief, no one comes in and takes your place. Or is it up to you? C. H.: That's an agreement I have with the shop, up to the shop and the Indian, and as long as he's good enough where he produces what the shop wants, there'll be no other Indian come in. But I always make it a point and people know me, Ed knows me, any shop owner agrees that wherever I work, they don't need another Indian, and I make it a point that there will be no other Indian as long as I fulfill my job. The more Indians you got, the less money you will make. You make the same salary, but less in tips. Because if there's some foreign people from Europe around, they want all the Indians in the same picture. So, it's all the Indians posing for one quarter or one dollar or whatever the tip is. But if there's only one Indian out there, that's one quarter or one dollar for one Indian. No matter if there's a dozen down the street, he works this one spot. 83 �/.: So, you make that clear? C. H.: Yeah, I make that clear from the start in the spring, that I'm the Indian of the year until you fire me. If you fire me, you can hire all the Indians you want. If you don't fire me, Ml be with you until the end of the year and I'll fulfill my contract, which isn't a written contract, just verbal agreement. I don't believe in a signed contract because if a man got sick then he'd have to furnish an Indian io fulfill for him. And where in the hell can you find an Indian to fulfill for you. I believe in having a verbal contract and agreement and knowing what's expected of you and them, and ain't nobody who will hold you to a contract if you're sick and can't come to work. They know you're losing too if you don't show up. When I first started, I rented my house, didn't have nothing, worked construction for Dillard Construction Company in Sylva. I still don't have any money, but I own my own home and 23 acres of land, my wife owns a '73 Oldsmobile car, and I own a GMC pickup truck and my kids are in public school All the furniture in the house is paid for. I just got through paying the federal government $1,740, but I still don't have any money. I'd have $1,740 if they hadn't hit me in August. I.: I guess that was an unusual experience. M. T. — Cherokee Female I.: What do you find is different you were growing up? today and when M. T.: A lot of difference, children for one. We were made to mind. We didn't stand back and sass our parents. There is a lot of difference. I.: Did you grow up right around here? M. T.: Yeah, right up around yonder. Me, Johnson, David, Becky and Emmett grew up yonder. L: Are the churches the same as they were? M. T.: No, they're not. All the Indians used to go to church all the time. They all went. In my generation there are a lot of them don't go to church. Since I've been sick, I don't go to church too much. 84 �M. M. M. M. M. /.: Were most of the churches around here Baptist churches? T.: Most of them, mightly (sic) few Methodist churches, and that's the only two kind of churches there was. L: Did any of your ancestors have any other kind of belief than the Christian belief? T.: No. L: They didn't have no Indian belief? T.: Yeah, they had Indian belief. They worshipped the ancestors and on ahead. L: Do you know anything about what they used to worship? T.: Well, they just talked to God just like the rest of us. They spoke in their own language. That way they had their own belief. Jesus was their savior. That's as far as I know about back yonder away 'cause I'm not too old. I know mightly (sic) little about it. They used to come around and talk in the old language. Nowadays, I can't get no one to preach in the Cherokee language. If you want to hear any preaching, it's always a white man a preaching. L: Why do you say that? Do you understand more in the Cherokee language than in English? T.: Yeah. L: When they speak of Christ or Jesus, do they refer to the same man as the English do? M. T.: Yes. L: How much education have you had? M. T.: I ain't had too much but fifth grade. L: Did your parents make you go to school? M. T.: Yeah, they made me go to school, but I didn't learn nothing. L: How far did school go then? M. T.: Ninth grade. L: Where did you have to go if you wanted to go to school after that? M. T.: Caryle or Haskeli You went from the ninth grade to the twelfth grade. And then later on 85 �I.: M. T.: I.: M. T.: I.: M. T.: I.: M. T.: I.: M. T.: I.: M. T.: I.: M. T.: I.: M. T.: I.: M. T.: they went to the eleventh grade. Davy went to the eleventh grade. He pretends like he can't understand Indian too much, and that's all we was brought up with was the Indian language. Well, of course, I make a lot of mistakes in my Indian language when I start talking. How much education did your mom and dad have ? Well, I think Mama went to the third grade and Daddy went to the second. Did they go to school here? Yeah, they went down there. There was a boarding school down there. How long has that boarding school been down there? The boarding school was there when I went to school, and it was there when they went to school It was just a small house, because there weren't too many who went to school Most of the Indians were wild and they wouldn't go to school They just wanted to stay in the woods? Yeah, they just wanted to stay away from the lawman. They'd go in the front door and out the back. Why didn't they like school then? I don't know. They just wanted to stay around home, I reckon. They wanted to be around their parents. They didn't know what school was and what it was to be away from them. Was the school run by the B. I. A.? Yes. Was it that the atmosphere was too different? Yes. There was a lot of difference in it. Did they ask you not to talk your language when you went to school? Yes. We got punished if we talked Cherokee. Did they ever tell you why they wanted you to talk English? No, they never did, but they said we could get around better in the world if we talked English. 86 �L: M. T.: L: M. T.: L: M. T.: L: M. T.: L: M. T.: L: M. T.: L: M. T.: L: M. T.: L: M. T.: / learned pretty fast. I learned pretty good. Me and Mama got into it one day. I was having trouble in school I could have gone back if I'd wanted to, but I didn't go back. Did kids get married early in life? Yes, some of them got married when they were 13 years old. Was this what most of the people did? That's what most of the people did. All the Indians did. You see, they didn't have papers to show they were married. They just went out and got a girl and came home and lived with her just like man and wife. Did the man usually go live with the woman? The woman had to go live with the man. So, you say the man just went out and got the woman. Was there any ceremony? No, no ceremony or nothing. He just picked her up and took her home with him. What kind of work did most of the men do? When I was young, most of the men didn't do too much of anything. They liked to hunt more than anything. Was the hunting good through here? Well, I reckon. My Daddy used to bring in wild turkey and stuff like that. He never did kill no bear that I know of and no deer. T^as there any kind of industry in this area? I know there was logging industry. But was there any other kind of industry? Well, the only industry I know of was the men used to sell logs and make cross-ties and make boards for house roofings. Daddy done a lot of that. He made boards for people to roof their houses with. Shingles? Yes. I wouldn't mind having a shingled house. They last longer. Did the Indians then have much of a drinking problem? Yeah. 87 �/.: Did you find the problem with your parents? M. T.: My Daddy did, but my Mama never did. L: Where did they get their alcohol? M. T.: I never did know where Daddy got his. If he got mad at Mama, he 'd take off and find him a pint or two. L: Was it still liquor or store bought? M. T.: Yes, it was still liquor. Wild whiskey they call it. That's all there was around here in them days. L: There was a lady last week telling me that at one time the government had a still around here. Some of the Indians worked on it. Did you ever hear of the government or the B. I. A. having a still around here? M. T.: No, well, I heard about it, but it was out in Kentucky and like that where it come from. L: Have tourists always been coming into this area? M. T.: No, never been bothered with tourists until I was raising my own children. That's the most white people I seen, and then they made the roads going across the mountains and the fancy cars. See back yonder there wasn't nothing but rough road. L: How long did it take you to drive to Bryson City and back? M. T.: If you left early in the morning, you wouldn't get back until after dark. L: Since you can remember, has the B. I. A. always been here? M. T.: No, the B. L A. didn't come in until not too long ago. L: Who had the school at that time? M. T.: The government put up the school for them, but the Boy's Club run the school. The government was the one furnished the school for the Indians to go to school to learn to talk English and get along with white people. L: Do you think that it has been a help for the Indians to learn English? 88 �M. T.: Well, in a way, sometimes I think it has been a lot of help and then again I think to myself, if I just spoke plain old Indian language all the time, I wouldn't understand what a white person said about me and what the Indians say about them. L: Do you think a young Indian man today could get along better with his friends if he spoke English and Indian both? M. T.: Well, in a way he could. L: Since you speak English and Cherokee, do you think you can explain things in one or the other better? M. T.: Well, I can do both pretty well. L: The reason I asked is that some people say Cherokee has some quality that you can be more explanatory in it. M. T.: Well, I can do both pretty well myself, but in a way . . . L: Then you don't particularly see this quality between them? M. T.: No. You can get with a white man and he'll fuss from here to Bryson City. L: Do you think the white man took our language away from us ? M. T.: Yes, they did, and they killed them along the way. L: Do you think the Cherokees could have prevented this? M. T.: No, you couldn't resist because when they told you to go, you had to go because they wanted your land because on account of gold and silver. That's all they wanted, gold and silver. L: But don't you think the Indians could have joined together? M. T.: After so many were gone, our ancestors that hid in the mountains, they fought back after they hid in the mountains. The white people couldn t go into the mountains and get them because they knew how to hide their families. People didn't talk. L: What do you think of the Indian money that you're supposed to be getting? 89 �M. T.: In a way I think they owe it to us. L: Why do you say they owe it to us? M. T.: Because they took our money. L: It's like building a dam. If we needed electricity in Cherokee but in order to get that, we have to build a dam, do you think it would be wise for us to go up where we're going to build a dam and tell all those people we want to pay you for your land and for what you have on your land? M. T.: As long as they give them a place to live. L: If there is one individual up there who doesn't want to leave, do you think we should go up there and evict him? M. T.: Yes, that's what a lot of people done when they built that dam down at Fontana. Some refused to give up their land. Then there was nothing they could do about it. L: Do you think people should move aside for progress? M. T.: I think they should. L: Do you think the Indians should move aside if the white man wants their land? Do you think it was right for them to take the land? M. T.: Well, in a way. Like right now, they're going to build a highway riaht through here and evict me off of my place. Id have to move out and give them the rightaway. I'd either move further up the mountain or down to the river. L: Do you know anything about your ancestors that went to Oklahoma? M. T.: Well, I got kinfolks in Oklahoma, my great grandfather. My grandfather, it was his father who hid out up on the mountain. That's where we come from. I.: Your dad, was he a medicine man? I've heard some people say he could do some medicine. M. T.: Yes. L: Did he ever try to teach anybody? M. T.: Well, he tried to teach me, but I wouldn't learn because I didn't believe in it. You can't do it, you can't learn it. 90 �/.: Did someone have to teach him this? M. T.: He had to learn it from someone else, his daddy or maybe someone else. L: How did they handle the spell? M. T.: They handed it down from generation to generation. I.: Did they pick certain ones? M. T.: Well, they picked out the ones that didn't talk too much. L: So, would you call it witchcraft? M. T.: Yes. L: I heard some people say that long time ago there used to be a guild called conjuring witchcraft. Have you ever heard of this? M. T.: No, I haven't heard of it. L: Did you say he's also given some medicine? Did he mix medicine and conjuring witchcraft together? M. T.: Yes, he'd talk to them before he'd administer medicine. He'd have to talk to it before it'd be any good. Only the right kind of people could enter his room. L: So, only certain people were allowed to be around? M. T.: Yes, only the older generation. L: You were talking about some of the people from the South Pacific Islands. When a young woman first starts the time of her life, this was the point where they were considered young women. Was this the same belief among the Cherokee at that time? M. T.: Well, as soon as a girl started her period. L: Did they have to wear anything such as a necklace? Was there any way that a young man was supposed to know? M. T.: Yes, they had to wear different kind of clothes after they reached womanhood. L: What kind of clothes did they have to wear? M. T.: They had to wear skirts all the time, or dresses, or whatever. The Indians didn't start wearing 91 �those clothes until my mother was a young child. That's when cloth come into North Carolina. L: When was this? M. T.: About early 1800's. L: If you could go anywhere in the world, where would you go? M. T.: I wouldn't care about going anywheres now. When I was growing up, I used to want to go to Oklahoma,. L: Why was that? M. T.: I wanted to go see some of my ancestors there. L: While you were growing up, did you do any traveling? M. T.: No, the only traveling I done was after I was widowed from my first husband. L: How far away from Cherokee have you ever been? M. T.: I've been to Alabama. That's as far as I've ever been. L: You've never been outside of the United States? M. T.: No. L: What did you think of man walking on the moon? M. T.: I don't believe it. L: You don't think that they did this? M. T.: In a way I don't. L: Do you think that the government just made it up and put it on television? M. T.: I believe that's what they might have been the weather changes not like the weather growing up. I.: How has it changed? it is. Then again I think to the moon on account of so much. The weather is used to be when I was M. T.: Well, you see, we don't have winters like we used to. L: We don't have severe cold and a lot of snow like we used to. 92 �M. T.: We don't have severe cold like we used to . . . and in the months of November and December. Our worst months were in November, December and January. Towards February it starts getting warmer and warmer all the time. Nowadays, March is the one that gets cold. In the late part of February, it didn't snow, it used to. And they get snow way up here a lot of times when we was growing up. Nowadays, they don't get that. L: Some people say if God wanted us to be on the moon he would have put us there. Do you think that man's going to the moon is denying God's work? M. T.: I believe so. I think that they're doing what they want to do. They don't go by the rule of God anymore. L: Or by the Bible? M. T.: And by the Bible. L: Have the Cherokees always had a Bible, say, a copy of the King James version? M. T.: Yes. L: Written in Cherokee? M. T.: Yes. L: Do you find slight differences in translation between the Cherokee Bible and one written in English? M. T.: Yes. They're differences in the Indian history and the English history. L: Do you know an example? M. T.: Well Indian preachers use the Indian words when he's preaching backwards. L: Backwards? M. T.: I don't know what it's all about, but you know maybe that's the way. L: Do you remember the first car you ever saw in your life? M. T.: The first car I ever saw was long ago. L: They pumped the gas? M. T.: Yes, they weren't big, but they was high. L: When was this? 93 �M. T.: Model T, first car I even seen. L: Did it scare you? M. T.: No, what scared me the most was an airplane. L: Airplane? M. T.: Yes. I was a pretty good-sized little girl then when I first saw an airplane. In 1918. L: 1918? Was it one of those big double-winged ones? M. T.: Yes. It was flying low. L: Did you run? M. T.: No, I froze. L: What came to your mind? M. T.: I couldn't make out what it was until Mama told us what it was. I'd never seen one like it, and I didn't know. L: So, that was your first experience with an airplane ? M. T.: Yes, and then the next thing that I knowed of was that thing that I'd be in cars but never did it scare me pretty bad. The plane was the one that scared me. It's been a long time since we seen the first airplane before the second one went by over the hill there; they seen one coming over that way, and boy, they headed for the house just a sailing. L: They were getting out of there? M. T.: Yes, they was getting out of there. It was flying higher than the other one did. You couldn't see the man's hands when he waved. L: And the next thing was the train? M. T.: Yes, the next thing was the train. I haven't seen it in so long from the roads down there. L: Did you used to see the smoke? M. T.: I seen the smoke, and I seen it coming around the curve and then to up yonder. It was going up to the gorge. When Mama was taking me to the store one day, we were walking along the road. I went with her, and Mama says, "The train's coming, " and I could hear the rails making the noise. We kept walking on down the middle of the 94 �I.: M. T.: I.: M. T.: L: M. T.: L: M. T.: L: M. T.: track. I seen it coming around the curve there, and I just fell over. You fell over? I just fell over. I wasn't uncomfortable; I just fell over. I was fixing to get up, but it seemed like I was paralyzed. Mama had to drag me off the railroad tracks, and when I got up from the ground, I took off right through the cornfields. Why did it scare you? I don't know. It was just making so much noise, I guess. Scared me. After a little later on, after we got a little bigger when we were coming back, we saw where that thing had gone back, and there was an old man lying there on the side. And it ran over him? Ran over that poor little man. Did the train stop? No. Just kept on going? Just kept on going. L: Did anybody ever do anything about it? M. T.: Well, they said it was an accident. They thought the old man was deaf and just couldn't hear and must have been walking down the tracks. L: That was right down here at the curve? M. T.: Yes. Right in there's where that poor old man died. Remember Mama was coming and said, "Look at that man laying there, he's dead." She said, "He's an Indian though." I asked Mama what she'd do. Well, she said she'd have to tell somebody. You could see the train had hit him. He was lying right in the middle of the railroad tracks there. L: Didn't you have a sheriff? M. T.: Yes, there was a U. S. Marshal then. L: Did they do anything about it? M. T.: Yes, they, I think, asked them about it, and they got a little money out of it. L: Oh, so the train did pay insurance then? 95 �M. T.: Yes. L: How did they bury people a long time ago? M. T.: As far as I can remember they put them in a box and then buried them. My mama and them buried them in a casket, but years back, when my ancestors were up yonder, when anybody died, they just set them out against a tree and piled rocks on them. L: Didn't they have a setting up or anything? M. T.: No, they just set them up yonder. L: The animals couldn't get to them? M. T.: Yes. L: They did? M. T.: Yes. L: When did they start having them sitting ups? M. T.: Well, later on, when I was little. Mama used to take me to sitting ups. L: Isn't that referred to as a wake? M. T.: Yes. L: This sort of came along with Christian beliefs then? M. T.: Yes, that's what it did. L: After they started putting them in boxes, did they dress them up or what? M. T.: Yes, they dressed them up. L: Did they just have one particular person that did this? M. T.: Well, they had about six in Cherokee Community. They went places, like they had to go and help serve dinner to and stuff like this and so on. L: Did they put perfume on them? M. T.: They give them a bath after they was dead, and then they put clothes on them. L: But they didn't put oils or perfume on them? M. T.: Yes. L: Did they go through the embalming techniques? M. T.: No, not that I know of. 96 �/.: They didn't take any tests? M. T.: No, they didn't know until later on that there was any. L: What did the white people do then? M. T.: Well, the white people kept to theirselves. And then a lot of them made friends with the Indians. The Indians used to go and work for them. L: Farmers? M. T.: Yes, the white people were all farmers. L: When the park came in, how did they do their thing? Did they just come in and tell people? M. T.: Well, they paid people for the land. I don't think they gave them too much money for land at that time though. L: Did you have a hospital up there? M. T.: They used to have a doctor who came up to the house. L: He went to the homes? M. T.: Yes, and they had a place they called a hospital It held about 25 patients, I think. If he didn't go the house, they took them to the hospital He did that when he retired. L: Around 1919 or 1920, was there some kind of epidemic? M. T.: Yes, old fashioned measles. I had a sister die of it. L: Did they have smallpox? M. T.: There was smallpox way back yonder before I can remember. L: Were any of the Indian doctors ever able to . . . M. T.: No, there wasn't nothing they could do. L: They couldn't doctor them? M. T.: No. L: Around 1919 or 1920, there was something else, wasn't there? M. T.: Flu thing. L: It was a certain kind of flu. Do you remember what kind it was? 97 �M. T.: No, I don't. I.: Did it bother mostly kids? M. T.: Yes. I.: Just another white man's disease? M. T.: Yes, another white man's disease. I.: Did they quarantine? M. T.: Yes, they quarantined themselves. I.: Did they do this on their own? Did someone come and make them? M. T.: No. I.: So, this is something the Indians already knew themselves? M. T.: Yes. E. D. — Cherokee Female I.: What are some differences between your childhood and how it is today? E. D.: There are a lot of changes because nowadays it seems like the children have their own way. I.: Who do you feel had the most influence on your childhood, your father or your mother? E. D.: I think my father did. I thought a lot of my father. More, I guess because he raised me more. Seemed like he was a mother and a father to me. When my father was there we didn't do things that weren't right because we always obeyed what he said, but then I don't think too much about my mother because I can't remember. My daddy was the only one there and I was with my daddy so much that I guess everything I learned was outside ways just watchina him build and trying to help him, because there wasn't any boys or anyone to help him. They were all married and gone just me and Mandy there. I had to do more of the outside work, trying to help him, cutting wood and all that and I wasn't around my mother. Most schools today, you can't teach them hardly anything. I mean, they have to be taught first before they can learn anything. In that time, though, everything I learned was by watching older people, even my grandmother when she'd come. Even cooking. My mother didn't teach me how to cook. She didn t say you 98 �cook this this-a-way or cook things like this way. I learned it the hard way because I was very small when Mama left. I just had to learn all by myself. I guess maybe that's why I think more of my daddy. I always thought he was more like a mother too and I was always with my daddy. Mama would be gone for a month, maybe two or three weeks, maybe till one of us got sick. L: Do you feel closer to his people than you do to your mother's people, or is it about the same? E. D.: I don't know because my mother didn't have any people, she just had one sister. My daddy had more people than what my mother had. Grandpa's people, I don't know who they are. In one way his brother, Ned, seemed like a daddy to me too. Anything that's wrong, he was always there. Just like as if he was our own daddy. And same way with my aunt, and my daddy's mother, she was always there too. I guess she took the place of my mother when Mother was gone. L: It's different today, because you all back then showed more respect for the older people, is that true ? E. D.: Well, today there's people, they don't claim one another like they used to. You know it go way back to the third or fourth generation; they thought maybe they were so close kin to one another. And today, now, it's different, even their own first cousins you see them going out together. Then, they always told us who our people were. Today, they don't claim one another Like that. They don't seem to care none. Even their own brothers and sisters don't care none about it. Just like I say it's not like it used to be. We don't love one another like we used to. I can remember a lot of things that happened when I was a kid. Our people went about going to people when someone was sick try to help them. Now if you're a sick person, no one will come to help you or come to see them or like that. Back in those days I can remember people come even when my daddy was living. After my daddy died, well people quit coming then. People from Wolftown, Birdtown and all the way out and down to Robbinsville. People would come and see my daddy. They would sit on the porch and talk and talk, in their younger days. Now people don't come like that anymore. 99 �/.: When did you first become aware of Christian beliefs? Was this introduced to you by your mother and father? Can you remember how far back it was when they told you this was the way rather than the old ways when the Cherokees just believed in a supreme being before the missionaries? E. D.: I guess when I was about fourteen or fifteen years old. They never did tell me until after this old man went around preaching. That's when I learned about being a Christian and all that. I don't remember when I was small; I don't remember Mama telling me about what was gonna take place later on and all that till after the preacher came around preaching to people. I don't remember way back when I was a little kid about being taught what I should do and how to live. L: Do you feel that the Christian religion is different today from when you were younger? That is, as far as the respect the Indians have for the Christian religion. E. D.: I think so. There's a lot of difference because way back, older people always thought more of going to church and all that, had more respect. But today, now they've got so much of these laws they go by, and in that time they didn't. They didn't have all that as far as I remember, like today you go to church they have certain rules that people are supposed to do, and they made another rule and they're supposed to go by that. I.: So you feel the Christian religion was stronger back then than it is today? E. D.: Yes. L: Tell why you would take the herbal medicine now and why you would take it back then; how is it different? E. D.: I guess the medicine you make today, seems like it, I don't know maybe back in that time we used our own more, like I've had children, I raised all my children and I never had them in the hospital, even if they had a cold or flu or something like that. I never did take them to the hospital I've got my own medicine for them, good for a fever or something like that. And then we had the Indian doctor. Today they're 100 �always taking their babies to the hospital. Seems like they don't even have no use for the Indian medicine. L: You do agree that you have to believe in it, though? E. D.: You have to believe in it. Just like you can believe the Lord's going to do something for it; it's the same thing. And then you'd hate so much ugliness and sickness then you use the Indian medicine. Well, back in the old days you have to use it, take medicine, like if somebody brought you medicine, you take it for about three or four days, and then about three days they bring you some more medicine and you take that for three, four days, and in a few days they come again they bring you more for four days, and you take all that. And after taking the second medicine they bring you, you can feel the difference. But you've got to believe in it. L: Do you feel that back then they felt that if you used the herbs and went to a white doctor that it wouldn't work? E. D.: They said you could just use one thing, because it wouldn't work because you believed another doctor. L: Do you feel that the herb medicines that the Indians used helped the people more than the medicines they get from the public health hospital? Do you think the people are healthier when they used the old way of doctoring? E. D.: I think so, because people didn't have all the sickness like they do today. L: Did you go to the boarding school that they had? E. D.: Yes. L: Tell me some of what you remember about the boarding school. What's the most outstanding memory you have about going to boarding school? E. D.: I don't know, because I didn't go to boarding school long enough to learn a lot. I know there was a lot of change in it from that time when I went. Just like I say now, I wish when I was in school it had been like it is today. Today, children have more things to be interested in, but they still don't like to go to school. When I 101 �went to school there was nothing like that because we had to stay in boarding school, and stay there and don't know what was going on or what took place, except the older children. The smaller children, we never knew what was going on. All we 'd do was just go to school and go back to the auditorium and stay there and play around there. And then on the weekends we d go to Sunday School on Sunday morning and that was all. L: How far did you go in school? E. D.: I guess, I don't know if I finished half of the third grade or what. L: You didn't go back at all after that? E. D.: No. L: Do you think that by going to school to the third grade that it helped you at all? E. D.: Well, I think so. But then, after I quit school, after learning more. L: Back then they didn't stress going to school as much as they do today? E. D.: No. L: Do you think that education today is a necessity in life? E. D.: I think so, because now you can't get a job without an education. Back in those days, maybe people learned how to work more than what they did today. A lot of times they have to be trained, but in the older days they knew how to work; they didn't have to be trained. L: So you think society today is making it important to have an education; whereas, back then, if you had a skill, or even if you didn't have a skill, you could survive without an education. E. D.: Yes. L: How about the Christian religion today. Why do you feel this is necessary for the Cherokee people? E. D.: Well, the way I think most people are is not believing and getting out and doing things, because it is almost time for the end of the world to come, and people are not living like they ought to, and then they're believing like 102 �I.: E. D.: I.: E. D.: the white people are doing, taking more interest in the things of the world. They learn bad things, mostly the white people in everything they do, getting out and doing things they re not supposed to do. It all comes from the white. I know it's not from the Indians, because everything they do is from the white, and then they learn that, and they turn themselves over; then they forget about their religion, and then it's hard for them to go back and become as a Christian, and they just fall away. Do you feel that when the Cherokees were influenced by the white people, other than helping them, it hurt them? Yes. Just tell me how you feel about that, why and how that happened. Well, lots of times some of our younger Christian people are always doing something; like today our younger boys have found out that they can take this weed and smoke it and get drunklike on it, and the Indians could not do that, and now they say that this weed that they smoke now has been growing in these mountains all the time, and that this weed was what they used for something, I forgot what they said they used it for, and said that's the same thing that they smoke today. And most of our young boys take to it, and it just ruins their lives, and even some boys get killed and fight and drink and all that. 103 �CONTEMPORARY SOCIAL ISSUES Do Cherokees Receive Death for Public Drunkenness?: Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle Three young adult Cherokee males were found hanged in their cells at the Jackson County (North Carolina) jail within a 21-month period from early 1974 through 1975. No non-Indians have suffered a similar fate during recent times. Needless to say, many members of the Eastern Band are concerned about Indian treatment at the hands of the all-white, county sheriffs department. The fear of ured neck" justice has prevailed since Removal (1838) when whites forced the Cherokees off their traditional land. Since then, animosities have existed between those few Cherokees remaining and their new white neighbors. Somehow, an unusual and complex legal situation emerged, whereby the Cherokees, although living on their own 55,500-acre federal reservation, must cooperate with the county sheriffs departments regarding incriminating activity, even when these acts occur on the reservation itself. This is largely because no jail facilities exist on the reservation. Although the reservation has its own police force, the Cherokee Police Department, these Indian officers are compelled to be deputized by both Swain and Jackson Counties' high sheriffs to qualify officially as law enforcement officers. The irony here is that the high sheriffs office is a political and not a professional position, while many of the Cherokee officers have undergone rigorous professional police training. Having no "holding facility" of their own, the Cherokee police must transport all apprehended suspects to the appropriate county jail (the reservation is split by Jackson and Swain Counties) to await official arraignment, again before a local white district judge. Coincidentally, the district judges are elected just as the county sheriffs are. Given the ultra-conservative political and social environment of white Southern Appalachia, many Cherokees realize that "justice" is certainly an elusive concept within this system. While many Cherokees have long been aware of the injustices of the local white court, the three recent deaths of young Cherokee men have disturbed most Indians. Perhaps, this is because many question the nature of these deaths. First, they ask why Francis P. Jackson, a 23-year-old ex-Marine and construction laborer, would take his own life for public drunkenness. It cannot be attributed to the shock factor of being jailed overnight, since he had repeated this experience several times. Or, what about Donald E. Lambert, a 33-year-old married man, who dropped out of high school only to return later and graduate? His self-motivation was 104 �high. And, like many young males in the area (both white and Indian), he was no stranger to overnight jail. The most recent death, December 28, 1975, involved 23-year-old Johnson L. Littlejohn, who worked the tourist circuit during the summer and logged during the winter. Again, his only previous contact with the law was for public drunkenness. Granted, no one can accuse North Carolina of being a liberal state. In 1976, it held one-third of our nation's death row inmates (101, of whom five were Indians). The state still has an "outlaw" statute, where a local judge can proclaim an escaped criminal an "outlaw," signifying that any citizen can then hunt him down and bring him in dead or alive without fear of legal reprisal. North Carolina was also one of the last states to abandon the "chain gang," doing so in 1956. It still carries a miscegenation statute outlawing mixed racial marriages, although a higher federal law curtails its enforcement. Yet, in spite of this record, one would think that more courtesy would be given these dead Indians than a phone call to the Cherokee Police Department, curtly stating that these men were found hanged in their cell sometime during the night, apparently between checks by the night jailer. No further explanations or justifications were offered, and no investigations were initiated. The Cherokee Police Department then had the difficult task of notifying the next of kin. And even if these deaths were, in fact, suicides, why have not measures been taken to prevent them from occurring again and again? The probability of three Cherokee males, jailed overnight for a minor misdemeanor, committing suicide within a period of 21 months (January 26, 1974; April 2, 1975 and December 28, 1975) defies logic. First, Jackson County has a population of 21,593 permanent residents, 6,000 of whom are students at Western Carolina University, and only 1,863, or 8.6 percent, are Cherokee Indians. What is the likelihood that this minority group would be so overrepresented, especially in an act of self-violence which is not traditionally associated with young Indian males just in their prime? No similar deaths have occurred in Swain County, which has the bulk of the reservation population with 2,564 Indians, or 32.6 percent, of the county's total population. The sorrow associated with these deaths goes beyond the victims' families and friends. The deaths unjustly reflect on the tribal organization, whose hands are tied in these matters. The Chief's Office, Tribal Council and other tribal agencies (Community Services Committee, Law and Order Commission and the Health Board) have all worked hard to improve the quality of life on the reservation. New health facilities being planned or con105 �structed include a new hospital and a home for the aged, and the Tribal Council has passed a resolution approving plans for a "multifaceted community treatment center" called Cherokee House. Cherokee House would have as one of its functions a local holding facility for detaining public drunks and other suspects awaiting arraignment. The Cherokee House proposal states: As the situation stands today, Cherokee youth and adults with legal or emotional problems are handled by county, state or federal agencies. And when institutionalization results, Cherokee clients are placed in offreservation facilities, along with non-Indian inmates. This places the Cherokee at a distinct disadvantage due to (1) his minority representation among the inmate population and (2) his different cultural heritage. Cherokee House offers a viable alternative to the current situation. Here the Indian client would remain on the reservation, close to friends and family, and without being subjected to an alien, often hostile, cultural and social environment. The facility would be staffed by Indian professionals. Hopefully, Cherokee House will soon be a reality for the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. Certainly, something has to be done to avert future situations like those involving Francis, Donald and Johnson. These deaths provide a sad commentary on the reservation system, where Native Americans are compelled to live within restricted social, cultural and physical boundaries in order to "protect the larger society from them." Yet, they, in turn, are not protected from the abuses of that larger society. 106 �Postscript The story of the Cherokee jail deaths gained national attention following its publication in a leading Indian periodical, Wassaja (Vol. 4, No. 5/May 1976). This publicity led to an investigation by the U. S. Civil Rights Commission. As a result of the federal investigation, Jackson County was compelled to install a closed circuit monitoring device in the county jail and to provide 24-hour surveillance of the cells. In essence, the United States Government served notice to the sheriff that they did not want any more of these "accidental" deaths to occur. Another change, which many attribute to this situation, was the transfer of Cherokee law officers from state (county sheriff) to federal jurisdiction. Cherokee police are now federally deputized, with the director of Cherokee's community services (police, fire and sanitation departments) holding the status of Deputy U. S. Marshal. All other Cherokee law officers are special federal deputies. In the past, the Cherokee police were deputized in both Jackson and Swain Counties, so that they had to transfer Indian suspects to one of these jails, depending upon the section of the reservation in which the arrest occurred. Although these changes were definitely needed, somehow the cost of three human lives seems a high price to pay for progressive justice. 107 �SOCIAL PROBLEMS AMONG THE CHEROKEE: Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle The Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians is an interesting cultural group not only within our larger society, but also among Native Americans. Historically, they did much to aid in the development of a positive American Indian image, one that portrayed the Indian as something other than a savage. The highly developed Cherokee Nation of the early nineteenth century is well known, and some of the most articulate and highly respected Native Americans were Cherokee —John Ross, Major Ridge, General Stand Watie, Will Rogers, and so on. And, the Cherokees' profound influence on American society did not end with the 1838 Removal. However, the Cherokees, notably the Eastern Band, have also played an important role in maintaining the general Indian stereotype. Approximately eight million tourists visit the Qualla Boundary each season to see either the reservation or other sights, such as the Great Smoky Mountains National Park and the Blue Ridge Parkway. Consequently, the Qualla Cherokees are the most visited Native American group today. Yet, due to tourists' demands, they present not the true aboriginal Cherokee culture, but a vulgar image of the Plains Indians. During the tourist season, two dozen "full bloods" play the role of Westerntype "chiefs," standing in front of shops wearing full-feathered bonnets and colorful garb. This confused image has had its effect on contemporary Cherokees, especially within the last 15 years. Since the advent of tourism, many Cherokees have experienced cultural ambiguity. In the past, the most striking facet of the Cherokee culture was the suppression of any expression of overt hostility in interpersonal relations. Other aspects of this distinctive personality structure include a high value placed on independence, a resentment of authority as well as a complementary hesitancy to command others, and a reluctance to refuse requests made by relatives and other Cherokees. Contemporary field workers recorded similar attributes among the Big Cove Cherokees. This indicates that contemporary, conservative Cherokees continue to adhere to the Harmony Ethic, while middle class and marginal Cherokees do not. Overt aggression is typically lacking in conservative behavior, with physical encounters occurring infrequently and then only when alcohol is involved. Even then, alcohol is seen as being the culprit. This reasoning exempts the individual Cherokee from direct responsibility for his actions. Kupferer (1966) noted that aggressiveness is also absent among the conservatives in the areas of business and academic competition, much to the dismay of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and other white administrators on the reservation. Again, this attitude contrasts 108 �with the strong emphasis placed on individual aggressiveness and competition fostered by the Protestant Ethic. Prior to the current "Indian Pride" (Pan-Indian) movement, the middle class Cherokees were more susceptible to ambivalence regarding their self-image. This stemmed from the fact that they knew that, although their reference group was the larger white, middle class culture, they would always have the stigma of being Indian. This did not affect the conservative "full bloods" as much, since they had a strong sense of in-group solidarity channeled through the Harmony Ethic. Hence, the conservatives felt somewhat secure in their accommodative situation. Probably a third of the current 7,000 members of the Eastern Cherokees could be considered "full bloods," with strong concentrations in Snowbird, Wolftown and Big Cove communities. Middle class Cherokees account for a much smaller proportion of the rolls. A significant number, in fact, fall somewhere in between. These are the marginal Cherokees. Fifteen years ago, the middle range Cherokees had two distinctive models with which to associate —conservative Indian and middle class Indian —both providing the necessary control to regulate excessive behavior. Since then, the picture of the contemporary Cherokee has altered considerably, from that of avoidance to more and more aggressive forms of behavior, many of which develop into "social problems" in terms defined by the larger, dominant culture. Concerning these emerging social problems among the Eastern Cherokees, certain behavioral patterns are predictable and explainable in terms of past cultural traditions. This involves the occasional incident of personal violence among the conservative Cherokees, the exceptional incidence of tax or business fraud or related business property offense among the middle class Cherokees and alcoholism, which seems to affect a broad crosssection of reservation members. These problems are explainable in socio-cultural terms, which suggests that they are socialsituational rather than indigenous to Indians or Cherokees per se. That is, any group of people caught up in a similar social situation would manifest similar behavioral patterns regardless of race or ethnic affiliation. Frustration-aggression theory could be used to explain occasional outbursts of personal violence such as murder and aggravated assault. The internalization of frustration by the conservative Cherokees appears to result from the sanctions of the Harmony Ethic and the lack of traditionally acceptable outlets, such as wars and ball play. Some members of this group internalize frustration to the breaking point, directing the resulting aggression toward a person or thing which they perceive as constituting the frustration. Accordingly, the pressure for business 109 �and personal success provides an explanation for the sporadic charge of fraud or income tax evasion among members of the middle class Cherokees. Alcoholism, as a problem among Indians in general, is probably best explained by Reasons (1972), who suggested that dominant federal paternalism is the primary cause of alcohol-related problems among the subordinate Indian population in this country. By establishing a double standard, one applicable to the white culture and yet another for its Indian wards, the paternalistic federal government prohibited the use of alcohol among Indians by the General Indian Intercourse Act of 1832. Even when the Act was repealed in 1953, the Bureau of Indian Affairs and other federal agencies continued to encourage and support abstinence indirectly through local control agencies. This double standard prevented Indian groups from developing norms for selfregulation of the use of alcohol. When one has a lack of regulatory norms coupled with a need for escapism, as is often the case among many Indian groups today, then one has the type of problem that now exists. Unique patterns of alcohol use and abuse are experienced by the Qualla Cherokee. The middle class Cherokees seem to share drinking habits similar to those of their middle class white counterparts, while the marginal Cherokees seem to manifest similar drinking patterns associated with other racial and ethnic marginal groups attempting to escape the realities of their social and cultural environment. An unusual drinking pattern, however, does exist among the conservative Cherokees. These Cherokees do not drink regularly (daily) like the middle class drinkers, nor do they drink publicly like the marginal drinkers (usually on weekends). Instead, the conservative drinks sporadically and privately, usually with close family members or friends. During these drinking sessions, large quantities of alcohol are consumed, while little or no alcohol is used during the periods between drinking bouts. It is during these drinking situations that violence occurs among the conservative Cherokees. Perhaps the major alcohol problem facing the Cherokees today is an increase in the marginal population. Public drunkenness, driving while intoxicated and public brawling while intoxicated are not only on the increase but also represent behavior quite contrary to the Cherokee Harmony Ethic. In addition to the above mentioned social problems, other overt behaviors seldom expressed in past Cherokee traditions have emerged among the Eastern Cherokees. Criminal assault charges have increased. In 1973, there were 1,067 laceration wounds reported to the Health Clinic, and these probably represent only the most severe cases since home care or medicine men are usually consulted for lesser wounds. Another category, "ac110 �cidents, poisonings and violence," accounted for 2,645 incidents during this same period. Breaking and entering, larceny, truancy and disorderly conduct are other frequent criminal and delinquent charges being brought against Cherokee defendants in unprecedented numbers. In addition, nearly 1,500 mental disorders were recorded, including functional psychosis and neurosis, as well as conditions requiring institutionalization. Mental illness and alcohol-related problems also cannot be easily separated from the domestic scene. In 1973, it was estimated that 6,000 members of the roll (over 80 percent of the tribe) were economically deprived and earned less than $3,000 a year. Of this group, 594 were involved in severe family disorders stemming from excessive use of alcohol; 416 were heads of households. Desertion, abandonment, separations and divorce are quite common on the reservation, although this seems to be a traditional and common pattern for the Cherokees. Another traditional domestic pattern, that of unwed mothers, again only serves to complicate the contemporary situation. It is estimated that one in four births is out of wedlock. This also contributes to the high incidence of female heads of households. It seems that among the contemporary Cherokees selfimposed restraints and controls are weakening. Increasingly, Cherokees are resorting to behavioral patterns deemed unacceptable by both the Harmony and Protestant Ethics. What the contemporary Cherokees seem to be facing is a situation whereby numerous secondary controls are being imposed upon their lives. And these controls not only represent the larger white culture, but are administered by middle class whites as well. Many programs have been implemented during the past 15 years designed primarily to curtail Cherokee primary controls and to replace them with dominant, white secondary controls. These programs often conflict with the home environment, causing young Cherokees to be torn between the family and the school. What ensues is a state of confusion for many Cherokees, both children and adults. This is ironic since traditionally the Cherokees have enjoyed considerable latitude regarding personal decisions and behavior. But, as secondary controls become more and more a part of their social lives, the more difficult it is for them to adhere to the individual dictates prescribed by the Harmony Ethic. Other current factors further confuse the contemporary Cherokees. These include the popular Pan-Indian movement and its search for a common Native American ethnic image and the Qualla Cherokees' promotion of the movie Indian image. If full assimilation into the dominant white culture is possible and desirable to the vast majority of Eastern Cherokees, then the situation today can be viewed as merely transitional. This, however, is quite questionable. First, there is no indication that 111 �the larger white culture is, or ever has been, receptive to real assimilation. Second, the new Indian awareness movement raises the possibility that many Indians will not want to be molded into the white culture even if the opportunity avails itself. An intelligent approach to the many social problems does not seem to be an easy one, yet it is quite apparent that some workable solutions among the Eastern Cherokees, and other Indians as well, are needed. Any viable solution, however, will require both Indian and white participation. What obviously will have to change are current perspectives on these problems. 112 �REFERENCES Bereday, George 1967 "Reflections on Comparative Methodology in Education, 1964-1966." Comparative Education 3, no. 3: 169-187. Brembeck, Cole S. 1966 Social Foundations of Education. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc. Bromeld, Theodore 1957 Cultural Foundations of Education. New York: Harper and Row Publishers, Inc. Burger, Henry 1968 Ethno-Pedagogy. A l b u q u e r q u e , New Mexico: Southwestern Cooperative Educational Laboratory. Coleman, James Samuel 1965 Adolescents and Schools. New York: Basic Books, Inc. Coombs, Philip 1968 The World Educational Crisis. New York: Oxford University Press. Dreeben, Robert 1967 "The Contribution of Schooling to the Learning of Norms." Harvard Educational Review 37, no. 2: 211-237. Friedenberg, Edgar Z. 1965 Coming of Age in America: Growth and Acquiescence. New York: Random House, Inc. Goffman, Erving 1961 Asylums. Garden City, N.Y. Doubleday and Company, Inc. Gruber, Frederick C., ed. 1961 Anthropology and Education. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Hargreaver, David H. 1967 Social Relations in a Secondary School. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd. Havighurst, Robert J. 1968 Comparative Perspectives on Education. Boston: Little, Brown and Company Hodkinson, Harold 1962 Education in Social and Cultural Perspectives. Englewood Cliffs, N.J. Prentice Hall, Inc. Hollowell, A. Irving 1960 "Some Psychological Characteristics of the Northeastern Indians" in Man in Northeastern North America. Andover, Mass.: Phillips Academy Press. 113 �Holzinger, Charles H. 1961 "Some Observations in the Persistence of Aboriginal Cherokee Personality Traits" in Symposium on Cherokee and Iroquois Culture. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office. Kupferer, Harriet J. 1966 The Principal People. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office. Mooney, James 1972 Myths of the Cherokee and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees. Nashville: Charles Elder Publishers. Reasons, Charles 1972 "Crime and the American Indian" in Native Americans Today, (edited by Bahr et al). New York: Harper & Row Publishers. Redfield, Robert 1955 The Educational Experience. Pasadena, Cal.: The Fund for Adult Education. Reid, John P. 1970 A Law of Blood. New York: New York University Press. Rosenthal, Robert and Lenore Jacobson 1968 Pygmalion in the Classroom. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Snyder, Charles R. 1958 Alcohol and the Jews. Glencoe, 111.: Free Press. Thomas, R. K. and A. L. Wahrhaftig 1971 "Indians, Hillbillies and the Education Problems" in Anthropological Perspectives on Education (Murray L. Wax et al. editors). New York: Basic Books. Wax, Murray, L. et al. 1964 Formal Education in an American Indian Community. Monograph #1, The Society for the Study of Social Problems. 114 �PART TWO �This page intentionally left blank �CHAPTER I Cherokee Heritage And Folklore STORIES BY CARL LAMBERT, CHEROKEE HISTORIAN: Karen French Owl The stories and anecdotes in this section were told by Carl Lambert, a noted tribal historian and storyteller. As Mr. Lambert related this folklore to his niece, Karen French Owl, the stories and anecdotes were recorded and transcribed within the oral tradition. Story #1 Cherokees believed highly in the little people. They lived in certain areas, and the Cherokees more or less were forbidden to go into the areas because they were inhabited by the little people. Right at the upper end of the Big Cove section in the gorges is one of those places. Jerry W. told me about a story his father told him. His father was Owen W., brother to Joe W., up in the Big Cove. Their father and mother told them not to go up into the gorges because it was inhabited by the little people. One time the old folks were away from home, and they decided to go up there and see for themselves. They said it was a clear day and there was not a cloud in the sky. When they went up into this area in the gorges, they thought they were struck by lightning or something. They were stunned by something. When they came to, they got out of there. They did not see any little people, but they did not have to be told to stay away from there anymore. Story #2 When Rob B. got married, he moved from Graham County to Big Witch. They lived in a log house with a puncheon floor in it. The little people were serenading him and his wife one night. They were under the floor dancing, and when they were dancing they were causing the floor to move up and down. He got up and went outside with a light; he looked under the floor, but could not see them anywhere. As soon as he got back in the house, the racket started again. He said you could hear them chanting in Indian, like they were dancing around a campfire. Story #3 In the town of Robbinsville, some men were digging a water line a few years ago into some of the sections that did not have water, and they ran into this tunnel that was about 18 inches 117 �square. They could not imagine why this tunnel was down in the ground. They turned a fire hydrant on and ran a hose in there. They let it run all night; the water just went on somewhere else. To this day, they do not know where it came from or where it goes. When asked if Rob knew anything about the tunnel, he said that tunnel was dug by the little people. When they had that stockade there before the Removal in 1838, Fort Montgomery was there where the town of Robbinsville is. The little people bored a tunnel under that thing trying to get there so the people could escape. The tunnel was so small that the people could not fit into it. Story #4 At the 32,000 Acre Tract where Gene 0. lives, there is a creek that goes by his house, Fish Trap Branch. There was an Indian who lived between Gene 0. and the Tuckaseigee River. The Indian's house burned down; he built it back, and it burned down again. So, he went to see some Indian medicine man on Conley's Creek. He told him about the situation. The medicine man told him he would have to move the house over because he had built the house in the path where the little people came down off the mountain to the Tuckaseigee River to fish, and the little people were the ones burning his house down. So he moved it to a different location. And it still stands. It was the third house that was built, and it was being burned down by the little people because it was in their path to the river. Story #5 At the mouth of Pigeon, Mollie and a friend walked out to the river. She showed him a rock that was a sheltering rock. This is where the little people had saved this Indian's life. There, he got caught in a bad storm in the winter. The little people got him under the rock and covered him up with leaves and saved his life. All the people believe the story about the little people. Story #6 Irma and Joe went to the mouth of Blackrock. They went to visit a lady up there. They thought she was at home because the door was open. They thought she was out around the place, so they went out walking around above the house. They walked up Blackrock Creek. It was not running or anything, but the creek started coming down muddy. Joe told her, uWe had better go back, the little people are up here, and we don't want to disturb them." So, they turned around and went back. 118 �WELCOME *--' ri;: QUALLA BOUNDARY ?V i*^7"^""^ 1876 "The west entrance to the reservation via the Blue Ridge Parkway.' CHEROKEE INDIAN RESERVATION Established by United States for the Eastern Band of Cherokee after the removal of 1858. "The north entrance to the reservation along highway, U. S. route 441." �'The main entrance to the Cherokee Historical Association's tribal enterprises, the Cherokee drama and the Oconaluftee village." �"The Quail Civil Center, a popular community activity center and home of the tribal library." "The Cherokee High School, a model of the BIA's recent educational endeavors." �'The Cherokee Museum, a cultural facility operated jointly by the Cherokee Historical Association and the tribe." "One of the many tourist attractions located on the reservation." �"Cherokee homes located in the more isolated communities off of the well traveled tourist route." ���w^' ^ Tt*x*i* cjfii--^^8S ^^Sj^^'^ , B*-.~- • . ,*£;irW--" ";»» ^^ "BIA Superintendent, Jeff Muskrat, in a relaxed mood sitting on the stairs at the Tribal Council house." �"Doc Sequoya, tribal medicineman from the Big Cove community.' �"Cherokees displaying their traditional cultural skills at the Oconaluftee Indian village." ��Cora Wahneetah, noted Cherokee potter. �"Posey Long, one of the few skilled Cherokee stickball carvers." �"The annual stickball game played at the Cherokee Fall Festival. Here the Western (Oklahoma) Cherokees play the Wolftown team representing the Eastern Cherokees. This is a highly competitive game for both the teams and individual players. The men with the switches are the team coaches whose role it is to stimulate their players to perform at their best." �^ ��Story #7 There are caves across from the rock crusher as you are going through Nantahala Gorge. When the old men used to go hunting, they never would pass that area with any game without leaving part of it for the little people. It was bad luck to pass the caves and not leave part of whatever you killed for them. Certain areas such as Big Cove, Tallulah Falls Gorge . . . Tallulah Falls means other people . . . were supposed to be inhabited by the little people. It was taboo for anyone to go into that gorge. The little people are to the Cherokees as the Leprechauns are to the Irish. You did not want to cause them wrath; you wanted the little people to be on your side. Story #8 The rattlesnake to the older people was a sacred thing. The older people never killed a rattlesnake because it was supposed to be a good omen if you saw a rattlesnake. The rattlesnake was part of their culture or religion. They more or less worshipped the rattlesnake. It had certain powers that they respected. There were lights that used to be on Rattlesnake Mountain. Lights were caused by swan gooses. It was an illuminous light. It drifted up into the holler. The Indians thought it was the rattlesnake. It would drift off to the south. With all the cars and street lights now, that has dried up. Story #9 The storyteller was one of the most important people in the village. Before Sequoyah invented the alphabet to where they could write stuff down, at all the various festivals and stuff that they had during the year, the storyteller repeated all these stories to the younger people. And, of course, someone who had some special talent who could remember and who could tell things accurately was one. They would take lessons under the old storyteller. One of the things they did, they did not exaggerate. Usually when we tell things today, everytime someone tells it, it gets a little bigger. They did not have any way to write it down. These things had to be told accurately. They had to be told exactly the same way every time. The stories were passed down from one storyteller to another. This is how we got some of our history. Anecdote #1 The Cherokees spun off from some of the Indians on the lakes: the Iroquois, Mohawks and Senecas. They did not come directly from the lakes down here. That is one reason the Cherokees were so far advanced. In moving, they naturally came 119 �in contact with other tribes and probably intermarried. They probably picked up some of the culture of the different tribes. The Catawbas were just south of us. Some of the good pottery making came from them. The Catawbas were setting on a good clay bed. The Cherokees did not have too much good clay to make their pottery. They made pottery, but it wasn't the same. There were the Overhill Cherokees and Middle and Lower Cherokees. When you compared the pottery, the Lower Cherokees made better pottery. This was because they had better clay to work with, and they were right next door to the Catawbas who were the best potters. Anecdote #2 The Middle Cherokees were not affected by change as quickly as the Overhill or Lower Cherokees. The migration of the white settlers came from Virginia by Bristol and the Tennessee Valley. The English settling in came from Charleston, South Carolina, and came up through that area into the Piedmont and Georgia. The Lower Cherokees were more in contact with whites. Even before the white settlers came, the tribes were fighting the lower and Overhill Cherokees much more than these in here. This was because they were in a pocket and were protected by the Overhill and Lower Cherokees. It was too much trouble for a war party of any size to get very far. They would have to come through either the Overhill or Lower Cherokees to get in here. The Middle Cherokees were not changed very much. The Lower Cherokees were not understood by most of the other Cherokees, but their language was a bit different. They pronounced their words different. They were down there with the Catawbas and the Creeks and a lot of the names in north Georgia were Creek in origin, not Cherokee. Anecdote #3 When DeSoto came through here in 1540 near Franklin, Indians were living in log cabins. Evidently, when they got into this area they had settled, and they decided that was it and started building homes and farming. They set down roots here. But the Cherokees, like other tribes, at first must have been a nomadic tribe. There is nothing to prove that they came directly down here from the lakes. There are some theories that they might have gone down into Central America and then wandered back up into this area. They may have wandered around literally thousands of miles before coming here to put roots down. Anecdote #5 One legend the Cherokees had concerned a place in Brevard. Indians had been living there for over 10,000 years. The legend 120 �had it there was a blond group of people of a smaller stature than the Cherokees. When they came, they were a group of people with blonde hair who lived in that area in Brevard. It was definitely a different origin of people, different from the Cherokees. Anecdote #6 The Judaculla Rock about Cullowhee is the largest rock with picture writing in the United States. We do not know the origin of the rock. It might have been there before the Cherokees came. There is a legend about a giant named Judaculla who was supposed to live up there at the top of Balsam. Up above Caney Fork in Tuckaseigee, there are some fields that are known today as the Judaculla oil fields. That is where he did his farming, right up on top of the mountain. He was supposed to live up on the top of Balsam Mountains. The oil fields are there today. There are some bushes and shrubs growing there now since the Blue Ridge Parkway took it over. The mountaineers used to range their cattle up in there. They used to talk about the Judaculla oil fields. Anecdote #7 The myth of the Cherokees in the Mooney book must be the correct myth on creation passed down through Swimmer from our ancestors. Anecdote #8 Most Indian tribes in general are very creative. This is inherited. The Indians had to be close to the land. They had to make use of whatever material was available to them. They utilized the white oak and cane. Some of the northern tribes used maple and ash and some other woods native to that area for making their baskets. Indians were quite adaptable to their environment. If they had to go into a strange territory, they could easily adapt to that area. The Indians were natural conservationists. Their whole livelihood depended on their being conservationists, not killing off all the game or just using part of the animal. They used all of it. They knew they had to have a constant source of game and fish. They only took what they needed. They never killed more game than they could use or caught more fish than they were able to use. They knew they would have to come back another day or another month for more. They used fish traps to catch fish. They would use a dugout canoe to chase the fish into the trap. They would take out the big fish and throw back the smaller fish. That was the Indians' thinking; they always looking to the future, instead of taking everything in sight. They designed their fish traps 121 �so that they would only catch the big fish and let the small ones go on through. But, once in a while, something would get caught in the traps, and they would catch the smaller ones. Anecdote #9 That was one of the things that spooked the Indians when the white settlers came. There was not enough land. It was just that their guns killed off all the game and what they did not kill, they spooked with their guns. It took the Indians longer, and they had to go farther away from home to get their meat. This made the Indians more angry than them taking the land; it was the fact they were destroying the Indians' food supply. Anecdote #10 Two hundred years ago the whites were surprised to see the Indians with gardens and fruit trees. They were living quite modern 200 years ago. One village at that time had 200 houses, 100 on one side of the river and 100 on the other. They had cattle and horses. Some whites ate with one chief whose wife even churned butter. The Cherokees had adopted a lot of the white man's way. One of the reasons was because they were not nomadic; they were staying put, putting roots down where they were. The idea they got where the women do all the work around the village was because it took a lot of able-bodied men to go out and hunt and bring in food everyday. The rest of them were out patrolling the borders to keep out intruders. This had to be younger people or older people, and the women were about the only ones left in the village. It was not because they wanted their women to do the work; it was just that the women were the only ones left to do the work around the home. Tending the garden and making baskets and pottery was hard work. And, some of the women also were looking after the older people who were unable to take care of themselves. The Cherokees are one of the more progressive tribes and have always been. 122 �CHEROKEE DANCES: Amy Walker Introduction Dancing and song were for the Cherokee people the very heart and soul of life; they also represented another contact with nature. The Cherokees had songs and dances for good health, for making the crops grow and for good hunting. There were also songs and dances for war, peace, victory and thanksgiving. Many dances and songs were bequests of the sacred Stone Coat Monster. Others believe that the Cherokees had their own language and songs since God scared the people and gave each a different language at the Tower of Babel. Here is one of the legends, as told by Will West Long, about the Stone Coat Monster. The Legend of Stone Coat Long ago, a creature whose name was Stone Coat lived among the people in human form. In his natural state, he was covered with scaly armor sufficient to protect him from any attack, an invincible monster. He lived among the people; no one knew his identity. Furthermore, he could make himself invisible, and he went from place to place wherever the people did not suspect him, killing as often as he needed food in order to secure their livers, for human livers were his sustenance. Finally, he came to a Cherokee Indian village where he took the form of a little lost orphan boy. The man who found him took pity on him and brought him home to rear. One morning soon after, one of the man's children was found dead. They examined the body and found that its liver had been taken out. Such a sorrowful event caused a deep sorrow in the village. This was the first time that anyone had died. They consulted the medicine man to see what could be done. The people wanted immediate action to punish the supposed killer. The medicine man advised them to wait, lest they make a mistake, and see what would happen next to guide them in taking the wisest action. No one suspected the poor orphan boy of having anything to do with the deed. For a few days, nothing happened; then one morning another child was found dead from the same cause. Although they had kept watch to see if anyone had entered the settlement, no intruder had been discovered; and so when they took council over the death that had come upon them, it was decided that someone among their own people was the cause. Finally, the grown people would be killed for their livers and all would perish unless the cause was found and removed. When another of his children was found killed in the same manner, the man who had adopted the 123 �orphan boy suspected him of the deed. He noticed that the boy had no appetite for regular food after the death of each child, so he went to the Council of Chiefs and medicine men who were now holding serious meetings to determine what might be done for relief and told them of his suspicions. Some advised that they attack and slay the boy at once. Others advised caution, saying this must be a powerful spirit in disguise and that to attack him outright might result in failure, arousing his anger and causing him to destroy them all. They finally agreed to lie in wait to watch him. The medicine man might then devise some means by which he could be disposed of without danger. The monster was so powerful that it was thought best to allow the death of a few more ch Idren before the people took final action. At that, one of the medicine men declared in council that he had found a way to entrap and slay the killer. He ordered that they secure the aid of seven women whose menstrual periods came at the full of the moon. They went to lie in wait along the path taken by the killer on his journeys to and fro across the mountains in search of victims, for he had discovered that this was one way to weaken and destroy the killer. The women were found and the plan carried out. With their legs uncovered, they lay along the path where the victim was supposed to come. Stone Coat, who was the killer in disguise, came by. He saw them and said, "Well, well, beautiful women." All at once he felt queer, began to vomit blood and grew weak, and as he passed each woman, he vomited more blood. Finally becoming so weak, he lay down unable to move. Then, the people who had been waiting for the results came to where he lay stretched upon the ground to see the dying Stone Coat. Then, knowing he was about to die, he called as many of the people as could possibly be gathered about this place, saying, "Build a fire around me and burn me up.'* It was done as he commanded them. The Cherokee came from distances to witness the sacrifices. When they lighted the forest, Stone Coat began to talk, telling them that while he was burning and the smoke and smell of his burning flesh rose to the sky, there would issue forth a series of songs. These, he told them, were his offerings to the people to aid them in all branches of life. As the songs came forth, he commanded the people to learn them and to teach them to their children to be used forever by the Cherokee. The dying Stone Coat also told them that if they had tried to kill him by force in the beginning, they would have failed because it was ordained that they should not have relief until they had learned what suffering was. Knowing the depths of suffering and the joy of relief would make them value the songs they were now to learn and the medicine they were to gain by his death and sacrifice. He said, "You kill me so I'll leave 124 �disease in the world behind me, but my songs will cure that." He also told them that besides leaving behind the magic songs, the dances, the fulfilling of their social life and the song formulas, he would leave them a quantity of powerful medicines in the form of pieces of stone forming his stone coat, which would be found in the ashes after the fires had consumed his body. Then, they burned his body and watched him all night. He kept on singing different songs all the time he was burning until he died. When he became silent, as his spirit arose to the sky in the morning, the singing still came forth and could be heard until out of hearing in the highness, and the people gathered around the sacrifice and learned all the songs. Some, they employed for dancing when they were all together and others were used by people when they were alone for hunting, war and other purposes such as medicine. After the ascent of Stone Coat's spirit, they examined the ashes and found pieces of stone all broken up by the heat of the fire. These were the particles of his stone coat. The men gathered up the pieces, and as each took a piece, he decided what line of life he would follow. Some decided to be bear hunters, some deer hunters, some buffalo hunters, some fishermen, others chose to be handsome for women. Whatever pursuit was chosen and followed became the life calling of the people and their descendants, with the songs and medicine for each purpose in life. Cherokee Dance Instruments The three main instruments used to accompany the dances are the hollowed out water drum, the gourd hand rattle and the box tortoise shell rattle. The drum is made of a section of buckeye trunk about eleven by eight inches, hollowed by gouging to leave a two-inch bottom with walls about one and a half inch thick, colored with clay and sumac stain. The head is a woodchuck skin held down by a hickory hoop three-fourths of an inch wide. There are perforations on the lower parts for rainwater when the drum is not in use. A drumstick is usually made of a hickory stick. When ready to use, the drum head is soaked in water and stretched sufficiently to make it ring when struck lightly and enough water is left in the bottom of the drum to enable the operator to remoisten the head by shaking the drum or turning it upside down. It requires some experience to keep the drum head tuned all night. The gourd rattle is made of hollowed dry gourds perforated at each end with a long axis. The gourd neck can be used as a handle, or a hickory stick handle is put in one end if the gourd handle has been cut out. Sometimes the gourd is punctured with an awl to improve its tone. 125 �The turtle shell leg rattles are clusters of four or five whole shells dried so that the plastron and carapace firmly encase the pebbles. The shells are tied to a strong cloth with tie strings at the top and bottom for attachment just below the knee. The leg rattles are worn only by the women. The woman enters the dance behind the leader and produces the rattling sound only at specified passages of the song or dance; by skillful movements she can hush the rattles or pound out a vigorous rhythm. At each dance, they also have a driver. The driver is the leader of the dances, usually appointed by the host. He keeps order, urges participation and also acts as a sergeant at arms. This office is only for a single night. He is also known as a starter or forcer. There is a driver to help with all the dances. The names of the dances are the Booger, Eagle, Bear, Victory, Friendship, Beaver, Buffalo, Horse and the Corn Dance. The Booger Dance The Booger Dance was used before the coming of the white man to drive out sickness and to keep sickness and death away. With the coming of the white man, this dance took on a different meaning. It is thought that the anxieties of the people brought about the change and that it became a symbol of the invader and of their insecurities in their dealings with the white man. They could not cope with the white invaders as men, but by portraying the invading whites as mythical animals and frivolous demons they felt more competent to deal with them. In the Booger dance, the people usually covered themselves with quilts to remain anonymous. They made their own masks out of buckeye wood colored with clay and pokeberry or black walnut and they used other things such as possum tail or any other kind of animal fur that they had to put on the mask. One mask might represent a white man with eyebrows, a moustache and goatee of black paint and maybe it would have woodchuck fur on the forehead and skin. A dark red face might represent an Indian with heavy dark eyebrows and black stain under the nose, and another could be the face of a Black man with white possum hair, eyelids and lips stained with pokeberry juice and teeth carved like a cone. Participants could be ten or more masked men and occasionally a couple of women. They usually represented people from faraway places such as Germans, French, Chinese, Negroes or even alien Indians. The names given by the maskers or Boogers lend an obscene, dramatic element to their individual acts. Some of the names they used were Black Buttocks, Frenchman, Big Testicles and Rusty Anus. Then, at another dance, the names were usually Southerner, Northerner, Spaniard and Chinaman, and thus the name and their acts represented the character of the people they wanted to portray. 126 �This is one version of the Booger dance described by a person at one dance. A masked person, led by a spokesperson, boisterously enters a house where the night dance party is being held. The maskers are systematically menacing on entering. Some of them act mad, fall on the floor, hit at the men spectators as if to get at their wives and daughters, and chase the girls to the crowded walls. The maskers then quiet down and take seats on the board or log bench along the wall. Singing by the musicians and the house party precedes and accompanies the entry. The host of the house party announces the arrival of strangers and inquires for the leader of the masked men, who is pointed out by his company. The host then converses and whispers with the leader, asking who the visitors are, whence they come and where they are going. He interprets the answers aloud to the house party, who are surprised that they are from a distant land and are going north or south. Next, the host asks them what they came for and what they want and the response is decisive and candid. Girls, the Boogers want girls; oh, they are after them, chase them around. There is more surprise and agitation on the part of the host's company. The Boogers may also want to fight. Both these demands are associated with European peoples. The host says they are peaceable people and do not want to fight. Next, the Booger leader says the members of the house party want to dance, and to this the Cherokee leader agrees. The host of the house interprets the Booger masks in Cherokee to the gathering and then adds a few remarks intended to divert the Boogers from their purpose. He announces to the gathering that the Cherokee would like to know who these strangers are by name, then he goes to the Booger spokesman and whispers his question. The leader of the Booger whispers his masked name to the leader upon request, and the host speaks the name aloud. Then the singers of the house party, four to ten in number, the head singer with a drum and the others with rattles, commence the Booger dance-song proper. The name given by the Booger is taken from the first word of the song. The song is repeated four times while the owner of the name dances solo in the open space, stomping with both feet, bending body forward, dancing alternately on the right and left feet with body centered and the other leg nearly horizontal. He performs awkward steps as if he were a clumsy white man trying to imitate Indian dancing. Each time his name occurs in the song, the whole company applauds and yells. At the conclusion of the song, the masker resumes his seat. After he has given his name in a whisper and has had it loudly announced, each Booger dances for about five minutes until all the masked visitors have drawn applause for their obscene names and clowning. The maskers themselves do not scream or yell but indulge in exhibitionism, making dashes to 127 �the corner where the women and children are grouped. Usually, after this part of the dance, there is an interlude in which they have smoking and different games. Next, the singers initiate the requested Eagle dance. This is a distinctive dance of the Boogers, and the dancers perform to the accompaniment of the singers and the house party. A number of women dancers, equalling the number of Boogers, join in on the line as partners during the second song of the dance. One woman wears her turtle leg rattles and assigns herself as partner to the Booger leader. The women are nicely dressed in the Cherokee style, and their entry is a symbol of the submission of the Indians to the will of the invaders and the gratification of their carnal demands. The erotic display is more overt when the Boogers have called for the Bear dance than when the Eagle dance has been chosen. As soon as the women join the dance, the Boogers begin their sexual exhibitionism. They may close up on a woman from the rear and mimic intercourse by using some protruding object made of gourd necks, which they thrust toward their partners with appropriate gestures and body motions. The women proceed serenely, and the Boogers do not insist upon touching them throughout the rest of the dance movement. The dance continues circling around the corn mortar in the center of the room until the song is ended. The Boogers now crowd noisily through the door and depart on their mysterious mission; but upon breaking forth on their new adventures, some of these errant gallants dash towards the women and clumsily try to drag a struggling victim outside. The women laugh and the girls scream and off go the Boogers. The Eagle Dance In the Eagle Dance, the equipment is the eagle feather wands. These are made of a wand of sourwood approximately 20 inches long and lh inch wide to which is lashed an arch of the same material to serve as a frame for fine bald eagle feathers about twelve inches long. The feathers are fastened by inserting the quills through the holes in the arch so that they spread out like a fan. Sourwood is sacred to the Eagle rites and prevents contamination when handling the bird and its feathers. Each male dancer has a gourd rattle for his left hand, and the leading woman dancer has tortoise shell rattles in the first and third movements of the dance. A singer with a drum is at one side of the group, and there is a fire at one side of the site if the dance takes place at night outdoors. Participants, an equal number of male and female dancers on opposite lines running east and west, face each other in pairs. The dancers advance a pace, turn, retreat and circle counterclockwise, stop and resume. Steps range from a dignified walk to a usual shuffling trot, posture varies 128 �from stooping to crouching on one knee. There are three movements in this dance in which men and women in opposed pairs keep time with the drum by stepping one pace forward and then back to place. The dancers alternately pass the feather over their partners* heads with a lateral fan-like motion, holding the fans horizontal. At the change of songs, the dancers freeze, change positions and continue waving wands; then they return to the first position, alternating this until the end of the song. During the second movement, the dancing pairs continue slowly waving feather wands over their partners' heads. They advance toward each other and withdraw over a space of about ten feet. The opposing dancers then circle about halfway, men to the right and women to the left, changing partners. During the third movement, the dancers turn, facing outward, and wave the feather wands to the sky in time with drumming and song. In this movement, which lasts about ten minutes, the men and women approach and separate back to back. During the concluding movement, the dancers face to the right and form a single column, men followed by the women, circling counterclockwise and moving feather wands up and down. The wand is held vertically in the right hand, the rattle in the left as in the first movement. Sometimes the women carry empty baskets, symbolizing the provisions of the feast to be partaken of by those present at the dance. It is the feeding of the eagle to compensate him for the taking of his feathers, and it is said to prevent malevolent medicine men from using the bird as a medium for working evil and causing sickness. The Bear Dance The dancers circle counterclockwise around a mortar in the center of a room or a fire outdoors. At one side of the circle is a singer with a drum, who may be aided by another with a gourd rattle. During the first movement, the men shuffle and sway their bodies imitating the leader, who growls like a bear. The dancers respond with a growl when the leader raises the tone of the song and shakes his rattle. With the second movement, the women enter the line ahead of the men, face partners and dance backwards several times. Then they reverse, and the men put their hands on the women's shoulders. The representation of the dancers as bears, potentially as mates, has a certain sexual significance. At one point, the dancers raise their heads and tear the air over their shoulders in imitiation of the dance presumed to be performed by bears. It is believed that old bears have a dance in which they circle around a big hemlock tree, leaving tooth marks on the bark at head height. The bear dance that is symbolic of the bear hunt may be given as an independent performance. It is usually a major unit in a larger series of dances. 129 �War Rites The equipment is wooden masks with coiled rattlesnakes carved on the forehead or crown, a gourd rattle and one or two sets of turtle leg rattles. One example of a mask used is a medium red one representing an Indian. The eye holes are bored and black with grey fox fur on the top and sides of the head. Coiled rattlesnakes, the rattles inside the coils, are carved in high relief on the forehead, and teeth are carved in the mouth. Another Indian mask has a snake carved on the crown with rattles showing plainly. There is woodchuck fur on the head, and no teeth are represented. During the first movement of this dance, a warrior wearing a snake mask dances counterclockwise around the fire with a slow march step. Behind him is a singer, a woman with turtle leg rattles and other warriors. In the second movement, the warrior takes a position behind the woman with leg rattles, the singer leads the file and carries the song burden, while the others sing an accompaniment. The dance dramatizes the warrior's defiance of human enemies, of witches and ghosts. The mask in the image of a rattlesnake symbolizes his fearlessness. This is probably an enlistment dance, an encouragement to others to join in the war party. The Victory or Scalp Dance In the first movement, a line of warriors, each with a feathered wand in his right hand and in wartime a scalp in his left, circles around the space. A singer carrying a drum is near the center of the line, and the warriors give intermittent whoops. In the second movement, the songs cease, and the dancers walk behind the warrior at the head of the line while he recites and acts out a brief account of his exploits. The dance leader then gives his feather wand and his place to the next warrior in line. In the third movement, the victory dance song is resumed with the second warrior at the head of the line carrying the feather wand and the scalp. In the fourth movement, the warrior at the head of the line recites his exploits and then relinquishes the feather wand to the leader and goes to the end of the line, leaving the next man at the head. The movements are repeated until all the warriors have been conducted around the circle and have taken a turn at reciting their exploits. Much whooping and sustained yelling takes place at the beginning and at the end of songs and recitations. The drumming is interrupted during the recitation of exploits. At the conclusion of the dance, the feathered wands are collected and put away by the leader. This dance is an historic and boasting pageant of warrior exploits. The eagle feather wands are a symbol of victory and courage. The rites are analogous to "counting coup" of the Plains Indians. 130 �The Formal Rites Dance In the formal rites dance, they have the beginning dance. In this dance, the equipment is a gourd rattle for the leader and turtle shell leg rattles for one or two women. In the first movement, the dancers form a single line with sexes alternating, circle counterclockwise and then advance. In the second movement, the men face the women, dance backwards once around and then swing partners. The women dance backwards, reverse and then resume the first position. During this movement, the men engage in innocent acts of familiarity with the women partners who have drawn the file. The men sometimes hold the women's hands or clasp them palm to palm or place them on their shoulders. This dance, which resembles a friendship dance, opens a series of annual rites or social dances and is formally a social introduction. It dramatizes hospitality, first as neighbors and then as partners in the dance. In the friendship dance, the equipment is just the turtle shell leg rattle worn by the women, who follow the leaders. The men form a single file and join the women, who dance with them as partners. During the song, they dance counterclockwise with a shuffling trot, and, in the intervals, they walk in a circle. The dance is accompanied by a series of songs. During the second song in the series, when the leader begins to insert words suggestive of intimacy, the humorous gestures and acts of the pantomime begin. The intimacy sequence begins with partners facing each other. Then, partners dance side by side with hands crossed, dance facing each other and putting palms upon partners' palms, place hands upon partners' shoulders and place arms over partners' shoulders. Then, they dance side by side and the men place hats on their women partner's heads. Again, facing each other, they stroke their partners on the chin, put their hands on female partners' breasts and, while dancing side by side, touch and take hold of their partners' genitals. During the last two phases, the crowds fall together, partially to conceal these familiarities. These phases are usually omitted when whites are spectators. During the song, the leader may raise his hands—palms in—imitating the male dancers who then dance backwards, facing their partners. At the conclusion of the song, the partners hold hands; at the change of song, they zigzag; while at the next change, they reverse directions. This is a social pantomime of the course of intimacy between the sexes, beginning with acquaintances made at the dance and developing through various stages of familiarity, intimacy, courtship and sexual intercourse. The words are sung by the various leaders selected by the driver; choral responses are made by the assistant leader and the male dancers. 131 �The Beaver Dance In the Beaver dance, each dancer carries a peeled sumac stick. In the middle of the dance floor is a bottle of fur or a stuffed beaver skin; and if they do not have that, a bundle of rags with feathers attached may be used to represent a beaver. In the first movement, the men and women circle counterclockwise with a shuffling step, holding the stick horizontally in the left hand. The end of each stick touches the next one, with touching ends being covered with a hand grasp. The sticks thus form a cordon or ring on the inside, supplemented by the dancers' hands. With the change of song, they change the sticks to the right hand, forming a ring on the outside of the dancers. In the second movement, the dancers carry their sticks on the left shoulder like guns. A man and woman representing hunters dance inside the ring, repeatedly striking the stuffed beaver inside the circle. During this movement, the man cries "Here!" to the dancers, and the dancers answer back. The beaver is attached to a string so it may be jerked outside the ring at the moment the dancers strike at it. This is a pantomime of a beaver hunting expedition by the hunter and his wife. The sticks represent beaver clubs or guns. Four times during the dance, they cry, "Beaver, beaver!" and the leader answers. If the dancers repeatedly hit the beaver, it is a sign of good luck; if they miss, it means bad luck. The dance lasts about half an hour. The Buffalo Dance In this dance, there is a singer with a drum and, at one side of the group, the women behind the leader wear turtle leg rattles. In the movement, a file of men, followed by women, circle counterclockwise with a continuous shuffling and stomping. The buffalo is symbolized by holding the fingers crooked upwards at the temple to represent horns. The Buffalo dance is preceded by a series of night dances and a formally prepared barbecue feast. The features usually associated with the Buffalo dance in other areas, such as the jostling of the female dancers by male dancers, cows and bulls respectively and the eating of corn mush from a bowl, are lacking. Furthermore, the dance is not restricted to a society of hunters; all are admitted. It is interesting to note that the dances persisted, even in this attenuated form, in spite of the disappearance of the buffalo from the Smokies. The Horse Dance To clear a square space for the movements, the dancers take out the mortar from the center of the room. In the first movement, one or two straight rows of men abreast face northward toward the fire, near which is a singer with a drum. The dancers 132 �move forward with slow time and small steps, imitating the walk of a horse and occasionally whinnying. At the leader's whoop, they about-face and return to the initial position, yelling at each turn. This is repeated four times to four songs. In the second movement, a woman wearing leg rattles enters the row and dances next to the man in the center of the row. The dancers, including the woman, hold hands and repeat the first movement in fast time, stomping hard with short steps imitating the trotting of horses. They advance and return four times to four songs, and formerly the men were said to have kicked at the women in the manner of horses. The Corn Dance In the Cherokee language, "Shallou" is also the proper name of the mistress of corn, known as Corn Woman. The instruments are gourds, and the women wear turtle leg rattles. In the first movement, while advancing with a shuffling trot behind the leader, the men and the women circle counterclockwise around the mortar in the center of the circle, dipping or pouring corn or meal into a basket or bowl held in one hand. The second movement has a change in the song. The women with the turtle leg rattles lead the other women from the line. They circle the mortar and dance sideways facing outwards, surrounded by the men's line. The men face the women and dance around the mortar for two or three turns, all continuing the hand motions. In the third movement, the men and women change places and continue the hand movements, making two or three circuits. In the fourth movement, the lines of the men and women mingle again and repeat the first movement in pouring corn from a bowl or basket of plenty. The dance expresses supplication and thanks for the abundant corn crops. 133 �CHAPTER II Cherokee Poetry Introduction: Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle Nothing conveys the intensity of human emotions quite like poetry. Poems move, stimulate, elate, sadden. They allow us to empathize with the feelings of the poet or to provide our own significance to these clusters of words. Cherokee poems, especially these written by young Cherokee poets, provide the reader access to the Cherokees' very special and cherished inner feelings. Some are informative, others are humorous, while many reflect deep sorrow, thought or anguish over the Indians' lot. Sixty-one poems by sixteen Cherokees are presented here. Twenty-two poems are the work of Pam Conseen Taylor, a very talented young Cherokee woman. Also we have sixteen of Lloyd Owle's poems, five each from D. Chiltoskie and Marilyn Crowe Johnson, two from Carol Cucumber and a number of contributors with one poem each. Please read these works carefully, for they say much, often with deep emotions, allowing much to be learned and shared by all of us regardless of our race, sex, age or ethnic origin. 134 �Bows and Arrows Bows and arrows, Flaming headdresses, Tomahawks, and Pottery. Today's idea . . . Of yesterday Indians. Pam Taylor To Be An Indian The lines of age, Cross my face. Through the years, Much has been experienced. The happiness of belonging, To the earth. The love found by giving Thanks, through dance. The many passing of moons, As one grows wiser. Why then . . . Is it so wrong, To be an Indian? Pam Taylor New Yesterdays The years of life are passing We are growing Around us, yesterday dissolves Into only a memory. A "remember when." We grasp tightly, Feeling insecure. But know We must make New Yesterdays, With the wisdom Acquired. Pam Taylor 135 �To the Great White Father in Washington You have turned your back On the Redman, When he came to you in Peace. He asks the Great Spirit to bless You. And give to you, understanding, And knowledge. He was only asking, for you To listen, To the cries of "your children," But . . . What were we to expect . . . Your children in New York City Are crying too. As you dine in your chamber, As your family walks beside you, I hope that you'll leave no tracks, For anyone else to follow. Pam Taylor I Feel Red I feel the soaring eagle, As I climb the mountain top. I feel the grouchy, rough bear, As I too search the earth for food. I feel the swiftness of the fish, As it swims against the current. I feel the fleeing of the deer, As a strange being approaches. I feel Red, Just as the clay of the earth. Pam Taylor 136 �An Indian Feeling Over on that mountain top, Is a house so large, Down by that valley stream Someone builds a barge. Up the road I'm quite aware Of that new man-made lake. On the land we once used To garden, for living's sake. Sometimes, more often than not I wonder if they really know What we felt like, when we Had to go. Pam Taylor To Die in Peace Yesterday we cried for land, Yet from Florida, To California we lost it all. Today we cry for rights But from Washington, We hear, of glorious promises . . . For a tomorrow. Tomorrow we will be asking For survival. Just to let us alone . . . To die in peace. Pam Taylor 137 �Little Did We Know We got together, A long time ago, And we decided . . . We will be as the eagle — Soar with pride, and keep the Mountain tops as our shelter. We would live by the streams — So that the fish would serve as food And to keep pure the water, So we might drink freely. We would walk the winding trails — So not to destroy the vast forest— And the secrets shared by the many Bird songs, the animal language And the whispers of the wind. And we decided . . . That what the Great Spirit had granted— Would be taken care of in His honor, And each living thing would have a meaning And each deceased thing would rest in peace. Little did we know . . . The white man would try to destroy us. Pam Taylor Tears Columbus, "discovered" Washington, "stressed" Lincoln, "fought" Jackson, "possessed" and the Redman, "wept." Pam Taylor 138 �I am Indian, I / suppose some people believe, That we should have no race, That the beauty of my deep bronze skin, And the blackness of my hair, Should carry no pride. But I don't believe this is the truth, Because . . . Just as the Great Spirit Created the Fair skin of the Europeans, The black skin of the Negro, He created me Red. So as long as there is air to breathe, Water to drink, And a place to rest, I will look! I will walk! I will talk! As an American Indian. Pam Taylor Yesterday Yesterday . . . I always speak of yesterday Only because . . . We then had a chance. We lived in peace, As a nation Who belonged . . . Only to the earth. Now as yesterday . . . We belong—as a Nation Only now, it's to Washington. Pam Taylor 139 �Thanksgiving The sounds of the drums Beat heavy in my mind. The sounds of many chants Burn meaning in my soul The steps I take when dancing. Go always forward, not back. And the reason, is for Thanksgiving, Not, assistance. Pam Taylor I Am Indian, II Red as the sunset, As tall as the Sequoyah, As thoughtful as an owl, As sly as the fox, I am Indian. Pam Taylor Ironic Laughter The laughter I hear, Comes the pale one. He laughs because, The language I speak Is not of his tongue, The color of his skin, Is not the shade of mine. And his beliefs, Are not in tune with mine. Why laugh? My pale one. Who wears the pleasant face ? Who wears the false one? Pam Taylor 140 �Belonging The f e e l of belonging To the earth, Made my life Worthwhile. My hair swayed In the wind, Just as the trees, Following a pattern. My eyes as brown as The mountain bear. In search together for food, From the ripened Fruit trees. The reddest bronze skin was as Sunset. On a warm autumn evening. I am Indian, I belong to the earth. Pam Taylor Indian Walk We walked daily through The fields, Filled with the warmth of Nature. The sun at our back, our Moccasins making tracks, In the dandy fields. Pam Taylor The Wind's Tracks The mild wind whispers Softly, Look behind you, You made no tracks . . . No one saw you come this way. Pam Taylor 141 �Indian Prayer, I OH GREAT SPIRIT, FATHER OF ALL, Can I dare ask, What color are you? DOWN ON MY KNEES, MY FACE TO THE DUST, In gratitude. That I will know it not. The importance lies not in Color alone, But in the way you find To wear it. Pam Taylor Indian Prayer, II Oh Mother Earth Hear my plea Speak to me Through the whispering pine, And tell me, Who am I? Please give to me, The answer Through the bubbling brook, About where I am to go. Give to me I cry, Through a sunshine ray, A path to follow So my moccasins will not fail thee, A way to hear, An identity of my own And a path to lead me To a hunting ground of love. Pam Taylor 142 �I Ask / lay down my knife Beside your gun, And ask . . . Is it good, that we not fight? I give you my blanket, In return for your coat And ask . . . Is it good, that we exchange? I give you my land In return for your progress And ask . . . Is it good, that we advance? I share with you my beliefs, In return for your beliefs, And ask . . . Why . . . Is it good that we lose our identity? Pam Taylor 143 �I Honor Them It's hard to understand A broken and harsh voice. But many the years, They've had to speak. It's hard to understand Why they weep and wander, So easily. But there are so many memories, Behind them. It's hard to take them shopping, Because the clothes are mismatched, And the travel is slow. But after all, The clothes they've made, Have yet to wear out. And they have many miles, On those moccasins. It's all right my elderly friend I understand and honor you. And I am looking forward to filling Your moccasins . . . If I ever can. Pam Taylor I'm Proud My skin is brown and I'm proud My cheekbones are high and I'm proud I carry in my blood drops of courage from Junaluska And love for my people like Tsali. I walked along adding to the many during the Trail of Tears. I carry the burden that every Indian carries— The white man— I'm an Indian and I'm proud. Pam Taylor 144 �The Oconaluftee River Where the searching eye is caught By the glitter of shifting sand As clear destined water flows Through the forgotten Cherokee land Where flowers burst in bloom As birds begin to sing Along green shady banks Small voices of children ring Where time lingers amazingly With shadows edged with silver Tis a wonder of the Cherokee world The Oconaluftee River. Lloyd Owle Indian Shoes These shoes are old and worn These shoes are old and torn, These shoes have seen many miles While tears haunted Indian styles. These shoes have seen the years These shoes know the Trail of Tears, As many wore away These shoes realized the need to stay. These shoes are old and pitiful Their roads were cruel and scornful These shoes have walked in pain They endured life with nothing to gain. These shoes are Indian shoes And as the end of life nears These shoes will fade away They walked the Trail of Tears one day. Lloyd Owle 145 �Friends Lost I'm going out by the wall To sit and watch little birds play, I'm going out by the wall And scare the birds away. I'm going out by the wall To count my little friends, As their instinct begins to call And they drift away again. I'm going out by the wall To throw things in life away, As by the open gate I will probably stay. I'm going out by the wall Where my friends are slain, As doom met their lives While they cried for mercy in dreadful pain. I'm going out by the wall Now I can walk through the pain My soul has died once And by the wall I'll die again. H# Lloyd Owle Mountain Life The mountains pull at me The trees stroke my eyes The wind brushes by Pulling down the sky. The flowers tug at me The streams wash me down Life drives at me I fall and hug the ground. Lloyd Owle 146 �Mountain Life Whether I be down in the valley, Or high on a hill, I hear the lonely call, Of the old whippoorwill, Oh, I love mountain life! To me it's so dear. As the mountains reach so high, And attempt to pull down the sky, It's all so wonderful, As a billion flowers . . . Create such fragrant smells, Oh, I love mountain life! Lloyd Owle Clingman's Dome Where the mountains are so blue, Below Clingman's Dome, The people of Cherokee, Make the valleys their home. As clouds drift so free, And tumbling thunder roars, A new life seems to develop, Through an opening in Nature's doors. Where green plants flutter, In the gentle breeze, And bees buzz wild flowers, With true life and ease. Where one looks, Out into the hills, And visions are stolen, With breathtaking trills. Where many many tribes, Of Cherokee Indians have roamed, In the beautiful valleys, Below Clingman's Dome. Lloyd Owle 147 �The Meadow of Eternity I'm in a field of daises Standing in the green green grass, I will live here forever My life will endure, The flowers will never wilt Color will never fade, Rich is my heort with love Femininity is softly around, As I hold to life Warmness will never end, I'm in the meadow of time I'm in the light of life I'm in the house of love I'm in the endless shadow, Reaching through the stars I'm in the meadow of eternity. Lloyd Owle 148 �The Puzzle I'm working on the puzzle of time And it is sad to realize That the puzzle has missing pieces Pieces unheard of and unseen. As a heart weakens and dies Why doesn't someone hear its cry? As a life wilts and erases in time Why does time fill so many spaces? Why doesn't someone love one in youth? As they cry for love in truth, Why does life come so cold? As blood is soon to grow old, Why can't life be with everyone? In a life of beautiful fun A life of delicacy and joy. If cold hearts could become warm And love would dominate the world, In an understanding life And all people would sing together A song of the stars To hush the voice of the sea And remove the cry of pain, Then it would solve the puzzle for me. Lloyd Owle 149 �The White Ghost The white ghost of winter Creeps into the valley It drifts over the hills . . . It sweeps through the trees, Rivers turn to ice The Indian sees death near It drifts through his home As snow blows inside Its scream is heard outside Children cry from cold Small bodies become numb, Everything is still, Then the wind comes again A small child hushes his cry His tender life is gone now His mother cries of pain The white ghost continues to rage. Slaying all it nears . . . And the Indian is its prey They took his home and land And left him in the cold, To face the white ghost of winter. Lloyd Owle 150 �Nature's Picture Take a paint brush And a pail of Nature's paint Then we'll go out into the world . . . And paint so beautifully. We 'II paint in the valley We 'II paint the meadow's grass Then we 'II paint the flowers . . . On the ground and on the trees. We 'II paint and tame the wildlife, We 'II paint the birds We 'II paint the bees. Then we will welcome the yellow sun, We'll bring in the rain, We'll paint a valley of happiness A valley of love and romance. Then we 'II paint ourselves . . . In the middle of the valley, And live in the ecstasy. Lloyd Owle Indian Turtle Shells As Indians dance The turtle shells rattle To create a rhyme A rhyme the Indians dance by. As the Indians dance Empty shells begin to rattle The turtle's life is gone The turtle rattles of death. The Indians dance The turtle shells rattle Who cares for death This is a happy time. Lloyd Owle 151 �Let's Go Logging Come! Let's go logging, I heard the old man say, Come let's go logging, Let us go today. Let's go to the hills, And take in the forest, Come let's go logging, You be my guest. Come let's go logging, Where tall sturdy trees stand, Come let us see Nature, As we listen to the whispering wind. Come let's go logging, I heard the old man say, As I looked at him I knew, He'd logged his life away. Lloyd Owle 152 �Race Forgotten by Time The American Indian has been Kicked Stepped on Robbed Murdered Beaten Cheated He has been unmercifully tortured He has been promised everything Every promise has been broken He has been downed in every phase of life He has been blinded in soul Robbed of is heart. After all this The Indian is kind and gentle He tries with all his heart He still has pride and hope to build a new way to live, To restore his own traditions Which knew Honor Love Consideration to all things Oh, to reach for the stars Which the Indian dreamed of. Lloyd Owle 153 �A Winter Poem A Winter Snow! Crystalline mantle Draped gently 'cross the shoulders Of earth's brown winter dress. Flakes seem to float, Almost in reluctance, Slowly, to their downward destiny. Some caught, at times, By baby gusts of wind, Swirl round and round As if at play. Some flakes are interrupted, In their fall, By reaching arms of trees. Spared from the common ground, As if their purpose Is something special It is! They outline branches Against the blue of sky When the snow has stopped. Lloyd Owle Happy Hunting Grounds The Happy Hunting Grounds With all hearts joined Warm hands touching With the forgotten race —The American Indian. Lloyd Owle 154 �Indian Traditions With a crown of feathers The Indian man stood, He could color the world If he only would. He was asked why There he only stood, He said he couldn't change And he wouldn't if he could. Lloyd Owle I Pray Oh Great Spirit Help me, guide me Each day of my life. I want to learn as much as I can Of the white man's ways. I want to use these things For the benefit of my people. I want to be able to withstand All elements of His world. I want, Oh Great Spirit, To retain the past Cultivate the present And create a better future For all future generations. Oh Great Spirit Stand beside me, give me strength . . . D. Chiltoskie 155 �Holy Mother Oh Holy Mother Help me to find what I am seeking Guide me between right and wrong Teach me all I need to know Concerning these white men. Oh Holy Mother Make my heart strong To beat only for my people And endure all the hate and injustice around me Make my body strong To endure the pain and hardships I face. Oh Holy Mother Help me to speak out For changes that have to come I am small but make my voice loud. Oh Holy Mother Give me strength to go on, And always look toward the sunrise. D. Chiltoskie 156 �Termination An end to the life we have known, Just like before. How long will it be before you try Again to end our existence? Once we asked only to share What you eventually took and what we had. What had we done then To make you act the way you did? You didn't listen then And you're not listening now, You only tell us what we should do. You say you want what's best for us, We had that once and you took it. How do you know what is best for us When you don't know what is best for you? No, we can't change the past But you're not trying to make The future any better for us, You're only trying to push us As far away from you as possible. D. Chiltoskie 157 �The New Indians The New Indians We're here, we're strong We've been suppressed too long Now it's our time, to rise, to speak out And to be heard. The white men They've tried to change and mold us After them, but our spirits are too strong. The New Indians We 're tired or being pushed, shoved, Lied to, spit upon, and pitied. The New Indians Yes, it's our turn now They can't stop us, we've got to be heard. The white men They've got to listen to us now And they will!! D. Chiltoskie Our Tomorrows We are their tomorrows Their hopes their dreams. Today we start, today is our beginning. We can fulfill our dreams and hopes But we must fulfill theirs too. Will we let them down, Will they lose, like so many times before? Are we brave enough, to leave, To try in the white man's world? It's a big challenge How many will take it and succeed. D. Chiltoskie 158 �Beginning Little is really known about the American Indian, or what links our human soul with the earth, we believed that this land was created for us by the Great Spirit and that it would be ours .forever. The new world . . . this is what the white man, called our land, but it was not new at all . . . The Redman inhabited America for centuries. Carol Cucumber To Be Free The struggle has begun A new hope has been born Our sunny day will come. Look up into the sky as the Wind whispers in the trees, atop A floating cloud that echoes To be free . . . Carol Cucumber Brothers My Brothers I am an Indian The world and Universe are my Brothers I Have been told and I Know, but sometimes I Wonder if the people in This world and Universe are My Brothers also. Jackson 159 �Vietnam Tears / stood and I watched as a mother cried, When she had heard that her son had died, He didn't die because he was sick, Or he didn't die because he was in a wreck, He died doing what he felt was right. I watched a father try to hold back his tears, His son had lived only a scant 19 years, His son had died nine thousand miles away, And what was there left for a father to say? He got down on his knees and said a prayer, His brave son knows his father did care. I stood and watched as a little girl cried, She didn't understand why her brother had passed on, Why he never again played with her on the lawn. Looking at the little girl's tears I knew, That her big brother died Fighting for me and you. Henderson Climbingbear 160 �Boys, Girls, Beads and Hair Lovebeads and long hair now are in. But tell me, what will they win? The war on poverty, peace for the world, No boys, only a girl Boys, the girls think they are ever so keen; By running around and being so mean. By doing this they do not know, That one day they will hurt some so and so. Their minds are not on the Peace of the World, Only on their hair when it is uncurled. If only they would consider exactly what for, Even though we love freedom, there is still so much war. So stop and think all of you teens, Just what being a leader means. Picture yourself in greater heights Then you will know something about our Civil Rights. Florence Ross Nineteenth Century Law If a man commits murder, A crime punishable by death, Let him be made to eat ramps, Till he expires by his own venomous breath. Cecil Johns Love Look around, do you see? The war hawk, the dove, Something reaching for me; Below and above, Everyone's searching for that little thing called love. Sharon E. Bradley 161 �Death Spirit The old Indian dies. His folks missed him not. But his ghost will proudly rise And it will be sought, But never in this world will his spirit be caught. Dinah Swimmer Tomorrow Maybe tomorrow, Maybe there will be freedom For all our sake, no? Johnny Bradley Life Can you use a weapon To live in this world? Forever are you weeping To kill a squirrel? You just go around once in life; give it a whirl Stephen Queen My Wish My wish When I die Place my body in a tree Where the winds can blow Through my body and carry On my beliefs. Bambi Armachain 162 �Winter Snow Tiny flakes of white Fill the air in multitude, Serve to insulate this place 'gainst man's alien sounds, Brought about When he loses contact With his inner self, A natural quiet. If you will listen, As you watch in wonder, And witness heaven's open windows, You'll hear all of Nature Hold its breath, As it's dazzled by the miracle Of another Winter Snow. Homer Crowe Indian Love Song Why do I walk the white line alone, Playing a lover's flute? By the road I shall fall as a crumbling stone, And shall wait there as mute. I walk the white road to the Blood-red moon, Lifting my mourning cry, She who was lost comes here to me soon; I have willed that I die. Blackfoot Song 163 �Ending He was born in early morning his mother all alone his name yet to be chosen destiny already known. The last of many brothers the first of those to come. He is growing very quickly how fast the time has gone the teachers say he's bright. Sure to lead his people — as sure as time goes on. The last of many brothers the first of those to come. He never had the time to learn all he could. His dreams of betterment and college ended when his father passed away. With his mother unskilled and no work for those unlearned, the boy forgot his dreams to support his family in any way he could. Yet he hopes the future holds more for his son, but deep inside he knows before his son's life has begun, He's the last of many brothers and the first of those to come. Marilyn Crowe Johnson 164 �Hunger Versus Inflation What is for supper what are we having today? Will we have beef, chicken or shall it be fish? We know the answer It's beans and potatoes cornbread and mush, soups or gravies, easy to fix without any fuss. It's not the meal fare that gets me depressed, it's the weight that will double and the zippers that will pop when I try to dress. The waistline once showing the hours I've spent exercising my flesh, has turned completely from firm into a mess. The lettuce and tomatoes the boiled meats I once had have increased price, and it makes me mad! Instead of ranting and raving and being sad thinking of delicacies long ago I once had I shall hunt up some Indian chow that grows in the wild since a long time ago. Wild salad greens shall it be for me field cress, mushrooms and assorted things, it's a bit of hard work in the woods and the hills But it sure beats beans for a good healthy meal! Marilyn Crowe Johnson 165 �For God's Holy Name In the beginning, the white men came to the new world, to worship in peace and freedom and to share the Lord's holy name. Teach the heathen Indians about the word of God. Tell them of His wonders, miracles he performed. Mention that we came here to praise His mighty name, to worship Him in freedom, to teach others so they would do the same. Then ask them very kindly to let us live near them, that there is room for all— 'tis for God's holy name. The Indians are useful teaching us what they know about living in the wilderness, surviving in the cold. The days are filled with glory freedom for us all We 've built, grown and prospered we need no one else at all Time has flown by so quickly things are not the same the Indian must move for they are in our way . . . You can't find them? the others refuse to move, you say! They absolutely must go— for it's here we mean to stay! 166 �What? Won't move again? Won't let us have more land? Kind of selfish and savage now . . . We'll have to deal with them today! We 've moved them once, we 'II move them again. In the future it'll be the same, We do this not for us But for "Gold's" holy name. They are few and weakened now but still proud and untamed (they surely must be insane). Yes, move the others also— way out onto the Plains. Nicely done, so few of them remain— Guilty? For what? We did this all for "Gold's" holy name. Marilyn Crowe Johnson 167 �Peace The loud cry of the War Chief echoes through the night. Rise, avenge your brothers! We must fight! A still soft sound barely heard, whispered by a single man. No. Have you not learned? Then quieter softer he whispers — still— Your anger and hatred kills. The redman and white man die. Must you bend to vengeance's will? The War Chief has many followers. The Peace Chief sits alone. Few have heard his words. Again comes the cry for war! Again and again comes the plea for peace. Still again and again plus many times more — has anyone heard? Marilyn Crowe Johnson 168 �Changing Unobstructed view from windows in my home of sunsets in evenings with oranges, pinks and blues. Created with many beautiful hues. The grass turning bright vividly green. Light, dark and many shades in between pines almost black. Within the light of the waning sun mountains in the distance. Clouds lofting above. Dark purple and gray. The river now darkened nearly black and foreboding. Totally different from earlier today when in the bright sun it's noisily moving was constantly gay. Soft breezes one can only feel gently lifting the leaves. Nudging scattered flowers to nod lulling small birds to sleep in the trees. What a shame this incredible beauty must end to give way to blackness without end. Alas, I cry, but to behold— stars now showing in the expanse above. I discover a new cycle of the Great Spirit "Love." Marilyn Crowe Johnson 169 �CHAPTER III Cherokee Arts And Crafts INTRODUCTION: Laurence French, Jim Hornbuckle, Reuben Teesatuskie and Elsie Martin Arts and crafts are by far the most popular of all Native American artifacts. The demand for both aboriginal and contemporary Indian arts and crafts is incredible, with these objects being found throughout the world. The recent Pan-Indian movement has done much to increase the American Indians' sense of selfworth and self-pride, and this is evident through visible means such as appearance and attire. Consequently, Native Americans have pooled their combined heritages sharing their "Indianism." Sioux braids, Navajo headbands, Plains Indian headdresses, Navajo, Ute and Zuni jewelry are worn by many Indians regardless of tribal affiliation, while ojos (God's eyes), fans, turtle and gourd rattles, Indian baskets, spiral pottery, beadwork, woven blankets, wood and stone carvings adorn Indian homes. Included in this chapter is a section on the origin of Cherokee arts and crafts and the contemporary preservation of these arts and crafts by the Eastern Cherokees. This is followed by a section on the sale and display of Cherokee arts and crafts, with particular attention paid to the Qualla Co-op, the "Medicine Man Shop" and other local cooperatives. The third section looks at particular Cherokee craftspersons and their works, including the art of basketry, wood and stone carvings, pottery, beadwork, sash weaving, mask carving, bowl making and jewelry. The last section is unique in that it presents the art of Cherokee food preparation. Traditional foods still play an important role in the lives of many Cherokees, especially the more conservative families living away from the tourist route. We used the interview method, letting the Cherokee woman explain, in her own words, how she prepares her Indian meals. Having attended such meals, the editors can attest to the enthusiasm generated at an "Indian dinner," the atmosphere being similar to that commonly associated with white Thanksgiving, Easter and Christmas feasts. 170 �THE ORIGIN OF CHEROKEE ARTS AND CRAFTS: Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle During aboriginal times, prior to the advent of white contact, the Cherokees lived in permanent agricultural villages without the benefit of the more technologically sophisticated implements utilized by their European white counterparts. Yet, the Cherokees seemed to manage well without advanced technology as the thousand-year survival of this system indicates. The early Cherokee way of life necessitated innovative uses of the natural environment, and in doing so, the Cherokees fostered the talents and skills associated with the production of these implements. Moreover, this way of life required a complex apprenticeship educational system in order to enable future generations to preserve these skills. Looking back in time, envision an early Cherokee village with its centrally located seven-sided town house surrounded by forty or so log homes, while beyond the village's fort-like log perimeter lie the communal garden plots and fields and pastures. Within this setting, the Cherokees virtually lived off the land, improvising shelter, clothing, food, tools, weapons, household utensils and ceremonial and religious objects. Vegetation, wildlife, minerals, ores and even the soil itself provided the raw material from which these things were constructed. Once viewing the completed objects, one realizes that it is the craftsmanship which accounts for this transformation of common place natural sources into objects of art. Trees were felled with stone axes, wedges and hammers and shaped with stone chisels and adzes. Most garden tools were made of either stone or wood including stone spades, hoes and knives and wooden rakes, pitchforks, planting and threshing sticks. Similarly, dugout canoes were used for both transportation and fishing. Early Cherokees were quite adept at the art of fishing, devising both traps and nets in addition to the common hook and line method. River cane basket traps were employed in capturing large quantities of fish. Here, the traps would be placed at strategic points downstream; then Cherokee males, joined by hemp rope or grape vine with long strands of ropes with stones attached hanging from their waists, would form a line across the brook or river upstream. Moving downstream, the Cherokee men would shout and pound the water, driving the fish ahead of them into the traps. Fish nets, on the other hand, were usually dragged across a stream or were used in a similar fashion as the fish trap method described above. When a family needed only enough fish for themselves, then a male would go down to the nearby stream and cast his line with its carved bone fishhook. He might also go 171 �out on a larger body of water with the family canoe and repeat this process. All domestic utensils and clothing were produced from their natural surroundings. These included baskets, bowls, knives, spoons, rugs and clothing. Common household objects were ceramic bowls for cooking and storage of water or liquids. Early Cherokees made coiled pottery using the natural clay from the area. Most of these vessels were of a coarse texture due to the use of crushed stone and mussel shells, sand, mica, quartzite and straw as reinforcers. The color of the ceramic object was determined by both heat intensity and time of firing, this being done either over an open flame or in a ceramic oven. The popular black texture was obtained by using a moderate heat for a long period. The colors varied from a light sand color to a glossy black. The pots were first air-dried, then fired. Cherokees decorated their ceramic vessels with stamping paddles consisting of flat wooden devices with designs carved upon them. Only the earlier pots were straw-tempered, these dating to over a thousand years ago. Straw-tempered clay, however, continued to be used for chinking between logs and stones as a reinforcement for this common natural mortar. Bowl carving, either from soapstone or wood, seemed to complement the Cherokee women's household. Baskets, too, were an important aboriginal artifact. They were used to gather, store and prepare foods. They also served as back packs and as decorations. Native dyes, made from broomsedge, apple bark, marigolds, bloodroot, dahlias, walnut bark, hemlock, touch-me-nots, madder, indigo, black wood and pokeberries, provided a variety of colors for the Cherokees. Baskets were usually dyed with black walnut root for dark colors and with bloodroot for reds. The material itself, river cane, maple sugar and oak splits, contrasted these colors with their natural yellow hue. Early Cherokees had bread baskets, fish baskets, pack baskets, hanging baskets and hominy sifters in their homes. Some baskets had handles and some were ribbed, while doubleweave baskets were so well prepared that many claim they could hold water. The Cherokees and Catawbas shared a unique basket design in which the baskets were rimmed with a thin oak hoop, bound with hickory fiber. Although animal skins, especially deer and bear skins, were widely used by the early Cherokees for clothing and blankets, woven material was used as well. Blankets, clothing and hemp rugs were all constructed on a simple frame, while sashes, scarfs and belts were made by the fingerweaving method. Weapons demanded equal skills in their making. Early Cherokee weapons consisted mainly of war clubs, knives, spears, the bow and arrow, blowguns, gorgets (body armaments) and shields. These weapons were used either for hunting or war par172 �ties or both. War clubs were carved from stone and affixed with bear gut to a sturdy hardwood handle, while knives were chipped from flint or quartz with the handle bound in rawhide. Similarly, spear points and arrow heads were also chipped from flint or quartz and then fastened to their respective shafts with bear gut. River cane was used for spear shafts, while the smaller switch cane was employed for arrow shafts. Bird feathers adorned the opposite end of the arrow shaft, serving the two-fold function of identifying the owner and maintaining accuracy in flight. The bow itself was carved from a single piece of locust or mock orange wood five to six feet in length and strung with deer sinew. Blowguns, used mostly for hunting small game, were made from sturdy river cane and measured eight to ten feet when completed. Some skilled craftsmen even filed the interior for greater accuracy. Locust shaft darts tufted with thistledown and often dipped with a mild poison were the projectiles shot from these weapons. River cane animal traps and hemp snares were other implements used by the early Cherokees in their hunting endeavors. Body armament consisted of strings of shell, bone and animal teeth made into neck collars, arm and leg guards and chest and back plates. These were probably quite effective defenses against glancing blows from spears, arrows, knives and clubs but were rendered useless once the white man introduced gunpowder to the American Indians. Some evidence suggests Cherokee warriors used hand-held shields as well, but these, too, were ineffective against firearms. Finally, we come to ceremonial objects, which were used in a wide array of activities from birth to death and all sacred and festive events in between. Typically, ceremonial ceramics included large clay pots, opened at both ends, used in burying infants and children. Clay peace pipes and effigy pottery were other sacred ceramic objects used by the early Cherokees. Each figure, whether it was a frog, turtle, bird, animal or human image, had a sacred significance in itself, as did carved stone pipes and stone and wooden effigy figurines. Larger carved ceremonial objects were the "Willum Ollums" or wooden totem poles representing an abstract pictorial history of the Cherokee it honored. Other wooden artifacts include the Cherokee ceremonial masks used in all major festivals, and during funeral, hunting and war party rituals. Cherry, black walnut, buckeye and holly are the woods most commonly associated with Cherokee masks. Many were adorned with animal fur and parts, especially those used in hunting rituals. Perhaps the most unusual mask is the Booger mask used to ward off evil spirits. Interestingly, the serpent was a major symbol of evil during aboriginal times and often adorned the Booger mask. After white contact, the Booger mask took on the 173 �face of the devil, again often with the serpent intermingled in his horns. Medicine bowls, wedding jugs, ball sticks for the seasonal stick ball competition, ornamental necklaces, collars, bracelets and turtle rattles were other ceremonial objects used by the early Cherokees. The advent of the white man and the influence of his culture and religion greatly altered the aboriginal way of life. Yet, in spite of these changes, many of the early arts and crafts have managed to survive to the present. The following section looks at Cherokee crafts today. 174 �Cherokee Crafts Today: Laurence French and Jim Hornbuckle Many of the traditional Cherokee arts and crafts have survived to the present. This is mostly due to the long isolation afforded the Cherokees, which provided an environment conducive to the preservation of many of their cherished cultural traits. Yet, even in the short span of 30 years, from the end of World War II when the Boundary first experienced significant outside influences until today, many of their traditional customs, notably the arts and crafts, have been threatened with extinction. Fortunately, efforts have been made to preserve these Cherokee practices, so that today their arts and crafts are world renowned. Although these practices no longer have their early, aboriginal significance, they do serve four important functions today: economic, therapeutic, recognitional and cultural. The economic function is obvious. Skilled Cherokee craftspersons can augment their income with the sale of their work. And it is for this reason that many co-ops and other outlets have emerged on the Qualla Boundary. Many must wonder how these crafts are marketed. Actually, there are many outlets on the Qualla Boundary for the collection and sale of these crafts. Probably the most significant distributor is the Qualla Arts and Crafts Mutual, Incorporated. The co-op explains its history and purpose as follows: The goals of Qualla have always been to keep alive the rich cultural heritage in arts and crafts of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. In the early years, Qualla made an important contribution by providing a yearround place for the artists and craftsmen to sell and market their creations, at a time when this work was the only source of income for many a family. Qualla Arts and Crafts Mutual, Inc. has consistently paid higher prices to the artists and craftsmen for their work and has provided the recognition they so greatly deserve. Qualla is located on the Qualla Indian Boundary, Highway 441, Cherokee, North Carolina, at the eastern entrance to the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. In the early 1930's the potential of arts and crafts on the Qualla Indian Boundary was recognized by the Indian artists and craftsmen, and with assistance from the Bureau of Indian Affairs under a community development project, support was provided for these talented Native Americans. As an outgrowth of this project, the first craftsmen's cooperative was organized in 1946 and ultimately grew into the present organization. 175 �In I960, a building program was undertaken by the group which resulted in the attractive sales shop that the organization operates. So successful has this cooperative venture been, that plans are now being made to enlarge the sales area. Privately-owned shops also attract these prized arts and crafts, including the Medicine Man Craft Shop, the El Camino restaurant, J. P.'s River Room restaurant and the Cherokee Holiday Inn. Monetary gains, however, are not the primary consideration for most Cherokee craftspersons. Quality production brings peace of mind, as do all creative endeavors. Perhaps this is why the therapeutic and cultural functions are the most significant ones. The process of creating or participating in a cherished Cherokee endeavor not only directly links that particular Cherokee with his or her cultural heritage, but it brings the craftspeople considerable peace of mind and a strong sense of self-worth. Actually, all four contemporary functions are interrelated. Quality Cherokee crafts are self-serving while at the same time profitable. Once sold, they reach the far ends of the world, bringing international recognition to the Eastern Band as a whole; in this sense, Cherokee craftspersons are the tribe's best ambassadors. Cherokee arts, such as dancing, singing and bow and arrow, blowgun and stick ball competition are all kept alive through yearly festivals or powwows, most of which are intertribal. The fall festival is the modern counterpart of the ancient harvest festival, which was the most significant event during aboriginal times. Similarly, the fall festival is the most important cultural event for many of today's Cherokees. Great honor and recognition are bestowed upon those who distinguish themselves in the various competitive events. And equally important is the thrill afforded the Cherokee spectators who watch these events, leaving standing room only. Forty-niners and powwows, often representing multiple tribal groups, are again staging a comeback, especially among the young people. This, incidentally, can be attributed to the new Pan-Indian movement and its emphasis on renewed Indian pride. But the young Indians are not the only Cherokees participating in these performing arts. The "Trail of Tears Singing" draws both Eastern and Western Cherokees to the Snowbird community for an emotion-laden weekend of singing and interaction involving Cherokees of all ages. Even Cherokee senior citizens have their own choir in which they perform regularly for the general Indian population, singing in the native tongue. There are a number of crafts still practiced today by the modern Cherokees including basketry, beadwork, bow and arrow 176 �making, blowgun construction, bowl making, jewelry, Indian stick ball construction, Indian dolls, pottery, sash weaving and stone and wood carving, to mention the most popular. Cherokee baskets are collector's items today and with obvious reason. In addition to the traditional river cane, oak and maple splints, a new plant introduced by white settlers — honeysuckle — has become popular among contemporary Cherokee basket makers. Emma Taylor, considered to be one of the Eastern Band's most gifted basket weavers, learned the skill from her mother when she was just seven years old. Emma makes both single and double-weave baskets and works equally well with river cane, oak and sugar maple splints or honeysuckle. She describes her work as follows: When I make white oak baskets my first trip is to the woods. There, I go to get my white oak, bringing back young saplings which I then split into quarters. I then sit down and take out the splints with the grain of the wood. I then scrape them on both sides until they are smooth and flexible. I then weave them into a basket. Once I start, it takes me three to five days to complete two or three baskets. I then take them to market. Crucial to basket making is the dyeing process. Again Ms. Taylor describes the process: / will explain first the use of the walnut bark. You take the walnut bark from the tree and place it in a big tub with the splints that you want to dye. You fill the tub with water. Then build a fire so the splints can boil. You let the splints boil from eight to nine hours. The fire must be kept going all the time. After they are dyed I take them out of the tub and rinse them in cold water and dry them off. They are now ready to use. The second type of natural dye I use is the yellow root. This can be found by the river bank. After you have all the yellow root sticks that you need, you scrape the outer bark off of the root. Then, they are placed into a clean pot with the splints. You then place the water in the pot and add some salt to it. This is to keep the splints from fading after they are dyed. You leave the splints in the water for approximately an hour. Then you take them out and dry them off. When they are dry, you can start your basket. The bloodroot that we use grows in the woods, too. After you dig up the root, you cut it up and place it in a clean pot. Then you add the salt when you add the water. You also let it set for awhile. To get the orange color, you must leave it for two hours. After you take them out and dry them, you must let them stand for half a day before using the splints. 177 �Equally adept at basket making are Ms. R. Bradley, K. G. Reed, P. Junaluska, J. Taylor, E. Wolfe and many more. A difficult task is that of making the plaited river cane in double weave. Actually the double weave required the skillful art of weaving one basket inside of another, doing so in one continous weave of the material. Ms. Eva Wolfe is one of several Cherokees who makes the double weave, and her skills have earned her numerous prizes and national recognition, including first prize for one such basket exhibited at the United States Department of Interior in Washington, D. C. In addition to baskets, plaited honeysuckle vine mats, plaited white oak flower baskets and plaited river cane purse baskets are common and popular items as are many other basket products. Beadwork has gained popularity among the Eastern Cherokees with the advent of dozens of gifted craftspersons. One of these is Ms. Lula Nicey Welch, who learned the art over fifty years ago from her mother. Commercial glass and plastic beads, as well as the introduction of the corn bead, have provided the modern Cherokee with a vast supply of materials, a situation not shared with their ancestors. Ms. Welch explains the beadwork process as follows: In doing the first beadwork we would use the corn beads which are sometimes known as Job's Tear. These are also used today by our people. The plant was not native to our land. It was imported. It was probably one of the many trade items from the white traders. The stalk grows from two to six feet tall, and the beads are formed on the tassel rather than on the ears. The plant comes up in early spring, and it looks like grass. When the beads turn black, they are picked. You may put them in a cloth bag to dry. They become gray color, and if they are dried out in the open by the sun, they are a white color. The tassel is then pulled out of the bead, and this leaves a hole for the needle to go through. Our ancestors would use the corn beads along with commercial glass beads to sew decorations on men's trousers or on the hems of the women's skirts. Apparently they did not use them to make belts as they do today. The thread that they used was the fibers pulled from the Indian hemp weed. After the introduction of thread, they used the flax thread. Today, they make all different types of beadwork. The pony beads are used to make belts, while the smaller glass beads are used to make bracelets, rugs, neckties and bolo ties. They may also use a loom today. In doing this they would go up over and under the thread on the loom. In making the belts they go through the bead twice, picking up only one bead at a time. 178 �As Ms. Welch stated, belts, earrings, rings, bolo ties and necklaces, as well as beadwork used to adorn clothing itself, are very popular among today's Cherokees. Ms. Dorothy Swimmer explains how to make a belt: In working with the large beads, we make belts, necklaces, headbands, and in working with these beads, say to make a belt, we start out with a solid row of beads and then work back through until we come out with an uneven number. You pick up one bead at a time, and it is sewn on to the next bead. This is called solid beadwork. The needle will go through each bead twice so if your belt should break, it would be a clean break, and it could easily be mended, usually without losing any of the beads. And, in doing the beadwork with these large beads, we make up our own designs as we go along. When the beadwork is completed, you overcast the edges and then you sew on strips of buckskin which serve as a tie. Belts are made in different lengths and widths and this determines how long it takes to complete the job. But if you really worked on it, it would take about two or three days to finish a belt. Wood and stone carving equal basketry in popularity and demand, and although many Cherokees excel in this art, five craftspersons have national reputations: Goingback Chiltoskey, Amanda Crowe, John Julius Wilnoty, Virgil Ledford and Lloyd Carl Owle. Both Mr. Chiltoskey and Ms. Crowe have taught this art at the Cherokee High School and are viewed as the standardbearers of Cherokee wood carving. Mr. Chiltoskey has been carving for over fifty years now, while Ms. Crowe exemplifies the academic distinctions afforded Cherokee wood carving, having earned both the Bachelor's and Master's of Fine Art Degrees from the Chicago Art Institute, as well as having been awarded the John Quincy Adams fellowship for foreign study and an honorary doctorate from the University of North Carolina. While Ms. Crowe has earned considerable academic recognition, this is by no means a prerequisite for success, as John Julius Wilnoty can attest. John is the subject of an interview with Mr. Tom Underwood later in this section. Mr. Wilnoty is talented in both wood and stone carving and has passed these skills and talents on to his son, John Julius Wilnoty, Jr. Certainly, two generations of exceptional craftsmanship will become a legend in Cherokee. Other young artists are Virgil Ledford and Lloyd Carl Owle, who both learned wood carving under the direction of their teacher at Cherokee High School, Ms. Amanda Crowe. Mr. Ledford creates beautiful animals while Mr. Owle tends to capture human scenes from the Cherokee past. Both artists use buckeye, cherry and walnut woods. 179 �Pottery is yet another craft in which the Cherokees display a unique talent. The early Cherokees used the coil method, and many contemporary Cherokees continue the practice today. Amanda Swimmer explains the process: For coil pottery, start with a flat disk of clay, placing ropes of clay on top of one another until you reach the desired height. Then, you mold these coils together using your fingers. Now set the pottery out in the sun to dry for about three or four hours. When they become firm, bring them in and carve them to the shape you want. Then shine them up with smooth river stones. This gives the pottery its smooth finish and removes any air bubbles as well. On large bowls, use a paddle stamp while using seashells, small sticks or something similar for the design on smaller ones. And after you get them put on, then set them out again and let them dry till they turn a chalky white. They are now ready to be burned. First, preheat the pottery until it turns a bluish color. It then should be put directly into the fire where it remains until the fire has gone completely out. The type of wood used in the firing determines the color of the finish. For the lighter colors you use hardwoods, which give off more flames and less smoke, while for dark colors use a softwood, which gives off more smoke and less flame. Our people have never used a potter's wheel or any types of molds, and they never paint their glaze either. The dark-finish pottery of the contemporary Cherokee craftspersons, most notably effigy pottery, is highly praised by collectors. Many other Cherokees are active craftsmen making all types of cherished, traditional cultural artifacts. And while most of these crafts reflect the unique Cherokee culture, the skills of other Indian groups have found their way into the Eastern Band as well. Silver and turquoise jewelry are prime examples. Today, due mainly to the influence of the Pan-Indian movement, Indians of all tribal affiliations have come to adopt the beautiful Navajo and Zuni jewelry as the acceptable, universal Indian wear. In Cherokee, the three Teesatuskie brothers have mastered this art. Reuben Teesatuskie, former editor of the tribal newspaper, The Cherokee One Feather, explains the art of Indian jewelry making for us; he has been making jewelry for about ten years. Turquoise Jewelry: Reuben Teesatuskie The process of making a ring is to first decide on your design. You make it all in single pieces. There are several different types of rings. I make rings with turquoise stones in them. 180 �You make the ring to fit the turquoise. Most generally, I start with a plain piece of silver and make the band. If I want to do inlaid work, I get all that detail cut out first. I do this with a fine saw blade. It's about the size of a pin or needle. I then cut the silver to whatever length I want, and file and sand it, getting it all down to a fine finish. Then I put it together with silver solder. The silver solder has to be a certain temperature before it will flow. You have to heat the whole ring so it will flow evenly. You then cut your turquoise, and shine it, and polish it and then put it on a little plastic back. You then put it on, cut it and polish it, shine it and get the rough edges out of it. Next, you start making the band. Here you work with the bezel which is a fine piece of silver that looks something like the ring band. You put it on the stone to hold the stone in. Then, you fix your stone to where it will fit right, evenly and good and snug. You mash the edge of the ring band in to see if it's going to work. Then you solder it with another medium size solder. First, you start out with a hard solder, then a medium solder, while the last thing you do is to use a solder that's easy, and that is the bezel. You put that all together; then you start getting your turquoise, making sure it fits snug with no loose spots. Then you mix the glue to hold it in and push the bezel around it, to hold it in. After you get all that done, you start shining it, taking off the rough spots, and then you have a finished ring. To make a necklace, you do similar work. You start with a flat piece of silver. Then you cut your design and put the two pieces of silver together. Next you clean it up and see what you've got. If you want turquoise inlaid in it you put your turquoise in, cut it to fit and then mix your glue. Use a real hard glue and remember it cannot be wet. Apply the glue and then set your turquoise, and you let it dry for about eight hours. Then you smooth down the edges and put on a chain. If you want to make a chain, there are several different models to choose from. If you want to make a belt buckle with a stone in it, you again start out with a flat piece of metal. Now you have to design it. You can stamp it. Next you shape it to fit the stone. Most turquoise you get from here comes from out around Phoenix, Arizona. There are several different lines out there. You pick the size you want in the belt buckle and then determine if you want it inlaid or if you want it just to set on the silver plate or if you want a coral stone along with the turquoise. Place it where you want it, make your bezel and solder it to the belt buckle itself. Next, work on the band and bezel. Then you set the stone in and polish it and you have a finished belt buckle. I learned to make silver about twelve years ago from a lady in Gatlinburg who taught jewelry classes in Cherokee during the summer. Her name was Miss Stevens. Now I believe she owns 181 �her own shop in Gatlinburg. I took some advanced silver training in Santa Fe, New Mexico, at the School of Indian Arts. There my teacher was Mr. Porgin, and I learned some modern techniques of inlaid works from him. I also worked in gold out there. I have also done casting. But silver is expensive to work with, and it's rough making a profit. I sell either to the Medicine Man Craft Shop or take personal orders. That way I can get some profit out of my work. When you sell silver you have to count your time, material, design and the quality of the product. I like to sell only what I consider to be perfect items. If it is not perfect or not perfect enough to suit me, it is not sold. I'll just keep it and melt it down and make something else out of it or tear it apart and design another item. I have taught jewelry classes in Cherokee. I have also taught beginning jewelry at the Southwestern Technical College. When I teach a jewelry class, I start with the basics using a double band ring and a necklace with inlay and then go from there. I enjoy working with silver and turquoise and teaching these techniques to my people. All Indians seem to be wearing this type of jewelry now. It has come to represent Indian pride and solidarity. I guess we have the Southwestern Indians to thank for this craft and for sharing it with all other Native Americans. Comments on the Work of John Julius Wilnoty: Tom Underwood and Jim Hombuckle L: This morning we are doing an interview with Mr. Tom Underwood, owner of the Medicine Man Craft Shop. Mr. Underwood has on display here many of the native crafts, ranging from basketry to jewelry to carvings, and so forth, the whole line of Indian^made crafts here in Cherokee. Mr. Underwood, I notice that you have a rather large collection by a rather well-known artist, Mr. John Julius Wilnoty. Would you care to comment about this collection and about some of your dealings with Mr. Wilnoty? T. U.: Well, Jim, I've been dealing with John Wilnoty since he first started working; rather, I've sold John's work since he first started working at 20 years old. He is now 35 or close to 35. He has been a stone and wood sculptor for about 14 years. When John started out, he started out making little head pendants out of stone and selling them. The first ones, at his suggestion, we sold at $1.50. There were only about five or six 182 �pieces in his first series. Then he came back to see if I had sold the first series, and I had. Then we decided to double the price of what they had been going for. So we raised the price to $3.00, and they sold out right away. At that time I was managing and directing the Museum of the Cherokee Indians. When John came back I began to realize that John had exceptional talent in sculpturing and carving. I suggested to John that he try making stone ipes, because in ancient times the Cherokees ad been very fine stone pipe makers. He said, "Well> I never have made a stone pipe in my life." I said, "Well, if you'll come down to the museum Fll show you some of the old, old Cherokee pipes and some that are even older than the culture itself." So one day he came on down to the museum and we looked. There are cases in the museum of all the stone pipes, and we looked and he said, "Well, I can make a better pipe than any of them," and sure enough very soon he brought in one or two pipes and they were beautifully done, the very first ones he had ever made. So he started making pipes and made a series of pipes that were very fine pipes. Then he began to make other things. He at first made the head pendants and then made the pipes, and he branched off into many things. The exceptional things about John Wilnoty today are that he does the whole spectrum of stone sculpture and art, and he follows the most acute sense of line proportion and design of any living sculptor today. He has an eighth sense that tells him when a thing is right. He sees rhythm in the piece itself, the natural lines of what he's creating. He is able to take a piece of stone and accentuate a man's head or a woman's head or a certain part of the body without seeming to distort the rest of it, because he can take a piece of stone and project a face so that when you look at the piece, the face, and that is what he wants you to see, that is what you see. He will do the rest of the body, but it won't be distorted. It will be made in such a way that it looks natural and it looks great. And that is one of the rare, rare talents that he has. He also has the ability to dp design pieces, his multiple image pieces, that is, he will have multiple images. You can turn his work and find multiple imagery all worked and seeming to ? 183 �mesh one into another. This is a rare and unusual talent too. Most of us would be able to carve a three-sided piece, but one would not have anything to do with the other. But John seems to be able to mesh them into each other, to integrate them. He also has the ability to pick up a piece of stone and live with it until he sees in his own mind's eye the imagery in that stone, and he simply removes the surplus of what he doesn't see there. He removes that to make the image. He himself has said that is what he does; he sees what is in the stone and just removes what doesn't belong there. And in his Eagle Dancer he was able to so look into the graining of the wood or to visualize the graining of the wood to design the Eagle Dancer so that the muscles of the body, even the eye in the Eagle hood, the muscles in the face, the kneecaps and the whole imagery were brought out. The muscles, all the muscles in that man's body, were brought out in the natural grain of the wood. It seems an impossible task, yet before he started that piece, he brought that piece of wood right into this store before he had ever cut a chip out of it and told me that was what he was going to do. He had to know that was what he was going to do, to start with. John—a lot of people think that John doesn't do much work, but John is the kind of artist that— 95% of what John does in sculpture is creative. Occasionally he'll make a stone axe or a bird stone or something that we don't consider creative work; we sell it as non-creative, but even that is exceptionally beautiful He seems to have a magic touch with what he does in wood and stone. He was talking to another local craftsman and sculptor one day, and the man showed him his piece of work and asked him what he (John) thought of it. John said to him, he said, "Well, it would be all right if you'd finish it." And this is typical of John's work; he completely finishes what he does. When he picks up a piece of something, even to make a stone axe and it has no imagery or any obtuse carving to it, he will finish it perfectly. And it is one of the things that has made his work so great. John himself wouldn't go to school much when he was a young boy; he has no formal education. 184 �He makes no bones about it. He reads about on a third grade level, but John doesn't really need to. He can do—he is a genius in more respects than one. He's a mechanical genius. He can put mechanical things together that you wouldn't believe and make 'em work. He maintains his own truck, does all the mechanical work on his own truck, and quite often helps other people with theirs. He also does beautiful leather work and holsters for guns. He does all his leather work on his pipes. His embossing, his sewing, his stitching, and there just isn't much mechanically outside of his stone work that he can't do. He also is handicapped by being a narcoleptic, which is a form of sleeping epilepsy. They think when he was a boy, just a young cnild, he might have fallen off the bed or got some lick to his head that caused this narcolepsy, and he has to take an awful lot of medicine to be able to function normally. What he takes normally in one day, one of his doctors once told me, that what John took in one day would keep me awake for a week. So you can imagine the strength of the medication that he takes and its effect on his constitution. At times he just gets completely away from everybody and everything and keeps his family close to him and doesn't take the medicine and just rests from the effects of it. But he can't drive a car then or use any of his tools that he would cut himself with or—he's very limited in what he can do. In the past, before he found out what was wrong with him, he cut himself, he ran hot tools through his hands, all kinds of things happened to him. And of course he couldn't keep a regular job until he found that he was really a great sculptor. L: Would you classify John as a sculptor rather than as a wood-carver? T. U.: Oh, certainly! A wood-carver is a man who carves, who carves wood. John is a great sculptor. He sculpts in wood, stone and bone. He is not a wood-carver. He is a sculptor. And he will probably go down as one of the great sculptors of our time. Many people from museums and all walks of the collecting world have viewed John Wilnoty's work and have just been amazed that a man like this would even exist in America today, that we even have one with such unusual talent. There is no doubt in my mind that in the future, probably long after 185 �I'm gone, John Wilnoty will be recognized as one of the great sculptors of our time, another Michelangelo. If he is able to keep well enough, to keep creating and keep improving like he has. He was great to start with. When the people at the Pasadena Art Museum were collecting wood-carvers and stone carvers and people that did beadwork and people that did all kinds of Native American crafts, they had heard about John Wilnoty, so they came here to talk to me. And when I found out they were in Pasedena—his main collector lives in San Jose, which is not very far from Pasedena—I sent the museum to the lady who owns the collection. They went there with the intention of using four or five pieces of John Wilnoty's work. When they saw what she had—she had conscientiously collected the whole spectrum of his work, that is, his wood pieces, his masks, which you probably have never seen, his combination wood and stone pieces, his wrestlers, his bears, the whole of his work—they asked her if they could make him the main attraction in this massive display. It covered one floor of a giant building, and a very large photograph of him was placed in the entrance way. They built five individual cases for his work. They published a catalogue on his work, which they didn't do on anybody else, and they gave him a write-up in the Los Angeles Times. The Los Angeles Times did a write-up on the whole show, and then they did a write-up on John Wilnoty. Also, something over a year ago, the museum, I believe it is in Phoenix, sent a special emissary here to get John to enter the national arts and sculpturing competition; but the way things are handled, it's very, very risky business to move John's stuff. It's fragile, small and it can be stolen easily; some of it's very, very, very, very expensive. So it's been a hard matter to let any of it out of the store. I have had quite a bit stolen since I have had the stuff. A couple of years ago I had a pipe I was offered $500.00 for, stolen right out of the case. It wasn't the loss of the money so much as it was such a beautiful piece. But this year I have agreed to let the Appalachian Consortium and the North Carolina Arts Museum in Raleigh do a display on John and borrow some of his work, and even now I have qualms about it. 186 �/.: Will that include the Eagle Dancer? T. U.: No! It sure won't! L: To date the Eagle Dancer is his most famous work? T. U.: Well, it is his most famous piece, but it's possible that there are other pieces that are just as good or even better. The Indian Arts and Craft Board in Washington has a piece that weighs about 80 pounds. It is a massive stone sculpture called Up from the Deep. It is a beautiful piece of sculpture and perhaps is more significant as a piece of sculpture than the Eagle Dancer. A lot of people that collect his work realize that he is such an unusual artist that they like his freeform better than they do his multiple-image work. He hasn't been doing free-form but about four or five years. And his free-form work is just out of this world. Again, his sense of line and proportion, his sense of design, comes into being. He never gets anything that looks odd. He never makes anything that looks grotesque. It all fits. It all is beautiful art. Even his grotesque pieces themselves never look grotesque. When you look at them, you realize that they are works of art. Even the lowest laymen, when he looks at a John Wilnoty pipe or a John Wilnoty piece, will somehow know that he is looking at a beautiful piece of work. Even the most ignorant person that you can bring into the store—if they look at a piece of John Wilnoty, especially the simplest works of John Wilnoty, his pipes ana his people —they realize that they are looking at a beautiful piece of art. L: They re looking at the work of an artist. 187 �THE ART OF CHEROKEE COOKING: Emmaline Driver and Elsie Martin Although the Eastern Cherokees have access to much the same types of processed foods as do other Americans, their traditional foods are still cherished by many. Plants, fruits, roots and nuts, as well as game, are popular traditional foods. Sprouts such as poke, sochan, dandelion, sweet grass and bean salad, to mention a few, as well as artichokes, ramps, Indian turnip, mushrooms and swamp potatoes are common foods gathered in the wild. Later, in the fall, buckberries, huckleberries, raspberries, blackberries, strawberries, gooseberries and elderberries, plus persimmons, fall grapes, hazelnuts, chestnuts, butternuts, chinquapins, black walnuts and hickory nuts are harvested from nature; while cress is picked during the winter. These plants, fruits and nuts are augmented by wild game, the most popular being black bear, groundhog, raccoon, rabbit and squirrel and also a number of wild birds such as pheasants, grouse and quail. Also trout, bass, crayfish, frogs and turtles are common water foods. And although no longer common, many older Cherokees remember preparing and eating bee grubs and locust. The Cherokees have a long history of agriculture going back centuries before white contact. Perhaps corn or maize represents the most important cultivated plant raised by the Cherokees. From it they prepared a flour or meal, which has remained their favorite until this day. Cabbage, a multitude of beans, as well as cultivated fruits, have long been favorites of the Cherokees. Hence, today, individual family gardens are still important to the traditional Cherokee family, providing them with their own favorite foods. Similarly, hunting of wild game and the gathering of natural foods still play an important role among these contemporary Cherokees. Cherokee food preparation is an art in itself as the two interviews in this section attest. Many corn flour breads have survived from pre-white days to the present, including bean bread, chestnut bread, sweet potato bread, carrot bread and sweet bread. Fried bread, on the other hand, represents the influence of other Indian groups, notably the Plains Indians. It is made from wheat flour, which was not a common grain among the aboriginal Cherokees. Some Indians call this ughost bread" or some other local name. Cherokees also enjoy pumpkin fried bread and fruit fried bread. Mush, hominy and grits are other corn derivatives. Cornmeal was stored, dried on the cob, and other vegetables, notably beans (leather breeches), as well as fruits and herbs, were dried as a means of preserving them. Some traditional Cherokees continue to utilize this process. Game meats, for the most part, are first parboiled, then fried, broiled or baked. For example, to cook a mud turtle, you 188 �first cut off the head under running cold water, keeping it clean until you have all the meat from the turtle shell. You then place the meat into a pot of cold water and parboil it. Again you rinse the turtle and parboil it a second time. Now add salt to the turtle and boil it till it is brown. You may also bake it. Our two traditional Cherokee cooks will now expound more on the art of Cherokee food preparation. Cherokee Cooking: An Interview with Emmaline Driver L: How is the food that the Indians, the Cherokee, eat different from the food of the white man? E. D.: Well, like now you never see the white man eat like the Indian when . . . well, I can remember part of the things the Indians cooked like when they made lye dumplings how they made lye dumplings when they didn't have no sody (sic) like they do today. Well, they used ashes, you know, strong ashes, well, they'd sift it and boil it in water and maybe put about two big teaspoonfuls in with the meal and then mix it, and then I guess you'd call it they'd raise their own corn, flour corn. They didn't have to use no sody because the lye's already in there, and when they make bread they made dumplings. They didn't make lye dumplings, but they did make meal, you know, meal bread and making their bean bread. And, like people today wouldn't eat it, and when they didn't have nothing to eat for their dinner, they'd boil water, you know, boil water and then they'd mix the meal and make little bitty dumplings like, and then they'd put them in water and boil them and salt in it, and that's what they'd eat. I.: Well, how do you lye the corn? You know you talk about how they make the corn. E. D.: Well, you'd lye it in the ashes; you'd boil your lye and after you sift your ashes you gets a kind of like flour. After you'd sifted the lye and take all the lumps, coals, out of it and just plain lye — I mean ashes—and then you get maybe a gallon of these fine ashes, and then you boil it in water, and you just let it boil and boil, and then how you know when it's going to get strong, well, you could taste it. It gets real strong, almost enough to skin your tongue, and then after you know it's strong enough, then you put your corn in there, and maybe you let your corn stand in 189 �there 20 or 30 minutes, and that skin off of the corn—that thin skin on if—that comes off, and it—the underneath—turns light yellow-like, and it turns dark yellow, and that's the skin part after it's light, and then the light part comes off, and then you take it out and wash it, and then you beat it, and after you beat that, it aets so fine, and that's what you use. You don't have to put no sody in it. L: Do they beat it different today than they did back then? E. D.: Well, some of 'ems still beats it, you know, like they did. L: Is this where they take that big drum and use that beater? E. D.: Yeah. L: But now, because they use the ashes, you don't have to add soda to it, it's already in there? E. D.: You don't even add salt. I don't know. They never did give us salt too much at that time. The same way you do when you make hominy—one was you make it with ashes and lye, but you didn't cook it in boiling water. But you can use lye like that and hot water and let it stand in there until it gets stronger. Back at that time people burned hickory wood to make the ashes strong. Then they'd get the ashes and put it in a great big pot and shell about a gallon of corn and soak it in there about an hour until the corn turns yellow. When the corn gets soft enough so you can just about peel the skin off—and then you beat that. L: Well, did they think the difference in the wood had something to do with it? E. D.: Well, what they used was hickory 'cause it made stronger ashes and they used locust and popular. L: This is the same thing used to make grits then? E. D.: Yes, you just do the same thing as you do with hominy. I know there's a lot of Indians used to make hominy back then. You know, when you make hominy you beat it up; you don't cook it like you do when you make this other meal, cooking it in lye. When you use plain corn meal, you have to use soda. When I make it, I use soda and flour, two handfuls of flour—that makes 190 �quite a bit. Then you boil it beans boiled first and then put beans and mix it up. But you water, always boiling water to all mixed up. L: Why boiling water? in water. Have it in with your never use cold get your dough E. D.: Cold water makes it all come apart and just mashes up, won't stay together or stick together. A lot of people don't use enough water, but you gotta have water boiling when you put your bread in. If the water's not boiling, then all the stuff just sticks together. Water has to be boiling when you put your bean bread in. My people ate mush too. Have you ever eaten any? Never ate any mush that's been made? Well, I made a lot of that stuff. L: Is that like the stuff that's in the pot after. . . I know Daddy will drink the soup . . . E. D.: Well, it looks like that, but when you make mush you use meal and just kind of mix up meal and pour in boiling water. You have to add salt to it, I guess. Make meal just almost like you're gonna make thickening, and then you pour it in the boiling water, and it doesn't take much, maybe two cups full, to make a big old pot full of mush. It gets thick, almost like grits taste, but it's not that coarse. It's kind of soft and fine, not like grits. A lot of Indians used to eat that. When you bake hog meat in the stove, bake it brown and then boil it in water and make soup—that's what they usually eat with it, or maybe fish sometimes or wild meat that they cook—they have to roast it first if they're gonna fry it. L: I can remember when they killed pigs when Gramma was alive, she used to catch the blood. E. D.: Yes. I.: How and why would she do that? E. D.: Well, she just took the blood, put salt and pepper in, mixed it up, and then poured it into whatever it is, and then some of them used to just fry it in grease. I.: Well, didn't the Indians think this was wrong to eat the blood? E. D.: I don't think they did; a lot of them used to do that. 191 �/.: Well, you know in the Bible it says something about the blood, you're not supposed to . . . Well, do you think this is different today? I mean, today they don't save the blood. I can remember Gramma used to do it when Grandaddy used to kill them down here. She would catch the blood, but I never see it anymore. Do you think it's because of the Christian religion mat they don't do that? E. D.: I guess so, or else just nobody who remembers how to fix it. A lot of people's forgotten; they don't know Indian cooking anymore. Now there's people as old as I am who don't know how to cook Indian cooking. I say it's a good thing I learned to make everything. I learned just by watching my grandmother. Well, my grandmother used to come and stay with me and Mandie and my daddy, and she would cook, and I'd watch her cook. When she made hominy, I watched her, and when I got by myself, I thought I'd try it and see if I could make it, and I'd start out making it the way she fixed it and cooked it—and I cooked it. I.: Another thing that I think—well, I didn't know I've never heard of another—is sweet corn. How did they make that? E. D.: Well, you just boil corn and beans, beat your walnuts and make thickening in it, and pour in your corn. But it's not like it used to oe way back. I used to think when I would go into people's homes, I could always tell when they had sweet corn, seems like the whole house just smelled like sweet corn. And they didn't cook it like we used to cook it. Way back they used molasses to sweeten that with and then when they cooked it they'd put in corn, beans and pumpkin and mix it. That's what made it taste so good I guess. Seems like we don't have no pumpkins like we used to. I used to like it better . . . Maybe that's why so many people have this diabetic sugar and all that. They didn't use sugar and sweet stuff back then like they do today. I.: Do you think that by the Indians cooking the way they did back then that they were healthier? E. D.: Yes, because they didn't use no sugar or lard as much as they do. Lard, shortening, oil, they didn't have all that. 192 �/.: What did they use for their seasoning? E. D.: They had hogs, and they'd save that, but they didn't use too much of it And they didn't eat nothing fried like we do. Everything is fried that we eat today. Back in those days everything was boiled, baked and then made into soup, and that's what they ate mostly. Like when they cooked greens, maybe they'd add a little seasoning to that, but today everything is just fried in oil L: Do you think greens were different than they are today—most of them? E. D.: Well, most of them. There's a lot of other what they eat today, and then there's a lot cooked about the same. But back in those days some of the greens were dried and then later on cooked. You can dry it, and sometimes you can put it in a bucket and dry it, and in the wintertime then you cook it, and it tastes like greens yet it's dry. L: There's not too many people today make leather breeches. Is this the same kind of method you're talking about where you string them up? E. D.: Yes, and that's the way most used to do it. They don't have dried pumpkin either. You ever seen dried pumpkin? My grandmother would cut up pumpkin and take the whole thing inside out and slice them about that thick (one inch), a whole ring—just enough to take the peeling off. Then she'd pick the peeling off on top, and there'd be just a big old ring. Then my daddy took two sticks (about one yard), and he'd stick them together and put nails on these poles and put sticks across these, and grandmother would string this pumpkin on these over a fireplace where it was kind of warm, and she 'd hang these rings on there, and three or four days later you could tell they were drying, and they get long and just grow up. They eat that, ana it almost tastes like sweet potato. You boil them in hot water, let them cook up, and after a while you take them out and season them with salt, and it tastes like fried sweet potato. L: And it will be pumpkin? Well, what about the leather breeches—how do they do that? I know you string up green beans. E. D.: Well, you boil them up the same way. L: You cook them just the same as you would if they were just regular beans? 193 �E. D.: You just put them in the water; after they get done, you take them out and wash them and season them. L: You wash them? E. D.: Yes, you wash them, too, before you cook them to get rid of dust or whatever and then put in clean water. Then you wash them again when you take them out of the pot. L: How did the Cherokees preserve their food besides drying—I mean their meat, hog and stuff? E. D.: Well, I guess some of them canned. They didn't have cans like we do today. They had jars, and they had these little tin jars, and they used rubber bands. L: So they wouldn't be jars? E. D.: Yes, they were jars, but they were funny-looking jars. L: Oh, they had tin lids? E. D.: Yes. See you had to tighten the lids. You had to put a rubber band on top. They were round rubbers. You put that on top; then you had to put the lid on top. And then they used to have these glass jar lids. You have a jar, and they had a wire around them, and then you get a little old glass lid, and you put it on top, and you push the wire over to hold it down. But I haven't seen much of these, but I did see these tin lids. L: So they can just about like they do today? E. D.: Yes. L: But they canned a lot more. Did they plant their food any different back then than they do now? E. D.: No, I guess they plant about the same. Today they have more seeds to plant, different kinds of seeds. You know, they didn't raise carrots and things like that. They did raise turnips, but they didn't have these purple top turnips; they had these old field turnips, long roots, you know, turnips like that. And they had a lot of this cress, but I don't think they canned it. L: Did they use fertilizer? E. D.: No, I guess I can remember when they started using fertilizer. That was after I was married. 194 �It's been, I was about eighteen years old then. They didn't use fertilizer at that time. They just planted in the ground; they made a new ground, cleared off a field, and just planted in there. The ground was rich. Most of them plowed it. Most of them just used hoeing to plant corn and beans. They had all kinds of beans, and they didn't have no bugs or anything like we do today. L: You mean they had bigger and better crops even without fertilizer? E. D.: Yes, and people would have a lot of beans. They'd have piles of beans. They had a loft. You know, they didn't have stairs like we do today; they just had a ladder. And in the ceiling they'd have boards up there, and they'd put the beans up there. Just big old piles of beans and jars and cans. When they got ready to cook beans, they'd get a basketful and shell them and cook them. L: So they would dry them, but they would just have them in the loft? E. D.: Yes, and then the corn. They'd have cribs full of corn. L: Would the corn get hard? E. D.: Well, what was already ripened. They'd get corn when it first started coming in; when it got big enough to eat they'd boil it, and when they took the husk all off, they just get to eating of it and take the husk off and leave so much of it, and then they'd tie it, tie them together, and they'd boil it in hot water, and when it got done, they'd take it out. Then, where they were tied together, they would dry them just like pumpkin there by the chimney. You know, they didn't have no stove. I've ate some cooked like that, and it doesn't taste just like real fresh, but not real different. Then when they'd take it out, they'd shell it. And after you strain corn, when you boil corn, the next day it kind of withers like. That's the way it gets; it gets hard. You know what sweet corn is like before you plant it? Well, that's the way it looks after it's dried by the fireplace. After they get it, they shell it and then boil water and put that corn in there, and that corn will start swelling. It just tastes something almost like lyed corn, but it don't have that taste to it. 195 �/.: E. D.: I.: E. D.: L: Did it taste like parched corn? No, it was different It was just like fresh corn. Just like it was cut off the cob, maybe? Yes, something like that. Why didn't they do that? E. D.: I don't know. They just didn't make it like today. There's a lot of difference in ... Today, seems like there's a lot of ways to cook things today. Maybe they just didn't have the things to use to cook with at that time. Like today they make casseroles and all that, Indians can't make it like that. Like today there's more things you can cook than in that time. In the days of the Indians, when they didn't have nothing, what they made was soup, and when they'd roast things, like if they had a rabbit, they'd have to roast it and maybe keep it, put it in a sack or something. My daddy's mother used to, you know, bake fish and put it in a sack and hang it up, and then a little later they'd eat it. And I said, how does that fish taste? You can eat cold fish, and it doesn't taste good. /.: Did he say it tasted the same? E. D.: He didn't say how it tasted. He said they eat it that-a-way. I guess that's just the way they had to eat it. They learned that-a-way. 'Course, I have never ate anything like that. They used to cook fish, just fresh fish, clean and they add boiling water. They put them in there without frying them first to make soup or something. They'd just clean them and boil them. I don't know what all they cooked. As far as I know what they cooked, I never did cook anything like that except corn and make leather breeches. I cooked parched corn and made hominy. You still have to cook it in ashes like you're going to make popcorn. If they have nothing to eat, they just bake a whole bunch of potatoes and put them in ashes instead of boiling them in water. They taste different baked in ashes. L: Do they taste different just baked in the oven, too? E. D.: Yes, they still seem like when they're baked in the stove they're not quite as good as when they are baked in ashes. L: The ashes tend to give them flavor? 196 �E. D.: Well, I don't know if they did or not, but anyway it tasted different We used to cook chestnuts in ashes. They was good. You have to cut the chestnut, make a hole like with a pin. If you don't, they'll pop just like a shell when they get hot, just pop out. And they taste different. I.: They used chestnuts to make bread too didn't they? E. D.: Yes, and make bean bread, and use butter beans to make bean bread. I.: Is this different from the other bean bread? E. D.: Yes, they taste different. If you get green water beans and peel that thin skin off, and inside they're green, and you put them in bread, and that tastes different. They don't taste like bean bread, but it tastes good, just as good as fresh green beans. You know, when you make bean bread with green beans, just shell the pods. I.: I don't like chestnut bread. Do you make it the same way you do the bean bread? E. D.: Yes. I.: But the chestnuts and beans just give it a different flavor? E. D.: Yes. I.: The beated bread they call it, the beated chestnut bread, is that different from just regular chestnut bread? E. D.: Yes, beated bread has a different flavor. That corn meal that you get at a mill just don't taste like what you beat yourself. It has a better taste. I.: It's essentially the same thing? It's just corn meal? E. D.: Yes, only the corn you have to cook and get the skin off. The meal you get at the store is just dried corn ground up. The meal you make yourself you have to lye it, and it's kind of cooked off a little. I.: Is that why they call it beated? E. D.: You have to beat it yourself. If you cook your corn too long, it will cook up, and it won't turn into meal. It will just turn into a lump. You overcook your corn. You just have to have so long to lye your corn. 197 �/.: You have to know when to stop boiling the corn? E. D.: Yes, when you notice that skin is coming off you take it out. Don't let it boil too long. Cherokee Cooking: L: E. M.: L: E. M.: L: E. M.: L: E. M.: I.: An Interview with Elsie Martin The other night we had a very good meal Let me just see if I can recall what we had . . . bean bread and grease, fatback grease, white morgan beans, chicken, fish, sochan greens, fatback that looked like big pieces of bacon and cornbread. That was probably the Indian food you had there, right? That was Indian supper. Talking to you before, you mentioned that some of these had special preparations. I complimented you on the chicken and how it seemed to come right off the bones, and you said it was fried first. It was fried real done, just like you do fried chicken. But was there a special batter? No, the flour had only salt and pepper. I rolled the chicken in salt and pepper and flour and dried it and then put it in boiling water. I let it simmer for 2*/2 hours. That created the gravy we had? Yes. So the salt-and-pepper-flavored flour created the gravy. Was it any special flour like wheat flour or corn flour? E. M.: Corn flour. L: Do you use a particular kind of flour like white or yellow? Is there a distinction made between white corn or yellow corn for these types of flours ? E. M.: I imagine we use white corn. L: Now Johnston mentioned that sometimes they grind this very fine. Instead of being like a meal, it's like a flour. E. M.: Fresh water ground. L: Where can you get that around here? 198 �E. M.: We get that usually in Robbinsville or Mingas Mill in the Park. L: How was the fish cooked? E. M.: It was rolled in cornmeal with salt and pepper seasoning. It was fried in deep fat. The deep fat is not a vegetable oil. We use fatback grease. L: You buy that in a big solid chunk, and then you put it into a pot, and it just dissolves into a liquid? E. M.: Yes. L: Do you have to put anything else in there to get it going like a little water or anything? E. M.: No. L: Do you bring it to a boil and then use it? E. M.: Just like you would use Wesson Oil. L: Would some of that be used for your grease? E. M.: The same. L: What keeps the grease remaining a liquid so that it doesn't go back to being a solid? E. M.: It does become a solid. L: So that grease is hot grease? E. M.: Yes. L: I noticed people used the grease on top of the bean bread. How do you make your bean bread? E. M.: The bean bread is made from pinto beans. You cook your beans l1/^ hours, and you don't season them. Pour them into your corn meal. For an average-size meal I use about 21/* cups of corn meal I pour into that more than four cups of beans and water. These are cooked beans. You mix beans and corn meal together until you have a firm dough, and you make balls out of this dough. Put these into boiling water. L: The beans are fully-cooked or half-cooked? E. M.: Fully cooked. They are firm. If you cook them for an hour and a half they are firm, if you cook them longer they are mushy. L: The whole cake is put in the boiling water? E. M.: The balls that you have formed out of this dough are put in boiling water. The water has to be boiling. 199 �/.: How long do they boil? E. M.: Usually out of this cup and a half of corn meal and your bean mixture you can usually get around 32 bean balls, and all of these you place in the boiling water, and you cut your heat. Your bread is ready for the evening meal. L: Some people serve this cold? E. M.: Yes, it can be served cold. L: I enjoyed eating the hot bean bread with the grease over it. E. M.: That is how it is eaten. L: Is there any other seasoning added to the bean bread other than the hot grease? E. M.: Salt, and they that don't like to use grease will use butter. L: Is the sochan a wild plant? E. M.: It is a wild plant. I.: Do you have a particular time of the year when you have to pick it? E. M.: The spring time. I.: Can people freeze it or can it to preserve it? E. M.: You can can and freeze it. L: Are many of the beans still preserved through the old method of drying them such as leather breeches? E. M.: Leather breeches are dried. L: If you were using one of them for your bean bread or just as supplement to your meal, how would you retrieve trie dry vegetable? E. M.: The leather breeches are green beans that you break as if you were going to can, only you string these. I think if you are going to have leather breeches tomorrow for lunch, today you would soak these beans overnight, and then you cook them the next day. I.: Just like you would if they came out of the garden? E. M.: Yes, like you would if you were cooking dried apples. L: Getting back to the sochan, was there any particular way that you cooked that? 200 �E. M.: It's cooked just like turnip greens. You parboil sochan. L: And after you parboil it, do you drain off the first liquid? E. M.: Yes, and then you run this under cold water, rinse the greens in cold water, and then let that drain, then you dry it. L: Is a similar process used for poke salet? E. M.: The same process. L: Is that sometimes cooked with some fatback in it? Some people mention that they cook some of their greens with fatback as well as some sweetening like honey or sugar or molasses. Is that common? E. M.: I don't know. L: What kind of seasoning would you put on the greens? E. M.: You usually fry them in fatback to give them taste. L: Do they use any other kind of seasoning? Some Anglos use vinegar on their greens. Do Cherokees use vinegar on their greens? E. M.: Not an awful lot L: I remarked to you about the consistency of your corn bread, that it didn't crumble in my hands and that I really liked it and that you had that large loaf of corn bread that people just broke off pieces and ate it with their meal It had the consistency of a regular bread like you would buy in the store. It would sop up the juices in your plate, and this was unusual, and yet I find out this was a common way of preparing it where the Cherokees are concerned. How would you prepare it to get this consistency? E. M.: I use a cup and a half of corn meal, a half a cup of self-rising flour, a dab of salt, about a teaspoon of soda and cold water. L: Do you have to knead it? E. M.: No. Bake in the oven at 450 degrees for half an hour. L: Do you think it's the fine consistency of the corn meal that holds it together like that? 201 �E. M.: I think so because you have the fresh water ground, and we keep referring to the fresh water ground rather than to the store-bought L: So many of the kinds the housewife would buy in the store are of the bolted kind? E. M.: Yes, and much of it is self-rising. L: Mr. Martin mentioned that a very popular breakfast among the Cherokee was cold beans, leftover beans with hot grease on them, and I guess most people are familiar with the traditional Anglo breakfast of eggs and bacon and orange juice. It was interesting to hear about that. Do you think there are any more unique meals that the Cherokees eat, like for breakfast, or what a man might take to the woods for hunting or fishing? E. M.: When hunting or fishing they don't eat a meal It was the practice that you don't eat before going hunting or fishing. Today I don't think it is practiced as much. As for the breakfast, it is not unusual to go into an Indian home, and I'm talking about the elderly people mainly today, as to where we do eat beans for breakfast. It isn't unusual to find a bowl of fatback grease on the table. Sometimes these being the only two things for breakfast, corn bread or bean bread. You don't have your biscuits or your loaf bread. L: Like the beans had already been cooked, and they would take them cold and put the hot grease on them? E. M.: They warm them. L: And would the bean bread be warm, too? E. M.: No. If you have extra dough from your bean bread, if you don't want to make that many balls, if you have dough left, you can bake it, and usually this is eaten for breakfast. L: Do some people wrap their bean bread in different leaves? E. M.: Yes. This is May and the leaves are out. It is time to pick hickory leaves to wrap bread in, and usually in the fall they will use the fodder to wrap the bread in. L: Now would they wrap it before they boil it? 202 �E. M.: Yes, it gives it a distinct flavor. And if you don't know any better, you can use oak leaves, the white oak or the chestnut oak. L: Someone mentioned that one of the Cherokee ways of preparing fish is that the fisherman would take his trout or whatever fish he caught and would wrap it in leaves, and he would start afire on the stones, and he would bake it on the stones. Are you familiar with that process? E. M.: I don't believe it was leaves. I believe it was fodder, not fodder but shoats from the corn. Your people do the same with corn, wrapping it in foil. You bake them in the ashes. L: Today, on the one hand, you have the young people eating junk food. What did the Cherokees use for a sweet food, or do they still use it today? E. M.: I think that, from what I can gather, they used honey locust to sweeten. L: What kind of soup would go with one of these meals ? E. M.: You would have fish, baked real crispy until it crumbles, and squirrel soup that is baked hard, and those are the only two that I know. L: Would they be baked similarly? What kind of broth do they have? E. M.: The broth is brown, very flat taste, just the taste from the fish or squirrel, and you season it with salt. L: Do you add anything to thicken it like corn meal? E. M.: You can. L: Is that what they call mush? E. M.: The corn meal is mush. L: Would they use the corn meal mush to thicken the soup? E. M.: Yes, or they would eat the mush by itself. L: Now is that just corn meal and water? E. M.: Yes, thickened. L: And it can be boiled like in a broth? E. M.: The soup thickened with corn meal, or if you make your own hominy. I believe Emmaline told you about hominy. You can take this hominy and put it into your soup. 203 �/.: What kind of wild herbs and plants could be used for medicinal purposes? Or animals? Like the other day you mentioned groundhog for ears. E. M.: The oil rendered off of the groundhog fat you use for earaches. I.: Are some of the different dian turnip root? plants used like the In- E. M.: I'm not familiar with the plants used in Indian doctoring. I.: What kind of benefit would the teas have? E. M.: Peach tea is to break fever; the wild cherry is for coughing. There is a certain way of preparing the tea from each one. You don't just go out and break a limb off of one. For another tea we use blackberry root for diarrhea. I.: Would that be dried first? E. M.: No. I.: In all of these, even though they have special preparations, the basic ingredient is the root or the bark or the leaf boiled in water, and then they would drink. E. M.: Today with the changes in the usages of teas, our Indian teas, they have gone to where they will sweeten the tea now instead of drinking as it once was. They were quite bitter. They will use sugar or honey. Very seldom do you find families using the groundhog recipe. I.: I noticed that some of the men still consider the black bear a delicacy. They had some problem with them going into the park and hunting the black bear, which is their traditional hunting ground. Do you know anybody who still considers some of these meats to be a delicacy? E. M.: They are used for Thanksgiving and Christmas and certain times of the year when they have a big feast. There are just a few families that do that. L: Is the groundhog still eaten by some of these people ? E. M.: It is. Squirrel, raccoon, deer also. I.: A lot of Cherokees are appalled when you mention possum. Isn't that a traditional meat? 204 �E. M.: L: E. M.: L: E. M.: L: E. M.: L: E. M.: No. What about bird as far as game? The grouse. Do some of these birds have some significance like the owl or the eagle? The owl is not a common thing that you find around here in an Indian home. To some Indian families or to we that have been raised by Indian grandparents, it is not something that you fool with. He represents a spirit of the night, right? Probably. Isn't snake considered taboo? Cherokee families will not eat snake, and they don't wear jewelry with snakes on them because isn't it related to the evil spirits of the Booger mask? That's right. 205 �CHAPTER IV From The Cherokee One Feather, The Official Tribal Newspaper Reuben Teesatuskie, Editor Patricia Panther, Assistant Editor Not Just a Piece of Land: One Feather Editors The Cherokee Strip is not just a piece of land in Oklahoma once given to appease the Cherokee Nation (reclaimed later, of course). It is also the name applied to both sides of U. S. 441 as it turns through Cherokee and the Qualla Boundary. Here can be found the basic elements of present Cherokee economy. Here are the craft shops, the quick-food stores, a few good restaurants, motels and last, but far from least, the chiefs and dancers in their feathers (THE Indians). All are engaged in as rapid an exchange of the paper dollars as possible and the focus of all this activity is the tourist —Cherokee's number one industry. The tourist is a varied assortment of humanity coming in an even wider assortment of garbs. Some are young with low jeans, bare feet and long hair. Others have crew cuts and 30 toomany pounds. Some of the women have teased their hair into perfect waves and curls, permanently glued them in place, and then added a semi-matching, glazed hairpiece for the top. This was the year of the halter top. Unfortunately, the size of the halters didn't seem to vary so much. Many were "snug"! The tourist season gets off to a slow but gradual start in April, has a quick flurry as the streams open to fishing, increases as the schools close and then builds to an unbelievable crescendo of noise, traffic, exhaust fumes, heat and travelers by the Fourth of July. After this weekend most of the local people become immune to anything and just hang on through sheer determination until after Labor Day. Then, there is a brief lull until the October leaves are sent scurrying by the autumn winds and approaching motorists. Let no one kid you that tourism is an easy business. From the time the leaves and wild flowers bud in April until the last leaf goes, the Cherokees work as much as humanly possible. Some may hold down three jobs, simultaneously, and it is more usual than unusual to have two jobs. Many work 16-18 hours a day, seven days a week. The work is usually hard work, too, with little pay—waiting tables, cooking, cleaning motels, doing maintenance around the motels and campgrounds, chiefing and dancing. These jobs require a heavy reliance upon tips, but 206 �Cherokee doesn't seem to attract many "big tippers." Even the children work, posing with their parents or dancing. A summer at Cherokee will fully convince you that Indian endurance and strength is no myth and completely eliminate any idea that Indians are lazy. Some jobs even require considerable tact and diplomacy because they require talking with the tourist and salesmanship. Most tourists seem to fall into two general classes. One, the "cheapie" — he can't believe that Indian jewelry costs that much. "You don't mean two HUNDRED and fifty —why, I wouldn't pay much more than $2.50!" He also believes that Indians are "supported by the government" and live off the fat of the land in general —(and HIS tax dollar in particular) and don't pay any taxes and get everything free. However, the main thing he resents is that he isn't getting what he thinks the Indian is. Then, there is the second class of tourist. He is always part-Indian himself ("Can't you tell?"). He knows that that isn't a Cherokee headdress the chief is wearing (the tour guide at Oconaluftee Village just told him). He is always intensely interested in Indians and wants to know "how they feel" but is too involved with trying to out-Indian the Indian with his bits and pieces of hearsay to listen. Most of the Cherokees, whose major mistake was "outcivilizing" their "civilized" white neighbors during the 1800's and getting removed for their trouble and progress, still demonstrate a superior poise and courtesy. They have learned to answer the most inane questions imaginable with frankness, they can tactfully and, usually, humorously turn aside the most rude or ignorant comment, they can deliver a monotone "yes" or "no" that will effectively end a conversation when necessary and—if all else fails—they can become "impassive Indians" with no loss of face or tip. (It may be that Indians are the most impassive when they are trying their best not to laugh in your face!) The Cherokees have demonstrated for some time that they have most of the qualities necessary to increase their personal and tribal incomes from the tourist trade. They have public interest, the area is accessible, it borders the most visited park in the nation—and the people have the necessary personal attributes—like stamina! Probably the biggest drawback is cohesive agreement as to purpose and method. Some members of the community are concerned about how to attract the larger spenders to increase business; others seem concerned about generating enough business for a winter season. Still others may be aiming for both. There are any number of things that might increase the tourism income or transform Cherokee into an all-season resort. For myself there would be two major considerations for "touring" Cherokee or staying longer once I was here (as a tourist). One would be a greater selection of desirable, quality craft shop items, 207 �better control and labeling of Indian crafts and renovation, remodeling and expansion of the shops into attractive, landscaped, mall-type areas that would be more enticing to tourists used to spending more money. More variety in the type of musical entertainment offered would draw another type of tourist. An auditorium or club with a stage, seats or dance floor would justify higher rates for the musicians and insure a crowd despite the weather (and reduce the number of near traffic fatalities). Many other recommendations for entertainment and recreation facilities have been made and studied already. The possibilities are endless. But Cherokee might not want to practice tourism all year. Twelve months of the traffic, pressure, hard work and long hours might be impossible. Twelve months of contact with the tourists might be even more impossible! Possible changes in community life and their impact are another consideration. The Cherokees are better acquainted with the price of progress than most! Some may well ask if the work is so hard, the reward small and the hours impossibly long, why do these people continue waiting tables, cleaning, cooking, dancing and arraying themselves in hot feathers just to exchange a few pieces of paper with a group of tourists who will never again be quite as unattrative, critical and over-exposed —until next year. The answer is very simple —it's the only show in town —and it's only on half-ayear! 208 �Save The Cherokee Indian Stick Ball Game!: W. David Owle For the old timers one of the favorite pleasurable pastimes is to recall some of the big stick ball games and some of the great ball players of bygone days. Wolftown, Big Cove, Birdtown, Painttown and Yellow Hill had teams. It was amazing and a near wonder where the players came from. Every man from every home felt it his honorable duty to represent his community. Such men as Deweise Reed, Adam Reed, Josiah Long, Joe Washington and the Queens from Wolftown were mighty men. In the Birdtown section were such men as Sampson and Epps Welch (Boss), John and Owen Walkingstick, Jack and John Taylor, Standing Turkey and a little fellow by the name of Lloyd Lambert, who could sting the big fellows like a hornet. From Big Cove came the Welch and Wolf families, Blain and Ned Hill, June Wolf and the whitest Indian to play like a full blood was Rans Swayney. Of course there have been many later players. From Painttown the Stampers, Toonis, Crows, Standingdeers and Hornbuckles protected their township's honor. From Yellow Hill every branch, hollow and hillside produced men like Joe and Will Saunooke, Sampson and Lloyd Owl, Catolster, Henry Lossiah, Ute Shell and the Jessans. On the day of the game the atmosphere was charged with explosive expectations. At Yellow Hill, for example, on the day of a game, men, women and children would gather with their neighbors in the field near the old mound to await the noon hour of the contest. It was a gala occasion. Then a long single yell stirred the emotions. It was followed by three short responses by the team and their supporters. Repeated three times came the signal that the Medicine Man had finished the ritual required of him at the water. Both teams entered into this game with rooster-like challenges yelling until they met in center field. The players had already spent the night "getting strong" for the game by participating in the ball dance. They were "scratched" down the arms, legs and across the back with sharp bones of various birds, animals and snakes to give them cunning, endurance and fierceness. On their way from the "water" to the ball field, the women carried extra garments for the players to bet for them. There was no secret and no shame in the methods of barter. On the other side a player would call out, "I have a dress to bet." A woman on this side would drop off the dress she was wearing and match the bet. (On game days the women would wear as many skirts as they could.) 209 �As the two teams met in the center of the field, the betting intensified—dress against dress, knife against knife, shirt against shirt and once in a while a cow against a cow. The bet loot was then removed to a wagon and guarded carefully by two men. After the game, the winners were glad. The losers could only say, "Wait until next time." The game was started by a respected old player speaking to them, making the rules. Then with "Ha! Tuel-doquo!!" (play to 12 points), the ball went into the air and the battle royal was on. It is no accident that there were great athletes from among the menfolk of the Eastern Band of the Cherokee Indians. A few who wore the insignia of the famous Carlisle Indians were Sam Saunooke, Johnson Bradley, Ben Powell, Theodore Owl, Jesse Youngdeer, Steve Youngdeer, Nick Bradley, Jack Jackson and Fred Bauer. What About Saving The Cherokee Indian Stick Ball Game 1. Start with the children in each community. They can do anything. They can learn and play. 2. Write some rules that would give larger participation. Use a smaller field and have competent officials to replace the "drivers" who carry switches. 3. Develop the game into quarters and have a rest period at the half. Allow substitutions. 4. Do not try to kill each other by standing other players on their heads, or choking or doubling up players to stop their breathing. 5. Make it a fast rule to use two ball sticks in handling the ball in the game. There is no more attractive or spectacular part of the game than to see a team pass the ball from player to player in a skillful exhibition of team work. Any person can scoop the ball up with one stick, and any tough guy can bump you and overpower you, but not all can dodge and run and handle the sticks like a champion. 6. It would be difficult to change the game as it now is played by the adults, but someone with imagination and love of youngsters who is dedicated enough to the heritage of his people can save the Cherokee Indian stick ball game. 210 �Museum to Perpetuate Cherokee History: One Feather Editors From the time of the Dawn Age in Eastern America, a proud people without the knowledge of metal artfully fashioned tools, pelts, money and weapons, eventually created the only Indian alphabet in the world, and slowly assimilated themselves into the new white man's culture, until they were herded like animals from their homes and deposited like outcasts on America's western frontier. They were the Eastern Band of the Cherokee Indians, and their fascinating story and culture will once more come to life this spring with the opening of the Museum of the Cherokee Indian. The museum is part of a rare historical trinity which, with Unto These Hills and Oconaluftee Indian Village, has been designed to preserve and perpetuate the history, culture and antiquities of the Eastern Band of the Cherokee. The museum will display crafts fashioned by the Cherokees who populate the Oconaluftee Indian Village during its tour season, which will begin May 15 and continue daily from 9:00 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. through mid-October. Under one roof, a visitor may enjoy and examine the largest and finest collection of Cherokee artifacts, displays and documents in Eastern America. Dramatic displays include the ancient rifled blowgun with its dart, and the rare hand-carved effigy masks used by the Cherokee up until a hundred years ago to frighten away witches and heal the sick and ailing. Pictures and painting portray the great Cherokee chiefs in their colorful costumes and the tragic "Trail of Tears," which is also outlined by map. "Hearphone" audio equipment provides visitors with recorded messages on outstanding leaders such as Sequoyah, John Ross and Will Thomas, while library documents include rare writings by and about these great men. And of the greatest significance is the exhibit of the historical hatchet of Tsali, the great Cherokee martyr whose story is beautifully re-created in Unto These Hills, the worldfamous outdoor drama which will open for its 26th season on June 21. With the Great Smokies for a backdrop, Indian and non-Indian actors together relive the unforgettable saga of the Cherokee Nation. Performances by this dedicated and impressively professional troupe are scheduled nightly, except Sundays, through August 28. The museum will be open daily from 9:00 a.m. until 5:30 p.m. in April and May when, for the summer, the hours will extend 211 �from 8:00 a.m. until 7:00 p.m., resuming the 9:00 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. schedule from September through November. The museum is one of the three exciting attractions conceived and sponsored by the Cherokee Historical Association. Carol E. White, general manager of the CHA, emphasizes that these attractions are operated not for profit, but as a means to perpetuate the life and traditions of the Cherokee Indian, to raise their living standards and instill in them a greater appreciation of themselves and their race. Full information and color brochures describing the village and drama are available free of charge from the Cherokee Historical Association, Cherokee, North Carolina 28719. 212 �USET Calls for Indian Leadership Training Program During the quarterly meeting of the United Southeastern Tribes held at the Seminole Reservation, Hollywood, Florida, delegates passed a resolution designed to promote Indian leadership on the highest levels. The resolution acknowledges that Indian employment is encouraged by the Civil Service Commission; however, it states that the intent of the laws providing Indian hiring preference have no real meaning when executive positions are at stake. Important jobs require qualified people. Currently there are no large scale management training opportunities for Indian people. To alleviate this problem, USET has requested an executive training program from the Federal Government and has recommended the following steps be taken to implement it: 1. A current listing of skilled, qualified Indian personnel who, with some training, can become qualified for executive management positions shall be compiled. From such a roster the quantity of such a training program should be determined, and, 2. Said program must be put into effect immediately both in the area of apprenticeship training and formal education to qualify Indians for positions of executive authority in local agencies of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the U. S. Public Health Service and all other Federal agencies having legislative commitments to Indian people. 3. This educational and apprenticeship program should be inaugurated immediately among the United Southeastern Tribes as a pilot effort. Toward this end, funds should be made available for a salaried apprenticeship program and for a salaried professional managerial and administrative training program on a formal basis. 4. At the same time, information should be compiled and made available on all positions within the structure of the Bureau of Indian Affairs at all levels and the BIA should immediately recruit Indians who, with training, can become qualified on the local agency's level. 5. It is requested that a conference be held immediately between representatives of the four Southeastern Tribes and representatives of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and other appropriate Federal agencies in order that plans be made to implement the intent of this Resolution. The Federal Government is continually urging Indians to seek employment with the Bureau of Indian Affairs. They seem to 213 �be suggesting that by working for it, we will play a part in the decision-making that goes on concerning Indians. Due to a lack of the qualifications set up by the Bureau, most Indians are placed either as mailroom workers, clerk-typists or errand boys. These positions offer nothing in the way of handling affairs or making decisions. The problems of the American Indian are like problems of other minority groups in many ways. Yet we have a whole Bureau of the government working, supposedly, on our behalf. If we could make it do what it is supposed to do, we would stop losing land, pride and independence. We would get back so much that has been taken unfairly. We must utilize the Bureau and make it work for us! So that the government cannot use the qualifications excuse any more to keep us out of effective jobs, we must see that we are provided with an apprenticeship program which will train Indians to take the leadership positions that we must occupy. In order to get started, to break into their system, we must learn their skills. Our American society today is white, run on the basis of white beliefs, and so we must learn how to change what they have created for us by using their methods. We must take over the management of our affairs, using their offices and their government, but with our Indian attitudes and values always guiding us. We, being Indian, have a quality of understanding that Federal employees simply haven't got because they are not Indian. It is our understanding of Indian ways, and sacred, and always above any skills the white man may teach us. The United Southeastern Tribes has passed a resolution calling for an apprenticeship program. The Federal Government will be asked to provide money and facilities. If we can get that much from them, the rest will be up to us. If we can be strong and work hard to make our lives good once again, the plan can work. But we are the ones who must make it. 214 �Eastern Band of Cherokees has Unique Government: One Feather Editors On the Qualla Boundary, Election Day rolls around every two years on the first Thursday in September. The eligible voters of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians gather in their respective townships to elect councilmen to represent them for a two-year term. In alternate election years the people also have the responsibility of electing a Principal Chief and Vice Chief, who will guide the fortunes of the tribe for four-year terms. The Cherokee people have a heritage of good government which is older than that of the United States of America. In fact, the founding fathers incorporated many ideas from the First Americans into the federal structure. The six townships, Big Cove, Birdtown, Cherokee, Wolfetown, Painttown and Snowbird, each elect two members to the Tribal Council. The Council then selects one of their number to serve as Tribal Chairman. Many committees, boards and commissions are appointed by this governing body. These are made up of council members, members of the executive branch of tribal government, representatives of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and people from the community at large. Some committees administer programs; some serve in an advisory capacity, while others have specialized duties. One of the first actions of a newly elected Chief is the selection of his Executive Advisor. Although he is nominated by the Chief, the Council must give its advice and consent to the selection. Council House staff members appointed directly by the Council are the English Clerk, Interpreter, Messenger, Tribal Clerk, Indian Clerk, Enrollment Clerk, Marshal and Janitor. The Executive Committee, which is made up of the Principal Chief, Vice Chief and Executive Advisor, is empowered to perform the necessary functions of the Tribe when Council is not in session. The Business Committee handles routine matters which ordinarily require agency approval during Council recess. Also working closely with the Agency Branch of Credit is the Credit Committee. Included in their responsibility is the overseeing of the four Tribal Enterprises. When a citizen of the Qualla Boundary wants the Council to consider a proposal, he first must prepare a resolution or get an appropriate office to put his ideas into the stylized form of a Council resolution. The next step is to give a copy to the chairman of the Resolutions Committee, who will present the bill to the legislators. It is then given a number and read by the English Clerk in English and by the Interpreter in Cherokee. The discus215 �sion that follows may be in either language. Parliamentary rules are followed. The group may pass, reject or table legislation. Passed resolutions must be signed by the Chief before they become official tribal policy. Some legislation, such as the annual budget, is subject to review by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Resolutions will usually name a committee, person or agency to carry out the intent of the bill. A 4% tax is levied on all retail sales on the reservation. The income from this levy is used to support the tribal Community Services. The Eastern Band is incorporated under the laws of the State of North Carolina; however, the tribal government is not just concerned with business. It is a unique system of local government, both simple and complex at the same time. Some sociologists are predicting that Americans crave a return to the tribal way of life. If and when they do, the Cherokee government will be there to once again serve as a model. 216 �Over 1,000 Attended High School Dedication: One Feather Editors The Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians dedicated their new $7.5 million Cherokee High School with recollections of their past and challenges for the future. Approximately 1,000 persons gathered in the athletic stadium on a sunny, windy afternoon to hear Commissioner Morris A. Thompson of the Bureau of Indian Affairs recall the history of pride among Cherokee people and how the great Sequoyah, who never formally attended school, "educated himself and developed a writing system for the Cherokee language" in the early 19th century. Thompson, whose helicopter was parked on the stadium turf behind the speakers platform on the track, told of looking through the school, which he termed "that magnificent building" that resulted from nine years of hard work by the Cherokee people and BIA. "There is not a mark on the new school," he said in complimenting the Indian on the care given the rock-faced structure in use since last August. "You are all to be congratulated for that." James Ray Cleaveland, superintendent of schools in Cherokee, told the group that the school "is not an end but a beginning . . . Students are what the building is for. The true worth of the program is what you, as students, do with these facilities" in the future. Chief John A. Crowe paid tribute to the four principal chiefs who preceded him: Osley Saunooke, Jarrett Blythe, Walter Jackson and Noah Powell, who foresaw the need for the school and set the stage for the building project. "They fought for what they thought was right," Crowe said. Bertha Saunooke, widow of the one-time chief and a member of the school board and Tribal Council, termed the school "a dream come true for the Eastern Cherokee." Principal Howard Patton pledged to use the facility "to strive for an educational program second to none." Student body president Noel Blakely noted that the school is located on an ancient Indian township site and that the building "has brought a renewal of the pride to the Cherokee people." Reservation Superintendent Jeff Muskrat presented Thomas Mallonee and John Abbott. Mallonee read a greeting from U. S. Representative Roy A. Taylor and noted that Taylor joined Cherokee leaders this week in a congressional presentation for $6.9 million to erect a new hospital. Abbott said U. S. Senator 217 �Robert Morgan ufeels that it is fitting that this magnificent structure come to these Cherokee people." Theodore Krenske, former superintendent here and now director of the Office of Indian Service in Washington, said the school's existence is due to "determined efforts" of the tribal leadership and cooperation of BIA. Area BIA Director Harry Rainbold also lauded the collective effort, and Tribal Council Chairman Jonathan Ed Taylor noted that a lot of labor in the building was done by the Cherokees, especially the rock work. Commissioner Thompson said this was the first BIA school built to specifications, recommendations and desires expressed in the community, uand you are to be congratulated for your input." "The students are to be congratulated for the concern and care they have shown for this school, and I mean all 550 of them." "The school building is being used by all members of the community," Thompson said, "people taking college courses through Western Carolina University at Cherokee and people receiving adult technical training through courses taught by Southwestern Technical Institute in Sylva." The high school band provided music for the program, and a quail dance was presented by an elementary dance team. School board chairman Daniel McCoy presided. 218 �Lady Bowler Teaches Humility to Newsman Editor's Note: Recently Lula Gloyne went to Charlotte to take part in a bowling event. Her opponent was Kays Gary, wellknown columnist of the Charlotte Observer. Here is the tribute Gary paid the 84-year-old bowler. I got scalped Saturday by a Cherokee lady with a bowling ball. So did Jack Knight, WIST's excuse for almost anything. A bunch of women dreamed up the stunt to prove the already obvious superiority of That Other Sex. It was also obvious from the beginning that the women, the North Carolina Women's Bowling Association, wanted a sure-fire set-up for the premise in choosing Knight and Gary. Knight's bowling career matched the lifespan of the 7/8 Edsel with similar success. Gary's never began until Saturday, at which time it also ended. Championing the women's cause was Lula Gloyne, a member of the Cherokee Qualla B's team competing here in the largest bowling event in the state's history. Lula says she is 84, a grandmother with a 113 bowling average. She took up bowling at 79 and once rolled a 213 game. I was afraid that even in my maiden effort I'd beat Lula and louse up a column. Knight was nervous for fear he would not beat an 84-year-old woman. Lula took care of my fears with the first ball at Park Lanes. She rolled a strike. So did Jack. She then proceeded to make Jack's fears come true. In a half-game she beat him 74-70 and I only had 50. And she was off her game, but it was only practice. I learned something about the game when I picked up my ball. It weighed 16 pounds. I learned that it could be a deadly weapon. Deadly for me. The sticks (pins) at the end of the lane were entirely safe. I also learned something about courtesies of the game when once intending to be gallant, I picked up Lula's ball to hand it to her. uGet your hands off my ball!" she cried. It seems that bad luck falls upon the bowler whose ball is touched by somebody else who is a poor bowler. If that is true, Lula's tournament efforts Saturday and today are doomed. How did she get into bowling and why? "The team needed a substitute for somebody who was sick and I wasn't too busy and so I filled in," she said. "I'm really not very good." Well, the crowd cheered and cheered as well they should as Lula Gloyne's appearance had to be a highlight of this monstrous event involving 4,300 women, all nuts about this fun-and-health sport. 219 �Lula fired a 118 in her first tournament team game —five over her average —but she had just had a four-hour ride down from Cherokee and wasn't loosened up yet. Today she'll bowl six games in individual competition starting at 8 a.m. Impeccable in speech and gracious in manner, one senses Mrs. Gloyne is perhaps a bit piqued at being heralded for being 84. A grand dame she is but "I don't want people thinking I need assistance just because of my age." A registered nurse and native of Cherokee, she was on active duty as an Army nurse through World War I, spent years as a field and clinic nurse for the Bureau of Indian Affairs in Oklahoma, then came back home to retire some ten years ago u but ne^ er actually retired until two years ago." Shr still lends her nursing skills in emergencies to Cherokee families "but I keep busy, too, teaching classes in chair-bottoming, basketweaving and map-making, all with vines." She lives with Annie Nick, age 92, in Cherokee. "You take care of Mrs. Nick?" she was asked. "Oh, no. She's as active as I am," Mrs. Gloyne said. "She just doesn't care for bowling. I'm sure she's enjoying being alone this weekend for a change." When Millie Moore, president of the Charlotte Women's Bowling Association, presented trophies for our token appearance and told me, "You're low man on the totem pole," Lula was comforting. "Don't let it bother you, young man," she said. "Young man!" It was a great day. 220 �Qualla Co-Op to Host Open House for Lucy George: Steve Richmond Deserving recognition will be given to Lucy George, May 18 through June 30, 1970, when an exhibition of honeysuckle baskets is opened to the public in the Member's Gallery of the Indian owned and operated craft cooperative, Qualla Arts and Crafts Mutual, Inc., Highway 441 in Cherokee, North Carolina. One of the most ingenious and creative basketweavers in the United States, Mrs. George is a member of the Eastern Band of Cherokee, and was born on November 17, 1897, in the Birdtown community of the Qualla Indian Boundary in the mountains of Western North Carolina. This exhibition, which was organized by the Indian Arts and Crafts Board and is being sponsored by Qualla, will offer to the public the opportunity to see and purchase outstanding and rare examples of honeysuckle basketweaving. It was during the depression years of the 1930's that Lucy George found it necessary to provide a way to supplement her family's income. Other Cherokee mothers were doing this by weaving baskets to sell or trade at the general store for the household goods needed to feed and clothe their families. Unlike these basketweavers, Lucy George had not been taught basketweaving by her mother and now found it necessary to learn in the early years of her marriage. Most of the Cherokee basketweavers used river cane or white oak in weaving their baskets. Lucy George knew of only one Cherokee who used the honeysuckle vines as a basketweaving material. For this reason, she felt that her chances of helping provide for her family's needs would be better if she started weaving baskets from a material that was not in general use by the other basketweavers. There were no teachers available, and Lucy George realized that she would have to learn by teaching herself, using only the knowledge that she had obtained in visiting in the homes of friends who used river cane or white oak material and adapting this knowledge into a new basketry form. Acquiring an impressive skill in wicker work weaving, Mrs. George began creation of a wide variety of basketry forms made of honeysuckle vines —a material previously considered of little value in her mountain community—and through her accomplishments soon developed new aesthetic dimensions in basketweaving for the Eastern Band of Cherokees. In the mid 1940's, with the assistance of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Indian Arts and Crafts Board, the Cherokee craftsmen organized their own craft cooperative, Qualla Arts and Crafts Mutual, Inc. With the establishment of their own wholesale 221 �and retail outlet, special emphasis and assistance were given to help the individual craft worker to improve and market his crafts. As a member of Qualla, Mrs. George's interest in basketweaving was challenged to her heights of individual design and aesthetic achievement. Active as a basket weaver for some forty years, Mrs. George today will tell you that she is not getting old, but that her hands are. It has been these nimble hands that have enabled Mrs. George to achieve the widely renowned reputation for the perfection of honeysuckle basketweaving and the richly patterned designs of all her baskets, which are both decorative and utilitarian. The honeysuckle baskets of Mrs. George have won numerous prizes in competition at annual fairs held on the Qualla Boundary and have been shown in many state and foreign exhibitions. In recent years, Mrs. George has found time to teach and demonstrate honeysuckle basketweaving to the younger generation of Cherokee, as well as to craftsmen of other Indian tribes in the Southeast. Mrs. George is the mother of six children and now lives with her husband in her childhood community of Birdtown, along the Oconaluftee River. One son distinguished himself during the Korean conflict and was awarded, posthumously, the Congressional Medal of Honor. This is the first one-man exhibition of Mrs. George's basketry, and the members of Qualla and her friends will honor Mrs. George with an open house Sunday, May 17, from 1 to 5 p.m. in a preview showing of the exhibition. 222 �Cherokee Indian Fair Began in 1914 One Feather Editors In the summer of 1912, Cato Sells, Commissioner of Indian Affairs at that time, made a special trip from Washington, D. C. to Cherokee. His object in coming to Cherokee was to discuss with James E. Henderson, Superintendent of the Cherokee Indian Reservation, and James Blythe, Farm Agent, the possibility of promoting and sponsoring an Indian Fair. The superintendent's desire was that the farmers of the six townships organize a club in each of the respective townships; the clubs would form a Farmers' Organization. When the Big Cove club was organized, the membership totaled 22 members. The officers elected were as follows: chairman, John W. Wolfe; vice chairman, Johnson B. Thompson; English clerk, Johnson Owl; Indian clerk, Deliskie Climbingbear; treasurer, Mary Elizabeth Wolf. The Program Committee consisted of Will West Long, Charlie A. Lambert and Arsene Thompson. During the year of 1914 the Commissioner of Indian Affairs officially authorized the presentation of the Fair. The Big Cove Farmer's Organization had a special meeting. At that meeting a Fair Committee was elected to work with Superintendent Henderson and Farm Agent James Blythe. The Fair Committee was elected as follows: Will West Long, Charlie Lambert and Arsene Thompson. They were confronted with the problem of a place to hold the Fair; there were two prospective locations—Cherokee and Big Cove. When a vote was taken, 10 persons were in favor of holding it at Big Cove and 11 persons wanted to hold it at Cherokee. Cherokee was chosen as the location. The next decision that had to be made was what the name of the Fair would be. The two names put up for vote were "Indian Fair," presented by Will West Long, and "Cherokee Indian Fair," presented by Mary E. Wolf. The latter name was chosen and has never been changed. The greatest wonder and attraction of the first Fair were the automobiles to be seen on the grounds. Law and order was provided for with the hiring of two Indian policemen, William Wahneetah and John Crow. The chief Marshal was Sam Saunooke, and his assistants were William J. Owl and Arsene Thompson. By this time the Birdtown farmers had organized a club called Birdtown Farm Club. Leaders of the club were Owen Walkingstick, Hugh Nolan Lambert and Ben Bushyhead. The Big Cove and Birdtown farmers combined their clubs for the first Cherokee Indian Fair. An Advertising Committee was appointed to promote the first Fair. This committee consisted of Sibbald Smith and Jacob 223 �Smith. They traveled in a one-horse buggy as far away as north Georgia. Contributors of prizes awarded for exhibits were D. K. Collins, R. J. Roane, Sylva Supply Company, Asheville Seed Company and C. M. McClung Hardware in Knoxville, Tennessee. The prizes consisted of various farm equipment. The first exhibit was held in what was then the school chapel and is now known as Qualla Hall. It created much excitement and wonder. A singing contest was held on the steps of the Boys' Dormitory. There were three classes entered. These were Wright's Creek, Blue Wing and Big Cove. The leaders were Henry Bradley, William L. Hornbuckle and Soggie M. Hill respectively. The judges allowed only one mistake to each class. There was a first, second and third prize. The prize money was divided equally among the members of the choir. The singers were all satisified with this arrangement. Big Cove Farmers in 1912: 1. John Wolfe, 2. Johnson B. Thompson, 3. Johnson Owl, 4. Deliskie Climbingbear, 5. Will West Long, 6. Charlie A. Lambert, 7. Arsene G. Thompson, 8. York Cornsilk, 9. Elijah Welch, 10. Adam Welch, 11. Soggie M. Hill, 12. Johnson Wolf, 13. Ward Wolf, 14. Wesley Driver, 15. William Driver, 16. Chickelelee Driver, 17. Going Bird, 18. Runaway Swimmer, 19. Thomas Swimmer, 20. Moses Powell, 21. John W. Swayney and 22. Eli Bird. 224 �Cherokee History: Lucian Lamar Sneed This article is the first of a series on the history and beliefs of our Cherokee ancestors. It is my sincere desire that as a result of this series the Cherokee heritage will be preserved for future generations to come, for no people on this earth have a more beautiful heritage to preserve than the Cherokee. The following are two formulas used by our ancestors when hunting and fishing. We must remember that the Cherokees of old, in their own way, were true believers in God, the great spirit. When the hunter would go after bear, deer or fowl, he would use certain prayers to attract the game to where he would shoot it. These prayers have a magical quality and are sung in a lowpitched voice. When animal traps such as bear traps, otter traps, raccoon traps, squirrel and rabbit traps and bird snares are set out, they must be accompanied with certain spells to assure their success in attracting the game. In all hunters' formulas the fire is the chief diety appealed to, although the great terrestrial hunter Kanadi (sometimes called uThe River"), is also helpful. Both of these beings are full of attraction for the game, and the hunter endeavors to identify himself with them. Cherokee Hunting Give me the wind. Give me the breeze. Yu! 0 Great Terrestrial Hunter, I come to the edge of your spittle where you repose. Let your stomach cover itself; let it be covered with leaves. Let it cover itself at a single bend, and may you never be satisfied. And you, 0 Ancient Red, may you hover above my breast while I sleep. Now let good (dreams?) develop; let my experience be propitious. Ha! Now let my little trails be directed, as they lie down in various directions (?). Let the leaves be covered with the clotted blood, and may it never cease to be so. You two (the Water and the Fire) shall bury it in your stomachs. Yu! In the case of formulas designed to attract fish, every device is used to cause the fish to move toward the fishhook or into the fishtrap. The fishhook may be annointed with spittle after certain leaves have been chewed which exercise an attraction power. The prayer is often directed to the fish to travel over his water trails to the trap. The following is a specimen from Mooney: This Is for Catching Large Fish Listen! Now you settlements have drawn near to hearken. Where you have gathered in the foam you are moving about as one. You Blue Cat and the others, I have come to offer you freely 225 �the white food. Let the paths from every direction recognize each other. Our spittle shall be in agreement. Let them (your and my spittle) be together as we go about. They (the fish) have become a prey, and there shall be no loneliness. Your spittle has become agreeable. I am called . . .Yu! 226 �Former Tribal Officer Writes Book About N. C. Indian Land: One Feather Editors Fred Bauer, a former Vice Chief of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians, has written a book entitled Land of the North Carolina Cherokees. Mr. Bauer painstakingly builds his case against "dependent tribalism and reservation controls" using federal records, old newspaper accounts, state and county land records as well as eyewitness reports. He argues for individual Cherokee state citizenship as opposed to collective ownership of land by a tribal group. According to the treaties of 1817 and 1819: "any Cherokee who owned an improvement could become a citizen of the United States by having his name registered with the government agent." By the Treaty of 1819, the watershed west of the Little Tennessee River became the boundary, and only a small southwestern portion of our state remained to the Cherokee Nation. Birdtown, Ela, Bryson City, Almond, Judson and Bushnell, as well as the lands north of the river (now in the Park), became State land. Indian lands now in Swain and Jackson Counties were completely within North Carolina sixteen years before the final Treaty of New Echota. The Cherokee citizens owned land, and bought and sold land in the same manner as their Caucasian neighbors. The book chronicles the relationship between the North Carolina Cherokees and Colonel William Holland Thomas. The Qualla Town trader figured prominently in the long story of treaties, lost land records and debts to the Cherokees unpaid by the federal government after the "Trail of Tears." In tracing his history of this mountain land, Bauer discounts the Mooney Myth —a popular story of Tsali, who killed a soldier who was mistreating Tsali's wife during the removal and who later gave himself to be shot in order that the Cherokees hiding in the mountains could remain in their homeland. A series of articles in the Asheville Citizen by John Parris dealt with the same subject earlier this year. "The Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians is the legal name Congress gave to those Cherokees in North Carolina who were involved in the Thomas land purchases." Bauer emphasizes that in organizing to obtain their rightful monies from the U. S. Government, the petitioners did not "relinquish their individual property rights." He maintains that they were transformed into a "tribe" by acts of Congress and efforts of the Indian Bureau. Other subjects covered by the author are reorganization, the several rolls, the parkway controversy and a new constitution. 227 �Much of what I read in Land of the North Carolina Cherokees was new to me. Not everyone will agree with Mr Bauer's conclusions; however, his book is valuable. Young people thirst for knowledge about their people and their homeland. Since we no longer pass stories by the fireside, the only alternative is put down what we know on paper. I believe that tribalism is a better way of life than rugged individualism; however, I'm glad that, for now anyway, the country is big enough for many diverse lifestyles. About the Author Fred Bauer is an enrolled Cherokee who was orphaned soon after birth. He was adopted by James Blythe, his mother's uncle, and his wife Josephine, a daughter of Chief Jarrett Nimrod Smith. He was a student at Cherokee Indian School and the Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania. After serving in the Air Force in World War II, he was Physical Education Director and Coach at various Indian schools. In 1935 he was elected Vice Chief of the Eastern Band and served for four years. 228 �History of Boundary Tree: Hiram C. Wilburn The name "Boundary Tree" as applied to the Boundary Tree Motor Court, Boundary Tree Dining Room and Service Station, together with the tract of land upon which they were developed, has interesting historical associations. The Boundary Tree itself, better known in the legal documents as "The Poplar Corner Tree," stood on the high bank of the road at the lower border of the Boundary Tree Tract, some eight hundred feet south of the service station. It was a very old tree, perhaps six feet in diameter at the base. The tree was first "marked" and designated as a "corner tree," February 2, 1798, when the old pioneer, Felix Walker, obtained Grant No. 501 from the State of North Carolina and established its beginning corner on this tree. Grant No. 501 contained four square miles and included all the choice lands on the Oconaluftee River three and one-half miles up, as well as over a mile up the Raven Fork. It was upon land included in this grant at the mouth of Mingus Creek that the first white settlement within the bounds of the Great Smoky National Park was made, in all probability, in the year 1792. Felix Walker was a great old character in his day. Besides being an extensive landowner and speculator, he represented Buncombe County, and later Haywood County, in Congress for a number of years. He was of the Daniel Boone party that opened the Wilderness Road into Kentucky in 1775. Walker lived for many years on Jonathan Creek near Maggie, North Carolina. The site of his residence is marked with a metal shield beside U. S. 19, just east of Maggie. In 1792 when Buncombe County was established, the Boundary Tree area was included. In 1808, it became Haywood County; in 1851, Jackson County; in 1872, Swain County. In the 1840's when the Cherokees were re-settled on lands in the vicinity of Boundary Tree, this stood as a marker between them and the whites. When in the late 1920's the State of North Carolina acquired all the white owned lands in the area, Boundary Tree became an important monument between Park lands and the Cherokee Indians. In 1946 the Park conveyed a tract of about eight hundred acres to the Cherokee Indians, with the purpose that it should be developed as a tourist center. During the negotiations the tract was frequently referred to and described as the Boundary Tree Tract. The Tribal Council prefixed the name "Boundary Tree" to its several developments, and so the name has become definitely and permanently established. The following wording appears on a marker at the Boundary Tree Tract: 229 �PLACE OF THE POPLAR BOUNDARY TREE NORTH LAT. 35 DEC. 30 MIN. ON SOUTHERN BOUNDARY LINE OF LANDS ALLOTTED TO THE EARL OF GRANVILLE, ONE OF THE LORDS PROPRIETORS IN 1743 BY THE BRITISH CROWN. THE DIVIDING LINE BETWEEN BURKE AND RUTHERFORD COUNTIES RAN HERE UNTIL AFTER 1792. BEGINNING CORNER OF GRANTS 501 AND 502, ISSUED TO FELIX WALKER IN 1798. THE POPLAR WAS ON THE LINE DIVIDING THE CHEROKEE AND WHITE SETTLERS AFTER 1940 UNTIL 1946, WHEN THE PARK SERVICE CONVEYED THE BOUNDARY TREE TRACT TO THE EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS. ERECTED BY THE CHEROKEE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, 1952 230 �Eagle's Revenge: One Feather Editors When the Cherokee killed a deer in the days that deer roamed in their forests, they saved some of the meat for winter. This was cut into long strips and hung on a drying pole until quite dry. When dry it was hung in the cabins. A Cherokee man and wife lived in the Nantahala gorge. Their cabin was directly under a very high cliff. The man would leave his home early in the morning and wind slowly up the path to a place beyond the cliff. Here the deer fed. He would wait quietly until he knew that he could kill one of the deer with only one shot. His arrow always found its mark. As soon as he killed the deer, he would dress it. Best of all he liked the fresh liver. He would go to the point of the cliff just over the cabin and drop the fresh liver down to his wife, who would have it cooked by the time he would wind his way down to the cabin. After he had made his meal of the liver, he would put up a pole for his wife to use to dry the rest of the meat. One night the man heard a sound as if something was pulling the meat off the drying pole. As he looked out, he saw an eagle perched on the pole stealing the meat. He shot the eagle and returned to bed. The next morning he reported this to his chief, who sent the seven dancers to get the eagle and prepare for the Eagle Dance. This was custom when an eagle was killed. Messengers called the people to the council house at sundown for the dance. The dancing lasted from sundown to sunrise. Seven boys trained as dancers; they danced while the others sat in a circle and watched. This was usually a joyful time. Because of the victory over an eagle, they could visit and tell of interesting adventures. About midnight a strange man joined the circle. He soon began telling of his great deeds in a battle. None knew him but supposed he was a warrior from one of the other Cherokee towns, so they were glad to have him visit them. At the end of his story he gave a loud yell, "Hi!" The people shuddered as one of the dancers fell dead. The stranger told another story, and as he yelled another dancer fell dead. This kept up until all seven dancers were dead and all the people were too frightened to move. The stranger left suddenly as he had come. The people were too scared to go after him to punish him for the death of the seven young men. It was not until many days had passed that the people found out who the stranger really was. He was not a Cherokee warrior at all —he was the brother of the eagle that the hunter had shot. He had taken the shape of a man to get his revenge for the death of his brother eagle. 231 �Folks, Fact, Fiction HI: Ruth Smith Do you like to think back to other days? I do. I used to go to Estella Teesatuskie's home years ago, and we would sit under a tree in the yard and listen to Jonah tell "booger" tales. Jimmie and Berdie Holland can tell 'em, too. When we used to live beside them, they would scare the daylights out of me, but the next night I was begging for more. Got to the place where I was almost afraid to look out the window at night, for fear something out there would be looking IN. When Scrub and I were kids, we used to pull down the shades at the dining room windows, close the doors, get under the table and tell ghost stories, with cold shivers chasing each other up and down our backs. Oliver Smith's mother, Mary Melvina Smith, is responsible for a lot of old time tales remembered by 01' Milt. He recalls her telling of living in Tennessee on the Little Tennessee River and watching the boats, the Mary Bird, Side Wheeler and 01' Rail Stealer, as they made their trips up and down the river. During the Civil War, their garden was often visited by raiding soldiers, and it was after one of these forays that Mary Melvina found a long Dragoon Colt pistol lying in the dirt. Then there was her son, Duffy, who had been so puny he had spent some time stretched on the bedstead. This day he rose and went outdoors where a brand new grapevine swing hung invitingly. Duffy grabbed it firmly, ran a few steps and took off, Tarzan style. There was a ripping noise, the vine tore loose and down came Duffy on the wood pile, knocked completely out. He was carried back to bed, but, despite a perilous childhood, Duffy survived to the ripe old age of 85. Folks, Fact, Fiction #2: Ruth Smith June will soon be over, the month of brides and roses, not to mention vacation. When I was a leetle shirt tail youngun, I fairly lived for the time when we could go down the street chanting, "No more lessons, no more books, no more Teacher's sassy looks." But we had fun in school, too. Our class was so mischievous that we went through five teachers in two years. Resignation forms were in great demand during that time. The first teacher to give up was a minister's daughter who sought the solace of tears when her pupils became too much of a handful. The first time this happened, we were filled with dismay and consternation, for we weren't BAD, just lively and full of the Old Nick. But the novelty of Teacher's tears wore off, and we used to watch for her to "puddle up" and shed some more. Her last day was to have been a surprise to us, but someone found out and told the rest of us. So at 232 �recess time, Bill Dildine filled his water color pan with water and hid it behind his desk. Teacher began her "swan song," she was leaving us, and so on. 01' Bill got out his hankerchief and dipped it in the pan of water and held it to his eyes till he had everyone's attention, then wrung the water out in the aisle. Needless to say, what Teacher meant to be a solemn occasion ended with gales of laughter from the roomful of little wretches. During this time we had a girl in the class who was older than the rest of us. Consequently she wore silk hose (probably sneaked out of her older sister's drawer). In addition to silk hose, Burdeen also possessed hairy legs. She sat behind me, and in order to enjoy a greater degree of comfort (I 'spose), she mostly had her legs stretched out in the aisle. I dearly loved to glance around, note that she was busy, get hold of a few of those ol' leg hairs and yank on 'em. The reaction would satisfy anybody. One of the male teachers that were later hired fairly wiped up the floor with a couple of the boys, then later he went to be a missionary. It was said he should make a good one, for he had had experience with heathens. Folks, Fact, Fiction #3: Ruth Smith Here's an old snake tale, told to Milt by his grandma. When she was a little girl, she and her brother were sent on an errand down one of the little dirt roads so prevalent back in those days. Idling along as kids have done for generations, their eyes taking in the activities and scenes of the countryside, their attention became focused on a large black snake winding its way up a big tree some distance off the road. As they watched, they became aware of the snake's goal, a bird's nest concealed within a hollow in the tree trunk. A small, round hole in the tree trunk afforded ingress and egress. "That ol' snake thinks he's gonna have baby birds for dinner," said Little Brother. "I'm gonna wait till he's ready to go in, an' then bust him with a rock." He selected a good "throwin' rock" and waited. Round and round the tree coiled the snake, each time coming nearer and nearer to the entrance to the bird's home. Just as he was ready to stick his head in, Little Brother let fly his rock, and the snake slithered helplessly to the ground, cut almost in two by the unerring accuracy of a small boy with one good "throwin' rock." Folks, Fact, Fiction #4: Ruth Smith 'Twas a snappy winter morning, giving promise of a beautiful day to come. Deacon Oliver Smith rose from his downy couch and made his way to the kitchen to cook his breakfast. The oven door was open from the evening before, so he shut it and 233 �turned on the heat, in preparation for baking his breakfast bread. Bustling about busily, Oliver was finally aware of strange sounds. "Seems as though I hear something," he muttered to himself, peering under the table. Nothing there; no one in the sink; nairy crittur in the cupboard. By this time the yells were so loud he couldn't help but know that they were coming from the oven. He opened the door, and out popped his old cat. Cussing in cat language, it dashed into the bedroom and secreted itself beneath the bed. The old-time Sioux were said to be fond of boiled dog, but never does history tell that Cherokees relished roast cat. 234 �75-Year-Old L. Calhoun: One Feather Editors Lawrence Calhoun is 75 years old and lives in the Big Cove Community and has lived there all of his life. He has five sisters, Katie Littlejohn, Eva Bradley, Dinah Welch, Wallie Welch and Agnes Welch; three brothers, Smathers, Walker and Henry. We asked him who the oldest was, and he said, "probably Wallie, she must be at least 100 years old," jokingly, of course. Lawrence has one daughter, Peggy, and three sons, Tamer, Alex and Earl. Tamer lives in Virginia, Alex in Oklahoma, Peggy in Asheville and Earl lives at home. While talking to Lawrence, we learned that he has an incredible memory. He remembered names of people he had met many years ago. He recalled getting into some mischief and trouble with the law. A warrant was issued for his arrest, and he took to hiding out in Tennessee, but he heard that there was going to be a Green Corn Dance in Big Cove, so he sneaked back home. Somehow, the Swain County sheriff found out that he was home for the big ceremony and came up to arrest him. He said it was Sheriff McGurley (John) and his son, Fred, that came up to arrest him. But they never did arrest him because Deleskie Climbingbear talked the sheriff out of it, and the sheriff tore up the warrant. It's not that easy these days, Lawrence said. He went on to tell us about this particular Green Corn Dance he came home for. He said Deleskie was shaking a turtle shell rattle, and each time he shook the rattle, it got louder; on the last shake, it was real loud. He recalled two groups of men who appeared out of the bushes on opposite sides of the dancing ground with loud shouts and advanced toward the pole in the center around which they dance in opposite directions. We told Lawrence that we planned a Green Corn Dance in September, and he said that it would be wonderful if the ceremony could be revised, and he would be happy to help with the ceremony. He went on to say that there aren't too many people left that know anything about the Green Corn Dance except for the people up where they are removed every night, meaning Unto These Hills. He told us we could go up there and learn about the Green Corn Dance. We asked Lawrence if he was a medicine man or if he still did any doctoring. He said, "Not much, my eyes aren't good enough to gather herbs. I doctor mostly in my dreams." He said he started learning about Indian medicine when he was seven or eight years old and he was taught by his father, Oganstota, and his mother, Sally Ann. His father was a famous medicine man and shaman. He said that his father's shamanism was never surpassed by anyone, nor his gift for Indian medicine. We told him that his father's picture was in one of the Bureau of Ethnology Reports 235 �published by the Smithsonian Institution. Lawrence seemed surprised, and I think it would be nice if he could see the picture or perhaps be given a copy of the picture. Lawrence told us of a time that his father was called upon to doctor Nessie Watty, also from Big Cove. Nessie had become deathly ill, and white doctor from the Cherokee Indian Hospital had been called to help her, a Doctor Hall, as he recalled. After Dr. Hall examined Nessie, he told the family that there was nothing that he could do for her, and she would probably die that very night. Finally, in desperation, Nessie's husband, Goliagh, went up on the mountain to ask help from Oganstota. Immediately, Oganstota went up on the mountain in search for herbs to make medicine. When he had gathered the necessary herbs, he took them to Nessie, and the family told Oganstota that Nessie had been sick for a long time. Oganstota made a tea from the herbs for Nessie to drink. Minutes after she drank the tea, she began to vomit, and particles found in the vomit looked like dirt and dust swept from the floor. The next day Lawrence's father and mother told the family they should go and check on Nessie. Lawrence said, "When we arrived there, the family was eating breakfast, and there sat Nessie at the table eating with the family, feeling much better, and Nessie lived at least 30 more years after that." Lawrence's guess was that Nessie had cancer, but his father Oganstota caught it just in time. And this made him remember the death of his nephew just that very morning that we talked with him. His nephew, Henderson Welch, died of cancer. Lawrence recalled Henderson's love for dancing at the Cherokee Fall Festival. Lawrence went on to say that cancer can be cured with Indian medicine if it is caught in time, even up to 15 minutes before death. "I got sick one time," Lawrence said. "It wasn't much, but my legs sure did ache and my back too. I went to my brother, Henry, and asked if he knew of some medicine to help me. Henry agreed it wasn't much, but he'd try to help me. He gathered some herbs for me. Henry said it must be my kidneys. I drank the medicine that Henry gave me and in a few days I felt fine. I had already been to the hospital down there, and the doctor down there told me there wasn't a thing wrong with me and to go on home. I knew I was sick, or else I wouldn't have wasted time to go down there, but Henry helped me with his Indian medicine." We asked Lawrence to tell us the funniest story he has ever heard which was about an old woman that wanted a short-tailed cat. One day the woman, upon entering the house, found her house cat lying on the floor sleeping with its tail stretched straight out. She ran out to the woodyard to get her axe so she could chop the cat's tail off quickly before the cat woke up. She raised the axe high above her head, brought the axe down, missed the cat's tail and chopped the cat right in half. 236 �Big Cove people love to tell jokes and play jokes on people, and I remember a joke that was played on Lawrence a few years ago. There was a free labor group made up of people in Big Cove. The group would get together and help each other with spring planting and harvesting. They also helped each other if there was death or illness in a home. If a house was being put up, everyone would get together and help put it up. Upon completion of the house, there was a housewarming. People brought food and household items. When Lawrence was building the house he lived in before this new one, the free labor came up and helped him. When the house was finished, there was a housewarming. Many nice gifts were brought but someone brought a gunny sack full of mangy dogs. If I'm not mistaken, it was Manuel Watty that made his contribution of mangy dogs. It was all in fun, and everyone got a big laugh of the joke. He has a beautiful new home now, built for him by the Social Services Department of Cherokee. The house is located in Big Cove, high up on the mountain overlooking Big Cove. The scenery is beautiful from his porch. In the spring and winter you can see far above the Big Cove Loop and as far down as the old Blankenship place. We asked Lawrence what he thought about his new home. He said he was very proud of it, and it was very warm in the winter, much warmer that his old log house just below the new one. He said he certainly appreciated what Social Services and all people connected with it had done for him. And thanks to the Indian Action Team, a very nice graveled road winds its way up the mountain from Big Cove Loop Road up to Lawrence's house. 237 �Rev. W. David Owle: One Feather Editors Alone in the dark beneath a pine tree on a hillside near Arden in 1920, a young Cherokee man prayed to God for guidance. W. (Walter) David Owle was troubled because he did not know what direction his life should take. When at last he finished his prayerful meditation, Owle knew the purpose of his life; he would give himself in service to his people—to the Cherokee and other Native Americans. W. David Owle was unusually qualified to serve his people, for he had something few Indians had in the early part of this century —a college education. The One Feather interviewed him recently when he visited relatives here in Cherokee, and he recounted the trail that led him to his life of service. Owle attended the old boarding school until he was 16 years of age. He and Morgan Bradley both decided they had learned everything they could there and made plans to go away to school. While planning this adventure, they became influenced by Bird Galoneet, who told them they should be baptized in the river near the present location of the Drama Motel and taken into Yellowhill Church. A few weeks later the two walked to Whittier to board a train. It was September, 1912, and as telephone poles zipped by the window, Owle and Bradley, dressed in Government khakis, headed for the trade school in Hampton, Virginia. Owle's three years at Hampton were productive. He learned the blacksmith trade, in the tradition of his father who once smithed where Qualla Supermarket now stands, and he completed a year of college. At graduation he was second in academic standing. His desire to learn was not satisfied. Owle continued in college, going to Springfield College in Massachusetts. The college was then a physical education school, and in addition to his studies, Owle participated in all the team sports—football, baseball, soccer —plus tennis. The first World War nearly prevented Owle's graduation from Springfield. He was drafted in March, 1918, but through an arrangement managed by Dr. Bennett of Bryson City, he was allowed to delay his service until May. After graduation, Owle returned to Swain County and shipped out for Camp Jackson. Because of his college military training, he was made first sergeant on his second day of duty. He trained troops until the Armistice and was discharged two months later. Following the war, Owle was employed at Christ School in Arden as director of physical education. He had been there 18 months when he attended a young people's conference at Blue 238 �Ridge, where the speaker, John Armant, urged people to dedicate themselves to serving young people. It was at this conference that Owle became concerned about the direction of his life. It was there, as he prayed under the pines, that he decided to spend his life helping Indians as best he could. The decision led him to Arizona, where he taught physical education to Pima Indians, and later to Haskell in Oklahoma, where he directed the physical education program. At Haskell, Owle felt the call to the ministry. He went to theological seminary and became ordained. For more than 50 years afterwards, he served the Seneca Reservation near Buffalo, New York. He is now retired and living on the Seneca Reservation, but he still works as he is able, doing "free-lance" work in special cases. 239 �The Cherokee Cultural Group Therapy Program: Elsie Martin and Laurence French The Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians has adopted a new therapy program designed to aid clients in their mental health and alcohol program. The Cherokee Mental Health and alcohol program, staffed entirely by enrolled members of the tribe, has developed a unique form of cultural group therapy whereby staff members, Indian clients and other interested members of the tribe participate in informally structured Cherokee craft sessions. The objectives of the sessions are threefold: (1) to increase the client's social integration; (2) to reinforce the client's awareness of his or her proud cultural heritage; and (3) to offer constructive, positive, acceptable avenues for tension management. Unlike traditional group therapy sessions, these are quite informal. Furthermore, they focus on the positive and not on the negative aspects of the client's life, again a major departure from most group therapy approaches. Informal communication and a shared participation in the construction of cherished Pan-Indian and Cherokee arts and crafts occur within a very congenial environment, one shared by clients, counselors and other "normal" Cherokee citizens. Only here the client is indistinguishable from the others in the program. Clearly this lack of visibility, or stigma, is the most rewarding aspect of this therapy program. All come to feel that they are one, which in turn not only aids the client in reestablishing a positive self-image, but helps dispel erroneous images the "normal" Cherokee participants may harbor against those enrolled in the mental health and alcohol program. It has long been recognized that Native American arts and crafts provide the major link with the rich cultural heritage of the Indian groups surviving today. In this sense alone, cultural group therapy provides an invaluable service by aiding the client in establishing direct ties with his or her proud heritage. The staff at the Cherokee Mental Health and Alcohol program realize that the contributing factor underlying most American Indian personality problems is the confusion surrounding their ambiguous social existence. They believe that reestablishing the American Indian's strong sense of cultural pride can only help alleviate the problems plaguing him. 240 �CHAPTER V Cherokee Profiles By The Editors THE EVOLUTION OF THE "CHEROKEE PERSPECTIVE" Early in 1973 Cherokee students at the Qualla Boundary started a student organization with the intent and purpose of improving the educational prospects among Native Americans attending non-Indian colleges and universities. Most agreed that cultural conflict played a crucial role in past educational failures among Cherokee students in their higher educational pursuits. Consequently, a priority objective of the group was to ascertain the reasons for these failures and to provide viable avenues for alleviating these sources of contention. At a well attended community meeting, held at the Cherokee Boys Club, a master plan was drafted incorporating "cultural workshops," "special tutorial programs," "college/high school Indian student liaison programs," "adult Indian educational programs" and the like. Soon these students, including Cherokees ranging in age from elementary school students to senior citizens, became interested and deeply involved in their cultural heritage, both past and present. Many of the articles in the book are a direct consequence of this self-initiated search for their traditional roots. Whenever possible, college credits were awarded these projects further reinforcing the significance of the overall project. Clearly the rewards of this project were much more than originally anticipated, and today all those who participated have come to feel a great sense of pride regarding this endeavor. The Editors 241 �JOHN CROWE: PRINCIPAL CHIEF OF THE EASTERN BAND John Crowe graduated from Cherokee High School and then went on to serve six years in the Army during the Second World War. He is married to Ollie Wolfe, also of the Cherokee reservation. Mr. Crowe served twelve years on the Tribal Council and was the Vice-Chief to Noah Powell. He assumed the Chief position following Chief Powell's untimely death in 1973. Since then Mr. Crowe has been elected twice to the highest tribal position of Principal Chief. One of his greatest concerns is the preservation of the American Indian heritage in general and the Cherokee culture in particular. ALVIN SMITH: VICE CHIEF OF THE EASTERN BAND Alvin Smith was elected to this office in the Fall of 1974 and is currently serving his second term as Vice Chief. He graduated from Cherokee High School and then went on to Northeastern State and Western Carolina Universities. He also is a veteran of the Second World War. Mr. Smith served ten years on the Tribal Council prior to his election to Vice Chief. He is married to Betty Sherrill and has a son and daughter. Like Chief Crowe, Mr. Smith is concerned in restoring and preserving the Cherokee heritage. JEFF MUSKRAT: SUPERINTENDENT OF THE CHEROKEE AGENCY Jeff Muskrat is an Oklahoma, or "Western," Cherokee. He is a retired Army officer who is now employed with the Bureau of Indian Affairs. He attended Northeastern Oklahoma Junior College, Tulsa University and the University of Maryland. Mr. Muskrat was appointed Superintendent of the Cherokee Agency in 1976. He is married to Imogene Roberts, and they have two daughters and a son. Mr. Muskrat also agrees that education is the single most important issue facing not only the Cherokees, but all American Indians today. JOHNSON CATOLSTER Johnson Catolster is both a Cherokee craftsperson and a respected Tribal leader. He is a graduate of the Cherokee school system and has continued to enroll and participate in adult educational programs and workshops over the years. A past Chairman of the Tribal Council and noted bowl carver, Mr. Catolster is now living in retirement at his mountain home in Cherokee. He was a strong influence to those of us who participated in this endeavor -THE CHEROKEE PERSPECTIVE. 242 �JONATHAN L. TAYLOR Jonathan Taylor is also a former Chairman of the Tribal Council and continues to serve on the Council. He is actively involved in all areas of tribal affairs as well as participating on a number of regional and national Indian organizations and committees. Mr. Taylor serves as the coordinator of Tribal health programs and was a prime factor in bringing the new hospital to Cherokee. BERTHA SMITH SAUNOOKE Bertha Saunooke is one of the leading Tribal figures, having served on the Tribal Council for nearly a decade now. She has been instrumental in bringing a number of educational and social service programs to the reservation. Mrs. Saunooke was married to the late Principal Chief, Osley B. Saunooke. ELSIE SAMPSON MARTIN Elsie Martin is a talented Cherokee craftsperson and community leader. She lives in the Birdtown community on the reservation and is employed by the Tribe as a mental health technician. Mrs. Martin gained national recognition for her innovative "Cultural Therapy" program which she initiated on the reservation. In addition to arts and crafts, Elsie is a tremendous Cherokee cook. RICHARD UYOGI" CROWE Richard Crowe attended reservation schools as well as Western Carolina University and the University of Tennessee. He has his undergraduate degree from the University of Tennessee and is currently pursuing a graduate degree from the same institution. He is a veteran of both the Army and Air Force, serving a total of seven years in the U. S. Armed Forces. Following the service, Yogi has held a number of important positions with the Tribe. Moreover, he was the prime mover for this project as well as the establishment of the Cherokee Indian Education Movement. 243 �AMY GRANT WALKER Amy Walker is a noted craftsperson skilled in both beadwork and finger weaving. She resides on the reservation with her husband and four children. Mrs. Walker served as a Teachers Aide at the reservation schools and later attended Western Carolina University where she graduated recently. Her future plans include graduate school at the University of Tennessee and a position as social worker working with her people. HERBERI WACHACHA Herbert Wachacha grew up in the Snowbird portion of the reservation. He attended both reservation and local schools. Mr. Wachacha joined the U. S. Marine Corps after graduation and now works for the North Carolina State Highway Department. Both he and his wife, Yvonne, attend college part-time. REUBEN TEESATUSKIE Reuben Teesatuskie was educated in Cherokee schools and also attended the Institute of American Indian Arts in Santa Fe, New Mexico, as well as Southwestern Community College. He has held a number of Tribal positions including editor of the Tribal newspaper (One Feather), Tribal Councilman and Cherokee police officer. Mr. Teesatuskie also served as a member of the North Carolina Arts Council. He lives in the Big Cove community where he enjoys fishing and hunting and silversmithing. KAREN FRENCH OWL Karen Owl was reared in the Big Cove community and is the daughter of Roy French, a prominent Cherokee preacher. She lives on the reservation with her husband, George, and their two children. Mrs. Owl teaches at the Cherokee Elementary school while her husband works for the Cherokee Agency (BIA). A graduate of Western Carolina University, Karen is currently working on her Masters degree in education. LORETTA HORNBUCKLE Loretta Hornbuckle is a young Indian woman who grew up in the Cherokee Children's Home with Jim and Suzanne Hornbuckle. She has a beautiful voice and has subsequently been elected both "Miss Fall Festival" (1976-77) and uMiss Cherokee" (1978-79), the highest Tribal honors bestowed upon its young women. A recent graduate of the Cherokee High School, Miss Hornbuckle plans to attend college in the future and to continue her singing career. 244 �ABOUT THE AUTHORS LAURENCE FRENCH is a professor of Social Justice at the University of New Hampshire. He earned his B.A., M.A., and Ph.D. in sociology from the University of New Hampshire. He earned a second Ph.D. from the University of Nebraska in cultural psychology. French's major areas of research interest are international and comparative social studies, human and criminal justice, and Native American minority issues. He has over 300 written works published and nineteen books including North American Border Conflicts: Race, Politics, and Ethics (2016), Policing American Indians: A Unique Chapter in American Jurisprudence (2015), and Frog Town: Portrait of a French Canadian Parish in New England (2014). CHARLES JAMES "JIM" HORNBUCKLE was the Director of Human Services for the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. He spent the vast majority of his adult life in service to the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. Hornbuckle and Laurence French worked together on several written projects concerning social justice for the Cherokee Indians. He passed away on May ipth, 2014. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Cherokee Perspective: Written by Eastern Cherokees Description An account of the resource <span>In 1973, Cherokee students at the Qualla Boundary started a student organization with the intention of improving the educational prospects among Native Americans attending non-Indian colleges and universities. Under the direction of Laurence French and Charles Jim Hornbuckle, the students interviewed Cherokee elders and received help from the American Indian Historical Society in order to gain an accurate history and assessment of the tribe, which has a long misunderstood history. In order to gain more traction and involvement in the project, special college courses were offered at the Cherokee High School under the supervision of French and Hornbuckle. Published in 1981,&nbsp;</span><em>The Cherokee Perspective</em><span>&nbsp;is a compilation of the articles written in these courses.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1RAFaoaUudte2Odt57t80dPkzNcLcWwxz" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638492/the-cherokee-perspective" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Cherokee Indians Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians--History Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource French, Laurence Hornbuckle, Jim Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1981 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm Cherokee (N.C.) Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4460364/cherokee.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/27fa9ab1068bcd4e37c463744f4f9e93.pdf 870d78c19ee7474495bb38cbd4100930 PDF Text Text �An Appalachian Symposium Essays written in honor Gratis D. Williams of Edited by J. W. Williamson with an introduction by Louie Brown 1977 Appalachian State University Press Boone, NC �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1977 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3841-6 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3844-7 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Introduction Symposium, as defined by The Random House College Dictionary, has three general meanings. First, it is a meeting or conference for the discussion of some topic, especially a meeting at which several speakers discuss a topic before an audience. Second, it is a collection of opinions expressed or articles contributed by several persons on a given subject or topic. Third, it may be a party, usually following a dinner, for drinking and conversation. The Greek word for symposium actually means drinking together. The introduction to this volume will focus on the first and second meanings of symposium, since a short discourse could not do justice to the third meaning. The nature of the collection of papers and restrictions on page length forbid a detailed introduction of each contribution to this volume; therefore, this attempt will be brief and will center around three major sections: first, background information on the nature of the conference which resulted in this symposium; second, a brief description of the organization of the volume; third, acknowledgments to those persons who contributed in time, effort, and resources to make the conference and this volume possible. The Conference The idea of An Appalachian Symposium came from the desire of a number of people at Appalachian State University to honor the retirement of a unique and unusual scholar, folklorist, teacher, and administrator who has devoted his life to writing and-talking about Appalachia and to teaching and administration at Appalachian State University. It was believed that the uniqueness of this individual necessitated an honor atypical of the routine ceremonies used to pay tribute to one's long service. From this desire came the idea of An Appalachian Symposium in honor of Gratis D. Williams. Although the planning of the event was carried out independent of his expertise and wisdom, the nature of the symposium came to reflect the diversity of the personality and interests of Dr. Williams. He has an interest in old and new approaches to research in Appalachia and is concerned about putting the people of Appalachia into context with other Americans. He has devoted much of his writing to the personality traits of Introduction v �the people of Appalachia, has an interest in the literary tradition of the region, and is a living symbol of the oral tradition. Therefore, a symposium on a singular topic was impossible. Thus, the conference inevitably reflects the diverse background and interests of the person it honored and this volume must accept the appropriate label of Festschrift. It is indeed a collection of articles and essays contributed by many authors in honor of a colleague. The papers submitted to the conference, the participants, and the geographic distribution of those attending the conference reflect the esteem of Dr. Williams plus his diverse interests. A total of eleven states were represented on the program and attendees from thirteen states were present. Organization of the Festschrift The conference was originally organized around four major topics: Appalachia in Context, The Appalachian Personality, Literary Traditions and Folklore, and The Oral Arts. Presentations at the conference were selected from among many proposals submitted to the editorial committee. Placement of the papers into the various categories was a difficult task and some papers worthy of presentation did not fit the designated categories; therefore, an additional topic, "Openings and Caveats," was added. Readers of this collection will be able to argue that some papers are not cast according to topic. Do not be dismayed. There was not complete consensus among members of the editorial committee on the placement of papers under a particular topic. At the same time, most papers are representative of the general themes. Also*, the reader will find that some papers under a particular topic may include contradictory descriptions and explanations. This is inevitable in a Festschrift built around general topics rather than a specific problem. (Two papers which were presented at the conference do not appear in this collection because they have already been published elsewhere: M. Thomas Inge, "The Appalachian Backgrounds of Billy De Beck's Snuffy Smith," Appalachian Journal, 4 [ 1977], 120-132; Charles W. Joyner, "Dulcimer Making in Western North Carolina: Creativity in a Traditional Mountain Craft," in Material Culture in the South, ed. Charles G. Zug, III, special issue, Southern Folklore Quarterly, 39 [1975], 341-62.) Openings and Caveats One of the major controversies in Appalachian research and scholarship has been the numerous descriptions of people in Appalachia and the dearth of observation or hard data to validate these descriptions. The articles in this section are relevant to this issue. Ronald Eller focuses on the vi AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �use of oral history as a research tool, some of the problems incurred in its present use, and some new directions that may be taken to provide data on a changing Appalachia. Such data could be used by today's researchers to interpret the present nature of the region and could serve as vital information for the researchers of tomorrow to analyze the past. Alan Grain's paper relates to the issue of conflicting reports on the people and the region. His thesis is that the background and assumptions of the observer-writer—the "side" taken by the writer, the audience to whom he is speaking, and where he comes from—must be known and clearly stated if we are to evaluate his or her assumptions. Steve Fisher's "Folk Culture or Folk Tale" also focuses on the contradictory assumptions about the nature of Appalachia's people. He summarizes and evaluates the numerous criticisms of the Appalachian subculture model and concludes that the model should not be discarded. On the other hand, writers and researchers must exercise caution when discussing Appalachia as a subculture. Since many of the observations are undocumented, the model should be given serious scrutiny in order to judge its validity. Scholars are challenged to utilize other models which may offer different strategies for change to explain the conditions of the region. Appalachia in Context The landmark work that faced the issue of what is Appalachia and what is the nature of its people was John C. Campbell's The Southern Highlander which was published in 1921. It served as the major source of information on the region until The Southern Appalachian Region, edited by Thomas R. Ford, appeared in 1962, about the same time that The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction, the mammoth dissertation by Gratis Williams, was completed. Each of these works delineates the region and presents a wealth of information on its characteristics and the nature of its people. The Ford volume is distinguished by the fact that it was an extensive survey. In the words of Rupert Vance, the Ford study was undertaken to examine the status of the region and of the component elements that determine its position, and to suggest the next steps possible in the various sectors of the region's economy, in its public life and services, its social institutions, and its ideas and beliefs. One conclusion of the study: "contrary to widely held opinion, the people of the Region largely share the attitudes and aspirations of Americans elsewhere." Ford, in the chapter on "The Passing of Provincialism," concludes that of all the important implications that may be drawn from the survey of attitudes, values, and beliefs, the most important is that the old stereotypes that have so long guided social action Introduction vii �in the region no longer apply to the great majority of the residents. This conclusion possibly updates the work of Campbell, who concluded that the uniqueness of the people of Appalachia is due to the region's rurality and that the traits of Appalachian people are similar to the traits of rural people in other regions of the United States. The major problem with Appalachia is that it is more rural than other parts of the country. The works of Ford and Campbell may contradict the vivid descriptions in The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction. The contradiction has less to do with the traits of the people than with the uniqueness of these traits and the explanation of this uniqueness. To Williams, the mountaineer is indeed unique, and he attributes this uniqueness to the mountaineer's ancestry and to geographic isolation. The inconsistencies in the works of Campbell, Ford, Williams, and many other writers were the principal motivation for this section of the volume. The reader will find that the attempt to put Appalachia in context has resulted in a number of papers that reflect the images of the region and its people presented by Ford, Campbell, Williams, and others. Wilma Dykeman's paper, which bears the title of this section, seeks to put Appalachia into an international, American, and Southern context and concludes that the region has provided an alternative: first, to the generally accepted image known as the Solid South; second, to the notion of an ever progressing, inevitably successful, invariably happy America; and third, to the shadowy threat/opportunity of an emerging Third World "out there," pressing ever more forcibly upon our consciousness and our conscience. In the article "Appalachia and the Idea of America," Shapiro treats the tendency of Americans to regard Appalachia as a strange land inhabited by a peculiar people. He traces the development of this tendency by examining the images depicted by local color writers, the tendency to identify Appalachia with the American past, the ambiguity violence brought to this identification with the past, the attempt to solve this ambiguity by identifying the violent aspects of mountain life as European rather than American in origin, and an attempt to abandon the doctrine that Appalachia represented a survival of the past for the doctrine that the social and cultural patterns were determined by the environment, mainly the absence of community. Shapiro concludes that the conflict between Appalachia and America today is not a conflict between past and present but between rural and urban ways. Walls' "On the Naming of Appalachia" traces several developments that have influenced the delineation of the region. First, he covers the geographic nomenclature from the time of de Soto to the Civil War. viii AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Second, he describes the attempts between the Civil War and 1900 to identify Appalachia as a cultural region, mainly by the local color writers. Third, Walls discusses the delineation of the region as a social problem area by educators and social reformers during the late 1800's and the early 1900's and by the federal government in the 1930's. Finally, he describes how the federal government "renamed" Appalachia as a social and economic development problem in the 1960's. Wilhelm's "Appalachian Isolation: Fact or Fiction?" questions the notion that the distinctiveness of the Appalachian culture is determined by geographic isolation. He offers evidence that for the Blue Ridge area there was continuous contact with people moving in and out of the region. Wilhelm concludes that the mountain folk have always made contact with the outside world on a voluntary basis, and they continue to do so. If they were not "of the world" it is not because they were ignorant of the outside ways of life, but because they had seen it, reflected upon it, and almost totally rejected it. Sessions' "Appalachians and Non-Appalachians" reviews the many stereotypes of the people of Appalachia and concludes that with the changes now taking place in the region, these stereotypes will break down and America will find that mountaineers are, after all, much the same as other human beings. The Appalachian Personality The writings on Appalachia, fact and fiction, directly or indirectly set forth certain stereotypes of the mountaineer. These stereotypes range from a romantic description of the frontiersman's glorified traits, of which religiosity is one, to a maladjusted, culturally deprived creature oriented to violence and any number of other nonglorified traits. The papers in this section offer a sampling of some of the personality traits that go to make up many of the stereotypes of the region and its people. David Looff s "Assisting Appalachian Families" focuses on the poor of Appalachia. An emphasis is placed upon certain attributes of the poor that result in apathy and serve as personal barriers to public and private health care. Strengths of the Appalachian family are also discussed and suggestions are made on how these strengths may be utilized to further implement personalized services for these families. John Opie's "A Sense of Place" accepts the thesis that the mountaineer's feeling of belonging to a place is a central feature that sets him apart from mass society. Opie seeks to illustrate how the mountaineer's close association with the land extends the American frontier experience into the present day and how this frontier-like existence is based upon a long history. Introduction ix �In the article, "Old-Time Baptists and Mainline Christianity," Loyal Jones reviews the criticisms of mountain religious beliefs, practices, and values and then presents excerpts from interviews to illustrate that many of the characteristics of old-time Baptists are basically 200 years old and can be traced to sound scriptural bases. His major conclusion is that the beliefs of the old-time Baptists are out of kilter with modern religious thought. At the same time, there is a quality of life among them that ought to be understood and appreciated, not criticized. McKinney's "Industrialization and Violence in Appalachia in the 1890's" traces the development of the mountaineer stereotype of violence by examining a series of spectacular events that took place at the end of the nineteenth century and the theories put forth to explain these violent events. He concludes that the mountain people are inherently no more violent than any other group of Americans and that the feuds and riots in the region can be much more adequately explained by an unusual convergence of social forces than by speculations about some theoretical mass personality. Literary Traditions and Folklore The Appalachian region has a rich heritage of literature and folklore. The uniqueness of the region emphasized by the local colorists and the dogooders, whether true or false, seems to have created a setting for writers within and without the region. In addition, the traditional beliefs, legends, and customs that make up the folklore have been a vital factor used to distinguish the region and have become subjects of much of the literature that has evolved from Appalachia or that has focused on it. "The Observance of Old Christmas in Appalachia" by Chester Young traces the memory of Old Christmas which still lingers in the Southern Highlands, even though its observance is almost a relic of the past. He further concludes that changes in the region negate restoring the practice of the old custom. Yet the enduring values which the custom represents can be retained, cherished, and used by Appalachians to surmount hardships and to spend their lives in usefulness and contentment. Robert Higgs' "Versions of Natural Man" is a literary analysis in which he relies upon the literature of the region to illustrate various versions of the natural man. His major conclusion is that the traits of character depicted by literature indicate that the Appalachian personality "contains multitudes," and among the throng are three types of natural man. He also concludes that the changes and the problems facing the region may necessitate the use of the traits of one of these as a prerequisite for the future of Appalachia. JC AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �"Bringing in the Sheaves" by Amos Abrams presents the Ray Collection of manuscript folk ballads and love poems that are a part of the folk heritage of Appalachia. The texts consist of social satire, temperance songs, and sentimental ballads, and represent the taste and preoccupations of one mountain family over the period of almost 100 years. The Oral Arts Every subculture in America probably has its oral tradition. Much attention has been focused on this tradition in Appalachia. Folk songs with origins in Europe have been passed from generation to generation by word of mouth. Story telling, especially in the form of Jack Tales, has been a tradition well documented. The survival of the language of the oral tradition has been of major interest to linguistic experts. Jean Ritchie's "Growing Up in a Singing Family" is a vivid illustration of the importance of singing to Appalachian families and of how learning the music of the region was a natural and inevitable process. Ritchie draws upon a rich family tradition, and she offers here for the first time in print three songs and one tale transmitted to her years ago by a member of her Kentucky family. In "The Gap in Oral Tradition" Betty Smith offers evidence that this natural and inevitable process of learning the music and lore of the region has been interrupted, particularly by radio and television. She sees the loss of a singing tradition as symptomatic of what has happened to the quality of life in the region and concludes that the children are the losers. Joan Moser's "Friday at Parhams' " is a description of an informal social gathering of a number of musicians and listeners. She concludes that such gatherings nourish a vital process of aural teaching, learning, and creating. Her article is an analysis of this process and the impact that it has on the arts and lives of the people involved. In "The Southern Mountain Vocabulary in the Low Country of South Carolina and Georgia," O'Cain and Hopkins compare the survival of the same words in the vocabulary of mountain and non-mountain counties. They conclude that virtually every word cited as a characteristic of the Southern mountains also shows up in the plantation country of South Carolina and Georgia. The authors further conclude that the presence of these words in areas other than the Southern mountains have their historical roots in England, migration routes in America, and the social structure. Acknowledgments Dozens of persons at Appalachian State University were influential in making the conference and the publication of this volume a reality. A Introduction xi �steering committee was chaired by Dr. John Thomas, the Vice Chancellor of Academic Affairs. Members of the committee included Dr. Braxton Harris, Vice Chancellor of Student Affairs; Mr. Ned Trivette, Vice Chancellor of Business Affairs; Mr. Robert Snead, Vice Chancellor of Development; Dr. James Jackson, Dean of the College of Continuing Education; Mr. Rogers Whitener, Director of Cultural Affairs; Mr. Borden Mace, Executive Director of the Appalachian Consortium; Dr. Jerry Williamson, Editor of the Appalachian Journal', and Dr. Louie Brown, Professor of Sociology. This committee provided guidance and moral support for a subcommittee charged with the responsibility of planning and initiating the conference, as well as financial resources necessary to make the conference and the publication of the papers a reality. Mr. Patrick Morgan, Director of the Oral History Project, deserves special recognition for his help in recording all the sessions, as does Miss Juanita Lewis, Assistant Editor of the Appalachian Journal, who helped prepare the papers for publication. Other individuals in the College of Continuing Education, the Center for Continuing Education, and the Oral History Project are too numerous to mention in spite of the major roles each played in planning and implementing the conference. Without the overwhelming response from writers and researchers, neither the conference nor the publication of the papers would have been possible. Without a doubt, the status and prestige of Gratis D. Williams, whom we honor with the conference and this volume, played an important role in the support received, both from the faculty and staff of Appalachian State University and from area scholars. Louie Brown Symposium Coordinator xii AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Contents Introduction, Louie Brown v Appalachian Oral History, Ronald D. Eller 2 To Be a Sensitive Observer, Alan J. Grain 8 Folk Culture Or Folk Tale, Stephen Fisher 14 Appalachia in Context, Wilma Dykeman 28 Appalachia and the Idea of America, Henry Shapiro 43 On the Naming of Appalachia, David S. Walls 56 Appalachian Isolation, Gene Wilhelm, Jr 77 The Common Bond, Robert Paul Sessions 92 Assisting Appalachian Families, David Looff, M.D 102 A Sense of Place, John Opie 113 Old-Time Baptists, Loyal Jones 120 Industrialization and Violence, Gordon McKinney 131 Old Christmas in Appalachia, Chester Young 147 Versions of "Natural Man," Robert J. Higgs 159 Bringing in the Sheaves, W. Amos Abrams 169 Living Is Collecting, Jean Ritchie 188 The Gap in Oral Tradition, Betty N. Smith 199 Friday at Parhams', Joan Moser 206 Southern Mountain Vocabulary, Raymond O'Cain and John R. Hopkins 215 �This page intentionally left blank �Openings and Caveats �Appalachian Oral History: New Directions for Regional Research RONALD D ELLER John C. Campbell once wrote that Appalachia was "a land of promise, a land of romance, and a land about which, perhaps, more things are known that are not true than any part of our country." 1 Much has happened to change the region which Campbell so eloquently described in The Southern Highlander and His Homeland^ but his insight more than five decades ago is still quite valid. Despite the plethora of books, articles, and government studies which have analyzed and categorized the region in recent years, the legacy of the mountain experience and the image of mountain life itself continue to be shrouded in myth and misconception. To borrow the title of a recent study, Appalachia is yet, in the popular mind, "A Strange Land and a Peculiar People."2 Part of the reason for the persistence of false images and misunderstanding about the Southern mountains is the critical deficiency of sound and interpretive scholarship on the history of the region. Because it was commonly believed that nothing "significant" had ever happened in the mountains, historians—and consequently history—have consistently passed the region by. Like so many other subcultural groups in American society, mountain people have rarely appeared as conscious actors on the stage of American history, and when they have appeared, it has been, more often than not, as "yesterday's people"—part of that "other America" which somehow missed the mainstream of American life. But, of course, Appalachia is America, as much as New England, California, Atlanta, or Chicago are America, and any history which fails to consider it as such distorts the meaning of our nation's past. As written, therefore, the great mass of existing historical literature has simply failed to provide an authentic record of the mountain experience or of mountaineers' perceptions of that experience. Neglected by professional historians, Appalachian history has been reduced to popular legends and myths perpetuated in romantic novels, missionary tracts, and social surveys. Central to this reality is the fact that much of the traditional literature on mountain life has been written from the perspective of outsiders—people whose cultural views were more in line with the outer, mass society than with the culture of mountain people themselves. The received legacy of these accounts is one of a quaint, independent, backward race of Ronald D Eller 2 �mountaineers who somehow existed for more than a hundred years in isolation from the rest of the world. The customs, values, and politics of the mountains, moreover,—the "way of life" of mountain people—have often been presented from the urban, middle-class perspective of the authors themselves rather than in relationship to the historical milieu of the mountain experience. There are, to be sure, exceptions to this body of literature, but as a whole the traditional school of Appalachian history has done much to nurture the images of the mountains—the stereotypes that are commonly accepted by the mass of American society. These stereotypes are not only caged in myth and misconception, but also tend to perpetuate themselves, thus obscuring the true history of the region. This is not to say that the traditional interpreters of the mountain experience consciously distorted it. Indeed, in most cases it was an unconscious act. We are all victims of cultural presumptions, and this impediment unconsciously affects the questions that we ask and the way that we interpret what we find. As a result of these presumptions, however, important questions about the dynamics of the mountain experience have not been asked. In order to explain the persistence of an endemic folk culture, for example, traditional monographs have often omitted or failed to emphasize certain aspects of mountain history which might project the region into the sphere of the national experience. Since the "peculiarities" of mountain culture were assumed to have evolved from years of relative isolation, there has been little impetus to look for other forces at work in the region's history. Mountain people themselves have not been approached to record their perceptions of the many changes that have affected mountain society in the past century: changes such as the coming of railroads, the establishment of coal, lumber, mica, and other extractive industries, the growth of the cash economy, and migration patterns both within and out of the region—all of the changes concomitant with what Malcolm Ross called "The Machine Age in the Hills." In short, the received literature of Appalachian history has failed to deal with the cultural, economic, and political forces of the mountain experience and has overlooked the very sources that can interpret that experience—mountain people themselves. Aside from the problem of cultural presumptions, much of the problem of writing Appalachian history from a mountain perspective—and consequently American history from a proper multi-cultural perspective—has been the inadequacy of sources. The paucity of manuscript material from the mountain community is a major impediment to the regional historian. Because mountain culture—not unlike the larger society of the American South—has been a predominantly oral culture, the successes and failures, 3 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �the struggles and hardships of the lives of mountain people in their journey to the present day have seldom found their way into the documents from which history is written. Mountain people have simply left few diaries, journals, or autobiographical accounts. The recent trend toward the development o f ' o r a l history programs in the mountains, however, promises to alleviate part of this obstacle to regional research. By the use of oral investigative techniques, the scholar can now develop additional sources with which to complement available documents. Used in conjunction with conventional research methods, oral sources can provide valuable insights into the dynamics of mountain history and thus record the reactions of mountain people to the impersonal forces of change in the last century. As a historical document, therefore, the oral interview has tremendous potential, but only if the interview addresses a valid historical problem and if the sources are developed through a careful methodology that renders them usable and credible from a strict scholarly perspective. Like a written document, the oral source is only as good as the information it contains; but, although the historian has no control over the content of the written document, he plays a major role in shaping the oral source. For this reason, the questions the interviewer directs to the respondent are of crucial importance to the historical validity of the subsequent document. If the interview is to be significant history, it must deal with questions of broad historical relevance. If not, the transcript may lie idle for years and never be used for scholarly purposes. Given the failure of the received historical literature and the critical need for a reassessment of the mountain past, the avenues for significant and relevant oral research are many. While we cannot project what the specific needs of future scholarship may be, we can anticipate some of the broad categories of sources upon which this scholarship may draw. In fact, by gathering a bank of oral sources on a wide variety of potential topics, we can help to channel the direction which future histories of our region will take. Such a bank would both preserve a valuable oral record and encourage regional scholarship as well. We would not only be creating new sources, but, in so doing, we would be creating history itself. One of the major gaps in our historical knowledge today—and, perhaps, a good place for Appalachian oral history to begin—is the life and structure of the mountain community. In his presidential address to the Southern Historical Association in 1974 (appropriately entitled "Beyond the Mainstream: The Ethnic Southerners"), Professor George Brown Tindall noted that "we have been so caught up in deriving lessons from history and in searching for a usable past that we have neglected the living past of the community/' 3 This, of course, is especially true of the moun- Ronald D Eller 4 �tains, since for almost a hundred years outland scholars and social reformers have questioned the existence of "community" in our region altogether. Yet, as mountain people themselves are aware, community has played a formative role in the mountain experience, and, although it is not the same type of community one finds in urban, middle-class America, the mountain community has, through the years, served as an agency of socialization providing a sense of identity, a sense of belonging for mountain people. There is much we do not know about the living past of the mountain community, and much which oral history can help us to understand. We know very little, for example, about the social structure of mountain communities, about the work patterns of mountaineers or about the history of education, recreation, and communication in our region. Indeed, ignorance abounds as to the fabric of the daily lives of mountain people and as to what is probably the most important institution of daily life—the family. Oral research into these and other topics such as child-rearing practices, kinship patterns, and the sex roles of men and women will certainly prove most instructive. Clearly related to the life of the mountain community is the intriguing subject of mountain religion. As Elizabeth Hooker pointed out in 1931 and Earl D. C. Brewer confirmed in 1962, religion—although not necessarily the church—has played an important role in mountain life. 4 It provided the philosophical base from which the mountain person found meaning for his or her life and from which people operated as they came in contact with the currents of mainstream life. Especially in the rural areas, moreover, religion was an integral part of the folk culture and was passed down from generation to generation by word of mouth. Religion—mountain religion—was part of the mountain mind. This religion developed in the mountains largely as an oral tradition, independent of professional clergy or formal church life. If this religious heritage (almost an ideology) is to be preserved, therefore, it must be gathered through oral techniques. Such research would naturally include the discussion of religious attitudes, the delineation of customs and practices and, of course, the gathering of old-time spirituals. But if there are open spaces in the mountain past that scream out for serious study, there are also dark corners of that same past that similarly stand in dire need of investigation. Foremost among these is race relations. Although the black population has been small in the mountains, it has nonetheless played a significant role in the mountain experience. Black mountaineers have contributed not only to the folklore and music of our region but to the political, social, and economic history as well. Except for Professor William Lynwood MontelFs book on Coe Ridge, however, 5 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �we know very little about the nature of the black experience in the mountains. 5 Nor do we know much about the racial attitudes of mountain whites. Wilbur J. Cash in The Mind of the South portrayed the region as a hotbed of racial extremism and noted that the mountaineers who came down from the hills at the turn of the century "had acquired a hatred and contempt for the Negro even more virulent than that of the common white of the lowlands." 6 On the other hand, Carter G. Woodson, the black editor of the Journal of Negro History, viewed the Southern mountains as a region of relative racial harmony, finding that in Appalachian America "the races still maintain a sort of social contact." 7 Undoubtedly the truth lies somewhere between the two, but there is some evidence that a racial attitude existed in many areas of preindustrial Appalachia which was potentially less rigid than was the case in the rest of the South. Certainly systematic oral research into the relationship between whites and blacks, as well as between whites and native Indians in our region, will tell us much about the nature of the mountain mind. What is true of race relations is almost equally true of politics in the mountains. We really don't know much about the history and operation of the political system in Appalachia. We have a few bits and pieces gathered from V.O. Key's Southern Politics In State and Nation, John Fenton's Politics In the Border States, and most recently Neil Peirce's The Border South States, but these are surely inadequate for understanding local politics and its effect on mountain life. The oral historian of mountain politics, therefore, is faced with myriad questions: What, for example, is the relationship between family kinship patterns and the exercise of political power in the mountains? Who are the "strategic elites" in our region and what are their sources of power? And what of mountain Republicanism? Although it has long been an anomaly in the Solid South, we really know little about its social base in the mountain community. Is the persistence of Republican loyalty, say in western North Carolina, due only to the strong ties of tradition, or is tradition buttressed with a political ideology as well? Properly approached, interviews with significant political figures in the mountains can provide much insight into the forces behind political actions—insight which is often unattainable through the written source. Finally, there is an urgent need for oral research into the social history of the textile, coal, and lumber industries in our region. We have an abundance of material in company records, for example, from which to draw employment data, hours of work, and rates of wages in the mountain coal industry, but there are few accounts of the miner in the pit, in his home or in the community at large. Indeed, we need firsthand evidence from miners, lumbermen, and mill workers themselves if we are ever to record the impact of industrialization on the life patterns of the average moun- Ronald D Eller 6 �taineer. We need to recognize, soberly but clearly, that these two kinds of sources—written records of employers and oral records of employees—differ radically in interpretation. They present the historian with subtle interpretive problems; but, as every good historian knows, a scholarly work based on a range of sources so narrow that these interpretive problems are missing is inherently flawed. Few survivors of these early industrial years will leave behind them any quantity of memoirs, diaries, or correspondence from which their economic and social history can be written. What evidence of the life and labor of these individuals future historians will have, therefore, depends upon the collection of oral sources today. Although such recollections would encompass only the life experiences of select individuals, by comparing each response with a collection of others, scholars will be able to detect persistent themes from which generalizations about the mountain experience as a whole can be made. People act in the present partly as a function of what they perceive the past to have been—in short, as they perceive others before them acted. The way our children view the mountain past depends largely upon what we do today to preserve the oral sources from which tomorrow's history will be written. If we fail in this task we will be depriving them of the heritage which is rightfully theirs and of the confidence to act which that heritage can give them. The mountains are changing, and we can never regain what is lost. But we can move into the future more confident of our past and more secure in our present. NOTES 'John C. Campbell, The Southern Highlander and His Homeland (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1969), xxi; originally published by the Russell Sage Foundation, 1921. 2 Henry D. Shapiro, "A Strange Land and Peculiar People: The Discovery of Appalachia, 1870-1920" (Ph.D. dissertation, Rutgers,. 1966). 3 George Brown Tindall, "Beyond the Mainstream: The Ethnic Southerners," The Journal of Southern History, 40 (February 1974), 14. 4 See Elizabeth R. Hooker, Religion in the Highlands (New York: The Home Mission Council, 1933), and Earl D. C. Brewer, "Religion and the Churches," in The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey, ed. Thomas R. Ford (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962), 201-18. 5 William Lynwood Montell, The Saga of Coe Ridge: A Study in Oral History (Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1970). "Wilbur J. Cash, The Mind of the South (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1941), 219. 7 Carter G. Woodson, "Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America," The Journal of Negro History, 1 (April 1916), 140. 7 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �On the Attempt to be a Sensitive Observer in Appalachia ALAN J. GRAIN This work grew out of my two-month residence in a section of Appalachia. The intent is to provide a perspective on my observations of certain aspects of life in that region, one which, it is argued, ought to be applied by all writers on the area, insiders as well as outsiders. Although both may feel they are "telling it like it is," yet each operates from a perspective. That perspective, and the way it influences what is said (and how), must be understood by any individual wishing to learn about the area through the printed page. It will be a thesis of this paper that the background and assumptions of an observer-writer must be known and clearly stated, if we are to evaluate his or her productions. Stated in its simplest, it could be put as Howard Becker did in an address to a group of social scientists in 1966: "Whose Side Are We On?" Stated only slightly differently, it might be phrased "for whom do we speak?" and "where are we coming from?" Some writers very consciously label their stance. Some label it, but tuck it away in an appendix on "Method." The issue of "whose side" not only permeates the conclusions drawn and the interpretations advanced but begins far earlier in the research process. Perhaps not so unwittingly, one chooses his or her methodology to enhance the possibility of arriving at sought-for conclusions, and then, eager to share his or her findings, one rapidly rushes into print, managing in the process to exploit, this time through faulty observation, interpretation, and generalization, a region of the country which has already experienced several waves of this phenomenon. Two months is a short space of time. Much as one may wish to share, and eagerly, some of his "data" from that time, he would do well to take the advice of Robert Coles to "slow down, hear more, and above all, keep your psychiatric [translate "sociological" in the present author's context] mouth shut." 1 Let me state the basic questions or "problems" to be examined here, suggesting they are only some of the questions which should be asked of published work on this region, and then state my own "standpoint" or "bias": 1. selectivity of focus ("how generalizable is it?") a. what phenomena are being examined? b. who are the respondents—subjects? Alan J. Grain 8 �c. what theoretical perspective or orienting framework is being used? 2. the audience or potential audience ("who's going to read it?") 3. the observer/writer's stance, assumptions, perspective ("how does the observer see it?") 4. words, terms, and their connotations ("what do the words mean?") All of these may fairly adequately be subsumed under Howard Becker's title, "Whose Side Are We On?" Since it is being argued here that an observer's perspectives will color his or her work, it seems appropriate immediately to state where this author is "coming from." (I beg your indulgence for the switch to the first person singular at this point. Carefully to avoid its use is a maneuver that "coolly" avoids the issue.) It was I and no one else who spent time with the particular persons in a particular geographical area. I was the one who for two months lived in a small four-room house without indoor bath that many will want to call a "tarpaper shack," sharing it, through their generosity, with Joe and Sue Ann (as I'll call them here) and their four kids. It was I, with my own idiosyncratic background and mind-set, who semi-participated as a boarder, observing and trying to understand how these folks organized aspects of their lives, particularly family and religious behavior. And it was I who chose (with their help) to live with this particular family and not with some other and not by myself. What I am trying to say, and as forcefully as possible, is that what follows comes from limited (though in some sense intensive) personal contact with Appalachia, and that on the part of one with a particular set of background assumptions and perspectives. Let me try, briefly, to elucidate some of my own background, familial, academic, and personal, which I believe has affected my current perspective. Most of my childhood was spent in India and Burma, where my Protestant missionary parents sent me to a Christian boarding school largely populated by Western children. Semi-isolated from the surrounding majority culture, we nevertheless had contacts through classroom studies (mandated by the national government) and with the several Indians on the staff and with non-Western classmates. My undergraduate and graduate studies in sociology were oriented, to a large extent, around trying to understand "minorities" of various sorts. And I found myself more attracted to the symbolic interactional than to any other single theoretical framework. In this, the very conscious attempt is made to get inside the outlook and perceptions of others, to see things as they see them. There was an abortive attempt to become a social worker, in which phrases like "doing with rather than for," "helping relationship," and "taking the client where he/she is" rang true to my ears. A large share of 9 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �my teaching of undergraduates I can label as the attempt to increase appreciation and understanding for ways other than those my students might consider "normal," "natural," and "right." Thus, as I went to Knox County, Kentucky, for a two-month stay, there was some of the romantic in me. I was "set up" by background and training to look for differences, and to be primed to apply the sympathetic, sensitive, understanding eye and heart to them. I was, if you will, looking for things. Perhaps it was Sue Ann, the mother in my Kentucky family, who put my quest best. I'd gone to the area six months prior to my stay, hoping to contact a family who would have me as a boarder. Sitting on their front porch that evening, I tried to say as directly as I could the object of my visit—to see with my own eyes whether things I'd read about the area were true and to use this in my teaching. How succinctly Sue Ann put it: "Oh, so you can tell it like it is, right?" I wish I believed it were possible to tell it precisely as it is. But the brunt of this present exercise is to suggest that try as one might, he or she cannot tell it "like it is," but only through his own preconception-laden eyes. James Branscome tells us that "in responding to the Appalachian culture, outsiders are sometimes incapable of interpreting the evidence because of their own training in research procedures." 2 Both "research procedures" and theoretical perspective, I am suggesting, are guides to seeing and understanding, but each can equally operate as a blinder. That I came to love Joe, Sue Ann, and their four kids Jim, Betsy, Ed, and Jeannie, probably goes without saying. My own choice of terms to describe their behavior and attitude toward me would include warm, genuine, accepting, with a fine admixture of fun and merriment and kidding added. And yes, let me state it here, though they differed from me in being rural, low income, mountain-reared, I found far more underlying similarity than difference between them and me. I find little difficulty, thus, in agreeing with Rupert Vance that "the mountain man has about the same attitudes and personality we would have if we were in his situation." 3 Nevertheless, I can find enough differences to be able, at least intellectually, to understand those who label them "quaint." Nevertheless, I must agree with a Kentucky-born minister, now working with Appalachians in a Northern city, who said, "It's just that too much can be made of those differences." 4 Having introduced myself and my Kentucky experience, let me present the argument on the taking of sides. The social scientific literature contains a wealth of material on observer bias, perspectives, and "value-free" sociology. Howard Becker, in an address to a professional society in the social sciences in 1966, came out clearly on the side of those he terms "un- Alan J. Grain 10 �derdogs." Becker puts it bluntly: "I propose to argue that it is not possible to do research that is uncontaminated by personal and political sympathies."5 Research emerges at least in part from the interests and "concerns" of the author. They need to be acknowledged, Becker suggests. I agree. Becker further suggests, however, that these interests may lead to "too great a sympathy with the people studied."6 Some sociologists believe that "whatever sympathies they feel are not professionally seemly."7 Becker replies that "we can never avoid taking sides....We take sides as our personal and political commitments dictate, use our theoretical and technical resources to avoid the distortions that might introduce into our work, limit our conclusions carefully,...and field as best we can the accusations and doubts that will surely be our fate."8 It probably is inevitable that accusations will arise, and most of us will doubtless be aware of a host of these. Becker suggests that when we take sides we are operating in a stratificational framework of superordinate and subordinate groups. Each side has its own point of view or credible outlook, and these are arranged in a hierarchy. Thus, it is hardly surprising when those parties whose view has not been incorporated feel left out. This can easily lead to charges of bias, unrepresentativeness, and indeed unfairness on the part of an author. Becker reminds us that one seeking to understand society must get into a situation long enough to have a perspective on it.9 I suggest that it is inevitable for one to come to a situation with a perspective already worked out. If this is too rigidly (or methodically) set, it may be very hard to shake. No matter what the participants in the situation do (or do not do), the observer can twist and rationalize their actions to fit into his or her own framework of meaning. It is relatively easy, as some authors have done, 10 merely to identify one's viewpoint and stance early in a work, or even relegate it to an appendix, and let it go at that. I argue with Alvin Gouldner who suggested that Becker did not go far enough, that "it is complacency which allows us to think that we have solved the problem by good-naturedly confessing that yes, we do indeed have a standpoint and by openly specifying what it is."11 We must do as Robert Coles 12 so admirably does, keep reminding the reader, on practically every page of our work, how we, the observer/translator, enter into the picture of whatever is being described, much less interpreted. It is not enough to "pawn off a merely glib statement about our values," 13 as Gouldner reminds us. One must work at this. It is not automatic. Over and over, I had to remind myself that it was I, a non-Appalachian, non-rural, non-poor person, who was observing. Even as I would write field notes and then glance over them, the very words chosen to describe behavior, much less attitudes or imputed motives 11 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �for observed behavior, seemed loaded. Perhaps an example will help illustrate the point. When twelve-year-old Ed, climbing the mountain with me, found a discarded object that was spring-loaded, how was I to describe the time he spent playing with this, pretending it was a hypodermic syringe, and giving inoculations to all around, most particularly his little sister who squealed and ran? Was this a kid who lacked the more expensive playthings of an advanced (so-called) society, and was forced back on a discard? Was his method of play to be interpreted as hostile, aggressive, or ingenious? Was the fact that he spent hours at this, finally interesting Dad and older brother in dismantling the gadget, to be seen as perseveration by a child of perhaps low intelligence? Or did it show perseverance, a "laudable" ability to stick with a topic? Let us look at one more example. On another evening this same Ed spent about three hours trying to perfect the making of a cat's cradle from a loop of string, as Granny across the road showed him. Do we speak with admiration of the lack of many other playthings around? Or do we sigh with pity for the poor little guy who has so few things to occupy himself? The point here is that it is very difficult to get within another's perspective without warping it in the process. We must be aware, then, as Gouldner urges, that when sides are taken, we are "also on our own side....Our objectivity does not require us to share values with those we study....The values that we may actually hold may differ," 14 and we must openly acknowledge and use this fact. So I would not suggest that a two-month stay with one Kentucky family has enabled me to take their perspective. I went there with a perspective of my own, and it affected (infected?) both my viewing and the words I choose in my reporting. But I do think that having participated, at least minimally, in the lives of what may pass for a somewhat typical Appalachian family, I have gained a greater sensitivity to their own perspectives, and that far better than had my chosen research tool been the interview or the questionnaire. And yes, it was gratifying to have them respond, "Al, don't change a word," when I showed them this completed manuscript, asking them for any changes needed before it saw eyes beyond those of myself, my wife, and my typist. Gouldner, in talking of taking sides, uses terms like "emotional commitment," "sentimentality," and "passion." I add the term "sensitivity," and suggest, with him, that while any of these phenomena may produce intellectual blindness, in the hands of an aware, alert, and perceptive observer, they "may just as likely serve to enlighten, and to sensitize us to certain aspects of the social world." I could, perhaps, have attempted not to feel for and with my Kentucky family, attempting to be the "sentimentfree social scientist" as Gouldner phrases it, but I conclude that ap- Alan J. Grain 12 �proaching«them as I did, I did indeed become "sensitized to certain aspects of their social world." And yes, I guess I would add as my second and final conclusion the Biblical injunction "go thou and do likewise." NOTES 'Robert Coles, The South Goes North (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972), 394. James Branscome, "Annihilating the Hillbilly: The Appalachians' Struggle with America's Institutions" (Huntington: Appalachian Movement Press, n.d.), 14. 3 Rupert Vance, "An Introductory Note" to Jack E. Weller, Yesterday's People (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1966), viii. <Coles, 405. 'Howard Becker, "Whose Side Are We On?" Social Problems, 14 (1967), 239. ^Becker, 239. ^Becker, 240. SBecker, 247. ^Becker, 245. l °Part of a larger work from which the present essay is drawn includes a survey of some of the better known field studies of Appalachia. It is indeed provocative to see how, if at all, authors have utilized space in a published work to handle questions such as those being explored here, and to ascertain their physical placement (and thus symbolic importance) relative to other portions of the published work. !1 Alvin Gouldner, "The Sociologist as Partisan: Sociology and the Welfare State," American Sociologist, 3 (1968), 112. !2 Coles, The South Goes North. '3Gouldner, 112. ^Gouldner, 104. 2 13 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Folk Culture or Folk Tale: Prevailing Assumptions About the Appalachian Personality STEPHEN L. FISHER Ten years have passed since the publication of Jack Weller's Yesterday's Peopled Weller identifies the traits of a Southern Appalachian folk culture which he claims has failed to prepare its people for the cooperative, interrelated, technical society in which they now live. Weller's descriptions and prescriptions have shaped the discussion of the Appalachian personality by scholars and laymen both in and out of the Appalachian region. This has occurred despite the fact that Weller's descriptions are largely unproven and abound with contradictions and that his prescriptions have had some damaging consequences for the Appalachian people. It is not that Weller's hypotheses have gone unchallenged. But, as Helen Lewis points out, the attack on what she calls the Appalachian subculture model has been disjointed and confined mainly to mimeographed underground publications, "movement" newsletters and obscure journals. 2 Those concerned with Appalachian culture and the future of the Appalachian people need to examine more closely the prevailing assumptions about the existence of a unique Appalachian subculture. The following analysis may encourage others to explore alternative models for explaining and coping with Appalachia's problems. Jack Weller and those influenced by him claim that there exists in Southern Appalachia a folk culture which consists of traits quite different from those held by middle-class Americans. 3 These traits include individualism, traditionalism, fatalism, action-seeking, and personorientedness. Weller and many other observers of mountain culture pay little attention to why these traits developed and how they are passed from generation to generation. When explanations for the cultural traits are mentioned, they include isolation of the Appalachian people from the mainstream culture, the close-knit nature of the mountain family, religious fundamentalism, migration of potential leaders from the mountains, and Stephen L. Fisher 14 �adaptation to the difficult situations in which Appalachians have found themselves. The traits of the folk culture, claims Weller, are largely responsible for the problems which plague the Appalachian area—poverty, poor health care, low educational achievement, emotional disturbances, violence, poor government, and welfare dependency. Furthermore, efforts to alleviate these problems often fail because of the Appalachian's resistance to new ideas, reluctance to work cooperatively, lack of goals, fatalism, suspicion of outsiders, and distrust of bureaucracies of all types. As a result, simply pumping money into Appalachia will not solve the problems of the area. The folk culture must be changed before substantial social progress can occur. The mountain people are unable and often unwilling to change themselves. Outsiders must provide the stimulus and instruments for revamping the culture. Change agents include ministers, teachers, public health nurses, social workers, recreation leaders, psychiatrists, and government planners. Instruments of change encompass new educational and religious programs, kindergartens, bookmobiles, vocational schools, birth control programs, planning conYmissions, and an expanded highway system. Criticisms of the Appalachian subculture model can be discussed on five levels: (1) the uniqueness of the subculture; (2) those included in the subculture; (3) accurate portrayal of the subculture; (4) forces which have given rise to and perpetuated the subculture; and (5) strategies for change suggested by proponents of the subculture model. Dwight Billings maintains that the distinctiveness and importance of the Appalachian subculture have been overemphasized. 4 The first serious attempt to determine whether or not a distinct subculture exists in Appalachia was by Thomas Ford in an essay entitled "The Passing of Provincialism." 5 Ford set out to determine the strength of four values—individualism and self-reliance, traditionalism, fatalism, and religious fundamentalism—among the Appalachian people. His findings do not support the belief that traditionalism, individualism, or fatalism are core cultural values in Appalachia. Rather, Ford concluded that the region had become " 'progressive-minded' and 'achievement-oriented* to a surprisingly high degree."6 Billings' own research casts further doubt on the uniqueness of an Appalachian subculture. He produces a scale of "middle-class orientation" from a secondary analysis of data gathered from several thousand respondents in North Carolina. He found that attitudinal differences between respondents from the Appalachian section of that state and from the other 15 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �regions were quite small and could be attributed to rurality. From his interpretation of this data he concludes that attitudinal characteristics cannot be used to explain the existence of poverty in the mountains. While Billings' evidence is not conclusive, his point is well taken. The burden of proof rests on those who claim that a unique folk culture exists in Appalachia. As of now, they have failed to provide convincing evidence that the folk culture they describe actually exists. Proponents of the subculture model have also failed to make clear exactly who in the mountains shares the traits of the folk culture. Weller and many other students of mountain culture have tended to attribute the traits of the folk culture to the people of Appalachia in a somewhat blanket fashion. 7 This has resulted in much confusion and the perpetuation of harmful stereotypes. Weller, for example, says that there is a middle class and professional class in the mountains, and that both have the same characteristics of these classes elsewhere. But, he continues, most people living within Appalachia have come out of the folk culture and share its traits to a certain degree. 8 To what degree? Weller gives no answer. Are the characteristics of the Appalachian middle class closer to American middle-class culture or to the folk culture? Again, no answer is provided. Confusion also results from the fact that the description of the folk culture is similar in many ways to Oscar Lewis' discussion of the culture of poverty. According to Lewis, the culture of poverty is a label for a specific conceptual model that describes in positive terms a subculture of Western society with its own structure and rationale, a way of life handed on from generation to generation along family lines....It is a culture in the traditional anthropological sense in that it provides human beings with a design for living, with a ready made set of solutions for human problems and so serves a significant adaptive function. 9 To scholars like Edward Banfield, the culture of poverty is shared by a lower class which is characterized by "pathological" traits—such as present-orientedness and action-seeking behavior—which combine to keep people poorJ 0 The implications of the culture of poverty and the folk culture are the same—people's values must be changed. 11 Weller describes a lower class in Appalachia that is mired in the culture of poverty. But, he says, this Appalachian lower class differs from the Appalachian folk class. Unfortunately, Weller fails to identify the differences except in the broadest of generalities. The lower class has only disadvantages while the folk class has several advantages. The lower class is worse off, more suspicious of outsiders, and will require more help than the folk class. At the same time, the lower class is less resistant to change than the folk class.12 It is not surprising that many scholars who rely upon Stephen L. Fisher 16 �Weller's discussion of Appalachian culture tend to view the lower class and the folk class as one. The failure to clearly define who participates in the folk culture has given rise to the view that Appalachia has a homogeneous culture. Critics of Weller insist that there exist in Appalachia several lifestyles with distinctive group identities and behavior patterns. Certain questions, say these critics, must be answered before an accurate picture of mountain culture is possible. What types of status or class groupings exist in Appalachia? How many subcultures exist? What are the characteristics of the classes and subcultures? What is the relationship between particular classes and subcultures in the mountains? What type of interaction occurs among classes? Much more research is needed before these questions can be satisfactorily answered. There are, however, several people who have begun to search for some answers. One is Helen Lewis, who tries to document the existence of a rural mountain subculture, a coal mining subculture, and a town subculture in Appalachia. 13 Bill Best believes that both a traditional mountain culture and a culture of poverty exist in Appalachia. 14 The traditional mountain culture, says Best, has been geared to subsistence living. During the early mining period, many mountain families left their small hillside farms and moved into coal camps. The coal companies were very paternalistic and the families became very dependent on them. During the hard times which followed, the families in company towns did not have the farms and farming skills which had sustained their ancestors to fall back on. Thus they migrated to cities or became dependent on private and public welfare and relief organizations. Those who found some type of work and avoided going on welfare constitute what Best calls the traditional mountain culture. Their basic cultural mode is subsistence, which fosters independence. Those who had to go on welfare and remained there, he classifies as a culture of poverty. Their mode is dependency: People of both cultures share many of the same values and one uninitiated to the ways of the mountains probably couldn't tell the difference between the two. While both groups are individualistic to a degree, traditionalism is less dominant in the culture of poverty. Those in the culture of poverty have less to lose when change comes to the social order and they can usually be found willing to join many of the new programs which have proliferated in the region since the early sixties. 15 John Stephenson, using occupation as his criterion, identifies four "family types" in a mountain community he calls Shiloh. 16 What he found in Shiloh, and suspects to be true for similar areas elsewhere, is that the four types of families participate in a traditional mountain subculture in different ways and to different degrees. There are, he says, a number of families in Appalachia today which are living "under two flags," in the 17 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �midst of a transition from a "traditionalistic kind of cultural background into a modern kind of present and future." 17 Finally, Harry Schwarzweller and his colleagues have conducted a thirty-year longitudinal study of an Appalachian community called Beech Creek. Although all the families in Beech Creek are quite poor, the authors found that social class differences were evident in family reputation, visiting patterns, marital exchanges, and territorial locations. 18 In spite of Billings' findings and the lack of clarity concerning who possesses what traits, most observers of Appalachian culture are convinced that a distinctive Appalachian subculture exists. Some critics charge that Weller and most other students of the mountain personality have done an inadequate job of portraying this subculture. Roger Lesser points out that while Weller claims to present an objective analysis of Appalachian culture, he emphasizes only the dramatic and destructive elements of the culture. 19 Studies of mountain culture seldom focus attention on such Appalachian traits as neighborliness and hospitality, love of place, modesty, bravery, sense of humor, loyalty, resourcefulness, and patriotism. 20 Such studies often fail to examine the benefits which result from placing a higher value on people over objects, continuity over change, and individualism over group participation. They frequently overlook Appalachian examples of cooperative activity, routine and stability, and the acceptance of change. Many of the mountaineer's "negative" or "destructive" traits are negative and destructive only when judged by middle-class standards. For example, Jack Weller claims that "existence-oriented" Appalachian society does not have the secondary goals of "beauty, excellence, and refinement." Yet, as Bill Best points out, Appalachians do have these goals; they are just expressed in ways different from those of the "improvement-oriented society."21 The Appalachian individual, rather than striving for excellence in corporate relationships, might turn his drive for excellence into being a good coon hunter, vegetable gardener, or story teller. The mountaineer's sense of beauty is expressed in good craftsmanship, the preservation of the great ballads and tales of English literature, and the use of the simile and metaphor in song, story, and speech. The negativism of many of the studies is revealed by the choice of words used to describe certain traits. Why is the mountaineer's "what will be, will be" most often described as "fatalism" rather than "contentment" or "realism"?22 In sum, the traits of the Appalachian personality are frequently discussed with little understanding of the culture in which they are dominant. Contradictions abound within many analyses of the Appalachian culture. Ernest Austin discusses just a few of the contradictions in Yesterday's People: Stephen L. Fisher 18 �Weller tells the reader that mountain people are "place bound," then laments their migratory habits; he states that they are so independent as to disdain group cooperation, then speaks of their emotional dependence upon group and community agreement....Mountain teenagers find life dull partly because they have nothing to do, but there is little delinquency "partly because the rural nature of the area provides plenty of room to work off pent-up emotions" via hiking, fishing, exploring, hunting, etc....The author explains that the people fiercely reject change of any kind, and then he later demonstrates how they readily accept and become attached to changes....23 If Appalachians are present-oriented and fatalistic, why have hundreds of thousands left the mountains for the cities in search of a better future? If mountaineers will not cooperate and join groups, why is West Virginia the most unionized state in the nation? 24 Proponents of the subculture model should deal with these and other contradictions before their analysis and suggestions for change are accepted. Some critics, especially Helen Lewis, charge that proponents of the Appalachian subculture model confuse description for analysis. Weller and others begin with the assumption that a unique subculture exists and then proceed to fill in the description of that subculture. This leads to confusion over the purpose of the description. If, as it often appears, the purpose is to explain how the subculture is responsible for poverty and other Appalachian problems, then emphasis should be placed on the factors which have led to the particular behavioral patterns described as belonging to those in the Appalachian subculture. If, on the other hand, the purpose is to identify the effects of the problems on the subculture, emphasis should be placed on how these behaviors are transmitted from one generation to another. Pure description, says Lewis, does neither. It does not tell us why the problems prevail or why the problems cause certain values, norms, or behaviors of the people. 25 Culture is more than just description, says Lewis. It refers to a set of normative patterns which arise through a group's interaction with its environment. By discussing culture in isolation from the social, economic, and political setting, most studies portray the Appalachian people as the passive and apathetic carriers of the destructive traits of their culture. Such a picture, insists Lewis, is misleading. The cultural traits of the mountain people cannot be understood apart from the conditions that shaped them and the processes that perpetuate them. Appalachia, she suggests, may be viewed as a subsociety structurally alienated and lacking resources due to processes of colonialism and exploitation. Those who control the resources preserve their advantage by discrimination. The people are not essentially passive but these subcultural traits of fatalism, passivity, etc., are adjustive techniques of the powerless; ways in which people protect their way of life from new economic modes and the concomitant alien culture. These values are reactions to powerlessness. 26 This perspective leads to an interpretation of the Appalachian people 19 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �and institutions quite different from that of Weller's. For example, some of the characteristics and "problems" attributed to the family and church by Weller and others could be traced to a process whereby the family and church have tried to resist or adapt to a history of colonial exploitation. Helen Lewis, Linda Johnson, and Sue Kobak suggest that the family system may have served as a defensive mechanism against outside interference by becoming a refuge for its members, opposing certain changes, developing sabotage techniques, overprotecting children, becoming exclusive and closed, and serving as a center for "underground" mountain culture: 27 Perhaps most importantly, the family may have encouraged biculturalism. Lewis believes that mountain children have been taught to act proper in public and be "hillbilly" at home. When they must, Appalachians passively enact the behavior of mainstream culture in settings of for' malized intergroup contact: at the welfare office, in court, and at school. It is in such cases that the mainstreamer is limited to a single cultural system whereas the Appalachian is bicultural and bidialectical. 28 Colonialism as an explanation for the underdevelopment of Appalachia has been most often applied to the coal mining regions of the mountains. Helen Lewis, relying heavily on Robert Blauner's analysis of colonialism in relation to Black Americans, 29 provides informative research. Blauner defines colonialism as "domination over a geographically external political unit most often inhabited by people of a different race and culture, when this domination is political and economic, and the colony exists subordinated to and dependent upon the mother country." 30 While admitting that some characteristics of colonies do not apply to Appalachia, Lewis believes that the history of the region provides evidence to support the view that the four major steps of the colonialization process identified by Blauner have occurred in Appalachia. These are (1) a forced or involuntary entry; (2) a rapid modification of the culture and social organization of the colonized; (3) control by the dominant group; and (4) a condition of racism, social domination, by which the colonized are defined as inferior or different and which rationalizes the exploitation, control, and oppression by the superordinate group. There is not space to examine Lewis' evidence. She concedes that important questions remain and that much research is required before they can be answered. It can be said, however, that the colonial analogy is gaining attention and respectability as .more becomes known about who controls the resources of Appalachia. 31 The debate over the Appalachian subculture model would not be of much significance except that the persons and agencies concerned with fighting the conditions of poverty in the mountains have accepted this view of Appalachia and the strategies of change which it implies. The result, as Stephen L. Fisher 20 �Mike Maloney and Ben Huelsman point out, has been a focus "not on what the rest of society is doing to the Appalachian but rather on what the Appalachian is supposed to be doing to himself through his own defective value system." 32 There has been little questioning of the manner in which the institutions of the region serve and affect the people because there has been agreement that the values of the people are at fault. It is these values which must be changed before poverty can be eliminated. An acceptance of the colonial analogy implies the need for a radical change in the Appalachian economic and political structure. One need not, however, accept the validity of the colonial model in order to be critical of the subculture model's assumptions about change. The dangers of relying solely upon a cultural explanation for the poverty of a particular group of people has been documented by William Ryan in his book, Blaming the Victim. Ryan is writing primarily about an urban environment, but his remarks are relevant to Appalachia. Victim-blaming, says Ryan, is a warped logic that enables well-meaning middle-class liberals and humanitarians to believe that the characteristics of people themselves are the fundamental causes of problems such as poor education and poor health care. Victimblaming involves a four-step process. First, identify a social problem. Second, study those affected by the problem and discover in what ways they are different from the rest of us as a consequence of deprivation and injustice. Third, define the differences as the cause of the social problem itself. Fourth, assign a government bureaucrat to invent a humanitarian action program to correct the differences. 33 It should be obvious that this process is at work with the Appalachian subculture model. Consider just one victim—the miseducated child in an Appalachian school. A problem certainly exists. As many as 65 per cent of Appalachian students drop out of school before graduation. A higher proportion of Appalachian students than elsewhere consistently fail the Selective Service entrance tests. 34 The subculture model blames the child for his inability to read and write well and for his disinterest in school. The child has no interest in books because there are none in his home. He hesitates to talk in class because he soon realizes that his parents have taught him to speak incorrectly. He is unable to relate to the school system or his teacher because he has been overprotected by his family. He is often absent from school because his family encourages him to stay at home. The child, in other words, contains within himself the causes for his miseducation. The solutions implied by this perspective include preschool training in order to weaken family influence, social workers to educate the mother about the value of reading and education, and vocational schools for the many who drop out of school by the ninth grade. 21 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �This perspective tends to ignore the effect on students of inadequate facilities, irrelevant texts, insensitive and ill-prepared teachers, misguided curriculums, overcrowded classes, and stingy taxpayers. It tends to overlook a political system in which schools are a source of power and income—a situation which produces local leaders who permit and even encourage irrelevant education. 35 By trying to remedy defects in the child's culture, proponents of the subculture model are treating the symptoms, not the roots of the problem. They are applying what Ryan calls an "exceptionalistic" rather than a "universalistic" approach to the analysis and solution of social problems. They are promoting remedial treatment to a specially-defined category of persons who are afflicted with a unique "disease," rather than trying to prevent a disease that is a result of the social arrangements of the community and is not unique to a special group. The exceptionalist viewpoint is reflected in solutions that are private, voluntary, special, local, and exclusive, while the universalist viewpoint is reflected in solutions that are public, legislated, general, national, and inclusive. 36 Blaming the victim for his problems can result in a self-fulfilling prophecy. As Helen Lewis points out, the wide acceptance of the Appalachian subculture model may have helped to create an Appalachian subculture by convincing the Appalachian that he is inferior, backward, and has "bad" values. 37 She sums up the feelings of most of the critics of the subculture model when she states that "the wholesale and intemperate acceptance and promulgation" of the subculture model and the strategies of change implicit in it have been "extremely pernicious and wasteful of money." It is, she concludes, "untenable and unjust to characterize Appalachian culture patterns as deficient or pathological versions of mainstream American culture." 38 A review of the criticisms of the Appalachian subculture model does not lead to the conclusion that the model should be discarded—that it has nothing of value to contribute to the analysis of social problems in Appalachia. Indeed, several of the criticisms are contradictory. Each alone is incomplete and requires further study. Yet, each identifies a serious deficiency of the subculture model. Together they indicate that one should exercise great caution in accepting, without reservation, the conclusions and recommendations of the proponents of the model. Many of the myths and stereotypes about Blacks and women in our society have been discredited in recent years as a result of both a critical reexamination of the underlying assumptions of earlier studies and indepth scholarly research. The time has now come for a similar effort for the Appalachian. The undocumented observations and implicit assumptions of Jack Weller and other advocates of the Appalachian subculture Stephen L. Fisher 22 �model should receive serious scrutiny in order that we may judge their validity. Other models explaining conditions in Appalachia should be tested and different strategies for change should be examined. Many of us, if we choose, can be of help in this necessary and worthwhile effort. Let us hope that many make this choice. NOTES 'Jack E. Weller, Yesterday's People: Life in Contemporary Appalachia (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1966). 2 By the "Appalachian subculture model," Lewis means the view in which the Southern Appalachians are seen as "a subculture with unique and different customs, values, and style of life which developed historically and is passed on through each succeeding generation." Such a view almost always compares the subculture with the middle-class values of the larger society. See "Fatalism or the Coal Industry?" Mountain Life and Work (December 1970), 4. Helen Lewis was among the first to criticize the underlying assumptions of Weller's analysis and to suggest that the processes of colonialism might be of use in understanding developments in Appalachia. I rely heavily on her analysis in this paper. See also Helen Lewis, Sue Kobak, and Linda Johnson, "Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia or Bury My Rifle at Big Stone Gap," in Growin' Up Country, ed. Jim Axelrod (Clintwood, Va.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1973), 131-56; and Helen Lewis and Edward Knipe, "The Impact of Coal Mining on the Traditional Mountain Subculture," in The Not So Solid South, ed. John Moreland (Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1974), 25-37. 3 Studies of the Appalachian personality which have accepted many of Weller's basic assumptions and conclusions include Richard A. Ball, "Poverty Case: The Analgesic Subculture of the Southern Appalachians," American Sociological Review, 33 (December 1968), 885-95; Frank S. Riddel, "Related Aspects of the Social and Economic Problems, Cultural Tradition, and Educational System of Rural Appalachia" (Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University, 1971); Rena Gazaway, The Longest Mile (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1969); Berton Kaplan, Blue Ridge: An Appalachian Community in Transition (Morgantown: Office of Research and Development, Appalachian Center, West Virginia University, 1971); H. Dudley Plunkett and Mary J. Bowman, Elites and Change in The Kentucky Mountains (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1973); John D. Photiadis, "Rural Southern Appalachia and Mass Society," in Change in Rural Appalachia, ed. John Photiadis and Harry Schwarzweller (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1971), 5-22; David H. Looff, Appalachia's Children: The Challenge of Mental Health (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1971); and John B. Stephenson, Shiloh: A Mountain Community (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1968). Stephenson is more discriminating than the others in applying Weller's findings and his book is the best of the Appalachian community studies. 4 Dwight Billings, "Culture and Poverty in Appalachia: A Theoretical Discussion and Empirical Analysis," Social Forces, 53 (December 1974), 315-23. 5 Thomas Ford, "The Passing of Provincialism," in The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey, ed. Thomas Ford (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1967), 9-34. 6 Ibid., 32. See the discussion of Ford's findings in Billings, 316-17. 7 Stephenson, 95. sWeller, 5-7. 9 Oscar Lewis, "The Culture of Poverty," Scientific American, 215 (October 1966), 19. 23 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �lo Edward C. Banfield, The Unheavenly City Revisited, rev. ed. (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1974); see the discussion in Richard Couto, Poverty, Politics, and Health Care: An Appalachian Experience (New York: Praeger, 1975), 10-17. "To the extent that the two models are similar, the Appalachian subculture model is open to the many criticisms which have been leveled against the culture of poverty model, criticisms which have seriously undermined the validity of the model. Since this paper is concerned with Appalachia, a detailed critique of the culture of poverty model will not be presented. There are several books and articles available which do an excellent job of this. See especially Charles A. Valentine, Culture and Poverty (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1968); William Ryan, Blaming the Victim (New York: Pantheon Books, 1971); and Jack L. Roach and Orville R. Gursslin, "An Evaluation of the Concept 'Culture of Poverty'," Social Forces, 45 (March 1967), 383-92. Several of the more important criticisms of the culture of poverty model will be discussed in this paper in relation to the Appalachian subculture model. 12 Weller, 151-52. One source of constant confusion in Yesterday's People is Weller's failure to differentiate between the concepts of class and culture. Those in the folk class are the people who exhibit the traits of the folk culture. This practice makes it virtually impossible to correlate behavior patterns with variables such as education, residence, income or occupation. 13 Helen Lewis, "Subcultures of the Southern Appalachians," Virginia Geographer, 3 (Spring 1968), 2-8. l4 Bill Best, "From Existence to Essence: A Conceptual Model For An Appalachian Studies Curriculum" (Ed.D. dissertation, Univ. of Massachusetts, 1973), 26-28. isibid., 28. i^Stephenson, 42-136. See also Kaplan, 31-45. 17 Stephenson, 136. 18 Harry Schwarzweller, James Brown and Joseph Mangalam, Mountain Families in Transition (Univ. Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971). )9 Roger Lesser, "Culture: Toward Tomorrow's People," Peoples' Appalachia, \ (March 1970), 6. 20 Three studies that do emphasize these traits are Best, 8-63; Loyal Jones, "Appalachian Values," in Appalachians Speak Up, comp. I. Best (Berea, Ky.: By the Compiler, 1973), 10121; and Cratis Williams, "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction," (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1961), 315-44. 21 Best, 22-24; see also Jones, 118. 22 Stephenson describes this value as "contentment" (96-99). 23 Ernest H. Austin, Jr., "One View of Yesterday's People," The Appalachian South, 1 (Spring/Summer 1966), 38. 24 Appalachian Issues and Resources, comp. Southern Appalachian Ministry in Higher Education (Knoxville: By the Compilers, 1975), 22. 2 5Helen Lewis, 4-5. 26 Ibid., 6. See also the discussion in Couto, 12-17. 27 Lewis, Johnson, and Kobak, 148-53. 28 Helen Lewis, 6. 29 Robert Blauner, "Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt," Social Problems, 16 (Spring 1969), 393-408. See Helen Lewis, 6-15; and Lewis, Johnson, and Kobak, 134-53. 30Blauner, 395. 3l Harry Caudill in Night Comes To The Cumberland^ (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1962) refers to Appalachia as "a colonial appendage of the industrial East and Middle West" (325). Neal Peirce in The Border South States (New York: W.W. Norton, 1975) refers to Appalachia Stephen L. Fisher 24 �as "America's prime economic and political colony of the 20th century" (35). Others describing Appalachia as a colony include William C. Blizzard, "West Virginia Wonderland," The Appalachian South, 1 (Spring/Summer 1966), 8-15; Barry Barkan and R. B. Lloyd, "Picking Poverty's Pocket," Article One (May 1970); and John Gaventa, "In Appalachia: Property Is Theft," Southern Exposure, 1 (Summer-Fall 1973), 43-52. Research that lends support to the colonial analogy includes Rick Diehl, "Appalachia's Energy Elite: A Wing of Imperial ism," Peoples'Appalachia, 1 (March 1970), 2-3; Rick Diehl, "How the Energy Elite Rules," Peoples' Appalachia, 1 (April-May 1970), 7-12; Keith Dix, "The West Virginia Economy: Notes for a Radical Base Study," Peoples' Appalachia, 1 (April-May 1970), 3-7; Richard Kirby, "Kentucky Coal: Owners, Taxes, Profits," Appalachian Lookout, 1 (October 1969), 19-27; J. Davitt McAteer, Coal Mine Health and Safety: The Case of West Virginia (New York: Praeger, 1973); Coal Government of Appalachia, comp. Student Task Force for the Appalachian Research and Defense Fund (Charleston, W. Va.: By the Compilers, 1971); and Tom Miller, Who Owns West Virginia (Huntington, W. Va.: The Herald Advertiser and The Herald Dispatch, 1974). 32 Mike Maloney and Ben Huelsman, "Humanism, Scientism and Southern Mountaineers," Peoples' Appalachia, 2 (July 1972), 24-27. 33Ryan, 8. 34 For a discussion of problems related to education in Appalachia, see Appalachian Education For Tomorrow (Washington, D.C.: ARC, 1971); Jim Branscome, "A Colonial System of Education," Mountain Life and Work, 47 (January 1971), 14-18; Stanley Ikenberry, "Educational Reform in Appalachia: Problems of Relevance, Strategy, and Priority," in Change in Rural Appalachia, ed. Photiadis and Schwarzweller (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1971), 195-206; and Franklin Parker, "Appalachia: Education in a Depressed Area," Phi Kappa Phi Journal,.50 (Fall 1970), 27-38. 35Peter Schrag, "The School and Politics," Appalachian Review, 1 (Fall 1966), 6-10. 36Ryan, 16-29. 37Helen Lewis, 5. 38Ibid. 25 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Appalachia in Context �This page intentionally left blank �Appalachia in Context WILMA DYKEMAN I want to discover Appalachia in a context somewhat more spacious than it usually has enjoyed. For too long the biases and the half-truths of both statistics and popular fiction have made distortions of Appaiachia cheaper to credit than to confute, as a contemporary Englishman remarked regarding the exaggerations in Captain John Smith's accounts of his adventures in the Balkans before sailing for Virginia. The perspective gained through a sense of context may serve to enlighten outside observers about neglected aspects of the Appalachian past and present, while encouraging those in the region to feel less "peculiar" and secluded, more selfconfident about the future and their role therein. Let us look at Appalachia in three contexts: that of the South, the larger region of which it has been part, and especially that Old South which has dominated the regional image; that of America, the nation, especially as it burgeoned after the Civil War until the Great Depression of the 1930's; and finally, the larger world of international tensions and challenges. In each instance Appalachia has provided an alternative: first, to the generally accepted image known as the Solid South; second, to the notion of an ever-progressing, inevitably successful, invariably happy America; and third, to the shadowy threat/opportunity of an emerging Third World "out there," pressing ever more forcibly upon our consciousness and our conscience. As we join in this venture, I would like to summon the resources mentioned in an essay by historian William R. Taylor: "What the historian ultimately seeks in any age or time," he wrote, "what he means or, in any event, should mean by 'understanding' the past—is its 4 feel,' the impalpable yet characteristic stamp which sets it off from the life of other times and places. To reach this kind of understanding he must, like other sensitive readers, possess imagination and be willing to use it."1 Let us be "willing to use our imagination" to rethink how Appalachia has been set apart, and also how it has been akin to "the life of other times and places." Rupert Vance, in 1932, described the Southern mountains and the lowland South at their extremes: From Grandfather Mountain to the Father of Waters one travels from the heights of Dixie to the heart of Dixie. In the seven hundred and more miles from the southern highlands to the Mississippi the traveler passes from zenith to nadir. It needs but a customs barrier and a varying language to mark the limit of two cultures.... The contrasts are startling. From an all staple cash economy to the self-contained Wilma Dykeman 28 �domestic economy of the true frontier farm, from supervised tenant labor in a pseudofeudal organization to an area of freeholds of patriarchal families, from overwhelming ratios of Negroes to no Negroes at all, from population density to isolation, comprise some of the transitions from Delta to Highlands. River towns and mountain courthouses, rich soil and poor soil, Negro Dialect and Elizabethan English, level flood plains and rugged mountains, river transportation and horseback trails epitomize these differences. The Delta followed the sectionalism of Calhoun and Davis, the Highlands knew no politics more recent than Washington and fought for the Union or not at all. [Did Professor Vance forget that there was a President named Jackson who was remembered by a number of mountain people for several generations?] The significance of this mountainous zone, among the highest inhabited areas in the United States, is obscured by the fact that it is divided among eight different commonwealths. Were this area thrown into one it would doubtless constitute America's one unique commonwealth. 2 Isolation and the handicap of not coalescing into a single entity are generally attributed to geography. Mountain ranges and lonely valleys certainly posed barriers to easy settlement and communication. They have influenced every aspect of Appalachians economic and cultural life. But the significance of Appalachia may have been obscured through many decades by more than lack of post offices and roads. There was also the surrounding reality of a South with a different agricultural base (slavery), a separate and exploited race (of blacks), and a powerful mystique (magnolias, mint juleps, chivalry). Constance Morley sensed this situation when she wrote in 1913 that Appalachian people, after the frontier period, were "imprisoned in their mountain fastnesses because of lack of means of communication, in part the result of obstacles presented by the slave states that surrounded them like an unnavigable sea; by lack of communication and by conditions of life in the lowlands where the black man was king as well as slave."3 Miss Morley's reference to the slave as king may be puzzling, but quite clear is her suggestion that "the peculiar institution" presented obstacles to the non-slaveholding mountain citizens no less formidable than the pinnacles of the Unakas and the Cumberlands. It is well known that there were few slaveholders in Appalachia. Small farms made the single-crop agriculture of the cotton kingdom impossible. An attitude more pragmatic than pious, one probably prevalent in the region, was recorded by Frederick Law Olmsted during his Southern travels in 1854. In July, in the mountains of North Carolina, he spent the night with a farmer-storekeeper who agreed with Olmsted's observation that "there were but few slaves in this part of the country." The man "wished that there were fewer...that they could all be sent out of the country—sent to Liberia"; he had visited the deeper South counties and concluded that slavery worked ill on white people, made the owners "passionate and proud, and ugly, and it made the poor people mean....There's hardly any one that don't think slavery's a curse to our 29 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �country, or who wouldn't be glad to get rid of it."4 Despite this disparity, the Appalachian South and the Deep South still felt a minimum sense of cleavage before the Civil War. As several historians have pointed out, the frontier nature of the region still united its various parts into a more or less homogeneous entity; there was no "Appalachia" in the antebellum consciousness. But the fact of secession and eruption of war forced a reappraisal of loyalties, sectional and national. Strong federal loyalties were part of the tradition of the Old Southwest, at the heart of Appalachia. It was from this back country that Andy Jackson emerged to counter Calhoun's nullification doctrine with his famous toast, "Our Federal Union—it must be preserved!" As the Confederate government reached out across its member states, inequitable conscription laws gave rise to the accusation of a "rich man's war and a poor man's fight." Mindful of its past, resentful of its present, it was not surprising that Appalachia would send thousands of its men to fight in the Union cause. On June 17, 1861, the bulk of Virginia's Appalachian counties issued a Declaration of Independence from the Old Dominion and seceded to form the new state of West Virginia. The valley of East Tennessee provided not only soldiers but badly needed food supplies for the Federal armies. Ironically, however, these contributions to the winning cause cost Appalachia dearly, especially during the years after the war. Appalachia's general defection from the Confederacy removed it from the Southern mystique and many of the political maneuvers that would make it possible for the South to win in state legislatures and Washington the victory that had been lost at Appomattox. Appalachian Unionists belied the solid front that was essential to such victory. To geographic isolation—perhaps never as ubiquitous as has been assumed—there was now added a social and political isolation born of indifference in some instances, bred of deliberate, cynical manipulations in other instances. Appalachia was deprived of part of its history. The South, in history books and popular memoirs and romantic novels, was one large cotton plantation inhabited by paternalistic, aristocratic whites (fabulously wealthy before the War, genteelly impoverished after the War) and laboring blacks (meek Uncle Toms or raging Nat Turners), all part of a drama glamorous because of its trappings of wealth and exotic sexual overtones, intriguing because of its sporadic confessionals of guilt and sin, concerns which seemed more and more crowded out by frantic commercialism and mundane trade at the national level. The South became the nation's romance and catharsis. The incredible popularity of Gone With the Wind at once revealed and reenforced the continuing grip that the Wilma Dykeman 30 �image of the Old South exerted on the popular imagination—nationally as well as regionally. That image made no allowance for the dissenting experience of Appalachia. In fact, an aura of inferiority came to surround any suggestion of such dissent. The aristocrats had been Confederates—so the thought was transmitted—and any defection came from the ignorant poor or the socially depraved. Perpetuation of this stereotype was due to more than perversity or whimsy, however. It had purpose and result. Disfranchisement of large segments of the population became the chief weapon by which the bourbon rule of the Old South could reassert domination of the politics and economy of the New South. In this purpose, the black voter was not, as is commonly supposed, the sole threat or victim. As historian C. Vann Woodward has pointed out, "The real question was which whites should be supreme." 5 When the various Southern states held their disfranchising conventions, "views were often stated with revealing frankness." In Virginia a Tidewater county delegate told his convention that "it was 4 not the negro vote which works the harm,' but 'the depraved and incompetent men of our own race/ "6 Tests of literacy and property qualifications became the most common "barriers erected against voters of the lower class." Woodward records that "in the western and mountain districts of Virginia and North Carolina suspicion and resentment flamed up fiercely against property and literacy tests." Those flames illuminated no insights among a general public which found it tidy and uncomplicated to believe that the struggle for democracy in the South was between whites on one side and blacks on the other. They missed the irony pointed out by Woodward "that in 1877 leaders of the Southern whites pledged themselves to protect Negro suffrage, and that, after Reconstruction, the Democrats of the Black Belt counties, who were the most rock-ribbed Democrats of all, not only countenanced a continuation of Negro voting, but even controlled a captive Negro vote and employed it flagrantly to defeat the white voters of the hill counties, who were more numerous than those in the Black Belt."7 During the state election in Mississippi in 1896, after passage of the poll tax, it was asserted that that device had discouraged "probably 6,000 negroes who would have been qualified...but it discouraged 60,000 or more white men from voting." Many of these were people of the hill counties. A result of such disfranchisement and general scorn is touched upon by Gratis Williams in his extensive dissertation when he speaks of "a land 31 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �with impassable roads, few schools, political neglect from the state capitols (for the mountain people are Republican minorities in Democratic states)" where "hundreds of thousands of mountain people were wasted as human resources for decades." It is necessary to underscore those words "political neglect from the state capitols," for this was one reason behind those impassable roads and non-existent schools and general "falling away from culture/' And the neglect, the waste of those human resources arose to an important extent from the need to keep white hill-country voters from becoming a potent force; it was urgent to see them as backward, ignorant, and inadequate—as individuals and as citizens. Thus, the journalists, fictioneers, and travel writers wittingly and unwittingly accepted the Deep South's own attitude toward its mountain cousins, and their renditions strengthened the political and economic bondage of the highlanders. Thus it became possible for a man of broad learning and essential gentility, a man such as William Alexander Percy, son of the Mississippi Delta, to write of the hill people he knew at the turn of the century: "Farther and farther west they were pushed by an unequal competition until they lodged in the mountains of North Carolina, Tennessee, and Kentucky and in the clay hills of Alabama and Mississippi. Pure English stock. If it was ever good, the virus of poverty, m a l n u t r i t i o n , and interbreeding has done its degenerative work: the present breed is probably the most unprepossessing on the broad face of the ill-populated earth. I know they are responsible for the only American ballads, for camp meetings, for a whole new and excellent school of Southern literature. I can forgive them as the Lord God forgives, but admire them, trust them, love them—never." 8 Such Southerners shunned the frankness of old John Randolph of Roanoke who had once barked, "I am an aristocrat. I love liberty. I hate equality." But the message persisted. It was communicated at many levels in many ways, overtly, covertly. Sometimes it took the form of sardonic and witty summary of the history of Appalachia, as in this passage by Virginian Marshall W. Fishwick: Things came hard in the hills. Crops didn't do well on sides of hills, especially when the rain started washing away the topsoil. The only plows were forked saplings with one ironcovered prong. This ground was tough to break. The horse, if there was one, had a grapevine or a rawhide harness. If there wasn't any horse, the old woman or one of the boys would have to pull. If the corn wasn't in the ground when the oak leaves were the size of squirrel's ears, somebody was likely to go hungry.... Calendars were all right, but upcountry the four seasons were plantin' time, hoein' time, fodder-pullin', and cold. In between they could set around, sing love songs and hymns, and think about heaven. Heaven was the place where grandpa expected to have spareribs every meal. What did best on the Virginia frontier was not the crops or the animals, but the men. Wilma Dykeman 32 �They raised them tough all the way through. Their ma's started them out with mountain dew, and kept on till they had m i l k teeth. Then they might move to cracklin' bread and squirrel stew, with maybe a little barbecued shoat for good measure. Pretty soon the young'n would be bellowing for persimmon beer, honey in the honeycomb, and dewberries picked in springtime. First thing you knew, you'd have a mountain man on your hands. 9 Later on, discussing Buchanan County "at the western edge of Virginia," the writer deplores his own approach, apparently unaware of any ambivalence: "Poor whites hover in the background of Virginia life and fiction like sinister shadows, which will not go away. They are made the butt of crude and sardonic humor, reflecting the authors' inability to shut the door on a room which everyone wishes were not in the house. The blood of these people, as well as the Negroes, is on the white aristocratic hands....The state's failure lies not so much in things done as things undone."^ Thus firmly entrenched was the idea of doing to and for Appalachia. Such condescension had not always been the standard response to this place and people. A European journalist, Moritz Busch, traveling through mid-America in 1851-52, wrote with considerable eloquence of "A Visit to the Backwoodsmen of East Kentucky," where he found what he believed to be the essence of the American spirit: If one now asks...where the writer believes that he can see the heart of which he has spoken, the answer is, first of all, not in the "deep" South, where the black two-legged domestic animals produce the material for our Age of Cotton and where their masters cultivate only the ignoble passions of chivalry. Rather, the heart—and with it the feeling, the Romanticism, and the poetry of the American people—lies under the ribs, which proceed from the vertebral column of the Alleghenies, to the left of the great aorta of the Ohio; and one chamber of the heart is called Virginia, and the other, Kentucky. We do not mean merely that Virginia and Kentucky which the map shows us outlined in green or red, but the heart of which we speak extends as far as specifically Virginian and Kentuckian character have spread. Thus also a good part of Tennessee, of North Carolina, and especially, however, of southern Ohio and western Pennsylvania can be included, although the two first-mentioned states must always be regarded as the center. 11 Even at this early date, the German visitor could detect the enervating influence of "false civilization" which was "disguised as merchants and preachers." He kept his eye on the mountaineers. "Here honor re-creates the days which are no more. Here still prevails the hospitality of a time when there were no hotels. Here the pride of true freedom still holds up its head, unspoiled by loaferdom and vote-buying. Here almost every person is still a 'character,' whether in a good or bad sense. Here genuineness of feeling still exists. Here folksongs are still heard." 12 At the end of his journey, trying to determine "the chief aspiration of the nation," Busch decided that America was pushing its way "toward democracy, the government of all, by all, for all.">3 "Of all, by all, for all" would have to pass a bloody test before America 33 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �was sure of that aspiration, however, and even then the machinations of special groups would keep the dream from being realized for generations to come. The Civil War not only divided America. It divided Appalachia from the South. But since Appalachia's geographic location was still Southern, it was judged, rejected, isolated by the very region of which it was, in one sense, both warm heart and gritty gizzard. Yet the isolation of the mountains must not be over-emphasized. For Appalachia must be examined in the context of its nation as well as its region. Here contradiction and paradox reduce Appalachian stereotypes to an absurdity and goad us to closer examination of the past in our search for present understanding. Consider, for instance, Appalachia in relation to that South and nation described at mid-century by social historian Max Lerner in his massive volume, America as a Civilization: "The 'new South' that Henry Grady evoked in the 1880's, and which has been three quarters of a century in coming, is still turned toward the past, with a nostalgia for its lost glamour and glory, a hatred of the Northern absentee owners whom it identifies with the conquering enemy, and a sense of guilt about slavery which is interwoven with a fear of the encircling Negro population. The South is the only region in America tied together not by its common consciousness of present growth and future potentials but by its past, not by what it can achieve or build but by what it cherishes and fears." 14 A major portion of Appalachia did not identify with that South nostalgic for 'Most glamour and glory," and neither did it discover its identity in an American "common consciousness of present growth and future potentials." As it was not part of the plantation myth of the 19th century, so it was not a participant in the progress myth of the 20th century. This left it in a kind of limbo both precarious and precious: economically vulnerable but free to keep or create its own myths. That freedom it often foreswore. One paradox of the limbo in which Appalachia was suspended involved the question of its isolation. If Appalachia at the turn of the century was isolated as far as roads and schools and hospitals and means of cultural inspiration were concerned, it was becoming far from isolated in the matter of sawmills and railroads to the logging enterprises, mines and the company towns that burgeoned in their wake. America was on the move; industrial tycoons amassed fortunes in railroads, coal, steel, timber, oil, banking, and other vast enterprises, often with government help and favors. A turbulent spirit of competitive optimism was reenforced by the law of the marketplace which frequently seemed to be merely the law of the jungle, red in tooth and claw. And Ap- W i l m a Dykeman 34 �palachia was not isolated from that marketplace, that jungle. An example of Appalachians involvement on the national industrial scene occurred in the mountains of East Tennessee in 1891 when coal miners found their already low wages threatened even further by use of convict labor. The Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company had leased the Tennessee penitentiary—some 1,300 convicts—which assured the company of a steady labor supply to withstand any threatened strikes for improved wages or working conditions: In 1891, the miners of Briceville, Anderson County, were presented by the Tennessee Coal Mine Company with an "iron-clad" contract relinquishing employees' right to a check weigher, agreeing to "scrip" pay, and pledging no strikes. When they turned down the contract, the company ordered convicts to tear down their houses and build stockades for the convicts who were to replace free labor. The evicted miners then marched in force on the stockades and, without bloodshed, compelled guards, officers, and convicts to board a train for Knoxville....Only after the Governor had promised to call a special session of the legislature were the miners pacified....the special session of the legislature took no satisfactory action. After a futile appeal to the courts, the miners took the law into their own hands. On the night of October 31, 1 891, they forcibly freed the convicts of the Tennessee Coal Mine Company, allowed them all to escape, and burned down the stockades. They repeated the same tactics later at two other mining companies, releasing in all some five hundred convicts. The mine operators of the area then employed free labor, gave up the "iron-clad" contract, and granted a check weigher. 15 This was an Appalachia not isolated but very much involved in a hustling, ruthless, commercial growth. America was not only shoveling coal during these decades. It was helping fashion a New South. And one feature of that New South was the cotton mill. It was largely sustained by the labor of women and children, many of them from mountain counties. Appalachian "hillbillies" mingled with poor whites of the lowlands to form clusters of mill villages in their mutual search for a better existence. The search was grueling. In 1900, 57.5 per cent of the children working in Southern cotton mills were between the ages of 10 and 13. As the industry encouraged such emigration and as it justified the harsh labor conditions required in an intensely competitive enterprise, it sometimes found it necessary to call to public attention the medieval environment from which benevolent progress rescued these fortunate laborers. One of the more curious documents ever spawned in Appalachia was just such a book, The Child That Toileth Not, published in 1912. The author, Thomas Robinson Dawley, Jr., had made an expedition through one corner of Appalachia and several Piedmont mill towns and he sought to prove to the U.S. Bureau of Labor that "the condition of the poor children who do get jobs in the cotton-mills of the South are [sic] improved thereby." Thus, in the manufacturing villages he found alert, hopeful children carrying forth "light work," improved in health and 35 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �education above their counterparts who had remained in the hills surrounded by "sloth, ignorance and vice." His collection of photographs depicted a gloomy Appalachia. "Not Only Lawless But Lazy" read the caption under the picture of one mountain family; "He [the father] declared that they would not work, no matter how good a job was offered them." (Such were the indigent who refused to leave their mountain homes for the mills.) Other photographs wed description to judgment: "No Hope For These—Where they toil not, neither do they spin" or "A Decadent Family." The author took to heart the report of an innkeeper who knew conditions in Appalachia: " 'Anyone who ever seen them chil'ren in the mountain as I hev seen 'em, wouldn't say nuthin' 'bout them workin' in the cotton-mills. I tell yer Mister, I hev seen them poor things livin' on berries in the summer time like bears, an' in the winter they got nothin' but cornmeal, an' how they keep from freezin' ter death in them cabins o' theirs is a mystery. Cotton-mills, Mister! Why, thar ain't enough cotton-mills to take care o' them poor chil'ren what's in our mountains. If thar only war, an' they could get them chil'ren to 'em, it would be the greates' thing in the world fer 'em.' "16 Those who had deserted the opportunities of the mills to return to their Appalachian homes were perceived as the most wretched of the mountain folks. "I was informed," Mr. Dawley says, by another man engaged in growing ginseng...that at a small settlement called Medlin, transportation had been furnished for nearly the entire population which went off to the cotton-mills in Georgia. But it was not long before they were back again. Asked why they had returned my informant smiled as he said, "The work was too steady for them." I learned that many of these people had large families, that they were usually small in stature and degenerate; that they raised a little corn, and their other supplies were obtained chiefly by digging medicinal roots which they traded at the local stores for such things as they most required, such as a few yards of calico, snuff and tobacco.17 To the benighted reformers who were afflicting the South and the nation with their cries for child labor laws, this missionary for the mills presented his concern for the "small in stature" snuff-dippers who needed economic redemption: My thoughts constantly reverted to those poor people in the mountains whose only chance for betterment are [sic] the opportunities opened up to them by the manufacturing industries that may give them employment. I seemed to hear the cries of their children from their dismal abodes. My thoughts reverted to their half starved bodies and miserable diet of crude corn meal and fat pork, and I could see their begrimed faces and partially clothed bodies draped in filthy rags. I could recall the pleadings of those who had tasted of the benefits accrued from light employment in a cotton-mill, pleading to be allowed to return to the mill from which they had been legislated by the preachings of those wellmeaning reformers. 18 Industrialization uninhibited by any human welfare legislation was in- Wilma Dykeman 36 �creasingly presented as the national and regional salvation. Although children eight and nine years old were working eleven and twelve hours a day, one Georgia leader could assert that "the most beautiful sight that we see is the child at labor; as early as he may get at labor the more beautiful, the more useful does his life get to be." There were skeptics. One young North Carolina minister and editor wryly observed that the mill as depicted by its apostles was "an orphan asylum, a children's training school, a playground, a hospital, a college and a trip to Europe, all in one." Surely the mountain family who could resist such opportunity was backward! One explanation of this "backwardness" was isolation. Used without qualification, the term robbed Appalachian people of any choice or free will; they became solely victims of geography. Perhaps it was difficult for a "nation of joiners" to comprehend or admit that some of its people could willingly follow "the path less traveled by." What we are suggesting here is simply that Appalachia's isolation needs to be considered in broad national context, both for what it reveals about mountain people and about Americans as a whole. Other aspects of Appalachia merit similar attention. To present one more example: the region's reputation for lawlessness. Appalachian lawlessness became a thematic stock-in-trade of both local color novelists and social reformers from the late nineteenth century on till the present. It was statistically sound, artistically titillating, commercially popular, a source equally rich for humor or lamentation. Yet America's snickers and censure were not without their ironies. While robber barons were fleecing the people of public lands and treasured resources, while big city bosses and rural demogogues were subverting the essential democratic processes, while chain-gang labor enriched certain treasuries and lynching of blacks violated every sanction of law and order, national readers were invited to believe that moonshine stills and family feuds made Appalachia a unique example of lawlessness. Actually, violence was as American as apple pie—whether it was exemplified by a "splendid little war" in the Philippines, by John Dillinger, or by the Hatfields and McCoys. The variance in social acceptability seemed to be determined in part by the economic status of the participants and by the public enormity of the violence. The antics of a distiller of corn whiskey in an Appalachian laurel thicket, robbing the federal government of alcoholic beverage revenue, offered much more entertainment than the dry stratagems of a financier coolly juggling accounts and figures to rob thousands of trusting investors of their hard-earned savings. If the two were equally "lawless," that verdict rarely seeped into the public consciousness. 37 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Seen, then, in the context of some of America's exploitations and deviations as they developed in the years following the Civil War and accelerated during the decades before and after the turn of the century, Appalachia does not appear to be totally isolated or uniquely lawless. Those who came to the region usually found what they were looking for, whether it was a rare ballad or plant, rich mineral or forest resources, reason for hope or despair. But whatever they found they could seize and use to their own purposes with apparent impunity; this was a kind of off-limits preserve not traditionally Southern, not progressively American. In many ways Appalachia was a paradox: in and yet not of both the region and the nation surrounding it. Even the experience of the Great Depression could be considered different, less devastating, in Appalachia than elsewhere in the South and America. So perceptive an observer as Virginius Dabney could write in his 1971 history of Virginia that during the 1930's small marginal farmers and mountaineers in the southwest part of his state were suffering less than "some other elements" because they "had so little to begin with" and "could usually eke out some kind of existence." Apparently hunger was good training for starvation. Physical or mental anguish was more real if you lost a Tidewater mansion rather than a cabin up the hollow, if no market for your crop left you with less money than was customary rather than no money at all. Eventually the Appalachian person became stigmatized by the situation of which he was the very victim. As Mr. Dabney brought his mountaineers forward to the present, he deplored "the remoteness of so many Appalachian dwellers from the outside world. Immured in their coves and hollows, with nothing remotely describable as roads to link them with the population centers, they sit on their sagging cabin porches with their squirrel rifles, content to follow their ancient ways." 19 A glimmer of hope filtered in from the industrial parks and development commissions which the author felt gave evidence of "the up-andcoming spirit in that part of Virginia." Around the globe there are Third World nations caught in ambivalent roles and allegiances familiar to much of Appalachia. Many of them might be summarized by Mr. Dabney's two phrases: "ancient ways" and "the upand-coming spirit." In a world which has suffered environmental depradation and moral degradation as partial consequence of up-and-coming commercial struggle, it should come as no shock to learn that there are some people and countries today who may prefer to proceed into the era of the atomic bomb with some sense of choice and discrimination in their growth, their "progress," their prosperity. Many of them share with Appalachia the Wilma Dykeman 38 �problems of being a "poverty pocket" in an affluent world. They also share the irony that this is true not because they are essentially poor but because they are rich—rich in natural resources which were/are siphoned off to increase coffers of wealth elsewhere. From the earliest days of exploration, when speculators saw the vast wilderness of Appalachia as a source of incredible personal profits and power and formed land companies to secure the benefits of hundreds of thousands of acres gathered into a single holding, until the present day of developers who envision uses of nature's bounty and human resources in Appalachia to garner personal or corporate fortunes, Appalachia has shared with many countries of the world a colonial experience. It has also shared the demoralization which results from attitudes equating poverty with immorality or with picturesqueness. Such attitudes may be used to justify outside indifference to poverty, or they may serve as an excuse to maintain the status quo. In any event, there is some irony in the fact that a region considered backward or provincial in the American context may come closer than any other to being universal in today's world context. In their history, The Rise of American Civilization, Charles and Mary Beard noted an important exception to the "American way" as it was developing during the so-called "gilded age." They wrote: Except in some of the mountain regions of the South, the aspirations of the middle class were on the whole joyously emulated by the agricultural masses and by the merchants of tiny villages who throve upon local trade. Though constituting, even at the end of the nineteenth century, a majority of the population, farmers and small-town folk, with respect to the tendencies of their cultural life, were drawn into the urban vortex. Handicraft arts which once gave distinction to European peasants and small-town artisans had never flourished to the same extent in the United States and with the advance of machinery those that had been introduced in earlier times practically disappeared.^ Those distinctive handicraft arts disappearing elsewhere survived in Appalachia. So did many of the needs and values of which they were the outward manifestation. Missionaries of church and school coming into the region sometimes noted that certain handmade articles were akin to similar articles in other countries of the world. Thus Frances Louisa Goodrich observed in the mountains of Western North Carolina the "melon" basket whose shape was also familiar in Ireland, Jamaica, and throughout central and southern Europe. Such "very ancient" ideas form links across many boundaries. Such links may also be forged by common needs and dilemmas, and outsiders' misunderstandings of those dilemmas. Jesse Stuart, the Kentucky poet and novelist, relates that on U.S. State Department trips to many countries around the world he could establish rapport with the people in those countries because he had known poverty first-hand. Such a 39 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �fact surprised many of his listeners who nursed the stereotype of the rich and ugly American. Description of his childhood home, his hard work on the land, his effort to achieve an education, to teach and to write, won him friends among those who were confronting the same hurdles in their "underdeveloped" countries in a later generation. The Appalachian experience of being poor in money, rural, exploited, and patronized is less part of the American experience than it is that of many "foreign" countries. In this 1969 description of one of Kentucky's hollows by a nurseanthropologist-sociologist, we hear echoes of some reports issuing from "backward" countries around the globe: One important truth emerges: Duddie's Branch was and still is an unplanned neighborhood. According to present-day standards, the twentieth-century primitives who inhabit it live in a 3-D world: darkness, destitution, and deprivation....What appears to the outsider as irrational conduct and behavior becomes intelligible only when viewed from within because the values peculiar to those in poverty cannot be explained or interpreted apart from their culture. 21 Is this abnormal? Did not F. Scott Fitzgerald dnce ask Ernest Hemingway if the very rich were not different? The author offers two especially noteworthy observations about these Appalachian people: They feel that their homes and small pieces of land belong to them in a way that removes any need to participate in the outer world's senseless tension-laden pace. Their world belongs to them in the way that nothing else in society does or can. 22 Hollow folks value personal face-to-face relationships, especially the children. If I had as many arms as a centipede has legs, I would still not have enough to hold hands with all the children who want to walk with their hands in mine. We really do not know what kind of approach would make a difference in their lives. 23 There is no hint that materially destitute as they are, these people possess something of value, something universal in their abiding sense of place and their ability to relate personally, warmly, to others. As ways are devised to transform this into a "planned neighborhood," may we not also hope that its dwellers will be left unburdened by those tensions and fears that make^ it necessary for more advantaged Americans to join encounter groups so that they can relearn how to touch each other, how to respond to a human instinct that is naturally and spontaneously fulfilled among these underprivileged children? These are slippery areas for discussion and dogma. They defy neat documentation and the substantiation of statistics. Yet they suggest fresh perspectives which are necessary to the understanding that can make Appalachia's past significant and its future abundant in all those ways that distinguish values from prosperity alone. A final glance at Appalachia in the context of the New South, a powerful America, and an awakening world of human hope and aspiration is summarized in the words of an Appalachian statesman speaking more than Wilma Dykeman 40 �sixty years ago. W. D. Weatherford was summoning fellow Southerners attending a Sociological Congress to a new vision of the black person: "Economic and intellectual improvement do not make a people great," he said, remarking on changes he had seen come to the South: They are a background and basis of greatness, but they are not the essence of greatness....The test of an individual or a nation is not in the realm of possession nor in the realm of knowledge, but in the realm of relationships. It is not what we have or what we know that makes us great, but our attitude toward humanity....The final test of every individual and of every nation is in its attitude toward persons, any persons, all persons.... Immanuel Kant, in his Critique of Practical Reason, lays down this maxim: "So act as to treat humanity, whether in thine own person or in that of any other, in every case as an end withal, never as a means." 24 Relationships. The crucial test for our nervous, fragmented, lethally armed world. Avoiding the twin hazards of chauvinistic boosterism and impatient despair, we can approach Appalachia with the judgment recently expressed by a cultural historian: 'The greatest self-confidence and loyalty are inspired in those who see what they do locally in universal terms." 25 Appalachia may have a contribution to make as our nation and world reaffirm relationships, rediscovering our common humanity, struggling toward survival. NOTES ! Marcus Cunliffe and Robin W. Winks, Postmasters: Some Essays on American Historians (New York, 1969). 2 Rupert Vance, Human Geography of the South (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1935), 240-41. ^Constance Morley, The Carolina Mountains (Boston, 1913), 149. ^Frederick Law Olmsted, The Cotton Kingdom (New York, 1953), 399. 5 C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1951), 329. oibid., 330. 7 David M. Potter on C. Vann Woodward in Postmasters, 382. 8 William Alexander Percy, Lanterns on the Levee (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1941), 1920. 9 Marshall W. Fishwick, Virginia: A New Look at the Old Dominion (New York: Harper & Row, 1959), 102. 'oibid., 216-17. "Moritz Busch, Travels Between the Hudson and the Mississippi, 1851-1852, trans. Norman H. Binger (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1971), 151. i2Ibid., 153. >3Ibid., 273. l4 Max Lerner, America as a Civilization (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1957), 192. '-^Woodward, Origins of the New South, 233-34. l6 Thomas Robinson Dawley, Jr., The Child That Toileth Not (New York: Gracie Pub. Co., 41 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �1912), 274. i7Ibid. isibid., ix. l9 Virginius Dabney, Virginia: The New Dominion (New York: Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1971), 571. 2 °Charles A. and Mary R. Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (New York, 1927), II, 401-2. 2l Rena Gazaway, The Longest Mile (New York: Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1969), 41. 22Ibid., 42. 23Ibid., 343. 24 W. D. Weatherford, in The Call of the New South, Addresses at the Southern Sociological Congress (Nashville, 1912), 221-22. 25 Raymond D. Gastil, Cultural Regions of the United States (Seattle: Univ. of Washington Press, 1975), 45. Wilma Dykeman 42 �Appalachia and the Idea of America: The Problem of the Persisting Frontier HENRY D. SHAPIRO Since the 1870's, Americans have regarded Appalachia as a strange land inhabited by a peculiar people. Defined by its culture as well as by geography, Appalachia has seemed an anomaly in an otherwise unified and homogeneous nation, a discrete region, in but not of America. As such it has generally been ignored, or at most viewed as a quaint and interesting land where moonshiners and feudists live in log cabins and speak the stately language of Elizabethan England, while their wives spin and weave and sing traditional ballads of kings and queens and ravens sitting on fences. From time to time, however, the existence of Appalachia has been brought more or less forcibly to the attention of Americans living outside the region. At such times the peculiarities of mountain life, in whatever terms they are defined at the particular moment, have become troublesome facts requiring explanation, and Americans have been forced to consider the possible implications of Appalachians existence for their own understanding of the nature of American civilization. Our own is such a time, of course. In the context of our recent discovery of poverty in the United States, Appalachia has come to epitomize that "other America" of which Michael Harrington wrote, the antithesis of an America defined by economic growth and technological achievement. As a symbol of the existence of pockets of poverty in an affluent society, Appalachia has in fact had a clear advantage over more ephemeral examples of the same phenomenon—those populations which we designate in statistical rather than human terms as "the poor" and to which we thereby deny any existence except that in the minds of demographers. Appalachia is physically real as well as statistically real. It has location and a history—and a history of poverty. Its poverty too has a history and, like Appalachia, can not be expected to disappear with increasing national prosperity. In the last decade, as a consequence, we have rediscovered Appalachia, and have been faced once again with the need to explain the persistent discrepancy between life in the Southern mountain region and life in the rest of the United States. Such explanation has been easy, however. Having defined Appalachia as a land characterized by permanent poverty, we may 43 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �regard the disparity between Appalachia and America as a difference ot degree, not of kind. In Appalachia there is less money, less opportunity for the accumulation of money, and consequently less of what money can provide, to individuals and to the community, than is normal in the rest of the nation. Seen in these terms, Appalachian culture becomes the culture of a depressed area and hence a temporary phenomenon, however permanent the conditions which create it may be. We are thus obliged to deal only with the historical causes of Appalachia's poverty, and with the anomaly of pockets of poverty in an affluent society. Because we have so severely restricted our vision of the relationship of Appalachia" and America, in other words, we need not face the kind of situation which might challenge our conception of America as a land of opportunity, where economic growth is natural, or of American civilization as unified and homogeneous. 1 America's relationship with Appalachia has not always been so simple, however. From the late nineteenth century, when the mountainous portions of eight Southern states were first recognized as composing a discrete region, at least through the 1920's, the existence of this strange land and peculiar people raised questions about the nature of American civilization itself. Discovered in the 1870's by local color writers who used it as a neutral ground against which to set their stories of upper-class romance and lower-class passion, by the end of the century Appalachia'had come to seem a stubborn outpost of that quintessentially American way of life which industrialism and urbanism were destroying. Indeed, Appalachia was unique among the "little corners" of the nation which came to the public's attention via the local color movement, in that its peculiarities, although identified as characteristic of the American past, were observed in the American present. The tendency to glorify America's past, which has been the typical accompaniment of our most assiduous efforts to abandon that past, gave the peculiarities of Appalachian life a rather special meaning and value during the last years of the century, to the degree that these were identified with the culture and customs of earlier days. From this point of view, the transformation of Appalachia by the forces of modernization and homogenization could only be regarded with ambiguity or downright despair, while the persistence of pioneer virtues among the isolated mountaineers made them seem a rebuke to an effete generation and a possible leaven for the nation. 2 It was the absence of modern economic institutions and modern social patterns which had first attracted the local color writers to Appalachia—physically for purposes of rustication at the resort areas of the New South and imaginatively as a field to be mined for literary material. 3 Between 1870 and 1890, at the very beginning of the literary exploitation Henry D. Shapiro 44 �of the region, at least one hundred twenty-five short stories and more than ninety sketches dealing with the nature of mountain life were published. 4 As one of the areas of the nation "least affected by the progress of a growing national unity" 5 and yet within close proximity to the very centers of the nationalizing process, Appalachia seemed inherently interesting, even while its topography and natural history, and the peculiar folkways of its inhabitants, made it seem romantic and picturesque. The dominance of the literary imagination in this first discovery of Appalachia was of great significance. Not only did it establish as conventional an essentially literary vision of the Southern mountain region as a strange land inhabited by a peculiar people, over the view of those who saw in the mountains only unlimited possibilities for economic development, 6 but it made literary criteria primary in analyses of mountain life and of the relationship of Appalachia and America. Even such non-literary types as Nathaniel Southgate Shaler, the Kentucky-born Harvard geologist, and George E. Vincent, a University of Chicago sociologist, directed their efforts more at achieving an elegance of style than at careful and complete discussion of mountain conditions. Among the literary folk, on the other hand, Charles Dudley Warner, from the security of an established literary, reputation and with an image as Connecticut sophisticate to maintain, was virtually alone in daring to admit that mountain poverty was as dull and unpleasant as any other kind of poverty, from the point of view of participants and observers both. 7 In the literature of Appalachia, as a consequence, metaphor characteristically did the work of exposition. Because it was more interesting, the "as if was preferred to the "is," and came eventually to be identified as reality. It was this tendency which may be said to have given America's image of Appalachia its particular form. Those first on the scene noted with some surprise that the mountaineers lived under the rude conditions of a pioneer generation. Those next on the scene sought to turn a literary trick, and in emphasizing the picturesque qualities of life in the region suggested that a journey there was like a journey into America's past—"you detach yourself from all that you have experienced, and take up the history of English speaking men and women at the point it had reached a hundred or a hundred and fifty years ago."8 It was an easy next step to the identification of the Appalachian present with the American past as a matter of fact, not merely of metaphor. By the end of the century, the literature on Appalachia asked with all seriousness how this enclave of pioneer culture had been preserved against the ravages of time and of progress, and how most effectively to assist the mountaineers in leaping a hundred years from their present to the present of the rest of the nation. The mountaineers had become "our pioneer ancestors." 9 45 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �It is at this point that one may speak of the emergence of a tension between Appalachia and America. Appalachia had come to represent America's past, a past of heroism and self-sacrifice, hard work and commitment, by which independence had been won and preserved, the Union defended, a continent subdued. It was a past in which giants walked the earth, with ax and Bible in hand. It was in any case America's own past, and hence not to be discredited lightly. From the late 1880's on, as a consequence, one may see a persistent ambiguity toward the peculiarities of mountain life in the literature on Appalachia. To the degree that these were conceived as the undesirable consequences of poverty and isolation, they were regarded with contempt, or with that "sympathetic understanding" which precedes remedial action. To the degree that they were conceived as survivals of an earlier pattern of culture, however, they were respected as different but acceptable, or even held up for emulation by a modern generation out of touch with its past and hence with the essential national temper. Ambiguity towards the peculiarities of Appalachian life involved more than America's response to the existence of this particular region, however. Ultimately it precipitated a confrontation with the fact of social and geographic diversity in the present. Perhaps the most striking aspect of Appalachia's strangeness to those Americans who discovered the region at the end of the nineteenth century was the apparent absence in mountain culture of conceptions of law and order, and of "correct" notions of the relationship of the individual and society, as manifested by the apparent prevalence of feuding and the manufacture of blockade or "moonshine" whiskey. The disregard for duly constituted authority which these phenomena implied was an overt indication of the disparity between mountain life and the more normal life of the rest of America. "A shock falls across the...mind to realize that such a community of lawlessness should exist in a country that calls itself civilized," one commentator noted after reading John Fox, Jr.'s fictional reconstruction of "A Cumberland Vendetta." 10 More important, the occurrence of feuding and moonshining helped crystallize a growing sense, based originally on the impressionistic accounts of travellers and shortstory writers, that Appalachia was indeed a discrete region, in but not of America. Conflicts between mountaineers and revenue officers over enforcement of the excise tax on whiskey were reported in the periodical press as early as 1867. It was in the next two decades, however, as the more general interest in Appalachia developed, that real attention was paid to moonshining as one of the peculiarities of mountain life. 1 1 At issue was not so much the illegality of unlicensed distilleries, however, but the quaintness of this aspect of domestic economy as it persisted in the mountains. By the Henry D. Shapiro 46 �1890's, moonshining had become so integral an element in the popular conception of Appalachia that discussion of the phenomenon, often coupled with a defense of such illegal activities on historical grounds, became virtually a requirement in descriptive pieces dealing with the region, while an escape from, or an attack by "revenooers" similarly became a conventional incident in mountain fiction. Suggestive of conventional literary images of banditti or outlaws caught in a historical process which they could neither understand nor control, these fictional confrontations between moonshiners and "foreigners" representing the legal and social standards of the larger community functioned to epitomize the tension between Appalachia and America, while reinforcing the accepted notion of Appalachians historical character. Feuds in the Southern mountains aroused less interest outside the region during this early period, at a time when such private wars could be dismissed as natural extensions of hostilities engendered by the Civil War. By the mid-1880's, feuding incidents began to appear with some frequency in short fictional pieces set in the mountains, as well as in descriptive sketches of mountain life, and by the end of the century the prevalence of feuding had become a conventional element in the popular conception of Appalachia as a strange land inhabited by a peculiar people. Like moonshining, feuding was viewed as a picturesque if somewhat unfortunate aspect of life in that isolated region of the nation, and was explained in historical terms as the result of the persistence of primitive social conditions and a correspondingly primitive form of social control, or else as the result of a persisting tendency toward violence among Southerners. The outbreak of a new series of family wars around the turn of the century, and the subsequent extension of what had first appeared as private conflict into the arena of public affairs, involving local and then state and interstate politics, brought feuding as an aspect of mountain life to the attention of the nation in a new way. 12 Like moonshining, this new outbreak of feuds involved the mountaineers in a direct confrontation with the world of more normal American behavior, and in particular with the outsiders' institutions of social control. While the possibility of romanticization existed, then, to the degree that the feuds involved persons outside the immediate mountain community, the requirements of the social order in maintaining its viability demanded that this particular aspect of mountain life be defined pejoratively as "lawlessness," even as it demanded that the feudists themselves be convicted as lawbreakers and sentenced to terms in the penitentiary. More important from our point of view, however, accounts of the feuds which flourished around the turn of the century, when combined with the widely accepted notion of the prevalence of illegal distilling in the mountains, precipitated a redefinition of Appalachia as a land of violence and lawlessness. 13 47 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �In and of itself this new emphasis involved nothing more than a more sharply focused conception of the nature of Appalachian otherness. A kind of aesthetic distance continued to separate the mountaineers as objects of popular interest from the writers and social workers who went among them and described their peculiar habits to the rest of America. In the context of a conventional description of the mountaineers as "our contemporary ancestors" and of mountain violence as a survival from an earlier stage of historical development, however, the identification of Appalachia as a lawless land created a dilemma within the American dialogue on the meaning of Appalachians existence, and raised questions concerning the nature of American civilization as well. Over against an idyllic vision of mountaineers as hard-working pioneers, dependent on their own resources and initiative, was placed what seemed to be a more realistic picture, of pioneer individualism as anarchy, and self-help as anti-social behavior. If private justice yielded public chaos, if private enterprise involved the rejection of public morality, were our pioneer ancestors like our "contemporary ancestors," merely brawlers and brigands? By the beginning of the twentieth century, of course, there were many who were quite prepared to admit that America's pioneer past was one of violence and anarchic individualism, preferring for that very reason the more civilized present in which egoism had given way to altruism. Indeed, that may well be said to have been the point of much of the rhapsodizing over vanishing frontiers which took place around the turn of the century. It was in any case a position commonly taken by writers on Appalachia in the early years of the twentieth century, and especially by those connected with agencies of social uplift for whom the persistence of the past into the present created irony rather than ambiguity. To them the historical character of mountain life was a kind of bad joke on the mountaineers, as well as a sign of their pressing need for assistance so that they might cast off a discredited or at least a useless past, and join the rest of the nation in the present. 14 The identification of violence and lawlessness in the Southern mountains as a survival of the American past, which consistent definition of the mountaineers as "our contemporary ancestors" demanded, did create a dilemma nonetheless. What this meant in practice was that explanation of feuding and moonshining by reference to an historical situation came to be seen as inadequate or, to the degree that it unbalanced the equation of a known present and a presumed past, unsatisfactory. In the early twentieth century, as a consequence, two new emphases appeared in discussions of mountain life, which may be seen as responses to the conceptual dilemma which conditions of lawlessness in Appalachia created. The first of these involved identification of the more violent aspects of mountain life as Henry D. Shapiro 48 �European rather than American in origin, thus permitting continued utilization of the doctrine of survivals while maintaining a traditional conception of the American past as rude but law-abiding. The second involved abandonment of the doctrine of survivals entirely and a new emphasis, in accord with general trends of early twentieth-century social theory, on environment as the determinant of social and cultural patterns. In these terms, Appalachia was seen to be characterized by frontier conditions but was no longer defined as The Frontier. From the publication in 1878 of Rev. James Craighead's Scotch and Irish Seeds in American So//,15 the mountaineers of Appaiachia were conventionally assumed to be the descendants of Scottish and Scotch-Irish settlers from western North Carolina and Pennsylvania. This was a view which appealed particularly to the home-mission propagandists of the Presbyterian Church, who were enabled thereby to add the responsibilities of blood relationship to the humanitarian appeal of need in requesting funds for benevolent work among the mountaineers. Non-Presbyterians found the notion equally appealing, however. In part this was because it agreed with conventional notions about the patterns of westward migration during the late eighteenth century, but in part this was also the case because it identified the independent mountaineer with that group of colonists conventionally assumed to be the most "independent" in America's eighteenth-century population. The definition of mountain life as a survival of pioneer life was thus reinforced, albeit in a slightly different way. It was with particular reference to the occurrence of feuds in the mountains that the somewhat ambiguous designation of the mountaineers as "American Highlanders" occurred, however, in an address by Secretary Charles J. Ryder of the Congregationalist American Missionary Association. "No other term so aptly describes these mountaineers as does Highlanders," Ryder noted in 1897: They have Highland clans with Highland chieftains at the head of them. Highland feuds flame out now and again, often bringing death and ruin. Not only topographically but also socially the term of the American Highlanders fittingly describes these mountaineers. The relationship between the Lowlanders of the South and the Highlanders is also much the same as that which obtained [N.B.] between the same classes in Scotland....In general character and in physical endurance the comparison between the Highlanders of Scotland and America holds good.16 During the early years of the twentieth century, an increasing consciousness of violence as a characteristic of mountain life facilitated the transformation of Ryder's metaphor into a picture of reality, and the mountaineer as Highlander took his place alongside the mountaineer as contemporary ancestor in discussions of Appalachia. By 1916, John M. 49 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Moore's classic mission-study text, The South To-Day, could complain that "the peculiarities of an individualistic people have been interpreted as hideous deficiencies." In fact, Moore asserted, the mountaineer was "the pure Scotch-Irishman, and in manners, beliefs, and speech his lineage can be traced...I found that Scott and Stevenson in their tales of the Campbells and MacGregors were describing the parties that were appearing in the later roles of feudists in Kentucky. The heads of feuds were no ordinary men in Kentucky than in Scotland." 17 Feuding and moonshining, and a general proclivity to violent and lawless behavior, were thus explained as the result of a particular ethnic heritage rather than of an essentially lawless strain in the American national character, which the identification of violence as a survival of pioneer ways seemed to suggest. More desirable aspects of mountain life might continue to be identified with the American past, and hence be seen as quintessentially American, while the mountaineer himself was maintained in the morally neutral ground of middle-class romanticism. The use of an environmental explanation for the peculiarities of Appalachia functioned in a similar way, as response to the dilemma which the occurrence of feuds and moonshining presented. Unlike explanation in terms of survivals, however, it did not emerge from within the American dialogue on the meaning of Appalachia as a result of the transformation of metaphor into a statement of reality. It involved instead the introduction of a kind of cultural relativism as a point of view into the literature on Appalachia, and of a new model of social change as a matter of adaptation rather than of development pure and simple. For the environmentalists, as a consequence, while "normal" American culture remained preferable, the legitimacy of a peculiar and indigenous mountain culture was neither denied nor denigrated by its identification with some earlier phase in the evolution of the normal American form. In "The Anglo-Saxons of the Kentucky Mountains: A Study in Anthropogeography," for example, Ellen Churchill Semple argued in what was to become the characteristic way that the apparent persistence of historical forms in the mountains might be better understood as a matter of adaptation to a particular environment. Utilitarian ethics, an independence of spirit bred by isolation and the necessity for self-reliance, an economy "severely limited in its possibilities" by lack of transportation facilities, were the circumstances in which feuding and moonshining developed as appropriate means of obtaining justice and disposing of a corn crop, respectively. "The same conditions which have kept the ethnic type pure have kept the social phenomena primitive," she noted, "with their natural concomitants of primitive ethics and primitive methods of social control." 18 For the environmentalists, the critical fact which set Appalachia off Henry D. Shapiro 50 �from America was not the occurrence of feuding and moonshining, the peculiarities of speech which had received such attention from the local color writers, the persistence of traditional folk song and traditional handicrafts, or even the log cabins which dotted the hillsides, but the absence of community. This was the cause from which all else, including the prevalence of violence in the region, followed. "Lack of good roads has caused an undue isolation, has prevented cooperative activity and the realization of the ideals of a modern community life," one commentator argued. An "over-developed individualism" has resulted "where there is no cohesive community life...[and] where local agencies are non-existent and non-local agencies inoperative," said another. 19 Especially in the hands of Warren H. Wilson of the Presbyterian Department of Church and Country Life and John C. Campbell, Secretary of the Russell Sage Foundation's Southern Highland Division, the use of an environmentalist explanation for the peculiarities of Appalachia facilitated a redefinition of the region as "hyper-rural" and the perception of fundamental similarities among all such hyper-rural sections of the nation. "The question of the mountain dwellers is a national question," Campbell told the Home Missions Council in 1916. "You have it in your New England Hills, with less hope of solution it is sometimes felt, and although it is a larger question in the South, it is, after all, only a question of intensified rural conditions." 20 In such terms, the conflict between Appalachia and America became not a conflict between past and present but between rural and urban ways, and the occurrence of feuds and moonshining became social problems of a kind to be expected in rural regions where community was absent. Although substantial disagreement over how the much-needed sense of community might be provided in Appalachia characterized the environmentalists' discussion of the region—Campbell and Wilson for example urged education appropriate to rural conditions in order to establish a viable mountain culture, while Walter Hines Page, like Wilson a former member of Roosevelt's Country Life Commission, favored removal of the mountaineers to the industrial centers of the New South where the development of community would be natural rather than artificial 21 —so far as feuding and moonshining were concerned there was agreement. Unfiltered through the haze of romance, private justice was seen to yield public chaos, and individualism, in the absence of the controls which community provides, to breed lawlessness. The occurrence of violence in the Southern mountains, when explained as adaptation to environment, thus became an undesirable yet ultimately a temporary and remediable phenomenon, a distortion of the more basic and desirable qualities of independence and self-reliance characteristic of rural life generally and of 51 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �that special case of rural life which was Appalachia. Resolution of the dilemma which the occurrence of feuding and moonshining in the Southern mountains posed did not eliminate violence from mountain life, of course, any more than it resolved the tension which the very existence of this strange land and peculiar people generated. Feuding and moonshining persisted as social problems, becoming in fact more acute as prohibition made the manufacture of whiskey increasingly profitable and as the so-called clan wars were complicated by the emergence of class conflict in the region during the later 1920's.22 Violence continued as a consequence to point up the distance between Appalachia and America. Even after the era of violence had ended, however, Appalachia remained an "other" America in the American consciousness, defined now in terms of one set of characteristics, now in terms of another. And as such, Appalachia has continued to prick our consciences and to challenge our notions of what American civilization is and what it ought to be. If we continue to respond ambiguously, it is better than that we fail to respond at all. NOTES 'The principal documents of our recent "rediscovery" of Appalachia, and our redefinition of Appalachian otherness as a matter of economic rather than cultural differences, include Michael Harrington, The Other America: Poverty in the United States (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1962); Harry M. Caudill, Night Comes to the Cumberlands: A Biography of a Depressed Area (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1962); Thomas R. Ford, ed., The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962); and Jack E. Weller, Yesterday's People: Life in Contemporary Appalachia (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1965). On the first discovery of Appalachia, see Henry D. Shapiro, "Strange Land and Peculiar People: The Discovery of Appalachia, 1870-1920" (Ph.D. dissertation, Rutgers University, 1966). On the first discovery and its consequences, see Henry D. Shapiro, Appalachia on Our Mind: The Southern Mountains and Mountaineers in the American Consciousness, 1870-1920 (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1977). 2 E. g., Thomas Wilson Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers of Tennessee (Knoxville: Ogden Bros. & Co., 1888); Joseph E. Roy, Americans of the Midland Mountains (New York: American Missionary Assn., 1891); "A Scotch-Irishman [pseud.]," The Mountain Whites of the South (Pittsburgh: [Banner Publishing Co.], 1893); Mrs. S. M. Davis, "The 'Mountain Whites' of America," Missionary Review of the World, 8 (June 1895), 422-26. A late example is William Goodell Frost, "God's Plan for the Southern Mountains," Biblical Review, 6 (July 1921), 40525. 3 John Dwight Kern, Constance Fenimore Woolson, Literary Pioneer (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1934); Rayburn S. Moore, Constance Fenimore Woolson (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1963); James Lane Allen, "Local Color," The Critic, n.s., 5 (Jan. 9, 1886), 13-14, and "H.M.Alden," The Bookman, 50 (November 1919), 330-36; Grant Knight, James Lane Allen and the Genteel Tradition (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1935); Edd Winfield Parks, Charles Egbert Craddock (Mary Noailles Murfree) (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1941); Charles Dudley Warner, "On Horseback," Atlantic Monthly, 56 (July- Henry D. Shapiro 52 �October 1885), 88-100, 194-207, 388-98, 540-54, and C.D. Warner correspondence, Century Collection, New York Public Library Manuscript Division; David Hunter Strother, "The Mountains," Harper's Magazine, April 1 872-September 1875, passim', Cecil D. Eby, Jr., "Porte Crayon": The Life of David Hunter Strother (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1960). 4 Carvel E. Collins, "Nineteenth Century Fiction of the Southern Appalachians," Bulletin of Bibliography, 17 (October 1942 and January 1943), 186-90, 215-17; Henry D. Shapiro, "Strange Land and Peculiar People," 250 ff. 5 Horace Spencer Fiske, Provincial Types in American Prose Fiction (Chautauqua, N.Y.: The Chautauqua Press, 1903), 1. Cf. Elizabeth Haven Appleton, "Half-Life and Half a Life," Atlantic Monthly, 13 (February 1864), 157-82; Edward H. Pollard, "The Virginia Tourist," Lippincott's Magazine, 5 (May 1870), 487-97; James Esten Cooke, "Owlet," Harper's Magazine, 57 (July 1878), 199-211. *E.g., William D. Kelley, The Old South and the New: A Series of Letters (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1887). 7 N.S. Shaler, "Peculiarities of the South," North American Review, 151 (October 1890), 477-88; George H. Vincent, "A Retarded Frontier," American Journal of Sociology, 4 (July 1898), 1-20; Charles Dudley Warner, "On Horseback" (1885). NJames Lane Allen, "Through Cumberland Gap on Horseback," Harper's Magazine, 73 (June 1886), 50-66. 9 Cf. Joseph E. Roy, Americans of the Midland Mountains; William Goodell Frost, "Our Contemporary Ancestors in the Southern Mountains," Atlantic Monthly, 83 (March 1899), 311-19; Lillian Walker Williams, "In the Kentucky Mountains: Colonial Customs that Are Still Existing in that Famous Section of the Country," New England Magazine, n.s., 30 (March 1904), 37-45. It was to the problem posed by the apparent persistence of pioneer culture in the face of rapid economic and social change elsewhere in the nation that Ellen Churchill Semple and the environmentalists of the early twentieth century addressed themselves. '"Unsigned, "Novel Notes," The Bookman, 2 (January 1896), 434. "A Cumberland Vendetta" was first published in The Century, 48 (June-August 1894), 163-78, 366-73, 496-505, and was subsequently issued as A Cumberland Vendetta and Other Stories (New York: Harper & Bros., 1895). On Fox's treatment of mountain lawlessness generally see the excellent short study John Fox, Jr., by Warren I. Titus (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1969). "On mountain violence in literature, see Carvel E. Collins, "The Literary Tradition of the Southern Mountaineer, 1824-1900" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1944); Isabella D. Harris, "The Southern Mountaineer in American Fiction, 1824-1910" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1948). Early reports of feuds and moonshining include: A.H. Gernsey, "Illicit Distillation of Liquors," Harper's Weekly, 11 (Dec. 7, 1867), 773, and "Hunting for Stills," Harper's Weekly, 11 (Dec. 21, 1867), 811; unsigned, "The Moonshine Man: A Peep into His Haunts and Hiding Places," Harper's Weekly, 21 (Oct. 21, 1877), 820-22; Young E. Allison, "Moonshine Men," Southern Bivouac, n.s., 2 (February 1887), 528-34; Francis Lynde, "The Moonshiners of Fact," Lippincott's Magazine, 57 (January 1896), 66-76; unsigned, "The Knell of the Kentucky Feud," Scribner's Magazine, 21 (May 1897), 660; J. Stoddard Johnston, "Romance and Tragedy of the Kentucky Feuds," Cosmopolitan, 27 (September 1899), 551-58; John Fox, Jr., "Manhunting in the Pound," Outing, 36 (July 1900), 344-50. 12 On the Kentucky feuds, see Hartley Davis and Clifford Smyth, "Land of Feuds," Munsey's Magazine, 30 (November 1903), 161-72; R.L. McClure, "Mazes of a Kentucky Feud," The Independent, 55 (Sept. 17, 1903), 2216-24; O.O. Howard, "The Feuds in the Cumberland Mountains," The Independent, 56 (April 7, 1904), 783-88; New York Times, 1901-1905, passim', Charles G. Mutzenberg, Kentucky's Famous Feuds and Tragedies: Authentic Histories of the World Renowned Vendettas of the Dark and Bloody Ground (New York: R.F. Fenno, 1917). 53 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �While Kentucky was not all of Appalachia, it had traditionally received the most attention from local color writers, denominational home-mission personnel, and travel-writers, and provided the basis upon which generalizations about the region as a whole were made, at least until the organization of the Russell Sage Foundation's Southern Highland Division in 1908. l3 Carvel E. Collins notes this in "Nineteenth Century Fiction of the Southern Appalachians" (see note 4). The shift is apparent in, e.g., the emphases of William Goodell Frost's articles of 1899 and 1900. The first, "Our Contemporary Ancestors in the Southern Mountains," asks for a sympathetic understanding for "these eighteenth century neighbors and fellow countrymen of ours"; the second, "The Southern Mountaineer: Our Kindred of the Boone and Lincoln Type," American Monthly Review of Reviews, 21 (March 1900), 303-11, seeks to explain away the feuds by identifying mountaineer "individualism" as an historical trait. 14 Frost, "Our Contemporary Ancestors." Cf. his "Educational Pioneering in the Southern Mountains," National Education Association, Addresses and Proceedings, 14 (1901), 555-60, and "Our Southern Highlanders," The Independent, 72 (April 4, 1912), 708-14; John Fox, Jr., The Kentuckians (New York: Harper & Bros., 1898), and "The Southern Mountaineer," Scribner's Magazine, 29 (April-May 1901), 387-99, 557-70. 15 James G. Craighead, Scotch and Irish Seeds in American Soil (Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication, 1878). 16 Charles J. Ryder, "Our American Highlanders: Problems and Progress," Education, 18 (October 1897), 67, 69. Ryder coined the term in an address to the American Missionary Association in 1892 (ibid., 67), published as The Debt of Our Country to the American Highlanders During the War (New York: American Missionary Association, [1896]). 17 John M. Moore, The South To-Day (New York: Missionary Education Movement of the U.S. and Canada, 1916), 127-28, 132-33. l8 Ellen Churchill Semple, "The Anglo-Saxons of the Kentucky Mountains: A Study in Anthropogeography," Geographical Journal (London), 17 (June 1901), 616; reprinted in Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, 42 (August 1910), 561-94. See also George E. Vincent, "A Retarded Frontier," American Journal of Sociology, 4 (July 1898), 1-20; James Mooney, "Folk-Lore of the Carolina Mountains," Journal of American Folk-Lore, 2 (April-June 1889), 95-104; S.S. MacClintock, "The Kentucky Mountains and their Feuds," American Journal of Sociology, 1 (July-September 1901), 1-28, 171-87; McClure, "Mazes of a Kentucky Feud"; Howard, "The Feuds in the Cumberland Mountains." l9 Mary Verhoeff, The Kentucky Mountains. Transportation and Commerce, 1750-1911: A Study in the Economic History of a Coal Field, Filson Club Publication No. 26 (Louisville: John P. Morton & Co., 1911), 183-84; John C. Campbell, "Social Betterment in the Southern Mountains," National Conference of Charities and Correction, Proceedings, 36 (1909), 137. 2 °John C. Campbell, "Mountain and Rural Fields in the South," [Annual Report of the] Home Missions Council, 1916 ([New York, 1916]), 180. On Campbell, see John M. Glenn et al., Russell Sage Foundation, 1907-1946 (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1947), I, 62 ff.; Henry D. Shapiro, "Introduction," in John C. Campbell, The Southern Highlander and His Homeland (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1969), xxii-xxxi, and Appalachia On Our Mind, esp. ch. 7. Some discussion of Wilson's activities will be found in Betty Carol Clutts, "Country Life Aspects of the Progressive Movement" (Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University, 1962). 2iWalter Hines Page, ["Editorial Note"], The World's Work, 19 (March 1910), 12704. See also Thomas Dawley, "Our Southern Mountaineers: Removal the Remedy for the Evils that Isolation and Poverty Have Brought," The World's Work, 19 (March 1910), 12704-14; Walter A. Dyer, "Training New Leaders for the Industrial South," The World's Work, 28 (July 1914), Henry D. Shapiro 54 �285-92; William L. Hall, 'To Remake the Appalachians: A New Order in the Mountains that is Founded on Forestry," The World's Work, 28 (July 1914), 321-38. 22 Conditions in Appalachia since the 1920's are conveniently summarized in Caudill, Night Comes to the Cumber lands. 55 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �On the Naming of Appalachia DAVID S. WALLS The circumstances surrounding the naming of Appalachia are as hazy as a mid-summer's day in the Blue Ridge. A widespread legend has it that Hernando De Soto or the surviving members of his expedition named the mountains. Henry Gannett in The Origin of Certain Place Names in the United States, published in 1905, writes, "The name was given by the Spaniards under De Soto, who derived it from the name of a neighboring tribe, the Apalachi." He also notes that one Brinton "holds its radical to be the Muscogee apala, 'great sea,' or 'great ocean,' and that apalache is a compound of this word with the Muscogee personal participle 4c/if and means 'those by the sea.' " J The North Carolina Gazetteer by William S. Powell uses almost the same words, but offers a different translation: "The name was given by Spaniards under De Soto in 1539 for the Apalachee Indians whose name meant 'people on the other side' (of a river presumably)." 2 The second edition of Webster's Dictionary is similar: "The mountains were called Appalachian by the Spaniards under De Soto, after the Apalachee Indians." 3 Richard Drake, in a survey of the emergence of the concept of Appalachia, also accepts this account: "De Soto became lost in the maze of the southern Blue Ridge in 1540, and named the mountains for the Indians who dominated their approach."4 In the face of this consensus it is surprising to find no evidence in the surviving accounts of the De Soto expedition to support the claim that either the conquistador or any of his companions ever intended to designate the eastern mountain chain for the Apalachee Indians, who lived in what is now northern Florida, a considerable distance from the mountains. Whether the mountains actually were termed something like "Appalachian" by one or another Indian tribe may never be clear. The best explanation of the De Soto legend may be that the early mapmakers, confused by the vague accounts of locations and distances given by the Spanish explorers, transposed the territory of the Apalachee further north. Tracing the origin of the name requires that three distinct designations of "Appalachian" or its variants be distinguished: an Indian tribe, a village or province, and a mountain range. The first encounter of Europeans with the Apalachee tribe was recorded by the expedition of Pdnfilo de Narvdez, which landed in Florida in the vicinity of Tampa Bay in April 1528. The story is related by Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, who was one of four sur- David S. Walls 56 �vivors of the Narvdez expedition to return to Spain. Within a few days of Narvdez' landing, a scouting party along the shore found pieces of cloth, items possibly of European origin, and traces of gold. "Having by signs asked the Indians whence these things came, they motioned to us that very far from there, was a province called Apalachen, where was much gold, and so the same abundance in Apalachen of everything that we at all cared for."5 Perhaps the riches of Apalachen were augmented by the Indians' eagerness to be rid of the Spaniards. Two months later the Narvdez expedition reached the village of Apalachen, probably near Lake Miccosukee in northern Florida. The Spaniards found a land rich in corn and game, but instead of treasure they received only harassment from the native residents. Less than a month after their arrival, the members of the expedition had had enough, as Cabeza de Vaca describes: "In view of the poverty of the land, the unfavorable accounts of the population and of everything else we heard, the Indians making continual war upon us, wounding our people and horses at the places where they went to drink, shooting from the lakes with such safety to themselves that we could not retaliate...we determined to leave that place and go in quest of the sea...."6 But the myth of the riches of Apalachen survived the rude reality of the place. In 1539 the expedition of Hernando De Soto spent the winter months at the village of "Apalache," no doubt the same place visited by Cabeza de Vaca. Having heard stories of gold in a distant country, De Soto began a march north through present-day Georgia toward the mountains in March 1540. From the accounts that survive, neither De Soto nor any members of his party designated the areas in or near the mountains as Appalachian. The Gentleman of Elvas is clear that the mountainous regions were called the provinces of Chalaque and Qualla by the native inhabitants. Similar terms appear in the accounts of Luys Herndndez de Biedma and Rodrigo Ranjel, factor and secretary respectively to the De Soto expedition. Surprisingly, no such term as Apalache appears at any point on the so-called De Soto map, on which are inscribed 127 names and legends.7 Diego Gutierrez is the first mapmaker to record a variation of Appalachian. On his map of America, published in 1562, "Apalchen" appears to the north of mountains which are shown stretching from east to west inland from a rather inaccurate coastline (Fig. 1). This map may have been made before 1554, in which case the account of Cabeza de Vaca must have been the source of the term. 8 In any case, the region is far removed from the home of the Apalachee tribe near the Gulf of Mexico in northwestern Florida. Zaltieri's "Map of the Discovery of New France," published in 1566, follows Gutierrez in locating the region of Apalchen roughly in the center of a truncated continent, some distance from Florida. 9 57 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Honors for designating the mountain range Appalachian must go to Jacques le Moyne de Morgues, an artist who traveled with the French Huguenot expedition of Rene* de Laudonniere to Florida in 1564. The expedition constructed Ft. Caroline at the mouth of the St. John's River (named the River of May by Jean Ribaut) on the east coast of Florida. Stories of precious metals from the mountains led to several attempts to forge alliances with Indian tribes that would give the French access to the mountains. Le Moyne never actually travelled north to the mountains, but he did paint a scene of Indians collecting gold from the streams running from the "Apalatcy Mountains." The description with the engraving of the scene notes: A great way from the place where our fort was built, are great mountains, called in the Indian language Apalatcy; in which, as the map shows, arise three great rivers, in the sands of which are found much gold, silver, and brass, mixed together. Accordingly, the natives dig ditches in these streams, into which the sand brought down by the current falls by gravity. Then they collect it out, and carry it away to a place by itself, and after a time collect again what continues to fall in. Then they convey it in canoes down the great river which we named the River of May, and which empties into the sea. The Spaniards have been able to use for their advantage the wealth thus obtained. 10 This is the strongest evidence we have that the mountains were termed Appalachian in some Indian language. How reliable is this derivation? Le Moyne and the other French explorers under Ribaut and Laudonniere were no doubt familiar with the narratives of the Narvdez and De Soto expeditions and their stories of the wealthy province of Apalache. The only maps available at the time placed Apalache or Apalchen in the vicinity of the mountains. The Huguenots could have been expected to ask Indians about gold in the mountains of Apalache. For their part, the Indians would have indicated the mountains as the source of such gold and copper as they may have acquired. Did the French put the name Apalatchi into the mouths of the Indians or was it a native term? With the evidence at hand, it is impossible to say. What is certain is that Le Moyne's map, "The Province of Florida in America" (Fig. 2), is the first to clearly name the mountains as Appalachian. Inscriptions on the map read "Monies Apalatchi, in quibus aurum argentum & aes invenitur" ("in which gold, silver and copper are found"), and in the lake fed by the waterfall, "In hoc lacu Indigenae argenti grana inveniunt" ("In this lake the natives find grains of silver"). A village of Apalatchi is also identified. In 1586 Richard Hakluyt took a statement from a Spaniard, Pedro Morales, taken prisoner by Sir Frances Drake in Florida. Morales noted that "Three score leagues up to the Northwest from Saint Helena are the mountains of the golde and Chrystall Mines, named Apalatchi." Hakluyt added, "He saith also that he hath scene a rich Diamond which was brought from the mountaines that lye up in the countrey Westward from S. David S. Walls 58 �Helena. These hills seeme wholy to be the mountaines of Apalatchi, whereof the Savages advertised Laudonni&re...." 11 Le Moyne managed to escape the massacre of the Huguenots by the Spanish under Mene*ndez de Avile*s and return to France in 1565. His map, which is customarily dated 1565, was not actually published until after his death when the map and paintings of the new world were purchased by Theodore de Bry, who brought out an illustrated edition on the French expeditions in 1591. Thus, perhaps fortunately, Le Moyne's version of the Appalachians was not available to Gerard Mercator in preparing his world map of 1569 (Fig. 3), which "is the first map to show the Appalachians as a continuous mountain range stretching parallel to the coast in a southwestnortheasterly direction....Mercator's delineation of the southern mountain region by a roughly inverted Y is in general not improved until the early part of the eighteenth century." 12 There is no indication that Mercator named these mountains Appalachian, however. Apalchen on his map appears to designate the region between the forks of the Y of the mountains, drained by the "River Sola" (probably the Savannah River). Once published, Le Moyne's map had considerable influence. In 1597 Corneille Wytfliet published a map of "Florida and Apalche" (Fig. 4) which terms as Apalche the territory between Virginia and Florida (north of the Rivers Secco and Sola, or Savannah River). 13 Jodocus Hondius published an edition of Mercator's atlas in 1606 with a revised map of the southeast that shows Le Moyne's waterfall and lake, his inscriptions about precious metals, and the "Apalatcy Montes auriferi," or "golden Appalachian Mountains." William Cumming comments on the impact of Le Moyne's map: "The map contains many striking details, frequently erroneous, which were incorporated in other maps for over a hundred and fifty years. It was Le Moyne's misfortune to have many of his errors incorporated and even exaggerated in Mercator's map of 1606, upon which for half a century much of the subsequent cartography of the region was based."14 During the eighteenth century, the term Allegheny emerged as the principal rival to Appalachian. By convention the southern half of the eastern mountain chain was known as the Appalachians and the northern half the Alleghenies. 15 The overall designation alternated between the two. Ambivalence about the appropriate term for the entire region is apparent in Washington Irving's proposal for a more accurate name for the country than "United States of America." In a letter to the editor of the The Knickerbocker in 1839 signed "Geoffrey Crayon," Irving suggested, perhaps tongue in cheek: We have it in our power to furnish ourselves with such a national appellation, from one of the grand and eternal features of our country; from that noble chain of mountains which 59 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Fig. 1. Diego Gutierrez' "America," 1562. Source: Gumming, The Southeast in Early Maps, Plate 6. �Fig. 2. Le Moyne, "The Province of Florida in America," 1565. Source: Fite and Freeman, A Book of Old Maps, p. 68. �Fig. 3. From Mercator's "Map of the World/' 1569. Source: Gumming, Skelton, and Quinn, The Discovery of North America, p. 93. �Fig. 4. Wytfliet's "Florida and Apalche," 1597. Source: Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps, Plate 17. �Fig. 5. Frost's maps of Appalachia, ca. 1900. Source: Frost, For the Mountains, pp. 3, 54. �Fig. 6. Marschner's "Physiographic Subregions," 1935.Source: U.S.D.A., Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians, p. 11. �formed its backbone, and ran through the "old confederacy," when it first declared our national independence: I allude to the Appalachian or Allegheny mountains. We might do this without any very inconvenient change in our present titles. We might still use the phrase "The United States," substituting Appalachia, or Alleghenia, (I should prefer the latter,) in place of America. The title of Appalachian, or Alleghenian, would still announce us as Americans, but would specify us as citizens of the Great Republic. Even our old national cypher of U.S.A. might remain unaltered, designating the United States of Alleghenia. 16 This is probably the first appearance in print of the term Appalachia; 17 the Latinized suffix -ia was in vogue at the time in forming names of states or countries. Irving wasn't the only one to show a preference for Allegheny over Appalachian. The 1860 census, for example, in a study of mortality rates in "the great natural divisions," terms the area "From Pennsylvania through Virginia, Eastern Tennessee, &c., to Northern Alabama" as "The Allegheny Region." 18 An article published by geographer Arnold Henry Guyot in 1861 is credited with establishing scientific and popular usage for the entire mountain range. Evidently, Guyot also had difficulty deciding which term is more appropriate: "He apparently hesitated between the names. His map, prepared in advance, used Allegheny, but his final title was On the Appalachian Mountain System."19 Guyot naturally notes the east to west division of the Appalachian system into parallel chains of mountains separated from the plateaus by the Great Appalachian Valley, and he also proposed dividing the system from north to south into three areas: the northern division, from the Adirondacks to the Gasp6 Peninsula in Canada; the middle or central division from New York south of the Mohawk to the New River; and the southern division from the New River to the extremity of the system. He also places the central and southern division together in a southern section. Guyot's authority was followed by John Wesley Powell in his Physiographic Regions of the United States,2® which designates the eastern mountains from New York to Alabama as the Appalachian Ranges. Powell introduces a new twist, however, by terming the entire upland area to the west of the Appalachian mountain ranges the Allegheny Plateaus. He also uses the New River as a dividing line between what he calls the northern and southern Appalachian ranges. At this point our survey shifts emphasis from geographic nomenclature, now firmly established, to Appalachia as a cultural region and a social and economic problem area. Until the Civil War, "the Appalachians" was simply a term for a physiographic section of mountains. There was little to distinguish the way of life there from life generally on the American frontier. The "discovery" of Appalachia as a distinctive cultural region was led by the writers of the "local color" movement who began in the mid-1870's David S. Walls 66 �to use the mountaineer as a subject of fiction and travel sketches published in popular national magazines. Carvel Collins records that between 1875 and 1900 "more than two hundred novels and stories were published which described the hill people as quaint and isolated, living peculiar lives in the shadow of awe-inspiring peaks."21 Three underlying social and historical forces contributed to the discovery of the traditional subculture of the Southern Appalachians in the period following the Civil War: the mountaineer's loyalty to the Union, the end of the frontier, and the rapid expansion of industrial capitalism. The first served to distinguish the mountaineer from other Southern whites, and the second and third made him appear an anachronism in comparison to the mythical mainstream American. Educators and social reformers sought to define this Southern Appalachian cultural region as a social problem area deserving the attention of church home mission boards and private philanthropic foundations. The first person to give a precise geographic definition to the Southern Appalachians as a cultural region was William G. Frost, President of Berea College from 1892 to 1920. Together with his former student, C.W. Hayes, then working for the Geological Survey, Frost identified 194 counties he called "the Mountain Region of the South" in 1894. He announced this discovery of "a new pioneer region in the mountains of the Central South" in 1895, and went on to elaborate his view in several articles in national magazines (Fig. 5). The most influential of these is "Our Contemporary Ancestors in the Southern Mountains" in the Atlantic Monthly for March 1899, in which Frost describes the region as "The mountainous back yards of nine states...one of God's grand divisions, and in default of any other name we shall call it Appalachian America." 22 Frost's lead was followed by a number of writers including Samuel Tyndale Wilson, Horace Kephart (who gets credit for reintroducing the term Appalachia), and James Watt Raine. 23 The landmark study and definition of the region was made by John C. Campbell in The Southern Highlander and His Homeland published in 1921.24 Campbell includes sections of the same nine states from Maryland to Alabama identified by Frost, but expands the number of counties included to 254. He identifies three parallel divisions: the Blue Ridge Belt and the Allegheny-Cumberland Belt, with the Greater Appalachian Valley in between. Campbell's initiative in organizing the Conference of Southern Mountain Workers in 1913 and his ties with the Russell Sage Foundation provided the organizational and financial base for a small but persistent social movement to secure an adequate private and public response to the problems of the Southern Appalachians. It was largely the Conference (later the Council of the Southern Mountains), Berea College, and their 67 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �magazine Mountain Life & Work, launched in 1925, that sustained the relative handful of educators, ministers, and community workers who kept alive through thick and thin the idea of Appalachia as a distinctive cultural and social problem region. 25 Campbell always preferred the designation "Southern Highlands" for the region. Discussing his reasons for this choice, Campbell wrote, "Southern Appalachians is a term sometimes used, but inasmuch as this term is limited by geographers [evidently a reference to Guyot and Powell] to that part of the Appalachian mountain system lying south of the New River Divide in southern Virginia, some other name for the whole territory under consideration is necessary. The designation Southern Mountains has also been used. But because so often descriptions of depressed social conditions, which are true only of limited areas, have been given without qualification as existing throughout the Southern mountains, this term has come to carry with it the implication that such conditions prevail generally throughout the region." After a lyrical passage describing the beauty of the mountain country and its romantic folk tradition, Campbell concludes "there is but one name that will do it justice—the Southern Highlands." 26 A more convincing explanation of Campbell's evoking the image of highland Scotland may be found in his effort to overcome the myth of the degenerate race of "mountain whites" that appeared in some stories of the local color writers after 1889, and in the historical works of John Fiske and others. 27 Campbell contrasts to this genetic argument an environmental explanation centered on isolation, "while establishing the mountaineer in the morally favorable ground of middle-class Romanticism," as Henry Shapiro comments. 28 But as these issues lost their salience, Campbell's argument against the common usage of Southern Appalachians had little impact despite the classic character of his study. The federal government made its first acknowledgement of Appalachia as a social problem by its comprehensive survey, Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians, published in 1935. The U.S. Department of Agriculture was encouraged to support the study by a cluster of organizations including the Conference of Southern Mountain Workers, the Home Missions Council, the Council of Women for Home Missions, the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, and Community Church Workers. The first of a series of conferences that led to the study was held at the Russell Sage Foundation in 1929. The USD A study contains a section by F.J. Marschner which divides Southern Appalachia into three major divisions: the eastern or Blue Ridge, the central or Appalachian Valleys and Ridges, and the western or Appalachian Plateaus. He then divides these divisions into 16 physiographic David S. Walls 68 �subregions (Fig. 6). Marschner's delineation contains 236 counties in nine states; the rest of the USDA study limits itself to 205 counties in six states (Georgia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia). 29 This modest recognition as a social problem area did not lead in the 1930's to any federal government efforts aimed at the Southern Appalachian region as such. The major New Deal regional developmenf program, the Tennessee Valley Authority, included a portion of the Southern Appalachians, but its origins were in the dispute over the Muscle Shoals dam begun during the First World War. It was conceived as an example of river basin development by a public authority and had little relation to the work of the people promoting Southern Appalachia as a social problem area. Nor did the Appalachian advocates persuade one major regionalist, Howard W. Odum, whose influential Southern Regions of the United States does not include Appalachia among its divisions. 30 The various efforts to develop a national system of regional classification that were undertaken in the late 1930's did not adopt the broad definition of Southern Appalachia used in the two classic studies of the area. In the Works Progress Administration study Rural Regions of the United States, A.R. Mangus falls back on the traditional usage of an Allegheny Region including parts of Maryland, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and West Virginia, and an Appalachian Region including parts of Ohio, West Virginia, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Georgia. Another multi-county delineation, the State Social Subregions, was established for the 1940 census; it was modified to the State Economic Area system in the 1950 census which has continued in use to the present. 31 The low ebb in the movement to identify Appalachia as a social problem in the public consciousness appears to have been reached in the late 1940's and early 1950's. In 1949 the Russell Sage Foundation ended its support of the Council of Southern Mountain Workers and Mountain Life & Work\ the magazine was discontinued until revived with the help of Berea College faculty in 1950. Council activities and funding increased gradually following the hiring of Perley Ayer as executive director in 1951. A symposium, Regionalism in America, that ignores Appalachia was published in 1951.32 Not until 1957 were two organizational efforts set in motion that would lead to a commitment by the federal government to alleviate Appalachian problems. In that year W.D. Weatherford, a YMCA leader who had been recruited to the Board of Trustees of Berea College in 1916 by William Frost, approached the Ford Foundation with an idea for a comprehensive survey of the Southern Appalachians that would update the 1935 USDA study. Southern Appalachian Studies, Inc., received $250,000 for the research which was published as The Southern Ap- 69 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �palachian Region: A Survey in 1962. 33 The survey covers 190 counties in seven states from West Virginia through Alabama (excluding Maryland and South Carolina). The delineation is based on the State Economic Area system from the 1950 census, and includes only those SEA's composed entirely of Appalachian counties. After publication of the study, the Ford Foundation gave a $250,000 grant to the Council of the Southern Mountains to expand its community development work in the region. Also in 1957 eastern Kentucky was hit by the most devastating flood in memory. In response to the disaster, Governor Bert Combs appointed the Eastern Kentucky Regional Planning Commission; John D. Whisman, whose ideas have played an important part in subsequent Appalachian development programs, served as its executive director. On January 1, 1960, the Commission issued a report, Program 60: A Decade of Action for Progress in Eastern Kentucky, which called for a broad range of development programs for the area, and also suggested that an Appalachian States Development Authority be established. 34 In response, the Conference of Appalachian Governors was organized at a meeting in Maryland in May 1960 at the invitation of Governor Millard Tawes, and received a study, "The Appalachian Region," prepared by the Maryland Department of Economic Development on an eleven-state area from New York to Alabama (excluding Ohio). At the same time, national attention was drawn to the conditions of the Appalachian coalfields by the presidential primary in West Virginia on May 10.35 John F. Kennedy's debt to the region for his primary victory over Hubert Humphrey led to a meeting with the Appalachian governors in May 1961. Another meeting in 1963 led to the appointment on April 9 of the President's Appalachian Regional Commission, with Whisman as Executive Secretary, which presented its report to Lyndon B. Johnson in 1964. The report refers to 340 counties in ten states from Pennsylvania to Alabama (excluding South Carolina, and with reservations about Ohio whose governor declined to sign the report). 36 On March 9, 1965, President Johnson signed the Appalachian Regional Development Act and made the social and economic development problems of the area an official concern of national public policy. The Act established the Appalachian Regional Commission, with responsibilities for portions of twelve states; in August the Commission invited New York to participate in the program under provisions of the Act. New York accepted, and a total of 373 counties were then covered by the ARC. The 1967 amendments to the ARDA joined 20 counties of Mississippi to Appalachia, and also added one county from Tennessee, two from Alabama, and one from New York, for the current total of 397 counties in thirteen states.37 Political criteria for inclusion in Appalachia have superseded historical, cultural, social, or economic factors. Whisman continues his David S. Walls 70 �major role in the development of the Commission, serving first as the Governor's Representative for Kentucky and then as the States' Regional Representative since July 1966. The 1967 Annual Report of the ARC outlines the "Four Appalachias," defined by the varying economic bases of the subregions. Northern Appalachia is seen in transition from a coal-steel-railroad economy to new types of manufacturing and service industries. Central Appalachia is focused on the coalfields of eastern Kentucky, southern West Virginia, southwest Virginia, and northern Tennessee. Southern Appalachia is rapidly converting from an agricultural economy to an urban and industrialized one. The Appalachian Highlands includes the Alleghenies, Blue Ridge and Smoky Mountains from New York to Georgia, a thinly populated region with potential for recreation and tourism. In 1974 the ARC merged the Highlands into the other three subregions. 38 In terms of social problems, the economy of Central Appalachia remains in persistent difficulty. Some 35 percent of the population lives in poverty by federal standards, two-and-a-half times the national average; per capita income is only 60 percent of the national average. 39 This alone should insure that Appalachia remain on the public agenda for some time to come. Yet as even the Central Appalachian region draws closer to national "norms" of poverty, Appalachian problems are likely to be seen more as national than regional in character. Solutions may be found only in answers to the national problems of providing full employment, adequate income maintenance, health care and decent housing for all, environment protection, public control of natural resources, and democratization of such public corporations as the TVA. Thus it is possible that interest in defining Appalachia as a distinctive social problem area will decline; certainly the focus will be narrowed from the current thirteen-state ARC definition. The naming and redefining of Appalachia appears to have no end. I have traced the designations of the region from physiographic nomenclature to cultural area, to social and economic problem, and finally to an exercise in political logrolling. Clearly there is no ultimate definition, only delineations that serve particular social, political, organizational, or academic interests. Overall, the social movement to obtain recognition for Appalachia as a problem area must be accorded a remarkable success for a movement which never developed a mass following within the region itself.40 "Appalachian," after all, has never become a symbol of selfidentification for the vast majority of the region's people, for whom the community, county, state, and nation remain more important units of political identity. 41 Despite the apparent decline in those features of the traditional mountain subculture supposedly characteristic of the region, 42 71 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �interest in aspects of Appalachian culture is on the increase, as evidenced by the popularity of books on the region's folk arts, Appalachian Studies programs, and this Appalachian Symposium. As long as the people of the region value their distinctive heritage, Appalachia by one definition or another, under one name or another, will continue to make an important contribution to American life. NOTES I wish to acknowledge, with great appreciation, the assistance provided by Dr. Richard Boulind, Curator of Maps, Manuscripts, and Prints of the John Carter Brown Library at Brown University. He suggested numerous references and checked a number of early maps for me. Responsibility for any errors or omissions in this account is, of course, my own. '2nd ed., U.S. Geological Survey Bulletin No. 258 (Washington: GPO, 1905), 27. Gannett's source is evidently ethnographer Daniel G. Brinton. A description of the Apalachee tribe is given in John R. Swanton, Indians of the Southeastern United States, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin No. 137 (Washington: GPO, 1946), 89-91; see also Brinton, The Floridian Peninsula (1859; rpt. New York: Paladin Press, 1969), Ch. 2, 92-110. 2(Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1968), 11. ^Webster's New International Dictionary of the English Language, 2nd ed. (Springfield, Mass.: Merriam, 1953), 128. The 3rd edition (1971) is prudently silent on the question of who named the Appalachians and is content to note a probable derivation from Apalachee. 4 "Appalachian America: The Emergence of a Concept, 1895-1964," Mountain Life & Work, 40 (Spring 1965), 6. -vThe Narrative of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca," ed. Frederick W. Hodge, in Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528-1543, a volume in the series Original Narratives of Early American History, ed. J. Franklin Jameson (New York: Scribners, 1907), Ch. 4, 21-2. 6 Ibid., 31. Their reception in Apalachen is covered in Chs. 6 and 7, 28-33. The identification of the region with wealth is captured in the title of the fictionalized version of Cabeza de Vaca's explorations by Frank G. Slaughter, Apalachee Gold (1954; rpt. New York: Pocket Books, 1974). 7 "The Narrative of the Expedition of Hernando de Soto, by the Gentleman of Elvas," ed. Theodore H. Lewis, in Spanish Explorers, Chs. 12-15, 160-81. See also "Relation of the Conquest of Florida by Luys Hernandez de Biedma," trans, from the original document by Buckingham Smith; and "A Narrative of De Soto's Expedition Based on the Diary of Rodrigo Ranjel," by Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valde's, trans. Edward Gaylord Bourne, in Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto, Vol. II (1904; rpt. New York: Allerton, 1922). On the so-called De Soto map, probably by Alonso de Santa Cruz and commonly dated ca. 1544, see William P. Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1958), 10-12, 113-15, and Plate 5. Swanton in Indians of the Southeastern United States presents an interesting reconstruction and map of the De Soto expedition's route, 39-59. 8 See 115 and Plate 6 in Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps. The earliest published accounts mentioning the Apalache tribe and the village of Apalchen are the Relacion of Cabeza de Vaca (Zamora, 1542), Ranjel's diary in Oviedo's Historia General y Natural de las Indias (Salamanca, 1547), and the Relacam of the Gentleman of Elvas (Evora, 1557). The history of the De Soto expedition by Garcilaso de la Vega, La Florida del Inca (Lisbon, 1605) could not have influenced the sixteenth-century mapmakers. The authoritative source for dating these David S. Walls 72 �early documents is Joseph Sabin, A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, from Its Discovery to the Present Time, 29 vols. (New York: 1868-1936; rpt. Amsterdam: N. Israel, 1961-62). 9 The map of Zaltieri, also known as Zalterius of Bologna, is No. 21 in Emerson D. Fite and Archibald Freeman, A Book of Old Maps Delineating American History (New York: Dover, 1969), 72-4. 10 This translation is by G. B. Watts, as quoted in W.P. Gumming, R.A. Skelton, and D.B. Quinn, The Discovery of North America (New York: American Heritage Press, 1971), 187. Le Moyne's map is reproduced in color on 175. The map is No. 20 in Fite and Freeman, A Book of Old Maps, 68-70. See also Gumming, The Southeast in Early Maps, 124-5 and Plate 15. The narrative of Le Moyne and the engravings by De Bry based on the lost paintings of Le Moyne are contained in The New World: The First Pictures of America, ed. Stefan Lorant, rev. ed. (1946; rpt. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1965). I have used the translation by Watts rather than that provided by Lorant on 117; Lorant's reads more smoothly in English, but is less detailed and literal and omits the reference to Apalatcy deriving from an Indian language. "'The Relation of Pedro Morales," No. 138 in The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590, ed. David Beers Quinn, 2 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1955), 761-3. l2 Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps, 2. See Gerard Mercator's Map of the World (1569), Publicaties Van Het Maritiem Museum "Prins Hendrick" No. 6 (Rotterdam: 's-Gravenhage, 1961), sheet 5. l3 Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps, 17, 127, and Plate 17. I4 lbid., 124. For the Mercator-Hondius map, see 129-131 and Plate 20. 15 For examples of eighteenth century maps, see William Faden, "The British Colonies in North America" (1777) and J. Carver, "A New Map of North America" (1778) in Fite and Freeman, A Book of Old Maps, Nos. 59 and 70, 232-4 and 274-7. l6 The Knickerbocker, August 1839, 161; reprinted in the various editions of Irving's Collected Works under the title "National Nomenclature." On names for the nation, see George R. Stewart, Names on the Land (New York: Random House, 1945), Ch. 19, 169-74; and H. L Mencken, "Names for Americans," American Speech, 22 (December 1947), 241-56. 17 It is the first appearance cited in A Dictionary of Americanisms on Historical Principles, ed. Mitford M. Mathews (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1951), 37. 18 Joseph C.G. Kennedy, Superintendent of Census, Population of the United States in 1860: The Eighth Census (Washington: GPO, 1864), xlii-xliii. 19 Stewart, Names on the Land, 334. The original article is Arnold Guyot, "On the Appalachian Mountain System," American Journal of Science and Arts, 2nd Series, 31 (March 1861), 157-87. For background on Guyot, see Myron H. Avery and Kenneth S. Boardman, "Arnold Guyot's Notes on the Geography of the Mountain District of Western North Carolina," The North Carolina Historical Review, 15 (July 1938), 251-4. 20 National Geographic Monographs, Vol. I, No. 3, May 1895 (New York: American Book Company). 21 Carvel Emerson Collins, "Nineteenth Century Fiction of the Southern Appalachians," Bulletin of Bibliography, 17 (Sept.-Dec. 1942 and Jan.-April 1943), 186-90, 215-18. The early literature on Appalachia is discussed in two dissertations: Gratis Dearl Williams, "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction" (New York University, 1961), serialized in an abridged version edited by Martha H. Pipes in Vol. 3 of the quarterly Appalachian Journal (Fall 1975-Summer 1976); and Henry David Shapiro, "A Strange Land and Peculiar People: The Discovery of Appalachia, 1870-1920" (Rutgers, 1966), a brilliant interpretation to which I am indebted in my discussion of Appalachia as a social problem. The Southern Appalachians is grouped with the broader "Upland South" in Wilbur Zelinsky, The Cultural Geography of the United States (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973), 118-19, 122-4. 73 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �22 311; see also William Goodell Frost, For the Mountains: An Autobiography (New York: Revell, 1937), 97; and Drake, "Appalachian America," 6. Berea College has used a modified version of Frost's and Campbell's delineations of the region to define its area of concern; the 1917 Berea College catalog defines the southern mountain region as 265 counties in eight states (not including western Maryland). See Elizabeth S. Peck, Berea's First Century: 18551955 (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1955), 79. A 1974 pamphlet of the Office of Admissions lists 230 counties in these eight states as "The Field of Berea." In 1976 Berea College's list was revised and expanded to include 256 counties. 23 Wilson, The Southern Mountaineers (New York: Board of Home Missions, 1906; rev. 1914); Kephart, Our Southern Highlanders: A Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of Life Among the Mountaineers (New York: Outing, 1913; rpt. Macmillan, 1921, rev. 1922, reissued 1926); Raine, The Land of the Saddle-bags: A Study of the Mountain People of Appalachia (New York: Council of Women for Home Missions and Missionary Education Movement of the United States and Canada, 1924). 24 (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1921; rpt. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1969). 25 An historical sketch of the Council of the Southern Mountains up through 1973 is given in David E. Whisnant, "Controversy in God's Grand Division: The CSM," Appalachian Journal, 2 (Autumn 1974), 7-45. Rebuttals in the form of extended letters to the editor by Loyal Jones, Thomas Parrish, and A.H. Perrin, along with a reply by Whisnant, appear under the title "Problems in Revisionism: More Controversy in God's Grand Division," Appalachian Journal, 2 (Spring 1975), 171-91. On the theory of a social problem as a social movement, see the following: Herbert Blumer, "Social Problems as Collective Behavior," Social Problems, 18 (Winter 1971), 298-306; John I. Kitsuse and Malcolm Spector, "Toward a Sociology of Social Problems: Social Conditions, Value-Judgements, and Social Problems," Social Problems, 20 (Spring 1973), 407-19; Malcolm Spector and John I. Kitsuse, "Social Problems: A ReFormulation," Social Problems, 21 (Fall 1973), 145-59; and Armand L. Mauss, Social Problems as Social Movements (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1975), Chs. 1 and 2, 3-71. Also relevant to the study of the Appalachian social problem movement is John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, The Trend of Social Movements in America: Professionalization and Resource Mobilization (Morristown, N.J.: General Learning Press, 1973). ^Southern Highlander, 12. 27 Collins, "Nineteenth Century Fiction," 186; John Fiske, Old Virginia and Her Neighbours (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1897), II, 177-89. See Campbell's "Appendix B: A Misapplied Theory of Mountain Origin," in The Southern Highlander on Fiske. 28 Shapiro, "A Strange Land and Peculiar People," 96. 29 United States Department of Agriculture Miscellaneous Publication No. 205 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1935), 7-15. Elizabeth R. Hooker of the Institute of Social and Religious Research published an important study of the religious institutions of the region drawing on preliminary data from the USDA survey: Religion in the Highlands: Native Churches and Missionary Enterprises in the Southern Appalachian Area (New York: Home Missions Council, 1933). The USDA study also influenced the inclusion of the "Southern Appalachian Coal Plateaus" region in the Study of Population Redistribution supported by the Rockefeller Foundation: Carter Goodrich et al., Migration and Economic Opportunity (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1936), 54-123. Also from this period see J. Wesley Hatcher, "Appalachian America," in Culture in the South, ed. W.T. Couch (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1934), 374-402. 30 (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1936). Nor does Appalachia appear in Howard W. Odum and Harry Estill Moore, American Regionalism: A Cultural-Historical Approach to National Integration (New York: Holt, 1938). On the background of TV A, see David S. Walls 74 �Preston J. Hubbard, Origins of the TVA: The Muscle Shoals Controversy, 1920-1932 (Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1961). 3l Mangus v /?wra/ Regions of the United States (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1940). On the State Social Subregions of the 1940 census, see Donald J. Bogue, Henry S. Shyrock, Jr., and Siegfried A. Hoermann, Subregional Migration in the United States, 1935-40, Vol. I, Streams of Migration, Scripps Foundation Studies in Population Distribution No. 5 (Oxford, Ohio: Miami Univ., 1957), 26-8. On the State Economic Areas, see Donald J. Bogue and Calvin L. Beale, Economic Areas of the United States (New York: Free Press, 1961). My thanks to James S. Brown for these references. 32 Ed. Merrill Jensen (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1951). 33 Ed. Thomas R. Ford (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962). Another publication resulting from the survey is W. D. Weatherford and Earl D.C. Brewer, Life and Religion in Southern Appalachia (New York: Friendship Press, 1962). On Weatherford's role in obtaining the Ford Foundation grant, see Wilma Dykeman, Prophet of Plenty: The First Ninety Years of W.D. Weatherford (Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1966), 206-18. 34 See also the follow-up study, Program 60 Report: Action for Progress in Eastern Kentucky in the First Quarter of the I960 Decade, Eastern Kentucky Regional Planning Commission, 30 June 1962. 35 See Harry W. Ernst, The Primary That Made a President: West Virginia I960, Eagleton Institute Cases in Practical Politics No. 26 (McGraw-Hill, 1962). ^Appalachia: A Report by the President's Appalachian Regional Commission 1964 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1964). 37 Appalachian Regional Commission, Annual Report 7965, 3; "Mississippi Joins Appalachia," Appalachia, \ (October 1967), 4-5. 38 The first mention of four subregions is in the first issue of Appalachia, 1 (September 1967), 3-5. For an expanded version see ARC, Annual Report 1967, 7-9; see also the article by the Commission Executive Director, Ralph R. Widner, "The Four Appalachias," Appalachian Review, 2 (Winter 1968), 13-19. The scheme is modified in "The New Appalachian Subregions and Their Development Strategies," Appalachia, 8 (August-September 1974), 1016. 39 ARC, 1974 Annual Report, 24-6. One task awaiting radical critics of Appalachian poverty and underdevelopment is the defining of that portion of Appalachia or Central Appalachia that should be considered an internal colony or, alternatively, a peripheral region within an advanced capitalist economy. 40 This success should not obscure the change in character that has overtaken the movement as some of its goals have been institutionalized in the ARC. The concerns of Frost, the Campbells, and other early advocates of Appalachia as a distinctive social problem region were rooted in a cultural idealism common to American regionalists of the first part of the century. The approach of the ARC is based in an entirely different tradition of technocratic planning. On "the new regionalism," see John Friedmann, "Poor Regions and Poor Nations: Perspectives on the Problem of Appalachia," Southern Economic Journal, 32 (April 1966), 465-7. Currently, the movement seems to be fragmented, with the cultural idealists, technocratic planners, and radical critics going separate ways. 4l The idea of "Appalachia" appears to have been grasped opportunistically by most politicians. Some conservatives see the concept as a new strategy of expanding the welfare state and are opposed to all it entails. An amusing expression of this reaction is the following letter to the editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal from Hatler Johnson of Paintsville, Kentucky, printed in the 18 April 1973 issue under the heading "Finds 'Appalachia' Offensive": "During the last eight years the croaking chorus of 'Appalachia' has swamped the people of the region down in the dismal spiritual mire of mind and soul pollution that sickens their 75 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �sense of innate self-reliance and morale. The utterance of the million-times repeated word sends out waves of pollution more deadly than strontium 90. The Congress should pass a law that would ban the use of the word from the lexicon, and anyone violating that ban should be liable to a $10,000 fine and five years in the penitentiary." 42 See Thomas R. Ford, "The Passing of Provincialism," Ch. 2 in The Southern Appalachian Region. David S. Walls 76 �Appalachian Isolation: Fact or Fiction? GENE WILHELM, JR. The inhabitants live in scattered mud-plastered log huts. No one in the hollow proper can read or write. There is no general system of communication between the cabins. There is no road to the outside world. In every direction the perspective is closed by mountain sides covered with ghostly trunks of dead chestnuts. Nearly all the inhabitants are blood relatives. 1 Isolation of the Appalachian mountain folk has not been always the same in kind, degree, time, or space. Isolation in the first part of the initial settlement period began as a physical limitation enforced by distance and rugged terrain. Following the Civil War, however, it changed to social, economic, and psychological isolation, causing people to remain in disadvantaged areas and to resist the changes that would bring them into contact with the outside world. The effect of socioeconomic conditions thus became a new cause of isolation, but the new cause was an attitude and not a mountain range. Still, most writers insist that geographical isolation was (and is) reponsible for the destitute socioeconomic status of the mountain folk. 2 They have presumed that the conditions found in the twentieth century were similar to those of earlier times. This brief report attempts to show otherwise. It redresses the myopic imbalance of long-held views that Appalachian people were always physically isolated. In fact, the Appalachian region has been an admixture of cultural contact and socioeconomic enterprise rather than a bastion of isolated individuals and a slow sequence of economic development as previously depicted in the literature. 3 The effects of physiography and climate on the process of settlement in the eastern United States were treated by the geographer Ellen Chuchill Semple at the beginning of the twentieth century, not without overemphasis.4 The Appalachians, she claimed, were a serious barrier to westward movement while in a later work she qualified that statement by admitting that old, worn-down mountains like the Appalachians were less effective obstacles to settlement and transmontane travel than towering crests like the Rocky Mountains. 5 Her earlier statement, however, is the one that had the greater effect. Another famous environmentalist, Ellsworth Huntington, was likewise convinced of the control the mountains had upon the people. He stated: The mountain environment means poverty, hardship, and isolation for those who cultivate the soil; it has led to a selective process such that certain able types of people 77 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �with special talents are not well represented among the mountaineers; it has likewise presumably established a high degree of constitutional vigor among mountaineers, and is probably helping to prevent the best stocks from being eliminated as rapidly as is the case elsewhere. What all this will lead to we cannot say, but it raises the question whether in the end mountaineers may not supply more leaders than will a corresponding number of people from the lowlands. 6 Huntington failed to recognize that the mountain environment provided a comfortable, satisfying way of life for various socioeconomic classes of mountain folk before the Civil War. 7 A wide assortment of talented and professional people, from special craftsmen and artists to doctors and lawyers, lived in the mountains since initial settlement. 8 Indeed, there was a selectivity process involved in initial settlement whereby certain talented individuals purposely chose those mountain sites most conducive to the establishment of a sound trade or profession. 9 However, Huntington was correct in assuming that generally the health of the mountain folk as a group was probably better and definitely no worse than a comparable rural population sample in the adjoining lowlands. Semple and Huntington were persuasive writers, and such strong environmental overtones soon were accepted as causes for mountain folk isolation by many novelists and scientific writers alike. 10 The idea that the Appalachian Mountains acted as a physical barrier, either for the people living within the mountain region, or for those individuals trying to cross them, hardly stands up against the evidence at hand. For example, the Blue Ridge Mountains between Front Royal and Waynesboro, Virginia, a distance of seventy-five air miles, contains nearly thirty gaps. 11 Even before the coming of the settlers in the eighteenth century, big game mammals like the bison, elk, and deer, Indians, trappers, traders, and explorers utilized over half of these gaps. 12 Once these trails were used by the settlers themselves they quickly evolved into major and minor roads. Thus when the settlers arrived they entered the Blue Ridge Mountains from all directions, penetrating first from the west via the Shenandoah Valley, then from the east, north, and southeast. 13 Field reconnaissance throughout the Blue Ridge Province of Virginia, North Carolina, West Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Georgia illustrates a similar trail system as well. Amateur and professional archeologists have found many arrow points and other Indian artifacts along countless gap, hollow, and ridge trails. Local residents near many of these trails believe that the trails were originally game trails, later utilized by Indians, trappers, and explorers. Further, all of the families remarked that such trails facilitated movement of the pioneers into the mountain country, regardless of time or place. Before roads were built across the northern Blue Ridge, narrow trails served as routes of communication on foot or horseback. These usually Gene Wilhelm, Jr. 78 �followed closely ancient paths traversed for centuries by big game mammals and Indians. In fact, all of the present transverse, modern mountain highways were originally Indian gap-trails (Fig. 1). Because these trails were narrow, the initial settlers gradually widened them for horseback travel and blazed the trees on each side. Because of the narrow configuration of gaps, clearings were ever upward in linear fashion and initial settlement followed this pattern. As the trail system improved, more use was made of it, and larger numbers of people settled along the linear transmontane routes. Thus transverse mountain trails encouraged initial mountain settlement and at the same time promoted improvements in early transportation. As early as May 1, 1733, Isaac Norman was sent by the County of Spotsylvania to become an overseer of a road to be built across the Piedmont to the Blue Ridge Mountains. 1 4 In the early 1740's the road was extended across the mountains via Swift Run Gap into the Shenandoah Valley. 1 5 Soon after, the road became a busy turnpike (toll road), linking the growing Shenandoah Valley communities with the newly created Piedmont settlements and the fall-line communities beyond. On June 26, 1740, Abram Strickler and others presented a petition to the County of Orange for a public road to run from beyond the Massanutten Mountain (presently the community of New Market) through the New Market Gap and across the Shenandoah Valley to the eastern side of the Blue Ridge Mountains via Thornton Gap. 16 The petition was granted and Abram Strickler and Phillip Long (Lung) were ordered to lay off and supervise the construction of the road, which later became known as the New Market-Sperryville Turnpike (see Fig. I). 1 7 During the mid-1 740's settlers living in the vicinity of Rockfish Gap petitioned Augusta County to construct a public road through the Blue Ridge connecting Staunton with Richmond and Fredericksburg. On March 18, 1746, David Davis and John Smith were commissioned to lay off a road from the county courthouse to the top of the Blue Ridge near Rockfish Gap (actually Jarmans Gap) and from there to the James River. 18 Although this road later shifted to Rockfish Gap itself, it was not completed for several years. Still the Rockfish Gap region of the northern Blue Ridge Mountains eventually had the greatest concentration of transmontane thoroughfares in the nineteenth century. Two turnpikes, constructed after 1750, branched off from the eastern side of Rockfish Gap. One, known as the Staunton and James River Turnpike, was completed in 1827 and had five tollgates between Staunton and Scottsville. This fortythree-mile-long turnpike gave the farmers of the upper Shenandoah Valley a more direct route to the eastern seaboard and was favored because of its less expensive water route. The second turnpike, called the Rivanna River 79 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �TRANSVERSE MOUNTAIN ROADS MAJOR ROADS AND TURNPIKES CIRCA 1750-1850 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. New Market -Sperryvilie Turnpike GordonsvMIe Turnpike Swift Run Turnpike Browns Gap Turnpike Turks Gap Road Jarman Gap Road Rivanna River and Rockfish Gap Turnpike TO TO^ NEW MARKET FREDERICKSBURG TO NEW MARKET MINOR ROADS-TRAILS A. Ridge Trail B. Milam Gap Road C. Linkup Trail TO "GORDONSVILLE To VALLEY TO VALLEY TO VALLEY BLUE RIDGE STUDY AREA VIRGINIA LEGEND Major Road Minor Road TO STAUNTON -Gap TO CHARLOTTESVILLE 10 miles TO SCOTTSVILLE Fig. 1. �FIVE MOUNTAIN HOLLOWS EXTERNAL SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTACTS 1930-1932 YORK, PA. WINCHESTER WASHINGTON, D.C. WEST VIRGINIA LURAY IQ 0 MILES 'SPERRYVILLE 3,800 MILES STANLEY FRANCE CULPEPER MADISON ORANGE STAUNTON CHARLOTTESVILLE RICHMOND /ATLANTA, 6A. Fig. 2. �and Rockfish Gap Turnpike, followed the Rivanna River east of Charlottesville where the route split into two stagecoach roads. The northern route went to Orange, there turned east, and extended to Fredericksburg. The southern road extended southeast to Palmyra and ended at Columbia on the James River. 1 9 In the nineteenth century Rockfish Gap became so important commercially that two branches developed in the mountains at Turks Gap and Browns Gap and connected with the Rivanna River and Rockfish Gap Turnpike just east of Rockfish Gap. The southern branch through Turks Gap was a free local mountain road, but the northern branch through Browns Gap extended from the valley near the present community of Grottoes to the present Piedmont district of Whitehall. This latter road soon became a toll road and the name Browns Gap Turnpike was given to it (see Fig. 1). One final turnpike was constructed in the northern Blue Ridge in the nineteenth century. Called the Blue Ridge Turnpike or the GordonsvilleNew Market Turnpike, it was built in 1849-1850 to connect the valley with Madison County on the Piedmont via Fishers Gap just north of Big Meadows. The turnpike, fifty-six miles in length, was not built by the counties it crossed but by a stock enterprise known as the Blue Ridge Turnpike Company. The cost of the road was $176,000, issued in bonds, a part of which were bought by citizens and a part by the Commonwealth. The road resembled a stone-surfaced macadam typical of the times except that the surface was not as smooth as most. Four tollgates were established on the thirty-two-mile section east of the Blue Ridge crest, and two on the sixteen-mile segment west of Fishers Gap. The company that built the road expected to receive large dividends from tolls, but the tolls (twenty-five cents per team) were too high in comparison with other things of that day. The Commonwealth took control of the turnpike at the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861 and never returned it. The road finally fell into disuse and was abandoned. The amount of tolls collected until 1861 was $22,659.20 As one can see, this transverse mountain road and turnpike system was responsible for contacts outside the region and for attracting settlers along its busy routes. The Blue Ridge Mountains are not nearly as rugged or high as the Great Smoky or Rocky Mountains. Instead, they are narrow, averaging from four to ten miles across. It would take a healthy person on foot less than a day to hike from one side of the ridge to the other. Crude mountain trails and dirt roads led out of the many hollows to the turnpikes and linear gap settlements. Turnpikes, in turn, connected the entire mountain district with nearby valley and Piedmont communities. Even ridge and meadow settlements, in a relative sense the most "isolated" communities in Gene Wilhelm, Jr. 82 �the region, had road and trail connections with hollow and gap settlements nearby. The farthest removed settlement, Big Meadows, had almost continuous direct contact with Shenandoah Valley towns during semi-annual stock drives. The distance from Big Meadows to Luray via mountain gap trails, for example, was about twelve miles. This investigation, therefore, rejects the unreasonable assumption that the mountain folk were completely cut off from the larger, more technologically advanced culture of the surrounding lowlands. The mountain folk culture has never existed in a vacuum as many popular writers have described or assumed it to be. There always have been some travel and communication links with the Shenandoah Valley, Piedmont, and even beyond. There always has been a segment of the mountain population which has had contact with the outside world on a voluntary basis, and there have always been "outsiders" who have visited the mountain people. Internal (mountain folk) culture carriers have departed from the Blue Ridge Province on seasonal, annual, and irregular bases for decades. Animal drovers are excellent examples of mountain men leaving the region on at least a semi-annual basis to travel not only to adjoining lowland areas but also to distant markets on the fall line. 21 Seasonal laborers from the mountains, thousands strong, traveled to lowland orchards in spring, summer, and fall to pick the fruit in season. This practice began before the Civil War and continues at present. A mountain man could be employed most of the time from late May to early November picking fruit. Since it was customary to give the fruit pickers their noon meal on the job, many pickers were able to save their wages to take back to their mountain families. Certain mountain men with a trade or craft hired themselves out by the week or by the month. I have encountered carpenters in the Blue Ridge who formerly traveled throughout the fertile Great Valley between Pennsylvania and Tennessee working as temporary builders. 22 Often such men would be gone several months of the year, but eventually they would return to their families in the mountains. Further proof of distant socioeconomic contacts made by the mountain folk near the time of the creation of Shenandoah National Park is indicated by Sizer. 23 These data are the most interesting because they summarize the many socioeconomic contacts made outside of each of five eastside hollows over a three-year period (1930-1932). It is obvious after scanning the data that even the so-called "isolated and primitive" communities, such as Corbin and Dark Hollows, had outside contacts with nearby towns, and, in the case of Corbin Hollow, with far distant cities as well (Table I). 24 An accompanying map shows the location of these towns and cities and their approximate distance from the five hollows (Fig. 2). It becomes evident in analyzing the previous table that the hollow folk 83 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Table 1—Five Mountain Hollows: Socioeconomic Contacts, 1930-1932 No. of Families Local 1 Nicholson 32 32 Corbin 13 13 Weak ley 49 49 Dark 11 11 Richards 27 27 Hollow TOTAL 132 Towns 2 1:32, 2:26, 3:15, 4:21, 7:3 1:34, 2:10, 4:20, 7:6 1:150, 2:22, 4:15, 5:25 4:16, 6:20, 8:2 1:60, 2:55, 4:13, 5:50 1-374 2-113 3- 18 4- 54 5- 75 6- 20 7- 9 8- 2 Cities3 a:9, b:2, c:32, d:l, e:4 a:7, b:8, c:14, f:l a:34, b:7, c:55, f:5 Skyland* 32 13 49 a:14, c:13, e:14, g:l, France:! a- 66 b- 17 c-114 d- 1 e- 14 f- 6 g- 94 1 'Local refers to visits to neighboring communities. l:Madison, 2:Culpeper, 3:Sperryville, 4:Luray, 5:Orange, 6:Stanley, 7:Little Washington, 8:Syria. 3 a:Charlottesville, b:Washington, D.C., c: Winchester, d:Atlanta, e:Richmond, f:York, Pennsylvania, g: Staunton. 4 Skyland is a Blue Ridge resort northwest of the hollows. 2 Source: Sizer Gene Wilhelm, Jr. 84 �made many outside trips of varying lengths and distances. Corbin Hollow inhabitants, depicted as severely isolated by Sherman and Henry in 1929, made thirty-four visits to Madison, ten visits to Culpeper, twenty to Luray, and six visits to Little Washington. Even more surprising are the longer trips made to Charlottesville (seven), Washington, D. C. (eight), Winchester (fourteen), and one journey to York, Pennsylvania. Unfortunately, we do not have the reasons for such visits, although Madison is a county seat and Charlottesville has the best hospital in the region. Winchester is the traditional center for fruit picking, especially apples and peaches. Dark Hollow, it is noted, fits the description of "isolated" better than Corbin Hollow does. However, even in this tiny settlement of eleven families, outside contacts were made with three towns. Noteworthy is the fact that Dark Hollow was the only settlement to patronize the towns of Stanley and Syria. In both towns I have found the Dark Hollow family name of Cave listed in the telephone directory. Weakley Hollow, the largest in population and park assessment, accounted for the greatest number of outside visits, Madison being the choicest destination. More male laborers went from Weakley Hollow to Winchester for fruit picking than from the other hollows. Richards Hollow had the distinction of claiming the only trip "across the waters" to France, by far the farthest journey away from the hollow. 25 One other inhabitant of Nicholson Hollow made a trip to Atlanta, Georgia, approximately 550 miles away. Unfortunately, we lack comparative data on travel behavior for the adjoining lowlanders during this same period (1930-1932), but it is fair to conclude that the mountain folk traveled more than formerly believed. External (lowland) culture carriers included town lawyers, doctors, seasonal teachers, tax collectors, circuit preachers, and mailmen. But perhaps the single most important outsider to travel throughout the mountains was the "peddler" or "drummer." Actually there was an economic distinction between these two types of salesmen. Selling the merchandise directly to mountain stores was the task of the drummer. He was the "ear to the ground" for both his house and his city. 26 For merchants who were in business at the mouths of hollows and in gaps, drummers served as advisers on such matters as credit, prices, rates of interest, stocks, and lines of goods which would boost trade among the mountain folk. But after the Civil War many mountain people were too poor or reluctant to run up a "high bill" at the local mountain store. Thus it became the task of the peddler to carry a variety of small articles to mountain farmsteads. Mountain salesmen were of two types: "trunk peddlers" and "wagon peddlers." Trunk peddlers had the most difficult and tiring job, for they walked through the mountains carrying a canvas pack or a light tin trunk 85 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �strapped to their backs. This contained ...many small articles of constant household use, such as needles, pins, thread, scissors; also articles that would minister to the immemorial passion of women to enhance their natural charms, such as cheap jewelry, ribbons, lace, and perfume. 27 Wagon peddlers were dubbed "tin peddlers" in the Blue Ridge Province because of the large assortment of tinware displayed on the outside of the rickety old wagons. Shining tin teakettles, dippers, pails, cups, pans, and plates rattled the approach of the wagon a mile down the road. Peddlers often bartered their wares for articles of household manufacture, farm produce, or forest products. News-bearing was a useful and informative service cheerfully rendered by the peddlers, and it was not without compensation. Evening talk around the fireplace was the most subtle kind of salesmanship, which had for its purpose the checking up on the nature of the community, crop projections and prospects, credit risks, and the general taste of mountain customers. 28 They were informal business surveys. At the same time a jovial peddler could inform the mountain families about the outside world, tell them about current events, and throw in some new stories for the children besides. The period from 1870 to 1930 was the heyday of the peddler. At a time when most mountain folk had but slight contact with the world beyond the mountains he was a welcome spring and fall visitor and an important local newscaster. The peddler also cut down on the need to travel by the mountain folk, for the "outside world" was brought to their front door. Isolation, illiteracy, and stupidity are often linked in popular writing as characteristic of the mountain folk. Once again, most writers and field researchers have made broad generalizations based upon specific localized studies in the early twentieth century. Like isolation, literacy and intelligence are relative terms and both have fluctuated in time and space. Literacy, for example, was common among the initial mountain settlers. There are no statistics, but judging from source materials of all kinds (family Bibles, deed records, petitions, listings of personal possessions), and from the personal comments of descendants of initial settlers, literacy was higher in Appalachia than previously thought. Illiteracy increased with the socioeconomic deterioration of the mountain folk and was tied directly to the folk attitude and value of a formal education. Before the Civil War education was becoming more a "how-to" process, and among the mountain folk the feeling was growing that if a man could make a comfortable living without it, he didn't need schooling. One proof for continued literacy among the mountain residents is based upon postal service in the Blue Ridge Province. I do not know when the first postal service took place in the region, but the practice was going Gene Wilhelm, Jr. 86 �strong at least by 1870. This fact is important because it proves that many of the mountain people could read and write. Practically every mountain store had a post office, which suggests a higher literacy rate than previously believed. Another proof for mountain folk literacy is that many families subscribed to newspapers and periodicals. This startling fact came to my attention while examining old mountain houses in the field. In many hollows and coves I discovered that discarded newspapers were being used to cover the chinking spaces between the logs. Newspapers make good and cheap insulation. A preliminary check with one newspaper, the Washington Post, confirmed my suspicions that mountain residents were receiving the newspaper circa 1880 to 1930.29 Customarily mail and newspapers were delivered to strategic points in the mountains, usually general stores at the mouths of hollows and gaps, where the mountain residents would pick them up. Often mail and newspapers were "relayed" up-hollow via relatives and neighbors. All of these examples point to some other cause(s) for the stereotyped clich^ of geographically isolated, backward, and ignorant mountain folk so commonly depicted together in literature and cartoons (e.g., Li'I Abner). Isolation must be employed in the folk sense; that is, the folk group looks inward upon itself, thereby creating its own limited world. The mountain folk way of life is executed in terms of the group, in relation to each member of the unit, and the group cares less about happenings outside its own domain than those inside it. Cultural reasons, rather than physiography and climate, kept the mountain folk out of the fast-flowing mainstream of American civilization. Moreover, the cultural isolation of the mountain folk is recent in time, stemming from the Civil War period. The period of peak economic prosperity in the Blue Ridge Province, 1790 to 1860, was also a time of regional changes in the adjoining lowlands. These changes eventually were destined to shatter the comfortable mountain way of life. The first few decades of the nineteenth century saw a consolidation of the regional trends as exemplified in the Shenandoah Valley: an expanded settlement in the southern and western parts, greater diversification and mechanization of agricultural production, and a steady growth of the main towns and transportation nets connecting with other regions of the Commonwealth. The evidence seems indisputable that the majority of mountain dwellers enjoyed a good standard of living, comparatively speaking, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The mountain farmstead was adapted to family agriculture. Ordinarily those farms which were most successful were of such size that the farmer and his family could do most, if not all, of the work required. The products of the soil, combined with a 87 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �small amount of cash derived from snaking logs and carrying hand-split shingles to the local sawmill, taking chestnuts, dried fruit, apple butter, and distilled liquor to nearby hollow and gap stores, afforded a reasonable existence. Nearly all necessary services and items beyond the capabilities of household industries and crafts were procured by the surplus production of farm and forest products. For example, one-eighth of the corn crop went to the miller for grinding; the tanner claimed half the hide for tanning; and six bushels of apples fetched a gallon of apple brandy at the distillery. In this relatively simple set of economic relationships, the margin of well-being seems to have been secured by the skill and energy with which the mountain family practiced the domestic industries and crafts that were common to all of rural Appalachia in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It has been estimated that the mountain farmer, by making the most of his garden, orchard, poultry, milk cow, hogs, bees, and sorghum patch, produced up to ninety percent of his living before the Civil War, and a mighty good living at that. The Civil War marked the beginning of a cultural isolation and a cultural lag on the part of the mountain folk. Socioeconomic changes after the War—such as the introduction of the portable sawmill and the rapid depletion of the mountain forests; the coming of the railroads to the lowlands and the bypassing of the highlands; the severe decline in Blue Ridge turnpike trade and commerce; the introduction of the chemical process of tanning and development of large-scale textile processes in the Shenandoah Valley; the disappearance of wild game and the chestnut in the mountains; and, finally, industrialization and new urban growth on the Piedmont and in the Shenandoah Valley—created the cultural isolation and widened the lag. One result of this isolation was the perpetuation of a folk culture based in large part upon traditions, values, and attitudes that existed when the area was first settled in the eighteenth century. The mountain folk were never separated from the larger, industrialized, mostly urban society beyond the mouth of the hollow except by choice. But they were never really a part of that larger society either. Continuous cultural contact between the mountain folk and the lowlanders was carried out by internal and external cultural carriers. The former group was predominantly male mountain laborers, consisting of drovers, fruit pickers, and handymen who traveled to lowland communities for days, weeks, or months each year. These male mountaineers always returned to the Blue Ridge Province and brought with them new ideas, new techniques for doing things, and new items of material culture from the industrialized society. These things were sifted, discarded, or accepted by the group. For example, candles gradually gave way to kerosene lamps; wooden utensils were replaced by tin ones; and linen garments were discarded for Gene Wilhelm, Jr. 88 �bought or traded woolen and cotton cloth. If the large and far-reaching number of outside contacts depicted by the five hollows in this report over a three-year period is a fair representation of the entire Appalachian region, and preliminary field reconnaissance in North Carolina, West Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Georgia indicates that it is, then geographical isolation for the mountain folk is a myth. Granted, there were, and are today, mountain communities with distinctly more or less economic affluence and with more or less accessibility to the adjoining lowlands. But even those communities that are economically destitute or the least accessible have continuous contact with their own and neighboring membership and have some form of outlet to the adjoining lowlands. Nowhere in the Blue Ridge Province is a mountain community farther than ten miles from a lowland town or community, and all are connected by roads. In most cases general stores are much closer. The mountain folk have always made contact with the outside world on a voluntary basis and they continue to do so. If they were not "of the world" it is not because they were ignorant of the outside ways of life, but because they had seen it, reflected upon it, and almost totally rejected it. The mountain folk could adjust to the situation of cultural isolation because they could rather easily do so in their mountain setting. External culture carriers likewise brought new ideas and new materials to the mountain folk. Circuit preachers, teachers, tax collectors, doctors, lawyers, mailmen, and peddlers were gradually accepted and trusted by the mountain people. Again, if the "new" fitted the culture pattern, it was accepted; if not, it was discarded. The persistence of traditional folk practices and beliefs is remarkable when those practices and beliefs are, in truth, outmoded. Thus modern medicine, formal education, and scientific agriculture had a difficult time making inroads in Appalachia. But eventually the mountain folk were helpless in preventing such changes to reach the mountains. Change from the outside came in the form of public education in the late nineteenth century and in the form of public works in the 1920's and 1930's. The creation of national forests, national parks, the Civilian Conservation Corps, and the National Youth Administration oriented the mountain people to the money economy and increased their material wants. Mail order catalogs, newspapers, and farm journals found their way into the homes of even the most culturally isolated. These forms of mass media have been somewhat neglected by researchers, but surely they helped to arouse curiosity and a taste for the new. Finally rural electrification and the radio found their way into the mountains and were quickly accepted. Their late arrival in the 1930's cannot be blamed on the mountain people's refusal to accept them, but upon regional, state, and national neglect of the 89 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �mountain region until that time. In any event, the transition was not marked by any radical reorientation of values but rather by a gradual shifting of beliefs and sentiments. Possibly the greatest single attribute of mountain folk culture is its ability to survive, but almost always with an awareness of the wider world beyond. Life has meaning in the mountains and there is an order to the mountain folk world view. This order includes elements of man, nature, and supernature. Elements of nature and elements conceived as existing and meaningful, though perhaps unseen and nonmaterial, are so composed as to document and justify the traditional course of life. NOTES The author wishes to thank the National Park Service, Eastern National Park and Monument Association, Shenandoah Natural History Association, National Research Council of Canada, McGill University, and the University of Virginia for supporting this investigation with research and travel grants between 1963 and 1975. I especially express my gratitude to Dr. Gratis Williams who in 1963 urged me "to discover the truth about the mountain people." Finally, the continuous encouragement and assistance of my wife, Joanne, was invaluable to the success of this venture. "Mandel Sherman and Thomas Henry, Hollow Folk (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1933), 5. 2Muriel E. Sheppard, Cabins in the Laurel (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1935), 69. 3 Arguments on this issue are found in Thomas R. Ford, ed., The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962). 4 Ellen Churchill Semple, American History and Its Geographic Conditions (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1903). 5 Ellen Churchill Semple, 'The Anglo-Saxons of the Kentucky Mountains: A Study of Anthropogeography," Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, 42 (1910), 1-34; and Influences of Geographic Environment (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1911), 521. 6 Ellsworth Huntington, "A Geographer's Idea of Mountaineers," Mountain Life & Work, 4 (1928), 2. 7 Gene Wilhelm, Jr., "Folk Culture History of the Blue Ridge Mountains," Appalachian Journal, 2 (Spring 1975), 210-11. *Ibid., Table 1, 211. *Ibid., 211. 10 See especially the many references in standard bibliographies about Appalachia; Everett Edwards, References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1935); and Robert F. Munn, The Southern Appalachians: A Bibliography and Guide to Studies (Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1961). I'Wilhelm, "Folk Culture History," 214. i2Ibid., 199-200. "'Ibid., 214-15. 14 Charles E. Kemper, "The Early Westward Movement of Virginia, 1722-1734," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 13 (1906), 366. l5 Rapid progress in road construction is indicated by an Augusta County order for Gene Wilhelm, Jr. 90 �William Pierce and Adam Miller to inspect a new road from the top of the Blue Ridge at the head of Swift Run down to Captain Down's Place. The date of this order was February 11, 1745. See Lyrnan Chalkley, ed., Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlements in Virginia, Extracted from the Original Court Records of Augusta County, 1745-1800 (Rosslyn: Commonwealth Printing Co., 1912), 14, 24. l6 Harry M. Strickler, Massanutten Settled by the Pennsylvania Pilgrim 1726 (Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Publishing House, 1924), 9. l7 The policy of placing responsibility for building and maintaining the Thornton Gap road on the county government resulted in a desperately poor highway. At some times of the year it was practically impassable. Few streams were bridged; fords were difficult and often dangerous to cross. Rails were piled by the roadsides for use in prying wagons out of the mud. Not infrequently drivers took down fences and made new routes across fields. 18 Strickler, Massanutten, 27. l9 Virginia Moore, Scottsville on the James: An Informal History (Charlottesville, Va: Jarman Press, 1969), 56. 20 C.L. Yowell, A History of Madison County, Virginia (Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Publishing House, 1926), 113. 21 Eugene J. Wilhelm, Jr., "Animal Drives: A Case Study in Historical Geography," Journal of Geography, 66 (1967), 327-34. 22 Particularly Harrison Caudill of Wilkes County, North Carolina. Harrison sometimes would be away from home for a year at a time, but he would always return with substantial savings. 23 Mirriam M. Sizer, "Tabulations: Five Mountain Hollows," A Report by the National Park Service (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1933). 24 Corbin Hollow is singled out in this report because both Sherman and Henry and Sizer visited the community only a few months apart. Data collected by Sizer conflict to some degree with Sherman and Henry's data. Since the field objectives were different for both studies, there is understandably room for some discrepancy. However, the data collected by the National Park Service conclusively show that Corbin Hollow had a higher level of socioeconomic and material culture development than that reported in Hollow Folk. The park data also presented significant proof that the "isolation" mentioned by Sherman and Henry was more cultural than physical, as previously illustrated .in this report by the number of outside socioeconomic contacts made by the hollow folk. I can only conclude with the evidence at hand that Hollow Folk was a somewhat distorted, in places even a false, scientific interpretation of the mountain folk culture. 25 There may be a correlation between far reaching journeys away from Richards Hollow and the amount of affluence obtained by operating thirteen moonshine stills there. At first glance Richards Hollow might seem like a den of iniquity, but interviews with several descendants of the area revealed that less than one-fourth of all "white lightning" made in the hollow was consumed there. Most was exported via the latest model vehicles to markets outside the Blue Ridge. 26 Thomas D. Clark, Pills, Petticoats, and Plows (Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1964), 84-97. 27 Stevenson W. Fletcher, Pennsylvania Agriculture and Country Life, 1640-1840 (Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, 1950), 385. 28 I was told by mountain folk that until World War II peddlers were commonly Jews and Lebanese from houses in Richmond, Baltimore,.. Philadelphia, and New York. 29 Rural newspaper and mail routes are two aspects of historical geography that deserve far more professional attention; both can be valuable clues in reconstructing past culture histories. 91 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Appalachians and Non-Appalachians: The Common Bond ROBERT PAUL SESSIONS Those mountaineers! What a strange people! How singular, distinctive, peculiar, and quaint! An odd folk, in the sense attached to an odd shoe for which no matching shoe can be found. Numerous books and articles have been written to examine and to describe how different the mountaineer is from other Americans—in ancestry, life circumstances, life style, family orientation, vocabulary, dialect, values, beliefs, attitudes, racial and body stocks, religion, dress, work habits—in fact, in virtually every aspect of living and of culture. In particular, those mountaineers who live in Central and Southern Appalachia have been seen by many as "a people apart," 1 living in "a region apart." 2 They are "yesterday's people,"3 dwelling "where time stood still."* The mountaineer has been caricatured in comic strips and laughed at in television programs. Some writers have seen the mountaineer in even a more negative light. The classic example of such authors may be the noted British historian Arnold J. Toynbee, who in 1935 described the people of Appalachia as feuding, illiterate, and superstitious, as living in poverty, squalor, and ill-health, and as "no better than barbarians." 5 Other writers would insist that if mountaineers are savages, at least they are noble savages. Still others see the uniqueness of mountain people as positive and worthy of preserving, 6 and some authors romanticize and idolize the mountaineer as the last representative and defender of Early American (or Old World) values. 7 While much writing on Appalachia has been normative, openly positive or negative in judging the mountaineer, some scholars have attempted objective studies of the distinctiveness of mountain people—focusing on such traits as individualism, family and personal orientation, fatalism, and patriotism. A number of writers have tried not only to describe but to explain the uniqueness of mountain people, to help us understand why the mountain man and mountain woman are as they are, or why mountain children are as they are. Jack Weller takes this direction for his best-known work: "We stand before the mountaineer, utterly baffled by his peculiarities. Why isn't he like us?"» Robert Paul Sessions 92 �I am confident that several of the papers prepared for this symposium will, and rightly so, stress some of the ways the mountaineer is unique. At both the scholarly and the gut level, there are a number of reasons why we emphasize the uniqueness of the mountaineer. Some of our reasons are ambivalent. We underline the unusual character of mountain living partly because we are repelled by certain elements in mountain life. Many sections of Appalachia still are characterized by such things as economic deprivation, environmental deterioration and exploitation, a waste of human resources, high unemployment, deficits in education, poor living standards, inadequate housing, high percentages of the residents on welfare, selective out-migration reflecting insufficient job opportunities for the talented and well-trained, an inadequate tax base, and a low proportion of local ownership and capital. 9 According to the 1970 census, the per capita income in Southern Appalachia was only 76 percent of the nation as a whole ($3,530 in Southern Appalachia compared to the U. S. average of $4,490). One out of five residents of Southern Appalachia (21 percent) had family incomes below the poverty level in 1970 (compared to 14 percent nationwide). In 1970 and, again, compared to the rest of the United States, much of the housing in Southern Appalachia (21.8 percent) was substandard. And compared to the nation at large, the Appalachian region had higher incidences of infant mortality and of preventable chronic diseases and disabilities. 10 There is no law which prevents town and city dwellers from leaving the jobs and conveniences of urban living and moving to the mountains. But, perhaps because of the negative elements associated with mountain living, we choose to stay where we are. Yet mountaineers, many or most of them, choose to live in the mountains. So we say of the mountain folk, "they're different." But there is another, more positive reason why we stress the uniqueness of mountain people. We love or admire many qualities in their lives which we lack. Some of those writers who have most accurately captured the distinctiveness of language, of attitude, and of action of the mountaineer have themselves come through their studies to new appreciations of their subject. They come to think and to write about the mountaineer not only with their head, but with their heart. Ethnocentrism—the feeling that "my group is better than others"—is found not only among members of a group (such as a mountain community) but often also among those who study and write about such groups. It is common for students of Appalachia to find in the mountaineer at his best a sort of folk hero who embodies many of the traits cherished and only sometimes realized by the rest of us Americans. So we say of mountain people, "they're different." We are both attracted to and repelled by the mountaineer. We may 93 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �praise, respect, and try to understand him, but we ourselves choose not to live as he lives. He may appear to be poverty-stricken in material things yet rich in the natural beauty of his surroundings. He may be both apathetic and resourceful, both illiterate and ingenious. The economist Kenneth Boulding has written that the strength of attraction of a symbol may be proportional to the ambivalence we feel toward the symbol. 11 "Mother," for example, represents love and hot biscuits but also authority and spankings. Our nation's flag stands not only for national identity and pride but for taxation and the power to conscript for military service. It may well be that the ambivalence we feel toward "the mountaineer" strengthens our tendency to attach to the mountaineer a symbolic character which is seen as quite unlike our own natures. 12 There may be differences among academic disciplines in the degrees of uniqueness found in the mountaineer. For example (and although there are exceptions), historians tend to look for, to study, and to stress the unusual in their subjects. Sociologists, on the other hand, tend to stress those qualities and experiences which are common to all people. As a sociologist and as both a student and lover of the mountains, I know that there are many unique qualities about mountain life and numerous characteristics which set the mountaineer off from other Americans. I recognize that these differences are interesting, important, and worth studying. But I would urge that while we study and respect the uniqueness of mountaineers, we ought not neglect the other side of the coin—the extent to which they are "us." Let me suggest two ways in which there can be seen a common bond between mountaineers and non-mountaineers and, in particular, between Appalachians and non-Appalachians. First, some of us have known a similar culture outside Appalachia. Some of us who now live in city houses with electric lights, central heat, and flush toilets have, in earlier days and in other places, cleaned the soot from the mantles of kerosene lanterns, cut wood for a wood-burning stove, and sat in a one- or two-hole outhouse on a cold winter's day. Even if we ourselves did not know those things, many of us are aware that our parents or grandparents or great-grandparents knew them. So when we talk about the mountaineer and his kerosene lantern, wood-burning stove, and outhouse, we are talking about ourselves, about us. But there is a second and probably more basic and more important way in which the common bond between mountaineers and non-mountaineers can be seen. Beneath the more obvious differences in such things as dress, dialect, and housing, there are fundamental human traits and problems which all persons, all families, all regions, and all cultures have in corn- Robert Paul Sessions 94 �mon. In the mountains and on valley farms, in prairie communities and in small river towns, in inner cities and in suburbs, there are common elements. Certain similar emotions, experiences, and attachments cluster around family life. Primary groups are formed and, with the passage of time, change. The lifelong process 6f socialization helps persons to become social beings and to know the possibilities and the restrictions of life in their societies. Cultures, values, and life styles are passed from one generation to the next and, in the passing, altered. Leaders emerge. Conflict arises and is dealt with, sometimes creatively and at other times destructively. Love, anger, joy, sorrow, hope, despair, courage, and pity are experienced and expressed. One clear demonstration that the basic experiences in the lives of mountain people are, at heart, like the basic experiences of nonmountaineers can be found in the songs mountain people sing—both the folk songs which are native to the mountains and the hundreds of English folk songs which followed the settlers into the Appalachians. Although the native songs often have local settings, they are songs about such fundamental themes as jobs ("Thirty-inch Coal"), loneliness ("The Coming of the Roads"), sickness ("Black Lung Blues"), the mountains ("Oh, the Green Rolling Hills of West Virginia"), the joy of being in nature's out-ofdoors ("Mountain Stream"), and hope for the future ("New Day Comin' ")J 3 The imported and often-modified English folk songs, preserved by the Appalachians because the songs have meaning for them, also deal with subjects important to people everywhere—religion, the joy of young love, the pain of farewell, anguish at death, anger at being deceived, and satisfaction at justice being done. They include also jig tunes and game songs, nonsense songs and children's songs. 14 One of the reasons why the songs of mountain people deal with the same subjects as the songs of other people is that mountain folk are much like other folk. They care. They share. They dream. They hurt. Like humans everywhere, the people of Appalachia search for self-concepts and for personal identity, for meaning, and for significance. Still another indication of both the uniqueness and the normality of mountain people can be seen in their language and dialect. Scholars have pointed out that there are a number of differences between the dialects of Appalachian mountaineers and other Americans. But scholars also have noted (and I discovered for myself in moving from central West Virginia to eastern Tennessee) that there are dialect differences among the mountaineers of Appalachia themselves. They cannot even agree on how to pronounce Appalachia! And many of the pronunciations once thought to be peculiar to the Appalachians now are known to be common in certain other areas of the country. Many ways of saying words in Southern Ap- 95 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �palachia are quite similar to those I encountered as a boy growing up in the Ozark mountains of northcentral Arkansas—words like afeared, peert, biled, sich, fer, haint, and hep. Still another way of seeing how much "like us" mountaineers are, and how much like mountain folk we are, is to get to know and to compare the thoughts, the values, and the life styles of a number of particular mountaineers. Some of them are liberal, some are conservative, and others are radical. Some are likeable, others are detestable. Some are religious and others quite irreligious. Some are teetotalers, others are alcoholics, and others are somewhere in between. Some enjoy modest wealth and others endure abject poverty. Some like turnips and others "turn up their noses at turnips." The mountaineer caricature neglects the wide differences among individual mountaineers. It is as much an error to say that "all mountaineers are alike" as it is to say that "all blacks (or all whites, or all citydwellers, or all farmers, or all Americans) are alike." Yet the minute we start to break down our stereotypes, at that instant we are forced to begin acknowledging that in many ways the mountaineer is not different from us, but much like us and in fact one of us. Even the things about the mountaineer which repel us often are a part of us—a part we might like to avoid or to forget. Some of us have known substandard housing, or inadequate schools, or isolation, or apathy. Appalachia has no monopoly on environmental deterioration and exploitation, on ignorance, superstition, and sectarian religion, or on welfare-dependent families. An old man or woman sitting on a city park bench, or an owner of an outmoded, small neighborhood store, or even many a middle-class American past middle age can share with the isolated mountaineer the feeling of being passed by—by time, by the world, or by success. Many of the negative aspects of mountain life are found, at least to a degree, in other parts of the country as well. But especially in those qualities which draw us to the mountaineer and to his mountains do we find the reflected image of ourselves. Let me briefly list a few of the traits often ascribed to the uniqueness of the Appalachian, but which many outside Appalachia also know, or aspire to, at least in part: (1) Love of the land and of nature. This quality is not confined to the mountains. A Kansas farmer can know it. And at least a taste of it can be experienced by an urbanite who walks with sensitivity through a city park, or who holds a flower in his hand. We may envy the mountaineer his closeness to nature, but we also can feel some of that closeness ourselves. (2) Appreciation of, feeling for, and commitment to primary relationships. Devotion to family and to friends, a strong identity with and attachment to one's neighborhood groups, and hospitality in close personal relationships Robert Paul Sessions 96 �are found outside as well as in the mountains. (3) Knowing how to get by with a little. Unemployed persons in rundown ghetto*apartments, tenant farmworkers in shanties on someone else's Southern farm, and retired couples whose tiny pension check is threatened by inflation, all these experience some of the same struggle for survival and the need for resourcefulness which are characteristic of many isolated mountaineers. (4) Holding onto or getting back to basics. Some writers, and perhaps many other Americans, have seen the mountaineer as a symbol of an unchanging way of life in the midst of a rapidly-changing world. Yet the ability to maintain some sense of simplicity in a complex world, and to know what things really are important beneath or behind the glitter of modern living, would be claimed as a value by many persons. For some this might require "getting back" to basics. Since many mountaineers have never let go of the basics, for them it is a matter of "holding on." But numerous ones among us can identify with the mountaineer in this desire. (5) Tragic greatness in struggling against prohibitive odds. Surely there is a kinship among those, outside as well as inside Appalachia, who have known hopeless circumstances yet continued to do their best—who have known what it is to try against virtually impossible circumstances, and fail, and try again. And fail again. And try again! (6) The grace of believing. Many a mountaineer, despite hardships and failures and heartbreak, has, in Gratis Williams' words, "believed with all his heart and all his mind and all his soul." Since mountains are among the most enduring things in the world, and are for many a symbol of eternity, 15 and since the five-hundred-million-year-old Appalachians are among the world's oldest mountains, perhaps the Appalachian settlers and their descendants have had an advantage over others in developing a solid, uplifting faith which sees above and beyond temporary troubles. Yet history and literature are filled with examples of persons who have achieved such a faith in difficult, if not impossible, situations outside Appalachia and for that matter outside mountain regions. We could name other positive qualities said to be unique to the mountaineer, yet qualities to which many of us can lay at least a small claim. The mountaineer's devotion to country and to individual freedom. The mountaineer's modesty and sense of humor. But we have given enough examples to make clear that many of those traits for which mountain people are praised, as well as those for which mountain folk are criticized, are characteristics which also are found in the rest of us Americans—at least enough so that we can feel a kinship of common experience and common dreams with the mountaineer. Understanding the Appalachian mountaineer requires attention to both 97 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �the similarities and the dissimilarities between them and other Americans. Looking from one focus, the one stressing the Appalachian's uniqueness, one can say that although mountain people face the same basic realities of life as do other people, they face them under different circumstances and in different ways. Placing the emphasis in the other direction, one can point out that although mountain people live under conditions and in ways which are in many respects different from other Americans, they come to grips with the same fundamental issues of living as do the rest of us. Perhaps as much as any other scholar, Gratis Williams has studied and recorded many distinctive qualities of the mountaineer. But he also notes that a universal identity, a common tie with all people, is as characteristic of mountain folk as is their uniqueness. After pointing out that most Appalachian residents are valley farmers or city dwellers, Williams says that even those mountaineers most like the stereotype—those who live in the most inaccessible areas of the mountain region—"do not think of themselves as mountaineers...they are just people." 16 Our appreciation of the mountaineer is not decreased, but rather increased, because we can to a great extent identify with the mountaineer. The academic study of mountain life is not hurt but helped by the realization of how much of ourselves can be found in the mountain people. Certainly the scholarship of Gratis Williams in this area has not suffered because of his having both come out of and remained a part of the mountain culture. More and more people are coming into Appalachia—many to visit, some to stay. Already the Blue Ridge Parkway and the parks it touches comprise the most popular area administered by the Park Service. And although from 1966 to 1970 Appalachia experienced a net out-migration of 345,000 persons, it had from 1970 to 1973 a net in-migration of 254,000. From 1970 to 1973 the average growth rate of population in both Central and Southern Appalachia exceeded the population growth rate of the nation as a whole. 17 This increase in population in Appalachia, at least in parts of it, is likely to continue, for the region has many highly desirable assets: varied and abundant forests, natural beauty, a strategic location, abundant water, labor reserves, electricity potential, mineral resources, and relatively uncongested land space.18 New highways and a rising population will bring more and more other Americans into contact with mountain people. Perhaps then the stereotypes will break down, and America will find that mountaineers are, after all, much the same as all other human beings. Even now, if we are perceptive, we know that in the mountaineer, in a profound sense, we find ourselves writ both small and large. It seems fitting, therefore, to end this paper with the words of John Muir with which Robert Paul Sessions 98 �Frome began his natural and human history of the Great Smoky Mountains, Strangers in High Places: The mountains are fountains, not only of rivers and fertile soil, but of men. Therefore, shall we feel (as Muir did) that in some sense we are all mountaineers, and going to the mountains is going home? 19 NOTES 'R.C. Langman, Appalachian Kentucky: An Exploited Region (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, 1971), 47. Appalachian Regional Commission, Appalachia: A Report by the President's Appalachian Regional Commission 1964 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1964), xv. ^Jack Weller, Yesterday's People (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962). 4 Bruce and Nancy Roberts, Where Time Stood Still: A Portrait of Appalachia (New York: Crowell-Collier Press, 1970). 5 Originally in Toynbee's The Study of History, this treatment of Appalachia has been reprinted and cited in numerous works, the latest being Robert J. Higgs and Ambrose N. Manning, eds., Voices from the Hills: Selected Readings of Southern Appalachia (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1975), 383-8. This book was co-published with the Appalachian Consortium Press, Boone. A Cf. Jim Wayne Miller, "A Mirror for Appalachia," in Higgs and Manning, Voices from the Hills, 447-59. 7 Cf. Loyal Jones, "Appalachian Values," Twigs, 10 (Fall 1973), 82-94. sjack Weller, Yesterday's People, 2. 9 ARC, Appalachia: A Report 1964, 1-18. lo Appalachian Regional Commission, 1974 Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1974), 19-21, 26, 43, 53-4. n This idea is developed in Boulding's Conflict and Defense (New York: Harper and Row, 1962). I2 lf space permitted, the ambivalence which attaches to the symbolic character of the mountaineer could be illustrated by examples from American humor. Disdain, appreciation, disgust, and envy, all are directed at the mountaineer. 13 Cf. Guy and Candie Carawan, eds., Voices from the Mountains (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975). l4 Cecil Sharp and Dorothy Karpeles, Eighty English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1968). I5 One of the best statements of this idea is by M. Brooks: "The hills are our symbols of eternity. There they stand, the evidence of things seen, as nearly everlasting and unchangeable as anything man may know" (The Appalachians [Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1965], 328). l6 Cratis Williams, "Who Are the Southern Mountaineers?" Appalachian Journal, I (Autumn 1972), 54. '7ARC, 1974 Annual Report, 14-15. isHarry M. Caudill, "Jaded Old Land of Bright New Promise," in David S. Walls and John B. Stephenson, eds., Appalachia in the Sixties: Decade of Reawakening (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1972), 240-6. " 9 MichaeI Frome, Strangers in High Places (New York: Doubleday, 1966), v. 99 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �The Appalachian Personality �This page intentionally left blank �Assisting Appalachian Families DAVID H. LOOFF, M.D. Ultimately, in Appalachia as anywhere else, it is people that make the area important. It is the people of the Southern mountains, in their region or in the places to which they migrate, who are the makers and carriers of their society and culture. They are the ones, primarily, who train the rising generation of their children and live their lives in either satisfyingly productive or bleakly nonproductive ways. Thus, although many agencies, bureaus, and departments of the federal government and the various state governments are rightfully concerned with natural resource development in Appalachia, with the building of new roads and schools, and with ways of fostering regional industrial growth, these concerns must not become the central ones. Rather, they must be viewed as they offer opportunities for people and as they affect the growth and development of children. When we consider the difficulties of the people of Appalachia, whether in the mountains or in the cities, it is the manifold problems of the very poor that are the most vexing. The stable working class (although they are generally poor by federal income standards), the middle, and the upper classes in the region generally succeed remarkably well in providing for their health, education, and welfare. The most important developmental force accounting for this success is regional familism—close, interdependent family functioning, of which the most obvious expression is the extensive kinship system in the mountains. By ensuring that even limited resources will be shared among the extended family, particularly at times of crisis, familism stabilizes family life, structure, and functioning. This positive side of familism provides a steady state even for the very poor families. In this respect the Appalachian very poor, unlike the often socially disorganized families raised in urban slums, possess a strength that can be tapped for redirection of their lives in many areas. 1 But one nevertheless encounters real problems in attempting to reach the Appalachian very poor with various health, education, and welfare service programs. At the present time, as well as in the past, any number of professionals from a variety of public and private health care, education, welfare, and vocational agencies have sought to bring their services to needy Appalachian people, whether these people be poor families who continue to live in the region or those who have migrated to urban ghettos. In their attempts to bring their expertise to bear on a particular area of a stricken David H. Looff, M.D. 102 �family's lifestyle, these outside professionals have frequently found apathy and resistance within the family itself. The sorely needed service or aid has not been accepted in any real sense. More often the service, a welfare check, for example, has been silently taken and later, perhaps, not used for what appear to us as their greatest needs. Nothing really has been exchanged in the transaction except a sum generally inadequate to meet the family's needs for clothing, food, and shelter. The paradigm holds true in the health care field. The living conditions of the very poor in Appalachia, their apathy (a form of chronic depression), and the meagerness of resources have often forced medical care into inadequate, symptomatic, crisis-oriented patterns. Nothing has occurred in these encounters of failure (for that is what these abortive attempts to give and receive some sort of aid really are) because people's lives have not been touched. The helping professional feels rebuffed, unwanted, and unfulfilled as a helper. The potential recipient of the full measure of his aid, the Appalachian person in need, comes away from such an encounter feeling equally misunderstood and further rejected. Thomas Ford points up several aspects of this barrier of resistance between the helping person and the family of the Appalachian lower class: It is extremely difficult for "outside" agencies to reach these [Appalachian] families that most need their help. Community institutions, it has been noted, are not traditional mechanisms for handling "personal" problems in Appalachia. Numerous studies have documented that poor families do not participate much in community organizations of any type, including the church. And, because the personnel of these institutions are themselves often strangers, they frequently generate ever greater insecurities on the part of those they are trying to serve. We have rather dramatic evidence of how traumatic a new experience can be to Appalachian children, especially when it must be faced apart from the family. The exaggerated fear of the unfamiliar institution is not confined to children. Stories abound of the very real apprehension and anxiety of adults forced by circumstances to utilize the services of an unfamiliar organization such as a hospital or a government agency office. 2 The characteristic lifestyle of the person in the Appalachian lower class, with its trained-in individualism, traditionalism, religious fatalism, actionorientation, and stoicism in manner and speech,3 works toward an innerdirectedness that cuts the person off from community institutions and from cooperating participation with a stranger in meeting, defining, and attempting to solve his problems. This failure of many of our community institutions to reach the Appalachian poor was painfully demonstrated for the writer years ago in both the general health care and the mental health field. In the late 1950's, and again in the early 1960's, the writer was a trainee in a large universitybased community-funded child psychiatry clinic in Baltimore and in Cincinnati. Both of these children's clinics were conducted in large hospital settings, and both ostensibly served, among others, families of the Ap- 103 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �palachian migrant poor. The writer's experience in both clinics sharply highlighted Ford's remarks. Migrant families were referred in great numbers to these agencies, but a majority of them did not return after meeting the large, strange staff in the unfamiliar setting and after encountering insistence on regular appointments for their succeeding visits. Too often, the writer feels now, these clinics, like many other community institutions that try to reach the Appalachian poor, took the position that their responsibility ended when the families had demonstrated low motivation for selfhelp by failing to return for care. Clinic services were available only on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. The customary rationalization of this position was that the clinics simply had insufficient staff to do otherwise. In one clinic, personnel were acutely aware of their failure to meet the needs of the Appalachian migrant poor, but were at a loss as to how to break through these barriers of apparent apathy or resistance. The initial point at which these health care agencies failed in delivering health services to Appalachian migrant families was their lack of understanding of the lifestyle of these families. The personal orientation of the mountaineer steeped in familism makes it very difficult, virtually impossible at first, for him to relate to total strangers in unfamiliar agency settings. In addition, his aversion to routines and to the agency's timeoriented casework schedules generally guarantees that he will not cooperate with the agency. This raises the question as to whether the particular lifestyle of the person in the Appalachian lower class forever precludes his receiving help from various community institutions. I think not, on the basis of my own sharply contrasting experiences in helping to deliver one type of health service to Appalachian families: field child psychiatry out-patient clinics in several local county health departments in eastern Kentucky. My experiences in Baltimore and Cincinnati were ones of sharing many failures with my colleagues in the urban agencies. However, the experiences I have had in helping many families and their children through the Manchester Project, as our field clinics are called, over the past eleven years have erased forever from my mind any doubts that all kinds of health services and, presumably, other types of services as well, can be brought effectively to Appalachian families. The essential difference between my experiences of clinical failure, on the one hand, and clinical success, on the other, is not, I feel, any factor that resides in me as a person or as a child psychiatrist. Rather, the essential difference that spelled relative success in the Manchester Project was the different point of view of this work itself. It took squarely into account the fact that Appalachian people are person oriented', their characteristic of orientation to the self, to the intimate, and to the personal proved to be the point at which community agencies can begin to relate to them. David H. Looff, M.D. 104 �It should be mentioned here that the Manchester Project was originally formulated by persons in the region, the county health officer and the staff of senior public health nurses, who were well acquainted with the families they served and, in turn, were accepted by these families as familiar givers of aid. 4 In a mountain area such a public health team is of much greater relative importance than its urban counterpart. In the first place, there are fewer doctors (in some counties, none at all). Besides, a high proportion of the patients are poor, from isolated parts of the area, and many of them would be unaware of the existence of medical and psychiatric care if they were not sought out by the nurses. At the outset of our project, the local health officer and the nursing staff discussed local attitudes toward health care and some of their underlying causes. They pointed out that patients from mountain areas are almost overwhelmed by the scattered specialized facilities of the large hospitals and medical centers far from their homes. From time to time families have had to be referred to these centers for needed diagnostic and treatment services. These families were frightened, when away from their area and kin, by what they viewed as relatively impersonal institutionalized services. For these reasons, the nurses pointed out to us, Appalachian families tend to differ from the majority of Americans who want to and therefore can accept health care service wherever it is available. The nurses gave us several compelling reasons why our jointly-staffed mental health field clinics for children should be based in the local health departments. First, there was the trend, already mentioned, for families to gravitate to the local health departments for their other health needs. Second, because of the traditional primacy of extended family or kinship ties, a family's acceptance of any health service depended upon their acceptance of the person who gave the service. Third, Appalachian families shared certain other characteristics in their attitudes toward health care: they reacted to symptoms of disease and to the idea of disease itself with strong fears and anxieties. Many families, having little education and low income and hampered by barriers of language, were all too often confused, overly apprehensive, or even overwhelmed by health problems. Because of the traditional tendencies of the Appalachian individual to attempt to cope with anxiety by turning inward in his close family system, only a health care person long known and familiar could be accepted in a helping role. The senior public health nurses and the home health aides (paraprofessionals) understood this highly important familistic orientation. These nurses and aides had flexibility in time and schedules, the mobility to reach people in isolated areas, and above all a visible proximity to the people who needed their services. In addition, their un- 105 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �derstanding of the culture equipped them, generally, for social encounter and interaction. Though themselves in the middle and professional class, the nurses were generally products of the cultural background of their people. They could therefore establish rapport much more easily than could other middle-class professionals. Accordingly, the public health nurses and aides, working through various health services, could counter or offset the traditional reluctance of many Appalachian families to seek help in problem-solving from outside agencies or clinics. These points cannot be overstressed, so crucial are they, I feel, for the planning and delivery of all types of health services in the Appalachian region*. In effect, many Appalachian families lack the psychological mobility that would lead them to seek specialized health care outside their local communities. They cooperate far better in extended health care if it is offered by persons in familiar settings. In our jointly planned and established work with emotionally troubled children and their families, we deliberately sought to use the diagnostic treatment services of the familiar and accepted public health nurses and aides. We deliberately took our place with other public health programs in the region. In a sense, we rode for acceptance on the coattails of the nurses and aides, who, long familiar to the families we served together, were called by their first names. When we would first meet with an understandably anxious new family that had been referred to one of our field clinics, we would frequently hear something like: "Faye [the nurse in the family's district] came to see me, Doctor. She said the teachers over at Lockard's Creek have been riled by Sammy. Faye brought me today. She says it's all right to talk to you." This was typical. The considerable extent to which we were able to win the trust and cooperation of individual patients and their families was due, first and foremost, to the nurses' and aides' understanding of the families we served together. They had, in advance, personalized our clinics. No family got service from a stranger. In addition to this important concept of personalizing services in order to reach troubled Appalachian children and their families, there are some culturally-derived personal strengths these people possess with which helping professionals can ally themselves toward assisting them. Two very important strengths that can be utilized by helping professionals to assist Appalachian children and adults are a marked capacity for essentially well-relatedness and an intense feeling-orientation possessed by these people in all socioeconomic classes. Both of these strengths (parts of their personality) are, I feel, derivatives of that marked focus on their children's infancies so characteristic of Appalachian families. I refer here to extensive data we obtained from a survey of Appalachian child development we undertook in 1964 prior to actual David H. Looff, M.D. 106 �operation of the field clinics.5 At the time, we were looking for a normal developmental yardstick by which appropriately to measure deviations from regional normative development in children. We are well aware that one of the most important developmental tasks of the infant raised in any culture during the first year is to establish a satisfying dependency upon his mother. The mother-child relationship should be a close, satisfying, and supportive one. The previous work of other observers of Appalachian family life and our own survey on child development in the region suggest how abundantly true this is for local infants. Although in later years Appalachian children encounter difficulties in development, particularly children of the lower class, that first year or two of infancy is, from the infant's standpoint, relatively conflict-free. Out of the mother-child relationship comes the foundation for the development of the child's feelings about himself, about people, and about the world in which he lives. If the relationship is a satisfying one, the infant begins to develop a sense of trust in himself and in his world, the first year being the decisive stage for the acquisition of this feeling. 6 He acquires a feeling of his own worth and adequacy and a feeling that the world is a pleasant, giving, and rewarding place. He begins to feel that people can be trusted. He is interested in the world. He investigates, explores, and tests. He attempts to communicate and to make meaningful interpersonal relationships. Relatedness, thus, is very much a positive derivative of an adequte infancy period. Our first impression of this inherently strong" capacity Appalachian families of all three social classes have for trusting relationships was gained from their children. They related very well in clinic interviews, in their schools at the time of our consultation visits, and in their homes. Any initial reserve was soon dropped. For example, their capacity to relate led them to wait quietly, even with nonanxious anticipation, for their dental appointments in the health departments and for preschool physical examinations by unfamiliar visiting pediatricians. Most of us, as urban physicians, are accustomed to the waiting room crying and restlessness of young children. Thus, I was at first surprised to find Appalachian children waiting quietly, without crying or excitedly giggling with each other. A passing adult could quickly relate with a waiting child and find pleasure in the encounter. The Appalachian child's capacity to form a quick, trusting relationship with the public health nurses, the health aides, and our medical team was a prime mover in the rapid progress many children made in treatment interviews. Success in nursing intervention, casework, and psychotherapy depends on the relationship between therapist and child. It is the touchstone for any progress out of whatever difficulties the child may 107 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �have. The same could be said of the parents of these children. Adults, too, related well with others, although the thawing out period was sometimes longer than the time required by the children. Once their initial reticence was overcome, however, parents made good use of the relationship. In time, they were able to involve themselves in interviews with remarkable warmth and candor. Although many families were geographically and culturally outside the mainstream of county life, generally they related with us with no sense of personal isolation. In fact, their relatedness often combined such warmth, openness, and earthiness that we were reminded of the traditional spontaneity of young children. Gone were the layers of sophistication, telling the physician and others what families think should be said, that so often mark and impede initial treatment interviews with urban families. Such qualities of relatedness enabled the therapist to focus very quickly on family functioning (provided, of course, the nurses and aides who knew the family, and the therapist himself, had given care in personalizing their initial introductions and meeting). Because so many of the families referred to the mental health clinic were action oriented, seeking primarily symptomatic relief for crisis situations, the mutual capacity for relationship between the helping professional and parents had to be utilized quickly as the basis for helping a given family redirect its efforts with the children. Parents more readily tried out redirective suggestions made by the helping person because they had quickly established a bond with the outside person. The establishment of this bond, as we experienced it, required the interaction of two factors. The first factor, the one just mentioned, was the basic capacity for trust which Appalachian children and adults alike possess. The second, outlined earlier in this discussion, had to do with the therapist's observing (often in the family's home setting) whatever they value most intimately and highly and allying himself with them. For example, the writer has spent many mutually pleasure-filled hours in viewing a family's prize hog, or beehives, or the new kittens in the smokehouse, or their gardens, or their canning of wild blackberries, or the new baby—whatever it is that so obviously brings the family genuine personal pleasure—as a way of personalizing his introduction to them. Failure to go through this mutual step, as it has been indicated before, very often precludes the family's effective working with the therapist later because they still see him as a stranger, someone outside their intimate and personal world. Of great interest to us as clinicians was the observation that the basic capacity for relatedness seemed to cross socioeconomic class lines. For example, the often grubby, ragged children of the lower class we saw were frequently wild, impulse ridden, and manipulative. Yet, along with these traits was a warm way of reaching out to others that we interpreted as David H. Looff, M.D. 108 �essential relatedness. It is striking how the two personality traits, ability to relate well and yet be simultaneously aggressive and wildly impulsive, find expression in all members of the same lower-class family. Our conclusion from reviewing the developmental backgrounds of many children of the lower class in Appalachia was that these children are well trained in basic relatedness from infancy on, but are not well trained in acquiring controls over their aggressive impulses. The children are well liked as babies and as older children by all members of the extended family, but frequently they are allowed to do just as they please. Beyond the children's infancies, appropriate developmental lines involving a balance between gratification of needs and delays, limits, and controls are not readily maintained by lower-class families in Appalachia. This seemed to account for the difficulties older lower-class children had with perceptual skills needed for orientation to a new environment, with skills in using language as a tool, and with capacities to store tension (with its attendant level of inner impulse controls, ability to delay gratification, and to accept limits). During the infancy period itself, lower-class families as well as the others freely gave of themselves to children. As an outgrowth of this, the children retained a considerable measure of the ability to relate with others in spite of difficulties with other capacities. The implications for the mental health and general health fields of this capacity for relatedness should not be underestimated. All forms of health intervention (treatment) involve the giving and the taking of help in an interpersonal context. In my experience, and that of others, the relationship capacities of Appalachian families are very real indeed, and these capacities are not dimmed by the families' migration to other settings. Presumably, then, those who work in any helping capacity with Appalachian families, either locally or in another setting, will find mutual relationship a powerful working tool. For when this capacity is combined with an initial approach that respects the Appalachian individual's orientation to the intimate, the sensory, and the personal, true "personalization of services" has been initiated, and relationships are begun. After the introduction has been personalized, and relationships are begun, services of all types can then and only then be brought into focus. The Appalachian individual is thus interested primarily in the helping person and that person's acceptance of him, and only secondarily in what the person has to offer or suggest. This way of orienting his priorities (and ours as helping professionals) is a direct outgrowth of the Appalachian person's training in familism. The second consideration or ego strength, that of the intense feelingorientation of Appalachian adults and children, is similarly a derivative from early child development in the region. Children are trained from in- 109 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �fancy on to orient themselves to feelings rather than to words. This orientation to feelings is yet another aspect of the Appalachian person's actionorientation; "actions speak louder than words" and "a man is judged by his deeds, not his words" are but two ways of conceptualizing this orientation. Again, an orientation to feelings is a natural outgrowth of the Appalachian person's orientation to the intimate, the sensory, and the personal. In addition, what I have elsewhere called ''regional nonverbality," a very important child development theme in the Appalachian region, particularly among members of the lower class, is a powerful social reinforcer of this orientation to feelings rather than to language. 7 Although space does not permit a full discussion of how difficulties arise among lower-class Appalachian persons in using language as a tool, it can be said that the use of language in the region presents some striking contrasts. On the one hand, there are clear indications that many people in the region find verbal communication very difficult. Theirs is an economy of language amounting to sparseness. The stereotype of the Appalachian mountaineer as a silent, taciturn individual is based on this difficulty. Neighbors of these people characterize them graphically as "quiet-turned." In our field clinics, we have followed a number of the silent members of these relatively silent families. What we have found is that the most severely strained individuals and families are the ones who show the greatest lack of verbal communication. We, and others, feel that this ex-, plains why families in the lower and working class in Appalachia, the families having the greatest strains, have the greatest problems in using words as tools. As one impoverished mother put it: "I can't speak, when all my burdens sit so heavy on my chest." This would also explain, I feel, why the most socially isolated families in the region frequently had children with emotional problems based either wholly or in part on nonverbal themes (elective mutism, various psychophysiologic reactions, conversion and dissociative reactions, among others). These children had fewer experiences talking matters over with others than had their peers. Their social contacts had been largely limited to their own strained, relatively silent families. Interestingly, these same children who have trained-in language problems that often impede their progress through reading and speaking in the schools still retain the close, personalized functions referred to earlier as a capacity for well-relatedness. In fact, in clinic settings, in time, they can be found frequently to possess interpersonal skills to an exquisitely sensitive degree. Their early regional training in family closeness and relatedness (regional familism) mentioned before seems to pertain here. An outgrowth of this early training is their skill in observing and correctly interpreting the often subtle, nonverbal behavior of people—the stressed adults in their families—who are relatively silent. David H. Looff, M.D. 110 �These children have learned, in effect, to follow the feelings rather than the words of others. It is no wonder, then, that many Appalachian children possess such a sensitive feeling-orientation. The striking phenomenon we have noticed in our field clinics is that the silent families just described exist side by side with others who are quite able to express feelings and ideas sensitively in words. The silent, taciturn stereotype simply does not hold true for all. Our clinic work in the Manchester Project clearly indicates that many individuals and families, including some of the very poor, are able to express feelings and ideas sensitively in words. These verbal people have been exceptionally able to use word-oriented casework, nursing intervention, and psychotherapy. Nevertheless, the importance of underscoring regional language problems where they exist in a particular family or individual is to point out the fact that the helping professional needs to learn to read the sensitive nonverbal, behavioral cues that silent Appalachian people give as evidence of the troubled feelings they have, which they have not been able to present in words. Incumbent upon the helping professional, then, is the acquisition of the ability to follow feelings and to look for behavioral cues that exist. And, at the same time, the child and the family can be helped to verbalize these sensitively differentiated feelings of which they are well aware—but have not heretofore been able to express. By doing this, the helping professional taps the Appalachian individual's feeling-orientation in a way that helps him deal more adaptively with inner feeling-states. What has been discussed here are two specific strengths Appalachian individuals possess—a capacity for relatedness and a sensitive feelingorientation—helping professionals can utilize to further implement personalized services for the families they would like to assist. Obviously, mental health or even general health services are not the only services needed by the lower-income families in the region. They have a host of inadequacies, calling for new paths in education, welfare, job-training, and recreation. When we consider the Appalachian lower class (the very poor and the poor yet stable working-class families), we face the problem of large gaps in family training of children. I do not think we can expect these lower-class families, by themselves, to identify and remedy these training gaps. Instead, these families will need much continuing personal support from several kinds of community institutions. But, before various institutional systems can render effective service, they must be able to reach the families, which thus far many have not done very successfully. A twopronged approach to the establishment of relations would seem to be in order. One approach would be to work directly with the families, helping them to function more adequately. The second approach would be to work 111 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �with community institutions, aiding their personnel to gain a more empathic understanding of the lower-class families they must serve. Aiding our clinic staff through the years, as I have indicated, have been the strengths Appalachian individuals themselves possess and a willingness to understand their unique lifestyle. NOTES 1 David H. Looff, Appalachians Children (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1971). See also Eleanor Pavenstedt, "A Comparison of a Child-Rearing Environment of UpperLower and Very Low-Lower Class Families," American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 35 (1965), 89-98. See also Robert Coles, "Southern Children under Desegregation," American Journal of Psychiatry, 120 (1963), 332-44. 2 Thomas R. Ford, "Discussion," following David H. Looff, "Psychiatric Perspective on Poverty," in Poverty: New Interdisciplinary Perspectives, ed. Thomas Weaver and Alvin Magid (San Francisco: Chandler Press, 1969). 3 Many references are available in Thomas R. Ford, "The Passing of Provincialism," in The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey, ed. Thomas R. Ford (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962), 9-34. See also Horace Kephart, Our Southern Highlanders (New York, 1913); John C. Campbell, The Southern Highlander and His Homeland (New York, 1921); Howard Odum, Southern Regions of the United States (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1936); Marion Pearsall, Little Smokey Ridge (Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1959); Jack Weller, Yesterday's People (Lexington, Ky., 1965); Thomas R. Ford, Health and Demography in Kentucky (Lexington, Ky., 1964). 4 David H. Looff, "Appalachian Public Health Nursing: Mental Health Component in Eastern Kentucky," Community Mental Health Journal, 5 (1969), 295-303. 5 Looff, Appalachians Children; see also Cyrus M. Johnson, A. Lee Coleman, and William B. Clifford, Mountain Families in Poverty, University of Kentucky, Department of Sociology and Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, RS-29 (1967); James S. Brown, "Social Class Origins, Rural-Urban Migration, and Economic Life Chances: A Case Study," Rural Sociology, 32 (March 1967), 5-19. 6 Erik H. Erikson, "Growth and Crisis of the Healthy Personality," in Problems of Infancy and Childhood, ed. Milton J.E. Senn (New York, 1950), Supplement 2; see also Alfred H. Washburn, "Influences of Early Development upon Later Life," in Relations of Development and Aging, ed. James E. Birren (Springfield, 111., 1964), 29-37. 7 Looff, Appalachia's Children. David H. Looff, M.D. 112 �A Sense of Place: The World We Have Lost JOHN OPIE An earnest young sociologist worked her way into an Appalachian hollow by tracking down people in little squares marked on a map— "dwellings on intermittent streams." "I finally made it to one and knocked on the door. A young mother appeared. 'You must live here,' I said, pointing to the map. She looked at me with a quizzical expression. 'Reckon I hain't. I's livin hyur,' and she gently stamped her foot on the floor/' 1 One is tempted to smile, but at whom, the sociologist or the mother? The Appalachian mountaineer has a close relationship with his natural surroundings, his own piece of land, the home he lives in. This closeness cannot be measured by a map, as the young mother insisted, nor summarized on a deed or mortgage, nor translated into dollar value on a county tax list. 2 The mountaineer's way of "living with the land" is so intensely personal that it discourages interpretation by the norms of mass society. In outward appearance, the Appalachian mountaineer may seem a deprived inhabitant of contemporary America: poverty-stricken, outside the mainstream, his life described as stagnant, stifled, and shunned. The mountaineer, however, sees it differently. He cherishes his independence far more than notions of progress or achievement. Apart from his "place," the outer world appears full of senseless anxiety and conflict. Modern American consumerism is empty, meaningless, and trivial, and it suggests an inability to control one's own life. 3 Hardly a world one would trouble to enter if one already has something better. In this light, poverty and deprivation are not having one's own plot of land and house somewhere free from the demands of modern society. Mircea Eliade notes that even a contemporary "civilized" person "still preserves an obscure sense of mystical solidarity with his native soil. It is the religious experience of autochthony; the feeling is that of belonging to a place, and it is a cosmically structured feeling that goes far beyond family or ancestral solidarity." 4 In Appalachia man and nature interact intimately. The mountaineer holds to his style because it creates for him satisfactions and happiness not available elsewhere. The land for him is not an idea or abstraction but a 113 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �sacred mystery with enormous power and durability. To change or transform it would be to destroy his sense of safety. The "primordial situation" must be preserved. The frontier-like conditions of the first settlement cannot be modified without losing touch with the life-giving quality of the land. 5 Interference by outsiders—even "do-gooders"-— must be repulsed at all costs.6 Occasionally some mountaineers leave the home place to try their luck at better jobs and better living in the city. But the outside jobs are often menial because the mountaineers lack special training. They may feel they are being robbed by union dues, by high rents, by installment credit, by taxes and costs of urban life. In time they yearn to return. "If n you's hain't in th' holler, somethin's missin'. Ifn you's missin' th' holler, hit's grindin' you's innards somethin' fierce." 7 A soldier in Vietnam sends money home to buy him a piece of land near his home, "somethin' I kin come back to."8 The home plot of land is a tremendous magnet. In an age of mobility, in which one out of five American families move each year, the Appalachian mountaineer has an unconquerable belief in the land. His place contains his personality. He has his place in the hills. Some folk leave but they always come back. He intends to fight for his place in the hollow and fight to keep it as it is, unchanged. 9 He feels independent because of his close identification with the land. It is the best place in the world. "Duddie's Branchers want to be stranded in the hollow; for they value their escape from crushing man-made burdens that present false hopes. 4 We's jist scratch ourself; you's cut your neck vein.' " 10 This earnestness about one's home habitation has little to do with its comfort, its proximity to abundance, its healthful site. An outsider would notice only "the nothingness of each place." 11 Situated on a hillside, the mountaineer's farm may be no more than a plot of corn and vegetables for his own needs, food wrenched from a thin and over-farmed bit of topsoil which is itself being eroded into the gully below. His ancient house may once have been a log cabin, decrepit with years of repair and chinking. It might be insect ridden in summer and freezing in winter. He might or might not have electricity, plumbing, or a privy. Perhaps no road leads to his plot, but only a path. It is not something that most folks would come home to. But he does return, and defends his home with a fervor probably unknown among any other group of Americans. To dig and plant and hoe the land is an intense personal, psychological, and spiritual experience. "The rhythms of vegetation simultaneously reveal the mystery of life and creation and the mystery of renewal, youth, and immortality." 12 This is called the "chthonic mystery" of agricultural life. The deepest mysteries and profoundest insights into the man-nature relationship are lost in mechanized farming or urban concrete. The very John Opie 114 �land itself is touched by antiquity. May Theilgaard Watts writes of Appalachia: "The bedspread, the song, the word, the forest, had one quality in common. Each of them was not only an antique but also a disjunct. That is to say, each of them had been, long ago, cut off, isolated, or disjoined, from others of its kind....the region had so long been a sort of sanctuary, or refugium, for cut-off groups of plants and men and customs." The local magnolia is a floral antique; Oconee-bells are "left-behind plants." 13 The inhabitant of such a region can sense ties with a distant past and an eternal present. It presents a richness to life that restores the soul. 14 Working the land is a vital function; it renews. The plot of land the mountaineer knows so intimately is his fixed place, the central axis of his life. It is his reality. All other places are formless and chaotic. 15 He is disoriented anywhere else. His land is a privileged holy place. Eliade writes: The experience of sacred space makes possible the "founding of the world": where the sacred manifests itself in space, the real unveils itself, the world comes into existence. But the irruption of the sacred does not only project a fixed point into the formless fluidity of profane space, a center into chaos; it also effects a break in plane, that is, it opens communication between the cosmic planes (between earth and heaven) and makes possible ontological passage from one mode of being to another. 16 The people that live in unknown places are literally foreigners; they are as unknown as their land is unknown. 17 To be at one's place manifests order, harmony, permanence, health, and safety. 18 One's land is not merely a patch of dirt or an economic unit; it always expresses something transcendent. 19 Its meaning is not abstract or intellectual; it is concretely and intimately connected with the fundamental realities of a satisfying life. Yet it would be wrong to say that this sensitivity could belong to any group of small farmers working marginal soil. The reaction of. the human spirit to nature is not uniform. The relationship to nature is conditioned by one's culture and by one's history. 20 Appalachian history can be an enormous frustration, since few conventional records or memoirs exist. Historical background is exceedingly difficult to discover or reconstruct. An English traveler in the United States of 1835 wrote: The American agriculturalists seem to have little local attachment. A New Englander or Virginian...will...leave the home of his childhood without any visible effort or symptom of regret....How different this is from the Scottish character may be gathered from the fact that a band of Highlanders settled in Virginia are as unwilling to quit that spot as they were to leave their original country. 21 The first settlers of the upland backwoods of Appalachia were also Scotsmen, but Lowlanders whose history had been eventful. In 1600 the Lowland Scots had but an insecure life, recurrent warfare, abominable economic conditions, a niggardly soil, constant cattle raids, and feuds. The poet John Cleveland observed, 115 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Had Cain been Scot, God had ne'er changed his doom, Not made him wander, but confined him home. 2 2 The soil was thin, fields were open, tools and techniques were archaic, life and property insecure. Poverty, cruelty, and lawlessness were not characteristic of any one group or class, but were simply the way of the world. 23 Despite their difficulties, the Lowland Scots were loyal British Protestants. Catholic Ireland was being subdued by military force, and these Scots were encouraged by special privilege to settle on the northern Irish frontier. It was their opportunity to escape hardship. Years of good harvests in Ulster in 1606-07 enticed the Scots to the "free and empty land." They would no longer be tenants but have title to prime farmland. Imposing their ways upon the disfranchised Irish, these Scottish settlers experienced unprecedented prosperity. In Ulster the old feudal institutions of the laird disappeared. Living successfully on their own land, these new Scotch-Irish enjoyed independence, self-sufficiency, freedom from the heavy hand of government, and they built a way of life that would be long remembered. But between 1634 and 1690 their prosperity slipped and confidence dwindled. The native Irish Catholics waged a guerrilla war against them. English troubles led to religious restrictions and economic sanctions. 24 These troubles are still remembered by 20th-century Appalachian folk, particularly the activities of a violent English officer, James Graham of Claverhouse, sent to subdue the Ulster Scots. He became an American bogeyman. 25 Some Appalachian mothers still threaten their children by saying, "Behave yourself, or Clavers will get you!" A century of frontier pioneering in Ulster prepared the Scotch-Irish well for their American immigration. Between 1717 and 1776, over 200,000 Scotch-Irish came to America. The first immigrants reported back that "land was cheap, authorities well disposed, the country vast, its soil fertile beyond all expectation." By the 1740's they moved beyond the first settlements in Pennsylvania and into the Shenandoah Valley and North and South Carolina. While many of these immigrants were farmers of some property that could be converted into cash, perhaps 100,000 came as indentured servants, who after four to seven years of service were given tools, cattle, and enough land to farm. 26 The importance of the Scotch-Irish pioneering tradition in Appalachia survives in some material culture. The ground plan of many Appalachian houses is identical to the traditional small Ulster farmhouse. While the debate continues over the origins of the American log cabin, there is a strong Ulster flavor in the hewn hardwood logs, cornered in the halfdovetail, the spaces chinked with mud, stones, or slivers of wood. While English cottages were about 16 feet square, the immigrants from Ulster were accustomed to live in rectangular houses, usually 15-16 feet by 21-22 John Opie 1 16 �feet, depending upon the length of individual logs. The houses had a cruck roof imported from Scotland. An interesting variation was the double-pen log house—rtwo rooms under a single roof, separated by an open breezeway or dog trot; the passage is similar to the through-passage of some Ulster houses. 27 But the house is only one reminder of cultural continuity. Colonial German settlers selected level sites, cleared out the stumps as well as the trees, and plowed up the entire clearing. The Ulstermen, on the other hand, sought out land with hills and valleys. They built on and cleared the hillsides of notches, gaps, or hollows. They did not clear the forest out completely, but continued grazing their animals in it during the summer, just as they had done on the Ulster hills. Rather than replenishing worn farmland in the German style, they preferred to make fresh clearings—"outfields." Patterns of settlement, land use, and housing were similar for Ulster Scots, Scotch-Irish frontiersmen, and Appalachian mountaineers. Land ownership was constantly on their minds. They found themselves often beyond the reach of law and public officials. They kept peace among themselves by developing their own laws and traditions about land rights. 28 The mountains were a shield from the outside world. Among the people of the hollow or gap there was a feeling of security and pride. A consumer economy was and still is unknown and not desired. The inhabitant of Appalachia does not look beyond the small patch of earth he manages. His frame of reference could be a mile in length and fifty feet wide. 29 The outside world is not attractive. The mountaineer has a deep sense of environmental habitat; his security transcends poverty and scarcity. 30 His place is the center of the world: "to settle somewhere, to inhabit a space, is equivalent to repeating the cosmogony and hence to imitating the work of the gods."31 The most important fact of life is to settle down on a piece of land. It becomes the perfect place, "combining completeness (mountain and water) with solitude, and thus perfect because at once the world in miniature and Paradise, source of bliss and place of immortality." 32 There is more to the plain and difficult life of the Appalachian mountaineer than meets the eye. His close association with the land extends the American frontier experience into the present day. And this frontier-like existence is based upon a long history. What is satisfied in Appalachian life has been almost removed from mass society—a profoundly fundamental human need to have a "habitat" and know it intimately. The mountaineer might be called a "living fossil" because he seems to remind an urban society of the world it left behind. The Appalachian mountaineer stands as a reminder of a personal quality of life that has become rare in contemporary American society. He knows he belongs. 117 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �NOTES 'Rena Gazaway, The Longest Mile (New York: Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1969), 15. A strikingly similar story is told by an African prince who showed a map to his father: "Maps are liars, he told me briefly....The things that hurt one do not show on a map. The truth of a place is in the joy and the hurt that come from it. I had best not put my trust in anything as inadequate as a map, he counseled....! understand now, although I did not at the time, that my airy and easy sweep of map-traced staggering distances belittled the journeys he had measured on tired feet. With my big map-talk, I had effaced the magnitude of his cargo-laden, heatweighted treks." Quoted in Marshall McLuhan, Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man (New York, 1964), 158. 2 See Alvin L. Bertrand, "The Emerging Rural South: A Region Under 'Confrontation' by Mass Society," Rural Sociology, 31 (1966), 449 ff. 3 W. Keith Warner, "Rural Society in a Post-Industrial Age," Rural Sociology, 39 (1974), 309 ff. 4 Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, trans. W. R. Trask (New York, 1959), 140. 5 Mircea Eliade, Myths, Dreams and Mysteries: The Encounter between Contemporary Faiths and Archaic Realities, trans. Philip Mairet (New York, 1967), 178-9. 6 See particularly Our Changing Rural Society, ed. James H. Copp (Ames: Iowa State Univ. Press, 1964), 343-9. 7 Quoted in Gazaway, 240. 8See Gazaway, 159. 9Ibid. 10 Quoted in Gazaway, 151. Two other works that should be referred to are Harry M. Caudill, Night Comes to the Cumberlands (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1963), and Jack Weller, Yesterday's People (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1965). "Two examples of evaluation of Appalachian traits by "outside" standards are Hart M. Nelson and Eleanor Frost, "Residence, Anomie, and Receptivity to Education among Southern Appalachian Presbyterians," Rural Sociology, 36 (1971), 521 ff.; and Norman A. Polansky, "Powerlessness among Rural Appalachian Youth," Rural Sociology, 34 (1969), 21922. l2 Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 150. l3 May Theilgaard Watts, Reading the Landscape of America (New York: Macmillan, 1975), 1-20. !4 Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 147. '5Ibid., 20 ff. ' 6 Ibid., 63. 17 Eliade also writes: "When the Scandinavian colonists took possession of Iceland (landnama) and cleared it, they regarded the enterprise neither as an original undertaking nor as human and profane work. For them, their labor was only repetition of a primordial act, the transformation of chaos into cosmos by the divine act of creation. When they tilled the desert soil, they were in fact repeating the act of the gods who had organized chaos by giving it a structure, forms, and norms." See The Sacred and the Profane, 31. See also Eliade's The Myth of the Eternal Return (New York: Princeton Univ. Press, 1954), 11 ff. "SEliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 115-16. '*Ibid., 118. 20See Fern K. Willits, Robert C. Bealer, and Donald M. Crider, "The Ecology of Social Traditionalism in a Rural Hinterland," Rural Sociology, 39 (1974), 334-49. 2l Quoting Charles Augustus Murray, in Ian Charles Cargill Graham, Colonists from Scotland: Emigration to North America, 1707-1783 (Ithaca, 1956), 106. John Opie 118 �22 Quoted in James G. Leyburn, The Scotch-Irish, A Social History (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1962), 4. 23Jbid., 11. 24See ibid., 120 ff. 25 Charles Knowles Bolton, Scotch-Irish Pioneers in Ulster and America (Boston, 1910; rpt. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1974), 300. See also George Fraser Black, Scotland's Mark on America (New York, 1921; rpt. San Francisco: R & E Research Associates, 1972), 12, and the Berea Quarterly, October 1908, 9. 26 See the account in Leyburn, The Scotch-Irish, 172-6. 27 E. Estyn Evans, "The Scotch-Irish: Their Cultural Adaptation and Heritage in the American Old West," in Essays in Scotch-Irish History, ed. E. R. R. Green (London: H u m a n i t i e s , 1969), 79-80. See also Henry Glassie, "Southern Mountain Houses: A Study in American Folk Culture" (master's thesis, SUNY, 1965), and Classic's "The Types of the Southern Mountain Cabin," Appendix C, in Jan Harold Brunvand, The Study of American Folklore (New York: Norton, 1968). For methodology, see Carol O. Sauer, "Historical Geography and the Western Frontier" and "The Morphology of Landscape," in Land and Life,ed. John Leighly (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1967), 45-52 and 31 5-50, respectively. 28 See the discussion in Leyburn, The Scotch-Irish, 205. 29 Gazaway, The Longest Mile, 42. 30[bid., 41-2. 3l Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 65. 32 Ibid., 153. 119 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Old-Time Baptists and Mainline Christianity LOYAL JONES Gratis Williams' grandfather, on being asked to reaffirm that something or other was true, replied, "Hell, son, there ain't that much truth." Truth in any age and in any group, admittedly, is a hard commodity to come by. Religious truth, moreover, is harder to nail down than other more tangible certitudes, and Christian groups have argued from the beginning about what is and is not true and about a proper hierarchy of accepted truths. Appalachian people have had a strong tail-hold on religious truth, but always with an uphill drag. Many have lacked formal education and money, and they have inspired in their fellow countrymen dismay, derision, and eventually that indomitable force, the missionary urge. No group in the country, in my estimation, has aroused more suspicion and alarm among mainstream Christians than have Appalachian Christians, and never have so many Christian missionaries been sent to save so many Christians than is the case in this region. It is certainly true that Appalachian Christians have criticized one another, and the one group has often tried to win converts from the other. Yet most mainline denominations have not paid much attention to the differences between sects in the mountains and have directed their criticism and missionary efforts indiscriminately at mountain churches. It is not my purpose to disparage the great contributions made by outside religious groups—in education, health and medicine, and related fields. However, I do want to list a few criticisms of mountain religious beliefs, practices, and values, and then to examine the beliefs of a group of mountain Christians in light of these criticisms. I will concentrate on the radical Baptists of several sects, excluding, of course, the American Baptists and the Southern Baptists. By radical I mean those who attempt to go exclusively to the root, the primary source—in this case the scriptures—for their authority and who do not practice that which is not clearly in the source. These are old-fashioned Baptists in the sense that they have held to a set of beliefs of two hundred years ago, or more, and they have made a great effort to avoid fads and styles in belief and worship. I include the Primitive, Separate, United, Old Regular, Duck River, Two-Seed-in-theSpirit (who believe each person is born with two seeds, one from God and Loyal Jones 120 �one from Satan, with the person going the way of the seed from which he sprouts), Freewill, and a few who style themselves "Missionary" Baptists. While they are not a large body, these Baptist groups number about half a million in the South. 1 All are found in the Appalachian region, and some of them, such as the Old Regular and United Baptists, are found almost exclusively here. There are also a few of these churches in the North, where Appalachian migrants have gone in the last thirty years. These usually are a part of associations back in the mountains. It is my belief that these Baptists reflect a set of religious beliefs that were typical of a large portion of the people in an earlier age in Appalachia, and elsewhere, and that some of these beliefs persist among other Christian groups in the mountains, including the Southern Baptists, especially in rural areas. It is also my belief that the social values of these sects, which I shall hereafter call Old Baptists, are typical of older Appalachians in general. Most of these Baptist groups sprang from English and Welsh Baptists who came to this country in Colonial times. 2 Because of persecution and ridicule in Virginia and elsewhere, some congregations moved as groups into the Appalachians where they might have greater freedom. They had brought hymn singing (distinctive from psalm singing) with them from England and Wales, and many of them have continued in the old style of "lining out" the hymn from noteless songbooks that was initiated in England by the Westminster Assembly of 1644. This practice has died out among some Primitive Baptists, but is still strong among the Old Regular and United Baptists. 3 Organs and such are not allowed in most of these groups, since they are not called for in the scriptures. It is necessary to explain that there are several differences in belief among the various Baptist sects. The most important one is between the predestinarian and the freewill Baptists. The former believe that God predestined—or at least foresaw—that only some would be saved: the latter believe that all may be saved if they heed the Gospel and repent. Many fierce arguments have raged over this theological point. Other disputes have arisen over such issues as musical instruments in worship and organizations to propagate the Gospel. All preach baptism by immersion but argue strenuously against other groups who believe that baptism itself has saving power. One Baptist is reported to have exclaimed in rejoinder to a Christian from another denomination who had declared that only the immersed would get to heaven, "Well, then, heaven is going to be full of catfish and crawdads!" Another said that if baptism alone would save people, he'd get six strong men and forcibly baptize all the scoundrels in his county. They all believe in a true and living God, who is at once Father, Son, 121 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �and Holy Ghost; that the Bible (King James Version) is the only rule of faith and practice; that we are saved from total human depravity by grace and not works; that repentance toward God and faith in Christ are necessary before baptism; that baptism and the Lord's Supper are ordinances of Jesus and that foot washing is an example, symbolic of what one's relationship with others should be; and that there will be a resurrection of the dead, the righteous to eternal life and the wicked to everlasting punishment. Most believe in practicing what has scriptural authority, and they go further and renounce any practice that is not mentioned in the scriptures. 4 The Primitive Baptists, sometimes called Old School or Hardshell, are the most radical of all Old Baptists, in that they hold to strict scriptural sources and are predestinarian. The Freewill Baptists are the most liberal of these sects, in that they are Arminian, believing all may be saved if they heed and repent. In addition to an earlier separation, the Baptist bodies split in 1840 over the question of missionary societies, Sunday schools, and other such organizations. The other sects I have mentioned fall somewhere between the predestinarian (Hardshell) and the Arminian (Soft Shell) Baptists.5 Services are usually held only once a month, either on Saturday night or Sunday morning, although services are arranged in sequence at other churches in the association, so that the faithful may travel to a service each week. The Predestinarian churches do not run revivals and were relatively untouched by the Great Awakenings. They practice foot washing, do much handshaking and embracing during the service, but they preach against the emotionalism that is part of worship in other sects in the mountains, although they may appear to be emotional to mainline Christians. Let us turn now to the criticisms of mountain religion, relate these to the beliefs of the Old Baptists and then explore some of the beliefs and the authority for them. Criticism of mountain religion has come not only from representatives of mainline church denominations but from a range of socially oriented persons as well, such as those running mountain settlement-type institutions, regional planners, social workers, poverty workers, educators, and representatives of the news media. The main problems usually identified are that mountain people are too traditional (too backward-looking), too little concerned with new ideas for improving social conditions, too literal in interpreting the scriptures, too concerned about personal salvation and not enough with social action, and too adamant about separating worldly and spiritual concerns. In 1933, Elizabeth Hooker, writing about mountain churches, said, "A large proportion of the members have never seen a church building that is different from the bare, one-room structure used by their own church. Loyal Jones 1 22 �They have not seen a church organ, even of the pedal variety...." 6 Jack Weller (Yesterday's People) charged that "Education of the clergy held no more appeal for the mountaineer than did education of his children" and went on to say that "A kind of lay religion grew up in which each congregation became its own interpreter of the Bible and theology and recognized no new ideas from the outside" and that the mountaineer was "his own highest authority" and he "recognizes no experts, religious or otherwise." 7 Weller thought the many "small, struggling churches" to be "extreme and even ludicrous" from the "outsider's point of view." Charging that the mountaineer turns to God only in a crisis, Weller states that "Religion thus is a crutch for times of trouble but is not much use in daily life." Weller's harshest words are turned toward the quality of the mountain Christian's life. It is a "convenient religion," he writes, "not exactly satisfactory for strengthening one's life," and he further says that the mountaineer, when faced with temptations, backslides, "instead of using his faith to overcome them," and he "is likely to blame it all on the devil." 8 Earl D. C. Brewer (Life and Religion in Southern Appalachia) suggests that a one-room church building is inadequate, and in regard to low church budgets he states, "Salvation may be free, as the song says, but it takes money to build and maintain church plants, provide literature and other facilities, and pay for professional leadership." 9 Certainly some of these critical comments do not show an intimate knowledge of Old Baptist beliefs. Hooker appears to think that the lack of organs in worship reflects ignorance or deprivation. The truth is that most of the Old Baptists did not want to see an organ in church because they did not believe that instruments, other than the human voice, should be used. Neither did they want imposing church buildings because, to them, the church is not of this world and the building is only a place to meet. It need only be large enough to house the congregation in one room, since the only activity is the church service. Sunday schools are generally opposed since they are not prescribed in the scriptures. The Black Rock Address of 1832, an important document relating to the Baptist separation, deals with Sunday schools: They claim the honor of converting their tens of thousands; of leading the tender minds of children to the knowledge of Jesus; of being as properly the instituted means of bringing children to the knowledge of salvation....Such arrogant pretensions we feel bound to oppose. First, because these...are grounded upon the notion that conversion or regeneration is produced by impressions made upon the natural mind by means of religious sentiments instilled into it; and if the Holy Ghost is allowed to be at all concerned in the thing, it is in a way which implies his being somehow blended with instruction, or necessarily attendant upon it; all of which we know to be wrong. 10 The main problem is that Sunday schools are institutions separate from the basic preaching mission of the church, and they depend primarily on the 123 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �learning of man rather than upon the inspiration of God. The Black Rock Address goes on to make it clear that old Baptists are not opposed to education as such: But whilst we thus stand opposed to the plan and use of these Sunday Schools..., we wish to be distinctly understood that we consider Sunday Schools for the purpose of teaching poor children to read, whereby they may be enabled to read the Scriptures for themselves to be useful and benevolent institutions, worthy of the patronage of all the friends of civil liberty.... And in regards to theological schools, the document discusses general education and theological education in light of the preaching ministry: ....it is not to colleges..., as such, that we have objection. We would cheerfully afford our own children such an education, did circumstances warrant the measure. But we object, in the first place, to sectarian colleges, as such. The idea of a Baptist college, and of a Presbyterian, etc., necessarily implies that our distinct views of church government, of gospel doctrine and gospel ordinances, are connected with human sciences, a principle we cannot admit; we believe the kingdom of Christ to be altogether a kingdom not of this world. In the second place, we object to the notion of attaching professorships of divinity to colleges; because this evidently implies that the revelation which God has made of himself is a human science, on a footing with mathematics, philosophy, law, etc....Thirdly...we believe that Christ possesses perfect knowledge of his own purposes, and of the proper instruments by which to accomplish them... we believe that the Lord calls no man to preach his gospel, till he has made him experimentally acquainted with that gospel, and endowed him with the proper measure of gifts, suiting him for the field he designs him to occupy; and the person giving himself in obedience to the voice of Christ will find himself learning in Christ's own school. 11 Hooker told of a conversation between an uneducated preacher and an educated one. Said the uneducated one, "I am empty from the bottom, like this hat," and he held his hat upside down. "The Lord has a chance to fill me. You have an education, and the Lord can fill you only from where the education leaves off." 12 The small congregations and small budgets mentioned by Weller and Brewer are not problems to the Old Baptists. They know that the numbers of the faithful will always be small, especially in rural areas, and they can not join another church that does not believe as they do in fundamental doctrine. The small budgets are a result of specific beliefs rather than a failure of effort. Since the Church is not of this world, these Old Baptists try to keep it as free of worldly ties as possible. They avoid the pitfall of "programs." They do not hire a minister. Rather an ordained elder is elected to preach and do certain clerical functions. He usually serves without any pay whatever, working at another job through the week as everyone else does. This practice reflects the levelling tendencies of the Old Baptists. A regular offering may not be taken, but when there is a need, such as for new pews, or for roof repair, then the necessary money will be raised. Money may also be taken to help someone who is in need, but usually the Loyal Jones 124 �congregation is very careful not to set up any worldly institutions in the name of the church. The whole matter of the human condition, sin, salvation, and the like, which Weller included in his criticism of mountain religion, will be discussed at length, utilizing interviews with several persons (taken by the author and a student, Gary King). "Worry, worry, worry, worry," said Garfield Sloan, an 84-year-old Estill, Kentucky, resident. "A man who is born of woman is but a few days and full of trouble....Vanity, vanity and vexation to the spirit. That's what it is....You know, man's about the weakest thing that I ever read after in my whole lifetime....The righteous man is tempted on every side....We fight awful hard to get born into this world, but I wouldn't give a nickel to stay."13 The late Reverend Buell Kazee, a native of Magoffin County, Kentucky, while not identified with the above-mentioned groups, still held to a rugged simplicity of faith. Thus he found much in common with the Old Baptists, especially on the problem of human sin: Oh, yes, man is a sinner. He's born that way, though. Man is born in sin and anything he'll do is wrong. Oh, not morally wrong—but he is a sinner against God, because he refuses to let God do what he pleases with His own—His highest creation....Your relationship to man is moral. Your relationship to God is spiritual, and that takes a new, a recreation.... 14 Most Baptists believe one may backslide but not that the truly saved person will ever slide completely away from grace. Brother Kazee continued: Paul goes through that in the sixth, seventh and eighth chapters of Romans. He went through the same experience. He says, "why there's the Law saying this, and here I am still disobedient, and when I do good, evil is present with me and that I would, I do not...." I find then a law in my members, the flesh-working-against-the-spirit conflict....Paul discovered that God was dealing with him now as a child, under grace rather than a sinner under the Law. A child under grace! And under grace you confess and God forgives your sin, while under Law you must be executed. Now you're born again, now you've paid the penalty in Christ under the Law, and you're declared free and raised up in Jesus Christ....You've a Father to help you in your weakness and sins and to forgive you and cleanse you, and if you rebel against Him he will chasten you, but he won't throw you out. That makes all the difference. There isn't much of that being preached today. The emphasis now is on conduct.l5 The Reverend Otis King, a Missionary Baptist from Harlan County, said about sin and salvation: "We believe in eternal salvation. There ain't nobody perfect; we're going to make a mistake somewhere every day....It's nature....but we are going to get forgiveness....Paul said, 4I die daily.' That meant he'd done something wrong." 16 If the concept of man is that he is a sinner, then the concept of the world is that it is corrupt and that life is tragic. Garfield Sloan commented: 'The Lord said that man loved darkness better than he loved 125 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �light. He also said that it would wax worse and worse. Well, we couldn't have any hopes of it getting better if it waxes worse and worse. Problem solvers? Yeah, they're going to solve the other man's problem, and they've never had their own solved." Audrey Wiley, a 54-year-old widow from Estill, Kentucky, said: My impression of the world....! think we're back in heathenism. I think we're in the worst shape ever been known. I think sin is to blame for a lot of it, cause people are seeking fortune and fame....They're seeking after wordly things....But the Bible tells us that such as it was in the days of Noah, so shall it be in the coming of the Son of Man....God is going to have to intervene to make that change. I think the downfall of our world today is political. That's back of all of it. 1 7 Josephine Martin, a Floyd County, Kentucky, widow: The moral situation is very low. I hate to say this about a good old honeycomb nation like we've got, but I think we have got about as low a moral standard as we have ever had. I think that the good old modesty of people has really gone in the past twenty years. As far as I am concerned, we have got one of the most sex-craving times that time ever had. It is such a confusing time that you wonder\ what is taking place....God said the time would come....Used to on Sunday morning you'd see parents taking their children to church....keeping the Sabbath holy. They don't do that anymore. "I'll do my thing and you do your thing." I think that is about as silly a remark as I've ever heard in my time. The most important thing that we could ever have is to have God first in our lives. 18 T.G. Bates of Hazard, Kentucky, an Old Regular Baptist elder, takes an individualist's stand on modern times: We're living in the awfulest time on earth right now. The Bible tells me that men in the last days will do what? Will do anything to make a proselyte—making somebody just like you are. And when he makes him so he's a two-fold child of hell more than he is himself....This government or that government is trying to make everybody just like they are, and the churches are in the same mood. They want to make everybody believe as they do. They criticize you because you don't believe like they do—and say that you won't go to heaven. The Son of God never said that. 19 Brother Buell Kazee again: I take the position that we are in the day of the "light stuff: I don't think the depth of spiritual life in the churches today is very noticeable....! could have played the banjo in church..., but I would have put myself in the position of mixing banjo-playing with...church work. Of course, that's what's happening right now. There's Johnny Cash on Billy Graham's program the other night, just whooping it up, you know, and telling all about what "the Lord meant to him" and playing in Las Vegas in the last six months. I just don't see how you can mix it...like that. The "Crusade" has taken people away from the church, away from the interest in church life....They're drawing the money from the churches, the church members, to those "big" things....There isn't a man or woman who can appear on Billy Graham's program who hasn't been a great "success" in the world. That is to say, his success in the world qualifies him to appear on the crusade program. He has to be a head liner in the world....They had a fellow who was the world's champion yo-yo artist on this program in Lexington....Now I've preached 57 years, and my witness, beside his, wouldn't be worth Loyal Jones 126 �two cents....And this is, as I see it, pure sham, because most of the people who are dedicated to Christ in the real sense wouldn't have any time for any of that other stuff. 20 The Old Baptists and the liberal mainline Christians, then, are at loggerheads over involvement with the world. The proponents of the social gospel, as well as other Christians who feel that there is no separation between religion and the world are critical of the fundamentalist Baptists for keeping aloof from the world—of being otherworldly. But the Old Baptists are equally critical of the more modern churches for getting too much involved in the world, and not being able to see the difference between the world and the life of the spirit. Had St. Paul not said, "And be not conformed to this world; but be ye transformed by the renewing of your mind, that ye may prove what is that good, and acceptable, and perfect will of God" (Romans 12:2). Had not Paul also asked how one may be justified under grace, "By what law? By works?" and had answered, "Nay: but by the law of faith. Therefore we conclude that a man is justified by faith without the deeds of the law" (Romans 3:27, 28). The Old Baptists are not opposed to getting involved in the world just because they see it as corrupt but because they see that it is easy to be led away from the basic relationship with God. Neither do they doubt that many "programs" are "good." Brother Razee: Religion is popular now, it's good business and good entertainment, but it's shallow, nothing rugged about the Old Cross now. Well, it's got some good things in it and a lot of gospel. But, there's a lot of difference between "good" and that which is "from God." Keep that in mind. A Christian must never ask "Is it Good?" He must ask "Is it of God?" That's where the Christian's life is centered, and he must not become absorbed with the goodness of the world as if it were the godliness of the Lord. But you understand, the Devil's not mean, he's not got a forked tail and horns; he's a god, he's a counterfeit god, he's going to be as much like God as he can without being God.... The Devil's got more religion going on than the Lord has, and it's "good" religion, it has humanitarianism in it, it has morality in it, it's got all the marks that we are looking for as good in it. But godliness...that's something else.... You see, good, honest people are deceived by Satan: it isn't the fellow who's not honest. He's working on very religious people.... That's where he's working. But the deception lies in the Devil getting them to believe something other than the word of God. You have to be guided by that word.21 Many of the Old Baptists are nevertheless involved in the world. It's just that they are not involved ax the church. They believe, if I may state it again for emphasis, that the church is not of this world. It is not an institution that can add new "programs." It is a fellowship of Christians, and it is a preaching mission. To preserve this concept, they have kept their church buildings simple; they have taken in and disbursed a m i n i m u m of money; and they have not ensconced their ministers in an "office." As a church they have tried to keep themselves "unspotted from the world." However, as Christian individuals and non-church groups, they have been involved in the world. One could find numerous examples of community 127 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �involvement—of comforting the bereaved, feeding the sick, caring for those in trouble, and the like. Some have gone further and done heroic battle in struggles about which their critics have accused them of not being concerned. It was Ollie Combs, a member of the Old Regular Baptist Church, who sat down in front of and stopped the bulldozers trying to strip her land, who was carried off to jail, and who later testified before the Kentucky legislature to bring in the first strong strip-mine regulations in Kentucky. This bill was called the "Widow Combs Bill." Dan Gibson, an Old Regular Baptist elder, stopped the strippers on his stepson's land, and he and Mrs. Combs were important members of the Appalachian Group to Save the Land and People. 22 The Reverend Otis King, a Missionary Baptist preacher from Harlan County, electrified viewers of the NET film, "Appalachia: Rich Land, Poor People," with his evangelical denunciation of absentee ownership and the rape of Kentucky, and he lectured the state police with equal fervor during the Brookside Strike in Harlan County for mistreating the women on the picket lines. Mr. King, who worked in the mines for 46 years, stated with profound certitude, "I'm three things: I'm a Christian; I'm a Baptist; and I'm a union man." Recently, I heard the Rev. Tom Sutton, of the United Baptist Church at Vest, Kentucky, use the pulpit to announce a meeting of the Knott County Citizens for Social and Economic Justice. The sermon that followed was related strictly to God's kingdom, but that afternoon,.in a public school building, Brother Sutton and other Knott Countians discussed ways of fighting an outside group seeking to take over the land of hundreds of Knott Countians on questionable colonial charters they claim to own. I trust my point is clear. The Old Baptist may get involved in whatever his conscience leads him to so long as it does not violate the doctrines of the church, but the church, as such, must not become involved in worldly pursuits. There are ample Biblical passages, especially in St. Paul's letters, that support the doctrines of these Baptist churches. The scriptures describe the baptism of the Holy Ghost and of the water (Matthew 3:11-17) in a way that is in keeping with Baptist belief. The act of foot washing is also described: "if I then, your Lord and Master, have washed your feet; ye also ought to wash one another's feet" (John 13:14). St. Paul made it clear that "all have sinned, and come short of the glory of God," whether or not they have been saved and are trying to live right (Romans 3:23). Indeed, "the scripture hath concluded all under sin, that the promise by faith of Jesus Christ might be given to them that believe" (Galatians 3:22). The devil and his influence in the world are discussed in Ephesians 6:11, 12: "Put on the whole armour of God, that ye may be able uTstarid against the wiles of the devil. For we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against prin- Loyal Jones 128 �cipalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places." And the much debated point of predestination is dealt with in Ephesians 1: "...he hath chosen us in him before the foundation of the world, that we should be holy and without blame before him in love...in whom also we have obtained an inheritance, being predestinated according to the purpose of him who worketh all things after the counsel of his own will...." Finally, the Second Coming and Resurrection are described in I Thessalonians 4 and 5: For the Lord himself shall descend from heaven with a shout, with the voice of the archangel, and with the trump of God: and the dead in Christ shall rise first: Then we which are alive and remain shall be caught up together with them in the clouds, to meet the Lord in the air: and so shall we ever be with the Lord. In passing, it seems important to acknowledge that Appalachian social values and mores have been greatly influenced by religion and by the scriptures. The familistic lifestyles, the levelling tendencies, the modesty, the love for tradition, the lack of a taste for confrontation are all part of the belief system. Here are some Bible verses which have influenced beliefs and behavior: Therefore, brethren, stand fast, and hold the traditions which ye have been taught, whether by word, or our epistle. II Thessalonians 2:5 Let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not; and let not him which eateth not judge him that eateth: for God has received him. Romans 14:2 For God hath not appointed us to wrath, but to obtain salvation by our Lord Jesus Christ.... See that none render evil for evil unto any man; but ever follow that which is good, both among yourselves, and to all men. I Thessalonians 5:9,15 I submit that the beliefs of the Old Baptists are out of kilter with modern religious thought, which is centered around missions, programs (within and outside the church), social action, a belief that the. Christian politician, educator, administrator, psychiatrist, T-group leader, etc., can change the world, can improve human nature, can perhaps create heaven here. That these Baptists have faults, as other Christians do, I acknowledge. But it seems to me that there is a quality of faith and of life among them that ought to be understood and appreciated. They operate in abstract and intellectual realms in discussing their faith, contrary to the claim by some that they lack an ability to think in the abstract. They have a clear sense of the spiritual as opposed to the worldly. They are not led around by fads and styles. They believe in serving one another. In spiritual matters they place trust in no earthly being but in the scriptures and in the Holy Spirit, and they have a respect for traditions. Perhaps they are too religious to suit our modern tastes. 129 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �NOTES 'Elmer T. Clark, The Small Sect in America (New York and Nashville: AbingdonCokesbury Press, 1949), 196-215. 2 William H. Tallmadge, "Baptist Monophonic and Heterophonic Hymnody in Southern Appalachia" (paper read at joint meeting of Society for Ethnomusicology and the Sonneck Society, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn., October 18, 1975), 1-5. -Mbid., 1. 4 Sources are Articles of Faith from various Baptist sects. s Clark, 203-7. ^Elizabeth R. Hooker, Religion in the Highlands: Native Churches and Missionary Enterprises in the Southern Appalachian Area (New York: The Polygraphic Company of America, Inc., 1933), 1 6 1 . 7 Jack E. Weller, Yesterday's People (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1966), 122-3. «Ibid., 124-8. 9 Earl D. C. Brewer and W. D. Weatherford, Life and Religion in Southern Appalachia (New York: Friendship Press, 1962), 75-7. 10 W. J. Berry, ed., The Kehukee Declaration and Black Rock Address with other Writings Relative to the Baptist Separation between 1825-1840 (Elon College, N.C.: Primitive Publications, n.d.), 26-7. "Ibid., 28-34. '2Hooker, 161. l3 From an interview with Garfield Sloan, Estill, Kentucky, by Gary King, Summer 1975. '4 44 Loyal Jones and Buell Kazee,' 1 Katallagete, 5 (Fall 1975), 6. "5Ibid., 7. l6 From an interview with Rev. Otis King, by Loyal Jones, March 12, 1974. l7 From an interview with Audrey Wiley, Estill, Kentucky, by Gary King, Summer 1975. l8 From an interview with Josephine Martin, Estill, Kentucky, by Gary King, Summer 1975. l9 From recordings of Elder T. G. Bates of Hazard, Kentucky, supplied by Minnie Bates Yancey. 2 °"Jones and Kazee," 5. 2ilbid., 10. 22 Loyal Jones, "Mrs. Combs and the Bulldozers," Katallagete, Summer 1966, 18-24. Loyal Jones 130 �Industrialization and Violence in Appalachia in the 1890's GORDON B. McKINNEY It is the feud that most sharply differentiates the...mountaineer from his fellows...the feud means, of course, ignorance, shiftlessness, incredible lawlessness, a frightful estimate of the value of human life; the horrible custom of ambush, a class of cowardly assassins who can be hired to do murder for a gun, a mule, or a gallon of moonshine. 1 This observation made in 1901 by a sympathetic novelist reveals how significant a part of the mountaineer stereotype violence had become. Prohibition and labor-management confrontations provided additional examples of social conflict in the 1920's and 1930's that kept the image alive. 2 While the traditional picture of the Southern mountain people has slowly changed in the twentieth century, the highlanders' penchant for violent reaction to opposition and exploitation seems to make that part of the stereotype endure. In fact, a recent writer characterized Appalachian history as one "compounded of Indian wars, civil war and intestine feuds, of layered hatreds and of violent death." 3 On a more popular level, the hillbilly cartoon character Snuffy Smith is portrayed as constantly willing to defend himself with his trusty gun against government officials, the sheriff, and other mountain dwellers. This popular image was largely created by a series of spectacular events that took place at the end of the nineteenth century. The first of these notorious eruptions was the bloody climax of the Hatfield-McCoy feud in 1888.4 The nation was appalled by the ruthlessness of the family fighting and concerned over the implications of the near civil war between Kentucky and West Virginia caused by the legal complications. In 1893 the highland city of Roanoke, Virginia, exploded in a frenzy of racial hatred and anarchy. 5 A large number of people were killed, and the inability of local authorities to punish the guilty convinced observers that the mountain people accepted violence as a legitimate part of their lives. The most astounding of the incidents occurred in early 1900. The Kentucky gubernatorial campaign of 1899 was extremely acrimonious with most of the controversy centering around liberal Democratic candidate William Goebel. A split in the Democratic party allowed the Republicans to win the election by fewer than 2,000 votes, and Goebel and the Democrats announced that they were going to contest the results in the Democratically 131 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �controlled legislature. As the legislative session opened, Goebel was shot, and just before he died the legislature declared him the lawfully elected governor. 6 A special militia of mountain Republicans was blamed—with some justification—for the assassination. The national press attacked the highlanders and demanded to know what type of people would perpetrate this type of barbarity. 7 Several theories have been advanced to explain this sudden outburst of violent behavior. A number of authors have stressed the absence of effective law enforcement and the isolation from educational and cultural influences. 8 These factors undoubtedly helped to contribute to the general condition of mountain society. But they were present in the previous decades as well and do not explain the unusual events of the 1890's. Other observers feel that the ethnic background of the people—described as Scottish or Scotch-Irish—provides the explanation. 9 This seems highly unlikely. For one thing it is nearly impossible to establish with any certainty exactly what the ethnic background of the mountain people was. In addition, social scientists now reject the idea of inherited social characteristics. Most of the above explanations have been offered without any real attempt to examine in detail the nature of the violence that afflicted Appalachian society in the 1890's. Even those writers who attempted to defend the mountain people used much the same explanations. William G. Frost, President of Berea College, and novelist John Fox, Jr., were both forced to rationalize the mountaineer's behavior in unflattering terms. Frost pointed to lack of educational facilities, sectarian religion, and geographical isolation as factors that explained the aberrant behavior. 10 Fox also blamed poor education and little communication with the outside world for the feuding. These suggestions do not offer specific motivations for individual acts, however. Thus it is important to concentrate not on the general nature of the mountain people in the 1890's but instead on specific violent incidents. When Appalachian conflict is viewed in this manner, two broad categories of episodes become obvious. The first consists of those which can be readily explained by known historical forces. There is a second group of incidents that appear to defy rational historical explanation and which attracted much of the public attention during this period. These categories are arbitrary and need to be more thoroughly examined before any final conclusions are reached, but they do offer a convenient analytical framework. There were three clear examples of conflict resulting from definable historical causes. Although the categories are somewhat oversimplified, the following definitions will allow investigators to discriminate between Gordon B. McKinney 132 �different types of mountain violence: (a) It is clear that many incidents were a carry-over from the Civil War. These grudges were based on the unique position of the mountain people during the war and the suffering they endured. This form of violence was rational in the sense that there was an overt cause. (b) Some of the conflict was generated by worsening race relations in the 1890's. Again this was a rational reaction on the part of the mountaineers in that they reacted as most other white Americans of the time did. (c) Direct labor-management confrontations in the 1890's were also part of national developments, and the battles in Appalachia could not be regarded as unique in American society. These three types of violence, in fact, marked the mountain men as part of the American mainstream. The negative impact of the Civil War on the highlands of the upper South has long been known. Some observers of mountain violence are convinced that this factor alone accounts for much of the conflict in Appalachia in the 1890's.n There is little question about the fact that the mountain counties of the South suffered tremendously during the war. One reason was the need of major army units of both the Confederacy and the Union to secure provisions from the local populations as they fought. The greatest suffering was experienced in East Tennessee,but individual mountain families in other states endured similar privations. The LongstreetBurnside battles in East Tennessee in the winter of 1863 and 1864 resulted in great hardships for all mountain dwellers. 12 Because of limited resources the civilian population was often required to give more than they could and still feed their families. One East Tennessean complained: ...the Union Army is more destructive to Union men than the Rebel Army ever was. Our fences are burned, our horses are taken, our people are stripped in many instances of the very last vestige of subsistence, and when the best Union men in the country make appeals to the soldiers, they are heartlessly cursed as rebels.... 13 Confederate sympathizers fared no better as the two armies continued to live off the land. The situation became so desperate that the East Tennessee Relief Association raised $139,000 from Northern audiences to prevent widespread starvation. 14 As bad as the presence of regular armies was, the mountain population suffered even more from guerrilla warfare. The mountain region provided a haven for draft evaders and deserters, and groups of these men preyed upon the local population. 15 In addition there was a great deal of conflict generated by the local population itself. Many mountain counties had no way to maintain respect for the law, and justice had to be secured by the individual. 16 There can be little doubt that some of the family feuds that 133 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �plagued mountain society after the war were caused by these circumstances. The notorious Knott County "War" in eastern Kentucky was fought between factions led by opposing Confederate and Union guerrilla leaders. 17 The lingering bitterness is easy to understand when one considers the tremendous price that the mountain people paid. In East Tennessee alone approximately 2,500 civilians lost their lives because of guerrilla activities. 18 Each mountain community contained several individuals who suffered injuries like those reported by one Tennessean: "I lost the sight of my left eye, also my skull were [sic] broken, my physical and mental health lost, and my means for support destroyed by the combattents [s/c]...."19 Despite the pervasiveness of the Civil War experience, violence in mountain society came from other sources as well. Like the rest of the South, the highlands experienced a crisis in race relations in the 1890's. Calling the new phenomenon a "phobia," historian George M. Fredrickson observed: "In 1893...Southern mobs were beginning to torture and burn their black victims, instead of simply stringing them up...."20 Although the percentage of black population in Appalachia was actually declining in the late nineteenth century, racial violence increased. 21 There were at least fifteen lynchings during the last decade of the century in the mountain counties, and a number of them involved several victims. In 1891 four blacks were lynched in Clifton Forge, Virginia, after a group of white caps was formed to force blacks to accept a subordinate status. 22 Some mountain white leaders defended lynching as an acceptable means of social control. 23 Even when the result was not lynching there was an undercurrent of hostility that poisoned mountain society. Another important cause of violence in Appalachia in the 1890's was increasing conflict between capital and labor. Since coal production was the major industry of the region, the mines became the center of the confrontations. The first crisis occurred in East Tennessee, and the major issue was the use of convict labor to replace free workers. Starting in 1891 and continuing for three years, free miners challenged the convict lease system and finally resorted to attacks on state and company property to force an end to the arrangement. 24 The situation became a major political issue in the state, and local Republican politicians worked with the miners to end convict labor in Tennessee.25 The depression of the 1890's brought unemployment and lower wages. The miners reacted to the changing circumstances with strikes, the most serious of which took place in West Virginia in 1894 and involved the first battles in Appalachia between a union and a state government. 26 As industrialization spread throughout the highlands this type of violence increased in both extent and bitterness. These three forms of conflict all had a strong historical base. There Gordon B. McKinney 134 �were similar outbreaks in other parts of the country where similar conditions prevailed. The significance of this fact can be gauged by investigating a type of violence that did not appear in Appalachia. A major study of vigilante groups in the United States in the nineteenth century identified 326 such movements. 27 Only one of these was in the Southern highlands. Significantly that movement developed in Sevier County, Tennessee, in the 1890's. The conclusion that must be derived from this information is that the history of the region produced conditions that encouraged certain types of violence and discouraged others. People who observed the mountain people in the 1890's were painfully aware of another type of conflict in Appalachian society as well. Seemingly i r r a t i o n a l acts of v i o l e n c e — f e u d s , h o m i c i d e s , and p o l i t i c a l assassinations—appeared to be a normal part of the mountaineer's life style. It was this seemingly unmotivated violence that was largely responsible for the creation of the enduring hillbilly stereotype. Fortunately some recent work by social historians has provided students of the mountain region with the analytical tools necessary to understand the explosion of violence that took place. With these discoveries it is now possible to investigate and explain the basis for the events that captured the nation's imagination. As early as 1887 German sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies discovered that industrialization produced a crisis in a predominantly rural and agricultural society. He noted that many people were forced to ignore traditional patterns of behavior and loyalty. They were unable to sustain themselves through their local interests but instead were forced to identify with larger social groups. As a society underwent this transition many individuals resisted and serious social dislocation took place. 28 Recently American historian Robert Wiebe has applied these insights to American society. Wiebe traces the rise of the Progressive movement and documents how businessmen, lawyers, doctors, and educators transferred their loyalty from their communities to national standards of professionalism. Thus, the medical doctor owed his primary loyalty to the American Medical Association rather than to the particular health needs of one location. 29 Wiebe also notes that the rapidity with which this transformation took place left many people behind—bewildered and bitter. English historian Eric J. Hobsbawm has made a special study of those people left behind by industrialization. He discovered that the societies he studied had several points in common. They were rural, pre-capitalist, and "profoundly and tenaciously traditional." 30 This description would fit most Southern mountain communities during the 1890's. Hobsbawm noted that these societies often were marked by irrational forms of violence. The people would strike out at those who threatened them without having any program to alleviate the problems confronting them. Hobsbawm noted 135 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �that the following conditions often promoted a violent reaction: [Violence] is most likely to become a major phenomenon when their traditional equilibrium is upset: during and after periods of abnormal hardship, such as famines and wars, or at moments when the jaws of the dynamic modern world seize the static communities in order to destroy and transform them. 3 1 Since the Southern highlands had recently suffered through the Civil War and faced the full impact of the American industrial revolution in the 1890's, it was a prime example of the conditions Hobsbawm cited. Perceptive observers of mountain life in the 1890's discovered most of the reactions that Hobsbawm notices in his study. For example he notes the rise of the social bandit—Robin Hood—who ignored the law and lived by the values respected by his community. The following description of a western North Carolina man illustrates how this process took place in Appalachia: Baxter Shelton, the reputed outlaw of Madison County, is only 22 years of age. He is a kind hearted man and stands by his friends under all circumstances. He is a man who would rather die than be termed a coward. He has expressed himself as anxious to get away from Laural, but feels he would be accused of cowardice were he to leave that section....He is reputed to have many good qualities and good traits of character. Investigations often show that he acts from principles of self defense in many cases.32 The sentiments expressed by this reporter were commonly held. A mountain man was judged to be guilty only when he did not live according to community standards. Even murder could be forgiven if the crime was committed for acceptable reasons. Conflict was expressed in more than individual action. Whole mountain communities became battlegrounds as one Kentucky editor complained: The town is an arsenal. Firearms of the worst kind are seen on all sides. When armed bodies of men come openly on the streets in defiance of one another; when guns are sneaked in; when preparations continually go on for war, then there will be no peaceful settlement, but sooner or later the outbreak will come.... 33 As the newsman observed, the presence of a tense and armed population often led to killings. In fact most mountaineers were aware that the level of violence had greatly increased in the 1890's.34 There seemed to be no way to stop the killing, however, and most of the population resigned themselves. Although there seemed then to be no pattern to the conflicts, it is possible to divide these events into two broad categories now. The most obvious was a tremendous increase in attempted political assassinations. In the United States as a whole, political killings have been relatively rare. Between 1790 and 1968 only eight governors and nine congressmen were victims of attempted or actual murders. 35 Significantly, four of these crimes involved Southern mountaineers in the 1890's. Three former congressmen were shot during the decade and one died. In each instance the assailant was defending his "honor" and seemed to be motivated by Gordon B. McKinney 136 �political considerations. The most spectacular of the assassinations occurred in Kentucky in 1900. William Goebel, Democratic contestant for governor, was killed by a mountaineer supporter of the Republican candidate. 37 This seemingly senseless string of political violence was evidence of a deeper malaise that infected mountain elections. The 1890's was a period of profound political disruption in Appalachia. In the years after Reconstruction the Republican party assumed the role of spokesman for and defender of the mountain population. Mountain Republican politicians made every effort to satisfy the needs of the farmers, businessmen, civil war veterans, and the poor.38 They also tried to prepare the Appalachian population for the stresses of the industrial revolution. In an effort to maintain themselves in office, these politicians ignored larger issues and concentrated on immediate problems. When the depression of the 1890's struck the highlands, the mountain voters discovered that the old political bosses had few solutions for the suffering. New leaders appeared who preached the doctrines of the protective t a r i f f and b u s i n e s s l e a d e r s h i p of society. These new leaders—described effectively by Tonnies and Wiebe—seized control of the Republican organization and used it to begin the systematic exploitation of the people and resources of Appalachia. 39 The loss of community political control distressed many mountain people, and the violence that followed was a predictable and therefore rational response. The second major strain of violence could be properly described as defense of community values. This is a rather broad category and includes many seemingly unrelated events in it. There is an underlying unity, however. All of the incidents reflected the inability of mountaineers to understand that their life style would have to change. Many mountain people viewed anything outside their families or local communities as a threat. The advent of industrialization insured that virtually every mountain dweller would have to make major adjustments in his life. As in politics the big corporations invaded the mountain economy and dominated it. No longer were the rural people free to determine their economic future, and in addition they were now subject to the vagaries of a national business cycle.40 The rapidity with which these profound alterations in highland society took place left many of the inhabitants bewildered and fearful. At the same time a new group of men appeared in the highlands. They were part of the new professional middle class created by the industrial revolution, and they soon came to dominate mountain society. Lawyers, bankers, and businessmen sought to bring the discipline and rationalized work processes of industry into the mountains. These new leaders and values threatened the individuality that many mountaineers prized. Often conflict between the two groups seemed to have no immediate basis. To 137 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �the professional middle class, the rural inhabitants and their life style represented an anachronism that had to be reformed. On the other hand, many people in the highland regions felt that the changes brought by industry could be halted only by violence. The conflicts generated by confrontations between these two groups were based on the failure of either to understand the motivations of the other. The attempt to bring the order demanded by industrialization to Appalachian society was fiercely resisted. When one faction of a Virginia feud objected to the interference of the court in a dispute, the men shot to death the judge, the prosecutor, the sheriff, and three of the jurors. 41 Kentucky Governor William O. Bradley was forced to send the state militia into Clay County in 1898 when a feud had destroyed all semblance of law and order in the area. 42 In western North Carolina the sheriff of Mitchell County was killed in a street fight trying to restrain a local trouble maker. 43 This case gained great notoriety because the officer was the brother of one of the state's U.S. senators. A large number of federal Internal Revenue officials were attacked as they attempted to enforce the tax laws. 44 Even the act of supporting the authorities was sufficient reason for some mountaineers to take offense. A newspaper editor in Pulaski County, Kentucky, J. R. Rucker, denounced lawlessness in an editorial in 1892. His reward for this violation of community solidarity was to be shot and killed by an irate reader. 45 The new middle class in Appalachia was appalled by this reactionary violence. A Virginia editor reacting to an attack on an industrial site characterized the perpetrators as "Mountain outlaws, the riff-raff of civilization, barbarians...." 46 The rural inhabitants of the highlands knew that many of the new leaders felt this way and deeply resented it. The incident that best illustrates the conflict between these two groups in Appalachia is the lynching and riot that took place in Roanoke, Virginia, in September 1893. Roanoke was a predictable location for this type of confrontation. In the late 1870's the area contained a few hundred people and was named Big Lick. The convergence of railroad lines created a boom town that adopted the more dignified name of Roanoke. The mountain people from the surrounding counties came to work in the iron mills that formed the economic backbone of the growing community. 47 By 1893 the population of the city had reached approximately 25,000, and Roanoke was ready to explode. With a much larger black population than most of Appalachia, the city experienced substantial racial tension. In addition the severe financial collapse in the United States in 1893 struck Roanoke hard, 48 and unemployed workers blamed the business leadership of the city for their plight. All that was needed to set the city ablaze was an Gordon B. McKinney 138 �incident that would allow the mountain men to focus their fears on one object. That spark was supplied on September 20, 1893. An unemployed black, Thomas Smith, robbed and beat a white woman who had come to town to sell goods raised on her farm. The customary sequence of events would have led to an immediate lynching. But that did not happen in Roanoke. Mayor Henry S. Trout was a local industrialist and banker and a member of the new middle class. Trout was determined to insure that this case be handled through the regular judicial process, and that a mob would not be allowed to take over the city. 49 The mayor's objective ran counter to the desires of the disgruntled unemployed and the many rural inhabitants in the city that day. A confrontation between the old and the new in Appalachia was inevitable. The fugitive was quickly located and arrested. Soon the differences began to appear. The regular police were sympathetic with the gathering mob and had made no attempt to apprehend Smith. Instead, detective William G. Baldwin made the arrest and brought the fugitive through the crowd to the jail. Baldwin viewed himself as a professional law enforcement officer and held the excited populace in contempt. He even threatened to shoot anyone who tried to interfere with his work. 50 Once the prisoner was in jail a mob gradually surrounded the building. Alarmed public officials called out the local unit of the state militia and ordered them to clear the streets. They were able to do so briefly, but by nightfall the crowd grew again until it numbered at least 1,500 people. 51 The mayor, the local judge, and the district attorney all assured the people that since the court was already in session justice would be swift in this case. The problem that these men faced, however, was that the mob was not interested in official justice. The idea of using institutions instead of individual action to regulate society was foreign to most mountaineers. Each man felt he had to protect his family and his community's values by personally taking direct action. A group of approximately fifty men who lived in the country near the injured woman's home began to attack an unprotected side of the jail. These men refused to believe that the authorities would use force against them and ignored repeated warnings issued by the militia leader. 52 In the confusion that followed, the militia opened fire on the mob which regrouped and charged again. The militia fired again and the crowd quickly left the jail. Eight civilians were dead and more than a score were wounded, including the mayor. 53 Although driven away from the jail, the mob refused to disperse and indeed their resentment only increased. The object of their hatred turned from the Negro to the government officials who had demanded that due process be followed. The mayor 139 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �became the object of special concern. Mob leaders searched his home and the major hotel in Roanoke in a vain attempt to locate Trout and lynch him. A state senatorial candidate who called for peace was shot at three times and was forced to flee. 54 The situation was clearly out of control, and the prisoner was removed from the jail and the militia was disbanded in an effort to placate the hostile population. Even after the police betrayed the prisoner the next morning and he was lynched, the mob remained in control of the city. 55 Personal revenge was still their major motivation and only the most strenuous efforts prevented them from burying the lynched black man in the mayor's front yard. Appalled by the events, the professional leadership of Roanoke sought to regain control of the city. The leader in this effort was Joseph H. Sands, vice-president of the Roanoke Iron Works, who helped create a special citizens committee. 56 Sands was able to call together fraternal organizations and workers' groups and persuade them to support efforts to suppress the existing anarchy. Resentment against the authorities still remained, as the following resolution adopted by one meeting indicates: Resolved, that, it is the opinion of this meeting, the firing upon the crowd assembled about the courthouse was not justified by existing circumstances and was in a great measure unprovoked, and we hereby demand from the proper authorities that a most rigid investigation be made of all the circumstances of the affair, and that, in case the guilt of any official, civil or military, be proved, that said officer shall be requested to resign, and that he be punished to the full extent of the law.... 57 The committee worked carefully and was able to avoid provoking further incidents. A week after the riot Mayor Trout was able to return to town from his self-imposed exile, and the militia was able to meet without any outside interference. The city officials moved swiftly to punish those who had led the mob. They realized that Roanoke's tarnished reputation would be a hindrance to further business growth, and they worked hard to restore the city's respectability. A thorough public investigation took place which served as a forum to vindicate the policies pursued by the public officials. A special grand jury was called and nineteen indictments were handed down against the rioters. Significantly, two of those indicted were police officers who were charged with aiding the mob with the lynching of Smith. 58 Unfortunately for the middle-class leadership, the cases were tried before juries made up of mountain men who accepted personal revenge as a routine practice. The result was that most of those indicted were convicted, but the jury's sentences were so light as to constitute no punishment at all.59 The local newspaper protested that the verdicts were "travesties upon justice."60 The lack of understanding between the two groups within mountain society that created the conditions for the riot remained unchanged. The tension evident in Roanoke would be found throughout Appalachia, and other violent outbreaks would testify to the continuing con- Gordon B. McKinney 140 �flict between the traditional mode of living and industrialization in the region. This survey of violence in the Southern mountains in the 1890's leads to an important conclusion about the inhabitants of the area. Although there was a high level of social conflict in the 1890's, the mountain pepple are inherently no more violent than any other group of Americans. 6 ( The causes of the feuds and riots can be much more adequately explained by an unusual convergence of social forces than by speculations about some theoretical mass personality. JThe mountaineers were suddenly overwhelmed by forces they could 'not control. Racism, the Civil War, the industrial revolution, and the loss of power to run their own political organizations and communities left the mountaineers angry and frightened. No other group in the history of the United States has faced such an onslaught in such a short period of time. The wonder is not that the people of Appalachia were violent in the 1890's, but that they were not even more violent than they were. NOTES 'John Fox, Jr., "The Southern Mountaineer," Scribner's Magazine, 29 (May 1901), 562-3. 2 Harry M. Caudill, Night Comes to the Cumberland's: A Biography of a Depressed Area (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1962), 153-205. ^Ibid., x. 4 The most complete account of this famous feud is Virgil C. Jones, The Hatfields and the McCoys (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1948). 5 See John A. Waits, "Roanoke's Tragedy: The Lynch Riot of 1893" (M.A. thesis, University of Virginia, 1972). 6 See Thomas D. Clark, "The People, William Goebel, and the Kentucky Railroads," Journal of Southern History, 5 (February 1939), 34-48. 7 Out-of-state reaction is catalogued in the Louisville Courier-Journal, February 1-7, 1900. 8 Jones, Hatfields and McCoys, 5; Mary Verhoeff, The Kentucky Mountains (Louisville: John P. Morton & Company, 1911), 33; R.L. McClure, "Mazes of a Kentucky Feud," Independent, 4 (September 17, 1903), 2217-18; "Hanging of Bad Tom Smith," Harper's Weekly, 39 (August 10, 1895), 748. 9 For a discussion of the ethnic composition of the mountain population see Cratis D. Williams, "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction: Who Are Southern Mountaineers?" Appalachian Journal, 3 (Autumn 1975), 11-19. 10 Frost, "Our Contemporary Ancestors in the Southern Mountains," Atlantic Monthly, 83 (March 1899), 316; Frost, "The Southern Mountaineer," Review of Reviews, 21 (March 1900), 306; Fox, "Southern Mountaineer," Scribner's, 562-3. 11 Jones, Hatfields and McCoys, 14; Caudill, Night Comes to the Cumberlands, 46-51. l2 One Union officer reported: "...many families in this valley who have fathers and brothers in the Union Army...are absolutely starving. This morning a widow with five children at home to support, and her only grown son in the Union Army, came to my quarters begging for food, stating she had eaten nothing for three v days. From the ravenous avidity with 141 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �which she devoured food set before her, all credited her tale." The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 128 vols. and index (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1880-1901), Series I, Vol. 31, Pt. 3, 446. Hereinafter cited as Official Records. '3Ibid., 507-8. I4 Thomas W. Humes, Report to the East Tennessee Relief Association (Knoxville: East Tennessee Relief Association, 1865). 15 For example see Henry T. Shanks, "Disloyalty to the Confederacy in Southwestern Virginia, 1861-1865," North Carolina Historical Review, April 1944, 118-44; John G. Barrett, The Civil War in North Carolina (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1963), 240-1; Official Records, Series I, Vol. 39, Pt. 1, 234. 16 Lizzie Pickens (?) to Rufus Lenoir, September 21, 1862, Thomas Lenoir Papers (Perkins Library, Duke University, Durham, N.C.); Barrett, Civil War North Carolina, 185-6; Thomas W. Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers of East Tennessee (Knoxville: Ogden Brothers and Company, 1888), 138-9. l7 Caudill, Night Comes to the Cwnberlands, 48. 18 Humes, Loyal Mountaineers, 392. ^Petition of Elizabeth Flearter to E. F. Senter, March 18, 1884, Leonard Campbell Houk and John Chiles Houk Papers (McClung Historical Collection, Lawson McGhee Library, Knoxville, Tenn.). 2 °Fred rick son, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817-1914 (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), 273. 2 'See Gordon B. McKinney, "The Mountain Republicans and the Negro," Journal of Southern History, 41 (November 1975), 493-516. 22Wytheville Dispatch, October 23, 1891. 23John B. Brownlow to Oliver P. Temple, January 1, 1894, Oliver Perry Temple Papers (University of Tennessee Library, Knoxville, Tenn.). 24 For the most complete account see A.C. Hutson, Jr., "The Coal Miners' Insurrections of 1891 in Anderson County, Tennessee," East Tennessee Historical Society's Publications, No. 7 (1935), 103-21; Hutson, "The Overthrow of the Convict Lease System in Tennessee," East Tennessee Historical Society's Publications, No. 8 (1936), 82-102. 25 Minutes, Blount County Republican Mass Meeting, October 5, 1891; S.D. Moore et al. to John P. Buchanan, August 15, 1892; John C. Houk to E.C. Prescott, September 21, 1892; Houk to R.M. Lindsay, January 11, 1893; W.W. Lindsay to Houk, March 17, 1894 (Houk Papers). ^Wheeling Intelligencer, March 1-9, April 24-28, May 29-June 13, 1894. 27 "Vigilante Movements (as distinguished from ephemeral lynch mobs) are thus identifiable by two main characteristics of (1) regular (through illegal) organization and (2) existence for a definite (though possibly short) period of time." Richard M. Brown, "The American Vigilante Tradition," in Hugh D. Graham and Ted R. Gurr, eds., Violence in America: Historical and Comparative Perspectives (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1969), I, 123, 17180. 28 Tonnies, Community <£ Society, trans, and ed. Charles P. Loomis (New York: Harper & Row, 1957), 42-4, 64-7, 76-8. wwiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967), 11-75, 13363. 3 °Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1965), 23. 3ilbid., 24. 32Statesville Landmark, January 18, 1'898. Gordon B. McKinney 142 �33 Middlesborough News, June 30, 1900. 34Clinton Gazette, July 13, 1898. 35 William J. Crotty, James F. Kirkham, and Sheldon G. Levy, Assassination and Political Violence: A Report to the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence (New York: Bantam Books, 1970), 24. 36 In February 1890 newspaperman Charles E. Kincaide shot former Kentucky Democratic Congressman William P. Taulbee. Kincaide had exposed Taulbee's adultrous relationship with a government clerk and ended Taulbee's political career. The shooting was the climax of a continuing personal and political battle between the two men. Wheeling Intelligencer, March 1, 1890; London Mountain Echo, March 7, 1890. Former Virginia Republican Congressman James A. Walker was seriously wounded in March 1899 while collecting evidence to challenge the election of the Democratic candidate. After a heated verbal exchange, Walker wounded W.S. Hamilton, the lawyer for the opposition. Walker was in turn shot by G.D. Davis, a secretary recording the testimony for the Democrats. Clinton Gazette, March 15, 1899; Big Stone Gap Post, March 16, 1899. Republican Congressman David G. Colson was wounded twice in two separate incidents involving the same individual. The first confrontation between Colson and Ethelbert D. Scott took place after both joined the army to fight in the Spanish-American War. The second shooting took place in January 1900 just before the assassination of Democratic gubernatorial contestant William Goebel. Scott, apparently drunk, verbally abused Colson. In the confusion that followed, Colson shot and killed Scott and in turn was severely wounded. Middlesboro Record, January 19, 1900; Hazel Green Herald, January 18, 1900. 37 For the trials of the assassins see Hazel Green Herald, August 23, October 4, 1900. 38 See Gordon B. McKinney, "The Mountain Republican Party-Army," Tennessee Historical Quarterly, 32 (Summer 1973), 124-39; McKinney, "The Rise of the Houk Machine in East Tennessee," East Tennessee Historical Society's Publications, No. 45 (1973), 61-77. 39 See McKinney, "Farewell to the Bloody Shirt: The Decline of the Houk Machine," East Tennessee Historical Society's Publications, No. 46 (1974), 94-107. 4 «See Wiebe, Search for Order, 133-63. 4l Caudill, Night Comes to the Cumberland^, 49. 42 Louisville Courier-Journal, June 13, 1898. 43 Wytheville Dispatch, September 3, 1897. 44 A typical incident was reported as follows: "While he was doing this [destroying the still], a man came into the distillery who appeared to be the owner, and Mr. Bouldin attempted to place him under arrest, but he escaped from the premises, returning in a few minutes with a double-barreled shot gun, and fired the contents of both barrels into the body of Mr. Bouldin, inflicting very severe wounds in his left arm and his side in the region of the heart." John W. Mason to B.H. Bunn, March 4, 1892, letterbook, John W. Mason Papers (University of West Virginia Library, Morgantown, W. Va.). 4 s - Maryville Times, September 28, 1892. 4 ^Big Stone Gap Post, April 24, 1891. 4 ?Waits, "Lynch Riot," 22-3. 4 *Ibid., 25-6. 49 Roanoke Times, September 23, 1893. -^Ibid., September 21, 1893. • s 'Ibid. -^Ibid., September 23, 1893. > 3 Ibid. - S4 Ibid. - s Mbid., September 22, 1893. - s Mbid., September 23, 1893. 143 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �5?Ibid., September 22, 1893. "Ibid., October 24, 1893. 59Ibid., November 23, 26, 1893; Waits, "Lynch Riot," 70. 60 Roanoke Times, November 26, 1893. 61 For example in the period between 1879 and 1908 there was more political violence in all of America—not just Appalachia—than at any time since 1800. Sheldon G. Levy, "A 150 Year Study of Political Violence in the United States," in Graham and Gurr's Violence in America, I, 67. Gordon B. McKinney 144 �This page intentionally left blank �Literary Traditions and Folklore �The Observance of Old Christmas in Southern Appalachia CHESTER RAYMOND YOUNG Two generations ago in Southern Appalachia many people regularly kept Old Christmas or had a vivid memory of descriptions of its observance which they had heard recounted by their forebears. Since then, however, this Southern tradition has given way to what mountain people at the turn of the century called the "man-made" New Christmas of December 25J The year 1753 marked the first Old Christmas in the English-speaking world. It developed immediately as an aversion toward Britain's calendar reform. The British Parliament adopted in 1751 the Gregorian calendar, which had already been in effect in Roman Catholic lands on the Continent for 170 years. In 1582 Pope Gregory XIII had given up the Julian calendar, in use in the Roman Empire since 45 B.C. The Julian calendar had been based on the assumption that a solar year equalled 365 1/4 days; accordingly, a day had been intercalated at the end of February in each year which was a multiple of 4. Thus 3 common years had been followed by 1 leap year. This pre-Christian adjustment of the Romans' ancient calendar had been fairly accurate, but even so a Julian year had been too long by 11 minutes 14 seconds, or a day in 128 years. (Scholars calculate that the sun in its supposed journey northward crosses the equator once every 365 days 5 hours 48 minutes 46 seconds.) By 1582, therefore, the calendar had outrun the sun by 10 days. The new papal calendar corrected this solar imbalance by dropping the 10 days of October 5-14 that year. To care for future discrepancies the intercalations were to be omitted on all centenary years except those which are evenly divisible by 400. In other words, only 97 of the 100 Julian leap years during 4 centuries would be retained under the Gregorian calendar. 2 When the Pope's calendar went into effect in 1582 in parts of Europe, Englishmen, having achieved a reformation of religion on their own island, had been in no mood to accept the new papal timekeeping scheme. As a result of their recusancy, they had continued to use the Julian calendar until 1752. By then the difference between the two styles was eleven days, because the year 1700 had been a leap year under the Julian calendar but not under the Gregorian. To correct this accumulated disproportion 147 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �the eleven days of September 3-13 were omitted from the year 1752. To provide for future symmetry, the Gregorian intercalary rule was adopted. The act of Parliament also moved New Year's Day from March 25 to January L 3 By September 14, 1752, the necessary changes had been effected, and for the first time since October 4, 1582, the calendar in Britain was even once more with the calendar, say, in Spain. Henceforth anniversaries and holidays in the British world actually fell eleven days sooner in the year than they had occurred under the Julian calendar—or Old Style (O.S.), as that system of dating came to be called. Because Christmas (December 25) under the Gregorian calendar—or New Style (N.S.)—now came eleven days earlier in the season, some people felt it was necessary to add that number of days to a Julian date in order to find when that event should rightly occur under the new calendar. Accordingly, January 5, N.S., corresponded to December 25, O.S. If a man objected to the new calendar and wanted to keep Christmas at the same time of the year it had previously been observed, he celebrated the Nativity on January 5 during the remainder of the eighteenth century and called it Old Christmas to distinguish it from New Christmas—December 25, N.S. (Beginning with 1801 and continuing through 1900, Old Christmas took place on January 6. The date advanced one day during that century because 1800 was a leap year under the Julian calendar but not under the Gregorian. And for the same reason Old Christmas fell on January 7 after Leap Year's Day in 1900. It will continue to occur on January 7 through 2000.)4 And some Englishmen did object to the new calendar and especially to its shift in the dating of Christmas. In order to test the authenticity of the new date a "vast concourse of people" in Somersetshire gathered at the famous Christmas-flowering thorn at Glastonbury on Christmas Eve 1752, N.S., but to their great disappointment, there was no appearance of its blowing, which made them watch it narrowly the 5th of Jan. the Christmas-Day, Old-Stile, when it blow'd as usual. 5 This plant, which actually blooms twice a year (in the spring and for a brief time around January 5, N.S.), 6 was proof enough to the people of Somerset that nature did not yield to Parliamentary act. Also at the village of Quainton in Buckinghamshire a throng of more than two thousand assembled on December 24, 1752, N.S., to inspect a black thorn which was remembered (this year only) to be a slip from the famous Glastonbury thorn, that it always budded on the 24th, was full blown the next day, and went all off at night: but the people finding no appearance of a bud, 'twas agreed by all, that Decemb. 25 N.S. could not be the right Christmas-Day....1 The parishioners, refusing to go to church the following day, let it be known Chester Raymond Young 148 �that they would celebrate the Nativity on January 5. So steadfast were they in this opinion that the ministers of neighboring villages prudently announced that "the old Christmas-Day should be kept holy as before."« Here is probably the earliest account of a proposed observance of Old Christmas. In one unidentified Anglican parish, the Reverend Francis Blackburne opened his church on Friday, January 5, 1753—the first Old Christmas Day—to a congregation which filled the building. The people were sorely disappointed, however, when the rector did not use the service designated for Christmas Day but instead, like a crusading clergyman of the twentieth century, preached a sermon on the virture of obeying the Calendar Act of 1751.9 Some people in western England, reluctant to accept the Gregorian calendar, persisted in keeping Old Christmas for three or four generations. In fact, in the county of Somerset remnants of this observance were still found in the early part of the twentieth century. ] o It may seem that Old Christmas originated in the Feast of the Epiphany, 1 1 which falls on January 6—twelve days after Christmas Day. During the early centuries of the Christian era, Epiphany vied with the Feast of the Nativity (December 25) as the proper occasion for fixing the date of Christmas. When December 25 had won out over other dates and events, the Twelve Days of Christmas developed perhaps as an effort to connect Nativity and Epiphany by an extended period of festivities. In fact the practice was very ancient in England, probably going back to the time of King Alfred. The coinciding of Epiphany with Old Christmas during the nineteenth century apparently gave a new impetus to the keeping of the latter event and undoubtedly prolonged its existence in England. The origin of Old Christmas, however, was distinct from the celebration of Epiphany. In parts of western England where the Old-Christmas tradition was more deeply ingrained, Old Epiphany was also kept during the latter half of the eighteenth century. The date was January 17—twelve days after Old Christmas. 12 When Old Christmas made the transit from England to British North America is not known, but its observance became well ensconced during the nineteenth century in the fastnesses of the Southern highlands, which were especially suitable for the preservation of such a custom related to the Nativity. In time the keeping of it became a mixture of both the sacred and the secular. Some participants who recorded their experiences distinguished Old Christmas as either a religious event or a festive occasion, but most of them pictured its eclectic character. When Joe Creason described in 1970 an Old-Christmas party he had attended more than two decades earlier at the home of an aged couple on Hell-fer-Sartin Creek in 149 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Leslie County, Kentucky, he remembered the reading of the Christmas account from the Scriptures, the exchanging of gifts around a cedar tree decorated with apples and strings of popcorn, the serving of a wassail bowl, and the recounting of Old-World tales which the thirty some people who were present had heard from their ancestors. 13 On the other hand, May Ritchie Deschamps recalled in 1930 that Old Christmas, as kept around the turn of the century in her childhood home on Clear Creek in Knott County, Kentucky, was "more of a religious time" than the December Christmases of her later years. "On Old Christmas Eve," she recollected, "we'd sit fore the fire and Mom and Dad and Granny'd tell us about the baby Jesus born in a stable on this night...." 14 Jean Thomas, dauntless traveler of the Appalachians, similarly characterized Old Christmas as a pious occasion marked by prayer and caroling. 15 In the religious nature of Old Christmas the use of carols played an important part. The most common of these folk songs was "The Cherry-Tree Carol," which an aged woman in Southern Appalachia called "the touchingest ballet of them all."16 This carol, sometimes entitled "Joseph and Mary," derives from the apocryphal Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, which recounts a miracle that occurred on the third day of Joseph's flight into Egypt. Mary had become exhausted by the hot sun as she and her husband rode through the desert. Upon seeing a palm tree, she desired to stop and rest under its shade. Seated beneath the tree, she discovered that it was loaded with fruit. Mary wished aloud that she could have some of it. Joseph replied: "I wonder that thou sayest this, when thou seest how high the palm tree is; and that thou thinkest of eating of its fruit. I am thinking more of the want of water, because the skins are now empty, and we have none wherewith to refresh ourselves and our cattle." The child Jesus, who was being held by his mother, commanded the palm: "O tree, bend thy branches, and refresh my mother with thy fruit." Straightway the tree bent its top down to the feet of Mary. The parents then picked all the fruit from it, ate of it, and were given new strength. Not until Jesus spoke again did the tree resume its original position: "Raise thyself, O palm tree, and be strong, and be the companion of my trees, which are in the paradise of my Father; and open from thy roots a vein of water which has been hid in the earth, and let the waters flow, so that we may be satisfied from thee." At these words, the palm regained its height and a stream of cool water sprang forth from its roots. Joseph and Mary were very happy to have water for themselves and their animals. 17 As this story moved northward to England the tree and its fruit, changing with the latitude, became in turn the fig, the apple, and the Cheste Raymond Young 150 �cherry. In British accounts the tree is usually a cherry. Generally Jesus commands the tree from his mother's womb; else he appears supernaturally on her lap to do so. 18 The cherry-tree account appears in one of the so-called Coventry mystery plays of fifteenth-century England. The drama pictures Joseph and Mary on their journey to "Bedleem" to pay his tax. Mary inquires of her "swete husbond" about the kind of tree she has spotted on a hill. He tells her that it is a cherry tree, which at the proper season would bear fruit to satisfy her craving. All at once the tree turns into full bloom, and then as quickly Mary sees cherries growing upon it. Because the tree is so high, Joseph reasons that it would not be easy to gather this fruit for her. Then in a pet he chides her to "lete hy' pluk yow cheryes, be gatt yow with childe." Therefore, the Virgin calls on the Lord to grant her this boon. When the tree bows down to her she gives thanks. Then in contrition Joseph confesses that he has offended God by speaking such unkind words to his spouse, who indeed is carrying "ye kyngys son of blys." 19 When Francis James Child issued his magnificent collection of 305 British ballads nearly a century ago, he included four versions of 'The Cherry-Tree Carol," listed as No. 54. The first two of these versions are closely parallel except that the second includes a five-stanza description of Christ's Nativity which is not in the first. At times this description appears as a separate song entitled "Joseph and the Angel." Child's first two renderings show Joseph as an old man, walking in a garden or an orchard. They conclude with Mary's asking Jesus to tell her "what this world will be." He answers with a prophecy of His death and Resurrection. 20 In the course of time "The Cherry-Tree Carol" made its way from the British Isles to the Appalachian mountains, where numerous renderings have been found. Early in the present century Jean Thomas discovered at least three versions in the Big Sandy Valley of Kentucky. 21 In the childhood home of Jean Ritchie in Perry County, Kentucky, this song was sung three or four separate ways. Her favorite version is the one her cousin Jason Ritchie taught her. He characterized this carol as that'n about Mary and Joseph and the argument over that cherry tree[.] Well that's a kind of a quare song, little story I guess never got printed in the Bible, but it got told by a whole lot of folks, and might be true, don't you know! 2 2 Jason Ritchie's version is very similar to that of Jilson Setters, which Jean Thomas recorded in the Big Sandy Valley. The former contains a stanza about Joseph's slighting of Jesus which is missing from the latter. 23 The people of a community on Laurel Mountain in eastern Kentucky also knew at least three different ways to sing "The Cherry-Tree Carol." 24 The unique aspect of this ancient folk song is that the advocates of Old Christmas used it subtly to promote their cause. As in the case of all true 151 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �folk ballads, the evolution of 'The Cherry-Tree Carol" has been a continuing and lively process. Sometime before the twentieth century, singers who may have been Appalachian residents turned the question which Mary asks of Jesus in regard to "what this world will be" into a query which Joseph puts to the unborn baby. Taking "Mary all on his left knee," he inquires when the birthday will be. Jesus responds: On the sixth day of January My birthday shall be, When the stars and the elements Shall tremble with glee. 25 M965, Geordie Music Publishing, Inc. Bill "Kitchen" Isom, an advocate of Old Christmas whose rendering of this carol Jean Thomas recorded in Carter County, Kentucky, gave the "wind up of it" in these words: 'Twas on the sixth day of January Angels did sing; And the shepherds drew nigh Their gifts for to bring. 2 6 Still another method of injecting balladry with the Old-Christmas theme is found in a western Virginia rendering of the carol "Joseph and the Angel." After describing the birth of the Christ, the angel sings: On the sixth of January his birthday shall be, when the stars and the mountains shall tremble with glee. 27 The well-known hymn "Brightest and Best of the Sons of the Morning," written by Reginald Heber in 1811, was the favorite Christmas carol of Jean Ritchie's grandmother (1844-1940). On Old Christmas Eve in her later years she customarily sang this carol in the home of her son. As she sat before the fireplace, she sang of the infant Redeemer: Cold on His cradle the dewdrops are shining, Low lies His head with the beasts of the stall; Angels adore Him in slumber reclining, Maker and monarch and king of us all. 2 8 ®1946, Geordie Music Publishing, Inc. To the people of Southern Appalachia the celebration of Old Christmas meant not only singing carols but also watching animals in acts of veneration. As recently as 1966 a Welsh family in Knott County, Kentucky, still visited its stables on Old Christmas Eve to see if the animals were keeping the birth of Jesus. 29 The belief that domesticated animals at the stroke of midnight on Old Christmas Eve get down on their knees in adoration of the Christ Child developed in time as an attitudinal hallmark of those persons who were favorably disposed toward the Julian calendar and who thus flew in the Chester Raymond Young 152 �face of astronomy, physics, and science in general. The association of animals, especially the ox and the ass, with the Nativity goes back to the very beginning of Christmas. To justify the inclusion of beasts in the natal scene, early Christians invoked the prophecy of Isaiah: "The ox knoweth his owner, and the ass his master's crib." 30 Thus quite naturally they pictured Mary riding a donkey to Bethlehem, the oxen standing reverently at the manger, and the Magi traveling on camels. Such animals became then a part of the tangled web of the received tradition concerning Christ's birth. Proponents of Old Christmas regarded adoration by animals as a means to identify the correct day on which to solemnize the Nativity. Maude Minnish Sutton of Caldwell County, North Carolina, recorded the experience of a man who crossed Grandfather Mountain on an Old Christmas Eve probably early in this century: It was bitter cold and the fog had froze on the pines and balsams till every leaf was inch deep in rime. Twas a full moon and purt nigh clear as day at 12 o'clock. I was drivin' two yoke of cattle and a-goin' East. Jest at midnight them steers all stopped. I hollered at 'em, fur I'd forgot the time. They never paid no attention to me. Old Buck, the head steer, dropped on all four of his knees and all the others done the same thing. They stayed right there still on their knees five minutes, and I stood thar a-feeling right plum weak. 31 The belief that animals kneel to pray at Old Christmas has been found also in Alexander 32 and Guilford 3 3 counties of the same state; in Campbell County, Tennessee;34 and in Knott, 35 Laurel, 36 and Leslie 37 counties, Kentucky. In some parts of Appalachia there is the general notion that animals, especially cattle, are endowed with the power of speech at midnight as Old Christmas begins. A rare report came from Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, that horses also are so possessed.38 When cows and horses venerate the Christ Child, according to one ancient grandmother, "It is the sign that this is for truth our Lord's birth night." 39 To inspect or gather certain vegetating or blooming flora was another popular practice of Old Christmas Day and the evening preceding it. The most common plants which have been reported were the elder bush, the pokeweed, the hop vine, and the cherry tree. At the base of the elder bush, for instance, a green shoot bearing a white flower would crop out of the cold ground, even through the snow. Early in the present century on one Old Christmas Day Samanthea Wooton of Leslie County, Kentucky, gathered some of these blooms and carried them in to decorate the house.40 Pearl Baird of Stinking Creek in Campbell County, Tennessee, recalls that in her youth this plant blossomed at Old Christmas, regardless of how low the temperature dropped. 41 Jean Thomas reports that the older folk of a generation ago in the Blue Ridge held that the blooming of elders was "the sign that January 6th is the real Christmas."42 During the second decade of this century Henry Stockton of Guilford 153 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �County, North Carolina, recalled that on "OF Christmas" the pokeweed and the hop vine sprouted up well before dawn and went back in after sunrise. 43 An elderly woman told Maude Minnish Sutton of Caldwell County, North Carolina: I've breshed the snow back off f hops and seen 'em green as they'd be in June on Old Christmas.... An' I've seen the limbs on the cherry tree a bendin' plum to the ground at the same time. 44 Belief in these phenomena of animate nature descends from an ancient notion that an awareness of the Nativity pervades the whole universe. In some areas of Southern Appalachia, Old Christmas was ushered in by the ceremonial lighting of a tree, 45 while in other sections such usage was associated with New Christmas. 46 In a typical home in the Blue Ridge the family often conducted a religious rite around the hearth on Old Christmas Eve just before the clock on the mantel announced midnight. The aging grandmother began to sing "The Cherry-Tree Carol" and the other generations joined in. Then she handed a homemade candle to the eldest man-child. The boy lighted the taper by using a piece of burning pine wood which his father passed to him. The father lifted the son up to the top of an undecorated pine tree standing in one corner of the room. Then the boy inserted the candle into a holder which had been put on the highest branch. Nothing else was added to the tree. Its lone candle was like the "star of hope that guided the Wise Men to the manger long ago," according to the idea of mountain people. 47 Abstinence from labor was another means of emphasizing the gravity of Old Christmas. In Guilford County, North Carolina, to refrain from work was one of the principal ways to observe the day. Among the older people, both black and white, this practice prevailed there at least through the first two decades of this century. 48 The festal ways of keeping Old Christmas, including feasting and gaiety, were not forgotten by Appalachian Southerners. The chief feature was the Christmas dinner at which the board groaned under its load of victuals. Including the best that pantry, cellar, smokehouse, and springhouse afforded, the meal was indeed a symbol of the spirit which bound the family together and expressed the joy of Christmastide. Samanthea Wooton of Leslie County, Kentucky, remembered particularly the cooking and serving of food on Old Christmas Day. 49 Bessie Wyatt Holt, who was born in 1885, recalled that her parents celebrated January 6 in Knox County, Kentucky, with a bountiful meal. 50 As might be expected in the case of an anniversary so universally celebrated as Christmas, a welter of superstitious folklore has gathered around the event. A good number of these attitudes probably became Chester Raymond Young 154 �associated with Old Christmas during its prominence in Southern Appalachia. One intriguing belief has to do with the prediction of weather by using the kind of weather which prevailed on the Twelve Days of Old Christmas. Dellie Heatherly (b. 1896) of Campbell County, Tennessee, was taught by her mother to use this method. The elder kept a log in which she recorded the weather for each day of the period January 8-19. The day following Old Christmas is January 8, 51 and the weather that day is the type to be expected throughout January, the mother insisted. The weather of the ninth is a portent of February's weather and so on for the rest of Twelve Days. This system had a putative utility for these people. If January 10 (whose weather is an omen of March) had been cold and rainy, they would wait until the end of March before planting early garden crops, such as potatoes. But if January 10 had been a rather warm day, they would begin their early gardening at the first of March. If January 15 and 16 (whose weather foreshadows what is expected in August and September) had been rainy days, they would harvest their crops early, perhaps around the end of July, so as to avoid the bad weather anticipated in August and September. Mrs. Heatherly said, "Lord, honey, my mother went by this just like a preacher goes by the Bible."52 Such a custom is ancient indeed and preceded Old Christmas by centuries. Thomas Kirchmair (1511-1563), a German dramatist, wrote thus regarding Twelfth Day (January 6): And in these dayes beside, They iudge what weather all the yeare shall happen and betide: Ascribing to ech day a month. 5 3 This practice was retained also in some sections of Kentucky and North Carolina well into the present century. 54 Another prediction often made on Old Christmas Day relates to the abundance or the scarcity of the fruit crop. If the smoke on that day blows northward, there will be no fruit that year; if it blows southward, there will be a plentiful harvest. 55 The curious belief that water turns to blood at midnight on Old Christmas Eve has been encountered only in North Carolina; the notion that water turns to wine has been found widespread throughout the nation. 56 The memory of Old Christmas still lingers in the Southern highlands, even though its observance is almost a relic of the past. One notable exception is found in Floyd County, Kentucky, where a public OldChristmas celebration has been held regularly for the past thirty years.57 Old Christmas, a composite of traditions which antedate its beginning, is a part of the agelong attempt by man to understand himself and to ex- 155 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �plain the universe and his existence in it. Although born of man's devout faith and of his closeness to nature, this practice cannot now be restored. Even so, the enduring values which it represented during the century and a half of its prominence in Southern Appalachia can be retained and cherished: wonder before the inscrutable, reverence for the divine, regard for the past, joy in living, and hope for the future. Such traits enable a people to surmount hardship and to spend their lives in usefulness and contentment. 1 NOTES The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore, ed. Newman Ivey White (7 vols.; Durham, N.C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1952-64), I, 224. 2 "Calendar," Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1949 ed., IV, 569. 3 Since a year in Britain had commenced on March 25, this change was achieved by specifying that the day following December 31, 1751, would be designated January 1, 1752 (Ibid., IV, 572). 4 There is a sense in which one could hold that no further changes in the difference between the two styles need be calculated after 1923, the year when Greece switched from the Julian calendar to the Gregorian. That nation was the last major European country to adopt the calendar reform of the sixteenth century. 5 The Gentleman's Magazine and Historical Chronicle, 23 (Jan. 1753), 49. ^William Muir Auld, Christmas Traditions (New York, 1931; rpt. Detroit: Gale Research Co., 1968), 141. ''The Gentleman's Magazine and Historical Chronicle, 23 (Jan. 1753), 49. sibid. 9 William Francis Dawson, Christmas: Its Origin and Associations, Together with Its Historical Events and Festive Celebrations during Nineteen Centuries (London, 1902; rpt. Detroit, 1968), 237. lo Thomas George Crippen, Christmas and Christmas Lore (London, 1923; rpt. Detroit, 1971), 11, 192, 199. n The word "epiphany," which is a transliteration of a Greek word meaning "manifestation," is applied to three events in the life of Jesus which showed him to be the Christ and which supposedly took place on the same day of the year—the visit of the Wise Men at Bethlehem, the unusual circumstances which occurred at his baptism in the Jordan, and his turning of water into wine at the wedding feast at Cana. George William Douglas, The American Book of Days: A Compendium of Information about Holidays, Festivals, Notable Anniversaries and Christian and Jewish Holy Days with Notes on Other American Anniversaries Worthy of Remembrance, rev. ed. (New York, 1948), 15-16. 12 Crippen, Christmas and Christmas Lore, 199. 13 "In the Remote Hollows, This Is 'Old Christmas,' " Louisville Courier-Journal, Jan. 6, 1970. !4 Jean Ritchie, Singing Family of the Cumberland^ (New York, 1955; rpt. New York: Oak Publications, 1963), 148. 15Jean Thomas, Blue Ridge Country, American Folkways Series (New York, 1942), 159. •6Tristram Potter Coffin, The Book of Christmas Folklore (New York: Seabury Press, 1973), 69. Chester Raymond Young 156 �l7 Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, Chap. 20, in Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson, eds., The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of the Writings of the Fathers down to A.D. 325 (10 vols; Edinburgh ed. [New York, 1896]; rpt. Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans Publ. Co., n.d.), VIII, 376-7. "^Coffin, The Book of Christmas Folklore, 69. i^Auld, Christmas Traditions, 138-9. 2 °Child, English and Scottish Popular Ballads, ed. Helen Child Sargent and George Lyman Kittredge (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1904), 98-100, 648. In this one-volume edition only the first two of the four versions are given. 21 Jean Thomas, Ballad Makin' in the Mountains of Kentucky (New York, 1939; rpt. New York: Oak Publications, 1964), 224-6, 227-8, 230-1. 22 Jean Ritchie, Folk Songs of the Southern Appalachians as Sung by Jean Ritchie (New York: Oak Publications, 1965), 42. 23 Ibid., 42-3; Thomas, Ballad Makin' in the Mountains of Kentucky, 224-6. 24 Marie Campbell, Cloud-Wai king, 2nd ed. (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1971), 206. 25 Ritchie, Folk Songs of the Southern Appalachians as Sung by Jean Ritchie, 42, 43. Jilson Setters sang this stanza in a slightly different way. Thomas, Ballad Makin' in the Mountains of Kentucky, 226. 2 *Ibid., 228. 27 Richard Chase, Grandfather Tales: American-English Folk Tales (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1948), 9. 28 Ritchie, Singing Family of the Cumberlands, 150, 151. This hymn, under the title "Star in the East," appears as No. 24 in Sidney Dyer, Psalmist: A Collection of Hymns and Sacred Songs for the Use of Baptist Churches (Louisville, Ky., 1853). 29 "Jan. 6 Is Christmas in Knott Community," Knoxville News-Sentinel, Dec. 25, 1966. 3 oisaiah 1:3. 31 Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore, VII, 201. 32 Ibid., I, 637. 33 Elsie Clews Parsons, "Notes on Folk-Lore of Guilford County, North Carolina," Journal of American Folk-Lore, 30 (April-June 1917), 208. HJackie Donald Walden, Interview with Walter Walden, Duff, Tenn., Dec. 9, 1975. All of the interviews used in this paper are in the collection of the author. 35 Ritchie, Singing Family of the Cumberlands, 148. 36 William Arthur Pemberton, Interview with Fanney Rush, Bush, Ky., Oct. 1970. 37 Onzie Gilbert Feltner, Interview with Sarah Jane Lewis Feltner, Hurts Creek, Leslie Co., Ky., Dec. 1970; Chesney Ruth Muncy, Interview with Samanthea Wooton, Leslie Co., Ky., Aug. 1973. 38 Creason, "In the Remote Hollows, This is 'Old Christmas' "; Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore, VII, 202. 39 Thomas, Blue Ridge Country, 160. 40 Muncy, Interview with Samanthea Wooton, Aug. 1973. 41 Jackie Donald Walden, Interview with Pearl Baird, Dec. 9, 1975. 42 Thomas, Blue Ridge Country, 161. 43 Parsons, "Notes on Folk-Lore of Guilford County, North Carolina," 208. ^Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore, I, 639. See also, ibid., VII, 547, 560. 45 Thomas, Blue Ridge Country, 160. 46 Ritchie, Singing Family of the Cumberlands, 148-50. 47 Thorn as, Blue Ridge Country, 160. 48 Parsons, "Notes on Folk-Lore of Guilford County, North Carolina," 208. 157 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �49 Muncy, Interview with Samanthea Wooton, Aug. 1973. °Ronald Lee Chastain, Interview with Bessie Wyatt Holt, Jan. 1971. 5 'Here the mother used the correct date for the twentieth century. 52 Warren Eugene Heatherly, Interview with Dellie Heatherly, Jan. 1971. 53 Cited in John Ashton, A Righte Merrie Christmas!!!: The Story of Christ-tide ([London], n.d.; rpt. New York: Arno Press, 1968), 239. **Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore, VII, 223. "Ibid., VII, 555, 556. 56lbid., VII, 203. 57"Old Christmas Mountain-Style," Corbin (Ky.) Times-Tribune, Dec. 24, 1975. 5 Chester Raymond Young 158 �Versions of "Natural Man" in Appalachia ROBERT J. HIGGS In the Appalachian region we claim that we want to preserve a knowledge of the natural person living close to the soil, and hardly a day goes by that we do not hear, understandably, a lament for the passing of a simpler way of life. But what is it we are lamenting and exactly who is this natural person that we wish to remember as we move toward the twentyfirst century and more and more artificiality? I submit that the natural person we profess to admire is a many-sided individual with complex and contradictory antecedents. I base this opinion on the conflicting types of the mountaineer in literature and on the diverse images surrounding the national heroes of the region. I am also proceeding on the assumption that literary art, being a distillative process, invariably reflects the Zeitgeist of a society, as do the legends surrounding epic heroes. My thesis, then, is that a study of the literature and heroic myths of Appalachia reveals at least three versions of "natural men" who constitute the central paradox in the collective Appalachian personality and who contribute to the confusion of cultural identity; these are (1) natural man as inherently bad as proclaimed by Thomas Hobbes, (2) natural man as innately good as argued by Jean Jacques Rousseau, and (3) the natural aristocrat as described by Thomas Jefferson and epitomized by Henry David Thoreau. The Appalachian personality, being a composite one, cannot be understood until the components are evaluated. Understanding, perhaps, will lead to the cultivation of the best that is in it. One familiar use of the term natural is in I Corinthians 2.14: "But the natural man receiveth not the things of the spirit of God: for they are foolishness unto him: Neither can he know them, for they are spiritually discerned." Basically the same distinction was made by Thomas Hobbes, who contrasted the condition of "mere nature" in which everyone is at war with everyone else and the law of nature, lex naturalis, which he equated with the law of God.> To Hobbes (1588-1679), the great defender of royal prerogative, the artificial was much preferable to the natural: "For by art is created the great Leviathan called a Commonwealth, or State, in Latin Civitas, which is but an artificial man; though of greater stature and strength than the natural, for whose protection and defense it was intended..." (p. 129). The same rationale was used as one justification for the colonization of America. Says John Smith in 1616 in "A Call to the New 159 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �World," "Religion...should move us...to show our faith by our works in converting those poor savages to the knowledge of God...." Another name for these "poor savages" was "the naturals." 2 With the beginning of the romantic movement in the eighteenth century those living outside the Leviathan began to be seen in a favorable light, especially by Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-1788), whose prescription was simple: return to nature, shun society, enjoy solitude. "Rousseau's Nature was not Newton's Nature—a system of matter and motion, ordered by Providence, and established in the human mind by nice mathematical calculations." 3 Neither was Rousseau's Nature Hobbes' Nature: "But above all things let us beware concluding with Hobbes, that Man, as having no Idea of Goodness, must be naturally bad; that he is vicious because he does not know what Virtue is; that he always refuses to do any Service to those of his own Species, because he believes that none is due to them....This author [Rousseau] to argue from his [Hobbes'] own Principles, should say that the State of Nature, being that where the Care of our own Preservation interferes least with the Preservation of others, was of course, the most favourable to Peace, and most suitable to Mankind." 4 A third type of natural man is the natural aristocrat. In a letter to John Adams (Oct. 25, 1813) Thomas Jefferson distinguished between the artificial aristocrat (or pseudo-aristoi) and the natural aristocracy and concluded that in a democracy the election of the natural aristocrat is essential. The word aristoi means best, and the best government would be one based on virtue and talent and not on wealth and birth. Jefferson's tribute to external nature and his defense of freedom link him with Rousseau while his distrust of human nature, as reflected in his insistence upon checks and balances in government, is reminiscent of the thought of Hobbes. Jefferson's synthesis of culture and nature is a highly refined and sophisticated philosophy, and while its impact upon America and Appalachia is immeasurable, there is another great American and natural aristocrat who today has more relevance to Appalachia than the immortal Jefferson, though Jefferson was closer to us geographically and a traveler in the mountains. I speak of Henry David Thoreau who merely traveled "a lot in Concord." While we should never turn our eyes away from the author of the Declaration of Independence, we should remember that his views come down to us from a position of privilege. Symbolically there is a vast difference between Monticello and Thoreau's cabin at Walden, and of the two men, Thoreau is more our contemporary. The three types of natural persons are quite evident in the literature of the frontier and of Southern Appalachia. The Hobbesian idea that man living in a state of nature is depraved has been echoed through the years by observers from William Byrd to Arnold Toynbee, who regarded the Ap- Robert J. Higgs 160 �palachian as the modern "white barbarian," and one message is continually implied: alienation from some royal or federal Leviathan leads to degradation. Hobbes, thus, is continually avenged. The belief in the natural depravity of man, however, has been quite at home in Southern Appalachia, and reminders of this condition by outsiders have not really been necessary. Sut Lovingood, a native East Tennessean, says he "ain't got no soul" and neither, apparently, has anyone else in Sut's opinion: "Whar thar ain't enuf feed, big childer roots little childer outen the troff, an' gobbils up thar part. Jis' so the yeath over: bishops eats elders, elders eats common peopil, they eats sich cattil es me, I eats possums, possums eats chickins, chickins swallers wums, an' wums am content to eat dus, an' the dus am the aind ove hit all."5 As "a nat'ral born durn'd fool" Sut perhaps confirms the psalmist's statement, "The fool has said in his heart, There is no God" (14.1), but at the same time he raises the question who is the bigger fool—Sut, who acknowledges his condition, or those of us who refuse to recognize our own predatory ways and pretensions? Thus one interpretation of the Sut Lovingood Yarns (1867) is the Christian notion of the world, not as "spacecraft earth" as ecologists like to call our planet, but as a ship of fools, a notion deeply embedded in the Appalachian character and one, on the basis of all evidence, difficult indeed to refute. Through this mountaineer's eyes we see the asininity of the acquisitive culture of his day and of our own, and we also note the Calvinistic belief in the innate depravity of man, what Sut calls "univarsal onregenerit, human nater," which persists in the literature of the Appalachian region as seen in Flannery O'Connor's Wise Blood, James Dickey's Deliverance, and Cormac McCarthy's Child of God, to name only a few. While the romance mode may represent some of the best writing on Southern Appalachia, it also perpetuates the myth of the mountaineer as fundamentalist freak, sexual pervert, and necrophiliac—in short, a flawed creature, so flawed that he sometimes begins to appear as the exception rather than the rule, even when the author, Flannery O'Connor, for instance, states otherwise. Side by side with the natural man with the mark of the beast has been the child of Rousseau. This natural man is at home in the mountains and has little or no regard for the niceties of lowland society. According to David Hunter Strother ("Porte Crayon") writing in 1872, the mountaineer is born and nurtured in poverty and seclusion. He has no set pattern to grow up by, with none of the slop-shops of civilization at hand to furnish him ready-made clothing, manners, or opinions.... Simple but strong, uncouth but sincere, the man of the mountains knows nothing of the luxury and refinement of cities, and is equally protected from most of their attendant vices and miseries....Without rivalry, he knows little either of envy or ambition; with nothing, he is rich in the independence arising from few and simple wants. 6 161 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Similar Rousseauistic sentiments can be found in the writings of John Esten Cooke, Philip Pendleton Cooke, and Sidney Lanier, who in Tiger Lilies (1867) created the Smallin brothers, one bad and the other good. Gorm is traitorous, treacherous, and vengeful while Cain is "good-natured," "communicative," and the model of rectitude and honor. Thus, the good natural man is an appealing figure of self-reliance and intuitive good sense—a sort of eternal innocent who shows no need of being saved by church, state, or formal education. He achieves demi-god status as Bulkington in Moby Dick and as Thomas Wolfe's endearing Nebraska Crane of The Web and the Rock and You Can't Go Home Again. Basically the same attributes that go to make up this natural man also form the character of the natural woman who in novel after novel of Appalachian life emerges as a pillar of strength, for example, Ivy Ingoldsby in This Day and Time, Mother in James Still's River of Earth, and the tragic Gertie Nevels in The Dollmaker. The third type of natural person, the natural aristocrat in the manner of Thoreau, has not figured as prominently in the fiction of Appalachia as the other two. To be sure the men and women mentioned above are natural aristocrats of a sort. Like Thoreau they derive strength from the earth, but unlike Thoreau they do not have "other lives to lead." Like Faulkner's Dilsey they endure or when removed too far from the earth, like Antaeus, lose their strength.The novel that best depicts the aristocracy that I have in mind is Wilma Dykeman's The Far Family in which Ivy Thurston marries Henry Hudson Courtland, an admirer and follower of Thoreau. When he mentions to Ivy the magic name, she responds: "Walden?" "It's a pond where a man named Thoreau lived for a while and wrote a book—" "Yes, I've seen that book at Uncle Fayte McQueen's." He appeared surprised and pleased. "How little I know about you and your family." He paused. "You read Walden and you'll know why I came to your mountains." 7 It is interesting to note in this dialogue that while Ivy has seen Walden at her uncle's place, she has not read it. She has not had to, a fact that Thoreau would appreciate, but when Courtland sends her a copy, she does read it. His inscription confirms the idea that the Thurstons did not need the book, while he himself did: "To the Thurstons, who know how to suck the very marrow-bone of life. With a stranger's sincere regards, Henry Hudson Courtland" (p. 256). To understand this union between Appalachia and New England, so to speak, one has to look more closely at Thoreau himself. His disenchantment with the culture of America is memorably recorded, and his remark that Harvard "teaches all of the branches of knowledge but none of the roots" illustrates his criticism of education in his time and our own. But we err if we forget that Thoreau was a Harvard graduate, that he was a classicist as well as a naturalist, and that Walden Robert J. Higgs 162 �contains a prescription for the social ills of his time. In other words, Thoreau was not critical of civilization on principle as Rousseau seemed to be,8 but lamented the quality of the civilization that surrounded him. His statement that "I love the wild no less than the good" does of course illustrate his attraction to the wilderness, but not any more so than his desire for the good. Thus, the marriage of Ivy and Courtland symbolizes the unity of energy and form. It is an affirmation, a hope, and the product of that liaison is Phil, a name which means, appropriately, "love of," in this case love of life. It is refreshing that the spirit of Thoreau has emerged in a number of other works set in or near the Appalachian area, notably Wendell Berry's The Long-Legged House and Annie Dillard's The Pilgrim at Tinker Creek, and clearly in the thought of Jonathan Williams, the Asheville-born poet, who has broadened the definition of the sense of place in a manner that would meet the approval of Henry David Thoreau: "It is what we are talking about when we speak of a person with groundsense. One who is particular and specific and truly cultivated—but not parochial and regionalistic." 9 The paradoxes in the Appalachian personality become more understandable when the heroes of the area are examined in terms of the myths of the natural person. In every case there are at least two versions which center around the familiar battle between solitude and society, flight and reform, or Rousseau and Hobbes. Says Henry Nash Smith: The noted Western Baptist minister and gazetteer, John M. Peck, prepared a life of Boone...in 1847 which repeatedly attacked the current conception of the hero as a fugitive from civilization. Peck says that Boone left North Carolina for the Kentucky wilderness because of the effeminacy and profligacy of wealthy slave owners who scorned the industrious husbandman working his own fields. But by the time the biographer interviewed the aged hero in Missouri in 1818, Boone had become aware of an imposing historical mission. Although he had not consciously aimed to lay the foundations of a state or nation, he believed that he had been "a creature of Providence, ordained by Heaven as a pioneer in the wilderness, to advance the civilization and the extension of his country." 10 If Boone was the harbinger of civilization, what type of civilization was it that followed him? The picture is confused to say the least, and while the opinion of Lewis Mumford may be unfair, it is certainly worth noting: The truth is that the life of the pioneer was bare and insufficient; he did not really face Nature, he merely evaded society....The return to Nature led, ironically, to a denatured environment, and when after the long journey was over, the pioneer became conscious once more of a social obligation, these interests manifested themselves in covert pathological ways, like campaigns to prohibit the cigarette or to prescribe the length of sheets for hotel beds, or to promote institutions of compulsory good fellowship. So much for an experience that failed either to absorb an old culture of create a new one! (pp. 38-39) Thus in Mumford's view the flight a la Rousseau was a failure as was the effort to form an artificial state of distinction. The score, one infers from 163 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Mumford's estimate, Hobbes O Rousseau O. To whom then should we turn as a social guide? One answer, according to Mumford, is Henry David Thoreau who went to the woods not to live alone but to live simply and who came into the world not to reform it but to live in it. "Thoreau," says Mumford, "knew that the wilderness was not a permanent home for man: one might go there for fortification, for a quickening of the senses,...one returned to Nature in order to become, in a deeper sense, more cultivated and civilized, not in order to return to crudities that men had already discarded" (p. 57). The "suggestions of Thoreau," Mumford adds, "which were to be embodied only after two generations in our national and State Parks, and in projects like Mr. Benton Mackaye's great conception of the Appalachian trail, make the comments of those who see in him only an arch-individualist, half Diogenes, half Rousseau, seem a little beside the point" (p. 58). If there is confusion concerning the identity of Boone in terms of the natural man, the problem becomes even more compounded when we look at "the king of the wild frontier," Davy Crockett. There are, argues Walter Blair, six Davy Crocketts, at least four of whom center on, in addition to his running battle with Jackson, horse sense and gumption. Depending on the image that pro or anti-Jackson supporters at different times wanted to convey, Crockett was pictured as both bad and good, as clownish, rambunctious, rascally, and vicious, and as dignified, gentlemanly, naturally intelligent, and wise. 11 The myths surrounding the conflict between nature and civilization lended support to all the versions. Having noted some persistent images in fiction and the confusion of the identity of two of the great heroes of the region, what can we say about ourselves today in regard to the myths of the natural person? This is a formidable question, but let me attempt an answer by considering two important forces upon the Appalachian personality, Christian fundamentalism, an old force, and modern technology, a new one. There is evidence to support Richard Hofstadter's assertion that the fundamentalist view "is essentially Manichean; it looks upon the world as an arena for conflict between absolute good and absolute evil and accordingly it scorns compromises...and can tolerate no ambiguities." 12 The fundamentalist view is also Hobbesian and contrasts sharply with the affirmative secular vision of the natural aristocracy, especially on the matter of original sin, the first basic assumption of fundamentalism. Jefferson's high hopes, memorably challenged in Robert Penn Warren's Brother to Dragons, are well known; and Thoreau was the very soul of optimism. Said he, "Though we are on our all fours, let us get up and walk like men." Thoreau's statement may be anti-Calvinist and non-Manichean, but I have always failed to see how it can be regarded as un-Christian except in some Robert J. Higgs 164 �dogmatic sense. That there are things to love in this world, among them nature and the simple life, is the good news that Thoreau has to share, good news that is not antithetical to the Christian gospel of love. Some Christians, of course, would argue that the sin of Thoreau is one of pride, that he relied too much upon self rather than on God, and that, in effect, he was blasphemous to the end. Near his death, an abolitionist friend made some reference to a future life and Thoreau responded, "One world at a time." Then when a pious relative asked if he had made his peace with God, his reply was: "I am not aware that we ever quarreled." 13 Eschatological considerations aside, there is no doubting that Thoreau's philosophy for living in this world is entirely positive and quite consistent with the traditional mountain virtues of individualism, self-reliance, and pride, though quite at odds with doctrines of reform. His last words speak volumes in this regard. "Moose," he murmured, and "Indians." Implied herein is an attitude of wonder and respect toward the first "naturals," an attitude exactly opposite to that more prevalent attitude which led to their removal or to sterile assimilation. Another consequence of the fundamental heritage has been antiintellectualism which throughout America has been fed by many streams. Lest we regard anti-intellectualism in a completely pejorative way, however, we must define the term, to distinguish between intelligence and intellect. According to Hofstadter, Intelligence works within the framework of limited but clearly stated goals, and may be quick to shear away questions of thought that do not seem to help in reaching them....Intellect, on the other hand, is the critical, creative, and contemplative side of mind. Whereas intelligence seeks to grasp, manipulate, re-order, adjust, intellect examines, ponders, theorizes, criticizes, imagines. Intelligence will seize the immediate meaning in a situation and evaluate it. Intellect evaluates evaluations, and looks for meanings of situations as a whole (p. 25). Though I would find it impossible to prove, I believe that the Appalachian personality, generally speaking, has been characterized by intelligence rather than by intellect, an intelligence that has won, for example, the admiration of the world in Appalachian arts and crafts. It is an intelligence synonymous with common sense, or "horse sense," and has manifested itself in a religion relatively devoid of ambiguities in the minds of believers. Today, however, one wonders if it is not time to reassess the importance of intellect vis-a-vis intelligence, especially when we consider the. bewildering impact of technology upon the old order. What is technology? As Robert Pirsig points out, "a root word of technology, technikos, originally meant 'art'."14 In a sense, then, a technologist like other artists envisions other worlds and other possibilities, but unlike them sets out to reify his vision. As technologists we are constantly rearranging nature, and 165 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �practically all societies are to one degree or another technological. The pioneers, in fact, were primitive technologists. With ax and gun they set out to conquer the continent, reforming nature (and the Indian) and escaping an oppressive order in Europe and the Atlantic seaboard that demanded some sort of social or political conformity. The moral question, we now realize, has never really centered on the use of technology but the degree and the kind. To determine this degree and kind we need intellect as never before. Nothing could presage with more certainty the deterioration of the quality of life than the transference of a blind faith in providence to a blind faith in material progress. The Appalachian personality has exhibited from time to time both misoneism (hatred of the new) and neophilia (love of the new). Neither will work; in the future we must not necessarily guard the old nor embrace the new but seek the best. To do so will require a society that is not only intelligent but intellectual as well. By way of conclusion of my discussion of the natural man in Appalachia I would like to cite the three formulae advanced by Otto Rank: These correspond to three different ages, world views, and human types. The first is the Apollonian, know thyself; the second the Dionysian, be thyself; the third, the Kantian, determine thyself from thyself. The first rests on likeness to others and leads in the sense of Greek mentality to the acceptance of the universal ideal....know thyself, in order to improve thyself (in the terms of universal norms). It is therefore, not knowledge for the sake of the self, but knowledge for the goal of adaptation. The second principle (the Dionysian) in contrast to the first, repudiates likeness and the improvement based on it, as it demands the acceptance of what one is anyway....The true self, if it is unchained in Dionysian fashion, is not only antisocial but also unethical, and therefore the human being goes to pieces on it....Here comes in the Kantian determine thyself from thyself in the sense of a true self-knowledge and simultaneously the actual self-creation as the first constructive placing of the problem. 15 If these three modes are applied to a chart reflecting the spectrum of personality types in terms of the natural man, the correlations are immediately obvious and advocacy of the natural aristocrat inevitable (See Fig. 1). As much as the natural aristocrats differ from each other they all share a common belief in the necessity of a quality union of mind and nature as exemplified in their writings and lives. Thus what Rank calls the Kantian mode is the synthesis of head and heart, doing and being, duty and impulse, Apollonian and Dionysian, and the way to freedom, since extremes of liberty and conformity both corrupt. Either the indulgence of the unexamined self or the uncritical acceptance of external modes and styles can lead to nothing but the most deleterious effects for the Appalachian personality. Our choice, it seems to me, is unmistakable, the cultivation of a natural aristocracy, the determination of the best in ourselves from ourselves. The determination of what is best Robert J. Higgs 166 �almost certainly requires a new reverence for intellect which may be no guarantee for character or personal salvation but which must now be regarded as a prerequisite for a future society possessing any semblance of sanity. The Appalachian personality, like Walt Whitman, "contains multitudes," and among the throng are three types of natural men. May the best of these long prevail. Fig. 1 DIONYSIAN KANTIAN APOLLONIAN Naturalness Natural Aristocracy Artificialness S. Lovingood D. Crockett P. Henry Jefferson R.H. Lee* Emerson Thoreau Whitman Lincoln Wm. Byrd Champ Effingham** *For a fascinating discussion of the natural aristocracy in terms of Henry, Jefferson, and Lee, see William R. Taylor, Cavalier and Yankee (Garden City, New York: Anchor Books, 1963), especially Chapter II, "From Natural Aristocrat to Country Squire." **For a description of Champ Effingham, see John Esten Cooke, The Virginia Comedians (1854; rpt. Ridgewood, New Jersey: The Gregg Press, 1968), 17-18. NOTES * Leviathan, The English Philosophers from Bacon to Hill, ed. Edwin A. Burn (New York: Modern Library, 1939), 163, 222. Subsequent references are to this edition. 2 Standard advice of the Virginia Company was: "In all your passages you must have great care not to offend the naturals if you can eschew it." D'Arcy McNickle, The Indian Tribes of the United States (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1966), 14. 3 Lewis Mumford, The Golden Day (New York: Dover Publications, 1957), 22. Subsequent references are to this edition. ^Inequality Among Mankind (1761; rpt. New York: Lenox Hill, 1971), 68-9. 5 George Washington Harris, Sut Lovingood Yarns, ed. M. Thomas Inge (New Haven: College and University Press, 1966), 174-5. 6 "The Mountains," Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 44 (May 1872), 802. 7 The Far Family (New York: Avon Books, 1966), 252. Subsequent references are to this edition. 8 In discussing their relationships with nature L. Gary Lambert concludes that "when contrasted with Thoreau's...Jean Jacques' involvement in, and affection for, the natural world were indeed only ordinary." "Rousseau and Thoreau: Their Concept of Nature," Dissertation Abstracts, 30 (1969), 1988 A (Rice University). 167 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �9 "Thank God They Cannot Cut Down the Clouds," Laurel Leaves, 3 (April 1975), 18. Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land: The American West as Symbol and Myth (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950), 60-1. ""Six Davy Crocketts," The Southwest Review, 25 (1940), 443-62. *2Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (New York: Vintage Books, 1963), 135. Subsequent references are to this edition. 13 Joseph Wood Krutch, Introduction, Walden and Other Writings (New York: Bantam Books, 1962), 19. l4 Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance: An Inquiry into Values (New York: William Morrow, 1974), 289-90. l5 The Myth of the Birth of the Hero and Other Writings (New York: Random House, 1964), 293-4. !0 Robert J. Higgs 168 �Bringing in the Sheaves W. AMOS ABRAMS As a child in the congregation filling to overflowing a Pinetops tobacco warehouse, I joined in many a stirring song. One especially encouraged the converts with these well-known verses: Going forth with weeping, sowing for the Master, Tho' the loss sustain'd, our spirit often grieves; When our weeping's over, He will bid us welcome, We shall come rejoicing, bringing in the sheaves. Then followed the repetitive, reassuring and thus convincing chorus in which the congregation joined the choir: Bringing in the sheaves, bringing in the sheaves, We shall come rejoicing, bringing in the sheaves. But I did not know what a "sheaf was—nor what "sheaves" were; hence I was puzzled to understand what we would be bringing in when we had ceased our weeping and received our welcome. In fact it was much later, I think, when I learned that a "sheaf was but a "bundle of fodder." It was later—much later—when I learned that a "sheaf was also a "collection of papers tied together." Having discovered this latter definition, I used it quite frequently during the ten years (1938-1948) of my most active efforts as a collector of ballads and folk songs, both the recorded tunes and also the old manuscripts. Students at Appalachian State Teachers College were very generous in sharing with me their family favorites. Some I would copy for my files; others were left with me as gifts and became valuable additions to my manuscript collection. Upon receiving such a donation my usual expression of gratitude took this form: "I am most grateful to you for bringing in the sheaves." The students readily picked up the words and would say, "Dr. Abrams, my grandmother has a sheaf of old songs tied with a blue ribbon. I'll borrow it from her and bring it to class when I next visit her." I left Appalachian State Teachers College on August 31, 1946, and came to Raleigh. On Sunday, September 15, 1968, twenty-two years and two weeks after leaving Appalachian, Mrs. Abrams and I were visiting a very popular annual flea market. There we met two of my former Appalachian students, J. C. Folger and Margaret Ray Folger. Mrs. Folger said: "I had hoped you would be here this afternoon, Dr. Abrams, for I 169 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �brought with me a sheaf of favorite old songs collected and written down in the late 1890's by two of my aunts who lived just a few miles south of Boone. I want to lend them to you for your examination and enjoyment. They are a part of my inheritance." I thanked her in the language which she remembered: "I am grateful to you for bringing in the sheaves." Thus did I come into temporary possession of a much loved collection of favorite folk ballads and love poems—both sweet and sad—concerning which this essay is written. This sheaf of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century manuscripts contains two items which were found among the papers of Mrs. Folger's grandfather, Jeremiah Councill Ray (1847-1931), and twenty-six which belonged to her two aunts, Miss Sallie Ray (18721961) and Miss Lelia Ray (1879-1966). Jeremiah Councill Ray was a former state legislator and he served as a member of the North Carolina Board of Commissioners, State Department of Agriculture, 1897-1902. Miss Sallie Ray was a pioneer teacher in Watauga and Avery Counties, and she and her sister Lelia lived about two miles east of Boone at the old home place. This property has been in the possession of the family since 1788, when it was granted to ancestor Jesse Councill by Samuel Johnston of Chowan, Governor and Captain General and Commander-in-Chief of North Carolina. The manuscripts themselves are interesting. Some are written with pen and ink, some with pencil, and some are clippings from contemporary magazines and newspapers. Two of the songs were apparently written down by Mr. Ray, father of the two daughters. One manuscript carries this notation: "Jeremiah Ray's song ballat, Oct., the 1st 1866." The others were written down by or for or clipped by or for the two sisters. The handwritten songs are older than the clippings and date from the late 1890's or early 1900's. The collectors apparently used whatever writing paper happened to be available, rough or slick, and of varying sizes. Four songs are written on ledger book pages, two on official letterhead used by Mr. Ray when he was with the Department of Agriculture, one of which is dated "Sunday Eve, January 2, 1898." Finally, one song, "The Baggage Coach Ahead," appears on letterhead which reads "Southern States Mission, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, Headquarters, P.O. Box 103, Chattanooga, Tenn., East Tennessee Conference." The same hand which wrote down the song apparently filled in the blanks on the letterhead with this information: "Elder W. A. Adams; Address: Fountain Green; Telegraph Address: Deseret Telegraph 104; Sampete Co., Utah, Aug. 31, 1900." But what about the songs? They are made of the stuff found in sheaf after sheaf of family favorites which I have seen and examined as a collector: W. Amos Abrams 170 �social satire, temperance songs, ballads with their origins in Europe, and others indigenous to America and to North Carolina. There are dire warnings to faithful lovers about the fickleness of men, the foibles of mankind, and the utter need of soul salvation. There are folk lyrics, images of arrogant men and haughty women; there are tragedy, comedy, and tales which jerk at the tear glands. Some of the songs have long been a part of our folk heritage and will be more or less familiar to most; others—certainly a few of them—will be new to many. What they are, however, is this: a collection of some of the favorite tunes and song stories of a father and two daughters who loved them enough to assemble them, tuck them away in an envelope on which they wrote these words: "Song Ballads &c. To be Kept." The purpose of this article, then, is to carry out, at least in part, this solemn mandate. I have arbitrarily decided to use as a screening device the Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore, volumes II-V, to determine which songs should only be listed by title, described briefly, and provided with cross-references to the Brown Collection, and which songs should be printed just as they appear on the manuscript pages, along with other information found on these pages. In other words, only those not included in the Brown Collection are reproduced here. Songs which Appear in the Brown Volumes 1. Bessie—Known variously as "The Drunkard's Lone Child" and "The Drunkard's Daughter," this popular sentimental temperance song has been reported from Virginia, the Ozarks, Michigan, and Nebraska. (See Brown, III, 10-11, and V, 26-7.) 2. Billy Grimes—Widely-known bit of social satire. Two known versions, one short and one long. Texts are quite similar in all versions except for two stanzas in the longer variant which I collected from Mrs. Delia Adams Bostic in 1938. (See North Carolina Folklore Journal, September 1973, 133-46. See also Brown, II, 193-4, and IV, 248-50, which has eight texts.) 3. The Bridge—Incomplete and only selected stanzas from Longfellow's well-known poem, "The Bridge," originally entitled "The Bridge Over the Charles River," which appeared in 1 845 in The Belfry of Bruges and Other Poems. Popular with quartette singers in the early years of the present century. 4. Cherry Tree Riddle—Child ballad 46, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship." Excerpts clipped from the Asheville Citizen-Times on Sunday, July 29, 1934, part of a feature story on Mrs. Maude Minnish Sutton and her collection of ballads. Well-known among the older ballads, mostly British. (See Brown, II, 48-9, and IV, 25-7.) 5. Come All You Fair and Tender Ladies—Only two stanzas, clipped from the Asheville Citizen-Times. An incomplete variant of a lovelorn folk lyric generally known as "Little Sparrow." 171 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �6. The Drunkard's Hell—A very popular drinking song with lurid word pictures to frighten super-boozers and tear-jerking stories of pitiful children. This version lacks the first seven stanzas. At the end of the song appear these names and addresses: "Miss Mollie Cottrell, Deerfield, N.C., Lelia Ray, Horton, N.C., David S. Ray, Hartrault, Tenn." 7. In the Valley—A popular favorite with Old Harmony singers. This note appears at the end of the manuscript: "Written June 30, 1901." (See Brown, III, 592-3, and V, 335.) 8. Kitty Wells—The Brown volumes contain thirteen variants of this widely spread favorite, but only one is printed. This song of Negro plantation life, written by Thomas Sloan in the 1 860's, is so loved and so popular all over the country that it is now claimed as a "folk song." (See Brown, III, 492-4, and V, 275-6.) 9. The North Carolina Hills—This song has but one text but it is included as "a piece of patriotism." It was contributed to the collection by O. L. Coffey of Shulls Mills, Watauga County, in 1939. (See Brown, III, 477-8.) 10. The Ship that Never Returned—Written by Henry C. Work and copyrighted in 1865, this native American ballad has been found in Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, Michigan, and Virginia. It has been the source of several parodies. Although only one version is printed in the Brown Collection, Dr. Brown collected eleven versions of the song. (See Brown, II, 507-10, and V, 271.) 11. Sourwood Mountain—This text was clipped from the Asheville Citizen-Times. It is certainly one of the most popular folk lyrics and dance tunes in the Southern mountains, and has been reported from Kentucky, Virginia, Tennessee, Georgia, and Missouri. As a jig tune, it has long been a play-party favorite. One fiddler, Bill Hensley, told the editor of the Brown Collection that the song was "composed by blind Wiley Laws from Virginia." (See Brown, III, 27985, and V, 162-6.) 12. The Tragedy of Laura Foster's Fate—This song is one of the three native North Carolina ballads resulting from the murder of Laura Foster by Thomas C. Dula in 1866. Written by Thomas Land, this ballad is concerned only with Laura's murder, and it is divided into three parts: (1) The Murder, (2) The Search for the Body, (3) The Resurrection and Inquest. On the back of the last page of this manuscript appear these lines: R. T. Millsaps, it is his name And single is his life. And happy will be the young lady Th[at] he ever takes for a wife. For a more complete discussion of this ballad, see Brown, II, 703-13, and IV, 324-6. 1 3. Widow in a Cottage by the Sea—The Brown Manuscripts contain five versions of this little tear-jerker but only one is printed. It is also reported from Missouri and said to be the work of C. A. White, published in Boston in 1868. It is remembered in North Carolina both in the mountains and on the coast. (See Brown, II, 347-8.) 14. Will You Love Me When I'm Old—The popularity of this sentimental ditty—for it tells no story—gives it currency as a folk lyric. It definitely belongs to a special type of song which is concerned with some aspect of love between the sexes. It has been reported from Kentucky, Illinois, and Missouri, and it appears six times in the Brown volumes. The second stanza has W. Amos Abrams 172 �been lost in this text. (See Brown, III, 270-1, and 321-2, and also V, 191-4.) 15. Young Girls Take Warning—This fragment was clipped from the Asheville Citizen-Times, a report of an interview with Mrs. Maude Minnish Sutton. The four verses, two each from different stanzas, are a part of another folk lyric with wide currency, one of several songs of similar sentiment which borrowed lines from each other without let or hindrance. The classic "On Top of Old Smoky" is a distinguished beneficiary of such borrowing. Songs which Do not Appear in the Brown Volumes The first two pieces, "Abner, Dean of Angels," and "[Come, Ye Disconsolate]," were found among the papers of Jeremiah Councill Ray; the remaining manuscripts and clipped stories from the press belonged to the two sisters, Sallie and Lelia Ray. ABNER, DEAN OF ANGELS (the condition of the "Clansmen") Then Abner, Dean of Angels Raised a point of order, when A chunk of old red sandstone Took him in the abdomen. He smiled a sort of sickly smile; And curled up on the floor; And the subsequent proceedings Interested him no more. [COME, YE DISCONSOLATE] Come, ye disconsolate, where'er ye languish; Come to the mercy-seat, fervently kneel; Here bring your wounded hearts, here tell your anguish; Earth has no sorrow that heaven cannot heal. 2. Here bring your wounded hearts.... Joy of the desolate, light of the straying, Hope of the penitent, fadeless and pure, Here speaks the Comforter, tenderly saying Earth has no sorrow that heaven cannot cure. 3. Here speaks the Comforter Here see the bread of life; see water flowing Forth from the throne of God, pure from above. Come^ to the feast of love; come ever knowing Earth has no sorrow but heaven can remove. Jeremiah Ray's Oct the 1st 1866 173 Song Ballat AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �THE BAGGAGE COACH AHEAD On a dark stormy night as the train rattled on And the passengers had gone to bed, Except a young man with a babe in his arms Who sat with a bowed down head. The innocent one commenced crying just then As if its poor heart would break "Make that child stop its crying," said a man on the train; For it's keeping all of us awake." "Put it off," said another, "don't leave it here, We've paid for our berths and want rest." But never a word said the man with the babe, As he fondled it close to his breast. "O, where is its mother do take it to her," A kind lady gently said. "I wish that I could," was the man's sad reply, "But she's dead in the (baggage) coach ahead." Chorus While the train moved onward The husband sat in tears, Thinking of the happiness Of just a few short years. Baby's face brings pictures of A cherished hope that fled. But baby's cries can't awaken her In the baggage coach ahead. Every eye filled with tears as his story he told Of a life that was faithful and true Of how he had saved up his earnings for years Just to build up a home for two, How heaven had sent them this dear little babe Their own happy lives to bless, But in tears he broke down as he mentioned her name And in sobs tried to tell them the rest. Every person arose from their seat in the car, There were mothers and wives on the train, And they soon had the little one resting in peace, With no thought of sorrow or pain. Next morn at the station he bade them goodbye, "God bless you!" he gently said, And they all had a story to tell at their homes Of the baggage coach ahead. (August 31, 1900) W. Amos Abrams 174 �BALLAD OF PATCHWORK QUILTS By Debbie G. Nettles Across a clothesline bathed in sun Were patchwork quilts of cloth, homespun. Repeated patterns rare and old— Stilled art of needlecraft is told: Recalling life of pioneers With sorrow, love—with joy or fears. My grandma sees in retrospect Life's touching bits the quilts reflect. 'This half-sized Nine Patch lined with red Was young Tom's, for his trundle bed. The Sharon's Rose on bone-white ground Nell pieced while Nate squired her around. She pieced the Star of Bethlehem Before lung fever parted them. The old, old pattern, Brown Bear's Paw, Was handed down by Great Grandma. The day the axe smashed Tom's right knee We had this Bow Tie quilting bee. While he spent months in hard splint case, I nursed and pieced the Wild Goose Chase. This pattern, known as Winding Blades Recalls red measles—darkened shades. I worked on Tree of Paradise When powder burned our Daniel's eyes. When John sassed Pa and ran away, This Cross and Crown helped night and day. The spring when hail destroyed our grain I busied myself with the Irish Chain. To passer-by these quilts have charm As comforters to keep folks warm. 175 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �But loving hands that cut and pieced Brought calm, content, to nerves released. With pride and faith that labor brings While wrapping hurts in lovely things. The Progressive Farmer—October 1951—p. 120 BALLADE OF HIS "YOUNG LADY" My lady's heart 'twere hard to touch, And sighs and vows she'd soon repel; But if she liked one twice as much One would not like her half as well. She careth not for sage or swell, For guardsman stout or poet lean, Who haunt Parnassus or Paul Mall: My lady-love is just thirteen. She loves a rabbit in a hutch (A fat Aquinas in his cell) She loves an aged cat, whose clutch At breakfast-time exerts a spell. A most ungracious Florizel. In fact, it's easy to be seen, Were she at all averse to tell, My lady-love is just thirteen. Although she reads the Higher Dutch, On culture's peaks apart to dwell She feigns not; nor of things "as such" Does she discourse, nor parallel Dante and Dante Gabriel: Yet she has "views" advanced and keen On chocolate and caramel, — My lady-love is just thirteen. Envoy Madame, just homage you compel, Mature, self-conscious, and serene. One heart alone you cannot quell; My lady-love is just thirteen. —Longman's Magazine J.B.B. Nichols W. Amos Abrams 176 �THE BRIDE'S FAREWELL Farewell, Mother, tears are streaming Down thy pale and tender cheek; I, in gems and roses gleaming, Scarce this sad farewell may speak. Farewell, Mother, now I leave thee; (Hopes and fears my bosom swell) One to trust who may deceive me; Farewell, Mother, fare thee well! Farewell, Father, thou art smiling— Yet there's sadness in thy brow; Winning me from that heart beguiling Tenderness to which I go. Farewell, Father, thou didst bless me Ere my lips thy name could tell. He may wound who can caress me; Father, guardian, fare thee well! Farewell, Sister, thou art twining 'Round me in affection deep, Wishing joy but ne'er divining Why a blessed bride should weep. Farewell, brave and gentle brother, Thou art more dear than words can tell. Father, Mother, Brother, Sister! All beloved ones, fare ye well! DIAMONDS AND ROSES In a cot by a mountain A fair maiden dwelled With her fond gray-haired father Who worshipped his child, But an old man with gold Came and offered his hand. He promised her diamonds And jewels so grand. But her lover brought naught But a rose in his hand. Which did she love best? Chorus Diamonds! Roses! Which did the maiden choose? Gold or Sweetheart— Which had she sooner lose? 177 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Oh, how the diamonds sparkle! How sweet the roses smell! I cannot make my choice tonight, For I love them both so well. It was diamonds and roses That bid for the love of this innocent child In her lone mountain home. It was diamonds that glowed Like the rich sun's hues And roses so fragrant, all covered with dew, Plucked fresh from the bank Of the streamlet that flowed Over the dell. Chorus She dreamed of her lover And thought that the one With diamonds and gold So cross and unkind. And her lover with smiles Came and banished her fears. He gave her sweet roses And kissed back her tears. She loved his so fondly Through the dark years She loved the roses best. Chorus Diamonds! Roses! Which did the maiden choose? Gold or Sweetheart— Which had she sooner lose? Oh, how the diamonds sparkle! How sweet the roses smell! I cannot make my choice For I love them both so well. The dark-haired lover was her choice For she loved him, oh, so well! Written on the back of one page of the manuscript copy are the following: "Earth has no sorrow Heaven cannot heal/' Silverstone, N.C. Wednesday, November 16, 1890. Written by Sallie Ray, Nov. 15th, 1898 Sallie Ray, Boone, N.C. W. Amos Abrams 178 �One single thought Known to be thine own Is worth a thousand gleaned Where others have sown GRANDFATHER'S CLOCK My grandfather's clock was too tall for the shelf So it stood ninety years on the floor; It was taller by half than the old man himself Though it weighed not a pennyweight more. It was bought on the morn of the day that he was born And was always his treasure and pride, But it stopped short, never to go again, When the old man died. Chorus Ninety years without slumbering—tick—tick—tick—tick, His life's seconds numbering—tick—tick—tick—tick, It stopped short, never to go again When the old man died. In watching its pendulum swing to and fro Many hours had he spent while a boy, And in childhood and in manhood the clock seemed to know And to share both his grief and his joy. For it struck twenty-four when he entered the door With a blooming and a beautiful bride, But it stopped short, &c. Chorus My grandfather said that [of] those he could hire Not a servant so faithful he found, For it wasted no time and had but one desire At the close of each week—to be wound. It was kept in its place—not a frown on its face— And its hands never hung by its side, But it stopped short, &c Chorus 179 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �I'LL BE ALL SMILES TONIGHT, LOVE I'll deck my brow in roses, For the loved one may be there— The gems that others gave me Will shine within my hair; And even them that know me Will think my heart is light; Though my heart may break tomorrow, I'll be all smiles tonight. Chorus I'll be all smiles tonight, Love, I'll be all smiles tonight. Though my heart may break tomorrow I'll be all smiles tonight. And when the room he enters— The bride upon his arm— I'll stand and gaze upon him As if he were a charm. So once he smiled upon her So once he smiled on me. They know not what I've suffered, They'll find no change in me. Chorus And when the dance commences, Oh, how I will rejoice; I'll sing the songs he taught me Without a faltering voice When flatterers come around me, They will think my heart is light. Though my heart will break tomorrow, I'll be all smiles tonight. Chorus And when the dance is over, And all have gone to rest, I'll think of him, dear Mother, The one that I love best. He once did love, believe me, But now has grown cold and strange. He thought not to deceive me; False friends have wrought this change. Chorus W. Amos Abrams 180 �THE LIGHTHOUSE High o'er the black-backed Skerries, and far To the westward hills and the Eastward sea, I shift my light like a twinkling star, With ever a star's sweet constancy. They wait for me when the night comes down, And the slow sun falls in his death divine, Then braving the black night's gathering frown, With ruby and diamond blaze—I shine! There is war at my feet where the black rocks break The thunderous snows of the rising sea; There is peace above when the stars are awake, Keeping their night-long watch with me. I care not a jot for the roar of the surge, The wrath is the sea's—the victory mine! As over the breadth to the furthest verge, Onwavering and untired—I shine! First on my brow comes the pearly light, D i m m i n g my lamp in the new-born day. One lone, last look to left and right. And I rest from my toil—for the broad sea-way Grows bright with the smile and blush of the sky, All incandescent and opaline, I rest—but the loveliest day will die,— Again in its last wan shadows—I shine! When the night is black, and the wind is loud, And danger is hidden, and peril abroad, The seaman leaps on the swaying shroud; His eye is on me, and his hope in God! Alone, in the darkness, my blood-red eye Meets his, and he hauls his groping line. "A point to no'ward!" I hear him cry, He goes with a blessing and still—I shine! While standing alone in the Summer sun, Sometimes I have visions and dreams of my own, Of long-life voyages just begun, Of rocks unnoticed, and shoals unknown. And I would that men and women would mark The duty done by this lamp of mine; For many a life is lost in the dark, And few on earth are the lights that shine! —Good Words 181 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �ONLY BEEN DOWN TO THE CLUB Last night I was out rather late— 'Twas only an innocent spree— My wife for my coming did wait When sleeping I thought she would be. I found her in temper and tears, "Oh," she cried, " 'twas a sin and a shame," And scratched both my eyes and my ears, And I told her I would soon explain. Chorus "The club had a meeting tonight, Love; Of business we had a great sight, Love; Don't think for a moment I'm tight, Love; I've only been down to the club." My book I left down in the hall And softly I crept up the stairs; I kept rather close to the wall And thought I'd ascend unawares. But just as I got to the door, I seemed to get lost in the dark; I stumbled and fell on the floor. Just then I could only remark: Chorus She sobbed, she wept, and she screamed And said she'd go back to her ma, While I on the mantel piece leaned And tried to enjoy my cigar. I promised to buy her a dress If she would let me alone for a while, Then I gave her a sweet little kiss And I saw her beginning to smile. Chorus ONLY FLIRTING They strolled down the river Under the moon so fair, A youth in the prime of manhood, A girl with the soft brown hair. His face was white with passion, Now red by the sunset glow, As he stopped to catch the m u r m u r Of an answer soft and low. Chorus "Oh! Yes, I was only flirting W. Amos Abrams 182 �Only playing a part Only a man's life blighted, Only a broken heart." "Oh! Yes, I was only flirting." An innocent look of surprise Crept under the dark long lashes And into the dark blue eyes. "I never knew that you loved me, Never thought that you really cared," And her head bent lower and lower Under the dark brown hair. Chorus "I am going to get married next summer," She said, as she gave him her hand. And gathering her robes around her, She left him alone in the sand. She now leans from her carriage That beautiful haunting face, She is now a stately lady, All dressed in satin and lace. Chorus He goes 'mid the throng of passers Always silent and cold, A man too soon grown weary, A man too soon grown old. Oh! Yes, 'twas only flirting, Only playing a part, Only a man's life blighted, Only a broken heart. (Written for Miss Lelia Ray, Dec. 9th 1897) TELL HIM I LOVE HIM YET Tell him I love him yet, As through the joyous tide Tell him I'll never forget Though memory be a crime. Tell him when fades the light Away o'er the deep blue sea I'll dream of him at night Though he never dreams of me. I'll dream of him at night Though he never dreams of me. 183 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Tell him that when I die To come to a twisting* tree And there I'll have him sigh If he will only sigh for me. Green, green upon his brow Those laurels yet may be. But, oh, those laurels now Can never be shed** by me. But, oh, those laurels now Can never be shed** by me. Tell him that with a Saviour's love My dying pulses throb. Tell him with Him above I love, I love him yet. Tell him that when I kneel Before the throne of God, I'll ever pray for him In that beautiful home above. I'll ever pray for him In that beautiful home above. (Written for Miss Lelia Ray, May 27, 1898) * "trysting"? ** "shared"? WHISPERINGS OF HOPE Soft as the voice of an angel, Breathing a lesson unheard, Hope with gentle persuasion Whispers a comforting word. Wait till the darkness is over, Wait till the tempest is done; Hope for the sunshine tomorrow After the shower is done. Chorus Whispering hope, oh, how welcome thy voice! Making my heart in its sorrow rejoice. W. Amos Abrams 184 �If in the dark of a twilight, Dim be the regions afar, Will not the deepening darkness Brighten the glimmering star? Then when the night is upon us, Why should the heart sink away? When the dark midnight is over Watch for the breaking of day. Chorus 185 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �The Oral Arts �This page intentionally left blank �Living Is Collecting: Growing Up in a Southern Appalachian "Folk" Family JEAN RITCHIE Jason Ritchie and Balis Ritchie were both born in Knott County, Kentucky, Jason in 1867 and Balis in 1869. They grew up within a few miles of each other, and met often in their young days at social gatherings—playparties, pie suppers, workings, and church meetings. Both loved music. Jason remembered in later years that Balis was "in demand" at the parties because he played the fiddle and dulcimore and knew all the games and game songs; Balis recollected that all the folks around wanted Jason at the parties so that he could entertain the company at rest times with the old ballads, especially the big ones and the funny ones. When Balis left Knott County about 1912 and moved to Perry County, settling his growing family on his wife's inherited property there, he and Jason lost close contact since they didn't see each other more than once every year or two. Jason studied to become a country lawyer, married, and raised his family in a remote hollow on the Ball Fork of Troublesome Creek. The next time they met with any time or inclination to think about music was in 1949. Let me say now that this narrative has to be a personal one, for the recipient of the sparks that flew at that meeting was I, myself, and it was my kindling interest in our traditional music that had served to reunite them after so many years. Balis's songs and recollections have been set down and preserved in various publications and recordings over the years since then, as have many of Jason's. However, in preparing this paper, I opened the folder containing Jason's material and examined it with a critical eye for the first time in many years, and it came as somewhat of a shock to realize that several of Jason's best songs and tales have never been published. It is therefore my intent to begin to correct that oversight with the publication of this paper, in which I shall make brief mention of my own good fortune in having been born into a family tradition rich in folklore; further mention of the importance (to each other) of these two men in remembering much of their almost forgotten music and tales, having as my main purpose Jean Ritchie 188 �the presentation of three of Jason's unpublished songs and one of his witch tales. Let us go back to the beginning of the story, that is, to the first part that is within living memory. In the early days, as Jason would begin it, everyone sang from the same large common body of inherited song in that part of Kentucky, and the Ritchie Family was no more and no less a singing family than any other family around it. In 1917 when Cecil Sharp and Maud Karpeles came into Knott County on their first song-collecting journey in this country and stopped for a week at the Hindman (Kentucky) Settlement School, two Ritchie girls sang for them, along with representatives of scores of other families. These two girls were second cousins, Una Ritchie, daughter of Balis, and Sabrina Ritchie, daughter of Jason, students at the school and best, friends. According to Una, when word was sent around that Mr. Sharp and Miss Karpeles, strange folk from over the waters, were there and wanted to hear songs, people thronged in from up and down the branches and hollows, literally standing in line awaiting their turns to sing their ballads, love songs, play songs—whatever the furriners might want. Almost everybody had variants of "Barbry Ellen," "Lord Lovel," "Devil's Nine Questions," "Hangsaman," all the common ones, so that by the time Una and Sabrina came to sing, Mr. Sharp showed the most interest in their small fragments of two lesser-known songs, "Nottamun Town" and "Little Devils." Sabrina had heard her father, Jason Ritchie, sing those songs many times, so she and Una decided to spend that weekend at Sabrina's home on Ball and learn the missing verses from Jason. On the following Monday they sang Jason's more complete versions to Mr. Sharp. These two songs appear in the now famous English Folk Songs From the Southern Appalachians^ credited to Una and Sabrina Ritchie. This was not Jason Ritchie's first experience with folk song collectors. In the fall of 1914 Miss Josephine McGill had been directed to Jason, who at that time maintained a law office in the town of Hindman. He must have been impressed with her, for he took her up behind him on his horse and escorted her around over the hills, picking out the best singers for her to hear. Yet, there is barely a mention of him in her book. 2 He also met Loraine Wyman in the spring of 1916, but again he must have done more introducing than putting his own songs and singing forward, for there is not even one mention of him in the credit section of Lonesome Tunes* or her later Twenty Kentucky Mountain Songs.4 Balis Ritchie had not had as much to do with collectors in those days, apart from hearing about Sharp and Karpeles from his daughter Una, but in his own way he was very much involved with music and song. He played his instruments more for himself than for the public, but he was an avid 189 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �collector of tunes and songs in his quiet way. Before the move to Perry County, the family lived for a few years in Hindman. There were eight or nine children by then, and, looking for ways to add to his income as a hillside farmer and sometime schoolteacher, he sent away for a printing press and started publishing a weekly newspaper, "The Democrat Record." Then, as he had the press anyway, he decided to publish a song book, and he gathered the most popular songs in Hindman at that time (the book is undated, but it must have been 1910 or 1911): Lover's Melodies, A Choice Collection of Old Sentimental Songs Our Grandmothers Sang, and Other Popular Airs. The price was ten cents. The songs (words only) were "Jackaro," "Blue Bell of Scotland," "Kitty Wells," "Lord Thomas and Fair Ellender," "Brown Eyes," "My Irish Rose," "My Own True Love (Little Turtledove)," "The Lightning Express," "The Printer's Bride," "My Pretty Mohea," "Casey Jones," "All For You," "Bill Bailey," "The Foreign Lander," "Little Nellie," "Steamboat Bill," and "Jim Blake." From the contents of this book, it would seem that Balis, being an instrument player, was hearing and learning the new music of the day (e.g., "Bill Bailey" and the new railroad ballads like "Jim Blake") and was sprinkling them in among the old songs in a conscious effort to bring his neighbors up-to-date musically. Jason, on the other hand, may have had more of a sense of the value of the older songs, since he knew so few of the new ones. Whatever his musical motivation his repertoire even at the age of eighty-three, in 1949 when I met him, included practically no nontraditional songs. Perhaps, as is often the case, his appreciation for the old songs was reinforced after he met the collectors. Jason and Balis did not meet again, beyond an occasional handshake and small talk at a church meeting here and there until 1949, and this came about because of a chance remark my mother made to me. Growing up in the Ritchie family at Viper, I had always sung the old ballads and handed-down music in all the family and community situations wherein folks sang, and in addition I had been in on the advent of the radio, the silent movies and the talkies, so that my repertoire as a young girl included early hillbilly and tin-pan alley hits of the day, alongside the older family music, and I shared my father's interest in all the modern music coming in to us from the "outside." The Ritchie clan was by this time so large and spread out through the isolated hollows that I, being the youngest of fourteen and a Perry Countian born, had never met Jason Ritchie or "Uncle Jason" as he had come to be called throughout the region. But in my late teens I had myself been exposed to the enthusiasm of folk-song collectors—John and Alan Lomax (they had visited our neighbors in Hazard, nine miles away, and we had heard all Jean Ritchie 190 �about it), Mary Elizabeth Barnacle, John Jacob Niles—and their interest had turned me toward our traditional music. I began to take down songs and tales from anyone who would oblige me—my mother, Abigail Hall Ritchie, my sisters and brothers, aunts, uncles, and cousins. Balis, my dad, would sing and hum a little, but he was shy about singing. He would rather just play the dulcimer and think the words. At last my mother, seeing that my interest was real, said, "You ought to meet up with Jason, Dad's cousin over on Ball. He knows every song that ever was." On a hot July day in 1949, I went on foot over the mountain paths, to Turkey Holler at the Head of the Roaring Fork of the Big Branch of Ball Fork of Troublesome Creek, where Jason was staying with his married daughter, Sarah Patrick. The post office address of this place is Talcum, Kentucky. He was pleased to see me, and, although he did not know me, almost his first words were, "I have been waiting a long time for you to come." After a good day of singing and visiting, I persuaded him to come over soon to Viper to visit us, and in a few weeks he came. I was amazed at the number and quality of the songs he knew. Some I took down as poems, others he sent to me later, handwritten on rough tablet sheets with a pencil. One of the first ones he sang for me that day was the one about Robin Hood and the good squires. It seems to be quite an ordinary variant of the song, but fairly complete, and as far as I have been able to determine authentically learned from oral tradition in Jason's community. There are twelve months in all the year As I have heard many men say-a,5 But the merriest month in all the year Is the merry month of May-a. Now Robin Hood is to Nottingham gone With a link and a down and a day, And there he's met with a silly old woman Was a-weeping along the way. What news, what news, you silly old woman That makes you weep and cry? There are three good squires in Nottingham town This day is condemned to die. 0 have they parishes burnt, said he, Or have they ministers slain, Or have they spoilt any virgin fair Or any other men's wives taken? Of what have they done, said bold Robin Hood, 1 pray now tell it to me? 191 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �O it is for the shooting of the King's fallow deer, Bearing their long bows with thee. Now Robin Hood is to Nottingham gone With a link and a down and a day, And there he's met with an old fortuneteller Was a-walking along the way. What news, what news, thou silly old man, What news, come tell me, pray? O three good squires in Nottingham town Are condemned to die this day. Then he put on this old man's clothes All patched and ragged and red, And he thought it no shame all the way along To ask for a beggerman's bread. And now Robin Hood is to Nottingham gone With a link and a day and a down, And it's there he's met the old sheriff himself Was a-walking about the town. Now say and save, O sheriff, he cried, 0 save and you shall see, And what'll you give an old beggarman Today your hangsman to be? I'll give some suit, the sheriff he said, Some suit will I give to thee, Some suit, some suit and pence fifteen, For that is a hangsman's fee. Well, I never was a hangsman in all of my life, Nor yet intend for the trade, And a-cursed be the day, cried bold Robin Hood That there ever was a hangsman made. 1 have got a little horn in my pocket, And I got it from Robin Hood; And if I should place it to my lips It'll blow to thee no good. Now blow your horn, you silly old man, Of thee I have no doubt; I wish that you would blow such a blast That both your eyes'd fall out. The very first blast that Robin did blow, He blew both loud and shrill, Jean Ritchie 192 �Then a hundred a fifty of his own good men Come a-ridening over the h i l l . The very next blast that Robin did blow, He blew so loud and a-main, Till a hundred more of his own good men Come a-ridening over the plain. Whose men, whose men, the old proud sheriff cried, Comes a-trippling over the lea? These are my men, said bold Robin Hood, Just a-paying a little visit to thee. They tore the old sheriffs gallows down, And built it back up in the glen, They hung the old sheriff till he was dead, Let a-loose their own three men. There followed, in the next few days, "False Sir John and May Colvin," 'The Oxfordshire Lass," "Will the Weaver," "Young Edward in the Lowland Low," "The Lyttle Musgrave," and later ones such as "Joe Bowers" and "The Rowin County Crew." Upon his return to his home, Jason wrote to me. Here are some excerpts from that letter: "Aug. 30, 1949, Talcum, Ky. Dear Miss Ritchie.... Well things with me are about as usual.... I was at the Ritchie Reunion on Clear Creek and your dad and mother was there... the crowd was small, you see it was the day after election...a girl there got together a bunch of small girls and they had me to sing the one about the old dog in the mush...it seemed to be great fun for them.... Well I note what you say about the songs we talked about.... Sins I saw you I hav been searching through my brains only now and then to see if I could find any song hid away. And hav found a lot more, some of them good ones. I am writeing them down as I hav time for fear that I forget them...." One of these was a song I have been unable to find in any of our collections or in any other form or variant. I suspect that it was composed in the region and perhaps known to only a few local singers. Jason called it "Dunmore's War," and on the back of the song sheet he wrote this comment: "This song is older than our government. It was composed by some one when Lord Dunmore was governor of Virginia. The battle was between the Virginians and a large body of Indians near the mouth of the Kanawha River on the banks of the Ohio River. I heard my grandmother sing this song, about Dunmore's War. You can look it down in history." Let us mind the tenth day of October, Seventy-four, which caused us woe, The Indian savages they did cover The pleasant banks of the Ohio. 193 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �The- battle beginning in the morning, Throughout the day it lasted sore, Till the evening shadows was returning Down upon the banks of the Ohio. Judgment proceeds to execution, Let fame throughout all dangers go. Our heros fought with resolution Upon the banks of the Ohio. Sevenscore men lay dead and wounded Of champions that did face their foe, By which the savage was confounded Upon the banks of the Ohio. Colonel Lewis and some noble captains Did down to death like brave men go, Now let their graves be ever honored Upon the banks of the Ohio. Israel lamented their mighty fallen Upon the mountain of Gilboa, And now we mourn for our own heros That fell on the banks of the Ohio. O bless the mighty King of Heaven For all His wondrous works below, Who hath to us the victory given Upon the banks of the Ohio. Three more years of correspondence and visiting followed. As he was about to leave for his home after one of the earlier stays at our house, Jason paused at the door. "Well, this'n mayn't be worth anything, but it's an old one. Do you know that one, where this girl—they'uz sweethearts and he went on a ramble...and finally she tuck the baby and went for a sail on the ocean to hunt 'im up. I think his name was Grigoree, of something like that. Boys used to pick it on the banjer, but now it's got a prettier tune than they used. It starts out with, 4 Who will shoe your bonny feet and who will glove your hand.' You ever hear that'n?" He said he couldn't recollect it all right then, but that he'd try to get it together for me. After about three weeks, there arrived in the mail from Talcum, Kentucky, a very good and fairly complete version of this song which he called "Fair Annie of the Lochroyan." When I asked him how he had managed to remember so much of the song after so many years, he confessed that in addition to "searching through his brains," he had gone to see an old crony who used to sing the song with a blind fiddler named Billy Day. Day had also sung the Robin Hood ballad. In later taped in- Jean Ritchie 194 �terviews, Jason named other singers he had known: Will and Harrison Wooton, a Mrs. Green, and a Williams family. He mentions this family in connection with his splendid version of "The Oxfordshire Lass." Jason said, "They'uz sweethearts, and...she got pregnant. Went'n told'im bout it and he.killed 'er...tuck 'er off in th' night...let me think on the tune of it...some of the Wiiliamses, I heard 'em sing it...." The Oxford Girl My parents raised me tenderly and provided for me well, It was in the town of Oxfordshire they placed me in a mill; It was there I met an Oxford lass with a dark and charming eye, I asked her if she would consent one night with me to lie. 0 she consented unto me, as you may all well know, Poor girl, it was that cruel night proved both our overthrow. Soon after that she came to me, and said she was with child. She said that I must marry her, since her I had beguiled. Her sister often came to me and by my side did stand, She persuaded me to marry her all straightway off at hand; Then what to do I did not know, I considered night and day; The devil he persuaded me to take her life away. 1 went unto her sister's house at eight o'clock at night. Poor creature, little did she think I owed her any spite. I asked her if she would walk with me in the field a little way, That we could talk and soon agree, and appoint the wedding day. All hand in hand we went along unto a lonesome place; I drew a stake out of the hedge and smote her over the face. Down on her bended knees she fell and did for mercy cry, For heavens sake don't murder me for I am not fit to die. No mercy on her I did show but wounded her full sore, 0 there I put my love to death whom I cannot restore. Then for to wash the stain away I took her by the hair And dragged her to the river and I threw her body there. Then straightway to the mill I run like one all in a maze. The miller fixed his eyes on me and at me he did gaze, Saying what's this blood upon your hands, likewise upon your clothes? 1 answered him immediately, the blood is from my nose. Next day this maiden she was missed and nowhere could be found, And I was apprehended soon, to the high sheriff bound. Her sister there against me swore, she said she had no doubt, She swore she thought I murdered her, by me calling of her out. 195 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �0 Lord, give me a praying heart and time for to repent, 1 soon will leave this wicked world, so shamefully I am sent. Lord wash, my sins and guilt away, they are of the darkest fold; O lord from heaven look down on me, and Christ receive my soul. One of the most remarkable results of Jason's visits was their effect on Balis. Whether it was that Jason's singing and reminiscing stirred Balis's memory, or just that he didn't like to be outshone in his own house by his cousin, whenever Jason was there Balis would overcome his shyness and match him song for song, variant against variant. And it became evident that Balis knew just as many songs as Jason did, although he specialized in the later, more local ones, and he knew many more fiddle tunes and play songs than did Jason. He could also carry the tunes better, but no one ever made this observation in front of Jason. It was Balis who remembered "I Was Born in Old Virginny," "Shady Grove," "Soldier's Joy (Love Somebody, Yes I Do)," and "Little Lonesome Dove," to name just a few. On a trip down to Kentucky from New York in 1951 (I had been married to George Pickow in 1950), my husband and I took with us the latest development in recording equipment, a wire recorder, on which we recorded the melodies for some of the songs from the family. Jason's voice had almost gone by that time, so I have had to use my imagination for most of his tunes. However, it didn't seem important to him that a set of words be matched with the correct tune. He'd say, "Why, hunt you up a tune that'll suit it [the song]; they's a lot of them that'll fit it." Nevertheless, I have always tried to work around what I suppose Jason's tunes to be, although I am sure they are not too close to the originals except in the cases of those songs known and sung by Balis or by others in the region. One day an especially fat letter arrived from Jason. It was a tale about witches, written out as usual by hand in pencil on note paper. Like Jason, I do not know if this is of any value, but witch stories were a part of his repertoire, and he used to be called upon to tell them at family circles and larger gatherings, so I will set it down here in his own words. Spelling and punctuation are also his own. Written on the back of one of the pages is this brief note: "Talcum, Ky., June 2....Well Jean here goes an old witch story, you must believe all that is in it. you know no one would tell a story [lie] about a witch. As ever, Jason." Unbewitching the Gun The early settlers of Kentucky wer from Virginna especialy those who settled the mountain parts of the state. Some came to the mountains at an early date and at a time when most of the people wer eccited over...witchcraft. In that early day the sellers depended upon their rifles for most all their needs. They shot the game upon which they lived Jean Ritchie 196 �they defended themselves from roving bands of indians and the savage wild beasts that...wer very numerous. And as the gun was so useful it could but be expected that the witches would hav some misterious way of causening them to bee so inacurate that the hunter could not hit anything that he shot at. When this hapened to a gun the hunter said that a wizard had cast a spell on his gun. In that day far up in thees hills there was a groop of people who had setled and was living very hapy who no dout thought they had esscaped the wiles of old satan. but they wer destined to bee disappointed. In that groop of people there liven a man whos name was Patrit. and one whos name was Dobins. The story goes that Mr. Patrit had a fine rifle that was known as the Ky long rifle, the same tipe of rifle that was used by the Kentuckyans at the battle of neworleans. Mr Patrits gun had never failed him and he had all kinds of confidenc in her. But what did he think when he went hunting one day and found a heard of fine deer and could not hit any of them one large buck with an enormous head of horns stood with hair erect and seemed to come closter each time the hunter fired at him. Mr. Patrit fired away all his powder and balls and the old buck still stood and gazed at the hunter. Each day for some time after this Patrit met this same old buck and never was able to hit him with a single shot. After consulting with Mrs. Patrit They decided that the gun was bewitched. The next step was to see the witch docter. In that day there was some men who claimed to possess power by which they could counteract the witches and punish them, thees men wer known as witch doctors. There was one of thees DRS whos name was Smiley and lived some 25 miles away. So they sent for DR Smiley. On the day that DR Smiley was to come The neighbor folks gathered to the home of Mr Patrit all curious to see a witch DR. The DR arrived near noon and all was curious to see and hear him talk This man wore a robe made of bare skin and some ancientt kind of foot ware. And his head was bare And hair was long and hung down below his shoulders and his whiskers wer in a unbecomeing condition After greeting all the People present the DR excused the condition of his hair and whiskers, he told his listeners that like Sampson of old he was forbiden to hav his hair cut and like Saul he could not suffer a razor to pass over his face, but he said when his whisker became to long the old umin meaning his wife cliped them with her sheep Shares. He then ask for the rifle and ask many questions, he said that the gun was bewitched he looked through the barel of tube toward the sun and said it was all very plain. He told Mr. Patrit that the deer he had shot at was not a deer that it was the wizard or witch who by the power of satan had turned himself into a deer, he said that lead was a base metal and that witches had power over lead and that you could not kill a witch with lead. He then placed the gun on the floor and nealing down by it and waved his hands over it all the while he was talking some kind of talk that those present could not understand...He then took the gun to a small stream and placed her in the water so that the water would flow in at the britch and out at the muzzle. Instantly Mr Dobins began to throw up and had great pain in his abdomen and so long as the water flowed through the gun he was no better but grew worse. At length the barel of the gun begun to warp and spring from one side to the other, the Dr told Mr Patrit that if the gun should be changed so that the water would flow in at the muzzle and out at the britch, the witch would die sooner. The DR was prepareing to change ends of the gun when Mrs Dobins apeared with hand upraised beging for the life of her husband Mrs Patrit who was of a kind hart and a friend of Mrs Dobins prevailed on the DR to take the gun out of the water and Thus saved the live of Mr Dobins. The story goes Dobins was confined to his bed for many months before he recovered. 197 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �the next day Mr Patrit went hunting and killed three fine deer and never missed a Shot. When Mr Dobins recovered he mooved from that place and was never heard of any more. In all his letters and conversation, Jason made disparaging remarks about his witch tales, saying they were "next-to-no-account," and disclaimed any belief in them, but he continued to send them along with the songs. Balis, my father, died in 1958; Jason a year earlier in 1957. My father's songs are so much a part of me that I cannot accurately count them. Jason, who certainly knew many more than he was able to "remember up" in his old age, gave me by rough count some seventy songs and six witch tales on tapes, wires, by handwritten baiiit, and, most important to me, by swapping songs and tales in our home with his cousin Balis. NOTES 'Cecil Sharp, with Olive Dame Campbell, English Folk-Songs from the Southern Appalachians (New York: Putnam, 1917). 2 Josephine McGill, Folk Songs of the Kentucky Mountains (New York: Boosey & Hawkes, 1917). 3 Loraine Wyman, Lonesome Tunes (New York: H. W. Gray Co., 1916). 4 Loraine Wyman, Twenty Kentucky Mountain Songs (Boston: Oliver Ditson Co., 1925). 5 The words ending the second and fourth lines of the first verse here are set down as "saya" and "May-a" to indicate Jason's vocal treatment of the tune. He did this throughout the song, and, while he sometimes used the traditional English "O" (e.g., "day-O"), it came across to the listener more as. a kind of a resting of the voice on that word before commencing the next line or verse, so that most of the time it emerged as an "a" or "ah" sound. I have left this spelling of these ending words off in all but the first, since I feel they belong to the melodic rendition and not necessarily to the poem. Jean Ritchie 198 �The Gap in Oral Tradition BETTY N. SMITH The life of a folk song depends not upon print, but upon its appeal to children. If the young ones don't like what they hear their old folks singing, those songs will be forgotten. In this sense all folk song is made for children.... 1 But what if the children never hear their old folks singing? When Cecil Sharp came to the Southern Appalachians in 1916 he found that singing was a community art. The people lived simple lives in small, self-contained communities, cut off by the mountains and bad roads. Few could read and write, but Sharp spoke of their "fine inherited culture" apparent in the songs they sang, most of which were of British origin. 2 In England Sharp had collected songs mainly from people over the age of sixty, but in the Southern Appalachians everyone sang, young and old alike. Mountain people were living in a "musical atmosphere" 3 where children received a legacy of songs and games which they in turn bequeathed to their children. Some of the songs and games had been known in England in the eleventh century. But when Cecil Sharp's assistant, Maud Karpeles, returned to the Southern mountains in 1950, she found that the ideal state—"the truly musical community"—had not persisted. Children no longer learned songs from their parents. Sharp had found singing "a great power,"4 but the sentiment for song was not enough to maintain the stream of oral tradition. The writing down of the songs saved the songs, but it did little to keep them alive in oral tradition. William Wells Newell, a contemporary of Francis James Child and a leading folklorist, had predicted the loss of the oral traditions as early as 1883. In that year he published Games and Songs of American Children in which he stated his belief that the traditional games and songs were vanishing rapidly. Newell was somewhat premature. The old songs and games have been more durable than he thought; many of them can still be found somewhere among English-speaking children. But what Newell saw coming may indeed come to pass. Historically, folk song has proven hardy and strong even though it has gone through continual change. But it is not gradual change that concerns us here. We are worried about what mountain fiddler Tommy Hunter has called a "gap"—a gap between parents and children in the transmission of 199 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �songs, rhymes, and games. Small children come to school when they are five or six without a song or even a nursery rhyme to call their own. Even jump-rope rhymes are hard to come by in some schools. In the early sixties Frank H. Smith sent out questionnaires to 655 elementary teachers in Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia to gain information about children's singing games in the Appalachian region. Only 219 questionnaires were returned. The data were not reassuring. Although singing games were played in 94 percent of the schools reporting and in 84 percent of the schools the children were said to have their own singing-game traditions played on the school ground and in the classrooms, the interest in singing games declined when the children reached fifth or sixth grade, when competitive games and current dance fads monopolized their attention. 5 In the past ten to fifteen years the interest in competitive games has certainly increased and the age for participation has dropped. So it appears that traditional play-party games and children's singing games, which were in common use in mountain communities a generation ago, are being forgotten today. 6 In one mountain community, long known for its vital, living tradition of folk song, I know of but one young person who is striving to learn the songs and singing styles of the older singers. Young people are more interested in playing old-time fiddle and banjo in the popular bluegrass and country styles. Speaking of her youth, Jean Ritchie says, "I cannot remember any outstanding instrumentalists from those days, but I remember scores of great singers."7 The invention of radio and television has brought entertainment to a people who had always been able to provide for their own amusement: They can afford to forget the old songs. But they can also learn new ones from across the world as easily as across the hollow....Thus, almost overnight, the regional and family traditions are being obliterated. The mass media, while they frustrate geographical distinctions also take away the desire to cherish and preserve a tribal inheritance of song, such as that of the Ritchie family in Kentucky...or the Harmons in Tennessee.8 It is not inconceivable that, as radio and TV commercialism invaded and overtook traditional country music, the mountain man became ashamed of his music and thought it "old timey." The tendency to hold on to the old ways was more than matched by the tendency of a more sophisticated society to deprecate the old ways and the old music as being obsolete. The electronic devices ushered in the age of noise. Children are saturated with cacophony from all sides. Traditional songs do not thrive in such an atmosphere. Contemplative, creative activities and listening become all but impossible. What chance has a little one of rocking a doll baby to sleep with a television piping in constant sound? Indeed, does the little one know a lullaby to sing? Or did her mother rock her while she Betty N. Smith 200 �watched soap operas on television? Or was she rocked at all? Free time activities have become, for the most part, passive activities. The record player plays mood music which accompanies other activities. The dishes are washed to recorded music, rather than to "Aunt Rhody" or "Barbry Allen." Mass communication is in reality no communication at all; the ''media" might better be called conveyors. The mass of the people have accepted passive entertainment with its subsequent implication of a division between those who can and those who cannot, between the talented and the untalented....This gives a false impression of musical talent, which like all others is a continuum, and not a rare quality possessed in entirety or not at all. 9 When schools became available to mountain children, the inclination was to train away from what was considered "country," rather than to train for leadership in the "country." 10 The public school, "that mighty engine of equalization," 1 1 has generally aimed at a high degree of consensus. Mountain schools have been for the most part shaped by urban influences, and they have stressed preparatory requirements for college and professional life. With a few notable exceptions, such as the Hindman School and Pine Mountain School in Kentucky ("where youngsters were taught to appreciate their own"), 12 little emphasis has been placed on the heritage of folk song and native culture. Children's store of singing games, songs, rope-jumping rhymes, and verses seems to be dwindling more and more as society becomes more and more print-oriented, and as children spend less time with their families. In the extended family, the grandmother or the grandfather was the keeper of the tribal lore. In mountain culture older women were revered, and they were often the ones who had time to spend with the children, telling stories, singing songs. Before the days when mothers had to work in textile mills to help feed the family, they too were always present. Maude Long of Hot Springs, North Carolina, introduced the Jack Tales in this way: I cannot remember when I heard the Jack, Will, and Tom tales for the first time. For we grew up on them like we did the mountain air and the lovely old ballads that my mother used to sing to us. It would be on a long winter evening when, after supper, all of us were gathered before the big open fire, my mother taking care of the baby or else the baby was in the cradle very near to mother. And she would be carding or sewing. My father would be mending someone's shoes or maybe a bit of harness. The older girls were helping with the carding or the sewing. All of us little ones would either have a lapful or a basket full of wool out of which we must pick all the burrs....And to keep our eyes open and our fingers busy and our hearts merry, my mother would tell these marvellous tales.... 13 Bascom Lamar Lunsford advised me many years ago to commit to memory anything I wanted to save. His belief was that if you know something you are likely to share it. If it is a song, you are likely to sing it where someone will hear it and learn it. However, with the transference from oral to visual habits, we cannot expect preservation and evolution of 201 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �the folk song to continue indefinitely by traditional methods, so it is well that we have permanent records. A North Carolina singer said to Maud Karpeles: "When I forget Mother's songs, I know I have only to look in Cecil Sharp's book and they will come back to me just exactly right." 14 May Justus grew up in the shadow of the Great Smoky Mountains, and inherited a host of ballads, play-party songs and games, nonsense rhymes, and riddles. She learned them from family, kinfolks, friends, and schoolmates. She has recollections of her mother singing as she went about her household duties, of singing to her father's fiddle by the fire at night, of learning games on the school yard—but never from the teacher. 15 Bascom Lamar Lunsford, known as "The Minstrel of the Appalachians," learned songs from his mother. When he began collecting songs, games, and fiddle tunes, he found a source in school children. In a one-teacher school on Roaring Fork in Madison County, North Carolina, in 1927 he learned "Little Margaret" from a nine-year-old girl, Loretta Payne. She had learned it from her mother and her grandmother. Mr. Lunsford said the mountains had "more traditional music than other parts of the country because they used it over and over." 16 Horace Kephart wrote of the mountaineers having "a native fondness for music and dancing." 17 Since singing and dancing were usually carried on in homes or at the school, children were exposed from babyhood to people who actually participated in these activities. Everybody in the community came to weddings and seasonal workings, such as syrup making and harvesting. When the work was done, the music and dancing began. Sharp found this "an ideal society" where every child in his earliest years would as a matter of course develop this inborn capacity and learn to sing the songs of his forefathers in the same natural and unselfconscious way in which he now learns his mother tongue and the elementary literature of the nation to which he belongs. 18 People who are natural singers go about singing at whatever they are doing. So music is not only an art form which requires no training and no money; it is not dependent on the amount of leisure time one has. Jean Ritchie has written of singing while churning, making up verses to make the butter come; of singing in the corn field, taking time out for a drink of cool water and a snatch of song; of singing in the kitchen to the accompaniment of pots and pans. 19 Folk songs sing about people's names ("Mary is her first name, among the little white daisies, oh"), the clothes they wear and their colors ("Mary wore a red dress," "Will you wear blue, Jennie Jenkins?"), and numbers ("One little, two little, three little Indians"). In folk songs animals are usually friendly and human ("Froggie went acourtin and he did ride"), but not always ("And got swallowed up by a big black snake"). The songs of our heritage are honest; they describe death Betty N. Smith 202 �("Old Roger is dead and laid in his grave"), sadness ("Somebody stole my old coon dog"), and anger ("There was a man and he was mad"). Some songs celebrate nonsense ("Saw a flea kick a tree, Fooba Wooba John"), and some lament human failings ("Lazy John, will you marry me?"). Some suggest action an novement ("Hey, jump along, Josie"), and some should be danced to ("Skip, skip, skip to my lou"). There are songs for rocking the baby ("Hushabye, don't you cry"), and for quiet singing to yourself ("Saw a crow flying low, kitty alone"), and for singing loud with other people ("Get along home, Cindy"). Songs tell stories ("A fox went out one moonshiny night"). There's even a song to get your hair cut by ("Johnny, get your hair cut, just like me"). Children who grow up in the company of singers begin early to "absorb" music. Cecil Sharp reported children who knew not only game songs and nursery songs but also long ballads. One was heard to say, "I always like to go where there is sweet music." 20 In Children of the Cumberland Claudia Lewis told of five-year-old Earline drawing her chair up to the stove, rocking her doll to sleep while singing the ballad "The Polished Steps." This was not childish mimicking but ballad singing in a loud clear voice. The other children pulled their chairs up to listen. They listened for fifteen or twenty minutes. The children had never shown such interest in the teacher's "little songs about trains, wagons, horses, etc."21 Folk music is sometimes called "peasant music," the sole property of country people. But music known to mountain children has certainly not been their sole property. Children everywhere have a heritage of song, though folk-song traditions have persisted longer and "thrived best among people living close to nature." 22 In 1947 Richard Chase wrote that "children in the streets of New York and children in the hollows of the Southern Mountains play essentially the same singing games, changing and adapting each game to their own environment." 23 Children preserve traditional songs and games because they like them, or they forget what does not appeal to them. The songs they have kept have gone through many variations, arriving at a Tightness which children everywhere recognize. This is the kind of music which is not strictly "children's music." It is music almost everyone can make; it invites participation. Folk music is "accustomed to action, to being danced to, clapped to, skipped to, worked to," for it has been a "natural part of work, play, sleep, fun, ridicule, love, and death." 24 Children, wherever they live, have a right to the music of their heritage. It gives security, a sense of belonging; it helps prepare a child to live in his own community. Singing traditional songs or telling traditional stories is much like looking into a pool of deep, clear water. In the depths we can sense the mysterious continuity of history and culture. What a boost to the 203 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �self-image to know the songs and games, rhymes and stories familiar to others in the family and the community. My father sang "Paw Paw Patch" and "Alabama Gal" to each child and grandchild as he or she came along, and he poked fun with such nonsense as "Here I stand upon a stump, come and kiss me fore I jump." Learning the words of a song may not be as important as sharing music with others. It is a painless way for children to learn rhythm and melody, poetry and rhyme. Games and simple dances bring children into group activities—linking arms, holding hands, dancing together—which establish a feeling of belonging. A young man I met at a traditional music festival said that the singing had made him homesick for eastern Kentucky. Before the festival he had been indifferent about the "hicks" back home and scornful about the "hillbilly" music. But after hearing Jean and Edna Ritchie, Roscoe Holcomb, and others, he was eager to get back home, to see his kin, to talk to them, and to hear more of the music. Modern civilization replaced sturdy homespun with cheap clothing, nourishing homegrown with processed food, and vital singing with cheap, commercial music. And our youth know they have been deprived. One young man explained the involvement of young people in the so-called "Great Folk Song Revival" in the following way: They feel that they have been cheated by not being brought up in a folklore tradition...they want to make their own tradition. They sing the old ballads and songs but they also want to make up their own songs.25 In view of all the tragedies which have befallen the people of the Appalachians, the loss of a singing tradition may seem trivial. It is, however, symptomatic of what has happened to the quality of life because of the stresses on family life, the overwhelming influence of a more complex society, and the intervention of the media. And children are the losers. NOTES 'John A. and Alan Lomax, Folk Song U.S.A. (New York: New American Library, 1966), 23. 2 Cecil J. Sharp, English Folk-Songs from the Southern Appalachians (London: Oxford Univ. Press, H. Milford, 1932), xxi-xxxvii. 3 Maud Karpeles, An Introduction to English Folk Song (London, 1973), 97. 4 Sharp, xvii. 5 Frank H. Smith, "Dances and Singing Games," in The Southern Appalachian Region, A Survey, ed. Thomas R. Ford (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1967), 273. 6Smith, 274. Uean Ritchie, Dulcimer People (New York: Oak Publications, 1975), 7. 8 Bertrand Bronson, The Ballad as Song (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1969), 256. 9 Edward Lee, Music of the People (London: Humanities, 1970), 193. Betty N. Smith 204 �10 John C. Campbell, The Southern Highlander and His Homeland (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1921), 285. 11 William Wells Newell, Games and Songs of American Children (New York, 1883), 2. !2 Jean Ritchie, Folk Songs of the Southern Appalachians (New York: Oak Publications, 1965), 5. 13 Duncan Emrich, Folklore on the American Land (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1972), 340. Mrs. Long's mother, Jane Hicks Gentry, sang no less than sixty-four songs for Cecil Sharp. uKarpeles, 101. l5 May Justus, The Complete Peddler's Pack (Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967), xi. l6 Loyal Jones, 'The Minstrel of the Appalachians," JEMF Quarterly, Spring 1973, 4. l7 Horace Kephart, Our Southern Highlanders (New York: Macmillan, 1913), 336. 'BSharp, xxv. !9 Jean Ritchie, Singing Family of the Cumberlands (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1955), 23. 2oSharp, xxv. 2iClaudia Lewis, Children of the Cumberland (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1946), 190. 22Rarpeles, 13. 23Richard Chase, Singing Games and Playparty Games (New York: Dover Pub., 1949), 1. See also Richard Chase, American Folk Tales and Songs (New York: New American Library, 1956), and Old Songs and Singing Games (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1938). 24R u th Crawford Seeger, American Folk Songs for Children (New York, 1948), 21, 23. 25B.A. Botkin, "The Folksong Revival: Cult or Culture?" in The American Folk Scene, ed. David A. DeTurk and A. Poulin, Jr. (New York: Dell Pub.. Co., 1967), 98. 205 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Friday at Parhams': Contemporary Appalachian Music In Context JOAN MOSER For over three quarters of a century Southern Appalachia has been fertile ground for research, recording, and speculation by folklorists, anthropologists, and musicologists. Some came and still come as collectors of "cultural artifacts," and some as participants in the life of the region. Many of these researchers have been outsiders; some have stayed but a few weeks at a time, perhaps returning once a year on what they call "field trips." Not unlike their intellectual forebears, the brothers Grimm in Germany, researchers here have for the most part assumed that the "folk culture" is dying. But ethnography and folkloristics as methods of research are themselves changing and new perspectives are now available to us. If we as individual researchers, either by choice or by necessity (because we live here), take advantage of the opportunity "to set a spell," we discover that the nostalgic picture of a "dying culture" no longer seems appropriate. All human beings change because they are living, and change need not necessarily imply decay or disintegration and death. Instead, if we look in a positive way we can perceive differences in the overt evidence of continuing creativity—here as in other world cultures—in art, in music, in folktale, in technology. The "tradition" of creating itself remains alive, strong, and conscious among the people. Here in Appalachia many observers have suggested that one of the "threads that run so true" in supporting the culture is the nuclear family unit. In music and the practice of the oral arts this seems especially evident. The outward manifestations of these family units are to be found today at the numerous music festivals throughout the region. At those, such family groups as the J.P. Fraleys, the McLains, the Littles, Lewis and Donna Lamb, Addie Graham and her grandson Rich Kirby, the Smathers family, the Carter family, and several generations of Ritchies join other groups too numerous to mention. Behind the scenes, perhaps never reaching festivals, are many other family groups which often meet in their own homes. Visited by friends and Joan Moser 206 �neighbors, these gatherings sustain living and lively traditions. On Bear Creek Road just outside of Leicester in Buncombe County, North Carolina, there is a four-room plank house where Ulus Commodore ("Chub") Parham and his wife Thelma live. The Parhams work at factories and at part-time farming. In this mountain community, they live on land owned by his family for several generations. It was inherited from ancestors who included German immigrants and American Indians. Every Friday evening, with rare exceptions, musicians and people who come to listen have been gathering regularly in their home since July 1967. In this Appalachian region, such gatherings are not unusual. Parallel events have been happening for many years at crossroads grocery stores, filling stations, apple and tomato warehouses, and old deserted cabins. It is my assumption that all such events serve to nourish a vital process or oral and aural teaching, learning, and creating. This educating process is complex, exercising a multi-dimensional impact on the arts and lives of the people it involves. An exploration of this process is the intent of this paper. Mr. Parham has played guitar, banjo, and fiddle for years in various local groups. The musical gatherings in his own home began when the Parham's son Ray was learning to play guitar as a teenager. In a taped interview the Parhams jointly narrated the genesis of this ensemble in their own home: Mrs. Parham: ...When Ray started learnin to play, Earl started comin over, Earl Parham. And that's when they would play a little, two or three nights a week. Mr. Parham: Me and Ray and Earl. Mrs. Parham: And then we went skatin [roller skating] all the time and met Kennard Wallen at the skatin rink and he started comin over ever so often and bringin his bass [string bass viol]. And at that time he played th' gitar some too, didn't he? And we went over there a few times and it went from that to Mr. Bell [fiddler]. Mr. Parham: One Sunday evenin. Mrs. Parham: Mr. Bell and Woodfin [McCanless] came out. I don't know how many years they had played [together]. [From this nucleus of five musicians, the group expanded.] Mr. Parham: They's about nine fiddlers every Friday night. Moser: Are they usually the same ones? Well, I know Tommy Hunter [comes]; Mack Snoderly, does he? Mr. Parham: Yes, Mack, and Arvil Freeman, Gordon Freeman, Marvin Faulkner, J. C. Naves, and Mr. Bell. Mrs. Parham: Earl Parham plays the fiddle most of the time. Mr. Parham: Earl does. 207 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Mrs. Parham: And Hoyle Bowen. Mr. Parham: Hoyle Bowen. [The Parhams continue by naming several guitarists and banjo players, but remark that none of them attend as often as the fiddlers.] Moser: And your regular bass player seems to be Ken Wallen. Mrs. Parham: Yes, now Earl Parham is a good bass player but he never brings his bass on Friday night because he says we don't have room for it, you know. So that's the only reason he doesn't bring it [8/26/73]. 1 Although the Parhams mention the participants by name and the instruments they play, there is not a single "professional" musician among them. Within this society which has been designated "Appalachian," there are few people who actually make their full-time livings as musicians. Historical documentation suggests that there never has been a tradition in this society of supporting such specialists. Instead, there are people like Tommy Hunter, descendant of American Indians and Irish immigrants to this region, who is an electrician and carpenter by trade. There is Arvil Freeman whose ancestors came to Appalachia from England and who makes a living as a butcher. The oldest member of the group, eighty-yearold Thomas Jepthe Bell, whose ancestors were brought by Oglethorpe to the Georgia colony, has retired as an auto mechanic. The youngest lead fiddler, in his thirties, is Dr. Robert Mack Snoderly, who practices dentistry. He is the only regular member here who holds a college degree. His ancestors, English and German, settled in Union County, Tennessee, after the disastrous battle of Alamance Courthouse. They had taken sides with the losing colonial rebels and left North Carolina for a while to avoid the royal governor's hangman. Though none calls himself a professional musician, any of these men is competent enough to compete favorably. Music is woven into this society democratically. It is available to all and everyone is encouraged to participate. And the participators rather than the spectators are in the majority. The accumulated personnel of this ensemble, having become relatively stable by 1973, consists of nine fiddlers, three or four guitarists, two or three banjo players, and one string bassist (the string bass is called the "bull fiddle"). Of these, the fiddlers, two guitarists, and the bass player attend most consistently. If no banjo player is present, Mr. Parham plays that instrument. This maintains the basic core ensemble—fiddle and banjo sometimes supplemented by guitar—which is not unlike many other musical get-togethers in the Appalachian region. Step up onto the front porch of the Parham home on any Friday evening around sundown and you are sure to hear the music. On entering, you Joan Moser 208 �would be introduced first to Mrs. Parham, by some friend who has already been there to visit, to listen, or to play music. As a stranger, you would not go there alone at first. It would be considered rude to do so. And because of this, among those who know the location of the house, there seems to be an unspoken rule against sending anyone there alone for the first time. But having been there once assures your future access, even without the presence of the person who originally took you there. If you were carrying an instrument, Mrs. Parham would introduce you to her husband who would help you tune up. The keen skill he employs in this process results in a constant excellence of intonation, no matter how much the ensemble expands during the evening. Later, if you should get out of tune, someone might lean toward you and ask softly, "Is your coffee cup in tune?" Humor as a corrective device is an important teaching principle used during the gatherings. Mr. Parham would seat you in the ensemble where he thought proper. If you were a man, he would also introduce you to the other players in the ensemble (all of whom are men at present). If you were a woman, you would be tuned and seated but probably not introduced. However, Mr. Parham has remarked: "I'd like t' git more women t' try t' learn t' play..." (8/26/73). Once when a woman fiddler did appear at Parhams' as a guest of one of the regular participants, Mrs. Parham, usually reluctant to make suggestions to the musicians, requested: "Play one or two of the ole tunes that she can play..." (7/20/73). So a sympathetic attitude toward the possibility of women playing there does seem implicit. Of course, the ballads of women singers have predominated in the many printed collections by ballad scholars researching the region for over fifty years. But according to informants at Parhams', earlier instrumental music gatherings excluded women. If anyone brings an instrument and then hangs back shyly, possibly intimidated by the proficiency of more experienced players, Parham usually tries to encourage him to participate. At one point he said: "You want to play one? He's [gesturing toward the leader] real easy t' play with" (8/17/73). Or again to compliment a beginner after he has succeeded in keeping up with the group during a piece, someone remarks: "I hyerd you that time, Junior!" (2/5/72). And if the novice gets to the point of being skilled enough to take a "break," that is, a melodic solo in alternation with the leader, he may be reseated closer to the leader. Parham directs this change in status by saying something like: "Bring that banjer up here t' where we can hear it." Thus an environment encouraging participation is extended to include apprentices as well as more experienced players. That such sympathetic surroundings are essential to the support of learning and creating is disclosed in interviews with many players at Parhams'. They 209 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �will have heard of the gatherings through someone else, for example: "...met somebody at a Parham family reunion who talked about the music there." But it was sometime later before this informant "Got up enough nerve to come over...afraid o' bein a drag on the group..." (8/24/73). Not everyone who goes to Parhams' gets involved playing music. If you were not planning to play in the group, you would still be introduced to Mrs. Parham. But she would by-pass the introduction to her husband if you did not carry an instrument. This omission seems a result of the fact that Mr. Parham is generally involved in playing with the ensemble. To interrupt him during the crucial activity of the evening, the musical event, would not be appropriate unless another player arrives. She may very well introduce you to him later if he stops playing for a while. Meantime, she would introduce you to everyone else except the musicians. This includes wives of musicians, some musicians who might be sitting with the nonmusicians, and perhaps other people who simply come to listen. Some of these listeners, mostly older men, come as regularly as the musicians. A half dozen children are generally present, too. They vary in age from small crawling infants who circulate in and out under the chairs of the adults to teenagers who rove in and out of the house or sometimes break spontaneously into buck dancing or clogging. The people who come mainly to listen or visit together usually sit in an adjoining room because of lack of space in the music area. Conversations in that room range from neighborhood gossip to politics, and to discussions about how to follow the "signs" in planting and harvesting gardens and in killing and curing meats. One of the older fiddlers often joins this group, saying that his place is "with the ladies," rather than among the musicians. Having seated himself in their company, he proceeds to amuse everyone with an extensive repertory of local anecdotes, stories, and jokes. Some of the humor, being slightly risque*, he seems to indulge in to enjoy the reaction of the women who laugh silently with their hands over their mouths in order not to be caught. The practicing of oral conversational arts in this room blends with the total educating process constantly unfolding at Parhams'. In the room with the music a semi-circle of fiddlers is spread against two of the walls. Opposite them, in another corner, stands a string bass player. The remainder of the ensemble sits facing the fiddlers, with a lead banjo player and a lead guitarist closest, almost bumping knees with the fiddlers. One becomes aware, as the evening progresses, that certain fiddlers, more skilled than the others, emerge as leaders. When the musicians are tuned and ready to play, the lead fiddler will often start without announcing any tune title. He may signal the beginning by playing a repeated chord on the rhythm of an eighth and two sixteenth Joan Moser 210 �notes—a long note followed by two short ones in the same time interval—to inform everyone of the key and tempo of his selection. This introductory rhythmic figure, called a "single shuffle" by the players, is also described as "rubbin' it off." If the leader chooses not to begin with such a repeated figure, another option is to start with the first phrase or two of the piece and everyone follows once they recognize the tune. If the tune is unfamiliar to the group, once the key is recognized, the guitarists and bass player will usually play a light accompaniment until they have heard the entire tune through once. Other fiddlers, if the tune is new to them, will simply listen or, as the piece becomes more familiar, they may play along softly in an improvised harmony. These are musicians who learn "by ear" a great variety of music. Music in print is not used here. Once they have learned the basic frame of a certain tune, they will then improvise and add to it what they often call their own "arrangements." Another way of introducing a piece may be verbally, as for instance, when Mack Snoderly, one of the lead fiddlers, asked one evening: "Do you know Bear Creek? This is Anna's [his three-year-old daughter's] favorite tune; this is the only one she ever paid any attention to..." (7/20/73). He then began to play the piece. A fourth way that a piece may be introduced is to announce a new key, contrasting with the one in which they may already have played several tunes. In such a case the leader might say: "This un's in G." Choice of key may also serve as an excuse not to play a piece should someone other than Parham, or a lead fiddler, attempt to press the group into playing a favorite. Within the group dynamics of this ensemble there is a hierarchy. The leader prevents his control from being usurped by employing a subtle refusal. He explains: "That's in A, we're in G right now." Eventually the request will probably be honored. While maintaining control, the leaders do not function to initiate the practice of exclusion. They exemplify sensitivity and responsiveness t6 each other as well as to their audience. Occasionally someone among the musicians, not a leader, will go ahead and start a piece of his choice before a leader decides to answer a request. This can happen if he is playing a melody instrument such as a banjo or fiddle. Accompanying instruments such as the guitars may go ahead and play very lightly with him, hesitating to let him down altogether. But the accompaniment usually fades out after a couple of times through the tune. Again, no overt critical statements are made. But inappropriate behavior has been signaled by the "drop-outs" and the upstart quickly finds a convenient ending for his moment of indiscretion. The status of a leader is gained in this setting by musicians with a combination of attributes. Briefly, these include an extensive repertory of 211 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �melodies generally numbering in the hundreds. Coupled with this knowledge is the musical skill needed to execute the music so that others can play along. In addition, they possess certain personality characteristics. These include tact, a willingness to teach others, and an ability to tap an energy flow and transform it into active music-making in the ensemble context. The only person more important than these leaders is Parham himself. He is catalytic at all times, stimulating the many dimensions of the kaleidoscopic event. His own personality is similar to those of the leaders. Standards of musicianship are presented for the first time to many learners in this setting. At the same time, the experienced players may be tactfully reminded of them should they be forgotten or neglected. For instance, Mack Snoderly, an acknowledged lead fiddler, played a tune one evening at such a fast speed that the ensemble could not keep pace and the performance became ragged and the beat irregular. At this point, the corrective comment from within the group was: "Mack, you must have practiced that one in the basement!" The implication here is that the liquor is usually stored there and that no sober person would lose control of the music that way. At Parhams', by the way, only coffee and carbonated drinks are consumed during the evening, along with snacks of sandwiches and cakes brought and shared communally by the participants. One fiddler, a newcomer here, listed this as one of the reasons he was attracted to the group. He said he left a band he had been playing with regularly because "them fellers was always a-poppin' th' tops off them ole beer cans." After the playing of a new piece, someone in the group will often say: 'That's real pretty, that's pretty on the bass, too; where'd you learn that?" (7/12/72). The leader's response would be to give a title, possibly several, for they vary considerably even within limited geographical boundaries. Then the leader might state where he first heard the melody, explaining: "It was around and I just picked it up," or, more specifically, "I learned it off a Howdy [Howard] Forrester tape" (7/23/72). One evening someone explained: "I heard Joe Green play it at a festival...." To which another fiddler added: "Whatever came of Joe Green? He'll get drunk sure as the world, but he can play" (7/23/72). The foregoing illustrations suggest the variety of sources from which these musicians draw the melodies they choose to play. Besides the older traditional person-to-person contacts, they now have access to media resources such as phonograph and tape recordings, and so the teaching-learning-creating process in the twentieth century develops new dimensions. Everyone, listeners and musicians, seems to enjoy hearing new pieces or new variations of older tunes laced into the musical texture of the evening. Joan Moser 212 �To signal that a new piece has been introduced, and indirectly to compliment the fiddler who played it, someone might say: 'Tommy's just learnt that o'ne up" (8/24/73). If another fiddler likes the tune well enough to want to learn it himself he may say to the leader: "Play that part with the run so I can hear it again." This usually results in another complete rendition of the piece rather than breaking it down into smaller phrases which is expected. At Parhams' there is no established order for any individual pieces during the evening or for an exchange of control by different leaders. But if a leader starts in a certain key he will probably play three or four pieces in that key before changing. The music he leads may include several of the faster instrumental tunes like Johnny the Blacksmith (traditional) and This 'n That (traditional), both in the key of A Major. A slower vocal piece may follow in that same key, often sung in harmony by Parham, his brother Fred, and Woody McCanless, a guitarist. An example of such a song might be the traditional Bonnie Blue Eyes. The performance of instrumental pieces far exceeds that of the vocal selections during the sessions, which usually last about four hours. As a part of this study, complete listing of the repertory at Parhams' was made covering a representative number of Fridays beginning on Friday, February 5, 1972, and extending over eighteen months through Friday, August 20, 1973. This survey revealed a total of ninety different selections that were played the majority of Fridays. The regular leaders for specific pieces were also noted. The repertory study disclosed the following. First, an even distribution and balance of fiddler leadership is evidently perceived as a priority in this setting. This balance is partly controlled by overt suggestions by Parham and partly by a covert, often unspoken, control of group dynamics. Second, the process includes variety within a unified event supported by the evidence that several fiddlers may have different arrangements of the same pieces or they may have certain pieces which only they choose or are encouraged to lead. This suggests that a priority of the teaching aspect of this event is the encouragement of flexibility and plasticity in the development of individual fiddling styles and the establishment of aesthetic values favoring creativity in the treatment of a wide variety of musical materials. Third, only ten of the total ninety pieces were vocal, that is, songs of more than one stanza. A good number of the fiddle tunes are performed in this setting with an opening verse or a stanza interpolated within the piece. But these fall well within the classification of instrumental music. The vocal pieces included such selections as Asa Martin's Hot Corn, Cold Corn, B. L. Lunsford's "golden oldie" Mountain Dew, Bill Monroe's Kentucky Waltz, older traditional songs such as Corinna, Corinna, and John Denver's recent million-dollar 213 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �national hit, Country Roads. Although the melodic lines and texts were undoubtedly learned from phonograph recordings, none of them as performed at Parhams' could be conceived of as slavish imitations of the original performances. Finally, the repertory study reveals that these musicians are exceedingly eclectic in their exploration of both vocal and instrumental music. They play recent bluegrass compositions by Flatt and Scruggs side by side with old English sword dance melodies. They are fond of sentimental love songs of the 1920's and 30's which they follow with favorite old revival hymns like The Old Rugged Cross. They also play ragtime tunes and Dixieland blues, like W. C. Handy's St. Louis Woman. They do not themselves classify their selections into genre, as I have done here. Considered within the learning process, these are pieces in which the entire ensemble participates. They become the evidence of the products of a creative human process. The musicians who only follow during sessions at Parhams' often go out with their own bands and lead the same pieces, altered by their own interpretive imaginations during other events. After the musicians leave Parhams' they never perform elsewhere as members of this same maxi-ensemble. Instead, there are several spin-off bands which play at local dance halls, private parties, and dozens of fiddlers' conventions and bluegrass festivals. The exceptionally faithful attendance at Parhams' is testimony to the "success" of this educational context. It may well have the lowest drop-out rate of any educational institution in the region! It may be that this educational experience also provides an almost meditative or therapeutic experience. Some of the musicians say that they go there "tired out from work." But once they are there "time moves differently...almost like bein in a trance," and they leave refreshed. Certainly the process which unfolds at Parhams' includes much more than the product of musical sounds. A microcosm of Appalachian society may be present. If so, the creative interaction there, reinforcing certain artistic and social values and encouraging change in others, has many implications for those attempting Appalachian studies today. NOTES 'All quotations in this paper are transcribed from taped interviews or music evenings at Parhams' or from individuals involved in the gatherings. Dates are included in parentheses following the quotations. Tapes are presently stored in the writer's private archive. Joan Moser 214 �The Southern Mountain Vocabulary in the Low Country of South Carolina and Georgia RAYMOND K. O'CAIN JOHN R. HOPKINS Despite Noah Webster's vigorous advocacy of American linguistic independence from England, men of letters were slow to recognize the legitimacy of the English spoken in America. 1 The English of London had become the standard by which other varieties of English were judged well before the settlement of America. The speech of London was not "purer" English in any sense; it was instead a mixture of words, pronunciation patterns, and grammatical constructions typical of several regions of England, along with a number of words borrowed from various other languages, overlaid on the indigenous speech of the English East Midlands. Because the most important and influential people used it, the speech of London attained the status of a standard. 2 The "correctness" of a word, pronunciation, or grammatical form is not absolute, of course, jbut derives from the status of the people who use it. American English, like other varieties of English that differed from the speech of London, was, quite naturally, the object of adverse commentary. Processes similar to those that had produced the standard of London were operating in each of the American colonies; in fact, they were operating more or less independently in each colony, since the colonies had closer communication with England than they did with one another. 3 The result was that in each colony a distinct dialect evolved; for each colony had a unique combination of settlers who spoke various English dialects, and in each colony there were unique influences from languages other than English. In each colony there were also independent adaptations of the existing vocabulary to describe conditions of life unknown in England: sometimes new words were coined, sometimes the meanings of existing words were modified, and sometimes words were borrowed from other languages. 4 There were other factors contributing to the complexity of the American linguistic situation beyond the matter of the mixture of British 215 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �dialects. The passage of time alone would cause British and American English to diverge, since the passage of time always results in linguistic change. Furthermore, since settlers came to America over an extended period of time, we must consider the blending of temporal varieties as well as the blending of regional varieties. Moreover, since the social origins of the settlers were generally modest, they did not even speak the "best" varieties of their native regions in England; consequently, as settlers achieved prominence in the New World, socially disfavored speech patterns became legitimized. The social and geographical mobility characteristic of America meant that the processes of dialect mixture would continue as new regions were occupied. And the sheer size of the North American continent insured that regional dialects would flourish and endure, for no dialect could dominate America in the way the dialect of London dominated England. American English has been recognized as a subject for serious study less than a century. Apparently the most important impetus for the study of American speech was the vogue among American writers for portrayals of local and regional speech in the 19th century. At the same time, there was also the example of the English Dialect Society, founded in 1873, whose collections were the basis of Joseph Wright's English Dialect Dictionary. An American Dialect Society was founded in 1889 and had as its aim the compilation of an American counterpart to Wright's work. 5 The dialects of New England were "firstest with the mostest" in attracting the attention of specialists, but Southern dialects—especially mountain speech—held a secure second place. These important early observations of American dialects, many of them published in Dialect Notes, the journal of the American Dialect Society, often occurred by happenstance, the secondary results of scholarship in literary criticism or folklore. Still, it was the overall interpretation rather than the validity of the early evidence that was called into question. It was commonly assumed that there was a linguistic Mason-Dixon Line setting off Northern and Southern speech. Within the Northern speech area, eastern New England was a well-defined subarea, as was the Southern Mountain area within the Southern dialect. Except for the Gulf States, the territory west of the Appalachians was considered less localized and largely undifferentiated in speech. This sort of speech was termed Western or General American. 6 Though Texas and Minnesota both lie in the General American speech area, it is doubtful that many Americans would agree that Lyndon B. Johnson and Hubert H. Humphrey spoke the same dialect. Specialists in dialectology regard General American as a catch-all for dialects that have not been studied in sufficient detail to make clear their relationships to other dialects. O'Cain and Hopkins 216 �Hans Kurath was one of the first scholars to question the validity of a dialects map which recognized only three dialects—New England, Southern, and General American. Kurath was chosen in 1928 to direct the Linguistic Atlas of the United States and Canada, a nationwide dialect survey initiated by the Linguistic Society of America and the National Council of Teachers of English in cooperation with the American Council of Learned Societies.7 The Linguistic Atlas was a comprehensive plan to test the actual regional distribution of dialect characteristics by on-the-spot interviews with natives of selected communities. Realizing that regional speech traits appeared in cities and in the speech of the well-educated, Kurath insisted that the North American survey, unlike its predecessors in Europe, not be limited to the speech of uneducated persons in rural areas. On the eastern seaboard alone, over 700 communities were sampled, and interviews with more than 1600 persons were conducted by highly trained investigators. The interviews averaged about eight hours in length, for a questionnaire of more than 800 tests of regional aspects of pronunciation, vocabulary, and grammar had been assembled from reports on regional speech like those in Dialect Notes. To provide a large body of data for purposes of comparison, the same questions were asked of each person interviewed. Instead of asking directly, "what do you call andirons around here?" which might elicit an atypical response, the interviewer might ask, "what do you use to hold the logs in the fireplace?"; to find out how words like white, yellow, or yolk were pronounced, the investigator might ask, "what are the parts of an egg?" So that a line of questioning would proceed smoothly, the questions were arranged topically and sequentially, on matters like foods, the farmstead and household, domestic animals, containers and utensils, the weather, and the like. Often the person being interviewed would talk at length on such a topic or relate stories and anecdotes, in which case the investigator would make his notes from the conversation, resorting to questions only to fill in gaps. Once the data from such a survey have been collected and edited, the responses can be plotted on maps. This practice gives a very vivid indication of dialect areas, for if the geographical extent of several items is approximately the same, a dialect boundary can be established. The first large-scale attempt to delineate the dialect areas of the territory of colonial settlement was Hans Kurath's Word Geography of the Eastern United States. Kurath found three rather than two major dialect areas on the eastern seaboard; a distinctive Midland area lay between the Northern and Southern dialects. Kurath identified not only three major areas but also numerous subareas. Dialect boundaries did not follow state lines, but, as 217 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �Kurath was careful to point out, correlated with settlement areas and population movements. Although Kurath's delineation of dialect areas is based on vocabulary alone, subsequent research has shown that patterns of pronunciation and grammar coincide rather closely.8 With this view of dialect studies in mind, we turn now to our own research, which is squarely within the interpretive framework established by Kurath. The speech of the Southern mountains is popularly conceived of as a survival from an earlier time. If traits generally attributed to mountain speech could be found elsewhere in contemporary society, a better understanding of the relationship of mountain culture to other cultures might come about. Accordingly, we shall seek evidence of the mountain vocabulary in other areas. We will assume that a word is representative of the mountain vocabulary if it appears in four or more reports from eastern Tennessee, eastern Kentucky, southwestern Virginia, or western North Carolina. We consulted word lists published in the period 1886-1927, which include not only the earliest word lists, but all those published in Dialect Notes. When our tentative list of representative words was assembled, we set aside those not investigated for the Linguistic Atlas, whose archives and reports we consulted to find evidence of the mountain vocabulary in other regions.9 For several reasons we have chosen to look for mountain words in the South Carolina low country and coastal Georgia. The relative proximity of the mountains to the low country makes comparisons both inevitable and interesting. By the time the mountains were settled, the plantation system was well established in the low country, and the settlement histories are strikingly different. It would be difficult to find a more vivid contrast than that between the mountaineer and the planter; and the low country is also known as a distinctive speech area. For the seventeen counties of the South Carolina low country, there are eighty-two Linguistic Atlas field records, and for the eighteen counties of the Georgia coastal area, there are fifty Linguistic Atlas field records. We shall examine in detail the geographical distribution of the ten vocabulary items that were both most frequently cited in early word lists of mountain speech and investigated for the Linguistic Atlas as well. Of these ten, four had been previously discussed by Kurath in his Word Geography, but since the South Carolina and Georgia collections were incomplete when that work went to press in 1949, we hope to add something to that earlier treatment. From the mountain word lists, plumb meaning "entirely" was encountered five times, and clean, with the same meaning, was cited once.10 Kurath confirms plumb as a mountain term in rather general use, though O'Cain and Hopkins 218 �clean is also found in the mountains. In the Southern area he delimited, Kurath shows clean prevalent in the territory from the Potomac to the Pee Dee. 11 Plumb and clean, both found in the mountains, occur in the low country of South Carolina and Georgia, where they compete with other forms found on the coast, jam and slam, as well as with clear, found everywhere. (The southern limit of clean has been extended appreciably.) Though falling short of the required four citations, the variety of terms for male domestic animals is so significant as to warrant a closer look, since the terms are all euphemistic. For bull there are male, male brute, male cow, and cow brute; for ram there are male and buck', and for boar there is male hog.}2 Euphemistic terms for bull are used everywhere in the East except Pennsylvania and New York State. Kurath shows for the mountains the forms male cow, cow brute, male brute, and brute.13 The South CarolinaGeorgia low country lacks brute in any form, but does share male and male cow with the mountains; there are also stock, stock beast, male beast, stock bull, and steer. For ram, Kurath shows buck, and rarely, buck-sheep in the mountains. 1 4 Both of these, as well as he-sheep and male sheep, occur in coastal South Carolina; only male sheep has currency in coastal Georgia. No mountain terms were offered for stallion, but we note in passing that stud and stud horse appear to be the prevailing terms in the South Carolina-Georgia low country with sire, male, male horse, and seed horse as minor variants. The mountain word male hog is also the most prevalent term in both South Carolina and Georgia. Male, stock hog, and male boar are the competing forms, although male boar is rare, and stock hog is decidedly more common in South Carolina than in Georgia. The expression agin (I get there) is cited seven times in the mountain word lists. 15 Though by the time (I get there) is found over the whole seaboard, Kurath indicates thai agin (I get there) is particularly common in the mountains. 1 6 Agin is very rare in the low country of South Carolina and Georgia. The corresponding time (I get there), omitting by the, is relatively widespread in the area, but not universally used. For take, see, or escort (you home), the word lists report carry (you home). 17 Kurath indicates it is widespread in his Southern area, and that its appearance in the mountains of North Carolina is due to diffusion inland from the coast. 18 Carry (you home) is nearly universal in the low country. For a dog of uncertain ancestry, flee appears to be a typical mountain term. 1 9 Fice is also well established in the Georgia low country, but not especially common in the South Carolina low country. Though its status in 219 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �South Carolina is uncertain, it appears to be passing out of use. Well documented in mountain speech for "not a single one" is ary or nary.20 While interviews indicate only a small number of these forms—ary, for example, did not appear in the Georgia area at all—it is likely that social factors such as education account for their absence among many of those interviewed for the Linguistic Atlas. The geographical spread of the forms suggests that they were probably even more widespread at an earlier time. Mountaineers are reported to say belongs to for ought to, as in "He belongs to be more careful." 21 Belongs to is current in both South Carolina and Georgia, though somewhat more common in the latter. It is reported that foreigner is the term used for the more usual stranger or outsider in the mountains. 22 Foreigner is less common in South Carolina than in Georgia, but like ary and nary, its geographical distribution is suggestive of more general use at an earlier time. For the notion "courting," talking to, setting up to, setting up with, and sparking are reported from the mountains. 2 3 Setting up to is found much more often in South Carolina than in Georgia, though still rather rare there. Sparking is the most common term in both states, but flying around and sporting are significant minor variants, though more common in South Carolina. Finally, tote is reported as a mountain usage, though pack also occurs. 24 In the South Carolina-Georgia low country pack is unknown and tote is virtually universal. In summary, it can be seen that virtually every word cited as characteristic of the Southern mountains also shows up in the plantation country of South Carolina and Georgia. It is not surprising that the mountain words carry, meaning "to escort," and tote are nearly universal in the coastal area. Neither is it surprising that terms for ram are rare in Savannah and Charleston, colonial cities not known for raising sheep. While it is not our purpose to trace the history of these mountain words in the vocabularies of the low country, one or two examples of this kind should prove illuminating. Both carry and tote were once standard English usages. That we suspect these and certain other usages were once more generally used than they are now is supported not only by the present evidence cited here, but by the historical evidence as well. Both carry and tote appear in the Oxford English Dictionary. Carry in the sense of "escort" was known in England as early as 1513, and we can assume that the spoken form antedates this written testament by many years. The usage is also to be found in the 1611 King James Bible. Carry was clearly a standard British form at the time of the earliest American settlements, appearing not only in the Bible, but in the works of Shakespeare, Pepys, and O'Cain and Hopkins 220 �Johnson as well. Its introduction into this country was equally clear as a part of the standard language. No less a personage than Benjamin Franklin used carry in his autobiography: "my father carried his wife...to New England." Tote, on the other hand, is cited by the OED as an American dialectal form, but this has not always been the case. The first citation of tote dates from 1676 in eastern Virginia. Numerous uses of the word in New England are also recorded in the OED. The Linguistic Atlas of New England shows tote to be in common usage in every state, though not the predominant term in any. 25 What can be inferred from the historical evidence is this: carry existed in England in its current sense of "escort" well before the colonization of America. In America that use of carry was less common, but still common enough to be included in the second and third editions of Webster's New International Dictionary (and the latter's popular derivative, Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary), in which it is labeled "dialectal," meaning that it is not the standard form everywhere. Other mountain terms are to be found in England as well. Nary, according to the OED, "is typically U.S., but apparently appears in some English dialects...." Clean meaning "completely" is cited in England by the OED as early as 1420; plumb in the same sense is cited from 1748. Even agin, meaning "before" or "by the time," but without the initial vowel, is cited by the OED in England in the early 18th century. The widespread presence of these forms, as well as others which could be similarly treated, in the mountain regions of the South Midland and the Lower South (not to mention New England) bears witness to the historical roots of these areas in England or to the English influence in these areas. Further investigation reveals further evidence of migration routes as well as social structure. The historical evidence is confirmed by more recent investigations. For example, we can reasonably assume that the first reports on mountain speech focused on those who were more localized in their speech habits. On the other hand, the persons interviewed for the Linguistic Atlas represent a younger, better educated generation: over half of them were not the oldest, least educated generation of their day. If the same words used by an older, more rustic generation of mountaineers appear in the speech of persons who are both younger and better educated, we can probably assume that in many cases these words were even more generally used at an earlier time. 221 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM �NOTES We gratefully acknowledge the cooperation of Raven I. McDavid, Jr., Editor-inChief, and the permission of the American Council of Learned Societies to quote from the unpublished archives. The editorial staff and the Council encourage interested scholars to consult these archives. We also wish to thank Linda Lineberger of the Atlas staff at the University of South Carolina for her assistance. 'H. L. Mencken, The American Language, 4th ed., ed. and abr. by Raven I. McDavid, Jr. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963). Chapter 1 provides an extremely readable account. 2 Albert C. Baugh, A History of the English Language, 2nd ed. (New York: AppletonCentury-Crofts, 1957), esp. 231-5. 3 Hans Kurath, A Word Geography of the Eastern United States (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1949). 4 Mencken, The American Language, 5 Mencken, 60-3, 450-1. Frederic G. Cassidy, "Linguistic Regionalism and the Harmless Drudge," PMLA, 82 (1967), 12-19, gives an account of the Dictionary of American Regional English. 6 Mencken, 454; and George P. Krapp, The English Language in America (1925; rpt. New York: Frederick Ungar, 1960). 7 Only for the survey of New England has there been full publication of the Linguistic Atlas (Hans Kurath et al., Linguistic Atlas of New England, 3 vols [1939-43; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1972]); for the Upper Midwest, the data are being presented in somewhat abridged form (Harold B. Allen, Linguistic Atlas of the Upper Midwest [Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1973]); there are summary volumes for the Atlantic Seaboard: Hans Kurath, A World Geography; E. Bagby Atwood, A Survey of Verb Forms in the Eastern United States (Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1953); Hans Kurath and Raven I. McDavid, Jr., The Pronunciation of English in the Atlantic States (Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1961). Chapter IX in W. Nelson Francis, The Structure of American English (New York: Ronald Press Company, 1958), by Raven I. McDavid, Jr., is still the best introduction to the study of American dialects. Hans Kurath et al., Handbook of the Linguistic Geography of New England, 2nd ed. (New York: AMS Press, 1973) gives the methodology of the Linguistic Atlas in detail. 8 Atwood, A Survey of Verb Forms, and Kurath and McDavid, The Pronunciation of English. Allen, Linguistic Atlas, and Albert H. Marckwardt, "Principal and Subsidiary Dialect Areas in the North-Central States," Publication of the American Dialect Society, 21 (1957), 3-15, have projected the boundary between Kurath's Midland and Northern areas westward. For extension of the Midland-Southern boundary, analysis of the data being collected for the Linguistic Atlas of the Gulf States is necessary for a definitive statement. That project is under the direction of Lee Pederson at Emory University. 9 These materials are housed partly at the University of South Carolina and partly at the University of Chicago. These two institutions are cooperating to support the work of editing the Linguistic Atlas of the Middle and South Atlantic States, initiated under the direction of Kurath to survey the areas of colonial settlement south of New England. The authors gratefully acknowledge the role of the University of South Carolina, and the University of Chicago in making this and much other research possible. '°Charles Forster Smith, "On Southernisms," Transactions [And Proceedings] of the American Philological Association, 17 (1886), 34-46; [H. A. Edson and Edith M. Fairchild], "Tennessee Mountains," Dialect Notes, 1 (1894), 370-7; Abigail E. Weeks, "A Word List from Barbourville, Kentucky," Dialect Notes, 3 (1910), 456-7; J. M Steadman, Jr., "A North Carolina Word List," Dialect Notes, 5 (1918), 18-21; and Josiah H. Combs, "Kentucky Items," O'Cain and Hopkins 222 �Dialect Notes, 5 (1921), 118-19. HKurath, A Word Geography, Fig. 87, 61. l2 Horace Kephart, "A Word-List from the Mountains of North Carolina," Dialect Notes, 4 (1916), 407-19; Josiah H. Combs, "Old, Early, and Elizabethan English in the Southern Mountains," Dialect Notes, 4 (1916), 283-97; and L. R. Dingus, "Appalachian Mountain Words," Dialect Notes, 5 (1927), 468-71. i^Kurath, A Word Geography, Fig. 94, 62. nibid., Fig. 95, 62. '-^Calvin S. Brown, Jr., "Dialectal Survivals in Tennessee," MLN, 4 (1889), 409-1 8; Weeks, "A Word List from Barbourville"; Hubert G. Shearin, "An Eastern Kentucky Dialect WordList," Dialect Notes, 3 (1911), 537-40; L. R. Dingus, "A Word List from Virginia," Dialect Notes, 4 (1915), 178-93; Kephart, "A Word-List from the Mountains of North Carolina"; Combs, "Old, Early, and Elizabethan English"; and Steadman, "A North Carolina Word List." i*Kurath, A Word Geography, Fig. 160, 79. l7 Charles Forster Smith, "On Southernisms," Transactions [and Proceedings} of the American Philological Association, 14 (1883), 42-56; A. P. Man, Jr., "Virginia," Dialect Notes, 4 (1914), 158-60; Kephart, "A Word-List from the Mountains of North Carolina"; and Steadman, "A North Carolina Word List." "SKurath, A Word Geography, Fig. 163, 80. > 9 Smith, "On Southernisms" (1 886); John P. Fruit, "Kentucky Words and Phrases," Dialect Notes, 1 (1890), 63-9; [Edson and Fairchild], "Tennessee Mountains"; and Kephart, "A Word-List from the Mountains of North Carolina." 20 [Edson and Fairchild], "Tennessee Mountains"; Weeks, "A Word List from Barbourville"; Man, "Virginia"; Dingus, "A Word List from Virginia"; and Kephart, "A WordList from the Mountains of North Carolina." 2l Shearin, "An Eastern Kentucky Dialect Word-List"; Man, "Virginia"; Kephart, "A Word-List from the Mountains of North Carolina"; and Steadman, "A North Carolina Word List." 22 [Edson and Fairchild], "Tennessee Mountains"; Shearin, "An Eastern Kentucky Dialect Word-List"; Combs, "Old, Early, and Elizabethan English"; and Kephart, "A Word-List from the Mountains of North Carolina." "John P. Fruit, "Kentucky Words," Dialect Notes, 1 (1891), 229-34; [Edson and Fairchild], "Tennessee Mountains"; Shearin, "An Eastern Kentucky Dialect Word-List"; and Mary O. Pollard, "Terms from the Tennessee Mountains," Dialect Notes, 4 (1915), 242-3. 24 Smith, "On Southernisms" (1 886); Calvin S. Brown, Jr., "Other Dialectal Forms in Tennessee," PMLA, 6 (1891), 171-5; Shearin, "An Eastern Kentucky Dialect Word-List"; and Steadman, "A North Carolina Word List." 2S Kurath et al., Linguistic Atlas of New England, Map 165. 223 AN APPALACHIAN SYMPOSIUM � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Appalachian Symposium: Essays Written in Honor of Cratis D. Williams Description An account of the resource <span>Published in 1977, this collection of essays was published to honor Cratis D. Williams upon his retirement from Appalachian State University. Williams was an influential scholar, folklorist, teacher, and administrator who spent much of his career focused on the Appalachian region. Edited by J. W. Williamson, contributors to the volume are Louie Brown, Ronald J. Eller, Alan J. Crain, Stephen Fisher, Wilma Dykeman, Henry Shapiro, David S. Walls, Gene Wilhelm Jr., Robert Paul Sessions, David Looff, John Opie, Loyal Jones, Gordon McKinney, Chester Young, Robert J. Higgs, Amos Abrams, Jean Ritchie, Betty N. Smith, Joan Moser, Raymond O’Cain, and John R. Hopkins.</span><br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1zHex8IPijcPQDtHhfj6gYInj1UGniwUq" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNCP" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638416/an-appalachian-symposium/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region, Southern Williams, Cratis D. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Williamson, J. W. Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Essays E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1970s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/4e314ec1e29b2063be26d5d0403bde9c.pdf 0238c35283aad6ccd9d65e1b1a584cd8 PDF Text Text �fcy �This page intentionally left blank �THE GREAT FOREST ajtlMtua Barry M. Buxton Sam Gray editor editor, 2nd edition This publication has been produced in consultation with the Museums Committee of the Appalachian Consortium and was supported by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the North Carolina Department of Cultural Resourses. �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1985 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3843-0 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3845-4 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Sam Gray and Michael Ann Williams VII The Great Forest: Prehistory Ann Rogers 1 A Process Begun: The Settlement Era Tyler Blethen and Curtis Wood 9 Land As Commodity: Industrialization of the Appalachian Forests, 18804940 Ronald D. Eller 27 Southern Appalachian Forests: The Last Fifty Years 43 Epilogue 57 Suggested Readings . 58 �This page intentionally left blank �INTRODUCTION Until recent time a great, almost unbroken, forest overlay the eastern portion of North America. This forest has its origins in an ancient circumpolar forest system that was here on earth when the continents of the Northern hemisphere were joined into one land mass, millions of years ago. When the continents separated and began their slow geologic drift, this ancient forest migrated into the middle latitudes of Asia, Europe, and North America. This migration and biological differentiation was later quickened and channeled by successive glacial epochs beginning 50,000 years ago and ending, in geologic time, only yesterday. Thus the forest of Eastern North America is at once very ancient and very young. It is botannically linked to existing forest remnants in Europe, central Asia, and Japan. It was, until recently, a continuous biologic fabric extending from Nova Scotia to Alabama and westward along tributaries of the Mississippi. It is characterized by an extraordinary variety of plant, animal, and human communities. It is geophysically dominated by the long spine of the Appalachian mountains that determine its diversity and structure. It has been variously described as "Eastern Hardwood/' deciduous, tropophytic, cooltemperate, and Appalachian. For purposes of this essay and exhibition, acknowledging its breadth of range, extent of history, its immense productive capacity and diversity, and its power to affect human society and spirit, it will be referred to as THE GREAT FOREST. Of all its myriad populations, none have so changed the Great Forest as the humans. From the time of their arrival at the end of the last glacial epoch (10,000 B.C.), using, at first, technologies of stone, fire, fibre, and wood, the earliest people affected and were themselves affected by the forest. This technological and cultural dialectic of human and wilderness continued with increased intensity until the present, when, with so many of the former and so little of the latter, the process threatens to collapse in imbalance. During the late 19th and 20th century, industrial interests exploited most heavily the natural resources of the western and southern portions of the Great Forest. The environmental impact was so great that we used it as a yardstick to judge other uses of the forest in other times. By this measure, pre-industrial use of the forest seems minimal; neither the white settler nor the Indian would seem to have made much impact on his environment. This assumption, however, ignores the very VII �delicate nature of the eco-system which is affected by any human participation. William Cronon's ecological history of New England, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England, documents the profound ecological impact of early white settlements in this northern region of the forest, Cronon's point is not that the Indian had little impact on his environment, but that the nature of his impact differed from that of the Europeans. "The choice is not between two landscapes, one with and one without a human influence; it is between two human ways of living, two ways of belonging to an ecosystem." The difference in impact was due not only to different uses of the environments, but to different attitudes about its resources. The history of the forest then is, in part, a history of the changing meanings man has ascribed to the forest. Few people of the most distant past left artifacts from which we can clearly read this meaning. Their artifacts often tell us how they used the forest, but not what they thought of it. We know nothing of the myths and stories the ancient people told in order to comprehend their place in the green, living world that extended endlessly on all sides. The fact that it was their home and home to all the creatures and plants they depended on would doubtless imbue the forest with many levels of meaning, but these levels are inaccessible to us now. Still, the study of the use of the forest and the technology developed to achieve this use is an appropriate way to understand the forest's cultural meaning. Under stable cultural conditions, humans are guided in their use of the environment by the values they place upon it. The cultural meaning of the forest, however, should not be read solely by the extent of the culture's ability to modify the environment. Similar levels of technology do not necessarily mean similar value systems, just as radically different levels of technology may obscure similar values. Anne Rogers, in the first of four essays that follow, orders and interprets the archeological record in an effort to understand prehistoric cultures in the context of the Forest. An ecological history of the southern Appalachian forest might reveal equally profound differences between the impact of Indian and white systems of forest resource use. Cronon argues that the Europeans' "perception of 'resources' were filtered through the language of 'commodities.' " To what extent the white settlers of the Southern Appalachians regarded the forest that surrounded them as a commodity VIII �is subject to debate. While the white colonists of New England and the settlers of Southern Appalachia broadly shared the same culture, the economic climates of the two regions were quite different. The difficulty of transportation in and out of the mountains made it difficult for the Appalachian to market the resources of the forest, except at the local level. One might even argue that there was a reluctance to treat natural resources as commodities among a segment of the rural Appalachian society. The long survival of log building technology in the region is attributable, in part, to the willingness of rural people to participate in cooperative labor exchange and build with timber in a relatively unrefined state, rather than participate in the cash economy by purchasing building materials. The long continuation of the free range system may also be seen as a resistance to treating forest lands as a commodity, as it stresses cooperative use rather than private ownership of forest lands. Finally, in the case of at least one significant usage pattern, that of hunting, the 19th century Southern Appalachian was probably closer in attitude to prehistoric hunter/gatherers than to his own contemporaries in the already decimated and industrialized northern regions of the original forest. Tyler Blethen and Curtis Wood trace these and related issues of the settlement period in the second essay of this volume. If the white settler of the southern Appalachian mountains did not actively perceive forest resources as commodities, his view of those resources was ultimately of a utilitarian nature. This attitude, which was supported by his religion and worldview, emphasized the domination of nature by man. It is this idea that most differentiates white from prehistoric attitudes. Although his technological means were limited, the settler brought what he could of his environment under his control. Perhaps it is for this reason that when the railroad enabled the industrial exploitation of the forest, Appalachians generally accepted and cooperated in this industrial use, though the impetus for it came from outside their society. They accepted the value of exploiting the forest for practical purposes, though they could not predict the impact to the forests or their own lifestyes nor the fact that they, as well as the forest, would be treated as resources by industry. Ron Eller's essay on the use and misuse of forest resource and people broadens our understanding of this period. It is noteworthy that, despite the negative environmental, social, and economic affects of the industrial use of the forest, many rural Appalachians later aligned themselves even more emphatically with industrial interests in perceiving alternate uses of the forest, inspired by romantic, ecological, or preservational attitudes, as the ultimate threat. The establishment of the first school of Forestry near Brevard, N. C. IX �The dominant ethic of the industrial era timber harvesters, whether big operator or small, was to haul away as much of the forest as fast as possible. and the subsequent development of scientific forestry offered an alternative way of using the forest from that of the destruction of the industrial era in Southern Appalachia. The goals of scientific forestry, however, were ultimately utilitarian in nature, and it would eventually become an ally and not an enemy of industry, although its proponents advocated modification of the methods of industrial use of the forest. From the early 1930's to the present, industry has felt more threatened by those who perceive the forest by aesthetic, ecologic, or romantic criteria and thereby advocate preservation and conservation of the remains of the forest. By the late 19th century many non-Appalachian parts of the Eastern United States were feeling the effects of the disappearance of wilder places from their landscape. This disappearance encouraged romantic attitudes toward wilderness and fueled a movement to preserve those areas of wilderness which survived. The movement to create a national park in the East, which focused on the Great Smoky Mountains, pitted these romantic notions of wilderness against the local rural population. (Those local interests who prompted the establishment X �of the as a the of the of the the the in the be to be be to the for the it of of the a on the of to by not on be in and by In ed the be In its the To the is not of we of the to It is not of the and for of the the on. a of the in of of the the the (a of the of as the we and set of a use of in the to be an in the of for its In of the the to use the on of of the the the the a in fit) or to In a of the a inof the out a full to the the of the of are not the the out left a it the be as as the the on for we it is a for the the XI �has of the In it is left of the of the its in its we to the we is a in of XII in the to �no It is the the to the as of the are as we has as the of to as of we ing the ten of the for to of the to as at of left no it is by in the the the of the ed, the of in of life of for all of by in of of is It is of to be a of the for are the the on the in of by in or by the of to of of B.C. 1 �The succeeding period, the Archaic, is characterized by changes in subsistence practices and settlement patterns. The beginning of the Archaic period coincided with the warmer climate associated with the northward retreat of the glaciers which had previously covered portions of what is now the United States. It was at this time that weather conditions similar to those of the present time were established. Large mammals such as mammoths and mastodons became extinct, and it was necessary for the prehistoric occupants of the area to rely on deer and small game for their animal protein requirements. This change in climate was also accompanied by changes in vegetation. One of the most important changes was an increase in the number of nut-producing trees. These and other deciduous trees replaced many of the evergreens which were the main forest cover during times when the climate was colder. The Archaic period lasted for about 7,000 years. During that time, lifestyles continued to be nomadic, but there is evidence for increased specialization in the manufacture of tools and utensils used for processing vegetable foods. Fishing and shellfish collecting also became important at this time. Nuts were used as sources of vegetable protein and fat. By around 1000 B.C., there is evidence for the development of a relatively settled mode of existence throughout the Eastern United States. This period, known as the Woodland, lasted until around A.D. 800 in many areas of the Southern Appalachians, and until the time of European contact in others. During this time, there is good evidence for the intentional planting of food crops, at least on a small scale, and for the development of settled village life. There also appear at this time indications of extensive trade in items such as marine shell from the Gulf of Mexico, copper from the Great Lakes and other regions, and mica from the southern Appalachian mountains. These materials were used in ritual contexts, and artifacts made from them are frequently found associated with burials of important individuals who were often interred in mounds constructed for that purpose. Extensive trade and the construction of burial mounds indicate a decrease in the amount of labor needed to obtain food, resulting in an increase of the amount of time available for other purposes. Pottery vessels began to be manufactured early in the Woodland period. These were used for both cooking and storage, and were sometimes decorated �Cherokee using blow gun. (pen and ink drawing by Sandy Lidh based on material from Museum of the Cherokee Indian) with distinctive designs. Decorative motifs were also engraved on shell. Items of personal adornment may have indicated differences in status. Bows and arrows replaced spears as weapons for killing game. In the southernmost part of the Appalachian area, the Woodland period was succeeded by the Mississippian. This period was characterized by increased reliance on domesticated plants for food and by the construction of larger pyramid-shaped mounds. These mounds served �as bases for the structures used by the leaders of the village for both religious and political functions. The early European explorers who visited this area described the native inhabitants as farmers who lived in houses constructed by covering the sides of wooden framework with clay and then roofing the structure with bark shingles. In their gardens, they cultivated a number of plants, including corn, beans, and squash. They also continued to gather many wild plants for food and for medicinal use. Their only domesticated animal was the dog, and they relied on hunting and fishing to obtain animal protein foods. By the mid-1600's the influence of European contact to the east and north began to be felt throughout the southern Appalachian woodlands. Later, the area was visited by both explorers and traders, and eventually was settled by non-Indians during the period of western expansion into this part of the continent. Initially, most of these nonIndians were traders, but by the early 1800's families had begun to move into the area. Finally, in the late 1830's, the removal of most of the Indian populations was effected, and only a fraction of the people who had formerly occupied the southern Appalachian woodlands remained behind in their homeland. These original inhabitants of the areas considered themselves to be participants in the natural world which surrounded them rather than manipulators of their environment. The forests and the resources which they contained were there for their use, belonging not to individuals but to all who needed those things which could be found there. Almost all of life's basic necessities were available in the woodlands. Food and clothing were provided by the animals which lived in the forest. Shelters were constructed from tree trunks, bark, and vines. Numerous plants provided both food and medicine. Streams that ran through the forests were sources of water for drinking and bathing. Even the materials used for making stone tools of various types were found there. Although some domesticated plants were cultivated in later times, the woodlands continued to supply much of the plant food and almost all of the animal food necessary to sustain life. If one had the requisite knowledge, it was possible to find every necessary dietary component. In fact, forests continued to be important sources of animal protein even into historic times. The most important animal was the deer. According to one report, in the year 1844, the Indians living in Quallatown, near present-day Cherokee, killed 540 deer. They also killed 78 bears in that same year. Birds, small mammals, fish, and amphibians such as turtles would have supplemented these large-body animals as sources of protein. �Although bears were killed in fewer numbers than deer, no doubt because of their lesser frequency in the wild, they were particularly important because of the fat they provided. This fat was used not only for food but was used to soften leather, as a hair dressing, and for a multitude of other purposes. The forest also supplied fat and protein in another form. Methods for extracting oils from nuts are known to have been practiced by American Indians in the early historic period, and it is probable that these same methods had been in use for hundreds, and perhaps thousands, of years. The main source of vegetable oil was the hickory nut. Charred remains of hickory shells have been recovered from archaeological sites dating as far back as 4000 B.C. Several observers commented on the use of oil extracted from hickory nuts by historic Indian groups. Among them was William Bartram, a naturalist who traveled through the southern Appalachian area in the 1770's. He noted that the oil was extracted from the nuts by crushing the nuts, boiling them in water, and then retrieving the fat which rose to the surface. Bartram observed that some families had as much as 100 pounds of hickory oil stored in their houses. The use of hickory nuts by some Cherokee Indians has extended into the present time. A dish called hickory nut soup is made by pounding the nuts, removing as much of the shell as possible, and cooking the nut meat in boiling water. The shell which remains settles to the bottom. Sometimes nuts prepared this way are used to thicken meat broths and may also be used to prepare a beverage. Before the disappearance of native chestnuts from southern Appalachian forests, these nuts were used in the preparation of a dish caned "chestnut bread/' It is still prepared by modern Cherokees using Chinese chestnuts. Chestnuts are combined with corn meal; the mixture is formed into balls, wrapped in hickory leaves, and boiled. Other nuts were important as well but not to the extent that the hickory nuts and chestnuts were. Even acorns can be edible if processed properly, but they are not likely to have been a preferred food if other types of nuts were available. Among the trees which provided kinds of food other than nuts were persimmons and honey locusts. Persimmons were not only eaten as a fruit but were combined with corn meal to make persimmon bread; the honey locust pods were boiled to make a sweet tasting drink. Seeds and berries were also collected from plants growing in the forest. Blueberries, buckberries, and blackberries were among the fruits available, and seeds of such plants as amaranth, sunflowers, and smart grass were eaten as well. �of L.) in the of are are the in in by the of of a as for is of are are for the to be to of in the of the pain the by is of of the in of of a symptoms. as a for An as a in a by the in the A by to In of the the the the of for or not on the of is as for by of at as to the the in the or by by .6 a In set off by the the no of for to in the to be to be in a of as for in by is the as in by the out in of by the in- of �Cherokee women fashioning a basket from white oak. Dark splints were dyed with black walnut root. Onconaluftee Indian Village. 11? I! A Cherokee water drum. Often of sycamore, these drums were partially filled with water to affect the tone the Cherokee word for canoe, "tsiiyu," is the same as the word for poplar tree. Wood was also used for a number of other items important to the inhabitants of the Southern Appalachians. The mortars and pestles used by the women for pounding corn were made from wood. Wooden bowls were used for serving food. Roots of the butternut tree were used for making a dark dye, and roots of bloodroot plants, found in the forest, were used to make a red-orange dye. Baskets were made from a variety of materials, among them wood and bark. Wooden baskets were made from white oak split into thin strips and woven into various shapes. Baskets were also made from �vines and peeled river cane. Not only did these containers serve as utilitarian items, but they were also the vehicle for artistic expression. Dyed vines or strips of wood or cane were combined to create intricate patterns in the bodies of many containers. The long term use of wood by the native inhabitants of the southern Appalachian forest is indicated by the addition of stone tools used for cutting and working wood into prehistoric tool kits by around 3000 B.C. Although ground stone is not as desirable as metal for making tools for woodworking, it can be resharpened to renew the edge. That the woodlands were essential to the survival of the prehistoric occupants of the Southern Appalachians is clear. The woodlands were central to every aspect of their lives, providing food, shelter, and clothing. It is unlikely that modern inhabitants of this area will ever appreciate fully the importance of woodland resources to these people. However, study of the past through archaeology can at least expand our understanding of the potential for supporting human life inherent in the forests and enhance our appreciation for resources which they contain. Anne Rogers Western Carolina University �A in to At It and use the of of In or for for for at the of lay In to the At the a of the to oak but In the the It era its the the Ing Its did an of the for of the a its the for a and its by to its and up a in but the fall of the the of of the the the to for it by the of the to the its for the it of the of by the set of In of to to the a to In the to the to for Is a the of a the the a of too like �lived a less secure life closer to the forest. In the uplands of the British Isles and around the northern fringes of the Atlantic, remote from the trade centers of Europe, they tilled the poorer, thinner soils and relied more upon herds. They were less settled, more mobile, and for a longer time lived in and with their forests. Early Europe was built on an abundance of forests and a technology of wood. By the time of the discovery of America, Europe had begun to encounter the problem of wood scarcity, first in the lowlands of western Europe and then in the uplands and in the great expanses of central Europe. With scarcity came a growing competition for limited resources. Peasants believed that the best use of forest lay in clearing it for crops. But the forest was also of value to the noble landowner for its products and its uses, which included a highly prized recreational value. For by the Middle Ages hunting had become an important aristocratic sport, in fact a virtual monopoly of the ruling elite. It was this conflict of interest that set the first great restraints on the clearing and use of woodland. The noble lords, who retained legal control over all land including woodland, attempted to regulate the use of the forest. Much forest land was preserved as hunting parks, and the penalties for poaching or for tampering with such woodland were severe, including the death penalty for some offenses. Other forest land was viewed as exploitable, but it was in the interest of the lord to carefully control access to it. Licenses and payments were required from peasants to pasture pigs, to cut timber, and to till cleared land. A complicated system of forest laws arose to control the use of the forest. Peasants who made unauthorized use of it often had their houses pulled down, their crops destroyed, and themselves perhaps fined or imprisioned. Nevertheless, there were pressures on the lords to encourge them to allow controlled clearing. If more land came under the plow and the harvest grew, a large part of that increase came to the lord in increased rents. By the 16th century so much land had been cleared that for the first time fears were expressed that Europe might experience a shortage of timber and other forest products. This shortage was due not only to the shrinking of woodland but also to the growing demand for forest products. As Europe began to emerge from its long sleep of primitive technology, industrial activity expanded. Glassworks and soapworks needed more woodash. Mining required heavy timbers for pits and tunnels as well as charcoal for 10 �the to the the of the to it the a as a of In the and the on the and and of for as of the as an By the of of of of a the of the A of and an the to be It the to for the the the of and are for the of the to fur to he and a AE as to not of a of and the and on the of the the Its For it the and of the the its of of of the a to for in to the of in 200 the of fir for in of and tar the be not of the of the on did and the the to fil of de of by the but and 11 �unsocial... no better than carnivorous animals of a superior rank, living on the flesh of wild animals." In 1728 Colonel William Byrd of Virginia lamented that "Our country has been inhabited more than 130 years by the English, and still we hardly know anything of the Appalachian Mountains, that are nowhere above 250 miles from the sea/' Even as Byrd wrote, however, the great flow of migration that would breach the highland forest barrier had begun. The pressure of growing numbers and the hunger for land became particularly acute around the main American ports of entry—New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and Charleston. For the southern Appalachian forests, the drama of settlement began in the rich farmlands of southeastern Pennsylvania. A variety of factors drew growing numbers of immigrants to Pennsylvania: rich land, a good market for indentured labor, and close trade ties with British and European ports. By 1730 the population explosion had begun, and by 1740 most of the rich Pennsylvania piedmont had been occupied. The thousands of German and Scotch-Irish settlers who came later pushed across the Susquehanna River and by 1760 "were pressed against the Blue Mountains, where the first ridges of the high Allegheny front, as well as hostile Indians, discouraged westward settlement. Pennsylvania offered many settlers a life with European roots: cleared fields, prosperous small towns, and little forest. But it was a life only a few could share as land grew scarce and prices rose. For most newcomers, the frontier beckoned. With western Pennsylvania all but closed until the Revolution, most pioneers moved southwest to Virginia, the Carolinas, and the southern highland forest. It was in the early stages of their American experience, in Pennsylvania and in the Shenandoah Valley, that German, English, and Scotch-Irish immigrants began to learn about their new environmentnew crops, new animals, new tools. There, before they met the southern Appalachian forests, they encountered the knowledge and skills of the woodsman. Most of the settlers on the American frontier in the 1700's came from environments where wood was scarce and extremely valuable. Most Scotch-Irish, for example, would have felt overwhelmed by the vastness of the American forest. They knew virtually nothing about using wood for cooking or heating and were ignorant of the skills of felling a tree, cutting it up, splitting it, or working it up into a vast array of useful tools and implements. Even the many tools associated with a wood-based material cultural, such as the axe, froe, maul, drawing knife, and adze, would have been unfamiliar. All of this changed rapidly in the open society of colonial America. Germans and Swedes taught English and Scotish-Irish, and all newcomers learned from their contacts with American Indians. Logs replaced stone in cabin construc12 �ed no at or of In as of of It It it not of of as at the of in the felt the for of the the of the to the of in in no did of as the a at of a of It. In of a bj the the the of all for of the to to of In as the of in ed by In of of in the In the of of as as an a be felt in the for the a of life the to In to of in life the old life of of the out as a to of a ex- of In a the a a all a of of the the the a of the of Its of a 13 �as of a a he to an a to the of It a of the a the of to for the not the the a be, the to of the to a In It far the to the on for for the to it for to see the to of the of the of the of the set of a an by the by as the of its of the the for the the for the to it of of to of in a of the to of the in of the the to the im- a at the of the of 14 do led its the as in the a of as a Its of the a a an the �This pioneer farmstead with its cabin, tree stumps, wandering stock, and hoe cultivation was typical of the practices suited to the land and economy of Appalachian frontier. were transients who grew a few crops, grazed a few animals on natural vegetation, rarely bothered to legally claim the land, and moved on as the hunting grew poor. They seldom devoted much effort to improving their cabins or farmed more than a few acres. This type of settler, who never entirely disappeared from early mountain culture, was the true woodsman whose food, clothing, and shelter reflected his close alliance with the forest. He was followed quickly, however, by a permanent variety of forest farmers who formed a more stable relationship with their environment and who created the traditional southern Appalachian society. No single ethnic group forged the pioneer life style of the southern mountains, but throughout the settlement period the Scotish-Irish from the province of Ulster in northern Ireland were at the outer edge of the advancing frontier. They were the first to move, the last to settle, and typically the most numerous people in the scattered Appalachian communities before the Civil War. Though the Scotch-Irish brought little forest tradition, they did bring an independence and an endurance to hardship that suited them well for the life they entered. Above all they brought agricultural practices and settlement patterns that, unlike those of English and German farmers, were readily adaptable to subsistence in the forest. 15 �The agriculture of Scotland and Ireland was different from the intensive cultivation practiced in the prosperous farm villages of lowland England, and English observers invariably condemned it as primitive and inefficient. In fact, it suited the quality of lands and limited market opportunities in the north of Ireland. The system of tillage practiced in their homeland was known as infield-outfield. The infield consisted of a few of the best acres of farm, usually near the farm dwellings. Crops grown on this land were supplemented by the cultivation of the outfield. The outfield was seldom or never fertilized, was tilled for two or three years in succession and then allowed to lie fallow for several years, often returning to grass or bush, and used for pasture. Crops most frequently grown were oats, barley, and potatoes. The diet of the Ulster family was typically supplemented with milk and butter because of a strong reliance on livestock raising. From earliest times the poor lands of Scotland and Ireland had encouraged the raising of sheep and cattle as a fundamental way of life. After crops were planted in the spring, the stock had to be tethered or more commonly would be taken to graze in rough highland pastures. Often the animals would command more of the time and attention of the farm family or community than the crops. In late October when the grain was harvested, the stock would be brought back to graze on the stubble of the infield and outfield. Ulster farming placed less emphasis upon efficiency and high yields and more upon a marginal but sustainable agriculture suited to the conditions of land, tools, and local needs. At the same time Scotch-Irish society had remained overwhelmingly rural with little town life. The most common type of settlement was probably the clachan, or community of joint tenants, who lived in a cluster of dwellings and worked the surrounding land for a landlord. The clachan was distinctly different from the well-organized agricultural villages found in lowland England and throughout much of Europe. The former was smaller, typically a community of related families, less regulated by law and custom, more self-sufficient, and less permanent. At least until the middle of the 18th century, Ulster still had large areas of unsettled land, and settlers moved frequently. Often a family would break away from an over-settled clachan, or a clachan would grow up as a family grew. Rural life was more dispersed and individualistic than in most of Europe, but a sense of community was maintained through kinship, church gatherings, fairs, and markets. The picture we have from Ulster's past is that of a backward mixed agriculture and of mobile and independent farm settlements. The Scotch-Irish drew heavily on this background when they encountered the highland forest with its seemingly endless supply of cheap land, few and often distant markets, and constant shortage of labor. 16 �The land which the early pioneers entered was not completely covered with forests. The Indians who had lived there for centuries had cleared much of it for cultivation and hunting. Frequently, early white settlers! had a choice, either to take over existing cleared areas or "old fields/' or to clear their own. Though cleared land was preferred and might com^ mand higher prices, the choice was not always so obvious. Taking over cleared land implied the use of plow and manuring, a more intensive agriculture requiring a larger labor supply and aimed at selling to markets rather than family subsistence. Farming on uncleared land meant girdling and burning trees, utilizing the natural fertility, and cultivating among the trees or stumps by hoe. As the soil wore out, "new ground" was cultivated and the process begun again. This slash and burn technique adopted from the Indians was well suited to a situation of plentiful land and scarce labor and was typical of the earliest frontier farming. As for the livestock, animals were allowed to graze on any land not fenced for tillage but primarily in the woods and upland pastures. Animals were branded or otherwise marked and then turned loose to fend for themselves. The greatest attraction of this method of stock raising was that it used uncleared land to produce a commercial commodity that transported itself to distant markets. The great cattle drives to coastal cities remained a major part of the rural economy well linto the 19th century. It was not the Scotch-Irish alone who practiced this kind of frontier agriculture. It became common across the southern highlands and the frontier south. The anonymous author of American Husbandry, published in 1775, observed of North Carolina that "Such herds of cattle and swine are to be found in no other colonies, and when this is better settled, they will not be so common here: for at present the woods are all in common . . . In this system of crops they change the land as fast as it wears out, clearing fresh pieces of woodland, exhausting them in succession, after which they leave them to spontaneous growth ... It presently becomes such wood as the rest of the country is: and woods here are the pasture of the cattle." This primitive use of woodland represented a modification of a traditional Ulster agriculture and preserved the single family farm familiar to many Ulstermen. It presents a distinct contrast to the more intensive farming and highly organized villages of the English in New England and the Germans in Pennsylvania. At the same time this frontier agriculture was highly flexible and became more efficient and commercial as land grew less plentiful, labor more available, and as markets became a more important part of farming life. As settlers, led by the Scotch-Irish, began to move into the southern 17 �VX-S A ' in'-'Wffi£ :>'$$':>> •M 3*f^i- ••..•'!•• Ijw ci *'.--'.fft.'fr.^?. n$»;*« .t-t Mf ! corrc crop in a deadening made in 1899. highlands, the configuration of the mountains drew them into the river valleys, into the coves, and even to the grassy balds. But the woods were all around them, and they were faced with the problem of conquering a physical environment. The forest was only in part an enemy to be pushed aside to provide cleared fields for agriculture. It was also a tremendous resource for all manner of things. It provided them with the basic materials for establishing their rural homesteads, for making their tools and toys, for fuel, and even much of their food, for crops were always supplemented by game, wild fruits, nuts, and berries. But so much of the bounty of the forest depended on continuous woodcutting. Felling trees for building houses or for clearing land was only the beginning, for the ongoing need for wood never ceased. All early settlers who lived as farmers were also woodsmen who had to know the forest and its secrets in order to make it yield its bounty for their agricultural practices were intimately connected with the 18 �The Pre-European Forest was home to the Woodland tribes who, co. 1,000 BC, tapped directly into the primary nutrient cycles of the forest. i-? ^x During the Settlement Period, the introduction of metal tools and domestic animals by Europeans represented a major shift in the forest use. Settlers changed the productive capacity of the land to accomodate grain and domestic animals. �The Industrial Period was marked by the introduction of technological processes capable of transforming, on a mass scale, wood as a resource into a whole range of commercial products used all over the world. The Contemporary Forest is a managed resource in a society in which many contituencies have a voice in the formulation of policies which determine forest use. Paintings by Roger Stephen �the As Ing be in to be as the the of the in to for the if the to the to be the the up the an in the to the of the of the on the a as to fit the in the too of the to the in in to for to the to of as In the out the of of the of the to the for to the as in the of not in of be on to in the leg, are in the the the as the of As on the of the a go to a the is is in the a as no to the the in the in the a the are the by all or of to the in a a 21 �.r?*'".' l *....:•• y » •-•'/7n»-\;",-..-•;,/v>-lj>> '-ii"«I'-* UX V^ r^<»H;*> *^.%v;'" 'TO PLAMTATIOMS ; •*^jJrS*"'*-'1«?i-W*""?lVi**"''"''.... i4*"? .m,-:-V;"^-- " -N ' A/V£ ^ 7"OW*S U, These routes were major trade arteries from the mountains into the lowlands. in autumn and winter. They grow extremely wild, and generally go in herds Every inhabitant recognizes those that belong to him by the particular manner in which their ears are cut. They stray sometimes in the forests, and do not make their appearance again for several months; they accustom them, notwithstanding, to return every now and then to the plantation, by throwing them Indian corn once or twice a week. Hogs thrived on the plentiful mast deposited on the floor of the highland hardwood forest, and their snouts could dredge for roots and bulbs just 22 �below the surface of the ground. In addition, hogs could defend themselves quite well against most forest predators. For these reasons, they became the dominant livestock of mountain farmers. The forest also provided a variety of wild foods. Early frontiersmen, in the process of establishing their farms, would frequently rely on game for extended periods. Hunters perferred deer and elk to small game, for one large animal could supply the family for some time. This meat could be cut into strips and smoked and dried for "jerky," or it could be salted. Grouse and gray squirrels were considered delicacies, but a variety of other small game could be eaten as well. In order to hunt successfully, settlers not only had to be good marksmen but also had to learn the secrets of the woodland. They had to know the habits of the different species of animals and where and when they could be found. The same held true for the hunting of fruits, nuts, berries, and various edible vegetable matter. A successful hunt provided valuable by-products such as furs, skins, and fat. Furs could be used to make coats or robes, but they could also be sold to supplement the farming economy. Beaver fur was in greatest demand, but there was also a market for muskrat, gray fox, raccoon, and even possum fur. Skins, especially those of deer and elk, provided clothing and footwear. Fat had a variety of uses, not least important of which was in making greasy patches to clean and lubricate the bores of rifles. Finally, hunting offered sport as well as work. Shooting competitions and hunting as sport became a large part of the settler's relationship with the forest. The forest provided much more than food to the pioneers. It also contained the raw material for practically everything that they needed. Houses, outbuildings, fences, tools, toys—all were made from wood. They lived in a material culture based on wood to a degree unequalled in western Europe, and unimaginable to our modern world of metal and plastic. What woods were best suited for a particular product and where to find them were part of the woodlore that had to be learned. Poplar, pine, and chestnut for log cabins, flooring, and furniture; black walnut, black cherry, and maple for the finest furniture; maple for the stocks of rifles; small crooked white oak for sled runners; what woods would bend, which was best for making pegs—all of this knowledge was vital DO life in the forest. Whittling was a constant chore for settlers in this technology of wood. Wood also had to be cut continuously for fuel. Firewood was not burned only for heat and for cooking. It was also used to heat water for washing clothes, hog killing, lard rendering, dyeing, and for making soap, maple sugar, and whiskey. Firewood was needed all year round and in prodigious quantities. 23 �The forest also provided resources other than timber. Sweetners came from maple trees and from honey. Maple sap was boiled down to syrup, and "bee trees" were searched for, with swarms sometimes being captured and brought home to a homemade "bee gum" made out of a hollowed log. Dyes also came from the forest. The two basic colors of the early settlers were blue from indigo and red from madder, both of which grew wild in the southern mountains but which also could be cultivated. Butternut, walnut, bloodroot, hickory, oak, pokeberries, sumac, oak, and goldenrod all provided various shades of yellow, brown, and green. The forest served as a pharmacopeia to the settlers as well. A wide variety of home remedies came from the woods. Wild cherry bark was used for cough medicines, and sassafras, catnip, horehound, and pennyroyal soothed stomach troubles. Willow leaves and bark treated fever, and pine pitch healed sores and wounds. Cooked pine needles were prescribed for toothache and rhododendron oil for rheumatism. The forest was the essential resource for sustaining a rural subsistence economy. As Thomas D. Clark has observed, "Folk use and faith in the natural products of the forest formed a seamless web of cherished belief, superstition, and quackery. Just as the woodlands contributed to man's toils and woes, they also supplied him with panaceas for his distempers, frustrations, and boredom." Between the 1780's and the Civil War the southern highland forest had become a home to tens of thousands of families, from tenuous subsistence hunters and farmers to prosperous slave owning farmers. A network of small towns connected the region with profitable urban markets and provided a rich variety of goods that improved mountain life. Ethnic backgrounds and identities—Scotch-Irish, English, German, etc.—were largely submerged in rural mountain culture by the close of this period with the appearance of new generations and new people. Still, the first settlers had created a lifestyle based on Old Country traditions and New World environment that was inextricably tied to the woodlands. Food, clothing, building materials, medicines, and recreation were all dependent upon the forest. It was not a carefree life devoid of stress, but the abundance of the forest provided more than mere subsistence, and out of it grew eventually a more substantial society and economy. The economy and technology of this early pioneer society were not yet sufficiently advanced to overcome the isolation of the region and pose the threat of destruction to the woodland, as was finally the case in western Europe. The growing population in the mountains did exert significant pressure on the forest, altering it, opening more and more space, and above all wasting the forest's riches. It was not until the 24 �Hauling chestnut tanbark and handhewn railroad ties were two of many ways that later Appalachian settlers used the forest in the subsistence economy that was natural to the pre-industrial period. 25 �late 19th century, when the technology of the outside world was brought fully to bear, that the highland forests were seriously threatened. Large scale timbering and mining, made economically feasible by the coming of the railroad, then raised the prospect of widespread devastation. When this more advanced technology and economy combined with the image of abundance, of the woodland as Promised Land, the result threatened the very existence of the southern Appalachian forest. Tyler Blethen Curtis Wood Western Carolina University 26 �LAND AS COMMODITY: INDUSTRIALIZATION OF THE APPALACHIAN FORESTS, 1880-1940 A traveler through the southern mountains in the 1880's would have found a land "on the eve of a remarkable development." Still a remote but beautiful part of the southern backcountry and dominated by self-sufficient family farms, the region was on the threshold of a major era of growth in which its rich storehouse of natural resources would be developed to fuel the nation's final drive to industrial maturity. Superb timber and vast quantities of coal, iron ore, and other minerals were making the mountains the object of intense competition from both foreign and domestic capitalists intent on transforming the region into one of the "most prosperous and desirable sections" of the South. "I saw enough/' wrote Charles Dudley Warner in 1888, "to comprehend why great companies, American and English, are planting themselves there and laying the foundations of cities, and why the gigantic railway corporations are straining every nerve to penetrate the mineral and forest heart of the region . . . It is a race for the prize." In the years between the end of Reconstruction and the onset of the Second World War, Appalachia was transformed by America's race for moderization. By the millions, southern mountaineers left the family farms for "public work" in the newly constructed mining towns, logging camps, and mill villages which sprang up suddenly in the coves and hollows. The penetration of the mountains by railroads, speculators, land developers, and industrialists launched a revolution in land use and ownership that drastically altered the mountaineer's economy, society, and relationship to the land. No longer were the forests defined simply as "home" or "place"—the location of family, personal, and community values—but increasingly those within and outside of the region came to accept a more modern conception of the land as a "commodity," something to be bought and sold and used for urban-industrial purposes. Within a few short decades the forests were ravaged and exploited more intensely than in any other period of their history. As ownership and control of the land were transferred from the mountaineers to the spokesmen of the new industrial order, the fate of the region became irrevocably tied to the politics and economy of the larger society. The transformation of mountain life had its roots in the traumatic era of the Civil War. As early as the late 1850's elements within mountain society had begun to reject the lifestyles and values orientations of their more traditional neighbors and to look outside of the moun27 �tains for more modern definitions of the good life. Located generally in the larger valleys and county seat towns, the mountain middle-class came increasingly to define progress in terms of growth and change and looked to connections with low-country merchants and politicians to provide opportunities for expanded commerce and trade. While the more traditional ridge communities remained loyal to the Union during the Civil War, the "progressive" middle-class aligned with the Confederacy and after the War played a major role in the industrial development of the region. Convinced that their own future and that of their communities lay in the exploitation of the region's mineral and timber wealth, these local entrepreneurs joined with speculators and developers from the rest of the South to promote the natural wealth of the mountains and to attract Northern and European capital. By the turn of the century millions of acres of mountain land and forest had passed out of the hands of local residents and into the control of outside developers whose only interest was to get as much as they could out of the land and then to get out. Beginning in the late 1870's and lasting into the 1920's, the new owners of the land penetrated the mountains with thousands of miles of railroads, opening up previously isolated sections of the region and altering the traditional way of life. Land which speculators had purchased at from twenty-five cents to one dollar an acre a few years earlier, now was worth many times as much for its mineral and timber wealth. Local leaders hailed the new investments as harbingers of progress and were convinced that economic development and industrialization were best for the region's future. Most absentee developers, however, were less interested in long range economic stability than in short range profits on the land and people of the mountains. The impact of this industrial development was profound. By 1900 the self-sufficient agricultural economy of the region had been seriously disrupted because of changing marketing, production, and land ownership patterns. Whereas the average size farm in the mountains in 1880 was about 187 acres, by 1930 the average Appalachian farm contained only 76 acres and in some countries was as low as 47 acres. Before 1880 the southern mountain family made its living directly from the land, except for modest amounts of cash which could be raised from the sale of logs, livestock, or other products. The major cash crop in the mountains was livestock, which was allowed to graze in the woodlands on 28 �>* '":" ^/:..-!*> "^ffm 5ream powered crane loads logs near Sunburst, Haywood County, Circa 1900 Narrow gauge railroad hauls timber logs from Cherokee County, NC, circa 1910. 29 �"common land" and driven annually to market in the low-country. After 1880 the mineral and timber companies acquired much of the forested ridgeland, effectively replacing the use of the forests for agricultural and marginal logging purposes with large scale mining and timber production. The mountaineers were given jobs in the local mills, mines, and factories and easily acquired a new dependence on a cash income, canned food, and other consumer items which could be purchased at the local (often company-owned) store. For a while the boom times brought prosperity and hope for a better future, and mountain residents, like other Americans, were introduced to modern ways. But the boom was short-lived and brought not only fundamental changes in the economy and social structure of the region but also caused extensive damage to the mountain environment itself. The Growth of Logging One of the best examples of the effects of industrial development on the land and people of Appalachia was the great logging boom which swept the southern mountains between 1890 and 1920. As early as the 1880's outside timbermen had begun to purchase large acreages of forest land and to undertake major logging operations. In the early 1880's, for example, the Scottish Carolina Timber and Land Company with funds from capitalists in Glasgow, Scotland, and Cape Town, South Africa, built a sawmill at Newport, Tennessee, and began logging along the Pigeon River above the town. Later in the decade an Englishman, H. N. Saxton, launched the Sevierville Lumber Company in Sevier County, Tennessee, and C. F. Buffum, a Maine lumberman, opened a sawmill on the Tuskaseigee River in Jackson County, North Carolina. These companies began exporting hardwoods from the Great Smokey Mountains to Europe and pioneered the arrival of even larger firms in the years ahead. By the 1890's the forests of the Northeast and Great Lakes regions were beginning to be depleted, and lumbermen turned increasingly to the Southern Appalachians. Large timber companies from the North purchased vast tracts of land throughout the region and began cutting the virgin ash, cherry, oak, spruce, and yellow (tulip) poplar. In North Carolina the Crosby Lumber Company of Michigan, the Foreign hardwood Log Company of New York, the Dickson-Mason Lumber Company of Illinois, and the Tuckaseigee Timber Company of New York all opened large operations in the southwestern portion of the state. Elsewhere the Asheville Lumber Company, the Parsons Pulp and Lumber Company and a host of others joined the race to tap the region's 30 �forests. After 1900 the Champion Fibre Company of Hamilton, Ohio, acquired some 300,000 acres of spruce forest, and the William Ritter Lumber Company of West Virginia operated on over 200,000 acres of timberland in western North Carolina in addition to its large holdings in other Appalachian states. In eastern Tennessee the Little River Lumber Company became a major landowner in the Smokies, and the Norwood Lumber Company, the Vestal Lumber and Manufacturing Company, and the Pennsylvania-based Babcock Lumber Company also constructed large mills. Similar companies dominated the logging operations in other Appalachian states, and by 1910 the Southern mountains produced nearly forty percent of the total timber production in the United States. The Southern mountaineers had always utilized the surrounding forests, cutting some timber to clear fields and to construct buildings, fences, furniture, and farm implements. After the Civil War many farm families had begun to engage in the seasonal cutting of timber for sale to local sawmills. But these uses had little impact on the forests of the region since the technology was simple, and only those trees closest to the major rivers and highways could be cut. As late as 1900 as much as 75 percent of the southern Appalachian region remained in woodland, Overland, log flume on Curtis Creek, McDowell County, NC. The flume was the least destructive method for moving timber from the upper slopes to the mill site. 31 �and although some of the largest walnut, cherry, and other figured hardwood had been culled, most of the commercial timber was yet untouched. With the arrival of the largest companies after the turn of the century, however, new technologies and greater capital assets were brought to bear on the region's forests. Many companies were so large that they were able to build their own railroad lines, sawmills, and logging camps deep in the timber-lands. The utilization of steam-powered equipment such as Shay locomotives, overhead cableway skidders, and giant bandsaws allowed operators to cut more timber at only a fraction of the cost of earlier methods. But when used with log slides, river flumes, and splash dams, the modern techniques destroyed the streambeds and the reproductive capacities of the land. Great woods fires became almost a yearly phenomenon in the Blue Ridge, as lightning or sparks from machinery ignited sawdust and splash piles left by the loggers. The opening of many local pulp mills provided a market for the smallest trees, lending a new meaning to the term "merchantable timber/' and entire mountains were clear cut and left to erode with the spring rains. Local residents had for generations practiced the custom of "slash and burn" to clear new ground for cultivation and had annually burned Construction of Splash Dam in Pisgah National Forest. 32 �the forest undergrowth to provide better pasture for livestock, but the new technologies far surpassed the abilities of local farmers to exploit the land. Indeed, the total number of farms and farm acreage declined dramatically in areas of heavy outside investment as farmers sold or abandoned their farms and migrated to the camps and mill villages. Almost every timber company established one or more logging camps or sawmill towns to provide housing for labor crews in sparcely settled areas. These centers absorbed the mountain residents who sold their lands and attracted Northern and European migrants eager to benefit from the timber boom. More than 600 company-owned towns were constructed throughout the region during these years, and in some areas they outnumbered independent, incorporated towns more than five to one. Timber towns circled the Great Smokies: Ravensford, Smokemont, Fontana, and Crestmont in North Carolina and Elkmont, Gatlinburg, Townsend, and Rittertown in Tennessee. Sunburst, North Carolina, and TeUico Plains, Tennessee, achieved populations of close to two thousand residents. Most of these towns were temporary, artificial communities in which the companies controlled almost every aspect of community life. Some offered good housing and modern conveniences, but most provided ramshakle accommodations, poor sanitation, and few amenities. It was to these boom towns that many displaced mountaineers moved after the turn of the century, some hoping to find permanent work and avoid the hardships of sharecropping or farm tenancy, others intending to save their wages in order to return to the land as independent landowners. All would find themselves caught up in the uncertainty and dependence of the new order and would witness permanent changes in their lives, culture, and the society around them. For several years lumbering provided steady employment for thousands of mountaineers. Others found jobs in the coal mines of West Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee; in the mica pits and copper works of North Carolina and Tennessee; or in the textiles miles of the Carolinas and Georgia. By 1930 only about one-third of those gainfully employed in the region remained in agriculture; the rest had joined the ranks of the new industrial working class. The prosperity that was brought by industrialization, however, was only temporary, for as rapidly as the new economic order had ascended it collapsed in the 1920's leaving the region plagued with unemployment, poverty, and destitution. The rampant overdevelopment of Appalachian resources and the frantic drive for profits with little concern for long term stability took its toll in almost all of the major industries of the region after World War I. The decline in demand for war materials and the reopening of European mines and factories (coupled with a 33 �domestic shift to oil and synthetic fibers) produced massive closings and layoffs in the American coal, mica, and textile industries. By 1919 wasteful logging practices had begun to decimate the region's forests, and in that year timber production fell to about half of its pre-war level. Increasingly in the 1920?s timber companies abandoned their southern mountain properties and turned west to the unexploited timberlands of Oregon and Washington state. Those mountain families who could, returned to the land to seek out a subsistence on smaller, less productive farms; others remained in the abandoned boom towns to endure the dark years of depression. Like a train in the night, industrialization had come into the mountains raising aspirations and hopes, but when it left, it had taken most of the rich natural wealth out of the region, leaving little benefit to the mountain people themselves. What remained was a socially and economically depressed area which the rest of the nation would come to know as "Appalachia." The human tragedy of this era was reflected in the devastation of the land itself. The once majestic ridges lay cutover and gullied; the sparkling brooks and creeks now ran full and muddy from the torrential spring rains. Major fires had burned thousands of acres of woodland and lesser fires of the undergrowth had effected at least eighty percent of the forested area. "The great mountain slopes and forest," wrote Thomas Wolfe of Asheville, had been ruinously detimbered; the farm-soil on the hillsides had eroded and washed down; high up, upon the hills, one saw the raw scars of old mica pits, the dump heaps of deserted mines . . . It was evident that a huge compulsive greed had been at work: the whole region had been sucked and gutted, milked dry, denuded of its rich primeval treasures; something blind and ruthless had been here, grasped, and gone. The blind scars on the hills, the denuded slopes, the empty mica pits were what was left . . . Something had come into the wilderness, and left the barren land. The arrival of industrialization brought a new meaning and use for the Appalachian forests, one which would permanently alter the future of the mountain people. The new owners of the timberlands, lamented the Reverend Dr. A. E. Brown in 1910, "did not seem to realize they had any other value beyond what they could get for them from the lumbermen, and as the lumbermen had no other interest other than to get out of the timberlands all that was possible, no thought was given to the effect which the cutting of the timber may have on the mountain regions or looking to reforesting the area . . . Those who have destroyed the forests reaped the only benefits; those left behind, the natives, will have to bear the brunt of this work." 34 �The National Forest Movement The wanton destruction of the Appalachian forests came to national attention shortly after the turn of the century as concerned citizens such as Dr. Brown and others began to push for government intervention to conserve the remaining timber-lands. Several decades earlier a nascent conservation movement had begun to lobby for the protection of the nation's forests, although most of the initial interest was in the protection of public lands in the West. Large timber companies that had acquired thousands of acres of the public domain (often by subterfuge and fraud) had begun to turn much of that land into wasteland. In 1876 Congress established the Division of Forestry in the Department of Agriculture, and in 1891 it passed the National Forest Reserve Act granting the president the power to set aside portions of the public domain as "forest reserves/' By 1900 some 35 million acres of western timberland had been designated for protection. Since federal legislation provided no funds for the acquisition of private property, and since little public land remained in the more heavily populated East, all of the new National Forest reserves lay in the public domain west of the Mississippi. In 1900, however, the Division of Forestry in cooperation with the Geological Survey of the U. S. Department of the Interior conducted a field investigation of the southern Appalachian region. The survey results were sent to Congress in 1902 by President Theodore Roosevelt who described the widespread damage that had occurred in the region's forests. In the logging operations of the southern mountains, the survey reported, There has naturally been no thought for the future. Trees have been cut so as to fall along the line of least resistance regardless of what they crush. Their tops and branches, instead of being piled in such a way and burned at such a time as would do the least harm, are left scattered among the adjacent growth to burn when driest, and thus to destroy or injure everything within reach. The home and permanent interests of the lumberman are generally in another state or region, and his interests in these mountains begins and ends with the hope of profit. In order to stop the continuing loss of these resources, the survey recommended the creation of a Federal Forest Reserve in the Southern Appalachians and the introduction of scientific forest management practices. Ironically, it was in these same forests that the idea of practical forestry was inaugurated in the United States. In 1889 George 35 �Washington Vanderbilt, the wealthy grandson of Commodore Cornelius Vanderbilt of New York, visited Asheville for his health and was so impressed with the area that he began to acquire land southwest of the town on which to build a summer estate. Vanderbilt hired the renowned New York architect Richard Morris Hunt and the premier landscape architect Frederick Law Olmsted to design and construct a French Renaissance-style castle unequaled anywhere in America. Biltmore House, as he called his 250 room castle, was filled with rare paintings, tapestries, porcelain, and antiques from Europe and surrounded by elegant gardens, greenhouses, and a conservatory. At Olmsted's suggestion, a " model village" was built near the entrance to the estate, housing a hospital, stores, and a church. Vanderbilt also employed a young Pennsylvania forester named Gifford Pinchot, the future chief of the U. S. Forest Service, to supervise Biltmore's forest lands. Determined to show a profit from the careful management of his forests, Vanderbilt purchased a "private game reserve" of 100,000 acres of virgin timber adjacent to the castle, renaming it the Pisgah Forest. Under Pinchot's direction, reforestation of cutover and eroded areas on the estate was begun, and selective logging was undertaken at the foot of Mt. Pisgah. Pinchot left Biltmore in 1895 and was succeeded by Carl Alwin Schenck, a young, highly recommended German forester, who for fourteen years carried on and intensified Pinchot's efforts. Schenck continued the practice of selective lumbering, introduced new logging techniques, and expanded reforestation efforts throughout the Vanderbilt estate. In 1898 Schenck carried out one of Pinchot's recommendations by establishing the Biltmore School of Forestry in which he personally trained young men in all aspects of practical and textbook forestry. Schenck, like Pinchot, emphasized not just preservation but forest management practices that would assure the continued production of saleable timber. During Sehenck's years at Biltmore, the Vanderbilt properties were among the leading producers of hardwood timber in the region. Unfortunately, Vanderbilt's practical forestry model was not accepted by other logging operations. Schenck was able to convince nearby Champion Fibre Company to introduce sustained-yield forestry on its Pigeon River properties, but most companies were less interested in forest management than in maximizing production. Therefore, by the time the survey of the southern Appalachian forests was submitted to Congress in 1902, an influential group of conservation-minded Americans had begun to favor the creation of eastern forest reserves. Led by Gifford Pinchot himself, who had become Chief of the USD A Division of Forestry in 1898, conservationists submitted nearly fifty bills to Congress between 1900 and 1910 to authorize 36 �Dr. and Mrs, Schenck in Pisgah Forest. the creation of an Appalachian Forest Reserve. Throughout the decade the movement grew in size and diversity to include a variety of organizations including the Appalachian National Park Association, formed in Asheville by Dr. Chase P. Ambler, the national Sierra Club, the National Hardwood Lumber Association, and the powerful American Forestry Association. Despite this broad-based support, however, Congress continued to reject such legislation on the basis of opposition ranging from State's rights to the constitutional question of the Federal government's authority to acquire land for national forests. Nor were the conservationists themselves united on the legislation. Indeed, the conservation movement embodied at least two distinct groups, the preservationists and the utilitarians, each of which held a 37 �different conception of the meaning and use of the nation's forests. One, inspired by Henry Thoreau and exemplified by John Muir, the founder of the Sierra Club, believed in saving as much as possible of the nation's scenic forests just as they were—never to be exploited by man. These preservationists hoped that large sections of southern Appalachian timberland could be protected from all commercial activities, including logging and mining, and set aside for recreational and scenic purposes. In addition to preserving the natural heritage of the country, they argued, the national forests ought to provide an "escape" from the "industrial pace" of urban life. The other conservationists faction, the utilitarians, favored the continued use of the forests for economic purposes, albeit under the protection and careful management of the Federal government. The majority of the leaders of the conservation movement, including its most renowned leaders, Gifford Pinchot and Theodore Roosevelt, perceived the primary purpose of the forest reserves to be the protection and management of timber resources for commercial production. "Forest reserves," wrote Pinchot in 1905, "are for the purpose of preserving a perpetual supply of timber for home industries, preventing destruction of the forest cover which regulates the flow of streams, and protecting local residents from unfair competition in the use of forest and range." It was this latter group, led by Pinchot and the Department of Agriculture, that would eventually succeed in achieving the passage of the Weeks Act in 1911 authorizing the Secretary of Agriculture to purchase private lands in the East for national forest reserves. The preservationists would see their dream fulfilled in the late 1920's and 1930's when the Federal government, through the Department of the Interior, acquired land in the southern mountains for the Great Smokey Mountains National Park and the Blue Ridge Parkway. Conflict within the conservation movement, between advocates of "scenic preservation" and supporters of "economic forestry," continued to complicate the management of the national forests and subsequently had a major impact upon land use practices in the southern Appalachian region. But common threads which bound the two groups together played an even more important role in shaping the future of the mountains and reflected the emergence of a more modern valueorientation toward the land. Both factions approached the issue of conservation from a decidedly nationalistic and predominantly urban perspective. National needs, whether they were those of the tourist, the scientist, or the industrialist, were given priority over local concerns. The popular image of the mountaineer as backward, degenerate, and uncivilized seemed to justify this attitude, placing power in the hands of those who seemed "best equipped" to bring progress to the 38 �region. For many urban progressives, the creation of national forests in Appalachia became the easiest way to protect the resources they most coveted and the best way to bring the mountaineers into the modern age. The passage of the Weeks Act and the subsequent purchase of timberland by the Federal government initially stirred little popular reaction in the mountains. A few business leaders voiced optimism that the forst reserves would boost tourism and insure a perpetual supply of timber, but most local residents reacted indifferently to the legislation. Most of the land being studied for acquisition had already passed out of the hands of local people and into the control of timber companies and other corporations. The initial acquisition of land, moreover, was limited by law to large tracts of "high quality" ridgeland located on the headwaters of navigable streams. Such tracts generally did not include farmland or residences and were usually purchased from lumber companies or land investors. In fact one of the first tracts purchased was 87,000 acres of Vanderbilt's Pisgah Forest, which when combined with other property in 1916 became the first eastern national forest, the Pisgah National Forest. In 1918 the Pisgah was joined by three The Entrance to Pisgah National Forest. 39 �more such forests—the Shenandoah and the Natural Bridge in Virginia, and the White Mountain in New Hampshire. Two years later five more forests were created in Appalachia—the Boone (now part of the Pisgah); the Nantahala in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia; the Cherokee in Tennessee; the Unaka in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia; and the Monongahela in West Virginia. By 1920 the Forest Service had acquired over two million acres of Appalachian forestland, including over 250,000 acres in western North Carolina alone. Most of the land was purchased at from $5 to $10 per acre; over seventy percent of the land eventually acquired was severely cutover or burned. The logging companies, having purchased the land from local residents for as little as 250 to $2 per acre and having removed millions of board feet of marketable timber, were usually eager to unload what scholars have called "the lands nobody wanted." It now became the responsibility of the government to rehabilitate these forests for new and different purposes. During the 1920's and into the 1930's the Federal government followed a two pronged policy in its relationship to the southern Appalachian forests. On the one hand, the Forest Service and later such New Deal agencies as the Civilian Conservation Corps launched a massive program of reforestation which in turn spurred a remarkable regeneration of second growth forest in the region. This effective government planning not only provided potential long-term economic benefits but protected the forest environment and contributed to the survival of elements of the traditional Appalachian culture. On the other hand, continued expansion of national forest lands and the purchase of additional lands by the Tennessee Valley Authority and the National Park Service brought increasing conflict with local mountain people. As greater quantities of land were purchased and as larger numbers of small farms and ancestral homesteads were acquired, local hostility to these government agencies continued to grow and would be manifest in a variety of ways for decades to come. One area of the Forest Service's responsibility, for example, was the regulation of grazing, fire protection, and rehabilitation of the mountain forests. Rangers not only had to locate and survey purchased property, but they had to convince local farmers to end the age old practice of annually burning the woodlands to improve pasture for their livestock. Many residents believed that if they were stopped from burning-out the woods, they would cease to have adequate range and the insects and other pests would destroy the crops. Others were angered at the newly imposed fees placed on livestock grazing in public lands. The Forest Service, of course, was less sympathetic with these local customs and was determined to control fires and implement forest 40 �management practices. Consequently, animosity continued to grow and was reflected in the rising number of intentionally set woods fires which plagued the region. After 1924, moreover, the rapid growth of Federal landowner ship in the mountains helped to fuel the growing disillusionment and anger of local residents. Indeed the greatest growth in the total number of land purchases in Appalachia came in the 1920's and 1930's as the Forest Service sought to consolidate its holdings and acquired hundreds of small parcels throughout the region. By 1940 the Forest Service controlled over five million acres of land in Appalachia. Many farm families were happy to sell marginal land upon which it had become difficult to survive, but others resented the government's interference with their lives. The creation of the Great Smokey Mountains National Park and the Blue Ridge Parkway, and the construction of TVA dams in the 1930's resulted in the condemnation of hundreds of mountain farms and in the relocation of thousands of mountain families. The Tennessee Valley Authority, for example, displaced more than 3,000 families in the construction of Norris Dam in East Tennessee and more than 1,300 families in the building of Fontana Dam in western North Carolina. Coming as they did in the midst of the Depression, these actions convinced some mountain residents that the Federal government was following a well-laid plan to destroy the mountain way of life. In the minds of many local people, the purchase of mountain land for national forests, lakes, and parks had not only contributed to the depression of the local agricultural and timber economy, but it was also depriving a hard-hit people of their last chance at independent survival. The government's acquisition of large numbers of small farms sold at sheriff's auctions for nonpayment of taxes seemed to support these feelings of suspicion, hostility, and despair. The frustration that gripped many mountaineers in the late 1930's as they faced an uncertain future was evident in the correspondence of William Wirt, a mountain farmer from Epperson, Tennessee. In 1938 Wirt wrote a letter to a New York friend in which he described the dramatic changes that had occurred in the mountains. Living in a remote cove at the foot of the Great Smokies, he had witnessed the arrival of the railroads, the logging boom, and now the coming of the TVA. The construction of Fowler Dam near Murphy, North Carolina, he noted, was providing temporary work for many of the local men, but the dam would inundate some of the finest farmland in the county. 4 'What would become of the people," he wondered, and where would the extra revenues come from to pay for county government and for the education of the children? He lamented the arrival of the new age: 41 �One day we were the happiest people on the earth. But like the Indian we are slowly but surely being driven from the homes that we have learned to hue, and down to the man we are not a friend of the Government for the simple reason that every move they have made has increased our poverty. We were told that if we kept the fire out of the forest that we would have plenty of range for our cattle, but we found that after a few years that there is no range left. We were also told that we would have plenty and increasing flow of water in our mountain streams furnishing an abundance of fish for sport and food. But I've found that our streams are drying up and the fish in the ponds that are left are all dying, and at times you can smell them as you pass along the highway. Fifteen years ago you could have seen in the forest here thousands of cattle, sheep and hogs. Today you never see one out in the forest, and if you do his head and horns is the heaviest part about him. Now what are we going to do, move on and try to fit in where we do not belong or undertake to face the situation and gradually starve to death? In the little mountain churches where we once sat and listened to the preaching of the gospel with nothing to disturb us, we now hear the roar of machinery on the Sabbath day. After all I have come to believe that the real old mountaineer is a thing of the past and what will finally take our place, God only knows. For the people and the forests of the Southern Appalachians the coming of industrialization had brought permanent and enduring change. A more modern meaning of the land and forests as commodity, the technological ability to exploit vast quantities of natural resources, and the insatiate appetite of human greed had combined to reek devastation on the land and economic depression on the people of the region. The enlargement of the Federal government's role in protecting and managing the forests brought some order to the chaos, but it also introduced new interest groups and new uses for the region's resources. For the mountain population, the industrialization of the Appalachian forests had not only altered the cultural meaning of the forests, but it had shifted the political power over the use of the woodlands from a regional to a national base. This shift in political power, a by-product of modernization throughout America, would result in continuing conflict between local needs and national desires in the decades to come. Ronald D. Eller Mars Hill College 42 �SOUTHERN APPALACHIAN FORESTS: THE LAST FIFTY YEARS Some two thousand years ago Pliny, a grand old Roman philosopher, made a remark which is just as pertinent for us today as it was then: 'The trees have a thousand uses, all of which are indispensable to the full enjoyment of life." And yet, for all of that indispensability, modern Americans have a difficult time realizing the absolute importance of trees to their lives. Sadly, all too many of us, to quote the ancient proverb, ''can't see the forest for the trees/' Yet it is our good fortune to be blessed, as few others are blessed, with an incomparable variety and abundance of great forests. It is impossible to walk, ride, or fly anywhere in the southeastern United States without encountering the remnants of a great forest. And in Southern Appalachia the forest is so prominent that it is and has been a major determinant in the shaping of millions of lives. Since the dawn of human history, man has been vitally influenced by the forest. Indeed, from the earliest accounts of history, we are told that man, keenly aware of the importance of trees to his survival, actually worshipped them. The Bible speaks of the Tree of Knowledge. The oak was sacred to the Romans, as laurel was to the Greeks. And out of the forests of Germany came the idea for our modern day Christmas tree. Our use of holly to celebrate Christmas has ancient roots, going back to the Romans who used it to mark their doors as a sign of festivity. And what bride hasn't wished for the smell of orange blossoms, the international symbol of wedding bliss? Even our hopes for peace are reflected in a forest symbol: the logo of the United Nations is a globe encircled by two sprigs of olive, the symbol of peace. The forest has also grown into our tongue: "Spare the rod and spoil the child"; "As the twig is bent, so inclines the tree." But our own beloved Whittier, with his Quaker touch, said it most meaningfully in his "The Barefoot Boy": "I was rich in flowers and trees, humming birds and honey bees." We have indeed been rich in flowers and trees. Yet it behooves us to take to heart a reminder given by Stewart Udall when he was Secretary of the Interior: "Each generation has its own rendezvous with the land." The legacy we inherited from the previous generations was, at best, a mixed blessing. Certainly the forests which were passed on to us in the 1930's would have had a hard time qualifying as precious heirlooms. Indeed, those 1930's woodlands were in such pathetic shape that they merited the name "the lands nobody wanted." Yet it has been 43 �the destiny of this generation to have its rendezvous with that land and that forest. And, wonderfully enough, that rendezvous has produced a citizenry that is absolutely unparalelled in history for its concern about the forests and lands it inherited. Prior to the 1930's the average citizen regarded the forest as a bountiful natural resource treasury from which to extract anything he needed in the way of material wants—food, shelter, clothing, paper, fuel, furniture, and anything else his inventive mind could convert the forest into for personal gain or comfort. But today the function and role of the forest is viewed with a much wider and much more encompassing eye—an eye that sees campgrounds, fishing streams, hiking trails, and a whole new world of recreational applications as well as watersheds and timberlands. The changes are perhaps best illustrated by contrasting the views of two users of the Appalachian forest. The timber baron of the 1890's saw the forest as a plum for the picking, shouted "TIMBER!/' and picked it clean. On the other hand, a stately old hiking man, United States Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, avidly sought out the forest as an adventure and as an escape from the frustrations of daily city living. "A people who climb the ridges and sleep under the stars in high mountain meadows, who enter the forest and scale the peaks, who explore the mountains—these people will give their country some of the indomitable spirit of the mountains," he wrote. But it took a monstrous world depression, a horrible world war, and a series of environmental catastrophes to bring about this change in attitude. The great world depression of 1929 came on the heels of unprecedented environmental disasters throughout the United States. An unrelenting erosion of the soil was draining the very life-giving nutrients from millions of acres of land. The Great American West had become the Great American Dust Bowl. And lands which once were occupied by magnificent forests had become awesome wastelandsgutted, burned over eye-sores. As one conservationist put it, "In a sense, the great depression was a bill collector sent by nature, and the darkest tidings were borne on every silt-laden stream and every dust cloud that darkened the horizon." One of the regions most disasterously stricken by both the great depression and the multiple environmental catastrophes was the Appalachian South and its people. When Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 44 �characterizing the evils which beset the nation, spoke of "one third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished" he could not have more precisely described conditions in the Appalachian forest lands. However, it was to be the good fortune of both Appalachia and the nation itself to witness the coming into the White House in 1933 of a President who prided himself on being both a politician and a strong conservationist. Indeed, Franklin Delano Roosevelt once listed himself in Who's Who as a "tree grower/' He had spent a lifetime improving the soil and forests on his personal estate, Hyde Park. As governor of New York, he had initiated a new forestry program for the whole state. He loved the forest and woodlands and once described them as "the lungs of our land, purifying our air and giving fresh strength to our people/' As president of the United States, he quickly demonstrated that he was well aware of conservation needs—both of man and land. With his administration came the launching of the second major nationwide conservation movement. His cousin, Theodore, had launched a similar movement for the preceding generation. Two of the most important conservation measures ever undertaken in this nation were begun under Franklin Roosevelt—the Civilian Conservation Corps and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Both were deeply concerned with the rehabilitation of the devastated forest and soil resources of the nation. President Roosevelt was well aware of the Weeks Act of 1911 which had been so instrumental in establishing the national forests in the Eastern United States. He was also well aware that those eastern national forests needed an enormous amount of work if they were to become true, highly productive forests. In a press conference at the White House March 15,1933, shortly after taking office, Roosevelt told news reporters that, "Taking it all through the East where, of course, the unemployment is relatively the worst with far more people, nearly all of the so-called forest land owned by the Government is second, third, or fourth growth land—what we call scrub growth... little bits of trees, saplings, and so forth. Proper forestation is not possible/' But he quickly reassured them that with proper management and with sufficient timber stand improvement, "those trees then eventually will become a very valuable lumber corp." And he had the answer to the situation—an answer that would take care of the scrub forests and of unemployment. That answer was to establish a civilian conservation corps utilizing the millions of unemployed young Amercians and putting them to work in those scrub forests. In the process two things would be rehabilitated, he said: the young men and the land. He became almost infatuated with the idea and conveyed it to almost anybody who would listen. One of his most 45 �important listeners was the United States Congress, which, concerned about mass unemployment and the plight of millions, broke all records in enacting the necessary legislation to implement the President's civilian conservation idea. On March 21, 1933 the bill was introduced in Congress, and it became law on March 31, 1933, officially creating what has ever since been known as the Civilian Conservation Corps. As the proposal was making its way through Congress, numerous criticisms arose, including a charge that the bill was anti-labor and, if passed, would provide cheap government-sponsored labor in competition with open market private labor, thereby reducing wages for forest workers. On the other hand, its champions successfully rebutted that it was a relief rather than an employment bill, that it was a conservation measure which would create profitable forests, provide fire protection for existing forests, prevent floods and erosion, and protect the new second growth forests in the South. In the weeks preceding the introduction of the bill, Roosevelt had done an enormous amount of investigative work, plumbing the actual and potential needs for a conservation crops. Every national forest supervisor and every national park superintendent was directed to do an indepth inventory and spell out in labor terms or man-power hours what it would take to rehabilitate his forest or park and put it into first class condition. As an incentive, the officials were alerted to the prospect that, if funds became available, their particular unit would receive all the labor necessary to do all the things they had always dreamed of doing. These inventories were fed into the President's staff in Washington and became most instrumental in getting the conservation bill enacted. In the meantime, in accordance with the President's desires, the Civilian Conservation Crops was immediately activated. He assigned the United States Department of Labor the responsibility for recruiting the young men, and this was quickly done by calling upon each state's welfare agency to select and provide its assigned quota of enrollees, as the conservation corpsmen came to be called. Following the recruitment, the United States Army was assigned the task of taking the enrollees and conditioning them. This included providing them with uniforms, discipline, food, and the necessary vaccinations to make them healthy. This usually took about two weeks. At the end of this period of time, the young men were turned over to what became known as the "Using Service," which, in those early days, meant either the National Park Service or the United States Forest Service. It is worthy of note that the reason Roosevelt designated the use of the foregoing agencies was that he felt that they were the only ones who could handle the emergency mobilization of his "tree army." 46 �In accordance with the President's plans, the first enrollee was selected on April 7, 1933, and the first camp was erected on April 17, 1933, very appropriately in the George Washington National forest, a short distance from Washington, D. C.—easy visiting distance for the President. Within three months some 300,000 persons were at work in 1,468 Civilian Conservation Corps camps scattered across the nation. The forests of Southern Appalachia, for the first time in their history, received a mass of laborers whose sole interest was in healing rather than in destroying. The implementation of the Civilian Conservation Corps struck at the most vital heart strings of humanity. President Roosevelt, in his message to Congress requesting the establishment of the Corps, had emphasized that "It will conserve our precious natural resources. It will pay dividends to the present and future generations. It will make improvements in national and state domains which have been largely forgotten in the past few years of industrial development. More important, however, than the material gains will be the moral and spiritual value of such work/' From the coves and valleys of the Appalachian mountains, as well as from the towns and villages, thousands of unemployed youngsters made their way to a Civilian Conservation Corps camp in the years 1933-1942. For example, at least sixty of North Carolina's one hundred counties had a camp, and over seventy thousand of her sons served in those camps or others like them across the nation. Each camp enrolled about two hundred men and was organized like a military unit, with tents or barracks for living quarters, a mess hall (kitchen-dining room), infirmary, recreation hall, and numerous utility buildings. While in camp, the young men were under the supervision of military officers, including a commanding officer and a camp physician. For work assignments they were turned over each morning to a civilian superintendent and his assistants. By mid-April, 1933, local newspapers everywhere began publishing articles about the "CCC," as the Civilian Conservation Corps was quickly called. The CCC became big news because it was bringing new jobs and new money into hundreds of communities. The Bryson City Times, for example, ran banner headlines, "318 Men Arrive in Bryson City." States having national forests or national parks, such as North Carolina and Tennessee in Southern Appalachia, were the recipients of a very large number of camps and enrollees. The newly established Great Smoky Mountains National Park and the Weeks Law national forests, such as Pisgah and Nantahala and Cherokee, had improvement needs which were perfectly suited to the great employment needs of the Civilian Conservation Corps. As a result, many of the counties in 47 �western North Carolina had as many as two, three, and even four camps at one time. Never before in the history of forestry had there been so many laboring hands to invest in one assignment—improve the forests! To the forests of Southern Appalachia came an army of young laborers. They came from all walks of life and with a remarkable variation of education and skills. All of them were from backgrounds of despair and were seeking a singularly new life. For many of them, it was the first time they had ever been away from home. Everything, from the food to social life, to new companions and new work assignments contained a new challenge, adventure, and opportunity. For the first time in their lives, many of the boys were exposed to such social amenities as deodorant, tooth-paste, daily baths, and balanced diet. Furthermore, the Civilian Conservation Corps offered each member an opportunity for learning a vocation such as heavy equipment operator, powder-man, radio operator, chef, auto mechanic, or whatever appealed to him. In addition, thousands of enrollees learned to read and write while they were in camp. That was not all; every enrollee, exposed to regular hours and a superb offering at the dining table, gained weight and improved in health. Also, recreation was a bonus for most of the men. An on-going recreational program offered athletic sports, especially boxing, basketball, and baseball. Inter-camp rivalry in all these sports became extremely competitive and became an additional means of instilling pride and esprit de corps. But it was the world of forest work that filled their lives five days of the week. And that work was remarkably diverse. For example, in the Pisgah National Forest, work assignments ranged from deer-keeper to trout-keeper. Pisgah National Forest happened to be one of the few forests that still retained a stock of deer. Thanks to the far-sighted efforts of George W. Vanderbilt, the original owner of Pisgah Forest, wild-life, such as deer, had been protected and sheltered during a period when it had been all but exterminated in other southern forests. Realizing the significance of this, the Forest Service decided to use Pisgah National Forest as a breeding ground for re-stocking deer throughout the forests of the South. So the CCC boys became nurse-maids to a forest full of deer. They joined together as census-takers and ran a tally on how many deer were in their forest. Then they rounded up a number of fawns, established feeding pens for them, and, using a standard baby formula, nursed those fawns around the clock, just as a mother would have nursed a new born baby. They, as might have been expected, made pets out of the fawns, gave them fancy names such as "Shirley Temple/' and became as attached to them as if they were members of their own family. But eventually, when the fawns had attained sufficient maturity to forage for themselves, they were loaded up and shipped 48 �off to other forests. One of the CCC boys recently recalled those days: "We were taking a load of those deer down to Florida and got pulled over by a suspicious highway trooper in Georgia. He thought we were carrying a load of mountain moonshine. And he knew we were flat out lying when he asked us what we were hauling and we said, 'deer/ You should have seen the look on his face when he lifted up the truck cover and saw the bunch of deer!" Every deer successfully transplanted from the Pisgah National Forest meant an improvement in the wildlife offering of a new southern forest. And today throughout the South, many a hunter, hiker, and family out sightseeing get the fabulous thrill of seeing a deer in its natural habitat, thanks to the work of those CCC boys and the vision of Franklin D. Roosevelt. As to the "trout-keepers," previous census statistics had indicated that the Appalachian forest streams were greatly understocked and were in dire need of replenishing with new brood stock of trout and other game fish. Thus, as part of its conservation program, the Forest Service, in cooperation with the State Wildlife division, using CCC funds and labor, established trout farms and as diligently nourished them as it had the deer. Stream after stream throughout the forests of Appalachia was stocked and restocked with game fish. Today, thanks to the efforts of the CCC boys and their supervisors, the trout streams of our eastern forests are the favorite fishing spots for thousands. Indeed, the most recent data show that for 1983 alone, in the national forests of North Carolina, almost 300,000 fishermen wet their lines, enjoying a sport that was tremendously enriched by the labors of boys long since departed. But the deer and the fish are only a tiny part of the forest story so far as the Civilian Conservation Corps is concerned. A recent author made the statement that "The national forests of the East, in the main, were assembled from land that nobody wanted. Nearly all were land that had been abused, poorly protected, or ignored, whose owners were happy to unload them on the Federal government." But today, little more than half century later, those same lands are described as "a treasure store of scenic, timber, wildlife, mineral, wilderness, and recreational resources." Not surprisingly it has also been said that the able management of the United States Forest Service in successfully rehabilitating those forests was one of the greatest achievements in the history of conservation. But what has not been said, what is not generally publicized, nor generally appreciated is that it was the work, the rejuvenation work, of the Civilian Conservation Corps boys that converted those scrub forests into a "treasure store." In forests everywhere the healing hand of the CCC program was 49 �Black Logger in Pisgah Forest, 1940. felt. The current beauty of the Cherokee, the Nantahala, the Pisgah, or the George Washington National Forest, or any of them for that matter, is directly attributable to the millions of hours of work expended on them by the CCC enrollees from 1933 to 1942. Neither Gifford Pinchot nor Carl Alwin Schenck, who pioneered professional forestry in Southern Appalachia, could have envisioned the thousands of laborers which the Civilian Conservation Corps assigned to the very region where they had labored and planned the nation's first scientific forestry program. Terms that those two men had learned in European forestry schools found application at the hands of young American men who had never had a day's schooling in forestry. But the timber stand improvement brought about by their labors was as effective as either of the old foresters could have expected or demanded. While teaching at the Biltmore Forest School on the Vanderbilt Estate, Schenck had repeatedly told his forestry students, "Remove that ugly, misshapen tree and give that young one the chance to grow!" "Plant carefully!" "Save the land!" This was exactly what the CCC boys did, not only in the forests of the Appalachian ranges but throughout this entire nation. 50 �On every major forest under the careful guidance of a trained forester, the CCC enrollees diligently constructed hiking trails, cut out weed trees, removed misshapen scrubs, built fire towers, constructed fire roads, improved streams, fought fires, built picnic areas, erected bridges, and accomplished a host of other tasks necessary to allow nature to flourish and produce a bountiful and highly useful forest—a forest useful for both economic and recreational purposes. The end result was the forests that are providing today's generation with a cornucopia of benefits, all directly or indirectly related to the rejuvenation labors of the CCC project. Just as thousands of CCC-ers labored in the nation's forests so did similar thousands apply their healing skills to the national parks. For example, the Great Smoky Mountains National Park was very new in 1933 and was in dire need of much labor to rehabilitate the woodlands which had only recently been widely timbered by the big lumber companies. Throughout the entire park, millions of man-hours of labor were needed to make it possible for the park to fulfill the mission for which it had been set aside—a national pleasuring ground featuring a beautiful forest and a bountiful wildlife. From all over the South and from the streets of New Jersey and New York, came Civilian Conservation Corps enrollees to labor on beautifying the park. A 1937 enrollee in Camp NP-4, Company 3453, Smokemont, detailed some of the work he and his companions were doing: "A large camping area and future trailer camp to accommodate hundreds of tourists is under construction. A nursery is maintained. Trails, both foot and horseback, roadside beautification, telephone line maintenance, bridges, and other phases of forestry and conservation are outstanding accomplishments/' Multiply that work by nine years and thousands of man-hours, and it is easy to appreciate the fact that much of the current beauty of the Great Smokies is a result of the labor of those young men almost half a century ago. And for those who enjoy the beauty of the Blue Ridge Parkway and the delightful sense it gives of being in and out of the forest, it is well to remember that they, too, are the beneficiaries of the laborers of the CCC who diligently landscaped the Parkway and planted so skillfully that it all looks natural today. In the meantime the Tennessee Valley Authority was also very busy utilizing Civilian Conservation Crops labor to check erosion and to plant millions of young trees, thereby improving the watershed for the Tennessee Valley. Its enrollees spent their working hours trying to remedy the hideous erosion scars which very poor farming and timbering techniques had brought upon the land. Trees were planted on every acre that could be made available by local owners. And all 51 �the art of conservation science was applied throughout the area to insure that the erosion was checked and the land's fertility renewed. When the TVA's CCC program was closed out in 1942, it had planted millions of trees. Indeed, between the CCC and the local farmers who were encouraged by the TVA authorities to convert their old fields into new forests, two hundred million trees were planted in the region. These, of course, are trees which have given the region its beauty, but they also soaked up the rain and thereby helped to prevent floods. Man's rendezvous with the land continued and brought him face to face with another war—the all encompassing World War II. Part of that rendezvous included the CCC boys who had labored in the forests. Their training and discipline had ideally prepared them for the military service—another bonus from what had been designed as purely a conservation program. Those boys wound up in all branches of military service and served all over the world. As they went off to war, some of their conservation work in the forests was taken up by conscientious objectors, many of whom moved into camps recently vacated by the CCC boys. The never ending task of fire-fighting was taken over, partially at least, by the conscientious objectors, as was trailbuilding and all the other activities forest use and protection demanded. For example, throughout the southern Appalachian forests, the chestnut blight had devastated what had once been magnificent stands of chestnut groves. The CO's, as they were commonly called, were assigned the task of removing those dead chestnuts lest they become fire hazards. All along the Blue Ridge Parkway, the Smokies, etc., they labored, removing thousands of skeleton trees and making an opening for nature's replacements in the forests. The coming of World War II made very evident the remarkable value of our forests. Indeed, according to Lyle F. Watts, America's chief forester at that time, "World War II proved that wood is just as essential to victory as steel, aluminum, or coal." Then, because the military swallowed up every available ton of metal, enormous demands were placed upon the nation's forests. So great were those demands that the period has been called "a lumber man's carnival" because there was a market for practically everything the forest produced. The forests of Southern Appalachia made a unique contribution to the war effort: dead chestnut trees were harvested by the thousands and used as a source of tannic acid, the acid essential for tanning the leather which went into millions of pairs of boots for the American soldiers. When those victorious soldiers returned from overseas, they came with new wants, new demands, and new values. Thus, shortly after World War II, there came new demands upon the forest and all of our natural resources. Out of those demands came environmental awareness 52 �Vinrin, Joresis Viraw Jorests The diminution of the American Virgin Forest. 53 �which sparked a new conservation crusade. Forests took on a whole new aspect, no longer viewed solely as a source of material supply but as a place in which man's body and mind could secure renewal. Forest recreation was given a high priority in the Forest Service's Multiple Use Act of 1960. The public took a much more critical attitude toward the management of its forests. Open confrontations occurred, such as when the Forest Service proposed in the 1960's to establish a giant recreational area at Mount Rogers in the Jefferson National Forest. Environmentalists adamantly opposed and finally defeated the proposal on the ground that it would greatly impair the quality of life and devastate a unique forest resource. As a result of these changing attitudes and changing public pressures, the southern national forests, such as Pisgah, George Washington, and the Cherokee, came under multiple use management, with environmental protection and outdoor recreation taking their place alongside timber, watershed, and wildlife management. The significance of this changing use is illustrated by 1983 visitor use just in the Pisgah National Forest: 494,300 hikers utilized the forest, as did 851,600 campers, 914,800 sightseers, and 536,000 hunters. To help cope with this increased demand and to relieve an everpresent unemployment, a conservation program similar to the CCC was instituted, the Job Corps, with camps scattered all over the nation. In addition, Youth Conservation Corps and Young Adult Conservation Corps were established—all aimed at relieving unemployment and improving natural resources. But one of the most remarkable changes in the use of the forest has been the advent of wilderness designation and use. Originally ''wilderness" meant a cursed land to which undesirables were banished. Today more and more people are preaching Thoreau's philsophy: "In wildness is the preservation of the world." And since less than two percent of the nation's original wilderness still exits, Congress in 1964 set aside select lands as "Wilderness Areas," places for man to visit for personal, soul revival. Along with the recreational and wilderness uses, the traditional usage of the Appalachian forests continue. They are still producing lumber, pulpwood, fuel, and all the other resources man finds so useful from the forests. Indeed, they are well fulfilling the purpose which G if ford Pinchot, this nation's first career forester, stipulated they should fulfill: "The rightful use and purpose of our natural resources is to make all the people strong and well, able and wise, well taught, well fed, well clothed, and well housed, full of knowledge and initiative, with equal opportunity for all and special privileges for none." To see the fantastic variety of forests and their use in Southern 54 �Appalachia, one might take a short ride on the Blue Ridge Parkway from Mount Mitchell to the Great Smokies National Park. In the process, one would encounter Mount Mitchell's state park forests, then the Parkway's federal park forests, the United States Forest Service at Bent Creek, the Pisgah and Natahala National Forests, the forests of many small private owners, the commercial forests of Champion Paper Company, the forest of the Cherokee Indians, and finally the national park forests of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. All of these are practicing forests, all with a different function, but all part of our rendezvous with the land. Harley E. Jolley Mars Hill College 55 �99 ;- ff <^^-* ^-^fv. "^ • , , " .f - ^.^ . ^"* * v^^ ^.,m,>.^ i a^Vy"!* :^i ~|^ _ ^'/^^-•^^'^^•>^r**^/V^ife>","! r r s T -" " . -=;--,- . t> •«»*fii • ; - : ' - ^ - - " ' ^ * - . r i ? , �EPILOGUE As the great Forest in the Southern Appalachians diminished in time and space, it grew ever larger as an IDEA. It is the IDEA of the Forest that commands our attention today. It is the idea of the Forest; its original grandeur and its profound affect on our history that engenders so many voices and so many uses. Almost every one of us holds and nurtures some part of that idea. Collectively, we may recall and represent all the meanings of the Forest over 10,000 years of human minds and history: the hunter, the gatherer, the reaper, the sower, the walker, the dreamer, the seeker, the hider, the mother, the child, the in-dweller, the stranger, the singer, the winged, the four-legged, the twolegged, the lost and those who have come home, from father to son, all have some notion, some emotion in response to this incomprehensible wilderness and beauty which now by our own hand is gone but cannot, will not, ever leave us. S.G. Photographs courtesy of U.S. Forest Service. Photographs page 7 courtesy of Cherokee Historical Association. 57 �SUGGESTED READINGS Ayers, H. B., and Ashe, W. W. The Southern Appalachian Forests. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, Professional Paper 37, 1905. Bakeless, John C. Daniel Boone, Master of the Wilderness. New York, William Morrow & Co., 1939. Bingham, Edgar. "Appalachia: Underdeveloped, Overdeveloped, or Wrongly Developed?" The Virginia Geographer, VII (Winter, 1972), 942. Bingham, Edgar. "The Impact of Recreational Development on Pioneer Lifestyles in Southern Appalachia." Proceedings of the Pioneer America Society, (1973), 59-69. Campbell, Carlos C. Birth of a National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1969. Campbell, John C. The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. New York: The Russell Sage Foundation, 1921. Caudill, Harry. Night Comes to the Cumberlands. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1962. Cronon, William. Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England. New York: Hilland Wang, 1983. Day, G. M. "The Indian as an Ecological Factor in the Northeastern Forest." Ecology, 34 (1953), 329-46. Dickens, Roy S., Jr. Cherokee Prehistory, The Pisgah Phase in the Appalachian Summit Region. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1976. Eller, Ronald D. "Land and Family: A Historical View of Preindustrial Appalaehia." Appalachian Journal, 6 (Winter, 1979), 83-111. Eller, Ronald D. Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers: Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1930. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1982. Ford, Thomas R., ed. The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1962. Frome, Michael. Battle for the Wilderness, New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974. Gilbert, W. H. The Eastern Cherokee. Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1943. Huth, Hans. Nature and the American: Three Centuries of Changing Attitudes. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1957. Hudson, Charles. The Southeastern Indians. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1976. Jolley, Harley E. "The Cradle of Forestry: Where Tree Power Started." American Forests, 76 (October, November, December, 1970). Kahn, Si. The Forest Service and Appalaehia. New York: The John Hay Whitney Foundation, 1974. Kephart, Horace. Our Southern Highlands. New York, 1913; rpt. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1976. King, Duane H., ed. The Cherokee Indian Nation. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1979. Mastran, Shelley Smith and Lowerre, Nan. Mountaineers and Rangers: A History of Federal Forest Management in the Southern Appalachians, 1900-81. Washington: United States Department of Agriculture, 1983. 58 �McDonald, Forest and McWWney, Grady. "The South from Self-Sufficiency to Peonage: An Interpretation." American Historical Rev lew, 85 (December 1980), 1095-1118. Michaux, F. A. Travels to the Westward of the Alleghany Mountains in the States of the Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee in the Year 1802. London: Barnard and Sultzer, 1805. Nash, Roderick. "The American Cult of the Primitive." American Quarterly, 18 (Fall, 1966), 518-537. Nash, Roderick, ed. The Call of the Wild. New York: George BrogiUer, 1970. Nesbitt, W. A. "History of Early Settlement and Land Use on the Bent Creek Experimental Forest, Buncombe County, N. C." Unpublished report, Southeastern Forest Experimental Station, 1941. Pinchot, Gifford. Breaking New Ground. New York, 1947; rpt. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1972. Pomeroy, Kenneth B. and Yoho, James G. North Carolina Lands: Ownership, Use and Management of Forest and Related Lands. Washington: The American Forestry Association, 1964. Robinson, Glen O. The Forest Service: A Study in Public Land Management. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975. Rothrock, Mary U., ed. The French Broad-Holston Country. Knoxville, 1946; rpt. Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, 1972. Schmitt, Peter J. Back to Nature: The Arcadian Myth in Urban America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1969. Shands, William E. and Healy, Robert G. The Lands Nobody Wanted Washington: The Conservation Foundation, 1977. Shapiro, Henry D. Appalachia On Our Mind: The Southern Mountains and Mountaineers in the American Consciousness, 1870-1920. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1978. Swanton, John R. The Indians of the Southeastern United States. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1979. Thompson, D. Q., and Smith, R. "The Forest Primeval in the Northeast—A Great Myth?" Paper presented at the Tall Timbers Fires Ecology Conference, 1970. Truett, Randle Bond. Trade and Travel Around the Southern Appalachians Before 1830. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1935. Turner, Frederick Jackson. Rise of the New West, 1819-1829. New York: Collier Books, 1962. Turner, Frederick Jackson. "The Significance of the Frontier in American History" in The Frontier in American History. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1920. Van Noppen, John and Van Noppen, Ina. Western North Carolina Since the Civil War. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1975. Weller, Jack E. Yesterday *s People: Life in Contemporary Appalachia. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1965. Williamson, J. W., ed. An Appalachan Symposium: Essays Written in Honor of Gratis D. Williams. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian State University Press, 1977. 59 �This page intentionally left blank �ABOUT THE AUTHOR BARRY M. BUXTON has been a teacher; researcher; publisher; editor; and community leader with extensive international experience. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Nebraska. Currently Buxton serves as the president of Lees-McRae College. Prior to his tenure at Lees-McRae; he served as the Vice President of Special Projects at the Savannah College of Art and Design. Buxton has also served as president of various science and history museums in North Carolina; Texas; and Georgia. During the 19808; he served as Executive Director of the sixteen-member Appalachian Consortium Press. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Great Forest: An Appalachian Story Description An account of the resource <span>The very ancient Eastern forest of North America is characterized by an extraordinary variety of plants, animals, and human communities. Published in 1985 and edited by Barry M. Buxton (1st edition) and Sam Gray (2nd edition), contributors to&nbsp;</span><em>A Great Forest: An Appalachian Story,</em><span>&nbsp;include Sam Gray and Michael Ann Williams; Ann Rogers; Tyler Blethen and Curtis Wood; Ronald D. Eller; and Harley E. Jolley. The writings examine the natural and cultural landscape of the Appalachian region, and provides a detailed history of the area. In order to study the ecology of the forest, a narrative of the people behind the forest and how they have impacted and changed the landscape is included.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1XT6FQIE_wbYOR7xRmeTKx3j61IGXxEHm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638430/the-great-forest" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Buxton, Barry M. Gray, Sam Subject The topic of the resource Forests and forestry--Appalachian Region, Southern Industrialization--Appalachian Region, Southern Ecology--Appalachian Region, Southern--History Appalachian Region, Southern--Environmental conditions--History Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1985 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Language A language of the resource English Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/f88a55ac5816b5506e80d1655642c300.pdf b766c34efe9f7a8746971fd57a6ae9fe PDF Text Text �REMEMBRANCE, REUNION AND REVIVAL: CELEBRATING A DECADE OF APPALACHIAN STUDIES Proceedings Of The Tenth Annual Appalachian Studies Conference Edited By HELEN ROSEBERRY Managing Editor JANE SHOOK �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1988 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3668-9 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3670-2 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Table of Contents INTRODUCTION, Helen Roseberry I. II. APPALACHIAN WOMEN AUTHORS Interviews With Harriette Arnow: Looking Beyond The Dollmaker, Sandra L. Ballard EVALUATING APPALACHIAN STUDIES Regionalism and Revitalization: Towards a Comparative Perspective on Appalachian Studies, Rkhard Blaustein 1 3 14 The "Brier Sermon" Signpost in Appalachian Studies, Ricky Cox Appalachian Educational Research in the National Context: Where We Have Been and Where We Are Going, AlanJ.DeYoung III. IV. V VI. VII. 21 29 PARTNERING FOR RESEARCH Partnering with the Indigenous: Teaming with the Marshall Family to Study Old Regular Baptists, Howard Dorgan 50 REEVALUATDMG WOMEN'S ROLES From: "Fotched-on" Women to the New Feminism: A Review of Women in Social Service Delivery for Women in Appalachia, Karen Tice and Albie Pabon 57 POETRY READING Yearning Toward Home and Its Traditions, Bennie Lee Sinclair 68 UNIVERSALITY IN LITERATURE R'lyeh in Appalachia: Lovecraft's Influence on Fred Chappell's Dagon, Amy Tipton Gray 73 ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND REDEVELOPMENT The Rayon Mills in Elizabethton, Tennessee: A Case Study of Appalachian Economic Development, 1926-1970, MarieTedesco 80 �VIII „ INSTRUCTION AND PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT Process Instruction in Appalachian Studies - A Case Example Using Education in Appalachians Central Highlands, MarkESohn Chapels in the Mountains, Marc Sherrod 91 95 IX. COVERLET WEAVING Origins of the Handicraft Revival in the Southern Mountains, Curtis Wood and Joan Greene 108 X. APPALACHIA: CONTRASTS AND SIMILARITIES A Look at Regional Patterns in the Southern Highlands, Paul E. Lovingood, Jr. and Robert E. Reiman 115 �1987 PROGRAM COMMITTEE Helen Roseberry, Chair Doyle Bickers Barry Buxton Richard Dillingham Howard Dorgan Wilburn Hayden Roberta Herrin Parks Lanier Gerald Roberts �This page intentionally left blank �Introduction Prologizing the Tenth Anniversary of the Appalachian Studies Conference, appropriately titled, "Remembrance, Reunion and Revival: Celebrating A Decade of Appalachian Studies," Dr. Carl Ross, who had chaired the previous Conference program, stated in his Introduction in its Proceedings, "The Appalachian Studies Association was formed in 1977 by scholars, teachers, and regional activists who believed that a shared community of ideas and interests had been and would continue to be important for those writing, researching and teaching about things Appalachian." As he edited those Proceedings, Ross could not have realized that he would be making those same remarks just a few months later to kick-off the 1987 Conference. Even as he drove onto the East Tennessee State University campus the afternoon of March 27,1987 to register for the Conference, he could not have realized the timeliness of those remarks written just months before, to the evening ahead. 'The first Appalachian Studies Conference was held at Berea, Kentucky in March of 1978." Ross found himself delivering an impromptu keynote address to nearly three-hundred Conference registrants during its 1987 opening night banquet, reminding them that prior to the organization of the Association, ".. .much of the attention and much of the effort to change came from outside the region." His perspicuous and adroit remarks, prompted by a lastminute cancellation by the scheduled speaker, were delivered in the true essence of the theme. 'The Association was organized to bring together scholars and citizens within the region. I think we more fully realize how dynamic Appalachian society has always been," Ross continued, reflecting on ".. .a simpler past when neighbors cared for each other." With an energy reminiscent of that of the First Conference, Ross, appropriately enough during a year in which we had chosen to look back, stepped from behind the podium and concluded, "We are all in it together. If we work together and try to understand each other and each other's goals, maybe we will be the better for it." Carl Ross received a standing ovation. For he had set the tone for the 1987 Conference. The warm, sunny weather was remindful of the First Conference, and many of those who had met together that first time and actively worked to shape the format of the Conference as we know it now, had come to reminisce, to share fresh ideas, to listen. Like the First Conference, this Conference brought forth explorations of a variety of issues, and included, as Sam Gray so aptly stated in his introduction in the 1985 Proceedings,".. .certain ideas, issues and positions that were 1 �to become the durable content of each annual Appalachian Studies Conference." The tone of the 1987 Conference is reflected in the papers included in this publication. They are exponents of both the quality and diversity of the Conference. Editorial and budgetary constraints dictated the inclusion of only a representative sampling of those presented. Through the first decade of its existence the Appalachian Studies Conference managed to accomplish the goals set forth at its initial meeting in Berea, Kentucky in 1978. As the second decade begins, those goals will function as any good foundation will. And as Carl Ross stated,".. .maybe we will be the better for it. Helen Roseberry, Chair 1987 Program Committee" 2 �APPALACHIAN WOMEN AUTHORS Convenor: Grace Edwards, Radford University Interviews With Harriette Arnow: Looking Beyond The Dollmaker Sandra L. Ballard, University of Tennessee Harriette Amow's Assessment of Appalachian Role In America's Industrial Development Ted Couillard, Georgia Southwestern College Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings: A Mountain Passage Louis D. Silver!, Assumption College What Is The Place of Mary Noailles Murfree Today? Allison R. Ensor, University of Tennessee Interviews With Harriette Simpson Arnow: Looking Beyond The Dollmaker Sandra L. Ballard Harriette Simpson Arnow is much more than the author of a single novel, though most of us think of The Dollmaker when we think of her, especially since the 1984 ABC television film with Jane Fonda. When Arnow commented on the film version of her novel, she said worse films have been made of "many greater books" ('Writing and Region"). The Dollmaker was an award-winning novel in 1954. Saturday Review's national critics' poll voted it the best novel of the year, and also in 1954, Arnow's story of Gertie Nevels' family was runner-up to Faulkner's A Fable for the National Book Award. In 1971, Joyce Carol Gates acknowledged The Dollmaker as "our most unpretentious American masterpiece" (2). But as the title of my presentation suggests, we can learn much about Arnow by looking beyond The Dollmaker, as worthy as it is of attention. We should look at her writings before and after The Dollmaker to understand the scope of her work. Harriette Arnow wrote other novels as well as non-fiction "social histories," short stories, and essays which have appeared in such publications as Southern Review, Esquire, Atlantk Monthly, Saturday Review, and The Nation. When I first met Harriette Arnow in June of 1985 in Morehead, Kentucky, I was fortunate enough to have a brief interview with her after her address to the Appalachian Writers' Association. Since then, in the course of my research on Arnow, I have discovered a number of articles based on interviews that 3 �reveal a fascinating picture of the writer who worried that people were trying to ride her to fame "on Jane Fonda's coattails" (Williams B5). When people asked her when she wrote "the Book," meaning The Dollmaker, she liked to ask, "which book?" Arnow wanted people to know that she had written more than one novel. It is the purpose of this presentation to inform you or remind you of her other work as a short story writer, novelist, social historian, and essayist, as well as to share some first-hand observations and anecdotes reported by those who interviewed her. Such information should give texture and dimension to your image of Harriette Simpson Arnow as a writer. When I met Harriette Arnow in June of 1985 at Morehead, I also met John Hynn and his wife Carole Thompson, Arnow's friends from Detroit who had driven her to Morehead for the weekend. John Flynn, a newspaper reporter, was a friend of both the Arnows; Harriette Arnow's husband, Harold, had also been a reporter, and he usually traveled with her, but I learned that evening that Harold Arnow had died of a stroke in February of 1985. From Hynn and Thompson, I learned much of what I'm sharing with you this morning. John Hynn has since written a manuscript about that trip with Harriette Arnow, and he sent me a copy, though it remains unpublished. Besides answering many of my questions, after Arnow's talk, Hynn asked her if Toney Frazier and I could accompany them back to her room. She agreed, though reluctantly because, as she said to John Hynn in a loud aside, "we can't have a drink in the room with these young people around." When she had been assured that it would be all right, she answered my questions about The Dollmaker and other literature over a glass of Old Grandad. When I told her I had begun working on a book about her, she looked straight at me with her penetrating blue eyes and wanted to know why. She said that I should study "something else, like Ulysses, not the Greek one," she said, "the one by that Irish fella." I should write something to help her understand that book. When I protested that there were many books about Joyce but only one about her and I didn't think that one did her justice, she stopped and smiled. She knew the Twayne series book I meant, and she agreed with me. She was obviously tired, so after a while we got up to leave. She repeated that she didn't know why anyone would want to write about her; she encouraged me to write something of my own. As Arnow told many who asked how she got started as a writer, she did a daring thing in 1934. She left teaching, a career her mother had insisted on, and moved to Cincinnati. She said "it was a short move from Louisville to Cincinnati, but a long, long one in my life" (Address to Appalachian Writers Association). She made up her mind to write and to read the great English and European novels she had missed. She said, "I'd only stop when I had to take some kind of odd job to pay for rent and of course, paper, typewriter ribbons, and postage" (Address to AWA). Her family was scandalized when she moved—a young single woman moving to a big city, living alone, writing. She took a furnished room near the Cincinnati Public Library. 4 �Even though it was the Depression, she was "young and quick," she said, and "could always get a job at something" (Hudson). She said the best-paying job was waitressing "in a good place with tips," a place with short hours and "plenty of busboys" so there was no heavy lifting (Hudson). She also worked as a typist, as a cashier, and as a clerk in the book department of a department store, but she preferred being a waitress because that job left more time for writing (Hudson). She described that period of her life as "a great time," when "more fiction was being published than non-fiction" though "the reverse is true today," she noted (Address to AWA). She went to the library to read reviews in the New York Times and other papers because she "couldn't afford the book page or anything." She remembered that "many of the reviews were given over to what was called 'the proletarian writing,'" which was "usually highly praised." With the help of dictionaries, she learned about "the proletariate" and, she said, "I thought of the poor I had met in the hills and I couldn't consider them as members of the proletariate, proletarians; they were all individuals to me, as were characters in my imagination" (Address to AWA). And certainly that view is responsible in large part for Arnow's reputation as a fiction writer— she does create memorable characters who are individuals. More than one interviewer observed that listening to Harriette Arnow talk about her characters was like being invited into an imaginary world where the characters were her neighbors. In fact, she admitted that sometimes she knew them >fbetter than anyone, even Harold" and that people in her head were "more alive" than people she knew (Kotlowitz 22). When asked which writers influenced her, she said that she read Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, Sidgrid Undset, Zola, Flaubert, and many others when she first moved to Cincinnati, and that they influenced her in at least one way— "length. I want to put it all in—and my novels are all too long" (Miller 95). She claimed to have been influenced by Thomas Hardy, too, "his use of background," she said, and by Milton's prose (Miller 95). She said she wanted "to be able to write the same kind of sentences Milton used in Aceopaqitica and other essays. He begins and gradually rises." They made her think of "a wave when the tide's coming in, and they hit you just like a hard wave." She didn't think she could write "a real Miltonic sentence" (Miller 95). But readers who pay attention to the hard-hitting concluding sentences of her stories and novels can see particular examples which demonstrate this technique in Arnow's own prose. Harriette Simpson wrote short stories in the 1930s and had several published: one called "Marigolds and Mules," in Kosmos in 1934; another titled " A Mess of Pork," in The New Talent in 1935. Kosmos and The New Talent were little literary magazines which, she said, "paid in nothing except the glory you felt of the published story and free copies of the magazine" (Hudson). In 1936 she sold a story to the prestigious Southern Review (1 Winter 1936 522-7), when Robert Perm Warren was its editor: "I was so proud when he ac5 �cepted this story and paid $25...It on top of the world" (Hudson). The story was 'Washerwoman's Day," which became her most anthologized story. Warren, Purser, and Brooks included it in their textbook anthology An Approach to Literature (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1939,1952); Brooks and Warren also anthologized it in a collection of stories from the Southern Review (Anthology of Stories from the Southern Review. Ed. Cleanth Brooks and Robert Penn Warren. Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1953). More recently, in 1979, Arnow's story "Fra Lippi and Me" was published in the Georgia Review (33(Winter 1979) 867-75), and eighteen unpublished short stories remain in the Arnow Special Collection at the University of Kentucky. Her short stories led to her trying a longer report, her first novel, Mountain Path. She was working on that when she got a letter from Harold Strauss, editor of a New York publishing company called Co vici, which also published the work of John Steinbeck. The editor had read one of her stories in a magazine and wanted to know if she had anything longer. She sent him what she had of Mountain Path. She said, "It wasn't finished. It was mostly just a collection of characters" (Hudson). But to her surprise, he liked it and told her to get some action in it and make a novel. She remembered, "Oh, I stopped working completely and did nothing but write on that novel" (Hudson). She explained, "I quit my job and took most of my scanty savings and laid in a great deal of condensed milk and oatmeal and bread and did nothing but write until I had what I thought was a novel" (Kotlowitz 22). Arnow said that when the editor told her to put in action, she "put in every kind of action you could: moonshining, murder, romance" (Silberman 3). She was 28 years old when her first novel was published in 1936. Mountain Path is the story of Louisa Sheridan, a young woman who, like Harriette Simpson, had taken a teaching job in backwoods Kentucky because she didn't have the money to continue in school. Though the main character had Harriette Simpson's middle name—Louisa—and though her mother complained, "Everybody will think you fell in love with a moonshiner down here," she explained that the book is not "autobiographical" (Miller 91). Arnow told her friend John Hynn, "Was I on top of the world, except Momma was furious...She wrote and said, trWhy don't you write about nice people?'" (Flynn 25). Fortunately, the critics were more pleased with Mountain Path than her mother. Arnow said, "It's a wonder I didn't burst open like the frog in the fable. I was so puffed with pride and glory when I read the reviews, especially the one in the New York Times. All the reviews were surprisingly good for the first novel..." (Address to AWA). But she didn't make much money with this novel, "only a few hundred dollars," she told Hynn, because she signed a contract with a clause that limited her royalties. She said, "(Mountain Path) sold fairly well, but I was dumb. I didn't have an agent. I made only five cents on some of the copies instead of full royalties" (Hynn 26). In addition to writing those short stories and her first novel, she also 6 �worked for the Federal Writers Project, where she met Harold Arnow in 1938. She told Flynn that when she went to work for Roosevelf s WPA Writer's Project, writing guides to Ohio, Harold was one of her editors. It was, she said, "the first and only time anyone told (her) what to write" (Flynn 27). She claimed that Harold was more predisposed to marriage than she was: "I was in no humor to get married," she said. "I thought it would be the end of my writing. But he was wild to get married," and Harold wanted "all the things that men want, like a place in the country." But she wished they had found a place with electricity, one closer to town. She said to Flynn, "Why it suddenly hit me that I should marry this man, who seemed to have all the virtues, I do not know" (Flynn 27). It seems she both asked and answered her own question. Years later, their affection for each other was evident. During an interview at home in 1983, when Harold left the house to collect wood for the fireplace, she worried aloud about his arthritis and observed that "managing a husband was nothing like managing a character;" then, when she left the room, Harold Arnow fretted about his wife's chain smoking (KotlowitzlS). The Arnows married in 1939 and bought a farm on Little Indian Creek on the Big South Fork of the Cumberland River ("Personal Recollections" 14). In a piece called "Personal Recollections," published in Appalachian Heritage, she described their farm as a ftbeautiful place with steep hills for timber and a valley for crops" (14). The Arnows planned to live there and write and practice subsistence farming. However, she soon realized there was no time for anything except subsistence. She said, "We cooked and heated with coal, used kerosene lights, and water from a hard-water spring" (Tersonal Recollections" 14). She "gardened, canned, jellied, preserved, pickled, churned, (and) grew chickens,... and through it all struggled against soot and coal dust" (14). They called their home there the "Submarginal Manor." She said she did "practically no writing, though Hunter's Horn was in (her) head" (14). And she felt particularly frustrated because a publisher, Macmillan, wanted to see a novel manuscript—Covici-Freide, publisher of Mountain Path, had gone out of business (14). The Arnows lived on their farm near Keno, Kentucky, for about five years, from 1939-1944. She said that she "despised the life" but 'loved the place and the people." She "not only learned much, but in trying to do what the hill people did with ease," she said, "admiration grew with understanding," and she explained what happened to that place in an essay she wrote for The Nation in 1970—an essay entitled "Progress Reached Our Valley" ("Personal Recollections" 14). However, she did not confide to many about everything that had happened to them while living there on that farm. Flynn says that "seldom did she discuss the death of her babies," though there are two small graves beside her husband's and now her own in Kentucky. She told Flynn that she "was just no good at child bearing," that their first child, a son, was stillborn, and 7 �that their third child, a daughter, died a few hours after birth (18). In between, in 1941, their daughter Marcella had been born healthy, though Arnow often worried about her, especially since they lived in such an isolated place. When Marcella was nearly three years old, she became ill with a high fever and "quivered as though she might go into convulsions" (Flynn 18). Arnow was there alone with her because Harold was at work in Detroit. She told Flynn, "I carried her (Marcella) up the hill, so muddy I couldn't have gotten her out any other way, and got a ride in a coal truck, which took her to Burnside. There she was doctored" (18). Readers of The Dollmaker no doubt recall that unforgettable opening scene in which Gertie Nevels carries her three-year-old child Amos by muleback to the highway, where she stops a car to take them into town to a doctor. But before they can travel to town, Gertie must use her carving knife to open her son's windpipe so that he can breathe. When Flynn asked if there were a connection between Marcella and Amos, between Gertie and herself, Arnow replied, "I couldn't have cut into Marcella's throat... I don't think" (19). But few acquainted with Arnow could doubt that she was as tough as Gertie. Determined to prevent the recurrence of such an emergency, Arnow said she "stayed in Burnside and made arrangements to rent the upstairs of a home, then went back to the farm and sold the heating stove and the cattle" (Flynn 19). Harold Arnow had hoped to return to the farm and had not been eager to leave in the first place. But "the Government told him to get a job that in some way would help the country." He found a job as a newspaper reporter in Detroit. Arnow remembered that ffhe came back once, only once, during the year or more" before she took Marcella to Burnside and then went to join him (Flynn 17). In Detroit, living in wartime housing, she finished writing her second novel, Hunter's Horn. She had become one of the immigrants that she would write about in her third novel. By then, her daughter was more than seven, and she also had a two-year-old son, Thomas. She had already published two stories from the novel manuscript. In July of 1942, Esquire, had published "The Two Deer Hunters" (74-5,96). Knowing that Esquire, at that time, would not be interested in a story by a woman, she had signed it "H.L. Simpson" and slyly sent alsong a picture of her brother-in-law. She smiled mischieviously when she told Kotiowitz, "It worried me a little, that big lie, but I thought if they wanted a story, let them have it. So I did" (24). It was Harriette Arnow's way of getting back at the male-dominated publishing industry. The Atlantic Monthly had also published a story from the manuscript of her second novel, a story titled "The Hunter" and signed "H. Arnow." She honored her husband Harold by naming him as the co-author of the piece. Because he could read her handwriting, Harold Arnow willingly assumed, for nearly forty-five years, many of the traditional duties of a writer's spouse; he was his wife's typist, editor, friend, and best listener (Kotlowitz 18). Most who knew Harriette Arnow agreed that without her husband, Harold, much of her 8 �writing would have never reached a publisher, for the business of typing, corresponding, and copy-editing took too much time away from her writing. In 1983, Harold Arnow whispered to a reporter that "Harriette doesn't care if she gets the publicity or not, but I like to see her get it" (Kotlowitz 18). And in 1949 she did receive publicity for Hunter's Horn. Her story of a poor Kentucky family and their struggles to survive while the father, Nunnley Ballew, neglects them and his land to pursue relentlessly a red fox called King Devil was a best seller. It was offered as a Fiction Book Club selection and named by the New York Times Book Review as one of the year's ten best novels. It also won best novel of the year in 1949 in the Saturday Review national critics' poll, in a year when it was competing with Orwell's 1964. During several interviews, Arnow revealed that she had taken Hunter's Horn through many revisions. She said that she "wrote the beginning of Hunter's Horn (the first chapter) 17 or 18 times, that she "was trying to tell too much" ("Ahead of Her Time" 7). She described the writing style she aspired to in this novel as one that was "not wordy, a narrative with no adverbs and few adjectives" (Flynn 45). She explained: "Language, if you use it right, doesn't need an adverb. Like, "He yelled angrily, Get out of here!" If he yelled, of course he was angry" (Flynn 45). Though she was living in Detroit when she wrote Hunter's Horn, she drew on her first-hand knowledge of people she had known in Pulaski County, Kentucky. And in her own opinion, expressed to Flynn and others, in Hunter's Horn she had created a richer, more human cast of characters than in TheDollmaker. "Some have said it is a better book than The Dollmaker. I believe it is," she said (Flynn 42). Occasionally, she would skirt the question about which was her favorite book by remarking, "it would be like saying one of my children was my favorite child. When I'm writing a book it's my favorite" (Bright & Girard 12). In her old age, however, she had taken to defending Hunter's Horn as her best book (Flynn 40-1). Understandably, I think, she was unhappy that the popularity of The Dollmaker caused the public to perceive her as a one-book author. But Flynn explained that it was more than that: as a result of various publishing agreements she had entered into, "rights to her books had been tied in knots, preventing Mountain Path, Hunter's Horn, and The Dollmaker from being printed in trilogy form" (41). She had admired the writings of Conrad Richter, particularly his trilogy (The Trees, The Fields, and The Town) in which he recorded the pioneer migration across the Allegheny Mountains, as she had written of the migration from the Appalachians to the northern cities (Flynn 41). She did not live to see the University Press of Kentucky untie the tangle of publication agreements so that readers now can have her trilogy as a matched set of books on their shelves, but she would have been pleased. Flynn claims that "more than the money she never made, more even than the fame that never came her way, she was most aggrieved that the young people who asked her questions about Gertie Nevels, who was from Ballew, 9 �Kentucky, had not been introduced to Nunn Ballew, from Hunter's Horn" (41). He reports that "by her own measurement of a great novel—'one where the reader lives with the characters, like Fathers and Sons' —Hunter's Horn was a greater achievement than her most famous work" (The Dollmaker) (Flynn 42). Even before The Dollmaker was so well received in 1954, Arnow had begun work on a non-fiction project, a history book titled Seedtime on the Cumberland, which was published in 1960. This non-fiction book, which she had researched for roughly 20 years, reconstructs the transitional years of early exploration and settlement from 1780 to 1803 along the Cumberland River in southern Kentucky and middle Tennessee. Arnow's view of history makes the time and place very real. She explained that "times and places were mingled in (her) head. The past was part of the present, close as the red cedar water bucket in the kitchen... Two things tied all time together... the land and the Cumberland" ("Foreword" xii). In 1961, Arnow's Seedtime Comes to the Cumberland received an award of merit, announced in the Tennessee Historical Quarterly, which cited it for "meticulous documentation, painstaking research, and colorful writing" (299). Also in 1961, Arnow won recognition from the Tenessee Historical Quarterly for her article "The Pioneer Farmer and His Crops in the Cumberland Region;" she was awarded the Moore Memorial Award for the best article of 1960 in the Quarterly. When a storyteller as talented as Harriette Simpson Arnow turns to history, history comes alive. Three years later, in 1963, Harriette Arnow's second non-fiction book, Flowering of the Cumberland, was published. She explained that it covered the same time period, so it was not a "sequel," but rather "a companion piece" ("Introduction" xi). Having already written of the pioneer as an individual, a lonely explorer or solitary settler, she turned next in Flowering of the Cumberland to "the pioneer as a member of society" (xi). Her prose in these works is often as captivating as in her fiction. In 1977, she wrote a third non-fiction book, Old Burnside. It is partly a history of her hometown of Burnside, Kentucky, and partly a personal reminiscence of her family and her growing up, written for the Kentucky Bicentennial Bookshelf. She complained that what started out as a history turned out, at the insistence of her editors, to be a more personal, biographical work than she had planned. She said it turned out to be "one of those awful I, I, I books." When she talked about her next novel, The Weedkiller's Daughter, published in 1970, Arnow acknowledged that it had not been a critical or a popular success, though she reported that she got letters from readers who told her it was the best book she had ever written. This novel, set in a Detroit suburb in the mid-1960s, focuses on the Schnitzer family: a father obsessed with killing weeds and destroying nature; his cold superficial wife; his militant young son; and his daughter, Susie, a rebellious teenager with a social conscience. Though Gertie Nevels makes an appearance as a character called "the Primitive," Arnow explained she had abandoned Kentucky materials when 10 �she resumed fiction writing at least partly because she had never wanted to be labeled as a writer who had concerns exclusively with one area or ideology. She said, "I don't like to be labeled, but there's nothing I can do about it" ("Ahead of Her Time" 7). She could rattle off a list of "labels" with which she had been tagged: a realist, a naturalist, an Appalachian writer, a regionalist, feminist, Marxist, even a transcendentalist writer. Arnow preferred to be called simply "a writer," she said. She pointed out that Hunter's Horn and The Dollmaker had both been translated in many languages, so they must have more than regional appeal ("Ahead of Her Time" 7). She chose to address a different set of problems in her fiction to make it harder to be "pigeonholed." Arnow and her husband had moved to a 40-acre farm outside of Ann Arbor, Michigan after the war, around 1949. They didn't like the idea of living in "suburbia," like the Schnitzers in her novel; they said they lived in "exurbia." One interviewer who visited them there described the inside, where books lined the walls of every room except the kitchen, "where magazines from Connoisseur to The Nation were strewn on the living room coffee table, where stacks of newspapers were "piled high against one wall." The Arnows had nicknamed their place "Bedlam" (Kotlowitz 15). Kotlowitz described Arnow's study as a small room where all the furniture is built to her size, small, like a miniature dollhouse. 'When she (wrote), she (sat) on a child's wooden chair which (was) no more than a foot off the ground, her spiral notebook cradled on her knees. When she (typed),... she (sat) on an antiquated wooden milk crate turned on its side." The room has a hanging light and a raw concrete floor, and she said it reminded her of "a gangster's den." But she liked it. She explained how she drew the curtains so no one could see in and turned her hearing aid off so she couldn't hear anyone knocking. That way, nothing disturbed her when she was trying to write (Kotlowitz 15). In 1983, she admitted that she was working on another book, though she only called it "a long manuscript," and when asked what it was about, she usually said "it's about people." But when she was at the University of Tennessee in 1984, she went a bit further to say "it is set in 1861 and '62, in the same south central part of Kentucky" as some of her other writing. She explained, "Kentucky is part of the Union, and Tennessee is part of the Confederacy," but she said she didn't dwell much on battles ("Writing and Region"). She told John Flynn before she died that she had completed over seven hundred pages of this manuscript and that it needed to be revised. So then, for her last two novels, one published in 1974, entitled The Kentucky Trace: A Novel of the American Revolution, and the other as yet unpublished, but about the American Civil War, Harriette Arnow had turned back to her knowledge of Kentucky and United States history. Certainly she was disappointed in the unenthusiastic response Kentucky Trace received, though she hardly ever mentioned the novel in interviews. She said that Kentucky had never reviewed many of her books and that she had fewer letters 11 �from readers in Kentucky than from any other state. Even though she received the state's highest award for the arts, the Milner Award, in 1983, and was honored by Berea with an outstanding alumni award that same year, the attention came, she thought, because of the Fonda film. She said, "It kind of hurts" (Kotlowitz 18). Arnow went to Kentucky annually to visit family and friends and to teach at Hindman Settlement School. It was at Hindman that she fell sick with pneumonia in 1985. She was taken to the University of Kentucky hospital where she felt "incarcerated, imprisoned" with a nurse who hated her: the nurse had taken her cigarettes. Soon she was well enough to transfer to the University of Michigan hospital and then home, where a nurse and a housekeeper came by daily. On March 22,1986 she died in her sleep. She had once said that when she died, she wanted her ashes scattered on the grave of Ronald Reagan, but that, sad to say, he'd probably outlive her (Hynn). On May 16,1986, her ashes were buried at Keno, Kentucky. But her writing, of course, has a life of its own. The writer whose imagination and talent gave us The Dollmaker, also gave us four other novels—Mountain Path, Hunter's Horn, Weedkiller's Daughter, and Kentucky Trace. WORKS CITED "Ahead of Her Time."77ie Berea Alumnus, July-August 1983,5-7. Arnow, Harriette Simpson. Address to Appalachian Writers Association. Lecture given at Morehead State University at Morehead, Kentucky, 29 June 1985 __ "Fra Lippi and Me "Georgia Review, 33 (Winter 1979), 867-75. __ "The Hunter." Atlantic Monthly, 174 (Nov.1944), 79-84. (published as Harriette L. Simpson) "Marigolds and Mules." Kosmos, 3 (August-Sept. 1934), 3 _ (published as Harriette Simpson). "A Mess of Pork. "The New Talent, 1 (Oct.-Dec. 1935,4-11. __ "Personal Recollections. "Appalachian Heritage, 1 (Fall 1973), 11-15. "The Pioneer Farmer and His Crops in the Cumberland Region." Tennessee Historical Quarterly, 19:4 (Dec. 1960), 291-327. __ "Progress Reached Char Valley." 211 (28 Dec. 1970), 684-7. (published under H.L. Simpson). "The Two Hunters." Esquire, 18 (July 1941), 74-5,96. (published as Harriette L. Simpson). 'Washerwoman's Day." Southern Review, I (Winter 1936), 522-7. 12 �__ "Writing and Region." Lecture given at University of Tennessee-Knoxville, 19 July 1984. Baer, Barbara. "Hamette Arnow's Chronicles of Destruction," Nation, 222 (31 Jan. 1976), 117-20. Bright, Sallie and Annabel Girard. "Imagination Has Served Author Well." Advocate-Messenger (Danville, Ky.) 3 Oct. 1983,1,12. "Historical News and Notices." Tennessee Historical Quarterly, 20 (Sept. 1961), 299. Hudson, Patricia L. Unpublished interview with Hamette Simpson Arnow at Hindman Settlement School. Hindman, Ky., 6 August 1982. Kotlowitz, Alex. "At 75, Full Speed Ahead." Detroit News, 4 Dec. 1983,14+. Miller, Danny. Interview: Hamette Arnow." MELUS, 9 (Summer 1982), 83-97. Gates, Joyce Carol. "An American Tragedy." New York Times Book Review, 24 Jan. 1971.2,12. Silberman, Eve. "Hamette Arnow: Ann Arbor's Most Acclaimed Novelist, Author of The Dollmaker, Shuns the Literary Scene." Ann Arbor Observer, March 1980,3+. Williams, Shirley. "Author of "Dollmaker" Comes Home to High Praise." Louisville Courier- Journal, 3 Oct. 1983.B5. 13 �EVALUATING APPALACHIAN STUDIES Convenor: Barry Buxton, Appalachian Consortium Regionalism and Revitalization: Towards A Comparative Perspective on Appalachian Studies Richard Blaustein, East Tennessee State University The "Brier Sermon" Signpost in Appalachian Studies Ricky Cox, Radford University Appalachia: A Case Study With A Look Back Rogers McAvoy, West Virginia University Appalachian Educational Research in the National Context: Where We Have Been and Where We Are Going Alan J. DeYoung, University of Kentucky Regionalism and Revitalization: Towards a Comparative Perspective on Appalachian Studies by Richard Blaustein All of us have our own particular frames of reference, key terms and concepts which help us make sense out of the blooming, buzzing confusion of human experience. For myself, the concepts of cultural revitalization, nativism and psychosocial homeostasis have great intellectual appeal and explanatory power. I will never forget how fascinating I found anthropologist James Moone/s account of the Ghost Dance Movement among the Plains Indians in the 1890's while still an undergraduate at Brooklyn College nearly twenty-five years ago. It is only very recently, however, that I have attempted to apply these models and concepts to an intellectual and social movement with which all of us are familiar and to which all of us in this session are affiliated, that is to say, the Appalachian Studies Movement itself. Can the Appalachian Studies movement be classified as a bona fide revitalization movement? Does the application of the terminology of revitalization movement theory to the Appalachian Studies movement give us greater insight into our own personal and collective attitudes and behavior, or does it represent the imposition of an alien conceptual framework upon a social and cultural phenomenon which above all needs to be better understood in its own terms? As you can plainly see, I am anticipating the sorts of arguments which can easily emerge when one attempts to be objective and analytical about issues 14 �which also command a great deal of personal and emotional involvement. As we know, the Appalachian Studies Movement is in part an attempt to further interdisciplinary communication and cooperation between scholars drawn from a variety of academic disciplines, but it is also very much a cultural and social movement which seeks to improve the quality of life of the people of the Appalachians, particularly self-images and self-perceptions which are at best ambiguous. Accepting the precaution that no single theory or model can totally explain a phenomenon as complex as the Appalachian Studies movement, I will now proceed to discuss some fundamental features of nativistic revitalization movement theory and attempt to apply them to our own history and situation. When we review anthropologist Ralph Linton's classic article Nativistic Movements" (American Anthropologist, XLV, 1943), we find that he succinctly defines a nativistic movement as "any conscious, organized attempt on the part of a society's members to revive or perpetuate selected aspects of its culture." Inherent, then in the concept of the nativistic (or revitalistic) movement is the idea that the nativistic response occurs in reaction to the perceived deterioration of an existing social and cultural order which is meaningful to its adherents. As Linton explicitly states, return to the ideal past is a powerful motivating force in nativistic movements, but in practical terms, this return must inevitably be selected and symbolic rather than total and literal: "What really happens in all nativistic movements is that certain current or remembered elements of culture are selected for emphasis and given symbolic value." A precondition, then, of the nativistic revitalization movement is the partial assimilation or acculturation of the group in question into a larger, often more powerful and prestigious cultural and social system and the emergence of the need to offset the resulting loss of sense of identity and social identity by creating new cultural symbols and social institutions which refer to but do not and cannot actually replicate the pre-modern past. Can we find concrete examples of this in the Appalachian movement? Certainly, we can, and it would not be straining our model to state that the Appalachian Studies movement is, at least in part, a rational nativistic movement. Rather than restructuring itself through magical or supernatural means, the group in question revives and/or perpetuates "symbols of a period when the society was free or, in retrospect, happy or great... by keeping the past in mind, such elements help to re-establish and maintain the self-respect of the group's members in the face of adverse conditions. Also, "they provide the society's members with a fund of common knowledge and experience which is exclusively their own and which sets them off from the members of other societies... the culture elements selected for symbolic use are chosen realistically and with regard to the possibility of perpetuating them under current conditions." In the case of the Appalachian Studies movement, it is important to note that the impetus to revive or perpetuate selected features of the cultural heritage which symbolize the positive identity of the group not only comes 15 �from committed natives of the region but also from concerned newcomers and outsiders who have come to identify with Appalachia and its people. As we know from the works of Henry Shapiro and David Whisnant, "fotched-on women" and other well-meaning social and cultural reformers have played an undeniably influential role in the selective rediscovery and reinterpretation of the cultural past of the region. As Whisnant notes in All Things Native and Fine (1985), the so-called Appalachian folk revival was only part of a larger effort on the part of reformers to make mountain people bi-cultural: dulcimers and ballads were gracious accompaniments to a genteel, fundamentally middle-class American life-style; the revival aspect of the settlement schools and missionaries was essentially meant to cushion the full impact of industrial exploitation and total assimilation into the mainstream of American mass society and culture. Nominally an expression of Appalachian cultural autonomy, the Appalachian folk revival movement is more accurately described as a transcultural movement which still continues to bring together natives and newcomers within the context of new social groupings and institutions (notably folk festivals and folk schools), united by common interest in regional issues (rather than kinship or common regional background) serving as the focus of collective identity and solidarity. As we know, though, tension and conflict between native and "fotched-on" proponents of Appalachian cultural identity are real and not completely resolved factors in the Appalachian Studies movement as it has developed. It is primarily for this reason that I fall short of defining the Appalachian Studies Movement as a completely bona fide example of a nativistic movement, though the nativistic element is real. However, Anthony EC. Wallace's definition of a revitalization movement as a "deliberate, conscious, organized effort on the part of members of a society to create a more satisfactory culture" comes somewhat closer to explaining these particular historical developments within a general theory of sociocultural dynamics. Essentially Wallace's model of the process of cultural revitalization can be seen as a specific derivative of general systems theory. Through the comparative analysis of many revitalistic movements Wallace has isolated an irreversible series of developmental phases which characterize the revitalistic process regardless of local cultural differences; he attributes this generic uniformity to the underlying psychological and emotional attributes which all human beings share in common. All human beings seek to satisfy biological, emotional and intellectual drives, preserve a sense of meaningful connection with the natural and social worlds around them, through the particular cultural systems they have internalized. Breakdown in the effectiveness of these internalized cultural systems results in stress, which can either lead to anomie (depersonalization and disorientation) or else provide the motivation for the reinterpretation, redefinition and ideally the reorganization of the group. While many anthropologists in the past have concentrated on magically and supernaturally oriented revitalization movements, more recently we have seen more 16 �attention to rational movements, particularly those which involve the establishment of legal-rational voluntary associations which represent collective compensation for the sensed deterioration of older social and cultural patterns. Israeli social historian S.N. Eisenstadt (1968) presents the following general model of response to social change: In each process of change we may distinguish among: 1) the initial impetus to change and its locus in the given groups of society or in its environment; 2) the extent to which it undermines any given institutional pattern; 3) the new possibilities which are opened up by the impetus to change; and 4) the extent to which there develops within each group some ability to reorganize its social and cultural life. The industrialization of the Southern Appalachians and the concurrent deterioration of the old subsistence-oriented life-style has essentially provided the background for the development of the Appalachian movement. In an idealized, selective, symbolic form, the old subsistence culture contrasts violently with the literate, industrialized corporate-dominated world to which modern Appalachians are compelled to adjust and adapt themselves. The development of regionally-oriented organizations helps to ease the trauma of all-out assimilation, not only for modern mountaineers but also for their counterparts in other rapidly changing societies. As the social anthropologist Robert T. Anderson has noted: trWhere societies are experiencing rapid social change, formal voluntary associations typically are found." In industrial societies which are emerging from premechanical agrarian conditions, there is a need for institutions larger than the family but smaller than the state, possessing a legal-rational structure, including formal (rather than traditional) membership, charters, voting rights, etc. The revitalistic aspect of voluntary associations stems from their capacity to reduce the identity-destroying stress which comes from the breakdown or disappearance of traditional community patterns. Through ethnic or regional associations or clubs, displaced people can recreate an approximation of their old society and thus selectively preserve at least a generalized sense of distinctive group identity. As Anderson comments, "an important function of voluntary associations is their capacity at times to maintain a stable base for traditionalists resident in a non-traditional milieu." (AA, 'Voluntary Associations in History," 1971:217). Such associations provide enclaves of stability for people grappling with the strains and conflicts of modernization and biculturalism. As Loyal Jones has noted in his introduction to Minstrel of the Appalachians: The Story ofBascom Lamar Lunsford (Appalachian Consortium Press, 1984),".. .if we are to benefit from the culture that spawned us, we must carry it into new times and places." Lunsford himself was an excellent example of the revitalistic leader who understood the necessity of creating new social settings for the old culture. Rather than turn17 �ing his back on the realities of modern life, he selectively balanced tradition and innovation in his folk festivals. As Loyal Jones comments: Bascom Lunsford found a way to strengthen the old traditions and use them to put people at ease about their place and culture at a time when most of the messages about Appalachia were negative. . .He helped create an atmosphere in which the folk traditions could flourish and thus where the regional people could flourish because they had regained a sense of pride. That is a work more of us should be about (1984:ix). Clogging teams and classes, bluegrass and oldtime music festivals, quilters organizations are vehicles through which modern Appalachians are able to express their identification with the regional culture without completely rejecting modern corporate and bureaucratic life; again, since such new organizations are based on common interest rather than the traditional bonds of kinship and physical proximity, they make it possible for natives and newcomers to create new social networks which are only selectively traditional in cultural content. Thus from the raw materials of Southern mountain culture are created the symbolic bonds which tie together new trans-ethnic and transregional support groups. This applies not only to the Appalachian folk revival but possibly to the Appalachian Studies movement itself. Again, parallels can be found in other rapidly changing regional revitalization movements. Certainly, the development of alliances between native and outside intellectual and artistic leaders can be a natural and possibly even predictable reaction against the cultural, social and economic hegemony of the centralizing, standardizing, elitists who gravitate to capital cities. Appalachia itself may not currently be the most fashionable regional alternative to urban elitism (French Louisiana appears to have assumed that role in the 1980's will Appalachia be rediscovered again, and when will we see hillbilly equivalents of K-Paul Prudhomme, blackened redfish and Cajun Spice potato chips filling the need of the mainstream for color, flavor and roots?), but if the past is a reliable guide to the future, we can safely predict that modern people will continue to need the emotional security and stability which gives rise to regional revitalization movements not only here but throughout much of the contemporary world. Central to all of these movements is the idea of the idealized homeplace, the magical kingdom in which humanity is in balance with nature, unsullied by the pressures of modern corporate industrial life. The ceremonies, rituals and artforms which provide the cultural focus of regional revitalization movements enable their participants to retreat, at least temporarily, into a realm in which there is stability, order and harmony. As Yi-Fu Tuan notes in his conclusion to Tonophilia (means "love of place" in Greek), 18 �Human beings have persistently searched for the ideal environment. How it looks varies from one culture to another but in essence it seems to draw on two antipodal images: the garden of innocence and the cosmos. The fruits of the earth provide security as also does the harmony of the stars which offers, in addition, grandeur. So we move from one to the other; from the shade under the baobab to the magic circle under heaven; from home to purlic square, from suburb to city; from a seaside holiday to the enjoyment of the sophisticated arts, seeking for a point of equilibrium which is not of this world. (1974:248). It is the search to regain the safe and good place which motivates many people involved in Appalachian Studies and comparable movements. Obviously, this is not merely a physical place we are talking about, but a state of being and feeling at home with supportive others, attaining what the anthropologist Francis L.K. Hsu refers to as "psychosocial homeostasis." Just as all living beings seek to preserve and perpetuate themselves, so do all human beings seek to attain psychosocial homeostasis through contact with the persons, things, places and cultural practices towards which they feel intimate emotional attachment and involvement. It is through these intimate emotional attachments that we derive psychological and emotional stability and well-being. Changes which threaten these relationships threaten our own sense of self, and consequently Hsu believes that we can best understand the dynamics of cultural change and stability by examining the particular social and cultural symbols upon which individual and collective identity is based: All peoples will offer greater resistance to change in relationships and other elements in their society and culture most relevant to the maintenance of psychosocial homeostasis than in other relationships and elements. They will offer greater resistance to change in those areas because they have invested strong affect, but not where they are mere role players or spectators. (1971:36) My own research in this regard has focused primarily on music, but clearly we can see the search for the good, safe place expressing itself in many other forms, genres and media, including scholarly research and criticism. Indeed, the establishment and perpetuation of an institution like the Appalachian Studies Conference itself could be considered a regionally oriented expression of what is actually a universal human drive. As I said at the beginning of this essay, no single theory or model can ever completely explain a phenomenon as complex as the Appalachian Studies Movement. I do hope, however, that some of the ideas I have presented here will help to encourage further considerations of the need for a comparative perspective in Appalachian Studies. 19 �NOTES Anderson, Robert T, "Voluntary Associations in History," American Anthropologist, vol. 73, no. 1, 1971. Eisenstadt, S.N. (ed.), Comparative Perspectives on Social Change, Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1968. Hsu, Francis L.K., "Psychosocial Homeostasis and Jen: Conceptual Tools For Advancing Psychological Anthropology." American Anthropologist, vol. 73, no. 1,1971. Jones, Loyal, Minstrel of the Appalachians: The Story of Bascom Lamar Lunsford. Boone, N.C.: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1984. Linton, Ralph, "Nativistic Movements," American Anthropologist, vol. 45, no. 2,1943. Tuan, Yi-Fu, Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes and Values. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1974. Wallace, Anthony F.C, "Revitalization Movements: Some Theoretical Considerations For Their Comparative Study," Amerkan Anthropologist, vol. 58, no. 2,1956. 20 �The "Brier Sermon/1 Signpost in Appalachian Studies by Ricky Cox When I transferred from a community college to Radford University three years ago, I didn't know that there was such a thing as an Appalachian Studies Program there or anywhere else. But since then, Appalachian Studies has become possibly the single most important element in my education, though not in the sense that I would choose for myself a career founded on it. But the realization that there is no life work here for me in no way detracts from the value of the experiences Appalachian Studies has brought to me, for while these experiences cannot guarantee the prosperity of my future, they certify the value of my past. That may not sound like much, and some might think that I, and others like me, have been spending our time and money buying back things that were ours to start with. Maybe so, and I will come back to this topic, the past, a little later. But for now, bear with me as I suggest to you that this is a ransom worth paying. In doing so I wish to discuss, in a very unstructured way, the role of the Appalachian Studies Conference in bringing together parties who wish to traffic in this business. And finally, I would like to tie this all together through discussion of selected ideas from a poem by Jim Wayne Miller, entitled, "Brier Sermon-You Must Be Born Again." While I find this piece well-suited to my purpose, I did not actively choose it; it volunteered. Not long after enrolling at Radford, I became acquainted with Dr. Grace Toney Edwards, Chair of the Appalachian Studies Program there. We talked at length about Appalachian related issues of current concern to me. One day she gave me a copy of "Brier Sermon-You Must Be Born Again," with several passages highlighted. I read in those few lines a clear, concise expression of my own worries and concerns. Since then "Brier Sermon" has turned up over and over in classroom materials and in informal discussions and each time I find myself mentally underlining something new. At each fork and turn in the road, it tells the traveller where he has been and where he is going, linking the way back with the way ahead. It marks each direction clearly, yet binds them into one unbroken passage, reminding us constantly, like a signpost, that all roads are somehow connected, and that wherever we would go, we can get there from here. Many of you will be familiar with this piece either alone, or as a part of the volume of poetry in which it appears, The Mountains Have Come Closer. It is a long poem, so I will not read it to you, but I will give you, at least, the setting of "Brier Sermon-You Must Be Born Again." Do not worry if you are not 21 �familiar with this work for once you have heard the Brier's message you will, I think discover that, like Dorothy Gale of Kansas, you knew it all along. The book, The Mountains Have Come Closer, is divided into three parts, the third of which is called simply, "Brier Sermon." In it we see, through the eyes of a narrator, a man who leaves the mountains to find work in a big city. He finds himself trapped in a stereotyped mold outside of which he cannot be accepted by mainstream America. We see this man, a Brier he is called by the sophisticated city dwellers, back home, moving about in his own world, seeing it attacked and despoiled from without, and corroded and neglected from within. We come to know the Brier as a sensitive, thoughtful man, but we do not hear him speak until the last poem in this part three. This poem is "Brier Sermon-You Must Be Born Again," and it begins with this introduction: "One Friday night the Brier felt called to preach. So Saturday morning, early, he appeared on a street corner in town and started preaching, walking up and down the sidewalk...He took as his text, 'You Must Be Born Again'"(Miller 52). This theme, you must be born again, is repeated constantly throughout the poem, or sermon, and I jump to the final pages of the Brier's message to pull out his definition of that idea. "What's it like - being born again?/ It's going back to what you were before/ without losing what you've since become" (Miller 63). Here in two lines is the essence of what Appalachian Studies may offer to natives of the region especially, but also to anyone else who is looking for pieces of themselves lost or misplaced along the road to somewhere else. One of the first things the Brier talks about in relation to this theme is education. He tells a story about two families, the Johnsons and the Browns, who represent two extremes of what we commonly think of as being educated. Asked to dig up some cedar trees, the Johnson boys base their refusal on an old superstition. "Get old Jim Brown and Tom Brown," they say. "They're educated, don't believe in nothin" (Miller 52). Writers sometimes set up exaggerated contrasts to make a point, but in this case the polarization is not inconsistent with real attitudes about what it means to be "educated." The uneducated Johnson boys are bound by superstition and conduct themselves in accordance with traditions and beliefs that defy rational explanation. The educated Browns don't accept anything on the basis of faith alone. They exemplify the educational ideal that one should accept only what one can verify for himself. Inherited experience of the past has no place in their lives. Somehow, we have come to tolerate the idea that, like Jim and Tom Brown, we must first shed off the past like the skin of a snake before we can fully participate in the future. The process is regrettable, but inevitable as the values and basic assumptions of rural society must topple in the face of scholarship and inquiry. Is it strange, then, that many Appalachians in colleges and universities have difficulty making connections between experiences of the past and expectations for the future? Pressured by active persuasion at school and passive acceptance at home, the will to question and resist is easily pushed aside by more immediate concerns. It is a hard fight to 22 �fight, yet many do it, finally achieving a balance that is workable, though it may entail a complicated and sometimes stressful game of role playing. Too many, though, cannot deal with a dual identity and reject one position or the other. Sadly, this firm choice is less satisfactory than indecision. Denying ourselves the sense of place offered by home ties, or the intellectual adrenalin of pursuits attached to, or dependent upon, formal education may result in resentment of the people and ideals that force us to choose. We may become cynical, and like the Brown boys, find that we "don't believe in nothin." The Brier would have us seek a middle ground. He says, "Well, I'm educated, but not like the Brown boys./ There's something I believe in:/ You must be born again" (Miller 53). His definition of being born again is especially pertinent to education: "If s going back to what you were before/ without losing what you've since become" (Miller 63). To do that, we need connections, bridges, between past and present. We can have them, make them. They can start out as little foot paths cut in a high school folklore project and grow into a network that crosses the country. These are roads and bridges built of thought and emotion, and unlike their counterparts of steel and asphalt, they thrive on heavy traffic. They can stretch and expand until they become mental interstates that traverse time and space. We as individuals can build and maintain these roads, and at journey's end each must necessarily turn up his own lane or hollow. But there is a need for guides and explorers who would mark the way for the less adventuresome. That need has been, and is being met by Appalachian Studies Programs. Again, these roads are of value only when they pass by personal landmarks, but there is a need for a coordinating organization through which individuals can share ideas and accomplishments, and draw strength from others who share their concerns. There are obstacles that the individual cannot always overcome, such as the educational dilemma pointed to by the Brier. There are rivers fed by stereotype and public opinion that are not easily bridged, and I suggest to you that the Appalachian Studies Conference fulfills its brightest hopes and finest purpose in serving as a ferry between shores of differing ideals. I suggest to you also that the masters of this craft must maintain friendly relations with both sides of any stream it may cross, yet not ally itself too closely with either. I suggest also that the passengers on this craft must not let it be obsoleted by shoddy toll bridges thrown up by either side, whose builders exact some price in exchange for passage. This is a tall order, I know, but it is not a call to arms. It is a description of what is, as much as it is a vision of what should be. And it is an outline for being as much as it is a plan for doing. In fact, I really don't know what the Appalachian Studies Conference does beyond putting on this meeting, which I have come to see as sort of a company picnic for the maintenance crews of those roads I was talking about a while ago. Do not take me wrong. I know that much hard work is being done every day, but I am speaking from the perspective that doing is an outgrowth of being and therefore secondary to it. 23 �Being is of first importance and the value of the Appalachian Studies Conference lies in who and what it is. It has been suggested to me that the Appalachian Studies Conference is unique among organizations of similar scope and intent in that its membership includes both scholars and artists, thinkers and feelers. We have them gathered here in the same room, and in many cases, in the same person. The value of this fortunate circumstance is related to the important idea of making connections. Those who embody both types become living connections between the academic and the aesthetic. Because their work is thoughtful in both a creative and a critical sense they can apply broader insights to either kind of project. In drawing upon the past as a resource they are better able to realize the need to be selective in choosing which elements of it should be brought out into the sunlight and which should be left to fade into obscurity. The Brier illustrates this need in the form of a question: Say you were going on a trip knowing you wouldn't ever be coming back and all you'd ever have of that place you knew, that place where you'd always lived was what you could take with you. You'd want to think what to take along what would travel well what you'd really need and wouldn't need. Fm telling you, every day you're leaving a place you won't be coming back to ever. What are you going to leave behind? What are you taking with you? Don't run off and leave the best part of yourself. (Miller 59) This process of selection and occasional resorting of cultural baggage is not an easy one, but it can be worthwhile. Many of the best examples of Appalachian scholarship and creativity attest to a compromise on the part of the author that allows him or her to draw strength and material from experiences that predate becoming "educated," yet do so more effectively through the enhanced fluency of phrase and clarity of thought that may be the finest things a formal education has to offer. While these people do not pine for the good old days, they remember the past and recognize it as a part of today, and as a part of them, wherever they go, whatever they do. They make connections and build bridges. Some will call this respect for the past a crutch. They say it is nostalgia with a necktie on, masquerading as scholarship. They say that backward people want to live in the past because the future is bleak or frightening. I couldn't say whether or not this is so, but I do know that even when the fu24 �ture holds only promise, there is value in looking back. The Brier talks about it in his sermon. "Our foreparents left us a very fine inheritance,/ but we don't believe it" (Miller 53). "We're ashamed to live in our father's house./ We think if s too old-fashioned" (Miller 53). Now where would this inheritance be found? Not in the bank or the top bureau drawer. If s in the past. If sin the words and wants and dreams of our mothers and fathers and grandparents. Think about those little hilltop cemeteries scattered through the mountains and think about going there at odd intervals, maybe in the rain. Remember to turn off your lights and try not to get your feet wet. Take a minute when it's time to leave because you're blocked in anyway. Take a minute and look at the names you see there. Look at the dates. They are two inches apart, yet a lifetime lies between them. Wonder about these people. Wonder what they wondered about. Make connections. On your way down the hill, pick up a rock and put in in your pocket and carry it home with you. Now maybe you are thinking, "This is nice, but we need direction for the future, not a map of the past." That is true, and recognition of that need is reflected in the theme of this meeting. Along with remembrance and reunion, there is revival, a gathering of strength and purpose for what is to come. And like the organizers of the conference, the Brier is aware of the need for continuity, for a connection between past, present, and future. He warns his sidewalk congregation: But you don't have to live in the past. You can't, even if you try. You don't have to talk old-fashioned, dress old-fashioned. You don't have to live the way your foreparents lived. But if you don't know about them if you don't love them if you don't respect them you're not going anywhere. You don't have to think ridge-to-ridge, the way they did. You can think ocean-to-ocean. (Miller 55) Before ending, I want to return to the Brier's original topic, education, for three reasons. First, I know that many people involved with Appalachian Studies are associated in some way with formal education. Second, I want to suggest that we in Appalachia are not the only ones guilty of the sin of forgetfulness, especially in the field of education. And third, I want to satisfy a personal penchant for connectedness. The first of these reasons is self-explanatory. The second recalls an assumption I spoke of a while ago. The notion that being educated demands that we reject our personal history is closely related to the idea that our 25 �collective history is not an essential element of education. Many of us have come to equate progress with technology and material gain and have drawn the false conclusion that since we have more than did our predecessors in these respects, then we must be more intelligent. We become disdainful of the wisdom of the past, thinking that it no longer applies. The Liberal Arts give the lie to the assumption that each generation is unique in its thought and motivation and is possessed of a finer insight than were the thinkers of the past. History and literature can teach us that human nature remains constant regardless of change in the human condition. We are no more at risk as a people who reject two hundred years of cultural heritage than we are as a nation who neglects two thousand years of Western Civilization. And I suggest to you that if we manage to turn ourselves around, Appalachia will find itself standing out in front instead of racing to catch up, for we already possess the quality most needed to make sense of our lives and our world. That characteristic is the desire and need to see connections between concepts and ideas and to put abstract things into concrete terms. In an essay entitled "A Mirror for Appalachia" Jim Wayne Miller discusses this quality at length along with the Appalachian tendency to respond more quickly to feelings than to ideas. He quotes Jack Weller who said, "The problem is that our educational system is based on ideas, not feelings." Miller then asks, 'That is the problem, but whose problem is it, ultimately" (450)? This is a thought provoking question and I want to apply it specifically to the concept of connectedness. I think that some of you will share my belief that the ability to make connections of all types must be the chief benefit of a Liberal Arts education. To perceive some pattern in the infinite diversity of the world is to make it a friendlier, less confusing place. It should be an advantage, then, to have this habit of making connections already in place, and I suggest to you that if there is one quality attributed to Appalachians by critics and proponents alike, it is a preoccupation, some would say an obsession, with connections. I offer two examples. The first is the sometimes derided recognition of extended kinship. Friend and foe alike have hung all kinds of interpretations on the emphasis Appalachians place on genealogy, but if nothing else, it is a clear demonstration of the need to establish and maintain connections. The second example I would refer you to is speech. The media delight in mocking the picturesque speech of the mountaineer and some people seem to equate a reliance on simile and metaphor with the inability to grasp complex or abstract notions. While this is not necessarily a lie, neither is it necessarily the truth. Rather than indicating that a speaker or writer has fallen short of comprehension, an appropriate analogy may demonstrate that he has gone a step further and related the idea to something already within his range of experience. I would even suggest to you that judicious use of concrete images in exploring abstract ideas is nothing short of homespun scholarship. Without benefit or burden of page number and copyright, the 26 �speaker refers his audience to a chapter in their common experience and says, in effect, "Do not take my word for it. Let me refer you to a better authority. My source is experience and life itself." If we would heed the Brier's message we would have as a resource not only the incomplete volume of our own lives, but also the great reference library that is the past. I make here a final point about the value of "Brier Sermon-You Must Be Born Again." Not only do the Brier and his creator, Jim Wayne Miller, give direction on this road, they travel along with us as well in that this poem and many others by this author exemplify the use of these sometimes neglected resources. The Brier Sermon is rich in metaphor: You must be born again; live in your father's house; and, you can be old wine in a new bottle. My favorite is addressed to young hot rodders. The Brier tells how he sees them flat on their backs, "looking up into the guts and gears of America," and thinks to himself: I'd like to open up your heads just like you raise the hood or go into a gearbox. I'd like to re-wire your heads and gap your spark plugs and re-set your timing. Because you can get off your back you can have a new view you can get behind the wheel of America. You can sit in the smooth upholstered seats of power and listen to the music playing. (Miller 57-58) Now, metaphors about roses have their place, but ifs hard to beat the smooth upholstered seats of power. I want to end now, as I started, with a personal note. I am a machinist by trade and I like my work. I continued at it part time while attending college and was at first frustrated by my inability to make any connection between what seemed like two entirely different worlds. In my second year at Radford I took a course in Appalachian Folklore. On the syllabus for that course was a list of "opportunities." At first I thought this was just a tonguein-cheek way to say requirements. I will say now that the folklore project done as a part of that class was truly an opportunity. I did my project on machines in folklore, and for the first time was able to make connections between iron and steel and paper and pen. I interviewed people around home who share my passion for machinery and looked through scholarly articles and books concerning industrialization. While the result is no more than average as such things go, I see it as the best thing I did in my entire time at Radford because it gave me the chance to make connections and build bridges between different parts of my life and thereby feel better about each of them. I do not know that everyone would benefit from a similar experience, but I am grateful that 27 �Appalachian Studies provided me with that wonderful opportunity. I want to thank, also, Jim Wayne Miller and the many others like him who show us that the road runs in two directions. WORKS CITED Miller, Jim Wayne. "A Mirror for Appalachia." Voices From the Hills. Eds. Robert J. Higgs and Ambrose N. Manning. New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1975. "BrierSermon-YouMustBeBornAgain." The Mountains Have Come Closer. Boone, North Carolina: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1980. 28 �Educational Research in the National Context Where We Have Been and Where We Are Going by Alan J. DeYoung Research and scholarship on educational issues and trends in Appalachia, at least that performed by educators themselves and specifically targeted at regional concerns, has been virtually non-existent. Thus, to the question about where Appalachian educational research has been, the easy answer must be "nowhere". Sue h an assessment should not be taken as an indictment of the quality of regional scholarship. As I will argue shortly, regional and rural educational issues in Appalachia and elsewhere have received little specific attention throughout the history of American education. And the lack of concern shown by educational researchers towards Appalachian educational issues and problems in actuality indicates more about the political nature of school reform in the U.S., and the conceptual inadequacies which have historically undergirded educational research community pursuits, than it does about the quality and/or integrity of regional writers. The Urban Focus of Nineteenth Century American Education Rather than dwelling in this essay on the important Appalachian education topics and questions not pursued by professional educators, I would like to frame my discussion of this phenomenon within the larger underdevelopment of rural schooling scholarship in the U.S. During the past two decades, a number of educational historians have become quite interested in America's clearly urban bias in questions of educational research and policy. As several of them note, most of the late nineteenth century school reform literature focused on ways of coordinating and administering education in urban environments. Virtually all leaders of the common school movement during this period were urban school superintendents whose careers essentially depended upon the bureaucratization and professionalization of urban education (Perkinson, 1968; Tyack and Hansot, 1982). Models of rural education in fact became the primary enemy of many nineteenth century school reformers, who argued that the politics, inefficiency, and uncoordinated curricular characteristics of rural schools could never serve as a model for the institutionalization of public education in the U.S. Be29 �cause America's cities were quickly becoming inundated with hordes of new immigrants, because the new technologies emerging in the workplace demanded the teaching of different types of vocational skills, and because advances in the "science" of administration clearly showed the inefficiency of parent control of educational policy, proponents of schooling structures and procedures which had worked earlier in rural settings were quickly outflanked in America's major cities by school superintendents who argued that they had a better way. Eventually, supporters of autonomous rural schools outside of America's urban areas also suffered defeat during the late nineteenth century as urban reformers with their calls for more efficient schooling systematically infiltrated state departments of public education and pressed for sweeping reforms in the way schools were organized, staffed, and supervised. By the beginning of the twentieth century, most Americans and their leaders had become convinced of two things. First, that the country's future lay in its continued urbanization and industrialization. And second, that America's emerging institutional leaders (including school administrators) could and/or would solve whatever technical and social problems emerged from future urban and economic development. For many American educators, the educational problem of the twentieth century was an urban problem. As educational reformers like John Dewey and I.W. Howerth argued, progress in education depended upon the recreation of community in America's urban areas for the multitude of children who had never experienced its many benefits. While the old rural villages in America would supposedly continue to decline in the face of the advances in science and industrialization, the practical, moral, and applied experiences of community vocational and moral life which rural living earlier provided children needed to be incorporated and in fact made central in the mission of twentieth century city schools (Perkinson, 1968). On the other hand, rural schools themselves were found inadequate by various spokespersons favoring the "new" education by the turn of the century. "Administrative progressives" found rural schools poorly organized and inefficiently administered and curricular progressives found the haphazard focus on works of Western civilization not vocationally or scientifically sound enough for the future roles rural students might play in whatever community and national contexts they might end up in. Educational Research and Educational Policy in the Early TwentiethCentury By current standards, most of the policy discussions and decisions regarding small and rural schools of the early twentieth century were not guided by empirical research, but came as the result of convictions state 30 �departments of education had about making rural districts more professional, efficient, and in many cases vocationally relevant (Rosenfeld and Sher, 1977). In many ways, developments in rural vocational educational policy mirrored those of agricultural policy during this century. As several authors suggest, the "Country Life" movement of the early twentieth century articulated the restoration of declining rural life in the U.S. via scientifically enhancing agricultural practices among American farmers and making rural schools more vocationally relevant to the emerging industrial needs of the United States. Through demonstration projects and "technical assistance" to public school curriculum developers, U. S. Department of Agriculture Extension Agents (among others) had an important influence on rural public schools throughout the twentieth century, and especially after the passage of the Smith-Hughes Act of 1917 (Grantham, 1983; Greenwood, 1982). Perhaps the earliest forms of what scholars would now recognize as educational research on specific rural schooling problems were the "school surveys" of the early twentieth century. These statistical profiles were typically utilized by educational reformers to "improve" rural schools by first documenting their comparatively inferior status, and then helping to bring them under the control of state superintendents of education (Tyack, 1974). Many progressive educators during this period called for and achieved reform in the professional training of teachers and school consolidation, the latter innovation which would ostensibly allow for more efficient utilization of financial resources and age grading of students (DeYoung and Boyd, 1987; Tyack and Hansot, 1982). Small schools in particular were often targeted for reform throughout the early twentieth century, not necessarily because they were shown deficient pedagogically, but because they were assumed to be less intellectually stimulating environments and certainly were less desirable administratively and financially. (the) movement to take control of the rural common school away from the local community and to turn it over to the professionals was part of a more general organizational revolution in American education in which laymen lost much of their direct control over the schools. In the cities school men pioneered new bureaucratic patterns of educational organization. They (also) sought to "free education from politics" by coercing rural communities to consolidate schools. From 1910 to 1960 the number of one room schools declined from approximately 200,000 to 20,000. (Tyack, 1974 p.25) In addition to school surveys, three other types of educational research were prominent during the first fifty years of the twentieth century. The first of these focused upon ways of actually making schools more administrative31 �ly efficient and bureaucratic as desired by state and district superintendents. Relatedly, quasi-empirical accounts of innovative techniques in cost-effective materials and supervision practices were sponsored by educational professionals convinced that the future of school improvement lay in improved management techniques (Callahan, 1962). And finally, the field of eugenics had an interest in rural school populations of several small isolated regions of the U.S., particularly Appalachia. The majority of scholars writing in this area were convinced that many rural schools were heavily populated by cognitively deficient children whose parents had not been smart enough or fortunate enough to leave the decaying countryside for the more lucrative and stimulating environments of America's cities. Because many rural children scored poorly on early standardized tests of ability, such data were typically cited as further evidence that not only were many of America's rural residents lacking in intelligence, but that rural life patterns not "upgraded" by the intervention of outside influences would continue to erode in the future (e.g. Hirsch, 1928; Key, 1932; Silver and DeYoung, 1985). School and Community Studies in the "Non-professional" Literature As this review so far indicates, empirical educational research into the particular problems and needs of America's small and rural schools well into the twentieth century was sparse and ideologically motivated, since the development of American education as a whole was built upon the assumption that schools of the future would and should continue to become larger, more efficient, and more vocationally relevant. To be sure, some rural educators were convinced early in the century that inequality and discrimination existed in particular regions of the country. However, their calls for national research and compensatory educational policies were continually rebuffed by federal legislators unwilling to interfere with state and local control of public education (Ravitch, 1983). On the other hand, there have been several types of informative studies on issues, problems, and strengths of rural schools which originated outside of the educational research community but which have anticipated some of the current interest in rural and Appalachian education. In particular, the field of community studies became prominent in the 1930s and 1940s, and more academic interpretations of the centrality of the public school in the lives of continuing rural communities have been intimately detailed by a variety of social historians and community sociologists (e.g. Lynd and Lynd, 1937; Warner and Lunt, 1941). More recently (and with a more sympathetic orientation) Peshkin has focused on the importance of small town schools for community identity (Peshkin 1978; Peshkin 1982). As well, the potential of local rural schools to help rebuild and/or enhance disappearing community cohesiveness has been illustrated and advocated by Eliot Wigginton, who is 32 �also specifically interested in Appalachian education (Puckett, 1986; Wigginton, 1985). Of late, a number of educational historians have also been particularly interested in re-telling the battle of school consolidation as seen from the perspective of local populations. Fuller, for example, has provided an excellent discussion of local citizen efforts in a number of mid-western states to resist and/or modify national forces of school consolidation early in the twentieth century. Importantly, debates over strengths, weaknesses, problems and solutions to those problems discussed in much of the early school consolidation literature are still central to current discourse on school reform in rural education. In a sense then, the significance and importance of the rural school in American community life has been well recognized and researched by sociologists and historians for decades, but only recently has surfaced among educational researchers unfortunately unfamiliar with the legacy of these debates. The Current Status of Rural Educational Research Current interest in the specific problems and possibilities of rural education seems to have come about for at least four types of reasons. Initially, it has become apparent to educational policy makers that even though significant out-migration from farms and small towns has occurred during the past century, such trends have slowed greatly during the past two decades, and in some cases have been reversed (Beale, 1975; Sher, 1981). Thus, all rural schools and their particular problems will not be completely disappearing in the foreseeable future. In addition, concern over equality of educational opportunity in rural areas became an important issue in the 1970s, and a growing body of literature suggests that problems of minority and special needs rural students have frequently not been adequately met by urban based models of service delivery (Helge, 1981; Massey and Crosby, 1983). As well, much of the current national interest in "effective schooling" has questioned the conventional wisdom that bigger schools and more centralized staffing patterns are always desirable (Goodlad, 1984; Sher, 1986). And finally, the current interest in improving rural education as an aid to stimulating local economic development within a number of states seems related to more concerted efforts among such states to upgrade rural schools (Rosenfeld, 1983; DeYoung and Boyd, 1987). The current generation of scholarship on the particular issues and problems of rural education in the U.S. was ushered in by the work of Jonathan Sher and several of his colleagues in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Perhaps the landmark book on the overlooked importance of rural education and the lack of relevant scholarship in this area was Sher's edited collection of 1977. Suggestively entitled Education in Rural America: A Reasesssment of Convention33 �al Wisdom, the book's major accomplishment was not primarily to document all that is known about the strengths and weaknesses of rural schools, but instead to show that policy makers and researchers actually knew very little about rural education in the U.S., due to the "urbanization of rural schools" perspectives suggested so far in this essay. Other chapters of the Sher book (which included educational dynamics in some Appalachian states) focused upon and illustrated several fallacies of the "conventional wisdom" about rural schools by: documenting the myth of economy, efficiency and equality supposedly brought to rural regions of the country by school consolidation and centralization efforts; examining both the conceptual weaknesses and benefits associated with small schools in rural regions of the country; and questioning the desirability of equating increased financial support of local public schools with the erosion of local autonomy in school decision making. In addition, several case studies illustrating the politics of school reform and the importance of understanding class conflict in rural educational issues were included. The scholarship which has most recently emerged specifically on ruralness and the particular concerns of rural communities and educators can be put into four interrelated categories. These include: an interest in the status of minority and handicapped children in rural regions of the U.S.; research and commentary about ongoing financial, curricular, and staffing problems many small schools are facing today in an educational environment driven by the needs of metropolitan school districts; general attempts to conceptually and/or empirically define or construct research agendas for rural and small school education based on literature reviews and or surveys of rural educators; and several attempts to discuss educational reform in the context of community economic development. Equality of Educational Opportunity in Rural America A slow-to-develop nationally relevant motivation behind renewed interest in rural schooling in the United States has been the re-discovery of poverty and inequality in many rural regions of the country, particularly Appalachia. The early "Children of Crisis" series by Robert Coles, for example, graphically and eloquently portrayed lives of disadvantaged black, chicano, indian and white children in the deep south, among migrant farm populations, and in the mining regions of the United States (Coles, 1967; 1970; 1972). As well, Michael Harrington's provocative essay on The Other America (1962), and David Looff's book Appalachia's Children (1971) also suggested that many rural as well as urban children lacked fundamental opportunities in this country. Bridging the gap between poverty and the public school in the national literature however received much less early attention in rural America than it did in urban areas. For example, "activist" teacher memoirs of degrading educational conditions in the public schools of the 1960s by authors like Den34 �nison (1969), Herndon (1968), Kohl (1967) and Kozol (1967) were all urban chronicles. With the possible exception of Conroy's The Water is Wide (1972), tales of rural school deprivation never captured much national attention. According to some, most of the quality educational research on issues and problems in rural schooling has been done by educational anthropologists interested in the particular problems of educating various black, migrant, hispanic, and/or indian populations primarily in the south, southwest or Alaska. Typically, much of this work was done under the framework of understanding culturally different populations rather than aspects of ruralness per se, yet observations and analyses found in these works seem still the most useful for understanding many of the dynamics of school and community relationships in rural America (e.g. Precourt, 1982; Wax, Wax and Dumont, 1964; Spindler, 1977). Shirley Brice Heath (1983), for example, has studied and written on communication patterns and community life among two rural piedmont communities in the Carolinas. Based on her extensive fieldwork in these settings, she argued that compared to children from "townspeople" families, children she studied varied greatly with regard to the activities and language skills needed to succeed in school. For one of her communities, she argued, The sequence of habits Trackton children develop in learning language, telling stories, making metaphors, and seeing patterns across items and events do not fit the developmental patterns of either linguistic or cognitive growth reported in the literature on mainstream children, (p. 343) Perhaps the only state which has historically addressed problems of ethnic communities and rural issues in education has been Alaska. For example, Earnhardt (1977; 1982) edited two volumes on "Cross-Cultural Issues in Alaskan Education" which contained descriptions, critiques and analyses of existing and developing educational programs there. As well, Kleinfeld (1972) published an important study on teacher effectiveness variables with Eskimo and indian secondary school students. According to some, Alaska's early recognition that it would never be populous or urban has led to growing patterns of local control and administrative decentralization, and to more serious attention to educational policy issues attendant to ruralness, isolation, and economic development than has been the case in the rest of the country (Hecht, 1981). While much of the best scholarship on rural educational conditions has dealt extensively with self-contained minority populations in the U.S. and/or their problematic contact with the majority culture, more recent literature on rural education issues has focused on the defacto discrimination of rural minorities viz. compensatory programs which urban minorities are claimed 35 �to enjoy (e.g., De La Garza, 1979; Fratoe, 1978). Many of the current rural education activists have seemingly been attracted to this area by what they perceive to be the inequality of educational opportunity afforded handicapped populations in rural schools (Helge, 1981; Huebner, Cummings and McLesky, 1985). Central to most of their discussions is the purported inability of some rural schools to deliver special services for the handicapped and/or other special need student populations due to state and federal funding formulas which make diagnosis and intervention strategies difficult. That is, while mandated state and federal programs for special needs children in metropolitan districts can at least be moderately successful when schools share or rotate specialists, isolated rural districts frequently cannot share resources nearly as effectively. Typically, scholarship on this theme then takes one of two forms, either discussions of staffing needs and problems and/or calls for creative funding to better facilitate the needs of rural special populations (e.g., Huebner and Huberty, 1984; Trenary, 1980). Issues in the Staffing, Administration and Funding of Rural Schools Much current policy research and policy debate among rural education scholars focuses on staffing, administrative, and financing problems of rural schools in the U.S. For example, a number of authors have discussed the difficulty of attracting, training, and rewarding rural school teachers. In general, these studies suggest that teachers choosing to teach in rural areas have somewhat different occupational interests, perceive characteristics of their teaching situations somewhat differently, and may need different types of occupational incentives to keep them on the job than do teachers in metropolitan areas (e.g., Mathes and Carlson, 1986; Reed and Busby 1985). Some of this literature either documents or persuasively argues that the rural school teacher may need much more awareness of school/community relationships and either more general curricular preparation and/or a second specialization in small school districts and/or schools (Gjelten, 1978; Horn etal, 1985; Nachtigal, 1980). There is also great concern in parts of the rural personnel preparation literature for the lack of interest many teacher training institutions place on rural school teacher education (Horn, 1983; Muse, 1977). Discussions of providing equality of educational opportunity to economically disadvantaged populations and special needs students also typically turn to funding and administrative problems in the rural school literature. As a number of researchers have pointed out, school expenditures and resources in many rural school districts have different patterns than in metropolitan districts. For example, because many rural districts contain disproportionate numbers of economically disadvantaged students and have fewer local resources for education, funding formulas for rural school districts are frequently complicated, and the subject of continuing national and state 36 �departments of education debate. For example, in some states per pupil expenditures for instruction in rural districts have been shown to be lower than expenditures in metropolitan districts (DeYoung, 1985a; Rosenfeld, 1981), while costs for transportation and capital outlay have been much higher (Guthrie, 1979; Thompkins, 1977). Studies attempting to statistically document best ways of financing economically disadvantaged rural schools indicate that their diversity makes such general questions very difficult to answer in economic terms (Butler and Monk, 1985; Guthrie, 1979). For example, Rosenfeld (1981) argues that most research on rural schools, patterns of rural student achievement and educational opportunity have been performed at the school district level. However, while districts in some primarily rural states follow county boundaries, in other states school districts are based on townships, and in others both types of districts exist. Noting that comprehensive educational research at the school building level has yet to be performed, he argues that at best we need to know much more about school building dynamics before sound rural school policies can be implemented. In the meantime, he finds it ironic that because some rural school districts cannot meet state and federal guidelines in some programmatic areas, they typically find consolidation into bigger units a necessary fact of life even though the surrounding community may feel that the existing school arrangement promotes their view of educational excellence. Linking the conceptual and empirical discussions of ffbest ways" to finance rural school programs have been administrative and political struggles throughout this century. Among school administrators and state departments of education, the rural school problem during this period often focused on the composition, scale, and funding of "intermediate units (Cooper and Fitzwater, 1954). Significantly, the issue of ruralness seems entwined with "problems of smallness in American education is suggested by Rosenfeld: Size, of course, has implications for the number of programs and courses that can be supported in an area. It is also a major determinant of qualification for federal programs and inclusion in federal data gathering efforts. Many federal programs are targeted at population centers so that they may reach the maximum number of recipients. Consequently, many rural schools, districts and counties are too small to be funded. (1981, p.4) No discussion of the rural education literature would be complete without some overview of the school size debate which has historically and is currently a major theme in most if not all of the rural education literature. As indicated previously, the conventional wisdom among school administrators has been that bigger school units were almost always to be desired. Bigger schools, the claim has typically been, provide for more teacher specialization, course diversity, and cost effective supervision and materials 37 �acquisition. Perhaps the last important effort to prove that larger (secondary) schools were better schools was accomplished by James Conant in 1959. According to that work, more educative high schools were those whose graduating class had at least 100 students. However, many rural citizen groups, rural school spokespersons, and several national authorities have renewed their critique of the lfbigger is better" theme. While the century-long effort to consolidate most rural public schools became a real possibility after improved road construction in the 1940s and 1950s, the energy crisis of the 1970s and ever-present poor winter weather conditions in many states put limits on total school consolidation. Practically speaking, a number of studies have suggested that transportation and administration costs in many rural regions of the country tend to mitigate against school consolidation beyond a certain point. Similarly, just as some states have begun to accept the limitations of school consolidation in terms of cost effectiveness, several important studies have suggested the pedagogical limitations of large schools (e.g., Goodlad, 1984). Some authors, for example, have questioned the data used in the Conant study and his interpretation of them (Sher and Tompkins, 1977). Others contend that while there may be most effective minimum school sizes, there is probably a maximum one too (Goodlad, 1984). Barker and Gump (1964), for example, demonstrated that smaller schools have students who engage more frequently as actors in the life of the school. In a more recent study, Lindsay (1982) found that students in smaller high schools were more satisfied with their schools and attended class more regularly than did their counterparts in larger institutions. At least two of the most eminent scholars in rural education have very specifically articulated what they claim are the pedagogical benefits of smallness. Faith Dunne (1977) points out that small classrooms with extensive community support and high teacher expectations and rapport have always been called for in the national literature on school reform. However, while her studies have found such attributes to be typical in rural schools, school administrators bent on consolidation during the past several decades have conveniently overlooked theses "pluses" in their efforts to centralize school curricula and staffing patterns. Bruce Barker (1986) has gone further than Dunne in arguing that many if not most of the new wave of proposed school reforms have been pioneered and proven in many rural schools in the U.S., despite the efforts of mainstream educational theory to abandon them throughout the years. In his overview of small schools literature, he argues that such schools are being rediscovered as models for effective schools, in terms of more individualized instruction, cross-age groupings, more supportive home-school relationships, peer tutoring, etc. As this brief overview hopefully suggests, perhaps the major battleline in the rural school literature still forms around community control versus appropriate school size. Proponents of school consolidation and centralization 38 �have argued that many rural communities are too poor and/or too small to give their children adequate education. Supporters of local control argue that community life depends on the local school as a community resource, and with the proper funding formulas and decentralization, can be made viable both for community and individual academic achievement. In order to document the latter claim, alternative community-based strategies of school improvement not necessarily consistent with state mandated centralization and consolidation reforms have been very visible in the literature. For example, Paul Nachtigal's edited collection (1982) summarized over a dozen grassroots and foundation-sponsored attempts to save and enhance many rural school programs in the U.S. This reader in rural school innovation described how different citizen groups utilized experimental programs, national diffusion networks, leadership training strategies, and community building efforts via public education. And besides the Foxfire experience already mentioned, two other attempts to articulate how school and community life should be jointly enhanced were authored by Gjelten (1978) and Olsen (1954). While most of the rural school advocates speak positively about the virtues of small town community life, there has also been some literature potentially unflattering to rural communities, particularly in Appalachia. In these states, school consolidation policies in economically disadvantaged districts have occasionally given rise to very powerful school superintendents, and they frequently have been charged with using school employment practices to enhance the status of their friends and relatives, rather than to improve educational opportunities for district children (Ogletree, 1977; Sher, 1983; Shrag, 1966). As well, it is typically among disadvantaged rural populations where objections to "secular humanism" as taught by "outsiders" with "blasphemous" textbooks have also been at least partially successful (Cummings, et. al., 1977; Page and Clelland, 1978). According to such sources, disputes between local and state constituents over rural educational policies focus not only on administrative issues, but also on a set of complex auricular questions, where teachers may be seen to represent a relatively cosmopolitan outside world juxtaposed against other community leaders whose status and authority lie in more conservative religious and traditional habits. Comprehensive Efforts to Construct an Educational Research Agenda Given that more objective educational research and scholarship on rural education is in essence less than a decade old, it should be no surprise that available works in this area are relatively obscure, lacking in focus, and relatively unsophisticated by contemporary standards. And this phenomenon has led to several interesting discussions of what we do and don't know about rural schools, each typically also containing proposals for remedying the situa39 �tion (e.g., Stevens 1985) Many have argued that an essential first step in understanding the status of rural schooling lies in better empirical data bases to help researchers and policy makers get some working notions of the nature of rural education. In addition to the historical oversight of rural schools in the U.S., another major stumbling block to understanding their operations seems to be their great diversity. According to Helge (1985): The diversity of rural school subcultures is significant. For example, the geographic range includes remote islands and deserts as well as small clustered communities; an economic range from stable classic farm communities to depressed lower socioeconomic settings and high growth "boom or bust" communities; and a range of population sparsity from one-room school districts to schools located in small clustered towns or surrounded by other small districts, (p.1-2) One of the main problems in discussions of rural school research and policy involves a lack of consensus about appropriate definitions of rural education. For example, the National School Board Association defines a district as rural if: it is located in a rural setting, or the student enrollment is 2,500 or less, or it's an intermediate or county unit that serves primarily rural units, or it encounters problems related to areas with population density of fewer than 1000 (residents) per square mile. On the other hand, the National Rural Development Institute defines a rural district as one where: ...the number of inhabitants is less than 150 per square mile or when located in counties with 60% of the population living in communities no larger than 5000 inhabitants. Districts with more than 10,000 students and/or in (SMSA's) as defined by the Census are not considered rural. Several ambitious studies have been mounted during the past five years in an effort to establish some baseline data on the form and functioning of rural and small schools (Dunne and Carlsen, 1981; Helge, 1985; Hubel and Barker, 1986; Rosenfeld, 1981). Purposes of these comprehensive surveys were all directed at looking for common themes as articulated by various school personnel which might be used to construct rural education research and policy agendas, given earlier oversight and the geographical and financial differences between many rural school districts. Importantly, there seemed some consensus about these themes across the studies. 40 �Perhaps the best of these surveys was the one completed by Dunne and Carlsen, in that its focus was upon the perceived strengths and weaknesses of rural education around the country as reported by over one thousand teachers, administrators and school board members. Their final report also included eight case studies of small and rural schools in various parts of the country. In general, this study did find that many small and rural schools were strongly supported by their local communities, even more so than the national average. As well, three of the four greatest problems identified with public education around the nation were viewed as non-problematic by respondents in the Dunne and Carlsen study, emphasizing once again the distinctiveness of the rural and small school experience in the U.S. On the other hand, their research did suggest that many small schools continuously wrestle with some of the staffing and financing themes expressed in virtually all of the other comprehensive looks at problems of contemporary rural education in America. Education and Rural Development Just as in national assessments of student performance, economic disadvantage has been found to be systematically related to student underachievement in rural America, and especially in Appalachia (Weaver, 1977; DeYoung, 1985b). However, an interesting theme in much of the domestic and international rural education literature is a systematic discussion of the role of rural schools in vocational training and stimulating and/or enhancing local economic growth. Both of these topics have historically been seen in this literature, with the latter of even more concern in recent work. One reason this appears to be the case seems to reside in the post-high school opportunities of rural youth, many of whom do not go on to college and instead have traditionally sought vocational programs either in their high schools or in regional vocational education centers. Interestingly, many of the most widely recognized names in the scholarship on rural education have been particularly interested in this area. Hobbs (1979), for example, has described how successful rural schools were in the early twentieth century in terms of exporting skilled labor to urban areas for their development. At the same time, he argues, educational programs useful to America's farmers helped them usher in the age of mechanized farming upon which modernization has depended. As Fratoe (1979) points out, state and federal governments have been particularly active agents in rural education during the twentieth century by sponsoring three types of training programs relevant to rural development. These include(d): career and vocational programs sponsored by the Office of Education, several types of CETA programs targeted for various unemployed minority populations in rural areas, and various school extension programs (like 4H) designed to focus on topics like agriculture and home economics frequently not part of the public school curriculum. 41 �Rosenfeld (1983) and Sher (1977), on the other hand, have been particularly interested in the decline of rural economies during the past decade, and have proposed new ways of trying to link public education to economic development. Rosenfeld, for example, argues that the two primary thrusts of occupational training during the past three decades currently have little utility in rural America. No longer, he suggests, can either vocational agriculture programs or industrial education efforts be productive in the countryside, because mechanization has replaced most agricultural opportunities in rural America, and the textile, apparel, and metal fabrication industries are increasingly leaving this country for overseas locations. Both Rosenfeld and Sher argue that the public school needs to become a site with specific economic development interests, in that the public school curriculum and/or its extracurricular focus should be on fostering local small business development projects in partnership with local business or independently. While noting the possible political difficulties of achieving such programs in some rural communities, they also point out successful examples, such as Wigginton's various Foxfire enterprises. Conclusion Most if not all of the scholars who work in the area of rural and small schools tend to agree on several perspectives of the field. They all tend to agree, for example, that rural education in America has been a stepchild to other aims and interests of professional educators and researchers alike. Importantly, they also typically claim that administrative, curricular, and staffing solutions to educational problems in metropolitan America may or may not have utility for rural education. The demographic, economic, administrative, vocational and community differences and needs existing in many rural regions of the country, it is argued, demand more particular attention by educational researchers and policy makers if rural schools are ever to achieve their full potential. Educational research on rural and small schools has been minimal and marginal, it has been argued, for several reasons. Historically, the hope and expectation among educational professionals was that the demise of rural America and its schools was inevitable for a modern America. Subsequently, it was assumed that advances in curriculum and instruction based on social and administrative science would lead to one best system of benefit to all American schools. And when full-blown educational research and development efforts became important during the past thirty years, funded research primarily focused on problems of urban school districts in the U.S. Currently, the consensus among growing numbers of educational researchers and policy makers is that rural education deserves more particular attention than it has historically received. This is necessary, they claim, be42 �cause we now know that rural areas of the country have different and divergent needs; that past state and federal mandates have hindered as well as helped improvement of rural schools; and because local, state and federal governments are increasingly seeking to upgrade rural schools in efforts to attract and promote economic development. For their part, educational researchers have begun to call for more and more sophisticated research on the particular issues and needs of rural schools. Noting that rural communities frequently find their schools more satisfactory than do metropolitan ones, and observing that smallness may facilitate rather than inhibit educational excellence, there seems to be renewed interest in the possibilities of rural and small schools as educational models. This renewed interest, if not expertise, is clearly documented in the increasing number of published articles on rural education in mainstream educational journals and the emergence of at least three new journals specifically related to rural education, including Research in Rural Education, The Journal of Small and Rural Schools, and The Rural Educator. As well, many states now have their own clearinghouses on rural education and research, joined recently by the federally funded Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools, located in Las Cruces, New Mexico, at New Mexico State University. With particular regard to the historical and future development of meaningful educational policy in Appalachia, however, it could be argued that the situation is more problematic than on the national level. Having been identified early as a backward area, much of Appalachian public schooling was the target of various reforms from outside the region (DeYoung and Boyd, 1986; Silver and DeYoung, 1985). And even the most prestigious and respected private schools in Appalachia have been "fetched on". Most settlement schools and later college programs were typically operated by outsiders dedicated either to importing liberal arts education or to developing folk schools whose pedagogical and curricular forms originated elsewhere (Whisnant, 1983). More recent efforts to "improve" Appalachian schools have typically pitted national compensatory education programs against the vested interests of local school superintendents. Forced to choose between accepting federal programs designed to improve supposedly inferior childrearing techniques of Appalachian poor and/or accepting the inevitability of the educational status quo within an educational arena governed by the politics of school hiring suggests a less than desirable future for many Appalachian communities. And if current educational reform efforts further remove compensatory and entitlement programs for the schools and replace local politicians with state ones, how local communities will benefit is still unclear. The rhetoric notwithstanding, current educational reforms dedicated to the raising of test scores and attendance rates is tied to state and national educational investment strategies rather than to local community needs or issues. 43 �If there is any hope of redressing urban-oriented school history and reform in AppalacWa, it probably resides with the potential success of current grassroots movements linking rural education and community development to the rural farm crisis in this country, and/or to other regional study and policy interested groups which attempt to frame issues like education in political terms. Just like activists in Appalachian studies who are concerned about the politics of land ownership, water quality and health, the politics of education and the politics of school reform will have to be identified more visibly as issues in Appalachia in the future. 'Where we are going" in Appalachian education depends upon the role local communities play in the future. Lack of attention, or depending on the insights of professionals and/or state and federal politicians, will probably give us more of the same. I hope this is not the path that will be followed. A more complete overview of the status of American rural education scholarship is available in the authors article entitled "The Status of American Rural Education Research: An Integrated Review and Commentary/' which is forthcoming in Review of Educational Research. REFERENCES Barker, B. (1986). The Advantages of Small Schools. Las Cruces, New Mexico: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and SmaU Schools. ERIC doc ED 265988. Barker, B. & Muse, I. (1983). Research findings on K-12 and 1-12 Rural School Districts in the United States. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Rural Education Association. Manhatten, Kansas, Oct 16-18. Eric doc. ED 234973. Barker, R. & Gump, P., (1964). Big School Small School. Stanford, Ca.: Stanford University Press. Barnhardt, R. (1977). 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Garden City, New York: Anchor Press. 49 �PARTNERING FOR RESEARCH Convenor: Howard Dorgan, Appalachian State University Partnering with the Indigenous: Teaming With The Marshall Family to Study Old Regular Baptists Howard Dorgan, Appalachian State University Darvin Marshall, Coeburn, Virginia Ganell Marshall, Coeburn, Virginia Partnering for Research in Appalachia Howard Dorgan I became acquainted with Darvin and Ganell Marshall in 1982. That year they provided me my first contact with Old Regular Baptists, an Appalachian religious faction staunchly preserving worship traditions dating from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Prior to this work with the Marshalls, my own knowledge of Old Regulars had come from the film, "In the Good Old Fashioned Way/'1 and from essays by Ron Short and John Wallhausser, 'We Believe in the Family and the Old Regular Baptist Church" and "I Can Almost See Heaven From Here.1 My own field research before the spring of 1982 had been with Missionary, Union, Primitive, Regular, and Free Will Baptists in the northwest corner of North Carolina.3 In April, 1982,1 decided to devote the following summer to an examination of "Homecoming" traditions in the mountains of North Carolina. Preparatory for this project, I approached the news bureau at Appalachian State University to suggest a news release on my plans, one which would include an announcement that I wanted invitations to a number of these annual events. The article was written, and it ran in several small newspapers and specialty publications of the region, including the High Country Magazine*, a newsprint journal servicing the Southern Appalachian tourist trade. A copy of this article made its way to Florida where a sister of Darvin Marshall saw it. She in turn phoned Darvin at his home on Sandy Ridge, just north of Coeburn, Virginia. This serendipitous set of circumstances engendered a series of other actions that ultimately propelled me into a study of the Old Regular Baptists of Appalachia. 50 �About the Marshalls and Sandy Ridge Darvin and Ganell Marshall live on Virginia's Route 654, approximately two hundred yards from the Sandy Ridge Old Regular Baptist Church, the fellowship with which Darvin's late father had been affiliated. In 1982 Darvin and Ganell regularly attended the services of this church, although neither was then, or is now, a member of this or any other Old Regular fellowship. Nevertheless, over the years Darvin had developed a deep fondness for the small church and a profound love and respect for the "Old Time Way" traditions of this Baptist sect. He feels strongly that the customs, beliefs, and values of this faith should be documented, having inherited this attitude from his father who once helped a wandering scholar interested in Old Regular lined singing.5 One morning I was in my office at Appalachian State University when I received a call from Darvin. Would I like to visit some Old Regular Baptist churches, he asked. My answer was quick and in the affirmative. Darvin immediately sent me the published minutes of the 1981 annual meeting of the Union Association of Old Regulars, and at the same time invited me to attend a service at the Sandy Ridge church. As it turned out, however, the first Old Regular fellowship I visited was Bethany in Kingsport, Tennessee. Information supplied in those '81 minutes enabled me to contact Elder Foster Mullins, assistant moderator of that congregation, with whom I arranged that first visit. Later I traveled to Sandy Ridge, witnessed a service at that church, met Elder Raymond Smith (then the moderator of the Sandy Ridge fellowship, and an individual who has become strongly supportive of my research), stayed for a fellowship meal in what was once a two-room schoolhouse, but which has become the Sandy Ridge Community Center, and established my acquaintance with Darvin and his family. Since that time, the Marshalls and I have traveled over much of the Central Appalachian Plateau, visiting numerous Old Regular churches, with Darvin serving as my guide and contact, and with Ganell providing assistance in understanding Old Regular women and the Old Regular home and family. Sandy Ridge lies about seven miles due north of Coeburn, in Wise County. It is a beautiful area that so far displays—in any highly visible way—only minimal scarring from strip mining. The ugly cuts are there. In fact one particularly unattractive one exists about a mile below the Marshall's home. However, most of the stripped areas on this and surrounding ridges can be seen only if one gets off the main roads, and Appalachian nature is kind, quickly camouflaging many of the rude gashes. Still, the numerous harms of strip mining are felt on 'The Ridge," not the least of which is the problem of altered water flows and acidic run-offs. The Marshall's own water has become partially contaminated as the result of stripping on the ridge above their house. One of the best known residents of Sandy Ridge is Ralph Stanley, wide51 �ly recognized for his Blue Grass picking and singing. With a late brother this native musician recorded a number of albums of Appalachian folk tunes and is now a frequent guest on such respected traditional music programs as "Austin City Limits." Other residents of this ridge tend to be from a sturdy, yeoman farmer heritage, most of Scotch-Irish descent, and many representing families that have occupied this land for a number of generations. Marshalls, for example, have been in southwest Virginia since the late seventeen hundreds, initially possessing land granted for service in the Revolutionary War. Unfortunately many of the present occupants of the ridge inherited their holdings with the mineral rights already sold to coal companies, transactions that have victimized several generations of these ridge dwellers. A good portion of the present owners of this land now work for the coal companies, as miners, haulers, large machinery operators, etc. Darvin Marshall spent his last working years in a bank in Coeburn, a job from which he took early retirement because of a major heart attack. Ganell has always been a housewife, but now she also works the craft fair business, selling corn-shuck dolls that she makes in the basement of her home. Both of the Marshalls possess a deep appreciation for their cultural heritage, and they have adopted Appalachian studies somewhat as a hobby. In the process they have also adopted my research. The result has been a partnership which has assisted my entrance into the semiclosed world of Old Regularism. This paper examines some obvious advantages of partnering with the indigenous for Old Regular research and focuses on the particular contributions of the Marshalls to this specific study. Contributions of the Marshalls The advantages of working with someone like the Marshalls in the study of Old Regulars are numerous, not the least of which is the fact that these churches are very difficult to locate without someone familiar with the region as your guide. Not only are the buildings often tucked away from main roads, but they are remarkably inconspicuous. Seldom will they have steeples or other architectural features, such as stained glass windows, to identify them clearly as houses of worship. In addition, the familiar church marquee, announcing a minister and schedule of services, is not a feature of Old Regular meeting houses. Furthermore, large signs are traditionally not characteristic of these churches, either down on the road or on the front of the building. There usually is a sign, but only a very modest one that announces the name of the church and the year it was founded. One result of all this is that a wouldbe visitor to an Old Regular church frequently has to park his or her car on the side of the road and walk right up in front of the respective meeting house before being certain of the building's identity. 52 �Darvin and I have now located fifteen associations of Old Regular churches: New Salem (the mother of them all), Union (the second oldest, but first in total number of fellowships), Thornton Union, two Indian Bottom groups, two Mountain Associations, Sardis, Old Friendship, Friendship, Philadelphia, Northern New Salem, Mud River, Bethel, and Mountain Liberty (the most recently formed of the lot). There may be a sixteenth group, the Kyova Association, which once flourished in West Virginia; but neither Darvin or I have been able to establish that this cluster still exists, at least as true Old Regular fellowships. A seventeenth group, the Cumberland Association, once operated in the Wise County region of Virginia, but these churches abandoned7 their affiliation with Old Regularism. Darvin has mapped the general boundaries of eight of these associations and is making rapid progress in locating the individual churches within each of these clusters. This research is of course valuable to me, and its worth is increased several fold when Darvin is able to guide me through a maze of narrow mountain roads directly to a respective church. Early in my field work, I learned that it was no easy matter to find a particular meeting house simply by following directions given by the fellowship's moderator or clerk. Most researchers who have worked extensively with indigenous Appalachians realize that these people tend to give directions not by road numbers and highway signs, but by natural geographical features of the land-ridges, hollows, creeks, rivers, bottoms, forks, etc. I have often been amused at the close of Old Regular services when visiting elders give their "appointments," announcements during which the meeting Sundays of their home churches are given, along with directions to the respective houses of worship. What one usually hears are recitations of strings of geographical features, each appended to an identifying ablative (Caney Ridge, Turkey Creek, Cedar Bottom, Bent Branch, Rocky Fork), all followed by the apparently obligatory conclusion, "You can't miss it." Needless to say, I found that I could frequently "miss it," unless the Marshalls were showing the way or actually driving me to the spot. Locating a church, however, is obviously just the first step: The researcher must meet the people, become accepted as a nonthreatening and friendly agent, and learn how to talk to the various elements in the fellowship. Again the Marshalls have often made the difference between success and failure, giving my work an aura of acceptability and providing information critical to determining viable strategies of approach. Wherever we go Darvin works the crowd before and after the service, speaking enthusiastically to church leaders about my study, selling the idea that Old Regularism must be documented. In addition, he collects information applicable to other visitations—types of services scheduled, location of churches, names of contact persons, and the like. In a very real sense, Darvin and Ganell have become participating partners in my research and must eventually share in any triumphs arising from it. Ganell's role in all of this has centered on providing me a better under53 �standing of the Old Regular woman and the Old Regular family. After one of my early presentations on gender roles in Old Regularism, Pat Beaver warned that I might never capture the true essence of the Old Regular woman without a female assistant who could relate to these matrons. To a large degree, Ganell has become that assistant, helping me appreciate better the feminine point of view within Old Regularism. In particular, she has persistently warned me about moving toward stereotypes when discussing some of the restrictions placed upon the appearance and behavior of these women. I have had somewhat of a tendency to do that when examining restrictions concerning Old Regular women's hair, dress, participation in worship, and voice in church governance; but Ganell is always there to pull me back from generalizations that become too sweeping. It is just too easy for an outsider to see these Old Regular women solely in terms of their uncut hair, their emotional shouting in services, their modest dress styles, their voiceless position in church politics, their subservient or nonexistent role in liturgical functions, and their standback-and-wait attentiveness to males during after-service fellowship meals. The subtle ways in which they exert themselves in home, community, and church are more difficult to see and understand, but Ganell has frequently focused my attention on these less obvious female wieldings of power and influence. Both Darvin and Ganell have read the notes I have written after each visitation and the several essays I have authored about Old Regulars, and their careful scrutinizations of these materials have provided a valuable check on any possible inaccuracies and misinterpretations. In this process they haven't tried to move me toward unrealistically positive attitudes, just as they haven't exposed me only to the more modern associations and fellowships. Old Regular theology constitutes a particularly difficult area for total understanding, primarily because there is so little of the faith's doctrine that has been expressed in precise creedal form. Each association publishes its articles of faith in its annual minutes, but these statements are sketchy in character and leave wide areas for interpretation. There is no Old Regular document that delineates the faith theology in as complete an exposition, for example, as the Philadelphia Confession did for eighteenth century Regular Baptists, and many Old Regular elders struggle as much in expressing the secf s precise beliefs as do outsiders. An individual article of faith becomes clearer, however, when one understands the historical environments in which it was forged, including the countermovement to which it was a response. Therefore, during evenings spent in the Marshalls' home, Darvin and I have wandered widely over both the historical and theological developments of Old Regularism. Doctrinal understandings gained during these sessions have later been tested in discussions with such Old Regular leaders as Elder Edwin May, Moderator of the Sardis Association. During theological discussions Ganell stands to the side, saying that the exposition of doctrine is Darvin's "gift." However, I think I see in her actions 54 �in this regard simply a deference to the traditional male role in debating doctrinal matters. Still, Darvin does know his Bible, and is usually able to identify the scripture used in justification of Old Regular theology. The Marshalls not only have helped me in knowing about Old Regulars, but they also have contributed heavily to my understanding of the entire cultural and geographical environment within which Old Regularism exists. The long drives from Sandy Ridge to churches in Kentucky or other areas of Virginia have provided opportunity for discussions of mining in Appalachia; the ethnography of the people; the nomenclature of ridges, creeks, and bottoms; politics of coal; education in the mountains; identification of Appalachian values; and a host of similar topics. In addition, these hours of travel have often been spent in examinations of the Appalachian image, with both Darvin and Ganell expressing their concerns for the stereotypes generally associated with this image. They enjoy speaking against the tendency in mass media— and in some Appalachian scholarship—to concentrate on the bleak scenes of economic decay in the old mining camps, the suggestions of cultural and educational backwardness, the Hatfield and McCoy depictions of social mores, the Deliverance images of Appalachian character, and the "snakehandling-is-the-mode" generalizations about Appalachian religious traditions. Concerns such as these no doubt stand behind Ganell's insistence that I look beyond the surface eccentricities of Old Regularism (women not being allowed to cut their hair) to the deeper values and precepts of the faith. Darvin, on the other hand, hopes I will see beauty, virtue, and strength of character in the denomination's tenacious preservations of customs and beliefs, history wed to a spiritual mission. Concluding Observations I might have been able to establish contact with Old Regularism without the assistance of Darvin and Ganell, but I would have been forced to move more slowly than I have been able to do as a result of their help. In addition, I am certain that I would not have felt as confident in my analyses had I not formed this partnership for research. Therefore, I view this linking with the Marshalls as having been an essential element of any success experienced in this project. There are dangers in such methods: Scholarly objectivity could become subverted by friendships, conclusions that might offend could be avoided, exposure to the phenomenon being studied could become highly selective, and general emotional contact with subject matter could become intensified. These are problems faced by every student of humanity and human institutions, since we form bonds so quickly; but this same closeness and empathic identification can endow the investigator with special sensitivities needed for total understanding. My partnership with the Marshalls has, by my percep55 �tion, certainly aided my search for understanding ENDNOTES 1. Appalshop Films, Whitesburg, Kentucky, 1973. 2. Southern Exposure, IV (No. 3), 60-65; Katallasete, (Springl983), 2-10. 3. See Howard Dorgan, Giving Glory to God in Appalachia: Worship Practices of Six Baptist Subdenominations (Knoxville, Tenn.: University of Tennessee Press, 1987). 4. 'Homecoming/1 High Country Magazine, April 21,1982. 5. I received this story from Darvin Marshall, but I have no details concerning the event. 6. "The Stanley Brothers of Vkginia," Vols. I-IV (Floyd.Virginia: Produced by Country Records, 1976). 7. The Cumberland Association once corresponded with the Mountain Liberty Association, Minutes of the Mountain Liberty Association, 1973 (Published by the Association, 1973), 5. 8. After a presentation on Old Regular gender roles, presented at the Women's Studies Sandwich Seminar, Appalachian State University, 1986. 9. Interview, Abingdon, Virginia, Feb. 15,1985. 56 �REEVALUATING WOMEN'S ROLES Convenor: Malinda Crutchfield, Appalachian Consortium From: "Fotched-On" Women To The New Feminism: A Review of Women in Social Service Delivery for Women in Appalachia Karen Tice, Western Carolina University Albie Pabon, Western Carolina University Gender and Class: The Social Reality of Low Income Appalachian Mothers Judith Ivy Rene, University of Tennessee Coalmining Women In Appalachia Carolyn Doyle, Radford University Can The Means Make The Ends Meet? The Personal Context Of Work In The Lives Of Watauga County Craf tswomen Deborah J. Thompson, Appalachian State University Polarities and Consciousness: The Distinctive Class/Gender Consciousness of Appalachian Coalminers and Their Wives Michael Yarrow, Ithaca College Ruth Yarrow, Beckley, West Virginia From "Fotched-on Women" to the New Feminist Practice: Women and Social Work in Appalachia by Karen W. Tice and Albie Pabon "To live among people in a model home, to show them by example the advantages of cleanness, neatness, and order, and to inspire them to use pure language and lead pure Christian lives will be our effort, hoping thereby to elevate and uplift them." Settlement House Worker, 1901 (quoted in Whisnant, 1983:29). "You are really just pioneering in this thing. That's what keeps me going." Director of a Battered Woman's Program in Appalachia, 1987. Historically, women were a major force in the early social uplift enterprises in Appalachia. Today, they continue their catalytic roles in ch^llenging community and family norms in the region. This paper will examine continuities and change in the experiences of women social activists in Appalachia. Attention will be given to comparison between women's involvement in the early settlement house movement and women involved in 57 �today's efforts around issues involving battered women and rape. Whether the ideological underpinnings of these mobilization efforts, past and present, have been conservative or progressive has been a matter of considerable debate. In his study of the politics of culture in Appalachia, All That is Native and Fine, David Whisnant has extensively critiqued the work of women in early uplift efforts, whom he terms the "fotched-on women," e.g., women from outside Appalachia who were motivated by cultural and revivalistic values to uplift the mountain people. He characterizes women settlement school leaders such as Katherine Petit and May Stone as agents of modernization who imported mass "culture" to the mountains in the form of manners, dress, eating habits, home decoration, and breeding (Whisnant, 1983:45). Surely the South during the period 1870 to 1930 was no progressive paradise for activist women. Yet Whisnant downplays the significant challenges that movement women of this era raised to traditional conceptions of women's sphere. With morality as the initial root and continued impetus for their social change efforts, women succeeded in broadening women's participation in community life in the rural mountains by their involvement in settlement schools, missionary societies, and the Women's Christian Temperance Union. Participation in such organizations provided a forum for training women as organizers and for legitimating women's activism in shaping society. Although limited in political vision by their class positions and by a hostile environment and rigid in perpetuating a constricted definition of women's proper role, "fotched-on women," nonetheless, provided a legacy and history for today's rural women activists in Appalachia. In the name of God, family, temperance, literature, health, and tradition, women set out in large numbers to expand their housekeeping role for the inner sanctum of the home to the community. With their beginnings in missionary societies, in groups such as the W.C.T.U. with 800,000 members and the general federation of women's clubs with one million members, in settlement houses and schools, and in suffrage societies, women's visibility and social consciousness were intensified. Their range of issues, strategies, and philosophies was diverse, often in response to the local climate in which mobilization was occurring. Women contributed to the development of Sunday schools, initiated prison reforms, child labor reforms, sanitation improvements, compulsory education, and struggled to reduce adult illiteracy. Under the protective canopy of spreading the social gospel and protecting the Christian middle class home, women learned many of the essential organizing skills from lobbying to recruitment that helped to loosen the confining shackles of traditional conceptions of southern womanhood. As Sallie Sims Gotten, a leader in the North Carolina women's club movement summed up, "the new force in modern civilization is educated, Christianized, organized womanhood" (quoted in Scott, 1984:164). 58 �Unlike the work of their urban counterparts, much of the early efforts of women in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Kentucky concentrated on establishing craft-oriented industries such as Mrs. Vanderbilt's craft sales cooperative in Asheville and Frances Goodrich's craft cooperative, also in North Carolina. Along with cooking instruction, sewing lessons, the importance of washing and putting away the dishes, and music classes, an awareness of the larger ravages of rapid industrialization was sowed. As Alice Kessler-Harris (1981:115) points out, "settlement workers out of necessity turned from demonstrating virtue to actively participating in social and political life." She observes that "to remedy poverty, activist women had to deal with unemployment; to promote cleanliness they had to confront discriminatory plans for sewage conditions that sapped energy and destroyed morale" (p. 115). A comment by Frances Willard, leader of the W.C.T.U., in a speech in Atlanta in 1890 reveals the radical potential such reform efforts implied. Acknowledging that labor unions were the hope of the future and urging upon industry a consideration of profit sharing, Willard said, "If this is to teach socialism, then let it be so" (quoted in Scott, 1984:208). Similarly, the president of the Tennessee League of Women Voters remarked that "some good souls are pleased to call our ideas socialistic, yet every clear thinking, right feeling, and high minded man and woman should consecrate his best talents to the gradual reorganization of society, national and international" (quoted in Scott, 227). In North Carolina, women were demanding a survey of the working conditions of women in the textile mills. As Scott (p. 205) sums up, "Even the fragmentary evidence here... is enough to make clear that women had their own voice, though possibly its tone concealed its substance." Whisnant's critique of the role of "fotched-on" women in Appalachia primarily consists of their avoidance of the issue of the class inequities of industrialization in the southern mountains. Instead, they artificially laid on a definition of social change as a matter of niceties, manners, morals, or a "politics of politeness." As Whisnant states, "Culture (as the women defined it in limited and romantic terms) became a diversion, a substitute for engaging with political and economic forces, processes, and institutions that were altering the entire basis of individual identity and social organization in the mountains" (p. 15). He adds that "Thus to this day there are a thousand people who know that mountaineers weave coverlets and sing ballads for every one who knows that millions of them have been industrial workers and have organized unions and picketed the state and national capitals" (p. J3). Yet to so reduce women's work in the settlement schools, the W.C.T.U., and women's clubs as "depoliticized not iustm,c^)Btent1?yt in method of reform" (Whisnfmtj, pA&tf810^^ l^6ie^fi^S^ple>atres of women's movement work as well as the constraints imposed by rigidj^ender roles . As KesslerHarris (p. 114) ^ints out in the case of f^^ ''the sense of collective feminine values as an active force for achieving social change cannot be 59 �minimized.11 Additionally, the legitimation of women's active participation in shaping community and social life was assured. As the W.C.T.U. proclaimed, "women will bless and brighten every place she enters and she will enter every place" (quoted in Kessler-Harris, p. 113). Such early activities not only provided outlets for women to use their voices, learn organizing skills, extend values of the home into the world of men but also served as a diving board for women to plunge into struggles for social and economic justice. Today, the work of battered women advocates in Appalachia continues the legacy of confronting the social order, often hampered as their historical counterparts were by the established order, along with new tightrope balancing acts required by professionalization pressures, lack of funding, and community defensiveness. Roots of the Battered Women's Movement The battered women's movement developed in a social climate filled with self-help projects, feminist organizing, and challenges to the idea that chastisement was needed to keep women in line. The feminist movement provided a platform and an atmosphere for asking questions about women's rights to control their bodies and lives without self-blame. The feminist movement provided the impetus for alerting social consciousness to gender oppression and provided an opportunity for women to gain organizing skills useful for establishing programs for battered women. The first shelters in the United States were established in large metropolitan areas, drawing upon the energy and expertise of feminist-based networks. "In St. Paul, Minnesota in 1971, one of the earliest shelters in the United States, Women Advocates, grew out of a consciousness-raising group" (Schechter, 1982:33). "Transition House in Cambridge, Massachusetts was started by two former battered women and two former members of Cell 16, one of Boston's early radical feminist groups" (Schechter, p. 34). These early prototypes would serve as blueprints for later programs and many of their innovations in structure, content, and analysis would shape the tone, style, and practice of later programs. Their spirit of innovation and an ongoing process of defining and specifying feminist praxis continue today. A multiplicity of ideologies characterized the early movement organizers in their explanations of the oppression and subordination of women and in their solutions to violence against women. Many believed that equality could be achieved with men by reforming existing institutions and systems. More radical feminists saw battering as stemming from unequal power relations within the home and believed that only through profound transformations in the political and social arena would violence against women end (Schechter, pp. 45-51). Feminist practice tenets often included an emphasis on consensual 60 �decision-making rather than upon voting, a commitment to politicizing the personal, and the importance of women's culture for political change and struggle. Many battered women's organizations felt that it was paramount to preserve an autonomous women's space, separate from male control and influence. Location of the program, however, became an important determinant of program politics as the movement spread. In more rural and conservative communities, feminism was synonymous with "home-breakers," lesbians, and subversives undermining the American Way. Often, there were fewer allies to choose from pre-established feminist groups; consequently, modification of more urban-based feminist politics occurred. After 1976, hundreds of programs were established with CETA funds as well as with volunteer resources. Many strains erupted as programs faced numerous pressures and dilemmas and struggled to uphold vague vestiges of feminist praxis. They addressed many questions. How to gain funding without extolling a tax on autonomy? How strong a commitment should be made to hiring formerly battered women? How important are professional credentials for staff? How strongly must programs adhere to a commitment to a social change model as opposed to a mental health frame of reference? How do organizations cope with the daily pressures caused by problems of financial survival? What roles should advisory and governing boards play and who should be represented on these boards? How do organizations develop consistent politics while responding to crisis calls and dealing with local power structures? How do feminist and egalitarian values relate to status and salary matters? How committed to racial and ethnic diversity among staffmembers should a program be? How do programs gain and how far do they go to win community legitimacy? How do they deal with competition among programs for limited resources? Is there allegiance to a model of staff as helpers and experts and to battered women as clients? Is battering to be explained by a family pathology model or one that stresses the oppression of women? Is the clinical terminology "family violence" or the feminist terminology 'Mattered women" to be the organization's calling card? What process and structure best support movement goals? These questions still reflect the growing pains and on-going struggles of today's organizations. Flexibility has been and will continue to be essential for the survival of women's organizations. Many programs have had to recontextualize program pojitics to convince skeptical communities of the need for their services. Women's Advocates was asked to change its name to something less inflammatory (Schechter, p. 63). In rural areas, especially, the need to become embedded within the community fabric has necessitated new protective strategies. For what works in New York City, Boston, and Chicago cannot be imported directly to the rural southern mountains. Thus some of the problems which confronted early southern women activists and "fotched-on" women can be discerned in today's Appalachian battered women's advocates. In order to explore the dynamics of region and locale on the structure 61 �and politics of women activist organizations, we have interviewed workers in four battered women's programs in four different rural Appalachian communities. Battered-Women's Programs in Appalachia Today In 1978, at the zenith of the development of movement based programs, a three-county joint effort was initiated to establish a "place where physically abused women could hide" in one rural section of the Appalachian mountain region. Two of the current programs we interviewed re-emerged in 1984 and 1985 out of this initial effort. A post-mortem analysis of this original effort, conducted by one of the early program organizers, highlights many of the tensions and strains that programs continue to confront today in rural Appalachia. The initial organizing effort was conducted by professional social service providers described as "a board of women dedicated to a philosophy that the program would not have the normal hierarchical structure nor would it be run like men" would run it. Leadership was suspect and it was subtly discouraged. The board utilized a collaborative management model; decision-making was by consensus. A "coordinator" was hired and "she was the glue that held it all together." The coordinator later left because of board troubles. When a president of the board became the new coordinator, old and new tensions flared. The relationship between the board and staff continued to be at the root of problems. According to the post-mortem analyst, "It was like hiring your employer and telling him what to do." Men were brought onto the board for leadership purposes. Other strains noted in the report included the observation that battered women were resistant to asking for help from professionals, and were intimidated by "helpers who don't sound like us." The report also notes that "volunteers were outsiders and transients who didn't know what was going on here. There is sometimes an ethnocentric desire to raise the locals up to our standards." Ambivalent feelings about power and authority, inadequate models for women's roles within the organization, blurred areas of responsibility, paranoia of strong leadership, lack of job descriptions, consensus decisionmaking as an inefficient method taking too much time and energy, county rivalries, and funding crises were all perceived as eroding feelings of success and leading to insecurity and a sense of impermanency. The tri-county unit slowly eroded and was dismantled by 1982. As the report summed up, "Our goals were set during a time of easy money and radical change. The political and social climate has since changed." The impact of such climatic changes on women's practice styles is the focus of the following sections. 62 �Overview of Individual Programs Each of the four programs we interviewed began operations in the period of 1982 to 1985. These start-up dates tell us much about organizational experience and organizational politics. The women's movement was at a lower ebb then than in 1978. The lack of feminist networks in most rural Appalachian counties helped to shape the development and philosophy of these programs. Four interrelated factors help to account for what shape the programs took: boards, staffing, approaches to the community, and feminist connections. A strong relation exists between the rural context and the dimensions of organizational politics both within programs and within communities. The dominant force in the establishment and maintenance of each of the battered-women's programs we examined has come from professional and community service providers. Each program began with small state grants and funding efforts. One program, for instance, conducted a raffle for an afghan and made $133.00. The director reports, "My mom won it; she was encouraged to buy so many tickets." Another program began with a $13,000.00 grant and hired a part-time director for $7,500 who worked full-time to get things going. Each of these programs began by offering telephone crisis services and provided shelter by working with local motels or renting a house. Today three of them own or rent a shelter facility while one continues to provide shelter at a local motel. Annual operating budgets range today from $60,000 to $114,000. Funding sources include federal, state, and local monies as well as foundations and fundraisers. Programs have conducted dances, fashion shows, golf tournaments, and phone-athons in search of additional funds. The funding climate is only one of the great difficulties activist women face in Appalachia. Only $450,000 was allocated for battered-women's services for the state as a whole in the locality studied. In contrast, Massachusetts allocated $8300,000 to services for battered women the same year. This funding disparity constricts the political vision of rural programs as energy is directed to maintaining basic skeletal services. Paid staff ranges from two and 2/3 to four. All programs rely heavily on volunteers to provide services with most of the programs reporting a core of eight volunteers. Small budgets and small staffs, along with the rural environments of the programs, shape their political missions. Politics from Within: Structure and Internal Dynamics Board composition is often a key indicator of organizational politics. Each of the women's programs surveyed had men on their boards. Two of them had male board chairs. One program stated that it seeks a balance with no more than 50% males at a time. Only one program had an ex-battered 63 �woman represented on the board; the same program was also the only one with an active service volunteer on the board. In women's service organizations we have been familiar with outside the mountains, men have not been on boards since board membership is viewed as an important opportunity to promote women's leadership. Additionally, several of the programs emphasized the need for boards to possess "social polish." As one program director stated, "We need to be business-minded as an agency and look to people in the community who have power and influence and who can get to those people with money." Another said, ffWe needed the protection; especially at first, I got threatening phone calls at home." Since in these programs boards determine policy, board composition is an important influence on program politics. The program staff we interviewed talked extensively about board activities. "It's like a Chinese fire drill. The board doesn't know what it needs until it happens." Boards often make policy under duress. trWe are all starting out green. We can get better attendance from our women. Our board has done lots of soulsearching about hierarchy, power, control." Tensions erupt over director-board relations, board representation, and political strategy. Issues of personnel policy are often the most contested terrains. In each of the programs surveyed, an informal interpretation of board-written policy exists among staffers. All programs described board-staff relations as amicable but as one program director put it, "We haven't come to any real crunch yet." The hiring of staff is a decision ultimately made by boards with varying degrees of input from staff. Board-staff disagreements over hiring have occurred in two of the programs. Three of the programs report that professional degrees for staffmembers are somewhat important but not the sole criterion. Most of the staff in each of the organizations have professional degrees. Out of twelve total staff members in the four programs, only five were from the communities served. One of the programs accounted for three of the five "locals." One of the programs serving a large population of Native Americans had no Native American staffmembers. As one staffer put it, "We have never had such a foreign crowd around here. Yet none of us were summer residents. We moved here and got right into the community and thaf s made all the difference." One program director noted that the "rapid Northern clip" of one staffer was an issue for the local community. Problems from Outside: The Quicksand of Funding, Community Legitimacy, and Feminist Commitment Each of the programs we studied share a similar philosophical approach to their local communities. This approach can be characterized as cautious and low key. "Our focus has been to be friendly but to chip away slowly." "It's a small town and we often see them socially." The extensive comments of one 64 �director reveal the particular difficulties and constraints women activists face in small, rural communities: "We play the game. We don't step on toes. We all have to live together, but there comes a point when you have to take a stance. Especially in a community like this, we work within the system. We are safe if we have a good relationship with the community. If we are a thorn in the side of the male population, we endanger our women. We are a business and very political. We walk the fence. If you bristle lots of people, then you can't bring up issues again for three or four years." Another reports that they "work hard to dispel the image that we are militant man-hating lesbians. There are people who would love to hang that label on us." Despite their cautious approaches, these programs still rock the boat. Some of the tensions that have erupted include neighbors protesting the location of a shelter on their street. "These neighbors were the same people who originally donated blankets and sheets. Now they yell, 'We don't want white trash here.'" Other issues include ruffled feathers at the courthouse, cases involving abusers who have power and status in the community, and competition with mainstream agencies over turf. One program staffer described her conflict with agency directors as "arm wrestling with two male directors." Each of the programs sees their rural contexts as posing special problems for their survival and work. Transportation, lack of phones, a lesser tax base for funding than in metropolitan areas, and the lack of political clout and voting constituency statewide given the low populations of the counties served were some of the problems mentioned. Additionally, underemployment and unemployment in the localities were discussed. One of the counties served had a medium income of only $6,000 in 1987. Strong desire on the part of many local women to stay put because of regional ties and allegiance to the land was also perceived as a special factor influencing service options. Program directors mentioned problems of isolation, especially during their start-up phase. One program consulted battered-women workers in an urban program for advice in setting up 24-hour crisis coverage. Reports the director: "They told me they were using an answering service. We don't have anything like that here." Other constraints mentioned were the trial courts and the problem of not being able to generate as many client statistics as urban programs for funding. Speaking of their rural location, one program staffer said, "I see our location as a blessing and a hindrance." Lack of anonymity is one such mixed blessing. Each of the programs has carefully cultivated community credibility. Some have taken referrals for service not related to their mission in order to cement relationships within the community. Another has baked cookies for the police department as a peace offering to smooth out a problematic situation. All of the programs have invested much time and energy in strategizing to win community support and in responding to legitimation crises. Without an extensive women's constituency and a strong feminist base 65 �of support, community approval is essential to program survival. The strong need to gain and maintain community support has tended to soften the feminist thrust of these programs and it has resulted in some distancing from the feminist movement. In response to questions regarding feelings toward the women's movement, many of the staff members were concerned about the "prolesbian" stances associated with feminism. They perceive that an emphasis on such issues would be polarizing in their communities. One program director states, Tm not from any feminist theory background. Consensus theory doesn't work for me." In each of the programs, concern was expressed over "feminist tactics." As one worker said, Tm not an activist. My approach is different than marching. To continue to make change within the system, we can't be pushy. We have to be tactful." Another states, "We have to be low-key here. I have to choose my issues; we are further behind in this community. We are the only thing for women. We are leaders yet we can't change the world here—just educate them that there is a different way. In sum, workers in these agencies tend to agree: "We don't take a radical feminist stance." Summary In a less than ideal environment given the lack of a funding base and an inability to gather support from alliances with other feminist groups due to their absence —battered-women's programs in rural Appalachia nonetheless produce a significant ideological challenge to male violence and help to shape institutional responses to battered women. With their entry in local organizations such as Rotary Clubs, these programs, as Schechter (1982:320) points out for programs elsewhere, have "raised a symbol for freeing women from brutality that has captured the attention of a far wider network than feminist." As with early women organizers in the South, the obstacles and contradictions movement women face must be considered. The fact that the strategies for change may differ from "Take Back the Night" marches in large cities to fashion shows in rural communities does not undermine the fact that both are effectively challenging the status quo of male privilege. As Schechter (p. 320) points out, "the battered women movement has effectively used models built upon moral persuasion, consciousness-raising, and public education. The movement took the facts of women's daily lives, politically reinterpreted them, and insisted upon concrete changes." In the tradition of early organizing women, today's counterparts continue in their adaptations to the local climate. Many of the problems that plague rural-based programs are no strangers to urban programs nor to the feminist movement. Amidst a backdrop of fiscal cutbacks and reactionary backlash, the role of men in the movement, leadership dilemmas, the importance of expediency, and the correct process and tactics for change are ongoing questions for women involved in social 66 �change activities. As Schechter (p. 291) has stated, 'To take on the tasks ahead, the battered women movement needs to strengthen itself internally. The organization must develop visions of the future, clarify why they want to move in these directions, and devise concrete plans for getting there. Individual programs need to devote significant energy in solving organizational problems and clarifying structure and process." The politics of women's organizations do not remain static nor are they clear-cut. Their process of development is evolutionary. As with the early women organizers in Appalachia, the labels of "conservative" or "progressive" cannot be easily affixed. REFERENCES Kessler-Harris, Alice. Women Have Always Worked. NY: Feminist Press, 1981. Schechter, Susan. Women and Male Violence: The Visions and Struggles of the Battered Women's Movement. Boston: South End Press, 1982. Scott, Anne. Making the Invisible Women Visible. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984. Sullivan, Gail. "Cooptation of Alternative Services: The Battered Women's Movement as a Case Study." Catalyst: A Socialist Journal of the Social Services. Volume IV, 2 (1982): 39-58. Tierney, Kathleen. "The Battered Women's Movement and the Creation of the Wife Beating Problem." Social Problems. Volume 29,3 (February) 1982: 207-20. Whisnant, David. All That Is Native and Fine. Chapel HU1: University of North Carolina Press, 1983. 67 �POETRY READING Convenor: Roberta Herrin, East Tennessee State University "The Women of Brasstown" Bettie Sellers, Young Harris College Yearning Toward Home and Its Traditions Bennie Lee Sinclair, Cleveland, South Carolina October Duck Rita S. Quillen, East Tennessee State University Selected Works From Watauga Draw Down Don Johnson, East Tenneessee State University Yearning Toward Home and Its Traditions The idea of "home" is central to Appalachian culture, whether we refer to the region as "home," or the individual house as "home." Our churches have "homecomings," our families have reunions at the Someplace." In South Carolina, the upstate Craig family has an annual gathering on the shore of Lake Keowee-Toxaway, on a point closest to the ancestral home now inundated by nuclear power plant lake waters. Today such fthomesickness" takes many unique forms in our mountains. Families who sold their land to follow the job market find themselves unable to buy back into their native region, land prices having escalated to be affordable only to "outlanders." Much of the poetry that I write deals with the theme of yearning toward home and its traditions. Decoration Day This first Sunday in June, this green first Sabbath of June, has long been designated for the cleaning of graves. Each program is the same: everyone brings rake, hoe, some flowers, and, after preaching, climbs this stubbled hill to find wiregrass and weeds have taken ground since June's first Sunday past; wild vines and briars choke the rose and dahlia left of last year's tending. Each pilgrim as of age assumes his role: the old kneed deeply in ancestral 68 �dust, upending spiny threats upon their own sure home, while those of lesser urgency resolve themselves unmossing faded elegiacs. It is the young who take no part. Escaping one by one to ride the afternoon, they do not hear the gentle chime of hand-tool hitting rock; this knelling for green bones as well as brittle. The Mourning Man (My Father-in-law At Sixty-Three) When he was a boy in north Georgia an old horse faltered and lay, unmissed, until fur drifted back to him in tufts, out of dried carcass. Now, it is he who breaks, clogging a city. Even his wife is thinning, in her own way. Sitting before the screen, she no longer eats, or laughs at fresh spring bodies leaping for him off vases; out of the magazines. And so he studies how we young propose ourselves without shame, and at night he examines his dream that we scavenge what he has shed, stringing it out on our clotheslines. If he ran stripped and alone, girls would collect like moths at the windows, needing his light, but afraid. Panting, he sprawls among the dark hedges. He knows rats nest in what he cannot save. In the mornings, when she turns, her wasted rib-cage sings for him like the faery breast-bone. He suspects she is a harp no craftsman could ever create; her hair the perfect weave for its strings. Sewers vibrate as clever rodents fight 69 �for each strand. The bus ceases to stop in front of the store where he worked now curling back from the sidewalk, out of business. Somewhere under the concrete pungent fields he once knew are unable to heave loose. Whenever she moves, her music is deafening. And he waits, each day an elegy. "Why the Last Reunion Was" To have his woodbin filled after standing empty so long made the old man whistle and hum; and having his sons back home at last he peeled his sweaters and cleansed himself by their fire proud as Abraham of his own all sleeping now by the fire he tended before he would rest stoking the chimney's shared song out of joy as it whistled and roared through other abandoned nests of sweeps or wren into frame as dry as his own denied such warmth too long. Threnody At Bobby Garren's Cafe not much has changed: the dishes, chipped and crazed, rest in a 1940*8 cabinet above a rusted R.C. cooler, the jukebox sings; and I am seven again on a barstool beside my daddy, waitresses hovering, his black hair, blue eyes, pale skin 70 �irresistable as Stardust. Close by, outside the dusky glass it waits, a foreshortening that will distort span, intent, and reasonsingbut here, the runaway is safe. Not much has changed. The jukebox sings. Fire Out of Hand A middle-aged woman stokes the backyard garbage can of left-overs, bills due, trends, and once she has seen them to ash wanders back into the house unaware of the power of flame to consume out of what has been. A scrap, a spark, some wind... fire out of hand! If only she'd look out the window but with the children gone her lawn seems incredibly vast, a reach she'd rather not dream upon as she climbs the stairs to her room to nap what time till he's home, her diminishing husband. And up the neglected path it comes, a crackle and snap, an aurora so hungry for death her heart from its sleep world warns herYes! Vie struggle, we break, we change but some things are ever the same, worth our sorrow: this garden, these flowers, spring. his love as needful as yours 71 �in this stand against age and pain if only you'd look outside outside outside yourself- an inferno scaling the backporch steps, the trellis, igniting the frenzied wasps' nests their dying unobserved as her own heart's breath she has not listened to for years asleep, adrift, alone; and perhaps she will not now awake until it has come down the hall, blocked all exits. Fire out of hand. The Evangelist Each summer, the alien evangelist comes to do for us what we cannot do for ourselves. Sometimes, he is from Memphis; sometimes, from Tucson; but always his skill is superior. Bennie Lee Sinclair, poet laureate of South Carolina, lives in the mountains near Cleveland with her husband, potter Don Lewis. 72 �UNIVERSALITY IN LITERATURE Convenor: Parks Larder, Radford University Crimes Against Nature: The Image of The Mountaineer In Deliverance Rodger Cunningham, Sue Bennett College R'lyeh In Appalachia: Lovecraffs Influence On Fred Chappell's Dagon Amy Upton Gray, Caldwell Community College and Technical Institute Teaching Jesse Stuart's "Dawn Of Remembered Spring" Danny L. Miller, Northern Kentucky University Post Modern Appalachian Fiction Nancy C. Joyner, Western Carolina University Rlyeh in Appalachia: Lovecraffs Influence on Fred Chappell's Dagon by Amy Tipton Gray Throughout most of his career Fred Chappell has suffered the fate of the prophet who stays in and in his case, writes about his own land. While his early novels in particular have enjoyed success overseas, and have earned him such honors as the 1971 Prix de Meilleurs des Lettres Etrangeres (awarded for Dagon) recognition in his own country has been slow in coming (Ragan 3738). In fact, only his most recent novel, I Am One Of You Forever, published over twenty years after his first, has received any sort of general critical acclaim. The same is not true of his poetry, which has attracted a wider and more appreciative audience and for which he has been the recipient of many awards, including the 1985 Bollinger Prize. It would be easy to assume, then, that Chappell's success as a poet names him a failure as a novelist. This is most emphatically not the case. For it is in Chappell's first three novels that themes of his poetry are first explored, and many of the problems in his early writing (prose as well as poetry) are worked out. Moreover, Dagon is clearly the pivotal work in Chappell's early corpus. It embodies both the culmination and resolution of Chappell's early difficulties, and points the way to the superior work that will follow. But in addition to suffering from Chappell's characteristic experiments with theme and style, Dagon has consistently been either dismissed or misinterpreted because of the writer's use of names and incantations taken from the Cthulhu mythos invented by H.P. Lovecraft. Such misapprehension must be cleared up before the novel can be appreciated for 73 �what it is: something more significant than just one more story about the reappearance of Lovecraf f s mythical continent R'Lyeh, couched in this case in just one more of Chappell's difficult and unappealing first novels. It is easy to discern the reasons for the unpopularity of Chappell's early work, especially Dagon. For Chappell "is an experimental novelist, a designation he himself has acknowledged" (Ragan 38). To use his own term, he is "a writer of the arabesque." Quillen quotes Chappell's definition of such a writer as one who "is less concerned with delivering basic narrative materials than with manipulating these materials in an idiosyncratic manner." A writer of the arabesque provides "a satisfactory narrative outline" and "then manipulates the elements so that the train of his narrative becomes of secondary importance" (Quillen 42-43). Most readers who are not interested in postmodernist theory and who buy books precisely because what they want is a good ride on that narrative train, find little in this technique to recommend. And when combined with unsympathetic and unappealing characters, abstruse symbolism and obscure allegory, and an unrelenting exposition of the dark side of human nature, the novel of the arabesque is practically a surefire failure. Which critically, of course, Chappell's first three novels were. Dagon was called by one critic "another horse from the dilapidated stable of the Southern Gothic novel" (Buitenhuis). Another wrote, "There is nothing here to commend it to libraries" (Cohen). It was accused of being both a gothic retread and an unprofitable reworking of the Lovecraftian vein. A summary of the plot quickly demonstrates why Dagon has suffered these epithets. The novel opens with a quotation that proves indecipherable to anyone who is not familiar with the work of Lovecraft: "Ph'nglui mglw'nafh Cthulhu R'lyeh wgah'nagl fhtagn " A prolonged search will eventually lead to "The Call of Cthulhu," which yields this unhelpful translation: "In his house at R'lyeh dead Cthulhu waits dreaming" (140). After passing that arcane beginning, the reader pushes on to learn that, true to Chappell's then favorite form, the basic plot of the novel is simple to outline— once it has been unearthed. Peter Leland, a minister, inherits an old house and decides to take a leave of absence from his ministry to write a book titled Remnant Pagan Forces In American Puritanism, a topic inspired by William Bradford's account of the Merry Mount (Mount Dagon) incident. Once he and his wife Sheila have moved in, Peter discovers a horde of old documents stored in the house, documents that are filled with words such as "Shoggoth." "Pnakotic," tfNyarlath," and "Nephreu" (which, as the only word not found in Lovecraft's stories, may well be Chappell's own contribution to the pantheon). He also discovers his neighbor Mina Morgan, with whom he immediately becomes erotically obsessed. As Peter falls more and more under the spell of both Mina and the old papers, he begins to personify one of the major themes of Chappell's early work, the struggle between will and appetite. Eventually, appetite is victorious. Peter, angered by Sheila's insistence that he kill a snake (what else?), kills his wife instead and moves in with Mina, who ensures the triumph of ap74 �petite by drugging him with sex and moonshine until he becomes devoid of will, both literally and figuratively impotent. At this point the Lovecraftian elements of the story take on a new twist Mina finds a new man to serve as an acolyte of sorts; they pour Peter into his car and take him to the seaport town of Gordon (perhaps Chappell's pun on the famous frozen fish company). There she hires two whores, and the four of them proceed to tattoo Peter's entire body while simultaneously reducing him to a child-like state. When the tattooing is finished, Mina has Peter taken to an altar where he is sacrificed before a maimed and truncated fertility deity Dagon. But Peter maintains his identity throughout the encounter, welcomes his sacrificial death instead of fighting it, and after dying gains a profound and detached understanding of the universe. He is transformed into Leviathan, the cosmic fish (perhaps the only aquatic being to escape Lovecraft), and settles into eternity: "joyfully bellowing, he wallowed and sported upon the rich darkness that flows between the stars" (Dagon 177).l In the face of such evidence, it is easy to see why many have believed that Dagon should as a matter of course be subsumed into the Lovecraftian genre, especially since Lovecraft himself "encouraged other writers to write stories in his framework" (DeCamp 331). However, although Chappell and Lovecraft employed the same set of entities, both the purpose to which each put these creatures and the effect each was trying to achieve were widely disparate. Furthermore, while it can be said that critics such as S.T. Joshi (whose area of expertise is Lovecraft criticism) are correct in stating that "Chappell's Dagon... [strives] not to imitate slavishly Lovecraff s own plots," it cannot be asserted, as Joshi goes on to do, that Chappell sought "to elaborate on [Lovecraft's] ideas" (Joshi 25). Lovecraft, an admirer of Poe and the eighteenth century, sought to revitalize horror fiction and bring it out of the disreputable corner of American letters in which it had so long sat. While he did not accomplish this goal, he did succeed in both redefining the genre and influencing the generation of writers who succeeded him (which included Robert E Howard and Stephen King). Lovecraff s genius was two-fold. First, he "firmly attached the emotion of spectral dread to such concepts as outer space...and alien beings," transferring "the focus of supernatural" anxiety "from man and his little world and his gods, to the stars and the black and unplumbed gulfs of ...space" (Lieber 290-292). Second, he created a pantheon of monsters who, unlike any found in any horror story written up to that time, were absolutely indifferent to mankind. These powerful fish-beings had fallen to earth from somewhere in space to rule the planet from R'lyeh, the continent that sank beneath the sea upon their eventual overthrow. All but oblivious to the existence of that piti1 This is as good a point as any to note that despite its lack of success when it was first released in 1968, Dagon has recently been reissued and now graces the shelves of grocery stores and K-Marts. One can only speculate what its reappearance has to say about the changes the past two decades have wrought in American popular culture. 75 �f ul animal man, they were concerned only with using the priests and priestesses of their ancient cult to regain their former kingdom. The invention of these viscoid creatures marks a major development in the world of science fiction. Before Lovecraft, even monsters from outer space had deliberate, personal reasons for wreaking havoc on the earth. Lovecraft, however, understood that true horror lies in the meaningless, pointless attack, in the fear peculiar to the twentieth century: the fear of being destroyed by something that cannot even be said to be uncaring, something that does not know or even think it is important to know who its victim is. But the monsters of the mythos served another purpose in Lovecraft's fiction. Lovecraft believed that "the cosmos" was neither "basically inimicable" nor "beneficial to man" (Mosig 105). To this end he employed his creatures as metaphors for a dispassionate universe. Lovecraft, "a mechanistic materialist," saw man as merely another tiny accident in a universe full of tiny accidents, perpetually the victim of forces he neither understands nor controls. From this belief comes "the source of terror in Lovecraft's tales" (Joshi 20). The grotesque beings of the mythos highlight what their creator perceives to be man's insignificance in a "universe revealed by materialistic science" to be a "purposeless soulless place" (Leiber 293). That most men would go mad if they were forced to face the true nature of reality is a matter of no great concern to Lovecraft. One should simply accept the fact that philosophy is an illusion, that human action is unimportant, and carry on. Most critics, either knowing little or nothing of Lovecraft's philosophy or being unwilling to accept it, have focused on the creatures themselves rather than on the function they were designed to serve. Some critics have even gone so far as to impose their own religious beliefs, specifically traditional Christian doctrine, on a fictional system that patently did not support such interpretation* There is no redemption, not even existential, in the ethos upon which Lovecraft based his work. Furthermore, Lovecraff s style, which even his devotees sometimes have difficulty admiring, has also contributed to the misinterpretation of his work. His admiration for Poe and the eighteenth century (which has been well documented) gave him his literary voice, a voice that does not speak in accents pleasing to the twentieth century ear. Unlike Chappell, he was no experimenter; he found nothing in the new to be recommended. Instead he strove to reproduce in his works a "style... in vogue in the Romantic era much used by Poe and his Gothic predecessors" (Faig). In this he succeeded; so much so that in many ways his work provides an almost faultless reproduction of the gothic style. His writing is verbose, difficult, inflated, and full of lurid, polychrome adjectives. His stories are set in mysterious old houses (the American version of the crumbling castle) by the sea; his plots overflow with violence and terror. His characters are flat. All motivation is exterior. And the plot invariably builds to a "terminal climax" by means of "confirmation rather than revelation" (Lieber 297). 76 �Chappell, on the other hand, consistently has been praised for the clarity of his prose and the beauty of his descriptions. The motivation of his characters is interior; it is the war man fights against himself that fascinates Chappell. While he too has a fondness for old houses, his settings usually serve an allegorical purpose, unlike the mansions of Lovecraft, which function only as dilapidated props. Moreover, it is ironic that the difficulties in Chappell's works have come about because of his enthusiasm for experiment, while Lovecraft's stories suffer from that author's attempts to recreate the style of an age long past. Thus it is neither archaic diction, nor a slavish adherence to the gothic, that has caused Dagon's troubles. For in addition to suffering from the troubles that typically hound experimental novels, the book has consistently resisted classification. Despite its setting, it certainly could not be called an Appalachian novel, for its characters not to mention its plot do not fall into the patterns outlined by Gratis Williams, Isabel D. Harris and others. In addition, Chappell, by choosing a fictional mythos upon which to pin his narrative, effectively cut off his novel from a group of its contemporaries to which it could have easily belonged. Gardner's Grendel, Updike's Centaur, Earth's Chimera and even Mailer's Ancient Evenings, to name a few, all are based on reinterpretation of traditional mythologies. The key word, of course, is traditional; because of Cthulhu and company, Dagon was labeled, understandably science fiction. And with equal immediacy, it was dismissed as not being worthy of serious study. The original idea for Dagon came not from Lovecraft, however, but from William Bradford. As Chappell puts it, "I discovered a literal event in Bradford's History of the Plymouth Colony which seemed to me to be metaphorically true of our own times. To drag Bradford's reported event into the present I posited a secret religious cult which had survived unseen for two centuries" (Chappell "Six Propositions"). And the cult of Cthulhu, of which Dagon is a deity, is the cult that for better or worse came to Chappell's mind. But Chappell used Lovecraff s mythos not because he sought to write a horror story, but because he saw it as a powerful metaphor for man's interior struggle against evil (will against appetite), a struggle that must be manifested in the material world. Balanced between Calvin and Camus, Chappell believes that each individual is responsible for making sense of original sin (defined as a set of conditions existing before the characters come on the scene) in his own terms. Darkness triumphs only when man refuses to recognize the limitations with which he has no choice but to live, and refuses to work within those limitations. Unlike Lovecraft, Chappell does not believe philosophy is a comforting illusion maintained in the teeth of a meaningless existence. For this reason, Chappell went against all advice and refused to remove the final scene, in which Peter becomes Leviathan, from the novel. He could not, he said, "accept the triumph of evil that way in the world," and could not end Dagon without an attempt "to alleviate the agony of it" (Ragan 45). 77 �The final evidence that Chappell is neither thrashing out another southern gothic nor reworking Lovecraft lies in the definition of the romance as set out by Richard Chase in The American Novel and Its Tradition. Chase states that the characters in a romance "will on the whole be shown in ideal relation. .. they will share emotions only after they have become abstract or symbolic." When such characters do "become profoundly involved in some way," as Peter Leland does with Mina, they can only experience "a deep, narrow, and obsessive involvement." All moves towards abstraction and idealism. And as it is "less committed to the immediate rendition of reality" than other types of works, "the romance will more freely veer toward mythic allegorical and symbolistic forms" (Chase 13). What better description can be found of Dagon, or indeed, of Chappell's early work as a whole? It is clear that Chappell's Dagon should not be catalogued with the works of L. P. Lovecraft. While Chappell employs the names and incantations invented by Lovecraft in the rituals performed for the god Dagon, he does so with a purpose that goes far beyond Lovecraf f s original intent. Chappell, unconcerned with intensifying the horror factor, imbues these figures with a symbolic power not found in the original stories for which they were created. In doing so Chappell dislodges his readers from their comfortable assumptions about reality and forces them to face what is darkest in themselves. From Lovecraft's perspective, man was merely a minuscule victim of forces beyond his cognizance; self-knowledge was of no help in deflecting the violence perpetuated by an amoral cosmos. To this end he used the characters from the Cthulhu mythos to give a new form to the horror story, for in his work, the terror comes from outside man's experience from external, indifferent beings rather than from within man's own being. This is not true of Chappell, who believes that man, torn between will and appetite, can only resolve that struggle through self-knowledge; this is also the only means by which he can come to a resolution about the nature of the world and his place in it. In Chappell's cosmos conflict arises from each person's inner struggle to balance the opposing forces that beset us all. In Lovecraft's world, these forces are unimportant; one man's inner conflict means nothing when placed beside the devastation that can be on humanity by ancient forces, manifested in weird creatures beyond its ken. In short, Lovecraft's lexicon does not include the concept of hope; there is no escape from Cthulhu. But Chappell, through Peter and Leviathan, has shown us the way out ofR'lyeh. 78 �WORKS CITED Chappell, Fred. Dagon. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1968. "Six Propositions About Literature and History." NewLiterary History, 1 (Spring 1970): 513-522. de Camp, L. Sprague. Lovecraft: A Biography. Garden Qty, New YorkDoubleday, 1975. Faig, Kenneth W. Jr., and S.T. Joshi. "H.P. Lovecraft: His life andWork." In H.P. Lovecraft: Four Decades of Literary Criticism. Ed. S.T. Joshi. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1980. Lieber, Fritz, Jr. "A Literary Copernicus." The Acolyte, Fall 1944. Rpt and revised in Something About Cats and Other Pieces by H.P. Lovecraft. Ed. August Derleth. Freeport, New York: Books for Libraries Press, 1949; reprinted 1971 by arrangement with Scott Meredith Literary Agency, Inc.: 290-303. Lovecraft, H.P. "The Call of Cthulhu." Weird Tales, Feb. 1928. Rpt. in The Dunwich Horror and Others: The Best Supernatural Stories of H.P. Lovecraft. Ed. August Derleth. Sauk City, Wisconsin: Arkham House, 1963: 130-159. Mosig, Dirk W. "H.P. Lovecraft: Myth-Maker." In I Miti di Cthulhu .Eds. August Derleth et al. [Italy]: n.p.:n.p., 1976. Rpt. in Whispers, Dec. 1976; copyright Stuart David Schiff. Revised and rpt. in TheMiskatonic, Feb. 1976, copyright Dirk W. Mosig. Rpt. inH.P. Lovecraft: Four Decades of Literary Criticism. Ed. S.T. Joshi. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1980: 186-190. Quillen, Rita S. "Looking For Native Ground: The Appalachian Poetry of Fred Chappell and Jim Wayne Miller." Appalachian Heritage, No. 2 (Spring 1980): 42-55. Ragan, David Paul. "Chappell, Fred." Dictionary of Literary Biography.Vol. 6 of American Novelists Since World War II Second Series. Ed.JamesE.Kibler,Jr. Detroit: Gale Research Company Book Tower, 1980: 36-48. 79 �ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND REDEVELOPMENT Convenor: Tom Shannon, Radford University The Rayon Mills in Elizabethton, Tennessee: A Case Study of Appalachian Economic Development, 1926-1970 Marie Tedesco, East Tennessee State University Norma Thomas, East Tennessee State University Regional Redevelopment Strategies: The Comparative Case of Catalonia, Spain Glenn Mitchell Warren Wilson College Deck The Hills: Christmas Tree Farms and Economic Development in the High Country of Avery County, North Carolina Elizabeth C Stevens, Appalachian State University Iransylvania Goodpasture and The Industrialization of Smyth County, Virginia Glenna Home Graves, Appalachian Center, University of Kentucky The Rayon Plants In Elizabethton, Tennessee: A Case Study of Appalachian Economic Development, 1920-1985 Marie Tedesco In August 1925 local newspapers carried the announcement that J.P. Bemberg Company, Barmen, Germany was to construct a plant in Elizabethton, Tennessee for the manufacture of "artificial silk," or rayon as it came to be called. Bemberg, an affiliate of Vereinigte Glanzstoff Fabriken (VGF), Elberfeld, Germany, was one of the world's leading manufacturers of rayon. Because the recently enacted (1922) Fordney-McCumber Tariff had included rayon as one of the protected "infant industries," imported rayon was too expensive for the average consumer. The German firm thus sought to avoid this high tariff by making rayon in the United States. Groundbreaking for the plant occurred in September 1925, and approximately 13 months later, in October 1926, the American Bemberg factory began production of rayon by the cuprammonium process. Two years later a companion plant, American Glanzstoff, also operated by VGF, began production of rayon by the viscose process.1 Establishment of the rayon factories in Elizabethton raises a number of questions. Why did one of the world's leading manufacturers of rayon choose Elizabethton, a small town of 2746 located in rural Carter County in East 80 �Tennessee, for the site of two of its factories? How did civic and business leaders react to the Germans7 plans? Over the years, how have the plants affected the economy of Elizabethton and Carter County? What does the experience of the plants in Elizabethton reveal about Appalachian economic development? It is the intent of this paper to analyze these questions, paying special attention to the economic impact of the plants on Elizabethton and Carter County. A number of factors convinced VGF to locate two of its plants in Elizabethton. The availability and purity of the water supply, availability of copper reserves (for the cuprammonium process) in southwest Virginia and east Tennessee, the promise of cheap labor, and community economic concessions convinced the German corporation to locate its cuprammonium plant in Elizabethton. The same factors, together with the prospect of obtaining a cheap source of cellulose through purchase of cotton linters from Georgia and North Carolina textile mills, convinced VGF to locate the viscose-process Glanzstoff factory in Elizabethton. Elizabethton's civic leaders were only too glad to have the factories locate in their town. Like civic leaders in other declining rural areas of the South, those in Elizabethton were infected with the spirit and ethos of the lfNew Era. This 1920s emotional boosterism led Elizabethton's civic leaders—as well as those from nearby Johnson City—to court the German industrialists. Visions of a burgeoning, prosperous, metropolitan Elizabethton of 150,000 people encouraged these leaders to make numerous concessions to VGF, first for the Bemberg plant, and then for the Glanzstoff factory. These concessions are too numerous to detail in their entirety, but explication of the major ones will be sufficient to demonstrate that in essence civic leaders agreed to allow the plants to exploit the area's resources and its workers. One of VGF's primary concerns was exemption from city and county property tax. Carter County granted both Bemberg and Glanzstoff ten-year exemption from paying county property tax. City officials, for their part, in 1925 agreed not to extend the corporate limits so as to include Bemberg. But in the event such extension did occur then Bemberg would be exempt from taxation for ten years. Two years later the Elizabethton and Johnson City chambers of commerce (hereafter referred to as the chambers) agreed to try to convince the state legislature to remove the Glanzstoff plant from within Elizabethton city limits. Apparently, the chambers succeeded because it was not until 1943 that the plant properties themselves were taxed. Prior to that time, the plants paid city tax on other properties they owned which lay within Elizabethton corporate limits.4 Other major concessions revolved around water—200 gallons of which were needed to manufacture one pound of rayon. The chambers agreed to pay the lesser of $10,000 or one-half the cost of erecting a filtration plant for Bemberg's use. Further, the chambers agreed to construct a water main from the Mountain Spring Water Company to the plant, and to guarantee that Bemberg would pay only $300 per year for water for the succeeding 25 years after 81 �the plant began operation. In addition, the chambers secured permission for Bemberg to use the waters of the Watauga River. Subsequently, the chambers consented to construct two new reservoirs in Elizabethton for city water service, and to allow Glanzstoff to use all water not needed by the city. Allowing the exploitation of natural resources, however, apparently was not the only concession the chambers made to the plants. In his 1949 study of Elizabethton, John Fred Holly contended that civic leaders presented corporate representatives a document which stated that they would never have to pay workers more than $10 per week. Other sources concede that the promise of an abundant, cheap supply of labor attracted the German industrialists, but no other source mentions this document shown to Holly by E.G. Alexander, city manager in 1925, and a member of both the Elizabethton Chamber of Commerce and the committee which negotiated to bring the plants to Elizabethton.6 At any rate, it seems clear that civic leaders willingly, indeed anxiously, participated in the exploitation of the region's human and natural resources. The wooing of Bemberg and Glanzstoff fits a model of neocolonial exploitation of Appalachia. In this case the civic leaders of Elizabethton and Johnson City themselves participated in, and arranged for, exploitation by a foreign corporation* No doubt local leaders willingly participated in this exploitation because Elizabethton and Carter County were in an area plagued by labor surpluses. Easily accessible timber resources, for example, had been depleted, causing local manufacturing concerns which had depended on timber to go out of business. Agriculture in the county always had been tenuous at best. There thus existed a sizeable supplv of unskilled and semiskilled labor which could be employed in the factories? For Elizabethton and Carter County the rayon plants fulfilled the role of a "pioneer industry." In his study of postWorld War II industrial development in the southeast, Merrill L. Johnson defined a pioneer industry as one which first exposes a labor force to the industrial work place. Although there were some industrial firms in Elizabethton and Carter County prior to the establishment of the rayon plants, industrial employment was insignificant. Carter County in 1919 had 889 wage earners. By 1924 that number had declined to 742. The rayon factories became the first large scale industrial employer in the county and city.9 In accordance with Johnson's model, the rayon factories did bridge the gap between agricultural and industrial culture in Elizabethton and Carter County, the factories provided employment in a region which possessed an excess supply of lowskilled labor. But there was a major difference between the Johnson model and the Elizabethton situation. Typically, industries which demand little skill—cotton textiles, for example—fulfill the role of pioneers. Rayon manufacture, however, demands considerable skill. As Jack Blicksilver explained in his article on man-made fibers, the chemical preparation of 82 �viscose rayon demands scrupulous control of time, temperature and humidity. Moreover, the reaction between chemicals—ripened alkali cellulose and carbon bisulfide—must proceed at the proper pace else the resultant product will be useless.1 It is testimony to the skills of Elizabethton and Carter County workers that they quickly learned the techniques necessary for rayon manufacture. On October 28, 1926 the American Bemberg factory began producing cuprammonium rayon at the rate of 7,000 pounds per day. When, two years later, in September, 1928, American Glanzstoff began making viscose rayon, employment at the two plants topped 3,000. By the end of 1928, Bemberg, after losing $131,224 the previous year, turned a profit of $619,153.n Industrialists, civic leaders and workers alike thus were confident that both plants would be a successful part of the community for years to come. But even before the stock market crash and the ensuing Great Depression caused widespread despair about the state of the American economy and the future of the rayon plants, two strikes which lasted from March through May 1929, engendered much bitterness and resentment on the part of the workers toward Bemberg and Glanzstoff. It is not the intent of this paper, however, to analyze the strike, especially since it has been well-documented, most recently by Jacquelyn D. Hall in the September 1986 issue of the Journal of American History. Suffice it to say that the struggle over low pay and long hours waged by the then predominantly female labor force, for many left a legacy of bitterness and distrust. The civic and business leaders of Elizabethton, along with the governor of Tennessee, cooperated with the industrialists, led by the plants' president, Arthur Mothwurf to put down the strike and to deny the workers redress of their grievances.1 The strike of course cost the plants lost production, and the workers lost wages. But before the workers or the plants could fully recover from the effects of the strike, the American economy went into a tailspin, beginning in October of 1929. During the ensuing depression, the plants stayed afloat, 'though there were cutbacks in wages and employment. For the years 193139 the mean number of workers employed at the factories was 3294, with the lowest number of 2491 employed in 1932, and the highest of 4588 employed in 1939. Total payrolls bottomed out in 1932 ($2,761,595), while average annual wages and salaries bottomed out in 1934 at $1,000. During this same period net sales and pounds of rayon produced fluctuated until 1939, when they began a steady ascent through the war years.1 Reduced production at the plants, and reduced payrolls, naturally had an adverse effect on Elizabethton and Carter County. Retail sales in the county, for example, declined steadily from 1929 through 1933. Plant payrolls, meanwhile, began to turn upward in 1932.14 During this same period of time, available statistics for American Bemberg show that after earning a net profit of $619,153 in 1928, Bembeig lost $499,832 in 1929, $482,498 in 1931, $603,619 in 1933, and $493,650 in 1934. In 1936 Bemberg again realized a net profit, this 83 �time of $598,161. From then through the end of the depression in 1939, Bemberg made a profit. It is interesting to note, however, that from 1933 through 1941 Bemberg and Glanzstoff (as of 1934 North American Rayon) stocks reported dividends.1 L ocally, one major casualty of the depression was the demise of Watauga Development Corporation (Wfc>C), a realty company which had been organized in 1925 by Elizabethton business leaders and Bemberg interests for the purpose of selling houses and/or land to plant employees. WDC overextended itself in the period immediately following the announcement of Bemberg's locating in Elizabethton. To finance land purchased at boom prices of $500 and more per acre, WDC borrowed money, and bought real estate on time at 6% interest. But WDC never was able to sell as much land or as many houses as it had hoped to because many plant employees chose either to commute from their rural homes, or to build in rural areas near their kin. By the time the depression hit, WDCs assets were tied up in unimproved farm land, and it was forced into bankruptcy. The lands were taken over by the mortgage holder, while the houses were taken over by the plants under a second mortgage.1 The demands of World War II necessitated increased production, and hence payrolls and employment also increased. Until that happened, assessment of the plants7 economic impact on Elizabethton and Carter County is mixed-even when taking into account the Great Depression. As a foreign corporation profits went overseas to Algemeene Kunstzijde Unie N.V. (AKU), the Dutch company formed by VGF and another Dutch firm, N.V. Nederlandsche Kunstzijde Fabriek in 1929. There's not much evidence that the plants were concerned with putting money back into the community. But in the early 1930s Bemberg and Glanzstoff/North American did spend a great deal of money fighting suits which challenged the ten-year county and perpetual city tax exemptions earlier granted the factories. Carter County and Elizabethton lost considerable tax revenues because of these exemptions. Lost revenues (estimated by Holly to be at least $2,600,000) contributed to the city government being near bankruptcy in 1943. In that year the state legislature passed a law which allowed Elizabethton to collect taxes from Bemberg and North American.18 It is true, of course, that the plants were directly responsible for Elizabethton's population jumping from 2,746 in 1920 to 8,044 in 1930 and 8,516 in 1940. Moreover, the rayon factories provided thousands of jobs—even during the depths of the Great Depression. From 1931 through 1947, plant payrolls approached $115,000,000. Significantly Pearson's correlations between plant payrolls and retail sales in Carter County point to the strength of the relationship between the prosperity of the plants and that of the community as a whole.19 After the war, however, there were significant changes for Bemberg and North American. As early as 1942 the Office of Alien Property (OAP) had in84 �itiated an investigation of AKU's ownership of American Bemberg, North American Rayon and American Enko, looking toward a vesting of enemy owned (German) interests in these companies. Cooperation of the Dutch government in exile was sought, primarily because of the importance of AKU to the Dutch economy. OAP was ready to vest in 1944, but on the advice of the State Department delayed action, in anticipation of a future settlement with the Dutch. Finally, on August 7,1947, AKU and the OAP came to an agreement which provided that the Dutch corporation waive all claim to shares of outstanding stock which it or its affiliates owned in Bemberg and North American, together with working capital, assets, and all of AKU's interests in patents, trademarks and other industrial property of the two companies. The companies remained under government control until their purchase by Beaunit Mills, Inc., a New York corporation, in December, 1948.20 At the time Beaunit bought the plants, Bemberg concentrated production on "Bemberg" rayon yarn, from which triple sheer rayon doth used in women's clothing was made. North American produced viscose yarn, most of which was sold to the rayon woven goods industry, with some being sold to tire companies. Financially, both companies were in good condition, and both dominated the economy of Elizabethton and Carter County. As of 1949 the plants were still by far Elizabethton's and Carter County's largest employers. Bemberg employed 2100 workers, while North American employed 3900.21 Beginning in 1949, though, the plants entered into a long period of decline. In part this decline can be attributed to an overall decline in the growth in the South of such traditional low-wage industries as textiles (if rayon production is categorized with textiles).22 But decline can be attributed more to trends in the synthetic fiber market. Although manmade fibers in general continued to make substantial gains during the 1950s, there were changes in what types of fibers made the gains. Cellulosics—including rayon—lost their hegemony of the man-made fiber industry, while the noncellulosics gained. During the 1958 recession production of cellulosics was sharply curtailed, resulting in lost revenues for even the largest manufacturers. The chief beneficiary of these changes was nylon; the major loser, rayon.23 Thus, the Elizabethton plants, producers of rayon only, faced a new economic reality in which the market for their product was shrinking. Beaunit thus switched part of the Bemberg plant to the manufacture of polyester, and part of the North American plant to nylon. Although in many instances interf iber competition was among divisions of the same company (as was true with DuPont and American Viscose, for example), the desire to get the competitive edge for the future and not be stuck with money-losing products frequently led companies into ill-fated ventures. This is what happened to Beaunit. In the early 1960s the company entered into an agreement with El Paso Natural Gas Company to finance a "nylon 6" plant at Etowah, Tennessee. Blicksilver observed that for Beaunit the venture 85 �was "in the nature of hedging their bet, should they guess wrong in their major emphasis on rayon."25 As it turned out, the joint venture was a disaster for Beaunit. Prior to October 1,1966 when the nylon plant became operational, Beaunit deferred joint venture costs as preproduction expenses. Once the plant became operational, this could not be done, and as a result Beaunit incurred significant losses.2 Other factors contributed to Beaunifs—and hence Bemberg's and North American's—woes. Increased domestic production of polyester, brought on by previous high profits, increased foreign competition, and reduction of the amount of polyester used in synthetic blends, reduced the price of polyester from 84 cents per pound in July 1966 to 58 cents per pound in May 1967. A 1967 strike by three major tire companies which decreased demand for tire rayon further hurt the Elizabethton factories.27 With all its troubles, Beaunit shareholders in 1967 approved a merger which resulted in the company's becoming a wholly owned subsidiary of El Paso Natural Gas Company. By that time employment at the plants had declined to 3500—down substantially from the 6000 of 1949.28 As the plants declined, though, other industries moved into Elizabethton, and the economy of the area diversified. In 1947 only 308 persons were employed in industries other than rayon manufacture, but in 1969 that number had increased to 1032, and by 1973 to 164029 In some respects, then, the decline of the plants helped produce a healthier, more diversified economy for Elizabethton and Carter County. No longer was the region so dependent on a single employer. Bemberg, however, could not survive. In the early 1970s it was sold to an investment group, and for a few years thereafter operated as Bemberg Industries, Inc. In 1976 Bemberg filed for bankruptcy. North American made it through the troubled 1970s, first as a division of Beaunit, then, after 1976, as the property of TA Associates, the investment group which bought Beaunit from El Paso Company. By 1985, however, the outlook was bleak for North American. To save the company, employees voted in favor of an Employee Stock Option Plan (ESOP), and in December 1985 North American became an employee-owned company. The evolution of the company has thus been curious. From a factory owned by a foreign company concerned with circumventing high American tariffs, and maximizing profits by employing "cheap, native labor," North American has become an ESOP plant determined to save itself in an era when many American factories are finding it difficult to survive. The situation in Elizabethton, then, has turned out quite differently from that in many other Appalachian communities where companies have exploited the natural resources and the workers, and then abandoned the community. At least in part, North American and Elizabethton have escaped that fate. 86 �ENDNOTES 1. John Fred Holly, "Elizabethton, Tennessee: A Case Study of Southern Industrialization," diss., dark University, 1949, pp. 121-22; James A. Hodges, "Challenge to the New South: The Great Textile Strike in Elizabeth ton, Tennessee, 1929," Tennessee Historical Quarterly, 23(1964), 343-44; Frank Merritt, Inter History of Carter County, 1865-1980 (Homecoming '86 Heritage Project, 1986), p. 241; and Herman Robinson, "Monday 25th Anniversary of Bemberg," Elizabethton Star (ES), October 28,1951, p. 3-8. The cuprammonium process uses a copper/ammonium solution for dissolving cellulose, while the viscose process uses lye and a compound of carbon and sulfur to convert the cellulose into a soluble compound. See Robert E. Hussey and Philip C Scherer, "The Rayon Industry in the South," in Chemical Progress in the South, ed., J.E. Mills (New York: The Chemical Foundation, 1930), p. 136. On the development of the viscose process also consult Jack Blicksilver, "Man-Made Fibers. A Growth Industry for the Diversifying South," Textile History Review, 3(January 1962), 5-7. On the Fordney-McCumber Tariff see: George H. Soule, Prosperity Decade. From War to Depression: 1917-1929 (New York: Holt, Rinehart, 1947), p. 131; and Frank W. Taussig, Some Aspects of the Tariff Question. An Examination of the Development of American Industries Under Protection (New York: AMS Press, 1971), pp. 426-27. 2. Holly, "Elizabethton," pp. 126-28; and Frank Bohn, 'Tennessee's New Silkworm—Industrial Germany Comes to America," Review of Reviews, 78(October 1928), p. 368. The viscose process produced more rayon, and thus used more cellulose. There was a need, then, for a cheap source of cellulose, other than wood pulp. 3. On "New Era" boosterism of the 1920s in the South, see James C Cobb, Industrialism and Southern Society, 1877-1984 (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1984), pp. 32-34; and Elaine A. Brownell, The Urban Ethos in the South, 1920-1930 (Baton Rouge, LA: Lousiana State University Press, 1975). A comparable movement took place in the 1950s and 1960s, this time involving more organized state directed efforts to attract industry to the South. See Cobb, The Setting of the South: The Southern Crusade for Industrial Development, 1936-1980 (Baton Rouge, LA: Lousiana State University Press, 1982). 4. Holly, "Elizabethton," pp. 124-25,129,131-32. For the plants' payment of taxes on properties owned see "Rayon Plants Pay City Tax," ES, June 8,1939,.p. 1. 5 . Holly, "Elizabethton," pp. 126-27,133. 6 . Ibid, p. 134. Among the other sources which discuss the importance of the plants having a readily available supply of cheap labor are: Hodges, "Challenge to the New South," 345-46; Bohn, 'Tennessee's New Silkworm," p. 368; A.J. Buttrey, 'Salvation in Tennessee: The Clergy and the Textile Strikers," The World Tomorrow, 12 (October 1924), p. 396; Tom Tippett, When Southern Labor Stirs (New York: Jonathan Cape and Harrison Smith, 1930), pp. 56-57; and Jacquelyn D. Hall, "Disorderly Women: Gender and Labor Militancy in the Appalachian South," Journal of American History, 73 (September 1986), 359. 87 �7. On the colonialism theory as it applies to Appalachia consult Helen M. Lewis and Edward E. Knipe, "The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case/' in Colonialism in Modern America: The Appalachian Case, edsv Helen M. Lewis and Donald Asians (Boone, NC: The Appalachian Consortium Press, 1978); Richard B. Drake, 'Jack and Clio in Appalachia: Comments on Regional Historiography," Appalachian Notes, First Quarter (1976), 1-8; and Ronald Eller, Miners,. Mttlhands, and Mountaineers. Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1930 (Knoxville,TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1982), xxv-xxvi. In regard to foreign ownership, the Elizabethton plants-and American rayon plants in general—differed from textile plants in the South. As late as the 1920s, for example, 80-90% of Southern spindles were Southern owned. By contrast, the American rayon industry was dominated by foreign ownership because the technology for rayon manufacture was European and British in origin. On Southern textile ownership see Gavin Wright, Old South. New South. Revolutions in the Southern Economy Since the Civil War (New York: Basic Books, 1986), p.131. On rayon consult Blicksilver, "Man-Made Fibers," 20. 9. Johnson, 'Postwar Industrial Development in the Southeast and the Pioneer Role of LaborItensive Industry," Economic Geography, 61 (January 1985), 50; Holly, "Elizabethton," pp. 118-19. 10. Johnson, "Postwar Industrial Development," 50. On pages 50-51 Johnson cites a study by Neal G. Lineback which also is applicable to the establishment of the rayon plants in Elizabethton. Lineback found in his study of low wage firms in Tennessee that these companies had a catalytic effect on industrial development by raising the skill levels of the population and introducing the labor force to factory employment. Lineback s work is "Low Wage Industrialization and Town Size in Rural Appalachia/' Southeastern Geographer, 12(1972), 1-13. For information on the skill needed to make rayon see Blicksilver, "Man-Made Fibers," 23-24. 11. American Bemberg Annual Report for Year Ending 1927 (hereafter cited as Annual Report), pp. 12; Annual Report 1928, p. 1. 12. On the 1929 strikes see Tippett, When Southern Labor Stirs, pp. 54-75; Hall, "Disorderly Women," 354-82; F. Ray Marshall, Labor in the South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 105-07; Irving Bernstein, The Lean Years. A History of the American Worker 1920-1933 (New York: Da Capo Press, 1960), pp. 14-20; Hodges, "Great Textile Strike," 343-57; Sherwood Anderson, "Elizabethton," Nation, 128(May 1,1929), pp. 526-27; Margaret Bowen, "10.64 a Week: Testimony by a Textile Striker at Elizabethton," New Republic, 59 (May 29,1929), 41-43; E.J. Eberling, 'Strikes Among Textile Workers in the Southern States," Current History, (30 June 1929), pp. 450-53; "Strike doses Plant," ES. (March 14,1929), p. 1; and 'Strikers at Plant Form Local Union," ES, (March 14,1929), p. 1. 13. Bemberg alone lost approximately 15,000 pounds of production per day for the duration of the strikes. While Bemberg earned a net profit of $619,153 for 1928, it lost $499,832 for 1929. See Annual Report, 1928 and 1929. For payroll and production figures through the depression years see Holly, "Elizabethton," pp. 232,285. Moody's Manual of Investments (hereafter referred to as Moody's), 1930-39, provided comparative income statistics for American Bemberg and North American Rayon. The 1932 and 1933 Moody's didnot list American Glanzstoff separately: for those years only statistics for Bemberg are available. 14. Holly, "Elizabethton," pp. 232,285. 15. For Bemberg profits see Annual Reports, 1929-39. Moody's 1933-41 provides data on Bemberg and North American stock dividends. As mentioned, the 1932 and 1933 Moody's did not list American Glanzstoff separately: only Bemberg was listed for those years. 88 �16. Holly, "Elizabethton," p. 151. Two articles in the ES, February 5,1929, pp. 1 and 6, discuss WDC's activities, specifically, allegations that new employees were being forced to rent houses built by WDC It appears that WDC in essence was succeeded by River View Realty Co., a subsidiary of Bernberg and North American. Bemberg owned one-third interest, while North American owned the balance. See Moody's, 1947, p. 687; and 1949, p. 2337. 17. Moody's, 1949, p. 2337-2338. The stock of Bemberg and Glanzstoff was transferred to AKU. See Annual Report. Office of Alien Property. Department of Justice (hereafter referred to as OAP Report). For Fiscal Year Ended June 30,1948 (Washington, D.C.: House Document no. 89,81st Congress, 1st Session, p. 35.) 18. Holly, "Elizabethton," pp. 137-38. 19. See Ibid, p. 156 for Elizabethton's population, 1890-1940, and p. 202 for retail sales in Elizabethton, 1931-47. Correlation coefficients were obtained through use of SPSSX "Pearson Correlation" program. Coefficients for retail sales, Carter County, and total rayon plant payrolls, 1931-47; and number employed at the plants and retail sales, Carter County, 1931-47, were .9919 and .9952 respectively. 20. OAP Report, pp. 34-37. 21. For the financial status of the plants see Ibid., pp. 37-39, and Moody's, 1949, pp. 2337-38. For numbers employed at the plants in 1949 consult Directory of Tennessee Industries (Tennessee State Planning Commission, 1949), p. 41. For a brief history of Beaunit see "Brief History of Beaunit Mills, Inc.," Watauga Spinnerette, 27(May 1950), pp. 12-13. The 1949 Annual Report for Beaunit details what types of rayon the plants produced. 22. Wright, Old South. New South, pp. 263-64. 23. Blicksilver, "Man-Made Fibers," 16-17. 24. Beaunit Mills Annual Report for 1959 (hereafter cited as Beaunit Annual Report), pp. 6-8; Beaunit Annual Report, 1956, np. 25. Blicksilver, "Man-Made Fibers," 17; Beaunit Annual Report, 1966. p. 2; and Moody's Public Utility Manual (hereafter cited as Moody's PUM), pp. 1506,1513. 26. Beaunit Annual Report, p. 2. 27. Ibid. Blicksilver, "Man-Made Fibers," 16-18, discusses trends in the synthetic fibers markets. 28. Beaunit Annual Report, 1967, p. 2, and Moody's, 1968, p. 742. For numbers employed at the plants from 1949 through 1967 see Directory of Tennessee Industries and Tennessee Directory of Manufacturers (Tennessee State Planning Commission). 29. For numbers employed in Carter County and Elizabethton, again consult Directory of Tennessee Industries and Tennessee Directory of Manufacturers. 89 �30. On the sale of Bemberg and Beaunit see Joe Ledford, "Beaunit Sold; Most Operations to Continue/' Johnson City Press-Chronicle (JCPQ, December 16,1976, p. 1; "Fire Sad Ending for Story of Once Thriving Industry," /CPC, November 9,1981, p. 6; Moody's PUM, 1977, p. 667 ("El Paso Company"); Ibid, 1976, p. 650 (also "El Paso Company." El Paso Natural Gas Co. had become a subsidiary of El Paso Co.); and "Beaunit Sold," Wall St. Journal December 16,1976, p. 4. For information on North American becoming an ESOP company see ES, February 23,1986, p. 1; and NAR Spinnerette, January 1987, pp. 1-3. References to 1920s and 1930s Elizabethton Star articles were provided by Norma Thomas, Archivist, Archives of Appalachia, East Tennessee State University. The author thanks Ms. Thomas for her help. 90 �INSTRUCTION AND PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT Convenor: Phyllis Bickers Community, Kinship and Communication: Teaching In Appalachia Ardeth M. Deay, West Virginia University Susan Day-Peroots, West Virginia University Process Instruction in Appalachian Studies—A Case Example Using Education in Appalachia's Central Highlands Mark R Sohn, Pikeville College The "Si-Godlin" Language Arts Education of Appalachian Schools Thomas doer, Furman University Student Paper Competition Winner Process Instruction in Appalachian Studies: A Case Example Using Education in Appalachians Central Highlands by Mark F. Sohn Introduction Education in Appalachia's Central Highlands is the result of a decade of concern about Appalachian studies at Pikeville College. The College started to consider its Appalachian mission ten years ago and with this book—to use a term from the conference theme—celebrates Appalachian studies. In particular, this book celebrates student research. It is a culmination of research papers from a Pikeville College course, Appalachian Education. It is a historical and current analysis of education in the central highlands of Appalachia—Eastern Kentucky, southern West Virginia and the western tip of Virginia. This paper will present the theory of education that supports the development of a cognitive-process approach to Appalachian studies. It will then present the book as a case example. A focus of the paper will be on research findings. 91 �There are two styles of education: process and product. With product instruction, the teacher pursues a specific preplanned course. Educational outcomes are well-known in advance and the student may follow a rigid path to achieve course or behavorial objectives. Outcomes are measured against pre-established objectives. The student participates in product instruction by attempting to meet teacher-established expectations. Process instruction, the focus of this paper, requires creative, involved and critical participation on the part of the student. Learning outcomes are less specific. Learning processes, however, are known in advance, tending to include research, discovery, discussion, writing and experimentation. The student acts on his environment and gets involved with content in a personal way. The student's environment and the student's objectives are central to the educational experience. The student may become physically, socially and emotionally involved in the subject matter. None of this is new— educators and theorists have debated process and product instruction since the beginning of time. Here is a review of the theory. Educational theorists Piaget, Montessori, Bruner and Asubal are cognitive process theorists. The application of process instruction to Appalachian studies is obvious. But for those teachers who like to work from a textbook or for those teachers who like to know in advance the learning outcomes, any movement from a prescribed course of instruction is difficult. If, on the other hand, one applies Carl Rogers' concept of "teacher as facilitator," then student interests become central to the educational process and the environment, the community, the family, the local church, all become sources of information. The teacher is no longer an expert, but a consultant, an interested party. Piagetian theory suggests that the student should be active in manipulating materials and constructing ideas. Experience, says Piaget, facilitates growth. Appalachian topics and people are ideal for the student to interview, photograph, experience and write about. The interview itself offers a trial and error forum from which students can demonstrate their skills and at the same time, gather information in an order and form which they direct. The learner becomes an inquirer, a doer, a maker, a force in the world. What impact my students have had! For Jerome Bruner, educational theorist, the ability to conceptualize, that is, to perceive and understand relationships, is paramount. In Appalachian studies, driving down the road, going to the library, checking a church record book, studying school annuals or yearbooks, all of these things force the student to see the relationships in their community. Ask them to relate their subject to local, state or national developments and you have a mind task. Bruner's discovery learning can be used as a curriculum development guide. Here the teacher and the student together arrange questions, resources and experiences that lead to active information processing. Appalachian studies provides an ideal forum for this learning process. 92 �Bruner breaks learning into three parts. He calls them the enactive, iconic and symbolic modes. Appalachian studies is a forum for learning in each of these modes. The enactive mode involves actions and events. The iconic mode occurs when the student uses images and pictures to represent the world. These images and pictures are in the mind and without action. In the symbolic mode, the student uses words or writing to express those thoughts developed in the enactive mode. As the growth of feelings, beliefs and values are a goal, this involved process is a growth medium. We teach Appalachian studies to teach pride, love and affection. Do this with enactive, iconic and symbolic modes. For David Asubal, learning must be "meaningful learning." Learning becomes meaningful with the use of advance organizers and integrative reconciliation. These concepts are easily applied to Appalachian studies. The advance organizer is the child's or student's background—his home, his community, his family, his church. These points of reference help build a structure for learning. These advance organizers are introductory statements. When the data are gathered, then the student can be encouraged to move to a higher level called integrative reconciliation. Here the student takes the virgin bits of information and puts them together. Data are compared, contrasted, integrated and reconciled. Conclusions and evaluations are drawn. Predictions are developed. This, of course, requires the cognitive ability Piaget calls formal operations. And while AsubaTs theories are normally applied to the junior high and high school levels, those of Maria Montessori are applied to preschoolers, but not limited to that category. Maria Montessori is a process instruction-oriented theorist because she recognizes sensitive periods, uses didactic materials and provides for developmental needs, such as orderliness. Her concepts merit application to junior high, high school or college Appalachian studies programs, specifically, sensitive periods for the individual and for the culture. It suggests that both individuals and cultures have particular times at which they are most suited for advancement, study and evaluation which lead to progress . In Appalachian studies, one uses artifacts—a la Montessori, these are didactic materials—to involve students physically in their culture. In my course, I have an artifacts night: Each student brings an object, an Appalachian object, to share with the class. Another process-oriented technique, old as the hills, is the Appalachian dinner. Here students act on their heritage, their health and their environment by preparing an Appalachian dish, writing the recipe and sharing the results with the class. A third and more scholarly approach to process instruction in Appalachian studies is the term paper. With ten short papers, all part of one long paper, students in Appalachian Education are guided through the term paper ethnographic research process. The ten short papers that lead up to one long paper are as follows: (1) a sample paper, a short two-page example of a paper on Appalachian studies, (2) inter93 �view questions, ten prepared questions, (3) a written interview taken from either a tape recording or notes of an interview, (4) topic and outline, ten headings, topic and outline for the final paper, (5) source list, name, phone number, address of interview subjects, must list primary sources and secondary sources, (6) five sample notecards, (7) ten sample footnotes, (8) appendix material, photos, graphs-fully labeled and numbered, (9) rough draft of final paper, (10) peer review. The peer review includes both a self-evaluation of the paper and a peer evaluation. These ten papers guide the students through the term paper writing process. This approach calls the student into personal reflection on his past and future. Education in Appalachia's Central Highlands was researched and written using this approach. This textbook is in keeping with the concept of process instruction because it is incomplete and in progress. It will always be in progress because as students add to it, they become a part of it. While it is complete, it is not complete: Each chapter has questions for further research and study . Students continue the process of collecting and sharing the Appalachian experience through their own term papers, their interviews and their peer reviews. The experience is didactic, interactive and integrative. It often compares Appalachian and non-Appalachian, today's experience with yesterday's, good with bad, urban with rural and rich with poor. Education in Appalachia's Central Highlands is a process text, incomplete and studentowned. Each chapter has questions to answer, terms to define, photos to take, poems to write, etc. Student-taken photos and student-written poetry illustrate the chapters. 94 �Chapels in the Mountains by Marc Sherrod During the first half of the 20th Century, the Presbyterian Church recognized the Appalachian region as fertile ground and as a worthy opportunity for sharing the Gospel with people in need of salvation. The establishment of churches for evangelism, schools for education, hospitals for healing, and orphanages for the homeless represented a growing Presbyterian influence and outreach in the region. In the Presbytery of Holston,1 which included four counties in western North Carolina and twelve counties in eastern Tennessee, this influence and outreach developed in large part out of the Presbytery's participation in the denomination-wide Home Missions movement. In 1915, the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States formed the Synod of Appalachia.2 Not long after this, the concept of Home Missions had established itself within the denomination as a legitimate method for sharing the Gospel, especially to disadvantaged and to unreached people throughout the South and throughout the Appalachian region. During this portion of its history, missions were either "Foreign" or "Home" for the Presbyterian Church. The potential of Appalachia as a "great home mission field" helped to justify the creation of the Appalachian Synod, for the new Synod "would develop a deeper interest for missions on the part of the mountain people by putting responsibility upon them." 3 Both before and with the formation of this new Synod, the Presbyterian Church came to regard Appalachia as a ripe field, ready for the harvest. The denomination's Home Missions philosophy, then, became the principal means by which such a harvest would occur. The Home Missions movement in Holston Presbytery focused on three areas of Christian concern: evangelism, education and equipment.4 While the desire to bring about the salvation of souls remained a heavy emphasis of the Presbytery, so also did the Presbytery and its member churches seek to educate and to equip the people for engaging in the tasks of kingdom living. The establishment of schools and the sharing of material and monetary resources with people in the region fostered a unique Presbyterian presence which sought to minister to the whole person—mind, body, and spirit. One of the primary results of the Home Missions movement and its efforts at evangelism, education, and equipment in Holston Presbytery was the development and sponsorship by local churches of a chapel ministry. These chapels also known as Sunday School outposts, preaching stations or preaching points, mission schools or mission churches—became integrally identified 95 �with the success of Home Missions in the Presbytery. As a microcosm for the entire Home Missions movement within the Presbytery, the concept of chapel ministries sought to combine attempts to win souls for Christ with the desire to provide both educational opportunities and the necessary funds so that the local people might erect and maintain a physical facility for worship and for educational purposes. Essentially, the chapel was intended as an extension of the home or sponsoring church. Churches shared ministers and/or Sunday school workers with the chapel or chapels, and the home church governing body (the session) exercised oversight, supervision and leadership of the life and work at the chapel. People who attended a chapel were enrolled as members of the home church; the session, at least theoretically, shouldered primary responsibility for determining the nature and function of ministry at the chapel. While folks at the chapel maintained a separate identity from their fellow members at the church, this identity was simultaneously linked to the sponsoring congregation even as a child relates to his/her parent. Chapels appeared on the scene in Holston Presbytery during a time when transportation and communication in the region were limited, a reality which often necessitated that much religious and social activity center within the local community. Furthermore, these chapels helped to provide a Christian environment and a Presbyterian presence in some rather isolated and self-contained communities. The establishment of chapel ministries by a home congregation also revealed a unique understanding for how church growth could occur. One common strategy for church growth in other denominations has been to divide the membership of a local church and then to initiate a separate congregation. This second congregation would have no direct relationship to the original church. Presbyterians, however, in the first half of the 20th Century utilized the chapel ministry as a way to subsidize financially and to encourage grass roots support and participation in an unreached community. By employing this strategy for church growth, the home congregation could provide direct supervision and leadership for the new, developing ministry at the chapel. By 1926 in Avery County, North Carolina, four Presbyterian Churches had established chapel outpost ministries: the Banner Elk Presbyterian Church with a chapel later called Arbordale; the Pineola Presbyterian Church with a chapel in Linville; the Plumtree Presbyterian Church with four chapels — Slippery Hill, Buck Hill, Powder Mill, and Three Mile; and the Newland Presbyterian Church with the Blevins Creek Chapel and the Smokey Chapel. (Around 1945, the Fletcher's Chapel would be added as an outpost ministry of the Newland Church.) The chapels sponsored by all four of these churches rested within approximately a five mile radius of the home congregation. Today, the Arbordale Chapel of the Banner Elk Church is an independent Presbyterian congregation; the Livnille Chapel of the Pineola Church is no longer active; the Plumtree Church joined another Presbyterian denomination and 96 �the only chapel presently active is the Buckhill Church; 5 the Blevins Creek Chapel of the Newland Church is an independent church (the Blevins Creek Community Chapel), but it is no longer affiliated with the Presbyterian church; the former Smokey Chapel is now the Church of the Savior, a Lutheran-Episcopal Fellowship; the Fletcher's Chapel remains under the oversight of the Newland Church. The history and current status of these chapels in Avery County is in large measure a commentary on the work of the Home Missions Committee of Holston Presbytery and on its efforts in working with those churches under its jurisdiction. An examination of the chapel ministries sponsored by the Newland Presbyterian Church will be an attempt to address some of the following issues: Did Holston Presbytery's view of Home Missions change as changes such as improved roads and communications occurred within the bounds of Presbytery? Did the home church provide adequate oversight and supervision of these chapels? Did the theology and practice of the Home Missions movement encourage and instill a desire among the folk attending the chapels eventually to become self-supporting churches? Did the Christian influence and Presbyterian presence originally sought measure up to the expectations, hopes and prayers of the local churches involved and of the Presbytery? Minutes of the Holston Presbytery meetings from 1920-1958 indicate a strong zeal for evangelistic efforts to carry the Gospel to unreached people living in the backyard of Presbyterian churches. A Presbytery staff person, usually referred to as the Home Mission Superintendent, 6 supervised the work of Sunday School and chapel extension. The report of the Home Mission Committee at the April 1, 1929 meeting of the Presbytery at First Presbyterian Church, Johnson City points to the evangelistic flavor of the committee's labors: Within the bounds of Presbytery, there are between 10,000 and 150,000 souls having reached the age of responsibility, and yet without Christ.. .Their souls are precious and the Master wants to win them everyone . . .Souls are hungry for the bread of life . . . During the past five years the country and mountain churches and missions to which your committee has contributed some aid have made some remarkable advances. Five churches have been built, three manses have been provided in fields which had no manse, three teachers' cottages have been built, and three chapels have been provided.. .A number of new Sunday Schools have been organized, others have been greatly increased in enrollment and attendance; at present the enrollment in this group of churches and missions is about double that of their church membership. Five years ago there were no daily vacation Bible schools held in the Presbytery; last summer more than 25 such were held with a total 97 �enrollment of more than 1,500 Looking backward, we are impressed with the fact that these five years have been fruitful years in soul-winning in this group of churches and missions. In the group as a whole there were less than 2,000 members at the beginning of this period. During these five years more than 1,000 members have been received on profession of faith and nearly half as many by letter — this five year period has seen many changes at Banner Elk, which has been fittingly called by someone, the hub of the home mission work of Holston Presbytery... The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church also had a Home Mission Committee. In its report of 1931 to the Presbytery, this committee listed 310 outposts and unorganized preaching points 7 in existence across the denomination. In 1940, the Home Mission Committee of the Presbytery reported: "We have not reached the multitudes in our own Presbytery. The population of the 16 counties within the bounds of our Presbytery is approximately 350,000. The membership of all our churches is less than 8,000, and the Sunday School enrollment, is less than 10,000.8 And then in 1955: Our Committee is proud of the aggressive Home Mission spirit in most of the congregations. This is shown by increases in professions of faith, in giving and building programs— The Committee assisted in the support of twelve pastors, who preached in thirty churches and chapels. In almost every case the pastor has more to do than is possible for one man to get done . . . . the brightest prospects for the expansion of our Home Mission work in the Presbytery are through the organization of outpost Sunday Schools... If the local churches will organize and provide voluntary workers for these Sunday Schools, the Home Mission Committee will assist in building chapels, and will take over some of the support of the work when it becomes an organized church.9 During this same 40 year period of successful Home Mission efforts for the Presbytery, the Newland Presbyterian Church also demonstrated remarkable growth. Constituted a church by action of a commission appointed by Holston Presbytery on August 12,1917, the Newland Presbyterian Church itself was an "outpost" ministry, a new church development begun shortly after Avery County became the 100th North Carolina county in 1911. Newland was named the county seat and immediately Reverend Edgar Tufts l of Banner Elk and others made plans to erect a Presbyterian Church opposite the county courthouse of the town square. Beginning with 26 charter members, the Newland Church quickly grew to 66 on the Communicants Roll and 92 on the Sabbath School enrollment by 1929. By 1940, the membership roll included 160 people with 145 on the Sunday School roll and in 1951,214 on the mem98 �bership roll with no indication of the number on the Sunday School roll. ^ After nine years of existence as an organized church, the Newland congregation and its session found themselves the overseer of two chapel outpost ministries — one in the Blevins Creek community and the other just outside of Newland in the Smokey Valley. The Blevins Creek Chapel As with the Newland Presbyterian Church, the Blevins Creek Chapel was in part established through the pioneering evangelistic work of Reverend Edgar Tufts of Banner Elk. (Blevins Creek is located about mid-way between Newland and Banner Elk.) The original building was erected around 1914 with local people in the Blevins Creek community providing the labor and materials. Prior to 1914, Mr. Hiram Brooks expressed concern about the destitute condition of the Blevins Creek area to Reverend Tufts. Although he had many ministerial obligations in several places in Avery and Watauga Counties, Reverend Tufts tried to preach at Blevins Creek once per month. After two years, Mr. Brooks left the area and Mr. and Mrs. R.E. Piercy, Sunday School extension workers affiliated with the Committee for Religious Education of Richmond, Virginia took over the Sunday School ministry at Blevins Creek. Actively involved with the Sunday School programs at Blevins Creek, Smokey and the Newland Church, Mr. Piercy labored for over 15 years as a Sunday School extension worker in Avery County.12 He served as an elder in the Crossnore Church and later was elected to that same office at Newland. The first mention of the Blevins Creek Chapel in the sessional records of the Newland Presbyterian Church occurs on August 26,1917. "The session met at Blevins Creek School-house at 4:30 pm at close of service." Mr. Donald Brown was received as a member upon reaffirmation of faith. Although this meeting at Blevins Creek occurred two weeks after the Newland Church was constituted, it would be 22 years later on March 26,1939 before the session again would meet at Blevins Creek. At a meeting of Holston Presbytery held at Shull's Mill, North Carolina (September 13,1921), a petition for organization as a church was received from the Blevins Creek outpost. The action of the Presbytery on this petition is unclear, though presumably the petition was either denied or the members who attended the chapel never acted upon their request since Blevins Creek remained a chapel well into the 1980s. A school, in addition to a Sunday School, had apparently been established by 1917 at Blevins Creek, with Mr. and Mrs. Piercy serving as teachers. Mr. Walter Vance, whose wife's family (Mr. Morris Lee) donated the land for the Blevins Creek Chapel, remembers that from the outset education went hand in hand with church work: "the school's purpose was to educate people and to educate them towards Christ... to provide a school and a Christian at99 �mosphere for the people of the Blevins Creek area."1 Public education was only offered for three months out of the year, so the school at Blevins Creek supplemented apparently the 'secular' education of local youngsters while offering opportunities to share the Gospel and to provide instruction in the Christian faith. Mr. Vance and his wife recall hearing about the influence of Mormon missionary teams who passed through the area and they think that perhaps this Mormon presence had something to do with the desire of the Blevins Creek residents to erect a school/church building in their community. Sometime around 1951, a new building was constructed at Blevins Creek. The cost was $3,100 with a contribution of $600 received from the Home Mission Committee of Holston Presbytery. The session of the Newland Church and the Presbytery were actively involved in seeking financial support for the building of this new facility. At a session meeting on September 5,1952, appreciation was expressed to the Calvary Presbyterian Church of Johnson City and to Mr. Beeson, a Presbyterian layman, architect and chairman of the Home Mission Committee. They had been "instrumental in the physical and spiritual support given the Newland Presbyterian Church on building of new Blevins Creek Chapel." Despite the clear interest shown in this new building project, from 1917 till 1951, session minutes reveal only occasional references to the work transpiring at Blevins Creek. References include new member receptions, the need for the church to provide adequate insurance coverage, and enrollments in Sunday School and in Vacation Bible School. On May 1,1950, the session appointed Mr. Morris Lee as the Sunday School Superintendent at Blevins Creek. Other than Mr. Piercy, there is no indication that elders from the Newland Church had direct involvement in the ministry at this chapel. According to his daughter Mrs. Vance, Mr. Lee was elected an elder but his name does not appear at the outset of any session meeting when members in attendance were listed. On February 7, 1956, the clerk of session "was asked to write the Crossnore Church and Presbytery concerning the possibility of Crossnore assuming Blevins Creek as a chapel in the Crossnore field." It was reported on March 25 of that same year that "the Crossnore session voted to accept Blevins Creek as a part of the Crossnore Church and to sponsor services and request that all members join the Crossnore Church." While it is likely that Presbytery's Home Mission Committee agreed to this transfer, there is not any evidence of protest from any party concerned, including the folks at the Blevins Creek Chapel. Prior to the transfer of the chapel to the oversight and care of the Crossnore Church, ministers of the Newland Church preached at Blevins Creek on a somewhat irregular basis — sometimes on Saturday night, sometimes on Sunday afternoon or Sunday night. However, Mr. and Mrs. Vance recall with fondness many of the "preachers" who served the field at Blevins Creek, especially Reverend Frank Camp and his wife. During Reverend 100 �Camp's tenure, 14he provided the Sunday School literature for the chapel, apparently purchasing it himself. Such generosity was deeply appreciated by the folks at Blevins Creek, for it was a time, according to Mr. Vance, when we might receive "15tf— 2tf in the offering plate." It was a "good thing that they would help us—otherwise we never would have made it on our own without the support of Newland." The Smokey Chapel In some ways the history of the Smokey Chapel parallels that of the Blevins Creek Chapel. The Smokey Chapel began in a 'little shack of a church," according to Mrs. Viola Oaks, across the road from its present location about two miles outside of Newland on the 'Smokey straight/ In either 1923 or 1924, the building was dedicated.15 Reverend D.B. McLaughlin, pastor of the Newland Church from 19211926, was instrumental in helping to get the Smokey Chapel established. At one point in its history, the chapel was named Mac's (or Max's) chapel in honor of Reverend McLaughlin, but through common use the title Smokey Chapel came to be the accepted name. The Chapel is located in the Smokey Valley, hence the name. Reverend McLaughlin had friends in Johnson City who donated some of the materials for the chapel. Parts of an old church in Pineola were also used along with the labor of local people.16 The folks who attended the Smokey Chapel received the preaching services of the pastor at Newland about twice a month. Like Blevins Creek, the preaching schedule varied from minister to minister — sometimes on Saturday night, sometimes on Sunday morning, Sunday afternoon, or Sunday night. For a time while Reverend Camp was pastor, his wife led the Sunday School program at Smokey, perhaps in part at least, paralleling the role of Mr. and Mrs. Piercy at Blevins Creek. Though it is not clear precisely how he did it, Mr. Piercy also played an instrumental role in helping to establish the Sunday School program at Smokey. Following the pastorate of Reverend Saunders who succeeded Reverend Camp, Mrs. Viola Oaks superintended the Sunday School at Smokey. Around 1954, Mr. Oaks added on three Sunday School rooms to the original building. As with the Sunday School programs at the other chapels and at the Newland Church, numerical growth on the Sunday School rolls had been steadily increasing for a number of years. In large part through the efforts of Mr. D.R. Beeson of Johnson City, Holston Presbytery's Home Mission fund gave $5000.000 towards this building project. The money was channeled through the Newland session. For the most part during its history, however, financial resources were limited at the Smokey Chapel. According to Mr. Oaks, about "all we could swing were the expenses — oil, wood, electricity, Sunday School literature." There is no indication that anyone from the 101 �Smokey Chapel was ever elected to the office of elder. As with the Blevins Creek Chapel, several session meetings were held at Smokey, primarily to receive new members. Evidently, elders also attended the chapel at Smokey in order to assist with the administration of the sacraments. The first mention of the Smokey Chapel in the session minutes relates to the reception of new members. On March 28,1938, "the following were received into the church from Smokey Mission having been duly examined and baptized November 7, 1937, and expressing a desire to unite with our church." Interestingly, six months passed between the examination and baptism and the official reception and recognition of church membership.17 As spokespersons for their respective chapels, both the Vances and the Oaks indicated that there was a growing concern during the last decade or so of the chapels' relationship with the Newland Church that "a burden was being placed on the in-town church." About ten years after the Blevins Creek Chapel was "given" to the Crossnore Church for oversight and supervision, the Newland Church considered the possibility of selling the Smokey Chapel to one of several interested parties. In 1967, an agreement was reached with the Assembly of God for rental of the church, though Presbyterian services continued to be held there on an intermittent basis. On January 13,1972 the following motion appeared in the session records: Motion was made and passed that every member of Smokey Chapel be notified that if support, interest, and attendance is [sic] not what it should be by March, preaching services will be discontinued and the situation will be reviewed by the session as to the possibility of closing the Sunday School program. Concern again was expressed in April of 1975 about the "growing concern over the dormant state of the Smokey Chapel." On June 2, 1982, the building and property of the Smokey Chapel was deeded over to Mr. and Mrs. Theodore Oaks, with the stipulation that should it ever cease to be a church, that the trustees of the Presbytery of Concord would have first option at purchasing it. l Soon afterwards, the Smokey Chapel became a Lutheran congregation under the leadership of Reverend O.T. McRee. The Fletcher's Chapel The Fletcher's Chapel (also known as 'The Chapel" or as "the Church on Cow Camp Road") is located two miles from the Newland Presbyterian Church. It is named after Mr. Ragland Fletcher, a former member of the Newland Church and now a retired Presbyterian minister. Prior to WWII and before his ordination, Mr. Fletcher was an active Sunday School worker in that area of Avery County known as "Cow Camp," and he taught an afternoon Sun102 �day school class in various people's homes from 1939-1943. Shortly after the close of WWII, the present building was constructed with labor and materials supplied by folks in the local community. Preaching services were held fairly regularly (about twice a month), the pastor often alternating Sundays between Smokey Chapel and Fletcher's Chapel. According to the session meeting on January 12, 1939 "R.E. Piercy, Ronald Hughes and Ragland Fletcher were appointed as trustees of the church proposed at Cow Camp." The proposed church, later named after Mr. Fletcher, does not appear again in session minutes until June of 1949; "Reverend Crinkley discussed in detail the fine work being done in the three outposts, with respect to both church and Sunday School." Up until 1976, the pattern of sessional leadership and oversight for Fletcher's Chapel followed the course set at Blevins Creek and Smokey. Aside from Sunday School provided by Mr. Fletcher and an occasional session meeting at the Cow Camp Chapel to receive new members, there is no indication that any substantial direction was given to this outpost ministry by the elders of the Newland Church. Since 1976, however, at least one elder from Fletcher's Chapel has served on the session of the Newland Church. Mr. Ben Wise and Mrs. Gloria Wise presently serve on the session; Mr. Roger Wise, son of Ben Wise, served from 1976-1984. An annual Vacation Bible School is held jointly by Newland Church and Fletcher's Chapel, and for the past two years the chapel has hosted the event. Opportunities for mutual participation and fellowship between folks at the church and the chapel are offered, but usually the attendance at these events depends on the place — church, chapel or neutral site. Worship services are held each Sunday morning at the Chapel followed by Sunday School. Although it can be argued that Fletcher's Chapel did not really participate in the Presbyterian form of government until some of its "members" began serving as elders in 1976, there remained something attractive and unique about Presbyterian theology and practice. Reverend Fletcher commented, "I was always struck that they wanted a Presbyterian Church... instead of a Baptist or Holiness type of church ... they seemed to want more of an intellectual rather than an emotional approach to religion." Conclusions The 60 year history of chapel oversight by the Newland Presbyterian Church is clouded by the apparent lack of continuous and significant leadership given to these three chapels. Neither the Home Mission Committee of the Presbytery nor the elders of the Newland Church attempted to cultivate leadership qualities within folks attending these chapels, at least not until 1976. The relationships between the "parent" church and its "daughter" chapels were maintained primarily through a ministerial presence and 103 �through the faithful labors of Sunday School extension workers such as Mr. Piercy and Mr. Fletcher. On one occasion (October 2,1968) the session appointed a special committee to "review the Presbyterian Church and chapel situation in Avery County." The Women of the Church, a Presbyterian Women's organization at Newland, sometimes studied materials produced by the Home Mission Committee of the Presbytery or of the General Assembly as a way to inform themselves about the work transpiring with these outpost ministries. However, such attempts at increased understanding were few and far between. The Home Mission Committee of Holston Presbytery ceased to exist in 1956 and its work was assumed under the new name, Church Extension Committee. While the Presbytery records do not address the specifics of this change, this shift in emphasis from Home Mission to Church Extension signaled the closing of the "chapel outpost" movement as a way to "evangelize, educate and equip." Perhaps the Presbytery realized the peculiar pressures placed on a sponsoring church which found it difficult to oversee one or more chapel ministries. The parent/child relationship encouraged by the creation of chapel ministries fostered an unhealthy dependence by the "child-chapel" on the "parent-church." Some chapels, such as the Arbordale chapels of the Banner Elk Church, eventually became a self-supporting congregation. However, most of the chapels in Avery County, including those sponsored by the Newland Church, never reached an independent status — at least as a Presbyterian congregation. In all likelihood, they were never offered the opportunity to become self-sufficient, probably because of their relatively small size and the lack of potential for significant numerical growth in their respective communities. Evidently, there was a desire for a Presbyterian presence and influence among the folks within whose communities these chapels were started. However, recent history indicates that both the Smokey and Blevins Creek Chapels are no longer affiliated with the Presbyterian Church and people who traditionally attended these chapels continue to do so even after the chapel is no longer tied to a Presbyterian denomination. The principal loyalty appears to be to the chapel itself and not to the sponsoring church or denomination. Each of these three chapels has drawn its membership from families within the local, geographically specific neighborhood. While, as Reverend Fletcher notes, there is something very attractive about Presbyterianism to the people at Cow Camp, Fletcher's Chapel remains largely a family chapel and its identity is less associated with Presbyterianism than it is as, simply "the Chapel." The Fletcher's Chapel and possibly the other two former Presbyterian Chapels as well, suffers from a split over rural and town values. The Chapel is a country/rural congregation with an informal and relaxed understanding of what the church should be about. The church, on the other hand, serves people who come from a wider diversity of backgrounds and whose formal 104 �education levels are generally higher than those of people attending the chapel. The nature and function of ministry at the church engenders greater structure and formality within those who share in the life of its ministry. This deeply ingrained mindset of a split over rural/town values and ways of engaging in kingdom work seems to limit the future possibilities for togetherness and mutual growth between folks at the chapel and folks at the church. NOTES 1. The Presbyterian Church operates under a representative from the church government. There are four governing bodies: 1) the Session, composed of elders elected by the people, is the governing body for the local church; 2) the Presbytery; a collection of Presbyterian churches in a certain geographical area, exercises oversight of member churches within its boundaries; 3) the Synod is a regional unit composed of a collection of Presbyteries; and 4) the General Assembly is the national governing body for the entire denomination. 2. The Presbyterian Church in the United States, also known as the southern Presbyterian Church, split from the Presbyterian Church in 1861. The Synod of Appalachia covered the mountainous sections of four states: North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia and Kentucky. The Synod was dissolved by action of the General Assembly in 1971 (?). 3. Highways and Byways of Appalachia, E.M. Craig, ed., Kingsport Press: Kingsport, Tennessee, 1927, p. 14. 4. "Our Jerusalem," Walter Keys, ed., published by the Home Mission Committee of Holston Presbytery, 1926, p. 5. 5 Less than a decade ago the Plumtree Church joined the Evangelical Presbyterian Church, a denomination which split off from the former PCUS (now PCUSA following reunion of the northern and southern branches in 1983). The Buckhill Chapel (now a church) followed the parent Plumtree congregation in leaving the denomination. Present status of the other three chapels is unknown. The Frank Presbyterian Church, now a member church of the Presbyterian Church in America, yet another splinter group, possibly also began as an outpost ministry of the Plumtree Church. 6. Holston Presbytery meeting at the Newport Presbyterian Church in Newport, Tennessee, April 12,1937. Here, for the first and possibly only time, the head of the Home Mission Committee is referred to as an Evangelist-Superintendant. 7. Holston Presbytery meeting at the First Presbyterian Church of Jefferson City, Tennessee, April 20,1931, i.e. the Assembly's Home Mission report. 8. Holston Presbytery meeting at the Micaville Presbyterian Church of Micaville, North Carolina, April 22,1940. Interestingly, no mention in this report is made of Christians belonging to other denominations. The implication is that the Presbyterian Church is the only way! 9. Holston Presbytery meeting at Cold Spring Presbyterian Church of Bristol, Tennessee, January 18,1955. 105 �10. Edgar Tufts was a prolific Presbyterian minister who helped start numerous churches and other Christian agencies in the Banner Elk area. The present day Edgar Tufts Memorial Association includes Lees-McRae College, Cannon Memorial Hospital and Grandfather Home for Children. 11. It is difficult to determine how many if any of the members reported by the church actually attended one of the chapels. Sometime around 1940 or so, it appears that the session began to include as members folks in attendance at the chapels. However, since the registers were kept by hand and a form of short-hand was utilized, such claims are difficult to document. 12. See Women of the Church history as the history describes Mr. Piercy (no page numbers). 13. Interview with Mr. and Mrs. Walter Vance, November 10,1986. 14. Reverend Frank Camp pastored the Newland field from August 21,1927 until February 1, 1942. He was an evangelist, and one of the best loved ministers during the history of the church. 15. An addition has now been added to the unused old sanctuary. This new addition houses the sanctuary, fellowship hall, kitchen and church offices of the Church of the Savior, a LutheranEpiscopal Fellowship. 16. Information supplied by Mr. Theodore Oaks, October 28,1986. 17. Why did so much time pass between the baptism and the actual reception into church membership? Normally, at most a week or two might transpire between the action of the session in receiving a new member and the act of the church in affirming that personal decision for Christ in baptism. 18. The details on the controversy surrounding the transfer of the Smokey Chapel to the Lutheran Church are not dear. However, it apparently was a stormy time as personalities dashed and decisions were made about the Chapel's future. Primary Sources History of the Newland Presbyterian Church, ed. by Mrs. Frank Camp from 1917-1939 with an annual report submitted by the Women of the Church thereafter. Interviews with the following: 1. Reverend Ernest Wilson, retired Presbyterian minister, affectionately known as "missionary to Holston Presbytery" (October 8,1986). 2. Mr. and Mrs. Theodore Oaks of the Smokey Valley community (October 28,1986). 3. Mr. and Mrs. Walter Vance of the Blevins Creek community (November 10,1986). 4. Reverend Ragland Fletcher, retired Presbyterian minister from Newland and namesake of Fletcher's Chapel. 106 �5. Mrs. Ellen Wise of the Cow Camp community (November 19,1986). Minutes of the Holston Presbytery, 1920-1958. Minutes of the Session of the Newland Presbyterian Church, 1917-1986 (Books I-V). Publications of the Home Mission Committee of Holston Presbytery: "The Holston Presbyterian," a newsletter of the committee from 1951-1958. "Our Jerusalem," ed. by Walter Keys, Superintendent of the Home Mission Committee, 1926. Secondary Sources Highways and Byways of Appalachia, ed. by E.M. Craig, Kingsport Press: Kingsport, Tennessee, 1927. 107 �COVERLET WEAVING Convenor: Tyler Blethen, Mountain Heritage Center, Western Carolina University "New Threads In Old Patterns/* Slide-tape presentation Jan Davidson, Mountain Heritage Center, Western Carolina University Origins Of the Handicraft Revival In The Southern Mountains Curtis Wood, Mountain Heritage Center, Western Carolina University Joan Green, Special Collections, Western Carolina University The Impact Of The 1895-1935 Craft Revival On Coverlet Weaving in Southern Appalachia Christopher Bobbitt, Indiana University Origins of the Handicraft Revival in the Southern Mountains by Curtis Wood and Joan Greene The origins of the Southern Appalachian handicraft revival lie in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries—a complex period in American history—a period that witnessed the many changes in lifestyle and attitude which accompanied an increasingly industrialized America. In the northeast families were leaving their farms and moving to the growing cities and towns; tenements continued to grow in cities such as New York, Chicago, and Boston as immigrants settled there. In many quarters there were growing concerns over the dehumanizing effects of the machine age and a desire to return to a simpler time, a time of a craftsman's pride in his workmanship. The progressive education movement was gaining momentum, and the followers of John Dewey expounded the theory that education is a social process and that the development of artistic abilities is a vital part of the educational process. The first colleges were being established for women, and as the role of women in American society continued to change, they became an effective force for social reform. The cities of the northeast, however, had no monopoly on change, and during the late nineteenth century events were transpiring which brought an era of rapid change to the Southern Appalachian mountains.1 Textile mills were moving south in search of cheap labor, and mountain families were moving into piedmont mill towns. The mountain regions were being opened by capitalists bent on exploiting the resources of the region. As improved transportation made remote areas more accessible, tourists were being drawn to the mountains by stories of the local color writers in newly108 �established magazines such as Harper's and Scribner's. Outsiders read stories of a land of haunting beauty inhabited by people who lacked educational advantages and the social amenities; people who were struggling to make a living on their mountainside farms; and people who, because of generations of mountain isolation, continued to live in the lifestyle of their ancestors. The culture of the southern mountain people was depicted as that of "pure" Americana, a simple, vital culture which had not been touched by the effects of industrialization but one which had been degraded by poverty. The result was the appearance in the mountain areas of social workers whose purpose was threefold: to provide education for mountain people; to encourage native handicrafts as a way of improving the mountain economy; and to nurture the traditional idealized rural life of (as William Frost said) "our contemporary ancestors." Many of the social workers were the products of the changing ideas and theories that were being advanced in the industrialized northeastern cities, and the implementation of those ideas and theories would result in the Southern Appalachian handicraft revival. The local color writers, however, had not prepared the newcomers for the realities of mountain life and culture, nor had they given them any insight into its traditions, complexities, or forms of expression. Instead, these potential social reformers were guided by perceptions of rural life, of honest labor, and a better world that were drawn from John Ruskin, William Morris, and their English and American followers and by the arts and crafts movement and social settlement experiences they had inspired. The ideas of Ruskin and Morris were in the mainstream of almost one hundred years of rebellion against the Industrial Revolution, and their teachings represent a late stage in this great social and cultural dialogue. Both were influenced by Thomas Carlyle, Karl Marx, Robert Owen, Charles Dickens, and many others, but what was most original in the writings of Ruskin and Morris were their aesthetic concerns—their focus on the creativity and beauty of work and its social and cultural significance. Ruskin had condemned the dehumanizing aspects of the industrial age which alienated the worker from his products and drove beauty and meaning from work and life. Morris had turned these ideas into action and had become both a leader and an example. He wrote: We ought to get to understand the value of intelligent work, the work of men's hands guided by their brains, and to take that, though it be rough, rather than the unintelligent work of machines or slaves though it be delicate;...to have a high standard of excellence in ware and not accent make-shifts for the real thing.... Morris set up craft workshops to revive dying crafts in an attempt to restore beauty and dignity to work. The arts and crafts movement with its love of that which was hand made and traditional was one result. Social settle109 �ments were another. In 1884 a handful of young Oxford University students opened a settlement house which they named Toynbee Hall in an industrial area of London. Their purpose was to serve the working poor by bringing beauty and learning into their lives, and Toynbee Hall served as an inspiration for the American social settlement movement. Stanton Coit and Jane Addams were among the first Americans to visit Toynbee Hall and were instrumental in the transition of the settlement idea from England to America. In 1887 Coit established in New York's Lower East Side what has "usually been called the first American social settlement;" by 1889 Jane Addams's famous Hull House was operating in Chicago's East Side. As the English social settlement idea spread through the urban areas of northeastern cities, it was adapted to American needs and also became a decidedly women's movement. The many women who became involved in the social settlement movement were women of dedication, of strong beliefs. They were the first generation of college women in a time when the question of higher education for women was being vigorously debated, and perhaps they felt that they had to prove their right to a higher education by doing something important. Perhaps settlement work was an answer to the feelings of restlessness and uselessness they were experiencing in a changing society which still offered few careers to educated women. But whatever their motivation, they were a group of idealists who believed that settlement houses could help solve the problems of urban and industrial America, and they "organized America's first concerted attack on urban poverty/ The workers who came to live in the settlement houses were a "diverse lot." They were engaged in various occupations— teachers, writers, artists— and while they were living at the settlement houses they "devoted their spare time to club and class work at the settlements." Nearly ninety percent had attended college; many had done graduate work and had studied abroad. They had studied economics, politics, and history; they "talked, argued, discussed. They debated Darwin's theories, talked about the role of women, a novel by Dickens, a Shakespearean play or one of Carlyle's books." They were young— the median age when they entered settlement work was twenty-five; they were enthusiastic; and they were committed to helping solve the "battle of the slums.116 The settlement houses were located in the middle of the worst neighborhoods, and their object was to educate the immigrants—not solely in the traditional sense of reading, writing, and arithmetic but as a means to social reform. As Lillian Wald, the founder of a settlement house on Henry Street in New York, stated: "Education in its broadest implication engages our attention first, last, and all the time." ihe American settlement movement, inspired by William Morris, immediately saw the value of crafts as a means to enrich the lives of the poor and to preserve the best of their traditional culture. Crafts classes served as a means of bringing the neighhborhood residents to the set110 �tlement houses where the educational process could be instituted; handicrafts were a source of social therapy as they brought people together, and they provided a source of pride as the workers were united with their finished products—products which were aesthetically pleasing. As Jane Addams said, 'The aim of the settlement houses was 'to preserve and keep whatever of value [the immigrants7 lives] contained/ and 'to bring them into contact with a better type of Americans/"7 This paternalistic note of bringing the poor into contact with their "betters" was one characteristic of the settlement movement. Whether at Toynbee Hall, in the slums of northeastern cities, or in the communities of the Southern Appalachians, one of the primary goals of social workers was to "uplift" the natives by imbuing them with the social workers' values. One method of attaining this objective was through the use of handicrafts which, they believed, if pursued diligently became exercises in character-building. An echo of Ruskin encouraging women to weave and spin in order to develop moral fiber can be heard in a statement by a social worker in the southern mountains: "In the younger women who were learning to weave and keeping at it, I could see the growth of character. Another characteristic of the settlement movement was the attitude of social workers toward rural life. Although they never advocated abandoning urban life in favor of returning to a rural village existence, there was a powerful romanticism in their view of country living. Programs were instituted wherein children from the cities were sent to summer camps in the country where they could escape the problems of industrial America if only for a short time. There was also a growing sentiment to establish settlements in the rural areas of the country—in places where the social workers could bring educational advantages to the natives and where the natives could maintain their rural lifestyle. As the Southern Appalachian mountains came into public focus, this appeared to be the perfect setting for rural settlements. Here was an area of poverty-stricken, uneducated people who would benefit from social contacts; who were in need of education; and who lived simple lives that were untouched by industrialization. And as the settlement idea had made the transition from England to the cities in the northeast, the transition was made once again—this time to the Southern Appalachian mountains. In order that the social workers might provide the needed educational opportunities there was the necessity of bringing the natives together in the sparsely settled mountain communities. The obvious way to encourage gatherings was through crafts work, and as the settlement workers in the urban areas had encouraged the native crafts of the immigrants, the social workers in the southern mountains encouraged the native crafts of the mountaineers. Through handicrafts both idealistic and practical goals could be achieved because, as David Whisnant stated in his All That Is Native and Fine: 111 �For reasons of their own, middle and upperclass people outside the region were acquiring a taste for traditional handicrafts.Mountaineers were among those who had the skills to satisfy that acquired taste and who were economically hard pressed enough to find the modest potential market attractive. Thus, through the sale of crafts the economic base of the mountaineers could be improved. This would enable them to remain in the mountains rather than migrate to the mill towns which, to the social workers, embodied all the ills of an industrialized society.1 Settlement schools and handicraft centers began springing up independent of each other throughout the Southern Appalachians during the 1890s and early 1900s. Handicrafts such as weaving, basketry, quilting, rug making, woodcarving, pottery, and leather and metal work were promoted. Markets for the sale of these products were established through the handicraft centers: at Berea College and the Hindman Settlement School in Kentucky; at the Pi Beta Phi Settlement School in Tennessee; at the Tallulah Falls Industrial School and the Mount Berry School in Georgia; and in the Asheville area of western North Carolina. The earliest of the rural settlements, those in the Asheville area, were the Log Cabin Settlement established by Susan Chester Lyman in Buncombe County and Allanstand Cottage Industries established by Prances Goodrich in Madison County.11 Born in New York, Lyman was an 1888 graduate of Vassar College and had also been a resident at Hull House. She came to the Asheville area around 1892 hoping to establish a settlement school, and according to Frank Roberson whose mother attended the school, Lyman's earliest attempts included needlework sessions each morning for the girls in the neighborhood. From this beginning Susan Chester Lyman expanded her efforts to include a coverlet weaving program in 1895 for the ladies in the community. At first orders were sold to friends in the North, but by the late 1890s Lyman had made an arrangement with the Asheville Exchange for Women's Work to sell handwoven goods on a commission basis at their salesroom on Court Square. Frances Goodrich, a social worker from New York, had been educated at the Yale Art School and in 1890 was assigned by the Presbyterian Home Missions to the station at Brittain's Cove in Buncombe County. There Goodrich discovered a tradition of coverlet weaving among the mountain women, and to her this suggested the idea of using weaving as a means of getting the women to come to the station and also as a way of sustaining their interest. Goodrich proceeded in the typical settlement house manner and proposed a weaving project for the women who were meeting at the mission once a week. By 1895 she had determined that weaving was a skill which could provide added income for the mountain weavers as coverlets were sent North for sale. In 1897 Goodrich was transferred to Allanstand in Madison County where she continued to encourage hand weaving among the women 112 �of the area and where she organized the Allanstand Cottage Industries to handle the marketing of the woven products. In her book, Mountain Homespun which was published in 1931, Goodrich stated her purposes for encouraging the mountain handicrafts: ...to save the old arts from extinction; to give paying work to women too far from market to find it for themselves; and, more important than all, to bring interest into their lives, the joy of making useful and beautiful things.13 Frances Goodrich and Susan Chester Lyman were only two of the social workers who brought the settlement idea to the Southern Appalachians. During the early 1900s crafts centers continued to appear throughout the mountain region, and the Southern Appalachian handicraft revival was underway. The social settlement movement which initiated the handicraft revival was many things to many people. It was a way of doing something useful and productive for a generation of college women who had not been accepted into a man's world of business and politics. It was a reaction against the effects of industrialization—a way of encouraging the continuation of a rustic lifestyle and a craftsman's pride in his workmanship. It was a way of bringing neighbors together in a social situation; a way of providing education in areas where schools were few and scattered; a way of adding cash to mountain family incomes. It was a preservation of old skills that were rapidly disappearing; it was a beginning. NOTES 1. Oscar Handlin, The Uprooted (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1951), pp. 59,133-135; Adolph E. Meyer, The Development of Education in the Twentieth Century (New York: PrenticeHaU, Inc., 1940), pp. 5-7; Edward H. Reisner, The Evolution of the Common School (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1930), p. 528; Allen F. Davis, Life and Legend of Jane Addams (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp. 10-12. 2. Ronald D. Eller, Miners, Millhands and Mountaineers Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1930 (Knoxvffle: The University of Tennessee Press, 1982), pp. 121-122,125-126; Henry D. Shapiro, Appalachia On Our Mind: The Southern Mountains and Mountaineers in the American Consciousness, 1870-1920 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1978), pp. 5-6, 115; Ina and John J. Van Noppen, Western North Carolina Since the Civil War (Boone: North Carolina: The Appalachian Consortium Press, 1973), pp. 355-358; Victoria Byerly, Hard Times Cotton MUl Girls (New York: Cornell University, 1986), pp. 11-12,163; Ben F. Lemert, The Cotton Textile Industry of the Southern Appalachian Piedmont (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1933), pp. 33,48-49 113 �3. Ian Hepburn, "The Craftsman and Social Conscience: William Morris/1 Handwoven (September/October 1984): 26. 4. Allen F. Davis, Spearheads For Reform The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement 18901914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), pp. 8-11; David E. Whisnant, All That Is Native & Fine (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1983), p. 21. 5. Cornelia Meigs, What Makes a College? A History of Bryn Mawr (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1956), pp. 2-3; Davis, Spearheads for Reform, pp. vii, 37-38. 6. Davis, Spearheads For Reform, pp. vii, 42-43; Davis, Life and Legend, p. 12; Meigs, p. 41. 7. Lillian D. Wald, Windows on Henry Street (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1934), p. 162; Charles A. and Mary R. Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1930), pp. 421-423; Whisnant, p. 45; Davis, Spearheads For Reform, p. vii. 8. Eileen Boris, Art and Labor (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986), pp. 122-124; Frances Louisa Goodrich, Mountain Homespun (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1931), p. 25. 9. Davis, Spearheads For Reform, p. 23; Wald, pp. 158-159; Whisnant, p. 23. 10. Whisnant. p. 66. 11. Idyl Dial Gray, ed., Azure-Lure (Asheville, North Carolina: Advocate Publishing Co., 1924), n.p.; Marjorie Shearin, Revival of Crafts in North Carolina. Raleigh: North Carolina Agricultural Extension Service, 1966) pp. 8-9,12; Allen H. Eaton, Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1937), pp. 70-72; Max West, "Revival of Handicrafts in America," Bulletin of the Bureau of Labor, No. 55 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1904), pp. 1579-1580; Michael Frome, Strangers in High Places (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1966), p. 235; "Educating the Boys and Girls of the Smokies," The Great Smoky Mountains National Park (Knoxville: Great Smoky Mountains Publishing Company, Inc., 1928), n.p.; Virginia Brackett Green, "Those Wonderful Years at the Settlement School," n.p., n.d., Courtesy of Arrowmont School, Gatlinburg, Tennessee. 12. Shapiro, p. 224; West, p. 1576; Interview, Frank Roberson, Asheville, North Carolina, 2 February 1987; "Questionnaire For Biographical Address Register," Vassar College, 19 May 1919; "Asheville Woman Disappears From Passenger Liner," Asheville Citizen, 25 January 1917, p. 1; James R. Reynolds to Jane Addams, 5 February 1893, in Jane Addams Papers, Peace Collection, Series 1, Supplement, Swathmore College. 13. Shapiro, p. 221; Shearin, p. 8; Goodrich, p. 25. 114 �APPALACfflA: CONTRASTS AND SIMILARITIES Convenor: Alvin E. Gerhardt, Rocky Mount Museum Appalachia North Ronald Sutherland, Universite, de Sherbrooke Velma Jean Carter Sutherland, Sherbrooke, Quebec A Look At Regional Patterns In The Southern Highlands Paul E. Lovingood, Jr., University of South Carolina Robert E. Reiman, Appalachian State University A Look at Regional Patterns in the Southern Highlands by Paul E. Lovingood and Robert E. Reiman Introduction The Southern Highlands as defined here consists of 156 counties in the seven-state area of Georgia, Kentucky, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, and West Virginia. All but eight of the counties lie within the Appalachian Region as defined by the Appalachian Regional Commission, and the study area is generally referred to as The Appalachian Consortium Service Area (Figure 1). Researchers from many disciplines in their study of the spatial form of human society have failed to recognize the existence of distinct areal units within a larger regional framework. In regional analysis it is necessary to establish some degree of regional distinction from the overwhelming mass of areal differences. In so doing one can understand a given area adequately, distinguish it from others and gain insight into the basic spatial organization in which people live and, in fact, the patterns which they have helped create. These patterns may be single-factor or multi-factor in character. It is the purpose of this study, through the use of maps, to demonstrate the existence of many different regional patterns within the Southern Highlands. An attempt will be made to show the spatial patterns of various socioeconomic variables within the area, including but not limited to resources, agriculture, business, population and health care. This study will illustrate that analysis of socioeconomic data is not only incomplete but liable to serious error unless it is applied within a variety of regional frameworks. 115 �FIGURE 1 Examples of Single-Factor Regions Farm Types. Geographers and others have for many years attempted to delineate agricultural regions on the basis of production, sales, farm types, farm size, etc. As agriculture is basic to economic development, physical landscapes vary and man's adaptation to his environment changes through time and place; no two areas on the earth's surface are the same in terms of their agricultural patterns. The map, Regions Based on Farm Types, shows five different regions in the Southern Highlands (Figure 2). Although tobacco and beef cattle can be found throughout the entire study area, certain regional specialties become obvious through an analysis of this map and its accompanying regional data (Table 1). The names of the regions were derived by using those farm types 116 �accounting for five percent or more of the total farms within a given region (Table 1). Region 2, Beef/Tobacco/Cash Grain, contains the largest number of counties (85) and shows a dominance of beef cattie with tobacco ranking second and cash grain third. Region 3, Tobacco/Beef, is the second largest region with 51 counties. Tobacco is by far dominant in this region with beef cattie second. Region 1, Beef/Poultry, contains 13 counties most of which are in Georgia. Although beef cattle represents the highest percent of total farms in this region, there is a good balance between beef cattie and poultry production. Region 4, Beef/Tobacco/General Farming Livestock/Cash Grain/General Farming, Crops/Poultry, includes only four counties all located in the northern part of the study area. This represents an area of mixed REGIONS BflSED ON FRRM TYPES - 1982 FIGURE 2. 117 �agriculture with beef cattle, tobacco and general farming as the dominant activities. Region 5, Fruit/Beef/Tobacco/Horticultural Specialties/Vegetables and Melons, has only three counties which demonstrates a lack of "specialty farms" and a balanced agricultural economy throughout the study area. Business Employment. Employment in the various businesses depicts the overall character of the economy of an area. The map, Regions Based on Employment in Each SIC Class as a Percent of Total Employment, shows five different regions in the Southern Highlands (Figure 3). There is considerable variation in the regional pattern throughout the study area (Table 2). Such variation should be expected because of the great range in both physical and cultural conditions in the area. Region 1 consists of 58 counties and is located primarily in the southern part of the study area. In terms of employment (60 percent) it can truly be described as a manufacturing region. Retail trade and service employment TABLE 1 PERCENT OF TOTAL FARMS BY FARM TYPE IN EACH REGION-1982 FARM TYPES 1 2 REGIONS 4 5 Cash Grain 3.6 6.5 1.4 9.0 2.0 Tobacco 2.7 10.8 65.4 13.1 10.3 Potatoes, Peanuts and Other Field Crops 2.7 4.3 1.6 4.1 3.1 Vegetables and Melons 1.1 2.1 0.5 3.2 8.8 Fruit and Tree Nuts 1.2 2.3 0.4 1.8 30.5 Horticultural Specialties 0.6 1.3 0.4 1.8 9.9 General, Primarily Crops 1.9 3.4 2.1 5.0 1.9 General, Primarily Livestock 1.0 1.2 1.0 10.4 1.0 42.9 51.1 20.0 30.3 22.1 1.8 4.5 2.9 0.5 4.0 Poultry and Eggs 35.1 2.8 0.6 1.8 0.2 Animal Specialties 1.8 2.2 0.8 5.0 2.0 13 85 51 Beef Cattle Dairy Region Size (Counties) 118 �REGIONS BflSED ON EMPLOYMENT IN ERCH SIC CLRSS RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL EMPLOYMENT - 1982 FIGURE 3. support the manufactural employment. Region 2, the largest with 65 counties, is widely distributed throughout the study area. Employment here is more balanced with manufacturing, services and retail trade dominant but with important numbers in other categories. This could probably be described as the typical patterns of upland areas. Region 3 consists of only eight counties with over 50 percent of all employed persons engaged in tertiary activities. These are service centers but with significant employment in manufacturing. Region 4,23 counties, is unique in that 50 percent of its employment is in the primary activity of mining. The retail trade and services employment in large part supports the mining activities. This traditional coal-mining region lacks diversity in terms of employment. Region 5 contains only two counties at op119 �TABLE 2 PERCENT OF TOTAL EMPLOYMENT IN EACH REGION BY SIC CLASS - 1982 SIC CLASS 1 REGIONS 2 3 4 5 Agricultural Services, Forestry and Fisheries 0.3 0.3 0.1 0.1 0.2 Mining 0.6 2.5 5.5 50.4 0.0 3.8 5.3 3.5 2.1 32.0 60.0 31.5 17.8 4.8 27.5 Transportation, Communication, Electric, Gas and Sanitary Services 3.0 5.5 18.5 4.0 3.0 Wholesale Trade 3.7 6.6 3.2 4.3 5.2 14.6 20.8 24.9 16.9 13.4 2.7 5.5 3.7 3.0 3.7 11.5 21.9 22.1 14.3 15.0 0.3 0.0 23 2 Contract Construction Manufacturing Retail Trade Finance, Insurance and Real Estate Services Unclassified Region Size (Counties) 0.1 0.1 0.7 58 65 8 posite "poles" in terms of their location and are anomalies in terms of their employment pattern. These are "high growth" areas as indicated by their significant employment in contract construction. In addition there is much diversity of employment which is characteristic of counties where large urban populations prevail. Causes of Death. The map, Mortality Regions Based on Causes of Death, is used here to illustrate that regions may in fact exist with little or no significant differences between them (Figure 4). In the Southern Highlands there is little difference in the causes of death between sparsely populated rural counties as in Region 1 and the densely populated urban counties in Region 5 (Table 3). The percent of total deaths by cause for the most part does not vary more than about one percent between all five regions (Table 3). It is interesting to note that the percent of total deaths by cause, with one exception, is higher for all regions than the national average. The one exception is cirrhosis of the liver where three of the five regions are below the national average (Table 3). As would be expected the greatest number of deaths occur in those counties with higher populations (compare Figure 4 and Table 4). 120 �TABLE 3 PERCENT OF TOTAL DEATHS BY CAUSE PER REGION - 1980 Cause Infective & Parasitic Diseases 1 2 REGIONS 3 4 5 U.S. 0.9 0.8 0.8 1.0 1.1 0.76 Malignant Neoplasms 19.2 19.1 19.6 19.9 20.6 18.4 Ischemic Heart Disease 28.0 28.9 28.1 27.2 27.4 25.0 Other Cardiovascular Disease 21.1 21.1 21.1 22.1 21.6 18.7 Influenza & Pneumonia 2.5 2.8 2.9 2.9 2.9 2.4 Bronchitis, Emphysema Asthma 3.0 3.8 3.1 2.6 3.0 2.5 Cirrhosis of Liver 0.8 1.0 1.5 1.0 1.6 1.4 Motor Vehicle Accidents 3.9 3.4 3.0 3.1 2.7 2.4 Other External Causes 6.5 6.5 6.0 5.6 5.4 4.7 13.0 12.6 13.8 14.6 13.7 11.7 Deaths from Other Causes Total Deaths 8,806 15,366 15,028 Region Size (Counties) 68 51 26 6,851 14,196 5 6 Dominant Churches. In any overall regional analysis, religion is a strong element of cultural diversity. The map, Denominational Regions Based on Dominant Churches as a Percent of Total Churches, shows five regions with a general pattern of change from south to north (Figure 5). In this analysis any denomination having more than two percent of the total churches in the Southern Highlands was included. Region 1 with 80 counties is by far the largest and most dominated by one denomination (Table 5). Southern Baptist Churches account for slightly more than 50 percent of all churches and United Methodist is the only other denomination with more than five percent of the total. This pattern is found in most counties in Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina and Tennessee. Region 2 consists of 15 counties that reflect a slight Southern Baptist dominance but have important groups of United Methodist, Church of God (Cleveland) and Churches of Christ. Region 3 has 38 counties where the 121 �MORTRLITY REGIONS BRSED ON CRUSES OF DEPTH - 1980 FIGURE 4. Southern Baptist dominance has been replaced by United Methodist. This region also has the largest group of Presbyterian Churches in the U.S. Region 3 appears to be transitional between the southern and northern counties. Region 4 is made up of 12 counties with a central and northwesterly orientation. This region is dominated by Southern Baptist Churches but has the largest number of Christian Churches and Churches of Christ. United Methodist and Churches of Christ are also important. Region 5 is the smallest with only 11 counties. In this region the Southern Baptist influence has almost disappeared and United Methodist and American Baptist in the USA 122 �TOTAL DEATHS BY CAUSE PER REGION - 1980 Cause Infective & Parasitic Diseases 1 REGIONS 2 3 4 5 81.6 127.5 122.1 68.0 157.1 Malignant Neoplasms 1693.2 2927.4 2943.2 1362.0 2928.0 Ischemic Heart Disease 2468.4 4447.2 4225.0 1864.0 3892.2 Other Cardiovascular Disease 1856.4 3243.6 3172.0 1514.0 3067.2 Infleunza & Pneumonia 224.4 433.5 436.8 198.0 406.2 Bronchitis, Emphysema, Asthma 265.2 675.2 473.2 180.0 430.2 74.8 153.0 221.0 67.0 228.0 Motor Vehicle Accidents 340.0 520.2 449.0 221.0 385.8 Other Eternal Causes 571.2 999.6 904.8 387.0 760.2 1149.2 1938.0 2080.0 1000.0 1941.0 8,806 15,366 15,028 6,851 14,196 68 51 26 5 6 Cirrhosis of Liver Deaths from Other Causes Total Deaths Region Size (Counties) are dominant. Churches of Christ, Presbyterian Church in the U.S. and Church of God (Cleveland) are also important. Multif actor Regions Multiple factor regions can be developed by using various combinations of similar or dissimilar data. The data used may measure many different attributes of an area or its people. It is through this procedure that geographers undertake a task not done holistically by other disciplines. In other words through regional analysis geographers are not just interested in the classification of regions but attempt to understand the region as a whole. The map, Multifactor Regions Based on 18 Socioeconomic Variables, gives an understanding of the spatial interaction of socioeconomic data by regions within the Southern Highlands (Figure 6). Here we see a mosaic of 123 �DENOMINflTIONflL REGIONS BRSED ON DOMINRNT CHURCHES RS R PERCENT OF TOTRL CHURCHES - 1980 FIGURE 5. regional characteristics, and many of our assumptions become more realistic when they are given this spatial dimension. We begin to see the answers to such questions as trWhat is the relationship between education and income?," 'What is the relationship between birth rate and the ability of the population to support itself?," "Where are those areas most in need of public assistance?," "What are the basic needs of the people?," etc. (Table 6). A close examination of the five regions presented here shows many relationships that are often considered singularly. It would seem that this ap- 124 �TABLE 5 PERCENT OF CHURCHES BY DOMINANT DENOMINATION IN EACH REGION - 1980 DENOMINATION 1 2 REGIONS 4 5 Southern Baptist 51.0 26.7 22.8 29.1 2.3 United Methodist 17.9 16.5 27.0 14.8 26.5 Church of God (Cleveland) 4.9 15.7 3.8 4.4 5.2 Churches of Christ 3.0 13.4 3.6 10.6 7.3 Presbyterian Church in the U.S. 3.3 2.4 6.6 3.8 6.0 Christian Churches & Churches of Christ 2.1 11 . 3.7 19.7 2.3 American Baptist Churches in the USA 0.0 2.2 0.8 0.0 22.7 17.9 22.0 31.6 17.6 27.8 80 15 38 12 1 1 Other Churches Region Size (Counties) proach adds knowledge about the form and functions of areas and should be beneficial in both urban and regional planning. For example, Region 1 contains about 44 percent of the counties in the Southern Highlands—those that lie scattered along the central northeast-southwest axis of the overall region. Here in the Blue Ridge Mountains and in the Ridge and Valley section there is heavy dependence on manufacturing employment and little on agriculture or mining. There are comparatively low ratios of people on welfare, people living below the poverty level, and people living without adequate housing (reflected by inadequate plumbing). The population is aging and there is a high proportion of females in the labor force. For planning purposes it can be surmised that while local government officials will need to be concerned with economic development, some additional effort will need to be exerted toward revitalization of the farm economy. Although furnishing additional facilities for elementary education will probably not become a problem, continuing education for adults will need to be made more available as well as child care for the high percentage of female workers in the labor force. Region 2, the least contiguous in the overall region, contains only about 10 percent of the counties in the Southern Highlands. Median home values are the highest among the five regions, yet there are still a number of homes 125 �MULTIFRCTOR REGIONS BRSED ON 18 SOCIOECONOMIC VRRIRBLES - 1980 FIGURE 6. without adequate plumbing; education levels are high and poverty levels lower than in three of the five regions. Because median ages are lower there may have to be more planning efforts in regard to the education of younger children. Region 3, with 19 percent of the counties, portrays clearly the results of economic diversification. High percentages of the labor force are in manufacturing and services (with a large proportion of employed females) and a low percentage in agriculture. Implications here are that people in this region sustain higher levels of living than do those in the other four regions. 126 �TABLE 6 AVERAGE VALUE BY REGIONS OF DATA USED IN MULTIFACTOR REGIONALIZATION SCHEME 1 REGIONS 3 4 5 3.0 12.1 2.1 0.5 11.0 10.3 13.7 Birth Rate 12.9 14.3 14.1 16.6 17.4 Median Age 32.1 29.4 30.9 28.3 28.1 Infant Mortality Rate 13.0 13.0 12.1 12.1 11.2 SIC CLASS Percent Black Population Percent of Families with Female Head Death Rate Per Capita Income Percent of Persons Below Poverty Level 4.1 11.8 11.9 9.0 7.9 8.7 9.2 8.6 6,549 7,114 8,381 6,425 4,732 15.6 14.0 12.3 23.1 37.0 Percent of Females Divorced 5.1 5.0 7.2 5.1 5.3 AFDC Recipients as a Percent of Total Population 1.8 2.6 2.7 5.6 o.O Percent of Labor Force in Agriculture, Forestry; Fisheries and Mining 4.7 8.5 1.9 25.5 13.8 Pet cent of Labor Force in Manufacturing 36.8 17.0 31.9 9.8 10.7 Females, 16 Years and Older as a Percent of the Labor Force 41.7 37.1 45.3 32.5 28.1 6.7 7.5 6.1 11.0 11.9 White Collar Workers, 16 Years and Older, as a Percent of the Labor Force 32.7 40.6 47.2 31.5 24.7 Median School Years Completed, 25 Years and Older 10.4 11.8 11.5 9.4 7.4 26,151 20,558 Unemployment Rate, 16 Years and Older Median Home Value 29,997 39,794 35,656 Percent of Housing Units Without Plumbing 6.2 5.1 2.1 Region Size (Counties) 69 1 6 30 127 11.6 2$ 24.3 12 �Region 4, with another 19 percent of the counties of the Southern Highlands (mostly in the "coal counties" of Kentucky, Virginia, and West Virginia), depicts the results of mining as a large employer of people, without concurrent emphasis on manufacturing and services employment. Also, home values are low (as in home quality), there is low utilization of females in the labor force and unemployment is high. In this region planners and other officials will need to focus their efforts on greater economic diversification, improvement of education, better delivery of social services, and the like. The 12 counties of Region 5, composing only 8 percent of 156 counties of the overall region, and bordering on Region 4, is the Southern Highlands real "disaster area." With one exception these counties are located on the Appalachian Plateau in Kentucky; home values, home quality, per capita income, and education are the lowest of the five regions. In addition, birth rates are high as are rates of unemployment, persons living below the poverty level and welfare recipients. It is obvious that social planning and economic development planning will have to be based on some new concepts if the levels of living in this sub-region are to be brought into line with those of even the next poorest area. Summary And Conclusions The whole idea of regionalization has to do with people's perceptions of place. In the broadest sense it is a frame of reference as to what a place or area is like. Once the character has been determined, the concept can be used in its simplest terms to demonstrate how seemingly unrelated elements of data can be used to portray the existence of and to analyze composite patterns in an area as complex as the Southern Highlands. Different regions exhibited in this paper have been derived by combining various qualities, attributes and/or properties in order to gain a better understanding as to how some areas within a larger region can be different from other areas within that same region. The use of this regionalization technique can hopefully lead to a greater understanding of the region and its people as regional differences can be delimited and then linked to differences in local governmental leadership styles. Hopefully, planning and decision-making that are based on regional understandings will be superior to that accomplished only by intuition. 128 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication URL https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469636689/remembrance-reunion-and-revival/ Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Remembrance, Reunion and Revival Description An account of the resource <span>The proceedings from the 1987 Appalachian Studies Conference held at East Tennessee State University includes contributions by Sandra L. Ballard; Richard Blaustein; Ricky Cox; Alan J. DeYoung; Howard Dorgan; Karen Tice and Albie Pabon; Bennie Lee Sinclair; Amy Tipton Gray; Marie Tedesco; Mark F. Sohn; Marc Sherrod; Curtis Wood and Joan Greene; and Paul E. Lovingood and Robert E. Reiman.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=18h4S1q77gdiBwo92E__1lOpE2a3fih0l" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469636689/remembrance-reunion-and-revival" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region--Congresses Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Roseberry, Helen Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. Proceedings of the 10th Annual Appalachian Studies Conference Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Conference proceedings Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4633419/johnson-city.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm Johnson City (Tenn.) Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Multidisciplinary/ Appalachian Studies https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/ada50d407b1ec1d3ac3540a3b913b3cb.pdf 8d559ca78a965b3a8f73e6615fd3b25e PDF Text Text �Critical Essays In Appalachian Life And Culture Proceedings Of The Fifth Annual Appalachian Studies Conference Coordinating Editor Rick Simon Editors Grace Edwards Ron Eller Joan Moser Managing Editor Barry M. Buxton �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1982 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3681-8 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3683-2 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �The appreciation of the Appalachian Consortium and the Appalachian Studies Conference is extended to Brad Jakubsen, Jacque Stewart and Gail Garner for their assistance in editorial and design considerations. �This page intentionally left blank �TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction, Rick Simon 1 Keynote Address: Education and Change, Sue Thrasher 7 I. Values and Political Economy Introduction, Rick Simon Harry Caudill and the Burden of Mountain Liberalism, RonaldDEller 21 Human Values and Resource Development in the Political Economy of Appalachia: A Synthesis of Two Regional Forums, Deborah Morentz Markley and Brady J. Deaton II. 19 30 Urban Minorities Introduction, Ronald Eller 45 Black Appalachian Migrants: The Issue of Dual Minority Status, William W. Philliber and Phillip J. Obermiller 47 Occupational and Employment Status of Appalachian Migrant Women, Virginia McCoy Watkins and Diana Gullett Trevino 54 III. Language and Literature of the Appalachian Region Introduction, Grace Toney Edwards 67 Generations: The Theme of Jim Wayne Miller's Dialogue With a Dead Man, Harold Branam 69 Kit Brandon's Choice, Parks Lanier 76 IV. Culture, Images and Change Introduction, Joan Moser 87 Appalachia in America's Future: Alternative Cultural Forms, Melinda Bollar Wagner 88 �Notes on Voluntary Service Networking and Community Building, Thomas Plant V. 98 Abstracts Renewable Energy for Appalachia Development, C. James Bier 107 The Need for a Descriptive Study of Appalachian Children's Language Development, Dina Blum - West 108 Floating Down the Stream of Time: An Appalachian Rural Community Confronting Mass Society, Tom Boyd 108 Appalachian Change: The Federal Involvement, Michael J. Bradshaw 109 Appalachian Serpent-Handlers in the Urban Midwest: A Test of a Satisfaction Hypothesis, Michael Carter and Kenneth Ambrose 109 Looking Back 110 Before Integration, Victoria A. Casey The Homemade Toys of Appalachia, Debbie Collins 110 Sherwood Anderson's Appalachian Years: An Overview, William T. Cornett Ill Tales of Power: A Community Perspective of the T.V.A., Richard Couto 112 Location Decisions of Appalachian Youth: A Case Study in a Rural Appalachian Community, Barbara Daniel 113 Land for East Kentucky's Development: An Inventory of Mountain Top Mining Sites, Douglas Dotterweich 113 Planning for Appalachia's Future: The Forest Service and Public Input, L. Sue Greer 114 The Nada Tunnel: Through Fact and Through the Imagination, Larry G. Meadows 115 Made in the Mountains: Folk Art and Traditional Handicraft, Laurel Norton 116 The Cherokee Religious Experience, Richard A. Humphrey 117 Toward a Theory of Appalachia in Advanced Capitalism, Stephen P. Legeay 119 �Ethnicization and Urban Appalachians, Martin N. Marger 119 Pine Mountain Boarding High School: A Unique Educational Community, 1930-49, Walter Oldendof 120 A Critique of Appalachian Sociolinguistics, Brenda CottrellPfatf 121 An Ethnography of Speaking in an Appalachian Community, George B. Ray 121 Oh, How I Want To Go Home: The Myth of Return and Ethnic Identification Among Appalachian Migrants to Urban Places, Terrence Russell 122 Women in Appalachian Education: An Initial Inquiry, Ruth Scott 122 New Ideas and New Cultural Experiments in Appalachia: A Historical Outline, Jewel L. Tabor 124 The World's Largest Pottery: Does Appalachia Hold Its Future? Jack Welch 125 The Blue Ridge Mountains: A Regional Ecology of Natural Hazards, Gene Wilhelm, Jr 126 Appalachia and the World's Fair, Michael J. McDonald and William Bruce Wheeler 126 Methods, Means and Materials for Teaching Appalachian Studies, Carolyn M. Hinson 127 Unraveling Folklore: The Thread of Appalachia, Joyce L. Graham 128 The Impact of Economic Development on Women: Women and the Welfare State in Southern Appalachia, Mary Anglin 129 The Richmond, Kentucky Solar Energy Community Assessment, /. Allen Singleton 129 �This page intentionally left blank �Introduction Rick Simon Appalachian Studies Conferences have been held every year since 1977. The 1982 conference was the first held under a new relationship with the Appalachian Consortium (AC), which will co-sponsor the annual meetings. One important result of the participation of the Appalachian Consortium will be the regular publication of the conference proceedings. As this volume marks a new beginning as the first of many to come,1 it is appropriate that this essay should speak to the nature of the Appalachian Studies Conference, as well as introduce this collection of papers from the 1982 conference. The goal of the conference is similar to that of other professional associations: a "shared community has been and will continue to be important for those writing, researching, and teaching about things Appalachian." But the objective of creating a community for those involved in Appalachian studies has a particular meaning. For that community is made up of many diverse elements, to be sure. The Appalachian Studies Conferences bring together the widest group of people, including faculty in the social sciences and the humanities, musicians, artists, film makers, social welfare practitioners, community workers, residents, and others. These people come from many different locations, have a diversity of personal histories and backgrounds, hold varying political beliefs, and have different reasons for being interested in Appalachia. There would seem no better example of that diversity than that this introduction should be written by someone who is by birth urban, northern, and Jewish; by training an economist; by experience an activist and Marxist; and, intellectually, one who is questioning the notions of an Appalachian regional consciousness and identity. It is safe to say that I constitute a minority of one within the Appalachian studies community.2 If my views regarding Appalachian studies may be unrepresentative, my attitude toward the Appalachian Studies Conference and its diversity will be shared more generally. The diversity of the Appalachian studies community has been both a source of strength and a problem, a source of creativity and divisiveness. The diverse formats included in the annual conference are illustrative. For example, at the 1982 conference there were literature readings, presentations of academic papers, a social with traditional music and square dancing, continuous showings of films, tape-slide shows, and other audiovisual teaching aids about Appalachian subjects. There was also run concurrently a workshop for primary and secondary teachers.3 A workshop for mental health workers was planned, but unfortunately did not draw a large enough participation to justify the running of the program itself. The 1982 conference also included an innovation in format which will be tried again 1 �in 1983. The program committee attempted to integrate artistic papers and scholarly contributions within a session organized around a topic. For example, the session on "Sexism in Work, Communities and Families," included a multimedia presentation of a short story entitled "Lovesick Blues;" the session "Mountain Music" included a film entitled "Anchored in Love," and the session "Land Use and Economic Development" was scheduled to include a poetry reading. Another interesting feature of the Appalachian Studies Conference format is its attempt to bring together community and academic participants. Although falling far short of the complete mixing of university and general communities, each annual conference has included a session focusing on a community problem presented by the residents themselves. In 1982, the Citizens for the Preservation of Floyd County, a group fighting the location of a high-voltage powerline designed to cross the county, enlightened and ignited the audience. These diverse activities offer combinations of interactions which other conferences do not approach. They reflect not only the diversity of participants but the diversity of interests of each participant as teacher, scholar, activist, resident, cultural consumer, and artist. In addition, this diversity provided the opportunity for uncommon informal contact between the participants. By its nature, this activity is hard to describe, but all agree it marks the ASC as something special. But the variety of activities has also led to, as John Stephenson has suggested, "a suprising degree of specialization and subspecialization, and a consequent fracturing of our attention."4 The 1982 conference reflects this as most sessions were organized around disciplines: cultural history, linguistics, religion, politics....Moreover, the divisions within Appalachian Studies, as within other regional studies groups, inevitably reflect political and methodological differences. The political differences ultimately concern beliefs as to the best strategies for change and where we want those changes to lead.5 But it is the methodological concerns which call forth the greatest debate among Appalachian Studies participants. The tension between the "hard" and "soft" academic disciplines has received the greatest attention.6 There is the related difference between those who view the proper role of the regional student as activist and those who urge an "objective" non-participant role.7 A final methodological difference is that between (what I refer to as) the globalists and the localists, those who analyze Appalachia as part of a larger social context and those who analyze Appalachia as unto itself.8 These differences will be of unequal importance in the 1980's. At least the goal of bridging the gap between the hard and soft, between the social scientists and humanists, is shared by all. The attempt made in 1982 to integrate the hard and the soft within sessions was modest but nonetheless an important beginning. The tension between the activists and the "academics" reflects real political differences and will not be so easily resolved.9 The tension between the globalists and the localists, which will be mirrored in an increased tension over political strategies, may well become the most debated issue in the 1980's. Despite the diversity of participation and the political and methodological dif2 �ferences and the demands these place on the ASC organizers, the annual conference seems to be surviving quite successfully. Stephenson believes that Appalachian Studies has become a community who, "while they maintain their differences in perspective, have shared much in this ten year conversation, and who want to share more as they work together in the future."10 There is an Appalachian scholars' community, and it receives its fullest, yet muted, expression in the Appalachian Studies Conference. Given the very real divisions within the Appalachian community, the obvious question is "what brings and holds this diverse group of people together?" First, there is our common interest in the territory we call Appalachia. There are as many boundary definitions of the region as there are problems in the eyes of conference participants. Nonetheless, whatever the particular approach of the Appalachian scholar, the common space and people are a cohesive force. Furthermore, there is a belief in a holistic method, one which does not separate subject matter by disciplines, even as there is a tension between the social sciences and the humanities. For example, my own work might be considered too economic determinist within the Appalachian Studies community, yet would not be considered "economics" by that profession. Regional studies, by its nature, encourages one to think in holistic, not disciplinary terms. In the 1982 conference, although some sessions were organized along disciplinary lines, others were organized around topics and included presentations from individuals in different disciplines. For example, the session called "Appalachian Images: Past, Present, Future" included individuals who are in sociology, political science, history, and biology departments. This and other sessions were very much interdisciplinary; the conference is moving toward structuring multidisciplinary sessions. A third factor holding people together within Appalachian Studies is a concern for the use of knowledge, particularly its impact on people. Those doing Appalachian Studies are closer to their subject than are many other research communities. This is not just a concern for the policy implications of research, therefore, but reflects the position of the participant who is "of Appalachia. Our work affects each other as well as people in general. This concern for having an impact, as well as what that effect will be, has led the studies conference to develop mechanisms for talking to people outside of the Appalachian Studies community. The teachers' workshop is very much a continuing part of the conference and the mental health workshop will hopefully become that also. The participation of community groups is an ongoing concern, although again there is much to be done to more fully integrate university and community participation. This concern for outcomes is reflected in what John Stephenson calls the "future oriented" interest of the community. Once again there has not been adequate or sufficient attention given to this subject. It is part of the consciousness of those doing Appalachian Studies, so hopefully we will improve our performance. We suspect that that concern will be translated into action; the 1982 conference made a modest contribution. 3 �The 1982 Conference "Alternative Appalachian Futures: Past and Present, 1832-1982," was the theme chosen for the 1982 conference. We in Appalachia seem once again faced with a critical period that will greatly affect our future. The energy crisis, funding reductions in federal social programs, more rapid growth of the smaller towns and rural areas, new communication and computer technologies,.. .all suggest that we are in a time of rapid change in Appalachia. There have been other times when critical choices were made, knowingly or unknowingly, that shaped Appalachia. We need to learn about earlier historical episodes during which critical choices were made, as well as to try to unravel the present. The program committee for the 1982 conference believed that we had better start looking now at the future of Appalachia if we hope to participate in influencing the changes that will come to pass. As with so many of the other considerations with the still young Appalachian Studies Conference, mechanisms to successfully institute our objectives are still developing. The theme for the 1982 conference, while providing some continuity for the different conference activities, was not successful in really focusing the conference papers and the other forms of presentations. Thus the editorial committee decided not to try to organize this collection around the theme of Appalachian futures, but instead to reflect the more modest success of speaking to that theme. Humbly, we have chosen a general title and organized papers around the subjects to which they speak. Nonetheless, the 1982 conference made some contributions toward the overall theme, some of which are represented in the nine papers reproduced in full in this volume.11 The one theme often repeated in the papers is: people in Appalachia need to develop new ways of understanding and new ways of doing so as to build the future on the cultural platforms of the past. Several of the papers,—Markley and Deaton, Wagner, and Branham—argue that the future, whatever its particular form, must be recognizable as a mountaineer culture. These authors question a future which would destroy that culture in achieving urban industrial growth. Wagner goes further, suggesting that Appalachian culture, to the extent that it is collective oriented and non-discursive, is not only a necessary foundation for Appalachia's future but for America's future as well. The collection of papers also suggests that the future should be shaped by the people of Appalachia, not experts, whether inside or outside the region. Eller criticizes the view that the "backwoods" culture limits the ability of people to be involved in shaping their own future and Markley and Deaton provide examples of people's involvement. Plaut, in reviewing some of the considerations in establishing new support networks in the mountains in the face of federal government cutbacks, suggests that these evolving support networks may be the basis for community-building. This in turn could provide the basis for people being broadly involved in helping to determine their own future. Lanier's review of Anderson's Kit Brandon suggests that Appalachian mountaineers, in facing their own struggles between good and evil, will be involved consciously or unconscious4 �ly, in shaping the future. It is appropriate that the keynote address should have focused on the Highlander Center in celebration of its 50th anniversary in 1982. Highlander's labor, civil rights, and Appalachian periods, as related by Thrasher, are tied together in Highlander's philosophy of trying to help people help themselves. Highlander's belief in the power of "ordinary people" is an important example for those trying to build a better future while preserving people's culture. The papers included in this volume have much more to say about the future and other subjects. The papers are introduced more fully below. Notes 'The proceedings of the Third (1980) Appalachian Studies Conference was published under the title Appalachia/America by the Appalachian Consortium Press (ACP). Funds were contributed by the Appalachian Regional Commission. It is the hope of the ACS and the ACP that the publication of the proceedings of this and forthcoming conferences will be self-supporting. 2 My role as editorial coordinator follows my serving as program coordinator for the 1982 conference. Although I was responsible for drafting this introduction, this collection has certainly been a collective effort. The conference program was the result of great effort from everyone on the 1982 program committee. The selection of papers and editorial work for this volume has been shared by Ronald Eller, Grace Toney Edwards, and Joan Moser. Barry Buxton has served as managing editor, with the aid of the staff at the Appalachian Consortium. 3 This was the second conference to hold such a workshop; twenty teachers were enrolled. A highlight of the 1982 workshop was a presentation, "A History of Education in Appalachia," by Gratis Williams. His excellent presentation marked one of his last activities before undergoing treatment for cancer of the lymph system. We all wish him a speedy recovery from his treatment, which is reported to be going successfully. ^"Politics and Scholarship: Appalachian Studies enters the 1980s," Appalachian Journal: IX:2, 3 (Winter-Spring 1982), p. 97. (This special issue of the A] has the title Assessing Appalachian Studies; this title will be used to refer to other articles appearing in this issue of the A].) Stephenson is suggesting here that the Appalachian Studies Conference has not been able to evaluate the status of Appalachian Studies even while it has encouraged the pursuit of Appalachian Studies subjects. 6 I believe that the differences are much greater over the strategies to pursue than our visions of what we wish to achieve. "See Jim Wayne Miller, "Appalachian Studies Hard and Soft: The Action People and the Creative Folk," Assessing Appalachian Studies, pp. 105-114. 'See John Stephenson, "Politics and Scholarship," in Assessing Appalachian Studies, pp. 97-104. Stephenson usefully notes that the Appalachian Studies interest was stimulated during the politically active late 60s and 70s by those who had come to Appalachia or became more involved in Appalachia during that time, and then "returned to academic society charged with political anger." Whereas the rapid growth of Appalachian Studies during the past ten years has brought with it increasing numbers of participants "whose early experience of the region was not especially political." Thus, the tension between the "pure academics" and the real politickers is deeper in Appalachian Studies than it is perhaps in professional associations other than those similarly formed, such as black or women studies. "See Steve Fisher, Jim Foster, and Mary Harnish, "From Nonsense to Good Space Sense: A Collective Reflection on Appalachia and Appalachian Studies," Assessing Appalachian Studies, pp. 149-169, especially p. 151. "See for example Frank H. Einstein, "Theory Si Practice No! Appalachian Studies Comes Full Circle," in Assessing Appalachian Studies, pp. 195-201. 5 �10 See Stephenson, "Politics and Scholarship," p. 103. "The selection of papers is always a difficult task. The editorial committee, with the needs of the Appalachian Consortium Press in mind, tried to select a set of papers which not only made contributions to their subjects, but which also would fit together so the volume as a whole would be of use to Appalachian scholars and teachers. In that process, unfortunately, a number of good papers had to be excluded from full publication. 6 �Keynote Address of the 1982 Appalachian Studies Conference Sue Thrasher Education and Change At Christmas time in 1931 in Copenhagen, Denmark, a young Tennessean by the name of Myles Horton made a note in his journal: I can't sleep but there are dreams: a school where young men and women can come and be inspired...expressing themselves through teaching history, literature, song and music, arts, weaving, and a life lived together....A school where young men and women living in close personal contact with teachers will learn how to take their place intelligently in a changing world, which at present presents so many baffling problems. It is hoped that the students will be able to make decisions for themselves on the basis of an enlightened judgment. The following November the southern mountain school of his dreams, the Highlander Folk School, was born on the Cumberland Plateau in the little community of Summerfield, Tennessee. This year, Highlander, in its new incarnation as the Highlander Research and Education Center, celebrates its 50th anniversary. It has survived major attacks by southern governors, legislatures, and businessmen. It has changed its name and its location, but the idea of democratic education that Horton envisioned that winter evening in Copenhagen has presevered. I would like to start with an overview of Highlander's work with the southern labor movement; the civil rights movement; and community groups in Appalachia, and then talk about its impact as a regional institution. * * * * The concept of a school for workers and community people was born in the little town of Ozone, Tennessee, when Horton, a third year student at Cumberland College arrived to teach vacation Bible school for the Presbyterian Church. That summer, in addition to his work with children, he decided to bring adults together for evening discussions about community problems. He was amazed at the response; people would walk for miles to make it to the evening meetings. They wanted to know about how to test wells for typhoid, or how to test their farmland. They also wanted to know about the possibility of getting jobs in textile mills. 7 �One of the most important things Horton learned from these meetings was to trust his own ability as a group leader who didn't have all of the answers. As he said later, To my amazement my inability to answer questions didn't bother them. That was probably the biggest discovery I ever made. You don't have to know the answers! You raise the questions, sharpen the questions, get people to discussing them. In that group of mountain people a lot of the answers were available if they pooled their knowledge. It was that discovery with the mountain people of Ozone that began to trigger in Myles Horton the notion of setting up a southern mountain school. Although the community wanted him to stay, and one woman offered her house as an educational center, he returned to graduate from Cumberland University. After spending a year working with the YMCA in Tennessee, in 1929 he followed his dream to Union Seminary where he studied under Reinhold Niebuhr and Harry F. Ward. He then went on to the University of Chicago and studied under sociologist, Robert Park, and more importantly met a Danish minister named Aage Moller, who told him about the Danish folk high school movement. At the end of his year in Chicago, and still not ready to "begin" his new school, Horton decided to travel to Denmark to see first-hand the Danish folk schools. During all of this time Myles wrote innumerable notes to himself trying to more precisely define his dream of starting a school. He was never quite sure exactly when it was time to begin. He still didn't have all the answers. Finally one night in Denmark, he decided it was time to come home and find himself a situation and a place. As he wrote later, All at once I told myself, 'All you do is get a place and move in. You are there. The situation is there. You start with this and let it grow. You have your idea; you know your goal. It will build its own structure and take its own form. Find the place, the people, the situation. Use your ideas as your loadstone and move into the thing and start.' With the help of his former professor and old friend, Reinhold Niebuhr, Myles began making plans to start his school for adults. He still didn't know what his situation or place would be; he simply knew that it had to be in the southern mountains and that the time to start was now. Will Alexander, Director of the Commission on Interracial Cooperation in Altanta, encouraged him to get in touch with a young man named Don West, who had also traveled in Denmark and wanted to start a folk school. They met at the Blue Ridge Assembly in North Carolina and agreed to start their venture together. At the suggestion of an old friend, they went to see Dr. Lillian Johnson, an educator, who owned a home and property in the small community of Summerfield, Tennessee. A graduate of Wellesley, and former President of Western College for Women, Dr. Johnson had moved to Summerfield to establish a community school, hoping it would be the first of many cooperative efforts. Although her school flourished, she was disappointed in the community's response to other cooperative endeavors, and anxious to see what the two young men could do with their notion of a folk school. The place that Myles and Don found themselves in the fall of 1932 was Grundy 8 �County, one of the ten poorest counties in the United States at the time. The situation they found themselves in was one of desperate poverty. Grundy County had once been rich in coal and timber but as Aimee Horton noted in her dissertation on Highlander: Those resources were exploited in classic 19th century style, and the economy there had begun to collapse decades before the depression. The only thing left in Grundy County at the time was cut-over timber, mined-out fields, and unemployed workers. The first phase of Highlander's work then began to center around the small community of Summerfield and Grundy County. During its first three years, the highlander staff helped establish a union for WPA workers; a community cannery; and a quilting cooperative. Later they set up a community nursery school on the Highlander property. At the same time that the staff was working closely with the surrounding community, they were also conscious that the institution had to be regional in nature and address the larger issues affecting the South. It was clear, for example, that regardless of the school's physical location—the coming industrialization of the South would mean that the school should work with industrial workers. By the time the Congress of Industrial Organizations was formed in 1936, Highlander was integrally involved in the growing labor movement. Horton, because of his extensive contacts, helped select many of the southern CI organizers, and from then until the late 1940s, Highlander was predominantly a labor school. CIO unions and some AFL unions from across the South sent members to Highlander to be trained in sessions lasting from one to five weeks. Union members learned how to put out a local union newspaper; how to do public speaking; how to write, draw, and mimeograph leaflets; and other skills needed to keep a union strong. They participated in courses such as labor history, the history of social change, and economics. These sessions were often taught by Highlander staff members in conjunction with CIO and other union officials. By the late 1940s, however, Highlander's definition as a labor school was coming to an end. At issue was Highlander's relationship with some of the unions who had been kicked out of the CIO for refusing to sign the anti-communist oath called for by the Taft-Hartley Act. Highlander did not, as an institution, espouse any particular ideology. Neither did it refuse to work with anyone who did. However, as political debate heated up within the unions over the anti-communist provisions of Taft-Hartley, political debate heated up around Highlander. An underlying issue was the independence of the school—whether it would be run by the CIO or whether it would maintain itself as an independent institution. In retrospect, it is striking to see how much the institution tried over the years to establish a working relationship with the unions. The school itself had subsidized many of the union sessions while also hoping to gain financial support from them. But at this particular time, given the critical issues that were facing the country and the union movement, the staff felt strongly that the unions should not dictate 9 �the ties and associations of the school. Perhaps more important than the divisions brought on by Taft-Hartley, was the underlying issue of race. Union members from across the South would come to Highlander to find themselves in an integrated situation for the first time. Although the Highlander staff insisted that the various unions inform their members of the schools' interracial policy before they arrived, it was not an easy policy to carry out. For one thing, the unions had been very reluctant to actually sponsor integrated schools. Although Highlander had had a policy of being an integrated institution from the time it opened in 1932, it was not until 1944 that the United Auto Workers held an interracial residential session at the school. The staff tried hard to break down racial prejudice among the students while they were at the school, insisting on interracial cooperative living in all aspects. In the segregated South of the 1940s, eating at the same table and sharing dormitory rooms was downright heretical. Usually by the end of a term, many of the students would comment on their own changing attitudes as a result of their experience at Highlander. Others, however, were not convinced, and it seems likely that at least two of the southern CIO state directors were as concerned about the interracial nature of Highlander as they were about its political associations. By 1949, it was apparent to both the CIO and Highlander that the uneasy truce that had existed for the past few years could no longer go on. The CIO did not attack Highlander, it simply dropped it from its list of approved institutions to hold its training schools. Although some of the international unions, such as the United Furniture Workers, and a few CIO state directors, notably Paul Christopher of Tennessee, maintained their association with the school, it was clear that the internal changes within the labor movement effectively left Highlander on the outside. For a brief time in the late 1940s and early 50s, Highlander turned its attention to working on a farm labor alliance. One of Highlander's publications during this period noted that farmers and their families made up 22 million members of the workforce, while industrial workers and their families comprised 95 million. Altogether farmers and laborers made up 85% of the population. Despite these optimistic figures, the dream of creating such a coalition was doomed in light of the large scale migration from family farms and the overwhelming concern of the industrial unions to consolidate their own strength and bargaining power. The situation with the unions, however, forced Highlander to a major turning point in its history. When the unions opted to build a strong union at the expense of other social and economic issues, it forced the Highlander staff to think more clearly about other social issues, particularly race, and its impact on the South during the next 10-15 years. * * * * In the early 1950s Highlander began having small meetings at the school to talk about the coming of school integration in the South. It was quite apparent, by this 10 �time that the Supreme Court Decision on School Desegregation would soon be handed down by the Warren Court. In the summer of 1953, Highlander held three experimental workshops with community leaders from across the South who came to talk about the issue of school desegregation. These workshops in 1953 signaled Highlander's immersion in the most important social movement of our time. Civil rights was not yet a "movement" in 1953, but the same spirit embodied in the word "organize" that had swept the country in 1936 for industrial workers was emerging again, this time in the nascent but long over-due struggle for equal rights. During the next fifteen years Highlander played an integral role in the civil rights movement. Until the passage of the first civil rights bill in 1964, it remained one of the few places available for interracial meetings. From its first tentative efforts with community leaders on school desegregation, the school moved to establish a major literacy and voting rights project in the Sea Islands of South Carolina, held workshops with students participating in the sit-in movement, actively participated in the training of civil rights workers for Freedom Summer of 1964, and continued following up on all of these efforts until the time of the Poor Peoples March in Washington in 1967. * * * * From its early days in 1932, Highlander had enjoyed a warm relationship with the surrounding community of Grundy County. Square dances held at the school, volleyball games, and community suppers were commonplace. In addition, Highlander operated a community nursery school, first organized by Claudia Lewis, who later wrote about her experiences in a book entitled Children of the Cumberlands. She was followed by Joie Willimetz, a graduate of Wellesley, who used her own personal contacts to raise money and supplies for the school. The Folk School also published a small community newsletter called the Summerfield News, featuring poetry, community news items, and a gossip column. Despite these indications of good community relations, however, there was always some opposition to the school and its ideas. In the early 1940s the school had come under attack by a local group called The Grundy County Crusaders, who had threatened to march on the school. Friends of the school simply ringed the area, and no harm was done. However, as the school made the crucial turn toward involvement in the civil rights movement, the Folk School lost its strong community ties. It was not the antagonism of the local community, however, that succeeded eventually in closing the school. It was the antagonism of the state, a force far more powerful than the people of Summerfield. In 1957, Highlander celebrated its 25th anniversary. One of the speakers was Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., who had recently moved to Atlanta to help set up the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, following the successful Montgomery bus boycott. To put it mildly, he was not well-liked by southern governors, who 11 �by this time were involved in a program of massive resistance to any kind of integration—whether it was school integration of public accommodations or anything else. The governor of Georgia, Marvin Griffin, in particular, wanted to discredit King, and the state legislature of Tennessee wanted to discredit Highlander, to root out the cancerous growth that was in their state. So in 1957, when Martin Luther King spoke at Highlander, the governor of Georgia sent a reporter and a photographer to that gathering, and a few months later a four page tabloid began circulating about the "communist training school in East Tennessee." In 1959, the school was raided during a weekend workshop, and several staff members were hauled off to jail. The school was charged with selling beer without a license; operating an integrated school; and for operating for the personal gain of the director. The charge of being an integrated school was dropped before the case could be pursued to the Supreme Court of the United States; and operating a school for the profit of the director was never proven. The technicality that closed the school was selling beer without a license. It took two years for the state of Tennessee to actually close the school, but in 1961 they did succeed in revoking the charter and confiscating all property and assets which were later sold at public auction. To this day, Highlander has never received any remuneration. Between the raid in 1959 and 1961 when the school was actually closed, the Highlander staff began making plans for what they would do. As soon as they could, they rechartered, reorganized and opened again under the name of the Highlander Research and Education Center. In the meantime, the Citizenship School program that had steadily grown from its beginnings on Johns Island, South Carolina, was turned over to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for its continued operation. A few months after it reopened in Knoxville in an old house overlooking the Tennessee River, the Highlander Executive Committee had the choice of going back to Grundy County and buying their own land at public auction. The Executive Committee of the school made a very critical decision at this time, which was not to look backward, but to put all of their money and resources, time and energy into the growing civil rights movement and not into their own institutional battles. * * * * Highlander maintained its involvement in civil rights until the mid 1960s when it became increasingly apparent that the traditional roles of white people in the movement needed to change. It was in 1966 that the words "black power" were shouted in the Meredith March in Mississippi, and reverberated across the South. The following year Highlander helped organize the Poor Peoples March on Washington planned by Martin Luther King just before his death—a march fulfilling his dream of a multi-racial coalition of poor people from all across the country. 12 �Through its participation in the March and the accompanying encampment of poor people known as Resurrection City, Highlander began another major shift in focus. The hope of creating a multi-racial poor peoples' movement seemed tangible that summer and Highlander was urged by some of the participants to return to the mountains and begin working in the Appalachian coalfields. In addition to strengthening its existent ties with urban Appalachian groups, the school was soon involved with the anti-stripmine movement, and various community action organizations that were aided and abetted by the OEO language of one-third representation of the poor. Although the notion of developing a multi-racial poor peoples' coalition dissolved quickly when faced with the difficulties of actually putting that into effect, Highlander continued its work in the southern mountain area. In 1971, the school moved physically back to the mountains. The area where it had been living and working in Knoxville, Tennessee was urban renewed and to this day the place where Highlander stood is the only lot that has been bulldozed to the ground. It is now located near New Market, Tennessee, on a 110 acre farm, overlooking the Smokey Mountains. * * * * Highlander started out as a "southern'V'mountain" school and during its 50 year history it has been both of those things. The term "Appalachian" was not in vogue in 1932 when Myles and Don settled on the Cumberland Plateau, but Highlander was a well-known term, thus the Highlander Folk School. During its first two decades, Highlander worked with people from the mountains and with people from other parts of the South. The school's identification during those early years was much like the Cumberland Plateau where it was located—perched both figuratively and literally between the coalfields to the north and the agricultural regions to the South. Until the early 1950s it was able to maintain itself successfully as both a southern school and a mountain school. During the period of the civil rights movement, however, Highlander became almost totally a "southern" institution. It was only during the late 1960s and early 70s that Highlander could be called a strictly Appalachian institute. Much of Highlander's work in the coalfields in this period reflected the assumption that the region was a "colony." The distinctiveness of both the Appalachian coalfields and the deep South states has eroded as they have both become more Americanized. While each remains a colony, in the sense that the wealth from their natural resources are spirited away to the Eastern establishment, they are no more distinctive than the Indian lands of the Southwest, or perhaps more critical to our consciousness now, any of the Latin American, African, or Asian nations plundered for their natural and human resources by the multi-nationals. For the last five years, Highlander has neither called itself an Appalachian institution nor a Southern institution. As it once was in the early days on the 13 �Cumberland Plateau, it is again perched between two worlds. The real question, however, is not a matter of regional/geographic definition, but rather what impact Highlander has made on either of these regions and what we can learn for the future. Highlander's impact can be assessed in two ways: its impact on the establishment community, and its impact on the people for whom it was intended—workers, farmers, students, and community leaders. It is important to realize that Highlander always has been a controversial school. In 1936 when the Highlander Staff helped form the Highlander Folk Cooperative they were attacked by the head of the Southern States Industrial Council, who complained that: It would be interesting for the taxpayers of Tennessee and of this capitalistic nation to know just what the relationship is between the so-called Highlander Folk Cooperative and the Highlander Folk School. The question that was asked in 1936 has been asked over and over again in Highlander's history: Exactly what is Highlander's relationship with the people who are moving and shaping the society? It was asked of the Folk Cooperative in 1936; it was asked about the union movement in the 1940s; it was asked about the civil rights movement in the 50s; the Appalachian movement in the 60s; and more currently it has been asked of small communities like Bumpass Cove in East Tennessee. Exactly what is Highlander's relationship to all these people who are causing trouble, and would it not be possible to stop the trouble by simply stopping this "so-called school"? Although I ask the question from a different point of view, it is indeed a good question and one that has always haunted the Highlander staff as well as those people in opposition to the school. The people who are on the other side of the controversy believe that Highlander manipulates and controls, and in fact, creates troublemakers. The Highlander staff has always believed in the power of ordinary people to affect real change in our society, and believe that it is our responsibility as educators to support those efforts for social change. The relationship between Rosa Parks attending a Highlander workshop in the summer of 1955 and refusing to give up her seat that following December on a Montgomery bus is not a proven relationship at all. It does not mean that because she attended the Highlander workshop that she then went back to Montgomery and started the civil rights movement. The Highlander workshop that Rosa Parks attended was, no doubt, only one of the factors involved in her refusal to relinquish her seat on the bus. More importantly was the role that she had already played in the civil rights movement in Montgomery, Alabama, as an active member of the NAACP for several years; she had worked closely with Mr. E.D. Nixon to find a suitable case that would test segregated seating on the busses. Probably somewhat important to her decision—and yet unknown to us in its specifics—was what she found at Highlander that summer: the ability to live in an interracial community of people; to express freely her own thinking about the interracial movement in the South; and to catch a glimpse of what perhaps an in14 �tegrated society might look like. And as Rosa Parks said recently, it was the first time she found white people that she could trust. Another way to look at the different responses from different audiences is to look at the charge of a "communist training school," a charge that has been leveled against Highlander in almost every period of its history. It is not unusual for people to call Highlander communist as a way of dismissing it or a way of attacking what it stands for. It is also not unusual for students who have been at Highlander to say in response, "If that's what it means to be a communist, then it must be good." Another factor that's in play here is an unstated and almost unconscious acknowledgement of what it means when people come together—the power that people have to teach one another. The very notion that black leaders across the South had a place to come and meet with white people who agreed with them about changing segregation in the South was threatening to the white power establishment of the time. It was easy for them to believe that Highlander itself was the threat, but implicit in their own fear was a gut understanding of the power of people acting collectively to bring about change. Though it may be an unconscious and unstated fear on the part of the establishment, it had not always been a conscious belief on the part of Highlander students. One of the most exciting processes to see is Highlander's educational theory put into practice when people, by exchanging their experiences, finally feel affirmed in their own beliefs and actions. Few people go away from a Highlander workshop without understanding the power of collective political action. Few people go away feeling that the problems they've encountered affect only them. Highlander started its 50th year with a commitment on the part of the board members and the staff to use its anniversary to celebrate and affirm the past, but more importantly, to look as unflinchingly as possible into the future, and what its own role might be as an educational center for social change. The issues and the communities that Highlander will work with in the 1980s and beyond will no longer be as clear cut as they have been in the past. In the 1930s and 40s, Highlander had a very clear cut decision to make: to work with the labor movement or not to work with the labor movement. In the 1950s and 60s , it had the same kind of decision to make regarding the civil rights movement. In the 1960s and early 70s, it found a natural place working in the Appalachian coalfields. The question arises now in 1982: What now is our situation and place? Our place now can neither be defined by a county or regional line, and our situation is one that we increasingly share with all the people of the world. We cannot talk to people in one Appalachian community about toxic waste without understanding that toxic waste has to be buried somewhere, and if not here, then perhaps in someone else's community. We cannot talk to people about absentee ownership of land without understanding that the same thing holds true in the Southwest and other parts of the country. We cannot talk about occupational health and safety as it relates to our industries in this area and not understand that it affects workers all over the United States and all over the world. 15 �We feel poised on the edge of a new era at Highlander. The time seems right to consolidate many of the lessons we have learned from our work in Appalachia with earlier experiences in the deep South states. The critical issues that face the country in the 1980s will know no regional boundary. The problem before us will be to keep our focus and understand always the strength and knowledge that comes from our own people. But we must also begin to see ourselves as part of a larger community. What is it that our southern/Appalachian communities have in common with the Indian communities of the Southwest—especially as it regards the rape of the land and the theft of natural resources? What is it that we have in common with workers from Latin America as they battle the same multi-nationals that also affect us? And what do we have to teach other people? Is it possible, perhaps, that the people from Johns Island, South Carolina, who participated in Citizenship Training Programs there in the 1950s have anything to teach the peasants in Nicaragua or El Salvador about literacy and political power? And what do we have to learn from them in return about how precious a true democracy is, and—about issues yet unstated in this country such as land reform? I don't know the answers to all of these questions and neither does Highlander. The lesson that all of us can learn from Highlander's past is really the same as it was in 1932 as articulated by Myles Horton in the small community of Ozone. You don't have to know the answers. You raise the questions, sharpen the questions, get people to discussing them. If anything is different now, it is that we must not ony raise and sharpen the questions within our own community and region, but in the larger world community—anywhere that people are fighting for justice. 16 �Values And Political Economy 17 �This page intentionally left blank �Introduction Rick Simon The shared beliefs of groups within the Appalachian region shape, and are shaped by, the organization of economic and social relationships. There is a substantial literature which tries to analyze the extent of these interactions, including the origins and development of "the" Appalachian value system. As necessary as these investigations are, they are often unsatisfactory in arriving at generally acceptable propositions. The values attributed to mountain people are often contradictory, reflecting, in part, the different values of Appalachian scholars. Nonetheless, the analysis of values is central to many issues of importance, as illustrated by the two essays which follow. The first illustrates how the mountain liberal values of Harry Caudill structure his interpretation of the history of the southern mountains. The second essay shows that values influence the identification of problems and their proposed solutions. Harry Caudill has been the single most important writer on Appalachia during the past twenty years, not only because he is the most recognized outside of the region, but also because his work has been the most influential inside the region. Ronald Eller begins the necessary task of reviewing the contributions of Harry Caudill by noting the contradiction between CaudilFs analysis of the exploitive development of the mountain mineral and human resources and "the lack of faith in the folk." Eller dismisses Caudill's analysis of the "backwoods" mountaineer culture, particularly its origin in inherited social characteristics and genetic inferiority. Eller locates the roots of Caudill's misconceptions in his values—those of the mountain liberal. As the urban liberal eschewed the ability of other minorities to take control of their lives, Caudill places his political faith in "enlightened government intervention under the auspices of careful planners." Furthermore, "because Caudill is uncomfortable with Appalachian culture...," he sees the future of Appalachia tied to its ability to introduce, in Eller's words, "the same urbane and cosmopolitan values that Caudill prefers." Eller, in conclusion, asks, "Do we continue to bear the cultural burdens of the liberal past, or do we allow mountain people to survive as mountaineers?" Although the definition of mountaineer may differ among students of Appalachia, the need to preserve the culture was one lesson drawn from a series of conferences about Appalachia. Deborah Markley and Brady Deaton investigate the relationship between cultural values and public policy by investigating two forums about the future of Appalachia. They summarize the overriding concern at the 1975 forum as "a lack of control over the destiny of the region." However, 19 �at the more recent 1981 gathering, they find that "optimism, activism, community participation, and coalition building" were the themes often repeated. As if in response to CaudilFs pessimism about the "backwoods culture," conference paticipants were told about "successful attempts by local citizens to achieve community development goals (health clinics, jobs, and tax and environmental reform)," and about land ownership research by and for local residents. Markley and Deaton argue, "Since many observers (at the conferences) perceive that outside change agents are willing to sacrifice local values for other ends, such as profit or control,...Appalachia's people are forced to action, to political participation, and to assertion of their rights as residents of the region in an effort to preserve their basic values." Thus mountain values are not only seen as worth preserving, but as containing the seeds of struggle necessary to shape political economic change consistent with the positive legacy of Appalachian history and culture. 20 �Harry Caudill And The Burden Of Mountain Liberalism Ronald D. Eller If Appalachian scholars prove to be as loyal to their mentors as those of the South are to C. Vann Woodward and Rupert Vance, considerable honor ought to be laid before the reputation of Harry Monroe Caudill. Since the publication in 1963 of Night Comes to the Cumberlands, Caudill has emerged as a prominent national spokesman for Appalachia and the foremost critic of economic exploitation and environmental destruction in the region. His prolific writings—including seven books and many articles—are widely read in regional studies classes and on college campuses across the country. He was one of the early proponents of the "colonial model" of Appalachian development, an interpretation which has come to dominate the literature on the region in the last decade.1 He has condemned the pillage of Appalachia by absentee corporations, championed a severence tax to return a portion of the wealth to the mountains, and decried the effects of the welfare state on mountain life. More than any other contemporary author, Caudill has helped to shape the way many Americans have come to perceive our region and the way we in Appalachia have come to understand ourselves and our heritage. Caudill's contributions to the region have come both as a historian and as a social critic. He was one of the first writers to reject the static image of Appalachian life and to describe the tragic industrial history of eastern Kentucky. His version of the arrival of the coal and timber barons, his conception of mountain politics, and his account of the union drives, the collapse of the coal economy and the rise of the welfare state have become the conventional wisdom. Although his research lacks scholarly documentation and his narrative focuses only on the Cumberland Plateau, Caudill's image of eastern Kentucky has become the popular image of Appalachia as a whole. As John Knowles contends on the jacket cover of one of Caudill's books, "This is the true picture of life in Southern Appalachia, eloquently recorded in all its gritty reality and wavering hope."2 Indeed, it is a tribute to Caudill's stature that after two decades, few scholars have challenged his original account of the Appalachian past, and his work remains a point of departure for new research on the region. Yet while Caudill has fashioned the most compelling image of Appalachia offered by his generation, his image of the region has a strategy not entirely born of the historical evidence alone. By his own admission, Caudill is a "liberal," and, if one adds the word "mountain" to that definition, one has a basic text for understanding the man and his work. The descendent of a pioneer family in 21 �eastern Kentucky and the son of a local New Deal politician, Caudill was educated at the University of Kentucky, served for over thirty years as a lawyer and politician in Whitesburg, and eventually returned to his alma mater as Professor of History. Along with others of his social rank and background, Caudill shares many of the values, visions, and assumptions of Twentieth Century American liberalism, tempered and shaped by the values of the southern mountain middle class. We are all, of course, victims of our social presumptions, but this impediment weighs heavily on the historian since it unconsciously affects the questions that we ask and the way that we interpret what we find. In CaudilFs case, the burden of these presumptions has not only influenced his role as a regional prophet, but it has shaped his understanding of the regional heritage upon which that prophesy is built. To understand Caudill as a historian, we must also understand Caudill as a phenomenon in the intellectual history of the region as well. Throughout the history of Appalachia and at least since the 1860's, there has existed a veiled tension between the mountain middle class and the rest of the mountain population. Residing primarily in the larger valleys, villages, and towns, the middle class has had greater contact with the larger world outside of the region and has more readily accepted modern attitudes and value orientations. Having easier access to education, political power, economic opportunities, and technology, they have esteemed progress, growth and change. While their ambitions for themselves and their communities have not diminished their attachment to the mountains, their values have acquired a certain cosmopolitan quality which has often led them to perceive less wealthy mountaineers with a certain condescention and contempt. Indeed, they have been wont to stigmatize their more traditional neighbors on the ridges and in the headwater coves and industrial camps as ignorant, primitive and backward—a barrier to the progress of the region. This disdain for the lower classes contributed to the severity of Civil War divisions in the region and played a major role in the post-war development and modernization of the mountains.3 Recently it emerged in the reluctance of the middle class to accept the term "Appalachia" during the 1960's because that term connoted poverty and backwardness, conditions with which the middle class was reluctant to identify. Along with other members of the mountain middle class, many liberals in the region have shared this patronizing view of the "folk." To genteel reformers educated in the "best" institutions outside of the region and believing in order, efficiency, and man's ability to control his destiny, the traditional mountain population has seemed naive, primitive, uncultured, and fatalistic toward life. After all, it is the rural masses who were "hoodwinked" by nepotism and corrupt politicians and who sold their birthright to outside exploiters. Mountain folk, it seems, have allowed the land to be ravaged and the schools to deteriorate while they have clung to a culture which is deemed conservative and passive. This cultural condescension and lack of faith in the folk (whether they be black, Chicano, Indian, or Appalachian) has burdened the history of American 22 �liberalism for generations and has been a consummate part of the liberal tradition in the mountains. It is out of this tradition that Harry Caudill approaches the history and contemporary life of Appalachia. While condemning the exploitation of the region by nonresident corporations and the destruction of the land for the sake of its mineral wealth, Caudill lays much of the blame for the region's problems on a conservative highland culture which has left the population beleaguered, quiescent, and forlorn. "No people in the nation are more forlorn than the Appalachian Highlanders in our time," he has written. "Their bewilderment grows out of a tenacious, deeply rooted, and conservative culture which was abruptly overwhelmed by vast forces that shattered the old without creating a viable system of new values, mores, and relationships."4 Frontier attitudes, ignorance, and isolation have produced in Appalachia, according to Caudill, "a backwoods culture" which has "made its people susceptible to an outside exploitation of their resources that has perpetuated on them a passive society largely dependent on relief."5 Caudill traces the roots of this "backwoods culture" to a certain genetic deficiency which he believes has plagued the region for more than two hundred years. "Every person and society," he asserts, "is a product of two factors, genes and culture," and since the culture of the mountains has evolved in isolation over many generations, the key to understanding Appalachia today, he believes, lies in the first white inhabitants who settled the region. "Many deeply rooted attitudes that still give rise to poverty and resignation," he argues, "may have been instilled in the mountaineers' ancestors during the centuries preceding the first English voyage to the New World."6 Caudill finds that the earliest pioneers into the mountains were themselves degenerate social outcasts of English society whose lack of will and ambition were perpetuated through years of seclusion in Appalachian hollows. This "human refuse" of the cities and greater towns of Britain—"nauseous hell holes of crime and venality," he calls them—"came in unnumbered thousands as indentured servants, redemptioners, transported felons and misdemeanants, and evicted tenants shipped off by landlords who nurtured some little spark of compassion."7 While the majority of immigrants to North America were the "very poor and outcast," the worst of these "mean English," who were unable to compete with their tidewater kinsmen, somehow found their way into the mountainous hinterland where they established the "seed stock" of subsequent generations of mountaineers.8 Of course most social scientists today reject the idea of inherited social characteristics, especially when values and social behavior are claimed to have been passed down for more than two hundred years, but Professor Caudill chooses not to acknowledge such evidence.9 Nor has he provided historical documentation to support his ideas of the background and nature of early mountain settlement. Indeed the historical evidence of the genetic deficiency of early mountain settlers simply does not exist, and those who would accept such a theory must do so on faith, not facts. Quite the contrary, scholarly research indicates that the population pool which settled the mountains was part and parcel of that which settled 23 �the rest of the South and the American frontier during the Revolutionary period. Appalachian pioneers were of multicultural origins and settled in the region out of choice rather than chance or desperate flight from tidewater society.10 Their ancestors were less the criminals and homeless orphans of British slums than a mixture of working class and middle-class Europeans who came to the New World seeking economic improvement and social freedom. In fact, contemporary social historians reject Caudill's picture of the teeming and inequitous cities of England spewing out its orphans, impoverished masses, and psychological invalids onto the American frontier. This view is adequate for the fiction of Charles Dickens but not for contemporary British scholars. Most white migrants to the colonies in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries were young, skilled laborers who were literate and had been part of the British labor force before migrating to the New World.11 Caudill's version of Appalachian settlement derives primarily from the work of late Nineteenth Century intellectuals, especially John Fiske, whose racial attitudes, images of society, and Social Darwinist philosophies have been discredited by subsequent generations of scholars. He also draws heavily on the work of John Fox, Jr., and other local color writers whose literature contributed to the development, at the turn of the century, of certain negative and romantic images of the region—what Henry Shapiro calls the "idea of Appalachia" as a region somehow in, but not of America.12 But Caudill's misinterpretation of mountain origins is more than a misreading of outmoded sources, for the "genes thesis" provides a necessary prelude to the theoretical development of the rest of Caudill's vision of the region. Having established the genetic inferiority of mountain people and having determined that inferior genes lead to inferior culture and that "the faults of the culture outweighed its strengths," Caudill is then able to portray the mountain population as unsophisticated and childish, easy game for clever lawyers and land speculators who sought to steal their land and mineral rights.13 Indeed, he persistently describes the mountaineers as children—ignorant and naive and in need of guidance and direction. Reflecting the oft repeated pattern of liberal paternalism toward blacks, Indians, and other minority groups, Caudill's mountaineers are "as guileless as infants" and possess a "childish trust in others."14 When the coal boom descends on the region at the turn of the century, the mountaineers are mesmerized by the bright dresses, skirts, hats and baubles of the new age and flock to the "Alabaster Cities" and their fine company housing. "In the first few years after the railroads were built," Caudill writes, "thousands of mountaineers rushed into the coal camps and their glittering commissaries with all the abandon of a troop of six-year-olds let loose in a toy store."15 When the coal boom burst and Uncle Sam stepped in with his welfare handouts, the mountaineers quietly accepted their lot on "paleface reservations" and became professional reliefers, welfare malingerers, and psychoneurotic pill poppers. The best and the brightest of the region having left through out-migration, the mountain gene pool has deteriorated further leaving behind a society which is increasingly shiftless, indolent and inane.16 24 �CaudilFs vision of a benighted Appalachian culture is strikingly similar to that of liberal Progressives at the turn of the century who viewed the Southern masses and urban working classes as ignorant plebs who were easily duped by populist demagogues and corrupt precinct leaders. Like earlier Progressives who considered populist dreams and urban politics to be "backward" and "inefficient," Caudill refuses to believe that mountaineers might have acted rationally to evolving social and economic conditions which were beyond their control. Yet there is considerable evidence that many mountaineers did just that—at first resisting the new order and then accepting the rules of the new game and doing the best they could to survive. Indeed the survival of the very mountain cultural traditions which Caudill criticizes may have been a positive defense on the part of mountain people to the inequities and powerlessness which resulted from the industrialization and modernization of the region. Rather than blame the resulting human tragedies of Appalachia on the political processes of modernism and industrial capitalism (both of which have sought to concentrate power rather than disperse it), Caudill finds the local culture itself to be the ultimate barrier to "progress" since the mountain masses cannot be trusted to make sound decisions for themselves. Just as the Progressives, moreover, placed their political faith, not in the vagaries of democracy, but in education, government action, and efficient planning by the "best" people in the society, CaudilFs hope for the future of Appalachia lies in "enlightened government intervention under the auspices of careful planners.. . ."1? In 1963, Caudill praised the model of the Tennessee Valley Authority as "a showpiece of effective planning and accomplishment" and suggested that a similar Southern Mountain Authority might rebuild the devastated economy and society of Appalachia.18 When the Appalachian Regional Commission and other federal agencies of the 1960's failed to bring about significant change, Caudill blamed not only inefficient and ineffective government programs but the cultural inability of mountaineers to use government for their own benefit. "Progress, even survival, in the modern world," he wrote, "requires soundly conceived governmental policies, forthrightly and effectively executed. People who use government prosper while people who shrink from it sink."19 This lack of confidence in the mountaineer's political abilities has led Caudill in recent years to fall back on two possible solutions to the region's problems: (1) the replenishment of the Appalachian gene pool and (2) the revitalization of the region's culture and politics through education. As he is reported to have told Neal Pierce, The best thing that could happen to the mountains would be for the Army to put in a big base, thus introducing some new genes into the people's bloodstream. "Send in some of those eager boys, because these mountain girls will cross with anybody. They do love to consort, and that would be good for the country. Many of the problems of East Kentucky that they're spending money on are insoluble until you get in new genes."20 One of the greatest tragedies of the 1960's, Caudill believes, was the failure of many of the young and energetic poverty workers from across America to remain 25 �in the mountains at the end of their service. "The years of rediscovery," he asserts, "brought the highlands people an unparalleled opportunity to widen their mental horizon and enrich their gene pool." Unfortunately, most of these young people, trained in the best universities of America did not stay, and many others who had applied for teaching positions were turned away by local politicians—denied the opportunity to "enrich and strengthen" mountain public schools. Such teachers could have brought to Appalachia, he suggests, "the broader world of great music, fine arts, classic and first-rate contemporary literature, and lively thought and dissertation" which had been precluded in the region because "the urbane and cosmopolitan [middle class] could bring no political leverage" on traditional school boards.21 Like his Progressive forebears, Caudill has a deep rooted faith in the power of education, but this confidence does not extend to the traditional mountain school system, which he believes is provincial, narrow, and culturally inbred. In 1963 Caudill was a strong advocate of school consolidation in the mountains. Only through the construction of "attractive schoolhouses" to replace "the present drab facilities," he believed could education "with its accompanying sense of confidence and purpose" bring an end to the cycle of Welfarism.22 More than a decade later, however, the new schoolhouses had become a reality and most of the one-room schools had disappeared. Yet the promise of school consolidation had not been fulfilled since the Welfare State had burgeoned and the new schools had not brought the renaissance of mountain attitudes and values which Caudill had anticipated. Again he found that the problem lay in the conservative culture of the people and in the ineptness of mountain teachers, colleges, and universities. Not only did "backcountry school administrators" prefer to hire local people as opposed to more talented outsiders, but most of these local teachers were trained in the "intellectually circumscribed" regional colleges of education. "Graduates tended to leave these campuses," he lamented, "with little more knowledge than they brought with them, returning to their counties with their horizons little broadened and their minds burdened by poorly understood and often specious theories of 'methodology.' " Rare indeed was "the audacious soul who had ventured so far as the University of Kentucky, an institution most regarded as too large and too sophisticated."23 This, Caudill argues, has been the fundamental failure of the new schools. They could not be staffed with people who reflected disparate and stimulating backgrounds, so a deadening uniformity spread through the classrooms. Teachers drawn from Appalachian backgrounds, "trained" on insipid campuses and often strangers to true learning, brought a shocking lack of content to the teacher's desk.24 The consequence, Caudill believes, has been a "sustained, systematic intellectual inbreeding—the education of highland youth by teachers who reflect highland mores and attitudes at every turn." This has blanketed the school system, as it has the culture, with an incredible conservatism, indeed, a veritable reverence for traditionalism. Unwilling to venture into new and uncertain educational environs during their own scholastic efforts, they urge the same narrowness and caution upon their students, thus reinforcing the 26 �innate conservatism they hear in their homes and communities morning, noon and night.25 Because Caudill is uncomfortable with Appalachian culture and because he fails to find any liberal tradition in the mountains with which to identify, he turns to educational ideals and political models from outside the region. He would like mountain schools to encourage competition and intellectual rigor among listless and apathetic youth. In a phrase, he would like mountain students to become universal, renaissance men and women—the core of an enlightened middle class who would replace corrupt local politicians with "better people."26 His "better people," of course, share the same urbane and cosmopolitan values that Caudill prefers. His political heroes are not native mountaineers who have struggled in their own way against corporate exploitation, union corruption, and bureaucratic insensitivity but well-educated immigrant politicians like West Virginia's Ken Hechler and Jay Rockefeller.27 Like the Progressive reformers and missionaries who came into the region at the turn of the century to "uplift" and "Americanize" the mountains, Caudill would, subconsciously I think, see much of Appalachian culture destroyed in order to save Appalachia. In this respect, however, Caudill shares the burdens of other American liberals who have sought with the best of intentions to bring minority groups into the mainstream of American life. For Caudill and many other mountain liberals, the task has been not to maintain regional distinctiveness and cultural identity but to assimilate the region into the nation. While asserting the rights of Appalachian people in the abstract, his contempt for the received cultural heritage of Appalachia has provided him with little confidence in the ability of the mountaineers to exercise those rights. As time has passed and Professor Caudill has discovered how imposing are the economic (not to mention the cultural) forces which he deplores, he has done a very human thing. Still burdened by this lack of faith in mountain people, he has blamed not his opponents, but their victims. The Appalachian people, he has concluded, allowed themselves to be colonized ninety years ago when European and American capitalists were carving up Africa, Asia and Latin America into imperial fiefdoms. Elsewhere the native populations have revolted and cast out their absentee overlords, but with few exceptions quiescent Appalachian mountaineers still cast their votes in support of people who would be called exploiters, oppressors, imperialists and a wide assortment of other uncomplimentary names by rebels in other parts of the world... .It is hard to imagine a people so oriented climbing up from their abyss. They are more likely to dig themselves down to deeper levels.28 Caudill's hope for the mountains, therefore, lies not in the "ultraconservative, traditionalistic people" of Appalachia, but in the nationalization of mineral resources, the more effective use of government, and above all, the inmigration of "more aggressive and acquisitive people from areas not yet sapped by exploitation and the dry rot of welfarism."29 This new blood would "create a reconstituted society with different aspirations drawn from different backgrounds...." Most of the new people, he assumes, would be fleeing the problems of urban congestion and environmental pollution and would bring not only a commitment to political 27 �action and responsibility, but a conservationist land ethic as well. This would result in the passage of "zoning and land use laws and efforts to preserve residential areas against intrusion from mining and other industries. The old frontierspawned propensity for disorder will recede," he believes, and an increased coherence and sense of organization will emerge. "The movement toward coherence, order and organization," Caudill adds, would be hastened "if substantial numbers of the newcomers derive from the orderly Scandinavian stock in parts of the West."30 Caudill's model for the future is not a model out of the Appalachian past but out of the cultural assumptions of modern liberalism. It offers no alternatives to modernization and the continued concentration of political and economic power and little prospect for cultural diversity, self-reliance, selfrespect, and local initiative. For almost two decades Professor Caudill has raised the liberal challenges of social responsibility in politics and business and the appropriate use of the land upon which we all depend. It is for these issues that he has attracted such widespread admiration and support among Appalachian intellectuals and activists. But it is interesting, and perhaps revealing, to note what little outcry his vision of Appalachian culture has provoked among these same liberals. Is it because we ourselves share this lack of faith in the folk and are at times a bit uncomfortable with much of Appalachian culture? Harry Caudill is the kind of figure about whom Richard Hofstadter once wrote: "If we are to have any new thoughts, if we are to have an intellectual identity of our own, we must make the effort to distinguish ourselves from those who preceded us, and perhaps preeminently from those to whom we once had the greatest indebtedness."31 Perhaps it is time for those of us in Appalachian studies to acknowledge our debt and to move beyond Harry Caudill in search of not only a more accurate history of our region but also a more appropriate and just vision of the future. This is the challenge facing social action in Appalachia today. Do we continue to bear the cultural burdens of the liberal past or do we allow mountain people to survive as mountaineers? Notes 1. See Helen M. Lewis, et al., Colonialism in Modern America: The Appalachian Case (Boone, N.C.: 1978). 2. Harry Caudill, The Watches of the Night: A New Plea for Appalachia (Boston, 1976). 3. See Phillip Shaw Paludan, Victims: A True Story of the Civil War (Knoxville, 1981) pp. 6-30 and Ronald D. Eller, Miners, Millhands and Mountaineers: The Modernization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1930 (Knoxville, 1982), pp. 11-12 and 58-64. 4. Harry Caudill, A Darkness at Dawn: Appalachian Kentucky and the Future (Lexington, 1976) p. 23. 5. Ibid., jacket cover. 6. Ibid., pp. 1-2. 28 �7. Harry Caudill, Night Comes to the Cumberlands: A Biography of a Depressed Area (Boston, 1963), p. 4-6 and Darkness at Dawn, p. 2. 8. ' A n Interview with Harry Caudill," Appalachian Journal, Vol. 8 No. 4 (Summer, 1981), pp. 277-278 and Night Comes to the Cumberlands, p. 6. 9. See for example, Steven ]. Gould, The Mismeasurement of Man (New York, 1981) and Leon J. Kamin, The Science and Politics oj I.Q., (New York, 1974). 10. See William H. Tallmadge, "Anglo-Saxon vs. Scotch-Irish," Mountain Life and Work, 45, No. 2 (February, 1969); Richard Drake, "Anglo-Saxon vs. Scotch-Irish," Mountain Life and Work, 45, No. 4 (April 1969); and Gratis D. Williams, "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction," Appalachian Journal, 3, No. 1 (Autumn, 1975). 11. See Peter Clark and Paul Slack, English Towns in Transition, 1500-1700 (London, 1976) and David W. Galenson, "British Servants and the Colonial Indenture System in the Eighteenth Century," The Journal of Southern History, XLIV (February, 1978), pp. 41-65. 12. Darkness at Dawn, p. 6; Night Comes to the Cumberlands, p. 91. See Henry D. Shapiro, Appalachian on Our Mind: The Southern Mountains and Mountaineers in the American Consciousness, 1870-1920 (Chapel Hill, 1978). 13. Darkness at Dawn, p. 12. 14. Night Comes to the Cumberlands, pp. 62-63 and Darkness at Dawn, p. 15. 15. Night Comes to the Cumberlands, p. 103. 16. Watches of the Night, p. 225. 17. Night Comes to the Cumberlands, p. 367. 18. Ibid., pp. 367-68. 19. Darkness at Dawn, p. 20. 20. Neal R. Pierce, The Border South States: People, Politics and Power in the Five States of the Border South (New York, 1975), p. 266. 21. Watches of the Night, pp. 50-52. 22. Night Comes to the Cumberlands, p. 288. 23. Watches of the Night, pp. 209-10. 24. Ibid., p. 210. 25. Ibid., p. 211. 26. Ibid., pp. 226 and 235-36. 27. Ibid., p. 56. 28. Watches of the Night, p. 260. 29. Ibid., pp. 262-63. 30. Ibid., p. 264. 31. Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard, Parrington (New York, 1966), p. XIV. 29 �Human Values And Resource Development In The Political Economy Of Appalachia: A Synthesis Of Two Regional Forums Deborah Morentz Markley and Brady J. Deaton * Two major regional conferences—"Appalachia Looks at its Future: Human Values, Resources Development, Political Economy" held in 1975 and "The (Second Forum on the Future of Appalachia: Human Values and the Political Economy" held in 1981—sought to clarify the interrelationship between human values and public policy in the Appalachian region. The papers presented at these forums provide the basis for our attempt to interpret the interrelationship between cultural values and public policy in the Appalachian region as articulated by some of the important actors—representatives of state and local governments, educational institutions, industry, and various citizen groups. Both forums brought together representatives of, primarily, five states (Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia and West Virginia). * * Specifically, this paper presents a synthesis of ideas delineated at the conferences. The cultural values described by participants in the conferences as important to a true understanding of the Appalachian region are discussed and their apparent continuity over time is appraised. Important changes were observed in the primary themes from the first to the second forum. We will explore whether these themes reflect changing values or simply different responses to political, social, and economic forces affecting the region. Finally, we will discuss whether a common set of values or a common policy perspective is evident in the region, i.e., whether a "regional consciousness" appears to be emerging among discrete groups, and what implications a regional consciousness may hold for the future of the Appalachian region. APPALACHIAN VALUES Any discussion of specific values can best proceed from a common understanding or definition of a value. Charles Cleland, at the first forum, defined a value as "an idea which is prized by the holder and for which the holder will make some sacrifice to support."1 He also notes that an individual has a multitude of values which are acted upon at different times and which, occasionally, may come into conflict. Such conflicts are, perhaps, more readily identified at the community level rather than in an individual. The expression of basic values is subtle and, therefore, usually requires that we 30 �infer something about values from observation of human or community behavior. Direct observation of human values, particularly within a region such as Appalachia, is a difficult, if not impossible task. However, the regional forums, designed as they were to specifically discuss human values in Appalachia, elicited definitions of a series of human or cultural values, and sought to provide insight into how these values helped shape and were, in turn, shaped by political and economic events of the times. At the 1975 forum, Cleland identified the primary values of Appalachian people as: individualism, traditionalism, fatalism, fundamentalist religious beliefs, and strength of family. With one exception these same values were articulated by Betty Crickard at the second forum. 2 She identified individualism, religion, and family as values that come under the umbrella of traditionalism. Fatalism was specifically excluded which serves as a possible indicator of other important differences in the themes expressed at each forum. This point will be discussed below in more detail. The remarkable continuity in identification of basic values in spite of significant social and economic changes in the region during this time period may suggest cultural resiliency and adaptability. Therefore, changes in the key themes expressed at each forum more likely reflect differences in perception and in the way in which values are acted upon, not changes in basic values. The persistence of closely held values directs our analysis to the extent to which public policy has been shaped to reflect and provide meaning to closely held values. These issues are developed further in the next section where the major themes from each forum are identified and related to basic values. KEY THEMES The 1975 Forum—One overriding theme evident in the first forum was: a lack of control over the destiny of the region. The discussion related to this central theme centered primarily around five key perceptions: 1. Relatively little local control over changes affecting the region which eminate primarily from outside the region; 2. A lack of citizen participation in government decisionmaking (whether on the federal, state, or local level); 3. A sense of alienation from public institutions; 4. A concern about the appropriate role of industrialization in the future development of the region; and 5. A need for local control over the resources in the region, i.e., concern with absentee corporate ownership of land. Consistent with the national mood at that time, the forum reflected a feeling of distrust of people in authority. As one participant stated, "from Watergate to West Virginia, growing numbers of citizens at the grassroots share a growing suspicion of people in authority".3 The authority at issue was not limited to the state or local level. Rather, the effectiveness of the federal and regional agencies establish31 �ed to assist in the development of Appalachia was brought into serious question. As an example, Dean Rivkin writes, "TVA has begun to be looked on as a faceless giant imposing its preferences for social and economic change on an uninvolved citizenry." And, in a similar vein regarding the Appalachian Regional Commission (ARC), "the Commission's inability to break anchor from its home base in Washington and establish its presence in the region, doomed ARC in the eyes of those in the region who knew all-too-well the source of their problems and that highways and centralized planning were not the solutions to the problems."4 These statements reflect the feeling that Appalachia was "being done to," not "being done with." Such feelings of powerlessness and lack of control over the local resource base were directed not only at federal or regional entities, but also at local governmental institutions and business interests. In describing the response of coal mine operators and miners to attempts by local citizens to organize against strip mining legislation, Marie Cirillo vividly described a confrontation between citizens and local elites. She writes, "if you can imagine a small, rural, isolated stripmining community controlled by a powerful (absentee-owned) business whose autonomy was threatened by community activity, you can probably have some feel for the fear and terror that people lived with for about three weeks." She summarized the situation of powerlessness and political alienation of Appalachian people by noting that, "where the educational, economic, and political institutions operate as oppressive institutions in the mountains, the positive efforts to keep family, arts, crafts, music, and religion alive allow a resistance to a total takeover."5 Cirillo clearly identified the underlying value structure as a major source of emotional and cultural support in the face of adversity. The need to draw on these values in order to maintain local control and provide direction for the future development of the region was a pervasive theme. For example, industrialization is frequently cited as a necessary component of an appropriate development strategy for Appalachia. Yet, it was advocated at the first forum only in a modified form. Industrialization may be desirable "if industry could be told where to locate and how to operate based on human needs."6 Curtis Seltzer argued for an industrial development strategy designed to improve the quality of life and enhance local control of resources. He proposed an effort based on "planning, public authority, popular participation, a sense of limits, community education and a goal of public benefit."7 Again, the recurring themes of local control and broadened citizen participation are cast as the desirable framework for shaping the future of Appalachian people. An upbeat view of coal's future contribution to the region was presented at the first forum by John H. Gibbons.8 At that time, most factors pointed to continued coal expansion. Gibbons argued that this portends well for the future of the region if the full social costs of production are internalized and these revenues used to upgrade the human capital and institutions of the region. Simon's historical review of the coal industry at the second forum provided a more cautious perspective. He asserted that "those who would suggest coal as an 32 �'engine of development' must prove their case."9 Simon argued that the continuing booms and busts of the industry plague the economy and social fabric of the region. An integrated view of coal and its environment will be required, he argued, in order for its potential contribution to be fully realized. The value of fatalism appears to play an important role in contributing to the sense of "being acted upon" so pervasive in the themes expressed above. However, the angry criticism and the search for alternative development models belie the simple acceptance of the role of fatalism. Thomas Ford, writing about the Southern Appalachian region in 1962, noted that traditionalism and fatalism had weakened considerably in recent decades. The activism reflected at the forum supported Ford's observation. What may have appeared as fatalism at the first forum may actually reflect the frustration of activists in the region responding to the intransigence of historical problems. While a sense of fatalism has long been identified with the Appalachian culture, the appearance that it persists even during a time of increased public attention and assistance to Appalachian people and their struggle may be more illusory than real. The issues and values articulated at the forum suggest that past development efforts may have amounted to a "skillful diversion from the core issue" that our "economic problem is really one of control and distribution of benefits."10 Any efforts to promote or encourage economic or social change that do not include the active participation of local people and, therefore, a clear articulation of local area needs, generally find themselves without requisite local support. Forum participants clearly expressed this crucial concern by repeatedly pointing to lack of local control over the destiny of the region. The 1981 Forum—Having sketched the general themes common to participants in the first forum, the pertinent differences in 1981 will be identified. Attempting to characterize this more recent forum with an overriding theme, words such as "optimism," "activism," "community participation," and "coalition building" come to mind. A greater sense of people working together to help determine the future of the Appalachian region was evident and numerous examples of local success stories were described. At the same time, most participants recognized that severe federal budget cuts and a shifting national mood would surely reduce financial support for many needy projects. In spite of the recognition that budget cuts threaten recent gains in the region, an optimistic show of courage prevailed. The changing themes are consistent with the charge of O. Norman Simpkins who, at the first forum, defined development as increasing control over the total environment, and argued for more grassroots involvement. His final challenge was to develop pride in present day accomplishments in Appalachia. If the second forum had explicitly chosen to explore the extent to which his challenge was accepted, there would have been little difference in the outcome of the forum. To continue with Simpkin's theme, evidence from the second forum suggests that efforts are being made to enable citizens of the region to become the "hammer" of social change rather than the mislabeled passive, eversuffering "anvil."11 33 �Five key issues were articulated at the 1981 conference: 1. Successful citizen participation has contributed to such areas as education, health care, housing, and economic development; 2. The need for employment in the region was emphasized and examples given of efforts to create permanent local employment opportunities; 3. The need for increased control over local resources was argued and ways discussed by which citizens can take an active role in determining ownership patterns of land and mineral resources. 4. Partnerships between financial institutions and citizen groups, business and citizen groups, and women and industry were cited as important components of any development strategy; 5. Coalition building was emphasized as an important means of consolidating the resources and support of many local groups. Some of these concerns were voiced at the earlier forum, but seemed to lose their impact in the face of the general criticism of broad institutions and agencies. Small success stories seemed to be weak ammunition at the 1975 forum. While a different set of speakers would have presented alternative viewpoints at either forum, it seems reasonable to assert that the spirit of regional activism has changed markedly. * Numerous examples of successful attempts by local citizens to achieve community development goals were offered by participants. Joan Ross, Executive Director of the Southwestern Community Action Agency in West Virginia, described how her agency was successful in opening modular health clinics in rural areas, in getting hot meals in rural schools, and in starting Appalachian Craftsmen, a local cottage industry. She pointed out the importance of partnerships by identifying the success of Appalachian Craftsmen as primarily due to the linkages established between the local crafts people and local business and civic organizations. In addition, she emphasized the importance of local participation in decisionmaking, "because it does make a difference in decisionmaking. You tend to make more rational decisions when you have the people who are going to be benefiting from your decisions involved in the process."12 In the area of employment, Ike Adams, Director of Community Development for the Kentucky Highlands Investment Corporation (KHIC), pointed to his organization's success in establishing local industries in east Kentucky. KHIC seeks to promote entrepreneurship by supplying venture capital to new and/or expanding businesses and helping to leverage other funds from traditional financial institutions. The KHIC provides venture capital loans and technical assistance to new industry. As Adams pointed out, an important feature of the KHIC is its relative independence from federal funds resulting from its relative success in recent years. He stated that many community based organizations have developed a "mode of dependence on federal funds, and we have not developed a lot of alternate strategies for where we're going to get water when the well goes dry."13 These 34 �words echo a concern expressed by many forum participants - what do we do in the post budget-cut years? As in the 1975 forum, lack of local control over resources in the region, particularly absentee corportate ownership of land, was seen as an important problem by numerous participants. Tom D. Miller documented the extensive absentee corporate ownership of West Virginia at the 1975 forum.14 However, the character of the discussion changed in 1981, reflecting a mood of activism and organizing around the issue of local resource control. This mood seems to be based in part on the successful efforts of such groups as Save our Cumberland Mountains (COCM) who have worked many years to strengthen citizens' roles in tax reform and regulatory enforcement over strip-mining.15 John Gaventa in 1981 discussed some findings from the ARC funded land ownership study and cited several of its important characteristics. First, it was the first study funded by ARC to be undertaken by local people. Local residents researched ownership patterns in their own local, county records and conducted local interviews. Second, the findings are being made accessible to local groups at individual county, state, and regional levels in order to facilitate further organizing to resolve the problems made evident by the study's findings. Third, the study's findings suggest the need for property tax reform to more equitably reap some benefits from extensive outside ownership of land. Again, this issue is one which lends itself to local or state level organizing efforts. As Gaventa pointed out, "it is going to take political action at the local level where property tax reform begins. And that's as American as the Boston Tea Party."16 Two factors were identified as the basis for successful efforts to further social and economic reform in the region: (1) expanded citizen rights based on legal reform, and (2) coalition building. Darell V. McGraw, Jr., Justice, Supreme Court of Appeals, State of West Virginia, vividly described the importance of the judicial system in expanding citizen rights against powerful forces. He argued that spraying from the basic agrarian ideals embodied in State and Federal Constitutions has corrupted the political ideals of our society to the detriment of the citizenry. Judge McGraw also called attention to the salutary role of the Legal Services Corporation in seeking to "vindicate constitutional principles" in support of citizen rights for the Appalachian people. The second factor, partnerships and coalition building among the important actors in Appalachia, was stressed by many participants as the key to successful attempts at social and economic development. Building coalitions to pool resources and political support becomes essential during periods, such as now, when the federal funds many groups depended upon have diminished or disappeared. Michael Maloney, Executive Director of the Urban Appalachian Council, described the trend toward coalition building as follows: "Many of our differences based on ideology, social class, and sanction may begin to seem less important. I think they should begin to seem less important. This may bring about a level of movement that we've not seen since the 1960's."17 On the other hand, Mary Margaret Pignone cautioned that "coalition building is issue dependent."18 She 35 �noted that we live in a world of pluralism which implies at least the potential for conflict among the basic values people hold. While it is possible to achieve compromise on some issues which are less closely held by the participants, it is also possible that compromise cannot be achieved on some issues based on values too important to relinquish. Pignone's statements pointed out the very real problems encountered in attempts at coalition building. Once again, we come to the point of asking what role values play in giving rise to the issues raised at this forum. Two rather general observations appear in order. First, the fact that fatalism was not cited as part of the Appalachian value structure indicates some degree of evolution in the way in which Appalachian people deal with the world and/or in the way they are perceived by others. The 1975 forum emphasized the problems of the region and the lack of citizen input into determining solutions to those problems. A sense of resignation was stronger among participants at the first forum. The 1981 forum, at the opposite extreme, represented an obvious lack of resignation to the status quo. Efforts to achieve local participation and even local control over decisionmaking were viewed as successful and were offered as meaningful and proven alternative approaches to community and regional problems. An important factor in the movement toward greater participation may have been the focus at the forum on state and local decisionmaking rather than on federal or regional processes. The second forum was designed to place a greater emphasis on forming or enhancing local and statewide coalitions. There was limited discussion of general, regional problems, except in a few very issuespecific ways; coal severance taxes, land ownership patterns, and coal development are examples. The focus by activists on state and local issues appears to have facilitated citizen participation and the process of coalition building. This increased participation may be clearly associated with an erosion of the relative position of fatalism in the value structure of Appalachian people. In any event, it appears that sufficiently satisfactory progress has been made on a number of important problems to engender a strong sense of progress and hope. Second, many participants at the second forum stressed that a desire to preserve the cultural values of the region was an important factor leading to increased participation in decisionmaking. Participants felt that those outside the region who directed change within the region did not adequately consider the importance of these values of Appalachian people. This feeling was also expressed at the first forum during a period of strong federal presence in the region. Since many observers perceive that outside change agents are willing to sacrifice local values for other ends, such as profit or control, it was argued that Appalachian people are forced to action, to political participation, and to assertion of their rights as residents of the region in an effort to preserve their basic values. Perhaps Betty Crickard said it most simply when she described the present as "a time of renewed commitment to enduring values in our culture and a time for action. The future of the past is the present!"19 36 �Implications For Changing Roles Of Principal Actors In The Appalachian Region While the future role of some actors within Appalachia is determined by changes stemming from efforts to preserve basic values, other groups have their roles dictated to them. For example, federal agencies may well play a reduced role because of the budget-cutting process. Fewer federal dollars can be expected to flow into the region as a result of basic cuts in social welfare programs, housing assistance, infrastructure investment (e.g., water and wastewater facility development), legal services, educational assistance, health care systems, and economic development programs (e.g., ARC, EDA). Many observers feel that these funds have made vital contributions to past improvements in the standard of living in the region. Now as federal funds decline, the role of state governments is expected to increase. However, it is questionable whether state and local governments are capable of shouldering the massive financial burden being shrugged off by the federal government. A reduced federal role implicitly defines a reduced role for federally dependent regional agencies and an increased role for state and local governments. Whether these local entities are capable of meeting such an increased role is a question for future deliberations. Fortunately, effective local leadership has emerged in many communities with the zeal and vision needed to strengthen the capacity of local government units. The increased level of citizen participation and constituional reform described at the second forum have generated new sources of power that are not expected to diminish in the near future. Therefore, an active role for citizen groups and coalitions is foreseen, but their dependence on federal funds, the primary source of financing for these groups in the past, will not be the case in the future. The need to seek funding from other sources seems to define a stronger role in the future of the region for private institutions such as industry, churches, foundations, and financial institutions. We might expect these groups to be called on to finance and/or support in other ways the activities of local groups within the region. Whether they accept the challenge is yet to be seen. Mary Margaret Pignone considered whether churches would or should assume the social service responsibilities from which the federal government has divested itself. If so, she argued, the church would serve only to support the current system by coming to its aid and meeting needs generally felt to be the responsibility of federal government. While she does not believe the poor should go unserved, Pignone supported her point by defining a "concomitant role of the church which would be taking a moral position to ask, to name, and to critique a system that professes to hold as inalienable rights the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And that says that when the government won't provide that, we'll change that government."20 Again, the importance of the underlying value structure as a determinant of the role ascribed to particular groups within the region must be noted. Pignone implicitly ascribes a social welfare role for the federal government, while defining a role for the church as advocating the morality of our social system. 37 �Finally, the numerous Appalachian studies centers and programs at universities and colleges within the region are seen as increasingly important for analyzing the values and culture of Appalachia. These centers serve the important functions of educating people both inside and outside the region about the characteristics and historical development of the region. They provide a means for self-reflection by residents of the region and are ultimately a source of cultural strength. REGIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS In looking at the history of Appalachia, it appears that the "prime mover" behind the development of any regional perspective on Appalachia has been the federal government. Although earlier literary writers provided a regional identity for the region, it was primarily recognized by outsiders. One can seriously question the extent to which Appalachian people ever felt a sense of regional identity, even in the 1970's. Through the establishment of the TVA and the ARC, the federal government imposed a regional identity on an otherwise diverse and even isolated group of state and local entities, achieving what writers, poets, and churches either never attempted or failed to accomplish. The first forum clearly reflected this regional perspective as many of the issues discussed tended to be regional in nature. The second forum was not devoid of a regional perspective. Many regional issues were discussed, such as land ownership, coalition building, the coal industry, and the impact of a diminished federal presence in the region. However, there was also a very strong sense of state identity.* Several individual state caucuses were held during the forum, with a good deal of participant support. Plans were laid for further action at the state level, coordinated by conference organizers from each participant state. There was a good deal of trading successful strategies among local citizen groups with the hope of repeating other groups' successes back home. What, then, can be said about the importance, necessity, or desirability of a "regional consciousness" based on the experience of the forums? From our perspective, the evidence seems clear that a "regional consciousness" is not a necessary (implying important) requisite for successful social, economic, or political development in the region. In our opinion, the themes expressed in the two forums suggest that such a consciousness might actually hinder development in some areas, because the issues appear to be too great and all encompassing to handle when viewed at the regional level. For example, trying to reform the rural health care delivery system in the entire Appalachian region does not inspire the local action and spirit to prevail that the same issue in Claiborne County, Tennessee or Lincoln County, West Virginia inspires in the people in those local communities. Granted, this is not to say that regional issues do not exist or that a regional perspective is not frequently warranted. A regional perspective may be essential in drawing attention to and gathering information about some issues, but effective action requires focus on a sub-unit within the region. For example, while the land38 �ownership study was undertaken on a regional level, the information has been utilized at the state and county level, in an ongoing attempt to act on the findings of the overall study. Organization at the regional level was followed through by action at the state and local levels. On the other hand, all problems do not lend themselves to local solutions. Once again Mary Margaret Pignone offers important insight on this issue. She contrasts regional planning with small group decisionmaking and states that regional planning "requires expertise that constantly drops people by the wayside." She argues instead for small group decisionmaking where people can be actively involved and, thus, experience the power that comes from control over decisionmaking. Such participation should be an integral part of the planning process. Unfortunately, state- and local-level decisionmaking in the Appalachian region have not provided sufficient avenues for citizen participation. Judicial processes have been an essential aspect of fundamental reform as Caudill has long argued and as McGraw attests. Clearly, more active participation could be encouraged without unduly sacrificing either economic or social efficiency. The forum called attention to the process of active participation as the primary goal, with efficiency and levels of output as secondary goals. All institutions should be drawn into this process. In summary, one should not rule out a role for a "regional consciousness" facilitating exploration of certain issues on a regional level. However, the decline in the federal government's role in the region, the consequent increase in the importance of individual states, and the strong sense of local citizen activism suggest that a regional consciousness is not a necessary ingredient for successful development and, indeed, it could serve to divert attention from resolution of important state and local problems. APPALACHIA - LOOKING TOWARD ITS FUTURE Given the trends identified as a result of analysis of the two Appalachian forums, what might we suggest about the perceived ability of the region to respond to future changes. In short, evidence seems to suggest that the road will not be easy, but that progress can be expected. As expressed by many at the second forum, Appalachia is in for a challenging period in the next several years. It must get along without the massive injections of federal dollars so crucial in the past. Rev. John McBride described the current time as a disaster - a flood that swept through overnight and left us homeless. Ike Adams continues the analogy and suggests the resiliency required of Appalachian people. "We've got to stop building back in the flood plain. We're going to have to take this disaster and instead of anticipating another flood and expecting things to work out and pray that there won't be another one, we've got to move to higher ground." Although times are not easy for people involved with community development, a new sense of activism was expressed at the 1981 forum that demands and attains, to some degree, participation in the decisionmaking processes influencing the 39 �region. Such resiliency can be expected to continue as Appalachian people face the challenges of the 1980s and become more intimately involved in the meaningful affairs of the region. This reality was foreseen by Thomas Ford twenty years ago when he observed that the way of life, beliefs, fears, and aspirations of Appalachians are not radically different from those of most other Americans.21 Perhaps it is a desire for a more truly democratic process that is being reflected in the region and in the broader society. We anticipate the third Appalachian forum with optimism that further strides by the people toward regaining control of the destiny of the region will have been made. Notes 'C.L. Cleland, "Human Values:: Their Origin and Influence," Appalachia Looks at its Future, Proceedings of a Regional Forum, Department of Agricultural Economics, VPI & SU, August 1978, 65-73. (Hereafter referred to as Proceedings.) 2 Betty P. Crickard, "Roles for Women in Creative Partnerships in Appalachian Development," paper presented at the (Second) Forum on the Future of Appalachia, Lincoln Memorial Univ. (LMU), Harrogate, Tennessee, July 14-16, 1981. 'Tom Plaut, "Resistance, Rebellion, and Repression," Proceedings, op. cit., 1-11. 4 Dean Hill Rivkin, "The Constitutional Setting in Appalachia: Of Scapegoats and Caricatures," Proceedings, op. cit., 21-30. 5 Marie Cirillo, "Service Development By and For Citizens," Proceedings, op. cit., 50-64. 8 Curtis Seltzer, "Two Conclusions about Cows and Some Thoughts About Appalachian Economics," Proceedings, op. cit., p. 12-20. 7 Ibid. "John Gibbons, "The Energy Industry: Coal and Its Competition," Proceedings, pp. 31-36. 9 Rick Simon, "Coal and Economic Development in the Southern Appalachian Mountains." Paper presented at the (Second) Forum on the Future of Appalachia, LMU, July 14-16, 1981. '"Seltzer, op. cit. "O. Norman Simpkins, "Pride: The Cultural Touchstone of Development," Proceedings, pp. 100-107. ]2 Joan Ross, tape recorded talk at The (Second) Forum on the Future of Appalachia, op cit. 13 Ike Adams, tape recorded talk at The (Second) Forum on the Future of Appalachia, op. cit. 14 Tom Miller, "Who Owns West Virgina?", Proceedings, pp. 37-49. ispeggy Mathews, "Problems in the Fundamental Laws: SOCM's Role in Legal Reforms." Presentation made at the (Second) Forum on the Future of Appalachia, LMU, 1981. "John Gaventa, tape recorded talk at The (Second) Forum on The Future of Appalachia, op. cit. "Mike Maloney, tape recorded talk at The (Second) Forum on the Future of Appalachia, op. cit. 18 Mary Margaret Pignone, tape recorded talk at The (Second) Forum on the Future of Appalachia, op. cit. "Betty P. Crickard, op. cit., 12. 20 Mary Margaret Pignone, op. cit. 21 Thomas R. Ford, Editor, The Southern Appalachian Region, University of Kentucky Press, Lexington, Kentucky, 1962. 'Research Associate and Associate Professor, respectively, in the Department of Agricultural Economics, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. The authors wish to acknowledge helpful comments by J. Paxton Marshall, who was the principal organizer of both forums. 40 �"Both conferences were organized by the Cooperative Extension Services of the five states, the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) and the Commission on Religion in Appalachia. Thus, a regional perspective on both values and important issues was afforded. The structure of each conference was planned by a committee made up of representatives of the sponsoring organizations. Deaton was a member of the planning committee for both forums. Markley assisted with the organization of the second forum. *A follow-up workshop held several months later in southwest Virginia provided strong support for this general observation. The general view expressed by a diverse audience was that times have changed, that possibilities exist for creative partnership among diverse interests, and that examples abound of general improvement in life opportunities in the Region. 'Emphasis on state identity was an objective of the organizing committee. Follow-up workshops in each state have occurred since the 1981 forum, a desired outcome of conference organizers. 41 �This page intentionally left blank �Urban Minorities 43 �This page intentionally left blank �Introduction Ronald Eller In recent years regional scholars have focused considerable attention on the experience of Appalachian migrants. Between 1945 and 1965, over three million mountaineers left Appalachia to find employment in the expanding industrial centers of the east and mid-west. Much of the emergence of the "consumer culture" in America during the post-war years was made possible because of the availability of a cheap and abundant mountain labor supply. The trek to Detroit, Chicago, Cincinnati, Atlanta, and other urban centers became an inseparable part of the mountain experience and helped to draw national attention to the social and economic problems of the region. Early studies of Appalachian migrants - based upon the perceptions of urban social workers and journalists -emphasized the difficulties which mountaineers had in assimilating to urban life. Lamenting the social and economic "costs" of the migrants to the urban areas, these studies concentrated on the adjustment problems of migrants as reflected in the schools, social services and the job market. More recent research, however, has begun to revise this picture somewhat and to emphasize the diversity of experiences within the urban Appalachian community, pointing out that a large element of the migrant population succeeded in assimilating into urban life and has become a significant "invisible minority."* Most of the research on Appalachian migrants has focused on the occupational and employment experiences of white males. Like much of the literature in Appalachian studies, little attention has been given to women, blacks, and other minorities from the region. The two essays which follow break with prior research and shed considerable light on the experiences of two minorities within the larger Appalachian minority community. Virginia McCoy Watkins and Diana Gullett Trevino focus on the occupational and employment status of Appalachian females in Cincinnati. Their findings reveal that recent female Appalachian migrants were not disadvantaged in terms of occupation and employment status. Indeed, they find that their occupational status was more favorable than that of the receiving population, and that the most dramatic difference was a disproportionate concentration of Appalachians in professional positions as compared to the receiving population. Their analysis reveals that this difference in occupational status could not be accounted for by age, but was due to occupational selectivity of migration. While the rate of unemployment among Appalachians was higher, they suggest, Appalachian females do not differ from other types of female migrants in terms of occupational and employment status. Watkins and Trevino 45 �conclude that while it may be true that Appalachian background constitutes a liability in the economic domain for males, there is no evidence to suggest that it constitutes a liability for Appalachian females. In the second essay, Phillip Obermiller and William Philliber analyze the relative socioeconomic attainments of black Appalachian migrants. Basing their research on data from three surveys conducted in Hamilton County (Cincinnati), Ohio, Obermiller and Philliber find that black Appalachian migrants have much more in common with other blacks than with white migrants from the mountains. While white Appalachian migrants may be distinguished from other whites, black Appalachian migrants do not have socioeconomic attainments different from other blacks. In terms of education, occupation, and income, the relative attainments of both black groups are about half the attainment of non-Appalachian whites. Blacks from Appalachia, they suggest, move to black neighborhoods where they are identified with and as blacks rather than as Appalachians. Accordingly, they experience the same life chances as other blacks. Their socioeconomic attainments, therefore, are restricted primarily by race rather than by ethnic or regional origin. Like Watkins and Trevino, Obermiller and Philliber conclude that much further research needs to be focused on minority groups within the mountains before the experience of urban Appalachian minorities can be more fully understood. 46 �Black Appalachian Migrants: The Issue Of Dual Minority Status William W. Philliber Phillip J. Obermiller A greater proportion of blacks moved out of Appalachia during the great migration of the fifties and sixties than did whites, reducing the percentage of blacks in Appalachia to 7.3% of the population by 1970 (Appalachian Regional Commission, 1971). As a result of this selectivity blacks are more common among Appalachian migrants than among those who remained in the region. An estimated one out of five Appalachians living in Hamilton County, Ohio, for example, are black. While studies were being conducted among Appalachian migrants who were white, black migrants were either excluded from the analysis or grouped with other blacks. Too few Appalachian blacks were found in any single survey to analyze as a separate category, and researchers feared combining blacks and whites together lest the importance of origin be confounded by race. Today knowledge of black Appalachian migrants lags substantially below their white counterparts (Fowler, 1980). There are reasons to believe that black Appalachians may have little in common with white migrants. First, their origins in Appalachia were different. While most white Appalachians living in Cincinnati, for example, came from Kentucky and Tennessee (McCoy and Brown, 1981), blacks moved from Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi (Appalachian Regional Commission, 1971; Fowler, 1976). Appalachia is not a single cultural entity and migrants from different parts of the region may be as different as Appalachians and non-Appalachians. Second, within the same part of the region black Appalachians have usually lived isolated from whites (Allen, 1974; French, 1975; Cabbell, 1980). As with the rest of the nation, blacks were excluded from the mainstream in Appalachia. Having shared little in Appalachia, it seems doubtful black and white Appalachians found much in common after they migrated. Third, although migration brought many Appalachians—black and white—to low income neighborhoods of the city, they settled apart from each other (Fowler, 1981). Blacks from Appalachia moved to black neighborhoods where they identified with, and were identified as blacks, but perhaps not as Appalachians (Zigli, 1981). On the other hand there are reasons to believe that Appalachia has had an influence on black migrants similar to that of whites. One of the first studies of black culture in Appalachia concluded that while blacks were isolated they nonetheless developed value systems similar to whites in the area (French, 1975). While the importance of such a value system has recently been a subject of criticism (Bill47 �ings, 1974; Philliber, 1981) any influence it has upon the life chances of white migrants should also then be true of blacks. The only research which has analyzed black Appalachians as a separate category supports that conclusion. Fowler's (Reeves, 1976; Fowler, 1981) study of residential distribution found that both black and white Appalachians were more likely than their non-Appalachian counterparts to live in low-income areas of the city. Whether blacks from Appalachia integrated into the local black community where they migrated or remained distinct because of their Appalachian heritage in the same manner as white migrants remains an unanswered question. The purpose of this paper is to provide a partial answer to that question by analyzing the socioeconomic attainments of black Appalachian migrants in Hamilton County, Ohio, relative to non-Appalachian blacks, white Appalachians, and nonAppalachian whites. Data Data were obtained by combining three surveys conducted in Hamilton County, Ohio. They were the 1971 Model Cities Survey (Sherrill, 1972), the 1975 Cincinnati Area Project (Philliber, 1981), and the 1980 Greater Cincinnati Survey (Obermiller, 1982). While neither methods of sampling nor measurement were the same, combining the studies produced 113 black Appalachians. That yielded a large enough group co provide a basis for at least some tentative observations. There are four differences in the ways the three surveys were carried out which may contribute to errors in the findings here. Two of those differences are minor and two are of some consequence. First, the Greater Cincinnati Survey was conducted by telephone while the other two were collected in-person. Findings from telephone surveys are generally consistent with in-person interviews, so this difference should matter little (Tuchfarber and Klecka, 1976). Second, participants in the Model Cities Survey were selected as part of a multi-stage probability sample stratified by race; the Cincinnati Area Project used a multi-stage probability sample of blocks with quotas proportional to the population; and the Greater Cincinnati Survey selected people using Random Digit Dialing. These differences also probably matter little (Tuchfarber and Klecka, 1976; Sudman, 1966). On the other hand, the Model Cities Survey is drawn from the population living within the inner-city low-income area designated as the target for the Model Cities program while the other two studies are drawn from the population of Hamilton County. As a result, the combination of the three samples disproportionately represents people in low-income neighborhoods. Finally, the Cincinnati Area Project and the Greater Cincinnati Survey classified people as Appalachian if they were born in Appalachia or had at least one parent born there while the Model Cities Survey classified people as Appalachians if they had moved to Cincinnati directly from Appalachia. As a result the Model Cities Survey classified some persons as non-Appalachians who would otherwise be Appalachian. We have no reason to believe that any of these factors seriously altered the findings, but they should be remembered before reaching any final conclusions. 48 �Findings Although migrants from Appalachia generally are better educated than nonmigrants who remained (Larkin, 1973), Appalachians average fewer years of education than natives and other migrants in their places of destination (Philliber, 1981). Table 1 shows that only 58 % of the white Appalachians in the three studies had completed high school but 78% of other whites graduated. However, while white Appalachians are left at a competitive disadvantage to other whites, black Appalachians are not much different from other blacks. Some 38% of the black Appalachians compared to 39% of other blacks were high school graduates. Both groups are seriously less educated than whites, but their differences from each other are small. The same pattern emerges with respect to occupational attainment among those in the labor force. White Appalachians have a lower percentage employed as white collar workers or in skilled trades than non-Appalachian whites have, 60% and 81 %, respectively. Both black groups have even fewer such employees. All but 41% of the black Appalachians and 30% of other blacks are employed in semi-skilled or unskilled jobs. Although the difference between the two black groups is still small, it should be noted that what difference does exist is in favor of black Appalachians. The pattern is repeated in family incomes. The average annual income of other whites in the three surveys was $16,470. White Appalachians had average annual incomes of $14,182. Both black groups were considerably poorer. The average family income of black Appalachians was $7,742 and the income of other blacks averages $6,719. Table 4 summarizes relative attainments of the four groups. On each of the three variables non-Appalachian whites averaged higher achievements than other groups. A total of 78 % were high school graduates, 81 % had white-collar or skilled jobs, and the group averaged $16,470 in family income. If these figures are set equal to 100 %, then the relative attainments of white Appalachians are shown to be about three-quarter of the attainments of other whites. Each of the surveys used in this study have previously been analyzed to show the relative attainments of white Appalachians so these findings are not new. They are reported here only to provide a ready comparison with black Appalachians. The data collected from black Appalachians are not entirely consistent. Black Appalachians have fewer high school graduates but better jobs and higher incomes than do other blacks. However, none of the differences within the black group are actually very large. When the attainments of either group are compared to non-Appalachian whites, both groups are shown to have half or less of what non-Appalachian whites have. Their differences from each other are trivial when compared to their differences from whites. It should be noted that the higher socioeconomic attainments of nonAppalachian whites can not be explained by age or by length of residence. In each of the three studies no significant differences existed for either of these variables. 49 �The explanation for the advantage of non-Appalachian whites lies in other directions. Conclusion The best conclusion from this study of the relative attainments of black Appalachians is that black Appalachians experience the same life chances as other blacks. They are restricted for being black, but they are not further restricted because they are Appalachian. The emergent ethnicity which is characteristic of working class and poor white Appalachians is not shared by Appalachians who are blacks. Black Appalachians seem to have become a part of the larger black group. There are two factors which may explain why black Appalachians are not distinct from other blacks in the same way Appalachian and non-Appalachian whites are. First, ethnic group formation is partially the result of labeling and discrimination by others. White Appalachians were singled out from the general white population by stereotyping and discrimination, thereby giving impetus to the formation of a group identity (McCoy and Watkins, 1981; Obermiller, 1982). Black Appalachians were not similarly distinguished from the general black population; labeling and discrimination affected all members of that group equally, giving no momentum to the rise of a separate black Appalachian identity. But group formation can also come from stereotyping and discrimination which is internal to the group itself (Obermiller, 1982). In this case race recedes in importance and socioeconomic stratification becomes critical. Intergroup labeling among white Appalachians in urban areas is quite negative and predominates in the higher status cohort. The absence of large differences in socioeconomic status among blacks in the county, particularly when compared to white residents, may lead to a diminution of intergroup stereotyping. This phenomenon may account for the absence of a specific Appalachian ethnicity among black Appalachians (Lewis, 1978). For both of these reasons Appalachian blacks do not appear to have emerged as a group separate from blacks who are non-Appalachian. It is appropriate to conclude by noting that these findings reflect the paucity of research on black Appalachians. Even if better data continue to find the absence of socioeconomic differentiation between Appalachian and non-Appalachian blacks outside the region, other important differences may exist. 50 �TABLE 1: Percent High School Graduates By Race And Appalachian Heritage Race Appalachian Other Black 35% (101) 39% (380) White 58% (359) 78% (1,015) TABLE 2: Percent Of Labor Force Employed In Skilled Trades Or White Collar Positions By Race And Appalachian Heritage Race Appalachian Other Black 41% (54) 30% (231) White 60% (248) 81% (783) TABLE 3: Average Annual Income By Race And Appalachian Heritage Race Appalachian Other Black $ 7,742 (98) $ 6,719 (403) White $14,182 (366) $16,470 (1,017) 51 �TABLE 4: Relative Attainments Of Black Appalachians, White Appalachians, And Other Blacks As A Percentage Of The Attainments Of Other Whites Education Job Income Black Appalachian 45% 51% 47% Other Black 50% 37% 41% White Appalachian 74% 74% 86% 100% 100% 100% Croup Other White References Allen, Fayetta A. 1974 "Blacks in Appalachia." The Black Scholar, 15 (June):42-51. Appalachian Regional Commission 1971 "Blacks in Appalachia. Population Trends: 1960 to 1970." Current Statistical Report Number 4. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission. Billings, Dwight 1974 "Culture and Poverty in Appalachia: A Theoretical Discussion and Empirical Analysis." Social Forces, 53 (December):315-23. Cabbell, Edward J. 1980 "Black Invisibility and Racism in Appalachia: An Informal Survey." Appalachian Journal, 8 (Autumn) :48-54. Fowler, Gary 1976 "Regional Mobility Among People in Central Cincinnati." Urban Appalachian Council Research Bulletin (May): 1-3. 1980 Appalachian Migration: A Review and Assessment of the Research. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission. 1981 "The Residential Distribution of Urban Appalachians." pp. 79-94 in William W. Philliber and Clyde B. McCoy (eds.) The Invisible Minority. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky. French, Laurence 1975 "The Isolated Appalachian Black Community." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Rural Sociological Society. San Francisco. (August). 52 �Larkin, Robert Paul 1973 Out-migration from Altoona, Pennsylvania: Mobility Response to Changing Opportunities. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. Pennsylvania State University. Lewis, Michael 1978 The Culture of Inequality. New York: Meridian Books. McCoy, Clyde B. and James S. Brown. 1981 "Appalachian Migration to Midwestern Cities." pp. 35-78 in William W. Philliber and Clyde B. McCoy (eds.) The Invisible Minority. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky. Obermiller, Phillip J. 1982 Labelling Urban Appalachians: Bridges and Barriers to the Formation of a Contemporary Ethnic Identity. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Union Graduate School. Philliber, William W. 1981 Appalachian Migrants in Urban America. New York: Praeger. Reeves, David 1976 "Black Appalachians in the City." Mountain Life and Work, 52 (August): 18-19. Sherrill, Samuel B. 1972 Cincinnati Model Neighborhood Survey: A Statement of Research Objectives and Methodology. Cincinnati: Institute for Metropolitan Studies, University of Cincinnati. Sudman, Seymour 1966 "Probability Sampling with Quotas." Journal of the American Statistical Association, 61 (September) :49-71. Tuchfarber, Alfred and William Klecka 1976 Random Digit Dialing. Washington: Urban Institute. Zigli, Barbara 1981 "Appalachian Blacks—the 'Double Minority' " Cincinnati Enquirer, (May 5), p. A-6. 53 �Occupational And Employment Status Of Appalachian Migrant Women Virginia McCoy Watkins Diana Gullett Trevino INTRODUCTION The social science literature has portrayed Appalachian migrants as a disadvantaged group. The problems they have experienced in adjusting to the urban environment range from high school drop out rates (Maloney, 1974) and low levels of educational attainment (Philliber, 1981b) to cultural conflicts (McCoy, 1981) and low occupational attainment (Schwarzweller, 1971). The current study focuses on the occupational and employment status of recent Appalachian migrant women. The scarcity of migration research on women has left an enormous gap in explaining the consequences of migration for them. Their contributions in the economic domain have been particularly neglected.1 There have been, however, a number of studies on males. The Appalachian migration research indicates that migration takes place for economic reasons—to obtain a job or to obtain a better job. Generally, jobs are located through the help of relatives and friends rather than through employment agencies (Schwarzweller, 1981). Male migrants generally hold a greater proportion of semiskilled or unskilled jobs, but few hold professional jobs. Their occupational status was found to be lower than other migrants and natives, but higher than those in the area of origin (Philliber, 1981b; Schwarzweller, 1971). Appalachian migrants in suburban Cleveland were more likely than return migrants, West Virginia natives or ghetto migrants to hold skilled jobs; those in the ghetto were more likely to hold semiskilled jobs. The few professional workers in the Cleveland study tended either to be return migrants (to West Virginia) or to live in areas where there were few other Appalachians (Photiadis, 1981). It has also been noted that Appalachian occupational mobility provided less increase in income than for white natives, blacks, or other white migrants (Philliber, 1981b). Prior research has shown that Appalachians are placed at a disadvantage in the economic domain. This research has been almost exclusively on males or the combined male/female population; this exclusion has obscured or ignored the contribution of females. One study found that Appalachian females did not migrate alone. They left the mountains with their husbands or parents, or joined family members upon their 54 �arrival in the city (Schwarzweller, 1971). Only two studies mention the economic situation of women. Schwarzweller and Brown found that almost one-third of the women migrants in the Beech Creek study were employed; however, almost twothirds of them were in semiskilled positions. Philliber found that 31 percent of Appalachians in the Hamilton County, Ohio study area were in families in which the wife worked outside the home. In addition, the wife's employment created less of an advantage toward improvement in family income than did either natives, other white migrants or blacks. These Appalachian women, as in the Beech Creek study, had few skills which would facilitate obtaining higher wages (Philliber, 1981b). Based on general notions of Appalachian background and their lower status in the employment and the occupational hierarchy relative to the receiving population, we anticipated that findings with respect to females in the economic domain would mirror that of males. That is, that Appalachian women would be at a competitive disadvantage compared with the receiving population. These inclinations were in error. ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS The results of this analysis focus on the occupational and employment status of recent female migrants from Appalachia to the Cincinnati SMSA. While a number of studies have been made of males, little research exists on females in the economic domain. This exploratory study of recent Appalachian female migrants is based principally on a special tabulation of 1970 Census data which distinguished recent migrants from Appalachia and the receiving population in the Cincinnati SMSA.2 Appalachian migrants are those who, in 1965, lived in any of the 397 counties and five independent cities defined as the Appalachian Region, and in 1970 lived in the Cincinnati SMSA. All others in the receiving area were defined as non-Appalachians. Table 1 shows that Appalachian females (and non-Appalachian females) followed the traditional pattern of female occupational distribution in that they were concentrated in traditional "female labor market sector positions" (O'Brien, 1970). These include clerical (sales clerks), service worker (hairdressers, waitresses) and professional (teachers, nurses) occupation categories. Within this dual labor market structure, a striking difference appears, however. A disproportionate concentration of Appalachians (26.4 %) held professional positions as compared with non-Appalachians (14.9%). This difference remained when comparing the counties within the SMSA as well (data not presented).3 On the other hand, the occupational distribution showed that Appalachians held proportionately fewer sales (3.9%) and clerical (30.0%) positions than nonAppalachians. The plausible reasons for this difference between Appalachian and nonAppalachian females in the professional category could be attributed to dif55 �ferences in the age distribution of migrants, in the occupational selectivity of professionals associated with migration, or in the disadvantage associated with Appalachian background. This section will explore these explanations in order. As one would expect for recent migrants (Bogue, 1969), Appalachian migrant females are younger than non-Appalachians. For those who were 15 years of age and over, and most likely to participate in the labor market, 65 percent of the Appalachians were between the ages of 15 and 29 years, compared with 32 percent of non-Appalachians (Table 2). The older age groups (40-64) favored nonAppalachians (36.8%); whereas only 15.5% of the Appalachians fell into this age group. This inverse relationship between age and migration status has been documented in prior literature (Taeuber, 1967). Since occupation by age distribution was not available in the special tabulation on Appalachian migrants data set, it was not possible to directly control for age. In order to explore the hypothesis that the concentration of young women in the professional category produced the disproportionate concentration of Appalachians in that category, age standardization for the occupational distribution was calculated utilizing the U.S. occupational distribution by age4 (see Table 3). This procedure showed essentially no change in the difference between Appalachians and non-Appalachians in the professional category. Appalachians comprised 15.6% and non-Appalachians 15.0% in that category. Sales positions in which non-Appalachians predominated, were also found to produce no change in the differences observed between the two groups—7.1 % for Appalachians and 8.1% for non-Appalachians. Age distribution probably accounts for differences between Appalachians and non-Appalachians in the clerical positions. The most important finding is that there is no evidence that age differences between Appalachians and non-Appalachians account for the disproportionate concentration of Appalachians in the professional category. The second plausible explanation raised was whether the difference in the professional category was due to the occupational selectivity of professionals among migrants and non-migrants. The tabulations appear in Table 4. This hypothesis was explored using Public Use Sample data5 on aggregated migrants and nonmigrants. We can see clearly that a greater proportion of migrants (22.8%) than non-migrants (13.8%) held professional positions. Referring back to Table I, one can see that the difference in the proportion of professionals between Appalachians and non-Appalachians parallels the difference in proportion of professionals between migrants and non-migrants. This strongly suggests that the occupational selectivity of professionals among migrants accounts for the difference between Appalachian and non-Appalachian professionals. This finding supports the interpretation that the disproportionate concentration of Appalachians in the professional category as compared to the receiving population is not accounted for by age, but rather was due to occupational selectivity of migration. In addition to the occupational status, another frequently used measure of competitive posture in the economic domain is unemployment. We examined the 56 �employment status of Appalachian migrant and non-Appalachian women. While a greater proportion of Appalachians than the receiving population were in the labor force, there was a wide gap in unemployment between Appalachians (8.6%) and non-Appalachians (4.6%) (see Table 5). Procedures were conducted similar to those conducted for the occupational distribution to explore the influence of age and migrant status on the difference between Appalachian and non-Appalachian unemployment. When we standardized employment status for age (Table 6), this gap in unemployment narrowed considerably, showing 6.3% Appalachians unemployed and 5.4% non-Appalachians unemployed. This finding suggests that the largest portion of the difference in the unemployment rate can be attributed to age difference between Appalachians and non-Appalachians, potentially corresponding to the age selectivity of migration. The national data showed (Table 7) that only slightly more migrants than non-migrants were unemployed, 4.3% for migrants and 3.6% for non-migrants. These results suggest that the higher rate of unemployment for Appalachian women was due primarily to the age selectivity of migration and secondarily to the slight correspondence between unemployment and migration. In summary, we found no evidence to suggest that recent Appalachian female migrants are disadvantaged in the economic domain by their Appalachian background. In general, Appalachians were of higher occupational status than non-Appalachians. Analysis suggests that the difference is due to the occupational selectivity of migration that occurs among females. The higher unemployment rate among Appalachians as compared to non-Appalachians seems primarily due to the difference in the age composition between the two groups. There was also evidence of some slight influence due to the association of employment status and migration among females. Therefore, while prior literature found that Appalachian background constituted a liability in the economic domain for males, there was no evidence to suggest that it constituted a liability for Appalachian females. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS There are several explanations to be explored for the finding that Appalachian background in this study does not constitute a liability for Appalachian migrant females. The first of these considers the definition of Appalachians used in this study. Appalachian migrants are defined as those who lived in the Appalachian Region between 1965 and 1970 and in 1970 lived in the Cincinnati SMSA. Therefore, the Appalachian migrants category does not necessarily include only those who were born in the region; that is, those of Appalachian background. It is purely a recent migrant designation, which excludes Appalachians who migrated to the Cincinnati SMSA in an earlier period. The non-Appalachian migrant category includes all other recent migrants (from someplace other than Appalachia), natives, as well as Appalachians who migrated to and stayed in the 57 �Cincinnati SMS A in earlier periods. This confounding of the categories might underestimate the difference between Appalachian and non-Appalachian professionals since both categories include some Appalachians. In addition, the Appalachian migrant professional category may include very mobile professionals who are not Appalachians, but who moved in the Appalachian Region, were residing there in 1965, and migrated out to be found in Cincinnati in 1970. Some in the Appalachian migrant category, therefore, may not be of Appalachian background at all. Definitions of Appalachians in other studies have varied from migrants from one Appalachian state (West Virginia), migrants from one Appalachian county (Clay County, Kentucky) to migrants who moved from the Appalachian Region and those who were born in the Appalachian Region or had one parent born in the Appalachian Region. Settlement areas of the migrants in these studies have been diverse as well—the inner city of Cincinnati, Ohio, suburbs of Cleveland, Ohio, Hamilton County, Ohio, and several counties in the Cincinnati SMSA, which include northern Kentucky and one Indiana county. Even though the definitions of Appalachians varied somewhat from study to study, the findings on males are consistent. For males, the occupational status was lower than for other groups, either other migrants or natives (Philliber, 1981a, 1981b; Photiadis, 1981; Schwarzweller, 1971, 1981). They were concentrated in unskilled and semiskilled jobs; few held professional positions. In addition, Appalachians were found to receive the lowest increase in income attainment for concomitant increases in occupational status (Philliber, 1981b). The literature on Appalachian employment status indicates that, in general, Appalachians are able to find jobs, and are willing to take lower status jobs. Studies showed that Appalachian heads of households in Hamilton County in 1975 were employed at a rate similar to other white migrants and white natives. Only six percent of the Appalachians and five percent of the white migrants and natives were unemployed (Philliber, 1981b). A 1961 study, with similar results, found that most males were employed (Schwarzweller, 1971). Photiadis' (1981) study of Appalachians in Cleveland found somewhat higher proportions of unemployed and retired for migrants in the ghetto (9 %) than in the suburbs; however, West Virginia natives and return migrants had the highest unemployment of these four groups. Similarly, Maloney (1981) indicates a ten percent unemployment rate for inner city Appalachian neighborhoods in Cincinnati. There is apparently a period of rather high instability in employment among recent Appalachian migrants during the first year or so after migration. However, stability improves once the migrant gains some confidence in the industrial work setting (Schwarzweller, 1971). We analyzed the occupational and employment status of Appalachian migrant males and compared them with the receiving population, using the special tabulation data set. This analysis showed that, like females, Appalachian males were more heavily concentrated in the professional category. However, when we controlled for age using the age standardization procedure, it was found that age not 58 �only accounted for the difference between Appalachian and non-Appalachian males, but the direction changed to favor non-Appalachians. This finding, using the same data set for males and females, supports the prior literature on males; that Appalachian males suffer economic disadvantage compared to the receiving population. The few earlier studies which made statements about females in the labor market indicated that they had few skills and were employed in low status jobs. A 1961 study indicated that while a good number of the women (32%) were employed, only a very small proportion held professional and clerical positions. Most of those employed (67%) were in unskilled or semiskilled jobs (Schwarzweller, 1971). On the other hand, a 1974 study found that fewer Appalachian women than other white migrants, white natives or blacks were in dual worker families. Only 31% of Appalachians were in family situations of this type, whereas 46-51 % of the other groups were in dual worker families. The contribution of the wife's employment to the total family income was less in Appalachian families than in those of other white migrants, white natives or blacks. Appalachian wives who worked outside the home had few skills which would enable them to make a greater contribution in wages to the family income (Philliber, 1981b). While both studies found that Appalachian women who were employed had few job skills, the findings are inconsistent in terms of the proportion employed. One cannot obtain a clear picture of the occupational or employment status of Appalachian migrant women from prior studies. However, these findings on women seem to indicate that Appalachian women and Appalachian men are placed at a disadvantage in the job market, unlike the findings in our study for women. Explanations for the disadvantage experienced by Appalachian males in the economic domain and the lack of this liability for Appalachian females could not be determined in our study. This difference could possibly be due to the higher educational attainment of females. The literature indicates that male educational achievement is low (Schwarzweller, 1981; Photiadis, 1981; Philliber, 1981a) and this could contribute to low occupational status. Another study, however, also indicated that additional education did not improve the economic situation of Appalachians (Peterson and Sharp, 1969). In addition, nothing in the literature indicates whether female educational achievements are greater than for males. One might suppose that males left school to take available unskilled jobs which required little education in the home area. Females remained in school to continue their education and await the availability of jobs. Another possibility is that, for whatever reasons, Appalachian women are better able to compete in the urban job market. Even though the dual occupational structure has restricted Appalachian women to the female labor market sector positions, as it has non-Appalachian women, Appalachian women may be better prepared to compete with other women within these restrictions. Appalachian males have been found ill-prepared to compete in the urban labor market. Many had experience as coal miners or farmers which did not prepare them for competi59 �tion in the industrial work situations in the receiving areas (Schwarzweller, 1971; Philliber, 1981b). Appalachian women were probably trained to do jobs traditionally perceived as "woman's work"—teachers, nurses and secretaries. This training has apparently paid off for them and has enabled them to compete in the urban job market where female labor market jobs are the norm. To suppose that Appalachian women have better competetive skills than men, however, runs counter to findings that Appalachians have difficulty competing in the urban schools (Wagner, 1974). In conclusion, these findings, as they relate to those in prior work, suggest the need for more research focusing on the occupational and employment achievement of Appalachian migrant females. For example, the changing economy necessitates dual worker families and challenges traditional roles of Appalachian migrant women. Research in the social sciences has traditionally delayed study of minorities and women until the size of the group reaches sufficient proportions to warrant study or until their political activities force attention to certain issues for the group. We are hopeful that the apparent inconsistency between this work and the other studies stimulates efforts at further research. This research should focus specifically at determining the consequences of migration for Appalachian migrant females. Table 1 Female Occupation Status, Cincinnati SMSA 1970 Occupation Appalachian Professionals Managers Sales Clerical Craftsmen Operatives Transport Laborers Farmworkers Service Workers Private Household No. 824 63 122 934 29 493 12 62 0 486 91 Total Females Employed 3,116 60 % 26.4 2.0 3.9 30.0 0.9 15.8 0.4 2.0 15.6 15.6 2.9 Non-Appalachian No. 28,656 5,709 15,721 72,382 3,585 22,790 819 1,866 464 32,865 6,856 191,713 % 14.9 3.0 8.2 37.8 1.9 11.9 0.4 1.0 0.2 17.1 3.6 �Table 2 Female Age Distribution, Cincinnati SMSA 1970 Age Groups (in years) Appalachian % No. 15- 19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-54 55- 64 65-74 75 and over 16.0 33.9 15.0 7.3 6.1 3.9 6.7 4.9 2.8 3.4 1,235 2,608 1,156 560 469 297 514 377 215 264 Total Females Non- Appalachian 7.695 No. % 12.4 10.5 8.9 7.9 7.7 8.2 15.6 13.0 9.3 6.5 63,076 53,479 45,158 40,310 39,201 41,891 79,704 66,193 47,291 33,073 509,376 Table 3 Age Standardization Of Female Occupation Status 1970 Appalachian Non-Appalachian % Occupation % 15.6 2.6 7.1 38.7 2.3 12.0 0.4 1.0 0.7 16.4 3.3 15.0 3.8 8.1 33.5 1.8 13.2 0.4 1.0 0.9 17.2 5.1 Professionals Managers Sales Clerical Craftsmen Operatives Transport Laborers Farmworkers Service Workers Private Household Source: 1970 U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population: 1970 Detailed Characteristics. Final Report PC(1)-D1, U.S. Summary 61 �Table 4 Occupation Status By Migrant Status Of Females 1970 Migrant % 22.8 3.2 Professionals Managers Sales Clerical Craftsmen Operatives Transport Laborers Farmworkers Service Workers Private Household Non-Migrant % Occupation 13.8 3.3 7.9 33.5 1.8 16.2 0.4 1.0 1.2 16.7 4.2 7.7 36.1 1.5 9.8 0.2 0.7 0.6 15.5 1.8 Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. 1970 Public Use Sample Table 5 Female Employment Status, Cincinnati SMSA 1970 Employment Status No. Labor Force Employed Unemployed Non-Appalachian Appalachian 3116 3116 294 % 43.1* 91.4** 8.6** No. 191,740 191,713 9,303 % 39.4* 95.4** 4.6** *No. in labor force as a percent of females, 14 years old and over. * *No. employed (and unemployed) as a percent of the female civilian labor force. 62 �Table 6 Age Standardization Of Female Employment Status Employment Status Appalachian Non-Appalachian 45.9 93.7 6.3 41.0 94.6 5.4 Percent in labor force Percent Employed Percent Unemployed Source: 1970 U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Population: 1970 Detailed Characteristics. Final Report PC(1)-D1, U.S. Summary. Table 7 Employment Status By Migrant Status Of Females Employment Status Migrant % % 95.7 4.3 Employed Unemployed Non-Migrant 96.4 3.6 Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. 1970 Public Use Sample Footnotes 'We gratefully acknowledge the guidance and assistance of Professor P. Neal Ritchey, University of Cincinnati. 2 The data set is the property of the Urban Appalachian Council. We acknowledge their generosity in providing us with the computer tape. Roger Steubing, Behavioral Sciences Laboratory, University of Cincinnati, was most helpful in providing assistance with the documentation of the tape and generating data. 'The tract data provided in the Special Tabulation of 1970 Census data produced many cells which contained zeros or were based on only a few sample cases. Therefore, to reduce the lowest variability, small cells were combined into the largest analytical units for analysis. 4 Age standardization was calculated using the direct method. The U.S. population provided age groups beginning with age 15, whereas the special tabulation began with age 16. This discrepancy caused a slight distortion in the totals; however, adjustments were made in calculating the percentages. 5 The Public Use Sample Data (U.S. Census, 1970) available to us provided only age groups 20 and over, whereas the Appalachian data set provided a younger age group; 16 years and over for occupation and employment status. Since the younger age groups have little influence on either of these variables, the effect is probably minimal. 63 �References Bogue, D.J. 1969. Principles of Demography. New York: Wiley. Maloney, M.E. 1974. The Prospects for Urban Appalachians. In The Invisible Minority: Urban Appalachians, ed. W.W. Philliber and C.B. McCoy. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. McCoy, C.B. and V.M. Watkins, 1981. Appalachian Youth in Cultural Transition. In Proceedings of the 1980 Appalachian Studies Conference: Appalachia/America. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission. O'Brien, P.J., 1979. The American Dual Occupational Structure As An Influence on the Sex Differential in Migration. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Cincinnati. Philliber, W.W. 1981a. Accounting for the Occupational Placements of Appalachian Migrants. In The Invisible Minority: Urban Appalachians, ed. W.W. Philliber and C.B. McCoy. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Philliber, W.W. 1981b. Appalachian Migrants in Urban Areas. New York: Praeger. Photiadis, J.D. 1981. Occupational Adjustment of Appalachians in Cleveland. In The Invisible Minority: Urban Appalachians, ed. W.W. Philliber and C.B. McCoy. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Schwarzweller, H.E., J.S. Brown, J.J. Mangalam, 1971. Mountain Families in Transition. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. Schwarzweller, H.E. 1981. Occupational Patterns of Appalachian Migrants. In The Invisible Minority: Urban Appalachians, ed. W.W. Philliber and C.B. McCoy. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Taeuber, K.E. 1967. The Residential Distribution of Farm-Born Cohorts, Rural Sociology, Vol. 32. Wagner, T.E. 1974. Urban Appalachian School Children: The Least Understood of All. Cincinnati: Urban Appalachian Council Working Paper. 64 �Language And Literature Of The Appalachian Region 65 �This page intentionally left blank �Introduction Grace Toney Edwards In a collection of critical essays devoted to present and future issues in the Appalachian region, a pair of literary critiques gives us reason to pause and reflect for a moment on what literature is and what its place is in an anthology of this sort. As Jim Wayne Miller aptly says in / Have a Place: "Life is one thing; literature is another. They are not the same, but they are related. First there's life, then literature, in the same way that there's marble in a mountain before a sculptor makes it into a statue. Literature is made from the raw material of life" (p. IX). That raw material occupies the attention of most of the authors in this collection. However, for those who choose to look beyond the raw material, the artist's creation offers another perspective, oftentimes an enriched and heightened perspective that somehow comes clear only through the made structure. A piece of literature is such a structure and can serve to focus the reader's vision on a significant contemporary issue or concept that he might have ignored without the artistic stimulus. In Miller's words again: "Literature can make familiar things seem new, and new things seem familiar. The poem or story we read is not the thing we see finally; the poem or story is more like a light we see by, and what we see is life or some part of life" (p. IX). Harold Branam, in his essay on Jim Wayne Miller's poetry collection entitled Dialogue with a Dead Man, affirms the connection between life and literature. He sees the book as a "gradual coming together of personal and socio-political concerns" in the author's mind, depicted by a movement from "the specific to the general, from the personal to the universal." The collection first offers "poems about the poet's grandfather, whose death was the subject Miller returned to, and ends with poems about other relatives and friends, living and dead, who, by extension, suggest all of Appalachian society." The dominant theme illuminated by Branam is the poet's awareness of continuity amid change. Despite the changes caused by loss through death, the dead continue to live—in the poet's memories, in the ongoing generations, in the poet himself. Awareness of and receptivity to the living dead provide a powerful consolation for the poet's "sense of change and cultural loss in Appalachia." Branam makes the leap from literature to life as he theorizes on the implications of this theme: Amid the tide of change sweeping over Appalachia, leading some of us to survey the past with tears and the future with fears, perhaps there is more continuity than we first see. We should seek out this continuity: through informing ourselves with a sense of our past, we stand a better chance of knowing who we are and owning our futures. 67 �For his analysis Parks Lanier plucks a novel from the past written by an adopted son of Appalachia. Sherwood Anderson's Kit Brandon is not less timely for its setting in the 1920's; indeed, Lanier moves it into the present with his comparison to William Styron's Sophie's Choice. Both are stories of women—one, a native Appalachian who grew up during the Prohibition era in the mountains and mill towns of Tennessee and the Carolinas; the other, a Polish refugee whose past encompasses the horrors of Auschwitz. For both women the large drama being enacted in their lives is a contest between good and evil. In Sophie's case, woman as victim of evil forces is historically and culturally authenticated. In Kit's case, however, woman becomes the victimizer, though never totally separated from the victim's role either. Kit is indeed the exceptional woman in a culture where women, like Sophie, have traditionally been victimized, or at least, suppressed. In making her choices, Kit marshalls all the powerful strengths of self-reliance, individualism, and pride, which are the heritage of the mountain women as well as the men. She maneuvers those qualities into a pattern of action that allows her to grow ever more aggressive, to become at last a "criminal character...which lays a powerful hold on the reader's imagination." But she is not an unregenerate criminal without thought or concern for her actions. Lanier characterizes her as "a woman who excels in a man's world, does men's jobs better than men, and in doing so works toward her own redemption." Through Kit, Anderson brings "the ancient story of Eve into the future"—a future where Appalachian mountaineers, both individually and collectively, must take control of their own destinies, work out their own struggles between good and evil, just as Kit Brandon does. What better examples can we ask than these to demonstrate the intricate link between life and literature? Through the critical analysis of literary works, we gain yet another perspective so that our angles of vision are broadened and heightened and deepened at once. The experience of looking at life through layers of artistically formed thought and craft allows us to return to the raw material, to living itself, with a renewed and strengthened will. 68 �Generations: The Theme Of Jim Wayne Miller's Dialogue With A Dead Man Harold Branam Because the poet Jim Wayne Miller returned to the subject of his first collection, Copperhead Cane (1964), in his third collection, Dialogue With a Dead Man (1974; reprinted 1978), and even reprinted most of the earlier collection as a section of the later one, the casual reader is liable to overlook the important developments of Miller's thought in Dialogue—indeed, perhaps even discount Dialogue as a regression. Miller did return to an old subject in Dialogue, yes, but with new awareness. Out of this awareness came a new stage of Miller's thought which began synthesizing the personal and socio-political strands existing separately in earlier works—Copperhead Cane and The More Things Change, the More They Stay the Same (1971), respectively—and which has since borne fruit in The Mountains Have Come Closer (1980). Thus, for Miller, Dialogue With a Dead Man was a sort of crucible, a transitional work in which he found his characteristic style and subject matter. The gradual coming together of personal and socio-political concerns in Miller's mind is suggested by the book's three-part structure, which moves outward from the specific to the general, from the personal to the universal. The book begins with poems about the poet's grandfather, whose death was the subject Miller returned to, and ends with poems about other relatives and friends, living and dead, who, by extension, suggest all of Appalachian society. There is a widening focus here that nevertheless remains anchored in the personal. That this widening focus continued for Miller is indicated by the different dedications of Dialogue's two printings: the 1974 printing is dedicated to Miller's wife, and the 1978 printing is dedicated to "the people of Appalachia/wherever they are." With apologies to Mary Ellen, I might add that the second dedication strikes a characteristic note that we have since become familiar with in The Mountains Have Come Closer. In Dialogue With a Dead Man, then, Miller began using his personal experiences as the basis for writing about a whole region. Another development we can see in Dialogue is a subtler awareness of change in Appalachia. In a paper at last year's conference, I argued that the death of his grandfather formed, for Miller, an archetypal pattern for change generally and change in Appalachia particuarly. The poet's personal loss became a sense of cultural loss, voiced so powerfully by the Brier, an ethnic persona in Miller's later poetry. This sense of change as loss is, I still maintain, the dominant note in 69 �Miller's poetry. However, in making my point last year, I perhaps overstated it. There is another side of this theme that is developed in Dialogue With a Dead Man and that remains, at least as an undercurrent, in Miller's later poetry. The other side is an awareness of continuity amid change, however traumatic the change might be. Miller sums up this notion as follows in "On Native Ground," a key poem in Dialogue: Life grows in rings around a hurt, a tree with barbed wire running through its heart. Indeed, in Dialogue With a Dead Man continuity is represented in a characteristic Appalachian way, through the family tree, the ongoing generations—an idea that is nicely captured by the cover design for the second printing of Dialogue, with its montage of old family photographs. Finally, these thematic developments in Dialogue With a Dead Man are accompanied by a stylistic development—movement away from traditional verse forms and rhyme, which predominated in Miller's early work, to a flexible free verse form that Miller has since remained with. It is not my purpose here to trace this development in style, but I mention it to emphasize the transitional nature of Dialogue With a Dead Man. Altogether, Dialogue With a Dead Man is a mixed bag of the old, the new, and the recycled, and it is sometimes difficult to separate these; nevertheless, the three-part structure of Dialogue does provide a thematic progression which gives unity to the whole work. Part I of Dialogue shows us Miller's oldest treatment of his grandfather's death, the poet's first reactions. Subtitled "Copperhead Cane" and reprinted almost entirely from Miller's early collection of the same title, Part I is a series of seventeen intensely personal elegies, most in sonnet form. Although the sonnet sequence has not traditionally been put to this elegiac use, nevertheless it is a traditional form. Similarly, the sequence is conventional in theme and treatment-straight out of "Lycidas" via Appalachia. The point of the elegy/sonnet sequence is the poet's grief-stricken awareness of his overwhelming loss: At night, my grief a traveled, polished stone, I'll pass and disbelieve I hunt alone. And: I'm burning tobacco beds alone tonight And talking to myself and to the flames. The point is couched in distinctly pastoral terms, repeatedly showing the poet farming or hunting alone, although in actuality Miller at the time was either a graduate student or young professor. In reprinting "Copperhead Cane," however, Miller did make some changes. Five poems are omitted from the original sequence of twenty-one elegies, and one poem is added, "Old Man All My Life." The poems left out are the poorer ones. The poem added concerns a period of time, probably near the end of his life, when the grandfather apparently lived in the home of a daughter in town. 70 �Significantly, living in town is described as the next thing to death: You don't know how slyly days and nights in town foretold this thin and soundless dream away from home. There are also smaller changes, revisions in some of the poems that improved their clarity. But perhaps the most significant change is omission of a prominent note identifying the grandfather: Fred Smith, farmer and foxhunter, was born in 1875 on Sandy Mush Creek in Buncombe County, North Carolina. Twice married, he had ten children, eight of whom are living. The author, one of numerous grandchildren, wrote the preceding sequence of verses after his grandfather's death in 1962. By leaving out this note in Dialogue With a Dead Man, Miller universalizes his personal experience. There is recognition that the death of a grandparent has been a crucial event for many Appalachians. Miller's grandfather becomes the generic grandparent who has figured so largely in Appalachian literature from Jesse Stuart and James Still to Robert Morgan, Fred Chappell, and Mary Joan Coleman. The most important section of Dialogue With a Dead Man is Part II, subtitled "Dialogue With a Dead Man"—and titles are significant here. The subtitle describes not only the dialogue form that some of the poems in this section take but also the theme that the section develops. For if the point of Part I is the poet's grief-stricken awareness of his overwhelming loss, the point of Part II is the poet's grief-abating awareness, as time passes, of the grandfather's continuing presence, though dead. Part II seems to begin much the same as Part I left off, with sad reminders of the grandfather's death and of the poet's farming and hunting alone. But if one reads carefully, one detects a different note, a note that was not entirely missing even from "Copperhead Cane." In the constant reminders of the grandfather, there are subtle signs of the grandfather's continuing presence: his paths across the fields still exist, his face seems to appear in shadows of clouds and in reflections of clouds in water, and he seems to move just out of sight with the poet through the woods. Then in the fourth poem, "Meeting," the grandfather's spirit suddenly appears: My shadow, standing by me in the row, waited, and while I rested, raised his hoe. And in the next poem, "Dog's Eye," the dead man's ghost scares the poet's dog: Shaking his ears and stretching, my dog comes from sleeping in the shed to lick my hand. The short hairs on his neck begin to stand; black lips curl from meat-red gums, from hooked fangs. He growls, stiffens, and shies away. My face reflected in his eyes hangs smoky on a papered wall at home, a dead man's picture in its oval frame. 71 �Finally the poet recognizes what even his dog has been able to see: I can't recall when I was last alone. You go by day unseen among the living whose life went out with stars as day came on and reappears, a star, as light is leaving. Why have you followed me through this unbroken round of days and nights and never spoken? At this direct question, the grandfather's spirit breaks its silence, responding as follows: I couldn't wedge a word into your grieving, not as long as you whispered rhymes down dark holes in the earth to a face you thought you saw looking up with dead eyes from the ground.... For I'm not in the ground, nor the sky either. I am a live man, walking with you, wanting to throw a shadow into life. In the next poem, "Vine," the grandfather continues: I am not anything apart from you. Except as you see, speak, and do, I have no voice, no hand, or eye. I have to lie lodged in you by my own word and deed, myself inside my seed, damp in the dark ground of your word.... Here we have it, how it works, the basic facts of the phenomenon. The poet discovers, to his shock, that the grandfather lives on. To the poet's greater shock, the old man's spirit has become a grandfatherly dybbuk who has taken up residence in the poet himself. The grandfather lives on in the poet's memories, in the poet's attitudes and values, in the poet's genes, in the poet's very appearance. In short, the poet has become "a moving monument" to the old man. Upon these discoveries, a back-and-forth dialogue, like a flurry of spiritualized CB conversation, breaks out. The dialogue reveals some ambivalence in the poet. On the one hand, he is proud to announce that the grandfather's spirit also lives in his poems, which the poet breaks "like mountain/newgrounds." On the other hand, the poet complains that the process of empathy and creation has been personally devastating: —I've followed you so far down into death I'll never find my way back to home ground. The poet even suggests that the dead are a bit like vampires: I think the dead lie hungry in the dark, below the living teeming in the light. But in "Last Words," the grandfather tells the poet, in effect, to stop complaining and accept the inevitable: —Well, neither of us will ever be at rest until our separate voices speak as one 72 �and I move with you, black shadow in sun, only as you move. There has to be, it seems, a merging of identities, and in the following poems, since the old man stops speaking, this merging of identities appears to happen. Thus, in a sequence of events symbolically enacting the acceptance of one's cultural heritage, the poet finally realizes and accepts the fact that the old man lives on through him, the poet. For the poet, this realization has profound consequences. One is that the poet comes out of his mourning. Another consequence is growth for the poet, growth so great that he feels his former self as a stranger. Still another consequence is the poet's springlike reawakening to life—for example, in a poem entitled "Thaw." It is "a season of small miracles"; the poet is "restored." Finally, the poet experiences a heightened awareness of his power and his sense of identity. After going without sleep for three days, he feels that he "will live forever." He seems to have certain preternatural—or perhaps hallucinogenic—abilities: I grow sighted in the dark take long walks aware of a light behind the life of stones. It is as if the merging of their identities not only enables the grandfather to live on but also extends the range of the poet's experiences, who taps into a kind of collective consciousness, as suggested in "Writing My Name": Maybe our name's a creature born and born, each metamorphosis recapitulating all its former selves as it evolves. The poetic high induced by tapping into his roots is summed up in the last poem of the section, "On Native Ground": This wind is blowing me all time's weathers, mingling near and far....O doors are everywhere: the spring at the mountain's foot holds the running taste of childhood, the barking fox blurts the mountain's riddle.... I travel everywhere on native ground; roads turning into darkness turn me home, plunge me into cool air of the mountains— In Part III of Dialogue With a Dead Man, subtitled "Family Reunion," Miller applies the theme of Part II on a larger scale: friends and relatives are dying all over, but they never die completely. They live on in memories, in photographs, in old love letters, even in old home movies. Certain key images of the dead are indelibly printed on the minds of the living, providing a constant link to the past, like the old bee woman who moves through Miller's dreams: And no matter where I wake—horn's beep, ship's bells, clatter of garbage cans, strange tongues spoken on the street below, in a rising falling bunk out at sea,— 73 �everywhere I stand on native ground. The bee woman may pass through my dream: running under a cloud of swarming bees, she beats an empty pie pan with a spoon till the swarm settles, black on a drooping pine bough and guineas regroup pottericking—all moving toward waking's waterfall. And at certain key moments when we are receptive, the dead are like "visitors," like "relatives coming south in summer": It is no wonder the dead come visiting this morning. After last night's storm the air is so clear, even the mountains have moved closer. These lines provided the title for Miller's next collection, The Mountains Have Come Closer, where, as here, Miller indicates that we must cultivate a receptivity to these visiting dead, who embody our past, our tradition. In the final analysis, the family is made up of both the dead and the living, as stated in the title poem of Part III, "Family Reunion," that concludes Dialogue With a Dead Man: Here the living and dead mingle like sun and shadow under old trees. For the dead have come too, those dark, stern departed who pose all year in oval picture frames. They are looking out of the eyes of children, young sprouts whose laughter blooms fresh as the new flowers in the graveyard. What we have suggested here is the outline of a living tradition, a tradition larger than any individual in it but which individuals keep alive. Through this tradition the dead live on, but, paradoxically, the living also experience a heightened sense of life, of whom they are. That's why, in Miller's "Brier Sermon," the long poem that concludes The Mountains Have Come Closer, Miller preaches that we must be born again in the spirit of our ancestors. In Dialogue With a Dead Man we see Miller, somewhat like the apostle Paul, undergoing his own conversion. Dialogue With a Dead Man, then, is more than just a return to an old subject, the death of Miller's grandfather. Just as the death of his grandfather embodied Miller's sense of change and cultural loss in Appalachia, so his realization that the dead continue to make their presence felt is more than just a conventional consolation for the loss of his grandfather—it is an awareness of continuity amid change. For us, the implications of Dialogue With a Dead Man are encouraging: amid the tide of change sweeping over Appalachia, leading some of us to survey the past with tears and the future with fears, perhaps there is more continuity than we first see. We should seek out this continuity: through informing ourselves with a sense 74 �of our past, we stand a better chance of knowing who we are and owning our futures. For some, I realize, the implications of Dialogue With a Dead Man will appear too encouraging, too optimistic. Miller will perhaps seem like my parents, who, living amid strip-mined lands, go on growing their garden. Are Miller and my parents latter-day Candides, holding on to some fragment of cultural construct when the whole has been shattered beyond recognition? Do they know what they are up against? Are they Appalachian Baucis and Philemons whom some corporate Faust is getting ready to steamroller in the name of "progress"? On the other hand, for some, the implications of Dialogue With a Dead Man will seem too pessimistic. If Miller's predominant view of change is as cultural loss, and the best he can offer us is a thread of continuity from the past, what does this say about his hope for the future? Is his poetry essentially backward-looking? Does he nowhere say that change brings improvement, something better? Is his poetry merely an expression of the pessimism, fatalism, and fearsomeness that, according to some outside commentators, we Appalachians are so prone to? As a poet, of course, Miller is not obliged to cover all sides of an issue, but I believe his poetry does include some vision of the future. His predominant view of change as cultural loss is based, I believe, on the fact that change in Appalachia has so often come from the outside. In too many instances, change has been forced on us by people who didn't give a damn for us and in some cases actually saw us as obstacles who had to be utterly destroyed, or forced on us by people who wanted to save us from ourselves and had to first destroy us in order to make us into something else. By and large, the process of change in Appalachia has been a continuous, obscene assault on our identity, if not our very existence. Miller's solution to this problem lies, I believe, in our sense of identity. We must look to our past in order to regain a sense of our identity as people with a strong, proud cultural tradition; then we will have the confidence to throw the rascals out and take our future into our own hands. We must realize that we are the biggest chunks of Appalachian heritage walking around and that only through our achievements, which we must break "like mountain / newgrounds," will the Appalachian heritage live on. Otherwise we are doomed to live other people's dreams, to sing their songs, and to dig their coal. (At the time of the 1982 Conference, Dr. Branam was a faculty member of Pikeville College, but he is now on leave from there and wishes to be listed as unaffiliated.) 75 �Kit Brandon's Choice Parks Lanier Ten years after he settled among the beautiful mountains in the Grayson/Smyth County area of southwest Virginia, Sherwood Anderson produced his last novel, Kit Brandon (1936). It is the story of a girl who is native to Appalachia, a girl who leaves the mountains for the mill towns of North Carolina, and who eventually becomes a notorious blockade runner with a price on her head. More than any events in the novel which point to national social concerns, such as prohibition, unrest among textile workers, or mill town strikes, it is the individual criminal character of Kit Brandon which lays a powerful hold on the reader's imagination. Anderson admitted that the model for Kit Brandon was "a certain young woman rum-runner,"1 and there have been at least two attempts to identify the "real" Kit Brandon.2 But the fictional character has a reality far beyond any biographical fact-sheet available in a newspaper or court record. Writing in 1962, Gratis Williams observed that Kit Brandon "failed to appeal to critics and the academic historians of American fiction because it [did] not fit easily into any Mythos created recently to encompass large samplings of American fiction."3 The isolated case of a female blockade runner here or there did not suggest any pattern to the critics. The novel's mythos was a thing of the future. Just recently, when I was subjected to a lengthy opinion poll on my perceptions of female criminals, Kit was much on my mind as I answered the questions, especially one which asked, "Do you believe that talk about women's liberation has made women feel freer to commit criminal acts?" That may be a profitable question for sociologists or criminologists to ask, but I think Anderson had deeper interests when he wrote Kit Brandon than just topics of the times, then or now. He was delving into timeless questions about the nature of good and evil, looking into the past and into the future. In this respect, his work bears closely on issues raised by a Nathaniel Hawthorne, and also by a William Styron. Sophie's Choice (1980) and Kit Brandon are novels with much in common, and by comparing these two works, one can see that Anderson's last novel may just be finding its proper place, its future, in our present. It is interesting that the stories of Kit and Sophie are narrated by men who are professional writers, more expert with words than the women whose lives they chronicle, yet who grope desperately, sometimes unsuccessfully, to articulate those stories. These two Virginians, one, Stingo, by birth, and the other, whom critics identify as Anderson himself, by adoption, grapple at times with their own identities as they seek to convey to us a sense of a life beyond their own but inextricably entwined with theirs. Unlike Stingo, however, the narrator of Kit Brandon does not play a major role in her adventures. He is observer and evaluator of 76 �the Kit who tells him her story. Kit sought him out in South Dakota, where he had gone to write a magazine article of "dust storms, whole farms buried under drifting sand and dust."5 As the initial setting implies, hers is another story of the buried life, and he must tell it as she told it to him. At the beginning of Sophie's Choice, Stingo regales the reader with anecdotes of his life as a reader for McGraw-Hill. The narrator of Kit Brandon is never so hilarious, but he is equally engaged as he allows Kit to tell her story of growing up poor in the hills of East Tennessee.8 Her autobiography is a veritable catalog of stereotypes used in Appalachian fiction since the days of Mary Noailles Murfree. One finds, for example, the dirt floor cabin, the ill-dressed barefoot children, the slovenly wife, and the moonshiner daddy with just a hint of Melungeon about him. While Stingo on the one hand eagerly dispels the myths that draw young writers to New York, Anderson allows Kit to indulge in all the cliches of mountain life. Are we to believe Kit Brandon? The narrator says yes, for he "had lived among the mountain people out of whom Kit Brandon has come" (KB p. 20) and discovered that although there are literary stereotypes drawn with a broad brush (KB p. 28), they do appear in real life.7 Of that fact Kit Brandon is living proof, he says. The first meeting of Sophie and Stingo is not so calculated as the meeting between Kit and her writer. After being fired from McGraw-Hill for flying balloons from the office windows, Stingo must find cheaper lodgings—in Brooklyn. He has, however, money from his father to support him, a legacy of money hidden during the Civil War and not found until 80 years later. In a letter containing Stingo's share of this money, Stingo's father holds forth bitterly on "the vicious monopoly capitalism that tramples the little man," and recalls how his father and grandfather were, after the Civil War, "forced out" of their small tobacco business "by those piratical devils, Washington Duke and his son, 'Buck' Duke."8 That Singo should be an alumnus of Duke University is no small irony to his father. It is into the world dominated by the powerful Dukes that Kit Brandon comes when she flees her mountain home for the mill towns of North Carolina. As he draws a scene with Kit and Agnes walking through the snow beneath Duke Power lights, Anderson is moved to remind us that "the states of the upper South had been made what they were, what they suddenly, in a single decade, became, by the coming of water power. Duke.. .the Duke fortune—Story of Duke, the old one, the wise one...what a doctor from North Carolina, practicing perhaps in New York, told him.. .'Boy, go get the water power of our State. It's a state of high mountains, cheap land, many mountain streams rushing down....They don't see it. Go get itl" (KB p. 105; ellipses are Anderson's) Thus in Kit Brandon as in Sophie's Choice the Dukes stand for the "big bugs" of industry, the ones against whom Stingo's father hurls invectives and Kit's radical mill-worker friend, Agnes, hurls a brick in order to break a window in a big bug's house and disrupt an evening dance. (KB p. 89) Kit, however, does not share Agnes's resentment of the rich. She envies their money, fine clothes, and fast cars, especially the fast cars. She wants to have what they have even if she cannot be what they are. This is her 77 �choice, the one which sets the pattern for her life throughout most of the novel. The Dukes in Kit Brandon are held up as the stereotypical exploiters of southern Appalachia, able to do so because the stupid highlanders "cannot see" how to capitalize on their own environment. In Sophie's Choice, sub-human highlanders are ridiculed by Nathan Landau's mimicry of "an entire southern Appalachian scenario, a kind of darkling concupiscent Dogpatch in which Pappy Yokum was transformed into an incestuous old farmer consecrated to romps with a daughter that Nathan—even medically aware—had christened Pink Eye." (SC p. 89) Stingo, who was riled every time Nathan called him "Cracker" and slurred the South, relished the "genius" of this parody of Appalachian life, especially Nathan's "heavenly facsimile...of some weak-witted and godforsaken wife and victim, blighted by wedlock, history and retrograde genes." It is easy for big bugs like the Dukes to dupe such people. The specter of the incestuous hillbilly father rises only briefly in Kit Brandon as Kit tells the narrator of a time when her own father commanded her to bathe with him in a mountain stream. When he began to touch and bathe her, "she grew suddenly alarmed and ran from him....He didn't call to her, didn't pursue." (KB p. 34) The incident, however, was enough to frighten Kit into leaving her mountain home for work in the mills. Only during the war did Sophie, daughter of a Cracow intellectual, come to know the harsh world of labor. In Warsaw, she worked long hours in a tar paper factory. (SC p. 434) It was there she met Josef, who was to become her lover, and his half-sister, Wanda, a member of the Polish underground. Wanda, a socialist dedicated to Polish freedom, insists that Sophie also join the Resistance. "You must come to a decision!" she exclaims to Sophie, but Sophie declares, "I have already made my choice, as I told you. I will not get involved. I mean this!" (SC p. 457) For smuggling meat, however, "Sophie the stainless, the inaccessible, the uninvolved—was adventitiously ensnared" (SC p. 459) and imprisoned with Wanda and other Resistance fighters who had been captured in a raid elsewhere. Similarly, Kit Brandon turns an uninterested ear to Agnes's socialist manifestos on workers' rights, also with ironic results. Agnes is the type to be angered by the identification buttons which the mill workers are forced to wear; she once "took the button from her coat and made a gesture as though to hurl it away into the darkness....Her anger brought a smile to Kit's lips." (KB pp. 94-95) Kit thinks to herself, "All right, sister. You've got your dream. I've got another." (KB p. 95) Her dream leads her to the blockade-running gang of Tom Halsey, who is both her boss and father-in-law, to an industry more sinister than any mill with identification badges. When Kit is a woman with a price on her head, subject of post office wanted posters, she thinks of flinging that life away into the darkness and starting anew. She thinks also of buying a farm with Agnes; "why shouldn't she and Agnes work together on the land?" (KB p. 347) To Agnes she writes a letter suggesting just that, but, Anderson tells us, "she never knew whether or not it reached its destination." (KB p. 348) Another choice becomes more important in Kit's future. Neither the Polish refugee nor the refugee from the hills is interested in sweep- 78 �ing social or political reforms, but they share a passion for reading. Inspired by her English language teacher's reading of Emily Dickinson's "Because I could not stop for Death," Sophie goes to the Brooklyn College library and, in broken English, asks where to find "the works of the nineteenth-century American poet Emil Dickens." (SC p. 124) The overbearing Nazi of a librarian, Sholom Weiss, browbeats Sophie for her ignorance until she faints in nauseous fear. It is Nathan Landau, her schizophrenic Prince Charming, who kindly stops for her in this their first meeting. Later, Nathan, who describes himself to Sophie as "a confirmed and frustrated schoolmaster," discovers in Sophie's apartment "Polish translations of Hemingway and Wolfe and Dreiser and Farrell." Eagerly he talks with Sophie about Dreiser, insisting that she read Sister Carrie. (SC p. 169) This novel by a sojourner in Appalachia is the one offered Kit Brandon when she first ventures into a public library, an episode which occurs shortly after she has left Agnes and the mill for work in a shoe factory in another town. Her lodging is with an Italian family whose native language piques Kit's curiosity to learn more about the world. When she turns to the library, she is confused but not intimidated, as Sophie is. To a well-dressed, very refined woman who offers her help, Kit openly confesses, "I'll tell you, I'm a factory girl. I've never been in a place like this before. I know nothing of books." (KB p. 158) The woman goes over rows of books before offering one to Kit. " 'It's a book by Theodore Dreiser,' she says. 'He may be our greatest novelist.' The title of the book was Sister Carrie." (KB p. 159)9 The elegant woman who helps Kit is a big bug, daughter of the man who founded the shoe factory where Kit works. This chance meeting is fatal to Kit's future, for as the woman drives Kit to her rooming house, Kit can think of only one thing, the beauty of the fast car. It makes her restless for something more in her life, and so in a few days she is on her way to another town, another job. For both Sophie and Kit, the visit to a library is the first step toward an overwhelming catastrophe from which Sophie does not escape, and from which Kit barely escapes with her life. As Kit sits in the train station with Sister Carrie in her hands, she is approached by a young man looking for a girl to pick up for a night of fun. Kit lets him drive her to the next town and buy her a dinner at the hotel, but she slips away. It was an experiment in the manipulation of men; "she felt like a hunter of big game who had been out shooting rabbits." (KB p. 171) No man ever dominates Kit the way Nathan dominates Sophie. Sometimes a young man appeals to Kit's motherly instinct, but in her life, especially in her marriage, men are merely useful as a means to fine clothes, money, and fast cars. In Sophie's Choice, Stingo earnestly hopes to become not only Sophie's friend and confidant, but also her lover. The moment is realized when he saves Sophie from the enraged Nathan and they flee toward Virginia where Stingo plans to give Sophie sanctuary on a farm. Three men play the role of Kit's confidant-loverrescuer. The first is Alf Weathersmythe, like Stingo aVirginia college boy with a taste for the exotic life. While Kit teaches Alf how to drive the blockade, he in turn tells her tales of his aristocratic Virginia family, and of the grandfather who was one of Mosby's raiders during the Civil War. Kit cherishes Alf as a good friend to 79 �whom she can talk candidly. Only after he leaves her to serve as Tom Halsey's bodyguard does Kit realize that Tom is playing on Alf s distorted notions of aristocratic heroism in order to trick him into becoming a murderer. The second man who plays a role like that of the madcap savior, Stingo, is Kit's estranged husband, Gordon Halsey. Fearing that he cannot survive the infighting among his father's gang, Gordon beseeches Kit to escape with him: They would run away together, go out West. They would get a ranch, raise cattle. He would become something he had seen depicted in the movies, a cowboy... .He would wear spurs and a ten-gallon hat, have a rope hanging on the pommel of his saddle. He would lasso steers, ride proudly into the western towns while she She would be a meek and faithful wife to him. (KB p. 324) Just as Sophie allows Stingo to have his pipedream, Kit plays along with Gordon. Instead of taking him west, however, she returns him to his father's hideout on the night when it is raided by federal agents. In his confusion and fear, Gordon kills his father and Kit escapes. It is while she is on the run, having decided to renounce her life as a blockade runner, that Kit meets the third man who is truly her savior, not in any dramatic way but in one of those typically understated epiphanies for which Anderson is so famous.10 He is Joel Hanaford, son of Judge Hanaford, another in a long string of men "bored with respectability." If she found Gordon a child-man to despise, her attitude toward the alcoholic, shell-shocked Joel is quite different. "I wish I could take him with me," she thought. "I'd like to take care of him." (KB p. 371) Joel recognizes the nature of Kit's response. "I wish it wasn't like that with you," he says, "but you see I'm only half a man and you want a man. If I was a bit more a man, I'd be asking you to marry me." (KB p. 372) Stingo planned to marry Sophie, to keep her safely on his farm in Virginia, but she deserts him and returns to the crazy Nathan whom she loves, returns to the suicide pact with him she had avoided once before. Kit also deserts Joel, but not before she has stood a long time looking across the hallway from her hotel room to his. Before, she had asked herself, "What did I want? What have I always wanted?" (KB p. 358) With Joel, in one day, "she had been carried out of herself and her own problem and into the life of another puzzled human. There were people to be found. She would get into some sort of work that did not so separate her from others. There might be some one other puzzled and baffled young one with whom she could make a real partnership in living." (KB p. 373) Sophie's choice is to die with Nathan; Kit's choice is to live again, love again. Despite Anderson's insistence that Kit Brandon's choices are played out in an atmosphere of war, a civil war with Prohibition as its central issue, that war in no way becomes for Kit the nightmare Holocaust which Sophie endures. Kit makes no choice comparable to Sophie's choice and pays no price comparable to hers. In this war, the roles of Sophie and Kit are reversed. Sophie is a victim. Kit is a warrior, a victimizer. And yet there is at the heart of Anderson's novel the conviction that Kit, too, passes through a testing fire, less hot than Sophie's perhaps, but no less purifying. 80 �It is unfortunate for Anderson's novel that this conviction is enunciated in a rambling, disjointed passage. Indeed, Charles Child Walcutt would call its method of statement "an endpoint of naturalistic unform. It is experience recorded without commentary, without adequate selection, and without the saving grace of being organically related to an action."11 That would be true, were it not for the fact that the passage to which I am referring comes in the first chapter, and the remainder of the novel is commentary by adequate selection upon the truth of it. Anderson begins his analysis of Kit by saying, "Men can be beasts sometimes and so can women, too. I'm not trying to reproduce her exact words. I can't. You can go through any possible experience. A dog rolls in offal sometimes. It doesn't change him. She evidently wanted to say that she thought that she had been something when she started life and that she was the same after the experiences she had been through." (KB pp. 23-24) The narrator is intrigued by this attitude, by Kit's belief that she can pass through the fire without so much as the scent of smoke on her garments when she reaches the other side. She had the "notion" that "it's best sometimes to throw everything away," a notion which the narrator says "certainly isn't an American notion.. .1 have known (he says) a few Europeans and particularly Russians and a Turk who had the same notion." (KB p. 24) This notion embodies the idea that "all people have...meanness, lowness in them" (KB p. 25) hidden behind a veil of respectability that is best "thrown away." In illustration, Anderson offers Kit's story of a woman, virgin daughter of a Presbyterian Sunday School superintendent, who visited Kit in jail, not to offer her Christian charity but to become her disciple in crime. She, like Kit, believed that "it was better for all people, if they had it in them...to be sometime in life openly, even publicly, low." (KB p. 26) The narrator questioned Kit closely about her belief: "You mean," I asked, "that if you want to kill some one it's better to go and do it than to go around with killing in your heart?" "Yes, to do that or any other low or mean thing," she said. "Right out publicly before all the world, you mean?" She seemed to have the notion.. .it was a kind of philosophy she had built for herself out of her experience. "We're low and we're high. It's better to feel everything you can feel—throw it away." (KB pp. 26-27) Implicit in the philosophy, however, is the idea that one must tread this path alone, that one can be this way yet remain unchanged for the worse. Indeed, because of it one may be better. The narrator remembers a painter who said, "A man can't really paint unless he can also be an utter skunk." (KB p. 27) These "European notions," this philosophy of "throwing it all away," have a bearing on the life of Sophie, for she is the victim of a man who lives this philosophy to its most horrible limits. He is Dr. Jemand von Niemand, the Auschwitz doctor who commands Sophie to choose which of her two children she will send to the gas and which she will save. Von Niemand is a complex character whose "depravity has been enacted in a vacuum of sinless and businesslike 81 �godlessness, while his soul thirsted for beatitude. Was it not supremely simple, then, to restore his belief in God, and at the same time to affirm his human capacity for evil, by committing the most intolerable sin that he was able to conceive? Goodness could come later. But first a great sin." (SC p. 593) His unpardonable sin is the prerequisite to unalloyed goodness. One must first pass through the fire, be low and mean, throw it all away, in order to achieve salvation. Thus it is possible for such a person, as in Kit Brandon's case, to believe that one is unchanged for the worse since the truth is that by being a devil one is becoming a better person. The terrible irony is that others inherit the hell which he or she is leaving behind. And yet there can only be the hope that for them, for a Sophie or for a Gordon Halsey, it is also a purifying hell. Thus in some respect it may be that the horrors and complexities of Sophie's Choice offer a key to understanding Kit Brandon. We expect to find a complex wrestling with the question of good-and-evil worked out in the story of a Captain Ahab or a Dr. Von Niemand, those archetypal Somebody/Nobody Everymen who stride so forcefully through our literature. We expect an Ethan Brand, but not a Kit Brandon, to be the soul in which such great drama is played out. Instead, we are captivated by a woman who excels in a man's world, does men's jobs better than men, and in so doing works toward her own redemption. In this novel, Anderson has brought the ancient story of Eve into the future with a new and powerfully provocative dimension added to it. NOTES 'W.D. Taylor, "Kit Brandon: A Beidentification," Newbeny Library Bulletin, 12(1971), 264. 2 In addition to Taylor, see also an earlier article, R.L. White, "The Original for Sherwood Anderson's Kit Brandon," Newberry Library Bulletin, 6 (1965), 196-199. 'Gratis D. Williams, "Kit Brandon: A Reappraisal," Shenandoah, 13, no. 3 (1962), 61. 4 See, for example, the generally negative evaluation of Kit Brandon in Charles Child Walcutt, "Sherwood Anderson: Impressionism and the Buried Life" in Ray Lewis White, ed., The Achievement of Sherwood Anderson: Essays in Criticism (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1966), pp. 169-170. 5 Sherwood Anderson, Kit Brandon (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1936), p. 1. Hereafter, the novel is cited in the text as KB. "Williams, p. 58, places the setting near Elizabethton, Tennessee, a locale which fits the novel's vague reference to a place "seventy or eighty miles" from Knoxville (KB p. 4). If that be the case, Kit would grow up in and migrate to a place connected with famous textile strikes of 1929. For this background to KB, see also Sylvia Cook, "Gastonia: The Literary Reverberations of the Strike," The Southern Literary Journal, 7, no. 1 (1974), 49-66. 7 I am indebted to my colleague Dr. Grace Edwards, Radford University, for an unpublished analysis of "the exceptional woman" in Appalachian fiction, a study which convinces me that Anderson indeed meant us to take Kit's background seriously. 'William Styron, Sophie's Choice (New York: Bantam Books, 1980), p. 33. Hereafter, the novel is cited in the text as SC. 9 The model for Kit Brandon is, in part, Carrie Meeber herself. See Rex Burbank, Sherwood Anderson (New York: Twayne Publishers, Inc., 1964), p. 134. '"Concerning Anderson's technique of revealing "in transcendent scenes, often epiphanies, the reality beneath appearances..." see William V. Miller, "In Defense of Mountaineers: Sherwood Anderson's Hill 82 �Stories," Ball State University Forum, 15, no. 2 (1974), 58. Walcutt, p. 171, however, considers such a moment as one finds at the conclusion of KB merely, "static reverie." Burbank, p. 135, avers that KB bears out the fact that while Anderson was master of the "brief episode," he never mastered "the demands...of the novel." Nancy L. Bunge, "The Ambiguous Endings of Sherwood Anderson's Novels," in H.H. Campbell and C.E. Modlin, eds., Sherwood Anderson: Centennial Studies (Troy, New York: Whitson Publishing Co., 1976), p. 256, says that "the novel ends hopefully," but Kit's "search (for a new life) will be extensive; there are few men capable of love." "Walcutt, p. 170. 83 �This page intentionally left blank �Culture, Images and Change 85 �This page intentionally left blank �Introduction Joan Moser The first reason for including these two papers has to do with their content—they address some major questions about the nature of cultures and societies and how the past, present, and future of the lives of real people in specific places may be affected by the dynamic processes represented by these broad concepts. The second reason for publishing the two papers should become obvious even on a first reading. They treat their subjects in well-crafted, articulate and straightforward styles and enhance the usefulness of this entire volume in so doing. Both articles also happen to compliment each other by presenting contrasting approaches to ways of interpreting what is going on and why. For instance, they both ask whether there really is an Appalachian entity involved in the evolution of an extended diversity of events. However, one writer looks mainly at factors from within, the other, from without. The Wagner paper focuses primarily on questions of how urban America reaches a perspective of viewing itself as being on the outside of whatever Appalachia may be. In counterpoint to this, Plaut's approach deals directly with happenings inside a place which, call it what you will, is definitely not your average urban, middle America context. Wagner suggests that there is a social science model designed by Turner which best illustrates what has actually emerged as the alter ego of mainline America and affected its relationship with other societies, notably Appalachia. She demonstrates that this same model offers a way of explaining the conception of Appalachia as different, maintained consistently by middle America in so many diverse manifestations for an amazingly enduring expanse of America's social history. Plaut's approach is to examine a set of problems within a specific social context and, while acknowledging outside historical and socio-economic impacts, to discover ways of generating some workable solutions from within. In expounding on such solutions, he also suggests that there is that something different which he views as 'a "traditional" Appalachian community.' Finally, both writers agree that whether Appalachia is simply an abstract conception in the collective awareness of many people, or a definite locale in space and time, it deserves intense scrutiny. In either case, both the quantity and quality of many human lives may depend on a clear-sighted sensitivity toward the complexity of either interpretation. 87 �Appalachia In America's Future: Alternative Cultural Forms Melinda Bollar Wagner We are faced with the question, especially since the publication of Shapiro's Appalachia On Our Mind (1978), of whether Appalachia is fact or fiction: Is there a distinctive subculture here under our feet, or is Appalachia a myth (which we perpetuate)?1 Shapiro maintains that Appalachia is a figment of the vested interest imaginations of: 1) local color writers of the 1870's who saw in Appalachia new grist for their paper mills; 2) Protestant Home Missions, who in the 1880's were seeking new worlds to conquer; 3) social scientists looking for new worlds to analyze, and 4) social reformers, who saw Appalachia as an experimental ground where strategies for change could be tested. Appalachian scholar Jack Higgs said "A lot of people are concerned that Appalachia is being done away with, but I think that it will continue to survive as a myth. In actuality, it's probably very little different from any place else, but the human mind insists on certain myths" (Alderman 1981). Anthropologist Allen Batteau (1979a,b,c) dubbed Appalachia a "creature of the urban imagination;" Batteau has described the content of the "myth" of Appalachia, and discussed why it has taken the particular form it has. Indeed, it does seem that urban America is captivated by the idea of Appalachia, (or at least has been from time-to-time). As early as 1924, dramatist Percy MacKaye wrote: Over there in the mountains are men who do not live in cages; a million Americans, who do not chase the dollar, who do not time-serve machines, who do not learn their manners from the movies or their culture from the beauty parlors. Shall we not then, hasten to civilize them—convert their dirty log-cabins into clean cement cages? Or first shall we inquire whether they may have something to contribute to our brand-new civilization—something which of old we cherished but now perhaps have forgotten. The issue this paper wishes to address is this: If Appalachia is the subject of mythmaking in America, why is it? What is this "cherished something" which is sought after? Like Batteau (1979a,c), I wish to leave aside, for now, the question of whether the myth is based in fact. I want to know why urban (and academic) America is drawn particularly to Appalachia? What philosophical purpose does Appalachia serve for America? This paper is meant to be a stepping stone to crossing this theoretical creek, rather than a fully constructed bridge. Perhaps it will serve to focus more thinking in this direction. A model which may be instructive in analyzing why America looks to Appalachia, and what it expects to find here, is Victor Turner's delineation of "community" and "communitas." "Community" is Turner's label for a society's social 88 �structure. It is a norm-governed, institutionalized and abstract structure which delineates how people behave toward one another according to the roles they play. "Communitas," on the other hand, represents spontaneous, immediate, and concrete relationships among human beings as human beings, rather than as rolebearers. Communitas suggest—not what is (that is social structure), but what could be—it is the crucible which holds human potentialities and universal human values. It is thus existential and speculative. Turner (1969:203) sets forth the idea that society "needs" both. Society seems to be a process rather than a thing—a dialectical process with successive phases of structure and communitas. There would seem to be—if one can use such a controversial term—a human "need" to participate in both modalities. This could be said to be akin to "culture" seeking after "nature" (or "absence of culture" (Batteau 1979a:6), with the caveat that "communitas" is opposed both to acting only in terms of the rights and obligations conveyed by virture of a role in the social structure and to "following one's psychobiological urges at the expense of one's fellows" (Turner 1969:105). Some societies seek "communitas" in rituals, where, for the moment, the rules of social structure are loosened, abandoned, or made to stand on their heads. In ritual, the structural underdog becomes the symbolically superior. The structural "boss-man" undergoes penance to achieve an experience of "communitas." The states reached in rituals imply: that the high could not be high unless the low existed, and he who is high must experience what it is like to be low (Turner 1969:97). The hypothesis I am putting forth here is that urban America or middle America seeks "communitas" in Appalachia.2 Rather than experiencing "communitas" through rituals which carry one through a "liminal" state (a state of transition, or marginality, or being on the "threshold"), America looks to Appalachia, and by looking, experiences a sort of vicarious liminality. In other words, America looks to Appalachia for its alter ego. But why is America's alter ego to be found in Appalachia? Why do we have Appalachian Studies Programs, Foxfire books, and Our Appalachia collections of oral histories, but not Midwestern Studies Programs, and "Our Indiana" books?3 Some clues to the answer here are to be found in the characteristics which Turner finds are common to representatives of communitas. Turner's examples of bearers of communitas include court jesters, holy mendicants, good Samaritans, seekers belonging to millenarian movements, beatnicks and hippies, and matrilateral kin in patrilineal systems.4 The roles these persons play represent the "soft," the personal, the morally and ritually (as opposed to structurally) true. I don't know why Turner didn't think to include Appalachia in his list of examples, because it seems to fit on many counts. If we look at the traits which Turner finds are characteristic of carriers of communitas, we'll see that many actually apply to Appalachia, and all have been attributed to Appalachia. First, let's deal with the ways individuals relate to one another, which Turner 89 �implies differ in community and communitas. Our community here—middle America—is known for its individualism, for the expression of "self," and for relationships which are largely "secondary," partial, and segmented, governed by the rules of roles. But in our communitas—Appalachia—we find that "familism" or a "personorientation" is often noted by observers. This could be characterized as a "collective" orientation, which stands as the opposite of individualism. In a collective orientation, there is an overriding concern with making things go smoothly within the group. A whole passel of traits goes with this one. For example, one's place in the group is an important identifying marker; who you are, especially in terms of kin ties, is more important than what you do. And competition among individuals is hardly compatible with the collective mode. An indirect mode of communication, which anthropologist George Hicks (1976) calls the "ethic of neutrality," accompanies the collective orientation. In Appalachia, a person may not directly ask, "How much did that new car cost?" Instead, he might say, "I bet a car like that cost a right smart," or "You can't get a car like that for no $200." And the owner of the car can answer "Yep," or "Nope," or "It cost dollars," or not answer at all. Or, as a West Virginia friend of our Dean replied when asked the cost of a horse collar: "I just bought it brand new and paid a three dollar bill for it." (I recently asked a student how much she received for the sale of a horse. Standing beside my desk, she drew herself up and replied "Enough.") The modes of "identity" associated with these two orientations differ, as well. Middle America, especially in recent years, has been noted for its expressions of "selfhood." In Appalachia, on the other hand, it is said that one's identity is ultimately bound up with the community. Kai Erikson (1976) discusses the submergence of the self in the collectivity. Looff (1971) describes child-rearing practices which he says foster "dependency" on the group. F. Carlene Bryant (1981) interprets religious forms as the submergence of self in the family of Christ (and finds that this interpretation fits better with indigenous understandings than does the "religious individualism" noted by Weller (1965) and others.) Within the collective mode, it is not desirable to step out, to be recognized, to set yourself apart as different from, perhaps better than, your group. Philosophy professors have noted that it is difficult to teach philosophy in the traditional way to Appalachian students because causing them to criticize one another's thinking is like searching for the philosopher's stone (Acquaviva 1980; van der Bogert 1980; Humphrey 1980). Perhaps that is why individualistic America looks longingly toward Appalachia, because its alter ego, the collective orientation, lies here. The millenarians and hippies Turner uses as examples show that it is persons who occupy a weak position in the society's social structure who represent communitas. The structural underdog is morally and ritually superior. Secular weakness is sacred power. Thus, Appalachia's economic and political position in 90 �the society—its place as an internal colony (Lewis 1970, 1978) or as part of a peripheral economy (Walls 1978)—help to make it a repository of communitas. The communitas of "wealth and nobility is poverty and pauperism" (Turner 1969:200). Is this why rich America looks to Appalachia for its communitas, and finds and emphasizes poverty? Is this why Appalachia is endowed with the "lost" virtues such as "making do" and "spirituality"? Relationships among the poor (though "content") folks of Appalachia are often characterized as "egalitarian" in nature. Again, this is consistent with the social structure-communitas model, for according to Turner (1969: 96), social structure is nearly always stratified, and communitas is relatively undifferentiated. Looking through the prism of social structure, society appears "as a structured, differentiated, and often hierarchical system of politico-legal-economic positions...separating men in terms of 'more' or 'less'." But turn the kaleidoscope, and the lens of communitas reveals a "relatively undifferentiated.. .communion of equal individuals."5 Turner's communitas is represented in figures of folk literature, such as "holy beggars, third sons, little tailors, and simpletons, who strip off the pretensions of holders of high rank and office and reduce them to the level of common humanity and mortality" (Turner 1969:110). Appalachian lore—for example, Gurney Norman's tales of getting the best of the king—play this role for America. (Another American-made example, which uses Appalachian characters, is the Duke Boys of Hazzard and their treatment of Boss Hogg.) As these distinctions between social structure and communitas show, the presence of communitas serves to define social structure by putting it into relief—making it "stand out." This part of the myth which dwells on poverty may function to preserve the status quo in America. For example, "fatalism" or "contentment" serves as a rationale for maintaining the status quo in Appalachia among the 15% of the people who are poor (ARC 1981:25).e The "poverty in the mountains" can also serve to maintain the middle American status quo, by providing a platform for relative deprivation in reverse. The middle American sees the lack of economic resources in certain areas of Appalachia, and says "Boy, I really am well off compared to those folks." Communitas' representations of the opposite of structure and order could be manifested physically, or geographically, as well as socially. Look at a map of the United States. The Appalachian region is a crazy quilt of counties, which look like pieces cut to fit jigsaw puzzle spaces. They were defined by the natural terrain, which is not ordered, or at least its order is not imposed by humans. But this nonorder falls away to the order of regular squares and rectangles as you move west into Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, where middle America and social structure live. (Even the beside-the-road crown vetch, planted by State Highway Departments, looks "wild" as it flows over the roadside cliffs in southwest Virginia; the same plant looks quite kempt where it creeps along the flats beside highways in Indiana, Ohio, and Illinois.) Lack of structure bubbles up into lawlessness, fascinating to the bearers of 91 �social structure. An American-Appalachian example is the long-standing heed paid to feuds (e.g. Campbell 1923; Fox 1901; Frost 1899). In December 1981, Time magazine devoted its back page essay to "Hatfields and McCoys on the West Virginia Border." Articles on strikes in Appalachia often make the front page of the news. Another perhaps trivial, yet nevertheness startling, similarity between Turner's conception of communitas (which he derived largely from fieldwork in Africa), and the middle American conception of Appalachia, is the fascination with the Appalachian dulcimer, banjo, and more recently, the interest in the hammer dulcimer and the ancient psaltery. Turner says often expressions of communitas are culturally linked with simple wind instruments (flutes and harmonicas) and stringed instruments. Turner (1969:165) hypothesizes that it is the capacity these instruments have "to convey in music the quality of spontaneous human communitas" which accounts for this. Thus, social structure and communitas represent two sides of a coin reflecting ways people perceive and play out relationships among themselves. The two also differ in their modes of perceiving the world. According to Turner (1969:127-8), "relations between total beings are generative of symbols and metaphors and comparisons; art and religion are their products rather than legal and political structures." Perhaps Appalachia's alter ego for America includes an alternative "way of seeing." Two distinct means of understanding have been delineated by social scientists, and have now been popularized as "left brain" (logical, rational), and "right brain" (nonlogical, intuitive) modes. Rational means of communication are based on information, facts, and analytical, logical reasoning. Marshall McLuhan (1977) claimed that discursive communication, which relies upon words, grammar and mathematical symbols, began to dominate when the written word came into being and took a giant leap forward with the invention of the printing press. This lineal, or linear, style of thinking is exemplified in the usual Western scientific thought, which approaches history and evolution in terms of long lines (running from left to right, top to bottom, or bottom to top on the blackboard) tracing its "progress" (however devoid of "intentionality" we try to be). Another example is the "cause," with the arrow pointing toward the "effect." Even complicated feedback loops and "path diagrams" are crisscrossed with lines, and can ultimately be broken down into so many cause-and-effect relationships. The nondiscursive elements of culture, on the other hand, include traditions, meaningful places, sentiments like love, loyalty and faith, and ways of knowing which are nonrational, intuitive, expressive and emotional. Nondiscursive modes of communication such as rituals, dance, drama, painting and music, carry meaning beyond that which can be conveyed in words. 92 �Following is a list of words which apply first to the discursive and then to the nondiscursive aspects of culture: Discursive knowledge fact history technique cash value secular science Nondiscursive experience metaphor myth ritual sentimental value sacred religion vs. vs. vs. vs. vs. vs. vs. Our cultural storehouse is at present top heavy with information, facts, and rational means of understanding. "Institutions emphasizing discursive communication—such as science, technology and the market—are functioning more energetically and effectively than those which emphasize such things as art, poetry, ritual and human relations" (Klapp 1969:324). Perhaps American culture, built primarily on discursive thinking, again looks to Appalachia for its complement, i.e. nondiscursive thinking. Whether nondiscursive thinking is actually to be found here is a not yet answered question. There are, however, some tentative clues that Appalachia may be a repository of this kind of understanding. For one, collective orientation and nondiscursive understandings tend to occur together; they support one another. Marshall McLuhan said that cultures which still had strong oral traditions, like the rural Irish and like Appalachia, were bastions of this way of knowing, which McLuhan (1977) championed. Anthropologist Tom Plaut's (1979) essay on the Appalachian view of the land shows that it is symptomatic of this kind of understanding. The land is seen as a matrix for life, as a crucible for the social world, rather than as property, or as the thing upon which development takes place (which would be more typical of a "linear" mode of thinking). It will be necessary to conduct further research to discover whether nondiscursive modes of understanding are actually to be found in Appalachia. This research (which I hope to undertake in the future), will clarify whether this hypothesis is another exercise in myth-making, or an analysis which will carry the understanding of Appalachian cultures forward. To summarize, we have discussed anthropologist Victor Turner's concept of "communitas," the seemingly necessary counterpart to a society's social structure. We have seen that Appalachia's actual (factual) place in American social structure makes it a prime candidate to play the "communitas" role in American society. And, we have seen that middle America's (and academic America's) conception of Appalachia does fit the characteristics Turner ascribes to "communitas." Data are accumulating which will allow us to better judge whether these characteristics are actually a part of Appalachian cultures. 93 �If we find that Appalachia, or parts of it, is indeed a repository for a collective orientation and nondiscursive ways of knowing, what then? Why should these constitute, as the title of this paper implies, alternative cultural forms for America's future? Do the "elements for a Utopian vision" which would allow human beings to live "the kind of life that is meaningful in the most profound sense of the term" (Plaut 1978:362) lie here? Why not root out the last vestiges of nondiscursive understanding, and proceed down the path to ultimate rationality (a path championed, for example, by astronomer and polymath Carl Sagan)? Perhaps the answer lies in a kind of "law" of evolution which says that the best chance for long-term survival lies in diversity. The "adaptation" of any species refers to its ability to survive (reproduce) in a particular physical and social environment. If the environment changes, what is "adaptive" will change. The presence of diversity (called polymorphism, or "many forms") means that some beings will be able to adapt to the change. The principle works for cultural as well as biological forms. The necessity for future flexibility requires that many modes of relating to one another and understanding our world remain with us. Obviously, we cannot disparage, nor afford to lose, logical rational thought. It is imperative that we (and our children) understand the way to rationally weigh scientific evidence. Yet Turner may have been more right than he knew when he said there may be an almost biological need for the two "sides" of society, and thus, for the two modes of relating to other people and understanding the world around us. Anthropologists Roy Rappaport and Gregory Bateson believe that nonrational modes of understanding are critical for our continued existence. Conscious reason reinforces the human's conception that he stops at his skin. On the contrary, he is a part of larger systems upon which his ultimate survival depends. Rappaport (1976:33) contends that "the wholeness, if not indeed the very existence of these systems may be beyond the grasp of ordinary consciousness. Conscious reason is incomplete, and so are its unaided understandings." Bateson (1972:444) suggests that the "cybernetic nature of self and the world tends to be imperceptible to consciousness," which is linear. This is especially problematic since the advent of advanced technology, which empowers "conscious purpose.. .to upset the balances of the body, of society and of the biological world around us." Perhaps we should not be castigated for perpetuating a myth, We should continue to develop means, of course, for discovering whether these alternative cultural forms are actually present in Appalachia. If they are, perhaps they are the means of our ultimate survival. Those who are accused of wishing to preserve outmoded lifestyles, to create living museums of "backwards" cultures or "yesterday's people" should counter with this question: Can American culture afford to lose any means of understanding each other or the world around us—even as we continue to create and discover more and more to understand? 94 �Footnotes 'This use of the word "myth" depends on the common meaning which simply connotes a traditional story or "image," whether founded in fact or not (the implication is that the story is not verifiable by empirical means). A more specific use of the words refers to myth as a set of symbols set in a structure which serves to express, and resolve, contradictions among traits within a culture. This use derives from the work of anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss. While the simple and less specific meaning is implied here, Turner's (1969) delineation of community and communitas ("structure and anti-structure") discussed later in the paper lends itself to comparison with the meaning and function Levi-Strauss gave to myth. '"Middle America" and the characteristics we attribute to it may also be mythical. The use of this term implies more homogeneity in the rest of America ("non-Appalachian America") than there actually is. Nevertheless, there is an extant image of a "heartland" which typifies Turner's "community." The image would reflect reality in certain geographical and cultural areas and in certain socioeconomic strata. 3 When media attention is focused on the image of the midwest, as when the Public Broadcasting Service made its series of documentaries about "Middletown" (Muncie, Indiana), newspaper headlines in Roanoke, Virginia read "Muncie is us: PBS picks Indiana town to typify Middle America." (It should be noted that the sociologists Robert and Helen Lynd "picked" it first.) Muncie et al. are seen as America—as Turner's social structure. Appalachia is seen as something else: something we've lost, something we should at times "get back to." Appalachia may be seen as America's contemporary ancestors, but not as what America "is." 4 As this list of examples shows, it couldn't be said that Appalachians are the only "folk" urban Americans look to for "communitas." For example, American Indian cultures also play this role. 'Studies have been and are being undertaken to discover whether "egalitarianism" exists and what it means in Appalachia (eg. Matthews 1966 and Schwarzweller 1971). "According to the Appalachian Regional Commission (1981:24-5), in 1976, 15% of the households in Appalachia (ARC definition) were below a poverty level defined as "a 1975 income below $5,502 for a nonfarm family of four persons with a male head." In the Central Appalachian subregion, 25% of the households were below this poverty level. These figures compare to 11.8% below poverty level for the nation as a whole. Much of the writing which emphasized poverty was, however, undertaken at a time when the proportion of Appalachian people in poverty (as defined in a statistical sense), was higher than this. References Cited Acquaviva, Gary J. 1980 Teaching Philosophy in Appalachia: An Existential Approach. Paper presented at the Appalachian Studies Conference, East Tennessee State University, Johnson City, TN. Alderman, John 1981 Heroines, Good Guys, Bad Guys and Other Nice Folks. Radford Magazine, 3(1): 12-13. Anderson, Kurt 1981 On the West Virginia Border: Hatfields and McCoys. Time, December 14. Appalachian Regional Commission 1981 Appalachia—A Reference Book: Supplement to the Second Edition. Washington DC: Appalachian Regional Commission. Bateson, Gregory 1972a Conscious Purpose versus Nature. In Steps to an Ecology of Mind. pp. 426-439. New York: Ballantine. 1972b Effects of Conscious Purpose on Human Adaptation. In Steps to an Ecology of Mind. pp. 440-447. New York: Ballantine. 95 �Batteau, Allen 1979a The American Culture of Appalachia. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1979b Appalachia and the Concept of Culture: A Theory of Shared Misunderstandings. Appalachian Journal 7(1-2) :9-32. 1979c The Making of "Appalachia" in America. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Anthropological Society, Memphis, Tennessee. van der Bogert, Frans 1980 The Cultural Context of Philosophic Criticism. Paper presented at the Appalachian Studies Conference, East Tennessee State University, Johnson City, TN. Bryant, F. Carlene 1981 We're All Kin. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Campbell, John C. 1923 The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Erikson, Kai T. 1976 Everything in its Path. New York: Simon and Schuster. Fox, John, Jr. 1901 The Southern Mountaineer. Scribner's Magazine 29:387-399, 556-570. Frost, William G. 1899 Our Contemporary Ancestors in the Southern Mountains. Atlantic Monthly 83:311-319. Hicks, George L. 1976 Appalachian Valley. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Humphrey, Richard 1980 Academic Philosophy and Appalachian Culture. Paper presented at the Appalachian Studies Conference, East Tennessee State University, Johnson City, Tennessee. Klapp, Orrin E. 1969 Collective Search for Identity. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Lewis, Helen M. 1970 Fatalism or the Coal Industry. Mountain Life and Work 46:4-15. Reprinted in Appalachia: Social Context Past and Present. Bruce Ergood and Bruce E. Kuhre, eds. 1976, pp. 153-161. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt. Lewis, Helen Matthews, Linda Johnson, and Don Askins, Editors 1978 Colonialism in Modern America: The Appalachian Case. Boone, NC: The Appalachian Consortium Press. Looff, David H. 1971 Appalachia's Children: The Challenge of Mental Health. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky. MacKaye, Percy 1924 Untamed America: A Comment on a Sojourn in the Kentucky Mountains. Survey 51:326-31, 360, 362-63. McLuhan, Marshall 1977 Lecture given at Radford University, Radford, Virginia. Matthews, Elmora Messer 1966 Neighbor and Kin: Life in a Tennessee Ridge Community. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. 96 �Plaut, Tom 1978 Extending the Internal Periphery Model: The Impact of Culture and Consequent Strategy. In Colonialism in Modern America, Helen M. Lewis, et al., eds. pp. 351-364. 1979 Appalachia and Social Change: A Cultural Systems Approach. Appalachian Journal 6(4):250-264, esp. pp. 253-255. Rappaport, Roy A. 1976 Liturgies and Lies. International Yearbook of Sociology and Religion 10:75-104. Schwarzweller, Harry K., James S. Brown, and J.J. Mangalam 1971 Mountain Families in Transition. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press. Shapiro, Henry D. 1978 Appalachia on Our Mind. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Turner, Victor W. 1969 The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure. Chicago: Aldine. Walls, David S. 1978 Internal Colony or Internal Periphery: A Critique of Current Models and Alternative Formulation. In Colonialism in Modern America. Helen M. Lewis et al., eds. pp. 319-349. Weller, Jack E. 1965 Yesterday's People: Life in Contemporary Appalachia. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. 97 �Notes On Voluntary Service Networking And Community Building Thomas Plant When one goes beyond the statistics of the current economic crisis in America to the faces and everyday lives of the people in places like Appalachian, Western North Carolina, there is ample evidence of suffering and an inability of a number of households to remain self-sufficient. There are victims of industrial accidents and serious illness who are homebound and isolated without adequate care. There are people sent home to die by health care facilities which "can't do anything more" for them. There are families of these people, trying to care for them without adequate resources—medical or psychological—who suffer from a sense that "I'm not doing enough for her/him." They, too, suffer from an isolation caused by the fact that friends and neighbors also have a sense of not knowing how to help. There are the elderly (whose children are now in Baltimore, Detroit, or California) who need adequate nutrition, adequate heating, adequate housing...adequate love, caring, and connections with the social world beyond the old home place. There are people who need transportation—to medical facilities, to nutrition sites, to shopping areas, and to work. There are people who need food. There are people who need fuel for cooking and heating. There are kids who need big sisters and brothers and tutors to help negotiate school systems. A caseworker in a rural service agency recently shared with me some needs and life experiences of his clients in the form of questions that came up during interviews: Have you ever had to sell food stamps to buy medicine? Have you ever had to spend all day huddled under blankets because you had no money to buy oil? Have you ever had to drive 65 miles to work every day to make minimum wage and tried to buy gas and feed and clothe your family? Have you ever lived in a little mountain town and been told by an interviewer at the vocational rehabilitation office that even though you had severe medical problems you didn't qualify for disability because you could work as a bell hop? Have you ever had to pick through trash dumpster boxes to find food and clothing? 98 �Have you ever had the factory where you work close down and discover that you couldn't draw unemployment because the company hadn't put in for it? In sum, people are hurting. Traditionally in the mountains there have been networks of kin and community to support individuals and families in times of stress. As people have helped each other in times of planting and harvest, so also they have been at each other's bedsides in times of illness. These traditional support systems still exist in great degree. I remember an incident in a small community in Randolph County, West Virginia, about ten years ago, when a serious industrial accident put a man out of work. Surrounding families made certain that there was enough food, clothing, and heating fuel for his wife and five children during a six-month convalescence. But traditional support systems like this one have been weakened by governmental agency programs, outmigration, and the general mobility industrialization has brought to the mountains in recent years. Consequently, there are many families in need who aren't getting help. In counterpoint to the growing number of people in need, there are increasing numbers of people in the mountains interested in developing new support systems. As demographic patterns have changed in America and people are moving from metropolitan to rural areas, Appalachian counties in Western North Carolina are gaining an inmigrant population with the sort of middleclass values that prompt them to look for service organizations and opportunities. Those already doing this kind of work consistently report a high level of satisfaction with what they're doing. For example, a woodworker and construction contractor in Yancey County recently told me: I've been teaching woodcarving to a multiple sclerosis victim. I take him to my shop on Saturdays just to get him out of his house...which is a hassle because I've got to pick him up and carry him in the shop.. .it's frustrating sometimes and a couple of weeks ago, I was really feeling down about it. Well, anyhow, I went and picked him up at his house and brought him to the shop and as I went in the door with him in my arms, he grinned and said, "You know, John, the difference between staying at home and coming here is the difference between nothing and something." And that's the payoff in this kind of work—you do something and realize "hey, this guy doesn't hurt so much because I'm here" or "he's really been able to unlock something and I've had the key." In a recent year-end review session for a volunteer agency in Buncombe County, N.C., team members were asked to comment on the impact of service in their lives. The uniform response was that the experience had provided relationships and meaning that were highly desirable: "Identifying with a group of people who want to act, who want to intervene and make a difference has been really significant...." "It's such a rewarding thing to go into a patient's home and be able to help...." "I recently had to decide if I would take another job in Raleigh and I found I didn't want to leave this...to leave you." "I hated to leave my profession (nursing, after a crippling accident), but there was no way I could continue on a full-time basis. You have given me my dream back...my profession back. Now I can function as a nurse." 99 �It seems that in our part of the mountains—and I suspect elsewhere as well—there are people who may or may not be employed but who are looking for ways to intensify and enrich their everyday lives. Who are they and where are they located in relation to other people in the social landscape? John Stephenson has developed a typology of families in a relatively "traditional" Appalachian community. The typology "is ordered about variations in ways families have solved the economic problem (which) amounts to deciding how one is going to secure what are defined as the necessities of life: food, shelter, clothing, medical care, or whatever else might be defined as necessary."1 He found a high correlation between the means employed in solving the "economic problem" and the other kinds of everyday life activities and relations. At one end of his scale or continuum, his "Type I" families are white-collar professional, managerial folks, owners of businesses, who attend mainline denomination churches and look well beyond the borders of their neighborhoods and families for friends and associates and symbolic referents and, when needed, assistance. Type II families have full-time blue-collar employment as the basis of support but are more closely tied to the local neighborhood institutions and support systems. Type Ills have seasonal or intermittant work and attend sect-type local, independent churches (if they attend church at all). Sex roles are more clearly divided and exclusive, and kinship looms ever stronger in the loyalty and patterns of everyday interaction. In Type IV, at the opposite end of the scale from Type I, there is "occasional, little, or no real occupational engagement at all,"2 and families tend to be bound into traditional roles, support networks, and forms of worship. Type I is located in the mainstream of national symbols and referents, while Type IV tends to "have the lowest proportion of significant contacts outside the neighborhood; they are not truly isolated, but.. .they are more cut off and self-contained than any of the other types."3 In conceptualizing community service networks, we face the uncomfortable reality that those in need are Stephenson's Types III and IV, and even some Type Us. Virtually all those who want to serve are Type Is. The people involved in voluntary service seem to be a special kind of Type I, distinguished by the following characteristics: All have some college or university training. Most are active or retired pro ssional people. Most are socialized to the view that business is conducted thr gh formal organizations bound by rational rules for action and determining need (as opposed to networks of kin and community where action tends to be based in affective ties of loyalty and obligation). Most are immigrants to the area, having left family and friends in other parts of the country. Consequently, in many there is a need to re-establish meaningful relationships. Community service and membership in "formal" service organizations is one way of doing this. In sum, there are serious class and cultural differences between the serviceoriented inmigrants and those in need of assistance. These differences can result in confused and sometimes destructive contacts between groups which can be especially painful for those on the receiving end (although Type Is get burned too). Some efforts at helping are rebuffed. For example: 100 �A Type I woman knows a family is in dire need of food. She buys a variety of foodstuffs and takes them to the home, but the family refuses all but a few cans of green beans. A Type I person buys a kerosene heater for any elderly couple in need of supplemental heat. Despite obvious need, no one could be found who would accept the heater. A dichotomy Jack Weller borrowed from Herbert Cans to describe Appalachian people helps explain what we see happening here. Our Type I people seem to be object oriented. They want to achieve, discuss, and move in a world of things. When someone is in need, they want to give her or him something and be done with it. But our people in need—our Type Us and certainly Type Ills and IVs—are person oriented.* In their social world, goods move only within the context of, and are often symbolic of, personal relationships. Thus, in the view of most potential recipients, assistance and especially assistance in the form of material goods, is not acceptable unless it comes within the context of relationships that are carried out within the context of community (which at the very minimum at least hints of reciprocity). We need then volunteers and programs capable and willing to function in a person oriented social universe. But what about the people who "want to help," but aren't capable of or simply don't want to reorient themselves or work face-toface with people in need? Volunteers can be classified by what they are willing to give. Some only want to give money. Others are willing to collect and distribute goods. And still others seek ongoing personal relationships with people in need. Organizations focusing on different services can use different kinds of volunteers. One effective organization, "Neighbors in Need" of Madison County, N.C., was established in the Spring of 1982 to funnel material goods to people in crisis—from cash for fuel oil and wood for cooking and heating, to clothing and food for people burned out of their homes. It is staffed by Type I folk of the cash and goods-giving sort. Being a small organization dealing primarily with emergency kinds of situations, its object orientation produces goods when they're needed. Becipients hear about the service through a person-oriented, word-of-mouth network. There is no "official" office or place to apply for aid or be evaluated. The service operates out of private homes, recipient needs being communicated essentially by telephone. A short excursus is perhaps in order to describe another kind of volunteer effort—an academic and research oriented project that has had a profound impact on many mountain communities. It is the Appalachian Land Study, which has produced some 1800 pages of land ownership data on some 55,000 parcels of land in 80 counties of six Appalachian states. Some 75 volunteers worked on this effort over a two-year period, going through records courthouse-by-courthouse. In areas where the study uncovered concrete examples of unfair or illegal practices, further citizen action has resulted in demands by other volunteers, at the community and county level, that corporations pay a fair share of their property taxes. In 101 �western North Carolina, questions of land use raised by the study have been debated in several public meetings. The land study represents a different kind of community volunteerism, one which is more appealing to academics or others who like research. The data has generated a means for communities to determine their interests and what is happening or might well happen which would work against those interests. Another organization is the Mars Hill College "Voluntary Services Committee." Students work in teams of two with families in Madison County. The teams are introduced to a family by someone who is already accepted and trusted. It might be a social worker, a home health nurse, a community mental health worker, a meal site director, or a neighbor. The work may or may not start out being very specific. Tasks performed by volunteers usually are defined out of the relationships developed with the families in the course of their visits. The process often starts by "just visiting" (this is especially true with the elderly). As trust develops, felt needs emerge. Students find themselves doing everything from nursing the sick and helping people deal with grief and loneliness, to helping clean and repair houses, gathering firewood, and getting people in touch with various kinds of services. A problem now emerging on the horizon of this program is that students come and go—at least every four years—and strong relationships built over a period of time are attenuated or broken outright. But the program does suggest a model which could be developed by permanent residents of an area. This has begun to happen in our county with the suggestion that willing families develop on-going ties with families-in-need in their neighborhoods. One volunteer program that seems to have a high level of acceptance among recipient families involves work with the dying. It's called "hospice" and its aim is to provide interdisciplinary care—medical, psychological, social, and spiritual—to dying patients and their families. It involves teams of nurses, social workers, ministers, and lay "one-on-one" volunteers providing care most commonly in the home setting, although a minority of hospices now have their own impatient facilities. Unheard of in the United States a decade ago, hospice is an ongoing operation now in every major city in the United States. More than 300 groups have sprung up, largely staffed by volunteers. Mountain Area Hospice in Buncombe County, N.C., for example, has the equivalent of three full-time paid staff and nearly 100 people volunteering time for around-the-clock service and availability to homebound patients and their families. Hospice care has been very successful, having even gained enough legitimation in some areas for third party reimbursement. Several large employers such as General Electric and Westinghouse include hospice care among their workers' health benefits and unions are bargaining for more companies to do so. But for our purposes here, the interesting thing is that strangers can go into a household which is in a state of extreme stress and be accepted and be effective. The key to this success seems to lie in the following factors: a rigorous process of volunteer selection and self-selection, a training program of some 30 hours (in the case of the Buncombe County's Mountain Area Hospice) and the accessing of patient families to 102 �volunteers through the medical delivery system. (Doctors refer patients to hospice who then are interviewed by the hospice staff with an eye to their interest in and suitability for hospice care. A nurse is assigned and initially a lay volunteer [or a two-person volunteer team] will accompany her. From then on the lay volunteers and the volunteer nurses work out their relationships with and services to the family and the patient through the process of on-going interaction.) A number of us have been trying to adapt the hospice concept to a process of community building in rural areas. In both Yancey and Madison counties in North Carolina, groups are meeting to discuss ways of training and organizing local volunteers to work with families where someone is at home with a long-term illness of any sort (hospics generally focus on late stage cancer victims) or is in long term recuperation from an industrial accident or other injury. In each case, volunteers would be used in conjunction with existing public and private medical delivery systems. Other services that can be utilized in building or rebuilding mutual aid networks in rural communities include providing food to the homebound, big brother/sister programs for kids, woodcutting for those people who cook and heat wood, but lack the ability to collect it or buy it; programs for the elderly in meal sites, nursing homes, and private homes, transportation services to congregate meal sites and medical care facilities, and assistance in garden preparation. There are several hazards associated with developing new voluntary support networks: 1. Traditional support systems can be overlooked and thus weakened or replaced by new volunteers efforts. Families that truly need help are those somehow isolated from traditional, kin and community-based networks. 2. Families-in-need can develop dependency relationships with the family or group providing help. Something akin to child-parent relations can emerge. 3. On the other hand, development of new services can be intimidated by the rather common myth that nobody and no family is homebound and isolated "in our community," and thus no new efforts are needed. The myth is often heard in the form of "what do we need that for. We've always taken care of our own around here," but the facts indicate otherwise. 4. Once a program is established, there is a tendency to ease up both in the matching of appropriate volunteers with specific services and in orientation and training of volunteers. If a volunteer shows shock or dismay upon entering a home or a sickroom, those on the receiving end pick it up and respond accordingly. An individual contact will be lost and community gossip born of resentment or defensiveness can cripple an entire program. In sum, and at the very least, careful research is required to determine precisely who needs what and how any new service can enhance, rather than challenge or weaken, existing networks. Research should also indicate who can serve in 103 �various roles and how they should be trained. One observation about volunteers which makes an interesting hypothesis for future research: The most motivated and sensitive people capable of personoriented, one-on-one service are those with personal experience on the margins of a social system—those who by physical injury, class position, sexism, or agism in the form of forced retirement, and discrimination, have been jolted out of their everyday taken-for-granted worlds and personally known isolation and loss of social and self-esteem. The most effective volunteers seem to have experienced vulnerability in their own lives to a degree which permits them to be open, as opposed to being defensive and judgemental, when faced with the crisis of a neighbor. In conclusion, there are many kinds of support systems needed at the community and county level and different kinds of people are needed to staff them. As we build these systems, we build interactional networks of people—what Warren would call horizontal networks of people—who can come to identify with one another as inhabitants of a common turf and, to some degree, a common destiny.5 The kind of support networks that we're trying to develop are a means of community-building. Mutual aid networks have the potential to develop into communities—groups of people with a sense of common purpose and destiny—which can define their interests and defend them, especially in a region where multinational corporations and government agencies have increasingly gained control of land, resources, and the power required for self-determination. Footnotes 'Stephenson, John B., Shiloh: A Mountain Community, Lexington, University of Kentucky Press, 1968, pp. 43-53. *Ibid., page 48. *Ibid., page 53. 4 Weller, Jack, Yesterday's People, Life in Contemporary Appalachia, Lexington, Kentucky, University Press of Kentucky, 1965, pp. 49-57. 5 Warren, Roland, The Community in America, Chicago, Rand McNally and Company, 1972, p. 162. Bibliography Stephenson, John B., Shiloh: A Mountain Community, Lexington, University of Kentucky Press, 1968. Warren, Roland, The Community in America, Chicago, Rand McNally and Company, 1972. Weller, Jack, Yesterday's People, Life in Contemporary Appalachia, Lexington, Kentucky, University Press of Kentucky, 1965. 104 �Abstracts 105 �This page intentionally left blank �Renewable Energy For Appalachia Development C. James Bier Ph.D. Appalachia is a region well-suited to the utilization of renewable energy, both directly and indirectly as the major source of energy to meet its population's needs in the 21st century. Solar energy can be used for direct heating of new homes with low-cost passive solar building techniques using a balanced mix of increased internal thermal mass and improved exterior insulation. Large south window area in combination with movable insulation will allow homes built to these standards to be heated for less than 1/5 the cost of heating standard contemporary buildings and not require any formal cooling system in the Appalachian region. There is abundant biomass in our woodlands to provide all the back-up heating needs for solar heated buildings. Wood and agricultural wastes can also be used as a feedstock for the production of liquid and gaseous fuels and chemicals through both pyrolysis and biological fermentation. Hydroelectric power in the form of pumped storage reservoirs can be used to complement photovoltaic and wind generated electricity to meet variable load demands. This paper will emphasize solar-derived energy production in the Appalachian region. About 1/2 of the presentation time will be devoted to immediate pay-back, low-cost solar applications for space, domestic, and industrial process water heating. The balance of the presentation time will be devoted to an assessment of the developing technologies for producing electricity and fluid fuels through photovoltaic, wind, small and low-head hydroelectricity and biomass conversion systems. The balanced and complementary integration of these diverse but renewable energy sources and their relationship to the development of the Appalachian region will be emphasized. In summary, the Appalachian region is becoming more attractive to development as past negative perceptions about this region diminish. The greater realization that this region has abundant renewable energy resources in the form of its forests and moderate sunshine, an attractive year-round climate, dependable water supplies and substantial human resources will accelerate that development. Careful development of renewable energy sources will make the region a more prosperous and pleasant place to live. Personal and political action at the local, state, and national levels can result in the actions necessary to accelerate the adoption of renewable energy technologies. Research sources include "Solar Age," "Solar Engineering," directories and research studies of solar homes, Annual Reviews of Energy, as well as the author's own experience in designing and building, and living in, a passive solar home. 107 �The Need For A Descriptive Study Of Appalachian Children's Language Development Dina Blum-West A review of the current literature concerning Appalachian studies shows that while there has been a great deal of research on the Appalachian dialect, virtually no research has been published on the early language development of Appalachian children or how these children acquire grammatical parts of speech and use them in their everyday speech. This lack of information poses a grave problem for language assessment and educational planning in this region. Gathering information concerning the language development of Appalachian children is a complex and time consuming task. The importance of this information for educational planning in this region, how this information can be collected, and some of the factors that should be considered when doing this type of study are presented in this paper. Floating Down The Stream Of Time: An Appalachian Rural Community Confronting Mass Society Tom Boyd This is a description of an Appalachian rural community having no formal organization and few fields of organized activity outside the family. A consideration of the horizontal level of integration finds interaction between units such as families, sets, churches, a community center, and a school. A consideration of the vertical level of integration illustrates interaction between the community and units such as the county, state organizations, social change agencies, and the United States Forest Service. The community can thus best be seen as an interaction field rather than a product of "Folk Society" or "Mass Society". 108 �Appalachian Change: The Federal Involvement Michael}. Bradshaw Appalachia contains a range of problems in its three main internal regions—north, center and south. Each of these regions has seen major changes in its social and economic conditions in the last 20 years. The federal contribution to these changes is listed, and an analysis is made in terms of the relationships of a range of different programs to the needs of Appalachia. It is seen that, within the limitations imposed by the study of such complex factors, the most important long-term significance of federal inputs is in the provision of infrastructure, the involvement of local people in the planning process, and in a trend towards making the most of the human resources present in the region. Appalachian Serpent-Handlers In The Urban Midwest: A Test Of A Satisfaction Hypothesis Michael Carter and Kenneth Ambrose This paper uses a case study approach in testing a church satisfaction hypothesis on a store-front, serpent-handling church located in the urban midwest. Participant-observation by both authors combines to a total of over eight years with this particular congregation and over ten years in observing the sect in the Appalachians. During a five month period in 1981 attitudes were measured concerning degrees of satisfaction with church and various non-church activities. This exploratory study reveals that these sectarian pentecostals (N = 19) derive more satisfaction from church (and church related types of) activities than from any other form of behavior measured. In the face of extreme danger (e.g., handling of poisonous serpents, fire, and the drinking of strychnine) and severe criticism from both family and friends, this small congregation is significantly more satisfied with church activities than from more traditional discretionary (leisure) time activities. This deep level of satisfaction gained from church and church related activities may be a key element in accounting for the sect's survival both in and out of Appalachia. Glossolalia and the trance-like behavior which often accompanies it was also found to be very satisfying and appear to be serving as a mechanism for self-fulfillment and possibly self-actualization. 109 �Looking Back...Before Integration Victoria A. Casey This slide-talk show deals with the struggles and triumphs of the Black Appalachians in the small mountain communities in the remote area of Western North Carolina. With this as the background, the slides will depict the Black Appalachians as they survive in the white world as well as their own where they establish their own churches and schools. The remote communities chosen are in Jackson County whose motto is "in the middle of most." The county includes Western Carolina University in Cullowhee and is located at the foothills of the Smoky Mountains, where the Eastern Band of Cherokees reside. Most Blacks in the county have been in this area for five to six generations, brought into the area as slaves as early as the late 1700's. It is from this slavery background that the Blacks in Jackson County began to lead their own lives and direct their own destiny. This was done by establishing their own schools and churches. It is from these two institutions that the Blacks in the county are able to find a common denominator to pull together as one, although their numbers weren't strong and "communities" were very small. The slide-talk show will deal with three aspects of the Blacks in Jackson County, which seems typical of all small Black communities in rural remote areas of Western North Carolina. It shows their life from 1865 to 1965 stressing jobs, church and school. In this framework it will show the migration within the county and will show the migration out of the county because of the needs for jobs. Both of these dates are significant because 1865 ends the period of formal slavery, while 1965 ends the period of school segregation in the county. The Homemade Toys Of Appalachia Debbie Collins Growing up was hard for past generations of Appalachian children. They had little time for play and toys. Like many items on the small, self-sufficient Appalachian farms, the few toys the children had were handmade. My paper deals with these homemade toys. The first part of the paper discusses the past of Appalachian toys. The children had few toys because they had little time for them and because there was little if any extra money. The toys they did have were made by the children themselves or by their parents or grandparents. These toys were made from scraps of wood, cloth, etc. found around the farm. The practice of making the toys was passed down from generation to generation through oral transmission. 110 �Another major part of my paper deals with the changes that have taken place through the generations of toymaking. Toymaking has come from being a way to pass time to a source of income, a hobby, and a specialized craft. The toys themselves have moved from playthings to collectors' items with prestige and large markets. The materials for the toys are often bought today where they were once found. The tradition of oral transmission has died in some areas, and toymaking is learned in classes and from books. In many cases toymaking has become a way to hold to the past. I compare the toys of Appalachia with those of other cultures—Eskimo, Indian, Mexican. I have found that many of their homemade toys are similiar to ours. I take a look at what is needed to consider a toy an Appalachian folk toy. I feel the location of origination is not important in the decision. The toymaking may have been brought into the mountains by immigrants or left by the Indians, but if it was accepted by the people and if they added their own ideas to the toys, it became part of their culture. The apple-head dolls and the cornshuck dolls are excellent examples. I also take a look at toymaking as art vs. craft and as folk vs. non-folk. In presenting my paper I plan to discuss these major points. I have photographs of toymakers and toys from my interviews. These will be on display during my presentation. I have also been collecting several of the toys I discuss in my paper. I plan to display these also. Sherwood Anderson's Appalachian Years: An Overview William T. Cornett Although most readers and scholars associate the name of Sherwood Anderson with the literature of the Midwest, this seminal writer spent the last fifteen years of his life as a resident of Appalachia and produced there several works highly reflective of his adopted region. The primary purpose of this paper is to present in some detail the contents of these "Appalachian" writings, chronicling something of his use of an overall philosophical stance which guided him as he wrote from 1925 through 1940. A secondary purpose is simply to promote familiarity with this lesser-known period of Anderson's life. In general scholars and critics of American literature have dismissed Anderson's later years as inconsequential artistically, but this paper hopes to demonstrate that the subjects and stylistic qualities which are present in such fictional works as Beyond Desire (1932), Death in the Woods (1933), and Kit Brandon (1936)—and even in some of the essays of Perhaps Women (1931) and No 111 �Swank (1934)—are frequently continuations of basic interests and approaches found in earlier works like Marching Men (1917) and Winesburg, Ohio (1919). Even though very little of Anderson's later output is of the consistently high quality of Winesburg, it certainly does not deserve the considerable neglect which has come since the author's death in 1941. Anderson found peace and happiness in Appalachia, though at a time when much was going wrong on both the local and national scenes. He reveled in being a citizen of a small town (Marion, Virginia), and wrote piercingly, both in fiction and journalistic essays, of the problems generated by events around him. Therefore, Anderson's life-long quest for "belonging" was realized in his southwest Virginia town, "halfway between the earth and the city." Aesthetically, he remained an experimenter after his removal to the mountians. Certainly Sherwood Anderson's Notebook (1926), A New Testament (1927), and even Home Town (1940) are innovations in their own ways. Such writings show obvious deficiencies, but they do not show a man who was "written out". Today with many proclaiming the death of our nation's cities and with growing psychological, economic, and population pressures, Anderson's earlier decision to become a small-town man in the Southern Appalachians may represent one possible alternative to urban decay that has only begun to be explored. Perhaps a reputedly burnt-out artist will now be seen in the new role of prophet. Tales of Power: A Community Perspective Of The TVA Richard Couto Part of the original hopes that this nation had for the Tennessee Valley Authority was that it would contribute to the development of a river basin in the Appalachian region. But the hopes extended beyond developing dams on the Tennessee River, the nation's seventh largest. In addition, TVA had the agenda of resource development including the human as well as national resources of the region. Since 1933 TVA has evolved to a more narrow mission of providing electricity in a seven state area. The impact of this mission of low cost electricity in the Appalachian region has been most manifest in the strip mining of coal. This slide and tape presentation interviews Barbara Green, a resident of Campbell County in East Tennessee. This county adjoins Union County which was the site of TVA's first project the Norris Dam. Through her comments Barbara Green gives us an idea of the impact that TVA has had in recent years and the unfinished agenda of natural and human resource development that faces this nation. 112 �Location Decisions Of Appalachian Youth: A Case Study In A Rural Appalachian Community Barbara Daniel Location decisions of Appalachian youths are explored from the standpoint of the "utility of staying" in the region as opposed to the "utility of moving" from the region. Elements of these two constructs are to be measured by survey questions administered to three cohorts of students from a rural Appalachian Ohio High School. This study presents the theoretical framework to be used and a summary of a preliminary survey conducted at the high schools in the region. Conclusions from the preliminary survey are that most students stay in the region of origination, and impressions of guidance counselors about why they stay are presented. The final study will consist of interviews of a randomly selected sample of recent graduates. Results will be analyzed by discriminant analysis. It is hypothesized that the decision-making processes of movers and stayers can be discriminated, and that the bases on which they make their decisions differ. Land For East Kentucky's Development: An Inventory Of Mountain Top Mining Sites Douglas Dotterweich The shortage of flat land above the flood plain in the coalfields of eastern Kentucky is well known to anyone who has driven through this area. This problem has been a serious constraint on any type of development including housing, industrial, commercial, retail and services outlets, and even agricultural uses. There has simply been no place to locate these land uses. However, in the last few years, a new method of coal mining has come into rather widespread usage-mountain top removal. This technique literally removes the top of a mountain leaving often sizable quantities of flat land, out of the danger of flooding. The purpose of this brief report will be to present the results of an inventory of mountain-top mined lands that appear to have development potential. A total of more than sixty sites within the region have been identified that encompass more than 38,000 acres. This inventory does not include all the mountain top land in eastern Kentucky, but only those parcels with the greatest development potential. 113 �Factors considered in selecting these sights include: 1) access to roads, 2) access to population centers, 3) availability of water in the vicinity, 4) distance to rail facilities, and 5) number of feet of elevation above the valley floor. The report will include: 1) a listing of sites, 2) site characteristics, and 3) a map showing actual location of the land sites. This presentation should be of interest to anyone concerned with the development of the Appalachian region in general, or with specific land use and development ideas for East Kentucky. Finally, an effort will be made to outline the method used in developing this site inventory for eastern Kentucky, so that similar site listings might be compiled for other Appalachian states that have shortages of developable land. Planning For Appalachians Future: The Forest Service And Public Input L. Sue Greer The U.S. Forest Service is the single largest land holder in the Appalachian region. Consequently, the Forest Service has a potentially significant impact on the direction of developments in the Appalachian region. The issue is not just what kinds of choices will be made for the management and development of the National Forests, but how those decisions will be made and who will have input into them. This paper reviews the course of planning for the Mount Rogers National Recreation Area in the Jefferson National Forest in Virginia. The history of that development illustrates the problems associated with the rationalization of social structures. Greater centralization of planning and increased reliance on experts make decision-making more remote from the individual and more difficult to influence. The conflict over development of the Mount Rogers National Recreation Area also illustrates the factors affecting the organization and success of local opposition. The rationalization of public input may provide a tool for the effecting change, but it also limits the issues which can be addressed. 114 �The Nada Tunnel: Through Fact And Through The Imagination Larry G. Meadows The Daniel Boone National Forest covers over half a million acres of eastern Kentucky, constituting a major watershed and source of timber. A large portion of this forest lies in the Red River Gorge, a puzzle of ridges, cliffs, and stone arches. From the last half of the nineteenth century to the 1920s, this area attracted loggers and rivermen, railroaders and blasters, hunters, fishers and trappers, and farmers and sharecroppers who worked while the great trees of the Gorge were cut by industry. When the logging companies finished and the railroads closed down, however, many people had no choice but to leave. Little now remains of that earlier mountain culture, one that was rich with custom and oral traditions. Today, several hundred thousand people annually visit the area to camp and sight-see, most entering the Gorge through the Nada Railroad Tunnel (constructed in 1911 and now part of highway 77). Driving through the one-lane darkness of the tunnel to confront this wilderness, these visitors often want to forget their preoccupation with man. Yet, the area's human history matches its impressive counterpart in stone; and merely to enter the Gorge through the tunnel is to travel through a future blasted, shovelled and carved out by men some twenty years ago. This multi-media presentation explores the history of the Nada Tunnel, and its cultural and economic effects on the surrounding area and people. Its construction is one example of the impact that the coming of the logging industry and the railroads had upon the Appalachian Mountains. The presentation consists of two parts: 1) The first is a historical account of the tunnel, prepared by Larry Meadows, which relies heavily on documentation from written sources. It includes material concerning the tunnel's construction, logging trains and work crews, and is highlighted by authentic photographs and slides. 2) The second part is a fictional approach to the same topic. Recently, Ellesa High has been completing a cycle of short stories set in the Red River Gorge. One titled "The Luck of Elmer White" centers around the building of the Nada Tunnel. This story combines elements pulled both from oral history and from the author's imagination. 115 �Made In The Mountains: Folk Art And Traditional Handicraft: A 22-Minute Slide/Sound Program, Explores The History And Development Of The Crafts Movement In Western North Carolina Laurel Horton The Southern Mountain region is often considered a last bastion of traditional handicrafts and folk art. Earlier travelers and writers described what they saw as a distinct mountain culture producing handicrafted items long after technological society had rendered them quaint and archaic elsewhere. More recently, folklorists and other scholars have questioned the uniqueness and separate development of "mountain crafts" compared with those produced in other regions. To add to the confusion craft guilds and marketing agencies, which originally established themselves to promote native handicrafts, have also encouraged contemporary and avant garde styles and techniques. The result is a multiplicity of description, definition, and delineation of terms such as "folk art," "traditional handicrafts," "mountain craftspeople" and "heritage crafts." It is no wonder that not only the buyers and collectors of handmade items, but also the makers and marketers are often unsure about how to describe their work and its historical and regional sources. The objective of this program is to provide information about the promote discussion of the following issues: 1. the role of handicrafts within traditional lifestyles. 2. crafts, craftspeople, and techniques in the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries. 3. the crafts revival of the twentieth century. 4. the continuities between art and craft, folk and popular, utility and decoration, native Appalachian artisans and those not identified with the region. 5. the influence of guilds and marketing agencies upon craft production and techniques. 116 �The Cherokee Religious Experience Richard A. Humphrey Native Americans have been in Southern Appalachia for at least the past 12,000 years. Little is known about the religion of these early Indians. The coming of DeSoto's expedition into the region provided the first written reports on the Cherokee. Eighteenth century travelers' accounts of the Cherokee are informative, but James Mooney and his Cherokee friend, Swimmer, have provided excellent source materials on Cherokee history, beliefs and ceremonies. Many people have written about the Cherokee religion. However many of these interpretations must be questioned and corrected. Charles Hudson and his wife, Joyce Rockwood in their writings demonstrate the complexity of the Cherokee religious system better than previous descriptions. In 1738 the missionaries' activities began and a new attitude developed towards the Cherokee and their religion. Cherokee religion was seen as a barrier to Christianizing and Civilizing. The popular view is that the Cherokee were converted easily to Christianity because of the similarity between the two religions. Historical records do not support this popular belief. The conversion process to Christianity was difficult and slow and elicited suspicion and hostility. After the removal of 16,000 Cherokee to Oklahoma in 1838, there were approximately 1,000 Cherokee left in the mountains of North Carolina, half of whom were Christians. Today the Baptists number 2,353 while the Methodists number 211. There are Cherokee members in the Roman Catholic Church, the Church of Christ, Mormon, Wesleyan, Pentecostal-Holiness and Church of God. There are 25 churches on the Qualla Boundary, 3 Baptist Churches at Snowbird and 1 Baptist and 1 Methodist Church at Tomotla. Today, Cherokee Christians tend to be conservative Calvinists, theologically. Of the 8,000 Cherokee in the mountains of North Carolina about one-third are Christian and another third practice their traditional religion. There are fewer who attend Christian Churches or hold membership than the literature suggests. Present day Cherokee are involved in similar cultural tensions as are other people in Southern Appalachia. They are caught between their traditional beliefs and those of mainstream America. Even the Christians among the Cherokee have not forgotten their heritage. The oral history, their crafts, language, pride as a people and certain ancient ceremonies are still affirmed. The emphasis on family, place, and their "harmony ethic" are similar to their white counterparts in Southern Appalachia. Lloyd Owle expresses this with beauty when he wrote: "The mountains pull at me The trees stroke my eyes The Wind brushes by pulling down the sky. 117 �The flowers tug at me The streams wash me down Life drives at me I fall and hug the ground." 118 �Toward A Theory Of Appalachia In Advanced Capitalism Stephen P. Legeay This paper develops the notion of advanced capitalism to analyze certain social changes in American society during the 20th century. Among those dimensions considered are the concentration of capital, changes in class structure, ideological change, changes in the labor process, and the expansion of government intervention in the economy. The role of Appalachia within advanced capitalism is discussed, and some consideration is given to how the above-named structural and ideological changes are exemplified in the Appalachian region. Finally, the paper utilizes interviews with retired coal miners in southern West Virginia to illustrate certain aspects of capitalist development in the coalfields. Ethnicization And Urban Appalachians Martin N. Merger Ethnicization, specifically the formation of ethnic groups, is analyzed, using migrant Appalachians in cities of the industrial Midwest as a case study. Ethnicity is described as a variable rather than a constant or uniform social phenomenon, providing for the conceptualization of ethnic groups in different forms and at different levels of distinctness. Urban Appalachians are viewed in the context of four theoretical approaches to ethnicization, each stressing either cultural adaptation, the establishment of subjective group boundaries, ecological circumstances, or political development. In explaining emergent Appalachian ethnicity, traditional models of ethnicization focusing on culture and identity are rejected in favor of those emphasizing ecological and political forces of the urban environment. 119 �Pine Mountain Boarding High School: A Unique Educational Community, 1930-49 Walter Oldendorf This presentation features the results of an investigation sponsored by The Mellon Foundation and Berea College into the origins and consequences of a unique educational community created at Pine Mountain Settlement School in Eastern Kentucky during the two decades from 1930 to 1949. The notion of a community based curriculum is not particularly unique in the literature, but it is usually contained within a romanticist ideological framework. What occured at Pine Mountain Boarding High School, however, apparently lies more within the progressivist ideological framework that commenced with John Dewey, a rare phenomenon in American schools. The crucial distinctions between the two notions of education in a community experience curriculum can be discussed in terms of the role of the school. For the romanticist, the school is essentially passive in the education of the child—the child chooses those experiences in the community which will best enhance growth. The progressivist, however, sees the school as consciously arranging the kinds of experience—and reflective thinking about these experiences—which will best stimulate the cognitive and affective development of children. The progressivist school takes a very conscious, active role in arranging interactive experiences in or out of school which stimulate growth; the romanticist school counts on innate patterns to guide the child to choose his/her own optimum growth conditions. The Pine Mountain Boarding School curriculum seems unique in its application of progressivist principles to a community based curriculum. From the first year civics program in which students wrote, printed, and bound their own text based on life in their community, Pine Mountain students were given opportunities to be educated through school arranged life experiences in their own community. This kind of curriculum is unusual in the literatures of American education, and even rarer in actual practice. Investigating the history of Pine Mountain Boarding High School was worthwhile for reasons beyond its apparent uniqueness in American education. From a scholarly point of view it is significant to attempt to trace the ideological roots of the curriculum. More importantly, the progressivist notion of a community based curriculum has been advocated as a more effective curriculum for the education of youth than traditional or romantic approaches. Locating and interviewing graduates of Pine Mountain Boarding School offered a unique opportunity to confirm claims about the effects of a progressivist community based curriculum. Finally, if the Boarding High School was effective in facilitating the growth of youth into effective members of our society, then it would be very worthwhile to attempt to apply the principles of community based education to contemporary schools. 120 �A Critique Of Appalachian Sociolinguistics Brenda Cottrell Pfaff Is the concept of the language variety known as Appalachian English valid? After nearly a century of word-lists, dialect maps, and informant codes, mainstream linguists either take it for granted that the previously established descriptions of the language are accurate, or the question is ignored completely. In order to understand the significance of the progress that has been made in the area of Appalachian speech investigation, the inadequacies of the early linguistic studies, the dialect geographies, will be discussed. But rather than dismissing this forty-five year dialect atlas project as being outdated, possible alternative methods of analysis will be suggested which would incorporate new sociolinguistic data and techniques. In the preceding decade two non-mainstream sociolinguists, Walter Wolfram and James Robert Reese, working independently of each other, began to study the speech of Appalachia. Their techniques differ mainly from those of the linguistic geographers in that their investigations are much more thorough, the elicitation techniques are more conversational, and the data are more detailed. Though their work is a step in the right direction, their results are not conclusive about all of Appalachia because each linguist, of necessity, dealt with a very small number of informants, in a restricted setting. These field studies, because the results dislodge some of the old notions about Appalachian English, do indicate a need for more similar types of investigations throughout the entire Appalachian region, in urban as well as rural settings, if a clear, objective understanding of the language is to be obtained. An Ethnography of Speaking In An Appalachian Community George B. Ray This monograph presents a description and analysis of speech behavior in a rural community in Eastern Kentucky. Speech is viewed as one type of behavior which is culturally patterned. The research approach known as the ethnography of speaking is embraced as a means of discovering the way in which culture influences speech. Three speech events are analyzed: talk on home porches, talk at stores, and testifying in a church. The analysis of these events is carried out through a descriptive framework based on nine speech event components. A second section of the paper offers the development and interpretation of two cultural themes in the community, seasonal variations in speech topics and settings, and egalitarianism. 121 �"Oh, How I Want To Go Home:" The Myth Of Return And Ethnic Identification Among Appalachian Migrants To Urban Places. Terrence Russell My point of departure is Simmel's note on "The Stranger" (1950) which is concerned with "the stranger who stays" and the terms, characteristics and causes of his sojourn. The concept of the stranger directs attention to conditions of the stranger's life that remain unexplained (especially in the Appalachian case) after we have accounted for class-based phenomena and the insularity of his folk culture. If assimilation in the urban place is not going to occur, and for any existing ethnic group it most pointedly has not, we are dealing with Simmel's "stranger who stays". How can the stranger's sense of mobility, being out of place, be preserved when in fact he has been "in place" for years or generations? It is this aspect of ethnicity that has special relevance to the question of Appalachian ethnicity. I argue that there is such a thing as Appalachian ethnicity and that it is organized around a symbolics of place, central to which is a symbolic complex that may be termed "the myth of return." The myth of return is not unique to Appalachian migrants, but it is uniquely useful in explaining ethnic identity among a people who have few distinguishing physical or cultural traits to form the basis of "ethnic occasions." Women In Appalachian Education: An Initial Inquiry Ruth Scott This inquiry into whether women have had an impact on Appalachian Education has focused on four women, each of whom broke the accepted pattern of their day in terms of the female role. Each presents an image of power, vitality and vision, leading to measurable changes in the localities they chose to make real their visions. None is found among the 102 men in the index of McVey's history of education in Kentucky. My search was a small effort to balance that record. It sought to draw together some significant aspects of Katherine Pettitt, Cora Stewart, Alice Lloyd and Mary Spilman. 122 �I was interested particularly in the dynamics of these leaders: what factors were common? Each was born, and spent her childhood in the late 1900s; each was entirely single, or single after a brief, unsatisfying marriage; each spent decades, and massive efforts toward socially constructive goals. Through our limited knowledge, can we find a unifying concept? Katherine Pettitt, born in 1868, the earliest date of the four, was impelled by her curiosity to travel from her privileged home in Blue Grass Kentucky to the then remote Appalachians. She had read in the newspapers of 1885 of the FrenchEversole Feud in Hazard, Kentucky, "and she was eager to see what sort of place it was where people seemed to spend most of their time trying to shoot one another from ambush." When she and her companions arrived, on horseback, their emotions and sympathy were rather more engaged by the poverty, malnutrition and illiteracy of the "independent, high-spirited folk whose poverty and location have isolated them from the advantages of education and religion." These "quare women" bridged the cultural gap, received the trust and affection of the people, and managed to bring off introduction of health, educational and industrial-type innovations. Cora Stewart, born in 1875, began teaching when she was 20 and became superintendent of Rowan County schools at 26. Her second distinction was to become the first president of the Kentucky Education Association. The most remarkable achievement was initiation and carrying out of the Moonlight Schools for adult illiterates, almost wiping out in a few years Rowan County's thousands of illiterate adults. Her movement spread nationwide. Alice Lloyd, born in 1876, came as a frail cripple to the trackless Caney Creek area of the Kentucky mountains. Her Boston doctor had predicted that if she stayed home she would be dead in six months. In the chilly log cabins of the Caney Creek "holler" she worked incessantly for 43 years toward education and leadership for the mountains, initiating over 100 elementary and high schools and Caney Creek College, now Alice Lloyd College. Briefly, Mary Spilman of Pikeville College completes the foursome. Born in Illinois in 1888, she became for 39 years almost a one-woman faculty; she taught math, biology, German, Bible and physical education, coached the sports, and procured from the mountains an excellent collection of plants and insects. These four unique personalities share some distinctive traits. Each conforms to Maslow's description of the self-actualized individual. Such persons are characterized by a focus of interest on problems rather than self, identification with the human race, spontaneity in behavior and readiness to endure privation in the interest of values and goals. These four provided models for many young persons early in the 20th century. Their story should be widely told to hold up models of vitality and constructiveness for young people who will live in the 21st century. 123 �New Ideas And New Cultural Experiments In Appalachia—A Historical Outline Jewel L. Tabor The isolation imposed by the Appalachian mountains has forced their residents to develop self-reliance and courage. The spirit of independence has led mountain people to fight for democracy to defend their ideas and to provide the setting for many new cultural experiments. Appalachian people have fought for democratic ideas from the Colonial period. The first battle between the colonies and Great Britain occurred in 1771 when Royal Governor Tyron defeated a group of North Carolina "Regulators" who took up arms over excessive taxation and corrupt officials. Some of the regulators moved to the Watauga river valley in present day Tennessee and later evened the score at the Battle of King's Mountain. After the Revolutionary War some settlers who lived in the Appalachians or west of the mountains felt abandoned by their eastern neighbors. One group attempted to take matters into their own hands and formed the state of Franklin. Though Franklin failed it proved that Appalachian people would not allow themselves to be ignored. The mountaineers again showed their independent spirit in 1863 when some counties in western Virginia seceded from that state to form West Virginia because they opposed Virginia's plan to leave the union. Some democratic ideas from Appalachia have been of national or international significance. The federal income tax, reciprocal trade agreements and Good Neighbor policy were written by an Appalachian congressman. Their sense of defending what they believe in has led Appalachian people to espouse many humanitarian causes. Elihu Embree of Jonesboro, Tennessee published the first anti-slavery newspaper in the nation. David Crockett protested the removal of the Cherokee Indians from their native lands. "Mother" Mary Harris Jones was instrumental in organizing the United Mine Workers and in influencing the Pennsylvania State Legislature to pass child labor laws. Appalachia has been the setting for numerous cultural experiments. In 1880 Rugby was established as a settlement for second and third sons of British gentry to provide them with a new start in life. In 1925 Dayton, Tennessee became the setting for a famous trial over the controversial evolutionary theory. In 1933 the Tennessee Valley area was the setting for a revolutionary new effort to transform the entire region by harnessing a river. The electric power resulting from this and the isolation offered by the mountains were major factors in the selection of nearby Oak Ridge for the development of the first atomic bomb. 124 �The World's Largest Pottery: Does Appalachia Hold Its Future? Jack Welch This twenty-minute slide-illustrated lecture will indicate the history and accomplishments of the world's largest china manufacturing company, the Homer Laughlin China Company. Growing from a small company in the Ohio Valley in 1872 to the world's largest producer of semi-vitreous pottery (with claims to have produced 30 % of all pottery dinnerware sold in this nation) this company has a brilliant but unheralded past. Some of its most popular lines of ware, such as the "Fiesta" pattern, are collected world wide and attract buyers who pay fifty times what the item originally sold for. The company developed an automatic jigger, which will be shown in the lecture, as well as other important processes such as colored glaze and the tunnel kiln, which will also be shown. However, the company faces an uncertain future with foreign imports competing heavily for the former markets which Homer Laughlin claimed for its own. Also, problems in design and a tendency to look too much to others for leadership also enter. One especially interesting facet is the refusal to consider anything regional or Appalachian in its design. This lecture deals centrally with the remarkable persons and challenges which faced this Appalachian industry. The early technical difficulties in manufacturing the ware were confronted by Homer Laughlin who was made rich by the company, the increased capacity for production as the industrial revolution escalated was made possible by the Aaron and Wells families who bought the company, the problem with sales to match the increasing output was overcome by a salesman named George Washington Clarke, and the efforts at artistic maturity were undertaken by Frederick H. Rhead; the decision to make a fine china, the problems with unionization, and the gradual decline as a result of the foreign competition and difficulties in the industry itself are other problems that are discussed. The lecturer will have samples of pottery from the Homer Laughlin China Company as well as slides of the company, its founders, its present workers, and its current and past lines of ware. 125 �The Blue Ridge Mountains: A Regional Ecology Of Natural Hazards Gene Wilhelm, Jr. This paper starts from the apparently modest goal of assessing all the natural hazards that afflict a place. It is concerned with natural hazards in the Blue Ridge Mountains of Virginia-North Carolina and with the long-term pattern of human response and adjustment. Specifically, the paper focuses on mountain folk kinship behavior and response to montane hazards, all of which are common, recurring, natural events. A 300 air-mile-long montane area between Waynesboro, Virginia, and Asheville, North Carolina, was researched over a nine-month period in 1980-1981. This region has consistently experienced riverine flooding due to severe rains, cloudbursts, and hurricanes; blizzards; freezing rain and glaze; wind storms; forest fires; droughts; massive earth movements; and severe native plant epidemics. Nevertheless, the mountain people have clung tenaciously to their kinship groups in gap, hollow, cove, meadow, and ridge settlements and, when necessary, rebuilt their homes. The environmental perceptions of natural hazards may be unique as a function of individual experiences, sensing, and learning capacities. But there are also processes and interactions of development that apply to the kinship group generally. In sum, in any kinship group there are two broad sorts of behavior that need to be performed: the instrumental or task-oriented behavior and the expressive or social-emotional behavior. When particular parameters of age, sex, knowledge, and experience with natural hazards are included, the individual who most often plays the instrumental role in kinship meetings and discussions was identified as the primary decision maker. Such an individual can be either male or female, but usually old and "wise." Appalachia And The World's Fair Michael J. McDonald and William Bruce Wheeler The 1982 World's Fair, to be held in Knoxville, Tennessee from May through October, has selected for its central theme that of "Energy Turns the World," a theme clearly designed to exploit one of the principal concerns of our society. Without blushing, promoters of the Fair have called Knoxville the "Energy Capital of the World," and have promised an "energy efficient" fair, an "Energy Innovation Center," and "Energy Research Pavilion," and wondrous displays of advances in solar, wind and geothermal energy. Counterpoised with the "high-tech" energy exhibits and the symbolic 126 �Sunsphere, however, will be many displays of Appalachian culture, the most ambitious of which will be the Folklife Festival, billed as "the most comprehensive presentation of traditional Appalachian culture ever held" in which "literally hundreds will participate, under good and sensitive circumstances." The contrast between the announced theme (of energy) and the displays of Appalachian life is sure to strike a note of discord and ambivalence. In 1904 hundreds of thousands of Americans attended the St. Louis Exposition, most of whom gawked and gaped at native tribesmen and women from the recently-acquired Philippines and displayed a mixture of curiosity and horror at their courtship dances, their eating habits and their standard of living. To Americans, these natives were living proof of the superiority of American culture, of its economic system's success, of the worthiness of its imperialistic venture. It is unlikely that a similar phenomenon will occur in 1982. Indeed, the opposite is more likely. In the midst of the complex, technological future is a certain dread of that very future, an ambivalence about it, a nostalgia for the simpler, uncomplicated life symbolized by Appalachia. Recently this impulse has been a powerful one in American life, giving power to Reagan's drive for the presidency, Jesse Helms, Jerry Falwell and the Moral Majority, the revival of the popular music of long ago and the recently revived "tea dances," and the increasing yearning for the simpler, uncomplicated life. Therefore visitors to the 1982 World's Fair will approach exhibits of Appalachian culture in a quite different way than people who stared wide-eyed at the Philippine natives in 1904. Of course, the Appalachian culture on display at the World's Fair is likely to be a contrived, sanitized, idealized Appalachia, in stark contrast to the "high-tech" energy exhibits. Such sanitized displays of Appalachia may offer false impressions and (worse) false hopes to Americans peering toward an uncertain future. Methods, Means, And Materials For Teaching Appalachian Studies Carolyn M. Hinson Since Eliot Wigginton's Foxfire experience, there has been little argument that Appalachia's oral tradition can prove a great motivating factor for students in our schools. By providing students with some very basic information about folklore, the teacher can rely on students' research skills and native knowledge to fill out a unit of study on Appalachian folklore. Focusing the study of the folktale on ghost, witch, Appalachian hero, and tall tales provides students with an understanding of this genre as well as an understanding of the people who produced these tales. By listening to and discussing the folk music of Appalachian, students recognize the British roots of our music, but also recognize changes in this music produced 127 �by life in Appalachia. Appalachian logic can be explored through activities related to superstitions of the area. Finally, a study of Appalachian language provides an awareness within students of various nonstandard grammatical forms that are a part of their everyday speech. Given within this presentation will be suggestions for teaching these various parts of our oral tradition as well as suggestions for motivating students to actively participate in the collection and preservation of this tradition. Unraveling Folklore—The Thread Of Appalachia Joyce L. Graham "Unraveling Folklore—The Thread of Appalachia" is designed to offer the participants a close-up look at the collecting process and findings of high school students. This project was done by ninth grade English students at Shawsville High School, Shawsville, Virginia. The students were provided the opportunity to participate in a field experience during the fall of 1981. Masses of information were gathered including: over fifty taped interviews, approximately two hundred written pages, unusual books, and handmade posters. A sampling of this diverse collection of folklore will be on display for the perusal of participants. This presentation will begin with the distribution of information on the procedure followed throughout the collecting process. These handouts will include ideas regarding goal setting, topic selection, procedural suggestions for collecting folklore, an anlysis form for post-collection study, and a sheet with a variety of reactions to field experiences and folklore collection. After distribution of handouts, the purpose of this collecting effort and the results of the process will be discussed. The primary objective of this project was to research the means by which folklore is transmitted from generation to generation and the effect this information has on the receiver of the information. Topic selection will be discussed. Examples from a variety of topics researched will be presented to the participants. The presentation will conclude with an overview of the results of the collecting process. Special attention will be given to attitudinal changes on the part of the students toward their culture. 128 �The Impact Of Economic Development On Women: Women And The Welfare State In Southern Appalachia Mary Anglin Rather than speaking to the issue of labor force participation rates or changes in the economy, per se, in this paper I focus upon social programming as a part of the development process and examine its impact on women in Appalachia. It is my contention that such programs serve as the means for the State to reorganize social relations around the productive sphere and a sense of class identity, in place of their foundation in kin networks and community ties. In this way the State is able to create an infrastructure to expedite the process of development, as well as to create social needs that can only be answered through further economic and social change. Because women serve as pivotal members of their families and kin networks, they are considered the "target population" for many of the programs. In my paper I consider the impact of the programs offered by two agencies, the Health Department and the Department of Social Services, on women's lives in the two counties I am studying. The Richmond, Kentucky Solar Energy Community Assessment /. Allen Singleton During February of 1979, Oak Ridge National Laboratories issued a RFP for a community in the Southeastern U.S. to participate in "The development of a solar future's scenario for the community ." In Richmond there were a number of ongoing activities and individuals who were already interested in energy alternatives. There were at least four perceptions of the project. The Oak Ridge National Laboratories Research Plan of the Technology Assessment Program called for "working teams" to develop plausible solar future(s) for the community, then present the scenario(s) to the community for "an assessment of the perceived social, economic, institutional and life style impacts...." It was not clear that the university based participants had fully grasped the sense of what the dynamics of a Community Level Technology Assessment concept was. A message which was never assimilated: "That is, the local economy actually may profit from the energy crisis, or at least from meeting successfully the challenges of that energy crisis in our own town." 129 �The final report of the project stands as one of those documents one wants to claim "credit" for authoring. One point stands clear, the task force activitists could never perceptualize how to develop scenarios, especially ones specific to Richmond. The Richmond experience did not produce the kind of results the stated purposes that TAP publications had indicated. Beyond the fundamental confusion, there were several latent factors which affected the project. One is the fact that approximately 60 % of the households in the city are heated by natural gas. Second, is the apparent availability of wood as an alternative heating source. As a result of these, there was a willingness in the community to postpone any systematic search for energy alternatives. There were several specific and continuing contributions: the solar fairs; the window covering workshops; the solar greenhouse workshop; the audio-visual presentations; SOLAR publications; the creation of an on-going organization, the Mountain Communities Energy Alternatives; and the creation of a permanent community library of reference materials. It is also reasonable to assume that within the community of Richmond there is a higher degree of awareness of alternative energy sources. 130 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication URL https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469636818/critical-essays-in-appalachian-life-and-culture/ Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Critical Essays in Appalachian Life & Culture Description An account of the resource <span>The proceedings from the 1982 Appalachian Studies Conference, edited by Rick Simon, Grace Edwards, Ron Eller, Joan Moser, and Barry M. Buxton, includes contributions by Rick Simon; Ronald D. Eller; Deborah Morentz Markley and Brady J. Deaton; William W. Philliber and Phillip J. Obermiller; Virginia McCoy Watkins and Diana Gullet Trevino; Grace Toney Edwards; Harold Branam; Parks Lanier; Joan Moser; Melinda Bollar Wagner; and Thomas Plaut.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1VGgY_tnkB056w_5EHHKR8hnWoaElUOEu" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469636818/critical-essays-in-appalachian-life-and-culture/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region--Congresses Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Simon, Rick Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. 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Proceedings of the 5th Annual Appalachian Studies Conference Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Conference proceedings Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Multidisciplinary/ Appalachian Studies https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/aeb45ed89706f8aed6581f38aa3defad.pdf e98821bf2abb5144ed41809ae8b32793 PDF Text Text �Recollections of the Catawba Valley by J. Alexander Mull and Gordon Boger Foreword by W.H. Plemmons APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS Boone, North Carolina �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1983 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3837-9 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3839-3 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �This page intentionally left blank �This page intentionally left blank �The Appalachian Consortium wishes to express appreciation to the following individuals and institutions for their assistance in the printing of this book: The Appalachian Collection, Belk Library, Appalachian State University Catawba County Historical Museum Crossnore School, Inc. Mr. and Mrs. Albert Deal The News Herald, Morganton, North Carolina David Lane �This page intentionally left blank �Foreword Recollections of the Catawba Valley is a selection of stories chosen from a much longer list of titles by two long-time, well-known citizens of that valley. The late Alex Mull was of one of the first families of that area. Gordon Boger, though born elsewhere, is almost considered native to it. Many of their "Recollections" have appeared before, primarily in The News Herald of Morganton to which each contributed rather regularly. While the stories themselves are classified by the authors and publishers as recollections, some of them are historical in content. Naturally, in such a collection, some are hand-medowns, variations of "thrice-told tales," and a jew of them are not directly related to the Valley, except by authorship. Yet, they are of the same flavor-Appalachia, authentic, and otherwise. Keen reader interest in these "Recollections" will be largely localized in the Catawba Valley and among readers of Morganton's The News Herald where they are on favorite reading lists. But, those of us outside the Valley should not be misled. Lovers of local history, folklorists, storytellers, and those with a yen for piedmont �and mountain flavor will enjoy the contributions of these two good storytellers. They prove that, when combined, good storytelling and good writing make for good reading. Good reading, plus the setting or locale, was the main reason the Appalachian Consortium chose these ..Recollections" for one of its two major publications for this year. It is a worthy addition to similar previous publication contributions of the Consortium through such volumes as Bits of Mountain Speech, A Right Good People, Tall Tales From Old Smoky, and the like. Time spent reading these ..Recollections" will not end when the reading itself has been finished. That time will lengthen and increase continually as you re-read and reflect on ..Recollections." W.H. Plemmons �Table of Contents Before the White Man .................... 1 McDonalds, McDowells, and McPhersons .... 6 The Long, Long Trail ................... 10 Pioneer Farming ........................ 14 Martin's Ghost Still Rides ................. 17 Bechtler's Gold ......................... 20 The Ridge Where Jonas Froze ............. 22 Courthouse Chaos ....................... 26 Hatching a Dream ...................... 31 Fate Lane ............................. 37 Overmountain Men ..................... 42 The Generation Gap ..................... 51 Sun to Sun ............................. 56 Buckeyes for Rumatiz .................... 60 Sayin's and Meanin's ..................... 63 Snake'ing the Kivers ..................... 65 House Raisings and Parlors ............... 70 Much Obliged .......................... 73 Coon Huntin' .......................... 76 The Valley's First Industry ................ 79 �Kickapoo Medicine Company ............. 88 Brown Mountain Spooks ................. 91 The Ice Man ........................... 94 Victorian Foibles ....................... 97 Don't Slam the Door .................... 100 Longjohns and Featherbeds .............. 104 Winning is Everything .................. 107 Child's Play ........................... 110 Tin Lizzies and Whimmey-Dittles ........ 114 Shooting the Anvil ..................... 118 Childhood Memories ................... 121 �This page intentionally left blank �This page intentionally left blank �Before the White Man America was first discovered about twenty thousand years ago by people from Asia, according to information collected by anthropologists. These people crossed the land bridge between Siberia and Alaska in pursuit of the large herds of animals, and followed them into the valleys east of the Rocky Mountains. Here in the Catawba Valley, artifacts have been found that date back 10 to 12 thousand years. These people were hunters and gatherers, using animals for food, clothing, and shelter. They traveled in small family groups, seldom staying long in any one place. It is hard to visualize now what a veritable paradise this Catawba River Valley was in the early days, before the advent of the white man. Virgin forests were loaded down with fruits and nuts. Game animals, birds, and fish of all kinds were plentiful. Abundant rainfall and clear mountain streams guaranteed the annual production of fruits, wild grains, and edible roots. About four to five thousand years ago new ideas in hunting, along with some primitive farming and village life, were developed by these people. About 500 B.C., the Indians in this area 1 �began to make pots of clay to replace those of stone they had previously used. They began to grow fields of corn and vegetables. Instead of wandering in small family groups, they began to settle in permanent or semi-permanent locations, and villages were established. The bow and arrow replaced the spear as their major weapon. Their villages grew in size until they resembled towns. Suddenly, about 1500 A.D., their lifestyle was violently changed. Indians from the south, known as the Invaders, who were better equipped and organized, with copper breastplates, copper axes, and a knowledge of warfare, invaded these tranquil villages and drove the farmers from their homes into the northern and western parts of the state. There they remained until their children and grandchildren obtained guns from the Europeans and drove them back south. Indian tribes were distinguished by different languages, dress, and customs. Each group or village had its own chief and council only loosely affiliated with other groups of the same tribe. They, therefore, were never able to act in a unified fashion against aggression. It has been estimated that if all Indians in America had been united against the white invaders, they could have repulsed the whites with little difficulty. In effect, it would have taken many additional years to conquer them, and they would probably have been able to retain much more of 2 �their own territory. As it was, the various tribes fought each other with the same fierceness they displayed against the whites. In this immediate area there were two major and one minor tribe when the first white settlers began coming into the Catawba Valley area. They were the Cherokee, the Catawba, and the Creek. The Cherokee were the most numerous, industrious, and intelligent. They were also, along with the Creek, the most hostile toward the early settlers. The Catawba, with one exception, were uniformly friendly and helpful to the whites and acted as a barrier against the more hostile tribes. Historians think that the Cherokee were related to the Iroquois and migrated south from the Northern states in search of better hunting grounds. Here in the lush Catawba River Valley and across the South Mountains into South Carolina and Georgia, they found a veritable paradise of game and farming lands. The Catawba River was named for the Catawba tribe, who were perhaps the first to inhabit this area, so an inevitable conflict arose between the Cherokee and Catawba tribes. According to Indian legends, this conflict developed into a full-fledged war over the Catawba Valley that saw hundreds, perhaps even thousands, of warriors killed in battle. The legend is that after this big battle, the chiefs of 3 �the two tribes finally got together to smoke the pipe of peace and to divide the territory between them. The Catawba would occupy the territory east of the river, and the Cherokees claimed that west of the river. It is said that this treaty was never broken by either side. Many people do not know that in the early days the Cherokee Indians had their own farming lands, a republican form of government, and a system of home industries and education. In later years, under the leadership of the great Chief Sequoia, they developed a written alphabet and printing press. It is a matter of record that at least one chief was a friend of Jefferson, Lincoln, and Jackson. Only one vote in Congress prevented the State of Cherokee from becoming a reality. It is also true that this tribe of Indians were our allies during the War of 1812. Let's see how they were rewarded. As our ancestors came to this area in increasing numbers, the Cherokee were pushed further and further westward into the Blue Ridge Mountains by treaty, purchase, and confiscation toward their mortal enemies: the Creeks. Being more numerous, the Cherokee were able to push the Creeks into what is now Tennessee and Kentucky. This left the Cherokee with very little farming land but excellent game country, so they were able to survive. The greed of our ancestors for more and more land con4 �tinued until these people were forced to fight for their very existence. In efforts to preserve peace and gain living space, they sent their Chiefs to Washington to see the "Great White Father," but to no avail. A combination of fear, greed, and propaganda aroused so much feeling that in 1838, the Union Army came to our mountains with orders to remove by force the whole Indian Tribe to what is now Oklahoma. During this forced march, 4,000 Indians died along the way in what has come to be called "The Trail of Tears." Some of the Cherokee chose to risk the death penalty, which had been imposed against those refusing to move, rather than leave their beloved mountains. They hid in coves and rugged peaks of the Nantahalas and other inaccessible retreats until the great hue and cry had died down. Since these rugged hills were worthless for farming, the remaining few Cherokee finally established small huts and villages until the government eventually recognized their right to own land and set aside an Indian Reservation. There are now over 6,000 Cherokee Indians in the Eastern Tribe with nearly half of them living on the Qualla Reservation in Cherokee, North Carolina. 5 �McDonalds, McDowells, and McPhersons They were called "Scotch-Irish," the hardy pioneers who were among the first to settle permanently in the Blue Ridge Mountain country. The Scotch-Irish name, however, is somewhat confusing since these people were not Irish at all. During the reign of Queen Elizabeth, practically all of the Northern Ireland (Ulster) became the property of the English Crown by confiscation, conquest, and the right of Escheat. The Irish who survived were moved to the South of Ireland. During the next fifty years more than 200,000 settlers, mainly from Scotland, occupied this land in the northern part of Ireland. Hence the name "Scotch-Irish," or more accurately, Scotsmen from Ireland. These Scots were Protestant Presbyterians, and they didn't mix well with the hot headed Irish Catholics. The conflict between these two groups has been violent and bloody for centuries, and is still boiling today. The Scots, who have always been noted for their thrift and industry, prospered to such an extent that the merchants in England became jealous and had laws enacted to suppress manufacturing in Ireland. These acts pro6 �hibited the Scots from selling their goods to anyone but England at prices established by the English. These unjust laws, to a great extent, were responsible for the exodus of the ScotchIrish to the New World. Most of the emigrants landed at Philadelphia or Charleston, South Carolina. The Carolinas seem to have been preferred over the more northern areas. In Pennsylvania they ran head-long into the fanaticism of Quakers who had already claimed most of the good farming lands. From there, like many others before them, they turned south to less populous areas. Some stopped off in the Shenendoah Valley of Virginia, while others continued into North Carolina where they met up with the Scotch-Irish who had landed at Charleston. Both groups moved north and west into the upland counties of the Carolinas. The first battle of the American Revolution was actually fought in Alamance County, North Carolina by a group of Scotch-Irish who called themselves the "Regulators." They were defeated by Colonel William Tryon, then the Royal Governor of this province, on the banks of Alamance Creek in 1771. Later, some of these same men signed the famous Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. No less than six of the signers bore the name of Alexander, and a host of others were likewise of Scottish descent. In 1784, after an agreement with the 7 �Cherokee, Samuel Davidson, with his wife, infant daughter, and a slave, crossed the Swannanoa Gap and built his home on Christian Creek. In settling here he became the first white man to settle west of the Blue Ridge. It was a custom in those days to turn your horse or cow out to graze at night with a bell attached to the animal's neck so they could be found in the morning. On one such morning he went early to get his horse and followed the sound of the bell all the way to the top of the mountain where he was ambushed and killed by Indians. They had removed the bell from the horse and lured Davidson to their hiding place. When his wife heard the shots, she divined what had happened. She took her infant daughter and slave and walked sixteen miles to the settlement, to what is now Old Fort. There, a posse was organized which caught the raiding party, killed several of them, and drove theremainder into the hills. Only a few months after the murder of Davidson, his twin brother, William, with his brother-in-law, John Alexander, together with James and Thomas Alexander, came back over the mountains and founded on Bee Tree Creek what became known in history as the Swannanoa Settlement. This opened the way for additional exploration and settlement of the Blue Ridge Country. At the close of the Revolutionary War, the 8 �state of North Carolina owed much money to her soldiers which she couldn't pay in cash, so many thousands of acres of land in what is now Tennessee were awarded to those who fought in the War. Thus, the flow of emigrants continued westward until the Scotch-Irish can now be found in every state in the Union. In 1827, a wagon road, called the Buncombe Turnpike, was completed to the Tennessee line connecting the frontier towns of Knoxville and Nashville to the markets in the South. This became a very popular road for the settlers of the day, as reported in an Asheville paper in 1898, that more than 150,000 hogs annually traveled through Asheville on the way to Southern markets. It might be interesting to visualize the traffic in the fall after the crops had been gathered. Wagons loaded with barrels of apples, hams, chestnuts, and furs would be followed by the inevitable hound dogs. Droves of pigs and hogs were herded along the road. Heifers and steers were tied to the back of wagons while men in their homespun clothing, frontier jackets, and brogan shoes led them to market. 9 �The Long, Long Trail Everybody knows him, and all Americans claim him. He was a man who created a legend during his lifetime that is still depicted daily in the news and television. He was a good example of the saying, "Truth is stranger than fiction." He was born in Bucks County, Pennsylvania in 1735 of Scotch-Irish and Welsh parents who brought their three-year-old son in search of more plentiful game and better living conditions. His last name was Boone, and the trails he carved from the wilderness extend into Florida, both Carolinas, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri. Following are some of the less publicized events in the life of this extraordinary man. He unsuccessfully tried to be a farmer in Yadkin County. He got deeper in debt each year he farmed until age 35. Finally, with nothing to lose, he took off for the forbidden land of "Caintuck," as the Indians called it. Kentucky was a land of meadows, flowing with the proverbial milk and honey, and thick with deer and buffalo. He left behind his wife and a sizeable crop of barefoot children, and with six other hunters, 10 �he headed for the Watauga Settlement which was the western most outpost in what is now Eastern Tennessee. Here was the beginning of the "Warriors Path," a trail known only to the Indians that wound through the rugged mountains across the Cumberland Gap into the "Promised Land." He came back empty-handed to Carolina in just under two years. The Indians had stolen all his furs and everything else he owned except his trusty rifle, but they had spared his life. Still the experience and knowledge was invaluable. He learned how to live and walk as the Indians did. He learned their customs and gained their respect. In 1773, six families including his own decided to settle in this territory and began the long, long journey. Along the way, Cherokees ambushed the party, killing several of the men, and captured, tortured, and killed Boone's sixteenyear-old son, sending the whole party back in horror. Two years later, a Colonel Henderson offered the Cherokees $50,000 worth of trading goods for most of "Caintuck," and the offer was accepted. Boone was chosen as leader of this party, and along with 30 hand-picked axmen, a wagon trail was cleared cross the Cumberla~d Gap. Here, in the midst of the bluegrass, on a bend of the Kentucky River was founded Boonesborough, which was to be the western11 �most outpost for the next twenty years. It was here that his daughter, Jemima, was kidnapped by the Shawnees and carried deep into the forest. Dan'l and a number of companions followed the trail for two days before a rescue could be attempted. Surrounding the Indian camp, the men took dead aim at the enemy and fired in unison, rescuing the girl unharmed. Just a few months later, Jemima rushed out of the stockade and dragged her wounded father back into Boonesborough during a seige. The Revolution had started, and though the Cherokees were allies of the Colonists, the English had armed the Shawnee, who were well established in this area, to oppose the settlers. At one time during this war, Daniel Boone and 26 of his companions were captured by the Shawnees and carried to a camp in Ohio. It was here that he showed his true greatness. He made friends with his captors, talked his enemies out of killing the others, and was adopted by the Chief. When he learned of a planned assault on Boonesborough, he escaped and made his way back to the stockade in time to organize his outnumbered defenders against the Shawnee. Though his defenses were pitifully weak, he out-maneuvered, out-talked, and out-fought the Indians to victory. To Boone himself, the victory left only a bitter taste. When Kentucky became a state, the sheriffs immediately sold 10,000 acres of 12 �Boone's land for taxes. He had been paid in land for his efforts, but his title to the land was worthless. The land on which his home was located was sold out from under him. Boone was bankrupt. Poorer than when they came to the "Promised Land" and disgusted at this unjust treatment, he went to Virginia. He stayed here for a few years, but his itchy feet wouldn't stay still. At 70 years of age, Boone took his family to Missouri, which was then under Spanish rule. There, Spanish officials gave him title to 8,500 acres of land. Boone was granted the title of Magistrate and held court underneath an elm tree. During the War of 1812, he volunteered for the Army and was disgusted to be turned down because of his age. He was only 78 years old at the time. When Missouri became a part of the United States, the title to Boone's land was declared null and void due to his failure to take care of some technicalities. Had it not been for a special act of Congress in 1810 certifying his right to this land, Daniel Boone would have again been kicked out in the cold and left penniless. However, a grateful country finally paid tribute to a great man with words of praise for "the man who had opened the way for millions of his fellowmen" over the long, long trail into the wilderness. 13 �Pioneer Farming North Carolina has always been noted as a leading agricultural state with more small farms than any other. This is especially true of the Catawba Valley where the rolling topography discouraged large farms for the early settlers. Another reason for the small farms was the policy of the Lord Proprietors and the English Crown of limiting the acreage in land grants to not more than 640 acres per household. Of course, some were .able to acquire more land through purchase or special privilege, but for the great majority of early settlers, this was enough for their needs. The early settlers did not acquire a deed or title to the land chosen, but were issued "patents" or land grants, which permitted them to occupy a certain tract of land, provided they cultivated the soil and paid a "quitrent" to the Crown. Thus, in fact, until the Revolution, the settlers didn't actually own the land, but merely rented it. Farming in the early days was very primitive. Actually, the Indians were better farmers than most of our ancestors and taught them how to survive. Land was so plentiful that no thought was given to conservation of fertility 14 �of the soil. When a portion of land was no longer productive, the farmer just moved on to another section. With very few tools to work with, it was a backbreaking job to clear enough land for survival. The smaller trees and underbrush were cut with axes and the smaller stumps removed. Larger trees were merely killed by cutting a ring around the bark and planting crops beneath the dead limbs. Cultivation was accomplished with hoes, which were also used to chop weeds and new growth away from the crops. The hoes were used to scrape up little mounds of earth called "hills" into which the seed was planted. Even as late as the Civil War, some planters reported their crops by the number of "hills" rather than in acreage, as we do now. This was because plowing was virtually impossible among the stumps and roots left in the soil. Also, hand labor was cheaper and more available than livestock or cash to buy equipment. Unlike the large plantations in eastern North Carolina or our sister states of the Deep South, the Catawba Valley was an area of small farms. Slavery was never very popular nor profitable in this area, even among the wealthy planters. Early landowners of note did possess quite a number of slaves, but, contrary to the popular conception of the day, they did not find it a profitable business. Most landowners considered 15 �their slaves members of their own family and refused to sell any of their slaves. As the slave population increased, the landowner ran out of land and work to keep his slaves busy. Still, he was responsible for their welfare and had to see that they were fed and clothed. 16 �Martin's Ghost Still Rides Excitement has long since died down in the Brindletown area, but for nearly a decade, area folks were part of a gold rush. Brindletown is a small, quiet community about 11 miles southwest of Morganton. One would never know the town existed if it weren't for the name painted on the fire department, but it wasn't always small and quiet. Sam Martin's discovery of gold in 1828 created a bustling town almost overnight as prospectors came to the area by the hundreds. Sam was a New Englander of Irish descent, and he spent his early life prospecting for gold. He looked for it in South and Central America, but was unsuccessful. In 1828, broke and despondent, he started walking back home. By the time Martin reached Brindletown, he was in rags. Bark stripped from trees replaced the soles of his shoes. He stopped at the home of a shoemaker, who gave him food and shelter. While staying with the shoemaker, Martin shared with the family his stories of the faraway places and strange people he had seen. Soon the neighbors began dropping in every evening to hear his tales. After a while, he regained his strength, and with a pair of stout shoes and a 17 �decent set of clothing, he told his hosts that he would be leaving for home the next day. Martin woke up early the next morning and stood at the door looking down the slope toward Silver Creek. The logs of the cabin were chinked with mud, and Sam detected some golden glints in it. Excited, he called the shoemaker, who told him that the mud had come from the creek. The two men began panning the sandy bottom of the stream at once, and they found gold with almost every dip and swirl of the pans. At first they tried to keep their discovery a secret, working only at night by the light of a pine torch. Curious neighbors soon found out what they were doing, and the rush was on. Sam Martin panned for gold for about six months. He was never one to stay in one place very long, so when he figured he had enough to last him for the rest of his life, he decided to leave Brindletown in style. Martin wore a tailor-made suit, a black hat, and shiny boots. He was driving a new coach pulled by a pair of fine horses, and he carried his gold in his saddlebags. He cracked his whip, yelled goodbye to his friends, and headed up the road towards Morganton, but he never reached his destination. At least no one remembered seeing Sam Martin. The sight of a man dressed in the latest fashion and driving a fancy rig would certainly have aroused a great deal of comment in that 18 �sleepy little village. He never reached his home in Connecticut either. Martin's disappearance is a mystery to this day. A lot of people knew of his departure in advance, and folks have speculated that he was waylaid, murdered, and robbed. No trace of Sam or his possessions was ever found. The old man who first told me the story of Sam Martin said that he heard it when he was a child. He and his family lived near Brindletown. He said that sometimes late on a dark night everything would suddenly get still. The crickets and night birds would hush, and if you listened hard, you could hear the faint clatter of hoofbeats and the creaking of a coach on a rough road to Morganton. Folks believed that it was Sam Martin's ghost still trying to find its way to New England. 19 �Bechtler' s Gold The Brindletown gold rush of 1828 brought hundreds of prospectors to this area. Subsequent strikes were made in Rutherford and McDowell counties. Gold mining soon became the principle industry in this part of the country for more than a decade. Gold became the main medium of exchange in the area because regular U.S. currency was in scarce supply at the time. The nearest government mint was in Philadelphia, and a shortage of gold there limited the amount of currency issued. It would have been much too dangerous an undertaking to ship the gold to Philadelphia. Consequently, the sight of leather pouches or quills filled with gold was common in the early days of the gold strike. News of the gold strike quickly reached Europe. In 1820, Christopher Bechtler, a German metallurgist and jeweler, came to Rutherfordton with his two sons and a nephew. Here he opened a jewelry store and sold clocks, watches, and numerous other gold items. Bechtler offered to mint gold coins for the government, and this soon became his main occupation. Between 1830 and 1840, Bechtler struck nearly two and a quarter million dollars in 20 �gold coins using presses and dies he designed himself. They were all in $5, $2.50, or $1 denominations. Bechtler's coins contained at least as much gold as those coins that were minted in the U.S. Treasury. Some coins of the same denomination differed in size, as Bechtler allowed for impurities in the gold. After Bechtler's death, his sons, Augustus and Christopher, carried on their father's tradition for a while. The Government established a regional mint in Charlotte, and the Bechtlers retired from minting gold coins. They remain distinguished in our nation's history as being the only private citizens ever to coin gold with government permission. 21 �The Ridge Where Jonas Froze Choosing the name for a town may seem like a difficult task today. In earlier days, this job was left up to community members who simplified the job greatly. Most town names were derived from local landmarks, first settlers, or community leaders. It was not uncommon for a town to change names as often as new officials took office or local attractions became popular. The town of Drexel was originally known as Baker. This village sprang up around the saw mill built by Samuel Huffman and D.B. Mull in 1899. As the town grew, it became necessary to officially name it, so Huffman and Mull asked the local railroad superintendent for suggestions. Among the names suggested was Drexel, a famous family from Pennsylvania who owned a majority of the railroad stock. The name stuck and this small town six miles east of Morganton is still known as Drexel. Morganton's name has its own history. First called Alder Springs, this town was not renamed until after the Revolutionary War. General Daniel Morgan, a Revolutionary hero, was honored when the town was named Morgansborough. Later, it was shortened to its 22 �present day Morganton. Few people would recognize Turkeytail or Sigmundsburg as former titles for Glen Alpine. A nearby tree whose shape resembled a turkey's tail was the basis for the town's first name. Later, two brothers named Sigmund established a store and post office and changed the name to Sigmundsburg. The name Glen Alpine became a permanent one when the Glen Alpine Springs Hotel became so popular that people often used Sigmundsburg and Glen Alpine interchangeably. The history of Connelly Springs is similar to that of Glen Alpine. Originally called Icard with a post office named Happy Home, this town took its current name from the once prosperous Connelly Springs Hotel. Chesterfield's past and present names were derived from local postmasters. J.C. Hood headed the town's mail service for a number of years. Therefore, the post office was called Hoodsville until John Chester became postmaster and secured permission to change the name to Chesterfield. Rutherfordton is the namesake of John Rutherford, a wealthy landowner from the Bridgewater community. He donated the money for purchase of 200 acres of land to establish a college. Robert L. Abernathy, a noted educator, minister, lecturer, and founder of Rutherford College, named the college and 23 �Connelly Springs Hotel N}. 1/i 11.': /loki' ffl,• liln !'If/ o;' iujiwmiu~· !I"" tf111f tf1is d,·/i~ldfid .··•I( 111111' ,. J·l·snJ·I· is ,,,,. 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A man by the name of Jonas froze to death while on a hunting trip, and the area was first referred to as the ridge where Jonas froze. It was quite natural to put the ridge together with Jonas for the name, Jonas Ridge. Hildebran had its beginning when a saw mill and country store were set up near the railroad station. Five years later the store passed into the hands of Jack Hildebrand from whom the place took its name. In 1893, the followers of the Italian religious leader Peter Waldo began a colony in Western North Carolina. Here, they realized their goal of attaining religious freedom. Valdese, the name chosen by Waldo's followers as the name of their colony, is the Italian name for Waldensian. As you can see, many towns were named by the postmaster in honor of themselves. Others were named for happenings, products, or just descriptions of the locations. In early times if you mentioned Adakoa, Brindletown, Joy, Worry, Table Rock, Gold, Arney's Crossroad, Henderson's Mill, or Walker's Knob, everyone knew exactly where you meant. 25 �Courthouse Chaos As a boy, I would climb the winding stairs to the courtroom and watch the great legal minds of that day represent their clients with skill, dedication, and a complete mastery of their profession. Those are fond recollections for me, but the old courthouse harbors many more. In the early 1800's, court proceedings were not only a time for legal issues, but also a major social event for the people of the area. An 1824 act of the North Carolina State Legislature decreed that a term of the State Supreme Court be held in Morganton in August of each year. Appeals from Rowan and Mecklenburg counties and all counties west of those two were to be heard during these sessions. This became the top event of the year for all Western North Carolina since the most outstanding lawyers, judges, and court officials of the state gathered here for the court sessions. The Chief Justice and his associates and other officers of the court came in big, red, Concord coaches drawn by teams of either four or six horses. The driver, sitting on his high top seat, always blew his long horn with a tune called "Apple Dumplings for Supper" as he approached town. It is said that when the horn 26 �Burke County Courthouse blew, it was like the "pied piper.. to all the little boys in town. While court was in session, all the local hotels, boarding houses, and private rooms were filled. Wealthy tourists came in their own private carriages or on horseback with their servants. This was the season for parties and dances all over the county. Often people came to spend the night and stayed to dance a week. One of the most intriguing incidents witnessed in the courtroom occurred in the fall of 1851 27 �and involved lawyers William W aightsill Avery and Sam Fleming. Avery, a Burke County native, was defending a client from McDowell County against his legal opponent, Fleming, who was from Yancey County. Fleming became incensed at Avery's vigorous advocacy in a case which involved a guardianship. After court had adjourned, Fleming confronted Avery on the street and challenged him to a fist fight. Avery refused. Fleming then drew from under his coat a cowhide whip and began beating Avery severely. Avery's efforts to protect himself with his fists against a whip of this nature were useless. He was left bloody and wounded on the street until a friend rendered him aid. This incident left Avery with a horrible dilemma. Under the moral code of the day, he must either destroy himself or his opponent. Avery was advised by friends and family members that he must kill Fleming to uphold his own honor. Avery did not act upon the matter until court convened several weeks later. The first day of court passed without incident. The next day Fleming entered the courtroom and was speaking to a friend. Avery, who sat only a few feet away, stood up, took two steps forward, pulled a pistol from his coat, and shot Fleming in the heart. He then threw his empty pistol at the body of his fallen rival. 28 �This event took place in the presence of the judge, sheriff, court officers, a number of lawyers, and all the spectators in the crowded courtroom. The defendant, Avery, was jailed for three days. On the fourth day, a jury was selected and empaneled. When the trial began, the prosecution based its case on "prima facie" evidence. The assertion of the defense was that the indignity heaped on the accused by Fleming had calculated to disgrace, degrade, and ruin Avery. On the fifth day following the shooting, all the evidence had been presented by the prosecution and defense. The judge charged Avery with murder and dismissed the jury to debate Avery's guilt or innocence. The jury deliberated for only ten minutes and returned a verdict of "not guilty." This decision of the jury was based on the fact that Avery was a highly respected man, and he was thought to be merely defending his honor, an asset greatly prized in those days. Exciting people and trials are not the only significant events to compose the courthouse's colorful history. The building itself is something of a structural marvel. Its solid construction of native stone blocks accounts for its standing today. As the end of the Civil War was nearing, the Union Army's General Alvan Gillem led a raid through the Catawba River Valley. Gillem's men moved into Morganton and set up head29 �quarters in the courthouse. They then entered every house in Morganton and looted, stole, or destroyed everything of value. When Gillem and his men moved on, they tried to destroy the courthouse by fire. The building's solid stone construction defied their destructive intent. The records housed in the courthouse were destroyed instead as a calling card of the Union Army. That senseless act of vandalism served no military purpose and in later years became a headache for lawyers and a heartache for historians. 30 �Hatching a Dream Just before the turn of the century, two brothers had a dream, a vision, an inspired ambition. A dream that was born in the heart of the Appalachian Mountain region, not only from real necessity, but also from a great yearning of the people in the rugged mountain country. This need and desire was for the education and self-improvement of a people who had been bypassed by civilization and were living many years behind the time. They wanted to be able to read and to write, to speak so others could understand them,. and to get in the mainstream of life. The problem was that few among these thousands of mountain folk were capable of teaching others. The need for teachers inspired brothers B.B. and D.D. Dougherty of Boone, North Carolina to set out on a crusade of "teaching teachers." Their first venture was called Watauga Academy, the antecedent of what is now Appalachian State University, with hundreds of students graduating yearly into the teaching profession. I attended Appalachian Training School, as it was called in 1927, when Dr. Blan B. Dougherty was president and his brother, 31 �Dolph, was business manager. During my four years there, I came to know Dr. Blan Dougherty pretty well. In appearance, he was slender, dark complected, nearly bald, save the rim of coal black hair surrounding his crown, sported a little black mustache, and seemed to be very grim-faced and straight-laced. This appearance of grimness, I always thought, was to cover up his native sense of humor in order to lend a look of dignity to his dedicated cause. A tale I once heard about Dr. Blan concerns one of his "walking spells." Dr. Blan liked to walk. When he had a problem on his mind, he would stroll through the woods or over the campus, hands clasped behind his back, his head bent forward. During these "thinking'' spells, which were generally at night, he hardly knew where he was and would walk for miles until his problem was finally solved. One night he was startled out of his reverie by a keen "whistle" that seemed to come from over behind the girls dormitory. His curiosity exceeding his mental problem of the moment, he quietly obtained a vantage spot behind a tree where he could see what was taking place. Shortly, a window opened on the second story of the old building, and a bed sheet dropped down nearly to the ground. A young man slipped from the shadows, grasped the sheet and was hoisted rapidly through the window. After some little time, the sheet and boy appeared again, and the 32 �B.B. Dougherty 1870-1857 D.D. Dougherty 1869-1929 Watauga Academy in 1905 33 �night visitor slipped quietly off into the darkness. Rather than raise a fuss to catch the boy, the good professor decided to see who was operating the bed sheet elevator and for what purpose. When he gave a low whistle, sure enough, down came the sheet. Grasping it like the one before, he was hauled rapidly upward until his head was even with the window sill. Upon seeing at close hand the kind of "fish" they had caught, the girls, with a shriek, turned loose the sheet, and our hero fell to the ground and sustained a broken collar bone. The next morning, two girls from the dorm were missing. They had unaccountably become ill during the night and had gone home. Over the years, little Watauga Academy grew in size and stature, due in great measure to those two men. Today, with University status, the total enrollment is about 10,000, including 1,000 graduate students. Many qualified teachers from this institution have helped improve the educational standards all over the country. During this same period, another dream was being "hatched." Born of the same need and desperate desire for improvement, a couple from Davidson, North Carolina, Doctors Mary and Eustace Sloop, began in a small way to improve the standards of living through education of the mountain people who were avid for the 34 �opportunity. Starting from "scratch," the two doctors were finally able to establish a small school at Crossnore, North Carolina. Today the school has a campus of 75 acres and an enrollment of 74 children who are housed in one of eight dormitories. Most of these children come from broken homes. All of this was accomplished through the "boot strap" efforts of local residents under the leadership of this wonderful couple. Rag shaking at Crossnore One of the prime sources of income at this school is what is known locally as the "rag shaking." This takes place in a small warehouse or store building where gifts, mostly of second hand clothing, furniture, costume jewelry, 35 �books, etc., are sorted and sold to the public. The merchandise of every imaginable description is donated by individuals and civic organizations throughout the country and has a dual purpose. It provides income through cash sales for the school, and supplies inexpensive clothing for the local people. 36 �Fate Lane In days gone by, moonshiners were a dime a dozen, but the moonshiner who paid tax on the spirits he produced was one of a kind. The man to whom I refer was Lafayette (Fate) Lane, and paying the required manufacturer's tax on his corn whiskey and apple brandy was only one of his many distinguishing characteristics. Fate Lane was a legend in his own time in Western North Carolina. Born to Irish immigrant parents in 1813, Fate lived to be 99 years old. During the course of his colorful life, he was married to eight different wives and sired 43 children. In addition, it was common knowledge in the community that children by other women bore the Fate Lane stamp. Fate made literally thousands of gallons of apple brandy from the fruit grown in his own large, well-kept orchard. Being a scrupulously honest man, he paid the required tax on every gallon of spirits that he ever distilled. Fate consumed a great deal of the products of his distilleries, but at 99, he proved that liquor in large quantities and women in great numbers were not necessarily detrimental to a man's health. A great many stories have been told about 37 �Fate Lane 1813-1912 Lafayette Lane. This one is almost beyond belief. Back around 1875 there was a bawdy house in downtown Morganton which presented a problem for the local police. Fate and the officers were on good terms, and when they asked him to do them a favor, he agreed. 38 �They asked him if he and his boys, on their next visit to town, would empty the house of its residents and burn it. True to his word, on their next trip to Morganton, Fate and his sons escorted the ladies from the house and burned it to the ground. To Lafayette Lane, with eight wives at home, it seemed incredible that any man in his right mind would pay for the services provided in a bordello. Fate's action at the bawdy house did not meet with the approval of all the local officers of the law, and a warrant charging him with arson was served on him. The Superior Court jury returned a verdict of guilty, and the judge asked Fate to stand and be sentenced. Instead, the convicted man approached the bench and pulled a large iron weight from his pocket. He struck the judge on the head with the weight, knocking his Honor, sprawling and semiconscious, to the floor. Fate then rode home, disregarding pleas of lawmen to return and take his medicine. Fate Lane was never sentenced in the arson case, and no warrant was ever served on him for assaulting the judge. Lafayette Lane was a patriotic man, and he used to come to Morganton on the Fourth of J uly for the celebration that took place on that date every year. Once he loaded his wagon on July 3rd, placing thereon two 50-gallon barrels, 39 �one filled with whiskey and the other with apple brandy. The spirits were to refresh himself and his sons and any thirsty Morgantonians who might care for a dram or two. Fate and his kin folks camped that night near Salem and went into town early the next morning. By mid-afternoon, some of the Lanes were becoming pretty obstreperous, and the chief of police told Fate that it appeared that he and his fellow officers might have to lock them up. Fate replied that the Lanes had the police greatly outnumbered and outgunned and asked them to get off the street for a short time. The police did, and Fate gathered his party together and left for home, thereby avoiding a battle that might have resulted in the untimely demise of the entire Morganton police force. Politically the Lanes were staunch Democrats, and their precinct, Silver Creek No. 2, always voted unaminously Democratic. This result was obtained when, on the eve of election day, all the Lane men old enough to bear arms would come down from the mountains and spend the night at the polling place. On election day, men coming to vote would find the polling place guarded by a platoon of Lanes, armed to the teeth, and only those known to be Democrats were permitted to vote. Fate could neither read nor write, but being a well-to-do man, he subscribed to three newspapers. His more literate wives read the 40 �news to him, and it is said that he never forgot an important news item. During the 19th century, the Lane clan ruled the southwestern part of Burke County as though it was their own tiny mountain kingdom, making their own rules of conduct. They had only contempt for those state laws that they disagreed with. Bigamy was not illegal to the clansmen provided that the parties to the relationship were agreeable. If a man was offended and responded with violence, this was the accepted norm. According to written and verbal history, no law enforcement officers ever came to Brindletown to arrest a Lane, although their illegal and scandalous conduct would have warranted such time and time again. In the 1930's a political speech writer coined the term "rugged individualism." He must have had Fate Lane in mind. 41 �Overmountain Men A while back the newspapers told the story of a celebration that took place in Massachusetts commemorating a skirmish that occurred on a bridge on April 19, 1775. The day is remembered as the beginning of a fratricidal war that ended in the freedom of the colonies from the rule of a tyrant. The end came at Yorktown, Virginia exactly eight years from the day the war began. It's fine to celebrate the start of the American Revolution, but I have often wondered why we people of the mountains of Tennessee, Virginia, and North Carolina, together with those in the Piedmont area directly to the south of the mountains, do not celebrate October 7 each year. This is the anniversary of the Battle of Kings Mountain, credited by many historians as being the turning point in the war. In 1976, many of the descendants of the men who fought in this battle, together with others interested in the history of our nation, marched down a route that a troop of fine light cavalry took to the South Carolina battlefield. Their journey took them from the Sycamore Shoals of the Watauga River down through the high Ap42 �palachians to the Catawba River Valley, and on south through Rutherford County into King's Mountain. Let's take a few minutes to put Kings Mountain in perspective. Early in September, 1780, the cause of freedom for the Colonies seemed doomed. A few weeks earlier, General Washington had written in his diary "Hope is now all but lost." His army was low on food, clothing, arms ammunition, men, and morale. Desertions were a common, almost daily occurence. The troops were paid with paper currency issued by the Continental Congress, and it "was not worth a continental." For those who wanted freedom, it was the nadir of the war. From a territorial standpoint, the war was fought in two parts: the first half in the North, and the second and most decisive phase was fought in the South. In the late summer of 1780, the Southern states were virtually controlled by the British and their Loyalist or Tory allies. The commanding general, Lord Cornwallis, had his headquarters in Charlotte. The principal ports, Savannah and Charleston, had fallen to his troops. The only opposition rested in small bands of Whigs fighting with hit-and-run tactics, unable to mount a sustained attack or even defend a town. Cornwallis had as his two principal subordinate officers Colonel Benastre Tarleton and 43 �Major Patrick Ferguson, both able and experienced military leaders. This story concerns only Ferguson, 36 years old at the time. Ferguson was the son of a Scottish lord and was commissioned in the Royal North British Dragoons when only fifteen. The young officer had fought with distinction in the British campaign in Flanders and Germany. In 1768, he was made a captain, and he helped put down a rebellion on St. Vincent Island, a British possession in the Caribbean, and was then recalled to England. Early in 1777, Ferguson was sent to the Colonies to aid in suppressing the King's rebellious subjects. Here, he served with distinction in the northern phase of the war at Brandywine, Egg Harbor, and Mommouth. In October, 1779, Ferguson was commisioned Major Commanding in charge of the Second Battalion of the Seventy-First Regiment. His outfit was better known as the Highland Light Infantry because many of his men were descendants of Scotch Highlanders. Ironically, a troop of Lowland Scots finally brought him down. Ferguson and his regiment, mostly natives of North and South Carolina, were posted at Gilbert Town, North Carolina in September, 1780. Around the middle of that month, he marched north to a point near Morganton, then turned west for some thirty miles before returning to his post. 44 �Somewhere along the line of march, Ferguson paroled a Whig prisoner captured earlier at the Battle of Cowpens. He instructed the prisoner to go over the mountains to the leaders of the Whig militia based in East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia to bear this message: "Either they lay down their arms or he would cross the mountains and hang the Whig leaders and lay waste the land with fire and sword." The parolee took this message directly to Colonel Isaac Shelby, commander of the militia in Sullivan County, Tennessee. Two days later, Shelby relayed the message to Colonel John Sevier of the Jonesboro, Tennessee militia. Colonels Shelby and Sevier dispatched a courier to Colonel William Campbell of nearby Washington County, Virginia. These three militia leaders, together with Colonel Charles McDowell of Quaker Meadows and Colonel Andrew Hampton of Rutherford County, held a meeting to decide upon immediate military strategy. This group of five colonels decided that half of their total militia forces would be mustered to fight Ferguson. The remainder of the men were left to preserve peace at home. On September 26, 1780, this band of "Over the Mountain Men," or "Buckwater Men," as Ferguson referred to them, left from Sycamore Shoals on the Watauga River. The avowed pur45 �pose of this group was to hunt down and destroy Major Patrick Ferguson and his Tory band. Their path led them through some of the most rugged terrain ever traversed by cavalry, the Southern Appalachian highlands. Crude trails called "traces" were followed through the primitive wilderness of the Yellow, the Roan, the Silver, and the Linville mountains. Two men deserted the second night on the trail while the group was camped between the Roan and Yellow Mountains. The two defectors hurried ahead to inform Ferguson of the Whigs' presence and purpose. This move had been anticipated by the militia leaders, so that day they divided into two bands. One group headed west, following the north fork of the Catawba River, and the other group followed Paddy's Creek to the Catawba River. The bands converged at Colonel McDowell's home, Quaker Meadows, on the banks of the Catawba River. Colonel Benjamin Cleveland, commander of the militia in the Surry/Stokes County area of North Carolina had been notified of the plan to battle Ferguson. His troops arrived at Quaker Meadows about the same time as the "Over the Mountain Men." On October 1, this larger militia resumed their search and pursuit of Ferguson. The two deserters had reached Ferguson at Gilbert Town on September 30, and they in46 �formed him of his peril. The British Commander immediately took two steps to ward off the impending attack by the militia: First, he dispatched two couriers to Cornwallis in Charlotte. Ferguson's urgent request was for "three or four hundred good soldiers, part dragoon," and gave his intended line of march to his destination, King's Mountain. Ferguson's second action was an attempt to recruit more Loyalists. He wrote a letter and had it posted along the route of his intended march. The letter went as follows: Denard's Ford, Broad River Tryon County, October I, 1780 Gentlemen: Unless you wish to be eat up by an inundation of barbarians, who have begun by murdering an unarmed son before the aged father, and afterwards lopped off his arms, and who by their shocking cruelties and irregularities give the best proof of their cowardice and want of discipline; I say, if you wish to be pinioned, robbed and murdered, and see your wives and daughters in four days, abused by the dregs of mankind-in short, if you wish or deserve to live, grasp your arms in a moment and run to camp. The Back Water men have crossed the mountain; McDowell, Hampton, Shelby and Cleveland are at their head, so that you know what you have to depend upon. If you choose to be degraded forever and ever be a set of Mongrels, say so at once, and let your women turn their backs upon you, and look out for real men to protect them. Pat. Ferguson, Major 7lst Regiment Having taken these means of getting reinforcements, Ferguson now marched directly south for a few miles, and then turned southeast. Crossing the South Carolina border east of Gaffney in Cherokee County, he pro47 �ceeded to his chosen position of the bald, rocky top of the low mountain, which was densely covered on all its sides by trees. Here he waited for reinforcements from his request to Cornwallis. Ferguson waited in vain for his messengers had been late in delivering his request to Cornwallis. After having been dispatched by Ferguson, the messengers spent the first night of their trip with a staunch Whig and pretended to believe in the cause of freedom. The messengers aroused the Whig's suspicions by leaving in a great hurry very early the next morning. He gathered a few friends to pursue Ferguson's messengers. When the messengers became aware that they were being followed, they hid out for a short while and finally reached Cornwallis in Charlotte on October 7, the day the battle began. Ferguson's dogged pursuers had taken a slightly longer route to King's Mountain. They had stayed to the west and then south of their quarry, keeping the waters of the Silver and Cane creeks between them to avoid possible ambush. On October 7, they reached the mountain and quickly surrounded it. Preparing for battle, each commander spoke to his troops. Colonel Campbell, immediately before leading his Virginians up the steep, wooded incline, is said to have yelled, "Here they are, my brave boys, shout like Hell and 48 �fight like devils." Then came the final order for all from Benjamin Cleveland, his Scottish claymore in hand, "Fresh prime your guns and every man go into battle resolving to fight until he dies." Thus, a force of slightly more than 900 men began climbing the steep sides of the mountain, darting from tree to tree, all the time screaming like madmen. Ferguson's troops, by best estimates, numbered about 1,100 men. The Loyalist forces, exposed on the summit, were easy targets for the backwoods marksmen, who themselves had good cover in the trees. At the summit the fighting was fierce, hand-tohand, but gradually the tide turned for the Whigs. In desperation, Ferguson, on horseback, accompanied by two of his officers, tried to break through the tightening circle. Ferguson was mortally wounded in his attempt, and he died immediately after falling from his mount. The Tories now attempted to surrender, one by one, by tying white cloths to their gun barrels. The meaning of their sign was ignored by the Whigs either because they did not understand the intent of the Tories or they were obsessed by hatred. Nevertheless, the slaughter continued for a time before hostilities ceased. The entire battle lasted less than one hour. Major Patrick Ferguson died a hero's death. Two horses had been shot from under him and 49 �his sword was broken in the battle. His body, pitted with eight bullet holes, was wrapped in a beef hide and buried on the mountain. The killing did not end on the battlefield. Some forty Tory prisoners were given summary trials by their captors and sentenced to hang at Biggerstaffs farm above Gilbert Town as the mountain men started for home. Nine were hanged before the fires of vengeance cooled, and the rest were spared. Weeks after the battle, British military leaders in the South were still at a loss as to where this fierce and formidable army had come from. George Washington did not know of this army's existence or purpose until after the battle of King's Mountain had been fought. The war was to go on until April 19, 1783. Beseiged at Yorktown and prevented from escaping by sea by the French fleet, Cornwallis delivered his sword to George Washington, thus ending the Patriots long struggle for freedom. 50 �The Generation Gap We hear so much about the generation gap that I have gone back just one generation to try to depict the life and times of that earlier era. Let's look back and see what a typical mediumsized town was like in 1905. Most growing towns of this period had a water system, telephones, electricity, town government, and a fire department of sorts. The fire department probably consisted of two reel teams with voluntary firemen who could man those outfits upon call. The reels were handoperated with two big wagon wheels upon which was wound a hose that would attach to the few water hydrants around the business sections of town. Inside plumbing was just becoming popular for those who could afford it, although the majority of homes still used the outside privy. Many thought it unsanitary to move the privy inside the house and only had a cold water spigot in the kitchen which invaribly froze every winter. Housing costs then were unbelievable when compared with today's soaring prices. My father's house was built during this time and cost a total of $2,300. It was a two-story frame 51 �52 �53 �house consisting of eight rooms. Every room had a fireplace in it except the kitchen, which housed a Majestic wood stove where all the cooking was done. Public schools had only recently been started, and it was not unusual for clas~es to be held in the Town Hall or in local churches. In addition to the public schools, there were a number of private schools which were held in the homes of the teachers. Transportation was by foot, horseback, buggy, or wagon. Livery stables, where horses would be boarded or rented, were profitable businesses. Horse and mule traders were the equivalent of car salesmen today and had horse lots, barns, and blacksmith shops within the town limits. All country people and most town folks had a cow, chickens, and a pig in their back yard. There were no refrigerators, so meat in the summertime had to be consumed before it spoiled. Fall was hog killing time when the meat was processed into cured hams, liver mush, souse meat, bacon, fat back, and spare ribs. Vegetable gardens were essential, and everyone tried to can and preserve enough during the summer to last through the winter. The centers of activity at that time were the Town Hall, Court House, and Depot. Folks would gather at the Depot to watch the trains run and the drummers get off and on. Hacks 54 �representing the different boarding houses and hotels met each train. The barrooms, which were on almost every corner and in between, were really crowded during court week. Everybody came to town then in their wagons, buggies, and on foot, and camped out on vacant lots. There, they would swap horses, drink, sing, drink, tell tales, drink, and, in general, catch up on all the news and gossip. Things that were commonplace then are now either gone for good or fast disappearing from the streets and stores. Typical things were barefoot boys, hound dogs, tobacco juice, muddy streets, buggy whips, pickle and cracker barrels, horse collars, corsets, hat pins, watering troughs, hitching posts, horse manure on the streets, grindstones, washboards, and high button shoes. In just one generation, we have gone from the Wright's flight at Kitty Hawk to a man on the moon; from horse and buggy to sport cars and motor bikes; from muddy roads and ferries to super highways and jumbo jets; from a weekly, two-page newspaper to instant news on television; from a water wheel on the creek to atomic power. Does anyone want to go back? 55 �Sun to Sun The old addage, "A man works from sun to sun, but a woman's work is never done" was never more true than when applied to the country women of yesteryear. Today, when "store bought" items are the rule rather than the exception, when we rely on newspapers, radio, and television for news, and when education is deemed a right, and not a privilege for the moneyed few, it is difficult to recall the lifestyle of our country people not so very long ago. Let's look back one hundred years or so and see what a typical day was like for a country woman. We'll just see what Ma's doing while Pa is breaking his back sitting on a log in the woods all day, waiting for a chance deer or turkey to wander by. First, Ma gets up before daylight to stir up the fire, and puts away the spinning wheel or sewing she worked with 'til late the night before. Next, she goes to the smoke house to cut a slab of bacon off the side meat for breakfast for her man and eleven children. On the way back to the house she 'totes in a load of wood for the fire and puts the pots and pans on the hearth to heat while she goes to the spring for a bucket of water. When she gets back, it's time to wake 56 �the old man who gets up grumbling about his back and complaining of these dang females who wake a man in the middle of the night. While Ma stirs up some vittles, changes the baby, wakes and dresses the other children, reminds Pa to wash his face and feed the mule, she chunks the fire, empties the slop jars and chamber pots, reminds Billy to wash his ears, finds a hair ribbon for Susie, and lines up the caps for the boys and bonnets for the girls. All this is done while the bacon is sizzling. It is now time to start the day's work. She remembers that this is wash day and soap must be made, peach tree bark gathered to "sweeten" the clothes, butter to churn, the cow to feed and milk, eggs to gather, garden patch to hoe and weed, and try to get Pa to string a new clothes line. While she's athinkin' of the day's work to come, she's stopped two fights among the young'uns, stirred up a dozen eggs, whipped up a batch of buckwheat batter, raked some ashes aside for the lye to make soap, baked some cornpone for Pa' s six houn' dogs, and shelled fourteen ears of corn for the chickens. Now Pa's back from the barn, complainin' that somebody done moved the string he had saved for the clothesline. Ma reaches over and slaps Billy across the rump, for she saw him use that string on his kite. By now it's might-nigh daylight, and while 57 �Ma washes the dishes, sweeps off the hearth, carries out the ashes, makes up the beds and runs the "brood" out of the house for some fresh air, Pais oilin' his rifle so's he can go rabbit huntin'. The Civil War placed many more demands on country women. We have heard little about the hundreds of thousands of plain, ordinary, country women who stayed at home and performed all the necessary chores previously done by their husbands in addition to their own housework. According to all accounts, there just weren't enough daylight hours to get all the chores done, so after the children were put to bed, she would go out into the fields and plow the crops by moonlight, or kill the hogs, or cut firewood. She did all these things in addition to encouraging her husband and sons in the army. Supplies and clothing were provided by these country women. Bandages for the wounded were made at home, and if nursing skills were needed, it was the women who provided them. One might think that the slaves could perform these functions, yet surprisingly more than 75 per cent of the white southerners had no slaves at all. Those who had as many as 20 slaves were exempt from conscription into military service. The same applied to wealthy Northerners who could hire someone to serve their enlistments. As a result, it was the poor farmers 58 �and tradesmen who served as soldiers in the Civil War. Unquestionably, the monuments on every town square pay tribute to the soldiers who served the Confederacy. By far, the greater sacrifice was by the women who were left at home. In all fairness, alongside the man with the gun should be a woman in her bonnet and shawl, with a plow at one hand, a spinning wheel at the other, and a cradle rocking at her feet. 59 �Buckeyes for Rumatiz Hill folks pay a lot more attention to the little things and happenings in their lives than city folks. They have learned over the years from their parents and their own observations that the little "signs" can save a lot of grief, maybe even one's life. Many signs and superstitions were brought over from the old country, but a lot were incubated right here in the Carolina foothills. Farming was a necessary part of livelihood, and an early frost, late spring, rain, snow, or drought had much to do with the success or failure of their crops. With no weather forecasts, they had to depend on signs which indicated when to plant, when to harvest, when cold weather was coming etc. The following are some of the more common signs that a lot of folks believe in to this day. Weather Signs A ring around the moon means dry weather. The number of stars within the ring indicates the number of days before rain. It won't rain under a new moon until the point tilts down. If a new moon falls on Saturday, look for twenty days of bad weather. 60 �The first frost comes three months after the first katydid is heard. The amount of mast (acorns and nuts) will tell whether to expect a hard or a mild winter. Thickness of corn husks or animal fur and the width of a caterpillar's stripe denote the severity of the coming winter. If the fire sputters or fizzles, look out for bad weather. There will be as many snows in winter as there were fogs in August. When duck, geese, and guineas make a fuss, it's a sign of a storm. Sky red in the morning- a sailor's warning. Sky red at night - a sailor's delight. Folks who can see Grandfather Mountain say he's a pretty good weather prophet. If he has his hat on (a cloud around the peak), look out for bad weather. If he's smiling (clear), you can expect ten days of good weather. Social and Miscellaneous Signs and Superstitions A buckeye carried in the hip-pocket wards off rheumatism. If you drop your fork on the floor, your love life is in trouble. Sweeping under the feet of a girl when she's sitting down will guarantee she will be an old maid. A thunderstorm will sour milk. When a fire in the fireplace roars up the chimney, there will be a fuss in the family. If your wedding day is windy, it's a sign of good luck. If your second toe is bigger than your "big" toe, you'll be the boss in your family. 61 �If you sneeze before breakfast, you'll have company that day. If a fisherman cusses, fish will not bite. Corn does best planted when the oak leaves are the size of squirrel ears. Do you avoid walking under ladders, go in one door and out another, sit against the planks in a card game, "stamp" every white horse or mule you see, go around the same side of a tree or post when walking with a companion? If you do, welcome to the club "old-timer." 62 �Sayin's and Meanin's I have discovered that when I leave the mountains, I have difficulty getting others to understand what I am trying to say ... particularly in the North. Even when I spell it out, they ask me to repeat it. The fact is that they just don't know what good, old, pure English is. There is some disagreement among scholars regarding the origin of mountain dialect. I am inclined to believe that the people of the Southern Appalachians have retained much of the Old Country speech which was handed down to them in its purest form by their ancestors from olde England. There is too much evidence of the Elizabethean era to ignore, although some expressions are obviously contemporary with Daniel Boone times. The following are some of the more common words and expressions used in our section of the country: Air- Frequently used for are or is. "He air a good boy." Agin- When. "Hit'll be late agin I git through." Aim- Plan. "I aim to finish plowing 'fore dark." Am- Used to press clothes. "My am got too hot." Bile - Boil. "Hit looks as iffin this here pot will never bile." Bar- Bear. "Ole Nim Grey wuz the best bar hunter around." Cheer- A piece of furniture. "Draw up a cheer and set." Clum- Past tense of climb. "He clum that tree like a squirrel." Crick- Creek. "I fell offen the foot log, smack dab in the crick." Far- Fire. 63 �Fit- Fight. "I gotta help them Forest Rangers fit the far." Fotch - Past tense of fetch. "Fetch me that jug!" "I fotch one yestiddy." Fur piece- Long distance. "It's a fur piece to town." Gully washer- Very hard rain. Holpe- Help. "You don't holpe me, I'll tell your Pa." Kivered- Covered. ''I'm plumb kivered up with work." Leave- Let. "You better leave me be." Mought- Might. "It's mought nigh dinner time." Nigh - Near or almost. Quair- Strange or teched. "Ain't he jest a leetle quair?" Ruint- Spoiled. "The pot tamed over and ruint my beans." Snuck- Past tense of sneak. "He snuck in the barn." Seed- Past tense of see. "I seed you when you done it." Shet- Close. "Shet the door." Taters - Potatoes. Vittles- Food. "Weren't for taters and 'lasses, wouldn't be no vittles. Warnets- Walnuts. Yander - Yonder. "He taken sick" - To become ill. "Get out" - Busy as all get out. "Weak as pond water"- A sorry drink or weak sermon. "I'll learn him" - A threat of violence. "I ain't losing no sleep" - I'm not worried. "Light and set" - Get off your horse and stay a while. "How be ye?" - How are you? "A faultin' woman"- One who nags constantly. "Git or gitten for get" -"Hits gitten ready fer to snow." 64 �Snake'ing the Kivers Time moves so rapidly, and customs have changed so drastically in the past century, that many people don't even recognize the names of essential items that were commonplace to their ancestors. A few of the words have been deleted from modern dictionaries because of disuse. Some of the tools used in construction of the early homes were the adz, froe, auger, and broadaxe. Singletree, hame, backstrap, crupper, or hoke were common names to those fortunate enough to have horses, mules, or oxen. In the house was the indispensible fly brush, trundlebed, loom, flax wheel, bellows, anvil, and maul. Some of the earliest homes didn't have floors, but were built on the ground with pine needles, rushes, or just the bare earth. Later homes had puncheon floors, which were split logs with the flat side turned up. Poisonous snakes were always a problem for the early settlers. Their log or pole cabins were generally crude affairs with cracks large enough to see daylight on all sides, and snakes could slip in most any place. It became essential for cabin dwellers to "snake" the covers before retiring for bed. This practice involved removing all the bedclothes from the beds and shaking 65 �thoroughly before climbing in for the night. Early roads in the mountain areas were rough and barely passable. This attributed to the good relationships between neighbors of the region. As one old-timer once said, "The few inhabitants were mostly good because the region was so rough and the roads were so bad that the devil could hardly get through." Before the county took over the responsibility, the first road systems in the area were kept up by the local men. All males between the ages of 21 and 45 who lived along a section or road were required to donate their labor for several days each year toward keeping the dirt roads passable. They would meet at designated places with their shovels, mattocks, and other tools to fill up the pot holes, open ditches, and grub stumps from the trails. There were no doctors in the early days and very few midwives or "granny-women" to care for expectant mothers, so everyone learned to makedo with what they had. One custom that was quite prevalent was to "snuff' the wife at birthing time. That was done by putting a pinch of strong snuff in each nostril which would cause violent sneezing and aid in the delivery of the child. The first settlers in a region ate "high on the hog," as we say down South, since wild game was plentiful and the deer, bear, turkey, etc. provided the main meat rations needed without 66 �much effort. It was not unusual for a good hunter to kill as many as two hundred deer and one hundred bear in a normal life span. However, as the population increased, the supply of game decreased to such an extent that settlers had to resort to smaller animals for food. Eventually, it became very difficult to kill enough rabbits, squirrels, and. other small game to feed the large families of that day, so pigs and other livestock replaced the deer for meat. During this transitional period from wild game to domesticated animals, folks lived pretty hard, learning to eat most anything that moved. Animals that were formerly spurned for food such as turtles, frogs, and possums found their way into the pots of the hungry population. Most everyone had a spring house which consisted of a little room built around and over the spring with a trough for the cold water to run through. In this trough were placed crocks of milk, butter, fruits, and vegetables to keep cool. An apple house or "tater hole" was necessary to keep these foods through the winter. Hams and meats were cured and stored in smoke houses. In the early days, cows, pigs, chickens, and turkeys were allowed to run loose and feed on the native mast of the forests and fields. Western ranchers branded their cattle, but in the mountains the livestock generally had their ears notched a certain way to distinguish one 67 �man's stock from another. Some questionable characters would cut the whole ear off for a distinguishing mark. Occasionally, feuds were started by arguments and suspicions about whose calf was whose. Education was a sort of hit or miss affair. A community was considered lucky if it could secure the services of a teacher who had attended one or two years of college. Classes were first held in homes or churches until little one-room log school houses were built. These school houses generally didn't have fireplaces or any other means of heat, so classes were held only for three months during the summer. In some sections a two-week "writing'' school would be held where, for a small fee, children and adults would be taught to write. Many of the old documents were written with beautiful penmanship, but had very poor spelling and composition. Stores were few and far between, so "peddlers" roamed the sparsely settled countryside with huge packs on their backs filled with spices, scissors, knives, ribbon, etc. They were always welcomed, fed, and entertained because of the news they brought from other parts of the country. Even though newspapers were printed from the earliest days, there were no reliable delivery methods in the Hill Country until a national system of mail delivery was established. Deliveries then were by horseback, and few of 68 �the inhabitants could afford to buy papers, even if they were able to read. Today's good roads, electricity, schools, and tourism have made a big change in the foothills. Despite all these changes, the people still retain their simplicity and self-reliance that enabled them to prosper in earlier days. 69 �House Raisings and Parlors Constructing a home in early mountain times was a major undertaking. It took the efforts of an entire family and help from generous neighbors to build even the most simple log house. Generally, when a community was established, they would have a "house raising" for each family. Everyone would gather from miles around to help "raise" the house. Clearing the land was the first step taken when building a house. This served a dual purpose since land was needed for both a house and an area where crops could be planted, and the timber was used to cut logs for the house. The logs that formed the houses were about eight inches thick, 14 to 24 inches wide, and usually 20 to 24 feet long. Dovetailed joints were used to put the logs together. Fourteen inch by fourteen inch plates held in place by wooden hickory pegs one-and-one-half to two inches in diameter secured the dovetailed joints at the top. The chimneys and fireplaces were constructed of native stone. Red or white clay was used to hold together the stones. Fireplaces were usually five to seven feet wide and four to five feet high. This gave enough room for the 70 �Preserved log cabin heating and cooking at the same time. The early houses had no windows, only holes cut the front and back with shutters to cover them. There were no locks of any kind on the doors. Wooden latches operated by strings which could be pulled in at night were the only method of securing the house. Most log houses had only a kitchen and master bedroom for adults downstairs and a loft upstairs for the children. Some folks had a "parlor," used only when special company or the parson paid a visit. Neighbors and family were entertained in the master bedroom or kitchen by the huge fireplace. Visitors were always welcomed by the mountain people as their social gatherings were limited to "house raisings," 71 �"corn shuckings," and "quilting bees" in the winters, and the summers were devoted to farming tasks. 72 �Much Obliged Mountain folks have always been the most polite group of people I have ever known. Unless you know their habits and customs, you would probably think just the opposite. For instance, the man would walk ahead of his wife, sometimes quite a distance, and let her carry the groceries or other packages. In our ignorance we might think that was the height of rudeness, yet his reasons for doing so make him quite chivalrous. He goes ahead to ward off danger to his family. There might have been a hostile Indian, bear, mountain lion, or rattlesnake just around the corner. Give a family a gift, and you'll receive a ··much obliged," and a gift in return. They refuse to be "beholden" to anyone and are very proud and self-sufficient. Even a visit will get a jar of preserves, flowers, canned goods or other tokens of appreciation. The worst community crime is to steal or tattle on your neighbor. I've heard people criticized more for stealing than for killing. The fact is that in the early days stealing was about the same as murder. When one has worked and slaved for a bare existence and some of that was stolen, a terrible hardship was caused. Since 73 �your neighbors were all in the same circumstances, if you borrowed from them, two families would go hungry instead of one. In the Old West you could get hanged for stealing a horse. Here, one penalty was to have your ear notched or cut off so the whole world could tell you were a thief. I don't know if this was a legal penalty, but I do know that it was a custom. Except for the young "dare devils," most mountain folk obey all the rules of the road when driving or walking. They will pull over to let you pass. If you have car trouble, they will invariably stop to help. Day or night they are willing to help a neighbor or stranger in trouble. This trait is part of the mountain "code" handed down from earlier days when a community's motto was "one for all and all for one" or "you scratch my back, and I'll scratch yours." I can remember when there would be only one threshing machine in a whole community. When the small grain was ripe, all the men in the neighborhood would gather on each man's farm in turn. The women folks would gather also to cook a "rip snortin" good meal for the men folks. Earlier, the same cooperation was seen in "house raisings." Mter a man had cut his logs for a new house, his neighbors would help to build or "raise" the logs for his home. "Quilting bees," corn shuckings, or sickness 74 �of any kind would invariably bring your neighbors over to help out. Those were the days when the "latch string" was always out. No one locked a door since there was no need to fear your neighbors. Mountain men are very persistent lovers. They select the gal they want and won't take "no" for an answer. They hold their women in high esteem and will protect their good names with their fists or guns if necessary. Mountain 'folks are also very particular about appearances. Should you offer a lone woman a ride home, she will ride in the back seat, even if you know her well. They don't take chances of being "talked about." Sometimes during the courtship, "the corn is planted before the fence is built." In most instances the couple marry either willingly or at the business end of a shortgun. Occasionally, however, the girl decides that she doesn't like her suitor enough for marriage. In this case the offspring is known as a "woods colt." Most are very frank about this and there is seldom any stigma attached to the child or mother. This group of mountain manners, along with many others, will not be found in any formal book of etiquette. They are merely part of the code that has been accepted and adhered to through the years by its people. 75 �Coon Huntin' People the world over are mighty prideful of their huntin' dogs. Mountain folks in North Carolina are no exception. There is just not much of anything a mountain man had "druther" do than take his prized coon dogs huntin'. Just imagine a cold, clear, fall night, with the moon a'shinin', a light frost in the makin', when the persimmons are good and ripe, a pack of restless dogs a 'whining and straining at the leash', your wife busy packing a few "vittles" to nibble on the way. Now coons and foxes are about the smartest of the wild animals, and there's always an argument between two groups of hunters as to which is the best huntin'. Personally, I prefer coon to fox. There's more excitement. A fox covers so much territory that you can't follow the hounds like you can coon huntin'. Listening to a good coon race can be as exciting as a modern day NASCAR Race with Petty, Foyt, and Johnson all battling for first place. Each man knows his own dogs' voices and can even tell by the tone how close he's getting to the quarry. I've seen and heard some mighty good stories on these trips, and some lies and 76 �arguments too. To accuse another man's dog of lyin' (that is, barking at the moon instead of the coon), is a fightin' excuse. People have to be mighty careful when talking of the other fellow's best friend. One of the best old huntin' stories I've heard contains a moral that is applicable today. It concerns three men: Misters A ·and B and Colonel C. It seems A and B had a serious "fallin' out" over a piece of worthless land and were not on speaking terms at all. Folks git mighty "riled" up over their land or dogs. Well, Mr. A went coon hun tin' one night and "unbeknoingest" to him, the family pet by the name of Trip had followed the other coon dogs to the woods. Every time the pack would hit a hot trail, little Trip would get excited and run around and around in circles out of pure exuberance. This, of course, got the pack so confused that they would lose the trail. Mr. A called and called "Here Trip! Come on Tripi That's a good pup! Here! Here!" until he was plumb hoarse. At long last, with his patience pretty exhausted, and his hunt ruin't, Mr. A picked up a pine knot, threw it at the little dog, and unluckily killed him dead as a door nail. Mr. A just sat there looking at Trip and cried, knowing how the children would feel about their pet, until finally a diabolical scheme was hatched in his vindictive mind. Little Trip was just the size of 77 �a nice plump possum, so why not dress him and send him to his mortal enemy, Mr. B. This would serve two purposes. The first was to get even with Mr. B. The second was that he could tell the kids that Trip had run away. So that's what he did. Well, it so happened that Mr. B was off on a journey, and Mrs. B didn't want to cook possum for just one person, so she sent it to Colonel C with her compliments. I imagine you've guessed by now what happened. Colonel C invited Mr. A to dinner. What did they have? Little dog Trip, all fixed up with salt, pork, sweet 'taters, and all the trimmings! After the meal, Mr. A rared back, picking his teeth, and complimented the good Colonel on a delicious meal. "By the way, Colonel, that's the best possum I've et in many a day. Where'd you catch him?" When Colonel C informed him of the hospitality of neighbor B, Mr. A turned pale, then green, excused himself hurriedly, ran out the back door, grabbed hold of a sapling tree and started praying, not to the Lord, but to Trip. He said, "Dear Trip, I called you once, twice, and even ten times, and you wouldn't come! Now I call you just once more." And Trip finally came. 78 �The Valley's First Industry This is not a story of heroes or villians. It is a short tale of a way of life for thousands of mountain people in earlier times. The first settlers established their homesteads where game was most plentiful, which was generally in the mountain regions. By the time most of the game was depleted, other farmers had already occupied the rich, level, bottom land which left mountain folks with poor, steep, rocky marginal land that a goat could hardly survive on. Roads were so bad that it was nearly impossible for a poor mountain farmer to get what little corn he could grow to market. A natural process evolved that enabled him to make a living by grinding his corn into meal, running it through a homemade still, and selling the resulting product as corn likker. To make good corn whiskey, one had to sprout some of the corn until it was just right before grinding. This was done by placing some of the corn in a sack and keeping it sprinkled with water. Mter the corn was sprouted, it would be ground in a coffee mill which would take many hours. This meal would then be poured into "still beer," which was similar to 79 �cooked corn mush. In three or four days this would ferment into a mash that would be run through a copper distillery. Most moonshine businesses began as a small family operation that produced only ten to twenty gallons of moonshine per day after weeks of preparation. Later on, as business became more profitable, everyone began making it in larger quantities. Competition was keen since there was a good profit in moonshine; that is, if you didn't get caught. Some family feuds were started over the business. As blockading operations became big business, making and delivering moonshine became a game-a fierce competitive game between the local and Federal officers and blockaders. Special cars were equipped to haul the liquor. Most of the blockaders used Ford cars with a Cadillac motor installed and extra springs on the back. A car thus equipped could haul 25 cases of liquor at a time. The driver's duty was to outrun and outguess their adversaries. The adversaries, federal agents most often referred to as Revenooers, were given the difficult task of catching the culprit at his still. A 30-year veteran federal agent once said that in all his years of chasing blockaders, he had never had his pistol out of his holster. He also said that the most dangerous part of his job was running 80 �into barbed wire fences while trying to catch a man at his still. Men caught making moonshine seldom had any animosity towards the federal agents. They knew that the agent was just doing his job and that he had just "outsmarted" them. Enforcement of bootlegging laws was largely left up to local sheriffs during Prohibition. This posed a quite a sensitive and peculiar problem for local law enforcers since the blockaders were quite often friends and neighbors of the sheriff and his deputies, and they realized that they were just trying to make a living for their families. There was also the matter of politics. Sheriffs were elected by popular vote, and in times past there were so many people involved in the moonshine business that they had quite an impact at election time. In the first place, many voters wanted to have a convenient source of supply for their own benefit. Then there was the attitude shared by many that voiced, "We don't want nobody from Washington telling us what we can or can't do." What generally happened was that the blockaders were allowed to operate rather freely until they were reported by some informer. The law then had to act, one way or the other. Most of the operators had at least one friend among the deputies who would try to get word to them that their still had been reported. 81 �82 �83 �Sometimes a deputy would tell his friend, "I hear you've been farming in the woods." That was warning enough for the blockader to move his still immediately. Informers came in both sexes and for many different reasons. Jealousy was one reason: "If my still got cut down, I'd see that John's still was caught also." Sometimes a wife, whose husband was drinking too much, would find out where it was coming from and report it to the sheriff. Occasionally, hunters would run across a still, and if they were ardent drys, they would report the location. Most of the old-timers knew who the moonshiners were and where they were operating. If they needed to replenish their likker supply, they would go to the nearest blockader and say something like this: ''Me and Joe and Paul would like to coon hunt a little tonight. Do you know where the best place is? If we see anything, we won't tell." One coon hunter wasn't quite so wise to the ways of the mountains. He and his companions ran across a still one night, and he made the mistake of telling it around town. A friendly deputy told the operator about it, and the next time that group went "a coon huntin' " and came back to where they had parked their car, they found nothing but a piece of junk. Blackmail became a lucrative venture for some law enforcement officials. It seems that in 84 �those days retailers of contraband were required to pay some member of the sheriffs department an "insurance" fee. This fee was paid to assure the operator of a still that their establishment wouldn't be raided before sufficient warning was given. Occasionally, a deputy would become greedy and demand additional "insurance" payments. One operator's refusal to pay a double fee led to the downfall and end to Russell Mull's moonshine making. His was one of the most colorful careers in the business. Mull was the owner of a small country store and a chicken farm. These two businesses enabled him to buy grain, sugar, jars, and bottles used in the manufacture and sale of whiskey. His operation was unusual because of the quality he exercised in the manufacture of his whiskey and the honesty with which he dealt with his customers. Mull's business was so profitable that he sent out calendars to his customers at Christmas. He took so much pride in the quality of his product that he had labels printed to paste on the pint bottles. To get a pint of Mull's moonshine, one had only to drive back of the house, toot the car horn, tell who you were, and receive the merchandise through the bedroom window. After refusing to pay a local deputy more "insurance," Mull's premises were raided and his moonshine confiscated. Mull was tried 85 �Label from Russell Mull's moonshine 86 �before a federal judge where some the area's most prominent citizens testified to the good character of Russell Mull and his role as an outstanding community member. Following the trial, Mull disposed of all his whiskey except for two kegs which he buried in his garden. From that day until he died, Russell Mull never sold another pint. He joined the church, attended regularly, and became one of the largest contributors to the Baptist church near his home. Years Jater while discussing the "good old days," I asked Russ if he knew of anyone who sold good stuff like he used to handle, and the answer was "NOI" It was then that he told me about the kegs. Finally, he dug the kegs up and brought me a jar as a gift. In my opinion, there's nothing in the ABC store that could touch it. 87 �Kickapoo Medicine Co. In the 1800s, traveling medicine shows constituted one of the most popular and rewarding (to promoters) entertainments to be seen throughout the country. The shows probably had their beginnings with loquacious peddlers who would hawk their homemade remedies from their backpacks or wagons. Since most of the so called "patent" medicines could be prepared the night before using spring water, sugar, a little alcohol, and flavoring, the peddlers made much more profit from these items than from goods they had to buy and resell. The profit potential was so great that enterprising merchants gradually increased the entertainment features to attract crowds, until some actually had as many as two or three hundred actors in different shows. One of the largest of its kind was the Kickapoo Indian Medicine Company which employed 300 Indians, none of them Kickapoos, from Indian agents and traveled by train instead of wagons. One testimonial that they used was as follows: "I have been troubled for years with a disease that baffled the doctors. I finally bought 88 �and took one 25-cent box of Kickapoo Indian Worm Killer, and soon enough, to my great astonishment, I passed a tapeworm measuring, head and all, a full fifty feet." In 1838, P. T. Barnum went into the medicine show business with a German named Proler. They traveled in a stylish wagon promoting what they called "Genuine Bear Grease" which promised to cover a bald head with beautiful, glossy, curly hair. One of the early "tent shows" that came to the area regularly was owned by Jack King who set up on vacant lots. After the first few performances, however, my parents declared this show "off limits" because their jokes were not exactly of the "parlor" variety, and the actresses showed a little more skin than little boys were supposed to see. If I remember correctly, King himself acted as the comedian. He called himself "Freckles," sported a red wig, snaggled teeth, and had large freckles painted on his face. He often encouraged local talent to perform when the show held its amateur nights. Before Hollywood took over the entertainment field, the Redpath Chautauqua had a regular circuit in this area. Their tents were erected on old ball park grounds where they put on stage shows, musicals, lectures, and other uplifting performances. The stage show I remember best was a com89 �edy called "Sweet Clover." This was a play in which the star took a pleasure trip to South America on a ship named Sweet Clover only to discover that the vessel hauled fertilizer along with the passengers. When one of the actors pronounced the name of the ship, you could actually smell the odor, and for weeks afterwards little boys would go around town holding their noses and hollering, "Sweet Clover." Watching television commercials today makes one wonder if anything has changed except for the medium of communication. Instead of catarrh, flux, consumption, and the vapors, we now have "tired blood." If you believe what they tell us, all it takes to put the doctors out of business is a little Sine-Aid, Geritol, Fern-Iron, Hadacol, and Lydia E. Pinkam's Pink Pills for Pale People. 90 �Brown Mountain Spooks "An orange colored light, looking like a ball of fire, seemed to come straight up from the trees on the distant mountain top. It grew bigger and brighter, flickered for three or four seconds, then went down again, disappearing in the tree tops." (The State). The ·above is a description of these mysterious lights that seems to be average. If three different persons were to see the lights at the same time, you might get three different descriptions: one might say the light was orange; one, green; and the other, blue. Number one says it came up, drifted to the left and went out; number two says to the right; and number three might say it went straight up. If there was a fourth person, he might say he couldn't see them at all. My first sight of the "spooks" was in 1925 when my school class went to the top of Gingercake Mountain for a combination picnic and "light looking." It was so difficult to point out the correct area in which to look at night that I don't believe more than half the class saw anything except each other. Over the years since that trip, I have heard many stories attempting to explain the "lights," but none are very con91 �vincing. Brown Mountain is located in Burke County, about 20 miles north of Morganton, North Carolina off North Carolina Highway 181, and about eight miles southeast of Gingercake Mountain at Jonas Ridge. It's a long, straightbacked ridge about 3,500 feet in elevation with numerous outcroppings of huge, brown and grey colored rock formations. As a child, I had heard that the National Geographic Society, in cooperation with some federal government agency had studied these lights without finding any satisfactory solution -at least to the local people. They seemed to believe that they were a reflection or refraction from railroad train lights in the neighboring county, but then the old-timers recalled that in 1916 during the "Big Flood," all bridges were washed out, no trains running, and still the lights could be seen. In 1913, the Charlotte Observer had an account of the "spooks" with no apparent solution. I read one story, I believe, in the WinstonSalem ] ournal, about several men who were investigating the lights from the top of Brown Mountain itself when suddenly the "light" appeared, and they all fell to the ground unconscious. This story I find hard to believe. My guess is that the falling down and resultant stupor was caused by the illicit products of a nearby still instead of any act of nature. 92 �A local reputable insurance salesman, and so far as I know, not addicted to tall tales or moonshine, gives the following account of his experiences: Several other men and I took a jeep to the top of Brown Mountain in 1963 just to see if we could substantiate these lights. After waiting in the pitch darkness for a long time until we were about to give up and go home, suddenly from nowhere, and from no apparent source, we could see each other in the dark, and even distinguish our finger nails in this ghostly light. It lasted perhaps five to ten seconds, and we were in the dark again. I don't know what it was, but I do know it was." Over the years there have been numerous efforts to capitalize on the "lights" by constructing towers, seats, or parking facilities and charging an admission fee. None of them have been successful, for the lights can be seen from so many vantage points. The Blue Ridge Parkway, Linville Mountain, Blowing Rock, and many other places provide excellent locations to view the phenomena. 93 �The Ice Man One of my heroes as a child was the neighborhood ice man. I used to watch for that guy in the summer like I did for Santa Claus in the winter. I suppose my supreme ambition, however, was to remain a little boy forever. Growing up was a disaster which I still resent. It was so wonderful just to blink an eye and become captain of a pirate ship on the Spanish Main, swinging my cutlass in one hand and pistol in the other. Or I could straddle a stick and ride my bucking bronco through the cow pasture on to the wide western plains. I'm sure that I lassoed more longhorns, branded more calves, and shot more Indians and outlaws than John Wayne ever did in his prime. Seeing a wild grapevine hanging from a tree transformed me immediately into Tarzan, swinging from limb to limb. No matter that the vine invariably broke, dumping me into a bunch of poison oak and honeysuckle, it was worth it. On a hot, dusty day in August when the bell on the ice wagon signaled its arrival, every kid in the neighborhood would try to be first to get the "snow" that the ice man made sawing on his block of ice. If you were first and lucky, you 94 �might even get a few slivers of ice from the wagon bed. In those days everyone had an icebox since there was no such thing as an electric refrigerator in these parts. Those boxes were built quite like refrigerators today except the upper section was designed to hold a 75- or 100-pound block of ice. Each household was supplied a square cardboard poster with a small window in the bottom. On the back was a circular cardboard "wheel" that could be turned, exposing through the window the number of pounds of ice desired. The bell on the wagon was to alert the housewife to post her sign. Books of tickets were available at the ice house or from the deliveryman good for 10, 15, 25, 50 or 75 pounds. The ice wagon had a roof over the top to keep out the sun, but was open at the back with a wide step. The horse pulling the wagon was trained to stop at each house along the street. When the iceman saw a sign that read 25 pounds, he would pick up his saw and measure the correct size of the big block, and that's when the fun began. As he pulled that long, coarse saw across the ice, "ice dust" or "snow" would squirt out from both sides while the neighborhood kids were drooling back of the wagon for a chance to scoop up a handful. The deliveryman wore a leather or rubber 95 �apron with an extra piece to throw across his shoulder. After the ice was cut to size, he would pick it up with his tongs, throw it on his shoulder, and carry it off as it if were as light as a feather. One of my chores at home was to empty the pan from under the ice box each day as the ice melted into water. If I forgot it, which was not infrequently, the pan would overflow all over the pantry floor, and the mop I had to get. This happened so often that my father finally drilled a hole in the floor, put a funnel in the hole so the water just dripped out into the basement. Most every Saturday, in very hot weather, we would order extra ice to made ice cream in one of those old-fashioned, hand-cranked freezers. I sure hated to turn the handle, but I didn't mind eating the finished product. 96 �Victorian Foibles Remember the automobile tail fins of a few years ago? I have often wondered if anyone considered those useless, ridiculous, monstrosities attractive. I'm inclined to believe that some practical joker was just trying to discover how far we idiot consumers would go before rebelling. Yet, ours is not the only generation that has been made ridiculous by designers of fashion and custom. Consider the Victorian era. Queen Victoria was crowned queen of England in 1838 and two years later married Prince Albert, the gentleman whose picture has been on millions and millions of tobacco cans. She reigned for more than 50 years during the height of the British Empire's most glorious days. For the 50th anniversary of her reign, England put on a spectactular show, called the Golden Jubilee, with dignitaries from all over the world paying honor to this most distinguished lady. Ten years later, an even larger pageant, called the Diamond Jubilee, was displayed with all members of the Commonwealth honored. The period of years just before, during, and after her reign has been known as the Victorian era, which, on a comparative basis, had some remarkable fashions 97 �Speaking of tall fins, did you ever see a "bustle?" This was a wire cage about the size of a peck basket that women fastened over their posterior under their dresses to accent this part of their anatomy. Also in fashion were hoop skirts with a four to five foot spread. Even everyday dresses were long, nearly to the ground, so that girl watchers were fortunate to even catch a glimpse of a trim ankle. Men who were looking for a wife had to take a whale of a chance. Though it was not uncommon to catch a glimpse of the "great divide" on the ballroom floor, he never knew for sure whether his bride-to-be had two legs or not. The word "leg'' was taboo when applied to a female. It was called a "limb." Makes me think of a song they used to sing: "After the ball was over, Jennie took out her glass eye; Put her cork leg in the comer, took off her bottle of dye. Put her false teeth in the water, hung up her wig on the walls, Then all went to dreamland ... after the ball." All babies back then were either delivered by the stork or found in a cabbage patch. Even the word "sex" was taboo. So were many other things that are common today. Undergarments worn by women were referred to, if at all, as unmentionables; corsets were a must and sometimes required two people to lace them up the back. Any girl caught dancing, playing cards, smoking, or dating without a chaperone was considered a ••fast" woman whose morals 98 �were questionable. Aunt Nancy Jones, the respected midwife or granny woman who delivered more area babies than all the doctors combined, told about one very prominent, straight-laced, Christian woman who was confined. After an examination Aunt Nancy said, "Mrs. G., I believe you are going to have twins." "Nonsense," replied Mrs. G. "Only Common people have twins." · Over the years Victorian furniture became more and more fancy with all kinds of geegaws, scrolls, crowns, and inlays upon inlays. Many chests and washstands had marble tops which are still in great demand today. Many towns still have a number of houses built during this period that have very fancy "gingerbread" trimming, domes, steeples, gazebos, catwalks, and all kinds of ornamentation on the roofs. Like the tail fins, these things had no practical purpose, but were merely ornamental, or perhaps an expression by the owners of their newly acquired affluence. 99 �Don't Slam the Door "I didn't mean to slam the door. In fact, I didn't really slam it, just pushed it open and it slammed itself." I guess my poor mother admonished me hundreds of times about that screen door, but when your best friend calls for you to come out and play, what's a boy gonna do? He just doesn't walk out the door. He runs. That's when that contrary door would slam itself. Then, when halfway across the street, Mother would call, "Alexander!" When she used that tone of voice, Alexander would jump. "Come back here and shut that door properly." So I would reluctantly go back open the door, and close it very, very carefully. With so many houses air conditioned today, the old screen doors have about passed into oblivion. Now, with the newfangled door closures, one doesn't hear those old-timey slams and bangs that used to echo up and down the street in the summertime. Gone too are the spacious front porches where neighbors would sit and fraternize in the shank of the evening and courtin' couples would snuggle up in the swing. Every porch had j ardineers and pots of ferns and flowers, comfortable rocking chairs, a 100 �porch swing, and best of all, people. With our doors tightly closed now, we miss the sights and sounds of the old neighborhood. Kids on their tricycles, others scrambling after lightning bugs, the neighbor's tom cat stalking sparrows, couples strolling around the block and stopping to pass the time of day. It isn't that people are less friendly than they used to be. They are just more self-centered and afraid. We come home after work and unlock the door that use to stay open, cut on the air conditioning, shut the door, and turn on the "boobtube." We have forgotten what we are missing. My grandfather's log house, which he inherited from his father, originally consisted of one large room with a fireplace which was the combined living and master bedroom. Thesecond floor housed a loft bedroom. About fifteen feet from the main house was a smaller two-story log house that was used for a kitchen with the second story for the hired help. All cooking was done over the large fireplaces. Connecting these two buildings was a roof over that was called a "dog trot" where the numerous hound dogs slept curled against the chimney. When I became old enough to spend some time there, two wings had been added to the main house. One was a lean-to on the back in which was housed the new kitchen and dining room. The kitchen was equipped with a new 101 �.. Majestic" wood stove and the dining room with a long homemade walnut table that would easily seat 12-14 people. The other wing was attached to the end of the house and contained the parlor, guest room, and additional bedrooms upstairs. At the time of my first visit, no screens had been installed on the windows, and bugs, bees, and flies could fly in one window and hopefully, fly out the other. To keep the flies off the food were what we called ..shoo-flies." These were long hickory switches or sticks with shredded paper attached which, when waved through the air, would keep the flies jumping. When fly paper became plentiful, sheets were scattered around with long streamers hanging from ceilings. And, of course, across the front of the whole house was a big front porch. I don't recall any old houses that didn't have front porches, even the tiny one-room cabins. I remember once complaining to my father about a neighbor who had effectively cut off our ..short-cut" through his yard by putting a fence around his whole lot. Dad said then that the bad part about fencing other people out was that those who did it also fenced themselves in. I suppose that's what we are doing to ourselves when we shut the door and cut on the TV. If you don't have a porch, try sitting in your yard in the moonlight; listen to the katydids, watch the lightning bugs and say hello to your 102 �neighbors. You'll be glad you did. 103 �Longjohns and Featherbeds In the early part of this century "central heating'' was unheard in this part of the world. There was such a thing as "steam heat," used mostly in public buildings, schools, etc., that consisted of a central steam boiler, located generally in the basement, that was connected by iron pipes to those rattling, hissing, moaning gadgets called radiators. Central heating was the expression used later on to describe a large furnace located in the basement with just one iron grill situated above the furnace. That was the "central" and only source of the heat. The great majority of homes throughout this whole country were heated with fireplaces. Smaller houses had only one or two fireplaces, while larger two-story houses had as many as six to twelve. It took a lot of wood and a lot of poking to keep those fires going. In my father's home, which was built around 1900, there were seven fireplaces and a flue for a cook stove. I don't remember that we ever had more than three or four fires lit at one time, and that would only be when we had a house full of relatives. I don't remember that any of the older homes were insulated, and on a cold windy 104 �night every room in the house was mighty drafty. When a woman came in from the cold, the first thing she would do after taking off her coat, was back up to that fireplace. If no strangers were present, she would lift her skirt in the back to warm her backside. It got to be such a habit that I have seen men and women walk into a room in the summertime and head directly for the fireplace or stove. Here is where the "long johns," heavy knit or flannel underwear with long sleeves and legs, come in. Along about Thanksgiving out of the cedar chests or moth balls came those familiar garments for every member of the family. Children hated them, but they were possibly the only things that warded off pheumonia. Girls in particular despised those itchy winter garments, primarily because there was no way they could hide the bulky wrinkles under the black stockings of the day. Little boys just didn't care. Their stockings were always droopy and wrinkled anyway. Another practical garment in those days was the "red flannels." These were not necessarily red in color, but were generally referred to by that name. Those were sleeping garments, longsleeved night gowns made of flannel. They would sure keep you warm. However, my biggest problem in the winter was getting to my bedroom from that hot glowing fire in the fireplace. I had to run down that long, cold, 105 �unheated hall and then up those cold stairs and into a cold bed. Some of you old-timers may still remember the old "feather beds," a mattress stuffed with goose down. Bedded down in one of those beds with a couple of comforters or quilts on top, there was no way you could freeze to death. When you hair turns grey or falls out, and you have a lot of miles under your belt, it is pleasant to remember the old horse and buggy days. The times were less frantic, and the main topic of conversation was the weather. 106 �Winning is Everything Would you know what Harley Goode, Pat Abernathy, "Slats" Ledbetter, Mike Spainhour, Iverson Davis, Lona Jaynes, Will Patton, "Mig'' Billings, Worth Parker, Napoleon Avery and Hamp Erwin had in common? They were heroes, that's what-baseball heroes, and along with many others, were granted the red carpet treatment by the area's loyal fans. This area was a hotbed of rabid baseball fans with fine teams, community pride and a fierce desire to win. Their motto was, "We'll win, one way or the other." If we lost on the field, chances were some fans would try to win in the stands or bring home some cracked heads for the effort. There were no rules concerning eligibility of players in the early days, so a lot of tricks were employed by all the teams. The only thing that really counted was to win. When it became apparent that some rules would have to be observed, leagues were organized over the country and given ratings such as double A, triple A, etc., so that each team could compete against others of equal strength. These were called semi-pro and were generally not allied with "farm" teams that belonged to the Big League teams. Until strict rules were observed, it was not 107 �108 �uncommon for a team to import a "star" pitcher from out of state for just one or two games. Once when the home team played Hickory, the Hickory team brought most of the best players from the Charlotte team and beat the pants off of us. For the next home game, the Morganton team brought a star pitcher from Tennessee and some players from Asheville to beat the tar out of Hickory. Since gate receipts were seldom sufficient to cover costs, many area folks contributed their time and money toward the support of local teams. Community members were especially supportive of their teams. One season alone drew more than 66,000 fans at the ball park. Downtown stores closed during games because all their customers and employees were at the ball game. The players themselves were rarely professional ball players. Most considered baseball their summer or second job. One area player, who was a four-star collegiate athlete, funded a medical school education by playing baseball during his summers. An amusing story among the old-timers is that of the cement finisher who doubled as a ball player. He had to finish up a job and couldn't get to the game until the ninth inning. He rushed into the park covered with wet cement, grabbed a bat, and hit the winning home run. 109 �Child's Play Unfortunately, I'm not up to date on the younger generation's activities, but I can recollect a lot of the games that kids used to play. We didn't have the toys, bikes, television, or manufactured games that they have today, so most childhood activities consisted of things that cost no money, only a joy of life. Younger boys and girls played together until they reached the age at which separate games were more appealing to them. Little girls wanted to play "house" or "paper dolls," and little boys would play ··cowboys and Indians." During this transition stage, they would sometimes swap: ··rll play cowboy with you if you'll play house with me." One of the earliest group games was ••Ring Around the Roses." Children would hold hands in a circle while singing this little song: Ring around the roses, A pocket of posies. One - two - three, Squat, little Josie. At the word "squat" everyone would squat and the last one down was ··out." Do you remember ··Drop the handkerchief?" Children would circle as above and whoever 110 �was "it" would run around the outside and drop a handkerchief behind someone. If that person was able to outrun the other back to the starting point, then the other was "if' and would have to do the same. Other group games were "Button, Button, Who's Got the Button?," "Kick the Can," "Blind Man's Bluff," "Gossip," "Giant Steps," "Pretty Girl's Station," "Pop the Whip," "In and Out the Window," or "London Bridge is Falling Down." "London Bridge" was especially popular with us, and I still remember the song we sang while playing: London Bridge is falling down, falling down, falling down. London Bridge is falling down, my fair lady. Kids would form two lines, holding hands across the lane singing this song. Those at the end of the line would run through the lane and at the words "My Fair Lady," the gate would close by bringing the arms down around whoever happened to be there. "Red Rover" was played by forming two lines, holding hands as tightly as possible and chanting "Red Rover, Red Rover, let (calling someone's name in the other line) come over." Then the one called would try to break through the line and if unsuccessful, he would have to join the opposition. When there were not enough children for group games, there was always "Hopscotch," "Skip the Rope," "Jack Rocks," "Marbles," 111 �"Holey-Roley," "Paper Dolls," or "MumbleyPeg." Now "Mumbley-Peg'' was a good one. Played with a dual bladed pocket knife, the short blade was opened fully and the long blade only halfway. Balancing the knife on the ground with the forefinger under the handle, you would flip it into the air. If the knife came down on its side, it didn't count. If it rested on the big blade and the handle, the count was 25. If the big blade stuck into the ground, it counted 50. If both the small and large blades were touching the ground, the count was 75. If the small blade stuck up, the count was 100. The loser would have to kneel on the ground with hands behind his back and pull a peg or stick out of the ground with his teeth. We used to make what we called "tractors" using only a rubber band, match stick, spool and a piece of crayon. We would take the empty spool and put a rubber band through the hole, fastening one end of the band to one end of the spool, cut off a piece of crayon or bee's wax about the size of a washer with a hole in the middle for the rubber band to pass through, then stick a kitchen match in the loop of the band. When wound up, it would crawl along the floor or ground like a Caterpillar tractor. A trip to Asbury's Pond for a swim on a hot afternoon was a real treat for us youngsters. The admission fee was ten cents and worth every 112 �penny of it. Before the days of autos, radio, or television, the thing I remember with the most pleasure in the evenings were the tales my father would tell around the fire. It would always begin with, "Dad, tell us a story," and generally he would. The tales were completely ridiculous, but delightful for us children. 113 �Tin Lizzies & Whimmey-Dittles They called 'em "Tin Lizzies," "Flivers," or "Skeeters," and on cold frosty mornings when they wouldn't start, they called them some other names that you ladies might not want to hear. Scornful, yet affectionate names were given to one of the simplest, most useful, enduring mechanical devices devised by man-the Model T Ford. It is probably second only to the invention of the wheel and the wheelbarrow in the impact it had on the world. The manufacture of the Model T and the development of the assembly line was the pattern for the Industrial Revolution which is the basis of our prosperity today. The early Fords had canvas tops, open on all sides with a two-piece windshield which one could open in hot weather. There was no door on the driver's side of the car. The wheels had wooden spokes like those on old wooden wagon wheels. A magneto which had to be cranked by hand was used in place of a battery. In the early days, people would heat some rocks or bricks and put them in a sack to keep their feet from freezing while on a winter's drive. Later, someone invented a contraption that fastened onto the manifold to bring heat, 114 �115 �along with exhaust fumes, into the vehicle. The Model T sat very high off the road in order to cross over stumps and enable it to ford creeks or rivers without dragging. The roads were so bad that most cars could not make it from one town to another, but the faithful Model T could go almost anywhere. A Model T that was no longer on the road still had its uses. The last task I remembered for those old flivers was as wood saws. After the body was removed, a saw rack could be fastened to the frame, and when one wheel was jacked off the ground, it would really make the saw buzz. When the Ford Motor Company ceased manufacturing the Model T there were literally thousands still operating. Back then, kids in high school would chip in to buy a Model T for about $50. They would strip it down and have brackets made to lower the center of gravity. We called them "skeeters," and a kid with just a little mechanical ability could keep one running with a couple of tin cans, some bailing wire, a pair of pliers, and a screwdriver. Younger children had they playtoys too. We had things like "whimmey-dittles," a toy whittled out of wood that was fun to make as well as play with. Rag dolls were easily made or repaired with a needle and thread. Skateboards were made using just one skate. One half of a skate was attached to each end of a plank about 116 �two feet long. They were not as fast nor as dangerous as the skateboards in use today, but a lot of fun just the same. 117 �Shooting the Anvil Before the days of split second communication, country people had their own methods of spreading news or celebration. Various forms of fireworks, gunblasts, whistles, and bells were used to alert folks of election results and holiday festivities. One of the most popular forms of noisemaking for the old-timers was known as "shooting the anvil." This was done by scooping out a depression in a chopping block or on top of a stump. The hole was then filled with black gunpowder and covered by an anvil. A mighty blow on top of the anvil with a sledge hammer resulted in an explosion whose boom could be heard for miles. Once the anvil was used to spread the wrong news through a mountain community. The year was 1912, and the setting was Swain County on the Little Tennessee River. Woodrow Wilson was running for President on the Democratic ticket against Teddy Roosevelt, the Bull Moose party's representative, and William Howard Taft, the Republican candidate. Most mountain people were staunch Roosevelt supporters, and when news mistakenly filtered into the mountain community that 118 �Roosevelt had won, this called for a grand celebration. In Swain County they used two anvils instead of one. One anvil was on the ground with black powder sprinkled on top. The second anvil capped the first, and the powder was lit with a red hot wire or poker. To make the sound carry further, they would always go to the top of the nearest mountain. The anvil's resulting noise was like a clap of thunder, and the origin of the boom could always be spotted by the large bonfire built there. It happened to be Saturday night when word came in and the shooting started. Just imagine the fun. A half dozen bonfires on as many different mountain tops with thunder claps answering each other from peak to peak. They were enjoying it so much that no one noticed that midnight had passed and they were actually shooting their anvils on Sunday morning, except the preacher! You can imagine what the sermon that Sunday was about. It was four days later before the community discovered that Woodrow Wilson had, in fact, won the election. Children were not without their own noise makers. When I was a youngster, the only noise makers we were allowed to use were firecrackers and not very big ones at that. We had to use a "joss" stick, which was a slow burning wick, to light firecrackers and roman 119 �candles instead of matches. Regardless of the weather, as the old year gave way to the new, we would always go out on the front porch and listen to the noisy celebrations. Welcoming in the New Year was a cause for much celebration. Factory whistles would blow, bells would ring, guns and firecrackers would go off while the old Atwater-Kent radio was blaring out, "Should Auld Acquaintances Be Forgot?" The town of Cherryville still boasts of its own "New Year Shooters." This group of men and boys keep the ancient practice of blasting the New Year in alive. On New Year's Eve they gather from miles around, travel from place to place, and shoot their guns and firecrackers most of the night. 120 �Childhood Memories Things that are most memorable from childhood are those that were either pleasurable, frightening, very happy or unhappy episodes. My first chore around the house was to carry in wood for the kitchen stove. My next chore was to feed and water the chickens. I will never forget that ornery old rooster who used to flog me every time my back was turned. Finally, after being conned by my older brother, I learned to milk the cow and will always remember how that ungrateful beast used to switch her tail, loaded with cockleburs, against the side of my face, or how she would raise her foot and stick it in the milk pail just when I had about finished milking. Romance was brought into my life at the very early age of three years. Mary Tucker Jeter lived just across the street from our home on Avery Avenue, and we both had older sisters who had acquired a new-fangled picture-taking machine called a Kodak. After shooting up all the local scenery, they decided they needed some human interest pictures for posterity, so they persuaded Tuck and me to pose, hugging each other. This early experience was to have dire consequences during my first day at school. 121 �Back then, first grade was taught in two sections. The first section of children came around 9:00 a.m. and stayed until noon. The second section, which I was assigned to, came about noon. On this first day everyone came early and 122 �waited until the first section was dismissed. When I arrived, I could hardly believe my eyes. There was about a dozen of the prettiest little girls ever assembled in one place, all dressed up with bow ribbons in their hair. It was enough to make a "man-of-the-world" lose his cool. True to my early training, I decided that the thing to do was to hug every one of them, but would you believe that those little varmints wouldn't cooperate at all? They squealed, hollered, and ran, creating so much commotion that our teacher came out of her class to find out what the riot was all about. When she discovered that it was only a miniature wolf in the biddie pen, she grabbed the would-be Don Juan by the ear and sat him in a chair in front of all the strange kids in the first section. I can tell you, except for making ugly faces, it was many years before I had anything else to do with women. Back then, the national pastime was not baseball, football, or golf. It was marbles. Words like "taw," "agate," "pea-dab," "glassie," "steelie," or "knucks" were as commonplace as home runs, touchdowns, or field goals today. There was not much paving or traffic in those days, and everywhere one would go, he could see the circles drawn on the sand-clay street or walkways. Around these circles would be numerous barefoot boys on their knees, shooting marbles for fun or for "keeps." 123 �Some boys practiced and played so much that their knuckles would become raw and bloody. Many of the "pros" would have leather slings made to cover their knuckles so that they wouldn't become so worn, and their mothers would make knee pads to save patching so many pants. The best shooters didn't like to play for fun if they could find someone to play for "keeps." Another game was to dig several holes in a straight line, and each player, in turn, would try to shoot his "taw" into the holes. If he missed, his taw would remain where it lay until another player could shoot. If one player was able to hit the other's taw, the loser was out of the game. If they were playing "knucks," the loser would have to clinch his hand into a first, place it on the ground, and the winner would shoot his taw at the knuckles. It could be pretty painful, especially if the other player had a steelie for a taw. Baseball was not very popular with the little kids because of the lack of equipment. Virtually no one had gloves, mitts, real bats or balls. Bats were made like a paddle from a piece of plank. Balls were merely strings wound around something like a marble and would unravel with each hard blow of the bat. Nevertheless, what was lacking in equipment was made up by noisy enthusiasm. The two most exciting days in the year were 124 �Easter and Christmas. On Easter Sunday, if the weather was warm and clear, I could take off my winter shoes, roll up my "long handles" and go barefoot. Just thinking how good that cool, green grass felt squishing around between my toes makes me want to try it again. This didn't mean that the "long handles" came off at Easter. By no means could we get rid of that itchy blanket before May 1. Christmas, with all the excitement of Santa Claus and presents, also brought some unusual goodies. In addition to the fruitcake soaked with grape juice, there were always chocolate, silver, coconut, and caramel cakes. The biggest trouble was trying to decide which one, and only one, piece you would rather have. Remember when the streets were sand-clay? Sand would be hauled from the river in wagons and spread over the red clay street, making a pretty good surface for the traffic at that time. When the fresh sand was spread, all the children in the neighborhood would gather in the streets to build their sand castles, dams, and fortifications until the first rains would muddy them up. Then they would take to the trees for their games. Some places were off limits to the young'uns. One in particular was a little one-room, frame building on the corner of Queen and North Greene streets in Morganton. This store had no windows and only one door. Through the walls 125 �were little holes, said to be bullet holes. This was a barroom where they sold "likker," and we were not even allowed to go close to it for fear we might hear something we were not supposed to hear. During "court week," all vacant lots were filled with men and their wagons, horses, and campfires at night, which made a fascinating sight for a youngster, but this also was taboo. These men were known to sometimes drink, cuss, and "meby" fight a little, and kids were not supposed to know about this either. I remember the false armistice during World War I when everyone thought the war was over. Bells were ringing, bonfires were built in the streets, and it looked like an old-fashioned Fourth of July celebration. I celebrated by buying a whole nickel's worth of candy at one time. People were so exhuberant and happy for the false one that when the real armistice was announced, all the zip was gone. For many years after this war, one could see the army jackets, wrap-around "leggins," puttees, hats and overseas caps still worn by the ex-soldiers and their kin. Nothing was wasted back then, and even today you can occasionally see one of those jackets still in use. It was long about then that I got my first lasting impression of war. Every neighborhood had its own gang of boys who played together, had their own territory, and with the war going 126 �on, marched and played soldier. On this occasion we were invaded by a gang from another neighborhood. Nobody really' did any fighting. It was all bluff. Maybe a few small rocks were thrown and the invading group retreated. It was here I learned that it's sometimes better to let well-enough alone. I thought I could lick this other boy with one hand tied behind me, so I started chasing him. I ran after him until I was out of breath when suddenly he turned around and poked me right in the nose, and the blood started flying. That ended the battle, and I haven't cared for war since. 127 �about the author j. alexander mull and gordon boger were both longtime residents of Morganton, North Carolina. They were also frequent collaborators having written Mountain Yarns, Legends, and Lore, and Tales of Old Burke together. Boger passed away in Morganton, North Carolina, on October 3, 1986. Mull passed away in 1982, also in Morganton. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Subject The topic of the resource Catawba River Valley (N.C. and S.C.) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Recollections of the Catawba Valley Description An account of the resource <span>Published in 1983, </span><em>Recollections of the Catawba Valley</em><span> is a selection of family stories, local history, and mountain folklore chosen by Alexander Mull and Gordon Boger who were longtime citizens of the valley in North Carolina. The Mull family was one of the earliest settlers in the region, and Boger, although born elsewhere, was considered a native of the valley. Some of the stories in this volume were originally published in The News Herald of Morganton, as both authors were longtime contributors to the paper. W. H. Plemmons, second President of Appalachian State University, wrote the foreward.<br /></span><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1D2noiMjRifKl_UJ_JDGHi-RgaIqROLBz" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638379/recollections-of-the-catawba-valley/" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mull, J. Alexander Boger, Gordon Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource Catawba River Valley (N.C. and S.C.) Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1983 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Catawba River Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Catawba Valley folklore history recollections residents tales https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/85e724ab9a17938d376a516f4542c769.pdf 7c3b10362d8aa7364e958cc003315900 PDF Text Text �LIZNS MONDAY AND OTHER POEMS Community Enrichment Series �Appalachian Consortium Press Boone, North Carolina �LIZ~S MONDAY AND OTHER POEMS BY BEITIE SELLERS �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1986 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3652-8 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3654-2 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Acknowledgement is gratefully made to the editors and publishers of the following journals and anthologies, in the pages of which some of these poems have previous, ly appeared: APPALACHIAN HERITAGE, BLACK JACK 11, THE CHATTAHOOCHEE REVIEW, THE GARFIELD LAKE REVIEW, GEORGIA JOURNAL, GREEN RIVER REVIEW, POEM 50, THE REACH OF SONG II, THE REACH OF SONG IV, THE REACH OF SONG, V, TEACHING ENGLISH IN THE TWO.YEAR COLLEGE. �This page intentionally left blank �IN LOVING MEMORY OF MY GRANDMOfHER, COSBY SEALE PURSLEY, WHO TOLD ME STORIES OF BRASSTOWN �This page intentionally left blank �Books by Bettie Sellers WESTWARD FROM BALD MOUNTAIN 1974 APPALACHIAN CAROLS 1975 SPRING ONIONS AND CORNBREAD 1978 MORNING OF THE REDTAILED HAWK 1981 LIZ~S MONDAY 1986 �This page intentionally left blank �THE TIME: SOME PARTS OF THE 19TH CENTURY THE PLACE: THE BRASSmWN VALLEY WHICH RUNS WEST THROUGH GEORGIA AND NORTH CAROLINA FROM THE HEIGHTS OF BRASSmWN BALD THE CHARACTERS: SOME REAL, SOME IMAGINED FROM smRIES mLD m ME BY MY GRANDMOTHER AND OTHERS WHO HAVE LIVED IN THE VALLEY �This page intentionally left blank �CONTENTS AND ALL THE PRINCES ARE GONE/1 CHARLIE WALKS THE NIGHT/2 SARAH'S QUILTS/3 HAWK AND JAYS/4 DON'T SEND ME OFF LIKE SOME THREE,LEGGED DOG/5 PINK/7 AMANDA CLIMBS CEDAR RIDGE/8 LEAH'S APRON/9 LOVE SONG FOR REBECCA/10 REBECCNS PAPA/10 THE PREACHER MAN/11 REBECCNS SON/12 ENOCH PREACHES AT GUMLOG/13 REQUIEM FOR A MATRIARCH/14 EUNICE CLAIMS THE STAR OF BETHLEHEM/IS MORNINGS, SHEBA COMBS HER HAIR/16 ENOCH'S SERMONS/17 A DAY OF CLOUDS AND THICK DARKNESS/17 0 ABSALOM, MY SON, MY SON/18 THE FOUNTAIN IN THE WAY 1D SHUR/19 NO BALM IN GILEAD/20 NOW THE LORD HAD PREPARED A GREAT FISH/21 ISAIAH TREED/22 MIRACLE AT RAVEN GAP/23 THE MIDWIFE/24 NOVEMBER WIND/25 FOOI.:S GOLD/26 JACOB'S CAUSE/27 WARTS FOR PARALEE/28 ELLIE'S NEIGHBORS/29 MARY'S APPLES/29 NAOMI'S NERVE/30 AN AWFUL SORRY MAN/31 CHARLIE LEECH'S WIVES/32 THE BRAGGART/33 A THREAT OF BLACK EYES/34 LIZNS MONDAY/35 �This page intentionally left blank �AND ALL THE PRINCES ARE GONE She sits beside the oak fire, Lilah, pale, intent on nothing here where mountains circle Brasstown tight as walls around a medieval castle formed. She holds the book, its cover gone, its pages tissue thin with fingering. She peers through smoke to where the men, their coats brocaded, satin tight around their thighs, bow to ladies in a banquet hall. Soft music sounds around the spitting of the logs that Samuel dragged from Double Knob behind his lumbering ox, a mild and placid beast who chews his hay as though in contemplation of the history of his kind. She sees the ox, a Yule log chained behind, crossing the drawbridge to a castle court, and servants hanging holly boughs to grace stone walls, and torches shadowing a feast. Her cabin is not here, nor Samuel's supper simmering on the hook above the fire. Dark comes, and Lilah watches dancing figures spin, a pleasant dream to warm this wilderness where life is hard, and all the princes are gone. 1 �CHARLIE WALKS THE NIGHT Charlie stalks the night, dark as the painter silent on the ridge. His bare feet touched cold leaves with no feeling; his eyes reach only for the phantoms of his dream. Night after night, he travels paths never seen by Brasstown's sun. When he was eight, his mama put the key down deep inside a pail, sure that water's touch would wake him gently, send him stumbling back to bed. But, Charlie took the bucket, poured the water out, and walked an extra mile. Then Mama tied a string around his toe, the other end to hers, so she could wake and keep her boy inside. She felt a little silly when he turned sixteen, big boy like that, and him all tied to Mama's toe. Now, Mama's gone, and Charlie's free to walk. He never knows just where he's been, up Cedar Ridge, or down by Big Bald Creek where pools run dark with sleeping trout-no sign to mark his way except the muddy footprints on the rough pine porch, and sometimes, scraps of Oak leaves stuck on quilts that Mama made. 2 �SARAH'S QUILTS She stands, barefoot, in the creek, homespun dress, rich brown with walnut dye, tucked up almost to knees that feel the rush, the chilling press of Corn Creek's water even in the heat of August. Now her sons are far away: one running over hills his footsteps beat on forest trails she never saw. Laurel thickets tear his clothes, snatch hands that picked up stones to end the quarrel once too often, left his brother dead, buried beneath the oak that tops the rise just steps behind the cabin. She sees his head rest on patchwork squares she sewed; a quilt she made to warm his bed serves as a shroud to line his grave. His brother's fear, his guilt have made him run without a wrap to warm him in the cold of mountain nights, no bright~ patched "Star of Bethlehem" to ward off harm lurking behind great pines. She prays for brothers as she picks up stones, piles them along the bank. One stone, now clean of blood, joins others she will use to lay around a space, an outline like the rope~strung attic bed where he can sleep, her quilt across his face. 3 �HAWK AND JAYS By Crooked Creek, Amanda watches as six jays engage a sparrow hawk; their wings feinting blue brush near his brown,barred tail fanned wide with rage furious as his cry. He perches wary on an oak limb, dares further move as jays debate deep in a chinquapin. They attack again, again in twos and threes until the hawk, tiring of the game, abandons territory he has claimed as his. Amanda turns from oak leaves still quivering after war, resumes her gathering of sticks to feed the fire burning low on her hearth. Above, the hawk swoops high across the valley, dives, screaming toward her frightened chicks. Amanda drops the wood, flaps her homespun apron: "You wicked bird, get away from here! Hush, hush, my biddies. Don't you be afraid!" 4 �DON'T SEND ME OFF LIKE SOME THREE,LEGGED DOG In memory of Prof. Adams, who told me tales John Lowe has gone to join his other leg, the right one Neighbor Sam cut off with knife and saw that February day when winds perverse and raw as March whipped oak limbs sideways, off from true, crushed nerve and bone beyond repair. "Don't throw it out!" John groaned. "Don't let me go to meet my Maker less than whole. Don't send me off to hop along the golded streets of Heaven like some three,legged dog:' So Sam devised a coffin smaller than a child's; of oak he sawed it, sealed it tight. And, while his stump was healing, John whittled angels, tall and fair, with flowing robes, since who knows anyhow if angels have legs under all that heavenly garb. The decorated coffin graced the corner of his room for forty years while John made do with wooden legs, another carved when one grew splintery with plowing rocky mountain cornfields, tending pigs. And when the neighbors called, or strangers rode through Brasstown, John would show his coffin, tell about the fateful day he lost his leg. He'd tap the lid, smooth angel's hair, 5 �and muse how Peter's holy touch would put his parts together once he got there, send him off down shining streets to meet God man-to-man, as any should. This day, as it was told, they buried all of John, coffin within coffin, laid him down to rest among the oaks that shade the rising slopes of Double Knob. The preacher, come on horseback over Unicoi, prayed long and loud so all could hear, and Peter surely know what he must do when John and all his legs comes knocking, knocking at the golden door. 6 �PINK Her mama called her "Pink" when she was born, to match a tiny flower pressed in Exodusfrom Charlestown gardens, its like not found among the blossoms wild in Brasstown soil. She called the two boys "Flotsam" and "Jetsam;' having heard such words ring somewhere with all the strength of heroes: Samson, Saulthough never could she find them in The Book no matter if she searched to Revelation's end. The last child Mama named "Rebecca to be sure, make up for giving wrong names to the boysand those now stuck too tight to budge. Then Mama died, not knowing just how right she'd called her boys, hell-bent to leave the plow and hoe for parts out West where gold grew common as the stones they cursed in winding valley rows. In time, their faces faded as Pink brushed Rebecca's long red hair, the color of her own. She washed and cooked, up on a wooden stool that Papa made so she could reach the tubs and stove. She stitched the gown for Rebecca's wedding day, embroidered it with pinks and ragged robins around the neck and sleeves. In other springs, she knitted caps for babies never hers. She did for Papa till his days were through and kept the cabin neat as Mama ever could. Alone, she withered slowly, frail and dry as petals caught and pressed by Exodus. 7 �AMANDA CLIMBS CEDAR RIDGE The deepest snow in memory clutches at my boots. I have trudged down to the barn. Sally lows to be milked and the old hens cluck "cracked corn" no matter what the day brings. With each step, I sink, pull up, spend my little strength. My breath comes harder the closer to my house I come. Ahead of me, the snow is smooth with no tracks but mine splayed out like bears had walked behind me down my daily path. At the edge of the orchard, a hound has padded his circle around my tree, a juniper planted after one Christmas. A forgotten strand of tinsel catches sun, reminds me of days when snow fell only to be tossed in balls, and stirred in pans of sweetened cream. 8 �LEAH'S APRON Her eastern window fogs with April frost, obscures the cabin high across the valley where Nathan lives alone, no smoke rising yet, no tall man in the barnlot tending pigs. Leah rubs the pane with her apron's calico, blinks back as the sun rises over Kirby Cove lighting his roof and yard, remembers springs when Nathan came to call, a bunch of early violets in his clumsy hand, a ring he fashioned out of horseshoe nails, amber honey from his hillside hives-small gifts made large with halting words, a sober hand raised just as he turned to leave. But never could he say the right words though she waited, patient, while five springs of violets faded. She turns to face the room, folding her apron thick to lift brown hoecake from the fire's edge. Leah smooths her apron with long strokes, breaks bread, and sits down by the window to begin another day. 9 �LOVE SONG FOR REBECCA I. REBECCRS PAPA "Rebecca, bring The Book and read to me a while. Your mama always did till you were born, and she was gone:' The tall man, petulant beside the fire, looks back to watch her step down from the box he built to raise a child so she could reach the supper dishes in the pan. She dries small hands on a bleached sack, and, carrying the leather-covered book, comes close to sit just by his knee. "Read Abraham again, read how his seed will fill the land:' She follows words across thin pages with one finger as he strokes her hair, dark like his own. Night closes in the cabin, builds a quiet wall around the two beside the dying fire. "Rebecca, take my shoes off, your mama always did:' She kneels, obedient to his voice, unlaces heavy thongs and warms his feet between her hands. "I love you, Papa, don't be sad?' He takes her in his lap. Unbuttoning the calico around her throat, he strokes soft flesh, rocking as the fire flickers out. 10 �II. THE PREACHER MAN When Papa died one spring, still calling Mama's name, Rebecca put The Book up on the highest shelf. No one to read to now, she thought, no one to rock me by the fire at night. Her thirtieth year it was, and she had never been outside the valley's walls, had never been toward Unicoi, or west to cross through Brasstown Gap. Her papa died still sad because his name would have no son to carry it. She buried him by Gumlog Creek, as near to Mama as she dared, and drew his chair close by the fire to rock away the chilly nights just faintly tinged by now with violets opening by the creek. She rocked through days when sourwood enticed the bees, and till the fingered leaves of sassafras turned scarlet in the fall. Then through the yellow poplar woods, a preacher man from Carolina way came riding in his buggy, bringing sermons forged on rocky trails in mountain nights when painters cried like women in travail, and men could know that mortal sins were real as rocks and sky "Rebecca, bring The Book and read to me a while;' he said. He echoed Papa's face and form, his dark beard flecked with snow like that which fell outside the cabin walls. He used her body sparingly, replenishing the earth as God has said, and never knew how much she missed her Papa rocking by the fire, unbuttoning the calico that warmed her waiting throat. 11 �III. REBECCA'S SON She births her son toward morning, lies there limp, hears their whispered voices, wonders why they do not bring him closer, let her see. "Now, you just rest, Rebecca, sleep a while and get your strength back, sleep:' She closes heavy eyes, still almost hearing voices ...we daren't let her know just yet ... break her heart ...wonder what she done to get so marked a boy. She sleeps, and wakening hears morning sound, the clatter of the skillet, the murmuring of coffee boiling in the pot. The midwife Mary Nash, from up in Kirby Cove, sits rocking by the fire, a swaddled bundle quiet in her arms. Rebecca raises up: "Mary, bring my child, and let me see his face:' Reluctant, Mary walks across the room and lays him in the crook Rebecca makes. Morning sun breaking through the window touches the birthmark shiny and red. "Jehovah God, what have I done that you should punish me? The sins are visited upon the young, The Book says:' She lies back, bares her breast, guides it toward the purple mouth, and with one finger traces sin made visible, on Enoch's cheek for him to wear for life. 12 �IV. ENOCH PREACHES AT GUMLOG "Jehovah God, convict these miserable sinners, bring them to their knees!' Mid~morning sun strikes new fire from his birthmark swollen as blue veins that pulse distended, fierce around his eyes. "Conceived in mortal sin, we all are filled with wickedness, dependent on Your Mercy, damned without Your Grace. Fall down, you sinners, put your faces on the ground!' He raises clinched fists, brings them down to pound upon the rough~hewn pulpit he has carved to finish off the log church crouching in the laurel thicket close by Gumlog Creek. "Jehovah God, forgive this miserable man who bears upon his face the mark of Cain, the sin of Abram's seed:' He falls upon his knees, sinks clutching fingers deep within the earthern floor, and weeps. Around him, empty benches line up square in quiet wooded rows. 13 �REQUIEM FOR A MATRIARCH When Laura Lenora Queen Victoria Stanfield Brown had fried the last pone of cornbread on the black woodstove, her husband and twelve children buried her among the laurels head~ high by Gumlog Creek, put no REQUIESCAT IN PACE on her stone. Old Lunsford, tired of carving, put down his chisel and declared: "I do reckon that name's enough. Ever soul in the county know'd she were a good woman and sore in need of the rest:' 14 �EUNICE CLAIMS THE STAR OF BETHLEHEM "It's mine! How dared you give our mother's finest quilt to Cousin Ruth?" She fumes around the room, her fingers touching, clutching at the piles of many-colored quilts, the crocheted pieces Mama made those years when age had slowed her feet, and sat 'most too quiet by the fire. "The Star of Bethlehem was mine. She told me so right in this very room?' Her sister, quieter still than Mama ever was, goes on about her business, clearing cupboard shelves, folding Mama's dresses in a pile. "Now, don't you dare to give away another thing! Just think how Mama'd feel, your tossing out her very life like it was trash to burn, and her not cold yet in her grave. Not one scrap, mind you. Do you her me, Sister? Not one scrap!" She lifts each folded quilt and calls its name: Step-Around-TheMountain, Double Wedding Ring, Flower Garden, Sailor's Bow-Tie. "See these, I mind the very day she finished every one and laid it on the bed to show. And all that time, that sneaky Ruth was casting eyes, just coveting the last stitch Mama did. I knew it, and to think just when my back was turned, you'd go and give away my quilt. Well, you just leave this room, and don't come back again! I'll move my things in here, and see you don't throw out our Mother's life. You can sleep alone, you hear, and don't ever speak to me again!" 15 �MORNINGS, SHEBA COMBS HER HAIR She watches from the open door, the man long,legged, tall and straight, his hair aflame like foxes make as they run through the broom sedge patch behind her house. This neighbor passes by each day to climb the slope of Cedar Ridge, cut logs to build a barn near where the trail that crosses Unicoi turns west through Brasstown Gap. She watches, thinking how her own man, gone these three years, never had that loose,limbed stride, that fire atop his head. Older than she, he never made her heart run wild and fly across the valley free as red,tailed hawks rise high on currents of cold morning air. She watches, planning how one day she'll walk out, ask him how his wife does, how his son. She'll wait beside the big oak, ask him in to warm his hands before her hearth, to notice how her dark hair falls as smooth as water in Corn Creek caresses stones. How she will warm cold fingers in his hair, and face eternal burning if she must. 16 �ENOCH'S SERMONS I. A DAY OF CLOUDS AND THICK DARKNESS Enoch rises, opens up The Book. Aaron drops his eyes, turns them on his boots, not seeing worn leather toes but Sheba's face, her dark head bent. She sits across the church where he can see the curve of cheek he's cupped with tender hands, the shoulders soft and warm, now masked in Sunday calico. Beside him, Joel stirs and yawns, his bright head drooping now against his father's side. Enoch reads, his voice a burning pain in Aaron's mind: abomination ...thy neighbor's wife ...defile... shalt not ... The words, the words ... abomination ... neighbor's wife. He'd never meant to go inside, but coming down each night from Cedar Ridge, he'd seen her standing in the open door, smelled fragrant hickory burning on her hearth. That day, November chilled the bright still air in Brasstown. And he was cold. Aaron glances toward his wife, her lips set Sunday~tight, her eyes on Enoch's purple mouth. What if her sharp eyes looked through Sheba's calico, her flesh? They'd see his seed, insidious, growing wild as pigweed taints the dark soil of his garden rows. They'd all see soon, these neighbors, friends. Aaron feels the boy, breathing softly now in sleep. He sees his wife's skirt move to touch his leather toes. Jehovah God, he thinks, what will I do? But God, Oh God! I was so cold! 17 �II. 0 ABSALOM, MY SON, MY SON What did that David know? Did he once carry Absalom inside his belly, feel his warm mouth urging milk from full breasts swollen in hard ropes of sustenance and pain? Watch him live a week, a month, then cease to breathe no matter what he did? Amanda draws her grey shawl tight across dry breasts, flabby these many childless years. Her twisting fingers count a row of tiny graves grown over with laurel now by Gumlog Creek. What does that Enoch know? Him like a eunuch with his purple face no woman would dare touch for fear of bearing sons marked like him. "But the king covered his face and the king cried out with a loud voice.. !' Enoch reads The Book again, tells of Joab chiding David for his grief. Amanda stirs, glances sideways at the man whose seed was weak, that seed so ripe and quickening until exposed to light. What does that man know, him with his "Never you mind, Amanda. God just didn't mean our sons to live and have to face this wicked world:' She feels her dry breasts fill again, watches as milk trickles down her wrinkled flesh like tears. 18 �Ill. THE FOUNTAIN IN THE WAY 10 SHUR Abigail sees through log walls, across the barrier tall mountains make, to where the sea laps on earth so warm she feels it in her fingertips pressed against her thighs. Fearful in this alien land of deep thickets, painters prowling, snow, she is as Hagar thrust into a trackless wilderness. But here, by Gumlog Creek, no angel of the Lord has found her, ministered to her need. How many times has she heard Enoch promise help from this Jehovah: a cloud by day, a pillar of fire in deep darkness, an angel hand. And nothing came to Abigail. If this Jehovah is so great, how has He not seen Enoch's face, laid on His hands to heal that purple lying mouth, no more effective than the lying prayers she nightly prays to One who never hears. 19 �IV. NO BALM IN GILEAD The church walls darken; Enoch's face fades as though April sun had gone behind a cloud or dropped between the peaks of Raven Cliffs. Anna blinks her eyes, sees only mist as pain, insistent in her side, drowns out Enoch's voice: "Why then is not the health of the daughter of my people recovered?" Elizabeth stirs, touches her mother's hand: "You alright, Mama?" Anna nods, afraid to trust speech, reveal her fear now deeper than death: how to plant corn and peas to feed herself, Elizabeth, when weakness comes in waves, waves hard and round in her side as oak roots washed to view by spring rain's fall. How to leave Elizabeth alone, this child who cannot learn beyond the simplest thing. The sound of Enoch's voice returns: "Is there no balm in Gilead, is there no physician here?" Anna closes her eyes, bows in prayer. Elizabeth pats her mother's hand: "Open your eyes, Mama. Mama, I can't see your eyes!" 20 �V. NOW THE LORD HAD PREPARED A GREAT FISH And Enoch reads of Jonah, disobedient to the Lord, swallowed by the great fish. He tells of Nineveh, and forty days to punishment. "Repent, repent of sin!" His voice is high and thin. "Let every man be covered with sackcloth.'' The congregation stirs, uneasy, feels the weight of wrongs brought here to holy ground disguised in piety and Sunday garb. "Come to the Lord, repent your wickedness!" One, two, they come, then more. They cling around the mourner's bench, curve against the oaken rail as scales overlap on trout swimming deep pools in Gumlog Creek. They cling, they sway in ecstasy of guilt. A rumble groans beneath the logs, a grinding of stones stacked three deep beneath a corner. Slowly, the church leans, slowly west it slides. ''A sign, a sign! Oh God, convict us of our sins! Old Jonah knew, he knew! Jehovah spit us from the belly of the fish that we may save our souls, go preach the word in Nineveh! Repent!" The congregation lies in heaps against the western wall, afraid to move lest He should bring the mountain down as well. "Crawl, my brethren, crawl to God!" Enoch leads the way across the tilting floor until the church rocks back. "Amiracle, my brethren, let us sing a verse "Just As I Am;' and pray for fish to swallow us whene're we stray again!" 21 �VI. ISAIAH TREED "... and all liars, shall have their part in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone!' Enoch pounds his text into the far corners of the churchthe back corner where Ike tugs the collar of his shirt, feels the lie around his neck like a burning rope soaked in coal oil. The stink of brimstone fills his throat; his cheeks know Enoch's eyes, cold fire accusing, commanding that he rise, come forward, and repent. The mourner's bench looms large, fills the church from front to back, pushes Ike through the door and, running, down the path to Gumlog Creek. There the big oak, full with July, beckonsand he climbs, up, up until the limbs grow small, and he can wrap his arms around the trunk, press his burning face against the scratchy bark. He hears a rustling from the creek below, a low chant moaning, rising, ever rising: "Come, Isaiah, come to God. Repent your sins. Repent!" The rough bark moves beneath his skin; leaves flicker toward his head like flames. 22 �MIRACLE AT RAVEN GAP "If I could have a mess of greens just once before I die:' Old Mary Dean lies pale and thin, her kinfolk standing by. "I've got a patch of turnips, Min, don't guess they'll hurt her none. I'll fry a pone of cornbread too, be back here when the sun sets down in Raven Gap:' So Nell went home and fixed a plate for Mary Dean's last dying wishand with a will she ate. Next morning, Nell thought ghosts could walk. She started, gave her head a scratch when out her window saw at dawn Old Mary digging in her turnip patch. 23 �THE MIDWIFE No question who had fathered this one. Mary Nash rocks back on aching knees, continues tidying up the job she's done of catching Lena Mathis' son. A long night this, and more than ample time to hear the name thrust out between clenched teeth, a name that Mary knows too well from twenty years of sleeping in his bed. My Cal, she thinks, and I have given him no son but this I claim with no part but my hands, my skill in birthing other women's sons. She ties the dark cord, cuts it neat, and binds the little belly tight. Poor mite, he'll have no name but Lena Mathis' son, the one who looks so much like Calvin Nash, they'll say. She lays him, swaddled now, beside his mother's arm, and, turning, reaches shaking hands for coffee simmering in the black pot on the hearth. 24 �NOVEMBER WIND An early winter cold hums around Granny Knob, sets the Cabin hissing like a woman barely holding her peace. Her tongue flicks edges of a mouth dry, set white above the lip. Molly turns her back, drags the dishrag hard across a table clean already. Water roils in the pan, splashes beside tears on the scrubbed~pine floor. She will not speak; it is not permitted, but when she takes her bed, her back will offer him silence echoing the clatter of polished pans in a too~clean room. 25 �FOO~S GOLD Salathiel John never looks on a stranger but he tilts his black hat, potential danger to that man's gold if he cuts the cards from Salathiel's hand, engages him in stud or draw. Salathiel John never left Brasstown Valley but once, for nearby Aurariawhere wealth, so they said, was there for the digging up any draw. He found fool's gold and a deck of cards, grew a fulsome beard, bought a soft black hat, learned that cutting the cards was an easier row than digging for gold, or in Brasstown for corn. Now he sits by the oak where the trail from Auraria turns west toward the mountain, sits fanning his cards in a nonchalant way. He tips his black hat, speaks to any man passing in the softest of tones. He keeps his gold in a brown leather pouch he made from the hide of a buck he found up a draw in Auraria, up the draw in Auraria where he learned to play stud. 26 �JACOB'S CAUSE War done, feet horned from trails long winding down through Nantahala's Gorge to Double Knob and home, Jacob rocks as he will rock for thirty years and more. No plowing now, he's done his share in battles fought from First Bull Run to White Oak Swamp with Stonewall Jackson and his mighty troop. When neighbors pass along the path that winds below the Knob and down along Corn Creek, he hails: "Neighbor, come and set a spell. Have I told you how we whupped them damned blue~bellies good and captured what we didn't downright kill? Old Stonewall said we wuz the best he ever saw, us boys from out these hills with eyes so sharp as ever dropped a squirrel from pine or oak or stopped a horse thief in his tracks:' Antietam, Jacob's red~bone hound lies, yawning, by his side. His paws run rabbits in his sleep while Jacob rocks, slow, then faster, faster as the battle rages on. Old Stonewall take Manassas Junction once again. 27 �WARTS FOR PARALEE "Paralee's a witch, Mae. She'll conjure off your warts. We'll hide beside the lower road:' Two little girls peer down the rutted track where mountains turn to valley fields, look west to see the woman, old and humped, Her eyes are light, strange light that hands, trembling now but willing to by any touch that might take horny leaning on her cane. burns Mae's be warmed lumps away. Eyes burn through laurel clumps where two girls hide; eyes swing away. She limps on down the track toward Lee's where she will knock three times, and ask a bed tonight. 28 �ELLIE'S NEIGHBORS I. MARY'S APPLES That rag~tag and bob~tail over at the other side of the valley can't keep outta grief. That Mary's done it this time, gone and broke her leg chasing after one of Sudie's younguns. Serves her right, old witch, always yelling when they come by her house. Like she was God of Brasstown. Don't want nothin' or nobody touching what's hers. She acts like every stick she owns is the Ark of the Covenant-and she'll be struck dead one day for blasphemy, she will. Her apples, indeed! Like God made Eden just for her, and Sudie's pore younguns weren't to come near it. Just because she come here first, she thinks that every spoonful of earth from Double Knob to Raven Cliffs was made for her benefit! You'd think that line from the thunderstruck oak to Corn Creek was drawed by Moses with a golden stick to keep the rest of us from crossing to the upper gap. Why, just the other day, I seen her beating Lymon Shockley's pig because he sniffed her steps and nosed around her tree. And then chewed Lymon out-for owning a pig! I swear, I just can't get nothin' done for watching what she does! 29 �II. NAOMI'S NERVE Naomi Davis died this morning, did ya hear? Now, there was a woman with nerve! Some past ninety she was, and it forty year since she fought the wolves all night. I remember hearing how she throwed rocks to keep 'em off her calves over by Lick Log Creek. Ain't been no wolves around here in many a year, but I heard tell of times when they run in packs all through these hillsstole stock and younguns too, if'n they was left alone too long. Usta be powerful bad over to Lick Log, drawed by all that Davis stock, I rightly suspicion. And no man on the place the night Naomi fought! Them Davis men was bad to wanderallus flitting off over the Gap for some cause or nother, they was. Naomi never said a word, though; all them Davises has some pride to burn, would of let them wolves tear their throat afore they'd speak any word to let the family down. I don't doubt none they'll bury Naomi proud. 30 �III. AN AWFUL SORRY MAN That Homer's mean, Amanda, mean as sin! Allus tell, anybody with squinchey little eyes can't be nothing else. Come into the store t'other day, seen Lem Sykes buying some sugar, knocked the poke out'n his hand and taken his place at the counter. Just as ornery as an upland rattler in a dry spell, I swear! His pore mama died when he was no more'n three, left them four boys to raise theyselves. Run wild, that passel of younguns did, run wild! Growed up big and mean-half the folks round Wolf Pen Gap can testify to that. And that pore wife of his'n, don't know why she up and wedded such a sorry man. Many's the day I seen her with both eyes blackened and she ain't hardly got no teeth left. Looks like she would of taken a stick of stovewood and frailed the daylights outta him! He ain't worth the powder and shot to kill him, may I drop dead if 'n I lie! 31 �IV. CHARLIE LEECH'S WIVES Sudie, look at that string of younguns coming into preaching, tripping behind that Charlie like a covey of quail skittering acrosst the pasture. I swear, that man's got a finger in more than one pie! Niece, indeed! She don't look like no Leech I ever saw, nor none of his mother's kin neither. When she come here to help out Lena, and her down with low blood, I had my suspicions then. Now, for sure, there's three more younguns since she came, and Lena allus ailing. I ain't seen her up and about these four years past, but that Serena's been to preaching twicet and more with a new broodjust like her, squinchey eyes and scrawny hair. I heard too that Charlie killed some sixteen hogs this winter past, and don't you tell me Lena's young needs any ways that kinda meat! I wandered over towards Turkey Buzzard Gap just t'other day, seen Serena pranching around in the back lot like she owned the place. Counted six yard younguns too. I swear, Sudie, that's too many for one woman, and her been down this long with that low blood! 32 �V. THE BRAGGART Look at that Abe Carpenter go swaggering by, I swear, that's the braggingest man I've seed! Luke heard him running off last week as to how he'd killed over a hundred bucks in his life, and none of them with less'n seven points, too. I bet if 'n he was Samson, he'd of slew twicet as many of them Philistines as that Samson done, or more'n twicet, to hear him telling it! Ain't nobody in this valley gonna believe him and his tale about how he fought The War. Why, he couldn't even of been borned when them old English come and tried to make us some of their'n. Must of been some yarn his grandaddy told-though, if 'n that old man fought anything fiercer'n a rocking chair, I'd eat my bonnet! All "say-so" and no "do-so" them Carpenters, each and ever one of them. And Abe the worst, for sure! Hear him tell it, he's been clean to that Pacific Ocean and back, killing Indians all the way, scalp'n them too, though if 'n them ain't coon pelts he's got hanging on his wall, I'll salt and pepper my best Sunday apron, and eat it ever living scrap! 33 �VI. A THREAT OF BLACK EYES I seen him, Sudie, seen that pore Lee boy over to Aunt Liddie's! Went and hanged hisself, he did, on one of them big oaks out behind her barn. They say he was desperate over that snippy Jenkins gal over by Lick Log, been casting sheep's eyes at him these two years past, she has. I seen her at preachingtaking in ever thing in pants, them as are free and them tied as well. Ain't no better'n she should of been, that gal! Can't be no more'n sixteen neither, flirting round ever since she was less'n ten. Them black eyes sneaking out'n the ruffles on her bonnet like a pair of chickadees a,courtin' in a budding sycamore. I swear, ain't no woman's man safe when such as that is free to run loose in this valley! 34 �LIZNS MONDAY She has left her tubs and boiling sheets, fled north across the woodlot, heard no grumble from the pigs as she passed, the chicken shed where eggs wait to be gathered, felt no pain as December's harsh wind dried lye soap on her arms, reddened hands held stiff by her sides, palms forward as to catch the gusts that sweep the slopes of Double Knob. Inside the cabin: Ethan's shirt to patch, the fire to mend, small Issac sleeping in his crib, soon to wake for nursing. These and other chores are in her keeping, but she hurries up the mountainside as on an April day to search for mint and cress, to find first violets that hide in white and purple patches by Corn Creek. The ridge is steep and rocky, sharp with briars. Raked inside by gales howling bleak as northern winds around the cabin whine, she does not feel the laurel tug her dress, the briars pricking dark red beads that shine on bare arms. All winter afternoon she climbs until she gains the highest rocks, the knobs where one can look out, trace the spines of distant mountains, scan the valley floorblack dots for shed and cabin, smoke only wisps blown by the wind. Lisa sees no more: not broken stones underfoot, not heavy sky 35 �holding snow. She sits on Double Knob, back against the ledge, and watches night come by to close the valley, wipe her clearing out as though it has never been. Snow clouds roil around Liza's head, wrap cold arms about bent shoulders, fill her aproned lap, open hands, Below, the wash-fire has burned down to embers; Ethan long begun the search across his lands. 36 �This page intentionally left blank �about the author Bettie Sellers earned a B.A. from LaGrange College and an M.A. from the University of Georgia, both in English. She accepted a position at Young Harris College in 1966 where she remained until she retired in 1997. Sellers published several works of poetry including Wild Ginger. She was named author of the year by the Dixie Council of Authors and Journalists in 1979. Sellers died on May 17, 2013, at the age of 87 in Hayesville, NC. �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS Boone, North Carolina The Appalachian Consortium Press is a division of the Appalachian Consortium Incorporated, specializing in the publication of carefully produced books of particular interest to Southern Appalachia. The Press is controlled by the Publications Committee and the Board of Directors, the members of which are appointed by the Chief Administrative Officers of the member institutions and agencies of the corporation. Appalachian S tate University East Tennessee State University APPALACHIAN W este rn Carolina University Western N . C. Historical A ssoc. Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region, Southern--Poetry Mountain life--Poetry Women--Poetry Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Liza's Monday and Other Poems Description An account of the resource <span>Published in 1986, Bettie Sellers's book of poems speaks for ordinary women whose lives have been confronted with unfortunate circumstances. Writing in a narrative and lyrical style, Sellers brings life to new stories and songs based on the downtrodden women she has encountered.<br /></span><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1OiqVmd3VKxBDx3sAqqpuP8L-x0P4PAeW" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469636528/lizas-monday-and-other-poems" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sellers, Bettie Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region, Southern--Poetry Mountain life--Poetry Women--Poetry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Poetry E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Appalachian folklore Poems storytelling https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/cb5c6f3b23ee69b6239b7b035256f44c.pdf 9cb6a307bf1a26684d2875b0dcdc5d47 PDF Text Text �The rhododendron of Southern Appalachia, like the mountain people, developed from hardy stock. Both have come to grips with thin topsoil as well as cold winters and warm summers. Man and plant are proudly independent and evergreen. �This page intentionally left blank �" . . . a right good people" By HAROLD F. WARREN Appalachian Consortium Press BOONE, NORTH C A R O L I N A 2 8 6 O 7 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004^ its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program^ Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1974 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3834-8 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3836-2 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �CONTENTS PREFACE FOREWORD BY LOYAL JONES SELECTIONS FROM THE APPALACHIAN PHOTOGRAPHS OF DORIS ULLMAN SELECTIONS FROM THE PHOTOGRAPHS OF WARREN BRUNNER Bascom Lamar Lunsford: The Squire of South Turkey Creek The Winds of Change Murmur Up the Little Laurel . . . . . . Dewey Harmon: Mountain Humor and Gee-Haw-WhimmyDiddles Rev. Charles A. Keyes: The Parson of the Hills . . A Man's Friends Is All He's Got Pride, Independence, and Buckets Made of Tree Bark . . . . A Scholar in Overalls: He Loves the Mountains and Great Books Aggie Lowrance: A Late-Blooming Wildflower Horse-tradin' Over Fool's Gold A Foot-stomping Jam Session in the Old Gas Station . . . . All the Signs Were Wrong for Pig Butchering . . . . . . . . . . An Appalachian Frontier Homestead The "Little War": Cherokee Indian Stickball Game The Daniel Boone Wagon Train Dr. Gratis Williams: A Lament for Appalachia PHOTOGRAPHIC SELECTIONS FROM DOWN TO EARTH-PEOPLE OF APPALACHIA, BY KEN MURRAY . PHOTOGRAPHIC SELECTIONS FROM TENNESSEE HILLFOLK, BY JESSE STUART AND JOE CLARK, H.B.S.S. AFTERWORD BY CRATIS WILLIAMS 7 10 12 21 30 44 52 57 68 70 74 78 83 86 90 95 99 103 107 113 119 126 �PREFACE HAROLD WARREN ". . . . a right good people." The simple phrase, a snatch of quote from an Appalachian mountain man's description of himself and his neighbors, burned indelibly into my memory more than three years ago. The mental flame ignited like a flash of spontaneous combustion, because it was one of those rare moments when the setting, character and context blend to yield sudden insight and special meaning. The phrase, of course, is not as simple as it might appear at first glance. That golden summer morning, driving slowly through a lush Tennessee mountain valley and watching people scurrying about chores, it was easy to imagine oneself as a sort of Appalachian Walt Whitman, hearing Appalachia singing. Green leaves were �by Harold F. Warren 7 still jewelled with dew. The whole mountainscape seemed to glow in the early light, as if sprinkled with the iridescent dust of crushed butterfly wings. One figure in particular stopped my eye, a figure bent from decades of hard work and humility. He was hustling around his log barn, feeding his cows and mules. 'Well, set down and rest yer bones," he said in greeting, as if it were late evening. His craggy face creased into a friendly grin. He pushed the comfortable old felt hat back on his head, then warmed his strong hands in the pockets of his overalls. We talked about an hour, meandering among a couple dozen topics of mountain life and lore. Finally there was a brief, silent reverie, an aimless moment of simply enjoying the morning and the camaraderie. Then he squinted toward the butter-yellow, eight o'clock sun and said with measured consideration: "Well, these are a right good people. Yessir, a right good people." The words and the tone were loaded with subtle nuances of meaning, reflecting both quiet pride and proper modesty. There was strength, yet gentleness. Brittle judgement, yet mellow feelings. A strong sense of community, yet an equally strong sense of independence. ".. .. a right good people." The phrase has a ring to it, a feeling of genuineness about it, that characterizes a broad cross-section of the people of the Southern Appalachians. This book, I hope, represents �8 ". . .a right good people9' such a cross-section. The collection of true stories here often echo folkways and values from another era, but they are not intended as an indulgence in nostalgia for its own sake. These people are caught in the web of the present. Most of the material here originally was gathered for The Charlotte Observer, the largest newspaper in the Carolinas, for features and columns during more than four years. Some material is added from previously unused notes and memory, and some is rewritten. The sampling selected for this book is a fair representation of all the dozens of stories I've written from Appalachia. I greatly appreciate the permission granted me by the Observer to use these materials. I also owe gratitude to the man who first suggested the idea of putting together this book, F. Borden Mace, director of the Appalachian Consortium's "Traditions of Southern Appalachia In Transition" project, as well as to Dr. Gratis Williams, dean of the graduate school of Appalachian State University, and to Loyal Jones, director of the Appalachian Center at Berea College. Harold F. Warren March, 1974 �FOREWORD Those who look at Southern Appalaehia usually find whatever they are conditioned to find. Beauty or ugliness, promise or failure are to an extent in the eyes of the beholders. Legions of investigators have come to the mountains in the last decade to observe, expose film or video-tape, write about us, or consult with those who conceive programs to uplift us. Most who came saw primarily the poverty, the ugliness, and the hopelessness. No one would deny that these are there, even though some observers found also beauty and integrity and joy in living. Bascom Lamar Lunsford (who appears in this book) put it this way in describing film makers he had assisted: "They had their own low notion about i t . . . Why, we give 'em the best in the world, [and] they selected the worst." Most of those who interpreted us and our region did so with the best of intentions. They were com- �10 ". . .a right good people" passionate, dedicated, and action-oriented, mostly liberals who were humanistically or religiously motivated. They wanted to tell an unsuspecting America about colonial holdings, pockets of poverty, cycles, syndromes, degradation, squalor, despair, and hunger. There was much that America needed to know, especially if it were to support a war on poverty and related progressiveness. And the media did their work well. Few areas were unexamined. Appalachian books, articles, television documentaries, films and tapes became abundant, changing Appalachia in the public mind from a place to a condition. Inadvertently we Appalachians were to some extent dehumanized in this process. Many of us read and viewed the products of the media with stomachs turning. Many of our young denied their origins. Appalachia came to represent something awful in American life. One famous movie's plot depended on a belief in the utter degradation and perversity of Appalachians, and to help make this point, a retarded boy, a deformed child, and a century-old woman were displayed. The point, of course, is that persons have been used as means toward ends. Some of the ends, unlike the above-mentioned movie, were good. But that does not excuse the artistic or social crime of robbing persons of dignity. A few have viewed Appalachia differently. They have seen beauty and strength and other less easily described attributes. They are mostly poets, folk- �by Harold F. Warren 11 lorists, and novelists, some of them natives. Several newspaper men and women have also found that the Appalachians offered a rich resource of very human people who contrast sharply with the majority of what we call mainstream people. Harold Warren is one such person. He looks at Appalachia and her people as a reporter but also as an accepting and tolerant native. He sees nobility amidst adversity, knowing that nobility can come only in adversity. He sees beauty in the simple things that cannot be quantified. He sees humor in the earthiness and incongruities of Appalachian life. He sees pathos and a quiet sadness in the slipping away of the old skills and traditions. His is a loving view of his fellow Appalachians and their ways. The poverty, the problems, and the struggle are there, and he sees it all, but perhaps because he is an Appalachian, he is more interested in persons and their qualities than he is in the inanimate or the abstract. He has a mountain politeness too that stays him from embarrassing those who have invited him in to share their lives for a spell. So, here is yet another book about Appalachia, but I believe it is one of a limited number that will win the approval of native mountain people. Loyal Jones, Director Appalachian Center, Berea College, Berea, Kentucky 40403 February, 1974 �Selections from The Appalachian Photographs of Doris Ulmann DORIS ULMANN These photographs are selections from the Ulmann archives at Berea College, Berea, Kentucky. They were taken during the 1920's and 1930Js by Miss Doris Ulmann, a remarkable lady from New York's Park Avenue who traveled the back roads and paths of Appalachia with a bulky glassplate view camera, a chauffeur, and a full complement of designer dresses. The wonder is that she bridged so readily the gap between her world and theirs and left us with such straightforward portraits. There is, in these photographs, no condescension for the harshness of her subjects' lives, but rather an appreciation of mountain people for the uniqueness of their faces. "Faces," she said, "that bear the marks of having lived intensely." 12 �13 BY PERMISSION OF THE DORIS ULMANN FOUNDATION AND BEREA COLLEGE Aunt Lou Kitchen (weaver), Shooting Creek, North Carolina �14 BY PERMISSION OF THE DORIS ULMANN FOUNDATION AND BEREA COLLEGE Mrs. Abraham Lincoln Green (Aunt Serena), Brasstoivn, North Carolina �15 BY PERMISSION OF THE DORIS ULMANN FOUNDATION AND BEREA COLLEGE Mr. Bryant, Brasstown^ North Carolina �16 BY PERMISSION OF THE DORIS ULMANN FOUNDATION AND BEREA COLLEGE Mr. Covey Odom (tanner), Luther, Tennessee �17 BY PERMISSION OF THE DORIS ULMANN FOUNDATION AND BEREA COLLEGE Miss Mannie Coffman, Russelville, Tennessee �18 BY PERMISSION OF THE DORIS ULMANN FOUNDATION AND BEREA COLLEGE Mr. Stewart (cross-tie maker-j, Brasstoivn, North Carolina �19 BY PERMISSION OF THE DORIS ULMANN FOUNDATION AND BEREA COLLEGE Virginia Howard, Brasstown, North Carolina �20 BY PERMISSION OF THE DORIS ULMANN FOUNDATION AND BEREA COLLEGE Unknown �Selections from the photographs of Warren Brunner WARREN BRUNNER Warren Brunner is a free-lance photographer from Berea, Kentucky, who understands the very special relationship between the Appalachian man and the land he loves. His photographs capture the haunting, poetic quality of the mountain landscape and the sturdiness of its people. Just looking at a Brunner photograph can help to redefine one's sense of place. Warren Brunner's photographs can be found throughout Southern Appalachia, and one-man shows are becoming increasingly popular. Representative works can be examined at Berea College and at Appalachian State University. 21 �22 .t • if • . 1 ;!< ; ^ ., ' • ;l -Cf v 'r,:^ • '-vV-y.:,- • - . 4'J-"^, / ; * " * • . ; : > ^'-'.^ /' * :< J »" f ' " '• • ,j 1 • i 1 i»- . ; : ¥- „. ^Bi^""* m^-l 'i't'-b-'Y'"- ; t".,1 h:i V K^ ; law fe A: »i} Hi •^i %*-«? ^V'V, i , | J, : » -'V.1'* p«* l ^S*£-,:=fM "*v/:;/^ " • » •»!*f*j?»» - % •* *"*'•«*- ' i* .."•*"» . ^A"---^'V^-'-\ r ^"^' : * - :*V"^ SL- • " ' w5g '-, i,-^ ~« .'* 't--^ A ^3*®^$,^^^ r ,-. i «... r ^; W «• ^*!T»» .* * » , ^ . « ^ ^ --...- ~,.^&*C"''r-."---:^ Resting from plowing. Barry Bowles, Madison County, Kentucky �23 ^- ; • ' - . ; ' i# -^ ^ • >*" ;-. r T&? ss^, • ' \r- «•• . *'":; ^^ -' Spring plowing. The Barry Bowles farm ^. " ,4 f * I/ i �24 (top) Making sorghum, Madison County, Kentucky (bottom) A school in Jackson County, Kentucky �25 Cooling off. Clay County, Kentucky �26 Sunday afternoon on the front porch. Earl Thomas and his mother, Disputanta, Kentucky �27 Saturday afternoon in Rock Castle, Kentucky �28 Nobody to play with �a right good people" �BASCOM LAMAR LUNSFORD: THE SQUIRE OF SOUTH TURKEY CREEK Rarely does a single interview produce so rich a tapestry of a man's life, work, knowledge and personality. It was the muggy evening of August 1, 1969. The author, tape recorder in hand, found Bascom Lamar Lunsford in high spirits backstage at the Asheville Civic Auditorium. The two sat and talked nearly an hour and a half as the recorder whirred. Literally hundreds of newspaper and magazine articles have been written about Lunsford, so most of the outward facts of his life and achievements are a matter of record. The following story, then, does not recount such well-known, glittering episodes as his entertaining British royalty and President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Rather, it focuses on his personality, colorful speech, and keen interpretations of mountain lore, and the sampling of pithy quotes here are extracted directly from the tape. Because of the sense of immediacy in the tape, the story appears here exactly as it originally was written in 1969 for The Charlotte Observer. It is dedicated to the fond memory of the Squire of South Turkey Creek, who died at age 91 on Tuesday, September 4, 1973. 30 �by Harold F. Warren 31 They call him the Squire of South Turkey Creek, The Minstrel of the Appalachians, The Grand Old Man of American Folklore and Music. Bascom Lamar Lunsford's quick, clear, bluish eyes have watched 87 summers cloak the mountains he loves with greenery and wildflowers. That is a long time, long enough for a stroke to take its toll on his slight body, long enough to stiffen the sinews and slow the jaunty legs. Yet not nearly long enough to dim the electric wit and the twinkling humor, the prodigious memory and keen analytical faculties, the forceful character and gentle voice. The old man was sitting just off-stage in the city auditorium in Asheville, basking in the familiar warmth of old friends and new well-wishers and absorbing the nostalgic sounds of fiddles and banjos tuning or practicing backstage in preparation for the second night of the 42nd Annual Mountain Dance and Folk Festival. The festival for purists was his brainchild, one recurring testament to his rich life. He sat with pained legs across a chair, a resplendent patriarch in his white suit and black bow tie and well-worn red satin rose in one lapel, commenting gently but authoritatively on mountain life and lore and music and nearly everything else a flatlander might be interested in. The famous folklorist chuckled softly and clapped a frail hand on one thigh at the mention of his picturesque title, "the Squire of South Turkey �32 " . .a right good people" Creek," then leaned forward and confided with amusement and unblinking honesty that he perpetuated the image himself. Tsk, tsk. He, who loathes sham so much that he refuses to pose in a *'rough shirt" for pictures, does not live on South Turkey Creek, but in Asheville. Neither was he born by the Buncombe County creek, but in neighboring Madison County. Oh, he did build a roomy house on South Turkey Creek after he married Nellie Triplett in 1906. He didn't rightly remember how "Squire" first got attached to it. But he got the basic idea many years ago, he said, from a political speech which "went over big with the home folks." His eyes sparkled with mischief. "In connection with my work, I thought, I'd perpetuate it because it's folky, don't ye see? And true, y'see. I'd go to events in the big cities, and they'd be introducing fellers, so-and-so from New York, soand-so from Chicago, y' know. So I'd tell 'em, 'just say, Bascom Lamar Lunsford from South Turkey Creek.' So I've purposely had that done. "Well, it caught on. IVe gotten cablegrams even, to South Turkey Creek." He chuckled impishly like a mischievous boy who had played an ingenious prank, his weathered face crinkling under the narrow brow and crew-cut silver hair. "And I also put 'em to the inconvenience of using all my name instead of just Lunsford, don't y'see." He paused, his face turning serious. �by Harold F. Warren 33 "My life's work virtually got around to be that, don't y'see. It's purposeful. I realized that what I do—I want to call attention for the good it may do to the value of traditional culture as compared with the value of our culture. "Now, they both influence the other. They come together, y'know. The feller that can write the best music or write the best literature is the feller that also knows something about the traditional background. "The feller that knows the traditional background of his people has got the advantage over the feller that's got no idea 'cept something he's figgered out on his own, purely from an artistic standpoint, y'see. I've seen it done so many times." He leaned back and recounted dramatic court cases and political feuds from the bygone days to illustrate his point. It was another area he knew well, because he studied law at old Trinity College, now Duke University. "I've known that men and women dancing together with good music is the best type of entertainment there is. Men and women, mind you, not separate but together, of courting age especially. "In the mountains the mountain man wants to get in and dance with his partner, in the park, where the caller is, y'see. Dancin' back in the coves and the places they havin' a barn-raisin', things of that kind. Well, a girl'll fix up with her best dress on to impress her sweetheart—courting has a whole lot to do with it—then there a boy puts a green lizard on his coat, of �34 ". . .a right good people39 course, and comes out there and he wants to dance with his gal. "That's what's behind folk music. That's it, don't ye see." "And when you see 'em dancing around, y'know, with just a little swing of the shoulders, a twist of the shoulders, y'know, and the high notes of the fiddle comin' out keen, y'know, and then the thumpthump-thump of the banjo, y'know, and the feller can talk to his partner and not bother anything, y'know, and they can just keep a-goin' and a-goin' for ten or twelve minutes. Don't get tired, y'see. And the feller's enjoyin' himself and he don't know just exactly why." Nearby, banjos plucked and fiddles wailed loudly, and the ancient man raised his voice slightly and gestured imperiously. "I'm a great believer in the native worth of our own mountain people. They're wonderful. Wonderful people. The rural people of North Carolina are outstanding. I'm proud of 'em. The people here have integrity . . . ." His voice trailed off. "When you go to a mountain home to hunt ballads of whatever, why, you go and take your hat off. The man of the house, although he may have nothin' but a cabbage patch around—it's his castle and all. It's where he lives. "And his grandparents possibly could've been lords of the realm. And that's the way they feel about it. �by Harold F. Warren 35 "When I go to those places, off comes my hat. I don't say, 'Josie, get your banjo and play some, I want you to go to the festival.' I say, 'where's the gentleman of the house? Where's Mister So-And-So?' They say, lie's at the barn.' I say, Veil, I wanta see him.' "Well, they send and they say, 'go get your Pap.' Then, when he comes in, I say, 'well, I tell you what I come for. I want your children to play some for me and I'm thinking' 'bout asking them to play at the festival. And I wanta hear 'em.' " 'Well,' he says, 'I guess they can play awright— otherwise, he wouldn't let 'em play.' "You ever think about that? That's a fact. You've got to begin where the authority is, y'know. And you got to show respect. And I'm glad they're that way." A lady well-wisher stopped and patted him on the shoulder. The old man, alert eyes amused, joshed, "You look like you're pickin* up a little weight. Does that make you mad?" She giggled and he bent forward in laughter. "Last night, Mr. Bailey brought a lady back here and she said, 'member I danced with you at Bent Creek way back yonder, y'know, 'bout 1928? I said, 'you don't remember that, do you?' "I said, 'why didn't we get married?' She said, 'we can yet, I'm not bound.' I says, 'but I am. See that woman over there?' I said, 'there's nothin' I can do about it now."' The old man chuckled deeply, rubbed �36 ". . .a right good people' the high bridge of his nose, and gestured to his reddish-haired wife of eight years, Frieda. His mind snatched up his earlier chain of thought, and he discussed the pride of the mountain man. Then, suddenly showing anger, he turned to an "educational movie" on Appalachian folklore. "Yes, they came down, didn't want a staged thing, they said. 'Want you to take us where you've got this good mountain music, and we want to go all over the country, and . . . .' Well, they went down and they had their own low notion about it. "I couldVe told them—I took 'em to the good places, I took 'em where the scenery was fine. I didn't stage it. I just did like they said. "Wound out by them takin' pictures of old junk cars and stuff like that, that didn't belong to it, didn't help the picture and didn't help the folklore, don't y' see. I'm not satisfied with that program. Why, we give 'em the best in the world, they selected the worst." He rocked back and flashed that restrained, impish grin. "Scuse me for runnin' my mouth so much, but you see, I've got this chance once a year and if I don't take it nobody gonna take it for me." The grin broke open, and he touched your knee with a thin hand. "You take the average citizen now. I bet you won't find a man that'll talk shop less than I will around home. I go off somewhere, y'know, I come �by Harold F. Warren 37 back and tell about somebody had some fat mules, or how the tobacco was, and so on. "That movie, though—it's like, our country has been more systematically slandered than any country I know anything about. People come here to find a fine climate, waterfalls, green pastures and so on. Some log cabins, of course. People livin' here doin' pretty good. Take a notion to get a little work done, they'll send up the hollar to get a little help. "And then, they'll have some children comin' along, and so on, and they'll start a little school. Outsiders 11 come in here and they'll write back to where they came from and say, 'won't you get ten minutes of your time to tell 'em about a school down here and these people, that the man does nothing but lay around and make liquor and the woman does all the work. And here's some ragged children that need help. Get us some old clothes.'" He mimicked. "So that's done systematically, that same kinda treatment. So people that live away from here think nobody lives here but somebody that's shiftless and careless. So . . . . "I'd rather live in a cabin and have nothin' but a cabbage patch. You're all right if you're taught to behave, taught discipline. Go play in the branch and make willow whistles, dress up clean and wash your face and go to Sunday School, and when Dad says to get up and go feed them mules, get up and feed 'em now, not after awhile. I say, that'll make a better �38 " . .a right good people' citizen than a feller that drifts along and does not learn discipline. "Now, we've had—and it's been that way since the beginning of our state—back down there, if a feller wanted a little more room, little more freedom, a feller marries and leaves, goes a little further west, and so on. "Then each one makes fun of the other feller a little higher up the mountain. Clear on up 'til you get up there to where there's this old feller that lives on a mountaintop, got a big family up there. And they say, 'they're odd folks,' and they say this and they say that. And you go up there, they have more fun than anybody. "And that's the way we are—we have more fun that anybody else." He chuckled again and looked out across the spotlighted stage. "Now you take this festival here. It looks a little bit confused. Some people see folks runnin' around here on stage, y'know, thinks it's a disorganized thing. Well, we haven't had a printed program in 42 years, no use to start now. Point is, you couldn't go by it if you had it. At the same time, it's highly organized to be not organized. But it's a folk festival." Fiddles on stage were zinging through "Wildwood Flower," and the old man smiled slightly. Asked about the dulcimer, he shot back, "My opinion, while the dulcimer is a great instrument, an �by Harold F. Warren 39 old instrument, and so on—but I told some lady, 'you think if you get a dulcimer you're a folklorist right from the start.' She's written some very nice things about it. I told her my advice is to get a good dulcimer that's shaped well, kinda like a fiddle, made out of the right kinda wood and all, and put a ribbon on it and hang it on the wall. And then take down the old five-string banjo and go to makin' music. So in comparison with other music, the dulcimer has no place. It's hard to beat the old fiddle." He squinted, his mind rummaging among stillsharp memories. "The real mountain music comes from places like Madison County (North Carolina). Up there, it's the richest county in the state in the older, traditional folk music. So happened I's born at Mars Hill and all, and I give Mars Hill College my collection of music and ballads and recordings that I've made from memory. And you'd be surprised to note that in this personal memory collection were about 700, which I recorded for the Library of Congress and Columbia University Library. They gave me transcriptions, don't y'see. Give 'em to Mars Hill for research work to perpetuate—well, after I'm gone, they can go there, and there they are. "Lotta famous ballad collectors have reaped 'em in Madison County, got the cream of their collections there. The great collector, way back, Cecil Sharpe, went there. It's due to the fact that in Madison County the traditional ballads are better, and more genuine, more the real thing than any other place. �40 ". . .a right good people" "I've been around there a lot. You'd also be surprised that a man 87 can recall verbatim just like I found them and who I found them, too, just from memory. "There's so many good songs up there, it's hard to say which ones are the best. But you take the songs like 'Barbara Allen,' of course, 'Pretty Polly' and 'Sweet William and Lady Margaret,' passed down from memory pure for generations. "The whole story of Barbara Allen is a wonderful thing. Sung in different ways and all, from the old Scotch on down. I'm interested in everything bein* genuine. That's a fine old song. I have a hundred different texts of it myself, I've collected. "That's the purpose in my life. Back in '34, this National Folk Festival was organized in St. Louis, first year, and they asked me to come out there. I went and took a lotta dancers and ballad singers with me. And after that, for 12 years, I'd go a month ahead to Chicago, Dallas, Chattanooga, Washington, New York, Philadelphia, just to promote the thing. And then appeared on so many college and university programs, and so on. And the state fair for 20 years. "I'd just present it like mountain people ought to. I wouldn't costume or anything. Present it, just genuine, like I am now. There's been a lotta things written, and I've had fun, but—well, now, it's something bigger than any one individual. It's the mountain people that play and dance. �by Harold F. Warren 41 "I wrote the letter of introduction that got Jimmy Rogers his first recording with Victor. I've been there in the beginning on a lot of things. Now there's so many names you, can't keep up with them, but I've known nearly every feller that was interested in folk music. "Now, you have to be careful. A lot of it is just a conglomeration, it's just a different thing. Used to hunt for original music. I'd go around to colleges and places and offer a five dollar gold piece for the best song when I'd travel. "Now, I don't attempt anything that requires much responsibility, because not much certainty whether I'm gonna get to make it anyway, so I don't know, but I hope I'll be here next year. I want to put it off as long as I can. I've enjoyed every minute of my life. Nobody's had more fun than I have. "Oh well, now I'll get on the program here a little bit. Get out there on stage and introduce some folks, put a little touch to it, y'know. What they expect of me. My old legs hurt, but I can do it for a little bit. If it's not hurting' them, why, I shouldn't worry for just a few minutes at a time. "Well, I'm having a good time, y'know. I'm in a good humor. The wife, shell testify I stay in a good humor practically all the time." His eyes twinkled. His wife added, "He don't get sassy with me but just once in a great while." "Oh, she gets called down then, y'know," he parried. �42 ". . .a right good people" Bascom Lamar Lunsford, The Sage of Turkey Creek �by Harold F. Warren 43 "But now when he gets sassy, he's real sassy," she jousted back. He grinned and patted you gently on the knee as a plaintive ballad swelled and fell through the cavernous auditorium. "Minstrel of the Appalachians," you called him. "I like that," he answered. "It's a pretty good territory, the Appalachians, y'know. I'm very familiar with it, from Harpers Ferry to Iron Mountain in Alabama, all the way down. "Spent the night in more cabins along that line than any other man I know of, different places, y'know." Bascom Lamar Lunsford's blue eyes narrowed as he said it, as if he were remembering those cabins one by one, oblivious to the uproarious frolic all around him. �THE WINDS OF CHANGE MURMUR UP THE LITTLE LAUREL Smiling, gray-haired Mrs. Ethel Carleton saw visitors coming up the other side of the gurgling creek, so she came out of her weather-browned house and shushed a yapping dog. The old, plank-sided house was in a clearing accessible by a steep, primitive road twisting for miles into one of the most remote hollows of Watauga County, North Carolina. Visitors were scarce, and Mrs. Carleton beamed as they walked a sagging plank across the creek. "Hey there. Y'uns come on in, make y'selves at home," she called. Her handshake was strong and genuine. Her husband, Lonnie, had gone off down the Little Laurel toward Triplett to "work logs," she said, and the teenaged girls, Betty Jo and Susie, were inside the four-room house. 44 �by Harold F. Warren 45 "Well, people can go off to town life if they want, but I'm just as close to town as I want to go," Mrs. Carle ton said matter-of-factly, settling in a rocker facing the Warm Morning oil heater. She had a face of strong character, with steady blue eyes and silvery strands of hair drawn back to a bun. "Oh yeah, things are a-changin' right smart. As to me, I'd like to have a better road, things like that. But I think to go off to town, you get to too many people sometimes, y' know." As remote as the Carleton farm is, now there is a large new housing development called Powder Horn Mountain only a few ridges away as the crow flies. The whole region is developing rapidly as a lure for city folks on vacation or in retirement. The economy and taxes are climbing. Transportation, education, communications, electricity and many other factors are having a strong impact on traditional lifestyles. In subtle ways, the changes are beginning to touch the lives of even the most isolated mountain families like the Carletons. The hard-jawed independence and open-faced hospitality are still there. Mrs. Carleton's well-worn quilting frame still hangs from a bedroom ceiling. There are kerosene lamps on the mantel, three guns on the wall and a setting banty hen with four tiny chicks in a cardboard box in the living room. But now there is a large picture-window in one side of the aged house, an electric stove in the �46 ". . .a right good people" kitchen, a red telephone by the door, a powerful transistor radio on the dining table. Outside there are chickens and cows, beehives and ponds teeming with trout, outbuildings containing took, meat, vegetables and fruits. But there also is a muddy four-wheel-drive-truck. "No, I don't go to town only just when I have to—don't rightly recall when the last time was,"Mrs. Carleton was saying as she poured cups of boiled coffee, rich and black and steaming. "Now, Lonnie 11 go maybe once a week. He's a business sort, y' know. Hell go atter just a box o' sody or somethin'. "No, don't get out o' here to church. We try to live right here every day. "People that go to town life, they have to get a job. And then they say, 'Well, I don't feel like it, but I gotta go to work or lose my job, so I gotta go.' That's one thing wonderful to live out. If you wanta take off a hour or two, you can. "If I wanta work all the time, I do. And if I don't want to, I don't," Mrs. Carleton said. She went to the mantel, sprinkled Prince Albert tobacco into a cigarette paper, licked and rolled it, then returned to her rocker. She puffed contentedly, holding the cigarette between her right thumb and forefinger. A few days earlier, Dr. Gratis William, dean of the graduate school at Appalachian State University in Boone, had touched on the same quality of old-time mountain life when he told a forum in AsheviUe that �by Harold F. Warren 47 ;; • .. Jljfciflf'*' ; "..-f«*M" '... ju'^. i»j- " of the Lonnie Carle ton family, across the Little Laurel �48 ". . .a right good people " this is one reason why people are leaving cities and coming to the mountains. "Modern man has lost the technique of enjoying time for itself, a technique the native mountaineer still enjoys," he said. "Many of us grew up in the mountains and on a farm, and we could sit and enjoy a morning if it happened to be the kind of morning we couldn't work in the fields, without feeling compelled to engage in conversation if there was no subject of interest to us." The oral tradition, the passing of legends and parables from one generation to another and the entertaining art of storytelling are being replaced by electronic media which substitute other information and entertainment. "In one way," Mrs. Carleton reflected, "if radios and TVs and all was out, it would bring folks back closer together." And in an office at Appalachian State University, F. Borden Mace, director of the Appalachian Consortium's "Traditions In Transition" project, expressed deep concern that the native folklore is fading into oblivion. "Not really very much is known about the history and culture of Southern Appalachian folk," he said. "Only the people can tell us. We're trying to find out." The cultural changes and world situation "goes for the worse," Mrs. Carleton lamented. "If a person '11 open their eyes, I don't see how they can think things are gonna get any better." �by Harold F. Warren Mrs. Lonnie (Ethel) Carleton 49 �50 ". . ,a right good people' Land prices and taxes, for instance. On the Carletons' 72 acres, "it just seems like our land taxes been gettin' awful high for a place without no road or anything. Well, I don't know, just seems like we're taxed to death ever' way we go." Ten years ago, the county tax rate was 85 cents per $100 on 45 per cent of assessed value. Today, the rate is 88 cents per $100 on 65 per cent of assessed value. But despite tax increases, the biggest difference is in higher reassessed property values today. Ten years ago, the tax supervisor's office listed the Carletons with 77 acres assessed at $1,092. Today, 72 acres is assessed at $1,710. By comparison, Jason Townsend's 56-acre, mountain-top farm is just over the mountain from Seven Devils resort area in a faster-growing section of the county. Today, its assessed value is $4,656, as opposed to $3,719 in 1963. Dozens of Watauga farm owners have succumbed to the lure of instant money and sold out to developers. Mrs. Bernice Watson's picturesque farm on Brown's Chapel Road now is sprouting pink, prefab houses, and she is living in a mobile home near Boone. Others, such as elderly Jason Townsend and Collis Austin, stubbornly refuse to sell. "No, I ain't sellin'," Mrs. Carleton said emphatically. "This is the only home I got, and I ain't a-seUin' it. 'Course, the girls don't want us to sell either. We did sell of a little spot down across the creek there, to one o' Lonnie's nephews. But he just seems like one o' my own young'uns." �by Harold F. Warren 51 Still, such developments as Powder Horn Mountain are "a help, because it brings some work closer." And despite generally high prices, "they're not up that much" at Stewart Simmons' Store in Triplett. Despite the Carletons' relative self-sufficiency, they do supplement with a little money. The "cash crop" is Christmas roping made of evergreen boughs entwined with ivy, for which they now get $3 per 75-foot roll. They also occasionally sell logs, roots and herbs and "bigwood leaves." As crude as their rocky road is, it is a recent luxury by comparison with the "old way," which was impassable much of the year when it rained or snowed. They have tried to get the newer road improved, "and they've wrote the governor (former North Carolina Gov. Bob Scott) two or three times. And he told *em to come and fix this road. They come and staked it off, but then nothin' was ever done," Mrs. Carleton explained. Until Betty Jo and Susie dropped out of high school, they had to walk a trail over the mountains to an improved gravel road to catch the orange school bus, leaving home at 6:15 a.m. and trudging back at 5 p.m. or later. After a couple hours of conversation, the Carletons' visitors rose to leave. "Oh, why, y'uns don't need to leave already," Mrs. Carleton insisted, smiling broadly. "Stay for supper, and we'll kill us a tater and have us some buttermilk." �DEWEY HARMON: MOUNTAIN HUMOR AND GEE-HAW-WHIMMY-DIDDLES Note: Dewey Harmon, one of the author's favorite people, died from the effects of a heart attack not long after this story was written for the Charlotte Observer in July 197L The story appears here exactly as it originally was written. Dewey Harmon's wit is about as keen as the blade of his pocket knife. Which is mighty keen, seeing as how he makes his living with that pocket knife a-carving out bona fide gee-haw-whimmy-diddles, idiot sticks and little roosters. He's seen 71 summers now. "Coin' on 72, and the women says I'm a-gettin' meaner all the time," he joshes—or brags—however you want to take it. And when he says things like that a smug little smUe plays on his mouth. And his eyes, held apart by a prominent nose under a narrow brow, crinkle at the corners with mischief and bedevilment. You find Harmon's place away up Beech Creek, somewhere close to the Avery-Watauga County line 52 �by Harold F. Warren 53 and just a stone's throw or so from the Tennessee line, tucked away among high mountains. It's the same neck of the woods where Richard Chase collected many of his famous "Jack Tales" decades ago. Harmon's a-sitting in a big old easy chair on the porch of his green-trimmed, white frame house, looking down across the gravel road that separates his 80 acres from the dashing, chattering creek. He looks real comfortable in his loose "Old Kentucky" overalls and khaki shirt. "If that ol* creek didn't rattle I couldn't go to sleep at night," he observes laconically. Wife Sadie joins him on the porch and commences talking, and he hushes her. "Let your tongue run some other time, woman," he admonishes, trying hard to sound crabby and keep from grinning. "Ye can see her tongue's loose at both ends," he adds, jerking a thumb in the direction of the screen door and turning to the company. And Harmon gets to telling about getting hit on the head, years ago, "and ain't had no sense since," and his wife appears again and hugs him and laughs and kisses him on top of the head. "I told 'em," muses Harmon, "they ain't no use to worry. You crack an ol' gourd, it'll grow back together." He lights a cigarette, smokes it up to the cork filter. "Hey, ye know all these hot pants these gals wear nowadays?" he switches tracks. "Well, if they're hot �54 ". . .a right good people'9 pants, they might ketch afire, and if they do, ye know how to put 'em out?" He pauses, poised on the brink of mirth. "Well, you just turn on the panty hose." He chuckles deeply, claps a hand on a knee. An acquaintance says that's "undoubtedly a Dewey original." "Aw, if I didn't have any pass-time fun, I wouldn't wanta live," declares Harmon. "I'll be asittin' here a-workin' on a gee-haw-whimmy-diddle or something, and I'll think of me a good joke to get off on somebody. I'll just go get in the oP car and go get it off on fem. I can't work anymore 'til I do." He wags his head. Harmon's been a-making gee-haw^whimmydiddles "five, six years now," and they've been selling like hotcakes through a mountain crafts cooperative. His wife is also a member, sewing beautiful little cloth dolls of storybook characters. "I broke my back with a log at the sawmill," explains Harmon. "Can't lift anything, so I had to make these or something. I gotta do something, I can't just lay down and do nothin'. I worked all my life." He hustles into the house and comes out with a fancy three-pronged gee-haw-whimmy-diddle, which is unusual because they usually just have a single prong, or at most two prongs. He briskly rubs the rubbing stick over the notches atop the three-pronged stick and sets all three tiny propellers a-spinning to the left. Almost imper- �by Harold F, Warren Dewey Harmon demonstrating his three-pronged gee-haw-whvmmy'-diddle 55 �56 ". . .a right good people" ceptibly, he shifts technique and the propellers respond to the different vibrations and reverse direction. Harmon smiles with satisfaction. "Made this'n outa ivy, but I usually use laurel. I have even made 'em with up to seven prongs, but that takes too long. Oh, I can average about one a hour, after I've got the right sticks and them dried out right and all. "I just take my time now, though. I'm gettin' a little nervous, and I might cut the notches wrong or something. Now, ye take that outbuilding there, I've got ever1 kind of stick that's ever been thought of in there. A man goes in there, he's bound to fall over a stick of some kind," he says, grinning. "Yeah, I've had a lotta fun with 'em. You know, they's a lotta people you can't even learn how to work 'em. You show 'em and show 'em, and they still can't do it." Another grin. Harmon's even tried to show people in Rhode Island and Washington, D. C., where the crafts co-op sent him a week each to crafts fairs. His five children are up and grown, "and the woods 're full of grandchildren." Wife Sadie pokes her head out the door and says, "Thirteen grandchildren and thirteen great-grandchildren." And Harmon says, "Lord, yes, I've been busy." An impish look in the eyes and another .cigarette. "Now be sure'n come back," he bids you. **Takes about ever'body around here to keep me straight, but they like me and we get along." �REV. CHARLES A. KEYES: 'THE PARSON OF THE HILLS/' Like St. Francis of Assisi, little Charlie Keyes started out preaching to the birds. With a few differences. "My early efforts, at the age of five," writes Keyes, "were somewhat unusual and aroused much curiosity in the neighborhood (in West Jefferson, North Carolina, in mountain-locked Ashe County). Hens and chickens were my audience, and I preached to them in the yard back of my father's produce building, standing on a chicken coop." Within the year, he graduated to people. The blue-eyed moppet would perch on an egg crate or tree stump to meet their eyes. About 40 years later, a Kansas lady mailed Keyes, now the silver-haired, legendary "Parson of the Hills," a yellowed old clipping. "Ripley's Believe It Or Not." 57 �58 " . .a right good people " About the five-year-old "wonder boy" preacher of the Appalachian mountains. The clipping evoked a quixotic smile. Forty years. All still vivid. Tremendous ambitions; mighty disappointments. Eye-dampening joys; scalp-cringing dangers. The aroma of honeysuckle; the stench of rotgut liquor. A talk with the governor; exhortations to snuff-dippin' bootleggers, moonshiners, cutthroats, rattlesnake cultists and whisky-nippin' grannies of the backwoods. In recent years, the rusticly eloquent Parson became even more widely known as an implacable poverty-fighter among the same remote, shack-dotted coves and ridges. But all those early years are priceless to him. Fifteen years ago, he committed to paper some of the pithy episodes of those earlier years. A wellheeled doctor financed their printing by a subsidy house. They languished, never promoted or commercially exploited. The thin tome, entitled "Parson of the Hills," is many things. Sometimes hilariously droll, without meaning to be. Sometimes grippingly dramatic. Sometimes flecked with wit and understatement with a straight face. And it always rings true, with some of the most accurate, rich descriptions and neo-Elizabethan dialogue, riddled with picturesque idioms, to be found in the language. The Parson disclaims being a writer. Just 'telling it �by Harold F. Warren 59 like it was.' But who else could describe the odor of bad moonshine as "so strong that you couldn't smell a passing skunk." Or Wilkes County, North Carolina as "this dangerous county of back-hill bootleggers, where every stranger was considered a foreigner." Or the moonshiners' suspiciousness: "No foreigner was welcome who had any objections to this mountain way of turning corn into silver." The volume traces the Parson's trails through childhood, the feverish teens, the tireless young adulthood. Travel was usually on foot. His cathedrals were usually brush arbors. Once, still very young, he took to a West Jefferson street corner to preach against strong drink, a major theme during those days. Afterward, hot, tired, thirsty, he entered a cafe, asked for a drink of water. Instead, the waiter cracked him in the head with a hammer. He sprawled, got up, blacked out, woke up in a doctor's office with his head bandaged up. The assailant, arrested, tried, fined, said he did it because the Parson knocked "the liquor business." The greater the danger from moonshiners, the braver he seemed to get. His enemies nicknamed him "Sledgehammer Charlie," and the moniker spread across the mountains. Once, back in Ashe County for one of his biggest revivals, he was rocked, then found his tires slashed, paint scratched up, engine ruined by dirt in the gas tank. That crusade won over numerous notorious bootleggers, and an incredible headline in �60 ". . .a right good people" the county newspaper, the Skyland Post, blared: "SLEDGEHAMMER CHARLIE" DECLARES WAR IN LITTLE COMMUNITY AREA WHILE HITLER IS GETTING READY TO FIGHT IN EUROPE Finally, he prepared to foray into the Trap Hill section of Wilkes County. A friendly old-timer warned him: "Them varmints . . . . don't want a preacher or anybody coming in preaching against what they're making their living with—and preacher, if they don't put a bullet through your haid you shore will have a tough time a-staying thar. Why, the revenooers and sheriffs don't meddle in them thar parts any more, and if they want to live they better not meddle in Trap Hill." Prophetic. The Parson did "meddle." Overnight, a $400 tent was cut to pieces. Songbooks ripped apart. Benches broken up. Keys torn out of the organs. Pulpit overturned. Besides real peril, there were the constant little frustrations. "I often went into far, almost isolated, sections, where there were no churches, no religious institutions, no schools, no anything. I would clear out a place in the woods, build a brush arbor and begin preaching. The only light I had at night services was a lantern or two hanging from a tree and some old pop bottles of kerosene with wicks stuck through their necks. �by Harold F. Warren 61 "I preached and fought insects at the same time. Once as I was preaching, a large bug went straight down my throat. I quickly picked up a fruit jar filled with water and washed it on down, as it seemed to be headed down instead of up." And again, when a "big, husky backwoods preacher came in and told how he had been converted from making corn liquor. As he testified he began to get more and more emotional. He had been standing beside the pulpit as he talked. Suddenly he made a high leap in the air, and when he came down he disappeared through the floor. His weight was too much for the old floor boards to sustain. "After climbing back through the hole in the floor, he went over and borrowed an old fellow's hat, then walked through the congregation asking contributions to repair the damage. He soon raised several dollars Or the time he got head-spinning drunk on a huge dose of ucold remedy" kindly offered by a sweet little old granny in apron and bonnet. Or the time a pot-bellied stove blew its pipe, belching smoke and soot, choking him as he continued singing, trying to hold his audience. After 40 minutes of problems, the service resumed with the hymn, "Farther along, tempted and tried, well understand it better by and by." Or the time a drunk dumped a whole jar of soursmelling, eye-stinging whiskey over his head. Or . . . . well, the stories could go on and on. �62 ". . .a right good people " The joyous wail and driving beat of an old gospel hymn bursts from the rickety little mission church, almost drowning the clatter of the pickup truck bouncing down the twisting, rocky lane that falls steeply from Horseshoe Bend to the isolated hollow far below. ". . . . Nothing but the blood of Jeee-sus." The pickup swings around the last elbow and roars to a stop next to the mission's front porch. "Chicken-coop churches," the Parson of the Hills, Rev. Charles A. Keyes, calls these crudely built missions he helped start. There is a touch of endearment in the term when he says it. This "chicken-coop" church roosts precariously on the steep, scrubby mountainside just above two hovels in the bottom of the hollow. Built from scraps and fresh saplings by men from this Wilkes County, North Carolina area only recently, it still has no sign, no cross, no outward identification. The Parson, a friend named Jim Stevens, and a writer roll out of the pickup and into the bright, cold Sunday afternoon. Several overalled men, playing hooky, stand in the wood chips at the side of the mission where a stovepipe belches piney-smelling, bluish smoke. Another gospel song erupts inside as the floorboards thunder with the surging rhythm of happy, thumping feet. One of the men takes up the beat, a heavy shoe patting the wood chips, but they continue huddling against the icy wind and commenting on the �by Harold F. Warren A Wilkes County mountain woman, proud of her mid-winter catch of fish 63 �64 ". . .a right good people9 weather or the pitifully crippled white mongrel dog or the two ponies rearing and nipping each other in the pasture below. Inside, the fervor of the hymn-singing is nearing the crescendo. An elderly, plumpish woman hops gingerly to the beat, her eyes closed, her knuckles white as she rapidly clashes a pair of well-worn brass cymbals. A middle-aged man, one leg hung loosely over the other knee, leans forward over the second-hand banjo he plinks feverishly. Another, a Negro visitor, keeps time on a shiny snare drum while his wife dances about ecstatically. The other dozen adults pat their feet and sing with a gusto that belies their meager numbers. A few restless children are scattered in the cramped room, their pallid faces reddening from the heat of the rusty iron stove near the center. For both adults and children, religion and the little mission are focal points of their lives. Coming to this "chicken-coop" church is a bright, happy event in their otherwise poverty-ridden existence. They are surprised today when the silver-haired Parson strides through the ill-fitting door, because they usually know in advance when he can come. He sits among some men in the pulpit area where there is no pulpit yet. Someone in Hickory is building one. An impromptu quartet belts out another rollicking gospel hymn to choruses of amens. One of the sweating young men dips with a Glove Kid peanut �by Harold F. Warren May belle Pike, 11, with her first new doll—a gift at the "Parson of the Hills" huge annual "Christmas on the Mountain" party 65 �66 ". . .a right good people39 butter jar into the galvanized steel water bucket on a table in the pulpit area, drinks deeply, and smiles contentedly. Sunlight streaming through a small window catches the jar, and beads of water on the oily interior glisten like jewels. "If I could hear my mother pray again .. .." the little congregation sings with quivering voices. The Negro woman preaches a few minutes, emphatically laying the racial problems of this age on hate and "that oP Devil" and shouting a message of brotherly love among all, white folks and colored folks. The white folks interject strong amens, and some hug her. After a quiet, shy, hands-in-pockets testimonial by a thin, elderly man, the Parson is asked to "say a few words/' He relents, saying that this is their own meeting today and that he is "not going to get all wound up." "Why, I got all wound up at the little mission down there in Hickory the other night. Ended up runnin' right through the door and preachin* out in the street," he smiles. Loud amens and approving nods and grins. The Parson proceeds to get "all wound up," periodically disclaiming his intention to do so. The folks love it. One middle-aged woman, leaping up to shout Amen, tips over one of the rough-built, slat benches. "Bless 'er Lord," mumbles a small, balding man in oversized overalls. Others take up the cadence of �by Harold F. Warren 67 amens and blessings, with the hot tempo of the preaching. An hour or more later, the Parson's blistering condemnation of a multitude of sins bumps to a halt. The children scurry outside while the grown-ups hug and smile and shake hands and chat all around. The women tug their wraps tighter, and some of the men talk with their backsides close to the still-hot stove and their calloused hands tucked in the bibs of their overalls. Outside again, the icy wind blasts up the hollow more fiercely and whips across the little mission porch. Men, women and children shiver, scrunch up their shoulders, and begin scrambling into the beds of two pickup trucks. The Parson is smiling and talking with a group of them. "I'd a lot rather come down to a poor little church like this, where good, poor folks like you-all can just come in your overalls and get your minds on religion and not be worrying about your fine clothes, or your big fine church and everything else," he tells them. "Amen, amen brother," they respond, their faces cheery, their spirits fortified for another week's onslaught of despair and poverty. �"A MAN'S FRIENDS IS ALL HE'SCOT " Bip-beep. Bip-bip-bip-bee-ee-eep, blasts an auto horn. The raucous sound shatters the soothing quiet of dusk on the wooded hillside around widely known artist Philip Moose's painting-filled studio-home on a rocky lane a few miles south of Blowing Rock, North Carolina. "Sylvester," says Moose, smiling and rolling his eyes. "That couldn't be anybody else. Sylvester Coffey." He hustles to the kitchen door as Coffey piles out of the red station wagon, leaving it idling and the lights burning. The elderly visitor, tall, gaunt as a hungry bear, tromps in among the paintings and artifacts and remnants of a gourmet dinner, then swings one lean, overalled leg onto the corner of the wellappointed bar. 68 �by Harold F. Warren 69 Just dropped by for something to wet his tonsils. He's 65, lives alone in a little place on the opposite hillside, is the "hardest-working man I know," says Moose. Practically indestructible. Take, a falling tree crushed his shoulder and the doctor said he wouldn't ever be good for much anymore, but in less than a year you couldn't tell it ever happened to him. Well, pretty soon Coffey's all wound up and talking like a buzz saw, a non-stop monologue rambling on a couple of hours, spellbinding. He's a caretaker for some plush mountain homes, and he and Moose have been sort of buddies a long time now, although they're about as different as night is from day in a lot of ways. The monologue gives you an encyclopedia's worth of education on a hundred subjects, from escapades of a "High Sheriff" up in West Virginny to cold remedies to life histories of his zillion relatives to tales from his daddy and granddaddy, all laced with vivid Elizabethan terms and dramatic bursts of song. The spontaneous songs just come in snatches, excerpts appropriate to the momentary subject. None are familiar to the lowlander's ears, except once when he cuts loose with part of "House of the Risin' Sun." Finally, he ambles toward the door, pumps your hand with a big, powerful, grizzled hand, says; "Yessir, glad to o' met ye. A man's friends is all he's got. Yessir." He climbs into the station wagon, its engine still whirring, lights still beaming. "A man's friends is all he's got. .. ." �PRIDE, INDEPENDENCE AND BUCKETS MADE OF TREE BARK Jason Townsend, getting on in years, needs no words to speak of peace and satisfaction, pride and independence. His quiet life speaks for itself . . . . You clatter up the steep, twisting gravel road, then spatter up a muddy lane high into the Appalachians, high above the pastoral valley of Valle Crucis, North Carolina into a lush vale among fog-shrouded peaks. You grind to a stop under an ancient apple tree heavy with little green fruit. He sits on an old hickory-bottomed chair in the basement doorway, busy hands lacing a poplar-bark bucket with long strips of leathery hickory bark, pale blue eyes squinting in the pearly gray light of cloudsifted sunrays. Around him are heaps of moist bark, 70 �by Harold F. Warren 71 a stool cluttered with simple tools, rows and rows of glass jars of fruits and vegetables on musty shelves in the dim cavern of the basement. He hunches over his craft in baggy "Jack Rabbit" overalls and gray workshirt, his thin white hair mostly hidden by a comfortable old narrow-brimmed hat of brown felt. The nose is small and thin, the weathered face white-whiskered. The hands pause. The face cracks into a hearty smile, open and friendly. Visitors are few and far between, and welcomes are warm and honest. Townsend lives with his wife, 72, who's been feeling puny lately, on 57 acres that stretches all the way to the bottom by the creek, where he gets most of his good poplar bark. He bought most of the land "40 year ago, I guess." And there he raised 10 children ("just* got seven a-livin'") and lived to see 24 grandchildren. "An1 let's see, I reckon we've got four great-grandchildren," he says, smiling. "I believe the first day of September I'll be 77." Now the nimble hands fly again, punching eyelets up the sides of the bark bucket, then around the top, with the pointed end of a file. UA feller don't have to have much tools for that—a file's the best thing I ever used." The hands are going all the time he talks, fitting a white-oak bark hoop in the top, then fashioning a hickory bark shoulder strap. Finally, he holds it at arm's length, looks with satisfaction. �72 " . .a right good people" Jason Townsend making a poplar-bark bucket �by Harold F. Warren 73 He begins another, scratching a mark, cutting, bending the bark so it pops into shape. The buckets are one-piece, and the way it's done is simple but ingenious. Townsend is the only craftsman in these parts still making bark buckets, which he can sell through a flourishing young crafts cooperative. The demand recently has soared, so he now has an order for 1,500 and can sell all he makes. "White walnut makes a awful good 'un, but they ain't any of them anymore/' he says wistfully. "I saw my dad make 'em like this long ago, when I was a boy. An' then, way back, I'd get in a huckleberry patch or somethin' and I'd get out of a bucket, so I'd just make me one. "Yep, it kills a poplar when its skinned. That's the bad part. That's the reason I always chop 'em down, so I can get all there is in 'em. Sometimes I get enough bark for 18, 20 off one tree. "I used to lay rock, but I can't lift too good anymore. I used to make just a few buckets to sell, an' I thought I's a-doin' well to get 50 cents for one this size. Now I can get $2.75." You reckon aloud that he's glad for the crafts co-op, the good market, the dignity of independence in old age. And his sensitivity and pride well up inside him, and he answers very casually: "Oh, they ain't really much in it, not much money a-tall, time a feller goes and packs 'em outa the woods an' all. I jus' like to do it. Jus' a passtime . . . ." �A SCHOLAR IN OVERALLS: HE LOVES THE MOUNTAINS AND GREAT BOOKS The chipped ice in the rust-splotched, old-fashioned soft drink box felt good to your hot, sweaty hands as you fished for a tall cola and felt the inquiring eyes of the old men sitting around the cramped country store. The ice-cold, sweetish liquid felt even better gurgling down your parched throat. It had been one of those seemingly endless days when, traveling afoot and bearing a heavy pack, eight hours and almost 20 miles seem like twice the time and distance. You had scrambled along the cool creek bottoms. Clambored across craggy Appalachian ridge-tops. Climbed a steep, twisting, rocky trail out of the last deep gorge. Meandered with the weed-grown traces of an old wagon road and emerged on a gravel road near the store in the orange light of evening. Strangers in those remote parts were scarce enough, but you with your scruffy whiskers, orange 74 �by Harold F. Warren 75 pack and green canteens, assorted dangling, strange gear and funny-looking European boots must have looked like a creature from outer space to the placid, overalled men. Their mumble of easy talk had died abruptly, as the night-sounds by a wooded pond fall silent at the snap of a twig under a human intruder's heel. "Good country, here," you said, smiling, chug-alugging the cola. Grunts. A couple of tentative nods. "Some beautiful places back in there," you said, jerking your head toward the wilderness. "How far's it down the road to the highway?" you asked. "Coupla miles. Not more'n three," answered the proprietor, a heavy-bellied man in a blue-checked flannel shirt. You asked other questions, interspersed with observations. The answers or acknowledgments were brief, courteous but timid and guarded, the inner thoughts as masked as those of adept poker players. With one exception. One thin-boned fellow who seemed slightly apart from the others, hunkered on his elbows on the end of the long, linoleum-topped counter, his deep-set gray eyes and the corners of his mouth now and then subtly revealing amusement and friendly interest. "Where you come from?" he finally inquired. "Oh, Charlotte, North Carolina. I been through there a few times." He moseyed out onto the front porch as if inviting you out of ear-shot, and you ambled out and leaned against a weather-grayed post. �76 ". . .a right good people' His name was Adrian Waddell. About 60. High cheekbones and thick thatches of aluminum-flecked hair. Chain-smoked Camels, letting neglected ashes drop onto his overalls, then flicking them off with his brown-stained middle finger. You talked until night had settled over the black hills. Back before the Great Depression, he said, he'd traveled a little, gone off to college a year and a half until hard times forced him to drop out and head for Dee-troit to look for a job. After two, three years, he decided that wasn't any kind of life so he went out west. Tended sheep a year. And finally wound up back in these hills from where he came. He was like a lot of young folks in the mountains, he said, who feel a compulsive itch to run and hide from their Appalachian heritage. But then, unlike many of them, home beckoned to him and he responded with newfound pride. Waddell had carved out a quiet, good life, he said, raising five good children and watching them graduate from college and scatter across the nation. Had a good wife with good sense. Had three cows and two mules and plenty of chickens and a lot of books. Books? Yeah. Shakespeare, history, the poets, philosophy. Things like that. Good stuff. "Now, you take these fellers here," he said, gesturing toward the store's front door. "They're pretty good fellers. Kinda shy about strangers, kinda tight-lipped about things they're not familiar with. But good fellers. "But," he added, breaking into a wide, mischie- �by Harold F. Warren 77 vous grin, "they think I'm kinda high-falutin". Not to mention, kinda peculiar, I don't mind that. I understand 'em." Waddell paused, reflected awhile, then explained, "You hear on TV the term *ego trip.' It's said like it's something bad. Well, it could be bad. But the way I look at it, everybody's on some kinda ego trip. Everybody needs to feel good about himself. That's natural as eating or going to the toilet. But most people play the hypocrite, try to down-grade themselves in public, afraid people '11 think they're puttin' on the dog if they're honest. "Yeah, we're all on an ego trip, one kind 'er another. The only question is, if you've got the grace to pull it off with the right charm to get by with it. Take, for instance, William Faulkner. Arrogant man. Or that genius, Frank Lloyd Wright, the architect." Waddell paused again, fired another cigarette, continued, "Now take me. My trouble is, I forget myself. I'll mention Shaw or Napoleon or Socrates or somebody—one of my friends—in the store. Or somebody 11 see me walking the woods, talking with the greats, the great men. "It's a funny kind of life I've had. Couldn't do everything I wanted to. But I could, in a way, through the books. Feel like I know 'em. Walk with the great men. They're my closest friends. Actually, y' know, you can get to know them far deeper, more thorough than most flesh-and-blood people you live amongst. .. ." �AGGIE LOWRANCE, A LATE-BLOOMING WILDFLOWER Aggie Lowrance at 71 had more vim than a sackful of wildcats. And more imagination than a three-headed professor. So the sprightly widow found her thing, like a wildflower bursting into full, glorious color after the first snow of winter. After a full life as mountain farm wife and mother, she's lately blossomed into an unusually creative designer, teacher and craftswoman. Her colorful designs for impish, cuddly, hand-sewn dolls of storybook characters have been smash hits at the nation's major craft shows. And she's one big reason for the success of a thriving young co-op of mountain craftsmen, Blue Ridge Hearthside Crafts Association Inc., headquartered in Sugar Grove, North Carolina. 78 �by Harold F. Warren 79 Not that a late-bloomer is unique, but she walks in some tall company. Grandma Moses, for instance, first picked up a paint brush and palette at 76. Sir Winston Churchill, already past a career as statesman, leaped into the literary world and won a Nobel Prize as an octogenarian. Socrates flowered through the crust of obscurity at about 80. Most of the world first heard of Mahatma Ghandi in the winter of his life . . . . Aggie lives in an old homeplace up Dutch Creek, in a remote, lush valley out from Valle Crucis, North Carolina. It's "Aggie" because that's what everybody calls her and it would sound phony to talk about "Mrs. Lowrance." She was putting up corn, canning for the oncoming winter, that warm, late-summer afternoon when company came. She was happy and the birds were warbling and the creek was gurgling by the front porch and the sun was smiling brightly on the good earth. Aggie would remind you of a sort of grandmotherly Alice in Wonderland. Prim, green-print dress and little-girl shoes, black patent leather Mary Janes. Silver-sprinkled hair bobbed short. A pixie's twinkling eyes behind glasses. And her manner, with expressive hands and quick quips and wide-eyed delight at little things such as a baby frog or lemon yellow mushroom along the steep, wooded path up to splashing^Dutch Creek Falls. Although she lived here all her life, she has an �80 ". . .a right good people " oddly Yankee clip to her speech attributed to travels to crafts shows in New York and Miami and Washington. In her small living room were reminders of her earlier life, of her two sons, grown and gone, and her husband, passed on six years before. And there were new things, a little picture book of "Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs" on a lamp table and several recently designed cats on the sofa, fat-bellied orange and yellow cats with skinny, floppy arms and black bow ties and mischievous green eyes . . . . Aggie sat with toes tucked back under her chair, fairly crackling with energy as she talked, like a wiggly little girl in Sunday School. She didn't know where all that talent came from. "I just like to create things. And I like people . . . ." She'd learned sewing, going to the Valle Crucis Mission School awhile as a child. And later, she worked there a bit, and when the girls gave plays she helped with the costumes. Then about 1968, the budding co-op sort of discovered her when she came up with the first of the now-famous "upside-down" dolls, a combination of Hansel and Gretel and the Old Witch. One thing led to another, and soon she was designing all the dolls, plus talent scouting and teaching classes of mountain women. It was not long until she was elected a member of Hearthside's board of directors. "I'm feeling much better about it (the co-op) than ever before. It'll sure work, if everybody 11 keep �by Harold F. Warren Aggie Lowrance with one of her lovable dolls 81 �82 ". . .a right good people' at it," Aggie said. "It's been a struggle. Sometimes we'd get to the place we thought, 'this is it.' But then we'd pick up and start again. We'd never give up. "It's been a great thing for a lot of mountain people. I was able to get qualified for Social Security, for one thing, by this chance to earn money. I know it's kept a lot off welfare, and some of them make real good at it now." She smiled, straightened her neat dress, and listened to the gurgle of Dutch Creek. Aggie's creativity forms a pattern. She'll daydream over a children's story, remembering how she heard it and felt about it and visualized it as a child, begin sketching her impressions on paper in the evening, sleep on it, then bounce out of bed the next morning and sew a model. And when will she retire now, give up her crafts? "When I'm laid to rest," she quipped, shrugging and giggling. �HORSE-TRADIN' OVER FOOL'S GOLD Other than the old man's odor of sweat, the first thing you noticed was the furtive, steel-gray eyes set wide in the knobby head and anchored by a leathery, hawksbill nose. The watery eyes bulged from high, thin cheekbones like those of a popeyed bullfrog being clutched tightly by a little boy. And they flicked about constantly from side to side and face to face and back again, habitually, as if the old man had always feared assassination. Your nostrils cringed before you glanced toward the bent figure, because the blustery wind whipped through the door of the grimy little store and around his over ailed frame. He shuffled inside, angled for the 83 �84 ". . .a right good people" glass-topped knick-knack case where several mountain men drooped in conversation. A withered hand fished inside the greasy overalls as if seeking money. Instead, the jittery hand produced a fist-sized rock, plunked it gingerly on the counter, then continued digging and fidgeting inside the baggy overalls, finally yielding two dimes. The rock glittered, golden. "Gimme a Pepsi, Cap'n," the old man squished through snuff-stained stubs of teeth. He must have been 70 or 75, but they were hard years. Two angular men perched on upright soft-drink crates hauled themselves erect, moseyed over to the counter, joined the others propped on elbows. They all gaped slack-jawed at the rock. "Wai, wha's this?" one thin, red-faced man finally ventured. "Hey, ain't that purty?" exclaimed another. "Yeah," breathed a hefty one. "Hey feller, that 'ere wouldn't be gold, would it? I know it's been known to be a lotta gold in these oF mountains." Now, mountain men tend to be just natural-born sharp horse-traders, but this crowd didn't have much on the old stranger. The old man played it coy, thoughtfully scratched the stubble on his jaw, slowed the darting eyes to a bovine roll. "Hey there. Dolph Elmond here." He eyed their faces. "Wai, I'd jus' as soon ye didn't mention nothin' about that 'ere rock." He hung his head, concentrated �by Harold F. Warren 85 hard on the cracked leather of his brogans. "Hey, we's jus* wondering" nasaled the thin one. "Wai, Cap'n," rasped the old man, straightening and tucking the gnarled hands cross-armed under the armpits. "Wai, yep. It's gold awright. Found it hereabouts. That's jus' a sample. They's truckloads of it. "Now, I ain't say in' zactly where, but it's here. Why, the gold in that 'ere one piece is worth more'n a hundred dollars." The fever was on. They pumped the old man for the location. No luck. They backed up and hem-hawed around, then ployed more tactfully. No luck. Veiled threats. No luck. "Tell ye what, Cap'n," Elmond tucked his chin. "I'll jus' let ye have that 'ere piece for $50. The gold fever mounted. Only no one had $50. You picked up the rock. Granite criss-crossed with veins of milky quartz. Encrusted all over with clusters of twinkling golden granules. Pyrite. Virtually worthless, except for a handsome doorstop or paperweight. More commonly known as "fool's gold." The old man was grateful for the dollar he got for the rock. He needed it, and besides, it was a pretty chunk of glitter for the buyer. And the old man had been trying to sell it for a long time. �A FOOT-STOMPING JAM SESSION IN THE OLD GAS STATION All the foot-stomping in the little Haywood County, North Carolina gas station was practically rattling the windows. It was one of those almost mystical experiences that inexplicably swell out of people's deepest well-springs to flood and then engulf the whole group with a mesmerizing unity of feeling. "Turtle," who was called that apparently because his large head bobbed on a stubby neck buried in scrunched shoulders, was lurching in time to the music while his big feet were clopping in all directions like barges gone berzerk in cross-tides. The gas pump jockey, a skinny, older man in grease-burnished green twill pants, was hunkering on a water can and smiling broadly as he clapped his big-knuckled hands. A 86 �by Harold F. Warren 87 young feller, maybe 19, was showing his stuff with a hot-tempo clogging exhibition. Two other men in overalls munched peanuts and patted their high-top shoes on the gray-painted floor. "Hey, Ern, let's hear us some more o' that Wildwood Flower/ how 'bout it?" bellowed the pump jockey. Old Ern—his name was Ernest Albrightgrinned like a possum in a sweet potato patch. He was the cause of all this unfettered joy, and he plainly knew it. "Yeah," said Turtle, "OP Ern can make 'at thing talk to you." He was talking about Old Em's handcrafted banjo. Old Ern beamed even broader, baring some gums between clusters of teeth. He sat on a Coke crate, leaned back against some cans of motor oil, patted his banjo and began plinking feverishly, rocking his tall, angular, hunchbacked frame. It was a late afternoon in mid-May, and the orange sky to the west tinted the men's faces a ruddy Titian cast. The dark green mountains stood high, almost scraping the purplish rainclouds drifting ominously eastward. "Ey Law'," one of the overalled men said when Old Ern finished the Wildwood Flower' encore, "I better shake a leg before them clouds cut loose like a cow on a flat rock." Then Turtle said, yeah, his old lady 'd be after his hide if he let the vittles get cold. They moseyed off. Old Ern went silent a moment and started idly picking at a little spider web that was about the same �88 ". . .a right good people " silvery color as the stubble of whiskers on his leathery face. Then he commenced playing some sombre hymns, "Shall We Gather At The River" and "When The Roll Is Called Up Yonder." It was amazing, how well he could chord the banjo. Because his left hand was a three-digit flurry of motion. There were two stubs where the little finger and ring finger were ripped off by a buzz saw years ago. Another peculiarity was the excellent tone of the banjo, because Old Ern makes them square instead of round. It was a pretty nice piece of craftsmanship, too, with designs made by tacking brass upholstery studs into the woodwork. He sells one of the square banjos around Asheville "ever' once in awhile," he said. "Get $10, sometimes $12 or $15 apiece for 'em." Mostly, though, he picks up money in the fall and winter hauling "cord wood" into the Asheville area and other towns for city folks' fireplaces. "Oh, my cord wood 11 make yer coffee pot whistle," Old Em bragged, grinning. There was a bit of talk about where he was from, up some creek you never heard of, and about his long and interesting life and what it was like in "olden times." He told some tall tales about his daddy and his big brood of young'uns. "My daddy was strict as a hickory stick," he said. "My daddy, rest Is soul, was meaner*n a big copperhead at matin' time. But he kep' us kids set straight an' narrow. Yessir." �by Harold F, Warren 89 Did Old Ern know any of the old mountain ballads? "Oh yessir, indeedy," he crowed, perking up his playing fingers again. He lit into a soulful rendition of "Barbry Allen," then jazzed the same .ballad with some gospel-type improvisations. And he picked out a couple of old children's songs, sprightly, dainty tunes for skipping or dancing that sounded similar to some old English lute music. By now another crowd had gathered in the gas station. Old Ern was looking for a ride into "the big town," but nobody was going that way. "Hey, Ern," the gas pump jockey roared again, "how 'bout one more piece o' that 'Wildwood Flower* fer these fellers?" The possum grin spread across Old Ern's face again. He drained his Pepsi bottle, washing down some peanut butter-crackers, and reared back like a proud patriarch. Pulling around the rusty old gas pump and onto the blacktop road, you could clearly hear the zinging banjo above all the foot-stomping and whooping. Old Ern was doing his stuff. �'ALL THE SIGNS WERE WRONG FOR PIG-BUTCHERING If you think a pet pig named Cherry sounds improbable, just ponder the rest of the crazy, improbable but-true tale. The story begins at the end, when Herb Stevens' wife Helene enters her dining room bearing a scrumptious casserole. Only, she can't eat a bite. And she looks melancholy. "Well, part of Cherry's in that casserole," she explains. "And I just keep remembering her when she was alive, how she'd squeal when I'd go down to feed her, how I'd scratch her back with a stick .. . ." Big Herb can eat okay. His friends had kidded him about how he couldn't really kill Cherry, but he had committed the act Saturday, single-handedly. He always had a lot of pets, had a great deal of feeling 90 �by Harold F. Warren 91 for animals, but "they're not as important as human beings," he said. He can deliver a powerful lecture on how American meat-eating humans are hypocritical, impersonally chomping away on beef they bought in a clean, pretty package, all the brutal, dirty work done. Herb regularly speaks strongly that way. Just his nature, the rugged individualist. He's a huge guy, 31, six-foot-seven, 220 pounds of lean muscle and broadshouldered frame, with intense, flashing brown eyes and striking moustache. His voice thunders when he gets excited by an idea. Big Herb got himself educated, built a new house on a knoll staring at the stony face of Table Rock Mountain in Burke County, North Carolina and began commuting daily to a job as principal of rural Pilot Mountain Junior High School. He was a pretty capable mountaineer, but somehow his education had neglected to take in some of the more practical bits of native wisdom—such as, how to butcher a pig. "The whole experience with the pig was a riot, a comedy of errors from beginning to end," he grins, staring up at Table Rock. "Like Saturday. It was the weirdest quirk of weather—it was warm. Now, any fool knows, I'm told, it's gotta be freezing at pig-killing time. But then, what the hell does Swift and Company do in August? "All the signs were wrong for a pig-butchering, some neighbors tell me. The moon was all wrong. Not �92 " . .a right good people" only wrong, but exactly opposite of where it's supposed to be. I still don't entirely understand it." He heaves a big, dramatic sigh of resignation. "And then, like an idiot, I had to do it alone. Not to prove anything. Just that I didn't want anybody helping me, who would find out how ignorant I am. "Oh, I had gotten all those little booklets on it. Like this one with the blood stains on it. I'd flip through here while I worked on Cherry. "But there's nothing in here that says, 'one man should not try to butcher a hog alone.' If I hadn't been so stupid, I'd have noticed that the illustrations all showed two men doing the job." Ultimately—and utterly exhausted—he managed to get about 110 pounds of meat out of the 200 pound carcas. "But the biggest fiasco—well, let me start at the beginning. You see, we had this garbage problem over at Pilot Mountain (school). They had always dumped the wet garbage in a hole in back of the school. So I thought something needed to be done. At the same time, I said, 'Heck, it's crazy to throw all this good garbage away.' So one day in September I went down to Valdese and bought this pig. And then I would haul the wet garbage home to feed it. "Now, I've always for some reason liked pigs—had a fascination for them, you know, like some people like horses. The two kids named this one Cherry. "Anyway, then came a strange turn of events. One day not long ago, I came into my office (at �by Harold F. Warren 93 school). The secretary said, 'You got the funniest phone call/ She said, 'There was this guy with the heaviest Russian accent, who said he was from the U. S. Department of Agriculture/ When he asked her how we disposed of the wet garbage, she told him the principal took it home to feed a pig. Whereupon, he said it was against the law, and to have me call him. A 'Dr. Borshenko,' or something. "So I called the number, which must have been wrong. Of course, I didn't know it, so when a guy answered, I launched into a big excuse about how I thought the cholera law just applied to feeding pigs wet garbage in commercial operations, and how this was just a private family thing. "That guy listened, silently. Finally, he said, like, 'I don't know what the hell you're talking about, buddy, this is a druggist at Eckerd's.' So I thought, a-ha, Stevens, you really are a sucker. A Dr. Borshenko, indeed. A thick Russian accent, indeed. I was certain it was a prank by this teacher-friend of mine, who would do that kind of thing. "I thought up one for him—a prank—but then, it turned out he didn't know what I was talking about either. So I thought, maybe there really is a Dr. Borshenko. I called all around, and finally I got ahold of him—in the flesh—at the local agriculture office." Herb effects a brilliant mimic of a gruff, stern, authoritarian Russian accent growling out of the phone. "Finally, I said I'd stop taking the garbage home, �94 lt . . .a right good people" and he said okay, then, he wouldn't prosecute me," grins Herb. "But then, we still had the garbage problem. I went over to see the county lunchroom supervisor, Pat Foreman, and explained the whole mess. I said I knew someone who would haul it off. Me—for $2.75 every two weeks. "That's exactly how much whole-hog ration Cherry was eating, so I would break even. After all, I only bought the pig as a solution to the garbage problem. So we made the agreement, although I would only be paid the whole amount at the end of the year. "Actually, in the meantime, the school custodian has been taking a lot of the garbage home to some hunting dogs of his, so it looks doubtful now that they'll pay me." Herb looks a little impish. "Yeah, strange the way it worked out. Now, make it clear I didn't dupe anybody, because I didn't. But for awhile, I thought this was probably the only county in the state paying—directly or indirectly—to feed a pig." Big Herb hunches the massive shoulders in laughter, rolls the brown eyes in mock horror, like a silent screen comic would do after a monumental goof. �AN APPALACHIAN FRONTIER HOMESTEAD This is peace . . . . Pure peace, sitting atop the world with Al and Robin Ulmer and Baby Laurel on their remote mountain crest straddling the Tennessee-North Carolina line. Sharing their rustic hearth and bountiful food, their uninhibited laughter and sweet silence, their intoxicating sense of freedom. From their primitive homestead, miles from the nearest human being, it seems you can see all the Earth spread below. Endless, rippling waves of purplish and bluish mountain ranges and mist-veiled greenish valleys to the farthest horizons. Capped by the vast blue dome of the whole cosmos. You feel like Zeus on Mount Olympus. The Ulmers are rare people living a rare life in a rare setting. They are true pioneers, as surely as the first tough, independent families who conquered 95 �96 ". . .a right good people" these hard mountains were pioneers. They are more akin to the spirit of mountain life and work than most who are born among the hills, although Al and Robin immigrated by choice and dream. They were running hard in mankind's go-go ratrace before they decided four and a half years ago to pull out. Then they lived six months in an Army tent in the wilderness while they cut logs and gathered stones and built their rugged home. You get there by bouncing a four-wheel drive vehicle miles up the mountain, twisting, turning, splashing through deep mudholes, swishing through a mere tunnel boring into the forest, passing a neatly lettered slab sign on a tree at the N.C.-Tennessee state line admonishing, "Keep Locust Gap Clean and Green." There is a huge, organic garden below the dwelling, loaded with everything from luscious strawberries to zucchini squash. A baby's playpen sits in one edge of the rocky field. You clomp onto the sweeping plank porch, rap on the heavy door, amble in and settle by the hot fireplace. Gaze at the orange flames licking the logs. Feel the crackling fire singe your face and bake your legs. Let your eyes soak up the raw beauty of roughhewn, hand-rubbed furniture, great balls of brown and orange and red woolen yarn, Robin's sumptuously designed and painstakingly looped rugs, the solid floor and log rafters. There is no telephone. No television. No radio. �by Harold F. Warren 97 No newspaper. No communications with the world beyond without leaving the mountain. But one huge wall is jammed with hundreds of books. There is a small desk with a typewriter. And scattered children's books. Al sits on the floor, then on a chair, pulling Baby Laurel back and forth in an old cardboard box. Laurel, one and a half, pixie face framed in blonde curls, squeals and laughs. Already she has learned to laugh a lot. Al is 32, about six feet, lanky, hard-muscled and still a good athlete. He grew up in flat Indian Rocks, Florida, was the gutsy captain of the Florida State University football team, took a Master's degree in biology in 1961, served in the Peace Corps in Nigeria and worked three years for the Southern Regional Council in Atlanta. He has short, chestnut hair and a thick mustache, wears jeans and a grimy tee-shirt in which he's been laying stone all day, now his favorite kind of work. He hangs loose, a free-thinker and free-speaker with a fast, incisive wit. Within minutes, Robin has whipped up a fantastic meal she serves with fresh-brewed tea in handmade stoneware. She is 30, willowy in a plain mini-dress, with a quick, large smile and strikingly expressive eyes and short, black hair. She is very energetic. The daughter of a Michigan educator, she got her Master's degree in African and Latin American history, met Al in Nigeria with the Peace Corps, taught �98 ". . .a right good people " school in Atlanta and discovered in herself a creative flair for mountain craftsmanship and cookery. After dinner, woozy with good food and drink, you get into a hotly competitive basketball game. Al has leveled off a big square down by the garden and put up a goal on an oak tree. You play until it's so dark you can't see the backboard, then climb to the house. You all sprawl on the porch, leaning against the mortar-chinked logs, feeling the chilly evening breeze on your hot, sweaty faces, gazing silently at the black-silhouetted humps of the Appalachians against the starry, indigo cyclorama of the night sky. It is simple. Good. So good to be alive and quivering and smelling and feeling and thinking as clearly as the twinkling heavens. You just savor it a long while, scanning this ethereal world, looking out across North Carolina and Tennessee and northward to Virginia. Then you talk. You wonder, all around the direct question, what impels two such people as Al and Robin to cut loose from society and drastically modify their lifestyles. Some do, but they rarely last so long. There is a horde of tired and bored humanity, you suspect, who openly or secretly yearn for this kind of unfettered simplicity and peace. But the Ulmers are far beyond rationalizing and talking. Finally, Al casts his life history in five words: "Educated, dedicated, jaded—and here," he says, shrugging. This is peace . . . . �THE "LITTLE WAR:'' CHEROKEE INDIAN STICKBALL GAME The term "Southen Appalachian mountaineer" usually evokes a mental image of the stalwart white pioneers of British stock, English, Scotch and Irish. But the first "Southern Appalachian mountaineers" were Cherokee Indians. Now their vast territory is reduced to a North Carolina tract called the Qualla Boundary in the Great Smokey Mountains, but their cultural influence is still felt by their white neighbors. And the Cherokee Indians of the Eastern Band, in turn, have been strongly influenced by the encroaching white man's culture. This story focuses on one great Cherokee tradition that is now little more than a fading memory. Big Jeff Toineeta, 55, a massive man with the powerful shoulders of a bear, was one of the great, feared players of the body-battering native Cherokee game called "anetsa," generally known as Indian stickball. It was an hour before the big stickball game, and Big Jeff stood like a great sphinx in his overalls and billed black cap by the high school athletic field fence, glancing toward an ominous rain cloud to the west, squinting toward the bright eastern sky, remembering days of glory and pain on bygone playing fields. 99 �100 " . .a right good people" "I used to wear eagle's feather (a sacred object). They said those who wore it really was a man. You never on the ground if you wore the eagle's feather. Now, no eagle's feather," he said in the gutteral accent heavily influenced by his native tongue. "Boy, it was rough. I remember I broke the bones of my foot one time, but they needed me and I had to go on and play anyway," he said, wincing. Another time, so many players had been carried off the field that only two were left, so he had to do combat three hours before grasping victory. Now Big Jeff is in charge of arranging stickball games for each day of the annual Cherokee Fall Festival in late September. Standing with him was festival manager Newman Arneach, who explained how the roughhouse game is played and some of the discontinued customs which once embellished the "little war's" spirit. Arneach himself once cracked a collarbone and had a shoulder smashed out of place. The game, once imbued with great importance and even mystical overtones, used to be played with all-out viciousness between the seven tribal clans of the Cherokee nation. Its results could settle disputes, win or lose high betting stakes and so on. As the stone bleachers filled with mostly white spectators, last of the medicine men Amoneeta Sequoyah, 71, who would act as a sort of referee for the game, cocked his black cowboy hat forward over �by Harold F. Warren 101 his long, raven-black hair and recalled still other details and interpretations of decades past. Teams would train as much as a month or six weeks for a big game, during which time it was forbidden to touch a woman. On the eve of the game, they would begin the long march to Cherokee, camping overnight, singing and dancing throughout the night. A medicine man would scratch their bodies with briars, rattlesnake teeth or other sharp objects until they bled, then rub a stinging compound of herbs into the wounds. Food was forbidden until after the game, when the combatants would plunge into the cold waters of the Occonoluftee River, then be brought good things to eat by the women. During the game, the players wore only breech-clouts held by a leather thong. Now they wear shorts or bathing trunks. And now it was 3 p.m. The exhibition game began, Sequoyah making comments from the center of the 300-foot field, the two teams of 10 men each shouting challenges in Cherokee as they alternately advanced to the center ground. The South team flung their 18-inch sticks of hickory, tipped with small mesh ball cups, into a line. North men chose their opponents by matching sticks. Sequoyah chattered instructions in Cherokee, tossed the small red ball into the air and exhorted the players as seemingly disorganized mayhem broke out. Players with such family names as Bigwitch, Cucum- �102 ". . .a right good people" her, Toineeta, Blackfox, Littlejohn, Reed, Bowman and Walkingstick grappled for the ball as a steady drizzle soaked and slickened the turf. The object was to get the ball through the opponents* "goalposts"—green branches stuck into the ground at each end of the field—with the first to score 12 times declared the winner, regardless of time. Almost no rules apply. Biting, hitting, holding, gouging and scratching are accepted methods of competition. There are no time-outs and no substitutions. If a man is knocked out of the game, his opponent also must drop out. South scored first, then soon soared ahead nine to two. North, admonished by the spry medicine man, surged back with four straight goals. An Indian bystander grinned. He interpreted Sequoyah's admonishments as meaning "about the same as 'get the lead out.' " Slam-bam. Crunch. Whomp. Sweat-slick bodies battled, turned red with scratches, stinging blows and writhing on the ground. Soon four players were sidelined. Finally, South triumphed twelve to seven. Sometimes two opponents' tempers flared, igniting personal battles apart from the main action. And when the game ended, several continued wrestling. Shuffling from the field, the medicine man grinned broadly and said, "The way I feel now, I feel just as good as when I was twenty years old, I enjoyed that game more than any of them did...." �THE DANIEL BOONE WAGON TRAIN "Heee-yaarrrh! Git along there, ye lazy critters." The lusty, deep-throated cry echoes over the lush meadow and meandering creek where State Farm Road branches off Deerfield Road near Boone, North Carolina, drowning the axle squeaks of about 80 wagons and clattering hoofs of hundreds of horses in the famed Daniel Boone Wagon Train. The richly tanned, bull-necked man whacks the reins across die sweating rumps of his barrel-chested team of tired, plodding horses, and they bolt momentarily. Whipping off his cowboy-style straw hat, the big man wipes a calloused hand across the sweat-filled creases of his brow through his damp, matted hair. 103 �104 " . .a right good people" "Heeee-yaarrh!" he yells again, and the floweryfrocked children in the wagon behind him grin in delight. The sun blazes high overhead. It's a little after noon Friday and the hot, exhausted travelers are all smiling and laughing and chattering and urging their animals on for the last hundred yards of the 48-mile trek up the Appalachian mountains from North Wilkesboro. The long, jostling train of buckboards, prairie schooners and horseback riders rattles off the paved road and loops around the big field of Optimist Park. Menfolk and their women and young'uns spill off the wagons and begin making their last camp, the men unyoking the horses and the women scurrying to the cool creek for buckets of water and the young'uns wading and splashing. One little scutter, shucking his cowboy boots, dips into the creek with his straw hat for a drink—like the old-timers do in the movies. Only the hat keeps leaking. And he looks around sheepishly to see if anyone has noticed. Two men from Walnut Cove, one of them an ancient with a well-worn cane, pull a spring truck seat from their wagon, then sit placidly in the shade of the white muslin wagon cover. Like most of the wagons, theirs is freshly painted red and green and cared for so lovingly that it looks like it just came out of the wagon factory. It's a long haul up the stubborn mountain the �by Harold F. Warren 105 way Daniel Boone climbed in 1775 on his way to Kentucky. The eager riders, from all over the mountains and foothills and mingled with some from as far away as New Jersey and New York,»had paraded through North Wilkesboro, then rolled out of the picturesque Yadkin Valley Tuesday morning along N.C. 268 on their way to Ferguson, 15 miles away. Near Ferguson, they passed Boone's old homeplace, the home he left to make his mark as a frontiersman nearly 200 years ago. This annual trek, now a decade old, commemorates that first restless climb to see what was in the mountains and beyond. After heaps of barbecued chicken and square dancing and a sound sleep, the wagon train pulled out of the muddy campsite Wednesday morning for little Darby, winding along a small road skirting Elk Creek. At Darby, more barbecued chickens, about 1,300 of them, awaited the famished travelers. And more old-time fiddling and stomping. And swimming in the wide hole in Elks Creek. Thursday morning, they pushed on for Triplett, nestled in a pastoral valley between steep mountain ridges that tower up to the Blue Ridge Parkway. It was a blistering day, and dust filled their nostrils and caked their faces from the crooked, powder-dry roadbed. Sweat trickled into the 10-year-old growth of beard on Adam Lambe, a flatlander from down at Burlington, North Carolina. Friday morning the horses jerked in their harness and began the hardest pull, up the steep mountain �106 ". . .a right good people' into Boone. The day was scorching, and lathered animals strained and snorted and quivered as they leaned into the climb. Now, Friday evening, a cloud-splotched sky cools the weary wayfarers although it is still a little muggy. A late, pink-orange sun glimmers in the west, tinting the white tops of the wagons in Optimist Park. A few campfires are lit, emitting hickory-smelling smoke which blends with the pungent odors of sweaty horses. Swarms of local mountain folks pour into the field among the wagons, leaving hundreds of cars parked across the road. Deputies and white-coveralled Deep Creek Volunteer Fire Department men help direct the noisy, bumper-to-bumper traffic. Many camper trucks pull in among the wagons for the night. They fill the cool night air of Watauga County with mountain fiddling and songs and shouts and laughter long after midnight, this last night before the big parade through downtown Boone the next morning. It's the last fling, a fitting tribute to the unfetf etered spirit of the pioneering man they commemorate. �DR. GRATIS WILLIAMS: A LAMENT FOR APPALACHIA "The old-time Southern Appalachian mountaineers are rapidly disappearing," said bearded Dr. Gratis Williams across a plate of chicken and dumplings at the Tar Heel Restaurant in Boone, North Carolina. It was not the matter-of-fact, scholarly sort of statement of a man in the autumn of his life who has a Ph.D. degree in English from New York University and who has been dean of the graduate school at Appalachian State University since 1958. It was more like a soft-spoken lament, a glance back over the shoulder at the rugged backwoods farm on the Big Sandy in eastern Kentucky where he grew up. The tone evoked visions of a life-style in which Williams had learned to see value. 44 They had unique ways of saying things/' Williams was saying. "It glittered and sparkled with colorful language of all kinds. It was rich in metaphor. 107 �108 ". . .a right good people" "And yet, nowhere in the English-speaking world have 13 million people been made to feel so ashamed of their speech. "Speech represented the humor with which they considered life. They were skilled story-tellers. They depended on the oral tradition. They keep alive, even today, a pretty respectable art of story-telling . . . ." Strolling jauntily in the crisp springtime air, headed back to the Appalachian State campus, this small man with the giant mind began casting spells himself with several uproarious yarns, because he has retained that scarce skill of the consummate raconteur. His stories were not meant to impress his listener with those yarn-spinning abilities, though, but were to illustrate what great mastery his lusty grandfather had achieved with that "glittering" oral tradition. The trouble is, the stories cannot be passed on in print for posterity because Williams' grandfather had a way of delivering the most inspired verbal fireworks in some of the most explicit terms, wilting the hysterical listener into a limp pile of worn-out willow switches. Williams, a nationally known authority on the Appalachian mountaineer's heritage, has written on everything from balladry to moonshining, and his role as educator has ranged from one-room schoolhouses in the Kentucky mountains to guiding the graduate school of a huge state university. He's also popular as an entertainer and lecturer, exciting listeners from New York to Florida. �by Harold F. Warren 109 Once, at a dinner during the Sixth Annual Bascom Lamar Lunsford Mountain Music Festival at Mars Hill College, Dr. John Hough, Mars HilPs assistant dean for academic affairs, was chatting with Williams. Then he turned aside and said: "If anyone IVe ever known could fit the title, Dr. Williams is it—he's 'Mister Appalachia.' " On the Appalachian State campus, back in Williams* walnut-furnished office, the sprightly mentor discussed the traditional mountaineer's lifestyle, the "seemingly leisurely pace" and untrammeled independence, the "technique of enjoying time for itself" and the relative serenity. "I suspect that's why tourism is flourishing in the mountains," he said, "why the land is being bought up by fast-buck developers and sold to people in urban areas who dream of the time that they can recapture the simple life, "Of course, they are being moved into what amounts to an urban situation in the mountains. But this yearning, I think, is part of their motivating desire. To escape the rat race of urbanism, to recapture what they think they see when they drive down a mountain road." A paradox is that while hordes of city folks are seeking that simple, rustic life in the mountains, a lot of mountain youth are almost desperately trying to escape from it. Hill-country out-migration has been a reality for generations now. "One important thing I think the Appalachian �110 ". . .a right good people'9 Grandfather David Williams �by Harold F. Warren . , t ;V Dr. Gratis Williams 111 �112 " . .a right good people" Consortium is dedicated to: our young people, obviously, are the guardians of our future, and they themselves are halfway caught up in the traditions that make some feel they have to escape from it. "For a long time the educational effort of the mountains was dedicated almost solely to shaming mountain folk out of their backgrounds and to preparing them for middle-class American life. Of course, I belonged to that generation too, until I began to understand what was there, to love it. The more I learned, the more pleased I was with who I am," Williams said, smiling gently. "We're over that now. We have accepted the idea of pluralistic education. And we're far enough away from the poverty and isolation and the evils that went with it—along with all the glorious things—that if we dedicate some effort to it we can convince our young people that they have nothing to be ashamed of. That, instead, they have much to be proud of. "And they can operate with a different kind of confidence; they can see themselves in the mountain tradition rather than aspirants to a middle-class social position. Allowing, at the same time, that the texture of their lives will be changed, that they'll have running water and electric cookstoves in their homes. "At the same time, the traditional things that were of value, that were good, they can hold to because they know who they are, they love their tradition and they're happy to live within it." �Photographic Selections from Down to Earth —People of Appalachw, by Kenneth Murray KENNETH MURRAY Kenneth Murray is the thirty-year-old author-photographer of Down to Earth—People of Appalachia. The photographs in the book and the selections included here represent his concern with the sociological problems of the region which are reflected in the faces of these natural, honest and proud people. A serious photo-journalist, born and raised near Chattanooga, Kenneth Murray has produced a sensitive pictorial essay of an important part of the Appalachian region devoid of stereotypes or sentimentality. The book is available through local booksellers or may be ordered for $2.95 directly from the Appalachian Consortium Press, Boone, North Carolina 28607. 113 �114 Country Store, Hancock County, Tennessee �SIT �116 Mamie Light, Hawkins County^ Tennessee �117 Lee County, Virginia �118 Lee County, Virginia �** o I I . 54 C* £v* *"* (2' i I I �Photographic Selections from Tennessee Hillfolk, by Jesse Stuart and Joe Clark, H.B.S.S. JOE CLARK, H.B.S.S. SELF-PORTRAIT These photographs are from Tennessee Hill Folk, a delightful book of photographs by Joe Clark with text by Jesse Stuart. It is available at local booksellers or may be ordered for $7.95 directly from Vanderbilt University Press, Nashville, Tennessee 37235. Joe Clark is a hill county expatriate who took this series of pictures to cure his homesickness and to prove to his city friends in far-off Detroit that his oft told tales and descriptions were true. These Claiborne County pictures were chosen with a remarkable eye for detail, contrast and historical significance. They represent the range of social, family and work experiences in the Cumberland Gap country during the 1930*s. For everyone who grew up in Appalachia, these photographs serve as an exercise in nostalgia. 120 �121 My Father, with a loaded pipe, home-grown tobacco, and a thoughtful mood ��123 Possum up a persimmon tree. Harry England and Otto Walker are about to shake Mr. Possum, out �124 Peeling apples for apple butter ��AFTERWORD GRATIS WILLIAMS For mainstream Americans, buffeted about by the atomic social conditions of the 1960's, tired from the strain of their struggle against the battering advances in technology and the beguiling growth of the Gross National Product, but still hopeful for what the future might bring of quiet peace, simple dignity, and relief from the enslavement of time clocks and tight schedules, ". . . . a right good people" is a vacation trip to a far country in our own midst in which strong, independent people live simply as they hold to those values which relate to the integrity of the person and a respect for his uniqueness. Harold Warren could not see his people in isolation. Around them are the beauty of the land, the mysterious vistas of the mountains and hills billowing into far horizons, the butter-colored sunrise, the lingering sunsets of mellow evening, and the crystalclear air of mid-day. Close by are the ancient houses, 126 �by Harold F. Warren 127 the trails along the water courses, and the make-do contrivances of resourceful folk who find joy in elemental struggles with the seasons which bring to the weather-tanned faces of older folk those lines and crinkles from among which peer the quietly smiling eyes of the mountaineer, eyes which hold one tentatively, friendly but shy and almost willing to communicate. Mountain folk from Appalachia will be comfortable with ". . . . a right good people." In it they will find refreshment, and the persons they will meet here will haunt them for recognition, remind them of kinspeople whom they have not seen recently, call them back home to "set a spell" and talk about whatever comes to mind, or just let the time whittle itself away while they rest their "weary bones" and say nothing at all if they "don't have a mind to". Here, then, we have at long last a penetrating and insightful look at mountain folk captured both in wonderfully descriptive words that conjure up authentic pictures and in highly imaginative photographs that record the illusive but always present independent and proud spirit of ".. . . a right good people". Gratis Williams Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs Appalachian State University Bo one, North Carolina March, 1974 �Designed by Spencer Quails. Set in IBM Journal Roman by Westcott Computype, Inc., Baltimore, Maryland. The paper is basis 60, Dependoweb Matte. �F. a B.A. in as a he was a for He NC. of County; NC. He in 1957. He the in on the on July 30^ in � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "... A Right Good People" Description An account of the resource <span>A collection of true stories gathered from the Southern Appalachian people, this book echoes the folkways and values of another era. Published in 1974, the stories collected in </span><em>"... A Right Good People"</em><span> were originally published in the </span><em>Charlotte Observer,</em><span> the largest newspaper in the Carolinas in the 1970s. These stories were written with the intention of illustrating the heritage of the Appalachian people and letting them speak about their culture and traditions for themselves.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1A3lub_iE99u16Jyg-gWXH1y0JGNKAKFh" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638348/-a-right-good-people" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Warren, Harold F. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachia Consortium Press Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Appalachian State University Subject The topic of the resource Appalachians (People) Appalachian Region Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1970s Appalachian ballads craftsmen musicians storytelling https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/9b691cc265c6d3a982edc19d587be6c4.pdf 62e2e6c4fdfd18d23d01ba4faffa1362 PDF Text Text �Western North Carolina Since the Civil War Ina W oestemeyer Van N oppen John J. Van Noppen APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS BOONE, NORTH CAROLINA 28607 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1973 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3831-7 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3833-1 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �TABLE OF CONTENTS AUTHORS' PREFACE lV INTRODUCTION BY CRATIS WILLIAMS Vl PROLOGUE I 23 PART ONE: THE PEOPLE AND THEIR HOMELAND I. 2. On Main Traveled Roads Off The Beaten Path 25 59 69 PART TWO: A CHANGING SOCIETY 3· 4· 5. 6. 7· 8. 9· IO. I 1. Religion The Bar and The Forum That All May Live Public Education Church Related and Private Institutions of Learning Teacher Education From The Heart, The Hand, and The Head Literature The Lore of The Folk PART THREE: A DEVELOPING ECONOMY I2. I3. I4. IS. I6. 17. Hear That Whistle Blow! Agriculture Timber! From Indian Trails to Broad Highways Business and Industry In Pursuit of Pleasure SOURCES 7I 88 I03 I2I 5I I66 I84 I 20I 223 25I 253 269 29I 323 346 37I 414 INDEX 111 430 �AUTHORS' PREFACE Since its organization in 1952 and even before that time, members of the Western North Carolina Historical Association have searched zealously for history in their communities and in their counties. They researched old letters, records, account books, family histories, historic happenings. They have written county histories and presented papers before the historical association. They have sought the aid of the state Department of Archives and History. They have promoted the preservation of historic sites. Their contributions have been invaluable for a history of the region. Among the leading contributors have been Miss Cordelia Camp, Dean W. E. Bird, Mrs. Mary Jane McCrary, Dean D.]. Whitener, and Professor John A. McLeod. Journalists John Wikle, John Parris, George McCoy and his wife, Lola Love McCoy, and such writers of county histories as Judge Johnson Hayes, Clarence Griffin, Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton, Mrs. Margaret Freel, Mrs. Nancy Alexander, Horton Cooper, Arthur Fletcher, and Mrs. Lillian Thomasson, provided information sifted out from local annals. The newspapers of Western North Carolina, especially the Asheville Citizen- Times, are to be commended for publishing anniversary editions and encouraging the people to be interested in their history and its preservation. Publisher George M. Stephens has been a promoter of the Carolina Highlands, publishing numerous books and pamphlets dealing with Western North Carolina history. January 27, 1963, a committee to promote a history of the Western North Carolina Highlands was appointed. It consisted of W. Ernest Bird, Miss Cordelia Camp, John A. McLeod, D. Hiden Ramsey, George M. Stephens, Glenn Tucker, and Daniel ]. Whitener, chairman. By late 1964 the present authors had been lV �Authors' Preface / v drafted to write the book. Interested members contributed financially to support the research, most generous of whom was Wendell Williamson of Asheville. Robert Conway of the North Carolina Department of Archives and History furnished a list of names of persons who were particularly interested in history, one in each county. We called upon the persons named, and they usually guided us around their counties to view the historic sites and distinctive features. Leroy Sossamon took us flying over the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. In Brevard Mrs. Mary Jane McCrary took us into her home, as did Dr. and Mrs. Edward Phifer in Morganton. Several county-wide meetings of local historians were held. Informative ones were arranged by Worth Morgan of Forest City and Frank Rogers of Waynesville. Many members of the association took us to old residents who knew of historic events. They showed us letters, furnished newspaper clippings, some of which were undated and had no sources listed. John Wikle of Bryson City furnished an extensive file of his articles from the Asheville Citizen and the Atlanta Journal. Dozens of graduate students researched local topics, contributing useful information. Lawrence Groves, Thomas Corbitt, and Rosalie Sexauer Dorsey deserve special mention. We are grateful to members of the administration at Appalachian State University for released time for research, to the Office of Development for photographic assistance, and especially to John Dinkins, photographer. Our sincere appreciation is due Dean Cratis Williams who wrote our introduction, Mrs. Allie Hodgin of the Appalachian State University Library who aided us tirelessly, and Jack Van Noppen who reviewed the manuscript and helped organize it. Our greatest indebtedness is to Miss Myra Champion who encouraged and contributed more than words can tell to the completion of this book. Boone, North Carolina February 12, 1973 Ina Van Noppen John]. Van Noppen �INTRODUCTION The late Daniel]. Whitener, Chairman of the Department of Social Sciences and Dean of Appalachian State Teachers College, was commissioned in 1948 to prepare a history of Watauga County, North Carolina, for the Centennial Celebration of the formation of the county and the Sesquicentenial Celebration of the founding of Watauga Academy, the parent institution of Appalachian State University. Dean Whitener's experience inspired him to assume leadership in the forming of the Southern Appalachian Historical Association, which set about to build the Daniel Boone Outdoor Theatre in Boone and produce Kermit Hunter's Horn in the West, but he also saw the need for a carefully done history of Western North Carolina which he hoped ultimately to be able to write himself. Encouraged by both the Western North Carolina Historical Association and the Historical Society of North Carolina, Dean Whitener began gathering material and planning a history, but his heavy burden of administrative duties at the rapidly growing college and his wide range of interests and involvements in local and state civic activities did not leave time for him to engage in the field research needed for the kind of history he thought should be written. During the year prior to his scheduled retirement from his administrative position at Appalachian, Dean Whitener realized that the condition of his health was such that he would not be able to write the history he had dreamed of writing. He sought the advice of the members of the Western North Carolina Historical Association and his collegues at the college. He was urged to determine whether Ina W oestemeyer Van N oppen, a productive scholar and professor of history at Appalachian, might be willing to undertake to complete the history. Vl �Introduction / vu Ina Van Noppen, who had collected oral history, visited the sites of engagements along the route of Stoneman's Last Raid, and searched for materials in archives and libraries in preparation for her writing of Stoneman's Last Raid, had become interested in the history of Western North Carolina and the mountain people who live there. She had already discovered that, aside from a few county histories of uneven quality written for the most part by people little acquainted with the techniques of historical scholarship and often motivated by genealogical interests, little had been done, and no one had attempted a comprehensive history of the entire mountain region of the state since 1914 when John Preston Arthur published his History of Western North Carolina. Dr. Van Noppen, reluctant to undertake to do the assignment because ofher work in collaboration with her husband, John James Van Noppen, a professor of English at Appalachian, in the preparation of a biography of Daniel Boone, requested time for consideration of the request. Urged by the membership of the Western North Carolina Historical Association and encouraged by promises of such resources as might be available to it in helping to underwrite the publication of the book, Dr. Van N oppen agreed to write it provided she could work in collaboration with her husband. As the plan for the history developed, the Van Noppens began to see that it ought not to be the usual history of the political and economic progress of a region within a state but, rather a whole history, which would include a treatment of the differentiating qualities of the mountain people as well as their institutions, traditions, customs, folklore, arts and crafts, way of life, and the literature written about them and by them. Western North Carolina is the state's share of Appalachia, but no history of Appalachia has been written. Much has been written about the folklore of the mountain people, the economic problems which plague the region, and the nature of the people themselves, as well as their social problems, customs, old fashioned religious views, and political conservatism. The Van Noppens thought that a history should treat all facets in the lives of the people about which it is written. Hence, they have produced an economic, political, social, and cultural history which might well be taken as a model for similar histories of western Virginia, eastern Kentucky, and eastern Tennessee, which, when taken together, might provide a base for a comprehensive history of a unique and fascinating people, the Southern Appalachians. �viii / Introduction Western North Carolina Since the Civil War is the product of eight years of research and writing. Not content to rely upon such sources as might be found in regional libraries and state archives, the Van Noppens sought out individuals in the mountain region who possessed primary sources, traveled over the mountains tram town to town and courthouse to courthouse in search of sources, sought documents and reports stored in state archives and the Library of Congress. John Van Noppen reviewed the literature about the mountain folk, visited living writers, studied the collections of ballads and folk songs, and read theses and dissertations written about the cultural heritage of the area. Together, the Van Noppens attended fairs and festivals and visited museums, libraries, and colleges in the area. They traced out the early roads through the mountains, studied the histories of the railroads, visited the forests and the national and state parks, examined the history and development of tourism, and sought out the seers and craftsmen, the educators and the religious leaders, the politicians and the developers who share in guiding the native mountain folk living in what has come to be known as North Carolina's vacation land through their transition from a highland rural and largely self-subsistent society to what is rapidly becoming an urban society. Ina Woestemeyer Van Noppen, a native of Bethel, Kansas, was educated at the University of Kansas and Columbia University. Soon after graduating from the University ofKansas, she began teaching history in high schools in Kansas City. After receiving the M.A. degree from Columbia, she taught for a time at the Woman's College of the University ofNorth Carolina at Greensboro. While working toward her doctoral degree at Columbia, she taught history at Penn Hall Junior College, where her husband John J. Van Noppen, was dean and a teacher of English. Later sh'~ and her husband taught at Hiram College and at Youngstown College in Ohio before going to Appalachian State Teachers College in Boone, North Carolina, in 1947. She is the author of The Westward Movement (1939), The South: A Documentary History (1958), and Stoneman's Last Raid (1961), for which she received the Thomas Wolfe Memorial Award from the Western North Carolina Historical Association. She and her husband collaborated in the writing of Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman (1966). An outstanding teacher ofhistory, Dr. Ina Van Noppen received one of the first distinguished teacher awards presented by Appalachian State University. �Introduction / ix John J. Van Noppen grew up in Madison, North Carolina. He holds degrees from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and Columbia University. After years of teaching in secondary schools and preparatory schools, including experience in Italy, where he became personally acquainted with Benito Mussolini, Dr. Van Noppen began a long career as a college teacher and administrator. He was an English teacher and Dean ofPenn Hall Junior College and Preparatory School at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, Head of the Department of Education at Hiram College, and a teacher ofEnglish at Youngstown College in Ohio. He joined the English faculty at Appalachian State Teachers College, Boone, North Carolina, in 1947. He has engaged in extensive research on Archibald Henderson and George Bernard Shaw and collaborated with his wife in the writing of Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman (1966). The Van N oppens are world travelers, having conducted summer tours abroad for students and teachers for many years. While researching in England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland in preparation for their biography of Daniel Boone, they learned much of the ferments which sent English, Scottish, and ScotchIrish pioneers into Western North Carolina prior to the American Revolution. Among the descendants of these settlers are the Western North Carolina mountain people of today. Western North Carolina Since the Civil War, though a scholarly work, is published without the extensive footnotes which the authors painstakingly prepared. Aimed primarily at the reading public, particularly of Western North Carolina, the book is none the less of value to the historian and the student oflocal cultures. Moving slowly and often painfully out of their dark period of economic and social disintegration following the Civil War, the mountain people living in the isolated and insulated "lost provinces" ofWestern North Carolina had by 1900 begun their steady march of progress into contemporary times. Uneven at times and faltering as the state and the nation suffered through such social and economic upheavals as war, economic booms and recessions, and drouths, the people of Western North Carolina have made solid progress in improving education, local economy, communication, land use, and natural resources. Most importantly, they have clung to the traditions and nurtured the heritage that is uniquely their own. With pride in themselves and appreciation of the grandeur which lies about them, they have managed to preserve their own culture and conserve their own beautiful �x / Introduction homeland so rich in resources that the degree of poverty there is not comparable with that found elsewhere in Appalachia. As the Van Noppens have so aptly observed, Carolina mountain folk arc not "yesterday's people" nor is night likely to come to them, for they have become the shapers of their own destiny. Cratis Williams Appalachian State University Boone, North Carolina �PROLOGUE Extending from Rutherfordton on the south to Mount Airy and Fancy Gap on the north is an elevated region, the foothills, from I,ooo to 2,ooo feet above sea level. Beyond are lofty, mistshrouded and haze-creating mountains, the picturesque barrier of the Blue Ridge on the east, the magnificent Great Smokies and the scenic Unakas on the west. Between the Blue Ridge, which is the eastern Continental Divide, and the Unakas there is a high plateau with altitudes ranging from 3,500 to 4,000 feet. Grandfather Mountain 5,964 feet, is the highest and most spectacular peak in the Blue Ridge, but not as high as the Black Mountains farther south, where Mount Mitchell rears its lofty crest 6,684 feet above sea level. This elevated tableland encircled by the two great mountain ranges is traversed by cross chains that run directly across the country, from which spurs of greater and lesser height lead off in all directions. Among the transverse groups are the Black, Roan, Yellow, New Found, Pisgah, Balsam, Cowee, Nantahala, Cheoah, and Tusquitee ranges. Between these ranges lie valleys formed by rivers which flow through gorges near their headwaters, then widen out and continue through fertile valleys across the plateau, and narrow again, dividing the rampart into the Unicoi, the Great Smokies, the Iron, the Bald, and the Stone Mountains. Clingman's Dome in the Smokies is 6,642 feet above sea level, almost as high as Mount Mitchell. The Black Mountain range extends for twenty miles, and its sides are covered in places by almost impenetrable forests. Of the transverse chains, next to the Blacks in size and altitude are the Balsams. In general magnitude and length they are the most extensive of the cross ranges. Fifty miles long, this range has numerous peaks which average 6,ooo feet. I �2 / Prologue Geographically Western North Carolina, consisting of foothills, valleys, peaks, the crest of the Blue Ridge, the Great Smoky Mountains, and the transverse ridges, is about 250 miles long and up to ISO miles wide. It consists of approximately one-fifth of North Carolina's area but only one-seventh of its population. It has one county with sixteen persons per square mile, three with fewer than thirty per square mile, three with from thirty to thirty-nine per square mile, five with from forty to fortynine persons, and two with from fifty to fifty-nine, while for the entire state the population density is ninety-seven per square mile. Since I739 the subdivisions of the state have been known as counties, each serving as an administrative unit for the colony and later for the state. As new areas were opened they too were designated as counties; some of them were quite large, and later as the population increased other counties were formed by subdividing the existing ones. Rowan County, formed in I 7 53, was the parent of Western North Carolina although the present-day Rowan County is not in Western North Carolina. In I77I Surry County was created from Rowan and remained the westernmost one until Burke was also formed from Rowan in I777 and Wilkes from Surry in I778. In the southwest Mecklenburg was created from Anson and in I769 Tryon was formed from the westem part of Mecklenburg. In 1779 Tryon was abolished and its land divided between Lincoln and Rutherford counties; the latter is in Western North Carolina. Meanwhile four additional counties, later part of Tennessee, were formed: Washington in I777, Sullivan in I779, Greene and Davidson in 1783. They anticipated cession to the United States and in 1784 tried to create the State of Franklin, which did not survive as a state. Three other counties, Sumner, Hawkins, and Tennessee, were subdivided from the four before cession did take place in I789. The seven became part of the State of Tennessee which was admitted to the union in I796. In I8oo Westem North Carolina consisted of Surry, Rutherford, Burke, Wilkes, Buncombe (which had been created from lands ceded by the Cherokees), and Ashe counties. Ashe had been separated from Wilkes. As the Cherokees gave up additional lands Haywood County was established in I8o8, Yancey in I833, and Henderson in I838. From Rutherford and Burke came McDowell in I842, and from Buncombe and Yancey was formed Madison in I 8 5 I. In I 828 Macon was set apart �Prologue / 3 from Haywood, and in 1851 Jackson County was created from Haywood and Macon, the latter having surrendered the land evacuated by the Cherokees for the county of Cherokee in 1839. Further subdividing created Polk from Henderson in 1855, Transylvania from Henderson and Jackson, and Clay from Cherokee, in 1861, Swain from Jackson and Macon in 1871, and Graham from Cherokee in 1872. In the northwestern part of the state Caldwell was formed from Burke and Wilkes in 1841, Watauga from Wilkes, Ashe, Caldwell, and Yancey in 1849, Mitchell in 1861 from Yancey, Watauga, Caldwell, Burke, and McDowell. Alleghany was created from the eastern part of Ashe. The last county, Avery, was formed in 1911 from Mitchell, Watauga, and Caldwell. Upon examination of a map showing the counties ofWestern North Carolina one must conclude that they have very peculiar shapes. This is due no doubt to the mountainous terrain and to the necessity that people be able to travel from the farthest point to the county seat. In the eighteenth century immigrants poured through "William Penn's new port of Philadelphia" from the British Isles and Germany. With them they brought their skills, speech, ballads, dances, and folk customs. Many of the second and third generations came southwestward seeking land. Salisbury in the newlycreated Rowan County (1753) became the springboard into the West. In the 1750's Salisbury was like the hub of a wagon wheel. Settlers flowed in along the northern, eastern, and southeastern spokes. They paused briefly to rest their horses, repair their wagons (if they had any), and to buy needed supplies of salt, powder, lead, and tools. Many fanned out along the western spokes toward the beckoning beauty of the Blue Ridge. They plunged deeper and ever deeper into the wilderness, lured on by the prospect of cheap and still richer lands on which to build their homes. Soon they had settled all except the most mountainous parts of what are now Surry, Wilkes, Burke, and Rutherford counties. Intrepidly they disregarded the threat of Indian attacks and moved into the uncharted wilderness. Some lost their lives but many survived, the ancestors of presentday mountaineers. Men bearing the names of Alexander, Boone, Bryan, Robertson, Sevier, Shelby, Campbell, Clingman, �4 / Prologue Jackson, Davidson, Patton, Rutherford, Councill, Calloway, Howard, Horton, Gudger and Moore were among the advance guard. They cleared land, built primitive cabins, hunted, trapped, and fought the Indians. Their incentive was the passion for land where there were few taxes and no restrictions upon political and religious freedom. The extent of their migration may be seen from the fact that in I746 there were not one hundred fighting men in the North Carolina foothills; while in I753 there were three thousand. In I765 one thousand wagons passed through Salisbury going westward. During the Revolutionary War the Cherokee Indians made the fatal mistake of siding with the British. They were badly defeated and decimated by frontiersmen led by men like Griffith Rutherford and John Sevier. Their towns were burned, their women and children killed, and they were driven ever westward. During the Revolution many who fought the Cherokees saw the mountains for the first time, admired the beauty of Western North Carolina and were determined to return and settle as soon as the war ended. A law passed by the state legislature in I 777 provided the method of acquiring land. Each claimant took to the entry recorder a statement of location and approximate boundaries of the land he wished. The county surveyor then surveyed the tract and prepared two plots with descriptions of boundaries and acreage, which he transferred along with the warrant of survey to the secretary of state. The claimant paid the entry taker two pounds and ten shillings per one hundred acres. A husband was allowed to take six hundred forty acres for himself and one hundred acres for his wife and each of his children. For purchases in excess of his allotment the purchaser paid five pounds per one hundred acres, or one shilling per acre. Tracts of as many as I ,ooo,ooo acres were laid out and were acquired by speculators who disposed of the land in tracts of soo or rooo acres. Among the large landowners in the region before I8oo were Charles Gordon in Wilkes County, Robert and William Tate in Burke, David Allison, John Gray Blount, and William Cathcart in Buncombe. When the war was over the state offered land to servicemen in payment for their having served. The bold and dauntless pioneers pushed across the great mountain barrier into a natural wonderland with magnificent scenery, a cool climate, clear air, pure water, fertile valleys, and game in plenty. In this region men and women extended �Prologue / 5 a frontier civilization that became Western North Carolina, consisting ultimately of the twenty-four counties that are in the mountains or ascend the eastern slope of the mountains. Many of the settlers moved into the back country on foot and on horseback, bringing their household goods on pack horses. Among these goods were, in addition to rifle, axe, and hoe, clothing, blankets, bed clothes, bed ticks to be filled with grass, a large pot, pothooks, an oven with a lid, a skillet, a frying pan; a handmill to grind com, a wooden trencher in which to make bread, pewter plates, spoons, the iron parts of plows, a broadaxe, a froe, a saw, an auger, seed, and a few fruit trees. The historian John Fiske implied that the settlers of the mountains were descended from poor whites and indentured servants who migrated westward rather than compete with slave labor, that their ancestors had been herded into ships from the slums and jails of England. His opinion was true of only a small minority. He and others who held this opinion ignored the predominant Scotch-Irish and German origin of many settlers. John C. Campbell believed that the early mountain population was recruited chiefly from the poor but vigorous small farmers of the piedmont, few of whom owned slaves. A study of family names in the Southern Highlands by the Russell Sage Foundation revealed that of 497 names, one-third were English, one-third were Scotch-Irish, and fifteen per-cent were of German origin. Most of the families were descended from those living on the frontiers of Virginia and North Carolina in 1790. They were the same stock that later peopled the Midwest and the Southern states along the Mississippi, except Louisiana. According to S. H. Hobbs, the English in Western North Carolina contributed most to the civilization of the region. "Wherever the Englishman has gone ... he has carried with him the industrial, political, and intellectual customs of his native land. The English ideal of home life, the English industrial system, the English principles of politics and government, the English language and literature sooner or later became the dominant force wheresoever the Englishman set up his home." R. D. W. Connor characterized the racial strains of the population as follows: the English were law-abiding, commercially minded, and self reliant; the Scotch-Irish were democratic, liberty loving, and religiously minded; the Germans wer.e shrewd, economical, conservative, lovers of learning and ·religion. Although Connor was writing about the people of the state �6 / Prologue as a whole, these national strains made up the population of Western North Carolina and his description is apt. There has been a tendency to speak of the early settlers as though they were all alike, all of one class. This tendency has created a misconception. They were not a homogeneous group. Three classes came to the mountains: the prosperous settler class that came and bought good bottom land and perhaps thousands of acres of mountain land as well; those who bought land in smaller tracts from the first group or from the state; and those who came on foot or horseback carrying their few possessions, and who squatted on the land. Many of the prosperous people of the area today are descended from the settler class, although their prosperity did not result from agriculture. Their land was their most valuable resource, and scions of pioneer families are still realizing tremendous returns from land sales land that has grown amazingly valuable. On the other hand poverty for many resulted from the extinction of the game, over crowding, and exhaustion of the soil. As time passed many valleys, ridges, and coves had a population greater than they could support. Large families lived crowded in one or two-room cabins. As late as 1910 eighty per-cent of the population lived outside towns of one thousand population. As the original farms were divided among descendants holdings became smaller and smaller. The Civil War brought disunion and discord to Western North Carolina. Many people loved their section and their state, but they also revered the Union for which their ancestors had fought. Some favored the South, some the Union. Brother fought against brother and father against son. Neighborhoods split, families divided. Many heroic young men fought for the Confederacy; others fled through Tennessee and Kentucky to join the Union army. Numbers hid out in mountain caves and recesses to avoid conscription. Many of the latter two groups were opposed to slavery; others felt that the Civil War was a war of the planter class and they had no reason to fight for planter dominance of the state. There was no actual campaign in the mountains of North Carolina until 1865, but the mountain passes were of strategic importance. The Northern strategy was to divide the South into segments, and control of the passes would have contributed. �Prologue / 7 A number of roads crossed the mountains from east to west: the Western North Carolina Road across the Balsam Mountains; the great highway from South Carolina and Georgia crossing Saluda Gap, passing through Henderson, Buncombe, and Haywood counties; roads from Wilkesboro diverging in three directions: northwest into Virginia, west through Watauga County into Tennessee, and southwest through Morganton, crossing the Blue Ridge at Swannanoa Gap. Turnpikes supplemented the state roads, making it possible for wheeled vehicles to cross through some of the gaps, but there were many littleknown mountain paths where only experienced guides could find their way. The great mountain barriers discouraged invasion by hostile forces even though the area was divided in sentiment. Railroads to cross the mountains had been planned, but none had been built. During the war campaigns were fought all around the mountains but not through them. The salt works at Saltville, Virginia, were a target of several Union raids. Cumberland Gap was in Federal control in 1863; Chattanooga and Knoxville were captured by Union forces and the Shenandoah Valley and the gaps in the Virginia mountains saw considerable action. Braxton Bragg, Kirby Smith, and John Hunt Morgan led Confederate troops through the passes of the Cumberlands, and Union troops fought their way through Georgia's mountains from Chattanooga to Atlanta, yet North Carolina's mountains remained a formidable barrier. General U. S. Grant considered following up the victory at Chattanooga by sending so,ooo men through the mountain country, but after a ride of 175 miles, he abandoned the plan because of the bad roads. The Confederacy realized the importance of North Carolina mountain passes. Colonel William Holland Thomas of southwestern North Carolina anticipated such a campaign as that planned by Grant. He believed that Lee might wish to use the mountains as a stronghold where he could have an invincible base of operations. Confederate soldiers built roads over the passes through the Great Smoky Mountains, and they controlled the mountain passes toward Tennessee. Early in the war Thomas's Legion of Indians and Highlanders, the Eightieth and Sixtyninth North Carolina regiments, had guarded the bridges between Bristol and Chattanooga, but after the fall of East Tennessee, they fell back on the Smoky Mountains toward Waynesville and Webster. After East Tennessee became Union territory, the Fourteenth �8 / Prologue North Carolina Battalion (Woodfin's Battalion) was created. Originally three companies, it later had six. Its members were Western North Carolinians and its function was to defend the state's borders against invasion and pillage. After Woodfin's death James L. Henry was made Lieutenant Colonel and commander of the battalion. As Henry had only one eye the command was sometimes referred to as the "One-Eyed Battalion." It made raids into Tennessee and used the guerilla methods necessary in mountain fighting. In r864 the defenses of Northwestern North Carolina were very meager. Madison County was patrolled by a cavalry company; while Major Harvey Bingham had two companies in Watauga and a Captain Price had a small company in Ashe. These companies defended the counties against predatory bands from East Tennessee. Yancey and Mitchell counties were virtually undefended. The mountains sheltered fugitives from both armies, who hid by day and raided by night, often in bands of twenty or more. Many prisoners who had escaped from Confederate prisons made their way to the Union lines in Tennessee. Prisoners from Salisbury followed the Y adkin to Wilkes County, said to be the strongest Union county in North Carolina. The Confederates called it "Old United States." The Unionists sheltered and fed the escapees and guided them to Banner Elk where men like Keith Blalock and Harrison Church guided them to Tennessee. Those escaping from the prison at Columbia made their way across South Carolina, through Saluda Gap to Hendersonville and Asheville, where Dan Ellis guided them to Tennessee. One group of prisoners escaping by this route were hidden for four days by the girls of a family near Flat Rock. The father of the girls was a "rebel," the mother a "home Yankee," and the father never learned of the fugitives. Guides for the prisoners roamed the country "sacking" the fine houses and stealing money, jewelry, and silverware. In March r865 the Union army was ready to begin the final campaign of the war. Mobile, the last port in Confederate hands, was being attacked by General E. R. S. Canby. General George Thomas was sending out two powerful expeditions, one under Brevet Major General H. Wilson in Alabama, the other under M~or General George Stoneman toward Lynchburg. General Philip H. Sheridan's cavalry had completed its raid �Prologue / 9 through the Shenandoah Valley and had moved to White House on the Pamunkey. The armies of generals William T. Sherman and John M. Schofield were at Goldsboro. General John Pope was preparing for a spring campaign against Generals Kirby Smith and Sterling Price west of the Mississippi. Grant with the armies of the Potomac and the James confronted General Robert E. Lee, who defended Petersburg and Richmond. Very important was General Stoneman's raid through the mountains of Western North Carolina, Southwestern Virginia, and the piedmont of North Carolina in March and April 1865. General Stoneman, a West Point graduate stationed in Fort Brown, Texas, at the start of the war, refused to surrender to Confederate troops when his immediate superior did. He escaped with his command and continued to serve the Union army as a cavalry commander in West Virginia, under General George B. McClellan, and with the Army of the Potomac. In 1864 as a commander of the cavalry corps in the Atlanta campaign he was captured at Clinton, Georgia. Exchanged, he returned to command under General Thomas in East Tennessee. He conducted a destructive raid against Bristol and Saltville, Virginia, in December 1864. Early in I 865 he was ordered to collect horses and men to destroy the railroad between Bristol and Lynchburg. Participating in Stoneman's raid were three cavalry brigades under Brigadier General Alvan C. Gillem, with brigade commanders Colonel William J. Palmer, Brigadier General Simeon B. Brown, and Colonel John K. Miller. On March 28 General Stoneman notified General Thomas from Boone that he had captured the place, killing nine, capturing sixty-two, and that the raid was a surprise to those on his route. His raid was a surprise. A few weeks earlier, a few Union men had surprised and captured Camp Mast with one company of Home Guards. The other company of Home Guards were surprised by Stoneman. Colonel George Kirk of the United States Army had gathered a regiment of volunteers from the deserters, bushwhackers, and Union sympathizers. In January Kirk had created a diversion up the French Broad River and cleared the mountain region of deserters. Now Kirk barricaded the passes from Blowing Rock and Boone westward. On the day that Kirk arrived in Boone, Lee was evacuating Petersburg and Richmond and was moving toward Lynchburg following the Confederate defeat at Five Forks, and Grant feared that Lee �IO / Prologue might escape to North Carolina by way of the Richmond and Danville Railroad. Stoneman was supposed to prevent Lee's retreat to North Carolina by the railroad or his establishment of a bastion of defense in the mountains. At Boone Stoneman's command separated. Palmer's brigade went by way of Deep Gap to Wilkesboro; Brown's moved by way of Blowing Rock to Patterson's factory on the Yadkin near Lenoir. Here they found an adequate supply of corn and bacon, and Miller's brigade, following, destroyed the factory. The latter brigades joined Palmer's at Wilkesboro where they captured stores and horses and were forced to camp because the Y adkin River was in flood. On March 30 Stoneman's cavalry moved out ofWilkesboro. James Gwyn, whose plantation was passed, said that the raiders took only cattle and horses and that they did little damage. They went thence to Elkin and used up provisions but did not burn the factory or the cotton. September I, 1863, Gwyn had written that Union sympathizers had taken over Wilkesboro but that they would rue the day. They had been influenced by Parson Brownlow's Knoxville Whig and Holden's North Carolina Standard. Now Gwyn pointed out that Stoneman's men did not respect those calling themselves Union men. Gwyn saved some of his cattle by hiding them in the woods. At last the raid on the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad took place. The Union cavalry passed through Dobson and Mount Airy, crossing the Blue Ridge. It captured and burned a Confederate wagon train. Having reached Virginia the forces were divided. It is sufficient here to say that Stoneman's men destroyed the railroad successfully, then, returning to North Carolina they destroyed the Confederate prison at Salisbury (they did not liberate the prisoners, who had already been removed) and large quantities of supplies. Following this they began their return to Tennessee. We take up their activities again as they reached Lenoir on Easter Sunday, April 15. Meanwhile a Union scouting party sent to Asheville on April 4 reported that the roads were barricaded and that 2000 men under General R. B. Vance defended it. The Union commander Colonel Isaac M. Kirby had orders not to participate in a battle. He was engaged in a skirmish about four miles from Asheville and retreated. �Prologue / I I At Lenoir Stoneman's invasion had long been expected.* March 29 reports had come that Yankees were in the Y adkin Valley, on April 7 that Kirk with 300 men occupied Blowing Rock, and on April I3 that Salisbury had been "bummed." On April I 5 Stoneman's men rushed in and camped their prisoners on the grounds of St. James Episcopal Church.t Citizens were invited to feed the prisoners and to move freely among them. Major A. C. A very of a very prominent Burke County family had been captured by chance in Salisbury. In 1864 he had obtained permission to organize a regiment to protect Northwestern North Carolina. The regiment was never organized, but the local companies did become a battalion, and arms, ammunition, and equipment were sent to them by Governor Vance at the request of Major A very. A very had gone to Salisbury to obtain men to join him in an attack on Kirk at Blowing Rock when he was captured. He was taken as a prisoner to Tennessee, but Stoneman did not realize that he had captured Avery. People of Lenoir helped him to conceal his identity by shaving his beard and giving him the clothing of a relative, after which his own men did not recognize him. The Yanks liked the people of Lenoir but called it the "d - est little rebel town." At Lenoir General Stoneman left the command, returning through Watauga County to Tennessee. He reported that the tithing depots had furnished food and that captured horses had made his command better mounted than when it left Knoxville, and "this after crossing Stone Mountain once and the Blue Ridge three times, and a march made by headquarters since the 2oth of last month of 500 miles, and much more by portions of the command." Colonel Palmer was sent to Lincolnton and General Gillem to Morganton. James Gwyn reported of Morganton: "They tore everything to pieces at Uncle Avery's, held pistols to the ladies' heads, drove them out of the house and took what they liked." After Stoneman left the command the plundering and * In her Diary on March 30 Mrs. Ella (G. W.F.) Harper wrote of rumors that ro,ooo Yankees were in the valley, and that they had burned the factory. The next day she expressed fear that Tories would be raiding Lenoir, and that the furniture had been removed from their store for safe keeping. t Mrs. Ella Harper wrote in her Diary "Everyone cooking as much as possible for our poor famished prisoners." �12 / Prologue sacking of houses and mutilations of furnishings increased greatly. General] ames G. Martin with Palmer's Brigade (Confederate) of the 62nd, 64th, and 69th Regiments, a South Carolina battery, and Love's Regiment of Thomas's Legion defended Asheville. On April 24 General Gillem met General Martin under a flag of truce. He promised that if his command were furnished three days' rations it would not molest the country but would peaceably march through and proceed to Tennessee. "The almost starving country" furnished the supplies, but the Yankee army soon returned, terrorized the people, burned houses, and destroyed the armory and all the guns and ammunition they could find. A Negro garrison was left in charge of the town for a year and "burners roamed the countryside for miles around." General Gillem reported the complete surprise of the rebels at every point, and of the entire campaign he enumerated the captures: "25 pieces of artillery ... 2I that they were forced to abandon in Southwest Virginia ... 6ooo prisoners and I7 battle flags." The war was not over yet in Western North Carolina: a part of the "One-eyed Battalion" was in a skirmish as late as May IO. And James Gwyn of Wilkes County wrote in his diary May 4: "We have a quiet time now, our Southern armies are disbanded ... and terms of peace are said to be agreed upon .... All we dread here now is robbers & no doubt there will be plenty of them this summer." By the time that Gwyn wrote the comment about the robbers, depredations in Wilkes County had become a certainty. Fort Hamby came into being shortly after Stoneman and his army left Wilkes County March 3 I, I 86 5. The men who used it and terrorized the surrounding countryside were said to be deserters from Stoneman's forces and "home Yankees" who sympathized with them. Their leader was named Wade, and he was reputed to have been a major under Stoneman. Fort Hamby was not a military fort but a stronghold for the desperate band of criminals who occupied it. The houses belonged to disreputable women named Hamby. After having been occupied by Wade and his men, it was called Fort Hamby. There were two old-fashioned log buildings. The larger was two stories high and was the one used as a fort. The other, about �Prologue / I 3 Clark's N. C. Regiments cites May 1 o as the date of this skirmish PHOTO BY ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO . �14 / Prologue thirty feet from the fort, a single story, was used as a kitchen. These buildings were on the north side of the Y adkin near the mouth of Lewis Fork Creek on the top of a hill which overlooked the two streams. This strategic location gave excellent vision from both sides of the fort and made it easily defensible. The men of the fort, heavily armed with the latest type of Union rifles, roamed the countryside for miles about, plundering, robbing, terrorizing the people in Alexander, Caldwell, Wilkes, and Watauga counties. Without compunction they killed women and children. Elated by their strong grip on Wilkes, Wade's men made a raid on Caldwell County May 7; on the Sunday following Major Harvey Bingham and a few men surprised the fort. Wade begged for the lives ofhis men and time for them to dress. While the captors were off guard, the robbers seized their guns which had been concealed near their beds. They killed two of their captors, one the son of General Clark of Caldwell County. The others escaped, leaving the bodies of the two slain men. On Saturday May 13 Wade and his men went into Alexander County to kill Reverend J. B. Green, a former Confederate lieutenant. Forewarned, the Greens and their former slaves repulsed the raiders. On May 14 the second attack was made on the fort by some twenty men under the command of Colonel Wash Sharpe, Colonel C. W. Flowers, and Captain Ellis. James Polk Linney, sixteen, and James Brown, eighteen, were killed. On Tuesday some forty men from Alexander, Iredell, Caldwell, and Wilkes counties surrounded the fort, constructed breastworks and beseiged it during the night. About daybreak Wallace Sharpe sneaked up to the old kitchen at the rear of the house and set it on fire. Wade and the men in the fort came out in apparent surrender. Suddenly Wade bolted through the surrounding line and escaped. The four men who were captured- Beck, Church, Lockwood, and one other- were executed. The fort was burned. It is believed that Wade's band numbered about thirty, of whom about ten actually stayed at the fort with the other members of the band living nearby. With the destruction of Fort Hamby, Wilkes County saw the end of its Civil War strife. In Madison County during the Civil War great hostility was felt between those who favored secession and those who supported the Union. Augustus S. Merriman of Buncombe County was appointed solicitor for the Eighth Judicial District �Prologue / I 5 during the war, and his task of maintaining law and order was difficult. Once when some inhabitants (so-called Union sympathizers) seized the town of Marshall, plundered the stores and committed many acts of violence, one thousand Confederate citizens of Buncombe County formed a posse and hurried to Marshall to punish the marauders. Solicitor Merriman prevailed against this disregard of civil power, and the occasion passed without further incident. Merriman held his courts throughout the war, and persons who committed depredations were brought to trial, imperiling Merriman's life. When he ran for election to be a delegate to the constitutional convention of 1865, former members of Kirk's regiments threatened vengeance and Merriman lost. Later he was elected Judge of the Superior Court for the Eighth Judicial District and upon the convening of court in several counties violence was threatened. In Clay County hundreds of armed men awaited the beginning of an onslaught when the court opened. After a skirmish involving sixty to eighty persons, Judge Merriman directed the sheriff to select and swear in sixty trusted men from both factions, to see that they were armed, and to tell them to shoot the first man guilty of violence with intent to start a general disturbance. A similar occurrence happened at the court in Cherokee. As has been pointed out, many of the pre-war Whigs after serving the Confederate government became Democrats, but since the name Democrat was repugnant to them the party was called the Conservative Party. A Republican Party organization was formed in North Carolina in 1867. It consisted of some former Whigs, many small farmers who had not favored secession, Northerners who came to the state to participate in political affairs, and freedmen. It controlled North Carolina until 1870. From the beginning it was popular in Western North Carolina. Perhaps it is true, as a historian has remarked, that the Western counties did not suffer as much during the years I865-187o as piedmont and eastern counties where there were more Negroes to vote and hold office, but there were trying times. Republicans organized the Union League in the state to campaign for Republicans; and William H. Holden of Raleigh and Tod R. Caldwell of Burke County, Republicans, were elected governor and lieutenant governor respectively in 1868. Terrorist activities of members of such organizations as the Ku Klux Klan and editorial campaigns of newspapers against Holden's administration prompted the governor to call for two regiments of �r6 / Prologue volunteer troops as "detailed militia" to arrest the violence and disturbances which he and his advisers attributed to the Conservatives. George Kirk of Tennessee, leader of Union regiment~ in Western North Carolina during the Civil War, was choser to head one regiment. A circular written by Holden was circulatec in the western part of the state. It read: "Rally Union Men in defense of your state! Rally soldiers of the old N. Carolina 20 and 3d Federal troops! Rally to the standard of the old commander .... rooo recruits are wanted immediately, to serve six months unless sooner discharged. These troops will receive the same pay, clothing and rations as United States regulars. Recruits will be received at Asheville, Marshall, and Burnsville, North Carolina." The so-called "Kirk-Holden war" was part of the political campaign of r870 which did not include the election of governor, whose term had been fixed at four years by the constitution of r868. The election resulted in victory for the Conservatives in the legislative offices: five of the seven North Carolina members of Congress and majorities in both houses of the General Assembly. While the Republicans had controlled the General Assembly the issuing of $27,85o,ooo in bonds for railroad repair and construction was authorized, although only $17,66o,ooo were issued. The bond issues constituted a fraud participated in by some seventeen legislators led by George Swepson and lobbied for by Milton Littlefield. Most of the proceeds were not used for railroad construction. Of the bonds issued, $6,387,000 was authorized for construction of the Western Division of the Western North Carolina Railroad, Asheville to the Tennessee line, and $6r3,000 for the Eastern Division, Salisbury to Asheville. When the Democrats took over the General Assembly in I 870, they authorized a railroad investigation, the findings of which enabled them to impeach Governor Holden and convict him in March 1871 of high crimes and misdemeanors. Tod Caldwell became governor and was reelected in r 872. Upon his death Curtis H. Brogden of Wayne County, Lieutenant Governor, succeeded to the office. Although the Conservatives controlled the General Assembly, Republicans served as governors until 1876. Ku Klux activities subsided in the piedmont by r87r but they continued in several mountain counties, Burke, Polk, McDowell, and Rutherford in a very uncontrollable fashion. Meanwhile Congress had passed the Ku Klux acts and more �Prologue / 17 United States troops were sent into the state. Wholesale arrests were made, and 981 persons were indicted for "Ku Klux depredations" by a federal grand jury in Raleigh. Of the thirtyseven convicted, the most famous Western North Carolinian was Randolph A. Shotwell, Democratic editor of Rutherfordton. J. G. de R. Hamilton, editor of the Shotwell Papers, concluded, "Shotwell was the county chief in Rutherford County, having assumed the position at the request of leading men in the hope of checking the movement. He had never been on a raid and never ordered one and had sought to prevent ... raids. He was convicted on false evidence, fined $5000 and sentenced to six years in Albany." Shotwell was pardoned after two years. Hamilton found that the Klan in Rutherford and Cleveland counties had been used to cover "private vengeance, sheer lawlessness, and in certain cases the activities of certain republicans in violation of the United States Internal Revenue law concerning whiskey.'' The Civil War ended, but the bitterness between opposing factions lasted for years. The acrimony over Reconstruction was perhaps not as violent in Western North Carolina as in Eastern North Carolina, but the impact of both the war and the Reconstruction that followed it are still evident in the partisan rivalry that exists between Democrats and Republicans in the mountain counties. Moreover it is believed by many that those constituting the Democratic power structure in the state resented the fact that Western North Carolina was a divided region during the war, and that they have discriminated against those in the mountains by limiting appropriations that would aid the economy. Much has been written about the mountain people for the last hundred years or more. Perhaps the description by Randolph A. Shotwell of the people in Rutherford County in the late r86o's is as good as any. He saw four different groups: (r) families of wealth, intelligence, and cultivation - they were the ex-slave holders, who educated their children at distant schools, and owned large tracts of land; (2) those who lived in substantial frame or log dwellings and enjoyed "good living" although their members had little education; (3) log cabin dwellers who owned only a few acres and lived in one-room structures, with �I8 / Prologue little furniture, and who had in money no more than twenty dollars in a year, hunting and fishing supplementing the products of the garden patch to provide the family's food; (4) those who owned little or no land and who lived in complete ignorance of the outside world. Shotwell included in this group the illicit distillers who lived in the wildest woodlands and operated three-gallon stills in the most secluded places. For those who lived on the hills and in the coves, frontier conditions persisted and poverty was widespread, yet many descendants of the first settlers remained. They stayed because of the beautiful scenery and the healthful climate. The rolling hills, the green valleys, and the lofty mountains covered with laurel, rhododendron, hemlock, balsam, pine, oak, and chestnut made Western North Carolina one of nature's wonderlands. They loved their native area, its beauty and its freedom. Julius Caesar was right in writing "Mountaineers are always free." Life in the villages and towns of Western North Carolina was not very different from that of rural villages in other parts of the state. These people were not mountaineers as the term is usually used; neither were the gentry, those on large valley farms, to be considered mountaineers. Keeping in touch with kinfolk throughout the piedmont they participated in local government and the General Assembly, educated their sons for the professions such as law and medicine, and entertained in the Southern manner. When Arnold Toynbee wrote, " ... in the heart of our Western Society's 'New World' of North America, there is today a large and widespread population of English and Lowland Scottish origin, with a Protestant Western Christian social heritage, which has been unmistakably and profoundly barbarized by being marooned in the Appalachian backwoods ... " he could not have been referring to the farmers who developed the holdings at the mouths of the rivers and large streams, who built two-story log houses which as time went on they enlarged or replaced with fine brick homes, many of which are still standing in Caldwell, Burke, McDowell, Rutherford, and Polk counties. These families were large, and marriages were made to preserve the link between the households of mountain valleys and the piedmont. Most of the prosperous families had owned slaves. Dr. Edward M. Phifer made a study of the slaveholding families in Burke County. He found that in I 86o, "921 families engaged in farming, 548 of the families were landowners, 9 were listed �Prologue / I 9 " Magnolia," one of the elegant ante-bellum homes in Burke County as owning as many as 300 improved acres, 3 8% of the 548 landowners were slaveholders, I6o/o of the slaveholders owned only one slave each, 6o family heads owned Ioo or more slaves, 26% of the population was slave." He explained, "The ScotchIrish and German upcountrymen turned to legalism, already a component of their thought process, to justify the institution of slavery." Those who owned slaves were professional people, church officers, farmers, and merchants. A Methodist minister William Fullwood owned as many as nineteen slaves at one time, and in I 8so the Presbyterian minister at Quaker Meadows, John McKamie Wilson, Jr., had ten slaves. Many of the slaveholders had occupations unassociated with agriculture. The slaves worked in shops, engaged in household manufacturing, gold mining and railroad construction as well as agriculture. Slaves were considered a good investment, liquid assets, and some slaveowners are not known to have owned any land. Dr. Phifer's description of slaveholding in Burke County can no doubt be applied to the other counties ofWestern North Carolina. The Population Table shows how many slaves were held in each county in r8so. The leading families of I85o were still the dominant element in the population of I877. For the persons usually characterized as mountaineers, who �POPULATION TABLE Counties White N 1850 Free Negro 188o Slave White Colored 1950 Total 1960 Total 1970 Total 0 4' C) Alleghany Ashe Avery Buncombe Burke Caldwell Cherokee Clay Graham Haywood Henderson Jackson Macon Madison McDowell Mitchell Polk Rutherford Surry Swain Transylvahia Watauga Wilkes Yancey 8,096 II,6oi 5.477 s,oo6 5.493 5.931 5.892 s,6I3 4.777 I0,425 I6,I7I 3,242 10,746 7.908 Created in 1859 86 Created in 191 I 107 163 108 8 Created in 186I Created in I872 IS 37 Created in I85I I06 Created in I851 207 Created in I 86 I Created in I855 220 272 Created in I87I Created in I861 29 2II so 595 I,7I7 2,132 1,203 337 4I8 924 549 I,262 2,905 2,000 I29 1,142 346 4.967 13,478 519 958 18,424 I0,090 8,688 3.486 2,721 I,6oo 386 I43 212 484 1,385 749 668 457 1,899 503 1,143 3,273 2,067 549 517 409 I,923 325 7.796 3,I73 2,I23 9.787 8,895 6,594 7.396 I2,353 7,037 8,932 3,920 II,925 13,234 3.236 4,823 7.75I I7,258 7.368 8,155 21,878 13,352 124,403 45.518 43.352 18,294 6,oo6 6,886 37.631 30,92I I9,26I I6,I74 20,522 25,720 I5,143 II,627 46.356 45.593 9.92I IS,I94 I8,342 45,243 I6,306 7.6oo 19,100 u,6oo 132,400 54.900 5I,200 15,800 5,300 6,300 43.300 37.700 17,300 I4,500 I6,200 27,000 I3,500 II,300 44.810 48,8oo 8,ooo I6,6oo I7.300 45,IOO 13,300 8,134 19,571 12,655 145,056 6o,364 56,699 I6,330 5,I80 6,562 41,710 42,804 2I,593 IS,788 I6,003 30,648 I3,447 II,735 47.337 51,4I5 7,86I I9,713 23,404 49.524 12,629 ~ :;:: "' �Prologue / 2I lived in the more remote coves and valleys and on the steep hillsides, life did not change much, even after the tum of the century, because new means of transportation did not reach them. Dr. Benjamin Washburn, who grew up in Rutherfordton, and who after completing his medical training practiced medicine in the upper part of Rutherford County early in the twentieth century, in the South Mountains, wrote: "It seemed to me that to go from the lowland section of the county into the South Mountains, although the distance was only about thirty miles, was to pass into a different world - a world which showed stage-by-stage changes in civilization which had been going on in our Appalachian hills since the early years of the nineteenth century .... As I became better acquainted with the people I found it hard to realize that the South Mountain folks and those of the lower part of our county were descended from the same English and Scotch ancestors. This was all the more interesting because I was related to many of these mountain families, one of my grandmothers having come from this section." Washburn called the South Mountains "a picturesque section with simple, loyal, homeloving families." Cecil Sharp, an Englishman who came to the Appalachians to collect mountain ballads, found the people "leisurely, cheery, ... in their quiet way, ... with a very highly developed social instinct. They dispense hospitality with openhanded generosity and are extremely interested in and friendly toward strangers, communicative and unsuspicious .... They have an unaffected bearing and the unselfconscious manners of the well-bred." The one other group in the population of Western North Carolina was the Cherokee Indians. Following a treaty with the United States at New Echota in I835, for a money payment and land in present-day Oklahoma the Indians reluctantly ceded their remaining land in the East, and in I 838 their removal began. Many Cherokees opposed the treaty and some hid out in the mountains; while others stole away from the procession and returned to the mountains with numerous white families befriending them. In I839 there were about one thousand living in the Smokies. William Holland Thomas, a trader, went to Washington to negotiate permission for them to remain in North Carolina. With their share of the treaty money Thomas bought a tract of land in his own name since North Carolina had passed a law forbidding Indians to own land. The area situated on the Oconaluftee River became known as the Qualla Boundary. It contained about 50,000 acres. Other small tracts �22 / Prologue including one in present-day Graham County brought the total to about 65,000 acres. When after the Civil War Thomas lost all of his personal fortune, the federal government repurchased the land and in 1875 the Indian Office assumed direct control of the affairs of the band. Formal title to the Qualla Reservation and outlying tracts was granted to the Eastern Cherokees in 1876, and in 1889 they became a corporation under the laws ofNorth Carolina. The Cherokees have long been known as thrifty, hardworking people. A traveler through the Qualla Reservation wrote in I 892 that the village of Yellow Hills was "beautiful ... , neat, orderly, and picturesque. We have gone through the Qualla Cherokee Reservation, down its most populous valley, through its roughest and most picturesque scenery. Coming through, by way of their thoroughfare and by their churches, we have seen most of the population in their Sunday dress and holiday garb, men, women, and children. We have seen their houses and farms, and visited them at home .... This Monday mom, we have seen the native at work - the red man, actually at work - driving oxen, reaping, mowing, one actually running a reaper - shades of McCormick! We have passed by and seen a road-working party. Every Indian we have seen this morning has been at work. They are in their work-a-day attire and even in that they are well dressed." Chapter One, "On Main Traveled Roads," reveals a county by county view of the more or less normal lives, the places, and the leaders, I877-188o. Superior Court Judge David Schenck traveled from county to county, met the professional people, the hotel keepers, the leaders of the communities. Interwoven with his account are descriptions of the sports, the churches, the schools, to give a picture of the life of the substantial people of the region. Chapter Two, "Off the Beaten Path," describes the life and customs of the poorer mountain people who lived in the coves and on the ridges. They are the mountaineers of the stereotype created by the outlanders and writers of fiction. A traveler in the mountains would see a man who was tall, lean, emaciated, poorly dressed, and think that he was seeing a typical mountaineer. These accounts introduce topics whose histories will be narrated in subsequent chapters. �PART ONE The People and Their Homeland 23 ��CHAPTER ONE On Main Traveled Roads To a resident of one of the western counties, the holding of the superior court was of major importance, and the county government seemed more significant than the national one because to it they were more closely related. When a new county was created by the General Assembly that body would appoint a group of commissioners to select a site for the county seat, purchase the land (sometimes it was contributed by an interested landholder) and lay it out in lots, setting aside the amount needed for the courthouse and jail and selling the remaining lots to businessmen and householders. Thus the county seat developed into a service center for the county, with the usual businessmen: general merchants, tanners, millers, distillers, carpenters, cattle dealers, and in some cases a drug store. Churches and schools grew gradually, and one or more hotels were built to accommodate the judge, the lawyers, and the people from the outlying parts of the county during court week. Burke County, the parent of many western counties, has a rich and interesting history centering around its courthouse. It was the earliest seat of justice and law in Western North Carolina. For a while the Supreme Court of the state held its summer sessions in Morganton, the county seat. Colonel Lusk, an Asheville lawyer, when he was ninety-two in 1928, reminisced that there had been a time when Asheville was jealous of Morganton. Burke County's third courthouse, which is still in use, was begun in 1833 and was under construction for several years. It was made 25 �26 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland Burke County's historic courthouse ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. Aerial view of Burnsville, county seat of Yancey County today HUGH MORTON PHOTO �On Main Traveled Roads / 27 of native stone which was later covered with concrete. It served not only as a courthouse but as a center for every kind of gathering. For example, when a group of citizens and their slaves assembled in I 849 to join those who rushed to California to find gold, they met and left from this venerable courthouse. The English and the Scotch-Irish settlers and their descendants have always been proud of their system of law that was transplanted into the North Carolina mountains in the eighteenth century by their ancestors. This heritage of English common law and legal justice was centered around the courthouses. When highways came they were designed to run from county seat to county seat. The courthouse was to the county seat what the cathedral was to a medieval city: it expressed the hopes and aspirations of the people. It was the heart's core of the western counties, the shaper ofhuman lives and destinies. It was the center of government and authority. It brought order and system to wilderness Carolina. It was the focal point of the social life, the occasion when those from one cove could meet and gossip with their neighbors from other coves and ridges, whom they had not seen for months. It gave to the mountaineer who loved litigation the joy of indicting someone. With the limited opportunities for recreation and social experiences, trials and court cases gave excitement and spice to his life. Charles Dudley Warner and other writers have described how the people in the mountains would gather in the county seats for court week. They came to meet their friends and relatives, to buy and sell, and to barter their home-grown products for store-bought-goods, needed supplies of salt, coffee, medicines, and tools. As soon as their business was transacted, they gathered in front of the courthouses. They would chew tobacco, spit, dip snuff, and drink liquor. The towns would be full of their buggies, their covered wagons, which were really tents on wheels, used as conveyances and as beds. Often they were loaded with apples, produce, or barrels of hard cider. There were always several wagons near the court. Cider, ginger cakes, maple sugar, and whiskey were sold.* * "The A.S. Merriman Journal," North Carolina Historical Review, VIII, 300-330, gives the best account of court week in Western North Carolina, full of detail, such as the following: "Scores of women attend this court [Madison County] for the sole purpose of drinking and pandering to the lustful passions of dirty men." The judge had to order the whiskey wagons off the court house grounds so that court might proceed. �28 J Part I: The People and Their Homeland The administration of the law was not always just, but it was exciting. Spring and fall, court week was the magnet to draw all to the county seats. The judges and lawyers came on horseback or when possible in buggies- those who rode the circuit- "old pettifoggers, young shysters, and brilliant, neat attorneys." Alexis de Toqueville remarked more than a century ago that in the United States every major problem ends in a law suit. The law was so often used to subvert justice that many people doubted its fairness, yet most men believed that the law was good if men used it lawfully. The folklore of the law is that if a murdered man has called the murderer a bastard or a son of a bitch, the jury will often acquit the murderer. If his lawyer or the murderer convinces the jury that the victim brushed his hip or his coattail as if reaching for a weapon, he may be acquitted. If the lawyer can show that the victim has been intimate with the murderer's wife, the accused will be acquitted under the "w1written law." Mountain people are far more peaceful than writers of fiction would have their readers believe. There have been and still are "pockets of riffraff." But violence was not limited to the "riffraff." Some of the most prominent families in Western North Carolina numbered among their members those who had killed or had died at gun point. Dr. Robert B. Vance of Buncombe County, in 1827, defeated by Samuel P. Carson for election to the United States House of Representatives, remarked that Colonel John Carson, father of Samuel, had been a Tory during the American Revolution. Samuel Carson denounced Vance as a liar, and other bitter remarks led Carson to challenge Vance to a duel, which was fought in Tennessee. Vance was killed by Carson's bullet. William Waightstill Avery of Burke County, the eldest child of Isaac Avery, was a distinguished North Carolinian, but he shot and killed a legal opponent, Sam Fleming, in I 85 I. Earlier Fleming had horsewhipped A very, and although Fleming was unarmed A very shot him in the courtroom from a distance of five feet. A very was tried and acquitted on grounds of temporary insanity. The jury deliberated only ten minutes. This case illustrates the fact that a man could kill an unarmed man and be acquitted. This incident had little effect upon Avery's subsequent career. In 1852 he was again elected to the legislature and in 1856 to the state Senate and became its speaker. In I 86o he was chairman of theN orth Carolina delegation to the Democratic convention. In spite of his skill as a public speaker he was defeated as a candidate for Congress �On Main Traveled Roads / 29 Franklin, Macon County seat, surrounded by mountains HUGH MORTON PHOTO Brevard, Transylvania County seat HUGH M O RTON PHOTO �30 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland by Zebulon Baird Vance in 1858. He was active in organizing the Western North Carolina Railroad and became one of its directors in 1857. In r86o he was again elected to the state Senate. He later served in the Confederate Provisional Congress. He died July 3, 1864, of a wound received in pursuit of Kirk's raiders. Judge David Schenck held court between 1877 and r88o in most of the county seats in Western North Carolina. If we follow him around the circuit, we gain a rare view of a region about which he had experienced much concern. He wrote on December 29, 1879, "Since the 24th of August ... I have been toiling over the great mountains and the Circuit that I dreaded more than any other in the state has ended, and ended peacifully." He commented briefly on social activities, remarked about politics and leading citizens. He shared with his diary the scenic high points and the difficulty of travel in the mountainous areas. His remarks touched upon numerous people and places which will be dealt with at greater length in other chapters. Schenck was elected on the Democratic ticket - the first Democrat elected by the general public to preside over a superior court in theW estern District. The Reconstruction constitution drawn up and adopted in 1868 provided for popular election of judges (formerly they were chosen by the General Assembly). An amendment added in I 875 required their rotation from district to district. In 1876 the Democratic Party won almost complete control of North Carolina. At the beginning of the 1877 court sessions, Judge Schenck traveled from his home in Lincoln County to Newton by buggy. There he took a train to Morganton, arriving almost simultaneously with the new era since the railroad had been completed beyond Morganton to Old Fort. A county seat and a railroad town, Morganton was one of the centers of growth in Western North Carolina. Burke County had a population of 12,809, about three tenths Negro. It was one-third mountainous, the balance in rolling hills and valleys. W. C. Erwin, lawyer and promoter of the county to northern capitalists, called the area "a country that has fertile soil, hospitable people, magnificent scenery, a perfect climate, vast mineral wealth, abundant water power, great forests of pine and the hard woods, and immunity from droughts and blizzards and unseasonable frosts." Morganton had 861 persons. �On Main Traveled Roads / 3 r Upper class travelers in the 187o's shared the road Asheville was the center of trade for a large area �32 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland There were two hotels. Judge Schenck chose the Mountain Hotel, kept by Dr. ]. M. Hoppeldt, where the cooking was "equal to any I ever saw- steaks an inch thick, rare and so tender and juicy that it almost melts in your mouth." John Gray Bynum, a popular lawyer, was the judge's host for Sunday dinner - the menu, ham and chicken, all kinds of vegetables, and dessert of peaches, watermelons, and cakes of different kinds. As the Bynums took boarders, there were ten person at dinner. The judge was looking forward to winning other political honors, and he felt that his charge to the court on Monday made a good impression. The lawyers were Colonel Burgess S. Gaither, A. C. Avery,]. S. Bynum, Alfred Erwin, and S. C. W. Tate. James M. Gudger was solicitor. Cam Pearson, the clerk, was a Radical. Colonel Gaither was the "leader and father" of the Burke County Bar, and Major A. C. Avery was the leader of the Democratic Party there. Burke County had a number of fine old plantation mansions including Belvedere and Bellevue, both Erwin family homes, and Swan Ponds, built by Waightstill Avery, part of the house dating back to the late eighteenth century, and lived in by generations of A verys. Quaker Meadows is one of the most attractive farming areas in Burke County, and a number of ante-bellum brick houses remained, remnants of prosperous times before the Civil War. Many of these houses are still in a good state of preservation. If the judge had been interested in the economic life of the region he would have reported that the county had the following businesses: I 5 blacksmiths; 3 cattle dealers and 4,4ro head of cattle; 2 coopers; 5 distillers (licensed) ; 3 fertilizer agents ; I insurance agent; 2 livery stables; 2 lumber dealers; 8 flour and grist mills; 2 millwrights; I mine for asbestos; 6 or 7 gold mines; a Democratic newspaper, the Blue Ridge Blade; 4 tanners; 2 tobacco manufacturers; 2 watchmakers; 3 boot and shoe manufacturers; and six physicians. On the farms, 752 acres were planted in cotton, 58 acres in tobacco, 22,6I3 in corn, 8 in rice, 1,654 in rye, and ro,or6 in wheat. Of schools there were fifty-two for white children and fifteen for Negroes. In addition there were two academies and one college. Methodist churches predominated, with thirteen Methodist Episcopal South, nine Methodist Episcopal (northern), one African Methodist Episcopal, three Methodist Episcopal Zion, and one Methodist Protestant. The others were one Episcopal, three Presbyterian, and four �On Main Traveled Roads / 3 3 Baptist. In a later chapter all of these denominations will be discussed. In the northern part of Burke County were several tourist attractions: Hawksbill at the top of Jonas Ridge, and Table Rock, both of which attracted excursionists; Linville Falls, formed by a shelf of rock and a drop of ninety feet, from the base of which the Linville Gorge runs south about twelve miles between Jonas Ridge and Linville Mountain. This wild and rugged ravine never failed to charm the energetic souls who rode horseback llP its course. At Linville Falls the Franklins, descendants of John, brother of Benjamin Franklin, who have lived for generations at the falls, served as guides and also "took travelers" overnight. The last half mile of the trek to the gorge could be covered only on foot. The South Mountains fill the southern third of the county, and the Blue Ridge cuts across the northwest corner. The South Mountains create a "thermal belt" where frost is infrequent. They run nearly parallel with the Blue Ridge for about forty-five miles, extending through parts of Burke, McDowell, Rutherford, and Polk counties. They were sparsely settled but in some places were farmed to the very peaks. On a plateau three hundred feet higher than Morganton was Glen Alpine - a glen with four mineral springs- almost surrounded by mountains. Twelve miles from Morganton, seven miles from the railroad but with regular hack service, Glen Alpine Springs had a large hotel which attracted visitors, and for those who wanted to explore some of the peaks of the Blue Ridge it was conveniently located. The waters were believed to be healthful. Piedmont Springs, ten miles north of Morganton, was another resort. Following his two weeks in Burke County the judge was to hold court in McDowell County, and Major James W. Wilson, president of the Western North Carolina Railroad, furnished an extra train to carry the members of the bar to Marion on Sunday evening, the party consisting of Colonel Gaither, Major Avery, Solicitor Gudger, and Judge Schenck. The judge chose to stay at the Fleming House. Marion was a town of 372 persons, with businesses similar to those of Morganton. At the old Erwin mansion on the Catawba River three miles from Marion lived Major E. A. M. Erwin and his maiden sisters, �34 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland Misses Matilda and Mary Ann Erwin. Schenck wrote, "The ladies are the finest specimen of that splendid race of people who inhabited this luxuriant valley, but whose fortunes have been swept away by the desolation of a war leaving them little else than honor, grace, dignity, intelligence and the love of the Presbyterian faith to solace them in their misfortune. This family however have left them a fine farm and entertain sumptuously and delightfully." One of the most famous and handsome houses in McDowell County was the Carson House, situated on the banks of Buck Creek near the Catawba River. Built in 1810, for many years it had been a stopping place for Brown's line of stages that ran from Marion to Asheville. Since the Western North Carolina Railroad had been completed beyond Old Fort in 1877, the stage line had been discontinued between Marion and Old Fort, but summer visitors frequently made a night's stop at the Carson House before continuing northward toward North Cove and the Linville Gorge. Advertised rates at the Carson House were as follows: man and horse, $1.50 per day; single person, $7.00 per week; single person, $25 per month. J. L. Carson advertised, "Much attention has been paid to beautifying the grounds and the house has been well fitted up." Judge Schenck's political ambition was gratified by the interest and approval shown him in each county seat. He wrote of his reception in Marion, "The people as far as I heard were delighted and expressed themselves decidedly for me." The next stop on the circuit was Henderson County. To reach it the judge traveled by train from Marion to Henry's, the inn near Old Fort at the end of the railroad in I 877, and there he and the solicitor spent the night. The next morning they took the four horse stage coach for Asheville, had dinner there at three P.M., and continued on the same stage to Hendersonville, where they stayed at the Henry Hotel. Judge Schenck was an admirer of the mountain scenery. In Hendersonville some of the most prominent citizens called on him: William Miller, B. T. Morris, Captain]. M. Toms, and others. As he organized the court he noted that the Democrats were "satisfied." Although the officers of the court were Republican- C. M. Pace, clerk, and Jonathan Williams, sheriffSchenck was "constrained to say they are very good officers, especially the sheriff, who is a nice clever gentleman .... He is the first Radical I ever had any respect for, and he disclaimed �On Main Traveled Roads J 3 5 being a full blood, is only tainted enough to get office from the party." Colonel H. T. Farmer, who operated the famous old inn built in 1853 at Flat Rock (still serving the public in 1972 as the Woodfield Inn) sent for Judge Schenck to spend the night. Colonel Taylor took the judge out in his buggy, and on the way they drove around among the magnificent summer residences, about twenty-five of them, each in a park-like tract of from sixty to one hundred acres, that had been owned and occupied each year during the summer season by prominent South Carolina families. Flat Rock may well claim to be Western North Carolina's first resort center. The Saluda Mountains are a spur of the Blue Ridge and are the boundary between North and South Carolina. Hendersonville was built on a smooth bench of land about halfway up the Blue Ridge Mountains. Between Hendersonville and Saluda Gap were fine farms and orchards, especially of peaches and apples. Schenck returned to Asheville September 2, 1877, and registered at the Eagle Hotel, room 3 5· The Honorable Thomas Lanier Clingman was staying in room 36, just across the hall, and the two men spent hours together daily. Clingman had enjoyed a long political life and knew "most of the distinguished statesmen and politicians of this age." He had practiced law around the whole of the Western Circuit when there were only four lawyers of any prominence in the mountain counties and they all went the rounds with the judge. Beginning with membership in the legislature he went on to serve fourteen years in the United States House of Representatives and three and one-half in the Senate before the state seceded. The Eagle Hotel was operated by James Patton and was the stopping place for the stage coaches over the Swannanoa Gap and from Greenville, South Carolina. ]. H. Gudger's Buck Hotel, in the center of Asheville, was the coach stop for the stage that ran from South Carolina via Saluda Gap and Hendersonville. This route Judge Schenck found not very scenic, but it was nevertheless the most comfortable to travel. A third hotel, the Buncombe, was the choice of many because it was apart from the busiest section of town. There were five other less-known hotels. �36 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland Farmer's Inn, now Woodfield Inn ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. Asheville, the only city in Western North Carolina, had about 2,100 people and twenty-three attorneys. The sheriff, Levi Plemmons, was a Democrat, but the clerk, J. H. R eed, was a Radical. J. M . Gudger, the solicitor, accompanied Schenck on the circuit. The judge felt even before holding court in Asheville that his prospects there were flattering. Leaders Thomas D. Johnson, H. B. Carter, and C. M. McLoud gave him "every assurance that the bar here are for me and the people evidently are my best friends. If I get through successfully next week, I think all will be well.'' As was his custom in each county he served, Schenck made sightseeing trips in Buncombe, socializing with all he met. He wrote, "Beau Catcher, a small mountain which overlooks the little city of Asheville and commands quite a fine view .. . is the resort of the 'Beau Catcher' and the 'Beauty lovers' every evening, who drive there, ride there, and walk there and do their courting there. Old Folks are tolerated too, so I went up the other evening and witnessed from it a most glorious sunset. But old as I am, I admired the round limbs and tapering waists and merry faces of the girls more than the grandeur of the mountains in the distance . . . . Such is the frailty of poor mankind - a slave to woman, no matter how silly, if she has a pretty face and ankle." �On Main Traveled Roads / 37 Buncombe County had the largest population of any of the mountain counties, 21,209, of whom 3,487 were Negroes. There were thirty-four post offices and sixty churches, Methodist predominating. There were sixteen Methodist Episcopal South, ten Methodist Episcopal (northern), one African Methodist Episcopal, one African Methodist Episcopal Zion, eight Methodist Protestant, twelve Baptist and three Free Will Baptist, five Presbyterian in the U.S. (southern), one Presbyterian U.S.A. (northern), one Disciples of Christ, two Episcopal, two Missionary Episcopal, and one Roman Catholic, the only Catholic church in the entire area. Asheville had a public library on the fourth floor of the court house. Private schools were Asheville Female College (sometimes listed as the Female High School), Asheville Male Academy, Montanic Institute. Elsewhere in the county were Black Mountain High School, Weaverville College, Hominy Academy at Hominy Creek, and Leicester Academy. The Asheville Female Academy is said to have attracted students from Maine to Florida with its four year course. The businesses in Asheville were more specialized than in other towns. Thirty-four general merchants operated stores, but in addition there were two bakers, one restaurant, two booksellers and stationers, two photographers, two banks, one furniture store, three druggists, and three barbers. There were eleven wheelwrights, thirteen grist mills, six sawmills, two woolen mills, three millwrights, and one marble-working establishment, five lumber dealers and eleven carpenters and builders. Asheville had two tobacco warehouses, as in the late seventies most of the mountain counties were having a try at growing tobacco, the bright-leaf variety. The effort was abandoned in a few years and not until the late 192o's was burley tobacco introduced in the region. The two newspapers, the Asheville Pioneer and the Asheville Citizen, were weeklies. The Citizen (Democratic) had been published since r869 with Randolph A. Shotwell as its first editor. Calvin H. Wiley in his North Carolina Reader (1868), said, "Some of you will be surprised to find Asheville a place of much intelligence and refinement." The cosmopolitan air was created by those who had come there for their health. Rebecca Harding Davis, who traveled in the Southern Highlands during the 187o's wrote, "There is a sanatorium in the little town Asheville which �38 f Part I: The People and Their Homeland View of Asheville from Beau catcher Mountain, a favorite rendezvous of young Lovers Countless hogs and other animals were driven through Asheville to South Carolina markets. Other traffic had to give way �On Main Traveled Roads / 39 is becoming a Mecca for consumptives." In addition to the eight hotels in Asheville there were flourishing inns on all the turnpikes leading into town- Smather's at Turnpike, Alexander's at Alexander, and the Reagan House at Weaverville were all well known. Smather's Inn contained forty rooms. John C. Smathers had started it with ten rooms but his business had flourished. Here he furnished grain and roughage, a fenced enclosure for stock, with pasturage ; had a mill, a blacksmith shop, a carpenter shop, and served travelers, drovers, and their livestock. The inn was crowded with "hundreds and thousands of horses, mules, hogs, and cattle" driven on foot, and was a stopping place for stage coaches and private vehicles carrying tourists and business men. Alexander's had been in operation since the Buncombe Turnpike was completed in I 828 when James Mitchell Alexander of Asheville bought and improved a place on the right bank of the French Broad River, ten miles from Asheville, for a hotel and mercantile business. The hotel was in use as long as the turnpike was the highway for interstate travel. Another Alexander's was ten or twelve miles H ardy travelers stopped here on the ascent of the hig hest mountain in Eastern A merica �40 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland east of Asheville; it was a long-famed wayside house. This Mr. Alexander was characterized by one visitor as "a hale sprightly young man of eighty, who, like all other farmers in the mountains 'took in' travelers, gave them an excellent supper and comfortable beds, and sent them on the next day." The resorts Haywood White Sulphur Springs, Warm Springs (now Hot Springs), and Asheville complemented each other, guests stopping at one for a few days, then riding by stage coach to another. A popular horseback excursion route from Asheville ran up Reem's Creek to Weaverville and Elk Mountain. Weaverville had a college, one of the four in Western North Carolina. The Weavers were early comers, and it has been estimated that thirty percent of the early settlers in the valley north of Asheville were related to them. Adventurous visitors to Asheville made the ascent to Mount Mitchell. Leaving the main road to Marion at Alexander's, up the narrow valley of the North Fork, headwaters of the Swannanoa, the explorer would reach the foot of Mount Mitchell the first day. The night would be spent at Glass's, the roomy cabin of a family that accommodated strangers. The vehicles were left, the rest of the trip being made on horseback. A pack horse would be used to carry supplies for twenty-four hours: blankets, rugs, and food. From Glass's to the summit of Mount Mitchell was a very steep and difficult twelve miles of trail. A rest stop could be made half way up at the ruins of the once famous Mountain House which had been built many years earlier. Above that point were unending forests of balsam and fir, the latter growing in perfect cone shapes, their bases meeting in close thickets, giving the mountains their name, the Black Mountains. Along the trail great boulders and fallen trees heightened the adventure for the mountain climber. During the course of Judge Schenck's travels on the circuit he was accompanied part of the time by Mrs. Schenck and at other times by his daughter Lucy. They were ecstatic over the mountain scenery. The judge employed the owner of a nice carriage to take Mrs. Schenck and himself from Asheville to Burnsville, where he had a choice of two inns or boarding houses. He chose Sol W. Carter's hotel. The other was owned by the versatile G. D. Ray, who also owned a mica mine, a saw mill �On Main Traveled Roads / 41 Climbers camped overnight before the descent from Mount Mitchell at Ivy Gap, and a flour and grist mill in Burnsville. He was a druggist, a tanner, a general merchant, and one of the principal farmers in the county. Eight mica mines were being worked in the county and mica from the mine of G. D. Ray was exhibited at the World's Fair in Vienna. This sparsely settled county of 7,694 persons was a grazing area, and there were eight cattle dealers who bought up cattle from the farmers and had them driven to market in South Carolina or Tennessee, where there were rail connections. The Black Mountains run through the center of Yancey County, and while parts of this range were forested with heavy timber, other parts were in native grasses. About one-half mile from the summit of Mount Mitchell was a piece of tableland one-half mile wide, a natural pasture. The W estern North Carolina Land Company which advertised this �42 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland area for sale boasted, "Hundreds of cattle fatten here in summer. Herbs and flowers abound, as do wild fruits." The company was offering a site about half way up Mount Mitchell as "a terrace ideal for a sanatorium." The name Boon (as the family in that county spelled it at the time) was constantly in Judge Schenck's mind during the stay in Burnsville. The case of Thomas Boon who had been convicted of murder a year before had been appealed, and while he had not fired the fatal shot, the court found him guilty of aiding and abetting the murderer. Sam Boon, father of Thomas, appeared in court as a witness. Among the nine blacksmiths in Yancy County was Macdaniel Boon. In that family it was and has continued to be traditional for each generation to provide at least one blacksmith. Court closed in Burnsville in time for the judge to enjoy a fox chase with the Aliens. He borrowed a horse from his landlord and with three of the Allens and their six well trained dogs rode to the foot of Green Mountain. The trail was fresh and the dogs were sent in pursuit of "Reynard." The men rode around to an eminence from which they could hear the race. Schenck wrote, "In ten minutes after the trail was struck the pack was in full cry and the music glorious. They ran in a circumference of a mile or two around us where we could hear the 'cry' all the time. The race was 'fast and furious' for forty minutes when the fox was pressed so closely that he put into a cliff of rocks but out of this the Allens soon forced him to retreat by means of poles and as he jumped from [the] cavern the race was renewed with increased noise and speed, and continued for ten minutes longer until Reynard was overtaken and our chase was over." But a much more exciting hunt was about to occur. The telegraph line to Asheville had just been completed. From Marion Schenck had telegraphed for permission from a Mr. Murchison in Raleigh to have some sport on Murchison's Black Mountain lands, 1 3,ooo acres on the south side of the Black Mountain that had been posted to forbid trespassing. Murchison had bought the land at sheriff's sale that year for $2,200, to use as a timber and game preserve. (In 1909 it was sold for $225,000.) "Big Tom Wilson" had become a legend in his own day as a guide and hunter. He was now fifty-six years old. He lived nine miles south of Burnsville. Schenck,]. M. Gudger, Schenck's landlord Carter, and Wilson Allen of the preceding hunt, went �On Main Traveled Roads / 43 on horseback to Tom Wilson's, had noonday dinner, and were at the forks of the two Caney rivers two and one-half miles from Big Tom's by two o'clock. Mrs. Schenck and Mrs. Gudger followed to the Wilsons in a buggy and waited for the hunt to be over. The first day the party killed a big stag and had " a keen relish for another day's sport." At 8:30 the next morning Gudger and Schenck stood about 200 yards above the Forks, where they had a clear view as the other hunters climbed the mountain for a drive. Their wait was rewarded, for at ten o'clock a beautiful Big Tom Wilson, twenty years before judge Schenck met him, had become famo us for his discovery of the body of Elisha Mitchell, scientist and professor �44 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland doe came galloping down the stream. After killing the deer, wrote Schenck, "We had a general jollification and gathering up and after the hunters had hop passed the deer [tied the feet together and suspended it from a pole] the party fished for speckled trout and Wilson Allen killed two beautiful pheasants. Big Tom went to a mountain orchard and filled his hat and pockets with October peaches, large white freestones, and brought them down for the party to feast on". That night appetites were keen and the venison and trout and good corn bread were acceptable to all. After supper the party sat around the fire while Big Tom told yarns, bear tales, fishing tales, and adventure tales of all kinds. One of the tales was of how on the rugged cliffs of the Black he killed a small bear (125 pounds) and five raccoons. These, with a rifle weighing eleven pounds, he had to carry down the mountain. He "hoppassed" the "coons" on a grape vine and strung them around his shoulders, three on one side and two on the other. Then he tied the fore feet of the bear together and ran his head between, with the bear on his back. With his left hand he held the two hind paws to keep the bear's weight from choking him. In his right hand he carried the gun. Big Tom believed, and most southerners agree, that "coon" meat is the best of all wild game. (Big Tom was the mountain man who found the body of Dr. Elisha Mitchell for whom the mountain had been named.) At night the party slept "in true mountain fashion." A room with several beds was shared by the Gudgers and the Schencks. A tallow candle was the only light. After ten days' vacation Judge and Mrs. Schenck started to Bakersville in a "jersey" at seven o'clock in the morning, to hold court in Mitchell County. Heavy showers fell as their vehicle climbed over and around Green Mountain. ''The mud was deep and the road slippery, then the clouds rose and the rain stopped." The ford in the Toe River at Peterson's was dangerous because the water was so high. Peterson rowed the Schencks across in his "dugout" twenty feet long and two and one-half feet wide and made another trip for their baggage, while a boy drove the jersey across. Then at the edge of Bakersville the gray horse began to balk and the judge and his lady finished the �On Main Traveled Roads / 45 Here the Schencks and the Gudgers spent two nights journey on foot. At the Penland House dinner was eaten, clothes were changed, and at three o'clock the judge was charging the grand jury. The docket was small and the session of court uneventful. The judge was eager to continue his exploration of the mountains. Mitchell County is much smaller than Yancey and was part ofYancey, Caldwell, andWatauga until 1861. The Nollichucky River forms the boundary between Mitchell and Yancey counties, while on the east is the Blue Ridge and on the west the Toe (Estatoe) River which flows the entire length of the county forming a valley "rich beyond description." On Saturday, October 25, 1879, Judge and Mrs. Schenck set out with a caravan for Roan Mountain, with a horse and buggy provided by Major Jacob M. Bowman for the first five miles, after which they had to travel five on horseback. General Wilder, an iron capitalist of Chattanooga, Tennessee, a Union army veteran who owned the mountain, had built a twenty room lodge called Cloudland. Only a caretaker and his little daughter were at the lodge, but the nine guests were welcomed with a cheerful fire, coffee, and tea and sugar, to which they added the "snacks" they had brought along. From the Pinnacle �46 J Part I: The People and Their Homeland The only dry way to cross swollen streams Roan Mountain in early June is colorful with myriads of purple rhododendrons U .S. FOREST SERVICE PHOTO �On Main Traveled Roads / 4 7 half a mile from the Cloudland Hotel, 6,306 feet high, could be seen ranges of mountains in Virginia, West Virginia, Tennessee, and Georgia, as well as the ridges and peaks of North Carolina. The Bluff, ten feet lower than the Pinnacle, is at the southwest end of the mountain, and from it one looks down on a dreadful abyss below, although in the distance were to be seen thriving farms and villages in Tennessee, and on Big Rock Creek was the "Iron Works" at Cranberry. Charles Dudley Warner, exploring a few years later, wrote about the large variety of flora on Roan Mountain: "There are many [plants] we are told, never or rarely found elsewhere in the United States .... The rhododendron [growing there] ... has a deep red, almost purple color." About one-fifth of the land in Mitchell County was cultivated. The usual corn, oats, wheat and rye were to be seen, and fifteen acres were in cotton. Seventy-seven acres were planted to tobacco. Bakersville had a stoneware manufactory and a newspaper, the Republican. Churches in Mitchell County were chiefly Methodist and Baptist. A very County had not been created, and Schenck went next to Watauga County, where Boone, the county seat, was the highest such seat of government east of the Rockies at that time. To Schenck the routine of the court was monotonous in the small village of two stores and two hotels. Colonel Folk from Lenoir conveyed Schenck in a buggy drawn by two good horses. He stayed at Bryan's Hotel, where he was fed speckled trout, buckwheat cakes, sugar tree syrup, and the best milk, "good enough for a king." With a Captain Todd he fished in Howard's Creek. They caught twenty trout, the "most beautiful and gamey of all fishes." The court lasted only from Monday to Thursday, and on Friday the judge wrote, "Lawyers, suitors, and witnesses are gone, leaving the town lonely and uninteresting." A week would intervene before the next court, in Jefferson, and he did not know how he could "make the time interesting." Charles Dudley Warner commented about the two "taverns" in Boone and concluded that they were necessary to accomodate judges and lawyers when court was in session: "The court is the only excitement and the only amusement. Everybody in the county knows exactly when the court sits and when court �48 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland breaks. During the session the whole county is practically in Boone, men, women, and children. They camp there, they attend the trials, they take sides; half of them, perhaps, are witnesses, for the region is litigious, and the neighborhood quarrels are entered into with spirit .... "This tavern, one end of which was a store, had a veranda in front, and a back gallery, where there were evidences of female refinement in pots of plants and flowers. . . . The front porch in the morning resembled a carpenter's shop; it was literally covered with the whittlings of the row of natives who had spent the evening there in the sedative occupation of whittling." On November 12, 1879, Judge Schenck went from Boone to Jefferson, twenty-two miles, in a carriage. He made his headquarters at the old George Bowers House, kept by Martin Harden, in "room no. 3, which was for many years known as the judge's room and had been occupied by almost all the antebellum judiciary." Ashe County is one-third larger than Watauga in area, and its population was almost twice that ofWatauga, but the county seat, Jefferson, was smaller than Boone. There was great interest in mining in Ashe County, and grazing was also important. There were thirty-eight cattle dealers. One brandy distiller and ten whiskey distillers were licensed. There was a Negro population of 966, and the county had three Negro schools, a large number for a mountain county. Judge Schenck's circuit did not include Alleghany, Wilkes, and Surry counties. While all of Alleghany has an elevation of over 2,500 feet (and the Blue Ridge passes along its eastern and southern border), it has no peaks of over 5,000 feet. Sparta, the county seat, had about roo residents in r88o. The population of the county was 5,486. Wilkes County lies south of Alleghany, with the crest of the Blue Ridge forming its northwest boundary. It is so large that it is sometimes called the "State of Wilkes." The population of 19,I8I seems to have been fairly well distributed in r88o. The county seat, Wilkesboro, had only a few hundred people. One hotel and one boarding house accommodated the court officials and lawyers. The parent county, Surry, once included present-day Stokes and Forsyth and all of the land to the west as well as what came to be seven Tennessee counties. Partitions dated from I 777 to I 850, after which Surry County had its present boundaries. Its mountains are in the �On Main Traveled Roads J 49 northwestern part, the crest of the Blue Ridge just skirting the corner of the county. On the south is the historic Yadkin River, along which lived some distinguished families. Surry County's best known spot was Pilot Mountain, which was in 1970 made a state park. Surry is hilly or mountainous, with swift streams that were utilized for water power. One industry, the Elkin Manufacturing Company, established in 1848 by the Gwyn family for making cotton cloth, was in r884 employing thirtyfive workers and producing daily five hundred yards of sheeting and five hundred pounds of yarn. While Dobson, population 95, was the county seat, Elkin and Mount Airy were the important towns. In the latter there were manufacturers of cotton goods, but the new line of manufacture was tobacco. The county processed almost a million pounds of the weed in 1883, and Mount Airy had five tobacco factories, with four more at other points in the county. Two newspapers were published in Mount Airy: the National Visitor and the Mount Airy Watchman. The mineral of Surry County was not yet being exploited, but an abundance of granite was to become in later years one of the important resources. Winter was coming on as Judge Schenck traveled fifty-five miles from Jefferson to Lenoir, over the Blowing Rock Gap. The first thirty-two miles were done in a two horse buggy with Colonel Folk. "The New River, a rapid mountain stream 125 feet wide," Schenck wrote, "was frozen over in many places, and Meat Camp Creek bore the weight of horses, buggy, and passengers. A night was spent at the home of Len. W. Estes, on the Blue Ridge. Mrs. Estes had the finest B.W. [buckwheat] cakes I ever ate. They were about nine inches in diameter, round as a plate and thick as your hand, and very light .... Estes has a beautiful mill pond, full of trout, and I have a special invitation to fish in it, which I hope to accept and enjoy." On Sunday Colonel Folk and the judge rode on to Lenoir, making the twenty-two miles by four P.M. "I am rejoiced to leave the high elevations and the dangerous roads of the mountains as the cold winter comes on," wrote Schenck. One civil case on the docket, Freeman v. Sprague, took from Wednesday to Saturday to complete. It dealt with the ownership of the Henry Hotel at Henry Depot on the Western �50 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland North Carolina Railroad west of Old Fort, and the lawyers employed for the plaintiff were E. H. Malone, J. C. Bynum, and Romulus Linney; for the defense, Burgess S. Gaither, George N. Folk, and D. P. Cilley. All of these names are those of well known families of the area. Colonel and Mrs. Clinton A. Cilley entertained Judge Schenck, the Joneses, and Colonel Pearson at tea. The Jones, Lenoir, Patterson, and related families were residents of attractive and stately homes Qn plantations near Lenoir. Kemp Plummer Battle wrote, "I state as a fact that the lovely and fertile country through which flows the upper Yadkin and its tributaries has been for years the home of a prosperous, high toned and harmonious people. . . . [It is] designated by admiring visitors as Happy Valley." Lenoir's newspaper, the Topic, one dollar per year, advertised that it was "published weekly in the liveliest town in the mountains." Schenck called Lenoir "one of the most literary and cultivated places in the state." Court ended after almost four months of "toiling over the great mountains," and Schenck went home to rest until March when he was next to travel to Asheville. That trip was made by train to Charlotte, thence to Spartanburg, South Carolina, where he missed his train to Hendersonville. Mr. Anderson, superintendent of the railroad, sent him to Hendersonville on an engine. "It was a grand ride over Tryon Mountain," he wrote. While holding court in Asheville the judge met Kope Elias, Esquire, of Macon County, his devoted friend. Upon hearing a report that some fine wild turkeys had been in a field nearby, Schenck and Elias borrowed a horse and buggy on Saturday and rode out to shoot turkeys. "It was seven miles, and the roads were desperately bad, and we just got to the 'blind' in time to hear the turkeys fly out of the field." The birds were seen again on Sunday. Monday morning "came wet and foggy, but by 6 o'clock Kope and I were in the 'blind.' I was armed with [a] double barreled breech loader, Kope with a muzzle loader. In about a half hour we heard one fly down from the roost and give a low call or two and in a few minutes we heard the gang, five in all, fly over the fence. I was to 'conduct the shooting,' so I whispered to take a position and keep a keen watch. Directly a large gobbler came running to the bait, and �On Main Traveled Roads / 5 I we could see his outlines through the dense fog about twenty-five steps from us, then another joined him, and I gave command to aim, then to fire. At the word I fired both barrels at my gobbler, full and square in the breast, as he had discovered our presence and was peering his keen eyes into the crevices of the 'blind' to see what we were. Kope fired one barrel simultaneously, and both turkeys fell. Kope's turkey, to our surprise and mortification rose up and flew into a thicket and left him feeling 'blank and cheap'." Later Kope's turkey was found dead where he had fallen from a tree. Schenck continued, "My gobbler weighed 17 pounds .... I preserved the 'tails' and 'wings' for fans, and stuffed the head, leaving the full breast of feathers attached. The beard is nine inches long." Schenck had very little to say about the court at Marshall in Madison County, which he conducted in March 1880. He rode to Marshall in a hack and stayed at Jack Gudger's hotel. He wrote of Madison County, "This county is now wild over tobacco. The raising of this weed has increased very greatly and is proving remarkably profitable. Lands are increasing in value, and labor is greatly in demand." Marshall had little room for more than the main street, "the mountains rising to a lofty summit, almost from the water's edge of the river." It had about I 50 people. Warm Springs to the northwest had hotels and boarding houses and was to become an even more popular resort after the railroad reached there. We next find Judge Schenck in Brevard. The French Broad River rises in Transylvania County and the judge marveled at "the fertility, wealth, and beauty of the valley." He enjoyed shooting pheasants there. These birds "come to apple orchards in secluded places to eat the tender buds." Court over in Brevard (he had nothing to say about the lawyers or the docket), Mr. B. D. Lankford, Esquire, was "kind enough to furnish me two good mules and drive me to Waynesville without charge." They admired the "magnificent valley of the Mills River" on the way. One night was spent at Turnpike Post Office at the Smathers Inn. Waynesville was not incorporated until I871, but to Judge Schenck it appeared "an old dilapidated town, dirty and dingy, �52 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland Downtown Marshall today squeezed in between the French Broad and the mountains HUGH MORTON PHOTO and in itself without attraction." Hence he chose a room at Major W. W. Stringfield's White Sulphur Springs near Waynesville, of which he wrote, " ... one of the lovely spots in this world, and capable of being made a paradise with capital. The mountain scenery is grand, the river or creek running in stone's throw is transparent as crystal, the spring is very fine, and there are no cleverer people in the world than the Major and his wife." The population of Waynesville was 225. Much interest was shown in agriculture, clubs and societies having been organized including the Haywood Agricultural Society. From Waynesville Judge Schenck proceeded to Webster, then the county seat of Jackson County, with Walter E. Moore, a young lawyer. The docket was short and court closed in two days; a "horse thief' and a "house thief' were both sentenced to ten years in the penitentiary. Jackson County as described by William Ernest Bird "is essentially medial within the extremely western subdivision of the mountain region. Its shape is that of an elongated oval bowl �On Main Traveled Roads J 53 with an irregular rim: the Blue Ridge on the southeast, the Smokies to the southwest, the Balsams to the northeast, and the Cowees to the southwest. It is divided for almost its entire length by the Tuckaseigee River." At the Cherokee town of Stekoa near present-day Whittier, Griffith Rutherford met the Indians in 1776 and drove them into the Smokies. In 1781 John Sevier defeated them a second time near the present town of Sylva. In 1796 the "Meiggs and Freeman Line" was established from the Smokies to South Carolina, limiting the Cherokees to the territory west of the line. Thus part of what later became Jackson County was available to white settlers, and near the Meiggs and Freeman Line certain men were permitted to operate trading stations: Foster's, Love's and East laPorte. In 1819 another treaty gave the State of North Carolina the entire Tuckaseigee Valley, and the land newly available was divided into districts, surveyed, and sold to white settlers. Thereafter the area went through the pattern of home, church, and school building common to each valley in turn. The most exciting natural landmark in Jackson County was Judaculla Rock, now a state shrine, a large stone on Caney Fork Creek which has inscribed in hieroglyphics a message that no one has ever been able to decipher. Legend tells of a super-human being named Judaculla of prehistoric times who carved the inscription to commemorate his activities in the area. In the southeast corner of Jackson County Confederate General and later Governor of South Carolina Wade Hampton had an estate at a very scenic point which later became the resort, High Hampton. Whiteside Mountain is one of the most spectacular mountains in the state. One side has a rock precipice I ,8oo feet high, giving the mountain its name. Franklin, with a population of 207, was the county seat of Macon County which had been formed in 1828. It became a cultural center for the southwestern part of the state, had a number of schools and academies, and was the home of the first normal school established in Western North Carolina. In 1875 another town, Highlands, was laid out in the southeastern part of the county as a summer resort. Settled chiefly by newcomers, it boasted a literary society, the Highlands Improvement Association, the Highlands Floral Society, the Highlands Temperance Union, and a newspaper, the Blue Ridge Enterprise. Both Franklin and Highlands had high schools. �54 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland Waynesville was described in the 187o's as a quaint, old-looking town. Life was simple and rural After Judge Schenck had finished the court in Franklin, he and his daughter Lucy who had joined him set out with Thomas Slagle as guide to climb the Nantahala Mountain Range. They were able to go by two-horse buggy to the gap, and there "took saddle" for the summit which was three miles farther. Near the summit was the famous "wine spring," which furnished water to drink with their lunch. On the way to Hayesville in Clay County the judge, Kope Elias, and Lucy stopped at Alexander Munday's at Aynone Post Office at the western foot of the Nantahala Range. Schenck had sent word to the host to have plenty of speckled trout ready, and he had "a most bountiful supply of this most delicate of all fishes." After dinner they crossed "Tusquitcher Mountain" (Tusquitee) to Hayesville. The road followed "cool crystal branches, with gushing streams at every turn, and grand forest of hemlock and wilderness of rhododendron on every side." One night was spent at the "cozy cottage" of one of the Shearer families on Tusquitee Creek. There was a little mill nearby, and water had been piped to the Shearer house and to the mill race. �On Main Traveled Roads J 55 �56 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland :..1.:: " .. The Schencks followed the Nantahala Gorge between Franklin and Hayesville ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO . Only two days were required for the session of court in Clay County, which h ad been part of Cherokee until 1861. The county's population was only 3,3 16. After the court closed the judge's party continued to Murphy, the road following the Hiwassee River for part of the way. They h ad time for sightseeing before the next session in Cherokee, and the judge wrote, "I spent the next week very pleasantly." He was able to take "several fine drives" to explore scenic attractions. Cherokee County was described by Chataigne's Directory as having "marbles of the finest quality and of various colors that compose whole mountains," but at that time m arble was not being mined. Kope Elias accompanied Judge Schenck on this trek on the Western Circuit in 1880, and they next traveled to Robbinsville, Graham County, spending the night at Dr. R. C. Washburn's at the head of Valley River. The docket was finished in a day and a half. Robbinsville was a hamlet of sixty-one persons, the �On Main Traveled Roads / 57 entire county's population numbering 2,335. Graham County was very young at the time of Schenck's visit, having been created in 1872. Some Indian families continued to live there on land purchased for them by William Holland Thomas. They subsisted by farming and hunting. A few white families had straggled in even before the Cherokee removal. The roads were poor, most of them lying at least at a thirty degree angle. Not until the lumbering industry started would people come to Graham County in any great numbers. The county seat of Swain County (now Bryson City) was then called Charleston. It was thirty-two miles from Franklin, to which the judge had returned after court at Robbinsville. The Little Tennessee River was high, and as the judge crossed it his buggy and valise filled with water. In Swain County law enforcement had been made a problem by a band of rioters and desperadoes led by members of the "Wiggins family." The judge sentenced about ten to jail for terms of from three to twelve months, and he sent them to the Franklin jail "for safe keeping." Swain County had a total population of 3,784, and its land was assessed at 78/: per acre. Charleston had 100 people. The main portion of the Cherokee Indian lands, the "Qualla Boundary" was partially in Swain County. Two other counties not included in Schenck's circuit were Rutherford and Polk. Rutherford was one of the more populous counties, much of its land lying in the piedmont, with a population of 15,208. In part of the county are the South Mountains. Inserted in the southwestern corner is little Polk County through which run the Saluda Mountains. Chimney Rock in Rutherford County was one of the tourist attractions, and the highest point is Pinnacle Mountain, 3,832 feet. The Broad River and the Second Broad flow through the county. In cultural life Rutherford and Polk had a head start, as they had begun to be settled before the American Revolution and they were always in touch with more highly developed areas. The Speculation Land Company promoted settlement and advertised, attracting purchasers. From I814-1845 Rutherford was the center of gold production for the nation, and Bechtler's mint north of Rutherfordton was allowed to coin money. The county began �58 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland the textile industry in I874 when an old wheat mill was converted to production of cotton goods. It employed fifty people until, within the year, it was destroyed by fire and not until years later were plans made for its successor. Its mill village of fifteen houses was probably the first in Western North Carolina. Polk County with 5,062 people and an area of only 234 square miles had I,646 acres devoted to cotton and 93 I in tobacco. A fine old home in Polk County was Green River Plantation built by ColonelJoseph McDowell Carson about I8oo. Inherited by Carson's granddaughter Mrs. Frank Coxe, it served as a country home, the Coxes spending most of each year in Asheville, where Mr. Coxe built the first charming Battery Park Hotel. Green River Plantation house still stands. Columbus, the county seat of Polk, had only 7I people in I 880. The southern and eastern portion of the county is a fine fine farming area. Within a few years after I88o, Polk County was to become attractive to both summer and winter residents (not the same groups) when rail connections with South Carolina were made. The route followed had been the Indian Trading Path, later a main traveled road from Kentucky and Tennessee to the South. �CHAPTER TWO Off the Beaten Path The distinctive mountain culture as described by vtsttors, missionaries, social workers, members of study commissions, and residents during the last hundred years, was to be found among the people off the beaten part. Edward King in The Great South, 1875, described a visit to a mountain cabin. He saw the housewife smoking a corncob pipe and warming her hands before an open fire. Rain dripped through the roof; the children were huddled together. There were few furnishings, but the barns were full and the family had a few sheep and goats. At that date the mountain people were not destitute, but the public schools were deplorable. He concluded that the people were relatively well off. A description of mountain life about 1880 by the great psychologist William James is so typical of outlanders' views that it is quoted at length: "Some years ago ... in the mountains ofNorth Carolina, I passed by a large number of'coves' ... which had been cleared and planted. The impression on my mind was one of unmitigated squalor. The settler had ... cut down the more manageable trees and left their charred stumps standing. The larger trees he had girdled and killed. . . . He had then built a log cabin, plastering its chinks with clay, and had set up a tall zigzag rail fence around the scene of his havoc, to keep the pigs and cattle out .... He had planted the intervals between the stumps with Indian corn ... ; and there he dwelt with his wife and babe - an axe, a gun, a few utensils, and some 59 �6o / Part I: The People and Their Homeland pigs and chickens ... being the sum total of his possessions. "The forest had been destroyed; and what had 'improved' it out of existence was hideous ... without a single element of nature's beauty, ugly indeed seemed the life of the squatter ... beginning back where our first ancestors started and ... hardly better off for ... the achievements of ... intervening generations .... '' "Then I said to the mountaineer who was driving me, 'What sort of people ... make these new clearings?' 'All of us,' he replied. 'Why we ain't happy here unless we are getting one of these coves under cultivation.' I instantly felt that I had been losing the whole inward significance of the situation. Because to me the clearing spoke of naught but denudation, I thought that to those whose sturdy arms and obedient axes had made them they could tell no other story. But when they looked on the hideous stumps, what they thought of was personal victory. The chips, the girdled trees, and the vile split rails spoke of honest sweat, persistent toil, and final reward." James, like many other writers and visitors to the mountains, had deplored the meagerness of the life of those who lived in the coves and on the ridges. The isolated mountaineers that he saw were poor, terribly poor, but they retained their pride, their self-respect, their independence, their individuality, and their zest for life. Many of their children left their mountain homes to "seek their fortunes" in the mill towns, the county seats, or the cities, but they always remembered nostalgically the experiences, the sounds, and the sights of their childhood: crossing streams by footlogs; washing wool in streams; carding, spinning, weaving; boiling clothes in a black iron pot swung from a tripod; salting sheep from a gourd; a mother churning milk and cooking the evening meal by the light of a fat pine stick; the father riding for the doctor by the flare of a burning torch or taking the corn to the mill on foot or on horseback; lograilings; house-raisings; corn huskings; the crushing of sorghum; the stomping, swinging, shuffling of feet; the voice of the caller and fiddle music at neighborhood square dances. Mountain sounds were those of the howling winds, the singing of birds, the tinkling of cow, horse, and sheep bells, the ringing of axes, the thud of mauls, the crash of falling trees, the sputter and crackle of open fires, the clank of the blacksmith's hammer, the hissing of frying meat and the whir of the spinning wheel and above all the sound of the human voice with all its varying �Off the Beaten Path J 61 A log cabin of the type lived in by the earliest settlers and the poorer mountaineers ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. later I G oing to the Mill - riding is better than walking j �62 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland intonations in talk and in the singing of hymns and old ballads. Other sounds came from the mass hysteria and jerkings at revival meetings, laughter, obstreperous cursing, crying at trials, kettles singing over a crane. Interesting smells were those of oak, cedar, pine burning, hominy boiling, sassafras steeping, com bread baking, ham frying, and woolen clothes drying before a fire. A small mountain settlement of the type that might be found in almost any county of the region was that on the North Fork of the Swannanoa River, described by Fred M. Burnett in This Was My Valley. The Bumets (earlier spelling) built their first log cabin there in 1762. In the valley, less than four miles long, closed in by mountains on all sides, lived at least fifty families. Here were "all the crafts- blacksmith shops where they built their own wagons, plows, knives, and tools. They tanned leather, made shoes, harnesses, and saddles. They carded, spun, and wove their own wool and made their clothes." From the peach and apple orchards came the fruit for their brandy. Wheat, com, and rye were also distilled. Their fields produced com, and every farm had poultry and domesticated animals. The community was almost entirely self-sufficient. After the crops were harvested in the fall, the men went on the first hunt, which would last from Monday morning until Saturday afternoon. Each man carried a sack of supplies such as com meal for fritters, flour for gravy, salt, coffee, a slab ofbacon, potatoes, and onions. The hunt would provide the meat. To the group of men who had known each other and hunted together all their lives, the hunt was a way of life, a prized experience. Mountain families have usually been patriarchal. In them the men have been dominant, the women subservient. The men made the decisions, did "men's work"; the women did the chores and the house work and often did not eat at the table with the men, especially if guests were present, but stood to serve men and guests. Women however generally were loyal to their men and not unhappy. They often referred to the husband as "The Mister" or "him." They usually would not go visiting or to town without his permission. The mountain man respected all women but was not chivalrous. He would not tip his hat nor offer his chair to an older woman. He would let his wife carry a child or other burdens. He would walk in front of her down the road or path. But he was scrupulous in teaching manners to his children. �Off the Beaten Path / 63 One of the simplest ofgrist mills An old mill that is still in existence ASH EVI LLE C ITIZEN -TIM ES CO . �64 J Part I: The People and Their Homeland Mountain musicfor a play-party game A mountain hunter �Off the Beaten Path / 65 The mountain man believed that everyone was equal in the sight of God and man. He resented condescension with fierce pride. There were no marked distinctions in the mountains. He was intolerant of anyone who tried to "get above his raisin'." He would balk at doing a "woman's work." He was ashamed to milk a cow, wash dishes, or make a bed, but he was quite willing to do the "hard work" of plowing, harvesting, felling trees, clearing land, sawing or chopping wood for cabin or fireplace. He was not lazy: he used great energy in his primitive methods of farming, in hauling his produce to market, in walking many miles over the hills hunting animals, birds, ginseng, or other salable herbs. During the three months of the growing season, men's work was regimented by the demands of their crops. That season was short because of frosts coming late in the spring and early in the fall. After crops were in and the land made ready for spring planting, the men could choose their activities until seed time. The more ambitious cleared land, split rails, cut firewood; others hunted, gambled, pitched horseshoes, attended shooting matches, drank liquor, and swapped yarns. Many made liquor; most drank. The drinking often made them quarrelsome. The mountain man had poise, self-confidence, versatility, was able to adapt to any kind of job. He was proud, "touchy," a jack-of-all trades, had learned to do almost everything for himself. He took education seriously because he had to work so hard to get it or because he was denied the opportunity. He could stand any amount of hard work, but he chafed at monotonous jobs. He was rash, precipitate, oversensitive, quicktempered. He usually resented all outlanders. Although the general level of cultural achievement had dropped because of isolation and the meagerness of opportunity, the mountaineer has been found to be a naturally capable, honest, intelligent, and efficient worker. He had an air of leisure, did not seem to be in a hurry, but he got things done that had to be done. It has been said that child-bearing, hard work, and hopelessness were the lot of mountain women. Sometimes that was true when a family was crushed by hopeless poverty. But women were the bulwark of mountain society. They held the homes together. They did the household chores, tended the livestock and garden, raised hemp and sheep and made the family clothing from hemp or from wool that they had sheared, thread they �66 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland had spun, and cloth they had woven. They cooked, cleaned, hoed the garden. Often they plowed; sometimes they even pulled the plow. They hunted herbs for medicine and greens for "sallets." In season the whole family would hunt ginseng, which sold for sixty cents a pound in 1848 (and for $9.68 green or $38.oo dried, in 1969). On Sundays the women often walked behind the horse, mule, or ox while the men rode to church holding what children they could. The women would put on their sunbonnets to work in the fields. They dried beans, corn, apples, peaches, pumpkins, and prepared kraut, pork, venison, and squirrel meat for winter. They made their own soap from the lye of hickory ashes and grease. They made their own candles and they dyed the cloth that they wove - linsey for underwear and dresses, jeans for men's clothing. Their dyes were homemade: indigo (blue), madder (red), maple bark (purple), hulls, roots, and walnut bark (brown). Dyes were also made from sumac berries and laurel leaves. While they worked or during their few leisure moments many dipped snuff. They had tin snuff boxes into which they dipped chewed birch sticks to rub the snuff on their gums. Snuff dipping was not a pretty custom, but it gave them satisfaction, and the women deserved any pleasure they could get. Other women smoked clay or corncob pipes filled with twists of home-cured tobacco. R. R. Smith, who engaged in mission work north and west of Asheville near the end of the nineteenth century, wrote, "In the summer and fall the women, wise like ants, store up food for winter ... drying and canning fruits and vegetables ... leather britches [long strands of dried snap beans hanging on the walls of the cabin], dry pumpkin ... cut in thin, spiral pieces put on sturdy sticks and hung in dry places .... Gourds were plentiful and made a cheap substitute for tin and earthenware. The small ones were used for drinking cups, the large ones for holding salt, sugar ... , the largest size for carrying water from the spring. Each family had a supply of remedies gathered from forest and field: boneset, goldenseal, burvine, catnip .... " These intrepid women had few conveniences and few pleasures. They faded early from hard work and child-bearing. But they took pride in their cooking, preserving, in their weaving and dyeing. A woman could weave five yards of linsey in a day. They liked company and often met for spinning, carding, reeling, knitting, and weaving contests. There was a quilting frame in many a mountain home. It was suspended from the ceiling and was about waist high. Patchwork pieces of brightly �Off the Beaten Path / 67 colored cloth had been gathered and saved. The quilting consisted of spreading cloth under a filler of cotton or wool, covering it with the patchwork which had been pieced together in intricate designs: sunburst, log cabin, crazy quilt, and others; and with tiny stitches sewing through all three thicknesses following a design that was repeated throughout the entire quilt. It was never a mountain custom to rely on hired help. When anything needed to be done that required many hands, the neighbors were "right neighborly." They used sickles to harvest small grain. When a man's crop was ripe, neighbors would gather to reap and shock it. A dozen or more men would cut through a field. Then they hung their sickles over their shoulders and bound back. Boys gathered the sheaves and old men shocked them. Corn crops were gathered and thrown in heaps beside the cribs. Neighbors came and husked the crop. Dr. C. D . Smith of Franklin said he had seen eighty to ninety men around his father's corn crib. Neighbors helped also in a barn or house raising or in a "rail mauling." This was a communal splitting of rails for fences. Neighborliness was more than a custom. It was a way oflife. Neighbors would help each other at grinding cane stalks, wheat threshings, or making molasses. They attended Methodist camp meetings, Baptist association meetings, community picnics, school commencements, circuses. All helped the sick. Some who were gifted in their knowledge of herbs were called "yarb" doctors. They and the "granny women" did much to maintain health. ::-..... W eaving was among the many responsibilities of the mountain woman. The loom is home-made �68 / Part I: The People and Their Homeland John C. Campbell wrote entertainingly of mountaineers as horse traders. He wished that he could live to see a horse trade between a Carolina mountaineer and a Connecticut Yankee. He affirmed that to the mountain man every business transaction was a horse trade and that he sought to get the better of his competitor. He gave his opponent credit for knowing as much as he did. Sometimes his shrewdness seemed like dishonesty to those who did not understand him. If one caught up with him he thought more of the trader's shrewdness. If one tried to deceive him, he would find him a shrewd judge of human nature. Horse trading took place anywhere, any time: at county seats on court days, at public speakings, at country stores, blacksmith shops, mills, and crossroads. The language of the mountain people a century ago has been said to be similar to that of the Elizabethan English. It was archaic, picturesque, figurative. There was too in the language quaintness which set it apart from that used outside the mountains. Not only had the language been preserved but the English and Scottish ballads and folk songs had survived also. Many have been changed greatly; others are remarkably close to the original versions. Their melodies have not only a touching beauty, but they are uniquely expressive of mountain character. They were preserved because of the isolation of the people. The folk speech of the mountain people had its dialectal individuality. Many studies of mountain dialect are available. A few examples are the following: fotch for fetch, ye for you, hit for it, antic for a comical person, preacher-parson, fotched-on Jurriner, granny woman, neighbor-people, tooth-dentist, play-purties, heer'd and afeard, mought, hyar for here, right smart for a considerable amount, right pert, consentable for willing, plague for tease, I wouldn't care to for I do not object, We got along plain for we did fairly well, Hit was thickety for It was not an easy passage, after preachin' has broke, sculp for scalp, shootin' iron for fire arm, skeerd, ourn, Jranticky (a combination of frantic and panicky), endurin' for whole, swallow a punkin' seed for get pregnant, galackers for pickers of galax leaves, sangers for pickers of ginseng, settin' up for courting. Until the coming of the roads and railroads, life in the mountains remained as it had been. These modes of access made marketing of produce possible; they were the opening wedge to the good life for the mountain people. �PART TWO A Changing Society Western North Carolina was never a land apart from the rest of the state, even in the earliest days, in spite of the mountain barrier. One of the first ties that existed was religion. Churches were established in the colony in the wave of protestant evangelical activity that followed John Wesley's lead in England and then in America. Camp meetings sprang up out of the work of orderly smallgroup gatherings, grew and spread ultimately into a "movement whose aspects and practices were completely free affairs of the uninhibited masses" -the Great Revival which reached Western North Carolina by the end of the eighteenth century. At singing-gatherings (which continue to this day) and camp meetings, pioneer people were given to use what may have been their first manufactured and mass-produced article, the folk-hymn or revival song. This article employed as its tune a folk-tune, as its text words composed by a spiritually-minded man, in the words of one of them, taking the "devil's ditties" to do the Lord's work. What happened to the simple folk-songs of a bye-gone era was symptomatic of change. New ways were built upon the old. They did not supplant the traditions of the past- the agriculturally based social system making prestige the property of the river-bottom gentry; the politics of heredity making power an establishment belonging to the prosperous few. The religious awakening was what first brought isolated men into a great participation with masses of men. Methodist Conferences and Baptist Conventions were loyally attended by delegates from the mountains, who usually rode horseback to an eastern meeting center. �70 / Part II: A Changing Society There had been highways of commerce too, tortuous wagon roads on which it was not unusual to see merchants' wagons drawn by as many as eight oxen, taking feathers, eggs, beeswax, medicinal herbs, apples, to the markets of the piedmont and returning with a full line of finished merchandise for the general stores. Travelers might ride in stagecoaches drawn by six beautifully matched horses like those that for a while went from Marion to Asheville. Those who were chosen to represent the area in the General Assembly and the United States Congress traveled thus. And one must not forget the taste that was developing in people for entertainment. In the smaller towns the only spectacles ofimportance to draw crowds, in these days before the motion picture, may have been politics and the courts, and it was only to towns that one could go for the latter. North Carolina's most widespread folklore, like the ballad "Tom Dula," has to do with criminal actions and legal proceedings which aroused great interest in the arena of the day, the courts. Tom Dula was defended in several trials by the famous lawyer and former governor Vance, and reporters came to little Wilkesboro from far off New York newspapers, public interest in the case being so great. An earlier trial, that of Frankie Silvers in Burke County and a still earlier one, that of John Lewis for the murder of Naomi Wise (the ballad is "Omie Wise") show the interest of an enduring nature that a great trial can arouse in an eager audience of common citizens. Not all trials were criminal cases, and not all courts were so well attended, but one must conclude that then the courts were more interesting and exciting than now. Nor were courts so far removed from the other great arena, politics. Other cultural institutions developed slowly. Only the well-to-do could afford to attend the academies and institutes that were usually located in the county seats, and for the masses the one-room school had to suffice until a state system of education for all developed. The changing s~iety in Western North Carolina could not have come wi<:hout the railroads and the highway system. The historian must arbitrarily choose the order in which different topics fall. Part II which follows traces the changing society; Part III will narrate the developing economy. Both took place simultaneously. �CHAPTER THREE Religion Many Western North Carolinians are traditionally fundamentalists who believe in a literal interpretation of the Bible, particularly of the Old Testament. Their beliefs are deep, strong, sincere, although not always have the believers transformed their creed into Christian living. It has been said that religion to Western North Carolinians is bred in the bone. It took various forms, depending somewhat on their national orgins but more on the opportunities offered and on evangelism in the particular locality. The denominational pattern existing in Western North Carolina after the Civil War had been determined many years earlier by the work of the pioneer ministers who had given unstintingly of their time and their lives. We might have expected that at least one-third of the people would be Presbyterians, if family traditions had prevailed, since that proportion were of Scottish descent. But Presbyterians did not engage in missionary work in the mountain area until near the close of the nineteenth century. Meanwhile, Baptist churches were easily established and many potential Presbyterians joined them. Baptist churches outnumber all others in Western North Carolina. Methodists, too, had a system for organizing new congregations and creating new churches, and their results in Western North Carolina were good. For example, a community of Presbyterians living in the Tuckaseigee Valley far away from their church were advised by the Presbyterian minister in Asheville to join the Methodist Church until they could obtain a Presbyterian pastor. 71 �72 / Part II: A Changing Society They became staunch Methodists and continued in that denomination. Baptist churches promoted democracy, and they also tied newly settled areas with the ones from which people had removed, thus helping to unify the population of the area and the state. The method was simple. A group of Baptists who had moved too far from their church to attend services would start a new congregation with the help of the parent church. After a period of recruiting enough members to carry on church discipline, the branch, called an "arm," would petition the parent church asking for the dismission of its members for the purpose of forming a new church. The mother church usually sent helpers to constitute the new one, and the minister of the mother church was responsible for the spiritual welfare of the "arm". A member of the new congregation might be chosen as their minister. He would be examined for his doctrinal views by a "presbytery" of at least two ministers. If they approved him, they would ordain him by "the laying on of hands" and by prayer. Thus new churches sprang up rapidly and at small expense. The minister was a self-supporting man. He was sometimes an illiterate one who would have to teach himself to read the Bible because he felt a "call" to preach or to "exercise his gifts" (of words). Thus a church might be the mother of a number of smaller ones. Baptist churches formed "associations" whose meetings were attended by the delegates chosen by each congregation. In this way they kept in touch with other communities. Judge Johnson]. Hayes's excellent history of Wilkes County traces the formation of each Baptish church in the county from 1771 to 1960. The earliest churches organized in the county, first part of Rowan, then Surry, and finally Wilkes, became members of the Strawberry Association of Virginia. In 1790 the churches in North Carolina in that association were dismissed to form the Yadkin Association, and in 1799 the churches from the Y adkin Association were permitted to withdraw to form the Mountain Baptist Association. By I 8 3 I the Baptist State Convention was in operation, and it founded schools and colleges, established a religious press, and produced an advanced type of scholarship. As the denomination grew in numbers and strength, missionary activities multiplied, and the Sunday School was introduced. Church members began to participate financially in support of missions and benevolent societies. A number of the churches �Religion / 73 objected. The Mountain Association by a majority vote in 1838 declared itself an anti-missionary body hostile to the "institutions of the day" and took the name "Primitive Baptist," a step which had already been taken by the Fisher's River Association in 1832 in Surry County, another former member of the Yadkin Association. The Primitive Baptist churches opposed the new system and refused to sit in conference with those who favored it. They expelled from their numbers members of such secret organizations as the Sons of Temperance and the Masonic order, fearing that these organizations might compete with the church for influence over the members. Primitive Baptists were opposed to a paid ministry or to schools and colleges for the education of men for the ministry, and while they were actually zealous in missionary efforts they disapproved of financial activities of churches in any form. Most of them objected to instrumental music in churches. The Primitive Baptist movement was felt in Surry and Ashe counties and in the portion of Wilkes County that later became Alleghany County. In r884 there were twenty-one Primitive Baptist churches in that area. The Missionary Baptist churches were expelled from the Mountain Association and formed new associations which supported Sunday schools and educational institutions. The Primitive Baptists seem not to have spread into the southwestern part of the state, but there another offshoot developed, the Free Will Baptists, who were also very rigid in doctrine but extremely anti-Calvinistic (the Primitive Baptists were Calvinists). The Free Will Baptists in Buncombe, Madison, Yancey, and Mitchell counties in r884 numbered sixteen churches. The Missionary Baptist churches in the United States split into two conventions over the issue of slavery, and most of the churches in North Carolina have been affiliated with the Southern Baptist Convention since 1845. However, there were numbers of mountain people opposed to slavery, and when after the Civil War the Union League came into existence and Union sympathizers joined it, about one hundred of them in r867 formed the Mountain View Baptist Association. Its growth was slow. In r884 there were two of these Union churches in Alleghany County, and today there are four or five small associations in North Carolina and Virginia. To the south the French Broad Association was organized in r8oo with fourteen churches in North and South Carolina. These churches had been dismissed by Bethel, the mother association, to form the new group. By I 807 there were seven member �74 / Part II: A Changing Society churches west of the Blue Ridge. Each of these churches sent out arms and organized congregations. When the State Baptist Convention was organized, these churches in the western section found it difficult to keep in touch with its proceedings. Travel by horseback for such long distances to the meetings of the convention was arduous although the delegates were diligent in attending. In 1844 an appeal was made by delegates from the French Broad Association for a new convention. In 1845 at Boiling Springs Camp Ground near Hendersonville, the Western Baptist Convention was organized. Its aims were, "distribution of the Bible among the destitute, employment of Home Missionaries within her bounds, the sustaining of foreign, domestic, and Indian missions; also to educate poor young men called of God to the Ministry of the Gospel who may be approved by their churches." This convention served until 1895, and after r 86 5 its membership was limited to associations west of the Blue Ridge. It founded Judson College in Hendersonville and authorized the establishment of Mars Hill College in Madison County. Examination of the history of the Baptist churches in all twenty-four counties would be impossible here. Two counties that illustrate the steady increase in the number of Baptist churches are Wilkes and Cherokee. Records of Baptist churches in Cherokee County are available in Margaret Freel's Our Heritage: The People of Cherokee County, North Carolina, 1540-1955. The fifty-eight churches are divided between the West Liberty Baptist Association and the Western North Carolina Baptist Association, and in each association twelve churches have been established in the twentieth century, while sixteen were in existence in each before 1877. In Wilkes County the Baptist churches are listed by Judge Hayes in The Land of Wilkes. In the Brushy Mountain Association there are thirty-five churches, thirteen of which were constituted after 1900, indicating that missionary activity has continued and multiplied as the urban area around the Wilkesboros developed. In addition, thirteen Baptist churches in Wilkes County are in the Elkin Baptist Association, only two of which were established after 1900. The Stone Mountain Association had in 1960 twenty-nine churches. The Briar Creek, Elkin, and Stony Fork associations include some churches outside Wilkes County. Many of the churches now occupy modern brick structures with educational classrooms and heat and water facilities, and the minister is usually furnished with a house. �Religion / 75 The locating of Methodist Episcopal churches in the mountain counties was begun by English-born Francis Asbury, who became the first Methodist bishop in America in I 784. He crossed the mountains sixty times, carrying religion to the people along his route. He began the system of "itinerancy," and when it became impossible for him to attend all of the congregations he had founded, the office of elder, later presiding elder, was created. A Methodist circuit consisting of a large number of congregations was followed by a "circuit rider" who visited each "appointment" periodically. Often meetings were held in the homes. Because the life was strenuous, a Methodist minister would frequently serve only four or six montb as a circuit rider, after which he would "locate," and establish a church. By I8oo almost the entire area of Western North Carolina was divided into circuits in which were numerous "classes" presided over or taught by lay leaders except when the circuit rider was present. As time went on the churches were organized in "conferences," each conference into districts, and each district into circuits. The Holston Conference began in 1783 with sixty members and one preacher. By I824 there were I3,444 white members, I ,4I I colored ones, and forty-three preachers. It had three districts - Abingdon, Knoxville, and French Broad and twenty-five circuits with thirty-eight preachers besides the presiding elders. Among the circuits of the Holston Conference was the Waynesville Circuit and Echota Mission, under the leadership of the Reverend Ulrich Keener. It included all of Haywood and parts ofTransylvania,Jackson, and Swain counties. Most of the people in the charge were Cherokee Indians. The Black Mountain Circuit included the mountainous region of Buncombe, Yancey, and Burke counties. The French Broad Circuit also was mountainous. The life of the circuit rider has been described thus: "Traveling day after day, preaching in the houses of the people, in school houses, in little log meeting houses, and in the open air, mingling with the people in their homes, ... visiting the sick, comforting the dying, burying the dead, marrying the young, baptising the children, warning sinners, and reclaiming the backsliders - such was the life of the young preacher as he rode over the rugged hills." In I 824 a dispute arose in the Methodist Episcopal churches concerning the lack of opportunity for lay members to participate �76 / Part II: A Changing Society Typical of the hundreds if country churches is this in Jackson County, except that today many are being replaced by brick structures in church meetings. "Union Societies" were formed by those who wanted more democracy in their church. Starting in Maryland, the agitation spread southward, two conferences being formed in rural North Carolina of circuits of the dissenters who practiced lay representation. They objected to the episcopal form of church government of the main body of Methodists. These societies, which later called themselves the Methodist Protestant Church, multiplied slowly. In r884 there were eight Methodist Protestant churches in Buncombe County, one in Burke, and one in McDowell. Another division in the Methodist Episcopal Church occurred in r 846 over the right of a bishop to own slaves, and the Methodist Episcopal Church South was formed. The counties in Western North Carolina were in one of three conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church South: the Holston Conference, including Asheville, Burnsville, H endersonville, Waynesville-Echota Mission, and Franklin circuits; the North Carolina Conference, with Surry County, Jonesville, and Wilkes County; and the South Carolina Conference with Rutherfordton, Morganton, and Lenoir. Thus it was that Davenport College at Lenoir, when ready to accept students in 1857, was turned over to the South Carolina Conference. After the Civil W ar the Methodist Episcopal Church [North] �Religion / 77 started evangelistic actiVIties in the South, forming its own Holston Conference, of which the Asheville District had in I 866 I ,007 members. A new conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church was created in I867, the Virginia and North Carolina Mission Conference, including all of North Carolina except Watauga County and the area west of the Blue Ridge, which remained part of the Holston Conference, Asheville District. Much of the work was among Negroes. In I876 there were forty churches, thirty-one local preachers, and 3,500 members. In I 88o the Blue Ridge Conference was formed and at first all of North Carolina was included. Later it was reduced to thirteen counties west of the mountains. Branson's North Carolina Business Directory for I 884 listed eight northern Methodist churches in Buncombe County and two in each of Clay and Transylvania counties. In addition there were two types of Negro Methodist churches in the area: the African Methodist Episcopal Church which traced its founding back to Philadelphia in I8I6 of which there was one in Buncombe County, one in Burke, and one in Rutherford; the African Methodist Episcopal Church Zion, organized in New York in 1796, of which there were two in Polk and one in Buncombe counties. Camp meetings played their part in extending the work of the churches. One of the famous locations was Turkey Creek Camp Ground at Leicester in Buncombe County. A tract of land was deeded by the Gudger family in 1826 to be used for meetings and religious services. It evidently had been so used even earlier, as Bishop Asbury wrote in his diary on September 27, 1806, "I rode twelve miles to Turkey Creek to a kind of camp meeting. On the Sabbath I preached to about five hundred souls." For over sixty five years camp meetings were held there. It was a typical camp meeting ground. The camp was laid out like a big square, in the middle of which was the "arbor" where services were held, covering one-fourth acre, with room to seat one thousand to fifteen hundred people, roofed over but with no side walls. The arbor was on a slope with the speakers' stand at the lower side, making it resemble an amphitheater. The rough wooden slabs which served as seats were later replaced with better ones. People who attended the meetings came to �78 J Part II: A Changing Society stay several days. They lived in "tents," which were really rough wooden sheds, surrounding the arbor and making the square. Some tents had two stories, the floor of the first story being dirt covered with straw. The beds were bunks built around the walls like a long shelf. The meetings usually began on Thursday and lasted until Monday or Tuesday. They were held in August, and Sunday was the big day. They furnished opportunity for people from different communities to get to know each other and for families that were separated to have reunions. Eventually the nature of the meetings changed. Horse traders and merchants invaded the camp ground to engage in their businesses, whence the meetings were discontinued. Since 1939 when the three large Methodist bodies, Methodist Episcopal, Methodist Episcopal South, and Methodist Protestant, became the Methodist Church, and later the United Methodist Church, laymen have participated in all matters, a victory for the Methodist Protestants. In 1966 the General Conference of the Methodist Church held in Chicago adopted a resolution to do everything possible to eliminate any structural organization based on race at the earliest possible date and not later than the jurisdictional conference in 1972. There had been in North Carolina the Central Jurisdiction which had consisted of Negro churches. In I 968 the Central Jurisdiction was abolished and the Negro Methodist churches became part of the conferences and districts in which they were geographically located. [The Winston-Salem District of the Western North Carolina Conference has been divided into Winston-Salem Forsyth and Winston-Salem Northeast districts. Mr. James C. Peters, a Negro, was appointed by Bishop Hunt as District Superintendent (the office formerly known as the Presiding Elder).] Of the 272,000 members of churches in the Western North Carolina Conference, about 12,000 are Negroes, and of the 750 active ministers, 56 are Negroes. The Presbyterian family of churches is third in membership in North Carolina, although its communicants number only about one-twelfth of the church membership of the area. There have been Presbyterian churches in Western North Carolina at least since I 786. The first three congregations west of the Blue Ridge are said to have been in Buncombe County: Swannanoa, Rim's Creek (Reem's Creek), and Cane Creek. In 1799 �Religion / 79 George Newton was called to Buncombe's churches to be minister. Leadership for these churches came from Virginia, where the Abingdon Presbytery was constituted in I786, to extend west about two hundred miles and eastward to the Blue Ridge. Church government in the Presbyterian church may be compared with civil government in the United States. Local self-government prevails in individual churches through elected elders and congregational meetings. Delegates are sent to the presbytery, a district organization of Presbyterian churches, to which the obligation of missionary work is assigned. The body corresponding to the state government is the synod, and at the top is the assembly, which has jurisdiction over all of the churches of the organization. The Holston Presbytery, organized in I827, included what are now Watauga, Mitchell, and Yancey counties. Meanwhile churches east of the Blue Ridge and in southwest North Carolina were members of the Concord Presbytery, far away in those days of slow travel. For a brief period of five years a Morganton Presbytery was in existence, but it was abolished in I 840. Extension of the church into the mountains was not vigorously sought. The Presbyterian Church, too, was split at the time of the Civil War, and the Presbyterian Church of the Confederate States of America was established. In North Carolina it made no gains during the war; in fact, 2000 communicants lost their lives. After the war the southern church was named the Presbyterian Church in the United States, and the Presbytery of Mecklenburg was set off from that of Concord, but still little effort was made to establish churches in the mountain area, although a need to do so was recognized. When the Synod of North Carolina met in Charlotte in 1877 a report was presented, from which the following is quoted: "Scotch-Irish Presbyterians settled in the western part of the State. They rapidly increased, until at the time of the Revolution, they numbered three or four thousand. . . . At this time [I 877], after a lapse of a hundred years, they numbered 16,544 communicants in 214 churches, with II3 ministers. . . . We have failed to perform our whole duty. With our educated ministry, our intelligent, influential and wealthy members, we ought to have planted the Presbyterian Church in every comer of the State." In I 88o when the Synod met in Raleigh it was reported that of the ninety-four counties included in the Synod, twenty-nine had no Presbyterian churches, and twenty-four had only one each. In r884 Branson's Directory �8o / Part II: A Changing Society reported twenty-four Presbyterian churches in the counties of Western North Carolina. At that time there were just two evangelists in the state, and the Synod was spending only $2300 for evangelistic work. In synod meetings frequent discussions of responsibility for missions brought up the argument that mission work was the responsibility of the presbyteries, not of the synod. Finally, however, in 1893 the Reverend R. P. Pell was sent by the Synod as district evangelist to Watauga and Mitchell counties. At that time there was not a Presbyterian church in Mitchell County and there was only a very small one in Watauga County. Mr. Pell's report to the Synod the next year was, "Churches in charge, 4; mission points, 5; communicants 162; Sabbath schools, 4; pupils, 275, with seven teachers." Pell had traveled on horseback, in a buggy, and on foot and had held services in places hitherto unknown to the Presbyterians. In 1896 the Asheville Presbytery was formed, being set off from the Mecklenburg Presbytery. There were eleven counties, ten ministers, and one thousand communicants. The area lay west of the Blue Ridge and included Buncombe, Clay, Cherokee, Graham, Haywood, Henderson, Jackson, Macon, Madison, Transylvania, and Swain counties. It was almost entirely missionary ground. In four of the counties there was still no Presbyterian church and in four other counties there were only 150 communicants. Two missionaries, Robert F. Campbell, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church in Asheville, and R. P. Smith, were sent out to investigate the destitution within the presbytery. Both men were natives of the mountain area and would be welcomed in the homes. They were directed to leave the railroads and telegraph lines and the larger valleys behind and to penetrate the secluded coves and highlands and report what they found. They spent three months preaching from house to house and in the woods, sharing the rude accommodations and plain fare of the people. They found numbers of houses without a lamp, a candle, a comb, a brush, a looking-glass. Many of the people had never seen a town, and the buggy of the evangelists was a curiosity. They found many families in which not a member could read a syllable and in whose homes there was not a word of print. An area of I 50 square miles had 400 children of school age and no school, church, or Sunday school. There were large areas in which there was no physician, and old women and quacks administered herbs and practiced their superstitious arts. Women �Religion / 8 1 and children did most of the work in these remote homes, and men were idle except when hunting, fishing, or running illicit distilleries. Campbell wrote, "In some regions a young man has reached the summit of his ambitions when he has learned to pick the banjo, owns a dog, and carries a pistol and a bottle of whiskey." Many persons told the missionaries that their parents had been Presbyterians, and Campbell concludes, "Th~ Presbyterian Church failed to feed and tend these scattered members of its fold, and the more aggressive Methodist and Baptist churches gathered them into their folds. God bless them for it." R. P. Smith wrote, "They never had a fair chance. Entrenched here for generations and far removed from the thoroughfare of a progressive world, the wonder is that they have done so well. After the survey of the summer, 1898, work of the Presbytery began in the areas where need was greatest. School conditions in Robbinsville were deplorable. Suitable buildings were lacking and teachers were incompetent. People grasped the opportunity for a good school. A two-room building was built, one room for school, the other for church services. Soon two additional rooms were needed, as the enrollment reached 3 50; Three teachers were engaged and a library of 300 books was installed. A pastor was employed and church and Sunday school started. People in the county said that this was the greatest influence for good the county had ever experienced. In Haywood County in a district where there had not been a public school in operation for two years, the Snyder Memorial Academy was built and it soon had an enrollment of 295 pupils. In Big Ivy Community in the Black Mountains, two churches were organized and in 1905 there were 150 members. Schools were established in connection with the churches, and an ex-moonshiner said the Presbyterian workers had done more to benefit that section than all the laws of North Carolina. In Haywood County an orphans' home at Crabtree was opened in 1904, with a day school attached for the benefit of the poor children of the neighborhood. During the first year twenty orphans were cared for and sixty-five children attended the school. From 1897 until 1904 E. Mac Davis was the pioneer evangelist of Madison County. He preached at thirty-eight points, distributed thousands of tracts and books, organized three or four churches and a large number of Sunday schools and mission �82 / Part II: A Changing Society summer day schools. A number of women and one man assisted him in the work. When he left the area he had two hundred members in his churches. Following Mr. Pell in 1895 were Edgar Tufts, L. E. Bostian, and E. D. Brown in Watauga County and L. A. McLaurin in Mitchell County. They were seminary students who worked during the summer months. In I 897 Edgar Tufts came back after completion of his seminary work to spend the rest of his life in Northwestern North Carolina. Greater than the desire to found churches was the determination to educate the boys and girls, to let them "know the good life." The Presbyterian Church set up a pattern that public schools might follow. It sent in strong personalities, if possible ones well acquainted with mountain life and character, to establish high schools, often in a county seat, with boarding facilities and dormitories. Even after the State of North Carolina authorized the counties to support high schools, many could not because of the lack of funds. The church schools' objectives included that of leadership training for the time when the state would maintain high schools. When that time came a number of the church schools continued to furnish living facilities for students who lived too far away to be day students. After school buses were put into operation, some of the high schools established by the churches were advanced to college level and are still functioning. At about the same time the Asheville Presbytery was formed, the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. (northern) began to dream that it would "make Asheville the center of Scotch-Irish Presbyterianism in the Southern Appalachian mountains." Young men and women were sent all through the mountains as leaders. Schools were attempted for children of all ages. The aim was not to organize Presbyterian churches but to send young people back to their communities to teach and live the Christian faith. The result was that few churches were formed. The schools have dwindled and much of the former school property has been sold. An exception is Warren Wilson College. Today the interest of the young missionaries has been transferred to the cities. The Protestant Episcopal Church, heir to the Anglican Church of colonial days, had small numbers of communicants in Western �Religion / 8 3 North Carolina congregations, but they were usually leaders in their communities and were often prominent in the state. An antipathy toward the Episcopal Church was evident in many parts of the area. Scholars have concluded that many of the Scotch-Irish had moved westward to avoid paying tithes to the established church and their disapproval has been passed on to their descendants. Perhaps that is the reason that more people did not affiliate with the Episcopal Church. At the end of the Civil War there were few of these churches in Western North Carolina and most of them were in the foothill parts of the counties. Those in the mountainous areas were established by South Carolinians who summered there. In I836 a chapel was built for Episcopal families at Flat Rock, called St. John's in the Wilderness. In I859 another church was completed near Fletcher, Calvary Episcopal Church. Miss Fanny Blake contributed thirteen acres and a building in which she conducted a school at Calvary Church from I859 until her death. Tradition has it that a band of Stoneman's cavalry command during his raid in I865 camped for a night in the yard of Calvary Church, and Stoneman was so impressed with the beauty of the church's interior that he ordered his men to take special care not to destroy anything in the House of God. Stoneman was not in the Asheville area during the campaign. The account may be true of part of his command. The story is that the next morning the cavalrymen were permitted to use pieces of the red church carpet for saddle blankets, and they rode away with "red carpet fluttering from their horses' backs." Another chapel was St. Paul's in the Valley which dated from I856. The first services were held in the carriage shed of F. W. Johnstone at Montlove, his summer home. James Stuart Hankie, of the South Carolina Seminary at Camden, served as pastor. Occasionally he preached on Sunday afternoons at the Baptist church in Cathey's Creek community. After Transylvania County was formed a church was organized in Brevard and services at St. Paul's were discontinued in I 884. The Diocese of North Carolina was organized in I 8 r 7 with the Reverend John Stark Ravenscroft as bishop. He was succeeded by Bishop Levi S. Ives, who visited Morganton, Asheville, and Hot Springs when he journeyed through the mountains to Tennessee to organize a diocese there. His interest in Northwest North Carolina was awakened, and in I842 he established at Valle Crucis a boarding school for mountain �84 / Part II: A Changing Society boys and a school of preparation for the ministry. A large farm was acquired and buildings were erected. William West Skiles came from the eastern part of the state to manage the farm and was ordained deacon. Eight candidates for the ministry were educated there. When Bishop Ives resigned Skiles continued his missionary work for ten years although the school stopped. Jarvis Buxton who helped Skiles at Valle Crucis started a school in Asheville. Later another Episcopal school, Ravenscroft, was founded there, and its director, Mr. Hillhouse Buell, established the mission in Brevard that developed into St. Philips Church. St. James Church in Hendersonville was organized in 1840 and consecrated in 1863. The rector, Thomas C. Wetmore, founded Christ School at Arden in 1900. Another St. James grew from a Lutheran church near Lenoir founded by Parson Robert Johnson Miller who later was ordained to the Episcopal priesthood. He had founded Lutheran churches in Lincoln and Burke counties as well. A small group of devoted missionaries held services in Watauga and Ashe counties, and their difficulties were brought home to Bishop Atkinson when he tried to travel from Lenoir to Watauga County on a visitation in 1878. He wrote, "On the afternoon of that day ... I set off ... but found the road so washed by the flood resulting from the heavy rains of the previous day and night, as to be impassable. I then attempted a more circuitous route, but the carriage in which I was travelling was overturned in a stream, which was ordinarily very shallow. I escaped with no more consequence than a wetting of myself and baggage, but I found that further progress up the mountain was impracticable, the road that wound its way up its ascent being washed away." Years earlier, Episcopal churches had been established at Morganton, Rutherfordton, and Wilkesboro through the efforts of Bishop Ives. St. Paul's Church in Wilkesboro had a devoted minister, Reverend Richard Wainwright, who served forty- two years beginning in 1855. He also served as superintendent of schools of the county for twenty years and conducted a private school for young men in his home. His daughter Mary Taylor started a school for girls in Wilkesboro in 1879 and conducted it until 1919, with an average attendance of twenty. Wainwright held services at Wilkesboro once a month, traveling on horseback to other places to hold services on other Sundays. As the number of Episcopal churches increased, a need was felt for a training school for the ministry, and Ravenscroft �Religion / 8 5 School in Asheville offered such work from the late 186o's until about 1890, during which time fifteen candidates for the ministry studied there. Dr. Buxton of Ravenscroft Mission started holding services for Negroes at Trinity Chapel, now St. Matthias. General and Mrs. James Martin drilled Negro classes in the catechisms and teachings of the church, and a day school was held there. The first Negro priest, S. V. Berry, came in 1874 from Western New York to serve at St. Matthias for eleven years. Interest in Valle Crucis was revived in 1893 and an associate mission was established. A school for mountain girls held there is discussed elsewhere. With several churches in Asheville, and small ones in Blowing Rock, Beaver Creek near Jefferson, and All Souls Church in Biltmore built by George Vanderbilt, the Episcopal Church was on sound footing by the close of the century. Other denominations have congregations in Western North Carolina. There are twelve Lutheran churches, five of which are in Watauga County. Two of the latter, Holy Communion and Mount Pleasant, date from 1842 and 1845 respectively. Several Catholic services were held in court houses in various county seats before the first Catholic church was built in Asheville in 1869. As in-migration of the managerial class occurred when industries moved into the area, Catholic churches have been established in the residential areas near the plants as well as in resort communities. Western North Carolina is now being called the "South's Summer Religious Capital." In the Asheville area in 1951 there were ten assembly grounds and in the entire region twentytwo religious conference grounds. The investments in the grounds and buildings amount to millions of dollars, and it was estimated in 1951 that each year the conferees spend almost $5,ooo,ooo. The total of expenditures in the area is larger more than twenty years later. Montreat, established first, dates back to 1897 when the North Carolina General Assembly chartered the Mountain Retreat Association. In 1905 the Presbyterian Church in the United States bought it as a summer conference ground. Since that time it has been used the year around. In 1913 the Montreat �86 / Part II: A Changing Society Normal School was established, the forerunner of MontreatAnderson College. In 1962 more than twenty-one conferences were held at Montreat in September and October alone. Nineteen different groups use the facilities for conferences. Ridgecrest is the second oldest. In 1907 an organizing committee for a Southern Baptist assembly bought 850 acres ofland selected by James M. Tucker of Asheville. He had been the principal author of the idea; he obtained the charter and sold the idea to the Southern Baptists. The Southern Railroad to Asheville passed through the grounds but there was no station, and the assembly grounds could be reached from the east only by a road up the mountain through Swannanoa Gap, which in rain or snow turned to mud. When a railway station was obtained, the stop was first called Terrell's, later Blue Mont, and finally Ridgecrest. The buildings on the assembly grounds have been built gradually until thousands of delegates may be accommodated at one time. In 1965 twenty-two conferences were held from June 10 to September 16. The grounds are administered by the Baptist Sunday School Board of the Southern Baptist Convention. Lake Junaluska, the World Methodist Center, was established by a laymen's missionary movement of the Methodist Episcopal Church South in 1908. It now belongs to the Southeastern Jurisdiction of the United Methodist Church. The World Methodist Council established its headquarters there and the World Methodist Building was erected in 1955. The assembly grounds were opened for conferences in 1913. The tract of 2500 acres contains a beautiful lake of 250 acres. Elmer T. Clark wrote that "Across the years the most famous personalities of Methodism have appeared upon its platform." Another Methodist center is at Hayesville, the Hinton Rural Life Center, dating from 1953 when Mr. and Mrs. Walter Moore deeded four and one-half acres of land and an unfinished hotel building to the Hayesville Methodist Church. With contributions from Mrs. H. H. Hinton, the Duke Foundation, the Annual Conference, and the Waynesville District, and with private gifts, the center was completed to be used by groups in the Southeastern Jurisdiction of the Methodist Church. It is the center for the Appalachian Development program of the Methodist Church, a laboratory school for ministers and students. Camps for boys and girls in conjunction with the conferences �Religion / 87 enable families to spend their vacations m the same general area. Other conference grounds include the following: Lutheridge, near Arden, by the Lutheran Synods in the Southeast; Cragmont, near Black Mountain, for Free Will Baptists of North Carolina, which occupies the old Crag mont Sanitarium; Blue Ridge, near Black Mountain, established by the YMCA of the South in 1906, which serves as headquarters for varied meetings and may be rented by any recognized educational, religious, or social group; Kanuga Lake, in the Hendersonville area, the assembly of the Episcopal Church of the two Carolinas; Bondarken, established at Flat Rock in 1963 by the Associate Reformed Presbyterian Church for youth and adult programs for eleven southeastern states; Ben Lippen, a short distance from Asheville, owned by the Columbia (South Carolina) Bible College and used as an interdenominational Christian vacation center; Our Lady of the Hills, near Hendersonville, the assembly of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Raleigh, begun in 1956 and now used as a camp, convention site, retreat, and rest site; Christmont, for the Disciples of Christ, near Black Mountain. Others are Blowing Rock Assembly of the Southern Synod of the Evangelical and Reformed Church, started in 1945 by a gift from the family of Abel A. Shuford; Wildacres, near Little Switzerland, an experiment in the betterment of human relations, open to all denominations for conferences and workshops; the Fellowship of Southern Churchmen, in Buckeye Cove, built to serve as a meeting place for ministers and church groups throughout the South who are unable to find space in any of the other conference grounds. Perhaps the most unusual of the assembly grounds is Fields of the Wood, of the Church of God. On the side of Burger Mountain near Murphy have been constructed a huge concrete cross, the largest altar in the world, a reproduction of the sepulchre from which Christ rose, a stairway with 320 concrete steps, each marked by tablets on which are carved Biblical teachings, and the Ten Commandments laid out in huge stone letters, with each letter five feet tall. �CHAPTER FOUR The Bar and the Forum* The law above all other professions offered its followers the opportunity for political power, public office, and prominence. A man often progressed from solicitor to superior court judge and thence to the state supreme court; or he might be elected to the General Assembly or to the United States Congress. Judge Richmond Pearson's law school, Richmond Hill in Yadkin County, which had ended with his death in 1877, was very popular and prepared more than a thousand young men for the legal profession, but many studied under Judge W. H. Battle at the state university, and others attended the schools of Dick and Dillard in Greensboro, Colonel George Folk of Lenoir, Judge John L. Bailey of Asheville, and A. C. A very of Morganton. There were other lawyers in the West who guided young men in the study of law. In some families it was a tradition that one son would follow his father in the legal profession. Some read law although they had no intention of practicing it. Such was Rufus Lenoir Patterson of the wealthy family of Happy Valley, Caldwell County, who became owner and manager of three manufacturing enterprises and whose cotton mill was burned by Stoneman's troops in the raid through Western North Carolina and Virginia in 1865. Lawyers still accompanied the judge and the solicitor from * The following chapter is not intended as a comprehensive treatment of lawyers and lawmakers in and from Western North Carolina. Rather, it illustrates the quality of the region's lawyers and lawmakers. 88 �The Bar and the Forum / 89 county to county on the circuit, a practice that has been discontinued now when travel is easy. Road conditions during the 187o's made the travel difficult. Colonel Clinton A. Cilley of Lenoir went one day to Morganton for court. His diary entry for that day read, "Left at seven, got beyond the crossroads and turned back by John's River. Went to ferry with Folk and Wakefield, Crossed at three, and walked to Morganton. Paid boy for carrying baggage, 6o¢." The distance was about fifteen miles. At another time going from Lenoir to Jefferson he spent two days on the road each way. He wrote, "Left for Boone 7:Io-toll2o¢. Got into Boone at 5:10P.M. Stay at Coffey's." The following day, "Left for Jefferson at 8 A.M. In at 4: r 5 -last ten miles it rained a good deal." On his return from Jefferson he had to pay 25¢ to have a log chopped from the road. The lawyers usually traveled on horseback, stopped at the same hotels in the towns and at the same wayside inns in the country, sometimes as many as ten or fifteen of them together at one of the country stopping places, and there they would try important cases in their discussions before the cases ever came before the court. The wit and humor of certain of the lawyers, the scholarliness of others, became well known. Isaac Avery commented· on Romulus Z. Linney of Taylorsville and Watauga County (he had a summer home on a mountain top in the latter): "Most men who read literature hold it in reserve as mere ornate punctuation or emphasis for every day speech, but Mr. Linney breathes composite literature at breakfast. In Congressional halls he has caused laughter by the use of colloquialisms which are his birthright, while in the back rural districts he has combined in furious speech Spencer, the Old Testament, Bill Nye, Blackstone, and the Constitution, and aimed them with telling force at an audience that was moved to weep blind tears." Many of the great statesmen of Western North Carolina in the Ante-bellum period had been Whigs who worked for roads and railroads to and in their region and for constitutional reform. Gradually most of them became Democrats or later Conservatives. Those who survived in 1877 were still the great lawyers of the area. David Lowry Swain, native of Buncombe County, lawyer, member of the state House of Representatives, governor at the age of thirty-one, and president of the state university for thirty-three years, died in r868. William Holland Thomas, great benefactor of the Cherokees and organizer of �90 / Part II: A Changing Society a legion of soldiers in the Civil War, who succeeded in getting laws for the cutting of roads from Jones Gap to Caesar's Head, Bakersville to Burnsville, Patterson to Valle Crucis and on to Jonesboro, Tennessee, Zionville to Mountain City, Cataloochee to Newport, Tennessee, Oconalufty through Soco Gap, from V alleytown over the Snowbird Mountains via Robbinsville, was ill and although he lived until I893 he was not able to participate in public affairs by I877. Thomas Lanier Clingman, former United States Senator, who deserted the Whig Party for the Democratic in I 856 over the slavery issue, was living in retirement in Asheville. Augustus S. Merriman became Judge of the Eight Judicial District in I865, was elected United States Senator in I872 and served from I873 to I879. Zebulon Baird Vance, the most spectacular and universally popular man born in Western North Carolina, after serving as war governor of the state, practiced law while the Reconstruction government was in power, was elected Governor in I876, and in I879 was chosen to succeed Merriman as United States Senator. Tad R. Caldwell of Burke County did not join the Conservative Party. He was the Republican lieutenant governor who was promoted to the governor's chair when Holden was impeached and removed from office. Caldwell was reelected to succeed himself, but he died in office in I 87 4· Burgess Sidney Gaither who had practiced law in Morganton since 1829, served in the state Senate, being elected president of that body in I 846, was solicitor of the Seventh Judicial District after 1848, and worked for the election of Bell and Everett of the Constitutional Union Party in I86o. Gaither was pronounced by Judge David Schenck the "leader and father of the Burke County Bar" in 1877. Of Nicholas W. Woodfin of Asheville, who had studied under Michael Francis and Governor Swain, it was said "There is no name in Western North Carolina more identified for the last thirty years- that is beginning with I845- with the material, industrial, and educational interests of that part of the State." Allen Turner Davidson also studied under Michael Francis and in 1845 was licensed to practice law in North Carolina. He established his practice in Murphy, seat of the new county of Cherokee, and traveled the circuit as far east as Cleveland County. The Davidson family was one of the best known in the area. They had come from Pennsylvania in I748, some settling on the Catawba River in present-day Iredell County, others in the Swannanoa Valley. In subsequent generations �The Bar and the Forum / 91 several had gone westward to Tennessee and to Texas. Allen T. Davidson left the law in r86o to become president of the Merchants and Miners Bank of Murphy. During the Civil War he served as an agent of the state commissary department, and after the war he practiced law in Asheville until r885. Among former Democratic leaders of the area, William Waightstill Avery had been killed during a battle with Kirk's raiders in Burke County in r864, but his brother, Alfonso Calhoun Avery, had a successful career as a judge and lawyer, living until I913.JudgeJohn L. Bailey who had been associated with Supreme Court Justice Nash in Raleigh, had moved to Buncombe County and conducted a law school until his death in 1877. Theodore F. Davidson, one of his students wrote, "I think his influence upon the Bar of the Mountain Circuit has been more inspiring and lasting than that of any other member of the profession." A new, younger group oflawyers was appearing in the courts of Western North Carolina in the 187o's and 188o's. In 1884 in the twenty-three counties there were r62 lawyers, many of whom are well remembered for their ability and wit. James Madison Gudger, Jr., and his brother Hezekiah A. Gudger, born in Madison County, were admitted to the bar, H. A. Gudger in 1871 and James M., Jr., in 1878. The latter served as a member of the United States House of Representatives, and Hezekiah was appointed Assistant Attorney General by President Cleveland in 1 89 3. Jeter C. Pritchard said of James M. Gudger, Jr., "[he] had a splendid legal mind and could prepare a case for trial with as much ease and facility as any lawyer I ever knew .... He was always at his best in a rough and tumble contest .... A lawyer who served in the first Cleveland administration was Edmund Jones, related to the Patterson and Davenport families of Caldwell County. He read law under Colonel George Folk and was licensed by the Supreme Court of North Carolina in r88r. His activity in the Democratic Party led to his appointment to a "responsible position in the Treasury Department." He also served five terms in the General Assembly. Kope Elias, born in South Carolina, studied under the Reverend Laban Abernethy at Rutherford College, then under Richmond Pearson. Admitted to the bar in r 870, he �92 / Part II: A Changing Society began his practice in Murphy, moving to Franklin two years later. "At one time he enjoyed the largest practice of any lawyer west of Asheville." He was admired by other members of the bar for his story-telling prowess. Three first cousins, grandsons of Colonel William Moore, pioneer whose homestead is now occupied by the Enka Corporation on Hominy Creek in Buncombe County, became eminent lawyers: Walter E. Moore studied under Dick and Dillard, practiced in Webster, Jackson County, and was made judge of the Twentieth Judicial District in I 926; Charles Augustus Moore studied law with Judge John Bailey in Asheville and practiced in Asheville, serving as Judge of the Buncombe County Criminal Court, 1887-1890; Frederick Moore studied law in Hayesville and at Chapel Hill. He was admitted to the bar in 1892, became a judge at age 29, and served ten years. Frederick's son, a resident of Haywood County, named for his grandfather Daniel Killian Moore, was governor of North Carolina from 1965 to 1969. Locke Craig wrote half a century ago, "For more than a century the Moores have stood in the front rank of the people of Western North Carolina." Theodore F. Davidson, son of Allen Turner Davidson, served in the Civil War, enlisting at sixteen. After the war he studied law under Judge Bailey and was admitted to the bar in 1867. He practiced law with his father in Asheville until 1882. He had become quite active in the Democratic Party, served in the state Senate, and helped to promote the completion of the Western North Carolina Railroad, of which he was made state director in 1879. He developed a great interest in history and collected a notable library. The Daughton brothers, Rufus and Robert ofLaurel Springs, Alleghany County, wielded great influence in state and nation. Rufus, the elder, studied law at the state university and opened his office in Sparta in 1880. In that year he was elected to the state House of Representatives, serving as chairman of the Finance Committee. Robert Lee Daughton, a farmer, was a member of the State Board of Agriculture from I903-1910, a member of the State Prison Board, served as president of the Deposit and Savings Bank of Wilkesboro, and in 1910 he was elected to the Sixty-second Congress where he served continuously until January, 1953. He was a member of the Ways and the Means Committee of the House of Representatives and became its chairman in 1933. �The Bar and the Forum / 93 Thomas C. (Tam) Bowie was a generation younger than the Daughton brothers but he belongs in the same tradition. Born in Louisiana, he came to Ashe County with his mother after the death of his father. His maternal greatgrandfather Elijah Calloway had served in the General Assembly at the age of twenty-one when there was no road to his plantation. Elijah walked from his home on the South Fork of the New River to Raleigh to assume his seat in the legislature, and he secured a bill to build a road from his home intersecting with the stage line from Jefferson to Wilkesboro. Elijah Calloway had the first brick house in his section, and the first house with glass windows. He was a Whig in politics. His son James studied medicine at Jefferson School of Medicine in Philadelphia and settled in Louisiana. After his father's death Tam attended a school at Moravian Falls in Wilkes County, North Carolina, went to Kentucky to work at coal mining on two occasions. He attended Mars Hill College and the University of North Carolina, receiving an A. B. degree in 1899. After a year of study at Yale University Tam returned to North Carolina and studied law at the state university. He was admitted to the bar in 1901. He served in the legislature in the terms of 1908, 1913, 1915 (when he was Speaker of the House) and in 1921 was chairman of the Committee on Roads when the state highway system was created. Governor McLean appointed him a special emergency superior court judge in 1927. He was called a "man with a golden tongue." Locke Craig, child prodigy who went to the University of North Carolina at age fifteen, moved to Asheville after completing his study of law, and set up a practice in r882. He participated actively in Democratic Party politics and in 1898 he campaigned for Aycock. He was in the General Assembly in 1899 and in 1901. In 1908 he ran unsuccessfully for the Democratic nomination for governor, but in 1912 he was elected governor. Most men were content to leave the legislative halls to those trained in the law. Now and again someone from a mercantile family sought and won political honors. James C. Harper, born in Pennsylvania, who moved to Caldwell County after a residence in Ohio in 1840 when the county was being formed, had laid out the town of Lenoir, practiced civil engineering, surveying, and draftmanship, merchandising and textile manufacturing, served in the state House of Representatives 1865-66, �94 / Part II: A Changing Society and was elected to the United States House of Representatives in 1871. Almost a century later James T. Broyhill of Lenoir, associated with the Broyhill Industries, probably the largest family-owned furniture manufacturing concern in the world, represents the Tenth Congressional District. Richard Thurmond Chatham was chairman of the board of directors of the large Chatham Manufacturing Company in Elkin when he was elected to the United States Congress in 1949, and he continued to serve in both capacities until in 1955 he resigned from the chairmanship. He died just before his term in the House of Representatives ended in I957· The Democratic Party in North Carolina has from I 870 until today had a majority in the legislature with one brief exception- r895-190I- the Fusion period. The Fusion period involved the rise of the People's Party or the Populist Party, the fusion of that party with the Republican Party, the temporary overthrow of the Democratic party, and then the restoration of the Democrats to power. Most of the writers concerning the Fusion period have a Democratic bias. The violent political attitudes in the last third of the nineteenth century were the result of the Civil War and Reconstruction. As has been pointed out there were two parties, the Republican and the Conservative, later called the Democratic. The Conservative Party was composed of white men whose desire was to drive the Northern "foreigners" out and to return control of the state government exclusively to whites. The rivalry of the two parties, the Republican to maintain control and the Conservative to gain it, is the story of Reconstruction in North Carolina. The Conservatives captured the legislature in I 870 and the governorship in I876, and North Carolina was Democratic from I876 to I894, when the Republican Party and the Negro were again political factors. The Democrats had chafed under the Reconstruction constitution and had called a constitutional convention that met on September 5, I875. Instead of drawing up another constitution the convention wrote many amendments, two of which were of great importance: the residence requirement for voting would be ninety days rather than sixty, and any person convicted �The Bar and the Forum / 9 5 of a felony could be disfranchised; and the General Assembly was given power to modify, change, or abrogate county governments. The association of the Negro with the Republican Party gave the Democrats the lever by which to control the state. Former Whigs had formed and led the Conservative Party and they refused to use the name Democrat for eight years. But Zebulon Baird Vance and the Democrats defeated the Republicans in 1876 and Vance was hailed as "the redeemeer." The name Democrat became acceptable. The national issues in the r88o's centered around the regulation of railroads, currency fluctuation, tariffs, control of monopolies and agricultural demands by a vocal West. Prior to I 894 no efforts were made by the Democratic Party to foster social and economic reforms, for these were opposed by the industrial and railroad interests. Men in control of the Democratic Party in North Carolina were in alliance with the railroad and manufacturing interests. Many of these men had used the state between I 876 and I 894 to further their own business interests and were content to rest on their chief accomplishment - redemption of the state from Yankees and Negroes. Democrats thus failed to offer North Carolina a vitalized program. This evasion of issues was made possible by reminding the voters of Negro rule under the Republican Party during Reconstruction. From I876 for many years the question of the Negro in politics was the dominant issue in all party affiliations. Democratic election law, Democratic control of county governments gerrymandering, intimidation, manipulation and corruption had kept the party in control from I876 to I894. In I 890 the Democratic Party had two elements: a dominant conservative wing (pro-business, anti-reform) led by a few leaders who controlled the party, and a liberal, agrarian anticorporation wing with spokesmen like Walter Clark and Leonidas Polk. The liberal agrarian element grew in strength because of agrarian discontent and criticism of the railroads. The two farmers' organizations, the Grange in the early seventies and the Farmers' Alliance, which was organized in I887, made little impression in the mountains, but that section benefited from their influence. In the election of I890 the Alliance virtually captured control of the Democratic Party. "The 'Farmers' Legislature of I89I' ... increased the tax rate for public schools, established a normal college for white girls, and an agricultural college and a normal college for Negroes; �96 / Part II: A Changing Society increased the state appropriations to the University and state colleges; [established a School for the Deaf and Dumb in Western North Carolina] and provided state regulation for railways by forbidding rebates and rate discriminations and creating a railroad commission of three members elected by the legislature and empowered to reduce rates and eliminate the special tax exemptions and low assessments enjoyed by the railroads," summarized historian David Holcombe. Again the conservative Democrats c;,ontrolled the party in North Carolina in I894. They stood for laissez Jaire policies, no governmental regulation of railroads, and favoritism to business. It was a large party but it was governed by a few and was interested chiefly in self-preservation. The geography of North Carolina was significant in the development of the post-Reconstruction Republican Party. A few western counties were centers of Republican strength. Sectional hostility had been incited before the Civil War by a lack of just representation in the legislature and the contempt with which non-slaveholding white farmers were treated by the slave-holding oligarchy of the lowlands. After the Civil War many of the small farmers became Republicans. In gubernatorial elections seven mountain counties voted Republican in each election from I 876 through I 896: Ashe, Cherokee Henderson, Madison, Mitchell, Polk, and Wilkes. Nineteen other counties voted Republican during the same period -in other parts of the state. There were forty-seven counties in other parts of the state with from forty to forty-nine per-cent of the vote being Republican during this same period. This potential strength was often sufficient to challenge the Democratic Party at a given election. The Republican votes in the western counties were those of adult male whites, since the Negro population in each county was comparatively small. Because of the Republican counties and the small Democratic majority in many other counties, Western North Carolina was an important political region. It was not the sole determinant in state politics, but mountain leaders exercised importance out of proportion to the size, the population, and the wealth of the area. The resurgence of the Republican Party, I890-1900, was closely linked with the rise of the Populist Party as a result of agrarian discontent which projected the Farmers' Alliance into politics. The Populist Party was a protest against social �The Bar and the Forum / 97 and political grievances which the Democratic Party had done little to alleviate. Since the demands of the Alliance were intended to correct outstanding abuses, its entrance into politics was inevitable. Its leaders wanted it to work with both old parties rather than to form a separate political party. More was expected from the Democrats than from the Republicans in North Carolina since they were the party in power. In I 892 the Alliance split. The more conservative members remained loyal to the Democrats because of the fear of the Negroes and the Republicans. The more radical joined the Populist Party of the midwestern farmers. In I 892 the Populist Party held its first state convention and set forth a progressive platform. W. P. Exum, the party's candidate for governor, received a small vote in the western counties as did James B. Weaver, the Populist candidate for President, but the state as a whole cast a Populist vote which combined with the Republican vote exceeded that for the Democratic candidates. Seven mountain counties voted Republican as usual. In I 894 the Republican and Populist parties endorsed a cooperative ticket. This fusion ticket carried the election. The Democrats retained only forty-six seats in the House and eight in the Senate. The Populists gained thirty-six seats in the House and twenty-four in the Senate, and together the Fusionists elected their Supreme Court ticket and their State Treasurer, and captured control of both houses by a large majority. In Western North Carolina there were sizeable Republican and Populist gains. The legislature in I 895 set the maximum interest rate at six per-cent and provided for a four-month school term. The election of 1896 brought into office Daniel Russell, the only Republican governor in North Carolina, 1877-1973· He carried eleven of the mountain counties. Between I 897 and I 899 the Fusionists were in complete control of the executive, legislative, and judicial offices in the state. Local self-government for the counties was vested in boards of three county commissioners elected by the people. The Fusion period came to North Carolina because economic distress existed and political reforms were needed. The marriage was not permanent. The "white supremacy" campaign of 1898 defeated Fusion and by 1900 the Democrats were again in complete control in North Carolina. They decided to eliminate the Negro as a factor in North Carolina politics by an amendment �98 / Part II: A Changing Society to the constitution combining a literacy test and a grandfather clause provision to disfranchise the Negroes. Although the amendment carried, in only five of the counties of Western North Carolina did a majority of voters approve the amendment which was submitted to them in 1900: Alleghany, Buncombe, Burke, McDowell, and Rutherford. All except Alleghany had fairly large Negro populations. A law passed in 1899 gave the General Assembly the power again to elect county commissioners. During the period of Fusionist rule Jeter C. Pritchard, Republican of Madison County, was elected United States Senator to succeed Zebulon B. Vance who had died. In 1897 Pritchard was chosen by the General Assembly to serve a full six-year term, and when he was defeated for the senatorship in 1903 he was given federal offices, in 1903-1904 as Justice of the Supreme Court for the District of Columbia and from 1904 until his death as Judge of the United States Circuit Court of Appeals for the Fourth Judicial District. The two other United States Senators elected from Western North Carolina since 1903 were Democrats: Robert Rice Reynolds from Asheville, who was elected in 1932 and served until 1945; and Samuel James Ervin, Jr., of Morganton, who served first as a member of the United States House of Representatives to complete the unfinished term of his brother, Joseph William Ervin, who had died, and then in 1954 was elected to the United States Senate to replace Clyde Hoey, deceased. He had been a member of the North Carolina Supreme Court from 1937 to 1943 and again from 1948 to 1950. He still serves in the Senate. Five Republicans have been elected to the United States House of Representatives from Western North Carolina in the twentieth century. Edmund Spencer Blackburn, with a law office in Jefferson, served from 1901 to 1903 and from 1905 to 1907. Charles Holden Cowles of Wilkesboro, who acted as Blackburn's private secretary during his first term, was elected to the House in 1909. Richmond Pearson, son and namesake of the great Chief Justice and law teacher, served in the North Carolina House of Representatives from Buncombe County from 1885 to 1889, and during the four years 1895 to 1899 he was the Representative from the Ninth Congressional District. He was reelected in 1900 but did not complete his term as Theodore Roosevelt appointed him to a succession of diplomatic posts. From 1907 until Taft's inauguration in 1909 he was minister �The Bar and the Forum J 99 to Greece and Montenegro. Except for the leadership of the Roosevelt forces in North Carolina in the campaign of 1912 he did not participate in public life after 1909. Jeter M. Pritchard, son of Jeter C. Pritchard, was a prominent Republican who served in Congress from 1929 to 193 I. James T. Broyhill has represented the Tenth District since 1962. In 1960 nineteen of the twenty-four western counties voted for Nixon for President, although only four voted for Goldwater in 1964. Madison County voted Democratic for the Presidency in both 1960 and 1964. It seems to be anybody's guess how these counties will go politically. Even before a Republican governor was elected in 1972, the choice of the Democratic machine was no longer certain of winning the office. Victories ofKerr Scott in 1948, Terry Sanford in 1960, and Dan K. Moore in an election of great turmoil in 1964 indicate that the Democratic organization can no longer handpick its candidate. No longer is the county courthouse so completely the center of mountain social life but it has remained the center of political life - the seat of power and patronage. Crimes of violence have decreased, more amusements are available, and the coming of the automobile and of good roads has increased social intercourse. County agents, welfare departments, mental health clinics, and county libraries are often centered around the courthouse. The courthouses and the county seats have been the centers of coteries of power, the "courthouse rings," the political machines. Here in these little Tammany Halls the political bosses have dispensed patronage and determined in an autocratic manner the political destinies of the county. In Western North Carolina these political machines were Democratic and were kept in power by friendly Democratic legislatures. In a number of counties Republicans were in the majority but as long as the legislature appointed the county commissioners the county chairman of the Democratic Party had the power, not the Republican representatives in the legislature. He selected the candidates for the office of county commissioner. Often no teacher could obtain or hold a position without his approval. The Democratic legislature appointed the school committees, controlled many of the educational and welfare administrations, �100 / Part II: A Changing Society James Holshouser, elected in No vember 1972 the first R epublican Governor in North Carolina in this century and the _fifth W estern N orth Carolinian elected to that office since 1865. Holshouser is a native of Boone and has practiced law there except when serving in the General Assembly, since his graduation from the University of North Carolina Law School at Chapel Hill. PHOTO COURTESY OF WATAUGA DEMOCRAT and kept a Democratic minority in power. For example, in R epublican Madison County for years a Democratic county boss ruled the county as completely as Huey Long ruled Louisiana. Election of county officials has been restored to the people and recently members of county boards of education have been made elective officers. Over all the counties west of Asheville the Asheville and Buncombe County political machine had tremendous influence. From the end of the Civil W ar to the Depression of the thirties many of the counties were traditionally Republican. Because of the social program of Franklin Roosevelt the Democrats gained the ascendency. Weldon Weir, the city manager of Asheville, Coke Candler, chairman of the board of county commissioners, Lawrence Brown, the sheriff, and Don S. Elias wielded great power. The political adroitness of these m en was �The Bar and the Forum / 101 notable. Weldon Weir was credited with masterminding the fortunes of the Democratic Party in Asheville election after election. For decades Sheriff Lawrence Brown was political arbiter of the county. He built a strong political base by helping the needy and by persistently enforcing the law but used his powers dictatorially. Throughout the 1930's, 1940's, 1950's a third political figure allied with Weir and Brown was Don S. Elias, newspaper owner and financier. He was the third leg of political tripod. He was a statewide figure operating powerfully in local politics. As a newspaper man he often held the politicians in check and served as a balance of power. The political dynasty ruled by these men began to crumble in the 1950's. In 1958 Dave Hall of Webster with the backing of Judge Dan Moore defeated Weldon Weir for the congressional nomination, evidence that no longer did "Big Buncombe," dominate politics west of Asheville. Don Elias had supported Weir and the defeat proved that he was not invincible in the Twelfth District. The passing of Buncombe's dominance was further seen in 1966 when Congressman Roy A. Taylor lost Buncombe by 4000 votes but still won reelection. It had been a truism that to win in the district one had to win in Buncombe. Sheriff Brown's high-handed treatment of Jay Hensley, who had exposed the Democratic toleration of gambling in Buncombe County, and the seizure of liquor bottles at the state convention of the North Carolina Junior Chamber of Commerce after they had condemned Brown's actions aroused such indignation that in 1964 Brown was defeated by Harry Clay and Buncombe had its first Republican sheriff since the 192o's. In 1968 Weldon Weir retired at sixty-two, Coke Candler decided not to run again, Harry Clay was reelected, and the Republicans elected a member of the board of county commissioners. These events are indicative of the resurgence of historic Republican strength in the mountains. The Democratic Party has dominated North Carolina for one hundred years, but the Republican Party is a power to be reckoned with, particularly in Western North Carolina. The lawyers and the legislators, most of whom were lawyers, have profoundly influenced the laws and the politics of the region. Lawyers often dominate the political destinies of their �102 J Part II: A Changing Society towns and counties. They are frequently elected to the legislature or to Congress and they influence the laws that affect the region. Formerly the number oflawyers was small and the contributions of each could be evaluated as Arthur did in his Western North Carolina. Today the number of lawyers with potential political influence is legion and a full treatment of their history would require a lengthy book. �CHAPTER FIVE That All May Live From the time of the first settlement until after the Civil War, most medical needs in the mountains were attended to by granny women, herb doctors, and midwives. There were no railroads, few roads, and the efforts of the occasional doctor on horseback were truly Herculean. During and after the Civil War the movement of troops and the wandering of freedmen was accompanied by epidemic diseases, especially typhoid and smallpox. Out of the memory of the terrible experiences during the war, the state's doctors sought to provide better medical facilities and health measures. The State Medical Society, organized in 1800, given up in 1804, reorganized in 1848, had met annually except during the war. In r 8 59 it had persuaded the General Assembly to establish the requirement that before a new doctor might start his practice he must be passed by the State Board of Medical Examiners. During the trying years of Reconstruction, health measures were not among the issues considered important, but in r875 the legislature authorized the building of the Western Insane Asylum of North Carolina (now Broughton Hospital) at Morganton. It was estimated that there were at least seven hundred "insane" persons in the state who were not receiving treatment. The appropriation of $7s,ooo was made to provide a hospital for four hundred patients. As an economy measure fifty convicts were sent to Morganton to make bricks. The contractor for the bricks was responsible for clothing, feeding, and guarding the prisoners. When the institution was completed, it was already too small to meet the need of the western part of the state, and an additional 103 �104 / Part II: A Changing Society $6o,ooo was appropriated for another wing in I 877. One portion was set aside for those who could pay for their own care. In 1877 a group from the State Medical Society went to Raleigh to lobby and succeeded in getting created a state board of health (with an annual appropriation of $Ioo!). Another act made the county medical societies county boards of health. Two years later, after an intensive campaign by Dr. Thomas F. Wood, Secretary-Treasurer of the new State Board of Health, who sent out hundreds of letters at his own expense, a more effective public health act was passed. A nine-member board (composed of physicians and others, including one civil engineer) was provided for. The revised law had been backed vigorously by the State Medical Society. In the counties of Western North Carolina as late as 1883 only twenty doctors were members of the State Medical Society, and consequently there were no county boards of health to function. Typhoid had a serious incidence in the West, and diptheria abounded. New theories about the causes of these diseases- polluted water, insects, and direct contact- were known only by the few doctors who did attend the meetings of the medical societies or read their journals. In Western North Carolina the doctors had to travel many hours per day (usually on horseback because of the poor mountain roads) to visit the critically sick and to dispense remedies. Some mountain counties had more physicians in I884 than in I958; in I884 Ashe had 8, Clay 4, Graham 5, Mitchell 8, Swain 4, Yancey 6; in I958 Ashe had 6, Clay I, Graham 4, Mitchell6, Swain 4, Yancey 5. But a much smaller number of patients could be seen by a mountain doctor who had to travel to the sick than is possible today. An example was the father of Dr. Gainc Cannon, who practiced medicine in Jackson and Transylvania Counties and in the vicinity of Pickens, South Carolina. Cannon remembered: "Father had to do most of his traveling on horseback, carrying his medicine and instruments in his saddle bags. He rode long distances, and not only were the calls tiring and time-consuming, but he was also often paid poorly. Father could hardly make a call far over into Jackson County and get back the same day. And often he collected not a penny .... Sometimes those who were able to pay him wouldn't do it, even though he charged little. . . . Most of the time he was paid in things the family could eat - a country ham, potatoes, fresh vegetables, ... produce ... from the farms and orchards. �That All May Live / I05 Father couldn't carry much of that sort of stuff on his horse, along with his bulging saddle bags, so often a patient would bring it down to us, sometimes in a cart pulled by an ox." Such doctors had neither the time nor the money to attend meetings of medical societies or to buy medical journals. They continued to practice medicine as it had been taught to them years earlier. Meanwhile the moderately ill were cared for by "granny women," some of whom luckily had a surprising knowledge of herbs and their medicinal values; superstitious and injurious treatments were characteristic of many of them. The majority of the people did not enjoy good health. Chronic ailments were typical. Dr. Benjamin Washburn said that dyspepsia was found in almost all adults and children, caused from "eating thick, soggy corn pone, greasy vegetables, and too much salt pork." Bad sanitary conditions contributed to the typhoid, diarrhea, and other bowel ailments which were common. Other well-known diseases of the area, in the vernacular, were "pneumony fever," "side pleurisy," "joint rheumatism" "jumpin' toothache," the "bloody flux" (dysentery), and "gallopin' consumption." "Dew pizen," it was learned later, was a preliminary stage of hookworm disease. It caused mountain children to have a stunted, anemic condition. "Bold hives" might be scarlet fever or other childhood infections. Babies were usually delivered by ignorant midwives, and as a result many women suffered ill health all their adult lives. Dr. Washburn described medical practice in dealing with the abovenamed diseases in the South Mountain district in Rutherford County, where he began his practice in 1912. Diphtheria and tuberculosis were the great killers. They were so widespread at times that there were epidemics causing a reign of terror. Many children died of diphtheria and were buried in wooden boxes. Eight children died in one family. The philosophic resignation of the parents was expressed by saying "The Lord giveth and the Lord taketh away." With diphtheria a child would be lumpy, listless, feverish. He might have a sore throat. The breathing would be obstructed by a swollen membrane, the pulse rapid, thready, and uncountable. About the sixth day the child would die of toxemia, the effect of the poison produced by the bacteria. Violent pain was usually followed by death. Fortunately, diphtheria is no longer the great child-killer that it once was. Medical science developed an anti-toxin that has almost wiped out the dread disease. �106 / Part II: A Changing Society Another serious epidemic disease, scarlet fever, would sweep through whole neighborhoods. It often affected the kidneys, the brain, the middle-ears, leaving some children deaf mutes. It was less often fatal than diphtheria and would run its course in a week or ten days. It is still dangerous but less prevalent than formerly. Measles was the most highly infectious of the epidemic diseases. It was usually not fatal but often went into pneumonia and complications. Smallpox was the only infectious disease the doctors really knew how to prevent. Vaccinations were used, but so crudely that infections often resulted. A healthy child who had a good "take" was used as the source of vaccine for other children. The doctor scratched a place on the arm until blood began to ooze, then dipped the lancet into the pus on the arm of the inoculated child and rubbed the pus in the scratched arm. Tuberculosis was the great and universal scourge. People believed that its spread was inevitable, the result of the Divine will, an act of God. Patients had a phthisical cough, a fever flush, an elevation of temperature, and they spat, usually on the floor. Isolation of patients was not usual, as the bacterial cause of the disease was not recognised. There was no effort at prevention by quarantine. Poor housing conditions caused the prevalence and virulence of tuberculosis to increase. Yet an area one hundred miles by fifty miles centering in Asheville was believed to have complete immunity from tuberculosis, and, as has been noted elsewhere, the town became a resort for tubercular patients. Surgery was practiced sparingly by mountain doctors because of the antipathy of the people to it. Compound fractures resulted in amputations because it was believed that if there was no amputation the patient would die of infection. Anesthesia was seldom used in the mountains, although elsewhere ether had been used since I 842, and chloroform since I 872. Whiskey was often given to dull the pain during an operation. The mountains were also believed to be safe from yellow fever. During a yellow fever epidemic in Florida in I888 hundreds of people fled from the state. Both Waynesville and Hendersonville welcomed the refugees, 260 coming to Hendersonville. Eastern towns grew alarmed and quarantined against persons coming from Waynesville and Hendersonville. The State Board of Health then forbade the coming of yellow fever refugees to North Carolina. �That All May Live / 107 Meanwhile, in the world at large between 1890 and 1910 the germ theory of disease was thoroughly established and the science of bacteriology developed. The State Board of Health turned its attention to providing safe water supplies and sewage disposal in towns and cities. Its system of disease control included quarantine, abatement of nuisances, and vaccination. A doctor in each county was employed as county superintendent of health. He was chosen by the county board of health, which consisted of all practicing physicians, the mayor of the county seat, the chairman of the county commissioners, and the city or county surveyor. The county superintendent of health performed post mortems for the coroners, registered vital statistics, and attended persons at jails and poorhouses. The education of the people of North Carolina for retention of their health really began with the campaign to eradicate hookworm disease. In 1903 Dr. Charles W. Stiles of the United States Public Health Service addressed the State Medical Society at Hot Springs on the prevalence of hookworm disease in the South. In 1905 Dr. W. P. Ivey of Lenoir, a member of the State Board of Health, read a paper to the State Medical Society titled "Uncinariasis (hookworm disease) in the Mountains of North Carolina." He recommended the holding of clinics, to be attended by doctors who did not attend the meetings of the medical societies, in the counties. He found the disease common in Caldwell County and he believed that other Western North Carolina counties "were wormy too." He ended his paper with the following lines: "Hear, gentlemen, my conclusion. Uncinariasis is among us .... It is a grievous burden .... It is a menace to the neighbors. It kills folks. It makes mental underlings, ... physical dwarfs. It curtails producing power. It steals dollars from our wealth. What are you going to do about it?" The Rockefeller Sanitary Commission spent $15,000 annually in North Carolina for a Bureau of Hookworm Eradication which was established in the state in March 1910. Dr. W. P. Jacocks directed the campaign, which lasted five years. A corps of doctors and microscopists worked in one county after another. First a member of Dr. Jacocks' team visited a county to sell the idea to the county commissioners and ask them for an appropriation. About six weeks later a field director arrived to conduct the treatment. The first week was devoted to advertising and education. Handbills were circulated, and posters were placed �ro8 / Part II: A Changing Society in public buildings such as post offices and stores inviting people to the lectures and demonstrations. An exhibit consisting of a set of large charts to illustrate the lecture showed the life history of the hookworm and the manner in which infection occurred, showed patients before and after treatment and diagrams of privies which would prevent soil pollution. Hookworm eggs and larvae were shown under the microscope. About five places in each county were designated for the holding of clinics, and at each a dispensary was held once a week for five weeks. A typical one, at Mill Spring in Polk County, was described by Dr. Washburn, who joined the campaign in 1913. Men, women, and children began arriving at the designated spot at 8 A.M. Approximately two hundred people came: in buggies, on horse back, and in wagons. Activities were varied. People who had been treated previously were examined to determine the extent of improvement, after which a lecture was given explaining how hookworm disease stunted the mental and physical growth of children. Then additional diagnoses were made and medicine (large capsules of thymol mixed with milk sugar) was distributed. The clinic was like an all-day picinic, and most of those who came in the morning stayed throughout the activities. They examined an exhibit showing how soil pollution, flies, dirty food, and contaminated water could cause hookworm disease. Typhoid, it was explained, was spread in the same way. About half an hour was spent by the crowd in singing, led by a volunteer with a tuning fork, while the microscopist prepared a report on specimens brought in. People had packed picnic lunches and the clinic recessed long enough for the meal. Other families arrived in the afternoon, and the clinic lasted until nearly five o'clock. One of the lessons taught in all of the counties was that the placing of privies over swift-running streams as was customary in the mountains, when homes boasted privies at all, caused pollution of water that could seep into the springs from which the drinking water was taken. Efforts were made to persuade county boards of education to provide safe drinking water and sanitary privies at each school. All but one county, Ashe, appropriated funds for the hookworm eradication campaign. Even in counties where the incidence of the disease was small, the educational value of the program was tremendous because through it people learned how to �That All May Live / 109 prevent other serious diseases. After the hookworm campaign ended in 1915, public health work was continued with the fulltime services of a county doctor in several counties, including two in Western North Carolina, Surry and Buncombe. Practically all of the 206 physicians in Western North Carolina in 1884 were general practitioners. Many of them were of well-known families that had furnished leaders in other professions as well. Moreover, it was not unusual to find two and even three doctors in a county with the same surname, of whom two were often father and son.* In many families it was a tradition for one son to be a physician. The doctors, in addition to the strenuous obligations of their profession, were often civic leaders: trustees of academies, members of local school boards, and of the county boards of health. Such a leader was Dr. James A. Reagan, physician and surgeon, who served as president of Weaverville College for three years from its incorporation as a college (1873) and who continued after that to serve as a trustee. Dr. H. B. Weaver of Asheville in an obituary to Reagan in 1910 described his public service: "In the heat and in the cold; up the rugged mountain sides . . . ; down the sunless valleys; in dangers seen and unseen he never faltered .... No matter from where the cry for relief came, ... he responded .... " As time passed many of the doctors opened parts of their homes or built special buildings in which they maintained clinics or hospitals. This practice continued in smaller communities until well into the twentieth century. It made possible surgery and more sanitary nursing conditions and saved many lives. Then there were physicians who were not native to Western North Carolina who came in after completing medical school because of an invitation by the community, such as Dr. W. C. Tate, who came to Banner Elk to conduct a small hospital already established, and Doctors Eustice H. and Mary Martin Sloop, * For example, there were doctors C. B. Roberts, R. K. Roberts, and Robert Roberts in Haywood County; drs.J. L. Egerton and Thomas Egerton, G. W. Fletcher and M. H. Fletcher, and Josiah Johnson and L. L. Johnson all in Henderson County; Latta Reagan and W. S. Reagan in Madison County, Oliver Hicks and Romeo Hicks in Rutherford County, to name only a few. �no / Part II: A Changing Society who founded a hospital in Crossnore. An example of Western North Carolina doctors who devoted much of their professional lives to public health work is Dr. Lewis Burgin McBrayer of Buncombe County. He was licensed in I 890 and conducted a surgical practice in Asheville until 1909, when he became city health officer. Sanitation, especially concerning water and milk supply, was emphasized during his administration. Meanwhile the State Medical Society had organized an association to combat tuberculosis, and Dr. McBrayer worked at Raleigh in 1907 with the General Assembly to get the State Sanatorium for Tuberculosis established. In 1914 he left the mountains to serve as superintendent of the Sanatorium for ten years. He played a part in getting another state tuberculosis sanatorium established, in Western North Carolina, and in setting up public health nursing. He was president of the State Medical Society in 1914, and from 1917 to 1937 he was its secretary-treasurer. The resolution passed by the State Medical Society at his death included these words: " ... his pioneering labors in this field [of fighting tuberculosis] won for him and for his state nation-wide recognition." When Dr. McBrayer became superintendent of the State Sanatorium for Tuberculosis he replaced Dr. ]. E. Brooks, who then (1914) came to Blowing Rock to retire. There was no resident physician in the village at that time, and although at first Dr. Brook's health did not permit him to do more than answer emergency calls, he eventually maintained an office practice in Blowing Rock. He was aghast at the opportunities that the tourist center offered for the spread of contagious diseases. Conditions were no doubt similar in most of the mountain villages, and the crowding in of summer visitors in the resort centers made the danger of epidemics even greater. Dr. Alfred Mordecai described the situation. Within the village the average family had a stable for the horse and one or more cows, a pigpen, a chicken lot, an outdoor privy, a spring, and a garden. No screens were used to keep the flies out of the houses. Garbage was thrown out to the pigs and chickens. While the larger hotels were situated on hills apart from the village center, they had their stables and "a retinue of stable boys and domestic servants, who were very prone to use the back lots and bushes instead of the surface privies provided for them." Diseases such as typhoid and smallpox were increasing in frequency. �That All May Live j II I Dr. Brooks began holding "fireside chats" with civic leaders, inviting one or more to visit with him to talk about community affairs. He pointed out the unsanitary conditions and what they might lead to. At "smokers," suppers and other meetings the local citizens were roused to action. Dr. Brooks brought such speakers as Governor Thomas W. Bickett, future governor Cameron Morrison, and James I. Vance, D. D., to speak on the subject of public health. Soon the fly breeding places were eliminated. A chamber of commerce and other civic organizations developed from Dr. Brooks's work. Tuberculosis was very prevalent in Watauga County and that part of the state, and Dr. Brooks launched a drive to control it. He believed that socio-economic conditions caused its spread, and he lectured in schoolhouses throughout the area, asking people to stop their promiscuous visiting with sick people whose illnesses had not yet been diagnosed and to provide their families with less crowded living conditions. An epidemic of smallpox in Watauga County in I9I4 followed by one of diphtheria in 1915 caused people at least to heed his advice about visiting. Dr. Brooks's services continued in Blowing Rock until his death in 1921.* A Philadelphia physician, Dr. Henry Norris, and Mrs. Norris, came several times to Rutherford County for Dr. Norris to hunt. They visited often at the Coxe estate, Green River Plantation. They made friends in Rutherfordton and came to realize that there was no hospital between Charlotte and Asheville at a time when travel was slow and difficult. In 1905 the Norrises decided to found a hospital in Rutherfordton. The buildings of a former military academy were purchased and reconditioned, and the hospital functioned there from 1906 until 1911, by which time Dr. and Mrs. Norris had built and equipped an excellent new facility. In 1907 Mrs. Norris organized a school of nursing at the Rutherford Hospital. Dr. Norris and Dr. Montgomery Biggs, and two nurses, all from Philadelphia, soon won a widespread reputation for excellence. Additional * Alfred Mordecai, "James Edwin Brooks, M. D.," Part II, North Carolina Medical journal Oune, 1958), 238-242, described intimately his association with Dr. Brooks. In a letter to Ina Van Noppen, Dr. Mordecai wrote, "I entered the practice of medicine in 1915 at Blowing Rock and sat in quite often at his [Dr. Brooks'] fireside chats .... I was so impressed by the work of Dr. Brooks that I later entered the field of Public Health in Western North Carolina.... I think he could be called the Father of Modern Sanitation and Health Education in Watauga County." �I 12 f Part II: A Changing Society equipment and space were added from time to time, and after the death of Dr. and Mrs. Norris a Committee of Friends of the Hospital raised funds in 1941 for a Norris Maternity Building. Its construction was delayed by World War II, enabling Rutherford Hospital to acquire a much larger building than had been anticipated. In 1946 Congress passed the Hill-Burton Act to give federal funds to communities to match local funds for the construction of non-profit hospitals. Thereupon the North Carolina Medical Care Commission was created to administer a combination of state and federal aid to counties that wished to build hospitals. Consequently in 1951 a new wing which doubled the bed capacity of the Rutherford Hospital was built and a completely modernized hospital was dedicated. Another new building, the Crawford Memorial Building for the School of Nursing, was dedicated in 1956 and conditions for teaching were improved through a grant from the Ford Foundation in 1957. The nursing education program was transferred to Gardner-Webb College at Boiling Springs, in 1965, with students doing their clinical work at the Rutherford Hospital. Grace Hospital in Morganton is another excellent institution of the same age as the Rutherford Hospital. Miss Maria P. Allen, a graduate of the Episcopal Hospital in Philadelphia who was serving as a visiting nurse in Burke County, wrote an article, "The Spirit of Missions," in which she explained the need for $3000 for a small hospital. The money was given by a generous woman in New York. The Reverend Walter Hughson, rector of Grace Episcopal Church of Morganton, established the hospital in 1906 in a frame building containing fifteen beds. Dr. E. W. Phifer, who had been in practice in Morganton for four years, generously contributed administrative services, and he and Dr. J. B. Riddle were the hospital staff. In 1918 Dr. W. H. Keller joined the two. In 1920 a new brick hospital was built, and staff and services have grown until in 1950 there were 120 beds and a staff of twenty-five specialists and generalists. A school of nursing was established in 1910 with Miss Maria Allen as its director. By 1950 about 230 nurses had graduated. In addition to their clinical experience in Grace Hospital student nurses were given a twelve week affiliation course in psychiatric nursing at Highland Hospital in Asheville and a twelve week course in pediatric nursing at Duke University Hospital. In 1959 Lenoir Rhyne College in Hickory engaged in a joint program to offer college degrees for Grace Hospital School of �That All May Live / I I 3 Nursing graduates. Subsequently the School of Nursing was discontinued; now Lenoir Rhyne's nursing students obtain their clinical training at Grace Hospital. Burke County has recently added a splendid new hospital. Before 1945 there were hospitals with seventy-five or more beds, outside the urban area of Buncombe County, only in Burke, Haywood, and Rutherford counties. Ashe, Macon, McDowell, Caldwell, Transylvania, and Jackson counties had more than forty hospital beds each, while Watauga, Avery, Cherokee, and Swain counties had hospitals with fewer than forty beds. Since then many new hospitals have been built. By 1958 there were 3.2 short-stay hospital beds per one thousand population in Western North Carolina, while for the state as a whole the average was 3.3 beds per one thousand. In addition, new public health centers were constructed between 1948-1958 with federal aid in all of the counties except Buncombe and Henderson. Nurses' training in the 196o's was largely taken over by the educational institutions, practical nursing courses being given by Wilkes Community College, Asheville-Biltmore Technical Institute, and Caldwell Community College near Lenoir. A two year course in nursing is offered at Western Piedmont Community College in Morganton terminating in the Associate of Applied Science degree, and a four year course in nursing given at Mars Hill College leads to the B.S. degree. The three hospitals in Western North Carolina in 1966 that still had hospital schools of nursing were Martin Memorial at Mt. Airy, Memorial Mission in Asheville, and Mountain at Fletcher. A very special institution in Western North Carolina is Western Carolina Center, located just outside Morganton. It is one of four state-supported residential centers for mentally handicapped children. A part of the North Carolina Department of Mental Health, it serves thirty-two western counties. In 1959 the legislature appropriated $4,500,ooo for its construction, and the first patients were admitted in 1963. The center's director, Dr. J. Iverson Riddle, stated that the Center provides diagnosis, treatment, and care for the mentally handicapped child by the use of the "multi-discipline approach to the total child." Regimentation is avoided and each child is treated as an individual who may return to his community and live a relatively normal life. Two hundred eighty acres of land with rolling hills and the South Mountains in the background form the setting �I I 4 / Part II: A Changing Society for the sixteen buildings, including residence cottages, academic buildings, diagnostic clinic, hospital for crippled children, infirmary, an additional children's unit of I20 beds, and workshop. The population consists of adults and children with an average age of eighteen. The capacity, 832 in 1970, will be increased constantly as new "cottages" are completed. Morganton has become one of the four regional health centers in the state. In 1959 the name of the North Carolina Mental Hospital (earlier the Western Insane Asylum of North Carolina) was changed to Broughton Hospital. The School for the Deaf, Broughton Hospital, and the Western Carolina Center are appropriately located in the same community. Many of the techniques used in teaching deaf children can also be used successfully with mentally handicapped children who have communication difficulties, and the psychiatric staffs at Broughton and Western Carolina Center can complement each other. The Mental Health clinics located in a number of the thirty-two mountain and piedmont counties served by the Center and by Broughton Hospital are associated with the two by an administrative staff. Also served is the Western North Carolina Correctional Center in Morganton, a new type of prison where rehabilitation rather than punishment is the aim. Related to the health of the people are water, air, and noise pollution and contamination of soils and foods from pesticides. There is today a world-wide concern over pollution of the environment. Man pollutes the air, water, and land with noxious fumes, sewage, noise, pesticides, and nuclear radiation. With the population explosion and the proliferation of manufacturing plants, pollution is being highly accelerated. The fouling of the world's land, air and water is the fastest-spreading disease of civilization. It is potentially one of history's greatest dangers to human life on earth. If present trends continue it will make all of the world's cities and most of the countryside uninhabitable. Toxic gases and "killer smogs," suspended over cities, contain sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxide, ozone, and carbon monoxide, and cause lung cancer and emphysema and can actually asphyxiate respiratory sufferers. These gases emanate from automobile exhausts, smokestacks, and incinerators. They can be reduced by fitting offending smokestacks with filters and electrostatic precipitators and by inducing factories to use low-sulfur fuels. �That All May Live J I I 5 Automobiles can be equipped with anti-pollution devices. As early as I932 Asheville citizens circulated petitions requesting smoke control. June 3, I932, the town council adopted an anti-smoke ordinance which was not entirely effective. A cooperative study in I963 by the City of Asheville, the Buncombe County Health Department, and the North Carolina State Board of Health found that Asheville still had a serious smoke and air pollution problem. In I964 it was found that air pollution was damaging trees and shrubs, and in I965 a federal grant of $23,945 was made to enable Asheville to study its air pollution problem. January I, I965, a two-year study was begun during which many industries installed or began installation of air-control equipment. Recommendations were made for (I) adoption of regulations by four county boards of health, (2) the establishment of air-monitoring stations, (3) education, (4) enforcement, (5) coordination of administration. In I966 clean-air rules were adopted for the Asheville area. In 1967 the North Carolina General Assembly added air pollution control to the water control program and created the Board of Water and Air Resources to study the problem, to devise means of control, and to supervise local air control programs. The Assembly offered tax benefits for air pollution abatemant facilities. A law was passed, to be administered by the North Carolina Board of Water and Air Resources. This law is not yet effective, as only after July I, I974, will industries face fines of $I,ooo a day. Even then there will be many loopholes, and it is feared that the state board will be unable to resist pressure from industries. June 25-26, 1968, upon request of Governor Moore, a conference on Appalachian Development was held at AshevilleBiltmore College (now the University of North Carolina at Asheville). In this conference all forms of pollution and programs of pollution abatement were discussed. It is evident that cities, towns, and industrial plants in Western North Carolina have air pollution problems. It is a hopeful sign that organized and concerted efforts are being made to ameliorate conditions on local, state, and national levels. If these efforts are to be effective, laws with teeth in them must be enacted and enforced. Penalties must be sufficiently severe to induce compliance by offenders. The magnitude of the air pollution problem may be perceived from the fact that the United States Department of Health, Education, and Welfare estimates that air pollution costs more than $r3,ooo,ooo,ooo annually. �I I 6 / Part II: A Changing Society Far older and much more widespread in Western North Carolina than air pollution is the problem of water pollution. The sharp increase in water pollution is alarming. "Every major river in the United States is grossly polluted. Even the lesser streams have been made slimy and foul by factories [and towns] that freely sluice their noxious wastes into any nearby flow .... We ctre pumping enough poisons into our environment - and into our bone and flesh - to threaten the survival of the species within two or three decades." This water pollution problem can be improved by the treatment and purification of sewage and industrial wastes. For almost one hundred years doctors in North Carolina have been concerned about water pollution. They organized and served on county boards ofhealth. They worked and educated to eliminate "privies" in thickly settled areas, to get communities to create water and sewer services, and to eliminate unsanitary conditions that might cause epidemics. In I89I "the State Board of Health was given responsibility for protecting streams used as sources of public water supplies from municipal sewage ... " but little attention was given to the pollution of other streams by industrial wastes. On August IO, I927, a conference was held at Canton, North Carolina, at the request of the State Health Officer of Tennessee. Present were Mr. Reuben Robertson, president of the Champion Paper and Fibre Company, officials of the North Carolina State Board of Health, and the district engineer of the United States Public Health Service. The meeting concerned possible measures for correction of pollution of the Pigeon River in the interest of protecting the water supplies of Tennessee from wastes emitted by the Champion Paper and Fibre Company. Thus as early as I927 water pollution was recognized as an interstate matter. In the earlier decades of this century conservationists were concerned about the preservation of the forests. By I939 the protection of forests and timber was under relative control. Industries were induced to come to the mountains, population increased, and the water pollution problem was magnified. Little effort was made to stop stream pollution by industrial plants until the present stream sanitation law was passed by the General Assembly in I95 I. The act created a Stream Sanitation Committee and required it to establish water quality standards �That All May Live J I 17 in keeping with "best usage," to study pollution of the state's waters, to classify the waters in the public interest, and to develop a stream pollution control program. Articles began to appear in the Asheville Citizen under such titles as "Problem of Stream Pollution," (1951), "TVA Claims Three Plants Pollute Streams in Western North Carolina" (1953), "Polluted French Broad Blemish on Western North Carolina Scenery" (1957), "Plan to Abate French Broad Valley Stream Pollution Drafted" (1958), "Fifty Towns and Industries Filed Plan for Pollution Control" (1960), "Good Progress in Cleaning Western North Carolina Streams (Champion Spending $J,OOo,ooo, Hendersonville $r,ooo,ooo, Enka and Buncombe County $7,500,ooo)" (1963), "North Carolina Has Spent over $2oo,ooo,ooo on Water Pollution in Fifteen Years" (1966), "State Water and Air Control Councils Appointed" (1967), "Twenty Projects to Stop Stream Pollution- to Remove Damage of Pesticides" (1968). The French Broad River Basin encompasses 2825 square miles in North Carolina and it is a major part of the Tennessee River system. The North Carolina portion of the basin contains the French Broad, the Pigeon, and the Nolichucky rivers and their tributaries. Studies were made in the 1950's of the pollution of the streams, under the auspices of the State Stream Sanitation Committee. The 1950 population was 247,290, of which twentyone percent lived in Asheville. There were eighteen public water systems in the basin serving an estimated population of 149,645 which used 2o,ooo,ooo gallons of water daily. There were thirty points of significant water pollution. Total wastes from these points had an estimated domestic sewage population equivalent of 1,096,280. Only a small percentage of the waste load received treatment before it went into the streams. The basin is rich in natural resources and scenic attractions. It has abundant water power and adequate water supplies to sustain an increased population and additional industries if stream pollution can be controlled. The smaller streams were relatively unpolluted; but the French Broad, Hominy Creek, Pigeon River, Nolichucky River, Tucker Creek, Davidson River, and the North and South Toe Rivers received excessive amounts of waste. The amount of wastes from cities and particularly from industrial plant is frightening, although many communities and the major industrial plants are making efforts to solve their �I I 8 / Part II: A Changing Society pollution problems. The Ecusta Paper Corporation, a branch of Olin Mathieson, in I955 emitted wastes equal to those of a city of 249,000. Part of these wastes were treated, part were not. Asheville drained the majority of its wastes into streams untreated or with only primary treatment. In Asheville and its suburbs are twelve sanitary districts. The wastes and sewage from these and from towns, plants, and schools all the way to Mars Hill, Marshall, and Hot Springs were discharged untreated into streams. In Haywood County the wastes of Canton, Clyde, Waynesville, and Lake Junaluska were discharged into the Pigeon River. In I957 the wastes discharged by the Champion Paper and Fibre Company were equal to those from a population of 624,000. Around Bakersville, Burnsville, Spruce Pine, tremendous amounts of water were used by the mining industry to separate the earth from the minerals. The resultant wastes going into the Nolichucky River extended for a great distance downstream and caused complaints from people living in Tennessee. In I959 all agencies of the Department of Conservation and Development were reorganized in a Department of Water Resources. One of this department's four major divisions, that of Stream Sanitation and Hydrology, is responsible for pollution abatement and control. The Department of Water Resources administers policies concerning stream pollution, ground water supplies, and surface water. The seven-man Board of Water Resources and the seven-man Stream Sanitation Committee have parallel responsibilities. The Stream Sanitation Committee has studied all of the state's sixteen major river basins. By I963 it had adopted "best usage" classifications for all basins and had issued pollution abatement plans for thirteen river basins, ninety-two percent of the state. In I957 the Department of Conservation and Development established a Division of Community Planning to help cities and towns with land-use planning. Resource planning is being conducted by the local Area Development Associations. These are beginning to be effective. The Western North Carolina Regional Planning Commission released its first economic study in I96I. Another study was that of Asheville Township which presented a twenty-year plan for physical development. In this plan "conservation easements" were recommended to induce industries to cooperate. �That All May Live / I I9 Using a grant from the Appalachian Regional Commission, the State Planning Office employed the firm of Rummel, Klepper, and Kahl (I968) to study selected growth areas along interstate and Appalachian Corridor highways. This company's report contained significant information. There are seventy community water systems in the North Carolina portion of Appalachia. Many are outdated or loaded to capacity. They must be enlarged and improved to provide for increasing population and additional industrial plants. Sixty communities now provide sewer services. Twenty-eight of these have satisfactory facilities, twenty-one have under construction or are preparing to construct the needed facilities, two are having financial difficulties, I I7 other unsewered communities need facilities. About $4oo,ooo,ooo for construction by communities will be needed. Of industries, eighty-one have significant water discharges into streams. Of these, sixty-four are providing adequate treatment, seventeen are not. Tourism, present and future, is the lifeblood of the economy of Western North Carolina. The area has the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, the Blue Ridge Parkway, extensive fishing and wildlife, recreation facilities, and many summer camps. With its beautiful scenery and its enticing climate, the region has the greatest tourist and vacation attractions in Eastern America. But if tourists are to continue to come to the mountains, towns and plants must study their problems and provide waste treatment facilities. Daily in newspapers and on television there are articles and comments by public men about pollution control. A crusade against pollution was well begun by 1970. Pollution is often an interstate problem. Rivers rising in Western North Carolina flow into Tennessee, Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia. It was the complaint of Tennessee authorities in I927 that first caused North Carolina health authorities and the Champion Paper and Fibre Company in Canton to become concerned about pollution control. Nevertheless, progress was negligible for many years. Currently the people of Ashe and Alleghany counties are being asked to have acres of their richest farm lands inundated so that pollution wastes can be flushed from the New, the Kanawha, and the Ohio rivers in West Virginia. Local and state agencies must do their parts. The state must pass effective statutes and enforce them effectively. Strong federal laws must �I 20 f Part II: A Changing Society be enacted to control the major polluters: automobiles, factories, cities, and towns. A good example was the Water Quality Act of 1965, which provided for the adoption of water quality standards for interstate and costal waters by all the states. The federal government has the power through its control of interstate commerce, interstate relations, and its taxing powers. Penalties should be sufficiently high to induce compliance, and the statutes should be firmly enforced. Again it must be a uniformly applicable federal program; otherwise states that stringently enforce pollution control might find industries moving to states with less expensive programs of regulation. Furthermore federal funds must be made available, for many communities lack the needed finances to meet their needs. If the federal government will do its part, the State of North Carolina can cooperate through its Department of Conservation and Development, and its Boards of Water and Air Resources with their Sanitation Committees. Local communities and industries must cooperate and expend their own funds to meet their individual responsibilities. �CHAPTER SIX Public Education The great cultural progress made in Western North Carolina since is due largely to the improvement in its schools. The change was statewide and must be seen within the framework of state legislation and judicial opinion. Over half of the General Fund of North Carolina annually now is spent for public education. 1900 "I have visited several places in this Western North Carolina -and have found a kind and hospitable people wherever I have gone. Truly there seems a wide field open ready for the laborer in this portion of our State. Good teachers are wanted .... I am satisfied to cast my lot among this people and if my impressions remain what they are and my school flourishes- this will probably be my home for some time to come." So wrote George F. Dixon to his friend Calvin Wiley, past General Superintendent of Common Schools, indicating that Dixon was opening a subscription school in Watauga County in the year following the end of the Civil War. Such schools were springing up in the mountain region and across the state. The office of General Superintendent of Common Schools had just been abolished by the General Assembly. The county courts were authorized to apply any school taxes collected to subscription schools, which were to be permitted to occupy public schoolhouses to prevent the buildings from falling into decay from nonuse. Private (i.e. subscription) schools did spring up everywhere, but they I2I �122 / Part II: A Changing Society An early school, no windows, no stove, only a hearth for light and heat School terms were short, and boys and girls attended until well along in their teens �Public Education f 123 served only a limited number of children. This was a sad climax to the movement which had been hailed as the first effort of a Southern state to give serious attention to providing a system of public schools for the education of all of its white children. The Literary Fund, founded in 1826, which had been the state's contribution to the support of the schools, had been all but wiped out by the worthlessness of state and Confederate securities, and the Assembly ruled that any moneys remaining be placed in the State Treasury for general expenses. During the remainder of the century the state followed an exploratory pattern, revising the public school law each biennium. The groundwork was laid by the Constitutional Convention of r868, which consisted of eighteen Northern men, fifteen Negroes, sixty-four Radicals (Republicans), and thirteen Conservatives (Democrats). The convention adopted a resolution stating that " ... the interest and happiness of the two races would be best promoted by the establishment of separate schools." The most significant educational provisions of the constitution they wrote were these: "The General Assembly at its first session under this Constitution shall provide by taxation and otherwise for a general and uniform system of public schools, wherein tuition shall be free of charge to all children of the State between the ages of six and twenty-one years. Each county shall be divided into a convenient number of districts in which one or more Public schools shall be taught at least four months in every year; and if the county commissioners of any county shall fail to comply with the aforesaid requirements of this section they be liable to indictment." One of the Northern members of the Constitutional Convention, Samuel S. Ashley of Massachusetts, was elected Superintendent of Public Instruction in r868. He had been in the state only three years, having been sent by the American Missionary Association to conduct a Negro school in Wilmington. It was his responsibility to rebuild the public school system, and he wrote the school law of r 869 to implement the provisions of the constitution. The townships, new subdivisions of the counties provided for by the constitution, were to play an important part in his plan for the operation of the schools. The township board of trustees, elected annually by the registered voters, would receive yearly from the township school committee an estimate of the financial requirements for supporting a fourmonth term for all of its schools each year, and at the annual �I24 / Part II: A Changing Society township meeting would submit it for a vote. If the township voters failed to levy the tax, the committee would forward the estimate to the county commissioners, who were to levy the required taxes under penalty of indictment. The constitutional provision and the law to implement it were excellent, but in I87I the State Supreme Court ruled that such a levy by the county commissioners was not constitutional on the theory that schools were not a necessary expense. While the General Assembly could levy a tax without the consent of the people, so ruled the court, the county commissioners could not do so without the approval of the people. And so the plan failed before it ever got into operation. While the communities could vote a tax, the compulsory aspect of the law was annulled. Lacking the tax monies that were to have been levied by the communities under the constitution, funds provided for the support of public schools by the General Assembly were woefully inadequate. The school law of r867 provided that seventyfive percent of a poll tax of $1.05 would be used for schools and that an additional appropriation of $roo,ooo from the state treasury would be apportioned among the counties. The appropriation was not made in I 868- I 869, but by I 870 a special tax of eight and one-third cents on one hundred dollars valuation was levied to pay the $roo,ooo. Other sources of school funds were taxes on retailers and auctioneers, fines, penalties, forfeitures, and entries of vacant lands and swamp lands. Instead of providing for free public schools the General Assembly in I 87I levied a new statewide tax of six and two-thirds cents on one hundred dollars valuation and a twenty cent poll tax, to supplement the revenue from the existing provision that seventy-five percent of all county and state poll taxes, be allocated to the counties for the support of schools. The funds from these several sources were to provide fifty cents per month for each scholar in any "free school" that might be established. In communities where taxes to support schools were not voted, the "free schools" were often subscription schools. All children who could afford to pay tuition were expected to do so in such a union of private with public schools, and only students unable to pay were admitted free of tuition. Neighborhoods that took the initiative to start a school would receive the state aid, and those that did not would lose their share of the school money, although an amendment in 1873 �Public Education / I25 gave such districts the right to acquire credit for their share of the school money, to be used later. Ashley resigned as superintendent in I87I and was followed in office by a quick succession of other men, but the situation did not change. The incumbent superintendent in 1874 reported the policy thus: "The State does not go into the school districts and establish a school without any effort on the part of the people of the district. It rather aids the people to establish their own school." What the state's policy had created was a voluntary system in which each community could determine the kind of schools and the amount of schooling it wanted to have. Supervision of public schools was practically nonexistent from r865-188I, as there was no local official charged with their operation. An ex ojficio state board of education was provided for by the constitution of 1868. It consisted of the governor, lieutenant governor, secretary of state, state treasurer, auditor, superintendent of public works, superintendent of public instruction, and attorney general. The county board of education was also ex officio, consisting of the county commissioners, with the chairman of the board of county commissioners as chairman of the board of education. This board was to supervise the public schools and to appoint one resident of the county of good moral character and of suitable attainments to be styled the "county examiner." He would examine all applicants for teachers' certificates at the county court house and issue certificates of three grades, to be valid only in the county where issued. Later each county was provided with a board of three examiners. In 1881 county superintendents were provided for, to be elected by joint meetings of the county commissioners and the county boards of magistrates. A law in I 885 required that separate county boards of education be elected by the two abovementioned boards. In spite of their lack of professional education, some of the teachers in the 187o's were engaging in professional activities. In 1872 a State Educational Association was formed at Wilmington. It met in Raleigh for three days in I873, "organized permanently," and adopted a resolution recommending the establishment of permanent county educational organizations. This organizational movement began to be felt even in the western counties, as in Henderson County, where an educational association was formed in 1874. The members at the Raleigh meeting in I 873 prepared a "memorial" to present to the General �I26 J Part II: A Changing Society Assembly stating the improvements needed in the public schools. In 1877 Governor Vance presented such a memorial to the General Assembly, asking that body to give its attention to education. The school law of 1877 included two significant provisions. One was to create two normal schools, the first at the state university for white students and the second at Fayetteville, for Negroes (the normal schools will be discussed later). The other provision was to permit any township containing a city of 5,000 or more inhabitants, upon the petition of one hundred "respectable citizens," to vote upon the levying of an annual tax for support of one or more graded schools in such township. Greensboro and Charlotte already had graded schools which had been established under clauses in their charters, but there was no township in Western North Carolina that could qualify in population for a graded school district under this law. In 1879, however, the General Assembly passed a law directing the commissioners of Buncombe County, upon the petition of one hundred "respectable citizens" who were freeholders of the city of Asheville, to submit to the voters the question of a special school tax. Not until 1887 did Asheville approve the plan, and even then "the opposition was keen and the proposal carried by one vote." The town had some excellent private schools and some of the most influential citizens disapproved of public schools. In I 879 Governor Vance became a United States Senator and Thomas Jordan Jarvis, Lieutenant Governor, succeeded to the office of Governor, to which he was reelected two years later. His six years were to be felt in Western North Carolina in the completion of the Western North Carolina Railroad, the establishment of the State Geological Survey, the Agricultural Experiment Station, and some improvement of the public schools. In 1881 he described to the legislature the current condition of the state's schools, stressing the need for additional normal schools and increased taxation. The assembly increased the tax rate to twelve and one-half cents per one hundred dollars valuation and the poll tax to thirty-seven and one-half cents. Until uniform schooling and compulsory attendance grew out of the state's increasing awareness of its responsibility for �Public Education / 127 education, the development of schools was not systematic. The opportunities for an education depended on many things: local initiative in providing the funds and buildings; efforts of individuals in founding academies and institutes, and of philanthropists and religious denominations as well; concern of teachers in supplementing the meager terms of the public schools; and ambition of parents which made them support local institutions where they existed and send their children away to school where they did not. In the mountain counties where money had always been scarce, the people of most districts made little effort to provide adequate schools. I. N. Benners, County Treasurer of Haywood County, in 1875 reported, "Our school system is a failure .... The people are too poor for more taxes, and will not vote to tax themselves; consequently there can be little more than a two months' school taught with the money provided by law." And from Rutherford County came the complaint, "If the people would submit to be taxed to aid the school fund our schools would soon be built up, teachers would be encouraged to prepare for teaching, and the whole community would take an interest in the work of education." The responsibility to provide separate schools for Negroes created two problems. Mitchell County was like several other mountain counties in that it had too few Negro children in any district to make a school; consequently it used its share of the money assigned by the state for the education of Negro children to provide one Negro school centrally taught. The other problem was the statewide opposition of many prominent persons to public support for education, persons who held that it was "robbery to tax one man to educate another man's children" and that the burden of educating the Negroes who paid such a small portion of the taxes was too heavy for the improverished South to bear. In contrast to the few schools maintained for Negroes, more and more schools for white children began eventually to operate, and, owing partly to the poor facilities for transportation, in Western North Carolina more than eight hundred public schools of the one-room variety opened their doors for an average term of from six to ten weeks. The township boards submitted to local demand for more schools. From Unaka Township, Cherokee County, came the complaint, "We find that every patron would like to have the school kept near his �128 / Part II: A Changing Society door." Thus the school term was necessarily shortened to make the available funds stretch to pay all of the teachers. In most of the public schools the term was brief. Often the regular term was held during the "dormant season" when there was the least amount of farm work to be done. It ended by or before Christmas. Following the free term, a subscription school was often offered to supplement the work already completed. Sometimes the same teacher would conduct the public school and the subscription school. As parents were required to pay the teachers in the latter, a limited number of children attended, and the teaching could be made much more effective than in the public school. Even adults sometimes attended the subscription schools. Another supplemental school sometimes held was the writing school, which lasted approximately ten days, during which teacher and pupils concentrated on penmanship. In Western North Carolina during the eighteen-seventies one of the greatest incentives to the establishment of better schools was the Peabody Fund, created in 1867 by George Peabody, American millionaire with a banking house m London. He gave$ 1,ooo,ooo to assist educational effort in the impoverished South, to which he added another $1 ,ooo,ooo in 1869. A later gift of almost $1 ,soo,ooo in Florida and Mississippi bonds was lost because those states repudiated their bonds. The fund was kept intact for thirty years by a board of trustees which decided how the income should be spent. No money was appropriated as charity aid to the indigent. It was "used for the promotion and encouragement of intellectual, moral, or industrial education among the young of the more destitute portions of the Southern and Southeastern states" ofboth races. The board gave only about twenty-five percent in any instance; the rest had to be raised locally. The purpose was to promote community responsibility for education and for the training of teachers. The two general agents of the board, the Reverend Dr. Barnas Sears, and after Sears' death,J.L.M. Curry, became well-known figures in the educational world of the South. Only a subscription school could qualify for aid from this fund because of the high standards. A Peabody School was required to conform to the following criteria: to have at least one hundred students, two teachers, a ten-month term, and an average attendance of eighty-five percent. In 1871 Mars Hill College, then a secondary school, received three hundred dollars, �Public Education J 129 and Montanic Institute in Buncombe County was allowed a like amount in 1874. Franklin and South Hominy schools each received $450 in 1874, and Asheville, Hayesville, Marshall, and Pigeon Valley $300 each. The following year Webster School, Roan Mountain, Pisgah, Waynesville, Reems Creek, Laurel Fork, Laurel Hill (Clay County), and Cheoah were allotted $300 each. By 1879 the Peabody Fund was distributing funds only to graded schools, of which Western North Carolina had none. But, in those days when state funds were inadequate, the incentive offered by the Peabody Fund had encouraged the operation of some excellent schools in the mountain area. Buncombe County in the 188o's had better than average schools, because of the availability of capable young women, residents of the districts who had studied in the good private schools. Children paid the usual fifty cents monthly tuition. The county had seventy-two districts for white children and sixteen for colored. In about two-thirds of the schools only the first four grades were offered, while most of the remainder provided seven grades. The Asheville Democrat in I 889 commented: "By now every district in the county has some sort of a house. Several of these ... arc not comfortable, while a large majority, if they were furnished with desks and other school furniture, would be considered very good school buildings. The popular size for building them at this time is 24 feet wide and 40 feet long by 12 feet high ... from floor to overhead ceiling .... This house requires six windows with twelve lights each 12 x I 8, three windows on a side. In the back of the room [is] ... a stage. Here the teacher examines his classes.... This house will hold, on the main floor, 40 desks and leave room for one three foot center aisle and two narrow aisles next to the wall. ... "Plain desks made of dressed boards cost 75 cents each .... The entire cost of the building [including desks] may be met with $330.00." Thirteen new county schools had been built that year. The county board furnished $1.25 per child, and the monthly tuition of not more than fifty cents sufficed. Mrs. Lillian Thomasson made a study of the records of J. S. Smiley of Swain County who was first a teacher in a subscription school, then county school examiner, and finally county superintendent for eight years. As superintendent he visited each school in the county and was paid for the number of days he worked. In 1881 he traveled two hundred miles in his visiting �I 30 / Part II: A Changing Society and spent seven days examining teachers and wntmg reports of which the following is typical: "First school visited was De Hart's District No.4 of Swain County August roth I88r. Framed house, but no blackboard. Teacher found sitting during exercises. 'Seraglio,' 'intaglio,' 'biliary' mispronounced by the teacher. No. of pupils in the district was no. present on the day visited 3 r. Seats in school house in district No. 4 very inferior slab benches not low enough to be comfortable." One of Smiley's earlier reports written when he was a teacher illustrates the split term necessitated by the farm season: "The Charleston [now Bryson City] School District No. I in Charleston Township began August I4, I 876, with a very promising attendance. We had forty before we stopped for fodder, and what added to the beauty of the school was the average age of the pupils which was only a fraction over ten years .... Since fodder our largest attendance was 25. All the children learned well." [signed] J. S. Smiley. Swain County had seventeen school districts for white children and one for Negroes during the eighteen-eighties. In the r883 session only thirteen schools were taught, owing to the shortage of teachers. About seventy percent of the children were enrolled, but the average attendance was only twenty-five percent, chiefly because of a whooping cough epidemic. In that year the tuition, $r.Io per scholar, plus the apportionment of school funds provided for a term of four and one-half months. An interesting contrast of a public school and a "subscription school" in Wilkes county was written by Lawrence D. Washington in his Confessions of a Schoolmaster. In the former, girls sat on the right, boys on the left, separated by a narrow aisle. Some had slates on which they "ciphered." Books in use had been in the families for perhaps two generations so that there was no uniformity of texts except for several of Webster's "Blue-backed Spellers." Children were dressed in homespun and their shoes were home-made of cowhide. A roaring fire was of little help because the door had to be left open to provide light. The room was windowless, with here and there a log sawed out for light. A plank hung to the wall with leather hinges was used as a writing desk by fire or six pupils at a time. No classes were held in arithmetic or reading. Instead, each child would go to the schoolmaster for help and recitation. At the close of the day came the only real class, a spelling match when the children stood in a row and "spelled down," competing for a "head mark." Some who could not read could spell by heart every �Public Education / 13 r word in the "Blue-backed Speller." In comparison, at Edgewood Academy Washington found double desks, blackboards, a large stove in the center of the room, and a carefully worked out course of study. The tap of a bell brought an orderly group of young people into the room in double file. Opening exercises consisted of a hymn, reading of a psalm, roll call, and then recitation by classes. There was instruction in penmanship, geography, reading, spelling, map drawing, and English grammar. The first state-managed educational institution in Western North Carolina was the School for the Deaf and Dumb in Morganton, created in a mood of social concern by the General Assembly in r89I. The School for the Deaf, Dumb, and Blind at Raleigh which had been in operation since I 846 was too crowded to accept all who applied and was too far from the western counties to serve them adequately. The school at Morganton included dormitory, school building, and cottages for those who operated the farm and dairy. The course of study was that of the public schools of the state. The Oral Department was established for those who could acquire speech and speech reading; others were taught in the Manual Department: for boys, art and free-hand drawing, industrial training, printing and typesetting, wood-working, shoemaking, and farm and garden; girls were taught household work, sewing and dressmaking, and cooking. All were taught the academic subjects. The Report of the Board of Directors in 1900 included an appeal for the establishment of a school for the feeble-minded: "Many of the children could be treated and their conditions much improved, and some of them could be trained and to some extent educated, under suitable surroundings." In the 196o's such an institution was created in Morganton by the state - the Western Carolina Center. The state did not have a school system; the opportumt1es for schooling varied from county to county and from district to district. Near the turn of the century a new era began, when the Legislature (in 1899) appropriated $roo,ooo to be apportioned among the counties on the basis of population. The next session of the Legislature (r9or) appropriated the $roo,ooo plus a second $ IOO,ooo known as the "Equalizing Fund," to be distributed �r 32 / Part II: A Changing Society to the counties where it was needed in order to extend the school term to four months, as nearly as might be. An act was passed to allow cities and towns and special tax districts outside towns and even whole counties to vote taxes to extend the term to four months. The farmers' legislature of I89I and the fusion (Populist and Republican) legislature of I895 had established state responsibility for higher education for women, for teachers, and for Negroes, and had created the School for the Deaf and Dumb at Morganton. In I 898 the Democrats regained control of the legislature as a result of an intensive campaign against Negro suffrage. Active in the canvass were a group of young men including Charles B. Aycock and Locke Craig of Asheville, two future governors. Aycock became a party leader. The legislature in I899 approved a constitutional amendment similar to those passed by Mississippi and eventually by eight Southern states. It made literacy a qualification for voting, with the provision that persons whose direct ancestors had been entitled to vote on or before I 867 would be permitted to register to vote at any time within the next eight years (the Grandfather Clause), and to vote, provided they paid their poll taxes on time. Aycock worked closely with the legislature of I 899 that appropriated the aforementioned $Ioo,ooo to be distributed among the counties for school support. In the election of August 2, I900, North Carolina's voters approved the literacy test amendment and elected Aycock governor. Fortunately for the cause of educational progress, Governor Charles B. Aycock (I90I-I905) promised during his campaign in 1900: "If you vote for me, ... I shall devote the four years of my official term to the upbuilding of the public schools of North Carolina. I shall endeavor for every child in the State to get an education." He began his educational crusade immediately, offering his services as a speaker to groups of people who were promoting a local tax levy for schools. Meanwhile other forces were at work in North Carolina and the entire South to provide better educational opportunities. Beginning in I898 with a gathering at Capon Springs, West Virginia, composed chiefly of ministers, the Conference for Southern Education was held annually with John Ogden, Northern philanthropist, as president. A number of wealthy Northerners expressed interest chiefly in Negro education. In I90I the Conference met at Winston-Salem, and Aycock �Public Education / 133 welcomed the guests. The decision to wage a campaign for free schools for all the people in the South led to the formation of an executive committee called the Southern Education Board. It would be largely a publicity and propraganda agency and would not have large sums at its disposal. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., who attended the Winston-Salem meeting, persuaded his father to make large gifts to Southern education (a total of $s3,ooo,ooo) and another board, called the General Education Board, was created to disburse the funds. Many of the same men served on both boards. Three North Carolinians on the Southern Education Board were Edwin A. Alderman, Charles D. Mciver, and Walter Hines Page. The work of Alderman and Mciver had attracted the interest of John Ogden, and in 1901 he invited the two to visit him at his summer home at Kennebunkport, Maine. As a result of this visit, the campaign of the Southern Education Board in North Carolina was launched with Mciver as chairman. Fortythree educational workers of the state gathered at Raleigh in February, 1902, to launch the campaign. Governor Aycock presided and organized the drive for better schools. The program included local taxation, consolidation of school districts, building and equipping better schoolhouses, longer school terms, and better salaries for teachers. Members of committees formed at the Raleigh meeting were to send weekly articles to newspapers of the state advocating the above program, and ministers were asked to preach one sermon per year on public school education. The public campaign was carried on by speakers who were provided funds by the Southern Education Board, and especially by the governor and the state superintendent of public instruction, who served in the campaign without extra pay. Superintendent Thomas F. Toon died in 1902 as a result of over-exertion in the campaign, and Aycock appointed J. Y. Joyner, professor at the State Normal and Industrial School, to the position, which he held until 1919. The private campaign, as described by Joyner in his Biennial Report for 1902-1903, 1903-1904, was carried by friends of education into their communities as they moved about among the people, around the church door, and on the public highway. When Aycock began his campaign, he believed that the only way to improve rural schools was by local taxes voted into effect by the people. The executive campaign committee consisting of the governor, Mciver, Toon, and later Joyner, �134 / Part II: A Changing Society A multiple teacher school, vintage 1906 concentrated its efforts on commumt1es that seemed eager to take action for better schools. As Aycock traveled and lectured he came to realize how great the need was for better schoolhouses. He had asked the legislature in 1901 to allow the principal of the Literary Fund to be loaned for the schools if the ~hoo,ooo appropriation were not paid in full. The request was not allowed; however, in 1903 the Literary Fund of approximately ~hoo,ooo was made a loan fund to finance the construction of school buildings. This fund had been provided for in the Constitution of I 868; worthlessness of the securities held in the original fund was known. The new fund consisted of the investment of proceeds from sources such as sale of swamp lands and of grants of land from the federal government, and grants and bequests from individuals. Until 1903 only the interest had been used. Under the new provision as much as one half of the cost of new buildings would be lent to any district, although no loan would be made to a district with fewer than sixty-five children of school age unless the size of the district was necessarily limited by scarcity of population or other unsurmountable barriers - an inducement toward consolidation. �Public Education / r 3 5 Some Western North Carolina districts experimented with consolidation. When Granite Falls in Caldwell County consolidated two districts, the average attendance of the two districts increased from fifty-four to one hundred-thirty. Six teachers were required where three had sufficed before, and the school term was extended from fourteen to twenty-eight weeks. The county superintendent wrote, "Consolidation has been a great blessing for this community. The effort has also been good for local taxation. Gradation and classification have been improved and a greater number of grades added." Wilkes County reported consolidating two schools, increasing enrollment from thirty-five to sixty-two and average attendance from eighteen to forty-six. One of the two teachers was eliminated, thus enabling the school term to be extended from twelve to sixteen weeks. Wilkes County had great need for consolidation, as it had seventy-four schools for white children and forty for Negroes in 1904, with fifteen additional districts that had no school houses. Compulsory attendance was experimented with under a law of 1903 for Macon County. In the one year of its operation the average attendance at public schools in the county increased twenty per cent and enrollment increased 34-4 percent. This was four times the statewide increase in enrollment and twice the increase in average attendance. Not until 1913, however, did the legislature pass a compulsory attendance law for the entire state. Joyner wrote in one of his biennial reports concerning teachers' salaries: "As long as the annual salary paid the teacher who works with the immortal stuff of mind and soul is less than that paid the rudest workers in wood and iron, less than that paid the man that shoes your horse or plows your com or paints your house or keeps your jail, the best talent can not be secured and kept in the teaching profession - the teaching profession must continue to be made in many instances but a stepping-stone to more profitable employments or a means of pensioning inefficient and needy mediocrity." In 1904 the average white teacher's salary in North Carolina was $29.05 per month and that of Negro teachers was $22.27, the average term for white children was seventeen weeks and for Negroes sixteen weeks. An examination of the table of teachers salaries and terms in Western North Carolina shows that while the schools in the western countries were keeping pace with others in the state in extending their terms, the average salaries �136 / Part II: A Changing Society were below those for rural schools in the state as a whole. It will also be noticed that salaries of Negro teachers were much lower than those of white teachers. Joyner believed that this differential was justified. He wrote: " ... their teachers are not so well qualified and have not spent so much money on their education, their expenses of living are much less, and therefore, they do not need and ought not to have as much per capita for the education of their children. [He continued, however] There is more real danger of doing the Negro an injustice in the apportionment of the school fund, even after considering all these things, by withholding his equitable part, than of doing the white race any injustice by giving him too much." Comparison of the education of Negro children in Western North Carolina with that in other parts of the state shows that a Negro child in Western North Carolina was as likely to be enrolled in school as one in other parts of the state but not as regular in attendance- due to the long distance he would have to travel, since there were fewer Negro schools. A study of the results of the two educational crusades, that begun in 1889 and the one of Aycock's administration, shows that they were effective in reaching the school population. Only four and sixtenths percent of white children of school age and thirteen and TEACHERS' SALARIES AND TERMS IN 1904 IN SOME WESTERN NORTH CAROLINA COUNTIES White Colored Term in Weeks City Counties Male Female Male Female White Alleghany $23.50 $22.27 $20.00 Buncombe 35.00 32.30 25·35 $2s.oo $36.00 Caldwell 28.63 23.78 22.14 19.37 Cherokee 24.00 30.38 30.38 26.25 Graham 28.94 19.!6 Haywood 28.75 28.00 25.00 20.00 Jackson 28.52 23.93 2!.00 22.50 Macon 25.96 23.17 2!.00 23.66 Madison 28.42 2).25 22.00 23.66 Polk 27.53 2).00 20.00 19.50 Surry 24.00 2J.90 22.50 20.00 15.00 15.00 Watauga 24.16 20.83 Yancey 24.79 18.64 rs.66 12.)0 * not available Biennial Report, 1904 SOURCE: Colored White Colored $36.oo 24.00 * 20 !7.66 16 r6 r6.8o 15.72 r8.72 17 15.20 r6.48 16 20 20 IS * * 14.86 16.oo 16 15 15.20 13·33 16 20 �Public Education / I 37 two-tenths percent of Negro children of the Western North Carolina counties were classed as illiterate in I904. In I922 Edgar W. Knight wrote an article concerning education in the Southern mountains for School and Society. He said that forty-five percent of the population was illiterate. This was not true of the young people who had benefited from the recently improved schools. He said that less than forty percent were in attendance, which was true only when applied to the entire school census, persons six through twenty-one years old. In I907 the General Assembly passed a law permtttmg any county board of education to establish and maintain for a term of not less than five months per school year one or more high schools. An appropriation of $40,785 was made to aid in establishing such schools. In Western North Carolina dormitories and mess halls were essential to the plan because of the long distances students must travel. Credit toward room and board was given to those bringing raw provisions from home, and private donations were invited from members of the communities because the state appropriaton was so small. By I9I I there were thirty-six rural high schools in the twenty-four counties ofWestern North Carolina (Avery County was created in I9II). Most of the high schools had a thirty-two week term, although one was in operation only seventeen weeks. Most of them offered only a two-year course, andjust five had more than one teacher, four others utilizing a teacher from the elementary grades on a part-time basis. Enrollment ranged from a low of seventeen to one hundred three at Hendersonville, which had a three-year course, three teachers, and a thirty-five week term. In I9I7 the North Carolina Supreme Court ruled that high schools were part of the public school system and were subject to the requirements of the constitution, thus reversing the 1 87I decision of the court that schools were not necessary and that county commissioners could not levy taxes to support them. In I92I there were only six counties in Western North Carolina that did not have at least one accredited high school, Yancey, Mitchell, Graham, Clay, Ashe, and Avery. In the following year two high schools were accredited in Ashe County, one in A very, and one in Yancey. A good many of the accredited high schools were private ones, but there were sixteen graded schools in the �Hayesville High School. Public high schools began with the law of 1907 area, all publicly supported. City and town high schools were superior to rural ones. Of the eight in the twenty-four county area in 1922 five had four year courses and five had thirty-six week terms. Among the unusual schools founded by dedicated individuals for the improvement of mountain living, two examples are the Stearns schools of Columbus, Polk County, and Crossnore School, A very County. A wholesome combination of state and private support was to be found in Polk County beginning in 1891. Mr. Frank Stearns of Cleveland, Ohio, spent some time in Columbus, North Carolina. Charmed with the scenery and impressed with the native intelligence of the people and the lack of educational opportunity, he provided a two-story building for an elementary school. He purchased modern desks and supplemented the public school fund to extend the term to six months, with no tuition charge. A year later he built another two-room building for kindergarten and library. Four years later he bought land for a campus and had a new building erected to house a secondary school which was named the Central Industrial Institute. A board of trustees directed its affairs under a charter from the General Assembly. Thus all grades from kindergarten through high school were offered. A small tuition fee was required of students in the upper grades. Dormitories for boys and girls, a music department, and a library were all provided by Mr. Stearns. In 1916 the school district assumed �Public Education / I 39 responsibility for the school and voted bonds to build a new high school building which was named Stearns High School. A consolidated high school later replaced it, and the former school plant houses an elementary school. Dr. Mary Martin Sloop's work in Avery County began in the year that the county was formed, I9II. Daughter of a Davidson College professor, Mary Martin attended the Woman's Medical College of Philadelphia and hoped to go to Africa as a missionary. Instead, in 1908 she married Dr. Eustice H. Sloop, and in I 9 I I they began their career of social and medical work, first at Plumtree and then at Crossnore. Mrs. Sloop got a new one-room school built. Gradually additional rooms were added and boarding students were accepted. Money derived from the sale of old clothes contributed by people from all over the nation helped to finance the plant and the social work. At first, girls who were far enough along in their studies were sent to Edgar Tufts' school in Banner Elk, but eventually high school work was offered at Crossnore. In 1917 Crossnore School was chartered as a non-profit organization. Weaving was a major handicraft. Dr. Sloop said, "Our aim is to keep alive an almost forgotten art; to cherish in the young people of the mountains a reverence for the art; to provide a means of livelihood for women and girls as well as to furnish homes with beautiful and symbolic material." The weaving department operated under the SmithHughes Law. Crossnore is a public school as well as a craft school. The school property consists of 250 acres, some thirty buildings, living accommodations for some two hundred children and other buildings necessary for elementary and high school; the new A very County Consolidated High School has absorbed the high school at Crossnore. The county, the state, and the school provide elementary education for the children of the community and the boarding children. School busses bring in those who do not live at the school. The Garrett Memorial Hospital is at the edge of the school grounds. By 19I3 the Equalizing Fund was earmarked to lengthen all school terms in the state to six months or as long as the increased funds from a statewide property tax of five cents on the hundred dollar valuation would permit, and from that time on, efforts were made to establish the six months' term. In 1919 a new equalization plan based on the comparative wealth of the counties was adopted. A statewide revaluation of property was made in 1920, but the effects were undone by a special session of the �140 / Part II: A Changing Society legislature which ruled that county comm1ssloners might readjust valuations. During that decade constant readjustment of the amount of the fund was necessary because of changes in property values, at the same time that school costs were rising rapidly; from $8oo,ooo in 1919 the fund was increased to $5,250,000 in 1929. In 1925 the county tax rates varied from twenty-one cents per hundred dollars valuation to $r.o6 for the counties' part of the current operating expense. Twenty-two of the twenty-four western counties benefited from the Equalizing Fund. McDowell and Buncombe Counties, being industrialized, had increased their wealth and could have low tax rates, while agricultural property fell in value during the prolonged agncultural depression of the 192o's. By 1929 a number of rural high schools which had been built with funds from bond issues were threatened with having to reduce the length of their terms because revenues were not sufficient. In that year a "Tax Reduction Fund" of $r,25o,ooo was appropriated for these high schools. Blanford Dougherty, president of the Appalachian State Normal School as it was then called, is credited with having influenced the creation of the state funds for schools. In an address that he gave at the Lansing School in Ashe County he said: "I am one of those that believe that every child from the crest of the Blue Ridge, the Tennessee line, down through piedmont North Carolina, down ... to the sands of the sea, should have as good a chance as any other child, whether he lives in the city or in the country, whether he lives in the mountains or on the plains .... I submit ... that it is not right for this State to allow an 85q tax in Watauga County and a 29q tax in Forsyth County to run a six month's school if we claim, and are sincere in our claim, that we have a State system of education." This was not an unusual statement for Dougherty to make, as he had worked for what he called the "Gospel of Equalization" since 1912 and was a member of the State Equalization Board established in 1927. In 19 3 I the state abandoned equalization and put into use complete state support of public schools for a six months' term. This meant that North Carolina would have two school systems, a state six months' system and one of local control in counties where there was an extended term which varied from one to three months. The extended term was supported by local levies and the Tax Reduction Fund, which was continued and increased �Public Education / 141 by the General Assembly of 193 I. By that time the nationwide depression was causing greater difficulty in the support of schools. Counties were in default on their obligations and teachers were unpaid. Then in 1933 in North Carolina by increasing state school funds and decreasing costs, the principle of complete state support for an eight month term was established. Teacher loads were increased, salaries were reduced, fewer principals were allotted, and bus routes were redirected for economy's sake. Schools were to be supported completely by the state. All special tax districts, special charter or otherwise, were declared nonexistent and no taxes could be levied in said districts for school operating purposes except for courses in home economics, agriculture, and vocational subjects where such taxes were already being levied. (These courses were partially supported by the federal government under the Smith-Hughes Law.) City units with one thousand or more school population were allowed to continue as administrative units under a superintendent. Counties were to serve as administrative units under county superintendents, and they were to be redistricted with consolidation for convenience and economy. Administrative units were permitted by an approved election to improve the standards of the schools for a term of no more than 180 days. Management and control of school buses was to be by the state. Salaries for all personnel were lowered and rural supervisors were eliminated. All school expenditures were to be standardized by the state. Later as conditions improved permissive legislation allowed administrative units to vote special taxes. By 1943 the school term for the entire state was extended to nine months. The school law of 1933 was of tremendous benefit to the rural schools of Western North Carolina. Nevertheless, its effect on a city such as that of Asheville was catastrophic. From 1920 to 1924 during the city superintendence of W. L. Brooker great progress had been made by the schools of Asheville. Four new buildings were built after a bond issue of $sso,ooo was voted in 1920, and a new levy of ten cents on a hundred dollar valuation was approved by the voters. West Asheville was annexed and Asheville enjoyed a "boom". Again in 1924 a bond issue was voted, this one also for $sso,ooo, and in 1926 still another of $1,50o,ooo was approved. The superintendent of schools recommended that a new high school plant and a separate junior college building be erected. In 1929 when the high school was completed with the junior college housed in �142 / Part II: A Changing Society the same building, Asheville's schools were among the best in the state. Music and creative art, home economics, manual training, and physical education were offered in all of the school grades, and the high school had a commercial department. An administrative staff numbering eighteen persons served the system. Then came the failure of the Central Bank and Trust Company and other banks in the area, and the depression became acute. The junior college was discontinued and several school buildings were closed. The law of 1933 reduced the budget for the city school system from the $763,628 figure of 1929-1930 to $183,761 in 1934-1935. Such courses as manual training, music, and physical education which had been offered since 1905 were eliminated. Consolidation of the Public schools, an objective of the Board of Equalization established in 1927 and of subsequent legislation, was facilitated by the building of the "Scott Roads," HOW THE TAX EQUALIZATION PROGRAM HELPED TWENTY-TWO OF THE COUNTIES OF WESTERN NORTH CAROLINA TO MAINTAIN A SIX MONTH SCHOOL TERM County Necessary Rate Without Fund Actual 1925 Rate Total Reduction Alleghany Ashe Avery Burke Caldwell Cherokee Clay Graham Haywood Henderson Jackson Macon Madison Mitchell Polk Rutherford Surry Swain Transylvania Watauga Wilkes Yancey -75 ·7S !.42 .5S .SI ·93 !.5 I !.02 ·79 ·76 ·97 I.I9 .96 .So !.20 .6S .61 .62 .S2 !.02 I. I 5 ·75 -47 -54 .91 -54 .70 .60 r.o6 .90 .70 .65 ·73 .64 -72 -70 .90 .60 ·53 -55 .62 .So .66 -55 .2S .24 -51 .04 Source: Biennial Report, 1924-1925, 1925-1926. .1 I ·33 -45 .!2 .09 .II .24 ·55 .24 .10 .30 .OS .OS .07 .21 .23 ·49 .20 �Public Education / 143 paved secondary roads, during the administration of Governor Kerr Scott in the early 1950's. Subsequently most of the one to four-teacher schools passed out of use. School buses could then carry children to institutions having in most cases a teacher to a grade. The newest development is in the building of mammoth rural high schools serving from a half to a full county. An example is Tuscola Senior High School, which had 1,045 pupils and fifty-four staff members when it opened in 1966. Located on a hilltop overlooking Lake Junaluska in Haywood County, it was named for the one-room school that was once located near by. It replaced three high schools and received students from two additional schools as it serves the entire western half of the county. Its campus of forty-two acres is large enough to accommodate all of the activities associated with a modern secondary school, and it offers "rich programs suited to students with diverse interests, backgrounds, and abilities.'' Equalization did not apply to Negro schools as it did to those for white children. It is appalling that as late as 1924 there were in Western North Carolina only two graded schools for Negroes which included high school grades: Asheville, with 217 students, and Hendersonville, with 19. A beginning was being made in Jackson and Wilkes counties with county training schools. The "county training school movement" for Negro youth began in 191 r throughout the South in an effort to provide one good school in each county, to which capable students might go after finishing the work at a one-teacher rural school. The Slater Fund paid $soo to any county that would match it with $750 and run the school for ten months. While the schools were not high schools, their offerings were eventually extended to a four year term. By the 1933-1934 term there were ten Negro high schools in the twenty-four counties of Western North Carolina, but most of them were inadequate. There were thirteen teachers in the Negro high schools of Buncombe County, but most of the other counties had only one or two teachers in their Negro high schools. In 1921 the state set up schedules for teacher certification and salaries, but the Negro schedule provided salaries for Negro teachers that were much lower than for white teachers with equal preparation. Both Negro and white teachers were in most cases paid below the scale for some time to come. During the 1943-1944 term, equalization of salaries for Negro and white teachers was achieved, depending on certificates �144 / Part II: A Changing Society ~~ ~ ~ ....... "..,..,..,..., ............ -- ..... ~..,.,. Architect's drawing of a new consolidated high school- one of several modern educational plants in jackson County held. In counties where the number of Negro children was insufficient to justify operating a high school, provisions were made by the boards of education to send Negro students to nearby counties where high schools were in existence. Integration was the solution to the problem of the small number of Negroes in most of the counties. As new rural consolidated high schools were built after the U .S. Supreme Court's decision in 1954 in the case of Brown v. Topeka Board of Education, integration of the races took place. In Buncombe County a gradual program of desegregation was adopted from the first through the eighth grade, and Asheville schools were largely integrated. In January 1970 the Asheville system established "busing" of students to achieve complete integration. Graham County, which has no Negroes, integrated Indian and white school populations in 1960. Yancey abolished its one Negro school in 1962, Jackson County its one Negro school and Madison County its three in 1964. In 1965 twelve counties closed the doors of their Negro schools and sent the students to other public institutions in the counties; Burke eliminated all of its six N egro schools in that year. Other counties followed until in 1970 there was only one all-Negro school, New Hope Elementary School, which was integrated in September, 1970. Since 1880 education has been provided for Cherokee Indian children. In that year the Friends Meeting of Indiana agreed to establish schools for the Eastern Cherokees, including an industrial school, and to operate them for ten years. In I 892 the federal government took direct charge of the schools and has operated them since that time. An elementary day school was eventually established in each of the townships, with an elementary and a high school at the Cherokee Agency. The last named included both boarding and day students. Although the Cherokees have a written language of their own, their alphabet having been �Public Education / 145 invented by Sequoyah, a member of the tribe, during the I 82o's, the English language is used in the schools. Cherokee children may go to public schools if they choose, and a scholarship fund enables many to go to college. During the 1950's the Board of Higher Education was created to coordinate the work of tax-supported colleges in the state. This board helped to establish a series of junior colleges and at the same time the State Board of Education founded a number of industrial education centers. In 1961 Governor Sanford appointed the Carlyle Commission on Education beyond the High School, with Irving Carlyle of Winston-Salem as chairman. Its recommendations were adopted by the General Assembly in 1963. The law provided for a system of community colleges, technical institutes, and industrial education centers under the State Board of Education but with local boards of trustees. This was just what was needed in Western North Carolina. The area had colleges and junior colleges, but they reached only a minority of the young people. There was no institution designed to teach the skills needed in the developing technological society. Because of the difficulties of travel, high schools had not been consolidated sufficiently to enable them to have the latest expensive equipment needed for effective vocational training. The new institutions were to operate on an open-door policy, admitting any adult and providing whatever training he needed. An epoch-making decision of the General Assembly in 1967 made four of the senior state-supported colleges "universities." Among these were Appalachian and Western Carolina colleges. East Carolina College, which had grown phenomenally since World War II, had asked the legislature for independent university status. The consolidated university consisted of institutions at Chapel Hill, Raleigh, Greensboro, and Charlotte. Governor Moore and the State Board of Higher Education opposed the granting of university status to East Carolina College and the alternate proposal that the three former teachers colleges be made regional universities. When the latter proposal came up for a vote the Senate added an amendment including the predominately Negro Agricultural and Technical College at Greensboro, and the measure passed. Now that Western North Carolina has two universities that will through the years develop liberal arts and professional training other than for teachers, the bright young people with the potential to become leaders �146 / Part II: A Changing Society Aerial view of a portion of the Appalachian State University campus HUGH MORTON PHOTO This view of a portion of the Western Carolina University campus shows its magnificent setting �Public Education J 147 will have the opportunity to complete their educations near home, at less expense and with less likelihood of their outmigration afterward. The regional universities are surveying their community service capability and are extending their programs, graduate and undergraduate, to meet the needs of the region. For instance, both Appalachian State University and Western Carolina University have established various colleges. Their colleges of business will each operate a Bureau of Business Research to supply information to industries and businessmen in Western North Carolina. Appalachian is creating a "Continuing Education Center," a laboratory for learning and living. It is expected to draw and hold persons seeking recreation and vacation programs of educational nature which will greatly extend the usefulness of the university to the region. It will emphasize folk culture, arts and crafts, music and drama. It will enable the university to serve creatively. Western Carolina University will have excellent highway facilities. It will be connected with the roads of the Appalachian Regional Development program and the Interstate system by a new four-lane "limited access" highway. As new industry has moved into the region the university has added two major in-service programs providing bachelors' degrees in business administration and health services. The university has been active for twenty years in regional planning and development of Western North Carolina. The University of North Carolina at Asheville is the newest state-supported liberal arts institution in the area. It has gone through a process of change since 1927 when a junior college was established by the Buncombe County Board of Education as a part of the public school system, the first public, tuition-free junior college in the state. County students were enrolled free of charge. Such courses as German, Greek, and creative writing were offered in addition to the curriculum usually found in a two-year college, and the student body grew to about three hundred. Meanwhile the College of the City of Asheville was established in 1928. Both operated until 1930 when the North Carolina Supreme Court ruled that a junior college might be supported by the city only if no increase in tax was necessary for that specific purpose and if it could be operated without "impairing the efficiency of the elementary and high schools, and of the kindergarten schools ... forming a part of the public school system." The depression and the above ruling made �148 / Part II: A Changing Society necessary the closing of the College of the City of Asheville. The Kiwanis Club of Asheville urged in vain the consolidation of the two colleges. In the 1930's the county's junior college had to institute a tuition charge of $roo, and the name of the school was changed to Biltmore Junior College. A literary magazine called Bluets with Virginia Bryan Scheiber as adviser offered inspiration to students in creative writing, and it won frequent awards in the annual Columbia Scholastic Press Association contest at Columbia University. Works of such writers as Wilma Dykeman, John Ehle, Patty Sebartle, and Robert Campbell, Jr., appeared in Bluets. The dramatic groups won awards in the drama contests at Chapel Hill. The name of the college was changed again in 1936 to Asheville-Biltmore when the city began giving financial support. World War II caused the student body to dwindle. Fortunately the United States Navy set up a program that helped finance the college during those trying years. After the war the Seely estate was obtained for a scenic and spacious campus. In 1955 the North Carolina General Assembly voted an appropriation for Asheville-Biltmore College, which was increased two years later when it was decided to make it a state-supported community college. AshevilleBiltmore was the first institution to qualify under the community college act and state funds were made available for a long-range building program. A campus located nearer Asheville was deemed necessary, and the present site was acquired. A bond issue of $5oo,ooo was approved by the people of Asheville and Buncombe County in 1958 and the state allocated funds to build five buildings on a r6r.9 acre tract in North Asheville. An additional bond issue of $750,000 and a tax levy were approved in 1961, which were matched by state funds. The General Assembly in 1963 changed Asheville-Biltmore to a senior state-supported college. The legislature of 1969 made it a unit of the Consolidated University of North Carolina. Still educational levels in Western North Carolina are well below those of the state. Only 30.6 percent of adults 25 years and over in Western North Carolina have completed high school, compared with 40.8 percent for urban places and 32·3 percent for the state. College graduation was 9.8 percent in urban North Carolina, 7.6 in metropolitan Asheville, and only 5.5 percent in Western North Carolina. Interest in education is gammg momentum in Western North Carolina but the percentage of high school graduates attending college has �Public Education / 149 declined. There is a steady increase in those enrolling in technical institutes, business and nursing schools. In June, 1968, the State Planning Task Force submitted a report, Manpower Education in the North Carolina Appalachian Region. Conclusions drawn were these: "1. Public education must be re-oriented to the world of work and occupational preparation, which enhances traditional general and vocational education ... ; 2. Teacher education must be improved and more teachers provided in the schools . . . ; 3. Guidance education must be improved and more counselors provided ... ; 4· Noncurriculum services such as food, clothing, medical and dental care, psychological and social workers, must be increased and extended into new areas." The high schools that have vocational programs arc revamping their offerings in view of the employment needs of the area. New buildings are being funded by grants under the Appalachian Program. Among the courses being given are carpentry, auto mechanics, brick masonry, electronics, blueprint reading and drafting, mechanical drawing, poultry and livestock, and horticulture. Cosmetology and a number of homemaking courses are offered especially for girls. Arrangements are being made for the students to work in industry, agriculture, construction, or services during the summer months at the skills they have been developing during the academic year. Under Governor Terry Sanford the North Carolina Fund was created with grants from the Ford Foundation, the Z. Smith Reynolds Foundation, and the Mary Reynolds Babcock Foundation. Project areas of the state were outlined and each was invited to organize and construct a plan for community action. For example, four counties, Watauga, A very, Mitchell, and Yancey created W AMY and sent a program to the Fund authorities. Meanwhile the Economic Opportunity Act was passed and liberal federal funds were available. In this state the North Carolina Fund was designated to administer the program of the Office of Economic Opportunity. There were many facets to the program. One of the most significant was the Neighborhood Youth Corps, to help economically deprived youth of r6 to 21 years of age, to give them educational and vocational training and cultural enrichment. Fifty-three and two-tenths of the population of Western North Carolina have completed eight years or less of public schooling. These "dropouts" constitute one of the most serious problems, as �r 50 / Part II: A Changing Society most of them will never be anything but unskilled workers unless they receive special training. The technical institutes have cooperated with the Neighborhood Youth Corps to provide instruction in such skills as bricklaying, upholstering, drapery, basket-making, and other handicrafts. An optimistic report published by the Western North Carolina Regional Planning Commission in 1962 ended with these words: "If the people of the region work to clear away the obstacles to growth, make the best use of the region's resources, and take advantage of the outside forces working in their favor, they can look forward to a bright future for Western North Carolina." �CHAPTER SEVEN Church Related and Private Institutions of Learning Before 1900 only private schools and colleges offered the "higher branches" oflearning. They continued to exist after the passage of the law ofi907 providing that counties might establish public high schools, and many people favored them over the public high schools. Some of the private institutions had been designed to make secondary school available to mountain youth, and others were fashionable schools that appealed partly because of their location in scenic resort areas. The private schools were invaluable in supplementing the work of the infant high schools. Almost all of both types were for white students. Two exceptions were Allen Industrial Home and School for Negro girls at Asheville and Western Union Academy in Rutherford County. Many of these schools did not pass out of existence when the trend turned to public high schools. They exist in various forms today. Among people of Clay County there are still those who talk of a master teacher, John 0. Hicks, who organized and conducted the Hicksville High School, a private school, in I 8 so. He is credited with improving the quality of public school teaching in Hayesville and all of Clay County by his inspirational example. It is said in Clay County that its chief product has been people, and all in the county are proud of the products of Hicksville Academy. Perhaps they are proudest of all of one graduate, George Truett, born in Cherokee County in 1867. His 151 �I 52 f Part II: A Changing Society father moved the family to a farm near Hayesville so the children could attend the so-called "Hicksville High School." George Truett went on to study at nearby Young Harris College in Georgia and became a great Baptist minister. For years he was pastor of the First Baptist Church of Dallas, Texas. Among the honors that he won was that of serving as president of the World Baptist Alliance. Another of the best private schools in Western North Carolina during the 187o's was the East La Porte Male and Female Academy in Jackson County. There were three teachers headed by A. M. Dawson, a famous educator of that area, and the curriculum included arithmetic, natural philosophy, algebra, Euclid (geometry), grammar, geography, Latin composition, and reading. The catalogue for r878-1879 promised that although criticism and explanation would be furnished by the faculty, judicious care would be exercised lest "explanation may be made to stand in the vacancy occasioned by the student's want of study .... " Room and board, including fuel, lighting, and washing, cost five dollars per month and tuition varied from five dollars to twelve and one-half dollars per term of five months, to be determined by the course chosen. Some families sent their sons and daughters away to other states to be educated. Emory and Henry College, near Abingdon, Virginia, was a manual labor school where boys might earn most of their expenses. The Stonewall Jackson Institute at Abingdon was praised by Charles Dudley Warner. He visited at Worth's, a trading center in northern Watauga County where he spent the night. The daughters had attended the Stonewall Jackson Institute. The home had two pianos and "a bevy of young leadies whose clothes were certainly not made on Cut Laurel Gap. Books were scattered around the house- evidences of the finishing schools with which our country is blessed." It is a truism that each school was as good or as bad as its teachers. One great teacher who made his influence felt widely was Robert Logan Patton. A Western North Carolina boy, he earned his way through Phillips Academy at Exeter, New Hampshire, and Amherst College, spending ten years on his education after he was seventeen years old. He was well qualified to assume leadership on a state or national level in either education or the ministry, but he chose to preach chiefly at rural churches and to found academies. When he returned from Amherst in 1876, he was probably the best educated man in Western North �Church Related and Private Institutions of Learning / I 53 Carolina, and people in different communities urged him to come to them and found academies. He opened his first school at Table Rock in Burke County in August, 1876, and taught there three years, opened his Globe Academy in Caldwell County in 1882, one at Glen Alpine in 1889, another at Morganton in 1890, one at Moravian Falls in Wilkes County in 1891, then returned to Morganton to remain from 1892 to 1901. There were internals when he accepted other appointments, such as the pastorate of the First Baptist Church of High Point, but he always returned to his mountains. From 1910 to 1912 he served as superintendent of schools in Morganton, after which his health failed and he was obliged to retire. Even earlier than these academies were five so-called colleges in Western North Carolina, three of which were in operation or were being built when the Civil War started. Davenport College was founded in Lenoir, Caldwell County, by a group of far-sighted and prosperous men who wished to make their town a cultural center. They talked about a college for women, first approaching the Concord Presbytery, with which the Presbyterian churches in the county were affiliated, but it decided to locate its college at Statesville (Mitchell College). The Lenoir community had become so enthusiastic that the people would not let the college idea die. The South Carolina Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church South accepted the proposal of the Lenoir group. William Davenport, James C. Harper, W. A. Lenoir, Jas. Harper, E. W. Jones, and Uriah Cloyd were the most generous givers, although the list of donors was long. Named for the largest contributor, the college was completed in 1857 and was given to the South Carolina Conference, which kept it in operation until the last year of the Civil War. When General George Stoneman's United States Cavalry raid approached Lenoir after attacking Salisbury, the president, the Reverend A. G. Stacy, disbanded the school and moved the girls toward South Carolina. The troops occupied the college premises, plundered the library, destroyed the furniture, and "the place was left a wreck, despoiled of everything except that the buildings were not burned." The friends of the college, although improverished by the war, refurbished the buildings cheaply and classes were resumed. With a preparatory department and a college department it continued in operation until 1936 �I 54 J Part II: A Changing Society under the Western North Carolina Conference to which it had been transferred in I87o when the new conference was set up. After I893 both men and women were in the student body. In I938 it was merged with Greensboro College. Two other colleges originated as private schools but were turned over later to the Methodist Episcopal Church South. Rutherford College, founded in Burke County in 1853 by Dr. Robert Laban Abernethy, was first an academy called Owl Hollow School. Five years later it received its charter as Rutherford Academy, named in honor of John Rutherford, who contributed the land, and in I 86I the name was changed to Rutherford Seminary. In 1870 it became Rutherford College. In I900 it passed into the possession of the Methodist Church. A number of Methodist ministers were educated at Rutherford College. Soon after it began granting degrees Brantley York became a professor, remaining for five years. York had the distinction of having been the first teacher and the moving spirit of Union Institute, later Trinity College, now Duke University. Rutherford in its later years experienced financial problems, and in I933 it was merged with Weaver College to form Brevard College. For a while a public school was housed in the Rutherford College buildings, after which the property was sold to persons establishing the Valdese General Hospital. Weaver College, which was chartered in 1873, occupied grounds that had long been used by schools, the Salem Camp Ground. A building erected in I836 to entertain the Holston Conference served as a neighborhood school until 1854 when the Sons of Temperance built a larger house. A boarding school, the Masonic and Temperance High School housed there, served a large area until I862, reopening in I866. A fire destroyed the building in I 872, and the community rebuilt and expanded the school. Dr. James A. Reagan, physician and surgeon, was one of the founders and served during the first three years as president of the college, after which he continued to serve as a trustee. The college was chartered in I 873 with a local board of trustees as Weaverville College. A later president, W. C. McCarthy (1876-188o), is said to have procured sheep hides from neighboring farmers, which he tanned and used as diplomas. McCarthy wrote each diploma with a quill pen, in Latin. In I883 the property was deeded to the Methodist Episcopal Church South, and the Western North Carolina Conference supervised the �Church Related and Private Institutions of Learning / I 55 college work from that time. The educator who served longest at the school was Marion A. Yost, who taught Latin, Greek, and other subjects for thirty-five years and was for ten years, r888-1898, both a teacher and president of the college. Three degrees, Bachelor of Arts, Bachelor of Science, and Master of Arts, were offered until I 896 when the last was dropped. From 1912-1934 the school was a junior college, and the name was shortened to Weaver College in 1912. Literary societies constituted the leading student activity. They were still flourishing in 1934 and were transferred with the college to Brevard College. Summer schools at Weaver had attracted teachers, tourists, and parents as well as regular students. When the transfer to Brevard was consummated thirty members of the student body and five faculty members made the move. Alumni of both Rutherford College and Weaver College are ardent supporters of Brevard College. It occupies the site of the Brevard Epworth School started at Brevard in 1895 by the Revered Fitch Taylor, aided by the Sunday schools and Epworth Leagues of the Western North Carolina Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church South. After his death in 1909 the Woman's Home Missionary Society took over the work, and the school, which then became the Brevard Institute, was accredited by the North Carolina State Board of Education. It served a worthy purpose in making high school available to mountain boys and girls when public schools were not in existence. After operating thirty-eight years, however, Brevard Institute was no longer needed; with new trends in education and the availability of public schools, a junior college was needed. Effects of the depression had been hard on Rutherford College and Weaver College, and the North Carolina Conference decided to merge the two in one new institution. The women's organization that had sponsored Brevard Institute offered its school plant, free of debt, to the conference, and the offer was accepted. Brevard College continued the tradition of Methodist aid to education in Western North Carolina. Citizens of Brevard and Transylvania County donated hundreds of acres of land and reconditioned the buildings of the former institute. The institution opened in the fall of 1934 as a self-help junior college with the students doing practically all of the work on the campus and on the college farm and dairy. Two Baptist associations started colleges in the southwestern �I56 / Part II: A Changing Society part of the state before the Civil War: Mars Hill College in Madison County, first called the French Broad Institute and established in I 856 by the French Broad Association, was chartered as Mars Hill College by the General Assembly in I 859; and Judson College in Hendersonville was founded by the Salem Association and approved by the Western Baptist Convention in I858. Mars Hill was coeducational and played an important part in its community, a crossroads center on what for many travelers was the favorite passage through the Southern Appalachians. Because of the location the spot was of strategic importance during the Civil War and was held by the Confederacy in spite of the Unionist sentiments of many of the people of the county. The college closed in I863 because of a lack of male students, and while Confederate soldiers were quartered there fire destroyed two buildings. Additional destruction almost brought ruin to the college and forty years went by before the equipment equalled that enjoyed by Mars Hill before the war. In spite of poverty, apathy, and the bitterness of the Reconstruction period, the buildings were used for some type of educational activity after I 86 5. College work was reinstated in I 86 5 but the next few years were a time of struggle to obtain funds, to repair the one remaining building, and to keep a president. In I87I and I872 a "Peabody school" was run, after which the college was dormant until I878. For a few years an orphanage occupied the buildings, and for two years L. B. Lunsford conducted a private school there. In I878 the institution was reinstated as a high school, its work beginning with a primary department. The frequent changes of presidents ended with the coming of Robert L. Moore in I 897 to serve forty-one years. During that time the institution became an accredited junior college. Enrollment grew from I83 students, mostly local residents, to 970 from twenty-four states and three foreign countries. By I964 it had become a senior college. Accreditation by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools was granted in 1967. The music department was given membership as a senior college in the National Association of Schools of Music in 1960, and the department of business administration was made a member of the American Association of Collegiate Schools of Business in the same year. The Building of Judson College was an ambitious undertaking, and it would have been completed on schedule if the �Church Related and Private Institutions of Learning J I 57 war had not come. The structure was of hand-hewn stone with handsome stone columns. The walls were finished by I86I but the roof was not completed until 1871. The trustees had to take a mortgage to pay the existing debt and continue construction. When the debt fell due a joint-stock company, the Western North Carolina Education Company headed by Pinckney Rollins, purchased the unfinished structure to keep it from falling into the hands of some other denomination. In I 878 work was resumed, one room was floored, and the free school of the township was taught there. In I 879 the coeducational Judson High School was held in the finished part of the building. The house was completed in October I 882, and the college began its session with five teachers. The name was changed several times during the construction period, from Hendersonville Female College to Western North Carolina Female College, to Judson Female College, and finally to Judson College. Although planned for women, it operated for twelve years as a coeducational college and graduated outstanding citizens. In I 892, the debt on the building never having been paid off, the company had to sell the property. The purchasers continued to operate a college there for two years, after which it was used as a high school. In 1903 Judson College was sold to the town of Hendersonville to be used as graded school building. A partial list of Baptist schools in Western North Carolina, compiled by John Preston Arthur, includes the following: Mars Hill College, Mars Hill; Yancey Institute, Burnsville; Mitchell Institute, Bakersville; Fruitland Institute, Hendersonville; Round Hill Academy, Union Mills; Haywood Institute, Clyde; Sylva Institute, Sylva; Murphy Institute, Murphy. All of these schools except Mars Hill College and Fruitland Institute have passed out of existence. Occupying the site of Round Hill Academy at Union Mills is Alexander Schools, Incorporated, a child-caring institution founded in I925 by J. F. Alexander. Open the year round, it is licensed to accept I 78 children. Since 1932 its academic work has been consolidated with the public school at Union Mills. Children in residence are ones who have been deprived of their homes by death or other circumstances. Modern and up-to-date buildings have been built by contributions from churches, laymen, and the Duke Foundation. Fruitland Institute is owned by the Baptist State Convention and is used during the academic year as a school for young ministerial students who do not have college �I 58 / Part II: A Changing Society training, and in the summers for assemblies and conferences. Methodists were always concerned about education in Western North Carolina before the public schools became effective. A list of some of their schools follows. Methodist Episcopal Church South: Asheville Female College, developed in I 856 from the Holston Methodist Female College established in I842; Hayesville College, Clay County, opened in I890 and in operation only one year, after which its assets were transferred to Trinity College; Tuscola Institute, Haywood County, founded in I855 by the Reverend William Hicks, followed by the Richland Institute (its site is now Lake Junaluska); Secondary School at Jefferson, established by the Mount Airy District, I9IO-I929; Brevard Institute, I895, given to the Woman's Board of Home Missions in 1905. Methodist Episcopal Church (North): Brown Seminary at Leicester, on Turkey Creek Camp Ground; Aaron Seminary, Montezuma, now Avery County, I890-I9I I; Fairview College, Traphill, Wilkes County, a private school accepted by the Conference in I 886; Etowah Institute near Brevard; Eagle Mills School at Eagle Mills, Wilkes County; Oberlin Home and School, ncar Lenoir, founded by Miss Emily Pruden in I885, name changed in I903 to Ebenezer Mitchell Home and School, moved to Misenheimer in I909 and named Pfeiffer College, now a senior liberal arts college (Miss Pruden established fifteen schools in North and South Carolina.); Allen High School, started by Mr. and Mrs. Louis M. Pease, given to the Woman's Home Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The Allen Industrial and Home School was established for mountain Negro girls about 1875 by Mr. and Mrs. Louis M. Pease, social workers from New York who had come to Asheville to retire. The couple purchased land, including an old livery stable which they converted into a home and school. After conducting the school for twelve years they gave the property to the Woman's Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church (Northern) to be carried on as a mission school. In I 897 it was made a boarding school called the Allen Home School, now known as the Allen High School. It has become an example of excellence in secondary education for Negroes. For many years the curriculum included grades one through twelve, but as responsibility for the work of the grammar grades was assumed by the public schools, Allen High School limited �Church Related and Private Institutions of Learning / I 59 its offerings to grades eight through twelve. The present buildings were built in the 1950's, the school is accredited, and the graduates are accepted by colleges and professional schools. Two Presbyterian assemblies have participated in the educational progress of Western North Carolina. The Asheville Normal and Associated Schools represent the work of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. (Northern), now the United Presbyterian Church. Mr. and Mrs. Pease, who founded the Allen Industrial and Home School, were closely associated with the founding of the excellent Asheville Normal which functioned from 1892 until 1940. Their first school for white girls developed from the boarding house which they maintained in their home. Vacationing guests observed that the girls employed for household work were capable but uneducated, and through the influence of a guest, Dr. Thomas Lawrence, the Board of Home Missions purchased the thirty acre tract owned by Mr. and Mrs. Pease and employed the Peases to help conduct a school, to be called the Home Industrial School. It opened in 1887 and was soon filled to capacity with seventy boarding students and forty day students, ranging in age from five to twenty. The Asheville Normal and Collegiate Institute was established in 1892 on the same property, to educate rural school teachers. Thus it antedated both the Cullowhee and Boone training schools. The Home Industrial School and the Normal and Collegiate Institute were among twenty-five day and boarding schools throughout Western North Carolina established by the Woman's Home Mission Board of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. In I 920 all of these schools in and around Asheville were organized into a system called Asheville Normal and Associated Schools with Dr. John E. Calfee as president. Two other schools of the twenty-five mentioned above were Dorland-Bell School for Girls at Hot Springs and the Asheville Farm School for boys. Dorland originated in the home of Dr. and Mrs. Luke Dorland, who had been working since 1867 at Scotia Seminary, which he founded, a Presbyterian school for Negro girls at Concord. Coming to Hot Springs in 1887 to rest, the Dorlands invited some children into their dining room to learn to read and write. Soon a school developed, which in 1893 the Woman's Board of the Presbyterian Church U.S.A. sponsored. Two �160 / Part II: A Changing Society miles away at a farm called the Willows a home for boys was established by the same group. The Bell Institute, a third school, merged with Dorland in 1918 to form Dorland-Bell. Eventually housed in a campus of eight buildings, the school was accredited as a high school, but the work was always broader in scope than that of the usual high school. Mrs. Maud Gentry Long of Hot Springs, an alumna of Dorland-Bell, wrote, "The friends of this school are investing their money not at 4 or 6 per cent but in the lives of the womanhood of our mountains." The school's stated purpose was as follows: " ... to help girls from remote mountain districts who are not within reach of a good school; to lead those to a vision of the possibilities of a rich, happy life in the country; to send back into the mountain homes young women who will know how to make healthy, happy Christian homes .... Our main interest is in the girl who will have no schooling after she leaves here." Meanwhile in 1894 the Asheville Farm School was established at Swannanoa. The first students were young men, rather than boys, who had had no opportunity for schooling. As the years passed and the elementary schools improved, the Farm School was able to advance its work and to be a high school. Its campus was to be the home of Warren Wilson College. Warren Wilson College dates from 1942 when the Presbyterian Board of National Missions combined the Dorland-Bell School and the Asheville Farm School on the campus of the latter. At first it offered four years of high school work and two years of college studies. Each student continued his academic program and also majored in a vocational field, such as agriculture, auto mechanics, business, construction engineering, homemaking, journalism, woodworking, carpentry, printing, and weaving. Each student contributed half of each day to his vocational program. When high school work became readily available, it was dropped at Warren Wilson and two additional years of college work were added, the first class graduating with the A.B. degree in 1969. Since its founding the college has been concerned chiefly with young people of limited financial means and superior promise. Every student works part of each day, and thus the college is maintained and the student cost is reduced. In Asheville the Normal and Collegiate Institute was discontinued in 1940 as the Presbyterian Church U.S.A. changed its emphasis in the Southern highlands and especially in Western North Carolina to the liberal arts concept. But it had played a mighty part in the drama of education in the mountains. The �Church Related and Private Institutions of Learning / 161 normal in 1925 began offering work to the four-year college level, leading to a degree, the Bachelor of Education, later the Bachelor of Science in Education. Asheville citizens supported the college by making contributions for new buildings. The normal was approved by the American Association of Teachers' Colleges. In 1930 the Home Industrial School was dropped. It was no longer needed. By 1936 the summer school of the normal enrolled r 500 students. President Calfee was able to influence numbers of noted professors to offer instruction in the summer school, and for several years Columbia University accepted credit earned at the Asheville summer school toward degrees at the former. This enabled Southern teachers to earn degrees at Columbia by doing much of their work in Asheville. Faculty members came from Harvard, Yale, Columbia, Pennsylvania, the United States Naval Academy, Virginia, Duke, Tulane, South Carolina, North Carolina, and many other universities of the highest prestige in the nation. Students from as many as thirty-four states attended in a single season. The summer school grew to be the second largest one in the South with a faculty of ninety-nine. Merchants and business firms, the Chamber of Commerce, and the people of the community cooperated with the normal, all of them recognizing it as a definite asset in advertising Asheville. But with Dr. Calfee's retirement in 1937 after 21 years, the conditions changed. The Board of Missions ended its support of the Asheville Normal and Teachers College as it was finally called. Asheville citizens attempted to keep it operating under the name Asheville College, but available funds were not sufficient, and it closed after the summer school of 1944. It had served its purpose. The Presbyterian Church in the U.S. (Southern) began at about the turn of the twentieth century to found some schools, largely through the initiative of interested people in the communities served. Such was the Westminster School in Rutherford County, established by some of the old families of the neighborhood, especially for boys, although a few girls were admitted. It was in operation from 1902 until 1923, offering work in twelve grades. Even the best of North Carolina's public schools at that time offered only eleven grades. Glade Valley School, near Sparta, was organized in 1910 as a coeducational boarding school. It is still in operation and is accredited by the Southern Association of Secondary Schools and Colleges and by the State Board of Education. In the northwestern part of the state the Southern Presby- �r62 / Part II: A Changing Society terian Church in 1897 acquired the services of Edgar Tufts. George McCoy, Asheville journalist titled an article describing Tufts' projects "What God and Edgar Tufts Did." Tufts had just completed his work at Union Seminary in Virginia when he came to Banner Elk to be pastor of a small church. Two years earlier during the summer Tufts and two other seminary students had worked in Northwestern North Carolina where two ladies were holding a small summer mission school. In I 897 Tufts invited some of the more advanced students to continue their studies in his home. In I 899 a two-room building was erected with contributions of work and materials by members of the community and aid from Tufts' friends to whom he had appealed for help. That school has grown into Lees McRae College, a junior college named for the two ladies who started the mission school, Mrs. Elizabeth McRae and Mrs. S. P. Lees. Tufts persuaded Dr. W. C. Tate to come to Banner Elk where he already had a small hospital in operation. In 1922 Grace Hospital was built, and in I933 a new and larger one replaced it, to serve twelve mountain counties. The latest hospital, built in the 196o's, is named the Charles Cannon Memorial Hospital. With money contributed by friends Tufts bought Lybrook Farm, a mile from the school, for an orphanage. It is named Grandfather Home because of its view of Grandfather Mountain. In 1924 after Tufts' death, the three institutions were incorporated as the Edgar Tufts Memorial Association, and the young Edgar Hall Tufts continued the work his father had started. Montreat-Anderson Junior College began in 1913 at the invitation of the Mountain Retreat Association to the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, U.S., to use its conference ground and buildings in Buncombe County for educational purposes. Nine synods participated in establishing the Montreat Normal School, which received contributions from the synods until 19 3 I. Dr. R. C. Anderson, President of the Mountain Retreat Association, served as president of the normal. Gradually the college department developed and was accredited by the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools. In the early 1940's Montreat became a senior college, although it was not accredited as such. In the 1950's the high school department was dropped and in 1960 the college, which had been renamed Montreat-Anderson, retrenched, becoming a junior college again. Throughout its history it had been a girls' college, but is now coeducational. �Church Related and Private Institutions of Learning / 163 Four schools were established by the Episcopal Church for the education of mountain youth. They were Christ School at Arden in Buncombe County, Patterson School at Legerwood in Caldwell County, Valle Crucis School in Watauga Counf)', and Appalachian School at Penland, Mitchell County. Christ School and Patterson School are strong institutions today. Christ School was at first primarily an industrial, coeducational institution. The tuition could be paid in work. Carpentry, printing, telegraphy, bookeeping, and typewriting were taught along with academic courses. Some students walked as many as ten miles each way to and from school. The General Education Fund of the diocese and private donations supported it. Within a few years the student body was limited to boys, and as the public schools of the state improved, boys from other states were accepted, and gradually accommodations were increased. The school won accreditation as a first class school for boys. Patterson School was founded by Mr. Samuel Patterson, who gave the old Patterson family home near Lenoir to the Episcopal Church, Jurisdiction of Asheville. Patterson was interested in agriculture and improved farming methods, and agriculture as well as academic courses were taught. Income came chiefly from donations of friends and a diocesan loan fund. As time passed the purpose of the school was enlarged to prepare boys for college and business as well as for hometown industries. Appalachian School was founded by Dr. Rufus Morgan, one of the most notable characters who ever walked the mountains. When he was a mere boy he wished his parents to use the money that they would spend for Christmas presents for him to buy food for a needy family. Quite early he resolved to devote his life to helping the people of the mountains. During the summers he spent his time tramping and getting to know mountain people. When Morgan graduated from the General Theological Seminary in New York, Bishop Homer of the Episcopal Church purchased the Penland property in Mitchell County so that Rufus Morgan could start a school there. When he and his bride arrived at Penland in 1914 there were two buildings on the site which had been used earlier by Mr. Wesley Conley for his "Seven Springs Baptist Industrial School." Morgan began his program of erecting buildings, making roads, establishing water systems, planting crops, administering to the physical needs of the people, molding character, and raising the level of spiritual life of the people and giving himself �164 / Part II: A Changing Society to the community. This work established, Morgan left Penland in 1918. He was succeeded by Miss Amy Burt, who was joined in 1920 by Miss Lucy Morgan, whose name became nearly synonymous with the later Penland School.* Bishop lves' interest in Valle Crucis and his establishment of a school for boys there in 1842 has been mentioned. Bishop Cheshire revived interest in Valle Crucis in the 189o's, and a school for girls was built, although boys were admitted as day students. Fire destroyed one of the buildings in 1919 and two teachers lost their lives. During World War II the school was permanently closed, and the campus and buildings arc used for conferences. The John C. Campbell Folk School was named for the author of The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. Campbell believed that the folk schools of Denmark had much to offer as models for the mountain people of North Carolina. The school is a noble and continuing experiment in adult education, a workshop for creative living. Its 366 acres of peaceful, rolling dairyland in Clay County, eight miles southeast of Murphy, its craft school, its folk music and dancing are the fulfillment of a dream ofJohn C. Campbell. Its purpose is to help people to "do beautiful things with hands and minds, to be a workshop for life." Campbell died in 1919 before his school had materialized, but his wife made his dream come true. She went to Denmark to study. She sought to answer the question: how to keep an enlightened, progressive, and contented farming population on the land. Mrs. Campbell realized that agricultural improvement had to go hand in hand with enlightenment. Therefore the John C. Campbell School has taught its students improved methods of dairying and farming. They farm the 366 acres scientifically. The school has sought to make the farmers in its area self-sufficient and contented, to make them prosperous and creative, to give them "economic independence based on self-help." In 1925 the school was incorporated with the approval of the Conference of Southern Mountain Workers. The American Missionary Association (Congregational), the Board of National Missions of the Presbyterian church in the U.S.A., and the National Council of the Protestant Episcopal Church contributed toward * The Penland School was started as a handicraft department run in conjunction with the Appalachian School but with many adults participating. When the Appalachian School was discontinued Penland School continued to operate, and it purchased the land and buildings of Appalachian School. �Church Related and Private Institutions of Learning J 165 its support. The first classes were held in the winter of1927-1928. Subjects were simple field surveying, construction of model farm equipment, cooking and sewing, grammar, reading, writing, arithmetic of the most practical kind, lectures in history, literature, economic geography, health, daily music, agricultural science, bookkeeping, forestry, wood carving, weaving. The school did not give credits, but it sought to help young people to utilize fully their natural abilities and to make life in the country more interesting and rewarding. Students laughed, sang, danced, discussed, as well as worked. The philosophy of the school was to get students of the school to think and read and to let them work the rest for themselves. Annual dance courses were taught. Mrs. Campbell went to Massachusetts to see Cecil Sharp, the great English collector of songs and dances. He and she went through the country collecting folk tunes, songs, and ballads. The John C. Campbell Folk School still operates on the pattern of the Danish Folk School. It has some fifteen buildings used for school purposes, faculty homes, and dairying and farm outbuildings. The great part of the acreage is used for demonstration of scientific farming and forestry. An experimental school that does not fit into any pattern was Black Mountain College, founded in 1933 by a small group of faculty and administrators from Rollins College at Winter Park, Florida. They hoped to develop students who were able to "creatively meet the demands of our century." Major emphasis was placed on music, drama, creative writing, and the visual arts, painting, drawing, graphics, and architecture. Josef Albers, a former Bauhaus teacher, and his wife Anni were hired as the Visual Arts Department, and a place was won by their students of Black Mountain College that was significant in the world of modern art. With the resignation of Josef and Anni Albers the major emphasis of study changed to creative writing, and a literary review was produced. The college ceased to function in 1956, but the people who had studied there were reaching a stage of great influence in art and writing. While no degrees or credits had been offered, those students who had chosen to do further work were admitted to important graduate schools. �CHAPTER EIGHT Teacher Education ((And gladly would they learn and gladly teach." In the last fourth of the nineteenth century the General Assembly sought to improve teacher education by supporting normal schools and institutes. In I893 and I903 it began the support of the Cullowhee Normal and the Appalachian Training schools. As these schools evolved to become regional universities in 1967, they provided most of the teacher training for Western North Carolina. Legislation in I 876- I 877 provided for two normal schools, one at the state university and one for Negroes. President Kemp Plummer Battle of the university held summer normal schools until 1885. Although the plan of the General Assembly had been that only men would be accepted at the normal school in Chapel Hill, both men and women were enrolled. Some of the young men who were in attendance during the academic year, particularly Edwin A. Alderman and Charles Duncan Mciver, were persuaded to remain for the normal school where they were permanently won to the profession. Their work was to revolutionize the schools of the state. Teacher training as provided for by the Act of 1887 was carried on for Negroes at Fayetteville. To each of the two normal schools the state paid $2ooo and the Peabody Fund added $soo. Many books were contributed r66 �Teacher Education / 167 by publishers for use in the normal schools. The State Educational Association of 1872 formed at Wilmington must have passed out of existence, as in 1878 in Chapel Hill a North Carolina Teachers Association was formed, and again the organization of county associations was encouraged. Chapel Hill was a long way from the westernmost counties, and in 1879 only three Western North Carolina counties were represented in the student body of the normal. It was good news for the western counties when in 1881 the legislature provided for eight additional normal schools, four for white teachers and four for Negroes. To finance these, the state paid $500 to each and the Peabody Fund furnished $250 each. The one normal school in the mountains was at Franklin. Throughout the years that it was held, the majority of the members were from Macon County, and the county's schools came to be recognized as superior. When the normal in Chapel Hill was discontinued in 1885, four additional ones were created for white teachers, including schools at Boone and Asheville. The Boone Normal School was offered only two summers, after which it was transferred to Sparta, where in 1887 it was held from July 6 to 28. Charles Duncan Mciver, a young graduate of the state university who had attended the normal school at Chapel Hill, served as superintendent of the Sparta Normal, for which he received $125. His report of the Sparta school reveals some of the values and deficiencies of the normals: "Of the teachers who attended the Boone normal last year, not more than ten were at the Sparta normal. In fact there was only one teacher from Watauga County. Furthermore, from So to 90 per cent of the attendant teachers at Sparta had never seen any Normal School before. This indicates that the majority of teachers do not (often they cannot) go a great distance to attend normal schools. Small salaries and short terms render it, in many cases, impossible. Generally, too, these cases need Normal instruction more than any others. Normal Schools, or efficient County Institutes, should be brought within the reach of every teacher in the State. The locating of the school at Sparta this year is a move in that direction." The superintendent of the Asheville Normal School in the summer of 1887 was another of the bright young men who had attended the University Normal School, Edwin A. Alderman. Teaching arithmetic and reading in the Asheville Normal in 1887 was Philander P. Claxton. In that year Asheville voted �I 68 J Part II: A Changing Society to be a special charter school district with a graded school, and Philander Claxton was elected superintendent of the Asheville schools. A native of Tennessee, Claxton had studied at Johns Hopkins University, after which he had spent six months in Germany studying the school system. His biographer says that he brought enthusiasm and new methods and that he and his teachers indoctrinated Asheville for support of better schools. At teachers' meetings papers on Froebel, Rousseau, and Pestalozzi were read, and interest ranged from kindergartens and Greek education to psychology and methods of teaching special subjects. Mciver had referred to county institutes, which were being conducted in a number of the western counties. As early as 1878 Dr. Alexander Graham, superintendent of the Charlotte schools, conducted such institutes, with the aid of the Peabody Fund, and in 1881 the General Assembly passed a law permitting counties to hold institutes, really short normal schools, toward the support of each of which the state would pay $100. In 1883 Rutherford County held two such institutes, one for white teachers attended by thirty-five persons, and one the week following for Negro teachers. Polk County held a four-weeklong institute and Henderson County had a two-week one. The North Carolina Teacher, a magazine published privately in Raleigh, commented: "From these brief points you will observe that the mountains are alive to the great educational movement of the State." President Battle of the State University delivered two lectures at an institute in Sparta which caused him to write: "I have always been favorably impressed with the mountain people. The ordinary notion of their want of culture is a mistake. Some may lack the refined manners of the low counties but they are kind and hospitable and many are shrewd. Some of our ablest and most attractive orators were reared in the mountains." In 1883 a North Carolina teachers' chautauqua was suggested by the North Carolina Teacher. Again in 1884 in the February issue the idea was explored. The proprietor of White Sulphur Springs at Waynesville invited the teachers to spend a month there, and the Western North Carolina Railroad, newly completed to that point, offered low fares. The chautauqua was held beginning on June 16, 1884, and lasting two weeks. It differed from the normal schools in that there were no textbooks and no assignments. Colonel Francis W. Parker, who later became famous as founder and principal of the Chicago Institute, an �Teacher Education / 169 experimental school of the University of Chicago, was one of the speakers. The railroad offered a ticket that would permit teachers to attend the Franklin Normal School at the close of the chautauqua. Room and board for this vacation in the mountains cost six dollars per week at the hotel and from three to five dollars at homes in Waynesville. The North Carolina Teacher carried the appeal, "We want to give the pupils in our schools some idea of the State's gigantic system of internal improvements, as seen in the completion of the Western North Carolina Railroad, and the extension of the Ducktown Branch. The ride across the Blue Ridge Mountains reveals one of the most remarkable feats of engineering skill on earth .... As the train climbs up and winds around those great mountains, rising one hundred and sixteen feet to each mile traveled, often shooting through a dark and rocky tunnel and over the steepest of trestles the grandeur of the view far exceeds the expectation of the most brilliant imagination." Perhaps this was the first convention held in Western North Carolina by any group, and the enthusiasm of the members was great. Railroad officials cooperated, providing a special train for the group of one hundred teachers who boarded at Goldsboro and the additional one hundred who joined them at Raleigh. By the time the train reached White Sulphur Springs there were three hundred aboard. The train was divided into two sections to cross the mountains, and at one time the first section was passing over a portion of the road one thousand feet above the other section, causing much applause as the passengers experienced this wonderful sight. Both sections stopped for breakfast at the new Round Knob Hotel, and the party enjoyed the Round Knob Fountain which threw water nearly three hundred feet in the air. During the chautauqua provisions were made for recreation, and on the fourth day about seventy-five teachers rode horseback to the peak of Lickstone Mountain, with Wid Medford, celebrated bear hunter and mountain guide, to lead them. The next two annual sessions of the teachers' chautauqua were held at Black Mountain, after which a permanent building was erected at Morehead City, where subsequent chautauquas were offered. The county institutes had been held during the months of July and August, and attendance was optional. As many of the rural teachers had no education except what they received in the district schools, further training was essential. The State �170 / Part II: A Changing Society Round Knob, where the trains stopped for passengers to eat. Note the winding track ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. The fountain (geyser) at Round Knob �Teacher Education / 171 Board of Education in 1889 decided to select two competent men as institute conductors to carry on the work throughout the entire year, requiring the dismissal of school at the time of the institute in any county and making teacher attendance compulsory. The four thousand dollars hitherto appropriated for normal schools annually was now assigned to the support of institutes and other work for the instruction of teachers. The rules for holding institutes were made by the State Board of Education, while the board of education in each county was expected to provide a suitable place and to defray all local expenses, including the room and board of the conductor of the institute. The county superintendent was to assist the conductor and to help administer a permissiv~ examination at the end of the institute. Those who passed would receive three-year first-grade teachers' certificates which could be used in any county in the state. Edwin A. Alderman and Charles D. Mciver, both of whom had been superintendents of normal schools, were selected as institute conductors. They felt that "the logical approach to the southern educational problem was through the teacher and his training." Perhaps it was because of the influence of the two that the normals were discontinued and the state institutes were started. Not only were the institutes to serve as a pedagogical shortcut, reaching every teacher in the state, but Alderman and Mciver believed that "the gospel of education'' must be taken to everyone: parents, committeemen, and the public at large. It was impossible for two men to hold an institute in every county, and Dr. J. L. M. Curry, agent of the Peabody Fund, gave money to enable the State Board of Education to employ M. C. S. Noble, J. Y. Joyner, and E. P. Moses during July and August of 1889, and the same men plus Alexander Graham, John J. Blair, and E. L. Hughes in July and August 1890. In the western counties Negro teachers attended the same institutes as whites, the Negroes sitting apart in a place assigned to them. Mciver and Alderman divided the state, Mciver holding institutes from the foothills to the western boundary the first year, staying a week or two in each county. After working with teachers and trustees of schools he would hold at last a "Peoples' Day" in which he addressed the public in churches, warehouses, schoolhouses, on local problems and on public education. Emphasis was placed on "lack of uniformity in textbooks, want of interest on the part of parents and committeemen, the perpetual �172 / Part II: A Changing Society change of teachers and the inadequacy of records they left behind them, and the want of general supervisory power, ... the work of the county superintendent being largely clerical." The following year Alderman held institutes in the west. He outlined his and Mciver's purposes in these categories: I. To carry to the people definite knowledge of the educational work resting on the public schools; 2. To carry to the doors of the public school teachers, who could not seek it, definite instruction as to the meaning of teaching and the teacher's office, and training in scientific methods of teaching; 3. To make suggestions that would tend to perfect and increase the efficiency of the system. Among the points of concern emphasized by Alderman and Mciver in their reports concerning the institutes were the use of Webster's spelling book by about half of the schools, which produced children who could not read but who "spelled through" the speller; children who knew more or less grammar but could not write simple English decently; children who had "been over" arithmetic but "had no grasp upon the simple essentials of that science." The two criticized the bad schoolhouses and poorly trained teachers. Alderman wrote, "I find that only a small fraction of the teachers have had the advantages of any ampler training than that offered by the public schools ... [ ; ] professional training for their difficult work they have had but little. About twelve per cent of them have read a technical work on teaching." Alexander Graham who conducted institutes in the summer of I 890 gave in his report a glimpse of educational progress in the counties that he visited. He was pleased with the interest shown in education in Madison County. Thirty-seven schoolhouses had been constructed during the past six years, ten of them costing $1200 apiece, twenty-five costing $soo each; only two were built of logs. Yet only twelve teachers attended the institute. In contrast was the one held in Waynesville, where seventy teachers attended and visitors occupied all of the remaining space in the room. In Graham County the message of the institute, that "Every child has the same right to be educated as he has to be free; the one right is as sacred as the other," was opposed by some, one person being heard to remark, "Men who talk like that ought to be lynched." Thirty teachers attended the institute at Robbinsville in Graham County, and a group of four or five hundred Republicans and Democrats listened to Graham, but he was dissatisfied with the reception ofhis address. �Teacher Education / 173 Later when he visited Franklin he attributed his success there to the influence of the splendid normal schools that had been held in the town for so many years, and he lamented, "Oh, Franklin! if the mighty educational work which had been done for thee had been done in Robbinsville, it would have repented long ago." At Hayesville he addressed the Farmers' Alliance. The crowd was large and the interest was great. He called Clay "the banner county on education" and complimented the county on the establishment of Hayesville College and its influence, concluding, "I think they will have four more schools of high grade in Clay in the near future." [The college had 190 students, but it lasted only one year.] Clay County had a small population, and there were only eighteen white teachers, six of whom received three-year certificates during the course of the institute, an unusually large percentage to qualify for that honor. At Webster, Jackson County, eight certificates were issued and at Waynesville nine certificates were earned. Graham wrote, "I never met a nicer people or more earnest teachers, and I was struck with the absence of old teachers. I examined not more than three gray heads." In eight counties he addressed over four thousand people on education and free schools and issued fiftythree certificates. The institutes were almost like a great religious revival, and their influence was inestimable for the inspiration they gave in the movement for educated teachers in the mountainous portion of the state. In r 889 the county board of education of Jackson County held an institute at Webster, followed by a state institute in charge of Edward P. Moses, one of North Carolina's most dynamic educational leaders, superintendent of the Raleigh schools, who had taught at the summer normal school at Chapel Hill and had won some great disciples for the teaching profession. Among the teachers attending the institutes at Webster was Robert Lee Madison, who was to found a future state university in the mountains. A youth from Lexington, Virginia, Madison had come to Jackson County in December 1885 at the age of nineteen to teach in the Qualla community. By r889 he was serving in two capacities, editor of the newly-established Tuckaseigee Democrat in the new town of Sylva on the Ducktown Branch of the �174 / Part II: A Changing Society Western North Carolina Railroad, and teacher for the second year in the school at Sylva. This was a subscription school, the public money having been spent for "patent desks." The fortyodd students ranged in age from six to twenty-three, and the subject matter, from the ABC's to algebra, rhetoric, and French. Madison's stay in Sylva, he looked upon as "marking time," although he had abandoned his plan to study medicine and had decided that teaching was to be his profession. To prepare for his profession he had accumulated eight or ten first class books on the subject. A small group of his students volunteered for a class in practice-teaching which he had organized, and he dreamed of a permanent school for educating teachers. In July when Madison attended both of the institutes in Webster he was won by Moses as Mel ver and Alderman had been. Madison later reminisced: "As never before I became inspired. The effects of his [Moses'] mastery of the principles of education and of his stirring style and contagious enthusiasm for the sacred vocation of teaching were irresistible and convinced me more than ever that ... I must devote myself to teaching ... and find my work here in these delectable mountains." As the institute closed Moses was impressed with young Madison's examination paper, and after a talk with him offered him the principalship of a high school in Raleigh, but the offer was declined as the young man chose to stay in the mountains. Later that year Madison accepted an invitation to teach the rural Cullowhee High School in Jackson County. With forty public school children it drew only forty dollars a year from county funds and a few cents a year per capita from the state treasury, totaling just enough to pay a teacher $22.50 a month for a two-month term. Yet the patrons of the school guaranteed a salary of $400 for a ten-month year. The publicspirited community intended to have a good school. Boarding students from other districts were welcomed and were housed in the neighborhood at prices ranging from four to six dollars a month. Some of the "school-minded men" even put up little houses or "shacks" or allowed students to build such houses on their land, so they might "batch" and keep the cost at "the vanishing point." Enrollment grew rapidly to approximately one hundred and the school was obviously a success. The following year Cullowhee High School attracted students from neighboring South Carolina as well as from other counties and had a staff of three teachers including the principal, Madison, �Teacher Education / 175 a nmsic and art instructor, and a primary teacher. Commencement in I 890 was colorful, lasting three days. A sermon was preached by D. B. Nelson of Asheville and an address was given by Kope Elias, prominent lawyer of Franklin. Madison recalled: "Music for the occasion was furnished by the Cherokee Indian brass band of sixteen instruments played by Indian boys in uniform. Large crowds attended all the exercises and basket-dinner in abundance was served each day. Such was the lavish hospitality of the community that for three days, all visitors from a distance were housed and ted- and their horses too- without charge. Some near-by homes had as many as fifty for a single meal; and when the beds were all full, pallets of quilts were spread upon the floors, so that if accommodations could not be palatial they could at least be palletable." In I 8y3 Madison saw an opportunity to make his dream come true. The state was experiencing a momentum toward practical education as a part of a movement of the farmers in North Carolina as in many other states to organize for their common interest. In I 887 an influential Farmers' Alliance was fostered in the state by Colonel L. L. Polk and his periodical, The Pro~~;ressive Farmer. Farmers had serious financial problems during the eighties and nineties and they were convinced of the benefits to be enjoyed from better public schools and from colleges that could provide a practical education. Under the influence of a crusade for agricultural education the State Agricultural and Mechanical College was established near Raleigh in 1887. In 1890 a large number of farmers were elected to the legislature, and in 1891 the "farmers' legislature" established the Normal and Industrial School for White Girls and the Agricultural and Technical College for Negroes, both at Greensboro, and the School for the Deaf and Dumb at Morganton. In this rash of legislation for schools, Madison perceived an opportunity for an appropriation for a normal department at Cullowhee. He first proposed to Walter E. Moore, member of the General Assembly from his district, that he introduce a bill to establish a normal department in connection with some existing high school in each of the nine congressional districts in the state, providing $3000 to each, a total of $27,000. The state would have no capital outlay and all of the public schools in the state would benefit from improvement of teachers. When Moore replied that such a bill would have no chance to pass �176 / Part II: A Changing Society at that session, Madison asked him to introduce a bill providing $3000 for a normal department at Cullowhee. The measure passed with an annual appropriation of$1500, as one act in a decade of legislation for higher education. In 1895 a fusion legislature dominated by Republicans and Populists established a normal department at Slater Industrial Academy at Winston, for Negroes, which had been in operation for three years as a private institution named for John F. Slater, philanthropist. The school grew into Winston-Salem State Teachers College, and in 1969 the General Assembly designated it Winston-Salem State University. It and the Salisbury Normal School established in 1881 and abolished in 1903 were the only ones in the western half of the state for training Negro teachers, and they were too far away from the mountain counties to help the Negro teachers there. As salaries of Negro teachers were less than those of white teachers, the Negroes in Western North Carolina were almost invariably men or women with no preparation for the work. Biddle University at Charlotte, now Johnson C. Smith University, offered normal school work, but graduates of the university found employment in the cities where pay and living conditions were better than the rural schools offered. The law that created the appropriation for Cullowhee placed its normal department under the care and supervision of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction, who had power to regulate it and to discontinue it if he found the department inefficient or unnecessary. The principal of the high school was authorized to confer three-year first-grade certificates valid throughout the state to graduates. Students preparing to teach were not required to pay tuition. By 1894 the appropriation began to pay dividends when twelve normal-course graduates went out to teach. The next year sixteen first-grade certificates were granted. In I 899 Principal Madison reported that seventy-six students representing seven counties were attending the normal school and that eighty had been granted scholarships for the 1900-1901 term. The department had furnished more than two hundred public school teachers, most of them teaching in the rural schools. He characterized the work of the department as a "unique and very necessary one." He admitted that the work of the Normal and Industrial College and of the Department of Pedagogy at the state university was of a much higher order than the �Teacher Education j 177 QUALIFICATIONS OF WHITE AND COLORED TEACHERS IN WESTERN NORTH CAROLINA, I9II-I9I2, IN SOME COUNTIES County 1St Grade 2nd Grade 3rd Grade Normal Training College Diploma White Ashe Buncombe Rural Asheville Burke Clay Henderson Rural Hendersonville Macon Madison Mitchell Wilkes Rural N. Wilkesboro Jackson Watauga 774 132 132 IS I4 54 36 4 4 4 86 44 53 r6 42 6 3 17 14 9 so 41 25 46 :l2 30 14 5 28 55 120 PER CENT OF TOTAL 16 37 7 3 3 55 5 6 4 12 6 5 4 10 2 44% 20% -4% 25% Colored Ashe Bunco me Rural Asheville Burke Clay Henderson Rural Hendersonville Macon Madison Mitchell Wilkes Rural N. Wilkesboro Jackson Watauga PER CENT OF TOTAL Source: Biennial Report, IO 8 IO I I 3 17 9 5 2 5 2 4 4 4 6 2 r6 10 2 2 2 3 52% 1910-1912. 4 0/ 10 �178 / Part II: A Changing Society Cullowhee institution was able to offer; but the two former were preparing teachers for academies, city schools, and some of the colleges. He wrote: "Our sphere, while an humbler one, most largely affects the great body of public school children outside of the towns. Our specific work is to prepare teachers for the rural and village elementary schools, and there is no other State institution, so far as we know, that is doing this to any appreciable extent .... It is just as necessary that normal instruction of teachers be provided for as that the term of rural public schools should be lengthened. 'As is the teacher, so is the school.' '' The curriculum was that of the secondary school with teacher training courses added. The academic instruction included spelling and defining, arithmetic, grammar, composition, English literature, elementary algebra, United States history, North Carolina history, civil government, political and physical geography, physiology and hygiene, physics, and elementary Latin. The professional work consisted of theory and practice of teaching, principles of education, history of education, psychology applied to teaching, lectures, and professional reading. From this beginning the school grew to be Western Carolina University, discussed earlier. A new building was completed at Cullowhee for the Normal department in 1904, most of the $7,500 required having been subscribed by private individuals. It was located in a wooded tract of about three and one-fourth acres contributed by David Rogers and named in his honor "Rogers Park." The demand for graduates was so great that it could not be met. A summer school was held in the summer of 1904 with a faculty of seven, including E. P. Moses. Teachers from Graham, Clay, Macon, Haywood, and Transylvania counties as well as from Jackson attended and Madison hoped to make the summer school a permanent feature of the school's work. He asked that the annual appropriation for succeeding years include funds for summer schools on a larger scale. He ended his report for 1904 with the assurance that the "patriotic legislators" would encourage in every way the work which "means so much in this promising, yet long-neglected section of our State." Madison remarked in the 1904 report that there were "demands for the establishment of similar institutions in other parts of the state," and he encouraged the legislature to continue and to enlarge provisions for training young men and women �Teacher Education / 179 for teaching in the rural and village elementary schools. This advice had already been acted upon by the General Assembly in 1903. In 1902 Principal Madison had met Blanford Barnard Dougherty, co-principal with his brother, Dauphin Disco, of the Watauga Academy in Boone. The two brothers had built the academy, 1899-1900, furnishing half the money from their own assets and cash. The rest was contributed by citizens in the area as a result of a fund-raising campaign that reached across the county, the gifts ranging from twenty-five cents to the $soo from Moses H. Cone, industrialist, who had a summer home in Blowing Rock. The total of the contributions was said to be near $1100. B. B. Dougherty had degrees from CarsonNewman College and from the state university, while Dauphin Disco Dougherty had his bachelor's degree from Wake Forest College, which the younger brother had also attended for one year. Both brothers had been teachers in academies and in Holly Springs College. Edwin A. Alderman had been president of the state university when Blanford Dougherty was a student there, and M. C. S. Noble had been Professor of Pedagogy. Both no doubt influenced the young man's interest in teacher training, as did his employment in the summer of 1899 holding institutes in eight counties along the Blue Ridge. Blanford Dougherty was county superintendent of Watauga County at the time the new academy was built, and from the beginning some of Watauga Academy's graduates became teachers. So when he met Robert Lee Madison in the summer of 1902 while both were serving as instructors in the summer school at Mars Hill College, he learned about Cullowhee's appropriation from the state for the support of a normal department. He plied Madison with questions about how to get state aid for teacher training, and by the end of the summer he had fixed his determination on turning Watauga Academy into a teacher-training school with state support. Captain Edward F. Lovill wrote a bill and Dougherty himself went to Raleigh to present his case- his first visit to the state legislature. He later told about his harrowing experiences. Governor Aycock, President Mciver of the Normal and Industrial College, the president of the state university, and the State Superintendent of Public Instruction were all against starting a new training school. Perhaps they remembered how ineffective the eight normal schools of the 188o's had been. After William Newland of Lenoir agreed to present the bill, he and Dougherty waited three weeks to get �I 8o / Part II: A Changing Society a hearing before the Committee on Education. That committee reported unfavorably, but a favorable minority report made it possible to place the Newland Bill before the General Assembly. Dougherty made an hour-long speech to a joint session, and the House passed the bill, but the Senate vote was a tie. Clyde Hoey, a senator from Cleveland County, the presiding officer in the Senate at the time, voted in favor of the measure and thus it passed. Henceforth Blanford Dougherty was to visit Raleigh during the sessions of every General Assembly until his retirement as president of Appalachian State Teachers College in 1954. The school, to be called the Appalachian Training School, would receive an appropriation of $I 500 for a building, when a like amount had been paid by private individuals, and an annual payment of$2ooo for teachers' salaries and maintenance. Tuition was to be free to all who would sign a pledge to teach two years in the public schools of North Carolina. Nowhere in the act was Watauga Academy mentioned. The board of trustees for Appalachian Training School, members of which were appointed in the law, were to open books for subscriptions to the building fund and to choose a site for the training school. Several communities in three counties competed for the new school and made offers of land, money, and buildings. Boone offered $1000 and the use of Watauga Academy, and the board of trustees voted to make Boone the permanent location of the school, with Watauga Academy serving as its first home. This school became Appalachian State University in 1967. Friends of Cullowhee in the General Assembly favored the passage of the Newland Act, and from 1903 until 1912 when Madison's first administration ended, he and Dougherty cooperated in winning support for the two training schools. (Cullowhee's name was changed in 1905 to Cullowhee Normal and Industrial School.) In 1908 the legislature voted to establish a third training school for teachers in the eastern part of the state at Greenville. A number of efforts were made from time to time to abolish both of the western schools and to establish one more centrally located in or near Asheville. The greatest threat came in I9II when Dr. George T. Winston, former president of the state university and the State Agricultural and Mechanical College, upon his retirement to Asheville became a spokesman for a training school in Asheville and introduced a bill in the General Assembly to establish in Asheville a western training school. Both Dougherty and Madison were in Raleigh �Teacher Education I 181 working against Winston's measure and it was rejected by the Appropriations Committee. Again an effort was made in 1915 when Governor Locke Craig, a resident of Asheville, in his gubernatorial address asked the General Assembly to establish in the western part of the state a school similar to the one at Greenville. Craig completely ignored the two existing training schools, but it was understood that he would have the new institution absorb the ones at Cullowhee and Boone. The lawmakers rejected the proposal by a slight majority. The trustees of the Appalachian Training School elected B. B. Dougherty Superintendent and D. D. Dougherty Principal. There were at the beginning four other faculty members, one of whom was Mrs. D. D. Dougherty. Three terms were held, a three-month fall term, a spring one of four months, and one in the summer of two months. The public school of Boone was incorporated in the training school and all between the ages of six and twenty-one could attend the free term in the fall. They might attend the other terms by paying a small fee. Students from a distance were given room and board at twentyfive cents per day. In the suburbs of Boone near the Watauga Academy a tract of four and one-half acres was purchased for $212.50, and a brick building (which continued in use until it was demolished in 1967 to make way for a new administration building) was erected at the cost of $7000, of which $3000 was contributed by three hundred people, many of them poor. The building consisted of four classrooms, a library, office, music room, art room, and auditorium. Three hundred twenty-four students attended during the first year, one hundred ninety being public school teachers. Fifty-one came from a distance and paid tuition. In 1907 the General Assembly provided for rural public high schools, but it was many years before such were established in Western North Carolina and the two training schools continued to offer high school subjects with the teacher training superimposed. In 1917 a State Educational Commission was created by law to investigate various features of public education. The commission was authorized by the statute to call upon any source for aid, and the General Education Board was asked for advice. The study of North Carolina's schools was placed in the hands of Dr. Frank P. Bachman, working in cooperation with Dr. Wallace Buttruch, president, and Dr. Abraham Flexner, secretary of the General Education Board. Concerning Cullowhee �I 82 / Part II: A Changing Society Boys and girls were segregated at Appalachian Training School. The building on the left was the original Watauga Academy Normal and Appalachian Training School, the report concluded that these were "of non-standard type which must for the present necessarily be of lower grade, that is, admit students who have less than a standard four-year high school course." This, the commission believed necessary because, they said, "only three counties in the western part of the state, Cherokee, Buncombe, and Haywood, had standard high schools." The recommendation of the commission was that henceforth both training schools leave all high school instruction to such high schools as should be established in the mountain sections and concentrate on normal school work for elementary teachers. The commission urged, "[These schools] should admit students who have completed the seventh grade of elementary schools and graduates of non-standard high schools, and give them a two, three, or four year course planned to meet the needs of elementary teachers. No graduates from standard high schools should be admitted; such graduates would go to Chapel Hill, to Greensboro, or to Greenville, or to private colleges offering courses in education . . .. Both schools are well located to serve their respective sections, and if properly developed and equipped should graduate at least 100 elementary teachers a year." �Teacher Education / I 83 During the next decade the histories of the two schools were roughly parallel, because legislative action applied to both of them. Cullowhee State Normal and Industrial School had been upgrading its curriculum for several years, and by the academic year I9I7-I9I8 it was offering two years of college work. In 1921-1922 the high school had separated from the college, although it remained on the same campus. Two years later a plan was inaugurated to have the high school absorbed by the local school system under the joint sponsorship of the normal school and the county board of education. The local public school after that time served as a laboratory and practice center for the college. Governor Cameron Morrison showed an interest in the two western schools and pledged his support for an increased appropriation and expansion of their programs. In 1921 the General Assembly made Appalachian a standard two-year normal. There, as at Cullowhee, the elementary and secondary schools would be sponsored jointly by the county board of education and the normal school. Physical plants and enrollments grew, and in 1925 the legislature granted new charters to both institutions and changed their names to Appalachian State Normal School and Cullowhee State Normal School. Enrollment continued to increase and the administrations of both began to plan ways to expand the usefulness of the normal schools to the areas they served. The tendency of normal schools in the nation was to expand to four-year college programs, as state requirements for the education of teachers were advanced. Consequently the General Assembly in 1929 again changed the names of the schools, to Appalachian State Teachers College and Western Carolina Teachers College. The two were now qualified to educate teachers for high schools and were admitted to membership in the American Association of Teachers Colleges, later renamed the American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education. Eventually both were accredited by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools. Their further development into multi-purpose universities was discussed in a preceeding chapter. �CHAPTER NINE From the Heart) the Hand) and the Head To create handicrafts that are beautiful satisfies a basic human need. Handicrafts arc creative, often emotionally pleasurable. They are popular, cherished by their collectors and purchasers. They recreate artifacts of the past and they become the art works of the present and the future. They are usually the product of the leisure time of their craftcrs. They are wonderful as an avocation. Their sale brings added money, like surplus value, to their creators, but it seldom brings in an income sufficient to enable their makers to lead a good life. Handicrafts are, however, the products of the heart, the hand, and the head. When people moved into the mountains, "took up land," built their cabins, made their homes, they had to be self-sufficient. For their necessities and to satisfy their creative urges they fostered and developed their handicrafts. They had to furnish their mountain homes or log cabins with wooden articles and furniture hand crafted from the native forest. They had to make their beds, tables, chairs - all of their furniture. These articles of wooden furniture were necessary, useful, and often artistic. Corn had many uses. Cornmeal was a useful food for people; corn fed livestock; corn shucks were used for bed ticks, to braid collars for mules and horses, to make mats for the cabin door-way and floor, and to make dolls for girls and toys for children. Chair covers were made from corn shucks, pipes from corncobs and reeds. �From the Heart, the Hand, and the Head / 185 Basket making required skill and ingenuity. Baskets were made of oak splits, willow switches, or wild honeysuckle vine. They were used for barter, and the art of basket making was passed on from father to son. Many mountain craftsmen made musical instruments: banjos, fiddles, .guitars, dulcimers, recorders, and shepherds' pipes. The instruments were necessary for the square dances or "play party games" or to accompany the singing of old ballads and carols. Potters' clay or kaolin was plentiful and there were a number of potteries in which churns, crocks, jugs, plates, pitchers, and dishes were made. Moist clay was held against the potter's kick-wheel and clay was shaped into the desired piece. These shaped pieces were then baked in kilns. There were iron mines and forges called bloomeries. In 1788 the North Carolina legislature passed a law granting three thousand acres of cultivable land to anyone who would build a forge and carry on iron making. These bloomeries were necessary for making iron for horse shoes, kettles, plows, the metal parts of wagons. Three early forges were in Buncombe County, and in 1820 mining began at Cranberry. The crude iron was processed at the mine into bars. The bars were then bound together and hauled by oxcarts to blacksmiths. The pioneer blacksmiths made kettles, cranes, and irons for fireplaces, axes, knives, nails, rifle barrels, and many farm tools. For generations members of the same families were famous blacksmiths and gunsmiths, like the members of the Boone family of Burnsville who have made artistic pieces of wrought iron. Daniel Boone VI of Burnsville did wrought iron work for the Williamsburg restoration and ornamental iron work for the Hound Ears Lodge. Many mountaineers raised sheep, and most women carded and spun the wool and wove the cloth for use in the house and for clothing for all members of the family. Many of them took pride in the beautiful bedspreads that they wove, and every woman wanted at least one fancy quilt. Pieces of colored cloth were woven, saved, and then pieced into the designs of these quilts, which were and still are made in many pretty patterns. The bedspreads or coverlets often called "kiverlids" were made of wool woven on to a flax or cotton warp. They were dyed into lovely soft colors with home-made vegetable dyes. With the coming of the railroads and the highways the mountain handicrafts declined. Cheap cotton cloth largely �I 86 / Part II: A Changing Society supplanted handwoven materials; and metal tools, utensils, and objects could be bought from hardware stores more cheaply and in greater variety than they could be made by village blacksmiths. Although mountain families had little cash, they bartered eggs, chickens, dried fruit, herbs, furs, cordwood, galax leaves for these "storebought" articles. Only a few women continued to weave. The old women forgot how to read "drafts" (pattern drawings) and to make the old familiar patterns. The art, the craft, the skill requisite for weaving cloth and designing quilts and coverlets were disappearing and being lost in North Carolina when in 1895 Miss Frances Goodrich was presented a forty-year-old coverlet as a gift. With the coverlet was a "draft" for the "Double Bowknot" pattern. Miss Goodrich, an Ohioan, and a woman companion were living in Brittain's Cove twelve miles north of Asheville and running a school there. These women were interested in the social and cultural welfare of the mountain people. Miss Goodrich was much impressed by the beauty of the coverlet. She sent it to friends in the North and asked if there would be a market for artistic handicrafts like coverlets, quilts, and hand-woven materials. When she learned that there was an avid market, particularly for woven items, she organized the women in the neighborhood. They located old looms and experienced weavers, especially the ones who knew how to do vegetable dyeing. Younger women began to learn to weave from the older ones, and the coverlets woven in the mountain homes and cabins found a ready sale. Miss Goodrich set up a roadside market near Marshall on the main highway leading from Tennessee to South Carolina. I-lere a man named Allan had had a stand for drovers during the turnpike days. He had pens for the stock and accommodations for the drovers. As a result Miss Goodrich chose the name the Allanstand Cottage Industries. An annual exhibit of Allanstand Crafts was held in Asheville, and in 1917 a permanent salesroom was opened in that city to show these products, particularly to the well-to-do visitors who were interested in creative crafts. This venture was so successful that the Allanstand Cottage Industries were incorporated. Except for a small dividend to the stockholders, the profits were to go to the craftswomen and craftsmen of the mountains. In 1931 Miss Goodrich gave the Allanstand Industries to the Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild. �From the Heart, the Hand, and the Head / 187 Miss Goodrich thus was a pioneer in popularizing and preserving mountain crafts. Her aims were to give paying work to women whose homes were too isolated to enable them to market their wares; to give these mountain women a new hope and a new interest; to save from extinction the old crafts and to produce artifacts of beauty and value. In addition to coverlets, bedspreads, quilts, the Allanstand Industries produced and sold table runners, mats, pillow and dresser covers. Mrs. George W. Vanderbilt was interested in mountain people. To aid some of them to secure economic competence, she established a school in Biltmore Village shortly after 1900. She employed Miss Eleanor P. Vance and Miss Charlotte Yale to teach the people carding, spinning, weaving, dyeing fabrics suitable for men's suits. The original intent was to secure the wool from the sheep on Biltmore Estate and to have the wool prepared for weaving in the mountain homes. The woven product was rough. Misses Vance and Yale went to the British Isles to study the production processes used there. As a result the wool for the Biltmore Homespun cloth was imported, and the Biltmore suiting fabrics, exceptional in beauty and wearing quality, were woven locally and with pride. The weaving department of the industries grew rapidly. It was under Mrs. Vanderbilt's personal care until it grew to such size that commercialization was needed. Mr. Fred L. Seely of Asheville bought the industries and moved the establishment and personnel to the site on Sunset Mountain near Grove Park Inn where it has remained. This weaving industry became the largest project of its kind in the world. In the summer of 1914 Rufus Morgan founded the Appalachian School. During the summer of 1913 he had visited every home in the neighborhood. In those homes he found rare old coverlets, blankets, Iinsey-woolsey, and jeans- all hand woven. In the smoke houses and outbuildings were the relics of handhewn looms and spinning wheels. These had been discarded when "store-bought" cloth became readily available. In the home of Aunt Susan Phillips he found a spinning wheel and a loom still being used for weaving. There were many pattern coverlets which she had woven before her eyes had given out. Because of Aunt Susan Phillips and Aunt Cumi Woody, Morgan decided to include hand work in his program of instruction. He wished to train the heart, the hand, and the head, and hand weaving fitted admirably into his scheme. On �188 J Part II: A Changing Society Demonstration of spinning and weaving at the Brinegar cabin on the Blue Ridge Parkway NATIONAL PARK SERVI CE PHOTOS one of his trips to Valle Crucis he found a comparatively young woman who was weaving the patterns and designs of her ancestors but was adapting them to the needs of the present day. This young woman, Mrs. Finley Mast, promised to teach Rufus Morgan's sister Lucy Morgan to weave. Miss Lucy was then a student in a Michigan teachers' college. Rufus Morgan urged his sister to come, to learn weaving from Mrs. Mast, and to teach it at Penland at the institution Morgan had named Appalachian School. Miss Lucy came. In 1923 she learned weaving and began to teach it, both to the girls in the school and to the older women in the community. There was a two-fold purpose in teaching the people to w eave: to perpetuate this native craft and to provide for the people a more abundant living. New efficient looms were taken to the homes of the mountain women and they soon wove "log cabin" rugs. Miss Lucy had to walk to each home to teach the women to warp, beam, and "thread up." By 1925 roads had been built and she could drive in her truck to the homes of the weavers. Next a weaving house was established, and it was difficult to furnish work for all who applied for it. Then Miss Morgan and Miss Burt (who had succeeded Rufus Morgan) had to market and sell the woven products. In 1924 there was a booth at the State Fair in which Miss Morgan sat weaving. The State Department of Vocational Education became interested and employed her as a vocational �From the Heart, the Hand, and the Head / 189 education teacher. She received federal assistance for vocational training for women and girls. Also $1400 worth of woven goods was sold at the Episcopal Church convention in New Orleans. She went to Chicago and studied for nine weeks under Mr. Edward F. Worst, learning very complicated weaving. Shortly afterward, in 1928, a pottery department was added to the Weaving Institute. "Proff" Koch ofChapel Hill (director of the North Carolina Playmakers) christened the organization "the Penland Weavers and Potters." In 1928, $2400 worth of goods was sold at the Episcopal convention and $r8,ooo worth during the year 1929. The Penland School was incorporated in 1929 as a non-profit educational institution. It has six large buildings and a number of smaller ones valued years ago at $240,000. In 1930 Miss Morgan learned to make pewter plates and acquired a set of molds. Next she exhibited these mountain products at the Chicago World's Fair in 1933 and 1934. Here were sold all of the craft products that had accumulated during the depression years. The school course now includes weaving, ceramics, metal work, enameling, woodworking, and design. Students have come to Penland from every state in the Union and from sixty foreign countries. In Tryon the Mountain Industries operated by Mrs. George Stone, the "little lady of mountain industries," produce beautiful rugs, splint baskets, chairs, porch furniture, and homespun textiles. Mrs. Stone rendered a valuable service in creating a demand for the products of the crude looms and tools of mountain craftsmen. George Stone is manager of the Appalachian Hand Weavers. In I 9 I 5 Miss Eleanor Vance and Miss Charlotte Yale left Biltmore to start the Toy House in Tryon. They trained boys and girls to make toys from native wood: turning, carving, and painting them by hand. Miniature soldiers, animals, and groups were among their products. The Blue Ridge Weavers Shop was started by Mr. and Mrs. George Cathey. A hand weavers' shop sells the popular homespuns woven in Tryon. Another interesting handicraft industry was the Spinning Wheel founded by Miss Clementine Douglas, a native of Florida and a graduate of Pratt Institute in New York. Miss Douglas had taught in Wellesley, Massachusetts, in New York City, and for three summers had worked at a settlement school in Harlan County, Kentucky. In 1927 she came to Saluda, then to Asheville and set up at Beaver Lake a weaving industry which was appropriately named the Spinning Wheel. Work was done in �190 J Part II: A Changing Society The insignia of the Southern Highland Handicraft Guild The old draft of the "Lover's Knot" pattern discovered by John Goodwin. H ere it is called" Summer and Winter." This kind of draft, preserved in a f ew family archives has made possible the recreation of old w eaving patterns. Draft for Lover's Knot Coverlet ( Instructions to the weaver) "The two forward Shafts carries half the yarn, to put in your binding thread you mustt tread the two forward shafts, and the fourth back ones, and the blue to be put in by the draft it ought to be slaid low hang your treaddles, one after the other beginning with the forward shaft and wright hand treaddles." �From the Heart, the Hand, and the Head / The Lover's Knot, that has been traced to Scotland in the 1750's, is john Goodwin's most popular pattern 191 �192 / Part II: A Changing Society her loom room and in homes in the area. She visited the homes, superivising the work, taking materials and picking up finished pieces, and encouraging the weavers. She purchased an old log cabin in the Reems Creek community, had it moved, and made an attractive place for a salesroom. Subsequently she moved the Spinning Wheel industry to the Hendersonville Road a few miles south of Asheville, where a log house was used for Miss Douglas' home and attached salesroom. Later she sold the industry, and the new owners discontinued the weaving and ran the Spinning Wheel as a sales center for handicrafts. Today handcrafted articles from Western North Carolina are nationally known and handicrafts are flourishing. Penland, the John C. Campbell Folk School, and the Crossnore School still teach weaving. The fame of the Penland School is worldwide. Visitors come from many states and countries and all are inspired by the excellence, the variety, and the creativity of the craftsmen. Particularly noteworthy has been the woodcarving at the John C. Campbell Folk School. Mrs. Campbell and Mrs. Muriel Martin, director of handicrafts for twenty-five years, taught those in the neighborhood and at the school to "whittle with a purpose": to carve crowing roosters, laughing mules, flying birds, soaring angels, a four-foot high St. Francis, and the figures for Christmas creches. Penland and the John C. Campbell Folk School are production centers as well as schools. They offer short courses in crafts as well as year-round craft programs. In 1928 Mrs. John C. Campbell took the lead in organizing the Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild. More than twenty mountain schools and community centers interested in crafts were included among the charter members. This guild established standards for handicrafts and markets the products in selected craft centers. The V anderbilts are gone, but the Biltmore Homespun shops continue to weave beautiful fabrics for men's and women's suits. The Valhalla Weavers of Tryon weave cloth for suits and for neckties. At Penland Ronald Cruikshank directs the weaving of tapestries, knee blankets, and baby blankets. Among the outstanding and successful craftsmen of Western North Carolina are the Goodwin Guild Weavers. For six generations members of the family have been weavers of hand crafted �From the Heart, the Hand, and the Head / 193 designs and materials. In 1951 Mr. John 0. Goodwin, the head of the family, moved from Virginia to Blowing Rock. Mr. Goodwin has done field work in collecting 527 different handloom drafts since 1907. He sets up the looms to weave these designs that have been popular throughout American history and that are still prized by interior decorators. The looms are power operated, but skilled craftsmen are required to use the techniques of the operators of hand looms. Much of the weaving is done by hand and the weavers have to have hand loom weaving skill in order to maintain high quality and authenticity. Four hours are required to make a single-weave coverlet. The most popular product is a double-woven design, "Lover's Knot," which takes sixteen hours to weave. Mr. Goodwin copied the pattern and created his own "draft" before he became the possessor of a "draft" on yellowed paper that was over one hundred years old. Other creations are shawls, afghans, place mats, table cloths, and drapery materials. These are sold nationally and are cited by American Heritage for their authenticity. Under the North Carolina Fund for Watauga, Avery, Mitchell, and Yancey counties a program has been organized to encourage craftsmen of all four counties to make handcrafted products: toys, dolls, wood carvings, quilts, coverlets, furniture, wrought iron, and hand woven articles. The products of these craftsmen are ingenious and often beautiful. One of their most famous products is the Bader-Hofecker grandfather clock. Made of Honduran mohagany, it is lavishly inlaid. Both Glen Hofecker and William Bader are distinguished artists in wood. The Blue Ridge Hearthside Crafts Association, a cooperative, was organized to sell the products. It purchased two prestige shops, and operates as Creative Crafts. Special orders come to the various agencies for materials for historical restorations such as that of the Vance birthplace. Homespun and woven curtains were needed. There were draftsmen who could produce them - replicas of those in use I 50 years ago. President and Mrs. Woodrow Wilson had spent their honeymoon at Arden, North Carolina. They became interested in mountain folk - in their welfare and in their crafts. In 1913 Mrs. Wilson ordered coverlet fabrics for the Mountain Room in the White House, which she was redecorating. Mrs. Elmeda Walker, who lived near Marshall, was chosen to weave the fabrics. �194 / Part II: A Changing Society Independence Hall in Philadelphia was being restored, and a request came to Penland School to weave many yards of green baize material for covering fifteen tables. The material requested was green homespun dyed with vegetable dyes. Since Penland did not have the equipment to produce material in such a quantity, Mrs. John Littlewood of Ashe County dyed and carded the wool. It was necessary that the cloth be forty-five inches wide. The Penland looms were made for thirty-six inch cloth. Therefore the Macomber Company in Massachusetts built a loom for forty-five inch material. Colonel John Fishback, Penland weaver, then wove the cloth on the wide loom. Mr. �From the Heart, the Hand, and the Head / 195 The Woodrow Wilson honeymoon cottage at Arden ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. John Mulcahy, specialist in charge of the restoration of Independence Hall, praised the material as being a true reproduction of that used when the Declaration of Independence was signed. The making of hooked and braided rugs is another profitable mountain craft. The rugs are made in the homes of individuals and groups and also in the handicraft centers like that in Boone. Rugs are often braided from loopers, by-products bought at the hosiery mills. Hooked rugs are made at Crossnore and by the Valhalla Weavers in Tryon. Block prints, silk screens, handknitted, hand-crocheted, and hand-fringed artifacts are made in many mountain homes. Richard Chase, the famous folklorist, collector of folk ballads and tales, author of the Grandfather Tales and the Jack Tales, rendered an invaluable service to the mountain folk of Watauga County. He taught them folk songs, folk dances, folk tales. Also he induced them to make folk toys and handcrafted articles. The money earned by Beech Creek folk for these toys and creations enabled many Watauga County people to lead richer, more creative lives and to enjoy greater economic well-being. Richard Chase has left the mountains but Jack Guy has taken the lead in continuing his work. There are mare than two hundred small woodworking shops in Western North Carolina and in East Tennessee. In �196 / Part II: A Changing Society Richard Chase, story teller ,folk singer, author, plays a fretless banjo ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO Wood carvers illustrate their work at the Asheville Crafts Fair ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO �From the Heart, the Hand, and the Head / 197 1961 they were organized into the Appalachian Woodworkers. They make chairs, desks, bookcases, clocks, bedsteads, tables, bowls, rolling pins, candleholders, and whittled or carved items. Ed Purdom of Macon County and B. H. Moody of Blowing Rock made all kinds of furniture and refinished wood furniture. They designed and made pieces to the customers' demands. They also made items that they believed would challenge their creative talents. Ralph Smith of Bryson City makes pleasing coffee tables. The Woody family near Spruce Pine have made chairs for I 50 years. They specialize in ladderback chairs. S. P. Mace of Mars Hill and John Barnes ofFranklin also make ladder-back and other types of chairs. A retired Baptist minister of Spruce Pine, H. M. Stroup, makes the cabinets for traditional grandfather and grandmother clocks of cherry, walnut, or mahogany. He imports the works from Germany. Many craftsmen specialize in making doll furniture. The miniature pieces are exquisite in both design and workmanship. John Councill has a woodworking shop at Sands near Boone. His craftsmen make small wooden items. Bowls, lamp bases, book ends, gavels are turned out on many a mountain lathe. Fruit such as grapes, apples, bananas are carved from poplar, pine, apple, buckeye, cherry, walnut, and birch - all native woods. Many carvers specialize in carving one item: a pig, a duck, a squirrel. Dulcimers, violins, banjos, guitars are still made by mountain craftsmen. Famous makers of dulcimers are Ed Presnell and the late Frank Proffitt. Odd S. White of Asheville has made violins for many years. When the village blacksmiths were no longer needed to make guns, tires, axles, hubs for wagons, most of them sought other occupations. In very few towns can one now find a blacksmith shop. In many a town, however, there is a machine shop like Gunter's in Spruce Pine. These machine shops can make or repair almost anything made of metal. Other smiths or families in which there have been smiths began to forge wrought iron objects like those used by the pioneers. Pewter pieces, plates, bowls, trays, candlesticks are made at Penland and by Dr. and Mrs. Ralph Morgan of Dillsboro. A number of artisans do beautiful work with copper and brass. Enameling is an antique art, and the products are popular. The enamel is applied to a copper base. The copper is worked into the desired shape, then finely powdered glass is sprinkled �198 / Part II: A Changing Society on the piece, after which it is fired in an electric kiln at I 500 degrees fahrenheit. Mrs. Joe Godfrey of Hildebran, who learned the art at Penland, is one of the gifted enamelists in Western North Carolina. Many of the mountain craftsmen make jewelry of silver, copper, wood, ceramics. Often these jewelers or gemologists work with the semi-precious stones that are found in the mountains. They cut and polish the stones and design gold, silver, copper settings for them. Stuart Nye of Asheville became famous for designing and making silver and copper jewelry in a dogwood pattern. He designed the first piece in 1933. Now the craftsmen in the industry he started continue to use this design and other flower shapes in metal. Pottery making is one of the oldest crafts known to man. Pots, pitchers, plates, dishes have been useful, well-nigh essential to man from the beginning of time. Quite early man learned to work with damp clay. Eventually he learned to shape it on a potter's wheel and harden it by heating, ultimately baking it in kilns. Fine clay from Macon County was ship,O~d to Josiah Wedgewood in England in 1767. The Penland Pottery existed in Buncombe County near Candler from 1831 until 1952. The Pisgah Forest Pottery near the old Penland Pottery makes pitchers, mugs and other pieces, specializing in a "cameo" design that looks somewhat like Wedgewood pottery. It was founded about 1900 by W. B. Stephen and his mother. Today it is operated by J. T. Case, the grandson of the founder, and by G. C. Ledbetter. The beautiful coloring, the delicate glazing, the decorating are all done by hand. Wood from the native forests is used for all the firing. Another highly successful pottery is that of Davis P. Brown, called the Brown Pottery, at Arden. Since long before the advent of the white man, the Cherokees have made pottery. They make and sell many kinds of dishes, pots, pitchers, vases that they have made. Lynn Gault is a noted potter of Brasstown. He and eleven other artists have banded together and commercially market their products in Gatlinburg, Tennessee. Just a few miles from the North Carolina line at Laurel Bloomery in Tennessee is the Iron Mountain Pottery. This is highly successful and its products are prized by those who buy them. The industry has provided much needed employment to people of the area. Dolls have always been popular and doll makers in the mountains are often artistic. Mrs. Orus Sutton of Boone makes dolls �From the Heart, the Hand, and the Head / 199 Indian potters at Oconalujtee Village ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO Note the variety of shapes achieved by gifted mountain potters ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO �200 / Part II: A Changing Society to resemble their little girl owners. Many mountain craftsmen make dolls of corn shucks to represent the mountaineers as caricatured in fiction: long, lean, emaciated. Others make dolls with bodies of stuffed cloth, and heads and feet of dried apples. A lovely doll fourteen inches high and called the Mary Crossnore doll for Dr. Mary Martin Sloop is made by Miss Marian Brown of Crossnore. These dolls are exquisitely dressed and wear shoes made from kid gloves. A number of different kinds of hearth brooms are made and sold at various gift shops in the mountains. Other mountaineers make leather belts, purses, moccasins. Quite popular and widely sold all over the mountains at gift shops and fruit stands are wild fruit delicacies: jars of jellies, jams made of wild strawberries, raspberries, crabapples, wild grapes, and a conserve from pumpkin. The value of handicraft products made in North Carolina annually is over a million dollars. Above and beyond the money, the creation of these handcrafted articles gives unmeasurable joy and satisfaction, for who does not enjoy making things that are beautiful that he and others can enjoy? �CHAPTER TEN Literature Until shortly before the Civil War the literature about Western North Carolina was not different from that of the frontier. About I 8 58 there began the discovery of the region; and Western North Carolina became a rich field for journalists, writers of local color, folklorists, fictionists. These writers began to exploit the peculiar language, customs, manners, and humor of the mountain people. Visitors were impressed by the contrasts with low-country life and manners. Writers and tourists spread superficial accounts of mountain life. People seeing a run-down mountain cabin still say, "Look, there's a typical mountain home." By far the majority of the mountain people, however, live in comfortable homes. The minority live in shacks and suffer from penury and lack of opportunity. What is the hope for the "poor mountaineers"? Some advocates urge that the younger people leave the mountains and seek jobs in industrial plants in the lowlands. If so, they may well become badly adjusted slum dwellers and renters, and will often be recipients of welfare aid. Others advocate that industry be brought to the mountains so that hill people can live on their own land, drive into a neighboring town, work in a local factory, and operate their farms after working hours. This crisis of the spirit for the mountaineer in the face of the modern world has been largely neglected by the literature of the region to the present day. Our local literature, the subject of this chapter, is largely concerned with the past and the picturesque, with some mixture of the grotesque. Some of the best is strictly personal. 201 �202 / Part II: A Changing Society It is illuminating to consider the mountaineer as he has been treated by writers of fiction. Notable authors have written about Western North Carolina and mountain life, and foremost among them is Thomas Wolfe. Wolfe was both a Western North Carolina writer and a writer about his region. No one has written more graphically and more intimately about his land and his people, and no writer from North Carolina has ever achieved the fame and the respect accorded to Wolfe. Born October 3, 1900, he ever afterwards celebrated the beauty of October in "Old Catawba." His father, William Oliver Wolfe, was originally a Pennsylvanian, but his mother, Julia Westall Wolfe, was a mountaineer of mountaineers. She was related to the Westall, Penland, and Patton families whose members lived all over the mountains. Wolfe had an abnormally prolonged infantile relationship dominated by his mother. He was not weaned until he was almost four, and he had beautiful curls to his shoulder. His mother would not let them be cut until he was nine. In addition to being overly protective, she must have had an almost "insane nigardliness" and an insatiate love of property. Her stinginess warped the social attitudes of the sensitive boy. He was selfconscious also about the lower middle class status of his family. He lived with his mother at the Old Kentucky Home boarding house at 48 Spruce Street. His father, a stonecutter, lived in another house. W. 0. Wolfe had his faults, but he was a man with gargantuan appetites and a generous soul. There must have been a great contrast between the parsimony of Mrs. Wolfe and the open-handedness ofher husband. This dichotomy in the family possibly caused Tom to begin his search for a spiritual father whom he found in Maxwell Perkins. Tom's best writing is about Asheville and its people. They are seen through the tortured eyes of a sensitive boy. Wolfe's major works are Look Homeward, Angel (1929), Of Time and The River (1935), From Death to Morning (1935), The Story of a Novel (1936), The Web and the Rock (1939), You Can't Go Home Again (1940), and The Hills Beyond (1941). Only a part of Wolfe's work is about the mountains and his people, but he has given the most graphic account extant of family life and relationships among Asheville people. In Look Homeward, Angel and The Web and the Rock he described his boyhood, but perhaps the most complete account of mountain life appears in the fragment of a novel, The Hills Beyond, that �Literature / 203 "My Old Kentucky Home," where Thomas Wolfe lived ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO w as to be a history of North Carolina and of his family. The family is fictional, of course, but it resembles a mountain family . The narrative stops in 188o, twenty years before Wolfe's birth. He was revolted by the bleakness of his environment, and he was enthralled by trains because the sound of a train whistle w as a symbol of escape. H e had contempt for his mother's people, the m ountaineers, because they were the familiar and the known, but h e sympathized with their loneliness, the barrenness of their lives, and like them, he saw both the loneliness and the grandeur of mountain life, its beauty and its sordidness. His writings about the hillmen contain both ro mance and realism. H e admired their courage and their independen ce, but h e lam ented the fact that they were old and w orn out by middle age by their hopeless struggle against their environment. H e objected to the romantic stories of mountain life by writers like John Fox, Jr. The great mountain b arrier that " rimmed in life" w as the determining influence upon the destiny of the people. Wolfe w as a rebel against the superstition and romanticism of the South, but he admired the people for their courage and their pro ud history. �204 / Part II: A Changing Society His descriptions of his father, his mother, his brothers and his sisters arc so real that the reader feels like one of the family sitting before the fire and hearing tales of birth, death, ghosts, superstitions, and gossip - such tales as epitomize the literature and history of the mountain people. To Wolfe the mountain man was racially pure, clannish, isolated, a hard drinker, quick to fight, prone to violence, cruel, eager to engage in lawsuits, and a sharp, conniving trader. Wolfe remembered his mother's talk and her tales. He used with unerring skill the dialect formerly spoken by mountain people but now largely archaic. He described satirically the fundamentalism, Calvinism, puritanism, and primitive fatalism of their religion: their belief in a jealous and a wrathful God, in Hell-fire and damnation. They believed also that fiddle music and dancing were sinful. They had a false morality. A woman made her relatives swear not to let the undertaker see her unclothed; another said she would rather see her daughter dead than married to a drunkard. Divorced women were virtually outcasts. Wolfe believed that hill people should not become outmigrants, that those who left the hills were destroyed by the degeneracy, the immorality, the prostitution, and the poverty of life in the slums of cities. Not only were they exploited but they lost the freedom and the healthy amusements of the hillmen. Yet he described them unfalteringly as the "poor white litter of the hills"; as tall, gaunt, slatternly, with snuff juice rolling down their chins. They might be filthy, degraded, incestuous, infested with rickets and pellagra; but they had a pride, an independence, a virility, a zest for life. In his tales he recreated the life of a folk. Critics said that Wolfe was too verbose, too incoherent, too autobiographical, that his words burst like a pent up flood, but William Faulkner said he might have become the greatest of Southern writers. Certainly he was a man to "match the mountains," the greatest writer produced by North Carolina. He felt that literature was a transcript of life, and he sought to transcribe the life of his people: his family with their weaknesses and peculiarities, his Asheville neighbors with all their selfishness and materialism. He described the slatternly people gaping at strangers, the gaunt farmer, the dawdling Negroes, the fire and brimstone preachers, the resort-town cupidity of the citizens of Asheville, famed for its loveliness but ruined by pettiness and greed. He described the frenzy of the "boom" as a result �Literature / 205 of which everyone was going to get rich. But alas after the "boom" there was the "bust" and a desert of frustrated hopes and ambitions. He lamented the commercialization, the unsightly billboards, the fencing in of natural attractions, the cheap tourist honky-tonks, the bank president who became a convict, the mayor who misused city funds and committed suicide. Wolfe was called a "Judas Iscariot, a Benedict Arnold, ... Caesar's Brutus, the bird that fouls its own nest, ... a viper that an innocent populace had nurtured, ... an unnatural ghoul to whom nothing is sacred, not even the tombs of the honored dead, ... a vulture, ... a jackass, ... a baboon." Yet Thomas Wolfe did return to Asheville seven years after the publication of Look Homeward, Angel, and he was welcomed with adulation. Today when his name is mentioned in Asheville, faces become rapt, eyes glow, shoulders straighten, for Thomas Wolfe was one of their own. The most distinguished figure ever to come out of Western North Carolina was Zebulon Baird Vance- governor, senator, fabulist. Thomas Wolfe created a character and family remarkably similar to Vance and his family. This character was Zachariah Joyner. Wolfe gave a realistic, tongue-in-cheek account of the settlement of the West and the political conflict between the East and the West. Old Catawba was of course North Carolina. The Hills Beyond is a fictional-historical analogy. Wolfe satirized the selfish control of state appropriations by the East, its claim to superiority on the grounds of birth, breeding, family, and its descent from the "lost colonists," pointing out that the state was more distinguished for its homespun quality than for its aristocratic ancestry. Zachariah Joyner, a country lawyer from the West, was elected governor in 1858. He attacked the "humbug aristocracy" of the East, asserting that most early settlers had come to eastern North Carolina because the English jails were full and to keep from being hanged. Wolfe asserted that under Joyner (Vance) the "representatives of privilege" had to bow before the rights of humanity, that they should stop thinking about where they came from and think about where they were going. He described the Joyner family, their ancestry, the patriarchal Bear Joyner, quoting myths, legends, stories about "Bear" and Zach. These anecdotes are typical of mountain humor that Wolfe learned in his youth. Many of them are in the folklore about Vance. Wolfe said that to the hillmen Joyner (Vance) was not only their Lincoln but their Paul Bunyan and �206 / Part II: A Changing Society Davy Crockett in one. He was a "living prophecy of all that they might wish to be," of what they might become. Wolfe satirized the mountain attitude toward liquor - that none was bad, that some was just better- and also the fundamentalist attitude that "gettin' drunk" was a cardinal sin- worse than murder. Bear Joyner said that one man had killed another. Zach was relieved; he had believed that the man had done something really bad like "gettin' drunk." He took a dig at mountain honesty and morality when Bear asked young Zach if he had watered the milk, sanded the sugar, fixed the scales. When Zach answered in the affirmative, his father said that they would then have family prayers. Speaking through Joyner, Wolfe wrote with great indignation of the desecration of the mountains by lumbermen, saying that "some vast destructive 'suck' ... some compulsive greed had been at work: the whole region had been sucked and gutted ... denuded of its primeval treasures." Then he showed his resentment of the disparaging treatment of the mountain people by "exultant Ph.D.'s," tourists, "consecrated school marms from the North," social service workers. He did not feel that the hill people should be subjected to the condescending efforts of uplifters and dogooders. Wolfe criticized lawyers and the law. Bear Joyner said that he would make a lawyer out of his son because he wouldn't work. Wolfe asserted that the lawyers and the courts were not used to uphold the law but to subvert it for "personal advantage and private profit." This is perhaps a nearly justified criticism of our legal system. Equally he despised the materialism of business men who devoted their lives to the pursuit of the almighty dollar and who objected to spending money for education because of resultant higher taxes. Wolfe admired the courage of mountain people but he felt that the veneration of the Civil War was useless and excessive. Finally in "the Battle of Hogwart Heights" he made fun of aristocratic pretensions. The Hills Beyond reveals Wolfe's great gifts as a satirist and a mountain humorist. There is much travel literature about Western North Carolina. Colonel William Byrd in 1728 described the beauty of the mountains. Colonel Henry Timberlake wrote his memoirs �Literature / 207 in 1765; William Bartram (1773), Andre Michaux (1792), and the Reverend Francis Asbury (1821) gave detailed accounts of their travels. James K. Paulding wrote Letters from the South (1817); J. W. McClung, Sketches of Western Adventure (1832), Joseph Pratt, Incidents of Border Life (1839). ]. G. M. Ramsey in his Annals of Tennessee (1853) wrote also of Western North Carolina. William Gilmore Simms, the famous South Carolina historical novelist, set parts of three books in Western North Carolina locales. James Weir's novels are also set in this region. Robert Strange in Eoneguski (1 839) wrote a novel of the Cherokees. This was the first novel written by a North Carolinian with scenes within the state. He felt that the history, customs, people of North Carolina could provide scenes and episodes, exciting, interesting, and suitable for fiction. This novel deals with the crossing of the mountains, the conflict with the Cherokees, and Andrew Jackson's fight with the Creeks. Calvin H. Wiley, first state superintendent of schools, planned three novels: Alamance, about the Regulation; Roanoke, about Eastern North Carolina; and Buncombe, about Western North Carolina, and he compiled a series of North Carolina Readers which were used in the state. Other early writers about Western North Carolina were Frances Hodgson Burnett with her Esmeralda and Lodusky; Constance Fenimore Woolson with her Up in the Blue Ridge and For the Mayor; and Mary Greenway McClelland, author of Oblivion. John Cairns, Jr., son of the proprietor of the Reems Creek Woolen Mills, was one of the nation's most eminent ornithologists. His articles were published in the best known scientific journals of the nineteenth century. The Fisher River Sketches of Harden E. Taliaferro preserve the way of life and the dialect used by the first settlers of Surry County and their descendants. These stories were enacted and told in the 182o's, written down in 1859. The "musters" were among the interesting occurrences described. Musters were semiannual, in May and November, and the old "Revolutionaries" were present: the "capting," "leftenant," "sarjent," and all the "ossifers." "They knowed a thing or two about military tacktucks." At the musters there was always plenty of "knockem- stiff" whiskey. On one occasion Hamp Hudson was supposed to supply the refreshments, but while he was distilling the brew �208 / Part II: A Changing Society his dog Famus fell into the mash tub and was distilled. When Hamp reported this to the musterers their faces fell, but after drilling they became so thirsty that they drank all of Hamp's "knock-em-stiff' - Famus or no Famus. Taliaferro described the picturesque dresss: the rawhide, stitched-down shoes, a "Iinsey" tow and cotton shirt to the knees, the dressed buckskin pants. People walked to meetin'; courtin' boys and girls would walk side by side, the girls carrying their shoes in a "redicule" until they got in sight of the meetin' house. The boys were barefoot. The young folks got together for grubbings, log-rollings, reapings, corn-huskings, wheat-threshings. The girls would have sewings and quiltings. On these occasions as soon as the work was done, the fiddle sounded and they danced and courted all night. For one young man to get the better of another in "sparkin'" was considered legitimate and was called "cuttin' out." Dick Snow wouldn't give up his courting Sally Tucker and said, "I never gins up a thing as long as there's a pea in the gourd." Sally's folks were "Methodises" and kept "arter" him to "git ligion." At the quarterly meeting he determined to "make his jack" and he went up with the mourners. The "circus rider" prayed over him "like he was beatin' tanbark off 'un trees in the daid of winter." Dick tried gettin' ligion a whole week, but then he backslid. Mountain youth married young. They married first and "scuffed for their fortuns" later. Fighting was a common occurrence. They "knocked with their fists, butted, gouged, kicked with their feet." Bullies kept their thumbnails long to "feel a fellow's eyestrings .... " In similar vein Taliferro described many customs of the frontier society. Rebecca Harding Davis gave personal and intimate descriptions of mountain life as she saw it in the late 187o's. She described Morganton as "caught on the shelving side of a hill." She traveled on the Western North Carolina Railroad from Morganton to the end of the completed line "in a chasm between two precipices." Later in 1 88o this railroad reached Asheville. At the end of the line there was a rough, temporary hotel where her party spent the night. She wrote: " ... the gorge swarmed with hundreds of wretched blacks in the striped yellow convict �Literature / 209 garb. After their supper was cooked (over campfires) and eaten, they were driven into a row of prison cars, where they were tightly boxed for the night, with no possible chance to obtain either air or light." The convicts lived in the most squalid condition, their labor was Herculean, and hundreds of them died that the railroad might be built and a gateway opened to the west. Mrs. Davis and her party spent the next night at Alexander's, twelve miles from Asheville. Alexander's was a noted stage stop. Mr. Alexander, "like all other farmers in the mountains 'took in' travelers, gave them an excellent supper and comfortable beds and sent them on the next day with a team of mules and a shackly old cart up the steep trail to the house of the guide, William Glass." They were on their way to ascend Mount Mitchell. Later they visited Waynesville, of which she wrote that they " ... found many such picturesque little villages as this hidden in these interminable ranges, perched on sunny peaks above the clouds, or nestling in gorges. . . . Half of their unpainted, weather-beaten houses are always empty, the inmates having apparently died, or gone farther into these sleepy wildernesses and then forgotten to come back .... There are always one or two families of educated, well-bred people. They have little money, but they feel the need of it less here than anywhere else in the States. They live in roomy wooden houses, the walls, ceilings, and floors frequently made of purplish fine-grained poplar; which no Persian carpet or tapestry could rival in beauty; they have no new books but they have read the old ones until they are live friends ... ; they dress in homespun, and sit on wooden benches, but knowing nothing of fashions or bric-a-brac their souls sit at ease and are quiet, and they never feel the void of an empty pocket." As Mrs. Davis's party approached Qualla their road "had been a cartway roughly cut along the sides of the mountains for about fifteen miles along the Tuckaseigee River, but the spring torrents year after year had washed it away, and neither white man nor Indian had ever laid a log to repair it." It was then called a bridle-road, and from the description one can see the need for roads in Western North Carolina: "[The] 'Nation' (the Cherokees) was hidden in isolated huts in the thickets among the ravines of the Soco and Oconoluftee hills. The 1500 Cherokees had ro,ooo acres under cultivation, no village, no school, no gathering place of any kind. Grass knee deep before the door of the little church. They were wretchedly poor. Only in 1875 were they given possession of �210 / Part II: A Changing Society the land on which they had lived for more than 500 years. After the party left the Indians, they came to a cabin: " ... built on the slope of the little river. It was a sample of the better class of mountain huts. The log walls gaped open in many places. Inside, they were pasted over with newspapers, the ceiling hung with hanks of blue yarn, red peppers, bunches of herbs, and Indian baskets filled with the family clothing. The hut was divided by an open passage into chamber and kitchen. One side of the latter was given up to a roaring fire of logs." Mrs. Davis quoted the woman of the house: " ... it's two months since I've seen the face of women, white or red. That's what ails the mountingsthe awful loneliness. Whar I was brought up, five miles from hyar, it would be a year that we'd not see a living face. But times is mendin' now. They hev Sunday school an' pra'r some'ars every two months. Us folks goes twenty miles to 'em. Go in the mornin', an' stay all day. Exercises lasts till noon; then we have dinner, an' in the afternoon we can see each other, and hear the news. Last pra'r was powerful big; they was nigh onto twenty folks thar." Mrs. Polly (their hostess) told them of conditions in the mountains. The people were pitifully poor and ignorant. There were some men of seventy who had never seen a wheeled vehicle. Mrs. Davis summed up conditions thus: "Near the Tennessee line their huts are often merely sheds. They cook in a pot, and sitting around it, eat out of it with wooden spoons. At night a couple of boards are lifted in the floor, and disclose a hollow in the earth beneath filled with straw, in which the whole family kennel together. In the morning the boards are replaced, and all cares of housekeeping are over . . . They are hospitable, honest, and, in their ignorant way, God-fearing. Their sole recreation is goin' to preachin' or pra'r two or three times a year when some itinerant missionary penetrates the mountains. Nothing could be falser than the sketches which have been given of them that confound these uncouth but decent people with the Pikes or swaggering ruffians of the West." Sidney Lanier, esteemed Southern poet, musician, writer of prose, stayed at Richmond Hill near Asheville, visited at Rugby Grange, Henderson County, the home of George Gustav Westfeldt, and spent his last days in the Wilcox house at Lynn, near Tryon, where he died of tuberculosis in I 881. There are �Literature f 2II memorials to him in Tryon and at Calvary Episcopal Church in Fletcher. His last poem, "Sunrise," was written in Lynn and dedicated to Westfeldt. Vivian Yeiser Laramore, poet laureate of Florida, spent many summers in Western North Carolina and wrote the "Ballad of the Silver Flute," praising Lanier as the "great poet of the South enriching the folklore of his land." Azure-Lure- a Romance of the Mountains, was a souvenier of Asheville and Western North Carolina edited by Idyl Dial Gray. In it one finds this excellent travel-poster description of the region: "In Asheville an azure sky and a brilliant horizon meet. Nature's artistry presents sparkling waterfalls, precipitous cliffsides, the colors of thousands of flowers, singing rivers, limpid lakes, bottomless pools, cloud-banked mountain-rimmed peaks and the bluest skies under heaven in this land of perpetual vacation.'' 0. Henry (William Sydney Porter) is associated with Asheville and Weaverville. He married Sara Coleman from Weaverville, an author, and he spent the winter of I909 in the home of Mrs. Porter's brother, John S. Coleman. He died in Asheville June IO, I9IO. Mrs. Frances Fisher Tiernan (Christian Reid) the popular novelist, wrote a book about Western North Carolina which she called The Land of the Sky. In this book she described the lovely mountains, the blueness of the skies, the beautiful, fertile valleys, the glorious sunlight, the cloud-shadowed ranges of mountains which reached the sky. As a result of her book the whole region has been aptly named "the Land of the Sky." Shepherd Dugger wrote War Trails of the Blue Ridge and The Balsam Groves of Grandfather Mountain. In the introduction to the latter he included a poem "The Land of the Sky" : Will you come to Grandfather, "The Land of the Sky," Where a banquet of glory is spread for the eye ... Where the mountains do rear their summits above The storm and the cloud to the regions of love.... Y e ones that are feeble, why linger and die, Come up to the beautiful "Land of the Sky .... " In I904 Horace Kephart came to Hazel Creek to write of the Southern highlands. He had been able to find little written about them, although he probably knew the novels of Charles Egbert Craddock, pen name for Mary Noailles Murphree, and those -of Constance Fenimore W oolsen. He became the Dean �212 / Part II: A Changing Society Illustration from "Christian Reid's" Land of the Sky, the book that gave the name to the mountain area of American Campers and wrote The Book of Camping and Woodcraft, which had its twentieth printing in 1960. He wrote for Adventure Magazine, Field and Stream, Sports Afield, Outing, and the Asheville Citizen. In 1913 Kephart's Our Southern Highlanders was published. T en thousand copies were sold of the first edition; in 1957 the seventh edition was published. The book contains authentic portraits of mountain life. Kephart described real mountain people, not caricatures; he wrote down the language and expressions really used by the people. In Bryson City on the old Bryson place there is a marker: "On this spot Horace Kephart, D ean of American Campers and one of the principal founders of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park pitched his last permanent camp. Erected May 30, 193 I , by Horace Kephart Troop, Boy Scouts of America, Bryson City, North Carolina." The tribute w as justified because Kephart had fought valiantly for conservation, writing article after article urging the preservation of the forests. He wrote: "When I first came into the Smokies, the whole region was one superb forest primeval. ... My sylvan studio spread over mountain after mountain ... and it was always clean and fragrant, always vital, growing new shapes of beauty from day to day. The vast trees met overhead like cathedral roofs.... Not long ago I w ent to the same place again. It w as wrecked , ruined, desecrated, turned into a thousand �Literature / 2I3 rubbish heaps, utterly vile and mean. Did anyone ever thank God for a lumberman's slashing?" There was an editorial in the Asheville Times: "His eloquent appeal should be the textbook of those who are interested in securing a national park for this mountain empire." John C. Campbell's The Southern Highlander and His Homeland (1921), published two years after his death by the Russell Sage Foundation, was prepared for publication by his wife, Mrs. Olive Dame Campbell. This book aroused national interest in the problems existing in the Southern mountains. Wilma Dykeman Stokely, born in Asheville in May 1920, is descended from old New York and North Carolina families. Bernadette Hoyle wrote in Tar Heel Writers I Know: "Being from the Middle South and the author of non-fictional studies of the region, she is thoroughly at home with both her setting and her characters" in The French Broad. Her novels are The Tall Woman, Look to this Day, and The Far Family. With James Stokely she wrote Neither Black nor White. The Tall Woman tells the story of the Southern mountain people. "It is neither quaint nor satiric, but it deals seriously with a community caught in eternal change and post-Civil War problems." Lydia McQueen is the tall woman. She was tall, not so much in stature as in character and influence. "The writing is skillful, and the lilt of the mountain speech of the time is musical to read." The novel is rich in detail and in atmosphere and at times has the flavor of some of the old ballads. Its theme is the erosion of both land and character by greed. The characters emerge "breathing, talking, living." The French Broad is a book that moves like a river. "It has the continuous, ceaseless, smooth-flowing style that moves relentlessly toward the sounding sea." Wilma Dykeman's Prophet of Plenty is a biography of Dr. Willis Weatherford. A fund-raiser extraordinary, he brought the nation's conscience to bear on the problems of the mountain people. In 1900 he was one of the few prophets of a new and hopeful South, which was "bogged down in poverty, dominated by Northern capital, suffering under discriminatory freight rates, plagued by demagogues, and fighting for its life after Reconstruction. There was one hope- education, education for leadership, for jobs, for citizenship." Weatherford gave inspiration and hope to Southern youth. He told them that �214 / Part II: A Changing Society regional competance depended upon industrial competence, that the human resources were the heart of the region's hopes. Weatherford built the Blue Ridge Assembly near Black Mountain and brought in brilliant leaders to meet the many eager young students. He became a leader of a region which had been bypassed by American life. His work, his faith, his ideas caught the imagination of governmental leaders and philanthropists and made those in state and nation see that this land of poverty could become a land of opportunity. His message to those in the mountains was to look to the young people, give them quality education and the region would grow great. He was a champion of all races, and he pioneered in the formation of the Commission on Interracial Cooperation. For decades he was a leader on this commission and did much for race relations in the South. He obtained the money, selected the staff, and took the lead in gathering information for and publishing The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey (r962), financed by the Ford Foundation. This survey revealed conditions in the mountains and made recommendations for their amelioration. John Ehle, author of seven novels and three books of nonfiction by the time of this writing, winner of the Sir Walter A ward and the Mayflower Cup, is one of the ablest portrayers of mountain life and character. The Landbreakers (r964) was quite popular. The Road (r967) created a sensation and was included in Reader's Digest Condensed Books. The Road is almost a mountain epic. It tells the story of the struggle, the drama, the conflict, the almost superhuman efforts required to build the Western North Carolina Railroad from Old Fort to Asheville. The tribute to the convicts is deserved. Most exciting was the pulling of the engine over the mountain so that the 2,ooo-foot tunnel could be attacked from both ends. The completion of this link of the railroad was of vital importance to all in Western North Carolina. Fred Chappell wrote two novels, It Is Time, Lord and The Inkling. He described Canton, called it Withers, and the Champion Paper and Fiber Company he called the Defender Paper and Fiber Company. He says the stench of the paper mill can be smelled for miles. He asks, "What would the town do without the paper company?" and answers with "What is it doing with it?" His "Prodigious Words" appeared in Southern Writing in the Sixties. John Yount, born in Boone, wrote a novel, Wolf at the Door. A selection, "The Store," appeared in Southern Writing in the Sixties. It contains a good description of a boy �Literature / 215 going to a country store and peering at the candy through the greasy, flyspecked glass. "These are my mountains," said John Parris, who through Roaming the Mountains and My Mountaineers, My People showed his love for and appreciation of the people of Western North Carolina. He continues: "If you are born in the mountains, you can't put them out of your heart and soul. There is a peace and quiet that makes you feel closer to God .... " Parris was born in Sylva, November 23, 1914. He became a successful newspaper man and a notable author. Nothing in the mountains is an old or jaded story to him. Roaming the Mountains (1955) originated around the firesides and homelife of his family and his neighbors. Many of his tales he learned from his grandfather William Riley Tallent, who had a great zest for life. The titles of his chapters are indigenous to mountain life: "Hot Biscuits and Sourwood Honey," "The French Broad Is a Gypsy," and "In Huckleberry Time Courtin's a Pleasure." Parris does not write in dialect but he uses idioms and descriptive terms which create a colloquial feeling such as "He's a distiller of corn' likker, and brother, hold on to your hat," "He's the overlord of a one-room log cabin with a dozen mouths to feed and a passel of hound dogs in the yard," and "In the Carolina Highlands, June is a whip-poor-will." One of the significant writers born in Western North Carolina was Rebecca Cushman. She was an editor of the Southern Review and a special contributor to the Christian Science Monitor. She wrote Swing Your Mountain Gal, Sketches of Life in the Southern Highlands in 1934. This book is not fiction; it contains a series of sketches taken from mountain life. Each short narrative is a deft character portrait of the rugged but dignified mountaineer. The book makes a real contribution in that it is a spiritual interpretation of mountain life. Her mountaineer Guy Norman is a man who leaves one with a quickened consciousness of life. He is hospitable, unaffected, natural. He says: "We live jest plain .... Life's jest the way you hold it up .... If you've done that you're all right when you come to take your pillow .... " Margaret Morley wrote the challenging The Carolina Mountains in 1913. Muriel Sheppards's Cabins in the Laurel created quite a stir when it was published in 1935, many people in Mitchell County feeling that she exaggerated conditions there. �216 f Part II: A Changing Society One of the most authentic accounts of mountain life, people, customs, and fiction appeared in the 1,500 page doctoral dissertation of Dean Cratis Williams, "The Southern Mountaineer in Fiction." Dean Williams asserted that in the decades following the Civil War the mountaineer became a caricature in fiction. He became a type- uncouth, ignorant, violent, poor, a fundamentalist, a moonshiner, but hospitable and with feudal courtesy. Stock characters in mountain fiction are the feudist, the witch crone, a jealous mountain youth, an outlaw, a benevolent but illiterate landowner, an idealistic teacher, a hardshell preacher, a demagogue, a rich, heroic outsider, a beautiful but ignorant mountain girl, the corrupt and stingy justice of the peace or sheriff. The preacher and the sheriff find the teacher and education threats to the power structure or to their personal positions. Perhaps the greatest poet of Western North Carolina has been Olive Tilford Dargan. Born in Kentucky, she moved to North Carolina in 1906. She wrote five books of poetry: Semiramis (1906), a closet drama in iambic pentameter; Pathfinder (1914), lyrics about the North Carolina mountains; The Cycle's Rim (1916), fifty-three sonnets on the death of her husband, the prize-winning book as the best book of poetry of the year by a Southern writer; Lute and Farrow (1922), lyrics of the mountains; The Spotted Hawk (1958), which won the Roanoke-Chowan poetry a ward. In addition to her poetry she wrote two volumes of short narratives: Highland Annals (1925), and From My Highest Hill (1941). Under the pen name of Fielding Burke she wrote the novels Call Home the Heart (1932) and A Stone Came Rolling (1935). In 1962 her fifteenth book, a collection of short stories, Innocent Bigamy, was published. She lived most of her life in Swain County, but in her old age she resided at the Blue Bonnet Lodge in West Asheville. She wrote chiefly of the mountains and mountain people. James Larkin Pearson was born in the Moravian Falls section of Wilkes County, September 13, 1879. His people were very poor. There were few books in the home: a cheap Bible, a small almanac, a dictionary, and an old Methodist hymnal. Off and on he would attend the one-teacher free school. He taught himself the alphabet by reading circus posters and studying Webster's blue-back spelling book. When he was four years old he began reciting poetry. One cold winter day he and his �Literature / 217 father were riding in an old wagon. The father asked if he were cold. He answered: "My fingers and my toes- my feet and my hands- are just as cold as you ever seed a man's." His first poem was "The Vision" (1895). In 1897 he composed "The Song of the Star of Bethlehem" while he was clearing new ground. This poem was printed in the New York Independent and for it he received eight dollars. He became a typesetter and the editor of several small papers. In 1910 he began to publish a humorous paper, The Fool Killer, which he built up until at one time it had a circulation of fifty thousand copies a month. Pearson was admired by Upton Sinclair, who printed one of his poems in the New York Times. Later Sinclair printed "Fifty Acres," Pearson's best known poem. In 1953 Pearson was named Poet Laureate of North Carolina. He is the author of five books of poetry printed on his own press: Castle Gates (1908), Pearson's Poems (1924), Fifty Acres (1937), Plowed Ground (1949), and Early Harvest (1952). An anthology, Selected Poems of James Larkin Pearson, was published in 1960. Pearson wrote simply of "homey" things in a deeply lyrical vein. His poetry has quaintness, local color. One can get the flavor of Pearson from the following lines: from "Fifty Acres" I've never been to London, I've never been to Rome; But on my fifty acres I travel here at home. from "Here is Wisdom" Old Andy never went to school And never read a book. But he who takes him for a fool Will need a second look.... from "A Night in June" The June-bug roosted under a leaf, And the firefly winked at the cricket The bull-frog sang from the lily-pond To the owl in the ivy thicket. There of North were by Carolina. have been a number of anthologies and collections Carolina poetry. In these anthologies many poems Western North Carolinians about Western North The first such anthology, Woodnote.1·, or Carolina �218 f Part II: A Changing Society Carols, was compiled by Tenella (Mrs. Mary Bayard Clark). In this anthology was an anonymous poem, "Swannanoa." In I 883 John Henry Boner published a selection of poetry under the title Whispering Pines. This included "Hunting Muscadines on the Y adkin" and "The Cliff' about Pilot Mountain. In I 894 Hight C. Moore published Selected Poetry of North Carolina and in 1912 E.C. Brooks an anthology, North Carolina Poems. In 1941 Richard Walser edited North Carolina Poetry and in I948 North Carolina in the Short Story, in 1953 The Enigma of Thomas Wolfe, in 1957 The Picture Book of Tar Heel Authors, in 1959 Nematodes in My Garden of Verse and in 1963 North Carolina Poets. Carl Sandburg, the poet and Lincoln biographer, bought a 240 acre farm at Flat Rock, "Connemara," the former home of Christopher Memminger, Confederate Secretary of the Treasury. Sandburg was also a folklorist and a song collector. One of the versatile men in Western North Carolina is Leroy Sossamon. He is pilot, poet, bulldozer operator, newspaper publisher, owner of furniture stores, accredited teacher, owner of a steel construction business, a theater, Ford dealer, operator of a mercy airlift and commercial planes. Having graduated from Appalachian State Teachers College cum laude in I934, he taught English and French at the Presbyterian orphanage at Barium Springs. He bought one business after another, including the Bryson City Times, which he publishes. He is connected with the Sossamon Steel Company. He wrote Backside of Heaven, a book of poetry, and sold an edition of I I ,ooo copies. Henry Alexander Sieber, born in New York in 1931, spent his boyhood in the North Carolina mountains. Influenced by Ezra Pound and T. S. Eliot, his poems carry a message of hope. He assumes that man because of his religion and poetry must not be defeated by life. Two of his books are This the Marian Year (1954) and Something the West Will Remember (1956). Lovers of Thomas Wolfe like the following lines: What right have you to say That Tom Wolfe of Asheville And Brooklyn, New York Didn't talk all the time All the time with God In Asheville and Brooklyn, New York. �Literature / 219 A unique Western North Carolina poet is Jonathan Williams. Born in Asheville in 1929, he operates an apple orchard near Highlands. He is a book designer, lecturer, publisher, poet, and operator of the Jargon press. His broadsides and book titles include the following: Garbage Letters; The Iron Face of the Sun's Child (1951); Red/Gray (1952); Four Stoppages (1953); The Empire Finals at Verona (1959); AmenJHuzzaJSelah (1960); In England's Green (1962). Williams's poems are included in "beat" anthologies because they are "way out." Miscellaneous poems about Western North Carolina and by Western North Carolinians were Zebulon Baird Vance's "The Little Patched Trousers," Martin V. Moore's "The Rivers of North Carolina," Reuben]. Holmes's poem "The Valley of the Ashe," and "Tom and Mollie" by the anonymous poet laureate of Mitchell County. Struthers Burt was a novelist, but he wrote a book of poetry, In the High Hills (1914). He felt that poetry should touch the intelligent heart. Elliott Coleman came to the Asheville School in 1928. He had published two books of poetry: Poems of Elliott Coleman (1936) and An American in Augustland (1940). Among dramatists associated with Western North Carolina are the following: Hatcher Hughes, Hell Bent for Heaven, and Ruint (Pulitzer prize winner); Lula Vollmer, Sun Up; Thomas Wolfe, The Return ofBuck Gavin; George Tedd,Jr., King Cotton's Children; Hubert Hayes and John Taintor Foote, Tight Britches; Hubert Hayes, The Red Spider, Blackberry Winter, and Smoky Joe; Mrs. Bertha Herter, The Harp of a Thousand Strings; Edward Richardson, Black Mountain, a play based on the ballad "Barbara Allen"; Anne Bridgers, co-author of Coquette, who had a summer home in the Reems Creek section; Cleves Kinnard, Common Clay. Kermit Hunter wrote Unto These Hills and Horn in the West. Ellis Credle wrote Down Down the Mountains (1934). He is a writer and illustrator for children. This was the first picture book of the Blue Ridge country. Lois Lenski wrote children's books like Blue Ridge Billy, which depicts mountain life and �220 J Part II: A Changing Society customs. Mary Hancock wrote Menace on the Mountain (1968), the gripping story of a boy who becomes a man while his father is away during the Civil War. Included is a fictional account of the capture of Fort Hamby from the Bushwhackers. This book was filmed for television by Walt Disney Productions. Miss Hancock's work has appeared in The Progressive Farmer, Extension, Saturday Evening Post, Sports Illustrated, Pageant, Catholic Digest, and the VFW Magazine. Richard Chase is a distinguished writer, ballad singer, and folklorist. For years he taught songs, dances, and traditional games to mountain children. He sang and collected folklore. He wrote widely and well: Old Songs and Singing Games (1938), The Jack Tales (1943), Grandfather Tales (1948), American Folk Tales (1948), Wicked John and the Devil (195 1), and Soncf!,S As Preserved in the Appalachian Mountains (1956). Croyden Bell and Thelma Harrington Bell wrote about animals and characters from Western North Carolina: Snow (1954), John's Rattling Gourd of Big Cove (1955), The Wonders of Snow (1957). Ruth and Latrobe Carroll moved to Asheville in 1950. They wrote and illustrated fascinating books for children: Peanut (1951), Salt and Pepper (1952), Beanie (1953), Tough Enough (1954), and later, Tough Enough's Trip, Digby the Only Dog (1955). The history of Western North Carolina has been the theme of only one previous book, by John Preston Arthur (1913). He also wrote an interesting history of Watauga County. Foster Sondley wrote a two volume history of Buncombe County. Other county histories are Clark Medford's accounts of Haywood County; Sadie Smathers Patton's writings on Flat Rock and Henderson County; Clarence Griffin's books on Old Tryon County and Rutherford County; Horton Cooper's Avery County history: Margaret Freel's work on Cherokee County and Lilian Thomasson's on Swain County, Judge Johnson Hayes' The Land of Wilkes; Nancy Alexander's Here Will I Dwell (Caldwell County); T. F. Hickerson's Happy Valley and Echoes of Happy Valley, which deal with life along the Yadkin from Lenoir to Elkin; and Arthur L. Fletcher, Ashe County: a History. Histories of colleges are John McLeod's From These Stones (Mars Hill College) and William E. Bird's Western Carolina College. 0. L. Brown's Blanford Bernard Dougherty contains much of the history of Appalachian State University. Dr. Edward Phif<"'r has written scholarly articles about ante-bellum life and conditio •. in Burke County. Glenn Tucker wrote High Tide at Gettysburg; �Literature J 221 Tecumseh; Vision of Glory; and Zeb Vance, Champion of Freedom. Works of Cordelia Camp include David Lowry Swain, Governor and University President; The Influence of Geography Upon Early North Carolina; and Governor Vance: a Life for Young People. She edited Some Pioneer Women Teachers in North Carolina. Ina Woestemeyer Van Noppen is the author of four published books in addition to the present one: The Westward Movement; The South: A Documentary History; Stoneman's Last Raid; and, with John J. Van N oppen, Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman: The Green Woods Were His Portion. Harley Jolley had published in 1969 The Blue Ridge Parkway. George B. Watts wrote The Waldenses of Valdese. Pamphlets by Fred B. Cranford, The Waldenses of Burke County, and by Ruth Royal Poovey, The Burke County Gold Rush, were prepared in conjunction with the Burke County Cultural Heritage Project, pursuant to a grant from the United States Office of Education. Con Bryan's Confederate Georgia, has passed through several printings. A number of other writers about this region are worthy of mention. Bill Sharpe's North Carolina: a Description by Counties and a New Geography of North Carolina contains much valuable information about Western North Carolina. The North Carolina Gazetteer by William S. Powell is indispensable in locating quaint-sounding places and the sources of their names. Julia Montgomery Street's Fiddler's Fancy (r955) is about the folk of the Toe River in Mitchell County. It contains a true rendition of mountain speech, folklore, and customs. Legette Blythe wrote Miracle in the Hills, the inspiring story of Dr. Mary Martin Sloop of Crossnore, and with Miss Lucy Morgan he wrote Gift from the Hills, the story of Penland School. He also wrote James W. Davis, North Carolina Surgeon. Davis spent his youth in Wilkes County. Jacob Carpenter of Three Mile Creek kept an interesting diary. Horton Cooper discusses it in his history of Avery County. Opie Percival Read, humorist, wrote The Captain's Romance (1896), The ]ucklins (1896), Odd Folks (1897), and a number of other novels. The ]ucklins is a romance about a schoolteacher in Western North Carolina. Maria Poole describes the pervasive superstitions that affected the lives of mountain people. Her novels, such as In Buncombe County, give a most damaging account �222 / Part II: A Changing Society of mountain character. She gives a graphic account of a revival meeting near Asheville. Rosser Taylor wrote Carolina Crossroads. Logan B. Logan produced Ladies of the White House. Mrs. Edith Erskine of Weaverville and Mrs Charlotte Young wrote several volumes of poetry. Martha Norburn Mead wrote Asheville the Land of the Sky. Bill Nye, the humorist, lived in Asheville, and his syndicated column appeared in the Asheville papers. Helen Topping Miller wrote The Splendor ofEagles, and George Bledsoe, The Shadows Point North, about the impact of summer tourists upon the mountains. Lewis W. Green has written a first novel, And Scatter the Proud, integrating six short stories about life in the Blue Ridge Mountains. The setting is on the crest of Big Lonesome, a mountain traversed by the Blue Ridge Parkway. The characters search for meaning in life. Green says: "The mountaineers asked of the outlanders only that their pride be unmolested, their self-respect honored, their dignity left intact. This courtesy they extended to all others." Alberta Pierson Hannum, (Look Back With Love) is full of sympathetic understanding and love of the mountain people and their lore of bygone days. Each chapter begins with an entry from the diary of Jacob Carpenter of Three Mile Creek. She also wrote The Gods and One, April Thursday, Avery County, and The Hills Step Lightly. The author is an Ohioan, but long a resident of the North Carolina Hills. Mrs. T. Henry Wilson (Dell B. Wilson) had published in 1969 The Gran4father and the Globe based on the Civil War exploits of Keith Blalock and his wife in the Globe-Grandfather Mountain area. Romulus Linney, a descendant of the "Bull of the Brushies," the noted lawyer whose namesake he is, wrote the novels Heathen Valley, about Valle Crucis, (1962); Slowly by Hand Unfurled (1965); and a play, The Sorrows of Frederick (1966). �CHAPTER ELEVEN The Lore of the Folk Booted and spurred and bridled rode he, A plume in his saddle and a sword at his knee. Back come his saddle all bloody to see; Back come his steed but never come he. Riding on the highlands, steep was the way Riding in the lowlands, hard by the Tay. Out come his old mother with feet all so bare; Out come his bonnie bride riving of her hair. The meadows all a-falling and the sheep all unshorn; The house is a-leaking and the baby's unborn. But Bonnie James Campbell nowhere can you see With a plume in his saddle and a sword at his knee. For to home came his saddle all bloody to see; Home came the steed, but never came he. The song that tells this sad story can today be heard and enjoyed by many people who have no idea of life in the country, let alone of life centuries ago in Scotland, because in some localities and in some families there have been men, and women, like Frank Proffitt, who like to sing old songs, and men and women who have wanted to preserve their songs or stories, or legends, or superstitions, so that many people might enjoy and profit from them. But what importance is there in a song that laments a Bonnie James Campbell that nobody can recall, except in this song, 223 �224 / Part II: A Changing Society aside from the possibility that he may have been the James Campbell who died in 1594 in the battle of Genlivet? There is no easy answer to this question. Frank Proffitt's answer may be as good as any when he explained the value of a traditional life in a letter quoted in the Carolina Farmer: "My folks was of the poorest but they was of the highest moral standards. Not knowing about books or letters, they stored in their memory all of the best of the old proven ways and was forever busy making things for useful and entertaining purposes." Proffitt's tradition was one of people who did not depend on others for values but who made their own standards out of what they had inherited and what they had. Ballads like "Bonnie James Campbell" were a part of the way of life of the people who came to Western North Carolina around the time of the Revolutionary War, and, depending on the locality, in the decades before and after. But they were not by any means the chief cultural tradition that evolved there. Religious activities came to play a very important part in the life of rural America, including Western North Carolina, and the region became the nearly exclusive doma~ of pentacostal and fundamentalist sects. As a result one of the chief cultural traditions that developed was the singing of religious folksongs in homes, churches, and at gatherings such as the camp meetings. But there was for everybody the necessity of living not just on Sunday but on all the other days of the week. The religious leaders were often interested in stamping out the "Devil's ditties" that were the abundant heritage of rural people from Medieval times, but the influences of this-wordly necessities and interests have helped preserve the secular materials to the present day, through the use of some excellent subterfuges, as well as out-right rebellion, on the part of the pleasure-loving, the hunting and drinking men, and the spirited and fun-loving youths. The austere fatalism and the visions of glory of many fundamentalist churches were not able to uproot the traditions of living pleasurably and vigorously. There seem to have developed separate traditions of entertainment. In addition to listening to old songs in the solitude of the home at a father's knee, in a mother's lap or at her side, or at the foot of a grandmother's rocker, there was also the music making, which as often as not involved either drinking or dancing or both. The oldest instrument whose use among the rural folk we may be sure of is the fiddle, and fiddle playing evolved �The Lore of the Folk / 22 5 traditions of its own, styles of performance that included the when and the where, and one of the most interesting wheres was perhaps the fiddlers' conventions, where champion fiddlers of several localities competed for recognition and sometimes prizes, after long spells of practicing on their neighbors at dances. When and how other instruments came to be added, in addition to the fiddles, to make the musical ensembles that are still nearly ubiquitous in the mountains is not certain. To the fiddlers' contests and conventions may be added singing conventions, where the singers of religious folk songs are known to have assembled, sometimes for the awarding of prizes for the best performances. Also rural customs in many places were annual hunting expeditions and shooting contests. The mountain folk are a sociable lot to this day, and while old customs fade, new ones are added. For the most part, the camp meetings are gone without a trace, but the "Singing on the Mountain" is reminiscent of the older religious singin' gatherin's. The modern mountaineer may go to the Asheville Folk Festival, to the crafts fairs held in Gatlinburg and Hiwassee, to the fiddlers' conventions that today are gaining in popularity and in the attention paid them such as the ones at Galax, Virginia, and Union Grove and at different times of the year in a host of communities. The annual hunts seem to be less prevalent, but the sportsman may go only short distance from his home to the nearest stock car race to be with a great enthusiastic crowd. Still, many people have the feeling that something has been lost, that nothing like the past will be seen again. Certainly the nature of community activities has changed. The Appalachian natives, like other pioneer groups, engaged in communal labor sharing, such as quilting, house-raising, and harvesting, and these customs have almost passed away. Just as important, perhaps, were the community entertainments, the play-parties and dances. The play-parties, even in communities where dancing was prohibited, were the harmless and hilarious gatherings of young people, and many of the games were ancient. The dances employed by the older folks were different from those observed in England by Cecil Sharp. These activities seem to have been superseded by institutions centering on the school, the church, and the chamber of commerce. Finally, some of the most perishable forms of folklore, the oral tales, the superstitions, the legends and fables have been subjected to the eroding influence of the media - printing, �226 / Part II: A Changing Society schooling, and electronic devices. But some very interesting tales whose progress from India over long centuries of oral transmission has been traced are still to be heard in the highlands. During the heroic age of Northern Europe there lived poets, in Scandinavia called scalds, in Anglo-Saxon England called scops and gleemen, who entertained and edified courts and kings with their songs. The inhabitants of England before the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons were the Celts, and Celts also inhabited Ireland, Wales, and Brittany in France. Their poets, the bards, also sang heroic songs and at times had the gift of prophecy. The modem folksingers, in their tragic ballads, may be continuing a tradition that is descended from the influence of these early poets. The lyric songs and love songs of the Appalachian singer seem more closely related to the poets of Medieval Europe, its troubadours, minnesingers, and jongleurs. Since no one knows the origin of a song that is truly folk (by one widely accepted definition, folk songs are anonymous), some of the anonymous authors of folk songs might have been medieval poets. After centuries had passed since the earliest English ballad (in the thirteenth century) was written down, in 1917 Cecil Sharp, an English folklorist, and Mrs. John C. Campbell toured the mountains and were the first to make an important collection of both the music and the words of the ballads there. They visited White Rock, Allanstand, Alleghany, Carmen, Big Laurel, and Hot Springs in Western North Carolina- the Laurel country. They found that the mountaineers were direct descendants of original settlers from England and Scotland who had left their native lands in the eighteenth century and migrated to America. Members of their families had lived in this secluded region, some of them since the time of the Revolution. Because of the difficulty of keeping in contact with the outside world until the twentieth century, their language and customs had remained in some ways much the same as those of their ancestors in England and Scotland. Even in 1917 some of them had no markets, no surplus produce, and barter was their chief medium of exchange. Sharp and Campbell found that most of those in whom they were interested lived in log cabins and had few �The Lore of the Folk / 227 material comforts, but they were independent and self-sufficient. They were a leisurely, cheery people in whom the social instinct was highly developed. Sharp described them as physically strong and of good stature, usually spare in figure, their features as clean-cut and handsome, their complexions those of people with out-of-doors habits, with superb carriages and a swinging, easy gait. Mrs. Campbell and Sharp collected 450 tunes. Sharp commented that in England only the older people sang ballads but in the Appalachian Mountains ballads were sung by nearly everyone - young and old, that singing was as common and universal a practice as speaking. The fact has been forgotten that singing is the one form of artistic expression that can be practiced without any preliminary study or special training. Sharp believed that it was as natural for children to sing as it is to speak the native tongue. He found that mountain people had the "delightful habit of making beautiful music at all times and in all places." They were courteous and cooperative, and he had little difficulty in getting them to sing for recording. He learned to ask for "love-songs," which was their name for ballads. He found that mountain singers sang in very much the same way as English folk singers, "without any conscious effort at expression and with the even tone and clarity of enunciation with which all folk-song collectors are familiar." One peculiarity that he noticed was their dwelling "upon certain notes of the melody, generally the weaker accents." Most ballad singers sang without accompaniment, but occasionally they accompanied themselves on the guitar or the dulcimer. Many singers had extensive repertoires and none used printed song sheets. Some few, however, had written copies, usually made by children, which they called "ballets," a term used in England to apply to the printed broadsides. The Sharp-Campbell collection included fifty-five ballads, the first thirty-seven of which were in the Francis James Child collection of 305 ballads; the last eighteen were not known or were not included by Child. Sharp and Campbell included also sixty-seven other folk songs. The major forms of entertainment- song and story- are combined in the ballad, which is a narrative song. It tells a story without characterization and without comment or moralizing. The mood is merely suggested; the story is stripped to its bare �228 / Part II: A Changing Society essentials. Although any stage of a culture may produce ballads, they are most characteristic of primitive or isolated societies like the mountains of Western North Carolina in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries or that of the English-Scottish border in the late middle ages. The difference between ballads and other forms of poetry is in the way they have been preserved in the memories of generations of common people who have learned them, sung them, and passed them on orally to others. The themes of ballads are those which appealed most to the common people, most of them concerned with universal human experiences: love and marriage, family relationships, struggle, death, and the supernatural. Usually ballad stories end tragically. Stories of domestic tragedies and ill-fated love affairs are common. A great many older ballads deal with the supernatural, particularly with stories of witchcraft, enchantment, demon lovers, and the return of the dead. In most American versions the supernatural elements are left out. Many ballads chronicle the raids along the English-Scottish border during the late middle ages. Others recount sympathetically the exploits of outlaws, notably those of Robin Hood and Jesse James. Some ballads are based on riddles, telling the story of someone who saved himself from imminent peril by answering riddles correctly, usually through his folk wisdom. A number of ballads are on religious themes, and many make frequent reference to religious tradition and ritual. North Carolina's distinctive contribution to American ballads is a series of brutal murder ballads which establish the standard form for that kind of ballad in America. A famous Western North Carolina ballad is about Frankie Silvers. Frances Stewart Silvers (Frankie) murdered her husband Charles Silvers at the site of the present Black Mountain Station on the Carolina, Clinchfield, and Ohio Railroad, the mouth of the South Toe River, on the night of December 22, I 83 1. She cut off her husband's head with an axe, dismembered the body, and tried to burn portions of it in the fireplace. The crime was discovered. She was tried, convicted, and executed (the first North Carolina woman to be so executed) at Morganton July I2, I833. Before her execution she left a poem lamenting her fate. Her crime and her execution have become the subject of a ballad. Another famous Western North Carolina ballad was that about the murder of Laura Foster by Tom Dula in January I 866. Zeb Vance defended Dula, but he was convicted. Charlie �The Lore of the Folk / 229 Davenport is reported to be the author of the following ballad, which enjoyed great popularity in 1959. This song's popularity was the kickoff of the modern "Folk revival." Hang down your head Tom Dula, hang Down your head and cry; You Killed poor Laura Foster and now you're bound to die. You met her on the hill side, God Almighty knows; You met her on the hill side and there you hid her clothes. You met her on the hill side there to be your wife; You met her on the hill side and there you took her life. Phillip Houston Kennedy's study of the printed collections of ballads found in North Carolina has revealed that in several ways Western North Carolina is distinctive in the repertoire of its singers (ballad collectors have found English ballads sung in every state) and also in the amount of collecting that has been done here. In the Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore appear 399 mountain variants of ballads gathered by six collectors (the number of piedmont variants is 267, by three collectors; from the coastal region, I 37 ballad variants, by three collectors). Twenty-five of the twenty-seven mountain counties in his study were visited by collectors. He found the southwestern counties the most sparsely collected, but found Watauga county the foremost locality in the state for the number of songs collected there, and in general the northwestern section is the best represented. A further distinctive feature of the northwest is that the most unusual ballads in the Brown Collection came from there, including these examples: "Katherine ]affray" (Avery), "Robin Hood Rescuing Three Squires" (Watauga), "Queen Eleanor's Confession" (Avery), and "The Suffolk Miracle" (Yadkin). One unusual ballad from the southwestern section is "The Boony Earl of Murray" (Henderson). The rare ballads in the Cecil Sharp Collection were from the singing of a Mrs. Gentry in Madison County who was noted for her extensive repertoire of old songs. Fifty years ago ballad singers wandered through the mountains singing ballads for bed and board. Most people loved the ballads, but the Hardshell Baptists condemned them as "devil's ditties." They declared: "The devil rides on a fiddlestick." Many ghost tales were told and many ballads were sung before the winter fires of the mountaineers. The love-song ballads were also an inspiration for the love act. �230 J Part II: A Changing Society In Western North Carolina "the primitive melodic tradition of the ballads was preserved also in the strange chants and longdrawn funeral songs." The tunes, "mournful and beautiful," embodied the spirit of loneliness, sorrow, and resignation of the isolated mountaineers. The "infare," a heritage from the remote past described sometimes in the tragic love ballads of tradition, was a social event accompanying weddings. A couple married in the morning, had breakfast at the home of the bride. Then came the "infare" at the home of the groom. The frolicking included folk dances, and the groom supplied the whiskey, food, and sweets. In the evening after the bride and groom had retired came the "chivaree." The young people of the neighborhood, fun-bent, would come with outlandish noises, hoping to surprise and embarrass the newlyweds. Usually dancing and drinking followed, with the groom again furnishing the whiskey. Extensive study has been given to the musical traditions that include the tunes of the ballads and folk songs and of the instrumental music, which also reveals a kinship with old-world traditions. This study has revealed a melodic process traceable before the sixteenth century and bearing evidence of "the uninterrupted continuation of a long-lived and downright archaic tradition of music making among the unschooled people." The melodies of the folk can be shown to belong to some forty tune "families," consisting of melodic ideas which "have been subjected to conscious and unconscious variation, adapted to various uses, extended or contracted, but can be identified if a tune is examined completely .... " It is only a music scholar who is capable of revealing the basic melodic ideas in the countless variants and versions of the thousands of songs and the multitude of styles that exist in the American folksong tradition. The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore, III, Folk Songs, contains many of the popular mountain folk songs. This book has interesting illustrations, pictures of herb gatherers, and of sorghum boiling. Folk songs have merely an expression of sentiment rather than the action implied in a ballad. Included are the following: Courting Songs such as "A Paper of Pins;" Drinking and Gambling Songs like "The Lips that Touch Liquor Must Never Touch Mine;" Homiletic Songs: "The Wicked Girl" and "A Poor Sinner"; Play-party and Dance Songs such as "Oh, Pretty Polly," "Peg in the Parlor," "Turkey Buzzard," "Wish I had a Needle and Thread," "Too Young to Marry," "Pop Goes the Weasel"; Lullabies and Nursery �The Lore of the Folk / 23 r Rhymes like "Bye Baby Bunting," "The Frog's Courtship," "McDonald's Farm," "Scotland's Burning," "Go Tell Aunt Patsy"; Jingles about Animals: "Possum up a Simmon Tree" "The Old Gray Mare,"; Folk Lyrics: "Sourwood Mountain," "Pretty Sara," "0 ld Smokey," "Kitty Kline," "Charming Betsy"; Work Songs: "The Com Shucking Song," and "Old Blue." Religious Songs included are "The Cumberland Traveler," "Rock of Ages," "Pharoah's Army," and "Jacob's Ladder." Songs sung by Indians are "Ah, Poor Sinner," and "Cherokee Hymn." Among Western North Carolina collectors and singers have been Dr. I. G. Greer, Bascom Lamar Lunsford, Frank Proffitt, "Doc" Watson, Dean Cratis Williams, Edith Walker, Pearl Webb, and Dr. Amos Abrams. Dr. Greer collected over three hundred ballads. At fourteen he could sing more than forty ballads. Lunsford and Proffitt could sing over three hundred from memory. At eighty Lunsford sang for ninety hours for recordings by the Encyclopaedia Britannica Corporation. These singers and ballad collectors awakened the pride of the people in their traditional music. Alan Lomax wrote, "The first function of music, especially of folk music, is to produce a feeling of security for the listener by voicing the particular quality of a land or of the life of the people. To the traveller, a line from a familiar song may bring back all the familiar emotions of home, for music is a magical summing up of the patterns of family, of love, of conflict, and of words which gave a community its special quality and which shape the personalities of its members. Folk song calls the native back to his roots and prepares him emotionally to dance, worship, work, fight, or make love normal to his place. . . . On the American frontier men worked and sang together on terms of amity and equality impossible in the Old World .... The common man, the individual, is everything in American folk song .... " Professor George Pullen Jackson has advocated the thesis that the white spirituals of the mountain people are the progenitors of the Negro spirituals. He believes that followers of John Wesley and other revivalists, seeking inspiring revival hymns, took popular folk tunes, wrote religious words for them, and used them in their revival meetings. This activity �232 J Part II: A Changing Society A family sings together constituted an American religious folksong movement. It began in New England and spread southward, until the whole South became the province of these songs. As the practice of singing these songs died out elsewhere, it survived in folk communities in the South. Only the fact of a wide-spread movement was new; in very early times singers had sung songs to folk tunes. Singing hymns to secular tunes has been prevalent for thirteen centuries. When Cecil Sharp asked mountain people for songs, they thought he wanted hymns. He had to ask for love songs to hear ballads. Nevertheless, a few religious songs, "The Cherry Tree Carol," and "Hicks' Farewell," are in Sharp's collection. Professor Jackson feels that Sharp missed the opportunity to be the discoverer of religious folk songs, that revival and camp meeting hymns used catchy folk tunes, and that many came from Baptist, Methodist, and Presbyterian hymnals. There are thousands of these songs. Many religious mountain folk believe these folk hymns to be the most beautiful music on earth. Thus the white spirituals are an important phase of mountain culture. �The Lore of the Folk / 233 Artus Moser wrote in 1969 that group singing of hymns from shaped note song books still occurs in many rural churches of Western North Carolina: "Singing conventions meet in the different communities, and go by such names as the North Buncombe Singing Convention, the Haywood Singing Convention, the Dutch Cove Old Time Singing, the Old Harp Singing in Transylvania County near Brevard." He also reports that singing schools, conducted by itinerant music masters, are still held in some communities. The singing school practice is intended to teach the rudiments of musical knowledge, and then all are encouraged to do as their elders do, to sing and enjoy. Professor Jackson believed that "the chief source of spiritual nourishment of any nation must be in its own past perpetually rediscovered and renewed" and that there is a national unity in the American folk song tradition. Jackson was a great pioneer in the field of folk studies in his rediscovery of early America's little known hymnals and tunebooks and the historical forces that produced them. They were first used by the Baptists, but the Methodists soon made the revival songs their own and became the great spreaders of white spirituals. These white spirituals are a much neglected body of folk music. They are far more numerous and their use was far more wide spread than the singing of ballads. Yet ballad collecting and singing have attracted the efforts of hundreds, while the collecting of gospel hymns based on folk tunes has been largely neglected. Southern country singing inspired Jackson, and he began to study the subject. "Fasola" (the name of three notes of the scale as the singing schools taught them) singing was based on the shape-note hymnals. These shape notes were musical helps that enabled the musically illiterate to read the notes and to sing. There were singing schools and normal schools for training singers. The Sacred Harp (I 844), one of the most famous hymnals, went through many editions, twenty-one by compilers in the Southern states. "Singing Billy" Walker's Southern Harmony had universal appeal in the South. It channeled the living stream of white spiritual songs into the present and preserved it. There are still Southern Harmony singings like the annual "Singing on the Mountain" on Grandfather Mountain. At the "sings," the leader holds the book in his left hand, beats time with his right: down, left, up, right. Sometimes he calls the beat audibly. If stanzas not in the book are sung, the �234 / Part II: A Changing Society leader "lines out" the hymns. The Christian Harmony (1805) was probably the first hymnal to record revival tunes; the Olive Leaf (1878) was among the last. Among the widely used hymnals were William Hauser's Hesperian Harp, the Social Harp by John Gordon McCurry, the Sacred Harp with B. F. White as chief compiler and E. J. King as co-author. There were many editions of the Sacred Harp from 1844 to 1879 and even two editions in 1911. The Original Sacred Harp, a later version, contained 609 tunes and 1226 names of authors and composers, 861 of whom were from the Southern states. Of these tunes "The Romish Lady," "Wicked Polly," "The Little Family," and other songs were based on old ballads. Millions of the shape note song books were sold. Many of the Scotch Irish elements in the "Fasola" folk songs and hymns were secular; many recalled historical events; many dealt with religious experience: bad men, bad women, biblical events, anti-drinking songs. Many of the spiritual songs were born in camp meetings. Watts and John and Charles Wesley brought religious hymnody nearer to the masses by endowing it with "personal emotion, spiritual spontaneity, and evangelism." The village, town, and city church folk slowly abandoned the South's indigenous songs. But the rural songs met the people's tastes, and they felt that "God's music" was sung in the country churches. This congregational singing used songs handed down by oral transmission. They were often derived from ballads, were "dressed-up folklore." The phrases, rhythms, harmonies, stereotypes of expression, whole melodies often passed from one channel to another. An ancient folk ballad might become a hymn tune and then the hymn tune might be the origin of a bawdy song. Hymns and camp meeting songs were often robbed from fiddlers, fifers, harpers, and frolickers. Over nine hundred published religious folk tunes sprang up in the mid-eighteenth century. The tunes were mainly secular folk airs used in hymns in the New Light and the Great Awakening. Many religious ballads are found in the old manuals of country singers. They are for individual singers, not groups. The sung story is the thing. The singer tells the story in the first person: the poor wayfaring stranger going over Jordan. They are similar to the old-world ballads in form. More significant than the ballads are the revival spiritual songs, for where one could sing by himself to secular words all could sing in a gathering to religious words. "Mountain songs," secular tunes with religious �The Lore of the Folk / 2 35 words, have persisted in the Southern Appalachians, but have generally passed out of existence elsewhere. Folk music is a constantly flowing stream. There are eddies and currents, survivals intact of ancient lore, and new modes of creation. Legends, yarns, folk tales, folk songs, ballads are as much a part of the life of a folk community as are its laws, customs, and ways of making a living. They tell a good deal about what the people admire and about what kind of people they really are. " And it came to pass, when the evil spirit from God was upon Saul, that David took an harp, and played with his hand: so Saul was refreshed and was well, and the evil spirit departed from him." The harp or lyre was an ancient instrument of widespread use. In Israel the young shepherd soothed the savage beasts with a harp. Representing the ancient traditions of the Celtic people, the harp is the symbol of the Irish people. The Appalachian mountains are the home of another primitive form of harp, a folk instrument that seems distinctive. The Appalachian dulcimer may be taken, not as the most wide-spread folk instrument, which it is not, but as a symbol of a folk tradition that has its roots in antiquity, but which has developed distinctive forms. It is properly a symbol, like the Irish harp to the Irish, of the best of a traditional culture. Attempts have been made to trace the mountain dulcimer to origins beyond the seas, with imperfect success. Some writers have even thought the instrument to be descended from the Harp of David. This conclusion seems hardly justified. Among many people who have voiced opinions on the subject, Jean Ritchie of the Kentucky mountains has been one of the most eloquent in the support of its native origin. In her The Dulcimer Book she makes detailed comparisons of the dulcimer with the Norwegian langeleik, the Swedish humle, and the French epignette des Vosges, all somewhat related to the medieval German instrument, the scheitholtz. She concludes that the instrument found in the Appalachians was "born" after years of experimentation, that it is "adequate, eloquent, refined, a complete statement of the mountaineer's life- its simplicity, sorrows, gaiety, beauty." An enthusiast about the instrument, Julia Montgomery Street describes the instrument thus: "The mountain dulcimer, with two to eight strings, most commonly three, big tuning �236 / Part II: A Changing Society pegs, fretted fingerboard, and curved neck [all these fitted to an oblong box played flat on the lap or on a table] has been known and cherished for generations throughout the Southern Appalachians, and nowhere else .... " She described the use to which it was put: " ... for a solitary singer or intimate family song fest, the preferred music was the melody of a sweet-singing, plaintive dulcimer. The tune-box was generally swept [played] by a girl or woman ... , " and it was either homemade or handed down. The relationship of the instrumental music of the Southern Appalachians to the custom of singing ballads is uncertain. The British ballads and the dulcimer both seem to be rarer than the native songs and the other instruments. Both seem to belong to the home. But many experts on the folksong tradition say it has been one of unaccompanied singing. Certainly, the instruments that are numerous and widely played are the fiddle, the banjo, the mandolin, the guitar, and today, the bass fiddle and electric guitar. The history of these instuments in Western North Carolina is an unwritten story, as much so as that of the dulcimer. There is of course no question about the fiddle. This is a nearly universal instrument throughout areas where Europeans live or have settled. Negro slaves in colonial times provided the music for the stately dances of eighteenth century planters, playing tunes they learned from the English. These tunes are still current in Western North Carolina, and many of them can easily be recognized as directly descended from songs heard in Ireland, Scotland, Wales, England, and even Germany, Scandinavia. The ages of the tunes suggest that the history of instrumental music parallels that of the ballads and folksongs. Further, the instrumental tradition was retained by the same cultural groups as was the rest of North Carolina and Appalachian folklore. The instrumentalists did not live in separate communities. How extensive, and how important is this music? These tunes are not limited to a couple of dozen only, "and they do not all sound the same, as some people have commented to me Uoan Moser] upon first hearing. Instead, it appears that there are as many as two hundred distinctly separate fiddle tunes along with many variants." But this music has yet to be given the attention of people who have an interest in preserving folklore. "There remains a vital body of material, yet to be explored, �The Lore of the Folk / 237 more alive today than ballad singing or any other oral folk art. . . . Published editions of this music are practically nonexistent." Cecil Sharp included only half a dozen "jig" tunes in his Appalachian collection. "Yet, if popular usage by the folk of today is any measure of the vitality of this material, then one must note that in North Carolina alone, for every festival or program of ballad singing produced today, there are half-a-dozen fiddlers' contests, at least." In fact, for a century these gatherings have been a traditional local event in many communities. Miss Moser believes that the instrumental music of Western North Carolina is part of a heritage that belongs to general European folk culture. The tunes themselves are part of a tune heritage that belongs especially to the ethnic groups that settled the region. These tunes are part of more than forty families of tunes, including song, dance, and instrumental music. "Though tunes show stylistic variations in certain areas, similar variations of widespread tunes turn up in area after area. The lack of localized versions may attest the age of the tune families (one of which goes back at least to the tenth century) or their small number. ... " But the tradition is not just an inherited one. It is perpetually creative of new materials along traditional lines: "This music is part of a cultural heritage which extends back as far as the ancient Morris dances and forward as far as modern ragtime and jazz. The tunes the fiddlers play include sword dance tunes which have been adapted to square dances, Scottish marches inherited from bagpipe melodies, waltzes of a more recent vintage, and tunes with a definite ragtime beat and tonal organization.'' The introduction of new instruments into the folk tradition was an important event in the development of a regional style of music. The fiddle, the one folk instrument that came to America with the ballads, was played to accompany dancing and for its own sake. At some point, probably after the introduction of the banjo and guitar, the fiddle became applied as an accompaniment to the voice, at the same time applying rhythms developed to make dance steps. At first exclusively a lead instrument among other instruments, in modern bluegrass, which developed from the "old timey" string ensemble, the fiddle is used as an accompanying instrument, and the banjo, guitar or mandolin take the lead part (or the singer). �23 8 f Part II: A Changing Society The banjo, an American invention in its five-string form, has in the mountain tradition developed distinctive styles. One feature of this distinctive style is the use of the short, fifth string, as a drone, sounded throughout the music, not always in harmony with the music. Another characteristic feature of the mountain banjo style is a system of changing the tuning to achieve different keys without moving the hand from the first position, and to play specific melodies. (This technique is also used with the fiddle, in which case it is called scordature, and has an old history.) Some authorities date the development as having been complete as early as the r88o's. The oldest method of picking the strings is variously named, but many people know it as "frailing." There are a variety of other styles of picking. In ensemble practice, the banjo was not known as a solo lead instrument until the bluegrass era launched it into national prominence as a solo instrument. The history of the guitar in America is not well recorded, but its popularity in Europe in the eighteenth century spread to this country in the nineteenth. However this may be, most mountain people say there were no guitars around until around r 91 o. The guitar in the "old timey" string bands was a background instrument until the recording era, when the possibility of melody playing was introduced from outside. Although the guitar is still used as an accompanying instrument, many individuals have become prominent as masters of a special, complicated style, also their varied influences can be heard in bluegrass styles. The bluegrass band is the modern version of the rural string band that developed into ensemble practice through the introduction of new instruments, the touring medicine show, political campaigning, the commercial possibilities of accompanying dances, playing on the radio, and making recordings. This tradition was at its heyday in the 1920's. The depression drove the practice back into the mountains, as the Nashville music industry develooed the "star" tradition. In the recent decades, the advent of bluegrass music as a modernized version of this older string band tradition signalized a rebellion against the commercialization that threatened to take country music away from its origin and into the city. The amazing feature of the mountain music tradition is that it embodies all the periods of its development, from the unaccompanied singing of ballads and the solo use of the fiddle �The Lore of the Folk / 239 A banjo picker ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. for dance music, through its modern manifestations. One of the best places for one who is not acquainted with the mountain traditions to encounter a great deal of what is still to be found of them is at one of the music conventions that have developed, mainly from the old fiddlers' contests, in Galax, Virginia (in August), in Union Grove, North Carolina (at Easter), and at Asheville, North Carolina (in July) . Each of these large gatherings has over forty years of its own history, but the custom of holding such gatherings is much older. An interesting account of the earlier, less enormous fiddlers' contests, was written by Louis Rand Bascom early in the century: "The convention is essentially an affair of the people, and is usually held in a stuffy little schoolhouse, lighted by one or two evil-smelling lamps, and provided with a rude, temporary stage. On this the fiddlers and 'follerers of banjo pickin' ' sit, their coats and hats hung conveniently on pegs above their heads, their faces inscrutable. To all appearances they do not care to whom the prize is awarded, for the winner will undoubtedly treat. Also they are not bothered by the note taking of zealous judges, as these gentlemen are not appointed until after each contestant has finished his allotted "three pieces." �240 / Part II: A Changing Society The 1955 Mountain Dance and Folk Festival held annually in Asheville, directed ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO by Bascom Lamar Lunsford At the Old Fiddlers Conventions at Union Grove about as much interest was shown in extemporaneous performances on the grounds as under the big tent. This is a scene from Union Grove in the 196o's PHOTO BY ROUNDER RECORDS �The Lore of the Folk / 241 The modern super convention has to some extent replaced these smaller and more local affairs, and blue grass has made inroads (but not the crooner style of commercial country music). At each of these the variety of entertainment is great, and it is greatest at the Asheville Dance and Folk Festival, where rank amateurs, commercial artists, dancing groups, solo ballad singers, and bands are all to be seen and heard. At the Union Grove Old Time Fiddlers' Convention, at Asheville, and at Galax Virginia's Old Time Fiddlers' Convention, the number of bands is in the hundreds, and the time which is consumed including all-night festivities is several days. Joan Moser recommends them to the interested: "The commercial exploitation of these is far less than that of the ordinary folk festival. The proceeds, for instance, usually go to local non-profit educational or charitable funds, and for this reason the music is less likely to be dressed up for audience appeal. It is performed in more traditional styles than is the case with more commercial and sensation seeking festivals. This is not to say that showmanship and artistic virtuosity are missing, by any means, but they do remain within the bound of traditional practice." Although each of the three festivals named draws crowds in the thousands and from far away, there are a multitude of the smaller, local schoolhouse variety of fiddlers' contests. To a city dweller or a resident of the suburbia of which so many Americans are a part, a remarkable feature of the mountain culture is the extent to which work and recreation coincide. Artus Moser describes the trait of community sharing this way: "They learned to cooperate and work together, sing together, dance together, as neighbors and friends. Some of the very old people will tell you with much conviction that they had more fun and pleasure when they were young than the modern young generation, ... " The square dance is the recognized dance of the mountain people. With it goes the mountain music of the fiddle, guitar, and the banjo. This music bears within itself its own unique musical form with its rapid jump from key to key and its expression of emotion. The square dance is the descendant of the minuet, the Virginia Reel, and English and Scottish folk dances. �242 / Part II: A Changing Society Square dance groups meet outdoors in the summer ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO The majority of the people were fundamentalists and puritanical. They thought that dancing where there was bodily contact was sinful. They condoned "play-party" games. The square dance was an exuberant amusement at these play-parties. It gave the energetic young people a means of enjoying their healthful animal spirits. M any years ago Bascom Lamar Lunsford of Turkey Creek (Buncombe County) organized the Mountain Dance and Folk Festival in Asheville. It has been held every summer since that time. Ballad singers and musicians and square dance groups perform and compete. This competition has helped to maintain and to spread the popularity of square dancing. Then, too, there is music making for its own sake. These get-togethers might be at several t ypical places: at someone's house, out doors (often in the summer months), or at a store or filling station. These musical get-togethers involve considerable ritual: reverence for old players or listeners and deference to their tastes, tuning up (an endless and hair-raising process), taking turns at playing the lead (unless the fiddle player is elderly and august, in which case he may always play the lead), and usually drinking (depending on the presence of women). The �The Lore of the Folk / 243 drinking ritual might impose a different role on the fiddle player (who needs more concentration) than on the guitar player (who needs to loosen up and steady his rhythm). Under some circumstances drinking is always done covertly, behind the house or in a car. The rules are strict. Folk beliefs and superstitions have evolved from the folk wisdom of an isolated people who had to make-do with what they had and where they were. They used their herb remedies for illnesses, the omens and signs for planting and harvesting crops. They used practices that had worked, based upon their actual experiences. They believed in luck, magic, nature, witchcraft. These beliefs rooted in common sense needed to have added to them the results of scientific knowledge and investigation. When such results were unavailable, they relied upon themselves. Folklore is the seed, the plant, the natural growth by which legends turn into myths. It has long been an integral part of the lives of the mountain people. It was a product of their primitive lives, their simple pleasures, and their struggle to survive and make their lives as creatively rich and as pleasurable as possible. The folklore of Western North Carolina is rich with the stories, legends, ballads, games, songs, amusements, and occupations of the mountain people. Lacking books, theaters, amusements, they created an imaginative and indigenous way of life for themselves. Many of the folktales are based on pagan beliefs of other millenia, which have survived as oral literature. When primitive man could not understand death, sickness, lightning, and other nautral phenomena, he attributed them to malignant deities, such as witches and devils. To protect himself from these malignant forces he created benevolent spirits to save him from the forces of evil. Eventually these spirits became his gods. Finally the one-God concept evolved and the gods became God. Then even though man wished with all his might to believe in the benevolence of God, he still feared the devil, forces of evil, malignant spirits, and the consequences of a remorseles destiny. He blamed certain undesirable happenings upon fate, luck, chance, the influence of witches and other malignant spirits. Folklore is a characteristic of man's cultural heritage. Everyone is affected by it, but quite possibly the more simple, ignorant, isolated, �244 / Part II: A Changing Society Bascom Lamar Luniford and Obray Ramsey make mountain music. They are representative of numerous groups of banjo, fiddle, and guitar players who travel miles to enjoy their favorite pastime PHOTO BY AMERICAN MUSIC CONFERENCE and illiterate a person is, the more greatly he is influenced by folk beliefs. Folk tales like the ballads were handed down by oral communication and transmission. Like the ballad singer, the folk teller of tales "adopted not only the vocabulary and language but also the technique of high-pitched and nasal speech of the people, ... their soft drawl." These tales were a part of spoken culture until a literary man like Richard Chase came along, �The Lore of the Folk / 245 collected them, wrote them down, and thus made them available to a wider audience than could have heard the native fabulists. In the mountains of Western North Carolina there are many folk tales and legends. Concerning these one must ask the following questions: how interesting are they? how significant? how widely are they told? to what extent are they believed in Western North Carolina? One would say that the belief that if a corpse were touched by a murderer it would bleed afresh would be absurd. Yet a suspected murderer was given this test in Ashe County, North Carolina, and the legend is that the corpse bled. There are many legends about witchcraft. There was a witchcraft trial in North Carolina in 1920. Belief in ghosts was once involved to explain North Carolina's most widely advertised natural mystery, the Brown Mountain lights. These lights that can be seen over Brown Mountain from the Blowing Rock highway and elsewhere have been investigated by scientists and have been written about time and again. They were the subject of a mystery novel, Kill One, Kill Two by W. W. Anderson in 1940. The lights were investigated by the U.S. Geological Survey in 1913 and 1921. They have also been investigated by the National Geographic Society. The report of the Geological Survey scientists stated that they were reflections of automobile and train headlights. H. C. Martin asserted in the Lenoir Topic that they were reflections of the lights of Lenoir, Morganton, and Granite Falls. Hobart Whitman said the lights were really over Hickory, Morganton, and Valdese and that they merely appeared to be over Brown Mountain. Others have asserted that the lights were swamp fire or will-o-the-wisp, luminous reflections from phosphorescent substances. Many people have explored Brown Mountain and have found no cause of the lights. One evidence that the lights are reflections is that there was no legend concerning them before the twentieth century. There is a legend that the man in the moon is there for burning trash on Sunday. Many are the legends about forlorn lovers. The most appealing of these is about the beautiful Indian princess who, after the death of her lover, leaped from a cliff into the river. Thus the Estatoe River received its name. An interesting legend tells how the Indians obtained fire. They had no fire. Three old witches over the hill did. The Indians and their animal friends stole a firebrand from the witches. The animals passed it from one to another until it reached the Indian �246 / Part II: A Changing Society village. Henceforth the Indians guarded the precious fire day and night. This is reminiscent of the Greek myth about Prometheus. The story of the origin of the woodpecker concerns a stingy old woman. One day a wizard disguised as an old man came by as she was baking cakes. He asked for a cake. She promised him one but then decided each was too large to give to him. Because of her stinginess he changed her into a woodpecker. A flower legend is about a little girl who liked to look at the sun so much that she was changed into a sunflower. The fuchsia is supposed to belong to the devil. The purple bell that drops down is his bell, the red petals that turn up are hell flames. The trees bowed before Jesus, the aspen refused. Ever since, it has trembled in fear. The mistletoe was once a large tree. Its wood was used for the cross of Jesus. Now it is a parasite. At Clifton, Ashe County, legend has it that a witch woman, Lyla Weaver, bewitched a rooster and made a snake appear on the counter in the store, so terrifying the merchant that he gave her a bolt of cloth. In Watauga County Old Henry, supposedly a male witch, put a spell on his daughter-in-law. Her family kept a stoppered bottle hanging from the loft to obviate the curse. There is the belief that the only way to kill witches is to shoot them with silver bullets. It was believed in Todd, N.C., that under the spell of a witch crops will not mature or will wilt and dry up, that a witch could bewitch horses so that they would die after trying to climb trees and walk logs and fences, that when horses' manes and tails are tangled, they've been ridden by witches, that witches can't abide lye soap, that if you don't want soap bewitched stir it with a sassafras stick, that if butter won't congeal you should put a coin in the churn to attract the witch's attention so the butter will come. There are legends of famous ghosts in the mountains. Among the most widely believed are those about the Lineback ghost near Cranberry and the Polly-Place ghost near Haunted Spring, one mile east of the Watauga River. This ghost is like a soldier with brass buttons on his coat. In Watauga County a headless dog was seen near the Cove Creek schoolhouse. There is a legend that a traveler and his dog were murdered and buried under the schoolhouse. Ghostly lights have been seen from Big Laurel in Watauga County. Aunt Sally Simms of Pineola had a vision in which she saw the devil, his wife, and four children come into Billy's house. They danced, had music, and one of the �The Lore of the Folk / 24 7 hellcats sat on the forelog in the fire. She threw boiling water on it but it was not hurt. Then she saw a hand with a knife. Shortly afterwards Betty and a boy named Ralph were running away. Bill, Betty's brother, knifed and shot Ralph. In Wilkes County strangers are told of Guy-scoot-er sky, the wonderful steer with hind legs longer than his front ones for mountain climbing. Olive Tilford Dargan in From My Highest Hill quoted many sayings such as the following: "You can't raise a child that never falls out of bed. They die shure." "Fodder that has never been wet when made into a tea will cure fever." "A writin' spider means good luck." "To cure a baby's thrash get a strange man to lift his shoe to the baby's mouth, blow in the baby's mouth, say the three highest words in the Bible, or get a blackeyed man to give the baby a drink from his right shoe." "One must have a calm spirit if she puts up beans that will not spoil." She wrote of "yarb" medicines: mullein and shumake for a swelled throat, boneset for "agu," pokeweed for "rheumatiz" and spignet for consumption. For earache the remedy was warm rabbit oil poured into the ear. John Foster West recalled from his childhood in the Appalachians of North Carolina a lullaby: "Whatcha gonna do with the baby? Whatcha gonna do with the baby? Wrope it up in the tablecloth And throw it up in the stable loft. Whatcha gonna do with the baby? West recalled a toe game that the children liked : "Big toe: "This old sow say 'Let's go steal wheat.'" Second toe: "Where we git hit at?" The Third toe says: "Massa's barn" The little toe, when twisted, would say: "This little pig say, "Wee! wee! wee! I can't get over the doorsill.'" Many of our children's games had their origin in antiquity. "Jacks" was mentioned by Aristophanes. The Romans played "How many fingers?". "Blindman's Buff" and "odd and even" were Greek. "Prisoner's base," "Oats, Peas, Beans, and Barley" were played in the Middle Ages. "Leapfrog" was mentioned by both Shakespeare and Ben Jonson. "Anthony over," "Skip to my Lou," "Scissors-Paper-Stone," "Crack the Whip," "Upset the Fruit Basket," "Hide and Seek" have long been popular in the mountains. �248 / Part II: A Changing Society A rhyme about "hide and seek" is Bucket of wheat, bucket of clover, All not hid can't hide over. All eyes open, here I come. Many games involve practical jokes. In "Barnyard Chorus" only the one uninitiated gave the sound of the farm animals. In "Barber" a girl would tie a scarf around a boy's neck, invite him to be shaved and blindfold him. Then a little boy would kiss him. The blindfold would be removed, and the boy would be asked if that were not the quickest shave he had ever had. There were a number of battle games like "Capture the Flag" and many dramatic singing games like "Jenny Jones," "Old Crony," "Old Grumble," "Old Crummle," "Old Grumly" with onomatopoeic refrains like "chicky my chick my crany crow." A witch would catch all the children and send them home. An amusing guessing game was "Grunt, Pig, Grunt." A child would be blindfolded and then would have to identify which other child had grunted. Another guessing game was "Hackety hack on your back, how many fingers do I hold up?" In "Blindman's Buff" the blindfolded one had to catch and identify one of the players. In "Horns" a player would lose when he called the name of an animal that had no horns; in the "Twelve Days of Christmas" the player had to repeat all the gifts - the first one to omit any dropped out of the game. "Prisoners Base," "Fox in the Morning," "Rover, Red Rover, All come over," "Drop the Handkerchief," "Jacks," and "Mumble Peg" were widely played. There were so many hog drovers passing through the mountains that the children made up a "Hog Drover" game: Hog drovers, hog drovers, hog drovers, we air, A courtin' your darter so neat and so fair, Can we get lodgin' here, oh, here? Can we get lodgin' here?" The child playing the father would answer: "No ugly hog drover gets her for a bride." Riddles were a popular form of humor: On which side does a sheep have the most wool? The outside. The mountain people were fond of proverbs and picturesque sayings. They are part of the folk wisdom and imagination: for every fog in August there'll be a snow in winter; his wife throwed more out the back door than he could tote in the front; as quare as a biddy hatched in a thunder storm. Superstitions represent the primal stage of folklore. One superstition is about a white horse, an omen of good luck. If you see a white horse, kiss the right hand and stamp it twice on the left hand. Thus the white horse, like the first star of evening, is a wishing horse or a magic horse; �The Lore of the Folk / 249 one who eats a bear's heart will have supernatural strength; if you carry a lock of hair of a person you can control that person. Some superstitions concerning domestic pursuits are these: set bread to rise before sunrise; soap should be made in the dark of the moon; a seventh son of a seventh son has miraculous healing powers. Death and funeral customs include the following: if a pregnant woman drinks too much water, she may drown the baby; turn the bed tick before nine days and the mother will die; a ringing in the ears is the tolling of the death bell. There are many good luck omens, fetishes charms. Spittle, a rabbit's foot, a small piece of corn, a buckeye, knocking on wood, stump water are good luck charms. Folk ideas about bees are interesting: swarm in May, worth a load of hay. The principal sports, hunting and fishing, were subjects of folk beliefs: fish will not bite when the wind blows; hunting is good when the moon is in the south, when the air is still. "When the wind is in the east, the fish bite least; When the wind is in the west, the fish bite best; When the wind is in the south, the fish bite in the mouth." A folk hero is Junior Johnson, stock car racer and chicken farmer. The legend of Junior Johnson has developed in Wilkes County. Junior, the "charger," was the idol of the 17,000 people who would drive out Route 421 to the stock car races near Wilkesboro. On such a day the "good ole mountain boys" could hear gospel preaching and shouting on the radio. According to Tom Wolfe the South has preaching, shouting, grits, country music, old memories, traditions, clay dust, old bigots, new liberals, and the lust for racing. Junior was a "hillbilly" who learned to drive by running whiskey for his father, a copper still operator in Ingle Hollow. Junior grossed over $10o,ooo in 1963. Still the Wilkes boys in the apple shacks wake up in the night, hear a supercharged car roar, and say, "Listen at himthere he goes!" Junior became famous for his "bootleg turn" to avoid roadblocks, a 180° turn made by throwing the car into second, stepping on the accelerator, and skidding the rear end around. He was never caught in a car. Once he got through a road block by using a police siren and a red light in his grill. His admirers are usually in their twenties and wear mod clothes. Very few arc clodhoppers. Junior has a huge income, 42,000 chickens, a road-grading business, and a good job with Holly Farms. He is a hero a whole class can identify with. He stirs their imagination. What he is they would like to be. �This page intentionally left blank �PART THREE A Developing Economy March II, I879, Major James W. Wilson, the engineer in charge, wired the Governor: "Daylight has entered Buncombe County today: grade and center met exactly." The last shovelful of earth had been lifted, the rails were laid through the Swannanoa tunnel, and trains from Old Fort and the west met. The place they promptly named Terrell's. The year I88o marked the passing of an era and the ferment of a new one for the mountain counties. As the rails reached a county seat it experienced a little "boom." Lumber and tanning companies moved in, new uses were found for wood, wide-eyed tourists converged to experience the wonders that a few daring travelers had been describing for years. Small aggregations of local capital were thereupon invested here and there in furniture factories and textile mills. Telegraph had preceded the railroad by just a few months. The telegraph was the nerve system and the railroad the arteries carrying materials essential to the integration with national life that was beginning to evolve. The forests in r 880 were great unbroken stretches of never-cut timber, and the timber stands were interrupted only by the island places where men in farms, valleys, and towns made their stands against the wilderness sea of trees. As the fisherman is an intruder on the seas, so then men were invaders of the forests. To make a field or pasture it was necessary to kill trees, so men adopted the practice of burning or stripping a stand of trees to clear land - treating the forest as an 251 �252 / Part III: A Developing Economy enemy to be conquered. Of course most of the houses of men and their contents were won by toil from the forest. Still it was the enemy that was everywhere and eternal. With the railroads came the first lumbering concerns, and the forests were transformed into a marketable commodity, only awaiting the axe. But the farmer was not so immediately affected by the railroad in the 188o's, except that things probably got somewhat better for him with gradually improving markets and new markets for new crops, such as the tobacco crop, then in its infancy as an industry in Western North Carolina. A change in the weaving of people together into society was surely taking place. County seats grew as centers of influence only if railroads reached them, and in some cases towns were created by the arrival of railroads, the town-maker par excellence in America. North Wilkesboro eclipsed Wilkesboro, the county seat, because of the railroad. The railroad now visits West Jefferson, not Jefferson, the county seat. West Jefferson did not exist in 188o. The growth of towns brought change to everyone within convenient reach of one of these centers of culture. Branson's Business Directory for the year 1884 reveals the extent to which business and manufacturing, which today are concentrated, were diffused throughout the counties. Creston, which today is merely a community, was the largest town in Ashe County in 1884, while West Jefferson is today's largest town. Canton in Haywood County was wholly created by the arrival of the railroad in 1883. And while tourism had been practiced on a small scale and the area had been opened to the imaginations of outsiders by explorers like Francois Andre Michaux and his father Andre Michaux, with the arrival of the excursion train (still a phenomenon in the annual excursions run from West Jefferson to Abingdon, Virginia) a new era in entertainment opened up. In 1880 there were old men who had lived out their lives never seeing a wheeled vehicle. Of course a great gulf would continue to exist between what were to remain the stern, uncompromising terms of rural life and the possibilities opened up by the arrival on the scene of means of making men closer together- mass communication, mass transportation, mass production. �CHAPTER TWELVE Hear That Whistle Blow! The building of the Western North Carolina Railroad to Asheville opened a window to the outside world. The previously secluded mountaineers looked through "charmed magic casements" upon what was to them a "brave new world." As they sat in their cabins, with the winter wind blowing through the cracks, their fingers plucking banjo strings, they could hear the long shrill wail of the locomotive's whistle as the train passed Terrell's, now Ridgecrest, and started on the down grade to Old Fort. The mountain man with the banjo would pick up the tempo of his plucking until the rhythm of the strings matched the rhythm of the wheels. His voice would run into a melodic moan: "hear that whistle blow a hundred miles." The man and banjo, train whistle and wheels were like one being: racing, roaring, speeding, pulsating, vibrating on their way to the wonders of the world outside the mountains. The men would dream of getting out to Morganton, Raleigh, Washington, and New York. To the people of the mountains the railroad was more than just engine, passenger and freight cars. It was their means of escape, their ticket to adventure, to a new life, to opportunity and excitement. It became a way of life, breathing, walking, making love, dreaming. It became a symbol of freedom, of hope, of escape from bondage, the bondage of loneliness. It opened the door to the affluence of the outside world. It allured men with the bright and shining promises symbolized by the bright and shining rails. It represented romance as well as being 253 �2 54 / Part III: A Developing Economy an arterial system for carrying goods and services to market. The railroad made both transportation and communication easier. It carried the people and it brought the mail. Before the days of the railroad and rural free delivery, post offices were numerous, Buncombe County having thirty-four. The United States government contracted with individuals to carry the mail from town to town, and frequently the carriers combined hauling the mail with the operation of a stage coach line, sometimes even keeping a tavern at some place along the route for lunch stops or overnight accommodations for the passengers. Sherrill Inn, a saddle-bag type of house of logs at Hickory Nut Gap, was operated until after 1900. Bedford Sherill carried the mail from Salisbury to Asheville via Lincolnton and Rutherfordton. His four horse Albany type coach carried many notable passengers. Drovers also used the inn, often paying for the services in kind: turkeys, a hog, or a steer. After the Western North Carolina Railroad reached Marion in 1870, a number of stage coach lines furnished regular services to points in the mountains such as the Cloudland Hotel on Roan Mountain, and to Asheville, crossing the Swannanoa Gap and following the Swannanoa River. Stage lines also fanned out from Asheville in almost all directions. Tourists enjoyed the travel by stage coach and the bountiful board and rural accommodations along the various routes. . As early as 1827, when railroads in America were just plans on paper, Joel Poinsett of Charleston is said to have dreamed of a railroad to be built across the Blue Ridge Mountains, down the French Broad River, and on to the Ohio Valley. In 1833 he published a pamphlet advocating such a road. Meetings were held in Asheville, Charlotte, and Knoxville. Judge Mitchell King of the resort at Flat Rock was a staunch promoter, and through his influence some preliminary surveys were made by engineers, one of whom was connected with the College of Charleston. An enthusiastic engineer wrote: "On the table land of Buncombe, the very spirit of health will smile upon the enterprise, and it will be hailed with joy by a flood of migration from the south, which even now sends thousands to make a painful journey to this delightful region." More than fifty years passed before a railroad was ever built across the Blue Ridge. In 1852 the General Assembly of North Carolina, the railroad having been completed to Salisbury, chartered a Western North Carolina Railroad to have a capital �Hear That Whistle Blow! / 255 Hauling wood to build the Western North Carolina Railroad. The engine at the front is the little Salisbury that w as hauled over the mountain to expedite the digging of the Swannanoa tunnel ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO . of$3,00o,ooo, financed two-thirds by state funds and the remaining third by counties and individuals, to run from Salisbury to the Tennessee line. This was one of the many abortive plans of the next forty years to build a railroad through every western county. In I853 Tennessee chartered a railroad to run from Cincinnati to Paint Rock, expecting that North Carolina would build its link across to the South Carolina border. A second charter was issued in I855 for a Western North Carolina railroad, from Salisbury to some point on the French Broad River beyond the Blue Ridge, and further legislation provided for construction west through the valley of the Pigeon and Tuckaseigee rivers to connect with a point on a projected Blue Ridge Railroad on the Tennessee River. Another provision was for an extension through Madison County to Paint Rock, Tennessee. Surveys were made and the construction began. The road from Salisbury was completed to within a few miles of Morganton when the work was halted by the Civil War. Soon after the war the line was built to Morganton, in I 870 it reached Marion, and by I 873 it was at Old Fort. In I 870 East Tennessee achieved railroad connections with Atlanta and Mobile, and Buncombe County's lucrative trade from the passage of Tennessee livestock over the turnpikes was lost. Asheville needed a railroad desp erately, but the odds were �256 / Part III: A Developing Economy against her. The Western North Carolina Railroad now became a victim of financial difficulties. State aid through the sale of bonds was voted by the General Assembly, but the bonds did not sell for the expected amount because of lack of faith in the state's ability to repay the money. In r871 the Assembly split the Western North Carolina Railroad into the Eastern Division and the Western Division. Corruption in politics swept onto the scene. George W. Swepson, president of the Western Division, paid Milton S. Littlefield, a carpetbag lobbyist in Raleigh, to use his influence in getting votes in favor of the bonds. Littlefield was to have ten per cent of the money raised from their sale, and he spent money lavishly on the members of the Assembly. When an investigation revealed the fraud, Swepson and Littlefield fled the state. Later the Western Division was merged with the Eastern Division. Samuel McDowell Tate, Democratic businessman of Morganton, served as president of the Western North Carolina Railroad intermittently after the Civil War, being the choice of the stockholders but not of W. W. Holden, Republican governor in r866, r869-187r. Tate continued to act as director and as financial agent of the Eastern Division after 1871, and in I 873 he was appointed by the United States Circuit Court as temporary receiver, but after two months he was replaced by William A. Smith, Republican. The troubles ot the road were subjects of political maneuvering by both Republican and Democratic parties in 1874, and in that year Tate was elected to the state House of Representatives from Burke County. In 1875 a coalition was formed between eastern and western· Democrats. Tate submitted a bill by which the Western North Carolina Railroad would be purchased by the state and completed as planned. In return the western representatives would support the calling of a constitutional convention to abolish the local election of county commissioners and justices of the peace, the method that was brought into operation by the carpetbag constitution of r868. Henceforth the holders of these offices were to be chosen by the General Assembly. Thus officeholding by Negroes in the eastern counties could be controlled. Tate's bill was a clever device for getting the East to pay for the railroad. The western members were determined to have their railroad bill passed first. Objections were raised that the western congressional district included I /7 of the area of the state, r/8 of its population, but paid only r/IJ of the taxes. They were �Hear That Whistle Blow! / 2 57 answered by the argument that until people could sell their products and develop their resources they could not pay more taxes and that when rail communications were established with Georgia and Tennessee outside capital would be attracted to the western part of the state. The bill passed the Senate in 1875, and the state issued $85o,ooo worth of new mortgage bonds to be prorated among the various creditors. Western Democrats then supported the bill calling for a constitutional convention. Construction was resumed in 1877 and the General Assembly approved the expenditure of $7o,ooo annually for the work, provided the money was available. Five hundred convicts, most of them Negroes, were assigned to complete the construction. Utilization of convict labor was common in the Southern states at this time, and in North Carolina they had been used in making the cuts for the Spartanburg-Asheville Railroad under a law passed in 1872. Upon completion of the Western North Carolina Railroad to Asheville the prisoners were to be employed in building the lines to Paint Rock and Murphy. In I 877 the road was completed to Henry Station at the foot of the Blue Ridge. Grading had been done beyond that point and some tunnels had been worked on, but little progress had been made. From Old Fort to Swannanoa Gap was a rise of 891.5 feet between two points only three and four-tenths miles apart. Six tunnels ranging from 7 feet to 1,832 feet were needed, and the road was laid out to curve 2, 776 degrees, the equivalent of eight complete circles. All of the work was done by hand by unskilled convicts using pick, shovel, and mule-drawn scrapes and carts. The story of the completion of the road from Henry Station to Asheville is dramatic. For the first time in the South nitroglycerine was used for blasting cuts and tunnels. One cut 450 feet long became known as "Mud Cut." The convicts went down each day to dig the mud out with picks and shovels, but each night it filled with mud again. A dinky engine was used to carry the mud out of the cut. Finally the men and engine won. Another challenge came when the decision was reached that the Swannanoa tunnel must be dug from the western as well as the eastern end and that an engine would be necessary to take the mud and rocks from the tunnel. W. P. Terell, engineer of the little engine "Salisbury" directed the dragging of the engine over the mountain on wooden planks using block and tackle. Mules, oxen, and convicts dragged the engine three miles, �258 / Part III: A Developing Economy lifting it 900 feet in the process. The men laid planks, strained up the mountain over the planks, relaid the planks ahead of the engine, and started again. By taking the engine to the western end of the projected tunnel they cut in half the time required to dig it. The road had been surveyed to follow the courses of streams and thus secure a gradual rise. For an air line distance of three and four-tenths miles the road bed is nine miles. Major James W. Wilson, an original contractor for the work and after 1877 president of the Western North Carolina Railroad, completed the track to Asheville in October r 880. In that year A. B. Andrews became president of the line. By r88o the Democratic Party in North Carolina had come to regret having supported purchase of the Western North Carolina by the state. Construction of the line between Henry Station and Swannanoa Gap had been slow, and "Mud Cut" had been the butt of criticism by eastern newspapers that were preaching economy. Completion of the two extensions to Tennessee would require an increase in state taxes for years to come. Zebulon B. Vance, elected Governor in 1876, had been elevated to the United States Senate in I 879 and Lieutenant Governor Thomas J. Jarvis, promoted to the governorship, hoped to be re-elected in I88o on a platform of economy and of increased state support for public education. When William J. Best, head of a northern financial group, offered to buy the road, pay the state for the $85o,ooo mortgage, and pay $sso,ooo in first mortgage bonds plus compensation to private stockholders, Governor Jarvis called a special session of the General Assembly for March I 5. There was little opposition to the proposal, the bill being passed March 27. Best pledged that the road would be completed to Paint Rock on or before July I, I88r, and to Murphy on or before January I, I885. The new owners were to pay the state an annual rent for each convict employed on the project. Best's associates turned over their interests to the Richmond and Danville Railroad Company, a procedure which had been turned down by the General Assembly in I875· Thus the Western North Carolina Railroad became part of an important trunk line which in I894 was reorganized as the Southern Railway Company, but the dream that the mountain area would share a railroad to the state's Atlantic seaports was blasted. The building of the Western North Carolina Railroad from Old Fort to the crest of the Blue Ridge brought a new life and �Hear That Whistle Blow! / 259 The first Battery Park Hotel, luxurious in its day, on the site of Battery Porter, Civil War fortification ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. new hope to the people of the mountains but at a staggering cost: $2,ooo,ooo for eleven miles of track and the loss of some four hundred lives, almost all of whom were convicts, many having been convicted of such minor crimes as vagrancy and loitering because they had no means of support. Thus this epochal railroad building was yet another example of minority exploitation so prevalent in American History. Construction of the road to Paint Rock was completed in 1882 and through service to Morristown, Tennessee, was opened. The North Carolina part followed the French Broad, and vast amounts of rock had to be moved to provide a road bed. Nitro-glycerine was again used in blasting. It was manufactured near the mouth of Reems Creek and transported in one-gallon jugs in one-horse wagons driven by Negroes along the Buncombe Turnpike to the places needed. After the railroad reached Asheville, many wealthy Northerners came to the resort to spend a few days or weeks, and among the new hotels built for their accommodation was the Battery Park, occupying the site of Battery Porter, the Civil War fortification erected near Asheville. The Battery Park was luxurious, and the view from its many verandas was magnificent as the town was rimmed with mountains. Gay young people residing at the hotel took horseback excursions into the mountains. �260 / Part III: A Developing Economy Hotel at Warm Springs, later renamed Hot Springs. The hotel was enlarged to accomodate the crowds after the railroad reached the town ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. ,. lfWf - The railway station at Hot Springs, typical of the depots along the line Shortly after the completion of the road to the Tennessee line, the management of the hotel at Warm Springs enlarged the establishment, adding one hundred new rooms. "This improvement comprises a western extension, six hundred and fifty feet long, three stories high, verandas to every floor, extending the entire length of the new building, ... presenting a hotel outfit, for accommodation of such a throng of guests, unsurpassed by any Summer and Winter resort in the country." The hotel �Hear That Whistle Blow! J 26I accommodated one thousand guests and was said to be not infrequently full to overflowing. Next the Murphy branch was constructed. When the railroad reached Pigeon Ford, now Canton, in I88I the station there became the shipping point for livestock and a town developed. In I 8 84 when the road reached Waynesville a great celebration was held on April 4· People, many of whom had never seen a train, flocked into town as the first official passenger train came in. New settlements grew up along the line as the road pushed west. Waynesville became a famous resort. In I 879 a large hotel had been built, one-half mile from town, at White Sulphur Springs. Meanwhile a much talked-of road from Spartanburg to Asheville to connect with the one to Tennessee was progressing without state financial support. The legislature of I 8 55 had been railroad conscious. A charter was granted to the Greenville and French Broad Railroad Company to join a road in the course of construction in South Carolina. Not until I873 was work on the line in North Carolina begun in Polk County. This was to be the first railroad to cross the Blue Ridge in North Carolina. The line reached Tryon in 1877, but the route planned proved to be too expensive, necessitating a change, and the next few miles went slowly. It reached Saluda by a climb of six hundred feet in three miles at a maximum grade of more than 220 feet per mile in some places. The "Big Cut" about half way up the mountain was seventy feet in the center and even deeper on the upper side. Convict labor was used on the heavy grades. The town of Saluda was founded while the railroad was under construction and in 1881 it was chartered. It covered a square mile with the railroad in the center. The first train passed through Saluda in 1878. The town became a summer resort, principally for people from Columbia, South Carolina. They were charmed with the wide variety of wild flowers and other plant life afforded by the thermal belt in Polk County and by the mountain scenery. In I 8 85 the town of Tryon was incorporated to extend one-half mile in every direction from the intersection of Pacolet Street with the railroad. A hotel now known as Oak Hall had been built in 1881 and the town had already become a winter resort. These two towns in the same county had such different average temperatures that Tryon attracted winter residents and Saluda served as a summer retreat. The county began to attract more year-round residents. �262 J Part Ill: A Developing Economy In I 874 the planned consolidation of the two railroads was consummated under the name Asheville and Spartanburg Railroad Company, and it finally reached Asheville in 1886. Construction to Hendersonville had been completed by July 4, 1879. On that day notables from Charleston and Columbia were in Hendersonville. Crowds thronged the streets and people opened their homes to the visitors who had come by stage, horseback, buggy, carriage, oxcarts, and on foot. As one train approached from Charlotte and a special came from Spartanburg a cannon was fired and the crowd cheered. Speeches were made by famous men and the local band played. In the oak grove near the station barbecued meat and other foods were served, followed by more speeches. In 1894 the Hendersonville and Brevard Railroad was built. The engines were wood-burning, and fuel was obtained from place to place along the track. After three years' operation the company failed and the road was purchased by J. F. Hayes and associates at a receiver's sale and later was leased to the Southern Railroad. About 1895 Joseph H. Silverstein came to Transylvania County, and in 1901 he and a group of associates built the Toxaway Tanning Company, organized the Gloucester Lumber Company, leased a boundary of several thousand acres of valuable timberlands, and built a large band sawmill. Meanwhile J. F. Hayes, millionaire who came to the "Sapphire country" because of poor health, founded the Brevard Tanning Company, manufacturers of tannic acid, at Pisgah Forest. The tanneries made contracts with owners of tracts of chestnut trees to furnish chestnut wood and tanbark to be made into tannic acid, providing a new source of income from the forested land. However, these contracts were a source of great hardship to those furnishing the bark because the buyer's scales did the weighing and because the bark had to be free from mold and defects. It could be peeled easily only during the spring when rains were frequent and at that time mold was hard to avoid. Other lumber companies followed, and Brevard with three hundred people began to have its first boom. Town lots were selling for three hundred dollars, land in the French Broad Valley was bringing from $25 to $roo per acre, and mountain land from three to ten dollars. There were two trains daily into �Hear That Whistle Blow! I 263 the village. In 1900 J. F. Hayes built the beautiful Franklin Hotel in Brevard. In 1901 he built 540 acre Lake Toxaway in Transylvania County. Soon he erected a rso-room luxury hotel with electric lights, elevators, steam heat, and a power launch to carry guests around the lake. In Jackson County he built the Sapphire and Fairfield Hotels. He catered to the wealthy and it was said that 200 millionaires were guests during the first year of operation. Some of them invested in Western North Carolina developments. Among distinguished guests were the rubber magnate Edward Baccus, Henry Ford, Harvey Firestone, John Burroughs, Thomas Edison, R. J. Reynolds, the Dukes, and the Nunnally family from Atlanta. A band, dancing, boating, study classes for children were provided, and there was an electric car line to connect the resorts of Fairfield and Toxaway. By 1905 there were six trains a day through Brevard during the season, for a few years. By 1907 business was falling off. The Toxaway Company failed in I9II, Fairfield Inn burned, and the 1916 flood destroyed the dam, the hotel closed, and the wealthy guests went elsewhere. In the 1950's the dam and lak.e were rebuilt by a new company, Lake Toxaway Estates, and the company is developing an exclusive mountain-lake residential community, with a new Toxaway Inn as well as houses and boathouses around the lake, making this again a vacation paradise. As late as 1886 it was being written of Rutherford, one of the two oldest counties in the area, "Transportation is by wagon to the railroads of the adjacent counties, and thence to Charlotte, Wilmington, and Charleston." That of course applied to cotton and grain. The livestock went on the hoof. By r 887 Rutherfordton had its railroad. When the Carolina Central Railroad reached that town, a dream of thirty years was realized. Chartered in r 8 55 as the Wilmington, Charlotte, and Rutherfordton Railroad, it received aid from the state and from most of the counties through which it passed. Rutherford County voted bonds to pay for several thousand dollars worth of stock. The work went slowly, but during the Civil War construction was completed to Cherryville. By r88o it had reached Shelby, and by r887 trains were operating to Rutherfordton. General Wilder, who owned the Cloudland Hotel and most of Roan Mountain and had an interest in the Cranberry �264 f Part III: A Developing Economy iron mines, in the 188o's promoted a railroad project to connect the rich coal fields of Southwest Virginia and Eastern Kentucky with the South by a railroad across the mountains from some point on the Ohio River. A similar promotion had been made in the 183o's by Charleston men. This railroad was finally completed in 1915. The Charleston, Cincinnati, and Chicago Railroad Company, commonly called the "Three C's", was chartered by a special act of the Tennessee legislature in I 887 and under the general laws of that state in I 889. The Rutherford Railway Construction Company, chartered by the General Assembly in I 833 to construct a road from Rutherfordton to Pictured above in 1905 in Spruce Pine, N.C. during construction of C linchfield Railroad: mules and wagons at the Clinchfield depot , hauling for MacArthur Brothers, contractors for the construction of the C linchfield Railroad, which ended at Spruce Pine at the time of this picture. In the upper right-hand corner of this picture is a portion of the roof of the depot. Just beyond on the right are two warehouses. All materials and supplies for the job were shipped by rail to the end of the railroad at Spruce Pine until they could be hauled by wagon across the ridge. The warehouses stand where the lower street business houses were later. The four mule team in the foreground is across the location of what became the lower street. The back end of the wagon is about where Belk' s Store now stands. As the camera is pointed it would today take in all the area up to and including the Presbyterian Church and Baker's Resturant of today. Hardly visible near the extreme upper left hand is the edge of the small boardinghouse built by Taylor Phillips, which became Topliff Hotel, whic..h burned. Today's Mayland Market is on the graded-down site. Mr. and Mrs. Fred Sullins had a boarding house, barely visible. They charged 40 cents a day for room and board, including dinner to take on the job. Wages were $1.10 per day for 10 hours work. Roads were just rutted tracks. A 4-mule team could haul only about a ton and it took an expert to hitch up and drive the mules. �Hear That Whistle Blow! f 26 5 the South Carolina line or to Gastonia by way of Shelby, whichever would be the most practical, had started construction, as had the Rutherfordton, Marion, and Tennessee, chartered in 188r. The "Three C's" absorbed these lines, built the road from Camden to Rock Hill and on to Blacksburg. It was in operation by December 1888, and Rutherfordton was the northern terminus of the road from Camden, South Carolina, until the road between Rutherfordton and Marion was completed in 1890. In 1891 the company faced bankruptcy and the road was sold at auction. With the reorganization, four corporations were formed representing Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina, and South Carolina. The North Carolina portion from Tennessee went forward gradually, reaching Spruce Pine in Mitchell County in 1902 from Erwin, Tennessee, and by 1905 it had reached Altapass. In 1908 the Carolina, Clinchfield, and Ohio purchased the road and pushed construction to Bostic, South Carolina, and then to Spartanburg by 1909. At that time there were only two buildings in Spruce Pine, on opposite sides of the Toe River. In 1915 the northern terminus was reached at Elkhorn, Kentucky. In 1924 a new company, the Clinchfield Railroad, leased the line for 999 years. The Clinchfield is unique in that it cuts through the mountain barriers. Three and one-half per cent of the entire mileage of 277 miles is inside the fifty-five tunnels one of which is 7,854 feet long. The road passes through a rugged mountain country for almost its total length. It was said to have been the most expensive railroad per mile to build, but it was of vital importance in opening the mountain country through which it passes. When the Asheville ;md Spartanburg was completed to Asheville, most of Northwest North Carolina was still without railroads. In 1882 the Eastern Tennessee and Western North Carolina, a narrow gauge road, reached Cranberry in Mitchell County, where iron mines had been worked for half a century. In I 89 5 the Linville River Railroad was begun, from Cranberry to Pineola, where three brothers named Camp, of Chicago, were engaged in producing lumber and tan bark. Not until 1917 did this railroad reach Boone, Watauga's county seat. In 1887 the Northwestern North Carolina Railroad, which operated between Greensboro and Winston and Salem and was owned by �266 / Part III: A Developing Economy the Richmond and Danville railroad, proposed to continue its line to Wilkesboro or to within a mile of the town if the county of Wilkes would buy $10o,ooo worth of stock. County bonds were approved by the voters and the road was completed by I 890. As there was no railroad in Watauga, Ashe, or Alleghany counties at that time, the new road to Wilkes County meant much to the people of the entire section. At the western terminus, now North Wilkesboro, not more than thirty people lived. The Winston Land and Improvement Company bought the two farms that comprised the area of the present town, and created the town, with streets, alleys, business buildings, a school, an opera house, a bank, and stores. Lots were sold at auction. In 1895 a tannery was started by C. C. Smoot and Sons, North Wilkesboro's first industry. Finally the Norfolk and Western obtained authority for its Virginia-Carolina Railway to construct a road in Ashe County to Jefferson and Elk Cross Roads (now Todd). The road was finished in 1914. An extension of the line was built privately by the Hassinger Lumber Company to transport logs from the Cowles Tract of timber land at the Ashe-Watauga county border to present-day Fleetwood, from whence the Norfolk and Western carried the logs to their destination, the Hassinger band mill in Virginia. After the timber had been cut the track was to have been removed, but a group of business men, chiefly members of the Moretz family, incorporated, bought the right-of-way, leased track and locomotives and extended the little branch to Deep Gap in Watauga County. The train carried, in addition to timber, grain, farm produce, and general merchandise for the company's store at Deep Gap and for the public. The entire railroad with its crew of two, George Burchett, engineer, and Raymond Luther, fireman, ran for six and one-half miles. From 1924 until the Norfolk and Western discontinued its service between Todd and West Jefferson during the depression, the little train carried on. The tracks were taken up in 1932. A number of similar railroads were built in the mountains, serving the needs of the localities until highways took their place. For example Clay and Cherokee counties constructed their own railroad from Andrews to Hayesville for hauling lumber and pulpwood, the Hiwassee Railroad, popularly called the "Peavine." A line from Pigeon River connected the Catalooche Valley with Canton. Livestock no longer had to be driven to market on the hoof, products of truck farmers could be marketed, �Hear That Whistle Blow! / 267 Aerial view of Spruce Pine in 1972, a town created by a railroad. Note the strip mines that mark the nearby mountains HUGH MORTON PHOTO a shrubbery and nursery business grew rapidly. The narrow gauge Chester and Lenoir Railroad which reached Lenoir in I 884 later was made a standard gauge road and was extended to Edgemont at the present Caldwell-Avery county line. Consideration was given to building the East Tennessee and Western North Carolina road from Cranberry to connect with it, thus providing transportation from Johnson City, Tennessee, through Caldwell County and on to Chester, South Carolina, one of the many nebulous railroad projects of the period. Twice the Carolina and Northwestern tracks were washed out by floods, 1916 and 1940. After the 1916 flood they were reconstructed, but by 1940 the line was discontinued, as was the East Tennessee and Western North Carolina between Cranberry and Boone after the flood. The I 9 I 6 flood was disastrous to all of the railroads in Western North Carolina between Marshall and Marion. The Southern Railroad suffered seventy-seven complete breaks between Statesville and Ridgecrest, and seven camps with from two hundred to seven hundred men each were established to rebuild the road. The Clinchfield between Marion and Altapass �268 / Part III: A Developing Economy was destroyed and was out of operation for over a month. All highway bridges over the Catawba were washed out, and only one road into Asheville remained usable, the one from Greenville, South Carolina. In Burke County two ferries were installed until the bridges could be rebuilt. There was pathos and humor, heartbreak and triumph in the songs of the railroad builders, the engineers and the convicts who so dauntlessly thrust the rails up the mountains, who dug the tunnels and built the bridges, who dragged the locomotive up the mountain so the tunnel could be worked at from both ends. All of this romance and travail John Ehle has graphically depicted in his novel The Road. The railroads were the entering wedge driven into the isolation of the mountains. About the railroad there grew up a folk lore and a balladry expressing the hopes and aspirations of the people. The Gospel Train became an image of fundamentalist thought. The "hell-bound train," an express train loaded with sinners and headed for hell on a downhill grade with no brakes and with greased rails, became a part of the folk tradition. Forty or fifty years after the coming of the railroad it was largely replaced by the highways and the trucks, the interstate systems, the throughways, and the parkways. But about them there has grown up no folklore and tradition equal to the romance that the railroad inspired. �CHAPTER THIRTEEN Agriculture The Handbook cif the State of North Carolina prepared by the Department of Agriculture (1893) furnished a description of mountain farms with its inventory of each county's resources and the use of its acreage. The counties still had most of their bnd covered with trees, many of which would fall to the woodman's axe when the railroad came. For instance, 7/8 of Graham, s/6 of Macon, 3/4 of Madison, Mitchell, Polk, Rutherford, and Surry were still forested. Another way of saying this was that Macon County included 39,000 acres of "improved" and 164,000 acres of "unimproved" land, Madison County 69,000 "improved" and 164,000 "unimproved." Farmers were advised that if they would clear their timber they would be richly rewarded and that after they had cleared the land and had taken two or three crops off it should be "suffered to lie at rest" whereupon grass would begin to flourish and fine stock might be produced. The northwestern counties of Ashe, Alleghany, Watauga, Mitchell and Yancey were especially suited to stock raising, and with cultivated grasses "a deep rich lawn" would flourish to the summit of the mountains. Ashe County had already become significant in cattle production, using the Devon or Shorthorn breed which was ideally suited to milk and beef production and work oxen for farm use. Only Buncombe County had more horses than Ashe, and Haywood was third in number of both cattle and horses. Watauga County ranked fourth in cattle and fifth in horses for the area. On every farm were a few hogs and sheep, the hogs for meat and the 269 �270 / Part III: A Developing Economy sheep for wool. They were scarcely counted as wealth, being valued at less than one dollar per head. Throughout the area at least three times as many acres were planted in com as in the next ranking crop, wheat. Com was important for household use for "pone" and for whiskey. It was the principal feed for horses and hogs. It could be planted in land that was full of stumps, and no expensive tools were needed for its cultivation. The school sessions were determined in mountain areas by "before and after fodder." Thomas W. Ferguson wrote in thinking back over those days, "the onearmed system of farming has been employed by ninety per cent of our farmers ... to the impoverishment of their soils. We plowed up our hillsides planting to permanent pasture. We plowed up every foot of our bottom lands ... planting them to corn and other depleting crops." Other cereal grains, oats and rye, were of less importance. Polk and Rutherford counties were planting about one-fourth as many acres to cotton as to com, and Burke had 752 acres in cotton in 1884. It was also experimenting with eight acres of rice. Certain trees were of great importance to the farm family. Chestnuts were gathered for household use and to be traded for necessities, and live stock and turkeys were fattened on the nuts that fell to the ground. The trees were cut for fence rails and posts. They were considered preferable to oak for their durability. So plentiful were the chestnut trees that Margaret Morley observed farmers chopping down trees loaded with ripe chestnuts in order to pick the nuts. With the coming of railroads, new markets were found for the chestnut tree. Early in the twentieth century the chestnut tree blight was noticed. A fungus, it was brought to the United States with a shipment of Asiatic chestnut seedlings, and it attacked American trees, probably first on Long Island. Carried by wind, birds and insects, the blight spread southward along the eastern slope of the Appalachians to southern Alabama and Mississippi. Efforts to stop it were of no avail. Although at first it did not cross the Blue Ridge, by 1924 Ashe and Watauga counties reported a ten percent rate of infection, and by 1940 approximately eightyfive percent of the chestnut trees in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park were affected. By 1965 the loss was complete. Maple sugar was a popular sweetening on mountain farm tables and was traded to local merchants for sale outside the �Agriculture / 271 Chestnut trees throughout the region died, a great economic loss ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO area. It is still being sold in small cakes as a delicacy at gift and craft shops. In the early spring when the sap started to run, the trees were tapped and small wooden spouts inserted, usually on the south side so the sun would strike them during the day and make the sap run faster. About fifty gallons of sap were required to make a gallon of syrup, and a tree would yield about a gallon or a gallon and a half of sap a day. Buckets were hung on the tapped trees, and every day during the sugar making process the sap was collected and taken to the big iron pot where it was boiled down. During this process the syrup had to be watched constantly to prevent scorching. The syrup was transferred to a smaller pot and boiled longer to crystalize into sugar. It was formed into small cakes for ease in handling. Sugar making was often a family diversion, an occasion for camping on high slopes where the sugar maple trees were growing. In the court house descriptions of acreages of land in the nineteenth century, a number of mountain-top tracts were designated as sugar �272 J Part III: A Developing Economy A sorghum mill extracts the juice, which is then boiled down in the iron pot camps. Some of these passed through the hands of a land speculator, William Lenoir of Caldwell County. For each area that he purchased he drew a plat and wrote a history in a notebook. In Ashe County he purchased and then sold a tract to William Horton May 15, 1842, which he designated as Nathan Horton's Sugar Camp. Widespread in the mountains was the making of sorghum molasses. In October the sorghum grower set up his mil~ to crush the juice from the stalks. His horse plodded around and around turning the mill until all the juice was extracted. The juice drained into large kettles or drums which were carried to the boiler, a huge iron pot in which the straw-colored juice was boiled down to the desired thickness so that "they" could be stored in crocks or jugs. Seven gallons of juice were boiled down to one gallon of molasses. Neighbors brought their own crocks and apples, com meal, or potatoes to barter for "them." Molasses was usually used in the plural. The rich and nourishing molasses was a welcome addition to the monotonous winter diet of the mountain people. Apple and cherry orchards grew wonderfully well in the mountains and were set out on most farms until they seemed native to the region. Apples were among the products carried by wagon to market in the rail centers, and many farms had among their various buildings apple houses where the fruit was preserved for family use and for sale later in the season. Almost every farm had its springhouse for keeping milk, meat, and vegetables cool. Prevalent also were smokehouses for preserving meat. Making whisky was an occupation of many mountaineers. �Agriculture / 273 The distillery was as important as the blacksmith shop or the grist mill. Zebulon Baird Vance sold a distillery to Colonel William Lenoir. Many would take their jugs to the still which they called "the grocery." During the Civil War the United States Congress placed a tax on whiskey and required distillers to obtain licenses. After the restoration of the Union, efforts were made to collect the tax in Western North Carolina, and mountain people did not look with favor upon the "revenuers." Violations were frequent. True, most of the counties had their licensed distilleries: Wilkes having fourteen, Burke, Polk, and Surry, five each in 1884. Yet the illicit "stills" became legendary during the 187o's, and words such as "blockaders," for those who marketed the product illegally, and "moonshiners," for those who produced their product at night to escape detection by the "Feds" (revenue officers) became a part of the vernacular. Randolph Abbott Shotwell spent some time at his brother's plantation in the valley of the Green River in Polk County, and he said that " ... having nothing to do, and nothing to read, it was easy to fall into the habit of partaking ... from the big brown jug, which is found in all dwellings in that region. Polk County at that time ... seemed overspread with illicit distillers. Every secluded ravine, every impenetrable brake, was apt to have a sylvan satyr. ... Many of these rusty 'stills,' as they are locally termed, might be concealed in a large barrel, and can, therefore, be quickly removed from place to place to avoid the revenue officers; though ... it was deemed safest by the majority of the distillers to send a few gallons, and a sum of money to the Revenue Headquarters for the district .... Most of the Revenue men grew rich in a wonderfully short period." On the occasion of a visit with a neighbor, Shotwell's host sent a Negro on horseback to "the still over the hill," with two bushels of shelled corn. The distiller sent back one gallon of whiskey, keeping one for toll. Whiskey was made from a fermented solution containing corn meal, sprouted corn, rye meal, and sometimes molasses or sugar. First the corn was spread out and watered to sprout it,. then carefully dried, and ground into malt and mixed with the other ingredients. The solution was cooked, producing a liquid called beer, which was then allowed to ferment, great care being exercised to prevent its becoming vinegar. Next the beer was "run" by being boiled. Attached to the cap of the still was a coil, a piece of copper tubing, the other end being �274 / Part III: A Developing Economy The "moonshiners" hid their stills, but the smoke often gave away their location placed in a container. As the beer in the still boiled the steam condensed in the coil and passed on to the container. This product, called "singlings," was put back into the cleaned still and the process was repeated, called "doubling." The result was whiskey. Its alcoholic content, "proof," was determined by the size of the bubbles formed on the surface when a small sample was poured into a vial. After the "doubling" the liquid was allowed to flow from the condenser until the whiskey in the container was of the desired proof, 100 proof (so% alcohol), or 8o proof (40% alcohol). When Carl A. Schenck, Vanderbilt's forester, tried to buy the holdings of the moonshiners in the Pisgah Forest, he found that they were the least likely to sell out of any of the residents: "These men in their own interests were most anxious to remain, because moonshining was possible only in the proximity of cold and remote mountain springs .... They had their liquor distilleries in the mountain coves, and shifted them from site to site to avoid discovery. They went about armed, keeping the others in awe and threatening death to any betrayer of their �Agriculture / 275 secret .... If the sheriff actually seized a still and took it home with him, he never fully destroyed it; he merely shot some holes through the copper kettle with his revolver and allowed the kettle to be stolen from his yard in the hope of seizing it a second time and getting a second reward from the federal government. Both the better element and the sheriff were afraid of the moonshiner." Brandy too was distilled from the fruit that abounded in the Southern Highlands, and "cherry bounce," as well, had a fame that was widespread. Cherry Mountain was some miles from Rutherfordton and the same distance from Morganton, Marion, and Shelby, from all of which towns there were frequent parties in the month ofJune each year. The top of the mountain lies within a thermal belt, so the fruit is rarely killed by frost, and the enormous quantities of cherries attracted visitors from all the surrounding country. Sometimes as many as two or three hundred young men, women, and children - whole families- met in the orchards on the same day, especially on Thursdays and Saturdays. "The meeting on Cherry Mountain on the second Saturday in June ... was largely attended; persons from Shelby, Marion, Rutherfordton, and other points being present. A good deal of Amos Owen's "cherry bounce" was imbibed by the crowd," reported M. L. White, Owens' biographer. Amos Owens owned Cherry Mountain, where the cherry trees grew three feet in diameter. His poplar, chestnut, and sourwood trees produced excellent blossoms for honey. From honey, cherry juice, and whiskey Amos made the cherry bounce. Amos served in the Confederate Army, after which he returned home and resumed his distilling without the required legal formalities. For over forty years he made whiskey, and during that time he served four years in prison, one for Ku Klux Klan activities and twice for moonshining. His biographer says that the judge, before passing sentence, chided: "Amos Owens, stand up, ... why will you persist in your lawless course? Look at me, I am sixty years of age, was never drunk, and have never incurred the woe pronounced against him that putteth the bottle to his neighbor's lips. What have you to say, why the sentence of the law should not be pronounced upon you?" Amos cocked one eye, cleared his throat, and with mock solemnity, said, "Well, Judge, you have missed a durned lot of fun if you hain't never made, drunk, nor sold licker." �276 / Part III: A Developing Economy Farmers were eagerly awaiting the railroads, and farm products changed as soon as transportation became available, even at a distance. When the narrow gauge Chester and Lenoir Railway reached Lenoir in r884, Watauga County farmers began growing a surplus of cabbage and potatoes; as early as I 882 it was reported that "on the turnpike at any given point a covered wagon or so is seldom out of sight." In r886, 8oo crates of cabbage and 3,ooo crates of apples were shipped from Lenoir. The following year during November and December the following were shipped: I 356 crates of apples, I078 crates of cabbage, 364 crates of potatoes, 657 sacks of chestnuts. Thirtytwo thousand feet of lumber were used to make the crates alone. It was reported that on one acre in Watauga County two hundred dollars worth of cabbage was raised. The great new crop of the area was tobacco, the bright leaf variety. Surry County led with 2,136 acres planted in r884, but mountainous Madison County was second with I ,626 acres, and Buncombe was third with 947 acres. Every county in Western North Carolina had at least one tobacco farm. Production per acre ranged from 200 pounds in Cherokee County to 503 in Madison County. Zeigler and Grosscup in I882 estimated Madison County's yield as equal to $250,000 or $200 per acre. W. W. Rollins of that county had sixty tenant farmers engaged in growing tobacco. "It is in tobacco that the Madison County farmer has found his Eldorado," Zeigler and Grosscup wrote. Uncleared land could be purchased for three dollars per acre, and a tract of one and one-half acres when cleared could be planted, cultivated, and harvested by a man and two small boys for a harvest worth $900. According to Nanny May Tilley the tobacco crop spread from Catawba County to Burke County in 1875 when J. K. Bobbitt planted the first crop. A warehouse was opened in Hickory in I88o by the Hall Brothers, who distributed pamphlets explaining tobacco culture and the advantages of the tobacco crop. One was the small bulk, which would facilitate transportation. In Buncombe County experiments in tobacco production had begun earlier, perhaps as early as 1854, but not until I878 did tobacco become an important crop. In r88o Asheville had four tobacco warehouses that handled 7,ooo,ooo pounds of the leaf, and Madison County had one warehouse. Alas, by the end of the century the crop had gone into eclipse in most of the counties. Some farmers who in the I88o's had twenty or �Agriculture / 277 thirty tobacco barns by 1896 had none. Various explanations have been offered. Tilley believed that the rank flavor of the mountain tobacco was unsuited to cigarettes, which had become very popular. The crop of the coastal plain was milder and in greater demand. Haywood County persisted in bright leaf tobacco culture until 1904, after which for a period of twenty years or so no more was planted. Then in 1923 burley tobacco was introduced in Haywood by Thurmond Haynes, who sold his crop in Greeneville, Tennessee. By 1925 every county in Western North Carolina except Alleghany, Ashe, Avery, Polk, and Watauga was growing burley tobacco on a commercial basis. Again Madison County became the leader, planting 2,500 acres in 1925. In 1929 Ott Tester, a former resident of North Carolina, brought from Tennessee plants which he planted in Watauga County, producing 8oo pounds per acre, which sold at 21.2¢ per pound. By 1958 Watauga County ranked sixth in burley production in Western North Carolina with a crop that sold for $1,04o,ooo. A tobacco warehouse and auction was opened in Boone in 1939. The problem in establishing a tobacco warehouse was to persuade the tobacco companies to send buyers. The Boone experience will illustrate. The project started through the activities of local leaders. Mr. S. C. Eggers became discouraged at having to haul his tobacco to Greeneville, Tennessee, to sell it. One morning he began taking pledges from Boone citizens, and within three hours he had $35,000 promised for the construction of a tobacco warehouse. Then came a time of tension. A committee consisting ofBlandord Dougherty, President of Appalachian State Teachers College, Harry Hamilton, E. F. Lovill, attorney, and Congressman Robert Daughton sought and obtained the promise of Will Reynolds of the Reynolds Tobacco Company to send buyers if the other tobacco companies would do so. After offering considerable resistance, Major Bullington of the American Tobacco Company reluctantly agreed to send buyers to Boone. The warehouse when completed was leased to the Hardy Brothers of Mullins, South Carolina. Through the influence of Robert Daughton a warehouse was established in Ashe County and eventually a second one was added. In 1958 Ashe County produced 2,218,ooo pounds of tabacco which sold for $1,426,ooo. Daughton's own county Alleghany has never produced as much tobacco as Ashe and Watauga. Buncombe and Madison counties were the leading �278 f Part III: A Developing Economy A field of tobacco, the money crop of mountain farmers ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. Tobacco is auctioned in large warehouses ASH EVILLE C HAMBER OF C OMME RCE PHOTO �Agriculture / 279 burley producers. In 1965 there were four warehouses in Asheville. Ashe County was third in production of burley and Yancey ranked next, followed by Haywood and Watauga respectively. Since 1940, acreage allotments have been in effect. In 1961 the average allotment for farms growing burley was six-tenths of an acre, and the harvest was worth $1 s,ooo,ooo. Allotments ranged from one-tenth of an acre to several acres. By 1958 TOBACCO ALLOTMENT DATA FOR 1968 County No. offarms Acreage Allotment Rank in state Burley Tobacco Alleghany Ashe Avery Buncombe Burke Caldwell Cherokee Clay Graham Haywood Henderson Jackson McDowell Macon Madison Mitchell Polk Rutherford Surry Swain Transylvania Watauga Wilkes Yancey County Burke Caldwell Surry Wilkes 540 2,535 247 2,946 14 !9 194 217 685 1,917 IIO 285 70 238 2,809 963 6 55 7 215 72 1,663 8 1,795 No. o_ffarms 265 J,062 930 218.73 1,046-56 !08.35 1,400.65 447 6.74 68.64 84-53 301.51 947-22 42-47 107.85 24-56 76.80 2,066.71 470-36 I.75 23-46 0.94 70.18 23.13 727.75 1.83 983.05 Flue-Cured Tobacco Acreage Poundage 822 ·48 682,635 405-96 9,287.81 16,790,906 I,30I.66 2,073,603 9 3 JI 2 21 20 15 !2 8 5 r6 10 18 13 7 24 I9 27 14 17 6 23 4 Rank in state 68 59 18 49 Source: "North Carolina Tobacco Report, 1967-1968," Bulletin of the North Carolina Department of Agriculture No. 191, May, 1968, pp. 22, 20. �280 / Part III: A Developing Economy several counties were producing more than 2,000 pounds per acre, Watauga County's 2,108 being the highest yield in Western North Carolina. In that year the highest prices were received in Buncombe and Madison counties, sixty-five cents per pound. In 1968 the yield in Watauga County was 2,626 pounds per acre. Burley is planted in a seed bed in early spring as is bright leaf tobacco, and the successive stages of work are similar for both varieties, but the curing is different. Plants are usually cut by whole stalks, allowed to wilt overnight, then staked in the field for two or three days for further wilting before being hung high in well-ventilated barns with the stalks head down to air cure. The latter part of November the leaves are stripped from the stalks, graded, and tied into "hands," several leaves together, and taken to market for auction. The money from the burley crop comes along just in time for taxes and extra winter expenses. Many of the farmers now work away from their farms and fit the chores connected with their tobacco crop into evening and Saturday work. Each ofthe counties in Western North Carolina in 1964 had hundreds of part-time farms, ranging from 128 in Clay County to 837 in Ashe County. From Buncombe's 2,471 farms, 1,o8o farm operatives work off their farms one hundred or more days each year. Figures are similar for Wilkes and Ashe counties. Tobacco is well-suited to part-time farming. Agricultural cooperatives had been organized by the Grange in the 187o's in some parts of the nation but not in Western North Carolina. Farm periodicals emphasized their benefits during the following decade. Wilkes County promoters discovered the value of these associations for agricultural development when in 1912 they organized the United Fruit Growers of Western North Carolina in the interest of growing apples commercially. In 1925 an editorial in the Winston-Salem]ournal read: "Nowhere in Eastern America are finer apples to be found than in the Wilkes County thermal belt. In a given area lying along the sides and top of the Brushy Mountains there is a strange atmospheric condition which wards off frosts and guards the young buds of fruit trees from cold while in a premature stage." The "thermal belts" and "verdant zones" on mountain slopes are suited to fruit production because they enjoy longer frost- �Agriculture / 281 free growing seasons than areas higher up the slopes and lower in the valleys. A thermal belt results from the drainage of cold air down a slope into a valley where it further cools by radiation or losing its heat to space. Thus there is a belt through the Brushy Mountains, the South Mountains, and on south through the Blue Ridge in Polk, Rutherford, and Henderson counties where above freezing weather exists between sub-freezing temperatures on both higher and lower elevations on the hillsides. One problem of apple culture is storage until the price is good. The Brushy Mountain Fruit Cooperative Corporation, organized in 193 I, and the Fruit Growers' Association, organized in 1936, were aided by the Carolina Refrigeration Cooperative Association which constructed storage facilities for apples and meat. Encouraged by the county agents, similar cooperatives were organized throughout Western North Carolina. While most of them were short lived, they led the way to specialized crops that were particularly adapted to the soil and climatic conditions. Henderson County in 1960 led the state in the production of apples, with 2oo,ooo bearing trees and about ro,ooo new ones coming into production each year. In 1962 the crop was valued at $2,8oo,ooo. The county had fourteen packing houses and three processing plants, the newest of which was constructed by the Western North Carolina Apple Packing Cooperative. More than r,soo people worked in harvesting and processing the crop. Apple trees will grow on soil unsuited to truck farming, another of Henderson County's specialities. Each year Hendersonville holds a five-day North Carolina Apple Festival, ending with a King Apple Parade on Labor Day. A queen and her court are elected and visiting queens from other festivals participate in the activities, which include folk music, square dancing, tours of apple orchards, and a coronation ball. North Carolina has 762 commercial apple orchards (ones with roo or more trees) of which 622 are in the mountain counties. Haywood and Mitchell counties also have extensive commercial apple orchards. Polk and Rutherford Counties are producers of peaches. Except in occasional years when late spring freezes ruin the crop, the mountain area produces almost one-fourth as many peaches as the sand hill counties of the piedmont. The Extension Division of North Carolina State University operates the Mountain Horticultural Crops Research Station �282 / Part III: A Developing Economy Burley tobacco is staked in the field to start the wilting process before hanging it in the barns to air-cure. Note the ever-present church ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO Apples grow well on the mountains. An orchard in bloom is a magnificent sight ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO �Agriculture / 283 in Henderson County. A staff of six scientists experiment with crops that will help all farmers in Western North Carolina to diversify their acreage. Such scientific studies are the culmination of efforts by federal, state, and local organizations to aid farmers in their methods of production and marketing. At first the farmers' organizations had little influence in Western North Carolina. They did not have much appeal to subsistence farmers. Their warehouse movement and cooperative idea, as mentioned above, were taken up where commercial farming was begun. In Buncombe County the Farmers' Federation was organized in 1921 by a group of farmers under the leadership of James G. K. McClure to purchase and distribute farm supplies and market products grown commercially. One warehouse was built, then another, until by 1928 there were eight warehouses operating in four counties. Sixteen trucks were acquired for wholesale and retail delivery service, thus relieving farmers of the necessity of doing their own trucking. When the Grange was revived in the South about 1930 a new interest in commercial farming developed. At the demands of some of the more progressive farmers, county boards of commissioners provided the matching funds necessary to employ the county agents of the Extension Service, and the men chosen for those positions came to be among the most important figures in their respective counties. County "farm bureaus" sprang up to work with the county agents, but as the members were largely the commercial farmers, the "hoe farmers" were scarcely influenced by the organization movement of the 1920's. The depression of the 193o's was not felt as much by the self-sufficient rural people of Western North Carolina as it was in industrial areas. The income of the former had always been very low, and their homes and farms lacked the conveniences of an urban or suburban society, but the farms were almost completely owner operated, and food and fuel were as readily available as they had ever been. By 1920 51.2% of the population of the United States had moved to urban areas, and since that time rural population has diminished until in 1969 the farm population was just 5.2% of the total. Although Western North Carolina remained comparatively rural, the trend was felt in the out-migration which between 1950 and 1960 amounted to 33% of the people �284 / Part III: A Developing Economy in Swain County and over 20% in ten other counties. As late as 1960 only twelve of the twenty-four counties had areas classified by the census bureau as urban. Much of the rural acreage was being retired from farming. In 1959 43% of the land in the twenty-four counties was included in farms while in 1964 only about 35% was included. At the same time farm size was increasing, the average acreage in 1954 being 62 while in 1964it was So. The numberoffarmsin Western North Carolina decreased from 52,161 in 1954 to 42,607 in 1959 and 29,955 in 1964. From 1954 when the area had 9,317 farms of less than ten acres, to 1964, the number of such farms had dwindled to 2,575; farms of r,ooo or more acres increased from So in the area in 1954 to 96 in 1964. With these changes farming had become more specialized and dairying increased, especially near the cities and towns. Buncombe County was second in the state in dairying in 1954, and Henderson, Haywood, and Ashe counties ranked high. By 1964 the leading producers of dairy products ranked in the following order: Buncombe, Henderson, Alleghany, Haywood, Macon, Madison, Ashe, Yancey, and Surry. Alleghany has risen to third rank. Cheese making had been experimented with in Ashe County beginning in 1915 at Grassy Creek. The Dairy Extension Service of the North Carolina Department of Agriculture was promoting the establishment of cheese factories in several counties in the western part of the state. A number of the factories were opened in Ashe County and considerable enthusiasm developed there before W odd War One and poor roads for transportation of milk and cheese combined to bring an end to the experiment. Eventually the Kraft-Phoenix Creamery established a large plant in West Jefferson, buying from Ashe County farmers about r ,5oo,ooo pounds of milk per month in the spring, summer, and fall, and 75,000 pounds per month in winter, for manufacture into cheese. Carnation, Pet, and Coble dairies also bought milk from the farms in Ashe County. Ashe County leads the state in the production of fine beef cattle, the quality of which was improved when the State Board of Agriculture purchased several fine pure-bred bulls which were leased to responsible breeders of beef cattle. Haywood is a close rival to Ashe in the production of high grade beef cattle. It has been known for the quality of its herds since the introduction of Durham or Shorthorn cattle in the r88o's. Robert Plott introduced Angus cattle and T. Lenoir Gwyn established a fine �Agriculture / 28 5 Pure-bred livestock fatten on the lush g rass of the mountain balds in Ashe and Alleghany Counties- scene along the Blue Ridge Parkway HUGH MORTON PHOTO breeding herd of registered Herefords, these two herds forming a foundation for the excellence of Haywood County's beef cattle. Later Guernseys were brought in from Wisconsin by by H. 0. Osborne to establish records in the production of milk and butter fat. The North Carolina Department of Agriculture operates two veterinary diagnostic laboratories in Western North Carolina, one at Murphy and the other at Waynesville, to aid �286 / Part III: A Developing Economy in the area's livestock production. Since 1908 the Mountain Research Station has been operated jointly by the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina State University Experiment Station, first at Swannanoa in Buncombe County and since 1944 on a 354 acre tract in Haywood County. Research is conducted in dairying, with a modem milking parlour, a lounging bam, a forty-stanchion conventional bam, a calf bam, a dry-cow barn, and silos. Poultry research is carried on with automatic incubators, a modem egg-cooling room, a broiler house, a laying house, a breeding house, and a 3 r/2 acre poultry range. Efforts are made to find superior lines for broiler and egg production, and nutritional studies are carried on. Burley tobacco research is provided with three curing barns and a tobacco grading and pack house. Deaa W. Colvard, a native of Ashe County with degrees from Berea College and two universities, worked with the Extension Service in Western North Carolina. With W. B. Austin, a member of the State Board of Agriculture, he established the Upper Mountain State Farm Experiment Station in Ashe County. Colvard, now Chancellor of the University of North Carolina at Charlotte, served as first superintendent of the station in Ashe County. Since 1910 poultry and eggs have come to be an important item of farm production, with Wilkes County leading all others in the region, ranking second in the state in 1954. In 1919 a LEADING POULTRY PRODUCING COUNTIES IN WESTERN NORTH CAROLINA 1954 Wilkes Buncombe Clay Surry Henderson Caldwell Rutherford Cherokee Macon Watauga Haywood Ashe 1964 $4,108,ooo 1,620,000 686,000 642,000 491,000 482,000 435,000 420,000 404,000 $19,53 7,019 2,748,675 1,885,894 4,708,043 517,082 1,551,102 700,223 1,654,281 816,222 994,263 902,917 1,397,120 Source: County and City Data Book, 1965. �Agriculture / 287 World War One veteran T. 0. Minton began producing baby chicks by incubator and established Champion Poultry Farm, which became the largest one in the entire South, marketing both fryers and eggs. Other Wilkes County men became commercial producers, and the North Carolina Mutual Hatchery Association was organized. In 1954 Wilkes County's poultry and poultry products brought a return of $4,108,ooo. In that year Lovette's Holly Farms Poultry Company, one of the largest of its kind in the world, was organized. In 1960 it paid out to poultry growers about $1s,ooo,ooo. It has a national and an international market. There is a trend toward diversification of crops and emphasis on truck farming, but corn is still the principal field crop in Western North Carolina. Although the acreage has steadily diminished, the production per acre has increased remarkably. In 1925 Transylvania County produced an average of 25 bushels per acre, the highest yield in the region, and Burke County produced only 13 bushels, the lowest yield; in 1960 Watauga County had the highest rate of production, 65 bushels per acre, Transylvania County produced 59. I bushels per acre, and Burke 49 bushels. Rutherford County was lowest in the region with 40 bushels. Rural electrification, which brought new conveniences to the entire area resulted from the creation of the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA). Most of the activities of the TVA, which included social planning, educational experimentation, and relocation of families, did not greatly affect Western North Carolina. The Rural Electrification Authority of the federal government, formed in 1935, granted loans to rural cooperatives to furnish electric power to parts of the lower South. The state was stimulated to create the North Carolina Rural Electrification Authority to encourage the building of rural power lines. By 1951 85% of the farms in the state were supplied with electric power, and by 1961 the figure had increased to 97%- The areas not being served by the Duke Power Company, the Nantahala Power Company, and the Carolina Power Company, �288 / Part III: A Developing Economy Shocks in the field. Corn is grown on practically all mountain farms ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO or by locally owned establishments were provided with power purchased from the TV A by the cooperatives, which are owned by the consumers of the power. There are four TVA lakes in Western North Carolina: Hiwassee built in the late 1930's and three built during W odd War Two to step up power supply - Fontana, Appalachia, and Chatuge. Chatuge and Appalachia are on the Hiwassee River farther down than the Hiwassee Dam; Fontana is on the Little Tennessee between Graham and Swain counties. Santeetlah and Tapoco on the Cheoah River in Graham County were constructed earlier by the Tallassee Power Company, now Tapoco, Incorporated. The lakes were designed chiefly for hydroelectric power, but flood control and recreational use were also projected. Not all mountain residents appreciate the TVA for two reasons: vast acreages once under private development, in many cases owned by householders, were purchased at prices which the sellers found inadequate to purchase similar land elsewhere; and the production of power necessitates the drawdown of water in the lakes which sometimes curtails their recreational and aesthetic value. Nevertheless the TVA has participated in hundreds of demonstration projects such as farm and woodland manage- �Agriculture / 289 ment, fire prevention activities, reforestation, and forest products conferences. The TVA makes payments in lieu of taxes, which are transferred to the counties where its properties are located. Leaders in those counties frequently raise the objection to this practice that the same land under private development would be subject to much higher taxes and thus bear a greater share of the counties' fixed expenses. The impact of the TV A in the development of land and forest resources has not been as great as might have been expected, and residents of the counties concerned have mixed emotions concerning the project. Electric power is now available to all, but people feel that they have paid dearly for its use in giving up land that in most cases had been owned by their families for generations. They especially resent the fact that land in their counties today is selling for many times what they were paid for theirs. Regional planning agencies complain that the TV A has not exercised the wide scale influence envisioned for it - to improve all aspects of the life of the region. Community land and water development is receiving increased attention in Western North Carolina. A district is organized for a designed watershed. Aid is sought from such services as the Soil Conservation Service, Agricultural Extension Service, Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation Service, county schools, county boards of commissioners, vocational agriculture teachers, the Soil and Water Conservation Committee, Farmers Home Administration, North Carolina Division ofForestry, the North Carolina Wildlife Resources Commission, utilities companies, lumber and pulpwood industries. More and more land is passing out of the hands of farmers and into the possession of promoters of various kinds. The fact that 2,598,ooo acres in Western North Carolina were included in farms in 1959 and only 2,pr,ooo in 1964 illustrates the changing nature ofland use in the mountains. The 272,000 acres had been diverted to other uses, such as golf courses, resorts, and industrial plants with accompanying suburban development providing homes for those who had migrated from farms to live near their work. Many farm families supplement their incomes by work related to the increasing year-round recreation development in the mountains: the Great Smoky Mountain National Park, the Blue Ridge Parkway, ski slopes, lakes, camp sites, hunting and fishing sites, youth camps, and cottage and room rental. This kind of development offers the greatest promise of well-being to much of the area beyond the Blue Ridge. It is the culmination �290 J Part III: A Developing Economy of more than a century of effort to bring the poor in health, the summer resident, the tourist, the retired couple, to the mountains, and the more recent effort to attract and develop industry and to provide for participation in active sports. In 1970 in the coves and in the hills there are still those who scratch out a meager existence on their little farms. Their "cash money" comes from their fraction of an acre of tobacco allotment. Many farmers are prosperous. They use business methods, planned agriculture, scientific farming, the advice of county agents, the help of the United States Department of Agriculture and the extension services of North Carolina State University. They have tractors, planters, balers- modern machinery. They use the best fertilizers and contour plowing. They use every means possible to prevent erosion. Many make a business of breeding and raising beef cattle for the market, white-face Herefords and Black Angus. Others are highly successful producers of thousands of chickens and eggs. These commercial farmers are prosperous, highly respected and influential members of their communities. Their future is promising. The subsistence farmers need means to supplement their incomes. Local, state, and national agencies are working and planning to provide a better life for the people of the mountains. Great progress has been made. Consolidated schools and technical training are increasing the economic competence of the children of the mountain people. �CHAPTER FOURTEEN Timber! As settlers pushed into Western North Carolina, they found almost unbroken forest except on some of the mountain tops characterized as "balds," where there was only grass or shrubbery. Naturalists have estimated that in the mountains of North Carolina were as many as one hundred kinds of trees. In the highest forests, above four thousand feet in altitude, were black spruce and balsam. The oaks predominated in altitudes up to twenty-five hundred feet, and with them were mixed the shortleaf pine, the hickory, the black gum, and the red maple. Between twenty-five hundred and thirty-five hundred feet the oaks decreased and the yellow poplar, hemlock, birch, beech, ash, black walnut, and cherry predominated. Under the trees shrubs, principally rhododendron and mountain laurel, formed a dense growth. People told of walnut trees with a diameter of eight feet, and of wild cherry trees reaching a height of sixty feet to the first limb and with a diameter of four feet, as well as hickory, maple, ash, and yellow locust of prodigious size. Throughout the forests were countless numbers of the lordly and productive chestnut trees which furnished not only wood but food for man and beast. Although the forest was thought of as an obstacle to home building, it was the chief resource of the people. In a small way the early settlers were all lumbermen. Their principal tool was the axe, with which they marked their trails and chopped the trees for logs to build their cabins and for fuel. They girdled, cut, and burned the trees they wanted to get rid of. They were as apt to build their 291 �292 f Part III: A Developing Economy rail fences of choice black walnut as of pine or oak if the walnut was handier. They burned the woodlands so their livestock would have better pasturage. Primitive cabins gave way as soon as possible to more commodious double log houses, to which additional rooms were added from time to time, and a collection of log buildings served various purposes: as barns, corn cribs, spring houses, smoke houses. Porches were added to the houses, and in many cases weatherboarding was applied to the exterior and sawed paneling to the interior. The simplest way to make boards for this purpose was to select a tall straight tree near an open space in the woods, and to cut it with a cross-cut saw. The tree was then sawed into lengths of from three to four feet and each was split into boards of the desired thickness, by use of a froe, a long blade made of iron or steel. The froe was driven into the end of the length of wood with a maul or mallet. Much longer and smoother boards could be made by sawing them, but the process was slow. The log was mounted on a scaffold, and two men with a long saw, one man above the log and one under it, would take a slice from each side of the log until a square was formed. Then one end was marked into the desired widths, one-fourth being allowed for the kerf, the saw incision. Two men could saw about one hundred feet oflumber in a day. For making furniture or coffins this method was used. The lumber was sometimes sawed at combination saw and grist mills. As late as I 884 Alleghany County had nine of these mills and Buncombe County had fourteen. The two were operated by water power from the same dam, and frequently stores and carpenter shops were adjuncts, as at Alexander's mill on the French Broad. The water power was produced by mountain streams, small but steady, which filled the millponds. Such ponds, covering about an acre of land, had dams of log cribwork covered with rough boards. One sawmill had a millrace several hundred feet long which carried the water to the wheel. The wheel had pockets into which the water flowed from the race, turning an eccentric which had been attached to the wheel. The eccentric pushed up and down, operating a vertical frame in which a saw was affixed. The log and saw were put in place and the water did the work of cutting the smooth boards. Another water driven sawmill had a wooden shaft attached to the water wheel. At the end of the shaft was a crank assembly. The crank was attached to a long saw with the teeth all pointing downward. The log �Timber! / 293 A better log house ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. to be sawed was placed on a carriage with flanged wheels, which could be pushed or pulled on wooden rails. The men would push the carriage and log up against the saw, which went up and down, cutting the boards. Two men could cut about one thousand feet of lumber per day by this method. Steam sawmills were being introduced in Western North Carolina in the 188o's. Dr. J. B. Weaver had one in Asheville and both Noah Spainhour and R. L. McGhinnis owned steam mills in Lenoir, as did Edwards and Edwards in Hendersonville. Mitchell County had three, owned respectively by A. Job, and Baker and Buchanan of Elk Park, and J. B. Surles of Bakersville. The sleds so often used on hillside farms and on rough trails, the wagons, and many of the tools were made of wood. On the trails it was sometimes necessary to rough-lock the sleds to keep them from getting out of control. To do this, hickory saplings or log chains were wrapped around the runners to create friction. Wagons too were rough-locked by fouling the wheels so they could not turn, the vehicle being slid down the steep hill without accident. Small home tanneries provided the leather for shoes, saddles, and harnesses. Almost every community had a tannery, and most county seats had at least one saddle and harness maker. �294 / Part III: A Developing Economy The bark and wood of the chestnut yielded tannin, used in tanning leather. John T. Staton of Saluda, in Polk County, typified the village shoemaker. He was also a blacksmith, and when anybody died he made the coffin to bury him. Later tanneries offered employment to numbers of people. In the 188o's the supply of timber in Maine, Michigan, and other Northern forests diminished and lumbermen from those areas came to the Southern Appalachians, scouring the area for choice timber. There were still tracts of virgin forest in areas where no roads had been built and where the inhabitants were few. Such an area was the Pink Bed Valley at the headwaters of the South Fork of the Mills River, a tributary of the French Broad. Randolph Shotwell and a companion hunted in the Pink Beds in 1870. They spent a night with G. W. (Wash) Holden, who owned a fine bottom land on Hominy Creek, with farm, sawmill, and store. Mr. Holden escorted them to the Pink Beds, a trip of seven or eight miles of continual climbing followed by a descent into a valley by a slippery rock path, to the Hunters' Cabin. Erected for the use of hunters and cattle herders, it was a mere log hut, with a slab floor and a gigantic chimney, near the middle of the Pink Beds, a valley "two or three miles wide and twelve miles long surrounded by lofty mountains." Shotwell said the valley was fairly carpeted with a species of wild flowers of pinkish hue, above which grew immense beds of whortleberries studded with laurel blossoms and sweet-scented honeysuckle. Probably the pink blossoms were kalmia or mountain laurel; the "laurel" was rhododendron, and the "honeysuckle" was wild azalea. Shotwell described the forest timber which covered most of the valley as "lofty and vigorous beyond anything I have seen in Western North Carolina. A single trunk of a monster pine, I recollect as above five feet through at the distance of thirty feet from the stump." In I 896 the first forestry school was established in the Pink Beds. The name "Pink Beds" was given by the pioneers to the tract that still bears the name. Before settlers came, cattle were allowed to graze there in summers, the owners being farmers along the French Broad. In this secluded area the cattle would not stray far nor damage cultivated fields, and fences were not needed. When fall came the cattle were removed on the hoof, and most were sold in South Carolina and Georgia. In the �Timber! / 29 5 A timber sled used in skidding logs and for other hauling purposes on steep hillsides ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO winters when the cattle were gone, the deer came down from the ridges and the farmers again made their way to the Pink Beds, this time to hunt. Often bears were killed there too. No families lived there, and only a few rude cabins for shelter for hunters and drovers had been built. Later a few settlers did move into the area, the most prominent being Hiram King, who built a two-story frame house and operated a water-powered saw and grist mill. �296 / Part III: A Developing Economy The Pink Beds from the Blue Ridge Parkway Hiram King House in the Pink Beds - U.S . FOREST SERVICE PHOTO restored The lumbermen purchased large tracts of standing trees to be cut later, owners sometimes retaining their land, at other times selling outright. The price ofland shot up: one five thousand acre tract of land that had been offered for sale at $750 in 1879 brought $10,000 from the Carolina Spruce Company in 1911. Such land sales promised employment for mountain men as woodsmen. They were needed to fell and trim the trees and �Timber! / 297 to work as mill crews. One of the first markets was for railroad ties. Then after the railroads were in operation, lumber could be shipped to cities in regions where the supply had been exhausted. Sawmills began to multiply rapidly and steam saws became common. Generally no thought was given to a future crop, and the forests were damaged irreparably. One of the most difficult parts of lumbering was to get the logs from the mountainsides to the sawmills. In some places narrow-gauge railroads were built and equipped with Shay locomotives and McGiffert log loaders. The railroad line was laid beside a stream, gradually ascending the ridge. Where the terrain became steep, the track was laid back and forth across the hillsides, the trains alternately going backward and forward to ascend the grades. Sometimes splash dams were constructed of logs to accumulate sufficient water to float the logs down the mountain streams. When such a dam was opened the large flow of water thus released carried the logs to the mill. A boom was built in the Catawba River near Hickory by some owners of a band sawmill. They bought logs in the mountains and had them delivered by water to their boom, until it was broken by a flood and their logs floated down to the Atlantic Ocean. The men learned to fasten their boom securely at the riverbanks so that it would not break when the water rose. Early in the twentieth century a survey of the area between the Blue Ridge and the Unaka Mountains by H. B. Ayers and W. W. Ashe of the U.S. Geological Survey and the U.S. Division of Forestry estimated that ten billion board feet of log timber had been destroyed in land clearing, five billion board feet had been used locally in the construction of farm buildings and fences, and only three billion board feet had reached a market. An additional drain of about I, 272,000 cords of small timber went into fuel each year. The residual stand of merchantable timber was being culled by loggers who took only the more valuable trees.* Severe erosion of hillside farms, evidence of fires on eighty per cent of the forested areas, and widespread damage from open range grazing of livestock were reported. One * Rebecca Cushman, "Seed of Fire," book-length typescript, tells of an interview with Granville Calhoun who had represented the Whiting Lumber Company in Swain County. The company, chartered in Delaware, was officially named the Graham County Land and Transport Company. Calhoun told Miss Cushman about lumbering on Hazel Creek, now a part of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, and the influence of the lumbermen on the Hazel Creek community in which he had grown up. �298 / Part III: A Developing Economy authority wrote, "Present conditions in the commercial and industrial world and in the Southern Alleghanies point to the rapid destruction of the virgin woods." Asheville and the surrounding area provided a market for much lumber because of the prodigious growth following the completion of the railroads to the town. During the 188o's country estates were being built near Asheville on a grand scale. Senator Vance selected a small plateau on the North Fork of the Swannanoa River and built a house in the style of an English manor, of wood sawed nearby at the Burnett Mill. The rooms were paneled in native woods: the library in wild cherry, the dining room in black walnut and oak, and the living room in curly poplar. The Burnetts knew of only one curly poplar tree standing. It was five feet in diameter, and was growing four miles above the wagon road. They cut the tree in fourteen foot lengths and skidded it, one end on a sled drawn by a team of oxen, down to the upper end of the wagon road. The house was begun in 1880 and finished in 1886, although the landscaping of the grounds was not complete until I 890. The estate contained fifteen hundred wooded acres. Materials such as mantels, windows, and decorations were ordered from New York and were hauled the eight miles from Black Mountain in wagons, often ox-drawn. Senator Vance named the place Gombroon. In 1878 Richmond Pearson, son of Chief Justice Richmond Pearson, inherited a large tract of land high on the west bank of the French Broad River. He named it Richmond Hill after his father's home and law school in Yadkin County. Ten years later the Richmond Hill house was built on a fine site overlooking Asheville. Although the exterior of the frame house was not remarkable for its beauty, the interior was fine. The walls of the rooms on the first floor were paneled, the entrance hall in oak, the library in walnut, the dining room in cherry, and the drawing room walls were hung in pink silk damask. Pearson served as a member of the United States House of Representatives and then as United States Minister to Persia, Greece, and Montenegro. He was an avid collector, and the house is a repository of paintings and art works from various parts of the world. George Washington Vanderbilt, grandson of Commodore Cornelius and youngest son of William H. Vanderbilt, was in �Timber! / 299 Biltmore House , Vanderbilt mansion ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO his early twenties when his father died and he inherited the bulk of his fortune. Earlier, on his twenty-first birthday his father had doubled the $r,ooo,ooo left the boy by the old Commodore. He had built up a large library of his own on the second floor of the family's Fifth Avenue mansion, and he spent much of his time in second-hand bookstores adding to his treasures. He had a wide knowledge of modern French literature, was thoroughly acquainted with the paintings in the family art gallery and with the distinguishing characteristics of their artists, and was a nightly visitor at the opera. In the late r88o's George Vanderbilt purchased fifty-odd farms and some ten country places heretofore owned by impoverished Southern landed aristocracy, and as might be expected, the house and grounds that he developed were an exquisite work of art. Richard Morris Hunt, the New York architect who had designed the Fifth A venue mansions of the V anderbilts, was chosen to make the plans. Hunt had studied at the Ecole des Beaux Arts, and many of the mansions that he designed were in the style of the French chateaux, as Biltmore House, Vanderbilt's mansion, was to be. Frederick Law Olmsted, known as �300 / Part III: A Developing Economy Great stairway in Biltmore House ASHEVILLE C HAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO the first and greatest of American landscape architects, moved to the Biltmore grounds to create the most beautiful and elaborate country estate in America. The site selected gave the mansion a superb setting and a breath-taking view. Indiana limestone was used for the house, and a three-mile extension of the railroad was built to carry materials to the location. Hundreds of craftsmen were brought from Europe and from other parts of the United States to cut the limestone and to do the elaborate carvings. A thousand workers were employed for five years in building the mansion, during which time Vanderbilt traveled widely in Europe acquiring paintings, tapestries, statuary, porcelain, and antiques for his 250-room house, which was opened at a Christmas party in 1895. The banquet hall seventy-two feet by forty feet with �Timber! / 301 a seventy-five foot ceiling was designed for a magnificent set of tapestries. The library, which has twenty-thousand volumes, is enriched with a ceiling painted by Pellegrini for an Italian palace. Vanderbilt was still a bachelor. In I 898 he brought his bride to Biltmore. The former Edith Stuyvesant Dresser, she was a member of the distinguished New York family of Stuyvesants, and she had lived during her girlhood with an aunt in Paris, where Vanderbilt met her. She soon endeared herself to everyone on the estate and to the mountain people nearby. When Vanderbilt planned his estate, there was a little railroad station called Asheville Junction on the banks of the Swannanoa. The post office was called Best, and the village consisted of a few ramshackle houses. Part of the land was below water level. Vanderbilt decided to change Best into a model village. Olmsted planned the village, but first more than 40,000 cubic feet of earth had to be used to fill in the part that was below water level and often flooded in the spring. Buildings first erected were the Estate Office, All Souls Episcopal Church, a new railway station, and the Plaza Building, which housed eight stores, and had five apartments on the second floor. The church was of Norman French architecture, but the houses were of English stucco and timber style. The aim was to make Biltmore resemble an English village. The houses were eagerly sought after, and they were rented for from eight to twenty-five dollars a month. Workers on the estate kept up the streets and the grounds, and the rent paid for all the services. The village was incorporated in 1903 and had a mayor and commissioners. Upon Mr. Vanderbilt's death in 1914 the village was sold to George Stephens. In 1929 it was taken into the city of Asheville. A hospital and dispensary, now incorporated as Biltmore Hospital, was founded by Vanderbilt. His daughter, Mrs. John Francis Amherst Cecil, continues to aid the institution. When Vanderbilt bought the fifty farms the forests had been exploited until there were none left on the Asheville market. The trees had been killed by incessant forest fires set by the owners to improve the pasture in the woods. Most of the lands in the bottoms along the Swannanoa and French Broad rivers had been abandoned and were covered with sedgegrass. Olmsted planned a model farm, an arboretum, a game preserve, and an example of managed forestry, the first in the United States. The �302 / Part III: A Developing Economy well-to-do young Gifford Pinchot was employed as forester. He had turned down offers to go into his maternal grandfather's office with the practical certainty of a fortune because he chose to study forestry, principally at the French Forest School at Nancy in Lorraine (his paternal grandfather was French). He had just recently returned to America when George Vanderbilt and Frederick Olmsted decided to put forestry into practice on Biltmore Estate. As Pinchot's father and Olmsted were old friends, the young man was invited to take charge of the forest. Millions of acres ofland east of the Mississippi were as devastated as those at Biltmore. Reclamation of these North Carolina forests could serve as an object lesson to the nation. When Pinchot began his work at Biltmore, the destructive logging at the hands of the former owners had "been done with an eye single to immediate returns and wholly without regard for the safety of the forests, and fires had been permitted to burn unchecked. There had been much injudicious clearing of upper slopes, which, after a few years of unprofitable cultivation, were generally abandoned to erosion." Pinchot made a study of the 7280 acres, describing every bit of the forest, using squares of from five to seven acres, and then divided the forest into compartments, for each of which he mapped a plan for improvement cuttings. He planned to harvest all of the old trees that were going back, giving the young growth room and light to develop. He had to train native lumbermen to fell timber where it would do the least harm to the young growth, an idea that was contrary to their usual practice of cutting out of the way all of the young growth that would interfere with cheap and easy logging. Each tree to be cut was marked by Pinchot. The cutting began near Biltmore House, and because the wood there was very poor it was simply sawed into cordwood length and left for another gang to split into cordwood and unsalable brush. The wood was then hauled to the railroad to be shipped. A sawmill was soon acquired by Biltmore Forest, and a little later, as the crews moved into more heavily forested areas, they lumbered for saw logs. Drays or "go-devils" (sleds) were used to skid the logs to the roads, where they were loaded on wagons and hauled to the mill, a small portable circular one with a fifty-two inch saw and a twenty-horsepower steam engine. The smaller pieces of the logs were made into shingles. One of Pinchot's responsibilities was to prepare a Biltmore Forest exhibit for the Chicago World's Fair. Olmsted was in �Timber! / 303 A monarch of the forest ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. charge of the magnificent landscaping of the fair grounds. The value of managed forestry was to be sold to the public, the first exhibit of its kind ever made in the United States. It showed by enlarged photographs what the forest had been like and what had been done to improve it. The division into compartments and the plan for each compartment were shown by maps. A pamphlet written by Pinchot was distributed free of charge to visitors to the fair and to newspapers, and much friendly comment was received. Pinchot wrote, "The attempt to treat Biltmore Forest systematically derives a certain interest from the fact that it is the first practical application of forest management in the United States." He listed seventy varieties of trees found on Biltmore Estate, with both common and scientific n am es. An account of expenditures and receipts from the lumber showed a profit, despite the expense of building roads from the sawmill to the rollways, necessitating a road gang to keep the roads in order. After the World's Fair exhibit was completed, Vanderbilt sent Pinchot to look for land higher in the mountains for his �304 / Part III: A Developing Economy game preserve. Under consideration was the Pink Beds, a tract of 20,000 acres, part of which Vanderbilt purchased. Parts of the tract were by that time owned and occupied by farmers. Pinchot recommended the purchase and then made several trips to look over 8o,ooo acres adjacent to the Pink Beds, a region of steep slopes, sharp ridges, and narrow valleys, with a high percentage of mature timber. Vanderbilt purchased the land and named it Pisgah Forest. Located in Buncombe, Transylvania, Henderson, and Haywood counties, it was rich in virgin forests because of inaccessibility, and Vanderbilt hoped to practice forestry there at a profit. As the yellow poplar trees on Big Creek, directly under Mount Pisgah, were mature and going down-hill, Pinchot recommend cutting them and sawing the lumber at the mill in Biltmore Forest on the bank of the French Broad River. About this time Pinchot became restless and decided to open an office as a forestry consultant in New York. His replacement as Vanderbilt's forester was Carl A. Schenck, a young German who had just completed a course under Sir Dietrich Brandis, a distinguished German forester who "might be called the 'Grandfather of American forestry,' although he never visited the United States." Olmsted, Pinchot, and other Americans interested in forestry were greatly influenced by Brandis. Schenck arrived at Biltmore in 1895 and remained in the United States until 1914, although he never gave up his German citizenship. He had much to learn because the theories he had been taught did not coincide with conditions in Biltmore and Pisgah Forests. During his first months at Biltmore he lived with the Olmsteds in their summer residence. They helped him with the English language and with the affairs of the estate. Schenck's first responsibility was lumbering and marketing the yellow poplar trees in Big Cove Creek, which resulted disastrously. He had a splash dam constructed to his regret. It proved impractical. Bad for the lover of nature was the destruction wrought by the logs as they swept down the stream. Laurels framing the bank of Big Creek were devastated, and the moss covering the rocks was washed away. The beauty of Big Creek was de. strayed, the fertility of the cove was reduced by the acceleration of drainage, and a loss of thousands of dollars was incurred. The lower part of the Mills River through which Schenck's logs must pass to reach the French Broad and continue to the sawmill was lined with small farms, and many of the logs washed �Timber! / 305 ashore onto the fields. The owners were furious and lawsuits resulted. Vanderbilt had to pay damages to the farmers to get his logs. Schenck was convinced that the building of permanent roads into forests of marketable trees was the only satisfactory means for transportation of logs, and many roads were built during his regime as forester. Another of Schenck's disappointments resulted from his effort to restore old fields to forestry by producing seedling trees. He hoped to grow the seedlings by planting acorns and hickory nuts, five bushels to the acre, in shallow furrows made with a bull-tongue plow and covered with dirt of another furrow. Hundreds of bushels were planted with no success. Rodents ate most of the seeds. Sedgegrass crowded out the few that grew. Forestry apprentices had come to Biltmore to work under Pinchot and Schenck, engaging in nursery work and in constructing trout ponds and a fish hatchery. They worked without renumeration so eager were they to learn forestry. In addition, rangers were employed, four at Biltmore Forest and three at Pisgah Forest. They were responsible for the progress of roads, nurseries, logging, wood cutting, and for prevention of forest fires and of trespass. Both Pinchot and Schenck had many dealings with the mountain people because Vanderbilt's purchases were in the higher altitudes, on the ridges and slopes, to which access was necessary through the many interior holdings, usually of small farmers in the narrow valleys. Pinchot wrote of the owners: "They regarded this country as their country, their common. And that was not surprising, for they needed everything usable in it - pasture, fish, game - to supplement the very meager living they were able to scratch from the soil of their little clearings, which often were no clearings at all, but mere 'deadenings,' filled with the whitened skeletons of trees killed by girdling." "By immemorial custom and by law, the cattle and the long-legged hogs ran free over ridge and slope and bottom. You had to fence them out, not to fence them in. These people dwelt and slept mostly in one-room cabins .... An open fireplace was cookstove and furnace, with a kettle hanging from a crane." Glass was rare, and windows were closed by solid board shutters. Homespun was the common wear. One of Schenck's most valuable apprentices was Overton Price, whose mother was a Westfeldt and who lived at Rugby Grange, one of the better-kept old Southern estates of the area. �306 / Part III: A Developing Economy He knew the language of the mountain people, the country, and the native trees. Later Price studied in Germany and returned home to become Pinchot's secretary. In I900 Pinchot founded the Society of American Foresters, with fifteen members, four of them Biltmoreans, of whom Price was one. His treatise, "Practical Forestry in the Southern Appalachians," for the Yearbook of the Department cif Agriculture in I900 was prophetic of the importance the outside world would soon attach to the mountain area. He placed the emphasis on sound business measures and practical forestry and on producing repeated crops of merchantable lumber. Three considerations were pointed out: not only is the timber valuable, especially black walnut, cherry, hickory, white oak, and poplar; but the forests control the drainage basins of the rivers; moreover, the Southern Appalachians have a great future as a health and recreation resort because there is no equivalent great forest region within easy reach of so large a number of people. Because of the number of young men who wanted to learn forestry and the absence of a forestry school in the United States, Schenck started one in I 897, and in I 898 he published a school catalogue. He advertised the curriculum as a one-year course in practical forest management with emphasis on field work. A school room was built in the Pink Beds for summer use, but in winter the lectures were given at Biltmore Forest. Those who finished the course found ready employment. Schenck in I908 sent out invitations to foresters all over the nation to come to a forest fair in Biltmore Forest. The invitations were in the form of a fifty-six page booklet in which his plantings in each of sixty-three tracts were described. The cost was listed as were the successes and failures of each plantation or tract. Tracts were labeled and numbered, and persons attending were shown these sixty-three extensive efforts at scientific forestry. This fair was to be a visual demonstration. Schenck's booklet was informative, inspiring, and humorous. A sample excerpt indicates the extent of his efforts and those of the Biltmore foresters and illustrates how these efforts provided guide lines for continued practical forestry: "Tip No. 2. The plantation marked No. 2, of Long Ridge, covers forty-five acres of steep slopes which were cleared some sixty years ago; abandoned for farming some thirty years ago; covered in I 89 5 with sedgegrass, and cut by deeply eroded gullies on the side facing the East. In 189 5 Mr. Vanderbilt desired the entire hill to be planted �Timber! / 307 in hardwoods. It was my wish to show him (and to all America) that forest planting could be done ... at an expense of $s.oo an acre." On this plantation he sowed bushels of chestnuts and hickory nuts and set out on the north slope I I ,ooo yearling chestnut oaks, ailanthus, black cherries, and hickories. On the west slope where the sedge was heavy he planted some 20,000 Douglas firs, sugar maples, white and black walnuts, black cherries, and white oaks. The cost of planting and work was $241.06. Some of these plantings did well; others did not. He did additional plantings in I898, I899, and I900, after which time the plantation did well. He stated that Long Ridge, which had been a nasty scar on a hillside, was now flourishing, and added, "Nowadays it is a joy for me to crawl through this plantation! I feel like the Lord on the Seventh Day of creation when I am crawling." Each of Schenck's sixty-three "Tips" dealt with similar efforts and eventual successes. Many foresters came to his forest fair, and from it they learned valuable lessons about conservation and successful forestry. The whole tenor of the pamphlet indicates Schenck's love for his trees and his work. This fair must have been one of the finest actual demonstrations of forestry ever presented to interested foresters. In April I909 Vanderbilt discharged Carl Schenck as forester, and forestry at Biltmore came to an end for almost forty years. Although the Biltmore Forest School had no endowment or support from public funds, it was self-supporting from tuition fees, and Schenck was financially independent. His decision was to operate the school on a field study basis, using land owned by lumber companies in North Carolina, in the Adirondacks, in Michigan, and in Oregon for working fields. In addition he took his students to Europe for two to three month periods to show them the results of sustained-yield European forestry. And so the forestry school continued to operate until I9I4. Meanwhile several forestry schools had been established by American universities, and state boards of forestry were on the increase. Under Schenck's influence Governor William W. Kitchen of North Carolina issued a proclamation in I909 placing all woodlands situated above contour line two thousand feet under increased fire protection. Schenck's contribution to the state and the nation was to emphasize the importance of privately owned forests, properly managed and protected to enable them to continue producing merchantable timber. The private lumber �308 / Part III: A Developing Economy companies regarded him as a friend. Reuben Robertson of the Champion Fibre Company offered Schenck its Sunburst village for the forestry school headquarters. Sunburst was a model village built to house woodworkers, the buildings of which were not being used. Schenck accepted the offer, and he and his forestry school surveyed the whole territory near Canton. The Champion Coated Paper Company was an Ohio concern incorporated about 1896 by Peter G. Thomson who had obtained from the Champion International Paper Company of Massachusetts a license to make paper, coating it on both sides at one operation. Great profits were made, but Thomson owned no forests, and he was buying wood from his competitors in Ohio. He needed a supply of spruce for making pulp. The spruce forests in the Smoky and Balsam mountains were the finest in the United States. In 1905 the Champion Fibre Company was organized, and from 1906 to 1908 it built its plant at Canton, North Carolina. Thomson borrowed over $3,00o,ooo during the panic of 1907 to complete the paper and pulp mill. Long known as the Ford of Pigeon and its post office known as Pigeon River, the place had only a few houses when the Western North Carolina Railroad reached it. The name Canton was bestowed by the General Assembly in I 894. The town had been the terminus of the railroad for two years and had developed accordingly. By 1906 it had about four hundred people, but after the Champion Paper Company went into operation it attracted workers and their families and by I 9 I 6 there were around six thousand people living in Canton and two thousand more in the surrounding area. Mr. Reuben Robertson, Thomson's son-in-law, was sent to Canton on a fifty-day assignment to make the plant a successful one, and he remained for the rest of his life, more than fifty years. Tanning was a sideline to the chief purpose of the company, paper making, yet the tannic acid made there paid for the wood. A process developed by Oma Carr, a chemical engineer, was applied to chestnut chips to make pulp after the tannic acid had been removed from them. The wood was reduced to small chips and subjected to treatment in boiling chemicals which dissolved the resinous material in the wood, leaving only the fibre. After washing, screening, and bleaching, it was formed in a sheet on a revolving cylinder covered with wire cloth, �Timber! / 309 passed between rollers to wring out the water, then heated over steam cylinders for drying. Wound on reels in continous rolls as it appeared from the machine, it resembled cardboard or blotter. This product was shipped to Hamilton, Ohio, to be coated. At first, chestnut wood was essential to the plant for production of tannic acid, and Robertson said that the company came to North Carolina first for the spruce and second for the many chestnut trees. The chestnut blight which appeared about 1920 was of cataclysmic importance to the industry. Spruce was difficult to obtain because it grew only in the highest altitudes, and after Schenck's survey revealed the great extent of pine forests available a process was developed to make a bleached kraft out of pine. Champion made the first white paper of pine. The company purchased lands, often tracts with nothing ready for immediate harvest, but with "good forest reproduction on them." It also purchased wood from the farmers and from the national forests. The contracts with farmers contained a clause stating that they could be cancelled if the wood was not handled in accordance with sustained yield principles. It was essential for the company that the forests be maintained for perpetual yield. By 1916 the Champion Fibre Company employed over one thousand men and was worth ten million dollars. Fifteen carloads of products left Canton daily. In addition the farmers had a cash crop and the lumbermen a market for their waste products. Supplies such as coal, lime, alkali, and sulphur were supplied from Tennessee and Virginia. After the days of the Forestry School at Biltmore, no forestry program was carried on there until 1946, when the Champion Paper and Fibre Company (the name had been changed) made a contract with the estate to cut mature trees and do scientific thinning in certain areas. Max Dillingham, forester in charge, was a joint employee of the estate and the company. Natural reseeding was carried on from seed trees in natural regeneration. Of the 12,000 acres then in the estate, about 8,500 were in forest land. Suitable trees were cut for sawwood and were sawed at the sawmill on the estate and sold through a broker. Some forty employees worked on the operation, under contract, using their own equipment. All trees were marked before cutting, and all brush and limbs were scattered evenly over the forest floor. Champion built and maintained its own roads. Firewood was �3 ro / Part III: A Developing Economy cut for the estate greenhouses and sawdust was used in the barns, so there was no waste. The Champion Paper and Fibre Company has had enlightened policies concerning the preservation of forests and the use of the "sustained-yield" principle in its harvesting of and purchases of timber and wood. It has made progress in solving its problems of air and stream pollution. Report No. 5, Pollution Survey of the French Broad River Basin made by the State Stream Sanitation Committee (1957) criticized the company for discharging industrial waste into Pigeon River. The company spent $3,ooo,ooo in 1962 and 1963 to develop a primary treatment system. Afterwards it began work on a secondary treatment system. Mr. Vanderbilt in the early 1900's sold the timber rights in Pisgah Forest to the Carr Lumber Company for twelve dollars per acre, the contract to extend over a twenty-year period. During the twenty years the Vanderbilt estate netted about $870,000. Vanderbilt held that "private ownership of any resource necessary to the general welfare carries with it the moral obligation of faithful stewardship to the public." He said: "I have stuck to forestry from the beginning and I shall not forsake it now. For me to impair the future usefulness of Pisgah Forest in order to somewhat increase present revenues, would be bad business policy. But apart from that, it would be bad citizenship. As I see it, no man is a good citizen who destroys for selfish ends a growing forest." Vanderbilt might have received a much higher price for the timber if he had waived restrjctions as to methods of cutting under this sale, but he required that the methods of practical forestry be followed. Overton Price wrote: "Pisgah Forest, its mountainous slopes clothed in an unbroken mantle of protective tree growth, is his monument. He transformed it by nearly a quarter of a century's efficient fire protection from a forest characterized by scanty young growth, thin humus covering, and impoverished soil, as the result of an injury it had received in former years from excessive grazing and recurrent fires, to one whose silvicultural condition is probably unequalled in the Southern Appalachians." Although managed forestry was first applied in America at Biltmore Forest, the United States Government had shown an �Timber f / 3 I I interest in forest conservation for many years. In 1876 the Division of Forestry had been established in the Department of Agriculture to gather statistics and disseminate information on forestry. Proposals that the United States retain in the public domain the timberlands that were still owned publicly were made but not acted upon until I89I when the Forest Reserve Act was passed and President Harrison, on the advice of Arnold Hague of the U. S. Geological Service, set aside the Yellowstone Park Timberland Reserve of over a million and a quarter acres. This was the first U. S. Forest Reservation. The act did not provide for the practice of forestry or for protection of the forests. It merely withheld the land from sale or homesteading. President Cleveland added 2I,279,840 acres to the Forest Reserves. Subsequent legislation outlined the duties and responbilities of those administering the reserves. Theodore Roosevelt became President of the United States in I90I, and upon the advice of Hoke Smith, Secretary of the Interior, Gifford Pinchot, :md F. H. Newell, author of the act of 189I providing for the reserves, he transformed forestry and irrigation into issues of national consequence and won for them a high degree of public acceptance. In his Annual Message, December 2, I 90I, he wrote: "The fundamental idea of forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use. Forest protection is not an end in itself; it is a means to increase and sustain the resources of our country and the industries which depend upon them." At that time the Division of Forestry in the Department of Agriculture was renamed the Bureau of Forestry with Gifford Pinchot as its head. In 1905 the Forest Reserves were transferred to the Department of Agriculture's Bureau of Forestry, and renamed the United States Forest Service. The Forest Reserves were renamed National Forests. So far, none of the legislation applied to the hardwood forests of the Southern Appalachians, where there was no land in the public domain. Efforts had been made to get the federal government to preserve portions of these forests. In I885 Dr. Henry 0. Marcy, a Boston physician, read before the American Academy of Medicine in New York, a paper concerning the advisability of securing a large reservation of the higher ranges of the mountains of North Carolina as a national park for the benefit of invalids. He said its advantages "would be of value incalculable to millions yet unborn." Other proposals for a national forest in the Appalachians were made, and after Theodore Roosevelt visited Asheville in I902 there was a movement in �312 / P.::rt III: A Developing Economy Congress to have the United States purchase lands in the Appalachians for parks and reserves. Destructive floods had occurred in the streams draining the Appalachians. These could be brought under control if the slopes were properly forested. A fundamental difference developed between the operation of the National Forests and the National Parks. In the latter the virgin forest is preserved; while in the former, controlled lumbering is practiced. The efforts to establish a national park are discussed elsewhere. Here the emphasis will be on National Forests, which were provided for by the Weeks Law in 191r. By the year 1910, the Forest Reserves had been increased to 25,605,700 acres, all west of the Mississippi River. The forests were yielding a revenue, one-fourth of the gross of which was distributed to the states in which the forests were located, while the nation appropriated $3,908,240.32 for operation. It seemed logical that Congress could appropriate money to purchase forest lands east of the Mississippi. Mr. James S. Whipple, Forest Commissioner of New York, explained: "Without forests we can have but little water. A study of this natural reservoir proves the importance and imperative necessity of preserving our forests. Let us examine it: The trees are part of it; the leaves on the trees are part of it; the twigs, old logs, limbs, and fallen limbs are part of it. All of these catch, delay, and hold back the raindrops as they fall. If you will observe the conditions of the forest floor you will notice that between the trees there are little basins in the ground, caused by the roots of the trees holding up the soil. These basins catch and hold the rain. Then underneath it all, formed from decaying leaves, twigs, limbs, and logs for a thousand years, is a black mold called humus. Thus humus has greater power to take up and hold moisture than any other known vegetable or animal matter. . . . [All of these are] parts of this perfect reservoir, built on nature's plan, detaining, holding, and keeping back the water, allowing it to soak into the ground to feed the little springs, thence the creeks, and keep the water flowing slowly from the hills all the year round. "On the other hand, when the forest is cut away, the basins are broken down, all obstructions to the flow of water are removed, the humus is destroyed, and nature's reservoir is swept away, allowing the water to run quickly into the larger streams, causing destructive floods. Many times great damage and sometimes unhealthful conditions follow. When the storm is over, the flood subsides, the water is soon gone, and dry creek- �Timber! / 3 1 3 beds appear." Federal purchase of forests in the Appalachians had been endorsed by three Presidents but had been opposed by Senators from the Northwest and by some Southern Senators who were adherents of strict states rights. The Weeks Act, passed on the fifteenth of February, 1911, authorized the Secretary of Agriculture to recommend for purchase lands he believed necessary for the regulation of the flow of navigable streams at prices fixed by the National Forest Reservation Commission. The seller of a tract was allowed to reserve the timber and mineral rights, but all cutting of timber and all mining must be done under the rules and regulations established by the commission. The act provided that after the purchase of tracts small areas that were included which could be used for agriculture without injury to the forest or the stream flow and not needed for public purposes were to be offered for sale as homesteads in tracts not to exceed eighty acres, and jurisdiction over such land would revert to the state in which it lay. An amendment later substituted the exchange of land for actual purchase. The terms of the exchange are based on need of a national forest for a particular tract which is privately owned, and desire of an individual to acquire a tract not essential to the national forest. These exchanges are not on an acre for acre basis, and a farmer might receive a forty-acre tract in exchange for a much smaller one. Thus small individuals holdings not originally sold to the government have been acquired. Since 1897 timber sales have been permitted in forest reservations, now National Forests, to residents of adjacent areas; this practice has been important. Residents in the mountains are permitted to engage in lumbering in the National Forests. To illustrate, a farmer who owns a sawmill and who desires to increase his income during the months that are unproductive on the farm may apply to a ranger for permission to cut certain trees that are overmature (no longer growing rapidly enough to make it worthwhile to save them) to make way for vigorous young stock. The farmer may know of such a group of trees. The ranger measures the trees to determine their stumpage value, based on the difference between their sale value and the cost of producing it less a proper allowance for profit and risk. If the amount due the government is less than $soo the ranger is not required to advertise the timber for sale, and a contract may be drawn up. Amounts involving a payment of over $soo must be advertised. The purchaser may pay cash, or he may �314 / Part III: A Developing Economy arrange to make payments as he markets the lumber. The plan encourages conservation as the farmer wishes to be able to continue purchasing timber from the National Forest. Under the Weeks Act National Forests were created in the Appalachian region of North Carolina, the Pisgah in 1916 and the Nantahala in 1920. The headquarters are in Asheville. The purchase of Vanderbilt's holdings in Pisgah Forest was approved in 1914 after his death although he had favored the sale. Mrs. Vanderbilt asked five dollars per acre, which was less than the average price of other tracts already acquired. Her feeling in the matter was expressed in a letter to the commission: "I wish earnestly to make such disposition of Pisgah Forest as will maintain in the fullest and most permanent way its national value as an object lesson in forestry, as well as its wonderful beauty and charm; and I realize that its ownership by the Nation will alone make its preservation permanent and certain. Accordingly I have decided to make as large a contribution as I can, in order to help bring this result about." It must be remembered that Vanderbilt had already realized twelve dollars per acre for the timber rights sold to the Carr Lumber Company. The Weeks Act was passed under the power of the United States to preserve the navigability of streams and their watersheds. A subsequent act, more far-reaching, provided for the purchase of land for the practice of forestry, even where navigability of streams was not in jeopardy. Purchases of additional tracts were made and continued to be made until in 1966 there were 878,ooo acres of land in national forests in the twenty-four counties of Western North Carolina. Of this, 48o,ooo is in the Pisgah National Forest, the balance in the Nantahala National Forest. A much greater percentage of land is in commercial forests, most of which are being managed today in accordance with the example furnished by the Forest Service. A survey conducted in 1966 showed that 14% of all land in the twenty-four counties is in National Forests, while 71.5% of all land is in commercial forests. In 1967 Macon County had the largest acreage of national forests, 148,016; Transylvania was second with 87,466. The other four leaders were Haywood, 67,454; Burke, 47,409; Buncombe, 3 1,874; Swain, 16,148. In 1916 President Wilson proclaimed the creation of the Pisgah National Game Preserve, the first concrete wildlife management program for Western North Carolina. Recognition of the multiple-use principle already practiced was achieved in the "Multiple-Use Sustained Yield Act" of �Timber! / 315 1960. The act named the basic renewable resources (water, recreation, wood, forage, and wildlife) for which the Forest Service is responsible. Once acquired, the National Forests have been utilized in as many ways as possible to provide for the recreational needs of the American people. The Forest Service almost at once set aside the Pink Beds as a site for a federal deer propagation program. Fawns were caught and reared there and then transferred to begin herds in North Carolina and other states. Trout were also propagated for restocking mountain streams. In I 96 I, the fiftieth anniversary of the Weeks Law, Secretary of Agriculture Orville Freeman gave instructions to designate the Pink Beds "The Cradle of Forestry in America." Consequently a visitor center has been created near the site of Schenck's School of Forestry. It contains displays illustrating the multiple use of forests. Visitors may then follow nearby trails for a view of the region as it was during Schenck's regime. The Pisgah and Nantahala National Forests are administered by four staff members and numerous associates at the Asheville headquarters, heading the four facets of modem forestry: water, timber, wildlife, and recreation. In the Nantahala National Forest ten rivers rise: the Nantahala, Cheoah, Tuckaseigee, Hiwassee, Valley, Cullasaja, Little Tennessee, Chattooga, Whitewater, and Toxaway. They feed large river systems, the Tennessee and the Savannah. The area receives as much as seventy inches of rainfall per year, and in some places it reaches one hundred or more inches. Near Franklin, at the headwaters of the Little Tennessee River, is the 5400 acre Coweeta Hydrological Laboratory, the only study area of its kind in the Eastern United States. There the soil is as deep as thirty inches, and observations are made of the effects of timber cutting, logging, fire, woods grazing, and land clearing on the flow and quality of the water and the silt content of streams. The aim is to develop methods of forest management to obtain better and more abundant water supplies. At Bent Creek Experimental Forest near Asheville, studies have shown that forest soil stripped of its trees absorbs less than one-fifth of an inch of rain in an hour, while properly managed forest land absorbs up to four inches of rainfall in an hour. Nantahala National Forest contains 650 million boardfect of saw timber and 400,000 cords of merchantable pulpwood. In I956 the income from the sale of timber was $3 I7,000. Twentyfive per cent of all income from the sale of forest products is �316 / Part III: A Developing Economy Deer preserve ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. paid to the state to be used for schools and roads in the counties in which the forest is located. An additional ten per cent is appropriated to the Forest Service for improvement of roads and trails in the forest. The timber operators who purchase timber in the Nantahala National Forest had in 1956 an annual payroll of $696,ooo, and year-round employment was provided for five hundred people. As the volume of forest products increases the above figures also increase. In 1937 the State of North Carolina and the United States Forest Service signed a cooperative wildlife agreement, which has been revised from time to time. The purpose is to protect wildlife, to plant fish in the streams throughout the forests, and to regulate fishing and hunting, and a license for either must be obtained from the state. State game, fish, and sanitary laws apply except in special game-management areas inside the forest, which in the Nantahala Forest are Fires Creek area north ofHayesville, Wayah Wildlife Management area west ofFranklin, Standing Indian area at the head of the Nantahala River, and the Santeetlah area northwest of Robbinsville. In these the number of hunters and the hunting periods for wild boar, bear, and deer are restricted to maintain a sustained game production. �Timber! / 317 A mountain angler on Lake Logan near Waynesville HUGH MORTON PHOTO A cook-out in a camp ground of the Pisgah National Forest U.S. FOREST SERVICE PHOTO �3r 8 / Part III: A Developing Economy Hiker on a trail in a national forest U .S. FOREST SERVI CE PHOTO Special fees are charged by the state to hunt and fish in the Cooperative Wildlife Management areas. Twenty-three hundred persons per year are permitted to hunt bear and wild boar with dogs in North Carolina. Applicants pay the required fee and engage in a public drawing for the right to hunt. Hunt fees are refunded to those who lose out in the drawing. There are 1200 miles of trout streams in the N ational Forests in North Carolina, constituting fifty per cent of the trout streams in the state, and brook, rainbow, and brown trout are present there. The Pisgah Forest Fish Hatchery in Transylvania County twelve miles from Brevard furnished nine- to ten- inch trout for the streams and lakes of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, the Cherokee Indian Reservation, the Pisgah and N antahala National Forests, and public trout waters in eight counties ofWestern North Carolina, and eggs are shipped to fish hatcheries in other states of the Appalachian area. A laboratory trains hatchery p ersonnel. Forest fire control has been so effective in the N ational Forests that the average loss in the Nantahala is now one-third �Timber! / 319 of one per cent. Towers and observatories at high points, w ith observers always on the alert and with telephone and radio service and roads and trails for the purpose, enable the fire fighting crews to put out most of the fires within the first hour after they start. For those who like to camp or to hike, there are twenty-nine recreation areas, twenty of which have camping facilities and well-marked trails. In some areas the United States Forest Service rents sites on an annual basis for families wishing to build their own cabins. Typical of the camp sites is the J ack R abbit Recreation Area on Chatuge Lake in Clay County , where camping, picnicking, boating, and water skiing are possible. The North Carolina Wildlife Commission and the United States Forest Service provided a boat launching ramp. Said to resemble a Swiss Alpine lake, Chatuge has been called the crown j ewel in TV A's system of beautiful lakes. Each of the one hundred camping sites has a table, a tent platform, and a fireplace. Fifteen miles away is the Fires Creek Wildlife Management Area, where campers may fish and hunt during the legal T he Linville Gorge W ilderness A rea ASHEVI LLE C H AMBER OF COMMER CE PHOTO �320 f Part III: A Developing Economy Inviting trail in the Linville Gorge Wilderness Area U .S . FOREST SERVICE PHOTO season. Twenty-six miles of developed trails lead to the rim of the mountains. In 1937 the 2000-mile Appalachian Trail for foot travel was completed. Extending from Maine to Georgia, in North Carolina it winds over Roan Mountain, follows the boundary between the Pisgah N ational Forest and the Cherokee National Forest (in Tennessee), through the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, and into the Nantahala and Chattahoochee (Georgia) National Forests. Three areas of unusual beauty are preserved within the National Forests. They are Roan Mountain, Linville Gorge Wilderness, and Joyce Kilmer M emorial Forest. The first and second have been known by tourists for generations. Roan M ountain, on the North Carolina-Tennessee line, is in late �Timber! / 321 Joyce Kilmer Memorial Forest in Graham County- marker ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO Vista ofJoyce Kilmer Memorial Forest from Snowbird Mountain Lodge U.S . FOREST SERVICE PHOTO �322 j Part III: A Developing Economy June blanketed with blooming purple rhododendron, with here and there beautiful stands of fir and spruce trees. Cloudland Hotel closed about 1917, and in 1940 the United States Forest Service purchased the area. Five thousand acres are managed for recreational use, although no camping facilities are provided. The Linville Gorge Wilderness has been admired by visitors since it was visited by the French botanist Andre Michaux in I 802. No road has ever been built along this stretch of the Linville River because its banks are so rugged, with Linville Mountain on its right and Jonas Ridge on its left. The latter is unique in its strange rock formations that are visible for miles- Hawksbill, Table Rock, and the Chimneys. Travelers on foot and on horseback have for years gone to Wiseman's View on Linville Mountain for the panorama of the gorge and Jonas Ridge. Along the riverbank and throughout the gorge are an abundance of wild flowers and shrubs of great variety. Camping is permitted in the Linville Gorge Wilderness but no facilities are furnished. However, about five miles from Wiseman's View, at Linville Falls, a campground is provided. In Graham County in the Nantahala National Forest is a 38oo acre tract of virgin wilderness with trees hundreds of years old, some measuring twenty feet around the base and more than a hundred feet high, and a great variety of shrubs. It is designated the Joyce Kilmer Memorial Forest in honor of the poet-soldier who lost his life in France in World War One, whose poem "Trees" is loved by the American public. The trees are here for all to admire and enjoy. They enable both travelers and residents, the city pent and the people of the wooded hills, to get close to the heart of nature - to feel like nature's noblemen. Let it be the resolve of all who live in or come to the mountains that when a tree is cut a tree must be planted. �CHAPTER FIFTEEN From Indian Trails to Broad Highways In I879 there began in North Carolina a movement that was to make possible the most far-reaching reform in the history of the state. This was initiated by the Mecklenburg Road Law. Prior to that time all road work had been done by the free-labor system called the "labor tax" under which every able-bodied man was obligated to give a certain number of days' work per year for the upkeep of roads. The new law applied to three counties, Mecklenburg, Forsyth, and Stokes, but it was available to any county by action of the county commissioners if requested by a petition of a specified number of voters. It provided for a combination of free-labor and tax support for construction of roads. The law was repealed two years later and then was reenacted. A new principle had entered the minds of the legislators and of the people of the state. Since I 867 various experiments with road building had been tried. First, the township justices had been made responsible for administering the state road laws and appointing road supervisors for their districts. The constitution as amended in I 875 assigned road control to the county commissioners, who were chosen by the township justices appointed by the legislature. However, in I 880 the General Assembly in special session restored the township trustees' responsibility for roads. In I 887 the "chain-gang law" authorized the counties to assign to road work convicts with sentences of less than ten years. Meanwhile the practice of requiring every able-bodied man to work on the public roads continued. The roads remained as bad as before. 323 �324 / Part III: A Developing Economy Two professors at the state university, State Geologist ]. A. Holmes and William Cain, a civil engineer, in a report to Governor Thomas M. Holt in I893, wrote: "The problem of better public roads, especially in the midland and western counties, perhaps outranks in importance all other industrial questions now before the people of the State." Holmes and Cain recommended that all public roads be constructed and kept in repair as far as possible by men employed and trained for the work. They emphasized that railroads could in no way substitute for roads. "Every citizen should be within easy reach, over a good public highway, of the railroad, the county seat, and the nearest market town." It was the contention of the two professors that the state lost $Io,5 I9,ooo annually because of bad roads in the middle and western counties. The figures were broken down as follows: "Loss on account of the cost of feeding, and loss of time by the I34,000 country mules and horses in the middle and western counties, during four weeks of impassable roads: $I ,6oo,ooo; "Loss, on account of bad roads, of the time and maintenance of 2Io,ooo country horses and mules, I05,000 wagons and harness, and wages of 105,000 teamsters, during one month: $3 ,948,ooo; "Loss on account of bad roads, of the services and expense of feeding 25,000 town horses, and services of I2,000 teamsters, and wear and tear on I2,500 wagons and harness, all of which could be saved by having good roads and streets: $4,53I,ooo; "Wasted in working public roads in taxes and labor: $440,000; Total: $10,519,000." They maintained that the state could save this amount annually by installing a system of good macadamized roads. Rural Free Delivery (RFD) which was experimental with a law passed by Congress in 1893 was impractical in Western North Carolina because of the poor roads, although by 1898 it had become a permanent feature of the postal service. In I 899 a Good Roads Association of Asheville was organized, the first in the state. The private macadam roads on the Vanderbilt estate had demonstrated what might be done with public roads. The association under the leadership of Dr. C. P. Ambler built one mile of macadam road from Asheville to Biltmore and campaigned for better roads in Buncombe County. It cooperated with neighboring counties in holding meetings, and a similar association was formed in Hendersonville. In I902 a North Carolina Good Roads Association was formed to work �From Indian Trails to Broad Highways / 325 Post offices were usually in stores or homes ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO . out a formula to help the counties acquire better roads through federal support, extended use of convicts, instruction in road building, and a course in road building to be offered at State College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts and at the state university. Meanwhile some efforts were made by individuals or corporations to attract the tourist trade to areas not served by railroads, requiring them to invest private capital for roads. Mr. S. T. Kelsey, one of the founders of Highlands in Macon County, was employed to make a survey for a projected railroad that was to follow the Blue Ridge through the Carolinas �326 / Part III: A Developing Economy and Virginia. He was impressed with the scenic possibilities of the area which became Linville. Kelsey interested his friend Donald MacRae of Wilmington, who in turn sent his son Hugh to look over the valley. A corporation was formed to purchase land and lay out a resort village. As the location was remote and travel would be difficult, the company constructed the Y onahlossee road in I 890 and I 89I along the southern slope of Grandfather Mountain from Linville to Blowing Rock with a branch road leading to the top of the mountain. The main road was twenty miles long and from ten to fourteen feet wide, and the cost of building was about $IO,ooo. Kelsey surveyed and supervised the construction of the project, employing local workmen. Joe Lee Hartley, who worked on the two-year projec!:, described the task: "We had bush crews and log crews, shovel and mattock crews. There were some 300 men working on the road .... I walked five miles to work for 300 days. When we got the road about half way done, up there around the side of the Grandfather, we had a shack under the rocks." In their I893 report Holmes and Cain called the road "an excellent one for summer travel ... through one of the most beautiful and interesting portions of the mountain region of North Carolina." The Good Roads movement grew in popularity and a Southern Appalachian Good Roads Association was organized in I909. Two years later the Southern Railway and the Atlantic Coastline Railway entered the campaign. Their officials believed that good roads would encourage production and result in more balanced marketing. A Good Roads Train was operated in the mountains by the Southern Railway in I9I I. It contained three coaches, one of which contained working models and road building equipment, with explanations of how to build and maintain good roads, and one a stereopticon and screen showing good and bad roads. Railway officials and experts from the United States Office of Public Roads gave lectures in Marshall, Asheville, Waynesville, Sylva, Hendersonville, Lake Toxaway, Brevard, Rutherfordton, Marion, Morganton, North Wilkesboro, and Mount Airy. The automobile had come into use on North Carolina roads and streets, and a license fee of five dollars per auto was �From Indian Trails to Broad Highways / 327 Copy of photo made by Donald McRae of the Linville-Blowing Rock hack on the HUGH MORTON PHOTO Yonahlossee Road at Wilson Creek in the 189o's imposed in 1909, of which three dollars was returned to the county in which it was collected. In 1911 the General Assembly authorized construction of the Central Highway to extend from Morehead City to the Tennessee line, to follow the railroad. Work lagged and the road was not completed until 1921. The plan was to improve roads already constructed, making them thirty feet wide from ditch to ditch and with no grade over four and one-half percent. Buncombe County already had a good road from Swannanoa Gap on the east to the county line on the west, a combination of macadam in some places and sand clay in others. Sand clay roads were cheaper to build than macadam and a county could build more miles with its money. Sand clay roads required constant attention, but they could be kept up by just a few men. When the Central Highway Committee attempted to inspect the entire route in 1912, its members had to begin the tour in Haywood County, Madison County's roads not being in �328 / Part III: A Developing Economy condition for travel even in midsummer. A scenic highway to be known as the "Crest of the Blue Ridge Highway" was being surveyed in I9II, from Marion, Virginia, to Talullah Falls, Georgia, where it would connect with a good road to Atlanta. It was to enter North Carolina in Ashe County via Beaver Creek and Elk Cross Roads, where there was a good dirt road as far as Boone. The next thirty-five miles, to Linville via Blowing Rock, would utilize the Y onahlossee road. From Linville to Linville Falls the road was under construction, although there was not yet any surfacing material and it would get very heavy in winter. Tourists would be expected to stop at Linville Falls to see the gorge and the falls. From that point the road would proceed close to the summit of the Blue Ridge on an entirely new route with beautiful scenery. The highest point on the highway would be Stepps Gap, approximately 5,500 feet, only 1,200 less than Mount Mitchell. Thence it would pass through the heart of the Black Mountains where there had never been any roads. The road was to lead through Asheville to Hendersonville and Brevard, then pass the resorts of Lake Toxaway, Lake Sapphire, and Fairfield Lake to Highlands, and on to Talullah Falls. At Asheville the proposed road was to coincide with one already constructed to the top of Sunset Mountain. This five mile macadam road had been constructed by Dr. E. W. Grove as an exclusive automobile route, there being a separate road to the summit for carnages. The scheme for the scenic road originated with Dr. Joseph Hyde Pratt, State Geologist, and the survey was made under the auspices of the North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey by students of the University of North Carolina during their summer vacation. T. F. Hickerson, a member of the party, reported that they spent ten days "very pleasantly at Dr. C. P. Ambler's summer home before starting the survey at Bull Gap, ten miles east of Asheville. There were no wagon roads between Bull Gap and Stepps Gap near Mt. Mitchell, . . . there were scarcely any trails that could be traveled in safety with a horse." The section surveyed averaged 5,000 feet in altitude. The camp equipment, including seven tents, ten folding cots, clothes and two double blankets for each person, a stove and cooking equipment, tablewear, and rations, had to be packed on mules or portaged a distance of about seven miles over the steep and rough trails. �From Indian Trails to Broad Highways / 329 In 1912 a portion of the road between Linville and Altapass was constructed under the direction of Dr. Pratt, with one hundred men. The Appalachian Highway Company had been chartered to build the road, and people along the route were giving the right-of-way and were encouraged to buy stock. The portion between Altapass and Pineola was completed before work was stopped because of W odd War One. The surface was of sand, clay, and gravel. A toll road, it was expected to entice more tourists to the area, to have them stay longer and visit the inns along the scenic route. Locke Craig, an Asheville man, became governor of North Carolina in 1913. He designated two days in November of that year as "Good Roads Days." These were declared state holidays on which every able-bodied citizen was asked to strike a few blows for progress. They were part of a series of Good Roads Days in different states. Governor Craig went to his home county and, donning overalls, worked as a common laborer with the other citizens. The first new road in North Carolina to be built by state convicts was a seven mile stretch over Hickory Nut Gap of a road which was projected to run from Asheville to Charlotte. The General Assembly had provided for the upkeep of the road after its completion, although it was to be turned over to Buncombe, Henderson, and Rutherford counties for administration. The county commissioners of each county were to appoint a commissioner to have charge of upkeep and maintenance of the road. Sol Gallert of Rutherford County had prepared the bill authorizing state aid, and R. R. Williams of Buncombe County presented it. The bill required that five thousand dollars be raised locally for dynamite and tools. The Coxe Estate in Asheville gave one thousand, the town of Edneyville voted a bond issue and gave fifteen hundred, and private citizens subscribed $5,76r.6o. Gallert said, "I look to see the time when these hills will be the playground of America, the road lined with homes of summer visitors and the hills and valleys dotted with the homes of our mountain people." He estimated that the people of Rutherford and Buncombe counties had up to that time expended $soo,ooo in turnpike tolls "in the eternal damnation of their souls through cursing at being stuck axle deep in the mud, broken poles, and having to lead their horses up a wretched road they were paying the privilege of driving over." �3 30 / Part III: A Developing Economy Governor Craig when he opened the road officially on November seventh, 1915, declared, "I believe the most favored spot on earth is here in the glorious mountains of North Carolina. It is a land, an inheritance for us, with its marvelous climate, pure water, its brooks and streams and rivers, where we have no flies or very few of them, because a fly cannot live on these rocks; no malaria and no diseases save those we can ourselves get rid of." The state university began in 1914 holding annual good roads institutes at Chapel Hill, with lectures, conferences, and exchange of experiences. Only three of the counties of Western North Carolina were represented at the first instituteMadison, McDowell, and Rutherford. Many arguments as to how to raise money for the needed roads arose at the institutes. Practically all were agreed that the chain gang must continue, but equipment and materials were costly, and gradually the idea that bonds should be sold came up for debate. The question was who should issue the bonds, county or township, both practices being in use from place to place. In 1913 the General Assembly passed several laws permitting specific townships to sell bonds for road building, and one general law was passed which authorized townships to sell bonds upon receipt of a petition of voters by the county commissioners. With the responsibility left to local initiative, the building of roads was to continue to produce a hodge-podge of good roads near the county seats and very bad ones in outlying portions of each county. Governor Craig appointed a State Highway Commission in 1915, and the legislature appropriated $ro,ooo as its budget, to be used in advising the counties about road building. A breakthrough in federal aid for highways came in 1916 with an act to be administered by the United States Department of Agriculture. In order to participate, a state had to have an organization to raise half the funds to construct and maintain Federal Aid Roads. The next year the State Highway Commission was authorized to serve in this respect. Counties' responsibility for roads was still emphasized, and they were to furnish most of the state's half of the necessary funds for the new roads. The General Assembly now authorized expenditure of automobile license fees as a maintenance fund for a state highway system. Eighty-seven of the state's one hundred counties set up projects, and by January 1920 sixty-seven miles of road were completed in spite of the interruption caused by �From Indian Trails to Broad Highways / 33 I Hub-deep A casualty of travel on mud roads World War One. The objective was a system of roads from county-seat to county-seat. Roadbuilding in the mountains presented problems, but the railroads helped. During the winter of 1919-1920 District Engineer H. E. Noell was assigned the construction of a road over the mountain that had given the railroad builders so much trouble, from Old Fort to Ridgecrest. The old road was passable only in dry weather. It wound around the mountain as the railroad did. At times the Noell party had to take a train from Old Fort to Ridgecrest and work downhill toward Old Fort. Later Noell was assigned construction and maintenance work in Yancey, Mitchell, Avery, Burke, McDowell, Henderson, Polk, Rutherford, and Cleveland counties. His headquarters were in Marion, and to reach Avery County he had to travel eighty-five miles via Morganton, Lenoir, Blowing Rock, and Linville. On one occasion a team of two large horses was hitched �332 J Part III: A Developing Economy Fording the Swannanoa to his old Ford car to pull him out of the mud, and when they could pull no more an extra team was added. To work in the northern part of A very County he had to travel from Marion on the Clinchfield Railroad to Johnson City, spend the night, and catch the East Tennessee and Western North Carolina train (the narrow gauge line known as "Tweetsie") to Cranberry, travel over the project perhaps by horseback, return to Cranberry for the night, back to Johnson City for the next night, take the Clinchfield to work in Yancey and Mitchell Counties, where he used car or horseback, then to Marion by train. Until that time in most of the highway construction in Western North Carolina Asheville had been the hub, and the outlying areas in the mountains that had no railroads were still dependent on turnpikes. As late as 1915 Watauga County marketed its produce by covered wagon down the Blowing Rock-Lenoir Turnpike, a toll road which Watauga County �From Indian Trails to Broad Highways / 333 residents had the right to use free of toll. For other travelers on the turnpike a three-horse wagon cost sixty cents, and a car, seventy-five cents. Mrs. Gwyn Barlow, who kept the toll gate, said, "After they'd haul the mountain produce to Lenoir, they'd fill their wagons with supplies for the mountain stores. Often the wagons mired up hub deep." North Wilkesboro was another gateway to the so-called "Lost Provinces" of North Carolina: Watauga, Ashe, and Alleghany counties. The railroad into Ashe from Abingdon, Virginia, had been built by the Norfolk and Western only to tap the lumber resources of the county and did not connect with any other North Carolina point. Ashe County had closer relationships with Virginia than with other points in North Carolina. When Cameron Morrison of Charlotte ran for governor in 1920 he spoke at Wilkesboro, promising support for roads throughout the state. The "Lost Provinces" were unwilling to support any movement for internal improvements unless they would benefit, and Morrison was campaigning on a program of good roads, a state system with county upkeep. Later he devoted half of his inaugural address to the subject. The 1921 session of the General Assembly established the state highway system. Men from Northwestern North Carolina played a prominent part in the legislation, with support from both Democrats and Republicans. Chairman of the House Committee on Roads was Thomas C. (Tam) Bowie of Ashe County, and Rufus A. Daughton of Alleghany County was the leader of Democratic support for the bill. Newspapers called him the "Grand Old Man of North Carolina Politics." Both Bowie and Daughton had served in the legislature for a long time and were from the "Lost Provinces." D. D. Dougherty of the Appalachian Training School in Boone was the intermediary to secure Republican support for the measure because Frank Linney, State Chairman of the Republican Party, lived in Boone. A public hearing was held on the Daughton-Connor Bill (Bowie's name was added later), and twenty speakers were heard, one of whom was Dr. Mary Martin Sloop of Crossnore School, whose speech was acknowledged by the Greensboro Daily News as the best speech of the evening. She had long �334 / Part III: A Developing Economy Road scene near Webster Family travel engaged in mission work and knew "the horrors of the red clay road." In the House Bowie made the opening speech. Mr. Blaine Coffey (Republican) read a telegram from Frank Linney asking him to vote for the bill. In recognition of the priority of the needs of Western North Carolina, Miss Exum Clement of Buncombe County, the only woman member of the House, �From Indian Trails to Broad Highways f 335 was invited to preside at the third reading and passage of the Doughton-Conner-Bowie Bill, which passed 102 to 14. The Senate approved thirty-two to six, and a new era was about to begin. The act differed from Governor Morrison's proposal to continue county responsibility for roads. The law was amended many times by subsequent General Assemblies. The state assumed control of 5,500 miles of hard-surfaced and other dependable highways running to all county seats and to all principal towns, state parks, and principal state institutions and linking up with state highways of adjoining states and with national highways into national forest reserves by the most practicable routes. Special emphasis was placed on the development of agriculture, and the commercial and natural resources of the state. The law permitted the state to assume control of the state highways, to repair, construct, reconstruct, and maintain said highways at the expense of the entire state and to relieve the counties, cities, and towns of the state of this burden. The law of 1921 authorized a bond issue of $5o,ooo,ooo, a one cent a gallon tax on gasoline to retire the bonds, and an increase in the price of automobile licenses. A new highway commission was provided for with at least three Republican members in a total of ten in addition to the chairman. Each commissioner was to represent a highway district. Governor Morrison appointed Rufus A. Daughton of Sparta, John C. McBee of Bakersville, and J. D. Stikeleather of Asheville as members for the western districts. In addition to mapping out and beginning construction of new road proposals, a number of roads already begun were completed rapidly under direction of the commissioner. Among these was the Central Highway, which in Western North Carolina passed through Morganton, Marion, Asheville, and Marshall, first designated as State Route 10 and later as U. S. 70 Highway. Mountain terrain challenged the highway commission and the engineers. Surveyors often had to use ropes and ladders, and roads were built "over rocky mountains, under rocky mountains, and around rocky mountains." Sometimes a route chosen was not the most direct and least expensive one. J. G. Stikeleather of the Ninth Division in routing Highway US 64 between Franklin and Highlands decided on an expensive scenic route along the Cullasaja River. Federal aid was denied for the more expensive route, but the state built it. �336 / Part III: A Developing Economy Frank Page, Chairman of the State Highway Commission, reported in 1924 an appraisal of the 1921 law. "It does not have to be argued to them [the people] that roads have a civilizing influence, that through these means of communication the "Lost Provinces" of the northwest, beyond their impenetrable mountains and two days' journey from the capital of their state, have been brought within seven hours of respectable speed. . . . The whole state is knit together in this net of highways." By 1927, $us,ooo,ooo in bonds for road building had been authorized, and road building continued. Four years later the state assumed responsibility for maintenance of all of the secondary roads. The counties gave up equipment and prisoners and the state established thirty prison camps for highway workers under command of the State Highway Commission. Only one county in Western North Carolina, Buncombe, had been operating chain gangs during the nineteen-twenties. However, eleven of these counties had leased their convicts to other counties that used chain gangs. Prior to 1931 the State Highway Commission hired convicts from the counties for work on state highways and assigned convicts from the state prison to such work. North Carolina's laws had given the judge the option of sentencing a convicted man to the county roads or to the state prison, in case the sentence was for a term of less than ten years. Highway construction continued during the 1920's and 1930's with exciting new links being dedicated. For instance, in 1926 a new highway from Cowee Mountain Gap to Franklin was opened with a barbecue attended by hundreds of people from Macon and neighboring counties. Before the road was built most people in Macon County did their trading in Georgia or South Carolina, traveling via the Talullah Falls (Georgia) Railway. Persons wishing to go to Raleigh would take the train to Franklin, travel to Cornelia, Georgia, and change to the Southern Railroad to Greenville and Spartanburg, South Carolina, and then back into North Carolina. Travel by mail hack from Franklin was on a dirt road requiring seven hours between Franklin and Dillsboro. The hack left Franklin at four o'clock A.M. At Dillsboro the traveler took a train to Murphy or Asheville. Most persons in Franklin read newspapers published in Georgia or South Carolina because they arrived sooner than the North Carolina papers. �From Indian Trails to Broad Highways / 337 Chimney Rock, a natural phenomenon on the Hickory Nut Gorge R oad ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. Work on the projected "Crest of the Blue Ridge Highway" had been halted when the United States entered World W ar One and was not resumed after the war. During 1933 a plan was made to connect the Shenandoah National Park with the Great Smoky Mountains National Park by a parkway along the crest of the mountains. Harley Jolley who wrote the history of the Blue Ridge Parkway gave Robert L. Daughton, resident of Allegh any County and member of the United States House of R epresentatives, much of the credit for the plan. At first the intention was to make the road self-liquidating by imposing �338 / Part III: A Developing Economy Civilian Conservation Corps worked on the Blue Ridge Parkway. The young men were given a chance to better their education. Note that in the 1930's the CCC was U .S. FOREST SERVICE PHOTO integrated tolls on the users; however, North Carolina had the objective of removing all tolls from its highways, ferries, and bridges, and Governor J. C. B. Ehringhaus was opposed to a toll road. A sum of $4,00o,ooo from the funds allotted under the National Recovery Act was set aside for the building of the road as a "make work" project. (It is estimated that when complete the Blue Ridge Parkway will have cost $96,ooo,ooo.) A spirited rivalry concerning the route developed between North Carolina and Tennessee. Boosters in Tennessee wanted the parkway to cross through the northwest part of North Carolina into Tennessee and pass through the mountainous area to enter the Great Smoky Mountain National Park from the north. North Carolina's promoters, many of them residents of Asheville, wished the road to be confined to Virginia and North Carolina, to enter the park from the southeast. Secretary of the Interior Ickes finally, after a two year delay, chose a route that led directly south from Roanoke to the North Carolina line following the crest of the Blue Ridge to a point near Mount Mitchell, thence toward Asheville and by Waynesville to the park. The states of Virginia and North Carolina purchased �From Indian Trails to Broad Highways / 339 CCC men learned to use power tools. U .S. FOREST SERVICE PHOTO the right of way and a scenic easement of four hundred feet on each side of the projected road at a cost of about $2,ooo,ooo each and presented the land to the federal government. Actual construction of the road was awarded to private contractors, but they were expected to employ as much local help as possible. Work such as planting and stabilizing the construction slopes, controlling erosion, and building fences was done by men in CCC camps established along the route and by emergency relief crews of men who lived nearby. Three utility areas and ten recreational areas were constructed in North Carolina. Much of the land through which the parkway passed was far from improved roads, and living conditions there had always been primitive. The opportunity to earn thirty cents an hour was new to this isolated population. Governor Ehringhaus asked Secretary Ickes to give priority to areas where need for employment was greatest and where �340 / Part III: A Developing Economy A mountain wonderland HUGH MORTON PHOTO the most scenic areas were located, and Ickes agreed, so the work was carried on piecemeal. Negotiations for the right to build the portion through the Cherokee Indian lands were the subject of controversy for five years. Eventually the state paid the Cherokees a price agreeable to them and agreed to build a state road for them from Soco Gap to the village of Cherokee, and the right of way was obtained. After World War II that stretch of the road was completed. The portion that will run along the southeast side of Grandfather Mountain, now under construction, remains the last unfinished link in the original project. Congress assigned the Blue Ridge Parkway to the National Park Service for maintenance and management. Designed for non-commerical use, the parkway offers an opportunity for quiet, leisurely driving and enjoyment of natural scenery which annually attracts millions of tourists. In I 970 it was used by I 2, 789,724 persons, and it had become one of North Carolina's most important tourist assets. �From Indian Trails to Broad Highways / 341 In spite of the state take-over of secondary roads in 193 r, their condition had not been much improved when Kerr Scott became governor in 1949. The new chief executive was a farmer who had known the problem of the dirt road all his life, and he asked the legislature to approve a secondary road bond issue of $2oo,ooo,ooo and a one-cent-a-gallon increase in the gasoline tax to retire the bonds. The state constitution required that a proposal for a bond issue of that size must be approved by a referendum, and opponents believed that the voters would turn down the issue. But the people did not reject a proposal that would get them out of the mud. Cities and counties with good railway connections voted overwhelmingly against the bond issue but rural counties won the election. Additional highway legislation was made essential during the Scott administration by the increasing number of times per week the rural folk visited their nearby towns following the improvement of secondary roads. The constantly increasing number of motor cars and trucks caused city streets to be incapable of handling the traffic. The Powell Bill, so called because State Senator Junius K. Powell's signature led on the bill as it was introduced, provided state funds for municipalities. Appropriations are based on population and non-state highway system street mileage within each city and town. Congress in 1954 provided for an Urban Planning Assistance Program to finance overall economic development of counties and towns, and subsequently the General Assembly passed the legislation necessary for state participation. These two acts led to area-wide studies to develop municipal thoroughfare plans, and several cities and towns in Western North Carolina engaged in long-range community planning which included traffic handling. Among the first to do so were Asheville, Morganton, Brevard, Mt. Airy, and Marion. The State Department of Conservation and Development created a community planning division to cooperate with smaller municipalities in developing their plans. Scott, near the end of his four years in office, summarized his success in road building: " ... when I leave the governorship less than a month from now, North Carolina will have more than doubled the mileage of paved roads it had four years ago. New hard-surfaced roads will total 14,810 miles. That's 179 more than the 14,631 miles paved in North Carolina in all the years previous to 1949. 0 0 ." �342 / Part III: A Developing Economy VOTE ON THE ROAD BOND ISSUE, 1949 County For Against Surry Watauga Ashe Caldwell Wilkes Alleghany Burke Rutherford McDowell Polk Yancey Jackson Madison Cherokee Mitchell Macon Avery Clay Swain Graham Henderson Haywood Transylvania Buncombe 5.479 5.344 4.575 3,097 8,397 1,496 4,484 2,740 2,157 I ,588 4.351 3.794 3.738 3.449 2,788 2,374 2,039 I,29I 1,820 1,402 1,722 5,097 1,748 5,658 965 269 243 1,620 407 322 r ,586 3,229 737 323 54 393 262 296 85 546 251 52 155 II I 2,130 933 762 8,529 Source: Waynick, North Carolina Roads, p. 59. In 193 I when the state assumed jurisdiction over the secondary roads there were 54,000 miles of such roads in the state. In 1961 the length had been increased to 58,ooo miles, of which approximately forty-five per cent were paved. Yet the western counties had only twenty-eight percent of their roads paved. Roads are added to the state highway system by the Highway Commission after petitions have been presented by the citizens, if the said road meets the requirements set up by the commission. Such addition is made on the basis of priority rating. Governor Dan Moore in 1965 asked the General Assembly to approve a $3oo,ooo,ooo bond issue for a highway program. It did. As required by the state constitution the bond issue had to be adopted by referendum, and the issue received the overwhelming approval of the people of the state, 245,194 of the 320,000 votes cast. Working for the road bond program was �From Indian Trails to Broad Highways / 343 the Governor's Committee for Better Roads, only four members of which were from the twenty-four counties of Western North Carolina. The governor no doubt knew that these counties would favor the proposal. The bill as passed by the legislature divided the funds into three parts: for primary roads, secondary roads, and cities and towns. Funds for secondary roads were to be allocated on the basis of the number of unpaved roads in each county. The State Highway Commission had in 1961 set up a fifteen-year plan for road construction contracted for on a basis of competitive bidding. No longer were highways to be built by prisoners or free labor, although prison camps remained and inmates were employed for highway maintenance and improvement. After 1916 the United States furnished funds for highway building but not for maintenance. Most of this money was acquired by a four-cent-a-gallon gasoline tax. The funds were available for primary, secondary, and urban roads, to be matched by the state with equal funds. Roads in Western North Carolina that were continuous through several states were designated as United States Highways: 70 (the old Central Highway); 64, which from Morganton dipped southward through Rutherford, Henderson, Transylvania, Macon, Clay, and Cherokee counties; 19 and 23, which passed through northward from Asheville to the Tennessee line and westward from Asheville; 25 along the old Buncombe Turnpike; 74 from Charlotte, which terminated at Asheville on the west; 421, 321, and 221, all of which met in Boone, 221 connecting with Ashe and Alleghany on the way to Virginia; and 21, which passed through Surry County. These were primary roads and were frequently improved and sometimes shortened in mileage. Yet many of their miles were narrow, hilly, curving, and slow. Almost half of the federal aid funds now are being allocated to the interstate highways, a new series of national and defense roads on which the United States has been working since 1941. It was originally hoped that the system would be completed by 1972. The roads are four-lane divided highways for the cost of which the federal government pays ninety per cent. When completed they will serve several counties in Western North Carolina. The most important of them for this area is Interstate 40, which begins in Greensboro and passes through Burke, McDowell, Buncombe, and Haywood counties. It will eventually reach Los Angeles, and it is to be connected with Atlanta by �344 / Part III: A Developing Economy Interstate 26, with which Interstate 77 has a link through Surry County on a route through West Virginia, Virginia, and North Carolina. Interstate 77 connects with Interstate 40. The Appalachian Region Development Act passed by Congress in 1965 was described by Governor Moore as "the most successful program yet devised to help people help themselves." The priorities were established by the states participating, and Governor Sanford named twenty-nine counties in Western North Carolina to take part. The states initiated their own programs. The plan was one of fundmatching, and in North Carolina the emphasis was placed chiefly on roads, four lane corridors to swing out from the Interstate 26 and 40 interchange at Asheville to provide new and improved access to the market areas of Atlanta, Chattanooga, ROADS IN WESTERN NORTH CAROLINA, 1961 Paved Mileage Alleghany Ashe Avery Buncombe Burke Caldwell Cherokee Clay Graham Haywood Henderson Jackson McDowell Macon Madison Mitchell Polk Rutherford Surry Swain Transylvania Watauga Wilkes Yancey Unpaved Mileage Total Mileage 44·8 94.0 52-7 420.3 260.5 r88.r 102.7 58.2 45·0 146·7 18o.r 83.0 !82.4 I I !.7 102.9 62.5 II4.0 370.7 238.0 74-3 9!.7 87.6 234·0 76.4 345·1 581.4 188.9 539·0 367.1 358·3 350.0 143-9 !24-7 287·7 468.2 349·4 25 !.5 423-5 405.! 200.7 250·4 549-7 619-3 !09.0 2!7·9 364.7 859-9 200.8 389·9 675·4 24I.6 959-3 627.6 546·4 452-7 202.1 !69·7 434-4 648·3 432-4 433-9 535-2 509.0 26J.2 364·4 920.4 857-3 183.3 309.6 452·3 1,093-9 272.2 Source: North Carolina State Highway Commission, Secondary Roads Maintenance Improvement Construction, January I, 1962. �From Indian Trails to Broad Highways / 345 and Cincinnati. Progress has been slow. By June 1968 two by-passes had been constructed, one around Waynesville and the other around Weaverville. Counties not touched by the interstate system are Alleghany, Ashe, Wilkes, Watauga, Avery, Mitchell, Yancey, Madison, Cherokee, Clay, Jackson, Graham, Transylvania, Swain, and Rutherford. The Appalachian highways if built as planned will serve Cherokee, Graham, Swain, Clay, Macon, Jackson, and Madison. The fifteen-year plan of the State Highway Commission (1961) classified its trunk and feeder roads on a basis of first, second, and third priorities. Alleghany, Ashe, Watauga, Avery, Mitchell, and Yancey counties were placed on second and third priority lists, with no immediate plans for widening or straightening many of their roads in the near future. Although the section has a long way to go before its road problems have been solved, anyone would probably agree with John Harden, historian of North Carolina roads: "Hardly any instrument of organized society is so vital to the people as the highway. It is the link between country and town, the route to the marketplace, the way of knowledge and education, the artery of commerce, the call of adventure, the measure of civilization.'' In North Carolina, the "Good Roads State," roads have been all of these things. In fact, Western North Carolina owes practically all of its progress since 1921 to its roads and its schools. But the mountain region has always been discriminated against by the legislature because lawmakers from the east have dominated the state government. Money begets money, and improved mountain highways will pay tenfold dividends from the vast numbers of tourists who will come to this region of beauty and recreation. �CHAPTER SIXTEEN Business and Industry "R eader ... fix your mind on a Southern 'gentleman' .... Observe the routine of his daily life. See him rise in the morning from a Northern bed, and clothe himself in Northern apparel; see him walk across the floor on a Northern carpet, and perform his ablutions out of a Northern ewer and basin .... " So Hinton R. Helper follows this Southern gentleman through a day in which everything he uses is of Northern manufacture. Helper's diatribe against the South (1857) for allowing the North to do all of the South's manufacturing could not have been directed against Western North Carolina where most of the furniture and textiles were of home or local manufacture. For example, as early as r 820 cabinet makers in the part of Wilkes County that became Caldwell County had establishments that made furniture for people on order, serving a wide area. One employed six men. And for a number of years before the Civil War some German cabinet makers had a factory in Asheville and produced from mountain woods fine work which they carted around Western North Carolina and the neighboring states to sell. It brought a high price from the well-to-do customers along their routes. If mountain people did change to "store-bought" household goods after the railroads came, they later reversed to partial self-sufficiency as may be perceived from this parody on Helper from the Asheville Citizen in 1963, concerning Haywood County: "Mr. Average citizen in Haywood finds products of his native county on every hand. As he awakes in the morning, flips on 346 �Business and Industry / 347 the light- that ... is made in one of the largest hydro-electric plants in the East; lifts his head from a foam rubber pillow; shifts his weight to the edge of a companion product, foam mattress; slips his feet into a pair of Haywood slippers; pulls back the drapes made in Haywood. His pajamas were no doubt made on looms with vital hard rubber parts made in Haywood. He finishes dressing, getting garments from drawers of furniture made in his native county. In the dining room he sits down at a breakfast suite made not too far up the street from his home. He makes a few hurried notes in his memo pad- paper Haywood made - and obliges the wife by writing another note for the milkman to leave more milk in plastic coated cartons, all made in Haywood. Now into his $25 shoes- soles made in Haywood, he is on his way to work .... Between the house and garage his chest swells as he surveys the thick carpet of grass on his lawn- result of Haywood made fertilizer. The car hums. The fan belt turns the water pump circulating water through the radiator hose- both items Haywood made .... He is greeted at the office by his auditor who hands him an encouraging profit and loss sheet for study. Needless to say the finer paper is also Haywood made. The burley in his cigarette could have come from one of the r,Soo farms producing burley in the county. At lunch, a hot roast beef sandwich followed by apple pie with ice cream reminds him that these products are perhaps part of the $7 million farm income for the county. As Mr. Average Citizen retires for the night, he gets to thinking ofhow Haywoodmade products played important roles in his life throughout the day. Drifting off into deep natural, restful sleep, he is heard to mumble: 'Haywood- the State's Best Balanced County. Yes, sir, and about the most self-contained.'" The history of economic enterprise in Western North Carolina falls into four categories: individual enterprise, investment of outside capital in the area, large-scale locally-owned businesses, and consolidation of locally-owned industries by outside companies which are often holding companies and operate in a number of states. The one form of business that all in Western North Carolina became accustomed to was the general store. Such stores were distributed throughout the counties. In the nineteenth century �348 J Part III: A Developing Economy supplies for the most remote stores came from wholesalers who were retailers as well. The supply merchant sent wagons pulled by oxen and loaded with mountain produce to one of the nearest large towns. The wagons returned with merchandise to sell or trade at retail and also to provide rural merchants with their stocks. Fred 0. Scroggs of Hayesville has the account books, in beautiful penmanship, of Nelson Strange, his greatgrand-father, who was a merchant at Brasstown and Hayesville, Clay County. His invoices show that he sent wagons to Gainesville, Athens, and Augusta, Georgia, and to Maryville, Tennessee. Nelson Strange had six slaves whom he freed when they grew older. He paid a local blacksmith $67.50 to make one of the wagons for the long journeys. Among the items sold that were on the account book in the year I 86o were these: coffee, vials of oil, vials of drops, vials of peppermint, candles, castor oil, snuff, tobacco, nails, sets of plates, calico, skein silk and ribbons, vials of Godfrey's syrup, pens and envelopes, turpentine, preserve dishes, flannel, wool, worsted, brush and blacking, borax, coffee mills, plow lines, pen stocks, sugar, sets of knives, cigars, silk handkerchiefs, tumblers, brimstone (sulphur used to preserve fruit), sheepskin, fry pan and spoon, bridle and bit, 6oo fish hooks, spelling books, shirts, pepper, rice, court plaster, soap, paper of tacks, paper of needles, cinnamon, roping, pair of combs, bell, suspenders, cravats, and powder and shot (by the pound). A shoemaker made shoes on order in the store. Among the items traded by the people to the merchants, none were more important than crude botanicals used for drugs. The catalogue of G. W. F. Harper of Caldwell County for 1876 offered for sale the botanicals that he had taken in trade, which he described as "crude medicinal herbs, roots, barks, seeds, flowers, etc. Goods neatly and compactly pressed in bales of 200 to 500 pounds each, and furwarded in prime order .... " The produce book of the G. W. F. Harper store for the same year shows that in September, October, and November, the largest sums paid to individual customers totaled respectively $59.60, $44.28, and $143.18. The items included the following: burdock, mint, hellebore, flax seed, butterfly, beeswax, butter, beth root or purple trillium, blood root, lob seal, Indian turnip, catnip, may apple, skull cap, lion's tongue, feathers, dried fruit, eggs, bitter root, boneset, seneca, star root, angelica, ginseng, sassafras bark, lady slippers. The most valuable item was ginseng, for which the store paid one dollar per pound. �Business and Industry / 349 Collecting medicinal herbs ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. Calvin Josiah Cowles of Elkville and later of Wilkesboro, Wilkes County, developed a thriving root and herb business in that county in mid-nineteenth century. He traveled annually to Philadelphia, Boston, and Washington, D. C., to do business with northern merchants. Later Arthur Cowles moved the root and herb business to Gap Creek in Ashe County.* J. D. Cameron's Handbook of North Carolina for 1893 claimed that North Carolina provided the largest supply and the greatest variety of herbs for botanic medicines gathered in the United States. At that time the Messrs. Wallace of Statesville gathered herbs from the entire state, employing three hundred agents in contracting for them and collecting them, chiefly in the mountains. "On the Atlantic slope of the Blue Ridge," Cameron wrote, "there are said to grow no less than 2,500 varieties of plants used in the Materia Medica. . . . The yearly business of the Wallace firm reaches nearly 2,ooo,ooo pounds in leaves, bark, and roots." At that time ginseng h ad advanced from one dollar to between two to three dollars per pound. This field of business still survives. In 1970 the Wilcox Drug Company of Boone is the largest crude botanical drug company in the South, sending out trucks to buying depots and stores * Calvin Cowles' store records contain accounts of customers in northern cities. One for r857 included sales of skins: bear, mink, otter, oppossum, muskrat, raccoon, gray fox, rabbit, mole, and pole cat. �3 so / Part III: A Developing Economy to collect the herbs. It cleans, processes, and ships crude botanical drugs: cherry bark, ginseng, passion flower, witch hazel bark and leaves, and deer tongue. One million pounds of these herbs are shipped each year. Associated with the drug company is the Appalachian Evergreen Company which ships holly, hemlock, and galax leaves to all parts of the world. More than 2000 people derive part of their income from the sale of these products. Other crude drug firms in operation in 1970 are the Blue Ridge Drug Company in West Jefferson and the Greer Drug and Chemical Company in Lenoir. Except in Asheville there were few stores other than general stores in Western North Carolina in the nineteenth century. A few county seats boasted a hardware dealer, a fertilizer store, and a drug store; a few businesses were specializing in farm implements, and there were nurserymen in four places. Investment in land for speculation has characterized the history of Western North Carolina from the beginning, when tracts larger than could possibly be developed were acquired. In 1796 a Philadelphia financier, Tench Coxe, purchased for himself and associates more than soo,ooo acres in Buncombe, Rutherford, and Mecklenburg counties. As the counties were divided so were the lands originally belonging to Coxe and his associates who were called the Speculation Land Company.* In 1819, 399,090 acres of the land were deeded to Augustus Sackett of New York, and the company became the New York Speculation Land Company. Sackett advertised land for sale and employed James Dyer Justice as his agent. Men in succeeding generations of the Justice family represented the company until 1920 when G. W. Justice and Judge Fred McBrayer bought the remaining land, approximately 10,000 acres. Throughout the hundred years as land had been sold the mineral rights had been retained by the company, an item of importance when gold was being mined in Rutherford County. From time to time other companies were organized for the purpose of buying and selling Western North Carolina lands. * Tench Coxe probably never visited his lands, but another Tench Coxe was admitted to the bar in Buncombe County between I804-I8I2. Coxe created artificial towns and advertised them. Papers of G. W. Justice contain much of Coxe's advertising. �Business and Industry / 351 Such was a company of Pennsylvanians that acquired I 30,000 acres in six separate tracts which they advertised in the North. The Baltimore Commercial, June 3, 1876, contained this description: "This part of the State is the land of corn and cattle, clear streams, speckled trout, bouyant spirits, 'stalwart men and bonnie lasses.' The mountains of Western North Carolina are fine grazing lands to their very tops. . . . This beautiful western country ... as a summer resort is justly admitted to be the Switzerland of America." An example of individuals who dealt in land on a large scale was Calvin J. Cowles of Wilkes County who owned at one time I4,000 acres in Western North Carolina chiefly in Wilkes, Alexander, Ashe, and Caldwell counties and advertised his land resources around the nation. The Cowles papers in the Southern Historical Collection at Chapel Hill contain many details of his land business. Mining was promoted by S. C. Kerr, State Geologist, who devoted extensive study to the mineral potential of Western North Carolina, and outside capital was attracted for extracting the deposits. Nothing like the gold fever, which had called large numbers of people to Burke, McDowell, and Rutherford counties from I 829 to I 8 33 and produced gold estimated at from $6,ooo,ooo to $I6,ooo,ooo worth of the metal, occurred again, but mining was an important enterprise in the area in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The North Carolina State Exposition in Raleigh in I884 exhibited minerals and the Authorized Visitors Guide listed the state's mines by counties. The following counties had iron mines: Alleghany, 3 ; Ashe, 4; Cherokee, 6; Mitchell, 2; Watauga, 2; and Yancey, I. There were gold mines in Ashe, I ; Burke, 7; Caldwell, 5; Clay, 5; Cherokee, 4; Jackson, 3; Macon, II; McDowell, 5; Polk, 6; Rutherford, 4; Watauga, 2; Yancey, r. Copper was mined in Alleghany, I ; Ashe, 8; Haywood, I ; Jackson, 9; Madison, I ; and Watauga, 3. The mica mines were Ashe, 2; Haywood, 2; Jackson, 3; Macon, 4; Madison, I ; Mitchell, I I; Watauga, 2; Yancey, IO. There were also scattered sulphur, silver, lead, corundum, and asbestos mines. The Cranberry iron mines in Mitchell County had been worked since the early I 82o's and were the most famous ones �352 / Part III: A Developing Economy in the state. The East Tennessee and Western North Carolina Railroad was built from Johnson City to Cranberry to facilitate the transfer of the raw ore to the North. Mitchell and Yancey counties produced most of the mica used in the United States. L. M. Warlick appealed to Thomas Settle, Congressman, to prevent the placing of mica on the free list of the tariff law that was being considered in 1893. He pointed out that the chief competitor was India where miners worked for from five to seven cents a day while in North Carolina they earned from seventy-five cents to one dollar per day. A mica mine in Mitchell County, the "Clarissey", was three hundred feet deep and the mica at that depth was said to be as fine grade as that taken from the top. A half interest in the mine sold about r883 for $IO,ooo. Another mine near the Clarissey had, up to r886, produced $IO,ooo worth of mica. Zeigler and Grosscup believed mica to yield more money than any other metal in Western North Carolina in the r88o's. The Ray mines near Burnsville in Yancey County were considered the best in the area, but both Mitchell and Yancey were mining large quantities to be used for stove fronts and mica washers. Mica continues to be extracted. For example the Deneen Mica Company, Inc., employs forty-five people and ships its product all over the nation and to foreign countries for use in roofing, oil well drilling, and other fields. The Spruce Pine Mica Company, which employs about sixty persons, produces much mica for electronic equipment. However it imports practically all the raw mica used from Brazil and India, certain African countries, Australia, and Argentina, because local production of fine mica is so small. The raw mica must be split to a thickness sometimes of r/2 thousandth of an inch, without scratching. Workers in Spruce Pine for several generations have engaged in this painstaking work. Mica furnished by this company was used for some of the parts in Telstar and for the Apollo satellite program. Feldspar, a byproduct of the mica mines, was for years piled up as waste, but as time passed it became more valuable than mica. The Feldspar Corporation, which has its principal office in Spruce Pine, has plants in three other locations, two outside the state, all completely mechanized. The Spruce Pine plant employs 170 persons and produces feldspar, sand, and mica. It is the largest producer of its kind in the world. Each plant maintains a research laboratory. It is claimed that a fully automatic �Business and Industry / 353 Mica mining from an open pit near Spruce Pine NATIONAL PARK SERVICE filter plant to eliminate stream pollution returns the copious amount of water used in the process of froth flotation to the river free of contaminants. The Ore Knob copper mine in the southeastern part of Ashe County had been worked since the middle of the nineteenth century, but a well-planned and systematic operation was established after the Civil War and the mine became one of the best-known in the state. A fall in the price of copper caused the owners to shut it down in the r88o's. Efforts to reoperate the mine were made unsuccessfully from time to time. During the I950's the mine reopened but it closed in I962. The copper ore reached by the present shafts was exhausted. From Mitchell to Cherokee counties there are extensive deposits of kaolin. In Jackson County near Dillsboro and Sylva extensive works were established in the r88o's to refine the material before sending it to New Jersey to be made into porcelain and pottery products. The Harris Clay Company, founded by Charles). Harris in r888, is in operation today, the single producer in North Carolina, having bought out its competitors. In I960 the Harris family sold the company to C. P. Edwards, III, but it is still under the name Harris Clay Company. It employs �3 54 / Part III: A Developing Economy 103 workers, owns hundreds of acres of land in Mitchell County from which it will extract kaolin, and sells to General Electric for the making of electric porcelain, to the Syracuse China Company, and the Shenango Pottery Company. Electric power for the mountain area was at first provided by individual promoters. Asheville had a steam plant that produced electric current for street lights and for the street railways. Hydroelectric power in Asheville was first furnished when William Trotter Weaver of Buncombe County saw the potential of the French Broad River, acquired a location five miles from the city and developed it. A granite dam was built and power was produced for Asheville businesses and industries. Mark Killian, who had a flour mill and a wagon works, built the first water power electric plant for Waynesville about 1903. Then in 1905 J. B. Sloan and others in Waynesville erected a power plant on the Pigeon River that furnished power to the community for twenty-five years. These two examples could be repeated in various county seats in the annals of the early twentieth century. Electricity was essential to the growing educational institutions. The first electricity provided for Cullowhee Normal and Industrial School was made (1909) by use of a gasoline engine. A few years later a local corn-and-wheat mill at the river was purchased and a new electric generator was installed, which provided all of the electric power used on the campus until 1939. At Appalachian Training School in 1915 a dam of heavy timber, ten feet high, was built on the South Fork of New River and a power house was erected on the bank, to produce electricity for the school and later for the town. Boone's electrical needs are still supplied by the university-owned New River Power and Light Company. In time municipal power plants were created in Elk Park, Avery County; Bryson City, Swain County; Franklin and Highlands, Macon County; and Andrews, Cherokee County.* On the Broad River in 1926 Dr. Lucius B. Morse and associates created Lake Lure by a dam across the Rocky Broad River * Most county seat towns built power plants for electric lights. Elkin built a municipal plant in 1926, with a dam on Elkin Creek. It was sold to the Southern Public Utilities Company which also moved into North Wilkesboro and Mount Airy. �Business and Industry / 355 and built a power house for the resort, as years earlier the dam that created Lake Kanuga had been used to furnish power for the summer residential community. The next stage in the development of electrical power came when the Duke Power and the Carolina Power and Light companies absorbed existing companies and built huge dams and power plants in Western North Carolina. The Carolina Power and Light Company built a plant on the French Broad, and on the Pigeon River they built one of the largest power plants in the state. Duke Power Company created Lake James in 1916-I923 from the North Fork of the Catawba and the Linville rivers and from smaller tributaries of the two. It covers 65IO acres and has a shoreline of approximately 150 miles. In 1963 another plant was added which is eleven percent hydroelectric, 89 percent of its power being generated by steam. The Tallassee Power Company built the Cheoah and Santeetlah plants for industrial power to be used in Tennessee. Then came the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) and also the North Carolina Rural Electrification Authority (REA) to stimulate the building of rural power lines. The Nantahala Power and Light Company built Nantahala Lake in Clay and Macon counties in 1942, with a shoreline of thirty miles and an area of 1605 acres. The dam is used for generation of electricity. The topography, the volume and the even flow of streams, the physical settings for power sites, and the abundant rainfall evenly distributed throughout the year make the mountain region ideal as a source of water-generated electric power. The mountain streams are capable of developing tremendous amounts of cheap and abundant water power, one of the area's chief assets. North Carolina ranks first among the Southern states in potential power. Western North Carolina's first cotton mill, the Elkin Manufacturing Company, has been mentioned. Surprisingly it was spared by Stoneman's raiders in 1865. In Buncombe County John Cairns, a native of Scotland, came to Reems Creek in I 868 and started a woolen mill. It had sixteen looms and 8 12 spindles. Farmers brought their wool to the mill and exchanged it for material to clothe their families. Three types of cloth were made: jeans, a rough weave; a hard finished material for suits; �356 / Part III: A Developing Economy and a soft material for women's dresses, skirts, and coats. The mill operated until 1914 when it was converted to a grist mill and made flour and meal until 1954. In 1869 J. F. and W. A. Moore started the Green Hill cotton mill at Mt. Airy, with twenty-one looms and 1000 spindles. It could produce 700 yards of sheeting and 250 pounds of warp in a day. In 1877 at Elkin two new mills were started in I 877. The Gwyn ville Woolen and Flouring Mills with 240 spindles was put into operation by L. L. Gwyn and Alexander Chatham. It could produce roo pounds of wool rolls and I oo pounds of spun yarn per day. The Elkin Valley Mills with two looms and 240 spindles was started for woolen manufacture. It also had a flour mill attached. The Gwynville Mills has grown into the Chatham Manufacturing Company, one of the very large woolen mills, a leading producer of blankets, upholstery material, woolen suitings and apparel fabrics. Chatham purchased Gwyn's interest in 1890. Alexander Chatham was succeeded by Hugh, Thurmond, and Hugh Gywn Chatham, II. Mrs. Hugh Gwyn Chatham II was a Morehead, and in 1957 Chatham acquired the Leaksville Woolen Mills, the oldest continuous woolen mill in the South, founded by John Morehead in 1853. The Chatham plant covers 120 acres, has soo,ooo square feet of floor space, and employs 2500 people. When Chatham prospers, Elkin prospers. Mt. Airy has nineteen textile, hosiery, or apparel firms among its fifty-seven manufacturers. Surry County has become an industrial center, with textiles its leading product. In the 188o's a number of villages had individuals who did wool-carding, to relieve home weavers of that step in the home manufacture of textiles: Weaverville, Robbinsville, Waynesville and Pigeon Valley, Flat Rock, and Dysartville (McDowell County). Before the Civil War a group of four enterprising men, Samuel Patterson, Edmund Jones, James C. Harper, and James Harper, of Caldwell County started a cotton factory in the village of Patterson. It supplied warp for home looms in the area and was powered by the waters of the Y adkin River until it was burned in 1865 by Stoneman's cavalry. In 1872 it was replaced by a second mill, this time with eighteen looms, 960 spindles, and a capacity to produce 6oo yards of sheeting per day, 250 pounds of cotton yarn, and 150 pounds of wool yarn, its three products. A second cotton mill was founded in 1883 by P. G. Moore and N. H. Guy. Within a few years a number �Business and Industry / 357 of thriving mills were in operation in Caldwell County: the Lenoir Cotton Mill (1901); the Hudson Cotton Manufacturing Company (1904); Dudley Shoals Cotton Mill at Granite Falls (1906); Falls Manufacturing Company (191 5-19I6); Southern Manufacturing Company (I922-I923); the last three founded by D. H. Warlick; Whitnel Cotton Mill (1907), established by ]. 0. White and J. L. Nelson for whom the community of Whitnel was named; the Moore Mill at Valmead; the Steele Cotton Mill ( r 9 I 8) ; by T. H. Broyhill and R. L. Steele; the Caldwell Cotton Mill at Hudson by R. L. Gwyn. Meanwhile in Rutherford County Simpson Bobo Tanner and Raleigh Rutherford Haynes, with a number of associates, built cotton mills along the Second Broad River. In I 887 Tanner and J. S. Spencer of Charlotte and others including Haynes organized the company and built the Henrietta Mills of which Tanner served as general manager. In I892 Haynes built the Florence Mill in Forest City, of which he was president until he resigned to give his full attention to the Cliffside Mills in 1901. Meanwhile in 1896 the Caroleen Mill, of which Haynes was a large stockholder, was built. Later S. B. Tanner and his son K. S. Tanner built the Spindale group of mills and the town of Spindale. The establishment of mills in Rutherford County gave the farmers a sale for their cotton, the employees a livelihood, and so benefited the merchants and the economy of the county in general. Forest City, in lower Rutherford County, grew into a very attractive city. It was earlier called Burnt Chimney for a chimney which survived a fire at the small crossroads community. A village had started there, was incorporated in I877, was largely destroyed by fire in I886, and was rebuilt. The name was changed by law in I 887 to Forest City. Three years later a cotton mill was constructed but it failed in I 89 5. In I 897 the Florence Mill with I2,200 spindles gave new life to the town, a mill village housed workers from other parts of the county, and the name Forest City became more appropriate. Banks, newspapers, civic clubs and service organizations cooperated in making Forest City a model city. Haynes had a railroad built to connect the mills at Avondale and Cliffside with the main line from Charlotte and Wilmington. The presence of railroads was essential to the development of the textile mills in Rutherford County. From I900 to I930 there was a new type of growth for the textile industry in the South, a great migration of Northern �3 58 / Part III: A Developing Economy industries because of Southern encouragement, low production costs, nearby raw materials, and non-union cheap labor. The South profited greatly from this influx but the workers were often exploited. In 1927 the average annual earnings in North Carolina were $691 compared with $966 in Massachusetts, $1053 in Rhode Island, and $1029 in New Hampshire. Southern workers survived not because of the low cost of living but because of their low standard of living. Except for rent, living costs were higher in the South than in the North. Women and children worked in the mills sixty-six and even seventy-two hours per week. Longer hours and lower pay gave Southern mill owners an advantage over Northern ones. The usual age for beginning work was fourteen. While most of the mountain people owned the land on which they lived, it was necessary for them to leave their homes in order to work in the mills. The companies built cheap houses, often poorly constructed and cold, unpainted, high on stilts above the ground, for the mill villages. Stores were operated by the companies, often charging exorbitant prices but offering credit. In 1910 Carroll Baldwin of Baltimore built a plant and mill village near Marion because of available labor and railway transportation. A good many Marion citizens bought stock in the company, but a controlling interest was retained by the Baldwin family, and following World War One conditions became very bad. Miss Sally Baldwin who had inherited the control lived in Baltimore and knew nothing of conditions at the mill. Workers labored in two twelve-hour shifts, sixty-six hours per week, in unsanitary surroundings. Tubercular employees spat on the floor. The dust-covered floor was swept while the workers were on the job, but it was never scrubbed. Workers' diet consisted of corn meal, bread, greens, salt back, very few fresh vegetables, no fruit, little fresh meat or milk. The incidence of pellagra was high. There was a song, I'm going to starve. Everybody will, Cause you can't make a livin' In a cotton mill." In 1929 the stretch-out system was instituted; workers had almost no rest periods. Twenty minutes were added to the twelve-hour day. Workers were earning from $5 to $13 a week. They decided to strike. Employees at the nearby Clinchfield Mill joined the Baldwin strikers. They were helped to form a �Business and Industry / 3 59 union and a charter was granted by the United Textile Workers (UTW). As the local had no welfare funds to tide the strikers over the period of unemployment, aid was sent from several organizations outside Marion. Money sent from Northern states was used to buy food. During the strike the workers turned to mountain activities, carving and whittling, building furniture; they had a string band with twelve pieces with a number of two and three piece combinations and soloists. They composed songs about their suffering; old tunes with new words covered every phase of the strike. Many workers were removed from their homes because they had participated. The strike lasted from July till September when an agreement was reached. Hours were to be reduced and wages were to be increased as the company saw fit. There was to be no discrimination against strike leaders. Those who had been discharged were to be reinstated. The Baldwin company was faithless. Another strike resulted. Six strikers were shot, four in the back. Those accused as killers of the strikers were acquitted on December 21, "so they could go home for Christmas," according to one member of the jury. Several union leaders were convicted on charges brought against them by the mill. Alfred Hoffman, an organizer of craft unions who came in after the strike had begun, was fined $1000 and sentenced to jail for thirty days for his activities in Marion. Labor conditions have improved, but wages are still less than in the North. Marion has other textile mills, the Clinchfield Manufacturing Company, the Cross Cotton Mills, the Washington Mills, five hosiery mills, two knitting mills, and at nearby Sevier, the American Thread Company. Marion is served by the Southern and Clinchfield railroads. Valdese has an unusual history. It was an experiment in colonization by a European colony planted near the close of the nineteenth century. It was developed by a group of Waldenses who had for centuries refused to accept the dogmas of the Catholic Church and instead worshipped as they believed the early Christians had. Migrating to an area of narrow valleys and steep mountains in the Cottian Alps in Savoy, now Italy, they were able to eke out a living in spite of persecutions in 1476, 1555, and 1686. In the seige of 1686, made by the Duke �360 / Part III: A Developing Economy of Savoy at the command of King Louis XIV of France, many W aldenses were massacred. Little groups that managed to escape to Switzerland procured financial aid from King William III of England. Using guerilla tactics and weapons purchased with money from England, they were able to regain possession of their valleys. Persecution did not end until I 848 when they were granted full religious liberties and freedom of conscience by the King of Savoy. The population increased so rapidly that the small area that had long been their home was unable to support them, and groups began to migrate to the Western Hemisphere, going to Uruguay, Brazil, Argentina, Missouri, and Utah. Thus it was that Marvin F. Scaife, president of the Morganton Land and Improvement Company, who learned about the crowded conditions in the Waldensian valleys, offered to sell the Waldenses roo,ooo acres of land in the mountains of North Carolina for $so,ooo, to be paid over a twenty year period. The two farmers who were sent to decide whether to accept the offer rejected the wo,ooo acres offered to them, and they were taken to examine various sites until they selected a ten thousand acre tract between Morganton and Connelly Springs, about which they were not enthusiastic because of the poor soil of sand, clay, and rock. Twenty-nine Waldenses and their pastor Doctor Charles Albert Tron arrived in Burke County in I 893. A corporation was formed with a board of directors consisting of six Waldenses and three American members of the Morganton Land and Improvement Company. A loan from the land company enabled the Waldenses to purchase simple tools to clear the land and put in a crop. Dr. Tron returned to Italy and briefed others on conditions in the new colony. Eight Waldenses from Utah and 128 additional settlers from Italy arrived near the end of I 893. Extreme hardships and poverty marked the first year in North Carolina. In the spring a hosiery mill was arranged for, to be operated by John Meier, superintendent of the Oats Hosiery Mill in Charlotte, in a two-story bam constructed by the W aldenses. All employees were to be Waldenses unless the demand exceeded the supply of workers. In I 894 Dr. Tron arrived from Italy and arranged to return 5000 less desirable of the Io,ooo acres contracted for and a reduction of the debt from $25,000 to $r5,627.33· This included the cost of sawmill, livestock, tools, and other items. After rude homes, a store, and two schools had been provided, a surplus of lumber was available for sale. Times continued to be critical and in �Business and Industry / 361 I 894, after the experience of about eighteen months, the corporation was dissolved and the Morganton V•nd and Improvement Company agreed to take back the land and resell it in tracts of from forty to eighty acres to individual Waldenses at five percent interest. The transaction left a debt of $1,500, which Dr. Tron personally paid. In order to pay for their land W aldensian young people found paying jobs. When Meier moved his hosiery mill to Newton and then to South Carolina, a number of workers went with the mill and sent back their meager earnings, learning the trade and at the same time helping to save their fathers' lands. The stones that had to be gathered to make the lands suitable for farming furnished material for warm, sturdy buildings. The stone church was finished in 1897 at a cost of about $6,ooo, workmen having contributed their labor at a pay rate of five cents per hour. In 1901 John and Francis Garrou, Waldenses, started the W aldensian Hosiery Mill, encouraged by W. C. Erwin and A. M. Ingold of the First National Bank of Morganton. By 1939 this mill employed 475 persons. In 1914 a cotton mill, the Valdese Manufacturing Company, was started by John Louis Garrou. By 1937 it employed 200 persons. In 1913 another hosiery mill was opened, followed in 1915 by the Waldensian Bakery, which by 1940 had 140 employees and thirty-five trucks and was one of the great bakeries of the Carolinas. In 1927 several small hoisery mills were incorporated as the Alba-Waldensian Hosiery Mills. By 1938 Valdese was known as the "fastest growing town in North Carolina." Notable in the economy of Western North Carolina is the furniture industry. Furniture factories were established in the foothill towns because of their nearness to the supply of forest products and because of the labor supply. A number of companies bought forest tracts and on them have begun practices of conservation and scientific forestry. Unusual is the fact that until recent years virtually all of the furniture factories were owned by Western Carolinians. Lenoir is the center of the industry in the area. Caldwell County has a tradition of furniture making. In 1878 Henry Reichert advertised the opening of a furniture factory at Powelltown near Lenoir in which he would produce �362 / Part III: A Developing Economy "furniture of every description at the lowest prices and on the best terms for cash or barter." He also offered coffins for sale. In I 889 the Lenoir Furniture Factory was organized, the first one in the town. It was owned by G. F. Harper,]. M. Bernhardt, and C. L. Bernhardt. Meanwhile in 1889 A. W. Britt and a group of associates from Ohio moved to Asheville, purchased a small furniture factory known as the Avery and Erwin Company, and a lumber mill, both of which they operated until 1895. Hard times during the depression of the 189o's struck their project, it was reorganized as the Skyland Furniture Company, and in 1898 it went bankrupt. The furniture industry during the 189o's was attempted in a strip of eighteen counties reaching from Alamance to Haywood, with a number of efforts being made in Marion. In 1896 Thomas Wrenn founded the Catawba Furniture Company with sixtyfive workers in partnership with Henry W. Fraser, a former textile manufacturer. The Marion Furniture Company was organized by D. R. Raper who sold stock to the town's people in public sales. In Lenoir in 1907 Dr. A. A. Kent, F. H. Coffey, and others established the Kent-Coffey Manufacturing Company to make dressers, chiffoniers, and wash stands. The largest furniture organization in Caldwell County began in 1905 as the Kent Furniture and Coffm Company, with T. H. Broyhill, Dr. A. A. Kent, and associates as owners. Broyhill bought his share of the stock by furnishing lumber from his sawmill. In 1912 Broyhill bought the stock of the other owners and the name became the Lenoir Furniture Company, then the Broyhill Furniture Company. In 1919 Broyhill was joined by his brother]. E. Broyhill and the firm grew to occupy six plants and to be the fourth of the big five in the furniture industry in the nation, and is probably the largest family-held furniture enterprise in the world. Other prosperous furniture manufacturers are Caldwell Furniture Company (1909), Lexington Mirror Company (1912), Fairfield Chair Company (1921), Hibriten Chair Company (1930), Spainhour Furniture Company (1943), Hammary Manufacturing Company (1943), Kincaid Furniture Company (1946), Blowing Rock Furniture Industries (1946). In 1964 the Kent-Coffey, Spainhour, and Blowing Rock companies were purchased by Magnavox, starting the break with the home-ownership tradition. Employment in Caldwell County furniture plants exceeded 5000 in 1966. �Business and Industry / 363 Lenoir and Caldwell County had a population of 54,723 in I967. There were in I960 seventy industrial plants with an industrial employment of I I, I 52. Broyhill had four plants in Caldwell County. There were twenty-four furniture factories with seventeen related industries. The largest furniture companies were Broyhill, Flair, Fairfield, and Caldwell. Other major industries are the Alba-Waldensian Hosiery Mills, the American Efird Mills at Whitnel, the Burlington Industries at Rhodhiss, Blue Bell, Polk Manufacturing Company, and Hemlock Manufacturing Company. Drexel Enterprises in Burke County is the third largest furniture industry in the United States. Most of the Drexel plants are in Western North Carolina. Others are in High Point and in Kingstree, South Carolina. Western North Carolina leads the world in the production of case goods. In I903 Samuel Huffman founded Drexal Furniture Company. He was succeeded by his son Robert. The company has nine plants with over 5000 employees and is the largest producer of bedroom and dining room furniture. In I96I Drexal acquired the Southern Desk Company and in I963 Heritage Furniture Company, the best upholstering firm in the South. The I93 I sales of $2,ooo,ooo have increased twenty times. Drexel has now been acquired by the Champion Paper and Fibre Company. The Henredon Furniture Industries of Morganton, Grand Rapids, and Spruce Pine make beautiful and expensive furniture. Net sales in I96I were $u,405,750 and in 1968, $24,375,265. Net earning in I968 were $3,889,864. Property, plant, and equipment are valued at $20,228, 759· The three enterprising founders of the company were T. Henry Wilson, Ralph Edwards, and Donnell Van Noppen. Burke County with the towns of Morganton, Valdese, Hildebran, Icard, and Glen Alpine is one of the region's oldest and most prosperous counties. In addition to furniture, textiles, and hosiery, there are Union Carbide and machine and iron works. In I950 the population was 46,34I, in 1960, 52,70I and by 1970 it had reached 60,364. Morganton in 1960 had I2,ooo people, and in that year I2,5I3 persons were employed in the county. Brevard, the home of Olin-Mathieson and of a DuPont photographic plant, has grown and prospered as these industries �364 / Part III: A Developing Economy have prospered. In 1915 Harry H. Straus made endless belts for cigarette machines. In 1934 he began to use the fiber of seed flax, a plant grown for use in linseed oil. In 1936 he built a factory to use flax fibers for cigarette paper. Since the majority of cigarettes are manufactured in North Carolina and since Western North Carolina rivers have waters with low mineral content, Brevard was an ideal place for manufacturing cigarette paper. Frenchmen were brought over to teach the workers. Mountain people learned so rapidly that in six months the Frenchmen were gone. September 2, 1939, the first cigarette paper was produced at Ecusta. In 1949 Olin built a cellophane plant at Pisgah Forest. Olin-Mathieson was formed in 1954 from the union of Olin Industries and the Mathieson Chemical Corporation. This corporation controls also the Winchester-Western Arms Company and the Squibb Pharmaceutical Company. It produces cigarette paper, cellophane, chemicals, metals, packaging, pharmaceuticals, sporting arms and ammunition. Its annual sales exceed $7oo,ooo,ooo. At Ecusta and Pisgah Forest lightweight printing paper, cigarette paper, endless belts, cigarette filters, and cellophane packaging are manufactured. In 1966, 3000 people were employed compared to 350 in 1939. In 1939 the population of Brevard was 3000, in 1967 it was 5000, and in the Brevard trading area there were 8500. In 1965 Olin-Mathieson had a payroll in Brevard of$18,ooo,ooo. In 1964 the DuPont company established at Brevard a photographic products plant to make medical x-ray films. It had previously built there in 1958 a plant to make silicon for electronic devices. In 1967 the DuPont plant put $4,500,000 into the Transylvania County economy, and its payroll and purchases were $5,167,644· The company spent $39,00o,ooo in 1967 to increase its facilities. American Enka, an American branch of a Dutch corporation, was established near Asheville in 1928. Its growth is one of the success stories of American industry. In 1930 the company produced 6,ooo,ooo pounds of viscose process rayon yarn. Soon thereafter it developed high-tenacity rayon yarn for automobile tires. In 1940 Enka produced 23,00o,ooo pounds, provided jobs for 3000, and had an annual payroll of$5,ooo,ooo. In 1948 a new plant was built at Lowland, Tennessee, with an original capacity of 2o,ooo,ooo pounds of filament rayon. This production has quintupled and Enka entered the nylon market, first with nylon staple fiber and later with the more popular filament yam. Enka was the first United States producer �Business and Industry / 365 Enka Corporation, 1965 of fine denier nylon 6. In 1958 there was a large expansion at Enka, North Carolina, which doubled the capacity of fine filament nylon. In 1962 the company began to produce heavy denier yarns for the carpet, tire, automotive, and home furnishing industries. The North Carolina plant production of this yarn has increased from 2,ooo,ooo to 45,0oo,ooo pounds a year. In 1965 another plant was built at Lowland, Tennessee, and the two plants now produce 6s,ooo,ooo pounds a year. In 1957 rayon staple fiber production was begun and a complete line of viscose rayon products was manufactured for use in apparel, home furnishings, carpets, industrial fabrics, and for blending with natural and manmade fibers. Now 10o,ooo,ooo pounds of these fibers are produced annually. In 1958 Enka acquired the Rex Corporation and William Brand and Company, manufacturers of wire and cable. In 1955 a new research center was built. An addition was made in 1963. Enka in 1966 had over $215,00o,ooo invested in plants, annual sales of$201,332,ooo, paid $57,607,000 in salaries, wages, and fringe benefits. Production increased from 6,ooo,ooo pounds in 1930 to 375,00o,ooo pounds in 1966, of rayon, nylon, and polyester fibers. Enka ranks (1966) 324th in sales among the 500 largest United States corporations, �366 / Part III: A Developing Economy 259th in invested capital, and 327th in net profits. In 1965 there were 9000 employees on the payrolls of the entire corporation. Then a $9o,ooo,ooo plant expansion created more than a thousand new jobs. Prior to the real state "bust" Asheville grew rapidly. From 1930-1960 the rate of growth declined. The growth rate of Western North Carolina also declined. From 19 30- I 960 Asheville had a net out-migration of ro,ooo and the Western North Carolina region a net of 71,ooo. In Asheville since 1960 tremendous progress has occurred. Migration trends have changed and Asheville had a net in-migration of 5000, but for the region as a whole out-migration is still continuing at a reduced rate. In 1965 it was predicted that Asheville would have a population of 69,100 by 1970 and 147,500 by 1980 and the metropolitan area 196,roo. In 1960-1964 only four counties- Haywood, Transylvania, Henderson, and Buncombe -had wages above the state average and only Haywood and Transylvania were above the national average. Seventeen of the region's counties increased at a rate above the nation as a whole; but in only five counties did the dollar value of the increase surpass that of the nation. In 1960 the average weekly earning in manufacturing was $73.78, eighteen percent below that of the nation. Areas which have a majority of manufacturing employment in capital-intensive industry - industry which uses more capital relative to laborreceive higher than average wages. AVERAGE ANNUAL WEEKLY EARNINGS 1964 U.S. Ashe Avery Buncombe Burke Cherokee Clay $!02.97 64.J8 58.50 85.II 76.28 59·83 56-92 Graham Haywood Henderson Jackson McDowell Macon Madison 77-51 12J.JI 83-76 70.J9 75-40 64-96 67.69 Mitchell Polk Rutherford Swain Transylvania Watauga Yancey 60.21 68.28 75.63 60.79 ro8.99 65-34 73-37 In Asheville fifty percent of the manufacturing work force are employed in above-average wage industries, but wages have been seventeen per-cent below the national average because productivity was lower. Many industries have recently come; the workers lacked experience. While the value per man hour productivity was for the United States $7.08, for Asheville it was $5.70, and for Western North Carolina other than Asheville, �Business and Industry / 367 $4.66. It for high soon be technical is important to attract industry that has a potential wages. The handicap of inexperienced workers will overcome if the state and communities will supply training for such industries. North Wilkesboro is the leading commercial center of Northwestern North Carolina. It has prosperous furniture factories, cotton mills, hosiery mills. The first industries in the county were the North Wilkesboro Brick Company, the C. C. Smoot and Sons Tannery, and the Wilkesboro Manufacturing Company, which made building materials. These developed during the 189o's. Forest Furniture (1901), Oak Furniture (1903), which employed 300 men when it burned in 1954, Meadows Mill Company (1908), which builds grist mills, Home Chair Company of Ronda (1919), American Furniture (1927), Carolina Mirror (1936), Peerless Hosiery, a Durham corporation, Blue Ridge Shoe Company (1960), and the Holly Farms Poultry Company are the county's largest industries. Mount Airy, the northern gateway to the Blue Ridge Mountains and the leading urban area in Surry County, has a population of 7200, a contiguous population of 2 5,ooo, and a retail shopping area of 50,000. It has fifty-seven manufacturers employing over 9000 workers with a payroll of about $42,ooo,ooo. In addition to the nineteen textile, hosiery, or apparel firms, Mt. Airy has eight furniture or allied industries, and nine concrete or granite companies are located in or near the city. The world's largest open-faced granite quarry, covering eighty acres, has long been famous. Industrial growth in Mount Airy has shown an increase of 2300 new jobs in the last five years. Boone is the only urban community in Watauga, Avery, Ashe, and Alleghany counties. The leading industries have been encouraged to come into the area by community leaders. The International Resistance Company (now TRW), Shadowline, the Blue Ridge Shoe Company, and the Vermont-American Tool Company are the chief employers. Some locally-owned concerns have been in existence for many years. The North State Canning Company makes and cans kraut, utilizing one of the successful farm products. A similar operation in Ashe County is Beaver Creek Foods, Incorporated, which cans green beans, providing employment and a market for the beans grown in the area. There are twenty-six plants processing food and �368 / Part III: A Developing Economy tobacco products in Western North Carolina employing more than twenty persons each. Most vital to the economy of Watauga County is Appalachian State University which has over six hundred employees and an annual payroll of more than $2,ooo,ooo. More important are the thousands of young people who have earned their education at the school, enabling them to serve the area, the state, and neighboring states where they are recognized as excellently prepared teachers. A shot in the arm to Watauga County has come from the enterprises of the late Grover Robbins and his brothers Harry and Spencer Robbins. In 1957 they started Tweetsie Railroad, a popular tourist attraction. Next they developed Hound Ears, and a few years later they acquired control of the Beech Mountain project which was already under development. An airport has been constructed, and the 5600 foot gondola-equipped ski slope, one of their seven ski slopes, is the highest in Eastern America. There will be four golf courses and four thousand homesites. There is a construction payroll of $r ,ooo,ooo. The Robbins Brothers after acquiring Beech Mountain created the Carolina Caribbean Corporation. It operates Beech Mountain; The Reef in the Virgin Islands ; Land Harbors of America, a deluxe camping site; and numerous other real estate developments. Its tourist attraction, The Land of Oz, is highly successful. Fourteen of the counties have populations of under 20,000. Thirteen have fewer than fifty persons per square mile. Jackson County is one of these and will illustrate the importance of attracting industries. W estem Carolina University at Cullowhee has in addition to its faculty hundreds of other employees. Next to the university the backbone of the economy of Jackson County is the Mead Corporation. Mead's paperboard mill began operations in Sylva in 1928 when chestnut wood was still available. It came to Westem North Carolina because of available lumber, and it pioneered paperboard production from chestnut chips. In 1966 its payroll in Sylva was $2,2oo,ooo for 258 employees. The company's headquarters are in Dayton, Ohio, and in 1967 it had a total of 21,000 employees and sales of$633,092,360. Also important in Jackson County are knitwear, blanket, and quilting plants of the Ham Corporation. Jackson is one of fifteen counties in our study having fewer than five manufacturing industries each that employ one hundred or more �Business and Industry / 369 persons. There is not a single county that has not at least one such industry. Ten counties had fewer than woo employed in manufacturing, and each of ten had combined annual payrolls of less than Jackson County's $3,665,000 in 1963. In 1947 three counties had fewer than one hundred each employed in manufacturing; in 1963 Alleghany had 1,118, Madison had 639, and Watauga 896 so engaged. Clay County lost 23% of its population by out-migration between 1950 and 1960, and in 1963 it had ninety fewer employed in manufacturing than in 1947. Other counties experiencing out-migration of more than sixteen per cent during the decade 1950-1960 were McDowell, Rutherford, Wilkes, Watauga, Yancey, Ashe, Avery, Alleghany, Cherokee, Macon, Madison, Mitchell. Out-migration has been discussed before. Because of its incidence the following counties have a larger percentage of people over sixty-five than all but four other counties in the state: Alleghany, Ashe, Buncombe, Cherokee, Clay, Henderson, Macon, and Polk. Many of the ambitious young potential leaders have been drained out of their home counties because of lack of economic opportunity. In only three of the counties is the rate of natural increase in the population as large as that of the state as a whole. An encouraging observation is that while in most of the counties the nup1ber of manufacturing establishments remained nearly the same in 1963 as in 1954, the number of persons employed increased materially: Alleghany County 509 to III8, Ashe 540 to 1917, Avery 336 to 484, Buncombe II,071 to 16,450, Burke 8,291 to 12,345, Caldwell 9041 to II,550, Madison 154 to 639, Swain 362 to 665, and Watauga 172 to 896. These figures indicate that the increase of the gross national product of the United States has been reflected in this area. Economists estimate that for every one hundred new factory jobs there are seventy-five other jobs created in real estate, finance, insurance, utilities, transportation, communications, and local government (especially schools). It is possible for Western North Carolina to continue industrial expansion and to develop new products, and every effort is being made by the planning organizations to utilize the opportunities and services offered by the state and federal government for the purpose. Another excellent prospect for the area is in the development of its recreational and tourist facilities, and in this respect Western North Carolina has a positive advantage. �370 / Part III: A Developing Economy As late as 1937 the livelihood of the Eastern Cherokees was earned chiefly by growing a variety of crops on small plots: making sorghum from cane, filling their cellars with food for the cold winters, picking wild huckleberries and strawberries for market. Over 5000 acres of forest were being held as a common property. Any member of the tribe was permitted to market an assigned number of trees, for which he paid a percentage into the common fund. Simply furnished mountain cabins were the homes of the majority of the families, but there were those who lived in sparsely settled mountain sections in smaller cabins; ' while in the valley were many modem homes. Since World War Two the Eastern Cherokees have been changing from an agrarian to an industrialized people. Hundreds are employed by White Shield of Carolina, manufacturers of quilted goods; Cherokee, Inc., makers of one hundred forty Indian arts and crafts products; and the Vassar Corporation, which makes hair nets and other accessories for women's hair. In 1963 a group of professional and business people organized Cherokee Area Industries, Inc., to stimulate industrial and commercial growth. They purchased land for development of an industrial park. The first company to lease a portion of the park was Mountain Maid Company, employing thirty-five people. In 1955 the Qualla Arts and Crafts Mutual, Inc., was created, continuing a reservation crafts program begun in the 1930's. This cooperative markets items made by the Indians in their homes, the profits being divided among the members. �CHAPTER SEVENTEEN In Pursuit of Pleasure Before the coming of the railroads and roads into the mountains the usual visitor made his way laboriously to a hotel or boarding house in a scenic spot, and there he stayed for the duration of his vacation. Such a hotel was completed at Blowing Rock in I 885. It had an ideal location at the crest of the Blue Ridge. Fascinating nature trails were about the only diversion offered the guests after they arrived. The trip up the mountain from the railway station in Lenoir was made by hack or surry that met the train, and on days when the weather was fine the ride could be exciting. Blowing Rock was then deemed to be the ideal tourist attraction in Northwest North Carolina. It was still a straggling village two miles long approached by the turnpike from Lenoir. From the turnpike one could see Jonas Ridge, Hawksbill, Table Rock, Pilot Mountain, Grandfather Mountain. Blowing Rock's 4200 foot elevation provided an ideal summer climate. There were post offices in the village and at Green Park at the top of the ridge. From the "rock" itself one could often look down on a sea of mist, see the clouds rise and then see the peaks emerge from the snowy billows: the Roan, the Grandfather, the Bald, the Yellow, and the Black Mountains. The beetling crag, the Blowing Rock, is a great spur that hangs over the "Globe" or valley of the John's River. It catches the currents of air sent up from the depths. These currents will blow back hats, handkerchiefs, and light objects thrown from the rock. The Green Park Hotel near the Blowing Rock was built between the springs of the New River which flows into the Ohio and 371 �372 / Part III: A Developing Economy Hugh Morton on one of the crags of Grandfather Mountain PHOTO COURTESY OF HUGH MORTON �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 373 the Y adkin which flows into the Atlantic. The Green Park was quite modern in 1 896 with fireplaces in all of the rooms and hot and cold baths. The Blowing Rock Hotel one and one-half miles north of the Green Park had nine hundred feet of piazzas, a telegraph, a livery stable, and a ball room. The village of Blowing Rock also had the Watauga Hotel, the Brady House, and the Stewart House. With the completion of the Y onahlossee Turnpike to Linville along the side of Grandfather Mountain, guests at Blowing Rock could ride to Linville by a hack operated regularly by the Linville Improvement Company. There at Eseeola Lodge they might tarry a few days. Linville had a nine hole golf course, and Grandfather Mountain invited exploration. Grandfather is the most rugged and picturesque mountain in Western North Carolina. Its craggy peaks when seen at a distance have the rough features of a Grant Wood type of American pioneer or grandfather. The mountain had been a landmark for the pioneers. Daniel Boone hunted on its slopes. Scientists have claimed that it is one of the oldest rock formations in the world. Some geologists have asserted that it is two billion years old. To climb to the top of its peaks has always been a challenge to rugged tourists. The Linville Improvement Company had vision when it built a road to the crest of Grandfather Mountain. The turnpike that ran to Linville continued to Cranberry, a station on the East Tennessee and Western North Carolina Railroad. The highest mountain in Eastern America is Mount Mitchell, one of the Black Mountains. Above five thousand feet it bore spruce trees. About 1912 its spruce was purchased and lumbered, also the spruce at the head of Cane River. Lumbering and fire destroyed most of these rare spruce forests. All was soon gone except near the top of Mount Mitchell. In 1914 George T. Winston pleaded with the people of the state to preserve the forest on Mount Mitchell: From out of the primal sea I rose on high Above the clouds I kissed the sunlit sky, My rock the oldest in the rock-built earth; When I was born, it was the great world's birth. Long million years my crumbling sides did yield, To rain and frost and wind, a fertile field �374 / Part III: A Developing Economy For widening Piedmont plane and ocean shore. Now nature kind assails my life no more; At last in verdure soft and warm I'm clad, Mid sapphire skies my emerald peaks are glad, But hark! What frightened terror, new and dire! "Tis human greed for gold! "Tis axe and fire! 0 mighty State, prevent this deed of shame, This great dishonor keep from thy great name. Under Governor Locke Craig North Carolina purchased twenty acres near the top for a state park the first to be established. An association was formed to erect a monument to Dr. Elisha Mitchell, geologist who lost his life on the mountain. General Julian S. Carr of Durham, capitalist and philanthropist, was the leader of the movement. In 1917 Governor Bickett employed a forest warden to protect the park from fire, to advise tourists, to repair trails, and to look after the state's interests. In 1919 nature lovers noted that there were black bears, deer, wolves, panthers, "boomers," "rough grouse," and snow birds on Mt. Mitchell. Interesting trees were the Frazer balsam, yellow birch, mountain ash, service (called locally "sarvis"), red spruce, red cherry, hemlock, maple, oak, and white pine. Among the shrubs observed were the rose rhododendron, the handsomest of the species, the great rhododendron, mountain laurel, blueberries, currants, gooseberries, red raspberries, hobble bush, and hackberry. Flowers and herbs mentioned by naturalists were wood sorrel, trillium, clintonia, woodland aster, sharp-leafed wood aster, yellow meadow lily, St. John's wort, boneset, meadowparsnip, grass of Parnassus, Oswego tea, saxafrage, purple turtlehead, trumpet weed, black cohosh, Indian pipe, Indian turnip, galax, tweyblade, and many kinds of fern. A lumbering railroad had been built to get the logs down the mountain, and when lumbering activities ceased, the Mount Mitchell Railroad was put into operation to the "Top ofEastern America." It ran from the Mt. Mitchell station on the Western North Carolina Railroad to the summit of the peak. A 1917 advertising brochure described it: "Switchbacks cunningly constructed by an unexcelled feat of engineering, make the ascent gentle and pleasant .... Mount Mitchell Railroad zigzags [up] the mountainside, spans mountain gorges and ravines and climbs almost to the tip of the majestic monarch of them all. ... " Other high mountains that made up the scene as the passengers rode up the mountain were Mt. Celo 63 57 feet, the Black �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 37 5 The Blowing Rock Mt . Mitchell Excursion Train ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. �376 / Part III: A Developing Economy C)k hiohwa.y i"~cen1c plen~or- the}fotor Rgad . . . . . . __ _r Mt. Mitchell Motorway ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. Trillium, one of the most beloved of mountain flowers ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 377 Brothers 6620-6690 feet, and Balsam Cone 6645 feet. Train fare was $2.50 for the round trip. The route of the Mount Mitchell Railroad passed through Montreat, the Presbyterian Assembly's summer home. The passengers rode up the mountain in the morning, took lunch at Camp Alice at the station near the peak, then went on foot to the top, where Elisha Mitchell is buried. Camp Alice had a large dining hall, and there were cottages and a tent colony for those who wanted to spend the night to watch the sunrise. After a brief trial the railroad proved to be impractical, and a cinder-surfaced road was built for about twenty miles from the town of Black Mountain to Camp Alice on Mount Mitchell, with a rise in elevation from 2700 to about 6700 feet. The opening of the Mount Mitchell Motor Road was celebrated by a large party, guests of the Mount Mitchell Development Company officials. They assembled at Black Mountain, went to a reception on the mountain, had dinner there and returned for a reception at Blue Ridge. This was a one-way toll road for automobiles, with the cars traveling up the mountain until a certain hour in the morning, allowing them time for the ascent before the downward traffic began in the afternoon. Among the strict printed regulations was the one that "no colored person will be admitted over the road except those going as drivers, nurses or attendants, accompanied by employers." The speed limit on the road was fifteen miles per hour. At last in 1940 a free road was opened to Mt. Mitchell. The route left highway U. S. 70 ncar Marion on state route 104, thence to Buck Creek Gap intersection with the Blue Ridge Parkway, then to the intersection with the former Mt. Mitchell toll road. From that point the former toll road had been widened and was being offered free under the supervision of the Pisgah National Forest, the state, and the Blue Ridge Parkway. The Brevard, Cashiers, Highlands area has been called "the land of waterfalls." The natural beauty of the area is enhanced by dozens of rippling streams and cascading waterfalls: Looking Glass Falls, Connestee Falls, Dry Falls, Bridal Veil Falls are a few. Outstanding is Whiteside Mountain, said to be the highest granite cliff in Eastern America. Lake Toxaway, Cashiers, Highlands, High Hampton are beautiful resort areas, a paradise �378 / Part III: A Developing Economy for vacationers and summer residents. A number of prominent South Carolinians built summer homes in Cashiers Valley before the Civil War. One of the best known estates was High Hampton, the home of Wade Hampton, and another was that of Captain S. P. Ravenel of Charleston. Charles Jenks came to the area in 1872 to operate the corundum mines in Macon County, North Carolina, and Rabun County, Georgia. The mines closed in I 873 and Jenks went to Highlands to regain his health. While he was there he was associated with two men who came from Kansas in 1875 to plant a town, Captain S. T. Kelsey and C. C. Hutchinson. They purchased land from ]. W. Dobson. Kelsey was a builder of towns. At Highlands he built roads, erected buildings, advertised the resort. In I 890 the population was about 3 so. As a summer resort it was peopled chiefly by people from South Carolina. In 1887 Jenks and a group of New York and Massachusetts electrical and mechanical engineers formed the Western North Carolina Mining and Improvement Company. They purchased four hundred acres on the top ofHogback Mountain, later called Mount Toxaway. Jenks built a clubhouse for the company at the top and a wagon road leading to it. Subsequently he purchased for the company 2300 acres of woodland and trout streams along Horsepasture River and the Panthertown head of the Tuckaseigee River. The company was renamed the Sapphire Valley Company. The key to the mountain region is Asheville in the lovely valley of the French Broad. It is set in an amphitheater of hills and affords splendid views of Mt. Pisgah and the mountainrimmed horizon. Just east of Asheville the peaceful Swannanoa unites with the French Broad. The elevation is 2250 feet and the climate is mild and dry. From Asheville the valley runs eighteen miles north and south. It is known as the Asheville Plateau. At the North Carolina-Tennessee border, twenty-five miles northwest of Asheville, a high ridge blocks the northern end of the valley. Thirty miles south the Blue Ridge Mountains form an escarpment. The tallest peak near Asheville is Mt. Pisgah. The French Broad influences the wind directions, which are generally from the northwest except in September when they are from the southeast. The annual precipitation is thirtyeight inches, quite low for North Carolina. The growing season �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 379 consists of a freeze-free period of 195 days. Floods occur at about twelve year intervals. Snowfall has varied from .7 inch in I93I-I932 to 40.6 inches in 1959-1960. The mean annual temperature is 56°. In I 793 Asheville was just a trading post called Morristown. Incorporated in I797 it was renamed Asheville for Samuel Ashe of New Hanover County. It was still a sleepy little village with a population of 2610 at the coming of the Western North Carolina Railroad (I88o), but it had had a varied history. A year earlier the first telegraph line had been built into the town and a public library had been opened. "Judge" Edward Aston, mayor of Asheville, had publicized the town as a health resort by letter-writing and by mailing out thousands of circulars throughout the nation and European countries telling of Asheville's advantages as a resort for those who suffered from lung trouble. The location seemed designed for man's happiness, with grand and majestic views. After I 880 capitalists and health seekers poured in. The Swannanoa Hotel was opened. A four story brick building with "fire plugs on every floor," it had Asheville's first bathroom. George Willis Pack stayed there and had the bathroom built, walled in, and lined with zinc. Famous visitors were Zeb Vance, Bill Nye, and James Whitcomb Riley. On a balcony overlooking the street a band played a concert every afternoon, and each night there was dancing in the ballroom. The Swannanoa rivaled the older Eagle Hotel which also had a band. Excursion trains ran from Salisbury to Asheville on Saturdays carrying young people to the dances. Asheville became a mecca for those suffering from tuberculosis, and prominent doctors recommended it; others came and established sanitariums. Its health assets were "a healthful climate, pure air, good water, unsurpassed scenery and congenial people." By 1890 its population had quadrupled to Io,ooo. Dr. Gatchell, a native of Wisconsin who wrote the circular that "Judge" Aston mailed out in such quantities, established the first sanitarium for consumptives in Asheville. In I 875 Dr. J. W. Gleitsmann, a German by birth, came to Asheville from Baltimore and established the Mountain Sanitarium for Pulmonary Diseases. He wrote and read before the American Public Health Association a paper "Western North Carolina As a Health Resort." The paper was circulated widely - about 64,000 copies. Mr. Fred A. Hall came to Asheville in 1883 with tuberculosis. He recovered and became a prominent citizen. �38o / Part III: A Developing Economy Lower Falls on Cu/lasaja River NATIONAL PARK SERVICE PHOTO Looking do wn North Mills River from Kramer's V ista near Bent Creek Gap U .S. FOREST SERVICE PHOTO �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 38 I Looking Glass Rock, Pisgah National Forest U .S. FOREST SERVICE PHOTO Sliding Rock Falls, Pisgah National Forest U.S . FOREST SERVICE PHOTO �382 / Part III: A Developing Economy S wannanoa Hotel A sheville ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO . His case history and recovery were written of and published in the Boston Medical Journal. As a result many others came seeking health. Asheville became first a summer resort. Soon thereafter many visitors came for the winter because of the clear air and the mild climate. In 1885 the city authorities began to clean up sanitary conditions which were detrimental to the city as a health resort. A new city code was adopted in 1887, in which were these provisions : " [The commissioners may] lay a tax ... [annually] on all dogs, and on swine, horses and cattle running at large within the town ... ; [they] shall possess the power to prohibit cattle, horses, or hogs from running at large in said town." A sanitary chief and a sanitary inspector w ere appointed. All citizens became increasingly conscious of Asheville's natural advantages as a health resort and did everything possible to promote this phase of the city's life. Soon other sanitariums were established. Among them was the Winyah Sanitarium started by Dr. Karl von Ruch. Many cases of tuberculosis were treated in hotels and boarding houses as well as in sanitariums. So widely and favorably known did the Asheville area become for its beneficent climate and for diseases of the throat and lungs that the United States Government shortly after World W ar One built at Oteen a hospital for the treatment of veterans of the armed services who had contracted tuberculosis. M an y w ho cam e to Asheville for visits and cures remained and becam e enthusiastic residents. They built homes, invested money, began �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 383 Kenilworth Hotel ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO. industries, and thus contributed to the city's growth. Following World War One about three thousand persons were treated annually for tuberculosis. Residing in the city were perhaps an equal number of newcomers who were not under the care of physicians. Each of these persons spent freely in the city. It was estimated that the tubercular patients spent three million dollars annually. In the 1920's governmental agencies began to realize that good public health was a social obligation. Federal, state, and local governments built hospitals and sanitariums. As a result Asheville and other popular health resorts were less frequented. By 1928 most of the sanitariums around the city were forced to close and the number of patients from other places became neglible. Although Asheville then ceased to be a health resort, it became a most popular retreat for tourists and retired persons. This was true, to a degree, of all parts of Western North Carolina. Chambers of Commerce, privately owned resorts, and organizations all over the mountains published handbooks, pamphlets, brochures which stressed the scenic beauty, the recreational facilities, the invigorating climate, the pure water, and the beautiful streams of the region. Organizations were formed to promote the tourist season- the summer months. To a great degree the economy of the region came to depend upon the number of tourists and summer visitors. Even more important than the tourists are the thousands of people who have built summer homes, second homes, or vacation homes in this delightful land. �384 / Part III: A Developing Economy Asheville is said to have had more and better hotels than any city of the same size in the United States. The Battery Park mentioned earlier attracted numbers of very wealthy visitors. Kenilworth Inn, a big rambling hotel was built in r 891. The Southern Railroad and George W. Vanderbilt owned stock in the company. It was then one of the finest hotels in the South and had 250 rooms. Fire destroyed it in 1909 and the rebuilding was started in 1913 at a cost of $r,24o,ooo. Of English design, it was a show place advertised as "the Healthiest and Most Delightful Resort in America." With beautifully landscaped grounds it stood on a hill overlooking Asheville and the Biltmore Estate. It became a sanitarium in 1930 under Dr. William Ray Griffin and Dr. Mark A. Griffin and was used for patients with mental and nervous disorders. Grove Park Inn, built by E. W. Grove, wealthy drug manufacturer, in 1914 on the western slopes of Sunset Mountain was the epitome of elegance and comfort. At least five Presidents have stayed there, and it has housed a full complement of wealthy visitors. This hotel is still serving as a convention center of strong appeal. During the 192o's Grove had the gracious Battery Park hotel razed and the hill lowered. A new Battery Park rose on the site, one that was in keeping with the technology of that decade. A block away the George Vanderbilt Hotel and a new convention hall attracted large gatherings. In addition to the hotels, Asheville had more than one hundred boarding houses, among which was one at 8r Charlotte Street built about 1870 for Fanny Patton. It was closed in 1960. Burned once, it was rebuilt. It and the Patton House next door were the first Asheville houses to have running water. Aunt Charlotte, who belonged to the household, was highly indignant and wanted to know if Thomas (Captain Patton) hadn't taken leave of his senses "bringing the privy in the house." There was a fireplace in every room. There were wardrobes but no closets. An old Negro servant named Margaret but called "Cookie" was asked by a northern lady if she remembered the Civil War. She answered: "Course I does; that was when them Y ankces came down here and took all us folks had." Extravagant praise for Asheville is to be found in the advertising brochures which have been broadcast since r88o. Hinton A. Helper wrote one titled "Nature's Trundle Bed of Recuperation for Tourist and Health Seeker," in which he claimed: "The climate is not excelled by any in the world. The soil is �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 3 8 5 rich and the lands productive. . . . The timber lands are the best in the South. The mineral wealth is inexhaustible. The manufacturing facilities are unsurpassed." One bulletin recounted the economic growth from 1880 to 1890. Its author stated that in 1880 the assessed valuation was $904,428, while in 1890 it was $4,956,ooo. In 1889 $8I9,000 worth of real estate was sold and I 84 buildings were erected. The C. E. Graham cotton mill employed 250 and the Asheville Furniture Company had ninety employees. A brochure of I 899 designed to attract industry cited the different business establishments: one large tobacco factory, two icc factories, three planing mills, twenty-six carriage and wagon makers, the largest cotton factory in the South, two laundries, machine shops, foundries, a roller flour mill, the largest tannery in Western North Carolina, the largest bottling company in the state, three greenhouses, two daily and four weekly newspapers, one cornet band, two literary clubs, a lumber business, four tobacco warehouses, two military companies, the Asheville Club, social and golf clubs. An Asheville guide of 1904 praised the Kenilworth Inn, Theobald's Cafe, Candy Kitchen, and Ice Cream Parlor. Mentioned favorably were Clarence Worrall's Art Institute and Bon Marche, which it called an outstanding store. A new auditorium was built on the site of one burned in I903 and a new library was built on Pack Square. The Biltmore Estate was open to the public on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays. A Brochure described "Zealandia," the residence of Mr. Philip S. Henry of London. It had been so-named by Captain J. Evans Brown who lived in New Zealand. Praised also was the Mineral Springs Hotel run by Mrs. R. Cathey at Skyland, North Carolina. The population by 1900 had climbed to 14,694, and in the metropolitan area were 27,000 people. There were ten miles of brick paving, one and one-half miles of stone paving, one and one-half miles of macadam, seven miles of brick sidewalks, twenty miles of sewerage, fourteen miles of electric railway, and the assessed valuation was $6,ooo,ooo. A Road and Tour Book of Western North Carolina for I916 indicated further growth: thirty-eight miles of paved streets, population of 34,000, seventy-five miles of sidewalks, I25 miles of macadam roads, an assessed property valuation of$15,ooo,ooo, a public library of I3,ooo volumes, a municipal swimming pool, six banks, three hospitals, forty churches, 250,000 visitors annually. �386 / Part III: A Developing Economy The most extravagant promotional publication to that date was Azure Lure published in 1924. The assessed valuation of Asheville property was $8o,ooo,ooo and the population of 50,000 enjoyed sixty-four miles of paved streets. The booklet emphasized the availability of water power, with II7,500 developed horse power and I,067,000 horsepower undeveloped. Western North Carolina had fifteen golf courses, a small number indeed, but golf in 1924 was in somewhat the same position that skiing occupies today. One of the cataclysmic events in the history of twentiethcentury Western North Carolina was the "boom and bust" in Asheville. First came the highly-inflated Florida real estate boom in the 192o's. Many fortunes were made- on paper; then the boom collapsed. Before its collapse, high-powered real estate promoters moved to Asheville and Hendersonville and generated the enthusiasm that caused the runaway inflation in real estate that resulted in the boom and the bust. In I 92 5 Thomas Wolfe visited Asheville and wrote to Aline Bernstein that he had just returned from "Boom Town" where everyone was talking about the progress and prosperity of Asheville. He had drunk their com whiskey and listened to their glowing talk of how they would soon be millionaires, of how Asheville would have roo,ooo people by 1930. Yet, by 1926 Wolfe was writing his sister regretting that while his mother had lost money in Florida real estate he was consoling her with the idea that Asheville would have a certain assured growth. He aptly added that a few near-swindlers and near-thieves would clean up but that the admiring boobs would lose their shirts and that Asheville would never be the national capital. In You Can't Go Home Again he described Asheville as being no longer a small town. Its streets were teeming with life. The look on people's faces was frightening: madness, frenzy, the eyes glistening with excitement. People were intoxicated by speculation in real estate- the idea of getting rich quickly, suddenly, overnight. Real estate men were everywhere. Everyone bought real estate - barbers, lawyers, grocers, bootblacks, janitors. The rule was to buy, always to buy. Whatever one bought and at whatever price, he felt he could sell it the next day at a great profit. All of this buying was "on time," always "on time," and the profits were paper profits- the millionaires, paper millionaires. In November 1930 the roof fell in. In the New York Times �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 387 "New" Battery Park Hotel, 1920's ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES CO . appeared a report from the Asheville Citizen, November 20, 1930, describing the closing of eight banks in Western North Carolina, most of them in or near Asheville and Hendersonville. These failures resulted from the closing of the Central Bank and Trust Company, Asheville's largest financial institution with combined assets of its banking and trust departments of $52,645,191.43· Coincident with its failure, three Hendersonville banks closed: the First Bank and Trust Company, the American Bank and Trust Company, and the Citizens' National Bank. Also closing were the Biltmore Oteen Bank, the Bank of Leicester and the Clay County Bank. On the same day the Raleigh News and Observer listed twenty-seven state banks that had closed in 1930 in Western North Carolina. The depression enveloped the nation, but in Asheville it was a gigantic bust. John Mitchell, Chief State Bank Examiner, blamed the closing of the Western North Carolina banks on the real estate boom. The banks had lent money on real estate at inflated values to such an extent that they could not meet the demands of their depositors. Catastrophic for Asheville was the failure of the Central Bank and Trust Company. For seventeen years it had been perhaps the most progressive financial institution in Western North �388 / Part III: A Developing Economy Carolina and it had done much to aid the region. Jonathan Daniels in Tar Heels: A Portrait of North Carolina (New York, 1947) attributed the origin of the boom to George W. Vanderbilt and E. W. Grove. He felt that they had corrupted the people of Asheville and raised false hopes. His accusations and implications are unjust. Vanderbilt may have been a feudal lord but he aided Western North Carolina. So did Grove. Wolfe regretted that Grove tore down the picturesque old Battery Park Hotel and replaced it with a modern building of brick, concrete, and steel. Most people have thought that his Grove Park Inn was magnificently picturesque. Vanderbilt's estate and contributions antedated the twentieth century. Grove Park Inn was built in 1912. The bank failure, the collapse, the bust did not come until 1930. Even then it was not a completely local affair. The stock market crash had occurred in October, 1929, the depression was becoming accelerated, twenty-seven other Western North Carolina banks had already failed in 1930. Probably all of these failures happened because of the failure of Caldwell and Company in Nashville, a gigantic Southern financial institution. As a result of the failure of the Central Bank and Trust Company, its president was sentenced to prison and later Asheville's mayor committed suicide. During the 189o's Warm Springs (in Madison County), which had been a health resort since 1779, was renamed Hot Springs, and a remarkable hotel was built there, the Mountain Park. It was a handsome rambling structure, in every room of which the sun shone. It had a large lobby, spacious parlors, onefourth mile of verandas. It had elevators, steam heat, toilets, fireplaces, an orchestra, a music hall, billiard parlors, bowling alleys, a golf course, tennis courts, and riding horses. Nearby were the famed springs, which contained many mineral elements. There was a spring house for drinking water and a bath house in which baths were built in the springs themselves. During the years when health-seekers believed in the efficacy of mineral waters, Hot Springs was one of the most popular resorts in Western North Carolina. Thousands came who were not ill. They came because of the good food, the dances, the pleasant company, and the recreational attractions of the hotel. After the United States entered World War One as many as twenty-eight hundred German prisoners were interned in �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 389 the hotel. They had been members of crews of German ships caught in American or allied ports and waters at the time of the entry of the United States in the war. They gave band concerts and enjoyed their stay in the beautiful surroundings. On one occasion when it was rumored that they were to be transferred, some of them poisoned the drinking water hoping to be made ill to prevent their being removed. They used too much poison and some of the prisoners died. After medical opinion developed that the benefits derived from the waters of the springs resulted from hydro-therapy, and that the treatment could be given in any medical institution, the decline in numbers who came to Hot Springs resulted in closing the famous hotel. Near Hot Springs is Lover's Leap about which there is the legend of the Indian maiden Mist-on-the-Mountain, the daughter of Lone Wolf. She loved an Indian brave named Magwa. Another brave, the jealous Tall Pine, killed Magwa and the maiden leaped off the cliff. About that time Tall Pine was killed by a panther. Not far away is Douglas Lake, made by one of the TV A dams. And some seven miles away is Paint Rock, famous in Indian legends and a landmark on the first wagon road through the mountains. On the cliffs are strange markings, now almost indecipherable, which gave the rock its name. Formerly a ferry was used to carry people across the river to connect with the railroad. Hot Springs, the town, has a beautiful location. It is completely surrounded by mountains, is on an attractive river, and Spring Creek flows through the town. It should attract many tourists, but since the closing of the hotel it has withered on the vine, had few tourists, and ceased to grow. Nearby above Spring Creek is a camping and recreation area operated by the National Park Service in Pisgah National Forest. Here picnicking, camping, swimming are enjoyed. Western North Carolina's attraction for tourists was enhanced by the building of the Blue Ridge Parkway. It has been the scenic route for millions of visitors from Northeastern United States to this region, and these guests have been an inestimable boon to the economy of the region. The travelers have fanned out to adjacent resorts. Today's tourists are from diverse elements �390 / Part III: A Developing Economy Lovers Leap, French Broad River, near Hot Springs of the population. Many of the earlier generation of tourists were well-to-do middle-aged people who stayed one, two, or three weeks at a resort hotel or "took the water" at a mineral spring. They sought rest and relaxation. Often they were society's elite. Those in this group still come but they are a small minority. Now the worker with a weekend or a week's vacation comes and brings his family, or a number of men and families come for a weekend of golf, or skiing. In some of the older resort towns as in Blowing Rock the two groups clash. The long-time, established summer residents resent the intrusion or invasion by the tourists. They close their facilities to them. Linville and Blowing Rock golf courses have become virtual private clubs and have limited play by non-members. But the local businesses cater to all who come. Every effort is being made to get those who come to stay longer. Tourists are given the most courteous attention, and amusements with family appeal are provided. Tweetsie Railroad between Boone and Blowing Rock and Ghost Town at Maggie Valley have appeal for all members of the family, although they were designed for the children. Horn in the West and Unto These Hills interest the whole family. Beech Mountain has chair lifts, fishing, riding, hiking, in addition to skiing and golf. It features a Disney Land type of amusement �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 391 park, the Land of Oz, to which people ride by chair lifts. Daughton Park on the Blue Ridge Parkway contains six thousand acres, a lodge, picnic area, camp ground, twenty miles of trails, scenic Wildcat Rocks and precipitous bluffs. Nearby is the Brinegar Cabin where one can see hand-weaving demonstrations from May to October. The park was named for Congressman Robert Daughton from Alleghany County. At Blowing Rock the denim manufacturer, Moses Cone, had enjoyed a summer mansion located on Flat Top Mountain in an estate with 3750 acres and two beautiful man-made lakes. He died in 1908, and his will specified that after the death of Mrs. Cone the estate would become the property of the State of North Carolina. A few years after Mrs. Cone's death in 1947 the state transferred the estate to the federal government to be used as part of the Blue Ridge Parkway. The mansion is used as a museum and sales center for mountain handicrafts of the Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild. The woven coverlet given to Miss Frances Goodrich which awakened her interest T weetsie Railroad, tourist attraction ASHEVILLE C HAMBER OF COMMER CE PHOTO �392 / Part III: A Developing Economy Brinegar Cabin on Blue Ridge Parkway before restoration NATIONAL PARK SERVICE PHOTO Brinegar Cabin after restoration NATIONAL PARK SERVICE PHOTO �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 393 in hand weaving and started the revival of weaving in North Carolina is on display there. More than twenty miles of unpaved roads on the estate are reserved for pedestrian, horseback, and carnage use. Nearby, also on the Blue Ridge Parkway, is the 4000 acre Julian Price Memorial Park. Price was formerly president of the Jefferson Standard Life Insurance Company. The park has some of the most attractive camp sites in Western North Carolina, and it offers fishing to campers. Cataloochi at Maggie Valley and Blowing Rock Ski Lodge (now Appalachian Ski Mountain) near Blowing Rock were the first of the North Carolina ski resorts. Another is Hound Ears in the Shull's Mills and Foscoe area of Watauga County on the side of a mountain, the pinnacle of which resembles the hanging ears of a hound dog. Each year sees new ski slopes put into use, and around them residential communities develop. Between two of the peaks of Grandfather Mountain Hugh Morton, descendant of Hugh McRae, has built a mile high swinging pedestrian bridge and at one end is a reception center large enough to house a small convention. Each year since 1956 there has been a gathering of the Scottish clans from a wide area, and Highland Games are held on the mountainside on a weekend in July. Events on Saturday consist of highland dancing, piping, track and field events. On Sunday after a worship service and lunch the champions put on an exhibition, followed by a "Highland Shoot," an archery tournament. Kilts and bonnets are worn for the weekend making it a colorful occasion. Thirteen clans, the Bums club of Charlotte, and the Saint Andrews Societies of Charleston, Savannah, New York State, and Washington, D. C. are the sponsors. Since 1926 on the fourth Sunday in June has been held the "Singing on the Mountain" on the slopes of Grandfather. For twenty-three consecutive years there was no rain on this date, and mountain folk considered the fact almost miraculous and attributed it to the beneficence of God. The annual sing is looked forward to and visited by thousands of religious people and about as many who are just curious. Some thirty thousand were present in 1957. On the day of the singing people travel to Grandfather as they did to camp meetings a few decades ago. "Grandfather Mountain is a symbol of the eternity of the hills." People gather to hear the words of many preachers and to sing the songs that they love. The singing is also a social event. Whole �394 / Part III: A Developing Economy One of the first ski slopes, Appalachian Ski Mountain ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO Chalet above the slopes Chairlift at Beech Mountain �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 395 Bagpipers on Grandfather Mountain at Highland Games HUGH MORTON PHOTO On the Parade Grounds at the Highland Games HUGH M ORTON PHOTO �396 / Part III: A Developing Economy Singing on the Mountain HUGH MORTON PHOTO Ground breaking for final link of Blue Ridge Parkway by Governor Dan Moore HUGH MORTON PHOTO and Assistant-Director of the National Park Service �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 397 An overlook on the Blue Ridge Parkway families, old friends, and kin, separated by mountain ranges and hours of travel gather there to visit and to share their picnic food with each other. This event, the largest mountain sing in the Southern highlands, uplifts all who attend. Uncle Joe Hartley who helped to build the Y onahlossee Turnpike in I 89 I started the Grandfather singing in I924 when I25 members of a Sunday school had a picnic on the slope of the mountain. After the picnic they had some "beautiful singing." Few people who enjoy the 507,I 59 acres, the I200 species of plants, the I 30 species of trees, the 52 species of fur bearing animals, the great natural beauty, the hiking, driving, camping facilities of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park realize the tremendous and long-continued efforts by many enthusiasts �398 / Part III: A Developing Economy View to the south from Clingman's Dome parking area, Great Smokies HUGH MORTON PHOTO before the park became a reality. The first campaign was by a dedicated band of Asheville people and their supporters. October 29, 1885, in an address before the American Academy of Medicine, Dr. Henry 0. Marcy, of Boston, advocated securing "a large reservation of the higher ranges as a park." By I 892 destruction of the forests was a cause of concern and Charles S. Sargent with an editorial in Garden and Forest was the first to present in print a plan for a national forest. A year earlier (1891) Joseph A. Holmes, state geologist of North Carolina, had suggested to Gifford Pinchot a great national forest for the Southern Appala- �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 399 chians. The Biltmore Forest experiment no doubt influenced both Holmes and Pinchot. In I893 the North Carolina General Assembly passed a resolution in favor of establishing such a park. It was presented to the House by Congressman John S. Henderson in I 894, but Congress was not yet concerned. "The first organized association for national legislation to set up a federal park in the Southern Appalachian Mountains was begun by Dr. Chase P. Ambler of Asheville ... in I899." He presented the idea to his friend from Ohio, Judge William R. Day. Day suggested that an Asheville organization be formed which, assisted by the Asheville Board of Trade, would work for a national park. Ambler, George H. Smathers, and Senator Jeter C. Pritchard sought to interest the Southern press, doctors, lawyers and other groups to get them to address petitions to Pritchard asking him to use his influence to have a Congressional committee appointed. It was agreed that twenty to forty thousand acres could be bought for one dollar an acre, and that immediate action was imperative to preserve the forests, the game, and the fish because lumbermen were destroying the forests and tanneries were killing the fish. In I 899 the Asheville Board of Trade organized a Parks and Forestry Committee which obtained the aid of newspapers of North Carolina and neighboring states in giving publicity to the movement. It was soon realized by George Vanderbilt and others that there was a need to include parts of North Carolina, Tennessee, and adjacent states in a great eastern national park. Therefore letters were sent to governors, senators, representatives, and influential people in North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, and Virginia asking them to assemble in Asheville November I I, I 899, to organize an association for the promotion of a national park and forest reserve. Forty-two of those statesmen, editors, and industrialists came and organized the Appalachian National Park Association with the object of obtaining a national park in the Southern Appalachian Mountains. Efforts of the press, Congressmen, and interested citizens were exerted toward that end. Five thousand booklets telling the story of the movement were printed. January 4, I900, Senator Jeter Pritchard introduced in the Senate the petition from the Appalachian National Park Association. Reasons for urging Congressional action were the natural beauty of the region, the superb forests, the necessity of preserving the headwaters of many mountain rivers, the healthfulness of the climate, and the �400 J Part III: A Developing Economy central location for the East, the South, and the Midwest. Much support came from scientists and those interested in forestry. Needless to say, the efforts failed. The nation was not sufficiently educated to the idea of this national park. After the passage of the Weeks Law in I 9 I I the Forest Service established a Smoky Mountain purchase unit and began obtaining options for the purchase of land belonging to the Little River Lumber Company, but the purchases were not completed because of World War One. The publication of the now famous books by Horace Kephart and Margaret Morley created favorable opinion for preservation of the forests in the Smoky Mountains. Meanwhile Hugh McRae offered to sell the Grandfather Mountain area to the federal government for a park. A bill introduced in I9I7 for its purchase failed to pass. Between I922 and I923 other bills were introduced, proposing purchases in various locations. There were at that time nineteen national parks and not one was in Eastern United States, where two-thirds of the population lived. The successful park movement grew out of the efforts in Knoxville of Mrs. Willis P. Davis. In 1924 Dr. Herbert Work, Secretary of the Interior, appointed a committee to study the establishment of one or more national parks in the Southern Appalachians. A southern Appalachian National Park committee and commissions in Tennessee and North Carolina were created to promote the park and to have a part in selecting its site. Harlan P. Kelsey, a member of the Southern Appalachain Committee, and E. C. Brooks, President of North Carolina State College, were active workers. In I925 Congress authorized the Secretary of the Interior to ascertain boundaries for three parks: the Shenandoah, the Mammoth Cave, and the Great Smoky Mountain, and to receive offers of land and money for their creation. Congress appropriated no money for the projects. Then the work of the North Carolina and Tennessee commissions began in earnest. State Senator Mark Squires of Lenoir, chairman of the North Carolina commission, and Colonel David C. Chapman of the Tennessee commission deserve credit for selling the idea of the park to their respective states. The Tennessee legislature voted $273,557 to purchase the 76,507 acres from the Little River Lumber Company, and the Knoxville Chamber of Commerce guaranteed one-third of the price. Proponents of the Grandfather Mountain-Linville area and lumbermen in North Carolina opposed the location of the park �In Pursuit ofPleasure / 401 in the Smokies. The latter called forth the wrath of Horace Kephart: "Why should this last stand of splendid, irreplaceable trees be sacrificed to the greedy maw of the sawmill? Why should future generations be robbed of all chance to see with their own eyes what a real forest, a real wildwood, a real unimproved work of God is like ... ? If cut ... it would be a drop in the bucket .... Let these few old trees stand! ... There is no use talking about conserving the Smoky forest by turning it into a national forest after the lumbermen get through with it .... The only question is: Shall the Smoky Mountains be made into a national park or a desert?" By 1926 only $soo,ooo had been raised in North Carolina, and most of that had come from the area near the park. Statewide support had not been given. On April 22, 1926, a bill for the creation of two national parks became law. North Carolina and Tennessee authorized bond issues to meet the states' obligations for the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Additional funds were needed, and John D. Rockefeller, Jr., established the Laura Spellman Rockefeller Fund of $s,ooo,ooo to make the park possible. North Carolina and Tennessee acquired 158,799.21 acres and deeded the tract to the federal government on February 6, 1930. Effective work in developing the park began in 19 3 I, and on September 2, I 940, President Roosevelt dedicated it. Eighteen million dollars, it was estimated, were needed for further development. After man's exodus when the land for the park was purchased in 1926, there remained ghost communities along the Little Tennessee and Tuckaseigee rivers and on Hazel Creek, which rises deep in the Smokies and runs for twenty miles to Fontana Lake. It is fed by eight large streams and receives the flow from the watershed of what was once the largest virgin forest in Western North Carolina. Once the forest was alive with game, the streams with fish. Around 1850 settlers came to Hazel Creek and built log cabins. The slopes were excellent for cattle and sheep, and hogs fattened on the forest mast. People lived off the land, with an abundance of game. Granville Calhoun, pioneer, entrepreneur, railroad builder, miner, jack-of-all-trades, lived through the entire cycle of human "development" of Hazel Creek. His family were among the early settlers. The first employment for people on Hazel Creek was offered when the Johnson and Harris Lumber Company cut timber and floated the logs down to their mill. A series of dams built across the creek held �402 / Part III: A Developing Economy the logs until the water was high enough to float them. In I 909 W. M. Ritter built a logging railroad and set up a large double hand-mill which employed four hundred men. Each side of the mill turned out one million board feet a month. From I9I I to I928 Ritter cut 2IO,ooo,ooo board feet from this one creek and was called the "hardwood king of the world." In 1890 copper was discovered on Sugar Fork Creek and the Adams Mining Company mined copper from 1900 to I905. In 1926 when the states of Tennessee and North Carolina bought all of the land from the people and turned it into the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, owners were reluctant to sell. A fair price was paid for the mountain and forest land, but what the sellers received was insufficient for them to buy equivalent property near towns like Bryson City. They took their money and began sorrowfully to look for new homes. For them a way of life was gone forever. Hundreds had to leave their snug mountain retreats, but only death will take from them their memories of the "good old days." John Wikle wrote in the Asheville Citizen "The bear goes unharmed and the deer play undisturbed; where bare-footed children once hoed corn, now bears wild blackberries. Where once stood a great sawmill there is only a mass of vines and trees; there is only a ghost hid in the trees where once people lived." Hazel Creek now looks as it did in I850 when the first man came. The people who once lived and reveled in a virgin paradise are now the poorer inhabitants of nearby towns. But the park will regain and retain the primeval beauty of the region. The holdings of the lumber companies were acquired without difficulty except for the 92,800 acres owned by the Champion Fibre Company, almost one-fifth of the national park. This company owned the core of the virgin timber, the slopes of New Found Gap, part of Clingman's Dome, all of Mount Le Conte, the Chimney Tops, the Three Forks, Greenbrier Wilderness, and Mount Guyot. Reuben Robertson, president of the company, argued that the spruce on the company's holdings was essential to its continued operation. Eventually Champion agreed to sell all of its land in the park for $3,00o,ooo. The company began buying its spruce in Canada, shipping it to Canton at less expense than if it had built a railroad to the crest of the Smokies to get out the timber. Eventually the federal government bought additional land. In I933 President Roosevelt allocated $I,550,ooo from Civilian Conservation Corps funds for land purchase, and by 1935 the �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 403 400,000 acres set by Congress as a requirement had been met. The two states had contributed $4,095,696, the United States $3,503,766, and the Rockefeller Memorial Fund $s,o6s,ooo. Another gift of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., of $roo,ooo made it possible for the National Park Service to purchase 1000 acres in the Linville Falls area. The Linville Gorge had already been purchased by the Forest Service as part of the Pisgah National Forest. The combined falls and gorge are now certain to be preserved for posterity as a "wild area." Camping facilities have been provided at the falls. Together the falls and the gorge provide one of the most breathtaking experiences possible for weekend visitors or one-day picnickers. The Blue Ridge Parkway's last link is now being built the length of Grandfather Mountain along a route between the crest and the former Yonahlossee Turnpike, now Highway 221, creating a strip of national park where many hoped to locate the national park of the Southern Highlands. Millions of people come to the Great Smoky Mountains National Park each year. They hike along its winding mountain trails, pitch their camps in its forests, and view some of the most luxuriant plant life in Eastern America. "More than 650 miles of horse and foot trails wind along crystal clear streams and waterfalls, past giant trees, ... through the wild beauty of spring flowers or autumn colors, and into high mountain meadows." The park offers guided nature walks along many of the trails. There are also many self-guided nature trails. The famous Appalachian Trail enters the park at Davenport Gap and traverses it for seventy-one miles, leaving it near Fontana Dam. One can hike the seventy-one miles in six to eight days, sleeping in trailside shelters. The park has some six hundred miles of streams that add beauty and can be fished for rainbow and brook trout. It can be lovely during any of the four seasons but it is probably the most beautiful during the latter half of October when there are clear days and cool nights and the coloring of the leaves presents a panorama of almost unbelievable colors. Many social and residential communities have been created, some of them organized as private clubs, others because of common interests. Among such communities near Hendersonville are Pleasant Estates, the Highland Lake Club, with clubhouse and cottages open to the public, and Laurel Park; several clubs in �404 J Part III: A Developing Economy Tryon; Hound Ears Club and Lodge; and the Carolina Caribbean Club at Beech Mountain. In addition, several communities and real estate developments have club-like restrictions; among these are Linville and Little Switzerland. A prototype of these, a club that was successful for several years was Kanuga, near Hendersonville. In the first decade of this century George Stephens of Asheville organized it after studying similar clubs in the Adirondacks, on Long Island, and in Wisconsin. A group of Charlotte businessmen bought the tract of one thousand acres and divided it into lots fifty feet by two hundred. Each of the two hundred carefully screened members received a lot, which he could not sell without the permission of Stephens and the trustees. Dues were a sum of$ I 50 for ten years. The cost of the houses built by the members was restricted to a minimum of $400 and a maximum of$2500. Running water was piped from springs on the mountain, and a dam provided a lake and a source of power for electricity. The resort opened in 1909 and was used for only six years. The flood of 1916 washed out the lake and destroyed the buildings. In 1927 the Episcopal Church bought the site for a summer conference ground. Little Switzerland was started by Judge Heriot Clarkson about 1910. The original purchase was for eleven thousand acres. A company was formed; inns, camps, and homes were planned. It was to be an attractive and exclusive colony with no lots smaller than one acre. A water system was installed and lots were sold to interesting and distinguished people. The altitude of Little Switzerland is 3 478 feet and it has a beautiful setting and magnificent views. The Switzerland Inn, owned by Mrs. Ida Clarkson, was run in connection with six cottages and a Swiss chalet. Twelve miles of scenic roads, two beautiful waterfalls, flowers and mountain shrubbery, and unsurpassed scenery have been the chief attractions. When the Blue Ridge Parkway was planned to traverse the crest of the Blue Ridge it had to pass through Little Switzerland property. Judge Clarkson objected, saying it would take three miles of the company property two hundred feet wide. Nevertheless the parkway was built to bisect the property and it has added beauty and distinction to Little Switzerland. This unique development runs for five miles along the parkway and extends one-half mile in width. There are many attractive homes on the spacious lots. Geneva Hall is the community center and nearby are camps Glen Laurel and As You Like It. �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 405 Soon after World War One, camps for boys and girls were established throughout the mountains. At first these were rugged, designed to allow the campers to experience primitive conditions. Often they were operated by local people who had no experience or training for the work. No standards for sanitation and healthful conditions had been established. But within a few years the Southern Camping Association and the American Camping Association were organized, and they carried on regular inspection of member camps. Their seals of approval were sought by camp operators and were looked for by parents in selecting camps. In addition to the many excellent privately owned camps there are a number of boy and girl scout camps. One of Transylvania County's eighteen camp communities is more than a camp. It is the Brevard Music Center, started as the Transylvania Music Camp by James Christian Pfohl in 1944. An annual music festival has been held since 1946. Now the Transylvania Music Camp is the summer home of the Brevard Music Center. It has 250 student campers, more than 165 faculty and staff members. Nine regularly performing musical groups present five concerts weekly during the summer. Improvements at the center include an additional forty acres, twenty-seven new buildings, and a new auditorium built of redwood and stone. The Music Center attracts outstanding young musicians, and there is a faculty member for every two students. Tryon, an "unspoiled paradise," has an exquisite setting. Lofty mountains rear their peaks four to five miles away. About them Mrs. Ella W. Peattie wrote the poem "These Be the Mountains That Comfort Me." The mountains provide shelter from the cold north winds. The mean temperature for January, the coldest month, is 43 °, the mean summer temperature 74o. Nearby are the charming Pacolet Valley, the crystal-clear Pacolet River, and 175 acre Lake Lanier. Sydney Lanier lived near Tryon for several years before his death in 1881. In 1896 Tryon was visited by the vice-president of the Southern Railway Company who helped to popularize the town. William Gillette, actor and playwright, built an attractive home, now the Thousand Pines Inn. Other prominent people came for the winter and many built homes. They formed the Tryon Riding and Hunt Club, the Tryon Country Club, and made the area a fashionable riding and hunting country. An annual steeple chase and a horse and hounds show are held. There are also an annual spring �406 / Part III: A Developing Economy festival and a tilting tournament. Attractive hotels are the Mimosa, Oak Hall, Oakwood, Edgewood, Thousand Pines, and Pinecrest. Two of them are open all year, the others only in winter. Prominent visitors have been John Burroughs, Fanny Hurst, Edward Waldo Emerson, Admiral Robert W. Peary, the Reverend Charles G. Sewell. Tryon is an artists' colony, and it has been for half a century a handicraft center. The Western North Carolina Associated Communities (WNCAC) grew from a drive that began in Asheville. In May 1946 the Asheville Chamber of Commerce invited public officials, leaders of civic organizations, and leading citizens from twenty-three western countries to attend a dinner meeting and discuss coordination and cooperation among the communities on regional matters. No organization developed from that meeting, perhaps because "personal acquaintance and confidence ... could not be stretched this far." Just about a month later, some eighteen people, all from communities west of Asheville, met together at Dillsboro in Jackson County in a meeting to explore promotion of tourist business, roads, and other matters of mutual interest. At this second meeting the Western North Carolina Associated Communities (WNCAC) was organized. Eleven counties were represented, plus Western Carolina College, the Cherokee Indian Reservation, and Fontana Village resort area. A projects committee recommended seven particular jobs to be launched by the WNCAC: I. To develop the North Carolina side of the Smoky Mountains National Park; 2. To establish a museum for preservation of historical materials of the mountain region; 3· To attempt to secure more adequate accommodations for tourists; 4. To assist in the completion of the Bryson City-Fontana Road; 5· To initiate a historical outdoor drama; 6. To work toward the completion of the Blue Ridge Parkway; 7. To encourage the organization of a Chamber of Commerce in each community of the WNCAC region. The organization of the Cherokee Historical Association and the production of the drama Unto These Hills are accomplishments of WNCAC. The play, poignantly concerned chiefly with the removal of the Cherokees, provides seasonal incomes for one hundred seventy persons and attracts tourists to the area. The organizers of WNCAC began talking about such a drama in 1946, and in 1950 the first performance was given. The inspiration came from "The Lost Colony," the symphonic drama by Paul �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 407 Green which has been performed on Roanoke Island throughout the summer each year since 1937. As the purpose of WNCAC was to present a drama concerning the Cherokee Indians, the cooperation of a local committee from Cherokee was essential. Kermit Hunter was asked to write the drama. Then the Cherokee Historical Association was formed to build a theater and produce the play. On March 24, 1948, the historical association was incorporated as a non-profit organization; officers were Harry E. Buchanan of Hendersonville, chairman, Percy Ferebee, vice-chairman, Mrs. Molly Arneach of Cherokee, secretary, and Joe Jennings, treasurer. Funds were recruited by pledges from people and organizations of eleven counties, the drama was written, and the Mountainside Theater with access roads was built. Contributions were made by Indian Service employees and the Eastern Band of Cherokees, traders at Cherokee, and the Catholic Church. A total of $29,286.75 was raised, to which the North Carolina General Assembly was persuaded to contribute $35,000 in 1949. Veterans who were engaged in building trades classes at Cherokee High School contributed much labor, and many others worked throughout the year 1949. From the first performance on July I, 1950, the drama was a success. Then the Cherokee Historical Association turned its attention to the Tsali Institute, a non-profit organization for the historical and anthropological study of the Cherokee Indians. It built a full size Indian village of about the year 1750, Oconaluftee, toward which the North Carolina General Assembly appropriated $25,000. Mud huts and primitive cabins in which Indians engage in native crafts exemplify the life of the Cherokees. The Museum of the Cherokee Indian is another product of the Association. It brings together artifacts that trace the complete history of the Indian, especially the Cherokees. New developments for the Eastern Cherokees are the various governmental service agencies such as a twenty-five bed hospital, a forestry division, an agricultural and soil conservation service, a water and sewer facility, the Neighborhood Youth Corps of the United States Department of Labor, and a community action program under the Office of Economic Opportunity. The Boundary Tree Enterprise, tribally owned, includes a lodge and motel and a building housing the showroom of the Qualla Arts and Crafts Mutual. Most of the motels, craft shops, restaurants, and filling stations are owned and operated by Cherokees. �408 / Part III: A Developing Economy "Chiefing"- Cherokee Indian wearing a Plains Indian war bonnet to attract tourists Friends of the band have deplored the resort to "chiefing" which has been practiced by some of the men and boys. They wear the feather headdress of the Sioux Indians of the Great Plains during the tourist season and stand in front of gift shops in Cherokee to attract customers. They charge twenty-five to fifty cents to allow the curious to take their pictures and then entice the people into the shops where the handcrafted products such as baskets, pottery, and headwork are sold. The United States Department of the Interior estimates that five million tourists visit Cherokee annually. Their purchases and the services they require are an obvious boost to the economy of the Cherokees and the region. The reservation has been called �Itz Pursuit of Pleasure / 409 by the Department of the Interior the model Indian reservation of the country. It is a unique example of cooperation by the federal government, state government, associated communities and a particular community. Two years after the opening of Unto These Hills, some of the leading citizens of Boone including Mrs. J. B. Stallings, Mrs. Leo Pritchett, Stanley Harris, D. J. Whitener and Mrs. Charles Cannon of Concord organized the Southern Appalachian Historical Association. This organization engaged Kermit Hunter to write an outdoor drama Horn in the West. The "Horn" was the call of the west, of the untamed wilderness and of freedom. It is the story of the westward movement and the struggle of a group of colonists for independence and freedom from oppression, unjust taxes, and legal injustice. It involves the movement of the people across the mountains and their clash with the Indians. Daniel Boone is a heroic character in the play, but his deeds were not performed by the real Daniel Boone as he was in Kentucky at the time the drama is supposed to have taken place. The play is gripping, picturesque, exciting. It is great entertainment. It has verisimilitude: that is, although the narrative is fiction events could have happened as they are created for the audience. The setting for the drama is a unique outdoor theater that seats 2400 people. Kermit Hunter explained the nature of his outdoor dramas as art forms of three types: folk art built upon the manners, customs, beliefs, and ideals of an earlier America; commercial art, to provide dividends (tourists spend an average of $15 per day per person); fine art, to portray scenes, characters, and ideas based on fundamental and timeless truths and to give the audience inspiration. Horn in the West is produced in the Daniel Boone Theater on a tract of land purchased by the town of Boone. Two other attractions are to be found there. One is the Daniel Boone Native Garden, created by the Garden Club of North Carolina to preserve and permit people to enjoy the native shrubs, flowers, and trees of the area. The other is the Tatum House, the actual log house occupied by generations of the Tatum family and described by Charles Dudley Warner in On Horseback. It was moved to these grounds and is furnished authentically as a museum of rural life of the nineteenth century. �4IO j Part III: A Developing Economy The Zebulon B. Vance birthplace in the Reems Creek area of Buncombe County is a historic site administered by the State Department of Archives and History. The site includes the dwelling house and six farm buildings. One other log building will be added. The restoration includes the original chimney, two original fireplaces, paneling, flooring, rafters and foundation rock taken from the old house. The dwelling contains many pieces of furniture, weaving, tools, pots, artifacts used by pioneers in the eighteenth century. The Vance house was built not long after the Revolution, but it is associated with Zebulon B. Vance, the state's Civil War Governor, Senator, soldier and orator who attained "more honors than any other man in the State's history." There is also a visitor-center-museum which has an exhibit room, a lecture room, an administrative office, and rest rooms. In McDowell County the Carson House is being restored as a museum of history to "illustrate life in the Upper Catawba Valley a hundred fifty to a hundred years ago." Built about I 8 IO, the house served as the first court house when the county was created in 1843, as a stage coach stop and a fashionable inn, and during the Civil War as a "small exclusive school for girls." "As eastern America searches desperately for recreational outlets for its tens of millions, Appalachia becomes infinitely more important as a preserve for people than as a site for new industries." Among the cherished heritages of mountain people are the folk tales, the ballads, and the folk dances. Greater effort should be made to preserve and to popularize these. Tourist facilities are far different from what they were fifty years ago. The highway and the automobile have been responsible for the change. Formerly tourists were content to stay in rustic, fairly crude inns, lodges, hotels. Now people drive as far and as fast as they wish, and they will drive to where the most luxurious and attractive hotels and motels are to be found. The prices are much higher, of course, but people are willing to spend money freely for pleasure and luxuries. Far more "first class" motels are needed. The 1950's and 196o's have been years of the most rapid tourist development. An area endowed with supernal beauty and a delightfully cool summer climate had to be developed and advertised. Some attractions there were, but many were added, including winter sports. Roan Mountain in rhododendron time, the Moses Cone Estate, Mount Mitchell, Grandfather �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 4 I I Zebulon Baird Vance birthplace before restoration ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES C O. Vance Birthplace after restoration ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE PHOTO �412 / Part III: A Developing Economy Mountain, Linville Falls, Wiseman's View, and the Great Smokies should be on the itinerary of most travelers to the mountains. The Kerr Scott Dam and Reservoir, a federal construction, provides flood control of the Y adkin and its tributaries and recreational facilities. It is one of several projected dams for the Y adkin River system. Two new state parks are being developed, Pilot Mountain in Surry County and Stone Mountain in Wilkes County. The present trend is toward larger and more exclusive resorts. The Robbins brothers were highly successful in developing Hound Ears. It appears that they are even more successful with Beech Mountain. The Morton-McRae family who own Grandfather Mountain have developed Invershiel, a residential community in Scottish style. They have built a beautiful new golf course and lake at the foot of Grandfather Mountain. Around the lake and golf course they are selling home sites. Dr. Thomas Brigham and Mr. and Mrs. George McRae who helped start the Beech Mountain project are now developing Sugar Mountain. A group of Winston-Salem men and the L. A. Reynolds Construction Company have developed Seven Devils, a resort and residential area with ski slopes, a lake, homesites, golf and tennis. Roaring Gap, in Alleghany County, a resort chiefly of people from Winston-Salem has been enjoyed for many years. Nearby the High Meadows Golf Club and Ski Slope have been added recently. Today the area from Tryon to Franklin is a "golden strip" filled with summer and retirement homes and resorts. Skiing and other winter sports have been introduced. Many of the homes are luxurious and are owned chiefly by people from elsewhere. In Jackson County, for example, 2500 of 8ooo property owners are from outside the state. Among the fine inns in that area are High Hampton, Sapphire Valley, and Highlands Inn. In 1960 the total expenditures of all travelers in North Carolina were estimated at $4o8,ooo,ooo. Out-of-state travelers spent $245,ooo,ooo, North Carolina people $163,ooo,ooo. There was an increase in travel expenditures over 1959 of 4-5°/0 , over 1948 of 167%. Including local trade engaged in by travelers the amount spent in 1960 was $81o,ooo,ooo. From these figures one can readily see that "the travel business in North Carolina is a vast industry .... The travel dollar flows into a wide range of industries." The travel industry in the mountain region in 1960 brought in $58,8oo,ooo. This was 14.4% of the state total and �In Pursuit of Pleasure / 413 Richard Nixon at the Roan Mountain Rhododendron Festival, 1958 HUGH MORTON PHOTO I 0.4% of retail trade and service receipts. The total receipts of businesses that serve travelers, including local trade, was $I02,8oo,ooo. Western North Carolina's travel business is invaluable and extensive, but the region that contains the Blue Ridge Parkway and the Great Smoky Mountains National Park should have a greater share of the state's travel business. The roads from the North and Midwest passing through North Carolina must be improved. More broad highways and interstate routes are needed. Northwestern North Carolina does not have more than a few miles of four lane highways. Two Winston-Salem journal editorials stressed the position of Western North Carolina: "We need to tell the rest of the world about all that this area offers, and we need to tell our own people (like motel staffers, service station attendants, waitresses). We need more popular entertainment. We must convince wives that they should accompany their husbands on business trips here, and we must persuade them- and all visitors- to stay longer. . . . The fact remains that . . . recreational open space is fast becoming the most precious commodity in America. All that remains is some determination of how best to use this land for the good of all of us." �SOURCES Much of the information consisted of oral history from lengthy interviews (some of the elderly persons are now deceased) : D. Hiden Ramsey, Asheville Bascom Lamar Lunsford, Turkey Creek James Larkin Pearson, North Wilkesboro Dr. Benjamin Washburn, Rutherfordton Dr. Alfred Mordecai, Greensboro and Blowing Rock Granville Calhoun, Bryson City John McLeod, Mars Hill W. Ernest Bird, Cullowhee Willis Weatherford, Blue Ridge J. Walter Moore, Hayesville Mrs. Maude Gentry Long, Hot Springs Worth Morgan, Forest City Leroy Sossamon, Bryson City Mrs. Marian Ingram, Robbinsville Mrs. Lillian Thomasson, Bryson City Miss Cordelia Camp, Asheville Mrs. Mary Jane McCrary, Brevard Mrs. Nancy Alexander, Lenoir Patton Phillips, Graham County Gordon Winkler, Boone S. C. Eggers, Boone Miss Myra Champion, Asheville Mrs. Carrie Winkler, Boone James Patton, Chapel Hill Clark Medford, Waynesville Cratis Williams, Boone George M. Stephens, Asheville Dr. Edward W. Phifer, Morganton Robert Conway, Dept. of Archives and History W. H. Plemmons, Boone, formerly of Asheville Mrs. Janice Whitener, Boone James Stroup, Spruce Pine Rush Wray, Burnsville Daniel Boone, VI, Burnsville Thomas W. Ferguson, Ferguson Mrs. Annie Winkler, North Wilkesboro John Wikle, Bryson City Lynn Gault, Brasstown W. B. Stephen, Pigeon Forge Woody Brothers, Spruce Pine Edith J. Cornell, Boone Mrs. Lexine Baird, Mars Hill Harley Jolley, Mars Hill Fred 0. Scroggs, Hayesville Robbins Brothers, Watauga County Mrs. A. P. Kephart, authority on camping Rufus Morgan, Franklin Jason Deyton, Spruce Pine John Foster West, Wilkes County and Boone Miss Doris Sparks, historian of Patterson School Mrs. Elizabeth McKibben Williams, Waynesville John 0. Goodwin, Blowing Rock Jack Guy, Beech Creek Richard Chase, Beech Creek Don Lineberger, Brevard Mrs. Daisy Feagan, Columbus Weimar Jones, Franklin Col. Paul Rockwell, Asheville Alonzo Shields, Murphy �Sources / 4 I 5 The administrative staffs of the Rutherford County Hospital, Grace Hospital at Morganton, Western Carolina Center, officials of Enka, Mead, and other companies, the National Park Service, and the U.S. Forest Service were interviewed. Questionnaires were sent to twentyfour school superintendents concerning integration. Visits were made to these schools: John C. Campbell Folkschool, Crossnore, Penland, Western Carolina University, Caldwell Community College, Warren Wilson College, and Tuscola High School. PRIMARY SOURCES, PUBLISHED AND UNPUBLISHED Bannerman, Arthur M., "The Historical Background of Warren Wilson College," The Owl and the Spade, XXI (Oct., I944). Barringer, 0. L., "An Automobile Trip to Blowing Rock," Country Life Oune, I9IO). Battle, William James, "A Mountain Tramp from Black Mountain to Highlands and to Blowing Rock," UNC Magazine 1886-188g, VIII, Nos. 2 and 4· Battle, William, Memories of an Old- Time Tar Heel (Chapel Hill, I945). Branson, Levi, North Carolina Business Directory (Raleigh, I884). Butler, Marguerite, "A Dream Come True," Mountain Life and Work, VII, No.3. Campbell, Robert F., Mission Work Among the Mountain Whites in Asheville Presbytery (Asheville, 1898). Chataigne's North Carolina Directory and Gazetteer (Raleigh, r884). Cilley, Clinton A., Diary, I875-I885, Southern Historical Collection, UNC Library, Chapel Hill. Cowles, Calvin Josiah, Papers, Southern Historical Collection, UNC Library, Chapel Hill. Cozens, S. D., "An Orderly Entrance Into Town," Fijieenth Pennsylvania Cavalry (Phila., I9o6). Davis, Rebecca Harding, "By-Paths in the Mountains," Harper's New Monthly Magazine (I88o). Doak, Henry Melvil, The Wagonauts Abroad (Nashville, 1892). Erwin, W. C., "Catawba Valley and Highlands," Pamphlet in the W. C. Erwin Collection, Southern Historical Collection, UNC Library, Chapel Hill (see also the Erwin Papers in this file). Ferguson, Thomas W., Home on the Yadkin (Winston-Salem, 1957). Ford, Willis, "Penland Goes to the Fair," Mountain Life and Work, IX (3), I9-2I. Guyot, Arnold, "Notes on the Geography of the Mountain District of Western North Carolina," North Carolina Historical Review, XV, 25I-JI8. Hamiltom, J. G. de Roulhac, cd., The Papers of Randolph Abbott Shotwell (Raleigh, I 9 3 I). �416 / Sources Harper, G. F. W., "Produce Book, 1877-1878," Southern Historical Collection UNC Library, Chapel Hill. Harper, James C., Diary, Southern Historical Collection, UNC Library, Chapel Hill. Hodges, Luther, Addresses and Papers, James Patton, ed. (Raleigh, 1962) James, William, "On a Certain Blindness in Human Beings," Essays on Faith and Morals (New York, 1896). Kephart, Horace, "Land of the Eastern Wilderness," World's Work (April, 1926), 617-32· King, Edward, "The Great South. Among the Mountains ofWestern North Carolina," Scribner's Monthly (March, 1874). Lenoir, William, Papers, # 426. Southern Historical Collection, UNC Library, Chapel Hill. McClure, James, "Ten Years of the Farmers' Federation," Mountain Life and Work, VII (April, 1930), 23-25. Madison, Bobert Lee, "Experiences of a Pedagogue in the Carolina Highlands," series of articles, Asheville Citizen-Times (April 23-August IJ, 1938). Mason, Henry McGilbert, "Memoir of a Southern Appalachian Mountaineer," typescript. Merrimon, A. S., "The A. S. Merrimon Journal," North Carolina Historical Review, VIII, 300-330. Mordecai, Alfred, "James Edwin Brooks, M.D." North Carolina Medical journal Oune, 1958). "Notes from the John C. Campbell Folk School," Mountain Life and Work Oan., 1928). Pinchot, Gifford, Biltmore Forest, An Account of Its Treatment and the Results of the First Year's Work (Chicago, 1893). Booklet distributed at the World's Fair. Pinchot, Gifford, Breaking New Ground (New York, 1947). Schenck, Carl Alvin, The Biltmore Story (St. Paul, 1955). Schenck, Carl Alvin, The Forest Fair in Biltmore Forest (Asheville, 1908). Schenck, David, Diary, Vol. 8, "Jottings on the Circuits," typed from the originals given by Paul W. Schenck, Southern Historical Collection, UNC Library, Chapel Hill. Settle, Thomas, Papers, Southern Historical Collection, UNC Library, Chapel Hill. Seven Months a Prisoner: or Thirty-six Days in the Woods (Indianapolis, r868). Simpson, George L., Western North Carolina Associated Communities (Cherokee, 1956). Sloop, Mary M., and Le Gette Blythe, Miracle in the Hills (New York, 1953). Smith, H. P., Some Results of Mission Work in the Mountains of North Carolina (Asheville, 1898). The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Qfficial Records rif the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D.C., 1897). �Sources / 417 Warner, Charles Dudley, On Horseback: a Tour in Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee (Boston, I888). Washburn, Benjamin E., As I Recall (New York, I960). _ _ _ _ A Country Doctor in the South Mou11tains (Asheville, 1955). _ _ _ _ A History of the North Carolina State Board of Health, I877-1925 (Raleigh, 1966). _ _ _ _ Rutheiford County and Its Hospital (Spindale, 1960). Washington, Lawrence D., Confessions of a Schoolmaster (San Antonio, 1939). West, John Foster, "Folklore of a Mountain Childhood," North Carolina Folklore, XVI (November, I968), No. 3, I66-I69. Western North Carolina Land Company (Philadelphia, I 874), also I 876 and I 883 editions). Wiley, Calvin H., Papers, Southern Historical Collection, UNC Library, Chapel Hill. Zeigler, Wilbur G., and Ben S. Grosscup, The Heart of the Alleghanies or Western North Carolina (Raleigh, r883). OFFICIAL REPORTS, DOCUMENTS, AND GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS Acts Relating to the Western North Carolina Railroad (n/d) a bound reprint of all acts, I852-r88o. The Applachian Trail, Forest Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture. This is one of hundreds of brochures published by the U.S. Forest Service concerning the facilities and opportunities offered the public in the the National forests, which may be obtained from the Asheville office of the service. Ayres, H. B. and W. W. Ashe, Southern Appalachian Forests. (Washington, I905). U.S. Geological Survey, Professional Paper No. 37. Biennial Reports of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction, I 887-1888 to the present. All of these were searched for data concerning the public schools. Cameron, J. D., Handbook of the State of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1893). "Cherokee Indian Agency," U.S. Department of the Interior, mimeographed. Clark, Walter, ed., Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-1865 (Raleigh, 1927) 5 vols. Clark, Walter, Ed., North Carolina State Records. Connor, R. D. W., North Carolina Handbook, (Raleigh, I9I3)County and City Data Book, various issues by the U.S. Census. Documents of the Sessions of the North Carolina General Assembly, 1871, 187 2, 1879. Investigations of fraud and corruption. Educational Publications of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Valuable source of data throughout the entire period. First Biennial Report of the Commissioners to Build the Western Insane Asylum of North Carolina at Morganton, N.C. (Raleigh, 1876). �4 I 8 / Sources Holmes, J. A., and William Cain, North Carolina Geological Survey (Raleigh, 1893). Laws and Resolutions of the State of North Carolina Passed by the General Assembly at Its Session of 1876-1877 (Raleigh, 1877). North Carolina Agricultural Statistics: Tobacco, Featuring County Estimates, 1925-1968 (Raleigh, 1968). North Carolina Constitution. North Carolina Board of Health, Biennial Reports. North Carolina Board of Higher Education in North Carolina, Reports. North Carolina Department of Water and Air Resources, annual reports. North Carolina Geological Survey, Mineral Industry of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1901ff. Economic Papers nos. 4, 6-9, II, 14, 15, 23, 34, 49, 55, 6o). North Carolina Tobacco Reports, 1967-1968, Bulletin of the N.C. Dept. of Agriculture, No. 191 (May, 1968). Page, Roger J., The Code of the City of Asheville (Asheville, 1887). Parker, John M., III, Residual Kaolin Deposits of the Spruce Pine District (Bulletin No. 8, N.C. Dept. of Conservation and Development 1946). Pickett, George, "Report," N. C. Department of Air and Water Resources at Governor Moore's Conference in Asheville, 1968. The Power Situation in North Carolina, N. C. Dept. of Conservation and Development, 1924. Pratt, Joseph Hyde, Good Roads Days. (Ec. Paper No. 35, Raleigh, 1914). _ _ _ _ Proceedings of the Annual Convention of the North Carolina Good Roads Association (Charlotte 1912). _ _ _ _ Proceedings of the Good Roads Institute (Raleigh, 1914). _ _ _ _ and Miss H. M. Berry, Geological and Economic Survey, Economic Paper No. 44 (Raleigh, 1917). Public Education in North Carolina, a Report by the Educational Commission (1920). Report of the Board of Directors, State School for the Deaf and Dumb, Morganton, I 89 5. A Report from Western North Carolina University: Story of Twenty Years Progress (Cullowhee, 1969). State of North Carolina Wildlife Commission, Official Regulations. Trees, The Year book of Agriculture, U.S. Department of Agriculture (Washington, D.C., 1949). Weather and Climate. Bulletin No. 396, Experiment Station (Raleigh) MASTERS' THESES AND DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS Allen, Roscoe J., "A History and Development of Education in Wilkes County North Carolina," thesis, University of Tennessee, 1952. Bowlick, C. A., "A Study of the Cranberry Ore Belt," thesis, Appalachian State University, hereinafter cited as ASU. �Sources / 419 Cotton, W. D., "Appalachian North Carolina, a Political Study ... ," doctoral dissertation, UNC, Chapel Hill, 1954. Gardner, Anne Cofield, "Social Organization and Community Solidarity in Painttown," thesis, UNC, Chapel Hill. Hartman, Vladimir E., "A Cultural Study of a Mountain Community in Western North Carolina," doctoral dissertation, UNC, Chapel Hill, 1957· Holcombe, David, "The Western North Carolina Railroad," thesis, Wake Forest University. Jolley, Harley, "The Blue Ridge Parkway: Origins and Early Development," doctoral dissertation, Florida State University, 1964, recently expanded and published by the University of Tennessee Press. Jones, Perry, "The European Wild Boar in North Carolina," thesis, ASU, 1959· Kuhlman, Clarence E., "Municipally Owned Electric Utilities in North Carolina," doctoral dissertation, UNC, Chapel Hill, 1941. Penley, Larry, "A Baptist People and the Events Leading to the Formation of the Three Forks Association," thesis, ASU. Perritt, Lytton Gladstone, "Growth and Development of Electric Power in the Carolinas," doctoral dissertation, UNC, Chapel Hill. Plemmons, William H., "The City of Asheville," thesis, Duke University. Schaff, W. R., "The Growth and Development of Education in Caldwell County," thesis, UNC, Chapel Hill, 1926. Sparks, Doris, "The History of Patterson School, Caldwell County," thesis, ASU, 195!. Thomas, David Nolan, "The Early History of the North Carolina Furniture Industry, I 880-1921, doctoral dissertation, UNC, Chapel Hill, 1964. Ward, Francis Ehl, "The East Tennessee and Western North Carolina Railroad," thesis, ASU. Williams, Cratis, "The Southern Mountaineer in Fiction," doctoral dissertation, New York University, Ann Arbor Microfilm. Wooten, Samuel R., "A History of Richmond Hill Law School," thesis, ASU, 1963. PERIODICALS Abrams, Amos, "Frank Proffitt: A Legend A-Borning," North Carolina Folklore, XIV (Nov., 1966), No. 2, p. 19. Argow, Keith, "The Cradle of Forestry in America," journal of Forestry, LXII (1964), reprinted from American Forests (May, 1954). Armstrong Anne W., "The Southern Mountaineers," The Yale Review (Spring, 1935). Ashe, W. W ., "Creation of the Eastern National Forests," American Forestry (Sept., 1922), 521-25. Ashe W W., "Linville Gorge, A State Park for North Carolina," Parks and Recreation (Jan.-Feb., 1923), 235-90. �420 / Sources "Ballads and Songs of Western North Carolina," Journal of American Folkiore, XII (April, May, June, 1909), 238. Bell, Marshall, "Hon. Cope Elias, a Memorial Sketch," Report of the Thirteenth Annual Meeting of the North Carolina Bar Assn., 60-62. The bar association reports contain obituaries of deceased lawyers. Burnett, Edward Candy, "The Hog Drivers' Play Song and Some of Its Relatives," Agricultural History, XXXIII, 161. Canby, Henry Seidel, "Top of Smoky," Harpers, (March, 1916), pp. 580583. "Backwinds of the Blue Ridge," Blackwood's Magazine (Dec., 1912). "An American Backwater," Blackwoods Magazine (Sept., 19II), pp. 355-66. Buckley, S. B., "Mountains of North Carolina and Tennessee," American Journal of Science and Arts, XXVII (March, 1859). Carter, L. L. "Appalachian Highlands," Travel Magazine (Sept., 1909). Chapman, Marston, "American Speech as Practiced in the Southern Highlands," New York Century Magazine, CXVII (1929), 617-623. Connor, R. D. W., "The Peabody Educational Fund," South Atlantic Quarterly, V, 169-181. Cope, James, "Mountaineers of Western North Carolina," Mountain Life and Work, I (Oct., 1925), No. 3, 9-11. Eaton, Allen, "The Mountain Handicrafts," Mountain Life and Work, VI, No. 2, 22-30. French Broad River Basin Pollution Survey Report, State Stream Sanitation Committee, N. C. State Board of Health, 1957. Fuller, Raymond, "All-time American Stock," Mentor, XVI (7), 15-16. Griffith, Robert W., "Industrial Development of Western North Carolina," The Southern Tourist (March, 1926). Guild, Curtis, Jr., "The Appalachian Forests," American Forestry, XVI (1910), 69. Gwaltney, W. R., "Capture of Fort Hamby," The Statesville Landmark (6, 19, 1903). Harmon, George D., "The North Carolina Cherokees and the New Echota Treaty of 1835," North Carolina Historical Review, VI Ouly, 1929), 237-253· Hatcher,]. Wesley, "Glimpses of Apalachian America's Basic Conditions of Living," Mountain Life and Work, XIV Oan., 1939). Holliman, Harvey, "A Factory in the Sky," Mountain Life and Work, X, 29. Traces Enka from the start to 1940. Huffman, Alfred, "The Mountaineer in Industry," Mountain Life and Work, V Oan., 1930), 5-7. Hunter, Kermit, "The Outdoor Historical Drama," North Carolina Historical Review, XXX, 218-222. Kennedy, Philip Houston, "Present Status of Ballad Collecting and Geographical Ballad Distribution in North Carolina," North Carolina Folklore, XIII, r -2, 67-82. �Sources / 42 I Kirke, Edmund, "On the French Broad," Lippincotts Magazine (Dec., 1840). Knight, Edgar W., "Education in the Southern Mountains," School and Society Ouly 29, 1922), 13 pages. Loehr, Rodney C., "Saving the Kerf: the Introduction of the Bandsaw," Agricultural History, XXIII Ouly, 1949), 168-172. Maunder, Elwood R. and Elwood Demmon, "Trailblazing in the Southern Paper Industry," Forest History, V (1961) 6-12. Mooney, James, "Folklore of the Carolina Mountains," Journal of American Folklore (April-June, 1889). Moser, Joan, "Traditional Music of the Southern Appalachians: Traditional Fiddle Tunes," North Carolina Folklore, XII (Dec., 1964), No. 2, p. 2. Myers, John, "The Mountaineer in Industry," Mountain Life and Work, VI Ouly, 1930), 7-11. North Carolina Medical journal. All volumes were examined for data concerning the western counties. Phifer, Edward W., "Saga of a Burke County Family," North Carolina Historical Review, XXXIX, three installments. _ _ _ _ "Slavery in Microcosm: Burke County, North Carolina," Journal of Southern History, XXVIII, 137-165. "Picturesque America on the French Broad River," Appleton's journal (1870-71). Pinchot, Gifford, "How Forestry Began in the United States," Agricultural History, XI Oan., 1937), 255-265. "Pisgah Forest Purchased," American Forests, XX (1914), 425-429. Pratt, H. H., "Southern Appalachian Forest Reserve," Elisah Mitchell Scientific Society journal (December, 1905), 156-64. Price Overton W., "George Washington Vanderbilt, Pioneer in Forestry," American Forests, XX (1914), 419-425. _ _ _ _ "Practical Forestry in Southern Appalachians," Yearbook of the U.S. Dept. of Agriculture (1900). Rambo, M. G., "The 'Submerged Tenth' Among the Southern Mountaineers," Methodist Review Ouly, 1905), 565-75. Randolph, H. S., "The Asheville Farm School," Mountain Life and Work (October, 1932), 16-20. Reece, W. Todd, "Mores of Mountain Music," North Carolina Folklore, VIII (Dec., 1968), No. 2, 36-37. Schantz, 0. M., "Beyond the Haze in the High Smokies," Country Life in America (Aug., 1926), 6o-6r. Sharp, Paul F., "The Tree-Farming Movement: Its Origin and Development," Agricultural History, XXXIII (April, 1949), 41-45. Sheppard, Muriel E., "Forgotten Valley," South Atlantic Quarterly, XXXIII (1934), 63-82. Shurtleff, A. A., "A visit to the Proposed National Park Areas in the Southern Appalachians," Landscape Architecture, Oan., 1926), 67-73. Smiley, David L., "Educational Attitudes of North Carolina Baptists," North Carolina Historical Review, XXXV (1958), 316-27. �422 / Sources Smith, Charles Dennis, "The Appalachian Park Movement, I885-190I," North Carolina Historical Review, XXXVII, 58-65. Smith,]. R., "Farming Appalachia," The American Review ofReviews (March, 19I6), 329-36. Street, Julia Montgomery, "Mountain Dulcimer," North Carolina Folklore, XIV (Nov., 1966), No. 2, 27. Tieran, Frances Fisher (Christian Reid), "The Mountain Regions of North Carolina," Appleton's journal, (March, I877). Watkins, Floyd C., "Thomas Wolfe," South Atlantic Quarterly, I (195 I). Wilds, ]. T., "The Mountain Whites of the South," Missionary Review (Dec., I 895). Woolson, Constance Fenimore, "The French Broad," Harper's New Monthly Magazine (April, I 875). GENERAL WORKS, REGIONAL, COUNTY, AND LOCAL HISTORIES Alexander, Nancy, Here Will I Dwell (Lenoir, I956), A History of Caldwell County. Allen, W. C., History of Haywood County (Waynesville, 1908). Allen, Martha N., Asheville and Land of the Sky (Charlotte, I960). Alley, Felix A., Random Thoughts and Musings of a Mountaineer (Salisbury). Anderson, Robert Campbell, The Story of Montreat from Its Beginning, I8971947 (Montreat, I947). Annual Eastern National Park to Park Guide (Asheville). Arthur, John Preston, Western North Carolina: A History from 1730-1913 (Raleigh, I914). Awle, Wm. Cicero, Centennial of Haywood County and Its County Seat (Waynesville, 1908). Baker, Gladys, The County Agent (Chicago, 1939). Barrett, John, North Carolina As a Civil War Battleground (Raleigh, I960). _ _ _ _ The Civil War in North Carolina (Chapel Hill, I963). Biltmore House and Gardens, pamphlet published by the Biltmore Company. Biographical Directory of the American Congress (Washington, D.C. ). Biographical History of North Carolina (Greensboro, ). Bird, William Ernest, "Geographic and Historical Backgrounds of the Cullowhee Area," paper read to the joint meeting of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association and the Western North Carolina Historical Association, Cullowhee, July 22, 1960. _ _ _ _ The History of Western Carolina College: The Progress of an Idea (Chapel Hill, I963). Black Mountain College: The Visual Arts As Practiced at Black Mountain College. Program of an exhibit with historical sketch, Carroll Rice Museum (I966). Blythe, LeGette, Mountain Doctor (New York, I964). �Sources / 423 Boswell, Martha Gash, "Notes on Transylvania Railroad," Transylvania Souvenir Program, r86r-1961 (Brevard, 1961). _ _ _ _ "Brevard's First Boom," Ibid. Boyd, C. R. Resources of Southwest Virginia (New York, r88r). Brooks, James E., Green Leaf and Gold (Raleigh, 1962). Brown, Cecil Kenneth, The State Highway System of North Carolina, Its Evolution and Present Status (Chapel Hill, 193 r). _ _ _ _ , A State Movement in Railroad Development (Chapel Hill, 1928). Brown, Frank C., Collection of North Carolina Folklore, gen. ed., Norman I. White (Durham, 1952), 7 vols. Brown, Hugo Victor, A History of the Education of Negroes (Raleigh, 1961). Brown, 0 Lester, Blanford Barnard Dougherty: A Man to Match His Mountains (Boone, 1963). Buckingham, James S., Slave States of America (London, 1842). Burkhead, L. S., A Centennial History of Methodism in North Carolina (Raleigh, 1876). Camp, Cordelia, David Lowry Swain: Governor and University President. (Asheville, 1963). _ _ _ _ , Governor Vance: A Life for Young People (Asheville, 1961). _ _ _ _ , "Handicrafts in Western North Carolina Highlands," typescript. _ _ _ _ A Thought at Midnight (Asheville, 1969). The Asheville Teachers College. Campbell, John C., The Southern Highlander and His Homeland (New York, 1921). Campbell, Olive Dame, and Cecil Sharp, English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians (New York and London, 1917). _ _ _ _ , Southern Highland Schools Maintained by Denominational and Independent Agencies (New York, 1921). Carolina and Northwestern Railway, People's Own Line (Richmond, 1877). Cathey, Cornelius 0., Agriculture in North Carolina Before the Civil War (Raleigh, 1967). Centennial History of Clay County, North Carolina, 1861-1961 (Hayesville, 1961). Chase, Richard, Gran4father Tales: American-English Folk Tales (Boston, 1948). The Cherokee Indian, Qualla Indian Reservation. Booklet. Chunn, Ida, Descriptive Guidebook to North Carolina Mountains (New York, r88r). Clark, Elmer T., Methodism in Western North Carolina (Lake Junaluska, 1966). Cohen, John, "Introduction to Styles in Old-Time Music," New Lost City Ramblers Song Book (New York, 1964). Connor, R. D. W., Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth (Chapel Hill, 1930). Cooper, Horton, History of Avery County (Newland, 1963). Co-operative Study of the City of Asheville- Buncombe County, North Carolina State Board of Health Conference (Jan. 30-Feb. 5, 1963). �424 / Sources Corbitt, David Leroy, The Formation of the North Carolina Counties 16631943 (Raleigh, 1950). Crabtree, Beth G., North Carolina Governors, 1585-1958 (Raleigh, 1958). Craig, D. I., A History of the Development of the Presbyterian Church in North Carolina and of Synodical Home Missions (Richmond, 1907). Cranford, Fred, The Waldenses of Burke County (Morganton, 1969). Croffert, W. A., The Vanderbilts (New York, 1886). Crouch, John, Historical Sketches of Wilkes County (Wilkesboro, 1902). Cushman, Rebecca, Swing Your Mountain Gal (Boston and New York, 1934). _ _ _ _ "Seed of Fire," book-length typescript, many photographs. North Carolina Collection, UNC Library, Chapel Hill. Dabney, Charles William, Universal Education in the South (Chapel Hill, 1936). Daniels, Jonathan, Tar Heels (New York, 1947). Davidson, Donald, The Tennessee (New York, 1948). Davidson, John Mitchell, "Sketch of the Davidson Family," typescript in North Carolina Room, Pack Memorial Library, Asheville. Davidson, Theodore F., "Reminiscences and Traditions of Western North Carolina," paper read before the Pen and Plate Club of Asheville. De Long, Mrs. Roy J., "Food Preservation in Early Transylvania County," Transylvania County Centennial Historical Program (Brevard, 1961). Dorland-Bell Schools Bulletin. Drane, Brent S., Chestnut and the Chestnut Blight (Raleigh). Dugger, Shepherd M., The War Trails of the Blue Ridge (Banner Elk, 1932). _ _ _ _ , The Balsam Groves of Grandfather Mountain (Philadelphia, 1909). Dykeman, Wilma, Prophet of Plenty (Knoxville, 1966). _ _ _ _ and James Stokely, Seeds of Southern Change: The Life of Will Alexander (New York, 1962). Eaton, Allen, Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands (New York, 1937). Edmonds, Helen G., The NeJ?,ro and Fusion Politics in North Carolina, 18941901 (Chapel Hill, 1951). Ehle, John, The Road (New York, 1967). Electric Power in a Finer Carolina, Carolina Power and Light Co. pamphlet. Feasibility Study, Continuing Education Center (for ASU) (Helen, Georgia, 1969). Fiftieth Anniversary Rededication and Open House of Grace Hospital, Morganton, May 13, 1956, contains historical sketch. Fiske, John, Old Virginia and Her Neighbors (Boston, 1897). Fletcher, Arthur, A History of Ashe County Qefferson, 1963). Fletcher, J. L., A History of the Ashe, North Carolina, and New River, Virginia, Baptist Associations (Raleigh, 1935). The Floods of 1916. Southern Railway Co. (1917). Freel, Mrs. C. S., "Fort Butler and the Cherokee Departure for the Indian Territory." Address. �Sources / 42 5 Freel, Margaret, Our Heritage: The People of Cherokee County, North Carolina. Frome, Michael, Strangers in High Places (Garden City, New York, 1966). Gibson, Henry H., American Forest Trees, ed. by H. Maxwell (Chicago, 1913). Glea Alpine Springs, (advertising pamphlet, 1879). Gray, Idyl Dial, Azure Lure: A Romance of the Mountains (Asheville, 1924). Griffin, Clarence W., History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 17301936 (Asheville, 1937). _ _ _ _ , History of Rutherford County, 1937-1951 (Asheville, 1957). _ _ _ _ , Western North Carolina Sketches (Forest City, 1941). Gulick, John, Cherokees at the Crossroads (Chapel Hill, 1960). Hale, P.M., In the Coal and Iron Counties of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1883). _ _ _ _ , Woods and Timbers of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1890). Harden, John, North Carolina Roads and their Builders, II (Raleigh, 1966). Hayes, Johnson, The Land of Wilkes (Wilkesboro, 1962). Helper, Hinton Rowan, The Impending Crisis of the South (New York, 1857). Henderson, Archibald, The Conquest of the Old Southwest (New York, 1920). Henredon Furniture Industries, Inc., Annual Report, (1968). Henry, Mellinger E., Folk-Songs from the Southern Highlands (New York, 1938). Herring, Harriet L., Passing of the Mill Village: Revolution in a Southern Institution (Chapel Hill, 1949). Hickerson, Thomas Felix, Echoes of Happy Valley: Letters and Diaries, Family Life in the South, Civil War History (Chapel Hill, 1962). _ _ _ _ , Happy Valley (Durham, 1940). Hobbs, Samuel H., Jr., North Carolina Economic and Social (Chapel Hill, 1930). Holder, Rose Howell, Mciver of North Carolina (Chapel Hill, 1957). Hollingsworth, Jesse G., History of Surry County, or Annals of Northwest North Carolina (Greensboro, 1935). Holmes, J. S., Mount Mitchell and Mount Mitchell State Park (1919). Housley, Jay, Brief History of Tapoco and the Great Smoky Country (Tapoco Lodge, nfd). Hoyle, Bernadette, Tar Heel Writers I Know (Winston-Salem, 1956). Illick, Joseph S., Tree Habits: How to Know the Hardwoods (Washington, D.C., 1924). Illustrated Guidebook of the Western North Carolina Railroad (n/d). Jackson, George Pullen, Another Sheaf of White Spirituals (Gainesville, Florida, 1952). _ _ _ _ , White Spirituals of the South Uplands (Chapel Hill, 1933). _ _ _ _ , Spiritual Folk Songs of Early America (New York, 1937). Jefferys, Grady, Crossties Through Carolilw (Raleigh, 1969). Jenkins, Mark, Historical Sketch of Calvary Episcopal Church (Fletcher, 1958). Johnson, Gerald W., The Making of a Southern Industrialist (Chapel Hill, 1952). Johnson, Monte, "The Presbyterian," Religion in the Appalachian Mountains (Berea, 1955). �426 / Sources Judson College Catalogue, 1890-1891. Kephart, Horace, National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains (Asheville, 1925). _ _ _ _ , Our Southern Highlanders (New York, 1922). Kerr, W. C., Western North Carolina (Raleigh, 1883). King, Edward, The Great South (Hartford, 1875). Knight, Edgar W., Public School Education in North Carolina (Durham, 1916). Koch, Frederick H., Smoky Mountain Road (Chapel Hill, 1939). Leach, MacEdward, The Ballad Book (New York, 1933). Lefler, Hugh T. and Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina: The History of a Southern State (Chapel Hill, 1954). Lewis, Charles Lee, Philander Priestly Claxton: Crusader for Public Education (Knoxville, 1948). Lomax, Alan, The Folk Songs of North America (New York, 1960). Long, W. Ray, An Historical Sketch of Linville (n/d). Lovvorn, R. L., Health and Health Services in the Southern Appalachians (Raleigh, 1959). McCrary, Mary Jane, The Goodly Heritage (Brevard, 1959). _ _ _ _ , "Transylvania County, 1861-1961" Transylvania County Centennial Historical Souvenir Program (Brevard, 1961). McLeod, John, From These Stones (Mars Hill, 1965). McNelley, Pat, ed., The First Forty Years: John C. Campbell Folkschool (Brasstown, 1966). Malone, Dumas, Edwin A. Alderman, a Biography (New York, 1946). Manpower Education in Western North Carolina (Washington, D.C. 1968). Mead, Martha N., Asheville in the Land of the Sky (Richmond, 1942). Mead Corporation, Progress Report for Employees: Forty Years of Progress in Sylva, North Carolina, (Typescript, n/d). Medford, W. Clark, Land of the Sky (Waynesville, ). _ _ _ _ , Mountain People, Mountain Times (Waynesville, 1963). Miller, Leonard P., Education in Buncombe County (Asheville, 1965). Milling, Chapman J., Red Carolinians (Chapel Hill, 1940). Montreat-Anderson College Catalogue, 1913 through 1966, shows the history year by year. Moore, Hight C., Patton: Southern Highlander. A Biography of Reverend Robert Logan Patton (n/d). Morgan, Lucy, and LeGette Blythe, Gift From the Hills (New York, 1958). Morley, Margaret, The Carolina Mountains (Boston and New York, 1913). Noble, M. C. S., A History of the Public School of North Carolina (Chapel Hill, 1930). Mount Mitchell Railroad (Asheville, 1918). Mountain Research Station. Pamphlet distributed at the station. Niles, John J., Songs of the Hill Folk: Twelve Ballads from Kentucky, Virginia, and North Carolina ( 1934). North Carolina Good Roads Association, Road Maps and Tour Book (1916). Nowell, Elizabeth, The Letters of Thomas Wolfe (New York, 1956). Nowell, Elizabeth, Thomas Wolfe (New York, 1960). �Sources / 42 7 Orr, Oliver H., Jr., Charles Brantley Aycock (Chapel Hill, 1961). Pace, Herbert E., Fifty Years Ago Around Saluda (Saluda, 1957). Parker, Haywood, Folklore of the North Carolina Mountaineer (Asheville, 1906). Parris, John A., My Mountains, My People (Asheville, 1957). _ _ _ _ , Roaming the Mountains (Asheville, 1955). Patton, Sadie Smathers, "Madison County," unpublished typescript. _ _ _ _, "Mills River Baptist Church: the History of the First Hundred years," typescript. _ _ _ _ , "Pages from the History of the Speculation Lands in Western North Carolina," typescript in North Carolina Collection, UNC Library, Chapel Hill. _ _ _ _ , ·Sketches of Polk County History (Hendersonville, 1950). _ _ _ _ , The Story of Henderson County (Asheville, 1947). Pearson, James Larkin, Fifty Acres and Other Poems (Wilkesboro, 1933). Pearson, Thomas, Richmond Hill Museum (Asheville, 1959). The 191 6 Pictorial History of Haywood County, special industrial and resort edition of the Carolina Mountaineer and the Canton Observer. Reprint. Plyler, Alva W., "The Early Circuit Riders of Western North Carolina," address before the Western North Carolina Conference Historical Society (Asheville, Nov. 14, 1917). Pomeroy, Kenneth B., andJames G. Yoho, North Carolina Lands (Washington, D.C., ). Population and Economic Analysis of the Asheville Metropolitan Area and the Western North Carolina Region That It Serves (Asheville, 1966). Powell, William S. Higher Education in North Carolina (Raleigh, 1964). Preslaw, Charles]. ed., A History of Catawba County (Salisbury, 1954). Price, Charles L., "The Railroad Schemes of George W. Swepson," East Carolina College Publications in History, I (1964), 32-50. Price, R. M., Holston Methodism (Nashville, 1908). Pringle, George H., Inventory of Assets of Jackson County, Jackson County Chamber of Commerce, (n/d). Proceedings of the North Carolina Teachers Assembly, Haywood White Sulphur Springs, June 16-July r, 1884. Putnam, John F., The Plucked Dulcimer of the Southern Mountains (Berea, 1957). Richmond and Danville Railroad, Excursion Guide to Virginia and North Carolina Health Resorts (r883). Richmond and Danville Railroad, Summer Resort (1884). Richardson, Frank, From Sunrise to Sunset (Bristol, 1910). Roberts, Bruce, The Face of North Carolina (Charlotte, 1960). Robertson, Archie, Slow Train to Yesterday (Boston, 1945). Sage, Frances and Margaretta Williamson, Rural Children in Selected Counties in North Carolina (Washington, D.C., 1918). Sawyer, Harriet Adams, Souvenir of Asheville or Skyland (St. Louis, 1892). Scarborough, Dorothy, A Songcatcher in the Southern Mountains (New York, 1937). �428 / Sources Scheer, Julian, Tweetsie, The Blue Ridge Stemwinder (Charlotte, 1958). Sharpe, William, A New Geography of North Carolina, 3 vols. (Raleigh, 1954). _ _ _ _ , A Complete Guide to the Mountains of North Carolina (Raleigh, 19 53). Sill, James B., Historical Sketches: Diocese of Western North Carolina (Asheville, 1955). Small, John K., Flora of the Southeastern United States, 2nd ed. (New York, 1913). Smathers, G. H., The History of Land Titles in Western North Carolina, (1938). Smith, A. D., Western North Carolina Historical and Biographical (Charlotte, 1890). Smith, R. P., Experiences in Mountain Mission Work (Richmond, 1931). Smith, Harvey L., Society and Health in a Mountain Community (Chapel Hill, 1961). Sondley, F. A., "Colonel Allen Turner Davidson," address, 1922. _____ , History of Buncombe County, 2 vols., (Asheville, 1930). South, Stanley, Indians of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1959). Southern Railway, Flood of July, 1916: How the Southern Railway Met an Emergency (1917). Spencer, Cornelia Phillips, The Last Ninety Days of the War in North Carolina (New York, 1866). Spilman, Bernard W., Ridgecrest- Past, Present, Future (Ridgecrest, 1928). Stephens, Eleanor B. What We Can Do (Asheville, 1962). Stevens, William, Anvil of Adversity (New York, 1968). Stillwell, E. H., Notes on the History of Western North Carolina Part I: A Handbook and Syllabus (Cullowhee, 1927). Strange, Robert, Eoneguski, or The Cherokee Chief (1839). Taliaferro, Hardin E., "Fisher River Sketches," Harper's New Monthly Magazine (1859); reproduced, 1955. Thomasson, Lillian Franklin, Swain County, Early History and Educational Development (Bryson City, 1965). Tiernan, Frances Fisher (Christian Reid), The Land of the Sky (New York, I 876). Tilley, Nannie Lee, The Bright Leaf Tobacco Industry, 1860-1926 (Chapel Hill, 1948). Tindall, George B., The Emergence of the New South (Baton Rouge, 1967). Toynbee, Arnold J. The Study of History (New York and London, 1947). Van Noppen, Ina W., Stoneman's Last Raid (Boone, 1961). Walser, Richard, The Enigma of Thomas Wolfe (Cambridge, ). _ _ _ _ , Nematodes in My Garden of Verse: A Little Book of Tar Heel Poems (Winston-Salem, 1959). _ _ _ _ , North Carolina Poetry (Richmond, 1951). _ _ _ _ , Poets of North Carolina (Richmond, 1963). Warren Wilson College Catalogue, 1969-70. �Sources / 429 Watts, George B., The Waldenses in the New World (Durham, 1941). Way, William W., Jr., The Clinchfield Railroad (Chapel Hill, 1931). Waynick, Capus, North Carolina Roads and Their Builders, I (Raleigh, 1949). Weatherford, W. D., Life and Religion in Southern Appalachia (New York, 1962). Western North Carolina Regional Planning Commission Report (r96r). White, M. L., The History of Amos Owens of Cherry Mountain (Polkville, 1901). Whitener, Daniel J., A History of Watauga County (Boone, 1949). Wilburn, Hiram C., Cherokee Landmarks Around the Great Smokies (Asheville, 1966). Wiley, Calvin, North Carolina Reader, No. III (New York, 1868). Wilgus, D. K., Anglo-American Folksong Scholarship Since 1898 (New Brusnwick, 1959). Wilson, Mary Moretz, "Nineteenth Century Education in Watauga County," typescript. _ _ _ _ , "The Deep Gap Tie and Lumber Company," typescript. Wolfe, Tom, "The Last American Hero," The Kandy-Kolored Tangerine Flake Streamline Baby (New York, 1963). Wolfe, Thomas You Can't Go Home Again (New York, 1934). _ _ _ _ , The Hills Beyond (New York, 1941). Woodward, Van, Origins of the New South (Baton Rouge, 1951). Yates, Bowling C., "Culture Study of the Pink Beds, Cradle of Forestry in America," address to the Western North Carolina Historical Assn., Ouly 24, 1964). �INDEX Aaron Seminary, I 58 Abernethy, Rev., Laban, 91, 154 Abrams, Dr. Amos, 231 Alderman, Edwin A., I33, 166, 167, 171, I74, I79 Alexander's Inn, 39 Alexander, James Mitchell, 39 Alexander, Nancy, 220 Alexander Schools, I 57 Allanstand Industries, I 86, 226 Alleghany County, 3, 20, 48, 73, 92, 98, I 19, 136, I42, r66, 169,277,279,284,285,292, 333. 337. 344 Allen High School, I5I, I58-159 Allen Industrial Home, see Allen High School Allen, Maria, I 12 Allen, Wilson, 42, 44 Anderson, Dr. R. C., 162 Anderson, W.W., 245 Andrews, 266 Anesthesia, use of, ro6 Appalachian Regional Commission, 119 Appalachian Regional Development program, I 4 7 Appalachian School, 163, 164, 187 Appalachian State Normal School, see Appalachian State University Appalachian State University, 140, 145, 146, 147, I79-18J,2I8,220,277, 354,368 Appalachian Training School, see Appalachian State University Apple culture, 280-281 Arden, 84,87, 163, I93. I95. I98 Arthur, John Preston, 220 Asbury, Bishop Francis, 75, 77 Ashe County, 2, 3, 8, 20, 48, 73, 84, 93, 96, !04, 108, II], II9, 137. J40, 142, 177, 194, 220, 245, 253. 266, 269, 270, 272, 277. 279, 280,28~285,286,]]3, 342, 34~ 353 Asheville, 8, 10, 16, 34, 35, 36, 37, 58, 70, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 91, 92, 100, I06, IQ9, III, II5, IJ7, 1 I8, 126, 127, 141, 142, 143. '44. 148, 151, 158, 159, 167, 177, 181, I96, 198, 204,208-209, 2II, 214,220,222,225,239, 241,253,254,255,268,276,279, ]26, ]28, 366,378-388 Asheville-Biltmore College, see UNC at Asheville Asheville-Biltmore Technical Institute, 113 Asheville Farm School, I 59, 160 Asheville Female College, 37, 158 Asheville Male Academy, 57 Asheville Normal and Associated Schools, 159 Asheville Normal and Collegiate Institute, I59-I6I Associate Reformed Presbyterian Church, 87 Avery, Major Alphonso Calhoun, II, ]2, 33, 88, 91 Avery County, ], 20, 47, I IJ, I29, 137, IJ8, IJ9, I42, I48, 149, I 58, '93, 220, 229, 277, 279, 3JI, 332, 342, 344 Avery County High School, 139 Avery, Isaac, 28, 89 Avery, William Waighstill, 28, 32, 91 Aycock, Charles Brantley, 93, IJ2, IJ6, 179 Ayers, H.B. and W.W. Ashe, report, 297 Bader, William, 193 Bailey, Judge John L., 88, 91, 92 Bakersville, 44, 4 7, 90, 29 3 Ballads, 226-230 Balsam Mountains, 1, 7, 53 Banner Elk, 8, I39, I62 Baptist, 32, 37, 7I, 72-74 Baptist, Free Will, 37, 73, 87 Baptist, Missionary, 73 Baptist, Primitive, 73 Battery Park Hotel, 58, 259 Beaucatcher Mountain, 36 Beaver Creek, 85 Bechtlcr's Mint, 57 Beech Creek, I 9 5 Bell, Croydon and Thelma Harrington, 220 Bellevue, 32 Belvedere, 3 2 Ben Lippen, 87 Benners, I. N., 127 Berry, S.V., 85 Bethel Baptist Assn., 73 Biltmore, 187, 298-301, 302, 307 Biltmore Forest, 302, 306 Biltmore Junior College, see UNC at Asheville Biltmore Village, 8 5 Bingham, Major Harvey, 8, I4 Bird, Dean William Ernest, 52, 220 Blackburn, Edmund Spencer, 98 Black Mountain, 37, 87, I69, 298 Black Mountain College, I I 5 Black Mountain Range, I, 40, 4I Blake, Fanny, 83 Blalock, Keith, 8 Bledsoe, George, 222 Blount, John Gray, 4 Blowing Rock, 10, 85, 1 ro, 179, 197, 326, 3JI, 373. 375 Blowing Rock Assembly, 87 Blowing Rock-Lenoir Turnpike, 372 Blue Ridge Assembly, 87 Blue Ridge Hearthside Crafts Assn., I93, I94 Blue Ridge Parkway, II9, 337-340, 389 Blythe, Legette, 221 Board of Health, State, I04, I06, 107, II6 Board of Water and Air Resources, I I 5 Bonclarken, 87 Boner, John Henry, 2I8 "Boom and Bust," Asheville, 386-388 Boon, Samuel, McDaniel, and Thomas, 42 Boone,47-48, 167,195,267,277,367-368 Bostian, L. E., 82 Bowie, Thomas C. (Tam), 93, 333 Bowman, Jacob M., 45 Brasstown, 198 Brevard, 51, 83, 84, 155, 158,262,263,326, 328, 363-365, 377-378 Brevard College, 154, 158 Brevard Epworth School, see Brevard College Brevard Institute, see Brevard College Briar Creek Baptist Assn., 74 Brinegar Cabin, I88, 39I, 392 430 �Index / 431 Brittain's Cave, 186 Broad River, 57 Brooker, W. L., I4I Brooks, E.C., 2I8 Brooks, Dr. J. E., I IO-I r 1 Broughton Hospital, 103, I I4 Brown, Davis P., I<)8 Brown, E.D., 82 Brown, Frank C., 229 Brown, James, I4 Brown, Lawrence, 100-101 Brown Mountain Lights, 245 Brown, 0. Lester, 220 Brown Seminary, 158 Brown, Brigadier General Simeon, 9 Broyhill, James T., 94,99 Brushy Mountain Baptist Assn., 74 Bryan, T. Conn, 22I Bryan's Hotel, 47 Bryson City, 57, 130, 218 Buck Hotel, 3 5 Buell, Hillhouse, 84 Buncombe County, 2, 4, 14, 20, 28, 36, 37, 73, 77, 78, 79, 80, 89, 98, IOO, IOI, I09, IIJ, II7, 126, 129, I36, I40, I43, I44, I47, I62, I63, 182, I85, I97, 220, 232, 254, 276, 277, 279,280,283,284,286,292,304, 3I4, 329, 334.342,343.344.365-366 Buncombe County Health Department, 115 Buncombe Hotel, 3 5 Buncombe Turnpike, 39 Burchett, George, 266 Burger Mountain, 87 Burke County, 4, II, 16, I8, 20, 25, 30, J2, 33, 77, 84, 90, 91, 98, 113, 142, 144, 153, 177,220,268,273,276,279,287, JI4, 33I, 342,343.344 Burnett, Frances Hodgson, 307 Burnett, Fred M., 62, 29R Burnsville, Hi, 40, 42, 90, 157, 185 Burt, Lucy, 164 Buxton, Jarvis, 84, 8 5 Bynum, John Gray, 32 Bynum, J.S., 32 Caesar's Head, 90 Cain, William, 324, 326 Cairns, John, Jr., 207 Caldwell County, 3, q., I8, 20, 45, 88, 93, II3, I35, 136, 142, 153, 163,220,272,279, 342, 344. 346 Caldwell Community College, II3 Caldwell, Tod R., I6, 90 Calfee, John E., I 59 Calloway, Elijah, 93 Calloway, James, 93 Camp, Cordelia, 221 Campbell, John C., 68,213 Campbell, Olive Dame, 192, 213, 225, 226, 227 Campbell, Robert F., 8o;8I Camp Meetings, 77 Camps, summer, 405 Candler, Coke, 100 Cannon, Dr. Gainc, 104 Canton, II6, 118, 119,252, 26I, 266,308 Carolina Power and Light Co., 355 Carroll, Ruth and Latrobe, 230 Carson House, 34, 4IO, 4II Carson, Col. John, 28 Carson, Col. Joseph McDowell, 58 Carson, Samuel P., 28 Carter, H. B., 36 Carter, Sol W., hotel, 40, 42 Cashiers, 377 Catalooche, 90, 266 Catawba River, 90, 268 Cathcart, William, 4 Cathey, Mrs. George, 189 Catholic churches, 37, 85, 87 Cattle, 284-286 Civilian Conservation Corps, 338, 339 Cecil, Mrs. John F. A., 301 Central Bank and Trust Co., 142 Champion Paper and Fibre Co., rr6, 119, 308-3 IO Chappell, Fred, 214 Charleston, see Bryson City Chase, Richard, 195-196, 220, 244 Chatham Manufacturing Co., 94 Chatham, Richard Thurmond, 94 Chatuge Lake, 3 19 Chautauqua, teachers', I68-r69 Cheoah Range, 1 Cherokee, town of, 53, 340 Cherokee County, 3, 15, 20, 56, 74, So, 90, 96, II3, 127, 136, 142, I5I, I82, 220, 276, 279, 286, 342, 344 Cherokee Historical Association and related activities, 408 Cherokee Indians, 4, 21, 22, 53, 57, 89-90, 144-145. 175.209, 340, 370 Chestnut trees, 270-271 Chimney Rock, 57, 337 Christmont, 87 Christ School, 84, I63 Church of God, 87 Church, Harrison, 8 Cilley, Col. Clinton A., 89 Civil War, 6-I2 Classes, social, 6, 70 Claxton, Philander P., 167, 168 Clay County, 3, I 5, 20, 54, 56, 77, So, I04, 129, 137. I42, I5I, I 58, 173, 177. I78, 279. 280, 286, 319, 342, 344. 348 Clay, Harry, 101 Clement, Miss Exum, 334 Clinchfield Railroad, 264-265 Clingman, Thomas Lanier, 35, 90 Clingman's Dome, I Cloudland Hotel, 45, 47, 254, 263 Cloyd, Uriah, I53 Clyde, II8 College of the City of Asheville, see UNC at Asheville Columbus, 58, 138 Colvard, Dean W., 286 Cone Mansion, 39I Cone, Moses H., I79 Connor, R.D.W., 5 Conservation and Development, Dept. of, I I 8 Conservation, state agencies, 188 Conservative Party, see Democratic Party Constitutional Convention of I 868, 123 Cooper, Horton, 220, 221 Cooperatives, 280-281, 283 Corn production, 287-288 Cotton manufacturing, 355-361 �432 / Index Counties, formation of, 2-3 Court week, 27-28 Cowee Mountains, r, 53 Cowles, Arthur, 349 Cowles, Calvin Josiah, 349, 351 Cowles, Charles Holden, 98 Coxe, Frank, 58 Crab Tree Orphan's Home, SI Cradle of Forestry, 3 r 5 Craig, Gov. Locke, 92, 93, 132, r8r, 329 Craigmont, S7 Cranberry, 47, rS5, 246, 263, 265, 267, 351, 352 Credle, Ellis, 2 r 9 Crest of the Blue Ridge Highway, 328-329 Crossnore School, I3S, I92, 195, 221 Cullowhee, 174, I75, 176, 178, 179, r8o, r8r Curry,]. L. M., 128, 171 Cushman, Rebecca, 215, 297 Dargan, Olive Tilford, 216, 247 Davenport College, 76, 153-154 Davenport, William, I53 Davidson, Allen Turner, 90, 92 Davidson County (now Tennessee), 2 Davidson, Theodore F., 91, 92 Davis, E. Mac, 8 I Davis, Rebecca Harding, 37, 208-210 Deaf, School for the, 96, I 3 I, I 32 Deer Preserve, Pisgah National Forest, 3 I 6 Democratic Party, IS, I6, 30, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, roo, 123, 132, 333 Dillsboro, I97, 336, 353 Diphtheria, I05 Disciples of Christ, 37, 87 Distillers, illicit, IS, 272-275 Dixon, George F., I2I Dobson, 10 Doctors' fees, r 04 Dorland- Bell School, I 59, r6o Dougherty, Blanford B., 140, r 79, r So, r 8 r, 277 Dougherty, Dauphin Disco, I79, ISr, 333 Doughton Park, 391-392 Daughton, Robert, 92, 277, 337 Doughton, Rufus, 92, 333, 335 Douglas, Clementine, rS9-192 Dramas, outdoor, 390, 406, 409 Ducktown Branch of the Western North Carolina Railroad, I 69 Dugger, Shepherd, 2I 1 Duke Power Co., 355 Dula, Tom, 70, 22S-229 DuPont Co., 364-365 Dyes, for cloth, 66 Dykeman, Wilma (Stokeley), 2I3-2I4 Eagle Hotel, 3 5 Eagle Mills School, I 5 S East La Porte, 53 East La Porte Male and Female Academy, 152 Ecusta Paper Corporation, I IS Edgewood Academy, IJI Eggers, S.C., 277 Ehle, John, 148, 2I4, 268 Electrification, rural, 287-2S9 Elias, Don, IOO-IOI Elias, Kope, 51, 56,91-92, 175 Elkin, 49, 94 Elkin Baptist Association, 74 Ellis, Dan, S Enka Corporation, 92, 364-366 Episcopal Church, II, 32, 37, S2-S5, S7 Equalization Board, 142 Equalizing Fund, IJI, I39, I40 Ervin, Joseph William, 98 Ervin, Samuel James, Jr., 98 Erwin, Alfred, 32 Erwin, Major E. A. M., 34 Erwin, W.C., 30 Etowah Institute, I 5S Evangelical activity, 69, 7I Evangelical and Reformed Church, 87 Fairfield Lake, pS Fairview College, I 58 Family life, mountain, 62 Fancy Gap, I Farmer, Col. H. T., 35 Farmers' Alliance, 95, 96, 97, 173, 175 Feldspar, 352-353 Fiddlers' conventions, 224-225 Fields-of-the-wood, 87 Fishback, Col. John, r 94 Fisher's River Baptist Assn., 73 Fiske, John, 5 Flat Rock, 35, 83, 87, 2IS, 220, 254 Fleming, Sam, 28 Fletcher, Arthur L., 220 Flowers, Col. C. W., I4 Folk, Col. George, 47, 8S, 91 Fontana, 288 Ford Foundation, II2 Fort Hamby, I2-I4 Fourteenth North Carolina Battalion, "One-Eyed Battalion," 8 Frances, Michael, 90 Franklin, 53, 56, 57, 92, I29, 167, 173, 175, 3 I 5, 336 Franklin Family, 33 Freel, Margaret, 7 4, 220 French Broad Baptist Assn., 73, 74 Fruitland Institute, 157 Fullwood, William, 19 Fusion Period, 94, 97 Furniture Industry, 36I-363 Gaither, Col. Burgess S., 32, 33, 90 Gault, Lynn, I9S General Education Board, 133 Gillem, Brigadier General Alvan C., 9, II, 12 Glade Valley School, I6r Glen Alpine, 33 Glen Alpine Academy, 153 Globe Academy, 153 Goodrich, Frances, I86-187 Good Roads Associations, 324 Goodwin Guild Weavers, 192-193 Goodwin, John 0., 190-191 Gordon, Charles, 4 Graham, Dr. Thomas Alexander, r68 Graham County, 3, 20, 22, 56, 57, So, I04, 136, 142, 144, 172, 17S, 279, 2SS, 322, 342, 344 Granite Falls, 135, 245 Granny women, 66, 103, 105 Great Smokes, see Smokies Grandfather Home, 162 �Index / 433 Grandfather Mountain, I, 393, 397 Grange, 95, 280 Gray, Idyl Dial, 2II Great Smoky Mountains National Park, II9, 212,270,337.397-403 Green, Rev. J. B., 14 Green, Lewis W., 222 Green River Plantation, 58, I I I Greene County (now Tennessee), 2 Greer, Dr. I. G., 231 Gudger, Hezekiah A., 91 Gudger, Jack, 5I Gudger,J. H., 35 Gudger, James M., 32, 33, 36, 42,91 Guy, Jack, 195 Gwin, James, 10, I 1 Gwinville Mills, 356 Hall, Dave, ror Hamilton, Harry, 277 Hamilton,]. G. deR., 17 Hampton, Wade, 53 Hancock, Mary, 220 Hankie, James Stuart, 83 Hannum, Alberta Pierson, 22 Happy Valley, 88 Harper, Ella, 20 Harper, G. W. F., 348 Harper, James, I 53 Harper, James C., 93, I 53 Harris Clay Company, 353-354 Hartley, Joe Lee, 326 Hawkins County (now Tennessee), 2 Hayes, J. F., 262-263 Hayes,JudgeJohnsonJ., 72, 74,220 Hayesville, 54, 56, 86, 92, 129, 138, 151, 173, 348 Hayesville College, I 58 Haynes, Thurmond, 277 Haywood Agricultural Society, 52 Haywood County, 2, 20, 40, 52, 75, So, 92, 113, II8, 126, 127, 136, 142, 143, 157, 158, 178, r82,220,252,269,277,279,284,285, z86,J04,JI4,326,J42, 343,344,346-347, J66,J67 Haywood Institute, 157 Haywood White Sulphur Springs, 51, 52, 169, 261 Helper, Hinton R., 346 Henderson and Brevard Railway, 262 Henderson County, 2, 20, 34, So, 96, IIJ, 142, I77,220,229,279,28I,28J,284,286,J04, J29,JJI,J42,J44, 365-366 Hendersonville, 8, 35, 74, 84, 87, ro6, 137, 143. I 56, 177. 262, 281, 324. 326, 328 Hickerson, T. F., 220, 328 Hickory Nut Gap, 254 Hicks, John 0., 151 Hicksville High School, also Hicksville Academy, 151 Hicks, Rev. William, 158 Highlands, 53, 325, 328, 378 Hill-Burton Act, II2 Hinsley, Jay, IOI Higher Education, Board of, 145 High Hampton, 53 Hinton Rural Life Center, 86 Hiwassee, 225 Hiwassee Railroad, 266 Hobbs, S. H., 5 Hoey, Clyde, 98, r8o Hofecker, Glen, 193Holden, G. W. (Wash), 294 Holden, Gov. Wm. H., 15, r6 Holmes, J. A., 324, 326 Holshouser, Governor James, roo Holston Methodist Conference, 75, 76, 77 Hominy Academy, 37 Hominy Creek, 37, 92, II7 Hookworm disease, 107 Hookworm eradication campaign, 107-109 Hoppeldt, Dr. J. M., 32 Horse Trading, 68 Hospitals, establishment of, I09-II5, 139, 154, r62 Horton, Nathan, 272 Horton, William, 272 Hot Springs, 40, 83, II 8, I 6o, 226, 260 388-389 Hughson, Rev. Walter, II2 Hunt, Richard Morris, 299 Hunter, Kermit, 219 Hunting, 42-44, 51, 62, 64 Jackson County, 3, 20, 52, 53, 75, So, 92, 104, IIJ, 136, 142, 143, 144, 173, 174, 177, !78, 263,279.342,344.353.368 Jackson, George Pullen, 231-232 Jacocks, Dr. W. P., 107 James, William, 59 Jarvis, Governor Thomas Jordan, 126, 251, 258 Jefferson, 48, 49, 85, 93, 98, 266 Job., A., 293 John C. Campbell Folk School, 164, 192, 165 Johnson, Thomas G., 36 John's River, 89 Johnstone, F. W., 83 Jolley, Harley, 221, 337 Jones, Edmund, 91 Jones, E. W., 153 Joyce Kilmer Memorial Forest, 320-pr, 322 Joyner,]. Y., 133, 135, 136, 171 Judaculla Rock, 53, 55 Judson College, 74. I 56- I 57 Justice, G. W., 350 Justice, James Dyer, 3 50 Kanuga Lake, Episcopal Assembly, 87 Kaolin, 353-354 Keener, Ulrich, 75 Kelsey, S. T., 325, 326 Kephart, Horace, 2II-2I4 King, Edward, 59 King, Hiram, 295-296 Kirby, Col. Isaac M., ro Kirk, Col. George, 9, 16, 30, 91 Kirk-Holden War, r6 Knight, Edgar W., 137 Ku Klux Klan, 15, r6, 17, 275 Lake Junaluska, 86, r r8, 143 Lake Sapphire, 328 Lake Toxaway, 263, 328 Land Law of 1777, 4 Language, mountain, 68 Lanier, Sydney, 2I0-2II Lankford, B. D., 51 �434 / Index Laurel Fork, 129 Laurel Hill, r 29 Laurel Springs, 92 Lawyers, ror -102 Lees-McRae College, r62 Lees, Mrs. S. P., 162 Leicester Academy, 37 Lenoir, IO, II, 76, 88, 89, 93, 94, 107, 113, 153.158,199.267,276,293.331 Lenoir Rhyne College, II3 Lenoir, W. A., 153 Lenoir, William, 272, 273 Lenski, Lois, 2 I 9 Lewis Fork Creek, I 3 Linney, Frank, 333 Linney, James Polk, 14 Linney, Romulus, 222 Linney, Romulus Z., 89 Linville, 326, 33 I, 373 Linville Falls, 33, 328 Linville Gorge, 33, 34, 319 Literary Fund, 123 Literary Fund, new, 134 Littlefield, Milton, 16, 256 Little Switzerland, 87 Little Tennessee River, 57 Littlewood, Mrs. John, 194 Log cabin, building of, 59, 61 Lomax, Alan, 23 I Love's Trading Post, 53 Lovette's Holly Farms Poultry Co., 287 Lovill, Captain Edward F., 179, 277 Lunsford, Bascom Lamar, 231,240, 242, 244 Luther, Raymond, 266 Lutheran Church, 85 Lutheridge, 87 Lynn, 210 McBee, John C., 335 McBrayer, Judge Fred, 350 McBrayer, Dr. Lewis Burgin, I ro McCarthy, W.C., 154 McCoy, George, r62 McDowell County, 2, 3, r6, r8, 20, 33, 98, 113,140,299,330,331,342,343,344 McGhinnis, B.L., 293 Mciver, Charles Duncan, 133, 166, 167, J7I, 174. 179 McLeod, John, 220 McLoud, C.M., 36 McRae, Donald and Hugh, 326 McRae, Elizabeth, r62 Madison County, 2, 8, 14, 20, 51, 73, 74, 80, 8r, 91, 96, 98, 99, roo, 136, 142, 144, 172, 177,220,269,276,277,279.280,284,320, 330, 342, 344 Madison, Robert Lee, 173-180 Marion, 33, 34, 40, 70, 265, 267, 275, 326, 332 Marshall, 14, r6, 51, II8, 129, 193, 326 Mars Hill College, 74, 93, 113, 128, 156, 157 Mars Hill, town of, r88, I 57, 199, 220 Martin, General James G., 12, 85 Martin, Muriel, 192 Mast, Mrs. Finley, I 8 8 Mead Corporation, 368 Mead, Martha Norburn, 222 Measles, 106 Medical Society, State, 103, 104, 107 Medford, Clark, 220 Medford, Wid, 169 Medicinal herbs, 66, 105, 348-350 Meiggs and Freeman Line, 53 Men, mountain, 62-65 Mental Health, Department of, I I 3 Merriman, Augustus S., 14, 15, 90 Methodist church, 71, 75-78 Methodist circuits, 75, 76 Methodist districts, 75, 77, 86 Methodist Episcopal, African, 37 Methodist Episcopal (northern), 32, 37, 76 Methodist Episcopal, South, 32, 37, 76-78, 86 Methodist Episcopal Zion, 32, 37 Methodist Protestant, 32, 37, 75-76, 78 Mica, 352 Miller, Helen Topping, 222 Miller, Col. John K., 9 Miller, Robert Johnson, 84 Miller, William, 34 Mills, 6r, 63, 292, 293 Mills River, 51, 294 Mining, 351-354 Minton, T.O., 287 Missionary Baptist, 73 Mitchell County, 3, 8, 20, 44, 45, 73, 79, 80, 82, g6, 104, 127, 137. 142, 149. 177. 193. 269,279.331,332,342,344.352,353.354 Mitchell, Dr. Elisha, 44 Mitchell Institute, I 57 Montanic Institute, 37, 129 Montezuma, 158 Montlove, 83 Montreat, 8 5 -86 Montreat-Anderson College, 86, 162 Moody, B. H., 197 Moore, Charles Augustus, 92 Moore, Governor Daniel Killian, 92, 99, 101, 115, 343 Moore, Frederick, 92 Moore, Hight C., 218 Moore, Robert L., 156 Moore, Mr. and Mrs. Walter, 86 Moore, Walter E., 52, 92, 175 Moore, Col. William, 92 Moravian Falls, 93 Moravian Falls Academy, 153 Mordecai, Dr. Alfred, II o, I II Morgan, Lucy, 164, r88, 189, 221 Morgan, Dr. and Mrs. Ralph, 197 Morgan, Dr. Rufus, 164, 187, r88 Morganton, 7, II, 25, 30, 33, 76, 83, 84, 88, 89,90,98, 103,112,114,131,132,153, 20~ 245,253,255,275.32~ 331 Morganton Academy, 153 Morley, Margaret, 215-216, 270 Morris, B. T., 34 Morrison, Governor Cameron, 183, 333 Moser, Artus, 233, 241 Moser, Joan, 236 Moses, Edward P., 173-174, 178 Mount Airy, I, ro, 326, 367 Mount Mitchell, r, 40-41, 373-374, 375-377 Mountain Baptist Assn., 72-73 Munday, Alexander, 54 Murchison's Black Mountain land, 42 Murphy, 56, 87,90,92, 157,164,258,285 Murphy Branch of the W.N.C. Railroad, 261 Macon County, 2, 20, 53, 8o, II3, 135, 136, 142,167,177,178,198,269,279,284,286, �Index 3!4. 325. 336, 342, 344 Murphy Institute, r 57 N antahala Gorge, 56 Nantahala National Forest, 314, 3I5, 3I6 Nantahala Range, 1, 54 National Forests, 3 I0-3 I6 Neighborhood Youth Corps, I49-I50 Nelson, D. B., I75 New Echota, Treaty of, 2I New Found Mountains, I Newland, William, 179, 180 New River, 93 Newspapers, 32, 37. 47, 53, 1 I7, 129, 245, 346 Newton, George, 79 Noble, M. C. S., J7I, 179 Nolichucky River, 45, I I7, rr8 Normal Schools, I66 Norris, Dr. amd Mrs. Henry, I I I North Carolina Fund, I49 North Carolina Methodist Conference, 76 North Carolina State Board of Health, II5 North Wilkesboro, r 77, 266, 326, 333, 367 Nursing education, r 1 l - 1 r 3 Nyc, Stuart, I98 Oberlin Home and School, 158 Oconaluftee River, 2I, 90, I99 O'Henry (William Sydney Porter), 2rr Old Fort, 30, 34, 214, 253, 257, 331 Olin Mathieson, I68, 363-364 Olmsted, Frederick Law, 299, 302 "Omie Wise," ballad, 70 Ore Knob Copper Mine, 353 Osborne, H. 0., 285 Our Lady of the Hills, 87 Out-Migration, 366, 369 Owens, Amos, 275 Pace, C. M., 34 Page, Frank, 336 Palmer, Col. William J., 9, I I Parris, John, 2I5 Patterson, town of, 90 Patterson Mill, I o Patterson, Rufus Lenoir, 88 Patterson, Samuel, 163 Patterson School, I63 Patton, Robert Logan, I 52- I 53 Patton, Sadie Smathers, 220 Peabody Fund, 128-129, I66, 167, r68 Peabody, George, 12~ Peabody Schools, 128- I 29 Pearson, Cam, 32 Pearson, James Larkin, 2I6-2I7 Pearson, Judge Richmond, 88, 9I, 298 Pearson, Richmond, son of the judge, 98-99, 298 Pease, Mr. and Mrs. Louis M., 158-159 Pell, Rev. R. P., So, 82 Penland, I63 Penland House, 45 Penland Pottery, r 98 Penland School, 164, I89, I92, 194, I97, 221 Phifer, Dr. Edw. M., rS-19, rr2, 220 Phillips, Aunt Susan, I87 Pigeon River, II7, II8, I29, 255 Pilot Mountain, 49 Pinchot, Gifford, 302-304 f 435 Pineola, 26 5 Pink Beds, 294 Pisgah, I29 Pisgah Forest, 262, 304 Pisgah Forest Pottery, I98 Pisgah National Forest, 3I4, 315, 3I7 Pisgah Range, I Plemmons, Levi, 36 Plumtree, I 39 Polk County, 3, 16, r8, 20, 33, 57, 58, 96, 136, !38, I42, !68, 26!,269,270,273,277. 279. 28I, 331, 342, 344 Poole, Maria, 22 I Populist Party (People's Party), 94, 96, 97, 132 Poultry and eggs, 286-287 Powell, William S., 22I Power, electric, 3 54-355 Power plants, municipal, 3 54-3 55 Presbyterian church, 32, 37, 7I, 78-82 Presbyterian, U.S., 79 Presbyterian, U.S.A., 37 Presbyteries, 79, So Presnell, Ed., I97 Price, Overton, 305, 306, 3 ro Pritchard, Jeter C., 91, 98, 99 Pritchard, Richard M., 99 Proffitt, Frank, 197, 223, 224, 23 I Purdom, Ed., I97 Quaker Meadows, I9, 32 Qualla Boundary, 2 I, 57 Qualla Reservation, 22 Quilting, 66 Radical, sec Republican Ravenscroft, Bishop John Stark, 83, 84 Ravenscroft School, 84-8 5 Ray, G. D., 40 Read, Opie Percival, 22 r Reagan House, 39 Reagan, Dr. James A., I09, I54 Reconstruction, I 7, 30, 90, 94, 95 Reed, J. H., 36 Reem's Creek, 259, 355 Reid, Christian (Frances Fisher Tiernan), 2II, 2I2 Republican Party, IS, I6, 90, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, IOO, IOI, 123, I32, 333 Reynolds, Robert Rice, 98 Richland Institute, I 58 Richmond Hill Law School, 88 Riddle, Dr. J. B., I 12 Riddle, Dr.]. Iverson, I I 3 Ridgecrest, 86, 253, 267, 33I Roan Mountain, r, 45, 47, 129, 320 Robbins Brothers, Carolina Caribbean Corp. 368 Robbinsville, 56, 57, 8I, 90, I72, I73. 316 Robertson, Reuben, 308 Rockefeller, John D., Jr., I33 Rockefeller Sanitary Commission, ID7 Rogers, David, 178 Rutherford College, 91, 154 Rutherford County, 2, r6, 17, r8, 2I, 33, 57, 98, III, II3, I27, I42, I5I, I6I, 263,264, 269, 270, 279, 281, 286, 287, )29, 330, 33 I, 342,344 Round Hill Academy, 157 Round Knob, I69, 170 �436 / Index Rutherford, Griffith, 4 Rutherfordton, r, 2I, 57, 76, 84, r II, 254, 263, 265, 275. 326 Saluda, 261 Saluda Gap, 8, 3 5, 57 Sanford, Governor Terry, 145, 149 Sanitation Committee, State, II7 Scarlet fever, ro6 Schreiber, Virginia Bryan, 148 Schenck, Carl A., 274, 304-309 Schenck, Judge David, 22, 30-57 passim School of Forestry, 306-308 Scott, Governor Kerr Scott, 143, 341 Scroggs, Fred 0., 348 Sears, Dr. Barnas, 128 Sebartle, Patty, I48 Second Broad River, 57 Sevier, John, 4 Sharp, Cecil, 21, I65, 225, 226, 227, 232 Sharpe, Bill, 22 r Sharpe, Wallace, 14 Sharpe, Col. Wash., I4 Shotwell, Randolph A., 17, 37, 273, 294 Shuford, Abel A., 87 Sieber, Henry Alexander, 218 Silva Institute, r 57 Silvers, Frankie, 22S Silverstein, Joseph H., 262 Ski resorts, 393-394 Skiles, William West Slagle, Thomas, 54 Sleds, 293, 295 Sloan, J.B., 3 54 Sloop, Dr. Eustice H., 109, r 39 Sloop, Dr. Mary Martin, 109, 139, 200, 220, 333 Smallpox, ro6 Smather's Inn, 39, 5 r Smathers, John C., 39 Smiley,]. E., 129,130 Smith, R. P., 66, So Smokies, Great, 53 Snowbird Mountains, 90 Snyder Memorial Academy, Sr Social and Residential Communities, 403-404, 412 Sondley, Foster, 220 South Carolina Methodist Conference, 76 Southern Education Board, 133 Southern Highland Handicraft Guild, 190, 192 Sossamon, Leroy, 2rS South Hominy, 129 South Mountains, 21, 33, 57, 113 Spainhour, Noah, 293 Sparta, 4S, 92, r6r, r67, r6S Speculation, land, 350-351 Speculation Land Company, 57 Spruce Pine, 191, 264, 267 Stacy, Rev. A. G., 153 Stearns Schools, r 3S Stekoa, 53 Stephen, W. B., 198 Stephens, George, S7, 301 Stikeleather, J.D., 33 5 Stone, Mr. and Mrs. George, r S9 Stoneman, Major General George, S-12, S3, I 53 Stone Mountain Baptist Association, 74 Stone Mountain Pottery, r9S Stony Fork Baptist Association, 74 Strange, Robert, 207 Stream Sanitation Committee, State, rr 6 Street, Julia Montgomery, 22I Strike at the Baldwin Mill, 35S-359 Stringfield, Major W. W., 52 Stroup, H. M., 197 Sullivan County (now Tennessee), 2 Sumner County (now Tennessee), 2 Surry County, 2, 20, 4S, 72, 73, 76, 109, 136, 142,269,273,276,279,284,286,342,344 Sutton, Mrs. Orus, 19S Surles,]. B., I93 Swain County, 3, 20, 57, 75, So, 104, II3, I30, I42,279,2S4, 3I4,342, 344 Swain, Governor David Lowry, 89 Swannanoa, r6o, 286 Swannanoa Gap, 7, S6, 257 Swan Ponds, 32 Swepson, George, r6, 256 Sylva, 53, 157, 174, 326, 353, 36S Table Rock Academy, 153 Taliaferro, Hardin E., 207-20S Tallassee Power Co., 3 55 Tanning,262,266,293-294 Tait, S. C. W., 32 Tate, Robert, 4 Tate, Dr. W. C., r62 Tate, Samuel McDowell, 256 Tate, William, 4 Taylor, Rev. Fitch, 155 Taylor, Roy A., roo Teacher qualifications, 177 Teacher salaries, 135, 136 Technical institutes, 145 Tenella (Mrs. Bayard Clark), 218 Tennessee County (now Tennessee), 2 Thermal Belt, 2So Thomas, Col. William Holland, his legion of Indians and Highlanders, 7, 12 Thomas Col. William Holland, 21, 57, S9-90 Thomasson, Lillian, 129, 220 Thomson, Peter G., 30S Tobacco, 51, 276-2So Todd, 246, 266 Toe River (Estatoe), 44, r 17 Toms, Captain]. M., 34 Tourism, 371-397 Toynbee, Arnold, IS Transylvania County, 3, 20, 51, 75, 77, So, 83, 104, 113, J42, I 55, 178, 279, 287, 304, 314,342,344.363-365.366-367 Trap Hill, r58 Travel expenditures, 412-413 Truett, George, I 5 I, I 52 Tryon, I89,2II,220,26I,405 Tryon County, 2, 20 Tuberculosis, 105, r ro Tuckaseigee River, 53, 71 Tucker, Glenn, 220, Tucker, James M., S6 Tucker River, II7 Tufts, Edgar, S2, r 39, r 52 Tufts, Edgar Hall, r62 Turkey Creek Camp Ground at Leicester, 77 Tuscola High School, 143 Tuscola Institute, r 5S �Index / 437 Tusquitee Creek, 54 Tusquitee Range, I TVA, 287-289, 355 Typhoid, 104 Unakas, I Unicoi Mountains, 1 Union Grove Fiddlers' Convention, 225, 239, 240 Union League, 15 United Methodist Church, 78, 86 University of North Carolina at Asheville, II5, 147-148 Valdese, 245, 359-361 Valle Crucis, 83-84, 85, 90, 187 Valle Crucis School, 163 Valley River, 56 Valley Town, 90 Vance, Eleanor P., 187, 189 Vance, Dr. Robert B., 28 Vance, General R. B., IO Vance, Zebulon Baird, 30, 70, 90, 95, 98, 126, 205-2o6,z58,273,298 Vance, Zebulon B., birthplace, 410-41 I Vanderbilt, George Washington, 85, 298-307, 310 Vanderbilt, Mrs. George Washington, 187, 301 Van Noppen, Ina Woesterncyer, 221 Wages in industry, average, 366-367 Wainwright, Mary Taylor, 84 Wainwright, Rev. Richard, 84 Walker, Elmeda, I93 Walser, Richard, 218 W AMY, 149, 193 Warm Springs, see Hot Springs Warner, Charles Dudley, 27, 47, 152 Warren Wilson College, I 6o Washburn, Dr. Benjamin, 21, 105 Washburn, R. C., 56 Washington County, 2 Washington, Lawrence D., 130 Watauga Academy, see Appalachian State University Watauga County, 3, 7, 8, I 1, 14, 20, 45, 47, 48, 77, 79, So, 82, 84, 85, 89, II3, 121, 136, 140, 142, 149, 152, 167, '77, 179, 193, 229, 246,266,269,270,276,277.279,280,286, 287, 3}2, 333, 342, 344 Watson, Arthel L. ("Doc"), 23 I Watts, George R., 221 Waynesville, 51, 52, 54,106, II8, 129, 169, 173, 261,285, 317, p6, }38, 345. 354 Weatherford, Dr. Willis, 2 I 3-214 Weaver College, 37, 109, 154-155 Weaver, Dr. H. B., 109 Weaver, Dr.J. B., 293 Weaver, William Trotter, 354 W caverville, 40, 222, 345 Weaverville College, see Weaver College Weaving, 66-67 Webster, 52, 92, IOI, 129, I73, 174, 334 Weir, Weldon, 100, ror West, John Foster, 247 Western Baptist Association, 74 Western Carolina Center, I 13, II4, 13 I Western Carolina University, 145, 146, 147, 173-180, 183, 354, 368 Western Insane Asylum, sec Broughton Hospital Western North Carolina Associated Communities, 406-407 Western North Carolina Conference (Methodist), 78 Western North Carolina Correctional Center, r 14 Western North Carolina Land Company, 41 Western North Carolina Railroad, 16, 3o, 34, 51, 92, 126, 169, 174. 208, 214, 254. 255. 256, 258, 308 Western North Carolina Regional Planning Commission, IT 8 Western Union Academy, 151 West Jefferson, 252, 266, 284 West Liberty Baptist Association, 74 Westminster School, 161 Wetmore, Thomas C., 84 Whiteside Mountain, 53 White Sulphur Springs, Waynesville, see Haywood White Sulphur Springs Whittier, 53 Wiggins Family, 57 Wilcox Drug Company, 349-350 Wildacres, 87 Wiley, Calvin, 37, 121, 207 Wilkes Community College, II3 Wilkesboro, 7, ro, 48, 74, 84, 92, 93, 98, 266 Wilkes County, 3, 4, 8, 12, 14, 20, 48, 72, 74, 76, 93, 96, 130, 135, 142, 143, 153, I 58, l 77, ~20, 249. 266, 273. 279, 280, 286, 342, 344, 346 Williams, Deon Cratis Williams, 216, 23 r Williams, Jonathan, 34, 219 Wilson, Major James W., 33, 251, 258 Wilson, Dell, 222 Wilson, John McKarnie,Jr., 19 Wilson, "Big Tom," 42-+4 Winston, Dr. George P., I Ro Wiseman's View, 322 Wolfe, Thomas, 202-206 Wolfe, Tom, 249 Women, mountain, 65-67 Woodfin, Nicholas W., 8, 90 Woody, "Aunt Cumi," 187 Woody family, 197 Woolson, Constance Fenimore, 207 World Methodist Center, 86 Yadkin Baptist Association, 72 Yale, Charlotte, 187, 189 Yancey County, 2, 3, 8, 20, 41, 45, 73, 79, 104, 136, 137, 142, 144, 149, 193,269,279, 284,331, 3}2, 342,344.352 Yancey Institute, 157 Yellow Fever, 106 York, Brantley, 154 Yount, John 214 �The rhododendron of Southern Appalachia, like the mountain people, developed from hardy stock. Both have come to grips with thin topsoil as well as cold winters and warm summers. Man and plant are proudly independent and evergreen. Design by Sherry Waterworth Dept. of Art Appalachian State University �about the authors ina faye woestemeyer van noppen (1906-1980) and john james van noppen iii (1906-1975) were professors of History and English, respectively, at Appalachian State Teachers College from 1947 to 1972. Ina taught history and was one of the campus’ earliest female professors with a doctorate. The Van Noppens co-wrote Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman: The Green Woods Were His Portion (1966) and Western North Carolina Since the Civil War (1973). Ina won the 1962 Thomas Wolfe Award from the Western North Carolina Historical Association for her Stoneman’s Last Raid. In 1973, the couple also won the 1973 Thomas Wolfe Award. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Western North Carolina Since the Civil War Description An account of the resource <span>No region has undergone more dramatic changes in the last century than Western North Carolina. Published in 1973, </span><em>Western North Carolina Since the Civil War</em><span> takes a look at mountain people in Western North Carolina and their uniquely structured economic, political, social, and cultural systems. The Van Noppens specifically explore different qualities of the mountain people such as their institutions, traditions, customs, and arts and crafts. Beginning with a dark period of social and economic disintegration after the end of the Civil War, the study traces the mountain peoples' lives from isolation to economic booms all while maintaining their traditions and cultural heritage.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=16HEVXp_k47cq3Up21GTY8PP15OvDuDL_" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638317/western-north-carolina-since-the-civil-war" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Van Noppen, Ina Woestemeyer Van Noppen, John J. Subject The topic of the resource North Carolina--History--1865- North Carolina, Western--History Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973 Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant North Carolina Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1970s Civil War economics history Politics social issues WNC https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/ac135a51b8e6042e3a7572685dcc8b95.pdf 75774c321d9e4c1b7f0d93516a1c70b5 PDF Text Text �The Brindle Mule Stories and Poems of the Brushy Mountains by ghdfgf �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1983 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3825-6 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3827-0 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS BOONE, NORTH CAROLINA The Appalachian Consortium Press is a division of the Appalachian Consortium Incorporated, specializing in the publication of carefully produced books of particular interest to Southern Appalachia. The Press is controlled by the Publications Committee and the Board of Directors, the members of which are appointed by the Chief Ad­ ministrative Officers of the member institutions and agencies of the corporation. The member institutions of the Appalachian Consortium are: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University First Tennessee-Virginia Development District Mars Hill College U.S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Association North Carolina Division of Archives and History III �The Appalachian Consortium Press wishes to acknowledge the time and assistance given by Jo Stahle, Allison Houchins and Jacqueline Stewart in the production of this book. IV �To all those who through the years have helped to shape these stories and poems, especially my wife, Sarah Lou, and my parents, Dr. and Mrs. Donald Harper Leeper. V �CONTENTS Preface VIII The Brindle Mule 3 Sarah 12 Banner Elk 16 Whistling Man 14 When The Mad Dog Came 19 Confederate Bandmaster II 30 Confederate Bandmaster I 29 Jim Boles 31 Jerry 32 The Peeping Tom 37 Morning 46 Ballad Singer 47 Song 49 Stream Crossing 48 Feast of Wild Honey 53 Cripple Creek 60 Brook 61 Mountain Song 62 Devils Den 64 Twelve Hundred Dollars Reward Cling To This Branch In A Lonely Field I 67 78 79 In A Lonely Field II 80 A Friend of Jake's 83 For My Father 93 Grandmother Eunice I 94 Grandmother Eunice II 95 On Barren Land 96 Empty House 97 VI �Journey To Iron Creek 101 English Teacher HI Peaseblossom 112 Morgiana H3 Phoebe H4 The Canterbury Tales I 115 The Canterbury Tales II 116 A Stone From Tintagel 119 Pilgrim Church I 129 Haw Creek 128 Pilgrim Church II 130 VII �PREFACE These stories and poems grew out of the experiences of a childhood and youth spent in the mountain country of Western North Carolina. My father was a physician in Alexander County, practicing mainly in rural homes along the slopes of the Brushy Mountains. He was a valiant fighter against disease, and was much loved by the people he served. In growing up I was very close to the cultural heritage of the region. Afoot or on horseback, in good weather or bad, I roamed the roads, the footpaths, the fields, the woods of the area, talking with farming people, storekeepers, lumbermen, mill hands. In the homes, by the fireside, in the fields, at husking bees, in the school, in churches, at picnics, on hunts we listened to stories and songs. This may explain the folk ele­ ment in my stories. The rushing cadences of the folk songs, the imagery of the ballads, the tone and color of folk music are found in the poems in this volume. These stories and poems were written in my student days at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and later at Columbia University in New York City. The names of the characters are fictionalized, but the events are based on local lore. Persons with whom I have shared these stories and poems have enjoyed them and have identified with them. It gives me great satisfaction to share these writings through the Hiddenite Center.—R.R.L. VIII �The Brindle Mule �This page intentionally left blank �T H E BRINDLE M U L E Faite Lummus had no notion of doing good to anyone, that day he came across Third Creek and up to my place. It happened on a Sunday afternoon, when it had been so quiet you could hear a wagon half a mile away along the wooded road. We were all sitting on the porch of my store. Milt Williams was there and Walter Allison. Regular customers they were, though I never figured to sell much on Sunday in those days. We just watched the people drive past in their buggies, and got in a bit of gossip now and then. August it was, and hot. Third Creek valley stretched out from where we sat over to the clearings in the pine woods on the other side. Those clearings were worked-out red fields where Faite Lummus did his farming. Maybe I had napped off for a minute when I heard somebody coming up the footpath from Third Creek. Whoever it was, he sounded mad, and the air was filled with a stream of profanity. "Sounds like Faite Lummus," said Milt. "Couldn't be him," Walter said, listening to the noise. Then he looked at his watch. "Nope. Couldn't be Faite. He saves all his racket for his mule, Maud. And at this time on Sunday, he's always over at Stillman's getting drunk." But Faite it was, limping as though his foot hurt him. Up the path he came, across the road and onto the porch of the store. Little man, Faite Lummus, but with the biggest voice I ever heard. There was murder in every line of his wrinkled face, in the way he clenched and unclenched his rough hands. He was still swearing as he came into the store. Such anger was terrible to see, though we always made allowances for Faite. 3 �"Mister Henry," he says, breathing hard, "show me how to use that telephone contraption." "Why sure, Mister Lummus," I said, "glad to. Anything wrong at your place?" Faite stood still a minute, looking distrustfully at us, as though we were partly to blame for his condition. Walter and Milt stirred a little uneasily under the glare he gave them. "Everything's wrong, Mister Henry," Faite said, "but I'm too mad to talk about it now." I took Faite back to where the telephone was, and show­ ed him how to get "Central," then told him how to ring the other parties on the line. I could see Milt and Walter had their heads stuck in the front door and were listening all the time. "Never tried one of these here things," Faite said, "but now's a good time to begin. Central," he says into the telephone, "get me the county sheriff." I went back to the front porch and Milt and Walter and I pretended not to be interested any further in Faite's troubles. Finally Faite got the sheriff on the phone. "Sheriff," he says, in a voice so loud he scarcely needed a phone at all. "Sheriff, my brindle mule has been stole, and my red-top buggy, and my daughter along with them." The sheriff must have said something then, for Faite shouted into the phone, "Certainly, I know who done it. That lazy, trifling, no-good Frank Finley. I've been keep­ ing him away from my girl for two years now. Sheriff, I want him caught and locked up for stealing my brindle mule, Maudie, and my red-top buggy." Then the sheriff must have said something else, for Faite yelled, "No, Sheriff, just lock up Finley, and I'll take care of the girl myself. But nobody can steal my brindle mule and not suf­ fer for it." The sheriff must have talked some more, for Faite swore into the phone every now and then. Finally, he slammed 4 �the receiver on the hook and started yelling, "What kind of a sheriff have we got, anyway? Won't be disturbed on a Sunday. Not even for grand larceny and abduction. Thinks Finley just borrowed my mule and buggy. Borrowed, mind you! I'll cook that sheriff's goose, come next election." Then Faite started ringing people all along the party line. He asked them if they had seen a brindle mule and a red-top buggy with a young couple in it going past that afternoon. Finally we heard a shout, and we knew he had found someone who had seen them. Faite came limping and stamping back out to the front porch. "Mister Henry," he said, "how much do I owe you?" "Twenty cents for the call to the county seat. Nothing for the party-line calls." Faite brought out his old worn purse from his overalls pocket and fished in it for some coins. "Thank the Lord," he yelled, "I've got twenty cents. Now," he went over and sat down on the plank steps. Reaching down, he started unlacing his right shoe. "Gentlemen," he announced, "if the good Lord lets me live till I get this grain of corn out of my shoe, I'll find that deceitful little female!" "Your daughter?" Milt asked Faite. Faite was nearly beside himself. "I mean that brindle mule, Maud. Never until this day has anybody driven that mule but me. She is the stubbornnest piece of mule-flesh in the world. And how that overgrown oaf, Frank Finley, ever drove her off, I don't know. You can't trust even your own family any more. Nor even a hard-headed little mule." Walter asked, "Where you reckon they've gone?" Faite put his shoe back on and tied the string. He stood up and tightened the galluses on his overalls. Then he an­ nounced, "Swinging Limb Arbor. And that's where I'm go­ ing, on shank's mare." Now, Swinging Limb Arbor, where they used to hold the summer revivals, is a matter of five to six miles away from the store. "Mister Lummus," I said, "this looks like an 5 �emergency. Wait a minute and I'll get my carriage hitched up and we'll take you to Swinging Limb." Faite stood there and looked at me and then at Milt and at Walter. He couldn't tell whether to trust us or not. He was mistrustful of everybody, since his brindle mule had deserted him. Some way, he felt that the neighbors were in league against him, trying to rob him of his mule, his buggy, and his daughter. You could read these things in Faite's face as he looked at us. "Mister Henry," he said, "I wouldn't trust myself in the chariot of the Lord on this day. Everybody on Third Creek wants to do me out of what's mine. Nobody wants me to find that traitorous little mule of mine. Nope, you might cart me off in the wrong direction. I'll take it on foot." With that, he stamped off down the dusty road, taking extra long steps. Milt and Walter and me stood it as long as we could, then we had a good laugh. This was too good, having Faite Lummus deserted by his little brindle mule. This was enough spice for a week-day afternoon, let alone a quiet Sunday. "And the corn in his shoe, from scrambling about his barn, looking for Maudie," Walter said. "Men," I said, "what's the use in keeping the store open on a Sunday afternoon?" Milt and Walter got the idea fast. "Why not hitch up and go for a ride?" Walter said. We hitched the team to the carriage and started off down the road. Faite's profanity still stayed in my ears. His constant references to the Lord had nothing to do with the kind of life he led, for neither he, his wife, nor his daughter ever had been known to go to a preaching service before. That's why it struck us so funny that Frank Finley had managed to slip off to Swinging Limb Arbor with the daughter when they thought the old man was at Stillman's. Milt started talking about Faite and his mule. "Never in my life saw anything like it. That little brindle Maud, is the 6 �only friend he has in the world. He thinks more of that mule than he does of his wife and daughter." "Maybe that's why he yells at her the way he does when he's working in the fields?" Walter suggested. That started me thinking of all the hours I have sat on the front porch of the store and listened to the sound of Faite's shouting at his mule. "Whoa-gee-haw!" he would yell in a single breath, far over on the other side of Third Creek. "How can I plow," he would ask the brindle mule, at the other end of the single plow line, "with you in one row and the plow in another and me in another?" Milt said he once went past Faite's farm and could hear him yelling at his mule. He claimed that Faite was trying to plow with a cultivator, and the mule had stopped in the middle of a row. The animal was standing with her head twisted around, gazing straight at Faite. Even her long, rabbit ears were pointed at the man. Faite yelled at the top of his lungs for the mule to "Gittap!" But the mule wouldn't budge a single inch. Faite was so mad he jumped up and down behind the cultivator. "Maudie," he yelled, "if n you don't like the looks of me in over-halls, I'll have to put on my Sunday suit with a yaller necktie for you!" Then Maud started to work again, though Milt swore he couldn't see why. By that time, Walter had recalled the day when Faite was breaking one of his red fields in the spring. When they got to the end of the row, Maud forgot to stop, and Faite for once was so mad he couldn't make a sound. The mule just kept on walking, right through the patch of woods and up to her stable door before she stopped. Then Faite talked to her so loud that the neighbors up and down Third Creek for a mile away could have heard him. There seemed to be some sort of understanding between the mule and the little man. We wondered whether it was his profanity or some other secret cue that made the animal respond to him. It was well known that the little mule 7 �would work for no other man but Faite. This fact caused Faite to keep away from his neighbors, for he suspected they laughted at him behind his back. Perhaps this was the reason he kept his family away from the husking-bees, cane grindings, and the blue-back spelling contests. Milt spoke about how hard Faite had tried to keep his daughter from seeing any of the boys of the neighborhood. He said the man would go to any extremes to prevent Alice from seeing Frank Finley. He even threatened to beat Finley up, and this amused the neighbors, since Finley was the biggest young fellow we ever saw in this section. About twice the size of Faite, anyway. We figured that Faite was actually afraid of Frank. But this made him all the more careful to keep Alice from seeing the boy. That was a hot trip, driving along the dusty road, trying to catch up with Faite. We knew he would walk every step of the way, for he was too angry to accept a ride with anyone, even if they were so generous as to offer it. So we kept on, following him. After a while, the sun began to get lower and lower, and we knew it would be nearly dark by the time we reached Swinging Limb Arbor. Then we came in sight of Faite, far ahead, striding along the road, with his arms swinging far out from his sides as though he were hitting at something. We gradually overtook him. "You about ready for a lift, Mister Lummus?" I asked. Faite didn't even hesitate. He kept right on walking, never even looking up to see who was talking to him. "Everybody wanting to give me a ride," he said. "Everybody trying to trick me, trying to keep me from finding my worthless little mule. But I'll find her, if n it takes from now till kingdom come." We could see no use in pestering him further. So we just rode along behind him, keeping a good distance away. Through the last of the twilight and the afterglow, we could hear him talking, though it was not always plain what he was saying. 8 �Finally we came to the long hill beyond Muddy Creek. When we topped that, we were at the place where the big revival meetings used to be held each year. People drove in from miles around then, especially on a Sunday. Such fire and brimstone sermons you never heard. And the singing and the shouting of the redeemed was something to remember. By the time Faite got up that last hill, you could tell the long walk through the heat and the dust had begun to tell on him. But his great anger returned to him as he came within sight of Swinging Limb Arbor. Darkness had begun to settle down. We could hear the loud voice of the revivalist as he exhorted the crowd in the arbor. We felt a great tenseness in the air, as though anything could happen. But Faite was more interested in his mule than he was in the sermon. He kept right on past the arbor until he came to the patch of trees where the horses were tied, near the emp­ ty carriages. Faite hunted around among the animals until he found his little mule. Milt, Walter and me watched from a distance while he untied the mule and tried to lead her out to the buggy. But Maudie would not budge one inch from where she stood. We heard Faite begin to swear at her, though he tried to keep his voice down to where it wouldn't be heard in the arbor. But still the mule refused to move. Then we saw Faite reach in the pocket of his overalls. Whatever it was he was reaching for, he failed to find. Then he searched through all his pockets, and we could tell by his expression that something serious was wrong. We had gotten out of the carriage now and had walked near enough to hear Faite cursing. "Stole my tobacco!" he shouted. "I'll murder the wench for that!" He then retied the mule's rein to the tree and made off toward the arbor. What happened next will always be a lit­ tle confused for us, because we afterwards heard too many 9 �conflicting stories, and we were not near enough ourselves to get the straight of it. But we could tell that when Faite got close to the arbor, the preacher was laboring hard to move the congregation. There was only the sound of the revivalist's voice through the darkness. Then the congregation stood up and started to sing one of the revival songs. By that time, Faite went in at the rear of the arbor. When he started down the aisle, looking to right and left, the congregation had come to the chorus of the revival song, and they were singing it as loud as they could. Then Faite caught sight of his daughter in the crowd, and he shouted at her at the top of his voice, "Allie!" he yelled. Im­ mediately the preacher, thinking somebody had become happy, as they used to at revivals, shouted right back, "Alleluia! Brother, God bless you!" With that, the congregation went wild. On every side you could hear the shouts, even drowning out the singing, "Alleluia!" And Faite was right in the middle of all the commotion. His red face and the dishevelled look he had taken on during his long walk to the arbor made the people think that he was really beside himself with joy. They threw their arms around him and pounded him on the shoulders and soon he found himself in the front of the ar­ bor on the mourner's bench, along with several other people. The singing continued and the shouting became even louder. Faite had broken into the meeting at exactly the right moment, according to the pleased expression on the face of the evangelist. The congregation looked as if it had suddenly turned into a whirlpool, the way the people were moving back and forth, shaking hands with each other and crying and laughing and singing. Pretty soon we saw Faite's daughter, Alice, making her way down front to her father's side. Big Frank Finley followed right after her. Together, they managed to get Faite out of the milling crowd inside the arbor. Once they were in the open, Faite looked like he was 10 �beginning to get some of his old orneriness back. Milt, Walter and me had come close enough to hear what he said next. "Allie," he said to his daughter, "give me back that plug of 'Favorite Twist' you stole from my pockets." He held his hand out to her. Allie had some of her old man's spunk in her, but this was too much for her. She turned to Frank. "Give him his plug of tobacco," she said. Frank gave him the tobacco, and Faite lit off toward the place where the mule was tied. We hurried in that direction and saw him feed some of the tobacco to the brindle animal. After that, she went without hesitation toward the buggy. Faite hitched her up and they started off into the night, leaving his daughter and Finley behind. I looked at Milt and Walter. They nodded, and Milt remarked, "Now we know Faite's secret for sure." Then Milt said, "Miss Lummus and Mister Finley, will you allow us to give you a lift home in our carriage?" They allowed us, and we started off through the darkness, once more following Faite, only this time toward home. 11 �SARAH When Sarah went to visit Hattie Beyond Shallow Creek She rode half an autumn day With wind on her cheek. And when she came near Hattie's home About dark fall She heard a lone whippoorwill In the woods call. And welling down the valley came The bay of Hattie's hounds, And never had she heard such fire And tears in any sounds. Hattie's people came to meet her, A kindly natured folk, And Sarah soon could hear soft music In the level way they spoke. They gave her spoonbread from the hearth And sourwood honey too, And took her out upon the porch When the meal was through. There they sang old mountain songs While stars moved down the west, Till Hattie's mother took them in And sent them off to rest. And Sarah dreamed by Hattie's side Of keen wind on her face, And through her tired limbs all the night She felt the horse's pace. 12 �She knew she never could forget One song that they had sung, One drop of all the fragrant honey So cool upon her tongue. 13 �WHISTLING MAN He came to my house one night, he did, When the swamp-wind whined like a hound; I opened my door and asked him in And said, "Won t you sit down?" Whoo-lay, whooo-low, Swamp-wind whined at the door. He warmed his hands at the flickering blaze, And I fed him pone and lasses-cake; And he sat there still and solemn-like And listened to the wind in the brake. My girl, Agie, she came in, And looked surprised at a stranger there; She made her smilingest bow and asked, "Howdy do?" He said, "Pretty fair." I brought my jug of cider out And chunked the fire till the blaze was red, And then we talked and dreamed for a while. "Pretty good night for a tune," he said. He puckered his thin red lips and whistled A tune begun down deep in his mouth, Soft and gentle like the rustling sedge When the wind is warm in the south. He whistled high like the redbird sings And cheeped like new biddies call to the hen; And then he looked Agie in the eye and stopped. I said, "Whistle that tune again." 14 �He whistled again like a whippoorwill calls, "Whippawill, whippawill," all soft and low; He blew in his hands and mocked the wind That whined like a hound at the door. The very next morning the man was gone, And Agie went with him and never came back, And her pappy sits remembering here When the wind whines off in the brake. Whooo-low, whooo-lay, Swamp-wind whines all night and day. 15 �BANNER E L K We woke when heavy cows crunched by Along the paths of broken gravel; Daylong we challenged earth and sky In the ecstasy of travel. Daylong we garnered sunbright dreams, To be recalled in quiet hours When frost has clutched the mountain streams And killed the mountain flowers. 16 �When the Mad Dog Came �This page intentionally left blank �W H E N T H E MAD D O G GAME Someone came knocking at the front door before daybreak. Knocking and calling. And the sounds were so much like those of the November frost-wind that neither the doctor nor Ann wakened for a while. But the noises became louder and more insistent, so he finally went and opened the door. Mrs. Garvey stood on the porch, wearing her severe black coat, and with her hair wrapped about with a shawl, to keep off the chill of the air. "Come in, Mrs. Garvey." "No, doctor, I'll stand here. It's better for me to tell you what I must say, then get back home." She appeared taut and nervous, and her voice was shrill. "Doctor Rogers," she announced, "I couldn't sleep one single wink the whole night long." "I'll be glad to give you a prescription, Mrs. Garvey." "It isn't a prescription I need." She shrugged her thin shoulders. "As I lay down to sleep, I was thinking of my dog, Fluff, and of the Leonard child he bit yesterday. I was terribly fond of my dog, doctor, and it was a real tragedy when I had to lose him." "Hydrophobia is a worse tragedy, Mrs. Garvey. The dog's head had to be sent off for examination for rabies." "I understand, doctor," she shrilled. "I lay thinking of all that had happened during that terrible day. And sud­ denly there came to me," she paused dramatically, "the distinct memory of a dog that was playing with my poodle yesterday, just before he bit the child. That dog, doctor, was your big collie, Shady." Doctor Rogers had been trying to blink the sleep out of his eyes and to disregard the sting of the wind through the 19 �thin shirt he had pulled on so hastily. But the mention of the collie's name brought him awake. "Just what are you trying to say, Mrs. Garvey?" The woman continued, as though she had begun to relish her task, "I'd know your Shady anywhere, big and reddish-gold. Just as well as I knew my own dog. And there they were, the two of them together, romping and frisking about over on the Turner property across from my yard. I'd completely forgotten about it until right then at bedtime last night." She finished, and smacked her thin lips in satisfaction. "Could you swear to the truth of what you're saying, Mrs. Garvey?" There was almost a note of pleading in the doctor's voice. "Are you certain, beyond a doubt, that this happened yesterday, and not on some other day that you remember just as distinctly?" "My memory has not begun to fail me yet, Doctor Rogers." Mrs. Garvey drew herself up and tugged the ends of the shawl tighter about her. The doctor knew there was little use in trying to get the woman to believe her memory might have played a trick on her. Mrs. Garvey was not a person to alter an opinion, once she had expressed it. He realized, too, that the whole village would soon know the story from her viewpoint, and the neighbors would be demanding that Shady be destroyed, just as Mrs. Garvey's poodle had been, as a safety precau­ tion against rabies. The doctor thanked the woman, rather unen­ thusiastically, for the disturbing information she had brought. Turning back into the house, he found Ann was already up and had started preparing breakfast in the kit­ chen. "Ann," he spoke to her in a low voice, so as not to disturb the children, "Mrs. Garvey was just here. She thinks she saw Shady playing with her poodle yesterday, over in the Turner lot, across from her yard." Instant dismay showed in Ann's face. "Oh, John, does 20 �that mean—?" "It means Shady will have to go, if what she says is true. And even if it wasn't true originally, by the time the story spreads through the village everyone will believe it. Mrs. Garvey's dog had to be killed so its brain could be examined for rabies in the State laboratory in Raleigh. If Shady was bitten, then she must be examined. The risk is too great otherwise." "What will we do, John?" Ann seemed overwhelmed. "Should we let the children know? It will truly break their hearts. They've loved Shady since they were babies, and she has watched over them and guarded them almost as well as we have." "We had better not tell them, Ann. Help them through breakfast and after we see them off to school, we'll decide what we must do." Ann turned impulsively toward the kitchen door. "It won't hurt at all for us to examine the dog, John. We might find a real scratch or tooth-mark on her. Then we'd know a little more definitely that she had been bitten." Shady came into the kitchen, wagging and panting with pleasure at the attention being paid her so early in the morning. She submitted to the hands that placed her on her side and began a careful examination, then turned her on the other side and continued the search. At last, John stood up. "It's no use, Ann. We'd better get the children up." He went to call the children. Soon they came sleepily down the stairs, Harold first, followed by the younger Ellen. "Mother," Harold said, "I woke up early this morning, and I thought I heard someone talking." "Oh, you probably did, Harold," Ann said calmly. "One of your father's patients came to talk with him." Harold was persistent. "But, mother, I thought it sound­ ed like Mrs. Garvey. What could that old busybody be wanting over here? Is she mad at father for having to ship off her dog's head?" 21 �Ann's eyes met those of her husband. "Harold, however do you imagine such things? Now, eat your oatmeal. And try to remember how many times I've told you not to call Mrs. Garvey a busybody. You must respect your elders, even though," she relented a little, on this particular morn­ ing, "you may not always understand them or what they sometimes do." Ellen now took over the conversation with all the wonderful plans for her day in the second grade, and Mrs. Garvey was not mentioned again. John listened while the children prattled on with their school talk, but his attention soon came back to the im­ mediate problem. He had never realized before just how much a part of their home the big, reddish-gold collie had become, in the years since he and Ann were first married. In so many ways, Shady and the family were almost in­ separable in his mind. Even before Harold was born, Shady had been their constant companion when he and Ann had gone on their long, quiet walks through the countryside. How the collie had entertained them with her capers, dashing about the autumn woodland like a whirling, golden and white leaf, then running up to them, panting with her collie good humor. He remembered, too, the time when Harold was so sick with scarlet fever. Doctor Grove, whom he had called in for consultation, had simply said that there was no hope for the boy. But he and Ann had fought on desperately. Shady had been a great comfort to them then. Sometimes, when he would leave Ann beside the boy's bed, he would go out and sit on the back porch alone. Then Shady would come and sit near him on the floor, putting her white head with the golden markings on the arm of the chair beside him. He always felt that Shady had understood a part of their great despair at the time, and was trying in a wordless, animal way to comfort them. The children's breakfast again required the doctor's whole attention for a few moments. Then, as he looked at 22 �Harold's blonde hair, he suddenly remembered the day when they had taken the children and Shady with them in­ to the country to pick dewberries, about a mile from their home. Shady had been quite excited that morning, dashing about on her own adventures among the trees and undergrowth of the little woodland, and running up and down the sunny side of the big ditch that ran through the field where the dewberries grew. All of them had busied themselves with picking the pur­ ple berries from the low-lying briars, when Ann screamed. John's eyes were attracted to a whirling, twisting, fighting golden mass of collie, running down the bank, away from the children. She held a long, writhing snake in her mouth, and was shaking it angrily back and forth. Before the doc­ tor could get to the dog's assistance, she had dropped the re­ mains of the snake on the ground, literally chewed into two pieces. Ann found the spot near the children from which the snake had been snatched. After this incident, Shady had always accompanied the children on their expeditions into the woods and fields. The children now had finished their breakfast and were bundled into their coats and started off to school. They waved to their mother before they boarded the bus that stopped for them. "Now, dear. What shall we do?" The doctor's voice was greatly troubled. "Much as I hate the thought, I suppose we must get rid of Shady." "But on such unreliable evidence, John! You know Shady never played much with other dogs. She stays right on the back porch. I honestly believe that Mrs. Garvey has only imagined all of this." "Even if she did, she wouldn't admit it now." "But, John, if only there were another collie in this neighborhood that looked something like Shady. Then we would know there was a chance of error in Mrs. Garvey's statement." Ann's voice had become muted with despair and 23 �hopelessness, for both of them knew that Shady was the only collie in the village. Again they made a careful examination of the dog, look­ ing for the tiniest mark which might have been left by the teeth of the unfortunate poodle. But no such mark was found. Shady lay very still for the inspection, evidently feel­ ing some of the anxiety in the manner of the two. "Is there no way of testing her blood, John, so we could know for sure whether she has been exposed or not?" John shook his head. "There isn't any way of telling un­ til after the disease has developed. Even then, an examina­ tion is sometimes doubtful. But an examination of the brain is the usually accepted test." "But that means the children will be exposed and anyone else who comes near the dog," Ann faltered. "We might shut her up in a cage for several weeks until we are certain there is no danger of her developing the disease. But this would be very risky, considering the human lives at stake." "Is it worth such a risk?" Ann asked her husband. "Only if we could prove Mrs. Garvey wrong in her state­ ment that Shady was the dog she saw. And that," he paus­ ed, "doesn't seem possible. By now, Mrs. Garvey has been up and down the whole street, telling the neighbors her story. If we don't destroy Shady, someone else will. People are almost insane in their fear of mad-dogs." The doctor finally took up his bag and stood ready to leave the house. Ann kissed him tenderly. "Don't look so troubled, John. Whatever you decide to do about it, I'll understand." Driving through the clear sunlight of the November morning, the doctor made his way to the home of Timothy Messer. He could see the big man down by the barn, going about his morning chores, pitchfork in hand. Timothy hail­ ed him from a distance. "Hi, doc, any more poodles to be killed?" Not feeling in a joking mood, the doctor waited until he 24 �was near the man before he answered. "No, Tim, this time it isn't a poodle." He hesitated, try­ ing to answer the last, lingering doubts in his mind. As the doctor in the community, he must set an example of firm­ ness and dispatch in this matter. "Well, what is it, doc?" Tim looked worried at the in­ decision on the doctor's face. "Today I want you to dispose of my collie, Shady, in the same way you did the poodle yesterday. Only," he added quickly, "we won't need to ship off the head." Tim's face was a big map of unbelief. "Why, doc, is this a gag? What's the matter with your collie? Ain't bit anybody, has she?" The doubts began to well up again in the doctor's mind. If only he had some little bit of evidence that Shady had not been the dog that was seen with the poodle yesterday. "No, Shady hasn't bitten anyone. But Mrs. Garvey claims she saw my dog playing with the poodle yesterday, before the Leonard child was bitten. That makes it likely that my dog was exposed. It's better not to take the chance of Shady going mad." Tim's big hand gripped the pitchfork as though it were a club. "I'm surprised at you, doc. That old Garvey woman would swear her own flesh and blood to death in order to get even with someone. She's sore at you because we had to kill her dog yesterday. I wouldn't believe a word of it." "You might not, but everybody else will. And I can't risk the chance of the children being exposed. Even the Pasteur treatment is an ordeal in itself. Tim, you will find the dog lying in the sun beside the kitchen window. Tell my wife I sent you, and she will understand." He put some money in Tim's hand, and turned away. He shouldn't have thought of the big dog, lying with her muzzle between her white paws by the window. He got in­ to his car and drove away, expecting to make his first call of the morning. But as he neared the house of his patient, he suddenly 25 �changed his mind and turned instead in the direction of the Garvey home. Almost mechanically, he pulled to a stop in front of the prim, white house. He was thinking about Tim, and of where he would be right at this time. Probably going up to the door of his house now and explaining to Ann why he had come and that he was sorry he had to do such a thing. Then the stricken look on Ann's face as she turned Shady over to the big man. He shouldn't have allowed Ann to face this alone. He must go to her and try to comfort her as best he could. On this one morning, at least, the patients could wait. He had become so abstracted, he had almost forgotten he had stopped in front of the Garvey home. But there he was, in front of the prim house, its green shutters fastened back. And across the street lay the Turner lot. That place was really an eyesore and should be cleaned up. But old Jimmie Turner, who lived on the other side of the lot, claimed that only the law could force him to clean it up. He had bought the lot, he told the indignant townspeople, as a "storage space," and he declared that this was the use to which he was putting it. That was the end of the clean-up crusades, usually. In the meantime, the lot continued to serve as a general nuisance. The doctor's eye was suddenly caught by the sight of a dog at the far side of the lot. The animal had abruptly ap­ peared and then as quickly disappeared behind a pile of empty barrels. The doctor wrenched open the car door and started up the path to the Garvey house. Mrs. Garvey answered his insistent twirling of the knob of the doorbell. She looked nervous and frightened at the excitement on the doctor's face. "Is - is there something wrong, Doctor Rogers?" she ask­ ed breathlessly. "You bet there's something wrong." He wanted to shout it, but managed to control his voice. "Come with me a minute over to the Turner property. I've something to show 26 �The woman threw a coat over her shoulders and they went across the street. As they neared the stack of empty barrels, the doctor began to whistle shrilly, as though he were calling a dog. Mrs. Garvey began to look questioningly at the doctor. Then from behind the pile of barrels came a collie dog, wagging its tail in a friendly manner. But it would not come near enough for the doctor to catch hold of it. "Mrs. Garvey, could this have been the dog you saw with your poodle yesterday morning?" The woman considered for a minute. "It could have been, doctor." There was a growing doubt in her voice. "But this is your collie, isn't it?" "My dog is shut up in the kitchen in my home," the doc­ tor said. Just then, they became conscious of a voice yelling at them. Turning in the direction of the Turner house, they could see old Jimmie waving his walking stick at them. "Leave my dog be, you two!" The doctor cupped his hands and shouted, "Uncle Jim­ mie, when did you get the collie?" The old man's voice came back, "Day before yesterday. Purty, ain't he?" The doctor did not wait to answer or even to take leave of Mrs. Garvey. He ran for his car. At reckless speed, he drove down the street to his home. Ann heard him as he came in the front door. One look at her face told him that Tim had already come for Shady. "Tim was here." He made it a statement, not a question. Ann nodded, wordlessly. "How long has he been gone?" "Fifteen minutes." Ann looked at him wonderingly, almost like a grief-stricken little girl. Fifteen minutes. He would hardly have gotten to the woodlot as yet. He could at least get within hailing distance before it was too late. "Stop crying, Ann. It's going to be all right." 27 �He ran out of the house, across the back yard and through the wide field beyond. He must get to Tim quickly, before it was too late to save the collie. He was already pan­ ting from the exertion. But he might be able to make it if he could keep up a steady jog-trot. He topped the sloping hill and came within sight of the woodlot. Putting his hands to his face he began to shout Tim's name. Finally he heard a faint answer from the woods. Messer had heard him. Now he would not kill the dog until he found out why he was being hailed. When Tim came out of the woods, gun in hand, and leading Shady on a leash, the doctor approached them. "Tim, the job's off. Mrs. Garvey now thinks the collie she saw her poodle playing with was a new dog old Jimmie Turner bought day before yesterday." "Just like that old gossip," Tim kicked a rock in the field. "I guess she was only trying to do her duty as a citizen, Tim. Take the dog back to my house. You can keep the money, though, and I'll add some to it. I want you to build a tight wire cage for me, so I can shut the collie up until I'm certain she's all right." The doctor turned back toward the house. As a second thought, he added. "Also, Tim, when you've finished with the cage in my yard, you had better go over to Jimmie Turner's place. After I've talked with him, you'll probably get the job of building a cage for his collie, too. And, Tim, see that you make that cage even stronger than you do the one for my dog." 28 �C O N F E D E R A T E BANDMASTER I He played a cornet through the battle years, The leader of a regimental band That strengthened the resolves of volunteers And spread a dream of glory through the land. He led the gray parades through dusty towns Where men had heard their side was losing strength, Had worried through the days with brooding frowns, And come to fear the wartime's growing length. And when they played, the war was pulsing song, A fire along the veins, a battle cry; No teasing questions then of right or wrong, But only knife-edged airs flung toward the sky. And soldiers followed them with quickened breath, Content with battle-life or battle-death. 29 �C O N F E D E R A T E BANDMASTER II We saw him one day when a storm had broken, Come marching down the street through wind and rain, His head held high, his thin beard like a token Of battles won through hells of shock and pain. His old sack clothes blew loosely on his limbs With every gust of wind that filled the street; His distant eyes cared nothing for the whims Of new-brown leaves that swirled about his feet. But marching, marching down the street he came, A soldier still, though ninety years he knew; About him all the timelessness of fame No rain can dampen, and no wind undo. A dauntless, deathless splendor in his form, We saw him marching, marching through the storm. 30 �JIM BOLES What do neighbors talk about When a strong man's life is winging? That harvest will go slow this year Without his cradle swinging. Harvest will go slow this year Upon the rocky land Without his song across the fields, Without his steady hand. What do crickets sing about In their grinding and chirring? That never bolder man than he With morning will be stirring. Never stronger man than he Will sing upon the hill When dawn has brought the daylight in And cricket songs are still. 31 �JERRY Jerry had a brave laugh, He had a quick tongue; Jerry never heard the wind While he was young. He never heard the storm wind Moaning at the logs, Racing by the corners Like a pack of foxdogs. He never heard the north wind Bringing the snow; His laugh was always drowning Its fiercest blow. He had wild parties In his old log shack; They danced their way to dreamland And slept their way back. They drank red wine And sang so bold They stole away the long years Till Jerry was old. Jerry first heard the wind After sixty-two; He sat and listened to it With nothing else to do. He heard the wild storms come Tearing through the trees; He heard the old winds... And his laugh would freeze. 32 �Jerry was a bold lad, As brave as there goes, And how he came to fear the Nobody knows. 33 �This page intentionally left blank �The Peeping Tom �This page intentionally left blank �T H E PEEPING T O M Guess you haven't heard about Jim Lundley, since you don't get through Granite Knob so often any more. Takes a traveled man like you to appreciate the kind of a fix Jim got himself into a couple of months back. Just push the door to, will you, so's the "Private" sign will keep some of them farmers from barging right in here, looking for plows or stoves. They don't need to hear what we're discussing. Not that I'm a man who would violate any confidences, you understand. You never seen Jim, did you? A little squirrelly-looking fellow, with squinty brown eyes. A little stooped like his daddy was afore him. He don't come in the store very often, especially since the thing happened I'm telling you about. Jim was the youngest of six kids, and the other five was girls. You could say he was spoilt, only that'd be putting it in too mild a way. His sisters waited on him like slaves. The Lundleys always were a poor family, trying to scratch a liv­ ing from their red clay fields, up in the hills beyond town. If you happened to ride up that way you could have seen the girls chopping cotton and suckering tobacco, so's they could buy clothes and books and fixings to send Jim to the grade school. The girls even tried to do his learning for him, once they got him started to school. But they hadn't got too far with learning themselves, and Jim wasn't too bright, so they soon decided to call it quits, as far as school is concerned. You know how it is in this state—the law says you have to go to school up to sixteen years. But nobody enforced it on Jim when he quit school. I reckon everybody agreed he'd be better off learning to help his daddy on the farm than wasting his time trying to get through his grades. 37 �Jim's sisters married off fast, once the oldest took the step, and they all scattered away from Granite. Jim was the only one of the brood left at home. He never amounted to nothing, just working a little on his daddy's land, loafing around the tobacco barns and the blacksmith shop, chew­ ing on his homemade twist, listening to the dirty stories the men told and never saying anything himself. Maybe that was what was wrong with Jim. Never said anything. The men—the substantial citizens, I mean—had no use for him, and they made that plain many a time. But by and large they considered him harmless, I reckon. Or at least they did until this thing happened I'm telling you about. Now this is the part of the story I don't want you to repeat, since it would be violating my word of honor to Charley Stover, who told me about Jim Lundley getting himself into trouble. You may not know it but we've got a mighty strong lodge in this town. Mighty strong and exclusive. Only the educated, upstanding, and prosperous citizens can belong. Yes sir, our local chapter of the Loyal Order of Mountain Sheep will compare well with any of the one hundred and seventy-five other chapters in this country. Wish you was a member yourself. You certainly got the character it takes to make a genuine Mountain Sheep. Lots of integrity, you know, and never telling a secret, and sizing up a real gentleman when you meet him. That's what goes into the sterling makeup of a true Mountain Sheep. Anyway, getting back to Jim. It was the second Wednes­ day night in October, and a black, foggy night it was, too. The reason I remember the date is because I'd been over in­ to Yancey County that afternoon, trying to collect the balance of the interest a man still owed me on a kitchen stove he bought from me on time. It was lodge meeting night, and I tried like anything to get back for the session. But it was just too foggy in them passes and the clay road 38 �was cut up so bad by wagon wheels, I just couldn't get back in time in my old Model T. So what happened at that meeting, I've got to tell you from what Charley Stover told me in strict confidence, you understand. The meeting hall of the Loyal Order of Mountain Sheep is in the second story of the feed-store building, just before you cross the sidetrack, coming into town. The old tobacco warehouse they don't use any more stands right smack up against the side of the feed-store, you recall. It's a nice hall, situated away from things, sort of, where our sessions can be kept strictly secret. On this particular night, black and foggy as it was, the loyal brothers had straggled in, giving the secret knock at the door, climbing the stairs, shaking hands all round, and being seated in the proper chairs. They were called to order, the minutes of the last meeting was read and ap­ proved, and a couple of resolutions was moved and passed, so Charley told me later. Next, old Buck Barlow, the horse trader from the other side of town, got up on his feet and moved that the members of the Mountain Sheep lodge do something about catching a "Peeping Tom" that he said he had reason to believe was loose in Granite Knob. Then old Buck sat down. Charley got recognized by the chair, stood up and asked the esteemed brother to be so kind as to elaborate on his reasons for believing there was a Peeping Tom loose in our fair metropolis. Old Buck said that he was more than glad to oblige the sovereign session with the evidence to which he had already alluded. He said the only reason he had failed to present his resolution in the previous meeting was the fact that he had happened to drowse off during a prolonged speech by a worthy brother. He said that three times during the past summer and early fall, his wife and daughter had wakened at night and told him they thought someone was spying on them through 39 �the windows of the house. Of course, he had got down his old shotgun, loaded up with double-ought buckshot, and went out to investigate. He didn't find anything the first two times, he said, so he just tut-tutted his wife and daughter, and went back to bed. But the third time this happened, which was just a couple of weeks before this meeting I'm telling you about, old Buck ran out onto the porch, trying to get a fair shot at the prowler, if there was a prowler. Well, this time, he slipped and fell like a ton of brick, right at the edge of the porch. Yes sir, old Buck took a tumble, though he didn't break anything. His wife and girl run out, carrying a lamp, to see if the old man was hurt. By then, old Buck was picking himself up from the floor. Suddenly he noticed what he had slipped on. Yes sir, it was tobacco juice, where somebody had miss­ ed the edge of the porch. Now old Buck got to figuring. He didn't chew, himself, and he could't think how the tobacco juice had got there ex­ cept by this Peeping Tom he'd been telling about. So old Buck was putting the resolution to the session that drastic steps should be taken to catch the aforementioned Peeping Tom, when all of a sudden, one of the brothers nearest the windows on the warehouse side of the hall jumped to his feet and started waving his hands. The chairman pounded his wooden mallet on the table and told the worthy brother to set down, since he was out of order, that Brother Barlow still had the floor. But the ex­ cited brother wouldn't set down. He yelled out, "Mister Chairman, I wish to inform the sovereign session that I just heard a noise at the window. I think there's somebody on the warehouse roof. I move we adjourn and apprehend this villain." The motion was never seconded, you understand. The brothers raced over to the windows, pulled them open and started piling out onto the roof as if there was a fire. One of the men claimed he heard the sound of somebody scram­ bling down the fire-ladder on the far side of the old 40 �warehouse. Charley told me later that Aleck and Tom Jenkins, both of them being fairly young and in good condi­ tion, took out across the warehouse roof like rabbits. It be­ ing such a foggy night, they had to slow down considerably when they came to the ladder. But they got down to the ground some way and kept right after the Peeping Tom. The rest of the brothers stood around on that warehouse roof for the better part of an hour, waiting for Aleck and Tom to come back and report to the sovereign session as to the success or failure of their undertaking. Then they began to hear noises off beyond the edge of the warehouse roof. After a while, here come Aleck and Tom, with a little, moaning shrimp of a man between them, his coat pulled up over his head so's he couldn't see where he was going. They shoved him up the ladder and across the roof to the win­ dows outside the lodge hall. The brothers by then had recognized the little man as Jim Lundley, and they was like a powder keg, ready to explode. Anything could've happen­ ed. But the chairman kept his head. He climbed back through the window, went to his table, sat down, and banged his wooden mallet for order. The brothers heard it, and like the genuine, loyal Mountain Sheep they are, they came crawling through the windows and taking their prop­ er seats. Aleck and Tom remained outside on the warehouse roof, holding the prisoner, who was shaking as if he had the agar, and who kept mumbling and moaning. They took the handkerchief out of his mouth once, and he started telling them how he hadn't meant any harm to anybody, so they stuffed the handkerchief back again. Meantime, the sovereign session had under considera­ tion a resolution, formally introduced by old Buck Barlow, that the members present should perform immediate execu­ tion upon the person of one James Lundley, caught in the act of espionage. Surely such an act merited the severest penalty. Charley Stover got the floor then. He's a lawyer, you 41 �know, and a durn good one. He started in on a speech about the seriousness of committing execution upon the person of any citizen without recourse to what he called the due pro­ cess of law. This, he further explained, meant that the penalty could only be administered by a court of law. Brother Bud Wilkins then got on his feet and said that such a case as this could never be submitted to trial in a regular court, since it might involve the revelation of the innermost secrets of the Loyal Order of Mountain Sheep. This, he said, no member could ever do, even in a court of law, since it would be breaking his sacred oath. So the brothers argued back and forth. One was for whipping Jim Lundley within an inch of his life. This was voted down, because one brother maintained that the lodge could be prosecuted for such an action. Another moved that Jim be tarred and feathered. This resolution failed because nobody could think where there was any tar, although they could lay their hands on plenty of feathers. By this time, old Buck Barlow had reintroduced his resolution to have Jim executed, then and there, only this time he had polished the phrasing to "hung by the neck un­ til he be dead." The chairman pounded on the table with his wooden mallet and announced in proper language that the session was wasting time, the hour was wearing late, and they were getting nowhere. He reminded them that Brother Aleck and Brother Tom were probably getting plenty tired holding the prisoner out on the roof. A decision must be reached, he said, and then he offered to open the floor to any new ideas which might be advanced by the legal consultant. Now Charley Stover is the legal consultant, of course. So Charley took the floor and started off on a long speech about the rights of man—even of such a dried-up, ornery, snooping excuse of a man as was then shaking and trem­ bling outside the windows of the lodge room of the sovereign session. Charley's an eloquent man, you know, 42 �once he gets a-going. Lord, how I'd like to of been there to hear him! Anyway, after he had thoroughy examined the natural rights of man, Charley switched off onto a consideration of the supreme and sacred constitution of the Loyal Order of Mountain Sheep. The members were getting restless by then, and two or three of the brothers were holding up their hands and clearing their throats, trying to get the floor, figuring that Charley had bumbled off his subject, I reckon. Even old Buck Barlow had started to drowse off, lulled by Charley's eloquence, when the lawyer finally got around to his point and stated in plain language that he was prepared to offer a resolution which, he claimed, would solve the difficulty, once and for all. The chairman pound­ ed for order and asked Brother Stover to present the resolu­ tion. So Charley rared back and said that, since one Jim Lundley had been caught red-handed in the act of spying on the secret sessions of the Loyal Order of Mountain Sheep, and since any member of the sovereign session is sworn to absolute secrecy, he moved that the said Jim Lundley be summarily initiated into the sovereign session as a duly accepted member. In this way only, in view of the rights of man which he had briefly outlined for the sovereign session, could the said Jim Lundley be kept from divulging any information he may have obtained while he was eavesdropping upon the session. For about a minute, you could have heard a pin drop. Then old Buck Barlow got up and roared out a question about how the sovereign session proposed to punish this culprit, who was undoubtedly the Peeping Tom who had been violating the privacy of his home. He thereupon rein­ troduced his resolution that Jim Lundley be executed, or "lynched," as he now put it. The chairman beat on the table, and closed the book of rules of order and put it away, so's he could make a speech himself. He said that sometimes it's hard for a man to use 43 �his head, especially when he's excited or angry. He said that this was one of those times. Therefore, he urged that the esteemed brothers would be sensible and restrained and try to use their heads in this case. He then moved that the sovereign session should act on the resolution which had been introduced by the legal consultant, meaning Charley, of course. So the session voted that Jim Lundley be summarily in­ itiated into the Loyal Order of Mountain Sheep. Tom and Aleck brought the little squirrelly man in from the roof, still gagged and blindfolded. He was informed that he was about to be initiated into the sovereign session of our an­ cient and honorable order, whose members had for cen­ turies "walked with unerring footsteps along the high peaks of human endeavor." Then he was told he was about to take an oath "freely and without mental reservations," never to divulge a word of what would take place in his in­ itiation or of any of the secrets of the sovereign session. All of us had to take that oath when we were initiated, you understand. Then the lights were turned out and the duly appointed brothers proceeded to initiate Jim Lundley. They claimed he passed out three or four times. Charley even said Jim was entirely unconscious when the session finally gave him the brotherly handclasp and welcomed him into the order. But they managed to bring him to later on, long enough to get him to understand that, contrary to the usual inter­ pretation of the rules of the order, Jim's regular attendance at future meetings would not be required, though his Mountain Sheep brothers would strive, in their daily walks of life, to keep Jim's feet from slipping "off the steep and rocky paths of high and noble living." Charley said Jim was a sorry looking Peeping Tom when he left the lodge hall that night. I doubt there'll be any more peeping hereabouts. Well, I've got to get back to selling nails and harness, and I know you want to hit the road. All this I've told you is 44 �in strict confidence, you understand. Only a rat with no in­ tegrity, or a Peeping Tom, would reveal secrets he swore to keep. Oh, yes, I nearly forgot. Charley Stover told me the reason he doubts Jim Lundley will make an outstanding Mountain Sheep. He said the only reason the sovereign ses­ sion ever caught him eavesdropping on the roof outside was because he got careless and fell on some of his own tobacco juice. Charley claims that a Peeping Tom, like a Mountain Sheep, needs to be especially sure-footed. 45 �MORNING Once a splinter of sunlight found a crevice to shine through and speared a line of dust to the cabin wall. And once a sleepy bird outside forgot it was a new day, and finished a song begun at twilight the evening before. Wind came breathing on high silver tubes in the pines. A mountain boy whistled a melody laden with loneliness beyond music. Then the cabin was lingeringly still. 46 �B A L L A D SINGER O Mary, come from the frosty hills When the logs are bright with flame, Wearing the homespun dress you wore When first you came. Come again at Octobers bidding, Singer of ancient rhyme, Come again from the hills, O Mary, At husking time. Be yours a place at the glowing hearth, With warmth and shelter from frost; Be yours the air to charm, O Mary, Till the hours are lost. 47 �STREAM CROSSING I would not come the way this water comes, Through pools that throb like wooden drums With sudden dashings, whispered undertones Among the laurel roots and stones. I would not go the way this water goes, To bear upon my breast the blows Of rocks that break the current's shining fall While thrushes perch on them and call. But here between, where water slows and pools, Where mirrored daylight moves and cools, Here would I rest content from dawn to dawn And lack will-strength to travel on. 48 �SONG When the wild strawberries bloom On brown Robin Hill, Life will be new and full for us And worth living still. Some will say, "Spring!" when they hear Soft rain before dawn, Some marvel long at the loamy earth When the frost is gone. But we who are wise will wait And have nothing to say, Till the wild strawberries bloom On Robin Hill, one day. 49 �This page intentionally left blank �Feast of Wild Honey �This page intentionally left blank �FEAST OF WILD HONEY When his mother brought her head-net, long gloves and smoke-pot out into the yard, Sam's howl of glee could have been heard a half-mile away. He slapped his sides, danced up and down on the frozen ground, his breath steamy and white in the wind. "Lookit that, Ralph," he yelled. "See what Ma brought us? Gloves and a net to keep the bees off. What a laugh!" Ralph didn't see anything funny about it. "Looks like a good idea to me. I'll take 'em, Aunt Minnie." He held out his mittened hands. Sam stopped laughing. "Oh, don't be a sissy, Ralph. It's so cold, the bees won't know which way is up—and couldn't fly if they did. Throw the gear away, Ma!" Ralph reluctantly gave the things back to Sam's mother. The thin woman started back toward the kitchen steps, then turned and called to them, "Don't freeze yourself, son. And take good care of Ralph." Sam grabbed up the crosscut saw, holding it in his hand with the teeth up, and struck out across the fields. Ralph trotted along back of him, carrying an axe and an agate bucket. The wind blew straight into their faces as they crunched along over the frost-crust of the soil. Patches of ice from the last snow could still be seen wherever the shadow of a furrow or a slope of land had kept off the direct rays of the sun. Ralph had trouble keeping up. He always had trouble keeping up with Sam. His nose and ears hurt, and he envied the way Sam could walk into the wind, his dark head held high, and his cheeks as red as June apples. Sometimes Sam whistled something that sounded like a racy fiddle-tune, but Ralph couldn't be sure just which one it was. Every 53 �now and again, Sam would make the long saw in his gloved hand wriggle like a live snake. Full of himself, Sam was, and bubbling over. When they came to the rail fence at the edge of the fields and started to climb over, Sam again let out a howl. "That Ma! She still thinks I'm a kid. Imagine wearing all that gear to rob a bee-tree! Is your ma that crazy?" he asked. A stricken look came to Ralph's face, but Sam paid no attention. He was pulling the saw over the fence. "Yeah, I guess my mom's just as foolish," Ralph said. Then they were in the edge of the woods, finding their way among the bare branches of undergrowth and the scat­ tered, black-green patches of pines. Ralph thought of his mother, and of the fight she was making for life in the hospital in the city. It was because of her illness that he had been sent on this visit to his uncle's farm in the hill country. During the whole of the Christmas holidays, he and Sam had been together almost constantly. Sam had a blundering, blustery vitality about him that had simply and completely swept the quiet Ralph off his feet. Whatever Sam did, Ralph thought he, too must do. Whatever Sam enjoyed, in his loud and hearty manner, Ralph felt he must enjoy also. Sam's nature laid a strong, rough hold upon its surroundings: the wintry farm and countryside, the frozen woods, and even the sweep of the wind over the hilly fields seemed to give way before Sam's gusty laughter and his fierce energy. Ralph had followed Sam wherever he went, and had helped in activities that were new and strange to him. Such an activity had been the daily inspection of Sam's string of rabbit-traps in the woods before breakfast. The first morning at the farm, Ralph had found himself dragged out of bed in total darkness. He had gotten into his clothes and had followed Sam out into the night, glittering with stars and frost, before he was fully awake. Sam had whis­ tled his jiggy tunes and had swung along the fields and into the woods. 54 �The third trap they had come to, Sam had let out a yell. "It's sprung! We've got one." He had lifted the trap on end, and frantic kicking sounds could be heard inside of it. The light had grown strong enough by then for Ralph to watch what had happened next. Sam had reached with his gloved hand down into the trap, and had finally pulled out a long, brownish-gray rabbit, shrieking and kicking. It had struggled violently as he held it up by its hind legs. "Now," Sam had yelled, "I'll show you how to stop all this racket." He had then quite deliberately taken the small wooden door of the trap and had swung it down against the back of the rabbit's neck as hard as he could. The shrieking and kicking had stopped. Then Sam had hung the rabbit by its hind feet to the belt of his mackinaw, and it had bumped limply against his legs as they had gone on down the line of traps. They had found a rabbit in one other trap, and this one, too, Sam had killed and hung to the belt of his coat. "What do you do with them?" Ralph had finally man­ aged to ask. "Sell the hides in town for fifteen cents each," Sam had answered in an offhand manner. "I'll show you how to skin 'em too." Sam had fixed a special place at the barn where he always skinned the animals. He had hung them on two nails by their hind feet. Ralph had noticed the old blood­ stains on the wall. Sam had used a hunting knife with a buckhorn handle, and had explained every step of the pro­ cedure to Ralph, telling of the special way he had learned for saving more of the pelt. Leaving the hides turned wrong-side out, he had fitted them over stretchers made of baling-wire, and then had hung them up to get stiff and frozen in the winter air. Ralph had noticed how Sam sniffed at the pink and pur­ ple meat of the rabbits. He had seemed to enjoy the animal smell of the carcasses, still slightly warm. "Ma's afraid of rabbit fever, or we'd have some dump­ lings," he had said. Ralph had not answered. They had 55 �taken the carcasses and thrown them into the woods, and then had gone back to the house. There had also been the matter of squirrel hunting. Sam had been using the family shotgun for a whole season now, and had gone out to hunt squirrels. The second day after Ralph had arrived, Sam had taken him on a long squirrel hunt. For hours they had tramped about the woods, thumping with sticks on trees that looked like they might have squirrel nests in them. Finally Sam had managed to get a shot at a squirrel, scrambling along high in the limbs of an oak. Ralph had felt shocked and almost unbelieving when he had seen the fluffy, grey body jerked up from the limb and then had heard it thud against the ground. While Sam had skinned the squirrel, Ralph had been fascinated by the sight of the little black pellets of birdshot lodged under its hide, each one surrounded by a stain of blood. Sam had had his mother use the meat in a squirrel pie, and had eaten it at dinner with smacking enjoyment. Ralph had gagged at its gamey odor, but he had finally tasted it, upon Sam's insistence. The two boys had now reached a northern slope of the woods, and the trees were mostly oak and hickory. Much snow lay on the ground about them, for the thawing had been slower here. The wind seemed to be blowing in direct­ ly from the white mountains in the distance. It made a big, hollow sound among the limbs, and then filled the hollowness with the rattling noise of the tough leaves that still clung to the branches of many of the oaks. The sun had dropped past mid-afternoon. Sam laid the saw on the ground beside a big oak. "Here she is," he slapped the tree-trunk. "The last beetree in the county—maybe in the whole state, for all I know!" He expanded. "Here she is, and all ours! More honey 'n you ever saw in your life, Ralph. Maybe a hundred pounds. You might have to go back for more buckets." Ralph had pulled off his mittens and was rubbing his nose and ears. "Where is the honey?" he asked. 56 �"Up there fifteen feet. Right above the broken limb," Sam said, pointing. "But we don't have to cut the tree down, do we?" Ralph faltered. Sam exploded into laughter and hit the side of the tree with his hand. "Why, you innocent city galoop, how else could we get it? And why d'you think I've been totin' a saw all afternoon?" "Why, I thought it was just a last resort, if you couldn't make a hole into the place where the honey is stored," Ralph said. Sam took the axe and started chopping a notch in the side of the oak. He was sure in his stroke, and the big chips flew out onto the ground. Finally, he put the axe down and went around to the other side of the tree. "Now we saw. The trunk's hollow, and it won't take long to get it down." Sam took one end of the crosscut and Ralph the other. Ralph had never helped use a crosscut, but he soon got the swing of it, and the teeth began to bite deeper, pulling out reddish, strong-scented sawdust, then the darker stuff from the hollow, decayed middle of the tree. When they stopped for a rest, Ralph flung himself down on his coat under the tree, his face turned up toward the sky that was greying toward dusk. Suddenly he noticed some tiny, dark insects flying about the trunk of the tree, near the first limbs. He watched them bucking the force of the wind, flying in excited circles, darting against the side of the tree. He knew these were the wild bees that had stored their honey in the hollow tree, making it their home for the winter. The chopping and sawing had disturbed them, and they were flying dizzily about in the chill air. Ralph watched the wild bees, fascinated. Then he thought of his mother, and of stories she had told him of swarms of bees they had found in these woods when she was young. Now his mother was sick, so sick that he was terribly afraid he might not see her again. There might not be any home again for him, either. 57 �"Sam," he said, "What will happen to the bees?" Sam looked indignant. "Aw, kid, you think too much. They'll either freeze or starve to death," He was pulling on his gloves. "Come on, we've got a lot of sawin' to do before we have that feast of wild honey." Ralph started to tell Sam what he had been thinking about. Then he knew that Sam would only look at him in amazement and start laughing again at his "city softness." No, Sam wouldn't understand. Ralph hauled away at the crosscut, trying to get back in­ to the movement of it. But either his arms were stiffened a little in the cold or he had lost interest in the work. He was thinking of Sam, shuddering at the exuberance with which he had broken the necks of the rabbits and had skinned them, and had shot down the graceful wisp of fur which was the little grey-squirrel, and had gorged himself on the squirrel-pie. There was something about Sam that he didn't like at all. He was thinking of his mother, too, more than he ever had before in his life. He was missing her and the home she had made for him. "Hey, watch out!" Sam yelled, and Ralph felt the saw jerked out of his hands. He jumped back out of the way, as he felt the tree beginning to lean over with the wind. Then he heard the furious, crackling sounds as its branches hit against the limbs of other trees. Then there came the linger­ ing crash, followed by the cold stillness of the rattling leaves and the hollow wind. Ralph looked up into the greyness where the tree had stood. He could see the swarm of wild bees milling about in the air, at the same height at which the nest had been. Mill­ ing and darting about confusedly in the freezing wind, they seemed to be searching desperately for the entrance to the nest and the cache of honey in a tree which was no longer there. Some of them made short flights into the bleak woods, but they came back quickly to the rest of the swarm. Ralph shivered. He put on his coat. Sam was already down on his knees beside the hollow 58 �place in the trunk. He reached cautiously with his gloved hand into the nest, bringing out a piece of the honeycomb. He held it in his hand, brushing off a few bees that still clung to it. "Too dark," he said, disappointment in his tone. "Those blasted bees must've been eatin' a lot of it." He tasted it, then spit it distastefully to the ground. "Too waxy. Those beggars must've been havin' a rough winter, or else they didn't make any honey last summer." Ralph was only half listening. He was still gazing up at the dark specks, circling about in the wintry twilight. "Sam," he said, "I'm going to the house. You can stay and dig out the honey if you want to, but I'm through." 59 �CRIPPLE CREEK A dandelion moon found the lip of the valley while we were lost on the lonely road. "And the madcap ripples of the cool dark wind tousled our hair and sang." Above and below, on the banks by the roadside, herding the moongold asters in fields, ran a two-rail fence of cricket song. "And the thin moonlight lying under the wind and the high white stars hanging over the dimness were shadowy voices that sang with the wind and the night." Pressing the dust of the road with our feet, beating the lonely miles with our song, we passed... "In the mad moonlight, going down Cripple Creek, going down Cripple Creek to have some fun." 60 �BROOK The spring: From the dark I come: from the dark. The starting: Silently over smooth stones I flow: smoothly flow. The spring-house: In the brown boxes where the milk is kept, cool content I find: cool content. On-flowing: Through a channel among weeds and over black earth I move; light comes and blinds and goes; after light comes the shade: blessed shade. 61 �MOUNTAIN SONG What mother-voice is this that stills the restless cradle and calls green twilight into the lamp-glow room? Hear the whippoorwills weaving a cloth of song across the valley, and the lone cricket in the dooryard singing. Now the stormwind rises in the hollows and sounding thunder stalks the ridges; lightning burns a purple syllable of song into the night. Rain sweeps the trees on the lonely slopes. For a moment, silence. Firesides of the past flicker here, old loves live again, and, strangely vague, a never-dying chivalry rides by on night-grey horses. 62 �The generations listen in the lamp-glow room. Softly: what plainsong is this that sleeps in the ear? 63 �DEVILS D E N Quiet. Clamber down through the laurel bushes and part the limbs. Peer into the half darkness of the place and sniff the dampness in the air. Hear the drip...drip...drip... of water from the ledge above. Quiet. Some say bats lived here before men found this land; and some that spirits of the night made this their home. Quiet. This is where the madman hid on the stormy night when ghosts walked the woods on forked lightning. Quiet. The man with the twisted mind who crawled into shelter here out of the blackness of thunder and wet: did he talk solemnly with bats and mildewed spirits until the grey morning broke? 64 �Twelve Hundred Dollars Reward �This page intentionally left blank �T W E L V E HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD The hall telephone kept up its persistent ringing. Finally Bain realized that everyone in the house must be awake and waiting for him to get up and answer it. Struggling into a pair of trousers and pulling shoes onto his feet, he made his way down the creaking staircase and took the receiver off the hook. "Yes, Sheriff," he said, "when and where?" The mild, careful voice at the other end of the line said, "Front of my house, and make it immediately, Bain. It's a long trip and we'll get breakfast on the way." Bain hung up the receiver and creaked his way back up the dark stairs. "What's cookin' this morning, Bain?" a voice from the room next to his asked in a stage-whisper that reverberated through the frame building. "Murder, arson, robbery, or the bank bandits again?" "Don't know," Bain answered, as he went into his room and started getting into his clothes. He was puzzled about it himself, for the sheriff seldom called him at such an early hour. He had hardly come to a stop in front of the sheriff s house before the officer appeared beside the car and climb­ ed in. He was a small man, his sandy hair just beginning to turn grey at the temples. Bain could tell that the sheriff was worried about something, but he knew better than to ask what it was. Mighty close-mouthed, Sheriff Tom Burke was, but good-natured, and maybe a bit too trustful of his fellow-men to be a good enforcement officer. At least, Bain had heard such things said about him when the loafers whittled together in the afternoon sunlight on courthouse square. 67 �"Take highway sixty/' the sheriff said. Bain pulled off in that direction, soon leaving the sleeping town behind. "We after the bank bandits again, Sheriff Tom?" "Yes, only this time, we bring them in." Bain looked surprised. "They been caught yet, Sheriff?" "No. We'll catch them," the sheriff said. Then he add­ ed, in a tone a little less certain, "I hope." "Does that mean we'll get the twelve hundred reward?" The sheriff smiled at the sudden enthusiasm. "If my plan works out, we won't get the reward. But," he added, "I might stand a chance for reelection, eight weeks from now. If it doesn't work out, we won't be worried about elections." They followed number sixty until shortly after sunrise, when the sheriff directed Bain to stop at a hamburger joint for breakfast. He told the driver to help himself to anything he wanted, since this was on the office. Bain promptly doubled his order of ham and eggs. The sheriff didn't seem very hungry, though. This wor­ ried Bain a lot, for Sheriff Burke usually had a good ap­ petite. He didn't seem to want to talk any more, either. So Bain ate in silence, knowing how quiet the sheriff liked to be on occasion. As they started out again, Bain noticed that the sheriff had taken a wrinkled piece of paper from his pocket and was studying it carefully. There were pencil-marks on it, drawn in some sort of crude design. "When we come to number sixty-eight," the sheriff said, "we take that highway through the mountains until we get to the Tennessee line." Bain almost swerved off the road. "Tennessee? Why, Sheriff, you know your badge is no good across the state line." Sheriff Burke smiled. "Neither has it been any good since we left the Milam County line. But Tennessee's where we're going." Bain had a lot to think about, after that. But the higher 68 �he got into the Blue Ridges, the more attention he had to put on his driving. Winding and climbing, the highway led them ever farther into the green and deserted mountain country. The heat of the day grew as the sun stood higher in the sky. At noon they came to the Tennessee line, and the sheriff told Bain to pull off on the side of the road. "Let's have your gun and your deputy's badge," the sheriff said. "Why, what's wrong, Sheriff Tom?" Bain could hardly believe his ears. His gun and his deputy's badge. What had he done to cause his dismissal, he wondered. But mechanically, he started unfastening the badge from his belt. Then be brought out his revolver and handed both to the sheriff. He saw that the sheriff had already removed the big badge from his vest and had taken off his shoulder holster with its weapon and extra ammunition. Then the sheriff got out and Bain could see him putting the weapons in the trunk of the car. What had come over Sheriff Tom, anyway? Perhaps the strain of the past two months had begun to affect his mind, as Bain had decided long ago might happen. Ever since June, when Sam Barkley had been killed in the attempted holdup of the Milam State Bank, Sheriff Burke had been on the spot, constantly criticized, pestered and driven. Bain thought that the biggest problem the sheriff had had to contend with was that of the angry, excited, triggerhappy citizens who insisted on organizing their own expedi­ tions to curry the wooded hillsides and the gullies of Milam County. Each of these groups fully expected to rout out of hiding the four escaped bandits. When that happened, summary justice would be done upon the fugitives, then and there, in the manner traditional to the region. These unofficial posses, many of which failed to include even one authorized deputy-sheriff, had given the sheriff his greatest worry. Ready to open fire on anything that moved in the brush and ask questions later, these groups 69 �had given Sheriff Burke nightmares at the thought of what would be the consequences if one of these armed bands came suddenly upon another in the search for the bandits. But gradually Bain had watched the enthusiasm of the citizens die down. The realization began to grow that the bandits had made good their escape, even though they had had to abandon their car in the initial mad chase after the teller had been shot. But while the people of the county had almost abandoned their part in the search, they still looked to the man in the sheriffs office to bring the bandits to justice. On a Saturday afternoon or a Sunday, small bands would still gather, however, in the area in which the car with the weapons had been discovered. No doubt some of the men still had the idea of being about when the bandits were taken, and thus share in the reward money which had been offered by the bank for the capture of the outlaws. When the sheriff got back into the car, Bain noticed that he put a small parcel wrapped in brown paper beside him. Then the officer bent his head over the pencilled sketch again. "Two miles from here," he said, "we take a road that leads off to the right." After a while the sheriff spoke again. "Maybe I shouldn't have let you drive for me on this trip, Bain." The driver tried to say something, but the older man continued. "Though you always say you want to be along, no matter what the job is. But this trip's different. In fact, maybe I shouldn't have come myself, even though I'm still sheriff." Bain stirred uneasily. "What are you driving at, Sheriff Tom?" The officer turned to him. "Just this. Between us on the seat is twelve hundred dollars." Alarm came to Bain's face. "The reward money?" "Certainly. That money, provided an old man's word is good, will buy us four prisoners, the men who shot Sam Barkley." They came to the turn-off, and the road they took to the 70 �right was in such a state of disrepair that Bain had little time for estimating the full meaning of what the sheriff had told him. The older man was so engrossed in following the pencilled diagram that there was little time for more than words of direction to the driver. They left the graded road and started following one of clay that was badly rutted and little better than a wagontrail. Bain became conscious of a growing feeling of uneasiness and of dread, as if they were heading into a trap from which there was no escape. He knew they would never be able to get out of this territory in a hurry, in case of an emergency. The trail was only wide enough for a single vehicle, and timber came to the very edges of it. "This is no place for chasing bandits, Sheriff." "Nor for running away from them, either. Especially," he added, "since we have to arrive unarmed, according to instructions." A little later, Bain put into words the thought that had been troubling him. "Suppose this is a double-cross, Sheriff? Suppose they shoot us like they shot Barkley, and make off with the reward money, since they failed to get any in the actual robbery? Suppose—" The sheriff interrupted him. "Do you want to go back, Bain?" "No. I was just thinking aloud. I don't want to run out on you." The officer stirred a little. "Those 'supposes' are about the shape of the picture. I've been wondering the same thing. The general situation doesn't look too good, I've got to admit. I've heard it said many a time that I'm too trustful of others, especially of men just on the borderline of law and decency. This time I've had only seven hours in which to make up my mind about what to do. And that seven hours I could better have spent in sleeping. But my mind's made up now, and we're going through with it, unless you back out on me." "You know I'm with you, whatever you do, Sheriff." 71 �"Very well. Soon we'll come within sight of a deserted building to the left of the road. That's where old Sol Warr­ ington said we'd find the man who would turn the prisoners over to us." "What's Sol Warrington got to do with our being here?" "His wife is a Meacham. The Meacham clan controls this whole county. Even the sheriff of this county is a Meacham. Old Sol came to my house last night and told me that the men who tried to pull the bank job were of the Meacham kin, and that they are holed up in this county. His wife's brother is the absolute boss of the whole county. Sol said his brother-in-law, Zeno, had sent word that he would rather have the twelve hundred dollars than to hide four bandits with a capital charge against them." Bain whistled. "Sheriff you've outdone yourself this time. Even your giving that road convict an easy parole won't compare with this. I heard the county commissioners said some nasty things about you when that bird escaped." The sheriff looked grim, but still determined. "Old Sol swore to me that this deal is on the up-and-up, provided we carry out the terms of the agreement and deliver the money to his wife's brother." "But you're taking a mighty long chance, not only with yourself but with the reward money." "Bain," the sheriff said in his mild voice. "I grew up in these mountains. Most of the folks in Milam County know it, and this may be why they've elected me sheriff for three different terms now. I'm a mountain man and I know mountain people. Lots of them you can't depend on. But the ones who control these big family clans are men whose word you can mostly risk your life on. Of course, there's always a gamble that some of the young ones will break away from the law laid down by the old men. But that's the chance we have to take." The dirt road by now had taken them over the hump of a mountain and down into a densely-wooded valley. They forded the same stream so often that Bain lost count of the 72 �times they had driven through it. At last they came sudden­ ly within sight of an old log building, the first sign of human habitation they had seen since leaving the highway. It stood above the road on the left, and looked completely deserted. The sheriff had Bain stop the car. Then, apparently ac­ cording to arrangement, he told Bain to raise his hands. The officer held his hands up, too, with the brown package of money in one of them. A rumbling voice from the log cabin above asked, "You the high-sheriff?" "Yes, Sheriff Burke and this is my deputy, Medlock." "Come up," the voice ordered. They climbed out of the car, their hands still held high, and struggled up through the brush to the ruined cabin. As they drew near, the door of the cabin was kicked open by an old man, who held a rifle in his hands. "Come in and set, Sheriff." The two were then motioned to a bench, on which they sat down with their backs to the wall. The old man examined them for weapons. "I see you left your weapons behind. You can put your hands down now. I see you've got something for me, Sheriff. Let's have a look at it." The sheriff gave him the package. Bain looked at the of­ ficer, wondering how a man could get so you couldn't tell his feelings by the look on his face. Even though he must be worried and scared and doubtful, Sheriff Tom didn't show it. The old mountaineer with the mop of white whiskers had broken open the brown paper wrapping and was coun­ ting the bills. He did this carefully and deliberately, putting his whole attention on whether or not this was the correct amount. Twice he counted through the money, then he stuffed the bills into the pockets of his overalls. Turning to the sheriff, the old man said, "Zeno Meacham's my name, Sheriff. I'm the pappy and the grandpappy of this here county. My word's for law and 73 �order, and my ruling is an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth, even when it's my own kin that's involved. You calc'lated right, Sheriff, when you took old Sol's word that even the Almighty couldn't take these men out of my coun­ ty without my ordering them to go. Now I'm going to send them to you, Sheriff. All we ask is that they get a fair trial." "We'll see that they get it," the sheriff promised. The old man turned toward the door. "You two set where you are, and don't dare put a foot out'n this house till you hear a call. After that, it's up to you." With these words, the old fellow stepped out into the light of mid-afternoon and was gone. The sound of his steps in the brush soon died away and the stillness of the day returned. The sheriff and Bain sat motionless, without a word. Bain had to admit to himself that he was afraid. His palms were sweating and he had to clench his teeth to keep them from chattering. He could feel hostile eyes watching the dilapidated cabin from all sides, and knew that he could end his life merely by going to the open door and looking out. A thin chirring of crickets filled the air and other insect sounds became magnified by the great silence that had fallen about the two men in the cabin. Occasionally some bird would break the stillness with a phrase of song. In the distance, below the cabin, Bain thought he could make out the sound of the plunging of the stream as it made its way down from the mountainside into the level part of the valley. But these noises of nature held no reassurance for Bain. Instead, they only increased his fear. Finally he looked around at the sheriff. "Sheriff Tom, you reckon they're making fools of us?" "Just relax, Bain, we'll soon know. I think the old man wants to do what's right. But we'll see." After that the time went even more slowly. A shaft of afternoon sunlight found its way through a chink in the logs 74 �and dragged slowly across the floor for a little distance, then disappeared. Later still, the light at the window began to fail, and Bain knew that darkness was not far off. A whippoorwill began its maddening, persistent night cry, and the coolness of the mountain evening began to wash in­ to the cabin. "Sheriff Tom," he faltered, T m scared. Let's get out of here before it gets any darker." The sheriff grabbed his arm, pulling him back down on the bench. "Sit still. Don't you know we're being watched from every direction?" Again the tense waiting, and the loud stillness, until Bain thought he could endure it no longer. "Sheriff," he said, "did you ever make an arrest like this before?" The older man laughed. "Never did. And I never knew an officer to take such a crazy risk either, and live to tell about it." A while after that, Bain admitted, "My stummick don't feel so good, Sheriff." Late twilight had settled when the stillness was broken by the sound of a man's voice. The sheriff and Bain got up and went cautiously to the door and stepped out into the uncertain dimness. Bain still had knots in his stomach and felt numb all over. But he stuck close to the side of the sheriff. No one was in sight, yet there was still the consciousness that their every move was being watched from the sur­ rounding trees and undergrowth. "Move on down to your car," the voice shouted to them from somewhere above. They clambered through the brush down the bank to their car. It was filled with men. Three on the back seat and one in front. "Now, git out of Tennessee," the voice shouted. Bain hesitated about getting into the car with the four men, but the sheriff didn't. "Get under the wheel, Bain," he ordered. Then the of75 �ficer crawled in beside the man in the front seat. Some way, Bain managed to get the car turned around and headed out of the black valley. He felt a great, over­ powering sense of cold unreality and of danger as he crouched in his place, gripping the wheel, and tried to follow the rough course of the road. He was conscious of the sullen menace in the eyes of the trio in the rear seat as he focused his attention on driving. He didn't know yet what these men looked like, but there was almost a physical violence, like blows to the body, in the silence they main­ tained, mile after mile. Even the sound of the motor failed to drown out all the lonely, brooding noises of the mountain night. The rhythmic, hypnotic cry of the whippoorwill never abated. At one time the piteous screaming of a screech-owl cut through the other sounds. This cry so unnerved the wrought-up Bain that he almost lost control of the car in the act of fording the stream. At this the man between him and the sheriff spoke, "If n you cain't drive, I'll do it myself!" This brought Bain back to his senses. "No, I'll manage." One of the trio on the rear seat spoke up. "Shut up yore trap, Zeke. You're too tetchy. That's what caused the trou­ ble when that fool teller throwed the inkwell at us. Now you shut up till we git a lawyer." Silence settled again, while the car toiled up the rough trail. At last, they came to the highway, and Bain felt a tremendous sense of relief. Now he could make good speed, and every mile would bring them nearer to Milam County. But still the consciousness lingered that they might even yet be the victims of a carefully devised plot. Two unarmed men would certainly be easy pickings for four men who might have knives, pistols, or even machine-guns on them, for all he or the sheriff knew. The miles of winding highway went by in the darkness, and they finally passed through the foothills and into the level country. Bain could almost have shouted when they 76 �finally crossed the line into Milam County. In this territory, Tom Burke was again a sheriff, with all the power and authority of the office. But still they rode in the speeding car, semi-prisoners of the silent mountain men. Even so, being on the soil of his home county made Bain feel safer. At the county jail, Bain stopped the car and the sheriff got out. When the jailer came to the door, Sheriff Burke ordered him to take custody of the prisoners. A couple of sleepy deputies helped Bain search the men. Bain found a wicked-looking knife on his man, but the rest of them had evidently left all their weapons behind them. The jailer asked, "Sheriff, how do you want these men booked?" "Charge them with the murder of Sam Barkley." As they drove through the black and deserted streets, Bain asked, "How do you think their trial will come out, Sheriff Tom?" The officer thought for a minute. "My guess is they will go to the chair. They conspired together to commit a crime, and that crime turned into a murder. But they'll get a fair trial, like I promised old Meacham. I'll even try to get them a jury from some other county, so there won't be any prej­ udice." He shrugged. "But the end will be the same. Even with Clem Winters, the trickiest lawyer in the Blue Ridges, to defend them." Bain looked around in surprise. "How do you know Winters will defend them, Sheriff?" The officer grinned, "Simple arithmetic. I figured it all out after Sol Warrington came to see me last night. There are four men to be tried. Winters won't defend a man for less than three hundred dollars. That's why old Zeno, head of his tribe and a man of his word, wanted the twelve hun­ dred dollars reward money so he could pay Winters. Such a deal may not be usual, but you know these men don't have a red cent otherwise to pay for their trial. Anyway," he said, "this saves the state from having to furnish them defense counsel." 77 �CLING T O THIS BRANCH Cling to this branch and lean upon the gale, The unsweep of a wind that chills the bone; The valley lies asleep, the sky is pale With coming dawn, while we stand high and lone. The acres that we see are worn with cold, The grasses dead, the bushes stricken bare; If we sleep not, but watch here straight and bold We must feel spring ride in upon the air. The hour is past, the wind has changed its course, The sky has lightened toward the break of day; Do you feel on your cheek the sudden force Of warmer air — a flood of glad dismay? Lean on the tempest now and know this thing: We climbed a weary height and found—the spring! 78 �IN A LONELY FIELD I The rain has found me far from any tree; There is a stream to cross and matted sedge Before I reach the land that beckoned me At noon, as I stood by the field's far edge. Upon my feet the clays have left their mark, The grasses, heavy drops upon my coat; Beside the stream I gauge the coming dark And still the hard-drawn breathing in my throat. Where is the land that I came out to find? The fog is closing in with secret veil This wilderness of grass, and I am blind And lost where strength and voice and spirit fail. Yet I must strive toward seeing, late or soon, The pleasant land that beckoned me at noon. 79 �IN A L O N E L Y FIELD II The drops cling long beneath the milkweed husk; My steps are plodding, free of zeal or pain; The land I seek is hid in fog and dusk, Its lone tree lost upon a mystic plain. The clay, the stream, the sedge I knew are gone, There is no way but forward into night; Sometime, somewhere the sky will burgeon dawn And midnight fear shall vanish in its light. Where lies the land of promise, this late hour? What grief is here? What hope is baffled still? I search the past for some sustaining power And reach my hands through night and rain until Joy wells! This pilgrimage has found its mark: The tree is near — I touch its furrowed bark! 80 �A Friend of Jake's �This page intentionally left blank �A FRIEND OF JAKE'S They had been pretty slick about it, Tom thought, as he gave the driver his ticket and climbed aboard. Here he was, on the last bus leaving the city for Island Beach, and Jake would miss it. How Jake must be running off at the mouth, his plans for another one of those glorious weekends he was always raving about smashed to bits! Good old Jake, his pal—what a jolt it must have been when Greaves, the head bookkeeper, a couple of minutes after Tom was safely on his way, would have gotten around to informing Jake, in that infuriating, sepulchral voice of his, that he would have to run an extra trial balance on his ledger that afternoon. Of course, Tom reflected, none of the other fellows liked Greaves either, but in a special case like this they had had to do business with the louse in order to cross up Jake's plans and to leave an open field for Tom at Island Beach for the weekend. In one way, Tom decided, it was a raw deal they were handing Jake, while in another way it served him right. How Jake had bored them with the never-ending details of his weekends spent at Island Beach! Surely in all the world there could be no surf more wonderful to swim in than that which rolled onto Island Beach; no sunlight more lux­ uriant, no sand whiter, no moonlight ever softer or more magical than that to be found on Island Beach! And how worn their nerves had become as they listened to Jake's boasting of the sets of tennis he had played there with Doris Merman, and of the dances they attended at the beach clubhouse every Saturday night. No girl was ever so charm­ ing or so beautiful as Doris Merman, according to Jake. And the rest of the bookkeepers, sweating over the sorting of their cards and the posting of their work through the 83 �sweltering weeks of the summer, became very weary of hearing about Island Beach, in general, and about Miss Doris Merman, in particular. But this weekend would repay them for all that they had endured, Tom thought. Why couldn't he have contrived this plan himself, instead of waiting for the other book­ keepers to suggest it to him? Of course, the matter of brib­ ing old Greaves to assign the extra work to Jake had cost them a little money, and the expenses of his room and of the entertaining at Island Beach would amount to something, too. So, all in all, it was probably a good thing that the others had chipped in with their money. He was just lucky, Tom thought, that they had picked him for the job instead of Pete, for example, or George. A weekend at Island Beach, with all expenses paid, just so they could have the laugh on good old Jake! This was certainly his lucky day, Tom thought, as he relaxed and waited for the bus to pull out. His lucky day, beyond the shadow of a doubt! Too bad the weather had turned so dark and threatening. But that happened sometimes in late August, he knew, and there was nothing that could be done about it. It would more than likely be clear and hot at Island Beach, once he got there. The bus was nearly filled by now. Finally a young girl, carrying several light parcels, as though she had been shop­ ping in the city, stepped up into the bus. Tom thought she wouldn't be bad as a traveling companion, so he slipped over a little more in his double-seat. The girl hesitated an instant, then put her packages on the parcel-shelf and took the seat beside him. The driver climbed aboard and started the bus. Tom was glad they were moving at last. Now they could leave the dampness and the heaviness of the city air behind them, and he could get more into the spirit of this happy adven­ ture—this practical joke on good old Jake! Anticipation began to grow in him. He could hardly 84 �wait to slip into his swimming trunks and strike out into the surf at Island Beach and to lead Miss Doris Merman out on­ to the dance floor in the gorgeous clubhouse he had heard so much about. Naturally, getting acquainted with Miss Merman was not going to be so easy. But he would find her address in the phone book, and he had a good story, which he and the others had made up, to tell her. The tenor of this concoction was that Jake had unexpectedly had to change his weekend plans at the last minute, but that he had very thoughtfully sent Tom to entertain her in his stead. The little blonde beside him stirred a bit, took off her wide sun-hat and put it on her lap. Tom liked the graceful and deft movements of her hands. He ventured a remark to her, "Are you, too, on your way to Island Beach?" "Why, yes, of course," she said, her tone matter-of-fact. The bus moved on out of the downtown section of the city. When they had reached the suburbs and were passing along streets of separate homes with pleasant little yards, he said, "My name's Tom. Would you mind telling me yours, since we're to be traveling companions for most of the after­ noon?" The girl considered this matter for the amount of time it takes to close an eye thoughtfully then open it. "Mine's Ruth," she admitted, though not with any particular amount of interest. Very composed, Tom thought, for a girl so young. He must be two or three years older, which would make her eighteen or nineteen. He appraised the brightness of her blonde hair and the shining, golden transparency of her complexion. He decided that she must have spent a lot of time in the sunlight, probably at the beach, for she certain­ ly looked like a girl who loved sports. His luck was holding out well so far, Tom thought. The other fellows had made a right choice when they had pick­ ed him for this job. Here he was, on the way to a great adventure when this interesting diversion happened along. He had to remind himself, though, that he must make 85 �careful note of everything that developed, so he would have an account of his adventures that would hold the interest and attention of the others for weeks, perhaps. Else how could they get their money's worth of enjoyment out of this trip? "Do you go to Island Beach often, Ruth?" he asked, try­ ing to sound disinterested and objective, so she wouldn't think him too personal. She smiled, and gave a little-girl toss of her bright hair. "Quite often, in summer," she said. "You see, my family lives there." The last of the city's outskirts fell behind. He saw a few drops of rain strike the windshield. Then the driver had to start the wipers working. His lucky day, Tom thought, ex­ cept for the weather. Oh, well, even if he couldn't go swim­ ming, there was still the beach clubhouse and the hours of dancing with the graceful and desirable Doris Merman in his arms. And oh, the sweet revenge he and the other book­ keepers would have upon good old Jake when he related how he, Tom Spencer, had invaded this seaside paradise, this Eden, of Island Beach! "This is my first trip to Island Beach," he confided to the girl beside him. "And it isn't costing me a cent, either." Now why had he let that slip? he thought. He had given a clue to the whole plan. Maybe he wasn't so smart, after all. Naturally, this bit of a girl couldn't mess things up for him, but he must be more careful. The girl had noticed his remark. "Oh, it isn't? You're lucky, in that way, because Island Beach is pretty expen­ sive." He had started it, he thought, and he might as well go on with it. Anyway, she couldn't do the project any harm. "You see, Ruth, it's like this. The fellows I work with are paying all my expenses for the weekend, just to pull a stunt on one of our friends, a boy who has been boring us to death all summer telling us about his heavenly weekends at Island Beach." 86 �Ruth looked a little indignant. "That isn't a very high and noble purpose, is it?" Tom had to laugh at that one. Maybe it did sound a lit­ tle childish, after all. But she just didn't know what it was to have to listen to that constant stream of eloquence from Jake, reaching its ridiculous heights of enthusiasm, all the while the other fellows were trying to concentrate on ar­ ranging their day's work correctly or on operating their machines. "Oh, well," he shrugged, "if the other guys want to pay for it, and send me, why should I object?" Ruth looked out at the rainy landscape. "I suppose," she said finally, "this concerns a girl, doesn't it?" Tom was startled. Ruth was a pretty discerning little blonde, after all. He would have to be even more careful. But, then, again, why should he? What could Ruth do to upset the plan? He laughed, "Well, it does, in a way. You see, this guy we're pulling the stunt on has been driving us crazy for weeks, telling us what a wonderful time he has at Island Beach, swimming and dancing and playing tennis with a girl by the name of Doris Merman. Don't happen to know her, do you?" "Why, no, I don't," the girl said, quite frankly. "Does she live there?" He nodded, and they were silent for a time. Finally, the girl turned to him again, "So your friend—the victim, I mean," she made a pretty mouth at that, "is a great Island Beach enthusiast, is he? I wonder if I know him?" "Probably not. He's only down there on weekends, of course. His name is Jake Meadows. He's really a good guy, and it's too bad to play a trick like this on him. But, after all, the only objectionable thing we did was to slip the five dollars to old Greaves, the head bookkeeper. That's what the old scoundrel charged us before he'd give the extra assignment to Jake this afternoon." Ruth was looking at him very closely. "Just why was it 87 �worth so much to the other bookkeepers to play this trick on Jake?" "They just wanted a good laugh out of it, at Jake's ex­ pense. And as for my part/' Tom couldn't help spreading it on a bit thickly, "that's a pure pleasure—so far as Miss Doris Merman is concerned. The other fellows knew they could depend on me. They know I'm pretty lucky, when it comes to carrying out affairs of this kind." They were silent again. Tom looked out the window and thought about good old Jake, looming like a cloud of misery over his rattling bookkeeping machine in the close, stale air of the office, banging the keys, and cursing old man Greaves with every breath. He probably hadn't guessed yet that the other fellows had paid Greaves to give him the assignment. When he found that out, Tom thought, there would be a major explosion in the bookkeeping depart­ ment. But the other fellows would stick together on it, and they would calm Jake down in some way. If they could think of nothing better, they could pin part of the blame for the assignment on old Greaves, since even Jake felt that the head bookkeeper would sell his own mother, or at least his mother-in-law, provided the right amount of money was slipped under his desk. "Just what makes you think you can get acquainted with Miss Merman so easily?" the girl asked Tom. "That shouldn't be difficult. She and Jake aren't really engaged, so far as I can tell. They just like each other's com­ pany. But she's certainly going to be disappointed this weekend, unless she is satisfied with making my acquain­ tance—which I think she will be," he added with proper modesty. "Oh, of course she will be," said Ruth, though there was something less than enthusiasm in her voice. Tom's attention went back to the road. The bus ran at good speed, with the water on the highway making a rip­ ping sound under the tires. The sky had grown steadily darker and the rain looked as if it had set in for a long time. 88 �Ruth was leaning thoughtfully back against the head-rest. Then Tom went to sleep. At first his thoughts were of Jake, plugging away at the office; then he dreamed that he was already at Island Beach dancing with the charming Doris Merman. When he awoke, the bus was pulling into the Island Beach terminal. Rain was still falling as he assisted Ruth off the bus and helped stow her and her parcels into the dilapidated taxicab he found in front of the station. "It was terribly nice, traveling with you, Ruth." "Thanks, awfully, for your help," she said, giving him her hand. "And I really do hope that your weekend will be as happy as you want it to be." The taxi took her off into the rain. Tom looked about him, more than a little disappointed. Island Beach, under the grey clouds and the driving rain certainly did not resemble the magical city of Jake's pas­ sionately loyal descriptions. In fact, to Tom the place look­ ed exceedingly unkempt and tawdry. Very few of the frame buildings, crowded together beside the streets, showed any sign of ever having been painted or cared for. Then, too, he wondered about the ocean. Some way, he had thought that it should be in full view from any part of the town of Island Beach. He sensed the smell of brine in the air, however, and he soon became conscious of a regular sound which he knew to be caused by the breaking of the waves on the beach. He found a room at the "Ocean-view Inn." It was a tiny room and on the fourth floor, but it did face out over the ocean. Perhaps that was why they charged ten dollars a day for it, he thought. After bathing and changing his clothes, he searched in the phone book until he found the address of the Merman home. Then he went downstairs and out into the rain, walking toward the main part of town. Finally he found a taxicab, and in this he drove along the sandy streets until he saw a tiny, whitewashed cottage that he knew must be the Merman home. Telling the driver to wait for him, Tom 89 �crossed the small yard of white sand and knocked at the screen door. "Is this the home of Miss Doris Merman?" he inquired of the lady who answered his knock. "Yes, it is. Won t you come in? Fm Doris's mother." "And I am Tom Spencer, Mrs. Merman. May I speak to your daughter?" "I'm terribly sorry, Tom, but she isn't here," Mrs. Mer­ man said. "She left for the city just about half an hour ago." Tom felt as if he had had the breath knocked out of him, suddenly and painfully. He couldn't say anything. Mrs. Merman continued, "She had expected a dear friend down from the city for the weekend. As soon as she got the telephone call, about an hour ago, with the message that he wasn't coming, she left for the city at once, catching the bus on its return trip." "You say she got a telephone call?" Tom managed to ask. "From someone she didn't know at all. A perfect stranger, so Doris told me. Wasn't it kind of the lady to call and say Doris's friend wouldn't be coming?" Tom knew he was licked. He mumbled an assent to Mrs. Merman's question. He knew that he could have spanked Ruth, quite cheerfully, in that instant. The nerve of that lit­ tle blonde tramp! The colossal nerve! Mrs. Merman was smiling at him, waiting for him to say something, or at least to explain the purpose of his call. "Just tell Miss Merman that a friend of Jake's called," he finally managed to say. "A friend of Jake's," he repeated quite needlessly. Mrs. Merman assured him she would deliver the message to her daughter, and closed the screen door after him. "Where next?" the taxi-driver asked. "The bus station." Arriving there, he paid the driver and dismissed him. "How long until the next bus to the city?" he asked the 90 �man at the window. "Nine o'clock tomorrow morning," the clerk answered, "and that's all my business for today," closing the window with a bang. Tom went back out into the rain and found a diner that was open. He ordered a cup of coffee from the fat man back of the counter. While the fat man was drawing it, Tom picked up the latest paper on the rack by the door. His eye was drawn to the top right-hand corner. "Weather predic­ tion," he read, "for the middle Atlantic seaboard, con­ tinued rain, Saturday and Sunday." "Don't crumple the paper unless you're going to buy it," the fat man admonished. Tom dropped a quarter on the counter. "Just keep the coffee," he said. "I've got to hurry some place." Outside, he asked his way of a passerby and climbed up onto the bleak, barren and deserted boardwalk. From here he could see the ocean, restless and black and heaving, under the storm and the gathering darkness. The wind and rain were in his face as he turned left and hurried in the direction of the beach clubhouse. Soon he could see its shape looming through the dimness, and he was greatly disappointed that it was not lighted. Surely this place of the marvelous music and dancing that Jake had described so often could not be kept closed on this particular Saturday evening. Drawing near the main entrance of the clubhouse, he saw a notice pinned on the door. He struck a match, shielding it with his cupped hands, and read the words, "Dance canceled tonight on account of rain." He turned and started back toward Ocean-view Inn, not even caring about the rain running down his neck. Oh, well, he decided, he couldn't have taken the spiteful little blonde to the dance anyhow, even if he had had sense enough to get her last name or her address! At the desk, he left word to be called at eight the follow­ ing morning. As he fell asleep, he was estimating roughly 91 �how long it would take him to repay the other bookkeepers for the amount of their investment in the fun that he had talked himself out of on the way to Island Beach. 92 �FOR MY FATHER His hands have pointed out the hills for me And valleys hidden by the mists that lie Above bright streams; and they have helped me see Veins in a stem, a sparrow in the sky, The fish as clear as water in the pool, And beasts that shrink away from human gaze Into the sanctuary of the cool And quiet leaves. His hands have filled our days With happiness as great as we can know, A wonder at the world and every source Of nature's art unseen by careless men; The writing in a pebble's heart; the blow, The shock, the tumult in the midnight course Of storms that race to strike and strike again. 93 �GRANDMOTHER EUNICE I She told us how the snow would sometimes drift In through the cracks and partly cover her; How she would wake with early light and lift Her quilts aside, not long before the stir Of breakfast-getting clashed up from below; Then, clothes in hand, how she would clamber down The ladder to the new-laid fire's first glow And hold to it her small hands, thin and brown. When, breakfast over, through the woods she went To school, how day in all its strength would break Across the clearing sky, with streamers sent The glorious sparklings of the snow to wake. Then all of beauty at her heart would beat, And joy would walk with her on chastened feet. 94 �GRANDMOTHER EUNICE II Before her house lay two shell-bordered rows, Where daffodils in March first showed their blooms; She took the nodding blossoms that she chose And placed their springtime life in all the rooms. The wind moved long among the dooryard flowers On sunny days when swift white clouds were high; And often there she filled the quiet hours With joy in all the waking earth and sky. The birds had made the meadow trees their home; From far away she heard their whistling calls Come echoing across the fresh-turned loam Like bugle notes from ancient castle walls. She knew, with golden flowers and cotton dress, A monarch's court, without its emptiness. 95 �ON BARREN LAND I have been far about the fields today And touched the earth in barren places, heard The summer insects whirring heated hours away, The cool, inquiring notes of many a bird. I took no rest where there was leafy shade And in the burning sun found no repose; I touched the places where the year had made No plant or weed and where no flower grows. I have been missionary to the fields This day, caressed the earth with kind intent, To give to barren acres fruitful yields, A wide and fulsome harvest, fall content. At dusk, I run and grasp more fertile lands— Lest barren earth in turn has touched my hands! 96 �EMPTY HOUSE The wind will find you the house that has no renter. It will push the brown oak leaves up to the door, It will follow you in if you care to enter, And help you explore, Explore. It will swirl the dust of the hearth where fires were laid And urge into motion the old broken chair And slam the doors, till you are afraid And wish for the air, The air. The wind will find you the house where no one stays When morning is high or when evening falls, The house that is empty through all its days, Yet whose emptiness calls And calls. 97 �This page intentionally left blank �Journey to Iron Creek �This page intentionally left blank �JOURNEY TO IRON CREEK He asked his way when he reached the village of Bergdorf. The old attendant made curving gestures with his hands as he explained how the road would follow Iron Creek along a valley that was shaped like an "S". John Morgan lived at the uppermost tip of that letter. "No mistaking the house when you get there," he said. "It's the last one. Big farm, but hemmed in. See you're from the South—got folks in this section?" Frank Harper shook his head, waved thanks, and pulled off onto the graveled road. The chill of late afternoon lay in the valley of the turbulent yellow stream. He would have called it a river, rather than a creek. But the "Iron" part of the name was right. He had seen iron springs in his native mountains that gradually through the years accumulated the same sort of tawny color that he saw in the water of the stream. He noticed that the leaves of the trees were not yet fullgrown. He had left early summer behind him in the North Carolina mountains, and now he found himself back once again in late spring. The few houses that he passed were set well back from the road and the stream. Some of the buildings showed signs of a former elegance, while others were in various stages of dilapidation. No one seemed to be working in the fields of the valley, and he felt a certain desolation touching him, in spite of his conscious efforts to resist such an impression. He tried to recognize some of the farms from the stories he had heard his father tell. But it was hard to fit the reality and the remembrances together. He knew that he must do this, though, if the journey were to be worthwhile for him. A last curve brought him within sight of what he knew 101 �must be the Morgan home. The farmhouse, surrounded by grey sycamores, was set back against the steep, wooded hillside, and a silo and dairy barn stood below it on the other side of the road. He stopped his car by the yard fence and let himself in through the gate. As he closed the latch, he glimpsed the misty greenness of the fields of alfalfa and wheat that stret­ ched out across the valley beyond the barn. He imagined that he could feel something of the melancholy of late spr­ ing in the air, and something, too, of the vitality that the ancestors of the Morgan family must have felt as they cleared those valley fields two hundred years before. He turned, as a ragged-coated sheep-dog came toward him from the house, wagging his tail, but not barking. He had whirled the agate knob of the doorbell twice before he heard quick steps inside the house. A small lady with a surprised expression opened the door. "Are you Mrs. Morgan?" he inquired. "Why, yes, I am," she said. "And your face seems familiar to me, though I don't believe I know you." "Would you know me if I told you my name is Frank Harper?" he asked. A look of happy recognition spread over her face. "Oh, of course—you're Albert's son from the South, and grand­ son to the Reverend George Harper." She held out her hands to him. "Your father knew me as Marie Stephens. But come in and meet my husband, John, and Mary, my lit­ tle girl. We're at supper and you must join us. We have an upstairs room for you, too, for as long as you care to stay. You came alone?" "Yes, quite alone." She led the way through a parlor and into the dining room. "John," she announced, "here's Frank, the old Reverend Harper's grandson, come to see us." John extended him a friendly hand and rumbled a greeting in his deep voice. Frank felt himself dwarfed by the size of the man, but strangely warmed by the cordiality 102 �of his greeting. There was an instant feeling of comradeship between them, as though the introduction had been per­ formed by the memory of the Reverend Harper himself. "I was sent," Frank explained, "to see you on a matter of business by my father, who was not able to make the trip himself." "Yes," John said. Mrs. Morgan intervened, in her matter-of-fact voice, "Business should wait, John, while we have our supper. Frank, this is Mary, our daughter. Mary, meet Frank Harper, the grandson of the minister of our old Iron Creek Church." Mary had emerged from the kitchen, a slight girl, drying her hands on her tiny apron. She smiled a shy welcome to Frank. "Fm very happy to meet you," said Frank, touching her hand. "Now we must sit down to our supper," said Mrs. Morgan, bringing things from a sideboard and setting a fourth place at the table. John Morgan repeated an old-fashioned grace in his resonant voice, and then they started their meal. Mrs. Morgan asked, in her sprightly way, "Won't you tell us about yourself and your family, Frank? What service did you see during the war? You know we are expecting our own two boys to be discharged almost any day now." Frank told them eagerly of his parents, his brothers and sister, and of their home life in the hill country of North Carolina. They were interested in the stories he told of his father's years of medical practice among the mountain peo­ ple there. He also spoke of the innumerable reminiscences his father had told him of the Iron Creek church and com­ munity, and of its people who had lived in the valley since their ancestors had battled with the Indian tribes over the possession of the salt deposits by the yellow stream. "Do you still have the Memorial Day parade each year from the Civil War monument in the valley up the hill to Iron Creek Church?" Frank asked. 103 �"Yes," said Mrs. Morgan, with a touch of sadness, "though every year the marchers are fewer, and we have now lost our old fife-player. The older families either move away or just simply disappear, it seems. There are no regular services at the old church now, you know." It had turned too chilly to sit on the porch after supper, so Frank and Mr. Morgan sat in the parlor while the younger man told the purpose of his visit. His grandfather, the Reverend George Harper, had owned a farm of two hundred acres, lying on the plateau above Iron Greek, directly across from John Morgan's property. When the old minister sold this land, sometime before his death, he had retained the mineral rights to the property. Ownership of these rights had been inherited by Frank's father, who had almost forgotten about the matter. Recently, however, he had received a notice from the commissioners of that par­ ticular county that he must pay back-taxes of some thirtyyears' accumulation on these mineral rights or permit them to be sold at public auction. Since such a payment would involve considerable money, Frank's father had asked his son, immediately after his discharge from the army, to go to Ohio and try to find out the facts in the matter. Frank was to learn whether there was actually any coal under the pro­ perty, and, if any, would there be enough to warrant the payment of such a sum of money in back-taxes? John listened carefully, puffing at his pipe the while. His wife and Mary had come in from the kitchen by this time, and he smiled at them as he said, "Frank, you must know that all the older families that are left here are suddenly fac­ ed with the same problem as your father. Most of the rest of the county has been strip-mined for the coal lying under the soil. But in this section of Iron Creek the desposits, if there are any, lie too deep for stripping, but would have to be mined. None of us have paid the taxes on the mineral rights to our lands in all these years, unless there was an actual mine in operation on the property. We, too, have been bill­ ed for the mineral taxes on our land. It is well that you have 104 �come, Frank, for we will try to find out together whether or not the mineral rights to our land are worth retaining." Mrs. Morgan said, "Wouldn't Jack Bartick know whether there is good coal under the Harper land?" Her husband nodded. "Jack married a niece of mine, and will tell us the truth in the matter. We'll see him about it tomorrow." The talk turned to family matters again, until Mrs. Morgan finally suggested that it had grown late. "John will show you to your room, Frank. We will see that you get around some in the morning. It's good to have our old minister's grandson here with us." Frank wished each of them a good night, and was shown to a room on the second floor at the front of the house. When he opened the window to let in some night air, he saw there was dim moonlight, though the valley of Iron Creek was filled with fog. A delicate, persistent sound came to his ear, and he suddenly realized that it was familiar to him from the nights of his boyhood in the North Carolina mountains—the cry of a whippoorwill. He was young enough to think it not at all strange that he and the whippoorwill should find themselves in the same Ohio valley on the same night in June. He found that he was quite weary from his drive, and the faint, monotonous birdsong soon put him to sleep. II. Frank got up at seven, intending to help with the farm chores. But when he came downstairs, Mary was the only person to be seen. She asked him what he would like for breakfast. "Oh, I'll just wait for the others," he said. Mary laughed. The others had eaten breakfast an hour before, she said, and were now out finishing the morning work. So Frank asked for a couple of eggs and a glass of milk. While she fixed them, he walked out into the back yard. 105 �A flock of sheep, with heavy, smoky-colored coats of wool, had drifted down from the steep hillside back of the house, and now were standing in the corner of their pasture nearest the back porch. They watched Frank while he mov­ ed across the yard toward them and tried to entice the two little lambs away from their mothers by a gentle clucking sound made with his tongue. But the lambs could not be moved. Soon, however, a great sheep with blue eyes and huge, curled horns came over to him and nuzzled at his hand. Frank had never been close to a sheep before. He touched the matted coat, and was surprised when the wool parted so easily and looked so clean and snow-white underneath. Mary called him, and he went to the dining room to find a plate waiting for him. "That was 'Johnny Doughboy,' " she said, "my own pet sheep that my father bought me and that I raised from a lamb." "They certainly are interesting creatures," Frank said, "but these are the first I ever saw. They seem so gentle, when I always had the idea they were a sort of vicious, stupid animal." They talked of her life on the farm, and of her studies in the high school in Bergdorf. He wondered whether she knew how fortunate she was to be living on such a princely estate, even at the almost-inaccessible end of Iron Creek valley. John and Mrs. Morgan soon came up from the barn and greeted him. After a few minutes, John took him out and showed him the farm. Frank, accustomed only to the small farms in the hill-country of the South, was again surprised at the size of the Morgan holdings. The land stretched from the top of the hillside back of the house, down across the fields to Iron Creek, and up and down the stream farther than the eye could see, because of the curving of the valley. "The old Harper farm," John said, pointing, "which your grandfather owned, lies on top of the ridge on the other side of Iron Creek. It always looks to me like a kind of 106 �pantry-shelf above the Morgan land. We'll get in the car and go up there, before we go to Bartick's mine. By the way," his great laugh rumbled out, "has your father ever told you about North Hill?" "Many a time," Frank said, "but it surely isn't as steep as he made it out?" "It'll probably seem worse, at least the first time you go up. But we will have to take that road if you want to see the Harper land. The North Hill road is the only entrance from the valley side. It's a terrible grade—and never meant for cars." Up the North Hill road they went, with John's car grind­ ing along in low gear, and Frank holding his breath for fear they might meet somebody coming down the narrow road, or else that they might have to try to stop suddenly on this grade on which no brakes would hold. He thought of the trips his father had made up and down this hill with a team and wagon, hauling great loads of hay and other crops from the farm on the plateau above. Wintertime, too, had made the hill unforgettable, for it had furnished a wonderful track for the reckless speeds of the bobsleds of the boys of the community. When they came to the top, they drove along the backbone of land which his father had spoken of as the "Ridge." Two miles down this road lay the Harper farm. Only an old barn was now standing on the place, and the fields looked neglected. Frank thought of his father as he had once moved about those fields, breaking land and rais­ ing crops of hay and corn. They went farther along the Ridge, and Morgan pointed to a pile of stones in one of the distant fields. He said that this was a marker for the grave of ten of the early pioneers. III. The entrance to Jack Bartick's coal mine was on the Ridge side of Iron Creek, and about a mile up the stream from the foot of North Hill. The road to the mine was nar107 �row, twisting along between the cliffside and the water. A couple of two-ton trucks loaded with coal met them as they were going in. Both vehicles had to go slow in passing, for it was a close fit. A truck-loading tipple and three or four frame buildings marked the entrance to the mine tunnel. One of the shacks had "Office" written on the door in black paint. Bartick was seated at a littered table when they went in, but he got up and greeted them. He was small but looked very muscular. He had densely black eyes and dark, wavy hair. His complexion had less of the sallow look of the coal miner than Frank had expected. John Morgan told him the purpose of Harper's visit to Iron Creek, and asked him for his opinion in the matter of the coal lands. Bartick questioned Frank further, then he said, with great intensity: "Harper, you take my word for it—there are at least two deep veins of coal under that land. I know the tract well. It's still called the 'Old Harper Farm' by everyone hereabouts. Don't let the mineral rights to that land go at public auction. Pay the taxes on it if you have to, for that coal is worth keeping. "I've worked in coal since I was fourteen," he con­ tinued, "and I know the veins in this county about as well as anyone. There is a good grade of coal under that par­ ticular land, with very little slag. It's too deep to be strip­ ped from the top. The coal would have to be taken out through a tunnel made from the creek-side, just as I have entered this vein here. It's just a matter of digging a horizontal shaft into the side of the hill, and running tracks into it so you can load coal onto a car and pull it back out with a pony." Bartick took them outside the office and showed them the entrance to his "truck-mine," as he called it, with the explanation that all the coal had to be hauled away from it by truck. A man was oiling an air-compression machine, which was running full-blast in an open building beside the tunnel entrance. A distant sound of drilling could be heard 108 �from inside the tunnel as they peered in. "Want to go in and see what some good coal looks like?" Bartick asked. "Maybe, too, if the men haven't finished making repairs, I can show you what a timber looks like when a tired hill leans down on top of it." Harper said, "Thanks for the offer, Bartick, but I'm not up to underground adventures." When they returned to the office building, Bartick urged him again to hold onto the coal rights. "Only one thing I tell you—don't try to mine it yourself. A coal miner's life is the hardest on earth." He laughed suddenly. "It's even harder than what I'm trying to do now: operating an independent truck-mine, doing the bookkeeping, the timekeeping, the overseeing, the shipping, the weighing, the checking, and the paying of the men all by myself. Yes, a miner's life is worse. It's a terrible life, there underground, with your only friend the pony that pulls the cart." Frank Harper thanked Bartick for his advice, then he and John went to the car and drove back along the creek. "I guess that's the answer," Frank said. When they had crossed Iron Creek, Morgan asked, "Would you like to go to the old Church where your grand­ father preached for thirty years?" "I'm ready," Frank answered. They followed a road that led them across the valley and up onto the shoulder of a hill. Then they turned off the highway into a lane of old Lombardy poplars, and the white church building was suddenly in sight, surrounded by elms. To the left lay the cemetery of the Iron Creek com­ munity. They stopped in the yard and got out. Frank asked, "Where?" Morgan pointed over to the right. "On that side," he said. Frank walked in among the rows of marble stones. Then he saw the family marker for his grandfather and grand109 �mother. How strange it was, he thought, to see his family name carved in four-inch letters on such a marker. Harper. The family name. The part of the family he had scarcely known except through his father. Frank took off his hat. The voice of John Morgan rumbled, "It's too bad to see the old church building locked up and deserted. Those of us who are left drive to Bergdorf now for the services. We meet in the little church there that your grandfather and grandmother started as a mission when the town was only beginning. In those days, Iron Creek Church was the parent congregation. But not all of the old congregation is gone yet. Those of us who are left still come and take care of the churchyard. "We've all relatives here." John, too, had uncovered his head. From the hilltop where they stood, Frank could see the blue valley of the Iron Creek as it curved off to the right and to the left. The spring noon was much in the air, and the calls of birds sounded from the grove of elms. Some of the graves had spring flowers on them, and there were several dainty yellow crocuses and a clump of daffodils in bloom. A good turf of grass covered the footpaths, and the cemetery looked well-kept. "Here my grandparents lie among their congregation," Frank said. "And it is as quiet as a Sabbath morning in the old days," John Morgan added reverently. Frank turned to go. The Iron Creek, its valley and its people had become a part of him. And he had the answer for his father, too. 110 �ENGLISH T E A C H E R Do you recall how she read "Snowbound" On the black winter day When the wind blew at the panes And then blew away? How, after that, the flakes came, Slanting down the air, Making lines before the woodland Like grey streaked hair? Do you recall - why do I ask, Since one time you have known The sifting snowflakes in her voice, Their whisper through her tone? Ill �PEASEBLOSSOM (A Midsummer Night's Dream) We will come again at fairytime while a dark wind whispers in a thousand leaves. We will call dainty forms from the forest to dance in the tempered light. Then our ears will turn from the leaves to a softer strain: There in the magic stillness Peaseblossom will be singing Titania to sleep. 112 �MORGIANA (Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves) Dance, Eastern maiden, bending music to the cadence of your motion. Dance, Morgiana, while Arabian stars are burning. Let the silver tinsel glitter to your rhythmical swaying and the ankle bells jingle to your turning. Pearls at your forehead lilting in time; lace of your headdress wavering white; acacia-bloom veils of your dancing gown playing; Dance Morgiana, in the beating tensity of night. 113 �PHOEBE The stone that you gave me, the one from Tintagel, Where cross currents strive at the foot of the rock, The thin stone you gave me with tracings so fragile I shall keep far away from the rush and the shock Of the salt-laden water, the wind-driven sea. You caught up the stone from the side of the ocean, The stone worn so smooth by the wash of the sand, And left the wild spot with the conquering motion Of one with the first flowers of spring in her hand, And you kept it as safe as a jewel might be. I felt once when looking at you in the morning As though I had chanced on the same magic shore; I caught up the moment and ran without warning And knew that I must not go back any more Lest the waves tear the stone and the moment from me. 114 �T H E CANTERBURY TALES I Pilgrims Were They All One night when April blew in from the hills And tender leaves were thin against the sky, I wakened at a small bird's startled trills— And thought I heard the Pilgrims riding by. Their horses' hooves were loud against the ground And all their trappings fluttered, fold on fold; And through the noises came the murmured sound Of jests they made and stories that they told. Eternal vagabonds of spring, they came With holy purpose down the moonlit way: Too late I tried to call them, name by name— And only caught their laughter, distant, gay. Long then I listened, while an April bird And spring wind shaped the answers that I heard. 115 �T H E CANTERBURY TALES II A Monk There Was In autumn I have heard the wailing cry Of hounds that hurtled down a fox's trail; Deep-throated, long, the echoes used to fly From tree to tree until their strength would fail. And I have heard an old man, spent and tired, Upon an autumn evening, nod, and say, "One thing I did that no one ever hired Me to—I followed great hounds in my day!" Now I have read how, years before our time, A certain merry Churchman loved his hounds And horses more than all the drone and rhyme Of holy life, and I hold that the sounds Of his dogs' baying and his bridle bells, Wind-blown, would temper half a dozen hells. 116 �A Stone from Tintagel �This page intentionally left blank �A STONE FROM TINTAGEL The older of the night-watchmen let him in through the front entrance and took him up to the fourth floor. He step­ ped out of the elevator, the paneled doors closed, and he was alone in the dimness before morning. Humming a little, he turned left and walked through the foyer. He sensed, rather than saw, the forms of several mannequins standing here and there. The shapes were familiar, the gloom familiar, and he was so accustomed to the faint, almost evanescent odor of cloth and fur that he nearly failed to notice it. His footsteps were muffled by the carpet, but when he came to the cement floor of the rear hallway, they made clear, ringing sounds. He liked that noise on this particular morning. He fished in his pocket for a key, then opened the switch-box. Striking a match, so he could see the numbers on the big panel, he turned on half the switches and closed the box. Later, the other lights would have to be turned on, but these would let the cleaners see what they were doing when they came to the floor. Back through the hallway he went, and into the foyer. The lights now plainly showed the mannequins, arranged about the floor and in the display cases, flaunting their stylish dresses, coats, and wraps, and holding their untir­ ing, graceful attitudes. He had never lost his amazement at the price of the garments. Walking across the main floor, he felt a little shut in by the silence. Yesterday, he would not have noticed the stillness, he thought. Only those few hours past, he had been walking about this same floor, weary, discouraged, and sorry for himself. But somehow he knew that today would be different. 119 �He pulled one of the front windows part-way open. Cold air rushed in, and sounds of an occasional automobile or of a streetcar, rounding the corner. Soon the cry of the newsboy could be heard from the street below, "Morning paper, mister, morning paper?" The grey opaqueness was lightening toward dawn, and the young man turned restlessly and went to his desk in the middle of the floor. A few minutes later, the two porters arrived, carrying the vacuum equipment for cleaning. Perley was short and fat, with good-humored acceptance of life showing plainly in his face. The other man, who was named Wood, was nervous and thin, and never smiled or spoke a word, except to make a bare answer to a question. He got up and greeted them, as they started about their business. He always kept away from Wood, but sometimes he talked with Perley, while he watched the cleaning. "Perley," he said above the noise of the sweeper, "do you know I've been here a year today?" "Lord, Mr. Andrews," Perley showed his teeth, "it doesn't seem that long." "Well, it's been that long." Andrews pulled a plush chair out of the way of the vacuum cleaner. Then he said, with sudden directness, "Perley, how long have you worked at Thornley's?" "Fifteen years now," he said proudly. "Did you ever want to leave?" Andrews asked. Perley looked startled, "Why, Mr. Andrews, how could I find work if I left Thornley's? There's a depression on." "Yes, I know. But I mean didn't you ever want to leave the store, even in the years when things were better than they are now?" Perley's face softened, and he paused in his cleaning, "There was a time when I wanted to be my own boss. But I came here, instead. And the days pass." "Yes, they pass," Andrews said. By the time the men had finished cleaning, morning light had grown stronger through the windows, and the 120 �sounds of traffic from the street below had increased into a continuous roar. Andrews enjoyed the positiveness of this sound, as he went about, mechanically rearranging the fur­ niture of the floor. Then he went into the service-hallway again, to switch on the rest of the lights for the sales-floor and stockrooms. Soon the stock-girls arrived, their faces glowing from the frosty air of the morning. They called their greetings to him, and went on to their stockrooms. He had trained each of them in her duties. At first, they had been surprised at his knowledge of the different sizes, styles, and materials of the dresses and coats which they had to carry about and classify each day. They never knew the number of hours and the ef­ fort of will he had had to put into learning the work, during the year he had been with the store. Kenneth Andrews had hardly seen the inside of a department store until the day when he had happened to walk into Thornley's to apply for work. He had expected to be refused, as he had been by every other employment of­ fice he had visited in the city. Only experienced men were wanted, it seemed, and very few of those. But the personnel manager at Thornley's must have liked his fresh, collegeboy appearance, for she asked him about his education and background. Then she hired him as the assistant manager of the fourth floor. What was sold on this floor, he did not think to ask until he reported for work the following morn­ ing. He had been bewildered and a little dismayed when he found that the fourth floor of Thornley's was devoted to the selling of all types of ladies' dresses and coats. Not even the appearance of the floor, with its delicate colors, its soothing lights and soft carpets, had succeeded in making him feel that he belonged there. Perhaps, once he had grown ac­ customed to his surroundings, he should have learned to like them; but this had not happened. As assistant manager, he found that it was up to him to open the floor, supervise its activities during the day, 121 �manage its personnel, and close it up at night. The man who had the title of "manager of the fourth floor," Mr. Brownley Smith, spent most of his days elsewhere in the store, only drifting by once or twice during business hours "to see how things are going," as he always said. He had been with Thornley's for five years, and there was con­ siderable condescension in the way he looked upon any employee who had only been with the firm for a shorter time. Mr. Smith had been more than glad to delegate the duties of the fourth floor to the new assistant manager. Heaviest of these tasks which Andrews had inherited was the work which had to be done with the stock in the even­ ing hours after everyone else had gone home. But it was during these lonely sessions, between closing time and mid­ night, that he gained his acquaintance with the stock on the fourth floor. From the stockrooms, he had to select garments of a certain price and style. These he had to bring out on the floor and arrange on display racks, preparatory to inspection by Mr. Thornley or the head buyer, who would be there the following morning before the floor was opened for customers. Kenneth had studied the garments in much the same way that a prisoner might concentrate his attention upon the bars of his cell. He looked at the garments with intentness, and yet with a wordless sort of resentment. He learned the different kinds of cloth, the varying styles. The dresses were light and easy to handle. Some of their qualities had appealed to him. Especially he liked their colors, as they hung in orderly arrangement on the display racks. Sometimes they reminded him of leaves he had seen in the autumns of his childhood, and sometimes of the rich, warm colors of crowds he had watched at football games at his university, and sometimes they made him think of delicate­ ly tinted landscapes, changing under the insistence of spring rains in the mountain valleys he had known. Once, during an early inspection of garments to be put 122 �on sale, Kenneth had called Mr. Thornley's attention to a graceful evening gown of lame cloth, shimmering and golden in the morning light. Before he realized what he was doing, he had stammered out, "Mr. Thornley, do you sup­ pose this is the same kind of cloth from which gowns of gold and silver were made for queens in the Middle Ages?" He had thought that perhaps a man who had dealt in such fabrics all his life would have a ready answer. Mr. Thornley had straightened up, taken the glasses from his nose, and turned to him, "Young man, you read too many books. They won't help you in this store." The important work of changing price tags had gone on. Handling the coats had been a different matter. Their linings made them heavy, and the moving of several hun­ dred of them, after his long day on the floor, had made his body ache all over. Yet he had found some compensation even here. Laboring in the pungent atmosphere of the coat stockroom, he had learned all he could of the different types of furs from which the collars were made. There were fragile fox furs—grey, silver, and red, and mink, shunk, badger, lynx, Persian lamb, even leopard. Their mingled odor reminded him of snow-filled woods and the outdoor life he had once known. He liked the luxuriousness of the furs, and had always been careful to teach the stock-girls not to touch the collars with their hands, and not to crush them by carrying more than two or three at one time. Beginning work at Thornley's had been, for him, a plunge into unknown waters. Nothing in his study of literature had prepared him for such work. The desperateness of the times had caused him to take the job, and perhaps only impetus and habit had made him con­ tinue its daily motions for this year. The store had helped him in one respect: it had allowed him little time for brooding. On Sundays, when he had his only free time, he scarcely moved from his bed, he was so utterly weary. Something he himself could not have put into words must have kept him at this work. Perhaps some sense of 123 �loyalty to himself, which had made him accept and treat the position as a challenge, had kept him at Thornley's, or possibly he had stayed because he had not been able to make the direct decision to leave. The saleswomen had begun to arrive on the floor, singly and in groups of two and three. They were of various ages, but all of them wore black dresses, as required by the store. He spoke to each of them, asking one about her husband and another about her sick child. Then the elevators began to bring customers to the floor, and the day's duties began. Telephones rang, stock-girls ran up and asked questions, and saleswomen wanted special attentions for their customers. Back and forth about the floor he went, performing the myriad duties which had become secondnature for him. No one seemed to notice anything about him that had changed since the day before. At noon, Mr. B. Smith, the manager of the floor, came to relieve Kenneth for lunch. He was surprised when Ken­ neth came back earlier than usual. "Mr. Smith," Kenneth asked, almost innocently, "why must everyone keep his salary a secret in this store?" Smith's gaunt face expressed astonishment, then in­ dignation. "Andrews, who are you to question Mr. Thornley's policies?" Kenneth did not back down. "I guess he's ashamed of what he pays, at that." "Andrews, you'll have to watch yourself." Smith was stern. "You know Mr. Thornley is carrying a terrible load in these depression days." "It must be difficult," Kenneth said, no longer caring, "to pay such big income taxes." "I'm warning you, young fellow, we demand absolute loyalty of our employees. There isn't room for such talk as that." Smith had become so indignant that he could hardly find his way to the elevator. In mid-afternoon, Mrs. Ross arrived on the floor to change some of the dresses on the mannequins. When he 124 �saw her, Kenneth left his other duties and spoke to her, "May we talk a minute?" She was quick to perceive a new and positive tone in his voice. "Surely," she said. "But may I listen while I work?" She was young for a widow, and there was a charm and graciousness in her manner which set her apart from the other people he had come to know at Thornley's. Her hus­ band had been a writer, and they had lived in England for several years, until their income had been swept away by the bank failures. Then her husband had died, and she had returned alone to America. Her knowledge of styles and fashions had helped her secure work at the store. Kenneth watched her slender hands, while she fitted the evening dress onto the mannequin. No one else was near. "You know, Irene, you started something when you gave me that little rock from Cornwall." "Oh, really?" She laughed, a happy note in her voice. Then; almost jestingly, imitating a tourist guide, she said, "The stone a young bride picked up between the tides of Tintagel Head, where once the child who was to be King Arthur was swept in on a seventh wave?" He said, stubbornly, "You may laugh, but maybe the stone has some sort of magic in it. Even after all these weeks, it set me thinking. Suddenly, I knew it stood for the literature I studied before I came here. It's a link to my past, and perhaps," he took an excited breath, "to the future." Mrs. Ross had stopped working and was watching him. "You mean, you're leaving?" "Yes," he said slowly, "I don't like this work, and I'm afraid of what it will do to me if I stay in it any longer." Mrs. Ross touched his hand and said, very directly, "I'm glad, Kenneth." Then she smiled. "I've a confession. I gave you that stone from the Cornish coast, just to remind you of what you started out to do and to be. I'm glad it has work­ ed. Good luck, my dear!" Then she added, "Thanks for tell­ ing me first. I won't know a thing until I find out from the 125 �others." She turned again to her work and, Kenneth thought, from her changed expression, again to her memories of a cottage in Cornwall. The day's business finally slackened, and the late customers left on the elevators. Kenneth saw the last of the stock-girls and saleswomen off the floor, then started his regular rounds, checking to see that all was in order. When he came to the window he had opened in the morning, he felt that the wind had turned warmer outside, with the sud­ denness of March. The cry of the newsboy came up to him through the dusk, and he imagined he could detect a new defiant note in it, a quality he had not heard early that morning, even though he had listened for it. He closed the window. As he went through the foyer, after putting out the lights, he felt again the presence of the mannequins about him. Why should he be thinking of these lifeless hussies in terms of farewell he reflected, as he waited for the elevator. Yet he knew this was a farewell from them and from the He surprised the watchman by asking to go up, instead of down. "Something wrong, Mr. Andrews?" the old man asked. "No, Mr. Kerry, everything is fine," Kenneth said, and suddenly he knew that this was true. The personnel director was nearly ready to leave for the night, when he walked up to her desk. "Miss Taylor, this is an anniversary. You hired me a year ago today." "Oh, yes, so I did." She smiled a little. "And today I have decided to leave the store," he con­ tinued, without changing his tone. A look of astonishment came to her face. "Why I thought you were happy here. Mr. Thornley hoped to make an executive of you. We know how hard you have been working. In fact, he has just authorized me to raise your 126 �salary two dollars a week." "That's kind of him, and I appreciate it," Kenneth said, "but I don't like working eighty hours a week, and I don't like secret salaries, especially when I make less than the stock-girls on my floor. It's not worth it, even to become an executive, like B. Smith, for example." Miss Taylor's startled look showed that she was loyal to Mr. Thornley. "There's a depression on, you know," she faltered. "Yes, and if I had any part in bringing it on—which I didn't," Kenneth said, "then I've served out my sentence. I'm going to see Tintagel Head, one of these days." "You're going to see what?" Miss Taylor asked. "Oh, nothing," he said, turning away. The elevator took him down, and he walked out the front door, into the March wind. 127 �HAW CREEK He came this way one summer night, And he was near afraid Of Haw Creek hollow, Drowned in shade. A kindly man he was, Who loved folk lore, With no more luggage Than the clothes he wore. A harmless wind was moaning Somewhere in the trees, And a screech owl screaming— Calmly as you please. Yet he feared the long shadow When he left the moonlight; He went through the place, But his throat drew tight. He saw weird shapes Back of every bush, And his blood rushed through him At his heart's quick push. He came this way in deep June A good year ago; And he will never come again, As far as we know. 128 �PILGRIM C H U R C H I Long mornings I have sat in Pilgrim Church When cherryblooms outside were blowing white And heard the preacher telling us to search For some celestial place of peace and light. The mountainside had healing for the eye That found it through the sunbright window pane, And many times the birds went down the sky As petals drift and fall in April rain. The sermon filled the dusty room with sound As loud as all a forest in a storm, And people with their drowsy faces frowned And moved their feet as noon drew close and warm. Bright heaven, when the strong words all were done Was still a place of cherryblooms and sun. 129 �PILGRIM C H U R C H II Near Pilgrim Church one day toward summer's ending A hailstorm caught me and I went inside For shelter. There, while all the trees were bending And wind with strong blasts at the corners pried, I crouched and waited in a gloomy seat. The hail bounced off the roof like earth-flung rocks, And at my heart a moment's terror beat As window panes were rattling from the shocks. The largeness of the room was so subdued By all the tumult from without, I feared Almost to breathe, till stillness was renewed An level sunrays through the window speared. Then down a path of hail-torn leaves I went With humbled thoughts and heart made penitent. 130 �ABOUT THE AUTHOR was born and raised i n Wilkes County, N o r t h Carolina. H e earned his B . A . from the University of N o r t h Carolina at Chapel H i l l , his M . A . from George Washington University, and his Ph.D. i n education from C o l u m b i a University i n 1950. H e was a proud veteran of the Second W o r l d War. H e served as the editor of the Educational Leadership journal of the Association for Supervision and C u r r i c u l u m Development for 28 years. Leeper passed away on A p r i l 9, 2002. ROBERT ROSBOROUGH LEEPER � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Brindle Mule: Stories and Poems of the Brushy Mountains Description An account of the resource <span>Written in Robert Leeper’s student days at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and later at Columbia University,&nbsp;</span><em>The Brindle Mule</em><span>&nbsp;is a book of stories and poems emphasizing a childhood spent in the mountain country of Western North Carolina. Leeper grew up near Alexander County where his father was a physician and highly involved in the local community. Inspired by the cultural heritage of the region, Leeper decided to write down the stories and poems he heard gathered around the fireside, at picnics, in church, and at friends and family’s homes. Published in 1983, this book is a testament to the local lore of the Western Mountain region of North Carolina.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1iL0WBbjKCcG3C6QAJMet7mQ6Hqj3NUq-" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638256/the-brindle-mule" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Leeper, Robert Rosborough Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource Mountain life--North Carolina--Brushy Mountains--Literary collections Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1983 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4457648/brushy-mountains.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Brushy Mountains Poems short stories WNC https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/c8b6a8d43c6738728ad9b425a1835b3f.pdf aaf3b718e5fa69a7210ac142bcc0fc4a PDF Text Text �" That D----d Brownlow, " Being a Saucy & Malicious Description of Fighting Parson WILLIAM GANNAWAY BROWNLOW, Knoxville Editor and Stalwart Unionist, Who Rose from a Confederate j ail to become One of the Most Famous Personages in the Nation , Denounced by his Enemies as Vicious and Harsh , Praised by his Friends as Compassionate and Gentle, The rhododendron of Southern Appala· chia, like the mountain people, developed from hardy stock. Both have come to grips with thin tOpsoil as well u cold win. ters and W-'m summers. M., and plant ere proudJy independ· ent and evergreen. �William Gannaway Brownlow ( 1805-1877) photographed circa 1862 by the famous Civil War photographer Matthew Brady. [The collection of the Library of Congress.) �"That D----d Brownlow," Being a Saucy & Malicious Description of Fighting Parson WILLIAM GANNAWAY BROWNLOW, Knoxville Editor and Stalwart Unionist, Who Rose from a Confederate Jail to become One of the Most Famous Personages in the Nation, Denounced by his Enemies as Vicious and Harsh, Praised by his Friends as Compassionate and Gentle, Herewith Revived by STEVE HUMPHREY, a 20th Century Newpaperman and Former Associate Editor of the KNOXVILLE JOURNAL, Descendant of the WHIG. APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS Boone, North Carolina 28607 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1978 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3822-5 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3824-9 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �This volume is dedicated to two editors of the Knoxville journal, noted for their forthrightness and courage, William Rule and Guy Lincoln Smith. ��CONTENTS 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. Editorial Note Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Sire of the Line . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Bullet in the Thigh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Success Through Uproar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Three Brawlers of Destiny . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Jonesboro Years . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Natural Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Crippled Invader . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ahead of the Times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Busy Pen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Supremacy and Sorrow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Party Strings Hang Loosely . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Material Parson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1859-1861 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Crushed and Exiled . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Profits of Exile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Parson's Advocate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Pains of Reconstruction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . New Foes From Old Friends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Whig Dies Democratic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Vlll x 1 28 40 56 70 83 99 113 121 139 150 174 190 218 2 54 278 307 343 367 400 406 �EDITORIAL NOTE While it is possible to differentiate writers of the Appalachian character in a number of ways, Dr. Richard Drake, Julian Van-Dusen Professor of History at Berea College, has noted in a collection of essays documenting the history of Appalachian America: Perhaps the first treatment of the Appalachian as a significant and separate type was presented by a native Appalachian-"Parson" William G. Brownlow, a Methodist minister, Whig politician and journalist, war-time polemist. Parson Brownlow's Book was a Civil War best-seller, a bitter anti-Confederate tract which told of the trials and tribulations of the loyal mountaineers of east Tennessee who held to the Union even in the face of a tyrannical Confederate occupation. Brownlow's call was to the North to liberate the freedom-loving folk of the mountains, a call that was finally answered in late 1863. This first 1860 image of the Southern mountaineer, then, was a hard-pressed lover of freedom who held strongly to the Union. Such distinctions, whether they be of author or subject, of past or present, continue to be used today. Let it be noted that Steve Humphrey, like the Parson Brownlow, is a newspaperman, not ajournalist. Humphrey emphatically says of himself: I am a newspaperman. Among the curmudgeons in the newspaper business with which I consider myself, a journalist is a creature who wears a belted-back corduroy coat, high, laced leather boots, carries a rattan cane, and addresses other human beings as "My dear fellow." It is also true that today newsgathering and disseminating people of all kinds-radio, television, newspapers and magazines-are called journalists. But to be precise, as well as sniffy, people who work for newspapers are newspapermen. I am, of course, in a minority. Vlll �IX EDITORIAL NOTE To preserve Parson Brownlow's style and flavor, little editing has taken place in the quotations which Steve Humphrey chose for his manuscript; however, it was necessary, for the sake of quick comprehension in reading the quotations, to slightly alter the punctuation at times. Too, although footnoting by Mr. Humphrey may not meet the approval of all critics, they are left in the form which he chose to employ, and only minor mechanical changes have been made. The scope of the manuscript covered by the individual footnotes is usually very sweeping, but so Mr. Humphrey consciously designed them. The Appalachian Consortium presents this book not because of its agreement or disagreement with the author's or Mr. Brownlow's philosophy and/or prejudices, but because of the saltiness, vitality, humor (both intentional and unintentional), and the significance of a wealth of first-hand information from a man who LIVED during and reported on a critical period of the United States of America. January 6, 1978 The Publications Committee Appalachian Consortium Press �FOREWORD This is a narrative of the Whig, a weekly newspaper edited and published for almost thirty years by William Gannaway (Parson) Brownlow. It was the first in a line of newspapers now represented by the Knoxville journal. Because the Whig was Brownlow and Brownlow was the Whig the story of one is the story of both. This book in no way is the traditional examination of Brownlow as a historical figure. Historians who have gone over his record as Reconstruction governor of Tennessee and United States senator for six years have given him some very bad marks. Some thawing has appeared in this Arctic front. The man Brownlow and his skill as a circulation builder have been overlooked. He was vituperative, abusive, coarse, relentless with his enemies, and generous with his friends. This has been accepted but not explored. In some ways and at some times he may have been the meanest man who ever walked the streets of Knoxville. But he also was compassionate, gentle, hospitable, courteous, and faithful in his domestic relations. He was such a sure target for those in financial trouble that during his lifetime he paid thousands of dollars to meet notes he had endorsed and which the principals had failed to pay. His writing was warmed by his remarkable understanding of human nature. It also sparkled with his wit. He was an artist with the skinning knife, sometimes quite crude, but his approach to and treatment of people and events was so unusual that readers looked forward to his newspaper with zest. They knew he would infuriate them or dissolve them in laughter. His pen alone made him a successful circulation builder and his newspaper a splendid advertising medium. It is true that his defense of the institution of slavery built circulation in the South, and his fierce loyalty to the Union brought him his readers in the North, bringing his newspaper to its largest readership X �XI FOREWORD in the pre-Civil War years. But he had done very well before that period. In the spring of 1969 I was given the task of telling the story of the Knoxville journal and its ancestry. This was an unfamiliar field. However, because Parson Brownlow's fascinating human character and his unusual success as an editor had not been presented before, I soon knew I must tell his story in a book. A succeeding work will take the story of the journal and its predecessors to the death of Guy L. Smith in November 1968. Mr. Smith was for thirty-one years editor of the journal. He had urged the preparation of the newspaper's history and had taken preliminary steps in this direction. This account will begin with the career of William Rule, who learned newspapering under the Parson and who founded the journal under its present name on February 26, 1885. In 1898 E. J. Sanford, a wealthy and influential Knoxvillian, bought both the journal and the Tribune, and merged them into one morning newspaper. The Tribune had been Democratic, but the journal and Tribune was Republican. The Tribune's name was dropped in a few years. The purchaser made his son Alfred F. Sanford publisher, and William Rule was appointed editor, a post that he held until a short time before his death in 1928. The newspaper encountered reverses and went into receivership in 19 30. Two years later it was bought by Roy N. Lotspeich, Knoxville industrialist. He installed Guy L. Smith of Johnson City as editor. Since the purchase by Lotspeich the members of his family have controlled and operated the journal as a Republican newspaper. Upon the death of Roy N. Lotspeich, his widow, Mrs. Ethel Moore Lotspeich, became publisher; and her son-in-law, Charles H. Smith, Jr., moved into an important managerial position. When Mrs. Lotspeich died in 1962, Charles H. Smith, Jr., became publisher. He died in 1972, and Charles H. Smith, Ill succeeded his father. He occupies the chief executive post as of this writing. Many people and institutions have given the author assistance in the preparation of this book. The McClung Collection of Lawson McGhee Library afforded its rich store of research material, including private papers, rare books, and the extensive files of the Whig and other Knoxville newspapers. At the outset of this research Miss Pollyanna Creekmore, then McClung Collection head and now director of documents at East Tennessee State University, provided expert and friendly guidance, and supplied important books for the use of the author. Also most helpful have been the present head of the collec- �FOREWORD XII tion, Dr. William J. MacArthur, and his gracious staff. Most helpful also have been John Dobson, head of the University of Tennessee Special Collections, which contain the voluminous 0. P. Temple Papers, and the staff of the Andrew Johnson Project, also at the University of Tennessee. Important material was found in the Division of Archives of the Tennessee State Library in Nashville. Members of the Brownlow family in Knoxville have given special help, including Mrs. John F. [Jack] Brownlow, widow of the Parson's grandson; Mr. and Mrs. George T. Fritts; and William G. Brownlow, IV. Mrs. Fritts is the daughter of Mrs. John F. Brownlow. The library of the Church Street United Methodist Church also was made available. Sam Young made important contributions to this book and to the University of Tennessee Special Collections. He furnished a memorandum made by the late W. T. Kennerly, a Knoxville attorney with a bent for history, of a conversation with John Bell Brownlow on the killing of General John H. Morgan, the Confederate cavalry leader, at Greeneville. He also donated a copy of a letter written by John Bell Brownlow to A. T. Patterson, President Andrew Johnson's grandson, which throws more light on the killing of Charles A. Douglas early in the Civil War. Some special glimpses of Brownlow were made available through Dr. William Rule, III, who carried out the wishes of his late brother F. Gunby Rule, by donating to the McClung Collection the papers of their grandfather, William Rule. Much is owed to patient readers, to the late Dr. Stanley J. Folmsbee, formerly head of the University of Tennessee's Department of History and a specialist in the history of the East Tennessee area; to Mrs. Lisa Carroll; and especially to Mr. F. A. Ketterson, Jr., chairman of the Publications Committee of the Appalachian Consortium, who gave the manuscript extended study and criticism. Researchers will regret that the complete diary of Parson Brownlow, written while he was in jail at Knoxville and later under guard at his home, has been forever lost. The custodian of the diary, and of other Brownlow Papers, a most compassionate person, decided that it contained observations by the Parson that would reflect upon or distress descendants of families still living in Knoxville. The original diary was destroyed. January 2, 1978 Steve Humphrey Knoxville, Tennessee. �'I,El\Jl\JESSEE WIIIG. "UNA WED by power, unbribed by gain, the people shall be heard and their vindicated." Chapter No.1 THE SIRE OF THE LINE The basic facts in the early life of William Gannaway Brownlow, Tennessee's most famous editor, seem simple, bare and uncontrover· sial. This is in striking contrast to the story of his mature years. Then his words and deeds wove complicated situations, threaded with strife, argument and bitterness that were sometimes illuminated with quaint and unexpected bits of humor and warm flickers of tender· ness. Brownlow recorded his birth, boyhood and early manhood sketch· ily in the Whig, his books and his pamphlets. Biographers, historians and students have been able to elaborate little beyond what he af· forded them in these sources. The early details remain sparse. He was born on August 29, 1805, not far from Wytheville, Virginia, the son of Joseph A. and Catherine Gannaway Brownlow. His father fought in the War of 1812 and was a schoolmate of Sam Houston. Five uncles on the Brownlow side saw military service. Joseph Brownlow was a Presbyterian and his wife was a Methodist. The Brownlow family moved to Blountville, Sullivan County, Ten· nessee, where Joseph Brownlow died when William, the oldest child, was eleven. His death left the care of five young children to the mother. She followed her husband to the grave in three months. [ ] Years later Brownlow wrote: "My father died when I was so young that I could not have been a judge of his characteristics; but it has been a source of consolation to me to hear him spoken of by his old associates and schoolmates [General Sam Houston among them] as a man of good sense, brave independence, and of sterling integrity." [2] The death of my father was a grievous affliction to my mother .... Being naturally mild and agreeable in her temperament, she was warmly endeared to a large circle of friends and acquaintance[s]. But their consolation was this, that while sinking into the cold embrace of death, she was happy in the religion ofChrist.[3] 1 �2 CHAPTER NO.1 The Brownlow orphans.were farmed out to relatives; William went to live with an uncle near Wytheville, John Gannaway, "who raised me up to hard labor, until I was eighteen years old." Seven years on the farm apparently induced the youth to look for some other way to make a living for he then "removed to Abingdon, in that State [Virginia] and served as a regular apprentice to the trade of a housecarpenter." The carpenter was George Winniford, a paternal uncle. [4] Two years after Brownlow had started to learn carpentering, his conversion at a Methodist camp meeting at Sulphur Springs, twenty miles east of Abingdon, diverted the course of his life from manual labor. He had a great respect "for professors of religion, and particularly ministers of the gospel," but conversion produced profound emotions: There is a concentration of feeling-a glow of fancy-I may say of religious affection, connected with the recollection of that circumstance, which I delight to enjoy. It was here I felt the Lord gracious, and was enabled to shout aloud the wonders of redeeming love. All my anxieties were at an end-all my hopes were realized-my happiness was complete. From this time I began to feel an increasing desire for the salvation of sinners; and in order, more effectually, to engage in this work, I returned to Wythe, and spent the ensuing year in going to school to WILLIAM HORNE, an aimable [sic.] young man and a fine scholar.[S) Spiritual zeal thus thrust him into the pursuit of learning. Whether Brownlow first accumulated enough money from carpentering to devote full time to lessons or he worked and studied at the same time is not revealed. Since his entire life was one of untiring labor in which he mixed other pursuits with editing and publishing, it would have been in character for him to carpenter by day and study under Horne by candlelight. He must have made rapid progress in his effort to gain sufficient education to be a circuit rider. The fall of 1826 found him at the second regular session of the Holston Annual Conference at Abingdon, where Bishop Joshua Soule presided. There Brownlow was "received into the traveling connexion on trial, and appointed to the Black Mountain Circuit, in North Carolina, under Goodson McDaniel." [6] Brownlow's soul was aflame with the love of his Lord, and he believed intensely in the Methodist Church, but he knew he would face intense hardships as he rode on horseback from one tiny, isolated congregation to another on his assignment on the eastern slope �THE SIRE OF THE LINE 3 of the Blue Ridge Mountains. The thought of leaving old friends and meeting with strangers also distressed him. As an orphan, separated from his brothers and sisters, he undoubtedly cherished friends more than those who had enjoyed a full family circle. He wrote, "This was a most affecting time and will not soon be forgotten. . . . I entered on the labors of this year with many painful apprehensions." [ 7] Had he been able to see the future this emotional disturbance would have been intensified because the work he was entering turned out to be so turbulent that it was an excellent training ground for his blazing career as an editor and controversialist. The denominations of the time were engaged in bitter disputes. The Baptists and Presbyterians were loosely associated to fight the Methodists, viewed as intruders, offering to the independent people of the region the doctrine of free grace, contrasting with the restrictions of predestination and election placed by the Presbyterians on the route to heaven, and less dampening than the Baptist requirement of immersion. The Presbyterians were split into Old School and New School factions, but still vigorous enough to fight among themselves and to wage war upon the Methodists at the same time. Thus, Christians belabored each other with doctrinal blows in which they mingled harsh, vulgar invectives. [8] The young Parson was moving into a field that would give him the practical experience needed for his career as a writer and an editor. It was a crude but effective school for the strident newspapering of the time, teaching him how to battle extemporaneously with words and wit, to see the vagaries of human nature laid open, and to gather acute lessons in the laws of slander and libel. His immediate difficulties were physical, but his hardy, six-foot frame of one hundred and seventy-five pounds was adequate in meeting these difficulties. He possessed boundless energy, he worked tirelessly, and when he had moments to spare he sought men who had some learning-doctors, teachers and lawyers-to learn from them whatever they could teach him. The traveling gear of horse and rider was scant: saddle and bridle for the former; saddle bags stuffed with a few extra garments for the rider, homespun jeans, and the long Methodist coat, one capacious tail carrying the Bible and a hymnal, the other a grammar and writing materials. He expected little money; the salary was limited to $100 annually and he may have collected half that much. And perils were frequent. The day after Christmas in his first year he led his horse across the �4 CHAPTER NO. 1 frozen Cain River, then crossed a ridge, arriving on the other side "so benumbed with the cold, that I was not only perfectly stupid, but extremely sleepy." Time did not lessen the perils. Six years later he swam the swollen Tugaloo River in South Carolina four times, once barely reaching the bank, and frequently after these experiences "preached in open meeting houses, with my clothes froze on me!" [9] Perhaps these experiences added to his strong distaste for the Baptist practice of immersion, and he may have had them in mind when he observed that they never sent missionaries to the Arctic, the problem of chopping through several feet of ice to find sufficient water for the ordinance being almost insoluble. [ 10] The Parson got firsthand experience in the laws of libel and slander in his third year on the circuit. He was sued for slander in Rhea County, Tennessee, by a Presbyterian elder over statements made in a pamphlet. Brownlow did his homework so well, hunting up witnesses and otherwise preparing his defense on a plea of justification, that when the suit came to trial the elder dismissed the action and paid the costs. [ 11] Disaster took its turn with the Parson in the libel field three years later on the Franklin Circuit in western North Carolina, when a fire-eating Baptist preacher, the Rev. Humphrey Posey, with a reputation for scourging Methodist ministers, challenged the young circuit rider "the very next day" after arriving at his charge. The Parson returned the fire, writing Posey: But sir, I am constrained to believe that you are so destitute of feeling, so blind to the beauties of religion, so hacknied [sic.] in crime, and so lost to all sense of honor and shame, that notwithstanding your faculties still enable you to continue your sordid pursuits, they will not permit you to feel any remorse, or acknowledge your errors. Posey prosecuted, and Brownlow was indicted for libel in Macon County Superior Court at Franklin in October of 1832. The Parson prepared a defense, again relying on justification, only to find that in North Carolina it applied only to slander, not to libel. The prosecution also hooked him on another point that his lawyers apparently had overlooked. It insisted he could not know what was in Posey's heart, and therefore could not prove the Baptist was inwardly what Brownlow had written he was. The Parson's lawyer thereupon threw his client upon the mercy of the court at the spring term of 1833, �THE SIRE OF THE LINE 5 which fined the defendent $5.00 and taxed him with the costs. J. R. Siler, a leading citizen and prominent Methodist, paid the fine and Brownlow met the costs. They were small because only two prosecution witnesses testified and few of those who appeared for the defense claimed their fees. But following the trial a number of other prosecution witnesses proved their attendance. This created additional costs for Brownlow. On a Sunday morning a few weeks later a deputy sheriff waited upon the Parson at a church five miles from the courthouse to collect the extra bill. The next day Brownlow turned over to the officer "an elegant dun mare, saddle, bridle, saddlebags and umbrella." These items brought $65 .00 at a court sale. The county received $48.83 and the balance probably went to the officer for his fee. Brownlow did not mention any recovery on his part. The story lives that he had learned of the approach of the officer and his purpose, and thrust his Bible and hymnal into the hands of women members of his congregation. Siler provided him with another horse. [ 12 J The Holston Conference found nothing in the affair for which to censure Brownlow. [13] The conviction plagued Brownlow for years. His political enemies reprinted the record of the court with lurid type embellishments in 1845 when he ran unsuccessfully against Andrew Johnson for Congress. [14] When the Whig and the Register fought for survival in Knoxville, the latter goaded the Parson with an account of the affair. This led him to carry a full review of the case with this introduction: We were indicted for libel on a thieving old Baptist preacher in Western [North] Carolina, and although we have published the whole transaction in two editions of a pamphlet, in a bound book of 300 pages, and again in the jonesboro Whig, yet, "a decent regard for the opinions of mankind" induces us to lay the whole affair before the public, as many of the present generation of newspaper readers may not have heard the particulars. Brownlow closed his review with a report, savoring of satisfaction, on the fates of Posey, court officials and jurors. The Baptist preacher married a widow for her property, yet died a "wretched and raving maniac." The judge's life ended in vagabondage, poverty and drunkenness. The attorney general was disgraced. One juror died drunk in the woods, another went to prison for burglary, and two others fled the state to dodge indictments. "The remnant of the Jurors, we have not heard from for several years, but the probability is the Devil has those of them who have departed this life, while the living ones are �6 CHAPTER NO. 1 likely in some State prison!" [ 15] Divine wrath pursued mortals who crossed the Parson, both on earth and in the hereafter. It did not take long for the circuit preacher to be recognized in the Holston Conference as a daring controversialist, who responded zestfully to slurs and insults. A "high-toned professor of religion" at Athens named a dog after Brownlow, but the Holston Conference conferred elder's orders on him in the fall of 1830. A year later the conference reproached the Parson for his "style of writing and manner of conducting his opposition to the institutions and proceedings of other denominations," then stamped him with approval by electing him to attend the church's General Conference to be held at Philadelphia in May of 1832. He fought a few battles along the way to the conference as opposition believers challenged him, and he was with a group of clergymen who called on President Andrew Jackson in Washington. Brownlow was impressed by Old Hickory's appearance and courtliness, but he commented, "I have long since learned that it will not do to take men for their looks." His mischievous bent cropped out after he had preached to the inmates of a penitentiary in Baltimore. Because his foes had predicted he would wind up as the inmate of such an institution, he wrote a friend in East Tennessee that he had been in prison, and the latter, sensing the Parson's purpose, reported the fact without giving the circumstances. The effects were just what the Parson had intended, for among his enemies "Some of them rejoiced, and others mourned lest the report should not be true." He played no important part in the conference, but the instinct of the reporter welled up in him, and led him to attend the Presbyterian General Assembly, which was meeting in the same city. He seemed more pleased than horrified to find the debates there would "for intemperance of language and wholesale abuse of private character, absolutely disgrace the lowest porter house, or ale cellar, in the lowest place in the lowest town or city in the lowest country in the world." [ 16] Brownlow was developing his talent for whaling his enemies with intemperate abuse. As much as Brownlow loved the pulpit, public affairs and writing were tugging at him. He found South Carolina aflame over the issue of nullification when he was assigned to the Tugaloo Circuit near Pickens in 1832. The state legislature passed an act to nullify a national tariff law, and Congress retaliated with authorization for President Jackson to use all necessary force to uphold the federal �THE SIRE OF THE LINE 7 government. As a strong believer in federal authority, Brownlow was filled with double indignation because he found many Presbyterian and Baptist ministers sermonizing from their pulpits in behalf of nullification. He was pleased to find that most Methodist divines avoided thus mixing the affairs of state with spiritual responsibilities. [ 17] Two years later when the Holston Conference met in Knoxville he was the author of a book of 300 pages that castigated the Presbyterian Church and aimed a few volleys at the Baptists. As he stood in Frederick S. Heiskell's print shop he glowed with pride at the culmination of labor that must have taken him hours of research and painstaking pushing of a pen. He praised the printer, finding that the type for its size is very good, and seems to be well distributed over the page; so that the words are everywhere sufficiently distinct, which is not always the case with books printed in this country. The paper is good-the ink very good, and the typographical execution quite respectable. Of course, I think that the matter is excellent. Seven years earlier a young storekeeper, a Presbyterian, of course, had found the young circuit rider, attending his first conference probably not far from Heiskell's shop, such a grotesque figure in his long Methodist coat, an old-fashioned hat shading a face that looked as if it had been hewed out of a walnut log, that he had circulated a subscription to defray the expense of having Brownlow's picture taken in order to preserve the features and dress of this curiosity of the human race. Now this strange appearing creature had written a book that assaulted the Presbyterian Church and defended Methodism. The Parson found the Presbyterian preachers feeble in their expositions and deficient in grammar, despite their claim to a highly educated ministry. The church boldly sought temporal power, and its doctrines of predestination and foreordination placed upon the Creator the responsibility for every vile and evil act upon the face of the earth, rape and murder not excluded. The author was a total abstainer, but because the Presbyterians dominated the American Temperance Society the Parson would have none of it. As he contemplated his picture of Presbyterians bent on political control, the members voting for "an habitual drunkard, a liar, a defrauder, and a whore-monger," rather than an honest Methodist, he spat out: "0 hypocrisy! thou brat of hell, how I hate thee! You mingle with all society-but you are particularily fond of temperance societies." �8 CHAPTER NO.1 Baptists, on the other hand, were so addicted to alcoholic beverages that they will "church Priest or Levite for the sin of joining the temperance society!" Methodism actually was smarting under Presbyterian attacks upon that church as monarchial because of its highly centralized organization, and Brownlow's book was basically defensive. It also displayed the Parson's well-developed sense of his importance. He devoted thirty-eight pages of it to his own life. He also laid out for himself a course that he followed rather closely in the approaching years of editing and publishing: And let my occupation in future life be what it may, God forbid that I ever should pursue that timid and vascillating [sic.] course of conduct, which evinces a greater solicitude to please the multitude than to arrive at truth, and to obtain popular applause at the expense of a good conscience! The book was not an instant financial success. Brownlow wrote Heiskell from Abingdon, on May 10, 1836, "We have not been able to comply with our contract and pay you according to promise. I need not tell you that I regret this failure-deeply regret it." The Parson, however, had found a friend to assume responsibility for the debt. The letter also gives evidence of Brownlow's quickening sense of news. He sent Heiskell, who also was publishing the Register at Knoxville, an item about the son of the postmaster at Abingdon being held for larceny of a bank draft amounting to $890. [18] Whether Brownlow paid Heiskell something to start the work or the printer waived all payment until revenue came in from sales was not revealed. Neither is the number printed available. One copy now is worth $52.50. [19] This is possibly more than the author made in a year of preaching. Preacher and author the Parson was, but at the age of twenty-nine he lacked a wife. During the conference at Knoxville he was struck by the number of fellow ministers who had married. This led him to pen his plaintive soliloquy: Old bachelor! are you so lost to a sense of the pleasures and enjoyments of a married life that you can remain contented in a state of "single blessedness," while the old and young, the middle aged, and all around you are joining their hearts and hands in this lawful and scriptural enterprise? But do you excuse yourself on the ground that no one seems willing to have you? This is by no means a plausible excuse; for it is well known that every old widow, maid and girl, in all the country are candidates for matrimony. �THE SIRE OF THE LINE 9 He had shunned coquetry, he was never engaged and he had never asked a woman to marry him, "yet I have some good desires ... on this subject; and I think it quite probable, I shall some day or other make some amorous advances toward some one." [20] He found his object within a few months, while visiting in Tennessee from the Scott Circuit in Virginia. He decided he would marry Miss Eliza O'Brien, and when his sister, Mrs. Nancy Martin, suggested Eliza might not marry him, the Parson replied: "But she shall marry me." Brownlow did not see Eliza for a year, but he maneuvered to get himself placed where he could court her. He asked to be assigned to the Elizabethton Circuit in Carter County, the home of the O'Brien family and the iron works it operated. The conference granted his request and the courtship began. Poor and homely though he was, the preacher had advantages which Mrs. Brownlow described in later years: "I thought he was smart; everybody said he was talented. He was talked about more than any young preacher in the conference, and when he preached at Elizabethton he had more people to hear him than any other preacher. I was influenced by my respect for his talents; and besides he was so earnest, persistent and eloquent in his wooing there was no resisting him."[21] The Parson's powerful voice, his vivid and incisive language and his striking use of hyperbole, moved sixteen-year-old Eliza as she watched him play upon the heartstrings of the congregation. Her heartstrings responded with more than religious fervor. Indeed, she was smitten. The lovers were married on September 11, 1836, at Turkeytown in Carter County, during a camp meeting. Brownlow performed a marriage ceremony for another couple during the same day. [22] Mrs. James O'Brien vigorously objected to the marriage, but in later years she grew attached to her son-in-law and made her home with the Brownlows. Father O'Brien not only was agreeable to the union, but also found a job for the Parson at the ironworks. [2 3] As a husband, the Parson had to make adjustments. The salary of a circuit rider was meager and he would have had to be absent from home for long periods. The Holston Conference "located" Brownlow, a designation that relieved him of any charge but permitted him to preach when the opportunity presented itself. [24] This left him free to take the job at the ironworks, purchased by the three O'Brien brothers-James, Joseph and John; and William Gott, from William B. Carter of Elizabethton in 1824. The O'Brien brothers "owned 9,000 acres of land and operated the furnace, the Valley Forge, 2 �10 CHAPTER NO.1 bloomeries and a water-driven hammer. With slave labor they produced pig and bar iron until they sold their holdings to Nathaniel G. Taylor in 1861." [25] Brownlow's job was not a sinecure. He described himself as head clerk and general manager for the partnership. His duties sometimes included the river shipping of iron castings, an experience that taught him something of water transportation. [26] The Parson had mixed newspaper writing with preaching as early as 1834, when some of his articles, chiefly noncontroversial, appeared in the New Market Telegraph. After he retired from the circuit others from his pen appeared in newspapers at Jonesboro and Elizabethton. These anonymous articles advocated Whig doctrines of a protective tariff and internal improvements. [27] The pieces attracted the attention of Carter County Whigs. Their new newspaper at Elizabethton, the Republican and Manufacturers Record, was floundering, and they were looking for a new editor. Brownlow took the post under the express conditions that he was to have absolute control of the editorial columns and that his responsibilities at the ironworks must come first. The Tennessee Whig was the official name set out in the contract drawn by T. A. R. Nelson. The contract called for Mason R. Lyon to be printer and publisher. Mason was also given authority to execute all business arrangements, including printing and delivery. At the end of the year he would pay Brownlow a third of the net proceeds. The new editor was not to be a partner. [28] Lyon and William Gott had been partners in the publication of the Republican and Manufacturers Record, which had existed for a year. This partnership was dissolved. [29] To give Lyon a hand in getting out the Whig, the contract specified that "he has been furnished by the owners of the press, who are mutual friends of the parties, with the free use of the press without charge." The "mutual friends" probably were Whig Party members who were interested in keeping the newspaper going. Subscriptions and advertising accounts were to belong to Lyon. Brownlow and Lyon gave each other $1,000 performance bonds. [30] Elizabethton was a dismal spot to start a newspaper, even though it was a county seat. The village consisted of 200 souls living in fifty houses. Carter County's total population in 1840 was 5,372, of whom 374 were Negroes. The remaining figure of 4,988 included 811 white illiterates. [ 31] Mail service was wretched. It operated on a �THE SIRE OF THE LINE 11 weekly basis between Elizabethton and Abingdon, Virginia, and Jonesboro and Blountville, Tennessee. [ 32] Rural free delivery would not arrive for another fifty-seven years. Telegraphic services did not exist. Syndicates that supplied special features, articles and news pictures had not arrived. News gathering agencies, such as the Associated Press and the United Press International, were unknown. Drawings and illustration were scarce. Communication was by word of mouth, letters and newspapers. The latter were clipped freely by arrangement for information on the outside world. A newspaper plant and a printer were available at Elizabethton, however, and Whig sentiment in the area was strong. Yet the Parson expressed misgivings in the first issue of May 16, 1839: Finally, no consideration would have induced us, under all the circumstances, to have embarked in this laborious and responsible business, but an unwillingness to see the only Whig paper in the District to go down;-and a love of country;-an innate regard for freedom of thought and action; and a deep rooted opposition to and hatred of the high handed measure of a corrupt and corrupting administration (Whig, May 16, 1839). Other influences must have entered into the Parson's decision. The O'Briens, along with other ironmasters in the region, were in deep financial trouble;[33] and Brownlow saw that means of livelihood waning. Preaching did not afford sufficient livelihood to support a family, as much as he liked the pulpit. It was time to get a foothold elsewhere. The Parson liked writing and he believed he was good at it. He knew the power of the preacher over the congregation, and he saw that the influence of the printed word was more lasting than the spoken. He knew that what was printed usually was preserved, and the only limit on the number who read the newspaper was the circulation. Half a century later the Parson's son, John Bell Brownlow, wrote that his father had found "nothing so congenial to his taste as journalism. He loved the power it gave him."[34] The Tennessee Whig's opener was modest. Seven hundred copies of the five-column, four-page paper were printed, but a month later the Parson proudly reported all had been sold (Whig, June 13, 1839). The modern reader finds the first Whig, especially the front page, very dull, both as to content and typography. The two leading articles, set in redoubtable old-style Caslon, were clipped from other Whig newspapers, one of which reported speeches made in the gubernatorial campaign three weeks earlier. Brownlow preceded these �12 CHAPTER NO. 1 accounts with a caustic comment which reflected his opposition to james K. Polk, the Democratic nominee, and his enthusiasm for the Whig standard-bearer, Governor Newton Cannon. Headings were one-line titles in boldface type but were no larger than that used in the body of the account. This is in contrast to the crisp, abbreviated sentences and large type used by modern newspapers, which forcefully convey the central point or major significance of an article. "Candidate Polk's Inconsistency" in the first Whig might emerge today as Polk Turns Back Flip On Policy Another Whig story titled "Governor's Race" probably would read Governor's Race Gets Up Steam Nor was any consistent effort made to summarize in the first paragraph, known in newspaper parlance as the "lead," the latest news and most sensational development reflected in the article. At the top of Column One the front page announced in black type that the newspaper was "Edited by W. G. Brownlow" and "Printed and Published by M. R. Lyon." Beneath were the advertising and subscription rates. Twelve lines or less of advertising cost $1.00 for the first insertion and fifty cents for each subsequent one. Subscribers paid $2.50 a year in advance, $3.00 if they waited until the end of six months, and $3.50 if they paid at the close of the year. Lyon printed the paper on a hand-operated, flat-bed press and on an imperial sheet that measured 2 3 by 21 inches. The front and back pages were printed on one side of the sheet, and pages two and three on the other side. This process resulted in the latest news usually being found on the second page. The third page usually carried varying amounts of advertising, depending on the volume of business. The newspaper's name ran on the front page in 60-point Onyx type, which was probably cast in a foundry and hand tooled to create an outline effect. A curiosity was the placing of a period after Whig, a practice quickly abandoned by Lyon and no longer used. Inside pages were headed "The Elizabethton Whig" in smaller outline type. The page one motto was "Life, Liberty And The Pursuit Of Happiness." It was printed in small capitals beneath the rules separating the name of the newspaper from the line carrying the name of the town, date, volume and number. This motto came down on July 4, 1839. It �THE SIRE OF THE LINE 13 gave way to Brownlow's famous paraphrase of Isaiah 58:1: "Cry Aloud and Spare Not."[35] Lyon's shop carried two families of type, Caslon and Onyx, in roman and italic. He used these type faces in advertising and editorial matter alike, contrary to present practice. Brownlow frequently used old-style Caslon italic for emphasis. [36] [Newspapers discontinued the use of Onyx in modern times.] The launching of the newspaper involved the usual mechanical troubles and the editor acknowledged that it was necessary for him to clip from his exchanges and to write his editorials "by the light of a candle." The customary statement of the purposes and objectives of the newspaper-the term in vogue for such remarks was "address"-appeared in the first issue and gave two chief reasons: 1) to fight the threat of a "national despotism," which the editor feared if Andrew Jackson's choice, Martin Van Buren, should win again in 1840; and 2) to advance the Whig party's interests. To Brownlow this meant to elect Henry Clay as President. He listed the "cardinal doctrines" of the party as the right of the People to govern-the right of Instruction [not bush-instruction] -true State Rights and strict construction-a liberal system of Internal Improvements-an increase of the banking capital of the country-and everything else that is morally and politically right- (Whig, May 16, 1839). The editor also cast in a borrowed peroration which from time to time in his career he rephrased to fit other situations: Proud, happy America! "the land of the free and the home of the brave." Yes, the asylum of the emigrant-"where the citizen of every clime, and the child of every creed, roams free and untrammelled as the wild winds of heaven! Baptised at the fount of liberty in fire and blood,-cold must be the heart that thrills not at the mention of thy name! When the old world, with all its pride, pomp, and circumstances, shall be covered with oblivion-when thrones shall have crumbled, and dynasties shall have been forgotten-then [if the people but now do their duty] will our America, stand amid regal ruin and national desolation, towering sublime, like the last mountain in the deluge-majestic, proud, immutable, and magnificent, amid blight, ruin and decay-the last remnant of earth's beauty-the last resting place of liberty, and the light of heaven. [37] Such soaring passages were not typical of the Parson. He preferred the incisive, as his advice to a fellow editor on how to deal with an opponent showed: "Lather him with aqua fortis [nitric acid] and �14 CHAPTER NO. 1 shave him with a handsaw" (Whig, May 30, 1839). The campaign of 1839 found the Democrats better organized than the Whigs and with an excellent campaigner in James K. Polk of Maury County. [38] He narrowly defeated Governor Cannon by about 2,500 votes and he cut rather deeply into the Whig strength of East Tennessee by carrying twelve of the twenty-five counties in the division. The Democrats gained control of the General Assembly and elected six of the thirteen United States representatives, a gain of three. [39] Brownlow took some comfort in the reelection of William B. Carter to Congress from the First District over Joseph Powell, Jr., in a campaign of intense bitterness and hostility. [40] The parson did what he could to cheer the disheartened East Tennessee Whigs. He suggested the Democrats had stuffed the ballot boxes to increase their statewide vote by 19,000 in two years. He argued that the errors the party had made should be remedied in order for the Whig forces to be put in the best possible shape for the forthcoming Presidential race: True, the Whigs of Tennessee have met with a temporary defeat in the recent elections of the State; but this, so far from disheartening them, should stimulate them to embark anew, in their holy crusade against power and corruption. We have the numerical strength-our State is still Whig, notwithstanding the election for governor, has resulted favorable to the enemy [sic.). We were without union among ourselves, relying on our superior strength for success. The enemy were united-they had the money-they held the offices-and they lied, electioneered, printed, swore, and travelled for pay-while their bread was given to them, and their pay was for sure (Whig, August 22, 1839). A policy that would enhance the party's prospects, Brownlow firmly suggested, would be to nominate Henry Clay for the Presidency. He posted the Kentuckian's name on the Whig's editorial page, a position it would occupy often in the years ahead as the editor's zeal for "Harry of the West" approached idolatry. The Parson was bitterly disappointed when Clay did not win the nomination. But along with Tennessee Whigs, he accepted the decision with good grace and an assurance that "never did the Whigs engage in any contest, with more cheering prospects," and lined up vigorously behind the Whig nominee for President, William Henry Harrison, of Ohio. [41] The Whig Party in Tennessee had arisen as a rallying ground for the powerful opposition which had developed against Andrew Jack- �THE SIRE OF THE LINE 15 son during his second term as President. Members of the Democratic Party who had been waiting for an opportunity to knife the "old hero" included former United States Senator John Williams of Knoxville, United States Representative (later governor) Newton Cannon, Davy Crockett and Andrew Erwin, a wealthy Bedford Countian. Later John Bell of Nashville and Hugh Lawson White of Knoxville, two of Tennessee's statesmen, were found in the Whig ranks. Bell was sometimes credited with having created the Whig Party in the state. The Whigs humiliated Jackson three times by defeating his candidates for governor, William Carroll and Robert Armstrong, with Newton Cannon in 1835 and 1837; and rebuffing "Old Hickory's" choice for President, Martin Van Buren, in 1836. Van Buren was elected, but Tennessee voted for Hugh Lawson White, 35,962 to 26,120 over Van Buren. Even Jackson's Hermitage precinct went for White, 61 to 20. [42] His party's vigorous support of a system of internal improvements held great appeal for Brownlow. It fell upon receptive ground in East Tennessee where the agriculturally productive valleys, the timbered mountainsides and ore-supplied industries hungered for greater markets. To reach these markets required transportation by hazardous water routes or by slow and expensive wagon trains. There was a great need for the swifter and developing railroads as well as for river improvement. Jackson and Van Buren opposed these policies. Because they were out of line with the Parson's political views he presented them as inferior and evil. Jackson he disposed of in ghoulish fashion when a false report of his death was circulated: We now allude to it, merely to express our surprise at the little interest it excited, and the few cold remarks it drew from those who even believed its truth. No lamentations over 'the greatest and best'-no expressions of sorrow at the departure of a great man! For our part, when the report first reached us, we could not rid our mind of the exclamation of the poet:-"Show pity Lord. 0 Lord forgive!" (Whig, December 5, 1839). In Van Buren he found a double deficiency: Truly Van Buren is a bastard-a bastard in a two fold point of view. First, he was shoved into office by Gen. jackson, upon illegitimate principles; and next he is the illigitimate [sic.] son of Aaron Burr, by whom he was educated for the practice of the law. Some Van Buren newspapers, grasping similar ammunition, accused �16 CHAPTER NO. 1 William Henry Harrison of having had three sons by an Indian squaw in Michigan. [4 3] Brownlow found Knoxville a lively center of Whig activity in the summer of 1839. He was delighted to learn his newspaper and its vigor were drawing approval, although "the opinion of the people here is that some of us are going to get killed before August. I reply that we will die in a righteous cause." Knoxville Whiggery transported the Parson to acclaim it the finest on earth. He recorded this impression after hearing John Bell and Senator Hugh Lawson White speak at Knoxville in the fall of 1839. Of Bell he wrote, "Never did I listen to a man with more pleasure in all my life." [44] Political developments moved rapidly in late 1839 and early 1840. The Democratic General Assembly, elected along with Governor Polk in August, squeezed out of office the state's United States senators, White and Ephraim Foster. The assembly instructed them to vote for Van Buren administration proposals. At that time United States senators were elected by the state legislatures and were accustomed to resign when they could not, with political integrity, follow direction from the bodies to which they owed their posts. The Whig ran in full the statements of White and Foster when they resigned, but printed so little of General Assembly activities that some subscribers complained. Brownlow retorted that he held the "majority of brawling Democrats" in the legislature in such contempt that "We, therefore, shall fill our columns with what we think is most suitable, and those who have been told we are one-sided had better subscribe for some paper that gives both sides."[45] While in Knoxville for a party convention in February 1840, Brownlow reaped benefits from being hanged in effigy. Before the hanging he had obtained ten subscriptions, and after it twenty-four. The Knoxville At;gus annoyed him with a report that a Whig delegation had arrived in Knoxville on a Sunday night "whooping and halloing [sic.] like wild bacchanals," and at the convention engaged in a "public and wanton debauch." The Parson insisted the Whigs were well behaved although they did drink "many bottles of excellent wine." The use of the adjective "excellent" to describe the wine was a substantial concession on the Parson's part, and indicated how far he would go to defend a Whig gathering. Late in the previous summer as he rode the stage to Knoxville he had winced because "still-tubs and still-houses seem to be undergoing thorough repairs! Mean whiskey and new apple brandy, and modern Democracy, which �THE SIRE OF THE LINE 17 all go hand in hand, are to overrun the country from this till next corn-planting time." [46] Criticism of the Whig delegation's behavior came from the pen of E. G. Eastman, "imported" from the East to edit the newly established Argus. Editor and newspaper were signals of the Democratic Party's determination to fight vigorously the East Tennessee Whigs. The Parson previously had described Eastman as a "bloated drunkard" and in a private letter as "all for peace. He is not very sharp." But he must have envied Eastman a new $900 press that arrived for the Argus the following week. [47] Eastman quickly began sneering at Knoxville Whigs. When the Nashville Banner complimented Colonel W. B. A. Ramsey, brother of the historian James G. M. Ramsey, upon his retirement from editorship of the Knoxville Register, the new Democratic editor snapped: "Truth, every word of it; but no part of it is applicable to his successor." The target of Eastman's shaft was Thomas W. Humes, one of the most cultured men in Knoxville. After attending East Tennessee College Humes had studied at Princeton University to be a Presbyterian minister, then turned to newspapering, and later was rector of St. John's Episcopal Church. From 1865 until1882 he was president of East Tennessee University, which, by the time he retired, was the University of Tennessee. Brownlow shot back at the Argus editor: When such drunken, stupid, pilgrim-jack-asses, as the nominal Editor of the Argus at Knoxville, a certain bloated down-cast, red-faced Mr. Eastman, can use such language as the foregoing, in reference to a gentleman of the raising, education, talents, and acknowledged veracity of Mr. Humes of "The Times," we have certainly fallen upon evil times. Humes had been editor of the Times and continued as editor of the Register when the newspapers were merged. [48] The denunciation of Eastman demonstrated that the Parson was developing mightily in a field where eye gouging, knifing, groin kicking and shooting, literal as well as figurative, were not unusual. So violent had newspapering grown in Tennessee that a British traveler and author, stopping at Jonesboro in 1839, described editors and their publications as the most abusive, unjust, and unprincipled that are anywhere to be found; for with a few honorable exceptions only, they appear to me to sacrifice truth, honor, and courtesy, to party-feeling; hesitating at nothing to blacken the char- �18 CHAPTER NO. 1 acter of a political opponent, though he be of the most pure and spotless reputation; raking up slander of bygone years, to serve a monetary purpose; and sparing neither age nor sex, neither the living nor the dead. In contrast, the Britisher, who attended several East Tennessee political meetings found them to be in direct contrast to the newspaper instances: Speaking was sensible, moderate, free from bombast, and much calmer and more argumentative than election-speeches usually are in England. The rival candidates were spoken of with the greatest respect, and not a sentence of declamation [defamation], or a word of vituperation, either of the parties or individuals, took place ... Audiences were most quiet and orderly that could be imagined, as much so, indeed, as a congregation hearing a sermon. The witty pen of Samuel L. Clemens found the East Tennessee newspaper field such an appropriate territory for his satire that he wrote a piece about it in which pistols and cowhide whips were flourished as frequently as pens. [49] The same year that the Britisher set down his observations saw the beginning of a long and envenomed battle of words, brewed as United States Representative William B. Carter, a Whig, won a seat in Congress for the third time by turning back a determined bid by Dr. Joseph Powell, a Democrat. Both men were from prominent East Tennessee families. Carter's ancestors were from Virginia, and an uncle, also named William B. Carter, had been president of the Constitutional Convention of 1834. The congressman had completed studies for the Presbyterian ministry at Princeton University, but gave up preaching because of ill health. Powell was the son of a wealthy doctor of Sullivan County, who also practiced in Carter County. The father died the year of the campaign. The junior Powell had raised a company in Carter County that served in the removal of the Cherokee Indians to Oklahoma, during which he attained the rank of colonel. Brownlow and young Landon C. Haynes found themselves on opposite sides in the campaign. The two men had known each other as intimates of Thomas A. R. Nelson, Brownlow as a political ally and personal friend, Haynes as a student reading law under the attorney. The student had been "taken up by the Whigs of this county [Carter] , while very young, and while he was trying to write himself into notice, in the newspapers." But while Haynes was studying under Nelson he married Eleanor Powell, daughter of Robert W. Powell �THE SIRE OF THE LINE HON. T, A. R. NELSON. 19 Hon. T. A. R. Nelson [From T. M. Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers of Tennessee, Knoxville, 1888.] and the granddaughter of Dr. Powell who died in 1839, two months before the Whig was started. Haynes then switched parties and became an ardent advocate of Joseph Powell in his race for Congress. The Whig dredged up every charge and slur it could against Powell and drew return fire from Haynes. Brownlow ignored him for months, but they were such natural opposites that a counter blast was inevitable. Landon was the son of David Haynes, a wealthy Carter County farmer, and had made a name for himself as a debater and a rhetorician at Washington College. He was an aristocrat for his time and location, and his speech was florid, flowing and expansive. Brownlow, who was reared in poverty, had labored on the farm and at the bench of the carpenter. His education was meager, so far as the classroom entered into it; his speech was unpolished, although blunt and incisive, and carried something of the flavor of the barnyard and the mechanic's shop. Both men were bold and in their sharply contrasting backgrounds lay the seeds of natural animus. The Parson decided in January 1840 to notice Haynes. He recalled false statements that the youth had made during earlier months, and he also complained that in a recent political speech Haynes had denounced this paper as a lying, slanderous production, and its conductor a "hireling." . .. He more recently "poetised" us in the Sentinel, connecting us directly, and by name, with a notorious prostitute, and in addition to all this, he has frequently, and still does, in conversation, speak disrespectfully of us. �20 CHAPTER NO. 1 Therefore, I, William G. Brownlow, of the town of Elizabethton, and of lawful age, pronounce Landon C. Haines [sic.], of the county of Carter and State of Tennessee, a liar, a puppy and a SCOUNDREL and if he does not call me to an account for it, the first time he comes to this village, I insist he does not possess the courage of a Spaniel Dog (Whig, March 26, 1840). The contest of abuse and insults now raged in full fury. When Haynes revived and circulated an account of Brownlow's having been convicted of libel in 1833 in Macon County, North Carolina, the editor ran his side of the story, citing that he had reviewed it himself in a pamphlet and in a book. He accused his young critic, an aspiring orator, of having used the productions of others as his own, including an address of the Rev. Creed Fulton, a Methodist preacher. "And I am told," the Parson related, "that one of the best speeches he ever delivered at the Washington College was the one I wrote for him, at his urgent solicitations, while I travelled this circuit. Indeed, I heard his friends applaud the speech so highly that I could scarcely repel the temptation to believe that I was smart, in as much as I had written it for him!" Landon's father now entered the brawl and suggested Brownlow was an ingrate for attacking his son, for he had been fed and entertained at the Haynes home while he was riding the circuit. The Parson retorted: Your next allusion is, to the chickens-aye, the several meals of victuals I ate at your house, several years ago. I would call on you to make out your bill, and I would pay it, but for the fact that you had pressed me to call, for the purpose of writing out speeches for your son to deliver at college, to make him a great man!-I studied and wrote faithfully, and I think, it was as little as you could do, to give me my victuals while there-I made no other charge (Whig, May 14, 1840). The war of words had brought violence to the Parson's home during the 1839 campaign, but he did not reveal it until his foes accused him of having taken shelter behind his wife and mother-inlaw. He printed the accusation in the Whig. He relished publishing charges against himself in the belief that his retorts were more destructive than anything his foes could bring against him. Then he told his side of the story. Joseph Powell, father-in-law of Haynes, had followed Brownlow to the O'Brien works and attacked him. The Parson knocked him down with a club. Joseph retreated, vowed retaliation. Later, Robert Powell and a cousin, Jack Powell, returned to punish the editor. Robert presented a pistol; Brownlow fired at �THE SIRE OF THE LINE 21 him once, probably with a pistol and ran for a rifle. "In the meantime ... my mother-in-law came running out, and taking me by the hand, reminded me of the then situation of my wife in the house, who she said, was lying prostrate in the house. I went with her into the house, and this ended the affray." Eliza had borne her first child, Susan, and was carrying her second, John Bell. [vvvvvvv] Another tense episode arose after the Whig's first denunciation of Haynes on January 30, 1840. It was referred to sketchily in the Whig but was detailed in a confidential letter to T. A. R. Nelson and carried a directive to "Burn this." Instead, Nelson preserved it, as he did many letters and papers. The Parson wrote that he had dressed and shaved to go to a Jonesboro meeting: but Bob Powell rode out to bring in Landon Haines [sic.] and the understanding was that I was not to live until today. I therefore declined leaving, as I would have been branded with cowardice. They came in yesterday-and old Dave swore publicly that they had come for that purpose, and would not leave until they had done 'something serious.' I have been twice through the streets today, and in the houses of Lyon, Singletary and Daily-and they have seen me but nothing has been yet done ... I have not seen Landon at all. I understand he is at J o Powell [ 's) prepared for the attack. It is said this evening that Brewer, Rockhold and others, have visited Landon and persuaded him not to notice me! I am glad of this, as I do not wish to fight. Should they not kill me I will leave for the convention on Thursday next ... Our town is all commotion. When I am in the street the people get in their doors to see me killed .... Since I have moved to town, and it is understood the paper goes on, they have become desperate towards me. Jo Powell is at the bottom of the whole business. Brownlow had separated himself from the iron business before moving into Elizabethton and devoted full time to editing. He was not fired upon in the streets, but on the night of March 9, 1840, while the editor was seated by the fire in his home, two bullets crashed into the room. Both passed dose to his breast, one lodging in the chimney and the other in the ceiling. The Parson fired once at what he believed to be the form of the marauder. The Brownlow household was disrupted: "Our wife, otherwise afflicted, and having a sick child," the editor removed to the home of her parents, while he boarded at the tavern, slept at home, and continued to walk the �22 CHAPTER NO. 1 streets "if our life pay the forfeit." The experience enabled Brownlow to shift his ground without lessening his editorial fire. He notified the younger Haynes: Sir-As you are strongly suspected for being an assassin-of having aided and abetted, in the late cowardly attempt to shoot me after night; & as public opinion has settled down on you, as a party concerned, as at least having a perfect knowledge of all the preliminaries connected therewith; and as you, in your late publication, so far from making an effort at defence have passed the whole matter by in silence, I can have no further controversy with you (Whig, March 26, 1840). Thereupon he took out after Landon's father, but always managed to keep the son in the line of fire. This enabled the Parson to reproach the father, not only for his behavior, but also for having a son whom the editor described as being very badly behaved. The firing upon the Parson's home followed by four days his publication of an extended defense of his own actions and a scathing attack upon Landon and the Powell family. He taunted Landon for failing to chastise the editor "when you came to this village for that very purpose? ... You poor, pittiful [sic.], contemptible, lying, sneaking up-start, and cowardly rascal! You offer personal violence to me! You would sooner stick your head in a forge fire, than to come in contact with me." Young Haynes came back with two columns of vituperative defense in the Tennessee Sentinel. He denied Brownlow's charge that the elder Haynes had requested Brownlow's friends to restrain him from noticing what the son was saying about him because Landon "was set on by the d-d Powell's-that they were a d-d thieving set-and that you done [sic.] all you could to prevent his marriage in that family." Landon also had dug up the skeleton of an uncle of the Parson's, Isaac Brownlow, who had died nine years earlier in Lauderdale, Alabama. William G. conceded that Isaac was a bad man, but suggested the noxious disease of which he had died had been prevalent in the Powell family. Since Landon had been married to Eleanor Powell only a year the editor's purpose was to drive a wedge of distrust between the families. The controversy fell considerably below the gutter. Haynes reflected upon Brownlow's parents, both dead for almost a quarter of a century. The Parson defended the reputation of his parents with opinions from those who had known them and countered with some �23 THE SIRE OF THE LINE hints and charges about Landon's activities which again linked him as a conspirator, if not a participant, in the shooting into the Brownlow home. Brownlow told David Haynes: And as to the shooting, Davy, your son's own relations, or many of them, both by father and mother's side, unhesitatingly say they believe he was concerned. His broad, square toed Boots, and the track thereof, which we measured at Powell's horse rack, compared with the track in my garden (Whig, March 26, 1840). The Parson also claimed Landon's hasty departure from Elizabethton the morning following the shooting and conflicting accounts as to where he was at the time the shots were fired pointed to his connection with the affair. David Haynes and Brownlow, at a chance meeting on horseback in mid-April, discussed terminating the quarrel, but the Parson declined to take back what he had written, and later accused Landon of having reopened the exchange of insults. A circular issued by young Haynes went so far as to accuse a Miss O'Brien of having borne a black baby and the Parson's father of having been a drunkard. Brownlow gritted his teeth and answered. The Miss O'Brien referred to by Haynes, he said, was not related to the iron manufacturers, and while the Parson admitted his father drank liquor it never threw him off his feet. He demanded: "Has ever any man witnessed such fiendlike ravages among the tombs, as are exhibited in this foul circular, the production of these Hayneses and Powells?" A short and ominous line was in this long blast: "Your slander of my Mother, we will settle at the proper time, and in such a way as may be deemed proper."[Sl] CHAPTER I I NOTES [ 11 Autobiographical material on Brownlow's early life is found in two of his books, Helps to the Study of Presbyterianism, or an Unsophisticated Exposition of Calvinism, with Hopkinsianism Modifications of Policy, with a View to a More Easy Interpretation of the Same. To which is Added a Brief Account of Life and Travels of the Author; Interspersed with Anecdotes, pp. 242-243 (Page 243 is misnumbered 233), (Knoxville, 1834) hereafter cited as Helps; and Sketches of the Rise, Progress and Decline of Secession; with a Narrative of Personal Adventures among the Rebels, pp. �24 [ 2) [ 3) [ 4) [ 5) [ 6) [ 7) CHAPTER NO. 1 16-17 (Cincinnati, 1862), hereafter cited under the binder's title of Parson Brownlow's Book. Brief references to Brownlow's parents and their background are made in the Whig of March 26, May 14, 1840. Brownlow's newspaper, the title of which was varied from time to time, contains a wealth of biographical material on the editor. The titles were Tennessee Whig, with some inside pages headed "Elizabethton Whig," May 15, 1839, through May 14, 1840; the Whig, sometimes with inside pages headed "The Jonesborough Tennessee Whig," Jonesboro, May 20, 1840, through May 11, 1842, "The Jonesborough Whig and Independent journal," Jonesboro, May 18, 1842, through April 19, 1849; Brownlow's Knoxville Whig and Independent journal, Knoxville, May 19, 1849, through April 7, 1855, Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, Knoxville, April 14, 1855, through July 27, 1861, Brownlow's Weekly Whig, August 3, 1861, until suspended, October 26, 1861, the Tri-Weekly Whig, Knoxville, January 4, 1859, through August 3, 1861, Brownlow's Knoxville Whig and Rebel Ventilator, Knoxville, November 11, 1863, through February 21, 1866, Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, February 28, 1866, until Brownlow relinquished complete control of the newspaper, January 1, 1869. A very limited num!>er of the files of the Tri-Weekly Whig, published in 1868, exist, and are in miscellaneous Knoxville newspaper files, McClung Collection, Lawson McGhee Library, Knoxville. All other files of the Whig and of the TriWeekly Whig are on microfilm in the McClung Collection. A tart opposition reference says the Tri-Weekly Whig was published only four or five months in 1868, daily Press and Herald, December 6, 1868. Hereafter all Brownlow's newspapers will be referred to as the Whig or as the TriWeekly Whig. Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 16. The quotation used differs slightly in punctuation and working from that in Helps, p. 242. The reference to Houston is only in Parson Brownlow's Book. Ibid., pp. 16-17. The quotation used differs slightly from the account in Helps, pp. 242-243. (The latter is misnumbered 233) principally in simplified puncutation. The maiden name of the Parson's mother is spelled Ganaway in Helps, but in Parson Brownlow's Book, and in the Whig, it is consistently spelled with a double n. The full names of John Gannaway and George Winniford appear in R. N. Price, Holston Methodism from Its Origin to the Present Times, (Nashville, 1903-1914), 5 vols., III, p. 315; hereafter cited as Holston Methodism, and in E. Merton Coulter, William G. Brownlow, Fighting Parson of the Southern Highlands (Knoxville, 1971), p. 4; hereafter cited as Coulter. Brownlow failed to mention the full names in Helps, p. 243, and in Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 17. Helps, pp. 243-244. When Brownlow wrote Helps he termed his education in the common schools "plain, though regular," but twenty-eight years later he described it as having been "imperfect and irregular," Helps, p. 244; Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 17. Helps, p. 244. �THE SIRE OF THE LINE 25 [ 8] Ibid., pp. 246-248; William Rule, Ed., Standard History of Knoxville, Tennessee (Chicago, 1900), p. 428; hereafter referred to as Rule, Standard History; Samuel Mayes Arnell, "The Southern Unionist," unpublished typescript, University of Tennessee Special Collections, pp. 13-14; hereafter referred to as Arnell; Price, Holston Methodism, III, p. 3 38. [ 9] 0. P. Temple, Notable Men of Tennessee (New York, 1912), p. 281; hereafter referred to as Temple, Notable Men; Helps, pp. 245, 266; Arnell, pp. 13-14. [ 10] W. G. Brownlow, The Great Iron Wheel Examined; or, Its False Spokes Extracted, and an Exhibition of Elder Graves, Its Builder. In a Series of Chapters (Nashville, 1856), pp. 2 38-2 39; hereafter referred to as The Great Iron Wheel Examined. [11] Helps, p. 249. [12] Ibid., pp. 259-260, 269-272; Price, Holston Methodism, III, pp. 339-343; John Patton Archer, Western North Carolina. A History from 1790 to 1913 (Asheville, North Carolina, 1914), pp. 226-227. [13] Helps, p. 275,; Whig, July 5, 1851. [14] Tennessee Sentinel, Jonesboro, July 19, 1845. [15] Whig, July 5, 1851. Brownlow also had reviewed the case less elaborately, ibid., February 27, 1840. He called Posey "a thieving old Baptist preacher" because he believed Posey had sold for money or services Bibles that had been sent to him for free distribution. [ 16] Helps, 256, 25 3, 262-265; Price, Holston Methodism, p. 258. [ 17] Helps, pp. 266-267, Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 20-2 3. [18] Helps, pp. 288, 246, 148, 178-182, 211, 103, 106, preface, pp. v-xm; Price, Holston Methodism, III, pp. 157-160; W. G. Brownlow to Frederick S. Heiskell, May 10, 1836; Mrs. J. T. Howard Papers, Sherrod Library, East Tennessee State University, Johnson City, Tennessee. Mrs. Howard, of Bristol, Tennessee, is the granddaughter of Heiskell. [19] Current value of this volume was supplied by John Dobson, Special Collection librarian, the University of Tennessee. [20] Helps, pp. 287-288. [21] Price, Holston Methodism, III, pp. 345-346. [22] Ibid., III, p. 315; Arnell, p. 43. A compilation of the marriage licenses issued in Carter County, 1797-1850, by Miss Pollyanna Creekmore, director of documents, Sherrod Library, and formerly McClung Collection librarian, shows one issued to Hiram 0. Mackin and Sarah K. O'Brien, solemnized on September 11, 1836, by W. G. Brownlow. Sarah was not of Eliza's family. See "Genealogical Tables," by Gaines Strother Pendleton, p. 13, manuscript in University of Tennessee Special Collections. [23] Price, Holston Methodism, III, p. 346; Arnell, p. 44; Whig, September 28, 1842,0ctober20, 1849. [24] Price, Holston Methodism, III, p. 309; Coulter, fn p. 34. [25] See inscription about O'Brien Furnace on a marker erected half a mile east of Valley Forge on U.S. Highway 19E by the Tennessee Historical Commission, also Tennessee Historical Markers, 5th ed., p. 68. [26] Whig, August 8, 1839; Brownlow to T. A. R. Nelson, March 23, 1850, Nelson Papers, McClung Collection. The contract between Mason R. Lyon and Brownlow for operating the Whig at Elizabethton suggests Brownlow �26 [27] [28] [29] [30] [31] [32] [33] [34] [35] [36] [37] [ 38] CHAPTER NO. 1 was a partner in the O'Brien operation, Nelson Papers, May 4, 1839. See also Whig, October 20, 1849. Helps, p. 279; manuscript sketch of Brownlow by William Rule in files of The Knoxville journal, and newspaper clippings in William Rule Papers, McClung Collection. Thomas Emmerson, first mayor of Knoxville and later publisher of the Washington Republican and Farmer's Record, at Jonesboro, is credited with having encouraged Brownlow to write on political subjects, after having published some of his articles. Brownlow also had written articles opposing Andrew Johnson for the Tennessee General Assembly in 1837, which were printed in Emmerson's paper under the signature of "Western Virginia," Whig, May 14, 1853; Price, Holston Methodism, III, p. 319. Rule Manuscript; Whig, May 16, 1839; Lyon-Brownlow contract, Nelson Papers. For an examination of Brownlow's first years as an editor see also "'Cry Aloud and Spare Not'; The Formative Years of Brownlow's Whig, 1837-1841," University of Tennessee Master's Thesis, by Nancy Marlene Haley, August 1966. Rule Manuscript, Whig, May 16, 1839. Lyon-Brownlow contract, Nelson Papers. Coulter, p. 35; Temple, Notable Men. p. 273. Sixth Census, or, Enumeration of the Inhabitants of the United States, as Corrected by the Department of State, (Washington, 1841) 1840, pp. 264-265; hereafter referred to as U.S. Sixth Census. Whig, May 16, December 16, 1839; January 30, 1840. The Whig's first issue carried a notice asking for bids to carry the mail to Abingdon and return, weekly. Ibid., March 26, 1840; Arnell, pp. 44-45. John Bell Brownlow to 0. P. Temple, June 21, 1892. Temple Papers, University of Tennessee Special Collections. The complete verse reads: "Cry aloud, spare not, lift up thy voice like a trumpet, and show my people their transgressions, and the house of Jacob their sins." King James Version of the Bible. Type identification and characteristics were furnished by Walter Amann, who has been compositor, proof reader, copy reader, makeup editor and managing editor of the Knoxville journal. Whig, May 16, 1839. Brownlow used quotation marks around the major portion of this passage but failed to give the source. He rephrased it for his inaugural address as governor, in his debate with Abram Pryne on slavery, and in his largest selling book. Ibid., April 12, 1865; Ought American Slavery to be Perpetuated~ A Debate between The Rev. W. G. Brownlow and the Rev. A. Pryne (Philadelphia, 1858), pp. 272-273; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 26-27. Stanley J. Folmsbee, Robert E. Corlew, and Enoch L. Mitchell, Tennessee: A Short History (Knoxville, 1969), pp. 198-199; hereafter referred to as Folmsbee et al., Short History; Robert H. White, Messages of the Governors (Nashville, 1952-), 7 vols. to date, p. 274, gives Polk 54,012, and Cannon 51,396, on the basis of official returns from every County but �THE SIRE OF THE LINE [39] [40] [41] [42] [43] [44] [45] [46] [47] [ 48] [49] [SO] [51] 27 Shelby, in which instance figures are taken from the Republican Banner of Nashville, and which give Polk 54,639, Cannon 52,177. Eric Russel Lacy, Vanquished Volunteers; East Tennessee Sectionalism from Statehood to Secession (Johnson City, 1965), pp. 112-113; hereafter cited as Vanquished Volunteers; Whig, August 18, 1841; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 199. Whig, June 27, July 11, 25, 30, August 15, 1939. Ibid., September 5, August 22, 1839. Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 178-179. Whig, January 30, 1840. The charge of illegitimacy was hinted at in the memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Herbert S. Parmet and Marie B. Hecht, Aaron Burr, Portrait of an Ambitious Man (New York, 1967), p. 335. The bastard charge is unsubstantiated. Whig, November 14, 1839; Brownlow to Nelson, July 8, 1839. Nelson Papers. Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 199-201; Whig, December 12, 1839, January 16, February 13, 1840. Ibid., February 20, March 5, 1840, August 15, 1839. Jesse Burt, ed., "Editor Eastman Writes James K. Polk," East Tennessee Historical Society Publications, No. 39, pp. 103-104; Burt, ed., "Tennessee Democrats Employ Editor E. G. Eastman, 1846-1849," East Tennessee Historical Society Publications, No. 38, pp. 83-85; Whig, December 26, 1839; Brownlow to Nelson, June 8, 1839. Nelson Papers. Whig, February 13, 1840; March U. Rothrock, ed., The French BroadHolston Country (Knoxville, 1940) pp. 431-432; hereafter cited as Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston; Rule, ed., Standard History, p. 318. James Silk Buckingham, The Slave States of America (London, 1842), 2 vols., II, pp. 246-248, 257-261 ;Samuel Clemens (Mark Twain), "Journalism in Tennessee," in Editorial Wild Oats, pp. 11-29. Temple, Notable Men, pp. 88-89;James W. Bellamy, "The Political Career of Landon Carter Haynes," ETHS PUBL., No. 28, pp. 102-104; Landon C. Haynes to Nelson, March 12, 1839, Nelson Papers. Whig, January 30, February 27, March 5, 26, May 7, 14, 1840. Susan was born July 3, 1838, at Kingsport, and John Bell in Carter County, October 19, 1839, Pendleton, "Genealogical Tables," p. 13. Whig, March 5, 1840; Brownlow to Nelson, February 2, 1840. Nelson Papers. Whig, February 13, March 12, 26, 5, 26, May 5, 26, May 14, 7, 1840. �"Ccy Aloud- Spare Not." Chapter No.2 A BULLET IN THE THIGH In eight months William G. Brownlow proved he was a successful editor. His predecessor had a circulation of 300 papers. He started the Whig with 700 papers and during the first year the number of subscribers reached to between 900 and 1,100. Not only did the provocative Parson's cutting, colorful prose and his severe treatment of his foes see him hanged in effigy at Knoxville, but also the Democratic postmaster there, so Brownlow said, became so sensitive to the heat the Whig generated that he resorted to handing it out "with a pair of tongs." His original agreement to edit the Whig had been limited and tentative. He could do it only by candlelight because he would not abandon his generous father-in-law who had provided him with a job, and he wasn't sure he could make it as an editor. Now, the collapsing iron industry could spare him, and he had learned that newspaper editing suited and delighted his controversial nature. He moved himself and his family the four miles into Elizabethton to devote full time to editing and to receive a fixed salary, a basis more satisfactory than a share of the profits. The newcomer displayed other unmistakable signs of progress. Lyon took on another printer, Valentine Garland, new print shop materials were bought, and the typographical appearance of the paper was improved. [ 1] The delighted Whigs looked for a broader field in which to pit their new champion against the Democrats and hit upon Jonesboro, the county seat of adjoining Washington County. This county had a population of 11,744, double that of Carter.[2] Because the Parson drew so much attention from a tiny point like Elizabethton his blasts could be expected to carry further and wider if released from the larger Jonesboro with its more central location and better mail facilities. Tom Nelson had led the way in the summer of 18 39. He married Anne Elizabeth Stuart and moved with his bride to Jonesboro. [ 3] 28 �A BULLET IN THE THIGH 29 Late in the same year Brownlow had decided to cut loose from Lyon when their contract expired and the decision to move to Jonesboro was made. Lyon was a part-time Baptist preacher; he drank heavily, and he was behind on payments to the Parson. As a result Nelson wrote a contract for Brownlow, Garland and Lyon on March 7, 1840. Under this contract Lyon sold the type, cases and his interest in the subscription list of the Whig to Brownlow and Garland for $5 50.00, but agreed to collect outstanding accounts for the first year and to pay the Parson for his services as editor for the year. Lyon wished the two new partners well, in print, and pleaded ill health for not continuing as publisher. However, Garland had written Nelson months earlier that the Parson would not edit the Whig beyond the first year with Lyon as publisher. He wrote that Lyon was so bitter he would do anything to crush the Jonesboro project. ] [ At the close of Brownlow's first year as editor it was obvious that he liked what he was doing and the way he was doing it, as he reviewed what he had accomplished, and concluded: Such have been our convictions, aU along that, in every material respect we were right, we were willing to loose [sic.] our life in defense of our principles and party .... A review of a complete file of the Whig, will perhaps conduct any candid and dispassionate mind, to the conclusion, that in point of severity, and wholesale abuse of individuals, our paper is without a parallel in the history of the American Press. The existence of this truth, in connexion [sic.] with this bold confession, however, finds an apology, in the fact, that it has been peculiarly our misfortune to have to encounter a most disciplined corps of the most obdurate sinners and unprincipled scoundrels that ever annoyed any community (Whig, May 14, 1840). Scoundrels also infested Washington, D.C., for there President Martin Van Buren and his party trampled upon the laws and the Constitution, and were corrupt. The Parson turned from the fate that awaited the wicked upon death to the man, who is alive to the importance of an eternal state of being, and makes it the subject of his hopes and fears, as well as of his future enquiries. But, with the upright man, how calm is the evening of life! With what tranquillity does he lean his head upon his dying pillow, while the lamp of life gradually dies away in its socket! To our numerous patrons, who have so nobly sustained us, and our cause, we have one word to say, and we are done. That your journey through life may be �30 CHAPTER NO. 2 as sweet as it is short; that poverty and want may always be a day's march behind you; that you may be happy and your enemies know it; that while you travel through life you may live well on the road; and that while you do live you may live under the guidance of the four greatest and best of Generals-General Providence, General Peace, General Plenty, and General Satisfaction (Ibid.). Brownlow's first year, with its shouting controversies and its rich harvest of subscribers, left him eagerly anticipating the move to Jonesboro, where he would be "at the very door of the lying Sentinel, to correct its slanders while yet smoking" (Whig, March 19, 1840). He knew that his entry at the Washington County seat was the equivalent of bursting into a den of angry, spitting wildcats. Lawson Gifford, the Tennessee Sentinel publisher, was politically allied with the Haynes and Powell families, and he had social relationships with the former. On September 28, 1842, he married Miss Mary Taylor Haynes, the daughter of David Haynes. [5] Gifford seemed bent on stirring up the Whig editor in every way he could, as though being a Democratic publisher and in the HaynesPowell corner was not sufficient provocation. Just before the Whig moved to Jonesboro he hired as editor Thomas A. Anderson, son of a former United States senator, Joseph Anderson, and brother of the current United States senator, Alexander Outlaw Anderson. Thomas A. opened up on the Parson in his first issue of the Tennessee Sentinel. Brownlow said he himself was at a loss to understand why his competitor had flown into such a quick rage; all the Parson had done was to run a defense printed by another Whig editor, a Mr. Wales who had been denounced by the Knoxville Argus. It happened that in making his defense Mr. Wales had found it important to prove that Anderson once "was so beastly drunk, at a certain still-house near Rogersville that he could not get on his horse without assistance." Just how this incident was a part of Mr. Wales' defense was not explained, nor was it clear which galled Anderson the most, his reported drunken state or his inability to mount his horse. Anderson had been a Presbyterian minister, and he had practiced medicine before taking up the pen. Brownlow said Anderson still doted on being called "doctor." The Parson, however, who had touched him up in Helps to the Study of Presbyterianism, recalled that he was sometimes known as "Lord Hackberry." Now, Brownlow dubbed Anderson as "the profane swearer, apostate Presbyterian Preacher, and drunken blackguard who now edits the jonesborough Sentinel!" Gifford also touched the Parson in a most sensitive spot, ridiculing �A BULLET IN THE THIGH 31 him before the guests in a New Market tavern by reading the Haynes circular he had printed and apparently throwing in his own comment. A man who heard the reading was infuriated at the way "your mother's [the Parson's mother's] name has been dragged into this filthy piece, and spoken of in the most disgraceful terms. I was acquainted with her personally: or partially so at least, from my infancy almost, and I have yet to hear the first person of respectability say one word against her character." [6] The Whig editor lost no time in taking an intimate examination of Gifford: Point us to a female on the pavements of our streets, arm in arm with Lawson Gifford, and we will show you a female of suspicious character-or one whose family is under the weather, because of some thefts or frauds committed by the heads thereof. . . . We are not anxious to acquire the reputation of a bully;-but if this scoundrel will publish one slanderous sentence in his paper relative to either of our parents, who have now been dead upwards of twenty years, we will, upon sight, thereafter give him such evidence of our cowardice, as will amount to a practical demonstration of the utter falsehood of the charge. In relation to us, and every living relative we have, he can and may, publish with impunity (Whig, May 14, 1840). The Whig in which Brownlow took after both publisher and editor of the Tennessee Sentinel was the last he put out under an Elizabethton dateline. On May 6, 1840, he published at Elizabethton, but under a Jonesboro dateline, a specimen of the new volume. In it he said that the newspaper in the new location would appear thereafter on Wednesday instead of Saturday. [7] When the second number appeared in Jonesboro it carried one of the biggest stories in the life of the editor. On May 14, 1840, Brownlow was seated with a group of men in front of a store. He rose from his chair, without a word of explanation, and walked down the street. Haynes was walking from the other direction. The Parson drew his pistol. Haynes stopped, holding his right hand behind him, a position he had maintained from the moment the two men were seen approaching each other. Brownlow three times demanded to know if Haynes was armed. Haynes replied that he was not, but kept his right hand behind him. Brownlow kept advancing, Haynes retreating, until they were at close quarters, the Parson's advance being more rapid than Haynes' backward steps. Brownlow demanded that Haynes retract what he had said about Brownlow's mother. Haynes either refused to retract or failed to do �32 CHAPTER NO. 2 so. Brownlow shifted his pistol to his left hand and moved a sword cane to his right, with which he began striking Haynes. The latter then brought out a pistol and fired it. Witnesses differed as to whether the cane blow by Brownlow and the shot by Haynes were simultaneous. Three said they were simultaneous, one that Haynes fired first. The ball from Haynes' pistol entered the center of the Parson's thigh, three or four inches below the groin. The men grappled. Though wounded, the Parson struck Haynes again with the aforesaid cane, fought off the younger man's attempt to take his pistol, and beat his head with the weapon, holding Haynes with his left hand as he did so. After the men had been separated witnesses saw blood dripping from Brownlow's leg. He was helped across the street to a store and placed on a bed. One witness reported that when Haynes came out of a store and before walking up the street, one hand, and perhaps both, were in his coattails. It was his statement and the impression that the weapon fired by Haynes was a "pocket rifle," requiring both hands to cock it, that led to the conclusion by some that Haynes had started his march up the street prepared to discharge it without delay. Brownlow acknowledged himself the instigator, explaining: [8) Our motive for approaching Haynes in the way we did was to induce him either to take back an insinuation against our mother or to render personal satisfaction for it. Knowing our mother to have been a correct woman in every respect-to have died a Christian-and to have been in her grave twenty-four years-no man can or shall assail her character, or disturb her ashes with impunity (Whig, May 20, 1840). A completely objective determination of what took place is impossible, as only the accounts given by the Whig remain. Files of the Tennessee Sentinel reporting the fight do not exist, and so far as is known Haynes left no statement for posterity. The unsworn accounts of the fight published by the Whig were made by four men, the most extensive being made by Thomas B. Emmerson, son of the lawyer and publisher, Thomas Emmerson, who had once urged Brownlow to engage in the newspaper business. The bullet wound was severe, Brownlow acknowledged, but five days after the "recountre" he reported he was able "to set [sic.] at our table and write." He read his exchanges and talked politics with his friends. Word circulated that he was making threats, but he wrote that he only awaited events and then would "act just as our inclina- �A BULLET IN THE THIGH 33 tion may lead us to do." The Whig did not miss an issue. [9) Brownlow suffered a misery of the flesh, but he also reported that his enemies gloated, and that a "lady-no, a woman, the wife of a distinguished Democrat, said to a Whig lady, 'I wish it had gone through his heart instead of his leg.' "With only a few exceptions there positively was greater rejoicings, in all the Locofoco ranks of East Tennessee, at the prospect of our death that there could have been in the Church of God on earth, in Europe and America, upon hearing of the death and burial of his Satanic Majesty, the Devil! (Whig, May 27, 1840). The former circuit rider demonstrated what he had said that he carried weapons but would use them only in his defense, although in this instance it was for the defense of the reputation of his long dead mother. [ 10] The vilification he received, the boisterous glee of his foes at his wound, and the regrets of some that the bullet was not fatal, enlarged him in the public eye. That publicity probably repaid him for the physical pain he endured. The "recountre" also was a splendid curtain raiser for his vigorous campaign in behalf of the Whig Party nominees for the nation's highest offices, General Taylor and John Tyler of Virginia. The stories of his boldness and of the arms he carried may have been the reason that later in the summer he was able to outthreaten "drunken bullies" at the courthouse door in Madisonville. [ 11] The Parson's pen grew bolder. When Editor Anderson belittled attendance at a big Whig rally at Cumberland Gap, Tennessee, Brownlow impaled him with an audacious shaft. Anderson's estimate of the crowd was that "to count them over three times there was 3,000 including boys, negroes [sic.] and PROSTITUTES-WHO NUMBERED AT LEAST FIVE HUNDRED!!!!" Brownlow quoted the Tennessee Sentinel's report, then wrote that all the women at the meeting did not exceed 500, so that the Democratic newspaper had branded all those there as females of pleasure. He took an even more daring step, printing the names of many of the wives and daughters of prominent and respected Whigs who were present, inferring that Anderson had classed these women as prostitutes. Aware that repercussions would follow, for newspapers at that time rarely published names of good women, the Parson asserted that all the females at the rally were "ladies, for such we know them to be, and their friends will please pardon us for thus using their names" (Whig, October 7, 1840). He could always say, if criticized, that he had done what he did to protect their names. �34 CHAPTER NO. 2 When Harrison and Tyler were elected the Parson went wild with joy. He turned out his newspaper on November 25 and 28, each issue displaying a front page that was garish, outlandish and vulgar, by modern standards. He disposed of Anderson, after having written his name as Thomas Ass Anderson for months, with a brief note that the Tennessee Sentinel "has not done our case any injury-but it has made fearful havoc in the ranks of Democracy-it has slain its own party as efficiently as Sampson did the Philistines and with the same weapon-the jawbone of an ass." During the campaign the Whig had run in three issues a five-column account of Anderson's life, and had proposed to have it printed in book form, embellished with additional details about other Van Buren leaders, including a "minute account of their stealing of money, pocket-books, negroes [sic] and goods, burning of barns, using false weights and measures-their church trials &ri, &ri." But Anderson left town and the Parson saw no reason to publish the book. [12] Editors of Democratic newspapers were certain targets of Brownlow's pen, but the Parson had found Anderson most detestable. This was not only for the reasons previously given but that he was the brother of Senator Anderson who was elected when Hugh Lawson White of Knoxville, the revered man, was forced to resign by a Democratic legislature in early 1840. White died a few months later, and Brownlow in his obituary notice brought up a very bitter point with Whigs; as White returned from Washington the Rogersville Democrats were prepared to treat him ignominiously. Rather than risk the main street where gibes and insults awaited him, White took a circuitous route through the outskirts of the town. In time Democrat leaders realized their treatment of White had hurt them, and that it gave the Whigs effective political ammunition. [ 13] With the departure of Anderson, Brownlow offered a cautious truce: "Let us alone and we will let you alone," he told the Tennessee Sentinel, but if the Democratic newspaper started a fight the Whig would carry on "a war of extermination" (Whig, November 18, 1840). He may have been too busy exulting over the victory of Harrison and Tyler to concentrate much fire on his enemies. He changed his page one motto from "Unawed by power, unbribed by gain, the people shall be heard, and their rights vindicated," to "WE HAVE MET THE ENEMY AND THEY ARE OURS-Commodore Perry," the victor's famous report on the outcome of the Battle of Lake Erie. Brownlow had discarded "Cry aloud and spare not," on �A BULLET IN THE THIGH 35 moving to Jonesboro, and while he did not gamble he was Whig enough to chuckle at his fellow partisans having won at least $5,000 in election bets in the area. [ 14] Landon Haynes took some part in the 1840 campaign; the Parson gave him a few light touches, but sometime after Anderson resigned Haynes became editor of the Tennessee Sentinel. [ 15] The Whig editor began to display skill as a roving reporter when he spoke for his party's candidates throughout lower East Tennessee during the 1840 campaign (Whig, September 23, 1840). He was ripening into a keen observer of the human scene, bringing to his readers with style, color, verve and tickling satire what he saw. This skill, as well as his ingenuity, sharpness and force in the delivery of invective and abuse, made him a great circulation builder. The first talent has been overshadowed to the point of neglect as writers have dwelt heavily on his ability and disposition to club, knife and throttle his foes with words. Another characteristic was an aid to his career; he was a born rover. After a decade as a Methodist circuit rider he refused, as an editor, to be pinned to a desk. He used every means of locomotion: horseback, buggy, stage, watercraft, railroads, and his own sturdy legs. Wherever he went he wrote of it. An early development of this skill appears when Brownlow was present in Knoxville at the hanging of a Sevier Countian, George Long, who had murdered his wife. As a minister Brownlow labored with the doomed man to the last. In the agonizing moment "Just before he was hanged, and while sitting on his coffin, in the waggon, with the rope tied around his neck, we stepped up to him and asked if he still alleged his innocence-he said he did." The Parson watched Long bid farewell to his father and "assisted the poor old man in getting out of the waggon, and in leaving the crowd; after which we turned our eyes toward Long-saw him rise up off his coffin, and walk up to the gallows, with an indifference which astonished us beyond description." A crowd of from 5 ,000 to 8,000 witnessed the hanging. The editor placed himself on record against public executions and added the hope that "for the honor of their sex, if for no other reason, we shall never again see as many females assembled together on such an occasion" (Whig, August 22, 1839). The inauguration of Harrison as President gave Brownlow an opportunity to travel and to mix at the nation's highest political level as the Whigs exulted in victory, and Washington was undergoing the spasm of a change in administration. He found great improvement in �36 CHAPTER NO.2 traveling after he reached Raleigh, North Carolina, from Jonesboro, a stagecoach trip that took two weeks. From Raleigh to Washington he enjoyed his first ride on a railroad, and after reaching the capital marveled: Only think of traveling 360 miles in 36 hours! If I had never seen or heard of a train of Railroad Cars, propelled by a steam Engine, and were conscious of having so conducted myself as to warrant the Devil's title to my person, upon meeting the Engine, I should peacefully surrender! The Parson was proud to be the guest in the House of Representatives of his friend John Bell, who was to be appointed secretary of war in a few days, but he was not overawed. The members in session "reminded me of a Methodist camp meeting, at night, when the Negroes had taken possession of the altar!" The editor's first letters dealt chiefly with developments in the change of administrations, but he did not neglect church going. Although he praised a sermon he heard given by a presiding elder, he regretted that the "pompous manner, affectation, and seeming vanity of the speaker, destroyed its good effect upon the congregation." His Protestant soul was horrified when it was discovered that he and a friend had taken lodgings in a "Roman Catholic house, and were put in a room, where there was a little puter [pewter] god." The Parson was restrained from smashing it, and he at once found other quarters. He listened to John Quincy Adams argue a case before the United States Supreme Court, and he met both the outgoing and incoming Presidents. He reported Harrison was in excellent health, an error on the Parson's part, for Harrison died in a few weeks. Van Buren he found displaying a "kingly-courtlike politeness," and an "everlasting, artificial smile." Yet he credited him with bearing his defeat "like a Stoic." A fellow boarder of the Parson's was John Tyler of Virginia, the Vice-President-elect, a "gentleman-easy in his manners-and full of life and conversation." A couple of observations must have brought gasps from the Whig's readers. Brownlow examined the White House minutely and found, "Some of the rooms, on the second floor, are more filthy, upon my word, than any Negro kitchen I ever noticed in East Tennessee!" And on the night of the inaugural ball, "I noticed a number of ladies, passing out of their doors, into their carriages, and to the scene of action, and many of them are so very 'hardfavored,' that if I had to dance with them, I should insist upon dancing with our backs fronting each other!" �A BULLET IN THE THIGH 37 Invited to attend a dinner of Whig editors he declined, "first, because it savoured of jacksonism; next, because it intended to suggest to each editor the propriety of keeping secret what everybody ought to know; and last, though not least, because I dont [sic] intend to be dictated to, without reserve, or committed in favor of measures til [sic.] I know what they are to be." This forecast a policy he often would follow. He was a Whig, but he reserved to himself the right to decide what was correct Whiggery. He bound himself to Whig principles, as he saw them, but not to every Whig nominated by the party if he felt the nominee was out of line with party doctrine. Before leaving Washington for Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York, the Parson peeped over a sofa to watch as Senator William King of Alabama sat writing a challenge to mortal combat which Senator Henry Clay accepted. The dispute was adjusted without benefit of firearms. [ 16] From New York City he sent letters that mixed political observations with comment on the great city and its people, along with accounts of perplexing situations in which the countryman found himself. He was forced to ring for a servant when he was unable to find his way down from the fifth floor of the Howard Hotel, but he enjoyed the food, described the extensive menu, and detailed: The way for a back-woodsman to manage on occasions of this kind, is to throw himself back in his chair and look grave-and to seem to be perfectly at himself-aye, just in his element! When a servant dashes by me and enquires, "what will you have, sir"-I look at my "bill of fare" and pronounce the name of what I want, with such a grace, that I am certain, I am almost taken for a member of the Diplomatic Corps at Washington! True, I have no idea what I ask for, and whether the servant brings what I call for, or something altogether different, I have no means of determining! This is another matter. My business is to eat what is brought, and to be ready for the next call! He toured Wall Street, a newspaper office, viewed the city from the top of a six-story building, walked the length of Broadway, stared at the "dense forest of masts and rigging" in the harbor, stopped at the Methodist Book Concern and looked upon that center of political infamy, Tammany Hall. New Yorkers, he decided, suffer from all sorts of diseases, mental and corporeal. Among these maladies which I have noticed most the prevalent, and the most injurious in their effects, are dizzyness, restlessness at night, obstinate coughs, pains in the joints, bleeding at the nose, sore eyes, inclination to steal, headache, disposition to lie, vertigo, torpor, dis- �38 CHAPTER NO. 2 turbed dreams, sleep broken by rioting convulsions occasioned by defeat in politics, thirst for liquor, palid [sic.] hue, bad taste in the mouth, down looks, guilty conscience, offensive breath, itching of the head, occasioned by the crawling of legtreasurers, griping of the bowels, swelling of the stomach, nausea, squesmishness [sic.], leanness, meanness, dejection of films and mums-and in short, a total want of all that is required to constitute the man. [ 17] The Parson loved to exaggerate, and here he let himself go for the benefit of his readers, who could laugh and imagine themselves as better off than those city people, with all their conveniences. He gave them a picture of life in the great city that not only filled them with delight and wonder, but also left them with the impression that they were just a little bit more fortunate than their city cousins. This he could do because he had a gift for which an enemy who hated him intensely would give him full credit two decades later-he understood human nature as few men do. [ 18] CHAPTER II NOTES 1) Brownlow gave two sets of figures for this circulation, Whig, November 10, 1841, February 28, 1840, January 30, 23, February 13, 20, 1840. 2) United States Sixth Census, pp. 264-265. 3) Thomas B. Alexander, Thomas A. R. Nelson of East Tennessee (Nashville, 1956), p. 16; hereafter referred to as Alexander, Thomas A. R. Nelson. [ 4) Valentine Garland to Nelson, December 24, 1839, Nelson Papers. Whig, November 12, 1841; Frank Merritt, Early History of Carter County, 1760-1861 (Knoxville, 1950), p. 94; Lyon-Garland-Brownlow contract, March 7, 1840. Nelson Papers. [ 5) Whig, October 5, 1842; Bellamy, "The Political Career of Landon Carter Haynes," p. 104. [ 6) Whig, May 14, 1840; Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, pp. 413-414; Faye E. McMillen, "A Biographical Sketch of Joseph Anderson (1757-1837)," ETHS PUBL. No.2, pp. 84-87. [ 7) Whig, May 7, 1840. Also dated May 6, 1840. [ 8) Ibid., May 20, 1840. [ 9) Ibid. [10) Ibid., May 27, 1840, December 5, 1839, April9, 1840. [ 11) Folmsbee eta!., Short History, p. 201; Whig, September 2 3, 1840. [12) Ibid., November 25, 28, November 18, 1840. The three issues on Anderson's life were ibid., August 12, 19, 26, 1840. [13) Ibid., April16, 1840; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 200. �A BULLET IN THE THIGH 39 [14] Whig, November 25, 28, 1840. [ 15] The first record of Haynes as editor of the Tennessee Sentinel is ibid., May 8, 1841, in a loose file of this newspaper, not on microfilm. McClung Collection. See also Whig, July 21, 1840. [16] Ibid., March 10, 31, 24, 1841. [17] Ibid., March 24, 31, April 7,1841. The meaning of legtreasurers, films and mums has been lost. [18] An editorial in the Knoxville Register in early 1862 described Brownlow as "the best judge of human nature within the bounds of the Southern Confederacy." The Register editor, J. Austin Sperry, was one of the Parson's bitterest foes. Register files are limited, but it is found in Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 342-345; Temple, Notable Men, p. 351; and in The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 130 vols., Series 2, Vol. I, pp. 925-926; hereafter cited as O.R. �'J~E~~ESSEI~ '\TIIIf~. "WE HAVE MET THE ENEMY AND THEY ARE OURS."Commodore Perry Chapter No. 3 SUCCESS THROUGH UPROAR Three months after William G. Brownlow moved the Whig to Jonesboro, he emerged as both publisher and editor, a remarkable step for a man who had entered the business field when he did, uncertain of his ability to succeed in this entirely new work. The O'Briens and the iron industry had gone down as the Parson and the Whig made substantial progress. The holdings of the O'Briens were sold at sheriff's sales or to satisfy judgments, and the Whig's circulation reached 1,600. The Brownlow-Garland partnership was dissolved by "mutual consent," and on August 12, 1840, page one of the Whig displayed in the first column the legend, "William G. Brownlow, Editor and Publisher." Valentine Garland may have found the fury of political campaigns and his position in the line of fire between the Parson and his enemies too hot for comfort (he claimed to have been attacked by Landon C. Haynes and a confederate), or he may have been aggravated by Brownlow's frequent trips to rallies and conventions. He also resorted to the bottle too frequently to suit the bone-dry editor, as this Whig item a few years later showed: We are much gratified to find in the Boonsville (Mo.) Register ... a lengthy article in defense of the temperance cause from the pen of V. GARLAND, late of "these diggins." Having left here on board of a flat boat, screaming like a wildcat, and with about six inches [of] "plum liquor" in him, we were not prepared to hear of him warring against baldface! [1] The page one makeup of the Whig changed with the Jonesboro opening. The name of the newspaper as given at the top of the page was shortened to The Whig in solid black, 60 point Onyx, the title printed in four columns rather than in six, with columns one and six brought to the top of the page; thus the heading was islanded 40 �SUCCESS THROUGH UPROAR 41 on three sides with body type. The date line also appeared in heavier black type: "Jonesborough, Tenn." The name Tennessee Whig was carried in column one underneath the name of the editor and publisher and just above the subscription and advertising rate. The name of the newspaper was carried infrequently on the inside pages. Such inside identification lacked importance since the entire newspaper was printed on one sheet that was folded to make four pages. [2] More significant than the changes in the management and makeup were developments in news policy and reporting. The Parson's dispatches from the many points where he visited and spoke were heavily political, but they were vivid, entertaining and streaked with humor-at least for the Whigs. At the great Whig convention of 1840 at Nashville, where Brownlow's idol, Henry Clay, spoke so thrillingly that it left the editor wordless, he condemned Democratic rowdies: During the speaking last night, on the Square, a gang of these same vermine [sic.] were passing to and fro, and yelling like savages to attract attention, while another set, supposed to be their partners, were stealing pocket-books by the dozen, as they clandestinly [sic.] passed [through] the crowd. [ 3] More items lacking political flavor began to appear, for example, a complaint that some "popular literary" works were frivolous. The editor could see not benefits flowing from reading "such legends and romances as the following-Blue Beard-jack The Giant Killer- Tom Thumb-Robin Hood-Goody Two-Shoes-Puss in Boots-Sinbad the Sailor-Fairy Tales-Robinson Crusaw [sic.]- The Novels of Waverly-." The Parson did not carry his disapproval to the point where he shut off the merchandising opportunity available through the paid agency of the newspaper because a few months later the Whig carried full, two-column advertisements of the novels of Sir Walter Scott, including the Waverly series, inserted by a Philadelphia publishing house. [4] Sabbath violations were outrageous, the Whig complained on February 10, 1841, because while the devout worshipped at the churches, "the streets are surrendered to the Slaves, and the Free Negro [sic.] and boys." The civic conscience was quickening, however, in view of a city ordinance passed regulating the use of horses and other draft animals, forbidding milking on the sidewalk and the flying of kites. Shooting was confined to the killing of hogs or beef. A special duty was laid upon the constable: he was to preserve morals. �42 CHAPTER NO. 3 The Parson's piquant dispatches from Washington, Philadelphia, Baltimore and New York, now often ranging far afield from politics, must have brought a gratifying response, for he kept them up as long as he had strength to write them. He showed little hesitation in leaving to foremen the mechanical task of getting out the newspaper. He wrote a friend years later that he could manage editing almost as well when absent as present. [5] Quarrels on the Jonesboro scene, however, which Brownlow must have counted upon to build circulation, proceeded more lustily if he was at home, as he was in the summer of 1841, when seats in the Tennessee General Assembly were at stake. R. W. Powell, with whom the Parson had had physical and political brushes, was running as a Democrat for a Senate seat against Elijah Embree, a Whig and the son of Elihu Embree, iron manufacturer and formerly editor of emancipation newspapers published at Jonesboro. The Parson accused Powell of having written in earlier years articles hotly criticizing Andrew Jackson and the Democratic Party, which were published in the Elizabethton Republican. Brownlow relied upon a statement given to him by William Gott, who along with Mason R. Lyon had operated the Republican. Gott told Brownlow they could be found in the Republican's files. The Whig editor sent an emissary to Lyon, who returned with copies of the newspaper marked in pencil. The Parson charged Powell with being the author. But Lyon, possibly still smarting because he had not been included in the move to Jonesboro, cast doubt by stating that he had not positively identified the pieces marked as being from the pen of Powell, only that they might have been. Brownlow, already infuriated, was further angered because Landon Haynes, now editor of the Tennessee Sentinel, had opened the column of his newspaper to Lyon's retorts to Brownlow. The Parson retaliated with certificates supporting his side of the argument, and continued to abuse Lyon until late in the fall. He took a final slap at Lyon when the latter recieved only 13 out of 900 votes cast in the 1842 race for County Court Clerk of Carter County.[6] The Brownlow-Lyon dispute fed the acrimony between the two editors, now confined to words. The Parson pointed out in the following quotation that the dispute had been blown up during the 1840 presidential campaign: The public mind ... was deeply absorbed in the politics of the country, so much so that ... a hearing for the more spiritual truths of the Gospel, could hardly be had. The people had no ears to hear ought beside the harangues of their partizan �SUCCESS THROUGH UPROAR 43 [sic.] orators, and the reports of their newspapers. And such was the active and whole hog part I took in the contest, that I deemed it for the best to attend only to my paper and the interests of my party. I acted conscientiously, as did others. I believed that the fate of the country was at stake, on the issue of the late political contest. And that the warfare of that contest did beget a habit of universal distrust, and mutual abuse of character, no man will deny, as no good man and lover of his country does not lament the fact. But whose fault is it? Certainly not mine. I acted well my part-1 claim to have been as bad as the worst-but I was not alone in this crusade. Others acted badly-they bid better than I did, and denied with an effrontery that I am incapable of-this is the difference (Whig, September 1, 1841). The Parson made this assessment in August 1841 as he appeared before a quarterly conference of the Jonesboro Circuit of the Methodist Church. He expected to be faced with accusations, among others, that he had neglected his duties as a preacher. He announced his presence with: "And sir, I am here, but where are my accusers? ... I desire to meet them here, and face to face compare notes with them, but it seems I am not to enjoy that privilege." Brownlow rarely was caught at a loss when there was a prospect for debate; consequently, he supplied the charges he said his enemies would have made had they been present. He acknowledged in the following words that he had abused people: Yes, and others abuse me-l am calumniated-vilified-denounced in season and out of season ... But I use a severity that they do not resort to. No, they do not use as many severe epithets as I do, but it is because they cannot just think of them at the time. They do their best. And I take the will for the deed. But I deny that I slander my opponents. To slander an individual, or a party, one must utter in relation to that individual, or party, charges which have no foundation in truth. I call for the specifications-give me chapter and verse, and I will plead to them. I ask for something more than rumor. Madam rumor, I am aware, has long since pronounced me the prince of evil-doers. Who is it that she has not condemned? The Parson had brought partisan affairs into his speech because the Democrats of Jonesboro had sought to destroy him through the Methodist Church. They had accused him of outrageous abuse of people, yet the Democratic Tennessee Sentinel "has been slandering the ministers and members of the Methodist, and of every other church, who have dared to think differently from itself." Yet, "these pious brethren, who object to the severity of my paper, patronize the Sentinel-enjoy its abuse of their brethren-and read its contents �44 CHAPTER NO.3 with pleasure." The Whig editor had no intention of moderating his blows, as his enemies demanded. Instead he intended to increase them because the growing circulation of his newspaper, among subscribers of "respectability, and high moral and intellectual standing," comparable to those "of any newspaper in Tennessee or elsewhere" constituted approval of the way he was running it. Ruthless enemies, who would spare him from attack only when they knew he was armed, forced him to carry Pistols, aye, deadly weapons. Yes, I do, and I intend to do it. I have Pistols of a superior quality, and I always have them about me. I daily move in the midst of an unprincipled band of assasins (sic.], bloodhounds, and murderers, who seek my life, and nothing but my arms, and a belief on their part that I will use them, prevents them from attacking me. My weapons will hurt no man unless I am assailed, then, and in that case, I will use them. Last fall, it was gravely proposed, by a portion of the Democracy of Jonesborough, in a political caucus, to employ some two or more irresponsible characters to beat the life out of me, or forsooth, to tar and feather me! Others are carrying and have carried large Republican Democratic Hickory Clubs, for my benefit, and nothing but a fear of the consequences has prevented an attack. Under these circumstances I have been induced to go armed at all times, and I intend to continue this state of preparation. I am a poor man-all I have consists in and of a Printing Establishment-I have a wife and two small children to support-and to defend my life against the midnight assults of Locofocosim is a duty I owe to myself and the Whig Party (Ibid.). Brownlow held that "the most contemptible trickery of which Locofocoism has been guilty" was the proposal of certain Presbyterians, and some who were members of no church, to join Methodism, "if I can be got out of it." He finished his defense with a tribute to the church, laced with some politics: "Infidelity must fall, sound principles must triumph, modern Democracy must go down, Isreal [sic.] must prevail." On the vote to aquit or censure, the Parson won, as he knew he would, 20 to 3 (Ibid.). The mingling of religion and politics furnished a dramatic scene at a camp meeting in the summer of 1842, at a place and exact time not specified. It was early in 1843 before Brownlow wrote that on the occasion "We opened the door ... as we were directed to do for the reception of members into the Church-making an argument of some length in favor of persons attaching themselves to the Church-and some thirty persons were added therein .... " Among them was one �SUCCESS THROUGH UPROAR 45 who reached out his hand for the Parson's, who turned from the supplicant and "left him to the agencies of those whose faith in his conversion was stronger than ours." [ 11] The penitent whose hand the Parson rejected was Landon C. Haynes. Brownlow's rigid unforgivingness at the altar must have brought sharp criticism, for the editor went to some pains on several occasions to justify his rejection of Haynes' hand. The younger man also made repeated offers of friendship, but Brownlow spurned them, stating: His friendship for us is like Sampson's sleep; it is intended solely to deprive us of our locks. It is friendship of the nature of opium-intended to produce a loss of feeling-to put one off his guard-a presage of death. Haynes got religion, the Parson observed, in much less time than most men: He was thought to be some twelve or fifteen minutes only, in seeking and finding his Lord. Indeed we thought he had scarcely got upon his knees as a mourner, till [sic.] he was up, shouting, screaming, and cutting up some of the tallest shines we had ever seen (Ibid.). Brownlow professed to have been astounded when Haynes threw his arms about the neck of W. B. Carter, who he had fought bitterly in the congressional campaign of 1839, "and confessed to him in the hearing of an hundred of us, that when he was opposing and abusing him he was insincere, that he had always liked him, though he was publicly and privately pretending otherwise" (Ibid.). Haynes originally was a Presbyterian. Brownlow called him "a Presbyterian imposter, as he himself confesses," and reproached his foe for revealing "confidential conversations" exchanged with Presbyterian ministers. [7] The Parson kept hammering away with his belief that Haynes' conversion was synthetic, citing that when the young convert did receive grace "it was obtained in about five or ten minutes. We were standing by, and such screams, such raising [sic.] up and down, and such a blowing of a long nose, we never witnessed" (Whig, February 1, 1843). The Whig was reviewing with unbelief Haynes' conversion until early in 1844 (Whig, February 14, 1844). After Haynes had joined the Methodist Church, he lost little time getting into the ministry. He delighted in oratory; he probably saw that if he obtained a place in the Methodist organization above the rank of layman he would be better prepared to fight the Parson, now that all prospects for friendship were removed. This was not lost on �46 CHAPTER NO. 3 the Whig editor, who grumbled: He has been in the Methodist Church five months and in the Ministry five weeks; and he now looks to be put up on Sunday, at all popular meetings, and is really disappointed and displeased if he is not. Should he "grow in grace," for the next five months as he has done for the five that are past, by next fall, he will attempt to supplant our Bishops, and preside at our Annual Conferences! A shooting brought the controversy to a head in the Methodist Church. In the selection of arbitrators to settle a dispute over a load of tin, James H. Jones objected to William H. Crouch because the latter was "a thick-headed man, and has not sense enough to do his own business." Crouch did not like this accusation. They got into a fight, and Crouch was wounded. Brownlow's account of the affair infuriated Crouch's friends. As citizens lined up on either side, the dispute took on almost classic characteristics. Jones was a Whig and a Methodist; Crouch was a Democrat and he and his family "were enemies of the Methodist Church" (Whig, January 4, 1843). Haynes pushed into the battle, his partisanship putting him on Crouch's side, which enabled Brownlow to accuse Haynes of opposing Methodism. Two Methodist preachers reproached Haynes for getting into the dispute, telling him, "You had no business" to enter it, that it involved only Brownlow and the participants in the shooting. The preachers reported that Haynes said: "I DID NOT WANT TO COMMENCE OR ENGAGE IN THIS CONTROVERSY BUT MY PARTY AND FRIENDS HERE WOULD GIVE ME NO PEACE TILL I AGREED TO DO IT-THEY SAID I MUST DO IT: AND AS I HAVE BEGUN I WILL HAVE TO GO THROUGH!!!" The printing of this lame justification in his adversary's newspaper gored Haynes deeply. He insisted that he had said only that "friends" had persuaded him into this step and denied that he had mentioned pressure by Democrats. He faced the Rev. C. W. Harris, the Methodist preacher who had told the story to Brownlow, and accused Harris of lying. The quarrel now became a sustained uproar. The Whig devoted almost three pages of its issue of February 1, 184 3, to Haynes and quoted him as having published this advice to the Parson: But I cannot close this letter without admonitions to repentance. I have no other desires than those for the salvation of your sinblackened and sinpoluted (sic.] soul as I cannot but believe it to be. I ask you then to repent and turn from your thousand sins. �SUCCESS THROUGH UPROAR 47 For though you may live in the follies of wickedness, you cannot, you will not, die a fool.[8] The Jonesboro Circuit held its quarterly conference at Earnest's Chapel on Saturday, February 11, 1843. It unanimously cleared Harris of the accusation of falsehood brought by Haynes, and then charged the Tennessee Sentinel editor with falsehood and slander. Because Haynes pleaded he was not prepared, the trial was delayed. But while awaiting this hearing he pursued a course of violent hostility toward members of the conference who had voted against him. He even printed a defiance that stated, "We would like to see any Conference tum us out of the Methodist Church and leave William G. Brownlow in! They cannot do it-were it done IT WOULD SHAKE THE CHURCH INTO ATOMS!" Haynes was convicted by the quarterly conference at Bethesda on April 29, 1843, and silenced from preaching, but he found a new issue. The conference had voted to find Haynes guilty of falsehood and slander, 14 to 10, but on the question of silencing the members stood 12 to 12 until the presiding elder, Samuel Patton broke the tie, voting against the Tennessee Sentinel editor. The silenced minister charged one of the twelve votes cast against him was illegal, which would not have required Patton to decide the issue, and which would have left Haynes with his license. Patton held the vote was legal, and there the matter stood except for a mass of denunciations and vituperations erupting from both newspapers. Brownlow lost on one point. He claimed the conference had ejected Haynes from the church. Patton held it did not. [9] So conflicting were the reports of the two contending newspapers and their partisans that Methodists from Blountville and Knoxville called upon the quarterly conference of the Jonesboro Circuit to provide a clarifying statement from the minutes. The statement supported the Brownlow-Patton position. [ 10] Fifteen years later, in a strange aftermath, the same conference, on learning that Haynes still wanted to preach, voted to restore his license. He never claimed it. Brownlow was in Knoxville then, the pre-civil War issues were raging and both men probably were too occupied otherwise to give the revival of an old grudge their attention. [ 11] A side effect of the controversy was a rehash of the Jonesboro street fight of May 14, 1840, and the attempted assassination of the Whig editor at Elizabethton on March 2, 1840. Haynes tossed this taunt to Brownlow over the Jonesboro fight: �CHAPTER NO. 3 48 . . .. \..1.,)·.. ~· . . .· -~ . ...... . . Q:; ~ .,.· .,.,.. . i.ANION C.tiiAYNES t - .... .. t:.t. AV!!Ut', of !1\'v.h Cd.-. teoe~der. t!=t.tllill • . . YOUTI1FU1.. CRJJIJNJ.L · . · Dis~as.cd· l .H.og_.! l • • ill lilil,llrpslmin;vroo him a: . · 1 G!llt. ~~tll'ft.mmli. pc.-.i!N bl~ bla!-tllll Clldt lalla ~itt .. !be II10IIC7. h• ~~~ J'licl bim.! Excerpts from one of the more odious ex· changes between Wm. G. Brownlow and Landon C. Haynes. The original accusation was made by Brownlow in the Whig on July 16, 1845 and was repeated again and again. Haynes' reply appeared in the Tennessee Sentinel on july 19, 1845. �SUCCESS THROUGH UPROAR 49 You will recollect, Minister of the Gospel, as you were, and perhaps, with your license in your pocket, you sneaked upon me, and with the same band which had often held up the Bible in the pulpit, while you tried to preach, you drew upon me a five or six barrelled pistol, for the purpose of murdering me. This terse account is at variance with those of the four witnesses whose statements were published by the Whig in 1840 and reprinted in it in 1843, with this comment: On the occasion alluded to, we offered Haynes an honorable fight-we met him in open day, face to face, on the main street, and in the most business part of our touwn (sic.]. We had previously notified him through our paper, that we would call him to an account, and we expected him to be prepared. We knew him not to be possessed of one honorable principle-we believed him to have been guilty of attempting to assassinate us, by being with or aiding and abetting those who fired on us through a window after night. Notwithstanding all this, we say we offered him an honorable fight-we met him openly and boldly-asked him three times if he were not armed, and he as often lied, saying he was not-when we shifted our pistol out of our right hand into our left, grasping it around the barrel, and taking the cane we were walking with, into our right hand. So soon as we did this, and incapacitated ourself to shoot, if we had been so disposed, this base, truckling, tool of tools, with that cowardice which has characterised his short, vascilating (sic.] and infamous career, stoled (sic.] out from behind him a pistol he had cocked, and which he had not only not exhibited but three successive times denied having, and fired on us. The reopened dispute over the shooting at Elizabethton preceded an account that spread over five columns of the Whig of February 8, 1843. It produced the first-and only-existing defense against the accusations of Brownlow in the affair. Rather curiously, the Wbig reprinted it from the Murfreesboro Times of August 29, 1840, over the signature of Haynes. This defense offered two points: that Brownlow had staged the shooting and that Haynes had an alibi, furnished in a statement by H. L. Dulaney, that he was with the young law student in Brewer's Hotel at the time the shots were fired. The Whig countered this with statements that Haynes was not at the hotel when the firings were heard but appeared very soon afterward and was "much agitated" (Whig, February 8, 1843). The pistol that Brownlow fired that night when he ran out of his house and took aim at a fleeing form may have found a mark. A relative of the Powell family was confined to his bed for several weeks immediately after the shooting. The reason given for his being �50 CHAPTER NO. 3 bedridden was that during a drunken frolic he had been pitched out a window and injured. The Whig, however, charged that this relative had confessed, in a drunken moment, that Brownlow's ball had wounded him. The Parson reported that upon the death of the relative "gentlemen of standing" examined the corpse and saw a round scar upon its thigh. He maintained that whoever may have shot at him, Haynes knew of the plot, even "if he did not directly aid and abet in the nefarious work." The Parson added this sentence in his continuing effort to justify his rejection of Haynes' hand at the camp meeting altar: "And for these and other reasons, we have no confidence in him, and cannot, and will not, whether in or out of the Church, repose confidence in him, or extend to him the hand of fellowship."[ 12] The uproar led Brownlow to disclose in the Whig details of his arsenal. He owned two pistols, a single-shot, which he carried and for which he had paid $35.00, and a five-shot, costing $10.00, which he kept in a drawer at his office. It was patented by N. J. Colt. The editor had brandished a six-barrel pistol at a hearing in Sullivan County in the summer of 1842 (Whig, August 31, 1842). This gave rise to the impression he owned such a weapon, but he denied ownership, and revealed that the one he kept in his office had one barrel, "yet in the breech part of the instrument, five loads are deposited, and hence it is called a five-shot pistol." [ 13] Brownlow's single--shot pocket pistol failed to fire at a critical moment that summer, and probably spared him from killing a fellow man in self defense. In reporting on a barbecue for James K. Polk as the Democrat made his second race for governor, the Whig accused Fayette McMullens, a state senator from Virginia who spoke at the Rogersville rally, of having stolen corn. A few days later as Sabbath preaching was under way at the Reedy Creek Campground, MeMullens and some allies waylaid Brownlow and two companions as, arm-in-arm, they walked out at the gate. The Whig editor took nine blows from fists or clubs: CORN-STEALING FAYETTE, rushed upon us with a stick-struck us in the back, and again on the back of the head in quick succession-which pitched us forward on our hands and knees-we instantly sprang to our feet-turned upon him, and presented at his bosom as good a single barreled Pistol as ever was fired, well loaded and primed, the cap only exploding! A friend afterwards took the same pistol, and without doing anything but to put on a new cap, hurried [sic.) the ball in a log, the pistol firing as clear as a rifle. It is now owing to the veriest �SUCCESS THROUGH UPROAR 51 accident on earth, that the vile thief, blackguard, and debauched demagogue is not in eternity. Principals on both sides were hustled off to a quick trial before a Sullivan County magistrate, where they were directed to leave their arms outside. A friend managed to slip Brownlow a weapon, and when McMullens drew a pistol halfway out of his bosom, the editor "eased a six barrel pistol out of our pocket, and politely bowed to him." The Parson was "barely acquitted," and a McMullens, not otherwise identified, was fined $5.00. Reporting the trial gave Brownlow an opportunity to probe more deeply into the background of McMullens, where he found, in addition to larceny, infidelity, and gambling, that McMullens had cheated on mileage collected as a state senator [Ibid.]. Nature took a hand in the violence of the summer. A lethal bolt of lightning struck into a group of worshipers at Nelson's Campgrounds, near the present site of 1ohnson City, on the night of August 7, 1842. It killed two people and injured possibly a score. The bolt fell at 10 o'clock on a shelter where five or six hundred worshipers most of whom were engaged in the exercises ... had taken shelter from the rain. Nearly this entire assembly felt sensible the shock and so very much so indeed, that no sooner had the report of the thunderstroke died away in the distance, than one long, loud, continued scream, was heard in every direction (Whig, August 10, 1842). The dead were Miss Mary Taylor, member of a prominent family of Carter County, and 1ohn Miller of North Carolina. The tragedy changed the course of Nathaniel G. Taylor's life, so stricken was he at the death of his sister. He had begun the practice of law, but in the tide of religious emotion that followed the deaths he delivered a "surpassingly fervid, impassioned and thrilling religious exhortation." Soon after this he became a Methodist minister. [ 14] The catastrophe bred speculation, both pious and irreverent. The latter view carried a political tinge. The Whig saw the bolt "as emphatically a work of Providence," designed to lead those who were present to set in order their spiritual houses; it found the benefits of the religious fire spread by the calamity most impressive: SIXTY FOUR PERSONS were added to the Church, beside many obtaining a knowledge of sins forgiven. But only a fiend, and a political one at that, could account for the bolt as showing Divine disfavor because the campground had �52 CHAPTER NO. 3 been the scene of a Whig convention two years earlier. An individual who engaged in such speculation "deserves to have his fate chained to the wheels of damnation, and the car of iniquity, and drawn by two mad bulls through brier thickets, frog ponds, and log fires" (Whig, August 17, 1842). The Whig kept a few other balls in the air in the controversies of the early forties. Brownlow found the Mormons quite dangerous, [ 15] and the Baptists aggravated him into writing a book disputing their doctrines, particularly that immersion is required for Christian baptism. It was Baptism Examined; Or the True State of the Case. To which is prefixed a Review of the Assaults of the Baptist and Pioneer. To which is also Added an Appendix. It was published at Jonesboro in 1842. [16] Politically he wrangled with Thomas D. Arnold, a Whig whom he and Thomas A. R. Nelson fought unsuccessfully as Arnold obtained the First District congressional seat in 1841. [ 17] He broke with President Tyler, who became chief executive upon Harrison's death a month after inauguration. The Whig, embittered by Tyler's veto of the National Bank Bill and by his failure to fire Democratic officeholders and reward Whigs, called him a "Long-eared Virginia Ass." The cabinet, including the Parson's favorite, John Bell, but with the exception of Secretary of State Daniel Webster, resigned when Congress adjourned in the fall of 1841. [18] Perhaps as a memorial to Harrison the editor carried for a long time on page one, between The and Whig, an illustration of a log cabin with a coonskin flung upon the roof and a coon on each side of the structure. The log cabin and the coon theme had played quite a part in Harrison's presidential campaign, along with free barbecue and whiskey. The new page-one device restored the five-column heading. [ 19] If the Parson lacked human foes there were other animals, and in the Whig of July 21, 1841, he served notice, "This is emphatically Dog Town, a town litterally [sic.] overrun with dogs! There cannot be less than 150 surplus dogs in this place," prowling through gardens, backyards, smokehouses and kitchens. His expensive pocket pistol proved inadequate to cope with the animals. Therefore he loaded a double-barreled shotgun and "in two nights, we were enabled to shoot six." He looked forward to moonlit nights and "then, no preventing cause, we will make them squat." This was a war he carried on for years (Whig, July 21, 1841). In the midst of these varied and extensive wars the Rev. William G. Brownlow appeared in an almost unbelievable role, the champion of �SUCCESS THROUGH UPROAR 53 young lovers. He was ready to unite eloping couples even at the risk of incurring parental displeasure for performing the ceremonies. In the Whig of March 9, 1842, as spring was beginning to stir, he laid out this policy: We have recently married several pair [sic.] of youngsters, who have either come to us, or sent for us, to perform the ceremony; but in no single instance have we, (or will we] since we have resided in the county, aided or abetted, directly or indirectly, by our advice or otherwise, either in carrying on a courtship, or in assisting the parties to get off. When individuals of respectability call on us to marry them, we do so, and will continue the practice. As a general policy he disapproved of runaway marriages, as he did disobedience of parents by children; but exceptions should be made. Children of infidels, forbidden to attend church, should disobey. In the long run parents have better judgment than their young. "Nor shall we deny the right of parents to even kick up a dust, when a man of bad habits and morals is like to runaway [sic.] with a daughter." Yet, all runaway matches should not be condemned, for "in nine cases out of every ten that occur, the party stealing is at least equal to the plunder stolen, and one-half of all that have fallen under our notice, we believe to have been their superior" (Whig, March 9, 1842). Now, enchanted with the role of counselor, the Parson narrowed his advice: to young ladies, substantial young ladies-not the heartless and false doll of dress ... never to take a husband for his carriage and his house-for his land and negroes, or to enter matrimony for the liberty it allows them. In other words, never marry an ASS-a stupid, beef-headed clown, because his father is wealthy, or because, forsooth, his industrious habits may have caught the attention of your parents ... -Sooner "cut dirt" with a substantial young man-a man of sharply defined feelings, the beaming glances of whose liquid eye, promise something in future, though he may not now have the second shirt to his back. The advice was extended, but accounts of weddings were terse. They appeared under one column headings of "Hymenial" or "Married" and usually gave only the date, the place, the names of the principals, and the officiating minister. Sometimes he listed the father of the bride, but never the mother unless she was a widow. When the bridegroom was a printer the Whig often identified him as such. Perhaps the compositor saw to this as a tribute to the craft. [20] Compassionate as the Whig editor was toward young couples �CHAPTER NO. 3 54 yearning to be wed, he did not extend it to young men who treated lightly or took advantage of pledged young women. In a column adjoining his advice to the love lorn on March 9, 1842, he bore down wrathfully upon a defendant found to have seduced a girl and then violated his promise to marry her. The judgment of $2,225 Brownlow found inadequate: "A young man who will gain the affections of a respectable young woman, promise her marriage, and upon the faith of that promise seduce her, and abandon her, deserves to be kicked out of every decent company he falls into. Nay, more, he deserves to have his body chopped into pieces, and given to the dogs, and his soul sent to hell." The Whig not only printed the names of the litigants but also went a step further to present a fact of some significance, at least to the editor: "The parties ... are all Democrats" (Whig, March 9, 1842). Chapter III Notes [ 1] Whig, August 12, 19, May 20, November 25, 1840, August 6, June 1, 1842. Baldface was a term for whiskey, used as a noun and as an adjective. [ 2] For example, ibid., September 23, 1840. The name of the town was spelled jonesborough until some time after the Civil War. [ 3] Ibid., August 26, September 2, 1840. [ 4] Ibid., January 20, December 22, 1841, and thereafter. [ 5] Ibid., February 10, 1841; Brownlow to Temple, September 6, 12, 1859. Temple Papers. [ 6] Whig, July 21, 21, August 6, 1841; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 223; Whig, November 10, 1841, March 6, 1842. [ 7] Ibid., January 18, 25, 1843. [ 8] Ibid., February 1, 1843. [ 9] Ibid., February 15, 22, May 10, 1843. [10] Ibid., February 13, 1844. [11] Ibid., Tri-Weekly Whig, July 5, 12, 23, 30, 1859. [12] Whig, July 5, 1851, February 8, 1843. [ 13] Ibid., January 4, February 15, 22, 1843. [14] Ibid., August 10, 1842; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 198-199; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 494-396. Nathaniel G. Taylor was the father of two Tennesseeans who served their state as governor, Robert L. Taylor and Alfred A. Taylor, Democrat and Republican, respectively, who campaigned against each other in what was known as "The War of the Roses." A grandson of Nathaniel G. Taylor is United States District Judge Robert L. Taylor of Knoxville, the son of Alfred A. Taylor. Judge Taylor followed the political course of his uncle, the Democrat. �SUCCESS THROUGH UPROAR 55 [ 15] For examples see Whig, January 12, August 17, 1842. [16] Ibid., May 25, July 20, 1842. The Baptist Banner and Western Pioneer was published at Louisville, Kentucky, ibid., February 15, 1842. James W. Patton, author of Unionism and Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1860-1869, wrote this author that the only copy of the book of which he has any knowledge is at Duke University. [17] Whig, May 5, June 30, 1841, September 21, 1842; Temple, Notable Men, p. 61. [18] Ibid., August 25, November 24, September 15, 22, 1841. [19] The altered page appeared in ibid., May 28, 1841. See also Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 201. [20] For examples see ibid., October 14, 1840: "In Knoxville on the 8th inst. by Rev. Isaac Lewis, Sterling G. Murphey, printer, of this place, to Miss Susan E. Atkin, daughter of Widow Emily H. Atkin"; ibid., May 1, 1867: "Married at the residence of the bride's father, Monday, the 27th of April, by Rev. Thomas H. Pearne, D.D., Esq., to Miss Mary, daughter of Gov. w.g. [sic.] Brownlow"; and with a political touch, ibid., September 30, 1840: "In Kingsport, Sullivan County, on Tuesday the 22nd inst. by the Rev. James McLin, Mr. James Armstrong, of this place, to Miss Margaret W. Netherland, of Kingsport. All for Harrison, Tyler and reform." �"Cry aloud-Spare not; show my people their transgressions, and the house of Jacob their sins."-Scripture Chapter No. 4 THREE BRAWLERS OF DESTINY William G. Brownlow entered the 1844 Presidential campaign exhilirated because the Whigs nominated his political idol, Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky, for President. He had raised Clay's standard on the editorial page of the Whig in the fall of 1841, soon after he broke furiously with President Tyler. For months thereafter as he flogged Tyler he exalted Clay. The Democrats nominated the Tennessee favorite son for President, James K. Polk, whom Brownlow had fought unsuccessfully in his first year as editor, 1839. But in 1841 and 1843 the Whigs defeated Polk with James G. (Lean Jimmy) Jones, a rail-like creature with only a moderate knowledge of public affairs but who possessed an uncanny ability to attract the rural electorate. When Polk ran against Jones the second time the former was burdened by the obstructionist record of "The Immortal Thirteen," a group of Democratic senators who blocked the election of two United States senators. This action left Tennessee unrepresented for two years rather than let Whigs serve there. They also rejected important items of Governor Jones' program. Public opinion set in against the Democrats, a trend the talented Polk could not reverse. [ 1 ] But in 1844 Polk's political fortunes boomed nationally as he won the Democratic nomination for President. The Whig now had a quiver full of reasons to exalt Clay and to oppose Polk, along with its record of supporting one and opposing the other. Brownlow produced early in 1844 a book to promote the interests of Clay, the Whig Party and, of course, the author himself. It was entitled A Political Register, Setting Forth the Principles of the Whig and Locofoco Parties in the United States, with the Life and Public Service of Henry Clay. Also an Appendix Personal to the Author; and a General Index. The book contained 350 pages and apparently sold on a modest scale, for just before the Civil War the Whig shop offered it 56 �THREE BRAWLERS OF DESTINY 57 for the original price of $1.00 postage paid. Brownlow dedicated the book to Governor Jones. [2] The Parson campaigned in every direction. He filled the Whig with Clay songs; he was a delegate to the Baltimore convention where the Whigs nominated Clay. On his way to Baltimore he made several speeches, including one at Raleigh where the Register was delighted with "the way he did curry the Locofocos," and the Standard found his talk "smutty, ultra, insulting and blasphemous." When Brownlow heard Clay speak at Raleigh on April 13, 1844, it was as if the stars had clasped hands in ecstasy and danced across applauding heavens. The Kentuckian spoke for two hours and fifteen minutes, then "closed his able-aye-his omnipotent Address." [ 3] The Parson was in a state of exhiliration, for in addition to his zest in campaigning for Clay he could boast that the circulation of his newspaper had reached between 2,000 and 3,000, the largest weekly circulation in the state. He defied his Jonesboro critics to do anything about his policies: "We edit and publish a newspaper for the benefit of our subscribers, and not for the town of Jonesborough. The two thousand subscribers to whom we send our paper, beyond the limits of the county, expect us to give them the news, and in doing so, to give them the truth, without consulting the wishes of a few selfish persons in this town." His exuberance led him to announce that when he moved the Whig into quarters formerly occupied by the Tennessee Sentinel the office was cleansed by fresh air, the application of lime to the walls and the singing of Clay songs by the Clay Club. [4] His conviction that his policy of piling invective and colorful abuse on as many adversaries as he could find was the road to success and grew so strong that in closing his fifth volume he flung out this tart observation: We never can consent to conduct a paper that won't say any thing on any subject calculated to offend any body, provided truth warrant it, and the public interest require it. Such a tame, quiet and contemptible print is a curse to any community, an injury to any party, and can never be conducted by the Editor of this paper (Whig, May 1, 1844). He boasted of his accuracy as a reporter, and attributed some of the rapid growth of the Whig to "the confidence the public repose in our statement of facts." He then proceeded to ice the slice of cake that he had cut for himself with the statement that in the five years in which he had been battling political foes, "never, in all that time �58 CHAPTER NO.4 have we been found to deviate from the truth," a statement to which his enemies surely took exception. And "severity" having proved such a boon to circulation, he promised more of it. [5] The Tennessee Whigs fought so vigorously that they beat Polk in his home state by 113 votes, but the rest of the nation provided him with sufficient ballots to defeat Clay by an electoral vote of 170 to 105. Brownlow was crushed, but in the midst of catastrophe his unquenchable sense of humor flashed out this advice to his fellows who came to him to learn the outcome: We reply, once for all, that you are beat, badly beat, and no mistake. And for those of you who took an active part in the contest, we are really sorry, for judging from your looks you must feel bad. You had better be neutral in politics, as we are, and when your party meets with defeat, you can bear it as we do, with good grace. To be serious, however, we are not of those, who, after meeting with a Waterloo defeat, tum about and say we expected to be beaten, and had no hope of success. We have never been worse deceived in our lives. We had no idea of defeat, but, up to the melancholy hour of hearing from New York, we had every confidence in the success of our favorite candidate. We now confess, to all the world, that we have been the worst deceived man who ever gave an opinion relative to a coming event. We are now so perfectly astounded at the result that we know not what to·say, or where to begin our remarks.[6] Brownlow drew some comfort from the Whig vote in Tennessee, in which the electorate rejected the efforts of Polk and his mentor, Andrew Jackson, both men of political stature. The fight was bitter and harsh, for "in every town almost in Tennessee, has Mr. Clay been hung and burnt in effigy ... Verily, the victory here is greater than any ever achieved in the civilized world; and the people, in voting as they have have passed a verdict upon the 10,000 lies perpetrated by the Locofocos upon the fair name of Mr. Clay." Defeat for Brownlow had been routine. He philosophized: "In five Presidential contests, we have never been on the successful side but once. And in twenty years, we have never lived but one month under an Administration of our choice." [7] So sure was Brownlow that Clay would win that early in the year he had offered his Whig to Democrats on a seven-month basis, the subscriber to pay the money when, not if, Clay was elected, Two hundred people accepted this proposal and won. The editor woefully announced: "They will receive this week, their last number on that �THREE BRAWLERS OF DESTINY 59 score, along with this, our receipt in full, for their payments, which have been made through the ballot-box with interest." The Parson, who never gambled, then was indicted for betting on an election. He accused Haynes of being behind the true bill. The State Supreme Court, sitting at Knoxville, advised judges and lawyers that this did not constitute a law violation, and the charge was wiped out by a directed verdict. [8] The pangs of the 1844 defeat seemed to feed the Parson's resolution to carry the Whig banner, no matter how desperate the cause, for by midsummer of the following year he was the nominee for Congress. His opponent was the crafty and indomitable Andrew Johnson who was seeking re-election after serving his first term in the United States House of Representatives from the First Congressional District. Johnson was a member of the Tennessee Senate in 1842, when the General Assembly passed a redistricting bill that changed the political complexion of the First from Whig to Democrat, shifting the balance in his favor. Johnson was accused of having contrived to give the district a Democratic majority, [9 1 although his record shows that he voted against the bill that became law. During this session he also was one of "The Immortal Thirteen," a point which Brownlow utilized in his statement of principles at the campaign opening. [10] Johnson had demonstrated his skill as a politician in 1843 when he stood off the aristocratic wing of the party in his district, which had recoiled at the thought of sending a tailor to Congress, and won the nomination. [11] The Whigs, disheartened at what gerrymandering had done to their prospects, failed to nominate. Brownlow, faced with the prospect of supporting a Democrat or no one, because Johnson's only adversary was John A. Aiken of Johnson's own party, engaged in political buffoonery. Much earlier the Parson had predicted Democrats would carry the district, and expressed the hope that they would choose Johnson, because he "is mean, corrupt, selfish, and notoriously reckless," and added, "The leaders of his party in this district, all hate him, because he is in their way. This is the true secret of their hate, and for this reason alone, we hope he will be the nominee." Three weeks later he offered another backhanded reason for supporting Johnson: "Aiken is a much more genteel man than Johnson, but we want the Locos to have the next Congress, and to go the whole dog against the interests of the country. Aiken would not do this, while Johnson would, which �60 CHAPTER NO. 4 explains our preference." Next, Brownlow wrote of Johnson: "We are sorry that we stand committed to his support [sic.], he is such a notorious demagogue. But what better can we do. Colonel Aiken is also a Democrat!" The Whig switched to Aiken when Johnson denied Brownlow's charge, an unsubstantiated one, that a cousin of his, Madison Johnson, had been hanged at Raleigh, North Carolina, for murder and robbery. He decided to abandon Johnson, saying, "It is bad enough to have mean kin, but it is much worse to deny them."[12] The Parson's clowning ended with Johnson's election as he ex~ ploded: "God of compassion! What could the people have been thinking of when they elected this huge mass of corruption to Con~ gress!-this beast in human form, whose violence and rule of passion, vicious life and unprovided death, alone qualify him to serve as one of the body guards of Belzebub! [sic.]" (Whig, December 13, 1843). The reason for Brownlow's race against Johnson two years later remains obscure. When the Whigs nominated the Parson he published an extra (Whig, June 25, 1845), containing a statement that was part clowning, part self-ridicule, but an acceptance, along with an admission that he had said he would never declare for public office: But the sovereign people having met in their primary assemblies, without my knowledge or consent, and having declared me to be their candidate, and avowed their determination to vote for me at all hazards, I am too much of a patriot, too warmly attached to the interest of my country, to decline serving them, to the best of my abilities, if elected, as I in all probability will be! (Whig, June 25, 1845, Extra). He had expected some such honor for years, "And although I have never complained, yet I will not disguise the fact that I considered public opinion a little slow in its movements toward me." Election would add nothing to his character and fame, but "I, will greatly adorne [sic.] the office of a representative in the American Congress! The truth is, [think me not egotistic] I am well and favorably known, from the lakes of Canada, to the Gulf of Mexico, and to upper Missouri." He might even be nominated for President in 1848 (Ibid.). Perhaps Brownlow wrote as he did to get attention; perhaps it was a shaft against the scores of affected, trite, stuffy and pompous acceptances he had read or heard in his career. He must have sent laughter rolling across the district, and furthered his reputation-and �THREE BRAWLERS OF DESTINY 61 circulation-for doing the unpredictable. But his tone was deadly serious when he issued a statement of his principles ten days later. It was set in wide measure, some of it in 12-point type, much of it in blackface. It occupied the front page of the Whig of July 16, 1845, and spilled over to the next page. He condensed his Whig principles in a first paragraph, opened up on Johnson's record in Congress, then touched upon one of the most heated aspects of the campaign, Brownlow's editorial upon the death of Andrew Jackson, printed shortly after the editor's nomination (Whig, July 16, 1845]. It opened thus: After a life of eighty long years, spent in the indulgence of the most bitter and vindictive passions, which disgrace human nature, and distract the human mind, the existence of Andrew Jackson terminated, at his residence near Nashville, on Sabbath the 8th inst., at 6 o'clock P.M. We were not prepared to hear of his death, because for every few weeks in the year, for the last five years, we have noticed a letter in the paper, from him to "Dear Blair" or some one else, in which, he would speak at length of his failing health ... each letter seeming to be the last (Whig, June 16, 1845). During Jackson's last days he had permitted himself to be surrounded by associates who employed themselves in "stirring the embers of his dying resentments and depraved vindictiveness which made his heart, through a long career in life, a volcano of furious and ungovernable passions!" The Parson considered the elevation of Jackson to the Presidency as "the greatest curse that ever befell this nation," and laid to his administration all the evils besetting the country. He closed with this prediction on the destination of the "mock Hero's" soul: But he is "gone to a land of deepest shades," and we are willing to take our leave of him. He has passed out of our hands, into the hands of a just God, who will deal with him and by him "according to his works." We would not, if even we could, tum aside the veil of the future, to show his deluded followers, and blind admirers, what awaits him! (Ibid.). The Parson's announcement for Congress noted: The mourning and sighing of Mr. Johnson over an obituary notice of Gen. Jackson in my paper of the 17th of June, as he reads it to the people, is equalled only by the lamentations of jeremiah, on a much more important occasion!-I take back nothing I said in that article, and I said nothing that I did not most conscientiously believe. I felt nothing on the occasion of hearing that Gen. �62 CHAPTER NO. 4 Jackson was dead: neither regret nor satisfaction-neither pleasure nor pain. Had I said that I regretted his death, or venerated the man, I would have played the hypocrite; I am too honest and too candid to display the outward badge of a mourning which is not felt in my heart (Whig, July 16, 1845 ). Typographically the Whig gave Jackson the printer's salute and final tribute-the turned rules, dividing the columns of type with heavy black lines, compared with the standard thin lines (Whig, June 16, 1845). Brownlow's obituary editorial was a singular prelude to a campaign by a Whig in a Democratic district. If Brownlow designed it to attract the votes of the many anti-Jackson Democrats, it may have had the opposite effect, for even in these days of atrocious personal slurs it must have repelled some Jackson haters. It was probably born of pure vindictiveness on the Parson's part, for it displayed no softening of his hatred. Aware of this, he reminded his readers that Johnson, on the floor of the Tennessee General Assembly, had denounced Hugh Lawson White, a Whig Party saint, "'for a traitor,' a 'Federalist,' a 'viper and snake, who went out of this world, striking at honest men and patriots!'" (Whig, July 16, 1845). The Parson also found time and space to touch up Landon C. Haynes, who was running for the state House of Representatives and who had joined Johnson in condemning Brownlow for this editorial on Jackson. He described the two as "This pair of villains ... shedding tears over our obituary notice of Gen. Jackson," and he worked in another reminder of Haynes' youthful anti-} ackson articles. The ugly tone of the campaign was further reflected in the reason Brownlow gave for not meeting Johnson on the stump, that on the first time they faced each other the result would be a "personal difficulty." The Parson also directed at Haynes a lurid broadside in the Whig, set up like an advertisement and run in a column adjoining space purchased by merchants and tradesmen. It led off with "Criminal Statistics! Landon C. Haynes," and artfully listed in large black type these subheadings: "Stealing Corn," "Diseased Hog," "Campmeeting Confession," "Drunken Locofoco," "Expelled," and "Flasehood and Slander." The Parson had some damaging facts in his presentation, and the dress he gave it was masterfully vile. [ 13] Haynes snapped back with a similar typographical gem, not as long but which led off with Brownlow's conviction for libel in North Carolina. He struck one blow that must have had a shattering effect on Brownlow. It was a statement from his brother, A. S. Brownlow, which read: �THREE BRAWLERS OF DESTINY 63 I hereby certify, that after the difficulty between Col. Haynes and my brother, Wm. G. Brownlow, in which the latter was wounded by the former, my rother [sic.] PRIVATELY proposed to me that I should, by lying in wait at the forks of the road, 112 mile East of Jonesboro, in the barrens, beyond widow Stuart's plantation, commit MURDER by the assassination of Landon C. Haynes. A. S. BROWNLOW Haynes added this brief oration over what he may have regarded as the Parson's political and newspaper coffin: Known to be monstrously corrupt, desperately wicked, a pest to society, a common tattler, a shameless blackguard, an unblushing hypocrite, a deliberate caluminator, a convicted libeller, we determined that the above libel, and certificate of his brother shall be an eternal answer to any personalities against us or others by Wm. G. Brownlow. L. C. HAYNES[14] The Whig failed to collapse. The editor came back with an extra, the lead article headed "A CALM ADDRESS, To the candid of all parties." It was anything but calming in detailing the trail of circumstances that led to the signing of the certificate by the Parson's brother. Alexander drank heavily and under the influence of alcohol became quite dangerous. In one of these moments he had cruelly assaulted R. M. Bishop, a Whig employee. T. A. R. Nelson, the attorney general, called for stiff punishment and the execution by the defendant of a peace bond. Upon Alexander's promise to behave he was fined $50.00 and directed to make a $500 bond. Alexander failed to behave, made threats, was jailed. An arrangement was worked out under which two men went his bond, not that they were interested in Alexander but that they saw in him an instrument with which to torpedo the Parson. [ 15] The Whig's version was: Democrats of this village taking advantage of the relations existing between Alexander Brownlow and myself, and his unfortunate propensity to indulge in the use of ardent spirits, first procured him to publish a false certificate againt [sic.] me, and then kept him in pay to bully me, urging him to shoot me, and furnishing him with a shot gun for the purpose, as he solemnly swears under oath, in the hope that by falsehoods and misrepresentations, they might finally urge him on to imbure [sic.] his hands in a brother's blood, while they would �64 CHAPTER NO. 4 stand off, and with a fiendish delight and savage maliginity, enjoy the scene!(Whig, August 2, 1845, Extra). Brownlow produced documents to support his story and came up with one that was a reporting exploit, a bond behind a bond. This hitherto secret instrument, signed by fifty-six men, indemnified the two bondsmen of record for Alexander against having to put up the $500 if he violated the bond. In this secret list of indemnifiers were two men who made top pledges of $30.00 each if Alexander failed to keep the terms. They were Landon C. Haynes and A. Johnson. [ 16] The Parson then unloaded this fresh blast against his adversary: ANDREW JOHNSON is my opponent for Congress, and on Monday of the late Circuit Court, called for me when he had spoken, to come and defend myself, and had my brother there intoxicated, to assault me with weapons, so soon as I had appeared ! . . . I may be murdered in my house in the dead hour of the night-my blood may be most villainously shed, by those who watch my path by night, or lay in weight [sic.] at noon day, but with my latest breath, I will expose these corruptions-1 will act upon my motto which is "cry aloud-spare not." And if attacked in day light by many or few, in an open and manly war I promise to fall, if fall I must, with my feet and face to my foes! And for the support of a poor and helpless family, I will trust to a kind Providence, and the magnanimity of a party with whom I have acted long, and for whom I have labored hard. Alexander made an affidavit that the certificate he had given Haynes was false, signed when "I was kept continually in liquor and in a situation to do anything I was called on to do." [ 17] Johnson went back to Congress and Haynes was elected a state representative. Brownlow sought consolation in the reflection he had been beaten by 1,200 votes after a redistricting designed to give the Democrats a district majority of 2,800. He had announced late, had never left home, and "had no right to look for anything but defeat." When the campaign was ended, Johnson gave Brownlow credit for having made a dent in the often repeated charge that he was an infidel. Because the believer accepts the existence of Satan along with God, Johnson vowed he had demonstrated belief in the devil, for he had actually campaigned against him. The Parson sought consolation in a different direction. He took himself and his family to the Brush Creek Campground, where he found that out of nineteen preachers, only five were Locofocos. [18] Three men and two newspapers that summer had fought a battle �THREE BRAWLERS OF DESTINY 65 of vilification, a field in which all were eminently skilled. Yet out of this verbal clawing and flinging of sewage emerged no litigation, civil or criminal. They asked the courts for no redress, no prosecution for assault, slander or libel. The people were their courts and in this forum they fought for years. An attempt to "moderate the Presses of this town [Jonesboro], and to confine them within certain bounds!" was made in May of 1844, the presidential campaign year. A Vigilance Committee was organized after the killing of a young saddle maker. The vigilantes immediately drew Brownlow's fire: "We are advocates of law and order, and have been waring [sic.] against the bad conduct of citizens ever since we lived here. But we are for suppressing riots in a lawful way." He accused the committee of favoring the wealthy and the influential while terrorizing the poor and unimportant. His indignation flowed more furiously when he heard the vigilantes had developed a plan to gag both newspapers, a scheme in which he said Haynes had acquiesced. Friends of the Whig immediately got word to Brownlow that the real reason for such an arrangement was not to restore peace and order but to silence his newspaper. The editor moved swiftly: We issued an Extra this morning after this high handed measure of dictation was put on foot-informed the public generally, and our friends in particular, that this was a villainous Locofoco movement-that their own Press was down, had fought itself out of subscribers, character and influence, and that, now, its party were [sic.] willing to send it to a "lower deep," if they could but send ours with it. Brownlow had also planned to give a further exposure of the plot from a goods box on the public square, but when he was informed that the movement had died after his revelation of it he cancelled his appearance. In a letter to T. A. R. Nelson he revealed more details than he did in the Whig. He told how the true purpose of the scheme was conveyed to him and how threats of physical violence were made to him as he sat in a store after publication of the extra by a lawyer who "had with him six or eight Loco, cutting sticks with open knives." [ 19] Another effort to destroy the Whig followed the searing campaign of 1845. Brownlow charged that the Democrats had discussed removing his printing equipment and tarring and feathering the editor and possibly setting fire to him in this condition. The Whig delivered a �66 CHAPTER NO.4 sermon on the evils of mob law, the low morals of Jonesboro, the attempt to restrict the freedom of the press, and the increase of crime, developments for which the Parson held the Democrats were responsible. The Democrats were distressed because in winning they had lost their best voices on the local scene. Johnson was going back to Washington, as they had expected, but the fiery Haynes was leaving his post as editor of the Tennessee Sentinel to go to the legislature. He made his farewell in five and one-half columns of type which Brownlow described as "consisting mostly of abuse of us."[20] The faltering Democratic newspaper lasted into June 1846. The lusty Whig survived. [21] As December 1845 arrived the Parson felt the sharp teeth of a foe so powerful that he wrote of it with awe, without a trace of railing: Truly, the last month of Autumn is gone, and stern old Winter is here! It is a monster without a head, and cannot think; it has no heart and cannot feel; it moves but in wrath; it pauses to exult over its work of destruction;-and if for a moment it stops in its flight, it is to whet its frozen beak on some cold mountainside, for more sanguinary destruction! (Whig, December 10, 1845). The summer had been hot, campaigners spit hatred against each other while the sun joined to broil their bodies. But now congealing cold had settled upon the earth and encompassed all human creatures with its icy claws, except when they could flee to the warmth of a fireplace, or sink deep into the softness of a feather bed. However much the Parson's body may have been chilled as he sat writing in the drafty print shop, in his heart burned a gentle, worshipful glow, and the pen that had all but scorched the paper as he consigned his enemies to hell, scratched out a reverent Christmas editorial, the nearest to a sermon which has been preserved among his writings: Tomorrow is Christmas Day. Tomorrow, churches will be crowded, altars illuminated-and bells will sound joyfully.-Throngs of worshipers in the Greek, Syrian, Armenian, Roman and English churches will march up to their altars to-morrow, and, according to the forms of their respective churches, worship the God in whom they profess to believe, and to whom they expect to give an account for the deeds done in the body-at least such of them as believe in rewards and punishments, after death. Meanwhile, another and a still more numerous class of human beings, will on to-morrow, be engaged in serving the Devil at a rate and after a fashion, that will make Heaven weep, all good men sorrow· ful and Hell shout for joy! Eighteen hundred years ago, and upwards, a poor Babe was born in a Stable, �THREE BRAWLERS OF DESTINY 67 in the vicinity of Jerusalem, and a few lonely Sheperds [sic.] heard heavenly voices, warbling over the moonlit hills so softly, proclaiming "peace on earth, and good will towards men." Earth--cold hearted earth, made no response to the chorus; either from the want of proper feeling, or because it delighted in the entertainment of angels unawares. The former, we should say, because when the HoLY ONE came among the inhabitants of the earth, they mocked and crucified him. But now, the stars in their midnight course listen to millions of human voices and deep organ tones soaring upwards, vainly striving to express the hopes and aspirations, which that advent concentrated from the past, and prophesied for the future. From East to West, from Nor [sic] to South, men of every age and station chant hymns of praise to the despised and crucified Nazariue [sic] and kneel and worship in honor of his cross. How beautiful is this universal homage to the Prince of Peace! Now, however little delight a corrupt and darkened world may take in the mercy of Christ's divine perfections, how small soever the enjoyment it yields them, to contemplate the untainted glory of Christ; how insipid the things of salvation may be to an earthly understanding; however this great theme of redemption may fall upon the heavy ears of a listless world without making any impression; the Bible tells us that the sinless spirits that surround Christ's throne, who are transported with all the ecstasy of an overwhelming affection, and lend themselves in rapturous adoration at the shrine of infinite and unspotted purity; and behold with heavenly fascination that moral beauty, which throws a softening lustre over the awful grandeur of a crucified and risen Saviour! Well may adoring millions-aye, myriads, gaze upon this Redeemer-stretching all their faculties, and bending their eyes toward the throne, which has the firm pillars of immutability to rest upon, linked with the fulfillment of Christ's glorious promise to man! This is the divine idea which distinguishes ours from all other religions. See the wonder working Saviour, who has strewed the field of immensity with so many worlds, and spread the shelter of his omnipotence over them-see the everlasting Son, moving from his dwellingplace in heaven, to carry forward this scheme of redemption; through all the difficulties by which it is encompassed! 0 Christ! Thou are great in counsel! Thou art the wonderful counseller! [sic.] Centuries have passed, and through infinite conflict have "ushered in our brief tomorrow;"-and is there peace and good will among men? Sincere faith in the words of Christ would soon fulfil [sic.] the prophecy which the angels sung. But the world persists in its sinful course-the same course which bound the Saviour [sic.] down to the burthen of this mysterious antonement .... Those who dare to trust the principles of Christianity have always found them perfectly safe. They can never prove otherwise. If all nations could but attain to such high wisdom and faith, they would abjure war and proclaim peace �CHAPTER NO.4 68 and good will towards all men . . . The world has been deluged with arguments about war, slavery, democracy, commerce &t., and the wisest product of them all, is simply an enlightened application of the principles of Christ. His doctrines are not beautiful abstractions, but living vital truths . . . Like the algebraic x they stand for the unknown quantity, and if rightly consulted always give the true answer (Whig, December 24, 1845). The Parson was a man of many moods. CHAPTER IV NOTES [ 1) Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 207; Whig, September 6, 1841; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 202-205; Whig, February 9, November 16, 1842, July 3, June 12, May 15, 1844. [ 2) Ibid., January 17, 1844, March 3, 1860. Copies of the book now bring from $50.00 to $80.00. Prices were furnished by John Dobson, Special Collections librarian, University of Tennessee. [ 3) Whig, April 3, 24, May 1, 8, April 24, 1844. [ 4) Ibid., May 22, 29, September 4, 1844. [ 5) Ibid., May 1, 8, 1844. ( 6) Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 208; Whig, November 20, 1844. Early in the spring Brownlow was convinced that Clay would win, writing, "I never saw Clay look better than at present. He is better calculated to make votes before a crowd than any man I ever saw try it," and "The Locofoco Party are [sic.) perfectly disbanded and they (sic.) acknowledge it. They (sic.) are a gone party and intend to tell all they [sic.) know on each other, and that is not a little!" Brownlow to Nelson, April 20, May 13, 1844. Nelson Papers. [ 7) Whig, November 20, 1844. [ 8] Ibid., February 14, November 20, 1844, October 1, 29, 1845. [ 9] Ibid., July 16 extra, June 25, 1845; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 62, 216-217; Acts of Tennessee, 1852, Special Session, Chapter VII, p. 22. [10) Senate journal, 1842, Special Session, pp. 181-182. The 1842 act reapportioning the congressional districts did not entirely suit the Whigs, but they accepted it rather than let the state go unredistricted. The Parson acknowledged that the measure would give the Democrats a 700 majority in the First District, but his outcry was not strident. Whig, November 2 3, 1842. Johnson was responsible for the legislation, but no reason is offered as to why he voted against it. LeRoy P. Graf and Ralph Haskins, eds., The Papers of Andrew johnson, 4 vols. to date, I, xxvi. A contemporary of Johnson's, who also ran against him, described him as having maneuvered the redistricting, but does not mention the opposition vote. Notable Men, pp. 62, 216-217. See also Whig, July 16, 1845; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 204. [11) Temple, Notable Men, p. 62; Robert W. Winton, Plebian and Patriot (New �THREE BRAWLERS OF DESTINY 69 York, 1928), p. 42; Whig, April 5, December 18, 1843. [12) Ibid., April 5, 26, May 3, 10, 1843. [13] Ibid., July 16, and thereafter through October 1, 1845. [14) Tennessee Sentinel, July 19, 1845. Newspaper miscellany on microfilm, McClung Collection. See also newspaper miscellany, not on microfilm, McClung Collection. [15) Whig, August 2, 1845, extra. [16] Ibid. [17] Ibid., July 5, 1851. [18) Ibid., August 20, 27, 1845. Temple estimated the First District gerry· mandering gave the Democrats a majority of 1500. Temple, Notable Men, p. 378. [19) Whig, May 29, 1845; Brownlow to Nelson, May 29, 1845, hand delivered to Nelson at Rogersville. Nelson Papers. [20) Whig, September 10, 17, October 10,1845. [21] Lawson and Francis Gifford announced that after "ten years of vigilance and struggle," the Tennessee Sentinel would be discontinued. Old Hickory, Jonesboro, June 1, 1846. The Giffords sold their interest to William H. Smith who operated the newspaper under the name of Old Hickory and Hickory State Herald before abandoning the field to the Whig. Paul M. Fink, "The Early Press of Jonesboro," ETHS PURL. No. 10, November 1938, p. 65. �"Cry aloud-Spare not; show my people their transgressions, and the house of Jacob their sins."-Scripture Chapter No. 5 THE JONESBORO YEARS Parson Brownlow was licking the wounds inflicted by Andrew Johnson in their congressional race when he came upon an exciting new controversy, this time in the denominational field. He heard a debate in Sullivan County between the Rev. Frederick A. Ross, Presbyterian, and the Rev. William H. Rogers, Methodist, upon the argument of Ross that "The doctrine of the Direct Witness of the Spirit, as taught by the Rev. john Wesley, was false, unscriptural, fanatical, and of evil or mischievous tendency." The preachers volleyed at each other from 10:00 a.m. until sundown, and the discussion must have been stimulating for 2,000 heard the speakers out, and a friend of Ross' asked Brownlow the cost of having 2,500 copies of the debate printed (Whig, August 20, 1845). The Presbyterian Church, alarmed at the growth of Methodism, had undertaken to counter its spiritual rival by reviving the Calvinistic Magazine, formerly published at Rogersville, Tennessee, but now issued at Abingdon, Virginia. In Ross they found a competent spokesman for their cause in pulpit and in print. He was a wealthy and philanthropic landowner and manufacturer, with a fine education. Ross, along with James King, James McChain, and Isaac Anderson, founder of the seminary at Maryville, were editors, but Ross carried the burden of the fight against the Methodists. The Presbyterian campaign was a general one, approved by the Tennessee Synod and justified: For the previous twelve years, the Methodists had been allowed a clear field to abuse and misrepresent Presbyterians ... almost nothing had been done, during this period, to refute these slanders and disabuse the public mind of these representations ... Methodists were still pursuing this course of abuse, misrepresentation and proselytism and were spreading through this region of the country a vast amount of fanaticism and false religion. I 11 70 �THE JONESBORO YEARS 71 Methodist preachers, their guns already hot, replied at once from the pulpit, and the church established at Knoxville its own organ, the Methodist Episcopalian. It was edited by the Rev. Samuel Patton, Brownlow's friend. [2] The Whig editor could not resist such an inviting controversy, although for his forum he relied solely on the pulpit. He used his newspaper to announce a list of six appointments at which he would reply to Ross in a speech of three hours. But, with the exception of an outline of his position, he promised to keep the controversy out of the Whig (Whig, December 9, 1846), and made this uncharacteristic condition: To the idle statements of certain personal enemies of mine, relative to my abuse of Mr. Ross and the Presbyterians, I shall pay no sort of attention. Abuse of Mr. Ross or of the Presbyterian Church is no answer to his grave charges against the Methodist Church. Beside, I show that Rossism is one thing, and Presbyterianism another.-I shall introduce my addresses on these several occasions, as I did in September, by stating that Mr. Ross is a gentleman in private life-an obliging neighbor-a scholar-and a Minister of the first order of talents in the Church to which he belongs (Ibid.). The contest grew more heated, a development to be expected with Brownlow on one side. Neither did Ross contribute to a calm, dispassionate discussion, for while he did not single out individuals for scurrility, his indictments of the Methodists were harsh and insulting. He charged them with having copied some of the practices of the Roman Catholic Church, described the intimate class meetings as "the swap of sins," and likened them to the confessional. Protestant Methodists were infuriated at being likened to Roman Catholics, but Ross went a step further. He hinted at something beneath delicacy as women at these meetings examined each other of their fleshly temptations. [ 3] His language was colorful, as shown in this passage as he sized up Roman Catholicism, the Church of England, and the Methodists: Old Romanism is too gross as yet for this land, and our people are aroused to abhor and watch it. High Church Episcopacy is a thing of exclusiveness, and has no affinities for the people, and will hurt none but the select few, who may rely upon sacrements [sic.] and genuflections. But this Young Romanism has not the geegaws, and paint, we see upon the drunken grandmother. Nor has she the oldfashioned headgear, the smirking fan, the stays, the hoops, the satin-spangled train, and the high-heeled shoes of the Puseyite mother of England. [4] �72 CHAPTER NO.5 A dozen years earlier in Helps to the Study of Presbyterianism Brownlow had accused this denomination of grasping for temporal power. Ross now accused the Methodists of moving in that direction: Animated by two great controlling principles-the fanatical and the political . .. the fanatical Methodist acts supremely for Methodism. He is honest; he would die for Methodism heartily, if the convenient doctrine of falling from grace did not teach him the folly of dying for his religion. The political Methodist, may be free from fanaticism. Then he goes just for himself. He may not care a straw for Methodism. He may be a Methodist to sell a yard of calico, or to buy votes to make him constable, clerk, sheriff, member of Assembly or Congress. Another may, however, be very much a Methodist as well as a politician. He will, of course, be swayed by the one or the other impulse according to expediency. Now you may see him all for the camp-meeting altar, the groan and the shout. Now all for the ballot-box, while hugging a voter round the neck at the Whiskey barrel. (5] The Parson tried to keep the controversy out of the Whig. He extended his speech to more than four hours and resorted to a separate publication devoted to Ross, the jonesborough Quarterly Review. In a few months he shifted it to the jonesborough Monthly Review, with a promise it would be "less smutty than our Quarterly has been."[6] The Parson reflected Methodist resentment of Ross' slur on the sexually exciting nature of the questions posed in the class meetings of women. He stormed that Ross "represents 'every married woman and single girl' in the Methodist Church, who attends these meetings, as liable to be seduced by Methodist Preachers-Class and Band Leaders." [7] The injection of a political issue intensified the fight. At Athens in October 1846 the Synod of the New School Presbyterian Church officially approved Ross' course and his writings. It also took a further step that raised hackles on Methodists. It called on the bench and bar to "unite with the opposition to Methodism to put it down, and to do it away now, because it is 'dangerous to civil and religious liberties,' and 'death to all the institutions for which Washington bled and freemen died.' " The Methodist response was sharp. The quar terly conference of the Jonesboro Circuit, with Brownlow officiating as secretary, passed resolutions that defended the church, called on all Methodists to abstain from communion at the hands of any preacher who had taken part in the synod's action at Athens, and demanded the names of lawyers who made donations to "what is �THE JONESBORO YEARS 73 called the secret fund for putting down Methodism." Thirty-seven preachers and laymen, who met at the Stone Dam Campground of the Rheatown Circuit on September 21, 1847, went on record "that in future we cannot and will not support men for offices of honor and profit who endorses [sic] Mr. Ross' slanders, or who agree with him, that the Civil authorities of the country should interpose their power and influence to put us down." The quarterly conference of the Greenville Circuit adopted similar resolutions. [8) Because the quarrel was now on the political level the Parson flung the Whig into the controversy. He protested that the Methodists had not followed religious affiliations in their political choices. But how are matters and things, in those quarters, whence come all these complaints? Who have charge of all the public Colleges, Academies, and Schools in the Country? Who force upon these institutions their Presidents and Professors? Who have monopolized all the Common School funds in the Country?Who fill all the Clerkships in the several counties? Who are the Sheriffs? Who are the Registers and Trustees of the Counties? Generally speaking they are our Presbyterian friends, placed there with the aid of Methodist votes; when, as all know, their own friends and brethren were just as capable. If the county is Whig, Presbyterian Whigs fill the offices. If the county be Democratic Presbyterian Democrats fill the offices. In either, and every case, it is a Presbyterian triumph! And now that the Methodists, who are greatly in the majority, propose to divide the spoils with them, a great hue and cry is raised against them (Whig, November 10, 1847). By midsummer of 1848 Brownlow had returned to a more normal role and trained upon Ross this diatribe: We tell all whom it may concern that he is deficient in all that constitutes a man, except it be in talents alone, and his are certainly respectable. But what is he in principle? He is a vituperative and envenomed slanderer. He is a hypocrite in religion. He is a heartless and dishonest knave, who can now, only be regarded with feelings of the deepest detestation. A spendthrift, he had brought his family to the verge of poverty and want. A blackguard, he has become hateful in the eyes of those who once regarded him as trying to conduct himself prudently. An adulterer, he has polluted the marriage bed with the refuse of the common stew. A liar, a coward and a common slanderer, known and recognized as such, here in Tennessee where he resides [sic I it will soon be esteemed a disgrace to be thought of as his friend (Whig, June 21, 1848). The brawling wore wearily to an end. Brownlow published his last �74 CHAPTER NO. 5 Review in April 1849 and moved on to new controversies in Knoxville. The Calvinistic Magazine made its last appearance in December 1850. Ross was ruined financially. He had lost his large fortune in unsuccessful manufacturing ventures and was reduced to preaching for a living. Out of his own funds he had built a brick church at Kingsport and preached there for thirty years without salary. After leaving Kingsport he preached for a number of years at Huntsville, Alabama. [9] The Whig editor's quarrel with Ross brought a temporary coolness between Brownlow and his old friend, Thomas A. R. Nelson, who was an elder in Ross' church. The difference arose over a contribution by Nelson to help finance Ross' pamphlet on the direct witness of the spirit. It was aired in letters published in the Whig, rather stiff, but moderate for the times, and Brownlow later revealed that Nelson had written Ross a letter in which he objected to his reflections on Methodist women and girls and his wholesale condemnation of Methodists. [ 10] The denominational war had fallen short of being lethal, but on the battlefields of Mexico, Americans were suffering wounds and death. The Whig laid the responsibility for the conflict on President Polk and his pledge to annex Texas. Annexation took place in March 1846 and war began in May. Brownlow charged that Polk had brought on the war by sending General Zachary Taylor with troops into disputed territory. Yet he called for unstinted support of military action, once fighting began, because "whether it is a just or an unjust war, it is the duty of all good citizens, and patriots, to engage heartily in the defense of their country." The Parson travelled the countryside urging men to volunteer, but his Protestant soul recoiled when Roman Catholics were appointed chaplains for some military units. When a company was raised by Hezekiah Bayless as captain and William G. Brownlow as first lieutenant, it bore the name of "Protestant Invincibles." It was tendered to the state with the stipulation it must have no Roman Catholics as its chaplains. This condition barred acceptance of the unit, but the "Invincibles" continued to function at home. Lieutenant Brownlow made a speech at a drill muster, and the company paraded in uniform at Jonesboro on July 4, 1846. The editor placed such importance on war news that he permitted it to crowd out advertisements which he carried in an extra the following day. [ 11] Brownlow did not make it to the war front, but a bullet whistled �THE JONESBORO YEARS 75 near his head in Knoxville as he helped quell a brawl among soldiers from his area who were waiting for boats to transport them on the Tennessee River. During the struggle a pistol was fired and the bullet missed the Parson's head from one to three inches. He accompanied the two companies to New Orleans and sent back correspondence. The East Tennesseeans set foot on Mexican soil after the peace treaty was signed on February 2, 1848.[12] The Parson had declared himself "ready to sustain our Government in any and every crisis which concerns the integrity of our Soil, or the honor of our Flag, -no matter who may preside over the Nation, or however wicked and corrupt may be our rules." But he let his readers know he believed the war had cost too much in dollars and in lives. The Whig nominee for governor in 1847, Neill S. (Lean) Brown attacked Polk's conduct of the war. He defeated the incumbent, Aaron V. (Fat) Brown, who defended the national administration's course. Whigs also gained control of the legislature. Brownlow chastised the General Assembly, Whig though it was, for delaying for more than six weeks in the election of a United States senator and in other business: "I am sorry to say that little else than drunkeness, profane swearing, lewdness, logrollings and downright corruption has been attended to by a majority of both political parties." He relented some when John Bell, who had been United States representative, was elected to the senate. But upon the assembly's adjournment he found the members had been "reckless, profligate, and unworthy," and had failed to do anything to establish "an efficient system of common schools, so much needed and so ardently desired by all the wise and good."[14] The 1848 presidential campaign saw Brownlow in one of the most unusual political positions of his career. Late in the spring of 184 7 he again had posted Henry Clay's name at the top of his editorial page as his choice for President, and with a bow to the Mexican war hero he put up General Zachary Taylor's name for Vice-President. It was not in Brownlow to desert Clay, although he recognized Taylor's vote appeal, for a month earlier he had written: "The war was provoked with a view to make a Democratic President, in 1848; but let it terminate as it may, it has made a Whig President of old Zach Taylor!" The general had just won the battle of Buena Vista. Brownlow saw a basic objection to Taylor in the general's statement: "I cannot in any case permit myself to be brought before the people exclusively by any one of the political parties that now so unfortu- �76 CHAPTER NO. 5 nately divide our country, as their candidate for office." When Taylor later defined his position as that of a Whig, Brownlow retorted: "He avows himself a Whig, but he still does not suit us. He says he is not an ultra but a moderate Whig. We are ultras, and we want ultra for our candidate." He dropped Taylor's name from his masthead in the fall of 1847, [ 15] and on the eve of the Whig National Convention he served notice: Should GEN. TAYLOR be the standard bearer of the party, we will not support him, because we have no confidence in the man. Meanwhile, we cannot and will not favor the election of GENERAL CASS for in doing so, we should lend our support to principles ruinous to our country, and against which we have fought all our days ... We shall continue Whig however, and publish a newspaper, in which we will advocate what we believe to be right, and oppose what we believe to be wrong (Whig, June 7, 1848). The Democrats nominated Senator Lewis Cass of Michigan. When the Whigs nominated Taylor with Millard Fillmore as his running mate, Brownlow set out one condition under which he would go along: If we had any assurance that Taylor would die as soon as he is elected, and Mr. Fillmore would take his place, we would be willing to support the ticket. As it is we will not. Yet he forecast Taylor's election. [ 16] Brownlow had seen death take a hand in the disposition of political affairs. When his favorite, William Henry Harrison, died soon after taking office as President, he was succeeded by John Tyler, whom Brownlow detested. When the Parson offered this macabre condition for the support of the Whig ticket in 1848, he surely had no premonition that Taylor would die in a little more than a year after his inauguration and Fillmore would become chief executive. Yet it turned out that way. The role Brownlow had assumed brought a flood of letters. He printed two out of the hundred and one he had received by August, then set out his position in detail: We will not array ourselves directly against Gen. Taylor, because he is the nominee of the party of which we are a humble member, and with which we have so long acted; because the leaders of that party believe he can be induced to administer the government on true Whig principles; and because there is associated with him, on the same ticket, one of the very first men in this nation, of his age and experience, to wit, MILLARD FILLMORE, of New York. We will not vote for Gen. Taylor, or any set of Electors who will cast their votes for �THE JONESBORO YEARS 77 him-because he has refused to identify himself with the party to which we belong; because he has refused to endorse the principles of the party with which we act-a party, we believe, holding the most orthodox principles of any party in existence, because we will not be bullied into the support of a candidate who has attempted to run rough shod over all parties, and last, but not least, because we will not sanction the trampling under the heel of a military boot, a long and tried statesman, a patriot, and the champion of our party, who was the choice of the Whig people, though not of the Whig leaders. We are not in an awkward position, as some suppose, having committed ourselves in a moment of excitement, by hasty writing. What we have said and done, we have said and done deliberately (Whig, August 2, 1848). His decision may not have been hasty but it was undoubtedly caused by his emotional loyalty to Henry Clay, for he launched into praise of the Kentuckian, extended and lavish. It was not in Brownlow's soul to forgive any man for standing in the way of Clay's progress to higher political station. On the same page of the Whig of August 2, 1848, in which he had set out his determined opposition to supporting Taylor, but in a separate letter, he mourned Clay's loss of the nomination to Taylor: "But now I give up HENRY CLAY. I dismiss from my mind the idea of his ever being President of these United States, and it is like taking my life!" (Ibid.) Campaign heat melted some of Brownlow's resolution and he praised his friend T. A. R. Nelson for the speeches he was making as Whig elector. Brownlow even put in a good word for Andy Johnson when the former met Nelson at Washington College. There the two filled "six dreadful hours" with speechmaking. The Whig not only described Johnson as "eloquent and able ... "but made this further flattering estimate: "We regard him as the Napoleon of his party, in East Tennessee, having no equal upon the stump in the Democratic ranks." He complimented the speakers for a discussion that "was courteous and manly, free from anecdotes, and everything light and trifling, creditable to both the gentlemen, and one that the most refined ladies and gentlemen could have listened to with pleasure and interest." By the end of the summer he was expressing the hope that Taylor and Fillmore would be elected and on the eve of the election he was clamoring for the Whigs to vote for the party ticket even though "We will not do it." Technically he clung to his commitment not to vote for Taylor, but he promised to get two Democrats to vote for Taylor to make up for his disability. He made his usual contribution of extras and Whig tickets. He was in no wise unhappy �78 CHAPTER NO. 5 when Taylor and Fillmore were elected. Taylor carried Tennessee with 64,700 votes to Cass' 58,616, and East Tennessee 20,163 to 13,980. [17] A lesser political development had given the Whig minor but extended ruffling. Lewis Reneau, a Whig seeking the Second District congressional seat, obtained indictments for libel in Jefferson and Blount counties against Brownlow and the editor's Methodist friend, the Rev. James Cumming; Brownlow had supported Reneau's opposition and had printed an article by Cumming opposing Reneau. When the trial was held at Dandridge in August 1846, the Circuit Court set aside the indictment. Reneau appealed to the State Supreme Court. Brownlow's lawyers, T. A. R. Nelson and Robert J. McKinney, got a quick hearing before this court, sitting at Knoxville, and the circuit judge was sustained. Brownlow expressed bafflement at Reneau's bitterness, which extended over two congressional campaigns: "We supposed we had a right to prefer one man over another and done so [sic.]." The Parson praised the three members of the high court for a most righteous decision, and shows that the Judges, who all agreed, are men of high legal attainments, have a just sense of propriety, and correct views of equity. The opinion was delivered by }UDGE TURLEY, and was an able onesuch an one as will show well upon the pages of the court in after ages.-Judge Turley is an intellectual man and, an impartial judge. This is saying a good deal, coming as it does from the editor of this paper: but it is true ... His God intended him to be a Whig, and we hope to hear of his leaving the party with which he is now associated (Whig, September 30, 1846). The Parson's lavish praise of Judge William B. Turley represented a spectacular reversal of opinion on his part. Eighteen months earlier, in an item headed "A Judicial Beast," he had applauded a Davidson County Circuit Court clerk for severely clubbing the judge because the latter had insulted a female relative of the clerk. Brownlow was doubly furious because an effort had been made to suppress the story in Nashville. For his part he vowed to "pour hot shot into all such rascals, irrespective of their stations or politics. True, Turley is a Locofoco, and this disgraceful act of his is a Democratic measure, but if he were a Whig we should take him off just the same (Whig, January 24, 1844). Because dismissal of the indictment in Blount County was something of a formality after the Supreme Court ruling, Brownlow did �THE JONESBORO YEARS 79 not remain in the courtroom. W. H. Sneed of Knoxville represented him, and the Parson went ahead on another of his trips to the Southeast, this time beginning at Asheville. Sneed had agreed, at Nelson's request, to represent Brownlow at Maryville. But Sneed was under some apprehension about it, since as the editor probably knew, Mr. Sneed had stopped the Whig from being delivered at his home in the name of his wife. The lawyer [Sneed] wrote Nelson that he was Brownlow's friend, that the editor was entitled to publish the kind of newspaper his judgment directed, but "The paper is not such a one as in my opinion a lady ought to be a subscriber to." Although the Whig had been sent to Mrs. Sneed by Dr. William Hunt of Jonesboro, the Parson's brother-in-law, the "personal strife ... blended with politics," in the upper East Tennessee area, repelled Sneed. So he asked Hunt to cancel the subscription as diplomatically as possible to avoid angering the Parson. [19] If Brownlow knew of Sneed's aversion to his newspaper, he did not mention it. Outspoken and defiant as Brownlow was, he sometimes yielded to the request of friends to use restraint. He honored a request by Temple that the former not stir up the Democrats when that young Whig from Greeneville ran against Andrew Johnson for Congress in 1847. Temple sought to capitalize on the dislike many Democrats in the First District felt for Johnson by conducting a campaign that would leave the Democrats lulled. Temple wrote Brownlow, "If they [the Democrats] become alarmed or excited they will rally to the support of Johnson. If, on the contrary, they think there is no danger they will suffer him to fight for himself and won't care much whether he is elected or not." The Whig complied and Johnson won by only 314 votes. [20] Brownlow gained sufficient newspaper maturity to offer at the close of the seventh volumn (Whig, May 6, 1846) this evaluation of the Whig: "We do not suppose, for one moment, that we have discharged in seven long years of angry and protracted political excitement the delicate, difficult and important duties that devolve upon the conductor of a public journal," a failure for which he accepted half of the responsibility became of human frailties. The balance of the blame he laid "Upon the heads of an ALLIED ARMY of personal and political enemies, who, in vain, sought to out-quarrel and outabuse us," for "our failure to come up to the true moral standard of editorial duty." This position he held throughout his career, always claiming that he was opposed by vile, wicked enemies who tried, but �80 CHAPTER NO. 5 failed, to overpower him in the exchange of vituperation. And he gave a further hint of satisfaction with himself as he added: "Although this article is the winding up of a career of personal warfare, of seven years duration, that career will long stand out in Upper East Tennessee, dispite [sic] its imperfections, as one of the most remarkable in the history of Tennessee politics." Historians and researchers, grubbing through the records, will not be disposed to challenge that statement. Events of 1847 and 1848 sucked some of the enthusiasm out of the Parson, and bitterness replaced bounce. In addition to his political struggles with the powerful Democratic group in Jonesboro and libel sections against him, he also engaged in the furious church battle with Ross. This involved the labor of producing a second publication, as well as extended speaking tours. [21] He was indeed gloomy as he wrote on June 7, 1848, for the beginning of his tenth volume: We have no disposition to boast, and if we had, we have nothing to boast of-beside, few of our readers will feel interested in our individual affairs. Still, we beg leave to observe, that in the outset, our support was not extravagant-our entire Press and fixtures were purchased on a credit, and at an extravagant rate-our paper was laid in upon the "credit system"-and our hands were hired at extravagant prices. Our share of job work and advertising was valueless, the county officers in the District being opposed to us, and giving their patronage to the opposition press. We never had any printing from either the State or General Government, no one ever contributed a dollar to aid us, except in the way of subscriptions for a paper. Yet, in the midst of all this, we have struggled on, paying every year some security debts, and now, tho' hard pressed still, we thank Providence that we are what we arc, and where we are ... We have done a great deal of printing for our party in this District in the way of tickets, hand-bills, notices of political meetings, circulars, extras, &t, without fee or reward. We have never missed being present at each Whig district and county convention, attending Mass Meetings in other States, and National Conventions, invariably at our own expense. We have never failed to contribute our share of all the funds raised in our district, for political and party purposes. Nor have we ever failed to attend the polls, where there was a National, State, or county contest, and vote with an open ticket. There are few editors in the country who can say all this (Whig, June, 1848). Three weeks later he turned bitterly upon the Whigs of upper East Tennessee, asserting, "Had the party ... had for an editor a man of �THE JONESBORO YEARS 81 less energy and perseverance, that [sic.] the editor of this paper, they would have been in a 'state of orphanage' years ago." Excluding Nelson and a few others he found: The Whig leaders of this district are a mean, niggardly selfish pack, who will oppress an editor for security debts, and even pay their yearly subscriptions in old claims on insolvent men. We have printed their notices, tickets, extras, and circulars for ten years, without fee or reward, and we now intend to do it no longer, on the same terms! (Whig, june 28, 1848). The year saw Brownlow's greatest summer and fall of discouragement in that decade. His idol Clay had failed to get the nomination, he had exhausted himself in the fight against Ross, he had lost subscribers because of the controversy (Whig, June 7, 1848), and for the first time in his warm friendship with Nelson a coolness had arisen. His vow to endorse no notes probably was broken upon the first application for this favor from a friend. As for his refusal to vote for Taylor he probably regretted it, for he finally was caught up in the fervor of the campaign and pitched in to help his party in every way he could, printing bills, circulars and extras, although he stuck by his word that he would not cast his ballot for Taylor. After all, no matter how repugnant the party's standard bearer might be, there was something to be said for beating the Democrats. On the eve of the presidential election that fall it was not surprising that Brownlow asked himself how he had ever got into newpapering and into the paradoxical situation into which his pen had led him; yet out of his sense of weariness, exasperation and exaggeration came this touching bit of inward turning humor: Young man, if this brief epistle meets your eye, do not become the Editor of a newspaper, if you have not chosen a profession. Rather than do so, beg-clean out stables, work in gardens-keep ledgers-attend a saw-mill-take in washingtake up a country school-sell rags-black boots about a decent tavern-carry a horse mail from one village to another-set up a rope walk-do anything rather than become the Editor of a newspaper (Whig, November 1, 1848). �CHAPTER NO. 5 82 CHAPTER V NOTES [ 1) C. C. Ross, comp., The Story of Rotherwood, from the Autobiography of Rev. Frederick A. Ross, D.D. (Knoxville, 1923), pp. 34-35, 30-32, 5; Calvinistic Magazine, new series (Abingdon, 1846), I, No. 7,pp.146-157, ibid., I, No. 11, p. 292, ibid., No. 1, p. 1. [ 2) Price, Holston Methodism, III, pp. 158-159, 162. [ 3) Calvinistic Magazine, new series, I, No.4, p. 116. [ 4) Ibid., III, No. 10, p. 314. [ 5) Ibid., IV, No.1, p. 42. [ 6) Whig, January 27, March 24, June 9, 1847. The first issue of the jonesborough Monthly Review, new series, was for December 1847, II, No. 1, see p. 1. [ 7) Ibid., I, No. 1, December 1847, p. 22, ibid., II, No. 2, January 1848, p. 103. [ 8] Whig, September 29, November 10, October 20, 1847. [ 9) jonesborough Monthly Review, new series, II, No. 12, p. 380; Calvinistic Magazine, new series, V, No. 1, p. 384; Ross, The Story of Rotherwood, pp. 19-20, 32-33. [10) Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, p. 34; Temple, Notable Men, p. 179; Whig, October 6,1847, September 13,1848. [11) Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 211-214; Whig, May 27, June 3, 10, July 15, June 10, 17, July 8, June 3, 1846. [12) Ibid., March 29 (also dated March 22), April 5, 12, May 24, June 7, 1849; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 214. Marginal notes by John Bell Brownlow state that parents of the young soldiers asked the Parson to go with the troops as far as New Orleans. Whig, March 29, April 5, 1848. [13) Ibid., June 17, 1846, June 9, July 7, 1847; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 213; Whig, August 11, 18, September 1, 1847. [14) November 10, December 1, 1847; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 210; Whig, February 23, 1848. [15) Ibid., May 26, April 21, 1847, March 1, May 10, 1848, November 24, 1847. [16] Ibid., June 28, 21, August 2, 1848. [17) Ibid., August 2, September 6, 27, August 16, November 1, October 25, November 1, 22, 1848. [18] Ibid., August 26, September 30, August 26, 1846. [19] Ibid., October 14, 21, 1846; W. H. Sneed to Nelson, April 24, 1846. Nelson Papers. [20] Temple to Brownlow, July 18, 1847. Temple Papers. Temple, Notable Men, pp. 229-230. [21] Brownlow spoke against Ross at thirty places to an estimated 21,000 persons. Whig, October 6, 1847. �r1~111~ 'VIIIf~. "Cry aloud-Spare not; show my people their transgressions, and the house of Jacob their sins." Willing to Praise; But not afraid to blame. Chapter No. 6 A NATURAL EDITOR The Parson's first decade as a newspaper editor and publisher showed he had an aptitude for, and a delight in, bold and blistering quarrels and controversies. It is on this characteristic that most of his fame, or infamy, rests because it is the side of him that has been portrayed most thoroughly by writers. But Brownlow was much more. He was cutting, but he witty; he exaggerated, but he was not solely gross when he drove a nail into an enemy; he threw in sparkles of humor that certainly pleased his friends and perhaps entertained his foes, with frustration as well as anger. The Parson was read for amusement as well as for his fury, and thereby he got what every newsman wants to achieve: circulation, the element that gives the writer influence with the reader, and which enlists the interest of the advertiser because of the scope of the readership. Brownlow's political speeches in the summer and fall of 1840 brought the Democrats down on him, and he replied with such ferocity that the Chattanooga Gazette observed: "The everlasting Brownlow of the Tennessee Whig is still using the tilt-hammer on the heads of all unfortunate wights who cross his path." The Parson dismissed such comment with: "It so happens that wherever I go I give offence to every thief, mail robber, land pirate and counterfeiter, with whom I meet." Early in the next year he had attracted attention as far away as New England as the Bay State Democrat fumed: "There is a huge mass of self-conceit, somewhere out in Tennessee, by the name of Brown/ow-that is to say, bread unbaked, who edits a British Federal newspaper, and who annoys society very much. He is said to be a great drunkard-a savage looking monster near seven feet high-and he has been a vile Federalist for the last fifty years." The Whig editor, in a long answer, supplied corrections, for he was six feet tall, aged 34, and had never been accused of drinking even by his enemies. [1] 83 �84 CHAPTER NO.6 It delighted him to announce, later in the same year, underneath the title "Our Greatness-how it increases": "In one week, we have received as many as seven newspapers, an average of one each day-in which we were praised and denounced." This led him to the thought, "We think it not unlikely that we may yet run for the Presidency." The Parson was poking a little fun at himself, as he did when he published an issue of the Whig short on news and long on editorial comment, and explained, "We act upon the principle that it will never do for an editor to say nothing, even when he has nothing to say." A few years later, as he watched a locomotive pull a train over a newly built line into Dalton, Georgia, he chuckled, "When it first came puffing away over this Rail Road, it was a greater curiosity here than I am."[2] Again out of New England, from the pages of the Olive Branch, published by a Methodist splinter group at Boston, came this enormous lie: The fighting clergyman of Tennessee was at one time settled near Vicksburg, in Mississippi. He kept the Bible open on the pulpit by laying a bowie knife across the leaves, and on the Sabbath, before he pronounced the benediction, he would read the programme for the horse races on the ensuing week, and inform the congregation that he was ready to back his favorite horse against whatever bets they would make! (Whig, September 13, 1843). The Parson had never been in Mississippi, and he never gambled, but such accounts, blatantly untrue, showed that his enemies feared him enough to manufacture about him the worst habits of which they could think. Some stories, however, paid tributes to his surgical skill upon his opponents without reflecting on his morals. A Georgia newspaper offered this recipe for making indelible ink: "Read the Jonesborough Whig, with gloves on, taking care not to touch it with the naked hands-then wash the gloves in a tub of water. The water may be bottled for immediate use."[3] It was characteristic of the Parson to predict success for his newspaper, but he also wove into these promotion pieces the mischievous distortions in which he delighted and the humor that bubbled from his depths. When President Harrison, whom he liked, died soon after taking office and Tyler, whom he grew to hate, succeeded, Brownlow came up with this forecast: To our kind patrons, we can only say that by constant reading, hard study, and a great deal of writing, we intend this journal-this establishment-to be- �A NATURAL EDITOR 85 come the centre and soul of a mighty intellectual, moral, political, financial and religious revolution! For what we may lack in actually accomplishing, it is our settled purpose to make up in boasting. Therefore, success, with us, is inevitable. We intend to make Victoria tremble on her throne, Louis Phillippe burst with grief, John Tyler squat like a fawn in a thicket, and Santa Anna jump like a dog in high rye! Heaven save the Republic-God prosper the Church-let the people revere the memory of Harrison-may our Job Work and Advertising custom increase-and may Satan, with all of his Locofoco coadjutors, speedily take to their hottest quarters-Amen! (Whig, January 12, 1842). Brownlow's humor was broad; subtlety would have been wasted on many of his readers. Even the Democrats must have let out roars of laughter when he made this defense of a Whig convicted of larceny: "the act of stealing is Democratic. In other words, the Man is Whig, but the Measure is Democratic (Whig, June 15, 1842). The editor delighted to make news, especially when he could drive home a point. As he rode through Washington on his way to Baltimore and Philadelphia in the spring of 1845, following the election of Polk as President, he seized an opportunity to needle the Democratic office seekers lining the sidewalks: Being on top of the Omnibus ... I determined to relieve the minds of these cormorants, and accordingly make proclamation, to this effect: "Gentlemen, give yourselves no uneasiness about us-we are not after offices-we are a different breed of dogs-and we are going on to Baltimore, having no sort of business here." To this some fellow on the sidewalk responded-"That is that d-d Brownlow."-"Yes," said I, "and for one, I shall keep my nose and eyes closed, till I get through this filthy crowd, that I may neither see nor smell the stench of Locofocoism (Whig, April16, 1845). Brownlow was on the longest trip he had made, both in time and in distance, and it marked the true beginning of his career as a roving reporter. In charge of a band of forty horses, he left Jonesboro in March. They were to be sold in southeastern centers but the outcome was not profitable because the market for these animals was depressed. He wrote from Morganton and Charlotte, North Carolina, Cheraw and Sumterville, South Carolina, then cut back through Lumberton and Raleigh, North Carolina, where he caught a train. He went through Petersburg and Richmond, Virginia, Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York, and pushed into New England, where he visited Providence, Rhode Island, and Boston. He was gone three months. [4] �86 CHAPTER NO. 6 Few of Brownlow's readers had the time or the means to travel extensively. Probably none had his gift for conveying to them what he saw and heard, vividly, humorously and quaintly, as seen through the eyes of a native Appalachian. He brought the outside world to the fertile and frequently travelled valleys and to the more inaccessible ridges and hollows of his land, quite often managing to convey to his readers that they were better off than the city populations. A distaste for South Carolinians, implanted when he watched that state's effort at nullification, probably colored the estimate of her citizens made on the long 1845 trip: The real South Carolinian assumes to be a man of much importance-he crosses streets at an angle no matter how many crosswalks there may be, and in his Buggy or Sulky-a mode of travelling very much in vogue here-he throws himself back like an English Lord ... he always has his whip in his hand, a cigar in his mouth, and upon his countenance, an air of great self-importance (Whig, March 6, 1845). Months later he was more compassionate as he wrote from Camden, "They have great need of prayers and religion here; for it is a low, flat, sickly region and they die off in great numbers" (Ibid., November 11, 1846). Brownlow was a valiant trencherman. He boasted as he wrote from a New York hotel where the "meats really melt on one's tongue," that "I can eat anything that comes on the table, and I can eat a good deal of it!" He put on a false front of dignity in ordering from the French menu, pretending to be familiar with that language (Whig, April 30, 1845). Traveling afforded some unpleasant experiences, such as one he encountered in a town "Somewhere in Southwestern Virginia": Sleepy and tired, retiring to a fine room well furnished, with a magnificent bed, a Turkey carpet, looking-glass, wash stand, pitcher and clean towel, hair-brush, &t., &t.; and lo! upon blowing out the candle, and laying our carcass down to rest, we were instantly covered with bed-bugs, varying in size from something less than a grain of corn, to a mustard seed (Whig, May 5, 1847). The incident so upset the Parson that he wrote an editorial about it instead of including it in his correspondence. And in an unusually delicate treatment for him he did not locate the town or identify the hotel. Sympathy, as well as laughter must have greeted his account of having torn his pants on a fence at Camden, South Carolina, and �A NATURAL EDITOR 87 having to remain in bed until repairs were made. [5] Many of the Parson's readers, like the Parson himself, had only one pair of trousers fit for a traveling outfit. Brownlow's tour of New England produced a singular observation from him, advocate of slavery and foe of abolition that: he was. As he looked at the thriving industries of the region, all operated by free labor, he concluded that "slavery as it exists in the South and West is a curse instead of a blessing (Whig, April 30, 1845). A year later as he paused in wonder at the Harbor of Charleston, South Carolina, he described the masts of the sailing ships there as resembling a forest, he collected $600 for friends at home, he boasted that he was so widely known that he could prove his identity anywhere in the United States, and he marvelled at the sight of droves of hogs being driven to market, 6,000 alone from Jefferson County in East Tennessee. [6] Back in Jonesboro after his long trip, the Parson offered single men some pointed suggestions in selecting a wife: "Lay hold of the girl with her sleeves rolled up-the one with her ears laid back-her eyes wide open with a broom in her hand, or standing half bent over a washing tub-and not the one with a novel in her hand and a box of snuff, turning up her nose at her betters" (Whig). Months later he found, "The young ladies have a strange walk nowadays to what they used to have. Each one flirts as if a flea were biting her on each hip." The Parson must have aimed this rebuke at certain maidens. He was too observant not to have noticed this characteristic earlier. He mellowed on dancing; he found it more foolish than sinful. When church officers in Jonesboro discussed bearing down on members who indulged in the pastime, he offered the realistic opinion: "Tho' we believe it is wrong in members of the Church-we are against that, simply on the ground that there will not be enough left to constitute the Scriptural requisition of 'two or three' gathered together in the name of the Lord."[7] The editor's indignation at the public mistreatment of a wife by a husband is understandable, but the interposition of his caustic comment below an advertisement terminating support would be most startling today. Perhaps it was a bold step when Brownlow printed this: NOTICE I hereby forwarn [sic] all persons from trading with my wife, Charlotte Bacon, or giving her credit on my account. She has left my bed and board, �88 CHAPTER NO. 6 without any just or reasonable cause, and I am determined not to pay any debt, or debts, she may contract. I have a good house for her, and plenty to live upon, and she has no reason to absent herself, as she has done, for some three or four months, maliciously and voluntairy [sic) , and without just or sufficient cause, JONATHAN BACON Note by the Editor!-We publish the foregoing for Mr. Bacon, as an advertisement and for his money, who came with it to our office three different times. We are not to be understood as endorsing it, or approving it. The friends of his wife will not trouble him with supporting her, and she will not attempt to run him in debt, as he very well knows, and as far as malice is concerned, we have seen none, except in this advertisemen[t) (Whig, November 29, 1848). Some personal knowledge of the Bacon domestic issues must have entered into the Parson's objections to the advertisement, as the editor's note indicated. A year earlier he had run, without comment, a notice by a husband refusing to pay the debts of his wife "by reason of her having had a child six weeks and four days after our marriage, which she says is not mine." An outrage against a beast and against its owner, a Baptist preacher, brought down forked lightning from the Whig upon miscreants who broke into a stable and shaved the tail of the minister's horse. Brownlow's judgment was, "If hell were raked with a fine tooth comb it is exceedingly doubtful whether any such material could be found there as inhabit this village; and should the devil seek a substitute for hell Jonesboro would qualify."[8] Yet when a slave convicted of murder was hanged in Jonesboro, he did not appear to be revolted in reporting a macabre battle over the cadaver. The Parson did not go to the hanging, although 3,000 to 5,000 persons did. He stood in his front yard and watched as the doomed man was taken from the jail. The prisoner wore a long, white shroud and sat upon his coffin as he was taken to the place of execution. An armed guard of 200 men surrounded him. Witnesses told the Parson that the prisoner "often smiled and was careful to wipe the mud off his shroud, that might chance to light upon it, and gracefully gather the folds of it around his knees!" The battle over the body did not strike him as grisly, judging from his account: After hanging some thirty minutes, his body was cut down-placed in a coffin for burial, and interred on the spot. As soon as the Clergy who had officiated on the ground, and the greater part of the crowd had left, a regular scramble came �A NATURAL EDITOR 89 off, among the Physicians from different towns and their representatives, as to who should have his body. Several fights ensued, and among the rest, a party of Negroes who were there, his relatives and others, tried their hands. The ]onesborough boys, as usual, triumphed, and now have the body of Dave in a Dissecting Room, and are working on it scientifically! [9] Life in the little county seat was by present standards primitive and brutal. When a Whig convention was held near Jonesboro in the fall of 1840, a public-spirited citizen leased a ten-acre field and offered it to those who wanted a place to sleep. No other facilities were mentioned. They could have the ground. When Brownlow came home from a seven-week trip that included his attendance as a delegate at the Whig convention in Baltimore he was alarmed to find five of the ten members of his household ill. A few days later he predicted much illness for the summer of 1844, if "the notorious Ponds, at the upper and lower ends of town, are not drained off, as they should be; and if the dead hogs and other filth are not taken out of the Creek, and the back streets and stables."[ 10] The winter scene described by the Parson was even more depressing: Our town is located on a sink bole, surrounded by hills, making our location admirably adapted to the collection of all the filth pouring in from the surrounding hills, and nothing is wanted for our complete inundation with nastiness, but the closing up of the gap below the town where the spring branch breaks through the hills! Until recently, we havt exhibited more mud and filth in our streets, than any other little town could boast of in this end of the State-wintering our cows under our porches, and emptying our slop buckets into our front streets! At one time in December, there were but about 3 fords, or crossing places, on main street; but our citizens have nobly commenced the work of cleaning our streets, and upon a scale worthy of their just importance. They have much of the filth in piles on main street, which seem destined to stand as a lasting ornament to the place-a blessing to the community, and a monument of liberality and enlightened views of the town authorities! (Whig, February 7, 1844). Jonesboro authorities later required Brownlow to move a stable and manure pen he had maintained on a back street. He acknowledged the officials were acting properly, but he questioned whether the regulation would be enforced as to others. He also reported a high mortality among his cows; four had been poisoned, one recovered, during a five-year period (Whig, February 2, 1846). Many families kept a cow for milk. �90 CHAPTER NO. 6 Brownlow tried several business ventures while at Jonesboro. All were unprofitable, and finally he announced his withdrawal from all outside projects to give his entire attention to his newspaper and the Whig Party. A friend wrote later that these ventures ended "always with disaster. Incompetent or dishonest associates or agents got the better of him every time. The truth is, he was too liberal, too unsuspecting, too negligent of details for a successful business man." [11] The Whig, however, thrived. Advertising volume reached almost fifty per cent of the newspaper's space. And late in 1845 Brownlow trumpeted that the Whig was "the only newspaper published in Tennessee east of Knoxville," again at the beginning of the year 1847 that the "circulation of this paper is now so great and its readers so numerous-not only in Tennessee but in other states-that it has become the interest of many to get their advertisements into these columns," and again a few months later that the Whig had such a circulation "in point of numbers and intelligence, that has not been enjoyed by any country paper of the same age, situated in so remote and mountainous region of the country." [ 12] This was promotion, which is assumed to contain boasts, and the Parson always kept his talent for exaggeration in good order. The Audit Bureau of Circulation had not been created; hence there was no professional check on his claims, but he had proved he was a successful newspaper editor, and sometimes publisher. The Parson was no stranger to the difficulties involved in newspaper publication. Collections and deliveries presented constant annoyances. The Whig management offered incentives for cash or early payments by setting the subscription price at $2.50 annually if paid in advance, $3.00 if paid at the end of three months, and $3.50 if paid at the close of the year. The subscription rate was cut to $2.00 annually when the Whig and the job shop were combined early in 1845, with Byers taking over business management. Byers sold his interest to the Parson early in 184 7, but the subscription price remained the same for years. [ 13] Brownlow chastised delinquents by printing their names under the heading "Black Knights." Payment was taken in almost any form. When the Whig sent a wagon into Carter and Johnson counties in 184 7 it offered to take iron castings and food for man and beast, "whiskey and brandy always excepted!" [ 14] Collection of legal advertising accounts, which made up a consider- �A NATURAL EDITOR 91 able amount of the revenue, grew quite difficult. Publishers throughout the state adopted a rule not to accept it unless paid in advance or complete responsibility for payment given. Brownlow had so many outstanding accounts of this kind in 1841 that he announced that if all were met he could pay every debt and buy a good house and office on the main street of Jonesboro. [ 15] Most of the Whig's subscribers must have received their copies by mail. If only a few of the Parson's many complaints were justified the postal system must have been wretched. He carried an ingrained prejudice against postmasters because they were more often appointed by Democratic administrations than by Whigs. Since Brownlow was the political foe of these postmasters, some of them may have felt it appropriate to look after the Whig with less zeal than in handling Democratic newspapers. Mail deliveries were vital to publications, and Brownlow's constant hammering on the point is understandable. He complained not only of failures, late deliveries and mutilated papers in the summer of 1840 but also reported that "some of our correspondents say that the Sentinel reaches their offices regularly but the Whig does not." When Newbern, Virginia, subscribers reported irregular deliveries, the Parson recommended that they "talk firce [sic] to the Post Master ... with fists drawn and they will soon perceive a change." He also charged that the Post Office Department had notified the mail contractors operating between Jonesboro and Blountville not to carry the Whig. A possible explanation for this was that the mail bags would not hold the more numerous Whigs, while they would those of the fewer Sentinels. The next spring, in a notice to postmasters at Blountville and Knoxville, Brownlow charged that the bags would not hold his newspaper and as a result delivery was delayed at least a week, while the Sentinels were carried to their destinations on time. The nettled Whig editor pointed out that he was paying $800 annually for newspaper and letter postage. [16] The rates for newspaper postage were lowered in 1845, and revised upward slightly in 1847. [ 17] Complaints of inferior service continued. The mail to Russellville was left in a stream overnight and the newspapers ruined, the Whig complained in the summer of 1847, and also that the mail was transported in uncovered carts. Early in 1848 the Parson announced that in his nine years as an editor he had never known "more corruption to exist among the post-masters and mail carriers than at present." Whigs were thrown out of the mails, destroyed, or delivered late, and it took from two to four weeks for �92 CHAPTER NO. 6 the newspaper to be delivered at Parrottsville, forty-five miles distant, although a horse mail went directly to the town from Jonesboro. [18] Brownlow restlessly changed the page one makeup. He shifted from six columns to five on his third volume; a year later he inserted beneath The Jonesborough Whig, but in smaller type, An Independent journal. As he launched his eighth volume, the Mexican War was raging, creating a greater demand for news, and he promised better newsprint and type. Transportation of paper brought problems. Early in 1848 he missed an issue while a wagon waited in Knoxville to load newsprint, and at the close of the year he suspended the Christmas issue because he didn't have the paper, observing that the hands would enjoy the long holiday. Newsprint costs, amounting to $1,100 during his first year at Jonesboro, were a substantial expense. [19] Aside from the editor's worries over the business operation and his political foes, he encountered a segment of the human race that waits upon almost every publication, versifiers and poets. They left him worn and angry, but not frustrated. He not only proclaimed he was "sick and tired of their worthless effusions," but that if in saying so he had given offense "we have accomplished our object, provided we get rid of all such, in all time to come." His wrath was fuelled by the submission of a poem as an original work that turned out to have been written by Lord Byron, the famous English poet. He was equally firm, if not as brittle, in a declaration of policy on the publication of death notices, pronounced early in the Jonesboro era with the lament: "When the death of an individual is published, unless he is written up into the third heavens, and declared to have been sinless and undefiled in life, loud complaints are made." He therefore announced that if the friends of the deceased would write out, or otherwise furnish details, "We will give the desired blast," but "to sit down and write a man to heaven when we have every reason to believe he is in hell, just to please his friends, is rather a tedious business." [20] Editors often feel the same way today, but they do not so express themselves. No Parson Brownlows are editing newspapers now. These were the usual problems of any newspaper, but Brownlow did not follow the normal course of an editor; therefore, it was not surprising that what befell him next, which arose from the boiling religious and political controversies of the day, should breeed the �A NATURAL EDITOR 93 most critical physical violence he would meet. In his struggle with Ross, the Parson had gone to pains to demonstrate that Presbyterians, rather than Methodists, as Ross had argued, were bent on political domination. After he surveyed the national scene he narrowed his point to Washington County, where he lit upon John Ryland, calling him a Presbyterian Democrat, who had made a little fortune out of the public offices, and who had solemnly pledged himself, at the last election for Circuit Court clerk, that he never would trouble the people again, if they would elect him; he is again a candidate for that office (Whig, November 10, 1847). Running against Ryland were a Methodist Whig and a Methodist Democrat. Ryland was humiliated for he came out third. Bitterness on the Ryland side was compounded when the Whig identified John Ryland, son of the former county official, as a deserter from a Washington County company at Jalappa, Mexico. Brownlow based this on a letter from Captain John T. O'Brien. Ryland's unhappiness was intensified when the report of his desertion reached the postmaster at Knoxville, thus preventing his drawing wages. Young Ryland thereupon vented his wrath upon the Parson noisily. In the fall of 1848, armed and shouting, he posted himself at the fence in front of the Brownlow residence between ten and eleven o'clock at night. He invited the editor to come out and fight. He bawled accusations against Brownlow. He cursed him for having helped in the defeat of his father for the clerkship, for having "slandered the most pure and evangelical minister of the gospel the world ever knew," and for having meddled in his courtship. Brownlow printed two columns in the Whig about the disturbance. On the subject of Ryland's courtship the editor wrote, "We believed any young lady that wanted him, with a knowledge of his character, and brilliant exploits, ought to be encouraged to marry him--and that whoever got him, would get a liar, a scoundrel, a coward, and a Deserter from the United States Army!" Ryland made three shouting appearances before the Brownlow home on the public square of Jonesboro that night. The last trip brought the Parson out of bed, who took down a "double barreled gun, well loaded with buck shot, cocked it, and went at him when he swiftly retreated." The editor's last paragraph in the account sounded his usual warning: "He never can, and never shall, with impunity, make another attack upon us, in public or private, by day or by night, in word or in deed, when we are present." [21] Brownlow was �94 CHAPTER NO. 6 wrong, if the identification of his next assailant was correct. The blow fell on a Sunday night, April 2, 1849, as Brownlow in company with two Methodist presiding elders, walked home from church. A form slipped out of an alley between two stables and struck the Parson on the head. The preachers, T. K. Catlett and C. D. Smith, gave a statement that they did not know the assailant, but that they saw him fleeing with a stick or club in his hand and that a Negro identified him as John Ryland, Jr. Brownlow's account, published in the Whig on April19, 1849, acknowledged that Ryland had denied making the assault, but he also reported that two white boys had identified Ryland as the assailant. Brownlow saw no one and was left unconscious. He was unaware of what had happened or how he reached his home, one hundred and fifty yards distant. The editor was confined to his home for fifteen days before he was able to write his story of the attack, and then did so "without the knowledge or consent of my physician." However much his head may have ached, he remembered that he was a newspaperman. The story was entitled to more than routine display. He broke away from the usual one-line head with this screamer: ATTEMPTED MURDER BY AN AS SASS IN, A SCOUNDREL, AND A COWARD, IN THE PERSON OF JOHN RYLAND, JR. He further dramatized the story by leading it with a few lines from Shakespeare. The Parson attributed his being alive to a strong beaver hat he was wearing-one which broke the force of the blow. He told the Whig's readers that he would resort to neither the courts nor violence, that he was competent to look after his own affairs, and that as soon as he recovered he would move himself, his family and his hands to Knoxville, where he had previously announced he was taking the Whig (Whig, April19, 1849). This was his message: I can assure him that I shall institute no suit against him. I have seen too much of the "glorious uncertainty of the Law," and of the acts and doings of corrupt jurors to trouble them with the settlement of my personal difficulties. Some reports have gone out touching messages I should have sent to this candidate for the honors of the gallows. I have sent him no message-I have none to send. I have made no threats-! have none to make. I have advised with no man-1 shall not consult any man. I am of age-l am in my right mind-1 am competent to attend to my own business. [22) �A NATURAL EDITOR 95 William Rule, who in later years was long associated with Brownlow in the newspaper business, recalled that when he first saw the editor in early 1850 the latter observed, in commenting on reported threats by Ryland to kill him, "I would rather run some risk of losing my own life than to take that of a fellow being however vile he might be or however justifiable I might be, under the law, in so doing."[23] Whether Ryland was guilty or not, he failed to bring any action for libel, despite the punishment that the Whig gave him. When Ryland died in Dallas, Texas, in 1852, the Parson disposed of him crisply: "Thus sinks to a grave of ignominy the dastard, who it is believed to have crept upon us from a dark alley, in the darkness of the night, and inflicted a blow, upon the back of our head, from the effects of which we have suffered for several years." A decade later, in reviewing some of his difficulties, Brownlow expressed the conviction that Ryland had gone to hell, "and there I propose to leave him for the present." The Parson reserved to himself, however, the right to designate the course Ryland's soul took after death, because when John Bell Brownlow, junior editor of the Whig, found occasion in 1867, to repeat that Ryland had gone to perdition, the Parson reproached his son. The junior editor, in reporting the death of Elder Catlett, who was walking with Brownlow the night of the assault, also wrote that the Parson had announced Ryland had gone to hell. [24] The effects of the clubbing have been given wide interpretation. R. N. Price, Methodist historian and a friend of Brownlow's, believed the fracture had seriously affected the Parson's health "to the day of his death," and "doubtless shortened his life." He did not mention, however, mental incapacity. 0. P. Temple, who knew Brownlow more intimately than anyone who wrote about him, neglected the Jonesboro assault in his extended sketch of his friend, with the exception of this general statement: "Although stealthily waylaid and assailed by would-be assassins in the dark, or from behind, four or five times with deadly intent, and more than once with nearly fatal effect, he never attempted to punish the miserable cowards, much less retaliate on them." He maintained that when Brownlow served a six-year term in the United States Senate that although "His body was enfeebled ... his intellect still glowed with all the fire and energy of 1861." Temple's opinion was "By his confinement in the crowded and loathsome prison [the Knoxville jail where he was held �96 CHAPTER NO.6 by the Confederacy] and his exposure in his wanderings, his wonderful constitution was broken down, his nervous system was destroyed and he became prematurely old and an invalid for the rest of his life." The Knoxville Register, in a moment of fury while battling for its life with the Whig, snarled at a Methodist publication which had condemned ministers for active participation in politics: "You should be careful how you throw brickbats. Don't you know that a slight lick on the head of one whose brain has been 'addled' will throw him into fits." E. Merton Coulter, in his biography of Brownlow, took the position that the blow impaired the Parson's mental and physical health. He concluded, "Certainly as time went on, he became more reckless as his power increased; perhaps it was not due entirely to his natur2l bent-his assailant's club left permanent marks and impressions on his skull." A year after the attack Rule found that Brownlow still suffered from the effects. Much later-the Parson had a habit of revealing more and more details as time passed-he acknowledged that he was "Under the care of a physician for more than one month, and a portion of that time I did not know my friends and neighbors." He also revealed that the blow cracked his skull from the point of impact to his forehead. His recovery was slow, for he was "Sorely afflicted the t:ntire summer, and were [sic.] not half a man, in point of physical strength." Certainly Brownlow's power increased. The pages of the Whig reveal many long, furious fights in which he employed to the fullest his talent for castigating without mercy those who crossed or opposed him. The pre-Civil War times and events were traumatic for Brownlow because of his emotional devotion to the Union and to his newspaper. The first split and the second he abandoned through fear and economic necessity. If Brownlow's mental machinery went awry, two of his newspaper contemporaries failed to see it that way.]. Austin Sperry, editor of the Knoxville Register, astounded and dismayed when Brownlow was released by Confederate authorities in 1862, paid him an extraordinary compliment for his keen understanding of human nature, his skill in maneuvering and his diplomacy. When Brownlow was governor, George Prentice, editor of the Louisville journal, sometimes his friend but at that time his foe, considered the Brownlow administration in Tennessee so evil that he clamored: " 'Tis a pity for him that he isn't insane, for it would be the only excuse, utter mental imbecility excepted, for the disgrace he is inflicting upon the �A NATURAL EDITOR 97 State in which he dwells." [25] Both editorials contained exaggerations, but evil as the writers saw Brownlow, they did not suggest any lack of competency; if anything, he had too much to suit them. CHAPTER VI NOTES [ 1] [ 2] [ 3] [ 4] [ 5] [ 6] [ 7] [ 8] [ 9] [10] [ 11] [ 12] [ 13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] [20] [21] [22] [23] [24] [25] Whig, September 9, 1840, January 6, 1841. Ibid., September 17, 1841, November 23, 1842, January 5, 1848. Ibid., April19, 1843. Ibid., February 2, 26, March 5, 12, 26, April 2, 9, 16, 23, 30, 1845. Ibid., May 5, 1847, November 11, 1846. Ibid., November 11, 25, 1846. Ibid., May 21, 1845, June 16, January 6, 1847. Ibid., November 3, 1847, September 3, 1845. Ibid., November 29, 1848. See also ibid., November 22, 1848. Ibid., October 7, 1840, November 3, 1847, June 12, 1844. Brown and his friend, the Rev. C. W. C. Harris operated the Wool Hat store in Jonesboro, ibid., June 19, 1844; the former had a vague connection with Clem, Harris, Hunt and Company, another mercantile house which ran the first full page advertisement in the Whig, March 5, 1845; Temple, Notable Men, p. 274. The Tennessee Sentinel was discontinued and other newspapers appeared intermittently in Jonesboro. Whig, December 10, 1845; Fink, "The Early Press of Jonesboro," ETI-IS PUBL. No. 10, p. 68; Whig, December 10, 1845, January 20, May 12, 1847. Subscription and advertising rates were carried on page one. Brownlow cut the original $2.50 annual rate, if paid in advance, to $2.00, ibid., February 5, 1845, February 24, 1847. Ibid., January 19, 1842, January 6, 1847. Ibid., July 1, 1846, December 8, 1841. Ibid., June 24, July 29, September 23, 1840, May 19, 1841. Ibid., March 26, 1846, April28, 1847. Ibid., July 28, 1847, January 19, 1848. Ibid., May 28, 1841, May 18, 1842, May 13, 1846, March 15, December 13, 1848, May 28, 1841. Ibid., December 24, 1845, December 1, 1841. Ibid., March 8, June 7, 1848, October 4, 1848. Ibid., Arpil 19, 1849. Alex Williams to "Dear Sir," April14, 1839. Nelson Papers. Memorandum on Rule's first look at Brownlow. Rule Papers. Whig, October 2,1852, October 27,1862. John Bell Brownlow marginal note, ibid., March 13, 1867. Price, Holston Methodism, III, p. 239; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 280, 341, 314; Register, March 20, 1851; Coulter, p. 43; Whig, October 27, 1860, July 5, 1851; Register, quoted in Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 342-345; Temple, Notable Men, p. 351, O.R. Series 2, I, pp. 925-926; White, Messages, V, p. 661, quoting Louisville journal, May 14, 1868. �~ IZ/~~'75' 11/f ~~~ ( f (!(, r /I 1 Cr-r .- This much more sophisticated portrait of the Parson came from the frontispiece of Parson Brownlow's Book. Uournal Staff Photograph by Hugh Lunsford.] �'I,III~ '\TIIIf~. "Truth is omnipotent, and public justice certain." Chapter No. 7 THE CRIPPLED INVADER William G. Brownlow arrived on the Knoxville newspaper scene as an invader, and crippled though he was, he was received with all the power that could be raised against his invasion. He was warned that he faced a fight for survival with the Register, but with characteristic boldness he had retorted that his publication would triumph. Brownlow knew Knoxville well. He had seen it when he was a young and gawky preacher, he had made boat trips to it down the Holston River for the O'Briens, and as an editor and party leader he had been drawn to it because it was a vigorous center for Whiggery. He liked Knoxville for its bustle as a transportation hub and for its business advantages. (1] He anticipated a tough fight, but he had thrived on frequent and deadly struggles. At Jonesboro he had reached the top by surmounting one uproar after another, and the only way he could climb higher would be to scale a bigger mountain. Knoxville was that mountain. The Whig had been successful as a newspaper. But its editor had taken severe financial losses because of his inability to turn down applicants for his signature as a note endorser. Before he left Jonesboro he had paid thousands of dollars for borrowers whose paper he had endorsed, but who had failed to pay and left him to make up the loss. [2] Perhaps he wanted to leave the scene where he had, in a most painful way, found that some members of the human race cannot be trusted to carry out their financial pledges. Primarily, though, the inviting vistas of Knoxville must have drawn him more than the disappointments of Jonesboro pushed him. He set out the advantages in a prospectus published in the Whig at Jonesboro. The undersigned goes to Knoxville, because that is an eligible position, afford· ing the necessary mail facilities, and because he believes that he can be more useful to his party, and to the country at large; and last, though not least, because he thinks he can advance his own pecuniary interests, now at the 99 �100 CHAPTER NO. 7 bottom of the wheel of fortune (Whig, February 5, 1849). As Brownlow penned this piece on his removal to Knoxville he must have felt assurance that he had laid his plans well. He had sold his printing press, type and fixtures and taken notes in exchange. In Washington he had arranged with Senator John Bell and United States Representative Meredith Gentry to go security on his own note. This note, with the two members of Congress as endorsers, and the paper he had taken in the sale of his Jonesboro plant he gave in Philadelphia for the purchase of the printing equipment. He arranged for the shipment of these goods and materials to Knoxville by way of Charleston and Chattanooga. When they reached Knoxville they were to be stored until the Parson arrived to start his newspaper. The shipments were in the names of Bell and Gentry. [3] When Brownlow came back through Washington in March 1849, after arranging the purchases in Philadelphia, he fell into an almost fatal blunder, a mistake that grew out of his tendency to place complete confidence in men he believed to be his friends. He not only unfolded his plans to retiring United States Representative John H. Crozier, but also entrusted to him some of the arrangements to be made when the shipment arrived in Knoxville. He gave Crozier the bills for the goods and authorized him to see that they were stored in the commission house of the congressman's brothers-in-law, James and Walter Williams. [4] According to the Parson, Crozier duped him outrageously. In time it turned out that the retiring congressman and the Williams brothers were part of a combine which set about to fight the Whig with their money, their influence and a consolidated newspaper. Crozier was able to give the group the details of Brownlow's plans. The Parson's announcement that he was moving to Knoxville, supplemented by the information Crozier had, brought significant developments. The Register, the most venerable weekly in East Tennessee and staunchly Whig, had lost ground. Competition had arisen in a second Whig newspaper, the Tribune, edited by James C. Walker and John Miller McKee, who had started it in the spring of 1846. The Moses brothers, James C. and John L., sold the Register to McKee, who consolidated it with the Tribune, but retained the Register's name alone, probably because of its age and reputation. Five outstanding and powerful Whigs gave the Register financial muscle. They secured a $6,000 loan for McKee. Among the five was John H. Crozier. The others were William G. Swan, a prominent lawyer; �TH E CRIPPLED JNV ADER 101 Thomas W. Humes, once President of the University of Tennessee. James W. Campbell, clerk of the State Supreme Court and of the United States District Court ; W. H. Sneed, another outstanding lawyer; and Thomas W. Humes, a former Register editor and rector of St. John's Episcopal Church. [5] Thus, while Brownlow lay in bed at Jonesboro, semiconscious from the blow on his skull, his Knoxville enemies took advantage of Crozier's information and the Jonesboro assailant's blow. Years later, while reviewing the events that took place after he had trusted Crozier to look after his shipment to Knoxville, the Parson gave this summary of the obstacles thrown in his way : I stated all this to Crozier [the arrangement], and informed him that I had written the same by him to his relatives. He promised to see to it, professed great friendship; and it was not until after he had returned and the goods arrived that I learned he was insincere, a vile hypocrite, and a dirty, mean, deceitful and hateful little scoundrel! He came home- went to work against me-arrayed his two brothers-in-Jaw against me, and sought by the most disreputable means to defeat me in every respect (Whig, October 27, 1860). The Parson then, returned to Jonesboro, was struck on the head and left half-conscious: �102 CHAPTER NO. 7 While I lay in this condition, my goods arrived in Knoxville-the Williams [sic.] acting in concert with and under the influence of this deceitful, malicious, and utterly unprincipled scoundrel, refused them house-room, and they were thrown out upon the bank. They advised the Captain of the Steamboat to return them again to Chattanooga, and to sell them there for double freight. While, however, the Captain was preparing to sell them here, a friend of mine from Carter County, James W. Nelson, whose remains rest in a grave in this vicinity, chanced to be here on business, and stepped forward and paid the charges, amounting in all, to some Seventy Dollars-Nelson and other friends procured an office for me on Gay Street where Rawlins now has a Hardware Store, and there deposited my goods.[6] Brownlow reached Knoxville on May 1, 1849. Eighteen days later, on May 19, 1849, he produced his first number of Brownlow's Knoxville Whig. He was proud of that issue, not only because he had surmounted his physical illness and the obstacles placed in the way of getting the mechanical plant going, but also because it was an excellent product. Even the Register, eyeing the newcomer with hostility, complimented it as to size and typography. But it viewed the Whig's content disdainfully: "We had intended, upon the perusal of its columns, to reply to some of the things which they contain, but after some reflection, have concluded not to do so, as everybody knows Brownlow." [7 J The Whig editor, in characteristic fashion, had opened fire immediately. His awareness of Crozier's duplicity and other steps taken to oppose him steamed up his combative disposition. When McKee boasted that the reorganized Register had a circulation of 3,000, Brownlow needled back that this figure was melting because many subscribers were dropping the Register and taking the Whig. He put it thus: Nor have we sought, directly or indirectly, to induce any man to quit the Register and take our paper. They come voluntarily and declare that they have been "sold to the Dutch"-handed over, soul and body, to the "tender mercies" of an organized Company of Capitalists, who have purchased the Register, and placed at its head, the anti-railroad patriots of the late Tribune! (Whig, May 19, 1849). The Tribune had achieved a reputation of outright opposition to the construction of the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad from Dalton, Georgia, to Knoxville, and while its name had disappeared the editor now was at the helm of the Register. �THE CRIPPLED INVADER 103 Defiance was a characteristic of the Parson, and it burst out with this notice in his first Knoxville issue: To such as have generously informed us, second handed, that we will not be permitted to do here, as we did in Jonesborough, and that for any abuse of them or their friends, we will be shot down in the street, we have only to say let them abuse us, either through the city papers, or in the private circle, and we will teach them, in terms not to be misunderstood, that they have mistaken their man. We may not satisfy them that we are a man of richly stored intellect-of vigorous eloquence-of earnest devotion to truth-and of superiority to all selfish views-but we will convince them of our incapability of fear (Ibid.). Before leaving Jonesboro Brownlow had charted a course designed to gain the support of rank and file readers, especially the rural ones. In a statement in the Whig, accompanying the prospectus of his forthcoming newspaper in Knoxville he asserted: We have no right to expect the patronage of Knoxville, as the different wings of the Whig party there and of the religious factions have their papers and are committed to them respectively. These papers, moreover, can be managed by them, as they long have been-while our press will utterly refuse to wear the color of any clique. We shall rely upon the real People, in all the counties of East Tennessee-not on the leaders of parties and cliques in the towns and villages for our support (Whig, February 5, 1849). He caught up this theme in his first issue at Knoxville, pointing out the benefits of competition: We shall go for all kinds of business being thrown open to free and full competition, and for all classes and conditions of men having restored to them those equal rights which a certain system of favoritism has been the means of filching from them. For strenuously asserting such views and maintaining such principles, those whose selfishness will likely suffer may regard us as laboring under mental derangement. But if this be lunacy, it is at all events such lunacy as will be passed for sound and excellent sense in the judgment of the patriotic and intelligent masses of both parties (Whig, May 19, 1849). Two months later he wrote more bluntly: The People are against all monopolies-so are we. The people are for Railroads and a liberal system of Internal Improvements generally-so are we, for the latter because needed so much, and for the former, because they are demanded by the masses and are their dues .... A House-Carpenter, by trade, and a poor man by birth and by raising, our �104 CHAPTER NO. 7 Above: the home of William G. Brownlow on East Cumberland Avenue in Knoxville (right in the picture) was taken with the camera facing west, stationed at a point about 400 feet west of the Coliseum-Auditorium . [McClung Collection, Lawson McGhee Library, University of Tennessee.] At top right: this photograph of the west side of Brownlow's home looking east on East Cumberland was taken in 192 3 by the late Russell Harrison, an artist with the Capper Engraving Co. [McClung Collection, Lawson McGhee Library, Knoxville .) At bottom right: Parson Brownlow's massive walnut bed was used for many years, certainly during the Civil War when he was a prisoner under guard at his home. A top piece about 18 inches high and containing another carving has been lost. The bed, thought to resemble the Lincoln bed in the White House, is now in the home of Mrs. John F. Brownlow, widow of the Parson's grandson. [Journal Staff Photograph by Hugh Lunsford.) �THE CRIPPLED INVADER 105 �106 CHAPTER NO. 7 sympathies are with the Mechanics, Farmers and laboring classes. We neither wish to pull down the rich, nor bolster them up by partial laws, beneficial to them alone, and injurious to all besides. All we desire is ... that the property of the rich may be placed on the same footing with the labors of the poor.-The scrub aristocracy of Knoxville, whose pride we have rather wounded of late, have recently held us up through the columns of the Register as a man making fun of poor men and as the enemy of Mechanics! An orphan boy, in the adjoining State of Virginia-raised and schooled by a charitable Uncle-serving a regular apprenticeship to the Carpenter's trade-having always been poor-and being still poor-it is highly becoming in us to make sport of poor folks and mechanics! The idea is so absurd that it needs no contradiction (Whig, july 28, 1849). The Register maintained only briefly its policy of ignoring Brownlow. By midsummer it described the Whig as "a vile and licentious newspaper," and called the Parson the "black mail editor." It accused him of trying to threaten merchants and a bank with reprisals for failure to advertise, and of writing some of the letters he attributed to correspondents. [8] The controversy edged over into the religious field as Brownlow charged McKee and the Register with hostility toward the Methodist Church. This was not a surprising development because upon coming to Knoxville the Whig editor had obtained the contract to print the Methodist Episcopalian, edited by his old friend, Sam Patton. Brownlow and Patton stated that the Whig shop had obtained the contract by underbidding the previous printer. An unidentified contributor viciously attacked Patton in the Register. Patton demanded the contributor's name from McKee. The Register editor refused to divulge it and snatched up for a target this statement by Patton in replying to a charge that Brownlow exercised a large hand in the Episcopalian's policy: "W. G. Brownlow has never written one line for the paper we edit, since it came to his office, and probably he never will-we have never taken one article from the columns of the Whig, and probably we never will." [9] McKee, with considerable imagination and some gleeful, malicious humor, presented this as "Brownlow Condemned by His Church," with this elaboration: But it is a religious phenomenon when one minister of the Gospel considers it due to his own reputation, and the moral and religious sentiments of his subscribers and the community, to ostracize from his paper the writings of another minister of the Gospel of his own church of twenty years standing, and who professes to possess more piety and honesty than any of his companions .... �THE CRIPPLED INVADER 107 The judgment pronounced upon him from the bosom of his own Church, will meet with a hearty response . . . . A wholesale and retail dealer in falsehood and slander, his vanity and love of notoriety has [sic.) spurred him on to hunt up his 1 1 victims with the keen scent, and to pursue them with the ferocity and cruelty of the bloodhound. Always the assailant, never the first assailed, in order to minister to the morbid and vicious appetites of those who do not consider the evils he inflicts upon society, or some of them would turn from him in disgust, he has plunged his poisonous fangs into numberless females, and with the most insatiable cruelty, held them up to the glaring gaze of the world, until some of them have fled from his presence broken-hearted-bereft of reason, and lain themselves down to die the most pitiable objects of anguish and despair! The same issue of the Register that construed Patton's statement as a condemnation by his church also blazoned "The Black Mail Editor Presented By A Grand Jury!" in reporting that the Whig editor had been indicted for conducting a lottery. [ 10] Brownlow had printed an advertisement of a lottery by an eastern firm, but apparently he had no interest in the outcome, and the charge against him was dismissed in Anderson County Circuit Court. Before the charge was dismissed Brownlow had accused the Register of having carried similar advertisements and reported that two of its financial backers, Humes and Campbell, each had bought $5.00 tickets in a lottery. [ 11] He soared into print with this offer: We propose to Mr. Humes that he can have his church organ taken in [to jail], and we will carry with us a Methodist Hymn Book, and the best pair of lungs in Knoxville; and like Paul and Silas, we will make the Prison walls resound with criminal melody at the hour of midnight! Nay, more, if we don't sing and play the prison doors open, why then let us serve out our lawful time! (Whig, December 1, 1849). This shaft, tinged with Brownlow's sarcastic humor, was the first he had sent against Humes. Earlier in the war with the Register and its backers he had written that he did not associate Humes and Sneed with the hot fire the older newspaper was concentrating upon the newcomer. The Parson seemed to be a little unsure where Campbell stood and directed most of his wrath against Crozier and McKee, with a portion for Swan. Perhaps Brownlow's deference to Humes lay in the fact that he owed the rector for a note of undesignated amount that the Parson probably contracted before the move to Knoxville. Humes had sent the note to T. A. R. Nelson at Jonesboro for collection and in the fall of 1849 asked for its return in order to �108 CHAPTER NO. 7 make arrangements for payment or additional security.[12] The Parson appears nowhere to have mentioned the obligation. The controversy took on a sinister cast shortly before the close of 1849. Brownlow accused his enemies of a bold plot to seize by force his office "and to destroy our presses, type and fixtures." Weapons had been collected and stored in a law office on Gay Street, and the assault was planned for a time when the Parson was away from the plant. The plot was leaked, however. Several of Brownlow's friends, heavily armed, stationed themselves in front of the Whig office. Upon the editor's return he and a guard of friends remained in the office for several days artd nights to repel the attack. It never came. The Register brushed off the story as something concocted by Brownlow to enlist sympathy. The Parson threatened to lay evidence of the plot before the grand jury and invited Swan to sue over the accusations made in the Whig, but no legal action of any sort followed. In later years Brownlow accused Crozier of having stirred up the lottery indictment and the plot to destroy the newspaper plant. Crozier's law office was the place used as a depository for the collected arms, Brownlow claimed. At the time Brownlow reported the plot he did not identify Crozier by name. [ 13] It became obvious early in 1850 that after months of ruthless, furious and envenomed newspaper warfare with words, influence, trickery and probably an attempted destruction of Brownlow's newspaper plant, the Whig was firmly established in Knoxville. Perhaps a formal announcement by the Register that it intended to ignore Brownlow because he was "UNWORTHY OF NOTICE" constituted such an admission. The Parson so construed it in these triumphant passages: Not wishing to be outdone by them (the Register owners and editors] in courtesy, however, we take our leave of them, one and all, in this our New Year's Address. We take leave of them because they have retired from the field in disgust, and not because we have discovered they are unworthy of notice. We deem the "Joint Stock" party altogether worthy of our notice, and pledge ourselves to the public, that whenever they meddle in our affairs, either publicly or privately, we will notice them again, as we have been doing, regardless of consequence (Whig, January 12, 1850). The Whig editor boasted that his subscription list had gone up as the Register's had gone down, in spite of the fact that the "vanity, aristocracy, fictitious capital, and pretended decency of Knoxville is �THE CRIPPLED INVADER 109 against us, and we desire them to continue their opposition." He thanked the PEOPLE of EAST TENNESSEE, for our success, and for a subscription list superior to any in this division of our State. The People have sympathized with us in our struggle against Merchants, Banks, Universities, Cliques, and corrupt money-holders-and it is the People that have written out our subscription list (Ibid.). Whig policies that had worked at Jonesboro also proved successful at Knoxville. The Parson opposed the rich and powerful, championed the farmer and workman, and strove for mass circulation. This forced the advertisers to recognize the value of his wide readership, and thereby, he escaped local domination. His fearlessness let him select any target, and his confidence that he was among the best in fighting and writing, as it seemed to be required of most editors, led him to believe he could command readership. It did. He achieved this strong position a year and a half after entering Knoxville uninvited. Temple told of his having held a "consultation on the advisability of moving with his paper to this larger town," in Knoxville in the spring of 1849, but does not suggest he was urged to do so. He was, as mentioned before, warned to stay away. The Parson acted upon his own conviction and counted himself as the Whig's major resource. The blow on the head at Jonesboro failed to stop him, although it left him close to being an invalid for months. He acknowledged this two years later. He conceded, "We were sorely afflicted the entire summer and were not half a man in point of physical strengthalthough we said nothing about it and claimed nothing from that consideration." [ 14] As Brownlow opened his second volume in Knoxville, he must have been in high spirits as he published this summation of the Register and its backers: We know whom we have to meet, and we know how to meet them. Restrained by no principle, moral or religious, by no feelings of humanity, by no mercy for an intended victim-and destitute of everything like manly courage-the vile men who are most active in their opposition to us here would consumate [sic.] their wicked design with the torch of an incendiary, or under the more [sic.] black and disgraceful flag of the midnight assassin. In the hollow concaves [sic.] of secret malice, these wanton and fiendish instruments of the Prince of Darkness regularly convene for our benefit; and the infinitely infernal council held at Pandemonium, where all the devils meet in 'committee of the whole' to plot �110 CHAPTER NO. 7 treason against the God of the Universe, afford a more perfect exhibition of the malice of hell, than is displayed by these miscreants (Whig, May 2 5, 1850). The Register fought back with everything upon which it could lay its hand. It reversed its old position of not noticing Brownlow. It revived the old story that Brownlow had been whipped for stealing jewelry in Nashville, reveled in reporting that the Parson submitted to the libel charge in North Carolina brought by Humphrey Posey, and republished the story of the Whig's war with Landon C. Haynes and the Tennessee Sentinel, in which the editor's drunken brother, A. S. Brownlow, had accused him of trying to get him to assassinate Haynes. As already mentioned, A. S. Brownlow repudiated this statement as having been made when drunk. The Parson had been through these charges before and he reprinted his answers, with numerous certificates and thundering accusations. The Whig boldly pronounced McKee to have been caught as a thief years earlier in upper East Tennessee. It even relied on its old foe, Haynes, to support the charge. Brownlow also shifted his fire against the opposition, concentrating on Swan and Campbell rather than on Crozier. He also identified Campbell as the author of articles published by the Register attacking Sam Patton; and he hinted he might alter his mild treatment of Humes. [ 15] The controversy reached such a pitch late in 1849 that a town meeting was called to reduce the fury. It failed. Materially the Whig prospered, in both circulation and advertising volume. The Parson's confidence that he was on top was reflected in his resumption of his travels and editorial correspondence that he had neglected during the early stages of the Knoxville newspaper war. [ 16] Late in 1854, a few months after a devastating cholera epidemic, the Register collapsed. McKee assigned his interest to W. C. Kain, member of a prominent Knoxville family, who attempted to keep the publication going and to sell it as an operating business. This failed, and the Register was sold at public auction on January 1, 185 5. The assets brought $2,000, which the Parson graciously estimated was about their value. He rubbed a final application of salt into the five underwriters by holding that McKee had outsmarted them by pocketing a political slush fund, running up large and unpaid bills at the stores, and meeting the wages of his help in personal notes. He complimented McKee because he not only made money, but he "pocketed it and left his friends and creditors to pay for the roast." McKee, however, lost his house and moved to Nashville. [ 17] �THE CRIPPLED INVADER 111 The fallout from the struggle and the collapse of the Register was extensive. The original backers of the investment lost heavily. James W. Campbell, clerk of the State Supreme Court and of the United States District Court, had been directed to quit writing for the Register and was fired from the other clerkship by United States District Judge West Humphreys. Judge Humphreys replaced Campbell with a Colonel Cummings, but whether the judge's action was taken because of Campbell's attacks upon Patton and Brownlow was not apparent. The Register bitterly resented Campbell's discharge (Whig, May 14, 185 3). CHAPTER VII NOTES [ 1) Marginal note by John Bell Brownlow, Whig, May 19, 1849. In 184 7 Knox County voted 2,126 for the Whig nominee for governor, 573 for the Democratic nominee; in 1848 it cast 2,140 votes for General Zachary Taylor, the Whig nominee for President, and 439 for Senator Lewis Cass, the Democratic nominee. Ibid., November 22, 1848. See also ibid., October 18, May 20, 1840. 2) Marginal note by John Bell Brownlow, ibid., May 19, 1849; Arnell, p. 128; Whig, October 27, 1860. [ 3) Ibid., Brownlow to Nelson, March 19, 1849. Nelson Papers. [ 4) Temple, Notable Men, pp. 274, 335; Whig, October 27, 1860. It is unfortunate that no records are available giving Crozier's response to Brownlow's charges. He was too bold and too skillful a lawyer not to have offered a strong defense. [ 5) Rule, ed., Standard History, pp. 318, 316, 328; Whig, August 25, 1849. Sketches of four of the trust deed signers appear in Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, Crozier, pp. 404-405, Swan, pp. 493-495, Sneed, pp. 487, 488, Humes, pp. 431-432. Detail on Campbell is in the Whig, August 23, 1851, February 12, June 11, 1853. [ 6) Ibid., October 27, 1860; receipt given to James W. Nelson, in Knoxville, April 17, 1849, by H. A. M. White, cashier of the Union Bank. James W. Nelson was in the Brownlow home at Elizabethton the night the editor was fired upon. John Bell Brownlow marginal note, Whig, February 8, 1843. [ 7) Ibid., October 27, 1860; Register, May 30, 1849. [ 8) Ibid., July 25, 1849; Whig, September 8, 1849. [ 9) Ibid., August 25, June 2, November 10, 24, 1849. [10) Register, December 1, 1849. [11) Whig, March 16, 23, 1850, December 1, 1849. [12) For example, ibid., August 25, 1849; Thomas W. Humes to Nelson, November 17, 1849. Nelson Papers. �112 CHAPTER NO.7 [ 13] Whig, December 15, 1849, printed on one sheet of paper, four columns to each side; ibid., December 19, 1849, quoting Register, December 22, 1849, Whig, December 15, 29, 1849, March 6, 1858, October 27, 1860. [14] Ibid., January 12, 1850. Temple, Notable Men, pp. 274, 346. [15] Whig, July 5, August 23, July 5, August 23, June 21, July 5, August 23, 1851. [16] Ibid., December 22, 1849, March 9, 1850; for editorial correspondence see October 18, 25, November 1, 8, 15, 22, 29, December 6, 20, 27, 1851, January 10, 17, 31, February 7, 1852,March 19,26,April2,0ctober15, 29, November 5, 1853. [17] Register, September 1, 1854, November 25, 1854, February 21, 1855; Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, p. 348; Whig, January 6, 1855; Rule, ed., Standard History, p. 316. �TilE WIIIG. "Independent in all Things-Neutral in Nothing." Chapter No. 8 AHEAD OF THE TIMES Parson Brownlow could deliver smashing blows, but he also knew how to select vulnerable targets. Upon his arrival in Knoxville he assailed the Register, as lukewarm, if not actually opposed to the building of the railroad line from Dalton, Georgia, to Knoxville. The Parson had always warmly embraced the Whig Party doctrine calling for a system of internal improvements, and now he riddled his opposition as taking a stand that went against its own party. As mentioned before, McKee had been an editor of the Tribune when that newspaper had fought railroads. The Register adopted the line that its critical, or lukewarm, stand on the Dalton line was for the benefit of the public and helpful to the project because it pointed out mistakes that could be corrected. [ 1] The Parson, however, charged the Register with repudiating fundamental Whig Party policy and with opposing the public's demand for better transportation facilities. He made the Whig stand out by carrying far more railroad news than did the Register. In the course of this policy Brownlow conveyed the impression that McKee was a figurehead and was forced to publish as his own articles written by his financial backers. The nettled McKee retorted that he was solely responsible for the Register's editorial position. With considerable sarcasm and exaggeration Brownlow construed McKee's reply as a challenge to a duel which he said he could not accept because McKee had so many masters he would have to fight six men, not one. [2] These policies, added to the Whig's defiance of the powerful and the wealthy and its espousal of the interests of the farmer and the laborer, brought what Brownlow wanted, mass circulation. The first Whig published in Knoxville claimed a circulation of 2,000, a calculated and gross exaggeration designed to meet the Register's boast of 3,000. For at the close of the first volume on May 18, 1850, Brownlow admitted that the Whig had something more than 1,000 at the 113 �114 CHAPTER NO. 8 outset, and increased it to more than 2,000 only during the year. At that time he proudly wrote, "The circulation has penetrated into every state in the Union and has reached almost every class of readers, being taken by all parties, political and religious." [ 3] The Whig's first quarters in Knoxville were crowded and inadequate but his mechanical equipment was new and up-to-date. He bought two Washington presses, one at least of the cylinder type rather than the flatbed utilized at Elizabethton and Jonesboro type and other print shop equipment. Into the "one-story frame building on Gay Street, 45 by 18 feet, one square north of the business part of the city, standing 'solitary and alone' without the advantage of a lot," which Nelson had obtained for him when he rescued the equipment, Brownlow crowded his two presses, stands, cases and ten hands. The original rental was $50.00 a year, but early in 1850 it was doubled. The Parson offered his note for $100, but additional security was demanded. Brownlow rounded up fourteen cosigners. The note, dated January 25, 1850, was given to Barkley McGhee, "guardian of the minor heirs of A. R. Humes, deceased." This Humes was a brother of Rector Humes, one of the Register's underwriters who only a few months earlier had been pressing for the collection of a note signed by Brownlow. The Parson absolved McGhee of any spitefulness. He said the pressure came from "a certain unholy alliance in Knoxville and is but another link in the great chain of opposition to us." [4] The editor solved his rent problem by constructing his own building on the lot where his residence stood on East Cumberland Avenue. In less than a year he had moved his plant and office into it, thereby escaping from "a miserable old rat harbor and shelter for dead pigs," as well as excessive rent. [5] The new location also freed him from all obligations to a hateful scrub aristocracy who govern the city under the name of the "corporate authorities" of this place. We are without the limits of the corporation-we are residing in that part of the city-ancient and venerableknown as "hardscrabble" upon premises where we cannot be disturbed and where no pious pretenders, no religious fraud or priestly cunning can double the price of rent on us (Whig, December 14, 1850). The Parson got around to gouging his spurs into Rector Humes. The identification was clear, if not by name. He must have taken care of the note Humes held. �AHEAD OF THE TIMES 115 The ten hands, headed by Brownlow's experienced foreman John W. O'Brien from Jonesboro, made Brownlow's partner upon the Knoxville move, found the work of composition increasing. By early 1850 the Whig was carrying eleven columns of advertising out of the newspaper's twenty-four. A year later, with more than two pages of advertising, Brownlow estimated one issue contained more than $200 of revenue from that source. The Whigs won a smashing victory in Tennessee in August 1851. They elected William Campbell governor and won majorities in both houses of the General Assembly. Sweet as this news was the Parson weighed political victory against the advantages of advertising revenue and came up with this conclusion: "Owing to a large supply of new advertisements this week, which must be inserted, we can publish but little of election news."[6] The Parson's sole selling point for advertising was circulation. He followed a policy that would drive modern newspapers with their large sales and promotion staffs frantic; he permitted no solicitation of advertising. The advertiser had to feel the pull of the Whig's circulation, and Brownlow warned them to see that their own copy was properly prepared; his staff could not undertake this chore. Once an advertiser walked into the Whig office, however, he was warmly treated, and sometimes favored with puffs. This policy appeared to get out of hand and the Parson avowed on Christmas Day 1852 that he would run no more of them for free. This rule probably wilted as did his repeated pledges to sign no more notes, for the puffs reappeared. [7] Brownlow produced his first Knoxville Whig with six columns; before long he shifted to seven, then to eight. He introduced a much smaller body type which he announced would permit the newspaper to carry more advertising and news in the same space as previously. Despite these steps, advertisements soon began to encroach upon the editorial page space, usually on page two. The Parson also adopted a tougher subscription policy, one he described as the "Pay-Down System." He had required that out-of-state subscriptions be accompanied by the $2.00 annual charge. He now extended it to all subscribers. Even advertisers felt this rule: cash was required with the advertisements to be inserted, exceptions being made for Knoxville merchants and those placing legal notices. [8] Brownlow and his original Knoxville partner, John W. O'Brien, parted company late in 1852. O'Brien went to Loudon to publish the �116 CHAPTER NO. 8 Free Press. The Parson announced in a few days that "having disposed of my office two weeks ago to a good printer who pays me in services, I shall now give my whole attention to the editorial management," but he mentioned no names, and on the front page the usual legend of ownership and management read "William G. Brownlow, Editor and Proprietor." Just before the close of 185 3 the editor announced that "W. G. O'Brien, who has acted as foreman in our office for some time," was being sent out to collect delinquent accounts. [9] The details of management are obscure for eight months because the files of the Whig from January 28 to October 7, 1854, are missing. The resumed files show W. G. O'Brien and H. K. Lathim as publishers and proprietors, and as the Register expired significant changes were forecast. The publishers and Brownlow announced the Whig would be printed "on a new power press, with new type and an entire dress of new materials." Brownlow would remain as editor, but "a new and competent gentleman, who comes into the concern, will take charge of the local and advertising columns, and the entire business department. [ 10] The announcements that followed suggested that the changes to be made required financing and experience more extensive than was possessed by O'Brien and Lathim. Three Kinsloe brothers-W. A. and E. P. B. of Philadelphia, and J. B. G.-the last already in the printing business in Knoxville, joined forces and began publication of the Whig, the Register, the Presbyterian Witness and the Southern journal of Medical and Physical Sciences, along with which business was a bindery. J. B. G. became the Register publisher with Hardin P. Shannon as editor. E. P. B. purchased the subscription list, advertising custom and good will or the Whig, and retained "its old, fearless, independent and successful editor, Dr. Brownlow," who had "exclusive control of the editorial columns." Brownlow's contract was with William Augustus Kinsloe, who agreed to pay the Parson $2,000 for the newspaper's good will, patronage, subscription and advertising properties. Payment was to be made in installments: $500 on April 1, 1855, $500 on or before October 1, 1855, and $1,000 on or before April 1, 1856. The sale did not "include any portion of the materials now belonging to said Whig office, nor any debts due said office for advertising or job work," up to the contract date of February 5, 1855. The Kinsloes obviously continued to use the Whig plant in East �AHEAD OF THE TIMES 117 Knoxville until their new equipment was installed in a Gay Street building. [ 11] Brownlow made his headquarters in his "sanctum in East Knoxville," and advertised his old equipment for sale. He was glad to shed the burden of publishing and devote himself to the happier task of writing. He had gone through a long and arduous struggle with the Register; he had beat off an attempt to unionize his workmen, which was started in 1851 and collapsed early in 1852, and which he claimed was instigated by McKee and the Register; and he had remained in Knoxville during the cholera epidemic in 1854, helping as he could the few hundred people remaining after thousands fled. [ 12] He permitted himself this congratulation: This is an arrangement I have long desired to complete, so as to secure for the paper its publication after a style, alike creditable to its Proprietors, and becoming the growing interest of our City; and next, so as to give my entire time to its editorial management, that I may make it, as I believe I can and will do, second to no Journal in the South and West. I will remain the sole editor of the paper-the judge of what goes into its columns-the owner of its exchange list, and, as should be the case under the circumstances, I will be alone responsible for what appears in its columns of an offensive character. I am not insensible to the responsibility of this position, but I have assumed it of choice, and without any hesitancy (Whig, February 10, 1855). The Kin sloes cleaned up the front page of the Whig, which Brownlow had cluttered with rules, two mottoes and the double title of the newspaper. Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, in reduced but clean sharp 72-point, letter spaced type, was all that remained at the top of the page, even the words An Independent journal being swept aside. The new body type was Old Style Caslon 4 71, condensed so that it gave 7.2 more characters to the line than that previously used. This represented a substantial gain in wordage when applied to a 32-column newspaper. Also introduced was a column rule with a slightly wider base so that more white space appeared between the columns of body type. The Whig's appearance was more professional, and the additional space available for news and advertising was considerable. The Parson estimated that the new dress "requires about three times the amount of copy" previously needed. It also was the first time that the word "copy," now in general use in print shops, newspapers and other places preparing materials for reproduction, was used by Brownlow. [13] The arrangement for a separate, or joint, company to assume �118 CHAPTER NO. 8 responsibility for the mechanical, advertising, business and circulation operations of two competing newspapers, while each publication retained its editorial identity, was far in advance of its time. In recent years such developments have taken place in many major cities, as dailies, faced with crushing costs, resorted to such organizations to stave off financial ruin. The competing newspapers engaging in such arrangements today often represent opposite political views, and have different hours of publication, as morning and afternoon. The Whig and the Register, although distinctively flavored by the writing of the respective editors, Brownlow and John M. Fleming, were both based on Whiggery. They supported the American or Knox-Nothing Party, something of a refuge for many former Whigs as that party disintegrated. The only major difference was that the Register came out on Thursday, the Whig on Saturday. While in Nashville Brownlow sent Fleming an item for publication in the Register that he believed would be harmful to the candidacy of Democrat Andrew Johnson, who was running for a second term as governor. The Parson had weighed against the rule that one newspaper never helps another get news the importance of getting the story to injure Johnson in the first newspaper published. He was willing to sacrifice an item for the Whig in order to damage Johnson at the earliest moment. The Whig also republished from the Register an article seeking to justify the use of smaller type in advertisements, a point in which they had a common interest. [ 14 J The Kinsloes also picked up type from both newspapers to fill the columns of the American Campaigner, an American Party propaganda sheet which reached a circulation of 12,000, and in the fall of 1856 prior to the national election the Whig reported 6,000 subscribers. Late in 1854 the Parson reported it required two men hand operating the press to run off 2,500 Whigs. The partnership solved its much larger circulation by installing a steam engine that had been manufactured in Knoxville. [15] Brownlow found another outlet for his energies in the Sons of Temperance, a secret organization founded in 1842 and chartered in Tennessee in 1848. The Parson was a confirmed foe of alcoholic beverages, and the order also offered him opportunities to travel and to speak. The Sons sported fancy and colorful regalia; white, red and blue collars to distinguish the divisions; with "rosettes of blue, white and red ribbons." The Whig gave extensive coverage to the organization's activities. [ 16] �119 AHEAD OF THE TIMES Opposition to the order sometimes arose in church circles. Brownlow debated the question with a Baptist preacher from Dandridge who "avowed that he made liquor, that he drank it, and that he loved it," at the Sulphur Spring Campground in Jefferson County. Brownlow routed the Baptist, according to the Whig's account. The Sons were present in force and in regalia, and after six hours of debate the members of the order, led by a band, "marched around the encampment." The audience was so large the Parson described it as "a sea of heads, spread out before us." [ 17] Regardless of who made the greatest impression as a debater [and Brownlow was most adept at this kind of encounter] , the editor-preacher had dramatized his appearance and built his name and that of his newspaper more firmly into the minds of hundreds. CHAPTER VIII NOTES [ 1] Whig, May 19, June 2, 1849; Register, May 30, July 25, 1849. Green was not a success in this project. Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, p. 106. [ 2] Wbig, June 2, 16, July 7, 1849. For examples of railroad coverage see ibid., May 19, June 2, 16 and thereafter; ibid., July 28, 1849. [ 3] Ibid., May 19, 1849, May 18, 1850. [ 4] Ibid., October 27, 1860, February 2, 1850; Rothrock, ed., French BroadHolston, p. 471; Whig, February 2,1850. [ 5] Ibid., November 30, December 14, 1850. [ 6] Ibid., February 2, May 19, February 5, March 9, 1850; February 15, August 23, 1851; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 230; Whig, August 23, 1851. [ 7] Ibid., May 19, 1849, December 25, 1852, February 26, April2, 1853. [ 8] Ibid., May 19, November 24, 1849, October 1, 1853, January 1, 1854. [ 9] Ibid., September 11, October 2, 1852, June 2, December 24, 1853. [ 10 I One issue for the period of the missing files appears in a microfilm miscellany, ibid., September 30, 1854. McClung Collection. O'Brien and Lathim appear as partners after the lapse of files, ibid., September 7, December 30, 1854. [11] Ibid., March 14, 1855; Register, February 21, 1855; Whig, February 10, 1855; Ben Harris McClary, Ed., "The Sale of Brownlow's Knoxville Whig; An 'Article of Agreement between William Augustus Kinsloe and William G. Brownlow,'" ETHS PUBL. No. 35, pp. 96-99; hereafter cited as McClary. [12] Whig, April 7, March 18, 1855, July 26, August 9, 16, September 6, 1851, January 10, 1852, October 11, November 4, September 30 (this issue is in newspaper miscellany, not on microfilm. McClung Collection) 1854. �120 CHAPTER NO. 8 [13] For examples of old and new front pages see ibid., March 24, May 5, 1855, for the Parson's estimate of copy required, May 5, 1855. [14] Register, June 21, 1855; Whig, April 21, 1855, April12, 1856. [15] Ibid., April 12, 1856, October 4, 1856, December 23, 30, 1854, June 9, 1855. [16] Ibid., September 14, October 12, November 23, 30, 1850, January 11, 1851, and thereafter for years, September 27, 1851. [17] Ibid., June 14, 21, 1851. �"Put None on Guard but Americans." Chapter No. 9 THE BUSY PEN The voice was William G. Brownlow's first instrument for reaching and influencing people. He directed it principally at Methodist and camp meeting congregations. But soon he saw that the printed word was both more lasting and carried further in the controversies into which he naturally gravitated. Today no written record of his sermons remains. But the printed accounts of his struggles on political and religious issues, written by his hand, were contained in nine books, eight of which may be found, several pamphlets, a publication in his quarrel with the Rev. Frederick Ross, first quarterly and then monthly, and the files of the Whig, for which he wrote for more than twenty-eight years. He was, however, proud of his powerful voice and he used it unsparingly[l] until it failed him just when he had relied upon it to serve him in a forum of national importance on one of the great issues of the day. He abjectly wrote to his opponent in the debate to be held in Philadelphia, in September 1858, on "Ought American Slavery to be Perpetuated?" that his voice had failed him, and he asked for a postponement. The Rev. Abram Pryne, prepared to take the negative side, declined, and the Parson was forced to hear his arguments spoken by a reader. [2] Brownlow's pen never failed him. It scratched on for years. The young preacher dashed off his first pamphlet, entitled "Address to the Hiwasseans, on the Subject of Sabbath Schools," in 1830, and two years later two more. He opposed the South Carolina nullification movement in the first, and defended himself for the libel conviction which Humphrey Posey obtained against him in the second. [ 3] His first book, Helps to the Study of Presbyterianism, already mentioned, took some licks at the Baptists, and in 1842 he gave this denomination the benefit of a full scale work of 229 pages. Brownlow started it as a series of articles in the Whig, incorporating them into a book. [4] 121 �122 CHAPTER NO. 9 The Parson's first full length book on national affairs was a campaign document designed to help the candidacy of Henry Clay for President. He published it at Jonesboro.[5] A banner year was 1856, in terms of quantity production. The Parson turned out two volumes. One arose from another controversy between Methodists and Baptists, and the second was a mixture of political and religious issues. The arrangement with the Kinsloes freed him from business management of the Whig and gave him greater opportunity to write. The Parson produced The Great Iron Wheel Examined: or its False Spokes Extracted, and an Exhibition of Elder Graves, its Builder, in a Series of Chapters. [6] The Rev. J. R. Graves, pastor of a large Baptist church in Nashville and editor of the Tennessee Baptist, published in that city, had written The Great Iron Wheel; or Republicanism Backwards and Christianity Reversed [Nashville, 1856]. The book was a collection of letters that first appeared in the Tennessee Baptist. Graves addressed them to Methodist Bishop Joshua Soule, who lived in the Nashville area. The Baptist clergyman portrayed the Methodist church organization as monarchial, with its leaders resembling the outer edge of a great iron wheel, while turning inside it were thousands of small wheels representing lesser pastors and members. The Methodists themselves used the illustration to describe favorably their church organization. Graves called attention to the lack of freedom which the inner wheels enjoyed, in contrast to the Baptist principle of self-government by the individual churches. Graves also described Methodism as "the popery of Protestantism," and told the church: "According to your own frank admissions, your Mother is the Episcopal Church, and this church is called by Christ a harlot and an abomination, and your Grandmother is the Church of Rome-the great whore and mother of harlots .... " [7] Bishop Soule, who had preached since he was seventeen and had now reached his seventy-fourth year, ignored the letters, but other Methodists felt an answer was necessary. Among them was the Parson. In later years he revealed that he wrote the reply to Graves at the solicitation of agents for the Methodist Publishing House in Nashville. [8] It was such a splendid opportunity to engage in a church controversy on a broad scale that the Parson probably relished it. Some sentiment may have entered into his decision, for it was at a Holston Conference at Abingdon, Virginia, in 1826, presided over by Bishop Soule, that Brownlow received his first appointment to a Methodist Circuit. �THE BUSY PEN 123 Harsh as Graves had been in his diatribe against the Methodist Church, he had not resorted to insulting personalities. The Parson maintained no such delicacy. He ridiculed and castigated in characteristic fashion. At one point he accused Graves of telling twenty-five falsehoods in twelve pages. The book was a commercial success for in 1862, when a new edition was published, it was reported that 100,000 copies of the first had been sold. Brownlow disclaimed having made any profit out of the book, although it had paid the agents, Stevenson & Evans, reasonably. He was mortified when a South Carolinian inquired by letter if he and Graves had conspired to create the controversy in order to stimulate the sale of the book. The Parson denied having entered into such a dastardly deal, and also vindicated Graves from any such "infamy."[9] Close upon the heels of this book, Brownlow brought out Americanism Contrasted with Foreignism, Romanism and Bogus Democracy, in the Light of Reason, History and Scripture; in which Certain Demagogues, in Tennessee and elsewhere, Are Shown Up in their True Colors [Nashville, 1856], hereafter referred to as Americanism Contrasted. In announcing that it was ready for sale, the author correctly described it as "Our Book for the Campaign." The major portion of its 200 pages consisted of a polemic against the Roman Catholic Church and the Democratic Party and accused them of a political alliance. Brownlow expanded the work with a number of editorials from the Whig and a bitter speech he made against Andrew Johnson in Nashville after the latter's reelection as governor in 1855. The Parson, having cast his lot with the American Party, supported Millard Fillmore in his forlorn 1856 race against Democrat James Buchanan and Republican John C. Fremont. Buchanan won, and the Democrats carried Tennessee by a majority of almost 7 ,500. {10] Graves had been preparing another blast against the Methodists even as he wrote the first book. It was The Little Iron Wheel, a Declaration of Christian Rights and Articles, Showing the Despotism of Episcopal Methodism [Nashville 1856], by H. D. Bascomb, D.D. Bascomb, formerly a Methodist bishop, had written a critical piece on the tight control at the top of the Methodist organization and sympathized with fellow preachers who had called for more republicanism. Graves picked up Bascomb's work and applied it to his own "Notes of Application and Illustration." He also found room to include the well-frayed story of Brownlow's submission on a charge of �124 CHAPTER NO. 9 libel in the Humphrey-Posey case, and of A. S. Brownlow's repudiated affidavit that the Parson had tried to get him to murder Landon Haynes. Graves did not mention the repudiation. [ 11] Brownlow got out a final book in the controversy, The "Little Iron Wheel" Enlarged; or Elder Graves, its Builder, Daguerreotyped, by way of an Appendix. To which are Added Some Personal Explanations [Nashville, 1857]. Much of the book was given over to villification of Graves, but the Parson also included his defense in the Posey and A. S. Brownlow affairs, and tacked on a "sermon" on slavery he had delivered at the opening of the Southern Commercial Convention at Knoxville the same year as the book was published. Thus padded, the book contained 137 pages, but as in Graves' second work they were sized much smaller than the first two works by the combatting authors. [12] Brownlow must not have viewed this work with much satisfaction, for he neglected to mention it in the files that are available, much less to promote it, in the Whig. All traces of a book on temperance and a defense of the Sons of Temperance which Brownlow wrote in 1850 seem to have disappeared. It consisted of 112 pages in twenty-six chapters, but the author did not print its title and copies of it are not available. [ 13] Two more books lay in the Parson's future. One he would co-author with his opponent, the Rev. Abram Pryne. It would be an account of the debate on salvery in Philadelphia. The other would be his most famous, his story of the events leading up to the Civil War, his closing of the Whig, his imprisonment, release and triumphant and profitable tour of the North. But they belong to the later era when the crisis intensified and exploded into conflict. The prevailing historical view of the Parson presents him as a whirling dervish of hatred, dedicated to the evil art of denouncing, and constantly on the search for new and more lurid controversies. His books and a first look at his newspaper support this impression. His friend 0. P. Temple wrote of the Jonesboro Whig under the Parson's direction: "There was not in the United States such another volcano as this paper became, constantly muttering, seething and boiling. Woe to the man on whom this storm bursts." [ 14] But the Parson had a talent, somewhat lost to history, that of a roving reporter. He displayed it first in depth as he attended the inauguration of William Henry Harrison in 1841, and later went on to the great cities of the East. As he roved the Southeast and East in the years that followed, he satirized and caricatured his fellow man. �THE BUSY PEN 125 His moods ranged from the amused to the somber, his eye falling at one moment on foodstuff, then on whiskey, and from it to church edifices and their congregations. The Parson compressed great variety into his dispatches. He wrote from Chattanooga in the spring of 1851 of bustling business, new manufacturing plants, the price of bacon, corn and flour, and wound up with two criticisms. The Parson thought that townspeople were getting too much whiskey to drink, judging from the barrels at the landing, and while the Methodists had "a large and commodious house of worship," the Presbyterians, "who have means and influence, worship God in an old rat harbor and dirt pen of which they individually ought to be ashamed. They live in fine houses-they sell goods in comfortable houses, but they worship God in the verriest [sic.] hog pen in the place."[lS] The Parson hoped that his criticism would stir the Presbyterians to do something about their church structure. He also was distressed on his first visit to Augusta, Georgia, to find there Tennessee bacon "badly cured and badly smoked" and Tennessee butter so carelessly packed it was soiled with dirt. [16] He sent home information for farmers and shippers, and in Savannah he spoke on the development of trade relations between Knoxville and the coastal city. When he spoke he competed with a singer and the British author, William Makepeace Thackeray, then lecturing in the United States. [ 17] The sessions of the Tennessee General Assembly attracted Brownlow to Nashville, but the hews he sent home extended beyond legislative and political affairs. A speech he made on temperance "took tolerably well," but he was bored with a Methodist preacher who spoke at McKendree Church and complained of being unwell, which was fortunate for the congregation, judging from the length of his sermon. Had he been well, he might have been preaching until now! In this truth-filled universe, where all the important principles in nature and in morals are at the fingers end of any hearer, there is no reasonable excuse for a preacher to obtrude a long discourse upon a congregation-especially a city congregation, accustomed to hear two and three sermons each Sabbath. Preachers ought to have pity upon their hearers, and not persecute them until they are forced to stay at home! (Whig, November 22, 1851). The Parson gave considerably more space-and surprising respect-to a discourse by a Roman Catholic priest delivered the same afternoon. He toured the Cumberland River wharf to report on cargoes and prices. The weather was cold, the mercury hovering a few degrees �126 CHAPTER NO. 9 above zero, [ 18] but tempers were steaming as F. K. Zollicoffer and John L. Marling, editors of the Banner and Union, each with two or more friends, were on the Square, loaded down to the guards, with implements-not of husbandry, but of uncivil warfare, when the city authorities arrested both parties, and bound them over to the peace, in bonds of $5,000 each. The cause was crimination and recrimination, in their editorials. The parties are understood to be game (Whig, January 31, 1852). Among the doctors, also, denunciations were being offered in the newspapers and in handbills, and challenges were being written. No one was killed but hostility was strong. The Parson assured his readers, "I take no part in these contests but look quietly on (Ibid.). On the train to Memphis in the spring of 1857 he exchanged frothy chaff with Isham G. Harris, who was running for governor on the Democratic ticket. In Somerville, where he visited a relative, he denounced the Agricultural Bank of Brownsville as a wildcat operation, then turned full circle on the human race and praised "jim Findlay, the polite and accomplished Barber, a gentleman of color, alike opposed to Sagnichtism and Black Republicanism ... in waiting on me at my room."[19] The Parson rated himself as a trencherman of the highest order, and in 1851 when Dr. Jeptha Fowlkes, his friend and fellow editor, entertained him in Memphis, he marvelled at the menu offered by the U.S. Hotel: only think of soup, roast beef, boiled mutton with sauce, good sallad [sic.), ham, and vegetables, green peas, buffalo-tongue, rice blance mange [sic.], jelly, and custards, nice puddings, nuts of every kind, strawberries and cream, and ice water to cool off on! Had it not been that these are cholera times, I should have gone it stronger than I did (Whig, May 31, 1851). Brownlow was in Memphis to deliver an address on the evils of intemperance-in alcoholic beverages. A few days later at Holly Springs, Mississippi, he encountered a breakfast so revolting he moaned: But what had we? A plate of rancid butter, beautifully mixed with dirt, to make it palatable-some crude and indigestible fat meat-some eggs so old as to be all of a color inside, the White having turned yellow-some coffee, supposed to have been made of rye or chestnuts-some bread with streaks of dirt running diagonally through pones, the latter resembling in form and scent, the dirty negro wench at the head of the table, dishing out the coffee! With the most penitent humility, �THE BUSY PEN 127 I closed my eyes upon all terrestial objects, and forced a little of this matter into my unoffending stomach (Whig, June 7, 1851). Sometimes the Parson gorged himself. At Huntsville, Alabama, in 1857, he "partook of the finest dinner I have sat down to in twelve months. I have not fully recovered from the effect of the founder yet."[20] Six years earlier, while staying at a Nashville boarding house, he remained indoors one Sunday because he was "absolutely unwell, from eating too much." The Parson and five boarders, all sleeping in one room with three beds, stretched themselves out and bellowed this praise of the landlord's fare: Oh, carve me another slice, Oh! help me to more gravy still, There's nought so sure as something nice To conquer care, or grief to kill. "I always loved a bit of beef, When youth and bliss, and hope were mine, And now it gives my heart relief, In sorrow's darksome hour to dine" (Whig, December 13, 1851). Pretty women, as well as food, caught the Parson's fancy. When Miss Julia Dean appeared at the Adelphi Theater in Romeo and juliet and The Duke's Wages, he proclaimed her "one among the prettiest women in America," and as she crossed a muddy street in Nashville, "The grace with which she raised her petticoat, and the manner in which its ample folds did undulate, would have charmed John Randolph, a woman hater." [21] Brownlow found New Orleans so large that he could see but little of it in a week. This he learned when he went there early in 1858 to open a lecture series sponsored by the Mercantile Library Association, a fund-raising operation. He described its churches, hotels, markets, theaters, cemeteries, harbor and rail facilities, but strangely for a city renowned as a gastronomic center, he did not mention his experiences at table (Whig, January 30, 1858). The darling of the Parson's eye among Southern cities was Memphis, and in her attractions, especially her feminine ones, he revelled, as he stopped on the first leg of a tour in the spring of 1858. Even some of the Memphis disadvantages attracted his attention: The streets of Memphis are in a worse condition than any streets I ever �128 CHAPTER NO. 9 beheld. The mud is deeper, softer, filthier, meaner, and more universally diffused over the city, than any mud, in any civilized town on this continent.... They have no paved streets here, and no materials with which to pave streets ... . The Irish, known as "the chain gang," are profitably employed in opening out crossing places for each square, on the principal streets. These fill up during the day and night, and are to reopen every morning. It has changed my opinions in part, as to the necessity of a foreign population here. They are useful here, and seem to be answering the end of their creation. They commit offenses-are cast into the City Prison-and then made to work out their fines and costs at 50 cents per day; [sic.] in shoveling up mud in the streets. Now, if they could be kept in this kind of employment, and not allowed to control the elections of the country, I am not opposed to an increase of our foreign population! Yesterday was a beautiful day over head, and despite the mud, the ladies were out, in crowds, with fascinating symmetry of form, rustling silks, ruddy cheeks, flowing tresses, and expanded hoops!-Hoops are not adapted to mud, or the mud is not adapted to hoops. They sweep over too wide a space and drag too much mud after them. I stood still on the side walks and gazed in profound astonishment at the pit-a-pat glide of the damsels in slippers, as bewitching as the skip of a fawn, holding up hoops and all in front, to the knees, exhibiting well turned andes [sic.], while all in the rear was dragging heavily in the mud! Slippers, like crepe shawls, should yield to the season, and the ladies, to a man, especially in Memphis, should wear boots .... The rough tramp of boots, on the pavement, concealing legs and andes [sic.], would atone for the bounding swell in crinoline! (Whig, March 20, 1858). The Parson left this entrancing subject, probably with great reluctance, to report on markets and finances. He mentioned that flour ground in Knoxville was being used in Memphis and giving great satisfaction (Ibid.). But he soon turned to the luxurious appointments of the recently opened Gayoso House, where he was staying. His dispatch dripped with praise of it. He described it as "the finest hotel South of the Potomac." He reported that the building, halls and rooms were exceptional in size and its furniture is magnificent, and its carpeting rich and costly, The bedsteads are all of mahogany and rosewood; the matrasses [sic.] are of superior quality, with springs, and the bed clothes and linen corresponding. The chairs are of mahogany, with spring bottoms. The washstands and bureaus are adorned with Italian marble tops! while damask curtains, guilded [sic.] cornices, and silken tassels adorn the windows .... The house is lighted up with gas, from gas works in the back yard, belonging exclusively to the house. In each room is a beautiful �THE BUSY PEN 129 chandelier, with from three to six burners, according to the size of the room; and each hall, or large passage, is lighted up by a half dozen of these chandeliers. The dining room is richly ornamented and furnished, and is much the largest I have ever seen-it is even fifteen feet longer than that of the St. Nicholas in New York. No less than eight large chandeliers, lighted with gas, throw a flood of golden light upon the six tables of vast length, loaded with shining silver plate[s], dazzling cut glass, superb white dishes ... (Ibid.). While the Parson was staying at the Gayoso a festival and ball were held to celebrate the opening. Apparently this event fell on Thursday night, prayer meeting night perhaps, for the editor attended a religious service. When he returned to the hotel at 10:00 p.m. he found the flower and chivalry of five states-Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas and Kentucky-dancing with gay and glittering abandon, a thousand strong. The scene captivated Brownlow's eyes and pen, and he wrote this ecstatic review: I entered the ball room, and occupied the music stand for two hours, where I could scrutinize all that was passing, learn something of human nature, and gaze upon the fair daughters of the South, robed in costly attire, with forms and faces, making even a married man forget that he had a family, and so fascinating him as to make him "wish I were a boy again."-They were all ladies of the first class, whose splendid dresses, ease and grace of manners, made them "the observed of all observers." The style of dress is new, indicating a pure and cultivated taste, greatly admired, and producing a bewitching effect upon gentlemen! Full and flowing robes are the go now-dazzling colors, such as pink, pure white, velvet jets, blue and dove-colored satins, striped and plaid silks, with numerous heavy flowers, each supporting a figured lace flounce, with Scotch plaid velvet, or ribbon bows in the back and front; and up the sides of some, velvet and ribbon lozenges rose in pyramids, while the sleeves were ornamented with puffs, frills and fringes! costly and beautiful necklaces, bracelets, earrings, breast pins; and wreathes upon the brow, and other descriptions of ornaments, turned all eyes to the ladies.! Now I wish to say that I believe in hoops, and for two hours, from the most favorable standpoint, in this unequaled ball room, I tested their beauty and advantages, with the aid of eight brilliant chandeliers. Observe, ladies. I say hoops, using the plural number. Shame on your clumsy, single hoop, made of a hickory pole, or an oak split, which many of our ladies in our small towns use, wearing them about opposite the knee, showing its entire and rough shape through a flimsy skirt, dragging the dress down by its weight to the shape of a cone, while the twelve or fourteen inches of the dress below the hoop, tucks �130 CHAPTER NO.9 under, and flaps in and out, as the weight of mud, or the force of the wind may require! The hoops used on this great occasion are the hoops for me. They are made of rattan, whalebone, and brass, extending from the waist to the feet, only two or three inches apart, gradually increasing in size, as they fall downward, with that graceful swell that gives to the dress the airy contour of the handsomely inflated balloon, preserving the lovely mien touching circumference that never fails to captivate a gentleman of modesty and good taste, such as I claim to be! These hoops make a skirt look uniformly graceful, as I can bear witness, and when the outer dress is raised a few inches by the lady, as she glides around in the dance, the flounces, needlework, and lace on the petticoat show to great advantage .... I am no advocate of dancing, and never tried the exercise in my life, but I could not resist the temptation to look on at this scene, for largely upwards of one hour. My "vulgar curiosity" was satisfied, however, in seeing fifty fellows with long beards, goatees, and huge whiskers, playing the waltz or polka, with as many charming ladies. "He quadrilles-she polkas," was the exclamation! One feature of the waltzing got me. It was to see a young fellow dressed and perfumed within an inch of his life, squeezing a lady tight around the waist, with one arm, and with the other, as they mingled with, and cross[ed] each other in pairs, in the dance, gently lifting her dress, and she occasionally raising it higher, all, however, to keep it off the floor, and the lady leaning up to him like a sick kitten to a hot brick-bat! In those squeezing quadrilles, I noticed the hoops were rather in the way! (Ibid.). The Parson retired at midnight, but he was told the dancing continued until daylight. The conduct of the crowd drew from him this compliment: "Though one thousand ladies and gentlemen were present, none were drunk, none were rude-all was order, and gentlemanly propriety. It was, out and out, a display of brilliant enjoyment, the like of which is seen only in a lifetime!" The gawky, ill-garmented young preacher, so grotesque that he had once been made sport of on the streets of Knoxville, had come a long way. Before Brownlow left Memphis he attended the funeral of the Rev. William C. Ross, the presiding elder of the Memphis District. Mingled with the Parson's somber observations on the death of his fellow preacher was more of his philosophy that life is to be enjoyed: "He was one of my sort of men. He put on no long face-he exhibited no sour godliness-he was cheerful, possessing a fine flow of spirits, and yet dignified and religious." [22] The editor's coverage of the Memphis ball must have set tongues �THE BUSY PEN 131 wagging up every hollow in East Tennessee. It probably generated some whoops from the compositors in the Whig shop as they set his copy. He had found much to condemn and little to commend in the East Tennessee social scene, where the planter aristocracy existed only on a small scale. Six years before he wrote the Memphis letters, he had loosed indignation against men who spat tobacco juice and women who dipped snuff during church services. He had taken off on the men first, then turned to the other sex with: Dipping! Ladies dipping! Oh! ecstatic bliss, to have the pleasure of sitting for hours with a snuff bottle in one's lap, enervating the system, destroying the constitution by a practice alike profitless and disgusting. We conceive the practice of using the snuff box and brush, in Church by ladies as rediculous [sic.) as that of chewing tobacco by gentlemen (Whig, june 19, 1852). The Parson gave a spicy, racy touch to a report on the opening of the General Conference of the Methodist Church, South, at Nashville in May 1858. He covered the religious and historical aspect of the gathering, paid a high tribute to the presiding bishop, Joshua Soule, found him in excellent health for one who had been ministering since 1799, reviewed the legislative and spiritual affairs of the conference (Whig, May 15, 1858), and then produced an account which must have raised eyebrows and brought gasps across the South. He heard the Rev. P. P. Neely of the Alabama Conference preach a sermon at famous McKendree Church that for "beauty, rhetoric and eloquence was fully equal to my highest expectations." The chmch was filled to capacity and Brownlow admitted he had gone out of "sheer curiosity" because Neely, in 1819, had brought scandal on his head by being found by police on Water Street, in the yard of one of the houses of ill fame, at a late hour of the night, in conversation with the inmates of the dwelling. He had gone among them, as he said, in company with a Local Preacher, in disguise, with a view to see something of human nature in that line of business. He was then tried in Church and acquitted and was not believed to have had any criminal intentions. I do not believe he intended anything wicked, but it certainly was the most imprudent act I ever know a Minister guilty of, who had a decent wife, as he had. It has crippled him from that day to this, and he will never survive it.... The most remarkable feature of the case was the crowd of ladies in attendance, both young and old. I was there the previous night, and heard an eloquent sermon by a Georgian, but there were not half as many ladies present. The curiosity of women is far greater than that of men. The ladies were of the first �B2 CHAPTER NO. 9 respectability, and perfectly familiar with the outlines of the case; they were attracted to the spot by a desire to see and hear the man who had been arrested on the notorious Water Street under the circumstances detailed (Whig, May 15, 1858). This form of curiosity, the Parson observed, was not unusual, for in Washington women frequently asked to have pointed out a Mormon in the House of Representatives who had twelve wives, "supposing him to present some extra appearance over and above the man who seems to be content with living with one woman!" Should Brigham Young have an appointment in Nashville, Brownlow predicted, the public square could not "contain the ladies who would attend, and ladies of respectability at that." Brownlow, having scolded the women for their strong curiosity in unusual domestic affairs, then showered them with compliments on their physical charms: I have never seen so many beautiful, elegant and lovely women together on any occasion. I have gazed upon them as they have gracefully glided by me on the pavements-as they have ascended and descended the several flights in the steps in the capitol-as they have been seated in the galleries and at church, and still the wonder grew that so much silk and so many hoops could encircle the angelic forms of so many lovely and beautiful women! All I regret is that skirtdom is still expanding, and the fashions in vogue are still increasing the distance be· tween man and woman! At one moment I feel like exclaiming, "Oh, that I were a boy again!" The next moment I feel indignant at hoops and feel willing to join a regiment of good men in a vigorous assault upon the ratine, whalebone, cords, brass and steel -that have put asunder what God hath said ought to be joined together! Only think of the display on our streets, in the State capitol, at church, and in the parlor, of the grand, graceful and undulating skirts, looming up all around one, fascinating, charming, and swinging to and fro, like so many things of life! Talk about the grandeur of a first class steamer or a train of cars propelled by steam! Give me a train of hooped skirts, under the folds of which are so many living, breathing locomotives, standing five feet ten inches in slip· pers, fired up by the blood of warm hearts, and puffing and blowing with love, kind words and winning smiles, and I will show you a sight that would run a young man crazy, raise a dead bachelor to life, and make an old widow commit suicide! I cannot trust myself upon this glorious theme; I must desist or go crazy (Whig, May 15, 1858). The Parson had picked up much about writing since he had woodenly soliloquized a quarter of a century earlier in Helps to the Study �THE BUSY PEN 133 of Presbyterianism that he yearned for a wife, and had "some good desires"-he also had caught on to some biological facts. The Whig's readers were accustomed to find the editor bitter and raging in one column, and compassionate and gentle in the next, but when the 1854 cholera epidemic was subsiding he underwent an experience-and told about it in print-that revealed a complexity uncommon to most members of the human race. Brownlow stayed and published "slips" that reported deaths for the few hundreds remaining in Knoxville. The Whig reported sixty-six deaths but possibly a hundred died, among them Colonel John McClellan, a brother of General George B. McClellan, who at that time was supervising work on the Tennessee River at the foot of Gay Street. [ 2 5] One undertaker filled orders for seventy-two coffins in six weeks. Some died in scenes of squalor and filth. [2 3] So great was the need for medical care that James H. Sawyers, who was studying medicine, turned doctor overnight and plunged into practice. He married the Parson's daughter, Susan Brownlow, three years later.[24] Early in September a committee of six doctors announced there was "no further cause for alarm" (Whig, September 30, 1854). Brownlow surely was spent, emotionally and physically, but a new experience faced him. It was an accusation that he had printed a false account of the habits of a barkeeper who died of the cholera. The Parson expected his enemies to call him a liar, but this challenge to his reputation for truth and veracity invoked no denunciation of his accuser. His defense, however, opened the windows of his nature and revealed three sides of this complex man. He wrote his defense in a letter to Miss Sallie Vanmeter, sister of the barkeeper and a resident of Lynchburg, Virginia. Miss Vanmeter had objected to certain statements in the Whig's obituary of her brother (Whig, November 4, 1854). The Parson's letter to her, which he published in a prominent position in his newspaper, began I have been shown a portion of a letter you addressed to Mr. Helms, our post master, in reference to the death of your lamented brother, and especially the brief notice I took of his death through the columns of the "Whig," of which I am the editor. I would address you a private letter, but you request me to correct, through the same medium, the erroneous impression I have left on the public mind, as to his habits and morals, and to request the Lynchburg Virginian to copy my correction, as that journal had copied my statement. You speak of letters you have received from the Rev. Mr. Humes, Rev. Mr. Park, of Rogersville, and others satisfying you that I was misinformed as to your brother's �134 CHAPTER NO. 9 habits, or words to this effects, as I quote from memory. The only remark I ever made about your brother was in the Whig-Extra for Sept. 4th, and the same with the other Extras was transferred to our regular issues of the 16th of September. Here they are: "Mr. Van Meeter, the bar keeper at the Mansion House, was taken on Saturday morning, and died in 10 hours. He was a constant drinker of ardent spirits. We saw and conversed with him the day before, and he was alarmed to a fearful extent, in anticipation of having the disease." Now, in my hurried reports of the ravages of Cholera in this city, when I was publishing the only slips that appeared, I endeavored to account for the deaths of those who had been called off, by briefly, but frankly setting forth their habits of life. I was not actuated by any hostility towards any one person, of the sixty whose deaths I reported.-And I may say, without subjecting myself to the charge of egotism, that but few men in the place, during the prevalence of this dreadful scourge, labored more faithfully to relieve the sick, and especially the needy, in every possible way, than I did. In my peregrinations through this City, during the three weeks the epidemic prevailed, I often met with Mr. Humes, and I testify freely to his faithfulness as a Pastor, as I do to the diligence of the other Pastors of Churches, Presbyterians, Methodist and Baptist. Mr. Humes was especially kind to your brother, in his efforts to pour the consolations of the Gospel into his ears. Mr. Helms, who now has the control of his temporal matters, was one of his intimate friends. Mr. Helms and myself are on opposite sides in politics here, but I know him well, and pronounce him an honest man and a gentleman. He will conduct the affairs of your brother's estate to your entire satisfaction. It is due to him that I state to you, as I now do, that he has no knowledge of my writing this letter, until it meets his eye in print, on the morning of its date. So far as your brother was concerned I always entertained kind feelings toward him. He was personally respectful, and especially accommodating to me, in matters of stage travelling, and whatever business I might have about the Hotel. I will further add, for your consolation, that he was attentive to his business-he was honest-he was esteemed by all who knew him-he had no enemies here; he gave every necessary evidence of having been well raised-and his untimely death was regretted by our citizens. He was cared for in his sickness, and handsomely buried in our Cemetery, in the family burying ground of Mr. Helms. Here I might close my remarks, and for your sake, and for the sake of your aged and afflicted parents, I would gladly do so, but justice to myself, to you, and to all concerned, requires me to be a little more explicit. If you please and I say it with the most tender emotions, justice to myself, requires that I should now give the dark side of this picutre. �THE BUSY PEN 135 I state, as you will observe, that your brother "WAS A CONSTANT DRINKER OF ARDENT SPIRITS." This I am sorry to inform you is strictly true, and I cannot admit it to be an error of mine, much less can I attempt its correction, if by correction is ment (sic.] taking it back. I never intended to convey the idea that your brother was a drunkard, or that he was at any time so influenced by liquor, as to be incapable of business. I intended to say, and I hope my numerous readers so understand me, that the deceased was constantly in the habit of drinking ardent spirits, as many of the most highminded, honorable and liberal gentlemen of the country are. Your brother drank prudently, and in moderation, but constantly, and it was growing [illegible but possibly "on him"] at the time of his death. There was an Orderly Grocery kept in the basement story of the Hotel, and on the same floor on which your brother kept the stage office, with all that variety of liquors usually kept in such establishments. Previous to his going into the Hotel he was a Clerk in a Wholesale Liquor House, owned by a Mr. Campbell (Ibid.). The editor had now made a case for his veracity, but since he also was a Methodist preacher, he had some pointed observations to make to the anguished Miss Vanmeter on the fate of her brother's soul. The harsh and flinty theologian penned these relentless convictions: Whether or not, your brother attained to a saving knowledge of Gospel truth before his death, about which it is natural you should express such great anxiety, I am unable to inform you. He was a profane swearer, and but seldom, if ever, attended Church. I have heard one man say that he thinks he once saw him at the Episcopal Church. Others who knew him well, say that they never saw him at Church. I never did. I am thus frank with you, because I think it is wrong to create false and unfounded hopes of the future happiness of the dead, merely to relieve the anxieties of their living relatives. Mr. Park, of Rogersville, resides 7 5 miles from here, and if he was here during the prevalence of the Cholera, I have met with no one who saw him. Mr. Humes was here, and acted the part of a faithful Pastor and was kind in his attention to your brother. I called in to your brother's room, just after Mr. Humes had left him and had prayed with and for him, at his request, made previous to that visit. I found him so far gone, as not to be capable of conversation on any subject. Indeed he was dying. I have but little confidence in a death bed repentance. In other words, I am not one of those who looks upon the hardy tree of Repentance as the sickly growth of a few hours. During the last 25 years, I have read the Bible through 25 times, besides Commentaries, and other The,ological works; and if I have any just conceptions of the nature of Gospel repentance, it is a godly sorrow wrought in the heart of a sinful person, by the word and Spirit of God, whereby, from a �136 CHAPTER NO. 9 sense of his sins, as being offensive to God, murderous to Christ, and defiling to his own soul; and from an apprehension of the mercy of God in Christ, be, with hatred of all known sins-the whole catalogue of the inward and outward iniquities of his past life-turns from them to God, as his only Saviour and Lord! However, God for the display of his power and mercy, might instantaneously convict and convert Paul; yet this is not his way of working in the nineteenth century .... I will venture to say that in ninety-nine cases out of every hundred, justification, or a preparation to meet death, follows a course of reflection, study, repentance and prayer (Ibid.). Yet as the Parson wrote this chilling message, something was thawing in his soul. Perhaps it came home to him forcefully that a minister also has a responsibility to bring to the bereaved all the consolation within his power. Abruptly his manner changed and he wrote these gentle, touching lines: But while I have given you my views of a death bed repentance:-and while I affirm that it is a very poor dependance, I pretend not to say that your brother did not mournfully and happily find redemption in the blood of the Lamb. I trust such was the case-that he had followed the gilded pleasures of this poor world, long enough to learn the genuine character of their insignificance and that in his dying moments he found an enchanted bower in the paradise of God. Assure your aged parents from me that I have intended them and their surviving children no injury whatever-and that no gentleman who has addressed them or you a letter on this painful subject would be at more trouble to do them an act of kindness than I would. Say to your parents especially that tho' I am a stranger to them personally, I hope they may live to enjoy many of the comforts of life, and that ultimately, in the grave!-aye, in the grave, themselves and their daughter, whose frank and well written letter I am now replying to, may find a calm and welcome retreat in the cares and vicisitudes (sic.] of this life! Very Respectfully &t W. G. BROWNLOW, Editor of the Knoxville Whig. [25] �THE BUSY PEN 137 CHAPTER IX NOTES [ 1) Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 18, 406; Whig, December 3, 1845, July 28, 1860; Portrait and Biography of Parson Brown, The Tennessee Patriot, Together with His Last Editorial in the Knoxville Whig; also His Recent Speeches, Rehearsing his Experiences with Secession, and His Prison Life, [Indianapolis, 1862, also published with slight variation in title, Cincinnati, 1862), p. 16; hereafter referred to as Portrait and Biography. [ 2) Ought American Slavery to be Perpetuated? A Debate between Rev. W. G. Brownlow and Rev. A. Pryne, held at Philadelphia, September 1858 [Philadelphia, 1858), pp. 15-16; hereafter referred to as Ought American Slavery to be Perpetuated? [ 3) Helps, p. 257; Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 21; Whig, July 5, August 23, 1851. [ 4) The series ran in the Whig from June 1 to July 20, 1842; for examples of chapters and prospectus, ibid., February 9, 16, July 6, 20, August 17, 1842. The book was sold for fifty cents bound, twenty-five cents in pamphlet. [ 5) Brownlow began printing the Political Register early in 1844. It contained 350 pages and was sold for $1.00. Whig, March 15, November 11, 1843. [ 6) This book was produced in the middle of March, 1856, on the heels of Graves' work. It contained 331 pages, although the Parson promoted it as having almost 400. Whig, May 24, 1856. [ 7) Graves, The Great Iron Wheel, pp. 169, 33. [ 8) Price, Holston Methodism, III, pp. 219-220; Whig, November 24, 1860. [ 9) The Great Iron Wheel Examined, p. 243;Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 459; Whig, May 24, 1856, November 24, 1860. [10) The book was sold for seventy-five cents. Ibid., July 19, 1856;Americanism Contrasted, p. 6; Whig, October 27, 1855, February 2, 1856; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 237-238; Whig, November 15, 1856. [11) The book contained 321 pages. Graves, The Little Iron Wheel, p. 83 and introduction. [ 12) The Methodist Publishing House produced these two works, but its name does not appear as publisher. Each carries only "Nashville, Tenn.: published for the author." [13) Whig, December 28, 1850, January 4, February 8, 1851. It sold for twenty-five cents. [14) Temple, Notable Men, p. 274. [15) Whig, March 26, 1845, November 11, 1846. [16) Ibid., June 7, 1851, April2, 1853. [17) Ibid., March 26, April16, 1853. [18) Ibid., November 22,1851, January 10, 31, 1852. [19) Ibid., May 23, 1857. Sag nicht, translated from the German, means "say nothing." It was a nickname for the Democratic Party. John Bell Brownlow marginal note, December 1, 1855. The American Party also was known as the Know-Nothing Party. �138 CHAPTER NO. 9 [20] Whig, December 19, 1857. Brownlow used the verb founder, usually meaning overeating by livestock, as a noun. [21] Ibid., December 13, 1851; F. Garvin Davenport, Cultural Life in Nashville on the Eve of the Civil War (Chaper Hill, 1941), p. 121. [22} Ibid., March 20, 1858. Cost of the Gayoso building was put at $300,000, the furnishing at $85,000. Ibid., january 16, 1858. [23} Ibid., October 28, 1854; Rule, ed., Standard History, pp. 526-528; Register, September 1, 1854. A slip was a sheet of reduced size. For example, a Whig slip published December 15, 1849, consisted of two pages of four columns each, compared with the standard four pages of seven columns each. None of the slips issued during the epidemic are available. See Whig, November 4, 1854. Twenty-four burials of cholera victims, three of them blacks, are listed in a record book of Gray Cemetery for 1851-1867. Special Collections, University of Tennessee. [24] Whig, September 5, 1854. This issue is in miscellaneous newspaper files, not on microfilm, McClung Collection, ibid., June 5, 1858; Rule, ed., Standard History, pp. 526-528. The marriage was solemnized on October 20, 1857, and was carried in the Register, October 22, 1857. The item could not be found in the Whig. [25] Whig, November 4, 1854. The barkeeper's name is spelled both Van Meeter and Vanmeter. "Grocery" was a colloquialism for a saloon or liquor shop. Brownlow mentions sixty deaths in the letter, but earlier he had put the deaths at sixty-six. Ibid., September 30, 1854. This Whig is on microfilm in a newspaper miscellany. McClung Collection. �Chapter No. 10 "Put None on Guard but Americans." SUPREMACY AND SORROW The Kinsloes were good at the printing craft. They gave the Whig and the Register attractive new dress and their entries emerged handsomely from the competition held at the State Fair in Nashville in 1855. The Whig proudly reported: "This office took the premium of a Ten Dollar Silver Cup for the finest specimens of Fancy job Printing. And the Book Bindery connected with this office would have taken the premium of two large Books, had not the judged desired, and properly too, to distribute their gifts and encourage other offices likewise." But W. A. Kinsloe was unable to leave Philadelphia and move to Knoxville, as he had planned. A half interest in the business was offered for sale. The announcement offer listed the investment at $21,000 and suggested that any prospective purchaser should have $5,000. The Kinsloes were printing the Whig, Register and Presbyterian Witness. The Soutbern journal of Medical and Physical Sciences had disappeared. Included in the investment were power and hand presses, good will, subscription lists, bank accounts, real estate and a steam engine. The Kinsloe notice put the annual revenues from job work and binding at $6,000, from advertising at $7,000, and listed the subscribers to the three publications at 6,500. [ 1] It did not itemize the circulation of the three. Kinsloe & Brother in Knoxville consisted of E. P. B. and J. B. G. Kinsloe. E. P. B. was the Wbig publisher, J. B. G. occupied the same post at the Register. [2] Charles A. Rice bought the half interest offered for sale and the operating partners became Kinsloe & Rice. The partnership name appeared as publisher in both newspapers. [ 3] It was not made clear if one or both of the Kinsloes were in the end of the partnership bearing their name. After the spring of 1856 when E. P. B. accompanied the Parson on a trip to Washington and Philadelphia, he disappeared (Whig, February 23, 1956). Kinsloe & 139 �140 CHAPTER NO. 10 Rice offered the Register for sale (Whig, June 25, 1857) and through some unexplained arrangement Rice became Register publisher. He fired the dilatory and convivial Fleming as editor. [4] In the meantime J. B. G. Kinsloe had become foreman in the Register shop (Register, April 15, 1858). The Kinsloe & Rice partnership appeared again. It offered the Whig plant for sale (Whig, February 14, 1857). Early in 1859 Rice sold the Register to a group headed by Postmaster J. F. J. Lewis. They made the Register Democratic. Later James W. Newman became editor and C. W. Charlton, Methodist minister and agriculturist, appeared as owner. [5] Brownlow's prediction that if it came to a lethal struggle between the two Whig newspapers in Knoxville his would survive had been substantiated. He was the sole voice of the party in Knoxville and the most significant and powerful in East Tennessee. He also moved back into complete ownership and operation. The exact date when Rice sold him back the Whig is obscured by the lack of the newspaper's files for the last six months of 1858. A light caning attempted against Kinsloe and Rice by W. G. Swan may have contributed to the departure of the two from the publishing field. Swan had been offended by a sharp piece the Parson had written about him. [ 6] Kinsloe and Rice may have decided that publishing a newspaper edited by Brownlow involved occupational hazards from which they desired to escape. T.he Parson celebrated his return to publishing by bringing out the Tri-Weekly Whig, the first issue appearing on January 4, 1859. "The Weekly Whig is a self sustaining institution, and derives its support from all the States South of the Potomac," he wrote in the salutary of this number. "The Tri-Weekly is an experiment, and must rely for its patronage mostly upon this city and those cities interested in the trade and commerce of East Tennessee." He started the new enterprise, he wrote, not because he expected it to pay but to benefit businessmen and to meet the needs of the growing city. The TriWeekly Whig appeared Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday. He published the final issue of the week concurrently with the older newspaper. Brownlow printed the Tri-Weekly on pages of a smaller size, five columns to the page and in larger body type, much of it in 10-point. The annual subscription rate was $5 .00, with reductions for clubs of three, five, seven and ten copies. Content of the Whig and the TriWeekly was to be identical. The weekly Whig was to be "made up of the reading matter of the three Tri-weeklies, intended for more dis- �SUPREMACY AND SORROW 141 tant subscribers." Because the weekly paper was being printed in smaller type and of a narrower column width, the work of typesetting had been doubled. Brownlow appeared in high spirits as he resumed full control. He thrust aside all job work, he exulted in the volume of letters he was getting, the largest of any post office user, and he described the increase of subscribers as the largest he had known in twenty-one years of publishing. On February 1, 1859, he cut off five hundred subscribers who were in arrears and listed $365.06 as the receipts in one week from subscriptions, press work and advertising. He tartly warned his foes that the Whig's circulation outside Tennessee was sufficient to sustain it without an advertisement or subscriber in the state. And he sent a less than subtle message to merchants with an advisory that he and his hands employed in the plant were spending $10.00 to $20.00 for every dollar received from Knoxville. [7] He was making the solid point with merchants that as a result of his widespread and extensive circulation and the advertising given him from distant customers he was bringing money into Knoxville which was being spent there. The Parson hired the experienced J. B. G. Kinsloe as his foreman. Apparently Kinsloe had recovered from the indignity of Swan's light caning. He moved his plant into quarters at the rear of 0. P. Temple's law office at the southeast corner of Gay Street and Hill Avenue, but continued to do his work at the office he had built adjacent to his home on East Cumberland Avenue. In the spring of 1859 he revealed that because of illness he had not been in the printing office "until this week, since the first of December."[8] Brownlow took a revolutionary step, concurrently with the publication of the Tri-Weekly, by contracting for telegraphic dispatches three times a week. They brought the latest news from New York, Liverpool, Washington, New Orleans, Philadelphia, Baltimore and other points. A week's dispatches filled more than a column in the weekly newspaper. [9] The editor gave the impression that his spirits were high, but he admitted as the summer of 1859 was dosing: The shattered condition of our health-the enfeebled state of our systemworn down by inordinate attention to business-long residence in townexcessive mental anxiety-we find ourselves to be an exhausted and sighing invalid, attended by an insupportable sense of weariness and lassitude; and as such we go to the mountains of Virignia to seek a panacea in the delightful and �142 CHAPTER NO. 10 refreshing baths and other uses of their curative waters. In a word, we are afflicted with a nameless but wide-spread tribe of infirmities, embraced in the general term debility .... While we desire to live for the benefit of our family, we have no wish to gratify a numerous class of human being, by giving up to die! (Whig, August 27, 1859). If the Parson's health was shattered his pen fingers were agile and his sense of humor and powers of observation were working well, for from the watering places he fired back a volume of scintillating dispatches. It was on this occasion he wrote Temple that he could edit his newspaper almost as well as if he were horne. [ 10] Brownlow had undertaken some strenuous travels later in 1857 and during the first part of 1858, in addition to his editorial duties. He spoke in Huntsville, Marion, Auburn and Mobile, Alabama; West Point, Mississippi; New Orleans, Louisiana; and at LaGrange, Georgia. At Montgomery he addressed the two houses of the Alabama legislature, and in Memphis he plugged hard for the sale of stock in the proposed Southern Pacific Railroad, even on the heels of the financial panic of 1857.[11] At horne he engaged in a nettlesome fight over the election of a Circuit Court judge, and saw his candidate defeated by one backed by the expiring Register. Fleming prodded Brownlow, who was also in the midst of one of his frequent wars on dogs, with this item: "The complete returns of the judicial election reached Knoxville on Saturday. We understand that on Saturday night the editor of the Whig shot four dogs. We fear our neighbor was in a bad humor."[12] Litigation piled up. Brownlow was indicted for slander in two counties, was sued for damages involving the same controversy, and brought the first lawsuit in his life in an attempt to collect something for the depositors of a failed Knoxville bank. Politics threaded through all of these court actions. They were involved, long and acrid. The first encounter arose over the close cooperation between Brownlow and Fleming in supporting the American Party. Martin Patterson, editor of the Eagle, a Democratic paper at Kingston, accused Fleming of being Brownlow's tool. The Knoxville editors reacted, each in his own way. Brownlow branded Patterson as a horse thief and a perjurer; Fleming found Patterson in Knoxville and kicked him into the side of a cow that was serenely passing in front of the Coleman Hotel on Gay Street. Patterson must have felt that what Brownlow printed against him was more painful than the boot Flern- �SUPREMACY AND SORROW 143 ing gave him, for he confined his court actions to the Parson. Patterson and Brownlow were in and out of the courts of Knox and Roane counties for three years. After two mistrials in Knox the criminal charge against the Parson was dismissed upon motion of the assistant attorney general. In Roane County a jury acquitted him. Mistrials were declared twice in the Knox County civil suit, and apparently there the controversy ended [ 13] so far as Patterson was concerned. The second instance of litigation arose over the suspension of the Bank of East Tennessee at Knoxville late in 1856 on the eve of the financial panic. Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey and Major Thomas C. Lyon, directors of the bank, were appointed trustees to handle the affairs of the crippled institution. Swashbuckling William Montgomery Churchwell, president of the bank, conveyed to the trustees not only the assets of the bank but also his personal real estate. "The bank is broke and the loss is no inconsiderable one," the Whig soon announced. It also reported that the institution's assets were bringing from fifteen to twenty cents on the dollar. Brownlow received so many inquiries about the bank that he undertook to accept the issues from holders, at their own risk, attempt to recover thirty cents on the dollar, and failing this, to return the bank notes. The Parson grew suspicious that Churchwell had used the bank for his own profit. The failure of the trustees to impart information on what was happening heightened his fears. So he, along with George W. Ross of Athens filed a Chancery Court suit that charged Churchwell with reckless management. The action sought judgment for the holders of the issues and demanded an accounting. The Parson and his co-plaintiff brought this suit against the trustees, Ramsey and Lyon. Holders of the issues poured their paper into Brownlow, and early in 1859 he held $50,000 of them, all entered in the lawsuit. [ 14] Brownlow's first role as the instigator of litigation opened up a mad scramble of realignments and intensified old animosities. During the Jonesboro era, the Parson's opinion of Dr. Ramsey had been very low. When commenting on Ramsey's forthcoming history of the state Brownlow had described him as "very vain and equally credulous." But after three years in Knoxville, Brownlow conceded he had been misled. And when Ramsey's famous Annals of Tennessee to the End of the Eighteenth Century appeared he described it as "a work of great merit and marked ability" and added that a "copy of it ought to be owned by every family in the State." The Whig also listed places where the book could be bought. Now, in 1860, Ramsey �144 CHAPTER NO. 10 again became Brownlow's constant target, in the courts and in the Whig's columns. His accusations against Churchwell, charging him with having plundered the bank, was another reversal. In 1851 and 185 3 he had supported Churchwell in successful races for Congress, even though he was a Democrat. Brownlow had backed him because of his bitterness against the Whig Party in the district. He claimed a Whig faction had stacked a convention at Clinton in 1851 so that it nominated Horace Maynard instead of the editor's friend, 0. P. Temple. An animosity that grew hotter, if such were possible, was that between Brownlow and John H. Crozier, who had fought him in the Patterson lawsuits. Crozier now appeared against him as counsel for the bank trustees. The Parson scorned Crozier as a "renegade" because he had switched to the Democratic Party in the Presidential campaign of 1856.[15] The Crozier quarrel had deep roots that dated back to the former congressman's having duped Brownlow when the Parson moved to Knoxville. Crozier had a talent for infuriating the Parson. During an argument in one of the Patterson libel trials he sank a shaft rather deep in Brownlow. He charged the Parson with having given editorial support to the ruined Bank of East Tennessee. Crozier had facts, if not complete truth on his side, and he was aware that some of the jurors before whom he laid his argument had suffered in the bank's suspension. Brownlow had praised Churchwell's management of the bank in 185 3, and wrote that great demand existed for its issues. Whether Crozier, in his speech to the jury, alluded to this approval in the Whig or to one appearing in the newspaper in December 1856, which expressed confidence in Trustees Ramsey and Lyon, is not clear. In the latter instance the Whig called for "forbearance and charity" on the part of the public. Brownlow chose to accept the meaning as applying to the second incident. This puff had appeared in the Whig while the Parson was absent from the city. It came as the result of pressure by bank officials upon the man that Brownlow had left in charge. The Parson quickly corrected it, and assumed a position hostile to the trustees. Brownlow probably flinched at having to admit his newspaper had been hoodwinked into giving help to the floundering bank, but it was the only recourse by which he could disown authorship of the editorial (Tri-Weekly Whig, February 8, 1859). The controversy dragged on for years. The Parson's accusations in �SUPREMACY AND SORROW 145 his newspaper were far more racy than the bill of particulars drawn by his lawyers. The Parson accused Churchwell of having pocketed $102,000 of the bank's funds and then setting up an office on Wall Street. Obviously, he did not know that Churchwell had established his mistress, Miriam F. Follin, an actress whose stage name was Minnie Montez, in a house he had purchased at 37 Seventh Street, New York.[16] Brownlow was not the man to keep silent about such a development, had he known of it. He won a decisive victory when Chancellor Seth J. W. Lucky of Knox County held that the complainants, with claims amounting to $100,000. were entitled to recover from the bank and the trustees; that the trustees had no right to prefer creditors in distributing assets from the $125,000 of real estate which Churchwell had deeded to them; that the complainants were bona fide holders of the bank notes and entitled to recovery in full, regardless of the price under which they had last been sold; and that the clerk and master was to sell the remaining assets of the bank. Churchwell's deed of real estate to the trustees had specified that certain creditors were to be preferred in liquidating these assets, and the trustees had sought to carry out this provision. Brownlow had vigorously contested on this point, and it was gratifying to him that the chancellor had held that this preference was invalid. This compensated him somewhat for the court's finding that the trustees had been guilty of neither fraud nor negligence. The defendants appealed (Whig, January 28, 1860). The State Supreme Court affirmed the opinion of the chancellor, with modifications. The ruling left the way open for the Knox County clerk and master to conduct an accounting and to sell the assets of the bank. The high court, in a brief aside, suggested that Churchwell's management of the bank was something more than irregular, for: The record discloses a vast number of facts; some of which are startling in their character; but most of them refer to the management of the bank prior to the assignments; and therefore have but little to do with the determination of the questions under review in this court. But since the courts move slowly and because men's minds were aflame with the issues soon to explode in the Civil War, delay followed delay as investors stayed out of the real estate market. The result was that the winding up of the bank's affairs stagnated during the war. [17] �146 CHAPTER NO. 10 The filing and prosecution of the lawsuit was a sound and legitimate newspaper exploit. It put the Whig in the role of successful advocate for the many victims of the collapse. Brownlow reported after the Supreme Court opinion that he represented claims of 600 persons holding $50,000 of the bank's issues. He had shown that the Whig and its editor could fight successfully against powerful interests in the financial as well as in the religious and political fields. The Parson credited the bank group with having hired seven attorneys, and T. A. R. Nelson charged that Churchwell had hired "almost every prominent lawyer there [Knoxville] of both political parties (Whig, February 4, 1860). The Parson had a personal stake of $4,000 in the litigation, represented by issues he had taken for debts, and with these he tried to purchase some of the real estate held by the trustees. His offers, made both directly and indirectly, were rejected. If in suing he was motivated in part by pique, he made no effort to conceal it for after having won the suit he wrote: As they [the trustees] would neither redeem these issues with money or sell property for them to us, while they were selling to others, we thought we would bring them to terms, and we accordingly instituted this suit .... The Trustees supposed, we imagine, that no one would dare sue them, and no lawyer would dare take fees against them. If such was their supposition, their minds have been disabused in this particular! (Whig, October 20, 1860). Brownlow had another cause to be jubilant. His newspaper was approaching the peak of its pre-Civil War influence and prosperity. In the mid-summer of 1860 he bought $600 of a new and smaller type, enabling him to give readers a third more editorial matter, while condensing advertisements, which had been filling twenty of the thirty-two columns in the Whig. He announced a weekly circulation of 9,000 that grew at the rate of 350 a week. He was printing more copies than the combined circulation of the other nine political newspapers in East Tennessee. Six weeks later he placed the Whig's circulation at 11,000. Brownlow's annual income from the Whig may have reached $10,000 at this period. [18] The same year that saw the Parson's triumphs also produced a family tragedy that must have drained him emotionally. His son, John Bell Brownlow, a senior at Emory and Henry College, killed a fellow student, James W. Reese, a Georgian. The killing occurred after Reese, a much larger youth, had knocked the Knoxvillian to the �SUPREMACY AND SORROW 147 muddy ground. Brownlow seized a chestnut stick from a woodpile and struck Reese on the head as other students were attempting to restrain Reese. The assailant, who was helped from the scene, died a few hours later. Young Brownlow went home immediately, then returned to Virginia and surrendered to authorities at Abingdon. At the time of the encounter on February 22, 1860, the Parson was in Nashville attending a convention of the Constitutional Union Party, [ 19] but on arriving home he published a brief account of the affair. He wound it up with the observation: As he is not, and never was, a quarrelsome young man, and in morals will compare favorably with the better class of young men at Colleges, I respectfully suggest to newspaper Editors and their correspondents, the great injustice of visiting upon him, the political or personal sins of the father, over whom he has never exercised any control! (Whig, March 3, 1860). The Parson's foes seized upon the killing with ferocious glee and distortions. An example was the Morristown Intelligencer whose account provoked the Whig into retorting: This is a religious paper, and is edited by three Methodist Preachers, two of whom are presiding elders, and the other is a professor in a Female College. In the latest issue of the paper there is an editorial upon the "increase of crime" in the country, in which the late affray at Emory & Henry College is given of the evidence of this increase-the parties are named, and the case is declared to be a case of murder. The writer is a free man, and has a right to take any side in a controversy he may choose, while many will doubt the propriety of an article just in advance of the trial which fixes the character of the "crime" and consequently the punishment (Ibid.). Father Brownlow spared no expense to see that John Bell was well represented by counsel and that coverage was complete and objective when trial was held in Washington County Circuit Court at Abingdon. Young Brownlow had seven Virginia lawyers and one from Tennessee, John S. Brien of Nashville. Five of the lawyers argued the case over a period of nine hours, after three days of testimony in which forty-eight witnesses were heard. The substance of the testimony, taken down by "an able and experienced criminal lawyer," occupied thirteen columns of the Whig of April 21, 1860. A jury that was out only a few minutes acquitted John Bell. The jurors obviously decided that the defendant had acted justifiably in self defense (Whig, April 21, 1860). �148 CHAPTER NO. 10 The aftermath was curious. The Whig printed two accounts of the trial taken from democratic newspapers, both extremely favorable to Brownlow and son. They had been printed in the Atlanta Confederacy and the Knoxville Register. George W. Bradfield, a Democrat with whom Brownlow was on friendly, even cordial terms, edited the latter paper. The Register's report of young Brownlow's acquittal found that the news sent a thrill of joy through our whole community. The course pursued by himself and father, from the beginning to the end of this sad affair, has met with universal approval of our citizens irrespective of parties. They had our sympathy in their day of trial and grief, our warmest admiration in respecting the laws and meeting the responsibility, and we fully share their joy at his triumphant acquittal. ... The testimony showed that the deceased was greatly the overmatch of Brownlow in strength, that he had first assailed Brownlow in words, and had afterwards stricken [sic.] the first blow in the affray that led to his death, had crushed Brownlow to the earth, and when pulled away, made a second assault upon him; and that Brownlow seized a stick from a woodpile, and with it inflicted a blow on the head of his assailant not regarded as serious by the medical gentlemen called in, but which resulted in his death after 17 hours. The whole testimony allowed of but one inference as to Brownlow's intent when he struck the blow, and that was to punish and repel the battery upon himself, yet impending and already severe-and not to take the life of the assailant. It is ironical that out of the Brownlow family which fought furiously in political campaigns for years, the only one who struck a lethal blow over the outcome of an election was young John Belland this in the instance of the election of officers of a collegiate literary society. [20] CHAPTER X NOTES [ [ [ [ [ 1) 2] 3] 4] 5] Whig October 20; McClary, p. 97. Whig, March 24, 1855; Register, February 21, 1855. Whig, January 12, 1856; Register, January 10,1856. Ibid., June 10, 17, 1858. Tri-Weekly Whig, January 13, 25, July 23, 1859. For Charlton background see Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, pp. 394-396. �SUPREMACY AND SORROW 149 [ 6) The gap in the files of the weekly Whig extends from July 31, 1858, to August 6, 1859. It is partially filled by numbers of the Tri-Weekly Whig, January 4, 1859, until resumption of the weekly files. Whig, March 28, April4, 1857; Register, March 26, 1857. [ 7] Tri-Weekly Whig, January 4, 6, 8, February 10, 1859. The price of the TriWeekly Whig was cut to $3.00 annually. Whig, August 13, 1859. TriWeekly Whig, January 6, 15, 25, February 10, March 31, 1859. [ 8) Ibid., April 7, 1859; Whig, February 18, 1860; Williams Knoxville Directory, City Guide, and Business Mirror for 1859-1860 [Knoxville, 1859), p. 79; Tri-Weekly Whig, April 7, 1859. [ 9) Ibid., January 4, 1859. The dispatches for the three issues of the TriWeekly Whig were consolidated in the Weekly. [10) Whig, September 3, 10, 17, 24, October 8, 15, 1859. [11) Ibid., December 19, 1857, January 9, 16, 30, February 13, January 9, 1858. [12) Ibid., August 8, 22, 29; Register, August 27, 1857. [13) Whig, April 26, May 3, 17, 1856; Register, April 24, 1856; Whig, November 14, 1857, February 20, 27, March 6, June 26, July 3, 10, 1858; Tri-Weekly Whig, March 12, 1859. [14) The history of the bank's suspension and the litigation that followed is spread over the pages of the Parson's newspapers in great detail, Whig, December 20, January 3, February 25, 1857, February 13, April17, 1858, January 7, 28, February 4, October 13, 1860. The suit by Brownlow and Ross was filed August 1858, a period for which files of the Whig cannot be found. February 8, 1859. A complete history of the law suit, with the exception of the court findings, and including the petitions of the litigants, and Brownlow's observations and summary in the Tri-Weekly Whig, February 8, 10, 12, 15, March 1, 1859. [15) Whig, June 6, 1844, August 18, December 4, 1852, April 2, August 13, 1853, January 7, 28, 1860, August 2, 1856. [16) Whig, January 28, 1860, December 10, 1859; Ruth Osborne Turner, "The Public Career of William Montgomery Churchwell," thesis, University of Tennessee, 1954, pp. 52-59; Madeline B. Stern, Purple Passage, the Life of Mrs. Frank Leslie [Norman, Oklahoma, 1953), pp. 1, 23-24, 212n. [17) The clerk and master advertised the bank property twice, without getting results. Whig, November 17, 1860, April13, 1861. [18) Ibid., July 14, August 25, 1860. [19) Ibid., March 3, 31, 1860. [20) Ibid., May 5, 1860. Testimony of L. S. King, ibid., April21, 1860. �Chapter No. 11 "Put None on Guard but Americans." PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY Parson Brownlow had established himself as a man devoted to freedom of speech and action before he came to Knoxville. But in 1852, with the Whig firmly rooted, he issued a manifesto that surpassed all those of the past. It signalled greater independence, politically and economically, than ever. In opening his fourth volume in Knoxville, and his forteenth in all, he recalled: For the last three years we have lived in Knoxville, and have had to endure the degraded impotence of despised poverty-we have agonized in excessive toil and heart-rending grief, amidst an organized and villainous opposition few men have ever had to encounter in this end of the State-contending with men who have sought to immure our person within the mouldy walls of loathsome county dungeons;-men, who, by letter-writing, and electioneering in person, sought to deprive us of patronage, at home and abroad, and thus force us to grope at noon-day, along the sterile path of starvation;-men who bought claims upon us, and forced their collection, and sought by every possible means to destroy our credit in business;-and in addition to all this, armed themselves with clubs, and deadly weapons, to maim, bruise and destroy our body, and were only prevented from the accomplishment of these hellish purposes, by an innate cowardice, alike ridiculous and disgraceful! ... With those who sought to break us down, but failed in the attempt, we desire no compromise: we have placed our mark upon them; and until their groaning ghosts fill all hell with wailings, and heaven rings jubilee in our behalf, and loud hosannahs on our tongue fill the eternal regions, we intend to hold these men in remembrance! ... In politics we shall be WHIG, supporting men only, in whom we have confidence. Party strings hang very loosly [sic.] upon our shoulders (Whig, June 19, 1852). In truth the Parson laid his pen to party snarls like Alexander the Great whittled the Gordian knot. He served notice that he would not support General Winfield Scott, the Mexican War commander, if the 150 �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY 151 Whig Party nominated him. He did not believe in elevating military heroes to public offices, he distrusted the Northern leaders supporting Scott, and he feared the general's election "would widen and deepen the gulf between the North and South-which Heaven knows is almost impassible now" (Whig, March 20, 1852). A smoldering bitterness against James G. (Lean Jimmy) Jones, the former governor, had been fanned into extreme heat by Jones' defeat of T. A. R. Nelson for the United States Senate seat a few months earlier. The coveted post was almost within Nelson's grasp in the early balloting, but four members of the East Tennessee delegation forsook him. Their defection brought a stinging reproach from twelve East Tennessee Whigs. Brownlow was hurt to see his friend Nelson lose, but he was infuriated because Jones defeated him. The former governor had become the editor's enemy over a question of Brownlow's veracity. The Parson had bottled his resentment. Now, eight years later, he pulled the cork from the bottle of his bitterness and let it spew forth in a furious issue of the Whig. The issue had arisen when Jones denied having told a story to the effect that Andrew Jackson had insisted upon the expulsion of a widow from the Hermitage Presbyterian Church. The Parson had repeated it, Jackson heard of it, demanded that Jones confirm or deny the story, and Jones said he hadn't told it. Because Whig leaders feared an open row between Brownlow and Jones would hurt party interests, the Parson let the issue rest. Now, Brownlow said, he had "writhed in spirit long enough under the insulting taunts of Jones, and his friends, saying "that our long silence had been owing to having no defense to make, and to consciousness of having lied," so, "duty to ourself and to our innocent and helpless children requires us to satisfy the world that we are a man of truth and that Jones is a liar-and we have done it." The Whig issue, which the Parson blazoned on page one as "A paper worth preserving," recounted the entire story, along with a number of statements supporting Brownlow's account of Jones telling the tale on Jackson. This newspaper also carried a long article on the manipulations by Jones and the venality of some Whigs in the election for senator. Brownlow anticipated he would be charged with party disloyalty, but he was "a Whig from principle, and not from interest." And "like a true man, as we are and ever have been, we will continue the work of unmasking rascals, irrespective of their party association, or of their position in society, and all too regardless of consequences" (Whig, March 6, 1852). �152 CHAPTER NO. 11 Scott was nominated (Whig, June 26, 1852) and Jones campaigned across the state for the Whig Presidential nominee. The Parson's raging animosity reached a point very close to violence when the senator filled a speaking appointment at Knoxville on September 11, 1852. Brownlow expected Jones to single him out and repeat his accusations of the editor's falsity. He had prepared himself by selecting "eight friends [four Whigs and four Democrats], who were well armed and would have seen us [receive] fair play 'at all hazards and to the last extremity,' " and having on hand facts, documents and living witnesses, on the ground, to have paid him back with compound interest; and in retaliating, we intended taking up the public and private calendar of his numerous exploits, and making just such a showing, as he would depricate [sic.] having brought out, to the end of his sinful career. We say this in no spirit of boasting, but because the facts were known to more than one hundred men of that ground (Whig, September 18, 1852). The possibility for bloodshed was high, had the issue of veracity been raised. The Parson estimated that from one hundred to two hundred men present were armed. Jones contented himself with a generalization that he had been subjected to slander and abuse. Because he did not identify Brownlow as one of those responsible, the editor did not challenge him and sought no rejoinder. But in the Whig he related the affair in detail, giving the names of a number of prominent men he said would have supported his position (Ibid.). The Whig editor was not isolated in his refusal to support Scott. A National Union Convention, held at Philadelphia on August 1, nominated Daniel Webster for President. The enfeebled statesman, however, died on October 24. Brownlow, who was the Second District elector for the ticket, pleaded for votes for the Webster electors. The response, however, must have been insignificant, for he printed only scant election returns. But he reasserted his Whiggery, he gloried in the overwhelming defeat of Scott by Franklin Pierce, the Democrat nominee, and he posted on the editorial page immediately the name of Fillmore as his choice for President in 1856.[1] The death of Webster sent the Parson into mourning for the second time in the summer of 1852. When Henry Clay died on June 28 the Whig sighed: "When the mortal remains of Henry Clay were consigned to the tomb, the territories of the dead, on the continent of America, were never honored with richer spoils." As Clay died the signals were flying that the party he had helped found was split to �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY 153 the point where disintegration was certain. Clay had sensed it, and Brownlow forecast a North-South split. Scott had carried Tennessee, but it was by less than 2,000 votes. It was the last time the Whigs won Tennessee in a Presidential election. [2) Brownlow's course brought hot fire from Scott Whigs. Among them was his old enemy of the 1841 First District congressional race, Thomas D. Arnold, who won the seat over the Whig's bitter opposition. When Arnold spoke before the Scott Club in Knoxville, Brownlow was granted a rejoinder and opened with: "I appear before you to-night, in reply to the long and bitter tirade of abuse, blackguardism, and falsehoods, just uttered by the low-flung, low-bred demagogue and calumniator who has just taken his seat." The tone having been set Brownlow went ahead with his speech, and liked it so well that he printed it in the Whig in two-column measure and published it in a pamphlet. Indications cropped out months later that Brownlow had agreed with Scott Club leaders to leave national issues alone and confine himself to Arnold. This he did. [3] In a second speech, this time at the Knox County Courthouse on October 28, 1852, he defended himself against an accusation that he had been bribed by the Democrats to play the independent role. His accusers said he had used the money to pay for a piano and to lift the mortgage on his Cumberland Avenue residence. Brownlow reported that a friend had bought the piano for him in Philadelphia; $100 had been paid down and a balance of $200 remained. The piano was for a Brownlow daughter who was taking music lessons, probably Susan, who was fourteen. The residence had been owned by the Methodist Church, which gave it the name of the "Parsonage." The house had been put up for sale in Chancery Court, and a friend of Brownlow's had bid it in for him. The family occupied it on May 2, 1849. The Parson had been making the payments, borrowing money for the purpose. [4] In 1851 Knox County was in the Third Congressional District, but was shifted into the Second District by the next legislature. Brownlow took little part in the 1851 race except to hold the Register clique responsible for the failure of the party to deliver for Anderson the usual Whig majority. The Parson had a sound, if not partisan reason for supporting Churchwell, who won. The Democrat had proved himself an internal improvement advocate by backing vigorously a bill that provided a $50,000 federal appropriation for navigation work on the Tennessee River. Brownlow was one of five com- �154 CHAPTER NO. 11 missioners appointed by the Fillmore administration to supervise this work under the general direction of Colonel John McClellan. Churchwell and Horace Maynard carried out the 185 3 contest on a level that produced a fist fight between the candidates in Overton County. The Whig upbraided Maynard for having taken a drink and danced a few steps at a party frolic, and a rash of articles charged Maynard with having written, several years earlier, a number of pieces under the pen name of Zadok Jones. These pieces reflected disdain for the ordinary run of the human race. Years later Temple recalled that Churchwell made "use of money and other means not to be commended." [5] Tom Arnold also ran for the state senate that year. He gave the Whig and its editor "a terrible share of his wrath" in his opener at Newport on June 11 (Whig, June 25, 1852). Brownlow waited for Arnold to campaign in the lower part of the district, then dogged him through Blount and Sevier counties. He spit out such challenges as this one at Sevierville: Gentlemen-this man Arnold, as usual, has his spurs on, and has made his arrangements to deliver a lying and abusive harrangue [sic.] of three or four hours and cut out, neither allowing me or his competitors time to say anything. I have attended his appointments, in Blount and Sevier, upon his invitation. He has stated in my absence that I am afraid to meet him in day light [sic.], and when I am not surrounded by a Locofoco mob. I have met [him] at Louisville and Maryville, and when he had a huge knife in his bosom, a pistol in his pocket, and a spear cane in his hand as he now has, and I denounced him, as I do now, as a LIAR, a SCOUNDREL, and a COWARD, having no honor, no principle, and no resentment, unless it be in a contest with his wife, a clever, but broken-hearted woman, who has been whipped and abused by him on more occasions than one, as I shall prove today, if he will allow me a showing, and if this can't be had, I shall retire to the grove in front of this Church and do it at once (Whig, july 2 3, 1852). In his opener Arnold had denounced the Sevier County "Regulators," a vigilante organization that had flogged a number of miscreants, hanged nine and driven twenty-one outside the county. But in the lower counties Arnold found much popular sentiment for the vigilantes and he denied having denounced them, a point upon which Brownlow seized. The Parson had resented bitterly a vigilante movement at Jonesboro in 1845 which threatened to burn his plant and tar and feather the editor, but in the Sevier County movement he found great merit. [6] �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY 155 The Brownlow piano was purchased in Philadelphia in 1852 for a daughter taking music lessons. Brownlow was accused of taking the instrument as a bribe from the Democrats. In the picture is Mrs. George T. Fritts, great-granddaughter of the Parson. Uournal Staff Photograph by Hugh Lunsford.] Brownlow's furious activity in the Second District congressional race and in Arnold's campaign somewhat overshadowed the gubernatorial contest between Gustavus A. Henry, Whig, and Andrew Johnson in the Whig's columns. The results were mixed. Johnson won by more than 2,000 votes; the Whigs retained a majority in the House of Representatives. They elected five of the ten congressmen. Democrat Churchwell made the last successful race for his party in the Second Congressional District, and Dr. Benjamin Bell, Democrat, defeated Arnold. [7] Brownlow had spun his political wheels in opposite directions and emerged with considerable success. He backed the Whig nominee for governor, a Democrat for Congress, and he had blocked Arnold's election from a Whig district. Brownlow also boasted of a new press, "the largest ever brought to East Tennessee." He installed new and smaller type and enlarged sheet on which the newspaper was printed. [8] He made an extended defense of his Whiggery; in order to meet �156 CHAPTER NO. 11 the charges he had deserted the party. He traced his party pedigree back to su:e:eort of Hugh Lawson White for President in 1836 andreviewed his battles as a partisan and editor of the Whig. He wrote, not to conciliate his enemies, but, "to set ourselves right with our own friends in the Whig ranks and to guard them against the falsehoods of our enemies." He warned against the perils of division among the Whig members of the General Assembly as they faced the election of a United States senator. Bell's six-year term was nearing an end. As for the Parson, he performed a remarkable acrobatic political feat. He supported Nelson because of friendship, qualifications and the tradition that East Tennessee was entitled to the seat, a precedent which Brownlow had rejected six years earlier in order to support Bell. Now, in a mys~ifying performance, he exalted the tradition, supported Nelson, and lavished praise on Bell, whom he had been berating furiously a few months before. And he correctly predicted Bell would regain his seat. [9] Brownlow had washed away his long interlude of bitterness against Bell a few months earlier, without explanation. The editor commented as the senator stopped at the Mansion House on his way to Montvale Springs in Blount County: His dignified deportment and politeness, which are uniform, is accompanied by a self-possession which belongs to great minds. We regard him as the greatest man now in the United States Senate of either political party (Whig, May 28, 1853). Bell and Gentry, as mentioned before, had financed the purchase of two presses and other materials for Brownlow's Knoxville opening, at a cost of $900. Brownlow was to be given patronage to enable him to pay the note. Brownlow had paid $7,000 in security debts before leaving Jonesboro and had raised $1,000 from the sale of his print shop equipment there. Two years later the congressmen remained unpaid, and at Knoxville creditors were threatening legal proceedings to collect a note for $800. The Parson had gone security on this note for his former associate, Valentine Garland, and Garland had failed to pay, throwing the responsibility upon Brownlow. T. W. Humes, one of the Register's backers, and Joe King, also of Knoxville, had bought the note and given it to Lawyer Sneed, also a Register underwriter, for collection. The Parson worked out an involved arrangement to meet this peril. Sam Patton, editor of the Methodist Episcopalian for �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY 157 which the Whig shop did the printing, paid Humes' share of the note, the Parson to pay Patton in printing. Brownlow attempted to meet King's claim with another note, but a bank refused even to discount it. The Parson worked out of this corner by assigning to King a payment of $400 due the Whig in Washington for government printing which Bell and Gentry apparently had got for Brownlow's newspaper. This was money that Bell and Gentry had expected to receive as payment of the note they had endorsed for Brownlow, and when they learned it had been diverted to King they were furious. Gentry wrote me [Brownlow] a letter, reflecting on me, as either wanting in honesty or veracity in that I had used funds in Washington for one object which I bad promised to devote to another. I therefore determined that I would raise the money and relive [sic.] Bell and Gentry, or I would sacrifice my office and all I have for the nine hundred and interest. The Parson went to Memphis and obtained a promise he would be lent money for this purpose, probably by his old friend and fellow editor, Dr. Jeptha Fowlkes. In bitter mood he suggested to Nelson he was on the point of leaving the party, although I suppose there is no man living, as far removed from Democra,:y as I am in my feelings and sentiments; and certain as I am that I will be one of the last men on earth to go over to Democracy, but I have been badly treated by the Whigs, and I intend to pay them back, if I can, in some way or another.[lO] When Brownlow wrote this letter to Nelson more than a year had elapsed without the Parson getting any of the expected patronage from Washington. He had stormed at Bell, "The general government has printing to do in this place amounting to more than one thousand dollars, but this will be given to the Register with a view to buy up its support for those Tennessee Whigs whose election to Congress, and to the United States Senate, it has hitherto opposed" (Whig, February 2, 1850). J. R. Hobbie, first assistant postmaster general, tendered the Whig $315 in advertising in January of 1850, which Brownlow rejected as an insignificant crumb. The rejection led to reports that the editor had threatened the administration by letter that he would join the opposition party if he was not given substantial contracts. To counteract this, the editor published Hobbie's letter submitting the business and his fiery return of it (Whig, August 17, 1850). His answer to Hobbie had been delayed because �158 CHAPTER NO. 11 We have had high waters here for six or eight weeks, and your carts and mail· riders make it a business not to cross any stream if it has rained the previous night, or if the water is so muddy they cannot see the bottom by moonlight. (Ibid.). As for Hobbie, Brownlow regarded him "as a corrupt, and overbearing Locofoco, who ought to be dismissed from office forthwith." The Parson's tone was that of a mistreated Whig, but still a Whig (Ibid.). Bell had started early in 1850 trying to get patronage for the Whig and had obtained promises from several departments. He also wrote Nelson that he was trying to get office or employment for Brownlow "which will lift him above the pursuit of his creditors." The Parson, meanwhile, urged Nelson to put more pressure on Bell and Gentry. Brownlow described them as controlling the Taylor administration. A bill was pending in Congress to appropriate $20,000 for improvement of the river from Knoxville to Decatur, Alabama. Brownlow wanted one of the two top jobs provided for in the measure. [ 11] This did not materialize and more than a year later Bell was imploring Nelson to advise him how to stop the Whig's fire upon him. [12] When President Taylor died on july 9, 1850, and Fillmore succeeded to the presidency, the Whig began to display government advertising. How it came about was not explained, but Brownlow let his readers know Bell was not responsible. The Parson criticized the senator for giving indifferent support to the appointment of Solomon D. Jacobs of Knoxville, who succeeded Hobbie in 1851 as first assistant postmaster general (Whig, April26, 1851) and he announced: As to Mr. Bell we have not written him a letter in fifteen months, nor have we received one from him. We have no correspondence with him and intend to have none. For the last fifteen years we have been his advocate and friend-we have supported and defended him through evil and good report, and even incurring thereby the displeasure of some prominent men in the state. For all this "labor of love" he has treated us with cold indifference, not to say downright ingratitude, just as others who knew him better than we did told us he would do. We have quit him-not hastily or under the influence of passion-but after the most mature deliberation and after a fair and full trial of his merits. We never again expect to conduct a paper which will directly or indirectly advance his interests. Our influence, however, is but limited, and he can get along in this world without us. If he cannot, and is forced to retire to the shades of private life, the State will sustain no serious injury (Ibid.). �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY 159 Gentry attempted mediation and urged Brownlow to be more considerate of Bell. An understanding that the Parson went in for exaggeration, rather than moderation, in all things, and especially in describing his own fury, moved Gentry to intercede. The Whig printed Gentry's letter under the pen name of "Amicus" with a note, "We give this letter more out of regard to the writer than the gentleman written about. There is no man in the District of Columbia for whom we entertain as much respect as we do for the writer of this letter." But Brownlow did not suggest that the latter would alter his course. Years later Oliver P. Temple identified the author as Gentry, and added a sentence which the Whig did not print: "Now if I were in Mr. Bell's place, I should write to you and tell you to go to h-1."[13] The Parson did change. He swung full circle. And in the course of it he suffered utter chagrin. He flew high before he fell. It looked as if he was on top of the world when he boasted: No one holds a mortgage upon our pen or conscience-WE ARE FREE. Our paper is now PERMANENTLY established, with a circulation larger than any other Weekly political paper in the State, and with more subscribers than all the political papers in Knoxville put together! Ours is the only Printing Office in Knoxville, situated on its own premises, and not required to pay house rent. And upon enquiry of journeymen Printers, of the Merchants and Mechanics of the city, and Farmers and Paper-Makers of the country, it will be ascertained, beyond contradiction that our office pays its debts! Nay, it will be ascertained, that we owe less, by one half, than any other newspaper establishment in Knoxville! (Whig, june 19, 1852). This sounded like Brownlow's moment of triumph and he must have believed it was. John W. O'Brien, Brownlow's partner, was leaving or had left for Washington, where he was to collect money, probably for government printing. Brownlow sent a letter to him through United States Representative A. G. Watkins of the Second District, directing O'Brien to pay Bell and Gentry all he collected above that amount necessary for his return. The Parson trusted his friends and business associates to the point of carelessness. When O'Brien came home Brownlow asked him if he had "received my letter through Watkins? He said, 'I did-allright.' "The editor did not ask him pointedly if he had paid Bell and Gentry, and after a time he began to have misgivings. By September he learned that O'Brien had pocketed $1,000 and had not paid the members of Congress. The �160 CHAPTER NO. 11 partnership was dissolved on September 11, 1852, and it was announced that O'Brien was to start the Free Press at Loudon. The Parson told his readers, "We part with our old associate, in peace and on kind terms," which was not the case, and he wrote Bell an abject, apologetic letter, outlining what had happened. "I state these important facts to let you and Gentry know that I had not used the money for other purposes, and that I have not received one dollar of it and never expect to." The Parson had not forgotten Gentry's reproach when the congressman learned the editor had diverted to Joe King money he had expected to get. In his distress Brownlow shed his arrogance so far as to plead with Bell to help him get a job as a river commissioner under a bill just passed, or failing that, one with the port of entry office to be opened in Knoxville. [ 14 J Desperate, humble and uncertain as Brownlow was about his material prospects in 1852, he has displayed a slender, wry conviction two years earlier that he expected much more agreeable returns after death. He fell ill at Abingdon, Virginia, where he had gone to attend the Holston Conference, and his condition had worsened so much that his death was anticipated. Bishop William Capers, concerned about the state of the Parson's soul, visited his bedside, prayed with him as to his spiritual state. The Parson later said he was so ill he could not recall his answer but that his friends had credited him with saying: "Well, Bishop, if I had my life to live over again I could improve it in many respects and would try to do so. However, if the books have been properly kept in the other world, there is a small balance in my favor."[15) The Parson presented himself to his readers in a variety of roles: editor, lecturer, preacher, traveler and commentator, but he also was worth watching for his changing relations with men for the foe of one day might be the friend of the next, as well as the reverse. The times also produced a shattering of old political alignments, as men hestitated, or sought new standards. He had been enraged and embittered at Bell for what he believed was political ingratitude. He had been crushed when Gentry suggested he was guilty of double-dealing, and he had treated Sneed with polite hositility because the lawyer was one of the men who had helped finance the Register. But by the middle of the 1850s he was warmly and virogously espousing the political interests of all three. The divisions between the North and the South were shattering to Democrats and Whigs, fatally to the latter. Men groped for new political structures or simply traded �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY 161 parties. James G. Jones, Crozier and Swan turned Democrats. Bell and Gentry leaned toward the American Party but stopped short of declaring allegiance. Brownlow, Nelson, Temple and Sneed became outright Americans. [16] Bell's name went up on the Whig's editorial page as its choice for President late in 1854, but the Tennessee senator declined to attend the American convention in 1856. He received little or no consideration and the nomination went to Fillmore. [ 17 I Gentry ran for governor against Johnson in 185 5, in response to leaders and newspapers throughout the state who were determined to provide opposition. The fragmentation of the Whigs and the dissident Democrats opposed to Johnson presented such a conglomeration that no political umbrella was broad enough to cover this motley group and no convention was held. Brownlow, active in the Sons of Temperance, insisted that the candidate he would support must favor submitting to the people the issue of a "Prohibitory Liquor Law." When he came out for Gentry, he assured his readers this man would meet this requirement, but he also knew his choice would carry a ragged banner in such a cause. Gentry was a heavy drinker. The Parson met this difficulty with some neat prose and an awkward straddle: Now, although CoL Gentry is not a member of any Temperance Society and his practice for years past has been at war with total abstinence principles, still, for an outsider, he concedes a great deal. And those who know the man, know him to be one of the most bold, fearless, frank and reliable men in the State; and whatever he pledges himself to do, he will do it though it defeat him in the election. [18] Gentry had made an outstanding reputation as an orator, in Congress and out, but while he was accomplished and eloquent, in view of his style and gentility, he could not cope with Johnson's facility with the sledgehammer and dung fork. The governor attacked the KnowNothing (American) Party for its secrecy, placed it on a level with some contemporary outlaws known as the Murrell gang and termed it reptilian in its repulsiveness. Gentry refused to reply in kind, despite urging from Brownlow and Temple. His failure to do so was construed as unwillingness to support the party that was trying to elect him. Johnson won by more than 2,000 votes but the Know-Nothings elected six of the ten congressmen and took control of the General Assembly.[19] The Parson, as a zealot of the American Party, fought Roman �162 CHAPTER NO. 11 Catholicism and foreignism. But in support of Sneed, the American candidate for congress, he went stoutly to the defense of a Catholic who had come to this country from Ireland. Sneed, Brownlow said, had been charged with subscribing money to import Catholics to this country! Now for the facts, as they are, and as we know them to exist. Old Neddy Lavender, aged about 60 years, has been in this country eight years, from Ireland, and is a naturalized citizen. He wishes to bring his wife, an old lady, to this country. Calling upon Sneed, among others, for a small charity, he [Sneed] gave him TEN DOLLARS. The old man is the Sexton at Grey Cemetery, employed by the stockholders, by the year, to keep the grounds, trim the trees, and dig all the graves, under the same moderate salary. The old man stood his ground throughout the cholera, and dug one or more graves every day. We assisted him in easing down into their graves different persons, hot and dry as was the weather, and gloomy as were the prospects all around! Had the old man called upon us, we would have contributed something, as little as we desire the increase of foreigners in our country. The old man has been a member of the Order of Sons of Temperance for several years and is perfectly harmless. His poor old wife will not vote in this country, or raise up voters. Helping to bury Sneed's little children, as he did, Sneed could have not done less than subscribe and pay $10 to the fund. It is a small affair, when rightly understood, and will only be used in a desperate cause (Whig, July 21, 1855). The Parson performed a redoubtable flip in his opinion of Sam Houston. In 1845 the Whig had accused Houston, as president of the Republic of Texas, of playing a double game. Brownlow said that Houston represented to President Jackson that he favored annexation to the United States, and to the British that he was against it. When Houston was in Tennessee later in the same summer, Brownlow was more abusive. He recommended that every door in the state should be closed to him. Before the close of the year Brownlow wrote: "We have looked upon Houston for years as one of the most corrupt, despised, wicked, selfish, sordid and disgusting blackguards on earth"; but, he added, those characteristics qualified him very well as a Democratic officeholder. Texas, in the meanwhile, was admitted to the Union, and Houston was elected senator from the new state. The Whig reported, "Senator Sam Houston recently passed down the river by Memphis, on his return to Texas, about drunk enough to make an eloquent Temperance speech." In reporting him as a reject of the Democratic National Convention at Baltimore in �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY SAMtTF.T. JlOFST0N. 163 Samuel Houston [From Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial History of the Civil War in the United States of America, Hartford, 1877.) 1848, [20] in the choice of a presidential nominee, the Parson tidied his faults into this bundle: This old "Military Chieftan" [sic.] who abdicated the Government of Tennessee-divorced himself from a decent wife-united his fortunes with an Indian Squaw-undertook to carry out old Burr's scheme against Mexico-fought, bled and died at the battle of San Jacinto-liberated Santa Anna when a prisoner-and came back to the Hermitage to let the "Greatest and Best" die in his arms was run over by the baggage wagons, when the first engagement took place, and has not been heard from since. He spoke long and loud through New England for the nomination, but oh! the ingratitude of his countrymen (Whig, June 7, 1848). Brownlow faced about completely when Houston, staying at the Mansion House in Knoxville, condemned the proposed Southern Convention scheduled at Nashville and declared, "Every d--d rascal who attends that convention ough~ to be hung [sic.] with ad--d great rough halter." The Parson, like Houston, saw in this convention the seeds of disunion. Thereafter he was the Parson's bosom comrade. He saluted him with a headline "Three Cheers for Gen. Houston," in reporting his speech in Washington affirming his loyalty to the United States and threatening military warfare from the South against those who favored secession. Brownlow apparently had met Houston when the latter paused in Knoxville during a visit with his sister, Mrs. William Wallace of Maryville. How they buried the scorching vituperation the Parson once had piled upon Houston was not disclosed, but Brownlow later was on record as saying the Texan had spoken very highly of the editor's father. Houston knew him as a schoolmate in Rockbridge County, Virginia. [21] �164 CHAPTER NO. 11 Brownlow continued to lavish praise and friendliness on Houston. As the Texas senator paused in Nashville on his way to Washington the editor observed, "With a fur cap, a three-cornered cloak, and large whiskers, he steps about like a boy. I think I can see in San Jacinto about as much of availability as is to be found in any of the prominent men of the day." A few weeks later as the Parson spent considerable time in Washington with the senator he reported, "Houston looks well and is behaving well." On the senator's last visit to the Whig editor in Knoxville, Houston impressed John Bell Brownlow because the senator was wearing yellowish corduroy pants, a black velvet vest and something resembling a sailor jacket. [22] In this strange period when old enmities were transformed into friendships, Brownlow was reconciled with Dr. Joe Powell, a former state senator from the First District. Powell was an associate and relative of Landon C. Haynes in his earlier feud with the Parson. In 1856 Powell wrote the Whig editor from California, where he was the enrolling clerk of the legislature, a cordial letter inquiring as to the state of political affairs. Overlooking the lurid accusations they earlier had exchanged, Powell and the Parson apparently forgave each other everything (Whig, May 24, 1856). When Dr. Isaac Anderson of Maryville, a Presbyterian leader and educator, died in 1857, Brownlow effected something like a postmortem reconciliation with the preacher he had ridiculed and fought in Helps to the Study of Presbyterianism more than thirty years earlier. Of Anderson, dead, he wrote: "He was a useful man, spending his time and his talents in preaching and teaching. We have heard him frequently. While he was a strong preacher, he was the best and most powerful exhorter in the Presbyterian ministry in East Tennessee. His voice was powerful, and his manner was earnest, zealous and unostentatious, and all together made him able and successful." [2 3] The Parson even laid aside his animosity to Horace Maynard. In 1857 he supported Maynard in the latter's successful race for Congress. One of his justifications was that most of the Whigs who had fought Temple and nominated Maynard in 185 3 had gone over to the Democrats. He even suggested Maynard as a candidate for governor. [24] Animosity between Brownlow and Governor Johnson, however, flourished, as they fed it with the coarsest exchanges. The times were not ripe for their interests to be joined and they roared at each other �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY 165 from newspaper and stump. When Johnson defeated Gentry in 185 5, the former made a victory speech in front of the Coleman House in Knoxville. It so infuriated the Parson that a few weeks later he delivered from the square in front of the capitol in Nashville one of the most searing attacks of his career. His review of Johnson's speech began: Gov. Johnson said this new party of self-styled Americans professed to have organized with a view to purify and reform the old political parties. A beautiful set, said he, to reform! The Order of Know Nothings was composed of the worst men in the Whig and Democratic parties. As a sample of these men, he pointed out Andrew ]. Donelson by name, exclaiming as often as twice, who is Andrew J. Donelson? He is a soured, office-seeking, disappointed politician, who has been kicked out of the Democratic Party. To illustrate his view more fully, he told the crowd to imagine a large gang of Counterfeiters out there!-and an equally large gang of Horse-thieves out yonder! Take from these two companies the worst men in their ranks, for a third party of these, and you have a representation of this Know Nothing party (Whig, October 27, 1855). Johnson was so arrogant, Brownlow said, that when a member of the audience challenged one of his statements the speaker retorted that he had "heard the hissing of an adder, or a goose." Brownlow appraised jointly his old foe, E. G. Eastman, editor of the former Knoxville Argus and now of the Nashville Union and American, along with the governor. He described Eastman as a former abolitionist from Massachusetts brought to Tennessee as a hireling to write party propaganda: He is a poor Devil, as void of truth and honor as he has shown himself to be of courage and resentment. He edits a low, dirty, scurrilous sheet; and like his master, Gov. Johnson, never could elevate himself above the level of a common blackguard. No epithet is too low, too degrading, or disgraceful to be applied to the members of the American party, by either of these Billingsgate graduates. Decent men shun coming in contact with either of them, as they would avoid a night cart, or other vehicle of filth. As some fish thrive only in dirty water, so the Nashville Union and American would not exist a week out of the atmosphere of slang and vituperation. A fit organ this for all who arrange themselves under the dark and piratical flag of Andrew Johnson and his progressive Democracy. I am the more specific, in reference to Eastman, because I understand he is in this assembly! (Ibid.). The Parson recalled some of Johnson's characterizations of the �166 CHAPTER NO. 11 35,000 to 40,000 Know-Nothings in the state, employed during his campaign: In his Murfreesborough speech, he asserted that "the Devil, his Satanic Majesty, presides over all the secret conclaves" held by the Know Nothings, and that "they are the allies of the Prince of Darkness." I quote from his printed speeches from memory, but it will be found I quote correcdy. In that same speech, he asserts that all Know Nothings are "bound by terrible oaths to fix and carry a lie in their mouths!" In his Manchester speech, I believe it was, he called all members of the new party "Hyenas," and "huge reptiles, upon whose neck and feet of honest men ought to be placed." And in this same speech he says he "would as soon be found in a clan of John A. Murrell's men as in a Know Nothing Council. ... " On every stump in Tennessee, he held me up as the "High Priest of the Order," representing Col. Gentry as my candidate. Since I came to Middle Tennessee, I have been informed that he pointed to the fancied fact that I was the head of the Order, as an evidence of its utter lack of respectability (Ibid.). Before going to Nashville for his tirade Brownlow sought to set Donelson against the governor by writing him of Johnson's insults. The result was, Brownlow told his audience, that Donelson, former secretary to President Jackson and his nephew by marriage, went to Nashville, where he "was seen walking these streets with a large and homely stick in his hand, looking grim, as any gentleman would do under the circumstances." However, Brownlow said, the governor "ingloriously lied out of what he had said .... I, therefore, pronounce your Governor, here upon his own dunghill, an UNMITIGATED LIAR AND CALUMNIATOR, and a VILLAINOUS cowARD, wanting the nerve to stand up to his abuse of better men than he himself!" The Parson must have felt he had done a complete job on Johnson-with a proper flick at Eastman-for he made the same speech at Clarksville and Shelbyville and printed it twice in the Whig. He expressed surprise that Johnson had denied the statements about Donelson and offered to produce "one hundred respectable gentlemen in Knoxville," who would swear the governor made them. Although the Parson in his Nashville speech set Donelson right as to the governor's insults the latter did not return to Nashville and flog the man Brownlow said had defamed him. [25] Greater fame, if not political fortune, awaited Donelson. The Tennessee delegation to the Philadelphia convention of the KnowNothing Party successfully pressed his suit. He was nominated for �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY 167 vice-president, along with Millard Fillmore for chief executive. The Parson, a delegate and chairman of the Credentials Committee, championed the cause of Southern manhood when a dispute arose with the Ohio group over a platform plank. The New York Times reported: "Parson Brownlow of Tennessee said he could lick any five of the Ohio delegation, and that five of the Tennessee delegation could kick the Ohio delegation all around the hall." The validity of the Parson's assertion was not tested, for the Times added: "All soon became quiet again."[26] The Parson's zeal and energy in behalf of the American candidates seemed to have no limit. He published in 1856 the two books previously mentioned, he poured out campaign editorials, and he took to the stump in behalf of Fillmore and Donelson. He regretted that he could not meet all the requests for speeches because he was horseless and buggyless, and therefore restricted to appointments where the trains ran. He attained something like a state of rapture during the big American Party rally at Knoxville, billed for Thursday, September 4, 1856, but which broadened to run from Tuesday through Friday. The event drew from 20,000 to 30,000 people from the thirty counties of East Tennessee who lined the roads with their camps, poured from trains, marched in processions, heard interminable speeches mixed with the roar of cannon from Old Methodist Hill, slept out of doors after all the beds in the city were filled-the Parson admonished those who feared they might take cold under such circumstances to "lay up the gaps" -and sometimes reveled until2:00 and 3:00 a.m.[27] The election returns startled Brownlow. Democrat James Buchanan not only swept the nation to become President, but also carried Tennessee by the largest majority any party had attained in a presidential race since 1840, nearly 7 ,500. Republican John C. Fremont ran a respectable second, although his vote in Tennessee was insignificant. Fillmore carried one state, Maryland. The reeling remnant of the Whig Party had received its death blow. "We are whipped oututterly vanquished-demolished-thrown far into the shade of retirement!" the editor moaned as he saw another voyage up familiar Salt River: "one we have been navigating for eighteen years, going up every other year and returning as often ... This trip we aim to go higher up, than we have ever done before." The Parson could look with a wry smile on his personal misfortune, but for his friends and for the nation he was alarmed. He had seen how "The strong darkly- �168 CHAPTER NO. 11 rolling tide of fanaticism passed over the Northern portion of the Union-the fierce, hot fires of Disunion swept over the South,-and the result is that the dark, piratical flag of Anti-Americanism, Locofocoism, now floats in triumph." Yet, he held that the nation's will had been "legally and constitutionally" expressed and that each citizen should accept this decision. For Brownlow "Our remedy for the evils of this character is the ballot box, and we will not consent to resort to any other." The returns had brought him to the conclusion, "The great body of the Northern people are utterly and irreconciliably opposed to Negro Slavery, as it exists in the South, and that they will not favor its extension, if indeed they will tolerate its existence where it is." He had a few deeply prophetic words for Tennessee: "In the day of the Union's greatest trouble and peril, not far distant, she will vindicate her right to the proud name she bears." The Parson trimmed his business sails by cutting from $1.00 to fifty cents the price on two hundred copies of Americanism Contrasted with Foreignism, Romanism and Bogus Democracy remaining in his shop. He did not report if this stimulated sales. Celebrating Democrats had their casualty. Fuller Ryan, ramming the charge into a cannon on Old Methodist Hill, which was being fired in the jubilation over Buchanan's election, was killed by a premature explosion. [28] The Know-Nothing Party made its final effort in a state race in 1857. It ran Robert Hatton of Lebanon against the democratic choice, the able Isham G. Harris of Memphis. Brownlow unloaded his usual diatribes against the Democratic Party and promoted Hatton. [29] But he liked and respected Harris, and described him as a man of talents and experience, an able debater, a thorough gentleman, and a man of unblemished private character. His good character and the knightly and courteous demeanor with which he demeans himself toward an opponent are so unlike what Democracy has been accustomed to in the State for several years past that we are not sure it will be acceptable to a large portion of his party (Whig, May 16, 1857). Harris defeated Hatton by 11,371 votes, and the Democrats took control of the General Assembly. [ 30] This dismayed Brownlow to the point of wavering on his political course, but he managed this denunciation of the opposition: We recognize in the ranks of the Democratic party thousands of high-minded men, ardent patriots, and true lovers of their country; but before we fall into the �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY 169 support of what we believe to be the reckless and ruinous party-the low flung humbuggery, and villainous designs of this self-styled "National Democratic Party," we would see that unwashed, unterrified, uncombed, uncircumcised, and unregenerate organization as far down in Hell as a Forge-hammer would fall in a thousand years! Let none suppose that this language is too strong, without considering to what sort of organization it is applied. We apply it to the Foreign Catholic, Pauper-loving, Anti-American, Wet nurse Democracy, who, differing among themselves, widely and materially on every question of national policy before the country, nevertheless agree, affiliate, and fraternize in elections for the sake of the spoils-with all the parties, of all colors, and from all claims, and of all religions, embracing in fraternal hug, all the odds and ends of God's creation! (Whig, August 29, 1857). Brownlow's bitterness was compounded when the legislature elected the retiring Governor Johnson to the United States Senate to succeed James C. Jones. [31] Brownlow's hatred and contempt of these men he displayed by giving them the newspaperman's ultimate measure of unimportance, a final paragraph in a brief report of legislative actions, placed below even the election of doorkeepers, that snapped: The election of United States Senator was gone into, on Thursday, and resulted in the election of A. johnson, the Democratic papers easing the conscience of jones, by eulogizing his patriotic course, and thanking him for the aid he had rendered them in two fierce contests! (Whig, October 17, 1857). Another blow fell on the Parson when the Democratic majority in the legislature, pressing its advantage, voted to send A. 0. P. Nicholson of Maury County to the United States Senate when John Bell's term would expire two years later. The campaign of 1859 found the remnants of the Whig and Know-Nothing parties, with a scattering of dissident Democrats, organized under the forlorn banner of "Opposition." They nominated John Netherland of Rogersville to compete against the unanimous choice of the Democrats, the tried incumbent, Isham G. Harris. Netherland had served in both houses of the legislature and was Whig elector for the state at large in 1848. He was a competent speaker, renowned as a jury lawyer and a man of striking appearance. But he was not as diligent as Harris in preparing for the campaign and seems to have depended more upon wit than detailed information. The Whig supported Netherland vigorously, although Brownlow had reasons for disliking him politically. He held Netherland responsible �170 CHAPTER NO. 11 forT. A. R. Nelson's failure to be elected to the United States Senate in 18 51, and he believed Netherland was part of a Hawkins County clique which traded with Andrew Johnson in order to get Netherland elected to the legislature. [ 32] If the Whig lacked its usual enthusiasm for party candidates during the campaign, it also may have been because Brownlow was busy in a number of other controversies that required his close attention. He battled in the courts the trustees of the defunct Bank of East Tennessee. He beat down a spate of civil and criminal libel cases brought by Martin Patterson, the former editor of the Democratic Eagle at Kingston. And he gave his friend Nelson every help he could in the First District congressional race where the Jonesboro lawyer would defeat his former law student and the Parson's old enemy, Landon C. Haynes. Another of the Whig's old foes, E. G. Eastman, editor of the Nashville Union and American, gored deeply into the flesh of the Netherland organization with harsh satire on its failure to come up with anything better for a party name than "Opposition." [ 33] Brownlow mastheaded his candidates under the banner of "Whig and American ticket," and he struck lusty blows for Horace Maynard, who was running for reelection to Congress on this slate. The Whig found much to approve in Maynard, for he caned the editor of the now Democratic Register, James W. Newman, and he was running against James Crozier Ramsey, son of Dr. James G. M. Ramsey, the historian, who had drawn the Parson's fire as one of the trustees of the Bank of East Tennessee. [ 34] The Whig showed garish enthusiasm over the election of seven out of the ten members of Congress, including Nelson and Maynard. The editor did not seem to suffer severely over the defeat of Netherland, conditioned by Governor Harris' majority falling more than 3 ,000 below the 11,000 of two years earlier. Nelson won by only 100, but in a district that had been sending a Democrat to Congress, and Maynard's majority was 1 ,400. The "Opposition" celebrated in front of the Lamar House in Knoxville-Maynard, Nelson, Netherland and even Bell holding forth to the crowd. [ 35] The Parson, a week earlier at the same spot, speaking briefly because of his afflicted throat, had announced: I can only speak for myself, and for myself I say most unhesitatingly that I shall fight this Democracy until I die. They may call me a Black Republican, an ally of the North, or what not; I am against the thieving party in power. And if the Opposition shall nominate The Devil Himself With Horns and Tail on, I will take �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY 171 him as a choice of evils, against any of the corrupt, insincere and plundering leaders of this self styled Democratic party (Whig, August 13, 1859). The Parson's sulfurous period to the campaign was in striking contrast to the manner in which the races had been conducted. "Politeness and courtesy" characterized the Nelson-Haynes debates. The sometimes belligerent Maynard's only act of violence was to cane Editor Newman. Netherland and Harris seem to have done no more than to lift a forefinger at each other. Brownlow also racked up personal political triumphs. He was elected an alderman from the Second Ward of the newly established municipality of East Knoxville, in 1856 and 1857.[36] CHAPTER XI NOTES [ 1] Whig, July 24, August 14, October 30, November 13, 1852. See also Claude Moore Fuess, Daniel Webster (Boston, 1930), 2 Vols., II, p. 351. Hereafter referred to as Fuess. L 2] Whig, July 3, 1852; Fuess, II, p. 209; Whig, November 13, 1852; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 231-232. [ 3] Whig, September 24, 1852, January 1, 1853. [ 4] Ibid., November 13, 1852; reminiscent article by John Bell Brownlow, Knoxville Tribune, August 18, 1896. [ 5] Acts of Tennessee, 1851-1852 (Nashville, 1852), p. 293; Whig, June 6, July 9, 23, 30, June 26, 1852. For biographies of Maynard and Temple, respectively, see Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, pp. 453·454, 496·497; Turner, "The Public Career of William Montgomery Churchwell," pp. 21-23, 25-26; Temple, Notable Men, p. 138. [ 6] Whig, May 21, 28, 1853. [ 7] White, Messages, IV, pp. 519·522; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 233; Rule, ed., Standard History, pp. 320-321; Whig, August 6, 13, 27, September 3, October 15, 1853. [ 8) Ibid., August 20, October 1, 1853. [ 9] Ibid., September 17, 24,November5, 1853;JosephH.Parks,}ohnBellof Tennessee (Baton Rouge, 1950), pp. 211·215. Hereafter referred to as Parks. [10) Brownlow to Nelson, May 30, 1851. Nelson Papers. [11] Bell to Nelson, February 25, 1850, Brownlow to Nelson, March 23, 1850. Nelson Papers. [12] Bell to Nelson, May 5, 1851. Nelson Papers. [13] Whig, July 19, 1851 (The page is incorrectly dated July 5, 1851); Temple, Notable Men, p. 236. [14] Brownlow to Bell, September 7, 1852. Polk-Yeatman collection, Manu· �172 [15) [16) [17) [18) [19) [20) [21) [22) [23) [24) [25) [26) [27) [28) [29) [30) [31) [32) [33) CHAPTER NO. 11 script Division, Tennessee State Library and Archives. Whig, September 11, 1852. Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 14-15; Rule, ed., Standard History, pp. 326-327. Parks, 302-307, 311-312; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 233-245; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, pp. 54-55; Whig, November 4, 25, December 30, 1854, April 7, May 1, July 10, August 31, 1856. Ibid., October 14,1854, March 1, 1856;Parks, p. 307. Whig, October 28, December 2, 16, 1854; see also Temple, Notable Men, p. 242. Whig, May 5, July 21, 1855; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 234-235, 383-385; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 235-236; Temple, Notable Men, p. 389; Whig, November 3, 1855. Ibid., April 9, 1845. For background see Folmsbee eta/., Short History, pp. 189-190, 211; Whig, July 16, September 16, 1845, September 16, 1846. Ibid., April 13, August 31, June 29, April 13, 1850; Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 16. Whig, January 12, February 23, 1856; John Bell Brownlow's letter, Knoxville Tribune, August 16, 1896. Whig, February 7, 1857; Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, pp. 367-368. Whig, May 30, August 22, January 17, 1857. Quotations are from ibid., October 27, 1855. Some italics were omitted in the second printing, ibid., February 9, 1856. The Murrell gang, led by John A. Murrell, killed and robbed in Mississippi and Arkansas until Murrell was captured, convicted and imprisoned. Temple, Notable Men, fn p. 385. Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 237-238; Whig, March 1, 1856; quoted in the Knoxville Register, September 11, 1856. Whig, April 12, May 24, August 2, September 6, 13, 1856; Register, September 11, 1856. Whig, November 8, 15, 1856; Parks, pp. 311-313; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 238; Alexander, Thomas A. R. Nelson, p. 59. There is an error in subtraction in Buchanan's majority in the Whig, July 4, 1857. See also ibid., August 29, 1857, November 15, 18, 1856. Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 238-239; White, Messages, V, p. 15; Whig, March 21, April25, May 2, 16, June 27, 1857. White, Messages, V, p. 22; Folmsbee et a/., Short History, pp. 238-239; Whig, August 22, 29, 1857. Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 239; White, Messages, V, pp. 24-25; Whig, November 7, 1957. White, Messages, V, pp. 90-92; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 239. In re missing files see Chapter X, fn 4. Temple, Notable Men, pp. 159-161; Whig, November 1, 22, 1851; John Bell Brownlow marginal comment, ibid., September 15, 1857, August 16, 1851. White, Messages, V, pp. 92-93, quoting Nashville Union and American. �PARTY STRINGS HANG LOOSELY 173 [34] Tri-Weekly Whig, April 7, July 12, 21, August 6, July 23, 26, 1859. John Bell Brownlow marginal note, Whig, August 13, 1859. [ 3 5] I bid. The political complexion of the First Congressional District was subjected to redistricting in 1852 by the addition of Jefferson, Hancock and Sevier counties to give it a Whig majority and to end Andrew Johnson's domination. White, Messages, IV. p. 457-458. The shifting of party lines also produced personal political changes. A. G. Watkins, as a Whig, had represented the Second Congressional District for two terms, from March 4, 1849, to March 3, 1853. The redistricting placed Watkins, who lived at Panther Springs in Jefferson County, in the First District, where he ran unsuccessfully in 185 3. Switching to the Democratic Party, Watkins was elected to the Thirty-fourth and Thirty-fifth Congresses, March 4, 1855 to March 3,1859. Hedeclinedtorunin 1858.ActsofTennessee, 1851-1852 (Nashville, 1852), p. 293; Biographical Directory of the American Congress, (Washington, 1961), pp. 152, 156,163, 168,1781-1782;Alexander, Thomas A. R. Nelson, pp. 61-62. Watkins' career also can be traced through the Whig, August 16, 1851, August 11, 1855, August 22, 1857. [36] Alexander, Thomas A. R. Nelson, p. 60; Temple, Notable Men, p. 168; White, Messages, V. p. 96; Whig, March 15, 1856, March 21, 1857. �"Put None on Guard but Americans." Chapter No. 12 THE MATERIAL PARSON The first issue of the Tennessee Whig at Elizabethton in the spring of 1839 described itself as a "political journal," a needless explanation since the substance demonstrated that (Whig, May 16, 1839). Editor Brownlow soon expanded into the field of religious controversy, [ 1] and then a third element began to worm its way into the newspaper -items dealing with economic facts of life. Brownlow had learned early in life that food, lodging and clothing must be paid for in toil, whether it was in the field of the farmer, at the bench of the carpenter, or in the pulpit of the preacher. As already mentioned he suffered the acute pain of material loss when a deputy sheriff levied on him to pay the costs in a libel conviction. The deputy seized a handsome mare, saddle and accoutrements, this depletion leaving the circuit rider unhorsed. To sustain his bride, Eliza, he left off regular preaching and took a job managing the O'Brien iron works in Carter County. After he had agreed to edit the Whig, he did so by candlelight and labored for the O'Briens during the day. At first he followed a policy of not going near the printing office at Elizabethton (Whig, July 15, 1841), but after six months he moved to town and worked in the atmosphere of the primitive plant. Sitting there, however occupied he may have been with writing, he could not miss a new insight into the lives of farmers, tradesmen, artificers, lawyers and bankers. He could feel closely the pulse of subscribers and advertisers. In time this awareness was conveyed into the columns of the Whig. The early issues of the Whig reflected the Parson was concerned principally with the political and social scene, as it did also in his first visit to the East in 1841. But soon items began to appear in his newspaper that showed a recognition of the material needs in the daily lives of the people. He wrote on the state of farming, the conditions of the crops and market prospects. Finally he supplied 174 �THE MATERIAL PARSON 175 some detailed stat1st1cs on the economic and professional life of Jonesboro. These he wrote with a satirical pen, which nevertheless threw light on the entire life of the town. Jonesboro had four doctors, four lawyers, three churches, two female schools, ten stores, five saddlers, five blacksmiths, three "boss house carpenters," four shoe and boot shops, a book bindery, two printing plants, three cabinetmaking shops, one hatter, a carriage and wagon maker, a silversmith shop, three taverns, two saloons and three cake bakers. The town received mail three times a week from the east, the west, and the Carolinas, and by three weekly horse mails. [2] The conditions of the stage routes, wagon roads, and water courses were vital to the editor because by them alone came the newspapers and letters that afforded news of the outside world, as well as necessary supplies, ink, paper, type, forms, stands and presses. Self-sustaining as such towns as Jonesboro were, as Brownlow's statistics showed, many products came from Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York and Charleston. Because merchants bought many of their supplies from these large centers, the wholesale houses there were advertising customers of the Whig, especially as its circulation grew. The editor's frugal nature peeped through an approving item he wrote that President Benjamin Harrison went to market daily before sunrise with his basket on his arm (Whig, April 14, 1841). He was ambitious to make money, although he was unsuccessful outside of the newspaper field. These experiences, always unsuccessful, as mentioned before, probably impressed him with the importance of commercial news, for he began to season his dispatches from the cities and regions he visited with more of these items. He reported and compared prices, wrote of the progress of manufacturing and railroad building, stared in wonder at the forest of masts in Charleston Harbor, and noted that the New World was supplying the old with foodstuffs. When he encountered large droves of swine from East Tennessee headed for the Southeast markets along the roads near Yorktown, South Carolina, he jotted down that 6,000 of them were from Jefferson County.[3] But, if in practice he recognized the importance of business news, in philosophy he minimized it, as his annual message to his readers after seven years of editing and publishing shows: We shall advocate Whig Principles-which is but another name for implicit adherence to both state and national constitutions-the only means of preserving law and order-and security to public liberty and private rights. Whig principles �176 CHAPTER NO. 12 teach liberty and equality to all and every free citizen of the United States. A recognition of no other distinction than that of virtue and vice; the improvement of all by the means of education; and elevation of the poor and laboring classes, by keeping open the channels of wealth to all, by encouraging and sustaining industry and enterprize [sic.] and the discountenancing of idleness and vice, mobs, and rebellion. This Whiggery, and this is our creed (Whig, May 13, 1846). A little more than a year later he gave extensive space to a report on the imports and exports of Washington County. Included was a statement that a railroad would stimulate the county's commerce, inspire more manufacturing and utilization of raw products, bring in capital and population and provide outside markets for hay, oats, potatoes and lumber. Brownlow made no editorial comment on this report, but in the meetings and debates of the time on whether to press for macadamized roads, railroads or river improvements in upper East Tennessee, he leaned toward the water routes. He was familiar with the Holston River because he had traveled it often while shipping iron castings for the O'Briens to Knoxville. [4] The Parson received most instructive, though painful, lessons in the use of economic weapons from the group of wealthy and influential men who backed the Register in the newspaper war that erupted when Brownlow brought his Whig to Knoxville in the spring of 1849. These men sought to intimidate advertisers. They procured criminal and civil litigation against him, engineered the raising of his rent, bought up unpaid notes on which he remained as security and pressed for collection, and they may have been involved in a plot to destroy his printing office. But when all these tricks and devices had failed, he had learned, as he had in a lesser degree at Jonesboro, that a newspaper which gives its readers sparkling, vigorous material can command circulation, and with circulation advertising and influence followed. Unlike most of today's newspapers which seek circulation in a tight, concentrated market to interest retail merchants, Brownlow sought subscribers wherever he could get them within the nation. He asserted at Jonesboro and at Knoxville that he could operate without local support. He always played to rural people and to workmenmechanics was the term for them then. In his maiden issue at Knoxville he offered to take the farmer's wood or grain for subscriptions, and as for mechanics he would exchange his work for theirs. Giving the market price for flour, he added: "Our publishing these facts will not be very acceptable to our citizens and speculators, but we can't �THE MATERIAL PARSON 177 help that. We go for the people and the farming interests and we will give them the true state of the market, offend whom we may." He drew the line more sharply by characterizing his opposition as the "scrub aristocracy." [5] One of the finest examples of the Parson's turning an event designed for his downfall into a victory occurred at Clinton, where he had been called for trial on a charge of advertising a lottery. The spectacle of seeing a preacher-editor on trial for a gross material offense, both illegal and immoral, brought a large crowd of the curious. The case was thrown out, and the delighted Parson eagerly responded to cries for a speech. But instead of devoting himself exclusively to a hymn of triumph, he shrewdly delivered a mouthwatering speech on the economic resources of Anderson County and how they could be utilized to bring prosperity to its people. He reminded his hearers of his vigorous support of internal improvements, and he dangled before them the rich prospects for markets which would be available upon completion of the railroad projects being pressed toward Knoxville from two directions. He envisioned the flow of farm products from the lush Powell River valley, dwelt on the availability of water power for manufacturing and called for improved roads and mail routes from Cumberland Gap to Knoxville by way of Jacksboro and Clinton. Time proved this to be a logical travel and communication route. The Parson, of course, was not quite the seer to foresee Norris Dam and the rail and highway routes that have followed the course he traced. Either from vanity, or a desire to gloat over his enemies, or realizing that he had made a lasting impression with the speech, he printed it in full (Whig, March 23, 1850). The Whig was in favor of the material progress of the region, but it also was arrayed against the men of money and means in Knoxville. So Brownlow offered as appropriate this message before the end of his first year: A young man, whose father was a hard working mechanic, either has a moderate fortune left to him, or he marries a few thousand dollars-and forthwith he puts on airs, and assumes an importance, perfectly disgusting to all who are acquainted with the circumstances of his "rise and progress" in the world. Such young men regard as beneath their dignity the vocation of their parents ....We have even met with some who looked upon the vocation of a humble mechanic, as beneath the dignity of a gentleman, foregoing [sic.), meanwhile, that the taint of the father attaches to the son! ... �178 CHAPTER NO. 12 There are many young men in our towns and villages [and some young ladies, too!] who seem to be proud of the wealth of their parents-while their own reputations would be soiled by associating with the sons of mechanics. In their strange infatuation, it never occurs to them that their fathers made all their property by down-right stealing, cheating and lying-while their grandfathers were sold at public auction, in our seaports, to pay their passage across the ocean! See the number of young men in our country, who, endowed with scarcely common sense and no sort of love for genuine republicanism, resort to the study of the learned professions, such as Law and Medicine, while every mark about them declares, in terms which cannot be misunderstood, that the God of nature intended them for bricklayers [,] house carpenters and black smiths! Many of these ought now to abandon their professions for the more profitable and equally honorable fields of labor .... God deliver us from the bastard arristocracy [sic.] of our little villages, and Cod-fish aristocracy of our larger towns! The course charted, Brownlow tied himself even more closely to the hardworking, humble people with this declaration: One of us a Printer by profession and the other a House Carpenter by occupation, we were satisfied then, as we are now, to be ranked with that hardy class of men, who eat their bread and meat, and wear their garments, whether coarse or fine, by the sweat of their brow and are content with the avails that industry affords its votaries .... " (Whig, June 29, 1850). He lectured even more vigorously and extensively upon this theme as he began his fourteenth year of running a newspaper. Brownlow had detested aristocracy all his life and had "warred upon it, from the pulpit and the press, for a quarter of a century past .... " And while he ridiculed what he described as its airs and pretensions, he chided the working people because they had accepted this class line of separation: By a false law of honor, and an equally false principle of society, the dignity of indolence, and the respectability of ~;p/endid poverty, command both admiration and homage; while the equally imaginary degradation of labor, whether upon the farm or in the line of the manufacturer, has excited contempt! In no town in all the South-west is this more true than in the town of Knoxville. And the industrial classes are themselves responsible for the disgraceful error; they suffer it to exist-not alone without rebuke, but they connive at, and assent to it. They creap [sic.] after men of rank and bow submissively to their inferiors in all that should ennoble human nature. They lend themselves as the willing instru- �THE MATERIAL PARSON 179 ments, of base and unprincipled men, who have acquired some property, by a species of pilfering that they would scorn to stoop to! God forbid that we should array ourselves against the necessary and sincere courtesies of social intercourse .... Far be it from us, likewise, to array the poor against the rich-though few of the latter are to be found in our midst! But we would have the true men of our country-the sources of our wealth and prosperity-the better class of society know and properly estimate their true value (Whig, June 19, 1852). In the years at Jonesboro Brownlow had brought into the Whig columns an increasing number of items on market prices at home and abroad, the condition of crops and the importance of means of transportation to carry the products of East Tennessee to the outside. He made a telling point in his last year in this town by reporting that representatives of a Georgia company had sent buyers into East Tennessee. They had purchased 10,000 bushels of wheat and shipped it by water to the terminus of a rail line in Georgia. He offered the illustration to prod Virginia interests into moving more rapidly on a line from that state into Tennessee. After he moved to Knoxville his interest in railroad building appeared to grow, although he never overlooked transportation by water. When he went to Nashville in the fall of 1851 to support Thomas A. R. Nelson for the United States Senate seat he wound up lobbying for the railroad interests. He was delighted that the General Assembly had voted $8,000,000 in state loans to railroad companies. In a short time officials of the East Tennessee and Virginia Railroad, which projected from a junction at the Virginia line with roads leading to the Northeast seaboard, and heads of the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad, which was to connect with roads leading to the South Atlantic coast, met in Knoxville to select the site for the junction of their routes. They chose a place half a mile north of the existing business district, where the Southern Railway lines now run. Trains on the southern line were running between Loudon, Tennessee, and Dalton, Georgia, the following year. This opened direct connections between Loudon and the seaports of Savannah and Charleston. The first train reached Knoxville on June 22, 185 5. Track laying eastward by the East Tennessee and Virginia was started July 4, 1855, destined to connect with Bristol, also the terminus of the Virginia and Tennessee road. Still in the talking and promotional stages were the Rabun Gap road and the Knoxville and Kentucky company. The former was never completed and the latter was completed after the Civil War, after �180 CHAPTER NO. 12 many shifts and starts and reorganizations. [7] River traffic continued to thrill and engaged the Parson. When a flood tide brought product-laden craft from farther up the state to Knoxville in May 1856, he counted 300 boats lined up along the river bank at Knoxville. Their cargoes of corn, wheat, oats, flour, bacon, salt, iron, casting and lumber were valued at $300,000. Prices went down under the impact of this volume. Brownlow's appreciation of the importance of commercial and business news grew swiftly after his arrival in Knoxville. He wrote of crops and markets as he found them in the region or wherever he went, and he introduced a "Commercial" column with quotations on grain, flour, meat, fruit, vegetables, cotton, molasses, lard, rice, sugar and feathers, from New Orleans, Charleston, Augusta, Chattanooga, Macon, New York, Philadelphia, St. Louis, Cincinnati and Nashville. He also carried a column of railroad news as well as separate items. His crop reporting grew more extensive and sometimes covered several southern states. The Whig sometimes carried outbursts that it could operate without Knoxville circulation, which might have been taken to mean he disliked Knoxville. Actually, he was deeply concerned for the city's progress, as the trend of his editorial policy showed. He performed as a traveling chamber of commerce for Knoxville as he crisscrossed the South and Southeast. He devoted a lecture in Savannah to the advantages of trade with East Tennessee. He grew lyrical over the advantages of Knoxville as he poured out this praise of his home: We will soon have the Railroad Cars coming in and going out of our city daily, with freights and passengers, connecting us at once, by steam, with Charleston, Savannah, Augusta, Mobile, Nashville, New Orleans, St. Louis, Louisville and Cincinnati. In a very short time thereafter, we shall have a first-class Railroad completed, connecting us with Lynchburg, Richmond, Norfolk, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York & Boston, this being the greatest thoroughfare on the American Continent. It will then require half a dozen of the largest class Hotels to accomodate even transient customers, saying nothing about regular boarders attached to numerous business houses. Knoxville is the centre of East Tennessee, both east and west, or north and south-aye, it is the Metropolis of a territory of some thirty counties, a rich and fertile country, abounding in rich iron ore, coal, salt, hydraulic lime, marble, valuable timber, and other choice materials for manufacturing purposes. Add to these excellencies, a salubrious climate, fine air, and the best water that ever our God sent forth from the hills and vallies [sic.] " to nourish and invigorate his creatures." Add still to these �THE MATERIAL PARSON 181 charms the fact that the entire territory of East Tennessee presents to the eye of the paralized [sic.] beholder, a surface of country, not only fertile in the highest degree, but picturesque and beautiful beyond conception. Is it any wonder that we thus calculate on the growth of our already flourishing town? Certainly not.... Our honest opinion is that there is not a more interesting locality, or delight· ful city in the Union, all things considered, than this aforesaid Knoxville, and hence we are here for life! We have now lived in this world almost a half a century, and in that time, ... we have met with no locality that holds out more inviting inducements to population, wealth, enterprise, industry and talents (Whig, April 30, 185 3 ). The Parson also forecast the day when he would be editing Brownlow's Daily Whig (Ibid.). He missed on that prophecy. Knoxville was once chiefly a depository for agricultural products, but was now moving into such industries as sawmills, flour mills, foundries, planing mills and machine shops that utilized the new steam power. Before 185 3 ended, Brownlow urged that the city should get into wider fields of manufacturing. "The time is coming," he wrote, "when all the woolen and cotton goods, hats, shoes, edgetools and farming impliments [sic.] now manufactured in New England and other parts of the world will be manufactured in our midst. We can command the wool and leather now, and the iron and coal, and we have the cotton with far less freight on it than we have at the North" (Whig, December 24, 1855). The cholera epidemic of 1854 brought Knoxville to an economic standstill. But when it was ended and business began to be resumed Editor Brownlow mounted a horse for a survey of the town and found what he described as a surprising amount of building. It was an obvious attempt to encourage the citizens who were depressed by the tightness of money as well as by the scourge of the epidemic. He came back with another boosting editorial-a Christmas message-in which he acknowledged that the fears of economic decay had arisen. But again he cited an increase in business houses and manufacturing plants. The Parson reminded his subscribers that Knoxville had grown from the 2,000 population it had when he began publishing there in 1849 to between 5,000 and 6,000. But in a separate piece he accused the citizens of permitting a low state of morals to exist; he described the municipal government as being laggard, the schools as inadequate and juvenile crime as on the increase. He charged the county with permitting bridges across First Creek to reach such a �182 CHAPTER NO. 12 state of repair that they were not fit to be used by "a sheepkilling dog, a runaway negro, or a returning convict from the penitentiary."[9] Christmas of 185 5 found the Parson in delighted mood regarding the material progress of Knoxville: A spirit of enterprise is manifested every where; not only do we see it in the number of buildings that are going up, but we also see it in the neat and well designed Business Houses of huge dimensions, the principal ones being on Gay Street. Go where you will, within or without the limits of our Corporation, and new houses are being erected-old ones repaired, or enlarged-while all is activity, stir and enterprise-attracting the notice of the traveler, and drawing from him some words of commendation and praise! Besides the many evidences of business activity, such as the lighting up of our city with Gas, the cutting down and paving of our streets-all will bear testimony to the fact that the completion of the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad to this place, the rapid extension of the Tennessee and Virginia Railroad ... has infused new life into every grade of business .... And what a change is perceivable in the advanced price of real estate, such as town lots and lands! So much has our Railroad enhanced the value of lands in East Tennessee that we consider that the Road does not owe the stockholders one dollar of dividends, upon a fair and just settlement! (Whig, December 29, 1855). Again, as in 1854, the Parson found that the material prosperity and a high state of morality did not go hand in hand, for he saw many of the people of Knoxville galloping headlong to perdition. He had observed the holiday by remaining at home for three days, except to deliver a temperance lecture at a Negro church. As for many of the other residents•: Instead of meeting to pray and praise, and to send up offerings of gratitude to God, for that great sacrifice on Calvary, we have, too many of us, attended candy-pullings, frolics, card-tables and cock-pits, where liquor has been abundant, and the name of God has been shamefully blasphemed-Others have hung around Groceries, drank and swore, fought and stabbed their fellowmen-sent some, certainly, to Hell, and increased their own chances for the infernal pit, at no distant day! (Ibid.). Even if hell awaited the sinners, the material future looked glowing. The municipal corporation had extended its limits northward to take in the railroad junction, car shops and Gray Cemetery. A few weeks later the Whig reported that a steam-powered sawmill at the mouth of First Creek was cutting 6,000 to 8,000 feet of lumber �THE MATERIAL PARSON 183 daily. The operator was a Democrat but "the cleverest kind of a fellow," and there was agitation for a bridge across the Tennessee River-still called the Holston at that time. [ 10] Then the panic of 1857 struck. The times grew so hard that John Fleming of the Register suggested that merchants would find it a simple step to suspend business for Thanksgiving, "that matter having been pretty well attended to already." Brownlow drew this picture in the spring of 1858: Our once growing city, at present, is almost as dull as if the cholera had arrived, and done its work! There is scarcely any business doing. The spring season is about winding up with the dealers in Dry Goods, and but little is doing by other merchants, while the employment of all is to sit at their doors, smoke cigars, read newspapers or complain to passers-by of hard times! And the newspapers which they read are as void of news as those who read them are of customers. We are sorry that we cannot say our city is on a stand-it is evidently going down hill, for the present. There are very few houses in a course of erection. Many of our mechanics are out of employment, or have but little to do, and cannot get money for what they execute. Money is scarce and daily becoming more difficult to command. Collections are being pressed through officers, and great sacrifices of property must follow .... We are sorry to make so gloomy a representation of affairs as this to the public, but this is the light in which we view the state of things here. If anyone will show us the bright side of the picture, we will dwell upon that, at least for a time, for we delight to speak of the prosperity of our city, and of the success of her business men and houses .... What are we to do? Let us dress plainer and cheaper. Let us eat less idle bread, and make what we do eat. Let us get out of debt and then stay out(Whig, May 22, 1858). The Whig, like other businesses, must have suffered from decreased revenues. Brownlow also had been required to pay debts for others on whose notes he had gone security, a predicament in which he found himself several times in his life. He made his usual meaningless vow that he would never again endorse for anyone. His outlook grew so gloomy that upon a trip to a Sons of Temperance meeting in Bristol he recommended burning the decaying villages of Kingsport and Blountville. Yet, he saw correctly that Bristol, Knoxville and Chattanooga would be the major cities of East Tennessee. [12] He could �184 CHAPTER NO. 12 not foresee Johnson City for it did not exist. The doleful prospects, however, forced him to scour everywhere for business and economic news. This drove him into an expansion of such items that the Whig lost some of its political cast. The issue of November 14, 1857, carried on page 2, where the cream of the news was printed, nineteen items dealing with business, industrial and financial subjects. The topics ranged from reports on the money markets of Paris and London to riots and disorders arising from the panic, and from the market for Tennessee bonds to the price of sugar and molasses. The river was rising and the tide would bring salt boats from upstate; provisions were high, producing protests in the larger centers, but produce prices in Knoxville were declining (Whig, November 14, 1857). It was a significant development in newspaper reporting, a turning from the narrow scope of politics, government and religion, with now and then a fist fight or a duel between editors, into the broad and diverse field of business, finance and markets. The winter of 1857-58 was mild, but the warm weather did not prove to be a boon. In the spring the Parson reported that the ice crop, usually stored in underground caches for summer use, was so scant that "We must all go it next summer on spring and cistern water, and mean whiskey as we find it!" But the Yankee North and the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad rescued Knoxville. Ice was shipped from Boston by way of Savannah, arriving from that port after thirty-three hours. The Parson trilled, "We are fast approaching that bright destiny which has heretofore lived only in the vision of an inflated imagination. May we not soon expect to realize the fact that ours is the great central metropolis of this once remote and mountain bound region known as the "Switzerland of America."[13] He did not mention the price of ice. When the East Tennessee and Virginia line was completed on May 14, 1858, linking the tracks between Knoxville and Bristol, the celebration was widespread. Knoxville, the junction of two major railroads, was on a great route stretching from the eastern cities of New York, Boston, Philadelphia and Baltimore to Memphis. Travel time from New York to Memphis was cut to three days and nine hours. Brownlow dwelt on the scenery passengers on this route would enjoy and began to promote the resort advantages of the East Tennessee area, especially the mineral springs. But his zeal for almost every railroad projected and his devotion to a friend led him into an embarassing situation. Dr. Jeptha Fowlkes, �THE MATERIAL PARSON 185 the Memphis editor and plantation owner who had bailed Brownlow out of a tight corner with a loan several years earlier, was a heavy investor in the projected Southern Pacific Railroad, from New Orleans westward. The Whig editor became an enthusiastic agent for the sale of stock in the road, but its operations became involved and suspect, and Fowlkes took over as president to straighten out its affairs. When the cloud fell over the company Brownlow quit selling the stock, but even the then friendly Register, while absolving the Parson of any taint, suggested that "the evidences of a gigantic fraud are now almost irresistible." Brownlow obviously believed the operation was meritorious. [14] Brownlow's personal hand in affairs was reflected in the character of his reporting in the big railroad events of 185 5 and 1858. His coverage of the arrival of the first train in Knoxville was skimpy. This was probably the result of a snub by those in charge of the combined celebration of July 4, a jubilee over the anniversary of American independence and the railroad's transportation opening. Brownlow's name does not appear on any committee, although he published a list of these dignitaries. So he published only a barebones account of the preparations. He was vigorously engaged in 185 5 in supporting Meredith Gentry's unsuccessful race against Governor Johnson, who was seeking reelection, and in advancing the campaign of W. H. Sneed for Congress; but he would have been pleased-in fact probably expected-to be designated for some part in the arrangements and the festivities. [ 15 J That the Parson felt he had been snubbed was indicated in this tart and bitter summary of the event: In everything but numbers our national festival was a failure. We had an immense concourse of people here-we had good order-no accident occurred whatever-and to the honor of the grocery-keepers they closed up their doors. But we lacked organization-all was confusion ... There was a Brass Band, and that performed well enough. The trains of cars came and went, according to notices given, and the whistles of the engines blew fiercely. The natives collected from every quarter, and gazed on the sight with profound astonishment! The citizens were liberal, and entertained the people with becoming hospitality. But out and out, the thing was rather a humbug! (Whig, July 7, 1855). The railroad celebration at Greeneville three years later drew the Parson's approval in every respect. He was on the Joint Central Committee from Knox County, and 0. P. Temple, a Green County native, was chairman. He promoted the occasion enthusiastically and report- �186 CHAPTER NO. 12 ed it with gusto. He found it to be "a grand affair, and all, too, that the friends of the enterprise could have desired." The crowd was estimated at 8,000 to 10,000, and the table was 1,800 feet long. It required 7,000 feet of plank, yet all was covered with linen cloth. He praised Greene County for the way the event was carried out and predicted that the "great day ... will long be remembered by thousands." Temple would write up a long list of speakers. It must have been a big day for John Fleming, Register editor, failed to get his account back to the office, and Charles A. Rice, publisher, wrote the story with a rather sharp explanation that he had to fill in for his writer. [ 16] Knoxville's business life must have been stimulated by the coming of the railroad, for Brownlow came out with the Tri-Weekly Whig on the advent of 1859. He recalled that when he had arrived a decade earlier: Knoxville was a small and inconsiderable place with a population of about two thousand souls-with no Railroads, no Turnpikes-and no means of getting merchandise to or from the place, but such as were offered by a few, small stemwheel boats, running about six months in the year. Town property was down at a low rate-real estate was at ruinous prices in all the surrounding country-there was nothing to give encouragement to enterprise, and but little stimulus to commerce (Tri-Weekly Whig, January 4, 1859). Some men of means and influence had contributed to the considerable growth of Knoxville, including increasing wholesale trade and the establishment of several manufacturing plants. Now that business was reviving as the panic's inroads were lessening, "Our capitalists and business men, must not remain idle, or fold their arms and remain quiet." They should resume activity. The Tri-Weekly Whig would be a lever in this work and could perform the task of meeting the "increasing wants of our thriving population." As mentioned before, the Parson said Tri-Weekly Whig would make little more than expenses for a time. The editor's published reasons for starting the new paper had substance but other factors probably entered into his decision. Rice sold the Register and it passed into Democratic hands. If the Democrats revitalized the Register they might restore its discarded semiweekly issues. So the Parson may have decided to get into the field first. [ 17] Indications appeared that business was beginning to revive. This the editor noted in the first tri-weekly issue, but farmers were getting �THE MATERIAL PARSON 187 low prices for their products, and the prediction was that they would drop more [Whig, July 31,1859). The Parson's health was declining, however, and after the election of August 1859 he printed this notice: The shattered condition of our health-the enfeebled state of our systemworn down by inordinate attention to business-long residence in town-excessive mental anxiety-we fmd ourselves to be an exhausted and sighing invalid, attended by an insupportable sense of weariness and lassitude; and as such, we go to the mountains of Virginia, to seek a panacea in the delightful and refreshing baths, and other uses of their curative waters. He was not entirely debilitated, for he kept a steady stream of spicy, chatty and gossipy dispatches flowing from the resorts. But frothy and amusing as his writings were, he was filled with deep concerns, aside from that over his own health, as he wrote Temple: My greatest concern in life is to raise and educate my children, and to this point I am directing my attention. John will graduate next June, when I wish him at once to read law with you. James will graduate in two years more, when I desire him either to read Law or Medicine, as he may be inclined. I wish neither of them to meddle in politics. My next greatest concern in life is for the growth and prosperity of Knoxville. The town is going down-everything is getting flat-and the prospects ahead are all gloomy. If something is not done to push those cross Roads to completion, and to get up manufacturing establishments there, it is a doomed place .... There is too much of selfishness, too much of a desire to speculate and swindle, and too little of public spirit in Knoxville. Wallace and others go in clans, and seek to monopolize all that is on hand, or like to come up. [ 18] Brownlow expanded on this theme in an editorial he wrote while at one of the resorts, but without using any names. He rehashed his argument that the city must have manufacturing plants for growth; that prices of building lots and materials were so high they discouraged construction; that banks were demanding exorbitant rates; and that the remedy lay in pressing for completion of the long rail route from Charleston, through Kentucky, to Cincinnati: [ 19] The one on the South will give us an outlet to a great commercial mart, and a heavy increase of travel; the one on the North will bring inexhaustible banks of rich ore and beds of superior coal to our doors, and build up foundries and Machine shops, and all manner of Iron manufactories. Unless this is done, we are a used up people, and our town is a doomed one, where dog-fennel and sour- �188 CHAPTER NO. 12 dock will take the place of paved streets and elegant side-walks. He restated his theme, a month later, urging that Knoxville should put up $50,000 of bonds to help build the Kentucky road, with little East Knoxville adding $25,000 for this purpose, although privately he was not hopeful about the second amount.[20] The Parson reported his visit to the springs improved his general health (Whig, October 15, 1859), but the editor and his beloved Knoxville were destined for the shattering experiences of intense political strife, wretched divisiveness and war. CHAPTER XII NOTES [ 1] Elements of religious controversy appear in Brownlow's quarrels with Landon C. Haynes, but they generally involved internal affairs of the Methodist Church. The major interdenominational dispute that appeared in the Whig was with the Rev. Frederick A. Ross in 1846. See also Brownlow's complaint that Roman Catholicism triumped in the 1844 election of George M. Dallas as vice president. Whig, December 4, 1844. [ 2] Ibid., March 18, April 7, 1841, May 18, July 6, 1842. [ 3] Ibid., April23, 30, 1845, November 4, 18, 25, 1846. [ 4] Ibid., July 7, May 26, July 7, 21, September 29, 1847, January 19, 1842. [ 5] Ibid., May 19, June 16, 1849. [ 6] For examples of the increase of commercial items see ibid., May 8, 1842, March 12, April 23, 30, 1845, October 14, November 4, 18, 25, 1846, September 29, November 10, December 27, 1847, January 24, 1849. [ 7] Ibid., February 7, 1852. Brownlow agreed to make a temperance speech in Lynchburg, Virginia, but announced that he would "wind up on the railroad," ibid., February 28, 1849. Seven years later when the Tennessee General Assembly was considering railroad legislation he proclaimed, "I am the friend of each and every Company railroad in the State," ibid., January 12, 1856, March 27, July 24, 1852; Rothrock, ed., French BroadHolston, pp. 106, 110-112, 228-232. An early mention of the route north from Knoxville and of the Cincinnati to Charleston and Savannah line is in the Whig, January 10, 1852 and thereafter with frequency, e.g., October 2, 13, 1852, December 16, 1854, July 9, 1856, April 18, 1857, October 8, 1859. [ 8] Ibid., May 17, 1856. The Parson's growing interest in commerce, industry and crops may be traced through ibid., November 27, December 25, 1852, January 1, 1853, May 5, 1855, February 18, 1860, April2, 16, 30, 1853. For the Savannah speech see ibid., March 26, 1853. [ 9] Ibid., October 21, December 30, 1854. �THE MATERIAL PARSON [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] [20] 189 Ibid., December 29, 1855, March 15, April12, 1856. Register, November 26, 1857. Whig, April25, May 2, 1857. Ibid., March 6, April17, 1858. Ibid., May 8, 22, 1858; Register, May 20, 1858; Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, pp. 108-109; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 262-263; Register, December 10, 1857. Brownlow's efforts in behalf of the Southern Pacific were spread over several years. Wbig, January 1 7, May 16, 1857, March 20, May 29, June 6, July 3, 24, 1858, Tri-Weekly Whig, January 4, February 10, 12, July 3, 1859, Whig, July 17, 1860. Seventyfive years later the Parson's stock selling was held up for critical examination by Vernon M. Queener before the East Tennessee Historical Society, meeting at Maryville. Queener recalled that in May 1859 Brownlow had sold to Blount Countians 300 shares of Southern Pacific stock which proved to be worthless. Queener was an ardent Democrat, and he did not hold Brownlow in high esteem as an editor. His Maryville address was based upon his thesis, University of Tennessee, 1930, and summarized in "William G. Brownlow as an Editor," ETHS PUBL. No.4, pp. 67-82. Whig, May 26, June 30, July 7, 1855. Ibid., April17, June 12, 1858; Register, June 10, 1858. Tri-Weekly Whig, January 4, 1859; Register, June 25, 1857. The Register was printing a semiweekly and weekly when Brownlow moved to Knoxville. Whig, January 5, 1850. The springs Brownlow visited are now in the Monroe County area of West Virginia. Ibid., September 10, 17, 24, October 1, 8, 1859; Brownlow to Temple, September 6, 1859. Temple Papers. The Wallace referred to probably was Campbell Wallace of Knoxville, president of the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad, when it was completed to Knoxville. Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, p. 106. Whig, September 3, 1859. Ibid., October 3, 1859, Brownlow to Temple, September 12, 1859. Temple Papers. �"To the Union, the Constitution, and the Laws." Chapter No. 13 1859-1861 The rest at the resorts of Virginia restored the Parson's vigor but left him still suffering from bronchitis and hoarseness. These conditions were painful and limited his expression to the pen, except for brief conversations. When a "valued friend" from the South, who happened to be in New York, learned of the editor's condition he recommended the surgery of Dr. Horace Green in the metropolis and paid the expense of trip and treatment. Brownlow's reason for explaining these personal facts was: "I do not travel for pleasure and have no money to spend that way." Dr. Green's treatments took place before the eyes of waiting patients. The Parson found that while some of the spectacles were unnerving he was impressed with the skill of the surgeon and his assistant. When Brownlow's turn came Dr. Green sliced off a "sort of fungus growth" three inches long, in the region of the epiglottis. The doctor worked so swiftly that the patient felt no pain until soreness set in. Brownlow required daily cauterization with nitrate of silver for several days but the doctor permitted the Parson to return to his hotel room. Lover of good food that he was, he found that the greatest misery following the operation was to sit down to a table "groaning under the weight of everything palatable" and yet be unable to swallow (Whig, November 26, 1859). The after effects of the operation confined Brownlow to his hotel room for a few days. Everywhere he went on his trip he found one "great agitating topic of conversation." John Brown, an angry man from the furious fighting between the free soil and pro-slavery forces in Kansas believed he had a messianic mission to free slaves. He and his tiny army captured and held briefly the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry before they were overcome by the Marines and imprisoned. The New York preachers infuriated the Parson with their 190 �1859-1861 191 sermons on Thanksgiving Day eulogizing Brown who was doomed to hang on December 2. The Parson said: The gospel these hypocrites preach is a gospel of rifles, of revolvers, of pikes, of fire, murder, insurrection, and aU the horrors of civil war. They do not scruple to proclaim old Brown, though a horse thief and a murderer, a saint and a hero. Several of these pious divines pointed to Brown's hanging tomorrow week, as the sign and symbol in our politics, that the Cross of Christ is in our religion (Whig, December 3, 1859). The Parson, in company with a Baptist preacher from Canton, Georgia, went to Brooklyn to hear one of the most famous clergymen of his day, Henry Ward Beecher. He found Beecher's prayers for slaveholders, slaves and the doomed survivors of Brown's ban utterly abhorrent; yet he was deeply impressed: I came to the conclusion that he was not a bad hearted man; and crazy as he is, on the subject of slavery, those of our friends in the South who are fortunate enough to get to heaven, need not be astonished to find HENRY WARD BEECHER there! ... He is a rapid speaker, but for one hour he held the large audience spellbound. I was amazed at the novelty of his position, and his utter contempt for anything like system! I was charmed by his eloquence, originality of thought, wit, sarcasm and the vehemence with which he uttered his sentiment. And in turn, I was disgusted with the infidel tendency of some of his doctrines (Ibid.). In previous years the Parson had atrociously abused the clergyman's sister, Harriet Beecher Stowe, author of Uncle Tom's Cabin, for her position on slavery and for the book she wrote. [ 1] Brownlow had been sickened when he witnessed the hanging of a wife murderer in Knoxville in 1839. But he wanted to see Brown meet his doom and made his plans to be at Charleston for the execution. The curious swarmed in such throngs and the security measures were so tight that he gave up seeing "old Ossawattamie [sic.] pull hemp without footfold, or rather cotton, for a gentleman in Alexandria has furnished the jailor with a new cotton cord to hang Brown, the product of slave labor." Yet the reports of the doomed man's last hours led him to admire Brown's calmness and courage as he awaited the scaffold, and he rated him "as game a man as ever lived." Free from derangement, he was "in intellect and courage, ... the superior of four-fifths of the men in Congress .... He has no hopes of any pardon, or even rescue, and really contemplates �192 CHAPTER NO. 13 the gallows that awaits him with the philosophy of a Socrates" (Whig, December 10, 1859). The execution of Brown held special interest for the Parson and the people of the Knoxville area, for the free soil guerrilla leader and his men had murdered three members of a family with a Knox County background. James Pleasant Doyle, who had left Knox County in 1845, wound up on a homestead in what was then Lykins County, Kansas, near Osawatomie. Brown and his men took Doyle and his two sons, William, twenty-two, and Drury, twenty, from the home, hacked and shot them to death, and left their bodies nearby. Brown spared John C. Doyle, fourteen, upon the pleas of his mother, Mrs. Mahala Doyle. The remaining Doyles moved to Chattanooga, and when Brown was hanged, according to a statement given by John, "I had permission from Governor Wise to hang him, but failed to get there on account of a landslide between Morristown and Bristol." Mrs. Doyle also wrote that her son was anxious to see Brown hanged. The Doyles were not slaveowners and the father came from a Knox County area that was rigidly Unionist. But in Kansas the Tennesseeans followed their natural inclination to side with the southern view in the cleavage that bloodied Kansas, and to Brown that meant they deserved destruction. Embittered, John served in the Confederate army from June 1861 until May 1865. [2] The closing days of 1859 had brought a bristling forecast. A New Yorker was summarily brought before a meeting of citizens at the Knox County Courthouse on the accusation of being an abolitionist. John Crozier Ramsey, lawyer and one of the city's fire-eating southerners, recommended hanging. But the moderates prevailed and the New Yorker, a nursery salesman, was given three days to wind up his business and leave town. A dispute between James Park, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church and a moderate, and Postmaster C. W. Charlton, a Methodist minister and an extremist, reached the point where their supporters drew weapons. Friends restored peace (Whig, December 24, 1859). Brownlow wrote in jubilant mood from Nashville when the Constitutional Union Convention of the state voted to support John Bell for the Presidency (Whig, March 3, 1860). Bell came close to being his idol, although a lesser one than Henry Clay. The party also had shed its ignoble designation of opposition. Brownlow's harrowing experience of seeing his son, named for John Bell, tried for murder, must have sucked some of the bounce out of him, but his son was exonerated. His usual ebullience returned and he was an enthusiastic �1859-1861 193 delegate to the national convention that nominated Bell for President with Edward Everett of Massachusetts as his running mate. The platform was a gem of brevity: "The Constitution, the Union and the Execution of the Laws."[3] Brownlow paused in Washington on the way home and heard Senator Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, defend "Squatter Sovereignty" and denounce Senator Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, who opposed it. Since this represented the wedge that was splitting the Democratic Party, the Parson relished it and he described how Douglas demolished Davis: Douglas spoke three hours and five minutes . . . . The speech was an able one, both powerful and convincing, for as a debater, I doubt whether he has a superior in American public life. In the private circle, he is vulgar, profane, drunken and low flung. On the floor of the Senate, he is wanting in dignity, speaks to the galleries and the crowd around him, in the true style of a demogogue. But he sways the people, and inspires both friends and foes with admiration for his abilities. I think I never heard such an effort, and I have heard all who speak of it say the same. He literally ruined the Democratic party, and made the Senate Caucus who adopted Davis' resolution condemning Squatter Sovereignty, look like a gang of stupid Asses . .. (Whig, May 26, 1860). Brownlow also released this evaluation of Buchanan's Administration: Corruption, foul and loathsome, wicked and damning, swarms around the White House, in all the Departments, and around the Capitol, daring the gaze and defying the power of outraged constituencies; legislation is bought and sold. Members of the House, in violation of their oaths and honor, have sold their oaths and honor, have sold their votes to carry through the English Lecompton Bill, a favored Administration measure, for a given price, receiving as high as $10,000 for a vote! Senators stagger in the Chamber, from drunkenness, and swear profanely while in session, talking to one another-a disgrace to the Nation and to the State which sent them here. Members of the Cabinet are partners in large contracts, and are engaged in swindling the Government out of millions of dollars. The corrupted villain at the head of the Government is using the people's money to bribe a set of equally corrupt newspaper editors, to defend his villainy and thefts. Better for us, as a people, and for our posterity, better for our peace at home, and our character abroad, that the Congress of the United States should meet but once in ten years, than that the Government should be disgraced by such Senators (Ibid.). The Democrats tried to meet as a unified party, then fractured. The southern wing nominated John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky and the �194 CHAPTER NO. 13 northern wing nominated Senator Douglas of Illinois. The new, northern-based Republican Party nominated Abraham Lincoln of Illinois. Brownlow and his old Whig comrade, Tom Nelson, believed their Constitutional Union ticket offered a standard to which northern and southern conservatives could rally. They felt that sectionalism hung over all the other aspirants. [4] Before the campaign reached full fury, the Parson compared his throat with Douglas', the Illinois senator having gone to Dr. Green in New York for treatment: Our friends are sorry for us, and Douglas' friends are sorry for him, but there is this difference between us. Ours stood the "wear and tare" [sic.] of time, and the warring elements, for 3 3 years, because we advocated truth, and the best interests of Church and State. Douglas caved in with the labors of 23 years, and what passed through his throat, coming out, would have burned and blistered a throat of brass. What has passed down was sufficient to have burned out his swallow and windpipe, and to have carried away the root of his tongue (Whig, June 23, 1860). The Whig went into the campaign in high gear with new body type and a circulation which jumped from 9,000 to 11,000 in a month. Nelson and Temple stumped for Bell. The Parson's throat kept him campaigning only with his pen,[5] until John H. Crozier, Breckenridge supporter, speaking in front of the Lamar House during the week of the East Tennessee Division Fair, sized up the editor as "meaner than Judas, as going over to the Abolitionists and as a dastard and a coward." This, Brownlow decided, was an insult that required notice and an answer. He had posters printed in large type and armed with a bucket of paste and a brush, he put them up on Cumberland and Main Streets and in the business part of Gay Street. They served notice that he would answer Crozier on the night of October 17, 1860. He had given his version of Crozier's pedigree before. This time he amplified it and asserted that he had thwarted the lawyers' ambition to obtain the Whig nomination for governor in 1853. Further, he had rebuffed a proposal, when Nelson and Jones were fighting for the United States Senate post in 1852, for a WhigDemocratic deal to elect Crozier. He accused Crozier of nurturing an ambition to be a general "in the great Southern Army that is to pull down his government," [6] and he made this evaluation of his personal character: �1859-1861 195 He [Crozier] told the crowd that I would not attack anyone; that I would fill a coward's grave! It is folly for me to attempt to prove here to-night by words that I am brave. I really can't say whether I am a man of courage or a coward! No man has tried my pluck in Knoxville! ... If this little scoundrel, who is barking at my heels, desires to know ... let him make the experiment! I will not say that I fear no man in Knoxville. There is one man in Knoxville, I confess before God and this audience, I do fear, nay, I dread him-that man is John H. Crozier. I do not fear that he will meet me face to face and make an open manly attack upon me. Never! But I fear that, as mean and stingy as he is, he will shell out one hundred dollars to some irresponsible vagabond and assassin to shoot or stab me in the dark, or at the dead hour of night, apply a torch to my house and bum it down over my head. This is the pluck of the man, and before God I confess that I fear him (Ibid.). Ridicule was one of the Parson's most frequently used weapons, and he trained it on Crozier, hinting that he made his wife take in sewing, starved his Negroes, made butter from the milk of his cow, and gave a "fashionable entertainment," in blackberry time, serving them the wild growing fruit to be had for the picking. Miraculously, the editor's voice held out for forty minutes. Crozier had made his speech three times and the Parson carried his tirade in the 10,000 copies of the Whig (Whig, October 27, 1860). Brownlow probably brought on Crozier's attack by criticizing and abusing him for having opposed John Bell in his campaign for President that year (Whig, September 29, 1860). It is unfortunate that Crozier's position in his quarrels with the Parson is not to be found in existing records, a fact which makes objective evaluation impossible. The Parson's throat had been inadequate a month earlier in a confrontation with William L. Yancey of Montgomery, Alabama. Yancey's violent views on secession included a program that he predicted would "precipitate the Cotton States into a revolution." He came to Knoxville on behalf of Breckenridge in the course of a long speaking tour. A friendly account had Yancey arriving in Knoxville under escort of her citizens after what amounted to a "triumphal procession," from Kingston, Georgia. The Whig reported that Yancey was met at the railroad station "with two carriages and a music wagon and was escorted to the Lamar House by a very small crowd, three-fourths of whom were Bell and Everett men attracted by the fame of the distinguished visitor." When Yancey spoke from a stand erected underneath a large oak �196 CHAPTER NO. 13 in the northwest section of the city, a note was sent to him that propounded this question: "If Lincoln should be elected would you consider that a sufficient cause for dissolving the Union, or would you be resisting his inauguration?" The note was signed by Brownlow, Samuel R. Rodgers, 0. P. Temple, John M. Fleming and William R. Rodgers, M. D. Yancey called the men to the stand and asked them if they supported Bell's position on slavery. Temple replied that he did, stipulating that Bell's words should be given their full meaning rather than lifted out of context. The three other men echoed Temple[7] but Brownlow elaborated with: Yes, I endorse all Bell has said and I will go further than he has gone. I am one of the numerous party at the South who will, if even Lincoln shall be elected under the forms of our Constitution, and by the authority of law, without committing any other offense than being elected, force the vile Disunionists and Secessionists of the South, to pass over our dead bodies, on their march to Washington to break up this government! (Whig, September 29, 1860). Yancey's biographer found the encounter an "amusing document," yet he furnished the most inflammatory version available of the reply as given by the extremist from Alabama: If my state resists I shall go with her and if I meet this gendeman (pointing to Brownlow) marshaled with his bayonet to oppose us, I will plunge mine to the hilt through and through his heart, feel no compunction for the act, but thank God my country has been freed of such a foe. [8] The exchange brought tension to the audience but if there was any pistol cocking it was not reported. The incident plagued Brownlow. Yancey, by quizzing his questioners, had kept the initiative, and his bold, extreme reply to the Parson probably delighted the Breckenridge partisans in the audience. Temple barely alluded to the affair. Brownlow's inability to speak must have left him very unhappy. Curiously, the Whig's first account failed to carry Yancey's threat to bayonet Brownlow if the former met the latter in martial conflict. A week later Brownlow mentioned it in this backhanded fashion: Wonder if he thought we in Knoxville were such fools as to imagine that he, the redoubtable Yancey, would secede alone if Lincoln were elected, and expecting him to come along by Knoxville, marching with his flag or his bayonet, whisding his own march and commanding no body but his own gallant body, to prevent the inauguration of a President? If he did, he is a far greater fool than he mistook his audience to be. If we never get a bayonet plunged into us till the valiant Yancey does it on such a march as that, we are sure to die some other death (Whig, September 29, 1860). �1859-1861 197 William L. Yancey (From Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial History of the Civil W<1r in the United States of America, Hartford, 1877.] That the Parson felt he had been put at a disadvantage with Yancey is indicated by the way he pounced upon him in the Whig following the encounter, an obvious attempt to recover lost ground. The Whig of September 29, 1860, carried on two pages items with a dozen scathing allusions to the Alabamian. Aside from the editor's personal chagrin, he may have decided Yancey was a choice whipping boy, for two incidents in connection with his Knoxville appearance damaged the outsider. Senator Andrew Johnson, who knew East Tennessee voters as well as any man, refused to be drawn into a meeting with Yancey, although both supported Breckenridge. Johnson, who passed through Knoxville the day Yancey spoke, said he was too extreme for most Tennesseeans. Yancey also made the mistake of assuming that he spoke to an audience of aristocrats,[9] a point upon which Brownlow seized with this comment: He [Yancey] stated that white women at the North stand over the wash tub and cook-that· white men black boots and drive carriages, and perform all other menial services-while at the South, where we were more elevated, we make negroes [sic.] perform these degrading duties! This was a most unfortunate hit for this latitude. It might do in South Alabama, or in the wealthy portions of the Cotton States. But every tenth man he was speaking to did not own a negro [sic.] ; while the wives and daughters of all who heard him, wash, cook and milk cows, without ever suspecting that they were performing menial services! ... No wonder that Gov. Johnson said Yancey was a bad egg, and declined associating with him in a public debate! (Whig, September 22, 1860). The heat and the turbulence were maddening. When the Rev. Anthony Bewley, a native of East Tennessee and once a member of the Holston Conference, was hanged in Texas for being an abolitionist, he drew no sympathy from the Whig editor. Instead "he had no business there, meddling with the domestic institutions of the country. And great as is our respect for the friends and relatives of Mr. Bewley, we must be permitted to say that the people of Texas served him right. If he had been our brother, we should say he ought to have been hung [sic.]." Henry S. Foote, former governor of Mississippi, in denouncing Yancey and his extreme policy, told a crowd on the public square in �198 CHAPTER NO. 13 Nashville that "the ropes were already manufactured with which such infamous traitors as Yancey and his associates in Disunion were to be hung [sic.]!" (Whig, November 3, 1860). Parson Brownlow, a fighter for temperance if ever there was one, was taken to task by the Rev. R. M. Hunt, a Lutheran preacher, in a seven-hour debate in Burke County, North Carolina. The Lutheran, taking the negative side in a temperance debate, charged, "William G. Brownlow is a low-down drunkard, and after all he has written about Temperance, during the cholera epidemic of 1844, in Nashville, when all the other Ministers fled, he remained and danced the streets from morning till [sic.] night, with three sheets in the wind and the other fluttering" (Whig, October 6, 1860). This was a wretched untruth. As mentioned earlier, the Parson had remained in Knoxville in 1854, not 1844, and not in Nashville. He performed great services as hundreds fled, and there is no likelihood he ever danced, in the streets or on a wood floor. The pressures of the times seemed to throw men grotesquely out of joint, in their actions and in their words. Ardently and vigorously as Brownlow campaigned for Bell, he indicated that the election of Lincoln would not be a surprise. As the returns came in it did not overwhelm him to report: "The telegraphic dispatches announce-what we have expected-that Abraham Lincoln has carried all the Northwestern and New England states, and he is consequently elected President by the people." Bell carried his state by less than 5,000 votes with Middle Tennessee going substantially for Breckenridge. The unofficial returns gave: Bell East Tennessee Middle Tennessee West Tennessee Totals Breckenridge Douglas 22,320 29,006 18,384 18,904 34,452 11,697 1,659 2,187 7,548 69,710 65,053 11,394[10] Brownlow drew a little comfort from the fact that East Tennessee had clung to the old Whig line, Knox County, for example, giving Bell 2,471, Breckenridge 839 and Douglas 128. But neither the scant satisfaction to be obtained from these figures, nor the dismay at Bell's failure as a national candidate (he ran fourth) could save him from the consuming fear that his country was in peril. It was not a new conviction. He had been filled with it early in 1858 when he had written from Mobile to his friend Temple: "The truth is, there is but little talked of here, but a dissolution of the Union, and all parties �1859-1861 199 are for it. It is so in Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Alabama, where I have been. The tendency of things is that way." A few days later he spoke to a joint session of the House and Senate of the Alabama legislature, devoting two hours and fifteen minutes to discussing "the question of the North and South." The speech must not have been received with enthusiasm, for Brownlow did not mention the response of the legislators. Had he been greeted with approval or outright bitterness he would have mentioned it. [ 11] Neither would it have been in character for him to neglect his love for the Union. Now, sensing that extremists would use Lincoln's election to press their demands for quick secession, he laid aside the role of the polemicist, the architect of hyperbole and epithet, and addressed one of the most temperate pleas of his career to "Reasonable Men in the South," at a time when "passion and reason" were locked in struggle: We are not so vain as to suppose that what we can say will stay the tide of passion in certain quarters in the South, and bring back the impetuous wanderers, to consider facts and principles. Yet, the task of trying even those of our countrymen ought not to be shrunk from by conservative and patriotic men of the South, whose Southern birth and raising, and long service in behalf of the Union, and the maintenance of the laws, may be urged as a reason why they are at least entitled to a patient and respectful hearing. It is an ungracious and thankless task to exhort the LEADERS of the Breckenridge party in South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Virginia, Alabama and Mississippi to calmness, or to a patriotic reconsideration of the perilous position to which, under the apprehensions engendered by the election of a Northern Sectional President, they are plunging under the impulses of passion .... Mr. Lincoln himself is no doubt a patriotic man, and a sincere lover of his country. He is today, what he has always been, AN OLD CLAY WHIG, differing in no respect-not even upon the subject of Slavery-from the Sage of Ashland. The great objection with us to his election is the sectional idea upon which he was run, the character of the partisans, who supported him and will, it is to be feared, to some extent control his administration. But Lincoln is chosen President, and whether with or without the consent and participation of the South will be, and ought to be, inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1861. True, as the lights before us indicate, we should say that Lincoln has not received more than one-third to two-fifths of the aggregate vote of the nation. Neither did Buchanan, and yet he, like Lincoln, has been elected by divisions among his opponents. Lincoln, then, has been chosed legally and constitutionally, without either fraud or violence, simply by the suffrages of an enormous majority of the �200 CHAPTER NO. 13 people of the North, who have actually given him more Electoral votes than Buchanan received, who was permitted quietly to take his seat. Against the manner of his election, nothing can be urged. It is true, as we have before stated, he was a sectional candidate; and it is equally true that, with trifling exceptions in Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri, he received no Southern votes. But, do the Constitution or the Laws of our land require a man to receive Southern votes before he can be inaugurated President? Do they compel a candidate to receive votes in every State before he shall be declared our Chief Magistrate? Certainly not! Thus there is no just ground for resistance or revolutionary movement on that score. But the argument of Secessionists is that the administration of a Black Republican President must necessarily be of an aggressive character towards the South, and that the Slave States should forestall such iniquitous policy by withdrawing from the Union. Nay, the election of a man to the Presidency, by a party known to be opposed to slavery, and who heretofore have never been successful in such a contest, is alleged to be a just cause for secession. This view of the subject is so fallacious, and so extremely shallow, that it ought not to mislead anyone. The argument is that the South is exposed to all the wiles and infamy of an abolition government-an argument we cannot accept as legitimate in fact or reason. Did Lincoln receive the suffrages of the North under a pledge that if elected, he would disregard his oath of office, violate the Constitution, and subvert the Union? Certainly not, for had he given that pledge, the day his election was announced, the entire South would have been united in carrying out a most thorough and determined revolution, and thousands of true men at the North would have joined us! But, now that Lincoln is elected, will he execute the purposes of abolitionism? This he cannot do under the solemn oath to be administered at his inauguration. And who will say that he intends taking that oath with treason in his heart, and perjury on his tongue? We have no right to judge of Lincoln by anything but his acts, and these can only be appreciated after his inauguration. He knows very well that he cannot violate the Constitution in any serious particular, without rendering the dissolution of the Union necessary on the part of the South, and thereby involving the North in alarming trouble and certain ruin .... But, the attempt to break up the Union, before awaiting a single overt act, or even the manifestation of the purpose of the President elect, would be wicked, treacherous, unjustifiable, unprecedented and without the shadow of an excuse. And then again, disunion is not a remedy for any evil in the government, real or imaginary; and it is an uncertain and perilous remedy to be resorted to only in the last extremity, and as a refuge from wrongs more intolerable than the desperate remedy by which they are sought to be relieved. What the people of the �HO:-;". JOH;.{ BAXT ER. Hon. C. F. Trigg. [From T. M. Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers of Tennessee, Knoxville, 1888.] ""~"""· .to.,:P I! A. cooP>: " Isham G. Harris [From Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial History of the Civil War in the United States of America, Hartford, 1877.] Hon. John Baxter. [From T. M. Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers of Tennessee, Knoxville, 1888.] H ON. C. F. Tlll GG. General Joseph A. Cooper. [From W. R. Carter, History of the First Regiment of Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry in the Great War of the Rebellion, with the Armies of the Ohio and Cumberland, under Generals Morgan, Rosecrans, Thomas, Stanley and Wilson , Knoxville, 1902.] ""'" •· """' �Interview of W. H. H. Self with his daughter in Knoxville Jail. [From Parson Brownlow$ Book . ) Execution of Jacob Harmon and his son Henry. [From Parson Brownlow's Book.) C. A. Haun parting from his Family before his Execution. [From Parson Brow11low's Book.) �Parson Brownlow entering the Knoxville Jail. [From Parson Brownlow's Book.] Charles S. Douglas shot by the Rebels while sitting at his window in Gay Street, Knoxville. [From Parson Brownlow's Book.) The County Jail at Knoxville. Brownlow was confined on the lower floor. In the upper story were two immense iron cages, into which the worst criminals were put, and in these some of the most obnoxious Loyalists were confined. Out of this loathsome place several were taken to the gallows. The jail was a block and a half west of the Courthouse and was where the First Baptist Church stands today. [From Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial History of the Civil War in the United States of America, Hartford, 1877.) THE COGN':'Y .JAIL AT KNOXVILLE.I �Brigadier General Turner Ashby, Jackson's dashing cavalry leader. He was long on daring, but short on discipline. [Drawing from Harper's Weekly reproduced in Civil War Times lllustrated, Vol. XV, Number 7, November 1976.] Colonel James P. Brownlow. Both Brownlow boys were cavalry officers. [From W. R. Carter, History of the First Regiment of Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry in the Great War of the Rebelliou, with the Armies of the Ohio and Cumberland, under Generals Morgan, Rosecrans, Thomas, Stanley and Wilson, Knoxville, 1902.] KNOXVILLE WDlG OFFICE. Knoxville Whig Office [From Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial History of the Civil War in the United States of America, Hartford, 1877 .] �Judah P. Benjamin [From Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial History of the Civil War in the United States of America, Hartford, 1877.) Below: letter to Benjamin from Brownlow [From Parson Brownlow's Book.) .JUDAH P. BEXJAYIN. ffZv:>/l&-ttt(_ J'~, /f~t L / /; t. /]~t/~ • C~-1.-~ 2JV-/J. 16, 14-'G I. • • - J!otb ~~,/ ~v. ~ /U</'/uriZ)/ CU--td ?<-t-"- U?UYd-t, ~ ~C- UJ.~ /ko-{d ~~ auctk~ ~ fo taf ~- /.lv/fa ?U.-< ~ ~ k,__,_ ~~. a~aA /tn#> ~4~. . "to&fl ~ o-v:zo;k ktu~ otAAd c,o...tf,yrtl ~tw:a ~- f~CVM-~;t;:-~~v,~ -~~~~~t7wevz,~ ~~ J~, lrl p. ~~q'~.,<(~ ~~~rM/.e.~01 ~ cVL{_ ~a& z;-~·4chct -tJcu ~~1 ~/&~~~fevt¥<- ex ~ ~'1~-f'nuJ -z;-fro:L C+M-«:J't4«rf ~ ~~/A)_ ~oj&r:--J~~L(_ flU //(;;;( ~ L ---'0 Uu...c( jT ~ {Zo_//" /ft.' (/ /c yvv~ 1 - 1 1 -{1Aj zr / (4"t~~ ~rl'/~1~~ fkzj)~-~-i-{/"0~ / ~ ~ JZJ C-tru-~~/;j / Jct-~r/t1 .f/(y J/1ctutfon·- �Upper left : an early engraving of Brownlow made from a daguerrotype. Upper right: note the extensive retouching on the same engraving. This stained portrait of the Parson once hung in the old State Library in the Tennessee State House. The stain was made from tobacco juice spurted upon it by old Confederates. When the new library was built, there wasn't enough room to hang many portraits and the Parson was stored in the basement. Some years ago the portrait was sent to St. Louis for cleaning and the stain was removed. [Tennessee State Library.) �John Bell Brownlow, probably taken in his forties. Uoumal Staff Photograph by Hugh Lunsford from an original owned by Mrs. John F. Brownlow.) 0. P. Temple. Uoumal Staff Photograph by Hugh Lunsford.) Steve Humphrey in the museum of the University of Tennessee's Mechanical Engineering Department examines the steam engine used by the Parson in printing Brownlow's Knoxville Whig. Manufactured in Knoxville in 1855, the engine was used during the Civil War to drive machinery converting squirrel rifles into army muskets and later to run machinery in Georgia stamping buttons for Confederate uniforms. After the war it was recovered and resumed its original use in printing the Parson's newspaper. It has since undergone a number of repairs and uses. Uoumal Staff Photograph by Lin Hudson.) �William G. Brownlow, IV taken in Knoxville September 17, 1974. The Henry rifle he is holding was presented to Parson Brownlow in 1865 by the New Haven Arms Co. The rifle probably has never been fired. Detail of the same rifle. Uournal Staff Photographs by Hugh Lunsford.) �1859-1861 201 Southern States should do, may be summed up in a single word. PAUSE! Let the entire South, united with the thousands of conservative men North, bury their feuds, make common cause, and in 1864, the National Constitutional men of the country, North, South, East and West will overthrow the Sectionalists and restore the Government to a better condition than it has been in for a quarter of a century. The night is dark, we confess, and troubled, but there are gleams of light along the line of the horizon. Lincoln is President; but he is nothing more. We trust that he contemplates no mischief, but if he does, he can do none. The Senate, the House of Representatives, and the Supreme Court will hold him in check, and stand by the Constitution, and the rights of all sections. Here, then, is our hope, and here is the platform that all conservative men should occupy, and time and reflection will, anon, inspire a sober second thought in quarters where, at the moment, the blind impluses of passion bear sway (Whig, November 24, 1860). The spirit of calmness and tolerance and the appeal to reason that infused this editorial the Parson did not extend to President Buchanan and his final message. Brownlow printed the half of it that he considered was sufficient for the Whig's readers and then condemned it with: "God be praised that its imbecile and corrupt author is never to issue another Annual Message to Congress" (Whig, December 15, 1860). The editor also was carrying on a crackling war of words with infuriated Southern extremists who wrote in to cancel their subscriptions. His answers were so harsh and cutting that it must have required an intrepid soul to accompany a notice of cancellation with criticism of Whig policy. The extremists accused Brownlow of treason and libel and threatened him with lashings, tar and feathers, and death. As a loyal Unionist and a confirmed believer in the institution of slavery, he was under fire from two directions-and he returned volley for volley. On the Northern front he had reopened his battle with Pryne. From that quarter he was under attack from an abolitionist, while in the South the advocates of slavery charged him with being an abolitionist. Yet his stand on these issues brought him support from both sections of the nation. John Bell Brownlow reported that the Whig's circulation doubled after the Presidential campaign of 1860. John Bell and Temple have placed the Whig's top circulation at 14,000, but no objective count is, or was, available. [ 12] Brownlow's forceful, imaginative, hyperbolic style had made the newspaper most readable for years, but at the zenith of its circulation much of its popularity rested upon the sizzling contribution it made to the fury of the times. �202 CHAPTER NO. 13 Extreme haste showed through the action of Governor Harris in calling a special session of the General Assembly to meet on January 7, 1861. He greeted it on the first day with a message suggesting that the only course for Tennessee would be to go along with the states already moving into a confederacy. The legislators acted swiftly. They enacted a provision on January 19 for a referendum to be held on February 9. The provision submitted two questions to the electorate: should a convention be held to determine whether Tennessee should stay in or get out of the Union, and should it elect delegates in the event of convention approval. The convention, if approved, was to meet in Nashville on Febraury 2 5. [ 13] The electorate was in an agitated state. The Parson was hanged in effigy at Eufala, Alabama. Secessionists, infuriated because Senator Johnson spoke boldly against them, hanged or burned him in effigy in Memphis, Nashville and Knoxville. The Parson, finding his old foe aligned with him in the common cause, applauded with "Lay on Andy." At the same time the Whig warned Republicans that the Union men of the South would not submit to the implementation of the party's platform on slavery as adopted at Chicago. Brownlow also raised the possibility that East Tennessee would seek separate statehood and take in portions of Virginia and North Carolina. His voice recovered sufficiently for him to join a band of loyal stump speakers that included 0. P. Temple, John Baxter, C. F. Trigg and John Fleming. Temple, Baxter and Trigg were Union candidates for the convention. The Stars and Stripes was unfurled by the loyalists, and "A tall and magnificent Liberty Pole was raised by the Union men ... on the corner of Gay and Main streets ... and such a shout went up as has not been heard in these parts in many a long day!" Another flag was raised at Luke Wilde's brickyard on Temperance Hill in East Knoxville. Brownlow assisted at the ceremony. The Whig reported that farmers and mechanics were demanding that business houses indicate their position by flying the flag of the United States if they were loyal, and some other banner if they were not Union men. A hardy secessionist in what was then the Ninth Civil District offered to head a company into Knoxville to hang Brownlow. The Parson suggested that his foes should come the following Monday, for "There will be a Mass Meeting of the party [Union] here on that day and the hanging of the 'notorious Brownlow,' will add greatly to the interest of the occasion." The Parson was not hanged but the meet- �1859-1861 203 ing stirred up so much enthusiasm that two more Union flags went up, one at municipal headquarters in East Knoxville and the other at a livery stable_ [ 14] The state went 69,67 5 to 57,798 against holding a secession convention; 88,803 votes were cast for Union delegates and 27,749 for disunion representatives. It is possible some Union men voted for the convention but against delegates favoring secession. West Tennessee favored the convention, Middle Tennessee was evenly split and East Tennessee reported very large majorities against it. The Whig, gloating over the one-sided vote in Knox County, 3,15 8 against the convention and 391 for it, gigged the secessionists by printing some of their names, including that of the lone East Knoxville disunionist. Temple, cut to the quick because one Sevier Countian balloted against him, explained it on the grounds he had offended the man while examining him as a witness. [ 15] Lincoln's inaugural address, a month after the Tennessee election, brought this high praise from Brownlow: We endorse the entire Address, as one of the best papers of the kind we have ever seen, and we commend it for its temperance and conservatism .... It is, out and out, a Union address, worthy of the approbation of every Union and Conservative man South, as well as the North. Had it been delivered by Jackson, Polk or Breckenridge, even the Cotton States would have declared it to be the height of political perfection. And we unhesitatingly affirm, that if Lincoln's Inaugural is a true indication of the character of his coming Administration, all good and true men may congratulate themselves upon his election to the Presidency . . . . Let us, then, of the Border States, patiently await the developments of the new Administration. We may be much better off under it than under the late profligate Administration of Buchanan-we can't be worsted by four years of Republican misrule (Whig, March 9, 1861). In the false calm between the February referendum and the seizure of Fort Sumter by the already seceded South Carolina, Brownlow burst out with an announcement for governor, a step that remains puzzling. It was unsolicited, made because of "a tardiness on the part of aspiring men in the State to declare themselves ... and as the people seem a little slow in moving in that direction," and with this explanation: I am frank to confess that I desire the position on account of its honor, and as a means of rebuking my numerous Southern caluminators, who are unrelenting in their abusive war upon me because of my Union sentiments, and of my �204 CHAPTER NO. 13 opposition to their treason. I shall, of course, if elected, hope to serve the interests of the people, of the whole State, irrespective of parties. But not being rich, I would like to hold the office for two years, for the sake of the THREE THOUSAND DOLLARS PER ANNUM. Candor requires these avowals (Whig, March 23, 1861). Perhaps Brownlow thought that through this medium he could gain more widespread attention for the cause of Unionism. Perhaps he believed he could ride into office on what appeared to be a great tide of loyalty for the central government as demonstrated in the February vote, for his seventeen-point platform was essentially a plea for the preservation of the Union. He must have held no serious intention to make the race because a few weeks later he would not permit his name to be submitted to a convention, although he maintained the position of an independent candidate. He wound up supporting with some reluctance William H. Polk, brother of the late President, who was smothered under a tremendous majority for Governor Harris. The vote was 75,300 to 43,495. [16] The second vote on the question of seceding intervened after the editor announced for governor. It overshadowed all other issues and threw the East Tennessee loyalists into one of the most determined campaigns in the history of the region. The fall of Fort Sumter and Lincoln's call for 75,000 volunteers brought swift changes in Middle and West Tennessee sentiment. Governor Harris quickly called the legislature into session and the members responded to his appeal by calling another election for June 8. This time the question was put bluntly: Separation or No Separation. The act that put this question to the electorate was itself a separation document, and placed the General Assembly as well as the governor on the side of secession. On May 7, the day after enactment of the legislation for a June 8 referendum, the legislature entered into a military compact with the other states of the Confederacy. Negotiations had been carried out by commissioners appointed by the governor even before the passage of the referendum act. Much of the legislation at this time was passed behind closed doors, a fact that Brownlow did not neglect. [ 17] This time the campaign brought into operation, in addition to the band of Unionists who had fought successfully in February, an extraordinary team from the halls of Congress: Senator Andrew Johnson, Democrat, and Representative T. A. R. Nelson, an old line Whig. They stumped East Tennessee energetically, fearlessly and ably. Johnson's forthright stand for the Union had brought Brownlow �1859-1861 205 around to a position of admiration for his old enemy-except for some bitterness that Lincoln had placed Tennessee patronage in the hands of Johnson and Emerson Ethridge-and he needed no move from Nelson to applaud and support his course. Johnson received a taste of southern venom at Lynchburg, Virginia, on his way home from Washington. A mob hooted and hissed him as he went from one railroad station to another, and one man boarded the train and attempted to pull the senator's nose. This indignity led Johnson to display his revolver, whereupon the car was emptied rapidly. [ 18] The Unionists of Middle and West Tennessee lost heart, either from intimidation or despair. Public sentiment in these divisions of the state was enthusiastically behind the governor and the legislature. Troops were being raised on every hand, and a little group of men who once had been stalwart Unionists issued a statement at Nashville that must have shocked East Tennessee. It commended Governor Harris for his defiant refusal of President Lincoln's call for volunteers, condemned the President's policy, deplored secession and advocated a neutral position for Tennessee. The governor had abandoned neutrality already. Among the signers was John Bell. A few days later he abandoned neutrality. [ 19] The defection of the Nashville group had little effect on East Tennessee sentiment. The Unionists campaigned with fervor and fearlessness, for Confederate troops were moving through the area by train and other units for the Southern army were being organized and drilled in Knoxville and elsewhere. [20] Alabama soldiers, while passing through Knoxville, attempted to pull down the Stars and Stripes in Luke Wilde's brickyard. They desisted when Miss Lucy Wilde grasped the flag rope and defied them, and her brother appeared on the scene with a shotgun loaded with buckshot. When the train carrying the several hundred troops pulled through East Knoxville, a number of rifles were fired at the brickyard. The act evoked this comment from the Whig: "This was a gallant charge upon a gang of unarmed women and children, and it was the first instance of bad conduct upon the part of many troops passing through here. If these were some of the flower of the Alabama youth, God in his mercy save East Tennessee from being visited by the 'rag, tag and bobtail' of their population." As thousands of Confederates passed through the town, enemies of the Parson haunted the trains and encouraged the men to "call and groan for Brownlow." Some were incited to the point where they brandished revolvers (Whig, May 11, 1861). �206 CHAPTER NO. 13 Bloodshed on Gay Street was averted on April27, 1861, as Johnson spoke from a stand. A Monroe County brass band first tried to drown out the senator. Then "two military companies, with drums and Secession flags flying started toward the Union meeting." Two Confederates, Colonel David H. Cummings and Joseph A. Mabry, "acted the part of gentlemen, and through their influence, and active exertions, they silenced the Band, and kept the men from advancing upon the Union crowd," where many men were armed. The Parson was quite sure some firebrands had been urged on the band and the companies. At the time of the near confrontation he had leaped upon a chair and warned the audience that the "interruption was the work of Secessionists, and that they were instigated by SCOUNDRELS and VILLAINS residing in Knoxville." Nelson also spoke and Brownlow acclaimed the Congressmen for having given "Two Noble Speeches."[21] The following week two men died as the result of a quarrel between Charles S. Douglass, an outspoken Unionist, and Captain G. W. (Wash) Morgan, with Confederate troops stationed at Knoxville. The quarrel arose at a flag raising at the corner of Gay and Main streets. Partisans of Morgan, angered at what Douglass said, fired nine shots at the latter. One bullet inflicted a minor wound in Douglass' neck, but another killed an unoffending countryman at the door of a store. Douglass, apparently a storekeeper, obtained a gun at his place of business. Morgan returned to camp where soldiers prepared to march back to the town, armed. Knoxville citizens persuaded them to desist. The following day, according to Union accounts, Confederate soldiers entered the Lamar House by the "Ladies Entrance," and from the hotel fired across Gay Street, killing Douglass as he sat in a window, his wife beside him. No prosecution followed. Brownlow said that the Rev. Mr. Humes, "was proscribed for daring to attend the funeral and officiate, at the request of the widow." Humes credited Colonel David Cummings, Confederate officer from Sevier County, who had helped avert the near collision of the previous week, with having "relieved the occasion [the funeral] of its reproach in the eyes of unfriendly observers, by magnanimously joining on horseback the officiating minister in leading the sad procession." [22] Nelson and Johnson were of different political metal, but they had fused into a forceful and effective weapon for Unionism. Their contrasts were striking, outside of politics. Both were bold but where �1859-1861 207 Johnson was coarse, artful and of meager literary skill, Nelson was precise in language as well as in courtesy, elegant in his rhetoric and skillful in composing rhyming couplets, as well as in the drawing of legal papers. Each, in his own way, was a superb speaker on the stump. Nelson exerted the widest influence because he had long been a leader and laborer in Whig affairs in a region predominantly Whig; Johnson could talk the Democratic line to his partisans, an area where persuasion was sorely needed for the tendency of the party members was to accept the hotly secessionist party doctrine out of Nashville. Nelson's words fell on sympathetic ears; his task was to stiffen resolution. Johnson's work was more difficult. In most cases he sought to overturn long-held convictions. [2 3] Back in the Whig office at Knoxville, where Brownlow had adjusted his mind and his pen to praise the efforts of an old enemy as well as those of a long and cherished friend, the editor believed he had discovered a plot to murder Johnson. The exhausting schedule of the two top speakers for the Union had carried them across East Tennessee and as far west on the Cumberland Plateau as Jamestown. Their last engagement was at Kingston, forty miles from Knoxville on June 7, the day before the election. Young John Bell Brownlow picked up a report that two or three men had left Knoxville for Kingston for the purpose of stirring up Confederate soldiers to kill Johnson as the senator rode the train from Loudon to Knoxville. It had been established that a troop train carrying 2,000 soldiers would arrive in Knoxville on June 8. Parson Brownlow dispatched his son to Kingston in a horse-drawn buggy, armed with a Sharp's rifle and two revolvers, and with another youth as companion. Years later John Bell Brownlow wrote this account: We got to Kingston while Johnson was speaking. Trigg & Nelson had already spoken. A stand was erected in a fine grove. Nelson was sound asleep in the stand on the floor of which was a big tin bucket of whiskey punch. Nelson had had too much of it & Johnson had all he could bear & talk. After the speaking Nelson, Johnson & C. F. Trigg were about to start immediately for Loudon in a carryal [sic.]. Nelson was so tight he had to be assisted into the vehicle. Nelson & Trigg went to Loudon that night-7th of June & next morning went on to Knoxville & on the train were two thousand rebel soldiers. I told Johnson, in the presence of Trigg, that I had brought a buggy to take him to Knoxville because 2000 rebel soldiers would be on the train next morning & I believed they would assassinate him. He swore "he was not afraid, said he owned $12,000 in the stock of that Rail Road & he would be d--d if he would be driven from it by �208 CHAPTER NO. 13 the traitors of the Cotton States." But on reflecting a moment he concluded he would go with me & we travelled all night getting to Knoxville about 6 or 7 A.M., June 8th. After Breakfast Johnson crossed the river & went in buggy to Greeneville & thence as fast as he could to Barbourville, Ky. Young Brownlow did not reveal whether his father and Johnson met or where the senator ate breakfast, but he added this comment: I believe it possible Johnson would have been assassinated if he had not gone to Knoxville in the buggy & I now believe it would have been best for the South & country if he had been and best for his own fame. [24] Nelson and Johnson earlier had experienced obstructions and perils. More than forty citizens of Democratic Sullivan County had petitioned the two not to speak at Blountville. These people feared violence after the home of a Union man had been burned. Their difficulties were compounded when they spoke at Jonesboro early in May. Because County Court was in session they were forced to speak in the street. Nelson was heard with some order, but Johnson was "greeted with cheers and groans .... But owing to the unfavorable weather, the crowd having to stand up, together with the noise made by the drilling of volunteers, the banging of a couple of drums and the squeaking of a fife or two-it was impossible to hear with the satisfaction that attends good order." When Johnson tried again to speak he was interrupted by galloping horses and yelling men and rainfall. He finished his speech in the courthouse basement. [25] More than half a century later John Bell Brownlow, in a letter to Andrew Patterson, grandson of Andrew Johnson, threw fresh light on the reported attempt to kill Johnson, and linked one of the plotters to the murder of Douglass. John Bell wrote that after the rescue of Johnson from the soldiers he learned "that two citizens of Knoxville ... had gone to Loudon for the express purpose of inciting soldiers to assault Johnson." One of the men, a lieutenant in the Confederate army at the time and later a lieutenant colonel, John Bell wrote, "was utterly unprincipled and later was partici [sic.] criminis in the murder of Charles S. Douglas, a Johnson Democrat and Union man of Knoxville." John Bell added, "The disloyal hated Johnson far more bitterly than Nelson or Trigg and while the latter two could travel on that train without being assaulted it might have been different with Johnson." The implication is that the soldiers considered Johnson, a Democrat, as an outright turncoat. [26] A clash between Confederate soldiers on a passing train and a great �1859-1861 209 Union mass meeting at Strawberry Plains on May 5, 1861, produced gunfire from both sides. A. S. Meek, owner of the land where the Unionists met and through which the train passed, said the shooting began after a Confederate threw a rock at him and another, or the same one, fired a revolver at him. Temple, who along with Representative Horace Maynard and John Fleming was to speak, said bullets whistled above the stand where they waited. Armed Unionists (and there must have been many of them) returned the fire. The Confederates apparently were well protected by the boxcars in which they were being transported, and they must have aimed above the heads of the crowd, which included women and children. The Unionists threatened to tear up the tracks but were dissuaded by cooler counsel among the leaders. No one was hit, but the shooting must have heated up the oratory that followed, if anything was needed to that end. The Register, ardently secessionist, reported: "There was an outrage perpetrated, but it was by the armed adherents of Brownlow, who waylaid a train and without any sufficient provocation fired with rifles and guns nearly a hundred shots at the unarmed volunteers." The Register also charged that the first shot was fired by the Unionists "waiting near the railroad with guns cocked and pointed, for the purpose of provoking a disturbance with the passing troops." This account was not documented, as the Whig's had been, and listed no names of informants. In a later issue the Register carried an account signed by D. S. Latham, a North Carolinian teaching at Strawberry Plains High School, which was in line with the newspaper's anti-Unionist version of the affair. [27] The election of June 8 was marked by calm, in contrast to the fury of the campaign. The outcome was complete disaster for the Union cause. The state went overwhelmingly for separation. The vote: East Tennessee Middle Tennessee West Tennessee Military Camps Totals For Separation 14,780 58,265 29,127 2,741 104,913 Against Separation 32,923 8,198 6,117 0 47,238[28] The Whig praised Knox County for having "gloriously breasted the storm" by voting 3,196 against separation. Two versions of the number of ballots cast by residents in favor of separation exist. Historians �210 CHAPTER NO. 13 have assumed Knoxville citizens voted for separation, 777 to 377, which was the total given by the Register and was obviously incorporated into the official returns which reported the Knox County vote as 3,196 against separation and 1,216 for. Brownlow, however, reported that the vote in Knoxville, which consisted of three precincts, Courthouse, Market House and East Knoxville, was 372 against separation and 325 for, with this explanation: "We have not named, in this calculation, the votes of 462 troops at a special precinct, as we do not know where they hail from and do not consider votes from other counties legal, although authorized by our late mobocratic legislature." Brownlow refused to carry these 462 votes into the county total, as did 0. P. Temple in his East Tennessee and the Civil War. Temple did not mention the soldier vote in Knoxville. The Register, unlike the Whig, gave separately the vote of the three city precincts and listed East Knoxville as having gone 462 to 5 for separation. [29] This was the Parson's precinct and the report may have represented a mischievous and malicious plot to humiliate him. This would not have been surprising, because the editor had unmercifully gigged the secessionists for their small vote in February. The secessionists had complete control of the election machinery in June and were in position to have engaged in just such a manipulation by letting the East Tennessee Regiment, drilling at Camp Cummings, the Fair Grounds site, vote in East Knoxville where Brownlow did. [ 30] The Parson must have been terribly hacked, for he never again referred to the humiliation. Brownlow had given a pledge, and he said when he made it that he was speaking for the Union men of East Tennessee: "If the State, through her citizens, at the ballot-box, shall vote to Secede, Union men, however opposed to it, will bow to the will of the majority with the best grace they can. But if fraud is practiced at the ballotbox, and the Union men are intimidated and kept from the polls, the Union men of East Tennessee will rebel, and take the consequences, if they are even death and utter ruin!" (Whig, May 25, 1861). With the election lost, the editor vigorously resorted to the qualification in his statement and penned this defiance: The election is over, and the fell spirit of Secession, and its accompanying outrageous tyranny, in Middle and West Tennessee, have forced these portions of the State out of the Union .... The election in Middle and West Tennessee has been a perfect farce. There was the show-an empty show-of a popular vote upon the ordinance of seces- �1859-1861 211 sion, when the military forces stationed at important points, intimidated timid men, and, themselves voted, in and out of the state, in violation of the Constitution, and of every law enacted in pursuance thereof. The Union leaders of Middle and West Tennessee, from considerations of cowardice, bowed before the storm of anarchy, and either sealing their lips in disgrace, or with the polluting offer of spoils, derived from offices and contracts, gave in their adhesion to the heresy of Secession. The Press, as a general thing, knocked under to the storm of jacobinism and anarchy, and for a consideration in hand paid, gave in their adhesion to the tyranny established over the souls of the people. We sincerely mourn for Tennessee. A majority of her citizens are opposed to Secession, but they have been over-run by an insulting minority-they have been tricked, cheated, duped, swindled, lied and betrayed out of their rights and liberties (Whig, June 15, 1861). The Parson made a swift foray into sarcasm. He conceded, "It is folly for us to fight longer, and therefore we shall devote our columns to the publication of Literary, Agricultural and Miscellaneous matter, including the current War news of the day." Then, in one of his disconcerting and unpredictable reversals of mood, he wrote in deadly earnestness: In doing this, we take back nothing we have said against Secession and a Southem Confederacy and in favor of the Government of the United States. Nor do we abandon a single principle we have advocated in connection with this great question. We are opposed to a Northern Republic, a Southern Confederacy, a Central Government and a Northwestern Empire. We are not for thirty-four nations, but only one nation-one great, grand and glorious, free and independent nation, extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the Gulf to the Lakes. Hence we shall die in opposition to Secession, and in favor of the Union, and even a war intended to perpetuate it inviolate (Ibid.). Nelson shared Brownlow's belief that Middle and West Tennessee Unionists had been intimidated, their views suppressed and falsehood and illegality resorted to by the legislature and its secessionist leadership. He found in the Greeneville Convention, held on June 17-20, a means by which to express his convictions. The convention had arisen because a group meeting at Knoxville decided that in the event the state voted for separation provision should be made for an organization to express the views of East Tennessee. [ 31] After the first session of the convention, held at Knoxville on May 30-31, the Parson praised the speeches of Nelson and Johnson, and in another of the remarkable reversals Brownlow gave warm approval to �212 CHAPTER NO. 13 a fiery Union speech by Thomas D. Arnold at whom Brownlow had often cast his most elaborate personal villification. Arnold's effort, the Whig reported, was "well received by the Convention and he was listened to with a degree of attention that any man might esteem as a compliment. We have been hearing the General, off and on from a quarter of a century, and we considered he was making the best speech of his life (Whig, June 1, 1861). Discretion, rather than violence, now marked movements of some of the loyalists. Johnson, whose status after the June 8 election became that of an official of a warring government, slipped out of East Tennessee into Kentucky by way of Cumberland Gap, and therefore missed the Greeneville Convention. Brownlow traveled by horse and buggy to Bull's Gap, instead of taking the train from Knoxville to Greeneville. He had charged that a plot was under way to create an uproar if the convention met at Knoxville, and to shoot the leaders. Therefore, Nelson had selected Greeneville for the meeting. Both sides were arming. As the Parson drove through Sevier and Jefferson counties, he saw two companies of Unionists drilling. Resistance was high in the countryside. [ 32] Resistance was strong at Greeneville, also, and the boldest, angriest and most articulate spirit was the convention's president, T. A. R. Nelson. He drafted a burning "Declaration of Grievances" and a set of resolutions breathing independence of the balance of the state and petitioning the legislature to grant East Tennessee separate statehood. Moderates succeeded in cooling some of the more heated language, but the hot spirit of defiance remained. It was incorporated into the memorial prepared by the commissioners appointed for this purpose, Temple, John Netherland of Hawkins and James P. McDowell of Greene, and presented to the assembly. There it had no possibility of acceptance by the inflamed secessionist legislators. A committee's recommended rejection of the request was anything but harsh, yet it carried a superior, almost contemptuous tone. The committee said it was not satisfied that the memorial represented the sentiment of East Tennesseeans, that the balance of the state was unaware of the desire of the memorialists and consequently the legislators and constituents of Middle and West Tennessee were out of communication on the subject. They further stated that the question should be left to the succeeding assembly members who would come "fresh from the people." A gesture of conciliation was made in the final paragraph of the report in the expression of a hope that irrita- �1859-1861 213 tion between sections of the state would soon be removed and that the divisions would fall solidly into unity. [ 3 3] That was a vain hope. The petition continued to be ignored. Union sentiment had one more opportunity to play a political hand. This was in the election of August 1, 1861, when members of Congress and state officials were elected. Also submitted to the electorate was the question of a Confederate state constitution. The strictures upon the East Tennessee loyalists were tighter than on June 8 when troops were encamped in or moving through the area. In August the muzzles of Confederate rifles were only a few feet from the ballot boxes, for units were stationed in such loyal counties as Claiborne, Campbell, Morgan and Roane. Brownlow described East Tennessee as occupied territory. The people wanted the old Government, but faced with hostile military power, they submitted to the new with such grace as they could summon, permitted the Confederate flag to "float unmolested" and took down the Stars and Stripes "to avoid further annoyance." He expected help from the North but until that development he advised: "Let the thousands of Union men in East Tennessee, who belong to the 'Home Guards' drill regularly, keep up their organizations, and hold themselves in readiness to strike for their independence, and to defend their right whenever called upon, and driven to that dread alternative!" This did not sound like submission, and it is not surprising that East Tennessee secessionists were clamoring for forces to put down the rebellion. [ 34] Governor Harris was reelected and the Confederate constitution was ratified, but East Tennessee clung to and expressed its Union convictions. The voting was conducted under the auspices of a Confederate state, in fact if not technically in law, but in the first four congressional districts of the state Union men were elected. They had no intention of going to Richmond, and they were aware that their determination to serve in the Congress of the United States, although elected from districts in a seceded state subjected them to arrest in the Confederacy. These loaylists were Nelson, Maynard, George W. Bridges of the Third, and Andrew ]. Clements of the Fourth. All escaped and served at Washington except Nelson, who was captured on August 4, by a band of thirty Confederate horsemen in the southwest corner of Virginia, only a few miles from Kentucky, where he would have been safe from arrest. As president of the Greeneville Convention Nelson had called another meeting to be held at Kings- �214 CHAPTER NO. 13 ton on August 31, 1861. Because he was in Confederate custody and because the South was tightening its hold on East Tennessee this meeting was not held. The legislature elected was overwhelmingly for the South, and the East Tennessee delegation, largely Unionist, was helpless and stultified because the members were required to swear allegiance to the Confederacy before they could take their seats. [ 35 J The alternative for these men was to leave their districts unrepresented. Lonely hours settled upon the Whig editor. The outcome of the June election was depressing in itself, but out of the campaign had come a melancholy personal incident. John Bell came to East Tennessee apparently believing that in his new role as rebel, rather than Unionist, he could influence some of his old friends to soften or drop their fierce loyalty to the Washington government. A small crowd heard him at the courthouse, and Brownlow treated his talk with deference marked by regret to find his old friend tarnished by an ignominious position. After Bell spoke he met some old friends in Temple's office. Among them was the Parson. The occasion was delicate, awkward and even tremulous. Bell made it more so by observing that none of his old friends had gone to hear him speak. This aroused the Whig editor to respond that their absence was deliberate because "We did not wish to witness the spectacle of your being surrounded by your enemies, who a few months ago were denouncing you as a traitor. We did not want to hear these men shouting for you and see you in such a position." The editor then broke into a tirade against secession, to which Bell made no reply. But, Temple recalled, "no one uttered a word of censure or an unkind remark about him [Bell] personally." They parted in sadness, and Bell's biographer wrote that his defection from a Unionist position set the sun of his "influence and public service."[36] The August aftermath brought heavier burdens on Brownlow. Nelson was in custody. Maynard had escaped but his voice in Washington reached his constituents feebly, strained by such passage as it could make through the Confederate lines. The rousing voices of the courageous band of stump speakers were silenced by fear of Confederate military authority and personal reprisal. The ballot box issues were gone. Only Brownlow was left with a voice, and the Whig and its readership were being decimated by the blockade and the malicious efforts of mail clerks and postmasters who feared no prosecution if they destroyed or mislaid the Parson's newspaper. Confed- �1859-1861 215 erate authorities had no time, if they had the inclination, to police the postal system to enforce the delivery of a newspaper whose editor denounced the South. That put him in the role of traitor, so far as those loyal to the government at Richmond were concerned. And angry hands were reaching for the throat of the Whig, eager to throttle it into silence. CHAPTER XIII NOTES [ 1) Brownlow accused Mrs. Stowe of being a "deliberate liar," of writing "shameful and unmitigated falsehoods," in Uncle Tom's Cabin, and of being considerably less than virtuous during a Paris trip. Whig, February 5, 12, October 29, 1853. [ 2) Ibid., November 19, December 31, 1859; Mrs. Mattie Turnley, "Survivor of a John Brown Family Raid," Tennessee Historical Magazine, Vol. 7 (October, 1921, Nashville), pp. 231-232; Stephen B. Oates, To Purge This Land with Blood (New York, 1970), pp. 119, 122-123, 134-135, 143, 344-345. The Doyle family has been influential in Knox County Republican politics for years, many of its members living in the area south of the Tennessee River, a Republican stronghold. A. E. (Ebb) Doyle was county register from 192 2 to 19 30, and Miss Mildred Doyle was county school superintendent from 1946 to 1976. [ 3) Whig, May 19, 26, June 9, 1860; Parks, pp. 351-355. [ 4) Whig, June 30, August 25, September 1, 1860; Alexander, Thomas A. R. Nelson, pp. 67-68. [ 5) Whig, July 14, August 25, July 28, September 1, 29, October 6, 1860. [ 6) Ibid., October 27, 1860. [ 7) Ibid., September 22, 29, 1860; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, pp. 81-85; John W. Du Bose, Life and Times of William Lowndes Yancey, 2 vols. (Birmingham, 1892), II, pp. 494-496, hereafter referred to as Du Bose; Whig, October 13, 1860. Temple, who was present and participated in the encounter with Yancey made only a vague reference to it in his two books dealing with the times. [ 8) DuBose, II, pp. 494-496; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, p. 84. [ 9) Whig, September 29, 1860. [10) Ibid., October 6, 13, November 10; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 316, citing the Nashville Patriot, November 26, 1860. A slightly different figure is given in White, Messages, V, p. 270. [ 11) Whig, November 10, 1860. Other examples of the editor's deep concern for the nation's future may be found in ibid., November 17, 1860, Brownlow to Temple, January 26, 1858. Temple Papers. Whig, February 13, 1858. The Parson admitted during his northern speaking tour in 1862 that his reception at Montgomery was chilly. Ibid., February 6, 1864. �216 CHAPTER NO. 13 [12] Ibid., December 15, 1860, February 16, June 29, 1861; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 37-48, 65-74, 75-80. Examples of letters written to Pryne, Whig, January 14, February 25, May 12, November 10, 1860. John Bell Brownlow use the 14,000 circulation figure on the margin of a copy of Temple, Notable Men, in the McClung Collection, p. 42. Temple obviously got his figure from John Bell Brownlow, with whom he carried on an extensive correspondence. Temple Papers, passim. See also Temple, Notable Men, p. 276. [13] Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 317-318; Whig, January 19, 1861; White, Messages, V, pp. 254-2 71; Acts of Tennessee, First Extra Session, 1861 (Nashville, 1861), pp. 15-17; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 170. [14] Whig, December 24, 1859, January 28, 1860, quoting Rochester (New York) Advertiser, Whig January 5, 19, 26, February 2, 9, 2, 9, 1861. [15] White, Messages, V, p. 272; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 176; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 319; Whig, February 16, 1861; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 176-177. [16] Whig, April 27, May 11, July 13, 20, 1861; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 325-326. [17] Ibid., pp. 320-321; White, Messages, V, pp. 278-294; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 319-321; White, Messages, V, pp. 287-288; Whig, May 4, 11, 1861. [18] Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, pp. 75-78; Whig, April 27, May 4, 25, 4, April 6, 1861. [19] Ibid., April27, 1861; Parks, pp. 397-399; White, Messages, V, p 273. [20] Register, May 2, 24, 1861; Whig, May 4, 1861; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 186-188; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, pp. 100-102. [21] Whig, May 4, 1861; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 185-187, Notable Men, pp. 399-401; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, pp. 75-77. [22] Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 278-279, illustration p. 192; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, pp. 100-101, appendix, p. 347; Whig, May 11, 18, 1861; Weekly Register, May 16, 1861; Daily Register, May 23, June 6, 1861. [23] Temple, Notable Men, pp. 399-400, 451-467, 167, 172; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, pp. 75-77. [24] Ibid., p. 79; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 197-198; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, pp. 7 5-77; John Bell Brownlow to Temple, August 14, 1893. Temple Papers. Whig, June 1, 1861. [25] Clipping from Jonesborough Express, May 10, 1861, Scrapbook No. 13, Nelson Papers. Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, p. 77; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1860-1869 (Gloucester, 1966), p. 53, hereafter referred to as Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction. [26] John Bell Brownlow to Andrew Patterson, May 12, 1915. John Bell �1859-1861 [27] [28] [29] [30] [31] [32] (33] [34] [35] [36] [37] 217 Brownlow Papers. University of Tennessee Special Collections. Particeps criminis means an accomplice. Whig, June 1, 1861; clippings from Tri-Weekly Whig, June 6, 1861; Scrapbook No. 13, p. 100. Nelson Papers. Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 192-195; Register clipping, June 1, 1861, Scrapbook No. 13, pp. 100-101. Nelson Papers. Whig, June 15, 1861; Register, June 11, 1861; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 322. Whig, June 15, 1861; Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, p. 129; Register, June 11, 1861; White, Messages, V, p. 304; Whig, June 15, 1861; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 199. Brownlow later acknowledged that the official vote for separation in Knox County was 1,226, and he listed the military vote, camp by camp, but with no mention of Camp Cummings at Knoxville, which further suggests that its vote was incorporated into the Knoxville returns. Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 221-223. Register, May 2, 16, 1861. Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 341; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, p. 78; White, Messages, V, p. 311. Whig, June 22, 29, 1861; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, pp. 84-85. Ibid., pp. 85-87; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 343-360, appendix, pp. 565-571; Whig, June 29, July 6, 13, 1861; White, Messages, V, pp. 314-315; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 360-361. Brownlow pointed up the strange, dual character of the election: "By the law of Tennessee in full force, unrepealed (Code section 825) the people on that day are to choose Representatives to the Congress of the United States. By the proclamation of Isham G. Harris, the Governor, they are at the same time to choose Representatives to the Congress of the Confederate States. Between the two, Tennessee will be well represented! Of course the Secessionists will vote for candidates to represent them in the Confederate Congress; and the Union men will vote for candidates to represent them in the Congress of the United States. " Whig, July 13, 1861; O.R., SerieslV, 1, LandonC. Haynes to Confederate Secretary of War L. P. Walker, July 6, 1861, L. Polk to President Davis, July 9, 1861, William G. Swan to President Davis, July 11, 1861, pp. 346-347. White, Messages, V, pp. 330-332; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 326; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, pp. 88-89; Whig, August 10, 1861. See oath required of members of the assembly, ibid., October 26, 1861. See also Fleming's dilemma, Temple, Notable Men, p. 119; Whig, July 20, August 10, 24, 1861. Ibid., June 15, 1861; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 2 33-2 3 5; Parks, pp. 402-405. Whig, March 3, May 4, June 6, 29, July 13, 27, August 3, 10, 1861. �Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, and Rebel Ventilator. "To the Union, the Constitution, and the Laws." Chapter No. 14 CRUSHED AND EXILED Brownlow acknowledged immediately after the election of August 1, 1861 that the Whig was in serious trouble. The voters reelected Isham G. Harris governor and adopted the constitution of the Confederate States. The Parson dropped the Tri-Weekly Whig and sharply reduced the total content of the weekly by cutting it from eight columns to five and increasing the size of the body type. But owing to the falling off of advertisements, the amount of reading matter will not be diminished in equal ratio. This necessity arises from the diminished income of the office, growing out of the stagnation of business generally, the blockade, cutting off Northern advertising, the discontinuance of the mails, and the wholesale robbery of my letters, while the expenses of my business are increased (Whig, August 3, 1861). Advertising revenue, from North and South, was down, and many newspapers were increasing their subscription rates as well as issuing half sheets. Brownlow estimated his weekly losses at from $20.00 to $40.00, but he vowed he would try to "weather this storm" even though temporary suspension might become necessary, for: At this most critical period in the affairs of the country, let us keep under way a Union paper, that will dare to publish other than Secession accounts of what is transpiring. I only ask that the expenses of publication be met, and that I get my meat and bread. I am willing to labor in the cause without one dollar in the way of profits. I ask no favor of Secession-I expect none-they may continue their proscriptive course toward me-and I shall alike scorn it and their vile principles (Ibid.). Fortune, however, granted the Parson a favor. Brigadier General Felix K. Zollicoffer, the former Nashville editor who had got his 218 �CRUSHED AND EXILED 219 newspaper training in Knoxville and who had been a fellow Whig, was directed to take charge of the military district of East Tennessee. He took over the post late in July. [ 1] The general prepared a firm, yet conciliatory statement in which he recognized two sources of alarm to the Confederacy and sought to remove them: Can there be recreant sons of Tennessee who would strike at their brothers while thus struggling for Southern honor and independence? Or who would invite the enemy over the border to inaugurate war and desolation among our own fair fields? There can be but few such. If any, it were better for their memory had they perished before such dishonor (Whig, August 10, 1861). Zollicoffer's statement reflected the concern, even alarm, of Confederate civil authorities. Influential citizens such as Landon C. Haynes and William G. Swan of Knoxville, were clamoring for Southern troops to offset the threatening militancy of the Unionists. The rugged terrain of the area afforded coves and mountain tops where some loyalists were known to be training, while others were slipping along the ridges and passes into Kentucky to join the Union army. Amid this, reports persisted that Northern forces were about to invade East Tennessee. [2] An ardent Unionist who lived through the period suggests that at the time of the Greeneville Convention, when Southern troops were passing through the town, the delegates were unmolested because "the Secessionists of East Tennessee were at that time in greater fear of the Union men than the latter were of them." [ 3] Zollicoffer wanted his statement to obtain the widest distribution and as a newspaperman he knew the Whig would reach and influence more East Tennessee readers than any other medium. He probably reached an understanding with the Parson, for the Whig of August 10, 1861, carried the notice, "We publish, at the request of Gen. Zollicoffer, his address to the people of East Tennessee, his command embracing this division of the state. It is our only hope of getting this issue of our paper before the public. The mercenaries of the Confederacy in charge of the Post Office and mails probably will let this paper pass in order to circulate this address." Brownlow knew, or guessed, that word went out through Confederate channels to see that this issue of the Whig went to each destination without fail. The Parson got into this issue returns from Knox and other East Tennessee counties showing that the Unionists had expressed their loyalty at the ballot box on August 1 by electing Nelson, Maynard and Bridges to the United States House of Representatives. He �220 CHAPTER NO. 14 sought to arouse their ire by reporting the arrest of Nelson and his being taken in custody to Richmond, where "when they cast into their filthy city prison, THOMAS A. R. NELSON, they will have more brains, patriotism, honor and chivalry, in their Prison, than can be found in their Rump Congress!" (Whig, August 10, 1861). He explained why the Whig was not being delivered and why it was operating at a loss: Our exchange papers are kept back and not allowed to come to Knoxville. Our letters are broken open and robbed, in all directions, and our newspaper packages are laid aside or destroyed .... At Cumberland Gap, or the office near there, we are informed upon reliable authority, there is a large pile of letters, to say nothing of papers addressed to us, which Secessionists will not allow to come forward. These letters no doubt, mostly from Kentucky, contain several hundred dollars for subscriptions. At Bristol, we are informed, our paper is thrown aside, and not allowed to go further East (Ibid.). The editor predicted the Whig had only a short time to live. Either it would be suppressed on orders from Richmond or local mobs would destroy his plant and office. Then his pen scratched out these words designed to arouse greater Union bitterness: Leading men of the Union party, of unblemished character, must be rudely seized by an armed band of men, to gratify the malice of leading Secessionists in Knoxville, torne [sic.] from their families and rushed off upon the cars to Richmond, and there thrown into a loathsome prison! The only Press they have must be muzzled, its batteries silenced, and its readers and friends required to take the false statements of Secession papers for the news of the day! Large bodies of armed men must be thrown into our country, and put in possession of all the principal towns and thoroughfares of the country, but no wrongs are to be inflicted upon the people of East Tennessee, nor are they to be deprived of any of their rights! Can all this mean anything less than a declaration of war against East Tennessee? Is it not opening the ball, and inviting bloodshed in East Tennessee? What the effect of all this will be, we are wholly unable to say. It will either depress the Union forces of this end of the State, and cause them to cower like dogs, or it will make them frantic in defense of their gallant leaders, down-trodden because of their principles, and arouse a thirst for vengeance and brave deeds! What Union leader, after all this, can any longer meet his friends and urge them to peace, and moderation, as we know they have been doing? So far as we are concerned, we can suspend our publication, in obedience to the dictates of tyranny and intolerance-we will yield to the demands of an �CRUSHED AND EXILED 221 armed mob-turn over to them our office and what litde property we havedeprive ourselves and a helpless family of small children the necessary means of support-and beg our bread from door to door among the Union men who are able to give-but we shall refuse, most obstinately refuse, to the day of our death to think or speak favorably of such a Confederacy as this .... And whether our humble voice is hushed in death-whether our press is muzzled by the spirit of intolerance at Richmond ... we beg all who may come after us and our paper to credit no Secession falsehood that may represent us as having changed our principles from those of exalted devotion to the old AMERICAN UNION, and of undying hostility to those who would perpetrate its dissolution (Ibid.). General Zollicoffer's earnest but more formal appeal to East Tennesseeans to submit with good grace to the Confederate government made the front page-perhaps this was part of the bargain-or the Parson may have decided its presence there would help insure delivery of the Whig. But Brownlow's flaming declaration on page two must have offset much of the effect sought by the general (Whig, August 10, 1861). Yet events upon the battlefield and in the government circles at Richmond lent strength to the efforts to restore order, if not peace, to East Tennessee. The defeat of the Union forces at Bull Run depressed Brownlow and Nelson, and the considerate and deferential treatment given the latter at Richmond-he was not cast into a "loathsome prison" but was permitted liberty under parole-had its effect on both men. [4] Nelson, on the third attempt, framed a letter that President Jefferson Davis found acceptable and granted his release. Upon his arrival in East Tennessee Nelson made an extended statement that was a marvel of ingenuity in deferring to the Confederacy, under which he was forced to live if he remained in East Tennessee, without approving of it. [ 5] The intensely secessionist Register, with some justification, found Nelson's skillful exposition "modeled after the style of Mark Antony's speech in Shakespeare's Play, or, to quote a distinguished East Tennessee orator-'it is sorter so and sorter not so, but a little more sorter not so than so.' " [ 6] Brownlow had executed a less subtle shifting of position by announcing that he had expected Nelson's release, as the result of efforts of two of his friends who had gone to Richmond, John Baxter, the Knoxville lawyer who was easing into something of a secessionist, and Dr. Jeptha Fowlkes of Memphis, a peace commissioner of the state government to East Tennessee. Both of these men had met Nelson at Abingdon as he was being taken to Richmond in �222 CHAPTER NO. 14 custody. The editor also noted that Nelson had "committed no offense."[7] Brownlow's editorial policy also shifted toward a much more moderate course regarding leaders of the Confederacy. But he did not relent in his denunciations of the Knoxville secessionists, for he blamed them for stirring up bitterness and clamoring for troops to be stationed in the area in order to avenge personal differences. The Federal government had a responsibility to put down rebellion, but the East Tennessee Union men were against an invasion of the area by the North and had not applied to Washington for arms, men or money. They had even considered a mission to the North's capitol to present their views. Brownlow even said that the reports of "large numbers" of Unionists slipping through the mountain passes into Kentucky to join the Northern army were exaggerated. He suggested, in a neat bid for some rebel nods and chuckles, that East Tennessee would never be invaded until the Union armies fought better along the Potomac, and that if these forces, with their overwhelming resources, failed to subdue the South, "the only Government then remaining in America, entitled to respect, will be that of the Southern Confederacy. And Union Men, will fall into its support whatever contempt they may have for those who control it, and originated this Rebellion." The devotion of East Tennessee loyalists was to the government, not to Lincoln, he argued, and had they not "been so grossly misrepresented by Secession leaders, so shamefully abused, tyranized [sic.] over and then threatened, as they have been by the base, corrupt and cowardly leaders, such as control matters in Knoxville, and other towns, there would be at this time less of bitterness among them, and more of a disposition to harmonize with the other portions of the State." The Union leaders, so unjustly accused, had in fact tried to calm the citizenry, he argued (Whig, August 17, 1861). The Parson's tongue must have made his cheek protrude as he wrote this editorial. He obviously designed it to lull the Confederacy into removing some of the troops from the area, a step that would further infuriate Knoxville Secession leaders, who had been demanding them for protection. Nelson's abdication from a position of Union leadership to one of neutrality provided a splendid backdrop against which to lay this new and amazing position of the Whig, even though it appeared in print a week before the lawyer's statement. The Parson praised Zollicoffer as "a man of fine sense, of great firmness of character and of true courage; and like all men of this �CRUSHED AND EXILED 223 cast, our citizens will find him generous and reasonable-not disposed to oppress anyone because he may have the power to do so, and is really desirous of avoiding any collision with the people of East Tennessee" (Ibid.). Zollicoffer's policy of conciliation appeared to be working. He expressed in a formal order carried by the Whig, gratification "at the preservation of peace, and the rapidly increasing evidence of confidence and good will among the people of East Tennessee." He called upon those under his command to exert "scrupulous regard for the personal and property rights of all the inhabitants. No word or act will be tolerated to alarm or irritate those who though heretofore advocating Federal Union now acquiesce in the decision of the State and submit to the authority of the Government of the Confederate States." Fowlkes stopped in Knoxville and drew praise, not only for helping in the release of Nelson, but for having "done more, perhaps, than any other man, toward restoring peace in this end of the state." When reports got out that rebellion was being threatened in Union circles, seventeen men, among them such known and staunch loyalists as John Baxter, 0. P. Temple, Brownlow, Connally F. Trigg, John M. Fleming and R. H. Hodsden, counselled in an open letter to Zollicoffer against armed revolt. They assured the general that if troops were required elsewhere he need have no fear that their removal from the East Tennessee area would result in disorder. The general replied that with this assurance he would retain no more troops than necessary to maintain "the peace and safety of the community." [8] The course of Brownlow and the other Union leaders at this time was a shrewd one. They were old Whigs and they had been partisan comrades of Zollicoffer for many campaigns. The secession leaders in Knoxville were mostly Democrats who undoubtedly viewed the rapprochement with alarm and bitterness. J. A. Sperry, editor of the Register, a militant secessionist and Democrat, was unable to conceal his anger at the situation and the frequency with which secessionists from other parts of the state called upon Brownlow and engaged in extended conversations with him. The Parson needled this sensitive nerve in Sperry by recalling the remark of Henry A. Wise, former governor of Virginia, that old Clay Whigs "knoweth each other by the instincts of gentleman," a form of response which the Parson was sure would lead none of them to Sperry's office. The Register editor had the reputation of being "a base and cowardly liar, a drunken and degraded scoundrel, and the mere eat's paw of meaner men than �224 CHAPTER NO. 14 himself."[9] Brownlow, who probably glowed at the effect of the wedge he was driving between the Zollicoffer command and the Knoxville Secession leaders, laid on this further lick: The Government of the Confederate States at Richmond has suffered in this quarter, by being viewed through this Register and those associated with it. This ought not to be. A distinction should be kept up between the Government and the base men who represent it here and constitute the Sperry Clique. The Confederate Authorities at Richmond have become elevated in my estimation, since I have been informed by gentlemen, directly from there, that they wholly disapprove the base forgery in Knoxville of/etters in the name of Senator johnson, with a view to injure him upon a false issue, and so steal money from others! And whenever the Confederate Authorities shall lay aside such depraved villains as hang upon their skirts here, they draw to their standard a better class of men (Whig, August 24, 1861). The forgery mentioned had been reported by the Whig in mid-July. The Parson published letters signed Andrew Johnson and addressed to Amos Lawrence, a wealthy Bostonian known to be a contributor to free state causes. Lawrence had a deep feeling for the border state Unionists and a high regard for Johnson's loyalty. When he received a letter signed "Andrew Johnson," and asking for funds to support East Tennessee loyalists he responded with a draft for $1,000 enclosed to Johnson, and sent to Knoxville as the senator was campaigning against secession in the June 8 referendum. A second letter to Lawrence, carrying Johnson's name, said the signer was afraid to cash the draft, but that $5,000 to $10,000 in "New England currency" would be safe. Lawrence's letter and draft found their way into the hands of Governor Harris and were published in the Richmond Enquirer. Johnson obtained from Lawrence copies of the letters bearing his name. He denounced them as forgeries and said he was many miles distant from Knoxville, campaigning, when they were mailed from that post office. The purpose of the letters, the senator said, was to injure him and the cause of the Tennessee Unionists. The Confederates, also, could have made use of the money, Johnson laid the forgeries and trickery on the Knoxville postmaster, C. W. Charlton. He did not mention Charlton by name. Brownlow also charged the forgery against the Knoxville post office. He noted that the Register, "edited and published in the buildings where the post-office was kept during this diplomatic and financial correspondence, and familiar with the turpitude of the whole affair, nevertheless, paraded the correspondence before its readers as a �CRUSHED AND EXILED 225 wonderful discovery, and as evidence of Johnson's corruption and Abolitionism." But he first accused W. G. Swan, Confederate congressman, one of his old enemies, of having forged Johnson's name.[10] When the Union army seized the archives of the Tennessee Confederate government at Augusta, Georgia, three years later, letters from Charlton to the then Governor Harris were found. They revealed that Charlton had been opening Brownlow's mail and forwarding it to the governor, along with the postmaster's alarmed reports on the strength of union sentiment in the area. Charlton acknowledged he had forged the letters to Lawrence "to reach their purposes and plans at the North," and he was vexed with Dr. Jeptha Fowlkes of Memphis for bringing the Lawrence letter to Brownlow. Charlton's conscience may have twinged him for he wrote Harris: "I am the guilty man, if there be guilt in it." Charlton had resigned as postmaster under the Lincoln administration early in the spring, but he must have continued to operate the office, apparently on the theory that he was running it as an agency of the Confederate government, even before Tennessee voted for separation. [ 11] Fowlkes was one of the secession leaders among the old Whigs who tried to get Brownlow to cast his lot with the South. In furnishing the Parson with the Lawrence letter, he may have been trying to show that the central Confederate government could be trusted and lacked the deep hostility that existed against the Whig and its editor on the part of the Knoxville leaders. From the outcries of the Register, the Knoxville clique was fully aware of the efforts of Fowlkes and others and was enraged by it. The Whig, delighted at the anger being generated among its old foes, took notice of reports that Brownlow had turned secessionist, denied the charge, and restated its Union loyalty. But the editor acknowledged that his side had been overpowered in Tennessee, first at the ballot box and next by the South's army, and hence he had retired to a "position of neutrality." Because East Tennessee had failed to set itself up as a separate state and the Lincoln Administration had not come to the rescue of the region, the opportunity to resist had been lost. In this unusual role as a neutralist, Brownlow wrote: "So far as I am individually concerned, I will not be a party to any mad scheme of Rebellion, gotten up at this late day, or to any insane attempt to invade this end of the State with Federal troops." The enraged Register, in an article Brownlow described as aimed at Zollicoffer and Brigadier General W. �226 CHAPTER NO. 14 R. Caswell, counselled "the hanging of Union men, and protests against showing any quarters [sic.] to the leaders in East Tennessee." The Register acknowledged it was being so harsh it was keeping Union men from coming "into line gracefully ... ,"but We are willing to accord to men the most unlimited time to wheel into line, provided they do not obtrude themselves before the people as candidates for their confidence until they have at least given some earnest of the sincerity and permanence of their conversion. But for the friends of Brownlow to ask time for him to change front, and to put on the Southern garb gradually, as if he would be in danger of taking cold by throwing off his extreme Northern vestments, excites our risibility. The fact is patent to every observer, that while he means to keep his promise to the [word illegible], and to keep under his Lincolnism, it is ever in his heart, as it ever has been. [ 12] However stoutly the Parson needled his enemies he surely underwent inner turmoil and torment. Before the June election he had revealed he was under pressure to switch to the South. Family, as well as friends, may have tried to influence him to change course, for after the Parson's departure to the North the Register charged: It is a notorious fact in this city that Brownlow's children repeatedly declared here that they had done all in their power and used every exertion to induce him to espouse the cause of the South. A gentleman who was Brownlow's intimate friend and the adviser of his family in his absence has asserted upon our streets that he knew the fact that he would have advocated the Southern cause had it not been for the attacks[?] of the Knoxville Register. R. N. Price, the gentle Methodist historian and friend of Brownlow, wrote years later that the Whig editor was on the point of "renouncing the Union and aligning himself with the leading politicians of the South." But the Parson tore up an editorial that he had written to this purpose when the Register "pre-announced it with ridicule and as an impugnment of the motives of the man." Baxter, who probably was the "intimate friend and adviser" mentioned by the Register, years later in the Reconstruction period when he fell into a furious personal and political controversy with Browi)low, accused the latter of having "in substance said that he had made up his mind to abandon the Federal cause and support the Confederacy, and that as soon as he could, with due respect to public opinion, he would change his position. Baxter claimed that he had heard him say this in his own home, in the presence of Fowlkes and John S. Sanborn, a Mississip- �CRUSHED AND EXILED 227 pian. Fowlkes, meanwhile, had died and Sanborn was unavailable. Brownlow not only denied Baxter's charge but also produced a letter which he said he had displayed at that time asserting he would not change. Included also was testimony of a witness who was in the next room and heard him say: "I will die at the end of a rope before I will support the Southern Confederacy." The charges made by the Register and by Baxter were born of hatred and bitterness, but the Parson had earlier acknowledged that he had been under a terrible strain in 1861.[13] When he resumed publication of the Whig in 1863 he wrote: When the Rebellion was inaugurated, there were thousands among us, who were half inclined to regard the attempt to quell the outbreak as hopeless, and who were more than half inclined to end the war by conceding the independence of the bogus Confederacy, although they knew it had originated in, and was based upon the GREAT SOUTHERN PLATFORM of falsehood, perjury, and treachery (Whig, November 11, 1863). Brownlow's close friend and contemporary, Temple, declared that the Parson never wavered in his devotion to the Union, but he was silent on the struggle the editor underwent. [ 14] Brownlow accepted, with surprising restraint, the arrest and temporary imprisonment of his oldest son, John Bell, for having in his possession Hinton Helper's The Impending Crisis. The author was a former slavery advocate who had turned abolitionist. The Parson described the work as "mischievous" but hardly in the class with other incendiary documents and works in his library, such as the Constitution of the United States, the Declaration of Independence and "five copies of the Holy Bible." It turned out that the book had been lent to John Bell by William G. McAdoo, a secessionist. The military authorities had arrested the youth, but Confederate Judge West Humphreys released him. The editor, in branding as false reports that both father and son had been arrested, complimented Zollicoffer for having thrown two hundred troops into the city to guard the Whig office, patrol the town and close liquor shops when threats were made to demolish the newspaper building. As mayor of East Knoxville, Brownlow also commended the prompt action taken by officers when he complained that cavalrymen were riding their mounts upon the board sidewalks. [ 15] Newspapers throughout the South operated under great difficulties. One estimate was that four hundred had suspended and �228 CHAPTER NO. 14 twelve hundred had reduced their size. Because the Whig was the only newspaper in the South that spoke against the Confederacy, it faced the resentment and reprisals of those handling the mails. The Confederate postmaster general assumed a hands-off position so far as the Whig was concerned. He left the responsibility for the distribution of its 7,500 copies in the hands of hostile state officials. Brownlow also was told by Fowlkes that the Whig would be suppressed. The Parson admitted he was meeting more trouble in operating on his reduced scale than when he was printing a tri-weekly as well as a weekly. To get in all the cash he could, he sent out young William Rule, who was employed in the Whig office and was destined for a significant future in the Knoxville newspaper field, to collect accounts. He protested to Postmaster Charlton that his newspaper was not being delivered in Union, Blount, Roane, Anderson and Sevier counties, while the Register was reaching its subscribers with regularity. This situation, Charlton replied, "is certainly remarkable ... for thus far, I have tried to do my whole duty in properly distributing your paper." The editor also fired off to the Confederate postmaster general a list of points at which his newspaper was not distributed and cited the service to Sevier County as being so bad that citizens were sending a courier to Knoxville to pick up the Whig.[16] A discouraging development was Baxter's decision to run for the Confederate Congress. Brownlow, in a labored editorial, explained that although Baxter once had held staunch Union convictions, he had reached the conclusion that the North could not win and that East Tennessee's logical course lay with the South. He gave this justification for the lawyer's candidacy: "In view of these considerations, and the fact that in his opinion the Union was dissolved, and that he could do nothing to arrest the result, he deemed it a duty to yield, and did so, and from that period till [sic.] the present has favored the idea of doing all he could to give a sound, constitutional, and healthy direction to the new Government, and to bring the war to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion .... "He stopped short of endorsing Baxter, although he considered him preferable to W. G. Swan, who was elected. [ 17] East Tennessee was not at peace, whatever efforts leaders on both sides may have been making. Twenty-five persons were arrested in McMinn County, twenty of whom were released by Judge Humphreys. Among them was a Methodist preacher, the Rev. William H. �CRUSHED AND EXILED 229 Duggan, who was accused of praying for the United States Government. Some Confederate volunteers made a foray into Unionist Sevier County. They arrested five men, but were overtaken by a larger force of Union men and forced to kneel in the mud and beg for mercy. The offenders were reproved by military authorities, but these events indicated that the resentment on both sides needed only a spark to set off blows and bloody reprisals. [ 18] Brownlow was hemmed in by the obstructions placed on the distribution of his newspaper, cramped by reduced revenue, and confronted by hostile civil and military authorities and deepening social ostracism. So he resorted to a weapon that cut agonizingly into the pride of the Secessionists; he taunted them for the failure of prominent men and their sons to enter military service. [ 19] Perhaps the most incisive and mocking editorial he ever wrote was headed "To Arms! To Arms! Ye Braves!" and continued: Come Tennesseeans, ye who are the advocates of Southern Rights, for Seperation [sic.], and for Disunion-ye who have lost your rights, and feel willing to uphold the glorious flag of the South, in opposition to the Hessians arrayed under the Despot Lincoln, come to your country's rescue! Our gallant Governor, who led off in this State, in the praiseworthy object of breaking up the old rickety Government in the hands of the Black Republicans, calls for 30,000 Volunteers, in addition to the 55,000 already in the field. Shall we have them? If they do not volunteer, we shall have our State disgraced by a draft, and then we must go under compulsion. Come, gentlemen, many of you promised that "when it becomes necessary" you will tum out. That time has come, and the necessity is upon us. Let us show our faith by our works. We have talked long and loud about fighting the Union-shriekers, and the vandal hoards [sic.] under the Despot, Lincoln! Now we have an opening. Some of us have even said we were willing for our sons to tum out and fight Union men. We have a chance at a terrible array of Unionists in Kentucky-let us volunteer, and Gen. Sidney Johnson will either lead us on to victory, or something else! Come, ye braves, turn out, and let the world see that you are in earnest in making war upon the enemies of the South! Many of you have made big speeches in favor of the war. Not a few of you have sought to sell the army supplies. And thousands of you are willing to stoop to fill the offices for the salaries they pay, and you have been so patriotic as to try to get your sons and other relations into offices. Some of you have hired yourselves out as spies, understrappers, and tools, in the glorious cause, at two to four dollars per day! Come, now, enter the ranks, as there is more honor in serving as a private. Come, gentlemen, do come, we insist, and enter the army as volunteers. You will feel bad when drafted, and pointed �230 CHAPTER NO. 14 out as one who had to be driven into the service of your country! Let these Union traitors submit to the draft, but let us who are true Southern men volunteer. Any of us are willing to be judges, Attornies [sic.], Clerks, Senators, Congressmen, and campfollowers for pay when out of danger, but who of us are willing to shoulder our knapsacks and muskets, and meet the Hessians? Come, gentlemen, the eyes of the people are upon you, and they want to see if you will pitch in. This is a good opening! (Whig, October 12, 1861). A week later he printed another scathing editorial under the heading "Who Will Volunteer?" but this time suggesting the wealthy and influential avoided military service, although they "are in comfortable circumstances, and could leave their families enough to live on. Not so with the poor laborers and mechanics they are urging to turn out.-Their wives and children, during a hard winter, would be obliged to suffer." The Parson's taunts were on target, for Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey, one of Knoxville's most belligerent Secessionists, wrote President Jefferson Davis at Richmond, early in November, that the volunteering spirit was very low. [20] When Brownlow printed his last issue of the Whig, October 26, 1861, he ran again and on the front page those two trenchant editorials, citing them as examples of "treasonable articles" for which he had been told he was to be indicted in Nashville. Dr. R. H. Hodsden, Sevier County representative then in Nashville, sent Temple the following note: I have just learned from Judge Briant [sic.], this morning, that in addition to Brownlow, Col. Trigg, Col. jno [.] Williams and yourself, are to be indicted in federal court here, this week, for Treason. I have barely time to write this much. Yours Truly R. H. Hodsden judge Brian [sic.] told me about it in confidence-Thornburg will be released today. R.H.H. The "Judge Briant" or "Judge Brian" probably was JohnS. Brien, a former chancellor and Nashville lawyer. Brien, originally a Whig and a Unionist, had followed John Bell's lead in the election on the question of separation. The indictments were not returned, and Judge Humphreys freed Dr. John M. Thornburg, who had been arrested in Knoxville and taken to Nashville.[21] Suddenly, two weeks after he had published the first of the two �CRUSHED AND EXILED 231 taunting editorials, some of the fire went out of the Parson's pen. In a depressed farewell piece, he acknowledged that he was forced to suspend the Whig. He was crushed. The labor of more than twenty years in which he had brought the Whig to the point where it was a money maker, its influence wide and with the largest circulation of any weekly in the South, now counted for nothing. Its end had been brought about without any formal order of suspension from the Confederate government. He was beset by enemies who had silenced his voice and now sought his liberty and his life. Dispiritedly he wrote, "I am prepared to lie, in solitary confinement, until I waste away because of imprisonment, or die from old age. Stimulated by a consciousness of innocent uprightness, I will submit to imprisonment for life, or die at the end of a rope, before I will make any humiliat~ ing concession to any power on earth!" [22] Then, after his resignation to what he saw as a wretched fate, he wrote with approval of his course: I have committed no offense-I have not shouldered arms against the Confed· erate Government, or the State, or encouraged others to do so-l have dis· couraged Rebellion, publicly and privately-I have not assumed a hostile attitude toward the Civil or Military authorities of this new Government. But I have committed grave, and I really fear unpardonable offenses. I have refused to make war upon the Government of the United States; I have refused to publish to the world, false and exaggerated accounts, of the several engagements had between the contending armies; I have refused to write out and publish false versions of the origin of this war, and of the breaking up of the best Government the world ever knew; and all this I will continue to do, if it cost me my life. Nay, when I agree to do such things, may a righteous God palsey [sic.) my right arm, and may the earth open and close in upon me forever! The real object of my arrest and contemplated imprisonment is to dry up, break down, silence, and destroy the last and only Union paper left in the eleven seceded States, and thereby to keep from the people of East Tennessee, the facts which are daily transpiring in the country.... It is not enough that my paper has been denied a circulation through the ordinary channels of conveyance in the country, but it must be discontinued altogether, or its Editor must write and select only such articles as meet the approval of a pack of scoundrels in Knox· ville, when their superiors in all the qualities that adorn human nature, are in the Penitentiary of our State! (Whig, October 26, 1861). In an uncharacteristic moment of self aggrandizement he likened himself to John Rogers dying at the stake for his principles. In less �232 CHAPTER NO. 14 agomzmg days the Parson had built himself up to an exaggerated stature, only to deflate this creature with a shaft of humor. There was no humor lying about at this juncture; he was more than sixty years old and "life has lost some of its energy." He turned to his subscribers and assured them that if the opportunity came he would make up the loss to those who had made advance payments. He forecast for the people days of "wanton" and "outrageous wrongs" but from which their traditional resolution would rescue them. As for himself, "Exchanging with proud satisfaction, the editorial chair, and the sweet endearments of home, for a cell in the prison, or the lot of an exile, I have the honor to be,&c., WILLIAM G. BROWNLOW Editor of the Knoxville Whig (Ibid., Oct. 24, 1861). Brownlow's editorials on the tardiness of Southern youth to enlist and the tendency of the wealthy to hold back while urging the men of less means to join the armed services cut deeply. Temple wrote that it produced a "cry of rage" against the editor. His family entreated him to leave Knoxville. His presence imperilled their safety. He tried to reach Kentucky by the mountain passes along the border of the two states. The Parson turned back when he was warned they were closely guarded by Confederate forces. This effort he made two or three days after he issued the final Whig. This act showed that he was aware of the peril to himself and to his family as long as he stayed in Knoxville. He remained home briefly, then, "Mounting an old iron-gray horse" on November 4 or 5, 1861, and accompanied by an old friend and Methodist preacher, James Cumming, he set out for Blount and Sevier counties. His justification or pretext was that he intended to collect accounts owed him. Some he collected. [23] While the Parson was absent from home a new and frightening peril to the Confederacy in East Tennessee and north Alabama burst. It shattered what rapproachement, uneasy at that, that might have been building between Unionists and Secessionists. An elaborate and daring scheme had been conceived, developed and approved during the summer and fall of 1861. The plan called for the burning of nine vital railroad bridges on the lines that connected Virginia with the central and western South. The architect of the plan was the Rev. William B. Carter. He had been educated for the Presbyterian ministry at Princeton but gave up preaching because of his health. He managed the extensive farming interests of his wealthy family in Carter County. He was a man of striking appear- �CRUSHED AND EXILED 233 ance. Legend puts a strain of the blood of Pocahontas in the famous Carter and Taylor families of East Tennessee. He was one of the firebrands who lined up with T. A. R. Nelson at the Greeneville Convention in the summer of 1861. Soon after the meeting Carter worked his way to the North and laid his plan before President Lincoln, Secretary of State William H. Seward and General George B. McClellan. He persuaded them of the plan's feasibility, obtained funds for the project, and received assurance of a supporting military operation. The East Tennessee preacher-farmer, who had turned saboteur, then went over his plan with Brigadier-Generals William T. Sherman and George H. Thomas in Kentucky. He then slipped back into East Tennessee to complete arrangements with his agents. He proceeded without any further communication from the two generals, and he was unaware that Sherman had decided the East Tennessee operation which was to coincide with or follow the railroad disruption was impossible. Carter's men went ahead and burned the bridges across the Holston, at what is now Bluff City, across Lick Creek near Greeneville, the Hiwassee at Charleston, and two across Chickamauga Creek near Chattanooga. An attempt to burn the bridge across the Holston at Strawberry Plains was one of four failures.[24] The Confederate military in the area was chagrined because the efforts to restore order by conciliation had failed, and because the exploit, while not entirely unanticipated, caught officers off guard. Zollicoffer, who had been specifically directed to keep the railroads open, was not unaware of the peril. He had written Governor Beriah Magoffin of Kentucky, "For weeks l have known that the Federal commander at Hoskins' Cross-Roads in Kentucky was threatening the invasion of East Tennessee, and ruthlessly urging our people to destroy their own railroad bridges." [25] It is doubtful that the general anticipated anything on the coordinated scale that followed. When he had moved north to Cumberland Ford and was preparing to advance farther into Kentucky, he had left an inadequate force, very short on weapons, at Knoxville, "and at the various railroad bridges the unorganized Fourth East Tennessee Regiment, totally unarmed." [26] Fury and panic replaced whatever apprehension the Confederate leadership may have felt before the bridge burning. Railroad officials, fearful of further destruction, demanded help to make repairs and to provide protection from sabotage. [27] Colonel W. B. Wood, also a Methodist minister, who commanded the post at Knox- �234 CHAPTER NO. 14. ville, forwarded reports to Adjutant General S. Cooper that Union men were organized into fighting units near Strawberry Plains and in Sevier and Hamilton counties and at Watauga bridge.[28] Zollicoffer sent a regiment to Knoxville, and other Confederate forces were moved from West Tennessee, Alabama and North Carolina. [29] Colonel S. A. M. Wood, commanding the Alabama troops, reported upon arriving in Chattanooga: "All in confusion; a general panic; everybody running up and down, and adding to the general alarm," and sized up Brigadier General W. H. Carroll, commanding troops arriving from Memphis, in this tart appraisal: "He has been drunk not less than five years. He is stupid but easily controlled." [30] Zollicoffer was completely disillusioned. He ordered Colonel Wood at Knoxville to disarm all Unionists, seize the leaders and hold them as prisoners. His bitterness at what he considered outright deceit led him to tell Wood: "The leniency shown them has been unavailing. They have acted with base duplicity, and should no longer be trusted."[31] Wood advised Confederate Secretary of War Judah Benjamin on November 20, 1861, that the rebellion had been put down in some counties and would be suppressed in the balance in two weeks. Among prisoners taken in the general roundup of Unionists was Judge David T. Patterson, Senator Johnson's son-inlaw, and State Senator Samuel Pickens of Sevier County. The prisoners deserved hanging but Wood wrote: There is such a gentle spirit of conciliation in the South, and especially here, that I have no idea that one of them will receive a sentence at the hands of any jury impaneled to try them .... I have to request, at least, that the prisoners I have taken be held, if not as traitors, as prisoners of war. To release them is ruinous; to convict them before a court at this time-next to an impossibility; but if they are kept in prison for six months it will have a good effect.[32] The East Tennessee Unionists, excited and thrilled by the bridge destruction, engaged in some mobilization in Carter, Sevier, Greene and Hamilton counties. But they were dispersed quickly by Confederate forces. The alarm spread by the reports of their organization was in excess of their significance. [ 3 3] Parson Brownlow would have been suspected of having a hand in the plot to burn the bridges had he been in Knoxville at the time. But his absence increased the convictions of his foes, if they needed it, that he was a conspirator. He preached in Sevierville on Sunday �CRUSHED AND EXILED 235 and Wood sent a squad of soldiers from Knoxville to arrest him. A little band of Unionists-0. P. Temple, C. F. Trigg, E.]. Sanford and John Baxter-met at Baxter's home on West Main Avenue, probably at the urging of Mrs. Brownlow. They decided to send young William Rule to warn the Parson. Rule had worked for the Whig since 1860, and he was a native of the Knox County area through which he must pass before entering Sevier County. Rule was rowed across the river that night. Martial law had been declared in Knoxville, and he would have been required to take the Confederate oath of loyalty to have been passed by the military. He obtained a horse and galloped part of the way that night. The next day, as he rode through Sevier County, he saw hundreds of armed men. They were frequently father and son, ready with their hunting rifles and shotguns to repel any Southern soldiers attempting to arrest Brownlow or any others suspected of taking part in the bridge burning. That day Rule reached Brownlow at the home of Valentine Mattox in Wear's Cove. He told the editor that the Confederate cavalrymen were understood to have orders to shoot him in sight. Rule "found Mr. Brownlow cool, free from anything like excitement and seemingly perfectly indifferent to the threats being made against him." He also "disavowed any knowledge of the plan to burn the bridges."[34] The cold and rugged mountains offered a refuge for men marked for arrest by the Confederates. The little party that climbed to a haven above the east fork of the Little River included "members of the legislature, preachers and planters," Brownlow wrote of his refugee companions. As the Unionists struggled up the stream's gorge a quite different caravan set out from Knoxville to meet the rumored assaults of Sevier countians a second time against the bridge at Strawberry Plains. The bridge defenders included two hundred infantrymen, a company of cavalry, and a motley force of one hundred citizens. Among these last marched John Baxter, at whose home a few nights earlier the arrangements were made to warn Brownlow of his peril. Now, in an astonishing turnabout, Baxter marched with his doublebarrelled shotgun on his shoulder, a militiaman for the Confederacy. The bridge and the mountain hiding place were thirty or forty miles apart. Home guards kept watch in a cove below the refuge, friends brought provisions for them, and one of the refugees killed a bear. Secluded as the Parson and his comrades were, their general location seemed to be known and they decided to separate into pairs. Brown- �CHAPTER NO. 14 236 low and the Rev. W. T. Dowell went to a house six miles from Knoxville, and there began to negotiate with the Confederate military authorities. [ 35] The events that followed produced a tangle of facts, personalities and negotiations, interwoven with bitterness, hostility and intrigue, through which the Parson threaded his way with a combination of guile, craftiness and defiance. He assured Brigadier General Carroll, by letter, that he had left Knoxville because his presence invited insults and threats to the very door of his home. He went on to say that his family believed his absence would lessen this torment, that he had no part in the bridge burning and that he had kept his pledge to Zollicoffer to "counsel peace." He declared himself "ready and willing to stand a trial upon these or other points before any civil tribunal; but "I protest being turned over to any infuriated mob of armed men filled with prejudices by my bitterest enemies." [ 36 J Carroll forwarded a copy of Brownlow's letter to Benjamin and the same day sent this message to the Parson: Head-Quarters, Knoxville, Nov. 28, 1861. REV.DR.BROWNLOW:- It is my business here to afford protection to all citizens who are loyal to the Confederate States; and I shall use all force at my command to that end. You may be fully assured that you will meet with no personal violence by returning to your home; and, if you can establish what you say in your letter of the 22nd instant, you shall have every opportunity to do so before the civil tribunal, if it is necessary,-PROVIDED YOU HAVE COMMITTED NO ACT THAT WILL MAKE IT NECESSARY FOR THE MILITARY LAW TO TAKE COGNI· ZANCE. I desire that every loyal citizen, regardless of former political opinions, shall be fully protected in all his rights and privileges; and to accomplish which I shall bend all my energies, and have no doubt I shall be successful. Respectfully ,&t., Wm. H. Carroll Brig.-Gen. Com[37] The Parson prepared another letter to Carroll, dated December 4, 1861, in which he enclosed an affidavit bearing his name and that of two Methodist ministers, James Cumming and W. T. Dowell, "that we had no knowledge whatsoever of any purpose or plot, on the part of any persons or party, to burn the bridges: had we been apprized of such a movement, we should have protested against it as an out- �CRUSHED AND EXILED 237 rage." Brownlow, who had been gone from home a month, also protested the seizure of his printing plant by Carroll for the altera~ tion of arms. He expressed fear that the general's letter did not give him protection, for "If you mean by loyalty faithfulness and fidelity, I can scarcely hope for protection. I am loyal to the Government of the United States, and that is the only Government I consider as having an existence in this country." The letter was not delivered as other events intervened. [38] Baxter, in another shift, laid aside his shotgun and took up for the Parson the role he had played in getting Nelson out of Confederate custody and into a neutral position. He was making a definite play to obtain influence at Richmond. Whatever underlying motives Baxter may have had, he produced some results in Brownlow's behalf. In November 1861 Baxter was in Richmond and obtained an interview with President Davis and Secretary of War Benjamin. He urged a more moderate policy toward the East Tennesseeans who were favor~ ing the North. In this meeting he also grasped the opportunity to ask for a passport for Brownlow. The following day Benjamin supplied Baxter with a note to Major General George D. Crittenden at Cum~ berland Gap. Benjamin expressed a firm desire to get Brownlow out of the South and authorized Crittenden to issue the passport "if you are willing to let him pass." Crittenden was willing, for when Brownlow and Baxter presented him with Benjamin's note, he authorized a pass into Kentucky for Brownlow under military escort. At this stage of the negotiations the Parson had made two grave mistakes: he obtained permission to leave Knoxville on December 7 instead of December 6, as Crittenden had suggested. This gave his enemies time, if they needed it, to get out a warrant against him. He also assumed Crittenden would insulate him against arrest by the civil authorities. How Brownlow could accept these assumptions is difficult to understand, for he had written Carroll that he was prepared to stand trial "before any civil tri~ bunal." Carroll reiterated this line of agreement in his reply. The general wrote that if Brownlow could establish his innocence of any action against the Confederacy "you shall have every opportunity to do so before the civil tribunal if necessary." When Crittenden succeeded Carroll in command at Knoxville he told John Bell Brown~ low, acting for his father, that if the Parson returned to his home "he must submit to the civil authorities." Crittenden knew that the civil officials were going to arrest the editor. In fact, he seems to have �238 CHAPTER NO. 14 given leave to Confederate Commissioner R. B. Reynolds to issue the warrant and a pledge that he would not interfere in this procedure. If both sides were playing a cat-and-mouse game, the Parson became the mouse. Just before sundown on December 6 he was arrested on a warrant issued by Reynolds, upon the oath of Confederate Attorney J. C. Ramsey, son of the historian, and charged with treason against the Confederate States by then and there within said district of Tennessee and since the 8th day of June last publishing a weekly and tri-weekly paper known as Brownlow's Whig; said paper had a large circulation in said district and also circulated in the United States and contained weekly divers of editorials written by the said Brownlow which said editorials were treasonable against the Confederate States of America, and did then and there commit treason and prompt others to commit treason; by speech as well as publication did as aforesaid commit treason and did give aid and comfort to the United States, both of said Governments being in a state of war with each other. [ 39] Brownlow fired off this sharp note to Crittenden that he penned while in the custody of the marshal but apparently before he was jailed: KNOXVILLE, December 6, 1861. Major-General CRITTENDEN: I am now under an arrest upon a warrant signed by Messrs. Reynolds and Ramsey upon a charge of treason founded upon sundry articles published in the Knoxville Whig since June last. I am here upon your invitation and promise of passports; and claiming your protection as I do, I shall await your early response. Very respectfully, W. G. BROWNLOW The following day an aide to the general replied that "in view of all the facts of the case ... he [Crittenden] does not consider that you are here upon his invitation in such manner as to claim his protection from an investigation by the civil authorities of the charges against you which he clearly understood from yourself and your friends you would not seek to avoid." [40] When jail doors closed behind the Parson, he must have regretted his sweeping assurance, given while free, that he had no dread of civil prosecution. For now, as a prisoner and subjected to these authorities the prospect was gloomy indeed. It was made even more grim when he was denied $100,000 bail proferred by his friend Temple. [41] Ramsey supplied an account of the background and �CRUSHED AND EXILED 239 arrest to Benjamin. It suggests that an important aspect of the motive in jailing Brownlow was to appease the clamor from Southerners, soldiers and civilians, not only for punishment but to prevent his being sent North. Demands expressing these sentiments were sent to President Davis by Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey, and by Confederate Congressmen Swan and William H. Tibbs. Prosecutor Ramsey indicated that he had limited proof. But he argued that the case deserved investigation and he submitted as his best thought that the military should have sent the Parson to a military prison, where hundreds of other Unionists had been confined. Brownlow, in his account of the arrest, accused Ramsey of having relied upon a Whig editorial of May 25, 1861. Brownlow had printed it before Tennessee voted to secede. The editorial could not have constituted treason against either the state or the Confederacy, because on that date Tennessee was a part of the United States. [42] That editorial had reported a conspiracy was under way for the arrest, after the June election, of Johnson, Baxter, Temple, Trigg, Nelson, Maynard and George W. Bridges. The last three were elected to the United States Congress. These men, the editorial predicted, would be taken to Montgomery, Alabama, and either punished for Treason, or held as hostages, to guarantee the quiet surrender of the Union men of East Tennessee! The thousands of Union men of East Tennessee, devoted to the principle, and to the right and privileges of those who fall unto the hands of these conspirators, will be expected to avenge their wrongs! Let the Railroad on which citizens of Tennessee are conveyed to Montgomery in irons, be eternally and hopelessly destroyed. Confederate officials read into Brownlow's broad suggestion a link to the bridge burning. They overlooked several other forms of reprisal he had suggested. Had Ramsey known then what was printed in one of Temple's books thirty-eight years later he would have had a damaging bit of circumstantial evidence. The Sevier County men who had attempted to burn the Strawberry Plains bridge, and failed because their matches had been misplaced or lost, fled to a refuge in the Great Smoky Mountains. They selected the same gorge to which Brownlow and other refugees repaired. The inaccessability of the retreat probably attracted both groups, but the fact that they had joined would have given Ramsey's case more substance. Brownlow surely realized this and was motivated by it to leave and take his chances with officialdom. [43 J �240 CHAPTER NO. 14 Brownlow's biographer wrote that "he was no bridge-burner." Neither was he the first to mention railroad destruction. Nelson had suggested it several weeks earlier. The Register had chided him for this at the time of the Strawberry Plains encounter between Unionist civilians and Confederate soldiers on a troop train.[44] Nelson had been silenced. Brownlow remained a roaring nuisance, for when he galloped into the mountains the search emphasized his importance as an enemy of the South and as a living, vociferous symbol for the Unionists. While Southerners in East Tennessee wanted Brownlow punished, Secretary Benjamin in Richmond preferred to have him removed to the North. Benjamin expressed this view at the beginning of correspondence with Confederate military officials at Knoxville and confirmed it when he reviewed the facts. This difference of opinion helped the Parson in overcoming to some extent the blunder he had made in declaring himself ready to submit to civil prosecution. The editor's enemies, eager for his punishment, pounced on this opening with the warrant for his arrest. In turn, the arrest left Benjamin aghast. In his note sent by Baxter to Crittenden he took no cognizance of civil prosecution, in fact, had not anticipated such a development. When Crittenden replaced Carroll at Knoxville he inherited a complex situation, Carroll's correspondence with Brownlow and Benjamin's note. Had Crittenden been more familiar with the Knoxville background he might have steered a less inflammatory course. As it was, he followed Benjamin's direction and notified Brownlow he could have a passport. But at the same time he knew civil officials were planning to arrest the editor, and interposed no objection. The chagrined Benjamin called upon Ramsey for an account of the circumstances leading to Brownlow's arrest, and then sharply demanded his release by civil author· ities. [45] While Benjamin was reviewing Ramsey's report, the Parson demonstrated that the walls and bars of the Knoxville jail had not rendered him inarticulate. He fired off this trenchant, biting note: Knoxville Jail, Dec. 16, 1861 Hon J.P. Benjamin You authorized Gen. Crittenden to give me pasports [sic.], and an escort to send me into the old Government, and he invited me here for that purpose. But a third rate County Court Lawyer, acting as your Confederate Attorney, took me out of his hands and cast me into this prison. I am anxious to learn which is your highest authority, the Secretary of War, a Major General, or a dirty little drunken Attorney, such as]. C. Ramsey is! �CRUSHED AND EXILED 241 You are reported to have said to a gentleman in Richmond that, I am a bad man, dangerous to the Confederacy, and that you desire me out of it. Just give me my pasports [sic.], and I will do for your Confederacy, more than the Devil has ever done, I will quit the country! I am, etc, W. G. Brownlow[46] Benjamin's letter to Ramsey did not mention Brownlow's cutting message. He concerned himself entirely with getting his government out of a possible implication of breach of faith with the Parson. The secretary had acted upon Baxter's representation that Brownlow was safely concealed from Confederate officials, but was willing to surrender upon promise of safe delivery to the North. The other side of the picture, Benjamin wrote, was: If Brownlow had been in our hands we might not have accepted the proposition but deeming it better to have him as an open enemy on the other side of the line than a secret enemy within the lines authority was given to General Crittenden to assure him of protection across the border if he came to Knoxville. It was not in our power nor that of anyone else to prevent his being taken by process of law .... This has been done, however, and it is only regretted in one point of view-that is, color is given to the suspicion that Brownlow has been entrapped and has given himself up under promise of protection which has not been firmly kept . . . . Better that even the most dangerous enemy, however criminal, should escape than that the honor and good faith of the Government should be impugned or even suspected. [ 47] Benjamin's sensitiveness on the subject of Brownlow's arrest did not extend to the bridge burners. He demanded that they be caught, hanged and their cadavers left suspended near the railroads so that passengers might see and profit. Brownlow was told, while in jail at Knoxville, that the bodies of Jacob M. Hensie and Henry Fry were left where train passengers could, and did, strike them with their canes. He vowed, as he wrote in his prison diary, that he would have an illustration drawn of this brutal scene. It appeared later, that while the bodies were in view of passengers passing through Greeneville, they were too distant for blows. Three others were hanged at Knoxville, C. A. Haun and a father and son, Jacob and Henry Harmon. [48] Hanging those found guilty by drumhead court-martial did not satisfy Benjamin's zeal for punishment. He ordered the following steps to be taken against the men still held as traitors, but who could �242 CHAPTER NO. 14 not be proved to have been bridge burners: All such as have not been so engaged as bridge burners are to be treated as prisoners of war and sent with an armed guard to Tuscaloosa, Ala., there to be kept imprisoned at the depot selected by the Government for prisoners of war. Wherever you can discover that arms are concealed by these traitors you will send out detachments, search for and seize the arms. In no case is one of the men known to have been up in arms against the Government to be released on any pledge or oath of allegiance. The time for such measures is past. They are all to be held as prisoners of war and held in jail until the end of the war. [49] The Confederacy had placed Colonel Danville Leadbetter in charge of protecting the railroads of East Tennessee. He went at his task with ferocious zeal. Leadbetter, a Maine native, was educated at the United States Military Academy at West Point, but had turned militantly Southern after marrying "a refined lady of the South." When Fry and Hensie were hanged at Greeneville, he wrote, "The execution of the bridge-burners is producing the happiest effect." He pursued Unionists with such relentlessness that farmhouses were emptied of males, while "The women in some cases were greatly alarmed throwing themselves on the ground and wailing like savages. Indeed the population is savage." He ordered the horses of Union men and provisions to be impressed with payment only to those who became loyal to the South. This course was to be followed "until quiet shall be restored to these distracted counties, and they can rely upon it that no prisoner will be pardoned as long as Union men remain in arms." The colonel concluded that the people generally were being treated "with great kindness." Benjamin's policies were sending a stream of prisoners to Knoxville and beyond. Brigadier General Carroll reported on December 11, 1861, that a total of 15 0 prisoners remained at Knoxville after forty-eight had been sent to Tuscaloosa. When Colonel Leadbetter arrived and took command in Knoxville on January 7, 1862, he found 130 prisoners, with the number increasing. He coped with this situation by dissolving the court-martial, applying his harsh Greeneville policies and asking for more prisoners to be accepted at Tuscaloosa. Benjamin, on November 30, 1861, directed the military at Knoxville to ignore writs of habeas corpus issued by the civil courts. Meanwhile Confederate Attorney Ramsey, on November 25, 1861, plaintively inquired why he wasn't getting any of the action in the prosecution of the bridge-burners. The secretary, plainly unimpressed �CRUSHED AND EXILED 243 with the attorney, snapped back with: "I am very glad to hear of the action of the military authorities and hope to hear they have hung [sic.] every bridge-burner at the end of the burned bridge." [50] Lawyer Temple watched with alarm and mystification "long lines of wasted Union men, many of them three score and ten years of age, and some only mere boys, being driven through our streets on their way to the cars which were to carry them to Tuscaloosa." Brownlow, in the jail less than a block from Temple's office, also watched. His fears and gnawing bitterness were fed by the sights he saw and the news filtering into the jail from the lips of prisoners constantly being thrown into its stench and filth. In Powell Valley cavalry captured between 400 and 500 young men from Jefferson County who were fleeing north to escape conscription by the Confederacy. The soldiers marched them to the jail at Knoxville and then took them by rail to prison. "They were driven across the creeks and past the springs without being allowed to drink, on their long and hurried march of nearly fifty miles, then confined all night without food and drink," until they resorted to lapping water from puddles, the Parson wrote a short time later. [51] Ramsey dismissed the civil charge against Brownlow, at Benjamin's insistence, but this failed to bring freedom to the Parson. Captain G. H. Monsarrat, commanding the Knoxville post, sent him back to jail as a necessary measure "for his own safety and in order that the public peace might not be violated. I infer from your letter to the district attorney that Brownlow is entitled to a safe-conduct beyond our lines and with reference to this I await your further instructions. It was two months before the Confederate bureaucracy ground out the order by Benjamin to escort the Parson to the North. [52] The secretary was running the South's war machine and nettlesome as Brownlow was he had other decisions to make. According to a number of sources [see 53] , the harsh policies and the reprisals that followed the bridge burnings intensified the anguish and suffering of the Unionists. "It is a fact which no one could dispute that a heritage of hatred for the Confederate element was burned into the hearts of the East Tennesseeans, a heritage which Parson Brownlow was to capitalize to the fullest extent," his modern biographer has concluded. It has been estimated that from 2,000 to 3, 0 00 ''non-combatant, unarmed Union people in thirty-one counties" were shot, hanged or slaughtered "in cold blood," in addition to the "despoilment of personal property." A Unionist who �244 CHAPTER NO. 14 remained in Knoxville during the war, thus described the repressive steps taken after the bridge burnings: In the whole history of the war nothing can be found so blind, so infatuated, so absolutely devoid of wisdom and statesmanship, as the conduct of those who dictated the policy of the Confederate authorities toward the Union people of East Tennessee . . . .But madness ruled the hour. Folly held its high carnival. Personal and political animosity were in the saddle .... And all this was done under the advice of home leaders. It was not the work of Mr. President Davis, nor the Confederate authorities. Inside the jail where Brownlow found 150 inmates, the fears and uncertainties of the imprisoned men were intensified by the wretched conditions in which they were forced to exist. So crowded were the quarters that men had to take turns sleeping and standing. The space would not accommodate, stretched out or huddled, all of the prisoners. Two tubs, sawed from one barrel, were the only toilet facilities and these often overflowed. Water was brought in by a bucket dipped in a hogshead in which the guards washed their hands and faces. Water carriers for the prison were required to dip from the river at a point downstream from a Confederate army abbatoir. The slaughterers, who processed pork for the soldiers dumped offal and refuse into the stream. The room on the second floor where Brownlow was held was about ten feet square and contained no item of furniture until the brigade surgeon, who drew the Parson's commendation, obtained rude benches and tables. The jail food was wretched but Brownlow ate well. One of his sons brought him meals from his home. He shared the food with the ill and the elderly, among whom were two Baptist preachers, both more than seventy years old. One had prayed from his pulpit for the President of the United States; the other had cheered as men on horseback bearing the Stars and Stripes had passed his home. The Parson attributed the Confederate decision to let ample food supplies to be sent from his home to a hope that it would save the South expense, and that the inmates who shared the editor's basket would "eat him out of house and home." Soldiers jailed for drunkeness were tossed into the room with the political prisoners. This created uproars, and guards sometimes taunted the Unionists by "accidentally" firing into the room. The Parson's old foe, bronchitis, beset him.[53] Fear gripped the prisoners constantly for they had no intimation of the fate awaiting them. Three times the death cart, carrying upon �CRUSHED AND EXILED 245 it the coffins for the convicted bridge-burners, rolled to the jail door. The victims were called out for their ride to the gallows, sometimes with brief warnings of their fate. Jacob Harmon went through the torture of seeing his son, Thomas, hanged before he was taken to the gallows, on December 17, 1861. Others were marched away to die in Confederate prisons, or as a result of their imprisonment. Among those imprisoned was Dr. William Hunt, who had married Mrs. Brownlow's only sister. Few were tried. Some Confederate citizens and officers protested vainly against this vicious policy.[54] Brownlow concluded he would be hanged and prepared a gallows speech for such a development. If the Parson's expectation was born of a hallucination, as his biographer suggests, his mental disorder was on target with the facts. On the outside his bitterest foes met in Ramsey's office and discussed three ways to dispose of him: outright hanging, release him to Confederate soldiers who would kill him, or imprisonment in some state farther south. Joe Mabry, a Secessionist but Brownlow's friend, who had helped talk down the Gay Street confrontation between Monroe County troops and Unionists earlier in 1861, sat in on these meetings. He objected to the designs against the Parson and in court testimony later revealed the plot. The conspirators included Ramsey and Reynolds, both civil officials, and Crozier and Sneed, both men of wealth and influence in the Confederacy. Intent was there if success did not follow. Perhaps these enemies of the Parson were, as he charged, behind the incitement of a mob threatening to lynch him early in 1862 after he had been removed from the jail to his home because of his health. W. A. Camp, who as a major in the Confederate army had charge of the guard around Brownlow's home while the editor was under house arrest, deposed in a suit brought against Mabry in Knox County Circuit Court after the war, that Mississippi troops threatened to mob and hang the Parson. Camp kept a guard of one hundred men convenient to the residence, while Mabry, mounted on his horse, mixed with the mob for more than an hour until it subsided. Mabry also urged a railroad official to move the Mississippians out of town as rapidly as possible. The Parson also charged that he came within one vote of being sentenced to death by a drumhead court-martial, but no corroborative evidence has been found. [55] While the Parson's foes on the outside schemed to take his life, he played a role in saving from the gallows Harrison Self, who was convicted of participation in the burning of the Lick Creek bridge in �246 CHAPTER NO. 14 Greene County. The day set for the execution, December 27, 1861, authorities permitted Elizabeth Self to see her father. Brownlow and the other prisoners wept as they watched the farewell embrace. At the daughter's request Brownlow wrote for her a pleading telegram to President Davis. Two hours before the time set for the execution Davis wired a commutation of the death sentence. Whatever part his daughter's plea played in this extension of mercy remains uncertain. The members of the court-martial who had found Self guilty had unanimously recommended clemency. A. T. Bledsoe, chief of the Bureau of War at Richmond, who reviewed the testimony, decided that Self should not be hanged. Brownlow's telegram probably got most of the credit for the commutation, which followed quickly upon the heels of the wire. The Parson told what he had done in Parson Brownlow's Book. He did not mention the plea for clemency made by members of the court-martial; perhaps he did not know of it. Temple, however, writing many years later, reported the merciful position taken by the officers who heard the testimony, and by twenty-five other persons, private citizens and members of the armed forces, but "All proved unavailing," until the daughter's message. Brownlow owed Self a favor. A few hours earlier the doomed man had refused to purchase his life by making a statement that he had been instigated and paid to engage in the bridge burning by Brownlow, Trigg, Baxter and Temple. [56] Imprisonment broke the Parson's health to the point where, upon advice of his personal physician, authorities removed him to his home under guard. But nothing daunted his spirit. He seemed to thrive upon defiance, whether he was in jail or under house arrest, for he even contemplated an attempt to escape. His course differed from that of his friend Nelson. The latter had resorted to his expertise as a lawyer to avoid prison and prepared a statement, reflecting great ingenuity, cunning and skill, something resembling the plea of nolo contendere. Without acknowledging guilt he pledged to offer no resistance to the Confederacy, a device that got him his liberty but at the price of silence. Brownlow never was silenced. He rejected the proposal of General Carroll to obtain his freedom by pledging allegiance to the Confederacy with the assertion, "I would lie here until I died with old age before I would take such an oath." Carroll's suggestion was made on December 14, 1861, and an accompanying incident must have cut the Parson deeply. It was the harsh comment of John Baxter, his lawyer and a man he believed to be his friend. When Brownlow refused to take Carroll's offer Baxter snapped: �CRUSHED AND EXILED 247 "Damn him, let him lie there."[57] Baxter's angry burst may have been born of his exasperation at his client's refusal to accept the arrangement. Baxter may have worked hard to persuade Confederate officials to agree to the deal, and for the Parson to have rejected it must have offended his pragmatic mind. Or, Baxter may have believed he could achieve favor with the Confederates by this reproach to the Parson. He also acted upon impulse. What the impulse was we cannot be certain. The relationships of the men had been close, even intricate. While Baxter was in Richmond, and probably currying favor with the authorities there, he obtained Benjamin's approval for a passport. The day before Carroll wrote to Benjamin that he had seized Brownlow's printing plant for the use of the Confederacy the Parson conveyed the entire property, real estate, building, engine presses, print shop equipment and furniture, to Baxter. The contract (it was not described as a deed) was recorded on November 26, 1861. Baxter paid Brownlow $5,000 "in currency bankable at Knoxville." Out of this Baxter was to pay $1,200 plus interest on a note held by Phillip Shetterly against the property. Baxter also was security on the note. [58] As a going concern the Whig property was worth much more than $5,000, but since publication had been suspended and the military had seized the entire property its value was greatly diminished. Captain Monsarrat, commander of the Knoxville post, issued the order to remove Brownlow from the jail to his home at the close of 1861. His action drew the Parson's commendation. The former editor's physical surroundings were now much more comfortable but he was irritated by his guards. He charged that they were rude, demanding, insolent and destructive of household furniture. Colonel Robert Vance, Monsarrat's successor, gave the Parson and his household some relief and Brownlow dubbed him "a gentleman of character." The Parson was ready to travel north on February 27, 1862. But he was doubly apprehensive when Captain Monsarrat, again in charge, told him that Brigadier General John H. Winder, in charge of the defense of Richmond, had called for the Parson to be delivered to him. Brownlow protested to Benjamin on February 27 that he wanted to go out by way of the Cumberland Mountains. The secretary granted the request and added "or any safe road." On March 3 Monsarrat sent the Parson on the way to Nashville. Joe Mabry showed up again. Brownlow credited him with having exerted his �248 CHAPTER NO. 14 influence to get railroad routing in the direction of Nashville. Brownlow was treated with such deference that he was permitted to select the officers in charge of ten soldiers to escort him. He chose Colonel Casey H. Young, who had protested against the harsh treatment of East Tennessee Unionists, and Lieutenant John W. O'Brien, a cousin of Mrs. Brownlow's. The Parson's sons, John Bell and James Patton, and Samuel H. Rodgers, a lawyer friend made up the civilians in the party.[59] Deference gave way to antagonism along the route. Confederate soldiers on furlough attempted to rush the passenger car in which the Brownlow party was traveling, and military commanders created delays until it was March 15, 1862, before the group entered the federal lines. At the sight of swarming blue uniforms, Rodgers recalled, the Parson's wrinkles seemed to disappear and he exclaimed: "Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will toward all men, except a few hell-born and hell-bound rebels in Knoxville." The former refugee from Confederate wrath, who had endured the horrors and hardships of the Knoxville jail and feared the possibility that he would be hanged, now moved swiftly into another world. There he met warm and welcoming handshakes, unstinted admiration, cordiality and the polite and deferential reception of General D. C. Buell, commander of "ninety thousand men here, and more arriving every day." A lady sent a bouquet to his hotel room and pressed hy officers and civilians he made a speech, despite the soreness of his throat. Generals Ulysses S. Grant and William T. Sherman, moving relentlessly south, had transformed Nashville, reluctant as most of its citizens were to be under Union domination. Governor Harris and the members of the legislature had fled in haste. When the House adjourned sine die, in Memphis, the maker of the motion must have been cackling with delight inwardly. He was Dr. R. H. Hodsden, the redoubtable old Unionist from Sevier County, who had warned Temple and Brownlow that indictments were being prepared against them in Nashville, and who in turn was arrested but was released on orders from Judge Humphreys.[60] Old friends greeted Brownlow, among them Horace Maynard, Emerson Ethridge and Connally F. Trigg. So did an old and bitter enemy, Andrew Johnson, now military governor of Tennessee. The exiled editor and the governor, who for a quarter of a century had dredged the language for invectives to hurl against each other, now �CRUSHED AND EXILED 249 found themselves, by the fortunes and exigencies of war, comrades. They met and embraced, physically and politically. A chronicler of the times has written that they "wept like women,"[16] If they shed tears upon each other's necks it watered their friendship for only a few years. CHAPTER NOTES [ 1] Whig, August 10, 17, 1861; Register, August 3, 1861; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, pp.122-123;0. R., I, 4, pp. 374-375. [ 2] Ibid., pp. 364-366, 372-376. The great exodus of Union men from East Tennessee began early in August 1861. Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 368. [ 3) Ibid., p. 357. [ 4] Whig, August 17, 24, 1861; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, p. 92. [ 5) Ibid., pp. 90-93; Whig, August 24, 1861. [ 6] Register, August 23, 1861. [ 7] Whig, August 17, 24; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, pp. 9D-91. [ 8) Whig, August 24, September 21, 1861. [ 9) Ibid., August 24, 1861; Register, August 23, 1861. [10) Whig, July 13, 17; Barry A. Crouch, "The Merchant and the Senator: an Attempt to Save East Tennessee for the Union," ETHS PUBL., No. 46, pp. 53-72, hereafter referred to as Crouch; Whig, July 13, 27, 1861;Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 122-133; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, pp. 129-131. [111 Whig, June 28, 1865, March 13, 1867. Charlton resigned as United States postmaster in March, Register, March 7, 1861. [121 Whig, August 24, September 7, 1861; Register, August 23, 1861. [13] Whig, May 11, 1861; Register, May 20, 1862; Price, Holston Methodism, III, pp. 323-324; Whig, May 15, 1867. [141 Temple, Notable Men, p. 203. [15) Whig, September 7, 14, 1861. [16) Ibid., September 14, 1861, quoting Nashville Banner of Peace; Whig, August 24, 1861, May 15, 1867, September 21, July 31, August 24, September 28, 1861. [17] Ibid., September 28, October 10, 1861; Temple, Notable Men, p. 71; White, Messages, V, p. 356. [18] Whig, September 28, October 12, 1861; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 135-36, illustration opposite p. 144. [19) Whig, August 3, September 7, 1861. [20) Ibid., October 19, 1861, 0. R .. , 1, IV, pp. 511-512. [21) R. H. Hodsden to Temple, October 23, 1861. Temple Papers. Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 369; Whig, October 26, 1861. �250 CHAPTER NO. 14 [22] Ibid. See also Temple, Notable Men, pp. 305-308; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 249-255. [23] Ibid., p. 415; Temple, Notable Men, 305, 308-309; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 280, 416. [24] Accounts of Carter's background, his trips to Washington, into Kentucky and into East Tennessee for the purpose of carrying out the bridge burning are found in Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 370-385; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 88-93, 309-310; 0. R .. , I, 4, p. 284, Adjutant General L. Thomas to Brigadier General W. T. Sherman, with enclosure, October 10, 1861, pp. 299-300; Brigadier General 0. M. Mitchel to Brigadier General George H. Thomas, October 10, 1861, pp. 301-302; Sherman to George H. Thomas, October 12, 1861, pp. 305-306; L. Thomas to Secretary of War Simon Cameron, October 21, 1861, pp. 313-314; W. B. Carter to George H. Thomas, October 22, 1861, p. 317, October 27, 1861, p. 320; George H. Thomas to Brigadier General A. Schoepf, October 29, 1861, p. 323; Sherman to George H. Thomas, October 31, 1861, pp. 324-325; George H. Thomas to Sherman, November 5, 1861, pp. 338-339; Major General George B. McClellan to Brigadier D. C. Buell, November 7, 1861, p. 342; Sherman to George H. Thomas, November 12, 1861; pp. 353-354. [25] Ibid., Zollicoffer to Governor Magoffin, September 14, 1861, p. 195; ibid., II, 1, Landon C. Haynes to Confederate Secretary of War L. P. Walker, July 6, 1861, p. 824. [26] Ibid., I, 4, Zollicoffer to Lieutenant Colonel Mackall, assistant adjutant general, Nashville, September 28, 1861, pp. 424-425. [27] Ibid., John R. Branner, president of the East Tennessee and Virginia Railroad, to Secretary of War Benjamin, November 9, 1861, p. 231; RO [sic.] L. Owen, president of the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, to Benjamin, November 11, 1861, pp. 235-236;]. W. Lewis, superintendent of the East Tennessee and Virginia Railroad, to President Jefferson Davis, November 11, 1861, p. 235; Colonel W. B. Wood to Adjutant General S. Cooper, November 11, 1861, p. 236. [28] Ibid., Wood to Cooper, November 11, 1861, pp. 236-237; Branner to Benjamin, November 13, 1861, p. 243; Zollicoffer to Cooper, November 14, 1861, p. 243; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 388-389; Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 259. [29] Ibid., pp. 259-260; 0. R .. , I, 4, pp. 240-241, 559. [30] Ibid., Major General Braxton Bragg to Benjamin, November 17, 1861, enclosure Colonel S. A. M. Wood, commanding Seventh Regiment Alabama Volunteers, to Bragg, November 17, 1861, pp. 248-250. Carroll was the son of William Carroll who had enjoyed a distinguished military and political career, serving six years as governor. Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 396; Folmsbee eta/., Short History, pp. 138-139, 142, 163-164, 184-185. The son had a reputation for being dissolute. Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, p. 147; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 304-305. (31] 0. R., I, 4, Zollicoffer to Wood, November 12, 1861, p. 242; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 390; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 261-262. �CRUSHED AND EXILED 251 [32] 0. R., I, 4, Wood to Benjamin, November 20, 1861, pp. 250-251. [ 3 3] Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 385-387. A Union company was organized in Greene County prior to the bridge burning. T. H. Reeve to Rule, February 5, 1887. Rule Papers. [34] Sketches by William Rule, Rule Papers. Temple, Notable Men, p. 310; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 280-281; 0. R., I, 4, Wood to S. Cooper, November 11, 1861, pp. 236-237. [35) Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 281; Temple, Notable Men, p. 72; Whig, August 29, 1866, May 15, 1867. Baxter's changing role is mystifying unless it is accepted that he was a brazen opportunist. He was a militant Unionist; he helped extricate Nelson from Confederate custody; he marched like a zealous Confederate to the Strawberry Plains bridge after the false report Unionists were preparing to attack it again, and then appears as Brownlow's friend and attorney, getting Brownlow a passport to the North. In the Reconstruction period when Brownlow was governor he lashed Baxter with some of the harshest charges he made in his career. He accused Baxter of trying to ingratiate himself with the Confederate government, trying to get a commission as a brigadier general and giving Confederate Senator Louis T. Wigfall of Texas a $300 saddle horse. Baxter published one issue of a Knoxville newspaper supporting the South, he entered into a law partnership with Confederate Senator Landon C. Haynes, and the Parson said that correspondence found in Haynes' office when Federal troops took over Knoxville revealed that Baxter had proposed to bribe northern newspapers to favor the Confederacy, if given $500,000 for the purpose. See later chapters for details. [36) The letter to Carroll is from Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 282-283. Slightly longer is the same letter in 0. R., II, i, pp. 902-903. Variations frequently appear between the communications in Parson Brownlow's Book and Official Records, which may be attributed to the extreme haste with which the Parson wrote, or from lack of copies, the author relying on his memory. Punctuation in Official Records also is sparse compared with the Parson's generous use of it. [37) Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 284; 0. R., II, 1, pp. 903-904. [38] Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 284-286, 288; 0. R., II, 1, Carroll to Benjamin, November 26, 1861, p. 903. The affidavit, but not the letter, appears in ibid., p. 905. [39) Ibid., II, 1, Baxter to Benjamin, November 30, 1861, p. 904; ibid., en· closure A, Benjamin to Crittenden, November 20, 1861, pp. 921-922. There is an error here because it is out of the question for Benjamin to have written to Crittenden authorizing a passport for Brownlow ten days before Davis and Benjamin met with Baxter. Ibid., Crittenden to Benjamin, December 13, 1861, pp. 908-909; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 294-296. See also 0. R., II, 1, warrant against Brownlow, p. 922. [40) 0. R., II, 1, Brownlow to Crittenden, December 6, 1861, p. 922; ibid., Harry I. Thornton, Aide-de-Camp, to Brownlow, December 7, 1861, p. 923. The items cited are enclosures D and E in ibid., Brownlow to President Davis, without date but marked "Entered 'Received january 2, 1862,' "pp. 919-923. �252 CHAPTER NO. 14 [41] Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 296; Temple, Notable Men, p. 313. [42] 0. R., II, 1, Ramsey to Benjamin, December 7, 1861, pp. 907-908; ibid., Swan to Davis, ]. G. M. Ramsey and William H. Tibbs to Davis, December 7, 1861, pp. 905-907; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 298-299. [43] Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 382-384. [44] Coulter, p. 169; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, p. 77; Whig, June 15, 1861, quoting Register. [45] 0. R., II, 1, Benjamin to Ramsey, December 22,1861, pp. 916-917. [46] A reproduction of the letter is in Parson Brownlow's Book, between pp. 318-319. A slightly different version is on p. 318; also with more correction in 0. R., II, 1, p. 910. [47] Ibid., Benjamin to Ramsey, December 22, 1861, pp. 916-917. [48] Ibid., Benjamin to Wood, November 25, 1861, p. 848;Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 269-270 (picture between pp. 301-302); Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 393-394, 399. [49] 0. R., II, 1, Benjamin to Wood, November 25,1861, p. 848. ]50] Ibid., ]no. Withers, assistant adjutant general, Special Orders, No. 216, November 11, 1861, p. 841; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 394; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 420-421; 0. R., II, 1, Leadbetter to General S. Cooper, November 28, 1861, p. 849, Leadbetter to Benjamin, November 30, 1861, p. 851, Leadbetter to "The Citizens of East Tennessee," proclamation, November 30, 1861, pp. 851-852, Leadbetter to S. Cooper, December 8, 1861, pp. 852-853, Carroll to Benjamin, December 11, 1861, pp. 854-855, Leadbetter to S. Cooper, January 7, 1862, p. 869, Benjamin to Captain R. F. Looney, November 30, 1861, p. 851, Ramsey to Benjamin, November 25, 1861, p. 848, Benjamin to Ramsey, November 25, 1861, p. 849. [51] Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 392; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 309-321; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 424-425; Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 453. For additional accounts of the Parson's experiences and the persecution of Unionists see Whig, March 5, 1864, January 9, September 13, December 27, 1865, February 7, August 1, December 19, 1866, Aprill, July 15, 1868. [52] 0. R., II, 1, Monsarrat, approved by Leadbetter, to Benjamin, December 27, 1861, p. 917, Monsarrat to Benjamin, December 29, 1861, p. 919, Benjamin to Monsarrat, March 1, 1862, p. 928. [53] Coulter, pp. 174-175; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, p. 307, appendix, p. 392; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 421-422; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 305-307, 417-422; Whig, September 13, 1865; Temple Notable Men, p. 313; the Parson's testimony before Congressional Investigating Committee, 0. R., I, 16, pt. 1, p. 674; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 305-307, 325, 418; Whig, February 7, 1866;Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 325-326, 321, 320. [54] Ibid., pp. 312-313, 319; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 392-396; 0. R., II, 1, Carroll to Benjamin, December 11, 1861, p. 854; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 313-314, 317; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 404-408, 413-420; 0. R., II, 1, J. ]. Craig to Benjamin, �CRUSHED AND EXILED [55) [56) [57) [58] [59) [60) [61) 253 January 3, 1861, pp. 923-924, H. C. Young to D. M. Currin, December 19, 1861, pp. 857-858, Robertson Topp to Robert Josselyn, Esq., October 26, 1861, p. 834, H. R. Austin to President Davis, marked "Received War Department, December 28, 1861 ", p. 869. Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 330-337; Coulter, p. 192; Whig, February 7, November 7, 1866, September 25, 1867. Temple believed Brownlow was marked for assassination. Notable Men, p. 308; Whig, February 7, 1866. Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 326-328; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 397-398, 0. R., II, 1, account of Self's trial, pp. 858-859; Whig, February 7, 1866. Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 337-338; Temple, Notable Men, p. 314; Whig, May 15, 1867. W. G. Brownlow (by attorney) to John Baxter, Knox County Deed Book, A3, p. 171; Green, Bench and Bar, pp. 58-59. Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 337-338; 0. R., II, 1, Brownlow to Vance, February 15, 1862, pp. 926-928; Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 361; 0. R., II, 1, Brownlow to Benjamin, February 27, 1862, p. 928; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 367-368; 0. R., II, 1, Benjamin to Monsarrat, March 1, 1862, p. 928, Monsarrat to Benjamin, March 3, 1862, p. 928; Whig, May 15, 1867; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 370-371; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 314-315; Whig, February 7, 1866. See Young's appeal for kinder treatment of East Tennesseeans, 0. R., II, 1, pp. 857-858; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 414. Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 371-377, 380; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 315-316; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 380-393; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 331-333; White, Messages, V, p. 372; House journal, ThirtyFourth General Assembly, comp., Tennessee Historical Commission (Nashville, 1957), p. 479. Temple, Notable Men, p. 316; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 381-384. �Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, and Rebel Ventilator. "The union of lakes-the union of lands-The union of states none can sever-The union of hearts-the union of hands-And the flag of the Union forever." Chapter No. 15 THE PROFITS OF EXILE Exhilaration and excitement surrounded the Parson from the moment the surprised and admiring Union soldiers greeted him five miles south of Nashville. He reveled in the company of old friends and responded as well as his shattered voice would permit to the clamors for speeches. He was warmed by the officers who pressed to meet him, he was flattered by an interview with Major General Don Carlos Buell, whose troops were pouring south from Nashville, and he basked in the serenades from regimental bands. Amidst this adulation and freedom the Parson's store of indignation swelled. He trained a fiery batch of it on preachers who cast their lot with the South, especially if they were Methodists. Yet, he was deeply comforted to learn that Bishop Soule, who had given him his first circuit riding assignment, remained at the age of eighty and living near Nashville, "a staunch advocate of the Union and of the Constitution of his country." Most gratifying of all was the opportunity to denounce before appreciative audiences the hideous, evil men of the Confederacy, especially those who had been his bitterest foes in Knoxville. When he spoke at Fort Donelson, where the arms and legs of the battle's victims still protruded from the shallow graves, he presented this snapping synopsis of life in East Tennessee: I am just from the land of oppression, where there are no constitutional guards left for the protection of the rights of the citizens-where they have abolished the habeas corpus, provided county dungeons for Union men, the sweets of which I have tasted; where they have instituted lettres de cachet, violated the mails, disarmed communities and individuals, quartered drunken troops on private families, hung [sic.] men for not being Secessionists, shot down others in their fields for adhering to the Stars and Stripes, muzzled the press, silenced free speech, debauched the pulpit, tortured women and children, and brought into service, at two to four dollars per day, a pensioned band of depraved spies and informers. [1] 254 �THE PROFITS OF EXILE 255 Yet, as the Parson enjoyed liberty of speech and of movement as well as the enveloping limelight, he must have felt a gnawing fear for the safety of his family. He indicated as much in assuring the troops he would return to his home when they repossessed the land. His accounts written at the time ignore, perhaps for reasons of security, any mention of the departure of his sons or the routes they took from Nashville. James P., the younger son, quickly headed for Cumberland Gap where with other men he helped organize a company that became a unit in the First Tennessee Cavalry Regiment, U.S.A. This unit was also called the First East Tennessee Cavalry Regiment. [2 J John Bell, now the family guardian, was back in Knoxville before many days. He had already been entrusted with looking after the interests of the family when the Parson had fled into the mountains. During the negotiations for a passport he accompanied ] ohn Baxter in visits to military officials. He had supported Baxter's statement to these officials that the lawyer had bought the Whig plant. General Carroll confided to Benjamin that he not only believed the sale was not genuine but that Baxter's loyalty to the Confederacy was not to be trusted. Yet the sale was genuine and some of the Parson's bitterness at the loss of his plant may be laid to his resentment at being forced to sell the mortgaged property to Baxter for what he considered half its worth. [ 3J The path of restoration for the Parson, however, lay to the north and there he hastened. He arrived in Cincinnati on March 27. The hero-starved North embraced him, feted him, besought him for speeches and replenished his finances. Book publishers wooed him, and he accepted the offer of George W. Childs of Philadelphia. This agreement led to the publication of Parson Brownlow's Book. Brownlow began his speaking tour in Cincinnati on April4, 1862, in Pike's Opera House. Three hundred and seventy-two children sang his praises. The president of the Chamber of Commerce, Joseph C. Butler, introduced him, and two other dignitaries, General S. F. Carey and Lieutenant-Governor John F. Fisk of Kentucky, rounded off the evening with speeches. The packed house brought the Parson receipts of $1,125. This auspicious night initiated a train of events that made Brownlow the man of the hour, more publicized than generals and was highly remunerated financially. His voice seemed to improve with every speech. The editor's flamboyance with facts, his acid treatment of his foes and his colorful and incisive prose delighted the Northerners. He told them what they wanted to hear about �256 CHAPTER NO. 15 the South even more expressively than they could imagine it. Yet he gave his audiences large doses of candor. He approved of Andrew Johnson as military governor of Tennessee, but he acknowledged having fought him "perseveringly, systematically and terribly for a quarter of a century in Tennessee." Brownlow came from a line of slaveholders and he had been robbed by the Confederate cavalry on a Sabbath, of "a valuable boy ... worth about one thousand dollars." The anti-slavery agitators of the North he said, were as appropriate candidates for the gallows as the disunionists of the South. Yet if the preservation of the Union was narrowed to the issue of slavery or its prohibition, then, said the Parson, slavery would have to go. The South, he conceded, had held the advantage of the North in political offices and favorable legislation, yet had brought on the conflict deliberately. And he furnished chilling accounts of what he saw and endured in the jail at Knoxville. [4] Always a Unionist, Brownlow went back to the days when South Carolina had threatened nullification and was stopped dead by Andrew Jackson. Tracing his loyalty, he said he had abused and castigated Jackson, alive and as a corpse, although Brownlow credited him with the proper course in stifling nullification. Now he gave old Hickory this rousing tribute: I would have resurrected him, if I could have done so, two years ago, and placed him in the chair disgraced by that mockery of a man, Buchanan, and had him to crush out this rebellion. Jackson was a true patriot, and a lover of his country, and a Union man; and if he had been living when this rebellion broke out, he would have hanged the leaders and prevented this unnatural war.[5) Brownlow wound up the first leg of his lecture tour at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, April 18. He had delivered his speech and been received with official honors and acclaim in Indianapolis, Chicago, Columbus, Pittsburg, Altoona and Harrisburg. Governors sought him out and were pleased to introduce him. The Ohio legislature met in joint session to hear him. He rode in the cab of a locomotive across the Allegheny Mountains. [6] If he had a rival in splendor it was the aurora borealis. The Parson declined an invitation from President Lincoln to visit the White House. He gave as his reason the necessity to hasten work on his book, but it is also possible he was vexed with Lincoln for not sending troops to the rescue of the East Tennessee loyalists. [7] He took refuge in the home of Robert E. Peterson at Crosswicks, New Jersey, and there he wrote, clipped and pasted together the hodge- �THE PROFITS OF EXILE 257 podge that the abbreviating binders labelled Parson Brownlow's Book. Haste was important for the book to be placed before the eager northern market that had been stimulated by the wide and worshipful attention Brownlow was getting from newspapers, magazines and the platform. The author penned some of the chapters. Others consisted of strings of editorials he had written at the approach of war and before he suspended the Whig, his jail diary and his personal memoirs. Illustrative of the devices employed to hurry the manuscript was the Parson's use of his speech as it was carried in the Cincinnati Gazette rather than to set it down himself. He completed the writing in May, two months after he had left home. By September an estimated 100,000 copies had been sold. [8] The Parson's flaming rhetoric at Cincinnati had the effect of driving his family out of Knoxville and into his arms at Crosswicks. His old foe from the litigation over the collapsed Bank of East Tennessee, W. M. Churchwell, was now a colonel and provost-marshal in Knoxville. He interpreted Brownlow's speech to mean that the Confederacy was holding Mrs. Brownlow and her family as "hostages for the good behavior" of the Parson. Churchwell gave Mrs. Brownlow and her family thirty-six hours to leave. Mrs. Brownlow protested she needed more time, was granted an extension, and left Knoxville on April 25. John Bell Brownlow; her daughters-Miss Mary Brownlow and Mrs. Sue C. Sawyers; and her grandchild-Mrs. Sawyers' sonaccompanied her. They were out of the Confederacy by the last of April. Churchwell ordered Mrs. Horace Maynard and her family out at the same time. The Confederates required the Brownlows and the Maynards to pay their transportation to Norfolk and Fortress Monroe. Behind all this was Confederate rage at a statement the Parson had made in his Cincinnati speech but which he did not mention in Parson Brownlow's Book. John Bell Brownlow, thirty years later, wrote that when he went to the office of the Confederate commander in Knoxville, General E. Kirby Smith, to protest against the expulsion, the general showed him a copy of the Cincinnati Gazette reporting the speech. The newspaper quoted the Parson as saying, "A rebel has but two rights, a right to be hanged and a right to be d-d." It also reported the exiled editor was very severe on graduates of the United States Military Academy who went with the South. Kirby avowed, "The family of no man shall stay within my lines who would make such a speech." [9] John Bell was soon in Cincinnati, and may have helped his father during the speaking tour and in preparing Parson Brownlow's Book, �258 CHAPTER NO. 15 for he did not enter military service until August 1863. [10] When the Parson completed the manuscript for his book he returned to the demanding and lucrative lecture circuit. He was in New York for ten days, beginning May 13. There he picked up from $1,200 to $2,500 a speech, along with subscriptions to the Whig, upon its resumption. He spent a week in Boston and then moved on to North Bridgewater, Salem and Lowell, Massachusetts; Portland, Maine; Dover, New Hampshire; Roxbury, Massachusetts; Providence, Rhode Island; Norwich and Hartford, Connecticut; Springfield, Amherst and Worcester, Massachusetts; and finally back to Philadelphia. He next visited seven cities in New York State, returned to Philadelphia, and in September headed for Michigan and Illinois. This tour included county fairs, the Michigan Republican State Convention in Detroit, and a huge Republican rally in Chicago. He closed out his speaking labors at Monmouth, Illinois, on November 3. The Parson's participation in these partisan affairs put him down as having lost all dread of being called a "Black Republican." Although he may have been vexed with Lincoln for not having sent troops to the rescue of East Tennessee Unionists, he was now aligned in support of the Washington administration. He had not come completely around to a position acknowledging that slavery as an institution was dead, but he was approaching it. He had told his Cincinnati audience that in the last analysis, if he had to choose between the preservation of the Union and slavery, the Union must come first, but he added this suggestion: Let the Federal Government now guarantee to all loyal men in seceded States the right and title to their property, including negroes [sic.] , and protect them in the enjoyment of the same; but let the title held by rebels seeking to destroy the Government be annihilated, both as to negroes [sic.] and all other property. Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation must have caught Brownlow by surprise; for at the Kent County Fair at Grand Rapids, Michigan, on October 7, 1862, while speaking to an audience of 10,000 persons he endorsed it "As a military measure ... but in no other sense." He saw it as a sop to abolitionists and as utter unenforceable. He held, "The rebellion must first be put down before the government has any power to put down slavery in the rebellious states. Till the rebellion is crushed by the sword it is idle to talk of what is to be done with slavery. Let us do one thing at a time." [11] The removal of the Brownlow family from Knoxville failed to blot out its members, especially the head of the house, as news items for �THE PROFITS OF EXILE 259 their old neighbors. The Register and its editor, Sperry, had always found the Parson wicked and malignant, but fascinatingly so, an almost hypnotic evil. This tendency was reflected in the famous editorial in the Register that extolled Brownlow's skill in obtaining his release to the North. It took off with: We do not desire to be understood as attaching undue or extravagant importance to the discharge of Brownlow from the custody of the Confederate authorities. The writer of this has known this individual for years. He is, in few words, a diplomat of the first water. Brownlow rarely undertakes anything unless he sees his way entirely through the millstone. He covers over his really profound knowledge of human nature with an appearance of eccentricity and extravagance. If any of our readers indulge the idea that Brownlow is not 'smart' in the full acceptation [acceptance] of the term, they should abolish the delusion at once and forever. Crafty, cunning, generous to his particular friends, benevolent and charitable to their faults, ungrateful and implacable to his enemies, we cannot refrain from saying that he is the best judge of human nature within the bounds of the Southern Confederacy. In procuring from the Confederate authorities a safe-conduct to a point within the Hessian lines, he has exhibited the most consumate skill .... Brownlow! God forbid that we should unnecessarily magnify the importance of the name; but there are facts connected with the character of the man which a just and discriminating public would condemn in us did we not give them due notice. In brief, Brownlow has preached at every church and school-house, made stump-speeches at every cross road, and knows every man, woman and child, and their fathers and grandfathers before them, in East Tennessee. As a Methodist circuit-rider, a political stump-speaker, a temperance orator, and the editor of a newspaper, he has been equally successful in our division of the state. Let him but reach the confines of Kentucky, with his knowledge of the geography and the population of East Tennessee, and our section will soon feel the effect of his hard blows. From among his old partisan and religious sectarian parasites he will find men who will obey him with the fanatical alacrity of those who followed Peter the Hermit in the First Crusade. We repeat again, let us not underrate Brownlow. [ 12] Everyone who knew Sperry, or who read his newspaper, was aware of his hot hatred for the Parson, and most of them knew he spoke for a group of influential secessionists in Knoxville who wanted the former Whig editor hanged or sent to a remote and secure prison in the Deep South. The chagrin of these men was intensified because Brownlow had eluded the fate they desired for him by the decision �260 CHAPTER NO. 15 of the military on their own side. It was more humiliating and frustrating than if President Lincoln had marched a Union army into East Tennessee and snatched up Brownlow. Sperry held up the Confederate officials and officers to scorn and ignominy, but in doing it he paid Brownlow one of the greatest tributes ever set in type. The Register continued to follow the blazing trail of the Parson across the North. It castigated and denounced him, but never subjected him to neglect. It reported his profits and described him as "the grand attraction of the 4th of July celebration at the Fair Grounds at Louisville." It gloated when Confederate prisoners hissed the Parson when he attempted to speak to a group. It denounced him, along with Andrew Johnson, for approving Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, and noted that he was recommending extermination of the South's population. It had him swooping into Washington like a vulture after carrion, as leading a regiment of blacks into East Tennessee, and finally upon hearing of the suicide of Abram Pryne it granted him this capsuled detestation: It is not surprising that Pryne has left the world in disgust. Brownlow's infamy so far transcended his own that he has "curled up and quit." The one was false only to his God, the other to both God and his country. Pryne had become a lunatic, Brownlow was born morally insane. The anger of the Register against "our tender-hearted military" had burst out earlier in 1862 when the editor protested that too much tolerance had been shown to those loyal to the old government. He flared out with: Unionism here has never felt the heel of proscription. The exact opposite is the truth. In the entire length and breadth of the Confederate States, East Tennessee is the only place where Toryism or, if that term be too harsh to the delicate ears of those for whom we particularly write-Unionism, has been tolerated. The liberty of the press and the freedom of speech were enjoyed here in their most unbridled license and wanton abuse. There was in all the South but one paper that advocated the maintenance of the old government and the overthrow of the new. That sheet was, thrice a week, under the very guns of the Southern army, published in Knoxville. Unmolested, it assaulted in every possible form of falsehood, popular sophistry, detraction and vulgar slander, our government, its officials and friends, until, from sheer exhaustion, it could no longer insert an untruth, pervert a fact, blacken a character or insert a fang into a sensibility. If this infamous sheet had been published in Memphis ... ; or in Nashville ... ; its office would have been demolished, and its editor, perhaps, ridden upon a rail, �THE PROFITS OF EXILE 261 instead of being escorted, by a guard of honor, brim{ull of intelligence, to the enemy ... East Tennessee was the paradise to tories-the only spot in all the South where Union men were allowed free discussion.[13] The Daily Southern Chronicle, which appeared in Knoxville on June 28, 1863, and which lasted only a few months, ridiculed rather than belabored the Parson. It printed a captured letter of Brownlow to his wife, dated July 6, 186 3. It was seized by troops of the Confederate cavalry leader, General John H. Morgan, in a northern raid. Brownlow had written it at Nashville, where he was assistant special agent for the United States Treasury Department. The Chronicle published it on August 4, 1863, a month before Union forces moved into Knoxville. The letter conveyed a warning to Mrs. Sue (Susan) Sawyers, widowed daughter of the Brownlows, not to permit the attentions of a Union officer, named Reece. Sue, the mother of a son, was a redoubtable soul. She had defied, with rifle or pistol, Confederate soldiers who had threatened to tear down the Stars and Stripes floating at the Brownlow home on East Cumberland Avenue. A couple of pamphlets had been written about her exploits and she had travelled with her father on his speaking tour of the North. Nevertheless, she was a member of the Parson's household, then living at Covington, Kentucky, and he held her to be under his dominion and control. He warned her (through her mother) that the suitor was no good: Gen. Burnside will muster him out of service in disgrace. He has made an ass out of himself; he is a petty tyrant, full of self-conceit, and has no common sense. Say to Sue, for me, that she must not be seen walking with him or conversing with him. And she must receive nothing from him, in letters, or presents. She must either go with me or him-she can't go with both, and he will end up his career in disgrace and bankruptcy and will be so published in the army records. I know what I am talking about. The same letter also revealed the Parson's efforts to see that his children were well garmented. Father Brownlow laid down dress goods, as well as the law for Sue and the other children. He wrote: The silk I bought for the girls, I will describe to you. For Sue and Mary, plaids with stripes of red, brown and green. For Fannie, 9 yards of checks, white and blue, like apron check, very pretty. Sue's piece has 15% yards-Mary's 1S yards. They are good and handsome, and I get them for less than one dollar per yard. For the little Tads I have a bolt of brilliants and a bolt of linnen [sic.] with black stripes. �262 CHAPTER NO. 15 Sue bore up very well under the stricture on her suitor. In less than three years she married Dr. Daniel T. Boynton, who practiced medicine from the Parson's home after the marriage.[14] The Chronicle's jibe at Brownlow and his family may have afforded the Knoxville secessionists one of their last pleasant moments of the summer. Union armies were moving southward toward East Tennessee, and soon after the middle of August Confederate authorities started moving supplies and troops south. Most outspoken southern sympathizers took the same direction. Knoxville suffered a strange hiatus. With troops and officers gone the city was left without governmental authority, and "A vague and yet terrible sense of insecurity and uncertainty filled the minds of all." Then, on a sunny afternoon, September 1, 1863, a brigade 0f cavalry commanded by Colonel John W. Foster, galloped up Gay Street from the north. It concentrated about the Lamar Hotel and occupied the city. Two days later General Ambrose Burnside made his formal entry. [15] Brownlow's Knoxville Whig reappeared on Nove;nber 11, 1863. It brandished the additional title of and Rebel Ventilator, a capsuled declaration of the Parson's program for his foes. The Union army brought the Brownlow and Maynard families to Knoxville from the Cincinnati area and provided the Parson with substantial help in getting the Whig going. It supplied him with $1,500 cash, five wagons to haul paper and printing supplies from Cincinnati, and probably with a printing press. Brigadier General James G. Spears seized a press, type and other equipment at Alexandria, a small town in Middle Tennessee, and ordered the material sent to Knoxville for Brownlow. The Parson did not, as might have been expected, take over the printing office and equipment of either the Register or the Chronicle. That of the former was sold through an order of the United States District Court, and Treasury Department aides working under Brownlow auctioned off what apparently was the property of the latter. The Whig resumed operations at its old stand, after necessary renovation, with a hand operated press. Brownlow published a duplicate newspaper at Cincinnati for northern subscribers, of whom there were from 15,000 to 20,000. The Knoxville circulation was limited, for regular mails did not exist and subscribers were required to get their Whigs at the Knoxville post office or at the Whig shop. [16] Ventilation was a rather mild term for Brownlow's ferocity �THE PROFITS OF EXILE 263 against the secessionists remammg in the area. He recalled in his opening address that he had predicted: "the South will be whipped and driven in disgrace back into the Union, and made to yield to the laws and constitution of the United States." He also recalled his prediction that the heaviest blows of the North would fall upon the Border States, who were pressed into the conflict by the more insulated sisters of the Deep South. He did not linger on these points because "The past is with the reader, and we have only to speak of the present and of what is to come." Thus looking ahead the Parson recommended that while the government and the military authorities should deal in the most liberal spirit toward the deluded masses, and for the patriotic who were conscripted, we urge the punishment of intelligent traitors, and insist that the halter should be summoned to do its appropriate work among the leaders! ... The guerrilla warfare which the rebels delight in and threaten Union men with cannot long be maintained when once the war is ended, or when rebel soldiers are driven from a State. Self-preservation will lead good men everywhere to unite with the Government in closing it out. No mercy will be shown to such thieves and assassins, if they continue their ravages, when their armies have laid down their arms. They have no claims under the laws of warfare; they are out of the pale of their protection, placed there by their own reckless violation of those laws. This picking off of men here and there, and these guerilla raids upon families and villages, where murder and plunder are the only motives, and not in any sense the furtherance of the objects of war, should be punished with death, without even the forms of a trial. Let no such men be taken as prisoners. Let a stern vengeance be taken upon every guerrilla that falls into our hands .... (Whig November 11, 1863). Only a shade less evil than guerillas, in the Parson's book, were clergymen who had promoted the rebellion: They have aided in the work of devastating the country; they have contributed to fill the land with mourning; they have caused tears of tens of thousands of widows to flow; they have done their full part, in handing down to posterity an army of orphan children; they have aided materially in filling thousands of graves with the best citizens of the country, North and South; and fearful to relate, they have mainly contributed to send thousands to hell, who might have been redeemed by the blood of Christ, but for this war! He endorsed President Lincoln's policies in full, with a reservation: �264 CHAPTER NO. 15 "The Federal Government has been too lenient, and too slow to punish rebels, and to crush out this most abominable, wicked and uncalled for rebellion." He favored what he described as "mediation" with "cannon and the sword" to the point of subjugation or extermination. Only loyal men, he wrote, "are to be heard in the casting up of accounts of men who have done the amount of mischief these leading rebels have!" He offered to his enemies, provided they were honorable, "decent respect" and forgiveness "provided they have not been the persecutors of Union men." Brownlow now swung full circle on the subject of slavery, an institution he had once argued enjoyed divine approval. It was gone, abolished by the war. He wrote that the masses of Southern people had never favored it, but opposed emancipation "because of the repugnance of negroes to labor, and of the demoralized state of society that must follow." This was a bold step for the slave-holding Parson. Fifteen years earlier he had noted without a trace of compassion, "The contents of the vaults of the Rogersville Bank passed through here [Knoxville] this week in the shape of 170 negroes," [sic.] on their way to the Mississippi market. The Parson was indignant because the bank had loaned money to slave traders who were his political enemies. He manifestated no compassion for the human creatures being marched along Gay Street as property, like a herd of cattle or a drove of hogs. [ 17] The evidence that Brownlow owned slaves just before the Civil War is conclusive, although the Knox County tax records of the period do not reflect such ownership. It is conceivable that the property assessor found reasons, best known to himself and to the Parson, to favor the latter in making his returns. Brownlow asserted his ownership in Parson Brownlow's Book. He mentioned specifically a Negro boy carried away by the Confederate cavalry, and listed the slave's value at $1,000. The widow of John F. (Jack) Brownlow, the Parson's grandson, recalled two Negro women in the household of the editor's widow who had been slaves. Felix A. Reeves, who read law along with John Bell and James P. Brownlow, just before the war, listed the Parson with Andrew Johnson and Horace Maynard as slave owners.[18] The Parson had ventilated the rebels with only two issues of his reestablished Whig when he was forced into a move that must have chagrined him. Along with other prominent Unionists he fled north to escape possible capture by the South. On September 19 the Con- �THE PROFITS OF EXILE 265 federates soundly defeated the Union army under General WilliamS. Rosecrans at the Battle of Chickamauga. General James S. Longstreet was dispatched with a Confederate force to dislodge Burnside at Knoxville. Union officers were uncertain they could hold Knoxville and they advised a group of loyalists to leave. After a lapse of six weeks Brownlow resumed publication on J anuary 9, 1864. He missed the Battle of Fort Sanders, and he almost ignored it in the Whig. It was fought on November 29, 1863. When his newspaper finally reported it as a Union victory it was in its edition of January 30, 1864. He ran "A Rebel Account" taken from the Augusta Constitutionalist. The Unionists who fled with the Parson included 0. P. Temple, Thomas A. R. Nelson, John M. Fleming and M. M. Miller of Knoxville, and John Netherland and Absolom Kyle of Rogersville. Brownlow must have been deeply hacked on the ignominious journey. During a stop at Clinton a patriotic matron, who was unable to believe that the party was on the run, who did not recognize the Parson in the darkness, taunted them with: "I expect the next thing I hear will be that old Billy Brownlow is running, too." The editor counselled immediate departure from the scene. The Whig offered this justification for the flight: True, when the seige set in, and the prospect was that the rebels would take the place, we made it convenient to pass beyond the Ohio River. We are not aware that we are especially timid, but we are certainly not brave enough to want to encounter one of the lousy, filthy and cold prisons of the South. We are not brave enough to seek to live on their diet, or to hang on one of their trees (Whig, January 9, 1869). The Parson had been in prison once. He did not care to risk a return. Compassion moved Brownlow on that northern trip as he watched thousands of loyalists flee from Longstreet's army. They struggled on foot, on horseback or by any conveyance they could find, through the difficult defiles of the Cumberland Mountains to find a refuge in Kentucky. To some he opened his purse. Yet the trip produced economic benefits for him. While he was in Cincinnati Brownlow was granted, as assistant special agent for the Treasury Department, authorization for release to Knoxville retailers of more than $100,000 worth of goods. Among those granted permits was the Parson's good friend, 0. P. Temple, who reciprocated by advertising his store in the Whig, and by inserting in his card as an attorney, �266 CHAPTER NO. 15 "Reference-W. G. Brownlow." [19] The Parson's power in the area occupied by the Union forces was sweeping. He was the hero of the North and the fierce foe of the secessionists. He had a complete understanding of the people, the geography and the economic and cultural facts of life. These qualifications undoubtedly gave him the keen and respectful ear of the military officers. As editor of the Whig he could condemn or praise with powerful effect. As treasury agent he held the sole authority to grant permits to trade, a power he thus summarized: To regulate the sale of goods, seize all goods smuggled into East Tennessee without regular permits, and to seize and confiscate all the goods, wares and merchandize [sic.] -the loose and perishable property left by rebels who have abandoned their homes and gone with the rebel army for protection (Ibid.). Early in 1864 Brownlow's power was extended to include "All houses, tenements, lands and plantations, excepting such as may be required for military purposes, which may have been or may be deserted." [20] Bitterness, threats and demands for vindication and vengeance flowed from the pen of the Parson. Longstreet's ragged and often barefoot forces retreated slowly into upper East Tennessee, but made occasional forays into such Union counties as Blount and Sevier. Because of this the Knoxville secessionists, who still hoped for a resurgence by the Confederate general, failed to display the submissiveness that Brownlow considered appropriate. He found them "insolent." Spirited Confederate women, who refused to assume the garment of repentance, irritated him. He taunted some of them because they were living on "the patronage of the Lincoln army" by running boarding houses that catered to "Yankee officers and soldiers." The Whig raged at atrocities reported against Union men and families above and below Knoxville. [21] Loyalists who attempted to intercede for those so accused drew the editor's fire: And yet, when those imps of Hell are arrested, Union men come forward, impose upon the authorities, and procure their release. God forbid that we should ever to be found endorsing for one of these scoundrels, or those baser villains on our streets, who exult over their deeds of carnage, and are daily smuggling letters through our lines to the enemy! The Knoxville Register, which was published briefly at Atlanta and which apparently based its report on information from friends in Knoxville, wrote: �THE PROFITS OF EXILE 267 The ferocity of Brownlow is fearful. ... He evidently deems himself master of the situation and expects to reign a lordly potentate in East Tennessee ... Brownlow ... declared he not only was in favor of arming every negro in the South but that he would tum loose wild beasts to prey upon the population of the country.[22] Prejudiced as Sperry was, his appraisal had some justification. Brownlow, as Treasury agent, not only followed rigidly the orders that trade permits should be granted only to loyal citizens, but also had a finger in the extension of loans and credits. He was a director of the First National Bank that was established in the summer of 1864 with a capital of $100,000. The bank directorate included such staunch Unionists as Perez Dickinson, Samuel R. Rodgers, 0. P. Temple, S. P. Carter and William Heiskell, one of Brownlow's Treasury aides. The requirement that only loyal persons should be granted trade permits undoubtedly stimulated the signing of loyalty oaths during the winter of 1864. Some of these signers, Brownlow told his readers, took the oath with mental reservations and planned to do all they could to aid the South regardless of their sworn pledges. [23] Brownlow adopted with cold fury, a policy which he said the rebels had promulgated when they were in control in East Tennessee: only one side could live in the area. Now that Union men were in control "Their persecutors would do well to leave." He named, among others, W. H. Sneed, William G. Swan, John H. Crozier, C. W. Charlton, Editor Sperry and Landon Haynes. He declared that they could never live in East Tennessee: "Indeed, we regard Union men who have suffered at their hands, and because of their counsels, as justified in shooting them down on sight, before or after the war terminates ... "When Ephraim Dodd, a Texan, was hanged as a spy after a court-martial held at Knoxville, Brownlow envisaged a rich field for the gallows. He delivered this opinion: There are at least 25 citizens of Knoxville, resident spies, who ought to hang, one by one. As the work has commenced, let it go on! ... until compensation is had, in part, for the hundreds of cold-blooded murders perpetrated in East Tennessee. When protests were made that Dodd's sentence was harsh,[24] the Parson retorted that the protestors had been unmoved by compassion at the hangings of Fry, Hensie and the Harmons: When Union men were shot down in the woods, put in irons, and sent by �268 CHAPTER NO. 15 hundreds to Southern prisons, while their families were insulted and plundered, these infernal hypocrites said it was all right! They are now seeing the other side of the picture. Let us crowd the traitors, thieves, and assassins, and make them cry out, in the bitterness of their sufferings, "That mercy we to others show, that mercy show to us" (Whig, January 16, 1864). Confederate troops which were reported to have violated the rules of war or had committed outright atrocities, drew this denunciation: Had we our wish, we would throw hell wide open, and place all such beastlike officers and men upon an inclined plane, at an angle of forty-five degrees, grease the plane with hog's lard six inches thick, with a wicket at the bottom, and send them, as one stream of traitors, robbers and assassins, into the hottest part of the infernal regions. The Parson also offered this merciless recommendation for "The Spring Campaign" of 1864 by Union forces: Let us have a half million of fresh troops, and let us start the plough-share of ruin into the Cotton States, sub-soiling as we go, and letting the first dash of the plough be over the handle in the "sacred soil of the South."- Lay these Cotton States waste; make a howling wilderness of the cotton, rice and grain growing plantations of the South;-starve out, and drive out the population; and introduce honest laborers, who are loyal, and will answer the end for which they were created (Whig, February 20, 1864). [24] The conscription of Union men into the Confederate army created the most intense bitterness among the loyalists. The task of conscription often was assigned to Union men. Some acted from duress and others at the request of neighbors who believed it preferable to have the hateful work done by a considerate friend than by a dreaded enemy.[25] Brownlow divided these Unionists into those who were mild and kind in the discharge of their odious office .... It was their misfortune to be appointed. To refuse to accept was to defy the rebel government and probably bring ruin on his head who dared to do it. But there was a different class of enrolling officers, who forced that law with the most heartless cruelty. There were men who delighted in surprising Union families in the dead hours of the night, and forcing the father, husband or son away from home with the point of the bayonet, and in many cases tied or handcuffed. Some of them accompanied these with wanton insults, and with mockery of the cries and anguish of the wife and children. Often the conscript was shot down in the presence of his family. He was always abused and insulted. �THE PROFITS OF EXILE 269 He was worse than a slave after he was put in the army-he was treated as a dog. Now, we say, let justice be done. These traitors have had their day; now we have ours. Let everyone who voluntarily aided in this infamous system of forcing Union men to fight against their government be made to atone for it in his purse and property. They have boasted that all the wealth of the South was on their side.-Then it is time the wealth was changing hands. Strip them a little, by a few judgments for damages, and perhaps they won't feel quite so aristocratic.... It is well that there should be a change of property. The peace of the country hereafter demands that those who inaugurated this hellish war should be curtailed of their majestic proportions, and forced into poverty and obscurity. After their terrible crimes, if they are permitted to live, even in poverty and obscurity, they may thank God for the mercy and unmerited forbearance extended to them. It will be an act of pure clemency (Whig, March 5, 1864). The sufferings of the East Tennessee Unionists had been intense. The East Tennessee Relief Association was organized at Knoxville early in February 1864. Dr. Thomas W. Humes was president. A petition to President Lincoln from the association drew this picture of the plight of the Unionists during the two years of Confederate occupation: Union citizens were disarmed-arrested without warrant, and for alleged military offenses, imprisoned at the pleasure of petty military tyrants in violation of all law-forced to take oaths against their consciences and in derogation of their allegiance to the United States-taxed with illegal costs to support corrupt officials-the property seized for public and individual uses. Their fields were laid waste; in some instances, houses were burned over the heads of families as a punishment for their loyalty, and in other instances, not a few, men patriotically sealed their devotion to their country with their life-blood, either butchered by a lawless soldiery or officially murdered by a military court. Nathaniel G. Taylor, a wealthy citizen of upper East Tennessee who became a Methodist minister after his sister, Miss Mary Taylor, was killed by a bolt of lightning at a camp meeting, aided by Edward Everett and other influential men of New England, engaged in raising funds. Their efforts brought $250,000 to the aid of the impoverished region. Brownlow was on the committee that signed the petition to the President, along with Humes as chairman, William Heiskell, John Baxter, 0. P. Temple and John Fleming.[26] But for the Parson's personal contribution on the horrors of occupation for the columns of the Whig he required more horrendous language. He used the letter of Secretary Benjamin to Colonel W. B. Wood, commander at �270 CHAPTER NO. 15 Knoxville, as a starting point to describe the punishment to be given East Tennessee prisoners of war: It will be seen that BENJAMIN divides the Union population into two classes: First, those who participated in the bridge burning, and all these were to be bung [sic.] on the spot. Second, those who had not so participated in the bridge burning; and all those were to be held as prisoners of war and sent with an armed guard to Tuscaloosa, Alabama. Now, if history can produce any act of tyranny more atrocious and revolting than this, we cannot recall it. Over thirty thousand men were doomed by this imperial tyrant to hanging or imprisonment (Whig, March 5, 1964). The hanging of Jacob and Henry Harmon brought a special sense of horror to Brownlow. He mentioned it twice in his book and expanded on it in the Whig, recalling: The father, an old man, was forced to sit upon his coffin and witness the hanging of his son. The rope broke, and a second time the half lifeless son made that fearful leap through the trap door of the scaffold .... To all the conclusive and irresistible arguments used by the defendants' counsel, showing that the court had no jurisdiction in the case and therefore could not punish, the only answer was the ukase of Benjamin. He had ordered them hung [sic.] , and therefore they must be!. . .Finally they ceased to try at all. All who were suspected were arrested, thrown into jail, held until they had collected a drove of one or two hundred, and then marched off to Tuscaloosa. Hundreds, yes, thousands, were thus sent away without charge, without a trial, without proof, upon the bare suspicion of being Union men .... Need we recall the fact that four hundred and fifty men, many of them mere boys, who were fleeing to Kentucky to escape the ruthless persecutions at home, were overtaken by Ashby and his murderers, and caught, and all sent in a body, with one or two exceptions to the charnel houses of the South? Their crime was that they sought the protection of the stars and stripes.-And who that saw will ever forget the sight witnessed, as that body of men were marched under guard through the streets of Knoxville, when one by one they would stealthily stoop and with the hand scoop up the filthy water from the streets to allay their burning thirst? They were DRIVEN across the creeks and past the springs without being allowed to drink, on their long and hurried march of near fifty miles, then confined all night without food or drink.-No wonder then, that as they set forward on their gloomy march to their Southern houses of death, they stooped and lapped up the slimy water. And will anyone who saw ever forget-(ougbt any one ever to forget?)-the infernal joy that gleamed in the countenance of Ashby[27] as he rode and pranced at the head of these four hundred and fifty men, on a sum- �THE PROFITS OF EXILE 271 mer's day, and as he looked upon their bare heads, their sore and bleeding feet, their parched lips, their famished forms and their tremblimg limbs? Others who looked idly on, although at the time they grew sick at heart, and perchance dropped a tear, may forget, but those injured patriots will never forget or for- give. Well and faithfully was the stern edict of the Jewish Nero, to kill and imprison, kept and obeyed. Zollicoffer, Carroll, Woods and Leadbetter gladly obeyed it. The army and all its followers everywhere willingly obeyed it. The court martial, with the fiendish Campbell [28] as Judge Advocate, with extreme joy obeyed it. The Confederate Court, with the madman Humphreys on the bench, and the imbecile Ramsey, at the bar, earnestly obeyed it. The Knoxville Register joyfully [oh how joyfully!] obeyed it and daily cried and begged for more blood. Heiskell, Swan and Tibbs in Congress, obeyed, and demanded of Nero a new ukase and fresh victims. Sneed, Crozier, Wallace, McAdoo, and some who daily walk our streets, obeyed and shouted for a hecatomb upon the altar. Harris and his Legislature obeyed, and snuffed the air for the sweet odor of fresh blood. And everywhere, throughout the State, the hell-hounds of the rebellion whined, and cried, and howled for blood.-And day by day was the fresh pure blood of innocent patriots lapped up by the inmates of the infernal kennel, and still they whined, and snarled, and whetted their fangs for more. And as each fresh victim fell, they leaped, and snarled, and howled, and yelled afresh, and grew more insatiate for blood. And as these demons grew drunken with blood, they serenely smiled, and talked complacently in the legislative halls, in the council chamber, in the camp and in the pulpit, on the bench and at the bar, on the streets and in the press, by the fireside, at the gallows, and in their houses of death, of their forbearance and lenity, and of the magnanimity and clemency of their great government (Ibid.). This magnificent example of the Parson's ability to overlay some solid facts with lurid hyperbole was written while he was under intense strain. He was editing his newspaper, carrying on his Treasury job, and he was the target of hundreds who sought his influence or his advice in the shifting times. As a stern but doting father he must have had constantly on his mind the fearful risks his two sons were taking as they led their cavalry units against the enemy. They were "frequently in the East Tennessee area where as sons of the Whig editor they surely were marked men for the enemy." [29] Yet, in the midst of this life and death struggle, Brownlow's sardonic wit flashed through an exchange of letters with Sam Wallace. The latter was a Blount Countian who had fled South and left a �272 CHAPTER NO. 15 young and charming wife at home. Wallace's letter, written from Augusta, Georgia, on September 21, 1864, set the tone of the correspondence: W. G. Brownlow, D.D.-DEAR SIR: I have heard that in your issue of the lOth of August, you have a letter from me to my wife, said to have been captured. I have not seen the paper, but suppose the letter is correctly reported, and as there may be others via "underground" that might fall into your hands, I will say, if it suits you as well, leave off many items that an old man would be likely to write his young wife; but anything that is contraband, why "ventilate," of course. I have quit writing letters and turned my attention to writing the history of Guberdom. I have further heard that Mrs. Wallace is a tenant of yours. She is a mighty clever woman, and I hope your terms will be liberal. You will please send her word I am well and doing well, eating sweet potatoes and gubers, and fighting mosquitoes by way of exercise. With due respect, Sam Wallace P.S.-I would be glad [if] you would make old Abe quit his "foolishness," as I want to go home (Ibid., October 26, 1864). The editor replied in a letter dated October 21, 1864, that he had omitted, in the Whig, all intimate expressions and detail Wallace had written, then offered these observations: It is true that Mrs. Wallace is a tenant of the Federal Government-not of mine-though I am the agent of that Government, and rent to her, almost upon her own terms, the fine farm you so foolishly abandoned. She had called to see me, and I believe you when you say "she is a mighty clever woman"-nay, she is a lady, and I treated her as such. As she doubtless sees every issue of my paper, I will have no occasion to send her word that you were well at the date of your letter. You desire me to "make old Abe quit his foolishness, so as to enable you to get home." Make your bad man, Jeff Davis, "quit his foolishness," and cease fighting against a Government that will eventually crush him and all who are in arms against it, and you will soon be able to come home. I think you have seen enough of the destruction of life and property in the "Sunny South," to agree with me that it was the perfection of "foolishness" for the South to have plunged into this war. If you have not made that discovery hold on through another season, "eating sweet potatoes and gubers, and fighting mosquitoes," and you will yet make the discovery. �THE PROFITS OF EXILE 273 That you have, yourself, been guilty of greater "foolishness" than old Abe has, I think you are prepared to admit. It was the very climax of folly in you, living in comfort, to join a set of the worst men that ever God permitted to live, in a villainous war upon a Government that never did you any harm but had protected you, and secured to you, life, liberty and property-even the peacable [sic.] possession of the everlasting nigger. But to run from "a young wife," of great personal beauty and domestic charms, was a degree of madness that no one but a deluded secessionist could be guilty of! For this folly you deserve to be annoyed by mosquitoes, bed-bugs, seed-ticks and Confederate lice, in your down-lyings and your uprisings, at least during the war. And sweet potatoes and gubers are too good for a rebel. Hoping to hear from you again, I am very truly, &c., W. G. Brownlow (Ibid.). Even the editor's closest friends must have been astonished when he endorsed the consumption of a barrel of confiscated "rebel whiskey" by a regiment of newly organized "Citizen soldiers." Brownlow not only approved of the treat but added that "if the regiment had got drunk and hung [sic.] all the rebels in Knoxville who are giving the enemy information and inviting those raids into the country that would have met with our sanction also." General Joseph Wheeler had just raided East Tennessee with his cavalry units and caused some consternation. [ 30] But the glory and the glitter had gone out of Confederate arms. In the fall of 1864 General U. S. Grant took command at Chattanooga and General Sherman reinforced him with troops from Mississippi. By the close of November the Union soldiers under this new command drove the Confederates from Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. Grant was called to Virginia and given command of all the northern forces. Sherman, left at Chattanooga, prepared for the campaign of 1865 which would see the capture of Atlanta and his march to the sea. Generals Nathan Bedford Forrest, John H. Morgan, and Joe Wheeler made brilliant and harassing raids into Tennessee with their cavalry units, but they produced no change in the declining fortunes of the South. Longstreet pulled out of East Tennessee and joined Lee in Virginia. [ 31] The arrival of Burnside and his army had precipitated a huge celebration in Knoxville by the loyalists. The celebration was dimmed temporarily during the siege of Knoxville, but revived after the Battle of Fort Sanders. Gradually the old routines of the community began to take shape and activity, with some new developments. Brownlow �274 CHAPTER NO. 15 led the field. He filed suits for damages against "the villainous leaders in the rebel ranks," and beckoned to others to follow this course. They did. Prices shot up and agitation was renewed to resume work on the barely started Knoxville and Kentucky railroad. The Whig called for hotel accommodations. The Federal army bridged the Tennessee River. County elections were held and Union candidates won. A "Liberty Pole," eighty feet tall, was brought from South Knoxville, and the same flag which had earlier flown defiance to the South and which had been carefully preserved, was raised again. A brass band played and Governor Andrew Johnson spoke. The Lamar and Franklin houses prepared to reopen. The military began directing the cleaning of rubbish from the town. The courts began to grind out orders for publication and notices of attachments and sales, profitable grist for the Whig's advertising columns. By September 1864 abundant crops began to appear despite the scarcity of laborers and horses. Vacant houses were unavailable. The fledgling First National Bank, in business five months, declared a dividend of five percent.[32] The military struggles on Tennessee soil were nearly ended. Political conflict waited in the wings. CHAPTER XV NOTES [ 1) Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 380-394, 396-399. [ 2) Tennesseeans in the Civil War, a Military History of Confederate and Union Units Available with Rosters of Personnel, Civil War Centennial Commission (Nashville, 1965), 2 vols., pt. 1, p. 318; R. W. Carter, History of the First Regiment of Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry in the Great War of the Rebellion, with the Armies of the Ohio under Generals Morgan, Rosecrans, Thomas, Stanley and Wilson, 1862-1865 (Knoxville, 1902) pp. 19-20; hereafter referred to as Carter. [ 3] 0. R., II, 1, W. M. Churchwell to Major H. L. Clay, Apri\23, 1862, p. 930; ibid., Clay to Lieutenant Joseph H. Speed, April 24, 1862, p. 930; ibid., pass issued by Churchwell, April 25, 1862, p. 931. [ 4) Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 399-400; Coulter, pp. 213-235; "The Public Speaking Career of William Gannaway (Parson) Brownlow," dissertation by Royal Forrest Conklin, University of Ohio, 1967 pp. 195, 162-174; hereafter referred to as Conklin; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 400-425. Brownlow may have made more than $60,000 from the sale of his book, Coulter, VIII, introduction by James W. Patton. In a letter to this writer on December 9, 1971, Patton was unable to fix a specific authority for the �THE PROFITS OF EXILE [ 5] [ 6] [ 7] [ 8] [ 9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] 275 statement of the Parson's profit from the sale of the book, but wrote that when he was engaged in research in 1934 for Unionism and Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1860-1869, he talked to three of the Parson's grandchildren and William Rule. He suggests his information came from them. Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 409-410,411-414,412-413,417-422. Ibid., pp. 409-411. See also Brownlow's speech at Grand Rapids, Michigan, on October 7, 1863. Whig., February 6, 1864. Conklin, pp. 167-169; Coulter, pp. 216-221;Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 425-442. Coulter, p. 22 3; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 45 3-454. Ibid., p. 444; Temple, Notable Men, p. 317; Coulter, pp. 234,239. 0. R., II, 1, Churchwell to Mrs. W. G. Brownlow, April21, 1862, p. 929; ibid., Mrs. Eliza Brownlow to Churchwell, April 21, 1862, p. 929; John Bell Brownlow to Temple, February 16, 1892. Temple Papers; 0. R., II, 1, Clay to Speed, April 24, 1862, pp. 930-931; ibid., Churchwell pass, April 25, 1862, p. 931, ibid., A. T. Bledsoe, Assistant Secretary of War, to Major General Benjamin Huger, April 28, 1862, p. 931; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 446-452; Whig, February 7, 1866; John Bell Brownlow to Temple, February 16, 1892. Temple Papers. John Bell Brownlow to Temple, January 24, 1891, Temple Papers; Tennesseeans in the Civil war, pp. 2, 342-343. Conklin, pp. 168-174; Coulter, pp. 223-234; Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 413; Whig, February 6, 1864. The editorial appeared while Brownlow was under house arrest. Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 342-345. It must have appeared prior to January 3, 1862, for a copy of it was enclosed in a letter written on that date; J. J. Craig to Benjamin, January 3, 1861, but incorrectly dated because it enclosed other items from the Register dated December 7, 13; 0. R., II, 1, pp. 923-926. Register, May 20, June 22, April 22, October 1, November 22, 1862, January 3, April 26, 1863, October 16, 1862, March 12, 1862. Daily Southern Chronicle, August 4, 1863; 0. R., I, 23, pt. 2, p. 524; Frank Moore, Comp., The Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events with Documents, Narratives, Illustrative Incidents, Poetry Etc. (New York, 1861-1868), I, p. 109; Major W. D. Reynolds, Miss Martha [sic.] Brownlow; or, The Heroine of Tennessee (Philadelphia, 1863). A copy is in the McClung Collection. The Philadelphia publisher also got out a German version under the title Miss Maude (sic.] Brownlow order Die Heiden von Tennessee. Sue married Dr. Boynton on January 17, 1866. Roscoe d'Armand and Virginia d'Armand, Knox County Marriage Records, 1792-1900 (Knoxville, 1970), p. 99. See also Zelia Armstrong (comp.), Notable Southern Families, 5 vols. (Chattanooga, 1918) I, p. 43; Whig, October 17, 1866. Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 471-475. Whig, November 11, 1863; 0. R., I, 30, pt. 3,SecretaryofWarEdwinM. Stanton toW. G. Brownlow, Esq., September 19, 1863, p. 745. Women of the Brownlow family had been living in Covington, Kentucky. Whig, �276 CHAPTER NO. 15 [17] Ibid., November 11, 1863. A marginal note by John Bell Brownlow mentions his father's opposition to the Hawkins County slave traders. Ibid., October 27, 1849. [18] Parson Brownlow's Book, preface, 7, and 358, 413414. That the Brownlow family had two domestic slaves, Rhoda and Curtis, was told this writer by Mrs. John F. (Jack) Brownlow, widow of the Parson's grandson, in an interview at her Knoxville home on April 27, 1972. Mrs. Brownlow came to Knoxville as a bride, lived with her husband in the home of his father, John Bell Brownlow, for eleven years, and Mrs. Eliza Brownlow, the Parson's widow. She was told that the two slaves remained in the Brownlow household after they were freed. A young student, who lived in the Brownlow home while reading law just prior to the Civil War, described the editor as a slave owner. Felix A. Reeve, "East Tennessee in the War of the Rebellion," a pamphlet containing a speech delivered on December 3, 1902, at a stated meeting of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States, commandery of the District of Columbia, War Papers. A copy of this pamphlet is in the files of the Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio. A fellow townsman described the Parson as a slaveholder. Samuel Heiskell, Andrew jackson and Early Tennessee History, [Nashville, 1920-1921), 3 vols. III, p. 212. [19] Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, pp. 245-246; Temple, Notable Men, p. 282; Whig, January 9, 1864. [20] When Brownlow returned to Knoxville he retained his post as an assistant United States Treasury agent which office he had filled at Nashville (see fn. 13). Whig, November 11, 18, 1863, January 9, 16, February 20, 1864, and thereafter. See also Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 342; Whig, April 16, 1864. [21] Seymour, p. 13; Whig, January 16, February 6, 29, August 24, November 18, January 16, August 17, 1864, November 11, 1863, January 9, 1864, November 11, 1863, January 11, 25, 1865. [22] Register, October 23, 1863. The Register was published in Atlanta until it was suspended in the spring of 1864. Whig, April 30, 1864. [23] See "Treasury Regulations," ibid., January 9, 1864, June 4, October 2, November 5, January 30, 1864. [24] Ibid., January 9, 1864. Intercession for Dodd, originally a Kentuckian, was made by members of the Masonic order. Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, pp. 289-292; Whig, January 16, 30, February 20, 1864. [25] Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 429; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, pp. 165-167; Whig, March 5, 1864; James Welch Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1860-1869 (Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1934), p. 60; hereafter referred to as Unionism andReconstruction. [26] For organization of the East Tennessee Relief Association and the petition to Lincoln, see Whig, February 13, 1864; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, pp. 301-303, 307-308, 313-392; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 408-410. "Determining to hold the region at all costs, the Confederates inaugurated a reign of terror. Vigilance committees prowled over the country, armed to the teeth, arresting men on suspicion of hostility to the �THE PROFITS OF EXILE [27] [28] [29] [30] [31] [32] 277 new government, and shooting down others ... A civil and guerilla war was thus begun, the horrors of which almost defy description." Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, p. 63. Captain H. M. Ashby was in command of the Confederate cavalry which captured the Unionists attempting to flee to Kentucky. In the fight in Campbell County, Ashby reported killing thirty and wounding an equal number, then marching the survivors to Knoxville, where most of them were sent to southern prisons. 0. R., II, 1, p. 860; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, pp. 165-166; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 424-42 5; Whig, March 5, 1864. T. J. Campbell was judge-advocate of the court-martial convened at Knoxville to try men for the bridge burning. 0. R., X, 5, pt. 1, pp. 649-650. "While the editor wrote all the editorials for this paper, he faithfully discharged the onerous duties as agent of the Treasury Department, personally supervised the work of reorganizing & building up the loyal Methodist Church, made many Republican speeches of which no notice was taken in this paper for want of space & was visited by many loyal people all over East Tenn. of all sexes. His labors were prodigious." Marginal note by John Bell Brownlow, Whig, September 21, 1864. Ibid., August 26, 31, 1864. Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 337-339; Whig, April 31, 1864. Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 475-482; Whig, January 9, 1864, March 1, 1865, July 2, February 13, September 7, 1864, February 11, 1865, May 14, March 5, April 9, March 12, April16, May 23, June 4, July 23, 1864 and thereafter. See also November 5, 1864. �Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, and Rebel Ventilator. "The union of lakes-the union of lands-The union of states none can sever-The union of hearts-the union of hands-And the flag of the Union forever." Chapter No. 16 THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE At the prompting of President Lincoln, Governor Johnson made futile attempts to restore civil government in Tennessee in 1863 and early in 1864. He then hit upon the device of reconvening the Greeneville Convention of 1861. This body reassembled in Knoxville on April12, 1864, and fell into such disagreement that after four days it adjourned without taking action on either of two sets of resolutions offered. The discussions, however, forecast the direction political lines would take. 0. P. Temple noted, "The old leaders of the Greeneville Convention, such as Nelson, Baxter, Spears, Heiskell and Fleming found themselves confronted by a new set of men who to a large extent belonged to the army, and who had imbibed by suffering and persecution, feelings quite unlike those of the men who had neither suffered nor entered the army." This latter group and Parson Brownlow made common cause. [ 1] On the heels of the convention's failure a mass meeting was held in Knoxville. Johnson engineered it and was billed as the chief speaker. The meeting adopted a resolution requesting the governor to call a constitutional convention. The delegates would be required to be loyal men and pledged to the abolition of slavery. Another resolution praised President Lincoln and Johnson and endorsed their administrations, and another demanded the complete subjugation of the South. Some neat political footwork preceded the meeting. Johnson had the resolutions drawn, but since they lauded him, it would have been most indelicate for them to have been presented bearing his name. The governor took them to his old foe, Brownlow. The Parson 278 �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 279 found them satisfactory and agreed to offer them under his name. But because the Parson's voice was inadequate, he enlisted his friend Temple to read them. Temple did, but made an objection to the plan calling for a constitutional convention. He preferred that this task be performed by a legislature. Johnson, in his speech, found great merit in the "Brownlow" resolutions and reiterated his position that "treason must be made odious, and traitors be punished and impoverished." The Whig closed this circuitous operation by describing the resolutions as "having been offered to the meeting by the editor of this paper." The newspaper also complimented the governor on his speech.[2) This temporary Brownlow-Johnson axis again operated successfully at the Union Party Convention held in Baltimore in June. Tennessee won admission of its delegates after a sharp fight that arose over whether the state was in or out of the Union. Convention delegates learned that Parson Brownlow was in the hall on the night of June 7 and prevailed upon him to speak. He urged them not to commit the error of regarding Tennessee as a state in rebellion because "We don't recognize it [secession) in Tennessee. We deny that we are out. We deny that we have been out." As an additional inducement to seat the Tennessee delegation, he indicated that the state would nominate Andrew Johnson for Vice-President. When Johnson was nominated as Lincoln's running mate, the Whig paid tribute to him "as a man who stood firm in the defense of his country when his old party associates South were going over to the enemy." [3] Johnson was determined that the ticket on which he was running with Lincoln should carry Tennessee. He had a record of winning which he wanted to maintain, and the stakes were the highest in his career. In East Tennessee Brownlow battled furiously for the Union Party ticket. But many of the old Whig and Unionist leaders of the area, possibly a majority, refused to support Lincoln. Instead they swung in behind the Democratic nominee, General George B. McClellan, who favored an immediate peace. But McClellan supporters were disfranchised. A Radical State Convention (also known as the Union State Convention) recommended a stiff test oath, which Johnson may have devised. The governor embodied this requirement in a proclamation which directed voters to swear that they would "cordially oppose all armistices or negotiations for peace with rebels in arms." Immediate peace was what the Democratic platform had �280 CHAPTER NO. 16 pledged. Ten Tennesseeans petitioned Lincoln to set aside the test oath, but he found no reason to interfere. The Whig published the President's letter in full, and noted, "Mr. Lincoln is good on a reply, and had given this self-constituted Tennessee Committee the sort of a reply they merited." The Whig also reported that the names ofT. A. R. Nelson and A. Blizzard on the petition were not authorized. Lincoln's reply left the McClellan supporters helpless and they withdrew their electors. [4] The Lincoln-] ohnson ticket, with the opposition destroyed, carried the state. But Congress held that Tennessee was in rebellion and refused to recognize the vote. The returns, while conclusive, were scarcely gratifying to the Radical Unionists, for they were extremely light. Reliable reports as to the exact vote are not to be found. The Whig reported early returns showing that ten East Tennessee counties had cast 10,279 ballots, all for Lincoln and Johnson. A week later the paper reported that 40,000 votes had been counted at Nashville, half of them from East Tennessee. Succeeding issues of the Whig failed to carry supporting figures, which suggests that if additional returns were available they did not justify the previous claims. Thousands of East Tennessee loyalists were in the Union army and unable to vote, and parts of the state remained a battleground. Fighting continued in upper East Tennessee and General Hood moved north into Middle Tennessee. These conditions were unfavorable for a normal vote, even without the stricture of disfranchisement. [5] The dust of the campaign had barely begun to settle when the Whig carried a call for a preliminary conve.1tion to be held at Nashville on December 19, "to form a ticket to run for a Constitutional Convention by the loyal men of the State, the Governor designating the day for the election by proclamation after the preliminary Convention makes out the ticket." The call also invited Middle and West Tennessee to "act in concert" by getting up their delegates. Three men from Knox and one each from Greene and Roane counties were on the "Executive Committee for East Tennessee," which issued the call. The committee based its authority on "the heavy loyal vote cast in Tennessee which shows the sentiments of the people and their desire to put down the rebellion and restore Civil Government." Tennessee's interests also suffered because the state lacked the two senators and eight representatives in the United States Congress which readmission would give it. This was a point of urgency (Whig, �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 281 November 16, 1864). The mass meeting of loyal men in Knoxville had asked the governor to call such a convention and the maneuvering by the "Executive Committee" seems to have come down channels from him, especially since the governor's son-in-law, David T. Patterson, was a member of the group that issued the call. Patterson was a former circuit judge who had suffered a brief arrest by the Confederate military during its occupation of East Tennessee. The chairman was Samuel R. Rodgers, Temple's law partner. Rodgers had accompanied the Parson to Nashville when the editor was escorted out of the Confederacy in 1862. Rodgers also had signed the call for the Knoxville-Greeneville conventions, assemblies also summoned to deal with critical public conditions as their justification for existence. R. K. Byrd, a Roane County farmer and slaveholder, also was a member of the Greeneville Convention. He fled North in 1861, organized the First Tennessee Infantry and as its colonel led the regiment in a number of engagements. Perez Dickinson was a staunch Unionist of New England birth who had accumulated wealth in the mercantile business in Knoxville. When he was indicted by the Confederate Court in Knoxville on a charge of treasonable conduct, he had been North on business. Judge West Humphreys had released him under $10,000 bond to guarantee good behavior. Dickinson had rejected an offer to obtain his release without bond if he would take the oath of allegiance to the Confederacy. Brownlow's name was in third place on the committee, but he was elevated to the chairmanship when the same five men reconstituted themselves into a group requesting the loyal men of East Tennessee to meet in Knoxville on December 5 to select delegates to the state convention. [6] The East Tennessee Convention represented the bulk of the Union vote in the state, and it put up Brownlow as a candidate for governor. Chairman Rodgers, in his official account of the proceedings, said the Parson told the delegates, "If chosen for that office, he would use the whole power of the state to rid East Tennessee of all rebel thieves and robbers, and took his seat amid prolonged applause." The warm response to Brownlow's pledge was reported in an issue of the Whig that carried several stories of atrocities by Confederate soldiers and guerillas, including the killing of forty-one Union men in Polk County (Whig, December 7, 1864). The advance of General John B. Hood's Confederate army into Middle Tennessee delayed the meeting in Nashville. Two battles were fought before the session was possible. Franklin, fought on Novem- �282 CHAPTER NO. 16 ber 30, saw Union General John M. Schofield retreating to Nashville, but Hood was hurt by many casualties. He remained outside Nashville until General George H. Thomas moved upon him with a much larger force and decisively defeated him in the Battle of Nashville, fought on December 15 and 16. The delegates then met in the capital on January 9, 1865, and debated furiously the question of the convention's power. On the sixth and final day, the convention nominated and approved unanimously Brownlow. [7] The Parson dashed off a three-paragraph acceptance that included a pledge: And God being my helper, if you will send up to Nashville, on the first Monday of April, a Legislature that will re-organize the State Militia, and enact other necessary laws, I will put an end to this infernal system of guerilla warfare and private and public robbery, if we have to shoot and hang all concerned, in East, Middle and West Tennessee (Whig, January 25, 1865). The convention's arrogation of power went far beyond the announced and expected task of preparing a slate of delegates. This development Brownlow had not anticipated until he arrived in Nashville. On the eve of the meeting in Knoxville he still saw the assembly as functioning to elect delegates, "who, if chosen by the people, are to amend the Constitution of the State, perhaps elect a governor, besides other civil officers." He recommended swift action "so as to avert any effort to remand our state into a territorial condition. This may be done by the Congress about to meet, and in that event, our civil organization may be set back several years." Historical writers, including Temple, who was a delegate, insist that the body was a mass meeting, and acted far in excess of whatever authority it had, certainly of that outlined in the call. It resolved itself into a political convention by nominating Brownlow, and into a constitutional convention by preparing amendments to the basic charter. One would abolish slavery and another offered a "schedule" to repeal the legislative acts which took Tennessee out of the Union and into the Confederacy. The proposed constitutional amendments and the repeal of the legislative acts, a curious combination in itself, were to be submitted to the electorate on February 22. The election of governor and members of the General Assembly was recommended to be held on March 4. The six-day session produced some marvels of shortcuts. Johnson often is given responsibility for them, but Brownlow acquiesced in them. [ 8] He explained, after conceding that the delegates had gone far afield from the purpose stated in the call: �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 283 I expected that [the preparation of a ticket for a constitutional convention) would be the work of this Convention; but the call was only suggested as those who called it had no authority to say what the Convention should or should not do. But the best legal minds on this floor have admitted that to agree upon the amendments here is just as lawful as to agree upon them in a Convention hereafter elected. This is the shortest cut, and the most direct route to the port we are aiming for .... What we do here is to be passed upon by the people at the ballot-box ... and if not acceptable to them it will be rejected, leaving us just where we started (Ibid.). The Parson, in pragmatic mood, warned that a constitutional convention would cost between $75,000 and $100,000. The state treasury had been stripped when Confederate state officials fled from Nashville. The cupboard was bare (Ibid.). The convention sealed the outcome of the February 22 referendum by imposing another strict oath (only men of unconditional loyalty were excused). It required voters to sign their ballots and mark them for "Ratification" or "Rejection." Fewer than one hundred men had the hardihood to record themselves against the proposal, and it carried by 25,000 or 26,000 votes. This fulfilled President Lincoln's requirement that a state must cast one-tenth of what it did in 1860 to qualify for recognition from Washington. Armed with this authority, Johnson proclaimed that the election of a governor and members of the legislature would be held on March 4. Brownlow's election was assured since he had no opposition on the ballot and the legislative slate was carefully tailored. The convention nominated most of the men for the seats, half of them members of that body. In East Tennessee the committee which had started the ball rolling filled in the names for some counties. [9] The vote, ridiculously one-sided, was short of a triumph, for Brownlow received 3,000 or 4,000 less than had been cast on February 22. The franchise was limited, but in both elections arrangements were made for Tennessee soldiers in the Union army to cast ballots, and 1,328 of them encamped near Knoxville went on record for the Parson and the legislative slate. Confederates made efforts to break up the election at some places. At Greeneville, on February 22, the Fourth Tennessee Infantry (U.S.) repelled a band of 250, but at Rutledge cavalry carried off the ballot box. On the day of the second election some polls in McMinn County failed to open because of the fear of guerilla raids. The House and Senate canvasses of the vote, as reported by Secre- �284 CHAPTER NO. 16 tary of State E. H. East, found 23,222 for Brownlow and 35 writeins. Yet the official canvass listed returns from only forty-four counties, less than half of those in the state. Among the missing counties were a number in East Tennessee where a substantial vote for Brownlow and the slate could have been expected. Among the missing counties were Blount, Greene, Carter, Sullivan, Unicoi, Washington, Hawkins and Hancock. Secretary East certified that he had examined the returns and found a full contingent of legislators had been elected, including a number of counties where no vote for governor was reported. No county-by-county list of returns for the legislative slate was reported in the canvass. The election of senators and representatives from counties where no vote was reported was certified because all were running at large, and were voted in by ballots cast outside their districts. [10] Brownlow must have been plied with incorrect information on what returns from throughout the state were showing. Two weeks after the ratification election he predicted that the total would run close to 60,000 and would be even greater in the election for governor and members of the General Assembly. He must have regretted this exaggeration when the correct results were known. Perhaps, with everyone knowing he would be governor, favor seekers were trying to ingratiate themselves by telling him what he wanted to hear (Whig, March 8, 1865). The Parson's election required new arrangements for the operation of the Whig. The Parson, john Bell Brownlow, and T. Haws set up a three-way partnership. Haws looked after the business end of the newspaper. The responsibility of editing fell upon the son. [ 11] The father, in a nostalgic announcement, pledged himself to continue writing about state affairs, "and shall not consider it beneath the dignity of a governor to correspond weekly for a paper of such large circulation, and of such principles, hopes and aims." He reviewed briefly his rugged and exciting career, then turned to those we have long advised, and acted with, many of whom we may never again see in this life, we take this occasion to say, the consciousness of duty weU performed, the complacent rememberance [sic.] of good deeds done, and of high moral achievments [sic.] won, should encourage, comfort, gratify. But the ghost of misspent hours, all hideous grinning, rise to terrify you through life, and reproach your [you) for not having moved more rapidly and to more purpose. So says The Old Editor (Whig, March 29, 1865). �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 285 Underneath Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, on page one, in the first column, the line of type that for years had read "W. G. Brownlow, Editor" was pulled by the printer and replaced by "Published by Brownlow, Haws & Co." (Whig, February 15, 1865). John Bell Brownlow was a busy young man. He was lieutenant colonel of the Ninth Tennessee Cavalry (U.S.); he was editor of the Whig; and he also stepped into his father's shoes as assistant special agent of the Treasury Department for East Tennessee. He wound up this labor early in 1866. It probably required the influence of the governor-elect to get the military to permit John Bell to hold two other jobs while still in the service. Obviously such arrangements were made, for the son was not mustered out until September 11, 1865, more than five months after he had taken over the two outside posts. The Parson had complained frequently that newspaper production costs were increasing, but he equipped the Whig plant until Brownlow, Haws & Co. boasted of having three modern presses, and an old one, all driven by steam and with "the best job office ever opened in East Tennessee." Mails were opening and postmasters were moving into their offices. [12] John Bell Brownlow and the Whig were ready to take over the role of the Parson's advocate. The Whig of April12, 1865, under the direction of the new editor, presented pages reflecting the unity and vigor of the Nashville-Knoxville connection. The governor reported the events of April 5, including his inaugural address in full. The Whig also published accounts of the day's ceremonies taken from three Nashville newspapers. One reporter described the governor as "an old man, palsied in limbs, but vigorous in intellect, and filled with stern determination." Brownlow's pen was not palsied, however, for he sent back a rather complete account of the organization of the legislature and some special touches on his inauguration. This ceremony, he wrote, came off "before the most [sic. ] large and brilliant assemblage I ever saw in the Capitol-consisting of the civil and military population.-There were three Major Generals, five Brigadier Generals, each with his staff in full uniform .... My voice was fortunately good, and I was distinctly heard by the entire assembly." An auspicious addition to the fluttering flags and brass band was "the roar of cannon in honor of the fall of Richmond and Petersburg." The news of General Lee's surrender occupied the foot of the first column on page two below the accounts of the inauguration. Cannon that heralded the Union victories also boomed in Knox- �286 CHAPTER NO. 16 ville that Monday night. [ 13] John Bell Brownlow wrote with triumphant pen that in compliance with a military order the next day: All the public offices and buildings were brilliantly illuminated, and for several hours Knoxville did not hide her light under a bushel. The Franklin house, and most of the private residences in the city were all ablaze and presented a goodly sight. One thing struck us particularly as a sign of the coming good times, and that was the sharing of many of our citizens, who have always sympathized with the rebellion, in these manifestations of joy over the downfall of Richmond. May their blazing candles prove the types of the relighting of the fires of true patriotism in their breasts (Whig, April12, 1865). If these Southern sympathizers had expected that the war's end would bring also a cessation of bitterness and reprisals, they were soon disillusioned. The wires from Nashville brought word of the enactment of restrictive legislation against them, and at home they felt distrust and hatred from their neighbors to a point that Knoxville soon became untenable for many of them. Lieutenant William Rule, on his way to be mustered out at Nashville, heard in Cincinnati the reports of the Union triumph, and thought happily of peace and home. But for many on the other side, it did not bring peace. Six months later, again employed by the Whig, Rule made his final entry in his well-worn notebooks on his Civil War experiences: "We have heard it from reliable authority that there are three hundred families making preparations to leave Knoxville for a more congenial climate." [ 14] John Bell Brownlow was well and signally qualified to step into his father's chair as the avenging spirit dedicated to the punishment of Confederates who had gone with the South voluntarily, and who showed no signs of penitence for their acts as secessionists. Turbulence had touched John Bell from the embryonic stage onward. While Eliza was carrying the child and the Parson was putting in his first year as an editor the mother was prostrated with fear and grief when Jack and Robert Powell rode to the O'Brien Iron Works for the purpose of physically punishing Brownlow because of his political opposition. The young editor fought back. Shots were fired. But he broke off and entered the house when his mother-in-law entreated him to comfort his wife. As John Bell neared the age of ten, an assailant cracked his father's son with a club. The family's alarm at this misfortune just as the editor was preparing to move his newspaper to Knoxville must have made a deep impression on the boy. In �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 287 1860 he killed a taunting and bullying fellow student at Emory and Henry College. As lieutenant of the Ninth Volunteer Cavalry (Union) Regiment he led his troops in dashing and bloody expeditions. He had soaked up politics almost from birth, in the Parson's household, and he had tagged along with his father to visit Tom Nelson when the lawyer came to Knoxville to argue cases before the sessions of the Tennessee Supreme Court. In Nelson's room at the Mansion House the inevitable course of conversation was politics. Important men of the times-preachers, politicians and soldiersstreamed through the hospitable Brownlow residence at what was then 213 Cumberland Street. The large frame house, which stood above the east bank of First Creek, more than a block west of the present Civic Auditorium and Coliseum, constantly received visitors. They ranged from Methodist bishops to soldier-statesmen such as the Tennessee-Texan, flamboyant Sam Houston. Senator John Bell, one of the state's great leaders, and a man of national renown, once persuaded his young namesake to bring him French brandy from a Gay Street drug store to relieve his thirst in the Parson's spiritless house. He also learned at the family altar how preachers mingled politics and religion. A revered Methodist preacher, and a Democrat, while visiting at the Brownlow home was invited by the Parson to lead in the nightly worship. When the visitor prayed he petitioned for the election of James K. Polk, a Democrat, as President. Brownlow interrupted with: "May the Lord forbid." Unabashed, the visitor broadened his plea, asking the Almighty to remove Brownlow's Whiggery. At this the Parson interrupted: "May the good Lord forbid." In 1855 young John Bell was thrilled by the eloquence of the famous Whig congressman and orator, Meredith P. Gentry. His introduction to extended political stump speaking came in 1861. He traveled with 0. P. Temple, elector for John Bell, the forlorn hope of the southern Unionists in the fateful year when Lincoln was elected President. As was the custom Temple stumped the Second District, and the listening and watching youth was impressed with the ability of his father's close friend. He found himself loathing, perhaps it was an intensification of an established dislike, John Crozier Ramsey, a member of the illustrious Democratic family of Knoxville. When Temple spoke at Blaine's Cross Roads one of the listeners was R. Barnwell Rhett. The South Carolina secessionist and his daughter were staying at a nearby resort. Ramsey escorted them. John Bell feared that Miss Rhett would get the impression that East �288 CHAPTER NO. 16 Tennesseeans were rude, ill-mannered and repulsive, because Ramsey "spit tobacco juice all over his shirt front," and "changed his shirts as often as once in two weeks and bathed as often as once a month." John Bell's recollection of Ramsey was written thirty-four years later. [15] It may have been tinged with bitterness for as Confederate district attorney Ramsey had signed the treason warrant against Parson Brownlow that resulted in his arrest and imprisonment. Young Brownlow's experiences continued to broaden. He was made lieutenant colonel of the Ninth Tennessee Cavalry Regiment in 1863 and was "cultivated" by Military Governor Johnson. The governor and the young officer, in 1863 and 1864, cozily drank whiskey from Johnson's demijohn after the state's chief executive had locked his office for the day. They talked politics as they drank, the governor "partaking very freely, myself sparingly." Flattered as the officer was by this attention he realized that Johnson had some purpose in these meetings. Years later he observed that the governor may have expected that the Brownlows would be useful to him in his political career after the war. By September 1864 John Bell was truly a soldier. He spent hours in the saddle, often with no food, and slept on the ground with one blanket for warmth. As commanding officer of the Ninth he was proud of his men for the resolute way that they faced their first fire in the counties northeast of Knoxville. He had in full measure the Brownlow trait of helping his friends by every means. In reply to a plea by 0. P. Temple he arranged to impress teams, drivers and wagons of farmers on the side of the Confederacy to haul 6,000 pounds of the lawyer's tobacco from his farm near Bull's Gap to the railroad for shipment to Knoxville. He justified this operation with: At all events I will get the property out without it costing you anything. You have done a great deal for Uncle Sam and there is no reason why he should not do something for you .... Nothing can be made for our cause by attempting to conciliate rebels. The only way to restore peace is to kill and subjugate them. Their wagons, mules, horses, corn, oats and every aspect of property should be made subservient to the convenience and interests of loyal men. John had inherited his father's tendency to speak and write more harshly than he would have acted, but he was also filled with an accumulation of bitterness. The treatment of his father, his family, and the thousands of Union men who had been persecuted by Con- �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 289 federate authorities and Confederate c1t1zens created this feeling. John wrote this callous report of the events surrounding the killing of the Confederate cavalry leader, General John Hunt Morgan, in a surprise attack by Union forces at Greeneville on September 4, 1864: At Greeneville, Morgan's force was at least 1,600, I think more; our force was less. Notwithstanding this we routed them completely, and I had the pleasure of seeing the lifeless carcass of their fallen chief. In ten minutes after he was killed, I met a sergeant with his body thrown over the neck of his horse, with his head and face covered with blood. I pointed the men of the 9th to the corpse, assuring them it was the veritable John Morgan. They made the welkin ring with shouts of applause. Lieutenant Colonel Brownlow saved for himself a souvenir of Morgan's death: "a large wooden pipe, with a splendid plaster of paris picture of Morgan on it that was found in the room where the Confederate general slept his last night. [ 16] About 1912 John Bell Brownlow told a highly respected Knoxville lawyer that his regiment and two others were stationed at Bull's Gap with "their principal duty ... to occupy enough East Tennessee territory to enable the November election to be held and give the electoral vote of Tennessee to Lincoln and Johnson." The troops at Bull's Gap were under the command of Colonel Alvin C. Gillem, who had been acting adjutant general under Military Governor Johnson. The governor had urged President Lincoln to promote Gillem to brigadier general. The President complied but the Senate Military Affairs Committee held up on recommending confirmation. Gillem had never commanded troops and several hundred other colonels who had seen combat service were favored for promotion. A fourteen-year-old country boy, carrying home a sack of meal from a mill, was deprived of his food by Confederate cavalrymen on the afternoon of September 3, 1864. The boy heard the Confederates say they were going to stay in Greeneville that night. He reported this fact to Gillem at Bull's Gap, and the colonel called a council of his officers. They favored a surprise attack at daybreak. Gillem didn't but he yielded to the view of his officers. Brownlow led the attacking column; Gillem was at the rear. The Unionists learned that Morgan was staying at the home of Mrs. Catherine Williams on the main street of Greeneville. After Morgan was killed Gillem rode up and Brownlow gave him the details. Using the telegraph office at Bull's Gap Gillem sent the following message to Governor Johnson: �290 CHAPTER NO. 16 Last night while at headquarters at Bull's Gap I received information that General John H. Morgan and his command was at Greeneville. I made a forced march, starting at midnight, surprised Morgan and his command at daylight, have scattered his troops and they are fleeing toward Jonesboro. We killed General Morgan and have possession of his body. Johnson relayed the message immediately to Washington and the next day the Senate committee reported favorably on Gillem's promotion. It was confirmed at once by the Senate. [ 17] Early in May 1865 the Whig published an issue that was the embodiment of Brownlow fury. Father and son, with assistance from the now President Johnson, all contributed to it. Johnson proclaimed that the assassination of Lincoln was the result of a plot engineered by Jefferson Davis, former president of the Confederacy, and anumber of other men. He offered rewards totalling $335,000 for the arrest of these suspects. The Tennessee General Assembly directed Governor Brownlow to offer a reward of $5,000 for the "apprehension and delivery" of Isham G. Harris, Tennessee's governor before and during the state's secession,[18] and Brownlow elaborated on the resolution with: The aforesaid refugee from justice, without the authority of law, and in violation of all law, human and Divine, was the chief instrument in thrusting upon Tennessee this terrible rebellion, and its inumerable [sic.] evils; a rebellion which has stormed the very citadel of order, every defense of virtue, every sanctuary of right, and every abode of decency. When those villainous but frantic efforts were astonishing mankind with her success, as much as appaling [sic.] them with their atrocity; when the fairest portion of this great Commonwealth had been made hideous by the triumphs of this arch-traitor and his corrupt and treasonable associates, and their prelusive orgies had profaned our churches, like dastards they ingloriously fled, upon the approach of the national flag of beauty and glory, carrying with them to the heart of treason the funds and other valuables of this State .... Said Harris has been periodically visiting the border counties of this State, issuing bogus proclamations, and collecting revenue, falsely pretending to be the Governor of Tennessee. This culprit Harris is about five feet ten inches high, weights [sic.] about one hundred and forty-five pounds, and is about fifty-five years of age. His complexion is sallow-his eyes are dark and penetrating-a perfect index to the heart of a traitor-with the scowl and frown of a demon resting upon his brow. The study of mischief, and the practice of crime, have brought upon him premature baldness and grey beard. With brazen-faced impudence, he talks loudly and boasting- �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 291 ly about the overthrow of the Yankee army, and entertains no doubt but the South will achieve her independence. He chews tobacco rapidly, and is inordinately fond of liquor. In his moral structure he is an unscrupulous man-steeped to the nose and chin in personal and political profligacy-now about lost to all sense of humor and shame-with a heart reckless of social duty and fatally bent upon mischief. If captured he will be found lurking in the rebel strongholds of Mississippi, Alabama, or Georgia, and in female society, alleging with the sheep-faced modesty of a virtuous man, that it is not a wholesome state of public sentiment, or of taste, that forbids an indiscriminate mixing together of married man and women. If captured the fugitive must be delivered to me alive, to the end that justice may be done upon him here, upon the theatre of his former villainous deeds! (Whig, May 10, 1865). Young John's contribution to this inflammatory page of the Whig was a suggestion that returning East Tennesseeans, who had been militant secessionists, should not be permitted to return to their old homes to live. He cited the example of Robert C. West, a former slave dealer. West had accumulated wealth in his field, and according to John Bell, observed with "much pleasure" the hanging of Union men near Knoxville, and had "knocked down and cruelly beat with a club Isham Alley, a feeble man, sixty-five years of age." West fled before the Union forces arrived in Knoxville, but had returned. Alley, taking his turn, assaulted his tormentor with such vigor that he cracked West's skull. To those who demanded the prosecution of Alley, the Whig replied that it approved of his course in assaulting West, predicted that he would never see the penitentiary, and hinted that there were a number of men in the area "who have no more right to live here than Jeff Davis." The young editor's second target was Robert M. Barton, a former Circuit Court judge who also had been a member of the 1861 legislature. John held that that body was responsible for "widows and orphans ... being dispersed throughout East Tennessee." The Whig recalled that the judge "openly declared that Union men should not be permitted to live in East Tennessee," and had approved extreme punishment of the loyalists, including their killing. John Bell stamped the editorial with this suggestion to his old troopers: A few days since Judge Barton returned to his home in Jefferson County, in the midst of a loyal community, nearly every young man of which served under us in the gallant 9th Tennessee Cavalry. If be is permitted to live within the �292 CHAPTER NO. 16 territory of the United States, there ought to be a general amnesty to traitors. There is not a penitentiary in the United States that does not contain better men than Judge Barton (Ibid.). The Brownlow legislature faced a task unique in the history of the state. It had to rebuild the political, economic, and social structure from the ruins left by war. The executive, legislative, and judicial functions of the state had fallen into chaos except for such caretaking measures as had been taken by Military Governor Johnson. The state treasury arid records were gone, carried off when the Harris administration and the General Assembly of 1861 had fled from Nashville. Communication and transportation had been disrupted. These facilities had been used by the military forces. Fields had been torn and ravaged by the conflicting armies, provisions seized, and stock driven off or confiscated. Financial institutions had been crippled or ruined. Many citizens, especially the old, the women, and the children, were left helpless and destitute. Churches had entered into the fray with ministers taking sides and congregations dividing, especially in East Tennessee. Because classroom doors had been closed for four years, large numbers of a generation moving toward adulthood were in a state bordering on illiteracy. The unshackled slaves groped in unfamiliar freedom for which they had not been prepared. They were puzzled and confused, anchorless unless they worked out a new arrangement with their old masters. The white population of East Tennessee was racked by divisions and hatreds, the fruits of occupation by both Confederate and Union armies with the accompanying advantages taken by civilians for reprisal and gain. In this rugged, mountainous region of the state not only were secessionists and Unionists filled with hatred toward each other, but the loyalists also were split. The Radicals demanded retribution, proscription, and vengeance. The Conservatives proposed tolerance to those who had gone with the South, and the restoration of their former right and privileges. [ 19] The composition of the Brownlow legislature represented the power that had been seized by the Radicals. Its members were overwhelmingly from the ranks of the old Whig Party. They were loyalists; a majority were farmers or planters, and fifteen were lawyers, eight of whom were in the Senate. Six of the legislators had become refugees during the war because of their Union convictions, eight had suffered imprisonment by the Confederates, and twenty-three had seen military service. Very few of these men were seasoned legis- �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 293 lators. Yet they included some men of considerable talent, although they sorely lacked the professionalism of the prewar assemblies. The substantial leavening of men who had served in the Union army or who had been imprisoned or arrested, showed that here was a group of men inclined to view with hostility any move to conciliate secessionists. [20] The assassination of President Lincoln by john Wilkes Booth on April 15, 1865, could only have inflamed this hostility. The members of the assembly condemned those responsible for the deed and laid emphasis on the martyred President's "humanity,"[21] a theme upon which the Whig elaborated: We believe that history will pronounce Mr. Lincoln to have been an eminently honest and merciful man. No expression of harshness, or of personal ill-feeling, can be found in all his voluminous public writings. How marked the contrast with the writings of Mr. Davis, or even of General Lee. The messages of Davis abounded in falsehoods and malignant slanders. It is true Mr. Lincoln sometimes exercised powers that, in time of peace, would have been of doubtful constitutionality. But he did so on all occasions to preserve the Government, and not to destroy it. We justify him in nearly all he did. There was nothing of the tyrant or usurper about him. As a man and as a ruler he was generous, merciful, conscientious, and forgiving, almost to a fault. It is reported that he had already prepared a proclamation offering amnesty to all rebels. Whether the rebels will have cause to rejoice over or mourn his untimely end will be seen in the future (Whig, April 19, 1865). The President's death produced a large amount of news in the Whig, along with the traditional turning of the printers' rules to bordering the columns with heavy, black lines. Ironically, the Whig's first reference to Lincoln, an oblique one which did not mention his name, was a delighted comment by the Parson in 1846: "Our old Locofoco brother, Parson Peter Cartwright, was beaten by a Whig for Congress, in Illinois, by 1,500 votes." The Whig was Lincoln. [22] Several bills of an intensely spiteful nature were introduced in the assembly but failed to pass. One would have prohibited returning Confederates from wearing their uniforms, possibly the only clothing they had. Another would have stripped ministers who had been secessionists of some of their traditional privileges in the performance of rites, such as marriages. None of these had the support of the governor or of his newspaper. Brownlow's recommendations in the field of law enforcement, however, were followed with the enactment of measures providing capital punishment for guerillas, robbers, �294 CHAPTER NO. 16 armed prowlers, horse thieves, housebreakers, burglars, and house and bridge burners. Sheriffs were given additional power to maintain posses, which could consist only of men of established loyalty. [23] The bill upon which the Radicals and the governor placed the most importance, and which was fought vigorously in the House before it was enacted, stripped almost all of the returned Confederate soldiers and southern sympathizers of the franchise. The only exceptions were of Union men who had been conscripted. It also eliminated many Conservative Unionists. The measure, in disfranchising Confederates, also built what was considered a base for the continuation of Radical power. The governor expressed pleasure at the passage of the franchise measure, but he was distressed because representatives from Hawkins, Hancock, Cocke, Knox, Monroe, Hamilton, and McMinn counties voted against it. Among these was Speaker William Heiskell, who had been one of Brownlow's Treasury Department aides. In his enthusiasm to report the passage of the bill and to condemn East Tennessee representatives who voted against it, John Bell published two separate roll calls, one immediately below the other, with different tallies. The young editor meant to eliminate one item, but somewhere along the lines the purpose was not accomplished. [24] This type of error still appears in modern newspapers, much to the chagrin of executives. The governor had other triumphs to celebrate. Near Augusta, Georgia, the Union army had captured archives of the Confederate legislature and $600,000 in state funds. When the captured property was returned to Nashville, Brownlow and his secretary of state, Andrew J. Fletcher, proudly rode from the railroad depot to the capitol on the wagon carrying these items. On one of the boxes of archives sat "the plainly but decorously garbed Governor, holding a gold-headed cane, and looking placidly on the caskets of coin which were his footstool." The seizure also included the letters which exposed the treachery of C. W. Charlton, the postmaster at Knoxville, who had intercepted and read Brownlow's mail preceding Tennessee's secession (Whig, June 7, 1865). An editorial feat by the Whig was the publication of a letter from "A Candid Rebel," J. C. Gallaher, a former Knoxvillian who became a major in the Confederate army, lost an arm at Vicksburg, was captured and later exchanged. The letter, addressed to Governor Brownlow, expressed indignation at secession leaders who had urged their countrymen into war, but remained at home, holding civil �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 295 office and obtaining contracts[25] by which they might swindle soldiers and soldiers' families, and even rob the infant Government of its swaddling clothes .... 'Twas they who declared that if the South seceded, Union men could not live in East Tennessee. And it was they who first bowed obsequiously [sic.] to Federal masters, and now, sycophants like, ask to be taken into full Federal communion. And in great agony do they writhe under the disfranchisement of the Legislature. I think myself, that, the Union party, and the Legislature particularly (if it is their purpose to conciliate and reconcile the discordant elements, and establish that harmony which once did and ought exist) might, to facilitate these ends, have with profit acted with more magnimity [sic.]. But an act most just in all its bearings, and under the circumstances, could not have been conceived of. I, sir, for one, together with all other Southern men of Tennessee, if we had succeeded, would have favored the passage of such laws that would have forever precluded from citizenship men who left their homes and took up arms against us. And I cannot reprobate in others what I would have considered just in myself (Whig, June 28, 1865). Major Gallaher's position was an isolated one but it lent point to the Whig's policy. The great mass of secessionists wanted to recover the franchise in the state which four years earlier had tried, with force of arms, to detach itself from the United States. Strong voices, although in the minority, spoke for them in the assembly, especially in the House. There a determined, but unsuccessful effort was made to enact only moderate restrictions on the exercise of the franchise by former Confederates. Opposing this common position of the Conservative Unionists and the defeated Secessionists were the Radical Unionists, headed by the governor. Thus were the lines drawn in one of Tennessee's bitterest political struggles. At the voter level the Radicals were a minority, when compared with the unrestored Secessionists and the Conservatives. They may have been outnumbered by the latter. [26] But the Radicals held the political power of the state government, and they did not propose to release it, a condition almost the invariable rule in public affairs. The first test came on August 3, 1865, with the election of eight members to the United States Congress. At stake was the validity of the franchise law, of public opinion of the Brownlow administration, and the position on loyalty of the congressmen to be elected. If the delegation lacked men of unquestioned Unionism their seating might be in jeopardy. The legislature had elected Joseph Smith Fowler and Patterson of Greene County to the United States Senate. The latter �296 CHAPTER NO. 16 was the son-in-law of President Johnson.[27] Some Conservatives were reported to be planning to ignore the new constitution and elect a new governor and legislature under the constitution of 1834. This would permit all white citizens twentyone years of age to vote. The report of this move brought quick denunciation from the Parson, who had returned to Knoxville and was writing editorials under the signature of the "Senior Editor." Such a step, the governor wrote, would produce "armed rebellion, civil war, personal violence, and a general disturbance of the peace." Further, any such effort "will be treated as rebellion." Brownlow also resorted to one of his traditional positions. He praised the country people for their loyalty and described the towns as centers for rebellious talk. He also revived the story of the firing from a train load of Confederate soldiers on a Union meeting at Strawberry Plains in 1861. [28] By proclamation he called attention to the rigid provisions of the franchise law and demanded that civil authorities "arrest and bring to justice all persons who, under the pretense of being candidates for Congress, or other office, are traveling over the State denouncing and nullifying the constitution and the laws of the land, and spreading sedition and a spirit of rebellion." He supplemented the proclamation with an "Address to the People of Tennessee," in which he charged that even "disfranchised rebels" were being elected to office, and launched into a defense of the "validity and constitutionality" 'of the state government. The military forces of the United States, he wrote, had won the war on the battlefield, but Washington had placed a civilian, Andrew Johnson, in the governor's seat. When the war was ended the governor, acting under authority from the United States, had shaped and fostered the new state constitution. This the federal government had full right to do, and the convention which adopted the basic charter for the state a few months earlier "was the initiatory means chosen by the National Administration through its civil agent." Perhaps the constitution was dictated, [29] Brownlow acknowledged: Certain it was forced upon the rebelhous [sic.) majority of the State. So was the authority of the United States forced upon them, and at the point of the bayonet, and just so the nation had a right to force upon them a republican form of Government, for nothing but force is recognized by the .... Finally, it is said that the law is harsh and wanting in magnanimity. By law, the crime of the disfranchised is treason, and the punishment death and confiscation of property. All this is waved [sic.] and it is said to be cruel to refuse them �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 297 the privilege of voting for a few years. Magnanimity requires that they should go to the ballot box and with bloody hands deposit their ballots, and by force of numbers seize the reigns of the government they have tried to destroyelevate their baffled leaders to power-renew their persecutions of Union men, and at last have the victory in the State (Ibid., july 19, 1865). The election returns disconcerted the Brownlow organization. Only three unquestionable Radicals were elected. They were Horace Maynard of the Second District, W. B. Stokes of the Third and Isaac Hawkins of the Sixth. Hawkins' position was not entirely clear because he had not expressed it in detail. Nathaniel G. Taylor, elected from the First, was somewhere between a lukewarm Radical and a moderate Conservative. He was not a Brownlow man, for the Parson had criticized him sharply when his name was mentioned for the United States Senate in opposition to Maynard. The Parson accused Taylor of having made a substantial profit in funds raised for the destitute of East Tennessee, and of having gone over to the South in 1862. In the remaining four districts men of Conservative bent were elected. Dorsey B. Thomas defeated Samuel R. Arnell, Radical leader in the lower house of the Brownlow assembly, who had sponsored and pressed to passage the franchise law. The vote was Thomas, 2,805; Arnell, 2,350. On the basis of reports furnished to the governor on his demand there was some evidence of misunderstanding or outright violation of the law in the district. He threw out the votes of five counties. This made Arnell the winner, 1,546 to 521. Brownlow's policy was inconsistent. In some counties where reports were inadequate or violations were cited he accepted the returns, in others he did not; in another where violations were reported he let the vote stand, as he also did in some counties which made no reports. Inconsistent or not, the governor accomplished the practical purpose of giving a faithful, demonstrated Radical a certification of election that entitled him to a seat in the United States Congress. This gave the Radicals four members of their party in the delegation that sought admission to Congress. Taylor turned out to be a Conservative. [ 30} The Parson returned to Knoxville late in the summer of 1865 to find East Tennessee plagued by threats and violence. Black Union soldiers had killed two white cavalrymen of East Tennessee units. One of the victims was from the Ninth, John Bell's old regiment (Whig, August 30, 1865). The Whig deplored �298 CHAPTER NO. 16 any war upon the colored troops because they are in uniform with guns on their shoulders .... But we are opposed to the freedom with which they use their bayonets and level their muskets at white men (Ibid.). Former Confederates complained bitterly that they were not being given equal protection under the law. A threatening letter signed "Many Rebels" had been sent to Circuit Judge E. T. Hall, Attorney General David K. Young, and Sheriff Marcus D. Bearden, all Unionists. [ 31] Unless the one-sided state of law enforcement was corrected, the signers warned: We, many so-called rebels, will take the law into our own hands, and avenge the outrages committed upon our friends, by dealing summarily with the perpetrators and officials .... We are hunted down and driven from our homes, not by the authorities, but by the vulgar, cowardly and unprincipled men who never placed themselves in danger where other men had an equal chance, and you have never tried to suppress it, but we will suppress it, if we have to suppress their worthless lives (Whig, September 13, 1865). The governor, in the role of "Senior Editor," responded in characteristic style. He had just returned from Greeneville where he had visited the oak where Fry and Hensie were hanged upon a false and groundless charge of bridge burning. They were buried in a common grave just under the tree. And it is that class of murderers, hanging such men, and leaving their widows and orphans to mourn the loss of that we are now called upon to treat with leniency! (Whig, August 30, 1865). In an adjoining column the editor acknowledged many complaints of personal intimidation, torture and death, especially in East Tennessee. They were lodged chiefly by "Union men and rebels whose relatives are the sufferers." Indiscriminate flogging should be stopped and disputes taken to the courts, the Parson advised: Quiet and peaceable rebels, who never oppressed loyal men, never persecuted them, and never participated in their arrest and imprisonment, and who are behaving themselves, ought to be let alone, and even protected. Rebel soldiers and citizens, who have taken the oath, and are living up to it, trying to obey the laws and make good citizens, ought not to be disturbed, and are entitled to protection. Rebels during the rebellion, who were kind to loyal men and their families-and there were many such in East Tennessee-rebels who actually assisted loyal men to escape from the conscript officers, and treated their fam- �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 299 ilies kindly in their absence, should not be ill-treated for simply having been in the rebellion (Ibid.). This editorial, entitled "Shooting and Hanging Men," then launched into a description of several classes of rebels for whom the Parson could ask no favors. He included the men responsible for the conscript laws which led thousands to flee across the Cumberland Mountains, the military officers who pursued and captured them, and treated them harshly; those who sat on court-martials; the Confederates who flogged and beat Union men; those who strung up loyalist women in an effort to wring from them information of their husbands, brothers and sons; and those who confiscated provisions of the farmers and burned their homes or buildings; informers who pointed out loyal men and were the instruments through which they were sent to prison and sometimes to their deaths; and the applauding spectators at the hanging of Union men. Brownlow could have expanded this gruesome category, but having paused he added significantly: The natural protectors of these families have, in part, returned after having served in the Union army for three years, and they know the guilty parties. Does anyone in his sober senses suppose they can escape killing, or such a beating as will disable them for life? If they are acting under this delusion, their erroneous notions will be corrected by the development of time! To these "active leading rebels and bad men" in East Tennessee the editor offered blunt advice: go elsewhere. He suggested moderation, if not silence, for those who had been complaining of their treatment. The Knoxville Brownlows, father and son, had been threatened with assassination, as had Judge Hall, Attorney General Young and Sheriff Bearden, along with other leading Unionists. If the rebellious element wanted another war, "they can have it, and have it to their heart's content." The legislature had given sheriffs additional power to swear in posses, and Adjutant General James P. Brownlow, at the order of the governor, was in Washington applying for arms for the state. Federal forces were leaving Tennessee, and the state was expected to look after its own affairs. So far as the governor-editor was concerned "no threats from any quarter can intimidate me, or cause me to join in the outcry against what is maliciously styled an 'East Tennessee Mob.' " The Parson decided it was an appropriate time to publish a copy of the warrant upon which he was arrested in 1861, and to condemn �300 CHAPTER NO. 16 as outrageous the plans of some returning Confederates to try to regain through the courts their confiscated properties. He also favored reverse litigation, such as the action in which the heirs of Sam Pickens, former state senator from Sevier County, had obtained judgment for $10,000 against W. H. Sneed, John H. Crozier and R. B. Reynolds, the latter Confederate Court commissioner, for persecution and death of Pickens in prison. As Pickens was being marched away to prison, according to the Parson, Sneed snarled that the punishment was inadequate, "God d-n him, he ought to be hung [sic.] and quartered., Brownlow had obtained judgment for $25,000 in Circuit Court against the same three men, and he urged more suits of this nature. [32] A stickler for fine points in classifying violence, the governor drew a distinction "between men who are resenting injuries done to them and their families, and bands of robbers who seek to live without work." He had plenty of material to sort, but most of it went into one basket. A justice of the peace near Bristol, while acting in his official capacity, had been beaten by a band of "Virginia rebels." In Blount County Union men had the upper hand and were using it. To them he suggested that rebels who were the target of what he called justified retribution for their "high-handed" course when Confederate units were scouring the country, should leave and "stay away until these men who were driven out of the country, and had their families all robbed, die of old age." He loosed a shaft at rebel women. He blamed them for creating moral decay as well as rebellion, and summed up with: "The devil is unchained and the women are taking advantage of his 'loose reign.' " Murder, compounded by a lynching, erupted at the Knox County Courthouse, as the Brownlows crowded the pages of the Whig with tirades. The killing arose from a grudge between a Union and a Confederate soldier, Will Hall of the Second Tennessee Cavalry (U.S.) and Abner Baker, who had served three years in the Confederate forces. Hall, a nephew of Judge E. T. Hall, apparently was bitter at Baker because the latter had once drawn a pistol on him to halt a dispute that the Unionist was having with a secessionist. An encounter occurred at the clerk's office. As they met, Hall must have believed he saw Baker draw his revolver. Hall broke his cane upon Baker, the two grappled and the southerner put a bullet through Hall's head. Baker was arrested immediately and jailed. Authorities, including Judge Hall, urged calm. Their pleas were unavailing, for �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 301 that night a thousand or more men stormed the jail and hanged Baker to a tree in the jail yard. Sheriff Bearden and the jailer, the only officers available to resist the mob, were powerless. Brownlow, in his capacity as governor, called on the sheriff to double his guard, and acknowledged criticism with this bristling observation: There are those in town, who are perfectly shocked at these outrages, and are asking why the Governor does not interfere? The Governor is here and regrets that men who served in the rebel army for more than three years, are parading the streets loaded down to the guards with revolvers, swearing they have been overpowered but not convinced! The Governor regrets that Union men are shot down by them, and that their friends in tum, are hanging them in violation of law. The Governor is as powerless as any other citizen, in all such cases. The Governor is not so much horrified as many others. He was shocked four years ago when innocent Union men were taken from his side, out of the jail, two at a time, and hung [sic.] by the other party, and the she-devils threw up their white handkerchiefs in approbation! The Governor may have been a little used to scenes of this kind, and not feel as deeply as he ought on this solemn occasion.[33] Supporters of the Confederacy, and perhaps some others, found double reason to be horrified over the lynching. The victim's father, Dr. James Harvey Baker, was killed by Union raiders on June 19, 1863. The accounts, as usual, were conflicting. The secessionist newspaper in Knoxville, the Southern Chronicle, described the "Murder of Dr. H. Baker by the renegades and Yankees in their late raid," as "the assassination of this high-toned and chivalrous gentleman," as "one of the most cold-blooded and diabolical acts that has come to our knowledge during the war." The Whig reported that Dr. Baker and other rebels fired on the federal troops, drawing return fire that killed the doctor. The killing took place at the Baker home on Kingston Pike west of Knoxville. [ 34] The outcry against the lynching must have been strong and persistent for the Whig in its second issue after the hanging carried an uncharacteristic proposal to "look at both sides of the question." The newspaper repeated its opposition to mob law, but reviewed again the severe treatment of Union men in jail four years earlier, but with this repetitive barb: The leading rebels could have prevented all this, and liberated these men, but believing their punishment just, they refused to turn a hand in their favor. Their love of civil law was not then as great as it is now. �302 CHAPTER NO. 16 The governor and his newspaper thus outlined their position that enforcement of what the Confederates considered law and order under their administration was bogus. Brownlow held that the South's government was an illegal one, an outlaw organization, and to defy it or to burn its bridges did not constitute a violation of law but was a demonstration of supreme loyalty. All repression of Union supporters and sympathizers was illegal as well as unjust. He threaded this theme with more accounts of the brutal treatment of Union men crowded into the squalid jail at Knoxville and of tortures and whippings outside. Five times the editorial recounted separate acts of repression and punishment. At the conclusion of each, Brownlow hammered down with a sentence that Confederate officials then had lacked the keen sense of justice that now moved them. He touched upon an incident that was gall to him, the efforts of his captors to persuade doomed men to purchase their lives by falsely stating that he and other Union leaders had had a hand in the bridge burning. He capped this recital of an old agony with this fourth chorus: All this could have been prevented by the leading rebels of East Tennessee, but they were not then afflicted with a sense of justice, or they had not fallen in love with the law and courts of this country (Whig, September 13, 1865). The Whig put the responsibility for law enforcement upon local officials. This could mean only that local sentiment would determine the course of justice, a concept that would vary considerably between the mountain counties of East Tennessee and the planter dominated areas of Middle and West Tennessee. The editor recognized this in the following forecast of trouble under two-way justice: Rebel juries will not give Union men justice, nor will they convict rebel outlaws for any offense, no matter what the testimony may be. Letters come to the Executive Department at Nashville every day, complaining that no relief can be had for Union men from rebel juries. Poor women whose husbands were imprisoned and murdered are told by lawyers that the war is now over, and old matters must not be revived. In Middle and West Tennessee the rebels are in the majority, and they have the money and property to enable them to pay out, and they will do it, from the indications we have. Not so in East Tennessee-the Union men are the controlling power, and they do not intend it shall be otherwise. They will not suffer any class of men on earth to run over them, or deprive them of their rights. They have learned by the rebellion what confidence to place in rebels, and in future they will not only assert a "higher law" when imposed upon, but in the language of the Bible they "will be a law unto themselves" (Whig, September 20, 1865). �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE 303 As Tennessee was racked by Reconstruction pains, the Whig chronicled the death of William L. Yancey of Montgomery, Alabama. Yancey had met Brownlow and other Unionists in a confrontation in 1860 on the issue of loyalty to the Union. Yancey, who served in the Confederate Congress, had turned upon President Davis, and in a violent argument with another member was knocked across a desk and suffered injuries that led to his death a year later. The Whig printed an account of his death, noted that the news of the fight in the Confederate Congress had been kept secret for months, but did so without a word of reproach or condemnation for Yancey's course (Whig, October 4, 1865). The Whig was too busy with living foes to spend time on dead ones, as it had years earlier when Andrew Jackson died. CHAPTER XVI NOTES [ [ [ [ 1] An attempt to hold a state election in the fall of 1863 was disrupted by the defeat of General Rosecrans at Chattanooga, and another effort calling for the election of county officers on March 5, 1864, resulted in disorder and confusion in most counties. Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 37-42; Coulter, pp. 258-259; White, Messages, V, pp. 377-383. Knox County elected a full slate of Union Officials, but the vote was less than half that usually cast. Whig, March 12, 1864; Temple, Notable Men, p. 407; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, p. 45; Coulter, p. 259; Whig, April23, 1864. 2] Temple, Notable Men, pp. 407-409; John Bell Brownlow to Temple, March 9, 1891, Temple Papers; Whig, April23, 1864. 3) Ibid., June 11, 18, 25, 1864; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 45-46. 4) Temple, Notable Men, pp. 165, 408; Alexander, Thomas A. R. Nelson, p. 115; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, p. 46; Whig, August 17, 24, 31, September 21, 28, October 12, 26, November 5, 1864; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 46-47; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 413-414; White, Messages, V, pp. 384-386; Alexander, Thomas A. R. Nelson, p. 117; Whig, November 5, 1864. 5) Folmbsee, eta!., Short History, p. 345; White, Messages, V, p. 386; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, p. 48. The reported vote in these counties was Knox, 2,537; Anderson, 760; Bradley, 1,024; Campbell, 649; Roane, 900; McMinn, 1,000; Greene, 800; Sevier, 1,174; Blount, 1,225; and Morgan, 250, round figures suggesting these were estimates. Whig, November 11, 13, 16, 23, 30, 1864; Folmsbee, et al., Short History, p. 338. �304 CHAPTER NO. 16 [ 6] Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 403; Parson Brownlow's Book, p. 270; 0. R., II, 1, Wood to Benjamin, November 20, 1861, Benjamin to Wood, November 25, 1861, pp. 845, 847-848; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 19, 53; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 340-341; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 79-80, 114-115; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 139-140; Whig, November 16, 1864. [ 7] Ibid., December 7, 1864; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 338-339; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 48-49; Whig, December 30, 1864, January 25, 1865. [ 8] Temple wrote that the method employed to get Tennessee back as a state in the union was "the most irregular that could have been chosen," and that "the instrument adopted was always a source of discontent to many loyal people of the state." He criticized Johnson for his part in taking the short cuts but did not censure Brownlow for acquiescing in them. Temple, Notable Men, pp. 409-411. See also Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, p. 49; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, pp. 118-119; Folmsbee, et al., Short History, pp. 346-347; White, Messages, V, pp. 386-389. [ 9] Whig, january 25, 1865. The vote is given as 28,865 to 67 in White, Messages, V, p. 389, and as 25,293 to 48 in a much earlier work. Charles A. Miller, The Official and Political Manual of the State of Tennessee (Nashville, 1890), p. 48; White, Messages, V, p. 369; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, p. 120, 119; Whig, February 15, 22, 1865. [10] Ibid., March 1, 8, 15, 1865; House journal of the First Session of the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, 1865 (Nashville, 1866), pp. 15-16. House and Senate journals do not give numbers for this session which is generally known as the "Brownlow Legislature." Names of the members are given in White, Messages, V, pp. 432-436; House journal, 1865, pp. 228-229, and Senate journal, 1865, pp. 195-196; Whig, March 1, 15, 1865; House journal, Brownlow Legislature, pp. 3-5, 15-16. [11] Whig, February 15, 22, March 1, 8, 15, 29, 1865. The partnership included W. G. Brownlow, john Bell Brownlow and Tilghman Haws. The son's role as a partner was implied but not spelled out until the partnership was limited to the elder Brownlow and Haws. Ibid., February 20, 1867. [12] Ibid., May 17, 1865; Tennesseeans in the Civil War, p. 343. The cost of labor and newsprint doubled after publication of the Whig was resumed, the weekly bill for the latter reaching $240. But the Parson purchased a new steam-operated press, and by the following August his advertising volume required sixteen of the Whig's twenty-four columns. The telegraphic bills were so high that the editor paid for them from his pocket, rather than from newspaper revenues. The price of newsprint went from $8.00 a ream to $11.00 in five months, and the Whig raised the old annual subscription rate of $2.00 to $3.00, early in 1865. Whig, May 13, june 4, August 24, October 12, 1864, February 1, july 5, 12, 19, 1865. [13] Ibid., April 12, 1865. Major General George H. Thomas headed the military group. [14] Entries for April 10, 27, December 3, 1865, in the Civil War diary of Lieutenant William Rule, adjutant of the Sixth Tennessee Infantry, �THE PARSON'S ADVOCATE [151 [16] [17] [18) [19] [20] [21) [22] [23] [24] [25] [26] [271 305 unclassified. Rule Papers. Father Abram Ryan, Roman Catholic priest and militant secessionist, wrote from Knoxville that the town "is worse in scenes of blood and violence than ever Nashville was. Scarcely a day passes that is not signalized by some murder or other crime .... All decent people are leaving as rapidly as they can. No one can live here safe and secure that does not swear by Brownlow." Ryan to Mr. and Mrs. McCrissy, Clarksville, August 12, 1865. Manuscript Division Tennessee State Library and Archives. John Bell Brownlow to Temple, January 31, 1894, February 5, 1891. Temple Papers. Letter from John Bell Brownlow to Knoxville Tribune, August 16, 1896. Unclassified memorandum. Rule Papers. John Bell Brownlow to Temple, January 24, 1891. Temple Papers. Temple, Notable Men, pp.17-18, fn 17. John Bell Brownlow to Temple, February 16, 1892. Temple Papers. Ibid., September 9, 1864 (two letters), September 18, 1864. Memorandum prepared by W. T. Kennerly, Knoxville lawyer with a bent for history, after an interview with John Bell Brownlow. Special Collections, University of Tennessee. A member of the Seventh Ohio Volunteer Cavalry, writing from Knoxville, noted, "There is a son of Brownlow here who is a Lieut. Co. of the Ninth East Tenn. Cavalry. He takes pains to inform every one that Parson Brownlow is his father." Landon Crabb to "My Dear Mother," October 15, 1863. Letter personal property of this writer. Governor Brownlow's Message to the legislature. Whig, May 10, 1865; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 72-73. Ibid., pp. 44-66; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 71-74,95-96, 100-101; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, pp. 301-331; Temple, Notable Men, p. 323; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 352-353. Thumbnail sketches of members of the Senate and House were first published in the Nashville Times and then in the Whig, April 12, 26, 1865. For appraisals of assembly members see Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 69-71; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 88-89; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 363; White, Messages, V, p. 398. Whig, April19, 26, 1865. Ibid., April 19, 1865. Marginal note by John Bell Brownlow, ibid., September 16, 1846. Alexander, Political Reconstruction, p. 73; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 92-93; White, Messages, V, pp. 427-429. Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 7 3-76; Patton, Unionism andReconstruction, pp. 97·102; White, Messages, V, pp. 428-438; Whig, June 7, 1865. Ibid., June 28, 1865. For Gallaher's service record see Tennesseeans in the Civil War, I, pp. 302-303, II, p. 164. Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 97-101; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 74-75; White, Messages, V, pp. 430-435. Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, p. 107, 204; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 76-77; Whig, May 10, 1865. �306 CHAPTER NO. 16 [28] Ibid., June 28, July 12, 18, June 28, July 5, 1865; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 109-110. [29] Whig, July 12, 1865. Brownlow was dubbed "Old Proc" because of the many proclamations he issued. White, Messages, V, fn p. 444. The Parson did not mention that as military governor of Tennessee, Johnson held the rank of brigadier general. [ 30] Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 79-92; Patton, Unionism andReconstruction, pp. 110-114; White, Messages, V, pp. 450-451. See Brownlow's statement on throwing out the votes, Whig, November 29, 1865; his denunciation of Taylor, ibid., March 16, 1865. [ 31] Reference to the threatening letter is in ibid., August 30, 1865, the text was printed, ibid., September 13, 1865. [32] Ibid., August 30, 1865. Horace Foster of Blount County was awarded judgment for $25,000 against eight men whom he accused of instigating the seizure of his farm products, shooting him and forcing him to walk bleeding through a creek in water up to his armpits. Ibid., March 1, 1865. [ 33] Ibid., September 6, 1865. The editorial on the killing of Hall and the hanging of Baker, although referring to the governor in the third person, undoubtedly was written by the Parson. [34] Katherine Baker Johnson, typewritten manuscipt, comp., "Odds and Ends of Family History," (1944) two vols., V, 1, pp. 54, 58, McClung Collection; Southern Chronicle, June 28, 1863; Whig, November 11, 1863. �Brownlow's Knoxville Whig "Yielding up the other cheek/Dropping humbly on the knees; Closing lips when dared to speak/Will not do in times like these." Chapter No. 17 THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION The first General Assembly of Tennessee under Governor Brownlow dealt only with the most pressing matters. When the adjourned session met at Nashville on October 2, 1865, the governor submitted a comprehensive message. He recommended legislation to: 1) stimulate immigration from Germany, Switzerland and the northern states to help in the rebuilding of Tennessee. 2) A thorough investigation of the defunct Bank of Tennessee and vigorous efforts to collect its assets. A total of $446,719.20 in gold and silver had been recovered and invested in United States bonds that yielded annual interest of $45,135.25. 3) The replenishing of the gutted school fund by any further resources to be found. 4) Development of ways and means to meet state debt payments of $1,213,719.66, and of interest on the railroad bonds amounting to $3,768,509. 5) Ways to help the railroads complete the work of renovation, now well under way. 6) Financing of repairs on the state-owned Hermitage, neglected during the war. 7) Investigation of the state penal system and facilities. 8) Relief for tax-burdened owners of real estate to avoid its concentration in the hands of a "monied aristocracy." 9) A confiscatory tax on alcoholic beverages. [ 1] The governor's greatest concern was what to do about the freed slaves, a subject that raised emotional as well as economic and political problems. The Parson's complete turnabout on the slavery issue was a rending experience for him. He changed from being a vociferous advocate of slavery to the rejection of this view, if such was 307 �308 CHAPTER NO. 17 necessary to save the Union. Finally, he accepted and endorsed emancipation. When he had made this complete reversal, he denounced slavery as the curse of the southern states and said that the South's obsession with it was the underlying cause of secession. A personal experience probably entered into his thinking. He revealed it as he wrote an extended piece, "The Negro Question Again." This piece was a denunciation of the freed slaves who were flocking into the towns as idle, insolent, averse to work, and expecting the Government to provide for their needs. He said black soldiers not only lacked discipline but displayed great arrogance toward white people. This had reached such an extent that in East Tennessee, where a majority of the population viewed blacks with dislike and distaste, a collision was building. [2] Some time earlier, the governor recalled, two black soldiers in full uniform ... upon a narrow sidewalk in this city [Knoxville] knocked the writer of this article into the gutter, throwing him upon his hands and knees. He was trying to get out of their way, and they saw it, but being feeble and leaning upon a staff, he moved too slow [sic. ] for their idea of progress. I made no complaint, but concluded that these colored ruffians had not learned to respect the uniform of the army, and I went my way, not rejoicing-but feeling ... that I was worsted by the outcome, which I had not brought about but sought to prevent. Soldiers and officers, wearing the Federal uniform ought all to be gentlemen ... but the only two colored soldiers I ever encountered did not prove to be of that stripe. I have no wish to try them again-I might light upon others less refined who would run me through with the bayonet! (Whig, September 27, 1845). Throughout the years the Parson had shown callousness and contempt for the black man as a race. [3J Surely this mortifying experience was in his mind as he wrestled with the question of extending the franchise to this suddenly liberated and uneducated race. The returning soldiers he disposed of quickly. The young and deluded should be pardoned generously and freely upon their showing genuine reassumption of loyalty. "Guilty rebels" should be required to wait five or ten years before being permitted to vote, while the original conspirators and leaders were entitled to "neither mercy nor forbearance." The stimulation of immigration, he predicted, would provide a class of substantial citizens and would offer a far more safe and rational process of regenerating the South than any sudden and compulsory admission of the blacks to the ballot box ... The indiscriminate �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 309 grant of the right of suffrage to the colored population would increase the evils that keep the South depressed, and exasperate those who, under other circumstances, would become devoted friends of the Government and accept the emancipation of the slaves as an event not at all offensive. The Parson's mind roved restlessly on the subject of the blacks and the vote. A realistic, political approach weighed heavily in his thinking. Two senators-elect and eight representatives awaited admission at the door of the United States Congress. Failure on the part of Tennessee to grant the black man the right to vote might weigh the scales against the admission of the Tennessee delegation. The governor wanted these men seated, for it would add to the prestige and influence of the state. Its congressmen would be placed where they would have a voice in the affairs of the nation and where they could speak directly to Washington on the needs of Tennessee and their constituents. Yet Brownlow could not shake free of some of his old beliefs and convictions, and this forced him to conclude: I am free to admit that, for the present, we have done enough for the negro, [sic.] and although negro voting cannot suit my natural prejudices of caste, there is a class of them I would be willing to see vote at once. A large class, ignorant, docile, easily led by designing men, and not safely trusted with political power, I am not willing to see at the ballot-box; but as even these have been faithful among the faithless, if rebels are to be restored to the right of the elective franchise, I would say let us no longer deny these political rights to the slaves. In my judgment a loyal negro is more eminently entitled to suffrage than a disloyal white man. The black man would get the franchise eventually, Brownlow saw, but "the time has not come when the ballot box should be turned over to the emancipated slaves of this state, and the thousands who would rush into Tennessee from the Cotton States on this account." It would be well, the governor concluded, to delay granting the ballot to the black until he has been emancipated from "ignorance and poverty, social and political disfranchisement." The legislature should move slowly, because immediate action would leave the great mass of freed slaves open to influence by secessionists "to vote against the Government." Only when the black proved his worthiness would Tennessee extend to him the ballot. Yet the governor was free to confess that if it became necessary to enfranchise the blacks, in order to keep control of the country out of the hands of rebels and traitors, "I am for the measure." Blacks were now persons and no longer property. Therefore Brownlow advocated giving them the �310 CHAPTER NO. 17 right to testify in court, without reservation. But Brownlow held that the black was not the equal of the white, and the best solution to the problem involved in the two races attempting to live together would be to separate them. The blacks should be granted their own nation in some spot like Texas or Mexico after the removal of all the Caucasians. [4] Historians still offer varying evaluation of this message. One, who has been accused of strong bias, found it a "cross between a political harangue and a Thanksgiving sermon. Inasmuch as the Parson was at present a politician and formerly a Methodist minister, possibly he possessed qualifications in each field." Another, more objective, while failing to praise it in substance, described it as "lengthy and detailed, writen in a relatively quiet tone." Brownlow had spent long hours over it in his study at Knoxville and probably thought well of it. His son John published in the Whig high compliments of it taken from friendly newspapers, notably the Cincinnati Gazette. The Gazette printed most of the text which must have tickled the Parson's fancy as he read: Such is the peculiar style of the writer that this message will be found very entertaining reading, even to those not specially interested in the topics discussed. Many of the comparisons and illustrations are in the Governor's richest vein (Whig, October 11, 1865). The Gazette had sound financial reason to applaud the message. It had invested one hundred dollars to have the material parts of the governor's production telegraphed to Cincinnati, and found the money well spent. It sold 8,000 extra copies of the issue carrying it. The Parson's piquant language, however, was lost upon the South's newspapers, which the Whig charged, "by common consent, agreed to attack him from every point of the compass." The General Assembly, out of deference to the governor, or because it was impressed by the message, ordered 15,000 copies printed in English and 5,000 in German. The Parson had found that immigrants from this northern European country were uniformly for the Union. [5] The assembly had lost some of its most talented members. Brownlow had appointed two of his senators to the bench. His old friend, Samuel R. Rodgers, he appointed to be chancellor of the Eighth Judicial Circuit, and R. R. Butler of Johnson County he named judge of the First Judicial Circuit. The Parson displayed vigor in getting the courts moving. By February 1866 he had appointed a majority of all �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 311 the judicial officers in the state, and thereby drew some criticism for not having called elections for this purpose. The Whig dismissed the critics with two observations: 1) the governor had no intention of yielding to the pleas of "copperheads" and let rebels be elected to the bench, and 2) the legislature had rejected a number of petitions calling for elections to be held. [6] Whether it was from a lack of leadership or a reluctance to grapple with the issues, the legislature moved slowly. The Senate passed, ten to nine, a bill to permit persons of African and Indian descent to testify in court. The aversion of many East Tennesseeans toward the blacks threatened to block passage of the bill in the House. To counteract this sentiment the governor issued a statement "To The East Tennessee Loyalists," in which he asserted the measure was basically right. It would end the need for the Freedmen's Bureau, where to many whites, the scales appeared to be tipped in favor of the black man, and it would cut two ways. It would gratify the blacks and head off more drastic steps by Congress, possibly granting the franchise to freedmen. The strategy worked. The House passed the bill on January 26, 1866. [7] The legislature enacted some important legislation. But in the House a "little Rebellion" erupted when an attempt was made to tighten the restrictions on voters. Some members filibustered. Four spoke for a total of thirteen hours against the measure, while proponents occupied two hours. Several absented themselves and other resigned. It was impossible to get a quorum and legislative business was effectively stalled. The Whig described the minority as displaying "the true rebel spirit," and Speaker William Heiskell, who opposed the bill, and gray-haired James Muilins, who sponsored it, called on the Almighty to damn each other. Heiskell reinforced his appeal by hurling the gavel at Mullins. No one was hit. Because legislative action was halted, Governor Brownlow called a special election for March 31 to fill the vacancies created by resignations. [8] Adding to the intensity of the times, and certainly with political calculation, the Conservatives called a convention to be held in Nashville on Washington's birthday. Among the listed purposes was one to further the state's restoration to the Union and to approve President Johnson's reconstruction policy that now drew Democratic support. Representative Maynard, who was invited to attend, sent a letter. In it he cautiously approved, in general, Johnson's course, but also restated his own Radical views. Representative Stokes, who spoke after �312 CHAPTER NO. 17 the convention had adjourned, blistered it in a fashion the Whig relished. [9] The paper printed this report from a Nashville correspondent: Look at this Convention! They had made a McClellan man President-they opened their exercises with prayer by a rebel preacher who had been sent through the lines by Gen. Rosecrans-they appointed a man Secretary who had cast the vote of a Congressional District for Jeff Davis and Stephens! They had no stars and stripes in their convention-they made no mention of the martyred Lincoln-they made no allusion to the United States Army and Navy-they passed no eulogy upon Gen. Thomas for saving this city-they had no good words to utter in favor of the brave officers and soldiers who saved the Union! And yet, said Stokes, this professes to be a loyal Union Convention. True, they adopted resolutions censuring the majority [Radical] in Congress-they hissed General Joseph A. Cooper when he attempted to speak, although he was one of the gallant defenders to Nashville but little more than a year ago! They endorsed Andrew Johnson, and they clapped and shouted his veto of the Bureau bill, but it was not because they loved Johnson, but because they rejoiced over the prospect of a quarrel between him and Congress, and the party that elected him (Whig, March 7, 1866). Stokes referred to a fusion of political forces that was under way, a merger of the Conservative Unionists and the disfranchised Confederates. They would be a formidable power if combined, and an overwhelming one if the Confederates gained more access to the ballot box. This added to the governor's anxiety to put on the books a franchise law that would enable him to keep the state government in Radical hands. The Radical Congress and the President were headed for intense struggle on the issue of reconstruction. It was inevitable in Tennessee that the Conservatives and Democrats would support the President, and that the Brownlow administration would line up with Congress. [ 10] Early in 1866 the Parson served notice that he could go along with Johnson only if he adhered to his policy as military governor, and if he still stood on the Baltimore convention which nominated Lincoln and Johnson. He told the German Union League at Knoxville on March 24 that Johnson had gone back to the Democratic Party, the party that was responsible for secession and the war. Thus, they were separated. The resumption of roles as antagonists by these two men who earlier had fought long and furiously must have seemed more natural to both than the common path into which they �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 313 were thrown by their allegiance to the Union. The Parson remained respectful toward Johnson in a speech at the Knox County Courthouse on April 2. [ 11] It had been only four months since John Bell Brownlow had written from Washington: The simon-pure men of East Tennessee have in Andrew Johnson a steadfast friend .... the health of the President was never better than now. Long may be live to administer our glorious government on the principle of justice and universal freedom (Whig, November 29, 1865). Skillful politician that Johnson was, he had flattered young Brownlow. He had received him immediately upon arrival at the White House, and talked with him at some length. Nor could the impressionable stripling editor refrain from gloating in print at his reception, and casually recalled that he had been very close to Johnson when the latter was military governor (Ibid.). The Whig, without explanation, dropped from underneath its name on the front page "And Rebel Ventilator." The change permitted a few more inches of space for the newspaper's thriving advertising custom (Whig, February 28, 1866). It continued to ventilate rebels. At this seething moment in Tennessee affairs the Whig printed a letter that was an obvious hoax, but in substance and execution was an example of political surgery. Its style, and its skill in cutting in several directions, suggested that it was the Parson's handiwork. The letter was addressed to "John Webb," described as a former Confederate colonel, and the signature telegraphed its phoniness: "C. Seshon, Late Gen. C.S.A., now M.C. elect." The first part of the letter was designed to infuriate Southerners, scare Unionists from linking with Democrats, and suggest to Johnson the error of his ways.[12] It recommended this course for Southern men: Remember then, Colonel, first and foremost, that we are all "Johnson men." I know you hate old Johnson as you do the devil. But I tell you I believe we can get him (not the devil but Johnson) to carry out our plans .... This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvelous in our eyes. I always believed the Lord was on the side of the Confederacy. We all tell Johnson that we are completely reconstructed and thoroughly loyal. We have thrown dust in his eyes completely, and the old fool is as blind as a bat to our schemes. Never, therefore, allow yourself to say one word against Johnson. Praise him to the skies, and in the same breath curse the Radicals to the devil. This takes well with Johnson. In the next place, always pretend to be intensely loyal, and enthusiasically �314 CHAPTER NO. 17 devoted to the Constitution. Don't mind the inconsistency of a rebel Colonel, who tried to overthrow the Constitution, now worshipping it as the decalogue of politics. Consistency to the winds. Swear that you are glad the war is ended; and that you are in favor of the "Constitution as it is and the Union as it was." ... Say that you are in favor of the Constitutional Amendment, and that you are glad the negroes [sic.] are free. (But the moment we get into power, the moment our state is reconstructed, we will, you know, pass laws to suit ourselves on the negro subject, and we'll attend to those poor Union whites, too.) (Whig, April 4, 1866). This last whiplash by the phony general's ghostwriter was a reminder to the East Tennessee mountaineers that in the event of a Confederate-manipulated Conservative victory they would be in line for punishment because of their adherence to the Union. It was made clear that it would be best for them to smother their prejudice against the blacks, and accept the Radical line of granting them benefits. The writer approached the theme of Negro equality from another direction. He urged constant denunciation of it and spared no exaggeration of what it might do: The ends will justify the means. If we can only keep alive this prejudice against the negro [sic.] and make the whites believe the Radicals are in favor of social negro equality, we are safe, and the good old Confederacy will rise out of her ashes more glorious than ever. God speed the day! How fortunate for us that these Union people are such ignorant fools as to believe all we say about these Radicals and negro equality. Editors were to be duped or bribed to follow the lines suggested by the writer. Some Union editors could be bought very cheaply. Religious newspapers should be included. Congress remained an obstacle and must be treated with contempt. The campaign was summarized in this paragraph: But praise Johnson, curse Congress, denounce the negro, [sic.] eulogize the Constitution, and leave nothing undone to unite the South upon another war, and divide Union men .... The rebel debt will yet be paid, we will get compensation for our slaves, and keep them as slaves afterwards; and as for these poor, contemptible, ignorant White Union men, when we get in power again, they will find the terrors and sufferings of the late war a paradise compared with what our wrath will heap on their heads. We will smile on them and give them our hands, until we get their votes, but then may the devil speedily get them! (Ibid.). A much more potent force than this sarcasm-laden letter had been �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 315 set in motion a few weeks earlier, revival of the separate statehood movement. It was started because "The conduct of the rebels of Middle and West Tennessee, in their course toward Union men and the Federal Government is increasing the desire to be separated from them .... " The Whig also tossed off the observation, "Taking the ballot from a rebel has the effect of extracting the sting from a bee. It renders him powerless for mischief." In developing the move to split East Tennessee from the rest of the state, the Whig quoted from the Nashville Banner. It described it as "a vile organ of treason," edited by a pair of rebels who thus sized up Unionists: BUT IN HONEST TRUTH, THE MAJORITY OF THE SO-CALLED UNION OR LOYAL MEN OF THE SOUTH WERE THE MEREST TRASH THAT COULD BE COLLECTED IN A CIVILIZED COMMUNITY, OF NO PERSONAL CREDIT OR SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY. The Whig quoted this diatribe to turn East Tennesseeans against the men who had stood with the Conservatives on the franchise bill. Nothing can be found to indicate this purpose was accomplished. It does reflect the bitterness and contempt certain segments of Middle Tennessee felt for East Tennessee. The Whig vigorously pressed the movement for a separate state. It printed an extended article from a correspondent on the advantages of separation. At a Union meeting held at the Knox County Courthouse that was addressed by Brownlow and others one of the resolutions spelled out the purpose of the statehood movement: Rather than to submit to the domination of traitors, in the event of the defeat of the Franchise Bill now before the Legislature of the State, we are in favor of the formation of a new state, to be composed of the Eastern Division of this State, to be called the STATE OF EAST TENNESSEE. An East Tennessee Convention that met at Knoxville on May 3 and 4 appointed a committee to memorialize the legislature to grant the separation. The Senate, goaded by this pressure, passed the franchise bill the first day of the convention at Knoxville. The agitation for separate statehood subsided. [ 13] It remains a curiosity of East Tennessee politics that one of the spirited speeches for separation made at the convention was by Thomas A. R. Nelson. As a leader of the Greeneville Convention of 1861 he was firmly on record in favor of separate statehood. But in 1866 he was furthering the cause of the Radicals and of Brownlow, �316 CHAPTER NO. 17 with whom he no longer acted and against whom he soon would be in vigorous opposition. Nelson knew the real purpose of the meeting. He was on the Resolutions Committee which spelled it out in the recommendations it submitted. He made an "eloquent and impressive" speech and he was appointed to a "Central Committee" for East Tennessee to keep the movement alive, if needed. [14] The need, of course, was removed. The results of the March 31 election must have been disturbing and nettlesome to Brownlow, although the Whig found "treason has been routed in Tennessee." Twelve of the men who had resigned were returned, and two were replaced by other Conservatives. Four Radicals were elected, two of whom replaced Conservatives. A bitter pill for the Whig was the reelection of Pleasant Williams from Carter by seventeen votes. This happened after one opponent retired and another entered late. Williams had supported the first franchise bill, but he fought the second one. He told his constituents that it would deprive some men who had served under duress in the Confederate army of the vote and enfranchise blacks who had served in the Union army. This was a sensitive point in East Tennessee. When the members-elect appeared in Nashville to claim their seats the House declined to seat fifteen Conservatives, but approved three Radicals. A quorum was declared present, and the house passed the franchise bill on April12, by a vote of 41 to 15. Williams presented a separate case. He had absented himself on some of the votes before the special election, and his name appeared as one of the signers of a statement by twenty-one members that they were resigning. Williams had asked for a leave of absence, but when his name appeared on the list of the twenty-one the governor declared his seat vacant and called for a special election in Carter County, along with the others. [ 15] Williams had served in the Union cavalry for eighteen months before being honorably discharged for disability. He displayed vindictiveness early in the first legislative session by introducing a bill to punish ministers who had sided with the South by stripping them of their immunity from poll tax payments and serving in the militia and denying them the privilege of performing marriage ceremonies. The House killed the bill. It did not appear in the Senate. The House members, however, must have liked Williams. After the franchise bill was passed the House adopted a resolution restoring him to membership and stipulating "that his seat has never been vacant." He also �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 317 was granted permission to have the journal show that if he had been seated his vote on the franchise measure would have been negative. [16] Passage of the franchise law gave the Radicals tremendous political muscle for the next election. It perpetually disfranchised all persons who had borne arms voluntarily for the Confederacy; all who had sought or voluntarily accepted any office or attempted to exercise the functions of an office under the authority of the Confederacy; and all who had supported any government, power or authority against the United States. Complete authority was given the governor to appoint county registration commissioners. County Court clerks had formerly performed this function. The Conservatives had made a clean sweep of county offices in Middle and West Tennessee in the last election. The Radicals were not about to let Conservatives control voter registration, especially in these areas, where Radicals already were at a great disadvantage. As a clincher, Brownlow could remove his own commissioners, if they did not suit him. The Whig found the measure magnanimous, with the disabilities "imposed upon rebels ... very moderate. They should be thankful if allowed to live in this state and follow the usual avocations of life." [ 17] The Whig was annoyed by the militant stand taken against the franchise bill by three East Tennessee legislators. They were Heiskell and Williams in the House and Senator Beriah Frazier. The latter was elected from Knox and Roane counties when Speaker Rodgers accepted the appointment as chancellor. Early in the first session Brownlow had written a Knoxville friend, "Col. Heiskell is clear over on the Copperhead side, and is governed by letters he receives from your city." [ 18] Yet animosity never appeared in the personal relations of the governor and Heiskell. When the speaker took leave of absence from the House the Whig gave him this friendly salute: When he left Nashville ... he was on terms of personal cordiality with every Radical member of the House even including Mullins, at whom he threw his mallet. But for the instances in which party prejudices get [got] the better of his reason, he would have made an unexceptionable presiding officer (Whig, August 21, 1867). Heiskell defended his course as correct because he was elected from the state at large. He believed that he should reflect the overwhelming statewide sentiment for the Conservatives, rather than the Radical majority in Knox County. [ 19] Senator Frazier, who fought the �318 CHAPTER NO. 17 Radical program from the moment he took his seat, offered a different line of reasoning. He conceded that the bill to permit blacks to testify in court had merit, but I know the sentiments of my constituents, and am well assured that such a law would startle the whole community. The Union masses of East Tennessee accepted abolition, not because they loved slavery less, but their country more. As to their love for the negro [sic.) , I believe no portion of the State has such deep and settled prejudice against him as they have. And I for one am not ready to disregard those prejudices. The Whig now carried on a constant war against Frazier. It accused him of having given the impression during the campaign that he was a Radical, but when seated, "he voted and acted generally in favor of the rebels, and against the Union Party and the interests of those who elected him." Whatever statements Williams made to justify his position do not appear in the Whig. It did not neglect him, however. It continued to castigate him. [20] East Tennessee's prejudice against blacks, bluntly noted by Senator Frazier, flared into the lynching of a Union soldier in Knoxville early in 1866. The black soldier was guarding a door during an army surplus sale. He fired upon and killed a respected and popular Grainger County farmer, Calvin M. Dyer, who had been a lieutenant colonel of the First Tennessee Cavalry (U.S.) In company with other men, Dyer was entering a door to pay for purchases when the guard killed him. No justification for the killing appeared. An officer ordered the soldier to his quarters under guard, but he escaped, apparently with the connivance of his custodians. The town was jammed with several hundred former Union soldiers, many of whom had served under Dyer. When they learned that another officer was attempting to spirit the guard to Chattanooga they formed into a mob and frightened the officer into helping search out the fugitive. The soldier attempted to run when found and was wounded by gunfire; when the mob sought to hang him, he struggled so furiously that he broke the rope. A second noose was found and he was hanged in front of the office of the Freedmen's Bureau. As editor of the Whig, John Bell Brownlow was in a difficult and delicate situation. The hanging of the soldier in front of the Freedmen's Bureau office reflected the strong prejudice of East Tennesseeans against blacks. It fell at a time when the Brownlow forces in the legislature were fighting strenuously to place black men on an �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 319 equal footing with white men in litigation. The young editor and the Whig were committed to the administration's course, but John also suffered intense sorrow and indignation over Dyer's death. He had known Dyer intimately, and when Colonel James P. Brownlow was hit in the hips by a Confederate bullet near Nashville, Dyer assumed command of the regiment, "and most gallantly did he bear himself." John cautiously worked his way through an account of the hanging and deplored the choice of the site for the lynching. The spot, he reasoned, was selected because the vengeful former soldiers believed the bureau officers were trying to get the black out of Knoxville, and did not constitute an insult against the Government. The editor concluded his article with this adroit and expedient phrasing: A more atrocious murder [of Dyer] was never committed in Tennessee, and no event has caused more excitement in Knoxville than the tragedy referred to. While no circumstances can make lynch law defensible, if there ever was a case in which it was excusable, this is the case. [21) Brownlow and the Tennessee Radicals had moved the state away from slavery and granted the blacks more advantages than they had ever known. This was done in the face of furious but impotent opposition. But the Congressional Radicals wanted more from Tennessee. They knew that President Johnson wanted his home state restored to the Union, and they proposed to make him pay a price for it. Since Johnson was opposed to granting suffrage to the Negro, the Radical majority saw a way to stuff the Fourteenth Amendment down his throat. They also knew that this was an operation the governor of Tennessee would relish. They made ratification of the amendment a condition of Tennessee's restoration. The governor called the Tennessee legislature to meet on July 4, 1866, to act upon the amendment. However the governor may have felt in again reversing himself on the question of suffrage for the blacks, he could point to equal inconsistency on the part of the President. Johnson was now traveling along a path that led back to the Democratic Party, a course lined with applauding former Confederates. The times were chaotic, and altered or reversed positions were almost the rule. The Whig found the Memphis Argus showering praise upon Johnson in 1866 and recalled that in 1861, under the same editors, it had printed this diatribe: "We should like to see Anderew Johnson's lying tongue torn from his foul mouth, and his miserable carcass thrown out to poison mad dogs with, or hung upon �320 CHAPTER NO. 17 a gibbet as high as Haman, to fed [feed] the carrion buzzards." Editor G. E. Grisham of the Jonesboro Union Flag, who had been a captain in the Union army, stopped at a Bristol hotel and found a notification by fifteen members of the reconstructed admirers of "My Policy" that he would be allowed two hours to leave in! He fortified himself and gave notice that the first man who approached him should go upon the double quick to some other country. The consequence was that fourteen out of the fifteen backed down, and the remaining young man did not feel called upon to remove Grisham from the place! When the Jonesboro editor reached home he met a demand with which he could not cope so successfully, the Whig reported: Captain Grisham, of Jonesborough, has been turned out of the post office at that place because he dared to believe "My Policy" was wrong, and Congress was right in its course. If men expect to hold Federal offices in Tennessee, they must subscribe to the infaliability [sic.] of the President, and the superiority of rebels over Union men.[22] When the legislature met, the opposltlon made some ineffective moves in the Senate. One of them, by Frazier of Knox and Roane counties, was a concession to East Tennessee's prejudice against blacks. It went directly in the face of the will of Congress. It proposed to reverse the very purpose of the amendment by denying the blacks the right to vote and forbidding them to sit on juries or to intermarry with whites. Frazier lost, and the amendment was ratified, 14 to 6. The Whig accused Frazier of having attempted to "keep Tennessee out of the Union." It neglected the prejudicial aspect of the senator's move. The stand the Whig took was more palatable to its readers than an assault on Frazier for trying to withhold full citizenship from the black man. House foes of the bill again resorted to absenteeism and for several days kept the body impotent for lack of the quorum of fifty-six. The ensuing uproar was described as a "mass meeting of political maniacs." General George H. Thomas considered the level of excitement so high he feared an effort would be made to "break up the legislature." The Radicals knew they had the votes for ratification if they could get a quorum, and after six days of frustration, they directed Speaker Heiskell to issue warrants for eight bolters. The deputies of Sergeant at arms William Heydt arrested Pleasant Williams at his remote home in Carter County and A. J. �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 321 Martin at Jackson and brought them to the capitol. There they were held under guard in a room that adjoined the House of Representatives. A quorum was ruled present and weird parliamentary maneuvers followed. One of the points debated by the legislators was whether the representatives in custody, who frequently peeped through a door to watch proceedings, were on the floor. The Radicals held that the two men were present, and won their point by numbers. When the amendment was ratified, 43 to 11, Speaker Heiskell ruled a quorum was not present because, in his opinion, Williams and Martin were not on the floor. The decision of the chair was appealed. This brought the following discussion, as reported by the Nashville Press and Times: "Mr. Arnell said that Mr. Martin was then present, but refusing to vote, whereupon Mr. Martin indignantly responed [sic.] that he wasn't present at all. "The House looked as incredulous as doubting Thomas, as they ... beheld the 'wery identical indiwidual' who had denied the doctrine of the 'real presence.' " The House reversed the speaker. It held that a quorum was present when the vote was taken. It acted none too quickly. Soon a posse of twenty-five men acting under the Davidson County sheriff, who was carrying out orders of Judge Thomas N. Frazier of the Criminal Court, released the two representatives from custody. The posse arrested Heydt and took him before Judge Frazier, who fined him $10.00. Judge Frazier, brother of Senator Frazier, subsequently was impeached, convicted, removed from office, and disfranchised. A later legislature removed these disabilities. Ratification put the Parson in jubilant mood. He had defeated the President in the struggle. He had aligned himself firmly with the Radicals in Congress. And he had placed the state in a position to be received again into the Union, and her representatives to receive full standing as congressmen. He fired off several telegrams of notification, among them this famous one: Nashville, July 19, 1866. John W. Forney, Clerk of the Senate, Washington, D.C. A battle fought and won. We carried the constitutional amendment in the House. Vote-43 to 11, two of A. Johnson's tools refusing to vote. My compliments to the 'dead dog' in the White House. W. G. Brownlow. [23] Congress gave final approval to the delegation on July 2 3. The Senate paused for a brief inquiry into Patterson's tenure as judge of a �322 CHAPTER NO. 17 Confederate court, a step that had required him to take the Confederate oath of allegiance. However, his loyalty to the Union was widely known. He had served as a judge while Tennessee was in the United States, and under Confederate occupation he was taken into custody and threatened with prison. It was apparent he had served as judge under the Richmond government in order to be helpful to the people of his circuit who were overwhelmingly for the Union. They probably would have fared much worse under a diehard southerner. The Whig and the governor apparently accepted this view, for Patterson escaped the terrible rain of invective the Brownlows were throwing at his father-in-law in the White House. [24] They accused the President of stirring up the "bolters" in a fierce contest of loyalty and principle against patronage, corruption and treachery most foul, backed by an apostate President, who has placed himself in the shoes of Jeff Davis, striving to bring on another rebellion .... It has now come to light, on authority from Washington, that Andrew Johnson has laid his plans for superseding Gov. Brownlow, by the appointment of Gordon Grainger, as Military Governor, so soon as the constitutional amendments were defeated. Part of the plot was to use judge Frazier's decision against the House .... Let him appoint a Military Governor, if he dare. His impeachment in Congress will follow this usurpation, and a disgraceful expulsion will follow .... Let him rant and rave; he can't intimidate Union men in or out of Tennessee. He has no party, he has no strength, and he commands only the respect of rebels and rebel sympathizers (Whig, July 25, 1866). The old Brownlow-] ohnson animosity raged with renewed vigor and from higher ground than before, for the former was governor and the latter was President. The Parson listed and condemned Johnson's moves in turning away from the Radicals and moving back into the Democratic Party, and forming ties with former rebels as well as with Conservative Unionists. He displayed resentment over Johnson's denial of troops to "protect the legislature and its legal officers from mob violence" at the July session of the General Assembly, when the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified. He accused Johnson of plotting with the "traitors at the North, and the rebels of the South, to involve this country in another bloody war," and predicted that "the first blow will be struck in Tennessee" (Whig, August 22, 1866). The Parson drew considerable attention at the ten-state Loyalist Convention of 1866, at Philadelphia. The convention was a prelude to the fight the Radicals were to make in the off-year election to �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 323 increase their power in Congress. He was cheered and he made a brief speech. In it he recommended that if war did break out, the rebel population should be decimated, its property confiscated, and sold to men "who will honor this glorious banner." He gave his pledge to accompany Radical groups preparing to follow Johnson in his campaign for members of Congress friendly to his reconstruction policy. He kept his pledge, although a reporter found him so thin and stooping, that I am filled with awe, as seeing something that belongs to the grave, every time I look at him .... The man is worn out and broken down. He is able to walk but a few steps, and sits up less than half the day. Will, unconquerable will, is all that keeps him from death .... Hopelessly shattered in body, he is as stout and fierce in mind as ever. [2 5) Yet the Parson sent back several dispatches to the Whig and made a few speeches. At Erie, however, he fainted, took several days of rest, and went on to Chicago. There, at the home of Lieutenant Governor Bross, he watched a dramatic partisan parade: From this vantage point, Brownlow resembled an oriental ruler reviewing his subjects. As each unit of the procession passed, it stopped to salute the patriarch. Even President Johnson had not experienced such honor on his "swing around the circle." That evening a crowd gathered before the Tremont House and called for a speech from Brownlow. He accommodated the crowd by reiterating the remarks he had delivered throughout the campaign. The governor returned to Nashville on October 13, after having spent two months on a campaign trail that included the midwestern states, New York, New England, and New Jersey. [26] A Knoxville citizen who wrote to the Nashville Banner that Johnson stood high with the city's voters, needled the Parson with an accompanying statement that the Whig's circulation was below its level prior to the Civil War. This, the editor acknowledged, was true, because East Tennessee and its people had been impoverished by the conflict, schools suspended, homes, churches and schools burned, wives widowed, children orphaned, and men killed or disabled. All newspapers "which existed before the war do much less business now than formerly," the Whig reported, but it was still self-sustaining: Had we supported Johnson we could have received Government advertising and money out of the secret service fund as the several Johnson papers in Tennessee have done, including the dirty little Commercial of this city. Nay! more, the hat would have been passed around, among rich rebels for our benefit. Besides this �324 CHAPTER NO. 17 we could now have had high position in the "Bread and Butter Brigade" of Andrew Johnson. Three times, during the months of October, December and January, the President, unsolicited, cordially invited us to accept office under him (Whig, October 24, 1866). The Radicals won in the nation and in Tennessee. They returned to Congress with a majority of more than two-thirds, and in Tennessee captured enough seats in by-elections to assure a full quorum of Radicals. The second adjourned session of the General Assembly met in Nashville on November 5, 1866, and received an extensive message from the governor ten days later. He revealed an inner struggle on the question of extending suffrage to the black, but he was ready "to act in harmony with the great body of the loyal people of the Union." He failed, however, to make an outright recommendation for giving the vote to blacks. When the assembly failed to move on the issue he submitted an additional message, early in 1867, in which he expressed the hope the legislature "will not close its present session without the passage of a bill granting suffrage to all loyal males, properly qualified by age and citizenship." [27] The Whig offered a far more tart justification of Brownlow's change in position on blacks voting: There is not one man in the United States in every hundred who occupies the position on the everlasting negro [sic.] question that he did before the war. The great social and political revolution through which the country has passed has entirely changed the relations of the races in the South and North, and as a matter of necessity men must change with the progress of inexorable and uncontrollable events (Whig, November 14, 1866). Brownlow wanted to follow the course of the northern loyalists, who believed that the South should give the blacks the vote, but he was still faced with the inner conflict of his instilled prejudice against the black race. Necessity, shown by arithmetical logic, prevailed, as this analysis in the Whig revealed: In Tennessee there are forty thousand loyal black men, sixty-five thousand loyal white men, and EIGHTY THOUSAND of the rebel camp whose faces are white. Because of the difficulty of enforcing the franchise law in Middle and West Tennessee, where the rebels are in the majority, there is great danger that the state will pass under the control of Isham G. Harris and the minions of Jeff Davis.-There is no truly loyal man who would not desire to avert this calamity. �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 325 This we are agreed upon. Then let us agree as to the manner by which we shall escape rebel tyranny and the rebel rule (Whig, December 19, 1866). The threat of rebel seizure of the state government had been mentioned frequently by the Whig, sometimes obliquely. But in Governor Brownlow's message to the legislature on November 15, 1866, he spelled out his fears and asked for authorization to create a state militia, "subject to the call of the Executive, to suppress insurrection or protect the ballot-box." Whether the governor sincerely believed rebellion was being plotted, or viewed a militia as a helpful adjunct to continuing the Radical Party in power, he got what he asked. The assembly enacted a law authorizing a "State Guard." [28] Pressure for the passage of the State Guard bill mounted after the assassination of Senator Almon Case near his home in Obion County on January 24, 1867, by a young man he had previously helped. Dr. Case had served as a surgeon in a Tennessee Union regiment, was present at the Fort Pillow massacre, and had testified before a committee investigating the killing of black soldiers by the Confederates. The Whig charged that his murder was "an invention to get the Senate below a quorum. By assassinating two more senators they can prevent the passage of any law at the present session." The senator's death followed by three or four months the murder of his sixteenyear-old son. A letter from Obion County to another member of the legislature described the senator's assassin as Frank Ferris, a guerrilla who had slain another Unionist on the public square of Troy a few hours earlier. [29] The Republican State Convention (the term Radical was appearing less frequently) met at Nashville on February 22, 1867. It nominated Brownlow for governor, a step so cut and dried that the designation of the Parson for this office was only an item in the long report of the Resolutions Committee, rather than a separate motion. The enfeebled governor made a brief acceptance speech. He confessed to inability to carry on a canvass. A few days later he was at home in Knoxville recovering from a bilious attack. [30] The Whig, meanwhile, geared itself for a spirited campaign. It cut its annual subscription rate to $2.00 and appealed for 5,000 more subscribers: We are entering upon a four month's campaign, which for bitterness, fierce and terrible work, has never been equalled in Tennessee. The State will be flooded with speakers on both sides, and every inch of ground will be contested. And why? Because a governor is to be elected, eight Congressmen are to be chosen, as �326 CHAPTER NO. 17 well as all members of the General Assembly. The contests in these elections will be between the friends and the enemies of the Union-between Patriots and Traitors-and one party or the other goes under in Tennessee the first Thursday in August next (Whig, March 6, 1867)! The Whig's prediction of a heated and violent campaign was correct. The disfranchised Confederates viewed with fury the prospect of being forced to stand aside while the men they had formerly enslaved were invited, even urged, to vote for Radical candidates. Blacks were given the patronizing help of Brownlow's appointees to registration and election posts, and protected by the bristling rifles of the governor's State Guards. A forecast of the tension that would develop between Radical and Conservative appeared in a Whig report of a Conservative meeting at Athens, in lower East Tennessee. The newspaper quoted a speaker as saying: If Governor Brownlow dare to call out any portion of the militia, the people (meaning the Johnsonites) would rise and wrench their arms from their hands and exterminate them, and he ... [the speaker] advised them to do so. This fiery statement, reminiscent of Yancey's threat of bayoneting the Parson's breast in his 1861 speech at Knoxville, brought an equally explosive reply from the Whig: Follow the advise [sic.] of the lawyers and politicians who counsel you to rebellion, as they did in 1861, and who, in the next war as in the past, will take special care to keep (if they can?) their precious carcasses out of harm's way. We repeat, follow their advise [sic.] if you desire; do it if you DARE and Hell will contain so many of you the devil will have difficulty in finding enough muster rolls to regularly classify you in companies and regiments. Gov. Brownlow does not come before you as a suppliant, offering compromises and beseeching you to abstain from rebellion. HE DARES YOU TO ENGAGE IN IT .[31] Both parties sought the vote of the newly enfranchised black man. The Radical Republicans held the edge, for their party was responsible for the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment and state legislation giving the blacks the vote. The party also had a mighty weapon in the Union League, a highly partisan organization which was started in the North in 1862 and moved into Tennessee in 1864. It organized across the state, and when the blacks were enfranchised, it began a vigorous campaign to enlist their vote. The league elaborated its rituals and ceremonies to attract the credulous and easily influenced former slaves. The Conservatives, in nominating Emerson �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 327 Etheridge, of Dresden for governor undoubtedly counted on his reputation as an excellent campaigner. But Etheridge was handicapped by publicity given a statement he was accused of having made in 1865: The negroes [sic.] are no more free than they were four years ago, and if any one goes about the country telling them thatthey are, shoot him: and these negro [sic.] troops, commanded by low and degraded white men, going through the country, ought to be shot down. The Radical newspapers of Nashville carried the story of the statement consistently. There it was expected to have an adverse effect on Conservatives trying to woo black votes. In East Tennessee, where the white population viewed the blacks with distaste, the Whig made no spectacular display of the statement. Horace Maynard, one of the Radical speakers stumping the state for the incapacitated governor, said Etheridge was acquitted by a military court of having made this and other alleged disloyal statements. Major General George H. Thomas, however, disapproved the findings of the military commission, but said it would not be reconvened because the "present state of society in West Tennessee does not require that further action should be taken in this case, or further restraint be placed upon the accused." [32] The Conservative leaders made efforts to head off the application of the franchise law, resorting to legal opinions from private lawyers. In Knoxville, when a citizen asked if the law applied in a city election John M. Fleming, a Conservative, said it was "unconstitutional and ought to be so held by every judicial officer." Fleming went further and said that in the city election the judges on the precinct boards had authority to pass upon the legality of the act. Thomas A. R. Nelson, John Baxter, who had parted company with the Parson and was fighting him venomously, and George Brown, a former circuit judge who had been elected over the Parson's opposition, concurred in Fleming's opinion. The Whig expressed amazement that an attorney as astute as Nelson should be found in such a role, observed that the lower courts had held both for and against the law, and reported that in the Knoxville election the four-lawyer opinion had generally been disregarded. In midsummer John C. Gaut, chairman of the Conservative Party's Central Committee, took a much more drastic step. Gaut advised county courts to appoint the election judges. He held that this power was vested in registration commissioners �328 CHAPTER NO. 17 only if county courts failed to act. Gaut did not question the validity of the act, because by this time it had been upheld by the State Supreme Court. But he said that when the law was construed with other sections of the code, it authorized registration commissioners to make the appointmeds only when the county courts failed to act. The governor proclaimed that this construction was "false and rebellious." He ordered the county courts "not to act upon the advice of this committee of seditionists," and directed General Joseph A. Cooper of Knoxville, in command of the State Guard, "to enforce the Franchise Law in its letter and spirit, without regard to the threats of seditionists." The Whig pithily warned that the governor intend to carry out his enforcement pledge, and "If to do so it becomes necessary that there shall be violence and bloodshed, so be it." Five days later Brownlow issued an even more drastic proclamation and ordered the State Guard to arrest Gaut or his agents if they were found advocating the policy outlined in the opinion. The Conservative must have backed down after he learned of the Parson's warning, for on the day the first proclamation appeared he advised the Davidson County Court to obey the governor. This the court voted to do, 22 to 15.[3] The tremendous power of the Brownlow forces insured their success in the election. The charges of Baxter, who could not vote, Etheridge's splendid oratory, the smoldering wrath of the frustrated former Confederates, the reports spread of the governor's impending death, and the revelation of an unauthorized transfer by State Treasurer R. L. Stanford of $518,250 of state school funds from his office to a Memphis bank, his acknowledgement, resignation, and suicide were ineffectual against the Brownlow machine and its built-in advantages. The Republicans elected the eight congressmen, all of the state senators, and all but three state representatives. [ 34] The overwhelming victory brought some editorial variations in the Whig. Etheridge had portrayed the Radical Party members as "paying no taxes, riding poor horses, wearing dirty shirts, and having no use for soap .... It turns out that a man's vote with a dirty shirt counts as much as the vote of the purse-proud aristocrat." Brownlow had always been a stickler for personal cleanliness, but now he predicted, "The common laborers of the country, who wear dirty shirts, intend to rule." He had for years pictured himself as the champion of the workingman and the farmer, but to applaud the "dirty shirt" crowd was a departure, even though it applied to politics rather than per- �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 329 sonal grooming (Whig, August 7, 1867). The Whig's approach to the blacks, whose votes had swelled the Radical majorities, underwent spectacular change. It extolled them for industry and viewed the plight of the blacks with this eloquent bit of compassion: The history of the world furnished no nobler example of honesty, industry and good conduct than the negro [sic.] has afforded, when we reflect upon the hundreds of years he has been in chains and slavery, degraded to the level of the brute, sold as cattle in the market, torn by cruel laws from his wife and child, deprived of the God-ordained rites of marriage, robbed of the fruits of his toil and that of his ancestors for hundreds of years, and then turned upon the cold charities of a selfish world, without a dollar for a shelter to protect him from the storm (Ibid.). Political expediency had produced this reversal. The Whig reported, with obvious pleasure, that Brownlow had defeated Etheridge, by 1,540 to 802, in President Johnson's home county of Greene. It gave a nostalgic but embittered touch to a three-county rally at Bull's Gap, where the Parson spoke briefly and recalled that in the crowd were members of the Self and Harmon families, some of whom had been the governor's jail mates at Knoxville. Two Harmons were led out of this jail before the Parson's eyes and taken to the gallows. So sharp and intense had been the division in Greene County that in a race for constable six weeks earlier the contestants had lined up for Brownlow or Johnson. Brownlow's man won by twenty-six votes. Disturbances were reported at Franklin and Rogersville during the campaign. Two or more men were killed and several were wounded. A pitched battle at Rogersville, that broke out after Maynard and Etheridge spoke separately, led the Whig's correspondent to send this wire from Greeneville: Two men seriously wounded and one man by name of J. York killed, and one mule killed and several horses wounded. Did not learn the names of the wounded, or who it was that shot. They estimate about 150 shots were fired in the crowd. The Conservatives were first to fire. Everything very quiet this A.M .... R.G. LATER The fight occurred by the rebels firing at the niggers as they were marching from the speaking, and I understand made them run in every direction, and loose [sic.] some of their colors. Election day was quiet everywhere. [35] �330 CHAPTER NO. 17 When the results were known Tennessee seethed with hatred. The Radicals were in control and stronger than ever. Their leaders were committed to a policy of imposing a double penalty on former Confederates: denial of the franchise and extension of it to the former slaves. It is difficult to estimate which stung the most. The Radicals viewed the former Confederates as men who had turned traitor to the United States, had sought to secede by bloodshed and devastation, and could not be permitted to resume their former citizenship as though nothing had taken place but an innocuous interlude. The men who had gone with the South wanted back what they had lost. Hostile armies had whipsawed the people of the state and their properties. In secessionist Middle and West Tennessee Union forces took over in 1862. In Unionist East Tennessee the Confederacy had exercised military rule, often ruthlessly, from June 1861 until September 1863, when Federal troops arrived in Knoxville. Samuel G. Heiskell, the son of a Unionist who turned against Brownlow and became a Conservative and who in his own right attained prominence in the Democratic Party, wrote in 1920 that the Parson as governor was bitter, but everybody was bitter in that vast contest of war .... In Eastern Tennessee, occupied as it was successively by the Confederate and Union armies, there was infinite bitterness, followed by reprisal on both sides, and with Brownlow's terrific denunciation of disunion men, it has always been a wonder to me he was not killed a hundred times. [36) A general impression probably existed at the conclusion of the Parson's first term that he would retire from public office at the close of his tenure in two years. A hint of this lay in the Whig announcement soon after the 1867 victory that new quarters for the plant and office were to be built on the West side of Gay Street a few doors north of Clinch Avenue. The Tri-Weekly Whig also was to be resumed. This impression was heightened by the extremely feeble appearance the governor made at his inauguration. It seemed reasonable to assume that he would drop the burdens of public office and return to Knoxville to resume general direction of his beloved newspaper. When Brownlow appeared before the General Assembly to make his inaugural address, he entered the chamber supported by two members, and looked "emaciated, pale and feeble." He sank into an arm chair and heard his speech read by his secretary. In this brief �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 331 address he implored the members of the legislature to spare him as many burdens as possible, because of "the feeble state of my health." But the Parson was a man of surprises. Six days later, on October 15, 1867, he asked the legislature to elect him to the United States Senate for the term beginning on March 4, 1869, when the seat held by Senator Patterson would become vacant. The governor commented that while he was not as "robust" as in former years, he expected to stage a recovery because the prospects for a peaceful administration were much greater than previously. The truth as to the Parson's health, John Bell Brownlow wrote in 1892, was that when he was elected senator "he was sick in bed and in worse health than he had ever [been] before or than he had for years afterward." But tottering as he was on the edge of the grave, Brownlow won on the second day of balloting, defeating United States Representative William B. Stokes, 63 to 39. [37] Brownlow had many months remaining to serve as governor before he assumed his seat in the United States Senate. They were not peaceful, as he had suggested in his inaugural address. They were tumultuous and terrifying. In the struggle that followed the former Confederates came up with a new, effective and frightening weapon, the masked, hooded, and horseback-riding Ku Klux Klan. The order had started in Pulaski, Tennessee, in December 1865, by half a dozen former soldiers of the South who were looking for entertainment. Its mystery, secrecy, and grotesque regalia and forms of communication offered such a powerful weapon to intimidate the ignorant and gullible former slaves that it was seized upon by the former Confederates. It reorganized at the Maxwell House in Nashville, in April 1867, in complete secrecy under the nose of the Brownlow administration. It soon became powerful in Middle and West Tennessee, where white men had long dominated the blacks and understood very well how to play upon their fears and superstitions. [38] Brownlow denounced the Klan bands as "roving organizations of marauders and outlaws," who terrorized "several counties in Middle and West Tennessee" in the spring of 1868. The Whig's columns began to be filled with reports of Klan outrages. Many of the accounts were clipped from the Nashville Press and Times, the outspoken Radical newspaper at the capital. The Memphis Post contributed to the exposure of the Klan, and printed what purported to be its constitution. It described the regalia which had been seized in a raid in which a score of men were arrested as members of the order. �332 CHAPTER NO. 17 The Whig obtained from the New York Tribune and reproduced copies of Klan handbills that portrayed the garish symbols employed by the organization. The split in the old Union ranks was reflected in the contrasting policies of the Whig and the Conservative Knoxville Daily Press and Herald. One of the editors of the daily was John Fleming, former editor of the Register, who had once been Brownlow's collaborator in the Whig Party and a notable spokesman for the Union in 1861. The Press and Herald denounced the Governor a_s a poor, palsied old man, trembling upon the verge of the grave, for which his long life of violence and envenomed personal warfare has poorly prepared a man who has been on every side of every question that has ever been discussed amony [among] the people, always managing to leave an unpopular cause just when its fortunes were failing, and bespattering his opponents always with the filth and billingsgate which his own vile nature so readily propagates. The Press and Herald did not limit its warfare to name calling. It set its course firmly against the black race and mocked at reports that the Klan existed. In announcing a meeting at the Knox County Courthouse in preparation for the forthcoming Democratic National Convention, the Press and Herald asserted it was for "White men of Knox County, who believe that white men and not negroes [sic.], are the proper persons to direct the government of affairs in this state." By midsummer the newspaper threw out a challenge: If a war of races is to be inaugurated by the Governor of Tennessee, the White people of the state will not shirk from the responsibility of the contest .... self-preservation is the first law of Nature. The White men of Tennessee are not all dead yet.[39] The Klan grew slowly at first. It was regarded as "a manifestation of boyish exuberance of trivial importance." But early in 1868, after it had received widespread newspaper display, it began to achieve social and political power. It grew bolder. It issued manifestos and threats. Its members paraded on horseback with beast and rider grotesquely costumed to prevent identification as well as to terrify. Bands of Klansmen engaged in pitched battles with defiant blacks and stubborn sheriffs. At Columbia the confessed killer of a dentist was taken from jail by Klansmen and hanged. A white man, friendly with blacks, was murdered on the streets of Franklin after a black man had been hanged for the rape of a white woman. In Memphis, �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 333 mounted, robed, and hooded Klansmen rode up to police headquarters, confronted lined-up police, and challenged the officers to arrest them and collect the reward Governor Brownlow had offered. Both sets of men were armed and the police chief wisely told the Klansmen: "You can go on." The disfranchised Confederates found in the Klan an instrument with which to exert tremendous influence on the gullible, the superstitious, and the fearful. They frequently accomplished their purpose by threats and intimidation without the necessity of direct physical violence. The voteless Klansmen thus found a way to keep the blacks from utilizing the ballot. The order's most successful operations were in Middle and West Tennessee, where Conservative domination of county offices gave the hooded bands almost certain assurance that they would not be prosecuted by local officials. In its essence the Klan was the reply of frustrated, voteless men to the restrictions imposed upon them by the Brownlow administration. Denied the ballot, for reasons which they considered unjust, and willing to use violence to recover it, they resorted to a mystic hoodlumism to keep the despised blacks from exercising theirs. Governor Brownlow's response was to propose new and more restrictive measures. U.S. Representative S. R. Arnell, who owed his office to the Parson, provided the governor with the occasion for calling a special session of the legislature. Arnell wired that in June 1868 the Klan had searched for him on a train, "pistols and rope in hand," near his Columbia home. The governor appealed to General Thomas at Louisville for more regular troops. Some were already stationed in Tennessee. Thomas replied that the state had sufficient authority to cope with the situation. When the assembly met, alarmed Conservatives attempted conciliation. Thirteen former generals of the Confederate army, including Nathan Bedford Forrest, the head of the Ku Klux Klan, petitioned the legislature to adopt measures to remove all citizenship disabilities as a way to "heal all the wounds of our State." The generals disclaimed being behind any effort to overthrow the state government and predicted that the creation of a state militia would bring on additional strife. This suggestion contained in itself the hint of a threat. The Whig called the proposal insincere. It reported that three days after the presentation of the petition, William A. Quarles, one of the signers, made a vicious, insulting attack upon the governor and General Thomas and hinted at reprisals. [40] The Whig continued to carry columns of �334 CHAPTER NO. 17 vituperation against the former Confederates, the Klan, and Conservatives. The failure of the United States Senate to sustain the impeachment of President Johnson on May 26, 1868, had left the Brownlows in a most unhappy mood, especially since the newspaper had predicted that Senator Fowler from Tennessee would vote to sustain. It was taken for granted that Senator Patterson would not vote against his father-in-law, but Fowler had led the Radicals to believe he would go along with them. The Whig, in castigating Fowler, cited a number of instances in which he had declared in favor of sustaining impeachment, and added, "And yet, Mr. Fowler's most inexplicable vote saved the President from conviction" (Whig, May 20, 1868). The legislature created a Joint Military Affairs Committee which found that bands of armed men were terrorizing blacks and some whites with hangings, shooting, whippings, ejection from their homes, and violations of females. It recommended laws to enable the governor to cope with the conditions. Brownlow got his laws. One authorized him to create a state militia. The other branded the Klan as an outlaw organization and imposed severe penalties for membership in it or association with its members, and provided penalties for officials who failed to take action against it. The members of the assembly must have been aware that assembling a militia force would be difficult, for they authorized a committee of three, one from each grand division of the state, to lay before President Johnson an appeal for regular troops to restore order in Tennessee. Enforcement by local authorities in Middle and West Tennessee had failed. Not one offense in a long list of depredations had resulted in a conviction: And so long as public opinion remains as it is, none will be, especially in the counties where the order [the Klan] is numerous. No person dare prosecute, for if he should his life will be endangered thereby. People are apprehensive, should they prosecute, that they would be murdered by the Klan. Indeed, they tell the people upon whom they inflict violence that if they should know any of them and disclose it, they will be killed. With this state of alarm and apprehension, no one will prosecute. Hence the civil authorities are powerless. The committee suggested that federal troops in the rebellious counties would be more effective in restoring calm than state militia. The former would be better trained to deal with "riots or insurrections," and "they would have no local personal likes or dislikes to �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 335 influence them to commit wrongs on peaceful citizens, nor be subject themselves, after discharge from service, to wrongs and outrages for having been in the State Military service." The committee carried its point. It wired the governor from Washington on September 12, 1868: Mission accomplished. The President wiD sustain the civil authorities. Orders issued to department Commander [Thomas], to sustain and aid the civil author· ities, and sufficient force will be furnished to accomplish such purpose. Wm. H. Wisener Thos. A. Hamilton J. H. Agee In accordance with the agreement a regiment was sent to Tennessee. It was distributed throughout the west and middle divisions where Klan activities had been boldest, and the state militia was not organized that year. Some historians hold the view that the state military service failed to attract members because of unpleasant experiences during the operation of the previous State Guard. [41] The Radicals were determined to keep full control of the election, and the positioning of federal troops was credited with having helped the party vote. Yet, as these repressive measures were taken, the legislature and the governor offered a tiny ray of conciliation. The assembly members, in calling of the governor to suppress violence by organizing the State Guard, wrote into the joint resolution a stipulation: "If the peace and quiet of the State is maintained, and all the laws obeyed and enforced, said law will remain a dead letter on the Statute book, and not a man will be called out." The governor expressed the hope in his proclamation twice that it would not be necessary to call up troops for duty, and in a bow to white supremacists he pledged that black troops would be used in the field only as a last resort. Otherwise they would be kept in Nashville as reserves. [42] Klan terrorism showed few signs of abating and actually may have been on the increase. The order was quite active at the polls in the effort to intimidate blacks from voting. The result was that, although the Radicals carried the State for General Grant and Schuyler Colfax of Indiana for President and Vice-President, the party lost strength in Middle and West Tennessee. Quiet was restored after the election, an indication that the Klan had achieved its purpose, despite the presence of federal troops in twenty-one counties. [4 31 �336 CHAPTER NO. 17 One of the most daring and grisly crimes of the Klan surfaced in February 1869. A detective, Seymour Barmore, who operated on the spectacular side, had been hired by the governor to infiltrate the Klan. The order worked in such secrecy that little was known of its internal affairs and organization. Barmore's first attempt was thwarted by the Klan. He was removed from a train by Klan members near Columbia and warned that if he persisted in trying to learn the secrets of the order he would die. Barmore was a man more given to audacity than discretion, and two nights later he headed for Pulaksi, on a freight train. Donning Klan regalia he got into a den meeting at Pulaski, caught a passenger train bound for Nashville, but again the order was tipped. The Whig of January 20, 1869, carried this terse bulletin: Nashville, January 12-Detective Barmore, of this city, whilst returning from a business trip to Pulaski, was taken from a train on the Nashville and Decatur Railroad at 3 o'clock this morning by a band of Ku-Klux, some 25 in numbers, dressed in scarlet, with scarlet masks. Barmore made no resistance, and no one interfered in his behalf. What they did with him was not known. [ 44] The newspaper uproar that followed was strident and biased. Each publication followed its political policy in its treatment of the story. The Whig saw in the abduction a design by the Klan to obtain the vote for the disfranchised and spit out this fury: Raise a general [word blurred], alarm the peaceful, law-abiding citizens, put men in fear of midnight raids, and arson and rapine. Lay it all to the injustice of withholding the ballot from the "ex rebels," and under this sort of pressure urge the passage of a universal franchise law as a sovereign panacea for all these terrors and ills. In other words, hug the venomous viper to your bosom to keep it quiet and to prevent it from stinging you to death. Turn the sheep over to the tender mercies of the wolves, to pacify the wolves. The Press and Herald, assumed with no show of regret that Barmore had been hanged and offered this thought from "Ally Gator," its Nashville reporter: The Kuklux [sic.] have captured a good detective, named Barmore, and is supposed to have hung [sic.] him. Happy Barmore, to have been a martyr in the cause of loyalty, and to have been the means of pulling down the unchristian [sic.] and revolting sentiments in favor of enfranchising rebels. A few days later the newspaper concluded: �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 337 The "missing detective" sensation seems to have played out at Nashville. It has served its purpose, however, as a pretext for Kuklux [sic.] legislation. It would be interesting to know how many members of the legislature were con· cerned in getting up the mysterious "disappearance of the 'dead beat.' " On the morning of February 20, 1869, the body of Barmore was found floating in the Duck River, two miles from Columbia, a hideous example of illegal execution. [The body] had evidently been weighted with a rock or other heavy weight which had slipped off, as there was a rope around his neck with a noose at the end of it. His arms were tied behind him with a linen handkerchief, and there was a single bullet-hole in his head. It was obvious that revenge rather than robbery had been the cause of his death. His two gold rings were still on the fingers of his left hand, and in his shirt front was the diamond-studded cross pin which he habitually wore. His wallet was in his pocket, his money undisturbed, and no list of Ku Klux members there when his body was found. The Press and Herald, in reporting the finding of the body, at first questioned, "if, indeed, we can believe any report about him." In the same, however, it shifted ground somewhat: Taking it for granted that this report is true and that Barmore was really kidnapped and murdered, as at first was reported, we most heartily unite with every lover of peace and justice and honor, in wishing that every participant in so revolting an assassination, may not only be detected, but brought to suffer the extreme penalties of the law. Barmore was, no doubt, a scoundrel himself, but he did not deserve the "deep damnation" of such a "taking off." [45] The details of Barmore's death and identification of the individuals who acted for the Klan in the assassination remain secret to this day. Investigations produced nothing from the tight-lipped citizens. The abduction of the detective triggered Governor Brownlow into a final proclamation. On January 20, 1869, he called for the mustering of the State Guard. The call resulted in the organization of a force of 1,800 men. The governor dispatched them into nine Middle and West Tennessee counties where he had declared martial law. The need for these troops melted away, however. Soon after Brownlow resigned on February 25, 1869, to accept the Senate seat, General Forrest ordered the dissolution of the order. The objective which led to its creation had been achieved. [46] He might well have mentioned that its nemesis was leaving the state and the state government. Brownlow's reasons for seeking the senate seat have never been made entirely clear. It was available to him, his for the asking. Per- �338 CHAPTER NO. 17 haps he wanted to show old foes that he could get it, a display of defiance to them and their efforts to curb his political power. He loved power, and once elected he would be assured of a cozy, salaried post for six years, and one less draining on the little physical strength he retained. He knew his election would infuriate President Johnson, who would vacate his office the same day Brownlow took the Senate oath. Whatever the reason, it was compelling. It meant a final separation from what had been the great joy and satisfaction of his life, the Whig. His "Editorial Farewell," however, lacked the warmth of feeling that had flowed through the piece he had written when he turned the editorial chair over to his son and left to be governor. It was rather on the stiff and formal side for the Parson: The Whig, a journal I have edited for the last thirty years, now passes into other and more able and vigorous hands. As a member of the new company, owning the office, I shall feel a deep interest in the success of the enterprise, and will do all in my power to promote its success. In reviewing my long and eventful career as an editor, I have this to say, that had I my life to live over, I would pursue the same course I have pursued, only more so. If in past life I have been violent on some occasions, my apology is that like the Apostle Paul, on many occasions I have fought with "Beasts at Ephesus." In taking my leave of many of my readers, I will remind them that before they were born their parents were subscribers of mine. I have, however, the consolation to know that I have always taught both parents and children to hold fast to the forms of sound doctrine; and in defending them I have invariably uttered the words of truth and soberness. My friends, I wish every possible success in all the undertaking of life. Of my enemies, I have no favors to ask, but am willing to let by-gones be by-gones (Whig, January 6, 1869). The Press and Herald gave the Parson this cynical salute, as an editor: How happy must that man be and in what sweet christian [Christian] fellowship must he have lived with his fellow man, who, upon laying aside his editorial armor and reviewing all the personal, official and political incidents of a long life spent in tumultuous strife with the "beasts at Ephesus" and "the world, the flesh and the devil," at large, can thus complacently and self-approvingly, withdraw from the scene of his conflicts! Happy, happy, thrice happy man! Subtlety was cast aside for stinging bluntness as the Press and Herald rejoiced at the departure of Brownlow as governor: The retirement of Gov. Brownlow from all pretensions to the gubernatorial chair will mark a post-bellum epoch in the history of Tennessee. The abdication �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 339 of no hated monarch ever called forth a more heartfelt thanksgiving from the hearts of a long-suffering people than will swell from the very soul of Tennessee, when the assurance of the long prayed for riddance shall have been made doubly sure, by the departure of Senator Brownlow for the National Capital. The 25th day of February will be henceforth marked with a white stone in the Tennessee calendar .... The feeling of the Tennesseean, today, is something akin to that of the jail-worn prisoner, who gladly dares and joyfully accepts all probable dangers, in lieu of his wasting confinement, or to drop all simile, it is in very truth the feeling of a long prostrate freeman, who feels the heavy foot of a tyrant withdrawn from his neck, and knows it can never be pressed again by a heavier one.[47] The Parson had always been well supplied with bitter, wrathful, and articulate enemies. He probably liked it that way. It was fitting, the newspaper practices of that day being what they were, that he should receive this heavy smack, an accolade in reverse, from his Knoxville foe. It was truly a tribute to his ability to stimulate his enemies to the last. CHAPTER XVII NOTES [ 1] Whig, October 11, 1865; Tennessee Senate journal, First Adjourned Session, 1865, pp. 4-26; hereafter referred to as Senate journal, First Adjourned Session, 1865. I 2) Whig, September 27, 1865. Brownlow's first doubts about advantages of slavery, ibid., April 30, 1845. I 3] For Brownlow's opinion of the black race, ibid., October 31, 1840, January 11, 1843, September 13, November 29, 1848, October 17, 1857; Tri-Weekly Whig, February 1, 1859. [ 4] Whig, October 11, 1865; Senate journal, First Adjourned Session, 1865, pp. 4-26. [ 5) White, Messages, V, pp. 478-479. White was severely criticized as lacking objectivity in his treatment of Brownlow. Enoch L. Mitchell, "Journal of Southern History," (Houston, May 1960) Southern Historical Association, V, 26, pp. 249-250. Alexander, Political Reconstruction, p. 99; Whig, October 18, 25, 11, 1865. [ 6] Rodgers had represented Brownlow in the Patterson libel cases. Butler's circuit formerly was served by Judge D. T. Patterson, President Johnson's son-in-law and United States senator designate. For the appointments see ibid., June 21, 1865, February 28, 1866. [ 7] Ibid., October 25, 1865; Senate journal, First Adjourned Session, 1865, p. 70; Whig, December 13, 27, 1865; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, �340 [ 8] [ 9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [ 15] [16] [17] [18] [19] [20] [21] (22] CHAPTER NO. 17 pp. 100-101; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 128-129; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, p. 101; House journal, First Adjourned Session, 1865, p. 295. Whig, February 28, March 7, 1866; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 105-108; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 115-116. The House took up the Franchise Bill, February 15, 1866, but was unable to transact business. House journal, First Adjourned Session, 1865-1866, pp. 270-383; White, Messages, V, pp. 481-487. Whig, February 28, March 7, 1866. Johnson vetoed the Freedman's Bureau Bill, a Radical measure, in February 1866. White, Messages, V, p. 509. Whig, February 21, April 4, 1866. The speech was delivered in Knoxville on March 24, 1866. The Whig ran the letter in two issues, April14, 1866. A handwritten copy of the letter is in the Rule Papers. Whig, March 14, 21, April 4, 11, 25, May 2, 9, 16, 1866; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 109-110; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 117-118; Whig, May 23, 1866. Ibid., May 9, 16, 1866; Alexander, T. A. R. Nelson, p. 123. Whig, April 11, 1866; White, Messages V, pp. 450-451; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 108-109; White, Messages, V, p. 488, fn. 81; House journal, First Adjourned Session, 1865-1866, pp. 424-425, 487; Whig, April 11, 18, 1866; See House journal, First Session, 1865, p. 28, for Williams' affirmative vote in the first franchise bill. Whig, April 26, 1865; House journal, First Session, 1865, pp. 38, SO, 65; White, Messages, V, pp. 427-428; House journal, First Adjourned Session, 1865-1866, p. 426, Whig, May 2, 1866. Ibid., April 13, May 23, 1866; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, p. 118; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 104-105; Whig, May 23, 1866. Ibid., November 8, 1865, July 4, 1866; Brownlow to Temple, May 30, 1865. Temple Papers. See Whig, September 20, 1865 for Heiskell's defense. A number of meetings had been held in Knox County calling on Heiskell to resign. Ibid., August 23, September 6, September 20, 1865. The Brownlow and Heiskell families apparently continued to remain on the best of personal terms. William Heiskell's son, Samuel, a prominent Democrat and Knoxville mayor for several terms, treated Brownlow with extreme deference in Andrew jackson and Early Tennessee History, III, pp. 203-26, 227-272. Whig, November 8, 1865, June 13, May 16, 23, July 4, 11, 18, 1866, July 10, 24, 1867. Ibid., February 14, 21, 28. The governor's appeal to East Tennessee loyalists appeared in ibid., December 13, 1865. For a discussion of the Freedmen's Bureau see Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 144-169. Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 110-111; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 216-217; White Messages, V, pp. 508-510; Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 355-356; Whig, June 27, May 13, 30, 1866; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, p. 102; Whig, June 20, July 4, 1866. �THE PAINS OF RECONSTRUCTION 341 July 4, 1866. "My Policy" was a term for Johnson's policy. [23] Ibid., July 18, 1866; White, Messages, V, p. 518; Senate journal, Extra Session, 1866, pp. 23-24; Patton, Unionisn and Reconstruction, pp. 220-223; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, p. 111; White, Messages, V, pp. 519-524; Whig, July 18, 25, August 1, 22, 1866. The House was in a continual uproar from July 4, 1866, when it convened, to final action, July 18, 1866. House journal, Extra Session, 1866, pp. 6-25; Whig, July 25, 1866. Johnson had called Forney a "dead duck." Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 223-224. [24] Ibid., pp. 224-225; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 119-121; Whig, July 25, August 1, 22, 1866. Gordon Grainger was a Union general who had served in the East Tennessee area. For an extended discussion of the reported attempt to overthrow the Brownlow administration, see Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 124-12 9. [25] Whig, September 12, 19; Conklin, quoting the Chicago Tribune of September 12, 1866, p. 142. [26] Whig, October 3, 17, 1866; Conklin, pp. 142-146. [27] White, Messages, V, p. 530; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, p. 123; Whig, November 7, 14, 1866; White, Messages, V, pp. 5 31-5 32, 546; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 123-130; Patton, Unionism andReconstruction, pp. 133-134; Whig, November 7, 1866, January 30, 1867, November 30, 1866. See also Alexander, Political Reconstruction, p. 147. [28] Whig, April 4, August 22, 29, October 24, 1866; White, Messages, V, pp. 5 34-5 35. For a discussion of Brownlow's motives in asking for a state militia, see Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 126-129. [29] Whig, January 23, 30, 1867; White, Messages, V, p. 551. For a brief sketch of Case see Whig, April 12, 1865. The murder of Senator Case is not mentioned in Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, or in Alexander, Political Reconstruction. The letter giving the name of the guerrilla was written to Representative J. W. Smith of Hardeman County, who did not reveal the name of his informant. Whig, January 30, 1867. [30] Whig, March 6, April 3, 1867. [31] Ibid., February 27, March 13, 6, 20, 1867; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, p. 141. [32] Ibid., pp. 146-147; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 134-139; Whig, April24, May 1, 8, June 5, 1867. [33] Ibid., January 9, 1867; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, p. 121. Baxter's attack and the Parson's counter-assaults, Whig, April24, May 1, 8, 15, 22, 29, 1867, June 5, July 3, 10, 1867. For the Supreme Court opinion upholding the franchise law see Whig, March 27, 1867; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 120-123; White, Messages, V, pp. 540, 546; Gaut's role, Whig, July 3, 10, 1867; election returns, White, Messages, V, p. 506. [ 34] Reports of the Parson's impending death, Whig, April 3, 1867; White, Messages, p. 563. Accounts of the Stanford case may be found in the Whig, January 30, April 24, May 22, 1867; White, Messages, V, author's note, p. 546; election returns, House journal, 1867-1868, p. 25. �342 CHAPTER NO. 17 [35) Whig, August 21, July 30, August 7, 1867; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 15 3-156. [36) Heiskell, Andrew jackson and Early Tennessee History, III, preface. [37) Whig, October 30, 16, 23, 1867; Senate journal, First Session, 1867, pp. 23-24; Whig, October 30, 1867; Senate journal, First Session, 1867, pp. 90-91; John Bell Brownlow to Temple, June 20, 1892. Temple Papers. [38) Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 176-182; Stanley Horn, The Invisible Empire, The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, enlarged edition (Cos Cob, Connecticut, 1969), pp. 9-15, 32-41. Hereafter referred to as The Invisible Empire. Folmsbee, et al., Short History, pp. 360-361. [39) Whig, March 18, 25, April 1, 15, 22, 29, 1868;Press and Herald, June 18, March 22, 24, 29, April22, 24, 29, 15, 25, July 2, 1868. [40) For an extended account of the formation of the Klan and its activities in Tennessee, see The Invisible Empire, pp. 7 3-108. See also Folmsbee, et al, Short History, pp. 361-364; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 176-198; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 162-165, 170-200. For Brownlow's call for a special session, and the Whig's policy against the Klan, see Whig, March 11, 18, 25, April 15, 22, 29, May 13, 20, 27, June 10, 24, July 1, 29, August 12, 26, September 9, 16, 1868. [41) Senate journal, Extra Session, 1868, pp. 131-168; House journal, Extra Session, 1868, pp. 185-222; Acts of Tennessee, Extra Session, 1868, Chapters 2 and 3, pp. 18-25; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 188-189; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 192-198; Whig, September 16, 1868; Senate journal Appendix, 1868-1869, p. 10; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 188-199; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 198-199; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, p. 182. [42) Senate journal, Extra Session, 1868, pp. 138-168; House journal, Extra Session, 1868, pp. 185-222; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 192-199; Whig, January 20, February 17, 1869. [43) Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, p. 142. [44) The Invisible Empire, pp. 108-110; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 196-197; Whig, January 20, 1869. [45) Ibid., Press and Herald, January 15, 17, 20, 24, 1869. Barmore's effects were attached to pay his debts. Ibid., January 22, 1869; The Invisible Empire, pp. 111-112. See also excoriation of Barmore and a quasi-justification for the killing, by the Louisville Courier-journal. Ibid., p. 112. [46) The Invisible Empire, pp. 112-113; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 187-198; Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction, pp. 199-200. [47) Press and Herald, January 7, 1869. �Brownlow's Knoxville Whig "Yielding up the other cheek/Dropping humbly on the knees; Closing lips when dared to speak/Will not do in times like these." Chapter No. 19 NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS Parson Brownlow's political course brought him a host of new and burning enemies. It also shattered some old and very close friendships. The oldest friend with whom he parted company was Frederick Steidinger Heiskell, one of Knoxville's early printers and newspaper publishers. Brownlow's first book, Helps to the Study of Presbyterianism, came out of Heiskell's shop. When the Parson moved to Knoxville, he borrowed money from Heiskell to bail himself out of a tight situation. The Knoxville printer also was most active in the affairs of the city. When the issue of secession arose he was a firm loyalist, although he was not as militant as some of the leaders. [ 1] The Civil War found Heiskell a miserable old man, for loyal Unionist that he was, both of his sons went with the South. Carrick White joined the army, and Joseph B., a Rogersville lawyer, won a seat in the Confederate House from the First District. Union forces captured the congressman in upper East Tennessee late in the summer of 1864 and imprisoned him at Knoxville. The Whig credited him with having held a position of "respectability" prior to the war. But it accused him of having shown such hatred and ferocity against Unionists of East Tennessee during the war: "It is now time that the halter should be summoned to do its appropriate work; and no man in the ranks of the rebellion is a man more suitable to commence upon that than this same rebel congressman." The Whig made the grisly suggestion that if Joseph Heiskell was given his liberty, "He could not live 343 �344 CHAPTER NO. 18 twenty-four hours, within the reach of the men he has abused, persecuted and outraged." The Union authorities concluded that they had insufficient grounds upon which to hold the congressman. He must have decided to go elsewhere than East Tennessee, for he next appeared in "the genial clime of Memphis," where he practiced law.[2] Fred Heiskell became a Conservative. It would have been unthinkable for him to have turned Radical. He made a forlorn race for Congress in the summer of 1864 against a field of five Radicals that included Horace Maynard, who captured his old Second District seat. Heiskell received only 126 votes out of 2,500 cast in Knox County. Somewhere during the campaign, he picked up the title of major, at least the Whig gave him that handle. When the campaign ended the Whig accorded him more than a column of space in which he expressed his Conservative position, his opposition to the disfranchisement and election laws of the Radical administration, and his zeal to heal the wounds of war by restoring "the original order of things" with the exception of slavery. He was opposed to black equality. The Whig described Heiskell's statement as "a very foolish document to come from a sensible man." He lost, the newspaper said, because he had supported McClellan against Lincoln for President, a position unacceptable to the majority of East Tennessee Unionists. [3] The Whig remained fairly tolerant of Heiskell until he accused the Parson of lying in a talk at the Knox County Courthouse. In the talk the governor charged, "As a class the newspapers of the South were disloyal and that hostility to the Government and Union men characterized the editorials of a majority of Southern journals." The Whig countered Heiskell's assertion by quoting abusive and hysterical language from a number of southern publications, but again treated the former publisher with considerable restraint. It referred to him rather mildly as "an old fossil." Restraint ended when a second newspaper, the Commercial, was started in Knoxville and opened its columns to Heiskell. It permitted him to attack the governor as having "never published a paper, political or religious, that could be introduced into a family without polluting it." The Whig recalled that Heiskell had visited Brownlow in the editor's home over a period of years, had expressed "great admiration for his newspaper, and had subscribed to it for many years. The Whig found that in his changed mood Heiskell revels in slander as the chief element of the atmosphere on which he stands. He �NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS 345 is like the man ... who was so fond of contradiction that he would throw up the window in the middle of the night and contradict the watchman who was calling the hour. In a word, he is "the incarnation of malice, mendacity and cowardice" (Whig, May 2, 1866). Young John Bell Brownlow was infuriated when Heiskell described him as a "squirt" and lunged at the old man [he was eighty years old] with this bit of background: In August 1864, Joseph B. Heiskell [son of Frederick] was captured by the brigade to which we belonged. Joseph had been particeps crimini to the atrocious murder of several Union citizens, and through several counties had accompanied and encouraged a band of rebel bushwackers and thieves who lacerated with whips the backs of the wives, sisters, and daughters of the Union soldiers. Because of these atrocious and inhuman acts it was with difficulty that Gen. Gillem could prevent the outraged Union soldiers of East Tennessee from taking the life of the 'worthy son of an illustrious sire.' In the presence of Heiskell's friends we publicly expressed the opinion that the 'woman whipper' should be shot. Ever since then the father of the coward and brute has considered us a 'squirt'-Jo Heiskell was not shot, as he should have been, but was brought to this city and [in the presence of his illustrious 'parient'] [sic.] marched to the Knoxville jail, with his hands tied behind him. The father thought we exerted some influence to have this disposition made of his brutal son. [ 4] Governor Brownlow must have decided John Bell was doing an inadequate job on Heiskell, for in an editorial bearing the Parson's unmistakable touch he bore down upon his old friend: This old whisky-rotted, broken-down political hack has been for several months abusing and blackguarding the senior editor of the Knoxville Whig, through the columns of a dirty little daily, conducted by an insolent swindler, and a degraded little rebel sympathizer .... The Parson listed five reasons for Heiskell's anger: 1) his failure to get a job under Brownlow as assistant special Treasury agent after the Union occupation, 2) the Whig's account of Joe's arrest, 3) the father's ignominious race for Congress, 4) the removal of Joe's name from a charter submitted to the legislature for approval, and 5) the shelving of a bill prepared by Joseph "for the benefit of rebels." Then he summed up the elder Heiskell: A case exemplifying more malice, more depravity, more scoundrclism, more �346 CHAPTER NO. 18 contempt for generosity, more baseness, more blind devotion to a sinking cause and a disgraced band or leaders, and more profligacy, ingratitude and worthlessness has seldom or never been made public. A fugitive from the fold of truth, the walks of sobriety, and the abodes of patriotism, honor and integrity, the poor old apostate is held in utter contempt by the people who, until recently, have respected his grey hairs (Whig, June 13, 1866). Feeble and palsied in body the Parson was, but he could still pile up the epithets with the vigor and variety of his earlier years. Brownlow was at the peak of his political power, but he was having trouble getting his way in the courts, especially in litigation to punish rebels for injury done to Unionists. Early in 1865 he was awarded judgment of $25,000 against W. H. Sneed, John H. Crozier, and R. B. Reynolds, in Knox County Circuit Court. Reynolds was the Confederate commissioner who had issued the warrant for Brownlow's arrest in 1861. The editor charged that Sneed and Crozier met in the office of J. C. Ramsey, Confederate district attorney, and there conspired on how to get rid of him. The Parson said that they considered hanging him. Several other judgments were returned in favor of Unionists against influential Confederates accused of having persecuted to the point of property destruction and death. Among them was a judgment in favor of the heirs of Sam Pickens of Sevier County, a former state senator, who was marched away as an enemy of the Confederacy and died in prison. This judgment, against Sneed, Crozier, and Reynolds, was for $10,000. The Parson lost heavily as a result of being banished. Although he did recoup his fortunes extensively through his lectures and his book, he urged the filing of more suits against Confederates who were "a part and parcel of a general, wicked and most infernal conspiracy." In fact, he encouraged a deluge of litigation: Other suits are on the docket, and others are to come. Let them be impoverished, and made bankrupt. Let them [the ex-Confederates] be made beggars, going from door to door for their bread. They brought on this rebellion-they caused all this suffering and trouble-let them now be made odious, and their estates be confiscated .... Now, let them feel the consequences of their wicked and rebellious conduct. Among the Parson's losses in connection with the war was his failure to realize anything from the lawsuit against the trustees of the Bank of East Tennessee, which he had won in the State Supreme Court. The Parson had a personal stake in this lawsuit, which he �NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS 347 prosecuted for himself and many other depositors who had lost in the bank's failure. Property of the bank was sold to satisfy judgments for $100,000, shortly before the war broke out, and funds were deposited in the Bank of Tennessee. Officials of the bank made away with the money during the war, and the Parson declined an offer of the Knox County clerk and master to accept Confederate money to satisfy the judgment. Nor did Brownlow realize any money, with the possible exception of some rents, from the properties of Sneed, Crozier, and Reynolds. When these properties were sold at court sale the Parson bid them in, but lost them later under United States Supreme Court rulings. The three Brownlow foes thus regained all their real estate. [5] Sneed, Ramsey, and Crozier were old and established enemies of the Parson, both political and personal. Far more dreadful and emotionally draining was the break between Brownlow and two old friends and former Unionists, Connally F. Trigg and John Baxter. Both men had been welcomed effusively when they arrived in Knoxville to practice law. Trigg was the partner of 0. P. Temple; and Baxter, a wealthy North Carolinian, signalled his arrival by the purchase of an "elegant residence" on Main Street. Baxter attained a practice rated by a contemporary as the largest in the state. Both lawyers went down the line ardently and vigorously for the Union in the hectic campaigns on separation in 1861. After the state voted for secession, Trigg fled to the North but Baxter remained in Knoxville. [6] The former came back to Tennessee in 1863 as a United States District Court judge. The Parson predicted that he would be a scourge to the rebels. The Whig, at the close of the Federal Court session, praised Judge Trigg for having "presided with great dignity and propriety .... It is a source of no little gratification to his numerous friends that he who, two years and a half ago, had to steal away from home like a thief in the night to avoid the murderers who were dogging him, came back with authority to vindicate the laws of the government which he then vainly sought to uphold and which effort constituted the crime that drove him into exile." The legal philosophy of Judge Trigg, however, soon drove the Whig into indignation. The newspaper's first protest against the rather wholesale release of men indicted for treason was lodged against the amnesty proclamation "and the laws of Congress enacted in pursuance thereof." Most of those indicted were cleared of charges upon taking the amnesty oath. The Whig began to give personal �348 CHAPTER NO. 18 coverage of the court and indicated a special interest in Eli Dickson or Dixon. He had made threats against one of the Whig editors and had vowed on the death of his son at Fort Donelson to kill "twelve Union men to pay for it." Dixon was freed upon taking the amnesty oath, was rearrested and reindicted for violation of his pledge, but Judge Trigg "lectured the jurors for their seeming disposition to persecute the man," and ordered his release. [7] This was the Parson's first printed criticism of the judge, and the newspaper seized upon it to point a moral: A few days ago he [Dickson] undertook to act as a guide for about thirty rebel guerrillas crossing the Tennessee River into McMinn County ... robbing and plundering innocent Union families-this old pet of ~he Federal Court piloting the raiders to the Union houses. A small party of Federal soldiers got after them, and overtook them as they approached old Eli's house-capturing eight of them-Dickson starting to run was halted, refusing to stop; the soldiers discharged their muskets, six balls taking effect and killing him instantly. We suggest to those who entered into bonds for his loyalty and future good conduct, that they plead his death as a ground of forgiveness! ... Old Eli went into the rebellion at the start and never got his right until a few days ago (Whig, February 1, 1865). The feud between Brownlow and Trigg erupted into a conflict between the United States District Court and the Parson in his role as assistant special agent of the Treasury Department over a 500-acre farm in the Lyons Bend area of the Tennessee River, late in the winter of 1865. As Treasury agent Brownlow had seized the farm and leased it to Joseph Mullins on October 8, 1864. Three bachelor brothers-T. C. Lyon, a lawyer, Captain William Lyon of the Confederate army, and W. H. Lyon, owned the land. They were reported to be inside the Confederate lines. In January 1864 Judge Trigg ordered Mullins ousted and the property turned over to "a rebel lawyer, for the use of the rebel heirs of the Lyon family." Mullins sought to intervene and asked that the order be set aside and the suit transferred to Circuit Court. He protested that he had already sowed wheat on some of the land. Judge Trigg denied the application of Mullins and the United States marshal summoned a posse to remove the farmer. The Parson moved quickly and forcefully. He obtained troops from General Lewis Tilson, commanding at Knoxville, and they were stationed at the farm to protect the renter. The marshal and his deputies made no attempt to dislodge the soldiers. [8] �NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS 349 The outcome of the confrontation put the Parson in high spirits. He had been nominated for governor without opposition and he had defied, with the backing of the United States army, the order of a federal judge to overthrow a lease arrangement he had made. He loosed this hymn of triumph: I will not play into the hands of wealthy and influential rebels, in violation of the laws of Congress, even though I incur the displeasure of the Federal court. I am willing to measure arms with the court, or in other words, to let the loyal people of East Tennessee decide upon our respective merits. I have never heard a more general complaint against any organization than is made by loyal men against the doings of this court. It has never, as Lawyers say, decided in favor of the Government when there was opposition made. It has not convicted any man of treason or of high misdemeanor, out of twelve hundred indictments and I believe never will. It admits a rebel Lawyer to practice in the court, indicted for treason; and it turns traitors loose upon the community who come in and take the amnesty oath, after they have been indicted for treason .... Its sessions are doing the Union cause no good and the best interests of the country would not suffer if it were to suspend its operations until the close of the war (Whig, March 1, 1865 ). Trigg made a futile attempt in the following May to have the Parson, now governor, indicted for obstructing a United States District Court order, in the Mullins affair: [He] delivered a charge to the grand jury in Knoxville, in which he directed them, in strong and dictatorial language, in a manner displaying a high state of excitement, to indict me for my action in the premises. It is probable ... that the secret had got out that some such stump speech would be made from the Bench, for the rebel soldiers and citizens were in attendance, and they cheered lustily. The assault upon me, like the opinions and decisions of the Court generally, was popular with the rebels, and that class of Union men with whom his Honor drinks liquor and plays cards. The governor was gratified, stating: Much to the surprise and chagrin of the eminent patriot [Trigg] , whose every thought is as pure as an Angel's breath,(!) he failed to bully the grand jury of his Court to find a bill against the editor of this paper. Several days since the grand jury of the Federal Court was discharged, and the jurors departed ... without making the presentment which Trigg's heart yearned for .... Some men have nobly served their country by dying on the battlefield. All men like Trigg would serve their country by dying anywhere (Whig, june 21, 1865). �350 CHAPTER NO. 18 The Whig was pleased with the grand jurors, but it had another reason to detest Trigg. The judge had held unconstitutional the Test Oath Act passed by Congress that required lawyers who had supported the Confederacy to swear that their adherence had not been voluntary before they could practice in Federal Court. This ruling, the newspaper complained, "admitted those lawyers to practice in his Court who not only voluntarily gave aid and comfort to the rebellion, but were original secessionists and leaders of the rebellion in East Tennessee." Trigg's opinion was ultimately upheld by the United States Supreme Court. The question had highly important legal aspects. One eminent attorney summed it up in this fashion: The right of an attorney acquired by his admission to the bar, to appear for suitors and to argue cases is not a matter of indulgence, grace or favor revocable at the pleasure of the Court or the Legislature. Congress has the right to prescribe the qualifications for the office of attorney, but it has no right to inflict punishment for past conduct; such legislation is in conflict with the Constitutional provision prohibiting passage of bills of attainder. (9] The hot wrath the Whig poured upon Judge Trigg for this ruling arose from personal, as well as political, reasons. John Bell Brownlow, who scribbled a number of highly derogatory statements about Trigg's moral habits on the margins of the Whig files, insisted, "Trigg literally owed his appointment absolutely to my father." The Brownlow son said he had a letter that Trigg had written to the Parson that implored the latter to see President Lincoln on the former's behalf, and stated that Military Governor Johnson would give him no assistance in seeking the appointment as federal judge. When the Parson made his plea on behalf of Trigg "he found there was already on the President's table a commission for Gen. John B. Rogers of Middle Tennessee as U.S. judge for Tenn. Had he been one day later it would have gone to the Senate. One of the first cases Lincoln ever had, one of the first fees, was given him by old Gen. Rogers in a land lawsuit." The Brownlows were bitterly hacked when Trigg displayed a legal philosophy in complete opposition to their principle that all rebels were traitors. The United States Supreme Court decision that upheld Trigg in the test oath case vindicated him legally. The Brownlow view that he should have held the way those responsible for his appointment wanted him to scarcely conforms to ethics, legal or otherwise; but it appears true that Trigg, upon return from his northern refuge during the war, had altered his personal tastes for friends. Temple, �NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS 351 who had extended to him a law partnership when he located m Knoxville, in later years wrote of him rather dourly: Not many months passed after Judge Trigg ascended the bench before it became apparent that his sympathies and feelings were all on the side of those to whom he had been lately so hostile. This was the more striking when it was considered that he was not a fickle, emotional man, a man of hot impulses and bitter prejudices, but the very reverse .... And yet he changed, and never returned to his old life-long party affiliations. No one ever knew the reason ... Possibly the subtle effect of social recognition and position, then as now, so strong in the State, silently and even unconsciously, touched his ambition, or his pride, and did its potent work. It is not ungrateful even to a judge to receive the flattering attention of the powerful and the rich, and to find the doors of elegant and hospitable homes at all times open to him.[lO] The "rebel lawyer" in whose favor Trigg decided the test oath case was John Baxter, the former militant Unionist. This circumstance added to the Brownlow wrath. Two old comrades of the Union cause in 1861 now stood in hostile and successful array against the Parson. One was a federal judge he had helped obtain his position and the other was a litigant granted a ruling that clashed with the governor's rigid conviction that all unrepentant rebels should be branded as traitors and remain stripped of some of their old privileges, in Baxter's case to practice law. In 1862, the same year he helped Trigg obtain his judgeship, the Parson had rated Baxter as a "moderate Secessionist." The lawyer had taken a Conservative course and fought Brownlow on the political front, although personal bitterness between the two men did not surface for two years. Baxter brought the split into the open at the state convention of the Conservative Party at Nashville in April1867. He loosed a tirade against the governor, and an element of his speech showed that he was furious because the Brownlow franchise law barred him from voting. The Whig then formally declared war. It ridiculed Baxter's appointment as chairman of his party's Central Executive Committee, and summed him up as a very bad man: John Baxter, of Knox, has intrigued for the nomination for Governor for twelve months, and to hold him on to the party they had to make him Chairman of this Committee. But for this promotion he would have bolted, as twelve months is a long time for him to continue on one side of any question. He was once a candidate for the Rebel Congress in this District, and was shamefully defeated by a brother rebel. He, after that, shouldered his gun, and went with a �352 CHAPTER NO. 18 company of rebels to Strawberry Plains to kill Union men! His next exploit was a proposition to Jeff Davis, through Senator Haynes, to furnish him with half a million of money to go North and bribe the Lincoln papers to espouse the rebel cause. And last, but not least, when Burnside came into Knoxville, he made a speech to him and his army, bidding them welcome, and rejoicing over their success. A week later the Whig came down upon Baxter with a total of seven items on one page that denounced or reflected on Baxter. The short-lived Commercial, the Conservative newspaper, was enchanted at this spectacle. It revived the old story that the Parson had urged Baxter to make the race for the Confederate Congress, had himself decided to cast his lot with the South, and it added a new touch. It said that Trigg and Colonel John Williams had dissuaded the Parson from such a course. The Whig denied the story.[ll] Brownlow had announced that he was too feeble to campaign for reelection for governor. But he found the strength and fire to expand his capsuled denunciation of Baxter into an acrimonious catalog of the lawyer's characteristics and deeds and called his three-column production in the Whig a plain, common sense history of a North Carolina felon, who is at present the bell-weather [sic.] of an East Tennessee flock of swindlers, liars and traitors, banded together for the two-fold purpose of swindling the Federal Government, and bolstering up their relatives and partners who were traitors during the war! For two years past, upon the stump, on the streets, in the cars, and in the private circle, you have been blackguarding, slandering and villifying me, and at the same time meeting me, smiling, shaking hands, and enquiring after my health, in the most approved style of a hypocrite and an assassin-your corrupt nature and practice qualifying you for the one and your cowardice fitting you for the other. At the same time you have intentionally misrepresented every act of the Legislature, villified the officials of the State Government, and advised resistance to the laws by force, even to the shedding of blood (Whig, May 15, 1867). Baxter admitted that his two-year campaign against the Brownlow policies was ineffective. The Parson decided to tell his readers why and listed fourteen particulars. He mixed fact, invective, and hyperbole in what may have been the most cutting attack made by the Brownlow pen. Some of it was new. Some of it consisted of old accounts refurbished with the Parson's highest skill in the use of the skinning knife. He charged the lawyer with having been forced to �NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS 35 3 leave North Carolina because of abusive treatment of witnesses and jurors, unprofessional conduct with fellow members of the bar, "general swindling operations," and for having fought a duel, then a violation of state law. The sketch was in striking contrast with the puff the Whig had given Baxter when the latter arrived in Knoxville to practice law. The Parson found it appropriate that Andrew Baxter, the lawyer's brother, had served a term in the Georgia penitentiary for horse stealing, and was "shot down like a dog," for barn burning in Polk County, Tennessee, because "He was the exact counterpart of yourself in ... features, voice, manners and principles." In Tennessee, Baxter had tried to tyrannize young lawyers and to bully the older ones. This activity brought reproofs from the bench and created dislike for Baxter. In recent days he had accused the state judges, many of them appointed by Brownlow, as "corrupt and incompetent." At the Greeneville Convention of 1861, the Parson charged, Baxter had "labored with might and main to defeat the Union Party and play into the hands of the rebel party .... And yet after that, falsely professing to be a Union man [he] shouldered your [his] gun, went into a rebel company as a private, and marched upon Strawberry Plains to aid in killing a portion of the Union members of the same Convention!" When Baxter ran for the Confederate Congress, he played a double role. Baxter pretended "in the private circle that [his] sole object was to serve the Union cause. Yet when electioneering with the Secessionists he claimed to be with the South, and to believe that the Confederacy was a fixed fact!" The lawyer's course while Knoxville was a part of the Confederacy drew the Parson's most stinging rhetoric. He charged: [Baxter] sat upon the corners of the streets, like a vulture, awaiting with delight, the arrival and imprisonment of Union prisoners, that you might take their notes and mortgages on their farms for exorbitant fees, when you knew you could not render them any service, and that the rebel Court Martial refused to hear with respect anything you said .... You took a lein [sic.] upon Haun's little farm, and when he was hung [hanged], you said on the street "damn him, he ought to hang." Within the last year I have seen your heartlessly written demand of his widow for your pay, or the sale of the land upon which you knew she had been ploughing bare footed with one horse, to raise bread for her fatherless children. You wrote a letter to Haynes [Confederate Senator Landon C. Haynes, Baxter's law partner] at Richmond, offering to take a bribe from jeff Davis, of half �354 CHAPTER NO. 18 a million of money, to go North in the garb of a Union man and buy up the press, and get up a fire in the rear against the Federal Army .... Among my worst acts, after our forces took possession of East Tennessee, was to discourage the proposition to hang you! Brownlow had personal as well as political reasons for distrusting Baxter. He had relied upon him as the family adviser while he was in jail. The lawyer, he said, had become Offended at the Union men for not supporting you; [in the race for the Confederate Congress] you went to work actively and vindictively to destroy as many of them as you could. You caused the arrest and imprisonment of some, taking care to contrive the arrest of as many as you could who were able to pay you fees for defending them. Because I refused to vote for you, you denounced me as a bridge-burner, and was in part the cause of my having to lie out in the Smoky Mountains. Your main object was to drive me to sacrifice my printing establishment. Whilst I was in the mountains, you stated to a family in Knoxville that you had me in your power, and controlled a debt that I was not able to meet! Whilst you had me in jail and after you had placed me in a condition to force me to let my office and fixtures go at half price, you started a rebel newspaper ..... When Gen. Burnside came into Knoxville in 1863, you thrust yourself forward to make a speech of welcome, rejoicing at the overthrow of the Confederacy, and with an effrontery that would make the Father of Lies ashamed, classed yourself with those who had been standing by the old flag. The Parson accused Baxter of having tried unsuccessfully to obtain "a commission as a brigadier general in the rebel army," of joining in an effort to recruit troops for the Confederate forces, and of falsely taking credit for having obtained the editor's release to go North. Brownlow credited Joseph A. Mabry's influence at Richmond with having achieved this. He acknowledged that Baxter had returned the engine from his print shop, after the entry of federal troops, but attributed this to the laywer's having felt mean because of the figure at which you got the establishment, and the circumstances under which I was forced to sell. Or you may have felt a little gratitude toward me for having discouraged the idea of arresting you for your half million letter, which was in the possession of the Provost Marshal General. It was seriously contemplating placing you in the military prison at Camp Chase, and had Maynard and myself said the word, it would have been done. [ 12] �NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS 355 Baxter's stinging charges of usurpation and corruption by the state administration, made in speeches and in a pamphlet, led the Brownlow forces to make vigorous replies. Secretary of State A. J. Fletcher delivered an extended and detailed defense at Cleveland on June 3, 1867. The Parson published in the Whig correspondence he had carried on with the New York banking house of Jay Cooke & Co., to justify himself against Baxter's charges. His own secretary, H. H. Thomas, who was a staff officer with Burnside when Federal troops entered Knoxville, recalled finding Baxter's letter to Haynes suggesting the half million dollar bribe, and the amazement of the rebels present when Baxter welcomed the Union army. [13] Baxter was bold as well as brash. The Parson knew this from observing him in campaigns, and from a seven-page letter the lawyer had written him from Tazewell when he was running for the Confederate Congress in 1861. After speaking and going to a hotel, Confederate troops notified him that he would have to leave the town in 20 minutes. He firmly told them he would not obey their orders. They went out, consulted, returned and made a rush upon him. The Landlord, his wife and daughters, planted themselves in the door, and forbid their entrance, but they rushed in and finding Baxter fortified in his room with a double-shotgun, and a Revolver, cocked and ready, and notifying them that he would kill the first man who presented a weapon at him-they desisted and he took the field, stayed all knight [sic.] and had gone on to his appointments. [14] Baxter was indeed bold, but he also was an opportunist. He went from Unionist to Confederate. His enthusiasm for the South wilted when he was arrested as an enemy of the Confederacy in Memphis in 1862. Baxter blamed Governor Harris for his brief imprisonment, although Harris appears to have been responsible for his release. A Confederate general stationed at Knoxville early in the war doubted Baxter's loyalty to the South. Baxter was temperamental, argumentative and often given to extremes, qualities certain to bring hot replies from the old Parson, who relished articulate foes. His amazing political course, however, appeared to end with his appointment in 1877 by President Rutherford B. Hayes to the United States Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals. But on the bench he sometimes acted impulsively, "and was positive, often extreme; sometimes arbitrary; always combative." Temple, who tried to write in kindly fashion of every lawyer and judge, praised Baxter for many qualities but ob- �356 CHAPTER NO. 18 served that his political shifts "showed a mental agility that is somewhat remarkable." [ 15] The Whig cast aside reserve when Knox County Circuit Court jurors found not guilty for the Parson's old Confederate foes who had been charged with murder in the hanging of three of the bridge burners of 1861. Three of the defendants- J. R. McCann, Reuben Roddy, and W. C. Kain-reportedly served on the Confederate court-martial which ordered the executions. The fourth was J. C. Ramsey, Confederate district attorney, whose connection with a military tribunal appears remote. The Whig was stung because "The rebel papers of the South have boasted of their acquittal by a Union jury," and it made lame efforts to explain the verdicts. One of them was: ... the zeal of the rebels to have the defendants acquitted, their anxiety to get on juries, and to get them to testify in their favor, together with the false reports of their papers and correspondents, and singular, are opening the eyes of loyal men to the wide-spread conspiracy of rebels in the South, and their purpose to browbeat the civil authorities, acquit guilty rebels, and convict and punish Union men. When state charges of treason against Ramsey were dismissed a few months later upon payment of the costs, the Whig gave Ramsey the traditional newspaper shrug of contempt by putting his name last in a list of fourteen defendants cleared of such charges. [ 16] A side effect of the trial of McCann, Roddy, Kain, and Ramsey was the revelation by the Whig that for two years the Parson had been reaching for the throat of the Rev. William B. Carter. The spectacle of the area's two great Union heroes at fierce odds opened at the East Tennessee Convention held at Knoxville in April 1864. It went almost unreported at the time. The only reference to it was a Whig item denying that the Parson had "handled severely" General S. P. Carter, brother of the Rev. W. B. Carter. The item also pointed out that the Parson had made "no allusion" to the general and had known him "only as a gentleman." The import of the item must have been understood by the men who were delegates to the convention, but to others of the Whig's readers it must have been an enigma. The acquittal of the four former Confederates infuriated Brownlow to the point where he accused W. B. Carter of having brought on the hanging and persecution of Unionists, through the bridge burning. The result was that "the jails of East Tennessee, and the prisons of Mobile, Macon and Tuscaloosa were crowded with innocent Union �NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS 357 men," and five citizens were hanged. The Parson revealed that at the 1864 convention Carter engaged in a two-hour tirade against Lincoln, Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton, "and the Republican Party generally." The Parson roared back that Carter had been furnished funds from private sources to finance his trip to Washington to "procure relief for the Union men." He left soon after the Greeneville Convention of 1861 "and through the influence of Senator Johnson, and with the sanction of Mr. Lincoln and General McClellan, obtained $22,600 with which to burn" the bridges. The Parson charged that Carter had not accounted for half of the amount and demanded that he make "a public statement as to his innocence or guilt." Brownlow waited two years "for his [Carter's] defense ... and it is not forthcoming." It is quite possible that Carter was so bound by an oath taken before the bridge burning that he could not make a statement on the subject. Temple, who attempted to get detailed information on the plot and the participants, frequently ran into a stone wall. Most of the men who had engaged in the burning would not talk about it. Temple said he found that the government had given Carter only $2,500 for the project. But nowhere in Temple's two books on the times and the people does he mention the dispute between Brownlow and Carter. The Whig finally brought out that the animosity went back to 1862 while Brownlow was in Boston on his lecture tour. Carter came to Knoxville and there denounced the Parson. The details of this attack are not available. After Brownlow became governor, the Whig related, Carter called the Parson "King Brownlow," and denied he had pocketed between $10,000 and $12,000 of the bridge burning funds. The Whig then tossed back a few more insults. It said Carter had "boarded" ten or twelve slaves at Knoxville, employed them to cut firewood, sold the fuel and kept the money; he had smuggled North $15,000 worth of tobacco and squandered some of the money given him for the bridge sabotage on the stock market. [ 17] Among the friendships that were destroyed in the fires of Reconstruction politics was that of Brownlow and the brilliant, witty, but convivial John Fleming, lawyer, legislator, and editor. The two men had worked in harmony as Whigs, and later as members of the staunch Union band of 1861. Fleming was fond of the Parson, and the older man had a high regard for the younger man's leadership ability. On the eve of the secession-bent General Assembly of 1861 he wrote that Fleming "is a shrewd, long-headed man, and will have �358 CHAPTER NO. 18 influence, and control the entire Union delegation from this end of the State. He is right and he is reliable." At the East Tennessee Convention of 1864 when the Unionists split into Radicals and Con· servatives, Fleming went with the latter. He eventually turned Demo· crat as did Nelson. When the Daily Free Press, published by John M. Fleming & Co., appeared in Knoxville on June 29, 1867, Fleming wrote: It may be expected by some that we will feel it in our duty to inaugurate our career by an indulgence in indiscriminate personal detraction of the Governor of this State. We think of doing no such thing. Throughout a period of some fifteen years or more our personal relations have been at times quite intimate and always of a friendly character. We have been indebted to him for many personal kindnesses in times past, and for the members of his family we have ever enter· tained a high regard .... We expect, however, to do all in our power to aid in the legitimate overthrow of his State policy. The Whig greeted the arrival of this friendly speaking competitor with a compliment: Its editor is john M. Fleming, Esq .... Mr. Fleming is a lawyer of this city, and a fine writer. As a journalist, he has had several years experience, having been editor of the Knoxville Register in the days of Whiggery. Judging from the tone of the first number of the Free Press, we anticipatepersonally-friendly relations with our new neighbor. [18] These pleasant exchanges seemed to indicate that the days of acrid and blistering volleys between competing editors were fading. J. Austin Sperry, whose issues of the Register just before and during the Civil War spewed hatred for the Parson, was gone. He had fled to Atlanta, just before the Union forces arrived in Knoxville. He had published his Register there briefly. He then issued his traveling newspaper from Bristol for a short time, until he was captured by the Federal army and jailed in Knoxville. Judge Trigg freed him. The judge said that there was no charge against him. The Whig, however, condemned him as "having edited and published, until Burnside came in, [one] of the most treasonable sheets that ever villified the Federal Government and persecuted Union men," and broadly hinted East Tennessee would not be a safe place for him. The Daily Commercial, which lived only a few months after appearing in December 1865, so offended John Bell Brownlow with its vitupera- �NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS 359 tion that he attempted to cane the editor, J. W. Patterson. A contrast was the exchange of warm personal expressions between John Bell Brownlow and M. J. Hughes, editor of the weekly Messenger, upon the sale of the latter to William J. Ramage. Ramage was editor of the Daily Herald, which was started on October 17, 1867. Young Brownlow and Hughes had fought each other vigorously on political grounds, yet they had enjoyed a cordial personal friendship. [19] The sentiments expressed between the Whig and the Free Press were too idyllic to last. They did not. The heat of the campaign overthrew Fleming's good intentions, and he resorted to traditional abuse. He described the Radical Party as a "small minority of the most unprincipled ruffians within its borders," and the governor as "a foul-mouthed and abandoned wretch." The Parson took a personal hand in this new controversy. He promised the fullest exposure of his former friend, although "I have never written or said anything to the prejudice of Mr. Fleming." The Press and the Daily Herald, started by Ramage late in 1867, were consolidated early in January 1868, with Fleming as editor and T. B. Kirby as associate editor. The needling of the Brownlows, the state administration, and the Whig increased. The Press and Herald took the line of white supremacy and played down the importance of the Ku Klux Klan, even to the point of suggesting that no such organization existed. [20] The Brownlows exerted their political muscle to punish the Press and Herald and all Conservative and Democratic newspapers in the state. This happened after Judge Trigg in 1865 removed the court's legal advertising and placed it in the Chattanooga Gazette. This also left the Whig with unpaid bills for this service. The legislature enacted on February 17, 1868, a law that gave the governor authority to designate the newspapers in which legal advertisements could be placed, and declared void all such notices that appeared in newspapers not so approved. The Whig pointed this weapon directly at the judge and opposition newspapers, warning: All the legal notices, such as Chancery sales and so forth, appearing in the Press and Herald of this city, are, by a late act of the General Assembly, made null and void, so far as the interests of the parties are concerned, as though no advertisement had been made. The governor, under the law's authority, had designated other Radical newspapers throughout the state as official journals for such �360 CHAPTER NO. 18 advertising. The Whig played upon the fears of litigants. It told its readers that the law "includes every notice required by law and every publication required by any court, from that of a justice of the peace to the Supreme Court," and "The title obtained to property acquired at a sale illegally advertised, when required by law to be advertised is, of course, worthless." [21] The quarrel reached an odious state and hung there. The Press and Herald reported that the governor was dying. The Whig acknowledged "certain people" would consider his death a blessing. It then turned to speculation upon the demise of Fleming. It offered the view that many people, including quite a few to whom the Press and Herald editor owed money, would have looked upon his death "in infancy" as a boon. Fleming, who loved alcoholic beverages, selected this moment of controversy to pitch a spectacular drunk in a saloon. "He was drunk from head to foot, his feet were drunk and his legs were drunk and his Websterian brain was drunk," the Whig advised its readers, and the saloon keeper was perplexed on what to do with the prostrate form of Fleming when closing time came. He considered rolling Fleming into the street, "But he knew that the hogs would eat him before morning, in which case the hogs would die and Cox [the saloon keeper] feared an indictment under the statute against poisoning domestic animals." So he hired two black men to remove Fleming. They left him on the floor of his editorial room. Because Fleming was the voice of white supremacy, the Whig touched a final paragraph with political poison: "The colored people of Knoxville have been said to be ambitious to be in all things the equal of the white man. If John Fleming is to be considered the representative white man, they now desire to be excused from equality with him, or those like him." The Whig was replying in kind, for Fleming had described the junior editor of his opposition as "Without ability, shrewdness or tact," and broadly suggested that when John Bell Brownlow killed a fellow student at Emory and Henry College in 1860 he had struck his victim from behind. The people of Tennessee, Fleming said, "tolerate them [the Brownlows] both as they tolerate horned frogs, calves with six legs, bearded women ... or any other monstrosity, but the idea of taking any one of them as a guide in politics or religion, or paying any serious attention to them whatever is too supremely ridiculous to be thought of." Fleming struck a rather sharp blow when he printed a list of thirty-four "Brownlowisms," trite and hackneyed �NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS 361 terms used by the Whig editors. The list included "high toned gentleman," "God forsaken," "white livered," "hell deserving," and "unmitigated scoundrel and liar." [22] Whether this justified criticism gained any attention in the midst of the roar of low-level epithets is unknown. As the air was filled with torrents of abuse from the newspaper offices and hogs exercised liberty in the business sections of Knoxville, hatred that stemmed from the Confederate occupation spilled blood upon a street. E. C. Camp, lawyer and former Union officer, killed H. M. Ashby near the Franklin House. Ashby was the former Confederate cavalry officer who had captured and driven through the streets of Knoxville almost 500 Union men and boys who had tried to escape to Kentucky. His treatment of these prisoners produced some of the most scathing of the Parson's prose. Ashby had come to make his home in the Knoxville area. His reasons for choosing to locate where he had stirred up so much hatred are difficult to understand. He had been cleared of a number of indictments against him that grew out of the war. Camp had assisted the state in the prosecution of Ashby, and the latter, embittered, had assaulted and insulted Camp until they agreed to "settle it" by duelling. As the two men walked, side by side, to some point where they would not endanger the lives of others, Ashby was reported to have slapped Camp on the shoulder and flourished his revolver. Camp threw up Ashby's gun hand, drew his own weapon and shot Ashby three times, once after he had fallen. The authorities apparently decided it was a case of justifiable homicide in self defense and did not prosecute Camp. The killing plunged the newspapers into an even more intense war of words. The Whig defended Camp, as was to have been expected. Fleming, the staunch Unionist of 1861, followed the ironical policy of printing tributes to Ashby as the "noble scion of a noble race," who was slain "by the cowardly bullet of an ignominious assassin." Camp was from Ohio, and the Press and Herald evaluated him as belonging "to that low order of shysters that frequent the police courts of Chicago and New York." Sentiment inside Knoxville ran in favor of Ashby, that of the county outside the city for Camp. So intense did the feeling run that the Whig saw a new war in the making by the old Confederates, and welcomed it: "Let the fight come and that speedily, and we will gut and clean out the infernal traitors and assassins who back Ashby." The Parson himself threw into the inflammatory situation this �362 CHAPTER NO. 18 blazing brand: A portion of the rebel friends of the late Colonel Ashby are openly boasting that the fighting is not all over yet, and that they intend Camp shall bite the dust. Camp's cause is the cause of the Union men of Knox County, and if he shall fall, let the loyal men of the town and county fall with him. Let every loyal man in the town, white and colored, arm himself and be ready for the conflict. Let our friends in the country, when they come to town, come prepared to defend themselves. Let them act on the defensive, but mete out justice to their assailants, and to all who contribute to bring on a conflict. [2 3] Somehow the county survived further bloodshed. Providence must have intervened. The Press and Herald taunted John Bell Brownlow with cowardice. It claimed that a threat by Ashby had frightened the young editor into keeping his name out of the Whig. John retorted by referring to two items published during the eighteen months preceding the death of the former officer, in which "severe terms" were used. Fleming touched a sensitive spot in his competitor, for John had admitted two years earlier that he had submitted to the insults and denunciations of discharged rebel officers and soldiers on a train in Alabama, when outnumbered twenty to one. "A living Dog is Better than a Dead Lion," he had headlined his explanation. [24] In the midst of this tempest of words the Rev. David Fleming, the father of John Fleming, and a Methodist minister for forty years, died. The Parson had known him for half a century and had lived near him as a boy in Wythe County, Virginia. The Whig paid him tribute as "essentially a good man-honest, upright and earnest as a minister, and remarkably successful in all the stations he filled, both as pastor and presiding elder. A man of one work, sharing the confidence of all who knew him, his record is marked by a singular purity and unselfish benevolence." The Whig had come to the preacher's defense in 1856 and 1857, when it appeared that he was being proscribed by Methodist Democrats because his son was a Whig and a Know Nothing leader. [25] The tribute was merited, but coming as it did, it cut two ways, depicting the father as a saint. The Whig, of course, had often gone to considerable extent to show the son was a smner. In the fall of 1867, the man most responsible for plunging Tennessee into the Confederacy, former Governor Isham G. Harris, a wanderer from his home land for six years, swallowed his pride and �NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS 363 wrote to an old friend, former Governor Neill S. Brown. Harris asked Brown to intercede in his behalf for permission to return to his state and his family at Paris. Harris hated President Johnson and rejected the thought of an appeal to him. He asked his emissary to approach the Parson. Brown did, and the governor, who had once penned a malicious diatribe against Harris to accompany the legislature's offer of a $5,000 reward for the capture of the fugitive, promised protection and immunity. The governor asked the legislature to withdraw the reward offer. When Harris received word of the developments he left Liverpool and went directly to Nashville. There, on a Sunday morning in late November, Harris and Brown went quietly and unnoticed to the capitol, where the governor slept and ate as well as officiated. It was a moving scene. The Parson held out his arms to his old political enemy whom he had denounced in the harshest terms, and the spirit of the camp meeting led him to utter these lines from an old hymn: "While the lamp holds out to burn, the vilest sinner may return." Harris is said to have laughed, but if he did his laughter must have lacked spontaneity. He had crossed an ocean and part of a continent to obtain restoration of his citizenship. It was no time to quibble. [26] Brownlow's last years as governor saw the defection of Secretary of State Andrew Jackson Fletcher. The secretary was one of the Radicals' best campaigners, who often spoke for the ailing Parson, and who took on with great skill, the task of blackening the character of John Baxter and resisting his assaults upon Brownlow policies. Fletcher wanted to run for governor in 1867, and was embittered when the Parson sought another term. The unhappy secretary, who brought the split into the open in 1869, charged that Brownlow had grasped so much power that it "destroyed the republican character of the State government." He also dissented from Brownlow policies on railroads, financing, "the use of the militia instead of county police, the administration of the machinery of the franchise law, and many other minor matters." He favored a more moderate policy on the extension of the franchise, and he charged that the "excessively severe policy of our party is about to produce its natural consequences. It is about to explode for want of calibre." The Press and Herald found Fletcher's views "notable and creditable." Brownlow rejected Fletcher's claim that the break was entirely political. He attributed it to the secretary's chagrin and disappointment at being denied the opportunity to run for governor in 1867, and because �364 CHAPTER NO. 18 Brownlow had rejected patronage sought for some of Fletcher's relatives. It was a case of ingratitude the Parson said. He brought the secretary from exile to take the state post; "No sooner was he firm in his seat than he attempted to strike down the hand that had lifted him from obscurity to eminence and from utter penury to opulence." [27] It was the last major piece of writing that the Parson produced for Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, for under a new arrangement the historic name long associated with the newspaper came down. It appeared under new direction as the Weekly Knoxville Whig. [28] The Parson had roared and fulminated in the newspaper since he had become its editor at Elizabethton in 1839. Now, thirty years later, he departed from the editorial chair in character and in style. CHAPTER XVIII NOTES [ 1] Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, pp. 77, 115-116, 334, 422-424; W. G. Brownlow to F. S. Heiskell, September 18, 1849. Howard Papers. Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 182, 341; Humes, The Loyal Mountaineers, appendix, p. 352; Whig, April27, June 1, 1861. [ 2] Ibid., June 13, 1861, August 31, 1864, October 18, 1865. [ 3] Ibid., August 1, September 6, 1865. [ 4] Ibid., April 11, 18, May 2, 16, 1866. Major General A. C. Gillem, who commanded troops in East Tennessee, was a graduate of the United States Military Academy, was a member of the 1865 convention and was elected to the Brownlow Legislature from Jackson County. Whig, November 16, 1864, January 11, April 26, 1865; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 25, 27,105,204. [ 5] "The rebellion suspended and destroyed the editor's newspaper, the most valuable in the whoie Southern Confederacy, bringing him an income of about $10,000. Besides this he recovered in a real estate lawsuit to the value of many thousands of dollars by the verdict of the Rebel Supreme Court of Tenn. The property was sold by order of the court just after he went North and the proceeds deposited by the Rebel clerk of Chancery Court with the Rebel officers of the Branch bank of Tenn. who speculated with the money during the war and [word illegible] the aforesaid clerk tendered the editor Confederate money after Burnside took E. T. when said trash was worthless. The editor was a heavy loser by the war." john Bell Brownlow marginal note. Whig, July 5, 1865. See also ibid., March 15, 29, May 3, July 19, December 20, 27, 1865, November 28, 1866, December 25, 1867; "Diary of David Deaderick," typescript, pp. 47, 78-80. McClung Collection. Rothrock, ed., French Broad-Holston, pp. 327-328. See also Whig, December 25, 1867. �NEW FOES FROM OLD FRIENDS 365 [ 6] Trigg was a native of Abingdon, Virginia, and had been known to Brownlow all his life. The Parson supported Trigg for Congress from a Virginia district in 1855 when the latter ran as the American Party candidate. The editor's zeal probably was stimulated because Trigg's opponent was Fayette McMullens, who had attacked Brownlow at a camp meeting in Sullivan County in 1842. Ibid., March 24, May 5, 1855, February 2, May 9, 1856; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 202-212, 66-67; John Green, Bench and Bar, (Knoxville, 1947), pp. 33-35; Rule, ed., Standard History, pp. 482483. [ 7] Whig, November 11, 1863, June 25, December 7, November 30, 1864, February 1, 1865. [ 8] Ibid., March 1, May 31, June 21, 1865. Acreage of the Lyons farm is given in a list of tax sales, ibid., May 3, 1865. { 9] Ibid., june 21, 1865; Green, Bench and Bar, pp. 34-35. [10] John Bell Brownlow to Temple, November 28, 1892. Temple Papers. For John Bell Brownlow's derogatory comments on Trigg see marginal notes, Whig, March 1, May 31, 1865. Temple, Notable Men, p. 211. [11) Green, Bench and Bar, p. 34; Whig, April 24, May 1, 1867; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 147-148; Whig, May 8, 1867. [12] Ibid., May 15, 1867; Green, Bench and Bar, p. 58. {13) Whig, May 22, 1867. Fletcher's speech was printed in a Whig supplement, June 22, 1867. See also Alexander, Political Reconstruction, p. 148. [14] W. G. Brownlow to Robertson Topp, October 1, 1861. Robertson Topp Papers. [15] Temple, Notable Men, p. 72; john Bell Brownlow to Temple, September 2, 1891. Temple Papers. O.R., II, 1, Carroll to Benjamin, November 25, 1861, p. 903; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 71-73; Green, Bench and Bar, p. 60; joshua W. Caldwell, Sketches of the Bench and Bar of Tennessee (Knoxville, 1890), p. 273; Temple, Notable Men, p. 73. (16) Whig, june 27, july 4, 1866, February 27, 1867. [ 17] Ibid., july 4, 1866; Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, pp. 371-379; Temple, Notable Men, pp. 88-93; Whig, October 31, 1866. [18] W. G. Brownlow to Robertson Topp, October 1, 1861. Robertson Topp Papers. Temple, Notable Men, pp. 120, 407; Free Press, june 29, 1867; Whig, july 3, 1867. [19] Ibid., April 30, October 19, 1864, January 11, July 19, December 20, 1865, May 2, 1866, November 20, 1867. See also Register, (published in Atlanta), October 7, 10, 23, 1863. Newspaper miscellany on microfilm. McClung Collection. [20] Whig, September 4, 1867; Press and Herald (morning) january 7, February 1, 6, 20, March 24, 29, Apri117, 27,1868. [21] Whig, September 6, 13, 1865, March 11, May 6, 20, july 1, 15, 1868. The Governor designated the favored newspapers and the list was confirmed by the Senate. Ibid., March 11, 1868. [22] Whig, june 17, July 8, 1868;Press and Herald, June 18, july 14, 1868. [23] Whig, June 17,1868, August 1, 1866;PressandHerald,June 18,July 11, 1868; Whig, july 22, 1868. The shooting must have taken place not very �366 [24) [25) [26) [27) [28) CHAPTER NO. 18 far from the corner of Main Avenue and Walnut Street (then called Crooked). Fleming was reponed to have taken a stand at the Franklin House, which stood near where the Knox County Courthouse is at this writing, a point from which he could view the encounter. The shooting, however, took place before the duellists arrived at the point where they were to have fired at each other. Whig, July 15, 1868. Ibid., July 22, 1868. Ibid., September 9, 1868. For Brownlow's support of the Reverend Fleming see ibid., November 26, 1865, March 3, 1857. Temple, Notable Men, pp. 335-339; John Bell Brownlow to Temple, July 11, 1892. Temple Papers. Coulter, pp. 342-345. Press and Herald, January 13, 1869; Whig, January 20, 1869. Weekly Knoxville Whig, February 3, 1869. �Brownlow's Knoxville Whig "Yielding up the other cheek/Dropping humbly on the knees; Closing lips when dared to speak/Will not do in times like these." Chapter No. 18 THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC The outlook was bright and inviting as T. Haws & Co. published its first Weekly Knoxville Whig at 108 Gay Street on February 3, 1869. A daily was to be issued soon. Six influential citizens had raised $12,000 of capital to finance the undertaking. They were W. G. Brownlow, 0. P. Temple, M.D. Bearden, Joseph A. Mabry, Tilghman Haws, General James A. Cooper, and William Rule. These men, with the exception of Mabry, were staunch and tried Radical Unionists. [ 1] Mabry could scarcely be classified as solid, but he was agile politically and financially. He managed to land on his feet through precarious times. He had been a rebel during the war, but he had emerged with wealth and was now operating in several business fields. He had been the Parson's friend when other Confederates plotted to get him killed. John Baxter found him successfully performing the most wonderful political feat recorded in the annals of man. He is supporting three different and antagonistic characters at the same time, to wit: in all matters pertaining to local legislation he is a Conservative; in matters within the jurisdiction of the Governor he is a Senter Republican; and in all national affairs, such as getting payment for losses sustained by him when he was a rebel, he is a Radical without blemish and without guile. [2] Brownlow was disassociating himself from the editorial department of the newspaper, but he would be sitting in the United States Senate at Washington. The Whig management had looked over the first title and decided that the Knoxville Weekly Whig sounded better and made the change with the second issue. Two experienced men 367 �368 CHAPTER NO. 19 remained in key positions on the Whig. Haws was business manager and Rule was local editor. Haws had been Brownlow's partner, and, in addition to running the business end, he had supervised the design and construction of the Whig Building on Gay Street. Rule had worked for the Whig before joining the Union army, and upon his return was made local editor. He displayed industry and talent in getting items principally for their newsworthiness, as contrasted to the Brownlow policy of evaluating stories chiefly for the political implications that could be extracted from them. Haws was to draw an annual salary of $2,000 and $800 yearly rental for the building, which he owned, and Rule was to be paid $800 a year. [ 3] The management appointed the Rev. Thomas H. Pearne, D.D., an outsider from distant Oregon, general, political, and religious editor. Bishop D. W. Clark of the Northern Methodist Church imported Pearne to be the presiding elder of the Knoxville District of the Holston Conference, which had been reorganized with loyalist preachers and members of the denomination. Brownlow had been a leader in this reorganization. He had conferred with northern bishops before Pearne was selected. Perhaps Brownlow suggested him for the Parson had seen Pearne, as chairman of the Oregon delegation to the Union Party Convention of 1864, swing his group into support of Andrew Johnson for the nomination for Vice-President. Following the convention Pearne had stumped Oregon for the Lincoln-Johnson ticket. [4] The Parson had fired some of his hottest tirades against ministers who supported the Confederacy, but he liked politically turned preachers if they were on his side. [ 5] He outlined his plans for dealing with the rebel Methodist preachers in the Holston Conference in a speech in McKendree Methodist Church in Nashville, in the fall of 1862, declaring: The worst class of men, so help me God, on Southern soil, are the Methodist, Baptist, Presbyterian and Episcopalian preachers .... Last month the Methodist Church, of which I have been a member thirty-five years, held a Conference in Athens, which was presided over by a hoary-headed old man, Bishop john Early. With one sweeping resolution they expelled from the ministry all the Union preachers of the Holston Conference .... This old traitor, Bishop Early, also issued an order to the Presiding Elders to expel all loyal preachers within the Conference. I am going back, and intend to call a Conference of the local preachers, and we will expel the last devil of these rebel priests. We will put these seceders and rebels out and recover the church property which rightfully belongs �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 369 to us, and not to the traitors .... These Parsons of the Methodist Publishing House employed me to write a book exposing that infernal scoundrel of the Baptist Church, Elder J. R. Graves. They denounced him for all that was vile and rascally, but now they are all standing shoulder to shoulder in stirring up rebellion .... I intend to expose their damnable hypocrisy, villainy, and falsehood to the gaze of the world. No man living but me can do it, for I know them better than anyone else. I intend to resurrect the Knoxville Whig, and pour hot shot into their rotten hulks (Whig, February 27, 1864). Bishop Early, who was the brother of the Confederate General Jubal Early, had directed this harsh course of the Holston Conference, in the sessions of 1861, 1862, and 1863. Spencer Henry, a loyal Methodist preacher, wrote that in the 1862 conference, as a preacher was being examined as to which side he was on shouts rang out "Hang him, G-d d-n him." The Whig charged that Early "had a file of rebel soldiers stationed in the conference, with bayonets, and examined every preacher, one by one, as to his position upon the great issue, and notified them that anyone declaring for the Lincoln Government would be turned over to these soldiers" [6] Henry and the Whig, embittered though they were, were not off base, for R. N. Price, who was a chaplain in the Confederate army, and "a Southern man with Southern prejudices," but trying to be fair, termed the 1862 session "the conference of political dabbling." He found Early "aristocratic and haughty ... a typical Southern fire eater." Early had rejected arbitrarily the chaplain's objection that the conference had no right to inquire into the "political opinions and the political actions," of ministers. The bishop ruled that "the conference had a right to arrest the character of any preachers who sympathized with the Union cause." The sensitive chaplain also was aghast at the reprisals taken against Southern sympathizers when federal troops occupied the area and the smothered hatreds accumulated by the Unionists under Confederate control, found release. He mourned that "Eternity alone" would reveal the suffering of these Southerners as occupation changed: "It was to them a reign of terror. Leading men were arrested and taken to Northern prisons, while hundreds of others preserved their liberty only by fleeing to other states." [7] Reports of these reprisals may have led Pearne to deplore and regret "a disposition to interrupt and mob preachers of the Methodist Episcopal Church South." He cited some instances in McMinn County, of which Athens was the county seat, and he frowned upon the practice of riding these preachers on a rail. But he �370 CHAPTER NO. 19 stoked the fires of dissension by adding: If preachers of the Methodist Church, South, with a record stained with disloyalty and bloody with rebeUion, have the effrontery to preach in loyal communities where their deeds are well known, my counsel would be, Jet them do it ... if loyal Methodists cannot sustain their cause by truth and free discussions, as against that of Southern Methodists in the field of argument and reason, it cannot be sustained at all" (Whig, December 20, 1865). The North's victory put the Southern-supporting churches in a position of misery and humiliation as they tried to re-establish their loyalty to the old government and suppress the militancy they had displayed for the South. The Presbytery of Union that met at Spring Place Church, near Knoxville, in 1864, saw that the Confederates had lost. It hastily backed away from a resolution adopted a year before that it would not receive men unsympathetic to the South (Whig, September 28, 1864). The Holston Methodist Conference, South, that met at Marion, Virginia, a year later conceded that some of its actions at the 1862, 1863, and 1864 sessions "might be so construed, as to place us in an attitude of disloyalty to the Government under which we now live." The conference urged members to be faithful to the Union, and acknowledged that expelling ministers who adhered to the North may have been "hasty," a lukewarm phrase that led the Whig to snap: "Was hasty" was it? Nay, it was villainous, mean, cowardly and anti-christian [sic.] -a wicked and proscriptive conduct that would have disgraced a Mormon conclave .... Why, reader, the conference at Athens was nothing more or less than a Rebel Court Martial .. .. Bishop Early ... only wanted shoulder straps and a cocked hat to invest him with the dignity and authority of a Capt. Wirz. [8] [Captain Henry Wirz was the superintendent of the notorious Confederate prison at Andersonville, who was hanged for his cruel treatment of the inmates.] The creation of the new Holston Conference by Brownlow and the loyal preachers and members was by its nature divisive. The Parson wanted no compromise and he wanted the conference to have an articulate leader. Pearne filled that requirement. But he was an outsider in a region where strangers were met often with suspicion and distrust, especially if they were as brash and imprudent as he was in seeking to be introduced at the Holston Conference, South, that met at Asheville, North Carolina, in the fall of 1866. He was rebuffed and came away with the intelligence that northern ministers were rated as �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 371 "horse thieves" by their brethren of the South. The presiding elder's foes damned him as a "comparative stranger, cutting and hewing the character of ministers long known in a community." [9] Early in 1869 Fleming, a native East Tennesseean who understood and probably shared the prejudices of the area, bored into our recently imported Brother Pearne who assumes to speak "on behalf of East Tennessee" ... as though the ecclesiastical "capture" of a few dozen churches, gave him by right of religious conquest, the keeping of the social, moral and political tastes and interests of East Tennessee. He spreadeth himself entirely too grandly. He mistaketh his lattitude [sic.]. He understandeth not the people.[lOJ The new Whig editor was agile and busy. He was often in the newspapers. He took an active part in the opening of East Tennessee Wesleyan College at Athens. The college was under the control of the Holston Conference, North. This conference had purchased it after a Chancery Court sale. The southern conference had lost it during the war. He was an official of the Teacher's State Association which met in Knoxville on August 13, 1867. He moved dexterously from the religious to the political forum. He reported from Chicago that the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church had admitted the loyal Holston Conference, and a week later from the same city he told of the nomination of General U. S. Grant for President by the Republican National Convention. [ 11] But, however well Pearne might write and however diligently he might labor, the unmistakable voice of the Parson was gone from the newspaper. The Whig had been a "political journal" from its birth. It had thrived on political campaigns. Now, in the chaotic era that followed the Civil War, the vagarious winds of change carried it to destruction. As the Parson left for Washington to take his seat in the Senate he may have believed that he had left behind a state administration and a newspaper that would survive. The Tri-Weekly Whig had been discontinued after five months of publication, its death ignored by the weekly. It was mockingly mourned by the opposition,[12] but the new Whig management was soon out with a competitive morning daily (Whig, Aprill4, 1869). Brownlow's trip to Washington in a special railroad car brought the expected displays of hostility. At Bristol, Virginia, a heckler shouted that he looked "like ad-d old turkey buzzard." A Lynchburg, Virginia, newspaper reported him traveling in Car No. 9 and recommended that "any decent man who passes over the road here- �372 CHAPTER NO. 19 after should avoid it as he would a leper." A student boarded the car at Charlottesville and in an "act of bravado" brandished a revolver before the sleeping Parson. He was seized and left immediately. At the capitol Brownlow was so weak that his arm was supported as he took the oath. He found a boarding house one hundred yards from the Senate chamber, walked to his post, and began to establish a record of almost constant attendance. In that spring he assisted Representative Maynard in putting through Congress an appropriation of $90,000 for a new Knoxville post office building. [13] DeWitt C. Senter, state senate speaker, was now governor by the line of succession. The thirty-six-year-old Grainger County farmer and lawyer had served in the legislature at the beginning of the war and after. He was imprisoned five months by the Confederacy. Senter had been a slaveholder and a Whig, and he was the son of the illustrious William T. Senter, an orator of ability, a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1834 and a member of Congress from the Second District for one term. Even the Press and Herald spoke of him favorably, but took a shrewd look at the future and warned him that to attempt a precipitate change in Brownlow policies would require a steady brain and an iron nerve. There is no man living on the American continent, nor, indeed, on any other continent that could duplicate the administration of the retiring Governor. As it never had a precedent, so it wiD stand in the future, without a parallel. Brownlow is sui generis, and Brownlowism is essentially and peculiarly a thing of his creation and nuture. As with him it had its origin, so with him it must die.[14] The Radicals soon split with something resembling obscene thunder, at the party's state convention held in Nashville on May 20 and 21. Reviewing it the Press and Herald, smugly commented that "Nothing in the political history of Tennessee has ever been seen so turbulent, vulgar, bitter or disgracefuL" The forces of United States Representative W. B. Stokes went into the convention with the advantage of Chairman A. M. Cate of the Republican State Central Committee presiding. At the first step, the election of a temporary chairman of the convention, Cate used that advantage by refusing to recognize the nomination of Pearne by Judge L. C. Houk, a Senter backer. Instead he recognized a Stokes supporter who nominated R. R. Butler. Cate declared Butler elected temporary chairman. Houk leaped upon a desk, assumed the role of a chairman, and declared Pearne elected. Pearne and Butler attempted to take the chair but �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 373 Cate refused to budge, and The convention was soon turned into a bedlam fit only for lunatics. Champions of Senter and Stokes disputed together for the doubtful honor of making the most noise and confusion. Whiskey flowed freely, and drunken yells, curses, jeers and catcalls, furnished enjoyment only to the delighted and guffawing "Democrats in the galleries." Three hours of the afternoon session were wasted except for the excitement provided when D. M. Nelson, for Senter, slapped the face of Butler. Pistols were drawn. joe Mabry, the ubiquitous politician from Knoxville, flourished a weapon. Police halted the brawl. Somehow the meeting was adjourned to the following day, May 21. The Senter forces decided to take over the chair by strategy. When Cate arrived at the hall the next morning to assume his seat Pearne was in it, wearing the "placid air of a matronly hen on a nest." A strange agreement followed. A motion to adjourn sine die was made and Pearne and Care each declared it passed. Each side then met separately, one group nominating Senter, the other Stokes. The congressman laid claim to the support of fifty-four county delegations and of forty thousand blacks. [ 15] As Senter and Stokes opened the campaign, Pearne dutifully extolled his candidate as opposed to universal suffrage for the protection of "loyal men-white and colored-at whatever cost, the safety of the State by guarding against the enfranchisement of its enemiesunsubdued and unrepentant rebels." The editor probably was in the assembly of Senter partisans who heard him say that although "the time might arrive when the rebels could come up to the ballot box ... that that day was a long way off." Certainly Pearne believed he was in accord with Senter, and he was, in effect, trying to warn Stokes against espousing universal suffrage, a step which it had been rumored he was about to take to win Conservative support. A switch came, but it was Senter who made it when he met Stokes in debate at Nashville on June 5. Senter came out firmly for universal suffrage. [ 16] When Senter decided to reverse himself is not known. He may have done so in the heat of the confrontation with his opponent. The reversal placed Pearne in an almost intolerable position, but he loyally swallowed his chagrin, and turned about to follow his candidate. He denied reports that the Whig would switch to Stokes, and recalled other Radical reversals; an example was: On the subject of negro [sic.] suffrage and negro testimony when the transition �374 CHAPTER NO. 19 from utter and bitter hostility to warm and earnest support of it was remarkably speedy. Shall we conclude that the great Radical party of Tennessee were insincere in their hostility, or afterwards, in their early and warm support of it? Or, shall we conclude-can we avoid concluding-that if they were honest before, at the time of, and ever since notwithstanding the suddenness of the change? (Whig, June 23, 1869). The Whig under Brownlow had made some unusual political shifts, but nothing as stunning as Senter's about-face. He had resorted to it purely as an expedient. Senator Brownlow backed Senter on the suffrage issue, but whether he was caught by surprise, had anticipated such a move, or was advised that it was coming he did not reveal; he had "never held an equivocal position on any great public question," and never would. At the time his administration had put through the law restricting the franchise, it "was an absolute necessity to prevent the State from being thrown into anarchy, and to protect the loyal people." The leaders of the rebellion should be denied voting privileges for life, but it was unjust to "keep a thousand men under disabilities, nine hundred of whom no longer require it." In any event, general enfranchisement would come gradually because the Radical Republicans had, in a recent statewide election, put their candidates into judicial posts for eight years. Constitutional revision would take at least two years. The third clause of the Fourteenth Amendment would keep rebels from taking over state offices. A recent decision of the State Supreme Court had restored the franchise to 20,000 former Confederates, and the Republican Party and President Grant were for universal suffrage (Whig, June 16, 1869). Three weeks earlier, and before the juggling of the franchise issue, the senator had responded to a query made by several Senter delegates to the meeting at Nashville. Brownlow affirmed his support of the governor because Senter had stumped for the Parson in his campaigns, had backed his programs in the General Assembly, and had voted to send him to the Senate. The Parson did not mention that Senter had an interest in voting for him because Brownlow's election opened the way for the Grainger Countian to be governor, and therefore put him in a strategic spot to run for chief executive of the state (Whig, May 26, 1869). The Whig's stand for Senter opened a crack in the newspaper's organization. Local Editor Rule, a native of Knox County, a former Union soldier, and something of a Brownlow protege, refused to support Senter and resigned. Because Rule had roots deep in East �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 375 Tennessee soil, and had performed military service, his presence on the Whig staff may have partially offset the prejudice against Pearne as an outsider. Rule was for Stokes. This was understandable. Stokes also had served in the Union army and had risen to the rank of major general. The Whig's blatant switch also may have turned Rule's stomach, but he left the newspaper with quiet dignity and with the good wishes of the printers, who presented him with a gold-headed cane and assured him, "The readers of the Whig will miss his spicy paragraphs, and feel that his place is difficult worthily to fill." Rule had shown he was an excellent reporter. He loaded the third page of the newspaper with readable local items. His valedictory stated, "Without doing violence to my own feelings, I cannot remain longer connected with a journal, even as Local Editor, the political policy of which is directly opposite to my own views." He was "especially grieved to sever my connection with the employees of the Whig establishment, with whom my intercourse has ever been pleasant and agreeable." He did not mention Pearne. The general editor published a courteous note of farewell, but the two men could not have been bosom comrades. Thirty years later when the Standard History of Knoxville, Tennessee, edited by Rule, was published, it gave seven words to Pearne as an editor and none as a minister. [ 17] Some of the Whig stockholders also wanted to switch to Stokes, and to fire Pearne. When they met at the Parson's residence, men holding seven of the twelve shares were reported to be for Stokes and five were for Senter. But the policy remained steadfast and Pearne continued as editor. The Press and Herald suggested that the Parson held the owners in line by revealing that he and Haws had not executed a conveyance of the partnership property to the stock company, but that they would do so, a hint with broad implications. Pearne, in a denial that policy would be changed, ignored the conveyance aspect. If such a conveyance was made it does not appear on the books of the Knox County register.[18] In the campaign bedlam the Democratic Press and Herald was unable to remain neutral. The party, as did the Conservatives, nominated no candidate but stood at one side watching which way to jump, then fell in behind Senter. The Press and Herald, however, came out quickly for Senter because of his declaration in favor of universal suffrage, which was a major policy of the newspaper. At the same time Fleming caught the Parson with this swift, backhanded blow: �376 CHAPTER NO. 19 We do not pretend now, nor do we know that we will ever pretend, to solve the mystery that is now the puzzle of the politicians. We have no disposition now to quarrel with Senator Brownlow. It is enough for us to know ... that he lends the weight of his name, and the power of his influence, to the undoing of the bonds that now fetter the thousands of disfranchised white men of his own State, in whose humiliation he has heretofore sought to perpetuate his power. [19] The campaign was bitter and strident, but the outcome was never really in doubt. Senter won with a majority of 65,297 out of 173,369 cast. The black vote went to Stokes because of the disillusionment of the former slaves. They had not received the rewards that they had anticipated for keeping the Brownlow forces in the State House in 1867. Senter countered this, although it seems not to have been necessary, by removing between sixty and seventy county registration officials who did not go along with his policies. The new registrars, often Conservatives, threw open the registration to thousands of former rebels. The Conservatives also seized upon this development to run their partisans for the General Assembly, and they elected enough of their number to control it. They used this power to repeal Reconstruction laws and submitted to the electorate the question of holding a Constitutional Convention. It was approved five to one. [20] Radicalism had been whipped and the Brownlow prestige damaged. John Bell Brownlow ran for floterial representative from Knox and Sevier counties and was beaten overwhelmingly. Editor Fleming who left his newspaper post to seek a seat as direct representative from Knox County, won. The Parson sold his share in the Whig to Mabry, some of the other shareholders sold or withdrew, and political ignominy descended upon the once proud and defiant newspaper. Mabry, whose shifts were the rule rather than the exception, made it Democratic, and placed in the editor's post one of the Parson's most hated foes, the Rev. C. W. Charlton. As Knoxville postmaster Charlton had opened Brownlow's mail and forwarded information to Governor Harris in 1861.[21] The Press and Herald, in noting these developments, praised the business and mechanical management of the old Whig by Haws, but added: To the ungenerous fling of the dying Pearne that "had more money been expended on the paper," it "would have been more valuable." Mr. Haws might well retort that had there been less money and more decency and brains ex· �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 377 pended upon the editor, the cash accounts of the establishment would now present a more satisfactory showing. From the beginning of his tenure as editor Pearne had been the target of Fleming's needle like jabs. In the spring of 1868 he observed: We have never mentioned the "brother" except in a spirit of kindness to our readers. Now and then when Brother Pearne would leave this city in the guise of a wolf in sheep's clothing, to minister to the lambs of the flock we have notified the chickens on the route of the wolf, to roost higher, and the lambs to baa trebly and more piteously that the wolf might indeed be kept from their door. This paragraph was the prelude to a nauseating tale which Fleming called "the Beaver Creek adventure" of Pearne. It reported that the Whig editor got drunk on a farmer's freshly distilled "korjil" [cordial] , ate an enormous amount of boiled eggs and as a result suffered a most unpleasant and embarrassing reaction. When Mabry bought the Whig and Pearne was tossed out, Fleming mockingly sighed, "These be mournful times." Of English extraction and northern and eastern education, Pearne spoke and exhibited speech and manners that must have grated upon most East Tennesseeans. In turn his five years in what he called "reconstruction work," left him worn, ill, and unhappy. Senator Brownlow persuaded President Grant to appoint Pearne to a consulate at Kingston, Jamaica, in the British West Indies. In 1874 he returned to the Methodist ministry in the Cincinnati, Ohio Circuit and preached there for many years. In 1899 he wrote a book on his experiences during his sixty-one years in the pulpit and in public life. He told of perils and difficulties met during his five years in East Tennessee, but he wrote not a word of his feverish political and editorial experiences. [22] His memories of those days must not have been happy ones. The conversion of the Whig to a Democratic policy and the appointment of Charlton must have caught the Parson by surprise and gored him deeply. In announcing the sale of his interest he claimed to have been given assurance that it will be continued as a Republican journal advocating the principles and policy of the Republican Party and rendering a cordial support to President Grant and his administration .... And further, it is pertinent for me to say, that so many in Tennessee who �378 CHAPTER NO. 19 were at one time the most outspoken Union men, have proved untrue, and have turned back to the 'flesh pots of Egypt,' betr~ying the too generous friends who warmed them into life (Whig, September 15, 1869). The Parson now was accused of having "perpetrated a fraud upon the people of East Tennessee" in telling them that the Whig would continue as a Republican newspaper, and of having known when he sold his interest to Mabry that Charlton would be the editor. The author of these charges was A. J. Ricks, a law partner of John Baxter. He held a grudge against Brownlow because the latter had barred him from getting the job of pension agent at Knoxville. The Parson got it instead for his son-in-law, Dr. David T. Boynton. Ricks earlier had accused the Brownlow administration of having plundered the state and sold the Republican Party to the Democrats. [2 3] The Parson's defense led off with sharp criticism of Governor Senter's policy of making Conservatives in many counties the election registrars. Given this power these registrars enfranchised Conservatives and former Confederates to such an extent that Conservatives obtained a majority in the legislature. The Parson stormed: When I retired from the office of Governor, I left to Senter the legacy of fifteen hundred State militia, armed and equipped and in the field. The so-called Conservatives raised the mad-dog cry of high taxes in sustaining a standing army .... Governor Senter was induced to disband them ... had I been Governor at the time I would have distributed these troops in the rebellious counties ... thereby securing a Republican legislature. He offered no criticism of Mabry for having turned the Whig Democratic and installing Charlton as editor. Instead he noted: The Gentleman to whom I sold my interest in the Whig, General Joseph A. Mabry, contributed liberally of means and efforts to the defeat of Andrew Johnson as a candidate for a seat in this body [the United States Senate], in his recent effort for election by the Tennessee Legislature. A few weeks earlier Johnson had been defeated in his effort to win the vacant Senate seat. Johnson led in the balloting but his opposition then consolidated behind State Senator Henry Cooper of Davidson County and beat Johnson by four votes. The quotation from Brownlow clearly implies that by Mabry's efforts to deny Johnson the other seat in the United States Senate he atoned for turning the Whig Democratic and making Charlton editor. The Senate and the country were spared the spectacle of Johnson's and the Parson's �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 379 snarling and spitting at each other in that august body. [24] Whatever the arrangements were between Brownlow and Mabry on the sale of the Whig and the fight Mabry made against the former President who had come back to Tennessee in the hopes of returning to Washington in a Senate role, a note for $3,000 that Mabry gave Brownlow on November 23, 1869, remains in the hands of the Brownlow family, partially collected. Mabry pledged to pay "one day after date" [now known usually as a demand note] the $3,000 "for value received." The back of the instrument carries a notation from the Parson that on November 4, 1871, John Bell Brownlow collected $1,480 and turned it over to his father. [2 5] So mixed were Knoxville politics, religion, and newspapers that H. H. Ingersoll, editor of the Greeneville Union described them as almost beyond belief. The present editor of the Whig Rev. C. W. Charlton, is the same man who was connected with the old Register in war times, and who, Brownlow said in the Whig, less than two years ago, could never come back to Knoxville to live. It looks strange to see him now controlling the columns of Brownlow's Knoxville Whig and Rebel Ventilator, but such is the mutability of human affairs. Tomorrow he preaches at one Methodist church and Pearne his predecessor in the other. It is a matter of speculation who will have the largest congregation. Looking at Knoxville from Louisville, Kentucky, George Prentice of the Courier-journal, who had for many years exchanged insults with the Parson, offered this thought: The Whig has never been a religious paper in the strict sense of the term, and yet it has always been edited by a minister of the Gospel, or by a man who claimed that title. It was first edited by Parson Brownlow, then by Parson Pearne, and now it is edited by Parson Charlton. Some decent infidel could make it a much more pious and useful paper than it has ever yet been [26]. Fresh uproars and complications followed. The instrument in the increased agitation was the Knoxville Chronicle, published by William Rule and Henry Tarwater. The two men saw the need for an East Tennessee newspaper to offset the two Democratic dailies in Knoxville and to encourage the disheartened Republican majority in the area. The Chronicle was published at "Brownlow's Old Stand." A weekly appeared on April 6, 1870, and the daily a month later. [27] A series of letters started in the Chronicle by John Baxter led Joe Mabry to fire upon the lawyer on the morning of June 13, 1870, as �380 CHAPTER NO. 19 Baxter stood talking with other men in front of the Lamar House barber shop. Mabry spoke to Baxter and as the latter turned to him, Mabry fired a derringer. The bullet inflicted a flesh wound above the wrist of the right arm. Baxter attempted to draw his pistol but was unable to use his injured arm and retreated across the street. He first sought refuge behind a country wagon and then inside Cowan & McClung's store. Mabry, who had pursued the lawyer with a Navy pistol after having flung the derringer at his enemy, fired again, but missed. Sheriff V. F. Gossett arrested Mabry, took him before Squire Jourolmon, and the defendant made $1,000 bond. The grand jury, which had just gone into session, indicted Mabry and Charlton for malicious shooting. Charlton also made $1,000 bond. He was on the scene, his pistol drawn, but there was no report that he had fired it. Baxter's wound was not serious. The adversaries had both been delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1870. Thomas W. Humes, president of East Tennessee University, and T. A. R. Nelson prevailed on the men to "abstain from all acts of violence against each other, and to leave all matters of difference between them to public opinion and the final determination to the courts of law."[28} Honor was preserved and the shooting ended. The Chronicle continued to publish the remainder of Baxter's letters. There were ten in all. The brawl continued furiously in other forums. Baxter's first letter in the Chronicle was a defense of the Exchange and Deposit Bank in handling the sale of $100,000 of state bonds for the Mineral Home Railroad Co., a firm that existed on paper only. Baxter owned the bank. A General Assembly committee had found the bonds illegal, but even so, Baxter said, the bank had acted only as the selling agent. It turned the proceeds over to the railroad company president. Baxter tried to get the legislature to investigate certain alleged frauds, and urged in particular that the legislators look into the operation of the Knoxville and Kentucky Railroad at Knoxville. Mabry was the receiver and both men were directors. The lawyer, in his broadsides, took in Mabry, Fleming, Charlton, Governor Senter, and unnamed "corruptionists," who "have followed me with such ruthless malice ever since I became a citizen of Knoxville." Two committees shrugged off the labor of investigating, a third accepted it, but Senter's cousin, Editor and Representative Fleming, "who when not drunk, was the controlling mind upon the committee," Baxter noted. �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 381 Old scandals were raked up by Baxter. Among them were the forged letters to Amos Lawrence of Massachusetts that bore the name of Andrew Johnson. Charlton had played a part in this plot. Baxter laid his brief arrest in Memphis during the Civil War to his implacable foes in Knoxville. Boring more deeply into Mabry's affairs, Baxter wrote that the legislative committee had found that Mabry had misapplied $217,905 of the Knoxville and Kentucky Railroad's funds. By Baxter's reckoning it was $570,377. He was bitter because the investigators had decided a lawsuit he had brought in Knox County to require an accounting from Mabry of the railroad management was a "private quarrel of no importance to the people of the State." Fleming had told a House committee at Nashville that Baxter had brought his charges against Mabry and others "to cover his corruption in the Mineral Home Railroad matters." He further stated that if investigating was to be done "let honorable men do it, and not such fellows as this."[29] Baxter's trenchant letters led the Chronicle, Republican but not Radical, to explain that it was not identifying itself with the lawyer's course, but "We publish Mr. Baxter's letters because he is making war upon the corrupt leaders of his own party .... We know that corruption exists in the Democratic Party, and we are glad to have it exposed by one of the leaders of that party" (Daily Chronicle, June 12, 1870). The Chronicle did not accept Senter as a Republican, it offered him to the Democrats, and it carefully placed Mabry in the Democratic Party: Mr. Mabry was never a member of the Republican party. He at one time held intimate personal relationships with some of the party leaders, but his relations to the party ... were temporary. He was a Republican, he said, inprder that he might be of service to his friends, and for his own protection .... We do not intend that ... the Republican party shall be held responsible for Mr. Mabry's sins. He is now, and in sentiment always was, a leading Democrat, and we propose that, as that party has the glory and the influence of the Whig and its publisher, it shall also have their record."[30] The "glory and influence of the Whig" was sarcasm. Mabry sold it on August 20, 1879, to Rolfe Saunders, a former Register editor who had remained friendly with Brownlow in the 185 3 fight for newspaper survival. Saunders took on I. S. Clark of Memphis as a partner and gave the newspaper the incongruous title of the Whig and Register. Mabry was so anxious to sell the property that he took the �382 CHAPTER NO. 19 entire purchase price of $15,000 in five notes. Rule notarized the transaction. [ 31] Early in 1871 Baxter was provoked into another broadside by statements of Senator Brownlow when the Senate passed a bill to compensate Malinda Harmon $4,696.70 for the loss of her Greene County Farm. The farm had been sold under court order to pay lawyers who represented her husband and son, Jacob and Henry Harmon, who were hanged at Knoxville for having participated in the 1861 bridge burnings. The Parson, as usual, said Baxter's services were of no value to his clients, and pictured him as greedily selling the widow's farm to collect his fee. The Press and Herald broke precedent. It praised Brownlow for helping the widow and children of poor, crazed Harmon, who in a moment of agony signed away the homestead which had sheltered her.... From that day to this, the wretched woman has not know a moment of happiness, as every day she feared might be the last wherein her gray hairs, and her helpless children could find a home. Senator Brownlow may have committed many sins during his long lifetime, and who hath not, but his noble conduct in this matter will certainly cover a multitude of abuses. [ 3 2] Fleming probably wrote the editorial; Baxter accused him of it. Baxter then revealed some surprising details. Harmon had retained Fleming and Montgomery Thornburgh, in addition to Baxter, to represent him in the criminal charges and in a lawsuit brought by the East Tennessee & Virginia Railroad seeking $100,000 in damages. Harmon put up $3,000 in notes secured by a trust deed on his Greene County farm. Baxter revealed the fact that Fleming was a partner in the law firm of Confederate Senator Landon C. Haynes and Baxter. This was a circumstance that Brownlow had never put in print, even during his most furious disputes with the younger editor and lawyer. Baxter said he had paid Haynes, Fleming and Thornburgh, $800, $200, and $1,000 respectively, for their interest in the fees. But instead of foreclosing directly, as he might have done, he had asked the Knox County Chancery Court to determine if the fees were reasonable. The court held they were proper and decreed the property should be foreclosed. Baxter bid it in for $4,650, but permitted the family to remain on the farm and use it. He anticipated that Congress would vote relief for Mrs. Harmon. He had moved cannily in asking the court's approval, for the chancellor who heard the suit was 0. P. Temple, who was appointed to the post when the Parson was governor. �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 383 The lawyer charged Brownlow with malice and ingratitude. He accused the Parson of not having paid him so much as expenses for his trip to Richmond in which he made arrangements for Brownlow's passport to the North. Now Brownlow was accusing him unjustly. Fleming had pocketed his share of the Harmon fee nine years earlier and now, as editor of the Press and Herald used it, "to the perpetuation of Senator Brownlow's slander, to speak of the deed in trust, under which he has long since demanded and received his interest, as a 'mortgage to ]no. Baxter,' and the collection of money paid by me to him for the benefit of Harmon's family, as fraudulent and the robbery of a 'poor widow and orphans.' " Baxter had just been warming up. He next sued six newspapers for $50,000 each, the Whig and Register, the Press and Herald, the Nashville Banner, the Nashville Union and American, the Athens Post, and the Sweetwater Enterprise. The Whig and Register had printed an attack on Baxter by State Senator John M. Clementson, chairman of a legislative committee investigating railroads, including the Knoxville and Kentucky. Baxter earlier had accused the senator of bribery and malfeasance in Ohio. The other newspapers had republished the article. When the trial of the Whig and Register was held in Knox County Circuit Court, the Press and Herald was most abusive of Baxter. It was stunned when a jury awarded the lawyer compensation of $27,500. The unsued Chronicle looking over the carnage, found the judgment "the heaviest verdict for libel in the State." Baxter's sensational victory led the remaining newspapers to settle by running retractions, assuming the costs of litigation, and paying the plaintiff from $500 to $2,000. The Whig and Register had failed to plead truth as its justification for publishing the Clementson statement. Instead it relied on a defense that the statement was part of the Chancery Court record in a suit by Baxter against Mabry. The trial brought out that the chancellor had refused to make the Clementson statement a part of the record and therefore was not privileged for publication. Clementson was not sued. [ 3 3] The judgment crushed the Whig and Register and its owners, Saunders and Clark. They tried to appeal on a pauper's oath, and the newspaper was so reduced when the Press and Herald bought what was left of it, it did not consider either name of enough value to add it to its title. [ 34] By coincidence the Daily Chronicle was one year old and growing lustily the day the Whig and Register was suspended. The two newspapers, once powerfully and ferociously at each other's throats, �384 CHAPTER NO. 19 found rest together in what amounted to a pauper's grave, their names now valueless. [ 35] The ashes of the Whig stirred with short life early in 1875. Senator Brownlow, his legislative record unimpressive except that he remained alive, completed his term. Andrew Johnson succeeded him, but lived only a few months. The Parson had found the Chronicle "too mild in its tone, and altogether too conciliatory, considering the party with which you have to deal, and how violent and hostile toward the loyal people that party is." He disliked the General Assembly's undoing of his programs so much that he predicted Congress would find it necessary to take over reconstruction. His extremism reached the point that had I my way, I would reconstruct the Government of the United States so as to form a STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT here in the District of Columbia and organize the states as so many colonial corporations as absolutely dependent upon and subject to the will of the central power at Washington as counties are to the States. Thus I would wipe out and extirpate the whole theory and pretense of States Rights and State Sovereignity to which we are mainly indebted for the late rebellion. [36] Rule promptly dissented with the Parson on this subject. The Democrats had tried to make it appear Brownlow's arbitrary position was that of the Republican Party. Rule's statement also threw further light upon his separation from Senter and Brownlow in 1869: As soon as it was known who Governor Senter's supporters were we dicided [sic.] upon our position and steadfastly adhered to them. We charged then that Governor Senter was in league with the railroad corruptionists to restore the Democracy to power and for that reason refused to support him. His course since the election has confirmed all we ever charged against him, and we say now, as we said then, the Democracy are welcome to him and his railroad ring, and all they can make out of them.[37] Rule's statement almost placed him in Baxter's corner. Certainly he was in opposition to Senator Brownlow on this and other issues. But he must have had a personal attachment to his former editor and to his basic politica1 philosophy, because when the Parson's six-year term was up they combined again. Rule and A. J. Ricks, the latter having succeeded Tarwater, sold a half interest to Brownlow. A partnership of Brownlow, Rule, and Ricks took over the publication of �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 385 the daily and weekly Chronicle. The name of the latter was expanded into the Whig and Chronicle. Brownlow was made principal editor and Rule managing editor. Ricks stepped out of the newspaper management and returned to the practice of law. As John Baxter's law partner in 1869, he had been furious at the senator for having barred him from the job of pension agent at Knoxville. Now he saw the Parson as "beyond question the best known and most experienced editor in the South," a statement which did not stretch the truth. [38] Tennessee now presented an entirely different political face. Democrats controlled the statehouse, from governor to General Assembly. They were operating under a new state constitution and had elected six of the eight members of Congress from Tennessee. [ 39] Adversity may have played a part in bringing Brownlow and Rule together as the political power of the Republicans in the state dwindled. The combination of the Parson's prestige as an editor, feeble though he was in body, with the young, vigorous and respected Rule, made business sense. The Whig and Chronicle moved from the Parson's old location to Market Square. Brownlow said that the daily "has the largest circulation of any journal in East Tennessee, but the Whig and Chronicle will have as large a circulation as any newspaper in the State." The old editor pledged himself to make war on the Democrats and to expose corruption when found in his own party: "In a word I shall edit an Independent Journal. I shall endeavor to commend it to public support by showing that it deserves support." He stopped short of his old threat to treat his foes with personal "severity." He observed rather mildly that "it will not be my fault if my personal relations are not agreeable with my brethren of the press of all parties. In the discussion of public questions it is my purpose to treat all with courtesy who do not elect to be treated otherwise." [40] He must have noticed with some emotion a month later when the equipment of the old Whig and Register was sold under a Chancery Court order to satisfy judgments against Mabry and Saunders. [41] The Whig and Chronicle and the Chronicle bore little resemblance to the old Whig. The weekly was an eight-page tabloid, the daily four pages with large body type. The news content was greater, especially in local, state, and national affairs. Much of it was received by wire. Rule, as mentioned, had specialized in getting local news. Editorializing still appeared in some news items, but it was gradually being �386 CHAPTER NO. 19 confined to the editorial page. Brownlow's writings were more philosophical and more abundant with historical background. Outraged as he was when the Democrats captured the lower house of Congress in 1875, he satisfied himself with heading an editorial on the subject: "THE CONFEDERATE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES."[42] Tennessee's financial condition grew precarious and talk of repudiating the state debt arose. Brownlow blamed the Democratic administration which propelled Tennessee into the Confederacy, [4 3] and sent a flaming message to the Republican State Convention in May 1876. He warned that the integrity of the state was at stake: I have too long loved the fair name of Tennessee to be willing at this late date to see it imperilled by lack of good faith. The noble old commonwealth whose integrity was never doubted when repudiation lifted its brazen front in Pennsylvania, or when jeff. Davis led Mississippi into the same putrid slough, from the slime and stink of which that unfortunate State has never yet escaped, cannot now be permitted to follow such unfortunate examples. Complete repudiation never came, nor did Brownlow escape the conclusion of historians that his administrations were reckless spenders, especially in issuing railroad bonds. [44] Late in 1876 the signed editorials of Brownlow grew more infrequent, and on the night of April 28, 1877, after having paid workmen who had been making repairs on the home on East Cumberland Avenue, he became ill and died at 2:05 a.m., on Sunday April 30. The paralysis that had dogged his frame for years and had stripped him of his proud and cherished ability to use his pen, struck his abdomen. Rule wrote an obituary of more than five columns which appeared in the Chronicle of May 1, 1877, and down from the masthead came the name of William G. Brownlow. In that position only "Wm. Rule, Managing Editor," remained. Rule laid aside his usual reserve and wrote a touching, emotional piece on the man who had hired him in 1859 and started him off on what would be a long and distinguished newspaper career. He extolled the Parson as a minister, editor, and public servant who was in private life extraordinarily kind to his family, gentle to the ill and the helpless, and generous to the impoverished. The old editor was buried in Gray Cemetery,[45] where in 1854 he had joined with Sexton Neddy Lavendar in laying to rest cholera epidemic victims. The parson died with a reputation unblemished by any charge of corruption. But in 1879 a legislative committee, investigating the �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 387 large amount of state bonds voted for the benefit of railroads after the war, turned up testimony that casts a shadow on his record. The Brownlow-Senter legislatures had voted so many bond issues, principally for the railroads, that in 1870 the total state debt exceeded $43,000,000, as compared with $25,277,000 when the Parson was elected. The state's railroads had been left in deplorable shape as the contending armies fought back and forth across Tennessee, and funds were required to restore them. The railroads in turn were held responsible to pay interest on these bonds and retire them. But large amounts of the bond money went into speculation for the benefit of railroad officials and owners, and to prime the legislative pump to keep the bond issues coming. The railroad lobbyists employed the usual devices to corrupt legislators-money, clothing, jewelry, liquor, and women. But as the minority report stated, these charges were general, and "There is indeed no proof ... that would be sufficient, in a court of justice, to warrant the conviction of a single member of the Legislature." [46] Testimony was produced that five bills of $1 ,000 denomination each were given to the Governor in July or August 1869 at his residence in Knoxville, and that at Brownlow's direction Joe Mabry placed them in Mrs. Brownlow's hands. Behind the presentation of the money lays a tale told by Mabry that strains credulity. Four Tennessee railroad officials and a New York banker had made almost $5,000 in bond speculation, and feeling the need of spiritual guidance: Some of us consulted a celebrated New York Spiritualist, Mad. Mansfield, and she told us that bonds would go down and that there would be trouble in Tennessee and not to go to Nashville that we would be arrested, but that we could control "old scratch," meaning Governor Brownlow, with money. We seen [sic.) that the Legislature had been called. We had speculated in bonds on account of Governor Brownlow, and had made nearly $5,000. We then determined to make the governor a present of $5,000, furnishing out of our private means what we had failed of the $5,000 in our speculating for his benefit. I notified him the day before we would; Callaway and myself went up to present it; he was lying on a lounge, and he told us to give it to his wife and we did so, as before stated. Q. Did Governor Brownlow know anything about these speculations in New York, for his benefit, or did you in any manner intimate to him that you had speculated for his benefit, or did he or his wife receive it purely as a present? �388 CHAPTER NO. 19 A. He never knew anything of these speculations, nor did I in any manner intimate to him anything about them, and it is my opinion that the $5,000 was received purely as a present. Q. Was this present made in view of the advice of the spiritualist and was it made for the purpose of enabling you to control him? A. We were advised by the spiritualist that we could control him and we entered into the speculation to make some money for him. We wanted to quiet him and we took this way of doing it. The speculators were, in addition to Mabry, R. T. Wilson of New York, and Calvin McGhee, John R. Branner, and Thomas H. Callaway of East Tennessee. Mabry was the only one of the three who testified who mentioned the spiritualist, and he did not say who accompanied him. Wilson confirmed the decision to give the money to Brownlow, but he was silent on the medium and said he only knew of the delivery to the governor from Mabry having told him. McGhee, who was examined before Mabry told the story of the $5,000, mentioned it not at all in very guarded testimony, and was not recalled. Mrs. Brownlow told newsmen she had accepted the money and saw no harm in it because her husband had performed many services for the roads in his career.[47] Rule accused the investigating committee of having been appointed "to discover a pretext for repudiation" of the state debt. This was an issue of utmost interest and was generally opposed by Republicans. He held, "The moral standard of the Legislature has sunk so low under the teachings of Gov. Marks inaugurated early in the years ... that members appear to have lost all the faculty they ever did have for distinguishing between right and wrong, between honor and infamy." [48] When the Mabry testimony was printed [the Chronicle ran it in full] , Rule bristled that the committee not content ... with blackening the character of the living by lugging into this investigation matters wholly irrelevant to the subject which they pretended to investigate; like ghouls and hyenas they have prowled among the graves of the dead for something to gratify their slanderous appetites. Fairly considered, there is nothing in the evidence of Joseph A. Mabry that would convict Gov. Brownlow of bribery or corruption, in the estimation of even an impartial stranger. But here, where he was best known, there is not a reasonable man of any party who would for one moment give credence to such a charge. In his long and eventful life ... no one dared ... to charge him with dishonesty or corruption. No man ever approached William G. Brownlow with a bribe. No man who �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 389 knew him ever dared to do it. He was above suspicion in this respect. The Chronicle editor resorted to the theme expressed by Mrs. Brownlow that the money represented appreciation for her husband's constant support of the railroads as a medium of transportation: Gov. Brownlow was regarded by the opposite party at the close of the war as an extreme man. He had had provocations to excite a spirit of revenge, and when he became Governor he had the power to take revenge had he thought proper to do so. The gentlemen who are said to have made his wife a present of five thousand dollars, at least a portion of them, were regarded as extreme men on the other side. The Governor showed no malicious disposition toward these men, but on the contrary received them in a spirit of friendship. He aided them in every possible way in their legitimate business enterprises. He actively and industriously used his influence to secure the release of railroad property in the State, in which they were largely interested, from the military authorities of the Government, and its restoration to the owners .... The property was released. They naturally felt grateful for his services. He was a poor man and had not been able to live upon his salary as Governor. They were all, then, regarded as wealthy. They desired to give some token of their appreciation ... and could well afford to do it. They were his neighbors, and knew well that he could not be bribed. [49] Rule's position received some support from a statement given to the Nashville Daily American. It was made by R. T. Wilson, one of the New York speculators, and a Loudon County native. He had opposed the Parson politically, but he considered him a man of the highest integrity and his personal friend, who "had been instrumental in procuring the prompt removal of my disabilities at the close of the war, for which I have always felt grateful." He understood that the $5,000 was to be given to a member of the Brownlow family. At the time of the speculation Wilson was a banker, but when the committee hearings were held he also was president of the East Tennessee, Virginia & Georgia, and of the Memphis and Charleston railroads. [SO] Wilson's statement was a tribute to the Parson, whether he helped to remove Wilson's disabilities as a Confederate supporter because he was a friend, or because he saw that Wilson could be useful in rebuilding the financial structure of the state. Perhaps both reasons played a part with Brownlow. It does show that Brownlow's personal friendships sometimes overrode his furious dislike of Confederates in general, and it also displays, assuming that he acted because he saw �390 CHAPTER NO. 19 usefulness in Wilson in financial matters, his interest in the economic restoration of Tennessee. In Knoxville the Democratic Tribune, which was opposed to repudiation of the state debt, decided that the committee had wandered far from its purpose of investigating the validity of this burden. Instead the committee had "closely devoted themselves to the search after assailable personal reputations, and that too by methods entirely indefensible .... Charges of the most calumnious character, without a syllable of legal testimony, have been greedily accepted at second hand .... Much of this so called 'evidence' is but the garbage of ten or twelve years ago, and has no relation whatever to the public debt of Tennessee." The Tribune was not taking up Brownlow's cause and it did not refer to the $5,000. It did prNest the investigators digging up "All the old slanders and corruptions connected with the history of the State during the last few years," and of which the people were wearied. [51] The presentation of the $5,000 could not be sustained as a high moral gesture with lofty motives. The acceptance ~emained a moral question. Senator ]. W. Clapp, a Shelby County l<lwyer, wrote the minority report of the committee. He would have ignored the $5,000 had it not been mentioned in the majority findings, "for however reprehensible the transaction was, it had nothing to do with the passage of any law or the issuance of any bond, and is not, therefore, relevant to the matter being considered." [52] A puzzling aspect is Mabry's motive for telling the committee about making the gift. Brownlow had been his friend and benefactor and had helped Mabry in the period after the federal occupation of Knoxville to shed the disabilities of having been a Confederate. Yet he told on the Parson as he had on the men he said once plotted to destroy the Whig editor in 1861 and 1862. Mabry was an expert dodger on the witness stand, as his testimony showed. It is possible the committee had found some lever to pry the story from him, or offered him some inducement. But this does not appear in the record or in the reports. A stripling publisher from Chattanooga, twenty-year-old Adolph S. Ochs, who had lived in Knoxville for several years, gave Brownlow a very high rating for integrity in this comparison with Mabry: There are few of Governor Brownlow's enemies who will believe the story Jo Mabry told the Star Chamber Committee about him. Brownlow was a harsh man; a reliable hater; not particular to be politically consistent; eager to carry �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 391 any point he set his head or heart on; endowed with a violent temper and a vindictive nature-those were some of the attributes the public saw. But he was never accused by his most earnest personal and political enemy of even winking at or overlooking corruption in his subordinates, much less of being guilty of receiving bribes. The story in this part, which Mabry got up for the delectation of the investigators, is probably out of whole cloth, and without foundation of any kind except in the muddled brain of its author. We confess no admiration, personal or other, for the dead Governor and Senator .... But we knew him and knew of him pretty thoroughly, from 1862 on up to the time of his death; and we freely say that a more hospitable and mildmannered gentleman at his home was never met with by his peers; nor did ever a public man in Tennessee die with a cleaner record, for personal and official honor. Mabry cannot harm Brownlow. He is too thoroughly known throughout the South. He left a photograph of himself, a moral and political picture, which will pass into history with all its lights and shades in strong relief. Detraction cannot hurt him nor praise help him.[53] Young Ochs had been reared in Knoxville where his father, Julius Ochs, was in business. The editorial was written before the presentation of the gift had been verified. Yet it was a striking testimony to Brownlow's reputation for integrity. The Parson left another enigma, the value of his estate. Technically it was small at his death, as Rule and Temple reported. [54) But beginning in 1870 he began to make gifts to his children, wife and a grandchild. The gifts consisted of real estate and interest bearing gold bonds of the United States that paid five percent and matured in twenty years. He deeded a house and lot at the northwest corner of Walnut Street and Clinch Avenue to his son, John Bell. He deeded a house and lot "near the Custom House" which stood at the southeast corner of Market Street and Clinch Avenue to Mrs. Daniel T. (Sue) Boynton; a house and lot on Cumberland Avenue, possibly No. 514, to Mrs. H. M. (Mary) Aiken. He gave to each of his three unmarried daughters- Fannie, Callie and Annie Brownlow--$5 ,000 in bonds, to his little granddaughter Lillie Sawyer, $1,000 in bonds, and to his wife, Eliza Ann, $5,000 in bonds. He stipulated that the proceeds from a $5,000 life insurance policy were to be invested in these bonds. The real estate, using the Parson's valuations, was worth $14,000 or more, and the bonds and insurance were valued at �392 CHAPTER NO. 19 $26,000. This did not include the Brownlow residence on Cumberland Avenue. The Parson's son, James P. Brownlow, was not mentioned, possibly because he had married the daughter of a rather wealthy Franklin resident, Dr. D. B. Cliffe. Dr. Boynton, the trustee under the "deed of gift" that bestowed the bonds, was given two strict directions: if he found that Fannie, Callie, Annie, or Lillie married a "drunkard, idler or gambler," the heirs were to receive the interest only, but if the husbands were found by the trustee to be otherwise, upon marriage, they were to receive the bonds. The administrator of the estate appraised the value of Brownlow's interest in the Whig and Chronicle Printing Co. at $3,500.[55] This suggests that the Parson's estate may have been worth close to $45,000. He left no will. A letter written by Brownlow to Temple on March 19, 1877, a few weeks before the editor died, suggests at first glance that he was in dire need of money. But a closer examination indicates that he was chiding Temple for having let him have the note of an absconding preacher. It read: I understand that Preacher Howell, whose note you gave me, is fled the country. The note is in the hands of Logan. The premium on my life Ins. Policy will be due in a few days, and I would be glad if you could pay me some money to meet it-otherwise I cannot now see why I shall not be compelled to let it lapse. Please send me $17 5 to 200$ [sic.] Resplly [sic.] Your friend W. G. Brownlow. Temple made a notation on the back of the letter that three days later he "sent $200.00 as a loan. Wrote explaining matters." [56] Confusing in Brownlow's "deed of gift" is the declaration that he had "given my daughter Mary M. Aiken, a certain house and lot on Cumberland Street [now Cumberland Avenue] for which I paid five thousand ($5,500) five hundred dollars," for no such deed is on record. However there is a deed from Thomas H. Calloway of Cleveland, the railroad official, to Mary B. Aiken, "free from debts and the control of her ... husband," for Cumberland Avenue property valued as $2,400. The deed was dated November 24, 1869. Callaway had bought it at a Chancery Court sale for $2,300. Mabry had testified Callaway went with him to present the $5,000 in the late summer of 1869. Callaway was dead at the time of the investigation. [57] �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 393 Almost a century has elapsed since Brownlow died, and historians continue to give him low marks as a public official, although some revision of Reconstruction policies have appeared. [58] He was harsh and unsparing in his language. He employed excessive force and highly restrictive legislation to keep himself and his party in power and his enemies out. He permitted the railroad interests to lead the state into a precarious condition of indebtedness. He clung to office when he was so weak and palsied that he could stand for only a few moments. Some of his notable achievements, such as the bestowing of the franchise on the former slaves, were born of political expediency rather than from noble motivation. Brownlow did achieve the early restoration of the state to the Union. Tennessee was the first of the seceders to accomplish this. He set the courts and local governments to functioning. He urged the reopening of classroom doors that were closed throughout the war. The legislature was regrettably slow to move upon his recommendations. The failures were written and the achievements recorded at a time when the furies of men and the devastation of lives and property remained livid and raw. Time had not wrought the healing effect of tolerance and compassion. Instead most men were in one or the other of two militant and muttering camps. Many of the victorious Unionists were determined to keep the political power which they had grasped by force of arms. The Confederates, smarting, crushed, and frustrated by battlefield defeat, wanted to regain the political voice that they had held in the old government, and from which they had sought to separate themselves by rifle, bayonet, and cannon. In such a time it was inevitable that the Unionists should select the Parson for governor. He was nationally renowned and had been unyielding in his loyalty to the Union even when in jail and despairing of his life. The confinement in the jail at Knoxville probably shattered his once sturdy constitution. As an East Tennesseean he knew the suffering that the loyalists had endured under Confederate occupation, and he was highly articulate. This was a qualification that especially suited the men who had come back from service in blue uniforms, who were aware of their power, and were determined to hold it by restricting the vanquished rebels. If, as an historian has written, the Parson was the worst possible choice to restore peaceable order in Tennessee,[59] he was the only man considered for governor by the element in power. He was selected precisely because he possessed the characteristics that historians a century later de- �394 CHAPTER NO. 19 plored. If the Parson must be indicted for lack of moderation, then the same bill must lie against the men who put him in the governor's chair where his stringencies against the southern supporters and the hasty routes he took to power will bear comparison with the methods employed by Governor Isham G. Harris. The Civil War governor had whipped up sentiment for secession, had entered into a secret military league with the Confederacy, and had troops in training throughout the state before the electorate had approved separation. Brownlow rode into office on a reversal of this tide, and also by irregular methods. This development, it is true, imposed the will of a minority upon a majority, if it is assumed that the returning soldiers who had tried to sever themselves from the Union were entitled to lay down their rifles and pick up the ballot in one motion. This assumption was not acceptable to the victors. They were determined that the men who had fought against them must be deprived of the ballot, as a punitive measure, and restored, if ever, when they had demonstrated their integrity as citizens of the nation they had recently furiously and bitterly opposed. They had not come back into the Union voluntarily. They had returned because they were defeated. As a practical political matter it would have been folly for the men in power to hand to the former Confederates whether they had been in uniform, civil officials, ardent sympathizers, or guerillas, the weapon of the ballot. With their superior numbers in Tennessee, the former Confederates would have unseated the Unionists and put themselves back in the seats of power. In time this happened, but time eased emotions and produced less furious changes. The war had been fought upon the issue of secession, and the outcome in no way repealed the law of human nature which makes survival the great imperative. It is true that among the Unionists there were men who counselled moderation. This group formed the Conservative wing, but the Radicals saw to it that it did not gain an advantage. Brownlow must have seen that the radicals could remain in power only as long as they denied the ballot to the old Confederates. He had been in politics too long not to have realized this. This realization must have prompted him to seek the security of the Senate seat. Time, or circumstances, did mellow Brownlow, for when Senter, as a political expedient came out for universal suffrage, the Parson supported him. He also offered a sound reason for the change. He believed that the majority of the men who had been deprived of the ballot had earned its return, regardless of a small number still undeserving. �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 395 The railroad officials clearly took advantage of the Parson's fascination for this form of transportation. Yet he was responsible for permitting their corruption of legislators and the swelling of the state debt. And by the acceptance of $5,000 from speculating railroaders, he left a shadow on an otherwise unblemished reputation for integrity. It was presented for no single purpose or set of purposes, achieved or to be achieved, as the minority report of the legislative investigating committee noted. It was not a medal of honor, and as Ochs pointed out, the hand that presented the money was not an unstained one. But such is Brownlow's reputation for rugged honesty that historians cautiously have avoided outright condemnation. They have preferred to assume that he was innocent of any evil purpose in taking the money. The odium in the transaction they have cast upon the donors. [601 The qualities which Brownlow lacked and which would have made him a healing and uniting force as governor-objectivity, calmness, broadness of view and ability to compromise-were the ones that made him a successful editor. He learned at Elizabethton to pounce quickly and furiously upon his adversaries. It came easily and naturally to him. He saw that this policy brought him circulation, and readership was his goal. Therefore he intensified his efforts. Brownlow boasted that the Whig was one-sided, and he insisted upon and practiced, even flaunted his independence of views and of business operation. He would not permit the solicitation of advertising other than through the newspaper's columns and he made only a limited attempt, especially in his early experience, to go outside the office for news. Most of it had to be brought to his door. The Whig's success was built solely upon the Parson and his ability to bring to his writing novelty of approach and style that used exaggeration, caricature, hyperbole, sarcasm, and most intriguing of all, humor that flashed out at unexpected moments and which he even trained upon himself. It was almost impossible to predict how Brownlow would approach a subject or a situation, but once he tackled it the result would be diverting. He also was a natural roving reporter. The Parson revealed with the sharp point of his pen the many sides of the human creature, its follies and its nobilities, its glories and its degradations, its righteousness and its sins, its integrity and its hypocrisy. The human race fascinated him. He surely loved it. Brownlow was devoutly religious and at the same time he enjoyed hugely life upon this earth. Long faces and "sour godliness" he dis- �396 CHAPTER NO. 19 liked, but "a flow of spirits" he relished. He was keenly awake to the importance of economic affairs, and while in Philadelphia he was impressed by the bustle of business, but his eye was also arrested by the sight of beautiful, exquisitely dressed women tripping along the walks. He found the mud in Memphis streets dismal, but the spectacle of the beaux and belles of the South dancing at the ball opening the Gayoso Hotel transported him. The fleshly charm of the sisters attending the Methodist General Conference at Nashville in 1854 took away his breath, in print. He was an extremist, but he was a rare creature of the breed, one with a sense of humor. Brownlow was a crusader, a chuckling, gouging knight in ring-streaked armor. He fought with laughing fury the dispiriting dragon of dullness. The Parson enlivened and repelled his readers but almost never left them bored. But the tribulations that fell upon him in 1861, the cession of his beloved Tennessee, the loss of his cherished newspaper, the indignities, scorns, and threats laid upon him because of his loyalty, his arrest and imprisonment, and the consequent shattering of his health, sapped him of his sense of humor. As governor his mind was almost as lacking of jest and quip as his body was of vitality. Once something of his old puckiness arose. He had been told that his enemies were denouncing him for seeking the United States Senate seat at a time when he appeared near death. The Parson smiled that "the Senate chamber is not a bad place from which to depart for heaven." [61] However much Brownlow liked the power of the governor's chair and the Senate seat, newspapering was his great love, and the scene of his greatest accomplishments. He was editor, editor and publisher, publisher, but he preferred arrangements where he was entirely free to pursue independent editorial policies to the exclusion of all other newspaper cares. The Parson was not a successful business man in the field of management because he failed to give close attention to office detail. He trusted associates too fully, he endorsed too many notes, and he emptied his pockets too often for the impoverished. However, he did establish a cash-in-advance policy on subscriptions, a course forced upon him by the difficulty of collecting past due accounts. He was not an innovator in the business field. He set up no organization which produced a newspaper dynasty, but he was responsible for starting a line. of succession that exists today in The Knoxville journal, still a family-owned newspaper. Rule, who first worked under the Parson, then gave Brownlow a newspaper shelter �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 397 for two years before he died, founded the journal. He stayed at the helm of this newspaper until his death in 1928. Brownlow's success was due entirely to his pen and his personality. As he died the style of newspapering was changing. It gave way to more reliance on news for news' sake, and was confining editorialization to a page of its own. As a human creature the Parson is frustrating to analysts, for he presented so many different, even conflicting sides of his nature that he defies categorization. Brilliant and bottle-loving Fleming, who knew Brownlow at close range for many years, threw up his hands at the task, and reached back into his legal training to come up with a Latin phrase, sui generis. Such he was. And in this singular and sparkling role he fought lustily, happily, and successfully that enervating bane of the human race-dullness. CHAPTER XVIV NOTES [ 1) Whig, January 6, 13, 1869; Press and Herald, January 2, 1869; Rule, Ed., Standard History, p. 325; Articles of Agreement on Whig organization, January 1, 1869, signed by Brownlow, Haws and Rule. Rule Papers. [ 2) Knoxville, Daily Chronicle, June 4, 1870. [ 3) Whig, January 6, 13, 1868; partnership agreement between Brownlow and Haws, Knox County Deed Book A-1. Rule was elected County Court clerk in the spring of 1866. Whig, March 7, 1866. He held this office in addition to reporting local news for the Whig. He added a miscellany of local events including real estate transfers, marriage licenses, disposition of court cases, visitors to the city, brawls, burglaries, building, street improvements and something entirely new, reports of baseball games. For examples see W!Jig, March 13, May 1, 15, 22, 1867; "Articles of Agreement." Rule Papers. [ 4) Ibid., Whig, October 18, 1865, May 28, July 23, 1864, October 18, 1865. [ 5) Ibid., November 11, 1863, February 20, 1864; Parson Brownlow's Book, pp. 135-136,141-147,177-179,189-190. [ 6) Coulter, p. 294; Whig, May 6, 1868, November 15, 1865. [ 7) Price, Holston Methodism, IV, preface, v, vii, pp. 297, 299-304, 343-344, 285-286. [ 8) Whig, October 4, November 15, 1865. [ 9] Ibid., October 24, 1866, November 20, 1867, December 19, 1866. [10) Press and Herald, March 30, 1869. [11) Ibid., February 27, June 26, March 13, 1867, February 5, 1868, August 28, 1867, May 20, 27, 1868. [12) Press and Herald, December 6, 1868. [13] Whig, March 3, 10, April 7, 1869. �398 CHAPTER NO. 19 [14] Temple, Notable Men; Whig, April 12, 1865; Press and Herald, June 19, 1869. One of Senter's prison mates was Sevier County Senator Samuel Pickens, who died in Confederate confinement. Temple, East Tennessee and the Civil War, p. 404; Press and Herald, February 17, 1869. [15] Press and Herald, May 22, 1869; J. A. Sharp, "The Downfall of the Radicals," East Tennessee Historical Society Publications, No.5, pp. 112-114; Temple, Notable Men, p. 183; Folmsbee et al., Short History; Press and Herald, May 21, 22, 23; Whig, May 26, June 2, 1869. [16] Ibid., May 26, 1869; Press and Herald, May 23, 1869; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 216-217; Sharp, "The Downfall of the Radicals in Tennessee," pp. 115-116. [17] Whig, June 23, 1869; Rule, ed., Standard History, p. 325. [18] Press and Herald, June 16, 17, 19, 1869; Whig, June 23, 1869. [ 19] "The Downfall of the Radicals," p. 114-115; Press and Herald, June 11, 1869. [20] Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 217-219; "The Downfall of the Radicals," pp. 120-124; Press and Herald, August 7, 8, 1869; Whig, August 18, 1869. [21] Press and Herald, August 7, 8, 1869; Whig, September 15, 1869;Pressand Herald, September 15, 16, 19, 1869. [22] Ibid., September 17, 1869, May 1, 1868; Thomas Hall Pearne, Sixty-one Years of Itinerant Christian Life in Church and State (Cincinnati, New York, 1899), introduction, p. 11, pp. 311-313, 320, 327. A brother, William Pearne, was engaged in the Methodist ministry in West Tennessee during the reconstruction era. Ibid., p. 320. [23] Whig, August 11, April 28, 1869; Press and Herald, September 25, 1869. [ 24] Daily Press and Herald, December 21, October 20, 21, 22, 2 3, 1869. [25] The note is the property of Mr. and Mrs. George T. Fritts of Knoxville. Mrs. Fritts was Helen Brownlow, the great granddaughter of Parson Brownlow. Mr. Fritts manages the real estate firm founded in Knoxville by John Bell Brownlow under the name of J. B. and W. G. Brownlow. A copy of the note is in the McClung Collection, donated by Mr. and Mrs. Fritts. [26] Press and Herald, October 2, 1869. [27] Weekly Chronicle, April6, 1870; Daily Chronicle, May 3, 1870. [28] Press and Herald, June 14, 1870; Weekly Chronicle, June 15, 1870; Knox County Circuit Court Minutes, Book 19, pp. 754, 847. The Baxter letters appeared in the Daily Chronicle first on June 1, 1870, the last on June 22, 1870. The Mabry-Baxter agreement appeared in the Daily Chronicle June 28, 1870. [29] Daily Chronicle, June 1, 4, 7, 10, 12, 17, 19, 21, 22, June 11,1870. [30) Ibid., June 12, 28, 2, 1870. [31] Knox County Deed Book AI, p. 364; Daily Chronicle, February 12, 1871. [32] /bid.,January24, 1871;PressandHerald,]anuary25,1871. [33] Ibid., January 6, February 11, 12, 1871; Daily Chronicle, February 12, 1871; Knox County Circuit Court Minutes, Book 20, pp. 624, 627, 634; Press and Herald, February 4, 5, 1873; Daily Chronicle, February 12, 1871. �THE WHIG DIES DEMOCRATIC 399 [ 34] Knox County Circuit Court Minutes, Book 20, p. 220; Press and Herald, May 5, 1871. [35] Daily Chronicle, May 6, 1871; Press and Herald, May 5, 1871. [36] Weekly Chronicle, April 20, 1870; Daily Chronicle, May 3, 1870. [37] Ibid., june 28, 1870. [38] Ibid., February 21, 1875; Press and Herald, February 12, 1875, quoting Knoxville Independent. [39] Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 377-378. [40] Daily Chronicle, February 21, 1875. [41] Press and Herald, February 26, March 11,1875. [42] Whig and Chronicle, january 19,1876. [43] Ibid., February 2, 1876. [44] Ibid., May 24, 1876; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 380; Coulter, pp. 375-380; Alexander, Political Reconstruction, pp. 169-172. [45] Chronicle, May 1, 1877; Rule, ed., Standard History, p. 326. [46] Folmsbee et al., Short History, pp. 380-381; Senate journal Appendix, Forty-first General Assembly, The State Debt, Report of the Committee Appointed to Investigate it. Majority Report, pp. 8, 15-17, Minority Report, pp. 29-30. [47] Ibid., testimony of joseph A. Mabry, R. T. Wilson and Calvin M. McGhee, pp. 176-172, 94, 70-79; Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 381. [48] Daily Chronicle, February 7, 1879. [49] Ibid., March 6, 1879. [50] Nashville Daily American, March 7, 1879; Senate journal Appendix, Forty-first General Assembly of Tennessee. The State Debt, p. 86. [51] Knoxville Daily Tribune, March 11, 12, 1879. [52] Tennessee Senate journal Appendix, Fortyfirst General Assembly. The State Debt. Minority Report, p. 31. [53] Chattanooga Daily Times, March 7, 1879. [54] Temple, Notable Men, p. 317. [55] Knox County Warranty Deed Book P-3, p. 178, W. G. Brownlow to john B. Brownlow, improved lot, corner of Clinch Avenue and Walnut Street, September 13, 1876; ibid., Book H-3, p. 168, William G. Brownlow to Sue C. Boynton et at., deed of gift, November 11, 1870. See also corrected deed, ibid., Book Q-3, March 24, 1877, Knox County Estate Book, No. 19, inventory of Brownlow estate assets, p. 72. [56] Brownlow to Temple, March 9, 1877. Temple Papers. [57] Knox County Warranty Deed Book G-3, p. 143, Thomas H. Callaway to Mary B. Aiken, ibid., F-3, p. 359, Chancery Court to Callaway. [58] Folmsbee et al., Short History, p. 372. [59] Coulter, p. 362. [60] Ibid., p. 380; Folmsbee et at., Short History, p. 368. [61] Temple, Notable Men, p. 340. �BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Alexander, Thomas B., Political Reconstruction in Tennessee. Nashville, 1950. - - Thomas A. R. Nelson of East Tennessee. Nashville, 1956. Archer, John Patton, Western North Carolina. A History from 1790 to 1913, Asheville, 1914. d'Armand, Roscoe and Virginia, Knox County Marriage Records. 1792-1900. Knoxville, 1970. Brownlow, William Gannaway, Americanism Contrasted with Foreignism, and Bogus Democracy. In the Light of Reason, History and Scripture; in Which Certain Demagogues in Tennessee, and Elsewhere, Are Shown Up in Their True Colors. Nashville, 1856. Baptism Examined. Jonesboro, 1842. The Great Iron Wheel Examined; or, Its Faits Spokes Extracted, and, an Exhibition of Elder Graves, Its Builder. In a Series of Chapters. Nashville, 1856. Helps to the Study of Presbyterianism, or an Unsophisticated Exposition of Calvinism, with Hopkinsian Modifications and Policy, with a View to a More Easy Interpretation of the Same. To Which is Added a Brief Account of the Life and Travels of the Author; Interspersed with Anecdotes. Knoxville, 1834. The "Little Iron Wheel" Enlarged; or Elder Graves, Its Builder, Daguerrotyped, by Way of an Appendix. To Which Are Added Some Personal Explanations. Nashville, 1857. A Political Register, Setting Forth the Principles of the Whig and Locofoco Parties in the United States. With the Life and Public Services of Henry Clay. Also an Appendix Personal to the Author; and a General Index. Jonesboro, 1844. 400 �BIBLIOGRAPHY 401 Sketches of the Rise, Progress and Decline of Seccession; with a Narrative of Personal Adventures among the Rebels. (Title abbreviated by the binders to Parson Brownlow's Book). Philadelphia and Cincinnati, 1862. Untitled work on temperance. Knoxville, 1850. No copies available. Buckingham, James Silk, Ed., The Slave States of America, 2 vols. London, 1842. Caldwell, Joshua W., Sketches of the Bench and Bar of Tennessee. Knoxville, 1890. Carter, R. W., History of the First Regiment of Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry in the Great War of the Rebellion, with the Armies ofthe Ohio under Generals Morgan, Rosecrans, Thomas, Stanley and Wilson, 1862-1865. Knoxville, 1902. Clemens, Samuel L., (Mark Twain), "Journalism in Tennessee," in Editorial Wild Oats. Freeport, N.Y., 1970. Coulter, E. Merton, William G. Brownlow, Fighting Parson of the Southern Appalachians. Chapel Hill, 1937, Knoxville, 1971. Davenport, F. Garvin, Cultural Life in Nashville on the Eve of the Civil War. Chapel Hill, 1941. Folmsbee, Stanley J ., Robert E. Corlew, and Enoch L. Mitchell, Tennessee, A Short History. Knoxville, 1969. Fuess, Claude Moore, Daniel Webster. Boston, 1930. Graf, Leroy P. and Ralph Haskins, eds., The Papers of Andrew johnson, 4 vols. to date. Knoxville, 1967--. Graves, J, R., The Great Iron Wheel; or, Republicanism Backwards and Christianity Reversed. In a Series of Letters Addressed to]. Soule, Senior Bishop of theM. E. Church, South. Nashville and New York, 1856. The Little Iron Wheel, a Declaration of Christian Rights and Articles, Showing the Despotism of Episcopal Methodism. By H. B. Bascom, D. D. Late Bishop of theM. E. Church, South. Notes of Application and Illustration. Nashville, 1857. Green, John, Bench and Bar. Knoxville, 1947. Heiskell, Samuel, Andrew jackson and Early Tennessee History. 3 vols. Nashville, 1920-1921. Horn, Stanley J ., The Invisible Empire, the Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. Cos Cob, Connecticut, 1969. Humes, Thomas William, The Loyal Mountaineers of Tennessee, Knoxville, 1888. Lacy, Eric Russell, Vanquished Volunteers. East Tennessee Sectionalism from Statehood to Secession. Johnson City, 1965. Lloyd, Ralph Waldo, Maryville College: A History of 150 Years, 1819-1969, Maryville, 1969. Merritt, Frank, Early History of Carter County, 1760-1861. Knoxville, 1950. �BIBLIOGRAPHY 402 Miller, Charles A., The Official and Political Manual of the State of Tennessee. Nashville, 1890. Moore, Frank, comp., The Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, with Documents, Narratives, Illustrative Incidents, Poetry Etc. 11 vols. New York, 1861-1868. Oates, Stephen B., To Purge This Land with Blood, New York, 1970. Parks, Joseph H.,john Bell of Tennessee. Baton Rouge, 1950. Parmet, Herbert S. and Marie B. Hecht, Aaron Burr, Portrait of an Ambitious Man. New York, 1967. Patton, James W., Unionism and Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1860-1869. Gloucester, Massachusetts, 1966. Pearne, Thomas Hall, Sixty-One Years of Itinerant Christian Life in Church and State. Cincinnati, 1899. Price, Richard N., Holston Methodism from its Origin to the Present Time. 5 vols. Nashville, 1903-1914. Prindle, Paul W., comp., Ancestry of William Sperry Beinecke. North Haven, Connecticut, 1974. Reynolds, Major W. D., Miss Martha [sic.) Brownlow, or, the Heroine of Tennessee. Philadelphia, 1863. (The Philadelphia publisher also got out a German version under the title Miss Maude [sic.) Brownlow oder Die Heiden von Tennessee.) Ross, C. C., comp., The Story of Rotherwood, from the Autobiography of Rev. Frederick A. Ross, D. D. Knoxville, 1923. Rothrock, Mary U., ed., The French Broad-Holston Country. Knoxville, 1940. Rule, William, ed., Standard History of Knoxville, Tennessee. Chicago, 1900. Seymour, Digby Gordon, Divided Loyalties. Knoxville, 1963. Stern, Madeline B., Purple Passage, The Life of Mrs. Frank Leslie. Norman, Oklahoma, 1953. Temple, Oliver Perry, East Tennessee and the Civil War. Cincinnati, 1899. - - Notable Men of Tennessee from 1833 to 1875 Their Times and Their Contemporaries. New York, 1912. Tennesseeans in the Civil War, A Military History of Confederate and Union Units Available with Rosters of Personnel, comp. Civil War Centennial Commission. Nashville, 1965. White, Robert H., Messages of the Governors of Tennessee. 7 vols. Nashville, 1952-1972. Williams Knoxville Directory, City Guide, and Business Mirror for 1859-1860. Knoxville, 1859. Winton, Robert W., Plebian and Patriot. New York, 1928. Newspapers Nashville Daily American, 1879. Daily Press and Herald, Knoxville, 1867-1876. �BIBLIOGRAPHY 403 Daily Southern Chronicle, Knoxville, 1863. Knoxville Chronicle, 1870-1879. Knoxville Press, Knoxville, 1867. Knoxville Register, Knoxville, 1841-1864. Tennessee Sentinel, Jonesboro, 1841-1846. Knoxville Tribune, Knoxville, 1879-1896. Knoxville Weekly Whig and Daily Chronicle, 1875-1877. Whig, Brownlow's newspaper appeared under the following titles: Tennessee Whig, with some inside pages headed Elizabethton Whig, Elizabethton, May 16, 1839, through May 14, 1840. Whig (Sometimes with inside pages headed The Jonesborough Tennessee Whig), Jonesboro, May 20, 1840, through May 11, 1842. Jonesborough Whig and Independent journal, Jonesboro, May 18, 1842, through April19, 1849. Brownlow's Knoxville Whig and Independent journal, Knoxville, May 19, 1849, through April 7, 1855. Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, Knoxville, Aprill4, 1855, through July 27, 1861. Brownlow's Weekly Whig, Knoxville, August 3, 1861, until suspended, October 26, 1861. Tri-Weekly Whig, Knoxville, January 4, 1859, through August 3, 1861. (A TriWeekly Whig, was issued for five weeks in 1868.) Brownlow's Knoxville Whig and Rebel Ventilator, Knoxville, November 11, 1863, through February 21, 1866. Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, Knoxville, February 28, 1866, until Brownlow relinquished complete control of the newspaper, January 1, 1869. (A few issues of the weekly Whig and of the tri-weekly are in loose, miscellaneous newspaper files in the McClung Collection. The main files of the newspapers are on microfilm in the McClung Collection and at the University of Tennessee.) Periodicals and Compilations Bellamy, James W., "The Political Career of Landon Carter Haynes," East Tennessee Historical Society PUBL., No. 28, Knoxville, 1956. Burt, Jesse, ed., "Editor Eastman Writes James K. Polk," ETHS PUBL., No. 39, Knoxville, 1867. Calvinistic Magazine, Abingdon, 1846-1856. Conklin, Royal Forrest, "The Public Speaking Career of William Gannaway (Parson) Brownlow," dissertation, University of Ohio, 1967. Creekmore, Pollyanna, ed., "Tennessee Marriage Records, Carter County, 1796-1850." McClung Collection. Knoxville, 1958. Crouch, Barry A., "The Merchant and the Senator: An Attempt to Save East Tennessee for the Union," ETHS PUBL., No. 46, Knoxville, 1974. �404 BIBLIOGRAPHY Fink, Paul M., "The Early Press of Jonesboro," ETHS PUBL., No. 10, Knoxville, 1938. Gray Cemetary Record Book, 1851-1867. Knoxville, University of Tennessee Special Collections. Haley, Nancy Marlene, "Cry Aloud and Spare Not; The Formative Years of Brownlow's Whig, 1839·1841," thesis. University of Tennessee, August, 1966. jonesborough Monthly Review, Jonesboro, 1847·1849. Jonesborough Quarterly Review, Jonesboro, 1847. McClary, Ben Harris, ed., "The Sale of Brownlow's Whig: An Article of Agree· ment between William Augustus Kinsloe and William G. Brownlow," ETHS PUBL., No. 35, Knoxville, 1963. McMilan, Faye E., "A Biographical Sketch of Joseph Anderson (1757-1837)." ETHS PUBL., No. 2, Knoxville, 1960 Mitchell, Enoch L., The journal of Southern History, V. xxvi, No.2, May, 1960. Houston. Sharp, J, A., "The Downfall of the Radicals," ETHS PUBL., No. 5, Knoxville, 1933. Turner, Ruth Osborne, "The Public Career of William Montgomery Churchwell," thesis, University of Tennessee, 1954. Turnley, Mrs. Mattie, "Survivor of a John Brown Family Raid." Tennessee Historical Magazine, V. 7, No.3. Nashville, (dated October, 1921, issued August, 1923). Manuscripts Arnell, Samuel Mayes, unpublished typescript, "The Southern Unionist." University of Tennessee Special Collections. Crabb, Landon, letter to "My Dear Mother," property of author. Deaderick, David, diary. McClung Collection. Howard, Mrs. J. T., Papers. Sherrod Library, East Tennessee State University, Johnson City. Kennerly, W. R., memorandum of conversation with John Bell Brownlow and letter of John Bell Brownlow to A. T. Patterson. Presented by Sam Young. University of Tennessee Special Collections. Nelson, T. A. R., Papers. McClung Collection. Pendleton, Gaines Strother, "Genealogical Tables," University of Tennessee Special Collections. Polk-Yeatman Papers. Tennessee State Library and Archives. Nashville. Rule, William, Papers. McClung Collection. Temple, Oliver Perry, Papers. University of Tennessee Special Collections. Government Publications and Records Acts of Tennessee, General Assembly, 1842, 1851·1852, 1861, 1865-1869. �BIBLIOGRAPHY 405 Biographical Directory of the American Congress. Washington, 1961. House journal, Tennessee General Assembly, 1865-1866. Nashville, (This session has no number but is referred to as the Brownlow legislature.) House journal, Thirty-Fourth General Assembly, 1861-1862, comp., Tennessee Historical Commission. Nashville, 1957. Knox County Circuit Court Minutes, Nos. 19, 20. Knox County Deed Book, A·l. Knox County Estate Book, No. 19. Knox County Warranty Deed Books, H-3, Q-3, G-3, F-3. Senate journal, Forty-First General Assembly, 1865·1869. Senate journal Appendix, Forty-First General Assembly. Sixth Census of the United States, Washington, 1840. The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 130 vols. Washington, 1880-1901. �INDEX Adams, John Quincy, 36 Agee, J. H., 335 Aiken, John A., 59-60 Aiken, Mrs. H. M. (Mary), 391-392 (See also Brownlow, Mary.) Alley, Isham, 291 Anderson, Alexander Outlaw, 30, 34 Anderson, Dr. Isaac, 70, 164 Anderson, Joseph, 30 Anderson, Josiah M., 153 Anderson, Thomas A., 30, 33, 34, 35 Antony, Mark, 221 Armstrong, James, 55 [20] Armstrong, Robert, 15 Arnell, Samuel R., 297, 321, 333 Arnold, Thomas D., 52, 153, 154-155,212 Ashby, Col. H. M., 270, 277, 361, 362 Atkin, Emily H., 55 [20] Atkin, Susan E., 55 [20] Bacon, Charlotte, 87 Bacon, Jonathan, 88 Baker, Abner, 300-301 Baker, Dr. James Harvey, 301 Barmore, Seymour, 336, 337 Barton, Robert M., 291, 292 Bascomb, H. D., 123 Baxter, Andrew, 353 Baxter, John, 202, 221, 223, 226, 227, 228, 235,237,239,240,241,246-247,251 [35, 39]' 255,269,278, 327, 328, 347, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 363, 367, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385 Bayless, Hezekiah, 74 Bearden, Sheriff Marcus D., 298, 299, 301, 367 Beecher, Henry Ward, 191 Bell, Dr. Benjamin, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159-160, 161 Bell, John, 15, 16, 36, 52, 75, 100, 169, 170,192,193,194,195,196,198,205, 214,230,287 Benjamin, Judah, 234,236,237,239, 240, 241,242,243,247,251 [39]' 255, 269-270 Bewley, Rev. Anthony, 197 Bishop, R. M., 63 Bledsoe, A. T., 246 Blizzard, A., 280 (see Wood, W. B.) Booth, John Wilkes, 293 Boynton, Dr. David T., 262, 378, 392 Boynton, Mrs. Daniel T. (Sue C.), 391, 399 [55] (See also Brownlow, Susan.) Bradfield, George W., 148 Breckenridge, John C., 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199-200,203 Bridges, George W., 213,219, 239 Brien, JohnS., 147, 230 Bross, Lt. Gov. William, 323 Brown, Aaron V. (Fat), 7 5 Brown, George, 327 Brown, John, 190-192 Brown, Neill S. (Lean), 7 5, 363 Brownlow, A. S., 62-63, 110, 124 Brownlow, Annie, 391, 392 Brownlow, Callie, 391, 392 Brownlow, Catherine Gannaway, 1 Brownlow, Eliza, 21, 174,276,286, 387, 389, 391 Brownlow, Fanny, 261, 391, 392 406 �INDEX Brownlow, Helen (See Fritts, Mrs. George T.) Brownlow, Isaac, 22 Brownlow, James P., 187,255,264,299, 392 Brownlow, john Bell, ii, 11, 21, 27 [50), 82 [12)' 95,111 Ill' 146-148,164,186, 192-193,201,207-208,227,237,248, 255,257,264,276,277,284,285,286, 287, 288,289,291,294,297, 304 (11), 318, 319, 331, 345,350, 358, 359, 360, 362,376,379,398 [25) Brownlow, John F. (Jack), 264, 286 Brownlow, Mrs. john F., iv, v, 276 Brownlow, joseph A., 1 Brownlow, Lillie, 392 Brownlow, Mary, 55 [20), 257, 261 Brownlow, Susan, 21,27 [50], 133, 153, 235, 245, 248, 257, 261 (See also Sawyer, Mrs. Susan C,) Brownlow, William G. IV, iv Buchanan, james, 123, 167,168, 193, 199, 201, 256 Buell, Gen. Don Carlos, 248, 254 Burnside, Gen. Ambrose, 261, 262, 265, 273, 354, 355, 358, 368 [5) Burr, Aaron, 15, 163 Butler, Joseph C., 255 Butler, R. R., 310, 372, 373, 339 [6) Byron, George Noel Gordon (Lord), 92 Calloway, Thomas H., 387, 388, 392 Camp, E. C., 245, 361, 362 Campbell, James W., 101, 107, 110, 111, 271 Campbell, T. j., 277 Campbell, William, 115 Cannon, Gov. Newton, 12, 14, 15 Capers, Bishop William, 160 Carey, Gen. S. F., 255 Carlton, C. W., 192 Carroll, C. H., 250 [30) Carroll, Mrs. Lisa, iv Carroll, William H., 15, 234, 236, 237, 240, 242,246,247,255,271 Carter, Gen. S. P., 267, 356 Carter, William B., 9, 14, 18, 45, 232233,356, 357 Cartwright, Peter, 293 Case, Dr. Almon, 325 Cass, Gen. Lewis, 76, 78, 111 [ 1) Caswell, Brig. Gen. W. R., 225·226 407 Cate, A.M., 372, 373 Catlett, T. K., 94, 95 Charlton, C. W., 140, 224, 225, 228, 249 [11)' 267,294, 376,377, 378, 379,380 Childs, George W., 255 Churchwell, William Montgomery, 143, 144, 145, 146, 153-154,155, 257 Clapp, J. W., 390 Clark, Bishop D. W., 368 Clark, I. S., 381, 383 Clay, Henry, 13, 14, 37, 40, 56, 57, 58, 75, 77,81,122,152-153,192 Clemens, Samuel L., 18 Clements, Andrew j., 213 Clementson, John M., 383 Cliffe, Dr. D. B., 392 Colfax, Schuyler, 335 Colt, N. }., 50 Cooper, Sen. Henry, 378 Cooper, Gen. joseph A., 312, 328 Cooper, Adj. Gen. S., 234 Coulter, E. Merton, 96 Cox (unknown first name), 360 Creekmore, Pollyanna, iv, 25 (22) Crittenden, Maj. Gen. George D., 237, 238, 240, 241,251 (39) Crockett, Davy, 15 Crouch, William H., 46 Crozier, John H., 100, 102, 107-108, 110, Ill (4), 144, 161, 194·195, 245,267, 271, 300, 346, 347 Cumming, Rev. James, 78, 232, 236 Cummings, David H., 111, 206 Curtis (last name unknown-a slave belonging to William Gannaway Brownlow, maybe named Bownlow, 276 Dallas, George M., 188 ( 1) Davis, Jefferson, 193, 217 [ 341, 221, 230, 237, 239, 244, 246, 251 [39)' 272, 290, 291, 293, 303, 31~ 322, 324, 352, 353, 386 Dean, Julia, 127 Dickinson, Perez, 267, 281 Dickson (Dixon), Eli, 348 Dobson, John, iii Dodd, Ephraim, 267 Donelson, Andrew j., 165, 166, 167 Douglas, Charles A., ii Douglas, Stephen A., 193, 194, 198 Douglass, Charles S., 206, 208 Dowell, Rev. W. T., 236 Doyle, A. E. (Ebb), 215 [2) �INDEX 408 Doyle, Drury, 192 Doyle, James Pleasant, 192 Doyle, John C., 192 Doyle, Mrs. Mahala, 192 Doyle, Mildred, 215 [2] Doyle, William, 192 Duggan, William H., 228-229 Dulaney, H. L., 49 Dyer, Calvin M., 318, 319 Early, Bishop John, 368, 369, 370 Early, Gen. Jubal, 369 East, E. H., 283-284 Eastman, E. G., 17, 165, 166, 170 Embee, Elihu, 42 Embee, Elijah, 42 Emmerson, Thomas, 32 Emmerson, Thomas B., 32 Erwin, Andrew, 15 Etheridge, Emerson, 205, 248, 326-327, 328, 329 Everett, Edward, 195, 269 Ferris, Frank, 325 Fillmore, Millard, 76,77-78, 123, 152, 154, 158, 161, 167 Findlay, Jim, 126 Fisk, John F., 255 Fleming, Rev. David, 362 Fleming, John M., 118,142, 183, 186, 196, 202,209,223,265,269,278,327,332, 357, 359, 360, 361, 362, 366 [23]' 371, 375, 376, 377, 380, 381, 382, 383, 397 Fletcher, Andrew Jackson, 294, 355, 363, 364 Follin, Miriam F., 145 Folmsbee, Dr. Stanley J ., iv Foote, HenryS., 197 Forney, John W., 321 Forrest, Gen. Nathan Bedford, 273, 333, 337 Foster, Ephraim, 16 Foster, Horace, 306 [32] Foster, Col. John W., 262 Fowler, Joseph Smith, 295, 334 Fowlkes, Dr. Jeptha, 126, 157, 184-185, 223, 225, 226-227, 228 Frazier, Beriah, 317, 318, 320, 321 Frazier, Judge Thomas N., 321, 322 Fremont, John C., 123, 167 Fritts, George T., iv, 398 [25] Fritts, Mrs. George T. (Helen Brownlow), iv, 398 [25] Fulton, Rev. Creed, 20 Fry, Henry, 241, 242, 267, 298 Gallaher, J. C., 294, 295 Gannaway, John, 2 Garland, Valentine, 28, 29, 40, 156 Gaut, John C., 327-328 Gentry, Meredith, 100, 156, 157, 158, 159160, 161, 165, 166, 185, 287 Gifford, Lawson, 30, 31, 69 [21] Gillem, Col. Alvin C., 289, 290, 345, 364 [4] Gossett, V. F., 380 Gott, William, 9, 10, 42 Grainger, Gordon, 322, 341 [24] Grant, Gen. U.S., 248, 273, 335, 371, 374, 377 Graves, J. R., 122-123, 124, 369 Green, Dr. Horace, 190, 194 Grisham, G. E., 320 Hall, E. T., 298, 299, 300 Hall, Will, 300-301 Hamilton, Thomas A., 335 Harmon, Henry, 241,267,270, 329, 382 Harmon, Jacob, 241,245,267,270, 329, 382 Harmon, Malinda, 382, 383 Harmon, Thomas, 245 Harris, Rev. C. W., 46, 4 7, 97 [ 11] Harris, Isham G., 126,168, 169, 171,202, 204, 205,213,217 [34]' 218, 224,225, 248,271, 324, 355, 362, 363, 376, 394 Harrison, Pres. Benjamin, 17 5 Harrison, William Henry, 14, 16, 34, 35-36, 52, 55 [20]' 76, 84, 85, 124 Hatton, Robert, 168 Haun, C. A., 241, 353 Hawkins, Isaac, 297 Haws, Tilghman, 284, 304 [ 11] , 367, 368, 376 Hayes, Rutherford B., 355 Haynes, David, 23, 30 Haynes, Landon C., 18-20, 21, 22, 31-32, 35, 40, 42,45-50, 59,63-64,65,66, 110,124,164,170,171,188 [1], 217 [34]' 219, 251 [35]' 267, 352, 353, 355, 382 Haynes, Mary Taylor, 30 Heiskell, Carrick White, 343 Heiskell, FrederickS., 7, 8, 343, 344, 345 Heiskell, Joseph B., 343-344, 345 Heiskell, Samuel G., 330, 340 [19] �INDEX Heiskell, William, 267, 269, 271, 278, 294, 311, 317,320, 321, 340 [19) Helms, john E., 133-134 Helper, Hinton, 227 Henry, Gustavus A., 155 Henry, Spencer, 369 Hensie, Jacob M., 241, 242, 267, 289 Heydt, William, 320, 321 Hobbie, j. R., 157-158 Hodsden, Dr. R. H., 223, 230, 248 Hood, Gen. John B., 281, 282 Horne, William, 2 Houk, L. C., 372 Houston, Sam, 1, 162-164, 287 Howell (first name unknown), 392 Hughes, M. J., 359 Humes, A. R., 114, 133-134, 135 Humes, M., 206 Humes, Thomas W., 17, 101, 107, 110, 156157,269,380 Humphreys, West, 111,227,228, 230,248, 271, 281 Hunt, R. M., 198 Hunt, Dr. William, 79,245 Ingersoll, H. H., 379 Jackson, Andrew, 6, 13, 14-15, 58, 61-62, 151,166,256 jacobs, Solomon D., 158 Johnson, Andrew, 5, 26 (27), 59-60, 61-62, 64, 66, 77, 79, 118, 123, 155, 161, 162, 164-165,166, 169,173 [351,185, 197, 202,203,204,205,206-208,211,212, 224-225, 234, 239, 248, 256, 260, 264, 274,278,279,280,282,283,288,289, 290,292,296,304 [8), 311,312,313, 314, 319, 321, 322, 323, 329, 334, 338, 339 [6)' 350, 357, 363, 368, 378, 381, 384 Johnson, Madison, 60 Johnson, Gen. Sidney, 229 Jones, james C., 169, 194 Jones, james G. (Lean Jimmy), 56, 151, 152, 161 Jones, James H., 46 Jones, Zadok (See Maynard, Horace), also 154 jourolomon, Squire, 380 Kain, W. C., 110, 356 Kennerly, W. T., ii Ketterson, F. A., Jr., iv 409 King, James, 70 King, Joe, 156,157,160 King, William, 37 Kinsloe, E. P. B., 116, 117, 118, 122, 139 Kinsloe, J. B. G., 116, 117, 118, 122, 139140, 141 Kinsloe, W. A., 116, 117, 118, 119 [ 11] 122, 139 Kirby, T. B., 359 Kyle, Absolom, 265 Latham, D. S., 209 Lathim, H. K., 116, 119 [10] Lavendar, Neddy, 162, 386 Lawrence, Amos, 224, 225, 381 Leadbetter, Col. Danville, 242, 271 Lee, Gen. Robert E., 273, 285, 293 Lewis, Rev. Isaac, 55 [20) Lewis, J. F. J., 140 Lincoln, Pres. Abraham, 194, 196, 198, 199-201, 203, 204-205, 222, 225, 229, 233,256,258,260,263,266,269,272, 273,278,279,280,283,287,289,290, 293,312,324,344,350,352,357,368 Logan (first name unknown), 392 Long, George, 35 Longstreet, Gen. James S., 265, 266, 273 Lotspeich, Mrs. Ethel Moore, iii Lotspeich, Roy N., iii Lucky, Seth j. W., 145 Lyon, Mason R., 10, 12, 28, 29,42 Lyon, Thomas C., 143, 144, 348 Lyon, w. H., 348 Lyon, Capt. William, 348 MacArthur, William J., iii McAdoo, William G., 227, 271 McCann, J. R., 356 McChain, James, 70 McClellan, Gen. George B., 133, 233, 279, 280, 312, 357 McClellan, Col. John, 133, 154 McDaniel, Goodson, 2 McDowell, James P., 212 McGhee, Barkley, 114 McGhee, Calvin, 388 McKee, john Miller, 100, 102, 106, 107, 110, 113, 116 McKinney, Robert J., 78 McLin, Rev. James, 55 {20) McMullens, Fayette, So-51, 365 [6) Mabry, Joseph A., 206, 245, 247, 254, 367, �INDEX 410 Mabry, Joseph A., (Continued) 373, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380,381, 383, 385, 387, 388, 390, 391, 392 Magoffin, Gov. Beriah, 233 Mansfield, Mad., 387 Marks, Gov. Albert S., 388 Marling, John L., 126 Martin, A. J., 320-321 Martin, Mrs. Nancy, 9 Mattox, Valentine, 235 Maynard, Horace, 144, 154, 164, 170, 171, 209,213,214,219,239,248,264,297, 311, 327, 329, 344, 354, 372 Maynard, Mrs. Horace, 257 Meek, A. S., 209 Miller, John, 51 Miller, M. M., 265 Monsarrat, Capt. G. H., 243, 247 Moutez, Minnie (See Follin, Miriam.) Morgan, G. W. (Wash), 206 Morgan, John Hunt, ii, 261, 273, 289, 290 Moses, James C., 1 00 Moses, John L., 100 Mullins, James, 311, 317 Mullins, Joseph, 348 Murphey, Sterling G., 55 [20) Murrell, john A., 166, 272 [25] Neely, P. P., 131 Nelson, D. M., 373 Nelson, James W., 102, 111 (6], 114 Nelson, Thomas A. R., 10, 18, 21, 28, 29, 52,63,65, 74, 77, 78, 79, 81,107,146, 151,156,157,158,161,170,171,179, 194,204,206-207,208,211,212,213214,219-220,221-222, 223,233,237, 239,240,246,251 [35), 265,278,280, 287, 315-316, 327, 380 Nero, 271 Netherland, John, 169, 170, 171, 212, 265 Netherland, Margaret W., 55 [20) Newman, James W., 140, 170, 171 Nicholson, A. 0. P., 169 O'Brien, Miss Eliza, 9 O'Brien, James, 9, 11, 40, 99, 174 O'Brien, Mrs. James, 9 O'Brien, John W., 9, 11, 40, 93, 99,115, 159-160,174,248 O'Brien, Joseph, 9, 11, 40, 99, 174 O'Brien, W. G., 116, 119 [10), 174 Ochs, Adolph S., 390, 391 Ochs, Julian, 391 Old Hickory (See jackson, Andrew.) Park, James, 133, 135,192 Patterson, A. T ., ii, 208 Patterson, David T., 234, 281, 295-296, 321, 331, 334, 339 [6) Patterson, J. W., 3 59 Patterson, Martin, 142-143, 144, 170 Patton, James, 248 Patton, Samuel, 47, 71, 106, 110, 156-157 Pearne, Thomas H., D.O., Esq., 55 [20), 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 375, 376, 377, 379 Peterson, Robert E., 256 Phillippe, Louis, 85 Pickens, Sam, 234, 300, 346 Pierce, Franklin, 152 Polk, James K., 12, 14, 50, 56, 58, 74, 85, 287 Polk, L., 203,217 [34) Polk, William H., 204 Posey, Rev. Humphrey, 4, 5, 25 [15), 110 121, 124 Powell, Eleanor, 18, 22 Powell, Jack, 20 Powell, Joseph, Jr., 14, 18, 19-20, 21, 164 Powell, Robert, W., 18, 20, 21, 42, 286 Prentice, George, 96, 3 79 Price, R.N., 95, 226, 369 Pryne, Rev., Abram, 121, 124, 201, 260 Quarles, William A., 333 Queener, Vernon M., 189 [14) Ramage, William J,, 359 Ramsey, James G. M., 17, 143-144, 170, 230 Ramsey, James Crozier, 170, 192, 238, 239, 240.241,242,243,245,271,287,288. 346,347,356 Ramsey, W. B. A., 17 Randolph, John, 127 Reece (unknown), 261 Reese, James W., 146-147 Reeves, Felix A., 264 Reneau, Lewis, 78 Reynolds, R. B., 238, 245, 300, 346, 347 Rhett, Miss (first name unknown), 287 Rhett, R. Barnwell, 287 Rhoda (Surname unknown, Parson Brownlow's slave), 276 Rice, Charles A., 139-140, 186 �INDEX Ricks, A. J., 378, 384, 385 Roddy, Reuben, 356 Rodgers, Samuel R., 196,248, 281, 310, 317, 339 [61 Rodgers, William R., 196 Rogers, Gen. John B., 231, 350 Rogers, William H., 70 Rosecrans, Gen. William S., 265, 303 [ 1 I , 312 Ross, Rev. Frederick A., 70-74, 80, 81, 93, 121, 188 [11 Ross, George W., 143, 149 [141 Ross, William C., 1 30 Rule, William, ii, iii, 228,235,286, 367, 368, 374, 375, 379, 384, 385, 386, 388, 389, 391, 393 [31 Rule, William, Jr., iv, 95, 96 Rule, Dr. William, III, iv Ryan, Father Abram, 305 [141 Ryan, Fuller, 168 Ryland, John, 93 Ryland, John, Jr., 93, 94-95 Sanborn, John S., 226-227 Sanford, Alfred F., iii Sanford, E. J., iii, 235 Sanford, R. L., 328 Santa Anna, Antonio Lopez de, 85, 163 Saunders, Rolfe, 381, 383 Sawyers, James H., 133 Sawyer, Lillie, 391 Sawyer, Mrs. Susan C., 257, 261-262 (See also Brownlow, Susan.) Schofield, Gen. John M., 282 Scott, Gen. Winfield, 150-151, 152, 153 Self, Elizabeth, 246 Self, Harrison, 245, 246 Senter, DeWitt C., 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 378, 380, 384, 389 Senter, William T., 372 Seshon, C. S. A., 313 Seward, Henry H. (Secretary of State), 233 Shannon, Hardin P., 116 Sherman, Brig. Gen. William T., 233, 248, 273 Shetterly, Phillip, 247 Siler, J. R., 5 Smith, C. D., 94 Smith, Charles H., Jr., iii Smith, Charles H. III, iii Smith, Gen. E. Kirby, 257 Smith, Guy L., ii, iii Smith, J. W., 341 [291 411 Sneed, W. H., 79, 101, 107, 156, 160, 161, 162,185,245,267,271,300,346,347 Soule, Bishop Joshua, 2, 122, 131, 254 Spears, Brig. Gen. James G., 262, 278 Sperry, J. Austin, 96, 223, 224, 259, 260, 267, 358 Stanton, Edwin M., 357 Stephens, Alexander Hamilton, 312 Stokes, William B., 297, 311,312, 331, 372, 373, 375, 376 Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 191, 215 [ 1 I Stuart, Anne Elizabeth, 28 Swan, William G., 100, 107-108, 110, 140, 141, 161,217 [341, 219,228,239,267, 271 Tarwater, Henry, 379, 384 Taylor, Alfred A., 54 [141 Taylor, Mary, 51, 269 Taylor, Nathaniel G., 10, 51, 54 [141, 269, 297 Taylor, Robert L., 54 [141 Taylor, Gen. Zachary, 74, 75-76, 77-78, 81, 111, 158 Temple, 0. P., 79, 95,124, 141, 142, 144, 159, 161, 164,185,186, 187, 194,196, 198,201,202,203,209,210,212,214, 215 [71. 223, 227, 230, 232, 235, 238, 239,243,246,248,265,267,269,278, 279,281,283,287,288,304 [81, 347, 355, 357, 367, 382, 391, 392 Thackeray, William Makepeace, 125 Thomas, Dorsey B., 297 Thomas, Gen. George H., 233, 282, 312, 320, 327, 333, 335 Thomas, H_ H., 355 Thornburgh, Dr. John M., 230, 382 Tibbs, William H., 239, 271 Tilson, Gen. Lewis, 348 Trigg, Connally F., 202, 207, 208, 223, 230, 235,239,246,248,347,348,349,350, 351, 353, 358, 359, 365 [61 Turley, Judge William B., 78 Turnley, Mrs. Mattie, 215 [21 Tyler, John, 33, 34, 36, 52, 55 [201, 56, 76,84,85 Van Buren, Martin, 13, 15, 16, 29, 34, 36 Van Meeter (\!J.nmeter), (Christian name not given), 134-136 Van Meeter (Vanmeter), Sallie, 133, 135 Vance, Col. Robert, 247 �INDEX 412 Walker, James C., 100 Walker, L. P., 217 [34) Wallace, Campbell, 187, 189 [18) Wallace, Sam, 271, 272 Wallace, Mrs. Sam, 272 Wallace, Mrs. William, 163 Watkins, A.G.,159,173 [35) Webb, John, 313 Webster, Daniel, 52, 152 West, Robert C., 291 Wheeler, Gen. Joseph, 273 White, H. A.M., 111 [6) White, Hugh Lawson, 15, 16, 34, 62, 156 Wigfall, Louis T., 251 [35) Wilde, Lucy, 205 Wilde, Luke, 202, 205 Williams, Mrs. Catherine, 289 Williams, James, 100 Williams, Col. John, 15, 230, 350 Williams, Pleasant, 316, 318, 320, 321 Williams, Walter, 100 Wilson, R. T., 388, 389, 390 Winder, Gen. John H., 247 Winniford, George, 2 Wirz, Capt., Henry, 370 Wise, Henry A., 192, 223 Wisener, William H., 335 Wood, Col. S. A.M., 234 Wood, Col. W. B., 236, 269, 271 Yancey, William L., 195-196, 197, 215 (7], 303, 326 York, J .. 329 Young, Brigham, 132 Young, Casey H., 248 Young, Gen. David K., 298, 299 Young, Sam, ii Zollicoffer, Brig. Gen. Felix K., 126, 218219,221,222-224,225,227,233,234, 236, 271 This book was designed by Spencer Qualls. The typeface is Journal Roman, similar to the types in use in Parson Brownlow s time, and was set in type by AdTech of Fairfax, Inc. The paper is Mead Publishers Smooth White. �about the author steve humphrey attended Washburn College in Topeka, Kansas from 1920 until 1924 earning a B.A. in English. For over forty years he worked in the journalism field for publications such as The Nebraska State Journal, The Arkansas Gazette, and the Memphis Press-Scimitar. In 1944 he became a professor at the University of Tennessee, and left in 1947 to finish out his career at the Knoxville Journal. Humphrey retired in 1969 and passed away on December 2, 1990, in Tallahassee, Florida. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource That D----d Brownlow: Being a Saucy and Malicious Description of Fighting Parson William Gannaway Brownlow Description An account of the resource This is a narrative on the famous 19th century Tennessee Methodist minister and newspaper editor, William Gannaway Brownlow, who launched the weekly <em>Tennessee Whig</em> newspaper with Mason R. Lyon in 1839 to support the Whig Party. An important historical figure in support of the Whig Party and the Union side of the Civil War in East Tennessee, Brownlow also served as Governor of and in the U.S. Senate for the state of Tennessee. This narrative tells the story of his character and influence during the turbulent 1800s.<br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=18ngHy2zdR2jitJXFJN3T9ktjZh4dLEEN" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638225/that-d-d-brownlow" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Brownlow, William Gannaway Humphrey, Steve Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource Brownlow, William Gannaway, 1805-1877 Whig (Jonesborough, Tenn.) Whig Party (Tenn.) Journalists--Tennessee--Biography Secession--Tennessee Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877)--Tennessee Tennessee--Biography Tennessee--History--Civil War, 1861-1865 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Tennessee Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1970s controversy Political Preacher https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/9502bd1e9ef1a3b70f95f5ab6091eb3f.pdf c234ea832ac859d27b3e3068d44d3729 PDF Text Text �MOUNTAIN PREACHER STORIES �This page intentionally left blank �MOUNTAIN PREACHER STORIES Laughter Among The Trumpets by Ben d Fisher Appalachian Consortium Press • Boone, North Carolina 28608 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004^ its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program^ Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1990 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3662-7 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3664-1 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �To our sons David and Hugh �Appalachian Consortium Press The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit educational organization comprised of institutions and agencies located in the Southern Highlands. Our members are volunteers who plan and execute projects which serve 156 mountain counties in seven states. Among our goals are: •Preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia •Protecting the mountain environment •Publishing manuscripts about the region •Improving educational opportunities for area students and teachers •Conducting scientific, social, and economic research •Promoting a positive image of Appalachia •Encouraging regional cooperation The member institutions of the Appalachian Consortium are: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Gardner-Webb College Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association John C. Campbell Folk School Lees-McRae College Mars Hill College Mayland Community College N.C. Division of Archives and History Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild U.S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Association �TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Introduction The Striking Clock. Coining a Word Wagon Wheel Stars Making a Darning Ball Fresh Air The Salesman Super-Salesman........... Squirrel Gravy The Three Gifts The Three-Minute Egg Stealing Chickens Young Groundhogs Not Fit for a Dog Mule Trouble Braying Mule Panther Tracks The Banty Rooster Healthy Hogs The Beehive A Hard Luck Story Hog with a Peg-Leg How to Cook a Catfish.. At Home in the Orphanage Flooding the Market Three Kinds of He Foundered Ciphering.... Company Nuisance The Birthday Present Ain't He Growed? Between Louisville and Frankfort Getting Out the Straight Board ' Simmons vu ix .....xi 1 1 2 2 3 5 6 7 8 ....9 .10 12 12 14 14 16 16 .....17 19 19 ....20 21 22 23 24 25 ....26 27 28 28 29 30 30 �That's No Reason A Problem in Communication I Don't Know Where We're Going Too Hot to Handle AWholeKegful The Umpire Merciful Justice Whupped or Killed The New Jail Where Do You Live? Cataloochee Baptist Church Reaching High Not So Stupid The Parachute Never Went to College Myself On Smoking Chewing Tobacco The Best Man in the Community Driving a Nail Anvils OnNaggin' Swearing a Character A Word for It The Pulpit Robe The Preacher Who Pressed His Luck Mountain Preacher or Seminary Graduate The Bathrobe I Frenzied Cussin' Climbing an Oak Tree The Shrewish Woman Riding Shotgun The Lost Sheep Creasyback Beans A True Baptist Ben: The Man Behind the Stories by Roger G. Branch Vlll 31 32 33 .....34 .........34 35 36 37 39 39 40 41 ..42 ...43 45 46 ....47 ................47 ....49 49 50 50 51 51 52 53 54 55 .....57 .....58 ..58 59 60 60 62 64 �PREFACE My husband, Ben Fisher, had collected these mountain stories for many years, and used them often as illustrations in his speeches and in his writing. In sessions of the executive committee of the Southern Baptist Convention, occasionally when a controversial issue had caused stress and frayed patience, I have heard a motion to "set aside five minutes for Ben Fisher to tell a story." "Second the motion!" He would have to get to his feet immediately and try to tell the right story for that moment. Often he managed to make a point, obliquely and with a disarming smile, because he knew "how to drive a nail without busting the plank." He had always meant to make a book of these stories, "but not," he said, "until Fm finished with them myself." Now, alas! he is finished with them. After he died in November, 1985, I worked first on his other nearly completed manuscript, The Idea of a Christian University in Today's World, and have only now been able to publish the mountain stories. A few were on tape, a number had been transcribed in rough draft, and some have been contributed by folk who carried them in loving memory. The subtitle of this book, Laughter Among the Trumpets, comes from Job 39:25 (King James version: "He saith among the trumpets, Ha ha"). This verse became the headline on a feature article by Jay Jenkins some years ago, pointing out how Ben used humor to deflate pomposity or to soften stridence. It is impossible, of course, to convey on paper the timing, or the reminiscent laughter in the voice of the teller; but the book is conversational in tone. Afew stories on tape were interspersed with comments which I have left in place because they provide background settings. Some of the old way of life is vanishing; there may come a day when such description will be a valuable record of "the way we were." IX �Many of the stories have been told in Switzerland, in New England, in Hong Kong, in Wales, in Japan, in Australia. Ben received one attractive offer to videotape them, but the proposal was for him to dress in overalls and act the part of a country bumpkin. This he refused to do, because to him the chief appeal of these tales is not their provincial nature but their universality. The characters may never have been out of their home counties, but in telling about them, Ben had found the secret of drawing people together with a laugh at human foibles that know no cultural boundaries. Drawing people together, in the name of the Lord, was a special part of his ministry. Sally Fisher �INTRODUCTION During the past forty years, I have collected stories illustrating the humor of the Southern highlander. Appalachia, especially that part of it in western North Carolina, was heavily populated with immigrants from England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. Some were folk of German origin. They brought with them not only their rugged individualism and their determination to work and to wrest homes out of the wilderness; they brought also a sense of humor and a dignity which have always been characteristic of a sturdy yeoman people. Their humor has certain consistencies which are identifiable. First of all, mountain humor, like all folk humor, typically arises out of a life situation. Occasionally there will be an imaginative "tall story," but usually the tale relates something that happened, not something just dreamed up. Partly for this reason it is frequently told in the first person. A good storyteller will often add some embroidery, but he is essentially describing a happening that needs no adornment. Often one could scarcely imagine anything as funny as what actually occurred. Moreover, most mountain preachers and many of the oldtime mountaineers had a real talent for telling stories. This is the reason that when these stories are written, they are not nearly so funny as when they are told or put on video-tape. The power is somewhat in the timing. A third characteristic of the wit of the mountaineer is that it is never meant to hurt anybody — it is not sharp, or barbed, or mean, or ugly — and when possible, a man tells the story on himself. (This is another reason for the frequency of the first person.) This kind of satire bears comparison with that of the Romans — for that matter, all the way back through history mankind has been laughing at basically the same life situations. But mountain satire laughs at them gently. In Roman times, some very bitter satire was written by Juvenal, who could not make enough harsh, biting remarks about enough people. There was another type of Roman satire written by the gentle poet Horace, who made people laugh and feel good. Mountain humor XI �is essentially Horatian: light-hearted and kind, it never has a barb in it, never lacerates, never seeks to embarrass or humiliate. Some of it is not so funny as it is poignant. It illustrates a great warm-heartedness that characterizes mountain folk. Another noticeable feature of mountain wit is that it is clean. There maybe an occasional hell or damn, but beyond that—and that very infrequently — these stories can be told anywhere: in church or in any company. This is not to say that the mountaineer didn't have some barnyard jokes. He had plenty of those, but he had the good sense and good taste to know that the place to tell those was in the barnyard. A final characteristic of mountain stories is that most of them are didactic. There is almost always an implied lesson to be learned, and for this reason mountain preachers have used as sermon illustrations many of the stories which follow. In a way, this book should be considered my tribute to the old-time mountain preacher. He was a man of God, He knew how to preach the Word, he loved his people, he shepherded his flock, and he needed — believe me — a sense of humor in those rough mountains and in those times. Ben C. Fisher �THE STRIKING CLOCK he story is told of the little mountain congregation that inherited a very beautiful banjo clock, which they immediately installed in the back of the church. They were all so proud of the beautiful set of chimes that they were encouraged to form the habit of coming early enough to hear them, thus starting the morning service promptly at the eleven o'clock hour, and the evening service at eight. One Sunday evening when the congregation had gathered expectantly and were awaiting the beautiful chimes, the clock ran away, striking forty-nine times. One of the old mountaineers stood up and said, "Come on, old woman, let's get out of here. It's time to go home. This is the latest it's ever been." COINING A WORD The old-time mountain preacher could, many times, be eloquent. His language was often colorful, and sometimes when he was short of a word, he simply manufactured one that said more than conventional English. One Sunday morning Uncle Jethro was preaching—as they say in the mountains — "in a weaving way," and he was almost completely carried away by the occasion. He had a large congregation and a good sermon, and the amens had been frequent. It was one of those beautiful spring mornings with fleecy clouds floating in the air, and soft breezes coming through the window. The crops were up, the pastures were green, and the cattle could be seen on the hills. Uncle Jethro looked down the aisle and out through the open door to the beautiful valley below, and he said, 1 �"Folks, I want you to realize that the whole earth belongs to the Lord. It's all his; it's his, brethren, from horizon to hosettin." WAGON WHEEL STARS This story comes from southern Appalachia. It was told to me by my dear friend John Steely, a colleague at Southeastern Seminary and a friend of more than twenty-five years. It seems that a young preacher had been away to college and had taken a course in astronomy. He was overcome with the transcendental distances, the hugeness of the universe, the black holes, the galaxies, and the enormous size of the stars. He had a somewhat guilty feeling that he had made God too small. He incorporated all of this into a sermon to his mountain congregation, and told them that Jupiter is a planet so big that the earth could be placed inside it several times. When the service was over, the mountain boys were outside talking. One old deacon said to another, "Did you hear that?" "Yes," he said, "I did." "Well, what do you think about it?" He said, "I don't think a thing about it. You can just look up there — look at all them stars up there. You can tell that if they was as big as wagon wheels, they'd lap." MAKING A DARNING BALL This is a human interest story that actually happened in a little community over near Franklin, not far from Sylva. A young girl became the first from her community to attend college. She had gone all the way down to Greensboro, North �Carolina, and majored in home economics. When she came back, the home demonstration club invited her to speak. These good mountain women were very proud of their college graduate, but they had requested her to talk about something practical. She decided that she would teach them how to make a darning ball by taking the white and the yolk out of an egg, then pouring the eggshell full of plaster of Paris, allowing it to harden, and then breaking the eggshell off. The hardened plaster can be shellacked or varnished, and it does make an excellent darning ball. It fits very nicely into the toe or heel of a sock. She appeared at the appointed hour, and she had some pots and pans and an egg on the table in front of her, and she allowed her pride in having been to college to be reflected in her choice of words. She picked up the egg and said to those good mountain ladies: "You will observe that the object which I hold in my hand is elliptical in shape. By inducing a small opening in both the anterior and posterior ends of this elliptical object, and by exhaling gently through it, I force the contents into a saucepan." One good old mountain woman piped up, "Friends, ain't a college education wonderful? I always just poked a hole in each end and blowed 'er in a cup." FRESH AIR The father of one of my boyhood chums had been killed in an accident, leaving this boy (whom I will call Henry), his widowed mother, and his older brother. My grandfather had a large, squared-log house which he allowed the family to use rent-free. It was carefully built and chinked. Along the north side was a lean-to built out of boards, with a sloping roof. There was a large fireplace at one end of the main cabin and a big Foster range at the other. This was where the family lived. They ate at a big oilcloth-topped table, and they slept in the large room, where there were four big beds, each with a straw tick and afeatherbed. �Henry's mother was a wonderful cook, and I used to like to go there and spend the night and eat, particularly when she would bake potatoes in the ashes behind the backlog. Anyone who has never eaten potatoes baked in this fashion doesn't know what he has missed. There is simply nothing like the flavor of a potato baked "mealy done" in good hickory ashes. On several occasions I spent the night there, and when the wind was high, I could see the hooked rug waving a bit, because the cabin sat a little way off the ground. If it happened to be snowing, a "skiff" of snow would drift in, in a narrow line along the cracks. Henry and I went to a little mountain school together. First, second, and third grades were together in one room, and fourth, fifth, and sixth in another. Of course we were able to hear it all, and we learned a lot. About this time a hygiene course had been introduced in the third grade of the public schools. Our teacher went to great lengths to teach us good health rules. One of the habits she stressed was that in order to be healthy, we needed to get plenty of good fresh air. Each night we were supposed to lower our window two inches from the top and raise it two inches from the bottom so that the air would circulate freely. After she had explained this procedure several times, we came into our little schoolroom one morning, and after she had called the roll, she began to inquire what each had done about adjusting the window. When she came to Henry, she said, "Henry, did you lower your bedroom window two inches from the top last night, and raise it two inches from the bottom?" Henry looked at her a moment and answered, "Teacher, just to tell you the honest truth, fresh air ain't our problem." �THE SALESMAN A mountain boy had grown a little tired of the back-breaking work on his rocky little mountain farm, so he decided he'd go into the city and get himself a job to earn some money. Because he had done a lot of fishing and hunting, he determined that what he'd like to do would be to clerk in a sporting goods store. So he went into the store and applied to the manager for a job. The manager observed that the mountaineer wasn't dressed very well, and his English wasn't the best, so the manager was trying to let the boy down gently. But the boy said, "Friend, all I want is a chance for one day. It won't cost you one thing. If I don't sell you a lot of stuff this first day, it won't cost you anything. I need the job. How about letting me try?" The store manager thought, "Well, what have I got to lose?" Along about 4:30 he started checking up, and he found out that the old boy had sold one man $3600 worth of equipment. The manager was just fascinated. So he called the mountaineer in and said, "Friend, have you actually sold $3600 worth of equipment to one man?" He said, "Yes, sir, I did." The manager said, "How in the world did you do it?" The boy said, "Friend, it all started with some fishhooks. He bought some fishhooks, and I said, 'How about your fishing pole? We've got a special here: a nice rod and reel. The fishhooks are not going to do you any good unless you've got a good rod and reel/ so I sold him the rod and reel. "Then I said, *Where are you going to catch these fish?' " 'Well,1 he said, *I guess Fll stand on the bank,' and I said, 'Now, friend, you're not going to catch any fish just standing on the bank. What you need is a good boat. If you've got a good boat, you can get out there where the fish are.' "He said, 'All right,' so I sold him the boat. "Then I said, 'When you get into this boat, how are you going to move it along?' " �" 'Well/ the man said, 1 guess I'll paddle it or pole it/ "I said to him, 'Now, friend, you're not going to catch any fish paddling or poling. Everybody else will be there first. What you need is a motor/ So I sold him a motor to go on the boat. He bought that, and I said, *Now, can you swim?1 "He said, Well, some/ "I said, *You oughtn't to be out there without some life preservers. In the first place, it's not legal/ So I sold him some life preservers. "So," the mountaineer said, "it all added up to a little more than $3600." The store manager was just amazed. He said, "Friend, do you mean to tell me that a man came in here and asked to buy some fishhooks, and you sold him $3600 worth of fishing equipment?" "No, sir, that's not exactly right. I didn't say the man came in here and asked to buy fishhooks. What he said was that he had aheadache and wanted to buy two aspirins, so that's when I said, 'Man, you need to go fishing/ " He got the job. SUPER-SALESMAN Some years ago a man, after having been away for several years, returned to western North Carolina to revisit the scenes of his childhood: the old home place and the little mountain cemetery. It was a hot July day. As he drove along he got hotter and hotter, and he began to think about those delicious Nehis that he used to drink when he was a boy. Suddenly he saw in the distance what he was sure was an old-time country store. It was, and he pulled off the road. The sun had been very bright. He parked his car, and when 6 �he went into the cool shadows of the old store building, he was temporarily almost blind from the light of the sun. But as his eyes began to adjust to the dark interior, he was amazed to see boxes of salt and cans of salt and sacks of salt stacked on the counter and on the floor and almost everywhere else. He stood around waiting a few minutes. No one appeared. Finally, when he heard a movement in the back of the store, he went on through to the part which was storeroom and feedroom. An old man was carefully cranking out a canful of kerosene from an old-fashioned hand-cranked tank. As he watched, he noticed also that there were more boxes of salt, sacks of salt, and cans of salt back in this storeroom. He said to the old man, "Do you own this store?" "Yes, I do," he replied. "Well," he said, "friend, you must sell a lot of salt." The old man thoughtfully scratched his chin and said, "No, sir, but there was a fella through here the other day who sure sells a lot of salt." SQUIRREL GRAVY A mountain preacher who was very, very strict with his family came home one Sunday afternoon and learned that his oldest boy had taken a shotgun out that afternoon and killed seven or eight big fat squirrels. The boy had dressed them out and brought them in, and his mother had parboiled them and fried them a golden brown, and was getting ready to serve them for supper. The preacher was wroth. He told the whole family in no uncertain terms how he felt about that violation of the Sabbath. The time came when they all got ready to sit down at the supper table before a platter of those rich brown squirrels. The good woman had made a great big bowlful of good, brown gravy �and some hot buttermilk biscuits. The aroma of the coffee and gravy was floating around. The family sat down after the blessing, and the preacher said, "Just like I said, and I want to tell you again, young man, you had no business going out hunting on Sunday. That's a sin. It's shameful, and I'm surprised that you'd do it. There isn't anything in the world that would make me touch one mouthful of those squirrels — but I will take a little of the gravy." THE THREE GIFTS Three young people, two brothers and a sister, were very proficient with the guitar, the banjo, and the fiddle. They went to Nashville to the Grand Ole Opry and did so well there that they were invited to play at the White House. The music company sent them on out to Hollywood, where they made some hit records and soon became very wealthy. However, they were so busy making money and performing that they neglected their mother, whom they loved very dearly. It soon became apparent that they would not be able to get home for Christmas, and they felt guilty about it, so they decided that each would do something unusually nice in the way of a Christmas present. The girl went out and bought her mother a string of genuine matched pearls. The older brother bought a beautiful mink stole. The younger brother wanted to do something really special, so he went to a pet shop and spent five hundred dollars for a myna bird, and another five hundred dollars getting a fellow musician to teach this bird to sing his mother's favorite hymn. They met and were all quite pleased with themselves, and made arrangements to have these presents sent to the mother special delivery so that she would have them before Christmas. Christmas came and went, and since they hadn't heard from their mother, they became a little concerned, so the younger son called his mother. She said, "Oh son, I'm just so glad to hear from 8 �you. I haven't been too well, but Fve been meaning to write. I hope you're well, and I'm sorry you didn't get home for Christmas." The boy said, "Mom, did you get our presents?" "Oh, yes." "Well, what did you think about sister's pearls?" She said, "Son, they're the prettiest things I have ever seen in my life. I'm almost afraid to wear them — I'm so afraid I'll break the string and lose some of them. Once in awhile I wear them to church, but mostly I keep them wrapped up in a bureau drawer, and I open the box and look at them sometimes." "Well," he said, "did you get the mink stole that brother sent?" "Oh," she said, "it's just so warm, and I wear it to church every Sunday. It's the prettiest thing, might'nigh, I ever had. The people at church just brag on it." Then the younger son paused and said, "Well, Mom, did you get the myna bird?" "Yes, I did, son," she replied. "Thank you so much. It was delicious." THE THREE-MINUTE EGG When I was serving as administrative assistant to the president of Southeastern Seminary, it was customary for us to go over to Nashville, Tennessee, in February for the meeting of the Executive Committee of the Southern Baptist Convention at which the institutional budgets were approved. On this trip there were Stealey, Binkley, Sandusky, Newman,* and I. In those days, before Baptists became prosperous, we didn't have *Dr. Sydnor L. Stealey, president of the seminary at that time; Dr. Olin T. Binkley, dean; Dr. Fred Sandusky, registrar; and Dr. Stewart A. Newman, professor of theology. — Ed. �the money to fly over, so we had to pack five people into a car and make a two-day trip. We'd drive to Asheville one day and then on into Nashville the next. Because they gave us special rates, we usually stayed at the Mountaineer Hotel, near Beaucatcher Tunnel. The motel didn't have a restaurant, so we used to go up to Buck's, just a few doors above, where we liked to eat breakfast because of the homemade biscuits and baked apples. On this particular morning, we sat at a round table, and because I was on a diet, I ordered dry toast and a three-minute egg. The little waitress brought the egg, and I broke it, and it was raw, so I sent it back. She brought another egg, and it was the same way, and I sent it back. She brought the third egg, and it wasn't any better, but I ate it as best I could. But I didn't like it. And, of course, when I got home and told my wife about it, I found that she had been cooking my threeminute egg four minutes. Just one year from that day, almost to the day, we were back on our way to Nashville — same crowd. We went up to Buck's and sat down at that round table. The same little waitress came up (I didn't recognize her at the time), stood there, and stared at me for a long time. With a twinkle in her eyes she said, "Okay, Grumpy, let's get started on those eggs." STEALING CHICKENS This story originated not in my native state but in Arkansas. I heard it first from a well-known Congressman who was one of the greatest friends that private higher education has ever had, particularly in keeping up appropriations for student scholarships. Some years ago, a young man had completed reading law and had passed the bar exam. He moved into a small town and hung out his shingle. Almost two weeks went by, and not a single client darkened his door. Then one day he looked up, and coming 10 �through the door was a lanky mountaineer with about two days1 growth of beard. One of the "galluses" of his overalls was held up with a thorn, which had replaced the missing button. (The Congressman explained that the thorn was significant. The middle class, he said, used a nail for this purpose, but the poor used thorns. This boy didn't have the money for a nail.) Pausing a minute, the newcomer said, "Friend, are you a lawyer?" The young man replied, "Yes, I am." "Well, I need help. I've been indicted. Can you help me?" The young lawyer said, "That's what I'm here for. Sit down, and tell me what your problem is." The mountaineer paused, looked at the floor, pulled his earlobe, scratched his cheek, shifted his cud of tobacco from one side to the other, and said, "Well, I'll tell you, it's like this: they swore out a warrant, and I've got to stand trial. I'm out on bond. I've been arrested for stealing chickens." "Well," the lawyer said, "that's a fairly serious charge. If I'm going to help you, you've got to tell me the complete truth. Now, you understand that whatever you tell me is privileged information. Do you know what privileged information is?" The mountaineer said, "No, sir, I don't." "That simply means," said the lawyer, "that anything you tell me, good or bad, can't be used in court against you. They can't compel me ever to tell it to anyone or to testify against you. It's absolutely confidential." When there was no reply, the lawyer continued, "Now, the first thing I want to know is this: did you really steal those chickens?" The old mountain boy hesitated a minute, looked at the floor, looked at the ceiling, then looked out the window, and finally said, "Well, friend, to tell you the truth, you've put your finger on the weakest point in my whole case." 11 �YOUNG GROUNDHOGS Dr. George Capps passed on to me the story which follows. It seems that for a good many years the people in a small mountain community had gone to their preacher to ask him when it would be all right to plant their gardens. No one could remember when he had failed to give them good advice. One spring in recent years, they went again and asked the old preacher about planting-time. He studied a minute and said, '"Well, it's going to be a little cool, and it's going to be a little damp, but it's going to be a good garden year, so you go ahead and plant your seed. Everything will be fine." So they went ahead and planted every seed on the mountain. The weather warmed up, and in about two weeks every seed came up. Then came a hard freeze, which burned everything off to the ground. People were really appalled. One of the deacons went back and said, "Preacher, our congregation is terribly upset. For as long as anybody can remember, you've been telling us when to plant the gardens, and you've never failed. We want to know two things: how have you been able to do this all these years, and what happened this spring?" The old preacher shook his head. "Well," he said, "friend, you know, I'm nearly ninety years old, and all these years, I've been watching the groundhogs, but, friend, these young groundhogs are somethin' else." NOT FIT FOR A DOG A young preacher who had been ordained to the gospel ministry only a short time before was very much excited when he received one of his first opportunities to preach. He had been invited to come to a small "quarter-time" mountain church, located in a rather isolated area of the county. He rose early, put on his best suit, picked up his Bible and notes, got into his car, 12 �and checked his directions. In his eagerness and anticipation he arrived at the church about an hour before preaching time. As he started into the church, there was an old hound-dog stretched full-length in front of the door. He had to step over the dog, and he went on into the church, whereupon he discovered he'd forgotten his Bible. When he came back, the old hound was still there, and wouldn't move. He stepped over the dog again, went back to the car, and decided that while he was there, he would just sit out in the cool air and review his sermon. The time got away, and people began to gather, so he thought he had better go on into the church. He got his Bible and his notes and started back, and this time the old hound-dog rose up just as he got to the threshold. The young preacher tripped, and fell his full length down the aisle. He got up very angry, and rushed back and kicked that dog in the ribs. The old hound went howling down around the side of the mountain. The young man had started back into the church when someone tapped him on the shoulder and said, "Friend, I want to tell you something. You've made a terrible mistake. I guess you're the preacher, and I think you ought to know that the dog you kicked belongs to the chairman of the board of deacons of this church. That man's got eleven children, and he thinks as much of that dog as he does of any young'un he's got, and I just thought you ought to know it." "Well," the young preacher said, "after the service I'll try to make it right." Immediately following the service, the young man rushed up to the deacon and said, "I want to apologize. I lost my temper and I did an unchristian thing. I'm sorry I kicked your dog, and I want you to forgive me." The old mountaineer looked at the young preacher for a long time without changing his expression. Finally he said, "Now, son, don't let that worry you. I'm glad you kicked that dog. I wouldn't have had him hear that sermon for fifty dollars." 13 �MULE TROUBLE A well-known and popular local mountain politician once lost a very close election. His friends were all moaning and groaning. He was down at the post office one morning to get his mail, and somebody came up and said, "Aw, Henry, you must feel terrible." He said, "Yes, I do. Reminds me of the fellow that was out one day in the pasture, trying to hem up a young mule in the fence corner and catch him. The mule turned and kicked him in the head and, as he said, 'busted his head wide open.' He was rushed to the doctor, crying, 'Oh doctor, please, please don't let me die. Do anything, but don't let me die! Please save me.' "The doctor said, 'You're hurt pretty bad. Fll do the best I can. You afraid to die?' " 'Oh no,' the man said, 'it's not that. It's just the thought of being kicked to death by a jackass that bothers me.'" BRAYING MULE This is one of the favorite mountain preacher stories, and has basis in fact. I got this tale from Phil Elliott, late President of Gardner-Webb College, and for many years himself a mountain preacher when he was a young man. Phil Elliott had gone to Robbins, North Carolina, to be pastor, and while he was there, he invited Brother Thad Dietz, a greatly beloved mountain pastor known as the Prophet of the Cowees, to come and lead the revival meeting. Brother Dietz had learned to read mostly from the King James version of the Bible, and while he was not college-educated, he knew the great Biblical themes, and could preach them, Genesis to Revelation, sometimes in almost pure Elizabethan English. He had a marvelous sense of humor. He was to do the preaching, and Brother Will Cook was to lead the singing. Will was another great 14 �mountain preacher [along with G. N. (Napoleon) Cowan — I believe they were the first two Jackson County preachers ever to attend college; both were Wake Forest College graduates]. The meeting started, and Brother Dietz was preaching, and the response was good. As they went back one night to the hotel, Brother Dietz said to Pastor Phil Elliott, "You know, I've been watching Will, and Will wants to preach so bad he can taste it. Would you mind if we let him preach on Saturday night?" A little later, Brother Dietz said to Will, "My throat's a little scratchy. Will, reckon you could preach on Saturday night?" Brother Dietz said later that Will rose to that just like a mountain trout to a grasshopper. In the meantime, Phil and Thad made an agreement that no matter how good a sermon Will preached Saturday night, they weren't going to say anything about it. Saturday night came, and Will dusted off his best sermon, and as they say in the mountains, he "preached a big un." However, there was one brief interruption. Not everyone back in the mountains had a car or a truck. Some brought their families to the revival meeting in a wagon, with straight chairs and straw in it. One farmer had hitched his team too close to the church, and about halfway through the sermon one of the mules started to bray. The farmer had to get up and go out and move his team out of earshot, and then come back and take his seat again in the congregation. But there was a good response to the invitation after the sermon: people joined the church by letter and profession of faith. Three or four young people came for baptism. The next morning, all three men were having breakfast at the hotel—ham and eggs. Will would work up to the sermon, but neither Phil nor Thad would say a word about it. Finally, Will couldn't stand it any longer, and he said, "Brother Dietz, I want you to tellme something: that mule braying last night—did that bother the congregation?" Phil said Brother Thad just kept sawing away at his ham 15 �and looked up over his glasses and said, "Now, Will, which one was that?" PANTHER TRACKS Years ago, when my mother was just a child, she and her dear friend Vera decided to enliven the little Webster schoolhouse. They had found a stuffed panther paw (panthers were called "painters" in the mountains). They used the paw to make some authentic-looking footprints in the moist earth near the school well. At recess, they set up pretended howls of fright, and when they were sure of everyone's attention, they pointed out the pawprints. The response was so much more dramatic than they had anticipated that they dared not tell about the prank until after they were grown. School was dismissed, and the men of the community organized a posse, took their dogs, and tracked that painter all the way to the top of Gribble Mountain, where they said it got away. THE BANTY ROOSTER This story has its setting in Boiling Springs, North Carolina. Our two small boys received one Christmas week a beautiful bantam rooster and five little "banty" hens. These were gifts from Dr. Robert Allen Dyer and his wife, Mary. Dr. Dyer, later dean at Wake Forest University, was then professor of psychology and director of guidance at Gardner-Webb College. We were glad to get the banties. The boys enjoyed them as pets, and the hens supplied eggs for a long time. Finally, the only survivor was the little banty rooster. In order to keep the chickens, I had built a lot for them in the 16 �backyard. Theboy next door had abiggame chicken, and the two roosters would run along opposite sides of the fence, ruffling up their feathers and pecking and generally pretending to fight. One day while I was sitting out on the back porch, the game rooster backed off, flew over the fence, attacked the little banty rooster, and was just about to kill him. I walked over and picked up a little piece of pine limb and hit the game rooster across the head just hard enough to flatten him out momentarily. He jumped up, staggered, shook himself, got airborne again, and retreated across the fence from what he evidently thought was an attack by the banty. The banty must have thought also that he had been the victor, because he got up on a little pine stump and tried to crow, but he was so tired that he fell off backwards. Apparently neither of them realized that there had been an unseen hand. HEALTHY HOGS Pork was very important in the early days, all over the South but particularly in the mountains, not only because it provided the household with a ready source of protein and fat, but also because it could be so easily preserved. Although my grandfather told about curing beef, and smoking beef hams, and making beef sausage, I never saw any of this in the smokehouse in my day. It was generally pork that was the family's source of meat for the entire winter. It was used for seasoning-meat, of course; it appeared on the table as we use breakfast bacon; and the cured ham was served on special occasions, particularly on Sunday. Sausage, seasoned with home-grown pepper and sage — and salt, of course — was sometimes canned and sometimes just put into a great stone crock and covered with hot grease. Through the cold weather it would keep very well and served as a rich source of nourishment for the mountain family. 17 �Along about July or August, pork fat tended to turn and the meat got strong and became too rancid for food, but the fat still was not wasted. It was put into a washpot, along with either a "storeboughf lye or a home-made variety. (Most mountain people had a lye-hopper, which was a wooden bin. Into it they put hickory and oak ashes, and either let it sit out in the rain, or poured water over it. The result was a strong brown lye that would take the meat off your fingers if you weren't careful.) The mixture of pork fat and lye was cooked in the iron pot until it was thick, then poured into pans, cut into squares, and used for soap, especially for washing clothes. All this is to say that the hogs which were raised so carefully were a vital part of the family's resources. This story, like many of the mountain tales, has to do with the mountaineer and new-fangled notions about farming and health. A new county agent, who was working with the county health officer, was driving along one day when he saw perched on the mountainside, as if on stilts, a cabin with a long trough that ran from the back porch down to a hog-pen which was only about twenty-five or thirty feet away from a corner of the kitchen. There were several hogs in the pen. The mountaineer was getting ready to have some winter meat. The agent called him out and said, "Friend, I hate to mention this to you, but you've got your hog-pen too close to your back door and your well. You're going to have to move that hog-lot. This is the most unhealthy thing I've ever seen, and something must be done about it right away." The mountaineer said, "I sure don't understand that. I ain't lost a hog in forty years." 18 �THE BEEHIVE This story is an excellent illustration of mountain humor arising out of a situation. It so happened that on a Saturday just before a revival, Aunt Sarah discovered that she was low on honey. She said to Uncle Dave, "Now, Dave, I want you and the boys to rob the bee gums and bring me some honey because you have put it off and put it off, and I will need it tomorrow." Uncle Dave said that he reckoned he would do it, and he told the boys — two boys, half-grown. This didn't please them because they had planned to go down to Sylva. But the old man got his bee-robbing paraphernalia, and they went out to the bee gum. The bee gum is simply a hollow log about three feet high, placed on a board with a hole in the bottom where the bees can go in. Another board is placed on top of all that, with a heavy rock to hold it down — a very uncomplicated beehive. They started out to rob the bees. One of the boys took a long pole, and as his daddy went past he pushed one of those beehives over. It rolled right under his daddy's legs, and the bees just swarmed up all over him. There wasn't much he could do except run, and he took off through the laurel thickets. One of the boys was telling about it later, and he said, "Friends, you could tell by the movement of the bushes that the old man was a-laboring." A HARD LUCK STORY This was one of the favorite stories of my grandfather, Bob Fisher, who for many years operated a general merchandise store in the little community of Addie. One day one of his mountain friends came into the store. This particular fellow was usually very good-humored, but he seemed to be troubled and had a long face. Finally my grandfather said to him, "Henry, you've got a long face for such a pretty day. What's your trouble?" 19 �The man thought a minute and said, "Aw, Mr. Fisher, we've got real trouble up at our house. You know, we didn't have but one sow, and we're depending on that sow for our meat and lard this winter. Mr. Fisher, she dropped nineteen of the prettiest little pigs you've ever seen. You know what? Every one of them little pigs died except one — and damned if it didn't die!" HOG WITH A PEG-LEG I have some question about the next mountain story. In some ways it is a cruelty story, which is rather unusual, but for the sake of the record, I shall relate it. I'm not certain of the source, but it was either Kentucky or Arkansas. A young county agent had heard that there was a farmer up the road who had a hog with a peg-leg. This the agent could hardly believe, so he drove out there to see for himself. The farmer took him down to the hog-lot, and there was a hog hobbling around with a well-made artificial hind leg. The agent was fascinated. He said to the mountaineer, "I've been all the way 'round the world, and I've seen a lot of hogs, but this is the first one I've ever seen with an artificial leg. Is there a special story about this?" "Yes," the farmer said, "and I don't mind sharing it with you. A couple of years ago — you see that stump over there? I was cutting that tree down. I'd chopped into it, and notched it, and I was putting my wedge in to fall it, and the wind shifted and a gust caught it. That tree came right over on top of me. It was just about to crush me to death, and that old hog saw it. He rooted out of that lot and came out here and got his back under that tree and got me enough room so that I could wiggle out from under. I'd be a dead farmer if it hadn't been for that hog." The county agent said, "That's a marvelous story, but it still doesn't tell me about that artificial hind leg." 20 �"Well," the farmer said, "that's one smart hog. Another time, just a little while after that, we'd put in one of these new-fangled wood stoves and we didn't know how to operate it. We'd all gone to bed, and our house caught on fire. That old hog saw it, and he broke out of that pen again and pushed his way in, and raised such a fuss that he woke us up and got us out of the house. Without his help we'd all have been burned up, and the house would have burned down. You appreciate something like that/' The county agent said, "That's great, but you still haven't told me why that hog has such a beautiful artficial hind leg." The farmer said, "Man, don't you see? It ain't hard to understand. Any hog that's done as much as that one has for me and my family — we ain't going to eat a hog like that all at one time." HOW TO COOK A CATFISH Any mountaineer knows that there are two kinds of catfish. There is a blue catfish which, when properly dressed and cooked, has sweet and delicious meat. There is the yellow or mud-cat which, unless prepared in a very special way, always has the taste of mud and the river bottom. The only way to cook a mud-cat is to skin it carefully, preferably the day before it is to be cooked so that it can take some salt for at least twenty-four hours. When the fish has been thoroughly salted, it should be dried with a towel and then split down the middle and tacked, back down, to a piece of oak plank. When this has been done, the catfish should be carefully sprinkled with some big chunks of good yellow country butter. Salt it a little more, pepper it well, cover with slices of onion, and put on top some thin slices of bacon. The catfish then should be put in the oven at 350 degrees and allowed to remain there for about forty-five minutes. Do not baste, and do not open the oven. 21 �After about forty-five minutes, open the oven and poke the catfish gently with a fork. If the meat falls away from the bone, then remove the catfish, throw the catfish away, and eat the board. AT HOME IN THE ORPHANAGE This is not a funny story, but it is memorable to me for its human interest. A cousin of mine from the mountains, W. C. Reid, with the help of his wife, Millie, headed the North Carolina Baptist Orphanage for years. They were greatly loved. A mountain family of five children had been torn up by the death of the father in a logging accident and by the sudden death of the mother not long afterward. Their pastor and one of the deacons, without even telephoning the orphanage, put all the children and their clothes into a car and drove them to the orphanage one Sunday afternoon and left them. Millie said later, "I didn't know what to do. We couldn't put them in a cottage that night, so I went upstairs and made up three beds. We had plenty of room. They were sniffing and crying, and we finally persuaded them to eat a little—not much — and drink some milk, and we put them to bed. "Next morning they came down for breakfast. Fd scrambled eggs and cooked bacon, and I had jelly and toast on the table, and pitchers of milk. They just sat there and shook their heads. "And I noticed one of them lookingback through the kitchen. There was a plate of yesterday's biscuits sitting there on a side table, and suddenly it dawned on me; I remembered what they were probably used to having for breakfast. "With our modern child-care theories, no case worker would have approved, but I went back there and got them each a cup of black coffee, stirred it about half full of sugar, and brought them 22 �those left-over biscuits. They crumbled those biscuits into the coffee and ate like little hungry wolves." FLOODING THE MARKET My grandfather Fisher was noted for his community interest. Although he had little formal education himself (having been born about the time of the Civil War), he never ceased to plug for education and anything else that would improve the community. He was a prosperous farmer, and in addition he owned a big merchandise store at the foot of the Balsam Mountain. He heard that Buncombe County had engaged in something new in farming. They had employed a county farm agent who helped the farmers improve their land and the quality of their produce. Since Grandpa was always in favor of progress, at his own expense he arranged to have this man come over from Buncombe County on the train. He pushed back everything in the feed room and prepared for all who were interested to come and hear this young man speak. There was a fire burning in the big old Warm Morning stove in the feed room, surrounded by a sawdust box so that they could do their chewing and spitting. About thirty-five or forty mountain farmers gathered skeptically to hear what this young man had to say about teaching them to farm. He gave them a talk about diversification of crops so that they'd have a little something, as they say in the mountains, "to bring them in some cash money." One of the men who had gathered there was a well-known character by the name of John L. Jones. John L. was a good provider, but he had a rough time on a mountain farm over behind Dark Ridge. He sat and listened as the man explained about soil conservation and rotating crops. The young farm agent said, "The thing that you men really need to do is to raise something you can sell all year long. For example, one of the things you could raise would be frying-size 23 �chickens, and those will sell almost any time of the year." When he had finished, Grandpa asked for remarks or observations. The mountaineer is "not much on talking." Finally Grandpa turned and said, "John L., what do you think about this?" John L. rose and spit in ^e sawdust box and said, "Young man, about them fryers, just let me tell you something—tell you what I can do. I can go up here on the mountain. I've got a few fryers. I can catch a half-dozen of'em and dress 'em out, and take 'em down to Sylva and glut the damn market." THREE KINDS OF PIE This story was told to me by a mountain preacher who has long since gone to his rest. He enjoyed telling it, and I enjoyed listening. He was holding a revival meeting once in a sparsely settled mountain community, and the preachers had been invited out to supper away up in the head of a little cove. They made their way up as far as they could go in a car; then they crossed a footlog, and there suddenly, in a little clearing on the side of the mountain, was a long, low cabin with a lean-to on the north side. As they went in, there was that nice, clean, fresh smell of floors that had been scrubbed with lye soap, and a fireplace that had been freshly whitewashed. Coming from the kitchen were all those delightful aromas associated with good mountain cooking. The lady of the house welcomed them and assured them that supper would be ready in just a minute. They sat down, then, at a long wooden table with no cloth, but loaded with good mountain vegetables, fruits, fried chicken, and ham. She said, "Now, preacher, we don't make company out of anybody here. Just take out and eat your supper. Eat all you want, but just keep in mind this one thing—I've got three kinds of dessert." 24 �In those days, the preacher said, he was mighty fond of sweets, and he actually "pushed back" before he had finished, and said to the good lady of the house, "I've finished my supper now, and Fm really looking forward to the three kinds of dessert." She said, "Fve got three kinds, just like I told you. It's kivered, unkivered, and crisscross, but it's all apple pie." FOUNDERED This story was told many times by my grandmother, and my father told it with great relish as long as he lived. I suppose that some in this day and generation may not be able to appreciate all the humor of this story without an explanation of the term foundered. An animal such as a cow or hog or horse is said to be foundered if it eats too much. At times this term is applied humorously to human beings. Another comment that may be needed is that in the economy of the mountains, most people ate cornbread at least twice a day. "Wheatbread," as it was sometimes called, was usually reserved for breakfast and many times only for special occasions, especially if it had yeast in it, in which case it was called "ligh thread." A very fine family—wife, husband, and about seven or eight "young-uns"—had a little mountain farm down below where my grandfather lived, and the whole family was inordinately fond of hot biscuits and butter. Since they were a poor family, and wheat was scarce, they didn't have this treat often. But in the spring of the year up on the side of the mountain under Black Rock they were clearing a new ground, which is hard work, and some of the boys kept begging their mother for all the biscuits and butter they could eat. About the middle of the afternoon one day, their mother, who was a good friend of my grandmother, came up and said, "Lilly, I want you to do me a favor." 25 �My grandmother said, "Of course, if I can. What do you want?" She said, "How many bread pans have you got?" Grandma said, "Oh, Fve got several." She said, "I want to borrow every one of them, if you can spare them. You know that crowd I've got — they've never had enough hot buttered biscuit and sourwood honey. We robbed the beehives, and we've got some of the prettiest, clearest sourwood honey we've ever had. I'll bring you some when I bring the pans back. Tonight I'm going to founder them on biscuits and honey. I'm going to feed them all they can eat. I'm going to need every pan you've got." That night Mrs. Jones flew in and got a good fire going in that old Foster range, and she made her biscuits. She had great crocks of yellow butter, and she had plenty of sourwood honey and molasses. They came in from the field, went straight to the back porch and washed their hands and faces, came in and sat down, and they all just ate until they fell away from the table. Mrs. Jones told my grandmother next day, "I foundered 'em all right. I thought that was the last Fd hear of it. They ate until I didn't think they would ever want to see another biscuit. They went to bed, and got up this morning and started back to the new ground. You know that littlest boy of mine? On the way out, he pulled me by the apron and said, 'Ma, how about foundering us again tonight on honey and hot biscuits?'" CIPHERING Another story I should like to pass on has to do with one of my great-grandfathers, who was a merchant and a man of property. He had done very well for his time and day and generation. He had one slight handicap, though, that continues to be something of an embarrassment to the family. There was 26 �little schooling to be had when he was growing up during the Civil War, and as a matter of fact, the old man couldn't read and write. A business man came in from Atlanta, and he found out that old man Davey couldn't read and write. While staying at the local boarding house, he "made his bragf that he would trim the old man in a trade. He stayed for three or four days, but things didn't work out as he had planned. His friends almost had to take up money to get him out of town. As they were puttinghim on the stagecoach, someone asked him about how he had fared with his trade. He said, "Friends, I'll be frank with you. It is true that the old man Davey can't read and write, but friends, he can cipher to beat hell." COMPANY NUISANCE This story was a favorite of my Uncle David Brown, and he told it of his grandfather, a prosperous and well-known farmer who lived in one of the first frame houses in Jackson County (which is still standing). It was located on a route where many "drummers" and friends and relatives found it convenient to come by and spend the night. Since he was a very hospitable person, there were a few who really abused the privilege. There was one man — no relation to the family whatsoever — who had become something of a nuisance. He would drop by sometimes and stay four days at a time and expect to be fed and bedded himself, and also have feed furnished for his horse. One night after supper they were sitting out on the front porch, having their after-supper chew of tobacco and waiting for dark and bedtime. The guest who had already outstayed his welcome was trying to strike up a conversation. He finally spit and said, "Well, Mr. Brown, there's a lot of people coming and going here. I guess all these comers and goers sorta worry you sometimes." 27 �Grandfather Brown said, "Friend, it's not the comers and goers that bother me; it's these comers and stayers." THE BIRTHDAY PRESENT Games came in seasons for children in the mountains, and in the spring a boy had no social status at all unless he had plenty of marbles. For that reason the paper sack that Uncle Lewis Broyles had handed me for my eighth birthday had been a huge disappointment. It was full of marshmallows. My thanks were brief, and I carried my present down to the bridge over the Tuckasegee River at Webster, where I hung over the rail for awhile and brooded about adults who had forgotten how important marbles are. I even considered dropping the mar shmallows into the stream. However, I decided to make a concession and eat one. It was at that point that I discovered that Uncle Lewis had not forgotten his boyhood after all. He had hidden a beautiful marble in every one of those marshmallows, and made my eighth birthday one of the most memorable of my life. AIN'T HE GROWED? The following story is one of my personal experiences that I cherish. As a young man I was very fond of Aunt Sarah. She was no relative of mine, but she was "Aunt Sarah" to all the young people. I think the main reason we loved her was that she always had a jar of sugar cookies, and when we'd come by for any occasion, she always managed to slip one into our hand and two for our pockets. After I had left my little mountain community where I was 28 �born, and had been gone many years, I was invited back to hold a revival meeting at the River Hill Baptist Church. Uncle Will Cook was pastor, and I had really looked forward to renewing old acquaintances. He said to me one day, "We ought to go up on the mountain. There's somebody I want you to see: it's Aunt Sarah." I said, "Isn't it some surprise that Aunt Sarah is still living?" "Yes," he said, "she's still living and enjoying life. I know she'll be glad to see you." So we went up on the mountain, parked our car, and walked up a steep front yard. Aunt Sarah was sitting in her rocking chair on one end of the porch in the shade, stringing Kentucky Wonder beans. It was a hot day, and she had pushed her glasses up on her head. Uncle Will said, "Aunt Sarah, this is the preacher. I've got somebody here to see you. Do you know who this is?" Aunt Sarah pulled her glasses down and looked at me intently for a few seconds, and then a great smile broke over her face. "Why," she said, "it's Ben Coleman Fisher. Ain't he growed!" BETWEEN LOUISVILLE AND FRANKFORT This is a true story told to me by my good friend and former colleague, Bill Strickland, who was for some years professor of New Testament at Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary and later became dean of the College of Arts and Sciences at Appalachian State University at Boone, North Carolina. While he was still a student at Southern Baptist Seminary in Louisville, Kentucky, Bill was pastor of a little church near Frankfort. One day two members of his church hired a friend who owned a truck to take some young steers to Louisville so that they could sell them at the Bourbon Stock Market there. They invited a neighbor who could neither read nor write and had never been beyond the county line to accompany them 29 �on the sixty-mile trip. As they made their way to Louisville, the neighbor talked incessantly. Following the sale of the steers and a good lunch they headed for home. The neighbor was absolutely silent until the truck passed through the town of Shelbyviile when all of a sudden he excitedly broke the silence by saying: "Fellows, let me tell you something. If there's as much land on the other side of Louisville as there is between Frankfort and Louisville, this is a big world!" GETTING OUT THE STRAIGHT BOARD This story again illustrates something of the wisdom of the mountaineer. On a good-sized mountain farm worked a very good carpenter who never would clean up his shop. The floor was always covered with scraps of wood, shavings, and sawdust. The man for whom he worked had complained about the clutter a time or two, but he really spoke sharply about it one morning when he came in and found the shop almost knee-deep. The carpenter was busy shaping a board for the tailgate of a wagon. He looked up slowly, took his plane off the board, and let it swing down to his side as he gave a big sigh. "Brother," he said, "is there anything wrong with the work?" "No, it's just that you're so —just look at all those shavings on the floor, and that sawdust. This place hasn't been swept." "Well," the carpenter said, "just to tell you the truth, it takes a heap of shavings to get out one straight board." f SIMMONS This story concerns my cousin and lifelong friend Mack Hall. It is reprinted from Historic Webster (Winter 1982) Volume VIII, Number 4. 30 �Uncle Dick Hall occasionally used to make a corn crop in Muster-ground Hollow, which was just over the hill from Aunt Mollie Fisher's home. When he and his boys came to work the crop, Aunt Lela would send a huge dinner basket, which would always contain, among other things, some half-moon, fried dried-apple pies, of which I was inordinately fond. I would make it a point to get up to the Muster-ground Hollow just a little while before they would sit down under some spreading oak trees to have their dinner. Mack, the oldest boy, said to me one day, "Ben Coleman, do you like persimmons?" I said, "I don't know—I never tried one." He said, "They sure are tasty before dinner. Would you like one?" Mack got up, walked over to a small tree, pulled off a green persimmon, and handed it to me. I must have been about six years old. I popped the green persimmon into my mouth, bit down on it, and promptly spit it out. Mack said, "Ah, pshaw. I forgot to peel it." So Mack got another green persimmon and peeled it very carefully. By the time I had chewed it up, my mouth was so puckered that I couldn't even spit it out, and I set up a fearful howl. I went running home, and my mother was "hopping mad," as they say in the mountains. She was "in a hissy!" She went charging up to the new ground after Mack. It took Uncle Dick some little time to arrange a cease-fire, but the truce lasted more than half a century. THAT'S NO REASON When my good friend Dr. Dafydd Davies, then chairman of the faculty of theology of the University of Wales and principal of South Wales Baptist College, Cardiff, heard some of my 31 �mountain stories at an international conference at Ridgecrest, North Carolina, he said he had a good mountain story he wanted to share from Wales. The city of Swansea, forty miles west of Cardiff, as a result of extensive industrial development within its boundaries, found itself short of an adequate water supply to meet all its needs, especially during the dry seasons. The government in Britain can act much more swiftly than ours in condemning land, using the old English right of public domain. The Swansea city fathers moved with great speed toward condemning a little valley and throwing a dam across it to provide a new reservoir. The implementation of this plan would have destroyed a village with a small Baptist church and a cemetery. Basic proceedings were already under way, and property owners had been notified. The Welsh Baptist preacher was determined that it should not happen, and put on a preservation campaign with such vigor that he attracted the attention of the British Broadcasting Corporation, who invited him to debate the matter one Sunday afternoon on television. In the heat of the debate, the television interviewer said, "And besides everything else, it's not a very pretty little valley." "Sir,* the preacher fired back, "by no stretch of the imagination could you say that my wife is pretty, but that's no reason to drown her!" The little valley is still there. A PROBLEM IN COMMUNICATION Humorous situations usually arise basically from fact, and this story could not have been invented — it actually happened, and has been passed on from my great-uncle through our family. Into the town of Sylva, North Carolina, located deep in the heart of the Smoky Mountains, came a man by the name of Bill, 32 �who opened up a combination tombstone shop and harness shop. He hadn't been there long when a big strapping mountaineer, whom we shall call Tom, rode into Sylva one Saturday morning on a big bay mare. Tom was a well-known citizen in the community. He stood six feet six in his stocking feet, weighed over two hundred fifty pounds, and didn't have one ounce of fat on him. He had something wrong with his saddle, andhe'dheard that there was a man in town who had opened a harness shop and could fix it. Now there was something unusual about both of these men. Bill, who ran the combination tombstone factory and harness shop, was deaf and dumb, and no one had told Tom about this. And Tom couldn't read or write. He rode to the harness shop, got off his horse, strode over to Bill, and began to tell him how he wanted his saddle mended. Bill commenced immediately to make some gestures to ward his ears and lips to show that he couldn't hear and couldn't talk. He wrote something on a piece of paper and handed it to Tom. Tom looked at the piece of paper, and then he said, "Friend, this is a mess. This is a real mess. You can write, and I can't read it. I can talk, and you can't hear it. Just fix this saddle, and I'll be back in about an hour." I DON'T KNOW WHERE WE'RE GOING It seems that two tall mountain boys were making their way to another part of the county one Saturday and got into unfamiliar territory. They came to a place where there was a fork in the road, and three orfour signspointingthis way andthat way. One old boy stood there and looked at the signs and said, "Friend, we've got us a problem. You know, I can read figures, but I can't read writin'. I know how far it is, but I don't know where we're going." 33 �TOO HOT TO HANDLE One Saturday afternoon a blacksmith in a small mountain town had just finished shaping a horseshoe on his forge. He had, of course, first heated it red hot, shaped it very carefully to fit the horse's hoof, and then — with a pair of iron tongs — plunged the horseshoe quickly into a tub of water. He had just pulled it out and thrown it on a bench where it was continuing to cool when an old mountain boy came shambling into the blacksmith's shop to look around. The boy walked over to the bench and picked up that horseshoe. It was still very hot, and he threw it down quickly and shook his hand hard. The blacksmith looked over and said, "Son, that was too hot for you to handle, wasn't it?" The boy said, "No, sir, it just doesn't take me very long to look at a horseshoe." A WHOLE KEGFUL My grandfather had a country store at Addie, North Carolina, and one day a small boy came in just after a keg of maple sugar had been opened and set in front of the counter. The boy kept eying it, and finally Granddaddy Bob said, "Would you like to taste that?" "Mr. Fisher," said the boy, "I could eat that whole keg." My grandfather was wise as well as kind. He said, "Well, eat all you can." He had to go into the back room to fill a jug of kerosene for a customer, and when he came back, he found the boy ready to leave, licking his fingers and wiping them on his overalls. There was only a small depression in the very center of the keg, where the boy had hollowed out a little of the pure sugar. 34 �"I thought you were going to eat the whole kegful," Granddaddy said. "Mr. Fisher," the boy replied, "I already ate all that was any good." THE UMPIRE The story that follows illustrates the quick wit and natural humor of the mountaineer. A young man came down off the mountain into the valley looking for work. He had no cash, and he couldn't find a job at first. Finally, he talked a second time to the owner of the general store, who said, "Well, I still don't have anything, but do you know anything about baseball?" "Yep," was the reply. "Have you ever refereed a baseball game?" "Yes, I've called a few games." "Well," the storekeeper said, "we're having a ball game here tonight. Our umpire is sick, and we haven't been able to find anybody to take his place. We're paying ten dollars." "Oh, man," the boy said, "for ten dollars — yes, I'll call that game." That night the two teams came in and took their positions on the field, the pitcher went to the mound, the catcher crouched behind the plate, and the batter stepped up. The mountaineer had put on his breast protector and face mask, turned his cap around backwards, and picked up his mitt. He "hunkered down," and the pitcher wound up and fired a ball. It went across the plate, and the young mountaineer called, "Strike one!" At that, the batter whirled around and chewed him out, the manager jumped off the bench, and they were about to mob him. 35 �He got that strife settled. The pitcher cut loose again and threw another fast ball. The old mountain boy shouted, "Ball one!" The pitcher tore off the mound and dashed over to dispute the call, and the young umpire thought the pitcher was going to strike him. He was a little shaken, but he managed to get the pitcher back on the mound, and he got down behind the plate again. When the pitcher cut loose another ball, the mountain boy stood up and said, "Too!" Here came the catcher and the batter and everybody else: "What do you mean by twoT He said, "Friends, it's just too close to call." MERCIFUL JUSTICE This is a different kind of story, but it says a great deal about mountain people. Besides having the gift of humor, they're bighearted and neighborly. My cousin, Dan Moore, for many years was a circuit court judge in western North Carolina. He later became governor of the state and then served on the North Carolina Supreme Court. He was holding civil court once in Waynesville, and not far from that city, in a small mountain community, was a Baptist church whose members had added on some Sunday School rooms. The contractor had said that when they got down to the last thousand dollars, he'd donate that. The contractor was killed in an accident, but the congregation felt that they didn't owe the money and had refused to pay it. However, the estate sued the church; consequently the case had to be tried. It came to court, and Dan Moore told me, "I sat on the bench, and it seemed a very clear-cut case; it didn't take long for it to go to the jury. I instructed the jury," he said, "and it didn't seem to me that there was much doubt that the jury was going to have 36 �to find in favor of the plaintiff, and the little church was going to have to pay that money.'' He said the jury was gone, and gone, and gone. An hour passed, and they were still gone, and he said, "I just couldn't understand it. I was afraid we were going to have a hung jury, and I was about ready to send the bailiff to find out what was going on." Finally, they filed back in, and the foreman of the jury stood up and said, "Judge —." Judge Moore said, "Wait just a minute. Have you reached a verdict?" "Yes, we have, but I wonder if I could make a statement?" The judge said, "Certainly. Go ahead." "Well,"he said, "Judge, it didn't take us ten minutes to decide the case. It was very clear-cut. We found for the plaintiff, and the little church is going to have to pay this thousand dollars. But," he said, "the reason we've been out so long is that we've been making that money up, and we're still short about two hundred dollars. I wonder if we could take an offering here in the courtroom?" Dan said, "They passed a hat to me first, and we passed hats around through the courtroom, and we oversubscribed that thousand dollars." This is a mountain idea of justice tempered with mercy. WHUPPED OR KILLED Another good story connected with my cousin Dan Moore is an excellent illustration of several aspects of human nature. Dan Moore was holding court once in Sylva, and it seems that a group of men had been in a poker game in a little sawmill town, and had got "roaring drunk." In the process, one man had 37 �taken his knife and cut a fellow up so badly that he died. The attacker was tried for manslaughter and convicted, and he got five to seven years in the state penitentiary. This was the first time the old boy had ever been in any trouble, and so the governor reduced his sentence, and, with time off for good behavior, he was in prison only a couple of years. The day before he was to get out, he got hold of a paper somehow, and saw that Dan Moore was in Raleigh along with his wife, Jeanelle, for some kind of judiciary meeting. He learned that they were staying at the Sir Walter Hotel. As soon as he got out of prison, he went down and stood in front of the hotel, and when he saw Dan Moore coming, he said, "Judge, do you remember me?" Dan looked at him a minute and said, "Yes, I believe you're from up near Sylva.* He said, "Yes, Judge, Fm the man you sent down here for cutting that man up." And he added, "You know I don't get rich working down here. I understand you're going back to Sylva, and I just wonder if I could get a ride with you back home." Dan said, "Certainly, I'd be glad to have you." When his wife, Jeanelle, found out about that, she was terrified, but it was already done, as she told it later. She said, "We got ready to go, and that man was still there. He got in the back seat, and I got in the front with Dan. I sat at an angle, and didn't take my eyes off him. I had a crick in my neck for a week. It's nearly three hundred miles from Raleigh on up to Sylva, but we made it all right. We got up on top of the Balsam Mountains, and started down at a place called Dark Ridge, and he said, "All right, Judge, now pull over.'" Jeanelle said, "I thought, 'Here it is. It's coming now.'" She said he got out and stretched himself and walked around and said, "Well, Judge, you can let me out here, and I can cut right across the mountains, and I'll be home with my family before you can be in Sylva. I just appreciate what you've done for me so much," he said. "You know I don't have any money, but I 38 �just want you to know one thing: if there's ever any time that you want anybody whupped or killed, you just let me know." THE NEW JAIL This story is, as a matter of fact, a true one, and illustrates the keen sense of humor of the mountaineer and his ability to picture a ridiculous situation in an easy manner. I shall not name the county or the county seat, but in a little mountain town the grand jury met and after an inspection condemned the county jail, and ordered the commissioners to build a new one. The commissioners knew they had the court order, and knew the jail should be condemned, but they were short of money. They argued and argued. Finally one old mountaineer got up and said, "Brethren, we can't stay here all day. I want to make a motion." The chairman said, "Well, John, that is what we are here for. You just go ahead and make your motion." "Well," he said, "Mr. Chairman of the County Board of Commissioners, I want to make the following motion: One, I move, sir, that, as the grand jury has directed, we tear down the old jail. Two, I move that we build the new jail out of the materials of the old jail. Three, I move, sir, that we use the old jail until the new jail is ready." The motion passed, and the meeting was adjourned. WHERE DO YOU LIVE? We had stopped at a small country store with a gas pump, and the mountain storekeeper was filling the tank. He watched 39 �our two small boys working off the energy that had been pent up during the car trip; and as they coasted around, he asked, "Where do you come from, boys?" "Boiling Springs,* they both replied. "Where's that?" he asked. They were too little to know how to identify their home town on the map. "Is it east or west of here?" They didn't know that either. "How many miles away?" They had no idea how far we had traveled that day. But a mountaineer is resourceful. "Well, boys, where do you get your hair cut?" "Shelby," they chorused, and the problem was solved. CATALOOCHEE BAPTIST CHURCH This story happened not far from Waynesville, North Carolina, in the heart of the Cataloochee country, which was once one of the rougher, wilder sections of Hay wood County. Brother Thad Dietz and Phil Elliott were on their way one Sunday morning to preach and lead the singing at a revival meeting at Cataloochee Baptist Church. I have mentioned both these men elsewhere in this book. Brother Dietz was a great mountain preacher, who — as they say back in "them thar hills" —had "pastored" two generations of my family and was greatly loved by all the people in the coves and hollows. He lived by the Bible and out of the love of his heart for his people. Phil Elliott, who later became president of Gardner-Webb College, was in his younger days another great mountain preacher. He taught English at what is now Western Carolina University, and he was a master storyteller. As Phil and Brother Thad drove deeper into the territory, they became completely lost, and it was getting on toward 40 �preaching time. Just about the time they were despairing of what to do, they saw a long, tall mountaineer loping down the road, and they pulled over as they approached him. He had about three or four days' growth of beard, and was wearing overalls and a blue shirt; his hat was pulled down over his ears. He said, "Howdy, fellas.'' They said, "How do you do, sir. We were wondering how to reach the Cataloochee Baptist Church. Are we anywhere close?" The mountaineer spit, scratched his head, and said, "Well, friends, I'll just have to tell you this: it's a way hellward from here." REACHING HIGH The mountaineer has often been depicted as shiftless and lazy, and this is absolutely untrue — a lazy mountaineer is a very, very rare exception. However, there were some exceptions, as there are in any community. This story was passed on by an uncle of mine. Living in an old frame house on the upper side of my uncle's farm was a man not noted for his energy, for working, or even for paying his rent, but my uncle let him live there. If this man had a little meal and some "side meat" and a little chewing tobacco, he figured that he could make the rest by fishing and hunting. My uncle was driving by one day in his buggy, and he noticed something unusual about that house. He turned around, went back, and discovered that the weather-boarding on the side of the house, all the way up to the top of the window frame, was missing. He knew what had happened, and he got out of his buggy and called this man out into the yard and said, "John, the woods is just full of kindling, and you are too lazy to go get it. You have burned the siding offmy house for kindling. Look, man, you have taken it off all the way up to the top of that window frame." 41 �Old John looked my uncle straight in the eye and said, "Frank, don't blame me. That is as high as I could reach." NOT SO STUPID I heard this latter-day story a good many years ago in Jackson County, at an associational meeting. It seems that a psychologist was spending his summer vacation there. He was a man of great sophistication and education — he'd published a number of books — and he was fascinated with mountain people. He considered himself several cuts above them, and he wasn't quite certain how bright they were. They seemed to him to be ignorant and primitive, but he liked to listen to them talk. While he was out for his constitutional one morning, strolling along, he met an old mountain boy who talked with a drawl, and had on a pair of overalls, a floppy straw hat, and brogan shoes with no socks. "Let's stop a minute," the psychologist said. "I'd like to talk to you." The boy said, "Well, I've got a little time. They's a couple of stumps here. Let's just sit and talk a spell." The psychologist began, "How long have you lived here in the mountains?" "Well, I was born and raised here. I been here all my life." The psychologist said, "Do you mind if I ask you a few questions — give you a little psychology test?" "What's a psychology test?" "Well, it's a sort of test of the mind. It shows whether you're quick or slow." The old boy said, "Well, I reckon I'm a little slow, but I've managed to do all right. I make a living and pay my debts." The psychologist asked the boy a few general questions 42 �about where he lived, the size of his family, and so on, and then he really got down to the little psychological test: "First of all, how many fingers do you see?" He held up three fingers, and the mountaineer said, "I see one — two — I see three." "Listen carefully: what would happen if I put out your eyes?" The old boy thought a minute. "Well," he said, "mister, if you put out my eyes, I couldn't see." "You're doing fine," the psychologist said. "Now, if I cut off your ears, what would happen?" The old boy thought again and said, "Friend, if you cut off my ears, I reckon I couldn't see." The psychologist said, "Now wait a minute. Let's start over. You know that's not right. How many fingers do you see?" The boy said, "I see three." "Listen carefully: what would happen if I put out your eyes?" "Mister, I couldn't see." "Now," the psychologist said, "listen one more time. What would happen if I cut off your ears?" The boy repeated, "Friend, if you cut my ears off, I couldn't see." "Well!" the psychologist said. "Now, young man, you know better than that. What do you mean, if your ears were cut off, you couldn't see?" The boy said, "Friend, if you cut my ears off, my hat drops down over my eyes, and I can't see!" THE PARACHUTE This story pokes a little fun at expertise. An old mountain boy had never been up in an airplane and 43 �said he never intended to go. But someone came into the community with a small open-cockpit plane, and almost everyone in that little village went for a ride, circled the pasture, and landed. They all seemed to enjoy it, and they kept coaxing this old boy, but he said, "No, I'm not going up there. What happens is that a man could get killed." "Oh," they said, "it's perfectly safe. We've got a parachute for you. If anything happens, you just jerk that ripcord, and you'll float right to the ground." "Well," the old boy said, "if you've got a parachute and you think it's safe, I just might try it." They talked him into getting into the plane, but in the process they forgot two very important details: they failed to put his seat-belt on, and they forgot to tell him how to open that parachute. The pilot took off, circled the field two or three times, and when they got up to about seven or eight thousand feet, he said to that old mountain boy, "Friend, how are you doing?" "Oh," he said, "this is great! I wish I'd tried it before." "Well," the pilot said, "now we're going back to the field, and I'm going to have to make a pretty sharp turn, so hold on." The pilot banked the plane rather steeply, and since his passenger's seat-belt hadn't been fastened, the old mountain boy fell out. He was picking up speed and clawing around because he didn't know how to open that parachute. About that time, he looked down, and here came a little fellow coming right up, and whizzing by him. As the fellow passed him, the mountain boy said, "Friend, do you know anything about opening a parachute?" The fellow looked back down and said, "No, sir. Do you know anything about a gas heater?" 44 �NEVER WENT TO COLLEGE MYSELF This is not really a mountain story, but Fm certain that the old man chiefly involved must have had ancestors who moved from the mountains to the flatlands of eastern North Carolina. At any rate, shortly after we moved to Wake Forest, North Carolina, where I joined the administration and faculty of Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary, I had occasion to make the short trip to Raleigh, North Carolina (which is, of course, the state capital). I was driving a vintage Pontiac with a rather uncertain gas gauge. I had driven about six or seven miles when the unmistakable sputter began to occur, and I knew that I was out of gas. I looked around quickly; to my right there stood a farmhouse and what appeared to be a gas pump near an outbuilding. I wheeled into a dirt road and had just enough momentum to coast up almost even with the gas tank. There was an old man sitting on the step of what appeared to be a corncrib. He was whittling. Sol got out to explain to him my predicament. I said, "Sir, my name is Ben Fisher. I teach over here at Southeastern Seminary at Wake Forest, and Fm out of gas. I see you have a gas pump here, and I was wondering whether you could just sell me a couple of gallons so that Fd have enough to get to a gas station." The old man got up slowly, put his stick down, closed up his knife on the palm of his hand and slipped it into his pocket, brushed off his overalls, and said, "Yeah, I guess I could." We pushed the car up to where he could get the nozzle into the tank, and he put out a couple of gallons of gas. In those days a gallon of gas was not very expensive (I think the whole deal didn't amount to more than sixty cents). I paid him, and he carefully pocketed the money, and I said, "I surely do thank you." He looked straight at me a minute and said, "You say you're over here at Wake Forest?" And I said, "That's right." 45 �"Well," he said, ''friend, I've never been to college myself, but Fve always managed to keep gas in my car." ON SMOKING This story is another from my own Jackson County, and it was told by Brother Thad Dietz, whom I have mentioned elsewhere in this book. There came to the church a young pastor who was down on the use of tobacco in all its evil forms. He kept preaching about it. He had a sermon on dancing, too, and he was against most of the colleges, but smoking was a sin he denounced often. Finally the deacons met at the home of Brother Dietz, who had retired and built a house not far from the Scott's Creek church. The deacons were of a mind to tell the young man that perhaps he had the wrong church. Brother Thad said, "Oh, brethren, he's young, and he needs all the help he can get. Now you know we dip, and chew, and smoke, and we're not going to stop. Let's just drag it to death. He'll get tired of it." Not long afterward, one Sunday morning Brother Dietz came into church. It was impossible not to know when he came in, because in his vest-pocket, as always, he had an old pipe half full of half-smoked tobacco, and in the pocket on the other side were his matches. The pastor's sermon subject was tobacco again, and several times when he said, "I don't see how a Christian smokes," he looked straight at Brother Dietz. Outside after church, Brother Thad took that old pipe and packed it full of tobacco, took out two matches, and motioned to the young preacher to come over. He raked those two matches along the seat of his pants, and covered everybody nearby with blue tobacco smoke, and then fanned it away. "Now," he said, "I want to show you how a Christian smokes." 46 �CHEWING TOBACCO Most of the old-time mountain preachers not only raised tobacco but they chewed it, dipped it, smoked it, and sometimes even sniffed it. It was considered a staple household item, and many mountain people believed that tobacco, in addition to giving enjoyment in its use, also possessed an untold number of medicinal qualities. However, there moved into a mountain community a younger preacher who had other ideas about the use of tobacco. He took every occasion to denounce it from the pulpit — he talked to individuals about it — in fact, sought to eliminate its use altogether, without too much success. It took an old mountain preacher to give him his "comeuppance." One afternoon at an associational meeting the young man went up to the old preacher and said, "Sir, I don't see how you can chew tobacco and preach the gospel." The old mountaineer flushed; he looked at the ground, and he looked slowly up at the sky; he moved his cud of tobacco from one side of his mouth to the other, scratched the stubble on his chin a little, looked at the young man and said thoughtfully, "Well, son, I can tell you this: it sure does beat preaching tobacco and chewing the gospel." THE BEST MAN IN THE COMMUNITY This story, I believe, came originally from the Madison County area in North Carolina, where it seems there lived a man who took inordinate pride in his physique, his strength, and his ability to "lick" any man in the surrounding countryside. He had heard that across the mountain there was a man who had never been defeated in a fight. So he decided he ought to do something about that situation. He got up early one morning, having nothing better to do, saddled his mule, and rode across the mountain. Down in the 47 �valley he came to a crossroad where there was a little mountain store. He got off and went in to see the storekeeper, and said, "Friend, I understand that there's a man in this community who says that he can whip any man in the world and has never lost a fight." The old storekeeper studied a minute and said, "Well, I think you must be talking about my friend who lives right up here at the head of this hollow. I think he's breaking new ground. You just follow that trail, and there's a fence around one side of that new ground. Just ride all the way around until you come to the end of that fence, and you'll catch him out there in the field." The man thanked him, got on the mule, went on up to the head of the hollow, and found the man out there plowing the new ground. He rode along that fence until he came to the end of it, turned into the field where the man was plowing, and as he got off his mule, he said to the plowman, "Friend, they tell me that you're the best man in this community." The plowman stopped a minute and said, "Well, that's what they say." "I'm here to challenge that," he said. "I've come here to whup you. I'm going to whup you good." The plowman said, "Well, we'll see." He very carefully folded up his lines, hung them on the hames, and grabbed that man and just wiped up the ground with him. He whipped him every way that a man can be whipped and finally, he just carried the man over and threw him across that barbed-wire fence, right out into the middle of the trail. The man got up and dusted himself off, and the plowman said, "Stranger, is there anything else I can do for you?" The man kept brushing himself off, and said at last, "Yes, would you mind pitching me my mule?" 48 �DRIVING A NAIL This is a good illustration of the way mountain humor and common sense can often be used to relieve tense situations. This story has its origin in a little Baptist church on the side of Balsam Mountain. It took place one night during a stormy church session. One particular deacon thought the only way to solve a problem was to get up and take the hide and hair off everything and everybody in sight. When he had finally vented all his spleen, a wise old fellow-deacon got up and calmly remarked, "Brother Jones, we love you, but I'm going to say something to you that I've been wanting to say a long time. Do you know what your trouble is, Henry? You don't know how to drive a nail in a board without busting the plank." ANVILS This story came from eastern Kentucky. Back before the railroads or any other form of transportation except boat or horse or mule power, an old mountain boy who had had a hard winter went from high up in the Cumberland Mountains down to a little community on the Cumberland River to make some "cash money for spending." He looked all over the little town, and the only thing he could get to do was unloading a barge that had just come in. In those days the pay was about twenty-five cents an hour. Among other items on the barge were several dozen anvils for blacksmith shops. These anvils weighed about a hundred and fifty or two hundred pounds each. The merchant said, "If you'll unload these anvils, Fll give you a dollar an hour." This old mountaineer was tall and rangy, well-muscled and very strong. He approached his job with enthusiasm. He marched up the gangplank and down onto the deck, and picked up one of those hundred-and-fifty-pound anvils in each hand. 49 �Then he started off the barge. About the middle of the gangplank, with his weight plus the weight of the anvils, the gangplank broke, and he fell into about thirty or forty feet of that muddy river water. He was thrashing around down there, and finally he yelled, "Listen, fellers, if somebody don't help me soon, Fm going to have to let one of these go." ON NAGGIN* This is one of several stories told on Uncle Dave Norman, and presumed to be true. Uncle Dave was a well-known and well-loved mountain preacher. His people seldom, if ever, caught a "mess" offish or killed a deer without sharing with him, and when their gardens or their crops came in, they were generous. Uncle Dave's wife was known as Aunt Sarah. They sometimes disagreed, as husbands and wives are wont to do. One morning Uncle Dave was up about the place, getting in some firewood and filling up the reservoir on the stove. He and Aunt Sarah were having an argument, and she was getting the better of him. He turned to her and said, "Sarah, you want me to tell you something? Honey, you've worried me and nagged me till, to tell you the truth, I may be the meanest of the two." SWEARING A CHARACTER Uncle Dave was a good mountain preacher who was known far and wide for his kindness and for his availability in times of trouble. One Monday morning about daylight, long before most people had got out of their beds, a young man knocked on the front door of this mountain preacher's home. Uncle Dave appeared, scratching his head and saying, "Well, son, what can I do for you?" 50 �The young man said with great seriousness, "Uncle Dave, I'm in a heap of trouble and I need your help. They've took out a warrant for me, and I've got to go down to Sylva-town to recorder's court and stand trial at ten o'clock; I was just awondering if you could come down and swear me a character?" Uncle Dave thought a minute and said, "Son, now I'll just be frank with you. You've been mighty good to me. When you killed a deer, you've brought me a good roast; when you've caught fish, you've shared your catch; when you've found a wild honey tree, you've brought me honey; you're not a bad boy, and I want to help you. I tell you what I'm going to do. I'm going down to Sylva to that courthouse, and I'm going to get up on that witness stand, and I'm going to tell the truth just as long as I can; and son, if the occasion calls for it, I'll rise a little." A WORD FOR IT This is a "one-liner" that deserves to be included in a collection of mountain stories. There was a mountain preacher who had not had a college education, but who knew the difference between Baptist doctrine and the narrow teachings that sometimes characterized early radio preachers, and after listening to one of them for awhile, he was heard to observe: "Brethren, that is one ignorant ramus." THE PULPIT ROBE This is another story that probably has factual basis. A small mountain community had brought in several factories and other enterprises, and had prospered. Instead of just one little Baptist church as they'd always had, they now had a 51 �Methodist, a Lutheran, and even an Episcopal church. They decided to have a union service on Easter, and they also made an agreement that the ministers would wear robes. The old Baptist preacher "didn't know so much about that." He had never worn a robe, and he "allowed as how" he wasn't going to start now, but they talked to him, and after he thought it over, he said, "Oh, well, it won't do any harm one time. Ill put one of them things on." They all gathered and had a very fine service, and the old mountain preacher participated. When they came out, one of the other ministers said to him, "Now, David, wearing that robe wasn't too bad. What do you think about it?" "Well," David said, "I reckon it's all right, but just to tell you the truth, pants are warmer." THE PREACHER WHO PRESSED HIS LUCK I first met Monsignor John F. Murphy (Father Jack) when he was executive director of the Association of Catholic Colleges and Universities. In conferences on Christian higher education, with uncanny regularity, we found ourselves in agreement on almost every substantive issue, and formed a lasting friendship. He told me the following story with an Irish Catholic setting. I have adapted it for many of my audiences into a Baptist setting. It seems that a young mountain preacher was called to become pastor of a small church. He had not even had time to unpack his furniture when an old deacon came to say, "One of our members just died of a heart attack, and the family wants you to hold the funeral service." When the time came, the young preacher mounted his pulpit and took his congregation with a great Biblical sermon through the pearly gates, down the streets of gold, right up to the throne of grace. Then he paused a minute and said, "I didn't know this 52 �brother, and I don't like to put anyone away without having someone say a few kind words. I'm going to stop and give anyone a chance — it doesn't have to be long — a chance to say a good word about this brother." There was an embarrassing silence. Said the preacher, "I've caught you by surprise. Let's sing one verse of'Amazing Grace,' and you think about what you're going to say." The good old mountain congregation dragged out a verse of "Amazing Grace" in close harmony. After they sat down, there was again dead silence. The young preacher finally said with considerable heat, "Well, I can tell you this: we're going to be right here until somebody does say a good word about this brother." At last, away in the back of the church, an old gray-haired mountaineer held up his hand and in a quavering voice said, "Preacher, his brother were worse!" MOUNTAIN PREACHER OR SEMINARY GRADUATE This is a story shared with me by my good friend and former colleague Dr. George Capps, associate secretary of the Education Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention. It has to do with a church somewhere in the Smoky Mountains where the congregation had never had a pastor except one whose schooling had been very limited. As has often happened in small communities, the village began to grow and prosper, some small industry moved in, new markets opened up, and many new young members were attending church. When the time came to call a preacher, the pulpit committee was divided on whether to search for a good old mountain preacher such as they had always had, or whether to try to find a seminary graduate. Because the old pastor had retired and moved away from the community, they had to make the decision on their own initia53 �tive. On two separate Sundays they went to hear first an oldtime mountain preacher and then a seminary graduate. They had announced that on the third Sunday they would make a recommendation to the church. One old deacon just couldn't wait. He didn't get out much, and he sent word to the chairman of the search committee to come and see him. "Now, Henry," he said, "you know I can't get to church, and I can't get out to tell nobody. I oughtn't to ask you to do this, but I'm just a-dyin' to know what kind of a preacher you're going to get—and I'll keep it confidential. Fm not in favor of getting one of them new young pastors. I hope you're going to call us a mountain preacher." The chairman of the committee said, "Deacon, I'm afraid you're going to be disappointed, because we thought about it, and prayed about it, and it was unanimous. We decided to call that young seminary graduate." The old man thought a minute and said, "I hope you know what you're doing. He must be a powerful preacher." The chairman said, "No, sir. We're not calling him on his preaching. We're calling him on his praying." "What do you mean — 'calling him on his praying5?" The chairman said, "Let me tell you something: when that young preacher prayed, he was asking God for things that old preacher didn't even know He had." THE BATHROBE This is an old story that I believe came out of the red clay hills of north Georgia and made its way into North Carolina and into Jackson and Swain counties. It seems that back during the Depression, a family was trying to scratch out a living on a little hard, red-clay farm, and 54 �things weren't going too well. The oldest boy decided he was going to have to do something about the situation, so he went to Detroit (he didn't go to Detroit; he went to Deetroit; everybody went to Deetroit looking for work). He lucked into a job that paid him twenty-five dollars a week. When Southern cotton mills were paying about six or seven dollars a week, this was a real bonanza. He didn't know there was that much money in the entire world. He had great love for his grandmother, who was up in her eighties, so he went to the store and bought her a beautiful knit bathrobe with three panels, in three different colors: green, red, and white. He bundled up this bathrobe and sent it to his grandmother, who opened it, put it on, and liked it so much that she wore it to church on Sunday morning. Some of the ladies that had traveled a little and were a bit more sophisticated recognized it for what it was. They were giggling and making remarks behind Granny's back, and she knew something was wrong. After the service, one of the good ladies went up and said, "Granny, don't you know what you've got on? That's a bathrobe. Why in the world would you wear a bathrobe to church?" "Well," she said, "Sadie, you always did have a mean tongue. I'll just tell you why I wore this bathrobe to church. In the first place, it's the prettiest thing I ever had in my life; and in the second place, my grandson sent it to me, and I love him dearly. And," she added, "in the third place, I love my Lord, and I wore it for the glory of God. Besides," she said, "I ain't got no bathroom, and you ain't neither." I FRENZIED This is a story which comes out of my own experience of being a pastor. I was invited to supply in a mill church in the foothills of the mountains of western North Carolina. The church was 55 �having some difficulty in keeping a pastor. They wished me to come and serve with them awhile, preach doctrinal sermons, and try to help them to develop a better fellowship. One of the first things I discovered when I went into the community was that there were five or six ordained ministers who were members of the congregation. These men had migrated, mostly from the mountains, to find employment in the cotton mills. There was a considerable amount of jealousy about who would be called upon to lead in prayer, teach a Sunday School class, or perform any other duty in the church. I had not been there too long when the church voted to establish a mission. We had one member-preacher whom we shall call Adams, who had had some difficulty in his last church. As a matter of fact, he had been asked to leave the church because he had used some intemperate and rather crude language in the pulpit. The chairman of the board of deacons came to me and said, "Preacher, we want you to talk to Brother Adams. He is dying to preach, and we believe he can serve this church at the mission if he can promise not to use that kind of language in the pulpit." I agreed to talk to him, so on the following Sunday after church, he came around to the study and I just put it on the line. I said, "Now, Brother Adams, the congregation wants you to preach, but you remember that in the last church you got to saying a lot of ugly things about women and the way they dress, and the language you used was pretty harsh, and you know what the result was." He said, "Yes, Brother Fisher, the devil got ahold of me," and he continued, "You just give me a chance to preach, and I won't ever do that sort of thing again." As a result, he went ahead and accepted the little church. About four or five weeks later on a Monday morning Brother Adams came, passed right by my secretary, burst into my office and said, "Brother Fisher, they've fired me. Can they do that?" I said, "Brother Adams, sit down and tell me about it." 56 �"Well, they fired me," he said. "I didn't know a mission church could fire their preacher. I thought that would be up to the parent-church." "Well," I said, "I don't know. I'll have to look into that. But there must have been some reason. Now suppose you sit down and tell me what you preached on." It turned out that he had become excited again, and he had used some very strong language in regard to the way women dress. He had specified short skirts, lipstick, etc., and what he had said was unbelievably crude and vulgar. "Brother Adams," I said, "you know we talked about this, and you promised that you would not do this again. What happened?" "Brother Fisher," he said, "I'll just be frank with you. I was preaching one of my best sermons. I really had the congregation with me, and the more I preached, the more they got to Amen-ing me, and Brother Fisher, when you Amen me," he said, "you just as well sic a bulldog on a heifer. To tell you the truth, I just frenzied." CUSSIN' A young and eager preacher, walking the mountain roads to visit his congregation, came upon one of his members who was plowing new ground. The air was blue with his expletives, and the young preacher was shocked. He begged his church member to control both his language and his wrath, whereupon the farmer said, "You want to plow this row? Help yourself." The preacher picked up the challenge and started down the row. The ground was uneven, and he stumbled along, zigzagging as he went, and getting his breeches covered with red clay. The plow struck a rock and nearly threw him. The mule balked, but finally was induced to go on. When the preacher finished the row, sweating and dirty, he threw the lines over the hames, and walked back to where the farmer was still standing. 57 �Wiping his brow, he said, "Son, you'll just have to do the best you can, and not cuss any more than you have to." CLIMBING AN OAK TREE This story was a favorite of a good old mountain preacher friend of mine, who was quite a philosopher. He used it as a sermon illustration. A mountain congregation had had some experiences in the Depression that made them very cautious about going into debt. They needed to add some Sunday School rooms and put a steeple and a bell on the church, but they had agreed that they wouldn't start until they had enough money to pay for the whole job. They were quite proud of the money they had already raised, but the last of it was slow coming in, and they were becoming discouraged. Their preacher said, "Well, I can tell you, brethren, it's time to roll up our sleeves. You know, there are just two ways to climb an oak tree. You can wrap your arms and legs around that rough, scaly bark, and work at it; and when you get to the top, you may have lost a little of your hide, but the view will be pretty, and you'll be proud you're up there. "Or," he said, "you can plant an acorn and sit on it." THE SHREWISH WOMAN There was in a little mountain community a woman who had spent a lifetime making things miserable for everybody. She criticized the pastor, the deacons, and the choir, and gave her neighbors a piece of her mind when it suited her. She was especially vocal in church conferences and had kept everyone in turmoil for about forty years. She didn't like what the Woman's 58 �Missionary Union was doing; she didn't approve of the people who led the Training Union programs; and she thought the Sunday School superintendent was something less than perfect. The pastor, she hinted, worked none too hard. A new young preacher had been on the field just a few days when this dear lady suffered a fatal heart attack. He had not been there long enough to know about her, and he preached a glowing sermon. The crowd made its way to the little mountain cemetery, and as they were lowering the casket into the grave, a huge cloud was hanging over the mountains. Suddenly, there was a great roll of thunder, and lightning split the sky. One of the old deacons looked up and said, "Fellers, she's there." RIDING SHOTGUN While I was visiting our son Hugh, his wife, Serena, and our granddaughter Elizabeth, I rode along one Saturday morning to a shopping center where Serena wanted to get some groceries. I elected to stay in the back seat of the car, and six-year-old Elizabeth stayed with me. "What shall we do, Elizabeth?" I asked. "Let's play stagecoach, Granddaddy." "Good," I replied. "How shall we do it?" "I'll drive," she said, moving over under the wheel, "and you ride shotgun." I had a gnarled cane made by a friend years agofromthe new growth of a beech stump in Maine. It had dried to an inordinate strength, and had a natural knob at one end. I was firing away from the car window with this cane as my gun, uttering loud cries of "Pow! Pow!" and not noticing that Elizabeth, in embarrassment, had slid down in the driver's seat to a point where no one could see her. 59 �"Myrt!" shouted a passing shopper to his wife. "Come here. This ya gotta see!" In mountaineer fashion, I made as if to cock the cane—with a suitable click, aimed straight at him, and reached for the imaginary trigger. He took off, and as far as I know, he is still running. THE LOST SHEEP This concerns an incident in connection with my first revival, which I held at Perry's Chapel, Franklinton, North Carolina, in August of 1938.1 had taken as my text the parable of the lost sheep, and (I thought) was exhorting in no mean measure. From time to time I observed an old gentleman in the last pew in the church. He seemed to be drinkingin my words, and I noted too that when I mentioned in an illustration that my home was in western North Carolina, he seemed somewhat excited. I was very much elated and felt sure I had led some lost soul to the throne of grace; and sure enough, as soon as the service was over, the old man sent one of his boys for me and said that it was urgent that I see him. I made my way hastily to the back of the church and gripped the old man's hand. He looked at me a moment and then with nasal twang made the following statement: "Son, hain't you from up in the mountains? Shore did preach a powerful sermon. I just happen to recollect, being as you was speaking of sheep, that my ram died last month, and I thought you might know someone in Hay wood county that would sell me a pure-bred Hampshire ram." CREASYBACK BEANS This story happened to me. The Haywood Association was meeting in a little church in 60 �what is known as the Cowee section. There are some log houses there, built long before the Civil War, that people still live in. It was one of those beautiful cool October days in the mountains, and I was with my good friend and cousin Weston Reid, and a preacher by the name of Sawyer — a man about my size and a good trencherman. When we went out to have "dinner on the grounds," I noticed a dear old lady in a faded blue dress and black shoes and stockings. She wore a poke bonnet such as I hadn't seen in years. She hesitated a little before unpacking her old pasteboard box, then shyly set an old-fashioned iron pot on the table, and something wrapped up in a white towel. I alerted Reid and Sawyer, because I knew there'd be something worth looking into in that pot, so — being experienced — we didn't go in with the first two or three waves. For people these days who have never attended a mountain association, it is a feast-time. There is nothing in the European festivals that will equal the table that is set out in the yard, with every kind of meat and vegetable you can think of, and pies, cookies, cakes, and desserts of all kinds made by everyone's best recipe, and tea and coffee and milk to drink. When we went over and took the lid off that little iron pot, we found it full of creasyback beans. A creasyback is a bean somewhat like a Kentucky Wonder. These had evidently been the last "mess" on the vines, because about half the beans were shelled out (these are called "shellie" beans). They'd been cooked with a large piece of salt pork (the kind called streak-of-fat-andstreak-of-lean). And in the white towel was a big "dodger" of cornbread. Since nobody seemed to mind, we put that iron pot down where we could reach it, and found some vine-ripened tomatoes and some onions and hot pepper; and "amongst us," as they say in the mountains, we cleaned up those creasyback beans. I hadn't eaten any like that in years. They were delicious. We went back into the church for the afternoon service, and when my time came to address the association, I spotted that dear little lady in the back of the church. I began by saying, 61 �"Lady, I don't want to embarrass you, but I want to tell you that I just had the best dinner I've had in a long time. Those creasyback beans and that cornbread you brought were absolutely delicious. If I could just have found some buttermilk, everything would have been perfect." She beamed, and the congregation smiled too. Just about a year from that date, the three of us — Reid, Sawyer, and I — happened to be back at the same association, meeting in a different church, to represent our various institutions and agencies. We were standing under a big oak tree, waiting for the crowd to thin out a little bit before we went up to the table. I felt someone tug at my coat sleeve, and though I didn't recognize her for a minute, there stood the dear old lady in her same little poke bonnet. She was holding the iron pot, and a jug with a cob for a stopper. She said, "Ain't you the preacher that likes creasyback beans? This time I brung your buttermilk." A TRUE BAPTIST This story is told in connection with the early days of CarsonNewman College, which was being operated not too long after the Civil War, not as a college but as a Baptist orphanage. The head of the orphanage was a mountain preacher. He had been out several weeks riding his mare back in those mountain coves and hollows, collecting money to support the children during the winter. He had started home and was just coming down Roan Mountain. He reached a spot where he could see the blue smoke coming up from the kitchen fire at his home, and he could almost smell the bacon frying and the cornbread cooking. He was thinking how good it would be to get home and see all of his children again, when his dreams were rudely interrupted. A grizzled mountaineer stepped out from behind a bush and put a muzzle-loading rifle against his stomach. The old 62 �mountaineer said, "Friend, stand and deliver. I want your money, or I want your life." "No use to get excited," said the preacher. "You can have the money. Fm offering no resistance, so just don't be nervous. I've got three hundred dollars here," he continued, "silver dollars, in these saddlebags. You go ahead and take this money, but if you do, I just want you to know one thing: there'll be some little young 'uns down there at that Baptist orphanage that are going to go cold and hungry this winter. If that's what you want, you're welcome to the money." The old mountaineer looked at the preacher a moment, uncocked his gun, put it down by his side, crooked his arm around it, reached down in his pants pocket and pulled out another silver dollar. He said, "Here, preacher, take this silver dollar and put it with the rest. I wouldn't touch that money. I'm a Baptist myself." 63 �BEN: THE MAN BEHIND THE STORIES by Roger G. Branch en Fisher was a story-teller. His skill was an abiding legacy from his mountain culture. Mountain people, typical of most folk societies, use story-telling both for recreation and as an intellectual tool for abstract reasoning, treating one vivid life experience as an analog for wider applications. Capable of squeezing a laugh out of life if anyone could, Ben often told stories just for the fun of it. But he also understood thoroughly the power of a well-crafted story to make a point that stimulates thought and sticks in the memory. So his stories usually had a didactic function, artfully influencing his world and making it better. When Ben died on November 3, 1985, he left incomplete a task long urged upon him by friends — the task of capturing on paper the mountain tales for which he had become famous. He had begun. Some were in manuscript form in various stages of polish, and he had recorded others on tapes. His wife, Sally, has transcribed these and edited the entire collection in her determination to finish this project that he had launched before cancer slowly dragged him away from his manifold ministries. These are not all of his stories, but they offer a representative sample of his treasury. At the time of Ben's death, one of his former students, Dr. R. F. Smith, Jr., wrote in his church bulletin, "Most of you don't know Ben. But you need to." Knowing him makes the stories more meaningful. This chapter is intended to be an introduction to Ben — only that, because you had to be with him awhile, hear 64 �his stories, touch his mind, observe his victories over suffering, and feel his love to begin to know him. Benjamin Coleman Fisher was born May 27,1915, at Webster, North Carolina. His parents were Ben F. and Amy Long Fisher, and his forefathers were pioneer mountain settlers. The world of his childhood was still characterized by such pioneer attributes as economic self-sufficiency, strong family ties, neighborliness, a sense of community, love of the land, and religion — ardent, evangelical Christianity—as ever-present as the mountains. That world became a part of the man, profoundly shaping his character and values although he lived much of his life beyond its cradling hills and valleys. The pioneer heritage was a source of deep satisfaction to Ben. A prized possession was a gavel fashioned from the original, hand-made pulpit of Scott's Creek Baptist Church. Ben's great-grandfather, Humphrey Posey, had established this and many other churches as a pioneer preacher in the mountains of the Carolinas and Georgia. Ben was particularly proud of two things about "Grandpa Posey." First, he was among those who resisted the shameful removal of the Cherokees and Creeks from their lands to Oklahoma. Second, this ardent mountain preacher was well educated, having studied classical Latin and Greek from books his mother had brought when the family migrated from Virginia. Ben, his descendant, hated the "ignorant hillbilly" stereotype of mountain people. He also believed with every fiber of his being in an educated ministry and in Christian education generally. To that cause he gave a lifetime of faithful, innovative service. Ben's childhood was a rich sampler of some of the best of the rural South, a world largely defined by kinship and the land. In an autobiographical article in the Historic Webster newsletter, Ben said, "When I was still a baby, my mother and father went to live with Uncle Wibb and Aunt Mollie Fisher on what is now the Swayngim farm. Since Uncle Wibb and Aunt Mollie had reared my mother, they were more like grandparents." The social fabric of his childhood was a densely woven network of 65 �extended family relationships. More often than not, those who touched his life in the community, church, or school were kin. He attended the Webster school with his brother Wibb and sister Marian, his mother's younger sister and brother, and numerous cousins who were not only family but also best friends. Forever afterward Ben's conversations were sprinkled with accounts of boyhood adventures and misadventures with these kinsmen. He lived in a land of many aunts, uncles, and cousins. The aunts were a pervasive, loving influence throughout his life; the uncles told him stories of the War Between the States; and the cousins (notably Mack Hall) fed him green persimmons and otherwise evoked images of Tom Sawyer and Huck Finn. Among the boyhood companions most frequently mentioned in Ben's accounts of growing up in the mountains were two cousins named David. One was David Hall, who became a U. S. Congressman from North Carolina. The other was David H. Brown, who became an engineer and rose through the management ranks of Chrysler Corporation to the position of head of its Australia and Far East Division. One family in one small community produced these three — a national leader in Christian higher education, a Congressman, and a corporate executive. The tales of their youthful adventures are human slices of rural America, but these men shatter the "backward hillbilly" stereotype. Great folk story tellers always have strong links to the past. Ben learned many of his stories and the art of telling them from his maternal grandmother, Florence Long Cagle. Even her homesite was steeped in history, a rambling two-story house located in the Muster-ground Hollow where troops had drilled before marching away to the Civil War. As Ben recalled his experiences, "I spent many a pleasant hour there. Granny Florence was a great story-teller." Ben Coleman, as he was called by kin and neighbors to distinguish him from his father, also named Ben, grew up as boys do. And how he grew! As an adult, the man from the mountains was a mountain of a man—six feet three inches tall and ranging 66 �in weight through the years from about 250 to almost 300 pounds. He once described his running gait as a teen-ager with the word "lumbering." However, his huge hands were deft in such diverse skills as photography, playing a guitar, and electrical work. As young Ben Coleman grew in stature, he also grew in knowledge. His lifelong love of learning was born where his education began, in a small community school. Read his tribute to that school: My early schooling was in the old Webster school, where sometimes three grades were taught in one room, and where at one time the library consisted of two shelves which held a Webster's dictionary and a King James Bible. But I want to say that although since that time it has been my privilege to attend some excellent schools and to visit and study at some great universities at home and abroad, the moral influence of the Christian men and women who taught in that little, old-fashioned Webster school has made a lasting mark on my life and my career. I don't know of a single teacher at that time who had had the kind of teacher training that is required today, but I remember one teacher particularly who repeated often to her classes: "No real man or woman would lie, cheat, or steal. Let your word be your bond. Pay your just and honest debts, and be beholden to no man. Make something out of yourself. Go to college if you can." Those instructors also taught us how to spell, how to read, and how to do basic math. These were great teachers because, as far as I know, without exception they wanted to leave a better world than they had found and to provide for young people a better chance than they had had. While Ben took these lessons to heart, the admonition to go to college presented a major challenge. First it was necessary to journey across the mountains to Fruitland Institute, a Baptist academy established to provide secondary education for mountain children. By the time he completed his high school requirements there in 1933, he hadbeen licensed to preach. Determined to secure the best preparation possible for ministry, he gathered his courage and his scant resources to go to Wake Forest College. 67 �In the middle of the Great Depression that was a long journey of faith, and necessitated one year out to work and save. In the years that followed he was unfailingly sympathetic to students in financial distress. He was able to remain at Wake Forest College, which bestowed upon him the A.B. degree cum laude in 1938. In 1971 the school honored its distinguished alumnus by conferring upon him the Doctor of Divinity degree. After serving the Castalia and Peachtree churches as pastor in 1938-39, Ben followed up on his conviction of the need for further preparation for ministry by enrolling in Andover-Newton Theological School in Newton Centre, Massachusetts. - He received his Master of Divinity degree in 1942. The sojourn in the North was an enriching experience for this young man from the hills. He received an excellent education and exposure to a new culture. Before he returned from seminary, he married Sara (Sally) Gehman, of "Pennsylvania Dutch" heritage; their sons were David Lincoln, born in 1942 in Boston, and Hugh Robert, born in 1944 after they had returned to North Carolina. There was a bit of the "Br'er Rabbit" trickster in Ben. He told his new bride that he was "used to having fresh, hot biscuits every morning for breakfast." He continued, "Well, I got right ashamed of myself watching that sweet little girl get up to make my biscuits on those cold, dark winter mornings in New England. After a few weeks one of my cousins who was in the area paid us a visit, and she quickly set Sally straight about my custom, or lack of it, of having hot bread every morning for breakfast. It was a while before I saw another biscuit." A special treasure from Ben's days at Andover-Newton was a profound knowledge of and appreciation for the great New England writers. In later years one of his favorite activities was to teach college-level courses on this subject when he found opportunity to do so. The Fishers returned to North Carolina in 1942 to the pastoral ministry. Ben was pastor of First Baptist Church, 68 �Nashville, 1942-45, and First Baptist Church, Newton, 1945-47, before entering the field of Christian higher education, which thereafter dominated his life. Movingto Gardner-Webb College, he served as chairman of the English department, 1947-48, and executive assistant to the president and director of public relations, 1948-52. After serving with the Education Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention and with the Baptist colleges of Kentucky, 1952-54, Ben returned to North Carolina to join the staff of the dynamic new seminary that was being created on the old campus of his beloved Wake Forest College. He was administrative assistant to "Doc" Stealey and director of public relations and professor of Christian Education at Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1954-62. He joyously plunged into the new school's heady, idealistic mixture of emphases: prophetic involvement, academic excellence, intellectual freedom, and commitment to world missions. And, for a season, it truly was Camelot. Even as he played an amazing variety of roles, he also made important contributions to the world of ideas. He helped to restructure public relations, away from practices bordering upon manipulation and deception, and toward sensitivity to public interests and honesty in reporting. He thought through the role of the college trustee and published his practical conclusions in A Manual for College Trustees. These were fruitful years. For the next move the Fishers remained in their home in Rolesville while Ben changed his daily commute from Wake Forest to Raleigh. He became executive secretary of the Council on Christian Higher Education, Baptist State Convention of North Carolina, 1962-70. He served effectively as liaison person between the seven colleges supported by North Carolina Baptists and the denomination. It was far from an easy task. Southern Baptists have typically been ambivalent to ward higher education. The rural and frontier heritage is intolerant of anything that smacks of elitism. Moreover, the colleges have 69 �often served as a highly visible, convenient, and virtually defenseless target for malcontents and power-seekers, Ben went far beyond the role of trouble-shooter and peace-maker; he so interpreted higher education to North Carolina Baptists that the colleges came to have strong advocates in most Baptist churches "from Manteo to Murphy." It was during this period also that at the request of Governor Dan K. Moore, Ben served on the "Speaker Ban Commission," which was able to defuse the controversial issue of limiting choice of speakers on state college and university campuses. This was the era of the governance crisis in all of higher education, and it is a measure of Ben's expertise that the state Board of Education commissioned him to write a special report on duties and responsibilities of college and university trustees, used as the basis for Chapter V in the major study called Planning for Higher Education in North Carolina (1968). In 1970 Ben was chosen for the highest leadership position in Baptist higher education: executive director-treasurer of the Education Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention. He held that office until his retirement in 1978. He applied effectively the wisdom gained during his near quarter of a century of experience in Baptist higher education. In addition to his direct involvement with Baptist colleges and the denomination, he continued to write extensively. He also worked hard to help other denominational groups improve their colleges and universities. He campaigned for cooperative efforts to strengthen all Christian higher education, as is evidenced by his service as chairman of the Secretariat of the National Association of Independent Colleges and Universities, 1978-79. Ben Fisher was an unblinking advocate for private churchrelated colleges and universities. They had nurtured his mind and soul. More importantly, however, he believed that America needs a strong dual system of higher education — public and private institutions. In his view both are required to meet the varied educational needs of a diverse people because they supplement and complement one another. No doubt one of the most 70 �satisfying events of his very eventful career came in December 1977, when he organized and led a White House Conference between President Jimmy Carter and chief executives of 22 boards of church-related higher education. Retirement mostly meant a change of address for the Fishers. They moved to Murfreesboro, N. C., home of Chowan College, where long-time friend Bruce Whitaker was the president. They were home, but hardly retired. Ben was named adjunct professor of religion and educational consultant to Norman A. Wiggins, president of Campbell University. He served actively on many advisory boards and councils. He continued to write. He excitedly made plans to go to Rusehlikon, Switzerland, to study for a time at the Baptist Theological Seminary there. At the invitation of Dafydd Davies, he gave the introductory lecture of the centenary celebration of University College Cardiff in Wales. He arranged for Dr. Davies and Harry Blamires to give lectures in the United States. He sailed his beloved boat, the Sara G., and found life to be full. However, dreams of a long, satisfying period of semi-retirement soon were smashed. Stricken by cancer, Ben began a long battle using surgery and various forms of treatment to stretch his time to the fullest. He did not stop doing what he wanted to do. He did go to Riischlikon, and other places as well. He surrendered treasured activities grudgingly, and only as deteriorating strength left no alternative. Eventually, the Fishers moved to Raleigh to be closer to specialized medical care. He continued to write — and to tell stories, even about the deadly enemy that was taking his life. Through the years he would occasionally threaten a friend with a reference to his great size, saying, "If you don't treat me with more respect, Fm going to provide in my will that you must serve as one of my pall bearers." The list of public honors bestowed upon Ben for his many ministries is far too lengthy even to sample. They range from local citations to national, even international, recognition. Being human, he appreciated them; being Ben, he didn't let them turn his head. Crate Jones, Ben's friend and former pastor, wrote 71 �about his inherent humility in an article in the Biblical Recorder: His "take the lower seat" attitude was matter-of-factly revealed one day. He was to give the baccalaureate address at an important university. "They are going to give me another degree." Sound like bragging? But wait. The Big Ben rang as true as Westminster's famed one when he added, "I don't need it; I'd rather have two dozen ears of sweet corn." Maybe Ben wouldn't actually have swapped one of his five honorary doctoral degrees for two dozen ears of sweet corn, but he was secure in his sense of self-worth. And he did like fresh sweet corn. Like everyone else who knew Ben Fisher well, I have a personal store of rich experiences. All of us want to say, "Let me tell you about... " So, let me tell you about Ben. My wife Annette and I arrived in Wake Forest in early August of 1956 in a state of youthful optimism, innocent faith, and abject poverty. Our total assets were our personal belongings, a tiny (and leaky) housetrailer, and $20 beyond what I would need for fees to begin my theological education. Our plan for survival was blind faith and the hope that someone named Ben Fisher could use my degree and experience in journalism. With my ratty little trailer settled in, I trudged halfway across Wake Forest to the "old music building" which had been the home of Southeastern Seminary during the years of joint occupancy of the campus with the recently removed Wake Forest College. At the foot of the steps a student identified himself as Randall Lolley and responded to my inquiry that Ben Fisher was on the premises. "I was talking to him just a second ago in the hall," he said. "You'll find him right inside, and you can't miss him. He has a 'lean and hungry look.' " Why that mountain of a man ever hired a scrawny kid from South Georgia with his mouth wide open and his eyes bugged out in shock remains something of a mystery. Life with Ben began with a joke on me, and it was far from the last. Even as I prepared to leave the 72 �seminary after completing the B.D. and course requirements for the Th.M., Ben had a parting thrust, the last of many teasing references to the backwardness of my native state. He said to President Stealey, "Yeah, Doc, we're sending Branch out as a missionary — to Georgia." Although Ben showed little reluctance in unleashing his humor upon me and other friends, he did not use it to inflict hurt as many do. More often than not he made himself the butt of many funny stories. In fact, they often were true accounts, and his willingness to share his misadventures and embarrassments revealed a rare openness to others. He invited us to laugh with him at himself— a sign of being at ease with self and everyone else. Ben was not a plaster saint. Some of his humor was too country-boy earthy for his after-dinner speeches — a thing shared with close associates only, and such it will remain. He also had a towering temper. Once it exploded upon a new student assistant in the darkroom, who had decided to clean up the place, even scouring the surface of the print dryer with gritty household cleanser. The shiny drum of the expensive dryer was terribly scratched, and Ben found many ways to describe the assistant's incompetence before his anger cooled. Another young man who earned Ben's wrath was one I call "the evangelist." Part of my job was to write graduation stories on all persons completing degrees. With accompanying photos these were sent to students' hometown newspapers. It was a nice touch for students, and good public relations for the seminary. Before the stories were mailed, we asked the students to come by briefly to check for accuracy or to suggest changes. One student, known for "getting results" as an evangelistic preacher (and by his demeanor obviously aware of his importance to the Kingdom of God), found himself too busy to come by our offices in spite of several messages from me. Not long before graduation I mentioned the situation to Ben, and "it struck him wrong." He set off toward the cafeteria where the student was taking part in some pregraduation festivities. He reminded me of Casey Jones' 73 �freight train on the long down-grade to the cafeteria. I did not go along to witness the event and wish that I had. I know only that the young man was in my office almost immediately, and he was contrite, cooperative, and curiously humble. I remember Ben most for his compassion. Annette and I both worked for the seminary for the sub-minimum wage that all institutions paid in those days. Ben once said, "Roger, you can make as much per hour as you like but I have only $ 150 a month for you, and we have to work as many hours as it takes to get the job done." It was not exploitive. We worked together, he longer than anyone. Always living at the edge of need, we Branches found our situation even more precarious when our son Gary was born during our second year at Southeastern. Ben was alert for little grants-in-aid, and helped me find loans when things got too tough. He also brought us food from his pantry and freezer. Since he was supporting a wife, two hearty teen-age sons, and his father on a limited salary, I know that every one of those gifts was a sacrifice. The Branches also ate some meals in the Fisher home, where Sally and Ben both cooked. Our first was a dinner meal built around a big roast. After the blessing, older son David asked, "Dad, FDI or FHB?" Ben seemed taken aback briefly, then relaxed and said, "FDI, boys, FDI." Then he explained, "We have this code that we use when we have company. If the food's a little short, it's FHB: Family Hold Back. If there's plenty, it's FDI: Family Dig In." Ben and his father gardened, and Sally managed. I never saw any evidence of hunger. So I think that the FDI-FHB business was a joke, probably on me, but I guess I'll never know for sure. Visits to the Fisher home let us get to know Sally; their mutual devotion was obvious. Ben once explained, "Sally and I have an agreement. If she decides to leave me, I am going with her." She remained his emotional, spiritual, and intellectual partner to the end and beyond. Three years as a pastor and a teacher in a Baptist college in Georgia ended with my return to North Carolina in 1963 as 74 �associate editor of the Biblical Recorder. Ben was a member of the paper's board of directors and influenced my decision to accept the position. By then he was with the Council on Christian Higher Education. His close relationship with editor Marse Grant made us all co-laborers in the cause of Baptist higher education. Always a mentor and friend, he now became my colleague. Looking back over the years, more than 30 of them, I realize that Ben was often misunderstood and inadequately appreciated. Some people heard his stories and thought they were funny but missed the underlying message. Some may even have judged him to be an intellectual light-weight because he told humorous stories. Inability to perceive the several layers of meaning in his messages led such folk astray. In fact, his intellectual interests were broad, and his vision was acute. If he often used country boys' way of speaking, he was no less a world citizen, at ease almost anywhere. Ben was a peacemaker, a mediator. Such people are sometimes seen as lacking courage or convictions. In the sometimes fractious relationships between Baptist colleges and their critics within the denomination, he filled an indispensable role for decades. He had to struggle to control that thunderous temper because he had strong convictions and attendant emotions. Sometimes patience takes more character than taking a dramatic stand. Yes, he had convictions. On the day that the trustees of Southeastern Seminary voted officially to drop all racial bars to admission, I watched him write a straightforward news release announcing the decision. He pounded it out himself on his battered typewriter. When he finished, he said softly, "At last!" Once one of my friends at Southeastern said, "Your friend Ben Fisher can be downright rude. I'm in his class but I met him on campus today and spoke to him, and he acted as if he didn't see me." My response was, "He didn't see you, and what's more he does the same thing to me." Ben's power of concentration was phenomenal. When he started "chewing" on an idea or problem 75 �mentally, other things faded to the periphery of his attention. Thus, his apparent occasional aloofness was an unfortunate byproduct of one of his great strengths. Ben Fisher's service to the cause of Christian higher education was profoundly significant. It crossed denominational, regional, and national boundaries. Character traits and values nurtured in a mountain family and community reached out to the world through him. Because his cause was education, his contributions will continue. We should not forget that he made them. One of the educators who spoke at Ben's funeral was Monsignor John F. Murphy, who — as head of the Association of Catholic Colleges and Universities — had worked closely with Ben in national organizations and programs for Christian higher education. He began his remarks by saying, 'That which we miss most today at this celebration is Ben's voice telling us a story for the occasion." We shall continue to miss Ben's voice telling his stories. But if you ever heard him and if you read carefully his stories in this book, you may think that you still catch echoes of his robust tones. Roger G. Branch, Sr., Ph.D., is professor of sociology and head of the department of sociology and anthropology, Georgia Southern College, Statesboro, Georgia. He is also a pastor, and the author of a number of books and articles. His latest book, Resources for Ministry in Death and Dying, was published by Broadman Press in January 1988. �a He in in He of the as a He at a of A in University in Today's World. He SALLY all of the the he He Hie in of C. on on all put in JVew of a of 1985. the � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mountain Preacher Stories: Laughter Among the Trumpets Description An account of the resource <span>Over a period of forty years, Ben Fisher collected stories illustrating the humor of the Southern Highlander. English, Scotch, Welsh, and Irish immigrants to the Appalachian region of North Carolina brought with them a rugged individualism and a sense of humor and dignity which have been characteristic of the sturdy yeoman farmer. Most mountain preachers and many of the old time mountaineers had a real talent for telling stories. While the “tall tale” is a staple of mountain storytelling, more often the tales relate to something that happened, not something just dreamed up. Mountain humor, like all folk humor, typically arises out of a life situation. Fisher’s work, edited by his wife Sally following his passing, relates many of the stories and tales that he had heard over the course of his life.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1ZAWHgOYz-DRmnf49UwJnz2cHS4rKihJw" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNPC" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469636627/mountain-preacher-stories/" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Fisher, Ben C. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachia Consortium Press Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region, Southern--Humor Clergy--Appalachian Region, Southern--Humor Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1990 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s humor mountains Preachers religion https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/f560f424998e92d1cad1d4771904c72a.pdf 675513fdbc6df10e6dd52fc6587efc50 PDF Text Text �BITS of MOUNTAIN SPEECH PAUL M. FINK Jonesboro, Tennessee �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004^ its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program^ Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1974 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3819-5 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3821-8 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �BITS OF MOUNTAIN SPEECH gathered between 1910 and 1965 along the mountains bordering North Carolina and Tennessee �This page intentionally left blank �FOREWORD BITS OF MOUNTAIN SPEECH Although Mr. Paul Fink does not profess to be an academician - in fact, in his modesty he would deny it even if we were to insist upon it -, he has achieved a scholarly work in this compilation of folk speech. What is folk speech, anyway? Briefly, it is the language of what is usually considered the uneducated or less well educated folk; it is sometimes archaic, almost always idiomatic, and it is of course dialectal. Frequently it is quaint; more frequently, it is simply a holdover of vocabulary, pronunciation, and syntax of earlier times when it was accepted as good usage. In this work Mr. Fink has performed a service for anyone interested in language, speech patterns, and communication. Not only has he listed the unusual words which he himself has heard, but he uses each one in a sentence in order to interpret the work or phrase and to clarify it. Further, he even informs the reader as to the part of speech each word assumes as he lists it. This book is only one of the many contributions which Mr. Fink has made to a study of the history and lore of East Tennessee and Western North Carolina. Among the earliest to become alert to the significance of the culture and heritage of his native area, he has also been among the most active and enthusiastic proponents of preserving the remaining expressions of the past of his region. As you read these words and phrases, you will be amused at some, perplexed by some, and entertained by all of them. Some will even make you nostalgic. Reading this book is an interesting and educational experience. Ambrose N. Manning Department of English East Tennessee State University and Chairman, Board of Directors The Appalachian Consortium, Inc. May 1, 1974 �This page intentionally left blank �All this material was gathered along the Tennessee-North Carolina border, between 1910-1965. During that period there has been much change in the mountain culture and speech. The impact of two world wars, when thousands of young men spent months and years in an environment utterly different from what they had known: compulsory education; good roads; electric power; telephones, radio and TV; public works and the mailorder catalog -- all have wrought great changes in the way of life in the Southern mountains. The mountain people as I first knew them are a vanished breed. And the change has not always been for the better. The notations in parentheses indicate the parts of speech, i.e., (n)-noun; (v)-verb; (adj)-adjective; (adv)-adverb; (pn)-pronoun; (prep)preposition; (conj)-conjunction. ii �This page intentionally left blank �abide (v): tolerate, endure. "/ can't abide them kind." acrost (prep): across. "They live acrost the river." admire to (v): be pleased. "I'd shorely admire to see him agin." afeared (adj): afraid. "He's afeared o'hants." afore (prep): before. "Git home afore night." agin or aginst (prep): by the time of. "I'll be home aginst dark." agin (prep): by, against. "Hits over agin the fence." aholt or holt (v): hold. "/ took aholt of him." aidge (n): edge. "The tree growed on the aidge of the clift." ailing (adj): ill or sick. "John has been ailing three weeks past." aim to (v): intend, plan. "/ aim to go." ain't (v): am, is or are not. "They ain't here yet." ain't much (adj): not feeling well. "John ain't much these days." airish (adj): windy, cool. "Hit's plumb airish out." allers (adv): always. "He's allers late." along about sundown (adv): late in the afternoon. anent or fernent (prep): close to or by. "His house stood anent the church house." a-nigh (prep): near. "I'll shoot if he comes a-nigh me." antic (adj): joking, playful. "He was an antic sorf of feller." apple-fruit (n): cooked apples. "Pass the apple fruit." argufy (v): to argue. "They'd argufy all night." ary (pn): any. "Has ary one of you got a match?" atter (prep): after. "They come atter night." ax (v): ask. "You ax him." �B back (v): to address a letter. "Will you back this letter for me?" bad sick, bad hurt, bad off (adj): in serious condition. "His woman is bad off." bait (n): food, generally a large amount. "He et a real bait o'greens." ballet (n): ballad. "She know a awful lot of old ballets." banter (v): challenge. "John bantered him for a race." basement (n); basin. "A little basement between the hills." battling block, battling stick (n): a smooth wooden block on which clothes are beaten with a battling stick while being washed. beal (v): to fester, as an abscess. "/ had a bealed ear." bealing (n): a boil or abscess. "Mary had a bealing on her neck." beast, beastes (n): horses. "He had four head o' beastes." beat or beat out (adv): exhausted. "I'm plumb beat out." beatinest (adj); superlative adjective. "They was the beatinest crowd at the burying." bedevil (v): worry or tease. "Don't bedevil that dog," bee-gum (n): beehive, formerly made from a section of a hollow gum log. beholden (adj): obligated. "I'm not beholden to him." benighted (adj): detained after nightfall. "John figured he'd be home by sundown, but he was benighted." best (adv): should or had better. "They best go home afore hit rains." betwixt (prep): between. "The house was betwixt the hill and the branch." biggety (adj): conceited or bigoted. "She's got no reason to act so biggety." bigness (n): size. "A hole the bigness of a bullet." biscuit bread (n): biscuits. blackberry winter (n): an unseasonably cool spell of weather in May. blockage (n): illicit whiskey. blockading (v) and blockader (n): making and maker of illicit whiskey. �blow-down (n): area where the timber has been levelled by high wind. "There's a terrible big blow-down on the far side of the mountain." blowed (v); blew. "He blowed the whistle." bodaciously (adv): completely, totally. "I'm most bodaciously wore out." body (n): person. "Hit won't do a body any good." bone tired (adj): very tired. book-larnin' (n): education derived from books. "He's short on booklarnin'." boughten (adj): purchased, as at a store. "She was wearing a boughten dress." boundary (n); track of land. "They bought a big boundary of timber." branch (n): small stream. "They are fishing down in the branch." bread (v): "He raised enough corn to bread his family." bresh (n): bushes or brush, as growing in an old clearing or woods. brickie or brickley (adj): brittle. "That bread is awful brickley." brigetty or briggedy (adj): same as biggety. broke (v): dismissed. "Has meeting broke yet?" brought-on (adj): from another place. "They was eating brought-on vittles." budget (n): bundle or package. "His clothes was rolled in a budget." burying (n): funeral, particularly the interment. "Did you stay for the burying?" burying ground (n): cemetery or graveyard. �c call to mind (v): remember. "/ can't call to mind what his name was." carry (v): take, accompany. "I have to carry my woman to the doctor tomorrow." catched, cotch, cotched (v): caught. caucus (v): talk idly. "They set around an' caucussed all day." chance (n): prospect. "A good chance of com." chancy (adj); doubtful, dangerous. "Hit was a chancy sort of thing." cheese (n): always plural, "them cheese." chimbley (n); chimney. choicey (adj): particular, fastidious. "You needn't be so choicey about it." choose (v): desire, wish. "Do you want some fruit? No, I wouldn't choose any." choosey (adj): same as choicey. chuffy (adj): short, stout. "He's a chuffy sort of boy." chunk (v): stir. "Chunk up the fire." Also to throw. "Chunk me the ball." church (v): to put on trial before the congregation. "They churched him for drinking." church-house (n): church building. clever (adj): obliging, good natured. "He was a mighty clever man." clift (n): cliff. clim or clum (v): past tense of climb. coalin' ground (n): spot where charcoal was made, for early iron furnace. coal oil (n): kerosene. come (prep): by or about. "They'll git here come night." come on to rain (v): began. '7 went in the house when it come on to rain." come through (v): profess religion. "Did John come through at the meetin' last night?" complected (adj): color of skin. "He's sorter dark complected." 4 �contrary (v): oppose. "Don't contrary him none." coon: climb or crawl. "/ cooned up a tree." cooter (v): spend time idly. "He cootered around all day." costes (v): costs. "Hit costes too much." course (v): to follow or trail. "He can course a bee to hit's hive." court (v): to sue at law. "Jones courted Smith over a horse." cow brute (n): bull. Sometimes any bovine. creel (v): to reel, give way or fall. "His leg creeled under him." cresses, creeses (n): water cress or a field salad, always in the plural. Sometimes "creasy-greens." critter (n): horse or mule, sometimes any kind of animal. "Wild critters." crope (v): crept. "/ crope up on a deer." cuckold (v): to be unfaithful maritally. "Jim's wife cuckolded him." cuss-fight (n): interchange of profanity. �damn (adj; adv): superlative adjective or adverb. "The worstest fight I ever damn seen." dast (v): dare. "They don't dast go," deadening (n): area where timber had died from disease or killed by girdling, preparatory to clearing. "Go down to the deadening and git some firewood." decoration (n): memorial service held at a rural church, when graves are decorated with flowers. "When is the decoration at the Bab'tis church?" destroyed (v): killed. "When I heered you'd gone to the war, I was afeared you'd been destroyed." devil (v): tease or worry. "Make him quit devilling the dog." dicker (v): discuss, as in a trade. "They been dickering over that horse for weeks." die out (v): die. "All my chillun died out on me." differ (v): make a difference. "Hit don't differ none which one I get." dilitary (adj): slothful, procrastinating. "He's plumb dilitary." dip (v): use snuff. "Do you dip or chew?" discomfit (v): to inconvenience. "Ef it don't discomfit ye none." disregardless (adj): regardless. disremember (v): forgot. "/ disremember what day it was." doctor medicine (n): medicine as prescribed by a doctor and bought at a drug store, as opposed to home remedies. dodger (n): cornbread baked in a cake or pone. doesn't differ (v): make any difference. "Hit doesn't differ which one you take." dog irons (n): andirons. dog trot or dog alley (n): open but covered runway between the two parts of a log cabin. do-less (adj): lazy or trifling. "I'm feeling plumb do-less this morning." doney-gal (n): sweetheart. doste or dastes (n): dose. "She taken two dostes o' medicine." �dotey (adj): aged or senile. "He's got plumb dotey." doublings (n): whiskey put through the still twice, to eliminate solid matter and other impurities; a process generally eliminated by the use of a thumping chest or keg. down (adj): fallen. "A heap of down timber." down-go (adj; n); declining health. "He's been on the down-go fer sometime." draw up (v): shrink. "My jacket drawed up 'till purt nigh couldn't get hit on." dreen (n): drain or gully. "The fox was runnin' down the dreen." dremp (v): dreamed. "/ dremp o' rain last night." drug (v): dragged. "/ drug in a lot o' firewood," druthers (n): choice. "If I had my druthers I'd a stayed home." dry land sled (n): sled to be used in fields or dirt roads. dulcimore (n); pronunciation of dulcimer. �easing powders (n): drug to ease pain. "They ought to a'give him some easing powders." eats good (v): appetizing. "Bear meat eats good." eend (n); end. "He come to the eend o' the road," effen (conj): if. "/'// go, effen ye don't mind." enduring (prep): during. "Did he stay enduring the night?" enty (v): isn't he. "Enty going?" 'est o r ' ist (adj); just or only. "They's * est two o' us," et (v): eat or eaten. "Have ye et yet?" evening (n): afternoon, before night. eye doctor (n): oculist. �F fagged out (adj): exhausted. "I'm plumb fagged out." fall (v): to chop down. "We're goin' to have to fall that tree." fall off (v): lose weight. "She's fall off 20 pound." falling weather (n): rainy or snowy weather. fault (v): to blame or criticize. "They shouldn't fault him over that." favor (v): resemble. "The boy favors his daddy." feel for (v): incline to. "/ didn't feel for fo work." fernint (prep): near, against. "Over fernint the house." fetch (v): bring. "Be shore to fetch some eggs." ficsty (adj): pert, impudent. "She's plumb ficsty these days." fightin'est (adj): very pugnacious. "That's the fight in'est dog." figured (v): thought. "I figgered he'd come next week." fireboard (n): mantel or shelf above the fireplace. fire-dogs (n): andirons or wooden chunks used as such. fistes (n): fists. fitten (adj): fit, suitable. "Hit's a fitten name." fittified (adj): subject to fits or "spells." flax (v): hurry. "/'// flax around and git dinner." fleshy (adj): fat. "She's a fleshy old woman." folkses (n): folks. follow (v): practice a trade or occupation. "He follows carpenterin'. foreigner (n): one living outside the mountains. for to (adv): "/ didn't mean for to do that." for why (adv): why. "/ don't rightly know for why." fotch (v): brought. "They fotch it yesterday." fotch-on (adj): imported. "/ don't favor them fotch-on ideas." frail or flail (v): beat, flog. "I'll most pointedly frail hell outen him." friz (v): frozen. "The river was friz over solid." �fruit (n); applies to apples only. "Have some fruit." funeralize (v): preach a funeral for. fur piece (n); long distance, "Hit's a fur piece from here. fustest (adv): first. "Who got there fustest?" 10 �galack (v): to gather galax or other ornamental greens. "They are going galacking." galluses (n): suspenders. gant (adj): lean, gaunt. "The houses was bad ganted." gant-lot (n): pen for confining cattle during round-up. gap (n): low spot in mountain range or between hills. gaum; gom (v): to smear. "His face was all gaumed up." gentle (v): to treat gently, to calm. "See how he gentles the horse." get on (v); accuse, berate. "She got on him about drinking." get shet of (v): dispose of. "/ got shet of that dog." ghostes (n): ghosts. 'gin (adv): before, by the time that. "It'll be dark 'gin / get home." gip (n): female dog. git-box or git-fiddle (n): guitar. gitting-aroundest (adj): very active in the community. "He's the gtttingaroundest man I ever seen." give out (v): (1) exhausted. "I'm plumb give out." (2) decide against. "I'm about give out going." (3) announce. "It was give out there was to be a meeting last night." give up (v): to concede. "He's give up to be the best doctor in town." good few (n): abundance. "They's a good few apples this year." granny-trouble (n): birth. "He had granny trouble at his house last night," granny-woman (n): midwife. grave-rock (n): tombstone. gravel (v): to annoy or embarass. "That story always gravelled him." grinding rock (n): grindstone. "He sharpened his axe on the grinding rock." gum (n): hive or container, as "bee gum" as made from hollow section of a gum tree. 11 �H hack (v); to annoy, embarrass. "That story sure did hack him." hadn't orter (v): should not. "He hadn't orter went." hain't (v): ain't, (am not, is not, are not, has not, have not) ha'nt (n): ghost. have (v): am, are, is. "/ have obliged to go." hear tell (v): hear or know. "Did ye ever hear tell o' sich?" hecter (v): heckle. "They alters like to hecter him." heifer (n): derogatory term for a woman. "That's the ol' heifer that lives up the holler." helt (v): held. "They helt on tight." hern (pn): hers. het (v); heated. "She het up the vittles." hez (v): has. hickory (n): switch for punishment. "If that young'un don't mind, I'll take a hickory to him." hippens (n): diapers. his'n (pn): his. "Hit's his'n." hisself (pn): himself. hit (pn): it. hog-meat (n): pork, generally fresh but some times cured. hog wild (adj): wildly excited. "She went hog wild when she hearn o' it" holler (n): hollow or ravine. "They run down the holler." (v): yell. "/ hollered fer him to come." holp (v): help. "Hit holp a lot." hone (v): long for. "He's honing fer a mess of hawg meat." hoof (v): walk. "Them as ain't got horses'll have to hoof it" hot up (v): make warmer. "Please hot up my coffee." hound dog (n): hound. hull (n): cartridge. "/ had just two hulls fer my gun." hunkers (n): haunches. "I set back on my hunkers." 12 �hurt fer (v): need. "The house is hurting ter a coat of paint." hurting (n): pain. "/ had a powerful hurting in my chest" iffen or effen (conj): if. "/'// come iffen / can." He (n): oil. "Bear's ile." ill (adj; adv): evil, bad tempered, "He's acting awful ill these days." improvement (n): a clearing in the woods, a house, etc., to enhance the value of property. in a manner (adv): nearly. "He's in a manner blind." ingern (n): onion. innards (n): entrails. "The bear clawed the dogs innards out." in reason (adv): beyond doubt. "I knowed in reason he'd go." in this day and time (adv): now. in time (adv): once. "A house stood there in time." 1st (adv): just. "Hit's 'ist right." J jag (n): a small amount. "A jag o' corn." janders (n): jaundice. "He's got yaller janders." jedgematiealfy (adv): in my judgment. "Jedgematically, he'll come tomorrow." job (v): stab. "He was jobbed with a knife." jower (v): quarrel. "They'd been jowering for a long time." juberous (adj): dubious, doubtful. '7 was juberous of that all the time." jump-jacket (n): overall jacket. 13 �K keep (v): remain in session. "Will school keep next week?" kernels (n): small glands in neck, armpits, groin, etc. These in some game animals must be removed if the meat is to be edible. ketched, kotch or kotched (v): caught. "We kotched two coons." kick (v): disparage. "/ ain't kicking his work none." kilt (n): killed. "Who kilt that dog?" kinder, kindley (adv): rather. "The road was kindley rough." kiver (v): cover. "Hit was kivered with a board." (n): quilt or blanket. "Put another kiver on the bed." knock-fight (n): fist fight. "Them boys had a big knock-fight." knowed (v): knew. "/ knowed it all the time." 14 �L lamp oil (n): kerosene. lap, tree lap (n): tree tops and limbs left on the ground after logging. lastiest (adj): long lasting. "Warnit (walnut) is the tastiest wood they is." lasty (adj): durable, lasting. "Them was lasty britches." lavish (n): abundance. "They was a lavish o' berries there." lay off to (v): intend. "I laid off to go a long time ago." lay out (v): hide. "They laid out in the woods 'til the law was gone." (v): prepare for burial. "Who laid out the corpse?" learn (v): teach. "They didn't learn him to spell." least (adj): smallest, youngest. "He's their least boy." leather britches (n): green beans dried in the shuck for winter use. leave (v): let. "Leave him go." led (n): lid. "She broke the led to the pot." leesen (conj): unless. "He'll come lessen he's sick." let on (v): pretend. "She let on she wasn't goin'." lick (n): molasses. "Give him some lick for his dodger." licking (n): whipping. "Bud got a licking at school." light out (v): leave hurriedly, also "light a shuck," "light a rag." likeness (n): portrait or picture. likeness taker (n): photographer. "Be you the likeness taker?" little grain (n): small amount. "Give me a little grain of ticker." linkster (linquister) (n): interpreter. long sweetning (n): sorghum molasees or syrup. 15 �M ma'ar (n): marrow, "a ma'ar bone," main (adj): very, great, "a main high mountain," make (v): produce. "/'// make a good crop 'o corn." make out like (v): pretend. "Jane made out like she was mad," manpower (v): to move some heavy object by human effort. "We'll have to manpower them logs up." mast (n): acorns, chestnuts or beechnuts. master (adj): great or fine. "He's a master hand at hunting." meat (v): supply with meat. "One hog will meat us all winter." meller (mellow) (v): beat. "I'll meller his head if he pesters me." mend (v): improve physically. "He's mending slowly." -ment (suffix): accented last syllable in such words as settlement', government', treatment', etc. mess (n): lot, meal, etc. "a mess o' beans." mighty (adv): very, exceedingly. "He had some mighty big hogs." mind (v): remember. "Don't you mind the day he came?" (v): care for. "You mind the young'uns whilst I'm gone." misery (n): pain. "I've got a misery in my stummick." mistook (v): mistaken or confused. "I've been mistook about that lots of times." mizzling (adj): drizzle. "They was a mizzling sorf o' rain." molasses (n): sorghum syrup, always plural. "Give me some o' them molasses." mommJck (v): to spoil or mess up. "He mommicked everything." monstrous (adv): very. "They killed a monstrous big bear." mostest (adj): most. "Who growed the mostest corn?" most likely (adv): probably. "Most likely they'll be there." mottley (adj): mottled. "The red cow had a mottley calf." mought (v): might, "he moughtgo." much (v): pet, make over. "He'll much a hound dog." 16 �muscle (v): lift by bodily strength. "Hit took four men to muscle that rock up. N na'ar (n): narrow, "a na'ar bridge." name (v): mention. "You name hit to paw." narrow-minded (adj): set in one's opinions. "He's narrow-minded about a lot of things." nary (ne'er a) (pn): none, not any. "Ain't nary one of 'em goin'." nary none (pn); not any. "/ ain't got nary none." necessaries (n): things needful. "A feller has to carry his necessaries." needcessity (n): necessity. neighbor (v); be neighborly with. "They're fine folks to neighbor with." nestes (n): nests, "birds' nestes." nigh onto (adv); nearly. "Hit's nigh onto a mile." norate (v): to spread the news. "Hit was norated all over the country." no sech (pn): not anything. "/ never said no seen." note (v): write music for. "Can he note a song?" note up for (v): denote, indicate. "Them colouds don't note up for rain." 17 �o old man, old woman (n): husband, wife on (prep); about. "/'// think on it." oncet (adj): once. onery or ornery (adj): mean, worthless. "He's acting ornery these days." onliest (adj): only. "Hit's the onliest knife I got" opine (v): judge, consider. ourn (pn): ours. "Them's ourn." outen (adj): out of. "Put that dog outen the house." outlandish (adj): as opposed to "foreigner", one from outside the mountains, "outlandish" refers to those from over seas. overhauls (n): overalls, (pronunciation). over yan (n): over there. "They live over yan." own, own up to (v): acknowledge. "He wouldn't own it as his'n." "John owned up to fighting." 18 �pack (v): carry. "He packed all the com home." (v): blame. "Hit was all packed on him." painter (n): panther. passel (n): parcel, group of people. "They was a passel of folks at the meetin'." pay no mind (v): give no attention. "Don't pay them no mind." peaked (adj): exhausted, ill. "She looks peaked." peart (adj): well, lively. "I'm feeling right peart/' peartnin' powders (n): tonic, vitamins. "Doc, John wants some more of those peartnin' powders that done him so good." peckerwood (n): woodpecker. penitentiary (v): send to prison. "They penitentiaried him for making ticker." persackly (adv): exactly. "She done persackly right." pester (v); bother, irritate. "Don't pester the teacher," petered out (adj): exhausted. "I was all petered out when I got there." peth (n): pith. "Punch the peth outen that elder (alder) stick." phonographer (n): stenographer. pieded (adj): spotted or mottled. "A pieded calf." pilfering around (v): idly wandering, not necessarily to steal. "Them boys were jest pilfering around." pintedly (pointedly) (adv): thoroughly. "The big dog most pintedly whopped the other'ns." pint-blank (adv): directly, positively. "I told 'em no—pint blank." pistol-gun (n): pistol play (n): square dance. play party (n): gathering where games were played and square dancing done. pleasure (v): to give pleasure to or derive pleasure from. "It pleasured him a lot to go." plumb (adv): very, completely. "I'm just plumb wore out." 19 �plunder (n): household effects. "They put all their plunder in one wagon," poke (n): small bag, usually paper. "Put hit in a poke." pomper (n): pamper. "Them young'uns is plumb pompered." pone (n): (1) a cake of bread. (2) swelling on the body, as a boil, abcess, tumor, etc. pooch out (v): protrude. "Hit's little belly was all pooched out." poorly (adv): ill, not well. "I'm feeling purty poorly." poppet (n): doll. "The least one was playing with hit's poppet." pop (n); skull, low grade illicit whiskey, postes (n): posts, "fence postes." poverty-poor (adj). destitute "That fambly (family) is plumb povertypoor." powerful (adj): very. "They cut down a powerful big tree." pretty (n): (1) play-pretty, toys, playthings."P/c/c up your p/ay-pretties." (2) something of value. "I'd give a pretty fo know." pretty-fying (v): making beautiful. "She spent a time pretty-fying her face." projecting around (v): loitering, looking about. "I've jest been projectin' around." prong (n): branch or fork of a stream. "West prong of Little Pigeon River." proud (v): glad. "I'm surely proud fo see you." pummies (n); pomace, ground apples, peaches, etc. from which the juice had been pressed. "After they made cider, they throwed the pummies on the ground." punying, punying around (v): not well, languid, etc. "I've been punying around quite a spell." puny-like (adj): indisposed. "The baby's been acting puny-like." purf nigh (adv): almost, very close. "/ purf nigh fell in." 20 �Q quare (adj): queer. "She always was a quare woman." quartering (adv): diagonally. "He walked quartering across the field. quieten (v): to quiet. "See if you can quieten him down-" quiled (v): coiled. 4IA big snake was quiled in the path." 21 �R raise (v): rear. "/ was raised in the mountains." rations (n): food, either raw or prepared. "Did he bring his rations with him?" red (v): arrange, make tidy. "Set here while I red up the room," rench (v): rinse. "Be shore to rench the clothes good." restes (v): rests. "Wait while they restes." retch (v): pass or hand. "/ tol' him to retch me the shovel," revenuer (n): probation officer. "Look out! The revenuer's comin'." rheumatiz (n): rheumatism. "He's gof the rheumatiz bad." rifle (n): gun, rifle. right (adv): very. "She was right sick." rightly (adv): correctly, justly. "/ can't rightly say." right smart (adj): a large quantity, very much, etc. "/ raised a right smart o' corn." rise (adv): in excess of. "He had in the rise of 20 hogs." rising (n): boil, carbuncle. "She had a rising on her neck." riz (v): raised. "They all riz up." riz bread (n): risen or yeast bread. rock (v): throw rocks at. "Them boys rocked my house." roguish (adj): descriptive of a cow inclined to jump the fence or stray from the pasture. roughness (n): fodder, food. "/ was gathering roughness for my stock." rosum (n): resin. ruction (n): fight or riot. "They was a turrible ruction af camp meeting." ruint (v): ruined. "They ruint me." running set (n): square dance. 22 �s sallet (n): salad. "Think I'll go out and pick me some satlet greens." sanging (v): digging ginseng (sang) root. "We was sanging all day." sanginghoe (n): special implement for digging ginseng—narrow blade, short handle. sarvices (n): servieeberries or trees. sashay (v): saunter or strut. "He was sashaying around." sass (n): impudence. "Don't give me none of your sass." sassy (adj): saucy. "She talked awful sassy." scandalous (adj): very, exceedingly. "Clothes costes scandalous high these days." scope (n): large tract of land. "My brother heired a wide scope of land." scouting (v): hiding in woods or mountains to avoid capture by the law. scringe (v): cringe. "/ seen him scringe when he heared it." seed (v): saw. "/ seed a monstrous big bear." set-along child (n): child big enough to sit on the floor but not walk. settin' cheer (n): sitting chair, no rockers. set into (v): begin. "Hit set into raining about dark." setting upto (v): courting. "Henry's setting upto the widder Brown." severe (adj): vicious. "He's a terrible severe dog." shoe-mouth (adj): "The snow was shoe-mouth deep." shoot (n): charges or loads, as "two shoots of powder." shucky-beans (n): beans dried in the hull for winter use. shumake (n): sumac. 's' I (v): said I. "Your're crazy, 's' I." sich or sech (pn): such. "/ never said no sech." sideling (adj; adv): slanting, as a hillside. "He planted his corn on sideling ground." sight (n): great deal much. "They've had a sight o' trouble." (n) many. "There was a sight o'people there." sing coarse (v): sing bass. "He sings coarse at meeting." 23 �singlings (n): whiskey put through the still once, inferior to being run twice or put through a thumping chest. skift (n): small amount. "Jest a light skift of snow." slaunchwise (adj): diagonally, off a straight line. "The fence come up the hill slaunchwise." slick, or laurel slick (n): rhododendron or kalmia thicket. smidgen (n): small amount. "Jest a smidgen more sugar in my coffee." snuck (v): sneaked. "He snuck off when nobody was looking." sobby (adj): sodden. "That field gets right sobby after a rain." some several (adj): goodly number. "They was some several folks there." soon (adv): early. "Come soon in the morning." soon start (n): early. "They made a soon start this morning." sop (n): gravy. sorgrums (n): sorghrum. Molasses made from locally grown cane. Always plural. sorry (adj): poor, worthless. "He bought a sorry sorf of a horse." spang (adj; adv): various meanings, as directly, quickly, etc. (1) "spangfirednew", (2) "that dog jumped right spang into the creek," spark (v): court. "Who's sparking her now?" spell (n): period of time, "a long dry spell." spend an opinion (v): express one's idea. "/ wouldn't want to spend an opinion on that." sprangle (adj): spread out, like limbs of a tree. "Laurel is a sprangling sorf of bush." sprig (n): bit or particle, as "a tiny sprig of fire." squander (v): scatter or wander idly. (1) "Them little turkeys jest squandered around every which way." (2) "I jest squandered around all day." squinch owl (n): screech owl. stand (n): hive of bees. "Davis had nigh onto a hundred stand o' bees." start-nekked (adj): unclothed. "They went swimming start-nekked." starved out (v): destitute. "That family's just about starved out." 24 �still (v): to make illicit liquor. "Is anybody stilling around here now?" stob (n): small stake or stub. "He drove a stob in the ground." (v): stab. He was stobbed right in the heart." stomp (n): clearing with grass trodden of by horses or cattle. "They's a big stomp-on top of the mountain." store (v); to trade in a store. "I've got a lot of storing fo do." store-boughten (adj): purchased ready made, as "store-boughten clothes." stout (adj): strong or well. "I'm feeling purty stout." strut (v); swell. "My fingers was all strutted out." sugar tree (n): hard maple, from whose sap maple sugar is made. sull (v); to act sullen, feign death. "A 'possum'll sull when a dog ketches it." sunup (n): sundown (n): sunrise, sunset. surround (v); go around. "We surrounded the hill." survigorous (adj): vicious, exceedingly strong. "Hit was a powerful survigorous bear." swag (n): low spot in the ground, on a ridge. sweetening (n): (1) short sweetening - sugar. (2) long sweetening syrup, molasses. sweet talk (v): flattery. "Don't sweet talk me." swolt (v): swelled. "His face was all swole up." 25 �T tacky (adj): shabby, out of style. "That hat is sortor tacky." tad (n): small amount. "Jest a tad more sugar, please." tain't (v): it isn't. ,'Tain't what I wanted." taken (v): took. "I taken the gun." take off (v): leave hurriedly. "He taken off down the road." take up (v): begin. "Has meeting took up yet?" talking to (v): courting. "Jim's been talking to Arminty nigh onto three years." task (v): to assign duty. "Ye can't task a man that way." tastes (2 syllables) (v): "Hit tastes sorter bitter." tell 'tother from which (adj): distinguish between. "Them young'uns was so like I couldn't tell 'tother from which." tetched (adj): feeble-minded or slightly deranged. "Their least boy is sorter tetched." tetchous (adj): irritable. "She's powerful tetchous these days." tetotally (adv): totally, completely. "I'm most tetotally wore out." textes (n): texts. thar (adj): pronunciation of "there". that 'air (that there) (adj): that. "He went through that 'air door." theirn (pn): theirs. "Is hit theirn?" they (pn): there. 'They was two men there." thickness (n): "about the thickness of a dollar." thoughen (conj): unless, without. (1) "He won't go thoughen they call him." (2) "She made bread thoughen any salt." thoughty (adj): thoughtful. "That was mighty thoughty of you." thumping chest, key or (simply) thumper (n): a part of a whiskey still, between the boiler and the condenser. thunder gust (n): electrical storm. tide (n): flood or freshet. "They was a awful high tide in the river last Spring." 'til (prop): until. "They stayed 'til dark." 26 �time about (adv): alternately. "They go to her church and his'n, time about." toddick (n): small measuring vessel used in taking toll at a grist mill, hence-small amount. tolable (adj): tolerable. "Air ye feelin' tolable?" tole (v); entice, lure. "They took some com to tole the turkeys in." took down or took down sick (v): sick abed. "Henry was took down last week." tooken (v); taken. "The ham was tooken out of my smokehouse." took up (v): arrested. "John was took up fer stealing com." tooth bresh (n): twig with one end chewed into a rude brush, used in dipping snuff. tooth-dentist or tooth doctor (n): dentist. torn-downdest (adj): delapidated, messed up, etc. "That's the torndowndest house I ever seen." tote (v); carry. "How much can you tote?" tote fair (v): deal honestly. He'll tote fair in a trade." tother (n): the other. "/ seen him tother day." tow sack (n); burlap bag. tree (v): cause to take refuge in a tree. "My dogs treed a monstrous big coon." tree-dog (n); dog trained to tree game. tree lap or simply lap (n): tops and limbs of trees on the ground after logging. tree sugar (n): sugar made by boiling down the sweet sap of hard maple tree. Also called tree syrup and tree molasses. trinkle (v): trickle. "The water comes trinkling out of the rock." tromp (v): tramp. "Them horses tromped down the wheat" tuckered out (adj): exhausted. "I'm plumb tuckered out." turn out (v): dismiss. "Has school turned out yet?" tushes (n): tusks, as of hog or bear. twarn't (v): it was not. 'Twarn't so." 27 �u unbeknowst (adj): without notice or warning. "He left unbeknowst to anybody." up an' done (v): immediately. "He up an' done it." use (v): live in or frequent. "Bears use along that ridge." V varmint (n): almost any wild animal. vex (v): annoy. "Them young'uns vexed him terrible." vigrus (adj): vigorous. "He's plumb vigrus these days." vittles (n): food. vomick (v): vomit. 28 �w wait on (v): court, woo. "John's waitirr on that new gal." was a week (year) ago (adv): last week. "He was here, was a week ago." waspes or waspers (n): wasps. wax (n): chewing gum. way off (adv): remote, far. "They come from way off." wear out (v): to flog or whip. "She wore that young'un plumb out." weasley (adj): wizened. "Looks sorter weasley, don't he?" we'uns (pn): we, us. "Are we'uns goin'?" whar (adv): pronunciation of 'where'. whelps (n): welts. "The whuppin' raised great whelps on his back." whetrock (n): whetstone. whilst (conj): while. "Eaf some vittles whilst you wait." whup (v): whip. "Who whupped?" whur (adv): whether. "/ don't know whur fo go or not." widder-man (n): widower. widder-woman (n): widow. wind-thro wed (adj): blown over by wind. "All the big trees was wind throwed." windy (n): a tall tale. "Look out or them fellers'll tell you a windy." wish book (n): catalog of mail order house. withouten (conj): without, unless. "/ won't go withouten you do." women folks (n): women. "The women folks had all gone to meeting. woods colt (n): illegitimate child. woolly patches or woollies (n): rhododendron thickets. work-brittle (adj): industrious." worn out (adj): tired or exhausted. "/ was just all worn out." writing (n): something written, a letter, etc. "They give him a writin' fo take to the judge." 29 �Y yan or overyan (adv): yonder. "They live overyan in Tennessee." yarb (n): herb. yarb doctor (n): one (untrained) who treats illnesses with herbs, roots, etc. years (n); ears. yearth (n); earth. yo (n): ewe, female sheep. you-all (pn): sometimes heard in mountain speech, but regarded as intrusion from Deep South. yourn (pn): yours. "Hits's a//yourn." youernses (pn): your. "Who was over at youernses house?" you-uns (pn): you. "Can you-uns come?" 30 �MISCELLANEOUS Quadruple negative: "I ain't never seen no sech thing, nohow." Threat of an old lady, "pestered" by some boys: "If I hear nary 'nother word out of ary one of you'uns, I'll take me a bresh and most pintedly frail hell out'n the whole passe/ o' you'un," Man telling of seeing his dog swept away by a swollen stream: "When I last seen him, he were, as you mought say, a-dealing of his feet and a-doing of no good." "Me and a passe/ more gals was com in' over t'mar-r to have our likenesses struck, an' we'll be shorely disappinted." "I don't care" gives assent. "Will you have some of the ham?" "I don't care," or "/ don't care if I do." "The onliest way he knowed to get rid o' that tooth was to jump it out." Placing a nail against the tooth at its root and striking the nail with a smart blow. "I never had no trouble with my teeth. They just rotted out naturally. " "Hit don't seem right for a feller to be workin' when they's a death in the neighborhood." "Maw, give Shorty some lick. He wants to wallup his dodger." (Put syrup on his corn bread.) "We all wanted to be at meetin', but John - he took the studs and wouldn't go." 31 �PAUL M. County, his He the He of the Trail an Woy, an a he as the for of as a the led to the in the he the for in the to of in the the Trail the tfie on its Owlj � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bits of Mountain Speech Description An account of the resource <span>Paul Fink’s&nbsp;</span><em>Bits of Mountain Speech</em><span>&nbsp;is a dictionary of “folk speech.” In this work Fink has provided a glossary of terms that are often considered the language of the less educated people of the mountains of Western North Carolina and Eastern Tennessee. They are sometimes archaic, sometimes quaint, and almost always idiomatic. The language Fink examines is a holdover of earlier times when the Scots, Irish, and Welsh settled the region, therefore many of the pronunciations are reminiscent of Celtic languages. Not only does he list unusual words that he has come across, but he also uses them in sentences in order to interpret the word or phrase and clarify its meaning.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=10ebVv8ghidia9uKswswkCyRhhKOWnzwU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNCP" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638195/bits-of-mountain-speech/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Fink, Paul M. Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource English language--Provincialisms--North Carolina English language--Provincialisms--Tennessee Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Reference works E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1970s Appalachia colloquial linguistics North Carolina Tennessee https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/fccbbd6dca3c0937ed24a6ec883250e0.pdf b51ccf4c0e479baa9c8ab2b2a5b933b6 PDF Text Text �ONLY WHEN THEY'RE LITTLE The Story Of An Appalachian Family �This page intentionally left blank �ONLY WHEN THEY'RE LITTLE The Story Of An Appalachian Family By KATE PICKENS DAY Illustrated by Margaret Pickens Edited, with an introduction by Nancy Carol Joyner APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS Boone, North Carolina �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004^ its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program^ Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1985 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3816-4 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3818-8 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Introduction Only When They're Little is a story set in the mountains, but it is no tall tale. It is the fictional account of an actual family whose Scotch-Irish ancestors immigrated to western North Carolina in the early nineteenth century. The book begins in 1904, when the Barker family undertakes the elaborate move of twenty miles across the mountain to "Tarpley," a small town a few miles north of Asheville. It concludes nearly a half century later, in the late forties. Thus it describes the situation and relates significant events in the life of an Appalachian family during the first half of the twentieth century. The family consists of Cora and Joe Barker and their eight children. Joe, a farmer/blacksmith/carpenter, is presented as a stabilizing force in spite of his bewilderment at the sweeping economic changes within the area. Cora, the dynamic center of the book, is portrayed as a energetic, ambitious woman who is devoted to her family and determined that they succeed. The eight children, with varying abilities and interests, appear as a relatively close-knit group who absorb almost unquestioningly their parents' attitudes and value system. As middle-income white Protestants with an orientation toward education and upward mobility, they are typical of thousands of families living in the southern highlands. For the past hundred years residents of southern Appalachia have been stereotyped as eccentric, ignorant recluses whose principal occupation is to protect the family still from the "revenoors." Families are presented as male-dominated, ultra-conservative, and clannish in the extreme. The creators of the comic strips "Lil Abner" and "Snuffy Smith" and the producers of such television programs as "Hee Haw" and "The Dukes of Hazzard" have done much to perpetuate such a myth, but serious studies have also encouraged the view that mountain people are distinct from "mainstream" America partially because of their low income and inadequate education. This book helps to amend the view of the "oddity" of mountain people by providing a portrait of a family similar in many ways to members of the middle class anywhere in the United States. At the same time it maintains an awareness of the area and the definite effect of the region on the lives of the people. It emphasizes for example the closeness of the southern Appalachian family, a theme often �mentioned in studies characterizing the area. The author also emphasizes the importance of education for the mountain people and the impetus for personal achievement, themes often overlooked. Another significant aspect of the book is the portrayal of Appalachian women as intelligent, independent, and assertive. In a 1981 interview the author was asked if she regarded her life in an Appalachian community as being more difficult than if she had lived elsewhere. This was her reply: During my early life it was a poor community compared to today's standards, but it was not to the point where people had to really suffer for things. If you were willing to work, and tried, you could have a comfortable and decent home and a decent home life. And while education wasn't on every corner and it wasn't up to the point where it got to be later, we didn't have to be ignorant, and there were plenty who never were. My mother was able to teach school, and so was my grandmother. And as for the values of life and for her attitude toward it, I think that the mountain woman would stack up with any other. The story of the Barker family, especially that of Cora Barker, encourages a re-evaluation of attitudes about life in the southern highlands in the twentieth century. The author was born Esther Katharine Pickens in Weaverville, North Carolina, on February 20, 1894. Three years later she moved with her family to Swannanoa, twenty miles away, but in 1904 they returned to Weaverville, primarily in order to afford schooling for the children at Weaver College. She, along with five of her seven brothers and sisters, completed the academic program there. After her graduation in 1913, she taught in public schools until her marriage in 1918 to Ben T. Day, the owner of a lumber company in Easley, South Carolina. The house they built in 1920 was her home until her death in 1984. She was the mother of two, grandmother of five, and great grandmother of seven. ii �Although raising her two daughters and a niece was her principal occupation during her married life, Kate Pickens Day had many interests beyond her family. She helped to organize and was first president of the Woman's Club of Easley and was active in many other civic organizations; she held many positions of responsibility in the Methodist Church; she kept books for her husband's expanding business; she wrote a column for the local weekly newspaper; she raised flowers, vegetables, and chickens; she did a variety of handwork: tatting, knitting, crocheting, and quilting; she painted in oils and water color. After her husband's death in 1949, she traveled widely, making extended trips to unfamiliar areas in this country as well as to Mexico and Europe. She also gave art lessons in her home in Easley and worked for several years as a bookkeeper in a law office in Asheville. In 1951 she published privately an extensive genealogy, The Pickens Family. Her life was an exceptionally active one until, in 1974, her eyesight began to fail. Two cataract operations resulted in inoperable detached retinas, and with her diminishing ability to see she was deprived of the activities that most absorbed her time—painting, needlework, and gardening. In 1980 her seriously impaired heart forced her permanently to bed. After eighty-six unstintingly energetic years, her forced physical activity was anathema to her. She couldn't see well enough to read, but she could see well enough to write. Surreptitiously at first, fearing her family might think her "a fool to try such a thing" at her age, she began to write a novel. With the encouragement of her daughters, however, she threw herself wholeheartedly into her project, writing in longhand on the days she had the physical stamina and sufficient sight to do so, sending the pages along to her daughter, Margaret, to type, while her daughter, Esther, cared for her. The result is Only When They're Little. The book combines the genres of autobiography and fiction: it is a memoir told from three points of view. Most prominent is the voice of Cora, a fictionalization of Kate's mother, Clemma Ozora, remembering the difficulties and delights of raising eight children. Occasionally the point of view switches to Jane, the fictional character who most closely resembles Kate. A third voice is that of the author herself as she speaks reflectively, commenting on the changes she has observed over fifty years. Sometimes she does so in humorous iii �dismay, sometimes in indignation, but always with perception and sincerity. The book does not preach, but it does convey strong opinions. As Huckleberry Finn says about the book Mr. Mark Twain wrote about Tom Sawyer, this one also contains some "stretchers/' The events in the book do not represent a factual account of the author's family. Character and place names are changed; happenings are telescoped, combined, and occasionally fabricated. One poignant example is the story here of Dan, who represents Hugh, the adored youngest brother who died of a heart attack before he was thirty. Kate said she couldn't bear to record that, so she created a new life for him, complete with family, in London. On the other hand, the author makes no attempt to whitewash all the familial experiences that have led to unhappy memories. Although she deliberately avoids factual accuracy, she confronts the truth head-on. It is a truer book than a mere factual account could make it. I know. I am the niece she raised. Happily, the author's relatives have made this book a real family project. Kate's daughters, Margaret Day Ball of Wayne, Illinois, and Esther Day Moore, of Easley, South Carolina, have provided material assistance by typing the manuscript, proof reading the typescript, and encouraging in other ways the completion of the work. I have edited the typescript, making minor revisions by occasionally re-ordering paragraphs, avoiding repetitions, and smoothing out inconsistencies. In every case, however, I have attempted to keep intact the individual quality of the author's style. The illustrations have been generously provided by Kate's younger sister, Margaret Pickens of Weaverville, North Carolina. She has based her drawing on the events recorded and on her own memories, and when possible she has used as models photographs of family members. The author once said in an interview, "Not any of us ought to be parasites. We all ought to contribute something to the world—that's what we're here for." With gratitude and devotion, members of Kate Pickens Day's family have added their contributions to the author's larger one in creating Only When They're Little. Nancy Carol Joyner Western Carolina University iv �This page intentionally left blank �This page intentionally left blank �"Jane! Ring the bell! Then make haste and run on down to the spring house and get the milk and butter! Hurry now!" Cora's voice was tense and strident. Obediently Jane set down the bowl of tomatoes she had just sliced, went hurriedly through the dismantled kitchen, took the old-fashioned hand bell from the water shelf on the back porch, and shook it vigorously up and down. Replacing the bell, she raced across the porch, down the steps, and on to the spring path. Cora watched her ten-year-old daughter disappear around the bend of the path and thought that this must be the most confusing day in Jane's life. Probably she was completely bewildered by all the unfamiliar things that were happening in this very familiar place. Joe and Cora Barker had lived in the little valley bordering the Swannanoa River for fifteen years. More than that, Joe had lived his life in the house they were preparing to leave. When his father died in 1890, Joe had inherited the homestead and about a hundred acres of land. With his brother John, he had "kept batch" as they called it. There was a highway running through one side of the farm, known to local settlers as the Big Road, and Joe and John had a blacksmith shop bordering the road. Old Uncle Bill, who had been the general handyman about the place for as long as anyone could remember, lived in a cabin behind the main house. Cora Graham had been a plump little girl with bright dark eyes and hair that inclined to curl. In a family of five children she was the odd one—somehow the others formed two pairs and Cora from the beginning had learned to play by herself. She had lived in an imaginary world peopled by her dolls who, according to her, were an ideal group of brothers and sisters who never quarreled and who were completely loyal to each other and made a very special family. One day when old Aunt Betsy was at the Graham house to do the week's laundering, Cora dwelt at length to her on the virtues of her family. Finally Betsy shook her head. "Humph—humph, Miss Cora," she said. "Peoples don't live like dat. When dey grows up de chillun lots o' times don' even lak each udder. Dey quarrel and sometimes dey fights. Dey moves away from each udder when dey �grows up and dat's de last of 'em. Families just don' be lak yours when dey grows up. No, sir, just only when dey's little." Naturally, Cora didn't believe Aunt Betsy. She was sure she knew what kind of family hers would be and that they wouldn't be the way she wanted them to be only when they were little, so she went on with her dreaming and planning. When Cora finished her teacher training and came to take charge of the one-teacher school in Swannanoa, she felt ready to begin raising a family. Joe Barker had also begun to look for a helpmate, and soon after they met they decided to marry at the end of the school term. After the wedding and a short honeymoon, Cora moved into the Barker home and took over the housekeeping. Uncle Bill was her salvation. He did the milking, helped her with the kitchen garden, and taught her how to care for the chickens, turkeys, and guineas. He showed her how to make butter, dry apples, and "leather breeches" beans. In fact, she wondered how she ever got to be nineteen years old and know so little. �Life on the farm for the most part was placid and agreeable, the biggest changes occurring when every other year a new member was added to the Barker household. Their first child was a daughter, Mary, and two years later Nathan was born. Then came Jane, Janice, Robert, Millie, and Susan. Once when Cora's waspish-tongued aunt had been visiting, she told folks back home, "Poor Cora, she never gets one baby off her lap until there's another one to go on it!" Having seven children in fifteen years proved the aunt right, but Cora did not think of herself as poor. She had the family she had wanted ever since she was a little girl. When Mary began to talk and could say "Papa" and "Mama," almost unconsciously Joe and Cora adopted Mary's dialect. Soon they became not "Joe" and "Cora" but "Papa" and "Mama" to each other. Papa was well content with his life. He enjoyed his big family and worked hard in his blacksmith shop on the farm. He had no desire to make a change, but Mama did. Sometimes Mama's restlessness worried him and he grew peevish. "Why can't the kids grow up here?" he asked her. "I've never lived anywhere else and I've got along all right." "But Joe, times are changing," Mama would answer. "The children must get an education. They can't help themselves if we don't give them a chance, and we can't afford to send them off to school. Now, if we moved to Tarpley, we could see to it that they have an education." For several weeks the discussion had gone on. Papa didn't think Mama really knew what she was talking about when she predicted that automobiles and hard surfaced roads would bring so many changes. And he could not visualize the decline of a blacksmith shop or the lessening need for horses and farm tools and equipment. However, in the end he capitulated and the farm was sold. Mama herself had some misgivings about the move. She realized that Papa was making a real sacrifice by agreeing to sell and that it would be hard for a person to leave the only house he had ever known. But she was deeply convinced that the children must have a better opportunity than this community could give them. Mama was herself a native mountaineer just as Papa was, but neither of them belonged to the shiftless, illiterate type that modern novelists like to portray as typical mountain people. In spite of lack of transportation and difficulty in communication, they were able to acquire some �education, to have access to books, to travel a bit, and to see each generation advance a little. Poor they might be, but by hard work and frugal habits they could live comfortably. Tarpley was a little town about twenty miles away, where a struggling small college was located. It had a preparatory department where students could "fill in the gaps'1 left because of inadequate elementary and high school training. Mama had it all figured out. By living in Tarpley, all her children could attend as day students and have only tuition to pay. She was willing to make any sacrifice that might be required of her to get them all through school. Mama and Papa set the date on their calendar for the big move. It was June 17, 1904. Finally, the day had arrived. �The ringing of the dinner bell speedily assembled the members of the family. They came into the ghost-like house, with its curtainless windows and bare rooms that echoed their footsteps, and were silenced by the strangeness of it all. Papa and Uncle John came from the shop across the way. Nathan and Bob, aged twelve and six, had been picking the last of the cornfield beans with old Uncle Bob. Janice, eight years old, had been minding the two youngest children, threeyear-old Millie and Susan, just four months old. Fourteen-year-old Mary, the oldest child, and Jane, aged ten, helped to put the food on the big, round, claw-footed oak table. Even though most of the furniture had been packed, the kitchen furnishings were still usable, and the family as usual sat down together for their breakfast. Healthy appetities helped make the ham biscuits, sliced tomatoes, applesauce, and gingerbread disappear in a hurry. In a few minutes the loading resumed. The railway ran in sight of the farm in Swannanoa but did not go to Tarpley, so the only way to transport themselves was by horsedrawn vehicles. A huge wagon with high boarded sides was backed up to the door and the tailgate was let down. It soon began to bulge with its cargo of wooden beds, straw mattresses, feather beds, the parlor sofa, the Estey organ, bureaus, chests, tables, chairs, and a hodgepodge of household goods. Neighborly cousin Bert was driving this wagon with Mary sitting up front next to him because she had visited relatives in Tarpley and knew the way. Nathan, called Nate, would drive the top buggy and Mama would ride with him holding Susan on her lap, while Millie sat between them. Jane, Janice, and Bob were left to go with Papa, who would drive the two-horse farm wagon. Janice had claimed the wagon seat with Papa, so Jane would have Bob for company in the back of the jolting wagon, which was going to make for a tedious and uncomfortable ride. The wagon bed was filled with odds and ends that the larger wagon could not take and articles that had been overlooked until the last minute. Off they started on their twenty-mile trek, cousin Bert in front, Nate in the middle, and Papa bringing up the rear. Soon Bob became �restless sitting in the wagon. In his wriggling around he discovered the almost forgotten wooden churn which had been added at the last minute. It appealed to him as a good place to sit "high" and see things. Promptly he crawled up on top of it and things went smoothly for a time, but as the wagon rounded the curve on a downhill grade, the churn, top heavy with its burden, turned over on its side, catapulting Bob across the wagon. His head struck a standard and cut a gash in his forehead. By some good fortune they were passing by a watering trough just off the roadside. It was a big log hollowed out like a canoe and was fed fresh water continuously from a pipeline connected with a spring on the hill above the road. It was in a shady spot, and because of the dampness, ferns and other green plants grew in profusion around it. Papa stopped the wagon, washed the grime from his bleeding offspring, and gave the horses a drink. Soon after the churn episode Bob burrowed into a corner of the wagon and went to sleep. Jane had an old, braided rug folded up for a seat. It was wedged between a box of dishes and some old pots and pans. Relieved of having to watch after Bob for the moment, she let her thoughts dwell on the confusion and panic she had felt all day. Why, she asked herself, was a one-teacher school so bad? She had been happy in hers and was sure she had learned lots of things. This year the teacher had let her help with spelling and writing lessons for the smaller children and she had loved doing it. She hadn't minded �taking her turn at sweeping the floors or cleaning the blackboards either, and as for germs being so deadly, didn't all of them at home drink from the same gourd dipper hanging by the spring? And why was Uncle Bill not coming to Tarpley to live with them? Jane had followed him around ever since she was a toddler and he seemed as near to her as her own parents. Who would help him hunt the guineas' nests now or who would go with him to the woods to hunt chestnuts and chinquapins in the fall, and couldn't she find more wild strawberries in the spring than he could? Since he was not coming to Tarpley, who would do the milking? She was afraid she knew the answer to that. As the caravan neared Asheville, another crisis occurred. Papa leaped from the wagon and ran to the horses' heads, signaling Nate to do the same. They held on to their bridles and spoke soothingly to the horses just as the object of their concern went chugging by, "making at least twenty-five miles an hour," Papa said. Jane was startled out of her reverie and stared goggle-eyed as the automobile went out of sight. She had never seen one before. "My goodness," she said to Bob. "Didn't it look just like a buggy running along without a horse!" Drivers were beginning to expect such interruptions in their traveling. The horses showed antagonism and fear for these noisy machines and many farmers resented the automobile for the trouble it caused. When the Oldsmobile chugged by, Papa had trouble enough with his horses. Gentle old Prince only rolled his eyes and stamped his feet a bit, but Dixie and Dell, both young and skittish, tried to bolt. It took all Papa's strength to keep them from running away. Concentrating her attention on the horses, Jane remembered the time when Janice, the musician of the family, was playing songs she had heard by ear. She had played some familiar songs on the organ when she turned to Bob and said, "Listen, Bob, I'll play 'Dixie' for you." When she had finished the song, Bob was delighted. He patted her arm and said, "Now, Janice, play Dell." As the horses clip-clopped along the street across the square in Asheville, Jane let her gaze wander over the pictures the wagons and their occupants made as they were reflected in the plate glass windows along the way. Already she was homesick for the Swannanoa Valley and all the dear, familiar things she was leaving. She didn't cry but her heart felt lonely and unutterably sad. �It was almost dusk when the weary travelers arrived in Tarpley. The house Papa had bought with money from the sale of the farm was no architect's dream. It was very plain with no gingerbread trimming or ornamental woodwork of any kind. Shaped like a big square box, it had four rooms downstairs and four on the second floor, with a hallway running through the center of each floor. A wide porch with bannisters ran across the front while a kitchen extension was built back of the dining room with an L-shaped porch on two sides of it. There was no electricity and no plumbing. The well house joined the back porch. Water was drawn by a pulley and chain with a wooden bucket on either end. As one bucket went down into the well the other one came up. Behind the small barn at the back of the house was the outhouse. A fence enclosed the two acres of land in the plot, located in a narrow valley, with hills rising up sharply on two sides. There was nothing fancy about the house or the property, but both would be adequate for the Barker family. Mama's sister Sally lived in Tarpley, and she met them at the house with a basket of food for supper. That was a wonderful help since the big old kitchen range would have to be connected before they could even have hot water. Beds had to be set up before they could sleep. After the disorder and confusion, when much was accomplished, finally out of sheer exhaustion everyone went to bed. After two weeks the strange beds began to feel natural. Jane no longer woke in the morning expecting to see the wallpaper of her old room or to hear the train whistle and other familiar sounds of the farm left behind. She and the rest of the Barkers gradually became accustomed to their new home and its surroundings. Jane still missed Swannanoa though and told Mama so. Mama told Jane that she was sure Jane would like Tarpley better as soon as school started. �On the Monday morning when schools reopened, Mary (with Mama's coaching) was able to enter Tarpley College as a freshman. Nate was enrolled in the seventh grade, Jane in the fifth, Janice in the third, and Bob in the first. The catapulting of the Barker family into the Tarpley school system made little impact on the school itself, but it certainly put Mama and her brood into a merry-go-round of activity that, as she said, made her dizzy to think about. Mama said her coat tails never caught up with her that winter. What a scramble it was to outfit and keep five children in school! But that was not all. There were two more children to be cared for and meals to be cooked for a family of nine. Mama wondered, as Jane had, how they would get along without Uncle Bill. Her only help was Aunt Althea, who came on Mondays to do the wash and received �seventy-five cents a day. In the well house was a bench holding three zinc tubs filled with water, and nearby was the big iron pot which the Negro washerwoman also filled with water before she built a fire under it. With a scrub board and homemade lye soap she washed the clothes and then put them in the big pot to boil. Ladling them out of the suds, she put them first in one of the zinc tubs and then the other. Aunt Althea had to wring each article by hand as it was moved from one rinsing tub to the next before it was ready for the clothes line. At the end of wash day, Aunt Althea left a mountain of unironed clothes to wrestle with. There were starched pieces that had to be sprinkled down—shirts and collars for the men, petticoats and dresses for the girls, pillow cases, centerpieces and other household linens. It all had to be done with a sad iron heated in front of the grate or on top of the kitchen range. Mary, Jane, and even Janice had to take turns almost every afternoon when they came in from school. They were lucky if they completed the job by Saturday before beginning again on Monday. But as the children became adjusted to their schools, they became more involved in outside activities, which meant that Mama got less and less help with the chores. Reports were sent to parents at the end of a grading period, and Mama was more anxious than the children to get the first reports. Mary's and Janice's work was rated excellent, Jane's was good, Nate's was fair, but he was on the baseball and tennis teams and that meant more to him. Bob's report was poor. Mama found the last report hard to accept, but she finally decided the fault must lie in the teacher. One afternoon when the group had come in from school, they were seated around the kitchen table having a snack and rehashing the day's experiences. Janice said importantly, "I wrote a poem today." "Oh," said Mama. "What was the poem about?" "About families." "What's a poem?" piped up Bob. "It's when you write some lines and the words at the end of them sound just alike, but they are not the same words," explained Janice. "Maybe you would like to read your poem to us," suggested Mama. So Janice, trying to look very grown-up, got out her notebook. "The name of this poem," she said, "is 'Shall Ever Be.' It goes this way: 10 �I belong to a big family. Seven and two make nine, you see. Shall ever be. Mary is the oldest of my mother's. I love her better than thermometers. Shall ever be. Nathan, or Nate, he precipitates. You can see him standing by the gate. Shall ever be. Jane's name ought to have been Flossie Because she always has been bossy. Shall ever be. There's two more sisters and a brother, Who like to fight each with the other. Shall ever be." Nate set down his glass, picked up his cap, and started for the door. He turned and said, "Wouldn't you know it? In this family we've got a poet!" Then he waved to Janice mischievously and called, "Bye, shall ever be!" There was an open meeting of a literary society into which Mary had been initiated, and the public was invited. Mama thought the Barker family should go, and it never occurred to her that the smaller children would be better left at home. From Papa down to baby Susan they were dressed in their best and, as it had been their custom on the farm, they all rode in the wagon to the college. Upon arrival, they all went in together and sat all in a row on one bench. This arrangement was humiliating to Jane. Around her she saw her friends seated in groups of twos and threes, unencumbered by parents or smaller brothers and sisters. She fervently wished that she didn't have to sit there between Bob and Susan, trying to keep them quiet. Even Mama realized that her enthusiasm had carried her too far. The fact that the folks in the valley traveled "en famille" to any public occasion did not quite fit in with the Tarpley customs. From now on she and Papa would take turns staying home with the smaller children. 11 �She felt almost sure that Papa would rather have stayed home this time. It was soon evident that school and its activities would interfere with all family routines anyway. There was some special place for Mary to go every afternoon after school, and she was beginning to want to go out at night. Nate's obsession with sports called for daily practice, which in turn interfered with the wood bin. It never got really filled anymore. Mama was lucky if she got Nate to chop enough ahead to keep the fires going a few hours at a time. Some days he was late getting home in time to do the milking, and of course Jane resented having an extra chore. Bob was also unpredictable. When he failed to turn up at the end of a school day, Jane or Janice was dispatched to find him. Once he couldn't find his cap, and when Jane caught sight of him, he was, she said, "wandering around waiting for his cap to come to him" instead of hunting it. Another day he found a stray kitten and was lugging it home with him. When Jane explained that it probably belonged to someone and he had better let it go, he was reluctant to release it. "It belongs to me now," he argued indignantly, "because I found it, didn't I?" Bob had a special affection for his cap and wore it constantly, removing it when he came inside the house only when reminded to do so. Soon the boys in his grade discovered his attachment to his 12 �headgear and loved to tease him. One afternoon after school, Janice went out and saw a commotion on the playground. Some boys had snatched Bob's cap and were having a fine time playing catch with it, while Bob ran from one boy to another trying ineffectually to retrieve his property. Janice threw down her book satchel, made for the boy who held the cap, and before he was aware of her nearness, she grabbed him by his red hair and with both hands held on for dear life. It wasn't an every day occurrence to see a boy and girl fracas on the school grounds. This one was fast and furious, and it was over in a few minutes. Bob's cap was recovered, Janice's dress was torn, her hair ribbon was lost, and there was a scratch down one check, but the redhead had his battle scars too. Fingernail marks were on his face, buttons were ripped off the front of his shirt, and the pain from the hair pulling caused him to go home howling. Bob shamefacedly picked up his cap, dusted it off, and he and Janice walked home in silence. Mama was disturbed to hear about the fight. She worried for fear there might be an aftermath and probably further troubles because of it. She realized that she had not counted on this kind of trouble when she was planning to put the children in school at Tarpley, but when a week went by and no further mention was made of the fight, she began to breathe easy again. 13 �In 1909 Mary was a member of the graduating class of Tarpley College. Her last year at school had been unusually pleasant. There were less than 400 students at the school. Rich people did not send their children to a struggling small college like Tarpley, so the backgrounds of most students were similar and the school atmosphere was unpretentious and friendly. Joe Tolbert, also a senior, had been Mary's escort to a number of school events and they were good friends. Mary wanted to ask him to come to dinner before the term was over and he left town. Mama agreed, so the date was set. The dinner was a regular home-cooked meal served with mountain hospitality. There was a hen baked with dressing, creamed Irish potatoes, hot biscuits, home-canned pickled peaches, and salad consisting of lettuce, onions, and radishes from the garden. The dessert was homemade ice cream and cake. Mama did not have a matching set of china, silver, or crystal, but she took her one ' 'company" tablecloth and the few good pieces of tableware she did have and matched things up the best she could. Finding herself one napkin short, she got one of Papa's big white handkerchiefs, folded it neatly, and put it beside Bob's plate. "He'll never know the difference," she thought. But she was mistaken, for when they were about half through the meal, Bob held up the article and said in a loud voice, "Say, is this a napkin or a handkerchief?" Otherwise, Mama felt that the children were well-behaved for the company dinner, and she noticed that both Mary and Joe seemed to be enjoying themselves. At Tarpley College in 1909 seniors did not wear caps and gowns for graduation. The boys wore dark suits and the girls white dresses, made just alike. That year the class has chosen organdy for the dress material. The pattern called for a high neckline, very full sleeves, and gathered skirts. The collars and cuffs were edged with lace and there were insets of it in the bodices. The girls were thrilled with their dresses and eagerly looked forward to preening themselves across the stage on graduation day. Then they learned with a shock that Marcella Jones's father had forbidden her to wear her organdy dress because one could see the flesh on her arms and neck through the 14 �sheer material. Such immodesty was unthinkable to him and he refused to listen to his daughter's pleas. When Marcella's classmates heard about the difficulty, they were up in arms, determined that she not be left out. They got together and created a pattern to make a bodice out of broadcloth. It had long, tight-fitting sleeves and a high neck. With the addition underneath the organdy, there was no "seethrough," and Mr. Jones, deciding his daughter's modesty was preserved, allowed her to go on with the others. Mama and Papa, proud of their eldest daughter's achievement, brought the family to the graduation. Mary was elated to be graduating, of course, but the fact that she had been fortunate enough to find a place to teach in an elementary school just seven miles from Tarpley was much more of a thrill to her. A summer with no specially planned vacation trips might seem unendurable to another generation, but to the Barker family it differed not at all. They looked forward to summer, to the overnight visits of friends and cousins, to spending several days at a time with aunts and uncles, to picnics and ice cream suppers at the church, and finally to the family reunion which took place the first Sunday in August each year. This get-together assembled family members who had moved to different localities. From North Carolina they had emigrated to most of the states in the South and West. This year Oklahoma, Oregon, Georgia, and Texas were represented and the clan spirit was evident. Mama enjoyed the reunion along with everyone else, but she thought she could do without some of the extra company the occasion brought. 15 �Coming home from school one sunny autumn day soon after the term had started, Jane was happy as a lark. Her friend Jud had asked her to join a group for a picnic on top of Hamburg Mountain. They were to make sandwiches, hike up the mountain, build a bonfire, and watch the sunset. Jane was so excited at the prospect that she rushed to tell Mama. She found Mama lying on the bed with a towel folded across her forehead. Apparently she was "undone," as she called it, with a migraine headache. Jane knew quite well there would be no picnic, and although she was sorry for Mama, she resented having to change her plans. She went to her room, changed clothes, and stalked into the disordered kitchen where she stoically proceeded to put things to rights and begin preparations for the evening meal. Some weeks later Mama was alone in the house when Jane came home from school. After greeting her, Mama said diffidently, "I guess you have noticed that we're going to have an addition to the family." "Well, yes I have," admitted Jane, "and Fm awfully sorry." "Why," countered Mama, "don't you believe it's the Lord's will for us to have another baby?" "I think the Lord had some help with this one," said Jane sarcastically. "That is irreverent," said Mama reprovingly, "and Fm surprised at you." "It may be" said Jane, "but I can't help it. You have had enough children and you're too old. People won't know whether you are parents or grandparents when they see you with a baby. And another thing, I just wish Papa had to have this baby!" Jane knew she had not been very kind to Mama and she was ashamed for having given way to her feelings. She knew she was lucky to have the kind of parents she had, too. They weren't too demanding or overstrict, and they didn't resort to physical punishment as some parents she knew were wont to do. She resolved to be more respectful in the future. "But darn it all," she said to herself. "It just isn't fair. Mama gets the worst of everything. She must have the baby and then she has to be up with it at night so she doesn't get enough 16 �rest to do all the things she has to do. One thing is for sure—I never intend to have eight children!" On a snowy night in mid-February Jane was wakened by unusual noises, which of course she understood. She knew she was not to leave her room unless she was called for, so she sank back into a semiconscious state. The next morning family members were informed that they had a new baby brother named Daniel. He was like a new toy to the younger children. As soon as they arrived from school they made a beeline for his crib and expressed disappointment if he was sleeping. Jane at first was aloof and standoffish, but one afternoon she went to see him and found him lying in his crib trying to catch his own hands and cooing to himself. Involuntarily she exclaimed, "Oh, you little cutie!" Then she admitted to herself, "And to think, I didn't even want him!" The rest of the winter was a hard one. With six children in school and a baby to care for, Mama had no leisure. But with all that, she was worried about Papa. She knew he was finding it increasingly difficult to provide for the needs of his growing family. Farmers still patronized the blacksmith shop, but in the last five years automobiles had penetrated even the mountain fastnesses of the Blue Ridge and 17 �more and more people were discarding their horses and converting their stables into "car bams." Papa was pessimistic. "The automobile will ruin this country, just you wait and see/1 he predicted. Meanwhile, Jane was in a world of her own. At sixteen she was receiving for the first time in her life marked attention from a young man. Jud walked with her back and forth from school, sat with her in church on Sunday, and escorted her to all available school functions. She fell deeply and wholeheartedly in love. One afternoon she took Danny out for an airing in his carriage. On the way down the street, she met Jud and they walked along together. A tourist couple out for a stroll stopped them and the woman exclaimed, "What a beautiful baby. But you to look awfully young to be parents." Jane assured her that the baby was her brother, and as they walked on she laughed at the incident. To her surprise, however, Jud was not amused. One weekend Jud made no effort to get in touch with her. Jane was at first irritated and then worried. She thought of calling his dorm, but she knew Mama would disapprove of such forward behavior. On Monday she went to school certain that Jud would explain his sudden behavior. Instead she saw a classmate who said, "Guess what? When my brother went to Asheville on Saturday, he saw Jud with Jessie Baldwin. They seemed to be having a high old time." Jane fled to the sanctuary of the library where she could let the news sink in. She had trusted him so completely and believed that they would always love each other. She was sure her heart was broken and she would never be happy again. For days she went around mechanically doing her duties, often giving way to tears after her younger sisters had gone to sleep. Mama understood what was happening and finally had a talk with Jane. She told her that often a young girl was in love with love, not a person, especially not a person who had a roving eye and whose fancy often changed. Such a person was usually in love with himself, unsettled, and immature. Mama assured Jane that she was too young to get serious with a man and that she should think of her disappointment as a learning experience. Jane didn't think Mama knew much about such things, although she thought it good of her to be so sympathetic. Eventually Jud came back to see her and tried to patch things up, but Jane knew the magic was gone. 18 �6 Nate, two years older than Jane, was behind her in school. He was a pitcher on the baseball team and one of Tarpley's best tennis players. It seemed that he was much more interested in sports than in his studies. When Jane or Mama tried to encourage him to pay more attention to his required classes, he usually said, "What's the big hurry? There's plenty of time." Then one Saturday afternoon, like a bolt from the blue, tragedy struck the Barker family. From time to time Nate did any odd jobs available to make what he called his "spending money." A distant cousin operated a farm just outside Tarpley and he needed some help harvesting a crop of corn for ensilage. Nate was given the job of feeding the stalks into a shredder which then went into a silo. While he was working, the cuff of his leather glove was caught by a stalk, pulling his hand into the shredder. In a matter of seconds, his arm was torn and mangled to the elbow. Papa, white-faced and weak, came into the house to tell the rest of the family about the tragedy. He had been summoned immediately to the scene of the accident, and when he had seen Nate's bloodspattered clothes and mangled arm, he had cried out, "My God, Nate. Oh my God!" and had turned aside to be sick. He himself had ridden with his son in the ambulance to the hospital in Asheville. The doctor had told him that an emergency operation was necessary, and Papa had given his permission for Nate's right arm to be amputated just above the elbow. The family listened to the news of the horrible accident as though they were in a daze. Finally Mama said, "We must all be brave and thank the Lord his life was saved." "But Mama," exclaimed Mary. "What can he do with just one arm? What will become of him?" All the Barkers mourned for the one whose interest in sports had been the ruling obsession of his life. It was almost as if he had died. A few nights later as the family sat around the supper table, Mama knew she must discuss the crisis facing them the next day when Nate was scheduled to come home from the hospital. "When he gets here," 19 �said Mama, ''nobody must notice his bandaged arm. We must smile and welcome him as if he had been on a vacation, and there must be no tears." When there was a general protest that it would be impossible not to notice his empty sleeve, Mama was firm. "We can do it and we must. He is the one who will have to learn to live without his arm, and I think it would be selfish and weak of us if we can't muster enough courage to try to make his homecoming cordial and unemotional." Four-year-old Danny climbed out of his chair and came to stand by Mama. He looked up into her face searchingly and said, "But Mama, when Nate comes home and is well again, his arm will grow back, won't it?" Mama, her eyes swimming with tears, could not answer. She got up hastily and began to carry the dishes to the kitchen. Papa, his own eyes suspiciously moist, took Danny on his lap and held him. On the following afternoon when Nate arrived looking surprisingly natural, glad to see everybody and happy to be home, no mention was made of his arm. According to Mama's instructions, everyone tried to think of some interesting bit of news to tell him. At supper Papa added to his usual blessing, "We thank you, Lord, that the family is united again," and the first hurdle was over. As the days passed Nate proved to have a wonderful attitude about his fate. If he was in pain and frustrated because he could not accomplish something, he was not embittered and tried hard to be cheerful for Papa and Mama's sake. Knowing that he could no longer hope for a sports career, he decided he must concentrate his efforts on getting a diploma. "The way it looks now," he said, "the best thing for me to do is to get through school and become an 'old maid school teacher' like the rest of the Barkers." Jane's graduation came and went almost unnoticed, and it was late June before she found a place to teach. Her situation was like Mary's—she would have the first three grades in a two-teacher school close to Tarpley, making the munificent sum of forty dollars a month. Nate and Janice were both scheduled to complete requirements for graduation the following year. Nate was not unhappy during his last year in school. He had learned to dress himself and could even shave with a straight-edged razor and tie his own shoes. Mary had given him a special knife-and20 �fork combination, which allowed him to feed himself. Then he discovered he could still play tennis, grasping the ball between his thumb and second and third fingers, tossing it in the air, and then in a second swing sending it smashing across the court with his racquet. He also resumed his baseball practice, using the stump of his arm for an anchor as he wound up to pitch the ball. When another graduation ceremony rolled around, two Barkers were on the list. Janice, so gifted in music, was also honored by being named valedictorian. And the senior awarded the medal for making the most progress in public speaking was Nate Barker. 21 �The Barkers, especially Mama, had looked forward to seeing half of their brood out of college. They visualized a period of time when financial burdens would lighten and they would have a breathing spell before the next quartet had to have tuition for their higher education. With four of them working, it ought to be easier! But although no one needed tuition for the 1916-17 school year, the Barkers had a new set of worries. Tarpley was to have a light and power system installed, and Papa and Mama thought this was an opportunity they could not afford to miss. They also knew that finding money to pay for this improvement and others would not be easy. Mama knew that the children who were working would help with these extras, but she wished it could be done without asking them to contribute. The first thing they added that summer was a bathroom on one end of the back porch. A window was cut on one side and a door led out to the porch. The fixtures were installed and an oil burning stove was connected with a tank for heating water. The bathroom, even for the six people now at home, was a luxury, especially during the summer. When winter came though, with an occasional "cold snap," it was not unusual for the Barkers to revert to the zinc tub behind the kitchen range. Shortly thereafter, the electric lights were installed. The house, built as it was, made it necessary for the wiring to run inside the rooms, all exposed to view. It was not an aesthetic improvement, but even so, nobody wanted to go back to using the smelly oil lamps or to take up the task of washing smoked lamp chimneys, with the daily chores of trimming wicks and filling the lamps with oil. Late one afternoon Mama sat alone on the porch, ignoring the sunset which on other occasions she would have called magnificent. She was not relaxing either. She was confused, realizing to her dismay that she had been so determined in her single-minded way to accomplish a certain goal that she had lost sight of other things. First there was Papa, whose blacksmith shop clearly would soon be a thing of the past. Already he was opening it only on weekends, spending the rest of his time working as a carpenter in a construction company. Mama still felt guilty about insisting that he move away from 22 �Swannanoa, and this decline in business surely did not make him any happier about being in Tarpley. Then there was Mary. She had decided she no longer wanted to teach. She had been offered a scholarship to Columbia University in New York City and was sure she would die if she didn't get to go. When she got a degree in home economics, then she would be eligible to become a home demonstration agent—that was the big thing in North Carolina now, with every county having an agent—and she would be much better paid than if she taught. Papa had said, "But, Mary, the scholarship won't pay all your expenses. You'll have to borrow money. Why don't you stay here and teach a few years, then get married and have a family of your own?" "Papa, with all the brothers and sisters I've had around me all my life, I don't want to start another family," Mary had replied, apparently determined to continue her education. 23 �Then there was Bob. Reluctantly Mama admitted that in all likelihood slow moving, good natured Bob was not likely to graduate from any high school, much less college. Papa would just have to help him get some kind of job, maybe as a carpenter. She knew it was not logical, but she felt it was impossible to have borne a child who didn't share her ambition and desire to finish school. It just didn't bear thinking about. Mama was realizing that all children were not alike just because they happened to be brothers and sisters. She was also becoming aware of the fact that her children were becoming young men and women with ideas and ambitions of their own, and not all of these coincided with hers. It was time to cook supper, so she rose and went inside. She worked automatically at her chores, but her mind was still busy with her problems. She wanted to find something to help eke out their income. More and more women were working outside their home, and if the war that was being talked and written about materialized, still more women would be needed. Trying to think of places that might be open to women, she recalled that practically all milliners were women—but she couldn't trim hats! She could not work in a laundry or a bakery or a restaurant because she couldn't stay away from home such long hours. Maybe she could write a book, but, also, maybe she couldn't. The only things she could write about would be those she had actually experienced—prosaic, ordinary happenings which nobody would read about. She had no imagination. It had been in the back of her mind all along, but now she was ready to acknowledge that she meant to try to teach school again. She didn't think Papa would approve, so she decided she would turn things over in her mind awhile before she told him about her plans. Papa could be very abrupt at times. She remembered an evening they had spent with friends and the subject of women's suffrage had come up. She expressed herself as being in favor of it and said she looked forward to the time when women could vote. Papa had said very positively, "Now Cora, you are old enough to know that women's place is in the home." Mama thought a woman's place was in the home as long as the children needed her, but after they all went to school, she decided that a woman's place was wherever she could find a place. 24 �8 Jane's year of teaching a few miles from Tarpley convinced her that she truly enjoyed her work but she didn't like living at home now that she was able to support herself. She wanted to get away for awhile and be on her own, so she was very pleased to be offered a job in the extreme northeastern section of North Carolina. It was five hundred miles from Tarpley and within ten miles of the Atlantic Ocean. As excited as Jane was to get this school, she was unprepared for all the changes she encountered. Born and reared in the Carolina mountains, she knew no landscape but hills that curved up and down with unexpected level valleys bordering clear streams, and, in the distance, fresh green hills with the soft blue mountains forming a background beyond them. Boarding the train in the afternoon, she watched the shifting scenery until nightfall. When she awoke the next morning in her Pullman berth, she looked out the window and was amazed that the land stretched away as far as the eye could see, flat as the palm of her hand. 25 �A trustee of the school met Jane at the depot and drove her the seven miles to Cranston, the little community where she would be teaching. The sandy road, stretching straight as an arrow, was bordered on both sides by great fields of cotton and peanuts. Jane, accustomed to red clay hills, thought this soil looked unproductive, but she had to admit eventually that the crops she saw were growing lustily. The trustee told her that many of the peanut fields had single furrows over a mile long without a single curve in them. Jane received a warm welcome from the Cranston community. Many of the patrons called on her and often she was invited to Sunday dinner by the parents of some of her pupils. On Saturday nights there was usually a gathering of the young working people in somebody's house. Jane had worried that she might be homesick, but she was far too busy with her schoolwork and socializing even to think about home much. She threw herself into her work, gradually becoming accustomed to the strange landscape and peculiar accents. People in the eastern part of the state talked so differently that she kept a notebook of localisms she had never heard before, such as, "He chunked a rock right through the window," and, "That was some kind of pretty/' and, "I thought you won't going to town today." Once when she was telling her class that she had never seen big fields of peanuts or the blooms and balls of a cotton stalk before, a serious looking little boy raised his hand. "If you don't have any peanuts and cotton, how do people make a living?" he asked. Jane tried to explain that cattle raising and truck farming, such as apples, hay, and corn, were the principal ways of making a living in her part of the state, but he still looked puzzled. "I guess he won't understand until he sees it himself," she thought. One of the young people Jane met at the first Saturday night party was Boyd Brock. She had been flattered by the attention he had paid her ever since, but after her experience with Jud she had treated him very cautiously. Her reluctance to accept his invitations seemed to make him all the more eager to be with her, and he was a frequent visitor at the teacherage. On a lovely spring afternoon Boyd asked Jane to ride with him down to the beach. He was driving a shiny rubber-tired buggy and they skimmed along the smooth sandy roads with ease. Sometimes there were palm trees bordering the way; sometimes at the edge of 26 �a swampy place the tall cypress trees stood with their knees sticking up out of the brackish water. When they reached the little town, Boyd left his horse and buggy at the livery stable and the couple set out on foot to explore the premises. They walked along the beach, gathered some sea oats, and came back by a drug store where they got sandwiches and milkshakes. Suddenly Jane realized it was getting late and she must be back at her boarding house before twilight. She didn't dare be out driving with a young man after dark. During the return trip Boyd said to her, without any preamble or warning, "You know, Fve been thinking, and I believe it would be a good thing for you and I to get married." Jane didn't take him seriously. "For you and I?" she asked him archly. "Don't you mean 'for you and me?" "I mean for you and I," he answered positively. "I like the sound of it that way. And I mean what I'm saying and I want you to think about it, too. If you do, I believe I can convince you that I am right." "Well, what am I to do—say This is so sudden' and fall into a swoon?" "You faint? Well, I'm from Missouri! But if you do, I'll catch you, and when you 'come to' just remember what I have said." 27 �The conversation was not pursued during the rest of the ride back to Cranston, but the subject came up again the following Sunday. Jane and Boyd went to church together, and because it was a second Sunday there was dinner on the grounds and almost everyone in the Cranston area went to church. A good number of automobiles were parked out front, but the patch of woods at the back of the church still held buggies and horses, the mode of transportation for a large percentage of the congregation. Boyd had taken his horse from the buggy and tied him in a shady spot. The buggy he left at the edge of the woods, as he said, for propriety's sake so that everyone could see what was going on. The trestle tables were loaded with delicacies on which a multitude could have fed. After going up and down the tables, leisurely taking samples from dishes and making conversation with the folks who had prepared them, Boyd said to Jane. "If I keep this up I'll be kissing all the babies and hugging all the grandmas just like a real politician." "Don't tell me you were bored/' said Jane. "You loved it all! I had to stand aside and be the staid school marm while you were the Prince Charming!" "That's just what I've been trying to tell you," he answered. "That's one of the reasons why we ought to get married. I know I get carried away sometimes and am irresponsible, but you are sedate and practical and matter of fact. You need me to loosen you up a bit and I need you to nail me down when I get out of hand!" As he left her late that afternoon he said, "I've enjoyed this day. We must go to church somewhere real soon where they'll have dinner on the grounds again." But it didn't happen that way. The next week Boyd called unannounced to see Jane. They sat in Mrs. Tilson's parlor with its organ, horsehair sofa, and starched lace curtains. He had come to tell her that he was being called into the army and in a few days must report to Camp Sevier in Greenville, South Carolina. Jane was stunned. She knew the war was going on, but it was far away and had not touched her family yet. Papa was too old, Nate was ineligible, and Bob was too young. A lot of her friends and associates were in the service and a great many were already in France. Of course, everyone out of uniform was questioned. She 28 �remembered that at a party one night, when Boyd was asked why he hadn't gone, he had replied impudently that he was a conscientious objector. Another time when the subject was broached, he had said he was a Four F because of a brain defect. Boyd had made it all appear like a big joke then, but tonight he was different. He told her, "If I said I wanted to go Fd be lying. I don't like anything about the army and I dread going. I can't help wondering why America feels she must be mixed up in all those European nations who are trying to kill each other. But I am no better than all the fellows who have had to go before me. So, now that my turn has come, I'll do my best." Jane didn't want to be serious. She was afraid she might cry, and she did not share the generally accepted idea that tears were a woman's prerogative and her best weapon. For her, they were a sign of weakness, and she had often told herself when she was disturbed, "I'm too big to cry." So, she said to Boyd instead, "Oh, I know you! You won't be in France long before you will have found yourself a pretty little mademoiselle and you'll forget all about me!" "Sure, I'll be on the lookout for a little Frenchie," Boyd replied. "But don't you worry—when it's over I'll be back and a certain little hillbilly had better be waiting for me!" 29 �9 Back in Tarpley, things were on the mend. Mama made peace with Papa about trying to go back to teaching. She had reviewed the textbooks she needed for the teacher's examination, and shortly after she took it, she received word that she had earned a creditable rating. Her first applications for a place to teach were disappointing since no one seemed to have an opening, especially for someone as old as she was. But she kept trying, and, finally, she heard of a one-teacher school "around the mountain" from Tarpley, at Allman's Cove, where the teacher had resigned because of illness. Mama lost no time getting to the trustees to offer her services, and, since they did not want the school term interrupted, they asked if she could begin on Monday. Although that schedule gave Mama only the weekend to get ready, she consented. She hurried home with the news and after supper had a family conference. The chores were divided so that each person was allowed, as much as possible, to choose the things he or she liked best to do. Bob could not be counted on for as much as the girls, for he was doing odd jobs for people when he could. Just now, he was working with Papa as a carpenter's helper, but he was assigned the tasks of keeping the kitchen woodbox filled and of looking after the Warm Morning heater which had replaced the fireplace in the dining room. In the winter time the whole family used that room as a sitting room. Millie, always dependable and good-natured, was to be responsible for Danny from the time his school was out until Mama could get home in the afternoon. She would share the bedmaking, dishwashing, and ironing with Susan. Susan would also see that the pantry had the essential staples for cooking, but Mama would still be the cook, taking over the kitchen at night. While these plans were being made, Papa sat in his easy chair, engaged with the newspaper. He was content for Mama and the children to work out these plans on paper, where they sounded easy. If she was determined to go back to teaching, Papa thought, let her work it out. On Monday morning Mama cooked her usual breakfast of sausage, eggs, hot biscuits, butter, and jelly. When she had her brood 30 �at the table, she fixed a lunch pail for Papa and Bob, made herself a sandwich for lunch, hastily threw on her clothes, and made off for school. Bob had hitched up old Dixie to the now creaking buggy. Mama piled in with her books, a bundle of kindling, a kettle, a sack of oats for Dixie, and some odds and ends of school materials her older children had used and discarded. In spite of all the trouble in getting off to school, Mama was in a cheerful mood. With her experience with children of all ages, she felt confident that she could handle this group. Also, she admitted to herself that she was looking forward to being out of the house several hours a day, even if she might have to work longer hours to keep things going. Mama had never studied psychology, but she had a good understanding of human nature. It did not take her long to spot the school bully, the smart aleck, and the troublemakers among her students. She saw to it that the bully left the small children alone, and she could squelch the smart aleck with a look, but as she did so 31 �she tried to make friends with all the students. She told them that every pupil must cooperate if they were to have a successful school, and that she needed their help. Of course, these generally considered roughnecks in Allman's Cove did not turn into perfect students overnight. Mama had her problems. She was not always able to forestall unpleasant situations that sometimes marred a day, but as time went on, things improved. The pupils responded to her sincere efforts and she soon had allies willing to work with her. The twenty-five students of assorted ages and scattered in grades from one to seven all in one room presented a challenge to Mama. She planned her schedule so she could have two, three, and sometimes four classes going at the same time. She tried to do most of her teaching to the ones in the sixth and seventh grades and to the five and six-year-olds who were beginners. Under her direction and with her lesson plans, some of the larger pupils could take charge of certain classes. �She had a box of soil placed in one corner of the room and in it the students experimented with seedlings and rooted cuttings. On Friday afternoon they had varied activities—one Friday a spelling bee, the next a hike to a nearby waterfall and a picnic supper, another a program of original compositions. These were written by the older children describing some lesson they had liked (or disliked). Mama picked out poems that she thought all children should know and had the pupils memorize and recite them by turns. On the last Friday before Thanksgiving, she took from home a big frying pan and the ingredients for making dough. Some of her pupils brought dried apples already cooked and seasoned. She kept four students inside to help her cook (two boys and two girls, since Mama firmly believed that boys should know how to cook) and excused the others to go hunting or identifying autumn leaves on the school grounds. Mama and her four helpers made and fried dried apple turnovers on the big iron stove. They were hot and delicious and made a great feast for the children. The stove had a broken leg and was propped up on bricks, and there were other things wrong with the schoolroom. A few windowpanes were missing. New blackboards and chalk were needed. There was no money allotted for school supplies and Mama decided she would have to do something about it. She discussed the matter with the trustees and they encouraged her to have a box supper. Notes were sent to all the parents urging them to come and to invite others in the community. The school room was decorated with holly, fir, and spruce boughs and looked very attractive. A trustee was the auctioneer and the boxes were promptly sold. After supper, word games were played in which all could take part. The evening ended with a string band from the cove playing old familiar songs for a community sing. Mama was elated with the results. There was money enough to take care of the most pressing needs, and she had a warm feeling of gratitude for the patrons who had helped to make the evening a success. Even Papa and Danny had gone along with her. She knew Papa would never openly admit it, but she was sure he had had a good time! Danny thought it was great and said so repeatedly. After hearing the string band play, he decided he needed a banjo, too. Having a job made a world of difference to Mama. She had been tired of the house with its unrelenting chores, and although she had 33 �been on a merry-go-round since she had started school, she enjoyed the change and felt she was more a part of what was going on around her. In the past, she had also grown oh so weary of having to ask for every cent she received. Now, small as her salary was, it helped and Mama was able to give money to her own children for incidentals. She was ever so happy with her teaching. 34 �10 Christmas of 1917 was to be a quiet affair. For the first time in twenty-six years, all the members of the family would not be home for the holidays. Mary, in New York, was doing some clerical work in addition to her classes, and would only have a few days off from work. Jane, in Cranston, had decided the trip would be too expensive for her to make. Still, that left eight people to look out for, so Mama didn't really expect a vacation. Christmas would be quiet for other reasons. The war had taken thousands of young men overseas and already there were some who would not come back. Mama said she felt sad every time she saw a young man in uniform. The preacher said, 'There shall be wars and rumors of wars/' but she didn't believe they should go on forever, especially when to her it seemed the fighting came about because one country decided it should have some land that belonged to another settled nation. 35 �Christmas Day came. The Barker family had all hung up their stockings and they enjoyed opening presents before the usual Christmas feast. Then they sat around the fire, popped popcorn, and played games until bedtime. The surprise came the next day, when they awoke to look out on a white world and a howling blizzard. It had piled snow high in drifts and paralyzed traffic. To add to the discomfort, it was bitterly cold, and the family was housebound. "Storms like this belong to New England, not as far south as the Carolinas," Mama thought. The first day or two went splendidly. They made a huge snowman and had a few snowball fights. Once a day they wrapped up warmly and walked to the post office. The young folks were invited to a friend's home to a "candy pulling." Homemade molasses was boiled on top of the stove until it thickened. After it was cooled enough to be handled, a mass of it was given to each couple who faced each other and pulled together. After a while the candy stiffened, and then it was broken in short lengths and called "stick candy." One night after supper they all sat around the fire while Papa read aloud "Snowbound" by John Greenleaf Whittier. They all thought it was a very appropriate poem for such an occasion. By the end of the week the poem seemed too much like their own situation. Everyone began to seem edgy and get on each other's nerves. They felt restless and housebound and even looked forward to the end of vacation. When the new year was ushered in and the weather improved, they were soon back on the same old merry-go-round. Papa was working in Asheville, which was fast becoming a tourist attraction. One hotel after another was under construction. For transportation he had to commute on the little interurban streetcar line which ran from Tarpley to Asheville, and he carried his lunch with him. Bob had gone to Knoxville, where he was staying with Papa's brother Jim. He was taking a six-month training course to work as a garage mechanic. Only the three younger children were at home. It made Mama feel lonely to think of how quickly her brood had scattered. Although she kept as busy as ever, she missed each one of her absent children daily. The cold winter of 1917 ended in time, and the spring of 1918 was lovely, but people were more and more conscious of the war going on. Jane wrote that Boyd was still in camp and feeling resentful because he had not been sent overseas. In the midst of war, one can 36 �hardly realize just what is happening, and since news of a battle came by cable or appeared a day or two late in the newspaper, no one could predict the duration of the outcome of this supposed "war to end wars." Mama thought Jane was more interested in Boyd than she would admit even to herself, and it made her anxious. She wondered what he really was like and if he would be another "ladies' man" with a roving fancy like Jud. She wished she could see Jane and talk to her. When school ended in May, Mama went into an orgy of house cleaning. She washed windows, laundered curtains, sunned quilts and mattresses, mopped floors and scrubbed the wide planks of the kitchen floor until they were spotless, hung the carpet from the parlor on the clothesline, and beat the dust out of it with a broom. Mama was proud of this carpet, even though Susan often complained that it did not have flowers like those other people had. Grandma Patton had made the parlor carpet out of old clothing cut in strips and sewn together. Then she had woven the strips on a big loom which stood in the corner of her kitchen. It took fifteen square yards of carpeting for the parlor, and Mama had forgotten how long it had taken Grandma to make it. Soon Janice and Jane arrived for their summer vacations, but Nate was not to be with them. He had a job offer as a desk clerk in a hotel in the town where he had been teaching and was quite happy with it. Although everyone missed Nate, it was a lively household without him. They made up teams for the daily chores: Mama and Danny took the kitchen garden and what they called the front yard, Millie and Susan chose the house cleaning, and Janice and Jane did the cooking. They all shared the washing and ironing. The Barkers had recently acquired a washing machine, a forerunner of electric machines but infinitely easier to operate than the scrubbing board. The hand-operated machine stood on four legs, supporting a tub with a rounded bottom in which a wooden inset called a cradle rocked back and forth over the soapy clothes. Attached to one side of the washer was a hand-turned wringer, which saved a lot of hard wrist work but was also a grand place to catch the buttons of a garment at the wrong angle and snap them off. Danny called it the button buster. Practically all the young men the age of Jane and Janice were away in service, but the girls did not seem to mind. Jane spent a good part of her vacation in summer school, earning extra credits necessary 37 �for a pay raise. Janice belonged to a string band which played for various social activities and often gave open air concerts in the park on Sunday afternoons. Susan saw to it that the Barker house had some teenagers in evidence. Millie, the agreeable one, often went along on Susan's outings. She told Janice she was Susan's chaperone. Danny was the one Mama was concerned about. One would think that the youngest child in a big family would be very lucky. He'd have older brothers and sisters to spoil him, give up to him, and provide things they did not have at his age. But it did not always work out that way. Being so much younger than the others, he was like an only child who had to grow up alone and, as Danny said, had more bosses than any one person could ever get along with. So she and Danny worked together in the vegetable garden and in cleaning up the premises, and she encouraged him to have boys his age over for an afternoon. Millie and Susan were constantly singing the war songs—"Over There," "It's a Long Way to Tipperary," "K-K-K-Katie," and "Keep the Home Fires Burning." They had also learned a new game called "Rook," and on summer evenings they often had a table or two going. Some preferred dominoes, some checkers, but everybody liked Rook. Papa was shocked when someone told him that Rook was played just like regular cards. Simple substitutions had been made— fourteen for an ace, thirteen for a king, twelve for a queen, and eleven for a jack. He was undecided as to whether he should allow this game in his house. He remembered very well that he had promised his father to have nothing to do with playing cards, and to him it was unthinkable to break that promise. The children, however, were able to convince him that the numbers had no relations to the wicked emblems, and the game went on. Mama thought she must have been born lucky, or at least she sometimes did have a lucky break, like the one that came late that summer. A lot of teachers were leaving the classrooms since the war had opened new and better paying jobs for women. When one of the teachers in Tarpley Elementary left to work for the Red Cross, the trustees offered the place to Mama. Her new position solved many problems. She felt that she had proved she could teach and still carry on at home. She would be teaching in the same school that Danny attended, and even though he was not in her grade, she could keep an eye on him. Susan was 38 �entering Tarpley College in September, and Millie was to be a junior. The outlook seemed bright for a pleasant and peaceful school year. When Papa had sold the farm in Swannanoa and had bought the house in Tarpley, there had been a little money left over. With it he had invested in forty acres of land about one mile outside Tarpley. It was poor, unproductive, and neglected, but it was cheap. They had named it the Briar Patch, and it was a special favorite for all the family for many kinds of outings. Some apple trees still produced a crop in the fall, and there were chestnut trees and chinquapin bushes and wild grapevines—all of which attracted the children and young people. One Sunday afternoon in September, Mama and Papa took a basket and decided to walk over to the Briar Patch to get some wild grapes for making jelly. It was a warm September afternoon. The goldenrod and Joe Pye weed vied with the red of the dogwood leaves and sourwood. The clear yellow of the hickory trees added their contrast. They walked to the little spring which flowed from under the mountain and sat down on a big flat stone beside the small stream that trickled from the spring. The grapes were on the mountain side, and they needed to get their breath before they started the climb. Also, they were thirsty. 39 �"There's no water anywhere else that tastes like cold spring water/1 Papa said after his second drink as he wiped his forehead with his handkerchief and hung the gourd dipper back in its place on the spring house wall. They climbed the steep hill to the woods where the grapevines were. The crop was bountiful and hung heavy and ripe so that their basket was soon filled. "Oh, drat it all/' said Mama when she surveyed the tear in her stockings which the brambles had snagged as she walked by. "I wish I had worn pants." Papa looked at her with mischief in his eyes and answered, "You wear the pants in this family anyhow, Cora." "If I do, I surely wish I'd had them on today. It would have saved my stockings." The Briar Patch was situated in a little valley, and they had another climb to make to get back to the highway. When they got to the top of the knoll they stood to take in the view. At the horizon were outlined three blue mountains almost exactly the same size and shape, and at that distance they seemed identical. They were known as the Three Sisters. The dark green of the pine forest was interposed between the blue range and the trees tinged with early fall colors. The sun was setting with the rosy orange of an autumn sunset. It was a glorious view and an enchanted moment in their lives. Not given much to talking, they stood there drinking in the beauty of their surroundings and sharing with each other a sense of peace and wellbeing. 40 �11 In November the armistice was signed and even small towns like Tarpley celebrated exuberantly. Bells rang, whistles blew, bands played, schools were dismissed, and the children marched in parades up the streets. The world, as all were told, was about to begin an existence where brotherhood was foremost and there would be no more war. Schoolwork seemed easier than it had been the year before, and the weeks slipped by. Mama said she had better keep her fingers crossed, for just as surely as she thought that everything was moving smoothly for them, some sort of calamity befell the family or some unexpected problem arose. Soon the predicted calamity showed itself. A letter from Bob told them he was about through with his training course, and he was sure he would get a job. Also, he had met a girl he liked a lot and they decided that they wanted to get married—he knew Papa and Mama would understand that he needed some money. ''Heavens above!" exclaimed Papa. "He's only nineteen years old and evidently doesn't even have a job. What in the world can he be thinking of?" Mama mourned to herself, "He's planned to be exactly what I was trying so hard to spare my children from becoming—a day laborer with little hope of advancement." They decided to write Bob immediately, asking him to come home for a visit and let them talk things over before he took such a step. The next morning the letter was dispatched, and they waited with some apprehension for an answer. About a week later the answer came. Bob thought it would be a good idea to come home, and he was planning to do so. He and Lula had thought it would be easier all around if they got married and came together so that is what they had done. He had bargained for an old secondhand car and was trying to "patch it up" so they could travel in it. He would let them know when to expect them. Neither Papa nor Mama was the sort of person to go into a tirade or have hysterics when receiving such a shock. They read the letter and sat in stunned silence trying to realize just what was happening. 41 �Mama noticed that at the bottom of the page Bob had written "(over)." She turned the letter over and on the back he had added, * Tula's Mama is coming with us." That weekend Bob, Lula, and Mrs. Drake arrived. Millie gave up her room to Bob and Lula and moved in with Susan, while Mrs. Drake occupied the only spare bedroom in the house. Mama comforted the girls by saying, "It will only be for a few days," but as she made the statement she knew deep inside that she was only trying to convince herself and hoping against hope that the situation was not as grim as it seemingly was going to be. The affairs of the family continued without interruption. Everyone got up in the mornings, did the chores, and went their separate ways for the day's occupations. Bob, Lula, and Mrs. Drake stayed at the house, apparently quite satisfied. They made themselves very much at home. One week went by, then another, and still another. Mama and Papa were feeling the strain. They felt helpless and depressed. Bob had not only ignored their advice, but also he had brought to their house two complete strangers, who apparently intended to spend the winter. Of course, Bob didn't realize what he was doing, but Mama's philosophy was the same as always, "I don't know what in the world we can do, but I know we've simply got to do something!" Papa took Bob out and talked to him. "Son, you said you were ready to go to work. Are you trying to find yourself a job?" "I aim to pretty soon," Bob answered. "I think you'd better start right today. You have taken on the responsibility of looking after somebody besides yourself and how are you going to do that without a job?" "I thought we would stay with you a little while." "That was all right for a while, but we can't take on three extra people to house and feed indefinitely. You must know that. Now, you find yourself something to do, and Mama and I will help you get enough things together to go to housekeeping. I suppose your motherin-law will be going back home soon, won't she?" "I-I don't know," Bob said weakly. "Well, one thing at a time," Papa said. "You see if one of the garages will hire you and then we will make some further plans." When Bob did find a job in a garage a couple of miles up the highway, Papa and Mama went to see a widow who lived nearby and had rooms to let. There were two large rooms with an outside en42 �trance through a side porch. While it was not built for a kitchen, the owner was willing for them to use one of the rooms for that purpose and suggested that they buy a two-burner oil stove for cooking. When they took Bob and Lula to look at the rooms, there was little excitement or anticipation evident. Both seemed confused and bewildered as they looked around. Lula said, 'Two rooms is not enough for three people/' Mama said, "Well, maybe Mrs. Drake will rent another room for herself." "But she can't afford to do that," Lula answered. "She only has enough for her clothes and doctor bills. She's not well, you know." "In that case, I guess you'll have to start with two rooms anyway, since Bob can't afford to pay any more rent." Papa and Mama got a wooden bedstead out of the attic, cleaned and polished it, and bought some coil springs and a mattress, since feather beds and straw ticks were no longer in vogue. They gave Bob the chest of drawers that had been in his room, found an old table or two, and bought the suggested oil stove for the kitchen. Bob had come up with a cot Mrs. Drake could use (and criticize), and the housekeeping experiment got under way. Mama's parting words to them were, "Remember, we want you to come have dinner with us on Sunday." 43 �12 One December day in 1918, Jane was busy in her school room in Cranston. Her class was studying about the first settlements in America, and after she discovered that the story in the textbook had little meaning for the children, she decided to construct a sand table. They made log cabins out of cardboard and put deer, foxes, and rabbits in the forest. They were busy trying to decide the best place to put a church with a small steeple when there was a knock at the door. A pupil opened it and then turned to Jane to say, "There's someone to see you." Jane pushed her hair back from her forehead and went to see who the caller was. A long arm pulled her unceremoniously out into the hall, closed the door, gave her a bear hug and a lusty kiss, and she leaned back to let her see where the whirlwind came from. It was Boyd. He opened the door and followed her into the room, and, while she was still trying to compose herself, she heard him say, "Aren't you going to introduce me?" Without hesitating she announced, "Boys and girls, this is Mr. Brooks, who has just come home from France." Then she added, hoping as she did to give him a bit of a shock in return, "Perhaps he would like to talk to you now." For a second Boyd did seem startled, but he quickly recovered himself and with elaborate ceremony he felt in his coat pocket, in his pants pockets, and even in his vest pocket as if he were frantically searching for something. "You know," he said, "I had a speech all written out but Fm afraid I left it at home. So I'll just have to say hello to you boys and girls and tell you I hope that by the time you grow up there won't be any more wars and you'll never have to go fight in one." As Boyd picked up his hat and started to leave the room, he passed by Jane and whispered, "111 see you tonight." That evening they sat in the swing on Mrs. Tilson's vine-covered porch. Boyd said, "I just can't believe it has happened—to realize that I could go where I have been, could slog through rain and mud in the trenches, hear the guns firing and all the other sounds of war— and then come through it all alive and land back here in Cranston. 44 �But best of all was to find you in the schoolroom teaching the children just as if none of this had ever taken place. I didn't know how glad I was to be living until now!" "Was it all so terrible? Weren't there some moments that were happier and less harrowing?" "Well, of course," he said laughing. "There was the little French girl." "Where is she now? What did you do with her?" "Oh, I decided to leave her in France for the time being, and if I get bored with you I can go back for her later." "Boyd Brooks, I wish I could hate you!" Jane said. "But you don't and that's all that matters. I won't be coming back to Cranston to work now," Boyd continued. "The company is opening a new store in Charlotte, and I am going to be sent there. I have three weeks' vacation before I have to start, but there are a lot of 45 �things I have to get settled before I move. Number one—when can we get married? Number two—must I find an apartment or will you help me? Number three—when can we go see your parents?" "Oh, Boyd, you make me dizzy—you move so fast. Why, you don't know much about me. Here you come back from the war driving a new car your Papa gave you, and if I were to get married my Papa couldn't even give me a wheelbarrow! I belong to a big family and we all have to work. A schoolteacher's salary doesn't allow many frills, I can tell you. So I'm not ready to get married—I couldn't buy three new dresses, let alone a trousseau!" "That's all right, honey," Boyd said as he put his arm around her. "We don't need a wheelbarrow and the clothes you wear suit me just fine." Soon letters began coming to Tarpley from Cranston with increasing frequency. Bit by bit Mama and Papa learned that Boyd and Jane were planning to get married, that they wanted to come to Tarpley during Easter weekend, that Boyd was being transferred to a new store in Morgan Hill near Charlotte, that he would be manager, that they would stop over night in Durham with Mama's sister Mary, that they would leave Cranston on Friday morning and arrive in time for supper on Saturday night, and that they would be coming in the Ford roadster Boyd's parents had given him. Mama wished they had had the house painted on the outside, where it needed it so badly. The inside also needed some refurbishing, but that was beyond them now. It didn't help matters to dwell on such things, and Mama had plenty to do trying to give the house a goingover and getting enough food ready to carry them through the weekend. Good Friday came, and when the visitors had not arrived by dusk, the Barker family, already tired, grew cross. Millie said, "If they don't get here pretty soon, these rolls will be ruined. They've been ready to bake for nearly an hour." Mama was worried, too. She knew that there were few miles of paved roads outside city limits and that driving could be especially hazardous at night. But Danny brought up a complaint she hadn't thought about. "It's so dark now that nobody can see an automobile driving up to our house," he lamented. The tension was relieved shortly, however, for Boyd and Jane arrived, the mud-splashed car and Boyd's muddy shoes and rumpled 46 �suit telling the story of their difficulties. Going over the highway between Old Fort and Asheville the travelers were twice bogged down in the mud so that they had to get a farmer with a team of mules to pull them out of the mire. When a shower came up, Boyd got out of the car to put up the curtains, and Jane, trying to be helpful, got out too so that she could hold an umbrella over his head while he worked. "The result was/' said Boyd, "that by the time I got the curtains up it had stopped raining but Jane and I were both wet. Millie's rolls were not ruined and the group was soon seated at the big table. Boyd's outgoing friendliness helped to put everybody at ease and the dinner was a good beginning for a pleasant weekend. Boyd was a delightful guest. He played ball with Nate and Danny, he praised Millie's cooking, and he teased Susan about her boyfriends. To Mama and Papa he was very respectful and seemed quite sincere and straightforward when, late in the evening, he began his speech with "of course, you know why I am here" and explained that he wanted to marry Jane. Papa and Mama, answering by turns, told Boyd they felt that Jane, being over twenty-one, was grown and was capable of making her own decision as to whom she would marry. They hoped she had made a wise choice, but if she were happy, that was all they asked. Early Sunday morning Boyd and Jane started on their two-day journey back to Cranston. Jane would miss one day of school, but she had received permission to do that. Their anxiety centered on the condition of the roads over the mountain, but Boyd said, "We got through coming up, so we ought to make it going back." Danny was pleased to note that it was light enough for the neighbors to see them drive away. 47 �13 After school on Monday afternoon Mama came in and sat at the kitchen table enjoying a cup of coffee. She had a satisfied feeling about the weekend. It was one time, she thought, when everything clicked— it all seemed to go just right and the whole family had enjoyed the time spent together. Susan interrupted her reverie. "I'm sure glad Bob and Lula had already gone back to Tennessee when Boyd came/' she said. "That isn't very loyal to your brother, is it?" asked Mama. "Well, just what would we have done if Mrs. Drake has still been here in the guest room? Even after they got their apartment they always managed to get back here for the weekend—and you know it as well as I do. We need all the room we have. And don't forget that Janice told you she was coming home some weekend soon and wants to bring that band leader with the funny name. I think she is really stuck on him, don't you?" "Oh, no, child," said Mama. "He's just a co-worker and a good friend. Besides, I'll bet he's old enough to be her father." "I wouldn't count on his age having any effect on Janice if she likes him." Mama got up to fix supper, and they dropped the conversation. She was too busy thinking about Jane and Boyd to worry about Janice. Although they planned to have a quiet and simple ceremony, they wanted it to be at home and that sort of wedding would keep the household busy. Bit by bit the wedding plans progressed and the spring cleaning was accomplished. Mama declared she had two days of work to complete every single day. As a rule she looked forward to the end of her school day when she could relax and take things easy until time for the evening chores to begin. Now, by the time she hung up her hat, she had to start on the second stint of the day. Boyd and Jane's wedding was set for early June and the scent of honeysuckle filled the air. Mama's roses were at their best and she had no need of a florist or hothouse flowers to decorate the rooms. One end of the big front porch was vine-covered, forming a sort of alcove where a double-seated swing hung. Removing the swing, they 48 �arranged an altar there. Susan said that the guests would be seated on the veranda, too. "Yes," said Mama, "they will be seated on the front porch/' Jane, thought Mama, was a lovely bride—fresh looking, young, and natural. It didn't matter that she did not wear the traditional white satin wedding dress with a veil and train. She had wanted a practical sort of dress that she could wear after the ceremony and had chosen a pearl taffeta made with a pleated skirt and a draped bodice which ended with a wide sash tied in the back. The sleeves were of matching chiffon gathered full and caught at the wrist with bands of taffeta. With this she wore nine-inch grey kid boots that laced up in front and just touched the hem of her dress. Aunt Jessie had made it for her. The guest list included Boyd's father and mother, the Barker family, a few aunts, uncles, and cousins, and the neighbors who lived on either side of the family. They couldn't be left out after they had lent chairs and dishes for the occasion. Immediately following the ceremony Susan and Millie served a buffet luncheon to the thirtyfive who had filled the front porch. When it was all over, Mama was tired but she didn't stop. There was furniture to be re-arranged, dishes to be returned, floors to be swept, and another meal to prepare. "I'm glad it's over with," she said to herself, "but it did go off well and seemed sort of sweet and sacred. How I do hope they will be happy!" 49 �After Jane and Boyd left Mama had a sort of lonely feeling. It was the first time Jane wouldn't be spending her summer vacation at home. Since North Carolina schools had terms of only seven or eight months, the young teachers often had four or five months to stay at home. Mary, Nate, and Bob had jobs year round, but Jane and Janice had always spent the summer months in Tarpley, and both Mama and Papa had enjoyed having the children return. Mama comforted herself by saying, "At least Janice will be home and she will liven things up for all of us." The following week Janice came but Mama's pleasure was shortlived. Janice was bubbling over with enthusiasm because she had learned that she had won a scholarship to attend a summer course for public school music teachers at the University in Knoxville. She had hardly unpacked her suitcases before she was busy repacking them to go away again. It also developed that Pete Lovorini was to be among the students in the summer session. 50 �Mama admitted that she was uneasy. She had convinced herself that Janice's liking for this middle-aged band leader was the result of propinquity as well as the love they shared for music, but now it was different. When Lovorini had visited their home earlier in the year, the Barkers had found him friendly and courteous, a born musician who could play almost any instrument and who possessed a soulful tenor voice. But to them he was a foreigner. Also, he was almost as old as they were— not Janice's contemporary at all. Mama tried to talk to Janice about her plans, but Janice only laughed and said, "Now, Mama, you know you never could tell what I was apt to get into, could you?" Papa always liked surprises, and a few days after Janice left he provided one. Even a little town like Tarpley was enjoying a business upsurge. Relief that the war had ended, optimism that this had been the war to end all wars, and confidence in a brighter future made business boom. Papa was working six days a week and the outlook was for a prosperous summer. In the spring Susan and Millie had complained about not having a piano so as to practice their music lessons, and Papa had wondered what was wrong with the organ. When they told him that nobody but nobody had an organ in the parlor anymore, he had continued to read the newspaper as if he hadn't even heard them, so no more was said on the subject. Then one Saturday Papa went to Asheville and came home in a big truck which was driven up to the house, and the driver deposited an upright Kimball piano for them. Mama was astonished and the girls were elated. "Now we can put the organ upstairs in the hall and the piano will make our parlor look like something to be proud of," said Millie. "Papa, you're wonderful," Susan said as she embraced him. Papa said nothing but the twinkle in his eye showed his pleasure. 51 �14 Mama, as she said, was trying to "get her ducks in a row" before school started again. She had spent the morning canning soup mixture and had sat down on the porch to read and relax a little when Susan came in from the post office bringing two letters, one from Bob and one from Janice. Bob's note included the announcement of the birth of a son born the day before the letter was written. Mama knew that Bob and Lula were expecting and she knew that she would become a grandmother when the baby arrived, but she still felt a sense of shock. She didn't think she knew how to be a grandmother. The news in Janice's letter, however, was like a bomb tossed in her lap. Both Janice and Pete had signed the letter that assured her that the course they had taken was to make it easier for her! Since they would be teaching in the same school again next year, they had decided to get married in Knoxville at the close of the summer school, thereby saving all the work and trouble of getting ready for a wedding. The chapel at the university was often used for weddings and they would be married there. Since Pete was a Catholic and wished it, they would go to a priest later and be married again. "Just think," wrote Janice, "won't it be fun to get married twice on the same day?" Mama really couldn't see anything funny about the whole situation, but she tried to remain calm and reminded herself that when a thing has happened in the family, whether she approved or not, she had to accept it and make the best of it. With Papa it was not that easy, however. He disliked the difference in their ages, he was suspicious of all "Eyetalians," and he had a strong prejudice against the Catholic Church. He was sincere in his concern for he was afraid Janice could not be happy with three such stumbling blocks in her way. Bob's letter with the news of the arrival of the grandson was completely overshadowed by Janice's account of her plans. Her news called for action because the couple planned to spend the weekend with the Barkers on their way back to Pete's apartment in the little town where they would be teaching. Susan defended Janice. "Can't you see, Mama, that she and Pete decided to get married this way to save you trouble? Don't you remember how hard everybody worked and had to be so involved for a whole month before Jane and Boyd's wedding?" 52 �"It may be," Mama answered, "but I would have felt better if they had come home for the ceremony. Also, as I see it, the whole family is going to be quite as involved in this weekend visit." Janice and Pete came driving up in a touring car, the back of which bulged with a conglomeration of musical instruments, books, papers, pots and pans, bedding, towels, and suitcases, while stuck in any available corner were articles almost forgotten, such as a pair of shoes, a comb stuck in a brush, and an umbrella. When Danny saw the car entering the driveway, his pride in having two brothers-in-law who owned cars took a tumble. He hadn't counted on the automobile so resembling a moving van. Janice was her own irrepressible self—thrilled to be home, proud of being married, and perfectly sure that everybody would love Pete when they got acquainted with him. She chose to ignore the reserve with which Papa and Mama greeted Pete and kept up a lively chatter about their experiences in trying to get themselves and their belongings into the car to make the trip home. Gradually Mama decided that the situation wasn't as bad as she had first thought. For one thing, Pete was not an "Eyetalian." Both his parents had been in their early thirties when they left Italy, and Pete had not arrived on the scene until after his parents had been 53 �living in Baltimore for several years. He had brothers and sisters older and younger than he, so like Janice he was accustomed to a big family. Mama was also relieved to discover that Pete, even though in his late forties, had never been married. Papa, not very tactful at times, bluntly asked him why he had not married sooner and Pete had replied, "Well, I guess I had never met Janice until last year!" When they had spent a day and night in Tarpley and continued on their way to school, Mama decided that the weekend was more pleasant than she had anticipated. She was still hurt that Janice had not wanted to come home to get married, but she had to agree that the way she and Pete chose was simpler and less expensive than a home wedding. 54 �15 Tarpley College opened for another year the following week. Millie was beginning her senior year and had made for herself an enviable record. She was intelligent, a good mixer, dependable and ambitious. Susan was a sophomore. She was also intelligent, but she didn't seem particularly interested in her studies and said she was happy just to "get by/' Danny was beginning seventh grade and Mama was back with her third grade students in the elementary school. "How nice it is," said Mama, "for all of us to be back in our old routines where we can get down to steady work and not have some unexpected crisis hanging over us. I don't think I could take anything else right now! Two weddings and a grandbaby in less than a year!" Soon after school started the County Fair was held. After the war in the Carolinas, county fairs had become very popular, and very few people in the area missed the opportunity of attending some or all of the events. On Friday afternoon Susan told Mama that she and her boyfriend Greg were going into Asheville to see the exhibits at the fair and "have a bite to eat" before they came home. "I thought Millie wanted to go, too. Is she going with you?" Mama asked. "We asked her and Greg's cousin to go with us, but she said she had some schoolwork she needed to do and declined," said Susan. Danny, as all seventh graders in school, got a trip with his class to the fair. They had been given a half holiday from school and were chaperoned by their teachers. He came in soon after Susan had left and was so thrilled about what he had seen and done that he kept up a non-stop running conversation during supper. When ten o'clock came and Susan had not returned, Mama began surreptitiously to keep an eye on the old clock on the mantel. It was not that she suspected anything wrong with the trip, but the morals of a young lady were very carefully supervised. Being out late at night with a beau always invited gossip, unless the couple had attended a concert or a public gathering that lasted late in the evening. Whatever the event, eleven o'clock was zero hour to be unaccounted for. 55 �When the clock struck eleven, Mama said to Papa, who was dozing behind the newspaper, "Don't you think we had better do something—phone Greg's father or something?'' Millie hesitated a moment and then answered her mother, "I don't think you need to do that, Mama. Susan said she wasn't coming home tonight." "What do you mean, and how do you know that?" asked Mama rather crossly. "I guess you will blame me for this but I didn't see how I could do anything about it. Greg and Susan told me today they were not going to the fair. They went to Reverend Burton's house and got married. Then they planned to go to Knoxville for a honeymoon and will be home Monday." "Ye gods and little fishes!" cried Mama. "Susan simply can't do that. She's not even eighteen! It won't be legal! Why in the name of all that's good and holy did she try such a scheme as that?" "They had talked about it and they said they decided that since she would be eighteen next month she really is nearer eighteen than seventeen, so they were to put her age down as eighteen. She said she didn't want any bother about a wedding and Greg didn't either, especially since his mother has been dead so short a time. Susan meant well, Mama. I'm sure she wanted to make things easier on you. She said you didn't need any extra work and worry of any kind just now." "Well, it's nice of you, Millie, to try to smooth things over, but you needn't trouble yourself. I know very well that Susan wasn't thinking of me nor was she worrying about my having extra work to do. I was concerned because she didn't take more interest in her schoolwork, but it never entered my head that she might be planning to get married now. Of course, I'm not happy about it. I wanted her to finish school for her sake no matter who she was going to marry later. Greg has been just sort of a fixture for the last couple of years around her, and we all like him, but I thought it was just a school boy and girl affair that might be broken off any moment." "Well, Cora," said Papa. "I've told you that the more children a body has the more trouble they can bring you when they grow up." "Sure, but I notice you didn't put into practice what you preach," was Mama's final shot. The newlyweds arrived Sunday afternoon, a bit nervous and not quite sure of being welcomed. When they were invited to stay for 56 �supper they accepted eagerly. Conversation was general for a time and no mention was made of there having been a change in their relationship. Finally Greg got up the courage to say that they meant no disrespect to their elders in taking things into their own hands as they had, but circumstances had changed their original plans. At first they meant to wait until Susan had finished school, but then his mother had become ill and some months later died. That left Greg and his father at home alone on the farm. Being an only child, Greg felt he must stay with his father, and he was sure Papa and Mama could see that they both needed somebody to help them. Susan agreed to leave school and to marry him, but she said she thought the easiest way to do it was to keep their plans a secret because she knew neither of her parents would approve of such an early marriage. "Mercy on us," thought Mama, "how did they think springing a surprise like this would make it easier on anybody?'' Mama said to Greg, "I thought you were planning to go to State College and study agriculture/' "Yes, mama, I was," Greg replied, "but Fve decided that I can learn as much actually farming as I could get out of books and theories because Fd never know if these would work until I tried them on the land anyway." "Under the circumstances, there is nothing left for us to say or do," said Mama, "except to wish you both good luck and to hope that Susan can learn to be a farmer's wife." Both Greg and Susan seemed relieved that Papa and Mama were not going to make a scene. Monday morning came and with it the rush to get everybody off to his particular task—Papa to work, Millie with her books slung across her shoulder to make an eight o'clock class, and Danny racing away to be sure he would not be tardy. Mama was not finding it easy to follow her own philosophy, "When a thing has happened in your family, you have to accept it and make the best of it," and she was woolgathering. She found the elopement to be unnecessary and was humiliated by it. She forced herself to get her materials together so she wouldn't be late for school, but she was finding it hard to be calm, and her naturally optimistic outlook seemed to have deserted her. 57 �16 Seated at the table one evening soon after Susan's departure, Danny remarked, 'This table looks too big for just four people. Maybe we'd-better cut off one end of it." "Don't let that bother you, son. They'll be coming back, and with the extra in-laws, we might end up needing an extension," said Mama. In a few days Mama realized that she was acting like a child by nursing her own disappointment about the elopement, and while she brooded over that, there were many things she was neglecting. It occurred to her that Millie was rather lost without Susan. They had been together all their lives, always sharing the same room, even after the older children had left home and there was plenty of room to spare. Mama knew that she must be companionable to Millie and see that she was not left alone too much. An event which created a lot of interest among Tarpley College students was the intercollegiate debate which took place every autumn. Some current national issue was chosen as the subject of the debate, and the pros and cons were argued by Tarpley College and a visiting school. The affair, which caused keen rivalry, was open to the public and was well attended. One day Millie came home with the news that she had been chosen as one of the debaters. While Millie was pleased to have been selected, Mama was elated. That meant that three of her children had represented the school in the debate. Mary, back in 1910, had the subject, "Resolved: that the United States should adopt a graduated income tax." When Jane was a senior in 1913, she had argued that women should be given the right to vote. And now Millie was going to try. There was a great deal of controversy among colleges and universities about the ethical or legal right of the athletic department to give scholarships as a drawing card to get special athletes to attend these schools. Millie and her partner in debate had the negative side. She said she was sure they could win the decision, but it wouldn't make any difference if they did. "What do you mean by that?" asked Mama. "You know how it is," said Millie, "people are so sports-minded these days and the alumni of these schools are so keen on having their 58 �alma maters win that they would be willing to use any means to lure the best athletes to their schools." Mama attended the debate anyway, and was pleased that Millie's side won, whether or not it would make any difference. The days slipped by and the holidays were approaching. Mama got a letter from Jane telling her that she was not feeling up to par and had been advised by the doctor not to make a long automobile trip. Mama knew the rest—it only confirmed what she had been suspecting. She counted up the number of people she was expecting for Christmas dinner and arrived at nine. "Danny should be pleased," she thought, "for the table will be full again." A few days later Greg and Susan dropped in. They had been to town shopping and were full of excitement as well as loaded down with bundles. They had come, Susan said, to invite the family to have Christmas dinner with them. 59 �Mama said, "That's ever so kind of you children, but how could Susan take care of that many people? She has never tried to fix a meal all by herself for nine people in her whole life, I know." "I might help her a little bit," said Greg, "but we are planning to do it and we expect you to come." "And Mama," continued Susan, "you are not to bring anything— not anything! I know you—youll be trying to bring some fresh sausage, or bake the turkey for us, or bring one of your fruit cakes, but this time that's out-all of it." The Simmons farm was situated just outside the town limits of Tarpley, where the land lay in the fertile valley of Jarvis Creek. The homestead was a two-story clapboard house with a porch across the front both up and downstairs. A hallway ran through the center of the house with rooms opening on either side of it. Directly behind the hall was an ell in which were located the kitchen, pantry, back porch and a "shed room." The last room was a storage place for tools as well as the place where firewood was stacked for winter use. There was nothing pretentious about the house but it was well built and had been kept in good repair. Mrs. Simmons had loved flowers, and her boxwoods, lilacs, iris borders, holly, and dogwoods were lovely reminders of her work. Greg and Susan, with a little help from Millie, served dinner just as if they were experienced hands. When everyone had done full justice to the meal, they gathered in the parlor where the air was fragrant with the smell of pine and cedar. After the dominoes and carol singing the group rose to go, and Mama told her hosts it had been a lovely occasion. But she thought to herself, "Why can't pleasures like this last? Why does time march on so relentlessly so that even by tomorrow things may be changed?" At home and in bed, Mama's thoughts continued. "And how does anyone know what is best to strive for? Here are two children, both of whom decided to quit school, elected to elope, concluded they could manage a farm—Susan without any experience—and have proceeded to try out their theories which, so far, seem to be working. Greg acts as if everything is as it should be. Susan's inexperience doesn't bother him, even if he does say there are two things she won't domilk a cow and kill a chicken. Susan did look tired tonight, but she also looked happy. It's probably a good thing she doesn't know just what sort of a job she has undertaken. Dear Lord, help her be strong 60 �enough so that she won't lose her youth, her vitality, and her good looks before she is even grown up/' 61 �17 By the end of the first week in January, all the Barkers were back at their posts, ready to start another year. In the early 1920's drastic changes were taking place in the Asheville area. More tourists came. Before the war the Carolina mountains had drawn visitors because of the climate and scenery, but now it seemed that many who had formerly thought of the region as a summer vacation attraction were beginning to consider it as a possible year-round home. Land values mushroomed and there was a building boom in progress. Real estate dealers were having a field day. Even a small town like Tarpley was having new developments like Carson's Acres, Willow Heights, and Seven Oaks. A famous author built a home and came to Seven Oaks to live. He gave as his reason the year-round climate. It was far enough south to escape the long sieges of bitter winter weather and far enough north to miss the unbearable sticky sweltering summer heat of the deep South. He said he found it to be the nearest to an ideal year-round climate. Papa came home with the news that he had been approached by an agent who offered to buy the Tarpley house and the lots surrounding it. "What would we do if you sold it, Papa?" asked Danny. "This is home." Mama was writing her "duty" letters that night and she mentioned to Mary that Papa had been approached about selling the house. She passed it on as a matter of family news and thought little about it. But almost by return mail Mary answered, "I think it would be a very wise move to make. If Papa can get a good price for the place, why not sell it? I've written Nate and told him about the offer and I expect that he will want to come home next weekend with me to talk about this." Mary, the spokesman and probably the instigator of the plan, had it figured out this way: they could sell the Tarpley property, take the money, and build a new house at the Briar Patch. There seemed to be no special reason to stay in town now that Millie would be graduating in May and Danny, being a boy, could make the two miles 62 �from the farm to the school without too much trouble. Besides, by the time he was old enough to drive, they would be able to get a T model. Papa said that if they did move out to the Briar Patch he wanted to divide the land. Since there were forty-five acres there, he could reserve five acres for him and Mama and give each child five acres. 6 'It isn't much," he said laughingly, "when you compare it to George Vanderbilt's four thousand acres and him with just one child to inherit it!" "You should have thought about that and selected a shipping mogul for your grandfather instead of a circuit-riding Methodist preacher," quipped Nate. Mary, Nate, Millie, and Danny were to have their plots designated and their deeds drawn up, but they asked that these be situated around the homestead. If any of the four children not present wanted money instead of land, Mary and Nate offered to help buy the land from them. Word of the land division was sent to the other children. Bob immediately asked for the money. Susan said that since Greg didn't need any more land, she'd like to have a nest egg of her own. Jane and Janice both thought they might like to have a summer home built on their plots some day so a deed was all they wanted. It didn't seem possible that people could be as busy as the Barker family that spring and summer. The house and land were duly sold, the Barkers to have an extension of six months before giving up possession of the house. The construction company for whom Papa worked was to build the new house, but they all knew they would be racing against a deadline to select the plans, get the building materials assembled, and complete the house in the allotted time. The new house would not have any more room than the old one they were leaving, but it would be more convenient. There would be electric lights and a Holland furnace, the kind with one big register in the middle of the hall floor—a system which a great many people thought quite unnessary. The wide hall through the center of the house so popular in older homes was done away with. From the front entrance one walked into a large living room. A dining room separated from the living room by French doors extended across the front of the house. Behind the living room a narrow hall ran to the back and opened onto a small porch. On one side of the hall were two bedrooms with a bath between them. On the other was a breakfast nook, a 63 �kitchen, a pantry, and the back porch. In the hall a stairway led to the upper floor, where there was another bath and three bedrooms, each with its own closet space. Mama had her moments of misgiving about the whole affair. There was so much bone weariness attached to moving. And there was also a big gap between a house on paper and the finished product. Maybe the family would not be as happy on the farm and away from their familiar associations in the town. "But," she concluded, "we mortals are like that—we're never satisfied with things as they are and we're always wanting something different from what we've got." Commencement time came and Millie received her diploma. "Aren't you thrilled to be graduating, Millie?" Mama asked. "Just what did you think about when you walked across the stage to get your diploma?" "Mostly I wondered if I could make it across without stumbling," Millie replied. "You know it was pretty dark back stage. Next I was sorry for the spectators who had to sit and see a hundred people dressed just alike file across the stage one at a time just to pick up a piece of paper and shake hands with the president. But I'm happy to be out of school even if it reminds me of our new house. People keep saying how wonderful it will be to have a new house. They don't count the time or take into consideration the labor that will have to be put out in making the move. My getting out of school is like that, too. Friends speak as if graduating were a grand finale and the end of the rainbow when it really is like an invisible presence saying, 'Now you're finished; get out and see what you can do for yourself.' " Moving day arrived and Mama could not help contrasting it with the move from Swannanoa eighteen years ago. She decided that the confusion was the same, but trucks transported their possessions this time and accomplished in a few hours what had taken more than a whole day to do back then. The site of the new house was a knoll in a grove of oak, poplar, and hickory trees, with a profusion of dogwoods growing among them, refusing to be choked out even through they were small. The house, being built on this high spot, afforded a magnificent view of the surrounding countryside and of the mountains beyond. As had been expected, the inside work on the new house was not completed when they had to leave their old home. The bathroom 64 �fixtures upstairs were not installed, the back porch was not yet screened, the kitchen cabinets were not in place, and a host of other small details remained to be looked after. The family didn't seem to mind very much though. These deficiencies were overshadowed by their pride in a new home that they had seen grow, as Danny said, "from a hole in the ground." The summer wore on and another problem still had to be settled. Mama had deliberately put off thinking of school and had concentrated on getting a schedule worked out for the family that they could live with. However, when she came face to face with their situation, she realized that this house would neer be a proper home unless someone stayed eternally on the job until it was finished. Also she admitted to herself that she doubted her ability to walk three miles a day, work eight hours at school, then have the energy enough at her age to come home and be able to turn herself into a magician who could cook and clean for the family. She had wanted a new house and she was proud of it, but in acquiring it she had forfeited her place as a teacher. "Oh well," she sighed, "life is like that. You get one thing you have been working for and then find out you have to give up something else in order to do it." 65 �Mama thought her living room was just right. There was a red brick mantel and an open fireplace at one end of it, flanked on either side by built-in bookcases. She pointed out to the family that their books were not just alike in rows on shelves like some libraries in fine homes, but these were like old friends, acquired over the years to be read rather than used as decorative items. Susan, who was an artist with the needle, had done a really professional job on the curtains she had made. Mary had bought a nine by fifteen Wilton rug, which looked ever so nice on the floor that had been treated with orange shellac and waxed until it shone. Papa had built a small barn and they got a cow. Mama thought it a luxury to have their own butter and milk again, but she also thought the chores were tedious and never ending. She remembered old Uncle Bill with special gratitude as she thought of his kindly help back in the days when she and Papa were newlyweds. Even now she hated to admit how little she had known about managing a house back then. 66 �18 Early in September Mama went to see Jane and Boyd. One Friday night Boyd had telephoned to say that Jane had just delivered a baby boy. Jane had written earlier and asked Mama to come down and keep house while she was in the hospital and then stay a week or two after she and the baby came home. Millie, who was at home teaching in the elementary school, could look after the family in Tarpley, and one Saturday morning she and Danny got out the horses and buggy and drove Mama to Tarpley. Mama and Millie then caught the interurban to Asheville. At Pack Square they transferred to the streetcar that took them to the depot. Millie stayed with Mama until she was seated on the train. The train was not crowded so Mama did not have to share her seat. She settled herself, took off her hat, leaned her head back, and closed her eyes. She had always thought the train was a comfortable way to travel—it was so restful to sit in the plush seat and not even have to think. She was not accustomed to being still very long during the daytime, and soon after the train began its rhythmic journey, she was soundly sleeping. She had been a little anxious, wondering just what she would do if there was no one to meet her when she got off the train. But she need not have worried, for even from the window she spotted Boyd's tall figure in the crowd. He was more talkative than usual as they drove out to Morgan Hill. Jane was doing fine, he said, but she was mighty anxious to get home. At the hospital they only allowed her to have the baby every four hours at feeding time and once or twice the little tyke was brought in and she could tell he had been crying for a long time. Jane said if she could have him with her, he wouldn't do that. 'Isn't it strange how having a baby of your own changes your viewpoint?" Mama asked. "You hear other people talk about a baby crying and they tell you it develops a child's lungs and does him no harm. Maybe so, but if that baby is yours, it's a different story. You want to know why he cries and if there isn't something you can do to comfort him." "Everybody who has seen the baby tells me he is an especially 67 �fine looking youngster, and of course I believe every word they say," said Boyd. Jane had written her parents during the summer telling about the house they were building. They had moved into it a couple of months before the baby was due. Mama was naturally very interested and curious to see the place. She couldn't help comparing it to her new house, but was visibly impressed with what she saw. The rooms were spacious and the walk-in closets seemed huge. There was a butler's pantry as well as a kitchen pantry, and in the former was an honestto-goodness electric refrigerator. You didn't have to buy ice for it, since it made its own and there was no drainage from it. Somewhere Mama had read that the ice the refrigerator manufactured might not be safe to put in tea or other cold drinks, but she hoped that was not the case. The next marvel to catch her attention was the new electric stove. It was like a table with four coiled burners on the left side and an oven taking up all the space on the right. It was hard for her to imagine that if you wanted to cook, you just turned a button and the heat came on. Mama knew too well the tedium and sometimes the frustration on cold mornings of shaking down ashes, building a fire, and then waiting for the stove to get hot enough to bake biscuits. Of course, she was delighted that Boyd and Jane could have a place like this one, and she rejoiced with them, but her unspoken thoughts were, "I do hope these children haven't gone too deeply in debt to get all this. Young people nowadays don't seem to mind owing money and they believe good times are here to stay. I only hope they will be able to stem the tide if and when it does turn." A few days later, Jane and the baby came home and immediately everything centered around the new member of the family. Since he had not yet been named, the three grown-ups discussed that first. "I suppose he is to be a junior," said Mama. "No ma'am," said Boyd decisively. "He doesn't need my name and I heartily dislike hearing a child called "Junior." I would personally like to name him for my father, but I'd not give him Dad's full name so he would be John Doe the second or third or whatever. He needs a title of his own." Jane said, "In that case, why don't we call him Stanley Joseph Brooks? He wouldn't be a junior and he would have one of the names of both of his grandfathers." "How would you like that, Mama?" asked Boyd. 68 �"I couldn't think of a better name/' she answered. "But I really had not thought much about names for grandchildren. I have only one real request to make. If you ever have a daughter, don't call her Cora." "You needn't worry," said Jane. "I love you dearly, Mama, but you've never seemed like 'Cora' to me, and I wouldn't inflict that name on a little girl myself." And laughing, they closed the subject. Old Aunt Rose called herself a nurse and she made her living by spending a month or two in the homes of mothers with new babies "to help get them started off right," she said. Boyd had engaged her to stay with Jane, and she came in a few days before Mama was to return home. Aunt Rose showed plainly that she was not enthusiastic about having another woman around who might question her authority. Mama, quick to sense the situation and knowing that Jane needed Aunt Rose, deliberately set about to make friends with the old woman and to avoid any arguments about the care of the new baby. Boyd, being the youngest child of his parents, knew very little about new babies, and he seemed all too satisfied for someone else to look after the child. That to Mama was much better than if he had felt it his privilege and duty to dictate to others how and what should be done for the child or what others should do for him. When Mama left she told Jane that things would get easier as time went on, and she was sure Jane would get along fine. "I hope so," said Jane. "But I never was so scared nor felt so helpless in my life as I do right now." 69 �19 Back at home, Mama had the sensation of being catapulted headlong into a beehive of activity. The apple crop had been gathered and Papa was storing the sound ones for winter use. There were also pumpkins and cabbages to be stored. A little way behind the new house, the hill dropped sharply and formed a bank. Papa dug a sixfoot cubicle from this bank, put a roof over the top, made a framework for the open side, and hung a solid wooden door across the front. He believed the thick, solid, earthen-sided root cellar would keep produce from freezing even in the coldest weather. Mama had her work cut out for her, too. From the apples she made apple butter and applesauce, which she then canned. From the cores and peelings she made several jars of the rich, red apple jelly they all loved. With all the work that the farm required, Mama wished she had some paid help, but the Barkers had always been "do-ityourselfers." When the Carolinas were being settled, slave owners did not come to the mountain section, for people in the hills didn't farm on the scale to make slave ownership profitable. In all of Tarpley, almost fifty years after the War Between the States, there were no more than a halfdozen families who had elected to settle on what was called "Chocolate Hill" in the south part of town. Most of these residents worked as domestics or handymen, but the Barkers had not hired any outside help since old Aunt Althea had come to do the wash when the children were little. Mama could especially have used some help at Christmastime, when the whole family was there for the first celebration in the new house. Delightful stories are written about the joys of a Christmas homecoming when all the family members assemble without any problems and when peace and good will permeate the atmosphere. It sounds idyllic, but in these descriptions the author usually has all the food and hosting preparations done to a turn and served at the right moment, as though someone waved a magic wand and presto—everything was all finished and ready to serve. Mama knew better. She knew what had to be done and she also knew who would have to do the biggest part of the work. Susan was, 70 �however, a lifesaver to her. She volunteered to make the dessert and to "sleep" the overflow crowd at her house on Christmas Eve. Christmas came and went with lightning speed. It was a lot of work but after it was over Mama enjoyed it in retrospect. Could there ever have been a family with so many occupations? There was a band director, a garage mechanic, a hotel clerk, a chain store executive, a teacher, a farmer, and a home demonstration agent. Could so many people with such diverse occupations ever have enough in common to enjoy their association as a family group? "Only time will tell," Mama thought. A few days after the holiday was over, Mama answered the Barker ring on the telephone, which was two longs and one short. It was Susan, asking to speak to Millie. When Mama told her that she had not yet come from school, Susan said she wanted to ask Millie to spend the night with her. Mama pointed out that it was a cold day for such a long walk, but Susan told her that Greg had to go into town and could pick her up. "Do tell her to be sure to come," said Susan. Mama had been a bit suspicious about Susan at Christmas and she was pretty sure she knew what her urgency was to see Millie. More than likely Susan was "in the family way." Mama had a hard time admitting it to herself, but she was a bit jealous that Susan was turning to Millie instead of her own mother. "Oh well," thought Mama, "they do belong to another generation from me, and I guess they think I don't know where babies come from." When Millie came home the next day she gave Mama an account of her visit with Susan. "When I first got there, I thought she was deathly ill or at least had suffered a nervous breakdown, but after a couple of hours she perked up and acted very much like her old self. She finally told me that she was expecting and that was what made her feel so bad. I feel sorry for her, Mama. She has an awful lot of hard work to do, and also being the only woman around I know she gets lonesome at times." "Yes, I know," Mama said. "At eighteen she thought she was grown-up and very self-sufficient. Now she will have to live and act like a grown woman. I'm sorry she is so miserable, but unless there is some complication we don't know about, she will survive and probably be none the worse for her ordeal. As I've said before, experience is a great school." Not only did Susan survive the birth of healthy baby girl in 71 �September of that year, but in exactly eighteen months she had a second child, this time a boy, lusty and vocal and determined to make himself heard. Mama and Millie were both on hand to help with the housework on both occasions, and Susan decided she liked being a mother just as much as she liked being a farmer's wife. News from Bob in the following week included the announcement of another expected increase in his family, and before that fact was fully digested, Jane wrote that little Stan was soon to have a brother or sister. The letters caused Millie to remark,"At this time the Barkers seem to be going in for mass production/' "Sakes alive, Millie, how you do talk/' said Mama. "But," she continued, "I'm bewildered myself. I grew up expecting to get married and have as many children as the Lord saw fit to send. I was so naive it never occurred to me to try to limit my family, and yet after two pregnancies, Susan loudly declares she's not going to have any more children. Most young couples nowadays seem to share Susan and Greg's ideas about limiting families. Who could believe that people's thinking could undergo such a change in a little over thirty years? I thought if Papa and I could see that all of you got an education, everything else would fall into place. You would all be a tight little group having the same ambitions and plans I had. I thought we would be able to work as a unit and come what may put up a solid front to the world! So what is the result to date? Some of you graduated, some didn't, but as soon as you finished school or decided you were grown, you scattered, each one in a different direction. It's only when they're little that children behave as their parents expect them to." 72 �20 The 1920's had been kind to Boyd and Jane. Their attractive new home was a noted addition to Morgan Hill, and they were duly proud of it. The premises were showing marked improvement, for Jane, with her love for flowers and her fondness for the outdoors, was soon getting shrubbery planted and flower borders in place. There was also a space in the back for a kitchen garden. Boyd admitted that he didn't like to get his hands dirty, but if Jane would manage he'd see she had help for the heavy work. He was as good as his word, and soon an old colored man was spending four days a week working on the grounds. There seemed to be a mood of optimism everywhere. The war was over, money was plentiful, life-styles were changing, and a religious sect predicted that the end of the world was near. Boyd received another promotion, becoming manager for a group of stores in the area. Since this job meant traveling a good deal, the company furnished him a car, which in turn gave Jane the use of the family car. She was as busy as Boyd and, as she said, her hours were longer than his. Boyd's mother was an unusually good cook, a thrifty manager, and a meticulous housekeeper. Jane felt her own inadequacy compared to that of her mother-in-law, and she was sometimes very discouraged when she baked a cake that fell in the middle or let the fried chicken burn. Teaching school, for her, had been lots easier. One day when Boyd came home for lunch, they were eating on the screened porch just off the dining room. Jane brought out some rolls, piping hot from the oven. Stan reached for one and immediately flung it away from him. "Why did you do that, son?" asked Boyd. Stan looked solemnly at his daddy and replied, "Hot, too 'dan' hot." With a wry grin on his face, Boyd looked at Jane. He was aware of the fact that she had cautioned him about using certain expressions before Stan and he had laughed at her, saying that Stan was too little to pay any attention to him. Now the tables were turned, and he was completely taken by surprise at his son's remark. He grinned sheepishly at Jane and said, "you're not saying anything, but your eyes tell me 'I told you so.' " 73 �A day or so later Boyd noticed the spring on the outer door screen seemed to be sagging and discovered that the screws holding the spring had worked loose. He got some longer screws and some tools and set about to fix it. Moments later, hearing a howl and a commotion, Jane rushed to the door of the porch and asked the proverbial silly question, "Did you mash your finger?" Boyd was standing there holding onto his thumb and balancing himself first on one foot and then the other. He glared at her and shouted, "Hallelujah! Darn! Heck fire and katoot!" Then defensively and in an injured voice he said, "At least I hope you noticed I didn't curse this time." "No, you didn't, Honey," said Jane. "But what I heard sounded like a pretty good imitation to me." The next acquisition in the Brooks household was a cabinet radio. The loudspeaker was concealed in the console and there would be no more need for earphones and the unsightly and temperamental box on the library table. The radio thrilled and amazed Jane. How in the world could any such insignificant looking device pluck sounds from the air and bring them into your home? All the wonderful music and the news from all over the world made the world seem intimate and small. The house itself seemed more alive and there was added character to the atmosphere. Even the children were affected by it and wanted the radio turned on whenever they were in the house. Boyd's work schedule was a demanding one and his days were full. Jane was surprised at the varied things he tried to promotesome new product for distribution, an appealing and different window display, or a seasonal advertising campaign for certain articles. In addition to these chores, he had to know in dollars and cents if these efforts were profitable as well as how each store was doing individually. Then there were board meetings, sales meetings, and sessions with the auditors. Many of these affairs took place at night, and Boyd wanted Jane to go with him. They found a responsible middle-aged woman to stay with the children, since it was unthinkable to hire a teenage babysitter, and the two were constantly on the go. Also, a number of young couples had formed a square dance club and the Brooks were invited to join. Boyd enthusiastically said they'd be delighted. He had no qualms at all, but Jane was a little reluctant. She was pretty sure Mama and Papa would really not approve, but she reasoned, there 74 �actually didn't seem to be any harm in dancing, and wasn't that something she and Boyd would have to decide for themselves? The club was made up of a friendly lot of young couples and the square dancing was really fun, so for a few months these get-togethers were a pleasant diversion. Then Jane began to be a little uneasy. Prohibition to these young people was an unjust law, one to be broken and ignored. They had no qualms about flouting it. The punch bowl was spiked and there were drinks for those who wanted them. By the time the party was over, there were always one or two individuals who had imbibed too freely. One night when they were driving home Jane complained about the drinking and Boyd said, "Don't be a spoil sport. There's no harm in breaking that kind of law, and these fellows don't do any harm that a good night's sleep won't cure. The girls seem to enjoy the punch. How do you like it?" "I don't drink it." "All I can say is you are missing a lot. It would help you relax and you would have a whole lot more fun." By the time Stan was in the second grade, his little sister Janet was in kindergarten. Jane was busier than ever, chauffeuring the children from one place to another, working as a grade mother, and contributing volunteer service as a club member. She thought she would have more time when the children were in school, but it seemed that the reverse was true. People no longer spent weekends at home. The whole country was on wheels, and treks to the mountains or the beach were becoming the accepted way of life. Jane remembered once back at home their whole family had gone visiting for a few days. Someone had asked Mama if she had enjoyed the vacation. "Oh, yes, I did enjoy it," Mama said. "What was the nicest thing about it?" "The best of all was getting back home so I could rest from the trip," Mama replied. Monday morning often found Jane feeling just as Mama had, but somehow the hectic pace went on into the next week just the same. The Square Dance Club had become The Cotillion, with an increased membership and an enlarged program. Boyd loved dancing and made every possible effort to be present at every meeting. He wanted Jane to have a new dress for every banquet, which prompted Jane to say, 75 �"It's a funny world. I always thought it was the women who wanted fine clothes to wear and the men who resented the money spent on what they considered their wives' extravagance, but with our family it seems to be the other way around." Soon, however, the club became a real source of anxiety for Jane. She felt completely helpless to cope with the situation that confronted her. This feeling was aggravated by the fact that she had no one in whom she could confide or with whom she could discuss the problem. Certainly she could not discuss the matter with Boyd, for when she tried to caution him or talk with him about drinking, they always somehow ended up in an argument with no solution and with their convictions farther apart than ever. Jane didn't know where Boyd got his supply, but she realized that legal or not he always had a drink available. She also knew that he was mighty apt to take at least a little every day. Some people argued that if a supply was kept at home and cocktails were served openly, men would not sneak around to buy liquor and drink too much. Jane wasn't so sure that was the solution. At the annual club banquet, Boyd was unsteady on his feet by the time they started home. They made it safely to the garage, but Jane was unnerved and tense. She realized that in spite of all his boasting that "he knew when to stop," poor Boyd was only fooling himself. 76 �21 That December Jane and Boyd decided that since it was probably the last Christmas the children would really enjoy having a visit from Santa, they should make special plans for the visit of the jolly old man. They invited Boyd's family to dinner and began early to buy presents for the children and stashing them in Boyd's office, safe from prying eyes. On Christmas Eve, when Stanley and Janet were finally in bed, Boyd brought the packages into the living room to put them under the tree. Just as they had begun to arrange the gifts, the telephone rang. It was a friend of Boyd's asking him to come to town to meet a war buddy of theirs who was in town for the holidays. "I won't be gone long," he told Jane as he went out. Jane busied herself for a time putting last minute touches to the table, checking on the turkey, which was already in the oven, and mixing a salad. She could not help watching the clock, and as time dragged on her apprehension grew. Shortly after one o'clock she heard the front door open and footsteps in the hall. There were three men, one on either side of Boyd, holding him up. The men told Jane that they were happy to meet Boyd's wife, that they had been having a little party talking about their days in France, and that Boyd had had "a little too much" so they thought they had better see him home. At that moment a flash of recognition seemed to come to Boyd. He looked up at Jane with attempted bravado and said, "Hi, Toots!" "Take him into the den," directed Jane, as she opened the door for them to enter. When she indicated the couch to place him on, one of the men told her they would take him to the bedroom and undress him for her, but she thanked him and told him she could manage herself. After wishing her a Merry Christmas several times over, the two men left. If Jane had been describing their departure in mountain dialect, she would have said they "snuck out." Bone tired, hurt, and humiliated, she stood for a long time looking at her sleeping husband and then went to work. She took a flashlight 77 �and made several trips to the garage to bring in the remaining packages for the tree and stockings. She tore off the outside wrappings in the kitchen, took the gifts into the living room, and placed Stan's on one side of the chimney and Janet's on the other. In the stockings on either side of the mantel, she put fruit, candy, and small gifts. As Jane was tidying up the kitchen she speculated: she could have a crying binge and develop a sick headache, or she could call Boyd's family and say he had come down with a virus, or she could go to bed, try to get an hour or two of sleep, and go ahead with the plans as if nothing had happened. By gum, that's what she would do! She angrily brushed away the tears that kept coming into her eyes. As she was going to bed she checked in the den to see about Boyd. Snoring heavily, he lay exactly as they had placed him. She took off his shoes, put a pillow under his head, and threw a blanket over him. The air seemed stuffy to her, so she raised a window. Then she closed the door and went to bed. As she had expected, she heard the children's excited voices before six o'clock on Christmas morning. Going hurriedly into the living room, she toned down the radio, cautioned the children about making too much noise because Daddy had a headache, and shared with them their delight in what Santa Claus had brought. After fixing breakfast for the children, she and the maid stayed busy the rest of the morning preparing dinner. The guests arrived promptly and sat down at the table soon after. Jane had debated about whether to lay a place for Boyd or not, but she quickly realized that since the table was round there wouldn't be a gap anyhow. Everyone expressed sympathy and disappointment because Boyd was not feeling well, but Jane felt that Boyd's family knew what had happened and were gallantly trying to help her make the best of it. It would always be a day of torture for her to remember. By the time the guests left and general clutter surrounding the tree had been cleared away, the children came in from outside declaring they were hungry. Stan looked a little worse for wear, with a muddy coat, scratches on his legs, and torn stockings. "I fell a few times," he admitted, "but pretty soon Fm going to get the hang of my new bike and will be able to ride it." While they were in the kitchen having a snack, Boyd came in, fresh from a bath, clad in his robe and slippers, his hair neatly combed, and no stubble showing on his chin. He sat down to drink a cup of 78 �black coffee. The children greeted him warmly, glad that his headache was gone. They insisted that he come see what Santa had left them and open his own packages. When Stan and Janet had gone to bed, Boyd said, "Jane, I can't begin to tell you how terrible I feel about this. I simply don't know how it happened. The boys were there recalling things we did in France, and the bottle was being passed around although I didn't think I was drinking much. Then all at once everything was blank and that's the last thing I remember. That's all there was to it." "No, it wasn't all! We were going to work on the dinner and play Santa Claus, remember?" "Don't be cross, Jane. I've told you already that I feel too awful for words, but don't you think I need a little understanding?" "I do understand," Jane said tartly. "I understand that you need a swift kick in the pants. I've been awake and at work almost all the time you have slept, I'm dead tired and am going to bed. And I never expect to have another Christmas party again, no matter how long I live." 79 �22 In the days that followed Boyd worked exhaustingly long hours. He also worked hard at repairing the rift in his family. He was especially agreeable to the children, playing games with them and taking them on outings. One day they all went up to Charlotte to see a new kind of picture show. It had sound as well as a picture and they were all thrilled at Al Jolson's singing. Boyd told Jane in all seriousness that he was going to stop drinking. He knew he would never allow himself to repeat the Christmas Eve experience, and he would make it up somehow. Being a selfsatisfied male, he couldn't understand her lack of response to his declarations. He had told her how sorry he was, hadn't he? He had made her a solemn promise, hadn't he? And he was going to do something especially nice for her, wasn't he? After all that, why couldn't she forgive and forget so things could be as they were before? Jane couldn't understand how she could ever feel normal again after the Christmas ordeal, but she kept herself busy. While she had a washing machine, dryers were a thing of the future, and she often had to dry the children's clothes over the radiator during the dreary, rainy January. She attended a mission study course at the church and helped with a P.T.A. bake sale. On all sides she heard complaints of inflation and rising prices. Some commentators on the radio predicted a stock market crash, while others declared such a thing couldn't happen. A letter from Mama brought the distressing news that Janice was ill and had been ill for several weeks. Doctors had advised surgery. Pete, having lived in a bachelor's apartment for years, could look after himself, but eighteen-month-old Marinella must be provided for. Mama had told the Lavorinis to bring the baby to Tarpley while her mother was in the hospital. The next letter brought the news that a mastectomy had been performed. Janice had stood the operation well but was recuperating slowly. The baby was a happy little thing, inquisitive as a kitten, but completely adorable. When Danny was around she was his shadow, which so flattered him that they became great pals. She was learning to talk, and when Danny tried to get her to say her name she 80 �shortened it to "Nella." Immediately, the nickname replaced Marinella. Jane knew that Janice was seriously ill and that her chances for a complete recovery would hang in the balance for months to come. She also thought Mama was too old to assume the responsibility of a young child. Boyd, sensing that Jane was worried about affairs at home, suggested that she take the children and spend a few days in Tarpley. They agreed that he would take them to the train on Tuesday and drive up on the weekend to bring them home. Often sisters who have been separated for ten or more years, living in different states establishing their own families, find they have lost the feeling of closeness they shared as adolescents. This was not the case with Janice and Jane. The week was a glorious reunion for them, and Mama said it helped Janice more than any treatments she could have had, for Janice had been frightened and depressed because of her ordeals. When Jane came the sisters re-lived many of their girlhood experiences, laughed at their escapades, talked over their housekeeping problems, and had a wonderful time. On Saturday morning Jane began to collect her children and belongings to make the trip home. She would have sworn that she did not believe in ESP and would have pooh-poohed the fact that one could have presentiments, but she felt a vague sense of uneasiness. When supper time came and Boyd had not appeared, her heart sank. A couple of hours later when he called her to explain that he had been delayed, she knew what she did not want to know. At midnight, when the household was asleep with the exception of Mama and Jane, he arrived. He was still on his feet, but he was staggering, and his pathetic efforts to tell Mama he had been suffering from headaches lately made Jane feel sick inside. The next morning Jane was able to get Boyd awake enough to dress himself and come to the table. He could only drink coffee and nibble at his food, but the conversation went on as if nothing was out of kilter. As soon as they left Tarpley, Jane insisted that she drive. Boyd was reluctant for her to do so, but finally he stopped the car, got into the back seat, made a pillow out of the suitcases, and was soon sleeping audibly, when they got back to Morgan Hill, Jane fed the children, helped them get a bath, located their paraphernalia for school the next day, and sent them off to bed. Boyd, still groggy, ate a little soup, stumbled into his room, and fell on the bed. 81 �Jane put things right in the kitchen and went into her desk. She was tired, frustrated, uneasy about Janice, and disgusted and embarrassed by her husband. She had promised Mama that she would drop her a note that night, so she got pen and paper and began: Dear Mama, We got home about sunset and since everybody was tired, it did not take long to get through with the nightly chores. Janet and Stan said that the piece of cake you gave them was "good to the last crumb/' The house was steeped in silence. The only sound to be heard was the ticking of the clock in the hall. As Jane sat there she was suddenly overwhelmed with a longing to share her own feelings of helplessness and her anxiety for the days ahead. She wrote: Mama, have you ever been afraid of your husband? Knowing Papa, of course you haven't! I don't mean really fearing physical violence, but being afraid, as I am, of what Boyd might do when he is under the influence and also for what might happen to him when he has reached the unconscious state. Boyd has always argued that a person's individual freedom is unlawfully restricted if he is told he cannot take a drink. He says that if prohibition laws were repealed it would stop drunkenness—people would feel free to indulge moderately and no one would drink too much at a time. I went along with that for a while because I didn't know what else to do, but gradually I had to realize that he was not able to stop at a few drinks and that he would not be quite sober when we were ready to leave a banquet or party. There's no need to go into all the details about how in the first stage everything to him is uproariously funny and he talks too much. Then he lapses into a sort of stupor, and following that, he goes out like a light that has suddenly been turned off. It takes twenty-four to thirty-six hours for Boyd to get over the effects of a bout and be on his feet again. He has never yet admitted that he is helpless once he takes a drink, and after every binge he declares he will never 82 �let it happen again, but of course he is the only one who believes that. The tears had been falling as Jane wrote. Some even splashed onto the letter. Finally she stopped and sat looking vacantly around her. She would never mail this letter to her mother, but putting her dilemma into words had given her a certain sense of release and she felt refreshed for the moment. After she read her letter over one more time, she tore it into small bits and put the pieces in the wastebasket. Then she took fresh paper and began again: Dear Mama, The trip home was uneventful and we arrived before dark. We had lots to talk about discussing the nice things that happened during our stay with you. Thank Papa especially for the apples and vegetables he put in the car. We are going to have a good many feasts because of his generosity. I do sincerely hope that Janice can continue to be optimistic and hold on to her hopeful outlook. What could happen if she has a recurrence of her trouble simply doesn't bear thinking about. It is late and soon the Monday morning alarm will be sounding off, so I must close with love to all of you. Jane 83 �23 Through the summer Janice continued to improve and the baby, free to play outside, was happy as a lark. When the school term began, Pete came for them and they went back to their school. One morning Papa went into Tarpley and noticed a crowd of people in the post office. There was an air of excitement in the crowd and people were pouring over the black headlines which announced that the New York Stock Market had crashed. Tarpley was excited by the news, although few citizens had any understanding of what had really happened or what effect such a calamity could have on local affairs. A neighbor jokingly said to Papa, "How do you suppose it feels to be a millionaire one day and wake up the next to find you are a pauper?" "I wouldn't know," said Papa. "But it is sort of comforting to know you can't lose a million if you have never had it." The upheaval did not seem to have any noticeable effect on the people of Tarpley for some time. Everybody talked about the crash, wondered how it could have happened, read conflicting opinions from newspaper editors as to what effect it would have on the country's economy, and were appalled by some of the tragedies that took place following the debacle. Then, after a few weeks, life went on as usual and the people turned their minds to local affairs. It was not until the first part of the 1930's that a noticeable change came over Tarpley. Industrial plants began operating five and sometimes four days a week, teachers' salaries were reduced, farm surpluses could not be sold, and many people found themselves out of work. Mama was confused by it all. How could the crash of the New York Stock Market have such a devastating effect on everyone in the country? She knew vaguely that rich people invested lots of money in stocks and bonds and that this procedure somehow brought them dividends. Then there were others who bought shares with the hope of selling them soon at a higher price and that was gambling. She was not just exactly sure who was the investor and who was the gambler. News from Pete and Janice put all thoughts of material matters 84 �out of Mama's mind, however, for Janice had been ill again and her doctors had recommended further surgery. The news came as a double blow this time, since Janice had seemed so well for nearly four years. Everybody in the family had been confident she would not have any recurrence of her trouble. Again Janice returned to Tarpley for the summer. She was in the hospital in Asheville for two weeks, when a hysterectomy was performed. Although she was very weak, there had been no complications and the doctors spoke hopefully of the chances for recovery. In spite of the shadow hanging over the household, it was a happy summer. Papa's age and rheumatism made it necessary of him to give up his "public work" as he called it, and he spent his time with his truck farming and gardening. All of the other children were either working or away at summer school, so Mama had the housework to do herself, but some of the children came home every weekend, and the house was filled with pleasant activity. Toward the end of the summer Janice, Pete, and Nella got ready to go back to Tennessee. When the family had driven off, Mama and Papa went back into the kitchen to have a cup of coffee. Both wanted to talk, but neither knew how to express the concern they felt or the uneasiness which they shared. "I don't think she is as much better as she tries to pretend," Papa said. "Yes, I know, but I'm still glad for every day she can live feeling hopeful," said Mama. "I wish I had her optimism. I wonder why so useful a person and one so young should be the victim of such a horrible disease. The doctors themselves are about as helpless as we are, it seems." The specter of Janice's illness stayed with them. Even on days when they didn't discuss her condition at all, both knew it was uppermost in their minds. One day Mama got a letter from Millie. She had spent the summer in New York City studying at Columbia University, working, as Mary had done, on a master's degree in education. Mama was eagerly looking forward to Millie's return, for she had missed her companionship. The letter was a blow. Millie had been offered a teaching position in a school close to New York City. The pay scale was better than that in North Carolina, and she was sure they would be as happy as she was with her "advancement" as she called it. 85 �Mama read the letter over several times as if she couldn't quite take in what was said. Then she looked around at her beloved mountains. There was Pisgah wrapped in an early morning blue haze rising to the east of her, the long Hog Back range formed the skyline to the south of the valley where they lived, and on the west were the three tall peaks that rose behind the nearer hills and at this distance they seemed identical. Local people called them the Three Sisters. In this lovely setting how could anyone want to leave? Mama had made only one trip to the seacoast in her life. She had loved the sight of the ocean and enjoyed walking on the beach, but when that fine white sand began to get in the floors of the cottage, in their clothing, even in the towels and bedclothes, she was ready to go home. When she returned from any trip the very sight of these hills spelled home to her. They were like old friends, and she drew comfort and strength from them. Why should all but one of her children prefer going to some other place to make their homes? As Papa said at supper time, they were back to where they had started. After forty years of marriage, all their children were away and the two of them rattled around the house like a couple of peas in a pod. Soon, however, they established a pattern that made them feel not quite so lonely. Papa liked to come in at night, turn on the radio, eat supper, read The Asheville Citizen, and then have a game of dominoes or checkers before bedtime. Mama didn't really enjoy the games, but she went along with his wishes. If any of the children dropped in or if Danny came home for the weekend, Mama always took advantage of their willingness to play with Papa and she dropped out of the game. Papa, on the other hand, really enjoyed playing with Mama the most, partly because Papa was almost always the winner when she was his opponent. One night Mama had a new book she was so interested in that she tried to snatch a few lines of it when it wasn't her turn to play. Papa resented her inattention and scolded her soundly. She ought to know it wasn't possible to concentrate on the game and read at the same time, and it wasn't fair to her partner. So Mama laid aside her book and took up the challenge. She beat him soundly for the next three games. When they had finished playing, Papa remarked,"You're not that good, you just had a run of luck tonight." The next day Jane phoned. It always made Mama a little nervous when she received a call—somehow she associated all long 86 �distance calls with trouble—but Jane had nothing but good news to report. Stan was back from a two-month bicycle tour of Europe in time to go back to Duke University and Janet was getting ready to go to Stanford. "Do you mean/' interrupted Mama, "Stanford University in California? Why, Jane, why ever in the world did she want to go so far from home? Won't it cost a fortune?'' "I wouldn't have chosen that school myself, but some time ago Boyd told Janet she could select her own school if she maintained the high average she was making. So, as he said, since she had kept her part of the bargain, it's up to him to keep his. But what's the news of Janice, Mama?" "So far her letters have been cheerful, but she doesn't talk much about her condition. We keep hoping that everything will be all right, and we are looking forward to having her visit us for the summer." "Of course you are, Mama, but you yourself need a rest. Remember what Boyd said about you years ago, that it's no wonder you and Papa haven't accumulated any money since you've run a free hotel for forty years." "That's all right," said Mama. "I wouldn't know what to do with a lot of money and neither would Papa." Only a fortnight after the conversation with Jane, Mama had a disturbing one with Pete. Janice was not any better. She was not even holding her own, but was losing ground steadily and suffering constantly. Pete's voice sounded faraway and sad. In spite of the nagging uneasiness they had felt about the doctor's reports after Janice's last operation, the family, Mama included, had tried to see some evidence that a miracle might happen. But after Pete's call she knew this was the death knell to all their hopes. Janice was coming home for her last visit. 87 �24 So the never to be forgotten summer began. Pete was troubled and apologetic. He seemed to feel that he was in some way remiss because he was unable to stay on his job, look after Nella, and give Janice the help she needed. There were staggering hospital and doctor bills accumulating, too. Both Papa and Mama assured him that they wanted Janice with them for the summer—or until she was better—they said, trying to be hopeful. For a short time Janice did seem to improve. She was happy to be at home, to see other members of the family as well as friends who dropped in, and she tried desperately hard to be cheerful and interested in what went on around her. If it had not been for the night ordeals, Mama herself would have been encouraged, but she knew Janice could never sleep at all without a sedative, and as soon as the effects of one dose wore off, she was awake and suffering. This was the heartbreaking part of it—the neverceasing, intolerable pain which by its dogged persistence dragged her down, leaving those who loved her powerless to do anything to help her. Mama was feeling the strain herself. Worn out with lack of sleep and physically weary from overwork, she sometimes wondered if she could last the day. When Mary came home for the weekend the first thing she did was to arrange for a nurse to come on duty every night for an eight-hour stint, but even so the going was hard and the whole family lived in a state of suspended anxiety. As the weeks went by Janice weakened and her interest gradually narrowed to the four walls of the bedroom. She needed stronger opiates, and sometimes when she wakened from her drugged unconsciousness, she seemed disoriented and her memory was affected to the extent that she confused dates and events. Following a low point like this, for no apparent reason, there would come a few days when she was more comfortable. She would have a respite and be somewhat like her old self, interested in family affairs, planning for Nella to start school, enjoying the summer flowers. But these interims came less and less often and were usually followed by a more terrible seizure when she would be conscious of nothing but the excruciating misery which engulfed her. 88 �One day in the late summer, Janice roused from a drugged sleep and asked for Mama. She seemed entirely rational and very calm. Mama came into the room and stood by the bed rearranging the pillows. "Mama," Janice said, "I know now that I am not going to get well." "Oh, Janice, no!" burst from Mama involuntarily. Janice continued, "I have been all over this many times and I have come through my Gethsemane. At first I was determined to get well, and for months I thought I would. Then when it came to me that I was losing ground, I was resentful. I asked myself, 'Why me? What have I done to bring this judgment on my head?' I have no answers for some of my questions, but I realize now that man is mortal and subject to all manner of diseases and afflictions and no one knows whose turn will be next. I believe in the eternal goodness of God and I do not believe that this terrible disease has anything to do with Him. It is one of the devastating evils of this imperfect world. Of course, I want to live. I want to see Nella grow up and for Pete and me to continue our music. But I simply cannot. The awful pain and the increasing helplessness have made it all impossible. And I'm so tired I will even be glad if the end comes soon." Janice drifted off into a fitful sleep and Mama continued to stand by her bed, stroking Janice's forehead, mute, but herself dying a thousand deaths as she tried to accept the certain knowledge that Janice had just told her mother goodbye. She died in September. The last week of her life was peaceful, for she lay in a coma and was oblivious to everything around her. Mama thought to herself that she would never have believed it possible to have a feeling of relief when a loved one was gone, but when she remembered the constant suffering Janice had to undergo this last summer, she was glad it was ended. Even though she knew life must go on, the grief and loneliness and a terrible vacancy would always be with her. When Janice had been laid to rest in the Tarpley cemetery, Pete was back at work and Jane had taken Nella home with her, where she was to attend school. When Jane had asked Boyd about keeping Nella for the winter, he had said, "Sure, bring her along. You and I have been rattling around in this house ever since the children went off to school. Maybe Nella can put a little life into the place." 89 �Tarpley people were neighborly and kind. They visited Mama, bringing her flowers and tempting delicacies, which she accepted gratefully. But she seemed to be in the grip of an overpowering lassitude from which she could not free herself. From lifelong habit she went about her household tasks. Automatically, she ate her meals and went to bed at night, but nothing registered with her. She felt as if she were living in a great void in which everything was blank except the grief and sorrow that Janice's death had brought. It was in the late autumn before a sense of awareness began slowly to come back to her. She realized that in her own constant grieving she had neglected duties toward those around her. She must accept what had happened. Time, she knew, would help to heal the sorrow, but the loneliness and the ache, the ache would always be there. 90 �25 When the new year came in it brought many changes to the Barker household. In December Mary had suffered a heart attack and was hospitalized for several weeks. The doctors strongly advised her not to try to continue the strenuous work she had been doing and recommended a complete rest for six months or so. Papa and Mama wrote to Mary suggesting that she resign her position and come home to live with them. Papa, who was pushing eighty, said that when she got rested up he'd be glad to turn over the garden work to her. And Mama pointed out that it would be so nice for Papa to have someone to play dominoes with at night. In a few weeks Mary sent in her resignation, sold her house and most of her furnishings, gathered her personal belongings and her dog, and drove home to Tarpley to live. Relatives and friends intimated that this new order of things might not be a bed of roses, some pointing out that "no house is big enough for two women," but Mama didn't spend any time worrying about that. She was confident she could get along with her own daughter. Besides, she wouldn't admit it to anyone but herself, but deep down she was tired of housekeeping and knew that if Mary wanted to take charge of the house she would be glad to let her. Mary was not long at home before her bent for managing displayed itself. Her first acquisition was a dishwasher. Papa and Mama thought that it was an unnecessary expense, but they went along. Before they became adjusted to that change, Mary had decided they must get a home freezer, too. She turned a deaf ear to Papa's argument that the "Polar Pantry" was adequate for keeping their meats frozen and they could can fruits and vegetables as they always had. Mary had worked with food processing before, so when the freezer was installed in the basement she was able to show them many new tricks about freezing. Mama and Papa became more interested than they had expected to be. Millie had not come home for the summer but had worked in a girls' camp in Vermont. She wrote that she wanted to come home for Thanksgiving and to bring someone with her. His name was Jim and she seemed to think that he was the answer to all her dreams. 91 �Mary and Mama set right to work giving the house a thorough going over. They washed the curtains for the spare bedroom windows and Mary worked late at night in order to finish the hooked rug she was making for that room. Planning menus and cooking meals 1 'ahead" also took much of their time. On the day Millie and Jim were scheduled to arrive they had everything ready. Papa, Mama, and Mary had a light meal early "to stave off hunger" until the travelers should arrive, but night fell and Millie and Jim did not come. As they sat in the living room waiting, Papa began to speculate. He thought it likely they had had a puncture or some other car trouble. Mama thought they might have started later than they had intended—Millie was always a good one to be a little late. They sat, uneasily, watching the clock as the minutes ticked slowly by. Finally as midnight approached they decided they had better go to bed because there seemed nothing they could do until they received some message or some news of the couple's whereabouts. However, no one was sleeping when the telephone rang, and Mary was the one who answered. The call was from a hospital in Lynchburg, Virginia. There had been a car wreck, a collision, and Millie was in the hospital there. She was in a state of shock and had cuts and bruises, but she was not listed in critical condition. When Mary asked about her companion, there was a long pause, and finally the voice said, "The driver of the car was killed instantly." They decided Mary was the logical person to go to Virginia, so the next morning Papa had the car serviced and Mama fixed breakfast and packed a lunch. Papa suggested that Mary should take someone with her, but Mary rejected the idea. "I'll stay until I can bring Millie home, and if I take somebody along, that will be board and lodging to pay for two people instead of one. We can't afford it." In a week's time Mary and Millie were back in Tarpley. Millie had a noticeable limp, an arm in a sling, a bandaged head, and a bruised face accented by a black eye. Although the homecoming was subdued, Millie felt the sincerity of their warm-hearted concern. Just being at home with people who loved her brought her unutterable comfort. She had been given a leave of absence from teaching until the new term in January. The seclusion of her own room seemed to be what Millie wanted more than anything else on the first days after her arrival, so she was told to call for anything she needed and was left alone. Gradually, 92 �she seemed to become more like her old self and to want to be with the family. She began to help with the chores. When Mary decided it was time to put up the Christmas tree, Papa got the axe, put on his boots and muffler, and started out. "Wait, Papa/' called Millie, "I want to go with you." She bundled herself up and they trudged off together. It was an outing both of them would always remember—the brisk walk in the cold, the good long talk they had enjoyed, and "just the right size" cedar they found made the afternoon very special. After supper that night Papa wanted to play a game of Rook, his current favorite. Mama and Mary played partners against Papa and Millie. Mama and Mary (who was the best player) won the first game, and since everybody knew that Papa wanted awfully to win, Mary suggested that they change partners. "Oh no," he said, "Millie and I are doing just fine. You just deal me a hand and we'll show them a thing or two, won't we, Millie?" Mary and Mama won the next game, but for once Papa didn't seem to mind. Day followed day and eventually the subdued holidays had gone by. Finally, Millie began to get her things together to go back to school. Mama came in to help and stood looking anxiously at her daughter. "No, Mama, you aren't to worry about me," said Millie. "The accident seems ages ago, and I don't even feel like the same person I was. It was a ghastly way for a vacation to end. I'm glad I have no recollection of the crash. Losing Jim is terrible, but I don't think I could bear it if I had been conscious of his condition right after the accident or the ride in the ambulance or the clearing of the cars from the highway. But at last I've come to this conclusion. My students aren't responsible for what happened and I feel I must get back to them and try to make up for lost time. I remember a statement I read not long ago, 'Hearts break, my dear, but they go on beating just the same.' " 93 �26 January was a month Mama liked. It seemed an in-between season of the year and a good time to go through the papers in her desk, re-arrange the cabinets in the kitchen, start to work again on her lone star quilt, or to crochet a little. Mama had given up knitting, since she was handicapped in that area. She was left-handed. Nobody seemed to mind much these days, but when she was a child it was the same thing as being cross-eyed or harclipped or clubfooted. One of the most humiliating experiences of her early school days was having the teacher tie her pencil to her right arm so she wouldn't try to write with her left hand. Mama still remembered how she felt when her schoolmates laughed at her. When it came to knitting, her being left-handed was a real problem. If she didn't use her right hand the patterns were all inside out, so she decided the world could get along without her knitting efforts. She had plenty of other kinds of handiwork to do. Mary was asked to take charge of the Tarpley Public Library and accepted the job eagerly. Mama had felt all along that if Mary's health continued to improve she would want something besides the four walls of home to engage her attention. As soon as she began work in the library, Mary's enthusiasm for redoing the house was transferred to updating and re-arranging the library. Since Papa was indoors a good part of the time in January, he kept the radio turned on incessantly. In fact, he so constantly sat in his easy chair listening to the radio that Mama told him he would grow to it if he didn't bestir himself and take a little exercise. Most of the news on the radio had to do with the war. Mama had been stunned by the news of Pearl Harbor, of course, but for a long time the war seemed so remote, and she had so many troubles at home that the fighting didn't seem quite real. But when the news came that a local boy was missing in action and two more had been taken prisoners of war, when draftees were being called up on all sides, and when Tarpley enlisted men were being sent to camps all over the country, then the conflict became a dread reality. The Barkers were personally affected, too. Danny was doing clerical work in Fort Belvoir, Virginia. Stan had just received a commission at Fort Gordon, Georgia, and he wrote Mama that he was 94 �now a "shavetail." Bob's oldest son had just been sent to Camp Roberts, California, and presumably was on his way overseas. Six months before she would have graduated from Stanford, Janet married a young lieutenant from the Midwest, both of them vowing she would go on to school until she was graduated. Susan and Greg's son was impatiently awaiting his birthday so he would be old enough to enlist. The situation of the Barker family was duplicated by all their neighbors as it was by the whole country. Every eligible male was getting into uniform, and women's units were being activated, too. As Mama said, everybody was in active conflict except the old men who decided the country should go to war, directed its policies, and then sat behind a desk or in some sheltered place while others did the fighting. Most of the troops were young boys who didn't know what "expendable" meant and who were brainwashed with patriotism and fired by dreams of adventure. Mama had not forgotten the aftermath of the First World War. She did think that people's attitudes were changing. During World War I a soldier kissed his sweetheart goodbye, prayerfully hoping to return to her. Now, it seemed that every draftee got himself a girl and married her before he left for combat. It almost seemed as if he thought that having a wife would be a sort of insurance to guarantee his return. Mama also noted that the great majority of these war brides were pregnant even before the soldiers left for foreign duty, and birth rate began to soar. She thought with concern about the future for this raft of helpless children coming into such an unsettled world. The rationing of sugar, gas, and tires, as well as the shortage of other commodities, didn't bother the Barkers, who were glad to do without if it helped the war effort. But the problem of tending the truck gardening was a real worry. Papa could not get help, and neither he nor Mama had energy or strength enough to carry on as they had formerly done. "Goodness me," thought Mama, "Papa is nearly eighty and here am I not far behind him. Did I think it was something that would never happen to us?" Still and all, they managed. Greg found time to bring his tractor over and prepare a couple of acres for Papa to have a "victory garden," which, through Papa's patient efforts, yielded a surprising amount of produce. Mama, in turn, canned as much as she could. 95 �One day, after a stint of canning tomatoes, Mama sat down to catch her breath. She said to Nella, who was visiting for the summer, "I declare, I'm developing bunions. Couldn't I surely have missed inheriting that?" "Why Mama," said Nella, "just think, you have vegetable feet. The other day you said you had corns and today you say you have onions!" "Yes, ma'am," laughed Mama as she tousled Nella's hair. "And I know a little girl who has a pumpkin for a head!" Nella was very dear to her grandparents. Many of her little mannerisms were to them constant reminders of Janice, while her sunny disposition coupled with her gay chatter kept them amused and interested. Pete always paid the Barkers a visit when Nella was with them, and he and his daughter were the best of pals, but as time went on, it seemed that Nella considered Jane's house home base for her. Early in October the message came that Bob, Jr., was reported missing in action. To the family it was practically the same as an announcement of his death, but Bob's wife Lula adamantly refused to believe her son was lost. She steadfastly maintained that she would hear from him again and insisted that he would likely be safer in prison 96 �than out with the troops. Nobody shared her optimism, but they didn't try to dissuade her. Mama realized that nature being what it is, people can adjust themselves to anything, even to war. In Tarpley people reacted to the restrictions the war brought according to their own interpretations of what they owed their country in loyalty and to what extent they were willing to share. A black market and hoarders could be found, but there were loyal citizens, too, willing to make sacrifices. For the most part, the inhabitants of the town went about their daily tasks as usual. The schools did not close, the shops stayed in business, the mills kept running, and farmers were busy. Over it all and through it all was a feeling of impermanence. All their thinking was geared to the theme, "when the war is over/' 97 �27 It was Mary's idea that a change of scene would be a tonic for them, so when Jane wrote inviting all of them to come down to Morgan Hill for a weekend visit to see their new house, Mary was delighted. They went, picking up Nate on the way. "I thought the house you lived in was plenty good," Papa told Jane when they arrived at the new house. "This one looks pretty fancy for a Barker to be living in," he teased. "Oh, Papa," Jane answered. "Don't you know you are the same person no matter what sort of house you live in?" The big picture window, on the back side of the house where nobody could see it, and the private bath in every bedroom spelled luxury to Mama. She wondered what Jane and Boyd would do now that the children were gone. Nella took enormous pride in showing off her very own room. "Look, Mama," she said. "I hope you like the curtains and the bedspread that are just alike. I picked them out all by myself. And the teddy bear on the bed is the one my daddy gave me last Christmas, and this badge on the dresser is the one we wear to Victory Club meetings." At her grandmother's question, Nella went on to explain the club. All the children on Hillcrest Street belonged. The purpose of the club was "to help win the war." Each member had to have a victory garden and Nella had four tomato plants in hers. Meetings were held every other week and dues were five cents a month. A boy named Charles was president and Nella was secretary. She showed Mama the last entry in her book of minutes: The meeting met. We were at Jane's house. Charles didn't come and Mary decided in his place. We collected dues and played games. Then we ate strawberry ice cream and left. Nella Lavorini, Secretary Soon Nella and Mama went downstairs to join the others. It was a real treat to have so much of the family together. Boyd played host in his ever cordial and attractive manner. It was no wonder he was 98 �so popular, beguiling anyone into forgiving his lapses and sympathizing with him. "A charmer if there ever was one," Mama thought. They talked of family members involved in the war. Bob Jr. was still a prisoner and recently Joe Simmons was listed as missing somewhere in the Pacific theater, which made Susan's nerves as taut as a violin string. Janet would be coming home soon because her husband was being sent overseas, and Stan was a captain stationed now in Australia. Danny had shocked everybody by marrying an English girl a few months ago. Mama was uneasy and wondered if the bride would be able to adjust to life in America. Driving home Nate said, "If I had had two hands, you know, I'd have been in World War I. There were thousands of veterans who couldn't adjust themselves to civilian life because they were wounded or shell-shocked or whatever. It will be worse this time since this war has lasted twice as long and so many more people have been involved." On the way home they stopped by the post office to pick up the mail. Among the letters was a telegram, which Mary tore open. "Heavens to Betsy!" she exclaimed and sat down suddenly. Then she shook her head unbelievingly and said, "Well, I never! I n-e-v-e-r!" She passed the telegram to Papa, who read aloud, "Married today in Little Church Around the Corner. Letter follows. Millie and Pete." Papa snorted and said, "Why, he's already her brother-in-law. That's some sort of incest, isn't it?" Mama quickly put his mind at rest about that. "No, Papa," she said. "They really are no kin at all. If a man wants to marry his deceased wife's sister and the said sister is willing to have him, there's no law against it. But a little warning would have made the news a bit more palatable." "Millie didn't have to marry Pete. What was the matter with that other fellow she was going with?" growled Papa. "And just why are you so concerned about Millie?" Mary asked him. "Why don't you worry a little bit about me since I haven't ever been married?" Papa's eyes twinkled as he answered her, "If you were to get married, I'd know you were going to be all right, but I would be a mite anxious for your husband!" The summer was almost gone when V-J Day actually arrived and the war was officially ended. It changed the pattern of life for millions 99 �of people. While there were joyous homecomings for those whose loved ones came back alive and uninjured, there was also unutterable sadness for those whose sons had been lost in combat. The soldiers returning were not the same young men who had gone forth eagerly to defend their country. They were often disillusioned to discover that America was not the haven against all frustrations they had imagined while overseas. Thousands of war brides, many with young children, had lost their husbands to the war or had been abandoned by them. Confusion instead of peace seemed to be the outcome of the war. At a Home Demonstration Club meeting that fall, an acquaintance sat next to Mama and said in a not-so-soft voice, "Cora, what has happened to the people in your church? Is it true that Jim Grey has run off with Tom Martin's wife and split up two families? And isn't he on your board of stewards? I don't suppose you could blame that on the war, could you?" Mama's face turned red and she stammered a little. "I—I guess you'll have to ask someone better informed than me." But the barb had gone home. Already embarrassed about the effect of the scandal on the church, Mama resented the implication that an affair like this was not likely to be found in her neighbor's church. Talking to Papa that night about the club meeting, Mama told him what Jessie Moser had said. His reply was, "A lot of things like that are happening these days. I don't know what has brought it about, but the standards people lived by have certainly undergone a change. But just you wait and see. One of these days some sort of upheaval will happen in Jessie's church, too. All the holier-than-thou people are not in one congregation." His prediction was entirely correct. In a few months, the pastor of Jessie's church left his wife and three children for a girl half his age. Mama's urge was strong to say to Jessie, "Just what has happened in your church? Has the war had this effect on your congregation, too?" In the next few months many changes took place. Bob Jr. arrived home apparently none the worse for his experience of having worked on a farm while in prison camp. Stan Brooks, now a lieutenant colonel, had decided to make a career of the army. His sister Janet, who had gone with her small daughter and husband to Montana to live, was already dreading the winter weather. Bob's oldest daughter was waiting to hear from a husband who seemed to be making no effort 100 �to communicate with her. Susan's son had been home and gone again. He was unsettled and admitted he didn't know what he wanted to do—a real war casualty. Mama despondently wondered why people refused to learn anything from past experiences. In her lifetime she had had intimate knowledge of three great wars. The earliest and most vivid memories of her childhood centered around stories of the Civil War, of her father's four years in the Confererate army. She had heard the family speaking of its poverty, but she had never been hungry and her family had been no poorer than her neighbors. Her folks did not lose their home to the carpet-baggers, but they lived in it for years without being able to put a new coat of paint on the outside. When World War I came along, Papa was too old to go, Nate was ineligible, and Bob too young, so her immediate family was exempt. But the war was very real to her since she had relatives and neighbors who were involved. She remembered the wave of lawlessness, rebellion, and wild carousing that followed the cessation of the so-called "war to end all wars." Who could have imagined that in less than twenty-five years the war machines would be geared to fighting again, this time involving all the principal countries of the world, using new and deadlier weapons, taking a ghastly toll of lives and property? The saddest thing about it all was that when the fighting did cease, the relief from tension, the feeling of good will, and the sense of peace which everyone expected simply did not materialize. The only conclusion Mama could draw was that "a war is an instrument of destruction where even the winner loses." 101 �28 One brisk morning in December, Nate, who had recently retired and returned to Tarpley to live, went to the post office and brought back a thick letter from Danny. That in itself was an event, for he was not a regular correspondent. The Barkers sat at their cozy kitchen table while Mary read the letter aloud. The letter brought the family up to date on his future plans, explaining that he and his wife Sheila had decided to make their home in England. He had found a job in a publishing house and Sheila would return to her pre-war position as a receptionist in a doctor's office. The real purpose of the letter, though, was to tell the family that they wanted to come to the States for a holiday before really settling down. He wanted Sheila to see where he had grown up and he hoped that other members of the family could come home for Christmas too so they could have a sort of "get acquainted" reunion. Only that morning Mama had been thinking of the kind of Christmas they would have that year. She wouldn't have to worry about a large meal—she could just make dressing for one of Papa's hens, and the four home folks could enjoy a quiet, uneventful day. Somehow the idea especially appealed to Mama. "I must be getting old," she thought. Even before Mary had finished reading Danny's letter, however, Mama had given up her ideas about a quiet Christmas and was making plans around the biggest turkey she could find. Of course they would tell Danny that they would try to do as he wished, and at once they began to count the number of guests they might have. Mary said to Papa, "At least Nate and I won't be adding any more family members to the crowd. Aren't you glad we're both old maids?" "With thirty people in the family we'll have all we'll need." Papa conceded. "This is going to be worse than a shivaree." "And I hope, Mary," said Mama, "that you don't start off with any wild ideas about turning out the whole house from cellar to attic to get ready for them. With that many people here nobody is apt to notice what the house looks like, and as for the cleaning, we'll need to do that after they've come and gone." 102 �Although Christmas was four weeks away both Mary and Mama knew they would go all out to try to make the holiday special, so they began planning furiously for the homecoming. There were menus to concoct, sleeping arrangements to be worked out, and yule decorations to be made and hung. The dining table with its extensions would seat twelve people and the kitchen table would accommodate eight, but that made only twenty places. This problem was solved when a friend of Mary's offered a folding table which would seat eight. Since two of the guests were infants who could only use high chairs, this helped to make a place for everyone to sit down at the beginning of the meal. Susan would help with the baking and bring dishes and cutlery over to fill the gaps, as Mama said. They began to hear from the children. Bob and Lula with all of their five children, the daughter-in-law, and the grandson would come; Pete, Millie, and Nella would get there for the weekend; Jane wrote that she and Boyd would be up for the day only, bringing Janet and her baby; Stan would fly down from Washington for the day also; and Danny and Sheila planned to arrive on Christmas Eve. "Oh, I do wish Janet's husband could come/' said Mary. "If only he were here that would make it one hundred percent—every last member of the family under one roof at the same time!" "No, it wouldn't," said Mama. "Janice is missing." A week before Christmas, Susan's boys brought bunches of holly and mistletoe from the Simmons farm along with a beautifully shaped six-foot native cedar tree, which was placed in front of the big windows in the living room. Long strings of popcorn were looped around it, and star-shaped cookies decorated the tips of the branches, but the new and special feature for the Barkers was the colored lights which Jane had sent them. Years ago Papa had turned thumbs down on real candles for the tree because of the risk of fire, so the electric bulbs were especially welcomed. On the mantel they arranged one of the ceramic manger scenes Mary had made for each of the households the year before. Bob and his family arrived in two cars just before dusk on Christmas Eve, followed soon by Pete, Millie, and Nella. Danny and Sheila called to say that they were spending the night in Asheville and would see them before noon the following day. Counting the folks at home, that made sixteen people to be housed for the night. Mary was intent on placing a certain number in each of the four bedrooms, 103 �but some of the young folks brought their sleeping bags and scattered themselves all through the house. Christmas morning dawned clear and cold, but since it was dry underfoot outdoor activities were in full swing. The old tennis court on the south side of the house was soon in action, while some of the youngsters set out to climb Hamburg Mountain with Greg as guide. Danny and Sheila wanted to look over the town and surrounding landscape, and some of the relatives went with them. Most of the women spent the morning in the kitchen, helping Mama, as Susan said, "to feed Coxey's Army/' They were busy every minute but by planning and working together the dinner was ready when it was expected. Each of the three tables had its own serving dishes, its own salad, pickle and relishes, its own bowls of rice, sweet potatoes, and green beans, and its own basket of homemade rolls. Papa was called into the kitchen to slice the turkey and ham. He did so and put some of each on three platters. Danny came into the kitchen a few minutes before the meal started and drew Mama aside. "Mama, you know Sheila is English and on special occasions like this she expects to have wine served with the meal. Do you think Papa would object if we had a little of the wine we brought with us?" "I think you already know what the answer will be, Danny, for you know how adamant your father is. When he has once convinced himself that a thing is right or wrong, nothing can change him. Don't you remember when Nate and Mary wanted to play bridge? Papa said they could play Rook, Flinch, Authors, dominoes, checkers— anything—but a game with a pack of cards that had a king, queen, and jack in them could never come in his house!" She stirred the rice vigorously for emphasis. "I really don't think Sheila would mind," she went on. "She seems quite sensible and down-to-earth to me, and you could tell her we mountaineers are a pretty independent lot of folks and "set" in our ways. I have some good grape juice already cold and some blackberry acid—the kind you used to like— and I think that either of those will serve just as well." "O.K., Old Lady, you win," said Danny with a grin. When they were all seated, Papa returned thanks. Mama hoped he would add to his familiar blessing some little mention of their special pleasure in having the whole family with them, but he didn't. 104 �Just as he repeated every day at dinner he said "Make us mindful of others as we partake of this food. Bless it to our use and us to thy service. Amen." Little one-year-old Nancy was given grape juice in Danny's pewter baby cup. Expecting anything she drank to be milk, she took a sip of the juice, made a wry face, and immediately turned the cup upside down on the tray of the high chair. Janet rushed up with a towel to mop up the juice. Then she washed the mug and filled it with milk. This little incident seemed to bring to mind a train of childhood reminiscences. Mary said, "Nate, do you remember the time you got baptized at the table with buttermilk?" To the rest of the listeners she explained, "The minister was having dinner with us that Sunday, and it so happened he had christened a child at the morning service. Nate, Jane, Bob, and I all sat on a long bench on one side of 105 �the table, and as the children were taught back then, we sat at the table until the adults were ready to leave. Jane was getting restless so she took up her glass of milk, leaned over Nate, and said, "I baptize you in the name of the Father and the Son and here you go!" And so saying she emptied the contents of her glass on Nate's head." "Was that the end of the story?" asked Pete. "Well, at least it was the end of the dinner party!" "Susan, you tell about the time you and Millie got into the ants' nest,"said Jane. "Not me," Susan replied, "if it's told let Millie do the telling." That story was told, and another and another. The ones who had heard them before seemed to enjoy them more than ever. Eventually Boyd looked at his watch. "My friends," he said, "as pleasant as this is, we poor folks who have to work tomorrow need to be getting on with the tree and then starting our trip back home." They trooped into the living room, the first to arrive taking possession of all the chairs and couches and the overflow sitting in a semicircle on the floor opposite the tree. Greg had agreed to act as Santa 106 �Claus and Susan had fixed a costume for him. He said he'd wear the suit, pillow front and all, but he drew the line at putting on the beard. In thirty minutes Santa with some helpers had stripped the tree and removed the stacks of packages from the floor around it. Everyone tore open the packages the minute they were received, and as the happy recipients shouted thanks to pleased donors, the room became noisier and noisier. When things had calmed down a bit Mary said, "I know we can't spend much more time, but let's have a song or two before you leave." With Danny and his banjo and Pete with his guitar, they all stood knee-deep in wrapping paper and sang "Silent Night" and "Joy to the World." After a few more carols they caught hands for a lusty rendition of "Auld Lang Syne." The days following were a sort of kaleidoscope to Mama and Mary. By the time they got through with one meal and the washing up was finished, it was time to get the next meal ready. Friends and relatives dropped in to see those still visiting. In two days after Christmas the fruitcake was almost gone and Mary was in the kitchen frantically stirring up another one to insure that there was something to serve callers with their afternoon coffee or tea. At last, on Saturday morning, the visitors began their trek back home. The house itself resembled a beehive as families tried to collect their belongings, pack their bags, and stow them in cars. Eventually the commotion was over, for everyone had gotten on his or her way. Papa announced that he was going to celebrate by taking a nap. Mama was busy putting the house to rights, collecting the mountain of sheets and pillowcases she would have to wash, and pulling out the boxes for storing the Christmas decorations, when all of a sudden a paralyzing weariness overcame her. She sat down in an easy chair, thinking she would rest a bit before going on with her chores. It was sweet to sit still and know that she didn't have to hurry. It was ever so good to be alone and to sit there not even thinking. Papa wakened from his nap, took a walk around the grounds, sawed a little wood, and stacked it in the shed joining the back porch, and then walked up to the mailbox to get the evening paper. In the meantime Mary had come back from a trip to town and had gone to the kitchen to see about supper. When they were ready to eat and Mama still had not stirred, Papa went in to see about her. "Cora," he said and shook her gently. 107 �Mama opened her eyes, stared blindly ahead of her for a few seconds, and then asked foolishly, "Have I been asleep?" When they had finished eating they still sat in the cozy corner of the kitchen, unwinding and living over the events of the last week. Mary was happy with the reunion and said so with enthusiasm. Papa said it was fine, of course, but something you couldn't repeat many times in a lifetime. Mama said she was like old Uncle Billy Bradford, who, when he was describing the departure of some lingering house guests, said, ''When I saw the last car go down the driveway—them was the purtiest tail lights I ever did see!" 108 �29 Spring came early to the Carolina mountains in 1947. Early in March Papa found a sheltered spot on the hillside dotted with bird'sfoot violets. Despite his trouble in stooping, he picked himself a bouquet and took it home to Mama and Mary. When Mama had put the flowers in a vase and placed them on the breakfast room table, Mary said, "Wait a minute, Mama, you can't put those violets on that blue cloth—the two blues simply kill each other/' So for lunch that day they had a fresh white cloth to complement the violet centerpiece. That afternoon Susan came in excited to tell her news: Greg had agreed to sell the thirty acres of his farm adjoining the new highway. He had been reluctant to do so, knowing that if his father were alive, he would never have allowed it. But Susan had convinced him, pointing out that people must change as times change, that they had more land than they could tend anyway, and it would be so nice to have a little free cash for the first time in their lives. The times were a boon to Greg and Susan. With the returning veterans establishing families, new houses were springing up everywhere. Builders described the new style as "functional"—long and low, glass-walled, and flat-roofed. Mama thought the homes looked sort of like a lead pencil. In many ways it was a most unusual year. With the war over, it seemed a new life style was being adopted in America. Credit was easy. Young couples seemed to want to start with what their parents ended up with, borrowing freely for cars, appliances, and furniture. Even the government was piling up an ever increasing indebtedness each year, and the popular phrase to describe it was "deficit spending." To Mama that meant only one thing—spending money you didn't have—and she thought it would end in trouble. Standards of behavior were changing, too. Mama knew she was old-fashioned, but the avalanche of divorce cases appalled her. She sorrowed bitterly over her first grandchild to get a divorce from her husband, and a few years later she was unreconciled to the situation when the granddaughter married again. "Thank God," she said to herself, "at least there were no children." But a short time later, Stan, who had had two children by his first marriage, brought his new bride 109 �to see her. Mama couldn't understand how responsible human beings could abandon their own children and justify themselves in their action. But people were doing just that. Divorce was legal, accepted, and becoming a way of life. For one who had always considered herself an optimist, who firmly believed that the world was growing better, that the Christian religion would one day be universally accepted, and that the precepts of her Bible were standards that would never change, the world of the *40's was a shattering revelation. But it wasn't just the world around her that was changing. The conflicts and tensions of her own emotions baffled her. She wondered what had become of her settled views—the principles on which she had based her thinking and the pattern of life she had tried to follow. But changing or not, day followed day and the routine of their lives went on. The ordinary household chores took longer and seemed more difficult to perform, so much so that she and Papa were both "tuckered out" by noon and had to have a rest before they could do any more work that day. They were ever so grateful for Greg's help to Papa and for the days that Susan spent in Mama's hot kitchen, even though she had the same sort of work to do in her own home. One Sunday afternoon when the midday meal was over, Mary announced that she and a friend were going to Asheville to attend a lecture at the auditorium. Nate had gone to Atlanta for the weekend, so Mama and Papa were by themselves. Mama settled herself to write her regular weekly letters to the children. Papa said he felt sort of drowsy and wanted to lie down. He took the Sunday paper with him so he could read a little and then have a nap. Mama was busy for a time with her correspondence. It was so quiet that the clock's ticking sounded loud in the stillness. After a while Mama leaned back in her chair and dropped off to sleep, too. She awakened to the realization that the day was far gone and it was about time for Mary and Nate to be coming home. She thought she had better wake Papa up or he would never get to sleep later. She went to the bedroom and called, "Are you going to sleep all day?" There was no answer, so she opened the door and went in. She was immediately conscious of an eerie stillness which sent a chill of fear through her. She stood there unable to speak, unable to move, staring at and seeing nothing. She was not even aware of Mary's coming into the room or of her taking her arm and leading her away. 110 �In the kitchen Mary made a strong cup of tea and urged her mother to drink it. Little by little the numbness left her and she could accept the reality of what had happened. She laid her head on her arms on the table and sobbed softly. Soon Nate came in and was told the sad news. Mama said to him, "How in the world could it have happened like this? I was right in the house and didn't realize anything was wrong/1 "But, Mama," said Nate, "think of what a beautiful way to go. He didn't suffer any pain for he lay quietly on the bed relaxed and peaceful. He simply went to sleep." All the children came home to see their father laid to rest—even Danny and Sheila from London. The funeral was held in the little white church where the Barkers had worshipped ever since they had moved to Tarpley. The church was filled with relatives and friends of many years. "I wonder why they don't toll the bell like they used to?" a young boy asked. "When my grandpa died they tolled it once for every year of his age, and he was seventy-seven years old." From the church the procession drove a few blocks to the cemetery, where the rites were concluded. As the crowd began to disperse, Mama thought it was somewhat like a reunion, for people who had not seen each other for a long time began to greet each other and renew acquaintances. Mary and Nate, who stood on either side of their mother, asked her if she would like to leave. Slowly she shook her head back and forth and remained where she was. She stood silhouetted against the brilliant color of the autumn sunset, a plump little woman in a neat black dress. She knew the service was ended, but she was loath to leave her companion of more than fifty years. Ill �30 The Barker household went on much as if there had been no interruption. Mama helped with the housekeeping and did her usual chores automatically, but she admitted to herself that she felt adrift with nothing to which she could cling. To fill the empty hours she worked harder than ever on her project to make a bedspread for her grandchildren. She had planned to make either a quilt or a crocheted afghan for each one of them. It was a big undertaking since she had so many grandchildren, but she thought she could at least do that for them to remember her by. 112 �One day she received a telephone call from Jane. After they had exchanged family news, Jane said, "Mama, Boyd and I are going to Europe this summer and we want you to go with us. You and I can sail over on one of the Queens, and Boyd will fly over later to meet us/' "You surely can't be serious, Jane. You know I don't have the means to go gallivanting around in foreign countries. Besides, I don't know how to act." When Mama left the phone that day she was sure that Jane understood how utterly impossible it would be for her to go to Europe, but in a few days Mama was shocked to find that she was planning to go to Europe with the Brooks. She hardly knew how it came about that all her objections and doubts left her, and she began looking forward with enthusiasm to visiting countries she had never dreamed of being able to see. Jane sent her brochures from Bronson Tours. They gave instructions about places to be visited, the time to be spent at each, the sort of clothes to take along, and the amount of luggage each person would be allowed to carry. Mama's enthusiasm grew with her studying, and she applied herself conscientiously to getting out her history books and refreshing her memory about the countries she was to visit. On the night before she left Tarpley, Mama began to have misgivings. She wondered why she wanted to go away for three months, separating herself by three thousand miles of water from all that was near and dear to her. But the next day she took hold of herself and decided that even though there was an element of risk in crossing the Atlantic, hundreds of people did so safely every week. Also, she didn't have any guarantee that if she stayed home she would be safe or that things wouldn't change in her familiar surroundings. So she finished her packing with determination, including in her prayers, "Lord, if it be Thy will, let us go safely on this voyage." Her excitement was at a fevered pitch by the morning of her departure. Mary and Nate drove her that afternoon to Charlotte, where she spent the night with Jane. On the next day she and Jane took the "Southerner" to New York, where they spent the night in the Waldorf-Astoria. Jane said she chose that hotel to compensate Mama for their not being able to sail on the Queen Elizabeth or the Queen Mary. There was no space available on either of them, so they had booked passage on the Franconia, an Italian ship whose brochure made it look really elegant. 113 �To Mama it was a once in a lifetime experience to stand at the pier from which Franconia was to sail and realize that she was one of the passengers herself. There were many small groups, and the majority of them were saying tearful goodbyes—evidently they were anticipating long separations. There was one rather loud party of cheerful well-wishers popping champagne corks, and on the other extreme there were travelers who acted bored with the proceedings as if an ocean voyage were a weekly occurrence and they saw no reason to make a to-do over it. When at last the gangplank was pulled up, the huge ship inched away from the dock, with what seemed to be tiny tug boats accompanying it. Most of the passengers stood on deck to get a final glimpse of the Statue of Liberty, but soon the buffet lunch was announced, so Mama and Jane hurried along to the dining room. It was nothing short of a feast, and no one was limited to anything. Boyd had told Mama they served such elaborate food because they knew lots of people would be sick and couldn't eat much, so they wanted to tempt their appetites. Mama, although she didn't know it then, was a good sailor and therefore did full justice to the food throughout the passage. She never stopped marveling at the quality and quantity of the food served. She didn't have time to indulge in homesickness or uneasiness as the ship got underway. There was the getting settled in their cabin, 114 �being assigned a table and time for meals, and a walk on the deck. It was unbelievable to her that going two laps around the deck was the same as walking a mile. Mama decided the whole ship was like a small village uprooted and set afloat on the sea. They had all kinds of shops, a movie theater, a library, and a beauty parlor. For entertainment, there was a musical concert every afternoon. Every night there was bingo, bridge, and dancing. The management had devised activities in which all passengers could take part, and each day brought something different. It was the ending of an era of ocean travel; however, no one would have believed the transition that was taking place, not even the ships' owners. If Mama had had an inkling that these floating palaces would soon be superceded by air travel, she would have been grieved because the five days she had spent crossing the Atlantic gave her a thrill she had never before experienced. When the ship docked at Liverpool, a van was waiting for the Bronson group. They drove to Windemere to spend the night. There the group got a taste of how cold northern England could be even in the middle of the summer. The same burly Scotsman drove them the second day to the lake country of Scotland. Mama was petrified when they started out and she saw the cars coming toward them on the "wrong side" of the road! She closed her eyes in anticipation of a crash, but then she realized that the other drivers were also hugging the left side of the highway. "Mercy on us all," said Mama to herself. "What sort of country is this?" On the drive through the lovely lake country of Scotland, they stopped at an inn which bordered Loch Lomond. Tea was served to them on the lawn, but Mama was so excited she could hardly drink her tea. The lines of the old song kept ringing in her ears: But me and my true Love will never meet again On the bonny, bonny banks of Loch Lomond. As a girl singing that song, she had been saddened by the thought of true lovers never meeting again, and here she was an old woman now but seeing with her own eyes this beautiful scene. She felt romantic and young again, and she sorrowed for the young lovers of the whole universe who had the misfortune never to meet again. Being a member of a touring group to Europe just after World War II was not designed for those who didn't have strong legs, good digestions, and plenty of pep. Mama thought she could keep up with 115 �the best of them, but there were times when she wished for just one day in which to relax and do nothing. She wished there were another boat trip spliced in with the tour! Mama never wanted anything she couldn't share, and she felt she must be on the alert every minute because she must take an account of these thrills back home with her and be able to tell them all to family and friends. She had read about Edinburgh and the huge fortress on Castle Rock, but she was filled with awe when she saw the size of the massive structure rising perpendicularly above the street. How in the world did people get the material to build a castle like that? It looked so safe and solid, and the encyclopedia said it was over a thousand years old. She was also enamored by the flower clock on Princess Street. She had to stand before it a long time to check with her watch to see if the hands moved and if it was really keeping time. 116 �31 After spending two days in Edinburgh, they went across England and took a boat over the North Sea to Holland. That trip was undertaken on a night so stormy that nearly everyone aboard was seasick and went without dinner. Even Mama had second thoughts about a boat trip being restful after that. One thing Mama did religiously was to keep a diary of her travels. Each night she entered a complete account of what had taken place that day. She did it only to keep a record for herself, since she was convinced that if she tried to tell people about her trip in as much detail as she put in the diary, her listeners would be bored. Even with making a full account of her trip each day though, she knew she couldn't transmit the emotions she felt in actually being in places that had until recently seemed so remote. In Belgium the director took the group to Aachen to visit an American cemetery. There were rows and rows of white headstones with names of United States soldiers on them. It was like an electric shock when Mama walked right up to a stone and read the inscription, "Lt. John Weston, Tarpley, N.C." John Weston had lived in the country as she did, and their homes were in sight of each other. It was almost like being present at his funeral, for he seemed very near and real to her. She stood there transfixed while her companions walked on without her. Driving over a mountain road toward Baden-Baden, they travelled over a landscape dotted with little huts, used by the herders who looked after cows and sheep in the summer pastures. The driver, a self-confident young fellow, seemed anxious to exploit his skill, and in Mama's eyes he was going too fast for safety. She was nervous and kept closing her eyes whenever they rounded a curve. Suddenly a rude jolt made her eyes pop open. The bus had met a milk truck on one of the sharpest curves, and the bus driver was forced to go into a ditch to avoid a head-on collision. The bus lay on its side with the passengers scrambled "just like a carton of eggs," Jane said. Everybody was jolted and frightened, but luckily none of the twenty-nine passengers was seriously hurt. Injuries consisted of bruises and abrasions, broken glasses, and loss of dignity. The bus 117 �was situated so that there was only one exit, the door next to the driver. Two men climbed on top of the bus and literally pulled the occupants out. Mama said it was like climbing out of a chimney. The experience was unsettling to say the least, but with only a few hours' delay the Bronson group resumed their schedule. The next day they took a boat trip up the Rhine River, an excursion much more relaxing than the ill-fated bus trip. They were treated to the sights of acres and acres of neatly pruned grapevines and many picturesque old castles on the hills above the river. The volume of water that flowed up the channel amazed them, and the tourists agreed among themselves that it was quite romantic for the orchestra to play "Die Lorelei" as they sailed around Siren Rock. Mail from home was terribly important to Mama, and she was thrilled because she got something at every mail stop they made. Many members of her family were thoughtful and wrote, but her ten-yearold granddaughter was the most faithful correspondent. At every mail stop Mama found a letter waiting for her from Jan, who would never know how much these letters lifted her grandmother's spirits. In fact, with every mail stop Mama realized how much she missed being at home. At first, the novelty of crossing the ocean and seeing countryside so different from the Carolina mountains kept Mama excited about the trip, but when there was a month left on the tour, Mama began to realize how footsore and weary she was becoming. She began almost unconsciously to count the days until she would start back home. Boyd flew over and met them in Paris. He was his usual charming self and acted as if it were a privilege to escort Jane and Mama on sight-seeing expeditions. He took them to Notre Dame, the flea markets on the Left Bank, The Eiffel Tower, the Galleria Lafayette, Napoleon's Tomb, and the Arc de Triomphe. They had tea one afternoon served on the sidewalk of the Champs Elysee, which Mama enjoyed thoroughly. Boyd told her that he was saving the best for last, since he felt that a trip to Paris wouldn't be complete without an evening at the Folies Bergere. At that stage of the trip, Mama would agree to anything that would help pass the time until she got home, so she started out in the best of spirits. Their seats were in the balcony, and it shocked Mama to see how practically everyone was smoking and throwing their cigarette butts on the carpeted floor. It made Mama nervous 118 �even before the show started, for she was afraid of fire and she wasn't at all sure that the cigarettes were thoroughly stamped out to be sure one wouldn't start a blaze. Mama had heard of the Folies from some of her friends who had been to Paris, but she hadn't paid much attention to the description of them. She thought of it as just another event that "everyone" went to see. Sitting between Boyd and Jane, she waited expectantly for the show to begin. The first thing on the program was a rather clever monologue by someone inpersonating an Englishman. Then the chorus girls came on the stage. "My land," she said to herself, "they really are naked!" Each of the girls wore a big picture hat and a sequined traingle in a very strategic spot, but aside from that they were completely nude. Of course, Mama disapproved and did not even find them attractive, but when she glanced over at Boyd she saw a big grin on his face. "That rascal would enjoy this sort of exhibition," thought Mama. However, she noticed that he seemed to be spending more of his time watching her than he was watching the show. Since he must be expecting her to be shocked and disapproving of the nakedness on stage, Mama resolved to do a little pretending herself. She laughed when anyone else laughed, clapped her hands enthusiastically, and acted as if the whole performance were for her special benefit. Having tea at the sidewalk cafe after the show was over, Boyd said, "Just what did you think of all that bare flesh, Mama?" "Well, with the weather like it is, I imagine those girls were more comfortable than we were up in that hot balcony," Mama replied. From Paris the travelers returned to London and this visit furnished Mama the biggest thrill of the whole trek. Danny lived in a London suburb, so he met them and carried them to his home where Sheila and the twin grandsons were waiting to greet them. Their small home was attractive and well-kept. Like the proverbial English garden, theirs, pocket handkerchief in size, was in perfect condition. Not a weed was growing, not a branch of the shrubbery was out of place, and the little flower beds were riotous with color. Mama was happy that Danny seemed so thoroughly acclimated and satisfied with his life in England, but she found it hard to realize that her youngest child, her little barefoot tousle-headed boy, who had grown up in the Carolina mountains, had become a virtual Englishman. He and Jane seemed to be so happy together and they 119 �had many things to recall about their childhood days. Mama wondered if Jane remembered her resentment when she discovered that Mama was to have another baby. Jane and Danny had had a special rapport all their lives, and though they lived thousands of miles apart, they were ever so happy to get together and could bridge the gap of distance or time whenever they met. Mama thought of old Aunt Betsy's talks with her about her family. She remembered that she had said, "Dey ain' never really yours and all together 'cept when dey's little. When dey grown up, dey'll scatter and each'll go his own way. Don' think dey'll be what you want 'em to be neither—cause dey got to find dere own way." From London they went across to Dublin and finished their tour with a three-day visit to Ireland. They were to take the ship at Cogbh for the return to America, but because of heavy rainstorms their last day, the Franconia could not come into the harbor and the passengers had to be carried out to the ship by tenders, and instead of a gangplank to walk on they had to climb a ladder. This strange procedure made Mama nervous, but she crept on board feeling thankful that at last they were on their way home. She had a rude shock, however, for she expected the calm sea and smooth sailing they had experienced going over, when in reality this whole crossing was stormy and at times the winds reached almost hurricane force. There was dense fog at night, and the foghorn sounding sometimes every few seconds filled her with dread. The ship was tossed about by the heavy seas day and night. Walking on the deck was no longer a pleasant prominade but an ordeal to see if one could remain on one's feet. "How in the world could two crossings be so different?" Mama thought. She would be ever so glad, if and when they reached the land, that there would be no more water to cross. 120 �32 When the Franconia arrived in New York, a whole day late, listing noticeably because the cargo had shifted during the rough crossing, the more than one thousand tourists all seemed glad to have that leg of their journey behind them. After they had gone through customs, checked in at Grand Central Station, and claimed their seats on the "Southerner," Mama thought she could never wait the night through so she could actually get home. When Nate and Mary met her at 6 a.m. at the station in Charlotte, she seemed to have lost the power of speech or of movement. She stood there trembling, overcome by her emotions. Although she couldn't communicate with them for a time, she said later she had never been so happy in her life before. She had been gone three months and had traveled thousands of miles, but she was home again and she found that no great calamity had befallen her family while she had been away. In fact, she wondered if they had even missed her very much while she was gone! Since it was late August, there was canning and preserving to do, and she was soon back in the old routine of housekeeping and homemaking chores. One afternoon she went upstairs to lie down after clearing away the dinner dishes, and she thought about her trip. She certainly was grateful to Boyd and Jane for the trip, and she realized she would never be just the same woman she was before she went. Studying history and reading about countries helped, but nothing compared to the actuality of visiting these places and seeing with one's own eyes foreign ways of life and being a part, if only for a few days, of daily living in a different country. The trip had helped her to see how little she knew about the globe she lived on. She had thought that the European trip would make her a "well-traveled" person, but what the wonderfully pleasant experience had brought home to her was that as far as becoming a traveler, she had only touched the tip of the iceberg. When she realized she had not set foot in South America or Africa, or countries such as Russia, China, India, and Japan, or goodness knows a whole world of other smaller countries she couldn't even name, she was appalled at her own ignorance. At least, she hoped she knew enough to realize her limitations, and she 121 �felt that she had learned things she had not expected to by going on her trip. For one thing, she thought she understood Appalachia better than she ever had before. To outsiders it was considered a place where everybody was poverty stricken and where people couldn't help themselves. She had to admit there were some like that, but being a mountain woman "born and bred'1 she couldn't feel herself very different from the average run of people she met. It was like the old adage, "Give a dog a bad name and you just as well hang him." People who lived away from Appalachia had the impression that being from the mountains meant being underprivileged and on the poverty level. But Mama realized that other places come in for their share of being pinpointed by certain characteristics that are exploited by the press. On the day that Mama had taken the trip up the Rhine, she had sat next to an English woman who had settled down for a long chat. She told Mama she was expecting to visit the United States next summer and seemed to want to discuss the proposed visit to get help in selecting the places she particularly wanted to see. Mama thought, "Shell be asking me about places I haven't seen myself." First the English woman had talked about New York, where the streets were like canyons because of the Empire State Building and other skyscrapers. She had heard also about the marvelous shopping centers and the supermarkets. Then she mentioned the Grand Canyon and Florida's sandy beaches. Mama wondered if the woman thought that America was the size of England. "There's one place, though, that I would not care to visit," continued her companion. "Chicago would be off limits for me. I don't think I would feel safe in the vicinity of Al Capone and his gangsters." Instinctively, Mama wanted to defend her country. "The press, you know, wants sensational news to catch the public eye, and sometimes one group or even one person's misdeeds can give a whole city a reputation that is unjustified and hard to live down. Chicago is indeed a prosperous, modern, and interesting place to visit, and it is the second largest city in America. You would be as safe there as anywhere else where millions of people are living in a congested area." Her companion did not answer, and Mama was sure that her listener was unconvinced, but she had to try. It made her think of 122 �the Englishman and the American she heard arguing on the boat. The former was sure that the left side of the highway was the "right" one, and the American was just as positive that the right side was the only "right" one! After listening to them, Mama decided they really had no convincing arguments for either side—it was simply a matter of each person being loyal to a custom of his native land. And wasn't that feeling instinctive and universal? No matter what the place of one's birth, be it mountain, desert, or plain, each individual has a love for and a sense of loyalty to that spot. Mama understood and shared that feeling herself. To her there was no place on earth quite like the Blue Ridge Mountains of her native Carolina. The great majority of the people there were simple, honest, pure Scotch-Irish descendants. They were hard-working, Godfearing, church-going folks who were ambitious for their children to have advantages that had been denied them. When all was said and done, most of these mountain folks were the salt of the earth, and she was proud of being one of them herself. Mama remembered Aunt Betsy's advice to her about her children, that they would be hers only when they were little. Mama thought how right she had been. Her children had gone their separate ways and had chosen what they would do. She had children and grandchildren scattered all over the United States and one family in England. In some cases she had hoped that they would follow a different course, but as Aunt Betsy had said, "You cain' do nothin' about it cause dey ain' gwine ask you." Mama could not cope with the current attitude about families, with divorce so easy and the number of children in a family so small. She had grown up thinking that a woman's real mission in life was to have as many children as God willed and to give them advantages she herself had not had. Even though her children were scattered now, she still felt close to each of them, rejoicing with them when they were successful and sorrowing with them when they were in trouble. They had not all lived up to her expectations, but she was honest enough to admit that in some cases she had expected too much. Mama's reverie was broken by Nate, who came up to her room with a letter from Jane. She read the note and said, "They want to come up for dinner and bring along Janet's little boy from Minnesota. We haven't seen him since he was a year old." The letter seemed to rejuvenate Mama. It would be nice to have 123 �a chance to talk to Jane about the European trip they had shared, it would be fun to see Boyd, for he always livened things up, and she would be so glad to see the great grandson again. She remembered that Mary would be gone until the weekend attending a library conference, and she thought of Sunday dinner. She knew what had to be done, she told herself, and she also knew who had to do it. Under those circumstances, she rose a little stiffly from her chair and started toward the kitchen, saying to Nate as she did so, "Fd better be up and at it." 124 �on 2O; in 1913, her Day for in T. in Day in the her the her Club; for her a on to to a of the the Owfj W/zen They're Little: The at in Family, Day � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Only When They're Little: The Story of an Appalachian Family Description An account of the resource <span>A fictional account of an actual family whose Scotch-Irish ancestors immigrated to western North Carolina in the early nineteenth century,&nbsp;</span><em>Only When They're Little</em><span>&nbsp;is an authentic tale of Kate Pickens Day’s family life near Asheville, North Carolina. Published in 1985, this book combats the stereotype of the impoverished mountain people by presenting a new narrative. A middle class family living in a fictional town near Asheville named “Tarpley,” the book centers on an energetic and well educated woman named Cora Barker. Devoted to helping each of her family members excel in their chosen activity, this book is filled with drama, hardship, and the importance of being a good person.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=10ebVv8ghidia9uKswswkCyRhhKOWnzwU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638164/only-when-theyre-little" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Day, Kate Pickens Joyner, Nancy Carol Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Subject The topic of the resource Mountain life--Appalachian Region--Fiction Families--Appalachian Region--Fiction Appalachian Region--Fiction Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1985 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Fiction E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Appalachia Appalachia Culture family life novel stereotypes https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/6db25963b806590ba7a40c831700d5c0.pdf aac4e466a683b1eceabd1f69b351830e PDF Text Text �Western North Carolina: Its Mountains and Its People to 1880 I have discovered a Country so delitious, pleasant, and fruitfully y* were it cultivated, doubtless it would prove a second Paradise (sic). —Henry Woodward, circa 1674 �This page intentionally left blank �Western North Carolina: Its Mountains and Its People to 1880 Ora Blackmun A P P A L A C H I A N C O N S O R T I U M PRESS Boone, North Carolina 28607 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1977 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4136-2 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4138-6 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Dedicated to George Myers Stephens A Founder of The Western North Carolina Historical Association The Cherokee Historical Association The Museum of the Cherokee Nation An Advisor to The Appalachian Consortium �This page intentionally left blank �T A B L E OF C O N T E N T S I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII XIII XIV XV XVI XVII XVIII XIX XX XXI XXII XXIII Author's Preface Introduction by Gratis Williams Stagecoach Days at Sherrill's Inn The Land of Mountains Eden is Discovered Two Races Meet Along the Trading Paths Lightnings Flash and Thunders Roll The Lull Between the Storms A New Flag for Western North Carolina East-West Tug-of-War In Search of Beauty—An Interlude With Their Goods and Chattels Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living Boundaries and Western Leadership Gold in the Hills and on the Highways Light and Shade in the Mountains The Crack of Doom in the Mountains More Government for Western North Carolina The Lure of the Mountains Whigs in the Mountains War in the Land War Comes to the Hills The Rebirth of a State Long is the Night Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains Chapter Notes Sources Index vn ix xiii xvi 1 25 43 56 73 88 106 125 139 152 166 189 207 222 241 261 284 306 328 343 356 364 380 400 437 452 �This page intentionally left blank �AUTHOR'S PREFACE years ago I stood atop a Western North Carolina mountain and looked down upon a boundless and impenetrable sea of motionless white mist. It was, I thought, not unlike the "great void upon the face of the deep." Suddenly, as if at command, a rushing wind swept over the ledge, and the sea of mist began a gentle, undulating motion. As on holy ground, I watched the growing force of the wind sweep the mist into titan waves of white that seemed writhing in the urgency of the first creation. Suddenly the gray of the sky was broken by a narrow rift and through it a shaft of light sped to touch the tossing sea below me and to open first one path and then others. From these paths arose the solid forms of earth as when the world was new. Before my eyes these forms were clothed with mountains, valleys, and streams, with woods and meadows, all freshly dewed as with Heaven's first rain. As I left the mountain in great humility of spirit, it came over me that in beauty and majesty these, the mountains of Western North Carolina, had been prepared for the habitation of man. What, I asked myself, had man done to them over the centuries and what had they done to and for the men and women, who for the short spans of their lives, called these mountains home? To arrive at the answers to my questions I began the absorbing task of research. The Sondley Reference Collection and the North Carolina Collection in the Pack Memorial Library in Asheville furnished a wealth of illuminating and relevant material. Over a period of some ten years, Miss Myra Champion, Miss Ida Padelford, and more recently, Miss Betty Betz, librarians at Pack Memorial Library, were generous in giving me both of their time and of their valuable assistance in securing for me additional material. Miss Elizabeth Shepard, �librarian at Warren Wilson College, furnished me with information concerning the excavation of Indian mounds on the campus of that college. To each of these librarians I wish to express my sincere thanks. Gradually the chain of events making up the shifting pattern of life in the hills became clear. What rny sources had revealed I then put into words and sentences and chapters. In the period of time covered (to 1880) that pattern of life was, in truth, a human drama of many scenes and acts performed by many changing characters on a stage arranged by nature itself. Its theme was the interplay of the best and the worst of man's thoughts and deeds, of the noble and the base and of all the gradations between. At its close in 1880 this drama was brightened by the assurance of a new dawn breaking over the ancient hills. For the publication of this volume I am indebted to George Myers Stephens, who called the attention of the members of the Appalachian Consortium Press to the manuscript. I am also grateful to Mr. Stephens for his encouragement of my efforts and for his share in the selection of the illustrations for the book and for his work on the maps. These maps also reflect the professional skill of Hermon H. Rector. It is hoped that they will prove helpful to readers of Western North Carolina: Its Mountains and Its People to 1880. I sincerely thank F. A. Ketterson, Jr., chairman of the Publications Committee of the Consortium Press and editor for the book. Especially do I appreciate his advice and his locating for my use additional records of the period covered. I thank F. Borden Mace, executive director of the Appalachian Consortium Press, for his careful reading of the manuscript and his evaluation of the text. He has been tireless in his efforts to make the book attractive in appearance and worthy of the high standard set by the Consortium Press. The understanding, help and encouragement given me by both Mr. Mace and Mr. Ketterson have made my work of research and writing a pleasant experience for me. For the "Introduction" to this volume I am indebted to Dr. Gratis Williams, who graciously took the time from an already busy schedule to prepare a contribution that enhances the book and makes clear its purpose of portraying the events that make up the history of the mountain region prior to the coming of the railroad. He makes clear, too, that while this book is �complete in itself, it is at the same time a companion volume to Western North Carolina Since the Civil War by Drs. Ina and John Van Noppen. I deeply appreciate the time given and the helpful comments made by all who read sections of the manuscript. Especially do I thank Dr. Richard W. lobst of Western Carolina University; Dr. Evelyn Underwood of Mars Hill College; Mrs. Mary Ulmer Chiltoskey of Cherokee; Mrs. Virginia Million of Cherokee; and Paul Rockwell of Asheville. I feel a deep sense of gratitude toward those who early came into the mountain area and who left records in the forms of letters, diaries, travel sketches, and histories. Their firsthand accounts brought into vivid focus both the land and its people. Of those living in the mountains later I am indebted to all who wrote histories or sketches of their counties. From all of these sources I was able to understand not only the events that took place but also the issues and motives that prompted them. My hope is that this volume will make a small contribution to the knowledge of the history of this land of mountains I call home. Ora Blackmun Asheville, North Carolina Januaryf 1977 �This page intentionally left blank �INTRODUCTION people, whether of a nation or a region, in order to understand their customs and institutions must know how the present forms came to be. One way to gain this knowledge is through the study of history. The history of a region, like its customs and institutions, is constantly being added to; sources of information not available to earlier writers come to light; understandings of past events are seen from new points of view; and the interpretation of the meanings of past events changes. Thus there is a continuing need for historians to study and evaluate and interpret the history of their nation or their region. John Preston Arthur's History of Western North Carolina ended with 1913. Dr. Foster Alexander Sondley's Western North Carolina was published in 1930, but it treated mainly the early settlement of the French Broad River Valley. Thus the two most authoritative works dealing with the history of the mountain people of Western North Carolina were published well over a generation ago and one of them was somewhat narrow of scope. This Highland Region needed its history brought up to date. It needed treatment both broad and deep. The companion volume to this work, Western North Carolina Since the Civil War by Dr. Ina Woestermeyer Van Noppen and her husband, the late Dr. John J. Van Noppen, came out in 1973. The Van Noppen book was the end result of twenty years of effort by the Western North Carolina Historical Association, an effort that involved the labor and planning of Dean W. E. Bird of Western Carolina University, Dean Daniel J. Whitener of Appalachian State University, and George Myers Stephens of Asheville. Dean Whitener had planned to write a history of Western North Carolina after his retirement, but, before his untimely death, he had interested the Van Noppens �in undertaking the task. President William H. Plemmons at Appalachian State University worked out released faculty time for them and Weldon Williamson of Asheville and Dean Bird were successful in obtaining substantial contributions to an author expense fund for research and travel. When the fund was exhausted, the Van Noppens continued at their own expense to complete the work they had begun nearly ten years prior to its publication. While the Van Noppens were working on their book, Ora Blackmun arrived from Arkansas to make Asheville her home. Miss Blackmun had recently retired from the English faculty of the University of Central Arkansas. Sometime earlier she spent a year as a researcher for the State Historian of Minnesota, where her forebears had settled during Indian times. She grew up in the Ozark Mountains at Fayetteville, Arkansas, and she spent much time investigating the history of that region. Such a background led her naturally to explore the riches of the Sondley Reference Collection in the Pack Library. Her amazing energy and keen mind took her through much of this source material. She soon found herself writing a voluminous history of this mountain region from early geologic times "for my own satisfaction." By good fortune, George Myers Stephens, then chairman of the Western North Carolina Historical Association's committee to obtain a new history of the region, learned of Miss Blackmun's manuscript. The manuscript was brought to the attention of F. A. Ketterson, Jr., historian for the Blue Ridge Parkway and chairman of the Publications Committee of the Appalachian Consortium. The Board of Directors of the Consortium, after receiving reports of high praise for the authenticity and artistry of the work, quickly realized that Miss Blackmun's book was the ideal companion to the Van Noppen volume. Owners of both volumes will note a few years of overlap between the end of the Civil War and the coming of the railroad. Because the earlier and the later periods called for different treatments this overlap served history well. In the recent period life became so varied that such aspects as public education and folklore demanded that the history of several decades be treated in one chapter. By contrast, the earlier history is clearer for treatments in periods of time. What it meant for the Cherokees to live in an XIV �unspoiled land, for pioneers to live in a land of do-without— these are parts of good history writing. Above all was the meaning of a changed way of life after the railroads came to the mountains. With her gift for taking the long view of an era, Miss Blackmun's final chapter looks forward to what the railroads would do to change, life in these landlocked valleys. Landmarks of history are best used as points for charting the future. Ora Blackmun writes with her mind on the future as she did in her history of Asheville's First Presbyterian Church in A Spire in the Mountains: The Story of 176 Years of a Church and a Town Growing Together, 1794-1969, which was published in 1970. With the publication of Western North Carolina: Its Mountains and Its People to 1880, the people of the Carolina Highlands have a history that will serve the present generation well and will be a guidepost to future generations of historians. Appalachian State University Boone, North Carolina Gratis Williams �Stagecoach Days at Sherrill's Inn J[ he pictures in this set are from wall paintings in the old Sherrill Inn at Hickory Nut Gap. They are the work of Mrs. Elizabeth Cramer McClure, an accomplished artist. After she and her husband, James G. K. McClure, purchased and then restored the hostelry, she began an extensive research of its background and of the history of the region. She was thus able to depict life as it ebbed and flowed about the popular inn during the first half of the nineteenth century. Mr. and Mrs. James McClure Clarke, present owners of the building and grounds, together with Dr. Reuben A. Holden, President of Warren Wilson College, and the French Broad River chapter of the Garden Club of America, made possible the color section reproducing these pictures for this volume. Mrs. Clarke is the daughter of Mrs. Elizabeth McClure. ���������C H A P T E R ONE The Land of Mountains Vv estern North Carolina is far more than the sum of the state's most westerly counties that make up its area. The Southern Appalachian Mountains extend in lofty and rambling fashion throughout its north-south length and reaching their greatest height, spread themselves in range after range throughout its eastwest width. They have set the pattern for all human activity taking place in North Carolina's valleys and on its mountain slopes. Geographically, Western North Carolina differs sharply from the piedmont section of the state to the east and even more sharply from the sand hill and low coastal area that stretches to the Atlantic Ocean. Both geographically and culturally it has been indeed a region set apart, expressing itself in ways peculiarly its own. From the time a band of wandering, primitive people reached its boundary to the present day, this land of mountains and valleys has been many things to many people. To these first inhabitants it was doubtless a land of refuge from their ever-pursuing enemies. To the Cherokees it has been for many centuries a beloved homeland, worth defending against other Indian invaders and against the constantly encroaching white man. To the adventurous Englishmen it was a challenge, a fair land to be won and occupied. To the botanist it has been a veritable Garden of Eden, offering a wealth of vegetation beyond his fondest dreams. The geologist has found it an open book from which to read the story �•j//\r m ^li-IJ IIPJ l l^°M &«*T- m WJ<?|S<I /M foMJM ��4 / Chapter One t. , '. 1 1 CARL McINTOSH PHOTO The exposed rocks of Grandfather Mountain in Avery County give evidence that this is undoubtedly the world's oldest mountain. of nature 's gargantuan upheavals since the world was young. To the historian it has been the tale of the struggle of men and mountains, the slow and costly experiment of building a way of life suited to the ruggedness that isolates one community from another. And to the engineer it has been the stimulus to prodigious efforts in transportation— the spanning of broad rivers and the tunneling through mountain barriers, the removal of hills and the filling of gorges. To the industrialist it has been a region of forests and raw material, a land of pure water and abundant man power; and for the mineralogist it has been an area of delight, rich in treasures of mica and feldspar, of pliable clays, of copper and talc, of precious and semi-precious stones. To the hunter and angler it has been a paradise of undergrowth and streams, where deer and bear still follow the ancient water trails and where the clear, cold water, foaming over rocky beds, still yields the finest of nature's game fish. To the vacationist it has meant relaxation in invigorating air and sunshine, often restored health and vitality, and always the beauty and inspiration of cloud-tipped mountains against a blue sky and of broad, green-clad valleys rimmed in by the hills. To the �The Land of Mountains / 5 APPLACHIAN NATIONAL PARKS ASSOCIATION COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Rivers, some older than the mountains themselves, have played a role in determining the contour of this land of mountains. Cutting ravines and deepening them into gorges and chasms, the busy rivers have worn down boulders and continue to nibble at the rocks in their beds, artist it has been a land of cascading waterfalls, of "balds" crowned with the exotic blooms of rhododendron, of range after range fading into a distant blue that defies any brush to capture. And to those who live here by right of pioneer ancestry and to those who have chosen it for their abiding place it is Home, with all of the sacredness that the word implies. The mountains that dominate Western North Carolina are a part of the great Alleghany chain that stretches from Georgia northeastward through Maine and into eastern Canada, finally hurling themselves into the Atlantic Ocean off the coast of the Gaspe Peninsula. In this great chain the ranges from Virginia to Georgia are known as the Appalachians or Southern Highlands. In Western North Carolina and Eastern Tennessee these massive Highlands achieve their greatest width, varying from about a hundred miles to a hundred and twenty-five, and here they rear their loftiest peaks. Mt. Mitchell, at 6,684 feet, lifts its head above them all, but within the boundaries of North Carolina forty-three �6 / Chapter One >** E. DOUGLAS DE PEW PHOTO The land of mountains is also the land of waterfalls. Whitewater Falls send their spray down the steep mountainside near Sapphire. �The Land of Mountains / 1 mountains have an altitude of more than 6,000 feet and eighty-two others surpass 5,000 feet. v Hundreds of lesser peaks rise more than 4,000 feet above sea levelv. In the Tennessee section of the Great Smokies many additional mountains belong in one of these altitude ranges. The Blue Ridge Mountain range, a long granite formation which rises abruptly from the Piedmont Plateau in Virginia and terminates in Georgia, marks the eastern boundary of the entire Southern Highlands area. Early unknown English explorers gave these mountains their appropriate name, for a nebulous blue haze surrounds them, deepening late in the day to the soft, dark blue of the night. In addition to their castle-like contours, their everchanging blue overtones have made them justly extolled in story and song. The western rim of the Southern Highlands is more broken and is formed by the Unaka, the Stone, and the Unicoi ranges. These also form the boundary between Tennessee and North Carolina. It is the Unaka range that rises in the majesty of the Great Smoky Mountains, so named from the grey-blue haze that often surrounds their summits. In order for readers to visualize this lofty section, writers have repeatedly likened the ranges to a gigantic ladder, with the Blue Ridge as its eastern support and the roughly paralleling Unaka, Stone, and Unicoi ranges as its western support. In the intervening plateau, cross ranges serve as rungs of the ladder. The Balsams, the Snowbird Mountains, the Nantahala Range, the Co wee—all lofty in their own right—are some of these cross bars. Out from both the supports and the rungs shorter mountain spurs extend. The most famous of these is the Black Mountain range in which Mt. Mitchell is the highest of twelve peaks above 6,000 feet above sea level.2 Between the cross ranges are valleys of varying length and width, each with its own river systvemv. Man, with his less than pin-point of tivme, writes and speaks of the "eternal hills." But the expression is, in truth, merely poetic license, for restless nature is unceasingly making and wearing away, remaking and again effacing the contours of this planet man calls the earth. Sometimes the method is one of slow, bit by bit erosion, quietly carried on through eons of time. Again it is one of violence in which cataclysmic forces pummel earth's elements, spew them in liquid form from white-hot craters, or compress and fold and crack them into towering, jagged heights. Western North Carolina over the span of millions upon millions of man- �8 / Chapter One CARL McINTOSH PHOTO For untold centuries Table Rock, shown here, has been exposed to the snows of winter and the pelting rains of summer. Yet its granite strength has continued to defy them all, years has witnessed all of nature's moods and has undergone all of the methods used to alter the earth's surface. In the cliffs and crags the story of the constant changes that have taken place in the region has been left to be interpreted by those who have the eyes to see. The record, unfolded, explains many mysteries of the present form of the land and the action of its rivers. It makes clear why the Blue Ridge rather than the generally higher Smokies constitutes the divide or watershed between rivers flowing into the Atlantic Ocean and those flowing into the great Mississippi system and through it into the Gulf of Mexico. It explains, too, the wealth of minerals and clays and stones and gems found in the area, and it throws light on the unsurpassed richness of its vegetation. The underlying rock formations throughout most of the mountain area indicate an antiquity that baffles the imagination of man. More than five hundred million years ago some of the base rocks now visible on mountain sides were originally beds of sand, some in shallow water, some in deep water, but all laid down by long vanished rivers. Some of the base rocks were once flows of steaming lava shot into the air by the force of raging volcanoes. Others were layers of volcanic rock debris carried by the busy streams into the sea. The sedimentary rocks and the volcanic formations made �The Land of Mountains / 9 CARL McINTOSH PHOTO The winter storms and the summer rains, aided by the winds that swirl around mountain heights, have battered and split this granite rock on Grandfather Mountain. from these deposits were later subjected to such tremendous pressure and to such extreme heat during the violent activities of the young world that their very characters were changed or metamorphosed. In their outcroppings today it is not always possible to determine their origivnal natures.3 Where the distinction between the types is clear cut, the metamorphosed soil sediments of the long ago have given thve present mountains their gneisses, schists, and slates, ranging inv vvvcolor from light through dark grey and from greenish grey to black, depending upon other elements embedded in their depths.4 Thev volcanic deposits of that ancient geological age, compressed and changed, have produced the granites of the region, predominating in the Blue Ridge range and in the northern half of the plateau stretching from these mountains to the Smokies. They also furnish the family of peridotites that lie in a narrow belt from Clay and Macon to Ashe and Alleghany Counties. This group of igneous formation gives the region its vermiculite, soapstone, olivine, and asbestos.5 The rock formations of this most ancient of geological times, changed as they were in character, do not appear in today's outcroppings in either original horizontal strata or solidly in their metamorphosed structures, for the Appalachian region is one of nature's oldest and most complex geological creations. Writhing in the throes of gigantic disturbances, these rocks were upheaved and in the process were bent and twisted and tilted. Into the crevices and fissures thus formed newer deposits were lodged, brought from the soil of distant uplands by the gnawing rivers. �10 / Chapter One APPLACHIAN NATIONAL PARKS ASSOCIATION COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Where the gnawing rivers have been powerless to wear down resisting granite walls, mighty cliffs like this one in Hickory Nut Gorge stand as sentinels over the valleys below. New deposits of lava from spewing volcanoes crept into depressions and cracks, while fragments and powder of igneous rocks were transported by the untiring streams to find resting places in the niches and cuts of the older formations. This part of the process of enriching the mineral resources of the region nature carried on in what scientists have named the pre-Cambrian period of earth's history. It was a period before living creatures appeared upon the planet or when life forms were too soft in structure to withstand the fierce forces at work in the area. Since these ancient rocks form so large a part of the present Appalachian Mountains, Western North Carolina is noticeably lacking in fossils. Later formations, made during the early �The Land of Mountains / 11 Cambrian period, are found in the Smoky Mountain area and around Grandfather Mountain. They, too, have been metamorphosed, but by a less violent process than was the case with the older rocks. These Cambrian deposits, sedimentary in their original character, furnish shale, sandstone and limestone, together with slate, schist, marble, and quartzite.6 Then over the very ancient rocks of the present Western North Carolina crept the waters of a long, narrow sea. Into it flowed the rivers from the east, for a great folding and uplifting of the earth's surface had formed a towering mountain region over the present Piedmont area, a high region that extended beyond the present shore line of the Atlantic Ocean. The busy, tumbling streams of that area nibbled and chiseled the lofty mountains and plateaus in their efforts to wear them down. They deposited their loads of sediment from mountain sides and their fragments of rock and lava from the active volcanoes into the narrow sea. In time that sea was partly or wholly filled with these layers of deposits, and the waters began receding. Then in the section today called Western North Carolina extreme activity gripped the earth's surface in a terrific shrinking movement. With power beyond human thought, this movement pulled the base rocks of the mountains and land in the southeast, the present Piedmont, forcing them, through a long series of rumbling earthquakes, to push and crowd and slide northwestward.7 At the same time, land to the northwest was stable or was more gently pulled toward the oncoming mass from the east. The narrow, filled sea was thus squeezed between wedging forces. It became the scene of cataclysmic events. With a force and power in comparison with which man made explosions are mere pop-gun efforts, the pre-Cambrian rock bed of the sea, overlaid with newer deposits, was thrust upward and pushed from both sides. It was crumbled and folded like paper, the ridge at the top creaking and cracking and breaking into countless weird, sharp shapes. At last the earth attained ease from its internal turmoil and nature lessened its strenuous activities, for jagged and towering, the first Appalachian Mountains had been born. Life had definitely come upon the earth by this time, and the lowly crablike creatures and snails were leaving their shells in the mud that, becoming rock, would entomb these frail houses of earth's early inhabitants. But in the Appalachian region they are rarely found in the rocks of this period, for the violence of folding and tilting and the sliding of the mountain masses ground the tiny shells to powder.8 �12 / Chapter One In these new Appalachian Mountains that reared their massive heads to Alpine heights, rivers began cutting ravines and deepening them into gorges and chasms. The sun and the wind and the rain combined their efforts in eroding the lofty peaks, and the intense cold surrounding their summits aided with its ice and snow. As eon after eon slipped into the past, the slow work of erosion went on until the once noble Appalachians were no more. The land where they had stood was a plain, broken only by low hills where now stand the Unaka and Great Smokies.9 So level did the floor of the plain become that the once swift rivers grew lazy and meandering, wandering in leisurely fashion through their shallow valleys. During the long geological age, there were several periods of more or less gradual uplift, followed by periods of erosion before the region achieved the monotonous level of a plain. But nature had not yet completed the task of creation in this area, and again the region was greatly uplifted, but this time without folding or twisting or tilting. The result would have been a high plateau except for the work of the rivers. The sluggish streams took on new life and vigor as their decline to sea level increased. So, as the area was elevated, the rivers kept pace with the process, eroding the land at about the same rate as the uplift took place. The river beds straightened and a few rivers, because of new sloping directions, reversed their water flow. Instead of traveling south or east to the sea, they came to follow their old beds north to join rivers that flowed west and, in turn, joined still other streams flowing south and thus into the Gulf of Mexico. Some, joining stronger streams, gave up their waters once and for all, leaving their unused beds to dry and sear in the sun.10 Still others that were mere rivulets or brooks at the beginning of the uplift grew in length and size as they strenuously worked to cut gorges through the rising mountains to reach lower levels on their way to the sea. The region, then, during the chiseling of the present Appalachian Mountains, saw a general rearrangement of the existing river systems. Because these streams are older than the present mountain ranges at the western border of North Carolina, those ranges are not a divide, although their general altitude exceeds that of the Blue Ridge. With its hard, granite walls, the Blue Ridge was more impenetrable than the western ranges, and prevented the rivers that developed from cutting passages southeastward through it. The Blue Ridge is, therefore, a true divide, the streams rising to �The Land of Mountains / 13 the west of it flowing into the Gulf of Mexico by way of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers and the streams rising to the east of it flowing into the Atlantic. In Watauga County, near Grandfather Mountain, four rivers have their source, two of which finally empty their waters into the Gulf and two of which empty their waters into the Atlantic. Thus the mountains as they are today in Western North Carolina are largely the result of the neverresting streams gashing through the uplifted plains and forming gorges, wearing down the softer of the formations and leaving the harder rocks to rear their heads in majestic mountains and peaks.11 Much erosion has taken place since those long ago days of uplift, for the Appalachians are old mountains, some scholars think they are the world's oldest mountains. In comparison with them, the Rockies are still in an adolescent age. The peaks that once rivaled or possibly surpassed any in the present Rockies have been nibbled away through the thousands of centuries until not a one of them today is above timberline. Many have acquired a rounded, softened appearance, and all have been overlaid with a generous blanket of soil which has become the home of a rich and varied vegetation. As a result of the many phases of creation employed by nature in these mountains, the Appalachians abound in minerals and rocks, both metallic and non-metallic. Some three hundred kinds of minerals and rocks are accredited to North Carolina,12 and most of them are to be found in its western counties. Of the nonmetallic group, the mountains for untold eons have held their precious loads of mica and feldspar, of clays and sand and gravel, of granite and slate and limestone and marble, of precious and semi-precious stones. These stones are surprisingly diverse and include rubies, sapphires, amethysts, garnets, quartz, emeralds, zircons, even diamonds—all the products of the pressure and heat, the filling in of crevices and fissures in older rocks. In short, they testify to the tremendous processes of nature in its violent activities in Western North Carolina. In 1756, a German engineer by the name of John William Gerard de Brahm, coming into the region to build a fort, wrote more truly than he could know when he recorded in his Journal: "This country seems longing for the hand of industry to receive its hidden treasures, which nature has been collecting and toiling since the beginning ready to deliver them up."13 Metals in varying amounts have also been among the hidden treasures of the mountains. Gold, silver, and copper the Indians mined and used as ornaments. The gold-greedy soldiers of De Soto �" "'^ CARL McINTOSH PHOTO Hoot Owl, an underground mine, yields its treasure of feldspar, one of nature's most useful CARL McINTOSH PHOTO Chalk Mountain mine is one of several open feldspar mines. prospected for the same metals. For more than a century their sporadic mining attempts probably returned small amounts of gold and silver, for both appear in many places, although for modern purposes, in commercially unprofitable quantities. The gold deposits that gave the state its early title of the "Golden State" and that produced many millions worth of bullion are on �The Land of Mountains / 15 14 the eastern slopes of the Blue Ridge. Copper, however, is in greater amounts in the mountains, principally in Ashe, Jackson, Haywood, and Swain Counties. Also locked in the hidden recesses of the hills is iron, of all minerals the most useful to man, along with lead, zinc, manganese, nickel, titanium (rich in its promise of future uses), and tungsten.15 As plant life developed upon the face of the earth, Western North Carolina became the home of those forms adapted to its climate and altitude. In periods of uplift, plant forms requiring warm, humid climates died or gradually moved out of the region to homes more to their liking. Others, thriving in cool, dry climates, moved in. Many such changes and reversals took place over the ageless lapses of time that elevated and wore down and elevated again this little section of the globe. In these changes a few plants were able to adapt themselves to the gradually shifting conditions of altitude and moisture and, in slightly modified forms, stayed in the region. Then late in time—geologically speaking—masses of ice blanketed the northeastern part of North America and for centuries crept steadily southward in what is now the United States. These ice floes pushed ahead of themselves rocks and boulders, in fact, everything in their paths. At their approach the climate in front of them grew colder and increasingly forbidding, so that both plants and animals beat a slow but constant retreat southward. These Pleistocene successions of great ice sheets did not reach North Carolina although they strongly affected both the flora and the fauna of the Appalachian region. Creatures and plant forms, yearly seeking new homes to the south, found in the mountains (which were then similar to the present mountains except higher) a climate comparable in coolness to their former northern homes. In their new mountain retreat these visitors settled down at the altitudes best fitted to them individually to live in what harmony they could with the animals and plant forms already in the region, many of which had entered it from areas farther south. The result was a meeting of Alpine and semi-tropical growth with all the graduations in between. At the end of the Pleistocene period, when the unfriendly ice masses receded and a more temperate climate followed them northward, plants sheltered in the Appalachian region of Western North Carolina spread out to repopulate the vast stretches made barren by the grinding force and the arctic air of the ice blankets. When that process had been carried out to the �16 / Chapter One to* ELLIOT LYMAN FISHER PHOTO Rhododendron: Each June the exotic blooms of the rhododendron turn the "balds" and hillsides into fairy gardens. This picture shows a riot of blooms below Mt. Mitchell. point of providing adequate pasturage and food, the animals sojourning in Western North Carolina likewise returned to their former habitations. But not all of each plant species left the mountains. Some stayed, and their numerous descendants can be seen today in the region. Thus the present Southern Appalachians have a wealth of plant forms unsurpassed in any area of its size in the world and greater than that of the entire continent of Europe. In fact, the area has many plants found in no other section of the United States; some, indeed, not found except in parts of Asia, where conditions have perpetuated the ancient forms.16 Of all the mountain plants, the magnificent forests that sweep up the hillsides and cover many of the peaks are the region's crowning glory. In some sections, as in the highest altitudes along the Blue Ridge Parkway, the forests of beech, yellow birch, and yellow buckeye—usually found in moist valleys— are stunted and �The Land of Mountains / 17 I ill HUGH MORTON PHOTO Upper Left; Western North Carolina is a veritable garden, where some 1,400 flowering plants and shrubs make spring and summer colorful seasons. One of the lovely flowers is the purple fringed orchid shown here; Upper Right: The Pink Moccasin Flower is also called the Pink Lady Slipper; Lower Left: The Huckleberry is a favorite in the mountains; Lower Right: The Osmunda is a very hardy mountain fern. �18 / Chapter One HUGH MORTON PHOTO This beautiful picture was taken near Linville. gnarled, but as much, perhaps, by the force of the winter winds as by the altitude. Along much of this Parkway the trees are mainly oaks, hickories, and maples, interspersed with pine and hemlock. On Mt. Mitchell the present stand of red spruce is one of the finest in the nation.17 In the Great Smoky Mountains National Park spruce and fir predominate in vast areas of virgin growth. These, with pines and conifers, cover other western ranges, and throughout the entire mountain area tulip trees, yellow birch, yellow buckeye, mountain silver bell, Fraser magnolia, sourwood, Alleghany service berry, pin cherry, and American mountain ash grow in profusion and often attain enormous size. Both conifers and hardwoods make their homes in these mountains, with more than 140 varieties of trees in the Great Smoky Mountains alone. Many of these are relatives of the migrants from Canada during the ice age. In fact, more than half �The Land of Mountains / 19 APPLACHIAN NATIONAL PARKS ASSOCIATION COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Summer foliage and sheer rock cliffs combine to bring their beauty to the hills and valleys. of the woody plants in this area are species of the Canadian zone. Since the mountain climate varies with altitude, most woody plants have been able to find conditions favorable to their growth.18 This is, of course, true of all the flora of the region so that in traveling from the valleys to the high peaks, one travels through vegetation zones ranging from the latitude of North Carolina to that of central Canada. This phenomenon of traveling north by climbing a Western North Carolina mountain can, perhaps, best be noticed in May. Starting from a valley where summer has furnished the trees with fully grown foliage and has brought many trees and shrubs and plants into bloom, the climber witnesses the gradual disappearance of the early spring flowers and the shrinkage in size of the leaves of the trees until only leaf buds are visible. Then at higher �20 / Chapter One HUGH MORTON PHOTO A fawn on Grandfather Mountain gets acquainted with his forest home. levels one sees plants and trees still slumbering in their winter quietness, awaiting the touch of warm spring winds and rains to stir them into renewed life.19 Even today, after man has wastefully played havoc with much of the timber of the region, in large areas of the Smokies, in the Nantahalas, in the Unicoi and other ranges stands of magnificent virgin timber—like that of the Joyce Kilmer Memorial Forest— give evidence of the glorious growth of trees in the mountains before the white man's advent into Western North Carolina. While trees are the Applachian region's most common and most magnificent clothing, and certainly the most valuable to man, thousands of other plant forms spring up or nestle closely to the mountain sides and crests and cover the intervening valleys with prodigal abundance. For reasons not understood by scientists, some of the mountain peaks are treeless, even though trees grow on their slopes and on nearby mountain tops. They are, on the whole, well rounded or domed in form and have acquired the descriptive name of balds. They are of two types, depending upon the growth that crowns them. Some balds are covered with low grasses, used now for pasturage. Whether some ancient forest fire left them denuded �The Land of Mountains / 21 and grasses in time crept over the charred area before the forest could regain the summit is not known. The prevailing winds and, during the past century, the pasturing of cattle on them have doubtless combined to help keep them bald. Other treeless balds are covered with dense growths of laurel or rhododendron bushes that sometimes reach considerable heights. These are known as heath balds. On them the growth is often dense and tangled and practically impenetrable. These individual growths are thought to be a comparatively recent development, and it may well be that under favorable conditions trees will attempt to reestablish themselves where perhaps they once lived.20 Of the thousands of plant forms in Western North Carolina (and the number reaches 3,600 in the Smoky Mountains) the rhododendron and laurel covering the balds and their relative, the flame azalea, growing both on the balds and on grassy slopes, furnish spring's most spectacular display. But companions of these throughout the section include some 1,400 flowering plants, over 1,700 species of fungi, 330 mosses and liverworts and 230 lichens. From early spring, or even the last winter months, through late autumn, the mountains produce a parade of color, ranging from the vivid yellows and orange of the azaleas21 and the elusive purple shades of the Catawba rhododendron to the soft, muted tones of the trillium and the breath-taking purity of the rare Shortia or Oconee Bell. In autumn the parade is intensified by the flaunting colors of the trees as their leaves say goodbye with a brave burst of glory.22 For untold ages this mountain region has been one of nature's most thickly populated zoos, for the canopy of trees over valleys and hillsides and the rich carpet of undergrowth have furnished ideal coverts for bear and buffalo, deer and panther, and a multitude of smaller creatures. Food has been on every hand, and swift mountain streams, fed by the abundant rainfall blessing the area, have provided reliable sources of water. Western North Carolina was in former times a veritable Garden of Eden where animals were rulers. Animals flourished and multiplied, roaming at will and leaving their hardpacked trails across the mountain gaps and down the valleys to protected drinking spots. The climate, with its short winters and few snows and its long, cool summers, has been kind to animals. Indeed their chief fears, before man's coming into the region, arose from the depredations of one species upon another and from an occasional rock slide or lightning-set fire that swept a mountain side. �22 / Chapter One Uftjr,v •&**' ;?s*i». , <* *J U_Mfe. •' ~" -: *?.3fcfr '••• . lv~^ /drif-SN-* HUGH MORTON PHOTO Tlie mountain region has been one of nature's thickly populated zoos. With trees and undergrowth to serve as coverts and with food on every hand and with streams nearby, the hills have been an animal's paradise. Many species have survived the inroads of man and his gun. Among them is the American black bear. The bears we see here have their home on Grandfather Mountain. HUGH MORTON PHOTO The mountain lion once stalked the forests of the North Carolina mountains, but the fearless cat, along with the panther and cougar, is as extinct now as the prehistoric dinosaur. �HUGH MORTON PHOTO Upper Left: The little Carolina Chickadee sings his cheery notes whenever he lights on a convenient twig or tree limb; Upper Right: The American red squirrel is also called the mountain boomer; Lower Left: These young raccoons find a place to rest on an old rail fence; Lower Right: The ruffed grouse is one of more than 200 species of birds that have found an ideal habitat in the mountains of Western North Carolina, Even today, after the bows and arrows and guns of men have completely exterminated some forms of North Carolina wild life, such as the buffalo, panther, and elk, and have made vast inroads in the number of small species, and after the remaining animal population has been forced to make room for land-greedy humans, it is estimated that Western North Carolina supports more than fifty kinds of fur bearing animals, in addition to an untold number of insects and invertebrates.23 Back in the mountain fastnesses the black bear, the white-tailed deer, and the bob-cat live much as they have for thousands of years. But many of the smaller animals such as the oppossums, raccoons, skunks, squirrels, and chipmunks have compromised with man and often share his territory. �24 / Chapter One Over two hundred kinds of birds have found an ideal habitat in these mountains. Some yearly come from southern countries for the summers; others arrive from northern countries for the winter. Birds of the north and birds of the south meet, then, in Western North Carolina. Many individuals in several species forego the long, hard migratory flights to northern or southern regions and, like the Carolina junco, are content with summer trips to the high mountain altitudes, spending their winters in the lower valleys.24 All through the year the calls or songs of birds swell from tree tops on mountain sides and in wooded valleys. Every breeze bears a message trilled by the air-borne citizens of the world. So it is that long before man's appearance, Western North Carolina was prepared for his habitation. Man was to find the climate to his liking. He was to find fish and game. He was to find food and herbs abundant for his needs, and he was to find the materials nature had stored there for the making of his tools. Above all, he was to find an eternal awareness of the mountains— their protection from outside turmoil, their offerings for his use, their challenge to his ingenuity, and their unconquerable strength. They were to make his life hard and isolated and at times narrow. But they were to give him something of their own uprightness and hardiness, a bit of their granite, and the spirit of the freedomloving winds that sweep their heights. They were to dominate his work and his days until they set the pattern of his life and became for him the "Hills of Home." �C H A P T E R T W O Eden is Discovered istory will never know the day or year when a band of nomadic people wandered into what is now Western North Carolina. These primitive people may have been a family group fleeing from enemies or searching for better hunting grounds. They belonged to one of the tribes or "nations" that resulted from sporadic waves of Asiatic peoples entering America by way of Alaska between eight and ten thousand years ago, perhaps much earlier. By degrees these migrating people traveled south, folio wing a route between the Pacific Ocean and the Rocky Mountains. Some continued into South America. Others skirted the southern tip of the Rocky Mountains and turned eastward across the plains. Many of these crossed the Mississippi River and fanned out in all directions in the eastern part of what is now the United States.1 Over the centuries, as family groups increased in size, they developed tribes or "nations." These larger units were loosely bound by ties of family, common racial traits, language, and an ever growing wealth of customs and traditions. The tribes in the east met, fought, and sometimes blended. By modern standards the territory stretching from the Mississippi River to the Atlantic Ocean was sparsely inhabited during the entire period of Native American occupation, both pre-historic and historic. But the tribes, depending upon hunting for food and clothing, required vast hunting grounds. Competition must have become keen and 25 �26 / Chapter Two bitter as eastern tribes increased and as more eastward-moving groups crossed the Mississippi River. So it was that on an unrecorded day a band of nomads sought a new home in the present Western North Carolina. Glimpses of the way of life of some of the pre-historic Indians have been gleaned from artifacts found on the sites of their camps, villages, battlefields, and from their man-made mounds. These mounds, differing in size and shape, dot wide areas of the eastern section of the United States. Leveled by the plows of farmers, many small ones have disappeared, and their treasures have been lost for all time. In North Carolina, as in other states, mounds have been opened in attempts to piece together the history of the American Indians. In Western North Carolina the earliest explorations were in Burke, Caldwell, and Wilkes Counties. Excavations of both mounds and town sites have been carried on in practically every county west of the Blue Ridge. In addition, extensive work has been done in the old Cherokee country and along the Nolichucky River in Tennessee.2 At the excavation site in the Swannanoa valley on land belonging to Warren Wilson College, the oldest culture found furnishes an idea of the first possible human discoverers of Western North Carolina. Their camp was small and probably a temporary one and may have been used over a period of time by wandering family groups. These people were hunters and gatherers. Their homes were crude shelters and their clothing was made from skins. Their spearpoints were fashioned from soapstone as were their cooking pots. Animals killed in the hunt were skinned and the meat roasted over a fire in a pit. Hunters and gatherers like these people roamed over a wide area from Maine to Florida, leaving evidences of their passing throughout much of North Carolina. It is estimated that groups of them were in Western North Carolina at least 10,000 years ago. The village above the Swannanoa camp clearly showed the cultural development that took place during the thousands of years that separated them. Artifacts found in the last Native American town built on this site, long after the village below was in ruins, are proof of further cultural development. That development was the result of internal improvement and outside influences. The scientists working at the site suggest that this culture is the primary base from which the Middle Cherokee culture developed.3 �Eden is Discovered / 27 Excavations farther west have provided evidence of a succession of primitive groups or tribes living along the Little Tennessee, the Hiwassee, and other western rivers. The earliest of these people have conveniently been called the Upper Valley People. Numerous man-made pits indicate where their fires were made for cooking the family meals. They made pottery, some of it decorated by pressing the soft clay with fiber cords. In their compact villages they lived in circular houses; they buried their dead in a flexed position. Their tools were crude stone implements. In time these people were followed by a group with a similar racial background but with slightly different customs. Known to scientists as the Middle Valley People, this second group seems to have lived for a long period of time in eastern Tennessee and the western counties of North Carolina. They lived in family units with their homes strung along rivers and they made pottery that was without cord markings, a fact that indicates they had had no contact with the people they followed. The great number of mussel shells on their home sites and in their refuse heaps points to the fact that they lived partly on mussels and may have come from a coastal area, possibly from the area around the Gulf of Mexico. They were mound-builders and buried their dead in a partly flexed position, one body in a grave but hundreds of graves in a mound. Following the Middle Valley People, came another tribe, known today as the Hiwassee People. They brought with them a decidedly higher culture than that of the preceding groups. Some of their customs were similar to those of Mexican tribes, indicating an origin far to the south. They lived in villages protected by stockades. Inside the enclosures were rectangular homes made with a framework of saplings set vertically at close intervals in trenches. They built their public buildings on mounds, for they were mound-builders. On one of these mounds was their temple, which may also have served as a community house for tribal business meetings. In it was an eternal fire since they were fire-worshippers. They cord-marked their pottery and also painted some of the earthenware, using a red dye or red on a buff background. No burials made by these people have been found, and it is supposed that they cremated their dead. On plots outside the stockades they raised grain and some vegetables. These Hiwassee People lived for a long period of time in the area that included the mountain land. They were a part of a wide-spread culture that extended from the Mississippi River to �28 / Chapter Two : : »i ^ •i^mrn^ V ^ '#:*/^C,^l|jr%f^V to, ..-"" *•*• ''• •*• • ?X l tt-' . .. • :»* 'r^ »* . , , . ^r E. DOUGLAS DE PEW PHOTO The Judaculla Rock in Jackson County carries a message that for centuries has remained a secret. Its hieroglyphics are the work of some pre-historic tribe or person or of some early Cherokee. Later Cherokees viewed the rock with awe and its markings as the work of Judaculla, a superman or god. A present-day theory is that the inscription on it may depict a battle, possibly between the early Cherokees and their enemies, the Creeks. Florida. Yet in time, they were forced to make way for a new group, today called the Dallas People. For some time these two tribes seem to have lived in fairly close relationship in their separate villages. They were similar in culture, although the Dallas mounds were oval and their council houses differed slightly from those of the Hiwassee. Yet in the end the Dallas People drove out or absorbed the Hiwassee People.4 After this tribe, came the Cherokees, who came with a background of struggle and warfare that had made for them bitter and powerful enemies. Early Cherokee history is necessarily a matter of legends, traditions and myths, of tales of distant lands and heroes and battles told by the wise old men of the tribe to each succeeding generation of braves. Yet from these tales— even with their frequent contradictions and evident interpolations—and from tales current in enemy nations, together with the study of the movements of various native �Eden is Discovered / 29 *1±™™''%"fei .«*-:. L • % FROM AN 1890 PHOTOGRAPH IN MOONEY, MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEES This ancient mound at Franklin in Macon County was the siteofNikwasi, for long periods of time the Principal Town of the Middle Cherokees. Donations made by schoolchildren and citizens of the county made its preservation possible. American stocks and of their physical, linguistic, and cultural similarities, the pattern of life of the Cherokees' prehistoric ancestors can be at least partly sketched.5 The Cherokees are of Iroquoian origin, a relative nation of the mighty Iroquois.6 A separation of the two groups came early (perhaps before the crossing of the Mississippi River, but more probably afterward) when the migrants sought a permanent dwelling place. The Iroquois spread north of the Great Lakes and into central New York, while the Cherokees took possession of the vast territory stretching from the Great Lakes to the Ohio River. In time, they entered New York from the south and again came into contact with the Iroquois. The centuries of separation had brought many differences between the two related groups, and although their languages were still similar and their type of arrows still identical, they were now distinct nations. Competing now for the same territory, they developed into bitter enemies. �30 / Chapter Two Also, as the Cherokees advanced east, their struggle with the Delawares intensified. According to their traditions, the state of sporadic warfare existing between the Cherokees and the Delawares dated from the long-past appearance of the latter nation on the west bank of the Mississippi River. From the Cherokees the Delawares had asked permission to cross over and share the vast Cherokee territory. That request had been denied, but the privilege of passing through the country to the eastern lands had been granted. During the undoubtedly slow trek, however, trouble arose between the two groups, at times amounting to a state of war. When the Cherokees later pushed into the eastern territory, the Delaware settlers were unable to stem the invasion and enlisted the aid of the powerful Iroquois, who were also fully aware of the dangers of Cherokee encroachment. The result was an open war climaxed by a fierce battle near the southern border of Lake Erie in which, despite their fortifications and breastworks, the Cherokees were so soundly defeated that their dream of land in the north and east vanished. Following this humiliation, they retreated by slow degrees to the Ohio River and down it to the Kanawha. Passing up that, they entered the present West Virginia. Ruins of fortifications of Cherokee design over a rather wide area of that section testify to the opposition they met from nations and tribes in the territory. Because of this opposition and doubtless to gain elbow room, they gradually moved south and west, eventually reaching Western North Carloina, possibly by way of the Holston and Tennessee Rivers.7 In the mountain section of Western North Carolina they had an almost impregnable position with a climate favorable for comfortable existence and with abundant food available for the shooting. The Cherokees, as time passed, increased in numbers and in strength, claiming as their hunting grounds regions far distant from their villages strung along the rivers of the present Western North Carolina and Tennessee. In fact, by the time the English speaking people appeared in their territory, they were second only to the Iroquois federation in population and military strength. Their vaguely defined national boundaries included the Appalachian region from the headwaters of the Tennessee into the present Georgia and from the Blue Ridge to the Cumberlands, a tract of some forty thousand square miles which took in all of Western North Carolina, parts of Kentucky, West �Eden is Discovered / 31 Virginia, South Carolina, and the eastern section of Tennessee, together with sections of Alabama and a claim on hunting rights throughout Kentucky,8 Protection of their immediate mountain homeland kept the nation at almost constant warfare with surrounding tribes. In addition to their ancient foes, the Delawares and Iroquois, they now counted as enemies the Catawbas east of the Blue Ridge, the Sara, Cheraw, and the Tuscaroras farther to the east and southeast, the Creeks in upper Georgia, the Chickasaws to the west, and the Shawnees wherever wandering bands of that nomadic group appeared. On hunting expeditions to the "Land of Kaintuck," they were always prepared to enter combat with any roaming bands of hunters from still other nations. Thus the Cherokees did their share in making that lovely land "a dark ground and a bloody ground." They were considered in all Indian councils as a powerful nation and a formidable foe. With their homes favorably located and well protected, the Cherokees thrived and expanded. Their towns and villages sprang up along the rivers and streams in eastern Tennessee, Western North Carolina, northern Georgia, and northwestern South Carolina. The remainder of their vast domain they kept as a hunting preserve. As the years passed, the homeland became geographically divided into three distinct areas, each one developing a dialect and certain individual customs and group traits. The settlements in eastern Georgia and South Carolina made a unit known as the Lower Towns where the language, acquired a predominantly rolling "r" sound. The villages along the Tuckaseigee River and along the headwaters of the Little Tennessee, together with those on the Hiwassee and Valley Rivers, became the Middle Towns. There a liquid "1" sound supplanted the rolling "r," making the language spoken the most musical of the Cherokee dialects and the one eventually to become the literary language of the nation. Farther to the west in Georgia and along the Little Tennessee and Tellico Rivers were the Over Hill Towns where again the "r" sound could be heard. It was in the Over Hill area that the capital, Echota or Chota, was located. It was likewise regarded as a sacred town and was a city of refuge. However, each area had a prominent town, a sort of sub-capital, which also served as a religious center and was therefore a sacred city. Nikwasi, on the site of the present Franklin, North Carolina, was the principal town of the Middle Cherokees. Keowee, on the Tugalo �32 / Chapter Tu ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE From wood and reeds the early Cherokees fashioned their arrows and the slender darts used in their blow-guns. This craftsman at the Oconaluftee Village in Cherokee is carrying on the centuries-old art. River in South Carolina, was the largest of the Lower Towns.9 The Cherokees lacked the strong propensity for organization that their distant relatives, the Iroquois, displayed, and the three parts of their nation were held together more by tradition, customs, and a common though varying language than by governmental authority. Until they made treaties with the English colonies, they had no official head of the nation although �Eden is Discovered / 33 English colonies, they had no official head of the nation although now and then one individual doubtless wielded a determining influence throughout the territory. Through a council made up of male citizens, each town elected a chief, and most towns had their wise men, whose calm, sage advice carried much weight. In addition, the people were grouped into seven clans with complicated requirements of clan loyalty. James Adair, an early English trader, found them possessing devices of government, religious rites, and moral concepts strikingly like those held and practiced by the ancient Hebrews. Sometimes the nation as a whole determined for or against war, but more often bands of young warriors from a city or clan went on foraging expeditions into enemy country. The use of weapons was a part of each boy's education, and he was eager to prove his prowess by participating in a war or raid. It was possible, too, for a town or clan or one of the geographical areas to go to war without the consent or aid of other units or the nation as a whole, and there were even periods of bloody intratribal contention. The fates of prominent captives might be decided in council, and a major crime such as shedding blood in a city of refuge would be an affair for authorities to punish. But on the whole, justice (which meant as with the Hebrews of old, "an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth") was left to be meted out by the injured person, and revenge was the privilege of the wronged family or clan.10 Next to the excitement of war, hunting offered the Cherokee youth satisfyingly thrilling experiences, and children listened wide-eyed to the adventurous tales related by returning hunters. Memorable was the day when a lad was told he might join a party setting out for the far reaches of the Cherokee domain. Each group of hunters was of necessity also a scouting party, ready to give battle to any trespassers found within the considered boundaries of the nation; the hunters brought back to the home councils whatever information could be gleaned concerning the surrounding enemy tribes. Game was abundant, and the Cherokees knew each species, its migratory habits, its breeding grounds, and its lairs. Parties armed with their bows and keen, flint arrows, a supply of darts, and perhaps their surprisingly efficient blow-guns with their poison-tipped, slender arrows, set out from their homes along trails that were well defined near their habitations but which narrowed as they entered denser forests. �34 / Chapter Two EWART M. BALL PHOTO In the council house at the Oconaluftee Village in Cherokee this maker of masks and designer of feather robes demonstrates the ancient and intricate art of his ancestors. Some of these trails the Cherokees had made during their era of expansion in the mountain area, but many were ages old, beaten firm by the tnoccasined feet of prehistoric predecessors in their search for game or enemies. Others were still older, opened through undergrowth and thickets by untold generations of buffalo, deer, bear and other animals whose hooves pounded the soft forest floor into solid highways leading to other coverts or to suitable watering places. Over the centuries these slender, single-file mountain and forest trails became numerous, crossing and criss-crossing the territory, a veritable network of primitive roads giving access to every part of Western North Carolina from the Smokies to the Blue Ridge and on into the lands to the east, north, and south.11 Aside from any punitive motive that the hunters might secretly nourish, the aim of the hunting party was the replenishing of the food supply and of material for clothing for the home or clan; for until the white man came with his �Eden is Discovered / 35 insatiable greed for pelts, the Cherokees killed only the needed amount of game. Thus the entire nation was able to have both meat and furs in comparative abundance without depleting the wild life that roamed the area. In fact, the Cherokees had a feeling of respect for all forms of wild life that in some instances, judging from their myths, amounted almost to a feeling of kinship. They gave their clans animal names and bestowed animal titles upon their outstanding warriors as marks of honor. They related animal tales to their children and represented birds and animals in their ceremonial dances. Animals and birds even played leading roles in their stories of creation and of the formation of their mountains. All of that had developed, it would seem, from an ancient animism and animal worship, remnants of which had become woven into the fabric of their religious concepts.12 Hunting was, perhaps, for the men an escape from the monotony of daily life. But it was also a necessity, for it furnished the towns with a supply of meat. Aside from game, a goodly portion of the nation's food came from the rivers. From the clear mountain streams the fishermen, expert with their bone fish hooks, could catch a day's supply offish in a few minutes' angling. In season the women and children gathered a variety of berries, plums, grapes, cherries, persimmons, and nuts from the open glades and the woods. At the proper time they also gathered various herbs, roots, and shrubs to be used for medicines and drinks. Each spring the leaves of many wild plants were picked to be cooked as greens, and the air was then often reeking with the perfume of the ramp, a mighty relative of the onion. Outside their villages were the fields and gardens. The Cherokees had not yet acquired the concept of individual ownership of land, and the fields were community fields where each household worked its assigned plot. In some instances, however, a family was allotted an additional strip of ground nearer its home on which to raise more food. By the time history unveiled "The Land of the Sky," the Cherokees were producing as good corn and vegetables as could be expected in view of the crudeness of the agricultural implements they had been able to fashion. They grew corn, potatoes, squash, beans, and tobacco, a choice product reserved for use in their ceremonial pipes. From potatoes, from ground nuts, and from dried corn they made breads, which they baked in coals or cooked over their open fires. In big earthen pots they made soups and stews, combining �36 / Chapter Two meat and vegetables, often previously dried in the sun. Thus a Cherokee meal could be surprisingly complete and certainly vitamin filled, from soup through fish, meat, and vegetables to berries sweetened with honey taken from a nearby "bee tree." However, accounts left by English traders make it plain that the Cherokee cooks were unhampered by the white man's methods of preparing and serving food.13 To these mountain dwellers war was an ever present possibility, a natural result of acquiring and protecting a territory large enough to support a growing population. For protection as well as for social advantages they lived in towns which, by modern standards, were mere villages built along the rivers. Early traders write of them as ranging in size from a cluster of five or six dwellings to some thirty or more houses, although there are records mentioning towns having more than a hundred homes. Like all Indians, the Cherokees were an outdoor people and spent most of their days in the open. Their houses, used mostly as sleeping quarters, could be adequate without being large. All were constructed from the materials to be had for the gathering. The earliest were simple buildings fashioned by bringing a circle of saplings together at the top and weaving cane gathered from the river banks to these supports. River clay served as a filler and an outer coating for these cane walls. Somewhat more ambitious than these stationary wigwams were the rectangular lodges or cabins built of logs. Here, too, clay served as the needed chinking. In both types of houses low doors gave entrance into the oneroomed structure and admitted the only light that got inside since there were no windows. The packed earth was the only floor. Sometimes beside a house was a tiny structure with a door so low that one entered it by crawling. This was the "hot house," for here, in the cold weather that came so suddenly in the mountains, a fire burned, and members of the family could enter and enjoy the warmth. The outdoor fires used for cooking and a variety of activities served to offset the chill of frosty mornings and the damp of early evenings.14 The largest and most important structure in the village was the council house, which served as an assembly hall and temple, doubtless also as a "man's club." It was accorded an awed respect, for in it burned the sacred fire. In it decisions were made that affected the entire community and projects like the Indian ball games and the ceremonial dances were planned. In it, too, �Eden is Discovered / 37 were kept the medicineman's equipment and the paraphernalia used in religious rites. It gained prominence by its position on a mound, made as a temple site centuries earlier by the preCherokee mountain dwellers. At least some of these Cherokee council houses had a symbolic structural form of seven sides, each side representing one of the nation's clans.15 Furniture both here and in the homes was practically unnecessary, since eating was done out of doors where logs and stumps were plentiful if chairs were desired and since the ground served as a chair in the houses. Buffalo, deer, and bear skins made as good beds as any Cherokee had ever known or imagined. Like other primitive peoples the Cherokees were necessarily a busy people, for, in addition to keeping the larder supplied through hunting and fishing and farming, whatever was worn or whatever was needed as tools had to be made amd fashioned laboriously by hand. No wonder, then, that during the summer months they reduced the dress problem to a minimum. At this season the men were fully garbed when they wore simple loin cloths of dressed skins. Children up to about ten years of age enjoyed complete freedom from clothes. Girls and women wore simple, knee-length skirts of dressed skins. More clothing was required for the mountain winters. Robes of buffalo or deerskin were used then by the men, and some were fortunate enough to have squaws who could weave for them warm robes of feathers, slowly gathered from the wild turkeys or other birds during the molting season or when used as food. Beautiful, matched feathers, some of them dyed, were worked into rich ceremonial robes and mantles, often many thousands of soft, tiny feathers being used in a single garment.16 For shoes, pliable moccasins were made from deerskin. It was no simple task to cure the buffalo, deer, and bear pelts, and it required skill to transform deerskins into the cloth-like buckskin used for clothing and moccasins. Even after the first process had been completed, the garments had yet to be fashioned by sewing with fine, thread-like thongs of leather passed through the eyes of bone needles.17 The harvested grain and the gathered offerings of meadows and woods were carried and stored in baskets of varying sizes and shapes. These were made by the women from the river cane and from oak and hickory splints made from saplings, then smoothed and thinned with crude stone or bone implements and made pliable by soaking. The splints or canes were then woven, possibly in the double weave fashion characteristic of the �38 / Chapter Two Cherokee weaving. The women also made the pottery used as pots and pans and the few bowls needed. The process was an ancient one, evolved when the human race was young. Clay from the river banks was formed into coils which were piled one upon another and shaped by skillful hands, then scraped smooth by pieces of sharpened stone or bone, becoming a pot or a bowl or a jar destined to serve many uses. It was carefully fired to withstand heat and to become waterproof.18 To the women fell the lot of tilling the fields. Henry Timberlake, visiting the Over Hill Towns in 1761, reported that the "country... is so remarkably fertile, that the women alone do all the laborious tasks of agriculture/' The men at certain seasons or on special occasions also did some work in the fields, quite possibly as rituals or as punishment meted out by their chiefs. Martin Schneider, in the Over Hill Towns in 1783, says that at sunrise he saw the chief of Chota calling all the men to work in the fields and that they were not allowed to return until sundown, the women bringing them food during the day. It is perhaps safe to assume that this was an unusual day.19 To some extent water travel was available even to these mountain dwellers. They felled giant trees—poplars—by ringing them and leaving them to die so that the felling process could be done easily. It was the same slow method that they had used for centuries to clear forest tracts for cultivation. Then, with a crude stone axe and the use of fire, the log was hollowed out, shaped, and then scraped to the desired thinness and lightness. The result was an efficient watercraft that could easily be transported between streams and that was watertight and capable of carrying several passengers. The men, too, made the weapons used in war and hunting. Their bows and arrows were similar to those used by other tribes and their flint arrow heads were identical with those made by the Iroquois. In addition they made blow-guns from river cane by removing the pith and making slender, feathered arrows that sped through the tubes with speed and accuracy, sealing the doom of many a small animal and bringing to earth many a bird. Stones of suitable size were also brought into the village by the men and made into a variety of cutting and smoothing tools, while others were gouged out and smoothed to hold the grain and dried seeds and tubers that the women pounded into meal with stone pestles.20 By the time the first traders entered Western North Carolina, the Cherokees had long since passed the primitive �Eden is Discovered / 39 stage in which they were satisfied with material possessions that were merely utilitarian. They were adding touches of beauty to the objects they made and the garments they wore. The women gathered roots and barks from which they steeped dyes of various rich colors and shades to lend aesthetic touches to their multi-purpose baskets. Sometimes, too, they made simple designs with combs on their pottery, and dyed feathers and even dressed skins gave variety and beauty to their clothes and to their ceremonial robes. To add to their personal appearance, the women combed their black hair with wooden or bone combs, rubbed it glossy with oil obtained from the abundant sumac, and fashioned it into a knot or club at the back of the head. Ornaments were made for both men and women from shells, sometimes cut into beads, and strung on thin, deerskin thongs or twisted grasses. Bracelets and neck pieces were fashioned from the metals (silver, gold, and the more plentiful copper) they mined in the hills. Additional fineries were now and then brought home by warriors lucky enough to slay enemies wearing them.21 Cherokee progress up the culture ladder was also evident in their religion. While traces of earlier beliefs in many spirits that entered both inanimate objects and animals lingered on in their myths, such beliefs had doubtless become to them only halftruths, and the nation had come to believe in a "Great Spirit," maker of all things. Belief in a future life existed, but what was to come to one after death seems not to have been a disturbing thought to them. Their reverence for the Great Spirit and their common prayers for blessings—most of them probably for material forms and immediate needs—were often expressed in religious dances that were beautiful in conception and stately and dignified in execution. Sometimes those participating in the dances were men only, sometimes both men and women, and sometimes women only. One of these women performances witnessed by a white traveler in Chota of the Over Hill Towns lasted for four days. The "foreigner"was not able to learn its purpose.22 Cherokee history and literature consisted of tales and myths accumulated over a long past and told and retold to each generation. The custom of absorbing groups and individuals from other tribes greatly enriched the fund of stories but has proved confusing to the modern historian attempting to see in them the trend of actual Cherokee religious beliefs. However, as a whole, the stories reveal vague, racial memories of other lands, �40 / Chapter Two HALL OF HISTORY COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY The Cherokees developed many ritualistic ceremonies through a variety of dance forms. Some depicted battles. Some were religious. Participants often made their meanings vivid by the use of masks. Cherokee masks varied in size, shape, and expression's. Some, like the one with the exaggerated nose, were doubtless designed for humor. widely separated lands, of pride in heroes, of ancient hates and wars and battles. They reveal, too, the Cherokee's closeness to nature and record his primitive attempt to explain his world and the creatures in it, to fathom the creation of his mountain land, and to account for the strange natural formations. Some of these stories show a surprising tenderness of treatment, while others, like the Judaculla tales, are examples of man's universal love for exaggeration. Many tales also show the Cherokee's sense of humor, and it is entirely possible that groups of the old tales which modern man reads seriously and accepts as the Cherokee's superstition, brought roars of laughter when told evenings around the village fire by an expert storyteller. As with all primitive peoples, storytelling was a popular form of entertainment, and the old, familiar tales were constant favorites. Then, too, every returning warrior or hunter could be sure of an interested audience as he related his experiences with wild animals or with prowling bands of enemies during the weeks or even months spent in distant regions of Cherokee �Eden is Discovered / 41 country. The religious rituals and ceremonies and colorful dances furnished not only an outlet for religious emotion, but also a solemn social satisfaction. In addition, the Cherokees had many games and contests of skill in which individuals, towns, or clans participated. The outstanding athletic event was their ball game that has survived the inroads of the white man's civilization and today is played yearly in the age-old manner. How it originated no one knows, for its beginning fades into the obscurity of the distant past. It was played by two opposing teams representing two clans. It was—and still is—a rough and tumble tussle with almost no rules, and the players took whatever treatment was given them, returning it with interest if possible. At times of strained relations between two clans, their ball game assumed the form of group combat, and the feelings of the spectators seated or standing on the hillside ran high, while an occasional casualty occurred.23 By the time English speaking people discovered the hills of Western North Carolina, the Cherokee nation was a powerful people, happy and contented in their mountain homeland. In fact, so powerful were they that they could call themselves simply, but significantly, Yunwiya or Ani-Yunwiya, "The People" or "The Principal People." True, other nations had other names for them, designating them as Rickahockans or Rechahecrians,24 or more often usejJ a name which the English corrupted into Cherokee. This name, however, the People themselves did not recognize since it had been bestowred by tribes who were enemies. Several meanings have been given for the word "Cherokee." Dr. Swanton of the Smithsonian Institute suggests that it may be from a Muskogee word meaning "people of a different speech."25 A somewhat widely accepted meaning is cave or pit. If this origin of the word is accurate, it may have had reference to their mountain homeland. More probably it carried the still smarting sting of their ancient defeat when they depended in vain upon their pit-like trenches and their breastworks to ward off the attack of the Iroquois and the Delawares, a defeat kept alive in the fireside tales and in the jibes of their enemies. How long it took the Cherokees to achieve the spreading borders of their nation is not known. Nor can it be estimated with any degree of certainty how many centuries passed as they extended their homeland settlements south and east along the Middle rivers and into the present South Carolina and Georgia �42 / Chapter Two and into the Over Hill Country. The gradual process of settlement included driving any people they encountered out of the region and absorbing the remnants left. By 1540, when the curtain of antiquity was briefly drawn aside, they had not reached the later Lower Towns section. They had, however, attained more than a foothold in the Middle Towns area along the Valley and Hiwassee Rivers, with an undetermined number of scattered villages. They had a thriving settlement that the Spanish transcribed as Gau-ax-u-le or Guasili, almost certainly on the site of Peachtree Mound, five and a half miles east of the present Murphy. This seems to have been the largest settlement encountered by DeSoto within the present Western North Carolina.26 So it was, that as spring came over the mountains in 1540, trailing its robes of flashing color across the hillsides, the Cherokees could look with confidence to the future, and security could be taken for granted. �C H A P T E R T H R E E Two Races Meet X he serenity of the on-coming spring was shattered on a May morning in 1540 when an Indian runner, spent with his race along the ancient trails, stumbled into a mountain town with news that brought the men of the village hurrying to the council house. To them he poured out his fantastic tale. Stories reaching southern towns, he said, told that men, strange men of pale, ghastly hue and wearing clothes of metal, were traveling westward along the paths from the east. They were many and with them were strange beasts, some bigger than a bear (although not so stockily built), and on these some of the men sat. Others of the animals were small and black, grunting and squealing as they were driven westward. Through the lands of the nations to the east they had come, for no tribe could withstand them and the sharp, popping thunder that they hurled to slay opposing braves. One thing was certain—they were on the warpath, for they stole or destroyed crops. They were also forcing villagers to join them as "tomemes" or burdeners and as guides from town to town. Soon they would reach the land of the hills. The dire news was sent from scattered village to village, and men, women, and children stopped their tasks and play to listen in wonder, only half believing the outlandish tale, yet not daring to ignore it. Thus was the white man's coming heralded in Western North Carolina. The previous May, Hernando DeSoto, with a flotilla of seven ships carrying six hundred men, had landed in the proximity of the 43 �44 / Chapter Three CHEROKEE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Indian women patiently gathered feathers which were skillfully used in making a robe that was proudly worn by the head man on ceremonial occasions. Such a feather robe was made for the outdoor drama, Unto These Hills, which is presented each summer at Cherokee. present Tampa, Florida. As governor of Cuba, he was exercising his official prerogative of exploring and possessing any lands he might discover, together with whatever wealth they might contain. Earlier in the century, he had taken part in the Spanish conquest of Nicaragua and later, with Francisco Pizzaro, shared in the fabulous wealth taken from the proud Incas. Through the simple expedient of breaking their promise, they had killed the Inca ruler and devastated his vast empire of Peru, robbing the temples of their gold and silver. Surely in the mountains of North America, reasoned DeSoto and his Spaniards, similar treasures could be had for the taking. The army wintered with the Apalachee Indians in northwest Florida and learned of towering hills far to the west where lived many Indians. They learned of gold and silver taken from the �Two Races Meet / 45 ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE DeSoto and his soldiers, dad in plate armor, confront the Cherokee chief, who is wearing his ceremonial regalia. This dramatic event of 1540 is enacted effectively in the outdoor drama Unto These Hills. ground and of a mighty river toward the sunset. So in the spring DeSoto and his men hacked their way through the dense undergrowth of the forests to the Savannah River. After a devious circuit to the north and east, they turned west, and picking up an Indian trail, proceeded northwest. To the awed and frightened Indians through whose lands they passed, they must have seemed like an endless throng as they journeyed single-file or two, three, or four abreast, as the narrow trails allowed. At the bannered head rode DeSoto himself in his suit of mail, and following him were his three hundred horsemen. Behind them came a like number of footmen and laborers, while bringing up the rear was a herd of some two hundred hogs to insure a food supply. Lastly came more than three hundred captive Indians,burden bearers in chains. Near the vanguard were Indian guides, impressed in each village to conduct the army to the next town. One of these, captured in the present South Carolina, was a woman chief or "princess," Co-fi-tash-e, taken possibly to serve also as a hostage to prevent her people from attacking the �46 / Chapter Three invaders.1 With DeSoto were a few Spanish priests, who entertained the vague hope of converting the Indians along the way, but whose chief duties must have been to hear confessions and to absolve the men from constant sins of atrocities committed upon the hapless Indians, their villages, and their crops. DeSoto appointed one of his men as historian, and the account left by this scribe gives the name Cherokee, the first time it appeared in writing. He had heard it from the tribes to the east and in transcribing it to his alphabet, he spelled it Chalaque.2 It was left to the French of a later century to write it Cheraqui and to the even later English to perpetuate it as Cherokee. In due time the Spaniards reached Western North Carolina, entering from the present Georgia just east of Rabun Gap, and going by way of the present Highlands to Nikwasi on the site of the present Franklin, arriving there on May 26. In this region they came for the first time upon a tributary of the Mississippi River. In addition to the official record kept by Roderigo Ranjel, a short account was written by Louis Hernandez de Biedma. A third was written by "a gentleman of Elvas," probably Alvaro Fernandez. Later a fourth one was written by Garcilasco de la Vega, who got his material from what was told him by a member of the expedition. As a result, various routes have been given by historians. In 1936 Congress created a seven-member DeSoto Expedition Commission to determine from the original sources available the Spanish line of march from the coast of Florida to the Mississippi River and the route of return. This Commission, with Dr. John R. Swanton of the Smithsonian Institution as chairman, made use of the four accounts together with a map which the expedition had worked out. The Commission submitted its detailed report in 1939. With this as a guide, the North Carolina Department of Archives and History marked the one hundred mile journey through the state's western counties as it was traveled by DeSoto and his men.3 The mountain Indians treated their unwelcome guests with a kindness and respect that must have been wisely considered the better part of valor. Too, they must have been secretly elated and amused that it was in their territory that the captive "princess" made her escape, taking with her the priceless collection of pearls entrusted to her care and leaving the "foreigners" without a guide. From Nikwasi DeSoto pushed on over the mountains to the headwaters * of the Hiwassee River, to the site of the present �Two Races Meet / 47 Hayesville, and from there to the earlier mentioned Cherokee village of Gau-ax-u-le, probably near the present Murphy. This village, possibly like others along the route, he found partly deserted, for many terrified Cherokees had fled to the safety of the hills. Here at Gau-ax-u-le, if not earlier at Nikwasi, the impressive army was received by the Cherokees, who dared not refuse the demands for supplies of food for both men and horses issued by the uninvited visitors. Among the provisions given to the Spanish were little "dogs that do not bark." It has been suggested that these animals might have been oppossums, as unfamiliar to the Europeans as horses and hogs were to the Cherokees. Perhaps two days later DeSoto forged ahead to the site of the present Murphy and some fifteen miles farther northwestward into the present Polk County, Tennessee. From one of the villages he had sent out exploring parties in search of gold and silver. The men are reported to have returned with copper, possibly from the mines later known as the Ducktown mines.4 The uneasy Cherokees seem to have told the Spaniards only what was necessary and doubtless held out hopes for more success in discovering the coveted gold farther west, much farther west. Indeed, it must have been with relief that the Cherokee hosts saw the long procession of strange men and beasts disappearing into the land of their enemies toward the sunset. As they resumed their normal summer activities, they could not know that the security of their race was gone, that never again would the mountain Redmen be free from the ever-darkening and lengthening shadow of conquest and subjugation by an alien people. They could not foresee that their mountain land was to become a battleground for opposing nations of these Pale Faces in a bitter struggle for the possession of the continent. Twenty-seven years later Juan Pardo, an officer in charge of the Spanish fort on Port Royal Island, led an expedition organized by Florida's governor, Pedro Menendez de Aviles, into the Indian country where a fort or two had been built east of the Blue Ridge. With the discovery of gold and silver as his objective, Pardo led his forces from one of these forts into Western North Carolina, following approximately the route taken in 1540 by DeSoto. Even more demanding and ruthless than his predecessor, Pardo left death and destruction and terror in his wake. His men were moderately successful in their prospecting, locating limited amounts of gold and silver. For the next 125 �48 / Chapter Three years groups of Spaniards sporadically carried on mining operations both east and west of the Blue Ridge. A few of their shafts, tools, and coin dies have been found, but for obvious reasons they kept their mining activities a guarded secret; reports of their presence, however, reached the Cherokees and other tribes so that the first English explorers to the region were told of "white, bearded men," trespassers on Indian territory. 5 At this time on a distant island, even more important events were taking place, events that were destined to upset the pattern of living developed over the ages in the Western North Carolina mountains. About the same time as Pardo's expedition, England came to feel that if the Spanish in the south and the French in the north along the St. Lawrence River were to be checked in their greed for American possessions, the time had arrived to plant colonies on the vast English claims. These claims stretched from Florida northward to the Dutch and French territories and from the Atlantic Ocean westward to the Pacific or South Sea. Accordingly, on March 24, 1584, Queen Elizabeth granted to her courtier, Sir Walter Raleigh, a patent for "discovering and planting of new lands and Countries [sic]" throughout the English area unsettled by "Christian nations." The patent was good for six years and Raleigh set about his planting of settlers upon the land he called Virginia.6 In 1585 his first colonizing expedition landed on Roanoke Island on the North Carolina coast and built a palisaded village. But practically all the discouraged settlers returned to England on Sir Francis Drake's ships which put into harbor in 1586. In 1587 Raleigh sent a second expedition directed by John White. The mystery surrounding the fate of this little band of men, women, and children has never been solved. But its disappearance meant failure for Raleigh and his patent lapsed. Yet a beginning had been made. James I, breaking the extensive territory into two sections with a buffer zone of a hundred miles between, granted a patent to a company organized as the London Company, which in 1607 established a tiny settlement named Jamestown on the James River. To this tiny, struggling settlement reports of western mountains were made by the surrounding Indians. John Smith, during his stormy year in the colony, learned from Powhatan that far to the west were "mightie Mountaines [sic]." Some thirty-five years later, in the 1640's, Governor William Berkeley learned that to the west was "a huge mountaine within five �Two Races Meet / 49 days journey, and at the foot thereof great Rivers that run into a Great Sea, to which people come in ships [sic]."7 This report convinced Berkeley that what is now Western North Carolina bordered the South Sea and so was the long-sought passage to India. Enthusiastically Berkeley planned an expedition into the region with the two-fold purpose of locating the passage and of discovering gold and silver as he knew the Spanish had done. But, he wrote, he was hindered by "Unusual and continuous Raynes [sic]." The colony over which he ruled required much attention, and he became deeply involved in matters of politics until the years had sped by and he came to know that he would never make the journey himself. In 1649, however, the Virginia General Assembly offered grants of land and mining rights to persons discovering new territory and minerals in the uncharted area. There is no record of anyone taking advantage of this offer. But Governor Berkeley could not forget his dream, and in 1670 he equipped and sent out an explorer, a German physician named John Lederer. With him were several aides and guides. But when at the end of a few days, these men became frightened and turned back, Lederer went on with only one Indian guide and companion. In time he reached the .eastern fringe of the Cherokee country and may have been the first Englishman to see the eastern slopes of the Blue Ridge."* But he did not cross them. He learned, however, that over these mountains lived the Rickahockans, or Cherokees, whose land was "great waves." He was told also of bearded white men not far distant. These men he thought to be Spaniards, and the waves he interpreted to be those of the South Sea, confirming Berkeley's belief that in this direction lay the passage to India. He could get no information about gold or silver but was told that from the mountains the Indians got a substance with which they painted their faces.8 During the year of Lederer's trip, another physician made the first of several journeys into the Indian country. He was Henry Woodward, a young Englishman lately come from England, who had thrown in his lot with the settlers on the Ashley River. It was a tiny settlement that was to become known as Charles Town and that was to have a direct effect upon Western North Carolina. What Henry Woodward's reasons were for risking his life in the Indian country he does not say, but he may have had several. He was young. There �50 / Chapter Three was the thrill of new adventure and doubtless the hope of finding gold, for he was sure to have heard of the Spanish gold expeditions. And judging form the records he left, there seems to have been a genuine interest in the native settlers and a concern for the future possibilities of land. It was largely due to the good will toward the English which he was able to build up in the tribes and nations he visited that the colony of South Carolina was able later to secure trade treaties. Among those nations willing to make such agreements were the Cherokees, or Chorkees as Woodward spelled the name. With the delight of a true explorer, Woodward viewed the "brave, new world" through which he passed and wrote enthusiastically to an English friend, "I have discovered a Country so delitious, pleasant, and fruitfull, yt were it cultivated, doubtless it would prove a second Paradise [SIC]."' The motive that brought the earliest known travelers into Western North Carolina was trade with the Indians. From the time that frightened Indians watched from behind protecting trees as the pale, grotesquely garbed Englishmen landed on American shores, the Indians and the colonists were engaged in a struggle for a continent—a struggle that was to last some 250 years. Yet during the first hundred of those years each race became increasingly dependent upon the other for trade. At first, the Indians brought their furs and pelts on the backs of runners called burdeners to the white man's towns and villages. In the same manner they took back to their own villages the superior tools of the white man, guns and ammunition, cloth and trinkets. But some of the tribes were constantly shifting their living places, and as time went on others became increasingly adverse to going to the white settlements. Many Virginia merchants then found it profitable to devote their entire time to the Indian trade since they could sell the furs to good advantage on the English markets. Thus they began the practice of supplying white traders with goods and sending them into the Indian territory over the age-old trails, now firmly packed into trading paths by the bare or moccasined feet of hundreds of burdeners. These men heard of tribes farther to the west, and so the lure of profits enticed traders into the Cherokee country of Western North Carolina. In 1673 General Abraham Wood, a prominent Indian trader in charge of Fort Henry near the present Petersburg, Virginia, �Two Races Meet / 51 employed James Needham, a young Englishman who had recently come from the mother country to Charles Town where he had built his home. Needham was to go into the unknown territory and "explore beyond the mountains" and to chart the rivers. General Wood furnished him with supplies and horses, eight Indian guides, and one of his own servants, possibly an indentured laborer, Gabriel Arthur, as a companion. Needham was an able, promising young man, apparently eager to make the exploration. The little party followed the trading path westward to the Yadkin River, which they followed southward, possibly into the Catawba country east of the Blue Ridge. At some undetermined point they turned west and crossed the range. Three possible routes have been traced by historians. The men may have veered west from the Yadkin, entering Western North Carolina along the same path that was later used by Daniel Boone. In that case, they would have crossed the site of the present Boone and picked up one of two trails leading to the Watauga River and then on to the Over Hill Towns on the Little Tennessee River.10 They may have gone farther south in the Catawba country, however, and selected a crossing at Swannanoa Gap where an ancient trail led over the mountains. In so doing, they would have passed through the southern part of the present Asheville and, picking up a trail from there, traveled west to the present Canton and Pigeon River. A trail there would have led them west to the Middle Cherokee Towns and on to the Over Hill Towns. Again, they may have continued in a southerly direction until they turned west by way of Hickory Nut Gap, passing through the present Henderson County, going up the French Broad to Hominy Creek and along it (over land now occupied by the Enka Corporation Plant) to the Pigeon River and west to the Middle and Over Hill Towns.11 By whatever route they traveled, they were in one of the Indian towns by mid-summer. The Indians of this village had never seen a white man, and they gazed in wonder at these washed-out specimens of the human race and with even more amazement at the strange beast they had brought with them. They made the men tie the one horse that had withstood the rigors of the trip to a stake in the center of the village so that all might gaze at the freak of nature. After exploring for several months Needham returned to Fort Henry, taking several Cherokees with him and leaving Arthur as a hostage charged with the responsibility of learning the Cherokee language and of fostering good relations between the Cherokees �52 / Chapter Three and the English. Needham and his party reached the fort and, getting fresh supplies, set out again for the mountains. But he did not arrive at his destination. One of the Indians, nicknamed John by the whites, may have had misgivings about this friendship with the white men and he killed Needham on a lonely stretch of the trade route, taking the horse and what goods he could. He charged his Cherokee companions to see that the same fate was meted out to Arthur. Back in their village, the Indians set about carrying out those orders. They tied Arthur to a stake and piled brush around him. Then two Westoe slaves began to strike a fire. At that dramatic moment the chief arrived, saw what was happening, and in anger shot the slaves and took Arthur for his own personal slave. He seemed to have treated the young man as his son. With a hunting party, Arthur was taken by the chief into Kentucky and was thus probably the first Englishman to see the famous "Land of Kaintuck." He was later taken through South Carolina and the Lower Towns of the Cherokee to eastern South Carolina on a raiding expedition against enemy tribes. On another occasion he was a member of a revenge party sent into Florida. Among his various experiences was also that of being captured by a band of Shawnees. But Arthur had by this time learned much about Indians and was able to gain the good will of his captors, who set him free and put him on the trading path back to the Over Hill Towns. It was a year before he could get the consent of the chief to return home. Then the chief announced that he would accompany the white man to Virginia. After a series of hairbreadth escapes from raiding parties of unfriendly Indians during which the two were separated, both reached Fort Henry. There Arthur related his experiences to General Wood, who reported them to his superiors.12 That record is disappointingly meager, for the journal that Needham kept was lost. It is safe to assume that Arthur could not read or write, and little came of this expedition into the mountains. It was almost twenty years before other Englishmen are known to have entered Western North Carolina. Preceding and during this quiet interlude events were taking place in England and along the American coast that insured trade with the Cherokees—trade agreements which General Wood had complained received no encouragement from his superiors and for which young Needham had given his life. In 1629 the King of England, Charles I, with bland unconcern for the Indians, gave the entire Cherokee nation, with the exception of some hunting grounds to the north, to a friend. This grant was issued to Sir �Two Races Meet / 53 Robert Heath, the attorney-general, and it conveyed to him a vast tract lying between the thirty-first and thirty-sixth degrees of latitude and stretching westward from the Atlantic Ocean "so farre as the Continent extends itselfe[sic]." Thus the Heath grant was between the territory of the London Company's tract, to which the once over-all name of Virginia had by now been limited, southward toward Florida. In its westward sweep it included practically all of present North Carolina, Through this gift, Heath became one of the most extensive land owners of all times. In return for this royal favor, he was to plant settlers in the new colony, which in the charter was named Carolina or Carolana, honoring Charles by using the Latinized form of his name. But Heath brought no colonists from England to his rambling estate, and shortly after 1660 the grant was declared void. Fortunately for the peace of mind of the Cherokees, they never learned of this kingly grant, but the ghost of this gift later arose to haunt and harry the British government and was not quieted until 1769.13 The idea of forming a new colony was not easily crushed. The newly crowned Charles II, searching for a suitable, yet inexpensive method of rewarding his friends active in restoring him to the English throne, bethought of this vast American territory. Accordingly in 1663 he presented the former Heath tract to eight of his Lords. They were to be known as Proprietors of the region and were to make settlements, select governors, establish a nobility, and, aided by an assembly of elected colonists, otherwise rule the colony. The proprietors were to be answerable to the Committee of Trade and Plantations which was set up in England under the King and Council. Almost at once the Proprietors found that 'they wanted more land and presented their reasons for an extention of the grant. From 1609, when John Smith sent a search party from Jamestown into the territory to the south, hoping to locate Raleigh's vanished colonists, Virginia trappers had been going into the region west of Albemarle Sound. They had been followed by occasional private traders and now and then by a company of soldiers sent to avenge Indian attacks on Virginia settlements. Just when the first Englishman decided to remain in this land is not known, but by 1648 a few had acquired land from the Indians along the Chowan River. From time to time other hardy pioneers trekked into the region and settled around Albemarle Sound. By 1663 there was an unrecorded number of these settlers, but a large enough group existed to attract attention to the area now called �54 / Chapter Three Albernarle. The northern boundary of the 1663 grant passed south of these tiny settlements and left them isolated since they did not come within the Virginia boundaries. Therefore, in 1665 Charles II, by means of another grant to the eight Proprietors, extended the northern boundary of their lands by half a degree latitude and the southern boundary by two degrees. Thus was the colony of Carolina established and the way paved for its mountain section to be opened to the white man.14 The coast of the northern section of Carolina offered few harbors suitable for populating the colony with English immigrants. In 1667 a settlement was made on the Cape Fear River but was shortly afterward abandoned.15 However, in 1670, a band of English colonists formed a little settlement on the Ashley River in the southern half of the colony. Almost from the first the village grew, and in 1679 it was moved to the peninsula between the Ashley and Cooper Rivers and named Charles Town. With its harbor unhampered by the reefs which discouraged mariners from landing along the coast farther north, this settlement grew and became the chief Carolina port of entry for English ships. Relatives and friends of the settlers arrived on every vessel, and ambitious young men, some of them younger sons in families of wealth and estate, came to cast their lots with the forwardlooking colonists. Soon there was a pleasing bustle of activity and an infectious spirit of optimism in the village. With the earlier Jamestown experiences to guide them, the colonists set about adjusting themselves and their way of life to the conditions of an American frontier. They enlisted the aid of friendly Indians in learning to cultivate tobacco on the extensive holdings they cleared along the Ashley and Cooper Rivers. Then they looked about for other crops and products that could be marketed in the mother country in exchange for English goods needed for a degree of convenience and comfort in their new homes. Like all of the earliest settlements, Charles Town was surrounded on three sides by Indian tribes, and the safety of the village and plantations depended upon gaining and maintaining friendly relations with these natives. Happily, they discovered that could be accomplished at a handsome profit, and from the first, trade with the Indians became an important business. So flourishing did the town become that it was designated as the capital of the colony of Carolina in 1691 (or more accurately, perhaps, as the home of the governor appointed by the Proprietors). Previous to 1670, the elected General Assembly of Carolina, �Two Races Meet / 55 first convened in 1665, met in the district called Albernarle where the first settlements in the vast new colony were steadily if slowly growing, largely through newcomers from Virginia. In this area, too, the first colonial governor, William Drummond, resided as did several of his successors. Taking his title from the region, each was called the Governor of Albernarle. The proprietors hoped as soon as practicable to break their territory into three counties, Albernarle in the north, Clarenden in the Cape Fear area, and Craven in the south. They apparently did not take the shore line into consideration and seemed to anticipate a gradual growth from north to south. Instead, the first attempts at settlement in the center region failed and Charles Town became the second settlement.16 With one assembly for the two widely separated groups of colonists, problems of a physical nature arose, for it proved almost impossible for assembly members in one area to attend sessions of the General Assembly held in the other. To alleviate this situation, after 1691 separate assemblies were established and Governor Philip Ludwell was told that "If you find it needfull you our governor are hereby empowered to appoint a Deputy Governor of North Carolina[sic]. "17 Governor Ludwell did, indeed, find this "needfull," and several deputies served in Albernarle during the following years. These officers were directly responsible to the appointed governor rather than to the Proprietors. The title North Carolina used in the permission given by the Proprietors was unofficial, but had been locally in use for some years. By 1700 it was appearing in reports and accounts recorded by colonial writers. In 1710 Edward Hyde, deputy governor, was chosen by the Proprietors as full governor of North Carolina although he did not receive this title until 1712. For that reason one of these dates has usually been given as the date of the separation of the two parts of the colony into North and South Carolina. But in either case both areas made up the colony of Carolina until 1729 when the Proprietors, with the exception of the heirs of Lord Carteret, sold their territorial rights to the English government and the colony became a royal colony. Then one of the first official changes to be made was the separation of the territory into the two distinct colonies of North and South Carolina. Thus the mountain section, which had been a part of Carolina, now became a part of North Carolina. Nonetheless, for many years before and after that separation Western North Carolina was influenced not by the laws or government of its own colony, but by the government of South Carolina. �C H A P T E R F O U R Along the Trading Paths Jj 7 the time General Wood sent James Needham and Gabriel Arthur across the Blue Ridge, Virginia merchants and traders were carrying on a thriving trade with the Catawba Indians in Carolina, just east of the mountains. With the way now opened by the travels of Dr. Henry Woodward, accompanied on one of his journeys by young Needham, Charles Town took steps to link the tribes to the south and east of the Catawbas in bonds of friendship and trade with the southern port. Accordingly, trade treaties were made in which, for a promise of protection against their enemies, tribal chiefs agreed to funnel their furs and pelts to Charles Town and to allow only Carolina traders in their territory. In 1684 such a treaty was signed with the marks made by eight chiefs of the Lower Towns,1 thus determining future trade relations between the Cherokees and Charles Town. To strengthen these new relations and to cast about for gold deposits, James Moore, later to be governor of Carolina, and Maurice Matthews made a trip of good will into the Lower Cherokee country. However, hearing of mining operations being carried on by the Spaniards just twenty miles away from an Indian village, they decided that it would not be expedient to go into the mountain section of the Cherokee nation.2 The Indians living in the Middle and Over Hill Towns learned of the white man's goods that could be had for making little marks on a white man's piece of paper. They learned, too, that such 56 �Along the Trading Paths / 57 ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE English traders in the 1700*s brought glass beads into the Indian country. Shell ornaments were then discarded, and women fashioned the colorful beads into many forms of adornment. This woman at the Oconaluftee Village at Cherokee is carrying on the tradition of her ancestors. marks might bring the white man's aid against their enemies. In 1693, therefore, a group of Cherokees, including several mountain chiefs, appeared in Charles Town with a request for protection against eastern tribes attacking the eastern border of the Cherokee nation. Some sort of promise seems to have been given to the chiefs, although with no official sanction, and there is no evidence that any active help was extended to the Cherokees at that time. A basis for a trade treaty had been laid, however, and shortly afterward Cherokee chiefs representing all sections of the nation signed a trade treaty with South Carolina.3 About this time the colony took the first step in transferring lucrative trade with the Indians from the control of private individuals to the colony itself. This process was fully justified in view of the fact that in 1703 the estimated population of all Carolina numbered not more than four thousand white men, women, and children, with perhaps only about eight hundred available for military duty. 4 Traders dealing with the Indians and �58 / Chapter Four going into their territories wielded immense influence with the tribes and their leaders. They could, if they were unscrupulous in their dealings or imprudent in their words, endanger every white settlement. In 1707, then, South Carolina began its task of assuming full control of this important trade by establishing a nine-member Board of Commissioners of Indian Affairs, 5 later reduced to five members. It also appointed for each tribe a Factor or Superintendent, who was to spend at least ten months of each year in the Indian country as supervisor of the trade and traders already in the area and of those appointed as his aides.6 The first Factor to the Cherokees was Colonel Theopholus Hastings. He made his home on the Tugalo River in the Lower Towns, and was paid two hundred pounds a year, a salary later increased to three hundred pounds. He was given two aides, John Sharpe and Sam Muckleroy, but later asked for and got more men. He served until the end of December, 1717, when he was transferred to the Creeks.7 Another step toward trade with the Indians was taken with the building of Fort Moore on the Savannah River near the site of the present Augusta, Georgia, in 1716. It was both an armed fort and a trading post, and under an agreement with the Cherokees (a treaty which had been worked out by James Moore and the Cherokee representative, Charite Hayge), South Carolina was to transport goods from Charles Town to the fort, while the Indians were to make new trading paths connecting the fort with their old trails. They were to furnish burdeners to bring furs bought by the traders and the agent to the fort. In addition, the Indians were to carry back to the traders the coveted manufactured articles brought from Charles Town by slow river transportation, by hired Indian burdeners, or by pack horses over a land route often made dangerous by roving bands of unfriendly tribes.8 On July 18, 1716, the Board of Commissioners ordered that "the twenty-one Burdeners, that brought down the bever be paid for that service and for carrying the Goods which we are to send by them to our Factor at the Charikees each, one Yard and a Half of blew Duffields for matchcoats, and a quarter Yard Strouds, for Flaps [sic]/'9 As time went on, the burdeners were endangered by marauding bands that attacked the slowly moving human caravan. Often the result was loss of goods and occasionally loss of life. The fort was opened in March, 1716, and by the end of that year some ten thousand dollars worth of goods had been brought there from Charles Town. During 1717 fine furs carried to the fort on the backs of ninety-one burdeners from Western North Carolina �Along the Trading Paths / 59 brought almost fifteen hundred pounds sterling to the English.10 The demand for the white man's goods rose rapidly in Western North Carolina. Cherokee hunters and trappers exchanged their furs for manufactured goods at a bartering ratio worked out under the terms of the treaty by the Board of Commissioners. A Cherokee purchaser paid 35 skins for a gun, 16 for a blanket, 30 for a broadcloth coat (provided it was laced), 14 for a callico petticoat for his wife, and 2 for a red girdle for himself. Mirrors and teakettles were soon in such demand in the mountain country that traders were allowed to charge whatever they could get. Even at the high prices some traders asked, the demand exceeded the supply.11 Cherokee chiefs were soon complaining to the Factor and the Board of Commissioners of the hardships endured by their burdeners on the long trip to the fort. A few Virginia traders were in the area east of the Blue Ridge doing business with pack horses, and the chiefs asked for a similar arrangement with South Carolina. Feeling that it was unsafe to send pack horse trains into the mountains, the Board at first refused the chiefs' requests. By 1718, after several Cherokee burdeners met death on the trading path, the petitions became too insistent to be longer denied, and the Board yielded. The entire trading regulations were then revised. Under the new order, the colony licensed traders for a fee of eight pounds per year and the posting of a bond of a hundred pounds currency, later raised to two hundred. Traders were given credit at the fort. There they purchased a supply of goods to be transported to the Indian country, at first partly by burdeners, but as soon as they could procure horses, entirely by pack train. Then the trails were widened where necessary into trading paths over which heavilyladen horses could take the wares into the chief Cherokee towns, where, from the storehouses, traders could distribute them throughout the nation.12 The earliest of these pack trains made use of the old trail from the Lower Towns to the Middle Towns. It was the trail, perhaps older than the towns themselves, traveled a century and a half earlier by DeSoto and his Spaniards.13 The stout little ponies used for this work would carry from 150 to 200 pounds each and, over favorable terrain and with good forage, could travel twenty miles a day. Over the narrow, rugged, densely forested mountain sections the progress of the trains was much slower. John William Gerard deBrahm, transporting supplies for the building of Fort Loudon in 1756, reported that in the mountains six miles was sometimes a day's �60 / Chapter Four journey.14 William Byrd, writing in 1728, mentions seeing a pack train of a hundred horses and fifteen men going south on the trading path from Virginia to the Catawba country.15 As the demands for goods increased, these trains became longer, and James Adair tells of seeing a train consisting of 360 horses leaving from a South Carolina fort and heading for the Chickasaw country.16 The horses were in the charge of drivers, each of whom had one or more helpers, usually boys. Each driver was in charge of a section of the train, often destined for a particular trader. At the command of a leading driver, the train started, the horses going in single file, while the drivers cracked long, leather whips to get their charges in line. Each horse wore a bell, and as the snake-like procession jogged along a comparatively smooth stretch of the trading path, the discordant jangling of the bells made a fitting accompaniment for the men's coarse shouts. Continuing its trading plans, South Carolina built the second of its western forts in 1718. It was Fort Congaree on the Congaree River near the present Columbia, and it greatly shortened the distance from a supply station to Western North Carolina. As time went on, privately constructed forts appeared, some of which, like Gowdy's at Ninety-Six, were also trading posts and aided in the rapid transportation of goods into the mountain section. From Gowdy's a path extended through the present Spartanburg area, entering the mountains near the present Tryon and going westward to the Middle Towns.17 The fort nearest to the mountain Cherokees was Fort Prince George, built opposite the town of Keowee in the Lower Cherokee section. But it was a much later one constructed in 1753 that was destined to play a far grimmer role in the affairs of the Cherokees than that of supplying them with goods. The first generation of traders going into Western North Carolina became almost a race unto themselves. Those arriving before South Carolina made the Indian trade a colonial monopoly, purchased their goods from eastern merchants, set their own prices, and got what they could on the Charles Town market for their furs. After the appointment of a Factor, traders were assigned stations, received their supplies from the fort, and were required to observe the price list sent by the Board. In receiving their licenses from South Carolina, they assumed the duty of promoting peace and good will between �Along the Trading Paths / 61 the races, of being fair and honest in all their dealings with the Cherokees, of not selling firearms to enemies of the Cherokees, of buying no Cherokee slaves, and of letting no whiskey come into their territory. Both the traders' lives and their livelihood were under the supervision of the Factor. Of necessity these men isolated themselves from their own race, making their homes in Cherokee villages. They learned about the Cherokees and the Cherokee language. Although they never forgot that they were white men and remained loyal to the colony and to England in all cases of trouble, they adopted enough of the Cherokee customs and manners to make life in Western North Carolina livable and at times very pleasant. Practically without exception, they married Cherokee women. In this way the traders played a unique role in the affairs of the colony. They were in fact, interpreters for both races. To the Cherokees they represented South Carolina and, indeed, all Englishmen (at first, doubtless, all white men). To the Board of Commissioners and to the Factors they furnished needed information concerning the Cherokees and their attitudes. They also reported on the activities of the French, both west of the Cherokee nation and within it. They were thus able to advise the home colony on its Indian policy. After 1750 the tension between the colony and the Cherokees made future trouble seem certain. The early traders, now old in years and in service, pleaded with the Board of Commissioners, the Legislature, and Governor Glenn for a course of action that they felt would lead to a restoration of the friendly relations existing from 1716 to about 1743. Those were the years of closest contact and good will between the races and the period during which trade flourished, a trade bringing to South Carolina an annual harvest of 200,000 furs.18 Some of these men had come into Western North Carolina as private traders, identifying themselves for the rest of their lives with the Cherokees. Cornelius Dougherty is accredited by most historians as being the first, going into the territory from Virginia in 1690. That date may be too early, and it is possible that Robert Bunning preceded him, if Dougherty was accurate in a statement implying that.19 In any case, these two traders were joined by James Beamer, Ludovick Grant, and other men with a desire to carry out the responsibilities of their positions. Still later others came, as did James Adair, and as new trading paths were opened from newly built forts, others, like Richard �62 / Chapter Four Pearis from Try on, arrived to serve the Indians.20 Now and then traders from Virginia and later from Georgia also entered Western North Carolina, purchasing licenses from South Carolina for the privilege of trading with the Cherokees. William Byrd voiced the opinion of many of his fellow Virginians when he bitterly complained of the license requirement and of the fact that the traders from his colony had to make the long trip to South Carolina to secure the permits.21 With some exceptions that were deeply regretted by the Factor and the other traders, this first generation of white men dealing directly with the Cherokees lived up to their obligations and gained the respect and confidence of the Indians. The type of man attracted to the out-door life of a trader and to the Cherokee life style could not be expected to be interested in the art of writing. But with the goods sent to the ''Factor at the Charikees [sic]" went writing paper and ink powder. He sent reports and wrote letters to the Board of Commissioners, while traders wrote letters when the occasion arose.22 One trader, however, had both the desire and the ability to leave a record of the Cherokee nation as he had come to know it, and to his History of The American Indians today's historian owes a debt of gratitude. This author was James Adair, one of the most influential of the traders. He was Irish, a member of the powerful Fitzgerald family, Adair—or Adare— being the name of the ancient family estate. He was a younger son and arrived in Charles Town in 1735. Deeply interested in the surrounding Indian tribes, Adair seems to have taken up trading almost at once and in 1736 entered Western North Carolina. With a background of learning and culture, he was by nature forthright and honest and had a genuine respect for the Cherokees. From their chiefs and headmen, who became his friends, he was able to learn their traditions and myths, their forms of government, and their moral and religious beliefs and practices. For the rest of his life he was a staunch supporter of the Cherokees, even though he fought them when they joined the French in the bloody struggle known as the French and Indian War.23 In 1721 chiefs from Western North Carolina joined a group of Indian delegates representing thirty-seven villages at a council called by Governor Francis Nicholson of Charles Town in South Carolina. There they signed a new treaty in which new regulations governing trade were agreed upon as needed to curb evils arising with the expansion of trade. Pressed by the colonial �Along the Trading Paths / 63 government, the Indians also agreed to determine a definite boundary line, clarifying the eastern limit of their country. By this treaty the Indians lost a goodly strip of hunting territory to the whites, but the lost land was farther east than any portion of Western North Carolina. At this same meeting the Cherokees approved the presence of the Factor, his aides, and white traders in their lands and agreed to elect one of their headmen as nominal head of and spokesman for the entire Cherokee nation. A chief with the unpronounceable name of Wrosetasatow was elected to this honor, becoming the first Cherokee in all the long history of the race to rule over the entire nation.24 During the entire trading period, despite treaty safeguards, it took the combined efforts of trader, Commissioners, and loyal chiefs to maintain a spirit of good will conducive to carrying on trade to the mutual satisfaction of the races. In 1725, in answer to letters of appeal and protest, the Board of Commissioners sent Colonel George Chicken, a member ot that Board, into the Cherokee nation to report on conditions. Colonel Chicken, familiar with Indians and Indian affairs, made a thorough inspection. In his report he recommended the revoking of some licenses, gave the names of certain traders operating without licenses from South Carolina, and asked that several traders be put on probation of good behavior. From Keowee in the Lower Towns to Great Tellico in the Over Hill Towns he went, talking to the chiefs, hearing their complaints, and telling them of the complaints lodged against their people. His presence, tact, and diplomacy accomplished much, and the renewed loyalty of the Cherokee was reflected in an increase in trade with South Carolina. There followed several years of harmony between the races.25 Forces were at work in Western North Carolina, however, that brought concern to thoughtful traders and chiefs alike. Some of these forces were inherent in the business of trading itself. By 1730, the demand for the white man's goods was coming from every Cherokee village, however remote. Guns, hoes and axes, knives and hatchets, blankets and cloth, pots and pans had become necessities, and the Cherokees were gradually adopting parts of the white man's dress. This swelling trade meant that more drivers and their helpers were needed to man the everlengthening trains and that more traders and their aides must live in the Cherokee nation. These factors, in turn, meant that South Carolina, in its attempt to meet the demand, was forced to issue licenses to �64 / Chapter Four traders without too fine a regard for their abilities or their moral characters. In time, drivers and their helpers were hired whose only recommendation was that they were willing to make trips for the money offered. Every year increased the number of white men heading westward along the trading paths into Western North Carolina. They were now men of assorted abilities and business ethics. The inevitable result was the gradual lowering of the earlier high standards of trading and the slow growth of unscrupulous practices. Unsavory dealings were not, of course, confined to the whites. Cherokees sometimes pilfered or openly robbed a pack train, and those working with the trains often demanded their pay at the beginning of the trip only to desert it along the way. Indian trappers and hunters, too, shirked in the slow process of preparing their furs; yet they asked as much for their inferior products as traders were giving for perfect furs. There were even times when traders complained that the Cherokees refused to bring them any furs.26 The situation was further complicated by the growing influence of the French in Western North Carolina. Even in 1725 Colonel Chicken had found that influence rather strong in the Middle Towns. Because of the explorations in the sixteenth century of John Verrazzano along the Atlantic coast and those of Jacques Cartier farther north, France had laid claim to much of the North American continent. Early in the following century there were French settlements along the St. Lawrence River. Checked in their southward advance along the Atlantic coast by the English claims and by the Spanish occupation of Florida, the French explored lands south of the Great Lakes and the regions farther west. French trappers and missionaries roamed over a wide territory. On one of his trips Jean Nicolet discovered the upper Mississippi River and explored the area around it. Sieur de la Salle, on his exploratory travels, discovered the Ohio River. In 1673, the very year that Needham and Arthur made an English contact with the Cherokees of Western North Carolina, Louis Joliet and Jacques Marquette were drifting down the Mississippi to the west of them (actually in territory covered by the Carolina grant which extended to the Pacific Ocean.) Nine years later at the mouth of the Mississippi River, La Salle took possession in the name of France of that mighty stream together with all territory drained by its tributaries, a region so vast as to be beyond the �Along the Trading Paths / 65 imagination of the colonists of any nation. All of Western North Carolina lying west of the Blue Ridge was included in this French claim. With a definite claim now established, France allowed her trappers and missionaries to roam at will in any or all sections of the area, and in time these men came into contact with all of the tribes and nations occupying land east of the Mississippi River. The next step was to establish trade relations with as many of the tribes as possible. With their ability to learn the various Indian languages, to take up Indian ways of living, and to ingratiate themselves into the favor of chiefs and headmen, the French were soon sending traders into many of the Indian territories. In order to protect their trading interests and to maintain their claims to the region, the French government gave commands for the building of forts, and one by one a string of military and trading posts arose, extending from the present Erie, Pennsylvania, southwestward to the newly established Mobile, Alabama. In 1714 Fort Toulouse was erected near what is now Montgomery, Alabama. From it the French could and did transport goods into Western North Carolina. By 1730 French traders were appearing in the mountains in alarming numbers. These French traders, like the English, were there on claims of their government and had come to stay. Simply by virtue of their location—a location that had served them well in the past—the Cherokees now became the pawns of two opposing white governments. They were swayed by promises or considerations shown first by one and then the other of these foreign nations. There followed, after 1730, a period of continuous fluctuation on the part of the Cherokees, a period of great bitterness toward one or the other of the encroaching peoples, a period of alliances and treaties made only to be broken, a period of utter bewilderment and confusion. All of these shifting moods brought sharp upward or equally sharp downward swings in the trade with South Carolina. Unlike practically all other frontier regions in America, Western North Carolina was never out of touch with the more populous and settled sections in the East until after the Revolutionary War. The Indian trade kept open a constant and active line of communication with Charles Town and through it with England itself. But like all other frontier regions, Western North Carolina attracted colorful characters and had its quota of men coming into the mountains for exploitation and adventure �66 / Chapter Four THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION These native Americans were taken to London in 1730 by Sir Alexander Cuming. There they created a sensation. Dressed in the latest English style, they were presented to King George II, As a token of the loyalty of their people, they gave him an oppossum "crown," four enemy scalps, and f i f e feathers. The youngest of the group was Attakullakulla, who became the greatest of all Cherokee chiefs. along with its share of dreamers aquiver with grandiose schemes of accomplishment. In this category is Sir Alexander Cuming. As an English lawyer, Cuming had come to Charles Town on a trip involving banking business and had stayed to indulge in several business ventures of his own. He was always alert to the call of opportunity. It had become evident by 1730 that the salutary effects of Colonel Chicken's visit to the Cherokees were wearing thin, and there was a possibility of the nation making an alliance with the Creeks and the French. The Board of Commissioners then accepted Cuming*s offer to go into Western North Carolina as a self-appointed ambassador of the King of England. In late March, accompanied by Colonel Chicken and several traders, he entered the mountains from the Lower Towns. Stopping briefly at Nikwasi on March 26 to order all chiefs and headmen of the nation to assemble there by April 3, Cuming �Along the Trading Paths I 67 passed on over the spring-clad hills to the villages on the Tellico and Little Tennessee Rivers. Along the way he made friends with Cherokee chiefs and gathered strange flowers and specimens of rock to take back to England. As he turned east again, his retinue steadily increased until it must have resembled a primitive caricature of an Elizabethan procession; Indians of all ranks joined him to form a long queue winding over the rough, tortuous trading path to Nikwasi. The Cherokees were eager to witness the colorful ceremonies that they knew would take place. But the traders were filled with misgivings as they recalled what had transpired at Keowee, where Cuming had arrived on March 23 and, without benefit of invitation but armed with pistols, had boldly walked into the council house containing some three hundred Cherokees in conference. For this arrogant display of bad manners and unpardonable breach of Indian etiquette, Ludovick Grant, a veteran trader, had later upbraided Cuming and had learned with horror that the Englishman had planned to fire the building and to guard the entrance against escape if the Indians resented his intrusion. Of this detail, however, the Cherokees were happily unaware. They were also unaware of the scheme that Cuming may have had even then of planting a colony of perhaps a million unwanted European Jews on a vast tract of land in their territory. At the village of Joree the procession was met by both Indian and white dignitaries, including traders, and escorted the few miles into the awaiting Nikwasi and to the council house, where a two-day celebration was begun. That night the gleeful Cuming recorded in his Journal, "This was a Day of Solemnity, the greatest that ever was seen in the Country [sic]." One feature of the ceremonies was the impressive rites by which Moytoy of Great Tellico was raised from the rank of chief to that of headman. As Moytoy was crowned with a red dyed oppossum cap, symbol of his new authority over his fellow Cherokees, Cuming's imagination reached out for a use to which he might put the ritual. He found it.27 After the crowning of Moytoy and the slow progress of the peace pipe from one to another of the three hundred assembled in the council house, the moment for which Cuming had made the long trip came. In a pompous speech he brought the greetings and love of King George to these, his loyal subjects, and he climaxed his words by proposing a toast to the great English Overlord of the Cherokees. He suggested that, to show their allegiance, they �68 / Chapter Four kneel before him, the king's representative. A tense moment followed during which every white man present except the eloquent Cuming felt sure that nothing short of a riot could ensue. The Cherokees were a proud people. Never, in all their long history, had they acknowledged allegiance to any foreign country. In all their relation with the colonial governments they had conferred and made treaties as an independent nation dealing with foreign nations. Perhaps it was the personal charm, together with the sheer audacity of the speaker that hypnotized the chiefs. At any rate, they came forward, knelt before Cuming, the self-appointed ambassador, and (with good whiskey of the white man) drank a toast to "their" king. Cuming then suggested that they present him with the oppossum cap lately used in their ceremony , in order that he in turn might present it to King George as a token of Cherokee acknowledgment of the English ruler as their king. Again the chiefs agreed. But Cuming went still farther. He requested that he be allowed to select several prominent Cherokees to accompany him on a forthcoming trip to England so that they might present the crown to King George in person. Once more they agreed. Perhaps in making his Journal entry, Cuming had been right, after all. Certainly for the Cherokees it was a "Day of Solemnity," and surely nothing comparable to it had ever taken place in Western North Carolina.28 Cuming selected six men, a seventh joined him in Charles Town, and with the Cherokee party he set sail for England on the man-of-war Fox, arriving at Dover on June 6. In London, where they were entertained at the expense of the government, these Cherokees from the Carolina mountains created something of a sensation. They were taken to see places of interest with stress on the military and naval might of the island country, and they were the guests of prominent Englishmen, even posing for their group portrait. But the high point of the sojourn came when, dressed in the "civilized habit" of knee breeches, lace-and ruffle-trimmed shirts, white stockings, and shoes adorned with silver buckles, they were presented to his Majesty, King George II.29 Attakullakulla, the youngest of the group and later to be an outstanding chief, made a speech to the king and either he or Cuming himself presented the English ruler with the oppossum crown, four enemy scalps, and five eagle feathers as symbols of Cherokee loyalty. What the king thought of his self-appointed "Ambassador to �Along the Trading Paths / 69 the Cherokees" is not recorded. But letters of complaint about Sir Alexander Cuming's business dealings in Charles Town reached London during this time, and the Cherokee delegation was taken from his supervision and placed under the sponsorship of Governor Robert Johnson of South Carolina, who was in the English capital on business, and under Sir William Keith of Pennsylvania. For two months the Indians were in England since they were not allowed to leave the country until a treaty had been drawn up by the Board of Trade. On this paper, known as the Treaty of Whitehall, the Cherokees put their marks and in so doing acknowledged the English government as virtual owners of their vast domain and the English king as their ruler. They agreed to fight with the English against any or all English enemies in America, to trade only with the English, to allow only the English to build forts and to "plant corn" in their territory, to return all runaway slaves to the English, to allow crimes against the English to be tried in English courts, and to notify the English of all trespassers of other nationalities entering the Cherokee country.30 Back in their own land, neither these delegates nor the Cherokee nation made any attempt to abide by this treaty. It seems evident that not a one of the signers understood the significance of making his small cross on the white man's piece of paper. It is certain that the group had not been given the authority by an Indian council to make treaties or to give promises in the name of their nation. For some years, however, the Cherokees swayed again to the English, and trade with South Carolina increased. All of this may well have been the result, not so much of the treaty to which the English tried to hold the Indians, as of Cuming's spectacular trip and the exciting visit of the chiefs in London. But the French to the west, bent on making good their claim to Western North Carolina, had no intention of permitting this new Cherokee-English era of good will to endure. In 1736, just six years after Cuming's visit, they sent into the region a man whose influence and grandiose schemes presented the gravest threat to English trade and prestige yet felt. He was a shrewd, shriveled, little German, calling himself Christian Priber (although that may not have been the name by which he had been christened some thirty-five or forty years earlier). He was charged with the duty of winning both Indian trade and Cherokee loyalty from the �70 / Chapter Four English to the French. No better choice of a spy could have been made. Entering the Over Hills section, he soon added a fluent use of the Cherokee language to his long list of speaking languages which included French, German, Spanish, Latin, and English. He adopted Indian dress and the Cherokee manner of painting his body and face, and he married a young Cherokee woman. In a short time he succeeded in speaking, in looking and in living like a Cherokee. As a result, his power in the Over Hills area was solidly established. Priber had entered the Cherokee country for reasons undreamed of by either the English or the French. His schemes included nothing short of a vast Indian empire or confederacy made up of all the tribes and nations living between the Blue Ridge and the Mississippi River. The Cherokee nation was to form the nucleus of this far-flung dominion. During a period of expediency, he planned to ally with the French, but when the time was ripe, anticipated throwing off all foreign control, thus hastening the day he foresaw when "European nations will have a very small footing on this continent." Priber's first step in forming the empire was to select a capital, and as a temporary one he chose Great Tellico where he made his home. There in a colorful ceremony he crowned Moytoy, raised to the position of headman at the time of Cuming's visit, as Emperor to rule over the many nations. Then he had himself appointed His Imperial Majesty's Principal Secretary. Under that title he wrote arrogant and demanding letters to the colonial governments, and when his requests were summarily refused, as he knew they would be, he used the replies as propaganda against the English. It was then comparatively easy to arouse in the Cherokees a feeling for the importance of their position and hence to make them aware of their bargaining power in the EnglishFrench struggle. The resulting unfriendliness toward the English and the rapid decline in English trade alarmed the traders, and South Carolina at length sent Colonel Joseph Fox and two aides to Great Tellico to arrest Priber.31 Priber received the officers cordially and freely admitted that he was working out an alliance between the Cherokees and the French at New Orleans. He also revealed his hopes to bring into the Indian nation some qualified Frenchmen to teach the art of ammunition making. He must have been secretly amused at this naive gesture on the part of South Carolina, knowing himself far too intrenched with the Cherokees to be in �Along the Trading Paths I 71 danger from the three English officers. To their chagrin, Colonel Fox and his men found themselves being politely conducted out of the Over Hills section by Priber's men. As his journal shows, Priber was meantime laying the foundation for his Indian empire. He drew up elaborate plans for a worthy capital which would be called Cusseta to be built in the present Georgia. It would have a communal form of government and would be a city of refuge, welcoming the oppressed of Europe, those fleeing from justice, runaway slaves, in fact, any one wishing a haven from political or personal storms. Trial marriages • would be allowed, even encouraged, and children would be the wards of the state. Property ownership would be, as already with the Indians, a privilege of the community. Laws were to be few, and the only crimes recognized in this city would be an act of murder actually committed within it and laziness. By 1743 Priber apparently felt that the time had come for further developments in his plan, and with several Indian guides he set out for Mobile, intending to stop enroute at the French fort of Toulouse. But before he reached this first goal, he was captured by the English and taken to Frederica in the new colony of Georgia. There he was held a prisoner until General James Oglethorpe's return from his campaign against the Spanish in Florida. Both General Oglethorpe and the English soldiers were deeply impressed by the charm, learning, and quiet courage of this ugly, odd, little man. On his person they found the manuscripts giving in detail the plans for organizing the empire and the detailed plan of his capital city. When they pointed out to him that this whole scheme was treason from the angle of both the French and the English, his reply hinted at a well organized group of which he was only one. Priber implied that, regardless of his fate, the work would be taken up by others.32 That there may have been some truth in this is evident from the fact that he apparently intended to publish his plans in Paris and to procure from there and from other European cities and countries financial aid for the project. Before the English brought Christian Priber to trial, however, he sickened and died; and the dream of a vast Indian empire died with him, although the English were never able to offset his influence in the Over Hills area. His work and influence there may have been a strong factor in the Cherokees of this section joining the French some years later in the conflict known as the French and Indian War. More immediate results were the �72 / Chapter Four frequent attacks on Englishmen and the burning of scattered English villages on the fringe of the Cherokee country. Historians have differed in their opinions of this extraordinary spy and schemer. How much personal ambition entered into his plans can not be determined. He claimed to have a genuine love for the Cherokees, in fact, for all Indians and insisted that his aim was to serve the interest of the Indians against white aggression. In that, too, there seems to have been at least a kernel of truth, for at the time he was arrested, he was carrying the manuscript of a Cherokee dictionary which he had written and doubtless intended to publish in Paris. Certain it is that English traders, while they feared his influence and struggled to keep the Cherokees loyal to the English, acknowledged Priber's brilliant mind and great learning and ability. One of these traders, James Adair actually kept up a personal correspondence over a period of several years with the German in the pay of France.33 The removal of Christian Priber from the scene temporarily relieved but did not solve the complicated problems of the English in their relations with the Cherokees of Western North Carolina. By the middle of the century many forces were being woven into the dark fabric of contention and warfare. The clouds over the mountains were threatening a deluge and gathering their thunderbolts of fire and carnage. �C H A P T E R F I V E Lightnings Flash and Thunders Roll XJL fter 1743 South Carolina's trade with the mountain Cherokees was carried on with constantly increasing friction between the two races. Part of the growing difficulties arose from sources that the colony could not control, but much of the trouble was due to general mismanagement in Charles Town. Virginia and Virginia traders had been resentful of South Carolina's grip on the Cherokee trade. When William Byrd voiced that resentment in 1728, he said that the colony of Virginia had been trading with the Cherokees for eighty years.1 That seems hardly possible except as some hunting bands of Cherokees may have come by chance to eastern settlements. Yet it was a Virginia trader, Abraham Wood, who had envisioned the possibility of trade with the mountain nation and who had made possible the first contact with it. In the eighteenth century, however, two restraining factors had kept Virginia traders from what they considered their fair share of the lucrative Cherokee trade. One was the inconvenience of obtaining licenses from South Carolina. The other was the contour of the land over which they had to transport their goods from the supply stations to the Over Hill Towns. From Charles Town the trading routes were over fairly open country along broad rivers and traders did not meet the difficulties of mountain 73 �74 / Chapter Five trails until comparatively close to their destination in Western North Carolina. This was not the case with Virginia traders. Shortly after leaving their supply stations, they found themselves in a mountainous region where the paths were winding and often tortuous. The discomforts increased when they had to cross the precipitous Blue Ridge. The shortest route, directly west from the upper Yadkin River across what is now Watauga County and on to the Indian towns, made far too strenuous a trip to be undertaken by traders with loaded pack horses. In fact, as late as 1766, when James Smith and his Negro companion left a Kentucky-bound party and traveled eastward from the Tennessee River to settlements on the Yadkin River, the colonists there could scarcely credit Smith's story, declaring that they had never known of any one coming directly over the mountains by that route.2 Virginia traders had to travel farther south, therefore, crossing the Blue Ridge at Swannanoa Gap or at Hickory Nut Gap. Even then they had a long mountain trip before reaching the villages of the Cherokees. Frequently because of that fact, they continued south on the east side of the Blue Ridge until they made connection with the route passing through Keowee of the Lower Towns. There they sold their wares or took the trail through Rabun Gap into the mountain section, although this meant, after 1733, the purchasing of a license from Georgia as well as from South Carolina. It is no wonder then, that in 1725 Colonel George Chicken reported having seen not more than three Virginia traders in Western North Carolina. The physical hardships endured by Virginia traders were overcome, however, when in 1740 Stephen Holstein, a hunter from their colony, crossed the Blue Ridge farther north and west of the Yadkin River and discovered the river that is now known by his name modified into Holston. Explorers then found that it connected with the Tennessee and thereby with the Over Hill Towns. Consequently, a shorter and more convenient trade route was soon in operation from Virginia to the Cherokee villages.3 In 1751 a group of chiefs, throughly disgruntled at the treatment they were receiving from South Carolina, went to Williamsburg, seeking a formal trade treaty with Virginia. In spite of the immediate and vigorous protests of South Carolina's Governor James Glenn, Virginia, under the governorship of Robert Dinwiddie, openly laid claim to its share of the Cherokee trade. He allowed its traders to enter Western North Carolina without licenses from South Carolina.4 �Lightnings Flash and Thunders Roll I 75 One of the Cherokee grievances was the fact that South Carolina was allowing its traders to deal with the Creeks and other Indian tribes to the west who were Cherokee enemies and with whom at times they were engaged in actual warfare. 5 These grievances were deeply felt in the Lower Towns, which were almost constantly at war with the Creeks. The resulting petty annoyances perpetrated against the English culminated in 1751 in an act of sabotage that threatened open war with the English. Spurred on by inflamed Indians from Keowee, Middle Town Cherokees looted the English storehouse at Stekoa on the Tuckaseigee River, on the site of the present Whittier. The rumor spread that a trader, Barnard Hughes, and three other white men had been slain and that all English traders were to be killed. Traders from the entire section fled to the safety of English forts. The rumors proved untrue, and the English, with the aid of Old Hopp, the revered Cherokee chief, succeeded in regaining most of the stolen goods. But conscientious traders could read in this incident the writing on the wall. Ludovick Grant, James Beamer, Cornelius Dougherty, and Robert Bunning all sent formal statements to Governor Glenn, pointing out the explosive conditions prevailing, citing abuses perpetrated by English traders, calling attention to the ever-strengthening French influence, and pleading for a firm and just course of action on the part of South Carolina.6 As a result, in 1753 Governor Glenn held a council with Cherokee Chiefs. The Indians demanded more guns and ammunition to fight the Creeks and a cessation of all English trade with their enemies. They also wanted forts built for their protection against western tribes and the French. A compromise was reached by which Governor Glenn promised the forts in exchange for a promise of peace between the Cherokees and Creeks. In compliance with its promise, South Carolina built a fort across the river from Keowee, which was named Fort Prince George.7 Two years later still another treaty between South Carolina and the Cherokees was signed when representatives from both groups, including Governor Glenn himself and Old Hopp, met at Saluda Old Town, some twenty miles west of the present Columbia, South Carolina. By affixing their marks to this document, the Cherokees agreed to an eastern boundary of their territory that would run between the present cities of Spartanburg and Greenville, South Carolina, thus ceding to the �76 / Chapter Five TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY Fort London: The English, at the request of the Over Hill Cherokees, built this fort on the Little Tennessee River for protection against the French. The cannons were brought over the mountains on the backs of stout little ponies. The Cherokees, angered at the actions of the English shortly afterward, burned the fort in 1760. This picture shows an ancient cannon and the restored stockade, colony a vast stretch of land, none of which was in Western North Carolina. In return, the colony agreed to certain trading reforms and again promised a fort for the Cherokees in the Over Hill country.8 Dilatory in carrying out the renewed promise of an Over Hill fort, the colony took no action until rumors reached Charles Town that the French were planning to erect a fort on the Hiwassee River. In 1756 Fort Prince George, which had been built in 1753 only to be allowed to fall into ruins, was renovated and steps were taken to construct the promised fort. A site was selected by the Cherokees on the Little Tennessee River near the mouth of the Tellico River, six miles from Chota, the city of refuge. Then to Western North Carolina came its first architectengineer. John William Gerard de Brahm, a German, had earlier pleased the colony with the ramparts he had constructed for Charles Town.9 At first he refused to undertake the enormous task of getting needed supplies and arms over the narrow trails leading into the mountain section, even though he was offered three �Lightnings Flash and Thunders Roll / 77 hundred men and five thousand pounds sterling for the project. He accepted the mission when John Elliott, an able trader, assumed the burden of transporting the materials from Fort Prince George to the Tennessee River site. In his Journal de Brahm described that job of transportation, the most difficult so far undertaken in the mountain country. The cannons presented the gravest problems. They were poised crossways over the backs of the pack horses and lashed to the bodies of the animals with belts. Occasionally, in fact, distressingly often, one end of a projecting cannon would catch on a tree and become twisted, throwing the horse and breaking its back or neck. Over the rugged trails six miles proved to be a day's journey. 10 On a location superior to the one selected by the Cherokees de Brahm constructed a fort in the form of a rhombus. Captain Raymond Demere came from Fort Prince George and was placed in command of the forces at the new fort, so far the most westerly of all those built by the English. It was named Loudon, in honor of John Campbell, Earl of Loudon, who had recently arrived in America to become governor of Virginia and commander-inchief of all British troops in the English colonies. Following a disagreement with Demere, de Brahm left Western North Carolina before the fort was completed and the work was finished by Demere. Thus the engineer-architect became known among the Indians by the title bestowed upon him by Old Hopp, "The Warrior Who Ran Away In The Night."11 Even with their long desired fort a reality, the Cherokees could not remain on amiable terms with the English. The Indians and the whites—both the English and the French—were caught in an eddying whirlpool of conflict that was international in scope. Even had they so desired, they perhaps could not have stemmed the tide of war in this remote frontier so far from the warring European countries that had declared it. Locally, however, the English were largely responsible for the nagging irritations that eventually sparked open warfare and drove the Cherokees into the French camp. Much of the blame was attached to Charles Town itself. During the years since the Indian trade had been taken over by the colonial government, the port city and the colony had grown and prospered. Other industries, especially rice and tobacco raising, had come to exceed Indian trade in importance as broad plantations along the rivers were cleared and cultivated. �78 / Chapter Five Decreased interest in trading with the western tribes resulted, and contact with the Indians lost its adventurous appeal for men of ability, judgment, and character. Instead of going into the Indian trading as many of their predecessors had done, newcomers were now taking up other occupations, as were also the young men reared in the colony. Then, too, a new generation of men had come into political control of South Carolina with ambitions along many lines other than the colony's relationship with Indian tribes and nations. As the fear of Indian attacks on coastal settlements vanished, the securing of added territory and the desire to make money became the chief motives in all colonial dealings with the natives. The Commission of Indian Affairs failed to function, and when a Superintendent of Indian Affairs was now and then appointed, he was no longer required to spend most of his time in Indian country. Any and all persons asking for trading licenses received them, and there was scant supervision of their lives and business methods. Complaints from older traders and from Cherokee leaders got little attention in Charles Town. Finally there came a time when Old Hopp, nominal head of the Cherokee nation, said sadly, "Charles Town is a place where nothing but lies come from.12" Traders within the Cherokee territory kept the turmoil at the boiling point. Two reasons had been given by South Carolina for taking over control of the Indian trade: to correct the abuses arising in connection with private trading and to introduce Christianity among the natives. Over the long years this latter motive had been a dead letter. No attempt had ever been made by the colony to send or to sanction missionaries in the Cherokee country. The only knowledge gained by the Indians of the white man's Christianity had come through their contact with traders. During the first years of the trading arrangement, with its rather close supervision, that contact had been comparatively wholesome, and the Cherokees had respected many of the traders and had even at times protected them. But by 1755 the English traders in Western North Carolina were, with many exceptions, a motley crew, bent on making money by whatever methods presented themselves. Henry Timberlake, in his notes on conditions he found in the Over Hill Towns in 1761, states that on most of their wares the traders were making five or six hundred per cent profit, although he thought that they doubtless lost on some items. Diluted �Lightnings Flash and Thunders Roll / 79 whiskey, which sold at the same high price of the pure product, increased in volume each year. Before 1755 the vicious system of selling on credit under a plan that held relatives responsible for a Cherokee's debts had been firmly established so that hundreds of Cherokees, now dependent upon English goods, were hopelessly involved in debt and found themselves and their families at the mercy of unscrupulous traders.13 It seems almost a miracle that influential Cherokee leaders like Old Hopp, Attakullakulla, and Ostenaco should remain friends of the English; yet these and other leaders were unable to control their own people. A new generation of Cherokees had arisen, young braves softened by the labor-saving devices of the white man and corrupted by their contact with the conscienceless traders whom they came to hate. Bands of these young Indians, on pretext of hunting or of going on war raids against enemy tribes, pillaged the small, white settlements east of the Blue Ridge and stole horses and whatever else they could lay hands to. With no respect or regard for each other, hotheads of both races were quick to avenge real or fancied wrongs, rushing into rash actions that were sure to have far-reaching repercussions.14 In 1757 the colony of North Carolina, within whose territory the mountain section of the Cherokee nation lay, passed its first law affecting that region. The division in 1710 of Carolina into North and South sections, each with its own governor and assembly, was later made official; yet, until 1750 North Carolina had been in no way able to assume any of the trade with its western Indians. Following the early settlements on Albemarle Sound, groups of Europeans had made small settlements along the Pamlico, Neuse, and Cape Fear Rivers. Later migrations had brought settlers into the piedmont region. But not until past the middle of the eighteenth century had white men reached the Blue Ridge with plans for making settlements. Then for the first time citizens of North Carolina were in danger of raiding parties of Catawbas and Cherokees. In 1756, Virginia had asked to join South Carolina in the building of Fort Loudon, but the Cherokees wanted each colony to construct a fort. Virginia built a small fortification, therefore, near the ancient capital of Echota, but it was never garrisoned.15 At the same time North Carolina took steps to protect the Catawbas east of the Blue Ridge from the ever-raiding Cherokees by building a fort, thus strengthening the colony's relationship with the Catawbas and safeguarding the westward moving �80 / Chapter Five settlers. Later, for protection against both the Catawbas and the Cherokees, settlers just east of the Blue Ridge built Fort Davidson, on the site of the present Old Fort. During the far-flung ramifications of the French and English conflict, the attention of King George was called to the mounting tension at their meeting point in the wilds of Western North Carolina. He removed all Cherokee affairs from the control of the Board of Trade, placing them directly under the supervision of the Crown. This brought an end to South Carolina's monopoly of the Cherokee trade. Edmund Atkins was then named as Superintendent of Indian Affairs in 1757, and in December of that year the colony of North Carolina passed a law putting all trade with the Catawbas and Cherokees within its borders wholly under the supervision of Atkins and his successors. The new law gave these men complete power to enforce their authority. For the first time North Carolina took legislative cognizance of the western portion of her territory. Upon the death of Atkins in 1763, Captain John Stuart was named to succeed him and held his position until after the Revolutionary War. 16 This attempt at centralizing the Indian program came too late to save Western North Carolina from becoming a bloody battleground, and if James Adair is to be taken as an authority on conditions of the period, Atkins was inexcusably delinquent in putting a constructive program into action. In spite of pleas from Cherokee chiefs, Atkins did not go into the territory for a year. In the interval, according to Adair, the French were steadily gaining converts to their cause among the Cherokees. In fact, Adair summed up the situation by declaring that the English forced the Cherokees to become enemies through a long chain of wrong measures that proved costly both to the English and to the Indians.17 Two unfortunate incidents touched off the spark that enkindled the raging fires of horror known as the Cherokee War, one phase of the wide-spread French and Indian War. The details of one of these incidents are not too clear since the episode was reported to both Indians and whites by the excited, prejudiced participants. This much seems clear. Some Cherokees returning from Virginia to their Over Hill Towns, losing some of their horses, replaced the animals by stealing those belonging to a band of Virginia frontiersmen coming back from western Virginia where they (and possibly the Cherokees) had been engaged in war activities. The white men were quick to retaliate, and a skirmish �Lightnings Flash and Thunders Roll / 81 ensued during which some Cherokees were slain and others taken prisoners. This episode aroused the already French-inflamed faction of the Cherokees, and they replied to the insult by laying seige to Fort Loudon and its English garrison.18 The way for this action had been well paved by the operations of the Chevalier Christian De Lantagnac, a Frenchman appointed by the governor of Louisiana as liaison officer to the Cherokees. His base was Fort Toulouse, but he seems to have spent much time in the Over Hill Towns, possibly as a trader. There his propaganda had been successful enough to worry the Cherokee leader and Great Warrior, Ostenaco (known as Judd's Friend) and to alarm Captain Paul Demere, who had succeeded his brother as officer in command at Fort Loudon. Lantagnac's efforts also caused the French governor to report to Paris that the Cherokees had been won to the French cause.19 The second incident was a shocking example of South Carolina's mismanagement of its Indian affairs. Cherokee retaliation after the previous incident had included the murder of two soldiers and a trader at Fort Loudon in 1759. Governor William Lyttelton, who had replaced Governor Glenn, demanded that the Cherokees surrender those guilty of the crime. The Indian answer was to lay siege in September to Fort Prince George. To Lieutenant Cotymore, in charge of this fort, this act signaled the beginning of an Indian uprising. His spies had earlier brought him rumors that the Cherokees had entered into an agreement with the Creeks to join in a general attack against the English as soon as the Creeks began hostilities by killing all English traders within their nation. Learning of the siege, the Council at Charles Town advised an immediate declaration of war. This action was delayed when in October a large delegation of Cherokees, headed by outstanding leaders, went to Charles Town in an attempt to prevent a conflict and to ask for additional ammunition. The Council then advised the new governor, inexperienced in Indian affairs, to hold a specified number of the delegates as hostages until the murderers of the white men were turned over for punishment. Governor Lyttelton, however, suggested going to the relief of Fort Prince George with an impressive number of troops, and this plan was adopted. Accordingly, Lyttelton refused to make any treaty or agreement with the Cherokee delegation. At a meeting with the Indians he announced his intentions of going to the fort on the Keowee unless the Cherokees surrendered the murderers. At the same time, he promised the delegates safe �82 / Chapter Five return to their nation. It was thus an unpardonable breach of good faith when, a few days later as the Indians were on their way home, they were taken into custody and held as hostages, being later taken to Fort Prince George.20 With an army of approximately fifteen hundred, Governor Lyttelton reached Fort Prince George on December 19, 1759. In the year that had followed since South Carolina had paid the Cherokee nation an indemnity for the murders, earlier mentioned, of their warriors returning from Virginia, twenty-four Englishmen had been victims of the Cherokees.21 The governor now demanded twenty-four Indians for execution as the price for releasing the three Cherokee peace leaders being held at Fort Prince George—Oconostota, who had headed the delegation to Charles Town, Ostenaco, and Fiftoe of Keowee. Largely through the efforts of the Cherokee peacemaker and friend of the English, Attakullakulla, a compromise was worked out by which several unfortunate braves were substituted for the three leaders, who were liberated. Three, and shortly afterward the fourth, of the participants in the Fort Loudon siege were then turned over to the English, and the Cherokees agreed to twenty-two of their men being held at the fort as hostages until the remaining guilty Cherokees were turned over to the English. In view of an outbreak of smallpox that threatened widespread desertion from his army, Governor Lyttelton then led his troops back to Charles Town.22 As might be expected, this agreement was unsatisfactory to the Cherokees, and the insult to their delegates on an avowed peace mission rankled in the hearts of men in all sections of their nation. The growing hatred of the English was fanned by the propaganda of the French, and on January 19, 1760, some English traders in the Cherokee country—reports reaching English officials said twenty-four—were murdered and all Englishmen in the territory fled for their lives to the hills. Fort Prince George was again besieged, and the aroused Cherokees began attacks on small white settlements on the South Carolina and Georgia frontiers. On February 16, Lieutenant Cotymore, who was roundly hated by the Indians, was enticed from the fort on a pretext of truce and shot from ambush. Inside the fort, officers were at once ordered to put hostages in chains. When the first captive approached and stabbed the officer, the English soldiers fell upon the group of hapless Indians, brutally slaughtering every one of them. This atrocity crystalized anti-English sentiment in �Lightnings Flash and Thunders Roll / 83 the Cherokee nation and united all sections. The war was on.23 Immediately white settlements along the Yadkin and Catawba Rivers were attacked by bands of incensed Cherokees led by the recently liberated Oconostota. All of this was a matter for the king's government, and in June a revenge army made up of Highlanders and colonial volunteers under command of Colonel Archibald Montgomery arrived at Fort Prince George. They succeeded in raising the siege and then moved on to nearby Keowee, capital of the Lower Cherokees, and burned it. From there they went systematically through that section of the Indian nation, burning towns, destroying all crops, grain stores, and orchards, and forcing frightened women and children to flee into the mountains. When the scorched earth policy had been carried to its completion, Colonel Montgomery sent word to the Middle Towns to surrender. They refused, and he and his troops proceeded over the mountain pass. After carrying out his mission in this area, he planned to go to the aid of the besieged Fort Loudon on the Little Tennessee River. In this attempt he failed, for the Cherokees had assembled a large force and met Montgomery's army at Echoee, a few miles from Nikwasi. There, on June 27, a bitter battle was fought, during which twenty Englishmen were killed and seventy-six wounded. The Cherokee losses are not known. Although the Cherokees withdrew, the English were compelled to retreat, returning to Fort Prince George.24 This left the besieged garrison at Fort Loudon with no hope of aid, and it was forced to surrender or starve. Captain Demere capitulated on August 8,1760. Under the terms of surrender, the garrison was to be allowed to leave the mountain country unmolested and with sufficient arms and ammunition to ensure a safe journey to Fort Prince George. The English, in turn, were to leave all their stored arms and ammunition in the fallen fort. As the retreating Englishmen, two hundred strong, wound along the Tellico Creek, they were suddenly attacked about ten miles form the fort by the victorious Cherokees, who shot Captain Demere and twenty-nine of his men, taking the others prisoners. These soldiers, with the exception of John Stuart, who was allowed to escape, were later ransomed by the English. The occasion for this violence was the fact that the Cherokees, inspecting the deserted fort, had discovered that ten bags of powder and a quantity of cannon balls had been hidden under the floor and that other small arms and ammunition had been thrown �84 / Chapter Five into the river by the departing soldiers. Furious over the white man's perfidy, the Cherokees had rushed to avenge it. They later burned the fort.25 As news of this atrocity spread eastward, resentment against the Cherokees flamed up throughout Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina. The colonists and British army planned a convincing answer to this massacre and to Colonel Montgomery's defeat in the form of an army of sufficient size to quell the Cherokee uprising once and for all. No attention was paid to Ostenaco's rather pathetic attempt at avoiding further warfare made at Niwasi in September when the English flag was raised over a group of Cherokees gathered there prepared to express loyalty to the English. Each colony organized its militia and received volunteers to join the British forces placed under the command of LieutenantColonel James Grant. The Virginia troops, commanded by Colonel William Byrd III, marched westward to the Holston River. When Byrd found it necessary to return east, he left his men in the charge of Colonel Adam Stephen. Stephen stationed the Virginia sector of the army on the Long Island in the Holston River, site of the present Kingsport, Tennessee, some 140 miles from the Cherokee Over Hill Towns. There they constructed a fort which would serve as a border protection, as a base of supplies, and as a point of attack upon the Over Hill Indians. South Carolina's force of seasoned Indian fighters under Colonel Thomas Middleton and North Carolina's volunteers under Colonel Hugh Waddell joined the British forces moving west from Charles Town. That force was composed of regulars, many of whom were Scottish Highland troops, and all were experienced in border warfare. Indian warriors from tribes that were century-old enemies of the Cherokees formed one unit in the campaign. Catawbas from North Carolina, Mohawks from New York, and Chickasaws recruited from Georgia by James Adair were put under the command of Captain Quentin Kennedy. Altogether, the colonies furnished about half of Grant's army of three thousand men, a number in contrast with the two thousand led by Montgomery the previous year. On May 21, 1761, this army, the largest yet sent into the district, had traveled three hundred miles from Charles Town along the old trading path and had arrived at Fort Prince George. There the peacemaker, Attakullakulla, brought renewed peace overtures. They were rejected by Grant in view of orders given by �Lightnings Flash and Thunders Roll / 85 Lord Jeffrey Amherst, Commander-in-Chief of the British forces in America at the time. Grant had been instructed to punish the Cherokees throughly before making any terms of peace. On June 7, therefore, the army started for the Middle Towns. Entering the mountains by way of the trading path from Keowee, the forces stretched in single file for a distance of some two miles as they wound along the narrow, tree-lined trail. In addition to the soldiers, there w^ere six hundred pack horses laden with the officers' baggage, stores of ammunition, and a thirty day supply of flour for the army. There was, also, a sizable herd of beef cattle. All the animals were in the charge of rangers and herders. As Grant had expected, the Cherokees, from six hundred to a thousand strong, attacked the moving army as it passed through a gorge. But by detailing added troops to protect the pack trains from serious threat of being cut off and by ordering certain troops to keep up a steady volume of shots into the woods where the attacking Indians lurked, Grant succeeded in keeping the men advancing to an open plain. There, in spite of the constant fire of the Cherokees, he was able to get his forces across the ford of the Little Tennessee River and to defend his position through several hours of sharp fighting. The Indians finally suffered such a casualty toll that they retreated. Grant lost ten men and found that fifty-three others had been wounded, one of them dying later. Thus, just short of a year after Montgomery's defeat, this so called second battle of Echoee (actually fought a short distance from the scene of the first encounter) was ended. After burying the dead, Grant's troops marched on into the village of Echoee. News of the immense size of Grant's army and of the heavy loss of life suffered by the Cherokees preceded them, and they found the village deserted. They destroyed it. Without resting the troops continued in the darkness to Nikwasi, destroying the deserted village of Tassee on the way. At Nikwasi the tired army rested several days. Then there began a thorough destruction of towns, crops, gardens, and orchards, all of which had been deserted by the frightened Indians, who had fled into the hills. Passing through the country, Grant and his forces encountered almost no opposition. The only casualties occurred when some Cherokee sniper succeeded in killing a sentry or two. On this punitive campaign the British forces traversed the most difficult terrain yet crossed by a British army when, with a detachment of fifteen hundred men, Grant passed over the wild, pathless Cowee �86 / Chapter Five range in the darkness and rain to reach the towns scattered along the banks of the Tuckaseigee River. Wherever he went, the pattern of total destruction took form until the villages of the Middle Towns were mere heaps of ashes; the farms became ghosts of burned and broken trees and scorched fields.26 The British Army was not without its losses. By the time that Grant got back to his temporary base, he found that three hundred of his men were ill and that one thousand more were without shoes after their long marches over the rocky mountains. Grant sent a detachment to the most westerly of the Middle Towns to prevent the Cherokees there from joining the Over Hill warriors in an attack on the Virginia troops and then led his men back to Fort Prince George. He had been in Western North Carolina a little more than a month and as a result, fifteen towns of the Cherokees had been burned and fifteen hundred acres of growing crops destroyed, while an estimated five thousand Cherokees had been driven into the hills to survive as best they could. In a little short of a year, Montgomery's defeat had been avenged with ample interest. The widespread devastation, together with the presence of British troops at the site of the present Murphy, deterred the Over Hill Cherokees from putting into action any plans they may have had for attacking the Virginia contingent on the Long Island of the Holston. In early autumn, therefore, a delegation led by Old Hopp and made up of other chiefs and four hundred of his people arrived at the fort to sue for peace. By November 19 the terms were ready, and a cessation of war was granted to the Over Hill Indians. Once more Attakullakulla led a delegation representing the entire nation to Fort Prince George where terms of surrender and peace were drawn up. That segment of the French and Indian War known as the Cherokee War came to a close.27 Broken in spirit and with hundreds of its young warriors dead, the Cherokee nation faced the task of rebuilding homes before a winter that could well bring starvation and disease. The Principal People were never to recover wholly from this national disaster. The Indian trade was completely disrupted, and the people were without needed supplies and without money. Nor could they fall back on the French, upon whom so many of them had pinned their faith. The French had had a large part in provoking the war and had aided the Cherokees, perhaps, as some of the English soldiers felt, even joining in their battles. But in the Cherokee defeat, the French had also met defeat. Their mother country and their �Lightnings Flash and Thunders Roll / 87 colonial empire had fared badly in other sectors of the long battle line that stretched from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico. Their bastions of defense had fallen like ten pins before the steady fire of the British forces. In 1758 the French fort at Louisburg had fallen as had the Fort Frontenac and Fort Dusquesne. The next year Montcalm and his French army were defeated by General James Wolfe, bringing Quebec into the hands of the English. Fort Ticonderoga and Crown Point were then given up, and Montreal surrendered in 1760. By the time the Cherokee War was over, the dream of a vast French empire in the New World had vanished, and a treaty of peace between France and victorious England was signed in 1763. Through it England gained the French possessions in Canada and forced the French to relinquish their claims to land east of the Mississippi River. French traders in the Cherokee country packed their wares, ceased their propaganda, and silently betook themselves away from the councils of the Indians and out of the Cherokee villages. As a permanent reminder of their old claims to Western North Carolina, they left only the adjective French attached to the Broad River west of the Blue Ridge.28 �C H A P T E R S I X The Lull Between the Storms o Cherokee population statistics were available until well into the nineteenth century, but from time to time South Carolina officials and white traders made estimates of the number of people, especially warriors, living within the boundaries of the Cherokee nation. In 1715 Governor Robert Johnson reported to the Proprietors that there were perhaps nine thousand Cherokees trading with his colony and that the nation had eleven towns in the Lower area, thirty in the Middle settlement, and nineteen in the Over Hill area. William Byrd in his History of the Dividing Line gave the number of towns as sixty-two and thought that there might be four thousand warriors. 1 In 1735 traders estimated the population at seventeen thousand and gave the number of towns as sixty-four. In 1738, however, small-pox reached Charles Town by a European ship and was unwittingly carried to the Cherokee country by trading caravans. The rapidly-working disease swept unchecked over the Indian nation. By the spring of 1739 every home was mourning its dead, and not more than half the people were left to till the fields and furnish the pelts and furs wanted by the white traders. By the middle of the century the population had greatly risen but was still apparently far below the 1735 figure. When the Cherokee War broke out, traders estimated that the Cherokees could muster not more than twenty-three hundred warriors. 2 How many defenders were slain in the raids by Montgomery and Grant and how many men, women, and �The Lull Between the Storms / 89 children died in the starving times that followed is not known, but the number must have been large. During the trading period, Cherokee villages varied greatly in size, many of them being merely clusters of five or six houses with their outlying fields and gardens. In fact, no town approximated the status of a city. No record left in pre-Revolutionary accounts credits Echota with more than thirty houses, although mention is made of a Lower Cherokee town of some five hundred dwellings.3 Over the years towns were destroyed by accidentsvby inter-tribal conflicts, and by the whites. Some of them were rebuilt, but others were not. Now and then new towns were erected as was the case in the Middle settlements when refugees from the Lower Towns fled there after Montgomery's raid. Then, too, the importance of towns changed, some losing their prestige to others. For example, Great Tellico, during the time that Priber lived in it, superseded Echota, although the latter remained the city of refuge. Also for a period of time the capital of the Middle Towns seems to have . shifted from Nikwasi to Joree, a few miles away. When the peace treaties were signed in 1761, ending the Cherokee War, only nineteen or twenty Over Hill Towns remained.4 When Old Hopp sued for peace at the fort on the Long Island of the Holston River, some four hundred Cherokees were with him. After the signing of the armistice, he requested that an English officer be sent with the delegations to their towns in order to explain the terms of peace and to receive the pledge of loyalty from his people. Colonel Stephen felt he could ask no officer to undertake a task so far beyond the call of duty as a journey into the strongly pro-French towns might well prove to be. Henry Timberlake, a young Virginian who had helped to draw up the terms of the treaty, volunteered to make the trip. He refused, however, to join the Cherokees and with one companion made the one hundred and forty mile, adventure-packed journey to the Indian capital. From there he went to town after town, smoking innumerable peace pipes, being entertained with Indian dances and games, and feasting on the choicest meats of the hunt and the best of the stored vegetables. In the council houses he received protestations of Cherokee loyalty, and he, in turn, expressed the good will of the English and the hope of long peace between the races.5 Timberlake became deeply interested in these people and learned what he could of their customs and ways of life, of their �90 / Chapter Six beliefs and religious life. He made observations on the land and its possibilities. He felt that in their thinking and basic manner of living the Cherokees, even after fifty years of trading with the whites, had absorbed little if any of the white man's civilization. They had, Timberlake said, adapted some of the white man's wares to their needs, and he saw that they had some European vegetables in their gardens and some European fruit trees in their orchards. He was pleased with the fine breeds of horses and the fine droves of hogs he observed, although he noticed that there were no sheep or cattle. Both men and women, he found, were adopting the white man's dress, and the women had learned to sew. In spite of the fact that the young Virginian was constantly on the alert as a hostage, he was drawn to the Cherokees and freely and sincerely gave them his friendship. 6 Timberlake was called upon to test that friendship in an unexpected manner. When at last he was allowed to return to Williamsburg, taking with him about thirty white prisoners held by the Indians during the war, the Great Warrior of the Over Hill Towns, Ostenaco, announced that he would accompany the white men. Joining the party were also a hundred and sixty uninvited warriors. In Williamsburg, Ostenaco saw a portrait of King George and suddenly decided that he must go to England and personally express the Cherokee loyalty. When he could not be dissuaded, Governor Fauquier detailed Henry Timberlake to conduct the Great Warrior and two of his Indian companions to the English capital. Like the chiefs taken to London by Sir Alexander Cuming thirty years earlier, these Cherokees made a sensation in the capital city. Among their noted visitors were Sir Joshua Reynolds, who painted a portrait of Ostenaco, and Oliver Goldsmith, who wrote an account of these American aborigines in his Animated Nature. Sir Alexander, who was languishing in a debtors' prison, was given a parole to act, as best he could, as interpreter for the Warrior. The Cherokees were given an audience with King George, and Ostenaco made a speech. He doubtless experienced some difficulty in maintaining his native dignity and poise in the English garb he wore, the latest word in ruffles and silks. The Indian holiday seems to have been a delightful affair, thoroughly enjoyed by the Britishers and the Cherokees, in fact, by all save Timberlake. He had personally paid all the expenses and was never able to gain complete reimbursement from the Board of Trade.7 With the close of the French and Indian War in 1763, �The Lull Between the Storms / 91 representatives of Virginia, Georgia, and North and South Carolina met with a group of Cherokee chiefs and explained to them the terms of the peace treaty. A royal proclamation that same year restrained the whites in the two Carolinas from entering or taking up land west of the Blue Ridge, that is, west of the headwaters of streams flowing into the Atlantic Ocean. By this means the king hoped to avoid further border conflicts. The Cherokees were, of course, in no position to bargain to their own advantage. Also that year the native Americans signed a treaty ceding to South Carolina approximately one hundred square miles of their land in that colony, pushing their eastern boundary west to a line running north and south through the colony from a point on the Savannah River and passing near the present Greenville, on to the North Carolina line.8 Unaffected by the king's proclamation, Virginia gained by a forced treaty all Cherokee lands within the present state of Virginia and West Virginia in 1770 and in 1772 won from the Cherokees all lands east of the Kentucky River.9 The Cherokees, scarred by memories of the recent war and fearing the encroachment of the whites, asked for a clearly stated eastern boundary line in the two Carolinas. That request was granted, and by royal order in 1767 North Carolina's Governor William Tryon, accompanied by two surveyors, two regiments of militia, and sixteen servants and aides, made the trip to the Cherokee country.10 The new South Carolina-Cherokee line was surveyed and a line run from it into North Carolina. But to survey the wild terrain of the Blue Ridge was an impossible feat. Both Cherokees and whites agreed to a line declared from Tryon Mountain, passing near the present town of Tryon and following the crest of the Blue Ridge in a northeasterly direction to the mines of Colonel Chiswell in Virginia. The Board of Trade also agreed to this arrangement. While later surveys showed that such a line would not pass the designated site in Virginia, the crest of the range provided a boundary sufficiently clear to both races. The Cherokees were to stay west of that line; the whites were to stay east of it. The present Blue Ridge Parkway, along stretches of its North Carolina length, follows that old line of demarcation.11 But there were loopholes in this agreement. In the first place, the line did not apply to Virginia. In the second place, it was possible that it would not govern the Lord Granville tract that crossed the Blue Ridge Mountains in the northern part of North Carolina. And in the third place, white men had already looked upon the fair mountain land with covetous eyes, and spirals of blue �92 / Chapter Six smoke were already rising skyward from scattered cabins dangerously close to the Blue Ridge. South Carolina traders had entered the Cherokee country under treaty arrangements and could in no way be called settlers, although many of them remained in the territory for the rest of their lives. Even though they married Cherokee women and their children were Cherokees, their status remained that of visitors or sojourners. They had no desire to own land, but they adopted the native American way of life, becoming a part of the Cherokee community. How early daring hunters and trappers, with only their wits and their guns to protect them from the natives, crept warily over the mountains will never be known, for they were not the type of men to write of their deeds. But like the traders, they were not settlers and had no interest in owning the land they saw beyond the Blue Ridge. Even before Governor Tryon's line was drawn, a few hardy settlers east of the mountains had begun the practice of taking their cattle over the ranges to the meadows beyond for summer forage. For convenience, some of them had built tiny log shelters. But these men, too, had no intention of settling in this region, and when pasturing days were over, they took their way back over the hills to their cabins to the east.12 But there were other men corning into the Cherokee country on other missions who pictured the land as it might be under the tillage of white settlers. As early as 1670-1674, Dr. Henry Woodward had seen the western country as a "second Paradise" beckoning to Englishmen with the vision and the courage to enter it. The dashing Sir Alexander Cuming conjured up in his mind the picture of Zion, its Jewish inhabitants dwelling in the midst of the Cherokee Philistines. Apparently he also had visions of permanent English occupants, for with a view to future mining, he took back to England specimens of rocks and "iron stone." A quarter of a century later the engineer de Brahm uttered a surprisingly accurate prophecy of this land's future when he wrote: "Should this country once come into the hands of the Europeans, they may with propriety call it the American Canaan, for it will fully answer their industry, and all methods of European culture, and so as well for European produce (the rice only excepted) for provisions of all kinds; indigo, silk, cotton, hamp [sic] flax, oil, wine; be it for raising stocks of horses, cattle, sheep, goats, and hogs; be it for metals, minerals, fossils, and stones, or be it for rnanufacturys [sic] of all kinds. This country seems longing �The Lull Between the Storms / 93 for the hands of industry to receive its hidden treasures, which nature has been collecting and toiling since the beginning ready to deliver them up."13 In 1752 an exploring party had actually entered Western North Carolina with the aim of selecting a tract of land upon which to settle a colony. The Cherokees were fully justified in wanting a line drawn, past which the white man would not be allowed to "plant corn." In the years immediately preceding the Revolutionary War, the population of North Carolina increased with amazing rapidity. In fact, between 1759 and 1771 it practically doubled.14 Political upheavals and religious persecutions in various European countries brought many thousands of immigrants to America. From the German Palatine provinces individuals and organized religious groups arrived in Philadelphia to join German settlements established earlier. They became known as the "Pennsylvania Dutch." Although fewer in number than the Germans, many Swiss also landed at the Pennsylvania port city, and there was a rather steady stream of Irish and a few French Huguenots. Two waves of migrating Scottish settlers likewise swelled the tide of incoming Europeans. These newcomers sought both religious and political freedom in the New World. One wave brought men, women, and children from northern Ireland, where Scottish settlements had been made more than a century before in six counties of Ulster. The political and economic disorders were generated by two acts of Parliament. The Woolens Act of 1699 restricted the sale of Ulster woolens and linens to markets in England and Wales, thus destroying the woolen industry in Ulster. The Test Act of 1704 was an attempt to coerce Ulster Presbyterians (followers of John Knox) into adhering to the Anglican Church. Both of these acts resulted in an uprising that gave North Carolina a goodly share of its population by the time of the Revolutionary War. These Scotch-Irish arrived in America by way of Philadelphia and Charles Town, or Charleston as the southern port was now frequently called. From Scotland itself came the other wave of immigrants, made up of both Highlanders and Lowlanders, most of whom had taken part in the abortive attempt of "Bonnie" Prince Charles to regain the English throne and reinstate the Stuart rule. After the decisive defeat of the Prince's Scottish forces at Culloden Moor in 1746, many participants, forced to take the stringent oath of allegiance to the English king, were glad to put as �94 / Chapter Six PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS, 1964 The Bryan Settlement and Squire Boone Home, 1747-1773: Before 1750 people were entering the Yadkin valley by way of this Great Wagon Road from Pennsylvania. Among those early settlers were Bishop Augustus Gottlieb Spangenberg's group of Moravians (1753) and the parents of Daniel Boone (1750). �The Lull Between the Storms I 95 many miles as possible between themselves and the British crown. At the orders of the English government, therefore, they came to the colonies to start life anew. Many of these immigrants, in view of the oath they had taken, became Tories during the Revolutionary War. For the most part, they settled along the Cape Fear and other rivers in the eastern part of the colony; some of them found their way into the piedmont. But the Scotch-Irish who came to dominate the "back country" had taken no such oath, and their resentment against English restraint and decrees made them ardent exponents of both political and religious freedom. They became leaders in the movement that led to the struggle to win freedom and separation from the mother country.15 After 1740 immigrants of all nationalities found that both Pennsylvania and eastern South Carolina were fairly well settled, with the best lands taken up by earlier arrivals. Then, too, the gathering conflict with the French opened Pennsylvania's western border to Indian and French guerrilla warfare. Thus the newcomers streamed westward. Those coming to South Carolina followed the old trading paths to the west, settling south and east of the Catawba lands or, turning north into North Carolina, settled along the Pee Dee and Catawba Rivers and their tributaries. The German, Swiss, Welsh, Irish, and Scotch-Irish arriving at Philadelphia, followed an old Indian trail to the Shenandoah valley in Virginia. They traveled along its length and, crossing the mountains, reached the Dan River from whence they crossed to the Yadkin valley and continued south to the land east of the Catawba River. This "Pennsylvania Road" was a harsh, unfriendly, tortuous, narrow trail, but over it, with their meager belongings, came most of the families making up the settlements in the piedmont and western sections of North Carolina.16 As early as 1740 daring settlers had begun the community that was to grow into Charlotte, while others that followed during the next few years took up land in the present Burke and Rutherford Counties. It was to gain the good will of the Catawba Indians and to protect these westward moving settlements that North Carolina in 1757 built a fort east of the Blue Ridge. Even so, during the Cherokee War these tiny villages were in constant danger of raids, and occasionally a settler lost his life. When in 1729 the English Crown had purchased the Carolina shares from the Proprietors or their heirs, Lord George Carte re t's heir had refused to sell and had been given his eighth of the vast �96 / Chapter Six territory from the Virginia boundary southward for a distance of sixty miles and stretching, as granted in the 1663 charter, from the Atlantic Ocean to the South Sea. By 1750 this strip of land, with two thirds of the colony's population, was held by John, Earl of Granville, and was known as the Granville Tract. Lord Granville's agent set up a land office in Edenton to sell tracts of land in the area to incoming settlers.17 To this office in 1752 went Bishop August Gottlieb Spangenberg of Pennsylvania with a party of six "Brethern" and was granted by Francis Corbin, the agent, a huge area in the "back country" of North Carolina. The land was to be selected by Spangenberg and surveyed by the men accompanying him on an exploring trip into the region. This property was being purchased in the interest of a group of Protestants, Germans of the Moravian faith. They had come to Pennsylvania to colonize but had found there no suitable tract large enough to serve their purpose. Bishop Spangenberg, leader of their faith in America, hoped now to locate land farther west where a colony might be settled to carry out the religious beliefs and practices of the group and to engage, if possible, in missionary activities among the Indians. The little party started westward but because of illness two of the men were forced to drop out, being left at the homes of friends in Pennsylvania. The remaining four (Spangenberg, a surveyor, and two guides) followed early trails and roads, which brought them after a strenuous trip into the Yadkin valley. From this trail they branched off on Indian trails and then onto the even narrower buffalo trails in search of land. They stopped long enough to make surveys around the present Hickory and Morganton areas. They continued their journey by traveling north and west and on a day in early December found themselves lost in the rugged Blue Ridge range. After the loss of a horse on the pathless, precipitous hills and after chopping their way out of laurel and rhododendron thickets, they came to a valley, open and beautiful, in which three creeks united. There, Bishop Spangenberg felt, would be an ideal place for an Indian mission. The Moravians were looking at the valley in the present Watauga County where today the city of Boone stands near those three forks of the stream. In spite of the inviting valley, the country did not appeal to the Bishop as a place to settle his colony, for, as he wrote, "The western part of North Carolina is all hills and valleys and that pours the water together."18 �The Lull Between the Storms / 97 COURTESY OF DR. INA W. VAN NOPPEN Daniel Boone: Boone was bom in Pennsylvania in 1735 but lived for 26 years in North Carolina. He won fame as a hunter, an explorer, as a scout for the Richard Henderson Company, and as a trail blazer. With a crew of men he hacked out the Wilderness Road to Kentucky, Over it the Henderson Party traveled. This likeness of him at 80 is a copy of the only portrait ever painted of him. Unfortunately for the travelers, Western North Carolina gave them an unfriendly welcome in the form of a blinding snow storm. So it was with decided relief that a few days later they chanced to meet and join with three hunters returning to the �98 / Chapter Six PHOTO BY BARBARA GREENBERG, FOR THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM Daniel Boom's Trail from North Carolina to Kentucky, 1769. Marked by N. C. Daughters of The American Revolution: The rock on which the plaque is mounted was hauled from Rich Mountain Gap (circa 1905) by Cicero Greer and Lewis Bryant ofBoone to its present site in the yard of Mr. and Mrs. Howard T. Greer in Zionville in Watauga County. Yadkin across the mountains. Back in the land of the Yadkin Spangenberg's party surveyed a tract of land ten miles wide and eleven miles long and gave it the name Wachovia, a word meaning meadow and stream. The tract was approved by Granville's agent, and an additional tract was later arranged for, making the Moravian grant approximately 100,000 acres. There in 1753 a party of the "Brethern," having accomplished the incredible feat of bringing with them a wagon over the Pennsylvania Road, began their central village, Bethabara. This palisaded town proved to be a haven of refuge to the scattered families east of the Blue Ridge during the frightening days of the Cherokee War.19 Although the hunters and cattlemen were not themselves settlers in Western North Carolina, they furnished glowing accounts of fertile valleys beyond the Blue Ridge to land-seeking men streaming along the Pennsylvania Road into the Yadkin �The Lull Between the Storms / 99 valley. Several of these hunters and trappers became guides for exploring parties looking for suitable hornesites. The most famous of these was Daniel Boone. His parents had been among the earlier immigrants from Pennsylvania, settling in the Yadkin section where in the present town of Mocksville, a marker designates the site of his father's cabin. Young Daniel grew up on the frontier and at an early age was now and then crossing the mountains into the same valley viewed by Bishop Spangenberg. There, on occasion, he is reputed to have made use of a shelter cabin for herders built by Benjamin Howard. The site of that cabin is today marked by a plaque on the campus of Appalachian State University. Throughout this section Boone hunted and trapped and explored until by 1767 he was familiar not only with the best trails in the present eastern Tennessee, but also with those running on west into the "Land of Kaintuck." In fact, he had by that date conducted a party into that western land.20 Back at his home—now a cabin near the Blue Ridge in the present Wilkes County—Boone's knowledge of lands and trails beyond the mountains won him a local reputation. In 1761 he was asked to guide a party of hunters from Virginia into the eastern part of the present Tennessee, which was then a part of Western North Carolina. In 1769 a hunter named John Finley asked Boone to conduct an exploring party from Virginia into the Kentucky country, where a site was selected for a village to be known as Walker's Settlement. Along the route the men selected farm sites for their friends back east under an open grant for 120,000 acres from the colony of Virginia. Some of the locations chosen were actually within the colony of North Carolina, but no settlements were made at that time.21 Colonel Byrd's troops in 1761 had passed through a part of North Carolina's western lands on their way to quell the Cherokee uprising, and some of the officers and soldiers, during their stay on the Long Island of the Holston, saw the possibilities for future settlement in the western valleys. At the end of the French and Indian War with the danger of Cherokee raids supposedly over, pioneer families from east of the Blue Ridge and many arriving from Virginia and Pennsylvania took their belongings over the mountains, selecting land and building their cabins on the upper Holston, Watauga, and Nolichucky Rivers. These scattered pioneers had received grants from Virginia. The earliest came perhaps in 1769 and were joined in the following three years by hundreds of others seeking cheap land and elbow �100 / Chapter Six SOUTHERN APPLACHIAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Daniel Boone hoists a bear in an exciting scene from the historic outdoor drama, Horn in the West, which has been performed for 25 consecutive years in Boone, North Carolina. room. Soon the smoke of home fires could be seen up and down the fertile valleys. The increasing numbers pushed the settlers south and east, and one of them, running a surveying line, discovered that many had claimed and were clearing land in North Carolina and were therefore outside the protection of Virginia. William Boen (or Bean) is said to have been the first of those settling that area.22 To insure a degree of safety the settlers made a temporary agreement with the Cherokees by which they were granted settlement rights, and they notified the North Carolina government. The new North Carolina settlement came to be known as the Watauga Settlements, extending over a considerable area in the present Tennessee and along the Watauga River in what is today Watauga County, North Carolina. They were the first permanent white settlements in Western North Carolina. Among the hundreds who came to make their homes in the newly opened area were a surprisingly large number of able men �The Lull Between the Storms / 101 with courage and vision. They were willing, even eager, to work hard in order that they might create in this wilderness a home for themselves and their children. But they were intolerant of restrictions and demanded a just share in their political organizations and freedom in their religious thinking. Out of this number, two gradually assumed leadership, expressing in their words and actions the finest and best of the pioneer spirit that was common to all. One of these was James Robertson, who arrived early in 1770. He was a self-taught North Carolinian whose sheer ability and impressive personality insured him immediate recognition by the other settlers. He was by his very nature a pioneer, and others caught the enthusiasm for the sentiments that he genuinely felt and expressed. In fact, after a year in the section, he returned east and led a party of sixteen families to the area. He was to prove a tower of strength to these western settlers in the trying years ahead.23 The second of these leaders was the educated Virginian, John Sevier. Handsome, courtly in manner, and military in bearing, he was able to adapt himself with poise and tact to any situation. He understood men, and his unerring judgment, far-seeing plans, and sound principles made him the most outstanding and influential of all the Watauga settlers and one of America's greatest pioneers. Without his leadership the story of the scattered Watauga Settlements in the following eight or ten years might well have been a sad, deeply tragic page in the history of Western North Carolina.24 In the summer and fall of 1771 and throughout the next year, men from the piedmont section of North Carolina, many of them earlier settlers or sons of settlers there, arrived in the Watauga Settlements to take up a new life in a territory where they hoped to find economic security and justice, together with freedom from the oppressions of the colonial government. They were the Regulators who were defeated at the Battle of Alamance and were fleeing west to avoid taking an oath of allegiance to the king's colonial government. The experience through which they had just passed still rankled in their hearts. The Germans, Irish, and Scotch-Irish, together with a sprinkling of English, who had made settlements on the choice river lands in the piedmont section of the colony, had brought with them a distrust of government and bitter memories of the intolerance and injustice that had caused them to leave the lands of �102 / Chapter Six their birth and ancestors. In North Carolina they sought freedom along many lines. They found themselves, however, a long distance from the seat of the colony's government; moreover, this area, especially after 1750, grew with such rapid strides that the western representation in the colonial Assembly was increasingly out of proportion to its population. The western delegates, constantly urging reapportionment, always met with failure because of the controlling votes of delegates from the older and more stable section of the colony, who intended to keep a firm grip on the legislative policies of the government. To add to the general aggravation of the westerners, they found themselves the economically poor section of the colony; yet because of their rapid growth in population, they were furnishing a large share of the colony's taxes. They came to feel that the chief—perhaps the only—interest of the government in them was the amount of taxes that could be raised in their settlements, a goodly portion of which was spent in eastern communities. Deepening their resentment was the unjust system of their courts. Both civil and criminal cases considered important were tried in the east, a regulation that brought bitter complaints from the Western North Carolina and piedmont settlers. As an added grievance, they were forced to support the Anglican Church although they were, for the most part, Protestants.25 Whatever ties these newcomers from Europe might have developed with the colonists along the coast were prevented by the extremely meager means of communication between the two sections. People in the "back country" were forced to rely upon themselves for protection and for the solutions to their local problems. The result was a growing spirit of independence that led to opposition to the eastern delegates and to the often illchosen administrative officers which the Crown sent into their area. At last these western discontents organized, calling themselves Regulators. They issued a series of "Advertisements" calling for reforms of stated abuses, held several large mass meetings, and petitioned Governor Tryon to correct certain flagrant injustices. No redress was forthcoming from the Governor, Assembly, or courts, and the rapidly growing Regulator organization made plans to take affairs into its own hands. A crown officer (one Colonel Lynch, sent into the area to collect special taxes levied to pay for Tryon's "Palace") was hanged, and rumors that the Regulators were planning an armed attack against New Bern �The Lull Between the Storms / 103 26 caused Tryon to order out the militia. Under Hugh Waddell, the troops marched west where a pitched battle took place on May 16, 1771, at Alamance. The poorly-equipped and untrained Regulators, no match for the disciplined militia, were defeated and forced to take an oath of allegiance.27 The Regulator movement, arising out of geographic conditions and pioneer economic problems, was pitted against a comparatively stable eastern society and English colonial policy. It left its scars in the hearts of the piedmont settlers that did not completely disappear until the colonists of all sections of the state were united in a common struggle against England itself. The spirit of the Regulators was to crop up again during the long process of welding North Carolina into a state, but the immediate result of the Battle of Alamance was the westward movement of many of the Regulators, who, rather than take the required oath, fled across the mountains to join the Watauga settlers. During the era of Indian trade with South Carolina, a comparatively easy and continuous contact with the eastern ports was enjoyed by traders in the Cherokee villages. That contact did not exist for the pioneers in the Watauga Settlements. In fact, it was not to exist in any part of Western North Carolina later opened to white settlers. Roads and trails leading from the coastal areas of North Carolina westward to the mountains were poor and often circuitous. Men finding it necessary to travel to the capital took the Pennsylvania Road to Virginia and at some trading path in the east turned into North Carolina. An alternate route went to Charleston by way of the old trading path from Tennessee that ran east of the Blue Ridge into the Spartanburg area, linking with the Great Path to Charleston. At Charleston a boat could be taken to some North Carolina port. Realizing, then, their isolation from the North Carolina government, representatives from the scattered Watauga Settlements met early in 1772 and drew up a document that they called the Articles of the Watauga Association. The document has not survived. Existing references to it, however, reveal that although formal independence was not declared, it established a real and impressive informal independence. It provided for a Court of five elected Commissioners, a clerk of the Court, and a sheriff. It recognized no higher authority and it authorized the raising and directing of its own militia and the power to negotiate with the Indians, British agents, and the colonies of North Carolina and Virginia. �104 / Chapter Six *r ' Mhl The injustices and political, economic, and religious oppressions suffered in their European home countries and again in the piedmont of North Carolina had taught these settlers much. A group of sturdy pioneers, able and far-sighted men, learned to �The Lull Between the Storms / 105 A € r>.» ,T W-:••1 £ jL /, V \ C * o in p r ej it* n<11112," \ \ f / • / \ V IN IA A N » M A R Y L A X !>, / \ and THE X -N E < S./ /I r F.iitxy ^' ^"^jGrograpbrr to the 8»ttZ>^-*x' _^in__ —.^.^j __:*V4M"^±I, .^j, _^ •_ ^-—J - J prize freedom above all things, and they now had a determination to build a community in which justice and equality might rule. The result was Western North Carolina's first constitution. Democracy had come to the mountains. �C H A P T E R S E V E N A New Flag for Western North Carolina Jjetween 1771 and 1776 the settlements along the Holston, Nolichucky, and Watauga Rivers steadily grew as colonists from central North Carolina, from Virginia, and families from Germany, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales arrived to take up holdings and to adapt themselves to a new way of life. Although the Cherokees viewed this spreading colony with distrust and at times with alarm, the temporary treaty they had made with the Watauga Settlements remained in force. This was largely due, perhaps, to the militia that had been organized under the able leadership of John Sevier and Isaac Shelby. The native Americans were probably further intimidated by the brave show of strength displayed by the colonists in the palisades thrown up around their villages and in the forts they erected. In addition, every Cherokee recognized the fighting ability of "Nolichucky Jack" Sevier. North Carolina, busy with the distressing events of a gathering war, could not take—at least did not take—any steps to make the agreement with the Cherokees permanent. The pioneers were left to their own devices and continued to control their own affairs, becoming the first colonists to isolate themselves from the older, more stable seacoast areas of their colony. The Western North Carolina settlers were, in these years, 106 �A New Flag for Western North Carolina / 107 practically unaffected by the chain of events taking place along the Atlantic. From newcomers and from their own men returning from infrequent trips to eastern ports for supplies or tor a meeting of the General Assembly they learned of the passage of the Stamp Act in 1765; and news also arrived of the subsequent taxes levied by the English government upon the colonies, including the hated tax on tea. They heard, too, of the active opposition in North Carolina to all these acts and of rumors that other colonies were likewise bitterly protesting the English measures. In 1774 people of the mountains were informed that aroused citizens had taken the reins of government from Governor Josiah Martin, who had later fled to the safety of an English vessel, and had set up the Provincial Congress of North Carolina. They also learned that in September representatives from all the colonies had met in a Continental Congress in Philadelphia to which North Carolina had sent three men. But the news of all these events reached the settlements west of the Blue Ridge weeks—more often months—after they had occurred and must have seemed to the pioneers unrelated to their own immediate problems. Without doubt many among them felt a sense of relief that they and their families were well away from the scenes of turmoil. In 1775, however, came news that made every pioneer aware that even the mountain settlements were to have a part in the oncoming struggle with the mother country. Before the Second Continental Congress was to meet in May, a battle was fought at Lexington on April 19 at which the hastily gathered Massachusetts militia forced Major John Pitcairn's British troops to retreat to Boston. American blood had been shed by the king's soldiers! It took no crystal ball for the West as well as the East to read the future. War was inevitable. Even before receiving news of this battle, the men of the "Back Country" went into action. Thomas Polk, commander of the Mecklenburg Council of Safety, issued a call for two delegates from each county unit to meet at the courthouse in Charlotte on May 19. These delegates were accompanied by approximately half of the men of the county. During the meeting word of the Battle of Lexington reached the village. In the fervor of patriotism aroused by the news, a committee was reportedly appointed to draw up a statement embodying the sentiments of the delegates, a copy of which was to be sent by horseman to the Second Continental Congress in session at Philadelphia. Much �108 / Chapter Seven controversy has raged around this document since it was never read in the Continental Congress, and the original one was lost in 1794 when the home of John McKnitt Alexander, Secretary of the Assembly, was destroyed by fire. It was rewritten from memory in 1800, twenty-five years after the Mecklenburg meeting.1 If the facts recorded in this 1800 document are accurate, the original contained the first declaration of independence from England to be penned by American colonists. The belief that it did contain such a declaration was widespread, and May 20, 1775, became known as Mecklenburg Day. In 1861 that date was put on the North Carolina flag. Whatever may have been presented and approved by a majority of the delegates on that May 20 will never definitely be known although a set of "Resolves" was drawn up and adopted on May 31. These "Resolves" appeared in June in The North Carolina Gazette, in The Cape Fear Mercury, and in The South Carolina Gazette and Country Journal. Thus, although the original copy was also destroyed in the Alexander fire, the contents of the "Resolves" have survived. They declared all commissions issued by the king "null and void" and any person accepting an office under the crown an "enemy to his country."2 In the first year of the war a few men shouldered their smallbore rifles and left the mountains and "back country" to join the American forces as volunteers. Since the scenes of combat were distant, their number was small and almost from the outbreak of the conflict it became evident that the western settlements would have all they could manage with their own problems. Many of the settlers had but recently come from Europe, and the influx into the region had been too rapid for assimilation into the social pattern that was shaping up in the area. Finding in the colony greater freedom than they had enjoyed in their home countries, many felt that the uprising against England was unjustifiable and so took a stand as Loyalists. They were joined in their attitudes by the region's Scottish veterans of Culloden Field, who, thirty years earlier, had suffered from the might of England's power and were bound to English loyalty by the strongest of allegiance oaths. Many Regulators, too, remained true to the oath of allegiance they had been forced to make after the Battle of Alamance.3 On the other hand, there were settlers of longer standing in their communities as well as newcomers who, like the ScotchIrish, had brought with them grievances against England and who had taken no oath. Both factions took up the cause of freedom and independence. Throughout Western North Carolina, as in other �A New Flag for Western North Carolina / 109 parts of the colony, neighbor was often lined up against neighbor. In addition, there was in all the western settlements a sprinkling of adventurers and opportunists, rough characters prepared to take either side as expediency dictated. From them came a troublemaking element that stole horses and cattle and that pilfered and plundered individual settlements and villages.4 The Cherokees, too, became embroiled in the conflict. Their resentment against the encroaching white man yearly increased as they were forced by treaties they dared not refuse to give up their hunting grounds piecemeal. Under Colonel Evan Shelby, volunteers of western settlers joined the Virginia militia in 1774 in the campaign that, over the protests of the Cherokees, won for that colony the land between the Kentucky and Cumberland Rivers through the Henderson Purchase. Richard Henderson, a North Carolina lawyer, had become the promoter for Boone's plan to settle Kentucky, and with several other men he formed the Transylvania Company to colonize the west and create a fourteenth colony. The treaty with the Cherokees, signed on March 17, 1775, at Sycamore Shoals on the Watauga River, ceded to the newly formed company twenty million acres of land. In payment the Cherokees received approximately ten thousand pounds' worth of goods. The colonial governors of Virginia and North Carolina declared this Henderson Treaty "null and void," but neither colony did anything to halt migration into the acquired lands. The Cherokee chief, Oconostota, is said to have remarked, "The land beyond the mountains is a dark ground, a bloody ground." No longer did the Cherokees have any claim to lands north of the present Tennessee.5 After the French and Indian War the Cherokee trade with the colonists had been revived but amounted to only a trickle of its former volume. It was no longer highly profitable and was kept up by the whites largely as a means of gaining the good will of the Indians, for other industries were engaging the energies of both South and North Carolina. Moreover, after seventy years of widespread and continuous commercial hunting, all forms of game in the mountains were practically depleted. The Cherokees were now a poor people, but a people with wants and tastes cultivated by their trade with the white man and now with small chance of satisfying those wants. That small chance grew less with each loss of territory. With the outbreak of hostilities, England, through its agents �110 / Chapter Seven and through Tories in the region, spread propaganda among the Cherokees. Loyalists and English agents pointed out to the Indians that as recently as 1763 England had proved its power and might by defeating France, and the propagandists reminded the Cherokees of Montgomery's and Grant's raids in their territory. All too well did the listeners recall the destruction of their homes and towns and crops, and the native Americans logically concluded that in any struggle against England the colonists would be destined to be defeated. Their logic fitted in neatly with their desire to be rid of the settlers in Western North Carolina and Virginia, and the Cherokees allied themselves with the English. For encouragement England provided them with guns and ammunition and offered bounties for the scalps of settlers. 6 For a second time the Cherokees were drawn into an international conflict not of their making, and for the second time they had chosen the wrong side. Cherokee warriors went on the warpath in June, 1776, planning a war of extermination. At first their raids were scattered and light, but by July they were striking at isolated farms and small villages in Georgia, where they brought panic to the settlers. Widespread attacks were also made on the whites along the Broad and Catawba Rivers east of the Blue Ridge in both North and South Carolina. In several instances they wantonly killed entire families. Women and children fled for safety to the fort built at the present Old Fort as terror spread throughout the region.7 The Indians then crossed the mountains for a surprise attack on the settlements west of the Blue Ridge. But here they were repulsed, for the pioneers had been warned of the impending raid by the Cherokee Beloved Woman, Nancy Ward, the daughter of a white trader and a Cherokee mother, who was a friend of the settlers but was respected and revered by her people. Yet there was some loss of life in these settlements, for now and then some one would be caught outside a fort and become the target of a brave's gun. Throughout Western North Carolina the fear of Indian attacks spread. No one was safe as marauding bands of white desperadoes joined the Indians in their raids.8 It was during these tense days that leaders of the Watauga Settlements, aware of the immediate need to protect their part of North Carolina, met in convention and on July 5 drew up a petition addressed to the Provincial Congress, asking to be �A New Flag for Western North Carolina / 111 recognized as a part of North Carolina and to be called the Washington District. This document, signed by 113 landowners, was taken to the Provincial Congress by two representatives at the convention, John Carter and George Russell. There the men were received and were instructed to send five elected respresentatives from their district to the Congress at its next meeting in Halifax. This was done, and John Carter, John Sevier, John Haile, Charles Robertson, and Jacob Womack were elected. Jacob Womack did not report at the Congress and John Sevier arrived at Halifax late; however, the others were present at the opening of the session, and by a vote of 153 to 1, all four were seated in North Carolina's war time legislative body. As representatives of the district officially named Washington County and given the boundaries of the present state of Tennessee, the men from beyond the Blue Ridge took part in drawing up the Constitution of 1776 by which the colony of North Carolina became the state of North Carolina. At the same session the Congress took steps to organize a county government for the western area, the first area of any of the colonies to be named officially for the Commander-in-Chief of the American forces.9 Retaliation for the Indian raids and massacres came swiftly and with merciless thoroughness. Following the harrowing experiences of settlers in the southern part of Rutherford County and in adjacent sections of South Carolina, Captain Thomas Howard set out with a small force of volunteers from the block house just south of the South Carolina line, below the present Try on. Guided by a friendly Indian named Schuyucha, Howard crossed the mountains and went west along an Indian trail to Round or Warrior Mountain. There he surprised the encamped Cherokees and in a skirmish defeated them, capturing all those not killed in the battle. This campaign brought a cessation of Indian trouble to that section.10 But much more widespread action was imperative, and Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, and North Carolina all sent troops—mostly volunteers—into the Cherokee country. On the orders of the Council of Safety of North Carolina, General Griffith Rutherford of the Salisbury District was put in command of the North Carolina campaign to be directed against the Middle and Valley towns. South Carolina and Georgia troops under Major (later Colonel) Andrew Williamson were to attack the Lower towns and then join General Rutherford. Colonel �112 / Chapter Seven Williams Christian was to lead the Virginia forces against the Over Hill towns. These attacks, coming from different directions, were to take place simultaneously if possible.11 On September 1, General Rutherford with a force of two thousand fighting white men, several hundred Catawbas, and needed pack men (making a total of 2,400) left Fort Davidson and crossed the Blue Ridge into the Cherokee country by way of Swannanoa Gap. Crossing the French Broad River, he followed Hominy Creek across the present Enka Corporation plant and then continued over the ridge to cross the Pigeon River, marching on to Richland Creek near the present Waynesville. From there he pushed on to the Middle towns, crossing the Tuckaseigee River east of Whittier and going south over the Cowee Range.12 Before the oncoming troops, the Cherokees fled into the fastnesses of the mountains while Rutherford's men systematically destroyed every dwelling and all crops and stored grain. When nothing was left in what is now Macon County, the troops crossed the Nantahala Mountains to the towns of the Hiwassee and Valley Rivers and those on the upper Little Tennessee. Here, too, destruction was wholesale. Except for the cattle, which the army took with them, nothing was spared. Towns, most of them newly built after Grant's raid in the region, became only blackened heaps of ashes and charred wood. The fields and orchards were merely abject specters of what had been. Here was devastation in its ugliest form.13 Throughout the area Rutherford and his men met with little opposition. There were numerous skirmishes, the fiercest of which took place at Wayah Bald Gap near the present town of Franklin and might be termed a battle. But the Americans found most of the towns deserted. As a result, casualties were light for both the white army and the Cherokees.14 At the native American village on the site of the present Murphy, Williamson and his forces joined Rutherford. That was on September 26, and shortly afterward, feeling that their task had been completed, both leaders left Western North Carolina by retracing their routes. Back at the fort of the Davidsons, however, General Rutherford learned that in crossing the Tuckaseigee and going south, he had missed important Indian towns on the lower Tuckaseigee and Oconaluftee Rivers. Accordingly, he dispatched Captain William Moore with a detachment of some one hundred men to the area. Following Rutherford's route, this contingent �A New Flag for Western North Carolina / 113 reached the ford on the Tuckaseigee River taken by the earlier army, but Moore and his men continued west until they reached the Cherokee village of Stekoa. They destroyed it, crossed the river, and following a trail to the Oconaluftee River, destroyed the villages and camps encountered along the way. This part of the campaign was a comparatively short one, for Moore and his men, finding their rations running low, turned back east. They had left the fort on October 29, and on November 7, Captain Moore reported to General Rutherford that the assignment had been completed and that the scorched earth policy had been accomplished in the Middle Towns.15 Williamson had been late in joining Rutherford since he had been delayed in the campaign through South Carolina and Georgia by strong Cherokee and Tory opposition, made especially ruthless by the additional lawless adventurers and marauders.16 Yet Williamson had been successful in destroying the towns of the Lower Cherokees and in leaving the district in ruins as Montgomery had earlier done. The campaign of Colonel Christian in the Over Hill section also resulted in utter defeat for the native Americans there, and all villages were blotted out except the sacred town of refuge, Echota, which was also the Cherokee capital. Altogether in this 1776 campaign, sixty-six Cherokee villages and towns were destroyed.17 This Cherokee uprising had brought the Revolutionary War to Western North Carolina in one of its most dreaded forms. Now, although the Committees of Safety and the militia units earlier organized in the Watauga Settlements would have to continue combating sporadic Cherokee raids, the general uprising had been quelled (and with a minimum of white casualties). Rutherford's forces went east. The loss of life to the Cherokees during the march of the white forces through their territory was also small. But their casualties grew during the winter that followed when the homeless people existed on roots and berries found in the forests and constantly suffered from exposure and disease. An unknown number of them died during that mountain winter. Sadly disillusioned with the English promise of restoring their lost lands and stunned and weakened by the crushing blows struck by the American forces, the Cherokees knew that they had once again lost all bargaining power with the whites. Bowing to the inevitable, the chiefs of the Lower Section signed a treaty with the new American Republic on May 20, 1777, at Dewitt's Corner, �114 / Chapter Seven South Carolina. Through it the Cherokee nation lost all of its remaining territory in South Carolina except for a narrow strip along its western border.18 Two months later the chiefs of the Middle and Upper Towns went to the Long Island of the Holston and there made a treaty with Virginia, granting further concessions of their land in Kentucky.19 At this time they also made a treaty with North Carolina which relinquished forever all claims to hunting grounds east of the Blue Ridge and which made permanent the grants of territory made to the Watauga Settlements, including various areas which for some time had been disputed territory. In this treaty North Carolina arranged to purchase the eastern portion of the Cherokee lands with goods to be delivered at such a time as the financial condition of the new state would allow. Until that time, when a new treaty was to be concluded, white settlers were not to take up land in the area.20 The once vast domain of the Principal People had dwindled to little more than the homelands in the Middle and Upper sections. Only a fraction of the Lower section remained, and the great hunting preserves were forever gone. Throughout 1775 and 1776 a trickling of pioneers from west of the Blue Ridge joined friends and relatives in the eastern foothills and entered the American army. Some of these volunteers were with Howe's unit when General Charles Lee's forces successfully defended Charleston against an attempted British invasion in 1776.21 Many, of course, were members of Rutherford's western campaign, and some of those went east with him. Others followed in the next few years. But on the whole, the settlers in Western North Carolina, even after the Cherokee punishment, remained on the frontier. The western frontiersmen were ever alert to the possibilities of fresh Indian uprisings, and in their own forthright way they dealt with the desperadoes and Tories in their area. When feelings against the Loyalists rose to the fighting pitch, the king's men fled to the mountains where they hid in rocky shelters, living on the game they could shoot, on stolen cattle, and on the crops foraged from the nearby farms. To most of the pioneers the words "Tory" and "Loyalist" came to embody everything that was despicable. The defeat of the Tories at Moore's Creek Bridge early in the conflict had kept the British troops out of North Carolina, while at Charleston Lee had discouraged their activity in South Carolina; after 1776, the main fighting was done farther north. But the South was not to be spared, and on February 26, 1780, �A New Flag for Western North Carolina / 115 Charleston was besieged a second time. General Benjamin Lincoln's troops, in charge of the city's defense, held out until May. Then the city fell, and the American forces—officers, regulars, militiamen—became prisoners of the English. Lord Charles Cornwallis, British Commander in the South, was left in command of the city and of the section.22 His plan was to subdue South Carolina and then to enter the piedmont area of North Carolina. For support in carrying out his plans Cornwallis relied upon the Tories and Loyalists in the regions through which he would pass. He was not then aware of the deterring power of many small bands of aroused Patriots under leaders who knew the territory throughly. But he was to learn. Such North Carolina soldiers as Major Joseph McDowell, General Griffith Rutherford, William Davie, and General William Lee Davidson along with their Patriots became both hated and feared by Cornwallis and his British. For months their small bands carried out numerous surprise attacks on English units, upsetting British plans and hampering British movements, often preventing British regiments from getting supplies and from foraging about the countryside. These soldiers of the "back country" did much to put the fear of the Americans into the Tories in that region, and using methods learned from the Indians, they succeeded in being, if not an actual threat, at least a continuous nuisance to the advancing British forces.23 The frontiersmen could hinder and delay, but they could not stop the march of the Cornwallis army as it came westward and northward. Then at Camden it looked as though all the efforts of the "back country" men had been in vain, for the British commander, surprising the American army under General Horatio Gates, utterly routed the Americans, killing eight hundred and taking a thousand prisoners. This victory completed the conquest of South Carolina, and General Cornwallis and his army marched into North Carolina and entered Charlotte.24 This little village, he discovered, instead of being the rendezvous of Loyalists that he had been led to expect, was a veritable hotbed of seething opposition.25 Indeed, he found life in it disagreeable, at times well nigh unbearable. From Charlotte he planned to march his main army to Hillsboro, where supplies furnished by the Tories in the region were to be waiting. Considering the daily harassment by American Patriots that his men suffered, Cornwallis felt the need for extra help and ordered Colonel Patrick Ferguson to come from Ninety-Six with nine hundred �116 / Chapter Seven men and to form a flank defense to the west during the march. Ferguson was to enlist the aid of all Loyalists in the area just east of the Blue Ridge and was to subdue that region.26 Ferguson and his men arrived in North Carolina and took up quarters in Gilbert Town in the newly organized Rutherford County. Joined by Loyalists and adventurers, his soldiers foraged through the surrounding territory, stealing cattle, destroying crops, and taking a few prisoners, despite the efforts of small groups of settlers to hamper the troops by a series of irritating guerrilla raids. The defense of the foothill country depended almost entirely upon the settlers themselves, for after the disasters in South Carolina the Americans who had escaped imprisonment had returned to their homes. Among the escapees was a unit of men from west of the Blue Ridge recruited by Isaac Shelby. After driving the last "Rebels" (led by Colonel Charles McDowell) over the Blue Ridge and after a skirmish at Bedford's Mill in the present McDowell County, it must have seemed to Ferguson that the task of subduing the "back country" was nearing completion.27 Then he learned that beyond the precipitous Blue Ridge were entire settlements of these stubborn, freedom-demanding Americans, many of whom had already taken up arms against the British forces. Ferguson promptly released a prisoner and sent him over the hills with an ultimatum. Shelby was given the message and rode in haste to John Sevier's home on the Nolichuky River where the two men, in charge of the militia of Washington County, grimly went about their task of recruiting. Busy with the gathering of late crops and prepared as usual for a chance Indian attack, the pioneers dropped their tools and reached for their rifles as they listened to the account of destruction and havoc taking place east of the mountains. Then the look of cold steel glinted in their eyes as they heard Ferguson's ultimatum to surrender or "he would march his army over the mountains, hang their leaders, and lay their country waste with fire and sword." Up and down the valleys to all the settlements went the word to meet at the Sycamore Shoals of the Watauga River in the present Tennessee. And swift horsemen took the call to arms into the Virginia settlements.28 On the evening of September 25 they gathered at the Shoals, 240 strong, led by John Sevier, a like number led by Isaac Shelby, and 400 from Virginia under William Campbell, together with Colonel Charles McDowell and his 160 refugees. They were �TENNESSEE STA TE MUSEUM COLLfcC / ION, AV15hf I/ 1IX£; / ±:A A. Sycamore Shoals: Frontiersmen, aroused by Colonel Patrick Ferguson's command to surrender, gathered at the Sycamore Shoals (also called Flats) on the Watauga River on September 25, 26, 1780, From there, under the leadership of John Sevier, Isaac Shelby, and William Campbell, the Overmountain men grimly began their march against Ferguson's army. On the way they were joined by men from Burke, Rutherford, and Surry Counties. �118 Chapter Seven N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Isaac Shelby: Shelby, a prominent patriot, with John Sevier, in charge of the militia of the Watauga Settlements, led 240 frontiersmen in the march of the Overmountain men. At the Battle of King's Mountain he commanded one unit of the Americans. This picture is a copy of a painting. quietly determined men who had left their homes to face a disagreeable task. They were all men of the woods and hills, trained by necessity in self-protection, in quick decisions, in precise timing. They spared not a thought on uniforms and army equipment, and they had no time to enlist in the American army (even had any of them by chance thought of such action). To these settlers their immediate duty was clear and simple. The war had come to their mountains, to their homes. They would meet it east of the hills and either drive the "Tory Ferguson" from their land or force him to fight until he and his troops were destroyed. The next morning, outfitted in hunting shirts and deerskin trousers or in homemade linsey-woolsey clothes, the mountain militia was ready, armed with small-bore rifles and �A New Flag for Western North Carolina / 119 ALBERT BARDEN COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Joseph McDowell: Joseph McDowell of Quaker Meadows in Burke County took part in the Battle ofRamseur's Mill and the Battle ofCowpens. His home was the meeting place for the groups of Overmountain men. After refreshing the men with his fine home brew, he joined them as they followed Ferguson }s retreating army. whatever hunting knives and tomahawks they had been able to lay hands to. They solemnly listened to prayers offered by the Reverend Samuel Doak, a Presbyterian minister, and then marched southeast. Their simple noon meal was eaten, it would seem, at a spring on the grassy bald of Roan Mountain, and that night camp was made at Bright's Spring on Bright's Trail. At dawn they discovered that two of the men, William Crawford and Samuel Chambers, were missing. Breaking camp, the mountain men traveled down Roaring Creek to the Toe River, passed over the site of the present Spruce Pine, and crossing the Toe River, camped for the night at Grassy Creek. By September 29, they were at Gillespie Gap. Here, aware that Ferguson would by this time learn of their route from the two deserters, the group �120 / Chapter Seven divided, descending the mountain range by different paths, neither of which was the route originally planned. One section under Campbell continued along the crest of the Blue Ridge and then descended to Turkey Cove to camp for the night. The following day these men went on down to the Catawba River, crossed the site of the present Lake James, and reached Quaker Meadows, the home of Colonel Joseph McDowell. They were joined by the other section, which had spent the night at North Creek Cove and, after passing a couple of miles farther up North Creek, had crossed the southern end of Linville Mountain, descending the Blue Ridge by means of the old Yellow Mountain road. At Quaker Meadows they were joined by 350 men from Wilkes and Surry Counties, under Colonel Benjamin Cleveland and Joseph Winston. They were also joined by a small force from Lincoln County under command of Frederick Hambright, by volunteers from South Carolina commanded by James Williams and William Lacey, and by a few men from Georgia.29 In spite of his bold threat to the mountain men, Ferguson, upon learning of the gathering of the Americans, felt it expedient to appeal for help to Cornwallis (still at Charlotte) and to send to Ninety-Six for reinforcements. He then retreated. Now that a battle was imminent, the Patriots paused long enough to select a leader. At Shelby's generous suggestion, Colonel William Campbell was chosen, and on October 4 Charles McDowell set out to report to General Gates and to procure confirmation for the commanding officer. By this time the army had reached Cane Creek near Gilbert Town. Finding their progress too slow, the leaders selected the best men and the ablest horses and, taking no footsoldiers, pushed after the retreating Ferguson. They chose again, at Cowpens, a select group of riflemen—master marksmen—and pursued the enemy, who had gone northwest. At King's Mountain, only a mile and a half south of the North Carolina line, Ferguson ended his retreat and established camp on a stony ridge of the hill, which was protected by a steep descent covered with woods and underbrush. He no doubt felt secure in his mountain retreat.30 During the steady rain of that dark October night, the frontiersmen, accustomed to endure all kinds of weather and familiar with mountain terrain, continued their pursuit from Cowpens. Learning from captured spies the position Ferguson had taken and the uniform he was wearing, the nine hundred men �A New Flag for Western North Carolina / 121 �FROM A DRAWING IN DRAPER'S KING'S MOUNTAIN AND ITS HEROES, PACK MEMORIAL LIBRARY, ASHEVILLE Ferguson's Death Charge: Ferguson, leading his troops, fell from his horse, the victim of bullets fired by men he had called "Bandits." �A New Flag for Western North Carolina / 123 were divided into four sections in order to ascend King's Mountain from every direction on the next forenoon. The units were instructed to advance in Indian fashion, from tree to tree, and the men were told that after the order was given to advance, each marksman was to be his own officer. Thus on the afternoon of October 7, Colonel Ferguson, like a doomed Macbeth gazing upon the approaching Birnam woods, saw the men scaling the sides of his mountain position. They were the very men of the back woods whom he had so lately defied. The opposing forces were equally matched in number, for Ferguson had 906 men, equipped with English guns and ammunition and bayonets. There was not a bayonet among the Americans, but these men had tracked wild animals in the forests and had more than once fought the Cherokees. Every shot from their rifles reached its mark. For an hour the fighting raged, the Patriots rallying after every repulse and reattacking so that their gain was fairly steady until they reached the top of the ridge. Ferguson, blowing his silver whistle to rally his disorganized troops, fell, mortally wounded by the bullets of the men he had called "Bandits." With their leader gone, the English army surrendered. The British counted 120 dead, including their slain commander, and 123 wounded. The remainder of their troops became American prisoners. The victors lost 28 men and found 62 of their men wounded, several of whom died on the way home.31 With their disagreeable task successfully completed, the men of Western North Carolina, riding or trudging, weary and footsore, began the trek back to their mountain homes. They could not know that what they had done that day was unique in the annals of war. An untrained, hastily-gathered militia of frontiersmen, members of neither their state's nor their country's forces, had utterly defeated a body of soldiers of equal size on a battlefield of the enemy's choosing. Except for a group of Loyalist volunteers, Ferguson's well-equipped soldiers had been trained in the army of a strong world power. The Patroits could not know that they had freed not only the "back country," but also their entire state from the British armies* control. They could not foresee that in this battle they had made practically inevitable General Cornwallis's surrender at Yorktown. Surprised and dismayed at the defeat of his protecting army to the west and realizing that English loyalty could no longer be counted in the piedmont section of North Carolina, Cornwallis withdrew from Charlotte and returned to South Carolina. That �124 / Chapter Seven winter, lured by the magnificently executed retreat of Greene's American forces, he led his army back across North Carolina where he won the costly battle of Guilford Court House in March. With forces weakened by losses incurred during the long winter march through unfamiliar territory and damaged by the too dearly won battle, Cornwallis led his troops east to Wilmington and then into Virginia where he reached Yorktown. There on October 19, 1781, he surrendered the British army to the American forces.32 The English flag that had flown over the colonies since the days of the English explorers—the flag that had been taken by Englishmen from the Atlantic Ocean to the farthest mountain settlement beyond the Blue Ridge—was seen no more in all the land. In its place over the cities in the east and over the mountain forts in the western hills there now waved a flag of red and white stripes and thirteen stars on a field of blue. �C H A P T E R E I G H T East-West Tug-Of-War X he return of the heroes of King's Mountain was neither as rapid nor as orderly as their advance had been. The British dead and wounded they had left on the field of combat to be cared for by the neighboring settlers. With them they took their prisoners and their booty, seventeen baggage wagons and some twelve hundred stands of arms. Their own wounded they carried on horse litters. The only surgeon in the two armies—an Englishman and now a prisoner—did the pitifully little that he could to relieve the suffering men during the slow trek. At least one of them—Captain Robert Sevier, a brother of John and possibly others—died on the way and was buried in what is now Avery County.1 Still keyed up to battle pitch, the men now became difficult to control, and small bands occasionally deserted the ranks to pilfer and burn property of known Loyalists. The Loyalist prisoners, too, came in for harsh treatment, and nine of them were hanged before the officers could enforce restraint. The remaining prisoners and baggage wagons were left with local militias east of the mountains as the men crossed to their homes to tell of their experiences and to break the news of death to the victims' families.2 It is doubtful that a single man among them thought of pay in connection with what he had accomplished, and most of them were perhaps surprised when the grateful states of Virginia, Georgia, and North and South Carolina publicly thanked them for 125 �126 / Chapter Eight N, C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY John Sevier; Sevier was the leader in the Watauga Settlements. In his own time he was a legend as an Indian fighter, as a local politician, and as a statesman. He commanded one unit of the Patriots at the Battle of King's Mountain. He served briefly as governor of the shortlived "State of Franklin," their heroic service and presented them swords.3 The impoverished state of North Carolina issued them certificates in the form of pay, but since these were worth only two cents on the dollar, they amounted to no more than a gesture of appreciation. Yet the freely given thanks of their states must have been a deep �East-West Tug-Of-War / 127 satisfaction to the western settlers and might have been pleasant to recall in the stormy, confused years that followed. These years would be filled with struggles and frustration, with repeated campaigns against the resentful Cherokees, with bitter factions in their own ranks, and conflict that bordered on revolt against the General Assembly of their own state. But of all this they were fortunately unaware as they trudged over the familiar hills on an October day, hoping, perhaps, for a bit of time for "lazin' 'round" and hunting. Such hopes were not quick to materialize, and the feverish activity of the coming years began when the men learned that what they had most feared had come to pass. Knowing that the forts of the white people were practically undefended and ignoring the pleas of their tribal leaders, bands of Cherokees from the Middle Towns had attacked the settlements. That meant just one thing—a campaign of retaliation. Under John Sevier and Arthur Campbell, seven hundred men met and soundly defeated the Indians in 1780 at a site near the present Sevierville, Tennessee. In March of the following year the intrepid Sevier with 150 picked men crossed the towering Smoky Mountains, and in a surprise attack utterly destroyed one of the chief towns on the Tuckaseigee River at the site of the present Whittier. On this compaign several smaller villages were also destroyed as were quantities of stored grain. That summer Sevier and his men felt it necessary to attack a camp made by the Cherokees near the present Newport, Tennessee, in order to prevent its use as a base for raiding parties. There, thirteen native Americans were killed. The Cherokees had had enough and sued for peace, which was granted. 4 But this peace was merely a lull in the chaotic relations between the settlers and the Cherokees. In 1782 Old Tassel of Echota begged Colonel Joseph Martin, Indian Commissioner and Brigadier-General in charge of North Carolina's militia in the west, to appeal to the governors of both Virginia and North Carolina to restrain their people from settling in the Indian territory along the Nolichucky and other rivers. It was, the Cherokee said, impossible to prevent raids on such settlements. Nothing seems to have been done about the plea, and white settlers continued to take up and clear land in the disputed area. This meant that Indian raids, followed by retaliatory campaigns, also continued.5 In 1783 the North Carolina General Assembly, eager to reward its Revolutionary soldiers with land grants, passed a law �128 / Chapter Eight that repealed the 1777 Treaty of the Long Island of the Holston and opened to white settlers land beyond the Blue Ridge as far west as the Pigeon River, extending to the French Broad and thence to the Holston and Tennessee Rivers. The land was to be paid for in goods to the Cherokees (as the state could manage it), and no grants were to be issued west of the designated line.6 Two years later, in 1785, the federal government concluded its first treaty with the Native Americans at Hopewell, South Carolina. For ten days the bargaining went on between the commissioners for the United States and the one thousand Cherokees gathered for the event. When the document was at last ready, thirty-seven chiefs signed it with their marks. In it the Cherokees acknowledged the sovereignty of the United States, and a boundary line was established that passed through the present Hendersonville, Biltmore, Marshall, and in a straight line, on to the Nolichucky River. A considerable strip of land formerly opened for white settlement by the North Carolina law of 1783 was now restored to the Cherokees. This first federal treaty also repudiated the Dumplin Creek Treaty that Sevier had that very spring forced upon the unwilling Cherokees. This treaty granted the settlers land lying to the south side of the Holston and French Broad Rivers as far south as the ridge that divides the water of Little River from the water of the Tennessee.7 Under the terms of the new Hopewell Treaty, white settlers in territory allotted to the Cherokees were given six months to evacuate their claims.8 Only the Cherokees were satisfied with this treaty. Four counties had by this time been organized in the western territory, and they had recently been formed by the General Assembly of North Carolina into Washington District, with David Campbell presiding over its newly organized Superior Court and John Sevier named as Brigadier-General of its militia.9 By the new treaty the district now found itself reduced in size. To the chagrin of its leaders, it was discovered that Greeneville, the town selected as a possible capital when or if the territory was made into the hoped-for state of Franklin, was now well within Cherokee lands. The District of Washington bluntly refused to recognize the Hopewell Treaty, and the so-called trespassers in the territory given back to the Indians made no move to leave. The Cherokees, as might be expected, made attempts from time to time to force the settlers out by attacking the farms and �East-West Tug-Of-War / 129 small villages. This, in turn, led to continued avenging campaigns by Sevier and his militia. North Carolina proper was likewise disgruntled by the new federal treaty with the Cherokees, holding that the new boundaries would fail to protect the grants already made to soldiers and civilians, (although the treaty did make provisions for maintaining the rights of those who had received such grants). The treaty that was intended to be a "peace settlement" settled nothing and brought no peace. The Indian uprising spread west to the little settlement of Nashville, organized in 1779-80, when James Robertson led a colony of pioneers from the Watauga Settlements to the site known as the French Lick. This aroused not only the western Cherokees, but also the more westerly Chickasaws, and the trouble soon involved small settlements along the Cumberland River. The assistance given by North Carolina (through its Brigadier-General, Joseph Martin, and through its militia) was always meager and often late in arriving on the scene. In fact, a few times Martin received no order from the state for his militia to join in the campaign; therefore, to insure the safety of the settlers, Sevier and his militia continued to carry out their campaigns against the Indians, who were now determined to force the settlers from their territory.10 On one of these campaigns in 1788 an unfortunate event led to severe criticism of the Watauga forces and their leaders. A young volunteer named John Kirk took it upon himself to avenge the brutal murder of his family by the Cherokees. While Old Tassel of Echota, his sons, and a companion chief were waiting in a shed for a conference with Sevier under a white flag of truce, the young man attacked the group and killed all of them. The violent deed of horror was deplored throughout the settlements, and the act was condemned by Congress and by several state assemblies. Needless to say, the infuriated Cherokees sought revenge, further intensifying the warfare between the two races contending for the possession of Western North Carolina.11 Not all of the problems that the western settlers confronted involved disputes with the native Americans. Becoming the first pioneers to isolate themselves from the more settled coastal areas, these mountain people had early developed a spirit of independence and had learned an attitude of self-reliance in decisionmaking. It is possible that, without the looming dangers of the oncoming Revolutionary War, the Watauga Settlements might soon have struggled for independence from North Carolina. Be �130 / Chapter Eight that as it may, they had petitioned the General Assembly of the state for recognition and by legislative act had become Washington County. Their representatives to the General Assembly all voted for North Carolina's first constitution in 1776. Both the representatives to the General Assembly from Washington County and the settlers themselves soon became aware that their interests and needs differed sharply from those of the eastern part of the state. They also became aware that the government of the new state would be dominated by eastern leaders and that the laws passed would serve the planters and business men of the settled coastal region. This realization created a feeling of resentment which in time grew into general dissatisfaction. There were many factors causing this east-west tug-of-war. The basic factor was geographic—a great distance lay between the settlements beyond the mountains and the seat of government and the seaports in the east. It had taken weeks for the pioneers to learn of events taking place in eastern North Carolina and in other colonies during the crucial days of the Revolutionary War. Roads, even in the eastern section of the new state, were in wretched condition as weary travelers repeatedly testified in the early years of the Republic. The colony and later the state made no provision for road construction except to authorize counties to lay out public roads and to establish ferries and designate bridge sites. Detailed road laws, conferring considerable power and responsibility upon the counties, had never been enforced. During the war all roads—poor at best—had been utterly neglected. Consequently even the main north-south artery through the state had become well-nigh impassable. Scant attention had been paid to possible highways to the west, especially since construction would entail bridging or ferrying the many streams flowing in northwestsoutheast direction. The obstacles to be faced were numerous, including clearing tangled forests, avoiding or crossing streams, and opening swamps while keeping up with maintenance on the trade routes already in existence. However, in 1755 a law had been passed by the colony authorizing the building of a road from Hillsboro and one from Mecklenburg County to the Cape Fear River. It had been urged by merchants hoping to profit by western trade. But until some time after the Revolutionary War, these roads, where an attempt had been made to lay them out, were scarcely more than trails and often poor trails at that. The old Pennsylvania Road to Virginia �East-West Tug-Of-War / 131 and Philadelphia, unsatisfactory as it was, continued to be the northern outlet of the piedmont and mountain settlers. The roads following ancient Indian trails along the Yadkin and Catawba Rivers still served settlers going to the southern port of Charleston. From east of the Blue Ridge the mountain men entered their own area on foot or on horseback over the trails used by earlier hunters and trappers and native Americans.12 This physical road handicap, deplored by the profit-conscious, eastern North Carolina merchants, meant that the settlers of both the piedmont and the mountains maintained a connection with Virginia and South Carolina rather than with their own state. It meant, too, that the cattle and hides, meal, wheat, butter, hemp, and herbs of the piedmont farmers and the furs and deerskins of the mountain men reached Virginia cities and Charleston. There they were exchanged for the manufactured articles, salt, and sugar needed by the western settlers. But it meant even more, for where their trade went, there to a marked degree, went also the loyalties of an ever-increasing portion of North Carolinians.13 Another factor driving a wedge between east and west was the difference in national background and interests of the two sections. Eastern North Carolina, by the time of the Revolutionary War, was a fairly settled region. Its people were largely English (with several generations of established Colonial ancestors) and Scottish Highlanders, together with a small number of French Huguenots who had arrived in the early eighteenth century. Many easterners owned large estates, and there was a substantial merchant class in the port cities. Through trade, the easterners had kept in contact with England; their sons were educated abroad, their clothes imported, and their homes supplied with furniture, hangings, linens, pottery, and silver from the leading manufacturers of England and France. Imported foods and wines supplemented the products of their own fine gardens. They held slaves as house servants and as workers on their plantations, some of 'which were extensive. In fact, the eastern section of the state had emerged from the pioneer stage and had attained a considerable degree of culture, with several fine private libraries, homes of architectural interest, and talk of an institution of higher learning. The cultured and wealthy class made up a decided minority of the state's eastern population, but at the same time, its members made up the ruling class. They dominated the General Assembly, which was held in the east, and succeeded in getting laws passed that benefited planters and merchants.14 �132 / Chapter Eight All of this was in complete contrast with the mountain section. The men and women living there were nearly all newcomers. They were predominately Scotch-Irish, arriving over the mountains from Philadelphia, Charleston, or from older piedmont settlements. In addition, there were Germans from Pennsylvania, Welsh, Irish, and more than a sprinkling of English. Many of these were first generation, European immigrants, and on the frontier, both east and west of the Blue Ridge, they were going through the "melting pot" process of assimilation into an American society. For them the difficulty and cost of transportation prohibited all the luxuries and most of the necessities of life. Their actual wants were reduced to a minimum, for they were pioneers carving out a way of life in wilderness valleys isolated from each other by towering ridges and hills. In the struggle against the mountains and forests there was no place for fineries, and even while fighting the Indians to keep the plots they had cleared, they sensibly adopted many of the native American modes of living. The mountain frontiersmen depended upon themselves for most of their manufactured articles, and were satisfied with the tools turned out at their forges and with the simple household effects that they put together. They were people of the forest, and the plantations of the east were outside their world and interests. They keenly felt that the danger from Indian attacks which hovered over them every hour of every day and night, an everpresent threat to life and to property, did not interest the eastern people or the state's eastern law makers. To them their own local government and their own militia were their assurance of life.15 Nor were these pioneers interested in slaves and the problems that slave holding involved. The economy of the mountains generated no need or desire for slaves. Small fields were cleared, a few at a time, and cared for by members of the families—always generous in number. Work, the hard work of a new country, was taken for granted and was to most of the settlers a challenge. When the crops were "laid by," there was hunting to be done by the men and spinning and weaving by the women. The neighboring settlers were always there to give a hand when work exceeded the strength of the family, while all rallied at the fort in times of danger to ward off Indian attacks. There was no class consciousness since all worked and all were poor in worldly goods but rich in energy and visions for the future. Each man was rated according to what he could do. Still another factor in the grievances harbored by the �East-West Tug-Of-War / 133 mountain settlers against the easterners was the matter of taxes. North Carolina in 1775 had been utterly unprepared for war and had emerged from the five-year conflict impoverished. In order to raise even a portion of its allotted soldiers for the Continental army, the new state had issued paper currency. Then with the cessation of all trade with England, the loss of bounties for naval stores, the lack of manufactures and with the general disruption of farm life and normal interstate trade, money became exceedingly scarce. The bills of credit issued by the state were made legal tender. But the state's paper money, like the currency issued by the Continental Congress, depreciated at an alarming rate, and prices soared to unheard of heights. Since the early days North Carolinians had been opposed to taxation, but the harassed, newly-formed state found it necessary to levy taxes, increasing them from time to time as the war continued and again during the hard-pressed years of recovery. Poll taxes were the ones first levied, followed by a general assessment on all property—land, buildings, animals, slaves, and investments. These taxes proved difficult to collect, however, partly because of the people's resentment and partly because of the scarcity of specie. The returns to the state treasury were disappointingly small; therefore, in 1780 the General Assembly in desperation passed a law setting the ratio for taxes to be paid in produce.16 With the exception of state representatives and a few other leaders, the mountain pioneers did not understand the economic basis for the drastic tax measures taken by the state. They saw no returns from taxation in their own areas and felt that money was far too hard to come by to be sent out of the mountains as taxes that would be used to benefit the east. The tax rates, too, they considered unjust, since cheap land of the west was taxed at the same rate as the more valuable property of the east. Western settlers depended upon their few exports to obtain necessities. They, likewise, resented paying taxes in salable products. Some of the westerners' complaints arose from the inefficiency and dishonesty of the local officers appointed by the government, but most of the grievances against their state grew out of geographic and economic conditions. These were problems identical to those faced by the piedmont pioneers following 1760. The Regulators, who had fled west of the mountains to escape taking the British oath of allegiance required after the Battle of Alamance, found themselves seething with the old �134 / Chapter Eight Regulator anger. Eventually, the westerners adopted much the same course of action taken earlier in the century by the protesters against English rule. With the success of the movement for American independence from England in mind, leaders west of the Blue Ridge began planning for independence from North Carolina. Such a step was not as radical as it might at first glance seem, for during the formation of a federal government to be set up under the Articles of Confederation, representatives of the thirteen states to the Continental Congress wrangled over the question of western lands. Those commonwealths without claims to frontier territory feared the future power of sister states when their wilderness lands should be developed, and they insisted that all such territory belonged, in reality, to the new nation. Naturally those states with western claims held other views. The heated discussions on this subject led to practical results of a compromise nature. The federal government recognized the rights of the individual states to their western lands but invited— urged would be a more apt term—those states to cede all such territory to the Republic. Several northern states responded to the appeal and in 1787 ceded western lands which the federal government accepted in 1789 as the Northwest Territory. During the agitation North Carolina had been urged to cede its territory west of the Blue Ridge, and the federal government continued to bring pressure to bear on the state.17 In the Constitution of 1776, North Carolina renewed its claims to all land granted to it as a colony under the Charter of 1663 and its additions in 1665. In so doing the state claimed the Pacific Ocean as its western boundary. But England in its treaty with France in 1763 had taken a more realistic view of those old claims "as farre as the Land extends itselfe" [sic] and had designated the Mississippi River as the western boundary of English territory. North Carolina made no attempt to enforce its claims to land beyond the "Father of Waters," and when in April 1784, the General Assembly agreed to cede its western lands to the United States, that river was its boundary.18 There was bitter opposition to the Cession Act, which offered the state's western land to the Republic. The law as passed, however, safeguarded the state from having the inhabitants and lands of the ceded territory increase its share of the national debt incurred during the Revolutionary War. It also provided that grants already made by North Carolina to its soldiers should �East-West Tug-Of-War / 135 be respected and that one or more states should be made from the area. A further precautionary clause was added. If the area were not accepted by the federal government within twelve months, it was to revert to the state of North Carolina, and in the meantime the state was to continue its control of the region. The Act reached Congress too late in that session to be acted upon, and its opponents gained enough strength in the interval to have it repealed when the General Assembly of North Carolina met in October.19 It was at this session, in a gesture of appeasement, that the state's western counties were organized into the Washington District, made up of four counties. As early as 1782 Colonel Arthur Campbell, a leader in the Watauga Settlements, proposed a meeting to determine the settlers' sentiment on the question of forming a new state. Nothing came of the proposal. But in August, 1784, after news of the Cession Act had crossed the mountains, a convention met at Jonesborough with John Sevier as presiding officer. Davidson County was not represented. A second convention met in December at which a constitution modeled after the 1776 North Carolina document was drawn up for six months' consideration and at which the proposed state received the name of Franklin. During this session news arrived of the repeal of the Cession Act. The disappointed delegates promptly sent a memorial or formal request to Congress asking that the territory be made into a state. The convention and the memorial angered the easterners, and Governor Alexander Martin roundly censured Arthur Campbell as the instigator of the movement.20 Campbell then withdrew from active leadership, but in March, 1785, a third convention at Jonesborough set up a government under the temporary constitution. John Sevier was elected governor. Correspondence between Governor Martin and "Governor" Sevier became equally bitter and threatening on both sides. But the unauthorized state continued to function locally, and Sevier concluded the Dumplin Creek Treaty between the new state of Franklin and the Cherokees of the Middle Towns. In May it sent still another request to Congress, and in August the Franklin Assembly met to adopt a permanent constitution.21 By this time the western settlers had split into two camps. Those led by Sevier claimed gross neglect on the part of North Carolina and demanded immediate secession from North Carolina, hoping for early recognition by the United States. Those under the leadership of Colonel John Tipton were equally �136 / Chapter Eight eager for a new state but felt that its formation should come through the regular channels set up as national policy. Accordingly, this latter group advocated urging North Carolina to cede the territory to the Republic as Virginia had recently ceded its land of Kentucky. They favored the organization of a government that could function as soon as a new state should be authorized by Congress. Confusion now entered the ranks of the pioneers as each faction drew up and adopted its own constitution. The document sponsored by the Sevier adherents and modeled after the North Carolina Constitution of 1776 was adopted in November, 1785, by the "State of Franklin." But for the next few years a virtual state of civil war existed in Western North Carolina, with some counties having two opposing sets of officers.22 Inevitably the difference between Sevier and Tipton and their respective followers increased in bitterness until it reached open conflict and the shedding of blood. In 1788 Sevier was arrested by Tipton enroute to Jonesborough and taken under guard to Morganton for trial as a traitor to North Carolina. But there Sevier was among friends of King's Mountain days. The irons were removed from his hands and two of the McDowell family put up bail. Dr. James Cozby arranged an escape, and when Sevier rode openly out of the village, Judge Waightstill Avery made no move to pursue him. With Sevier *s return to his home on the Nolichucky River, the period of civil strife continued while he and his militia carried on their campaigns against the Cherokees. To add to the general confusion, the Spanish, who controlled the mouth of the Mississippi River, threatened to close the river to American trade, an act that would vitally affect the new settlement at Nashville and those on the Cumberland River. Rumors circulated meanwhile of a possible new country to the west.23 The harassed State of North Carolina, bombarded by both Congress and the westerners with demands for ceding the area, answered by censuring the pioneer leaders and appealing to their followers. In 1788, as a gesture of conciliation, the General Assembly passed an "Act of Oblivion" covering the unhappy events of the past few years in the western settlements. But it charged that John Sevier could hold no more offices. Strangely enough, during the stormy existence of the "State of Franklin," except for a few months in late 1784, every western county in the new "state" was also represented in the General Assembly of �East-West Tug-Of-War / 137 North Carolina. Among the representatives at times were both "Governor" John Sevier and John Tipton. Following the act debarring him from office holding, the undaunted Sevier appeared as usual at the next session of the North Carolina Assembly and was seated and became a delegate to the convention called to reconsider the state's ratification of the United States Constitution. He voted for ratification. 24 By 1789 the opposition in the General Assembly to the cession of its westernmost lands was weakened, and the state offered the territory included in the old Washington County to the federal government without reservations. It was accepted and organized as the Territory South of the Ohio. In 1794 the Territory ot Tennessee was formed, and William Blount was appointed by President Washington as the territorial governor. In the following year the territory became the state of Tennessee, the first new state to be admitted to the Union from ceded western lands. John Sevier was elected its first governor.25 Western North Carolina, which had at one time extended to the Pacific Ocean, had shrunk in 1763 to the Mississippi River and again in 1789 to its present western boundary. The state had lost most of the estimated 25,000 settlers living west of the Blue Ridge except for those along the Watauga River in the present Watauga County and those who had crossed the mountains after the Revolutionary War to take up land opened to soldiers and other settlers east of the ceded land. The men over the mountains had been a continuous thorn in the flesh of the General Assembly of North Carolina. In addition, the state had been in a turmoil over the questions of whether to ratify the Constitution drawn up and adopted at the Philadelphia Convention in 1737. There was bitter opposition to it on the grounds that the central government for which it provided would restrict the rights of the state governments. It was also feared that under it agriculture would be sacrificed to business and industry, and that its methods of electing the president and senators would eliminate government by the direct vote of the people. Moreover, the new constitution had no bill of rights and failed to insure democratic principles vital to the young Republic. It was not until July 21, 1788, that a convention to consider it met at Hillsboro. There the delegates drew up a bill of rights and passed a resolution stating the necessity for such a bill. They declared that after such a bill had been presented to Congress, there should be another federal convention called to consider �138 / Chapter Eight needed changes. Not until that had taken place, the resolution stated, could North Carolina ratify the document.26 But before the meeting at Hillsboro had opened, ten states had already ratified the constitution, one more than the required three-fourths majority. The new Constitution had already become the law of the land, and North Carolina, like Rhode Island, was a commonwealth unto itself, out of the union of states. For a brief period, therefore, Western North Carolina was a part of an independent state. That was far from a desirable status, however, and on November 21, 1789, a second convention at Fayetteville voted by an overwhelming majority to ratify the Constitution. By this vote the present mountain counties became a part of the twelfth state in the Union. �C H A P T E R N I N E In Search of Beauty—An Interlude It is pleasant to contemplate that during the frenzied, war-torn years and the dreary time of recovery between 1760 and 1800, a few people entered Western North Carolina on missions other than those of profit or destruction. It is also encouraging to know that some white travelers had neither sinister intentions of exploiting the natives nor of planting unwanted settlers within the confines of the Indian nation. Some whites had no idea ot persuading reluctant chiefs to sign their marks on papers, depriving the Principal People of century-old rights. These unusual "tourists" to the mountains were in search of beauty. Early explorers, understandably enough, wrote rather copiously of the extreme hardships of travel across the towering ridges and through the mountain section. A few of them went no further in their description of the country; yet some of them interspersed their accounts of struggles against the mountainous terrain with expressions of appreciation for the majesty of the green-clad hills, the arched beauty of the domed balds, the lush greenness of the valleys, and the music of the rushing streams and rivers. Such descriptions reflect the sense of marvel the travelers experienced at the sight of the prodigal abundance and variety of vegetation with which nature had endowed Western North Carolina—vegetation which, during the long centuries of Indian occupancy, had not been mutilated or destroyed. 139 �140 / Chapter Nine traders in the region. Surely, it must have been comparatively easy for colonial traders to transport and deliver goods to the Indian tribes south and east of the Blue Ridge, even to the Cherokees of the Lower Towns. But men like Ludovick Grant, James Beamer, Robert Bunning, and James Adair, as well as scores of others, after once entering the mountains of Western North Carolina were held there largely by the spell of the country. They endured the slow and tortuous travel along narrow, steep, mountain trading paths for the compensating satisfaction derived from the countryside itself. They became North Carolina's first white mountaineers. The possibility of metal resources in the area had attracted the Spaniards to the mountains in the sixteenth century, undoubtedly the first white men to enter them. Later English and colonial explorers and travelers were ever on the alert for evidences of gold, silver, and other useful metals. Sir Alexander Cuming on his trip gathered rock specimens to have assayed in England, and John William Gerard deBrahm foresaw the extensive mining that could develop in Western North Carolina. He saw, too, the possibilities of the rich, varied vegetation, once the land came into the hands of the Europeans. Soldiers who were brought into the region by the campaigns against the natives, like Henry Timberlake, wrote of the wealth of products already produced by the Cherokees and spoke of the beautiful gems reputedly held by the Indians for their ceremonial rites. From these travelers and from accounts given by traders during their occasional trips to port cities, citizens of Charleston and Virginia cities learned of the riches locked in the hills. They also learned of the beauty of the towering ranges and the lush valleys. Merchants and officials traveling to England spread the news of the treasures to be found in Western North Carolina. So it was that Josiah Wedgwood, English manufacturer of fine, semi-vitrified pottery and of the nation's most prized chinaware, learned of a superior grade of clay that the Cherokee Indians of Western North Carolina owned and possibly mined. After testing a sample obtained from the area, he realized that the American product was vastly superior to the clays he was using. He resolved upon an expensive course of action to get a sufficient quantity of it to make more beautiful and lovely and delicate the products of his factory that were finding their way into the palaces of royalty and the homes of the discriminating and wealthy. Accordingly, in 1767 he hired Thomas Griffiths of �In Search Of Beauty—An Interlude / 141 Charleston to make what arrangements were necessary with the Cherokees to procure a supply of the Indian clay. With Grant's destructive raid still fresh in their memories and protected by King George's line of demarcation at the Blue Ridge, the Cherokees were unwilling to have white men other than traders enter their territory. But Griffiths undertook the mission and left Charleston in October for the mountains. He had been told that the clay would be found in the Joree mountains—now called Cowee—near an Indian village named Ayoree. Within a month he had located the mine and had made an agreement with the Indians to buy a quantity of the clay. Gaining that agreement had not been easy, for in addition to their reluctance to bargain with any white man, the Cherokees were suspicious of any one coming for clay since, as they told Griffiths, white men had been there before for this purpose and had taken off much fine clay with only promises as payment. But this Englishman proved to be a man of tact and diplomacy. He conveyed to the chiefs that he had come from the English King, who a few years before had been happy to entertain their Great Warrior, Ostenaco. With good will thus restored, Griffiths was allowed to proceed with his mission.1 For three days he and his men worked strenuously to remove the debris in the pit. He estimated that before reaching the object of their search they took out ten or twelve tons of rubbish and dirt, evidence that the Indians had not used any of this clay for some years. It was also evident that earlier people, perhaps whites, had removed a considerable amount at some time. When Griffiths was ready to excavate what he planned to mine, a period of autumn rains set in, which he and his men endured with impatience. When conditions again allowed digging, he found it necessary to discard what he had and replenish his supply. Then he loaded the precious earth—five tons of it—on the backs of stout little pack horses, some 150 to 200 pounds to the horse. He paid the Cherokees for their fine product, and set out in a long caravan for Fort Prince George where the loads were taken by wagon to Charleston. By the time slowly drawn wagons reached the port city, it was February, and Griffiths gave himself a month's holiday in the active little city before taking the clay to England. In England much interest attached to the import from Western North Carolina; even the King made inquiries about its use. The reply sent to his Majesty by the artist-manufacturer was that the American clay was used in every piece of his jaspers, his finest products. He rightly foresaw that these would need only �142 / Chapter Nine time and scarcity to command any price one might ask for them. Today a marker designates the site in Western North Carolina, near Burningtown, where Josiah Wedgwood got the supply of fine clay which under his master hand, became the prized possessions of kings and noblemen.2 Seven years later, the first of several botanists to visit Western North Carolina came to revel in its spring splendor and to gather and classify many of its rare plants. He was William Bartram, a Quaker, of Philadelphia, and his trip was sponsored by Dr. John Fothergill, a well known Quaker physician of London. Eighteenth century Europeans were garden-conscious, and in the second half of the century a craze for formal gardens with sweeping vistas and with unusual hedges arranged in intriguing mazes spread over England and the continent. Even earlier there had been an awakening to the decorative possibilities of both the garden and the flower arrangements it afforded for the home. This had given rise to the profession of nurserymen. In 1730, for example, Robert Furber of Kensington published a catalogue, not only listing the plants and shrubs he handled, but also containing prints of flower arrangements suitable for home decorations each month of the year. Housewives of all classes were soon getting flowers from their cutting gardens and grouping them in a variety of containers— Wedgwood jaspers, brass, porcelain, glass, delft bricks, fingered posey holders—to add to the interest of their rooms. Owners of fine gardens became intrigued with the idea of new and startling effects and sought strange and exotic plants and shrubs from distant countries with which to add charm and distinction to their grounds. This interest in landscaping spread to the colonies, and many are the accounts in old ledgers of orders made by colonial planters and farmers for European fruit trees, ornamental shrubs, and rare plant seeds. Both George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, farmers of Virginia, recorded the pleasure with which they received such orders and the care which they bestowed upon their imported plants.3 But the transfer of flowers, shrubs, fruit trees, and ornamental plants was far from one-sided. English and European garden owners were held spellbound by stories of nature's lavishness in plant forms in the southern colonies. Now and then one was willing to incur the expense of sending a botanist-collector to the region for specimens with which to "embellish" his estate. Interest in botany was rather widespread, and the work of �In Search Of Beauty—An Interlude / 143 Linnaeus in 1753 greatly aided botanists in making accurate records of their findings. He established a binomial system of nomenclature, giving each plant and animal two names, one for the genus or family and one for the species or individual.4 In America the best known botanists and nurserymen were the Bartrams of Kingsessing, Pennsylvania, whose fine gardens were visited by Europeans and colonists alike. John, the father, and his son, William, were scholars and were continuously gathering and classifying the rich plant offerings of America. They were in constant correspondence with English horticulturists and gardeners and had a large group of English patrons like Peter Collinson, Quaker wool merchant of London. Collinson not only bought from them American plants, shrubs, and seeds, but also introduced these imports to other garden lovers. Prospering in their business, the Bartrams opened a second garden in Charleston. In 1773 the firm was commissioned by Dr. Fothergill to search in Florida, the western Carolinas, and Georgia for rare and useful flora, which the London physician wished to use in his garden at Upton, near Stratford. That garden was the physician's prize possession, for in variety of specimens and beauty it rivaled the Kew Gardens. It may be that Fothergill also hoped to find some new medicinal herbs among the collections sent by the Bartrams. For several years, then, either John or William Bartram, occasionally both, made excursions into the designated areas with rich flora rewards.5 It fell to the lot of William, in 1775, to make the western trip that would take him into Western North Carolina. On April 22, he set out from Charleston. He was at this time thirty-six years old, a man of learning and charm and with the deep respect for people that his Quaker beliefs inspired. He was supplied with letters of introduction to the Agent of Indian Affairs and was well provided by temperament with a love for adventure and a keen appreciation of the beauties of nature. Moreover, he had a flair for transferring his enthusiasm and delight to the pages of his notebooks and from them to the record he later wrote. This account must have given sheer pleasure to the eighteenth century reader as it does to the modern historian.6 From Charleston, Bartram followed the old trading route along the Savannah River, veering off at times to make observations and to gather specimens. By this route he came to Keowee, the new Keowee that had risen after the destruction of the old capital in 1760. After some time spent in this area, Bartram �144 / Chapter Nine APPALACHIAN NATIONAL PARKS ASSOCIATION COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY A Carpet of Ferns: Open glades in the forest provide room for the waving plumes of ferns. William Bartram on his journey through the mountains of Western North Carolina doubtless saw and delighted in such displays. did not wait for the return of the hunter who was to conduct him over the mountains, but went on alone. He must have felt uneasy as he entered a wild, lonely country whose inhabitants, he knew, were becoming increasingly unfriendly to the whites and who certainly would be suspicious of a stranger who peered around rocks and gathered plants and roots, Bartram realized how terrible had been the animosity between the races fifteen years before as he passed the desolate ruins of towns and orchards in the Lower Cherokee lands where the forces of Colonel Middle ton had struck telling blows. His record remarks that Fort Prince George, across from Keowee, now bore little resemblance to a fort and was used only as a trading post. Bartram also wrote that the old Keowee, which had once strung along six or eight miles of the river, was now only the tattered remains typifying the fall of a once mighty race. He knew, however, that there was still strength enough in the Cherokees to flare up into real war. But it was the month of May, �In Search Of Beauty—An Interlude I 145 and the mountainsides were aflame with azalea blooms, and the meadows were a rich carpet of ripe strawberries. He put aside his misgivings and turned his attention to the beauties of nature and the pleasantness of his task. Later in the wilds of Western North Carolina Bartram found hospitality awaiting him. He spent the first night in the area— May 21—within the shelter of a hunter's cabin a mile or so north of the Georgia line. The next afternoon, quite by chance, he met a white trader who took the botanist to his home for the night. The following morning, fortified with a hearty and delicious breakfast, he went on to Estatoe and then on the three miles to Nikwasi. A few miles farther he reached Whatoga, where the chief of the village, a gracious host, smoked a four-foot peace pipe with him and then accompanied him for some miles on his way to Cowee, at the present West's Mill. Cowee, he found, was a town of about one hundred houses built along the Little Tennessee River and was at this time the capital of the Middle Cherokees. There, through the letters he carried, he met and was most cordially entertained by a greatly respected and trusted Irish trader named Galahan, who had long lived in the mountains. After an agreeable visit in Galahan's home and after his rambles about the area (during which he made observations and classified flora), Bartram set out alone on the path along the Little Tennessee and across the Nantahala Mountains toward the Over Hill Towns. Twice during his progress along the trading route the botanist had occasion to feel alarm. He records that, once, while resting, he was surprised by the unannounced appearance of a young Indian, rifle in hand and accompanied by his dogs. But his fears proved groundless, for the hunter, after asking some questions, accepted tobacco that Bartram proffered him, shook hands with the white man, and proceeded "chearfully" on his way. The second occasion also came suddenly. According to his account, he saw to his dismay a company of mounted Cherokees approaching along the narrow path. As they neared him, he saw that the central figure was Attakullakulla, or "Little Carpenter." With the courtesy that was a part of his nature, Bartram turned off the path to let the party pass. The "Grand Old Man" of the Cherokees was touched by this gesture of respect and drew up his horse. Clapping his hand to his own heart, he then offered it to Bartram in the Cherokee symbol of friendship and introduced himself. The botanist responded, saying that he was from �146 / Chapter Nine APPALACHIAN NATIONAL PARKS ASSOCIATION COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Carolina Clouds: Witnessing scenes like this, early botanists and other scientists coming into the mountains must have felt they were indeed above the clouds. After a violent thunderstorm, William Bartram noted in his Journal that the mists "Smoaked (sic) through the valley and over the resounding hills." Pennsylvania where the name of Attakullakulla was revered and where the Cherokees were considered brothers of the white men. The chief then inquired of John Stuart, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, saying that he was even then on his way to Charleston to see Stuart. Bartram in turn explained that he carried letters of friendship to the Indians from Stuart. After these pleasant remarks, the old chief welcomed Bartram to his country, and the party continued on its way while the scientist resumed his journey to the Over Hill Towns. He again became uneasy, and as he rode along the feeling of disquiet increased. He knew that Attakullakulla was on a mission to Charleston, hoping to gain a peaceful settlement of the strained relations existing betweefi his people and the whites; he knew, too, that the fine old Peacemaker would fail to obtain his desires. Already Bartram had much information about this region and had �In Search Of Beauty—An Interlude I 147 a goodly supply of specimen—plants, roots, some seeds—to dry for the Bartram herbarium of American flora. He had classified dozens of plants and trees. It seemed pointless to go into the Over Hill section, where the feelings against the Americans were especially strong. Obeying his better judgment, Bartram turned back, retracing his route to Keowee and from there to Charleston. In the present Swain County on the highway that follows the ancient Cherokee trading route a simple marker calls attention to the spot at which two great men met on that day in late May. It reads: "William Bartram, Philadelphia naturalist, author, exploring this area, met the Cherokee chief Attakullakulla, May, 1776, near here." The year 1776 is doubtless an error made by Bartram in writing his account from notes taken on the trip. Those notes give the year as 1775. In June, 1776, the Cherokee warriors went on the warpath against white settlements. No white person would have been safe that May in Cherokee territory. During his mountain journey nothing escaped the alert eyes of the scientist, and with the keen joy of discovery he filled his notebooks with delightful details that, transferred to his account of the journey, enable the reader today to meet a vivid personality pulsating with life. His first view of Western North Carolina he got from the mountain he called Magnolia. From its top he looked in awe across the "Vale of Tenase" (Tennessee River valley), and he watched the clear water splash down Estatoe Falls. Later he paused to revel in the beauty of the "Vale of Cowee." Into his notebooks went not only the records of his findings and the classification of plants, but also remarks, it would seem, concerning all the objects he saw—and he saw everything. Bartram wrote of the delight he felt in seeing herds of deer, flocks of wild turkeys, the flashing wings of soaring birds, and of hearing the rich melody of their songs. His account describes the Cassine yapon, which the Cherokees considered a sacred tree, the rose rhododendron, and brings to life the astonishing variations in the shades and hues of the blooming wild azaleas and the delicacy of tiny mountain flowers. He transferred to paper the amazement he experienced in seeing such a variety of trees and the sublimity of the magnificent forests through which he passed. In crossing the mountains he had for the first time the unforgetable experience of seeing May disappear before his eyes until, upon reaching the top of the range, he was in late winter. Even a sudden and violent thunderstorm which drenched him could not dampen his spirits, �148 / Chapter Nine CLINE STUDIOS Azaleas: The botanist, William Bartram, in the western mountains in May, 1775, reveled in the beauty of the spring flowers. He wrote that the flame azaleas, splashing the mountainsides with their vivid colors, gave the mountains {t the appearance of being on fire. " HUGH MORTON PHOTOS Indian Pipes: The nodding Indian Pipes find their homes in nonacid humus. As plants of the woods, they refuse to be cultivated; Rhododendron: In the spring the white blooms of the Rhododendron Maximum reward travelers trudging rocky mountain byways; Galax: The shining leaves ofthegalax delight those coming to the mountains in search of beauty as William Bartram came in 1775. Today "galackers" find a ready market for these leaves. �In Search Of Beauty—An Interlude / 149 and he notes that it "Smoaked through the valley and over the resounding hills."7 He mentions the glitter of mica and the sylvan charm of a group of native American maidens gathering wild strawberries and then splashing in the waters of a nearby stream. Bartram was alive, too, to the cultivation in the area, apparently surprised that he found so many fields. He reported that the soil was rich and fertile and noted the fields of beans and corn. He spent some time admiring the fine horses in a trader's "horse stamp." These animals, he was told, would be taken to Charleston for sale. His curiosity about Indian life led him to investigate and record his impressions of the villages he entered. He was very interested in the large, domed council house he saw in the village of Whatoga and noted that it was on an artificial mound. He passed and made note of the clay pit from which, he said, clay had been taken to England. The fine foods served him by the Cherokee wives of his trader hosts came in for comment, and his Journal shows that he especially enjoyed the wild strawberries covered with rich cream that they gave him. Yet in the midst of all this natural prodigality in which his very soul rejoiced, Bartrarn was saddened by the evidences he saw of what man had done to man in this majestic region. Soberly he viewed the rock-covered graves and the resting places of both whites and Indians who had given their lives in the two battles of Echoee during the "Cherokee War". He was appalled by the desolate ruins of the towns and orchards and of homes never rebuilt after Grant's march through the hills. Fortunately he could not foresee that further destruction would come to the hills in the autumn of 1776 when General Rutherford's punitive forces would arrive in retaliation for the summer attacks by Cherokee warriors on homes and villages of white settlers. In England in 1791 the account of his plant discoveries and his plant classifications in Western North Carolina, written from his notebooks, appeared in his Travels Through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West of the Muscogules or Creek Confederacy, and the Country of the Choctaws. In this volume also appeared the most complete and accurate list of American birds made up to that time. Through his account the entire region and age spring back into life, and it is surely permissible to assume that as he left this mountain country, he paused again on the summit of his Magnolia Mountain for a final view of the azaleas, splashing the sides of the mountain ranges with a kaleidoscope of flame and red and orange. As he remarked, they gave the region the appearance of being on fire. �150 / Chapter Nine After the Revolutionary War the French botanist, Andre Michaux, came to America on a mission sponsored by the French government to study and collect American plants. This was in 1785, and with the wealth of material to be found in the new republic, Michaux established a nursery at Bergen, New Jersey. To it he brought a vast variety of plants, shrubs, and trees, and from it he shipped choice specimens to his native country to be used in the garden of Rarnbouillet and Versailles. Two years later, he opened a second nursery at Charleston. That same year he followed the route taken by Bartram and entered Western North Carolina from Georgia, studying the flora along the Tennessee River. In the autumn of 1788 Michaux returned to Western North Carolina, this time veering north from the route and going to Camden, South Carolina, and then along the Catawba River. He made observations and classified plants around Morganton and Turkey Cove. He then crossed the Blue Ridge, exploring Yellow Mountain and later that year returned to the area by way of Charlotte, exploring the Blue Ridge and along the Toe River. Again in 1793 the French botanist was on a western trip, this time going as far as Nashville, Tennessee. Two years later, he visited Western North Carolina for the last time, covering the territory around Linville, Roan, and Yellow Mountains. 8 Francois Andre Michaux accompanied his father on some of the later trips and after his father's death in 1802 was sent back to America to study the forest of the country. Commissioned by the French Minister of the Interior, he explored fairly extensively in Western North Carolina, covering the area east of the French Broad River, Roan, Grandfather, the Black, Yellow, and Indian Mountains, and Table Rock. From that section the younger Michaux headed east over the Blue Ridge to Charlotte and then back to Charleston. Both of the French botanists wrote of their American discoveries and explorations. Andre published a volume entitled The History of North American Oaks, which was used later by his son in writing his book, Sylva Americana.** Still another naturalist was John Fraser, who explored the southern states during the years when one or both of the Michaux were carrying on their Western North Carolina observations. He was a Scottish botanist with a nursery at Chelsea, England. In the last years of the eighteenth century he had gone to Russia, where he had interested the aged Catherine in new and foreign plants. After her death Fraser was appointed by Paul, her successor, as his �In Search Of Beauty—An Interlude I 151 botanical collector and in that capacity traveled in search ot specimens with which to fill Russian gardens. Upon Paul's death, however, Eraser was not reappointed to that position, and in 1802 he came to America. He had been in America earlier, engaging in botanical research in South Carolina in 1785 and again in 1789, going west until he entered the mountains of Western North Carolina. In 1799 he was making observations around Roan and Grandfather Mountains, and he recorded that from the top of Roan he had been elated at gazing into five states—Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, North, and South Carolina.10 These early botanists would, of course, be followed by others, but they laid the firm foundation for any study of plant life in Western North Carolina that might be undertaken. It was the Bartrams who found and classified the Lost Camellia or Franklin Tree, and it was Andre Michaux who in 1788 discovered the rare Shortia, a discovery that was of great interest to scientists for a hundred years. Michaux found the plant only in its fruit stage, however, and botanists needed to see it in bloom in order to complete a life cycle description of it. It was not until 1877 that the delicate plant was found in North Carolina in full bloom. In addition, Fraser discovered on one of his explorations into this section of North Carolina the glorious rhododendron that he named the Catawbensis. The work of these men, together with the specimens they sent to various countries of Europe familiarized hundreds of people with the beauty of the mountains and attracted their attention to Western North Carolina. �C H A P T E R T E N With Their Goods and Chattels X he position of the Cherokees in Western North Carolina has from colonial times been a confused one. Their struggle against the encroaching white race was basically a desperate attempt to maintain their rights and status as a nation with a recognized national territory. Neither the English government nor the French respected this right of domain, and both included the area in their claims to American lands. The issue became more confused when England split the Cherokee nation into two units in separating the two Carolinas. Under a decidedly complicated and contradictory policy, both the Carolina colonies and the English government had the power of treaty making, thus tacitly acknowledging that the Indians were a responsible government unit, if not an independent nation. The Crown reserved the right of designating a boundary line between the races beyond which the colonists were forbidden to settle. But this responsibility was complicated by the Granville Grant that extended across the northern portion of North Carolina. Over this area North Carolina had no jurisdiction. Nor was the line of demarcation between Cherokees and whites strictly enforced, for the Watauga settlers crossed the Blue Ridge after that line was drawn and were allowed to retain the land that they cleared there. Moreover, this group of settlers made treaties with the Cherokees by which they purchased settlement rights and fixed boundaries without benefit of colonial or English sponsorship. The new state of North Carolina further divided the 152 �With Their Goods and Chattels / 153 the boundary line between the new state and the western territory passed through the Cherokee domain. Under both the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution, each state was given control over the native American lands within its borders, but the federal government reserved to itself the power of treaty making with the tribes and nations. Under this arrangement, North Carolina was free to dispose of lands declared by the United States Government as cleared ot Indian occupancy. The state tried to restrain its westward-bound settlers from infringing beyond the boundary limits, even though, as in 1785, the federal treaty narrowed the zone earlier declared open by the state. During the Revolutionary War, North Carolina had confiscated the Granville Grant, declaring the land not already allotted to settlers to be the domain of the state. That tract and its western lands available to white settlers offered to the hard-pressed state government a possible means of recuperating its depleted treasury. These areas also offered a means of paying its veterans of the recent war. It was largely for these reasons that the ceding of North Carolina's western lands to the Republic had been vigorously opposed, especially by the easterners. In 1780 the state took the first step in making use of the Cherokee country for the whites; the General Assembly passed the Bonus Act, which set aside an area to be reserved for veterans' grants, both those of the state's militia and those in the state's quota in the Continental army. In 1782 a supplementary act set the scale for the land allotments. Grants allowed to individuals ranged from 640 acres for privates to 12,000 acres for brigadier-generals.1 Following the passage of these laws, a commission was appointed to survey soldier claims. Many veterans took advantage of the Bonus Law, taking up land in Western North Carolina, some of which later became a part of Tennessee. Other lands cleared of Indians were soon opened to white civilians. This westward migration of both soldiers and civilians was given impetus by two treaties made between the federal government and the Cherokees. Under the terms of the Holston Treaty drawn up in 1791 at White's Ford, at the present Knoxville, Tennessee, the Indians gave up their claims to lands along the French Broad and lower Holston Rivers. This area included the sites of the present Knoxville and Greeneville, Tennessee, and Asheville, North Carolina. The second treaty, concluded in 1798, pushed the Cherokee �154 / Chapter Ten boundary westward to approximately the western boundaries of the present Haywood and Transylvania Counties.2 Thus, a decade before the beginning of the new century, the double barrier of towering mountains and the presence of hostile Indians, who for a century and a half had halted the white man's compelling urge to go west, had been conquered. Into the fertile valleys of the mountain country streamed men with their guns and axes, their little bundles of household effects, their wives and children. They were coming to these ancient hills to stay. North Carolina had earlier taken cognizance of the rapid settlement of the territory just east of the Blue Ridge. Land there had been opened to settlers since Tryon's line of demarcation of 1767; however, a sprinkling of westward-bound men and women had selected hornesites and built their cabins at the very foothills of the mountains before that date. Just when the earliest of these pioneers arrived is not known. But during the third decade of the century a few hardy frontiersmen were in the Yadkin valley, and a small number had settled on land west of the Catawba River. By 1740 the Brittain community in the present Rutherford County was the nucleus around which newcomers took holdings, and in 1742 at least one settler, Heinrich Weidner, and possibly others had taken up land in the present Burke County.3 During the next score of years these early settlers were joined by hundreds of immigrants who streamed into the "back country" from Philadelphia and Charleston until the valleys of the streams flowing east from the Blue Ridge were dotted with the log cabins of those crowding westward. These small pioneer communities weathered the attacks and massacres of the Cherokees during the French and Indian War. They were protected, although inadequately, by forts erected by the government or by the settlers themselves, such as Fort McGaughey near Brittain Church, Fort McFadden near the present Rutherfordton, or Fort Davidson, for some years the most westerly of English forts. As early as 1769 settlers along the upper Yadkin River petitioned the colonial government to be organized as a county. Yet it was not until January 26, 1771, that the authorization bill was passed creating Surry County from the northern section of Rowan County. That bill designated that the county court should be held at the home of Gideon Wright on the east bank of the Yadkin River. The bill also appointed Griffith Rutherford as one of the commissioners charged with surveying the boundary line �With Their Goods and Chattels / 155 between Surry and Rowan Counties. The new county was named for the Earl of Surrey. It extended westward to the Indian nation and took in a territory along the Watauga, the Holston, the Nolichucky, and the Clinch Rivers. Later, portions of Surry territory would be formed into new counties, while another section would become a part of the state of Tennessee. Over a period of years the seat of county government shifted from one small village to another. Then Dobson was selected as the permanent county seat and a courthouse was there built. Settlers in the new county were caught up in the Regulator movement and in May, 1771, a group of men went to join men from other counties who were gathering at Alamance Creek to confront Governor Tryon's militia. The Surry men, however, arrived too late to take part in the two-hour conflict known as the Battle of Alamance. But they were not too late to be forced to subscribe to an oath of allegiance to the colonial government. During the Cherokee uprising in 1776, several hundred men from Surry County, under Colonel Joseph Williams, joined the militia led by Colonel William Christian against the Cherokee Over Hill towns. There they brought widespread destruction to that section of the Cherokee nation. Other Surry men were in General Griffith Rutherford's punitive expedition against the Cherokee Middle towns. Throughout the Revolutionary War the county was the scene of conflicting loyalties. Many of the Scottish Highlanders who had earlier settled in the area remained loyal to the king and to the oath of allegiance that some of them had been forced to take following the Battle of Culloden Field. Governor Josiah Martin in 1775 stated that Surry was one of four counties that had made written pledges of allegiance to the colonial government and the English King. Gideon Wright became one of the county's most active Loyalists, while Tory sentiment was strengthened through the influence of David Fanning and the activities of his Loyalist militia. On October 8, 1780, Tories and Patriots clashed in an encounter at Shallow Ford (now in Yadkin County). Later that month some 160 Patriots led by Major Joseph Cloyd, defeated a gathering of Tories. Yet English sympathizers continued to keep conditions in the county unstable and in both the Battle of King's Mountain and the later Battle of Guilford Court House men from Surry fought on both sides. This division of loyalty existed �156 / Chapter Ten FROM STATE MAGAZINE, MARCH 17, 1951 N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY King's Mountain: This view of King's Mountain is from the valley below. The flag on the summit of the mountain marks the site of the battlefield. throughout the western settlements, creating conditions that would be long in the healing. At King's Mountain, however, Surry Patriots outnumbered the Surry Loyalists in Ferguson's forces. In response to Ferguson's demand for surrender, men from Surry under Major Joseph Winston, together with men from Wilkes County under Colonel Benjamin Cleveland, totaling about 350, joined the Overmountain men on their way to meet Ferguson's army. They took part in the Battle of King's Mountain. Both Major Winston and Colonel Cleveland, for the gallantry they and their men displayed in that battle, were later awarded swords by the new state of North Carolina. By the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, the everincreasing number of settlers now at the very foothills of the Blue Ridge clamored for the formation of new counties. Their arguments for establishing new governmental units were in all instances the same—their distance from the county seats. With the lack of roads, distance was a telling argument, and the law creating Rutherford County recognized its validity by stating in its first clause:"...the large extent of the County of Tryon renders the attendance of the inhabitants on the extreme parts of said county to do publick [sic] duties extremely difficult and expensive."4 The newly organized state of North Carolina �With Their Goods and Chattels / 157 answered the pleas of the frontiersmen by forming three counties. In 1777 Burke County was created from the sprawling Rowan County, with Morganton as its county seat. The following year Wilkes County was formed from Yadkin with Wilkesboro as its county seat, both county and village honoring John Wilkes. Wiping out the name of Tryon, which to many Patriots was synonymous with tyranny and oppression, the General Assembly in 1778 separated Tryon County into two divisions, designating that portion lying west of the Catawba River and south of the old Granville line as Rutherford County. The name honored Griffith Rutherford, hero of the Revolutionary campaign against the Cherokees. The county seat was for some years Gilbert Town; however, when the new court house was constructed in 1785, the present Rutherfordton came into being, known first as Rutherford Town.5 As soon as possible after the acts creating them, the new counties set up their county courts with the voters meeting in convenient homes. It was not until sometime after the Revolutionary War that permanent court houses were constructed. All three counties extended across the Blue Ridge and included the Cherokee country not yet opened to white settlement. 6 These new counties were caught in the lawlessness attending the last years of the Revolutionary War, a lawlessness that increased as Ferguson's army moved in. Neither the county governments nor the county militia units could check the sporadic acts of depredation committed as Patroits and Loyalists, often neighbors, sought vengeance upon each other. Several citizens, through their personal influence, were the preservers ot law during these troubled months. The success of the forces of the hillmen at King's Mountain had a quieting effect upon Tory activities. Some Loyalists, fearing the wrath of the Patriots, fled into the mountains or crossed the Blue Ridge into the western sections of their counties. After the war, many veterans and their families crossed the mountains into the present Watauga County and on to the Toe River valley. Coming from settlements in the Yadkin valley and from eastern North Carolina, Virginia, and Pennsylvania by way of the Pennsylvania Road, they found that a few settlers had preceded them. Who these were is not known, but some had entered the region before the battle of King's Mountain and had joined the Watauga men on their way to fight Ferguson. Others had come shortly after that battle. James Holtzclaw in 1780 and �158 / Chapter Ten Thomas Hodges in 1781 built cabins in the Valle Crucis area. William Miller, Nathan Horton, Ebeneazer Fairchild, and a Captain Jackson soon followed, and by 1790 there was a goodly sprinkling of newcomers in what is now Watauga County.7 The federal census of that year listed eighty families in the Toe River valley, making an estimated population of three hundred. This fertile region had early attracted hunters and herders, and it is probable that a few tiny cabins had been erected even before 1778. In that year, having confiscated the Granville Tract, the General Assembly made an effort to protect settlers in the Cherokee country by opening to white settlement all lands north of the divide between the Swannanoa and Toe Rivers and westward to include all known white settlements. By the end of that year four large grants of land in the Toe River valley had been made to John McKnitt Alexander and William Sharpe, who took them out as speculation land and did not take personal possession of them. In March of the following year Samuel Bright, a Loyalist, settled on land granted him near McKinney Gap. In addition to his hunting and bit of farming, he acted as a guide to men passing through the valley to the Watauga Settlements or to the land of Kentucky. The road he followed, no more than a trail but later to be known as a wagon road, was called Bright's Trail. Other settlers followed Bright into the region, the earliest being a group of Williams—William Wiseman, William Davenport, William Davis, and William Pendley. Together with those who later scaled the precipitous eastern slopes of the Blue Ridge and entered the valleys by way of McKinney and Gillespie Gaps, they took up the task of making life in this mountain-rimmed valley a selfsufficient one. Life for them was made up of hunting and trapping and clearing the land for the raising of needed crops. To a far greater degree than was true with most sections of Western North Carolina, the Toe River valley was a unit unto itself and was destined to remain so for many years to come.8 During the war years settlers along the Catawba and Broad Rivers must have looked with covetous eyes toward the mountain barriers, and almost certainly a few had now and then crossed the Blue Ridge to hunt in the mountain sections of their counties. News of the state's law opening up land to settlers in those areas was received with enthusiasm by some of these daring individuals, and they lost no time in taking advantage of it. The first of those known to have taken his family from Rutherford County due west �With Their Goods and Chattels / 159 across the Blue Ridge was Samuel Davidson, a member of the Davidson family that had earlier settled along the Catawba River. It was a family who had played a significant role in the history of that region. Its members, Patriots all, had taken part in the Revolutionary War. In 1784 Davidson crossed the Blue Ridge by way of Swannanoa Gap and built his cabin at the foot of Jonas Mountain. To this new home he brought his wife, baby, and a Negro house servant, and he cleared land for his fields. This area was "cleared of Indians," although the ruins of a former village could be seen where the Swannanoa River empties into the French Broad River. The region had once been a part of the Cherokees' vast hunting domain, and this fact soon spelled tragedy for the young veteran. A band of Indian hunters saw smoke coming from the chimney of a white man's cabin, and removing the bell from his horse, the Cherokees lured Davidson up the side of Jonas Mountain where from ambush they shot him. Hearing the rifle shot, the wife and servant hid during the day and then they made their way over the mountains to the fort. Some members of the Davidson family and some friends returned to find the body. After burying it, they searched for and found the Cherokees, some of whom they killed. So it was that the first attempt at a settlement southwest of the Blue Ridge was baptized with the blood of both races. In less than a year Major William Davidson, the twin brother of the slain Samuel, and Rachel Alexander, his sister, along with their families and several of their friends crossed the Blue Ridge from the Catawba settlements to take up grants of land where Bee Tree Creek enters the Swannanoa River. In 1787 William and James Davidson were granted 640 acres of land on both sides of the Swannanoa. To this valley came other families—the William Gudgers from the Watauga Settlements, the William Forsters from Virginia, the John Pattons, the Robert Pattons, and James Patton. The Bee Tree and Swannanoa settlements soon became the nucleus of a new county. Additional newcomers went into other areas, taking up land in the fertile valleys. Colonel David Vance, coming from Burke County, got a grant in Reems Creek valley. There he found that a few settlers had preceded him. Among these was John Weaver, probably the first white man to build his cabin in that area. Settlers continued to arrive in that valley, while still others took out claims in the Beaverdam valley. Among these were George �BOB LINDSEY PHOTO, ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE Mt, Pisgah: General Griffith Rutherford and his force of some 2,400 men passed this towering mountain on their punitive expedition against the Cherokees in 1776. To the veterans crossing the Blue Ridge after 1783 this 5,745 foot peak became a landmark. It was later given the name Pisgah, the biblical mountain from which Moses viewed the Holy Land. An enthusiastic guest at one of the later hotels declared that a view of Pisgah was "more effective than a dozen sermons," DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Pioneers from the Rutherfordton area, in crossing the Blue Ridge, followed this lovely Broad River and passed through Hickory Nut Gorge, Swain, David Killian, and in 1793, Bedent Baird. These two settlements were in Burke County, while the Bee Tree and Swannanoa settlements were in Rutherford County. 9 Other men chose their tracts of land around the present Asheville. Zebulon Baird, brother of Bedent, built his home near the French Broad River, while John Burton got several tracts, one of which was on the site of the present Asheville.10 To the south other communities were developing. William Mills (his Loyalist father had been a victim of the Patriots' wrath following the battle of King's Mountain) took out land along the river that today �With Their Goods and Chattels / 161 bears his name. Samuel Edney also made his home in what is now Henderson County and became the first resident Methodist minister southwest of the Blue Ridge.11 Others took out grants near the present Saluda. One of those was John Morris, probably the brother of Robert Morris, who had spent his energies and his fortune in the cause of American freedom. The extensive grants given him by the grateful new Government were both east and west of the Blue Ridge. The call westward was a strong one, and some of the men crossing the mountains went beyond the little communities already formed to get claims farther west. One of these was William Moore. In 1787 he was granted land in the Hominy Creek section, where he and his men had camped on their mission against the Cherokees along the Tuckaseigee River in 1776. On this 450 acre tract he built his home and near it raised a small fort tor protection against possible Indian raids. Today this is the site of the Enka Corporation. Moore was later granted land farther to the west. Settlers continued to enter the mountains, and in the same year that Moore was building his cabin, Jonathan McPeters was farming land on the site of the present Canton. When David Nelson, his bound servant, completed his indentureship, he in turn settled on Jonathan Creek. Here to the Pigeon River valley also came John Davidson, James Chambers, Robert Martin, and John Gooch. Other settlers followed.12 Still farther west were the extensive grants given to Colonel Robert Love and his brother, General Thomas Love. They made their homes on Richland Creek. The settlement that developed in that area became the nucleus of a community that would in time demand a new county, and Haywood County would eventually be formed with Waynesville as its county seat. By 1790 the region west of the Blue Ridge that had been declared "cleared of Indians" had a surprisingly large population. As mentioned earlier, one of the hardships of the pioneers was the difficulty of getting to their county seats. This was burdensome to all but especially so to the most westerly of the tiny settlements. Going either to Rutherfordton or Morganton meant a trip across the Blue Ridge over what were mere trails. Of the communities that had so far developed, the Bee Tree-Swannanoa and the Reems Creek-Beaverdam settlements were the largest. From these two groups petitions for a new county west of the Blue Ridge were sent to the General Assembly. In compliance with those petitions, a new county was created in January, 1792, and �162 / Chapter Ten FLORETTA BRUMLEY PHOTO Logs: A settler's first concern was his home. The trees he felled in clearing the acres for his crops became logs for his house, usually a cabin about 12 by 24 feet. Notched into place, these logs with their chinking insured a sturdy and warm home for his family. Some of these early cabins still stand, monuments to their builders' fine workmanship. was given the name Buncombe County, honoring Colonel Edward Buncombe. It included all of Rutherford County west of the mountains and most of the western part of Burke County. Buncombe extended westward to the Territory of Tennessee and southward from the present Mitchell County to the South Carolina and Georgia lines; for obvious reasons it was facetiously called "The State of Buncombe."13 As a compromise measure, the needed court house was built on a plateau between the two most populous communities and offered road access from all directions. As was the case in the newly created counties east of the Blue Ridge, this courthouse was a small, log structure. Adjacent to it were the prison and its �With Their Goods and Chattels / 163 exercise grounds and the public stocks. The new structure faced east approximately where today Patton Avenue enters Pack Square in Asheville. John Burton, called "The Father ot Asheville," from his holdings laid out a north-south street in front of it to be known as North Main and South Main. Those streets are today Broadway and Biltmore Avenue. Burton then sectioned off forty-two town lots.14 On January 25, 1795, John Brown reached Buncombe Courthouse on a trip through Western North Carolina to select and buy up speculation land. In his Journal he recorded, "there is a few cabins."15 These cabins described by Brown were places of business, and more would be erected. Zebulon and Bedent Baird arrived in 1793 after accomplishing the almost miraculous feat of hauling a wagon loaded with supplies over Saluda Mountain. They opened a store. In addition, George Swain built a little hatter's shop, and in his home James Patton served meals and offered lodging to travelers. Silas McDowell had a tailor shop, while Phillip Smith made wagons as well as tooling "shoes for men and horses, saddles and hats." Robert Henry, coming into the Swannanoa community, opened the first school west of the Blue Ridge. Also near this little group of business houses John Burton erected a grist mill, and Thomas Forster built a bridge over the Swannanoa River. Buncombe Courthouse had become a town. On a return trip to Buncombe Courthouse, land speculator John Brown was apparently unimpressed with the village and made the following comments in his Journal: "...this town stands a mile distance from the French Broad and a mile Below where the Swanno River empties into the Franch Broad the settlement is very thin and they live but very indifferently. We had very poor entertainment this town is but two days walk from the Cherokee nation [sic]." Brown was right in saying that the town was "thin." That was also true of the new county seats east of the Blue Ridge. Whatever skills and trades the pioneers brought to the shifting frontier, it was land that had motivated their coming. A merchant or a hatter typically rode into the village from his farm to ply his trade and at sunset closed his shop and rode home. Only later did homes appear on the streets of these little towns.16 Buncombe Courthouse had been named Morristown, but the name was not popular. When the town was incorporated, it was renamed Asheville, honoring Governor Samuel Ashe. In a few years there was noticeable growth in the village and as the only town west of the Blue Ridge, it acquired a post office in 1801, with �164 / Chapter Ten Jeremiah Cleveland as postmaster. In 1806 Asheville was made the distribution point for mail going to all parts of Western North Carolina, eastern Tennessee, to the western sections of South Carolina, and to northern Georgia. George Swain then became postmaster. The formation of Buncombe County promoted the growth of the entire region, and a steady stream of settlers entered the area through every gap in the mountains. Many of them had already taken out grants or secured them upon their arrival. Other newcomers merely picked out desirable sites for homes, felled a few trees, built their cabins, and began life in the mountains. Most of the grants were comparatively modest in size, but many enterprising North Carolinians and out-of-state settlers secured huge tracts of virgin land. Part of this was usually kept for themselves and their families, and a part of it they sold to new settlers. Since they had paid only fifty shillings per hundred acres for their lands, they were able, by selling in small tracts, to make a considerable profit. In order to sell their lands to advantage, they sometimes advertised in the eastern cities. This helped to increase the number of settlers entering North Carolina from other states. In 1795 John Brown of Lewistown, Pennsylvania, traveled through Western North Carolina. His mission was to select and purchase tracts of land for William Cathcart and George and James Latimer, eastern investors. In addition to purchases made for Cathcart and the Latimers, he succeeded in getting land for himself and for several local men whom he met during his travels. Brown meticulously kept a journal, which today is an invaluable source of information about the process of securing land grants. He wrote in detail, too, about the poor roads, the rivers he forded and reforded, the people he met, the villages through which he passed, and the "thinness" of the country. His record furnishes vivid word pictures of conditions in Western North Carolina during its pioneer days. At the same time men within the state and settlers in the counties through which Brown passed were also taking out speculation land. Among them were several members of the Davidson family, Robert Henry, Waightstill Avery, Lambert Clayton, and Ephraim George. These tracts varied in size. Perhaps the most extensive of the speculation lands was held by Tench Coxe of Philadelphia. His acres covered huge areas, both east and west of the Blue Ridge. There were others who held grants covering thousands of acres. �With Their Goods and Chattels / 165 With demands for land coming into the county seats almost daily, the county officials had difficulty in surveying, staking out, recording the transaction, and sending the necessary information to state officials. The fact that land was being sold both by the state government and by individuals and the incidence of numerous squatters caused some mistakes. Some lands were not surveyed, and some plots were never cleared with the state; therefore, vexing questions concerning land titles were in the making to plague citizens and lawyers of a later era.17 So astonishingly rapid was the influx of settlers into the opened Cherokee lands that early in the new century Colonel Robert Love and his brother, General Thomas Love, led a movement for the formation of a new county. These men had extensive holdings, one tract of which was in the area of Richland Creek, and they had built homes on the ridge above that stream. Others had settled near them. The Pigeon River community and the settlements along Crabtree, Fines, and Jonathan Creeks had likewise flourished. In their requests for a new county, these pioneers gave the same reason advanced for the establishment of Buncombe County in 1792. They declared that the distance from the courthouse in Asheville was too great for convenience at any time, and they argued that the roads were frequently, especially in the winter months, impassable. Thus an unnecessary burden was imposed upon those having to make trips to the county seat. A petition presented to the General Assembly by Thomas Love resulted in the passing of a law in December, 1808, authorizing the formation of a new mountain county from a portion of Buncombe County's western lands. The new county extended westward to the Tennessee line but was not open to white settlers beyond the Meigs-Freeman survey line of 1803. Robert Love donated the site for the courthouse and a lot for a church, and he suggested that the new town be named Waynesville, in honor of General Anthony Wayne, under whom Love had served in the Revolutionary War. The county was named Haywood in honor of John Hay wood, treasurer of North Carolina. By 1810 the settled part of the country west of the Blue Ridge had already reached the Cherokee boundary.18 Western North Carolina gained still another mountain county to the north when in 1799 Ashe was created by an act of the General Assembly. It was named for Samuel Ashe and the county seat, Jefferson, was a reminder to its citizens of the author of the Declaration of Independence. �C H A P T E R E L E V E N Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living J^ike the settlers east of the Blue Ridge, those crossing the mountains represented many European stocks. There were those of English descent like the Mills family, and many German names coming from Pennsylvania or directly from Europe appearing among the mountain settlers, including Shook, Gooch, or Weaver. In addition, the settlers of Dutch Cove from the Yadkin Valley were largely of German descent. There were Irish, like the Pattons, and Welsh families with names like Williams and Welsh. A few of the mountain people were of French extraction, and there were many Scotch-Irish, giving the region its dozens of names beginning with Mac. Entering the mountain area from the earlier settlements in Burke, Rutherford, and Wilkes Counties, from Virginia and Pennsylvania, from South Carolina, and from the Watauga Settlements, these pioneers were, on the whole, young men, single or with their wives and small children. Some of these new arrivals had been trained in the ways of pioneer life since childhood, and all of them came with an optimism based upon a faith in the future of the new country. Many of them had the ability, the personality, and the qualities of leadership that would enable them to mold the trends of events and thus to justify the faith of all. As they set about developing a 166 �Weaving a Homespun Pattern oj Living / 167 way of life compatible with their mountain surroundings, the days must have been adventurous, often exciting, and sometimes dangerous, but always hard. Behind them these men and women had left whatever conveniences and cultural advantages they had enjoyed, and individually as pioneers and collectively as communities, they were faced with building a social structure where none existed. Each man's immediate concern upon arriving at his tract of land was the building of his home. In most cases that meant first the task of clearing a suitable spot near a stream. The forest was boundless, and with so much clearing of fields awaiting his axe, a man could not dawdle over the construction of a house to shelter his family. If a dwelling could be made warm and safe, it would do until the head of the household had the time to enlarge it or to build a bigger one. As a result, the first houses were almost unbelievably small. Often only twelve or fourteen by sixteen or eighteen feet, they were one or two-roomed buildings made from the logs of trees felled on the spot and notched into position for the walls. The top log was split and smoothed, and on it rested the roof of split logs, notched and held into place by poles or stones. The floors were of rough puncheon or even, in some cases, merely the ground that soon packed into firmness. The walls and roofs of some of the cabins were high enough to allow for a loft, which was reached by means of cleats notched to the wall or by pegs below the ''scuttle hole." This loft became a storage place, sleeping quarters, usually for the older children, and on occasion served as a vantage post from which to shoot at prowling Cherokees. Some lofts, like that in the home of Zebulon Baird on the east side of the French Broad River, were equipped with gun holes.1 The one or two windows of the cabin were without glass, but puncheon shutters, hung by wooden pegs or hinges, provided protection against the elements and enemies. One end of each cabin was well taken up with the fireplace, used for both heating and cooking. It was constructed of stones mortared into place with clay. Clay or any available mud from the creek banks, mixed with pebbles and stones and even with twigs, also provided the chinking between the logs of the walls. The result of the pioneer's carpentry was rarely artistic, but it was sturdy and warm. 2 The furniture for his cabin was also the work of the pioneer's own hands. Often in those early years the beds were bunks against the wall, sometimes attached to it with pegs. Over them the housewife could put her feather beds if she were fortunate enough �168 / Chapter Eleven BOB LINDSEY PHOTO, ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE The Vance Home (restored): This house, large for that time, was built by Colonel David Vance about 1795. It has a sitting room and three bedrooms in two stories and a one-story kitchen. Here David's grandson, Zebulon Baird Vance, was born on May 13, 1830. This house has been the home of five outstanding members of the Vance family. to be allowed to bring them from the east. If not, after the first crop, she could have straw or husk mattresses, and until that time she made out with grass or reed mattresses. Buffalo and deerskin made the bed clothing, and the bunks served as seats during the daytime. The children in the loft slept on husk-filled pallets or on animal skins on the floor. Tables and chairs, which were only backless stools fashioned according to the husband's skill, completed the simple household effects. A mantel and some storage space on the fireplace wall sometimes added to the housewife's convenience. Over the door, suspended on two forked sticks pegged to the wall, was the ever ready rifle. It was handily placed and out of reach of the children. As soon as possible a crib or cradle was made for the baby. The pioneer's farming and household tools were likewise meager. He brought into the wilderness his flint-lock, long-barreled rifle, his hunting knife, his axe, possibly an adz or a froe, and a few plough shares, together with some pot hooks and the seeds for his first crop. �Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living / 169 The lady of the house usually had a scanty supply of "store" cloth, an iron kettle and a pot or two, an inadequate supply of pewter dishes and knives, a few spoons and forks, and sometimes a spinning wheel. Frequently she guarded a small "library," which typically included a copy of the Bible and an almanac. Perhaps in a small chest she cherished a little assortment of family heirlooms. The frontier couple brought or purchased from earlier settlers a horse or two, a cow, and a few hogs.3 After his home and possibly a nearby barn had been completed, the pioneer turned his attention to clearing the land. With the tools he had, he grubbed out tangled shrubs and underbrush and girdled the trees so that they would die in a couple of years. In the first year or so he planted his corn among the girdled trees, now leafless, fertilizing the crop by the Indian method of putting a fish in each corn hill. When the trees were dead, he felled them with the help of one or more of the neighboring settlers, saving some of the logs for fuel and for building. The surplus—oak, hickory, ash, walnut—was dragged to a convenient spot to be burned. A garden plot also demanded attention and was early cleared near the cabin. It fell to the wife's lot to tend the beans, potatoes, onions, and other vegetables grown there for the family's food supply. Besides corn, as the land was cleared, the pioneer raised crops of wheat, rye, oats, and some tobacco. As he built up his herd of cattle, he used the nearby hillsides for his grazing grounds and let his hogs roam at will to fatten on the wild nuts. Bells were attached to the cows and hogs were marked with an ownership symbol. The settler usually planned to raise a sufficient number of horses to supply him with the needed farm animals and with a means of transportation to markets. Some of the settlers used oxen, and in time oxen became the beasts of burden on all farms. These pioneers, no matter what else they were, were farmers, and for the first few years of their lives in the mountains, they were all subsistence farmers. 4 Still, the mountain settlers enjoyed a self-sufficient economy. Food was plentiful, and the pioneer's rifle, used with superb marksmanship, kept the family larder supplied with meat and fowl. The stream rippling past the house offered refrigeration and was a never-failing source of choice fish. The meadow furnished an abundance of "greens" in the early spring and a carpet of strawberries in their season. Bee trees yielded honey, and the woods offered a variety of nuts. Many kinds of wild herbs and �170 / Chapter Eleven APPALACHIAN NATIONAL PARKS ASSOCIATION COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY When building a new house, a settler often kept his earlier house as a storage place or a bam. Back of this farmstead the lofty Craggies rise. roots were gathered yearly for the home remedies so vital to a doctorless country. During those first years, the corn was ground at home by means of a stone or wooden mortar and pestle, and the many products of the garden were dried for winter use. The cows gave their milk, and the spring or creek insured a constant supply of drinking water. For some years wild game from the surrounding forests supplied the settlers of Western North Carolina with much of their clothing. Deerskins became buckskin leggings, trousers, and shirts for the men and sometimes provided skirts for the women. Animal hides became shoes and moccasins for the entire family. As time went on, many of the settlers built up a flock of sheep and raised a field or two of flax. Then the men made hand looms, and the women spent the winter afternoons spinning and weaving �Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living / 111 linsey-woolsey cloth for the family's wardrobes and for the fine coverlets for their beds. If the women worked in the evenings, they did so by the light of the fire or of pine torches, or by the flickering light of home made beef tallow candles. Occasionally some pioneer woman would possess a lamp of iron molded in a cup shape in which floated a wick saturated in hog lard. In all the phases of their living, mountain pioneers were repeating the experiences of earlier settlers in the piedmont areas. They were continuing and extending the life style of their friends and kin folk in the newly created counties of Burke and Rutherford and Wilkes just east of the Blue Ridge.5 At rare intervals the pioneer went to market on horseback. East of the Blue Ridge and in the northern mountain section that meant a trip to Morganton or to Rutherfordton. West of the Blue Ridge it might mean a journey to Waynesville and often to Asheville. There the Bairds took the furs and hides from the pioneer's hunting and trapping and possibly a few hog or deer hams in exchange for salt, sugar, a few tools, or bars of iron. A bit of coffee and a tew yards of *'store" cloth for his wife and daughters also made the return trip. The furs and hides and hams the merchants would in turn take to Augusta or to Charleston on their next trip, exchanging them for the supplies needed by the early settlers. Almost nothing except taxes was paid for in money, for specie was scarce throughout the state, especially in the frontier areas. When money was mentioned, however, it was in terms of English coins. It was not until 1809 that the General Assembly authorized the counties to keep their records in terms of American currency. Some of the coins appearing in Western North Carolina up to that date were English, but there was a sprinkling of French coins and even more Spanish doubloons and pieces of eight. In hhjournal, for example, John Brown recorded the constant difficulty of exchanging the currency he had brought from Pennsylvania into pieces of eight. Entry takers often refused to make the exchange.6 As had been the case with the earlier settlers in the Catawba and Broad River sections, protection was every mountain settler's concern, and those pioneers living in isolated coves or along small streams had to be prepared for sudden attacks from bands of Cherokees. Each member of the tamily was taught to use a rifle and learned where to seek a hiding place in case of need. When forewarned, those living in the neighborhood ot a block house or fort fled to a previously �172 / Chapter Eleven THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. ^4/ier a community or farm forge was set up, the settler had improved farm implements, and the kitchen fireplace—always a busy spot—was well equipped. The one shown above is in the restored Vance home. designated one for safety. After 1783 there was no Cherokee "war" against the white settlements, but some native Americans, on the pretense of hunting, remained a constant menace. For instance, John Burton's miller, having crossed the French Broad River searching for his cow, was killed by a lurking Cherokee.7 Several times the William Mills family �Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living / 173 narrowly escaped death by reaching the fort at Point Lookout before the pursuing Indians.8 There were far too many instances in which several family members became victims of a surprise attack by prowling Indians.9 To protect the clusters of settlements, to prevent massacres in remote districts, and to instill in the Cherokees the fear of organized retaliation, the settlers worked out a system of patrols. Each appointed armed watchman covered a six-mile territory. Block houses or tiny log forts were erected at intervals along the French Broad River and at other strategic spots, such as Point Lookout, to which besieged families could go. Some individuals built forts at their homes, like the one constructed shortly after 1787 by Captain William Moore, probably the first white settler west of the French Broad River. His fort, which served as protection for his own family and tor the families that came into the Hominy Creek region, stood on or near the present Sand Hill Road just east of the Enka Corporation plant. John Brown, in Asheville, noted that the settlers kept "near Sixty men out about seven miles distant from the Town in small garrisons to Prevent the Indians trom come ing in on them [sic]."10 In case of need, the patrols, covering their districts on horseback, could have the assistance of the local militia. North Carolina's militia, during the Revolutionary War, had been a signal factor in quelling the English-sympathizing Cherokees. It had also been instrumental in driving the British armies from the state. Now, in 1793, it was divided into four divisions. These in turn were marked into districts, each to organize a brigade made up of freemen and apprentices eighteen years of age and over. On both sides of the Blue Ridge, Western North Carolina men, most of whom were veterans of the late war, gladly accepted the call. They furnished their own muskets, powder horns, and shotpouches, and without the benefit of uniforms they attended called drills known as Exercises. Calls for active duty were responded to, and once a year at places designated by law or by the commanding officers, this self-made militia attended a review or inspection and recruiting ceremony known as Muster Day. This military organization, made up of seasoned soldiers, did much to maintain a state of peace between the settlers and the native American.11 One of the things that separates civilized man from his less �/I n E^rly Ferry: Transportation for men and theirfarm products was long a problem in the mountain communities. Until bridges were built over streams, ferries, like this one on the French Broad River near Asheville, served settlers both east and west of the Blue Ridge. developed ancestors and contemporaries is a system ot transportation in which roads play an essential part. Simple trails had first served the buffalo, the deer, and later the Cherokee on his hunting and raiding expeditions. These footpaths had been firmly packed into trading paths by the hooves of thousands of pack horses. They brought early settlers into the "back country," then to the foothills of the Blue Ridge, and at last across the mountains. During the peak years of this westward migration into the mountain valleys and coves, hundreds of pioneers trudged over the old paths carrying their possessions in bundles. Thousands of others rode over them on horseback with their personal effects in their saddle bags or on a pack horse or two or, in a few cases, on a crude sled or "stone boat" pulled by a patient horse or ox. But ambitious pioneers had visions of roads over which they might use wagons in procuring needed supplies and in transporting their products to Virginia or to South Carolina markets. These visions became realities amazingly early. True, "waggon road" was more often than not a polite term for a steep, twisting, narrow, boulder-filled trail over the mountains and along the streams, yet over such trails, by near-miraculous combinations of good weather, back-breaking efforts, perseverance, and luck or destiny, determined teamsters sometimes succeeded in keeping their wagons reasonably intact and mobile. As early as 1753 the Moravian "Brethern," arriving to build Bethabara, had actually negotiated a wagon, considered the first, over the Pennsylvania Road, a feat that had made burdensome every foot of the five hundred miles. On some of �Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living / 175 the steep inclines, it had been necessary to take the wagon apart and carry it piecemeal up the mountain, while on the equally steep descents it had been necessary to lock two wheels and to hang a log on behind to act as a brake.12 For many years, mountain pioneers were to repeat these experiences. The first established route across the Blue Ridge was undoubtedly the one used by Boone. From his home on the Yadkin he made early trips west by crossing the range at Cook's Gap and going across the site of Boone to Hodge's Gap, then skirting the base of Rich Mountain to the present Silverstone. Then, by following a buffalo trail, he passed between the present Zionville, North Carolina, and Trade, Tennessee. This Boone trail has been marked by six markers.13 A later road scaled the Blue Ridge at McKinney or Gillespie Gap and, following the North Toe River, crossed Yellow Mountain or went over a gap between Yellow and Roan Mountains and on to the Watauga Settlements. New and trail-like as this route must have been in 1771, it was used by James Robertson and the sixteen Wake County families that he escorted to the western .settlements. It is thought that this group took their belongings in wagons, and it is certain that the later Bright's Trail, making use of this older road which crossed over the gap between Yellow and Roan Mountains, was known as a wagon road. In 1774 Daniel Boone and eight companions, in preparation for Henderson's Transylvania colony in Kentucky, hacked out the Wilderness Road. When the settlers went over it a few months later, they took supplies by wagon train as far as the Cumberland Mountains.14 To the southwest the enterprising Baird Brothers—Zebulon and Bedent—in 1793 succeeded in getting a wagon and supplies over the forbidding Saluda Mountain and on to Buncombe Courthouse where they set up their merchandizing business. Two years later, presumably the worse for their mountain wear, two wagons rumbled into White's Ford, now Knoxville, having achieved the feat of scaling Saluda Mountain and the almost equally difficult feat of passing down the French Broad River gorge.15 As communities developed in the western mountain sections of Burke and Rutherford Counties, settlers laid out roads ot a sort connecting the two counties and linking the homes of prominent citizens. Some of these were somewhat figuratively called wagon roads, and Reem's Creek boasted a "waggon �176 / Chapter Eleven ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE Early settlers lightened their dawn-to-dark labor with home-made appliances. Here the farmer uses a sled—called a sledge—to transport his heavy implements and other burdens about the farm. ford." When Buncombe County was created, roads were the chief, immediate concern of the new government. On the second day of the first court ever held in North Carolina west �Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living / 177 of the Blue Ridge, the problem of roads was taken up, and soon provisions were made for roads to a forge, to outlying sections of the county, and across gaps to markets. State subsidizing of roads was still far in the future, and the mountain counties both east and west of the Blue Ridge worked out a system of road construction and maintenance. The highway was marked off into sections with one man assigned to oversee the construction and upkeep of each section. His crew consisted of "warned in" citizens, ordered by the county court to work a certain number of days. During the early settlement period when roads were desperately needed and when the lack of them might mean failure to his mountain venture, each settler responded wholeheartedly to the county's call for road duty. The system later broke down. But for the area west of the Blue Ridge a tremendous step forward had been accomplished when a usable wagon road over Saluda Gap allowed incoming settlers to bring their belongings by wagon to their new homes.16 Until the first quarter of the new century was ending, however, roads continued to be the stumbling block to all progress in Western North Carolina. All travelers to the area who left records take up much letter, diary, or journal space in lamenting the hardships endured on the roads over which they had entered the region. The road linking Asheville with the Hominy Creek settlement and with the Richland Creek and Pigeon River groups farther west was scarcely worthy to be so called. Its wretched condition, especially during much ot the winter, was an eloquent argument for the formation of another western county. Most of the roads followed the streams. As was true in many places along the French Broad River northwest ot Asheville, a gorge frequently closed in to the river bank. This necessitated fording and refording the stream or traveling some distance by means of side fords, that is, with the wheels of one or of both sides of the wagon in the stream bed. The rocks and boulders made both types of stream travel hazardous. Bishop Francis Asbury, for instance, on his way from Tennessee to Asheville on Thursday, November 3, 1800, tried riding in a chaise. Before he reached Paint Rock, just south of the Tennessee line, he was so exhausted from bouncing over the rocks that he abandoned the carriage for his horse. It was lucky that he did, for shortly thereafter the "roan horse reeled" and �178 / Chapter Eleven fell, taking the light carriage with him. It landed bottomside up and became wedged against a sapling. As Bishop Asbury and the driver struggled to right the chaise, they saw a woman spreading the water-soaked garments and bedding of her family about on the rocks to dry. Her husband was laboring in the river to retrieve his upset wagon. The following Sunday, the Bishop again attempted riding a chaise, this time from the Daniel Killian home north of Asheville to William Forster's house in the present Biltmore, a distance of some five miles. Again he gave up the carriage for his more reliable horse, and that night he recorded in his Journal: "This mode of conveyance by no means suits the roads of this wilderness; we were obliged to keep one behind the carriage with a strap to hold by and prevent accidents almost continually."17 Yet wagons were being used, and Asbury mentions that Phillip Smith of Asheville made wagons, as well as shoes for men and horses, saddles, and hats.18 Between 1800 and 1814 Bishop Asbury made almost yearly trips up the French Broad Road, through the various communities surrounding the Buncombe County courthouse, and down Saluda Mountain into South Carolina. After the ordeal of getting from one preaching point to another and after the agony of descending the mountain barrier, the Bishop said farewell to Western North Carolina with relief. In 1802 he wrote that in getting down Saluda Mountain he "used time, patience, labor, and two sticks." In the next year Asbury recorded: "Once more I have escaped from filth, fleas, rattlesnakes, hills, mountains, rocks, and rivers; farewell western world for a while!"19 Except for the hardships imposed by the more mountainous terrain, transportation conditions were scarcely better in the older counties of Burke and Rutherford and Wilkes. The ancient Indian trail from near the present Pickens, South Carolina, passed through Rutherfordton and near Morganton and on to the headwaters of Linville River and thence west to the present Boone and into Tennessee. This trail continued to be a main artery of travel.20 Roads going east were practically nonexistent, and the products of this rich valley region went largely to South Carolina markets. From time to time the counties laid out new roads or repaired older ones, but they were always poorly kept and frequently next to impassable. River transportation in this area �Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living / 179 just east of the Blue Ridge was necessarily stressed, and settlers living along the prongs of the Broad River were required to keep the streams navigable for small, flat-bottomed boats. Downstream the freight was reloaded onto larger boats bound for Columbia and other South Carolina river ports. In fact, so economically essential were the river highways that several "artificial towns" along streams were authorized by the General Assembly. Attempts were made by companies to build planned villages such as Burr on the Broad River and Jefferson on "Main Broad River". But all these attempts failed, for the settlers were basically farmers.21 Until well into the new century, the county seats were mere clusters of cabins, housing a few hundred citizens who were also farmers. Their salable products, after transportation costs were deducted, brought scarcely enough to pay for the needed but highpriced supplies. The area was forced to raise or make what was needed or go without. Uncomfortable as traveling was, Francis Asbury made his difficult yearly pilgrimages to this frontier because, as he said, "My soul felt for these neglected people."22 Many years later another missionary characterized the mountain dwellers as "an interesting population in great spiritual destitution."23 It is estimated that in 1790 not more than one person in thirty in North Carolina was a member of any church; there were only fourteen to fifteen thousand church members in the entire state. Of the Protestant denominations, the Baptists, with ninety-four churches, had by far the largest membership. Followers of John Wesley's Methodism had suffered during the Revolution because of the faith's English origin. Yet in 1784 Francis Asbury and Thomas Coke were ordained as bishops in the newly formed Methodist Church of America. After holding their first Conference near Louisburg, they began their missionary journeys that extended from Maine to Georgia. Flocking into the back country, the Scotch-Irish brought with them the Presbyterianism of John Knox, and in 1788 there were twenty-eight Presbyterian ministers preaching in the state.24 The Scotch-Irish Presbyterians in both Burke and Rutherford Counties early organized churches, the first in the area being the Westminster or Brittain Church in Rutherford County. Its congregation of twenty members was organized in 1768, probably by the Reverend Daniel Thatcher. That same year a church building was erected, the first house of worship west of the Catawba River; it became the first of three successive Brittain �180 / Chapter Eleven Churches, two of them on that site. This little church wielded a wide influence and became the "Mother Church "of Presbyterian congregations both east and west of the Blue Ridge. Established later than the Brittain Church but before 1784, the Quaker Meadows Presbyterian Church was organized in Burke County.25 However, adherents to this denomination had for some time held meetings in the homes of settlers. In 1794 the Reverend James Hall and the Reverend Joseph D. Kilpatrick held a series of meetings in the Bee Tree settlement. As a result a Presbyterian congregation was formed there along with another in the Swannanoa community, and a third in the Reems Creek settlement. At Bee Tree the first church building southwest of the Blue Ridge was erected. It was a log structure known as the Robert Patton Meeting House. After 1797 Reverend George Newton, the first resident Presbyterian minister in the area, preached to all three congregations and to one organized near Cane Creek. In additon to his preaching duties he taught at Union Hill School, later to become Union Academy and still later, Newton Academy. The Swannanoa congregation eventually became the Asheville Presbyterian Church.26 Benjamin Miller, a Baptist minister, was holding meetings in homes along the upper Yadkin River in 1755 and learned that itinerant preachers of his denomination had preceded him. By 1760 a little log church building was serving a newly organized Baptist group in that area, and in 1777 a Baptist Church was organized farther west. It was called Mullberry Fields Church and was erected at the site of the present Wilkesboro. In 1779 Beaver Creek Baptist Church was organized in Wilkes County, and King Creek Church was built in what was to become Caldwell County.27 By then itinerant ministers of this faith were entering various sections of the counties just east of the mountains, and in 1785 the Bills Creek Baptist Church was built in Rutherford County, followed two years later by the Mountain Creek Church. All of these small churches led to the formation of new congregations; and when in 1800 the Broad River Baptist Association was formed, it included not only these congregations, but also the Green's Creek Church in what is now Polk County and three Baptist churches in Burke County.28 Leaving the Yadkin churches, Baptist ministers crossed the mountains on horseback by means of the old Boone Trail as soon as settlers took up land in the river valleys along the Watauga and Toe Rivers. In the valley viewed almost forty years earlier by �Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living / 181 Spangenberg and considered by him as a favorable site for an Indian mission, a little log meeting house was built in 1790 and quite appropriately was named the Three Forks Church. Nine years later the second church in the present Watauga County was built and was known as the Cove Creek Church. These, together with the few Baptist churches in Ashe and Wilkes Counties, were members of the Yadkin Baptist Association. Over the years a succession of preachers, the first of them lay-preachers, served these widely scattered congregations.29 As the settlements moved westward, the Baptist Convention attempted to keep pace with the pioneers, and early in the new century Humphrey Posey assumed the duties of State Mission Agent for the Convention, serving without pay. In addition to teaching short terms of school in Rutherford County, Mr. Posey made missionary journeys across the mountains. With James Whittaker as his assistant, he held meetings in the Hominy Creek and Pigeon River areas, organizing a congregation that constructed a church at the site of the present Canton. It was called the Locust Old Field Baptist Church and was the source of spiritual influence throughout the new county of Hay wood. In 1817 Posey took up missionary work with the Cherokees and from stations established farther west, preached to the Indians in the western region of the state.30 During the Revolutionary War, a Methodist Circuit was formed, covering the Yadkin valley and extending west across the mountains and south to take in the Catawba area. The Reverend Andrew Yeargin traveled at least portions of this vast territory and may have been one of the first Methodist preachers to cross the Blue Ridge. About 1790 the Lincoln Methodist Circuit was formed, embracing a wide area that included Rutherford and Burke Counties. As ministers, Daniel Asbury and Jesse Richardson visited as often as possible the small churches established in the circuit. Methodism as a force in Western North Carolina developed largely, however, through the tireless efforts of Bishop Frances Asbury. By 1790 Asbury was traveling from the Yadkin valley to the Catawba and west to the mountains. Wherever there were a few scattered houses he went, holding meetings in homes or in yards. In the small county seats the court houses served as meeting places. Settlers, eager to hear religious messages and glad for the news of the outside world, welcomed Asbury into their homes. In Rutherford County his headquarters were at the home of William �182 / Chapter Eleven MARGARET MORLEY COLLECTION, N. C. DEPT. OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY As soon as water-powered mills were built along streams, the settlers laid aside their mortars and pestles and took their grain to the nearest mill to be ground into flour and meal. 31 Mills. Riding over the long, muddy miles of Rutherford, Burke, and Wilkes Counties from preaching place to preaching place, he wearily recorded in his Journal, "This is a day of small things here."32 But out of his sometimes tedious labors grew many churches, among them the Gilboa Methodist Church, the second religious congregation organized in Burke County.33 In 1793 after his journey through the counties to the east, Asbury crossed the Blue Ridge and preached to the settlers living along the Watauga River—"a neglected place," he called it. From there he followed the old road into Tennessee. In 1800 the French Broad River valley was added to his journeys, and for fourteen years he made almost yearly trips from Knoxville, Tennessee, to Asheville. From there he went to the frontier settlements farther west and through the present Henderson County, passing on into South Carolina. In 1800 the Bishop was fifty-five years old and was already suffering from the tuberculosis that in 1816 claimed his life. Yet on �Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living / 183 horseback he came, frequently dismounting to lead his horse over the steep, slippery, rock-strewn hills. He slept wherever night caught him, grateful if it might be a hunter's cabin where he could stretch out on the hard, dirt floor. Without protection he endured the beating rains of summer and the sleet and snow of winter, for he came at all seasons of the year.34 The people of Asheville crowded into the court room to hear him preach, and friends and neighbors filled the David Killian home in the Beaverdam section as well as the Forster house in the present Biltmore whenever word came that there would be a meeting. Jacob Shook, in the fine log house he erected near the Pigeon River, made a "preaching" room in the attic so that Bishop Asbury could bring the Gospel message to all who hungered for spiritual food. The home of Samuel Edney in the present Henderson County was another of the Bishop's stopping places, and on one of his trips Asbury ordained Edney "for preaching." Then during the Bishop's absence from the mountains, Edney carried on the work. As congregations were gradually formed, small Methodist churches appeared in various places west of the mountains.35 During the years of Asbury's missionary work in the area, the camp meeting movement reached Western North Carolina. This movement was a product of pioneer and frontier life. With their previous religious background, American pioneers were interested in "preachings" and gained from them not only a needed religious inspiration, but also the social satisfaction of mingling with their neighbors. Regardless of creedal concepts and convictions, whole families managed by one means or another to attend the services held irregularly by ministers passing from one frontier settlement to another. Eventually no pioneer house could accommodate the crowds (not even Jacob Shock's with its chapel), and overflow crowds filled the yards. The sensible thing, then, was to hold the meeting out-of-doors where all might see and hear. Nor was one meeting satisfactory to either minister or pioneers. These itinerant preachers, covering their vast circuits, arrived at meeting places badly in need of rest. Their return to the area was always uncertain, and for their own sake and that of the congregation they preferred to hold services in a community for a week, possibly two. The pioneers, on their part, felt the need of the preacher's message and, almost as strongly, the need of social life. Yet getting to and from the daily �184 / Chapter Eleven WORLD METHODIST ARCHIVES, JUNALUSKA Bishop Francis Asbury: Francis Asbury, the Bishop on Horseback, brought Methodism to the little settlements east of the Blue Ridge and to the Watauga Settlements. After 1800 he also visited the communities west of the Blue Ridge. On his trips he endured, as he said, "filth, fleas, rattlesnakes, hills, mountains, rocks, and rivers. "In this painting, as he travels the wilderness, he holds the open Bible. meetings held by the preacher presented a very real problem. It was solved with logic and good sense, and the camp meeting came into being. With bedding and a supply of food on a pack horse or in a wagon if he owned one, each settler took his family to the meeting or camp grounds. There, roads permitting, he joined his neighbors, and all camped out for the duration of the preacher's visit. Some member of each family rode home as often as deemed necessary to see about the chores. Between the daily services, prayer meetings and singing sessions were held, but there was still time for much visiting of neighbor with neighbor and kinsfolk and for shy courting among the young people. This type of conclave required space far greater than any yard afforded, and interested parties set aside land for campgrounds. Temporary, bough-covered shelters could be erected for the �Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living I 185 meetings, and both settlers and their wagons and horses could be accommodated. In time some of these grounds had permanent shelters.36 Bishop Asbury, passing the ."encamping places" of Methodists and Presbyterians in 1803, felt partially repaid for his strenuous missionary journeys along the French Broad River, for they made the land "look like the Holy Land/'37 The modern American is filled with respectful awe when he realizes how much his ancestors sacrificed to settle in and tame a wilderness. One of the sacrifices involved was education. Textbooks could not be taken by settlers into the ''back country" of North Carolina and certainly could not be included on the already over-laden pack horses heading westward across the mountain barrier. There was the unending task of clearing farms in a vast, forest-covered region and of making on the place practically all of the farm tools used and all of the clothing needed by a growing family. There were the additional tasks of raising and then marketing crops and of supplementing the family food supply and the exchange income with hunting and trapping. Every child in the large families was an economic asset, taking his place at an early age as a laborer in the home or in the field and woods. If a boy had an unconquerable thirst for knowledge and if there were some member of the family capable of teaching him, the lad could learn his letters at night by the light of a pine torch or a tallow candle, with the Bible and an almanac as text books. If the compelling urge was lacking or if the boy was too work-weary for evening study, he grew to manhood wise only in the ways of frontier life. He became familiar with the mountains and their wealth of vegetation and animal life. He became alert to all forms of lurking danger; he was self-reliant, and well acquainted with hard work. But frontier youth generally went without the benefits of formal education. The settlers coming to the mountains had had varying degrees of education in their youthful days, and as soon as the tiny settlements grew into communities, their leaders took steps to provide education for the children. The first schools in the Catawba and Broad River settlements were known as Old Field schools. These were subscription primary and elementary schools held in homes or in log houses. A teacher—usually a man, but occasionally a woman—taught community children, both boys and girls for a small fee per child. Terms were short and held between crop times. The tiny school buildings were crudely �186 / Chapter Eleven furnished with split log benches, an occasional fireplace, and a homemade desk and chair or stool for the teacher. A wooden water bucket and a gourd dipper completed the physical equipment. Equally meager was the teaching equipment. Whatever books the teachers or parents could procure served as texts. The beginners frequently used a modified form of the old English hornbook, a shorthandled, paddle-like board with a smooth surface on which the great and small letters were written and from which the child learned his A, B, C's. A leather thong passed through a hole bored in the handle could be slipped over the head so that the child could wear his "book." In these Old Field schools the second generation, and in some cases the third, got their first contact with formal education. Among these children was young Zebulon Vance, who attended four such schools, one of which was taught by Miss Jane Hughey.38 The churches, always advocates of education, established elementary schools as soon as practicable, their ministers serving as teachers. Then came the academies, sponsored by church groups. The first of these in Burke County was the Morgan Academy, erected in Morganton in 1783, in which the classes were taught by the Presbyterian minister and his wife.39 Rutherfordton Academy in Rutherford County followed, receiving its charter in 1800.40 But the settlers in the rural sections of these counties, as in Wilkes County, continued to depend upon a bit of teaching now and then by individuals setting up private or subscription schools. Across the Blue Ridge, the Swannanoa and Beaverdam settlements were fortunate in counting Robert Henry, a veteran of the Revolutionary War and a man of varied interests and manifold abilities, among their settlers. He opened the first school west of the Blue Ridge, attended by the pioneers' children, both boys and girls. His school became known as Union Hill School. Although necessarily handicapped by the lack of text books, Henry paved the way for the formal establishment of Union Hill Academy that provided a solid educational foundation for children of the communities. In 1797 George Newton replaced Henry, who then took up one or more of his many occupations in the pioneer town of Asheville. In July, 1803, William Forster III deeded an eight acre tract of land to the trustees of Union Hill Academy, together with the old school building, a newly constructed one, and an additional frame �Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living / 187 dwelling. The same donor later added land on which was a brick building in the process of construction. Footer's gifts called for the dedication of the land and buildings to the maintenance and furthering of the Gospel and to the teaching of a Latin and English school. The academy was reorganized by the General Assembly in 1805, and soon after that date its name was changed to Newton Academy. At one time or another practically every prominent citizen of early Asheville and the surrounding territory served as a trustee of the institution. The ambitious little academy was hard-pressed financially during those early years, and in 1810 it received permission from the General Assembly to conduct a public lottery as a means of raising funds with which to build new buildings and to establish a "Female Academy" in Asheville. The odds in the lottery were enticing, for the winner was to receive a prize of seven thousand dollars for his four dollar ticket. But the plan failed, and the outstanding tickets had to be recalled because, as the advertisement stated, there was extreme scarcity of cash, a prevalent condition both in the mountain section and in the state as a whole.41 Newton Academy somehow weathered the financial crisis and for many years gave a firm educational background to boys who were to become the second generation leaders in Western North Carolina. Some of these young men were to take their places in the political affairs of the state. Under its 1776 Constitution, North Carolina was pledged to encourage education. As a result, it established a state University, although it made no appropriations for the operation and development of the institution. Encouragement was given to elementary education by legislative permission granted to private schools and to church schools to raise money by means of lotteries or other methods considered at the time as legal. However, the day of state responsibility for carrying elementary education to the far reaches of its territory had not yet dawned. As men and women pushed beyond the villages into isolated sections, scattered communities and individuals handled the problem as best they could. Those settlers living in more or less compact communities had Old Field schools. Those in smaller settlements or in remote coves could hope for nothing beyond a bit of teaching in the homes. It was a long time before schools reached these places, and when they did, the little log buildings were poorly equipped, books �188 / Chapter Eleven were few, and the terms were pitifully short. Through the fault of no one, the second generation of remote mountain people—those whose childhoods were spent in Western North Carolina—gave an upward swing to the state's already high rate of illiteracy ,42 In a few years the differences in available opportunity to mountain settlers became apparent, differences largely due to location, ironically enough, often a matter of only a few miles. That difference was destined to increase and to encompass every phase of life during the first third of the nineteenth century as distinct social groups evolved and as a degree of progress and prosperity came to the more accessible communities. �C H A P T E R T W E L V E Boundaries and Western Leadership ven in colonial times boundary lines were bones of contention between North Carolina and Virginia to the north and between North Carolina and South Carolina to the south. The dissensions arising from real and fancied infringements on one colony's territory by another often became prolonged and bitter. Both of the neighboring colonies laid claim to a narrow east-west strip of land along the unsurveyed boundary, and both granted settlement rights within it to westward moving pioneers. Some of these settlers, unsure of their allegiance, voted in both colonies, and dodged the tax levied by each. Overlapping land grants gave rise to inflamed feelings, and local friction and feuds wasted the energies of the newly arrived settlers and led to a state of continual confusion which at times flared into violence. Under such conditions economic progress in the border areas was impossible. As Western North Carolina was opened to white settlers, these boundary problems were extended into the mountain area. Here they were complicated by the shifting Cherokee boundaries and by the conflicting claims of North Carolina and Georgia over their common line—claims that, at the turn of the century, led to what was locally called the "Walton War." 189 �190 / Chapter Twelve Virginia and North Carolina took the first practical step in solving their differences when in 1728 a commission made up of representatives from each colony surveyed the area from "north of Currituck river or inlet" westward. When the men had gone fifty miles west of any white settlements, the North Carolina commissioners, feeling it a needless expense to continue through an uninhabited wilderness and having neither an interest in the hardships arising from the surveying task ahead nor in the companionship of the Virginians, returned home. But William Byrd II, the leading spirit in the Virginia group, foresaw the coming of settlers in perhaps ten years. He and his surveyors pushed on westward until from a hill they caught sight of wave after wave of distant blue mountains. At that point they set up their marker and went home, 233 miles from the coast.1 In 1749, with the arrival of the settlers envisioned by Byrd, a joint commission representing the two colonies extended the survey. Still another joint commission in 1779, this time representing both states, surveyed the common boundary to about the site of the present city of Bristol. While they did much to establish settled, normal conditions along North Carolina's northern boundary, these surveys could not entirely banish the trouble, for the surveys themselves could not always be accurate. Moreover, the incoming settlers could not always locate the boundary markers, especially those on trees, and the survey could not keep pace with the westward migration. 2 It was for these reasons that one of the Watauga pioneers, running his own line, discovered that he and many of his neighbors with land grants from Virginia had actually settled and cleared land in North Carolina. It was also revealed that they were beyond the line of demarcation established between white and native American country by the order of King George. Since to the settlers vacating the region now was unthinkable and since they must have protection, the Watauga Association, as related in an earlier chapter, made a land treaty with the Cherokees and petitioned the General Assembly of North Carolina to be recognized as a county of that state. When in 1789 North Carolina ceded its western lands to the Republic, the boundary line was designated to start on the crest of Stone Mountain where it is intersected by the boundary line of Virginia, and the line was to follow that mountain to the place where the Watauga River flows through it. From there it was to go to the top of Yellow Mountain, along its crest to Iron �Boundaries and Western Leadership / 191 Mountain, and then along its crest to the Nolichuky River; from there it was to go to the crest of the Great Iron or Smoky Mountains, thence to the crest of the Unicoi range, and thus to the southern border of the state. After the formation of the state of Tennessee from the ceded land, each commonwealth appointed a commission to work jointly in surveying the common boundary. That group included Colonel David Vance, General Joseph McDowell, and Major Mussendine Matthews as commissioners for North Carolina and Robert Henry and John Strother as surveyors. They ran the line in 1799 from the point where Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee met along the designated ranges to Paint Rock. Later the survey would be completed.3 The last clause in the boundary line description as designated in the Cession Act gave rise to a dispute between North Carolina and its western neighbor. Tennessee held that there was no crest or main ridge of the Unicoi range west of the Hiwassee River and that a range east of that river was therefore the true boundary. This claim, contrary to the intent of those formulating the Act, would mean that North Carolina would lose a valuable strip of western territory. Inhis Memoir on Internal Affairs in 1819 Archibald Murphey urged a speedy settlement of that dispute. After the Cherokee treaty of 1819, by which the native Americans relinquished land south and west of the point at which the survey had halted, another joint commission of the two states began where the stone marker had been set up on the Cataloochee trail in 1799 and ran the survey to the Georgia line. James Mebane, Montford Stokes, and Robert Love were North Carolina's representatives on this commission, and the work was completed in 1821. The boundary line thus established was accepted by both states; yet a small area known as the "Rainbow" country at the head of Tellico Creek later caused litigation between the two states and was not settled until well into the twentieth century.4 The long period of dissension between the two Carolinas over their common boundary led to charges and countercharges by each state against the other and against certain governors. By 1772, however, an extension of the survey earlier made in the eastern section was carried on by a joint commission representing the two colonies, although the results were most unsatisfactory to North Carolina. A part of the trouble stemmed from the extremely irregular boundary line that jogged to the north in order to include the Catawba Indian lands in South Carolina. �192 / Chapter Twelve According to this survey, however, the line through the western Cherokee country was to be the thirty-fifth degree of parallel. But that strip, surveyed later, also caused dissension.5 At the close of the Revolutionary War, South Carolina ceded its western lands, a narrow strip just below the North Carolina border, to the new Republic. Settlers from Georgia entered the area as soon as it was cleared of Indians, but they were without any state protection and petitioned South Carolina to be included in that state. No action was taken. In ceding its western lands to the federal government, Georgia asked for this territory, lying between its border and that of North Carolina. Congress complied, and Georgia created the county of Walton out of it. According to the Georgia surveyors, the northern boundary of this strip of land was north of the mouth of the Mills River, and the county extended some twelve miles into what are now Transylvania and Jackson Counties in North Carolina. By 1803 it was estimated that this area had eight hundred inhabitants, some of them from Georgia, some from South Carolina, and some from North Carolina, which likewise claimed the region and had granted land to settlers entering it. Trouble arose between the "Walton Men" and the North Carolinians, considered squatters by the Georgians. But the Carolina pioneers were not to be driven from their claims, and for a few years there was enough bloodshed in the newly created county to warrant the term "Walton War." In 1808 Georgia sent a memorial to Congress saying that North Carolina was infringing on its territory. Since Congress took no action, the two states appointed commissioners to locate the thirty-fifth parallel through the area. This survey revealed that the entire strip of disputed land was north of that parallel and had never actually belonged either to South Carolina or to the federal government. Nor did it now belong to Georgia. In spite of a protest from Georgia and a second memorial to Congress asking that another survey be made, the work of this joint committee stood. Georgia continued to keep the county organization it had set up, however, and North Carolina sent a militia into the region to oust the Georgia officers. The tacit state of war that had existed now broke into open conflict, and two skirmishes took place, one two miles southeast of the present Brevard and the other on land now occupied by the Ecusta Plant. At both of these clashes lives were lost and some prisoners taken by the North Carolina militia. These were taken to Morganton, but their ultimate fate is not �Boundaries and Western Leadership / 193 known. Georgia, perforce, abolished the county of Walton, and North Carolina set about restoring order in the region that had for some years been an "orphan strip." As such, the area had been infested with refugees from justice and outlaws who had been a constant menace to the property and even to the lives of the settlers in the region.6 It was necessary to survey the boundary designated in the treaty of 1798 between the territory opened to white settlers and the Cherokee lands. Although surveys for this purpose were made earlier, the federal government did not pronounce the line as established until 1803. In that year the third survey (made the previous year by J. Meigs, commissioner, and Thomas Freeman, surveyor) was approved. From a designated point already surveyed in the Smokies, the line was drawn to run southeast. It passed about a mile and a half east of the present Sylva, thence to the headwaters of Little River in the present Transylvania County, and then to the state line. This survey accomplished what the other two had failed to do—to work little hardship to either whites or Cherokees. By it no white family was left in Cherokee country, and the fewest possible Cherokees were left in white territory. This MeigsFreeman line of demarcation was destined to play an important part in the counties through which it ran; since surveys were frequently inaccurate, land grants and deeds described the location of plots in relation to this government established line. The new boundary also gave rise to innumerable law suits, for after 1819, when the Cherokees moved farther west, the markings on the survey route were not kept visible. In some areas questions arose involving its actual location. These questions were not idle ones, for the authenticity of many a farm boundary was at stake. It has been estimated that at one time a third of all the deeds of Transylvania County lands depended upon the Meigs-Freeman line.7 Dividing lines between states and national lines of demarcation did not comprise all of the boundary troubles that plagued Western North Carolina. Counties, formed in rapid succession in the mountain region from 1808 to 1861, were created from older counties. Some were made up of sections from two or more counties. Each act creating a county designated its boundary, but the boundary, or certain sections of it, frequently proved unacceptable to the new county or to the old county or to both. Appeals to the General Assembly resulted in acts making �194 / Chapter Twelve boundary adjustments. These acts were numerous, often several for each county. In fact, Ashe County, in attaining its present boundary, required twenty-three such acts.8 By 1812 the attention of the settlers in Western North Carolina was sharply, although somewhat unwillingly, called to national affairs. There were disturbing episodes of impressment of American sailors into the English navy, incidents of seizure of American ships, and interference in American trade by both. England and France. General dissatisfaction was also aroused by the passage of the Embargo Act of 1807 and by the later Alien and Sedition Laws. All of these factors led to a struggle in Congress for war against one or the other—the extremists said both—of the offending European nations. Led by the young members known as "War Hawks," the congressional fight culminated in June, 1812, with the declaration of war against England. Far from the coastal areas, with no exports involved in the hazards run by the American merchant marine and busy with more immediate problems, the Western North Carolina settlers showed little interest in this war. Although men from every county enlisted for service, there were no mass enlistments from the area. Indeed, the counties just east of the Blue Ridge had as yet not recovered from the ravages of the Revolutionary War, which there had assumed the nature of a civil war. The depredations made by the troops of both Cornwallis and Ferguson in that war had brought destrucion of much property and intense suffering to hundreds of pioneers. These people had little zest for another war. North Carolina was at once assigned a quota of some seven thousand men, however, to be organized into eight companies. These were recruited largely from volunteers from the various counties. But in 1814 a call came for an additional seven thousand men. This quota was made up almost entirely by draft. 9 The Western North Carolina counties furnished their quota of these men although most of them saw little if any action. They had been called primarily to aid in quelling the Creek Indians, urged by British agents to take the warpath against the Americans. General Andrew Jackson was in charge of the Creek campaign, and the North Carolina contingent was sent to join his forces. But it reached him after his decisive victory of Horse Shoe Bend, in which a company of Cherokee volunteers had been of service in bringing him victory and in which the Cherokee leader Junaluska had saved the American general's life. The North Carolina soldiers were then called back to their state. But the volunteers �Boundaries and Western Leadership / 195 from the state in Jackson's forces went with him to New Orleans.10 The period of national prosperity that followed the close of the Second War with England was short lived everywhere in North Carolina and was utterly non-existent in the western counties. The financial panic of 1819 was later to affect the entire state. For the two decades after the Euro-American peace treaty was signed, however, other states began turning their attention to their own internal improvements and their economic progress. North Carolina, in contrast, was strangely apathetic. In fact, so few signs of progress were visible along any line that the state received the derogatory nickname of the "Rip Van Winkle State." Several factors contributed to this static condition in the progress being made by the nation as a whole. Lack of harbors made North Carolina export trade a mere trickle, while lack of an east-west highway continued to divert the products of the piedmont region and the mountain area to adjoining states. Adjoining states thus reaped the profits to be gained and in exchange sent their own products into North Carolina. High transportation rates made these imports costly and discouraged farmers from raising more than they could consume. At this time, moreover, agriculture was practically the only occupation of the people.11 In Western North Carolina some farms along the rivers east of the Blue Ridge were large enough to warrant slave labor. But the census of 1790 showed that even in that area slaves made up a small percentage of the population. For example, in Rutherford County in 1790 only 164 of the county's 1,136 families owned slaves, and even in 1830 out of a population of practically 14,000, the county had only 3,500 Negroes.12 In the newer and more westerly counties a few owners of extensive lands worked their fields with slave labor. Robert Love of Haywood County owned at least a hundred slaves, and James McConnel Smith of Buncombe County worked seventy-five slaves on each of two of his farms.13 Other men living in the fertile mountain valleys found it profitable to own slaves, but they were the exceptions. Most of the settlers neither owned nor could afford to own slaves, although some, especially those living in the towns and villages, might have an occasional house servant. The Negro population in the mountains was, therefore, almost negligible.14 �196 / Chapter Twelve During the first two decades of the nineteenth century there were no factories in the state with the exception of one small cotton mill erected in 1816 in Lincoln County, some scattered iron works, and three paper mills. In practically all parts of the state the people continued raising the food they ate and making the tools they used and the clothes they wore, fortunate if there was a sufficient surplus of products to exchange for the bare necessities not available in their immediate communities. Every Tar Heel, east or west, objected to taxes in any form, and during this period the state had an annual income so small that its yearly expenditures could not exceed $132,000. Most of this amount was required to pay governmental expenses, and when it came to needed improvements, the treasury was chronically in the dire condition of Mother Hubbard's cupboard. In other words, North Carolina trailed other states in social projects while it topped them all in illiteracy.15 Adding to the depressing governmental impasse was the constantly intensifying struggle between East and West. As settlers pushed westward and mountain counties were formed, their representatives to the General Assembly sponsored legislation favorable to their section. North Carolina, after 1815, was a one-party state, with the Republicans (that is, the Jeffersonian Democrats) in control. But the gulf between eastern and western members of the legislature did not represent a struggle between parties; it was even more fundamental. The clash was based on the geographic and climatic differences of the two regions, on the difference in the racial and cultural backgrounds of the people of the regions, and on their widely separated interests. It was, after all, the old Regulator struggle in a state guise. And the western representatives were treated much as the colonial representatives had been. Eastern members still dominated the General Assembly and kept this domination by forming new eastern counties as fast as western counties were authorized. From the eastern representatives the governor and the state officials were yearly elected. There seemed little hope for the men from the mountains, and the struggle, bitter and personal at times, absorbed much of the energies of the lawmakers and far too much of their time. Moreover, the struggle created deepseated hatreds and prejudices between the two sections of the state, some of which were long in the healing.16 During these years vast new territories to the west were being carved into American states. Thousands of North Caro- �Boundaries and Western Leadership / 197 linians, thoroughly discouraged over the future of their state, joined the streams of westward trekking men and women. They planned to make homes in the Ohio River country, on lands bordering the Mississippi River, or on the beckoning plains of faroff Texas. In Western North Carolina a constant procession of people trailed along the tortuous road following the French Broad River and over the winding Wilderness Trail into Tennessee and Kentucky and the territories beyond. Still others went into adjoining states. All went in the hope of brighter prospects for themselves and their children. By 1840, thirty-two of the state's counties had a smaller population than they had had in 1830. This meant for North Carolina not only the loss of its citizens, but the loss of many actual and potential leaders.17 Crying for reform, the first voice in the wilderness was heard in the piedmont section. In 1812 a young lawyer of Hillsboro took his seat in the General Assembly as senator from Orange County. Born in nearby Caswell County and educated at David Caldwell's Academy at Guilford and at the University, Archibald DeBow Murphey sought expression for the strongly democratic ideas developing through rugged pioneer living in the piedmont and the mountain sections. He was ready to voice the belief of the westerners that government had a duty to perform for its people—all of its people. Thoroughly informed on the economic conditions throughout the state, Murphey offered, in 1815, the first of a series of reform measures. During the next few years he was tireless in his efforts to bring both the people and the General Assembly to a realization of the benefits that his program would bring to North Carolina. In 1819 Murphey presented a Memoir on the Internal Improvements Contemplated by the Legislature of North Carolina. It was a masterly survey of geographic and economic conditions within the commonwealth, and it summed up his recommendations for a transportation system that would make use of the state's navigable streams, and that would promote the use of its coastal inner waterways. The program would also provide an east-west turnpike, together with subsidiary roads leading into it, which would funnel products from the piedmont and mountain regions into the state's eastern markets.18 Western North Carolina received considerable attention in these recommendations. Murphey's first suggestion concerning the area was authorization for making a new state map. The Price-Strother map, privately financed a few years earlier and �198 / Chapter Twelve N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Archibald DeBow Murphey: Murphey led a crusade for an east-west highway, a state public school system, and the revision of the state's constitution. After his death, western leaders continued the crusade that in time led to reforms. Murphy, the county seat of Cherokee County, was named in his honor. based upon the information available at that time, was hopelessly inaccurate in its depiction of the region between the Blue Ridge and the Smoky Mountains. With the rich valleys of the Tuckaseigee and Oconaluftee Rivers open to white settlement under the Cherokee treaty of 1819, it was imperative, he pointed out, to make information available to settlers. These lands, Murphey hoped, might attract some of the North Carolinians who would otherwise leave the state for western territories. To make the lands accessible he advocated the construction of a road west from Waynesville to the southwestern border of the state where it could connect with the old Cherokee trail to South Carolina and Georgia. He felt that the Cherokee land, when sold, should bring a million dollars into the coffers of the state. Murphey also urged that the two main highways in Buncombe County be improved and kept in good condition. The one going �Boundaries and Western Leadership / 199 south from Buncombe Courthouse to Rutherford County by way of Hickory Nut Gorge was in deplorable condition, and the other, from the courthouse to South Carolina by way of Saluda Gap, was likewise in need of immediate repairs. This highway, he considered "perhaps the most public road in the state." He reflected his own recent visit to the mountain village when he added, "The Traveller is astonished on reaching Buncombe Courthouse (called Morristown on the map but now called Asheville) to find people from six states in the Union in the same Hotel."19 Murphey maintained that the road, which traversed the mountain section from the South Carolina border to Tennessee by way of the French Broad River would continue to be a main trade artery and must be maintained as such. East of the Blue Ridge he advocated making use of the Yadkin, the Catawba, and the Broad Rivers as transportation arteries. He stressed the need of converting the poorly constructed and illy kept roads leading westward into all-weather highways over which products could be brought from Tennessee and from the mountain section to river towns for shipment south.20 To carry out his state-wide transportation project, basic to any financial progress of the commonwealth, Murphey urged the General Assembly to create a board of control and to make appropriations for converting some feasible plan into a reality. Inherent in his over-all plan were future possibilities for the growth of manufacturing as well as distinct advantages for such eastern cities as Wilmington and Beaufort; therefore, he hoped that the plan would appeal to the eastern delegates to the General Assembly. He knew that without their support any proposed bill was doomed to fail. But Murphey was disappointed. The easterners were, with a few exceptions, solidly opposed to the transportation project, and in session after session the western members of the General Assembly saw their economic hopes fade into legislative limbo. Murphey's vision for the progress of his state was not, however, limited to his dream of a state system of water and inland highways. He foresaw a partial solution to North Carolina's problem of inertia through a public school system. He was the first of the state's legislators to propose that the General Assembly set up a fund, to be administered by a state board and to be used in establishing a wholly or partially state supported system of schools. He advocated the establishment of primary schools and �200 / Chapter Twelve above them academies or high schools with the state university crowning the system. Murphey pointed out that, except for establishing the University, the provision in the 1776 Constitution enjoining the education of the people had been grossly neglected. He then cited the state's disgracefully high rate of illiteracy. Murphey also suggested the formation of two or more primary schools in each county, supported jointly by state and county, at which enrollment would be free for children unable to pay the tuition set for other pupils. In addition, ten regional academies would be operated partly by the state and partly by local funds which would be raised in part by tuition from those able to pay. The University, which had never received a penny from the state for its running expenses, would be greatly aided by state appropriations enabling it to expand its program. Schools for the state's deaf and dumb children were, under his plan, to be entirely state supported.21 Again the eastern planters who, year after year, represented their respective counties were not interested. They had no desire for public education for their own sons and saw no reason for taxing themselves to educate the poorer children in their part of the state or the children of settlers in the remote areas of the commonwealth. Some of them went so far as to claim no advantage in education for the masses. Every education bill was promptly killed by the adverse votes of the eastern delegates. The leaders from the West could see no hope for enlightening the people living on small piedmont farms or in isolated mountain coves. It gradually became clear to Murphey and to the growing group of western delegates rallying to his cause that there was, after all, only one solution for the problems facing the state. There must be either a new state constitution or a drastic revision of the one in force. The West had long felt the injustices which had grown up under the governmental regulations laid down by those designing the state's first constitution. Under it, each county, regardless of population, elected one senator to the upper house and two representatives to the lower house of the General Assembly. In addition, a few eastern cities—some of which were mere villages—elected a member each to the lower house. This borough system gave the east additional representation and power. As the number of counties increased, the legislative body became too large, cumbersome in its work, and expensive in its �Boundaries and Western Leadership / 201 operation. Since 1776 the sharp increase in population had taken place in the piedmont and mountain sections of the state, where one after another new counties had been formed until the population of those sections considerably outnumbered that of the eastern counties. But the East, with a just predominance of members in the legislature in 1776, had kept that superiority by the borough system. This was greatly resented by the mountain settlers, and so was the creation of a new eastern county for each authorized in the West.22 The democratic westerners, too, objected to other features ot the constitution. Under it, the only popular vote enjoyed by the people was for their representatives to the General Assembly. That body annually elected from its members the state's governor and other officials. Acting upon recommendation of the county's delegates to the General -Assembly, the governor appointed the county justices of the peace, the most influential county officers since they made up the quarterly or county court. Their terms were fof life, and they were answerable not to the people they served, but to the governor. Under this system, the governor was naturally subservient to the Assembly that elected him. Then, too, the privilege of voting was dependent upon a citizen's property possessions. Owning property entitled a man to vote for the county's representatives in the lower house of the Assembly, but he was required to own at least fifty acres of land before he could cast a vote for a senator. State office holders were likewise required to be land owners, one hundred acres being the minimum for a man seeking a seat in the lower house, and three hundred acres for one aspiring to a seat in the senate. Property valued at a thousand pounds sterling or more was required for one being considered by the Assembly for the governorship.23 All attempts made by Murphey to secure legislative authorization for a constitutional reform convention met with the same dismal fate as did his other reform measures. It must have seemed to this far-seeing statesman that the energies he had expended in behalf of North Carolina had been wasted. But such was far from the case, for his labors had set the slow mills of the gods to grinding. The progress-strangling control of the easterners was doomed. The forward-looking measures he advocated crystalized western opinions, and Murphey's dedication to the betterment of his state drew a following of younger men from the West ready to take up his work. He did not live to see any of his plans accepted, but before he passed from the scene �202 / Chapter Twelve N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY David Lowry Swain: Swain was born in Beaverdam valley near Asheville in 1801. He became the first native-born lawyer southwest of the Blue Ridge. He served as a member of the General Assembly, as Governor, and for 32 years as President of the State University at Chapel Hill, where he was affectionately known as "Old Warping Bars." in 1832, there were small but significant victories foreshadowing the accomplishments eventually to come. For instance, the General Assembly in 1819 created a Board ot Internal Improvement and employed a state engineer. It authorized subscriptions for several eastern navigation companies, and it created a small state fund for internal improvements, to be garnered from proceeds of Cherokee land sales and from certain state stock dividends. Under this board, steps were taken for a few long over-due roads in the mountain section, shades again of Murphey's plan. Accordingly, appropriations were made for a highway from Old Fort to Asheville and for a turnpike along the French Broad River that would connect Greenville, South Carolina, with Greefteville, Tennessee, passing through Asheville and Warm Springs. �Boundaries and Western Leadership / 203 This road, known as the Buncombe Turnpike, was begun in 1824 and completed three years later.24 It was to be a major factor in the life and progress of Western North Carolina for many years and was, for some time, the finest road in North Carolina. In 1820 an appropriation was made for improving the navigation of that section of the Broad River stretching from the South Carolina border to Twitty's Ford, and twelve years later funds were allocated for making the existing Hickory Nut Gap road an improved artery across the Blue Ridge.25 In 1822 the General Assembly set aside a fund known as the Agricultural Fund to aid in the program sponsored by the State Agricultural Society, which had been incorporated three years earlier. The Society had grown out of several county organizations formed with the aim of improving agriculture in the state. This measure proved a somewhat premature step, and the fund was later diverted to other projects.26 Still, it was a promise of later developments. Another step forward was taken with the publication of state geological surveys made by Denison Olmsted and Elisha Mitchell, both members of the University faculty.27 In 1825 the General Assembly yielded to the increasing pressure for state-sponsored education put forth by the delegates from the West, by ministers of various faiths, and by men connected with the State University. The legislature created a Literary Fund to be built up and eventually used for .public education. This fund was collected from dividends received from state-owned bank stock not otherwise allocated, from dividends of certain other state-owned stock, from taxes, from public land sales other than Cherokee land, and from appropriations. The Literary Fund was placed under a Board presided over by the governor as president and by the state treasurer. By 1836 it had received only $243,000, a part of which had been diverted to other purposes. But it kept the idea of a future public school system before the people, although the amount in the treasury of the Board was always too small to carry out its purpose. It was to be 1840 before log school houses would appear in the mountain coves.28 Yet the end of the do-nothing policy of the eastern Republicans was fast approaching, and the "Rip Van Winkle State" was arousing from its slumbers. Several factors were converging to bring about a change. For one thing, the demands of the now articulate West reflected the new and growing democratic movement sweeping across the entire nation and �204 / Chapter Twelve expressed in the 1824 campaign of Andrew Jackson for president. Seeing a hope for their progressive program under a "People's" president, the westerners broke politically with the easterners, and North Carolina ceased to be a one-party state.29 After 1832, when these same westerners had become bitterly disappointed in Jackson as president, they joined the ranks of the newly formed Whig party to oppose the easterners who had, somewhat to their own surprise, found Jackson's policies to their liking. A second factor in the forward movement was that now the voice of one man had become the voice of many; in the General Assembly a group of able and determined western leaders was headed by David Lowry Swain of Buncombe County. Swain was born in the Beaverdam settlement in 1801 and received the thorough training given at Newton Academy to boys in families of the first settlers in the mountains. When he appeared at the State University as a student, he was placed in the junior class. After a short stay at that institution, young Swain took up the study of law at Raleigh under the tutorship of John Louis Taylor, Chief Justice of North Carolina. In 1822 he returned to his native county to hang out his shingle in Asheville, becoming the town and Buncombe County's first native lawyer. With his ability to make friends and his deep interest in the problems of Western North Carolina, it was inevitable that he should turn to a political career. By 1832, at the age of thirty-one, Swain had served five terms in the General Assembly, had been Solicitor for one year, and had been elected as judge of the Superior Court. In the General Assembly he rallied the forces around Murphey and in advocating reforms, became an authority on taxation and on statistics showing the condition of the state. Those who worked with him came to respect his utter honesty and sincerity and forgot the ungainliness of his appearance, which was later to win him the affectionate nickname of "Old Warping Bars." His good will, tact, and diplomacy drew many friends from the eastern bloc, and his personal charm and clear-cut arguments won supporters to the cause of reform. He threw the weight of his growing popularity and the force of his sound judgment based on facts into the struggle for two of Murphey's reform measures— highway improvement and constitutional reform. It was largely due to Swain's efforts that such desperately needed roads as the Buncombe Turnpike were authorized. As Murphey, through a series of unfortunate circumstances, withdrew from political prominence, Swain became the �Boundaries and Western Leadership / 205 acknowledged leader of the Whig party in North Carolina and in 1832 was elected governor, winning the necessary support from eastern delegates in the General Assembly. Thus Western North Carolina was represented in the highest office of the state.30 As governor, Swain pointed out that not a major project along any line of internal improvement was in progress in the state. He set about an unrelenting campaign for the authorization of a constitutional convention. He was extremely popular in the state, and during his three terms as chief executive he led the General Assembly, to which he refused to be subservient, into the most receptive reform mood it had yet attained. By 1832 Governor Swain's constitutional reform measure had, almost by accident, found favor with two groups among the eastern delegates. One was the Roman Catholic group, whose brilliant member, William Gaston, could be removed from his position as Justice of the Supreme Court if the General Assembly desired to carry out the 1776 Constitutional provision debarring Catholics from office. The other group centered around Fayetteville, which, after the destructive fire of the capitol, put forth an effort to have the capitol moved from Raleigh to Fayetteville. Such a move would require a constitutional change. Some degree of support was now also forthcoming from the area around Albemarle Sound because of the suggested waterway improvements for that region. Thus by the untiring efforts of Governor Swain and a group of able westerners, aided by leaders from the interested eastern groups, a law was passed in the Assembly in 1834 to submit the question of a constitutional convention to a popular vote. In the referendum that resulted a majority of almost seven thousand votes was cast favoring the calling of such a convention. For the most part, each section voted solidly according to the old line-up. At a second election delegates to the convention were chosen, and these assembled in Raleigh in June 1835.31 With the East and the West still opposed to each other's program, it took the tact and diplomatic skill of all the leaders, headed by the Governor, to work out acceptable compromises. But by July 11 the Convention had a list of revisions to submit to the people and adjourned. At the referendum the voters expressed practically the same majority acceptance of the amendments as they had for the calling of the convention. Again the votes were sectional in their distribution.32 The amendments were made the law of the land, and the first major step had been taken in making �206 / Chapter Twelve possible industrial and economic progress in North Carolina. At last the "Rip Van Winkle State" was awake. Under the revised constitution, the governor was to be elected for a two-year term by a direct vote of the people. While he might succeed himself, he could hold office not more than four out of any six years. Equal representation in the General Assembly was abolished. Instead, the upper chamber or Senate was to be made up of fifty members representing districts into which the state was divided. The lower house or House of Commons was to have 120 members elected by counties according to population; each county was to have at least one representative. The General Assembly was to meet biennially, and all voters, it stipulated, must be white males, twenty-one years of age or over. Property qualifications for voting for governor and for members of the House of Commons were abolished. But each voter casting a ballot for a senator was still required to show proof of possessing at least fifty acres of land. There were many other changes. Among them was the substitution of the word Christian for the word Protestant in the religious tests for office, the abolishment of the old borough representation, and the presentation of two methods of constitutional revision.33 Although much would have to be done later in the amended constitution, democracy had come to the people, and it had come through the efforts and the ideals of the West, led first by a piedmont leader and then by a man from the mountains. �C H A P T E R T H I R T E E N Gold in the Hills and on the Highways iVluch of the story of the European conquest of the two Americas had been the story of the white man's insatiable appetite for gold. The precious yellow metal was the will-o-the-wisp that lured DeSoto and his Spanish army into the mountains of Western North Carolina in the sixteenth century. Gold also led hopeful Spanish prospectors, during the next 125 years, to slip into the region and carry on limited mining operations that they tried to keep secret. The Indians—both the Cherokees and the Catawbas—knew of these attempts and told English traders and explorers, who, in turn, took rumors of Spanish gold discoveries back to the coastal settlements. Accordingly, those areas sent men out to "explore beyond the mountaine." Men who later pushed westward to settle were ever on the alert for gold and silver. Small amounts of both these metals had been found, and gold in limited quantities had been panned from streams or mined from surface mines during the colonial period of western settlement.1 But it was not until after the Revolutionary War that the cry of "Gold!" brought a wave of hopeful prospectors into Western North Carolina. The gold rush began around 1799 after twelve year old Conrad Reed found an interesting looking seventeenpound "rock" on his father's farm in newly created Cabarrus 207 �208 / Chapter Thirteen ^^^a&'v%^«v:;::-y'V'^^'7 a : ^ ^mK"./»mf:$i~'^ / 4tllJ'r N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY A Bechtler Coin: These pictures show the obverse and reverse of a gold dollar coined by Christopher Bechtler at his private mint near Rutherfordton. In his later dies he corrected the N in ONE. He also coined two-fifty and five dollar gold pieces. Between January, 1831, and February, 1840, the Bechtler mint coined $2,241,850 in gold coins. County. The "rock" proved to be ore rich with its lode of gold. In the Reed mine that was there developed unbelievably large gold nuggets were later discovered, a few weighing from twenty to twenty-eight pounds.2 New discoveries continued, and mines were opened in thirteen counties, those in Burke and Rutherford being so rich that by 1825 these counties were the scene of the nation's most extensive gold mining operations.3 These operations were carried on by any available method of mining. Gold dust floating in the waters of the streams was collected by the slow process of panning—by letting the water run through sieve-bottomed pans. A somewhat more elaborate method for the amateur was to run the gold-laden water from sluice boxes into a trough made by hollowing out a log. This log was kept in motion as the water flowed through it to keep the silt and sand afloat and moving with the water. The heavier gold sank and was caught by cleats nailed across the floor of the trough. To improve the system quicksilver or mercury might be mixed with the sand.4 The gold particles and dust thus obtained could be put into a cloth or leather bag to be weighed out for purchases or, if taken to the mint in Philadelphia, made into coins. Where the metal was found in the rocks, men hacked out the nuggets with pick axes and shovels. It was all slow, hard work, but it was rewarding. For example, according to Rutherford ton's newspaper, The North �Gold in the Hills and on the Highways I 209 Carolina Spectator and Western Advertiser, a man in 1830 could pan two dollars worth of dust a day from gold-carrying streams and get a similar amount from a surface mine. In 1830 in Western North Carolina the sum of two dollars, with its high purchasing power, was indeed hard to come by.5 It has been estimated that in Burke County alone, over a period of years, a thousand men were devoting their time to this individual method of mining.6 As might be expected, the publicity given to the discovery of new mines spread far afield and into the gold area came thousands of eager people who had just one interest in common—the finding of gold. Indeed, these newcomers, crowding along the narrow, muddy roads of the back country and on to the foothills of the Blue Ridge, made up a motley group, representing perhaps all of the nationalities and the races that Europe was sending to the "Melting Pot" that was America. Their ideals and morals were as varied as their backgrounds. Towns and mining communities mushroomed into being, and many were the tales later told of the lusty, boisterous life of these camps.7 Men with money to invest, especially if it might quickly be doubled or tripled, arrived from northern states and European countries to form mining companies that were readily incorporated by the General Assembly. These men bought up mines already in operation or leased lands that gave promise of rich deposits. There they sank shafts, set up machinery to pulverize the rock and get the gold, and hired hundreds of the incoming men as "hands." The newspaper accounts, bristling with the excitement of gold fever, told of mines selling for $4,500 and $6,000. Two men declined to accept $5,000 for their joint interest in a mine, while one owner even refused the fabulous offer of $35,000 for his land.8 Some, although far from all, of the mines opened in the state gave satisfactory returns to the investors, who brought into the state an estimated capital investment of $100,000,000.9 By 1814 some of the yield of the mines was reaching the government mint in Philadelphia, which that year recorded receiving $11,000 in North Carolina gold. Much more was forthcoming, and prior to 1829 the state was furnishing all of the gold minted at Philadelphia where the records show that during the period of extensive mining it received more than $9,000,000 of gold from the state, the largest amount in any single year being $475,000 in 1833. North Carolina was justly crowned the "Golden State."10 But that record is only a small, perhaps a very small, part of the picture of North Carolina mining. How much gold was �210 / Chapter Thirteen ;s^^:;^^;!;; j l^^^f^-^^^ .. .• c? --;:/f ^°>"|0"o.-.. ^.r.'.-^-r^UM'-. ' '"• /;VMO r,,-^,,,,- ^P ^ ' V ^ •^ov,-''^" THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. /I Drovers} Road: Horses, hogs, geese, and turkeys from states to the north joined droves that each autumn thundered and squawked along the Buncombe Turnpike. Other droves made use of roads farther west and still others passed over roads east of the Blue Ridge. AII the animals were destined for markets in southern states. �Gold in the Hills and on the Highways / 211 extracted from the streams and mines from 1799 to 1860 will never be known. For an estimate one can only hazard a guess, for the records of most of the companies have been lost or destroyed, while the amounts panned by thousands of individuals were not kept. An untold amount went into jewelry for home demands and some was used to fill orders from other states and European markets. An estimated $600,000 worth was used for that purpose in 1832 alone. Then, too, some of the companies sent their gold to European countries. Much gold was undoubtedly lost in transactions, for both gold dust and gold nuggets or ore passed as a medium of exchange. It may well be that only a small portion of the estimated $50,000,000 to $65,000,000 worth of gold actually mined ever reached a mint.11 The gold boom came at a period when money was exceedingly scarce throughout the piedmont and mountain sections; in fact, many a home saw pitifully few coins of any kind—American, English, or Spanish—during a year's time. The widespread method of all purchasing was barter. Thus gold in any form meant an advantageous purchasing power to the man fortunate enough to pan a bit of the precious metal. Although coins were far more convenient than dust or ingots in making business transactions, few men had the time or the inclination to carry their gold in saddlebags that could not be protected over the long, difficult road to far-away Philadelphia. Nor were they willing to transport it by stage coach, a method slow, costly, and dangerous. So the ancient method employed by Abraham in buying a plot for Sarah's tomb was resorted to in nineteenth century Western North Carolina, and gold dust was measured or weighed out for the purchase of land or goods. It is no wonder, then, that when in 1831 the Bechtlers set up a mint in Rutherfordton, they were able to do a thriving business. Among those arriving in Rutherfordton in 1830 were the Bechtlers—Christopher, his sons, Augustus and Charles, and his nephew, Christopher, Jr. There the elder Christopher bought land and built his home a few miles from the village. They had arrived by way of the Pennsylvania R3ad and on their way from New York harbor had stopped in Philadelphia long enough for Christopher and Augustus to set in motion the process of naturalization. In the Grand Duchy of Baden, their native country, they had been trained as metal workers. Now in their Rutherfordton home they again set up a shop and made and sold necklaces and brooches, cufflinks and shirt studs, rings and watch �212 / Chapter Thirteen chains, "executed to order, in the neatest and most skillful manner."12 In addition to jewelry, the inventive Bechtlers also designed and manufactured rifles that would fire shots at a greater rate per minute. Since every settler was also a hunter, there was a ready market for these guns. Christopher, who with his son Augustus, was proud ot his newly acquired American citizenship, found himself deeply interested in conditions in his new country. In 1831, he took the first step in helping to solve one of its pressing problems—the lack of currency. After he and his family had designed dies and had laboriously made the necessary machinery, he advertised the opening of a mint at which, for a modest fee, he would assay gold and for a coining charge of two and a half per cent would coin a customer's gold into pieces valued at $2.50 and $5.00. The next year he added gold dollars, and for those having coins made he assayed the gold without charge. Always he gave back to the owner a sufficient amount of the gold for another assay, together with his record, so that, should the customer choose to do so, he could confirm Bechtler's record.13 In a shed built over a cellar the goldsmiths worked. There they assayed, refined, and coined the gold brought to their mint. Using the United States coins as their standards, the Bechtlers made each of theirs equal in value to the corresponding federal coin. But since the gold brought to them often varied in fineness, coins in each denomination varied in size and weight. Each contained the exact amount of gold used by the government, however, and each was stamped with the fineness of the gold and the weight of the coin. The name Bechtler with the initial C or A also appeared as did the name Rutherford. In addition to North Carolina gold, the Rutherford mint also received small amounts from South Carolina and some from Georgia. Since the metal varied in color according to its source— that from the mountains being somewhat duller in color than that mined farther east and south—the coins varied in brightness. Each was stamped with the metal source. Dies had to be designed and made not only for each denomination, but also for each variety in a denomination. Until 1834 the coins bore no date, but in that year the government set up a new standard for its coins. The Bechtlers, in order to conform, had to discard their complete set of dies and make new ones. Thereafter, each coin carried the date 1834 to indicate that it belonged to the new series and thus conformed to the national standard.14 �Gold in the Hills and on the Highways / 213 The federal government had established a mint in Philadelphia in 1792, but the coining of gold and silver had not yet been designated as a function of the national government alone. The Bechtler mint was the first private mint in the nation, but later contracts were entered into by the government with other goldsmiths. The government felt responsible for the integrity of the country's currency and in 1834 sent investigators to Rutherfordton to inspect the Bechtler mint. Their report was most favorable, showing that the coins made there had a slightly higher gold content than did the corresponding federal coins. No attempt was made then or later to halt or to hinder the coinage at the Rutherfordton mint. Instead, the federal government recognized the service being rendered by this mint in furnishing the region with badly needed currency, thus helping to raise the economic level of the area it served. In order to further that progress, a federal mint at Charlotte was established by an act of Congress in 1835. The new mint was open for coining in 1837.15 Although records are not available, from an 1840 report of the superintendent of the Charlotte mint, it would seem that the Bechtlers, during the first nine years of their mint, coined $2,241,855 worth of coins and assayed a far greater sum. No Bechtler coin carried a national symbol; yet all coins turned out by the mint were accepted at face value throughout the region and the state, in fact, throughout the nation. Many a contract called for payment in Bechtler coins, and many a westward-bound North Carolinian took with him enough Bechtler money to buy a farm when he reached his destination in some new territory. So it was that Rutherford coins sometimes came to light far from the mint that coined them.16 After the death of the elder Christopher, his son moved the jewelry and rifle shop into Rutherfordton. Soon afterward the work was divided, with Christopher, the nephew, taking over the mint. It continued operation until some time during the 1850's with, it seems sure, a decreasing amount of business, for after 1837 much of the gold mined was taken to the Charlotte mint for coming. In fact, many owners of Bechtler coins in time took them to the new mint for recoining into money stamped with the national symbols. That fact combined with the small size of the coins, making them easily lost, accounts for the comparatively few Bechtler coins in existence today. Still, it is impossible to overestimate the part played by these skilled artisans and their coins in the economic progress of Western North Carolina. It is a �214 / Chapter Thirteen THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. Early settlers drove their surplus hogs to local markets. Later these small droves were taken to the turnpikes to join animals trudging to market. The short-legged hogs could cover only eight to ten miles a day. An estimated 140,000 to 160,000 hogs squealed and grunted their way through Asheville in a single season. shining tribute to the Bechtlers that in the years when they handled gold valued in the millions of dollars no question of their honesty ever arose. Their business transactions conformed to the same high standard of integrity that they required of their coins.17 While east of the Blue Ridge the economic pressure was being eased by the gold from the hills and the coins from the Bechtler's mint, the settlers west of that range were discovering a different kind of gold. The General Assembly, which in 1819 had reluctantly created a state fund for internal improvements, was induced in 1823 by delegates from the West to appropriate money for subsidizing a highway that would connect the mountain area �Gold in the Hills and on the Highways / 215 with eastern markets. The next year the Buncombe Turnpike Company was incorporated with an authorized capital of $50,000 to be raised by the sale of shares at $50 a share. Contractors began work on the road, which connected at Saluda Gap with South Carolina's road from Charleston. It passed through the present Henderson County to Asheville, then stretched along the French Broad River to Warm Springs, and at Paint Rock joined a Tennessee road. The Turnpike thus connected Greenville, South Carolina, with Greeneville, Tennessee.18 In spite of the narrowness of the French Broad Gorge, necessitating numerous fords and side fords, a road had long followed the stream. The first one could have been no more than a path or trail, and it is amazing that a vehicle of any type could negotiate its ledges and rocks, its mud and its fords. Yet in 1795 at least two wagons coming from South Carolina accomplished that incredible feat. The citizens of Knoxville must indeed have had difficulty believing their eyes as the wagons rumbled into the village. Just two months earlier, Governor William Blount of Tennessee had advocated a French Broad road from his state to the Buncombe County Courthouse to be constructed by the two states.19 By the turn of the century such a project seems to have been undertaken, not by the states but by the prevailing method of requiring local residents along its route to do road work in their own sections. The best that could be said for the results of their rather haphazard labors was that a rider on horseback could get over it, and a wagoner with perseverance and luck might succeed in saving his stout wagon during its upsets over rocks and across fords. All travelers testified that a trip on the road required not only patience, but fortitude and endurance. As time went on, the repeated workings improved conditions somewhat, so that in 1812 Bishop Francis Asbury, making his annual journey to Asheville, commented on the "fine new road."20 Despite improvements it was never a highway conducive to commercial travel. The mountain section had no hope of economic progress until a road suitable for trade could be constructed. With the completion of the Turnpike in 1827, therefore, a new day dawned in Western North Carolina. With the finest highway in North Carolina to travel, settlers with their wagons piled with household goods and farm equipment now came into the region to make their homes. Strings of covered wagons wound along the Turnpike from east of the �216 / Chapter Thirteen mountains, taking their owners to the hoped-for greener pastures of unseen western territories. High stepping horses hitched to light carriages—now brought into the hills for the first time or made by resident wagon makers—dashed along the road. They made unbelievably rapid time in getting their masters from Asheville or Greenville to Warm Springs, which had mushroomed into a health and recreation center.21 Stores in Asheville were soon showing a large and varied assortment of merchandise brought over the new highway, and on the streets of the village were hitched more horses from the surrounding areas than ever before. Wagon yards were opened to accommodate the stream of travelers. Inns and taverns sprang up along the route and carried on a thriving business, and land offices helped the incoming settlers to locate suitable real estate. It was as a means of getting the products of the farms and woods to markets that the Buncombe Turnpike played its most important role, however, and proved to be a veritable gold mine to those living along or near it. No longer did a man have to think in terms of transporting his surplus by horseback. Wagon makers in their enlarged or newly established shops tried to make wagons fast enough to keep up with the demands. But the wagons could not be used for the meat the farmers took to market on the hoof. Up and down the French Broad River, beyond in the valleys of Tennessee and Kentucky, and north of the Ohio in Illinois the problem was—in fact, had been since the earliest settlers arrived—the task of getting products to market. The Southern Appalachians everywhere presented a barrier to towns to the east. The enterprising pioneers partially solved the difficulty by feeding the grain they raised in the broad, fertile, river valleys to live stock and fowls and then herding the animals to South Carolina towns. There planters with broad acres of cotton tended by battalions of Negro slaves were always in the market for food for men and animals. Even before the Turnpike was constructed, the old French Broad River road had echoed with the squeals of hogs being driven along it to the Charleston highway. The new Turnpike increased the number of these drives of four-footed animals to astounding figures.22 When the crops had been harvested, the cool, dry days of October arrived to spread their flaunting colors over the mountain sides, and a thin blue haze veiled the peaks and sifted through the valleys. The men now rounded up their horses and mules from lush meadows or from the high, grassy balds of the �Gold in the Hills and on the Highways / 217 uplands. They brought in their hogs from the woods, each one marked with its registered, mutilated ear or its branded flank and each one now fattened and sleek from a rich diet of nuts and acorns. Or perhaps the farmers collected the turkeys from their roosting trees and gathered the quacking ducks from the farmyard. They then began the long, slow trek to the Turnpike that crossed the mountains and followed the river that wound over Saluda Gap to connect with the road leading to distant Augusta or Charleston. For the next two months the Turnpike was alive with noisy, dust-raising animals, unwilling travelers to the slaughter. Usually each owner preceded his drove, leading the way on horseback. Appropriately enough, he was known as the drover. Sometimes, however, a speculator would take the combined herds of neighbors and become the drover, hoping to make a profit for himself as well as for the owners when he disposed of his charges. The drover had several helpers, often young men or half-grown boys, who walked behind as drivers or at the sides of the herds to keep the animals in line and moving. These men—husky, outdoor men—cracked their long, snapping whips in the air above the backs of laggards or strays, while their strong voices rang out in calls and commands that the animals understood and sometimes obeyed. The drovers of horses and mules had the least transportation difficulties and made comparatively rapid time from their homes to their destinations. But from eight to ten miles a day was as far as fowls would travel or as far as the short legs of hogs could take their owners.23 The demand for hams, lard, and fatback was practically limitless, and more hogs made their deliberate way along the Turnpike than did any other live stock. Drovers of hogs entered the broad highway at any and all toll gates along its length. The animals came protestingly into it from subsidiary roads, poor and narrow, from the valleys to the east, and from the regions to the west. Roads, like the Cataloochee road, were widened from the ancient Indian trail that connected the Pigeon River area with the territory around Cosby and Newport, Tennessee. Sometimes nightfall caught a drove of hogs some distance from a tavern, although such a mishap was more apt to occur when the travelers were turkeys. These fowl were unpredictable in their movements and at the coming of early dusk were apt to take to the first trees they saw for a well-earned night's rest. �218 / Chapter Thirteen THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. The Alexander Hotel: At Alexander's Inn and stand on the French Broad River north of Asheville men and animals could spend the night. Drovers were lodged in rooms with other drovers. Drivers slept rolled up in blankets on the floor of the "great room." When that happened, the drivers stretched out on the softest spot of ground available and spent the night with the flock. But customarily, drovers and their drivers tried to manage the animals and flocks so that they would reach a stand by nightfall. All of the live stock had to be fed enroute, and the men themselves needed food and lodging. These demands were ably met by enterprising citizens along the highway. Privately erected and operated inns and their accompanying stands were built at six to eight mile intervals along the entire route, where both men and beasts could find rest and food. The first concern of the men upon reaching the stand was for the stock. The animals were driven into wide pens enclosed with rail fences and given the day's one feeding, eight bushels of corn for each hundred hogs. With their appetites satisfied, and supplied with water, the hogs, after a few happy grunts, slept the sleep of the travel-worn. The turkeys gobbled up their portion of grain and took to the trees, and the horses contentedly swished their tails as they munched their quota of oats. Their chores completed, the men then removed the outer layer of the day's dust from face and hands and went into the inn, a �Gold in the Hills and on the Highways / 219 rambling one or two story building, where they did full justice to the hearty meal that awaited them. Cooked as the mountain men liked them were vegetables from the inn keeper's garden, meats from his own hogs and from the surrounding woods, hot biscuits made in his kitchen and dripping with newly churned butter, all washed down with milk, strong coffee or, if one preferred, with more potent drinks. The drovers might be lodged in rooms with several fellow travelers, but the drivers were more than content to roll up in blankets on the floor of the great hall, unmindful ot the hardness of the boards beneath their thin pallets. No charge was made for those sleeping on the floor, but meals cost the drovers twenty-five cents per man. For corn for his hogs and fowl the drovers paid the inn keeper seventy-five cents per bushel. Long before sun-up the entire establishment was astir, for the men were eager to be finished with their breakfast and to get their droves and flocks onto the Turnpike, each hoping to be the first in the onward moving van and thus to avoid the great volumes of dust left hanging in the air by previous travelers. Moreover, they wanted to make all possible mileage before the heat of the day that slowed the pace of the animals. So, one after another, the drivers got their animals from the pens and their fowl from the trees. Giving their calls and snapping whips, they got the animals and flocks once more tramping stolidly down the highway, soon screened from view by a curtain of dust. Upon leaving the tavern, the drover might pay the innkeeper in cash, but he frequently gave a due bill, which he redeemed in a few weeks on his return from the markets. Frequently, too, he paid a part or all of the bill with hogs. The habitual laggards, the limping, and the sore-footed, together with the cantankerous, were left along the way as payment for lodging and food. These animals would later be killed and as hams, sausage, and roasts, appear on the inn keeper's table or be taken to southern markets on his next purchasing trip into South Carolina. The innkeeper was, perforce, a man of many trades. To supply the drovers with corn, he bought vast stores, filling his immense cribs. To avoid confusion, he sent word throughout the countryside that at a certain date, well in advance of the autumn drives, he would purchase corn. On that day the farmers came, their wagons bursting with corn for which they received fifty cents per bushel. They might receive payment in money. But more often each man took what was coming to him in trade, for the stand keeper was the neighborhood merchant. �220 / Chapter Thirteen Once or twice a year the stand owner put the surplus products he had received from the drovers and those he had bought from the farmers into one or more stout wagons and traveled the Turnpike to Augusta or even to Charleston. There he exchanged his load for the merchandise needed in his community. It often took six horses to pull his heavily laden wagons over the steep, curving roads. Farmers fortunate enough not to need all their payment in goods might leave the remainder due them with the stand keeper, who thus also became the community's banker. Often, to be sure, the debt went the other way, and a farmer received supplies during the year to be paid for when his corn crop was ready to deliver to the stand.24 For longer than most men's life-times these drives continued, and it was not until the railroads crossed the mountains and traversed the area to the west that they ceased. During those years untold numbers of men and animals traveled south over the Turnpike and through the villages of Western North Carolina. Records indicate that between 150,000 and 160,000 hogs grunted and squealed their way through the village of Asheville in a single season. David Vance, stand keeper at Marshall, said he had fed as many as ninety thousand hogs in a single month. Often fifty to a hundred men were fed and lodged, and several thousand hogs were kept in a stand during a night.25 Although the Buncombe Turnpike was the scene ot the largest and most continuous drives, other Western North Carolina highways also served as links between farms to the north and markets to the south and east. Along the old Wilderness Road, Tennessee and Kentucky men drove their horses and hogs to Jordan Council's stand at the present Boone to sell them to Council, inn keeper and merchant. He in turn hired drivers to get the animals down the eastern slopes of the Blue Ridge, then east to Virginia markets, or once off the mountains, they might turn south on the highway leading through Morganton and Rutherford ton to Spartanburg or go by way of King's Mountain to Charleston. Farther west in the mountains, on the old Indian trails widened into roads, the droves sometimes went into Georgia and then continued east into South Carolina.26 In the mid 1850's new east-west roads were built by incorporated companies, connecting the extreme border counties of the state at both the Tennessee and the Georgia lines with Asheville and thereby with the section east of the Blue Ridge. Horses, mules, hogs, and turkeys trudged and thundered along these roads every autumn.27 �Gold in the Hills and on the Highways / 221 This autumn traffic was destructive to roads, necessitating frequent and expensive repairs. But the great, moving river of livestock brought the first wave of prosperity that the region west of the Blue Ridge had experienced. The livestock trade did even more, for it set the entire economic pattern of the mountain section. Although they were being aided economically by the gold mining that was the spectacular feature of the period, the counties east of the Blue Ridge also felt the impact of the great droves tramping southward along their highways. Farmers there profited economically, perhaps, more from the cattle and from the sale of their corn at the many stands along the trade routes than they did from the precious yellow metal being taken from their hills.28 �C H A P T E R F O U R T E E N Light and Shade in the Mountains the first the Buncombe Turnpike set the pattern of living along its route. To a lesser degree that was true with every road along which the drivers passed. The farmers could now market comparatively easily all the grain they could raise. Instead of feeding their corn to hogs that had to be taken to distant markets, they took it to the nearest stand. Because the demand was insatiable, they cleared more land and planted more corn, abandoning the worn out fields for new ones with no apparent concern for the future of the soil. But they prospered, those farmers whose acres lay in the fertile river valleys and so did the entire area.1 The pleasant new economic status of each prospering farmer was soon evident in his new house, for the original log cabin of a few years before became the "summer kitchen," a storehouse, or a shop. A roomy, comfortable home took its place as the residence of the family. The new dwelling might also be of logs or of broad, axe-hewn timbers; however, with the coming of the saw mills, some of which were water driven, it might be constructed of dressed lumber if its owner were willing to wait months or a year to cut, dress, and cure the lumber. In the villages some of the newly built homes were of brick. In any case, the new house was far more pretentious than the one it replaced. In most instances it belonged to the architectural design that became known as the "dog-trot" house or to the style called a "saddle-bag" house. 222 �Light and Shade in the Mountains / 223 In both of these styles the builders surmounted the difficulty of preparing and handling lengthy logs or timbers by erecting two small, two-roomed buildings of equal size with a floored space between and enclosing all under one roof. In the "dog-trot" house the wide, intervening space, usually about ten feet, was open at the ends, affording the family a delightfully cool breezeway for summer days and allowing room entrances sheltered from inclement weather. This middle section served as a sheltered spot for storing gear and provisions, for curing pelts, and as an ideal retreat for the hounds. Sometimes a stairway on the breezeway led to the full height second story that practically duplicated the design of the first floor and replaced the old low-ceilinged loft. Chimneys were constructed at the outer sides of the units, and windows were placed in the ends. Except for the inconvenience of shivering across the "dog-trot" in winter to go from the kitchendining room section to the opposite bedroom unit, these houses were extremely comfortable and the style persisted. Many are still standing, and a few still serve as homes. The "saddle-bag" design differed in that the space between the two units was narrow and closed at the ends. In this space the chimney was built and the stairway placed. It also provided rather ample storage space. The Sherrill Inn at Hickory Nut Gap, which for many years afforded rest and abundant refreshment to travelers weary with a day's mountain trip, proved the practical value of the "saddle-bag" style of architecture. 2 Around his house—the old and the new—the prosperous farmer constructed a cluster of buildings, many of them still made of logs, at least until the coming of the steam-powered saw mills. Long after the Turnpike could bring finished products into the mountains, homemakers continued to need a shop and forge where tools could be made and repaired. The farmer needed barns and built large, cantilever type structures to house his horses and to store his hay. He needed shelter for the cattle, storage buildings for his grain, cribs for corn, and sheds for his gear. Essential to his food problem were the smoke house for curing and storing a supply of meat, a vegetable cellar, a spring house, and, if he had an orchard, an apple shed. Most of the farmers, too, had a structure and equipment for making brandy and a still for manufacturing a part of their grain into liquors.3 These stills had appeared as soon as settlers entered the region and could be found in all sections of the "back country" and the mountains. The stills enabled the farmer to get his bulky crop of �224 / Chapter Fourteen THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. Over the Buncombe Turnpike, called the "finest road in the state,)} came settlers with their belongings and wagons. Many found homes in the mountains. Others sought greener pastures farther west or north. corn to market in the form of potent liquids sealed in jugs and strung together with long leather thongs so that they could be balanced over the back of a horse. In this way one horse could, without protest, carry the equivalent of eight bushels of corn to market. 4 The first Western North Carolina farmers had been unaffected by the early government attempt to collect an excise tax on whiskey and by the subsequent quelling of the Pennsylvania farmers who, in defiance of the tax, had instigated the so-called "Whiskey Rebellion." The federal government later repealed the tax,5 and the mountain settler, probably unaware that it had ever been in force, continued to take his jugs of homemade whiskey to the county seat on court days and to all the muster days of the local militia. If he were fortunate, a permit was obtained from the judge to sell his wares in the village. Failing in that, he could always find a means of disposing of the contents of his jugs. As the Turnpike led to better subsidiary roads, the farmers prospering from them and from the Turnpike itself discontinued this method of selling their corn. Instead they sold all they had to the stands. But most of them continued to distill their own year's supply of spirituous drinks.6 As the years rolled by, the wagons continued to rumble into Western North Carolina with their loads of supplies and luxuries. The droves of hogs continued to thunder along all the roads each autumn, and the demand for corn continued to increase. It looked as though good times had come to stay. Both east and west of the Blue Ridge every passing decade brought larger and more �Light and Shade in the Mountains / 225 pretentious homes, more cleared land and larger fields, more conveniences for home and farm, and better machinery and tools. In time there developed more schools and churches, broader social contacts and more connection with the outside world. The new roads and the improved older ones opened the way for comparatively rapid and dependable connections between communities by means of the stage coach, making regular mail service possible for the first time in Western North Carolina. Rutherfordton had acquired a post office in 1798 and Asheville in 1801.7 Five years later Asheville was designated as the mail distribution center for a wide surrounding area that included parts of Tennessee, North and South Carolina, and Georgia. In 1831 two-horse stagecoaches were taking both passengers and mail once a week from Lincolnton to Asheville by way ot Rutherfordton and Edneyville. Departing at four o'clock on Saturday morning, passengers could be in Asheville by eight o'clock Sunday evening, having covered a distance of 110 miles.8 A stage and mail route from Salem to Greenville, South Carolina, passing through Morganton and Rutherfordton, allowed for fourhorse coaches making two trips per week. In fact, in 1831 Rutherfordton could boast of being on six stagecoach routes and of having a three-times-a-week mail service.9 Passengers preferred traveling on the mail coaches since their operators, under contract with the federal government, could require all road overseers along the route to keep the highways cleared of animals and fallen trees and to fill all mud holes. But all of the passengers were grateful for the rapid transportation offered by all the stagecoaches. Coaches appeared on the Buncombe Turnpike soon after its completion and in time furnished daily service. People jolted uncomplainingly along it in the springless coaches, making hitherto unheard of time from one Greenville to the other. On good roads the four-horse coaches, stopping at stands at short intervals to get fresh horses, could cover the incredible distance of sixty miles in a day.10 A coach could carry eight passengers inside, while several others could find traveling space on top with the driver. The baggage was carried at the rear of the conveyance and was protected from rain and dust by leather coverings. The coaches were highly decorated, and their entrance into a village, announced by the driver's horn, was the most exciting event ot the day or week. As it came to a dramatic stop before the inn, men and boys gathered to witness the loading and unloading, to receive an �226 / Chapter Fourteen DORIS ULMANN COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Dye Pots: Until after the Civil War, mountain women made their dyes from vegetables, roots, and bark. With these dyes they colored the linen thread and the woolen yarns which they wove into the linsey-woolsey cloth for their families* clothing. This picture, taken at the John C. Campbell Folk School, shows the process of dyeing as it was done in pioneer days. occasional family letter, and to watch the driver's dextrous use of his long whip and his skillful maneuvering in getting the coach again on its way. Every young boy had hopes that some day he might hold the reins of such a fleet vehicle and guide the destiny of a glittering coach. Life in Western North Carolina had become an exciting and pleasant experience with comfortable prospects for the future.11 But that was not the complete story. The changes wrought by the trade arteries did not reach back into the mountain coves and small isolated mountain valleys. The groups of men and women living in these remote areas were made up of settlers arriving after the best lands had been taken, together with those who, through misfortune or their own dislike of or failure at farming, lost their rich acres and retreated to less productive land. They were joined in these more remote areas by those who were frontiersmen at heart and whose primary interest was in hunting and trapping and who had, like Daniel Boone before them, no desire to be restricted by the demands of farming on a large scale. These men and their �Light and Shade in the Mountains / 227 MARGARET MORLEY COLLECTION, N. C. DEPT. OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Cabins like this one long continued to shelter families living in remote coves and away from the main highways. families built their little log cabins in the secluded coves and in the sharp, narrow valleys on the sloping sides of the mountains. They cleared a bit of ground and with the help of their wives and children raised a few patches of corn, later one of tobacco, a field or two of other grains, and a vegetable garden. They set out a tew apple and cherry trees and erected stills. The family stock usually included a horse or two, perhaps an ox for the plowing, a cow, the hogs needed to furnish the year's supply of hams and lard and fatback, and a "passel" of hunting, hounds. Most of the livestock could forage for themselves in the woods and mountain glades. The family larder received meats from the hunts, and the men took furs, a few hams, and jugs of whiskey to trade in the nearest village. They brought back the sugar, salt, and the few tools needed, along with a few yards of calico. The housewife's loom supplied much of the cloth for the family clothes, and a traveling cobbler made the family shoes. These men and women continued to live as had all the mountain settlers during their first years in the hills.12 Nothing worthy the name of a road entered these isolated �228 / Chapter Fourteen , 'T>»^$&<T^& r^i ••*' ; .<"•' MARGARET MORLEY COLLECTION, N. C. DEPT. OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY For several generations, farm women very sensibly did their laundry out of doors near a stream. They boiled the clothes in a wash pot and beat the dirt out of them with a battling stick. areas, and usually only the men made the necessary trips out of the community. With almost no opportunity for outside contacts, these mountain people were by-passed by the progress that came to other areas. Groups of neighbors and relatives made up the little world of cove and mountain families, walled in by the majesty of the towering hills. For this reason the types of tools they brought with them, the style of clothes worn when they first crossed into the mountains, the kind of cabins first built, the games they knew and the songs they sang, even the language spoken when they arrived as first settlers persisted while neighboring areas progressed. Daily life for these highlanders of Western North Carolina was hard. Their farming tools were crude and few, and the soil was, on the whole, unfriendly to cultivation. Conveniences were unknown. Children were born, grew up, suffered mishaps and illnesses, became old and died without the attention of doctors.13 Traveling ministers on horseback brought occasional messages of religion, married the young people, and sometimes succeeded in organizing a congregation and building a "churchhouse." There services could be held more or less regularly; summer camp meetings could be conducted; and in the �Light and Shade in the Mountains / 229 MARGARET MORLEY COLLECTION, N. C. DEPT. OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY This school house in the cove had no need for a chimney. The six or eight weeks' sessions were held when the weather was mild. Text books were few, and the teacher received about $16 a month. surrounding grounds those who died could be laid to rest. Schools did not appear in these areas until after 1840, and long after that date the school facilities remained small and inadequately equipped. The sessions were brief, and the teachers on the whole unprepared for their work.14 Yet life was not all hardships. When land was being cleared, neighbors gathered for the "log rollings"—getting the felled trees into huge piles for burning. They gathered, too, for "house raisings" whenever a cabin was being erected for a newly married couple. There were quilting bees and shucking bees that brought neighbors together, while everyone went on horseback or afoot to the church services, the camp meetings, and the cemetery cleanings. On all of these occasions the rough, hand-made tables, frequently set up in the shady yard of a church or home, were laden with a cornucopia of home-grown foods. In addition, there were the "play parties," where, if the restraining influence of the local church was not too strong, young and old went through the �230 / Chapter Fourteen '•»'•% '"-K"^ : 4#^ ! S^it/^ljLw*- F;i' . • ' ' < ;5/ " L? w: • ,'~« ' •vjr.'Sr HUGH MORTON PHOTO Many old cabins and farm buildings, like these in the shadow o/Mt. Dunvegan, continued to be in use until well into the twentieth century. rollicking, intricate figures of square dances, guided by the directions chanted by the neighborhood caller and inspired by the neighborhood fiddler. Sometimes the community's recognized singer "histed" a tune, and all joined in on one of the many familiar ballads, ancient English and Scottish folk songs brought to America a generation or more before and eventually taken into the mountain fastnesses. There, in time, they were modified or lengthened by a succession of singers. Weddings and funerals also meant neighborhood gatherings. These became as the years went by not only family affairs, but also community events, for there was much intermarrying among early settlers. There came a time when all families of an entire community might be related in intricate ties of kinship. From the mountain settlements on the border line of accessibility the men went into the villages for the gala muster days of the militia and, after 1840, for political rallies, taking with them their easily salable home-brewed whiskey, thus combining �Light and Shade in the Mountains / 231 THE BARDEN COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY A study in contrast (circa 1880's)-—the lowly beast of burden on mountain farms plods along in the shadow of the state's new capitol. business and pleasure. Also for the men and boys there was hunting, and a trusty rifle or shotgun was each man's most prized possession. Undoubtedly the happiest hours of the mountain men were those spent tramping over great stretches of mountain forests, following the tracks or signs of animals and now and then stopping to "set a spell" on some hilltop boulder. There the mountain man could spend the time whittling and letting his gaze travel across the green ridges to the soft blue, peaceful haze of distant ranges. Around the evening firesides tales were told and repeated of the life and death struggles between men and beasts, and honor accrued to the outstanding hunters. Each community had its renowned bear hunter, a man to be respected by his neighbors and to be envied by every growing boy.15 �232 / Chapter Fourteen APPALACHIAN NATIONAL PARKS ASSOCIATION COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY As circumstances permitted, many settlers enlarged their homes by adding a new section to the early cabin. Here the addition is larger than the original house and a porch has been added. The turnpikes that brought their economic prosperity and broadening influences to those living along them or accessible to them played a definite part in widening the gulf between those settlers and the highlanders, who came to be known as mountaineers. On their trips to town, the hill men looked with distrust at the changing conditions they saw and came to feel that those in the towns and open valleys were getting soft with their new luxuries and "uppity" attitudes. The townspeople and valley farmers, on the other hand, came to consider the dress, speech, and habits of the hill people as old-fashioned, even quaint. As the years passed, the isolation of the mountain communities bred evils. Illiteracy developed, increased, continued, and finally became a virtue, so that in some areas schools were not welcome. When they came, sometimes over protests, attendance at them was poor and spasmodic. Not infrequently teachers were run oft by half grown boys whose only standard of superiority was physical prowess. With life following a routine that tended to become monotonous and with a still on every farm, drinking became customary as it was in all the nation's frontier regions. �Light and Shade in the Mountains / 233 ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE The Oconaluftee Farmstead: In the river valleys farmers prospered and their cultivated acres became farmsteads, with a cluster of needed outbuildings near the house. At the Oconaluftee Farmstead, shown here, original buildings have been assembled from the area. After the strong corn "likker" had gone the rounds or when potent concoctions like *'cherry bounce" had burned its way down the pioneers' throats, there was always the probability of some social event exploding into a scene of violence. Rifles, necessary in the social order of the mountains and ever present and always sure of aim, even when fired by men whose brains were reeling with too much of their own brew, were apt to crack sharply with fatal results. To those living a different type of life, it has been a thing of marvel that the Southern Appalachian mountain men should shoot their friends and relatives. But often there was no one else to shoot since with entire communities made up of relatives of varying degrees of kinship, a man, no matter in what direction he pointed his gun, aimed at a kinsman or neighbor. And tempers were easily aroused when the affairs of every family—even every individual—were the common knowledge of all. No one could so rile a man as his friend or brother or cousin. In the early settlement days protection had of necessity been a personal or intra-community affair, and to a large extent it continued to be so in the remote mountain areas. Thus there grew up a feeling that what happened in an isolated cove was the concern of the settlers alone. To the close relatives of a slain man belonged the revenge for his death, a code which inevitably �234 / Chapter Fourteen N, C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Quaker Meadows: Quaker Meadows in Burke County, the home of Major Joseph McDowell, gave evidence of the growing prosperity of farmers east of the Blue Ridge. It was here that the Overmountain men met on their way to meet Ferguson's forces. developed feuds, some of which might rage for years (even into the second or third generation) and might result in a series of deaths. Inevitably, too, the code gave rise to resentment toward outside law. Entering these regions in attempts to carry out their duties, sheriffs were regarded as intruders and fair marks for the rifles of local hunters. Later, the federal revenue officers were 'Varmints" sneaking into the private affairs of mountain men to �Light and Shade in the Mountains / 235 deprive them of their rights. Many such an officer, entering a cove, made a one way trip. 16 Yet the isolation of the mountain also developed much that was admirable. Thrown upon their resources, the mountain families built up a self-sufficient way of life. Many of the women became expert in collecting and preparing the healing herbs that abounded in the woods and were skilled in caring for the sick and wounded. For example, the entire family gathered ginseng. It is said that it was Andre Michaux on his visit to the Blue Ridge Mountains in 1794 who taught the people living near Grandfather Mountain how to gather and prepare the plentiful ginseng for the Chinese markets. The information spread throughout Western North Carolina, and many a mountain family, both adults and children, gathered "sang," which could be taken to markets in the towns. There it was made ready for shipment. For some areas, "sang" became the principal cash crop, but the slow growth of ginseng discouraged its cultivation. Gathering the wild roots continued to be fairly widespread throughout the mountains until recent years.17 Another of the attributes of self-sufficiency was that hundreds of mountain men became adept at making their simple tools. A few achieved the construction of rifles that met their own rigid standards. Others, with no tools except knives, carved out fiddles that gave forth tones of sweetness and grace, while some unknown artist designed and made the first mountain dulcimer, an instrument that has been copied hundreds of times. This instrument has a body somewhat like a guitar except that it is much narrower and is strung with a varying number of strings, often three. It is held across the player's knees, and the strings are plucked to give the surprisingly tuneful notes that make a perfect background for the ancient ballads of English and Scottish origin. Perhaps the greatest gift of isolation has been the spirit it engendered in the hearts and lives of the mountain men and women. Cut off from the world at large, they cherished the spirit of independence and the love for freedom that had first lured them into the untamed Appalachians to carve out with their own minds and hands a satisfying way of lite. This spirit intensified as the years passed and took on the character of the mountains themselves. The deep, silent language of the hills spoke to the men who tramped over them and built their cabins by the streams that splashed down from the heights. The hills of home imparted to the people something of their �236 / Chapter Fourteen own strength and uprightness, something of their mystic revelation of infinite greatness and goodness and peace. The mountains also instilled something of their own towering poise and quietness, something of their own lofty, wind-swept heights of calm. The dwellers in the uplands, both east and west of the Blue Ridge, sometimes misused the outward strength and inner power gained from their mountains. But when they turned these traits to their proper uses, the mountain people made contributions to their state and nation that were distinct and worthy of their land of majestic peaks and beauty. It was, however, largely from the prosperous valley farming areas, benefiting from the turnpikes and roads both east and west of the Blue Ridge, that the early leaders came. And it was largely from the towns and from these areas that the demands for public schools and for general improvment in economic and living conditions came. It was this area that gave David Lowry Swain to Western North Carolina and to the state. Completing three terms as 'governor, Swain went to the University as president in 1835, followingjoseph Caldwell, who had recently died. During his term as a delegate from Buncombe County in the General Assembly, the young Swain had favored Murphey's program for public education and as governor had recognized the dire need of enlightening the people of the state. His energies were necessarily concentrated, however, on the task of getting a constitutional revision. He felt, too, that because of the poverty of the masses and the remoteness of many sections, a state-wide public school system would not at that time be feasible. Now with the constitutional reform an accomplished fact, he found himself, as president of the state's only authorized educational institution, in charge of a faculty and of a student body made up of ninety boys. That number, he realized, was a pitifully small enrollment for a state having a population of almost 750,000. With characteristic energy and tact, he set about the task of improving educational opportunities for the youth of North Carolina.18 Since the state admitted that a third of its adult population was illiterate, that task had to include a consideration of the general educational conditions throughout its length and breadth. At the beginning of 1836, the outlook for establishing public schools was dismal indeed. The Literary Fund established in 1825 by an act of the General Assembly had scarcely increased since that date and was far too small to allow for financing a state �Light and Shade in the Mountains / 237 system of elementary schools. Additional funds were nowhere in sight. But in that year a happy incident opened the way for taking the first step in Murphey's plans for education of the masses. The federal government had by that time paid its debts and found itself with a large surplus in the treasury as a result of the rapid sale of its western lands. In 1836, therefore, Congress passed the Distribution of the Surplus Act, by which the funds in the federal coffers in excess of $5,000,000 were to be distributed to the states on the basis of each state's representation in Congress. It was hoped that the states would use the money for needed internal improvements and education. North Carolina received as its share $1,433,757.39, and in the state legislature the eastern bloc of Democrats, satisfied as always with the status quo, urged that the sum be applied to the state's debt. Once more they were defeated by the Whigs, including those from Western North Carolina, and except for the sum of $100,000 allocated to meet governmental expenses, the entire amount went into the Literary Fund. To state it more accurately, perhaps, the federal allotment went into investments, the proceeds of which under the 1825 law went into the Literary Fund.19 When the Public School Law was passed in 1839, it set up a system based upon Murphey's plan, although greatly modified in details. Whereas Murphey had advocated tuition for those able to pay and had suggested that only boys continue past the lower grade levels, this bill provided for free schools for all white children, both boys and girls. Under it, each county was to lay off school districts and appoint a school committee for each. Every district was to raise the sum of $20 by taxation, which would be supplemented with $40 from the Literary Fund, the resulting $60 to cover the expenses involved in operating a two or three months' term of school a year. The decision to establish this system was not to be thrust upon the counties, for in a general election voters could cast their ballots for or against the establishment of schools in their county.20 In the remote areas of Western North Carolina, where illiteracy was prevalent and where schools were desperately needed, many of the people were either indifferent to the issue or were opposed to the necessary taxation or to education in general. Yet only one western county, Yancey, which had been created only a few years earlier and had an extremely mountainous terrain, voted "No Schools." At a later date that vote too was reversed.21 �238 / Chapter Fourteen N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Pleasant Gardens: This home in McDowell County was built before the Revolutionary War. The logs of the original house have been covered with clapboards and a porch has been added. The interior oj the house and its jurnishings have kept the character of the early home. In 1840 the state's first public schools opened, and during the next ten years there were 2,657 such schools established. A portion of these were little, one-roomed log buildings in the mountains where for two or three months a year (in some sections, six weeks) the children who attended could learn their letters and whatever else the teacher could crowd into that time and had the knowledge to teach. In the villages and in many of the prosperous farming communities the privately operated and the church-owned schools and academies continued the fine and thorough work that they had performed for decades. And in these regions the public schools attracted only those pupils whose parents could not afford the tuition charged by the older and better equipped schools. In these areas, naturally, the public schools acquired no prestige. Even in sections where there were no other schools, many district schools were given little respect or support. Advocates of the public schools system were openly disappointed in the results obtained and began a careful study with revision in mind.22 �Light and Shade in the Mountains / 239 The lack of popularity and the slow acceptance of the public schools, they found, were due to several defects in the system. Perhaps the chief cause of the slow progress made by the system was the lack of a general directing head. Allied to this shortcoming was the poor teaching carried on by untrained teachers, poorly paid men with no supervision. Joseph Caldwell had recognized teacher training as a basic need in a state system and had urged, unsuccessfully, the establishment of a school for that purpose.23 Swain, trying to increase the enrollment at the University, was also deeply interested in the teaching problems involved in the system. But there were other weaknesses. The school law had been revised in 1841 so that counties were authorized but not required to raise in taxes half the sum allotted from the Literary Fund, and some counties took advantage of that escape clause, thus reducing their school money. Still another fault in the system was the allocation of the Literary Fund, which was based not upon the white population, which it actually served, but upon the total population of a county. The counties lying just east of the Blue Ridge had a small Negro population, but except for Buncombe, those west of that range had practically no Negro population. Thus the schools in Western North Carolina received less money than was their just due, often too small a sum to accomplish anything like satisfactory results. Perhaps the best that can be said for those first mountain schools is that they helped to get people used to the idea of schools and that in them a few children learned their A.B.C.'s.24 One of the most vigorous advocates of the public school system was Calvin Henderson Wiley, a University graduate and a young lawyer. He went to the General Assembly with a determination to further education in North Carolina. To do so, Wiley became an authority on conditions throughout the state and succeeded in getting a bill through the General Assembly for the appointment of a state superintendent of public instruction. Under the law, this official was to plan a course of study, set up teaching requirements, assist and advise the local school committees, select proper texts, and keep the public informed on the schools' progress and their needs. Wiley was appointed to that position and became North Carolina's first Superintendent of Public Instruction in 1852.25 He faced a task of staggering proportions, but strong in his knowledge of conditions and armed with the courage of his �240 / Chapter Fourteen dreams for the state, he went to work. He set up a system of licensing teachers through examinations and established Teachers' Associations and Library Associations to inform, encourage, and make professional those teaching in the public schools. The new Superintendent selected, even wrote, suitable text books, and gradually brought unity and order out of the chaos. In time the Educational Associationof North Carolina was organized and began its official publication, the North Carolina Common School Journal later to become the North Carolina Journal of Education. As he worked, Calvin Wiley gained friends for the public schools.26 As the years passed, his labors brought visible results. In the towns and villages of Western North Carolina and in the prosperous rural sections, the public schools steadily grew in prestige. Better buildings were erected and more able teachers hired. At last these schools rivaled and then surpassed the private schools in enrollment and took their respected places in the life of the communities.27 But in the remote areas the schools' progress was not that rapid. In time the mountain people came to realize that the schools had come to stay, and opposition to them died down. But the buildings remained small and inadequately equipped, and the pittance paid to the teachers— in some counties as little as $16 a month—attracted men who perhaps had failed at other undertakings and had managed by hook or crook to pass the required examination and to obtain a license.28 It was to be another decade followed by a war with its devastating aftermath before the dream of education envisioned by Murphey, Wiley, Caldwell, and Swain would become a reality in Western North Carolina. Yet a light had been kindled, a light that would one day dispel the darkness of illiteracy and give added beauty to life in the land of mountains. �C H A P T E R F I F T E E N The Crack of Doom in the Mountains In a weirdly Satanic mood, Fate took a lump of gold picked up in 1815 by a little Cherokee boy in northern Georgia and in the boiling caldron of the white man's hatred and greed, spun it into lightning that cracked over the child's nation with the unmistakable warning of swift doom. With DeSoto's flamboyant appearance in the mountains in 1540, a cloud of destruction arose on the horizon of the Indian nation. But the Cherokees became a strong people, and the cloud was no bigger than a man's hand. It was all but forgotten as a century and a half passed into the days that are gone. Then came the English and the French, and there were times when the cloud grew and darkened. But the Cherokees always retreated and ceded land, treaty by treaty, until their vast hunting grounds were no more and their homelands had shrunk into the westernmost section of North Carolina beyond the MeigsFreeman line, spilling over into the mountains of Tennessee and Georgia.1 In 1815 there was nothing more to give up except the fields of grain and the orchards and*the gardens, except the yards and the cabins. Now the white man demanded even these. 241 �242 / Chapter Fifteen In the fifty years following the coming of white settlers into the region west of the Blue Ridge, the Cherokee nation developed with phenomenal strides. The raids on the first isolated settlements were soon over, partly because of the effective system of sentries and the strength of the local militia units, but partly because of the restraining influence of Cherokee leaders. When the second war with England seemed inevitable, the great Shawnee chief, Tecumseh, one day appeared in the council of the Cherokees. To the gravely listening chiefs and braves he spoke of his plan for a concerted Indian uprising against the Americans, soon to be weakened through their war with the English. All of the tribes and nations east of the Mississippi River were being asked to join in a widespread federation to make a last struggle against the constant encroachment of the Americans, an encroachment that would eventually mean destruction for all native Americans. The Cherokees heard him through, and restive young braves nodded approval of his plea. But the leaders spoke through the answer that Chief Junaluska gave. That answer was "No." War against the whites had been tried by their fathers, and it had always brought loss of life and of land. It would again. The Cherokees must be content with the twelve thousand square miles left them. They were now unused to war. They must live in peace with their American neighbors. They must stay out of the white man's wars.2 ^ The Creeks gave another answer, and in 1813 they went on the warpath, massacring some five hundred men, women, and children at Fort Mims. Then it was that a group of Cherokee volunteers led by Junaluska joined the forces of General Andrew Jackson against their century-old enemies. It was the Cherokee warriors at Horse Shoe Bend on March 27, 1814, who turned a probable defeat into victory for the Americans. On a punitive campaign against the Creeks in January, Jackson had been forced to retreat when his camp was attacked by warring Indians led by the brilliant Billy Weatherford. He had withdrawn to Fort Strother. By March his inadequate forces had been strengthened by the addition of troops from Tennessee and by six hundred Indians, some of them Cherokees from the Lower Towns, some of them Junaluska's volunteers from Western North Carolina, and a small number of them friendly Creeks. �The Crack of Doom in the Mountains / 243 Learning that Weather ford's army was assembled at the bend in the Tallapoosa River, Jackson returned with a force of two thousand men to find the Creeks intrenched behind breastworks on an island in the river with their women and children on the nearby fortified peninsula. Jackson divided his forces. Sending General John Coffee with seven hundred Tennessee men and the Indians, under the command of Colonel Gideon Morgan, three miles down the stream with instructions to cross the ford there, the General gave orders to take a position opposite the rear of the fortifications. They were to prevent the Creeks from escaping while he led his main force in a frontal attack. With the Creeks doubly protected by the stockade and the river, the Americans gained no headway in the day's fighting. During this impasse Junaluska and another Cherokee, braving possible fire from the guns of their own side, swam across the river and, tying together the canoes that the Creeks had in waiting for escape in case of need, brought them back. Swarming into the light boats, the soldiers, both Indians and Americans, crossed the stream and reached the stronghold for hand-to-hand fighting, while Jackson's army stormed the opposite side. The result was the annihilation of the Creeks. Two weeks later, Billy Weatherford surrendered, and the Creek War was over. The battle of Horse Shoe Bend has been considered the greatest of all Indian battles in the long history of the westward moving American frontier. It prevented further Indian uprisings against the Americans in the southeast and forced the removal of several Indian nations to western territory. This battle also paved the way for the formation of two new states—Alabama and Mississippi.3 It was before this battle that Junaluska saved General Jackson from the poised weapon of an attacking Creek. So in 1815 the Cherokees were living peaceably with their American neighbors. The native Americans were learning something of the white man's government and in 1820 reorganized their nation, following a pattern similar to the government of the United States. They divided their country into eight districts and drew up a constitution modeled after that of the white man's nation. New Echota in Georgia, named in memory of their ancient sacred town, was their capital and there the legislative body met. The Cherokee assembly was made up of two houses, to which four �244 / Chapter Fifteen representatives from each district were elected by popular vote. At the head of the nation was the president of the council, who was also elected. John Ross was first chosen for this high office.4 The Cherokee people had a group of able leaders. A few of these were revered chiefs, conscientiously guiding their people with the paternal love and solicitude felt by their ancient predecessors. They had the wisdom handed down by generations of wise men and possessed the knowledge gained by their own long years of living. Perhaps most honored in this group was Yonaguska, who lamented that his people had adopted so many of the white man's evils. One of these evils he had been able to combat. During an illness, when his people grieved that he must soon leave them, he spoke to them of the sin of drinking. He said that he must come back from the very grave to save them from the curse placed upon them by the white man's whiskey. Slowly he recovered, and more than a thousand of his people took a solemn oath of temperance. Those who broke their pledges—and they were few—were whip-lashed as a public disgrace. Yonaguska, also known as Drowning Bear, governed his people like a father. Through his wisdom and understanding and with his gift of oratory, he exerted a telling influence upon the nation and won the deep respect of the Americans. In the unhappy days during which exile faced his people, he was known as a "peace chief." Yet when removal came, he refused to go west. Going to a new land was useless, he maintained, for it would be merely a matter of time until the white man's greed would demand these western lands, too. Along with many others, he fled into the Smokies. After the withdrawal of federal troops, he led the remnants of the Cherokee nation back to the acres that were no longer theirs. Now more than three score and ten years of age and enfeebled by the privations and exposure endured as a fugitive, he was not equal to the task of leading the destitute Cherokees. At his suggestion, William Holland Thomas was asked to assume that responsibility. With the leadership of his people thus provided for, Yonaguska was ready to depart. In 1839, at the age of seventyfive, this man, one of the great Cherokee chiefs, closed his eyes in his last sleep.5 Younger than Yonaguska was Junaluska, whose parents had called him Gul-nu-la-hun-ski, "One who tried but failed." The name was bestowed when he admitted failing to fulfill his earlier �The Crack of Doom in the Mountains / 245 boast to destroy all Creeks. This title the white man corrupted into Junaluska. He was a brilliant strategist and in 1811 was strong in the strength of mid-manhood and clear in his thinking. He was not content to remember the past glories of the Cherokee nation. Sanely and sensibly he looked at the present and did what he could to build the future security of his people. He counseled against the alliance with Tecumseh and the English, and for this gesture of friendship with the Americans the Cherokees won a promise of aid in case of Creek attack against their nation. The attack came, instead, against the Americans, and true to the pact he had made, Junaluska led a band of perhaps a hundred men from the mountains to join General Jackson's forces. After Horse Shoe Bend, Jackson extended to Junaluska and his volunteers the gratitude of the American people. Personal gratitude was given to Junaluska for the Cherokee's quick action in averting a death blow meant for the American General. Junaluska returned to his home, carrying in his heart a deep friendship for Andrew Jackson and sure that, if wisely led, his people in the future could live in peace and harmony with the Americans. He did not realize what a lump of gold could do.6 Of their able leaders, John Ross was chosen to head the reorganized government of the Cherokees. He was well fitted for the position. The son of a Scottish father and a Cherokee mother, he was one of the few men of his nation to receive a formal education. His selection for their highest office proved the confidence his people placed in him and the respect they awarded him. So did the name they gave him—Guwisguwi—the name they had bestowed upon a rare bird reputedly seen only once in their land. Both their confidence and respect were well placed. In the crushing and chaotic days ahead he was to exert all of his energies and all of his personal fortune in the struggle to avert the oncoming catastrophe. Perhaps no other Cherokee was so well equipped to present the cause of the Indian nation to Congressional leaders in Washington. There, however, by a narrow margin, he failed. In spite of the fact that he was able to win the support of a few outstanding men, he could not stem the avalanche of destruction already crashing down on a helpless people.7 The greatest of all Cherokee leaders never attained the title of chief. He was a shy, retiring man, given to thinking. He had no ambition to sway his people in the council and no desire for power; yet deep within him was a driving urge that would not let him rest. It was an urge not understood by neighbors and family, �246 / Chapter Fifteen an urge that set him apart. Possibily he himself did not understand this strange thing that was in him. On an unknown date shortly before the time that the Cherokees became involved in the American Revolutionary War, this man had been born in the Over Hills country not far from the ruins of old Fort Loudon. His mother was a Cherokee named Wut-tah, a sister of the influential chief Old Tassel of the Over Hill Towns. His father was Nathaniel Gist, a white man who was in Western North Carolina only temporarily and whose name was his only gift to the Cherokee boy whom he never saw but whom, years later from his home in Tennessee, he acknowledged as his son. The mother called her baby Sequoyah, a name with no descriptive meaning. As the boy grew to manhood, he became adept at handwork and without training began drawing and then fashioning metals into tools and jewelry. After watching white men at their forges, he made his own forge and set up a blacksmith shop where he worked iron into the tools his neighbors needed. He also loved to make silver into a variety of trinkets. But he longed for something he did not have, something his people did not have. He learned that, by making symbols on a piece of bark or paper, white men could know each other's thoughts. In curiosity, he asked his friend, Charles Hicks, who had attended one of the mission schools, to write the name Gist. Hicks, probably following Sequoyah's pronunciation, wrote the name Guess. Sequoyah made a die of the queer marks and with it stamped each piece of his silver. He knew then the meaning of the urge that was within him, and he set about devising a set of symbols that would give the Cherokees this power of silent speaking when absent, the power that the white man possessed. For years Sequoyah worked, moving into a small house alone and ignoring the ridicule and scorn of his neighbors. In time he was swamped with the characters he had designed, and he knew that unless he could reduce their number, he would fail. He put aside what he had done and started his self-appointed task anew, using a different approach. Now instead of trying to make a symbol for each word, he reduced the Cherokee language to its elemental sound units—syllables, the white man would call them. He found there were eighty-six such units. He then set about devising a symbol for each one of them. In this endeavor he was aided when, quite by chance, he came by a piece of American printing. The Roman type letters, he saw, �The Crack of Doom in the Mountains / 247 were far simpler to form than many of his own and, without knowing the sound that each English letter represented, he borrowed what he needed. The result was a queer looking but easily learned set of syllable symbols covering every Cherokee sound out of which words were made. By 1821 he had completed this supreme task of his life. He had in his hands the means by which his people could become literate. At the time, no one was interested—not his family, not his neighbors, not the missionaries, not even the Superintendent of Indian Affairs. Sequoyah turned to any who would listen, teaching little groups of children and young people. Quickly they learned and proved to the skeptics the marvel of this thing that the inventor, untutored and unaided, had brought to pass.8 In less than a year Cherokees were a literate people. The Council voted to establish a newspaper and through the recommendations of the Reverend S.A. Worchester, President of the Brainard Mission School, his Mission Board in Boston had the type of the new symbols cast in that city. The type, together with a press, was shipped by water to Augusta, Georgia, and from there by wagon to New Echota. Two white printers worked with a Cherokee apprentice to put out the first issue of the Cherokee Phoenix, which appeared on February 21, 1828. The editor was Elias Boudinot, an educated Cherokee. During the struggle over the removal to a western reservation, the paper was forced to suspend operations, but was later continued at Tahlequah, Oklahoma, under the name of the Cherokee Advocate. For some years it was printed in both Cherokee and in English and was distributed free to all Cherokees who could not read English.9 Four years before the arrival of the press at New Echota, John Arch had translated a portion of the Gospel of St. John and had circulated the handwritten copies. It was the first Bible translation ever made in a written native American language. David Brown, a half-Cherokee preacher, later translated the New Testament into Cherokee. In the first four and a half years of its operation, the press printed some 14,600 copies of the Testament, hymns, and religious tracts. Practically every Cherokee could read them.10 In grateful recognition of his gift to them the Cherokees, through their Council, presented Sequoyah with a silver medal, and the Nation gave him a life pension. News of what he had done reached Washington where the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Government of the United States presented him with a gift of �248 / Chapter Fifteen FROM McKENNEY AND HALL'S COPY OF THE ORIGINAL PAINTING OF 1828, THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. Sequoyah: Unlettered and untutored, Sequoyah spent long, lonely years perfecting a system by which his people might "speak when absent.'' With his syllabary the Cherokees became a literate nation within a year. money. In 1917 the state of Oklahoma presented a statue of him to * be placed in the Hall of Statuary in the nation's capitol. But the most fitting tribute to this man, who, in the short span of twelve years, bridged the gap of thousands of years and lifted himself and his nation into the sphere of literate peoples, came when his name was given in honor to the giant trees of California. They too, lift their heads above the lowland up into the clear, pure realm of light and sunshine. Sequoyah went with the Cherokees on the long trek to their new home. From there, when he was an old man, he set out in search of the "lost Cherokee tribe," said to have gone into Mexico. He was not equal to the arduous journey, and he sickened and died. There by the Rio Grande, the boundary of the land he �The Crack of Doom in the Mountains / 249 sought, he was buried, this greatest of all Cherokees and one of the most remarkable of all men.11 The Cherokee nation during the decade of the 1820's developed a stable government. The people were reasonably prosperous on their little farms, raising their grain crops, fruits, and vegetables, and tending to their cattle. The clack of the loom sounded from every cabin. Many of them were accepting, or at least listening to, the white man's religious teaching. Early in the century the Moravians had established missions in their territory, followed by the Baptists, who, in 1820, had four missions in Western North Carolina. The most influential mission school, however, was the Brainard School in Tennessee. It was established by the American Foreign Mission Board in Boston, with the Reverend S. A. Worchester as its president. The federal government aided this school in its industrial education program; it was perhaps the first school in the nation to carry on such work. During this decade, too, the Cherokee nation became a reading and writing nation, reaching a rate of literacy that shamed the white section of Western North Carolina. The Cherokees were also far more temperate and law-abiding than their neighbors.12 But unfortunately, gold had been discovered on their land. That fact the white men could not tolerate. The idea spread that the Cherokees must leave. There was Indian land beyond the Mississippi River. Let them go there. In 1817, cajoled by the whites, a few chiefs signed a treaty ceding their territory and agreeing to a removal to the west. This settlement was at once repudiated by the Council, and sixty-seven chiefs signed a memorial of protest, pointing out that the signers of the treaty had no authority to represent their government. This document was sent to Washington, and John Ross began a series of trips to the national capital to present the case of his people. Such Congressional leaders as Daniel Webster, Edward Everett, and Henry Clay championed the rights of the native Americans. The unauthorized treaty hung fire; yet the Cherokees felt that it would not come up again.13 Agitation for removal continued in Georgia, and in 1819, hoping to appease the whites, the Cherokees by treaty sold their land along the Tuckaseigee River, thus ceding all land north and east of the Little Tennessee River and east of the Nantahala Mountains. It was a big price to pay, and for the Indians it availed little.14 Georgia became vociferous in its demands for removal, and the ensuing ten-year period was a time of growing confusion �250 / Chapter Fifteen and bitter feelings. The possibility of expulsion from their homeland hung over the Cherokees like a Damocles sword. Georgia then began a series of petty indignities that developed into persecution. The Indian leaders kept their people in check only with the hope that the government at Washington would protect their national rights. John Ross continued making trips to confer with congressmen and justices. This explosive state of affairs flamed into warlike activities when in 1828 new gold discoveries were made on the Georgia holdings of the Cherokees. That state, snatching at any angle that would present a legal facet, grimly and determinedly set about getting possession of the Indian land. No quarter was to be extended to the Cherokees. Seizing upon the convenient political theory that no nation could exist within the confines of the American government, the General Assembly of Georgia declared that the Cherokee nation did not exist. Hence the Cherokee laws were also non-existent. By another act, it declared that the Cherokees living within its boundaries were incapable of owning land. Thus the state acquired the power of removing unwanted Cherokee occupants, who were given until June 1, 1830, to leave the state.15 Remembering the service rendered to General Jackson at Horseshoe Bend and recalling his declaration of friendship of the Cherokees, their leaders still had high hopes of saving their nation. Junaluska tried to quiet the fears of his people with the conviction that Jackson, now entering the White House as President of the United States, would champion their righteous cause. The confusion that existed before now swelled into a state of pandemonium. Georgia sent state surveyors into the Cherokee territory to mark off the land into "land lots" of 160 acres each and "gold lots" of 40 acres each. These were offered by lottery to the white residents of the state and to the inrushing hordes of goldhungry speculators. At the same time the Cherokees were forbidden to hold meetings of the Council, in fact, to hold any meetings. Friend and industrial advisor of the Cherokees, the Reverend Worchester, was imprisoned; and at one time John Ross and his guest, John Howard Payne, were held prisoners in the home of Joseph Vann, a well-to-do Cherokee. The Cherokee Phoenix was forced to suspend operation.16 ° Protests against Georgia's treatment of the Cherokees as criminals were sent to the federal government, and in 1831 the Indian nation appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States �The Crack of Doom in the Mountains / 251 for an injunction against the state of Georgia. They also appealed to that court concerning the seizure of a Cherokee charged with murdering a fellow tribe member, a case, the Cherokees felt, that was within the jurisdiction of their own courts. John Marshall's decision that the Cherokees had the right to their land until an authorized and voluntary treaty with the federal government compelled them to relinquish it brought some hope to the Indian nation. But Georgia openly defied the decision, and President Jackson, besieged by appeals from that state, uttered the crisp rejoiner that rang through the Cherokee nation like a death knell. "John Marshall has made his decision," said Jackson, "now let him enforce it. "17 The faith in General Jackson, to which Junaluska had clung, crumbled, and a hopeless spirit of fatality gripped the aging warrior. Two factions now divided the Cherokees. One, led by the brilliant young John Ridge, who had been educated in the white man's schools and who had a white wife, argued that compromise with the Americans was no longer possible. His followers felt that the only practical course open to the Indians was to conclude a treaty with the federal government on as favorable terms as could be arranged and to move to the western lands. On March 14,1835, this faction agreed to a treaty drawn up by the Reverend J.F. Schermerhorn, commissioner for the government. Under its terms the Cherokees were to receive $3,250,000—a sum later raised to $4,500,000—for their eastern lands, and they were to move west. This treaty was not to be in effect, however, until it was approved by the Indian nation meeting in full council. In October the Council met and overwhelmingly rejected the treaty. In desperation the federal government called for a meeting of all Cherokees at New Echota for the purpose of drawing up a new treaty. John Ross, who opposed any removal plan, was held prisoner in Georgia until after this meeting. Other leaders were also absent. Out of the total Cherokee population, only some three hundred men, women, and children gathered at New Echota. Although this small group was in no way respresentative of the nation, a committee was appointed and another treaty worked out by which the Cherokees agreed to cede all their eastern domain in return for government land in Indian Territory and which offered a sum amounting to about fifty cents an acre for their homeland. This forced treaty was ratified in the Senate on May 23,1836, and a Removal Bill arranged for evacuation by May 26, 1838.18 The frantic appeals of John Ross were fruitless. Near the end of the allotted time, however, only some four thousand Cherokees �252 / Chapter Fifteen ; WOOLAROC MUSEUM, BARTLESVILLE, OKLA. The Great Migration: Because gold had been discovered on their land, the Cherokees, now a literate people living under a written constitutional government, went from the land of their fathers in what has been called "The Great Migration," On their way to Indian Territory many died from exposure and exhaustion. had gone west, leaving approximately seventeen thousand still on the eastern domain. The government, impatient with this lack of response to orders, sent General John E. Wool with an army into the area to implement the removal. Upon learning that the Cherokees were being removed against their will and after seeing conditions at the fort "at the mouth of the Valley River," General Wool asked to be relieved of the assignment. He was replaced by General Winfield Scott, who was given an army of seven thousand regulars whose orders were to complete the evacuation as rapidly as possible, although Martin Van Buren, now President, agreed to extend the time beyond the designated date.19 What followed is stark tragedy, a total eclipse of all the principles of freedom for which the new Republic had been formed. Stockades were erected in various parts of the Cherokee country (North Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama), and into them the soldiers herded the men, women, and children taken without warning from their fields and homes. In June, 5,000 of the people, traveling in bands of 800 to 1,000, said a tearful goodbye to the land of their ancestors and started west, going by water as much of the way as possible. They were removed on governmentprovided steamers down the Tennessee River to the Ohio River �The Crack of Doom in the Mountains / 253 THE TRAIL OF TEARS milfoil _/• ATHENfc cHiioiiC; .A10UMA ALABAMA "| FROM THE 19TH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY The Trail of Tears: The second group to leave the Cherokee land numbered more than 12,000 and traveled in groups of 1,000. They began their journey in October, 1838, and reached their new home in March, 1839. An estimated 4,000 died on the way. and then to the Mississippi, eventually crossing Arkansas into designated Indian Territory. It was a hot, dry summer and the wanderers suffered greatly. In the intense heat of a western August they reached their destination. Word sifted back to the mountains that many had died enroute. It was reported that in one group of 875, some 350 had died and had been buried along the way. John Ross then requested that the remaining twelve thousand of his people be allowed to go in the autumn and asked that they have charge of their own removal. His request was granted. In October the heartsick people, in groups of a thousand each, set out by an overland route for the remote land they had never seen. Government-furnished wagons held household goods and tools and carried the children, the aged, and the sick. The few who owned horses, rode, but most of the men and women, each with a bundle on back or in hands, trudged every step of the thousand miles on foot. Starting from the north bank of the Hiwassee River, their course led through Nashville, Tennessee, where they got government supplies, and then headed northwestward through a forested area of abundant game to the Ohio River. They crossed it by ferry near the mouth of the Cumberland. The exiled people then crossed southern Illinois, fording the Mississippi River at Cape Girardeau, and passed across southern Missouri into Indian Territory. The journey which had begun on October 4 ended in March. Six months of daily plodding through the rains, sleets, and snows of an exceptionally dreary and cold winter had proved disastrous to a third of their number. About �254 / Chapter Fifteen four thousand died along the "Trail of Tears."20 So powerful was a lump of gold! The best known tragic episode in this macabre drama took place, however, back in the mountains. A Cherokee farmer with no understanding of the causes behind this historic event or of its future significance was its hero. He was a little-known man in his sixties named Tsali and called by the whites "Old Charley." Through his death, a thousand Cherokees hiding in the fastnesses of the Smoky Mountains received government permission to remain in the hills and thus eventually to build for themselves a new nation—the Eastern Band of the Cherokees. During the gathering of the people at the departure forts, scattered individuals, families, and groups of neighbors escaped into the mountains, seeking whatever shelter the towering Smokies afforded and existing on the scanty food supplied by the autumn forests. Among these refugees was Tsali, and with him were his wife, his grown son Ridges, a second son (still a child), and his brother-in-law Lowney. Over the years, as the story of his death was told and retold around the nation's camp fires, the man Tsali was clothed with heroism. His death was regarded as a sacrifice, the voluntary assumption of the role of scapegoat for the salvation of a thousand of his people. According to the traditional story, two soldiers came to Tsali's cabin home to take him and his family to the fort. Along a steep stretch of the path one of the Americans prodded the lagging Indian woman. Tsali, controlling his wrath at this indignity to his wife, spoke in Cherokee to his son and Lowney. At the first turn in the path, he said, he would fall, pretending injury to his ankle. Then the soldiers would halt momentarily, giving the Indian men an opportunity to leap at them and sieze their guns. The Cherokees would then flee into the nearby hills. The plan almost worked, but one soldier rushed to the fallen Tsali while the other was being overpowered by Ridges and Lowney. From the ground, Tsali tripped the man bending over him, and in his fall the soldier's gun went off, killing him instantly. Sadly picking up the dead man's gun, Tsali led his family up into the mountains.21 The sequel came after the autumn departure of the Cherokees. General Scott's troops attempted to round up all fugitives hiding in the mountains. They were unsuccessful, for these hills had been the hunting grounds for generations of Cherokees. The refugees were familiar with hiding places that no strange white men could locate. Nor was it possible to starve them out of their hidden �The Crack of Doom in the Mountains / 255 recesses, for the Indians knew how to exist on the nuts and roots and plants they found in the forests. It began to look as though this final phase of the removal would drag on indefinitely. With his men eager to be finished with this unpleasant task, General Scott sought some way to bring it to an ''honorable" close. He found it. If he could capture Tsali and publicly avenge the death of an American soldier, he would forget the others. According to tradition it was William Holland Thomas who took Scott's message to Tsali and brought back to the American officer Tsali's reply, "I will come in." True to his promise, the Cherokee farmer, unaware of the heroism of his sacrifice, stood unblindfolded with Ridges and Lowney, while at his request his own people fired the shots that made them martyrs. His younger son, because of his youth, was allowed to live.22 This is the traditional story of Tsali, familiar to every Cherokee and to thousands of white Americans who have seen it come to life in the Mountainside Theater at Cherokee Village. The reports of the officers rounding up the Cherokees, however, present a somewhat different version of the episode. In an attempt to gather in the fugitives, General Scott assigned Colonel William S. Foster and his Fourth Infantry to the upper Oconaluftee River valley and the Smoky Mountains. In October Colonel Foster, detaching units of his men to various sections of his territory, sent Second Lieutenant A. J. Smith and three soldiers through the upper Oconaluftee valley district. These men, finding no Cherokees, started for Fort Scott. On their way they surprised a camp of fugitives near the Little Tennessee River. Tsali and his family were reportedly among the dozen men, women, and children taken into custody by the soldiers. In a report to his superior officer, Lieutenant Smith told of the ensuing tragedy. He was aware, he said, of the spirit of resentment seething through the captive group and, fearing trouble, ordered his men to seize a long knife that one of the Indians had. The officer later gave a similar order when he discovered that one of the refugees had an axe. This second order came too late, for, apparently at a signal, the men in the group attacked the soldiers, killing two and wounding the third. Lieutenant Smith owed his own escape to the dexterity of his horse. This act, the only instance of bloodshed during the removal of the Cherokees from Western North Carolina, called for drastic and immediate retaliation. The members of the Indian band were identified by �256 / Chapter Fifteen William H. Thomas, James Welch, a settler, and Lieutenant Smith. General Scott sent Captain C. H. Larned after Tsali, considered the leader of the outlaw group.23 It was at this juncture that General Scott, evidently wishing to avoid a search of undetermined length and hoping to enlist the aid of other refugees, issued an order of immunity to all hiding in the hills, provided that Tsali and his men were captured and turned over to the army. After a two weeks search the men were brought in by two of their own people, Wecheecha and Euchella, and were taken to Fort Lindsey, which had been erected at the junction of the Nantahala with the Little Tennessee River. According to Lieutenant Smith's report, Wacheecha and Euchella had asked permission to capture Tsali and to mete out his punishment in order to expiate the disgrace that the murdering of two white men had brought to their nation. In carrying out Tsali's execution the deaths of the two American soldiers had been avenged. And what was of supreme importance to the hundreds of Cherokees still hiding in mountain caves, the terms of the conditions upon which their immunity from punishment depended had been met. General Scott and his army, considering their removal assignment completed, withdrew from the mountains of Western North Carolina.24 Then from their hiding places came the pitiful remnant of a once proud and populous nation. They now owned not an inch of ground in the land that had once been theirs. They had neither money nor personal possessions. Their great chief Yonaguska was old and now ill from the months of privations in the mountains. They were bewildered and without confidence in their own power or in the justice of the federal government. In their extremity they turned to the one man they could trust. They turned to a trader named William Holland Thomas.25 They could not have done better. Born in 1805 near what was to be Waynesville, William Thomas grew up on the frontier and in the Cherokee country. Since his father had died before the boy's birth, young Thomas assumed a man's work at an early age. Already at age twelve he had gained the confidence of business men and was manager of an Indian trading post at Qualla. He was hired by Felix Walker, a farmer, trader, land speculator, and representative to Congress, who in 1808 had come from Rutherford County to the newly organized Haywood County. In his work Thomas came to know and to admire the Cherokees, and �The Crack of Doom in the Mountains / 257 THE BARDEN COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY William Holland Thomas: Thomas, who was reared in the mountains, became the white chief of the little band of destitute people left in the hills. Through his efforts these native Americans became the Eastern Band of Cherokees. they grew to love and trust him. They approved when Yonaguska adopted the white boy as his own son, and they accepted him as a member of their nation. Before he was fourteen, young Thomas found himself, through the gift of the now financially hardpressed Walker, the owner of a trading post with its meager stock and of a set of law books. He was now not only the manager of the post, but also its owner. William Thomas was educated in Cherokee through Sequoyah's syllabary, and he had studied the law books until he was familiar with American law. Politics already interested him. He had prospered in business and had been justified in the establishment of five trading posts. At maturity he lived on a farm on the Tuckaseigee River near the ancient Indian town of Stekoa, �258 / Chapter Fifteen destroyed in 1776 by Moore. What was more important, as events proved, was that he could feel, think, and speak like a Cherokee. It was logical, then, that when the aged Yonaguska died, Thomas should be chosen chief of these eastern Cherokees. It is hard to visualize the fate of these men, women, and children—a thousand of them—had William H. Thomas refused the responsibility of becoming a later-day Moses for a persecuted people. The first step taken before he became chief was to go to Washington in behalf of his people, pleading for aid for them and asking for their share of the $5,000,000 that the federal government had agreed under treaty to pay the Cherokees for their eastern land. It was a slow, strenuous task, this wresting from an unwilling government even a token of justice for a forlorn group of defenseless people. It was only after years of effort and after the expenditure of much of his own financial resources that Thomas succeeded in his aims. He was eventually appointed the Federal Agent for these eastern Cherokees and as such could hold in trust the money turned over to him for the Indians under the Removal Treaty of 1836. Consistent with the theory adopted as a basis for their expulsion, the Cherokees were not granted the right of citizenship by either North Carolina or by the United States, and they could hold no land. Both as the government's representative to the Cherokees and as the Cherokee spokesman to the government, Thomas purchased with the Indians* money paid to him a tract of some 57,000 acres around the present village of Cherokee in addition to a smaller tract known as the Snowbird Reservation near the present Robbinsville. This land he held in trust for his people until they could become citizens and have the right to own it individually. Once more there was land in the mountains of Western North Carolina that the Cherokees could call home. Under Thomas' guidance, the Cherokees divided the area into five communities called Bird Town, Paint Town, Wolf Town, Yellow Hill and Big Cove. Thomas helped them devise a form of government, and this eastern segment of the Cherokees began the slow process of rebuilding a nation.26 In time, a few of those who had gone west came back and were allowed to remain. Among them was Junaluska, old and homesick. Somewhat tardily, North Carolina manifested its gratitude to him by conferring citizenship upon him and by giving him land on which to live out his life. On November 20, 1859, in his little cabin near the present Robbinsville, he died.27 He had lived, some have thought, more �The Crack of Doom in the Mountains / 259 1 - THE BARDEN COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Junaluska: Tired, footsore, and disillusioned, Junaluska, the great Cherokee warrior and leader, returned from Indian Territory to the mountains he loved. �THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. 7^e Grave of Junaluska and His Wife Nicie: In recognition of his having saved the life of Andrew Jackson at the Battle of Horse Shoe Bend, Junaluska received citizenship and was allowed to return from Indian Territory. He was given a farm on the Snowbird Boundary reserves of the Cherokees. There he died on November 20, 1859. than a hundred years. He had seen his people rise to their brief period of greatness and then fall before the greed of the white man. He had been a great warrior and a revered counselor of his nation. He had been a wanderer and a refugee. But he had come back to the land of his birth and the hills he loved, and he died as he wished, in the mountains of his ancestors. �C H A P T E R S I X T E E N More Government for Western North Carolina /\fter the formation of Haywood County from the "State of Buncombe" in 1808, the two counties furnished local government for an extensive area west of the Blue Ridge for twenty years. Rutherford, Burke, Wilkes, and Ashe Counties continued to serve both their more settled sections east of the Blue Ridge and their mountain lands west of that range. For the mountain regions especially, it was a period of settling and of evolving a mountain way of life. It was a time for developing the river valleys into comparatively large farms and a time of organizing self-sufficient communities in many rich but mountain-rimmed geographic pockets. In time, however, several factors combined to raise the familiar clamor for the creation of new counties out of portions of these far-flung older ones. Perhaps the basic factor was what might be considered the normal influx of settlers. The general restlessness giving rise to a westward trend of migration that characterized the national life style also affected Western North Carolina, bringing people seeking new homes in western areas. Some of these westward moving people passed along the mountain highways into Tennessee or on to more distant territories. But many of them stayed to take up land in Western North Carolina. After the 261 �262 / Chapter Sixteen APPALACHIAN NATIONAL PARKS ASSOCIATION COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Settlers going into the remote sections of newly formed counties often encountered rushing mountain streams and virgin forests. completion of the Buncombe Turnpike in 1827, a second factor entered the picture. The prosperity that the road brought to the mountain region increased the number of incoming, mountainminded travelers. Because of this new, easy access to the hillcountry, men could now bring their families and household goods in wagons over the finest road in the state of North Carolina. For some thirty years the Turnpike rumbled with heavily laden wagons, some of which used the road as a passageway out of the state, but a far greater number of which came to rest in mountain coves and along mountain streams. Thus, during the 1830's half of the counties of the state declined in population, but the population of Western North Carolina increased.1 Still another factor in the demand for new counties was the opening of Cherokee lands. The Meigs-Freeman line of demarcation between the races was no longer in effect after 1819. The reduction of the size of the Cherokee nation allowed North Carolina to open such "cleared" acres for settlement.2 In 1819 the Cherokees, in a desperate attempt at appeasement, �More Government for Western North Carolina / 263 sold the federal government all their homeland north and east of the Little Tennessee River together with the rich Tuckaseigee and Oconaluftee River area, as well as a more southerly strip extending to the Nantahala Mountains. The area was then opened for white settlement. White settlers rushed hastily into every part of the opened territory, taking out grants and building homes. Their successors settled near them or bought lands still left in the older sections. In once remote parts of Hay wood County the population became sufficient to justify the machinery of a new government. Buncombe County also had areas in both its northern and its southern districts that were fully ready for their own local government. The reasons advanced in the petitions for the formation of new counties were the familiar ones of distance from the county seats together with poor road conditions. Farmers in the valley of the South Toe River had to travel a distance of about forty miles to reach their county seat of Asheville. At certain seasons of the year, the roads, scarcely more than trails, were impassable. Even at best they were wretchedly poor, the "pooriest, rockiest roads in the country," according to one traveler.3 It took a man on horseback two days to make the trip and the farmers living in the valley of the North Toe River had a similar distance to go to reach Morganton, their county seat. They had to descend and, on the return trip climb, the forbidding Blue Ridge Mountains. Not only did this waste precious work time, but also the slowness of travel could well impede the process of justice. The first western petition acted upon favorably by the General Assembly after the formation of Haywood County came from the citizens recently flocking into the lands opened for settlement in the western portion of that county. Many settlers had purchased land tracts in the area in September, 1820, when a general auction sale of Cherokee lands had been held in Waynesville, the county seat. The number of residents increased steadily. In fact, so populous did the region become that after 1824 it was necessary for Haywood County to keep a deputy sheriff in the area as the county's officer of law enforcement.4 The new county was named Macon, in honor of Nathaniel Macon, leader of the North Carolina Republicans and at one time Speaker of the United States House of Representatives. There for many years he was his state's outstanding political figure. It was somewhat ironic, however, that this western county should receive Macon's name in view of the fact that Western North �264 / Chapter Sixteen ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE Dry Falls: These falls are so called because one can pass behind them without getting splashed by their spray. They are in Macon County. Carolina opposed practically all of his economy measures and eventually helped to bring about the end of Republican control of the state. The county seat was named for Jesse Franklin, governor of the state for a term prior to the bill authorizing the formation of the county.5 The town of Franklin was built on the site of Nikwasi, the ancient sacred city and capital of the Middle Cherokees. The mound near the new town was made by a people of the �More Government for Western North Carolina / 265 forgotten past and had been used by the later Cherokees as an elevation for their council house. There they may have entertained DeSoto and his Spaniards in 1540, and there in 1730 they drank to the health of King George with the persuasive Cuming. Today the mound broods over a modern mountain town, a sub-capital known as a county seat. That its brooding may be undisturbed by thoughtless persons seeking relics of a past civilization, the citizens and school children of Macon County purchased the mound in 1946 and presented it to the city of Franklin to be held as a public trust. A marker designating the site of old Nikwasi has been placed at the mound.6 As soon as the new county was formed, the county court set about its road building. Citizens working in shifts under an appointed overseer opened a road from Franklin along the Little Tennessee River to the mouth of the Tuckaseigee River. This connected with a highway being constructed to the Tennessee line.7 In the third decade of the century three more petitions from mountain sections received favorable action in the General Assembly. Yancey County was authorized in 1833, Henderson County late in 1838, and Cherokee County in 1839. The new Yancey County comprised all the Toe River valley. It was an old country, bearing evidences of ancient battles between the Cherokees and the Catawbas, who had spasmodically contended for coveted hunting rights in the fertile region. Here, too, was evidence of Spanish invaders, coming after 1540, not to settle, but to sink mine shafts in search of gold and silver and possibly other metals.8 Across this area in 1771 James Robertson had led sixteen families from Wake County to the new Watauga Settlements to the west. And through it in September, 1780, had tramped the aroused frontiersmen on their way over the hills to stop once and for all Ferguson's raids east of the Blue Ridge. Scattered settlers along the North and South Toe Rivers had joined these marching men and had taken part in the battle of King's Mountain. Here, too, a few years later speculators like Waightstill Avery, John Gray Blount, and William Cathcart had received vast grants of land with an eye to the rich wealth of minerals known to be locked in the hills.9 From 1777 to the formation of Buncombe County in 1792, both the North and the South Toe valleys had been a part of Burke County, and the northern section remained so until 1833 when both areas were again united in the county of Yancey. Contrary to �266 / Chapter Sixteen ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE Linville Gorge: The Linville River makes its way between Linville Mountain and Jonas Ridge. This wildly beautiful gorge in Burke county was viewed by the French botanist Andre Michaux in 1802. Today it is designated as a Wilderness Area. the experience in many new Western North Carolina counties, the selection of a site for the county seat submitted by commissioners pleased all sections of the county. The selected town was named Burnsville in honor of Captain Otway Burns, an officer in the navy during the second war with England. The county name honored Bartlett Yancey, twice a member of the United States Congress from North Carolina. Much of the legislative energies of the new county was consumed during the succeeding years in forming plans for making the county seat accessible to all its sections by the construction of badly needed roads. Ambitious plans were also drawn up for an east-west highway across the county, giving access over the Blue Ridge to Morganton and connecting in the west with Buncombe Turnpike along the French Broad River. Access routes to both Tennessee and South Carolina markets would thus be established. An alternate plan for the western section, should the original one prove impractical, called for a highway going directly south to Asheville.10 �More Government for Western North Carolina / 267 PHOTO BY BARBARA GREENBERG FOR THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM The Valley Crucis Mission School: Originally purchased for (<a shotgun, a pair of leggins, and a hound dog, " acreage in this beautiful valley was later purchased by Bishop Levi Silliman Ives in 1842 and became the site of a training school for the Episcopal ministry. In later years the Mission School has served as a classical and agricultural school for boys, a preparatory school for girls, and a parish training center for theological students. The original structure, shown here, today serves as part of a year around conference center for the Episcopal Diocese of Western North Carolina. Some progress was made in these projects by improving the narrow, inadequate existing roads and by constructing a few new local ones, all by the system generally employed of impressing citizens for road construction and maintenance. But the new county was pathetically poor and not enough help was forthcoming from the state to convert the dream of an east-west artery of trade into a reality. As time went on, however, sections of it were built and maintained after a fashion. Because of its lack of anything like an adequate system of roads and the resultant difficulty of getting its products to suitable markets, mountainencompassed Yancey County was thwarted in its economic and social progress until well into the present century. Henderson County, created by an act of the General Assembly in December, 1838, comprised the southern section of Buncombe �268 / Chapter Sixteen MARGARET MORLEY COLLECTION, N. C. DEPT. OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Ploughing small patches of ground with an ox or a horse or with a mule as this boy is doing was long a familiar sight -in many Western North Carolina counties. County and was a well-developed and populous area with several well-defined rural settlements. The first road ordered built by the new Buncombe court in 1792 extended into this area, and in it some of Buncombe County's first industries had been established. Around the turn of the century Phillip Sitton had built ironworks, getting his ore from what is now known as Forge Mountain. His output of needed iron justified the bounty he received from Buncombe County. Matthew Gillespie set up a forge nearby where he and his sons, Harvey, Phillip, and Wilson, made long rifles for the pioneer hunters. Both of these enterprises had been invaluable to the early settlers west of the Blue Ridge.11 The southern boundary of the new county was also the dividing line between North and South Carolina, and throughout the county's length had passed the first roads built as links between the mountain area and the distant South Carolina markets. There were several of these, most of them following original native trails that had been glorified into pony paths during the days of the �More Government for Western North Carolina / 269 N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Back in the hills getting to the "church house "on Sundays often meant crossing a stream on a foot log. Indian trade. One of these roads crossed the mountains into South Carolina by way of Caesar's Head. Another took the mountain traveler—one presumes on horseback—southeast by way of Hickory Nut Gorge into Rutherford County, while a third led over Saluda Gap, connecting with a road to Greenville, South Carolina. Still another link was the widened Indian and traders' path leading to the Spartanburg area of South Carolina.12 It was the Saluda Gap road over which the dauntless Bairds had brought their wagon and goods to set up merchandizing in the newly created Buncombe County in 1793. It was this same mountain road that, nine years later, Bishop Asbury had found negotiable only on foot and with the aid of two sticks. In 1806 Asbury had tried the road into Rutherford County, finding it equally bad and recording that for nearly a mile its descents were like the roof of a house.13 These roads, poor as they were, had been the means of developing the region west of the Blue Ridge. The area that became Henderson County had been especially favored by these highways over which settlers first entered the mountains. The geography of the country had also been an asset to this territory, for in it was the broadest, most open valley to be found in all Western North Carolina. Its fertility was early recognized. By 1838 the county had well established settlements in �270 / Chapter Sixteen THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. In remote coves and on hillsides in both old and new counties families continued to live much as the first settlers had. Their cabins were small; they tilled a few acres; they raised their food; and they hunted for game. Away from the changes brought by the improved highways, they kept the habits, the dress, and the speech of their ancestors. the Mills River and French Broad region as well as along the Green River and along Mud Creek and its tributaries. These farming areas profited greatly after 1826-27 by the Buncombe Turnpike that ran through the length of the county. The Turnpike furnished the farmers with a ready market for their corn at the many stands along it and also provided a means of getting their hogs and horses and turkeys to South Carolina. The westernmost parts of North Carolina continued to grow. Hotels and inns catered to the travelers entering by every gap. At Fruitlands, the home of the Edneys, apple raising was proving practicable. Each community had its established private school, like the Mills River Academy, as well as churches of various denominations. And there were already several camp grounds for the annual summer religious meetings.14 �More Government for Western North Carolina / 271 m PRINT FROM THE ORIGINAL GLASS PLATE NEGATIVE, .BARBER PHOTO Henderson County's First Court House: Although the formation of Henderson County was authorized in 1838, a dispute over the site of the county seat was not settled until 1841. In 1842 the new court house in Hendersonville was ready for use. This picture was taken at a much later date. Both the new county and its county seat were named in honor of Judge Leonard Henderson, one of the associate justices of the state's Supreme Court. A county government was duly set up in 1839 at a court held in the home of Hugh Johnson in the French Broad area, but disagreement arose among the eleven commissioners appointed to select the site for the county seat. On the location of the town the citizens were also divided into two bitterly opposing camps, one contending for a site on Shaw's Creek (on land offered by Hugh Johnson) and the other for a site on Mud Creek that would take advantage of the Buncombe Turnpike. For two years the court held its sessions in the Mills River Academy; meanwhile, the Grand Jury asked permission to heat and use one of the permanent shelters on the camp ground that adjoined the campus of the Academy. During this time litigations concerning the county seat location dragged through the courts. At last the General Assembly ordered the matter settled by a direct vote of the county's citizens. At the elections held in January, 1841, the Buncombe Turnpike site received a majority of 109 votes. In spite of the fact that fraud was at once charged in connection with the voting in the Flat Rock �272 / Chapter Sixteen DORIS ULLMANN, HANGING PHOTOGRAPHS, N. C. DEPT. OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY The inner strength and the spirit of accepting daily toil as a way of life have been bequeathed by mountain women to their daughters and their granddaughters. area, the courts upheld the election returns. The town of Hendersonville was then laid out on land given by Mitchell King, John Johnson, and James Brittain, and in 1842 the courthouse was ready for use. Although no deeds to lots were recorded until 1846, a village had grown up around the courthouse by that time. In 1850 the General Assembly altered the boundary line between Henderson and Buncombe Counties, and by another act in 1844 it ceded a small portion of Rutherford County to the newly formed county. This strip of land was to become a few years later a part of Polk County.15 �More Government for Western North Carolina / 273 DORIS ULLMANN, HANGING PHOTOGRAPHS, N. C. DEPT. OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Aunt Curtis: For several generations the life of a woman in the mountain sections of the newly formed counties was hard. Yet there were chores in which a woman's heart delighted—gathering the fruit, weaving at the loom} and planting the garden. Good times came in joining neighbors at church and at "play parties." In 1839 a portion of Macon County was formed into the state's most westerly county, Cherokee County. Along its rivers in an age long past, primitive people had come to build their homes and to live their simple community lives. But the region was destined to be a land of changing nations, and these first citizens of the mountains had been forced to give way to successive tribes of mound builders, who, in turn, succumbed to the Cherokees. Now �274 / Chapter Sixteen I N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY A Cherokee Home: By the time the most westerly counties were formed, the Cherokees had long been accustomed to the white man's dress. They no longer lived in lodges but in cabins like those of the white settlers. the Cherokees had been deported by the white man, who had built his little government village on what had been the site for a succession of native American towns. Above the site on a knoll along the Hiwassee River was Fort Butler, erected at the time of the Cherokee removal. To it the reluctant Indians had been brought, and from it they had started on their weary westward journey. On this old village site, where a hundred years earlier English traders had distributed their wares to the Cherokees, was a trading post built before 1835 by Colonel Archibald Russell Spence Hunter. The county seat was for some years known as Huntersville. In 1873, however, it was officially named Murphy in honor of Archibald D. Murphey. Through an error, the "e" in his name was omitted in naming the town. The county's name of Cherokee perpetuates that nation's long association with the land of mountains and streams. By 1839 there was a sufficient number of settlers in the area to justify a county government, for people had followed Hiram Lovingood, who had come from Burke �More Government for Western North Carolina / 275 County back in 1830, building a log cabin in the upper Andrews section and taking out land. The newly organized Cherokee county already had a forge or two in operation, and each community had its church, the oldest being the Whitiker Church where George Washington Lovingood, brother of Hiram, preached on Sundays and labored at his land clearing during the week. The first court was held at Fort Butler on March 19,1839. Two years later a courthouse was ready for use and served the county until it was destroyed by a fire set by raiding Federal troops in the Civil War.16 East of the Blue Ridge two additional counties were authorized shortly afterward, Caldwell in 1841 and McDowell in 1842. Named for Dr. Joseph Caldwell, first president of the state University and one of the state's early advocates of educational reforms and internal improvements, Caldwell County was formed from portions of Wilkes and Burke Counties. From Wilkes it received Fort Defiance, the Happy Valley plantation home of William Lenoir. He was an outstanding officer at King's Mountain and an early community leader. Lenoir's private fort had offered protection to settlers during the Indian raids preceding and during the War for Independence. Since 1805 there had been a post office at Fort Defiance with mail brought by carrier on horseback from Wilkesboro. Caldwell received from Burke County another early fort, Ford Crider. Also privately built around 1765, it was the gathering place for nearby settlers in times of danger. Near this fort, in 1841, James Harper operated a store and for nine years a post office as well, getting mail once a week from Salisbury. In a log house in 1843 Judge Frederick Nash presided over the county's first court that set up the machinery of government. The county seat was happily named and located, honoring William Lenoir and being placed at Tucker's Barn. This structure, large for a pioneer building, had been built by the Tucker family near Fort Crider. As the most commodious structure available, and with the added advantage of being close to the fort, the barn early served as a gathering place and social center for the settlers. There meetings were held, speeches given, celebrations conducted, and barbecues enjoyed. For more than a gene ration much of the life of the surrounding settlers had centered around Tucker's Barn, now Lenoir. As was the case with other counties, Caldwell at once concerned itself with road building and in time had a highway �276 / Chapter Sixteen JUNE GLENN, JR. PHOTO, ASHEVILLE CITIZEN-TIMES COMPANY Transylvania County's Looking Glass Falls are in the present Pisgah National Forest near modern Highway 276. connecting over the Blue Ridge with Boone and one going south to Morgan ton.17 The following year, 1842, by an act of the General Assembly, Burke County's southern portion and Rutherford County's northern portion were combined to form McDowell County. It was named for a local hero, Major Joseph McDowell of Pleasant Gardens, whose patriotism had been an embarrassment to �More Government for Western North Carolina / Til Ferguson's forces. McDowell had been one of the leaders in the Battle of King's Mountain. With the Blue Ridge on its western border, the more gentle South Mountains to the east and southeast, and with the broad, fertile Catawba River valley traversing it, the area had early been settled. In it Fort Davidson, now Old Fort, had protected the settlers from the Cherokees and had provisioned pioneers crossing the Blue Ridge to make the first communities in the country beyond. Many of the settlers coming into the area after the Revolutionary War had been veterans of that conflict, and some had become large land owners. Among those holding large grants was Robert Morris. He had been financial director of the Revolution and had been given some 200,000 acres in this region by an impoverished new national government unable to repay the patriot for the use of his time and fortune in the cause of liberty. Robert Morris's will was recorded in the McDowell courthouse. The county seat was named Marion in honor of Francis Marion, leader of the guerrilla band dogging Cornwallis's army on its march through South and then through North Carolina. Both Caldwell and McDowell Counties had been scenes of pillage and struggle during the War for Independence and had suffered at the hands of Tories and Loyalists.18 In 1849, still another county was formed west of the Blue Ridge. It was made up of the southern portion of Ashe County, the western part of Wilkes County, the northeastern portion of Yancey County, and a small section of the new Caldwell County. The name Watauga selected for it was an old one and an appropriate one, for the settlers in its western borders had at one time been a part of the old Watauga Settlements. It had been the country of hardy hunters and herders, the country of Howard and of Daniel Boone. It was fitting, that its seat of government should receive the name Boone, although it was 1850 before that name was given to the village.19 The site selected for the seat of government was located near Howard's cabin for herders where it is thought that Boone was in the habit of seeking shelter when on hunting expeditions in the region. This was also the valley viewed earlier by Bishop Spangenberg and his party and considered by them as a site for an Indian mission. In 1849 the community was known as Council's Store. On the highway running through it from Tennessee and Kentucky and connecting with roads leading into Virginia and South Carolina, Jordan Council, Jr., had his store and stand and, after 1823, a post office. Council was active in urging the formation of the county �278 / Chapter Sixteen •.' <*/ iisi ^ '"•"& THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. The sheer cliffs of Whiteside Mountain have long been landmarks for travelers through Jackson County. High on one of the cliffs Spanish writing has been found, a message perhaps left by some gold-seeking Spaniard. and donated the land for the town's first school house. Although the Watauga County government was set up in 1849, it was allowed no representation of its own in the House until 1851 and was allowed none in the Senate of the General Assembly until 1864. During the intervening years it was represented by legislative members from Surry and Wilkes Counties.20 The formation of western counties had been long over due because of opposition on the part of the eastern bloc in the General Assembly. Frequently petitions were not considered until eastern counties were ready to be formed. Their rapid authorization after 1836 is a considerable indication of the growth of population and of its distribution in Western North Carolina, for opposition in the east decreased after that date. In fact, while nine counties were formed in the mountain region, between 1835 and 1860 only two were authorized for the east.21 Four of these western counties came into being during the decade of the 1850's. They represented four sections of the total area: Madison, bordering Tennessee; Alleghany, bordering Virginia; Polk, bordering South Carolina �More Government for Western North Carolina / 279 between Henderson and Rutherford Counties; and Jackson, farther west and bordering South Carolina between Henderson and Macon Counties, The authorization bill for the formation of a county to be carved from Buncombe and Yancey Counties and to extend to the mountain border of Tennessee was passed in 1851, and the new county was given the name of Madison, honoring the fourth President of the United States. The first court was held on the last Monday in February at the tavern operated by Adolphus E. Baird. Attempting to profit by the dissensions over the selection of county seats that arose in Henderson and Polk Counties, the General Assembly arranged for a popular vote in the event that two or more sites were suggested. Jewel Hill, now Walnut, was selected and several terms of court were held there, although no courthouse was erected. The dissensions foreseen by the General Assembly developed, and in its 1852-53 session that legislative body appointed a new committee to make the choice. The committee selected the site on the French Broad River where Baird had his tavern on land belonging to T. B. Vance. In 1855 this site was chosen by the voters by a one vote majority, and plans were made for building a courthouse. Court continued to be held in Jewel Hill until 1859 when apparently, the new building was ready for occupancy. The village along the French Broad River was named Marshall in honor of John Marshall, first Judge of the United States Supreme Court.22 That same year, 1851, Jackson County was formed from sections of Hay wood and Macon Counties and named for Andrew Jackson. It embraced a rugged mountain area that for an uncharted time had been a part of the Cherokee homeland where the native Americans had left one of the few hieroglyphic inscriptions to be found in Western North Carolina. This writing appears on an outcropping of slanting rock, called by the Indians the Judaculla Rock. Its weird markings were uncipherable to both the later Cherokees and to the coming white men and gave rise to a whole cycle of Cherokee myths and sagas dealing with the exploits of its mythical maker, the giant Judaculla. Whether its inscriptions were made by the Cherokee or by an earlier people is not known at the present, but some students of history think that it is a Cherokee description or diagram of a battle.23 Jackson County had been more than once the scene of bloodshed during the struggle between the Cherokees and the �280 / Chapter Sixteen whites. In 1776 Rutherford's forces had traversed it to leave its villages in ruin. Through it had passed the Meigs-Freeman line, running north and south about a mile and a half east of the present Sylva. On the white man's side of this line that divided the two races, the Foster Trading Station had early been established for trade with the Cherokees. Somewhat later Colonel Robert Love had built a trading post between what is now Sylva and Webster. These posts had prospered, and settlers had come into the area, crowding to the line. Some, without doubt, slipped across into the forbidden territory. Among the early settlers in the county was a group of French Huguenots, coming from South Carolina and going into the Tuckaseigee valley where they established at the mouth of Caney Fork Creek, a settlement they named East LaPorte. Today that name is one of the few reminders of the presence of the French in Western North Carolina. The first court was held by Judge John W. Ellis, later to be governor of the state, at the home of Daniel Bryson, Sr., and the second session was held at "Allen Fisher's new store." The county seat was established at Webster on a broad elevation above the Tuckaseigee River. It was not until the railroad made the village of Sylva more desirable as a center of county government that the citizens voted in 1913 to move the county seat to that town.24 When war or opposition struck Western North Carolina from without its borders, its citizens, strong in their sense of independence and jealous of their democracy, fought it as a unit. Whether the disturbance came from the Cherokees to the west, from the forces of Ferguson to the east, or from the dominating eastern members of the General Assembly, these mountain settlers were quick to respond. But, like a family, they could and often did fight each other fiercely over issues arising within their own borders. As happened in Henderson County, factions now and then developed that split the county and that, in the case of Polk County, led the General Assembly to repeal its Authorization Bill. Early in its 1847-48 session, the General Assembly authorized the formation of Polk County from a western section of Rutherford county and an eastern portion of Henderson County. This county, named in honor of Colonel William Polk, straddled the Blue Ridge Mountains. Its eastern section had been settled before the Revolutionary War, and the pioneers there had been divided in their sympathies during that conflict. As a result, it had suffered from the violence that had flared up. It had suffered, too, from Cherokee raids. �More Government for Western North Carolina / 281 Under the Enabling Act, the new county was to set up its local government but was to have no representation in the General Assembly for some years, its citizens being represented as in the past by members from Henderson and Rutherford Counties. The county seat was to be named Schuywicker in memory of Captain Howard's Cherokee guide and was to be not more than five miles from the residence of Marvil Mills at whose home the first court met.25 But dissension over the site immediately broke out and became bitter, resulting in an injunction to stop the appointed commissioners from selecting the site and ordering the laying off of lots. Although meetings of the county officers were held from time to time during the next year and a half, little was done as the quarrel went through the courts. At last, on January 16, 1849, the General Assembly repealed the act authorizing Pplk County, and the legislature's right to do so was upheld by the state's Supreme Court. It was not until January, 1855, that a new bill was passed, identical to the first one except for the clause concerning the county seat. This bill provided that the town should be situated in the center of the county. It was named Columbus for Dr. Columbus Mills, who had been instrumental in getting the county formed a second time. Before March of the next year, a temporary courthouse was erected, and the machinery of government was set up. Polk had finally become a permanent county.26 The most northeasterly corner of Western North Carolina became the county of Alleghany in 1858. It was formed from Ashe County but later received small strips of land from other counties, necessitating numerous boundary adjustments. It was given the name of one of the Appalachian mountain chains, which was also the name of an Indian tribe early met by the Spaniards. Alleghany County's first court met at Shiloh Church and continued to meet there until a courthouse was built at the county seat, Sparta. It was ordered by the General Assembly to be established in the center of the county. The new county bordered Tennessee and the trade of the settlers there had long been with that state and continued to be. The government of this mountainous area was incomplete when war broke out, and the county was caught in the turmoil of internal dissension.27 Just at the outbreak of the Civil War, Western North Carolina gained three additional counties—Transylvania and Clay along its southern boundary, and Mitchell on its western border. Across the territory organized into Transylvania County �282 / Chapter Sixteen was the ancient Indian trail leading from the present Henderson County to the Davidson River. From there it ran over the mountains to the French Broad and on to Estatoe, the most easterly of all the Cherokee towns and now the site of Rosman, and then down into South Carolina. This trail was early made into a road, and along it had passed the volunteers on their way to the Mexican War. This region had been settled earlier when a grant of 640 acres had been made to Colonel Charles McDowell of Quaker Meadows in 1787. After 1790 a little colony was established along the Davidson River, and other settlers went to the forks of the French Broad. A private fort erected by John Carson was reassuring to these first settlers who were living so close to the Cherokee country. When Henderson County was formed, the settlers in its western area voted solidly for the French Broad or "River" site for a county seat. They were never reconciled to the returns of the election that placed the seat of government on Mud Creek, or the "Road" site, and they began an agitation soon afterwards for the formation of a county out of the western portion of Henderson. After years of impatient waiting, the petition for such a county was presented in the General Assembly and granted in 1861. An organizing group met at James Neill's Hattery Shop on the old Boylston road near the site of the present Ecusta plant. Contrary to the custom of naming counties for prominent North Carolinians, this district received the name Transylvania, a name possibly suggested by residents who had in mind the Transylvania colony in Kentucky. Brevard, the county seat, was ordered established within five miles of the home of W. P. Poor. It was named for Ephraim Brevard, secretary of the Mecklenburg Convention. The new county was to have no direct representation in the General Assembly until later and was in the meantime to be represented by the members from Henderson and Jackson Counties.28 In the same year that Transylvania was formed, Clay County was formed from Cherokee County and named for Henry Clay. Its county seat was established at Hayesville, honoring George W. Hayes. Like the other counties formed just prior to the outbreak of war, its government was incomplete when the conflict came, and the county suffered greatly from the unsettled conditions.29 The third county to be formed that year was Mitchell County, named for Dr. Elisha Mitchell, explorer of the peak that now �More Government for Western North Carolina / 283 bears his name. It was formed from portions of Yancey, Watauga, Caldwell, Burke, and McDowell Counties. The county seat was to be named Calhoun. Like the history of many counties, however, there was again disagreement over the placing of the county seat, and the justices refused to levy taxes for the courthouse at the village of Calhoun. They pointed out that it was inconvenient for at least three-fourths of the residents of the county. The deadlock that resulted was referred to the General Assembly and that body in 1863 ordered a site to be selected in the geographic center of the county. Under that stipulation, Davis was chosen, but the name of the village proved unsatisfactory to the citizens, who were, for the most part, Union sympathizers. In 1868, therefore, the name was changed to Bakersville. Over a period of time, by act of the General Assembly, the boundary lines of this county were adjusted and readjusted.30 By the beginning of the Civil War, Western North Carolina had twenty-one counties, although several of them had as yet not been permitted to have representation in the General Assembly. A few had not yet erected courthouses, and most of them would require boundary adjustments. Moreover, the local governments in those established last were still incomplete and not strong enough to cope with the unsettled conditions arising in connection with the turmoil of war. �C H A P T E R S E V E N T E E N The Lure of the Mountains X\fter 1838 the first stage of frontier life rapidly disappeared in Western North Carolina as settlers took up land in the old Cherokee nation and transplanted their ways of living to the newly opened areas that extended to the borders of the state. That is not to say that the pattern of living throughout the region became one of prosperity and progress. On the contrary, until the Civil War every county had mountain sections in which people lived much as the earliest settlers had, but they were no longer experimenting with a type of living suitable for their mountains. The pattern had already been formed, and they were following it as a settled way of life. Indeed, they were to follow it, with a few gradual changes, for years to come. Occasionally the people coming to these isolated areas left records of the conditions they found. The Reverend W. W. Skiles, for example, taught from 1842 to 1862 in the Episcopal school at Valle Crucis and had a tiny, log church nearby in which he preached on Sundays. He saw in the people "an interesting population in great spiritual destitution." The community, he declared, was "of the rudest kind," while in his congregation he observed "more feet than shoes."1 Natives of Western North Carolina also recorded illuminating word pictures of conditions in areas more or less remote and hence cut off from the benefits of rich river valleys and from the turnpikes. Riding the circuit in 1853-54 to county courts in 284 �The Lure of the Mountains / 285 Buncombe, Henderson, Yancey, Madison, Haywood, Jackson, and Cherokee, Judge Augustus S. Merrimon of Asheville complained of the wretched state of the roads he had to travel. He complained of the filth he found in the little villages and of the lack of anything like comfortable or clean accommodations to be had in the little log houses that served as inns. He recorded the residents' utter lack of outlook or interest in anything beyond their own problems of hog marking, "boars, mountain boomers, and the like," and he lamented the low moral standards everywhere in evidence. Merrimon was shocked at the prevalence of ill will and vengefulness, which it seemed to him, rankled "in the bosom of every one." County officers, appointed by the governor upon the recommendations of the General Assembly, were, he found, often "ignorant as heathen, and corrupt as demons/' He deplored, too, the prevalence of drinking that characterized all court days.2 Temperance societies had appeared in the state before 1830, and the North Carolina Temperance Societies had held a meeting in Rutherford County that year, while a local society was formed at Brittain Church the following year.3 After that, temperance agitation soon crossed the Blue Ridge to the regions beyond. But in a country where every farm had its still, where no form of license or supervision was required for the manufacture of spirituous drinks, and where it was held that a man had the right to do what he chose with the grain he grew, the temperance cause got little support from either the people, their leaders, or the church congregations. Yet even in these sections of Western North Carolina in the years before the outbreak of war there were signs of better times to come. The establishment of schools, both church sponsored and public, the gradual improvement of roads, and the broadening outlook gained from general political meetings, together with the building of churches were all factors which could bring about the improvements desired by Judge Merrimon. In the areas opened to trade, however, the picture was a brighter one. In the quarter of a century before the war, easing the transportation situation brought not only a degree of prosperity to people living in these favored regions, but also an economic stability. Luxuries were slow to cross the Blue Ridge and did not appear in mountain homes until well into the 1850's. Yet the homes were comfortable, with the growing cluster of outbuildings and twisting rail fences enclosing the fields as testaments to �286 / Chapter Seventeen N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY St. John-in-the Wilderness: This church, built before the Civil War, is one of the three Episcopal churches constructed by South Carolinians and Georgians who had summer homes in and near Flat Rock. It is still in use. the high standard of well-being enjoyed by the farmers. They told, too, of the efficiency of operation and the diversification practiced on their farms. Speaking at a meeting in Asheville just before the Civil War, Nicholas W. Woodfin deplored the fact that looms had disappeared from the homes, and homespun was no longer seen on the village streets.4 More forges and mills and tanyards made work easier, and when the plank road came into the region, so did a steam engine for the saw mill that cut the lumber into planks. Schools, both private and public, and churches in this area increased in numbers; overall, a greater social life was enjoyed. In �The Lure of the Mountains / 287 fact, with all of the hard work and continuous grind still involved in a self-sufficient economy, there was enough leisure time to turn every election day, every political rally, and every muster day with its fifes and drums, its parades and drills, into festive occasions. The protracted church meetings continued their social character. The highways, the stagecoaches, the newspapers, more imports, and incoming travelers widened the interest and horizons of Western North Carolina citizens. They developed a sense of being a part of the greater state unit. An increased interest in state politics brought with it plans and demands for their section's share of good roads and railroads, the ante bellum version of a "Finer Carolina."5 In the quarter of a century preceding the war, the complexity of life that was gradually coming into the mountains was apparent in the many events taking place simultaneously in the same or widely separated parts of Western North Carolina. They were events varying in character, but all looked both to the present and to the future. While Rutherford—including Polk—and Burke Counties were caught in the fever of the gold mining earlier described and were reaping the benefits of coins coming from Bechtler's mint, people in the western counties were watching with eager interest the struggle between the federal government and the Cherokees. Many were ready to rush into the opened lands as soon as the last Cherokee had been rounded into the stockades. As the long queue of dejected, displaced native Americans disappeared into the west, the voters in all sections were rejoicing over their victory in gaining, through the revised state constitution, a fuller degree of democracy for Western North Carolina. While county after county eventually gained selfgovernment, William H. Thomas was welding his remnant of the Cherokees into a nation. So well did Thomas succeed in this task that Charles Lanman, visiting the reservation in 1848, considered the Cherokee community self-sufficient, including churches and native preachers, its own courts, well-kept farms, and locally made farm tools. And the Cherokees now had a population at least three-fourths of whom were literate. He considered the Cherokees the happiest community encountered in his southern tour.6 While local dissensions in some counties were dividing the people into factions, roads and highways were being chartered and built to unite all Western North Carolina into a single district. �288 / Chapter Seventeen ••'IF BARBER PHOTO The Farmer Inn: Members of the Flat Rock community built this inn before the Civil War. Henry Farmer was its manager and later its owner. It was the earliest of the resort hotels west of the Blue Ridge. Today it is operated under the name of Woodfield Inn. Every county established its county seat, and a few additional towns came into being during this period. But the pattern of life that was set and maintained remained a rural one, and the towns grew slowly. Asheville and Rutherfordton were the only incorporated villages in the area. In 1850 Asheville had a population of 800, and Rutherfordton claimed 484. It was 1860 before Asheville could boast of having passed the thousand mark with a population of 1,100. For an ever-broadening area, Western North Carolina came to mean to its citizens no longer merely a place to wrest a living from the hills, but a place of settled life and prosperity and future hopes. To travelers coming in over the fine Buncombe Turnpike or plank roads it meant still other things. For some years before the Turnpike was built, a sizable colony of men of wealth and influence from Charleston and the surrounding coastal area had brought their families to northwestern South Carolina for the summers. A little summer community on the Reedy River was �The Lure of the Mountains / 289 N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Warm Springs Station: After the railroad was built along the French Broad River, summer guests could arrive at Warm Springs by the "cars." They could find accommodations at the nearby Warm Springs Hotel. formed and given the name Pleasantburg. A resort hotel was opened in Greenville for the accommodation of these summer guests. From time to time groups of these low-country people made excursions into the foothills of the Blue Ridge, and some of the more adventure-loving braved the poor, rocky roads to cross the range. After the opening of the Turnpike, it was possible for them to travel in comfort across the mountains into that section of Buncombe County later to become Henderson County. These excursions made the South Carolinians recognize Western North Carolina as an ideal place to escape the enervating heat of the flatland summers as well as a place which furnished a complete change from their customary environment. They became the region's first "summer people."7 Their idea of a summer home in the mountains, however, was not the modern one of a rustic retreat in an undisturbed natural setting. Nor did their idea of life in the hills imply reverting to a simple, unencumbered mode of living combined with the study of nature that their contemporary, Henry Thoreau, was advocating. To them a summer in the mountains meant transplanting the life they knew and enjoyed to the new environment. Between 1826 �290 / Chapter Seventeen N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Warm Springs Hotel: At the warm springs, considered medicinal, an inn was opened in 1831. It was later enlarged as a resort hotel. It could accommodate 250 guests and their servants and could provide for their horses. It attracted summer visitors and turnpike travelers. Drovers stayed at the stand that it operated. and 1830 perhaps a half dozen South Carolinians, soon followed by friends and relatives, bought mountain land, acquiring hundreds and sometimes more than a thousand acres each. The early comers chose an area surrounding an outcropping of flat rock pitted with holes. These man-made depressions and the fact that several Indian trails converged at this rock gave rise to the belief that the rock had at one time been of special significance to the Cherokees, possibly as a station for fire signals.8 It was known as the Flat Rock. Unlike the people living in Western North Carolina, these purchasers were not interested in raising corn for the tramping hogs and horses. In fact, most of them were not interested in any phase of mountain farming, and as the years went by, only now and then did one clear land for crops. Instead, they made of their acreages great estates with winding, tree-lined avenues over which elegant carriages arrived at the elegant homes that sat, mansion-like, in expansive park settings. The extensive grounds allowed for hunting in the English and low-country manner and for tracks for horse racing. Several estates could boast of having deer parks.9 Following the custom of the coastal area, these estates �The Lure of the Mountains / 291 received charming names, and the houses were built in the styles their owners would have chosen for low-country homes. Most of them were of English or modified English architecture, taking on the appearance of English manors, complete with porter's gate and lodge, rambling stables, servant quarters, and kennels. A few were modifications of French architecture, while others were created according to the unrestrained ideas of their owners or of employed architects. All were large, with spacious parlors and drawing rooms allowing for lavish entertainment and for balls and for the presentation of the popular private theatricals. These were directed by Mrs. Charles Baring, for years the acknowledged social leader of the colony. Some of the furnishings for these homes came from the coastal cities, but much of it was made on the grounds by cabinet makers brought from Charleston or by those in Asheville or those in the little factory set up by Henry T. Farmer in Flat Rock. The hangings, china, and silver were brought with the family. The Barings, who were Episcopalians, as were most of the group, were accompanied by their rector. Besides furnishing him with a home, they built a little church known as St. John-in-theWilderness, which was attended by many of the summer residents.10 The colony grew, and as it expanded so that distances became too great to travel easily, a second Episcopal church was established by those living in the area known as Fletcher. A building there was constructed of hand-made bricks on land donated by Alexander Blake. It was dedicated on August 21, 1859.n Still another Episcopal church was formed through the efforts of Robert Hume of Charleston, and a building was constructed farther west in the present Transylvania County. It was called St. Paul's-in-the-Valley and served the summer residents of that area.12 After 1836 the number of South Carolinians making Western North Carolina their summer home increased rapidly until "Charleston in the Mountains" extended from Flat Rock to Fletcher and west to the Davidson River and the upper French Broad River valley. In the group were many men of prominence. Judge Mitchell King, owner of some seven thousand acres, was one of the promoters of the plan for a Charleston to Tennessee railroad to pass through the mountain area. He later gave a part of the land needed for Henderson's county seat. Charles Baring, who with his wife was a leader in the social life of the colony, had come to Charleston from England as a representative of the English banking firm of Baring Brothers. �292 / Chapter Seventeen APPALACHIAN NATIONAL PARKS ASSOCIATION COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY The Paint Rock: With its mysterious colors, this rock was a favorite for sightseers. Guests at the Warm Springs Hotel were taken to it on picnic jaunts. Those daring enough climbed it. �The Lure of the Mountains / 293 Another prominent summer resident was C. G. Memminger, a Charleston lawyer. He was an advocate of public schools in his state, and as an able political leader, he helped to draft the Constitution of the Confederacy. For a short time he served as treasurer of that republic. Marie Joseph Gabriel St. Xavier, Count de Choiseul, at one time a political refugee from France, was now French Consul at Charleston, and the members of his family found their mountain estate, The Castle, so satisfactory that they became year-round residents of Western North Carolina. Christopher Hampton, brother of Wade Hampton, who was later to be governor of South Carolina, built his home near the present Cashiers. Other "summer people" included the Reverend John Grimke Drayton and Dr. Mitchell C. King, son of Judge King. Scores of others before 1860 enjoyed their mountain homes, either for the summer months or for the entire year.13 Each spring the families of these "summer people "arrived by stagecoaches or more often by carriages, traveling over the good turnpike that South Carolina had constructed on the route of the old trading path. It had been used a hundred years before by the state's traders as they took their wares by long pony trains into the Cherokee country. The carriages, for the most part, crossed the Blue Ridge by way of the Buncombe Turnpike to reach the summer destinations by the end of the second week of traveling if all went well. Wagons bringing baggage, necessities, and servants trailed them or, more often, preceded them. To accommodate these discriminating travelers and those arriving later for visits at the estates, hotels were built and suitably furnished along the route. Flat Rock itself early had a hotel.14 The mountain "Charleston" was, of course, practically selfsufficient, and socially there was no connection between this group and the farmers of Western North Carolina. Yet a new way of life had come to the hills, and a fairly extensive strip of accessible territory was now the home of people who, although of the same stock as the mountain dwellers, had for several generations been removed from pioneer life. As the family fortunes made on the rich, spreading plantations increased, they had acquired a broad, even cosmopolitan, culture and outlook. This segment of Western Carolina's population brought to their summer homes an ease of living, a degree of luxury, a charm, and a diversity of interests never before seen in Western North Carolina. Their presence had an effect, even though slight, on the region. For one thing, they created a small but noticeable market �294 / Chapter Seventeen N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Round Knob Hotel: The coming of railroads into the mountains made possible such luxury hotels as this one at Round Knob, Here an added attraction was the fountain known as Andrews Geyser. for grain for their horses and for meat and vegetables and fruits for their own tables; futhermore, they paid for these commodities in welcomed cash. A few mountain people worked when needed with the cabinet makers turning out furniture for the estates, and still others found employment in the hotels that catered to the "summer people." A more noticeable result of the growing summer population in the community was the opening of resort hotels by the local owners of springs considered medicinal. In 1831 James Patton bought the hot springs located on the French Broad River. He improved the grounds around them and built a magnificent hotel on the Buncombe Turnpike. The springs had long been known. The Cherokees, believing in the curative powers of the water, had made pilgrimages to them for perhaps centuries. In 1778 Thomas Morgan and Henry Reynolds, two settlers of the Watauga Settlements, had stumbled upon them as they searched for horses stolen by the Indians.15 Built more than fifty years later, Patton*s two-story hotel, with its wide, pillared piazza facing the river, was designed to accommodate 250 persons and had an ample �The Lure of the Mountains / 295 dining room, a bar, parlors and a ball room. Clustered near it were a half dozen brick cottages for guests, and nearby there were stables to take care of the horses that brought these guests. These buildings, together with those necessary to such an establishment, and coupled with the nearby stand operated during the autumn drives, gave Warm Springs the appearance of a little village. The fame of Patton's hotel spread along the length of the Turnpike, and to it in fine carriages drawn by high-stepping horses came people from North Carolina, Tennessee, and South Carolina. All hoped to benefit from the water, and they were certain of enjoying the fine fare and entertainment offered. Patton and later his sons, John E. and James. W., were genial and lavish hosts. To occupy the hours pleasantly for their guests, they arranged sightseeing and picnic excursions to the Paint Rock and to other places of interest. Musicales and balls and parlor games were organized for the evenings, and for those desiring more manly forms of enjoyment, there were deer hunts in the surrounding forests and hills.16 West from Asheville some four miles another resort was developed at the sulphur springs discovered in 1827 by Robert Henry and his servant. There three years later Henry's son-inlaw, Colonel Reuben Deaver, built a resort hotel, and by 1848 it was also village-like, with a little cluster of buildings which could accommodate two hundred guests and their accompanying servants and horses.17 Stopping there that year on his journey through the mountains, Charles Lanman found the resort occupied, apparently to capacity, by South Carolinians from Charleston and Georgians from Augusta. He was deeply impressed by the magnificence of the resort itself and was charmed with the delightful guests and the pleasing entertainment they enjoyed. He declared that both in natural beauty and in the society gathered there, Sulphur Springs was superior to the better known Saratoga Springs in New York.18 Shortly after Lanman*s visit, other sulphur springs were discovered near Waynesville by a slave of James R. Love, and some time afterwards a resort was also developed there called White Sulphur Springs.19 This resort attracted its share of visitors. These spring-inspired resorts caused glowing reports of Western North Carolina to be taken far beyond the borders of the state. They foreshadowed the time when the pure water of the mountain streams, the buoyancy of the mountain air, and the calm and majesty of the hills themselves would yearly attract not hundreds, but thousands of visitors in search of renewed health. �296 / Chapter Seventeen THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. Mount Mitchell: This view is from a drawing that appeared in Scribner's Magazine soon after Dr. Mitchell lost his life on its heights. The Half- Way House: This small cabin was a stopping place for those climbing the rugged Mount Mitchell. Dr. Elisha Mitchell: In the summer of 1857 Dr. Elisha Mitchell returned to the Black Mountains to verify his former measurements of their highest peak. That peak, later named for him, became his final resting place. �The Lure of the Mountains / 297 As mentioned earlier, for succeeding generations of scientists the land of mountains continued to be a divinely equipped laboratory in which to gain further knowledge of nature's lavish gifts. In the early years of the nineteenth century, John Lyon, a Scottish botanist who had recently resigned his position as manager of a Philadelphia nursery, came to Western North Carolina. Here he roamed the hills, reveling in the wealth of mountain offerings and leisurely gathering plants to send to European gardeners. He made Asheville his headquarters, taking up lodging at the Eagle Hotel. His interest in the surrounding hills and the charm of his personality made him an admired visitor. When the ravages of tuberculosis at last confined him to his room, he was the concern of many citizens. He was tenderly cared for by another lodger at the hotel, James Johnston, one of the town's blacksmiths. This devoted friend carried the frail Lyon to the window on September 14, 1814, to view for the last time the western range of mountains silhouetted against the flaming afterglow of the setting sun. Unlike the earlier visiting botanists, Lyon left no written record of his experiences in Western North Carolina, but this gentle, sincere lover of nature deeply impressed the mountain people, who long cherished his memory.20 A glossy-leafed mountain plant bearing ethereal, bell-shaped, white flowers was the will-o-the-wisp enticing Harvard University's botanist, Asa Gray, to the Southern Highlands and sending searching parties scouting over the hills and along the streams. The modest little flower had earlier intrigued Andre Michaux, who had taken a plant and its fruit back to Europe. But Michaux's trip had not been at the blooming season for the plant and he was only able to note, "blossom unknown." Yet this discovery held so much interest for him that he left a detailed description of the location in which he had found it in 1788. Asa Gray, in France in 1839, saw the preserved plant and read the French botanist's record of it. He resolved to locate this mountain dweller, and he gave it the name Shortia galacifolia, honoring his friend and fellow botanist, Dr. Charles W. Short. In 1840 Gray visited Western North Carolina, searching for the plant on the mountains of Ashe, Watauga, and Yancey Counties, but all efforts of his searching parties failed to locate the elusive, little mountain plant. Another expedition three years later also ended in failure, and for years the Shortia was known to botanists as a "lost" plant.21 The failure to find it had been due, however, to the difficulty of locating the region described by �298 / Chapter Seventeen ASHEVILLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE Mount Mitchell Falls: On his way to engage "Big Tom" Wilson for his guide, Dr. Mitchell followed a stream. At the head of these falls he slipped and fell to his death in the pool below. Michaux. In 1877 George McQueen Hyams, seventeen-year-old son of a herbalist, finally discovered the plant growing east of the Blue Ridge at an altitude much lower than Gray's party had searched. Upon receiving the plant, Gray made another trip to Western North Carolina, but the Shortia was not in bloom. It remained for another botanist, Dr. Charles S. Sargent, director of the Arnold Arboretum of Cambridge, Massachusetts, to locate the area described by Michaux and to see the carpet of �The Lure of the Mountains / 299 Shortia plants just where the earlier botanist had witnessed them. Michaux's account applied to a section of the Toxaway country in the present Transylvania Couny. Dr. Gray at last received a blooming Shortia, although he did not see the expanse of blooming plants in their mountain home. Thus almost a hundred years after Michaux first noted the delicate, charming little Shortia, its blooms could be added to the botanical information, for the mountains had given up their secret of the Shortia or Oconee Bell.22 During these years interest developed not only in the flora of the mountains, but also in the mountains themselves (an interest foreseen by Sir Alexander Cuming and John William Gerard deBrahm a century earlier). Local people and scientists became interested in the contours of the individual peaks and ranges, in their rock formations, and in their minerals. Increasing attention was likewise given to their heights. Naturally the two areas attracting the greatest attention were the Smokies, with their many jagged, towering peaks and domes, and the Blue Ridge where Roan, Grandfather and the Black Mountain groups claimed special consideration. The question of mountain altitudes became quite controversial. Many were the conjectures by local enthusiasts and by scientists regarding the relative heights of Western North Carolina mountains and those in New England. New Hampshire's Mount Washington was at that time considered the highest peak in eastern United States. John C. Calhoun of neighboring South Carolina, familiar since young manhood with the mountains of Western North Carolina, expressed the belief that the great Alleghany chain reached its greatest height as it did its width in the Southern Appalachians.23 This opinion was shared by Thomas Lanier Clingman. This statesman from Buncombe County was always deeply and genuinely interested in his mountain district, and he took up the study of measuring land elevations in order to test his theory. He spent several summers trudging over the Smoky Mountains and the Black Mountains. With him he took his measuring instruments to estimate altitudes and to record his findings for publication. On these scientific excursions he sometimes worked with only a guide and the necessary helpers; at other times he was one of a party, as was the case in 1858. Of the peaks he measured, two have special significance, for he measured in the Smokies the towering dome that now bears his name. In 1855 he measured the present Mount �300 / Chapter Seventeen " MARGARET MORLEY COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY "Big Tom" Wilson: f'Big Tom" Wilson, famed bear hunter, had earlier acted as guide for Dr. Mitchell, Heading a searching party of Yancey County men, he located Dr. Mitchell's body and the long search was over. Mitchell, which he found to be 6,941 feet above sea level. That same year he published his findings, claiming that his measurement of the highest peak in the Black Mountains was the first ever to be made. Clingman thus refuted Dr. Elisha Mitchell's claim of a much earlier measurement and asserted that the scientist's measurement was actually that of another mountain, one in Buncombe County. Dr. Mitchell, he maintained, had never been on the peak now bearing his name.24 Dr. Elisha Mitchell was one of two outstanding men of science �The Lure of the Mountains / 301 who did pioneer work in geological studies in Western North Carolina's mountains, including the measurement of several peaks. He actually measured seventeen peaks during two of his many trips to the region. Elisha Mitchell had been trained originally for the ministry, but like many of his profession in the first half of the nineteenth century, he combined preaching with teaching. After a year as tutor at Yale, his alma mater, he joined the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill as professor of mathematics. He was a man of abundant energy and almost limitless interests, and as President Caldwell broadened the scope of the University's offerings, Dr. Mitchell added to his teaching load classes in chemistry, minerology, and geology. He was also keenly interested in botany. Under a meager appropriation made by the General Assembly, he and Dennison Olmsted, his colleague at the University, carried out a geological survey of North Carolina, publishing their findings. These reports were the first of such summaries to be published in the nation.25 Dr. Mitchell was acquainted with the records of Western North Carolina trips made by the two Michauxs and by William Bartram and from the first he was eager to make excursions into this section of the state. In the summer of 1828 Mitchell was using Wilkesboro as headquarters for geological excursions into the surrounding areas. These took him into Ashe County and through Watauga County where Henry Holtzclaw acted as his guide. During this trip he climbed the rugged Grandfather Mountain, arriving footsore and weary but feeling well repaid by the view he saw. He felt sure, however, that this mountain, high as it was, was not the highest point in the Blue Ridge.26 It must have been the fulfillment of a long desire when he took upon himself the task of exploring the majestic mass known as the Black Mountains, with their peaks reaching skyward. With barometric measuring instruments, Mitchell found the highest of these peaks he climbed to be 6,476 feet above sea level. He published his report in 1835. The Black Mountains called him again and again, and altogether he made five trips to them, carefully measuring and rechecking his earlier findings. As a result, he revised his first records to 6,708 feet and again to 6,672 feet.27 Dr. Mitchell was amazed at the allegations in Clingman's publication of 1855 and wrote an article refuting them and giving his account of his work. Clingman, never one to give up an opinion or to retract a statement, replied with a bitter article, and the difference between the two men took on the nature of a �302 / Chapter Seventeen personal quarrel aired in the newspapers. Perhaps the only gain derived from this unfortunate turn of affairs was the widespread publicity given to the North Carolina peak. But the measurements offered by both men answered the question about the 6,288 foot Mount Washington. The New Hampshire peak was definitely not the highest in eastern America. Clearly that distinction, whoever was right, belonged to a North Carolina mountain. Politically devoted to Clingman as the mountain voters were, they knew him as a man whose self-confidence often reached the stage of arrogance and as one unrelenting in a quarrel. It may be, therefore, that the sympathies of the local residents were with Dr. Mitchell from the start. It is certain that the wholehearted good will of the people went out to this professor painstakingly doing his work in the interest of science when the aftermath of the pamphlet warfare led to tragedy. In June, 1857, Dr. Mitchell, with his son, Charles, a daughter, and a servant, came back to the Black Mountains for still another excursion and additional measuring. He hoped this time to prove his claims. The little party set up camp headquarters at the home of Jesse Stepp at the foot of the mountain. From there Dr. Mitchell and his son worked. On June 27, he left Charles at the Half-Way House, a lodge built as a summer home on a ledge of the mountainside by William Patton of Charleston, but now operated as an inn for mountain climbers by Colonel T. T. Patton of Asheville. The scientist planned to go to the home of Big Tom Wilson, who had been one of his guides during the 1844 explorations, and to arrange for assistance in the final phase of the work. It was already afternoon, and Tom's mountain cabin on the other side of the mountain was a goodly distance to cover. He told his son that he would return Monday afternoon, but no one saw him alive after that parting. When he did not return to camp at the appointed time and still did not arrive Tuesday or Wednesday, Stepp and Charles began a search. At Big Tom's cabin they learned that Dr. Mitchell had not arrived there. Now, thoroughly alarmed for his safety, searching parties were organized to scour the wild mountain country. Big Tom Wilson, Yancey County's honored bear hunter, who had tramped the tangled sides of the Black Mountains with his gun in search of wild game, now headed a party made up of other Yancey men, men of the hills and the woods, bent on a solemn mission. When the news of Dr. Mitchell's disappearance reached Asheville, citizens of the town, including Zebulon Baird Vance, �The Lure of the Mountains / 303 and men of Buncombe County formed another search party. For two days hundreds of men fanned out over the mountains and pushed through laurel and rhododendron thickets, over boulders, and up steep, uncharted inclines through the dark, wood-covered slopes of the massive peak. It began to look as though the mountain would not reveal its secret. But in the end it yielded. The Yancey men found Mitchell's trail along the narrow Caney River. It was their Big Tom Wilson, whose keen hunter's eyes noted the broken laurel twigs, the crushed moss, then the prints of a heel on a rotten stump, some leaves turned wrong side out as though they had been grasped by some one, and finally unmistakable ground evidence of some one slipping. The men followed the stream until they discovered it flowing over a rocky ledge into a pool forty feet below. In this basin their search ended, and the chain of events became clear. Dr. Mitchell had attempted to follow the little river which he knew flowed eventually through Big Tom's small farm. But darkness had over-taken him in this wild region, and he had slipped and fallen to his death. His watch had stopped at ten minutes after eight o'clock.28 News of the discovery was taken to the other searchers. They began the difficult task of getting the body down the mountainside to Asheville where services were held at the Presbyterian Church, with burial in the churchyard. Perhaps no event had so stirred the men of the mountains as did the death of Dr. Mitchell, The people of Yancey, recognizing that "Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends," knew now that the highest peak in the Black Mountains belonged not only to them, but also to this man of science who had given his life to it in his search for truth. The people asked that he be buried on its crest, and in the following year, when the family consented, the men of Yancey tenderly carried the body of Elisha Mitchell up the mountain to its final resting place on the peak which was later given his name. The next summer, 1858, a slightly-built, energetic, bespectacled man arrived in Western North Carolina to study the Southern Appalachians. He was a scientist of international reputation. Arnold Henry Guyot, like Mitchell, had been educated for the ministry in his native Switzerland. Also like the American, his intense interests had branched out into many fields—languages, botany, physics, the work of glaciers, minerology, geology, and geography. His studies in these fields �304 / Chapter Seventeen took him to many European universities, and in 1848 he came to America to lecture in Boston. In America he stayed and in 1854 accepted a position at Princeton as professor of physics, geography, and geology. The list of Guyot's accomplishments is an amazingly long one. He wrote books in many fields of science, including geography text books. He established a museum at Princeton. He began weather observations under the Smithsonian Institution, and he undertook the exploration and measurement of all outstanding peaks in the Alleghany chain, from Maine to South Carolina.29 In connection with his mountain work it was inevitable that Guyot should be drawn to the Southern Appalachian region, and with the exception of 1857, he spent the summers between 1856 and 1860 in Eastern Tennessee and Western North Carolina. During these months he lived in mountain homes and employed mountain men as guides and assistants in his work. From them he learned the tales of the country, the history of the region, and the names given locally to the peaks and ridges. Guyot tramped up and down the mountains in the Smokies, determining their altitudes by barometric pressure. Not only did he measure the mountains, but he also gave them names. To some he gave significant Indian names. To others were attached the names of early settlers, and still others received names appropriate because of their contours or the appearance gained through their woods and vegetation. Arnold Guyot's work in the Black Mountains was also extensive, and he found the highest peak there to be 6,701 feet above sea level, a figure later revised to 6,707, differing by only one foot from one of Dr. Mitchell's findings. As a summary of his work in the southern mountains, Professor Guyot made topographical maps of the Applachian region. His studies in the long chain of mountains in eastern America justified John C. Calhoun's belief that the Alleghanies reached their greatest height as well as their greatest width in the Southern Highlands.30 New and more accurate instruments and methods have changed the measurements of Western North Carolina mountains arrived at by Clingman, Mitchell, and Guyot. The official measurement of Mount Mitchell has been established at 6,684 feet, with Clingman*s Dome in the Smokies approaching it at 6,642 feet above sea level. The third highest mountain in the Southern Appalachians, a 6,621 foot peak in the Smokies on the boundary line between Tennessee and North Carolina, has most appropriately been given the name Guyot in honor of perhaps the most eminent scientist ever to study these mountains. �The Lure oj the Mountains / 305 To Charles Lanman, yet another visitor, Western North Carolina meant a country of wonder and majesty with waterfalls of sheer beauty and sunsets of unbelievable range and intensity of colors. It meant spectacular views from mountain tops and a riot of color up the hills. It meant hospitality in mountain cabins and in little villages. Western North Carolina also meant being christened "The Wandering Star'' by the friendly Cherokees. It meant riding alone over the crest of wild mountains and then spending a few days in the company of the charming, cultured South Carolinians gathered at Sulphur Springs. To him it also meant a trip to the Black Mountains and back in a deluge of rain that completely obscured the famous peak. It meant, too, a deer hunt arranged by John Patton at Warm Springs. But above all, Western North Carolina meant to him the unforgetable experience of seeing Hickory Nut Gorge, of viewing Grandfather Mountain, and of climbing Roan Mountain. Charles Lanman did not come to Western North Carolina to buy land and settle. He did not come to study its plants. Nor did he come to drink its medicinal waters or to pass a season at one of its resorts. And he brought nothing to sell. He came to see and to revel in the rugged expanse of mountain scenery and to catch glimpses of life in the hills. He was, perhaps, Western North Carolina's first "tourist." What he saw of the land and its people and his impressions of the trip that took him from Murphy to Roan Mountain, he expressed in accounts written in the form of Letters. These he published in magazines so that others might also enjoy the region. To the modern mountain dweller these Letters, penned in 1848, make fascinating reading. They must have been the finest pieces of "advertising" that the region received before the Civil War. One wonders how many, if any, of their readers were lured by them into experiencing for themselves the spell and beauty of the Southern Highlands. Yet it is somewhat significant that when Lanman later collected his many travel sketches, he included Letters From the Alleghany Mountains and named the two-volume work Adventures in the Wilds of the United States and British American Provinces. By 1860 the widely diversified future development of Western North Carolina was clearly foreshadowed. It is intriguing, even though futile, to envision the next two decades in the mountains had there been no interruption of progress, no devastation, and no crushing of hopes by man's most destructive self-made force— war. �C H A P T E R E I G H T E E N Whigs in the Mountains people were coming to the mountains for many reasons, and while local government was being brought close to the people of all sections of Western North Carolina, state and national politics were claiming an increasing share of their interests. As noted in an earlier chapter, mountain voters in 1824 rallied to the banner of Andrew Jackson, considering him a representative of their own independent and democratic frontier politics. From him they expected to gain national action on issues that promised betterment of their counties. They were disappointed when, in the close election that gave no candidate a majority of electoral votes, John Quincy Adams was chosen by the House of Representatives as President of the United States. Four years later, the mountain people again pinned their faith to Andrew Jackson, who had actually been born in Western North Carolina according to those living near the South Carolina border. During the years of Jackson's two terms as president, however, the mountain people learned, both to their surprise and disappointment, of his defeat of the bill to turn the federal surplus over to the states for improvement projects. They learned of his successful fight against the national bank and of his veto of the bill for granting federal aid for improvements. All of these economy measures meant for them no help in their economic struggle. At the same time President Jackson's states rights theory, as it applied to letting the commonwealths work out their own improvements, crushed the hopes of the westerners for their section since the opposition of the eastern representatives in the General Assembly was strong enough to kill all improvement and reform bills. 306 �Whigs in the Mountains / 307 David Lowry Swain, then Western Carolina's representative—at first in the General Assembly and then as Governor of the state for three terms—had been opposed to Jackson as early as 1824. As the easterners gradually came to accept the President as representing their own economy policies, Swain, fighting for reforms, switched to the Whig party. It was nationally organized in 1834 in opposition to Jackson's Democratic Republicans, or Democrats, as they came to call themselves.1 Except for the Toe River area, the voters in Western North Carolina followed Swain into the Whig Party along with voters in the piedmont and sound regions. Soon there were enough to warrant a formal organization of the Whigs in North Carolina in i835.2 Standing for federal and state aid for road and waterway improvements and favoring railroad building and state educational and constitutional reform, this party gave North Carolina a two-party system. The Whig party became the party of Western North Carolina, to remain so until the 1850's. As the western voters saw their leaders achieve places of prominence and influence, they won decisive victories on such issues as constitutional reform, public education, and transportation projects. The mountain people were gaining a feeling of political importance in the state. They rightly felt so, for the Whig Party in the next fifteen years elected satisfactory majorities in the General Assembly four times and continuously kept their candidates in the office of governor as well as a goodly number of their representatives in Congress. They controlled the state's most influential newspapers and, through their closely knit organization, carried their issues directly to the people. In the election of 1836, the first held under the new constitution, voters for the first time cast their ballots for the governor of the state and were eligible to vote for candidates seeking seats in the state House of Representatives without having to present property qualifications. But until 1857 only voters possessing at least fifty acres of land could vote for senators. Throughout Western North Carolina this election took on the nature of a victory celebration, and the new Whig party swept its candidate, Edward B. Dudley, into the governorship.3 Even more colorful was the election of 1840. It had been especially prepared for by the organizations of both parties, and it established a pattern for future elections. Party conventions— new in the state—were held in Raleigh to draw up the party �308 / Chapter Eighteen platforms, and county organizations were set up throughout the state. Candidates for governor along with other office seekers jolted and bumped over the roads in stagecoaches or rode on horseback to county seats to "electioneer." The crowds traveled the back roads to see these aspirants for office and to hear them explain the issues before the state. The political rallies that characterized this and succeeding elections were, in effect, glorified court days. They reached their climaxes when rival candidates—of necessity traveling together—debated the issues. Political debates in the years preceding the Civil War became exceedingly popular throughout the nation. Some, like the Lincoln-Douglas series, became historically famous. But often in Western North Carolina, as elsewhere, the debates had increasingly little to do with logic and much to do with personalities and jibes directed at the opposing speaker and his party. This enhanced their entertainment value for the mountain men, who appreciated broad wit on either side.4 As on court days, the men from the coves and from farms along the little streams and creek banks brought their jugs of whiskey, and it also became customary to have a general barbecue at noon. Since a political meeting meant an entire day, the men made the most of it. To these meetings and rallies the candidates distributed copies of their political newspapers, tracts, and broadsides, often bitter attacks on the opposition. These the mountain men took home to be read by or to those who missed the rally and to be discussed at firesides or along rail fences as neighbor met neighbor. As might be expected, the rallies were used by some spectators as occasions for settling personal grudges, and when political fervor rose dangerously high, angry words were exchanged and brawls resulted. They were lively affairs, these early rallies in Western North Carolina, for the men of the hills were men of action, determined in their opinions, bitter in their disagreements, and quick to resent real or fancied insults.5 Along with his political tracts, a man might take home from the rally a resentment against neighbor or acquaintance, even a heretofore stranger, that deepened into a lifetime animosity. The candidates themselves were quick to anger when insulted. Today in reading the broadsides, filled with personal attacks and what seems like fantastic charges against the other party, the historian wonders how the listeners or candidates knew that the "unpardonable insult" had been uttered. That they �Whigs in the Mountains / 309 knew that the * 'unpardonable insult" had been uttered. That they did know when that delicate line had been crossed is evident from the duels arising out of political differences. In remote areas these duels between voters took the forthright form of shooting, without the frills and niceties of dueling etiquette. Most of these incidents are today forgotten, but a few between candidates of prominence and position are remembered. In November 1827, for example, bad blood was engendered between Dr. Robert Brank Vance, Buncombe County's first native physician, and Samuel B. Carson over allegations and counter-allegations hurled during the campaign in which they were rivals for a seat in Congress. The resulting duel was strictly carried out according to the rules of dueling and took place just south of the dividing line between the two Carolinas. Dr. Vance, a promising young politician and uncle of Zebulon Vance, died from the wounds inflicted by Carson's gun.6 Another memorable incident occurred in 1845 when Thomas L. Clingman, then in Congress, was a participant in a duel with William Yancy of Alabama. It took place just outside the capital city and was brought about by political animosity aroused by debates concerning the bill for the annexation of Texas, which Clingman opposed. It was conducted in the approved fashion for "affairs of honor." Fortunately, neither of the principals was injured. Apparently for both men "satisfaction had been given," and the affair was over before officers of the law appeared.7 Going to a political rally on horseback or on foot over the rocks and around the fallen trees and mud holes that obstructed their roads, the mountain men could look expectantly to a day filled with pleasant social contacts with friends. They could anticipate feasting and entertainment, with the enjoyment of humor and clever sallies of the speakers, high political emotions, and probably moments of tense excitment. Yet these rallies, with their speeches and debates, served a far deeper purpose and performed a more serious service to the voters of Western North Carolina than mere entertainment. By 1840 Raleigh newspapers, both Democratic and Whig, were entering the mountain region by means of the stagecoaches, and for ten years Rutherfordton had had its own paper, The North Carolina Spectator and Western Advertiser, which gave way in 1836 to The Carolina Gazette. In 1840 under new management, it became the weekly Western Star of Liberty, espousing the Whig principles.8 In 1840, too, The Highland Messenger appeared in Asheville. It was �310 / Chapter Eighteen PACK MEMORIAL LIBRARY, ASHEVILLE Thomas Lanier Clingman: Clingman was a lawyer, a scientist, and a Congressman. In honor of his achievements in measuring the heights of Western North Carolina mountains, one of the peaks in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park bears his name. As a Congressman in the trying times preceding the Civil War, he became a spokesman for the South. the first newspaper to be printed west of the Blue Ridge, and in 1849, The Ashevilk News, expressing Democratic party principles, printed its first issue.9 These newspapers were small, usually four pages, with little attention paid to local news. As Rutherfordton's rapid succession of newspapers indicates, they were all financial risks to the owner-editors and many were short-lived. Others survived by becoming mouthpieces for one or the other of the political parties. Their subscription rates were high and their circulation was limited; yet they had more readers than their short subscription lists would seem to indicate. They all played a �Whigs in the Mountains / 311 definite part in molding the political thinking of their readers.10 But these politically biased newspapers did not reach far beyond the main roads suitable for stagecoaches. An overwhelming majority of settlers in Western North Carolina never saw newspapers except as they might acquire one at a political rally. And a distressing proportion of the population could not read them. The people living back from the arteries of trade came to depend upon the rallies, therefore, for their political information. Knowing this, each candidate or speaker was quick to stress the advantages to the mountain section to be gained by the measures and policies he advocated. He was sure to point out how the planks in his party's platform would result in concrete benefits to the mountain district, and at the same time he demonstrated how all that the mountain men held dear would be swept away if the opposing party or candidate came into office. Largely through verbal information, thousands of small farmers came to believe that the Whig party would achieve economic improvement for their section of the state in the form of better roads, railroads, and freer money. For this reason, Western North Carolina became one of the state's Whig strongholds. The western Whigs were not disappointed in their political faith. By controlling the state offices, the Whig party was able to inaugurate reforms and to set in motion the machinery for statewide improvement projects. David Lowery Swain of Western North Carolina, who had been the leading force in the first realizations of these plans, which took the form of constitutional revision, left the governorship and took up work as an educator. He exerted his energies mainly in behalf of the state's school and university problems. Swain's place of political influence within the party was taken by another man from the mountains. In 1836, Thomas Lanier Clingman, a twenty-four year old lawyer from Surry County, opened a law office in Asheville. He had graduated with honors from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 1832 and, after studying law in Hillsboro, had served a term in the General Assembly as representative from Surry County. He was both striking in appearance and forceful and convincing as a speaker. Born of pioneer stock which included a Cherokee ancestress, Clingman could readily identify himself with the mountain people who were struck with his ability, his fearlessness, and his honesty. The voters of the 49th District, made up of Buncombe, Hay wood, and Macon Counties, elected him on the Whig ticket, therefore, to the state Senate in 1840. Although �312 / Chapter Eighteen FROM DOWD'S LIFE OF VANCE, THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. Vance s First Law Office: After being licensed as a lawyer in 1852, the twenty-one year old Zebulon Baird Vance opened his law office in this small building on College Street in Ashemlle. he was too much of an individualist to adhere strictly to party lines, Clingman took over the leadership of the Whigs in the Senate. He threw his energies into the improvement measures they advocated, always taking the side of the West in sectional differences arising within the state party. The Senator worked for east-west highways, championing the construction of a turnpike from Raleigh to Tennessee by way of Wilkesboro and Jefferson. He also advocated another from Fayetteville to Asheville, which would connect with the Buncombe Turnpike, thus giving access to Tennessee. Clingman asked for state aid in building these roads, and he proposed the incorporation of a Nantahala Turnpike through the western section of his mountain district. He favored improved educational conditions in the state and the establishment of more colleges. In addition, he vigorously advocated state aid for railroads.11 �Whigs in the Mountains / 313 In 1842 Thomas Clingman was elected as one of the state's representatives in Congress, taking office in the January, 1843, session. He was returned to this office, serving until 1855 as a Whig, except for the 29th Congress when he was returned as a Democrat. In 1858 he was appointed by Governor Thomas Bragg to the seat in the United States Senate left vacant by the death of Asa Biggs. Clingman won the seat in his own right at the next election and was a member of the Senate until war broke out in 1861. In Congress he threw his tremendous energy into upholding the interests of his state. Although he was frequently charged with inconsistencies in his policies, he gradually helped to crystalize not only North Carolina's position on slavery but he also became a voice of the South. As such, Clingman interpreted the attitude of the South and warned against measures ignoring the economic problems and welfare of that section of the nation.12 Attending political rallies and early imbibing political opinions, still another Western North Carolina leader was growing to manhood in the hills in the 1840's. Zebulon Baird Vance was a grandson of David Vance, who had presented the petition for the formation of Buncombe County from the Burke County settlers living west of the Blue Ridge. He was also the grandson of Zebulon Baird, Buncombe County's resourceful first merchant. Members of the Vance family, who derived from sturdy English stock of Norman French extraction, were politically minded and alert to local needs. Those of Zebulon's grandfather's generation had done their parts in the Revolutionary War to win independence and democratic principles for their country. From these ancestors, Zebulon Vance inherited a talent for leadership, which was intensified by his inheritance from the Baird family. Zebulon Baird, his maternal grandfather, was born in Scotland. Coming to Asheville in 1793, he had represented the new Buncombe County in the General Assembly, first in the lower house and then in the Senate. From the Bairds, Vance inherited the flashing wit, the shrewdness, and the quickness of mind that characterized his mother's family.13 For the part he was destined to play in the history of this state, Zeb Vance had the advantage of a boyhood in the mountains. He was born on a farm in Reems Creek valley some ten miles from Asheville. Like the other boys in the neighborhood, he attended "Old Field Schools" (short-term, subscription, elementary schools). He later attended Washington College at Jonesboro, �314 / Chapter Eighteen BARBER PHOTO Judson College: Until after the Reconstruction Period the education of children and young people was largely the concern of the churches. In addition to private schools, churches established academies, often called colleges. Some of those in operation before 1860 were Rutherford College in Burke County, Mars Hill in Madison County, and Judson College in Henderson County. Tennessee, which was under the management of the Reverend Samuel Doak. Still later, he was a student at the University of North Carolina where David Lowery Swain was President.14 As a farm boy and for a time as a helper earning his living at John Patton's stand in Madison County, Vance came to understand the economy of the area as it ebbed and flowed according to the droves of livestock thundering down the Buncombe Turnpike to southern markets. From the farmers bringing their corn and from the drovers and drivers, he became familiar with conditions on the broad, river bottom farms and in the coves with their mountain grazing lands. The young Zeb Vance was genuinely interested in people. He had a word, a jest, and a genial, infectious laugh to share with all who passed. As he went through his teens, he was learning to understand people—his mountain people, all people. From his forebears and from his environment Vance �Whigs in the Mountains / 315 developed a fearlessness of opinion and action, together with an honesty that was never questioned, a singleness and loftiness of purpose that seemed to be gifts from his native hills, and a dogged determination that smacked of their granite. Perhaps more than any other individual, Zebulon Baird Vance typified the strength and sturdy virtues, as well as the independence and the intellectual capacities of the people making the mountains of Western North Carolina their home. Perhaps it was for those very qualities that he became one of his state's most beloved citizens. Following his study of law in 1854, Vance, then twenty-four years old, was sent by his native county of Buncombe to the General Assembly and four years later was elected to Congress as a Whig. His career there was interrupted for twenty-four years by the Civil War. During that time he gave his abundant energies to the cause of the Confederacy and to the welfare of North Carolina, serving as Governor during the war and for one term afterward. It was during this period of Whig activity that the little log school houses, discussed in a previous chapter, appeared in every western county. These schools gradually increased their service to the people as Dr. Calvin H. Wiley's educational program strengthened their curricula and increased the efficiency of the teachers. Although from today's standpoint these schools left much to be desired, they were a leaven raising the degree of literacy, and hence the outlook, in Western North Carolina. By 1860 in the prosperous areas, these mountain schools were as efficient, perhaps, as the schools in most of the new areas of the nation. The Buncombe Turnpike and the road connecting the citizens of Watauga County with Morganton, Rutherfordton, and with South Carolina markets, together with other north-south roads, continued their beneficial services to Western North Carolina; nevertheless, roads and their upkeep remained the major problem of the mountain country. For the first time the region looked to the state with some degree of confidence for aid in constructing additional trade lanes. In Governor Morehead the section had a champion in its road demands. John Motley Morehead had been one of the young liberals supporting the reforms advocated earlier by Murphey. In his 1840 campaign he had promised to work for state aid for internal improvements. Western North Carolina received encouragement from his 1842 message to the General Assembly in which he listed as one of the state's most pressing �316 / Chapter Eighteen THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. The Young Congressman: In 1858, at the age of twenty-eight, Vance won a seat in the House of Representatives in the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the United States. He took the seat made vacant by the resignation of Thomas Lanier Clingman, who became a senator, needs the construction of the east-west highway earlier envisioned by Joseph Caldwell. Extending from the coastal area westward through the mountains to Tennessee, such a highway would, he pointed out, open the mountain-locked region to eastern markets. �Whigs in the Mountains I 317 Morehead echoed the convictions of the mountain people when he pictured the development that such a highway would bring to Western North Carolina. "When good roads shall be established in that region," he contended, "it is believed the population will increase with rapidity, agriculture will improve, grazing will be extended, and manufactures and mechanic arts will flourish in a location combining so many advantages and inviting their growth. The improved highways will be additional inducements to the citizens of other sections of our State to abandon their usual northern tours, or visits to the Virginia watering places for a tour more interesting among our own mountains, much cheaper, and much more beautiful—a tour in which they will inspire health in every breath and drink in health in every draught."15 The first road that could be considered an adequate highway across the Blue Ridge, linking Buncombe County with the counties directly to the east, came when a company was chartered in 1840 to construct a road from Rutherford ton to Asheville. Six years later the Hickory Nut Turnpike was chartered, authorizing a road from Rutherfordton across the mountains to Henderson County and on to Asheville and the Buncombe Turnpike. These improved highways made possible regular stagecoach travel between the areas.16 The citizens of Western North Carolina still impatiently awaited the coming of the east-west highway advocated by Governor Morehead. But the waiting period was far too long, for it was not until 1849 that the General Assembly authorized the chartering of a company to construct the western section of the long promised road. With a capital stock made up of shares owned by the state and shares purchased by citizens of the counties through which the road passed, the turnpike company constructed the highway from Salisbury to the Tennessee line. It went by way of Morganton, Old Fort, Asheville, Waynesville, and continued westward to Cherokee County and Tennessee. A southern branch extended to the Georgia line. Thus the new highway was somewhat the fulfillment of Clingman's plan for a Nantahala Turnpike. By 1855 this highway was linking the western border counties with Asheville and the Asheville and Greenville Plank Road.17 During these years, too, western counties were constructing new, subsidiary roads and were improving others. Yancey County had a fairly adequate road from Burnsville to the Buncombe line, and in other counties roads were built to connect with turnpikes. But �318 / Chapter Eighteen the secondary roads in all mountain counties continued to be poor, often practically impassable during the winter months.18 By the time the Whigs gained control of the state government, railroads had made their appearance in North Carolina, and Western North Carolina joined in the clamor coming from all counties for state aid for railroad construction. Many leaders saw in the railroads the solution to North Carolina's vexing transportation problem, and the Whig party advocated a complete network of railroads. As early as 1833 a privately constructed, mile and a quarter stretch of railroad at Raleigh had been the means of hauling stone from the quarries on mule-drawn flat cars to the site of the capitol then being built. Following that successful venture, private capital had succeeded in building and operating two railroads. The Wilmington and Weldon was built 161 miles in length, and in 1840 it was the longest in the world. The Raleigh and Gaston was 86 miles long. But the cost of construction and maintenance of these railroads, with their iron-covered rails, was too excessive for private enterprise, and by 1836 both faced bankruptcy. It was then that the Whigs succeeded in inaugurating the policy of state aid. By 1845, when the state had actually had to purchase the Raleigh and Gaston line, North Carolina had spent (lost, the conservatives claimed) almost a million dollars in its railroad aid program.19 The building of railroads was recognized, however, by many leaders in all sections of the state as being so necessary to the economy of the commonwealth as to warrant further state aid to this enterprise. The question of railroads was the popular topic of the day. Their value to the state and state aid for their construction were themes debated pro and con by speakers. Newspapers also aired the rising controversy over state aid for the roads. Politicians envisioned railroads passing through the counties of their constituents. Many plans, both practical and visionary, were advanced for the development of intrastate lines, some running north-south and others east-west, but all with an eye to funneling the state's products to its eastern markets. Interstate railroads were also discussed, and Joseph CaldwelFs plan for a Beaufort to Murphy line was revived.20 Governor Morehead expressed the belief that such a line would bring products from as far west as Memphis through the length of the state to its eastern ports. It might even serve as a European market line for cities in California.21 �Whigs in the Mountains / 319 In Western North Carolina this cross-state plan was welcomed as the solution to its transportation problem; yet the region's first hope for a railroad came from a plan for an interstate line from Charleston to the growing West. South Carolina was profiting from the trade that passed south over the Buncombe Turnpike, connecting with the fine new road that Joel Poinsett had constructed along the ancient trading path to the Cherokees. Charleston, Robert Y. Hayne pointed out to his fellow statesman, was the natural outlet for products not only from the mountains, but also from Kentucky, Illinois, and Ohio—indeed, from all territory in the Mississippi valley. Moreover, a railroad from Charleston to this area might offer a political link between the new west and South Carolina, an advantage not to be overlooked.22 With such leaders as Hayne, Mitchell King, Joel Poinsett, and James Bennett interested in the project, plans progressed, and investigations were made for a route through or around the mountains. The choice settled on a line from Saluda Mountain to Asheville and down the French Broad, which had an easy grade of thirteen feet per mile, to Knoxville. The road would thus extend 107 miles through Western North Carolina and could be constructed, engineers estimated, at a cost of two million dollars.2* Following the pattern set for crystalizing public sentiment for railroads, delegates from the states concerned attended a railroad convention in Knoxville in 1836. Reports were heard from committees earlier appointed to make investigations into all the phases of such a far-flung project. Then the Louisville, Cincinnati, and Charleston Railroad Company was formed with Robert Y. Hayne as president. The plan was that each state would incorporate a company within the larger framework to build the section passing through its territory. An atmosphere of optimism pervaded the convention, and the meeting closed with an admonition to state representatives "not to suffer the work to fail."2* During the next few years enthusiastic citizens of Western North Carolina subscribed for stock in the company. They attended meetings of stock holders to hear reports of the company's progress and of the surveys made by the engineers. At such a meeting in Asheville in 1839 Robert Y. Hayne was stricken with a fatal illness and died. Mitchell King was then elected president of the company. The ambitious plans for the railroad �320 / Chapter Eighteen collapsed soon afterward when South Carolina refused to incorporate a company that would be a part of an out-of-state organization, and Tennessee followed her example. Western North Carolina's hopes for getting a railroad faded.25 That hope was later revived when in 1848, under the Whig controlled government, the state began the policy of issuing and selling interest-bearing bonds as a means of raising money for aid for improvements, including railroads. The following year the North Carolina Railroad, to run from Goldsboro to Charlotte, was incorporated with the state subscribing two million dollars and private capital sponsoring another million.26 The state later found it necessary to subscribe an additional one million dollars. The bill authorizing this road was a bipartisan, compromise measure. It called for the construction of a railroad that would connect Goldsboro with Charlotte by way of Salisbury. John M. Morehead was elected president of the company. Construction began from the two terminal points, and in 1856 the 223-mile line was in operation, opening the piedmont to the markets of the state. Almost at once its effects throughout that section and in the mountain counties east of the Blue Ridge were apparent. Freight rates were cut in half; prices of incoming commodities were drastically lowered. Farmers, able to get their products to market and at a cost insuring profit, raised more grain. A general air of prosperity came to the region that was once known as the lagging "back country."27 The construction of this railroad brought again into prominence the idea of extending lines across the Blue Ridge and on to the Tennessee border. Joseph Caldwell in 1828 in his Numbers of Carlton had pleaded for a line stretching from the eastern cities of Beaufort and New Bern westward to Tennessee.28 Now that plea was revived. Accordingly, the Western North Carolina Railroad was incorporated in 1854. It was to be the western extension of the North Carolina Railroad, and construction was to start at Salisbury.29 This railroad, which was favored by both Democrats and Whigs, was to be constructed in sections. The bill designated that each section was to be in full operation before any work might begin on the succeeding section. That clause included the selling of stock. The maximum stock was to be $6,000,000 and the state was to own two thirds, with one third raised from private capital in the counties through which the road would pass.30 Four possible routes were presented, but because of the absence of gaps in the �Whigs in the Mountains / 321 precipitous Blue Ridge, only two seemed practical enough to warrant surveys. One of these proposals would take the railroad across the Blue Ridge into Watauga County and along the Watauga River, entering Tennessee at a point thirty-three miles from the East Tennessee and Virginia Railroad. This was the shortest of the suggested routes, 121.77 miles from Salisbury. Because of the extreme construction difficulties it presented, however, Walter Gwynn, the surveying engineer, recommended the longer route going by way of the Catawba valley and crossing the Blue Ridge at Swannanoa Gap. This route would necessitate a series of tunnels. From the west portal of the last tunnel the road would go to Asheville and from there down the French Broad River to Paint Rock. This line would be 186.78 miles long.31 Almost at once another route from Asheville to the Tennessee border was suggested. It would go west from Asheville to Waynesville and on to connect with the Blue Ridge Railroad or on to the Tennessee line near Ducktown. Both of these routes were later surveyed, and the advantages of each became the subject of much local publicity. Citizens of Buncombe and Madison Counties favored the French Broad route. Citizens of the western counties favored the Ducktown route, pointing out that such a road would reach the thriving copper mines of eastern Tennessee and would, as Morehead had made clear, open for Memphis its shortest route to sea ports.32 East of the Blue Ridge counties were contending for routes stretching west from Salisbury. Caldwell County had favored the Watauga route but gave up the struggle for that, demanding that the line pass north of the Catawba River. Burke County urged that Morganton be made the terminal for the first section of the Western Railroad and, winning its point, its citizens subscribed $100,000 to the capital stock. R. C. Pearson of Burke County was elected president of the company and James C. Turner was appointed chief engineer. Rutherfordton, which was not on the route of the Western North Carolina Railroad, looked forward after 1854 to a road from Charlotte. The year before the western division had been chartered, the General Assembly had passed a bill under which the Wilmington, Charlotte, and Rutherfordton Railroad was incorporated. Work on it began almost at once. As the project progressed, the company made plans to extend the line over the Blue Ridge to the Tennessee border in Watauga County where it would connect with a road fromjonesboro, Tennessee.33 �322 / Chapter Eighteen In the meantime, South Carolina revived its earlier plan for a Charleston to Cincinnati railroad that would cross Western North Carolina by way of the French Broad River, and it incorporated the Greenville and French Broad Company. It also chartered a company to construct a railroad from Anderson through a section of Georgia, to continue for a distance of seventy-three miles across the western counties of North Carolina into Tennessee. This line was to be called the Blue Ridge Railroad. By 1855 it looked as though Western North Carolina might have a network of railroads.34 It soon became evident that the clause requiring the construction of the Western North Carolina Railroad to be done in sections would greatly impede the progress of the work and therefore delay its advent into the counties west of the mountains. To the citizens of Western North Carolina this delay was both unwarranted and intolerable. For several reasons they felt that haste was imperative. In the first place, it was felt that the state would be unwilling to invest in two roads across the mountains and that contentions arising over a choice between the Western North Carolina Railroad and the Rutherfordton line would inevitably lead to a prolonged delay, resulting in the abandonment of both plans. In the second place, the mountain citizens much preferred that the road west of the mountains be constructed by a North Carolina company; yet, unless the Western Extension reached the area within a reasonable time, the South Carolina company would doubtless have its line along the French Broad in operation. As a solution to the railroad problems facing the area, the residents of the mountain counties began agitating for the removal of the sectional clause in the Western North Carolina Railroad Bill. Feelings ran high, with railroads an issue in the 1858 campaign. A bill presented to the General Assembly for striking out the objectionable sectional feature failed to pass. The reaction of the citizens west of the Blue Ridge was immediate and bitter. The editor of the Asheville News wrote a stinging economic declaration of independence from the eastern part of the state, declaring, "We have no doubt the people of the West will readily embrace this tender of a dissolution of every tie that binds us together as one people, and will henceforth regard themselves as having neither part nor lot in the internal improvement system of North Carolina." He went on to predict "that the people of the �Whigs in the Mountains / 323 French Broad Valley will never again ask for a connection with any North Carolina Road."35 Aroused citizens gathered at a mass meeting in Asheville and heard Nicholas W. Woodfin, who had led the section's struggle for a railroad, deliver a fiery speech, advising his fellow westerners not to invest a penny in the Western North Carolina road. Instead, the people of Henderson, Buncombe, and Madison Counties were urged by Woodfin and other leaders to purchase stock in the South Carolina road. At elections held in these three counties in the summer of 1859, each county was empowered to purchase stock in the Greenville and French Broad Railroad. On July 28, 1859, the officials of that road met in Hendersonville with citizens of Henderson, Buncombe, and Madison Counties to formulate plans.36 During this time, the construction of the first section of the Western Extension was progressing slowly, far more so than had been anticipated. The contractor was badly in need of additional state funds, but under the bill, these could not be forthcoming until the completion of that section. To alleviate this embarrassing situation, the General Assembly early in 1861 revised the incorporation bill, making the entire distance from Salisbury to the western end of the Swannanoa tunnel the first section. At the same session the Assembly ratified the Ducktown route for the line from Asheville to the Tennessee border, the route earlier adopted by the stockholders upon the recommendation of the surveyor. The act allowed for a branch road, however, to be constructed from Asheville to Paint Rock, but that could begin only after the western portion had reached Waynesville.37 With the prospect of a state-sponsored road reaching their area, citizens of Western North Carolina were somewhat placated. Surely one of the many plans under consideration would result in a railroad for the area. But the western citizens were again to be disappointed. By April, 1861, the Wilmington, Charlotte, and Rutherfordton road had not yet reached Rutherford County, while the Western Extension lacked more than five miles of entering Morganton. When the Civil War broke out, the contractor of this section left for the army and was later among those killed at the First Battle of Manassas. Another contractor was employed to carry out the work. But with workmen enlisting or being drafted and with the added difficulty of getting the necessary metal for �324 / Chapter Eighteen the rails, the work could go on only at a snail's pace. It stopped altogether before reaching Morganton. The Rutherfordton line ceased construction activities at Cherryville, and at the time of the Civil War only a few miles of track had actually been laid in Western North Carolina, none of them across the Blue Ridge. The early railroads in the state furnished conclusive evidence of the prosperity that would follow with adequate systems of transporation. But the excessive cost of railroads, even when partly assumed by the state, and their expensive upkeep made them financial risks. Those risks often prevented private capital from being invested in stocks of the incorporated companies or in state bonds issued to aid them. Then, too, as Western North Carolina painfully learned, railroad construction was a slow process. For those reasons engineers and interested citizens sought a quicker, cheaper way of supplying satisfactory highways in areas untouched by the existing railroads. As a solution to this problem some inventive person came up with the idea of the plank road, and in the 1850*s the building of plank roads took second place only to railroads in the interest of transportation-conscious Carolinians. The first of these roads, later called the "Appian Way" of North Carolina, was chartered in 1849 and opened in 1854, connecting Fayetteville with Salem. It proved to have many advantages over the old type of highway.38 A plank road was constructed by allowing the graded bed to settle and then placing over it pine sleepers or sills placed end to end lengthwise. Across these sills pine planks, from nine to sixteen inches wide and from three to four inches thick, were laid. Wider than the turnpikes, these roads were usually about eight feet in width, with frequent turnouts to allow for the passing of vehicles. With their firm beds and their two thicknesses of planks, they were all-weather roads, enabling the farmers to market their grain at all seasons of the year. Over them a team could haul a vastly heavier load than on the old highways. Their cost, compared with railroads, was modest, for the plank roads usually followed the old roads, whose beds could easily be put into condition for the sills. The pine lumber used was cheap, costing about three dollars per thousand feet. They seemed to be the answer to the needs of several sections of the state in Western North Carolina.39 The Buncombe Turnpike by 1850 was badly in need of repairs from years of heavy animal traffic. The company was dissolved, �Whigs in the Mountains / 325 and in 1851 the Asheville and Greenville Plank Road Company was incorporated, taking over sections of the older turnpike bed.40 Over the new plank highway the great droves continued until the incoming railroads in states to the north could take the livestock to market by rail cheaper than the animals could transport themselves. By the late 1850's the number and size of the droves passing along Western North Carolina roads decreased, although they did not cease until the Civil War and were continued for a time after the end of the conflict. But the plank road era was of short duration. Even without the destruction brought by war, it would probably have passed, for the life of a plank highway was from seven to nine years. By that time even the sills had to be replaced, and long before that, expensive repairs were necessary. These were often made by using crushed rock, a more durable material. In the decade before the war the Whigs, who had given to North Carolina its greatest period of internal improvements, lost their control over the state offices. Now fully aware of the prosperity brought about by the Whig projects, the Democrats by 1850 had shrugged off their cloak of inertia and were espousing the continuance of improvements. They had also become alert to the ominous trend in national issues involving the slave question. To safeguard the state's economic order, the Democrats stressed their old policy of the state's right, as opposed to the national government, to deal with all matters concerning its internal affairs. In so doing, the Democrats became the party of the South and of Southern interests. By 1850 the party was revitalized and vigorous enough to place its candidate, David S. Reid, in the governor's chair, and the Democrats continued to control that office until the outbreak of the war. They also gained a majority in the General Assembly. Within the next few years, the slavery issue assumed a larger place in national politics and, therefore, necessarily in state politics. As a result, many of North Carolina's political leaders left the Whig Party, which remained silent on the slavery issue, and joined the Democrats. Among them was Thomas L. Clingman, who found the rejuvenated Democratic Party expressing his own views of the slavery question.41 William W. Holden, later to play a partisan role in North Carolina affairs, also left the Whigs to become a spokesman for the Democrats through his newspaper, The North Carolina Standard. The Democrats now made a bid for western votes by a �326 / Chapter Eighteen movement for free suffrage, long desired by the small farmers of the western counties. In 1857 the movement crystalized into action, and by a constitutional amendment property qualifications for voting for state senators were discarded.42 This constructive and long overdue action won adherents for the party in the west. The party also gained followers as it took up its new role of sponsorship of internal improvements, including turnpikes, plank roads, and railroads for the mountain section of the state. In fact, even though originally planned by the Whigs, whatever highway improvements reached Western North Carolina in the 1850's came through Democratic sanction. As a series of slave measures came up in Congress, the feelings of both Northerners and Southerners became ever more bitter. The Southern men in Congress now came to foresee in the near future a predominance of northern Congressmen with steadily growing anti-slavery views. They recognized that the passage of each slavery bill into law was a defeat for the South. Accordingly, North Carolina leaders continued to leave the Whig party, which still took no stand on slavery issues, to join the ranks of the Democrats. A decisive blow came to the national Whig Party with the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill and the subsequent bloodshed in that unhappy area. Those events were followed by the formation of the Republican Party, pledged to slavery-free territories and to the belief that the Union was indissolvable. Many northern Whigs went into this new party, while in protest to it, many Southerners joined the Democratic Party. During the 1850's the North Carolina Democrats actively took up the issue of slavery, favoring the extension of slavery in the new territories and incoming states and denying the expediency of federal restrictions in the territories as advocated by some Whig extremists. In all these policies the Democratic Party was, as it had earlier been, the party of the slave-owning plantation East. But the growing tension throughout the nation and in the state made these policies, especially the state's rights policy, the platform of the South against the increasing abolitionism of the North. The Democrats now took into their ranks former Whigs who had become alarmed at the turn in national affairs and who feared "Black Republicanism." Many of the voters in Western North Carolina were still unwilling to join the Democratic Party, and a goodly number of them cast in their lots with the United American or KnowNothing Party, which formed an organization in North Carolina �Whigs in the Mountains / 327 in 1855. This party had no slavery policies and very little to offer in the way of a constructive platform. In its origin and character it was generally negative in its approach to the problems with which it concerned itself. The Know-Nothing Party centered its attacks on the unrestricted European immigration to the United States, which annually brought into the nation hundreds of thousands of economically low-class families from southern European countries. Thousands of these were poverty-stricken people who entered regardless of their physical, mental, or moral ability to be absorbed into the American pattern of life. A high percentage of these undesirable immigrants was Catholic, and the KnowNothing Party, which veiled its objectives in secrecy, was antiCatholic. For the voters of Western North Carolina this party was a poor substitute for the Whig Party, and when in 1859 the Whig Party was briefly revived in North Carolina, the Know-Nothings disappeared from the state. The mountain members then returned to their old party. Among them was Buncombe County's Zebulon Baird Vance, who that year was elected to the Congress on the Whig ticket.43 �C H A P T E R N I N E T E E N War in the Land X he presidential election of 1860 was a tense one. The Union was literally at stake. The series of hotly contested slavery issues had weakened the Whig Party four years earlier and brought into prominence the Republican Party, organized in 1854. Differences brought about by the slavery issues also caused the Democratic Party to split over its platform in 1859. The Southern delegates walked out of the Convention, organized their own wing of the party, and nominated John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky for president. The Northern or Regular Democrats nominated Stephen Arnold Douglas of Illinois. The newly organized Constitutional Party, made up largely of Whigs unwilling to join other parties, nominated John Bell of Tennessee, and the Republicans named Abraham Lincoln. Voters in North Carolina had only three presidential choices, however, for Lincoln's name was not on the ballot for the presidency.1 Chiefly because of the split in the Democratic ranks, the Republicans succeeded in electing Abraham Lincoln as President of the United States. South Carolina's reply to the election returns was prompt and emphatic. Considering the state sovereign and endowed with the right of self-determination, it seceded from the Union in December. Early the following year Mississippi, Alabama, Texas, Florida, Georgia, and Lousiana also seceded.2 In North Carolina the idea of secession had earlier entered political discussions. The Republican Party had nominated John 328 �War in the Land / 329 Charles Fremont as its presidential nominee for the 1856 election. Thomas Lanier Clingman of Western North Carolina was then a member of the United States House of Representatives. In 1855 he voiced his belief that, should Fremont be elected, the Southern States would be justified in withdrawing from the Union, and he outlined a plan of secession. His views were echoed by several other state leaders.3 North Carolinians knew that Lincoln had been active in opposing the extension of slavery into western territories. They also knew that he was outspoken in his belief that the Union could not be dissolved. The idea of secession was repugnant to most Whigs and ex-Whigs and to most of the members of the Democratic Party. As a result many state leaders were active in their efforts for peace. In February, 1861, delegates from North Carolina attended a Peace Conference in Montgomery, Alabama. There the delegates hoped to work out settlements of a compromise to the sectional differences. Nothing constructive came out of that meeting, however, and in that same month a Peace Conference, called by Virginia, met in Washington. Delegates from twenty-one states attended, including those from North Carolina. As compromise measures that might be acceptable to both North and South, seven proposed amendments to the Constitution were presented to Congress. All were rejected. Here and there within the state Peace Rallies were held, but they also failed in obtaining their objective.4 Among those opposing secession was Zebulon Baird Vance of Buncombe County. In 1858 Thomas L. Clingman was appointed to the United States Senate to fill the unexpired term of Asa Higgs, and Vance was appointed to fill Clingman's seat in the House of Representatives. He was elected the following year and served in the Thirty-Sixth Congress, the last before the outbreak of the war. Throughout the session he was a staunch supporter of the Union, and back in his native state he vigorously urged adherence to the Union.5 On February 26, 1861, in response to the Convention Act passed by the General Assembly, citizens went to the polls to vote on calling a convention to consider secession, but the convention proposal was defeated. Vance and other Union leaders were disappointed. They felt that Unionists would dominate the convention and thereby insure a negative vote for secession.6 But that spring the tide of public opinion abruptly turned. On April 12, troops of the new Confederacy fired on Fort Sumter. They captured it two days later before reinforcements could �330 / Chapter Nineteen THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. Young Confederate Colonels: Vance opposed secession, but his views abruptly changed when North Carolina was ordered to furnish federal troops. f(If war must come/'he said, (<I prefer to be with my own people, "He entered the war as a Captain of the Rough and Ready Guards but soon achieved the rank of Colonel in the Twenty-Sixth Regiment. �War in the Land / 331 reach it. Both North and South knew that this was war, and almost at once public opinion became unified. President Lincoln's call to arms included an order from the Secretary of War for two North Carolina regiments. In a speech delivered before the Andrew Post No. 15 of the Grand Army in Boston on December 8, 1886, Vance told of his own experience. News of this order reached the village of Marshall while he was "pleading for the Union" with his arm upraised in a gesture. When that arm came down, he said, it fell sadly by the side of a secessionist. If North Carolina had to fight, he pointed out, it must be against Northerners. 7 The days following the first shut at Fort Sumter were brimming with excitement and crowded with war preparations. Governor John W. Ellis called a special meeting of the General Assembly. He ordered Forts Caswell and Johnson seized at the mouth of the Cape Fear River, as well as the Federal Arsenal at Fayetteville and the Government Mint at Charlotte. Ellis then issued a call for 30,000 volunteers, promising the Confederacy to get from 1,000 to 10,000 state troops within a few days. He made arrangements with the Confederate Government to have these volunteers enter training as state troops, and he entered into an agreement with the Confederacy whereby North Carolina was to clothe and arm its own soldiers, the only Southern state to do so.8 In the emergency the General Assembly dispensed with the referendum and called an election for electing delegates to a convention to be held in Raleigh on May 20. These delegates, after organizing the convention, voted to withdraw from the union existing between North Carolina and the other states of the United States. They declared North Carolina a sovereign commonwealth and ratified the Provisional Constitution of the Confederacy. Thus Western North Carolina became a part of a new Republic, and to its mountains was to come yet another war.9 The war began with an outburst of patriotism and enthusiasm. James Green Martin was appointed Adjutant General of the state troops and was put in charge of organizing the military program and mobilizing supplies. Under the county units that he set up, the volunteers offered their services for six months. Military companies were hurriedly formed as both the state and its people prepared for what all considered would be a short war. Western North Carolina was active in these preparations. Even before secession, Burnt Chimney, now Forest City, organized a unit which it proudly called The Burnt Chimney �332 / Chapter Nineteen . THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. The Battle of New Bern: Taking a prominent part in this battle was Colonel Vance with his Twenty-Sixth Regiment, which was largely made up of men from the western counties of North Carolina. This picture is from an 1863 drawing. Volunteers. This unit left for Raleigh on June 3 to become Company D in the Sixteenth Regiment of North Carolina Infantry. The unit formed at Rutherford ton, called The Rutherfordton Riflemen, became Company G in the Sixteenth Regiment.10 The first volunteer unit in Western North Carolina was formed in Buncombe County, however, by William Wallis McDowell of Asheville. It was organized prior to Governor Ellis' call for troops and was called The Buncombe Riflemen. On April 18 it left Asheville for Raleigh to become Company E of the First North Carolina Volunteer Regiment. On June 10 these men from the mountains, with little more than a month's intensive training, saw action at Big Bethel, the first land battle of the Civil War.11 On May 4 Zebulon B. Vance organized another company, called The Rough and Ready Guards. It left Asheville to become Company F in the Fourteenth Regiment. Later as a part of General Robert E. Lee's army, it fought brilliantly in Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. Vance, now Colonel Vance, was later transferred to the Twenty-Sixth Regiment. He left that Regiment in 1862 after being elected Governor of his state.12 Haywood County organized a unit that became Company A of the Sixteenth Regiment.13 On May 18 The Henderson County �War in the Land / 333 Guards left Hendersonville, filled with zeal to fulfill the motto on their banner, "To the Henderson Guards: Follow your banner to victory or death."14 In August Thomas L. Clingman helped to form yet another unit in Asheville, made up of men from Buncombe, Haywood, Cherokee, Henderson, Jackson, and Transylvania Counties. This unit was mustered in on September 18. Eleven days later it reached Wilmington and became a part of the Twenty-Fifth Regiment.15 In Madison County Lawrence M. Allen formed a mounted company called Allen's Rangers, later to be known as Allen's Legion. These men became a part of the Sixty-Fourth Regiment.16 What was happening in these counties was repeated in every section of Western North Carolina as young men from the hills volunteered in county units or joined with men from neighboring counties to organize groups leaving for Raleigh or Wilmington where they went into training. During the next year this volunteer effort continued, and in 1862 two companies were organized at Brevard,17 while the Sixty-Second Regiment was made up almost entirely of mountain men. Hundreds of others entered state regiments already formed, while still others joined the armies of the Confederacy. In their first outburst of enthusiasm, some of the counties, like Rutherford, backed by their county courts, levied a tax to provide money for clothing and equipment for their own soldiers. Transylvania County went so far as to borrow fifteen hundred dollars from the Cape Fear Bank at Asheville in order to give each of its volunteers the sum of fifteen dollars.18 As these first volunteers prepared to leave home, the communities made each occasion a public demonstration of patriotism. The villages from which they were mustered were crowded with friends and relatives of the departing men. Speeches were made by prominent citizens. Prayers were offered by ministers, and in some instances the men were presented with Bibles. Flags made by young women of the town were presented with appropriate remarks. After these colorful ceremonies, weeping families and well-wishing friends followed the marching men until darkness compelled them to return to their homes. There the awful reality of war became a part of their daily living.19 Volunteers responding to the first call enlisted for six months, but the General Assembly in May authorized the calling of an additional fifty thousand volunteers for a year's service in addition �334 / Chapter Nineteen THE BARDEN COLLECTION, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY The Ad- Vance: Purchased for the state by Governor Vance through an agent, this sturdy blockade runner, named The Ad-Vance, made eleven cargo-filled trips into Wilmington before its capture in September, 1864. to the organization of ten regiments of state troops for the duration of the war. Although the state hoped for a short war, it prepared for a long one. Recruiting offices were opened in villages, and training camps and drilling grounds were laid out in the mountain counties. Mountain men continued to enlist in the armies of their state and in those of the Confederacy. Products of the forges of the mountains (and there were perhaps a score of them) were contracted for by the state, and new forges were established to furnish the iron needed for the manufacturing of rifles and for the various purposes of war. A private factory for the manufacturing of rifles was set up in Asheville. The following year it was taken over by the Confederacy, and Major Benjamin Sloan, a West Point graduate, was placed in charge. At first much scrap iron was used, but Major Sloan was able to get iron from the Cranberry mines to enable the Asheville factory to turn out, at the rate of three hundred guns a month, thousands of the best rifles made in the South. Later in the war the factory was moved to Columbia, South Carolina, but before the end of the war it was blown up to prevent its falling into the hands of the Federals.20 The issue of slavery affected the mountain counties very little, �War in the Land / 335 NATIONAL PARK SERVICE Cherokee Veterans of the Thomas Legion: To protect citizens in the western counties William H. Thomas in 1862 formed what became known as The Thomas Legion. Of its 17 companies, two were made up ofCherokees. This picture was taken in New Orleans at the last reunion of these Cherokee veterans. Those in the picture, as named by the son of Colonel Thomas, are: front row, 1 Young Deer; 2 unidentified; 3 Pheasant; 4 Chief David Reed; 5 Sevier Skitty; back row, 1 the Rev. Bird Saloneta; 2 Dickey Driver; 3 Lieut, Col, W. W. Stringfield of Waynesville (officer); 4 Lieutenant Suatie Owl; 5Jim Keg; 6 Wesley Crow; 7 unidentified; 8 Lieutenant Calvin Cagle (officer). for geographic conditons had made slave labor impractical. Only a few owners of river valley farms had found it profitable to invest in slaves. In the villages and on some of the farms a few slaves were used as house or stable servants, and the summer residents in Henderson and Transylvania Counties brought with them from the low country the slaves they needed to staff their estates. But the majority of mountain people had neither the money nor the need to own many slaves. The counties on the eastern slopes of the Blue Ridge with their broad river farms had more slaves than did those farther west. In 1860 Rutherford County, with a total population of 11,573, had 2,391 slaves; Burke County, with a population of 9,237, had 2,371 �336 / Chapter Nineteen slaves. Across the mountains Buncombe County (population 12,654) had 1,905 slaves, while Cherokee to the west had only 520 slaves out of a population of 9,166. Madison County, with a population of 5,678, had 213 slaves and 17 free Negroes. Other counties varied in their slave population, depending largely upon the area's terrain.21 For years the western counties had been aligned in interests against the eastern plantation section of the state and had opposed governmental concessions to the slave-owning planters; however, there had been no special movement in the area directed against slavery itself. Nor is there evidence that such publications as Hinton Rowan Helper's The Impending Crisis had exerted any influence upon the few readers it may have reached in the mountains. But certainly the men of Western North Carolina had no desire to give their lives for the cause of slavery. They justified their participation in the war on other grounds. Both their environment and their heritage enabled the mountain men to espouse the cause of a state's right to determine its own course of action and caused them to resent what was considered the insult of Lincoln's call for North Carolina troops. Not all mountaineers accepted as justifiable the causes for war as explained by the state's leaders and by the newspapers. During the Revolutionary War the mountain area had been a region of divided loyalties with accompanying bitterness and destruction. That pattern was repeated from 1861-1865, and since the settlements in Western North Carolina were more numerous than in 1776, both the hatred and the devastation were more widespread. Thus while the boys and men were reporting to camps to be enrolled in the state's troops, a trickle of men quietly disappeared from their mountain homes to cast their lots with the Union. Neighborhoods were thus divided, and men long friends went in opposite directions to enlist, some to don the uniforms of gray and others to wear the uniforms of blue. All hoped not to meet again until after the conflict had ended. The number of those joining the Union forces from mountain counties will never be definitely known. They had to enlist in other states, and their home counties were not listed in the records of their units. But during the four years of war there were many who took up arms against the Confederacy.22 Union sentiment was evident throughout the region but was especially strong in Henderson and Transylvania Counties and in �War in the Land / 337 the Toe River valley counties of Yancey, Madison, the newly created Mitchell County, as well as in Watauga, Ashe, and Alleghany Counties. In Henderson County in 1863 a Union company was organized with James Hamilton of Little River as captain. It became Company F in the Second North Carolina Federal Volunteers. It has been estimated that for every ten men in Watauga County who enlisted in the Confederate armies, one man enlisted in the Union forces. The ratio of Union soldiers was probably higher in Mitchell County, and in Gloucester and Little River Townships in Transylvania County more than half of the men were Unionists.23 Early in the war secret means of getting Unionists safely to Northern recruiting stations were set up and remained active throughout the conflict. They were known as "underground railroads," one of which took men coming from east of the Blue Ridge to Boone. Working in relays, scouts got them from there to the underground station at Banner Elk where they were taken on or directed to the Cranberry station or to the one at Crab Orchard in Tennessee.24 Another of these "railroads" crossed Polk County from South Carolina and linked with one in Henderson County that passed men through the Bat Cave community and on north to Buncombe County where they were aided on their way to Tennessee.25 Still another underground network along which escaping prisoners from Andersonville, Georgia, passed, entered Western North Carolina in Transylvania County, passed through Little River Township and through Gloucester Township into Jackson County, and continued on to the Tennessee line. Over these "railroads" went Unionists, escaping prisoners, deserters, and fleeing slaves.26 In addition to the men whose Union sympathies were strong enough to compel them to take up arms in its defense, many within the age limits of soldiers were too loyal to the Union to join the Southern armies but were unwilling to fight against their fellow Southerners. They were called Tories, the word used for the English sympathizers in the Revolutionary War. They avoided enlisting in either army, and when they were in danger of being conscripted, many of them hid in the hills to become known then as "outliers." During the first year of the war many families added to the worries and heartbreak of family division the growing distrust that came to characterize community relationships. By the end of the first year, hopes for a speedy end of the conflict had almost vanished, and life in the hills grew increasingly �338 / Chapter Nineteen austere. As the months passed, the weakness of a largely agricultural South pitted against a more industrial North became distressingly apparent. The South had few factories. It shipped its cotton and wool to England and to Northern industrial markets and did the same with its other raw products. Turpentine and naval stores were its chief manufactured exports. North Carolina, like the other Southern states, depended upon imports from England and the New England area for its cloth, tools, guns, railroad metals, and other manufactured articles. In 1860 North Carolina had 39 cotton mills, 49 ironworks, more than 300 saw mills, and 639 grist and flour mills. With the exception of three cotton mills employing more than a hundred workers each, however, these factories were small, often operating in connection with the owners' other little enterprises and often designed to supply only local needs.27 With the beginning of the war the state took over most of the cotton and woolen mills to insure uniforms for the soldiers, and even then it had to purchase additional cloth from other countries. The state could and did stress raising grain needed to feed its troops and to supply the Confederate armies. To insure the hundreds of manufactured articles needed for civilian and army use, North Carolina and the South had to depend upon two things: the establishment of factories that could begin rapid production of essential articles and the importation of supplies from other countries. The Federal Arsenal at Fayetteville had yielded 37,000 guns, and the state bought more from private citizens. It established several gun and ammunition factories, some of which it later turned over to the Confederacy, and the state bought products made by owners of ironworks already in operation. Increased production was encouraged in all the existing mills, and stores of meal and flour were bought from the owners of grist and flour mills. The state also levied its first tax on the manufacturing of spirituous drinks in an attempt to funnel more grain into food channels. It also encouraged raising more hogs and cattle for food for armies and civilians. All of these efforts, however, could furnish only a small amount of what was needed. In the end winning the war would depend upon getting manufactured goods from other countries. Whatever hopes Southern leaders might have had of recognition by Great Britain faded when Parliament passed the Neutrality Act in May, 1861. English ship owners and manu- �War in the Land / 339 facturers were willing to sell their products to private buyers, however, or to states in the new Confederacy. The major import problem consisted in getting the goods and ships into Southern ports. As one of the first war measures Congress declared a blockade of all Southern ports, and thereby set the pattern for one of its war objectives—cutting off the South from all sources of manufactured goods. Until this plan became effective, Southern ships managed with comparative ease to reach their destinations. But as the months went by, Wilmington became the only Atlantic port city still held by the South. It was thus the only port of entry for the sturdy little blockade-runners that were zig-zagging through the Federal defenses and worming their way around the dangerous shoals to discharge their precious loads. By the second year of the war the shortage of goods was beginning to be felt throughout North Carolina and the South. To supply the armies and, as much as possible, the civilian population with needed goods, civilian owners of vessels were daring the hazards of blockade-running to bring in machinery for the factories, hand cards, shoes and leather, cloth, arms, coffee, hospital supplies, food stuffs, and items of merchandise. On the advice of Adjutant General James G. Martin, Governor Vance purchased through an English agent a blockade runner for North Carolina. Captain Thomas M. Crossan christened it the AdVance. The ship was captured by Union forces in September, 1864, but it had completed eleven trips. The state also purchased interests in other blockade-runners, and the civilians sold their cargoes at an enormous profit after turning over to the Confederacy the share required of all runners. This profiteering was allowed because of the great demand for the goods and because of the odds against the success of each venture. At least half of the ships participating in this dangerous business were captured or destroyed by the Union forces.28 Governor Vance and his officials hoped to allocate the civilian portion of these imports equitably, but transportation was greatly hampered and by 1864 was completely disrupted in some sections of the state. Western North Carolina, having to depend upon cross-state transportation for its share, received only an uncertain supply. According to needs, definite amounts were allotted to the counties and stored there to be supplemented by local agencies and used for the relief of the families of soldiers. Wagons of salt from the Virginia salt mines and those from Wilmington were also sent to the western counties for distribution, but those amounts were �340 / Chapter Nineteen often meager. Some counties, like Buncombe, arranged for one of their own citizens to go east for salt at the expense of the county, and at times individual citizens took the long trip east in order to supply the neighborhood merchants. Even so, before the end of the war some farmers in desperation were digging up the earthen floors of their smokehouses to extract the salt deposited there over a long period of usage.29 North Carolina's military and civilian leaders were responsible for supplying men, animals, and food to the armies of the Confederacy, in addition to raising, equipping, and feeding its own state troops. Much dissatisfaction with the Confederacy tjius early arose. Dissension also flared within North Carolina's state Democratic Party, which was now the state's only political party. Gradually two factions took shape, the Confederate wing and the Conservative wing. The Conservative group became strong enough to defeat the Confederacy-inspired movement to eliminate the 1862 election and thus to retain as governor Henry C. Clark, a Jefferson Davis sympathizer. As a result, on the ticket offered the voters at the election were the names of William J. Johnston as the Confederate candidate and Zebulon B. Vance as the Conservative candidate for the governorship. Neither man campaigned, but the general opposition to the Confederacy's war policies and its recent war measures was reflected in the election of Vance, who carried sixty-eight of the state's eighty counties.30 Western North Carolina now had a leader in the highest office in the state. When the six months' term of the first mountain volunteers was over and the year's enlistment period for those volunteering under the May call terminated, many of the men from Western North Carolina, as from other sections of the state, reenlisted. Others had had their fill of battles and, after the first brave enthusiasm, returned home. This failure to reenlist and the decreasing number of men volunteering became fairly general throughout the South; therefore, the Confederate Government felt it necessary in 1862 to pass a Conscription Law under which men between the ages of eighteen and thirty-five were subject to draft into the Confederate army.31 That law was especially offensive to the mountain men. They resented the stigma attached to being drafted; moreover, to insure a continuing supply of food stuffs, the law provided that overseers of twenty or more slaves on plantations would be exempt from the draft. To the mountain men this was evidence that, regardless of �War in the Land / 341 the speeches they heard, the war was based upon slavery and the protection of plantation owners. This law was one of several factors in the breakdown of morale in the mountains. Governor Vance also objected to the Conscription Law, although he had considered conscription necessary when the law was first passed. Its administration, he found, resulted in forcing men into the armies of the Confederacy at the expense of the pledged quotas of state troops. Conscription also resulted in unpleasant incidents between state recruiting officers and out-of-state officials sent in to man the Confederate draft offices. By the end of the second year of the war the mountain section was keenly feeling the lack of essential imports. Farm and household tools were now needing replacement, and no new ones were available. Nor could iron be procured for fashioning tools at the farm forges, since the forges in the area were under orders to send all their products to the state or to the Confederacy for war equipment. "Store cloth" was no longer on the shelves of the village stores, and the supply of thread and yarns had long been depleted. Whatever new clothes the members of the family got now were of the old pioneer material, linsey-woolsey, made in the homes. The state was asking for any products of home looms that could be spared, but in home after home the task of making cloth was becoming increasingly complicated as new hand cards, used in making thread and yarn, were needed to replace the ones rapidly wearing out. Coffee, although it had been carefully hoarded that first year, now disappeared altogether, as did sugar, prepared medicines, and the all important salt that preserved the meats.32 The women, with their vein of pioneer iron, were raising more products than their farms had ever yielded. The pattern of life in the hills was made even more grim as the men began to return too crippled or ill for further soldiering and too incapacitated to take up work on the farms. Even worse, word reached village homes and mountain cabins of sons, husbands, or brothers who had fallen on far-away battlefields or who were suffering in war hospitals. Some, too, had been captured and were enduring the horrors of war prisons. Mountain women must have now and then wondered at that first outbreak of patriotic enthusiasm. Also in many sections there was a growing animosity between the Union sypathizers and those faithful to the Confederacy, developing into a distrust of former friends and neighbors. �342 / Chapter Nineteen Because of the need of more protection for their citizens than the western counties had, William Holland Thomas in 1862 recruited what became known as the Thomas Legion. It was made up of men from Haywood, Jackson, Macon, and Cherokee Counties, with a few other counties being represented. Of its seventeen companies, two were made up of Cherokees who probably had been influenced by a visit to their region by Colonel Gideon Morgan, an Indian who had commanded the Cherokees at Horse Shoe Bend. The Legion was assigned to patrol and scout duties, which took on great significance as guerrilla warfare swept into Western North Carolina. It may be that Colonel Thomas' Legion did some mining at Alum Cave, actually a bluff overlooking a river valley. This place had long been known to the native Americans for its medicinal treasures. If the mining took place, the medicinal treasures were sent to Confederate hospitals, along with the herbs and medicinal roots collected and sent from Asheville and Wilkesboro.33 In addition to its assigned duties, the outstanding achievement of the Thomas Legion was the construction of the Indian Gap road. No road had ever been constructed across the main ridge of the Smokies, and to those entering the region early, a road over the forbidding heights seemed a permanent impossibility. Now a road allowing direct access between Western North Crolina and Tennessee was needed as a supply line and as a means of defense for the mountain area. The road began at Quallatown or near it and followed the Oconaluftee River. From there it wound up the steep inclines of the high range to Indian Gap and then down the Tennessee side to near Sevierville. Today sections of it can still be discerned along the Oconaluftee River at the Pioneer Farmstead Museum north of the village of Cherokee. Travelers to Clingman's Dome cross it at Indian Gap. Travel over this road was never a pleasure, and from a modern car owner's viewpoint it was impassable. Rugged and narrow and crude as it was, however, it was used during the remainder of the war. In January, 1864, Brigadier General Robert Brank Vance took his soldiers and equipment over it. In many respects this road, a product of the Thomas Legion's efforts, remains one of the engineering achievements in Western North Carolina.34 �C H A P T E R T W E N T Y War Comes to the Hills the middle of 1863 affairs in Western North Carolina were getting desperate. In addition to the extreme scarcity of needed goods, there was no money to buy what trickled in.1 Taxes were steadily rising, and they were many, reaching into every avenue of life. Some of the counties had earlier levied extra taxes to enable them to clothe and equip their own troops. State taxes had been drastically raised, and it had been necessary to levy new ones. Then, too, the Confederacy ever needed new sources of income in order to meet its needs; thus it levied taxes on occupations, on necessities such as flour, corn, oats, and drygoods, on salaries over one thousand dollars a year, and it placed an eight percent tax on all agricultural products on hand July 1, 1863. The Confederate tax that most drastically affected the mountain people, however, was the tax in kind. It required that ten per cent of all farm products above a specified exemption for home use must be delivered by the producer to the nearest railroad for shipment to Confederate warehouses. This tax tended to reduce surplus raising of food, and it meant transporting the grain and the vegetables produced on farms in the hills to the railroad at Greenville, South Carolina, or to the station east of Morganton. Such journeys would be difficult at best and sometimes almost impossible as women took over practically all the work on the mountain farms.2 That problem ceased to exist by 1864, for by that time raiding troops that lived off the land and bands of outliers 343 �344 / Chapter Twenty from the mountain recesses were taking not only the surplus but much of the food raised for families. From the first each county had had its militia, which was charged with local defense. In 1863 these units, which had been under county control, were disbanded, and Home Guard units were organized as a part of the state's military program. All men between the ages of eighteen and fifty years not already enlisted in the State Militia or the Confederate armies automatically became members of the Home Guards, and training centers were set up in the counties. John W. McElroy was made Brigadier General in charge of the western units and made his headquarters at Burns ville .3 In addition to guarding the counties against enemies, both those from the outside and those on the inside, the Guards were charged with the duty of rounding up deserters and renegades. The Home Guards were an improvement over the county militia units, but by the end of 1863 they were made up almost entirely of young boys and old men. In the counties bordering Tennessee they were unable to cope with the spreading lawlessness. Then, too, members in these Guards constantly decreased in numbers. Lieutenant Colonel William W. Stringfield, in charge ofdefending the most westerly counties, by 1865 had only some three hundred Home Guards for covering the area from Asheville to Murphy. This made it necessary to keep several regiments of State Militia in Western North Carolina to insure order, to protect property and citizens, and to render assistance to the Home Guards. Except for two small skirmishes in 1865—one at Craggy near Asheville and the other near Waynesville—Western North Carolina saw no battles during the years of the war. Instead, war in the hills took the form of raids, and as bitterness and distrust among the citizens deepened, personal attacks by individuals or small bands became frequent. There was also the problem of deserters and "outliers." Deserters from both the State and Confederate forces steadily and stealthily returned to the mountains. Some of them, satiated with the scenes of war, came back to work on their farms. Others were unwilling to return to their homes or having returned, found themselves unwelcome in their communities. They became "outliers." As the war went on, bringing each month greater privations and suffering to the families of soldiers, men, with no criminal intent, sometimes left the ranks in response to appeals from members of their families. �War Comes to the Hills / 345 Men from Western North Carolina served in every area of war activities and took part in most of the battles. North Carolina topped all of the Southern states in its numbers of deserters, but some eight thousand of these later returned to the armies. Since North Carolina had furnished more soldiers than any other Southern state, the ratio of desertion was about that of both the Confederacy and the Union. During the entire conflict about 23,000 soldiers and 423 officers from North Carolina deserted the army.4 Madison County, with its many Union sympathizers, was reported in 1862 to have some 160 deserters. Many of them lived at their homes although some became outliers, and all, in case of need, could get into the hills. The Shelton Laurel section of the county had been from the first almost solidly for the Union. In January, 1863, a group of perhaps fifty armed men from there went into Marshall where they broke into stores, taking salt and whatever else they desired. They claimed that because they were Unionists, they were denied salt and other commodities being sent into the county. After the looting, they set a few fires and ransacked the home of Lieutenant Colonel Lawrence M. Allen, whose Legion made raids against Unionists in Tennessee. Brigadier General William G. Davis, whose headquarters were at Warm Springs, sent Lieutenant Colonel James A. Keith and his command in pursuit of the Shelton Laurel men with orders to arrest all known to be of "bad character," whether involved in the looting party or not. He was to have the aid of the Thomas Legion, which was already in the county engaged in scouting duties along the North Carolina-Tennessee border. Keith's command rounded up thirteen of the renegades in the Shelton Laurel area. Governor Vance was then notified by Brigadier General Davis that the mission had been successfully carried out. The Governor's reply was to have those captured turned over for trial. Instead, all thirteen were shot and buried in a common grave. Upon hearing this, Governor Vance asked Augustus S. Merrimon, State Attorney for this Judicial District, to investigate the affair. Merrimon gave Vance a preliminary and then a detailed report in which the names and ages of those shot were listed. Two were mere boys—thirteen-year David Shelton and fourteenyear-old Aronnota Shelton. Another victim, James Shelton, was more than fifty years old and therefore beyond the age for conscription. The handling of this affair shocked Governor Vance �346 / Chapter Twenty as it did both Union and Confederate sympathizers throughout Western North Carolina. In a letter to James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, Vance enclosed the Merrimon reports. He closed the letter with these words, "I desire you to have proceedings instituted at once against this officer, who, if the half be true, is a disgrace to the service and to North Carolina." As a result, Lieutenant Keith was removed from command but was never tried.5 Another incident of looting (but without the loss of human lives) took place in Burnsville on April 10, 1864. There some seventy-five Union sympathizers broke into the ammunition magazine. The group, said to have been led by Montravail Ray, took what ammunition and guns they wanted and destroyed the remaining weapons. The previous day a group of angry women, wives of Union sympathizers, charging that the state had food for the families of Confederate families but not for their families, broke into a storehouse and carried off bushels of government wheat and other food items. Brigadier General John W. McElroy, who had moved his headquarters to Mars Hill College, wrote of the affair to Governor Vance. With only a hundred men under his command, all of whom were needed to protect against the raids of Colonel George W. Kirk and his volunteers, and with the Home Guards few in number, it was impossible, he said, for him to prevent such incidents. Besides, men who were arrested immediately applied for a writ of habeas corpus and so could not be brought to trial. He also reported that swarms of men, fearing conscription, had become Tories and that people were leaving the county.6 In June, 1862, with the sanction of his government, President Davis suspended the writ of habeas corpus under certain conditions. As a result, some forty persons in North Carolina were arrested and imprisoned at Salisbury without trial. On charges of disloyalty to the Confederacy, several men in Cherokee County were arrested by armed soldiers and taken to Georgia where they were forced to join the army. Of these, two were past the draft age. Perhaps no act of the Confederate Government so aroused Governor Vance as did the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, for it involved the right of a fair trial by jury for the citizens of North Carolina. Vance wrote letters of protest to Secretary Seddon and to President Davis. When he received only negative responses, he insisted that the North Carolina General Assembly nullify the �War Comes to the Hills / 347 Confederacy's decree by passing a law making it mandatory for North Carolina judges to issue the writs. After learning of the arrests in Cherokee County, he ordered the State Militia to resist by any means necessary the arrest of any persons discharged by the courts of the State. But there continued to be instances of misuse of the state law guaranteeing the protection of citizens against unwarranted arrests. By invoking it, citizens seized in raids could, and did, escape arrest to repeat their offenses.7 Governor Vance also objected to the seizure of private property permitted by the Confederacy under certain conditions, and he condemned the right given the Confederate troops of impressing food and horses in the areas of their operations at set prices, which were always lower than the current market value. Another act of the Confederacy that brought sharp words from Governor Vance was the pasturing of broken-down cavalry horses in counties where the civilians were held responsible for their food and care. This, he pointed out, worked an added hardship upon the women and children in a region where food was exceedingly scarce. Also, in these western counties the unsettled conditions were rapidly approaching a state of lawlessness, a condition which would be made worse by the act. The Governor declared, therefore, in a letter to Secretary Seddon on February 25, 1863, that unless this burden was taken from citizens of these counties, he would be compelled to call out the State Militia and drive the animals from the state. When the Confederacy had done nothing about the horses a month later, Governor Vance wrote a second letter of protest in terms that could not be misunderstood.8 By mid-summer of that year Western North Carolina, because of existing conditions there, was organized into a separate military district. Brigadier General Robert Brank Vance was placed in command of the area. In his address to the General Assembly at its 1864-65 session, Governor Vance told the lawmakers, "The western border is, however, subject to constant raids and the situation of the inhabitants is distressing in the extreme. Bands of lawless men, many of them our own citizens, acting or pretending to act under commission from the enemy, swarm into the mountain frontier, murdering, burning and destroying. Totally regardless of the laws of civilized warfare, they have inaugurated a system of cruelty at which humanity shudders."9 During the last years of the war deserters from both the Union �348 / Chapter Twenty N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY The Carson House: This house, built about 1810, had briefly served as McDowell County fs first court house. It was a stagecoach stop, and during the Civil War a small private school for girls was conducted in it, Emma Rankin, a teacher, has left a vivid account of the destruction caused by a unit of Stoneman 's raiders searching for Colonel Carson. and the Confederate forces and draft evaders continued to come to the hills. They were joined by roving outlaws. All lived off the land, and from their mountain hideouts they swooped down on valley farms, taking horses and food and frightening the woman and children. At times several banded together for these forays, but occasionally the raids were made by individuals. There were those, too, working alone or in small groups, who seized the opportunity of settling old grudges or striking at those considered personal enemies. Transylvania County was the victim of such groups. This county had been formed just before the outbreak of the war and had only a skeleton government. It was wholly unprepared, therefore, to cope with these bands of deserters and renegades that used its mountains and those of Henderson County for their rendezvous. Some appeared at the farms in uniforms, either blue or gray as they had been able to get them, and occasionally they posed as members of the Home Guards.10 In addition to stealing �War Comes to the Hills / 349 horses and cattle and stored grains, they sometimes murdered an official or officer. Among their victims were Robert Thomas, Henderson County's first sheriff, General Baylus E. Edney, and Huett Allen. William Deaver, answering a knock on the door of the Deaver home, was shot by a band seeking his son, Captain James Deaver, conscription officer in the area.11 The fine mountain residences of the South Carolinians likewise became their targets. Members of the South Carolina "summer people," many of whom were living in Western North Carolina the entire year to escape the dangers threatening Charleston and the Southern ports, buried their jewels, silver, and money. Occasionally a group of raiders would force entrance at one of the estates and loot the house, destroying the furnishings and taking whatever of value they found. On one such raid Andrew Johnston of Flat Rock, owner of the Beaumont Estate, was killed. In Polk County Dr. Columbus Mills was badly beaten, and in Macon County William West, a mill owner, was attacked by a band of roving outlaws and left for dead. Fortunately, his life was saved by members of his family.12 Distressing as conditions were in the counties just mentioned, they were worse in the northern border counties. Madison, Yancey, Mitchell, Watauga, Ashe, and Alleghany Counties were subjected to almost constant raids, while their neighboring counties in Tennessee were subjected to frequent raids by bands of Confederate units. As early as December, 1862, some officials in Yancey County considered it unwise to call out any more men for the State Militia or for Confederate armies. They felt that all those at home now would be needed to maintain order in the county in view of the growing intensity of emotions and the rapid deterioration of the people's morale, coupled with the fact that deserters were entering the county in increasing numbers. Alleghany County was forced to ask Surry County for aid in handling its local problems.13 Governor Vance was well aware of the tense situation in the area he had known since boyhood and acknowledged in a letter to Secretary Seddon that, "in Yancey, Mitchell, and Watauga the tories and deserters are in strong force." Yet he clung to the hope that tolerance and understanding might be used in dealing with the rising disturbances.14 All counties suffered from sporadic raids, but the raids most feared were the invasions of Colonel George W. Kirk's Third North Carolina and Tennessee Federal Volunteers. One of the �350 / Chapter Twenty policies of the Union was to take the war directly to the people and thus destroy their morale and arouse among them a feeling of futility for carrying on further resistance to the Union. With headquarters in Greeneville, Tennessee, Kirk's Volunteers were assigned to guerrilla warfare in Western North Carolina. Colonel Kirk was bitterly condemned by the Confederate forces and by Confederate sympathizers in the regions he entered. By them he was looked upon as an outlaw, and his Volunteers were considered ruffians and brigands. But he was considered by his superiors in the Union forces as an able military leader carrying out a successful, guerrilla operation.15 The chief targets of Kirk's men were public offices and records and buildings connected with military operations and military supplies. They frequently took horses and food supplies from private citizens, however, and in the villages and surrounding countrysides they engaged in some looting. In August, 1863, about 120 of the Volunteers crossed the mountains into Cherokee County. At Murphy they set fire to the courthouse, destroying the county records. Outside the village they took horses and mules and killed a few work oxen.16 In early March, 1865, Haywood County, which had been comparatively free of border raids, girded itself for defense as scouts reported the approach of the Kirk Volunteers, estimated to be six hundred strong. The hastily gathered local forces, few in number, were unsuccessful in preventing the invaders from crossing the Smokies and entering Waynesville, which could offer little resistance. There Kirk's men liberated the county prisoners and burned the jail. After setting fire to the home of Colonel Robert Love, Revolutionary patriot and founder of the village, they left the town. A small force led by Lieutenant Robert Conley of Cherokee County, a member of the Thomas Legion, forced the Volunteers across the Balsam Range, but they returned the following day by way of Soco Gap. The Thomas Legion succeeded in preventing depredations in the territory of the native Americans and the Legion, augmented by three hundred Home Guards directed by Lieutenant Colonel William W. Stringfield, turned the Kirk Force back at Soco Gap as they attempted to return on March 6.17 In the spring of 1864 a contingent of Kirk's Volunteers went through Watauga and Alleghany Counties, taking horses and arousing the hatred of the citizens there. In July of that year, Kirk himself appeared at the head of some 120 Volunteers, a few of �War Comes to the Hills / 351 them Indian deserters from the "Thomas Legion. Accompanying them as scout was David Ellis, a Unionist who had been active in the underground railroad in the region. After burning the home of a Confederate officer, the Volunteers crossed the Blue Ridge and went on to Camp Vance, six miles from Morganton. The hundred or more Junior Reserves stationed at the Camp were no defense against Kirk's men and surrendered. The Volunteers then destroyed a locomotive, some cars, and a few commissary buildings. They captured 1200 small arms, some ammunition, and took or destroyed about 3,000 bushels of grain. The Volunteers failed, however, in their main objective of destroying the railroad bridge across the Yadkin River. On their way back to Tennessee they took the Reserves as prisoners and took horses and mules to carry the food and goods taken from homes. The returning Volunteers were pursued the next day by the Burke County Home Guards and a group of citizens. At the overnight campsite of the invaders a brief battle took place during which Kirk suffered the only wound of his military career. In that same skirmish North Carolina lost one of its outstanding political leaders when William Waightstill Avery, at that time a member of the Guards, was mortally wounded.18 While most of the guerrilla raids conducted by Confederate units took place in Tennessee, there were others directed against Union sympathizers in the mountain counties. One of the most effective of these took place in 1864 when Colonel John C. Vaughn's Confederate Cavalry entered the border counties. This unit, ignoring the North Carolina law against seizure of property, took what they wanted and destroyed more. They came, as one staunch Confederate sadly admitted, *'seeking whom they might devour." In this unfortunate region where it was from the first inevitable that suspicions should deepen into hatreds, these raids by both sides in the conflict added fuel to the lightly slumbering fire, and the citizens themselves came to open battle. Those sympathizing with the Union met with those on the Southern side near the present Banner Elk in a skirmish that was later called Beech Mountain Battle, an affray in which blood was shed on both sides.19 In the following year Captain James Champion of Indiana and a small force entered Western North Carolina, rounding up deserters from the Union army, Northern sympathizers, and men who could act as scouts. Some local men joined the force at Banner Elk and, with James Isaacs as guide, the unit reached �352 / Chapter Twenty FROM BRADY'S HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR, N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY General George Stoneman: General Stoneman, shown here seated with his staff, conducted a series of raids during the final months of the Civil War. The counties just east of the Blue Ridge suffered much during those raids. Camp Mast, about four miles from Valle Crucis, during the night of February 5. The men were stationed in groups around the Camp. Major Harvey Bingham, who was in charge of the Camp, was absent on a mission attempting to get help needed due to the unsettled conditions existing in the county. At daybreak Captain Champion gave the men in the camp ten minutes to surrender. At �War Comes to the Hills / 353 the end of that time some seventy-five Home Guards appeared and were taken prisoners. These men represented about half of the local Home Guard unit since the men weekly alternated their camp service. The surrendering group was made up largely of boys and disabled Confederate soldiers.20 On April 3, 1865, the citizens of Asheville, so far spared the devastation of guerrilla warfare, learned that some nine hundred infantrymen of the Hundred and First Ohio Infantry under the command of Colonel Isaac M. Kirby were approaching the town from Tennessee by way of the old Buncombe Turnpike. Asheville had little protection against this number of men, and there were those who counseled surrendering. But to most that was unthinkable. Hastily assembling a group of volunteers, some of whom were home on furloughs, Colonel George W. Clayton led his volunteer troops northward. They met the Union army at Craggy, four miles from the town, at a place now on the campus of the University of North Carolina at Asheville. After a fivehour skirmish during which no Condederate was injured and only two Union men were reportedly wounded, Colonel Kirby's troops withdrew and returned to Tennessee.21 The best organized and most devastating Union raid in Western North Carolina took place in the last weeks of the war. Knoxville and eastern Tennessee had been taken by the Union armies late in 1863, and Knoxville had been made the headquarters of General Ambrose Everett Burnside. From those headquarters General George Stoneman, with a select cavalry unit of veterans, was sent into the North Carolina mountains for a rapid but destructive raid. His men traveled light, carrying only rations of bacon and coffee (which could not be obtained in the raiding area), extra sets of horse shoes and nails, and their fire arms and ammunition. They were to live off the land, but General Stoneman gave orders for no looting and no needless destruction of private property.22 The hand-picked cavalry reached Boone on March 28. There was only ineffectual opposition from the weak Home Guards, who lost several men in the exchange of shots. A few public buildings were burned, including the county courthouse and its records. Colonel George W. Kirk's Volunteers entered Boone and General Stoneman's troops went on across the Blue Ridge to Wilkesboro. The Volunteers did further damage to property. One contingent of the cavalry under Brigadier Alvan C. Gillem went from Boone to Lenoir where the men destroyed public buildings �354 / Chapter Twenty and a cotton mill. This unit then joined General Stoneman at Wilkesboro. From there the General swung northward into Virginia, returning to Salem, where little damage was committed, and then pressed on to Salisbury. When Salisbury was taken, the prison, cotton mills, government storehouses, and supply depots were burned. Detachments were sent to tear up the tracks of the railroad, and fifteen miles of tracks were thus destroyed. Railroad shops and water tanks were burned, bridges and roads were damaged beyond repair, and some railroad equipment was destroyed. General Stoneman's Cavalry continued on to Statesville. Among other buildings destroyed there, was the office of the Iredell Express. By April 15, the Cavalry was in Lenoir, and two days later General Stoneman left for Blowing Rock and Boone, heading back into Tennessee. Before that he dispatched a part of the Cavalry under the command of Brigadier General William J. Palmer to go south into the Catawba country to Lincolnton. Palmer attempted to enforce General Stoneman's rule of no looting or useless destruction of private property. In fact, in Statesville he ordered some soldiers to return articles belonging to Mrs. Zebulon B. Vance, who was at that time living in the village. But it was not always possible to restrain his men, especially those sent on foraging expeditions.23 Another contingent of General Stoneman's Cavalry under Brigadier General Alvan C. Gillem was sent to Asheville. On April 18 his men entered Morganton, destroying whatever might be of use to the Confederates. From there this unit went to Marion, planning to go to Asheville by way of Swannanoa Gap, but Confederate forces west of the Blue Ridge had effectively blocked that road. The Cavalry then returned to Marion and took the longer route through Hickory Nut Gap, arriving in Asheville on April 25. This unit was followed by the arrival of Colonel Kirk's Volunteers. Here the old gun factory, and a few other buildings were burned. The guns of Porter's Battery atop the town's western hill, the slight fortifications on Beaucatcher Hill to the east, and the Confederate flag on its pole were all captured. But little looting took place, and order was maintained throughout the incidents. Brigadier General James G. Martin with his command was in Asheville at this time. There under a truce made possible by the armistice agreement between General Joseph E. Johnston and General William T. Sherman, he furnished the Federal troops �War Comes to the Hills / 355 with a three-day ration allotment. The Cavalry left Asheville, preceded by Kirk's Volunteers. On the morning of the twentysixth, however, a unit of the Cavalry, made up of the Tenth and Eleventh Michigan Regiments, returned to Asheville. They took captive some Confederate officers and soldiers and looted some homes and burned others, including that of Brigadier General Martin and that of Dr. Robert H. Chapman, minister of the Presbyterian Church. Upon receipt of an order from Brigadier General Palmer, written at his headquarters in Hickory Nut Gap on April 28, the captured officers and men were released. Federal soldiers roamed the countryside during the next few days, however, taking animals and food stocks from the farms. Early in May Lieutenant Colonel William C. Bartlett of the Federal forces stationed in Asheville broke the proclaimed truce and went through Buncombe County and Haywood County "requisitioning" horses. On May 6 he was surrounded on the grounds of the White Sulphur Springs near Waynesville by the Thomas Legion and Home Guards under the direction of Colonel James R. Love. In the skirmish that took place a Federal soldier was killed; thus the final shot of the Civil War in North Carolina took place in the hills of Western North Carolina. Upon receiving official word of the cessation of hostilities, Lieutenant Colonel Thomas disbanded his Legion, and Lieutenant Colonel William W. Stringfield took his troops into Tennessee to surrender them. There he was jailed for a month.24 Whatever means of communication Western North Carolina may still have had with the outside world had been utterly destroyed by General Stoneman's raid, and news of the surrender of General Lee at Appomattox did not reach the people of the mountains until the soldiers returned. It was even then hard for the people, who for four long years had been the victims of a war that filled their region with bitterness and suffering, to grasp the fact that the war had ended. �C H A P T E R T W E N T Y O N E The Rebirth of a State yy ar ceased, but long months and even years were to pass before peace would come to North Carolina and to sections of its mountains. In April, 1865, mountain men laid down their arms at Appomattox Courthouse and at other formal surrenderings. They took the oath of allegiance and began their slow walk back to the hills. Others, learning that the war had ended, left their camps and started for home without the ceremony of taking the pledge of loyalty to the Union. Men long in Federal prisons were released and with aid or through their own efforts made their way back to Western North Carolina. Over all the mountain passes they came, weary of war and eager for the sight of the hills of home. Reaching their valley farms and their cove cabins, they found their waiting families somber and gaunt, the hardships of the past years written in their faces and stooped shoulders. The eyes of their children filled with horror at the sight of their fathers' uniforms. Sections of Western North Carolina lay prostrate. Many of the fields were untilled, and there was little if any grain for the spring planting. Tools were worn out or had been destroyed by the marauding bands that had driven off the horses and some of the cattle and hogs. In a few cases anything of value that the homes possessed had passed into the hands of raiders. Signs of the destruction of orchards and occasional charred buildings gaped like wounds on the spring landscape.1 On their own tables the men found the kind of food that had sustained them as soldiers during the last years of the war—bread 356 �The Rebirth of a State / 357 made of coarse, handground corn, cowpeas, perhaps sweet potatoes, and with luck, a bit of sorghum or honey. To some of those living in the remote coves this was the food they had known since childhood. Now even this humble fare was limited in quantity. Had a wider variety of foodstuffs been available, there was no money with which to pay the high prices brought on by the increasing inflation. That inflation resulted from the steady depreciation of state bonds and the even more rapid depreciation of Confederate bonds and money. With the fall of the Confederacy, its bonds were repudiated, and the State war debt was repudiated in October, 1865.2 By early 1865 the cost of bacon had soared to $7.50 a pound, and the price of wheat flour had reached $500 a barrel. The pay of a Confederate soldier had been insufficient for even one person; thus the families of soldiers had been, from the beginning of the war, dependent upon what they could raise. At first in the mountains that amount had been enough to supply the family with food, but as the men steadily left for the war fronts and as the armies of both the North and the South sent foraging units through the countrysides, want became widespread. Money, never plentiful in the western counties, had practically disappeared by the time the soldiers returned. Barter, which in the newer or remote sections of the counties had never been completely abandoned, was again the trading system in the hills.3 In the few western counties in which slavery had been a part of the economic pattern of life, the owners of large farms had suffered, in addition to their other misfortunes, a loss of thousands of dollars as their slaves were freed. These men faced the problem of arranging for laborers to plant and later to harvest the year's crops, but there was far more work to be done than could be accomplished by the reduced number of men available. North Carolina furnished more soldiers than any other Southern state and suffered proportionately more casualties than any other state. A considerable number of these men had come from Western North Carolina. In addition to those slain, many men returned home hopelessly crippled or incapacitated by lingering illnesses.4 Also adding to the labor pinch were some Negroes who sought out their new freedom and left the fields and their old quarters. 5 To alleviate the labor shortage, Major William Wallis McDowell of Asheville wrote to his friend, Gilbert B. Tennent in London, to investigate the possibility of arranging for Scottish immigrants to Western North Carolina. The reply he received �358 / Chapter Twenty One Carolina. The reply he received was discouraging since workmen coming to America would have to come under the auspices of the Emigration Society of Scotland, which was under government patronage. They would thus command higher wages than the mountain farmers were able to pay. The task of raising food crops and farm products that might be marketable became each man's private problem. Both men and women set about solving it in light of what they had and could do. In many sections of the mountains life for the people was again at subsistence level.6 Sections of Western North Carolina shared in the unsettled conditions that prevailed in the state during the Reconstruction years. The bitterness that had disrupted communities and unleashed the horrors of guerrilla warfare in the border counties continued to embroil mountain men in long-drawn-out lawsuits and murder cases. These consumed the energies of those involved and retarded the restoration of their sections to normal activities. There were instances of men returning from the Confederate army to find themselves objects of persecution in their own neighborhoods. There were even more cases of men released from the Union armies who dared not return to their homes. Men known to have been in the foraging units of either army or in raiding groups were almost certain to be the victims of mistreatment. Many were indicted on these charges. In Madison County, for example, trials of this type dragged through the courts, and many cases involved men who had been in General Stoneman's forces or in Colonel George W. Kirk's Volunteer Infantry. Some were of a more serious nature. One such concerned the murder of Ransom P. Merrill, sheriff of Madison County, on May 13, 1860, when the citizens had gathered in Marshall to vote on the secession question. Barrels of liquor had been brought into the town, and at least a part of it had been consumed by the time of the shooting. Merrill, a shouting secessionist, started a near riot during which a bullet he fired wounded Elisha J. Tweed. Tweed's father then shot the sheriff. Both the Tweeds later entered the Union army and the father was killed in a skirmish in Kentucky. When Elisha Tweed returned in 1865, he was charged with creating a riot and with murder while a group of others were charged with being accomplices. The trial was still in progress in 1867, and lawyers were getting affidavits from men involved in the broil.7 Madison County was not alone in these unfortunate cases. �The Rebirth of a State / 359 Trials on similar charges occurred in the courts of many of the western counties. All of them kept alive the spirit of disunity and partisan emotions. Added to the unhappy atmosphere thus created was the fact that the mountains in these counties offered hiding places for men afraid to go home, for bitter and disillusioned men planning vengeance on society, for refugees from justice, and for many coming for these or other reasons from other states. These men, riding singly or in bands, rendered property and crops unsafe. As the months passed, some of them organized into gangs. One renegade group—the Adair gang—roamed Rutherford County, stealing horses and mules and burning well-filled barns. They went fully armed and on at least one occasion were present at voting places, bent on preventing the citizens from casting their ballots. They were open in their activities and boastful of their depredations. The Adair gangsters were known to have killed a Negro and his family. They aligned themselves with whatever Reconstruction organization served their purposes, and they perpetrated crimes in the names of organizations to which they did not belong.8 In Wilkes County such gangs so menaced the region that in desperation citizens formed a posse and captured "Fort Hamby," the mountain hideout of the desperadoes. This counter attack cost the lives of several citizens. Those members of the gang that were taken prisoners were brought to trial, and the leaders were executed.9 Conditions in nearby Ashe County reached such a stage of lawlessness that the citizens appealed for help to the federal military unit stationed at Salisbury.10 Many communities throughout the mountain counties organized Home Guards for protection of life and property during the months following the end of the war. Confusion and unrest were- general throughout North Carolina. Govenor Vance was for more than a month a prisoner in Washington. Both the southern states and the Confederate government had been repudiated, resulting in a period of uncertainty. It was a new situation in American history, and it presented many problems and challenges to the national government. Mistakes in judgment and execution were almost inevitable. North Carolina leaders could understand but they clung to the repeated assertion that the federal government had undertaken the war to preserve the Union. They held to the hope, therefore, that the way would be opened with all �360 / Chapter Twenty One possible speed for the readmission of their state into the Union in order that it might evolve from its shattered economy a new and stable way of life. On April 29, 1865, General John Schofield, federal officer in charge, issued a proclamation declaring hostilities over and announcing the emancipation of all slaves within the state. He then divided the state into three districts, placing General Jacob D. Cox in charge of the western area. On May 29,1865, President Andrew Johnson issued an Amnesty Proclamation in which he pardoned all who would swear allegiance to the United States and its Constitution. In this he was following the program earlier worked out by President Lincoln. Whereas Lincoln had excluded six classes from the pardon, this Proclamation excluded fourteen classes of Southerners. Among those excluded were men in high civil and military offices in the Confederacy, all who had resigned federal service to join the Confederacy, and persons whose assets totaled more than $20,000. These restrictions affected leaders in all southern states; yet pardons might be granted to persons requesting them through petitions. The rather liberal administration of petition granting resulted in about 13,500 Southern men receiving pardons. On the same day that President Johnson issued the Amnesty Proclamation, he issued an order appointing William W. Holden as Provisional Governor of North Carolina. Holden was charged with calling a constitutional convention which would define the qualifications for future office holders and voters and which would abolish slavery in the state. He was also to set up the machinery for a November election for members of the General Assembly.11 The people of North Carolina were not pleased with the amnesty terms, and many leaders were opposed to the choice of William W. Holden as Provisional Governor. Holden's political career had been a long one, and as owner and editor of the North Carolina Standard) he had exerted much political influence throughout the state. Like many other leaders, he discarded the Whig Party in 1843 and joined the Democratic Party. He was an able and energetic writer, and his paper had endorsed free suffrage and state aid for internal improvements, helping to incorporate into the Democratic Party the policies once advocated by the Whigs. This endorsement won him the support of voters in Western North Carolina, who felt the need of state aid for highways and railroads in their mountain counties. 12 At the �The Rebirth of a State / 361 Democratic Convention of 1858 most of the delegates from the West had voted to nominate him as their Party's candidate for governor, but the eastern bloc had stopped that movement. John W. Ellis headed the Democratic ticket in that election year and won. As slavery became a national issue, Holden had urged the annexation of Texas and the protection of slave property by the national government. He had attacked abolition and free soil sentiments to the extent of getting a Free Soil University professor dismissed from the faculty for expressing a desire to see John C. Fremont, the Republican candidate, elected as president of the United States. Largely because of the editorial in the North Carolina Standard, the man was hounded out of the state.13 In 1860 Holden voted against secession. During the first year of the war his paper crystalized the Conservative attitude developing within the Democratic Party, and he had thrown the weight of his influence and the force of his editorials into getting Colonel Zebulon Baird Vance elected as Governor in 1862. As the war went on, Holden came to oppose the Conservative wing of the Democratic Party. After the disastrous loss of Vicksburg and the defeat at Gettysburg, he realized that the cause of the Confederacy was lost. He was then accused of sympathizing with, if not instigating, the rash of peace meetings held throughout the state.14 His attitude precipitated a break with Governor Vance, and in the bitter election in 1864 he opposed Vance as a candidate for the governorship. In the election Holden received over 14,000 votes but carried only Johnston and Randolph Counties. Able as he was, the various political shifts he made lost Holden the confidence of various blocs of voters. For these reasons many opposed his appointment as Provisional Governor of North Carolina, a position he was to hold until December 12, 1865. As mentioned earlier, the new Provisional Governor Holden called for an election to be held on September 21, for the purpose of electing delegates to a Convention to be held in Raleigh. At the meeting of the Convention the Act of Secession was repealed, and slavery was declared abolished in the state. Additionally, the machinery was set up for an election in November for governor and for representatives to the General Assembly. The Convention members also repudiated the state war debt, arousing opposition both in the Convention and throughout the state, for it meant the loss of most of the state's assets and of its credit, as well as the loss �362 / Chapter Twenty One of thousands of dollars to private holders of state bonds. In the November election Holden was defeated in his race for the governorship, and Jonathan Worth became Governor of North Carolina. Union men were elected as the state's representatives to Congress, and the Thirteenth Amendment was ratified.15 When Congress met in December, 1865, the members sent to it by the Southern states were refused their seats on the grounds that not the President but Congress alone had the authority to determine a state's readmission to the Union. In March, 1867, Congress enacted the Reconstruction Act, making it a law over President Johnson's veto. Under its terms, whatever had been done under President Johnson's plan was set aside, and the entire South was put under a military government. North and South Carolina were designated as the Second Military District and were put under the command of General David E. Sickles, who was later replaced by General Edward R.S. Canby. Each state was required to draw up a new constitution to be ratified by the voters and then submitted to Congress for approval. Negroes were not to be denied the right to vote and the General Assembly to be elected under the new Constitution would have to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment before the state would be readmitted to the Union. Jonathan Worth was allowed to continue as Governor of North Carolina, but his authority was limited since the military regime in each district was given rather full powers over its territory, including authorization to remove state and local officers from their positions.16 It was the military commander, General Edward R. S. Canby, who issued the call for an election of delegates to a state constitutional convention. Some of the state's leaders were not yet eligible to vote, and many others, thoroughly disgusted over the Reconstruction Act, did not register or if they did, failed to vote. At the prompting of Republicans who had come into the state, more than 72,000 Negroes registered for the election.17 A year before the convention was called, the Republican Party had been formally organized in North Carolina through the efforts of Northern men who had entered the state in connection with the various phases of the Reconstruction program. During the year the Party had attracted newly enfranchised Negroes and thousands of white Union sympathizers, together with small farmers long opposed to the plantation system. There came into it, also, some very able men, but on the whole these were not the �The Rebirth of a State / 363 Party leaders. At the Constitutional Convention meeting in Raleigh from January 14 to March 17, 1868, the Republican Party had a majority of delegates.18 The Constitution drawn up at this Convention was, to a large extent, modeled after those of Northern states. Most of the provisions it contained were progressive and democratic and forward-looking. Many of them have stood the test of time and are today in force. In addition to abolishing slavery within the state and repudiating the state war debt, it contained a bill of rights. It forbade the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus and upheld the freedom of the press. The new Constitution abolished property and religious qualifications for voting and for holding the office of governor; furthermore, it provided for a "general and uniform system of Public Schools" to be in operation for at least four months each year. It provided for a superintendent of public instruction. And finally, this improved model provided for the election of local officers by qualified voters, and it set the voting age at twenty-one years.19 A month after the close of the Convention, voters went to the polls where they ratified the new Constitution. They elected state and county officers and representatives to the lower house of Congress, and William W. Holden, now Republican candidate for governor, swept into the state's highest office. The Republican Party won most of the seats in the General Assembly, carried most of the county elections, and won all but one of the representative seats in Congress.20 The General Assembly, at its convening, elected Republican Senators to Congress and ratified the Fourteenth Amendment. Congress received the newly elected Representatives and approved the state's Constitution. After four years of war and more than three years of Reconstruction, North Carolina was again a state in the Union. �C H A P T E R T W E N T Y T W O Long is the Night he federal officers sent into Western North Carolina by General John Schofield and under command of General Jacob D. Cox administered the oath of allegiance to all county and town officers appointed by the Provisional Governor. They set up a county police force charged with arresting marauders, maintaining law, and seeing that justice was carried out. As might be expected, the mountain people resented the presence of federal troops. Their resentment increased when, in 1867, under the Reconstruction Act of Congress, a more or less permanent military government was set up. Almost immediately trouble arose as military officials began setting aside some decisions of the civil courts. Eventually a compromise was worked out. Civil authorities were to be allowed to arrest both Negroes and whites. Civil courts were to have the authority to try the accused whites, although no civil court could inflict corporal punishment. Negroes were to be tried in military courts only, and the military officials also had the authority to make arrests. The governor had the power of pardoning those sentenced by civil courts.1 Many, perhaps most, of the military personnel worked to maintain law and order, but some had no understanding of or sympathy with the people among whom they were stationed. A few did not rise above the character of conquerors chastening a 364 �Long is the Night / '365 defeated people. There were some who saw in their assignments the opportunity for financial gain and others who caused friction between the races. It is true, however, that some complaints against the military personnel were unjust.2 The Civil War began as a means of saving the Union; furthermore, after the Emancipation Proclamation, it had the added objective of freeing the slaves in the Southern states. Now the Southern states were in the process of attaining the requirements for readmission into the Union, and the slaves had been freed from their bondage. One of the difficult problems facing the bankrupt South was dealing with its Negro citizens, who had been suddenly released from their old pattern of life with no preparation for a new economic and social pattern. Except for a small number of educated and free Negroes, the race had generally had no opportunities to learn to read or write, and it had no funds and no land to call its own. Because of the increasing numbers of Negroes following the Union armies, Congress in 1862 established what became known as the Freedman's Bureau. Its purpose was to be of service to the Negro refugees in the army camps. On March 3, 1865, Congress passed a new Freedman's Bureau Bill, which provided for headquarters to be established in Washington with General Oliver O. Howard as chief. Units were then set up in all the Southern states. The Bureau's work as outlined by the law that created it, was to help the Negroes establish themselves economically through work, through an opportunity for education, and through favorable relationships with both whites and fellow Negroes. It was to aid the Negroes in securing employment, in getting land, and in establishing schools. Its work in North Carolina extended over a three and a half year period, and it accomplished much that was beneficial to the newly freed race. The Freedman's Bureau also served needy white people. The immediate problem was food. The Bureau distributed about $1,500,000 worth of food to needy Negro and white families. It gave vast amounts of clothing and supplies of medicines. In addition, as it could, it aided Negro farmers to secure land. One of this agency's fine services was the establishment of schools. It established or supervised day schools, night schools, Sunday schools, and industrial schools; moreover, it aided colleges, among them Hampton Institute and Fisk University. During the years of its activities in North Carolina it set up and operated 431 schools, which had an enrollment of more �366 / Chapter Twenty Two PACK MEMORIAL LIBRARY, ASHEVILLE Nicholas W. Woodfin: During the Civil War Nicholas W, Woodfin served as the agent for the distribution of salt from the mines in Virginia to the mountain counties of North Carolina. In 1870 he was appointed chairman of the legislative committee charged with the investigation of the railroad dealings of George W. Swepson and Milton Littlefield. than 20,000 Negro children. It also established hospitals which, its records show, treated some forty thousand Negro patients.3 The manifold activities carried on by the Freedman's Bureau necessitated a large staff of workers and administrators. This need brought into the South several thousands of Northern men and several hundreds of Northern women, who became teachers in the Negro schools. Most of these men and women were sincere in their efforts and served well. Many had a missionary zeal to bring the enlightenment of the North into the dark South. But few had any concept of what the people in their assigned areas had undergone during the war years. On the other hand, the North Carolinians felt that these men and women were interfering in a problem southern in character and wholly within the province of the state. They felt, too, that these outsiders were responsible for a growing resentment against white people by the Negroes. �Long is the Night / 367 Teachers in the Negro schools were especially disdained. The Freedman's Bureau was never intended as a propaganda or political medium, but its influence helped to draw the recently franchised Negroes into the Republican Party. In the counties west of the Blue Ridge there was little work for the Bureau, but in the counties on the eastern slopes of the mountains, with their larger Negro population, it was active. The Bureau was abolished in 1872.4 Growing out of the bitterness of war and the Reconstruction were several secret organizations. During the last desperate years of the war, men sympathizing with the Union organized in Tennessee a "society" that was made attractive and binding by its secrecy. Either before the end of the conflict or soon after that, units of it appeared in North Carolina where it gained hundreds of members in the western counties. It had been given the patriotic name of Heroes of America, but because its symbol was a red string, it became known as the Red Strings. It was complete with ritual, password, and oaths obligating the members to obedience to its orders.5 After the war the Heroes of America became a perfect instrument through which leaders could direct the actions of members and shepherd them into the Republican Party. Its membership was made up of mountain men who had been sympathizers with the Union (perhaps soldiers in the Union army), small farmers, laborers, and some Negroes, together with a few "blockade runners," that is, men making and selling whiskey illegally. For a time Albion W. Tourgee, one of the most influential and active of the Northern men who had come into the state, edited a paper called The Red Strings. It was intended to be the official organ of the Heroes of America. The organization was active in all the western counties with Rutherford County having the largest membership. There its activities were directed by George W. Logan, who had been a slave owner and in 1860 had been an ardent secessionist. He had come out of the war a Unionist, however, and had been made a judge. Using the wide powers granted him in that position, he was able to dominate the organization in his territory. At its meetings guards were stationed outside the building to preserve the secrecy of its proceedings.6 For the Negroes there was the Union League, founded in Philadelphia in 1862 to promote loyalty to the Union. It entered the South with the conquering armies. There it began organizing �368 / Chapter Twenty Two N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Augustus Summerfield Merrimon: Judge Augustus S. Merrimon of Asheville (<rode circuit" to the county seats of western counties. He deplored the state of the roads and the general ignorance he found everywhere. In 1870 he served as one of the three members of the House Legal Council Committee at the impeachment of Governor William H. Holden. the Negro branches of the League. At first the mountain membership included some white men, but as the months passed, the white members gradually withdrew. The organizer of the branch would initiate those joining into the secrets of the organization, which included a ritual, a password, a catechism, and oaths. Then followed a period of instruction in which the rights and political duties of the members were dwelt upon. Governor Holden was for a time president of the state organization and was succeeded by General Milton S. Littlefield. James H. Harris, a Negro, was vice-president of the clandestine organization. �Long is the Night / 369 After its introduction into the state in 1865, it spread rapidly until it was estimated that most of the male Negro population were members. Both the Union League and the Freedman's Bureau were accused of forcing their members into the Republican Party, but it is more probable that the members voluntarily became Republicans because of the interest shown them by the leaders of the groups. To the "stable" citizens there was much that was pathetic about the gatherings and motley parades of the men who had but recently been workers on their plantations. There was also a lurking fear of what might happen should these members of the Union League be supplied with arms.7 The general state of affairs was further complicated by the federal officers sent into the region to enforce the revenue laws. From the time of early mountain settlement, farmers had constructed stills on their farms just as they had built barns and granaries. They stocked their cellars with homemade liquors, selling whatever surplus they had. Since colonial days there had been regulations governing the conditions under which intoxicants could be sold at taverns and inns; yet after the repeal of the excise tax on whiskey in President Washington's administration, no restrictions had been placed by state or nation upon the manufacturing of spirituous drinks.8 But Civil War made imperative the conservation of grain for food purposes. Two laws were passed by North Carolina during the early years of the conflict, prohibiting the manufacture of all alcoholic drinks by banning the use of the farm products that went into their making. A tax was also levied upon imported liquors. In 1862 the federal government had levied a twenty-five cent tax on every gallon of spirituous drinks, and that tax had been raised from time to time until by 1864 it amounted to two dollars per gallon. When the Reconstruction was set up in North Carolina, federal officers were sent into the state to enforce this revenue law. The men coming for that purpose were roundly hated by the farmers, who looked upon the tax as a war punishment and a flagrant interference into private affairs. 9 The result of this situation was that the mountain men placed their stills in secluded spots not too easily ferreted out and "ran the blockade" in selling their surplus products. During these stormy Reconstruction days the attitude prevailed that, however extreme, all methods were fair in outwitting the revenue officers trying to thwart those making and selling their products without �Zebulon Baird Vance—Post-War Governor: of North Carolina for the third time, THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. In January, 1877, Vance became Governor benefit of licenses or taxes. Despite the tacitly declared war between officers and farmers, stills were occasionally taken and men arrested for violations of the federal law. Jn a four-year period from 1877 to 1881, more than 4,000 illicit stills were seized in North Carolina, and more than 7,000 arrests were made. That was accomplished at a price. In fulfilling their duties, 26 officers lost their lives, and 57 others were wounded. There were further casualties on the civilian side during these raids.10 By 1870 the excesses of the outlaw gangs, coupled with stories alleging the destruction of property (including the burning of two churches) had produced a condition of fear and unrest in the piedmont and mountain counties just east of the Blue Ridge.11 This unsettled situation gave rise to another secret organization, the Ku Klux Klan. This group was organized in Tennessee probably in June of 1866, and on June 5,1867, it held an anniversary parade in �Long is the Night / 371 Pulaski, Tennessee. Its original purpose was stated as being the protection of women and families and defense in case of attack. The attack, it seemed to assume, would come from the Freedman's Bureau or the Union League or the Heroes of America. Under three separate but allied "Brotherhoods" the Klan entered North Carolina in 1867.12 The Klan was a secret organization, and its activities were directed against members of both the Union League and the Heroes of America. Its leaders saw in it a means of maintaining white supremacy; however, many of the small farmers joining it were not concerned with far-reaching or philosophical objectives. They were led to believe that they were avenging atrocities committed by the newly freed Negroes and the white people who had joined them in the Union League or the Heroes of America. Klan members, along with their leaders, objected to the Negroes being given the political right of voting and the opportunity of getting an education. They readily accepted the stories related to them by their leaders of atrocities committed by Negroes. The Klan at its secret meeings made plans for revenge and the methods of carrying them out. Then a group of members usually masked and riding at night, "warned" the victim. If the warning was not heeded, Klansmen at a second visit administered whippings and might also destroy property. In some cases this or a third visit resulted in the murder of the victim. It is estimated that the Klan in North Carolina had a membership of 40,000 and it has also been estimated that in this state the Klan was responsible for 260 attacks that included seven murders and the whipping of 141 Negroes and 72 whites.13 In Western North Carolina, Rutherford and Polk Counties suffered the most from Klan activities and from raiders going about the countryside in Klan disguises. Recently returned to Rutherfordton from a newspaper venture in Asheville, Randolph Shotwell was asked to take over leadership of the Klan there. He agreed to the request although he claimed never to have been a member of the organization. It may have been too late for moderation. At any rate, Shotwell was unwilling or unable to control the lawless element now working inside the lodges and those carrying out their midnight rides. Several incidents of violence aroused widespread tension. One such "visitation" was to the home of Aaron Biggerstaff, a former Union scout, now considered a community trouble maker. His daughter saved him from an attempted hanging, and he �372 / Chapter Twenty Two N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Vance at Lenoir in 1876: Wherever Vance went during his many campaign trips about the state, crowds like this one at Lenoir greeted him and eagerly listened to his speeches. claimed to recognize some of his assailants. These men were arrested under federal warrants. Aaron Biggerstaff and his daughter, on their way to court as witnesses, were again "visited" as they stopped at Grassy Branch on May 12 to spend the night. Little known as these people were, this case created a tense situation. George W. Logan, Judge of the Superior Court of the Ninth District, reported the incidents to Washington. Officials entered the scene and arrested thirty-five of the old man's neighbors.14 Other incidents involved people holding more prominent positions. One of these was James M. Justice, Republican Representative from Rutherford County in the General Assembly. He had been a frequent speaker at the Union League meetings. On Sunday night, June 11, two groups of masked men rode into Rutherfordton and captured Representative Justice, demanding that he stop his propaganda and that he leave town. Justice later claimed to have recognized some of his attackers, and those he named were arrested. The riders on that Sunday night �Long is the Night / 373 also broke into the office of the Rutherford Star and wrecked its equipment. They arrested Robert Logan, son of Judge Logan, and J. B. Carpenter, owners of this active Republican newspaper.15 All of these outrages were reported to Washington, resulting in the passage of the Ku Klux Klan Act. It banned all secret societies and increased the penalties for the violations of the Fourteenth Amendment. It also established punishments for violations of the newly ratified Fifteenth Amendment and allowed suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in areas of disorder. Additional troops were sent into the state, and a detachment of soldiers was sent to Rutherfordton. There many arrests were made, and among the men arrested was Randolph Shotwell. In September he was taken from the Rutherfordton jail to Marion and then to Raleigh where he was one of the 981 North Carolinians indicted by the Federal Grand Jury on charges of participating in Ku Klux Klan activities. He was sent to a federal prison in Albany, New York, where he spent two years before being pardoned by President Grant.16 As early as 1868 the Reconstruction Assembly eyed with alarm the spread of the Ku Klux Klan. In October, 1869, William W. Holden, now Governor by popular vote, issued a proclamation declaring the conditions in Lenoir, Jones, Orange, and Chatham Counties bordering on insurrection. In January, 1870, the General Assembly passed the Shoffner Act enabling the Governor to declare a state of insurrection in lawless counties and to call out the militia to squelch disorders. He was also granted the privilege of hiring detectives. In light of the numerous 'Visitations" by the Klan that resulted in the deaths of a Negro office holder and a white senator, who was also a detective, Alamance, Chatham, Caswell, and Orange Counties were considered dangerous counties by the administration. Two of these counties, Caswell and Chatham, were declared to be in a state of insurrection. Orange County was later added to this list as the condition in these counties steadily deteriorated.17 In June Governor Holden asked Colonel George W. Kirk to organize state troops and to police the area. In Marshall, Burnsville, and Asheville handbills then appeared calling upon all those who had been in Kirk's Third North Carolina and Tennessee Volunteer Infantry of the Union to rally to their old Colonel and join his regiment. Recalling the havoc Kirk's raiding units had wrought in the mountains, distressed citizens of Asheville petitioned Governor Holden not to raise troops, and above all, not �374 / Chapter Twenty Two E. DOUGLAS DE PEW AND BOB LINDSEY PHOTO A Still in the Mountains: Until the Civil War no restriction had been placed on the manufacturing of spirituous drinks. Almost every farm had its still. After that war, federal officers came into the mountains to collect the liquor taxes levied by the national government. Farmers then hid their stills and protected them with whatever means necessary. Stills continue to be hidden in unlikely places as is shown in this posed picture. to put Colonel George W. Kirk in charge of them. The petition went unheeded, and by early July Kirk had raised a force of about 600 men, ranging in age from 16 or 17 to 60 or 70 years of age.18 Military courts were set up, and Kirk obtained from Governor �Long is the Night / 375 Holden a list of men to arrest, a list that had been made up by Republicans.19 The list included men from almost every official position, every age bracket, and every social position. Many were prominent men. Among them wasjosiah Turner, editor of The Raleigh Sentinal in which Governor Holden had been sharply criticized. Arrests made in these counties aroused the entire state. One of the sharpest criticisms was the refusal to honor writs of habeas corpus issued for the release of those arrested. In an attempt to restore order, George W. Brooks, Federal Judge, then issued writs of habeas corpus requiring all prisoners taken during the purge to appear before him at the next session of the court at Salisbury. To Governor Holden this constituted interference by a federal officer, and he appealed to President Ulysses S. Grant. In reply the President ordered Governor Holden to honor the writs. The only course left open to the Governor then was to order Colonel Kirk to produce the prisoners and then to disband his regiment. Following that, the Governor declared the state of insurrection at an end. Technically, the "Kirk-Holden War" was finished. Under pressure of the Enforcement Act passed by Congress on May 31, 1870, and as a result of the "Kirk-Holden War," the activities of all secret organizations gradually subsided.20 Another reason for the lessening of Klan activity was the 1870 election, which brought new Democratic members into the General Assembly. The Democratic Party had been steadily gaining strength during and after the Reconstruction Period; moreover, Holden, both as Provisional Governor and then as Governor, had lost the support of many politically prominent leaders. The militia campaign conducted during the elections meant his political defeat. At the December session of the General Assembly the Democrats were strong enough to present a resolution of impeachment against Governor Holden. Of the eight charges placed against him, the Governor was found guilty on six, which accused him of exceeding his authority in raising a militia and of making illegal arrests. Western North Carolina was represented at the trial, which lasted from February 2 to March 25, 1871, and was presided over by Judge Augustus S. Merrimon. Joining him as counsels for the House Committee during the proceedings were William A. Graham and Thomas Bragg.21 Neither at the impeachment nor later was Governor Holden charged with personal misuse of state funds or of using his high office for bettering his own financial fortunes. But certain �376 / Chapter Twenty Two decisions he made and certain acts of the Reconstruction government, while not corrupt in themselves, almost completely destroyed the assets of the state and also its credit. These acts affected every section of North Carolina. The repudiation of the state debts and the war debts brought widespread financial loss to citizens already suffering from the loss of slaves, property, and crops. This repudiation also closed every bank in the state and swept away most of the Literary Fund, a large portion of which had been invested in bank stock.22 With its state source of income gone, the state school system could no longer survive. Making the collapse complete, Governor Holden refused to recognize Calvin Henderson Wiley as Superintendent of Common Schools and declared the position vacant. The General Assembly promptly abolished the office and that of treasurer of the Literary Fund and turned what assets remained in it into the public treasury. By almost superhuman efforts, Calvin H. Wiley had kept the public schools in operation during the years of conflict and had saved the Literary Fund from being invested in Confederate and State war bonds. Now, he was forced to watch the schools close, and for two years not a public school in the state was in operation, from the first grade through the University. In Western North Carolina the little log school houses that had brought the beginnings of educational enlightenment to the hills stood silent, with sagging doors and empty benches.23 Even though Governor Holden could not be accused of using his office for personal gains, the government that he headed could be. Before his downfall came, every county in the state had suffered from the waste, extravagance, and in some instances, from the deliberate fraud of men in positions of political responsibility. Western North Carolina was a victim of the most devastating of all of these frauds perpetrated in the name of government. The debilitating state of North Carolina's government during Reconstruction had far-reaching ramifications. For example, in answering Major William W. McDowell's plea for laborers from Scotland, Gilbert B. Tennant in 1865 had offered the suggestion of industry as a means of relieving the economic stress in Western North Carolina. He pointed out that the region was admirably adapted for industry, and he thought the time was ripe for forming corporations in the mountain area. But industrial development was not possible during the Reconstruction days. There was little �Long is the Night / 377 private money to invest in business enterprises, and the lack of transportation facilities and the tense, post-war conditions discouraged outside capital. Roads and highways, neglected and abused during the war years, were badly in need of repairs, even of rebuilding. Projected railroads into the area had been halted soon after the outbreak of the war. In 1865 stagecoaches were again in use, although they were frequently delayed by the highway conditions. Mail service, completely abandoned in 1861, was also resumed, but it was slow and uncertain.24 At the close of the war, the railroads seized by the federal government were returned to the state practically unfit for use. Lack of equipment and materials needed for repairs— even spikes—crippled the efficiency of those lines kept in the hands of the state. Both Federal and Confederate armies had destroyed bridges, water tanks, shops, cars, and rails. The state and Confederate debts owed the railroads could never be collected, and the sinking funds were almost a total loss. Damage claims against the roads took most of the remaining assets; yet if the railroads were to function, vast amounts would have to be spent on repairs and new equipment.25 In spite of the bleak outlook, the people of Western North Carolina still looked forward to the extension of the railroad over the mountains. Stoneman's raiders had seriously damaged and in some places utterly destroyed the completed section of the Western North Carolina Railroad running from Salisbury to Icard Station east of Morganton. In 1865 this railroad had only three engines, one usable passenger car, and a small number of freight cars. During the summer of that year temporary repairs made it possible to provide three trips per week over the line. By 1869 there was daily service.26 At a meeting in Morganton in 1868 plans were revived for extending the line westward. By this time a series of encouraging legislative acts relating to the Western North Carolina Railroad had been passed. The Assembly repealed the old clause on sectional construction and authorized the state to subscribe two thirds of the capital stock after the remaining one third had been subscribed by private capital. The line was divided into two divisions, with Asheville the line of separation. The Western Division was to include both the Ducktown route and the Paint Rock route. The Buncombe Turnpike Company was empowered to grant the necessary right-of-way along the French Broad River. Each division was to be organized into a new company, �378 / Chapter Twenty Two possessing a capital stock of $6,000,000.27 In 1867 contracts were let for that section of the Eastern Division between Morganton and Old Fort and in the following year for that from Old Fort to the western end of the projected Swannanoa tunnel. George W. Swepson was made president of the company that was duly formed for constructing the western road. When the required $2,000,000 of stock had been subscribed by citizens, Swepson let the contract for the Paint Rock branch to Samuel Tate and the longer Ducktown route to General Milton S. Littlefield. All of this Swepson reported to Governor Holden, preparatory to receiving the state's bonds for its pledged $4,000,000. During the next two years, Swepson and Littlefield engineered a fraud for which Western North Carolina paid a high price.28 General Milton Littlefield had come into North Carolina during the Civil War and at its close had made his presence felt as a banker in Raleigh. George W. Swepson was a native of the state. He too, was a banker and through the influence of Governor Holden was granted political favors, including the presidency of the Western North Carolina Railroad.29 These two men formed the nucleus of a small group of opportunists who used not only the Western North Carolina Railroad, but eastern lines as well as a means of funneling money from the state treasury and from private capital into their own pockets. General Littlefield's role was that of a lobbyist. He bribed members of the General Assembly to pass laws favorable to Swepson's railroad interests, and he bribed attorneys to secure decisions favorable to Swepson. It has been estimated that more than $333,000 were paid out in bribe money coming from the illegal sale of bonds intrusted to George Swepson.30 During the year of Swepson's presidency, little actual work was done on the roadbed of the Western Division. Because of a rising tide of complaints, Swepson, as was permitted under the original contracts, relet contracts for a 45-mile link of the Paint Rock branch and a 55-mile link on the Ducktown road. Some grading was done on both of these stretches, most of which was useless by the time the road was actually constructed. At a Director's meeting in Asheville in 1869, Swepson, using a complaint of excessive criticism as his excuse, resigned as president of the company. General Littlefield was then given that position. He promised to push the work on the road, but by that time there was little left with which to pay contractors and workmen.31 �Long is the Night / 379 In March, 1870, a legislative committee was appointed to investigate Swepson's widespread railroad affairs. With Nicholas W. Woodfin of Asheville as chairman, this committee found the transactions of both Swepson and Littlefield so involved that they were never able to clarify all of them. Swepson was arrested and for a time was held in Raleigh, and Littlefield was finally located in London. Upon orders of the General Assembly, the committee tried to retrieve what it could by making arrangements with the two men individually for certain settlements. These yielded little, however, since Littlefield made no attempt to honor his agreements and the Florida railroad stock which was put up as security by Swepson could not be collected because of a previously given lien on it. Of the millions of dollars worth of state bonds that disappeared, the committee was able to collect only $295,876.26. The General Assembly repealed the railroad appropriation bills of 1868 and required all unsold bonds returned to the State Treasurer. Later, all the bonds originally issued to Swepson were repudiated. Because of this scandal, the state debt rose from $15,000,000 to more than $28,000,000. Out of that vast fund the counties west of the Blue Ridge got two short strips of graded roadbed.32 Meantime, however, work on the Eastern Division had progressed steadily, and late in 1869 the section from Morganton to Old Fort was ready for use. The "Iron Horse" finally puffed its way into the town where the fort built by the pioneers once stood guard. Two years later much of the work of grading was completed on the section between Old Fort and the projected Swannanoa tunnel. Grading work was also in progress on the section westward toward Asheville. By 1871 the Eastern Division, although free from corruption, was in serious financial straits, but it refused to purchase the Western Division offered it at a foreclosure price. Four years later, on June 22, 1876, the Western North Carolina Railroad was put up for sale and was purchased for the state by Augustus S. Merrimon. Again the people of Western North Carolina dared to hope for a railroad across their mountains to the Tennessee border. The Swepson-Littlefield scandal broke about the time of the "Kirk-Holden War" and may have been a factor in the Governor's impeachment. In 1874 the Democrats took full control of the General Assembly, and in that year many of the Federal troops were withdrawn. By 1876 the Reconstruction days were over. �C H A P T E R T W E N T Y T H R E E Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains the Reconstruction days, with their high taxes, their unrest, and their secret organizations, hundreds of peace-loving men and women said goodbye to their mountains and joined the thousands of fellow North Carolinians leaving for new homes in the beckoning West. Discouraged over conditions in their native state, they sought, as had their forebears in coming to the mountains, a place where they and their children might live in peace and might prosper. But many of the veterans, discontented with post-war conditions or preferring the life of woodmen, did not leave the state. Instead, they moved west into the sparsely settled sections of their own or nearby counties. They joined the small number of hardy pioneers who had preceded them and were joined by those coming from farther east. As a result, during this period Western North Carolina gained two new county governments.1 In 1871 Swain County was formed from the western parts of Jackson and Macon Counties. Quite appropriately it was named for David Lowery Swain, the state's first Governor from Western North Carolina. In this new county was one of North Carolina's last great uninhabited areas. Its wild and magnificently forested mountains culminated in the lofty Smokies, along whose crest runs the dividing line between North Carolina and Tennessee. It was in this region that Tsali and his band took their last stand against the encroaching white man. 380 �Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains / 381 The bill for the formation of the county passed the General Assembly on February 24, 1871, and the commissioners met for their first meeting at Cold Springs Church. A tiny settlement on the banks of the Tuckaseigee River, along which Indian villages had once flourished, was selected as the county seat. The following year a two-story courthouse was constructed there, which also served as a school building and a church. The village was known as Charleston, but when it was incorporated in 1887, the name was changed to Bryson City, honoring Thaddeus Dillard Bryson, through whose efforts the county had been formed.2 When, years later, the Smoky Mountain National Park was formed, approximately two thirds of the area of Swain County were transferred by North Carolina to the Federal Government. Its lands were also taken for the T V A project at Fontana. For a quarter of a century after its organization citizens of the county, except those in the village of Bryson City, lived the lives of mountain pioneers, repeating the farmer-woodsman type of life practiced by their forebears. It was not until the mid 1880's that a railroad would pass through the county on its way to Tennessee. This would link Swain County with the counties farther east and would foreshadow the coming of industries to be followed by a slowly changing pattern of life. In 1872 the second of these westernmost counties was formed from the northern section of Cherokee County. It was given the name of Graham, in honor of William A. Graham, who as a young Whig member of the General Assembly had advocated Murphey's reform measures, including railroads for the western section of the state. Graham's later political career had included a seat in the United States Senate, the governorship of his state, and the post of Secretary of Navy. The village of Robbinsville, the last home of Junaluska, was selected as the county seat and a courthouse was there erected. Like Swain to the east of it, Graham is an area of mountains with only a small amount of its land suitable for farming. Its first citizens combined hunting with working their hillside farms in sheltered coves. This county, too, borders Tennessee and reaches its highest altitude in the Unicoi Range that is shared by the two states.3 In spite of the dissatisfaction and unrest of the people in this Reconstruction period, thousands of men and women in every county in Western North Carolina remained on their farms. Looking for a better future as they quietly repaired the damages wrought by the war, these tenacious people planted and harvested �382 / Chapter Twenty Three ! ij: . ,...." ?J*B-^ *5l5:^j^2i?J'!<«iSI?'V*'W€ll: ,* . 5'f 1 " •;. 'j*?' - '"" •~i'?9ii?f? ; *J^f'fw^i '. ; ' ; '??^ "' z!¥r^'.-f'TV-js^KJL'"st*'-/ : . �Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains / 383 ILLUSTRATED MAP BY AURION PROCTOR IN THE RAILROAD MAGAZINE, DEC., 1943 The Railroad Crosses the Blue Ridge: Spanning the Blue Ridge with bands of steel was a constant contest between determined men and resisting mountains. Between Old Fort and Ridgecrest, a distance of 3.4 miles as the crow flies, the curving tracks made 10 complete circles and covered 12 miles. w-v,': .-i'.!=•:'*;"." ***••*: �384 / Chapter Twenty Three their crops and built up their herds of cattle, horses, and hogs. Under the old county system main highways were gradually made passable again. Once more in the autumn months clouds of dust billowed over them as the noisy droves of animals made their way to southern markets. Again the stand keepers bought the farmers' corn and furnished them with supplies in return. But compared with the pre-war droves, these tramping animals were few in number, for neither the South Carolinians nor the freed Negroes on the plantations could now afford to "eat high off the hog." Then, too, railroads were pushing westward resulting in fewer tramping animals from states to the north.4 Forges were once more turning out tools as well as iron bars that could be fashioned into needed articles at the home forges. The water-powered mills continued grinding the farmers' grain into flour and meal, and new cards were now available, making the housewife's work easier. On winter days with a rhythmic thumping of her loom she turned out the coverlets and yards of linsey-woolsey that made her family comfortable. The traveling cobbler resumed his rounds, working up the tanned leather into sturdy shoes that ranged in size from the miniature ones for the toddlers to the boots large enough and strong enough to endure a man's tramping in all kinds of weather over the fields and hills and through the woods. Returning ministers opened many of the closed "church houses," and "preachings," "singings," "cemetery workings," and family gatherings gave a sense of restored normal living to the mountain communities. Gradually, too, a sense of security returned. With the exposure of the government excesses and scandals, resulting in a Conservative majority in the General Assembly and the impeachment of Governor Holden, many of the carpetbaggers left the state. The federal enforcement of the Ku Klux Klan Law subdued the activities of that organization as well as those of the Union League and the Red Strings, allowing for the restoration of law and order. In 1875 Western North Carolina sent its quota of delegates to the Constitutional Convention called by the General Assembly. This Convention, made up of an equal number of Democrats and Republicans and three Independent members, revised the 1868 Constitution by the addition of some thirty amendments. Among the changes was one by which the county justices of the peace were to be appointed by the General Assembly. The number of Supreme Court Judges was reduced from five to three, and the �Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains / 385 number of Superior Court Judges from twelve to nine. Negro and white schools were to be separately but equally maintained, and secret political societies were banned.5 In 1876 the pre-war spirit of political fervor again sprang into life throughout the mountain area, as it did everywhere in the state. Zebulon Baird Vance, Western North Carolina's favorite son and North Carolina's honored war-time Governor, was again a candidate for the state's highest office. He represented the Conservatives, who earlier had affiliated with the national Democratic Party. His opponent was Thomas Settle of Rockingham County. Settle was a man of recognized ability and integrity and was a former Supreme Court Judge of North Carolina. The campaign was carefully planned by both party organizations, and Vance and Settle toured the state together and faced each other on open-air platforms. Their main speeches lasted an hour and a half, after which they refuted and ridiculed each other's claims in half hour rebuttals. Each man interspersed his speeches with jokes, anecdotes, and jibes at the expense of his opponent. The people of Western North Carolina crowded into the county seats for these political rallies. Mountain-bred Zebulon Baird Vance spoke the language of the mountain people. Hundreds had heard him in earlier campaigns, and there were those who had been in his regiment in the early part of the war. They knew that nowhere was his equal in clear, forceful thinking and speaking, in hilarious story-telling, and in witty rebuttal. So it was that Rutherfordton, boasting a population of slightly more than 1,000, overflowed with a crowd of more than 4,000 when Vance and Settle appeared in the village.6 On August 3, 1876, the farmers of Mitchell County, many of whom had fought each other through four years of war (and had continued to do so in trials and law suits and feuds during the troubled years that had followed) jostled each other along the roads and trails leading into Bakersville. They stood shoulder to shoulder as they listened spell-bound to the verbal battle between Vance and Settle. The town had prepared for the rally and was gala with banners made by the women and strung across the street. Processions of party members formed and, led by their musicians, marched out of the village to meet their respective candidates and to escort them with proper fanfare to the rallying place.7 Never had this border county witnessed such an assemblage, and political fervor mounted as each candidate aimed �386 / Chapter Twenty Three N. C, DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Hydraulic Work: In the absence of explosives such as dynamite, railroad workers poured water over heated rocks to crack away jutting ledges. his barbs and shafts at vulnerable spots in his opponent's arguments. Similar rallies were held in other Western North Carolina towns, and perhaps nowhere in the state were the election returns more eagerly awaited than in the western counties where a man's Republican vote might be offset by his neighbor's Democratic ballot. With the election of Vance by a comfortable if not large majority, the Democrats were once more in full control of North Carolina, and Western North Carolina again had a man in the governor's chair. The carpetbag rule was over, and in 1875 federal troops were withdrawn from the state. The mountain people, �Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains / 387 even those who had cast their votes for Settle, now hoped for economic recovery. Both the Governor and the General Assembly were concerned with economy measures that would inspire confidence. They were also eager to fulfill campaign pledges of reduced taxes, but at the same time two projects were recognized as worthy of state aid and demanding immediate attention. One was the westward extension of railroads; the other was the acute problem of public education. The Constitution of 1868 made provision for a state system of schools that would furnish free education to children and young people between the ages of six and twenty-one. Primary schools were to be operated for at least four months each year.8 But little had been done to carry out these provisions, and for two years all schools in the state were closed. In 1870 in North Carolina fifty per cent of all citizens over ten years of age were illiterate.9 In his 1872 report to Alexander Mclver, State Superintendent of Instruction, Haywood's county official described the school conditions in Western North Carolina when he penned this dismal statement: "Our school system is a failure."10 Many factors combined to counteract the efforts to reopen and to maintain the public schools. The basic one was lack of funds. The remaining assets of the old Literary Fund had been diverted to other purposes, and the appropriation made by the General Assembly in 1869 was never paid.11 In 1870 the State Supreme Court declared unconstitutional a clause in the state law providing for local school taxes. New and more effective school laws were from time to time passed, but no effective machinery was set up for their enforcement.12 Under a law passed in 1873, however, a township without funds for operating even one school could levy, upon the vote of the people, a special school tax.13 Paying an extra tax was impossible for most farmers in Western North Carolina, many of whom were fortunate to have twenty to thirty dollars in cash in a year. During the early years of Reconstruction some of the teachers sent into the area were from the North and were distrusted by the people.14 But more important was the fact that many of the little log school houses had been destroyed during the war, and those remaining were badly in need of repairs. The state would assume only half of the cost of construction or repairs. Textbooks were also a problem.15 The supply of school books, purchased from Northern printers, was cut off at the beginning of the war. �388 / Chapter Twenty Three N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY Round Knob and Mill: From Round Knob three levels of tracks can be seen. In the foreground is a water-powered mill. Following an educational meeting in July, 1861, school books were hastily written by school leaders in the state. They were printed on the poor, yellowing paper turned out by newly established mills, and once in the hands of pupils, they were short-lived. As late as 1876 there were no depositories for books in the counties, and old copies were soon lost.16 Like those in the early pioneer days, the schools were then forced to use as texts whatever books could be gathered from the homes, regardless of subject matter or grade level. "Anything we can get" was the standard many an official reported concerning books used in his district. A majority of the pupils had no texts of their own.17 To make practical use of the meager and varied assortment of books at hand required skillful adaptation by experienced teachers. But their number was few. Certification of teachers had from the first been generously done, and now as schools reopened, county examiners at times issued certificates on the basis of the financial need of the applicant or to any neighbor who could be induced to apply. The pay was low, as it had always been, and the four months' term could not be reached. Often it was ten weeks in a year. No attempt was made to enforce the compulsory attendance law, requiring at least sixteen months in either public �Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains / 389 or private school between a child's sixth and his eighteenth birthday.18 In the western counties having a Negro population there was the added burden of maintaining separate schools for the Negro children. Some mountain counties had no Negro children of school age. Some had too few to justify the expense of a school and had to make other arrangements for the education of those children. One township in Macon County reported one little Negro girl for whom the officials were making arrangements for schooling. Mitchell County reported too few Negro children in any one district for a school, and the children were too scattered to attend a centrally located school. One district in Transylvania County reported no Negro school in operation because no teacher was available.19 In his opening address to the General Assembly Governor Vance urged the establishment of at least two normal schools. As a result, a summer normal school for white teachers was set up at the University at Chapel Hill, and one for Negro teachers was established at Fayetteville. Both proved popular.20 After 1877 any township having a population of five thousand or more had the authority, upon a petition of a hundred voters, to submit to the public the question of establishing a graded, eight-month school through the levying of a special school tax. Under this law Buncombe County voted such a tax, and two years later the village of Lenoir was empowered to submit a similar referendum to the voters.21 In order to bring the teacher training program closer to the people, the summer school at the University was discontinued, to be replaced by short term normals held in various parts of the state. Three of these were held in Western North Carolina—at Sparta, Franklin, and Asheville.22 From time to time new laws were made under which more taxes were appropriated for the school fund and more efficient use was made of each county's share. In 1881 a county Superintendent of Schools replaced the county examiner, and the lax third grade certificate for teaching was discarded.23 Later the short term normals were replaced with county institutes, which teachers were required to attend. Then Edwin A. Alderman and Charles D. Mclver, two dedicated educators, were employed by the state as institute leaders. They worked with the teachers, citizens, and local organizations in bringing improvement and prestige to the public schools. They were aided �390 / Chapter Twenty Three N. C. DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY The Swannanoa. Tunnel: The Salisbury, one of two locomotives used, was taken across the mountain so that this tunnel might be worked from both directions. On March 11, 1879, (t Daylight entered Buncombe County, grades and centers meeting exactly." in this by the Farmers' Alliance, in which thousands of the state's farmers held membership. Even so, in many of the mountain communities schools continued to be taught by poorly paid and poorly prepared teachers. Equipment and books were still inadequate, and in some districts not more than fifty per cent of the community children attended school. In far too many mountain valleys and coves this condition prevailed until the dawn of a new century.24 Since the public schools of Western North Carolina were inefficient or lacking, church and privately owned schools that had closed during the war were reopened, and new ones were established. Many of the new ones were made possible by funds from Northern people genuinely interested in the educational problems of the mountain area. Other private institutions were established by North Carolinians who saw little prospect of the public schools meeting the pressing needs for education. In Rutherford County both the Male and Female Academies in the county seat were reopened. Oak Hill, Round Hill, and Burnt Chimney Academies also resumed operation, with several private schools giving instruction to primary children.25 In 1868 Robert �Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains / 391 Abernethy began the school in Burke County that grew into Rutherford College.26The Academy in Sparta also reopened, and others were established in Alleghany County. In spite of the fact that its boarding house had been destroyed during the war, the Finley School for Boys at Lenoir reopened as students returned from the army.27 The same pattern prevailed west of the Blue Ridge. At Burnsville the Yancey Collegiate Institute, in operation for some years prior to the war, reopened its doors to continue serving until the 1890's. The college established by the Baptists at Mars Hill weathered the stormy Reconstruction days and had continued to serve the mountain area and the state as an outstanding church college. Weaverville College, incorporated in 1856, occupied the site of an old Methodist campground. It, too, reopened after the war. In Asheville the Lee School for Boys reopened while in 1887 the Northern Presbyterians established a Normal School on a tract of land which today is the site of the Memorial Mission Hospital. A school building was started in Hendersonville by the Baptists on the eve of the war. A part of the unfinished building was used briefly as barracks by federal cavalry units during their passage through the town. The school was completed in 1873 and became the home of the Western North Carolina Female College. Among its students for a period of time were about one hundred Cherokee girls placed there by the federal government. In time it became a co-educational school and, when sold by the Baptists, was reorganized as Judson College.28 During the last decade of the nineteenth century practically every town or village had an academy and a mission primary school. Some of those academies have today become parts of the University of North Carolina.29 During the last score of years of the fading century the longcherished dream of the mountain people for a railroad became a reality. As the new century dawned, railroad engines were puffing their way along the rails, trailing strings of freight cars along the valley floors, over the mountain grades, and through the tunnels. The clouds of smoke that testified to the efforts they were forced to make could be seen from Old Fort to Murphy and from Tryon to Paint Rock. Gleaming, newly laid rails connected towns in the eastern foothills with each other and with the east and the south. With the incompleted Western North Carolina Railroad now the property of the state, construction of the Western �392 / Chapter Twenty Three N. C.DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY The Salisbury: Locomotive 25, the little wood-burning Salisbury, is on a trestle by the French Broad River near Asheville. Division began on the first day of October, 1875. By the end of 1876 the records showed a disappointingly small profit. Despite the cheap convict labor furnished by the state for pushing the road westward, only three additional miles of track had been laid. The General Assembly then declared the Western Division a corporation, having a total stock of $850,000. The next year a twelve-member Board of Directors assumed control with Major James W. Wilson as president.30 During the next three years, working under the most difficult physical conditions and under a constant financial strain, Wilson and his chief engineer, Colonel �Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains / 393 Thaddeus Coleman, and their assistants took the road across the Blue Ridge. Since Colonial times, the abrupt and forbidding granite walls of this range had said to the white man, "This far shalt thou go and no farther." At last the mountains were conquered by parallel ribbons of steel, making the East and the West one. The gaily bedecked stagecoach drawn by "six fine horses" that had taken passengers from the railroad terminal at Henry, just west of Old Fort, over the Blue Ridge to Asheville could now eliminate the precipitous curves of the Swannanoa Gap.31 Early in 1880 it was picking up its westward traveling passengers at the terminal near Azalea, seven miles from Asheville. Freight wagons rumbled with their loads over the shortened route to warehouses in the mountain towns.31 The Blue Ridge had not tamely submitted to man's determined efforts to conquer it. Every step of the way it fought the engineers and their laborers with slides of rock and rainsoaked earth and with grades so steep that the only hope of successfully navigating them was gouging out tunnels through the solid rock walls. Indeed, the story of this engineering feat reads like a modern version of the ancient tale of the Aegean stables. Work on the short sections of grading done four years earlier was practically lost, and new surveys were necessary over the range itself. These showed that the only method to combat the sudden rise in altitude would be a looping track and a series of tunnels. With the help of five hundred convict laborers furnished by the state, Wilson and his assistant engineer, H. Heaton Coleman, laid a curving track that doubled and redoubled on itself, enough, it was said, to make almost eight complete circles. This looping required 9 miles of rails to cover 3.4 miles, but it insured a negotiable grade over the 1,092 foot ascent. Shearing the jutting towers of rocks down to the level of the roadbed meant removing tons of mountain wall and often the forming of narrow gorges, a backbreaking task for the convicts. They had picks and shovels as their tools, and with the help of ox and mule teams, the laborers dragged away the boulders and carted off the finer debris in wheelbarrows.32 Now and then a sudden storm or a landslide would undo the labor of days or even of weeks. These events were numerous, but the most disastrous of them all occurred at Mud Tunnel. There, when all but some 8,000 of the 77,000 cubic yards �394 / Chapter Twenty Three of earth and rock necessary to be removed had been cleared away, a series of landslides crashed down the mountain sides. They filled the man-made cut with 110,000 cubic yards of rock and debris, every boulder and pebble and grain of which had to be removed.33 The blue prints called for seven tunnels, ranging in length from 89 to 1,800 feet. Their construction presented the project's greatest problems, both to the engineers and to the workmen. Holes for the blasting of the rock had to be hand-drilled and are visible today, mute evidence of the prodigious human efforts expended in the struggle between determined men and resisting mountains. These holes were filled with a paste made on the spot by mixing nitroglycerine with sawdust and corn meal.34 When work began on the Swannanoa Tunnel, longest of the series, Wilson and Coleman conceived the bold idea of getting a locomotive over the crest of the ridge so that work could be carried on from the western as well as the eastern portal. In defiance of the mountain's forbidding slope and height, temporary skid tracks were laid across the range. Over it the "Salisbury," one of the two locomotives in use on the eastern end of the tunnel, was hauled and pushed by the sheer, main force of straining oxen and crews of sweating men. With the construction proceeding from both directions, the work progressed so that Major Wilson was able on March 11, 1879, to send the following well-known telegram to Governor Vance: "Daylight entered Buncombe today through Swannanoa Tunnel. Grade and centers met exactly." The seemingly impossible had been accomplished. But the Blue Ridge had taken its toll, not only in the form of physical efforts that sometimes stretched the point of human endurance, but also in accidents claiming lives. Nearly 125 convicts, toiling under the poised guns of guards, paid the supreme sacrifice in order that the counties of Western North Carolina beyond the Blue Ridge might have the benefits of a railroad.35 On October 3, 1880, every one of the 2,610 citizens of Asheville who were able to put one foot ahead of the other assembled to see the town's first train pull into the tiny station. The village was in a holiday mood, for each one prophesied that this long awaited event was the dawn of a new day for the Western Highlands, a day that would bring a prosperity never before known in the mountains. In addition to the freight cars bringing commodities into the area and taking out the produce of the region, the trains now crossing the Blue Ridge from Salisbury �Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains / 395 soon boasted one passenger-coach. It had a central division so that one half of it was the first-class section on the westward trip, and the other half claimed that distinction on the returning eastward journey. Once out of the mountains, these trains gained enough speed to cover the distance of 120 miles from Henry to Salisbury between daylight and dark, stopping at Hickory for the mid-day meal.36 Shortly before the road reached Asheville, it was sold by the state to William J. Best of New York City and his associates. They took over the $850,000 mortgage and agreed to extend the line westward to Murphy and along the French Broad River to Paint Rock. The state, which in the transaction lost all it had invested in the road prior to October 1, 1875, agreed to furnish convict laborers for the company's combined projects. For several years an economy group in the General Assembly had been advocating a retraction of the state's railroad enterprises. The income received by the state from the three lines in which it had significant investments had always been negligible, and it was argued that the roads could be leased or sold, using money thus realized to advantage in furthering education in the state. As a result, a proposal to merge the three roads, making a great east-west trunk line extending from the coast to Murphy, failed; and in 1871 the North Carolina Railroad was leased to the Richmond, Danville System for thirty years, thus passing out of the control of North Carolina. Shortly afterward, the lessees further separated the road from other North Carolina lines by changing its guage to conform to the Virginia lines held by the company. Now the old Western Division of the Western North Carolina Railroad likewise passed out of the hands of the state. For the third time it was organized as the Western North Carolina Railroad, but it, too, shortly became the property of the Richmond, Danville System. Later, when that road was transferred to the receivers, these lines were taken over by the newly organized Southern Railway Company. In 1895 it secured a ninety-nine year lease of the Western North Carolina Railroad.37 In the meantime, both routes through the mountains to points on the Tennessee border were completed. The route following the French Broad River used a part of the old Turnpike bed, but in some sections a new roadway had to be blasted from the solid walls of the river gorge. The work was slow, but it progressed steadily until 1882 when the last spike was driven that connected the newly laid tracks with those in Tennessee. Because of the �396 / Chapter Twenty Three difference in the gauge of the lines, however, all freight had to be unloaded from one train and reloaded onto the other. The workmen from the completed section were transferred to the western route. Construction of this segment had been progressing satisfactorily, and in 1882 a train puffed its way into Waynesville, to be enthusiastically welcomed by the citizens of that village.38 From Waynesville westward the engineers ran into construction difficulties, for between Waynesville and Murphy the road had to cross both the Balsam Range and the Nantahalas. Earlier plans for tunnels through these barriers had to be abandoned, necessitating a rerouting of the track through wild mountain terrain and over the crests of these towering ranges. In the Balsams that meant attaining an altitude of 3,315 feet above sea level. The problems connected with the work in this difficult territory greatly delayed the completion of the road. The company asked for and received an extension of the construction time allotted in their contract with the state. But by 1891 these lofty mountains, like the Blue Ridge to the east, had been conquered, and freight trains were pulling into the switching yards at Murphy.39 The great east-west line envisioned by Caldwell and advocated by Clingman had at last become a reality. But it was not the transportation system of their dreams. Nor did the educational fund ever receive one penny from the sale of this western road. Chartered in 1855, the Spartanburg-Asheville section of the old French Broad Railroad began long-deferred westward construction from its Spartanburg terminal in 1873. Slowly the track crept over the Blue Ridge. The original plans called for the road to pass through Columbus and along Tryon Mountain and across Howard's Gap, passing through a series of tunnels. These plans were now abandoned and a new survey made. To avoid the tunnels the track was laid up the steep mountain to Saluda. This was a prodigious feat of mountain construction, for in one threemile section the bed had to climb 600 feet and at some points the grade was 220 feet per mile. On the steepest part two safety tracks were laid, and the trains required an additional engine from Melrose to the village of Saluda. As on the Old Fort-Asheville road, convict labor was used on this line after it crossed into North Carolina. Once again, the wild terrain took its toll of lives, and nineteen graves mark the resting place of convicts killed in accidents. But the Blue Ridge was forced to yield to the human endeavor, and in 1882 trains were �Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains / 397 passing over the rails into Hendersonville. There the road terminated until work was again resumed in 1883, and the line reached Asheville in 1886, connecting with the roads to Paint Rock and the branch creeping westward from Waynesville.40 The old pre-war plan for a line from Georgia to Knoxville, worked out by the Blue Ridge Railroad Company and intended to pass down the Hiwassee River, took form in the shorter Marietta and North Georgia Railroad with thirteen miles of track in Cherokee County on the route to Tennessee. Its tracks reached Murphy three years earlier than did those of the Western North Carolina line. In 1894 a line was constructed from Henderson ville to Rosman. Chartered as the Hendersonville-Brevard Railroad, it was reorganized as the Transylvania Railroad and later, like other roads west of the mountains, became a part of the Southern Railway System.41 During the last two decades of the nineteenth century the railroads extended their lines, and the General Assembly chartered new ones in the counties just east of the Blue Ridge. Some of these progressed no farther than the charters, but others sold the required amount of stock and set about building their road beds. The enormous cost of railroad construction and the heavy upkeep of road beds and equipment after the lines were in operation, together with the nation-wide depression following the 1873 panic, affected railroads throughout the country. Bankruptcy was the fate of some of the new companies, resulting in reorganizations and recharterings. There were also consolidations of roads through merger, purchase, lease, or the absorption of small lines by larger ones. With all of these frequent changes in the railroad pattern, Western North Carolina was being supplied with needed railroads.42 By 1890 a line was in operation from Spartanburg, South Carolina, through Rutherfordton to Marion. To the towns in Western North Carolina this meant connections also with Camden, South Carolina. In 1884 a road linked Lenoir with Lincoln ton and Charlotte.43 One more railroad would come to this area in the new century, and once more the Blue Ridge would submit to parallel rows of steel linking counties to the west with their neighbors to the east. Western North Carolina was, after long years of waiting, getting its railroads. With them came the beginning of a new day in the mountains. It would be a day when once more the people could follow the pursuits of peace, and they could say, as Henry Woodward had written two hundred years earlier, "We have discovered a country so delitious." �398 / Chapter Twenty Three THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. The Statue of Vance in the U. S. Capitol: In 1879 Governor Vance resigned his office to enter Congress as a United States Senator. �Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains / 399 THE STEPHENS PRESS, INC. The Vance Monument: Square in Asheville. This monument to Buncombe County's native son is on Pack �CHAPTER NOTES Explanation: In the Chapter Notes, references to Collections are by title only. After their first appearance, other references, where clear, are by authors only. CHAPTER 1 The Land of Mountains 1. Jasper L. Stuckey and Warren G. Steel, The Geology and Mineral Resources of North Carolina, 3. 2. Ibid. 3. H. J. Bryson, The Story of the Geological Making of North Carolina, 13. 4. Stuckey and Steel, 5-6. 5. Ibid., 6. 6. Ibid. 7. In some places in the Smokies the shales and limestones of the Ordovician period are actually below the older Ocoee rocks owing to this over thrust. 8. The oldest life forms found in the region are in Cades Cove. These fossils belong to the Ordovician period. Stuckey and Steel, 31. 9. Ibid., 4. 10. The ancestor of the Pigeon River flowed east and south into an ancient French Broad River near the site of the present Asheville. It reversed its flow northward, leaving a section of its old bed dry. Other Haywood County streams show that they once flowed east, while beds of yet other ancient rivers can still be discerned, mute evidences of the work of pirate streams. See W. C. Allen's Annals of Haywood County, 11-12. 11. The fascinating geological history of Western North Carolina is traced through succeeding geological ages by Bryson and by Phillip B. King and Arthur Stupka in "The Great Smoky Mountains—Their Geology and Natural History," Scientific Monthly, LXXXI, 31-43. See also Henry S. Sharpe, "The Geologic Story" in The Great Smoky Mountains and the Blue Ridge, 290-319. 12. Stuckey and Steel, 9. 13. Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 193. Henry Timberlake, in the Upper Cherokee towns on a good will tour in 1761, found that the 400 �Notes / 401 13. Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 193. Henry Timberlake, in the Upper Cherokee towns on a good will tour in 1761, found that the Cherokees had ornaments of gold and silver and copper and that they had gems. Some of these were so fine that they were used only in the religious ceremonies. See his Memoirs, 57-103. 14. The gold deposits and their effects upon Western North Carolina are treated in Chapter XIII. 15. See Stuckey and Steel for a list of the mineral deposits, 26-33. 16. King and Stupka, 41; Charles A. Shull, The Lure of Western North Carolina for the Explorer-Naturalists, 17. Bill Lord, Nature Notes on the Blue Ridge Parkway, 18. Donald C. Peattie, "Men, Mountains, and Trees," in The Great Smoky Mountains and the Blue Ridge, 152-171; King and Stupka, 40. 19. William Bartram, climbing up the mountain ranges in May, 1775, recorded his amazement as he watched spring give way to winter. Travels Through North and South Carolina, 273-275. Charles Lanman, traveling on horseback from Franklin to the Qualla Reservation in May 1848, noted this same rapid shifting of the seasons. Adventures in the Wilds of the United States and the British American Provinces, 1, 385. See also King and Stupka, 41. 20. King and Stupka, 43. 21. The display of wild flowers is not as extensive as it was before the white man came to cultivate the land and to clear the forests. William Bartram, viewing the flame azalea on a mountainside, wrote: "We are alarmed with the apprehension of the hill being set on fire," Travels Through North and South Carolina, 264. 22. The parade of blooms and hence of color through the months is given by Stupka in "Through the Year in the Great Smoky Mountain National Park, Month by Month," in The Great Smoky Mountains and the Blue Ridge, 263-289. 23. King and Stupka, 40. 24. Ibid. CHAPTER 2 Eden Is Discovered 1. Miguel Cavarrubias, The Eagle, the Jaguar, and the Serpent, Chap. II. John R. Swan ton traces the pre-historic Indian movements in the southeast in his The Indians of the Southeastern United States, 21-33. Although writing in an unorthodox style for a scientific study, Harold S. Gladwin in his Men out of Asia has presented an interesting discussion of the movements of Asiatic migration to America, 1-183. 2. Cavarrubias, Chap. V; James B. Griffin (ed.), Archeology of Eastern United States, 207 ff.; Powell, "Mound Explorations in Caldwell, Burke, Wilkes, Hay wood, Buncombe, and Henderson Counties," Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, XII, 331-350, and Powell, "Mound Builders," in the same volume, 595-730. �402 / Notes 3. Dickens, Roy, The Pisgah Culture and its Place in the History of the Southern Appalachians. 4. Extensive excavations have been made at Hiwassee Island at the junction of the Hiwassee and Tennessee Rivers. See Thomas M. N. Lewis and Madeline Kneberg, Hiwassee Island, and their Tribes That Slumber. 5. See Note 4. 6. Mooney, 14-22; Adair, 11-15. 7. See Note 6. 8. The map (Plate III) given in Mooney's Myths of the Cherokees shows the Cherokee boundaries at the period of the nation's greatest expansion and its subsequent losses of territory. 9. Mooney, 14-23; Adair, 237-241. 10. Adair, 16-20. See also his "General Observations,'' 405-480. 11. The most important, and doubtless the oldest, of these trails was the Warrior Path. It entered from the north by way of the Tennessee River, passing up the Hiwassee River, where, near a village on the site of Peachtree Mound, it forked, one branch going to Nikwasi, on the site of the present Franklin, and the other continuing along the Hiwassee to its headwaters, then crossing the mountains to villages in the present Georgia. From Nikwasi the other branch passed through a gap in the mountains into northeastern Georgia and then southeast into the present South Carolina. Along this in 1540 came De Soto and his army. Frank M. Setzler and Jesse D. Jennings, Peachtree Mound and Village Site, 9-10. Branches from these main trails led to the scattered Indian villages. The early trails eventually brought English traders into the mountains and became pack horse routes. They were later widened into wagon roads, and some of them are today serving as paved highways. The -white man's railroads also used these ancient trails. Sections of a few of the old Indian paths are still visible. 12. See the myths given by Mooney. 13. Adair, Timberlake, Bartram, and Schneider all tell of Cherokee food and its preparation. Adair says that one method of cooking potatoes was to boil them in bear's grease, \dair, History, 337; Timberlake, 57, 61, 68; Schneider, "Journey to the Upper Cherokee Towns," Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 257. 14. Adair, 442-446; Swanton, 386-439; Timberlake, 57-103; Schneider, 260. Until the English traders, as more or less permanent settlers in the Cherokee nation, brought the white man's way of constructing log houses, the Indians made the walls of their lodges or houses of upright poles or saplings set close together in a trench. 15. William Bartram was impressed with the village of Cowee and recorded a description of it. He pictured the council house in detail. It was, he said, in the shape of a rotunda that would seat several hundred people. In it he witnessed some of the Indian activities typical to the Cherokees. Travels, 297-298. See also Timberlake, 59. 16. Such a feather robe was made by Cherokee women for use in the drama, Unto These Hills, 17. Adair, 342-446; Swanton, 351 ff. Schneider also describes the food, crops, dress, and customs of the Cherokees, 250-265. �Notes / 403 16. Such a feather robe was made by Cherokee women for use in the drama, Unto These Hills. 17. Adair, 342-446; Swanton, 351 ff. Schneider also describes the food, crops, dress, and customs of the Cherokees, 250-265. 18. Schneider found that the Cherokees made earthenware that was so efficiently treated that it looked like ironware from a foundry, 257. 19. Ibid.] Timberlake, 68. 20. At the Oconaluftee Indian Village at Cherokee the visitor can enter a typical, seven-sided council house. In this village, too, he can watch the processes of making boats, fashioning implements, making pottery, and weaving baskets, all according to the ancient methods employed by the ancestors of the present Cherokees. He can also see demonstrations of the amazingly efficient blow-guns. The buildings in the palisaded village are authentic types used by the Cherokees in 1750, some of them showing the influence of the white man's method of construction. Under the general sponsorship of the Cherokee Historical Association, research work for this project was done by the Anthropology Departments of the Universities of North Carolina, Tennessee, and Georgia. 21. They also used the semi-precious stones found in the mountains. Henry Timberlake was told that, according to an ancient Cherokee legend, an especially brilliant stone, considered too sacred to be used except in religious rites, was found in the head of a serpent. Memoirs, 73-74. 22. Schneider, 262. 23. A special game was arranged for Charles Lanman when he was the guest of William H. Thomas at Qualla in 1848. He describes it in his "Letters From the Alleghany Mountains," 414-416. See also Chapman J. Milling, Red Carolinians, 378-380. 24. It would seem that this name was not applied to the Cherokees alone. Lederer was told that beyond the Blue Ridge lived the Rickahockans, who would at that time have been the Cherokees, but Indians appearing earlier in coastal towns and so designated were not Cherokees. Swanton, 217. 25. Ibid. 26. The Smithsonian Institution, working with the Civil Works Administration, made excavations between December 21, 1933, and April 1, 1934, at Peachtree Mound, five and a half miles east of Murphy, near the confluence of Peachtree Creek and the Hiwassee River. Much interest attached to this excavation, since it was thought the mound might prove to be the site of Gau-ax-u-le (Quasili) visited by De Soto in 1540. Its location, both in relationship to the rivers and to the Indian trail, aptly fitted the description of that town left by the Spaniards. The excavation revealed only one culture, which was "probably Cherokee." Setzler and Jennings, Peachtree Mound Site; 9-10; Final Report of the De Soto Commission, 188-191. CHAPTER 3 Two Races Meet 1. Final Report of the De Soto Commission, 187-188. 2. John R. Swanton and the members of the Commission suggest that the �404 / Notes 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. word Chalaque in the Spanish records may not have reference to the Cherokees, since it seems to have been applied to Indians farther east, who were not Cherokees. Final Report, 49-51. Final Report, 2-3, 103-105. Extracts from these four accounts are given in Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 5-14. Final Report, 187. Sondley, History of Buncombe County, 130-137. North Carolina History Told by Contemporaries, 3; Lefler and Newsome, 6ff. Sondley, I, 329. Ibid., I 330-334. Colonial Records, I, 208. Woodward made four western trips, on one of them going as far west as the Chattahoochee River, through the lower Cherokee country. This is the route given by S. C. Williams in his "Introduction" to Wood's account of the Needham trip. Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 24-38. The Hickory Nut Gap has been considered by many writers as the most likely taken by Needham. Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 24-38. Heath conveyed rights to others. One of these men made claims upon the English government for his share of the Heath land. The claim was finally settled in 1769, when the Crown and Council substituted for the Carolina land some 100,000 acres in New York. Sondley 1, 265-272, 386. W. S. Powell, The North Carolina Charter of 1663. Sondley, I, 324-329; Lefler and Newsome, 34. Lefler and Newsome, 32. Sondley, I, 345-352. CHAPTER 4 Along the Trading Paths 1. Mooney gives their names: Coran, the Raven; Sinnawa, the Hawk; Nellawgitechi; Gorhaleke; Owasta (all from Toxawa); Canacaught, the Great Conjuror; Gohama; and Caunasaita (these three from Keowee), 31. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid, 31-32. 4. Logan, History of the Upper Country of South Carolina, 188. In 1694 the taxable population of the entire colony of Carolina was 786, making an approximate total white population of 3,000. Hugh T. Lefler and Newsome, Albert R., North Carolina, 50. 5. The act to make public the Indian trade passed the South Carolina Legislature on June 30, 1716. While the previous arrangement could not be called a colonial monopoly, the process leading to one had begun with the establishment of the first Board of Indian Commissioners and the beginning of supervision over traders. 6. Journal of the Commissioners of Indian Affairs, 126. 7. Logan, 262. �Notes / 405 8. Journal of the Commissioners, 2. Burdeners were allowed whiskey at the fort, but the Board ordered, "Mix what rum is disposed of to the Indians, one third part water," 103. Logan says that this order was an attempt to halt Indian drunkenness at the fort. Workers there more often than not diluted the whiskey two thirds. Logan, 256-257. 9. A separate trading house was arranged at the fort. For a vivid description of a busy day's bartering there, see Logan, 252-253. For the attack on the burdeners in 1717, that resulted in the loss of 770 skins and in the death of several burdeners, see Logan, 263-264. 10. Ibid. 11. The price list is given in the June 30, 1718, entry of the Journals of the Commissioners. On July 19, 1718, William Hatton, Hasting's successor, asked that the list be revised to compete with prices used by Virginia traders in the area, 306. 12. Duncan D. Wallace, South Carolina, 33-44, 125-130. 13. It is interesting to note that the white man constructed his Georgia to Tennessee railroad over sections of this ancient trail from Keowee to the Over Hill Towns. 14. "Journal," Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 192. 15. History of the Dividing Line, 298. 16. "Introduction" to Adair's History, IX. 17. Logan, 321-322; Sadie S. Patton, The Story of Henderson County, 37. 18. Logan, Chap. 12. 19. Milling, 268. See also Logan, 167-203. 20. Sadie S. Patton, Sketches of Polk County, 136. 21. Byrd, 246. 22. While the factor made reports and occasionally went to the fort, the Board appointed Ludovick Grant as reporter. His duty was to keep Charles Town informed of events taking place in the Cherokee country. He served in that capacity for many years and to his accounts the modern historian is indebted for much information. 23. For a brief biographical sketch of James Adair, see S. C. Williams's "Introduction" to Adair's History. 24. Mooney, 34. 25. His "Journal" is given in Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 63-104. 26. Logan, Chap. XII. James Adair deplored the influx of unscrupulous traders into the Indian nations. See his History, 444-445. 27. Ludovick Grant wrote the account of the Keowee incident, asking that the traders present sign it with him as proof to the Board that the incredible event actually took place. For that account, see Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, footnote, 133. 28. Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 136. 29. The picture shows the Cherokees stiff and unnatural in their English finery—and a bit frightened. 30. The terms of the treaty are given in Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 138-143. 31. Ludovick Grant had earlier been given the task of arresting Priber, but had failed. On December 12, 1739, the Commons House of the Assembly of South Carolina ordered that Colonel Joseph Fox and two men be paid �406 / Notes of South Carolina ordered that Colonel Joseph Fox and two men be paid 402 pounds for "going to the Cherokees to fetch down Dr. Priber." Journals of the Commons House of South Carolina, II, 111. 32. Priber's reply was "We have a succession of agents to take up the work as fast as others leave. We never lose sight of a favorite point; nor are we bound by the strict rules of morality in the means when the end we pursue is laudable." Quoted by Sondley, I, 201. For Ludovick Grant's account of Priber's elaborate plans for an Indian confederacy, see Adair, footnote, 252-253. Antoine Bonnefoy, one of three Frenchmen captured in Ohio by the Cherokees and held as slaves in the home of an Over Hill chief from 1741 to 1742, recorded in the account of his experiences that Priber, visiting in the Indian home, asked the three Frenchmen to join his "society." He told them of his plans for an Indian empire and explained the system of government he proposed to put into operation in it. These rather full details tally with those given by Grant and Adair. Priber, in introducing himself to these Frenchmen, called himself Pierre Albert. See Bonnefoy's "Journal" in Travels in the Tennessee Country, 149162. 33. Priber was a controversial figure to his contemporaries and he has remained so. Ludovick Grant wrote the account of his schemes and his arrest. So did Adair. Grant saw no good in the man, but Adair was charmed with the spy's personality and was challenged by his intellect. For a year—until the Indians got suspicious of the exchange of letters— he wrote to this German in the pay of France. A letter from Frederica, printed in the South Carolina Gazette of August 15, 1743, is gleeful over the arrest of Priber and points out the wickedness of his plans for his "Paradise." Yet the writer admits that the empire idea "has several flights full of invention" and charitably concludes, "It is a pity so much wit is applied to so bad a purpose." Adair, 253. CHAPTER 5 Lightnings Flash and Thunders Roll 1. History of the Dividing Line, 246. 2. "Account," Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 204-207. 3. 4. 5. 6. Sondley, II, 514. Milling, 281-282. See also Logan, 417-443. Milling, 283-285. Over a period of years letters of advice and protest had been sent to officials by these traders. On April 14, 1746, such communications were read in the House of Commons from Beamer, Grant, Dougherty, and Bunning. Journal of the Commons House, VI, 187-188. David H. Corkran gives a detailed account of the affair at Stecoe in an article, "The Unpleasantness at Stecoe, North Carolina," N.C.H.R., XXXII (July, 1955), 358-375. 7. Governor Glenn, attended by a company of soldiers and some fifty civilians, made the trip to the capital of the Lower Towns. He bought several thousand acres of land on the Keowee River, refusing to accept the plot as a gift from the Cherokees. He remained in the Indian country while the fort was being built. It was a square structure, with �Notes / 407 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. the plot as a gift from the Cherokees. He remained in the Indian country while the fort was being built. It was a square structure, with sides about two hundred feet in length and was constructed of earth and timbers. The fort itself was allowed to fall into decay so that in three years it was in ruins, although the barracks were still usable. Wallace, 171. This treaty was signed on July 2, 1755. Under its terms the land was ceded to the king of England and for it the Cherokees received presents •worth less than $350. David D. Wallace, South Carolina, 173. deBrahm had been an engineer in the German Imperial Army. He was surveyor-general of Georgia in 1755, when South Carolina employed him to build adequate ramparts at Charles Town after the older ones had been destroyed by a hurricane. Wallace, 172. Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 187-194. "Introduction," Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 188. Milling, 287. Timberlake, Memoirs, 97-99. Milling, 281-285. This log structure was soon destroyed by the Cherokees. Wallace, 173. R. D. W. Connor, The Colonial and Revolutionary Periods, 257. Virginia and South Carolina passed similar measures. Mismanagement characterized the trade with all Indians within these colonies, although Atkins singled out South Carolina's trade with the Cherokees for special criticism. He was given the task of unifying the trade. After a study of conditions, he reported to "the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners For Trade and Plantations" [sic], submitting his "Plan of a general Direction and Management of the Indian Affairs throughout North America under one uniform Regulation of their Commerce, for retrieving and establishing the British Interest among the Indian nations, and thereby the future Security of our Colonies against the Designs of the French." [sic] The plan is signed Edmond Atkin. [sic] Adair, History, 266. Milling, 293; Connor, 280. See his "Account," Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 177-184. Milling, 296-297; Wallace, 173-178. Wallace says there were 31 Cherokees in the delegation. Wallace, South Carolina, A Short History, 171. Ibid, 178-179; Milling, 296-297; Mooney, 4-42. Milling, 298-310; Wallace, 179. Milling, 302-303; Wallace, 179-180. Milling, 303; Wallace, 180; Mooney, 42ff. Milling, 304-305; Wallace, 180-182; Adair, 259-273. See note 26. Adair is accredited with being the first to write the name French with the Broad River west of the Blue Ridge, saying "It is natural for strangers to drink thereof, to quench thirst, gratify their curiosity, and have it to say they had drank [sic] of the French waters." History, 243. Sondley says the French had earlier called the river the Frank River. Buncombe County, II, 580. �408 / Notes CHAPTER 6 The Lull Between the Storms 1. History of the Dividing Line, 246. 2. Except for Byrd's estimate, the population figures are from Mooney, 31-34. Adair says that the small-pox epidemic of 1738 reduced the Cherokee population one half. History, 244. 3. Bartram says that before it was destroyed by Montgomery, Keowee extended six to eight miles along the river. The village was in ruins when he was there. Travels in North and South Carolina, 271. 4. For twenty-five years the Over Hill Towns had been the fertile soil for the seeds of French propaganda and in spite of Old Hopp's efforts, the Over Hill Cherokees became and remained strongly pro-French. It seems somewhat ironic, then, that of all the Cherokee towns, only these Over Hill villages should have been spared in the Cherokee War. 5. Timber lake, Memoirs, 26-56. 6. Timberlake has left one of the most valuable sources of information concerning the Cherokees during the late trading period. See his Memoirs, 57-103. 7. Ibid., 115-148. Timberlake sacrificed his inherited estate and his small fortune to serve his colony and England. He received practically no recompense from either Virginia or the mother country and he died in England in poverty. The Gentleman's Magazine carried this notice of his death: "Died, September 30, 1765, Lieut. Henry Timberlake of the 42 Regiment. He came in with the Cherokee Indians, and attended them." XXXIV, 491. Quoted by S. C. Williams, who edited Timberlake's Memoirs, footnote, 175. 8. Mooney, 45-46. 9. Theodore Roosevelt, The Winning of the West, I, 187-188, 193 ff.; Felix Alley, Random Thoughts and the Musings of a Mountaineer, 302-303. 10. Tryon made a colorful military parade out of the trip from his "Palace" to the mountains of Western North Carolina. He was escorted by two regiments of militia, sixteen servants and aides, and two surveyors— altogether, some 100 persons. The two surveyors, with their Indian assistants, did most of the actual work after Tryon and the regiments had returned east. Carrying out the King's orders cost the colony the substantial sum of 1,490 pounds sterling, a sum that brought bitter complaints from the taxpayers, especially those in the "back country," where frontier conditions made money a rare commodity, indeed. Lefler and Newsome, 172. 11. Sondley, II, 514; Samuel A'C. Ashe, A History of North Carolina, I, 332333. 12. John P. Arthur, History of Watauga County, 19. It was in such a herder's cabin that Boone is thought to have found shelter on some of his trips west of the Blue Ridge. 13. "Journal," Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 193. 14. In 1771 the colony's population was estimated at 250,000. In the century preceding the Revolutionary War the population of North Carolina increased ninefold, making it the fourth most thickly populated colony. Lefler and Newsome, 71. �Notes / 409 15. Ashe, I, 208-288; Sondley, I, 362-372; Lefler and Newsome, 71-81. 16. Lefler and Newsome, 77-78; Chalmers G. Davidson, Piedmont Partisan, 114; Colonial Records, IV, p. XXL 17. On his vast stretch of land, Granville established a territorial system of land tenure. Settlers receiving grants paid annual quit-rents. These, they claimed, were exorbitant. The tract, which was subject neither to England nor to the colony, was a constant source of irritation to North Carolina. The settlers within it paid no taxes to the colony and the colony had no authority to deal with trouble arising between settlers over irregularities in land grants. There was much dishonesty in the dealings of Granville's agents in connection with both the settlers and Granville. When men crossed the Blue Ridge to make their homes in the lands to the west and learned that they were in North Carolina, they ignored the fact that they were in the Granville District, leasing their area from the Cherokees. E. M. Coulter, "The Granville District," J.S.H.P., XIII, 35-51; Alonzo T. Dill, Tryon and His Palace, 96-97. 18. "Spangenberg Diary," Records of the Moravians, I, 28-64; quotation, 43. The Spangenberg trip and the Moravian settlement that followed is presented by Adelaide Fries in her Road to Salem. The book is based upon the Autobiography of Anna Catherine Antes, who went to Bethabara in April, 1759, as the wife of the settlement's physician, Martin Kalberlahn. Her Autobiography, now in the Salem Moravian Archives, covers events in the first temporary stockaded village and in Salem from 1759 until 1803. While the Moravian settlement was a religion-centered, communal organization and not actually in Western North Carolina, the conditions these men and women found and the economic pattern of living they developed were repeated by settlers moving farther west to the foothills of the Blue Ridge and by those crossing the mountains to the valleys beyond. 19. "The Bethabara Diary." Records of the Moravians, 117-216, 227-238. The account of the journey of the "Brethern" from Pennsylvania to Wachovia is also given in Travels in the American Colonies, 327-356. See also John H. Clewell, A History of Wachovia in North Carolina, 4-18, and Fries, Road to Salem. 20. In that year, 1769, Boone went with a party that included Finley into Kentucky. He was asked by Finley to be the guide, since he knew the country. John Bakeless, Daniel Boone, 45-48; Arthur, Watauga County, 2952; Roosevelt, I, 135-146. 21. Bakeless, 23. 22. Roosevelt, I, 166-175; Chap. VII; North Callahan, Smoky Mountain Country, 1-9; William E. Fitch, The Battle of Alamance, 42-55. 23. Roosevelt, I, 177-180. 24. Ibid., 180-183; Lyrnan Draper, King's Mountain and Its Heroes, 418-422; Carl S. Driver, John Sevier: Pioneer of the Old Southwest. 25. Dill, 135; Davidson, Chap. III. 26. This act of violence, according to one account, gave the term "lynching" to the American language. 27. For accounts of the Battle of Alamance, see Records of the Moravians, I, 473-474, 450-476; R. D. W. Connor, Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, I, 264-288; Lefler and Newsome, 171-178; Ashe, I, 340-342; Fitch, Chaps. �410 / Notes I-II; William S. Powell, The War of the Regulation; Howard White, The Battle of Alamance. 28. Roosevelt, I, 183-185; Connor, I Chap. XIV. CHAPTER 7 A New Flag for Western North Carolina 1. Lefler and Newsome, 191-192; Ashe, I, 437-459. For the document as written from memory see Colonial Records, IX, 1263-1265; History Told By Contemporaries, 99-100; Mecklenburg in the Revolution, 27-29; George W. Graham, The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. 2. On August 8, Governor Josiah Martin denounced the action of the people of Mecklenburg. For the Resolves, see Colonial Records, IX, 1282-1285; History Told by Contemporaries, 100-103; Mecklenburg in the Revolution, 34-41; Ashe, I, 450-453. 3. Lefler and Newsome, 197-198; 215-218. 4. These desperadoes increased in numbers as war entered the counties east of the Blue Ridge in 1780, and the mountains became hideouts for individuals and gangs. Davidson, Chap. V; Fries, Road to Salem. 5. Roosevelt, I, 249; Bakeless, 66-88; Stewart White, Daniel Boone: Wilderness Scout, 148-149. It was to make possible the migration to Transylvania that Boone and eight companions hacked out the Wilderness Trail. A few months later Henderson and his settlers actually took wagons over it. Bakeless, 93. The governors of both Virginia and North Carolina declared Henderson's treaty null and void, Connor, I, 295. 6. Roosevelt, I, 278-279. A print coming out of this attempt of the English to enlist Indians against the colonists shows an Indian presenting the scalps of white men to an English officer. 7. Ibid., I, 281-282; Clarence W. Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 34, 36. 8. Roosevelt, I, 283-294. 9. Ibid.', Ashe, I, 549-550; Samuel C. Williams, The Lost State of Franklin, 28. 10. Patton, The Story of Henderson County, 86-88. 11. Alley, Random Thoughts, 304. 12. The Department of Conservation and Development, cooperating with the State Department of Archives and History, has erected markers along the route taken by Rutherford and his army. The first is at Swannanoa Gap. 13. Connor, I, 406-407; Ashe, I, 547-553; Milling, 314-324; Griffin, 33-35. 14. Roosevelt says that Rutherford lost three men and that he killed twelve Indians. Winning of the West, I, 302. Ashe says that he also took nine prisoners. History, I, 547. 15. Ashe, I, 553; Ashe, "Rutherford's Expedition Against the Indians, 1776," N.C.B., IV (December, 1904), 3-28. Moore's account of his mission is given in Colonial Records, X, 895-896. 16. This guerrilla band was led by Alexander Cameron, who had been deputy Indian agent. 17. Roosevelt, I, 302; Lefler and Newsome, 228. �Notes / 411 18. Felix B. Alley, Random Thoughts and Musings of a Mountaineer, 305-306; Mooney, 53. 19. Mooney, 53; Sondley, I, 378 ff. 20. Sondley, I 378 ff.; Lefler and Newsome, 228; Archibald Henderson, "The Treaty of the Long Island," N.C.H.R., III Qanuary, 1931), 55-116. 21. Williams, Lost State of Franklin, 2. 22. Lefler and Newsome, 229. 23. Ibid., 230-231; Griffin, 52; Mecklenburg in the Revolution, 53; Davidson, Piedmont Partisan, Chap. V. 24. Lefler and Newsome, 232-233. 25. Ibid., 232-233; Mecklenburg in the Revolution, 54-56; Davidson, Chap. VI. 26. Lefler and Newsome, 233; Griffin, 52-58; Draper, 144-146. 27. Griffin, 54-56; Draper, 147-149; Lieutenant Anthony Allaire of Ferguson's forces recorded in his diary the movements and activities of that army through the land just east of the Blue Ridge. The Diary is given in Draper, King's Mountain and Its Heroes, 484-515. 28. Roosevelt, II, 242-254; Lefler and Newsome, 233; Griffin, 58-59; Draper, 169-174. 29. Roosevelt, II, 255-263; Griffin, 59-60; Draper, 175-187. Shepherd Dugger in his War Trails of the Blue Ridge gives a detailed account of the route of the mountain men. See Chaps. I-II. 30. For the detailed movements of both Ferguson's troops and those of the mountain men, see Draper, 199-222; Lefler and Newsome, 233-235. 31. Draper, 233-309; Driver, Chap. Ill; Davidson, 85-90; Ashe, I, 629-636; Connor, I, 355-358; Roosevelt, II, 272 ff. For the official report of the losses at this battle, see Colonial Records, XV, 163-165. 32. Lefler and Newsome, 235-238. During the entire Revolutionary War, men enlisted as volunteers in the forces furnished by the state to the Continental Line. Some were drafted. Others were members of local militia and saw service in their areas. In addition, men casually joined organized units for guerrilla warfare under one of the partisan officers dogging the British army. Still others joined to accomplish some specific objective. When that had been accomplished or the local campaign was over, they drifted back home. After the defeat at Camden, men straggled back to the "back country" and the mountains. McDowell's men made up such a group, and if Ferguson had not arrived, the men would have returned to their homes. In July, Isaac Shelby had led a band across the mountains to badger Ferguson's forces. Then they had returned home. Like the mountain men at the Battle of King's Mountain, most of these in the guerrilla bands were not, technically, in the army. Roosevelt, II, 248-251. CHAPTER 8 East-West Tug-of-War 1. Arthur, Watauga County, 182; Dugger, 15. 2. The executions took place after a court martial, presided over by two men appointed as justices. Thirty-two men were condemned to death, �412 / Notes 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. but after nine had been hanged, Colonel Shelby stopped the atrocities. The most prominent citizen losing his life was Colonel Ambrose Mills, a respected settler of Rutherford County. Draper, 330-343. Roosevelt, II, 262-293; Griffin, 67-70. Roosevelt, II, 295-323; Milling, 326 f£; Mooney, 57-59; Driver, Chap. II. Alley, 308-309; Mooney, 56-16, 75-76. The Bonus Act, passed by the General Assemby in 1780, since it opened Cherokee land to veterans, made necessary the repeal of the Treaty of the Long Island of 1777. Lefler and Newsome, 241-242. Roosevelt, II, 295-323. The Dumplin Creek Treaty is given in State Records, XXII, 649-650, also in History Told by Contemporaries, 72-73. See also Williams, The Lost State of Franklin, 75-86. For the text of this treaty see Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, II, 8-11. Ashe, I, 549-550; Lefler and Newsome, 259. Roosevelt, II, 295-323; Williams, 165-171; Driver, Chap. II. Williams, 207-212; Mooney, 60; Driver, John Sevier, Chap. II. Lefler and Newsome, 95-97. It took from twelve to fifteen days to get from the Watauga Settlements to a meeting of the General Assembly at an eastern town. If the roads were in bad condition—and they frequently were—it took longer. Williams, 37. For a first-hand description of the roads in 1795, see John Brown's "Journal of Travels in 1795," edited by A. R. Newsome, N.C.H.R., XI (October, 1934), 284313. Lefler and Newsome, 300-301. Ibid., 106-114; Davidson, Piedmont Partisan, Chap. III. Williams, The History of the Lost State of Franklin, 268-272, Chap. XXXIII; Driver, Chap. I. Lefler and Newsome, 218-221, 251-252; Ashe, II, 5-6; Records of the Moravians, II, 627-633; Griffin, 86. The basic issues in this east-west struggle are discussed by Connor in his Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, I, 469-474. Charles Beard and Mary Beard, Basic History of the United States, 179-181. Williams, 18-25. Lefler and Newsome, 258-259. For Martin's letter of censure, see State Records, XXII, 642-647. See also Williams, 65-69. The most detailed account of the stormy times in the struggle of the Washington District to become a state is given by Williams. See his Lost State of Franklin, Chaps. IV-XVI. See also Driver, Chap. V. Williams, 193-204; Driver, Chap. V. Williams, 193-204, 226-228, 119-121; Driver, Chap. V. Driver, Chap. V. The brief—and lost—state of Franklin, developing out of geographic conditions and local interests, makes a colorful, if stormy, chapter in the history of Western North Carolina. For other treatments of it, see Fitch, The Origin, Rise, and Fall of the State of Franklin; Connor, I, 408-412; Ashe, II 35-41, 51, 58-69. Lefler and Newsome, 268-269. �Notes / 413 CHAPTER 9 In Search of Beauty—An Interlude 1. George W. McCoy, "Wedgwood Used Western North Carolina Clay in Making Famous Ware," Asheville Citizen-Times, August 13, 1950; J. P. Brady, "Wedgwood Wrought His Genius in Clay From Macon County," Asheville Citizen-Times, October 20, 1956. 2. McCoy; Brady. 3. Louise B. Fisher, An Eighteenth Century Garland, 9-10. 4. Ibid., 75; Charles Shull, The Lure of Western North Carolina For the ExplorerNaturalists. 5. Sondley, II, 522; The Dictionary of American Biography, II, 28. 6. The sections of his travel account dealing with Western North Carolina cover pages 263-302. This section furnished the Bartram material in this chapter. His papers and notebooks give 1775 as the year of his travels. 7. Travels, page 279. 8. Sondley, II, 519-522; The Dictionary of American Biography, XII, 591-592; Andre Michaux, "Travels," Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 329342. 9. Sondley, II, 519-522. 10. Ibid., 522; Shull. CHAPTER 10 With Their Goods and Chattels 1. Lefler and Newsome, 241-242. 2. Ibid., 291. For the text of thest treaties, see Indian Affairs, 11, 29-33; 5155. 3. Cordelia Camp, Burke County Sketches, 6. 4. Griffin, 7-8. 5. Ibid., 42-45. 6. George H. Smathers, The Story of Land Titles in Western North Carolina, 1015; 20-22; David L. Corbett, The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 1117, 38-48; 188-192; 227-238. 7. Arthur, Watauga County, 19. 8. Jason B. Deyton, "The Toe River Valley to 1865," N.C.H.R., XXIV (October, 1947), 428-438. 9. Sondley, I, 396-398, 420-421. 10. The grant given to Burton is given in Sondley, II, 838, and in Smathers, 42. For the grant to William Moore, see Smathers, 31-32, and for the one to Davidson, see Smathers, 9. Other early grants are given by Smathers, 42-43; 50-52. 11. Patton, The Story of Henderson County, 20-25, 27-32; Allen, Chap. 11. 12. Allen, The Annals of Haywood County, 35-39. 13. Sondley, I, 444-447. 14. Ibid. 15. "John Brown's Journal of Travel in 1795", in N.C.H.R., Vol. XI, (October, 1934), 304. 16. Ibid. �414 / Notes 17. Patton, Pages From the History of Speculation Land; Patton, Sketches of Polk County History, 11-19; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 135-141. 18. Allen, The Annals of Hay wood County, Chaps. II, VI. CHAPTER 11 Weaving a Homespun Pattern of Living 1. Sondley, I, 398 ff., 428-441. 2. The pioneers were faced with the necessity of constructing their first homes in the shortest possible time, and they considered these structures temporary. The size of each house was determined not by the number of members in the family, but by the length of the logs to be used. Twenty-four feet made logs about as long as would insure uniformity of size and about as long as could easily be handled. However, many of the mountain cabins, perhaps most of the earliest ones, were not twentyfour feet long. Frances Johnston and Thomas T. Waterman, The Early Architecture of North Carolina, 3. See also Patton, Henderson County, 17-18; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 256-259, 263-264; Davidson, 6-7. 3. Alley, 257; Davidson, 6-7. 4. Alley, 260-271; Sondley, I, 427-430; Davidson, 6-7. 5. Williams, Chap. XXXIII; Arthur, Western North Carolina, Chap. XI; D. J. Whitener, The History of Watauga County, 29-41. 6. Griffin, 120, 144; Sondley, I, 481, II, 711-723. 7. Sondley, I, 398, 400. 8. Patton, Henderson County, 24. 9. Sondley, I, 402-404. 10. Ibid., I, 339-400; Griffin, 52, 82, 141-143; Arthur, 284. John Brown's "Journal" in N.C.H.R., vol. XI, 304. Used with permission. 11. Arthur, Western North Carolina, 284; Sondley, II, 497-500; Patton, Henderson County, 26-27; Guion G. Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina: A Social History, 105-110; John Brown's Journal. 12. "Diary of a Journey of Moravians From Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, to Wachovia, North Carolina," Travels in the American Colonies, 350. 13. Whitener, 28-29; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 82-83. 14. Arthur, op. cit., 232-235. 15. Sondley, II, 608-610. 16. Ibid., II, 463; 600-606. 17. Francis Asbury, Journal, II, 481. 18. Aid. 19. Ibid., Ill, 91, 134. For the conditions of the roads, see John Brown's "Journal of Travels in 1795," N.C.H.R., XI (October, 1934), 284-313. 20. Griffin, 2. 21. Ibid., 149-150. 22. Asbury, II, 189. 23. Susan F. Cooper (ed.), William West Skiles, 10. 24. Lefter. and Newsome, 250-251. 25. Griffin, 5, 584-587; Camp, 13-14. 26. George W. McCoy, The First Presbyterian Church, Asheville, North Carolina, 4-12. �Notes / 415 27. Charles B. Williams, A History of the Baptists in North Carolina, 19-20. 28. Griffin, 587. 29. Williams, 100-107; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 223-226; Arthur, Watauga County, 71-77; 98-113. 30. Williams, 107; Sondley, II, 780-781. 31. Griffin, 590-592. 32. Asbury, II, 77. 33. Camp, 13-14. 34. Sondley, II, 676-685. 35. Patton, Henderson County, 27-32. 36. Ibid, 1., 30; Sondley, II, 708; Johnson, Ante Bellum North Carolina, 370-402. 37. Asbury, Journal, II, 133. 38. Arthur, Western North Carolina, 421-423; Clement Dowd, Zebulon Baird Vance, 12. 39. Camp, 12. 40. Griffin, 151. 41. Sondley, II, 705-708; McCoy, 4-12. 42. When in 1776 the Watauga Settlement petitioned the General Assembly to be recognized as a part of North Carolina under the name of Washington District, the petition was signed by 463 settlers. Only ten of them had to use marks. See Williams, The Lost State of Franklin, Appendix B; State Records, XXII, 705-714. CHAPTER 12 Boundaries and Western Leadership 1. North Carolina's commissioners were Christopher Gale, Edward Moseley, William Little, and John Lovick. The surveyors were Samuel Swann and Edward Moseley. At the place from which the Virginians turned back east, Byrd wrote; * 'Hereabouts from one of the Highest hills, we made the first Discovery of the Mountains, on the Northwest of our course ... They looked like Ranges of Blue clouds rising one above the other." [sic] History of the Dividing Line, 194. This early colonial survey is perhaps the best known one in American history due to Byrd's record of it. Written in an urbane, ironic style copied from eighteenth century English writers, it was the first writing produced in the colonies to have literary value. The mileage figures have been differently given. The one used here is from Lefler and New some, 6667. See Connor, I, 5-9. 2. William K. Boyd, The Federal Period, 74-76. 3. Arthur, Western North Carolina, 37-38; Arthur, Watauga County, 117-121, John Strother, Diary and Field Notes, 1799. 4. The "Rainbow" dispute was not settled until 1914. Arthur, Western North Carolina, 48-49; The Papers of Archibald D. Murphey, II, 119; 190. 5. Lefler, History of North Carolina, II, 172-173; Lefler and Newsome, 149152; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 28-32; Connor, I, 5-9; Wallace, Chap. XX. A detailed study of the North Carolina-South Carolina dispute over their common boundary is given by M. L. Skaggs in his The North Carolina Boundary Disputes Involving Her Southern Line, part I. 6. Skaggs, part II; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 32-37; Connor, I, 5-9; D. �416 / Notes R. Goodloe, ''North Carolina and the Georgia Line," N.C.B., no. 12, 122; Papers of Archibald D. Murphey, II, 189-190; E. M. Coulter, Georgia: A Short History, 223. 7. Arthur, Western North Carolina, 51-55. The text of this treaty settling this boundary is given in Indian Affairs, II, 72-73. For a history of the difficulties arising over the Meigs-Freeman line, involving a long series of law suits, see Smathers, The History of Land Titles in Western North Carolina, 59-132. 8. The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 11-17. 9. Lefler and Newsome, 294-297; Griffin, 155-162. 10. Ashe, II, 235; Mooney, 93-96. 11. Connor, I, 443-474; Lefler and Newsome, Chap. 20; Griffin, 167-168. 12. United States Census for 1790 and 1830. 13. These lists of slaves are among the McDowell family papers, now in possession of Miss Margaret Ligon of Asheville. 14. Lefler and Newsome, 298-302. 15. Ibid., 303-304; In urging his program of internal improvements, Murphey admitted that "few men have the courage to impose taxes." Papers of Archibald Murphey, II, 179. In 1817 the state received from the western counties of Ashe, Burke, Rutherford, Wilkes, Buncombe, and Haywood a total of $4483.14 in taxes. Murphey, II, 171. 16. Lefler and Newsome, 308-311; Ashe, II, 200-201; Connor, I, 469-474. 17. Lefler and Newsome, 304-306; Griffin, 163-169. The census of 1850 showed that one third of all natives of North Carolina then living in the United States lived in states other than North Carolina. Some 400,000 had left the state. Connor, Ante Bellum Builders of North Carolina, 24. 18. Connor, op. cit., 18, 24, 33-62; Connor, Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, I, 475-495; Ashe, II, 246-249; Lefler, History of North Carolina, I, 309-315; Boyd, 91-100. 19. The Papers of Archibald D. Murphey, II, 189. 20. The "Memoir" is given in full in The Papers of Archibald D, Murphey, II, 103-195. 21. Murphey, "Report of the Committee on Public Education, December 19, 1816," Papers of Archibald D. Murphey, II, 49-56; History of North Carolina Told by Contemporaries, 164-168; Lefler, I, 315-319; Boyd, 101-104; M.C.S. Noble, A History of the Public Schools of North Carolina, 34-42. From 1790 to 1802 the General Assembly considered not one bill relating to education and the same can be said of it from 1804 to 1815. Connor, Ante Bellum Builders, 15. 22. Between 1776 and 1833, eighteen new counties were established in the piedmont and mountain sections of the state, and fifteen were established in the eastern section. Yet between 1790 and 1840 the population of the piedmont and mountain sections increased 156 per cent, while that of the eastern section increased 53 per cent. Connor, op. cit., 29. For western legislators to get a bill passed creating a new county it was necessary for them to vote for a new eastern county; moreover, they were forced to have their new counties named for eastern leaders. Boyd, pp. 147-148. See also Boyd, 139-165; Lefler and Newsome, 307311. For the Constitution of 1776, see State Records, XXIII, 980-984. It is also given in History of North Carolina Told by Contemporaries, 105-111. �Notes / 417 23. Lefler and Newsome, 332-336; The Constitution of 1776; Connor, Ante Bellum Builders, 25-26. 24. Ashe, II, 255-260; Lefler and Newsome, 316-317. 25. Griffin, 186-187. 26. Ashe, II, 277. 27. Ibid., II, 290, 305. 28. Ibid., II, 293-295; Lefler and Newsome, 317-318; Noble, A History of the Public Schools, chap. V. 30. Connor, Ante Bellum Builders, 66-95; Lefler and Newsome, 326-331; Ashe, II, 350-363; Sondley, II, 765-767. 31. Lefler and Newsome, 334-337. 32. Ibid.; Ashe, II, Chap. XXIII. For the voting returns by counties, see North Carolina Manual, 1913, 1010-1013. 33. Lefler and Newsome, 337-341; Connor, Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, I, 518-536; Ashe, II, Chap. XXII. CHAPTER 13 Gold in the Hills and on the Highways 1. Lefler and Newsome, 371-372; Griffin, 195. The name Dahlonega, site of the rich Georgia gold mines, is a corruption of the Cherokee word tah lo ne ga} meaning yellow or gold colored. Lanman. "Letters From the Alleghany Mountians," Adventures in the Wilds of the United States, I, 344. See also T. Conn Bryan, The Gold Rush in Georgia, 2. Lefler and Newsome, 371; Fletcher M. Green, "Gold Mining: A Forgotten Industry of Ante Bellum North Carolina," N.C,H.R.,XIV (January, 1937), 7. According to tradition, the lump of gold ore was used for two or three years by the Reed family as a doorstop. Then the father, John Reed, sold it, returning home with $3.50. See Bruce Roberts' The Carolina Gold Rush, 3. These counties, listed by state geologists, are sections of Montgomery, Anson, Mecklenburg, Cabarrus, Randolph, Rowan, Davidson, Burke, Union, Stanley, Catawba, Guilford, and Rutherford. Adjacent areas in South Carolina produced limited amounts, while mines in northern Georgia were heavy producers and played a decisive part in the history of Western North Carolina from 1815 to 1838. Griffin, 195. 4. Bryan, op, cit.; Green, 8-9. 5. The North Carolina Spectator and Western Advertiser, March 26, 1830. In Griffin, 205. 6. Green, 12. 7. Ibid., 15-17. 8. Various issues of The North Carolina Spectator, quoted by Griffin, 204-205. 9. Green, 152; Lefler and Newsome, 371. 10. Green, 138; Lefler and Newsome, 372. See Bruce Roberts, The Carolina Gold Rush. 11. Green, 138, 152, Griffin, 204-207; Lefler and Newsome, 371-372. 12. Bechtler's advertisement in the North Carolina Spectator of August 27, 1831. It is given by Griffin, 197-198. 13. Ibid. �418 / Notes 14. 15. 16. 17. Ibid., 196-204; Green, 139-145. Griffin, 201-202; Green, 142-145. Green, 140; Lefler and Newsome, 372; Roberts, 30. For contemporary descriptions of the gold mines, Bechtler's mint, and the gold country, see History of North Carolina Told by Contemporaries, 244249. 18. Lefler and Newsome, 316-317; Sondley, II, 617-619. 19. Sondley, II, 609. 20. Journal, 111, 133. 21. Sondley, II, 609, 617-619. 22. Ibid., II, 619-621. Wilma Dykeman gives a vivid description of these autumn drives in her book The French Broad, Chap. 9. 23. Sondley, II, 619. 24. Ibid., II, 619-621. 25. Ibid. 26. Arthur, Watauga County, 114-115; Griffin, 163. 27. Arthur, Western North Carolina, 239-240. 28. Small scattered passages pertaining to the Turnpike appeared in this author's Spire in the Mountains, pages 26-27. They are used with the permission of the First Presbyterian Church of Asheville, copyright holder. CHAPTER 14. Light and Shade in the Mountains 1. Sondley, II, 626. 2. Lefler and Newsome, 107-110; Johnston and Waterman, Early Architecture in North Carolina, 3-8. 3. Such a farmstead has been reconstructed by moving buildings from various farms to a site in the Floyd Bottoms, bordering the Oconaluftee River between the village of Cherokee and Smokemont Camping Grounds in the Smokies. This project, called the Pioneer Farmstead, consists of a house and some dozen out-buildings, the barn being the only structure originally on the site. After the Civil War, the Floyd farm was a stand for drovers bringing their cattle over the road that William H, Thomas and his Cherokee Legion had constructed across the Smokies by way of Indian Gap. George McCoy, "Farmstead Depicts Early Days in Western North Carolina," Asheville Citizen-Times, August 30, 1953. 4. Kephart, Our Southern Highlanders (1913 edition), 110-125. 5. Beard and Beard, History of the United States, 168. 6. Griffin, 142; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 284. 7. Griffin, 130, 136; Sondley, 11, 617-619. 8. Sondley, II, 622. 9. Ibid., II, 621-622; Griffin, 184-186. 10. Ashe, II, Chap. XXV; Sondley, II, 621-622. 11. See note 10. 12. Deyton, "Toe River Valley/' 450-454. Except for minor changes, this manner of life persisted in the isolated coves for a century. See Kephart (1913 edition), chaps. XI-XII. 13. Of necessity people learned to set bones and to care for the sick. Many women became expert nurses, and all learned to gather healing herbs. �Notes / 419 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. For a list of these, see Johnson, ^4«fe Bellum North Carolina, 752-753, and Patton, Henderson County, 56-58. A list of diseases suffered by mountain people and the names of physicians practicing in Asheville from 1793 to 1885 are given by G. S. Tennent in his Medicine in Buncombe County Down to 1885. Guion G. Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina, 309-330. The Plott family in the Plott Balsam area have for generations been renowned as hunters. They developed a breed of fine hunting dogs known as Plott hounds. Of all the many hunters, however, perhaps the best known was Big Tom Wilson, whose hunting domain was the Black Mountain range. It was Wilson who located the body of Dr. Elisha Mitchell. See Chapter XVII. Kephart (1913 edition), 305-353; (1922 edition), Chap. V. Ibid. (1913 edition), 40-41; Deyton, 454. Connor, Ante Bellum Builders, 87-88; Ashe, II, 374-375. "Report of the President and Directors of the Literary Fund, November, 1838," Beginnings of Public Education in North Carolina, 827-850, 893-912; Lefler and Newsome, 350-352. Lefler and Newsome, 350-352. The School Law of 1839 is given in History Told By Contemporaries, 188-189. Deyton, 448. Arthur, Western North Carolina, 420-447; Boyd, 243-251; Ashe, II, 406407; Deyton, 448-449; Johnson, 309-330. See his "Letters on Public Education," The Beginnings of Public Education in North Carolina, 548-613. M. S. C. Noble, A History of the Public Schools in North Carolina, Chap. VI; Lefler and Newsome, 351-352. Lefler and Newsome, 363; Connor, 95-100. Noble, 145-187. Ibid., 210-229. Deyton, 449. CHAPTER 15. . The Crack of Doom in the Mountains 1. In addition to the treaties so far mentioned, the Cherokees in Tennessee lost land through treaties with the federal government in 1804 and 1805. See Indian Affairs, II, 82-91. On March 22, 1816, the Cherokees sold their remaining land in South Carolina to that state for $5,000. Mooney, 84, 97. 2. An account of this historic meeting has been left by an unknown "writer. The complete manuscript is quoted by W. C. Allen in his Annals of Hay wood County, 44-46. Alley has quoted it from Allen in his Random Thoughts, 327-328. It is also given in John Parris, The Cherokee Story, 3537, and in Glenn Tucker, Tecumseh, 212-213. 3. Among Junaluska's volunteers were Sequoyah and John Ross. Jackson had Cherokees from the Lower Towns in his forces when Junaluska and his warriors joined the campaign. He also had a small number of Creeks loyal to the Americans. Of these Creeks, 5 lost their lives and 11 were wounded in the battle. Of the Cherokees, 18 were killed and 36 �420 / Notes 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. wounded. Mooney gives the total number of Indians with Jackson as 500. Some writers have given the number as 600. Mooney lists the casualties among the Creeks as follows; 557 warriors killed; 253 more shot in the water as they attempted to escape; 300 prisoners taken, mostly women and children. Only 20 men escaped. Of the Americans, 26 were killed and 107 wounded. Mooney, 87-97; Ashe, II, 235; R. S. Cotterill, The Southern Indians, 176-190; Marion L. Starkey, The Cherokee Nation, 22-26; H. C. Wilburn, Junaluska, 7-8. There was some opposition within the Cherokee nation to this reorganization and to the constitution. Among those opposing both was the influential chief, White Path. This leader distrusted the Americans and foretold catastrophe to the Cherokees if they adopted American institutions and forms of government. He gained a small following of nationalists or anti-Americans, known as Red Sticks. However, sentiment in the nation as a whole was against White Path and he was deposed. He lived to see his prophesies come to pass and he trudged west with his people. He did not reach the new land, for he died on the way. Mooney, 106-114; Milling, 341-343. In 1839 Robert Strange published a novel based on the Cherokee removal and named it for Yonaguska. He spelled the name Eoneguski. This was the first piece of fiction dealing with a North Carolina subject written by a North Carolinian. Lefler and Newsome, 389; Lanman, "Letters From the Alleghany Mountains," 417-421. Alley, 328-330; Mooney, 164-165. It is possible that Junaluska was never chosen a chief. The title may well have been attached to his name out of respect for his achievements. See Wilburn, Junaluska. Parris, 46; Mooney, 112-114; 224-225; Milling, Chap. XVII. Parris, 51-58; Milling, 342-343; Starkey, Chap. V; George E. Foster, SeQuo-yah: The American Cadmus, Chaps. VIII-IX; Mooney, 106-135. Mooney, 111-112; Parris, Chaps. VII-VIII. Parris, Chaps. VII-VIII; Mooney, 111-112. John Eliot in New England translated parts of the Bible into an Indian language or dialect in 1653, but did not, of course, work out an Indian written language. Mooney, 109-110; Starkey, 99. Mooney, 83-84, 112-114; Starkey, 29-42. R. S. Cotterill, The Southern Indians, 191-210. The text of this treaty is given in Indian Affairs, II, 140-144. Mooney, 106. For the text of this treaty, see Indian Affairs, II, 177-181. Mooney, 116-127; Starkey, 100-118; Cotterill, 211-230. See Note 15. Mooney, 120; Grant Foreman, Indian Removal, 233, 238. The Indian tenure of lands in Georgia had been a festering sore with that state since its cession of western lands to the federal government. Georgia lost much land through this cession and was eager to open land within its borders to white settlements. The federal government in 1802 agreed, therefore, to move all Georgia Indians west as soon as such a step could be taken peaceably. By the time its gold mines attracted wide attention, Georgia felt that the removal was long overdue and that the national government was grossly negligent in fulfilling its promise. The state also resented the federal government's handling of the Native Americans since it led these unwanted residents of Georgia to expect permanent �Notes / 421 occupancy of the lands that had once been the Over Hill and Lower Towns section of their nation. See E. M. Coulter, Georgia: A Short History, 223-237. 18. Mooney, 125-126; Starkey, 53-59, 118-129; Foreman, 265-269. The Treaty of New Echota is given in Indian Affairs, II, 439-449. 19. Milling, 349. Foreman, 272, gives this statement made by General Wool, "The whole scene since I have been in this country has been nothing but a heartrending one/' 20. The treatment of the Cherokees from 1815 to 1839 is a dark blot on the history of the white man's relation with the Native Americans. It has been the subject of much research by scholars and has been the theme of much writing. Its dramatic features made it the subject of the first piece of North Carolina fiction produced by a North Carolinian on a topic concerning his own state, and the conflict has come to life for 4,000,000 people who have viewed Kermit Hunter's drama, Unto These Hills, presented each summer at the Mountainside Theater at Cherokee. For a detailed account of the removal and of the chain of events leading up to it, see Grant Foreman's Indian Removal. See also Starkey, Chaps. XVXVIII; Thomas Parker, The Cherokee Indians, Chaps. III-IV; Milling, 332382. 21. Parris, 71-77; Mooney, 157; Hunter, Unto These Hills; Milling, 368-370. 22. See Note 21. 23. Through the efforts of Samuel E. Beck of Asheville, a trustee of the Cherokee Historical Association, and Robert B. Barker, a lawyer in Washington, D. C., and a native of Andrews, official documents concerning the Indian removal were located in the War Department in 1957, some 119 years after the events they describe transpired. These documents, in the form of letters giving official reports of army officers, contain the story of Tsali's role in Cherokee history. Copies of these letters, presented to Mr. Beck, are now in the Cherokee Museum at Cherokee. The account given in this chapter is based upon the letters of Lieutenant Smith and Captain Larned to Colonel Foster and upon Colonel Foster's report to his superior officer, all of which were forwarded to General Scott. General Scott, in turn, sent the letters, together with a brief note, to Brigadier-General R. Jones, Adjutant General of the United States. 24. While the account given by the American officers removes the aura of martyrdom from Tsali, it confirms the fact that through his death a thousand Cherokees were allowed to stay in the mountains of Western North Carolina. It also confirms the fact that the younger son was allowed to survive. 25. Thomas's ability and sincerity were felt not only by the Cherokees, who had accepted him as a member of their nation and the adopted son of their beloved chief, but also by white men coming into the Indian country. In his report to General Scott, Colonel Foster wrote: "I should do my feelings great injustice were I to omit to represent to you, and through you to the government—Mr. Wm. E.fsic] Thomas in the most favorable light and as an individual deserving the confidence and patronage of the Country—both for himself—and the Oconolufty[sic] Indians—on whom he appears to exercise unbounded influence for good purpose." �422 / Notes 26. It was barely ten years after the forlorn group of Cherokees straggled down from the hills that Charles Lanrnan made his horseback tour through Western North Carolina. As a guest of Thomas, he spent several days at Qualla, where he had the opportunity of studying conditions in the new nation. He found the Cherokees a well organized governmental unit with a practically self-sufficient economy. They raised their food, grain, vegetables, and fruits on their small, allotted farms and owned herds of cattle and their farm animals. They manufactured their guns and their plows, axes, and other tools. The women wove the cloth that they fashioned into clothing. The people, he learned, were temperate, moral, responsible in their obligations, and faithful to their professed religion. They had their own courts and kept up their own roads. In fact, he found the Cherokees the "happiest community that I have yet met in this Southern country/' Letters From the Alleghany Mountains, 407-409. 27. In 1910 the General Joseph Winston Chapter, D.A.R., erected a marker at the tomb of Junaluska and his wife. It carries the following inscription: "Here lie the bodies of the Cherokee Chief Junaluska and his wife, Nicie. Together with his warriors, he saved the life of Andrew Jackson at Horse Shoe Bend, and for his bravery and faithfulness, North Carolina made him a citizen and gave him lands in Graham County. He died November 20, 1858, aged more than one hundred years." The date of Junaluska's birth is not known, but H. C. Wilburn, a student of Cherokee history, states that it is unlikely that he attained the age generally ascribed to him. See his Junaluska. CHAPTER 16 More Government for Western North Carolina 1. Lefler and Newsome, 334. By 1830 the piedmont and mountain counties had a population of 374,092 as compared with 363,896 in the eastern counties. Between 1830 and 1840 the piedmont population gained rapidly, greatly widening the difference between the sections. 2. Such treaties were also opening Cherokee lands in Tennessee to white settlements. 3. Dowd, Zebulon Baird Vance, 149. 4. Colonel Joab L. Moore served as deputy sheriff. He was responsible to Colonel James McKee, sheriff of Hay wood County. C. D. Smith, A Brief History of Macon County, I. 5. Mrs. Lester Conley, "Macon County Was Created in 1828," Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950; The State, July 4, 1942, 1-2, 17-18; June 26, 1943, 19-23, 28. 6. "Indian Mound Deeded to Macon Residents," Asheville Citizen-Times, October 13, 1946. 7. C. D. Smith, A Brief History of Macon County. 8. In 1867 General Thomas Clingman became interested in mines in the present Mitchell County, especially the Sink Hole and the Clarissa, believing that they might profitably be worked. He based his faith in their output upon the fact that a slab taken from one of them showed marks made by metal tools. These tools, he felt, had been those of early �Notes / 423 Spanish prospectors. Deyton, 428; Selections From the Writings of Thomas L. Clingman, 130-133. 9. Deyton, 432 £; The State Magazine, May 2, 1942, 1-2, 16-18. 10. Deyton, 442-443. 11. Patton, Henderson County, 54-55. 12. Ibid., 63, 88-90. 13. Journal, 111, 237. 14. Patton, op. cit., 85-96. 15. Ibid., chap. 7. 16. The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 62-64; Mrs. C. W. Savage, "Cherokee Was Named for Indians," Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950; Margaret W. Freel, Our Heritage; The People of Cherokee County, Chaps. I-V. 17. The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 51-54; Fred G. Mahler, "Created Out of Burke and Wilkes, Caldwell Established in 1841," Lenoir NewsTopic, October 25, 1934; "Forts and Stockades Protected Citizens of Caldwell Territory From Threatened Invasion of Indian Attacks," Lenoir News-Topic, September 9, 1941; The State Magazine, September 26, 1936, 12-15; January 31, 1942, 1-3, 18-22; May 20, 1944, 16-24. 18. The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 142-144; "Interesting Facts About McDowell County," Asheville Citizen-Times, November 27, 1936; "McDowell County is Described by Story on Radio," Radio speech by Paul J. Story and reported in Asheville Citizen-Times, November 27, 1936; The State Magazine, December 25, 1937, 23-28; July 19, 1941, 3-6, 24-25; April 15, 1944, 18-24. 19. Whitener, History of Watauga County, 36-37. 20. Ibid., Arthur, Watauga County, 114-116; The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 220-223. 21. Lefler and Newsome, 334; Appendix B. 22. The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 144; George W. McCoy, "Madison County to Mark Its Centennial," Asheville Citizen-Times, January 14, 1951; The State Magazine, April 25, 1942, 1-2, 16-19. 23. Parris, 93-97. 24. The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 129-130; John Parrish and Clarence Griffin, Historical Sketch of Jackson County; Larry W. Mull, "Jackson County," Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950; The State Magazine, June 27, 1942, 1-2, 16-18; July 3, 1943, 16-21. 25. Patton, Sketches of Polk County, 25-27; Griffin, 231-233. 26. Patton, op. cit., 27-31; Chap. 4; Griffin, 233-236. 27. The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 4-7; The State Magazine, September 5, 1942, 1-2, 19-20. 28. Patton, Henderson County, 103-116; The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 204-205; Ora L. Jones, "Transylvania County—What it Was and Is," Asheville Citizen-Times, January 7-March 24, 1917;_ The State Magazine, June 20, 1942, 1-2, 16-18; June 19, 1942, 16-21. 29. The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 63-64; Mrs. Robert Penland, "Clay County Makes Progress," Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950; The State Magazine, October 4, 1941, 5-6, 20. 30. The Formation of North Carolina Counties, 53; The State Magazine, June 14, 1952. The laws creating many of these counties and those adjusting their boundary lines are given by Smathers in his History of Land Titles, 133142. �424 / Notes CHAPTER 17. The Lure of the Mountains 1. The Reverend Mr. Skiles described the people coming to his first service in these words: "Men and women came straggling in, many on foot, some on horseback, the wife in sun-bonnet and straight, narrow gown, riding behind her husband. Here and there a woman was seen mounted on a steer, with a child or two in her arms, while the husband, walking beside them, goad in hand, guided the animal over the rough path...There were many more feet than shoes in the congregation." Cooper, A Sketch of a Missionary Life, 6-13. 2. A. S. Merrimon, "Journal, 1853-54," N.C.H.R., VIII (July, 1931), 318329. 3. This organization was given the name of Little Brittain [sic] Temperance Society, Auxiliary to the American Temperance Society. A constitution was formulated and a record made by the secretary, Henry M. Kerr. The group had 87 members. Griffin, 179-181. 4. Johnson, 88-89. In 1859 F. L. Wilson of the North Carolina Standard, Raleigh newspaper, visited Asheville and seemed surprised to find that the westerners, instead of being savages, were "intelligent, high-minded, hospitable, and civilized." Quoted by Johnson, 34. 5. Sondley, II, 621-624. 6. "Letters From the Alleghany Mountains," 408-413. 7. Patton, Henderson County, 96-97; Wilbur Zeigler and Ben Grosscup, In The Heart of the Alleghanies, 350-351; Edward R. Memminger, An Historical Sketch of Flat Rock. 8. Patton, Flat Rock, 96-99. 9. Ibid., 216-217; Memminger, op. cit. 10. The rectory was built between 1832 and 1836 for the Reverend T. W. S. Mott and it later became known as the Diamond-in-the-Desert. From it, according to tradition, the first Confederate flag displayed in Western North Carolina waved. Shortly after 1850, the Reverend John Grimke Drayton came to Flat Rock as a resident at Ravenwood and was for many years rector at St. John-in-the-Wilderness. Patton, op. cit., 200213. 11. It is said that the Fletcher Church, completed in 1857, owed its organization to a meeting of estate owners held in the back parlor of the home of Alexander Blake, who gave the land for the edifice. 12. A. W. Long, "History of Transylvania County," Asheville Citizen-Times, May 8, 1941. 13. The names given to a few of these estates were: Mountain Lodge, home of the Charles Barings, who later built Highland Lake; Argyle, home of Judge Mitchell King; The Meadows, home of Daniel Blake of Fletcher; Rock Hill, home of C. C. Memminger and later the home of Carl Sandburg and called Connemara; The Castle, home of Count Joseph Marie Gabriel St. Xavier de Choiseul; Piedmont, the home of the Reverend Charles Cotesworth Pinckney; Beaumont, the home of Andrew Johnstone; Brookland, the home of Edmund Molyneaux; Glenroy, the home of Dr. Mitchell King; and Ravenwood, the home of the Reverend John Grimke Drayton. See Memminger, Historical Sketch of Flat Rock and Patton, Flat Rock. �Notes / 42514. In order to have a hotel, estate owners formed a company, each contributing $1000 toward the project. Henry Farmer, nephew of Mrs. Charles Baring, became the manager and a year later purchased the hotel. It was the first of the resort hotels for which Western North Carolina was in time to be famous. This hotel is still in operation under the name Woodfleld Inn. 15. Sondley, II, 587-596, 609. 16. Charles Lanman, visiting Patton's hotel at Warm Springs, has left a vivid description of it and of the Painted Rock in his Letters From the Alleghany Mountains, 433-435. 17. Sondley, II, 609, 769. 18. Lanman, 427. 19. Sadie S. Patton, "Fame of Western North Carolina as Major Health Resort Dates From 18th Century," The Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950. 20. Sondley says that the grave of John Lyon, whose remains were moved from the churchyard of the First Presbyterian Church in Asheville to the newly opened Riverside Cemetery, was the first one there to have a stone. The marker was made possible by contributions sent by friends in Scotland. Buncombe County, II, 625-626, 715-719. 21. Sondley, Appendix M. 22. Ibid.; Charles A. Shull, "Fringed Bell: A New Name for Rare Shortia" Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950. 23. Sondley, II, 528-529. 24. Sondley traces the dispute between Clingman and Mitchell. See his Buncombe County, II, 529-565. 25. Mitchell, Diary of a Geological Tour. This was edited by Dr. Kemp P. Battle, who wrote the introduction. 26. Mitchell, 52. 27. Sondley, II, 532. 28. An account of the search written by Judge David Schenck, together with the story as told by Big Torn Wilson, appeared in the Asheville Citizen of November 20, 1887. A reprint appeared in the Anniversary issue of the Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950. See also Dykeman, Chap. V. 29. George W. McCoy, "Guyot: Greatest Explorer of Appalachian Mountains," Asheville Citizen-Times, June 18, 1950; Sondley II, 555; Dictionary of American Biography, VIII, 63-64. 30. Guyot, "Measurements of the Mountains of North Carolina." This information was given in a letter written to the editor of the Asheville News and printed in the issue of July 18, 1860. It is given in The Writings of Thomas L, Clingman, 138-147, and in Sondley, Appendix A. See also Guyot, "Notes on the Geography of the Mountain District of Western North Carolina." These notes, dated February 22, 1863, were found in 1929 in the library of the Coast and Geodetic Survey and were edited by Myron A. Avery and Kenneth Boardman in N.C.H.R., XV (July, 1938), 251-290. �426 / Notes CHAPTER 18 Whigs in the Mountains 1. Lefler and Newsome, 328; William K. Boyd, The Federal Period, 166. 2. Deyton, 460. 3. Almost 22,000 of the 33,993 votes returned for Dudley came from the "back country" and the mountains. However, in addition to Yancey County, Ashe, Haywood, and Macon Counties returned majority votes for Richard Dobbs Spaight, the Democratic candidate. Hamilton, Party Politics in North Carolina, 39; Lefler and Newsome, 343. 4. Hamilton, op. tit,, 553-568; Lefler and Newsome, 343-345; Samuel A'C Ashe, The History of North Carolina, II, Chap. XXVI. 5. For the candidates these canvasses were strenuous, especially in the mountain section of the state with its wretched roads. In 1840, John Motley Morehead spent from March to August traveling by any means available to all parts of the state. The towns and villages greeted him with bands and parades and barbecues, arranged by the county party committees. These committees distributed the party's broadsides and newspapers to the assembled crowds. A vivid description of these meetings is given by Boyd, 266-270, 278-280, and by Hamilton, op. cit., 553-568. The party platform in the 1840 election is given in Porter, National Party Platforms, Chap. 1. 6. Arthur, Western North Carolina, 359-363. 7. Ibid,, 367-368; Gilbert, The Public Career of Thomas L. Clingman, 36-40. Among other political figures in Western North Carolina choosing to settle their differences by dueling was Zebulon B. Vance. When he and David Coleman were campaigning for a seat in Congress and, as was customary, were traveling together, Coleman demanded an apology for a personal remark made by Vance. Vance refused, and preparations were made for a duel. Before the date set, Dr. J. F. E. Hardy of Asheville prevailed upon the men to settle their grievances in a more peaceful manner. Clement Dowd, Zebulon B. Vance, 37-38. 8. Griffin, 549-553. 9. Sondley, II, 711. 10. Clarence N. Griffin, The Public Career of Thomas L. Clingman, 549-550; Guion G. Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina, 774-780. 11. Gilbert, 1-22. 12. Ibid, 24-99. 13. Dowd, 2-12. 14. Ibid., 12. Vance's father, moved to the present Marshall when Zebulon was a child. 15. Given in Connor, Ante Bellum Builders, 135. 16. Griffin, 214. 17. Cecil K. Brown, The State Highway System, 3-19. In 1851 the General Assembly passed a bill appropriating $12,000 for a survey for a road from Salisbury to the place where the French Broad River enters Tennessee. The money was to come from Cherokee land sales and from the income from Cherokee land bonds. Too small a sum was realized from these sources to make the survey. Cecil K. Brown, The State Highway System, 97. �Notes / 427 18. Deyton, 444. It was during this period that Judge Agustus C. Merrimon was finding travel over his circuit both disagreeable and time consuming. He could, if fortunate, get from Waynesville to Asheville between noon and bedtime, but when the weather was unfavorable, it took a full day to cover thirty miles. See his Journal, 19. Lefler and Newsome, 345-347; Cecil K. Brown, A State Movement in Railroad Development, Chaps. III-1V. 20. Agitation for state aid in railroad building began as early as 1833, and in that year and the following one, North Carolina issued no less than 10 charters to companies hoping to construct railroads. The state did not promise any of these companies aid. Brown, op. tit., 27. 21. He expressed this view in his message to the General Assembly. Connor, op. tit., 135. 22. Address delivered by Hayne in Charleston, October 22, 1835. Proceedings (Meetings connected with the Louisville, Cincinnati, Charleston Railroad,) part I. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid., part II. 25. Patton, Henderson County, 220-221; Wallace, 449. 26. The bill was written by W. S. Ashe, a Democrat, and the deciding vote in the .Senate was cast for it by another Democrat, Calvin Graves. Brown, 63-69. 27. Ibid., 90-91.. 28. See his Numbers of Carlton. 29. Romulus S. Saunders, the Democrat defeated by John M. Morehead in the 1840 gubernatorial race, wrote a substitute bill for two pending bills concerning extension of the North Carolina Railroad. His bill provided for chartering two companies, one for an eastern extension and one for a western extension. It easily passed both houses of the Assembly. Brown, 98-99. 30. Ibid., 104. 31. Ibid., 101. 32. In the General Assembly William H. Thomas of Hay wood County argued for the Ducktown route. B. E. Edney of Buncombe County and J. A. Fagg of Madison County argued for the French Broad River route. Brown, op. cit., 140. 33. Ibid., 127-128; Griffin, 239. 34. Arthur, Western North Carolina, 469-473; Brown, op. cit., 142. 35. The Asheville News, February 24, 1859. Quoted by Brown, op. cit., 141142. 36. On June 2, 1859, the voters of Buncombe County voted to authorize the county to subscribe $125,000. Henderson County voters, at a special election, pledged the county to subscribe $100,000. Madison County voters authorized their county to subscribe $50,000. The Asheville News, August 11, 1859. Quoted by Brown, op. cit., 142. 37. Brown, 143-145. 38. Lefler and Newsome, 362. 39. Brown, The State Highway System, 16-17. The Raleigh Register of February 28, 1849, carried an article discussing the cost, the income from, and the advantages of plank roads, "The Poor Man's Railroad." See North Carolina History Told by Contemporaries, 228-235. �428 / Notes 40. 41. 42. 43. Patton, Henderson County, 143; Sondley, II, 623-624. Gilbert, 56. Ashe, II, 486, 491, 503, 512-513. Connor, Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, II, 74-76; Porter, National Party Platforms, Chap. 5; Hamilton, Party Politics, 173-174; Selections From the Writings of Thomas L. Clingman, 355-356. CHAPTER 19 War in the Land 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Boyd, 296-329; Hamilton, Party Politics in North Carolina, 194-200. Porter, Chap. 6.; Eaton, Clement, A History of the Southern Confederacy} 1-22. R. D. W. Connor, North Carolina, 113. Lefler and Newsome, 423. Frontis W. Johnston, The Papers of Zebulon Baird Vance, "Introduction" XXXVI and XXXVII. 6. Lefler and Newsome, 422-423; Dowd, 62-64; Ashe, II, 536-546. 7. Dowd. The entire speech is given, 441 ff. 8. A full discussion of events leading up to the war is given in Lefler, North Carolina, II, Chap. XXVIII. 9. Hamilton, North Carolina Since 1860,1-6; See Governor Ellis' letter to Leroy Pope Walker, Secretary of War, April 24, 1861, in History Told By Contemporaries, 290. 10. Griffin, The History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 249-250. 11. Sondley, II, 813-815; Walter Clark, "The Raising, Organization and Equipment of North Carolina Troops During the Civil War." N.H.C., Bulletin 23. 12. Dowd, 62-70; Sondley, II, 813; Johnston, op, cit., XXXVIII. 13. Allen, Hay wood County, 64. 14. Patton, The Story of Henderson County, 125. 15. Clarence N. Gilbert, The Public Career of Thomas Lanier Clingman, 100-107. 16. Manly Wade Wellman, The Kingdom of Madison, 81. 17. Ora L. Jones, "Transylvania County," Asheville Citizen-Times, February 24, 1917; Griffin, 251-252; Patton, Henderson County, 125. 18. Ora L. Jones "Transylvania County." 19. Sondley, II, 813-815; Griffin, 249-253; Patton, Henderson County, 125. 20. Sondley, II, 691. 21. The United States Census figures for 1860. 22. Alley states as typical his own family. His father joined the Confederate forces and his father's brother the Union forces. Random Thoughts, 2-3; See also Patton, op. cit, 127; Griffin, 249. 23. Deyton, 460; Whitener, Watauga County, 47; Jones, op. cit. 24. Dugger, War Trails of the Blue Ridge, 110-125. 25. Patton, Henderson County, 128; Patton, Polk County, 43-45. 26. Jones, op. cit. 27. Lefler and Newsome, 376-377. 28. Clark, "The Raising of North Carolina Troops,'} N.C.H.C. Bulletin. In an address before the Association of the Maryland Line at Baltimore on February �Notes / 429 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 23, 1885, Vance gave a summary of the goods brought into Wilmington by the Ad-Vance and other state owned blockade runners. See Dowd, 489-490. North Carolina appointed Jonathan Worth as state salt commissioner. Eaton, 249. Nicholas W. Woodfin of Asheville was made an agent for the distribution of salt from the mines at Saltville, Virginia, to Western North Carolina. Hamilton, op, cit., 49; Digges, George, Historical Facts Concerning Buncombe County Government, 206-207. Lefler and Newsome, 437-439; Johnston, op. cit., "Introduction" XLIIXLIII. Clarence D. Douglas, Conscription and the Writ of Habeas Corpus in North Carolina During the Civil War, 5-35. The North Carolina Standard for November 19, 1862, carried a letter from a farmer in Transylvania County telling of the desperate need for salt. Douglas, 5-39; With her husband and five sons in the Confederate army, Mrs. Lane, wife of Captain Lane, is said to have driven with a servant from her farm home in Henderson County to the salt mines in South Carolina to bring back a supply of the precious salt. Patton, Henderson County, 131. Mooney, 168-172; Asheville and Wilkesboro were centers for collecting medicinal herbs and roots gathered by the women and children of the mountain region. Hamilton, op. cit., 48. Mooney, 168-172; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 609; George McCoy, "Trace of Old Thomas Road is Part of Farmstead Museum," Asheville Times, September 13, 1953. CHAPTER 20 War Comes to the Hills 1. North Carolina banks suspended payments in specie in November, 1860. Both the State and the Confederacy issued treasury notes. These depreciated with alarming rapidity. By November, 1864, a State $100 bond was worth $7.50, and a Confederate bond of the same denomination was worth $4.00. As the value of the paper money fell, prices rose. In 1865 enough calico for a woman's dress cost $500. There was, of course, widespread speculation in spite of the efforts of a State Board appointed to set the prices of commodities every two months. Hamilton, North Carolina Since 1860, 46-55; Eaton, 239-240. 2. Eaton, 233-236; Lefler and Newsome, 443-444; Lefler, II, 520-521. 3. Ashe, II, 858-859; Arthur, The History of Western North Carolina, 603-604. 4. Many counties of the State had so many deserters before 1863 that the attention of officials was called to them. Wilkes County had "a whole regiment organized and under arms." Hamilton, op. cit., 40. North Carolina during the conflict had 23,694 deserters. Other Confederate states had proportionate numbers. Eaton, 261, 271-279; Ashe, II, 775-776; Lefler and Newsome, 445-446. 5. Wellman, The Kingdom of Madison, 83-84; Ashe, II, 860; Arthur, op. cit., 603; Dykeman, The French Broad, 96-98; See also Governor Vance's letter, Dowd, 74. 6. Ashe, II, 858-859; Arthur, op. cit., 603-605. �430 / Notes 7. Governor Vance insisted upon putting into practice the state's rights doctrine to which the Confederacy owed its being. Thus he held that the military power of the Confederacy must not interfere with the civil rights of citizens and the laws in operation in North Carolina. See his letter of November 11, 1862, to President Davis in which he makes these views clear. See also his letter of March 21,1863, to Secretary Seddonin which he said he had ordered the State Militia to shoot the first man "who attempts to perpetrate a similar outrage without the authority of the marshall of that district." Dowd, 75, 81, 87. See also Lefler and Newsome, 445. 8. Lefler and Newsome, 443; Douglas, 5-39; Eaton, 278-279; Dowd, 78, 81. 9. History Told by Contemporaries, 295; Used with permission of the University of North Carolina Press. 10. Patton, Henderson County, 132; Patton, Polk County, 41; Jones, Transylvania County, 11. Patton, Henderson County, 127-128; Stephens, "Bushwhackers, Renegades, and Ruffians in the Western Mountains." 12. Stephens, op. tit.; Patton, Henderson County, 128; Hughes, Hendersonville in Civil War Times, 25-26; Patton, Polk County, 46. 13. Deyton, 465; Ashe, II, 860. 14. For Governor Vance's letter to Secretary Seddon, April 7,1863, see Dowd, 82. 15. Van Noppen, Stoneman's Last Raid, 20; Dykeman, 117-118. 16. Ashe, II, 860. 17. Allen, 81-82. 18. Dugger, 126-133; In his History of Western North Carolina, 605-608, Arthur gives the details of this raid as told by the guide. 19. Dugger, Chap. Ill; Arthur, History of Watauga County, 174. 20. Dugger, Chap. Ill; Arthur, op. cit., 174-176. 21. Sondley, II, 690; 692-694; Ashe, II, 1006-1007; Sondley, "The Battle of Asheville," Asheville Citizen, September 10, 1927. 22. Terror spread throughout the countryside as word came that Stoneman's troops were approaching. Emma Rankin, a private teacher in the home of Colonel Logan Carson of Pleasant Gardens, four miles from Marion, has left a description of what took place on that plantation. Silverware and jewelry were hastily buried. Clothes were hidden in slave quarters, and food was cached in unlikely places. The farm animals were driven to the wooded hills. Colonel Carson, at the urging of his family, sought personal safety in the hills, and the women were left to face the Union soldiers and carried out their part with bravery. See her Stoneman's Raid, also Hamilton, 36-38; and Lefler, II, 503-504. 23. Patton, Polk County, 45; Ashe, II, 994 ff; Chester S. Davis, "Stoneman's Raid into Northwest North Carolina," Winston-Salem Journal and Sentinel, October 4, 1953; Alfred M. Waddell, The Last Year of the War in North Carolina. See also Spencer, Cornelia Phillips, The Last Ninety Days of the War. The most complete account of this raid is given in Ina Van Noppen's Stoneman's Last Raid. 24. Allen, 83-85. An account of the surrender at Waynesville as written by Lieutenant Colonel William W. Stringfleld of his Memoirs is given by Allen, 91-92. �Notes / 431 CHAPTER 21 The Rebirth of a State 1. By May, 1865, thousands of North Carolina families were penniless. In some cases their homes had been stripped of furniture. Clothing consisted of badly worn garments. These people had no credit and no way of establishing credit. Randolph Shotwell, The Shotwell Papers, II, 215. 2. The General Assembly appropriated, during the four years of the war, $6,000,000 for relief work. When hostilities ceased, the State had on hands a six months' supply of food for 60,000 soldiers. All through the war the fare of both state and Confederate soldiers was simple and monotonous. During the final year, the meals consisted largely of corn bread and black-eyed peas, called by men "The Confederacy's Best Friend." At times sweet potatoes and sorghum varied the menus. Dowd, 489-490; Hamilton, North Carolina Since I860, 48. 3. Prices of other food stuffs were in proportion. Between September, 1860, and March, 1865, the cost of eggs rose from 30 cents a dozen to $5.00 a dozen; corn from $1.00 a bushel to $30.00; and potatoes from $1.00 a bushel to $30.00. Hamilton, 46-48. The Pay of a Confederate soldier was $11.00 a month. As editor and owner of TheAsheville Citizen in 1868-1869, Randolph Shotwell received as payment for subscriptions and job printing "wood, wheat, corn, apples, dried fruit, feathers, and rags." When he sold the paper and returned to Rutherfordton in 1869, he had the sum of $2.50 as his year's net profit. Shotwell, II, 310. 4. Out of the state's total white population of 629, 942, it furnished 124,000 men to the State and Confederate armies, that is, one out of every six persons in the State. Dowd, 465-470. More than 40,000 were killed in battle or died from disease. Thousands of others were maimed for life or suffered through the remainder of their lives from ailments connected to the war service. This appalling number does not include civilian deaths or incapacitating illnesses brought on by sufferings or privations of war. Leiler and Newsome, 448. 5. Griffin, 306, 314. 6. Tennent's letter, dated November 18,1865, is among the McDowell family papers, now in possession of Miss Margaret Ligon of Asheville. 7. From every section of the state lawyers and other leading citizens wrote letters to President Johnson, describing conditions and making appeals for aid. Among them are letters from Western North Carolina, portions of which deal with court cases in the hopelessly war-torn Madison County and Yancey County. Several of these give details of the proceedings connected with the case of the death of Sheriff Ranson P. Merrill. "Letters of North Carolinians to Andrew Johnson." N.C.H.R., XVIII (October, 1951), 507-516; XXIX Qanuary, 1952), 115-117; 264-268. 8. Silas Weston, a Negro, and his family were shot by the Adair gang. Shotwell, II, 478-493. Columbus and Govan Adair, together with another member of their gang, were later hanged for this crime. 9. Ashe. 1016. 10. Ibid. 11. History Told by Contemporaries, 316-317; Lefler and Newsome, 453-455; �432 / Notes 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. Hamilton, Reconstructs in North Carolina., 106-147. See also Francis Butler Simkins, A History of the South, 255-257. Lefler and Newsome, 459-460. Benjamin S. Hedrick was a chemistry professor at the University. Responsibility for his dismissal from the faculty in 1856 was placed upon his colleagues. At a faculty meeting called by President David L. Swain, Hedrick was dismissed by a unanimous vote of the faculty members. He narrowly escaped mob violence in Salisbury and hastened to leave the state. Lefler and Newsome, 419. Late in the war a peace meeting was held in Asheville. It was inspired, however, not by Holden, but by the desperate conditions prevailing in Western North Carolina. Patton, Henderson County, 127. Ashe, II, 1023-1026; 1031-1036; Hamilton, North Carolina Since I860, Chap. V. Ashe, II, 1040-1060; Hamilton, op. cit., 85-113; Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, 207-252. The Reconstruction Act is given in History Told by Contemporaries, 333-334. Lefler and Newsome, 460. Ibid., 459-460; H. A. Herbert (ed.), Why the Solid South, 70-84; Connor, Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, II, 293-299. Ashe, II, 1064-1070; Hamilton, North Carolina Since 1860, Chap. VI. The text of the Constitution is given in History Told by Contemporaries, 336-340. The Republican Party was formally organized in North Carolina on March 27, 1867, although for a year before that date, the word Republican had been applied to many citizens. Lefler and Newsome, 459. CHAPTER 22 Long is the Night 1. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 207-252. 2. Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 326; History Told by Contemporaries, 344-345. 3. The relief work done by the Freedrnan's Bureau for needy in North Carolina has not been generally known. Because of this aid, doubtless many of these people became members of the secret organization looked upon with favor by the Bureau and also became members of the Republican Party. See History Told by Contemporaries, 328-329; Lefler, II, 531-532; John Hope Franklin, Reconstruction After the Civil War, 36-39; Allen W. Trelease, White Terror, Introduction, XXIII-XXIV. 4. Sirnkins, A History of the South, 261-262. 5. The password is given in Dykeman, The French Broad, 121. 6. The symbol of a red string was chosen from the story of Rahab, who betrayed her country to the Israelites. She, with her family, was saved by the conquering Hebrews when they saw the red cord with which she had let their spies down over the walls of Jerusalem. Randolph Shotwell estimated that at least 250 of the educated, well-to-do citizens of Rutherford County and surrounding territory had not registered to vote. Shotwell Papers, II, 276 ff. This view is upheld in the excerpts given in History Told by Contemporaries, 318-321. �Notes / 433 7. Franklin, op. dt., 124-126; Ashe, II, 1108-1109; History Told by Contemporaries, 318-321; Hamilton, Reconstruction, 327-343. 8. Ashe, II, 1109; Hamilton, Reconstruction, Chap. VIII. 9. Whitener, Daniel J. Prohibition in North Carolina, 1-14; 50-51. 10. Ibid., 53. 11. These churches were Round Hill and Liberty. They were probably destroyed by the Adair gang. Shotwell, II, 479. 12. Trelease, op. cit,, Note 1, 430; Franklin, op. cit., 153 ff. 13. Mrs. T. J. Jarvis, "The Conditions That Led to the Ku Klux Klans," N.C.B., I (April 10, 1902), 3-24; History Told by Contemporaries, 331-333; Ashe, II, 1061-1071; Hamilton, Reconstruction, Chap. XII. The North Carolina figures given are from Franklin, 157. 14. Griffin, op. cit., 327-328; Shotwell, II, 355; On July 22, 1871, The Rutherfordton Star carried a summary of this event. 15. Griffin, op. cit., 326-327; Hamilton, Reconstruction, 480-481; Shotwell, II, 421. 16. Lefler and Newsome, 470; Hamilton (ed.) "Prison Experiences of Randolph Shotwell," N.C.H.R., II (April, 1925), 147-161; (July, 1925), 332350; (October, 1925), 459-474. When Federal troops entered Rutherford County, citizens of Burnt Chimney drew up a set of resolutions protesting this action on the part of the National Government. The document was printed in The Rutherfordton Star of June 10,1871. It is given in Griffin, 332333. Shotwell was sentenced on the grounds of having participated in the raid on Justice. He was also fined $5,000. 17. Trelease, op. cit., 209. 18. Ibid., 292; Hamilton, North Carolina Since the Civil War, 149-153. 19. Trelease gives the names of the men on Holden's list. 217. 20. Lefler, II, 568-577; The excesses of the "Kirk-Holden War" acted as a boomerang to the leaders in state government and was a factor in the downfall of Governor Holden. At the same time, the anti-Ku Klux Klan laws it called forth brought the beginning of restored order to North Carolina. See History Told by Contemporaries, 341-344. 21. Charges upon which Holden was tried included: declaring martial law in the state, illegally arresting citizens in Alamance, Caswell, and Orange Counties, illegally recruiting soldiers, and refusing to honor writs of habeas corpus. Ashe, II, 1128-1131; Hamilton, Reconstruction, 537-558; History Told By Contemporaries, 341. 22. Lefler and Newsome, 448; 499. 23. Ibid. 24. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 201-206; Griffin, 336. 25. Cecil Brown, A State Movement in Railroad Development, 148-151. 26. Ibid., 188-205. 27. Ibid., 190. 28. Ibid., 191-193. 29. Ashe, II, 1078. 30. Ibid., 1104-1105; Brown, op. cit., 193-196; Hamilton, Reconstruction, 427-451; Hamilton, North Carolina Since 1860, 120-127; Lefler II, 561-566. 31. Brown, op. cit. 195-196. �434 / Notes 32. Ibid,, 199-205; Hamilton, Reconstruction, 426-451. The Report of the Commission to Investigate Charge of Fraud and Corruption Under Act of Assembly. Session 187172. 33. Brown, op. cit., 206-224. CHAPTER 23 Dawn Breaks Over the Mountains 1. Griffin, 324; Hamilton, North Carolina Since I860, 161-169; Arthur, Watauga County, 182; Shotwell, II, 421. 2. Formation of North Carolina Counties, 202-205; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 208-212; Smathers, Land Titles, 139-140; Guy Paul, Jr., "Swain County Emphasizing Its Scenic Attractions," Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950; The State Magazine, July 18, 1942, 1-2, 16-17. 3. Formation of North Carolina Counties, 107-108; Smathers, 135; Dorothy Childers, "Graham Emphasizes Lumbering," Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950; The State Magazine, July 11, 1942, 1-2, 17-18. 4. Even in reconstruction-torn Rutherford County a trend toward normal conditions was discernible by 1871. Academies were reopening by 1873. Mail service was resumed with some degree of regularity, and in 1874 the county's first textile plant was in operation. Griffin, 336-339. 5. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 642-643; Hamilton, North Carolina Since 1860. 188189. The texts of many of these amendments are given in History Told by Contemporaries, 350-351. 6. Griffin 340; Hamilton, North Carolina Since 1860, 170-191; Dowd, 147. 7. The Raleigh Sentinel printed an account of the Bakersville rally. The crowd represented a wide territory. Fifty men from Yancey County swam their horses across swollen streams and rode over "the roughest, rockiest road in the United States" to see and hear Vance and Settle. Dowd, 149. 8. For Article IX of the Constitution of 1868, see History Told by Contemporaries, 333-340. 9. In North Carolina 38,649 white men and women and children over ten years of age could neither read not write. During the decade 1870-1880 illiteracy in the state increased. History Told by Contemporaries, 346; Lefler and Newsome, 503; Whitener, Public Education in North Carolina During the Reconstruction, 90. 10. M. C. S. Noble, A History of the Public Schools in North Carolina, 367. In 1870 only about one in ten of the state's children attended school. Whitener, 90. 11. Noble, 356; Hamilton, Reconstruction, 612-613; Mclver's report for 1872 is given in History Told by Contemporaries, 345-347. 12. Lefler and Newsome, 503; Hamilton, North Carolina Since 1860, 359; Edgar W. Knight, "One Hundred Years of Public Education in North Carolina," N.C.E., (February, 1936), 195. 13. Noble, 357-367; Lefler and Newsome, 502. 14. Noble, 367. 15. Ibid., 357-358. �Notes / 435 16. After the Educational Meeting at Raleigh, text books for the public schools were hastily written by North Carolina educators. The following year the publishing house of Sterling, Campbell, and Albright in Greensboro had a series called "Our Own" ready for distribution to the schools. Included in the set were a primer and readers, the work of Charles W. Smythe, two arithmetics by the Reverend S. Landers, and a "Geography Reader For Dixie Children" by Mrs. M. B. Moore. Wiley had earlier written text books, including the North Carolina Reader. William Bingham's Latin Grammar and Caesar were used as was Webster's Blue Back Speller. The new books were generously sprinkled with Confederate propaganda. Sterling and Campbell in their readers gave Bible verses in support of slavery, and the arithmetics presented problems with a war flavor. The most gleefully gory of these problem states, "If one Confederate soldier killed ninety Yankees, how many can ten Confederate soldiers kill?" Allison W. Honeycutt, "Text Book Development," N.C.E., (February, 1936), 227-229, 261, 274; Noble, 237-238. 17. The Bible was frequently used as a text as was whatever almanac happened to be available. Noble, 325; History Told by Contemporaries, 345 ff. 18. At the end of the Reconstruction Period (1876) the school report listed 2,820 schools for white children with an enrollment of 119,083 pupils, less than half of the state's white children. The number of white teachers given was 2,108. Of these 613 were women. In the mountains the salary of teachers ranged from $16 to $25 per month, and many of the schools were in session only six weeks each year. Noble, 367-372. 19. Ibid., 367. 20. Lefler and Newsome, 502; History Told by Contemporaries, 367ff. 21. Noble, 399-409; G. B. Phillips, "The Development of the Graded Schools," N.C.E., (February, 1936), 211-212; Edgar W. Knight, "The Peabody Fund," N.C.E. (February, 1936), 206. In the face of pressing war needs, Wiley had succeeded on December 23, 1864, in getting a bill through the General Assembly, making the state's public school system a graded system. It also set up a six months' term. This law was never put into effect. Noble, 260. 22. Noble, 399-409. 23. Hamilton, North Carolina Since i860, 349-350, 363-364. 24. Ibid., 364-365; Noble, 428ff; Knight, "One Hundred Years of Public Education in North Carolina," N.C.E. (February, 1936), 195-199. 25. Griffin, 338. 26. Camp, 12. 27. The Reverend Jesse Finley had opened the school at Lenoir in 1857. It had continued during the war. 28. James A. Hutchins, Yancey Collegiate Institute at Burnsville; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 424-447; Arthur, Watauga County, 243-264; "Private Schools of Asheville Gain Wide Recognition," Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950; "Old Judson College Building is Landmark, "Asheville Citizen-Times, September 13, 1933. 29. Arthur, Western North Carolina, 430-439, 446-447; Arthur, Watauga County, Chap. XV; Bill Sharpe, A New Geography, 230-232. �436 / Notes 30. Brown, A State Movement in Railroad Building, 223-225. 31. In her Land of the Sky, Christian Reid (Frances C. Fisher Tiernan) describes her ride in 1876 from the railroad terminal at Henry to Asheville. The "thirsty men and dusty women" traveled the distance in a coach drawn by "six fine white horses." 32. Lefler and Newsome, 486 ff.; C. R. Sumner, "Railroad Conquered the Blue Ridge, "Asheville Citizen-Times, March 7, 1954. 33. Brown, 223-224. 34. Sondley, II, 630. 35. Sumner, op. cit. In 1881 H. Heaton Coleman, one of the assistant engineers, made a map of the Western North Carolina Railroad and gave the length of the tunnels through the Old Fort-Henry area as follows; Point—216 feet; Jarret's—125 feet; Lick Log—562 feet; McElroy—89 feet; High Ridge— 451 feet; Burgin—252 feet; Swannanoa—1800 feet. The map was verified byj. W. Wilson. 36. Sondley, II, 631-632. 37. Brown, 226-230; Lefler and Newsome, 486-487. 38. Lefler and Newsome, 487; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 473-479. 39. Arthur, op. cit., 473-479. 40. Ibid., 479-484; Patton, Henderson County, 222-226; Hamilton, North Carolina Since I860, Chap. XVIII. 41. Arthur, op. cit., 482-484; Patton, op. cit., 226. 42. In the counties just east of the Blue Ridge a multiplicity of characters was granted to companies during this period, and a confusing number of consolidations took place. Griffin, Chap. 25; John F. Stover, The Railroads of the South, Chaps. IX, XII-XIII. 43. Griffin, Chap. 25, and p. 361; Lefler and Newsome, 487. �S O U R C E S For those interested in doing in-depth study of certain periods of the history of Western North Carolina, source material has been broken into three time areas. MOUNTAINS AND MEN—TO 1781 THE NEW FRONTIERS—TO 1860 THE CIVIL WAR—RECONSTRUCTION DAYS Explanations: To avoid repetitions, the following abbreviations are used: D.U.P. Duke University Papers G.P.O Government Printing Office J.S.H.P N.C.B. N.C.C. and D James Sprunt Historical Publications North Carolina Booklet North Carolina Department of Conservation N.C.E. and Development North Carolina Education N.C.H.C North Carolina Historical Commission N.C.H.R North Carolina Historical Review S.D.A. and H State Department of Archives and History 437 �438 / Sources MOUNTAINS AND MEN—TO 1781 PRIMARY SOURCES Colonial and State Records Easterby, J. H. (ed.). The Journal of the House of Assembly: Colonial Records of South Carolina. 6 vols. Columbia, S. C., Historical Commission of South Carolina, 1951—1955. McDowell, W. L. (ed.). Journal of the Commissioners of the Indian Trade, South Carolina Archives Department, 1955. Saunders, W.L. (ed.). Colonial Records of North Carolina. 10 vols. Raleigh, State Printers, 1886-1890. Personal Accounts, Records, Treaties, Letters Avery, Myron, and Boardman, Kenneth. "Notes on the Geography of the Mountain District of Western North Carolina by Arnold Guyot," N.C.H.R., XV (July, 1938). Fries, Adelaide, (ed). The Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, 1752-1822. 8 vols. Raleigh, 1922-1954. Graham, George W. The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, May 20, and the Lives of its Signers. New York, 1905. Graham, Major William A. (ed.). General Joseph Graham and his Papers on North Carolina Revolutionary History. Raleigh, 1904. Harriss, Frances Latham, (ed.). History of North Carolina by John Lawson. Richmond, 1952. Henderson, Archibald. "The Treaty of the Long Island of the Holston, July, 1777," N.C.H.R., III (January, 1931.) Indians of North Carolina—A Letter From the Secretary of Interior. Washington, G.P.O., 1915. Jacobs, Wilbur R. (ed.). A Plan for Imperial Indian Control by Edmund Atkins. Columbia, S. C., 1954. Kappler, Charles (ed.). Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, 2 vols. Washington, G.P.O., 1904. Lefler, Hugh Talmadge. (ed.). North Carolina History Told by Contemporaries. Chapel Hill, 1948. Mereness, Newton D. (ed.). Travels Into the American Colonies. New York, 1916. Mooney, James. Myths of the Cherokees. Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Washington, G.P.O., 1902. �Sources / 439 Powell, William Stevens. The Carolina Charter of 1663. Raleigh, 1954. Report of the DeSoto Commission. Washington, G.P.O., 1939. Van Doren, Mark (ed.). William Bartram's Travels Through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West of the Muscogules or Creek Confederacy, and the Country of the Choctaws. New York, 1928. Williams, Samuel C. (ed.). James Adair's History of the American Indians. Johnson City, Tenn., 1930. (ed.). Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 1540-1800. Johnson City, Tenn., 1928. SECONDARY SOURCES Alden, John R.John Stuart and the Southern Colonial frontier. Ann Arbor, Mich., 1944. Allen, W. C. The Annals of Haywood County, North Carolina, 1808-1935. Richmond, 1942. Alley, Felix E. The Random Thoughts and Musings of a Mountaineer. Salisbury, N. C. 1941. Arthur, John P. A History of Watauga County. Richmond, 1915. Western North Carolina: A History From 1730-1913. Raleigh, 1914. Ashe, Samuel A'Court. A History of North Carolina. 2 vols., Greensboro, 1908. "Rutherford's Expedition Against the Indians in 1776." N.C.B., IV (December, 1904). Ayers, H. B. and Ashe, W. W. The Southern Appalachian Mountains. 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The Story of Henderson County. Asheville, 1947. Peattie, Roderick D. The Great Smokies and the Blue Ridge. New York, 1943. Price, R. E. Rutherford County: Economic and Social. Chapel Hill, 1918. Proctor. A. M., and Leath, Mrs. Mary A. "School History Makers." N.C.E., II (February 1936). Roberts, Bruce. The Carolina Gold Rush. Charlotte, 1971. Roosevelt, Theodore. The Winning of the West. 4 vols. New York, 1897. vol. II. �Sources / 447 Royce, C. C. Cessions of Land by Indian Tribes to the United States. First Annual Report of the United States Bureau of American Ethnology, 1879-1880. Washington, D.C., G.P.O., 1880. Sharpe, Bill. A New Geography for North Carolina. Raleigh, 1954. Shull, Charles A. The Lure of Western North Carolina for the Explorer-Naturalists. (Paper read before the Western North Carolina Historical Association. Unpublished.) Skaggs, M. L. North Carolina Boundary Disputes Involving Her South-Lines. Chapel Hill, 1941. Smathers, George H. 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Norman, Oklahoma, 1938. Wheeler, John H. Historical Sketches of North Carolina From 1584-1851. New York, 1925. Whitener, Daniel J. The History of Watauga County (Souvenir of Watauga Centennial). Boone, N. C. 1949. Wilburn, H. C. Junaluska. Asheville, 1951. Williams, Charles B. A History of the Baptists in North Carolina. Raleigh, 1901. Williams, Samuel C. The History of the Lost State of Franklin. Johnson City, Tenn., 1924. Newspapers and Periodicals Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950; various issues dating from January, 1917 to 1974. Lenoir News-Topic, October 25, 1934; September 19, 1941. The State Magazine, (various issues dating from September, 26, 1934 to 1970.) �448 / Sources THE CIVIL WAR—RECONSTRUCTION DAYS PRIMARY SOURCES State Records Clark, Walter, (ed). The State Records of North Carolina. 16 vols. Winston, Goldsboro, Charlotte, State Printers, 1895-1901. Personal Accounts and Records, Treaties, Letters Corbitt, David L. (ed.) The Formation of North Carolina Counties. 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Asheville and Buncombe County. Asheville, 1922. A History of Buncombe County, North Carolina, 2 vols. Asheville, 1930. Stephens, George Myers. Bushwackers, Renegades, and Ruffians in the Western Mountains. (Unpublished paper read before the Western North Carolina Historical Association.) Stover, John F. The Railroads of the South. Chapel Hill, 1955. Trelease, Allen W. White Terror: The Ku Klux Klan Conspiracy and Southern Reconstruction. New York, Evanston, London, 1971. Tucker, Glenn. Zeb Vance, Champion of Freedom. Indianapolis, Kansas City, New York, 1965. Van Noppen, Ina W. Stoneman's Last Raid. Boone, N. C., 1961. and Van Noppen, John J. Western North Carolina Since the Civil War. Boone, N.C., 1973. Waddell, Alfred M. The Last Year of the War in North Carolina. (Address given before the Association of the Army of Northern Virginia, Richmond, October 28, 1887). Wellman, Manly Wade. The Kingdom of Madison. Chapel Hill, 1973. Whitener, Daniel J. The History of Watauga County. (Souvenir of Watauga Centennial). Boone, N. C., 1949. Prohibition in North Carolina, 1715-1945. Chapel Hill, 1945. "Public Education in North Carolina During the Reconstruction." Essays in Southern History. (Presented to Joseph G. DeRoulhac Hamilton.) Chapel Hill, 1949. NEWSPAPERS AND MAGAZINES The The The The Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950; Various issues from 1917-1970. Hendersonville Times-News, July 29, 1938. State Magazine. Various issues. Winston-Salem Journal and Sentinel, October 4, 1953. �INDEX Abernethy, Robert, 390, 391 Academies, 180, 186-187, 204, 390-391 Act of Oblivion, 136 Act of Secession, 331; repeal, 361 Adair, James, 33, 61, 62, 72, 80, 84, 140 Adams, John Quincy, 306 Ad-Vance (blockade runner), 339 Alamance, battle of (1771), 101, 102-103, 108, 133, 155-156 Albemarle, 53, 54, 55, 79, 205 Alderman, Edwin A., 389 Alexander, John McKnitt, 108, 158 Alexander, Rachel, 159 Alleghany County, 9, 337, 349, 350, 391 Allen, Lawrence M., Lieutenant Colonel, 333, 345 Allen's Legion, 333, 345 American Foreign Mission Board, 247, 249 Amherst, Lord Jeffrey, 85 Amnesty Proclamation of 1865, 360 Andrews (town), 275 Animal Drives, 215-221 Apalachee Indians, 44 Appalachian Mountains, 1, 4, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 299, 304 Appomattox Courthouse, 356 Arch, John, 247 Arthur, Gabriel, 50-52, 56 Articles of Confederation, 134, 153 Articles of the Watauga Association, 103 Asbury, Reverend Daniel, 181 Asbury, Bishop Francis, 177-178, 179, 181-184, 185, 215, 269 Ashe County, 9, 15, 165, 181, 194, 261, 277, 278, 281, 297, 301, 337, 349, 359 Ashe, Governor Samuel, 163, 165 Asheville, 51, 160, 163-164, 165, 171, 175, 177, 182, 183, 186, 187, 198, 202, 215, 216, 220, 225, 263, 266, 288, 295, 297, 303, 312, 317, 319, 321, 323, 334, 342, 344, 353, 354, 355, 371, 374, 379, 384, 389, 393, 394, 396, 397, 399 Asheville, battle of, 353 Asheville News, The, 310, 322 Asheville Normal School, 391 Atkins, Edmund, 80 Attakullakulla (Cherokee chief), 68, 79, 82, 84, 86, 145-146, 147 Augusta (Ga.), 171, 220, 247, 295 Avery, Judge Waightstill, 125, 136, 164, 265, 351 Baird, Adolphus E., 279 Baird, Bedent, 160, 163, 175 Baird, Zebulon, 160, 163, 167, 175, 313 Bakersville, 283, 385 "Balds," 20-21 Balsam Mountains, 7, 398 Banner Elk (town), 371 Baring, Charles, 291 Bartlett, Lieutenant Colonel William C., 355 Bartram, William, 142-149, 150, 301 Beamer, James, 61, 75, 140 Beaufort (town), 199, 320 Bechtler, Augustus, 211, 212 Bechtler, Charles, 211 452 Bechtler, Christopher, 211, 212, 213 Bechtler, Christopher, Jr., 211 Bechtler Mint, 211-213, 287 Bedford's Mill, battle of, 116 Beech Mountain, battle of, 351 Bell, John, 328 Bennett, James, 319 Berkley, William, 48, 49 Best, William J., 397 Bethabara (town), 98, 174 Big Bethel, battle of, 332 Biggerstaff, Aaron, 371-372 Biggs, Asa, 329 Bingham, Major Harvey, 352 Bird Town (Cherokee village), 258 Black Mountains, 7, 299, 300, 301, 304, 305, 320, 321, 324 Blake, Alexander, 291 Blockade Runners, 339 Blount, John Gray, 265 Blount, Governor William (Tenn.), 137, 215 Blowing Rock (town), 354 Blue Ridge Mountains, 7, 12, 48, 74, 95, 96, 150, 161, 162, 164, 175, 186, 275, 321, 322, 335, 337, 351, 354, 367, 369, 379, 391, 393, 394, 396 Blue Ridee Railroad, 321, 322, 397 Board of Commissioners of Indian Affairs, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 66, 78 Boen (also spelled Bean), William, 100 Bonus Act (1782), 153 Boone (town), 96, 175, 276, 277, 337, 353, 354 Boone, Daniel, 51, 99, 109, 175, 180, 226, 277 Boudinot, Elias, 247 Bragg, Governor Thomas, 315, 375 Brahm, John William Gerard de, 13, 59, 76-77, 92-93, 140, 299 , Brainard Indian School, 247, 249 Breckenridge, John C., 328 Brevard (town), 192, 282, 333 Brevard, Ephraim, 282 Bright, Samuel, 158, 175 Bright's Trail, 158, 175 Brittain, James, 272 Brooks, Judge George W., 375 Brown, David, 247 Brown, John, 163, 164, 171, 173 Bryson City, 381 Bryson, Daniel, Sr., 280 Bryson, Thaddeus D., 381 Buncombe County, 161-165, 175, 195,198, 204, 215, 236, 263, 268, 269, 279, 285, 289, 299, 303, 315, 317, 321, 323, 332, 333, 335, 337, 355, 389 Buncombe Courthouse, See Asheville Buncombe, Colonel Edward, 162 Buncombe Riflemen, 332 Buncombe Turnpike, 202-204, 215-220, 222, 223, 224, 225, 253, 262, 266, 270, 271, 288, 289, 293, 294, 295, 312, 314, 315, 324, 353, 377, 387 Bunning, Robert, 61, 75, 140 Bureau of Indian Affairs, 247 Burke County, 95, 155, 157, 159, 160, 162, 166, 171, 175, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 186, 208, 209, 261, 265, 274-275, 276, 283, 321, 391 Burningtown, 142 Burns, Captain Otway, 266 �Index / 453 Burnsvifle, 266, 317, 344, 391 Burnt Chimney Academy, 390 Burnt Chimney Volunteers, 331-332 Burton, John, 160, 163, 172 Butler, Fort, 274, 275 Byrd, William, 60, 62, 73, 88, 190 Byrd, William III, 84, 99 Cabarrus County, 207 Caldwell County, 275-276, 283, 321 Caldwell, David, 197 Caldwell, Joseph, President of University, 236, 239, 240, 275, 316, 318, 320, 396 Calhoun (town), 283 Calhoun, John C., 299, 303 Camden (S. C.), 150 Camp Mast (raid of), 351-353 Camp Meeting Movement, 183-185 Camp Vance, 351 Campbell, Arthur, 127, 135 Campbell, David, 128 Campbell, John, Earl of Loudon, 77 Campbell, William, 116, 119 Canby, General Edward R. S., 362 Canton (town), 51, 161, 181 Cape Fear Mercury, The, 108 Cape Girardeau. 253 Carolina Gazette, The, 309 Carpenter, J. B., 273 Carson, John, 282 Carson, Samuel B., 309 Carter, John, 111 Carteret, George, Lord, 95 Cashiers (town), 293 Caswell, Fort, 331 Catalowhee (raid of), 217 Catawba Indians, 31, 79-80, 84, 95, 112, 191192, 207, 265 Cathcart, William, 164, 265 Cession Act of 1783-4, 134, 135 Chambers, James, 161 Chambers, Samuel, 119 Champion, Captain James, 351-353 Chapman, Dr. Robert H., 355 Charles I, 52-53 Charles II, 53-54 Charleston (S. C.), 54, 56, 57, 58, 62, 65, 73, 77, 81, 93, 102, 103, 114, 115, 131, 132, 140, 141, 143, 146, 147, 149, 150, 155, 171 Charles Town, See Charleston Charlotte (city), 95, 115, 120, 123, 150, 213, 320, 397 Cherokee County, 333, 336, 342, 346, 347, 350, 381 Cherokee Nation, domain, 30-33, 157; daily life, 33-41; trade with South Carolina, 5669, 78-79; "Trail of Tears," 251-260; trails, 33-35; treaties, 69, 75-76, 86, 91, 109, 113114, 127-128, 135, 153-154, 241-260, 262-263; wars, 64-65, 78-86, 95, 98, 109-114, 129, 155, 156 Cherokee Phoenix, The, 247, 250 Cherokee Village, 342 Cherokees (mention), 74, 75, 140, 141, 144, 145, 147, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 159, 171, 173, 190, 193, 207, 241-260, 262, 264, 265, 273, 277, 287, 291, 294 Chickasaw Indians, 31, 60, 129 Chicken, Colonel George, 63, 64, 66, 74 Chota (See Echota) Christian, Colonel William, 111, 112, 113, 156 Clark, Governor Henry C,, 334 Clay County, 9, 281-283 Clay, Henry, 249, 282 Clayton, Lambert, 164 Cleveland, Colonel Benjamin, 120, 156 Cleveland, Jeremiah (also spelled Cleaveland), 164 Clingman, Thomas Lanier, 299-302, 309, 311, 313, 317, 325, 329, 333, 396 Cloyd, Major Joseph, 155 Coffee, General John, 243 Co-fi-tash-e (Indian girl), 45, 46 Coleman, H. Heaton, 393, 394 Coleman, Colonel Thaddeus, 393, 394 Columbus (town), 281, 396 Confederacy, The, 331, 334, 335, 338, 339, 340, 341, 343, 345, 346, 347, 360, 361 Congaree, Fort, 60 Conscription Law of 1862, 340-341 Constitution of the United States, 137-138 Constitution of 1868 (state), 262-263, revised, 384-385 Constitutional Convention of 1868, 362-363 Constitutional Reform of 1835, 205-206 Continental Congress, 107, 108, 133, 134 Convention Act of 1861, 329 Cornwallis, Major General Charles, Lord, 114, 115, 120, 123-124, 194, 277 Council, Jordan, 220 Council, Jordan, Jr., 277 Council of Safety (N. C.), Ill, 113 County Institutes, 389 Cowee (Cherokee town), 145 Cowee Mountains, 7, 141 Cox, General Jacob D., 360, 364 Coxe, Tench, 164 Cozby, Dr. James, 136 Crawford, William, 119 Creek Indians, 31, 75, 194, 242, 246 Crider, Fort, 275 Crown Point, Fort, 87 Cuming, Sir Alexander, 66-69, 70, 90, 92, 265, 299 Davenport, William, 158 Davidson County, 135 Davidson, Fort, 80, 155, 277 Davidson, John, 161 Davidson, General William Lee, 115 Davidson, Major William 159 Davidson, Samuel, 159 Davie, Governor William R., 115, 158 Davis, Jefferson, President of the Confederacy, 340, 346 Davis, Brigadier General William G., 158, 345 Deaver, Captain James, 349 Deaver, Colonel Reuben, 295 Deaver, William, 349 Declaration of Independence, 165 Defiance, Fort, 275 Delaware Indians, 31 Demere, Captain Paul, 81 Demere, Captain Raymond, 77 Democratic Party, 325-328, 340, 361, 375, 384, 385, 386 �454 / Index Deserters (Civil War), 344-345, 347, 348-349 DeSoto, Hernando, 13, 43-47, 207, 241, 265 Dinwiddie, Governor Robert (Va.), 74 Distribution of Surplus Act, 237 Doak, Reverend Samuel, 119, 314 Dobson (town), 155 Dog-trot houses, 222-223 Dougherty, Cornelius, 61, 75 Douglas, Stephen Arnold, 328 Drake, Sir Francis, 48 Drowning Bear (See Yonaguska) Drummond, William, 55 Dudley, Edward B., 307 Duquesne, Fort, 87 East La Porte (town), 280 Eastern Band of Cherokees, 254-258 Echoee (town, also spelled Etchoe), 83, 85 Echota (town, also spelled Etchota), 31, 79, 89, 113, 127, 129 Edney, General Baylus E., 349 Edney, Samuel, 161, 183 Edneyville, 225 Educational Association of North Carolina, 240 Elizabeth I, 48 Ellis, David, 351 Ellis, Judge (later Governor) John W., 280, 331, 332, 361 Emancipation Proclamation, 365 Estatoe (Cherokee town), 282 Everett, Edward, 249 Excavations of Indian Mounds, 26-28 Fairchild, Ebenezer, 158 Farmer, Henry T., 291 Farmers' Alliance, 389-390 Farmsteads, 223-224 Fayetteville, 205, 312, 389 Federal Arsenal, 331, 338 Ferguson, Colonel Patrick, 115, 116, 118, 120, 123, 157, 194, 280 Fiftoe ot Keowee (Cherokee), 82 Finley (also spelled Findley), 99 Finley School for Boys, 391 Fisher, Allen, 280 Fisk University, 365 Flat Rock (community), 271, 288-294 Fletcher (community), 291 Forests, 16-20 Forster (also spelled Foster), Thomas, 163 Forster, William, 159, 178 Forster (also spelled Foster), William III, 186187 Foster Trading Station, 280 Foster, Colonel William $., 255 Fothergill, Dr. John, 142, 143 Fox, Colonel Joseph, 70 Franklin (town), 112, 264, 265 Franklin, Governor Jesse, 264 Frenklin, "State" ot, 128, 135-136 Frasier, John, 150-151 Fredericka (Ga.), 71 Freedman's Bureau, 365-367, 368, 371 Fremont, John Charles, 329, 361 French-Broad Railroad, 396-397 French and Indian War, 80-87 Frontenac, Fort, 87 Frontier Lite, 166-173 Furber, Robert, 142 Gaston, William, 205 Gates, General Horatio, 115 Gau-ax-u-le (Cherokee town), 42, 47 Geology of trie Mountains, 8-13 George II, 68, 80 George III, 90, 141, 190 George, Ephraim, 164 Georgia (state), 212, 220, 241, 250, 251, 252 Georgia-Norm Carolina Boundary Dispute, (See "Walton War") Gilbert Town, 116, 157 Gillem, Brigadier General Alvan C., 354 Gillespie, Matthew, 268 Gist, Nathaniel, 246 Glenn, Governor James (S. C.), 61, 74, 75 Gold Mining, 207-211 Goldsboro, 320 Gooch, John, 161 Government Mint (Charlotte), 213, 33. Gowdy's Trading Post, 60 Graham County, 381 Graham, William A., 375, 381 Grandfather Mountain, 11, 150, 299, 301, 305 Grant, Lieutenant Colonel James, 84, 85-86, 88, 110, 112, 140 Grant, Ludovick, 61, 67, 75, 140 Grant, President Ulysses S., 375 Granville Tract, 91, 95-96, 98, 152, 153, 157, 158 Gray, Asa, 297, 298 Great Migration, 251-252 Great Smoky Mountains, 7, 18, 191 Great Tellico (Cherokee town), 63, 70, 89 Greenville (S. C.), 215, 216, 225, 253, 269, 289 Griffiths, Thomas, 140, 141-142 Gudger, William, 159 Guilford Academy, 197 Guilford Courthouse (battle of), 124, 155 Guyot, Arnold Henry, 303-304 Gwynn, Walter, 321 Haile, John, 111 Hall, Reverend Tames, 180 Hambright, Frederick, 120 Hamilton, Captain James, 337 Hampton, Christopher, 293 Hampton Institute, 365 Hampton, Wade, 293 Harris, James H., 368 Hastings, Colonel Theopholus, 58 Hayge, Charite, 58 Hayne, Robert Y., 319 Haywood County, 15, 154, 161, 165, 195, 256, 261, 263, 279, 285, 311, 332-333, 342, 350, 355, 387 Haywood, John, 165 Heath Grant, The, 52-53 Heath, Sir Robert, 52-53 Helper, Hinton Rowan, 336 Henderson County, 161, 215, 265, 266-272, 279, 280, 281, 282, 285, 289, 323, 333, 337, 348, 349, 376, 391 Henderson County Guards, 332-333 Henderson, Judge Leonard, 271 Henderson Purchase, 109 Henderson, Richard, 109 Hendersonville, 272, 323, 332-333, 397 Henry, Robert, 163, 164, 186, 191, 295 Heroes of America (See Red Strings) Hickory (town), 96 Hickory Nut Gap, 74, 269, 305, 317, 354, 355 Hicks, Charles, 246 Highland Messenger, The, 309 Hillsboro (also spelled Hillsborough), 115, 130, 137, 138, 197, 311 Hodges, Thomas, 158 Holden, William H., 325, 360, 361, 362, 363, 368, (later Governor) 374-376, 378, 384 �Index I 455 Holstein, Stephen, 74 Holtzclaw, Henry, 301 Holtzclaw, James, 157 Home Guards, 344 Hopewell Treaty, 128 Horse Shoe Bend (battle of), 194, 242-243, 250, 260, 342 Horton, Nathan, 158 Hot Springs, 215, 216, 295, 345 Howard, Benjamin, 99 Howard, Captain Thomas, 111, 281 Hughes, Barnard, 75 Hume, Robert, 291 Hunter, Colonel Archibald R. S., 274 Hyams, George McQueen, 298 Hyde, Edward, 55 Immigration 1759-1771, 92-95 Impeachment of Governor Holden, 375-376, 384 Impending Crisis, The, 336 Indian Road Gap, 342 Indian Territory (now Oklahoma), 253, 254 Inflation (1863-1871), 356-357 Innkeepers, 218-220 Iroquois Indians, 29, 32 Isaac, James, 351 Jackson, General Andrew, later President, 194, 203-204, 242-243, 245, 250-251, 279, 306 Jackson County, 15, 192, 280, 285, 333, 337, 342, 380 James I, 48 Jamestown, 48 Jefferson (town), 165, 312 Jefferson, Thomas, 142 Jewel Hill (now Walnut), 279 Johnson, President Andrew, 349, 360, 362 Johnson, Fort, 331 Johnson, Hugh, 271 Johnson, John, 272 Johnson, Governor Robert (S. C.), 69, 88 Johnston, General Joseph E., 354 Johnston, William J., 340 Joliet, Louis, 64 Jonesboro (town, Tenn.), 322 Joree (Cherokee town), 67 Judaculla Rock, 40, 279 Judd's Friend (See Ostenaco) Judson College, 391 Junaluska (Cherokee leader), 194, 242-245, 250-251, 258-260, 381 Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 326 Keith, Lieutenant Colonel, James A., 345, 346 Keith, Sir William, 69 Kennedy, Captain Quentin, 84 Kentucky, 216, 220 Keowee (Cherokee town), 63, 67, 74, 75, 81, 83, 85, 143, 144, 147 Killian, David, 160, 178, 183 Kilpatrick, Reverend Joseph D., 180 King, Mitchell, 272, 291, 319 King's Mountain (battle of), 120-123, 136, 156, 157, 160, 265, 272, 275, 277 Kirby, Colonel Isaac M., 353 Kirk, Colonel George W., 346, 349-351, 354, 358, 374-375 "Kirk-Holden War," 374-375, 379 Kirk, John, 129 Kirk's Raids, 346, 349-351 Know-Nothing Party, 326-327 Knox, John, 179 Knoxville (Tenn.), 153, 175, 182, 215, 353 Ku Klux Klan, 370-375, 384 Lacey, William, 120 Lanman, Charles, 287, 295, 304-305 Larned, Captain C. H., 256 LaSalle, Robert, Sieur de, 64 Latimer, George, 164 Latimer, James, 164 Lederer, John, 49 Lee, General Charles, 114 Lee, General Robert E., 332, 355 Lee School for Boys, 391 Lenoir (town), 275, 399 Lenoir, General William, 275 Letters from the Alleghany Mountains (by Lanman), 305 Lexington (battle of), 107 Library Association, The, 240 Life in the Coves, 227-235 Lincoln, President Abraham, 329, 331, 336, 360 Lincoln, General Benjamin, 115 Lincoln County, 120, 196 Lincoln ton, 225 Lindsey, Fort, 256 Linville Mountain, 150 Literary Fund, The, 203, 236, 237, 239, 276, 387 Littlefield, General Milton S., 368, 378, 379 Logan, George W., 327, 367, 373 Logan, Robert, 273 Loudon, Fort, 59, 76-77, 79-84, 246 Love, James R., 295 Love, Colonel Robert R., 161, 165, 191, 195, 280, 350, 355 Love, General Thomas, 161, 165 Lovingood, George W., 275 Lovingood, Hiram, 274-275 Lowney (Cherokee), 254-255 Loyalists, 108, 109, 110, 113, 114, 115, 116, 123, 125, 156, 157, 277 Ludwell, Governor Philip (under Proprietors), 55 Lyon, John, 297 Lyttleton, Governor William (S.C.), 81, 82 McDowell, Colonel Charles, 116ff., 282 McDowell County, 116, 276-277, 283 McDowell, General Joseph, 191 McDowell, Mayor Joseph, 115, 276-277 McDowell, Silas, 163 McDowell, Captain William W., 332, 357, 376 McElroy, Brigadier General John W., 344, 346 McFadden, Fort, 155 McGaughey, Fort, 155 Mclver, Alexander, 387, 389 McPeters, Jonathan, 161 Macon County, 9, 112, 263-265, 273, 279, 311, 342, 349, 373, 380, 389 Macon, Nathaniel, 263 Madison County, 278-279, 285, 314, 321, 323, 333, 336, 337, 345, 349, 358 Marietta-Georgia Railroad, 397 Marion (town), 277, 354 Marion, Francis, 277 Marquette, Jacques, 64 Marshall (town), 220, 279, 345, 358, 374 Marshall, Judge John, 251, 279 �456 / Index Mars Hill (town), 391 Mars Hill College, 391 Martin, Governor Alexander, 135 Martin, Adjutant General James Green, 331, 339, 354, 355 Martin, Brigadier General Joseph, 107, 127, 156 Martin, Robert, 161 Matthews, Maurice, 56 Matthews, Major Mussendine, 191 Mebane, James, 191 Mecklenburg Council of Safety, 107 Mecklenburg County, 130 Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, 108 Mecklenburg Resolves, 108 Meigs-Freeman Line, 165, 193, 241, 262, 280 Memminger, C. G., 293 Merrill, Ransom P., 358 Merrimon, Judge Augustus S,, 285, 345-346, 375, 379 Michaux, Andre, 150, 151, 235, 298, 301 Michaux, Francois Andre, 150 Middle ton, Colonel Thomas, 84, 143 Military "Exercises," 173 Miller, Benjamin, 180 Miller, William, 158 Mills, Dr. Columbus, 281, 349 Mills, Marvil, 284 Mills, William, 160-161, 172-173, 181 Mims, Fort, 242 Minerals, 13-15 Mitchell County, 162, 281, 282-283, 337, 349, 385, 389 Mitchell, Elisha, 203, 282, 300-303 Montcalm, Louis Joseph, Marquis de, 87 Montgomery, Colonel Archibald, 83-84, 85, 86, 88, 110, 113 Moore, Fort, 58 Moore, James, 56, 58 Moore, Captain William, 112, 113, 161, 173, 259 Moore's Creek Bridge (battle of), 114 Moravians, 249 Morehead, Governor John Motley, 315, 317, 318, 320, 321 Morgan, Colonel Gideon, 243 Morgan, Thomas, 294 Morganton, 96, 136, 150, 161, 171, 178, 186, 192, 220, 225, 263, 265, 276, 315, 317, 323, 324, 343, 351, 354, 377, 378, 379 Morris, John, 161 Morris, Robert, 161, 277 Morristown (See Asheville) Mount Mitchell, 5, 7, 18, 299-300 Mountain Animals, 21-23 Mountain Birds, 24 Mountain Flora, 15, 16, 18-21 Moytoy (Cherokee Chief), 67, 68 Muckleroy, Samuel, 58 Murphey, Archibald D., 191, 197-198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 237, 240, 274 Murphey Improvement Program, 197-201 Murphy (town), 112, 274, 344, 350, 3%, 397 Muster Day, 173, 230 Nantahala Mountains, 249, 263 Nantahala Tunrpike, 312, 317 Nash, Judge Frederick, 275 Nashville (Tenn.), 136, 150, 253 Native Americans (see Cherokee Nation) Needham, James, 50-52, 56, 64 Neill, James, 282 Nelson, David, 161 New Bern, 320 New Echota (Ga.) 243, 247, 251 Newport (Tenn.), 127, 217 Newton Academy, 180, 186-187, 204 Newton, Reverend George, 180, 186-187 Nicholson, Governor Francis (S. C.), 62 Nikwassi (Cherokee town), 31, 46, 47, 66, 83, 84, 85, 89, 145, 264, 265 Normal Schools, 389-399 North Carolina Common School Journal (later, N. C. Journal of Education), 240 North Carolina Gazette, The, 108 North Carolina-South Carolina Boundary Dispute, 191 North Carolina Spectator and Western Advertiser, The, 309 North Carolina Standard, The, 325, 360, 361 North Carolina Temperance Societies, 285 Numbers of Carlton, The (by Joseph Caldwell), 320 Oak Hill Academy, 390 Oconostota (Cherokee Chief), 82, 83, 109 Old Field Schools, 185-186, 187, 313 Old Fort (See also Fort Davidson), 110, 317, 378, 379, 393, 398 Old Hopp (Cherokee Chief), 75, 78, 79, 86, 89 Old Tassel (Cherokee Chief), 127, 129, 246 Olmsted, Dennison, 203, 301 Ostenaco (Cherokee Chief), 79, 81, 82, 84, 89, 90, 141 Overmountain Men (march of), 116-120 Outliers (See also Deserters), 337, 344-345, 347-349 Paint Rock, The, 215, 295, 323, 331, 378 Palmer, Brigadier General William J., 353, 354 Pardo, Juan, 47-48 Party Newspapers, 309-311 Patton Hotel, 294-295 Patton, James, 159, 163 Patton, James W., 294, 295 Patton, John, 159 Patton, John E., 295, 305, 314 Patton, Robert, 159 Patton, William, 302 Payne, John Howard, 250 Peace Conferences (Civil War), 329 Peachtree Mound (See also Gau-ax-a-le), 42 Pearis, Richard, 61 Pendley, William, 158 Pennsylvania Road, The, 95, 96, 98, 130, 131, 157, 174-175, 211 Philadelphia Mint, The, 208, 209, 213 Pioneer Education, 185-188 Pioneer Life, 166-173 Pitcairn, Major John, 107 Plank Roads, 324-325 Poinsett, Joel, 319 Political Rallies, 308-309 Polk County, 180, 272, 278-281, 287, 337, 349, 371 Polk, Thomas, 107 Posey, Humphrey, 181 Priber, Christian, 69-72 Prince George, Fort, 60, 75, 81, 82, 83, 86, 141, 144 Provincial Congress of North Carolina, The, 107, 110, 111 Provisional Constitution of the Confederacy, 331 Public School Laws, 237-240 �Index / 457 Quaker Meadows, 120, 282 Qualla Trading Post, 256 Quallatown (Cherokee village), 342 Raids (local during Civil War), 345, 346 Railroads, Eastern, 318-320 Railroads, Western, plans for, 318-323; see also Western North Carolina Railroads Raleigh (city), 205, 208, 309, 312, 361, 363, 373, 378 Raleigh Sentinel, The, 375 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 48 Reconstruction Acts (1867), 262, 364 Red Strings, the, 367, 384 Regulator Movement, 101-103, 108, 133, 155156, 196 Reid, Governor David S., 325 Religious Denominations, 179-185; 390-391 Renegade Gangs (See also Deserters and Outliers), 346-349, 359 Republican Party, 326, 328, 362, 367, 368, 369, 375, 384 Revenue Laws, 369-370 Revolutionary War, 106-124, 277 Reynolds, Henry, 294 Richardson, Jesse, 181 Ridge, John, 251 Ridges (Tsali's son), 254-255 "Rip Van Winkle State," 195, 203, 206 Roads (See also Plank Roads), 130-131, 173178, 315-317, 376 Roan Mountain, 150, 151, 175, 299, 305 Robbinsville, 258, 381 Robertson, Charles, 111 Robertson, James, 101, 129, 175, 265 Rock Formations, 8-11 Rosman (town), 282 Ross, John, 244, 245-246, 249-251, 253 Rough and Ready Guards, 332 Round Hill Acaclemy, 390 Rowan County, 155, 157 Russell, George, 111 Rutherford College, 391 Rutherford County, 91, 111, 116, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 162, 166, 171, 175, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 186, 195, 199, 208, 212, 256, 261, 269, 272, 276, 281, 287, 288, 309, 315, 317, 321, 322, 323, 324, 333, 335, 367, 371, 372, 373, 390 Rutherford, General Griffith, 111-112, 113, 114, 115, 155, 157 Rutherford Riflemen, The, 332 Rutherford Star, The, 273 Rutherford's Cherokee Campaign (1776), 112113, 280 Rutherfordton, 155, 171, 178, 211, 213, 220, 225, 288, 372, 373, 385, 397 St. Tohn-in-the-Wilderness (Episcopal church), 291 St. Xavier, Joseph Gabriel, Count de Choiseul, 293 Salem (town), 225 Salisbury (town), 317, 320, 321, 323, 346, 354, 359, 375, 377, 396, 397 Saluda, 161, 398 Saluda Gap, 215, 217, 269 Saluda Old Town (Cherokee), 75 Sargent, Dr. Charles S., 298 Schermerhorn, Reverend J. F., 251 Schneider, Martin, 38 Schofield, General John, 360, 364 School, Law of 1873, 387 Schools, private, 185-188, 229, 232, 236-240, 390-391; public, 387-389 Shuyucha (Cherokee), 111 Scott, Fort, 257 Scott, General Winfield, 252, 254-256 Seddon, James A., Secretary of War of the Confederacy, 346, 347, 349 Sequoyah (author of the Cherokee Syllabary), 245-249 Settle, Thomas, 385-387 Sevier, John, 101, 106, 111 116ff., 125, 127, 128, 129, 135, 136, 137 Sevier, Robert, 125 Sevierville (Tenn.), 127, 342 Sharpe, Alexander, 158 Sharpe, John, 58 Sharpe, William, 158 Shelby, Colonel Evan, 109 Shelby, Isaac, 106, 116, 117, 120 Sherman, General William T,, 354 Shoffner Act, 273 Shook, Jacob, 183 Short, Dr. Charles W., 297 Shortia, search for, 297-299 Shotwell, Randolph, 371-372 Sickles, General David E., 362 Sitton, Phillip, 268 Skiles, Reverend W. W., 284 Sloan, Major Benjamin, 334 Smith, Second Lieutenant A. J,, 255, 256 Smith, James McConnel, 195 Smith, Captain John, 48, 53 Smith, Phillip, 163, 178 Smithsonian Institution, 304 Smoky Mountains, 254, 255, 299, 380, 381 Snowbird Reservation, 258 South Carolina Gazette and Country Journal, 108 Southern Railway Company, 397 Spangenberg, Bishop A. G., 96-98, 99, 181, 277 Sparta (town), 281, 389 Sparta Academy, 391 Stagecoaches, 225-226, 377 Stamp Act, The, 107 Stekoa (Cherokee town on site of present Whittier), 75, 113, 257 Stephen, Colonel Adam, 84, 89 Stills, 223-224, 232-233 Stokes, Montford, 191 Stoneman, General George, 353-354, 377 Stoneman's Raid, 353-355 Stringfleld, Lieutenant Colonel William W., 344, 349, 350, 355 Strother, Fort, 242 Strother, John, 191 Stuart, Captain John, 80, 83, 146 Sulphur Springs Hotel, 295, 305 Sumter, Fort, 329, 331 Surry County, 120, 155-156, 278, 311, 349 Suspension of Habeas Corpus, 346ff. Swain County, 15, 147, 380-381 Swain, David Lowry, President of University and later Governor, 204-206, 236, 239, 240, 307, 311, 314, 380 Swain, George, 159-160, 163 Swanton, Dr. John R., 41, 46 Swepson, George W., 378, 379 Swepson-Littleheld Scandal, 377-379 Sycamore Shoals, 116 Sylva (town), 192, 280 Table Rock, 150 Tahlequah (Okla.), 249 Tassee (Cherokee town), 85 �458 / Index Tate, Samuel, 378 Taylor, John Louis, 204 Teachers' Associations, 240 Tecumseh (Indian Chief), 242, 245, Tennent, Gilbert B., 357-358, 376 Tennessee, 216, 220, 225, 241-242, 247, 261, 265, 266, 278, 279, 281, 323 Thatcher, Daniel* 179 Thomas Legion, The, 342, 345, 350, 355 Thomas, Robert, 349 Thomas, William Holland, 241-242, 244, 255258, 287, 342, 355 Ticonderoga, Fort, 87 Timberlake, Henry, 38, 78, 89-90, 140 Tipton, Colonel John, 135-136, 137 Toe River Valley, 158 Tories, See Loyalists Toulouse, Fort, 65, 71, 81 Tourgee, Albion W., 367 Trail of Tears, 253-254 Transylvania Company, 109 Transylvania County, 192, 193, 281-282, 333, 335, 337, 348, 389 Transylvania Railroad, 399 Tryon (town), 111 Try on County, 156, 157 Tryon, Royal Governor William, 91, 92, 103, 155 Tsali (Cherokee, also called Old Charley), 254-256, 380 Tucker's Barn, 275 Turner, James C., 321 Turner, Josiah, 375 Tweed, Elisha J., 358 Unaka Mountain Range, 7, 12, 191 "Underground Railroads," 337, 351 Unicoi Mountain Range, 5, 7 Union League, The, 3~67-369, 371, 384 University of North Carolina (Chapel Hill), 187, 197, 236, 239, 301, 311, 314, 376, 389 Valle Crucis (village), 284, 352 Van Buren, President Martin, 252 Vance-Carson Duel, 309 Vance, Colonel David, 159, 191, 220 Vance, Brigadier General Robert Brank, 342, 347 Vance, Governor Zebulon Baird, 186, 309, 313-316, 329, 331, 332, 339, 340, 341, 345, 346, 347, 349, 359, 361, 385-386, 398, 399 Vann, Joseph, 250 Vaughn, Colonel John C., 371 Wachovia, 98 Waddell, Colonel Hugh, 84, 103 Wake County, 175 Walker, Felix, 256, 257 Walker's Settlement, 99 "Walton War," 189, 192-193 War of 1812, 194-195 Ward, Nancy, 110 Warm Springs (See Hot Springs) Washington College, 314 Washington County (now in Tenn.), 111, 116, 128, 130, 135, 137 Washington, President George, 142, 369 Watauga Association (Articles of), 103-105, 190 Watauga County, 13, 74, 100, 137, 158, 277278, 279, 283, 301, 315, 321, 337, 349, 350 Watauga Settlements, 99-106, 110, 113, 114, 129-130, 135, 158, 159, 166, 175, 265, 277, 283 Wayne, General Anthony, 165 Waynesville, 112, 161, 165, 171, 258, 263, 295, 317, 321, 323, 344, 350, 355, 396 Weatherford, Billy, 242-243, 244 Weaver, John, 159 Weaverville College, 391 Webster (town), 280 Webster, Daniel, 249 Wedgwood, Josiah, 140 Weidner, Heinrich, 155 Welch, James, 256 Wesley, John, 179 West, William, 349 Western North Carolina Railroad (See also Railroads), 323-324, 377-379, 391-394, 397 Western Star of Liberty, The, 309 Whatogo (Cherokee town), 145, 149 Whig Party, 306ff., 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 360, 381 Whiskey Rebellion, 224 White, John, 48 White Sulphur Springs, 295; battle of, 355 Whittaker, James, 181 Whittier (town), 127 Wilderness Road, 175, 220 Wiley, Dr. Calvin Henderson, 239-240, 315 Wilkes County, 120, 157, 166, 171, 178, 180, 181, 182, 186, 261, 275, 277, 278, 359 Wilkes, John, 157 Wilkesboro, 180, 275, 301, 312, 342 Williams, James, 120 Williams, Colonel Joseph, 115 Williamsburg, 74, 90 Williamson, Major (later Colonel) Andrew, 111, 112, 113 Wilmington, 124, 199 Wilson, Major James W., 392, 393, 394 Wilson, "Big Tom," 302, 303 Winston, Major Joseph, 120, 156 Wiseman, William, 158 Wolfe, General James, 87 Womack, Jacob, 111 Wood, General Abraham, 50, 52, 56, 73 Woodfm, Nicholas W., 286, 323, 379 Woodward, Henry, 49-50, 56, 92 Wool, General John E., 252 Worchester, Reverend S. A., 247, 249, 250 Worth, Governor Jonathan, 361, 362 Wright, Gideon, 155 Wrosetacatow (Cherokee Chief), 63 Yadkin Valley, 51, 74, 83, 86, 96 Yancey, Bartlett, 266 Yancey Collegiate Institute, 391 Yancey County, 265-267, 277, 279, 283, 285, 297, 302, 303, 317, 337, 349 Yeargin, Reverend Andrew, 181 Yellow Mountain, 150, 175 Yonaguska (Cherokee Leader), 244, 256, 257 Yorktown, 123, 124 ��This page intentionally left blank �ABOUT THE AUTHOR OEA BLACKMUN was a native of Southern Minnesota^ but moved to Fayetteville, Arkansas as a teenager. Blackmun earned her Bachelor's and Master's from the University of Arkansas. She did further graduate work at the University of Chicago and at the University of Southern California. She was an associate professor in the English Department of the University of Central Arkansas at Conway She later moved to Asheville; NQ where she taught at the University of North Carolina Asheville. �This page intentionally left blank �This book was designed by Spencer Quails. The type face is Bembo, a classical Roman design of the 16th century, set by Trade Typesetters, Inc., Greensboro, North Carolina. Printed and bound by Publication Press, Inc. and Graphic Arts Finishing Company, Baltimore, Maryland. Color printing is by Gilbert Printing Company, Asheville, North Carolina. �Other Books Published and/or Distributed by A P P A L A C H I A N C O N S O R T I U M PRESS Boone, North Carolina 28607 " . , . arightgood People," by Harold Warren ArtisansYAppalachia/US'A, text and photographs by David Gaynes Arts and Crafts of the Cherokee, by Rodney L. Leftwich Bibliography of Southern Appalachia, edited by Charlotte T. Ross Bits of Mountain Speech, by Paul M. Fink Down to Earth — People of Appalachia, text and photographs by Kenneth Murray Laurel Leaves, an occasional journal of the Appalachian Consortium Mountain Measure (hardcover and paper editions), by Francis Pledger Hulme with photographs by Robert Amberg Music of the Blue Ridge (LP Recording), by Bob Harman and the Blue Ridge Descendants 'Round the Mountains, by Ruth Camblos and Virginia Winger Symposium on Trout Habitat Research and Management Proceedings Tall Tales from Old Smoky (hardcover and paper editions), by C. Hodge Mathes The Birth of Forestry in America (hardcover and paper editions), by Carl Alwin Schenck The Good Life Almanac, edited by Ruth Smalley The Southern Appalachian Heritage The Wataugans, by Dr. J. Max Dixon Toward 1984: The Future of Appalachia, Southern Appalachian Regional Conference Proceedings Voices from the Hills (hardcover and paper editions), edited by Robert J. Higgs and Ambrose N. Manning Western North Carolina Since the Civil War (hardcover and paper editions), by Drs. Ina W. and John J. Van Noppen DESCRIPTIVE CATALOG AVAILABLE � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Western North Carolina: Its Mountains and Its People to 1880 Description An account of the resource <div class="supapress"> <div class="product-details"> <div class="sp-product__description"> <div class="sp-product__content-inner sp-product__description-inner">Published in 1977, <em>Western North Carolina</em> is a narrative history of the Southern Appalachian Mountains up to 1880. Ora Blackmun depicts the stories of native Cherokee and Sequoyah people and pioneers such as William Bartram, Daniel Boone, Bishops Spangenberg and Asbury, and Zeb Vance.<br /><br /></div> </div> </div> </div> <a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1cx_Ft3QexVZzy0O8zO6ZmGbK8OByNhMi" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469641362/western-north-carolina/" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Blackmun, Ora Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Subject The topic of the resource North Carolina--History North Carolina, Western--History Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant North Carolina Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1970s early settlement history Reconstruction WNC Civil War https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/2bd73f9473e6cc15ff1d779bcd08ee89.pdf e58a811bbd6d9038a45a68349ed0f000 PDF Text Text �Pout Qreen 's ftLphabet of Reminiscence in two volumes is presented to in recognition of generous support to the Pout Qreen foundation. �This page intentionally left blank �Paul Green's Wordbook An Alphabet of Reminiscence by PAUL GREEN Edited by Rhoda H. Wynn Foreword by John Ehle Volume I • A - K APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS, BOONE in association with THE PAUL GREEN FOUNDATION, INC., CHAPEL HILL NORTH CAROLINA 1990 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2.004., its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1990 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3835-5 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3838-6 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Contents Volume I In Memoriam by Laurence G. Avery Photograph of Paul Green, 1978 Foreword by John Ehle Editor's Preface Acknowledgments Alphabetical text, A to K Volume II Alphabetical text, L to Z Author's Note Other Creative Works by Paul Green �In Memoriam Paul Green was born in Lillington, North Carolina, on March 17,1894, and died in Chapel Hill on May 4, 1981. In 1921 he took a B.A. from the University of North Carolina and the following year married Elizabeth Atkinson Lay. Their long and rich life together in Chapel Hill ended only with his death. Green came into national prominence with In A braham 's Bosom, for which he received the Pulitzer Prize for drama in 1927. A decade later he launched a new form of theater with The Lost Colony, a symphonic drama that now has run for more than fifty years and inspired a movement. In addition to his writing, which includes fiction and motion pictures as well as plays, Green also attacked some of our severest social problems as a crusader for social justice. Always a champion of the down and out, he worked — frequently in a hostile environment — to secure equal rights for blacks and other minorities, and equal opportunities in education and employment. A strong faith in human potential also led him to campaign against capital punishment. And a lifelong passion for peace drove him during his final decades to seek disarmament, an end to the Cold War, and friendly relations between East and West. Uniting the strands of Green's life was the outlook of a humanist, a preoccupation with the need for individual expression. Among the purest forms of such expression were the sayings and doings of people close to nature — farmers, fishermen, mountain folk. Green looked on the folk tradition as the common heritage of mankind, and his Wordbook suggests the portion of the heritage alive in him. Laurence G. Avery Professor, Department of English University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill and President, The Paul Green Foundation �Lance Richardson, photographer PAUL GREEN �This page intentionally left blank �An Alphabet of Reminiscence Foreword Paul Green, the powerful, distinctly American author, was staggeringly big in mind and spirit. His intelligence was beyond measuring and his spirit was allembracing. He was willing to include every single man, woman and child, even the lowliest, even the bigoted, even the condemned on death row in Raleigh; for the soon-to-die he would hold overnight vigils, for the others he hired attorneys, using his own funds, seeking help from friends. I once referred to his guest room as the one hundred dollar room and, on my saying that, his eyes showed his hurt. Of course, I felt miserable, joking about one of his causes. I have come to think of this book as being his intellectual autobiography. It does not tell the story of his life in any year by year fashion; he was too modest ever to do that. Rather it picks and chooses, is playful, creates word games, goes chasing after memories, tells stories, sings songs. His kind eyes are on us as we read. He wonders if we understand. "Please try to become a friend of mine and pardon my meandering. Let this linger in your mind. Settle here beside me. Criticize my book, if you like. Law, I do! Hold it to your own light. Let these pages be a companion, a friend." "I was too hard on the preachers in this manuscript," he told me not long before he agreed to die—it took him eighty-seven years to reach that decision. "I have to change some of that," he told me. Well, they were hard on him, too. They had trampled him when he was a boy. They had scared him to hell and back. He wrote a stage play about that, incidentally: Tread the Green Grass. It is experimental, difficult to do successfully. I saw it performed successfully in Memorial Hall in Chapel Hill in 1969.1 thought it was beautiful and moving. The Wordbook will need shortening," Elizabeth, his wife, told him. "No need to put so many verses of hymns in it. There are other books where the hymns can be found." vn �Paul Green's Wordbook "I'll see what the editors say about that," Paul told her. They were sitting in the library of their big home in the country near Chapel Hill. A fire was burning in the fireplace; he was one for hearth fires. And for her, his wife of fifty-nine years. He mentioned this book again while in the hospital with yet another meeting with the "Old Man himself," as he called death. (He once said to me, referring to a previous hospital experience, "I saw the Old Man himself, John, and, you know, I was not the least bit afraid.") I had ventured up to his room where several signs on the door read "DO NOT ENTER,'' but I pushed the door open anyway, and there he lay, father figure of all who knew him, aged, slender, on his back, stickers attached to his bare chest and shoulders, gadgets reading his pulse. One of his daughters was sitting beside the bed. "Come on in here," he said. We talked for a short while, and soon he went to the subject close to him, as dear as life itself, this book which he had written over the years. He wouldn't estimate how many years. Decades. The Wordbook. He had put down everything he had known, "about everything I've learned." "What sort of order is it in?" I asked. "Alphabetical. Do you mean what shape? It is finished. The last bit of it is with the typist. She is doing the final pages. It's a long book, John." "How long?" "Sixteen hundred pages." I laughed out of surprise. "Single spaced," he added. "I want to see it," I told him, "I want to see that book!" "Elizabeth says it needs cutting." "I want to see it as it is." "Will you get it published for me?" "I will. I certainly will." "It might need cutting." "Let everybody cut it for himself," I said. So I believed then, and do now. My wife Rosemary and I sat with him in his library on the afternoon of the day before he died. He had the hiccups; he simply could not stop hiccupping, but no little thing like that was going to ruin our visit. There was the book. That wordbook. It was what he was leaving behind. It had been a feature year by year of his life's work. The writer of so many dozen stories and plays, the father of outdoor drama in America, the wise teacher, the friend, was leaving this gift. Himself in this gift. In your hands. One of seven children, Paul was born March 17, 1894, about one hundred years ago, in a farm family in an eastern, sandy county of North Carolina. In Vlll �An Alphabet of Reminiscence later life, on one occasion he complained to me about the flatness of his homeland, "while your novels have those great mountains, towering over the people, embracing your actions all around." His mother named him after St. Paul. She was an interesting, brilliant lady, with charm and musical talent who, when Paul was thirteen, collapsed. Paul was getting ready for bed at the time, and with one shoe on and one off, he ran for help. There was no one who could help quite enough, it seems, and she died. He claimed to have read books while he plowed. He was honest in most all matters, so we will need to accommodate even that. He ordered a mail-order violin and registered for a correspondence course, practiced in the woods, making frightful noises one suspects until, lo and behold, he played. He pitched for a baseball team, served as principal of a school, saved his money, and by age 22 had as much as he guessed he would ever get this way. He borrowed $5.00 to buy a yellow suit, got a free ride to Chapel Hill and registered in college. That was 1916. At Chapel Hill he began to write plays, and Paul had the wonder of seeing his own play produced, the third play he had ever read, and the first he had ever seen. This was the beginning of a tumultuous career, with Broadway, Hollywood and outdoor theater supplying praise and brickbats galore. In 1917 he enlisted for military service, fought in the trenches in France and was commissioned on the battlefield. He told me when one of his soldiers refused to return to the trenches and advance as ordered, he leveled his pistol at him and said he would kill him if he did not. Paul later wondered how he had ever come to threaten a friend's life, and he took it as good reason to be forgiving of individuals who fail. About ten years after returning to Chapel Hill, by then a teacher of philosophy and active in the Carolina Playmakers, Paul had his first New York City production. The play was In A braham 's Bosom, and its protagonist was a black Southerner with ambition, who was not allowed to realize his goal. Paul received the Pulitzer Prize. Later, the Broadway production of Roll Sweet Chariot fell apart like a bag full of marbles its opening night. The huge cast was left in disarray, the audience in confusion. Next night, it all went better, and so it gained each night after; however, the Shuberts wanted their theater and closed the play. The House of Connelly was produced successfully by the new Group Theatre. The Field God. Johnny Johnson, using Kurt WeilPs music, a beautiful musical well ahead of its time and received without proper criticism in the press. John Gassner of Yale Drama School in his theater history said it might have been the turning point of the American stage. Native Son, collaborating with Richard Wright. Orson Welles directed, and became exasperated with Paul, who had more than a few criticisms of the directing. "Well, here comes our Southern playwright again." He finally refused to let Paul come near. In Hollywood, Paul wrote films for George Arliss and Will Rogers, among IX �Paul Green's Wordbook them the first version of State Fair. He was a personal friend of Will Rogers, but one of his memories of him was hateful to contemplate. The two of them were walking together, and a little boy asked Will if he would sign his autograph book. "Why yes, little boy. What's your name?" The boy stammered it out. ' 'To my friend, Billy Medlin, from his friend, Will Rogers," Will murmured as he wrote. He closed the book, handed it to the boy and went on his way. Tagging along, Paul glanced back only once at the boy who was looking through his book for the treasured page. Paul had noticed that Will had written nothing in the book at all. "I know you think I'm terrible," Will told him. "But they worry you to death." Many writers as famous as Paul were in Hollywood in the thirties, including Bill Faulkner, who was also a friend. Faulkner drank a bit too much in those days. During prohibition, on one trip they made together, Bill wanted Paul to drive his new Cadillac up a narrow dirt road to a drop-off for whiskey, and once he had his full, quart mason jar, he was ready to face the open road. Bette Davis used to say her favorite line of all her movies was one Paul wrote for her: "I'd like to kiss you, but I just washed my hair." Paul, Bill Faulkner and most all the writers were out there re-doing each other's work, turning out scripts for stars, and for producers whom virtually nobody respected as artists or public servants. Disgusted, Paul would leave, but would be called back—"they want me to re-do other people's scripts," he complained, "want me as a critic, advisor, editor. Not much writing on my own. And you'd be surprised what they'd throw at me to try to keep me out there. Money, beautiful women..." About Paul, Katherine Anne Porter wrote at the time, "The honest, tender and gifted soul stood out like a stalk of good sugar cane in the thicket of poison ivy." Paul also was teaching playwriting during this period of his life, and Carolina Playmaker Sam Selden told me Paul was unpredictable. A great teacher, he might find too little talent among his students to compel him to help them, or he would get a call from Hollywood or New York and be off, not even turning in reports on attendance, much less notes on student performance, or grades. Days later he would be found at work engrossed, in Hollywood or somewhere else. One-act plays, full-length plays, screenplays, many short stories. Yes, and novels. The Laughing Pioneer was written in 1932 on the train taking him to California. Paul sent the manuscript to a publisher. On hearing not one word for weeks, he bothered to ask about its whereabouts, fearing rejection. The novel was at the printer's being set in type, he was told. He rewrote the galleys, had the book reset. His second novel, This Body the Earth, is a major work set in the day of heavy poverty in the South. It appeared in 1935. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence One time a group of civic leaders caught Paul at home in Chapel Hill. They asked if he would visit Roanoke Island, the very spot where the first English colonists to America landed. This was before Jamestown and Plymouth Rock. Could something be done one summer as a commemoration. Paul caught fire over the idea, saw visions in music and words and moving figures, heard echoes off sand shores and the ocean, bathed himself in details of the events, recreating the "Royals" and "commoners,'' and wrote a new type of drama, which he named "symphonic drama." In an outdoor theater, using a central stage and two side stages, using dancers, music, a narrator, a cast of over a hundred, he wove a story of empire dreamers, home dreamers, Indians and the parents of Virginia Dare, • the first English child born in the New World, and finally the disappearance of all the colonists into the vast wilderness. Now down the trackless hollow years That swallowed them but not their song We send response— "O lusty singer, dreamer, pioneer, Lord of the wilderness, the unafraid, Tamer of darkness, fire and flood, Of the soaring spirit winged aloft On the plumes of agony and death— Hear us, O hear! The dream still lives, It lives, it lives, And shall not die!" Paul gave the play to the civic leaders to produce, and they did, using local people, the Carolina Playmakers helping—and it was a great success. It played that first summer, 1937, and the next, and has since, to this date. Paul wrote fifteen other outdoor dramas. Rhoda Wynn, his assistant for years, indeed up to the day of his death, tells us that Paul once registered himself at the hospital as a humanist. That was his religion he told the clerk. "We don't have a code number for that, Mr. Green. Would you think of something else?'' the clerk said. Humanist was an appropriate description of him. He was dedicated to humanity, and to the best of man's art and thought. He worked for equal treatment of all people, under the law. Once he compared the university at which he worked, the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, to a lighthouse casting its light afar, but dark at its own base. When Richard Wright, the black novelist, visited him in Chapel Hill, Paul's treating Wright as a guest and equal broke social codes of the South in that day. Paul was accosted for doing so by angry men, but he offered no excuse, and even shielded Mr. Wright from knowing of this embarrassment because it might hurt his feelings. Paul did not come to despise the intolerant, the men who had hounded XI �Paul Green's Wordbook him. He was never intolerant of the intolerant; he was sympathetic to the plight of all people. He believed violence in plays would lead to greater violence. Excessive violence on television and world news troubled him. He opposed the arrogance in patriotism, but loved the country which was his to care for. He was wary of the jury system, saw it as authorizing twelve poorly educated people to make decisions. He would rather trust a judge, he said. He was never mean, his daughter Janet tells me, simply never, nor petty. His niece Claire has one criticism of him, and this has to do with Saturday afternoons when he took the children to the movies. Uncle Paul never, simply never, let them see the whole thing. Up and out, let's go children. Claire says he was exasperating when attending plays. In New York, he would go to a play, leave at the end of an act, duck into another. She says the only one in her experience he sat through was My Fair Lady. I knew him to sit through one other, Winterset, at the Playmakers Theater, his wife beside him. I was on the other side. It's true he was all over the seat, his long body coiling and uncoiling with tension, revealing excitement, irritation, distress. He was attuned to every emotion depicted. In the love scene, the director allowed the male actor to touch, indeed to cup during his embrace one of the lady's breasts, and Paul was instantly airborne. His daughter Janet pays tribute to his teaching ability, which was every day exercised; she came upon him one evening during his gardening time, a daily twohour ritual, and found he had heaved brush into a mountain. "They built great piles like this in Homer's time," he told her, "on all the headlands of the sea to bring the news to Greece—fire by fire—that Troy had fallen." He went on piling brush, Janet says. In my own experience, Paul was the great teacher. Always I took manuscripts to him to criticize. Never did he embarrass or chide. Always he featured in our discussion what could be praised. He asked questions about the other parts, hoping, I believe, that I would find a better way. He never delayed my work, not at all. "John, can you get the manuscript to me today? Can you come over tomorrow evening after dinner, so we can talk about it?" I know of only one writer he ever lied to. This was Professor Horace Williams, Chairman of the Philosophy Department when Paul was a young faculty member. Professor Williams was acknowledged to be an excellent teacher and wretched writer. He had written another book, one lost in the author's efforts and trials. After going through the manuscript, Paul told me he tried to avoid the proud arrogant professor. However, on his way along Franklin Street one day, Williams hailed him and came alongside. "Paul, did you read my book?" "Yes, Professor, I did," Paul said, bracing himself. "What do you think of it?" Paul decided the need to support his family must be considered, that and xn �An Alphabet of Reminiscence the feelings of the elderly man. "I tell you, Professor, I dreamed last night my house caught fire, and I leaped out of bed wondering if I should save your manuscript or my baby." Williams was impressed. He accepted the compliment. A ways along the gravel sidewalk he said, "Which did you?" Too late to turn back, Paul said, "I saved your book, Professor." A ways farther on, Professor Williams stopped and for a while gazed at the horizon. "Paul, you've always done right." John Ehle Penland, North Carolina Xlll �This page intentionally left blank �An Alphabet of Reminiscence Editor's Preface In Paul Green's plays, radio dramas and motion pictures—and in his novels and short stories as well—the speech, customs, work and play activities of the characters were significant. Even before he realized he would devote his professional life to writing, Green had developed a keen ear for the spoken word and the music of the people and an interest in their folklore. Recollections of his childhood and youth always included stories, songs and traditions he had found in family and community activities and extended to remembrances of folk sayings and beliefs he heard while chopping cotton with the fieldhands, white and black, on his father's farm in North Carolina's Harnett County, working in summer lumber camps, and serving in the army in World War I. This Wordbook is the culmination of more than sixty years of his observing and collecting those words, superstitions, customs, cures, riddles, games, stories, songs and beliefs, wherever he encountered them. It is a personal collection, posthumously published unabridged. While the entries are not of a bounded geographical area, Green's roots were in eastern North Carolina, which is traversed by the Cape Fear River. References to "Cape Fear" and "the Valley" relate to that area, which encompasses his Harnett County birthplace and Chapel Hill, which, regardless of his wide-ranging United States and foreign travel, was ' 'home" from his 1916 freshman enrollment at the University of North Carolina until his death in 1981. Paul Green's college education was directed first toward philosophy in which he majored at U.N.C., with Dr. Horace Williams as his mentor. Later Green taught courses on philosophical concepts and comparative religion, references to which one finds also in the Wordbook. Undoubtedly, his interest in folklore was increased by association with faculty colleague and folklorist Dr. Howard Odum and with playwriting teacher Frederick H. Koch, affectionately called "Proff," who encouraged his students to write plays, "folk plays," from what they knew. The xv �Paul Green's Wordbook characters and places Green originally dramatized were, therefore, of the Valley. The earliest record of this wordbook collection is a bound volume of 427 typewritten pages, entitled, Folk Beliefs and Practices in Central and Eastern North Carolina 1926-28, co-authored by Elizabeth Lay Green and Paul Green, which was catalogued in the North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library, in March 1937. The volume includes a list of "Informants," as diverse as Mr. Green's sisters, a "Mrs. Stubblefield (Beauty Parlor), Raleigh," and Mr. W.S. Turner, Dean, Shaw University, Raleigh, as well as the Border Books Club of Spray, North Carolina, and The Progressive Farmer, Editorial Department, Raleigh. A three-page bibliography cites a range of sources, including seven almanacs, the Holy Bible (King James Version), seven volumes of County FolkLore of Gloucestershire, Suffolk, Geicestershire and Rutland, London, 1895; FolkloreofShakespeare,T.F.T.DyeT,New'YoTk,lSS4;ABookofNewEngland Legends and Folk Lore, Samuel Adams Drake, Boston, 1884; and the Yearbook of the Department of Agriculture, Washington, D.C., 1912. One must presume that Mr. and Mrs. Green selected from the reference books only entries they might find in central and eastern North Carolina, in accordance with the title, but even in that first collection the entries were not credited to specific sources or identified by the contributor's urban or rural residency, race, profession or gender. The manuscript consists of eleven main headings: Folk Beliefs and Practices Concerning Birth and Childhood, Childhood Beliefs and Practices, Love and Marriage, Death, Man's Work, Recreation and Entertainment, Man's Health, Religion, General Superstitions and Credences, Native Wisdom, and Imaginative Beliefs and Sayings. Each heading has numerous subsections. A note on the title page,' 'First draft of notes from which book is to be written,'' a two-page allowance for a "Prefatory Note" and ten pages for an "Introduction, Giving Historical Background and Picture of Present Day" indicate the Greens' plans. By all records, however, the 1926-28 "Folk Beliefs and Practices" manuscript was never revised. Two decades after it was compiled, the manuscript, plus eleven pages of folk sayings Paul Green had recorded from W.P.A. workers, was made available to Dr. Newman Ivey White, Duke University Department of English, who had accepted responsibility for organizing the voluminous folklore materials of the late Frank C. Brown and beginning what was to become the seven-volume Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore, Duke University Press, 1952-1964. Responding to an editing inquiry from Dr. White, Paul Green wrote from California, September 1946: As to the proverbs and folk sayings which Elizabeth and I collected — my memory is a little bit hazy. I know that we traveled around in eastern North Carolina in an old Ford car back in 1927 and '28, and we talked to hundreds of people of all walks and stations of life in that region. We would always raise the subject of "old sayings," xvi �An Alphabet of Reminiscence stimulating our informants with reference to some well-known ones of our own, etc. We gathered a great many proverbs this way. Then also we searched in our own remembrance for those we had heard. Although my father had died a year or two before this project was underway, I imagine I set down at least a hundred which I had heard him use, such as "wilful waste makes woeful want," "a fat today makes a hungry tomorrow," etc. Then also Elizabeth and I went through a great number of proverb collections and thus refreshed our memory as to those we had actually heard or which some of our informants had heard. In addition to this we sent out hundreds and hundreds of questionnaires, which among items of superstitions, health, cures, etc., carried a heading calling for proverbs. I am sure that our methods were quite unscientific, and no doubt through the "consonance'' of memory we caught some literary bits in our fishing net. So that is the way it was. And what among those proverbs is good sound folklore and what is contaminated by the subjective imagination I cannot tell at this distance. But I would hazard a guess that about ninety percent of the stuff is authentic — maybe more. The Greens' collection was valuable to Dr. White, who acknowledged (letter of April 10, 1945) "extracting and cataloguing ...some 3,000 items from the folklore collection that you and Elizabeth made," items which he integrated in the appropriate sections. Green contributions are acknowledged in the indices of several volumes, and Dr. WaylandD. Hand notes in Volume I that "the Green Collection appears as a source 1,426 times, an amazing total." The years following 1928 were extremely active for Paul Green. He spent two Guggenheim Fellowship years in Europe, wrote ten screenplays in Hollywood, and dramatized the story of The Lost Colony, with which he introduced a new genre of American theatre, "symphonic drama.'' He followed it with nine more symphonic dramas — The Common Glory, The Founders, Faith of Our Fathers, The 17th Star, Wilderness Road, The Confederacy, The Stephen Foster Story, Cross and Sword and Texas—all by 1966. During this period he also published three books of short stories, five books of essays and two novels; served in numerous national, regional and state leadership positions, including President of the American Folk Festival, 1934-45; and, with his wife Elizabeth, raised a son and three daughters. Paul Green's principal achievement was as a creative writer — foremost in drama where the spoken word is basic and the rhythm of the dialogue creates character, lyricism and suspense. It is not surprising that folklore continued for him as a concomitant six-decade interest. At the same time he was recognized as a champion of human rights, especially for the downtrodden, whether white, Negro or Indian. He visited death row inmates at Raleigh's Central Prison and took a strong position against capital punishment; he supported the educational xvn �Paul Green's Wordbook goals of the Lumbee Indians in Robeson County, North Carolina, who were limited by a third school system, separate from both blacks and whites; and for more than half a century he spoke and wrote, decrying the restricted opportunities for the Negro. "His father laid the bricks of the university library building. Why can't the boy borrow a book?" he asked poignantly. Stories and expressions gleaned from all these experiences interested him and were added to his collection. Sometime in the late 1940s and '50s Green adopted a new format — alphabetical — for his numerous items. He had a selected number of entries from the earlier manuscript typed on 3"x 5" cards and alphabetized. (The researcher, by cross-checking, can identify which of the manuscript entries he did not carry forward and thus determine the pattern of his selection.) In 1967, when I began my work as his assistant, he was again converting those cards, with several hundred he had subsequently added, to "books." Mrs. Jane Suggs, a Chapel Hill homemaker and typist, copied them on double-spaced pages compiled in five looseleaf binders the author called his "wordbook." To Paul Green's frequent visitors and interviewers (indeed, even to the camera of The Dream Still Lives, a 1971 biographical program produced by WUNC-TV) he displayed these notebooks and stated his plans to publish them "someday." For the remaining fourteen years of his life he continued to collect and—it should be noted—to write dramas and short stories. Always he carried 3"x 5" cards in his pocket for the chance encounter with a familiar bit of "folklore," at which he often commented, "Why, I've heard that all my life. I must be sure to put it in my wordbook.'' Occasionally, too, he would note a modern expression, belief, story or custom because, for the writer, "everything is grist for the mill." Much as one empties his pockets of coins after a trip, Paul Green dropped those cards from his pockets into a box in his office. In odd moments I would check them against the looseleaf pages to determine if they were new entries or if his notations gave a new or additional meaning. And I would enter these by hand in the alphabetical arrangement. This "wordbook," then, is a record of his observations and "grist" for the mill of Paul Green, a writer who was also a university professor and recognized human rights leader. Apart from the adoption of items by Dr. Newman Ivey White, only one other volume has been published directly from this manuscript. In 1968 Professor Richard Walser selected 103 entries featuring stories and, with Green's permission, submitted them to the North Carolina Folklore Society, Raleigh. Under the title Words and Ways, the Folklore Society published a special issue, Volume XVI, No. 4, December 1968, with copyright by Paul Green. In the 1980-81 winter, before beginning the writing of two new plays for which research was complete and his treatments sketched out, Mr. Green determined we should review again the looseleaf collection and get "a clean typed copy." Sitting together at a long office table, he and I read aloud every entry, and here and there he amended them. Charlotte Mansfield of Chapel Hill began a new xvni �An Alphabet of Reminiscence typescript while Green turned again to playwriting. On April 30, 1981, four days before his life and work ended, he wrote in a still strong hand to his longtime friend John M. Ehle, Jr., "Your interest in the wordbook encourages me no end. I wish to proceed with that project, and in any way I can, partake of your interest and guiding suggestions. I know your creative words are popping into being but any time you can take a bit of time to drop me a note or give me a telephone call with suggestions, I' 11 appreciate it." John Ehle did more. He persevered through numerous publishing contacts to get the wordbook published posthumously without conceding to an abridgement of it. You, the reader, undoubtedly will find in these pages unfamiliar and new material, regardless of your heritage or experience, because the content represents another time (spanning the nearly nine decades of Paul Green's life and earlier years from which he drew) and another place perhaps from that in which you grew up. But you'll find familiar entries, too — more so if you are of Southern lineage — ones you may have heard all your life or a game you played as a child. Your responses will affirm the value of preserving words and expressions which might be lost by assimilation, and serve as an acknowledgment of the universality of some folklore. Verba volant, scripta manent—words fly away, writing remains. For me it was a privilege and a joy to work with Paul Green on this and numerous other projects during his final fourteen years and to continue his work under The Paul Green Foundation, established in 1982. In the untold hours I have spent on this voluminous manuscript — proofreading, cross-checking entries, correcting alphabetization, cross-referencing stories and preparing the whole for publication — I have been faithful to Green's manuscript, resisting the inclination to delete an entry, add a definition I have known, or change a Green statement. It is his personal lexicon, not a linguistic collection representative of the geographic South or the author's own language usage. The games are not limited to ones he played; race prejudice and religious fundamentalism certainly were not of his credo; and neither profanity nor obscenities were in the vocabulary of this man of letters. The Paul Green Foundation, the Appalachian Consortium Press, family and friends are pleased to publish and make available this Wordbook in tribute to him, his interest in folklore and his creative use of words. Rhoda H. Wynn Executive Director, The Paul Green Foundation xix �This page intentionally left blank �An Alphabet of Reminiscence Acknowledgments One might safely say that no project reaches its final form without much assistance, often brief but important input from numerous individuals' expertise. Therefore, to the persons who gave generously in myriad ways to this project but are not identified by name, The Paul Green Foundation extends its primary acknowledgment for valuable and timely help. Special gratitude must be expressed to the two prime movers in making this publication a reality — John M. Ehle, Jr. and Betsy Green Moyer. As stated in the Editor's Preface, John Ehle persevered after the death of Paul Green to match the Foundation with a publisher who would agree to the Wordbook publication without abridgement. When abridging was suggested, Mr. Ehle's reply was, "If Paul were here, he could decide on the deletions, but posthumously we should publish the entire manuscript." With the advice of Borden Mace, founder and first director of the Appalachian Consortium Press, the Press and The Paul Green Foundation reached agreement. Meanwhile the Foundation Publications Committee, with Betsy Green Moyer, chairman, determined that the wordbook manuscript of her late father should be available to students and adults via North Carolina school and municipal libraries as well as through private purchases. With persuasion and repeated proposals, Mrs. Moyer developed grants and individual contributions for publication and distribution. Two grants from the Mary Duke Biddle Foundation, Durham, North Carolina, matched by The Paul Green Foundation, and a liberal grant from the Lynn R. and Karl E. Prickett Foundation, Greensboro, North Carolina, were supplemented by a generous contribution from Mrs. Paul Green*. The fund was further increased by donations from the following individuals: Laurence Avery*, Charles and Betty Cheek, Byrd Green Cornwell*, W.W. Finlator*, Erma Green Gold, Janet M. Green*, Paul E. Green, Jr.*, W.A. Johnson*, H.G. Jones*, Frank Lewin*, Betsy Green Moyer*, Sam Ragan*, Terry xxi �Paul Green's Wordbook Sanford*, MarkR. Sumner*, Robert E. Ward*, M.Abbott Van Nostrand*, and Rhoda H. Wynn*. ("Current or past Paul Green Foundation Trustee.) There have been valuable contributions of time and scholarship, too. Dr. Edwin G. Wilson, Provost and Professor of English, Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, North Carolina, read the entire manuscript and made valuable marginal notes. Ms. Jeaneane Williams, previously associated with McGraw Hill Book Company, Garrett Press Inc., N.Y.C., and University of North Carolina alumni publications, perused the complete manuscript twice: first, to note any remaining grammatical errors not contrary to the folk expressions; and second, to review the complex alphabetization. The editor wishes to thank Ms. Williams also for wise counsel and an energizing spirit at times when the detailed work on this voluminous manuscript seemed more task than joy. Typists Jane Suggs in 1967 and Charlotte Mansfield in 1981 evidenced patience and skill in typing "clean copies" of the rough manuscript with its handwritten emendations. For this publication, Lance Richardson graciously gave permission to use a black and white print of his 1978 award-winning color portrait of Paul Green. And Stacy Wynn offered valuable advice on typeface and layout. Dr. Laurence G. Avery, President of the Paul Green Foundation Board of Trustees, wrote the In Memoriam tribute. Members of the Foundation Publications Committee — James Applewhite, Laurence Avery, Sam Ragan, Robert Ward, Rhoda Wynn and Betsy Green Moyer, chairman, provided guidance in pre-publication decisions. And finally, from all who participated in this publication there is special appreciation to Paul Green (1894-1981) and Elizabeth Lay Green (1897-1989), his wife of nearly sixty years and early collaborator, for originating the collection and never letting it die. R.H.W. xxii �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1 A a have.' 'Pa would-a (would have) been eighty if he'd lived another month." of. "What kind-a (kind of) girl you think I am?" Aaron's beard Any of several Cape Fear Valley plants having some resemblance to a beard, as the great St. John's wort, Jerusalem Star, the rose of Sharon, etc. Aaron's rod A rod which the Bible records was given to Aaron by Moses and with which he performed many magic tricks according to the Lord's commandment. The preachers in the Valley often let their imaginations soar in elocuting in their pulpits about the rod, even identifying it with the rod and staff of comfort spoken of by the Psalmist or the rod with which Jesus was beaten. Also the penis. ABC book The first year primer. ABC song We children used to sing it in the old Pleasant Union School to help our memorizing. The tune was to that of "Twinkle, twinkle, little star, O, I wonder what you are, Up above the world so high, Like a diamond in the sky-" "A-B-C-D-E-F-G H-I-J-K-L-MNOP Q-R-S and T-U-V W-X and Y and Z. Oh, how happy I will be When I know my ABC." �Paul Green's Wordbook 2 abide Accept, tolerate, endure. "I reckon I could abide him if he would cut the hair out'n his ears." "Abide With Me" One of the many beloved hymns in the Valley. This has brought comfort to many a soul in trouble. "Abide with me, fast falls the eventide. The darkness deepens. Lord, with me abide. When other helpers fail and comforts flee, Help of the helpless, O abide with me!" abigail A serving woman, a lady's maid. Also a popular name for a woman in the 18th century. Cf. John Adams' wife Abigail. able Wealthy or in good financial circumstances. "No wonder Luther's building that great mansion on top of the mountain. He's an able man." abortion According to the folk belief, a teaspoonful of turpentine taken nine mornings in a row can cause an abortion. about To be well or better or convalescent. "He's been sick for a long time, but he's about now." Usually as "up and about." about out Supply almost exhausted. about the size of Approximately right, near the truth.' 'That Joe James is a crook and that's about the size of it." about to On the point of, ready to, almost. "It tickled me so I was about to die." above More than, in excess of. "I wouldn't charge above a dollar or so." "He lives above a mile from here." aboveboard Honest, straightforward. "A man who is always aboveboard will come out right in this life." abracadabra A charm word. Having this word on a piece of paper and carrying it with �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 3 you is believed to be a good protection against toothache and bleeding. Abraham's bosom A haven of rest and safety for worthy souls in the hereafter. I used to shiver with fear and sympathy when the preachers in the Valley would tell the story of Lazarus and the rich man, and tell it with all sorts of embellishments of terror for sinners. I, who from earliest youth have felt myself a sinner, suffered from their furious onslaughts. In the Gospel of Luke the story is told about a certain beggar, Lazarus, who lay at a rich man's gate full of sores which the dogs came and licked the while he begged for crumbs from this rich man's table. Lazarus died and was carried by the angels into Abraham's bosom. The rich man also died and went to his reward in hell. And there in the tormenting flames he lifted up his eyes, so the Scriptures say, and saw Abraham afar off and Lazarus resting in his bosom, and he begged Abraham to have mercy on him and send Lazarus with but a drop of water to cool his burning tongue. But Abraham wouldn't do it. He said to the rich man that he had received the good things of life while Lazarus received the bad things and now he must suffer his torment — and he meant suffer forever and ever. Thus the father of the chosen people showed no mercy. What terrible cruelty has the Bible (called holy) — and likewise the Koran — fostered on this earth! And in saying so I do not forget the sweetness and joy of the Sermon on the Mount and other humane teachings of Jesus himself. Abram man A beggerman, a good-for-nothing. A slovenly Abram man used to come now and then to our house in the Cape Fear Valley, begging for clothes or food or anything he could get. His name was Good, or he said it was. He carried a "budget," a peddler's pack, on his back and had wild black eyes, gray-streaked beard and stringy hair as long as a woman's. He was unbelievably dirty — a pioneer beatnik or hippie. Once my mother cooked him up a good lunch and we children took it out to him all eager to see him eat with his great crooked hands. He looked at the food and said it wasn't fit for a dog and snarled. My father who was nearby heard the remark and became so angry that he hurried out to the harness room, got a blacksnake whip and came back, popping it through the air. He made for the old man, saying, "I'm going to whip you good, you devil of a Good!" The Abram man jumped up and fled down the road, budget, long hair and all. He never bothered us again. Absence makes the heart grow fonder. absotively-posilutely Absolutely-positively. �Paul Green's Wordbook 4 accident To have an uncontrolled bowel or bladder movement. "Look at that poor little boy, he's had an accident in his britches." accommodating Kind, generous, helpful. "He's one of the most accommodating men you've ever met." ace A near thing, a close call. "He came within an ace of breaking his neck on them roller skates." ace high In high esteem, first rate. "General Eisenhower is ace high in my book." ace in the hole Some special item or strength in reserve. ache To desire, to yearn. "I'm just aching to go to Wilmington on that excursion.'' Aches and pains in the body foretell damp weather. Aching corns mean wet weather. a-cold Cold. "I was so a-cold in that church my teeth chattered." acorns A heavy crop of acorns, nuts and berries always forecasts a hard winter. Before the no-fence law came into effect in the Valley the farmers let both their cattle and hogs run loose in the woods, the cattle to feed on reeds and other pickings and the hogs to fatten on acorns in the fall. A brag-porker was one fattened on acorns. Act in the living present. action A bowel movement. "I had a bad headache last night, but this morning I had a good action and now it's gone away." A motion picture production directive to actors, technicians, etc. to begin filming. Suit the action to the word. Actions speak louder than words. act of God A happening or event not explained by any natural or human agency, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 5 therefore thought to be caused by a divine or supernatural power, namely, God. '' Yessir,'' said Arthur, the yardman, as we were setting camellias behind the lily pool the other day, "Old Moster looks after us many a time when we don't expect it." "There's no doubt about that, I guess," I responded. "Ezzactly right," he said. "From hard experience I know that God takes action to help us now and then. He's holp me several times, but one time in particular he holp me — if he hadn't I' be lying behind penitentiary bars or rotted in the ground from death in the electric chair right now. That's what I would." "That must have been something, Arthur," I said. "It was that. Well, sir, there was this girl — that was when I was living down in Wilmington away from here — and I loved her better'n life itself. Couldn't think of nothing but her as I went about my work. I was driving for Mr. Lanchester at the time. And one day he said to me 'Arthur,' he said, 'I see you're a-loving that girl over there, and I think I better tell you she's not what you think — she's two-timing you. She lets you spend money on her, buy her candy and let her have cash now and then — you do, don't you?' 'Yessir,' I said, 'for she's my onliest woman.' 'You may think so,' he said, 'but I know better. There's a long yellow fellow comes to see her at night regular. Rena that cooks for us knows the man that creeps in when you're gone, and Rena says the girl is going to marry him. I thought the only thing to do was to tell you about it so you can save your money and save your feelings too. She's a bad woman.' "Well, sir, I was all churned up inside and mad enough to eat nails. And right off I determined to kill that yellow man. Not once did I think of harming her. That shows you how much I loved her. So I took my shotgun and lay in wait for that fellow. There was a field behind her house, and that was the way Rena — I found that out from her — said he'd come at night to visit my gal. So I hid in the bushes right after dark waiting for him. And I was going to let him have both barrels as he passed by and drop him in his tracks. Well, I waited awhile, and then all of a sudden a voice spoke to me — it was my mother's voice loud and clear. 'Arthur,' the voice said, 'what are you doing out there in that field with that gun? "I'm just out huntin' a little bit, Mama,' I said. 'Hunting, the dog's foot! I know what kind of hunting you're a-doing,' she said. 'Now, boy, you listen to me, get right up from there and go back home. Hear me? Go home!' 'But, Mama,' I said — all ready to make excuse, 'they's plenty of fat rabbits use around here, and —' Well, sir, when my mother spoke, you had to listen to her. You couldn't go against her. No sir. So I shouldered my gun and went on toward home like she told me, leaving that fellow to come by all safe and sound if and when he wanted to come. I was halfway back to the place I boarded �Paul Green's Wordbook 6 at when all of a sudden I remembered my mother had been dead for ten years or more and was buried way back in Fuquay Springs. Yessir. It was an act of God that saved me. And don't tell me no different." act up Misbehave, run badly. "My old Ford started to act up, and there I was — stuck." act your age To behave discreetly, fittingly. Adam According to the Bible, the first man created by God out of common dirt. Also a sinful instinct, the bodily appetite, usually referred to as "Old Adam," and everlastingly opposed by the fundamentalist followers of Christ. Godparents in the Episcopal Church stand as sureties at the christening of an infant that the said baby has renounced the devil and all his works and they themselves will strive to their uttermost to see "that the old Adam in this child may be so buried that the new man may be raised up in him" — and "that he may have power and strength to have victory and to triumph against the devil, the world and the flesh. Amen.'' An agreement not often kept. Also that instrument of bodily appetite and baby-creating, the penis. Adam and Eve A curious little flower belonging to the orchid family. Its two bulbs just below the ground are joined together — "Adam and Eve hand in hand." Later the two other bulbs, "Cain and Abel," appear, a close family group. Inside the bulbs is a strong glutinous matter from which the plant is sometimes referred to as' 'putty root.'' When this root is chewed or brewed, it is supposed to be good for throat or bronchial trouble. Adam and Eve and Pinch-me-tight Went to the river and had a fight. Adam and Eve fell in. Who was left out? (A sell rhyme. The answer prompts a good pinch.) Adam and Eve on a raft Poached eggs on toast. Adam and Eve suit In the nude. Adam and Eve wrecked Scrambled eggs. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 7 Adam's ale Water. "Adam's ale is the best ale." Adam's apple The proj ection in the front part of the neck, supposedly caused by the apple Adam sinfully swallowed which swelled out his throat as it went down, a swelling that remained. Adam's flannel See "Indian thistle." Adam's needle The Spanish needle, yucca, bear grass. This plant, also known as Adam's needle and thread, is becoming more and more popular in the Valley because of its gorgeous column of creamy white flowers. The tincture of the root was once used for rheumatism and gonorrhea. Adam's off-ox A term of disparagement, a clumsy or unimportant person. adder After. adder's-tongue More commonly known as dogtooth violet, this popular southern flower is often called trout flower or trout lily. It was once used as a medicinal herb, the juice to bathe severe eye inflammations and the leaves, applied to wounds and placed gently over chilblains, were therapeutic. Like the sunflower, the adder's-tongue turns its little devoted head to follow its lord the sun and, like the rue anemone, too, it is a perfect flower to tramp the woods for in one's springtime courting days. So did I, so did she. addled All mixed up, as an addled egg. Also mentally weak, crazy.' 'Mis' Sara Mims has an addled boy Joe." addle-pate A confused or feeble-minded person. admiration Suspense, state of uncertainty. "He kept me in admiration so long that I got plumb nervous." Adventist A religious sect believing in the second coming of Christ, the resurrection of the dead and the approaching ending of the world. (Seventh-Day Adventists observe Saturday as the sabbath.) �Paul Green's Wordbook 8 Like most protestant religions in America, and especially in the Valley, whether Baptists, Methodists, Episcopalians, Lutherans, Presbyterians, Holy Rollers or what not, the Adventists maintain that when Jesus appears the second time, he will appear in the air in the east. According to the Scriptures, after his resurrection he was seen by eleven apostles (Judas having hanged himself) for forty days during which time Jesus spoke to them "of things pertaining to the kingdom of God.. .after which he was taken up and a cloud received him out of their sight." Then "two men stood by them in white apparel." And these men said to the apostles, "Why stand ye gazing up in heaven? This same Jesus which was taken up into heaven shall so come in like manner as ye have seen him go into heaven." So it is that people wait the second coming and the rising of the dead. And thus the dead are buried in the Valley — and elsewhere — with their feet toward the east and their heads toward the west. They then will rise up on judgment day, when Gabriel blows his horn, with due courtesy and politeness to greet their Savior face forward, for according to Scripture he is like the sun and will appear in the east. Sweet are the uses of adversity. Advice is cheap. Advice when most needed is least heeded. afeared Afraid. affect To love. "He affected that gal a lot, and when she gave him the go-by, looked like he'd go plumb crazy." afflicted Deformed, crippled, retarded. "Po* Mis' Matthews, all these years she's had to nuss that afflicted boy of hern." afire afore Sensually hot. "Just to look at that girl sets me afire." Before, heretofore, ahead of. "If you don't get a move on with Joe Turner's gal, that Cephus Bowles is going to be there afore you." afraid Apprehensive, full of worry. "Yes, child, there you come with a woods colt baby sprouting in you, and I was afraid of it." Be not afraid. (Matt. 14:27) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 9 African golf Craps. afterclap A clap of thunder after lightning, an unexpected payoff, a harsh follow-up. afterlife Survival after death. A belief held by most people on earth. But more and more of the Valley young people are becoming skeptics along with the scientists. "After the Ball" A popular song among the Valley people in the early part of the century. I loved to hear my mother sing it as she dressed for church. "After the ball is over, After the break of morn, After the dancers' leaving, After the stars are gone. Many a heart is aching, If you could read them all— Many the hopes that have vanished, After the ball." There were many parodies made on this song. One I especially like was given to me by Margaret Harper, the driving force behind my outdoor drama "Texas." — "After the ball was over Mary took out her glass eye, Put her false teeth in water, Washed off her paint and dye, Stood her false leg in a corner, Hung her right arm on the wall, What was left of her went to slumber After the ball." After the storm comes the calm. against Injurious.' 'Jesse was a chain smoker and he knowed cigarettes were against him, but he wouldn't quit, and so now he's dead as a wedge from lung cancer." against the grain Contrarily, unwillingly, unhappily. �10 Paul Green's Wordbook agate A marble in the well-known boys' game. Age before beauty. Age makes men older but not better. be your age Same as act your age. age of accountability A condition of moral or freewill responsibility a child reaches when he becomes able to tell right from wrong — often referred to as "line of accountability." Boys are supposed to arrive at this age at ten; girls, being smarter, at nine. The first time I ever ran into this accountability subject was when I was a little boy about eleven years old. I was a year late. It was such a hellish experience that the details of it are with me to this day. A big meeting was going on in the neighborhood at the time, and the preacher had spent the night at our house as was the custom around and about among the neighbors during a "protracted meeting" of those days. These big or protracted meetings, or revivals, were customary throughout the countryside during the "laying by time," that is, during the period when the final plowing, chopping, siding and cleaning out the crops had been finished and a waiting of some two or three weeks ensued. Then would begin the burning, blazing business of fodder-pulling, and after that the cottonpicking and then the cornshucking, the school days coming on in late fall and finally the rich fat wintertime to follow. (Back in those days tobacco — a full crowded year's crop — had not taken over in the Valley as much as it now has.) Brother Wicker, the old fiery preacher, after prayers the night before, had interviewed me somewhat thus — as his cold blue eye looked holes through me. "You are past ten years old now, your mother tells me," he said. "Yessir," I gulped, "soon be 'leven." "Uh-huh," he said as his long-fingered hands writhed themselves together, a nervous habit I had noticed in him before, especially when he was going good in the pulpit. "So you've reached the age of accountability — ain't that right? You can tell the difference between right and wrong," he went on. And before I knew it he had made me promise to go to the mourners' bench at next day's meeting and repent of my sins and find my Savior. I slept very little that long, long night. Somehow I lasted through the sermon the next day, and the singing �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 11 to follow. Then when the call came, I managed to go down the aisle and kneel barefooted at the anxious bench (also called the mourners' bench) along with older and more sinful creatures such as Eddie Kirk Maxton, who fired the boiler at the neighbor's sawmill and who could never get up steam except to much chewing of tobacco, loud hollering and rollings of profanity. The soles of my bare feet were turned toward the congregation, and my repenting tears were wetting my fingers spread over my face. Then Brother Wicker came and knelt beside me, and his bad breath from his decaying teeth blew in on me. He thumped me on the back with the flat of his mighty hand. "Give it up! Give it up!" he shouted. "Let Jesus into your heart! Let Him in! He will save you, save you now! Pray for grace! Pray!" And with a final and devastating blow to my poor little scrawny shoulders, he moved over to belabor Eddie Kirk. I prayed for grace as he ordered but could feel no grace. The consciousness of my bare feet bothered me, and then my waist (blouse) — the one my mother had made with lace around the collar — kept sliding up above my cloth belt, leaving my back bare, and I could feel the fishhooking eyes of a hundred people digging into my naked skin. Even so when later Brother Wicker called for all the new converts to stand together before the pulpit and receive the right hand of fellowship, I was lined up right there straight among them, and I knew I was a low-down hypocrite and no more saved than a snake had hips. But I would commit most any kind of sin, I knew too, to get out of that dreadful situation. So it was that I was "saved from nature to grace'' and three weeks later was baptized with the others in the Reuben Matthews millpond. And since that time I have bothered no more about the age of accountability or the grace that saves. See "baptizing." aggervate Aggravate. to agg on To incite, to rouse to anger, to encourage unduly. Same as egg on. as agile as a monkey agin Against. agin the government Obstreperous, anti-social. agony column A newspaper column in which correspondents express their troubles and usually get too-easy answers. �12 Paul Green's Wordbook agribble Agreeable. agrimony A common plant throughout the Valley. It was used as a tonic and also for asthma and as a vermifuge. ague bark The water ash or swamp dogwood. The bark was often used for a tonic and the chewed leaves aided in digestion. ague tree See "sassafras." ague weed The stiff gentian, also called gall weed. In the old days tea made from it was used as a tonic to purify the blood as well as to help in female disorders. ague wood Sometimes known as snakeroot. ahint Behind or behint. aholt Hold of. "When that horse bolted, I tried to get aholt of the reins." dig ail Egg. To be different from others, also to mope about. "What ails him." Ailanthus See "tree of heaven" or "stink tree." If ails stay at home, Rain will soon come. If they fly away, Fine will be the day. (Weather proverb.) ally aim 111, not well. Intend. "I aim to do it if I live long enough." If you don't aim high, you'll never hit high. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence ain't air 13 Is not, am not. Are. I can remember as a boy that most of the old people in the Valley did like their Elizabethan forebears — they prounced "are" as "air," also "joint" as "j'int." air, aim Any or one. "Have you got air knife?" "No, I ain't got aim." air, airy Either one. "I couldn't tell air (airy) one from t'other." in the air Rumored. " It's in the air that the two of them are planning to get married.'' airing the lungs Shouting, running off at the mouth, being too loud in one's talk. airish Cool, windy. "This room's airish, you'd better close that there door." air one's dirty linen To tell facts about one's intimate troubles and mistakes which would be better left untold. airs Pretentiousness, conceit. "There that woman comes stepping along and putting on airs." Battle ofAlamance A famous battle that took place at the head of the Valley when in 1771 — four years before Lexington — some embattled farmers, known as Regulators, rebelled against the tax gatherers of the British Governor William Tryon. They were defeated and six of their number were hanged in a grove at Hillsborough. Strange as it may seem, these Regulators later were Tories. alder A shrub that grows plentifully along streams and in swamps in the Valley. In the old days we boys chewed the bark and spat out its red juice profusely, pretending that we were chewing tobacco. Also, local baseball pitchers chewed it in the place of slippery elm to help them throw spit balls. A gargle made from the bark was supposed to cure sore throat, and it was used also for an emetic as well as for tanning and dyeing. Ale sellers shou'd na be tale tellers. �14 Paul Green's Wordbook as alike as two peas in a pod all Belongings, property. "He was sick so long it took his all to pay the hospital.'' The only. "They were all the men I ever saw hung." "That's all the help I could get." Everyone, for inclusive emphasis. "We all." "You all." The family, the relatives, the near relatives. "How's all?" "Just well as common." All is not gold that glistens. All that a man hath will he give for his life. All that live must die. All the keys hang not at one man's girdle. All the speed is in the spurs. All the world's a stage. all about Everything, the complete story, all the details. "Tell me all about what you've been doing." all alone Single, individual, lonely. "There I was in that big field all alone and the snow pouring." all along All the while. "All along I knew that man was a crook." all and some Inclusive of everybody or everything. all arms and legs Awkward, adolescent. all ass and no body A loud talker, a boaster, a show-off. all at sea Confounded, confused, at a loss. all but Almost, nearly. "We're all but home now." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 15 all by her (his, its) lonesome Entirely alone. all covered up Over-committed, extremely busy, with an overfull schedule. "We got so few cabs here in Fayetteville our boys stay all covered up." allemande A command or call for a particular move in a square dance at which the men turn the ladies to the left and return to their partners. up my alley Suitable, easy for me, exactly what I wanted. all fingers and thumbs Awkward. all-fired Absolutely, completely. Used for emphasis and intensification. "That preacher made me so all-fired mad scaring the little children half to death with his hell-fire sermon that I felt like standing up in the church then and there and telling him to shut his big blabbing mouth!" all-fours To be on one's hands and feet or knees like an animal. "I was passing by along in the night when there come a racket in the fence jamb, and I thought some hogs were in there, and I let out a loud 'sooey, sooey!' Then all of a sudden Henry came out on his all-fours, holding to his half-off britches. And then I seen a woman there in the shadow lying spread out flat on her back and her dress drawed up beyond her knees. She was so far gone in love or drunk one she had no shame. " 'You won't tell on me, will you, Lem?' Henry said, still on his allfours, looking pitifully up at me in the star-shine, his head hanging to one side, and his hand jiggling at his pants. " 'No, I won't, Henry,' I said. "And I ain't never told it till now, Paul, and it don't matter no more, for both Henry and the woman are long gone to their final resting place where there's neither love nor giving in love anymore." all front and no back door A phony, irresponsible person, a pretender. all get and no give Greediness, self-centeredness. all get out Intensely, entirety. "He works his hands like all get out when he talks." �16 Paul Green's Wordbook "That beats all get out." all give and no get Service, devotion without thanks or return. all gone Deeply in love, infatuated, absorbed. Also tired out, done in. Consumed. "The cookies are all gone." "All Hail the Power of Jesus' Name" A popular hymn. As a boy I admired Ian Matthews' tenor soaring away in Sunday service there at Old NeilFs Creek Baptist Church. I went there now and then because it was near my country sweetheart's home. "All hail the power of Jesus' name, Let angels prostrate fall! Bring forth the royal diadem And crown him Lord of all." And so on through a stirring missionary proclamation— "Let every kindred, every tribe On this terrestrial ball To him all majesty ascribe And crown him Lord of all." Still, for these vivid and consoling words I have just as vivid remembrance of an occasion connected with them in which I was involved — vivid and painful. Our male quartet — consisting of Ernest Spence, Rass Matthews, Gordon Long and myself — was to sing this hymn at an Easter service in the old church. For the occasion I had bought a new suit from the merchant Ransome Taylor in Dunn, costing five dollars — on a credit. We fellows did ourselves proud in the quartet, and I was especially pleased that my yellow-haired girl was in the congregation sitting in the front pew. Later among the folks outside she complimented me on my second tenor. Then with a little giggle she pointed to the front of my coat.' The next time you sing in public like that," she said, "you ought to cut the price tag off your suit. Folks all around me could see it where it said 'Price—$5.' " The world was ruined for me for a week or so. And I have never particularly liked that song however much my neighbors and Ian loved it. all his buttons All his wits. "You needn't try to trick Cousin Henry, he's got all his buttons, old as he is." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 17 all hollow Thoroughly, completely. "We played Fuquay yesterday and beat 'em all hollow." all how Completely how. "He told me all how he got that way." A llicomgreenzie A game, same as Drop the Handkerchief. all in Whipped down, tired out. Same as done in. all its worth Completely, entirely, as fully as possible. all kinds Many, much, a lot, a great deal. "That fellow's got all kinds of money." All meat is to be eaten, all maids to be wed. All men can't be masters. all mops and brooms Very drunk. all of a heap Nonplussed, astounded, speechless. "That bad news hit me all of aheap." all of a stew Disordered, in a mess, topsy-turvy, turned upside-down. "Brother Goff and Brother King are coming for the protracted meeting and my house is all of a stew." all one All the same, the same result, of no importance particularly. "It's all one to me whether you buy my land or not." all outdoors Totally, completely. "He's as mean as all outdoors." all over The entire body, completely. "I hurt all over." "He's a liar all over." Ended. "The children were sad when the show was all over." all-overs Fidgets, nervousness, mild willies, also called the "hicumstrikes." "To look at a snake just gives me the all-overs." �18 Paul Green's Wordbook allow, 'low To be of the opinion, to think, believe, intend. "I 'low you might make it." "I allowed as how I'd go over there, but I ain't never done it." allowance A ration, quantity of goods or pay. "You've not give the children their 'lowance this week, and they're all sore at you." all prick and no pence Pretense, all front and no back, a show-off. "Them soldiers come in here all fired up — it was all prick and no pence." all right Satisfactory as to manner and condition. all screwed up Tangled up, in a mess, topsy-turvy. all set Ready, on the qui vive, satisfied, in comfort. "How're you doing this morning?"—"I'm all set." all sore Angry. all sorts and sizes Every kind of thing, used inclusively. All squeal and no wool, as the devil said when he sheared his hogs. A lot of effort amounting to nothing, much ado and little result. All's well that ends well. all that A great deal, much. "What are you going to do with all that money?" all the Used for comparison. "Is that all the fast you can run?" "Is that all the good you can do?" all the go The style, fitting the fashion, popular taste and custom. all there Sane, sensible, long-headed, of sound judgment. The opposite, "not all there," is often used in speaking of one touched with lunacy. All things work for the good of those that love the Lord. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 19 "All Through the Night" A favorite song. all thumbs Awkward. all to pieces Ruined, collapsed, broken to flinders. "When she heard her husband had been killed in France, she went all to pieces." allus Always. all wet Wrong, ignorant, mistaken. "You're all wet about Billy Graham's being an influence for good," said Uncle Myron,' 'not with him selling Christ-and-him-crucified the way you sell stocks and bonds or a blood purifier or this Geritol stuff and all with a lot of publicity and ballyhoo, and at the same time whooping it up for devotion to the flag and the killing of the boys in Vietnam for the sacred cause of patriotism. Maybe he thinks the quicker they're killed the quicker they'll get to heaven." the almanac Next to the Bible, the wisdom book of the Cape Fear Valley farmers. My father always kept his almanac hung on a nail by the fireplace where it was handy for reading. He treasured it for its information on the diseases of animals and human beings, its recipes, its household advice, its directions on soil and crops, table of postal rates, how to make hens lay more eggs, character readings, and especially for its weather forecasts for each month of the year. And both he and I used to ponder the page given over to the zodiac. See "zodiac." In the trimming of cattle and hogs these signs were most carefully considered. Also in the old days women baked bread and weaned their babies by them. Although the almanac is not considered the authority it once was in the Valley, still it is popular and is widely sold and distributed today. The Almighty God, Jehovah, maker and ruler of the universe. "Almost Persuaded" An old hymn. "Almost persuaded, harvest is past. Almost persuaded, doom comes at last. Almost cannot avail, �20 Paul Green's Wordbook Almost is but to fail. Sad, sad, that bitter wail, Almost, but lost!" And I, a little fellow, would shiver and shake as I stared across at some of the unregenerate sinners who would not yield to the pleadings of the preacher to save themselves from future torment in hell. It is not good that man should be alone. along Becauseof, onaccountof. "It was along of you talking so damn much that I got into that mess with Lena's daddy." along the line of In a planned direction, connected with the same subject, in line with.' 'Along the line of what you're saying, I say force is the only thing that'll make 'em behave." alpha and omega The beginning and the end. an also ran A defeated candidate, a horse coming in in last place. althea A very popular shrub, most often found around Negro cabins and houses. Another name is rose of Sharon. It was introduced from Asia and has become so popular with its beautiful cotton-bloom blossoms that many baby girls in the Valley are named for it. alum A good Valley remedy to stop bleeding. The old midwives were wont to use it to help heal up a new mother. alumroot Spotted geranium or wild geranium. It is common in the Valley and was used medically by the Indians and early settlers. A drink made from boiling the roots and leaves was supposed to be good for dysentery and diarrhea. Some old folks also used to say it was good for sore throat and ulcerations of the mouth, as well as general stomach disorders. a-many Many. "A-many man has hung himself with a woman's skirt." amaranth Also known as thorny amaranth or prickly careless-weed. It is widely scattered in the Valley and elsewhere in the south and grows as well in waste �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 21 places as it does in the garden. Like cabbage leaves, Jimson leaves and leaves of the mullein, the amaranth leaves were used to heal bites, wounds and all sorts of hurts, including nail-punctured feet. This plant was also referred to sometimes as pigweed. It was a curse to the Valley farmer like crabgrass, Johnson grass and nut grass. amaryllis Sometimes called colic root because of its poisonous nature. It is now one of the brag flowers in a Valley garden. "Amazing Grace" One of the Valley people's most comforting hymns through the years, even more comforting, say, than such old favorites as "Blessed Assurance," "Come, Thou Fount of Every Blessing," "My Faith Looks Up to Thee" or "Sweet Hour of Prayer." And though the hymn is written in three-four time, it went well with my mother's churning. Up and down, up and down her dasher moved in the churn, the while she sang— "Amazing grace, how sweet the sound That saved a wretch like me! I once was lost but now am found, Was blind but now I see." I never did care to hear her say "a wretch like me." Like so many of her hymns, this one served somewhat as a labor accompaniment as well as a testimonial of religious faith during her ever busy, busy life. (She was the mother of seven children, did all the cooking and housekeeping till some of us, especially my sister Mary, were large enough to help in the four-room house, sewed for the neighbors, both the living and the dead, kept a little home post office, sent butter and eggs for sale down to Buie's Creek Academy, played the organ in the church, and now and then wrote a bit of poetry, some of which appeared in the Lillington newspaper.) Once when my father spoke of her working so hard, she answered — I was a little boy standing by and heard her — the reason, she said, was that she wanted the family to get ahead, that "our children, Billy, can get an education, can have a chance to amount to something." She was a great believer in education. Often we children felt as she churned, or we churned for her, that "Amazing Grace" was too slow in bringing results, so we'd stand around the churn and chant over and over in our shrill voices— "Come, butter, come, For I want some! Come, butter, come, �22 Paul Green's Wordbook For I want some!" And when we told her our song was better than hers, she smiled, pushed back her lovely dark hair with her firm-fingered hand and said,' 'They both help bring the butter." She died too early from hardship and overwork. As the poet puts it more or less, "her reach exceeded her grasp." And then he adds that's as it should be "or what's a heaven for?" I well could add and do, "why not a hell as well?" ambeer Tobacco spittle or juice. ambitious Dangerous, irritable, bad-tempered, easily angered. "You better watch that sow with her new pigs, she's an ambitious hussy." ambrosia Same as wild wormseed. See "Jerusalem oak." ambulance chaser A greedy lawyer or his agent, also an undertaker. amen A Hebrew word used in English now to end a prayer or song and also to agree heartily, as "Amen to the president's war on poverty." amen corner In the old country churches in the Valley there were three areas as to seating the congregation. On the right from the pulpit's point of view was the old women's corner, and on the left the old men's corner. These were called amen corners, from whence often during the preaching the "amens" would sound in loud confirming, or not, the doctrine being preached. The rambunctious young and middle-aged people, more subject to sinfulness, sat in the middle of the church out in front of the pastor. I can remember at Pleasant Union, the church I once attended and where I was' 'converted,'' that one Sadie Morgan, one of the young girls who used to sit out in front, had a bastard baby and when she returned to church she naturally took a subdued and humble place over among the old women in their amen corner. And often while the preachers thundered away on the carnality of man, she would nurse her baby unashamed from a lovely full breast, a breast which had been part of her undoing in the first place. "America" The popular patriotic song, strong and determined. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 23 "America the Beautiful" A charming song with less dogma and more beauty in it. "Am I a Soldier of the Cross?" Old popular hymn with its' 'blessed assurance'' and its ethical admonition. "Must I be carried to the skies On flowery beds of ease, While others fought to win the prize, And sailed thro' bloody seas?" a-mind Disposed to, inclined to. "I'm a-mind to go down there and beat hell out of him for saying my son was a whore-hopper." amongst Among. Alsoagroup, others, additional ones. "He went with Ed and amongst 'em." an If.' 'An he don't pay that debt, I'm going to get him where the hair is short.'' ana mana A counting-out rhyme in a children's game for deciding who is to be "It." "Ana mana, dippery dick, Delia dolia dominick, Hotcha potcha dominotcha Hy-uh pon tus— O-u-t spells out, On your way home." Ananias A liar. anarchy See "Phil McNeill." anchorman A central man in any setup, one on whom the main responsibility rests. and how! Manner, ways, means, condition intensified. "If you young'uns don't behave, I'm going to tan your hide — and how!" aneath Beneath. anemone See "rue anemone." �24 Paul Green's Wordbook anenst Against. angel In Christian belief a spiritual and celestial being who acts as a messenger of God. Also has reference to the conscience, as one's good angel or bad angel. There are many important angels, one of them being Gabriel. For to him God has assigned the future duty of blowing his trumpet to mark the coming of the judgment day and the ending of the world. Speak of an angel and you can hear the rustle of wings. angel food cake A light white cake made with whites of eggs, flour and sugar — no butter. Be on the side of the angels. angel 's-trumpet The aristocratic sister flower of the lowly Jimson (Jamestown) weed and with a bloom just as malodorous. Both the leaves and the seeds are poisonous but can be used as a cathartic or emetic. We children used to have fun chasing hawk moths as they fluttered around the blooms in the dewy evenings. Also we used the blooms to extend our fingers. See "Jimson weed." angry Red, raw, swollen. "The flesh around that cut place is angry. You'd better do something about it." anigh Near. The animal in man knows no history. animal magnetism A mystic force which certain human beings are said to be gifted with. Such persons are supposed to be psychic and have hypnotic and healing power and, according to the Parapsychology Laboratory at Duke University, they score extraordinarily high in extrasensory perception tests. Animal, Vegetable, Mineral A children's guessing game. ankle To walk, to go afoot. "Son, you ankle on down the road there and buy me a plug of tobacco at the store." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 25 to break an ankle An illegitimate pregnancy, also' 'break a leg." "I hear that Jess Jones' Sadie has broke her ankle." "Oh-oh, too bad." "Annie Laurie" The ever fresh and popular Scotch love song. This was one of our male quartet favorites. A soft answer turneth away wrath. Answer a fool according to his folly. 'ant Want. "I 'ant the doctor to look at my sore tooth, please." ante up To show one's honest intent, to make a down payment. "If you folks wanter ante up, then put your money where your mouth is, and I'll deal." Antichrist A fabled enemy of Christ and his teachings, an enemy of man and God also, who according to Biblical legend and the Christian belief will fill the world with evil until he is conquered by Christ's second coming. Recently I heard Lonnie Cofield, the Valley wit, say that from the looks of things in this strifetorn country of ours, Christ better hurry and come or Antichrist will get too muscled up for him to handle. antics A fit of anger. "Every time I wash my boy's hands, he puts on a tirade of antics, and I don't know what to do with him." antigodlin Out of line, awry, leaning, not in a plumb line. "Earsie Jenkins has a new house, and every wall is antigodlin." Anti-Over or Ant'ny Over See "Hail Over." ant rice See "wire grass." When ants are especially busy, bad weather is coming, and when they are especially thick, a war is corning. An anvil laughs at many broken hammers. One anvil wears many hammers out. �26 Paul Green's Wordbook anxious bench In the old days the church custom was to have a bench, or maybe several benches if sinners were numerous, placed in front of the pulpit, with some open space between it and the congregation. Often hay was spread on the floor around the bench so that those who were caught in a paroxysm of penitence or of joy and became wild and cavorting in their movements would not hurt themselves or get their Sunday clothes dirty. In our neighborhood we also called it "the mourners' bench." Under the power of the preacher and the singing and shouting, the sinners often trooped down the aisles and flung themselves at the bench and cried aloud for forgiveness for their sins and salvation for their undone condition. This anxious bench custom is passing away now in the Valley, people becoming more mechanics-practiced and flagrant in their manners and not feeling the presence of the devil and the conviction of their souls with the intensity once they did. The Moody and Sankey hymn tunes, such as' 'Almost Persuaded'' and' 'There's a Great Day Coming,'' were especially powerful in my childhood for the conviction of sinners. I can still remember with what harsh pity some of the believing ones would look at sinful Malcolm Norris on the last night of the big meeting and he still unrepentant and womanhungry, while the congregation in dolorous condemnation sang— "There's a sad day coming, A sad day coming. There's a sad day coming by and by When the sinner shall hear his doom, 'Depart, I know you not!' Are you ready for that day to come?" And I as a boy would gaze across at Malcolm in horror, seeing him in my mind's eye, because of his heinous crimes, already br'iling in the torrent flames of hell. any old how In a careless haphazard manner, hit or miss. "I helped him build his house to bring his bride to, and we put it up any old how, yessir, put it up in one day before sundown, and Johnny then hurried off to git her." any way, shape, form or fashion Under whatever condition, in whatever way. "That woman might fix herself up in any way, shape, form or fashion under the sun and she'd still be a vulgar hussy." A-one First rate, honest, reliable. "Terry Sanford was an A-one governor." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 27 apern Apron. apostle One of the twelve disciples of Christ sent forth to preach. Also the male organ which is known by multitudinous names — "John Hancock," "John Henry," etc. What is done by night appears by day. An apple a day keeps the doctor away; An onion a day keeps everybody away. Apple A popular brand of chewing tobacco. apple-bobbing A game in which young people used to put apples in a bowl of water and try to bite them as they floated. Most often the boy and girl got in more nose-rubbing and kisses in the game than they did apple bites. apple cart A plan, project, a business, a matter of concern. "They ain't no doubt about it a-tall, on that judgment day old Satan's gonna get his apple cart upset, and I mean upset." apple cider The fermented juice of the apple. This used to be a most popular drink in the Valley, and nearly every farmer had his apple orchard and his keg or barrel of cider in the fall. It was believed the apples had to be gathered on the waning of the moon or they would shrink up. Horse apples were said to make the best cider. apple dumpling A popular southern dish, made usually by covering the apple or apples with pie dough and cooking well. Also a woman's breast. applejack Brandy distilled from apple cider, a strong and almost venomous drink. apple of one's eye A favorite person. apple of Peru Same as the Peruvian bluebell. This plant is common in the wastelands of North Carolina. It was once used as a diuretic. Also used as a fly poison. �28 Paul Green's Wordbook apple of Sodom A kind of horse nettle, also called bull nettle and wild tomato. This Sodomy pest used to play havoc with our bare feet as children, especially if the dead dried plants chopped up by the hoe were stepped on. The thorns were sharp as little needles. apple pie order Clean and neat arrangement, excellent housekeeping. "You ought to see Althea's home — all in apple pie order." apple root A large flowering spurge. A tincture of the root was used as a purgative. apples Testicles. as sure as God made little apples Very sure indeed. apple sauce Nonsense, foolish flattery, much like soft soap. apple toddy A drink made of apple brandy, water and sugar and served with hot roasted apples. apricock Apricot. April fool A catch or sell, a trick. The first of April is known as "April fool's day," and often we young people in the Valley would have fun with a gullible fellow. We'd send him on an errand, for instance to borrow a neighbor's left-handed monkey wrench, a square auger knife, a few one-foot postholes, or a handful of square pegs, for, as we told him, "the east wind had blown up a special use for them." April showers are like women's tears, easy to wet and easy to dry. April showers bring May flowers. apron The part of a plough used to throw the dirt each way in splitting out middles. apron-high Pregnant. We used to sing a song in the Valley called "Careless Love," a stanza of which ran as follows— "When she wore her apron low, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 29 The boys they hung about her do'. Now she wears her apron high, All the boys they pass on by." apron man A waiter. apron strings Feminine domination, control of a man by a woman, especially by a wife. There's an old saying in the Valley that of all the strings — whether hamestring, shoestring, tiestring, cross-string, or bow string—the strongest of all strings is a woman's apron strings. Sudie May Wicker was one of the liveliest girls in the country, and she had an eye out for the boys all right. And Martin Ray was wild about her from the first day when he saw her sitting up near the front in Shady Grove Church, her pink cheeks framed in curls and her clear soprano voice pouring out the favorite old hymn— "Whiter than snow, yes, whiter than snow, Now wash me and I shall be whiter than snow." —from her full red lips. Martin was a rising young merchant in Elizabethtown and as good a catch for a woman as you could imagine. It was no surprise then when he and Sudie Mae were married. For a while things went along well, but no baby came to brighten Martin's home. And folks with their long tongues of course would be saying the reason why was that Sudie Mae kept it from happening by drinking cotton-stalk root tea on the sly or using baking soda in a certain way. For her interest in men continued. Martin became harassed in his soul and imagination, and when he had to go to Raleigh or Durham or Richmond to buy goods for his store in town, he was in a dither to get back home, he being so uneasy about Sudie Mae the way he was. He had especially grown uneasy, as it came out later in the trial, after he had seen her casting looks in the church at handsome young Hugh Morgan who was back home on a vacation from the university up at Chapel Hill. One summer night Martin returned home earlier than he had been expected and he found young Hugh and Sudie Mae in what was spoken of in common parlance as a "compromising position." By this time he had worried so much that his mind was ready to fly to flinders on the least provocation and, of course, in running into such a spectacle he went to pieces altogether, grabbed up a butcher knife and cut young Hugh to death right there in the house. But harm a hair of her precious pretty head, not he. Then he tried to kill himself by cutting his own throat, but the doctors saved him. Later he was tried for his life and got a penitentiary sentence, a pretty stiff one, twenty-five years behind bars. Some folks said the reason he got such a harsh sentence was that the young prosecuting attorney, Eben Trotter, �30 Paul Green's Wordbook had already begun to make eyes at Sudie Mae, or she at him, and he pushed the case to get a death sentence. But the sympathies of the people were with Martin, and the storm of feeling against Sudie Mae in the neighborhood got to be so strong now that she left there. It's not certain just what happened to her, though Slim Whitaker said recently he had seen her waiting on tables in a cafe in New Bern. A petition is going the rounds now for the Governor to pardon Martin. I have signed it along with hundreds of others. Perhaps he will be pardoned, but in the meantime his business has gone to bankruptcy and another man is the leading merchant in the town in his stead now. As old Mr. Mac, the Valley philosopher, said, an apron string can often be more than a string — it can be a noose to hang you with. apt Inclined to, usually tending to." It's apt to rain from the looks of the sky.'' apt as not As likely as not. aptitude test Shortcut tests given by educational leaders, scientists, they call themselves, to get an answer, and most often a phony one, as to the potentialities or talents of a student for certain kinds of work or study, leading to a more than likely successful career. The Valley schools are full of these tests nowadays, along with a lot of other scientific techniques. apt to Likely to. a-purpose Intentionally. "He hit me in the eye a-purpose." Arabian Balsam of Gilead Carolina poplar. A tincture of the bark was good for chest troubles and rheumatism. arborvitae Tree of life. A kind of cedar. A tincture from its twigs and leaves was a good tonic. trailing arbutus A very delicate and much admired little flower. How many miles have my wife and I tramped the woods searching for this shy and heavenly sweet ' 'ground laurel.'' We once found a colony of it just north of old Barbecue Church near the spring where Flora MacDonald and her stalwart husband Allen used to worship and listen to Reverend John McLeod's sermons in both Gaelic and English. We keep it growing in our wildflower plot as best we can. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 31 archives of gravity Everlasting record, the book of life in the hereafter. "Yes sir, I 'spect my name to be written there forever in the archives of gravity, and St. Peter can p'int to 'em any time he wants to, saying, 'Here is a beloved servant in whom we are well-pleased.' " area A term common to and popular with teachers and public lecturers denoting the field of discussion or interest. "In the area of civil rights we were making great progress till all hell broke loose in Newark and Detroit." a'ready Already. "Are You Washed in the Blood?" Another consoling and big meeting favorite. I can still see Cousin Joe Long standing by the organ, played by his niece Flora Long, beating time with his chubby hand and leading us all in a fervent rendition— "Have you been to Jesus for the cleansing power? Are you washed in the blood of the Lamb? Are you fully trusting in his grace this hour? Are you washed in the blood of the Lamb?" Chorus: "Are you washed? (Are you washed?) in the blood (in the blood) In the soul-cleansing blood of the Lamb? (of the Lamb?) Are your garments spotless? Are they white as snow? Are you washed in the blood of the Lamb?" And even as we sang, my youthful inner query would continue — "How can something be washed in blood and come out white as snow?" Only years later, after I did more thinking and reading and studying philosophy and religious writings, including much of St. Thomas Aquinas, was I able to see that religious faith — the kind I was acquainted with in the Valley — depended on believing the unbelievable. To believe the believable was easy and obvious and required no faith. argify To argue. Arizona nightingale A donkey, a jackass. �32 Paul Green's Wordbook Arkansas toothpick A long-bladed stiletto knife. Also Arizona toothpick. "Arkansas Traveler" A popular fiddle and talking piece. My brother Will used to love this and was a whiz in it with both banjo and fiddle, but without talking. (Like Charlie Chaplin, he played left-handed.) My old friend John Riardon was well-known in the Valley for his performance of "The Traveler,'' both talking and fiddling. He had another claim to local distinction too. It was said he would put on a clean shirt every day, but on top of the one he already had on. So come Sunday morning he was ready to begin again. I remember once he came to our house, bringing his fiddle as always but this time without a bow. He had broken the only one he had and was waiting for another he had ordered from Sears and Roebuck. When we children begged him for "The Traveler," he asked us to find him a bow. Of course, we couldn't, but he was both a devoted musician and a man of ingenuity. He went to the woodpile, found a flat lightwood piece of fence rail, split out a long splinter, and, back in the house, fiddled away with the splinter, the resin or rosin in it serving to bring forth some sort of string response. And we children stood joyously around him. He carried on the old dialogue between an imaginary farmer and a traveler who had lost his way — playing the while. TRAVELER: Hello, stranger. FARMER: Hello yourself. If you want to go to hell, why, go there yourself. TRAVELER: (Looking about him.) Why don't you cover your house here? (He gestures toward the unseen house.) FARMER: Can't cover it when it's raining, and when it's dry, it don't leak a drop. TRAVELER: (Gazing about him again.) What makes your corn look so yellow? FARMER: Fool, I planted the yellow kind. TRAVELER: Um-um. How did your 'taters turn out? FARMER: Didn't turn out, fool. I dug 'em out. TRAVELER: Say, how far is it to where the road forks? FARMER: Been living here fifty years and it ain't forked yet. TRAVELER: Reckon I can ford Little River down there? �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 33 FARMER: Reckon so, any goose can. TRAVELER: Look! Yonder comes a steer. You better head him. FARMER: I gad, looks like he's got a head on him. TRAVELER: I mean stop him. FARMER: I ain't got no stopper. TRAVELER: I mean turn him. FARMER: Don't need no turning. He's already got the hairy side out. TRAVELER: Well, well, well. Say, you have lived here all your life? FARMER: No, fool, for I ain't dead yet. TRAVELER: Mercy's sake! You don't answer anything. You sure are ignorant. FARMER: I may be ignorant, but I ain't lost! Ha ha! And Riardon wound up with a flourish while we children hopped up and down, squealing with delight. We begged him to go on with another favorite, "Leather Britches,'' but Mother came out then, sweat on her brow as usual, and said dinner was ready. "Everybody go and wash his face and hands." See "school-breaking." arm The end of the axle tree that goes into the hub of the wagonwheel. Stretch your arm no farther than your sleeve will reach. an arm and a leg An excessive price. " If you eat in that place, it' 11 cost you an arm and a leg." arm baby A baby too young to stand, contrasted with a knee baby, who is, say, unable to walk. armful A fat or roly-poly woman. arn Iron. "That hickory log was hard as arn." Also as a verb "to arn." �34 Paul Green's Wordbook around To be present in strength. "When it comes to settling the race question by fist and skull in this country, yes sir, son, I'll be around," said Ernie, the new Ku Klux Klan member. In the neighborhood of. "A mole around the neck means money by the peck." around-about Nearly. "She's around-about forty years old." around the corner Anticipated, just ahead. around the house Ordinary usage. "Don't bother about that shirt. I'm just going to wear it around the house." arrowhead A plant of the water plantain family found plentifully along the Valley streams and in swampy places and becoming more and more a favorite decorating and aerating feature in lily ponds. arrowhead hunting One of our happy pastime occupations as children was hunting the ploughed fields for Indian arrowheads. They were few and far between but common enough to keep us always on the lookout and conscious somewhat of a perished people who once lived where we walked. arsh potatoes Irish potatoes. arsle out To back out, same as weasel out. arsy-versy Upside down, topsy-turvy, also vice versa. arter After. artichoke A popular watery tuber, much used in the Valley for pickles. The kind we grew were called "Jerusalem artichokes," also "earth apples." Mymother used to make artichoke pickles and for me they were a total watery loss. But many people like them. Dr. H.R. Totten of the Botany Department at UNC once brought us a handful of tubers, and now looking out the window across the garden I can see plants flourishing seven feet tall. The �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 35 rich ground there is alive with tasteless tubers. The Indians were said to have enjoyed them as succulent food. article A person, used in a derogatory sense. "He's a slick article, that fellow." arum A swamp and stream plant, associate of arrowheads, pipeworts, yelloweyed grasses and other acid soil aquatics and becoming a feature of lily ponds. Often called wild calla or water-arum. It is a beautiful addition in our lily pool in the summer and is said to be poisonous. We have never tried to find out. as Used as a conjunction. "Them as has gits." asafetida Wear a lump of asafetida tied around the neck with a string to keep off contagious diseases. Ascension The legend that forty days after his resurrection Christ ascended into heaven, there to sit on the right hand of God, the Holy Ghost on the left, awaiting the end of the world and the bringing on of judgment day when He will descend to earth again "to judge the quick and the dead." Ascension Day The Thursday forty days after Easter on which day Christ's ascension into heaven is commemorated. ashamed Shy. "That one's named Phyllis, but she's so ashamed she won't look at a stranger." ash bin A receptacle for ashes and other refuse. ash cake Cornbread baked in live ashes. Usually called "hoecake" from the old practice of baking it on a hot hoe in the fireplace. as how An idiomatic substitute for' 'that.' '"He 'lowed as how he'd up and do it." As I was going down the road, I met Mr. Tairpin and I met Mr. Toad. The toad and the tairpin begun to sing, And the toad cut out the pigeon wing. (Nonsense rhyme.) �36 Paul Green's Wordbook ash potato Irish potato. Ash Wednesday The first Wednesday in Lent. The name came from an ancient ceremony. Ashes were placed on the head of persons by the priest or priests with the accompanying words — "Remember, man, thou art dust and unto dust thou shalt return." Ask me no questions, I'll tell you no lies, Give me no peaches, I'll bake you no pies. What is not worth asking for is not worth having. asleep Indolent, lazy. A temporarily numbed condition of one's arm or leg and sometimes toe due to hindered blood circulation. "I lay on my arm last night and woke up this morning with it asleep and, man, did I evermore have a time getting the feeling back." asleep at the switch Irresponsible, absent-minded. "Asleep in Jesus" This hymn brought comfort at many a funeral, and our male quartet could render it with especially good barbershop harmony effect. It brought tears of sympathy not only from the relatives and friends of the deceased but sometimes from even us, the singers. "Asleep in Jesus! peaceful rest, Whose waking is supremely blest. No fear, no woe, shall dim that hour That manifests the Saviour's power." as long as Inasmuch as. "As long as you say so, I will do it." aspen Often called more descriptively "quaking aspen." ass Nerve, bravado. "It took a lot of ass to climb that church steeple and paint it." A stupid person. "He that makes himself an ass must expect to wear the bridle." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 37 Every OSS loves to hear his own bray. ass around To philander, waste time, flirt, be busy doing nothing. ass backwards Completely the wrong way, in reverse, same as the gentler bassackwards. ass ears A common weed. ass hole Anus, rectum. ass kisser Sycophant. ass-kissing snake A lowdown person. ass over one's elbow (shoulder) To get in too big a hurry, to cross a bridge before one comes to it. Also to be angry, excited. kiss my ass A derogatory and blackguarding phrase. Pantomime without words is often used with the same meaning, such as putting one's thumb to one's nose and wiggling the extended fingers or turning one's rump toward a person and slapping it with the palm of the hand. piece of ass To have sexual intercourse with a woman. silly ass Foolish, irresponsible person. Asses die and wolves bury them. assy Horsey, excessive and free behavior, bossy, usually refers to a woman. ast, asted Asked. aster There are many species of this wild weed or flower. The pastures and wastelands and roadsides are beautified in autumn by its profusion of white, pink, lavender and purple bloomings. For all its beauty it still awaits the praise of a single Valley poet. �38 Paul Green's Wordbook asthma weed See "Jimson weed." astraddle Astride. "That woman ought to be ashamed of herself the way she rides her horse astraddle and her dress up to her thighs." astral body A term used in theosophy or occultism meaning a super-sensible substance, an ethereal counterpart or replica of the physical body. This astral entity is most active when the gross body sleeps. At that time it can communicate with other astral bodies and with other beings living or dead. I have constantly been astonished at the number of people I meet who believe in this superstition. But then I am reminded of the old Hindu proverb which in paraphrase says,' 'There's nothing man can believe that he won't believe." "As We Go Round the Mulberry Bush" A singing game, popular among smaller children. A ring was formed and the children, holding hands, at first marched around singing— "As we go round the mulberry bush, the mulberry bush, the mulberry bush, So early in the morning." Then they continued— "This is the way we wash our clothes, wash our clothes, wash our clothes," And they pantomimed "the washing" and so on through the prim pantomime of "This is the way we go to church, go to church, go to church, So early in the morning." atall At all. at death's door Critically ill. at loose ends Disorganized, lacking in any interest. A to izzard From first to last, the complete story, all the way through. atom A tiny bit, a grain, aniota. "That Earsie Brown ain't got an atom of sense." �An Alphabet c^f Reminiscence 39 atonement The redeeming effect of Christ's incarnation, sufferings and death, as believed in by the faithful. It also means a reconciliation between God and man, especially through Christ. In fact, the whole protestant world believes that this atonement can only be effective through Christ. The early missionaries in the Valley had a hard time explaining to the benighted Indians how it was that the Father God, Great Spirit, could bring sinful mankind closer to him by having it commit more sin in the killing of his gentle and innocent Son Jesus. However, the Indians gave in here and there to the teaching but with no particular profit as I could learn, certainly no economic profit. atowards Towards. attaboy (attagal) A term of encouragement, meaning "go to it, give it all you've got," etc. after After. afternoon Afternoon. after while After a while. "At the Cross" Another consoling hymn that says— "Alas and did my Savior bleed And did my sovereign die. Would he devote that sacred head For such a worm as I." And as I raised my childish voice along with others in the church, I often thought to myself, "I don't feel like any worm.'' The refrain or chorus was most singable, after the dolorous verses preceding it— "At the cross, at the cross Where I first saw the light And the burden of my heart Rolled away (rolled away). It was there by faith I received my sight, And now I am happy all the day." My brother Hugh and I often while chopping cotton or doing other �40 Paul Green's Wordbook rhythmic farm work would sing our parody on this chorus— "At the bar, at the bar, Where I smoked my first cigar And the money in my pocket Rolled away (rolled away)— It was there by chance That I tore my Sunday pants And now I have to wear them Every day (every day)." at the end of one's tether At the end of one's resources. bore with a big auger To talk big, act proud and mighty without sufficient reason, pretentious and egotistical. auger-eyed Sharp-eyed, boring-eyed. a cold day in August A rare occasion, much the same as never. "It'll be a cold day in August before he gets a brownie out of me to save the heathen." "Auld Lang Syne" A favorite old Scotch song, sung tearfully at the new year. "Aunt Dinah's Dead" See "My Mamma Sent Me." auntie An affectionate term for an old Negro woman, a general form of address to such in the old South. Aunt Jemima's plaster A popular plaster among us in the old days, good for all sorts of aches and pains. We children used to sing a song, and Mother sang it with us, about this mighty plaster, a song sent out as part of the manufacturer's advertisement— "Aunt Jemima she was old, But very kind and clever, She had a notion of her own, That she would marry never. She said that she would live in peace, And none should be her master. She made her living day by day, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 41 In selling of a plaster." Chorus: "Sheepskin and beeswax Made this mighty plaster, The more you tried to get it off, The more it stuck the faster." And it went on through many stanzas telling how Aunt Jemima's sister was stopped from growing into a giantess by having a plaster put on her feet, how a thief was caught by Aunt Jemima's setting one of her plasters as a trap for him and his getting stuck in it, and how tomcats, dogs, sweethearts, wives and lovers were kept from wandering by the use of these wonderful plasters. We would sing the final stanza more dolorously as we chopped or picked cotton in the fields— "Aunt Jemima's dead and gone, I hate to tell the story, They put a plaster on her back And drawed her up to glory. Sheepskin and beeswax," etc. auto poker A children's game of identifying automobiles — also cows, sheep or horses — as one rides along. What fun our children used to have playing this game. average Medium, used in health inquiries mostly. "How'reyour folks, John?" "Just average, just average, Luke." Sometimes the reply is and was, "Well as common," or "Not so good," or "Just middling." Averasboro, Battle of The Battle of Averasboro in the Valley was one of those tragic wasteful actions which often take place in wars after the main quarrel has been settled and no effect on the solution can accrue from the fight, only the senseless death of a number of combatants made more senseless by its uselessness. And, of course, this applies if one wants to be sensible and generous-hearted to all fratricidal brutalities among men. But often and often in the muck and misery of happening a bright flower or a luminous happening will take place, as if to say that no matter how men work their smothering they also strive to let a little light still shine. So it was in the Battle of Averasboro, according to my good and longtime friend, Dr. John A. McKay. See "immaculate conception." awful Very. "There were an awful lot of people at the funeral." �42 Paul Green's Wordbook as awkward as a cow as awkward as an elephant as awkward as an ox awkward squad New recruits or neophytes, especially in the military service. ax Ask. axle grease A lubricant for wagon wheels, often applied to sores, wounds, even piles. Also a reference to butter. ax to grind Some pet cause or project, a special interest. "No wonder you're for Sam Ervin, you've got an ax to grind in that matter." azalea A very popular shrub, and becoming more popular as the years go by. I would guess that at least half the homes in the Valley now have this beautiful plant, both white and pink, somewhere on their premises. Many azalea gardens have become showplaces, for instance, those at Wilmington or at Orton Plantation nearby. Azalea festivals also are becoming popular. We children used to go into the woods in the late springtime and gather the sticky sweet-smelling flowers of the wild azalea by the armful and bring them home to decorate the house. Also known as wild honeysuckle or swamp pink. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence B 43 Baa baa black sheep, have you any wool? Yes sir, yes sir, three bags full. One for my master and one for my dame And one for the little boy that lives in the lane. (A nursery rhyme.) Also there is another song which runs as follows: Baa baa black sheep, Where's your little lamb? Way down yonder in the valley, Buzzards and the butterflies Picking out its eyes— Poor little thing crying "mammy." Baal A pagan divinity often referred to in the Bible. In Christian religious folklore it is identified by the local preachers with the spirit of evil and oftentimes with the devil himself. babble To blab, to gossip. "She'll babble it all over the neighborhood." babe An intimate term for a young woman, a lover. "How are you, babe?" Out of the mouths of babes and sucklings, Out of the mouths of babes. Thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent And revealed them unto babes. babes in the woods Innocent, inexperienced or gullible people. �44 Paul Green's Wordbook babies We were told that more babies are born in a country during a war and the majority of them are male babies — as if mother nature had prescience and was replenishing the ranks of the dead. babies-in-the-eyes The mirrored reflection in one's lover's eyes. A game often played by sweethearts, face to face. Often, too, a little arm child is told to look into its mother's eyes to see its own reflection. baby A toy. "Give that child his baby and he'll quit crying." We children were told that the new baby was found in a stump or an old woman brought it in her apron. If a pregnant woman carries her baby high in her body, it's a girl, low it's a boy. If a baby smiles in its sleep, the angels are talking to it — or it is talking to the angels. Letting a baby stand up when it is too young will cause it to be bowlegged, or so it was believed. baby born "A baby born with two curls on his head In two continents will break bread." The old granny that helped bring Mr. Mac into the world said this about him and his baby curls. But she was sadly mistaken — so far. She also prophesied a big family for him from the number of puckers in his blazing forehead. She missed that completely and no question about it. He's a childless widower and getting old. baby cradle A figure woven by threads or strings from one's fingers. baby hives Mr. Mac, my old miller friend, said they used to cure baby hives in the Cape Fear Valley by washing between the little thing's shoulders with warm water and soap. Then they'd make three small slits in the shoulder flesh with a razor. After that they'd warm up a cow's horn and put the large end over the slit in the skin and with beeswax close up the small end. The horn would stay on until it had drawn out a tablespoon of blood. Then it would fall off. "It was that blood that caused the hives. You could see it all dark," he said. "Weren't that a way to treat a baby! They've got a different fad these days. On any pretext whatsoever they tear and cut the poor helpless �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 45 thing's tonsils out. Later they'll have another custom like pulling off toenails or slitting ears to take the 'poison' out maybe. If they get the notion, it's scientific. Still, doctors have to live like anybody else," he said. baby-kisser A politician running for office. "Babylon Is Fallen" A stern and monitoring hymn widely sung in the Valley during the middle and latter part of the nineteenth century. It was one of the choice pieces in "Singing" Billy Walker's old book The Christian Harmony. "Hail the day so long expected. Hail the year of full release! Zion's walls are now erected And her watchmen publish peace. "Thro' our Shiloh's wide dominion Hear the trumpet loudly roar— Babylon is fallen, is fallen. Babylon is fallen to rise no more." baby's breath A flower. baby-snatcher, also baby stealer Usually refers to an older man who marries a girl very much younger than himself. Same as cradle-snatcher. Don't leave a cat in a sleeping baby's room. It might suck the child's breath away and kill it. baby stretches The habit a little one has of stretching its arms above its head and yawning. Mr. Mac said the way to cure a baby of the stretches, according to an old folk belief, was to put a horse collar around him for a few hours. "Chavis McKiver's mammy," he said, "kept him sitting in a horse collar off and on till he was ten years old. But she never cured him. In later years when he was grown and driving his frisky mare across the Cape Fear River Bridge at Fayetteville, a spell of the stretches came on him. He reached out his arms sudden and high and his little mare jumped through the railing. Both man and mare fell to the riverbed below and were badly hurt. Chavis recovered, but the mare had to be shot. Chavis had no more stretches." baby trough A primitive wooden cradle made usually from a hollow gum log. A baby crib. �46 Paul Green's Wordbook bachelor's buttons A flower. Bachelors were said to carry these flowers in their back pockets for love charms to win their sweethearts. back To address a letter. "Back that letter for me." To lay back, to put back. "That Stewart boy can back his ears like a mule.'' The most difficult part, the crest. "Now that March has come the back of winter is broken." The back is shaped to the burden. backache root Same as blazing star. back a ways Somewhere in the past, some distance back. back band That part of the harness that goes over the back of the animal to hold up the shafts or the trace chains for plowing. back bar The iron bar in a chimney on which pots were hung for cooking. backbite To derogate, to berate, to speak of enviously, to abuse someone behind his back. backbone Strength, character, stamina. "That fellow's got plenty of backbone." back door trots Diarrhea, same as Joe-trots. back down To give in, to recant, to yield. 'backer Tobacco. backfire An unexpected action or response opposite of what was intended. back hand To strike with the back of the hand. Also a sarcastic retort. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 47 backhouse Privy. backhouse blues The melancholies. back jaw Sassy talk. "Now look here, woman, don't give me any of your backjaw or I'll slap you from here to kingdom come." backlog A large log usually put in the back of the fireplace to last a long time and give out heat for quite a while. It also means "savings" or something in reserve as, "He's got a backlog of money saved up for a rainy day." back number Out of style, an old person, a failure. back out To renege, to break an agreement. back pedal To recant, to deny, to put on brakes. back-scratcher A sycophant, a flatterer. "Now that he's running for office he's the busiest back-scratcher you ever saw." take a back seat To be modest or retiring, assume second or third place instead of first place. backseat driver Just that — one who is always giving directions from the backseat, a meddler. backset A setback, ill luck. backside The rear, buttocks. back-slapper An over-offensive person, same as a sycophant. Also a hail-and-well-met fellow, a sort of over-optimistic Babbitt. back-step An error. Also to backslide, fall from grace. backstrap That part of the harness which goes around the rear of the team and fastens �48 Paul Green's Wordbook to the shafts or to the traces to keep the wagon or carriage from rolling against the team in going downhill. back talk Sass, disrespect, same as backjaw. back teeth a-floating A desperate need to urinate. back to the wall A precarious position, in hard financial straits. "Now that the stock market's gone down, Mark's got his back to the wall." back up To withdraw. backward Afflicted, mentally retarded. "Poor Mrs. Matthews, she's got that backward boy and that hinders her a heap." Shy. back water To back away, to yield. Also to repent, to give in and change one's attitude. back-water The water behind a mill dam which is usually still and backed up for use in grinding meal, corn or wheat. "No, I can't grind today because I ain't got no back-water." bacon meat Bacon. as bad as marrying the devil's daughter and living with the old folks. There's so much bad in the best of us That it doesn't behoove any of us To talk about the rest of us. bad actor A rough character, even a dangerous person. bad blood Enmity, hate. "No wonder Ed Lucas shot Jed Tart, for there's been bad blood between 'em for a long time." Also hereditary tendency toward disease. "Bad blood runs in the family." bad cess Bad luck. Often used as an imprecation. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 49 badder Worse. "Rorie's abadder fellow than Dan McCloud and always has been." bad egg An unreliable person, a scoundrel, a faulty thing. bad eye The evil eye. bad fix A bad situation, injured or very sick. "Dr. Oppenheimer has got cancer of the throat and is in a bad fix from all that cigarette chain-smoking." bad lot Worthless, applied either to things or persons. It is bad luck to drop a dish. It is bad luck to help dig a grave for a relative. It is bad luck to kill a buzzard. It is bad luck to kill a lizard. if I'm not badly mistaken A much-used intro to a statement, meaning I am sure. Bad Man The devil. "If you children don't try to do better than you're doing, the old Bad Man is going to get you, sure as shootin'." bad medicine Bad news, bad influence, punishment. "That woman is bad medicine for him." bad-mouth To speak evil of one, to deride, downgrade. bad name Ill-repute. "Give a dog a bad name and you just as well shoot him." bad nigger A Negro who refused "to keep his place," that is, remain subservient to the white man, especially the Southern white man. bad-off To be very sick or in financial difficulty. bad penny An unreliable person, one with potential for trouble, often referred to as �50 Paul Green's Wordbook a "black sheep." bad place Hell, torment, "the br'iling pit" as the fanatical hedge preachers call it, the place where the orthodox and hardshell Christians believe sinners and unbaptized children and babies go when they die. How often as a frightened little urchin I have sat in the old Pleasant Union hard-benched church and shivered under anathemas pouring from the blazing pulpit where the man of God stood and shouted forth his warnings and his condemnations. The only way to escape this awful hereafter place, according to these preachers, is to "believe on the Lord Jesus Christ and Him crucified,'' and to lead Christian and godly lives. The belief is current in the Valley, as elsewhere, that anyone who has not repented of his sins, taken Christ as his personal Savior and turned his steps to walk in the straight and narrow path, will burn in everlasting fire after death, a fire seven times hotter than any fire that can be or ever has been kindled on earth, including bolts of sizzling lightning. When one of these believers is asked what will happen in the hereafter to all the millions and even billions of people who have lived and died and never heard of Christ and never had any chance to, the answer comes smugly enough from the deacon in Little Bethel Church saying, "It's just too bad for them, there's no help for it, they've got to suffer forevermore in the bad place." You go on with your unregenerate but concerned inquiry.' 'But, Deacon John, surely you can't believe that all the millions of tiny babies, say, the innocent ones, the babies born and then immediately dead — and grown people, too, including the Orientals, the Hindus, the Mohammedans, the Chinese, the Japanese, Africans, Hottentots, Bantus, Eskimos and who not — all these who have never heard of Jesus and could not — all these must burn in this awful fire?" ' 'Too bad for them,'' comes the stern and rock-hard reply again,' 'just too bad, but that's the way it is." "How do you know that's the way it is?" the inquirer calls out half-angrily. "Why, it's in the Bible, and don't you believe the Bible? It says again and again, 'Except ye repent and believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, ye shall all likewise perish.' Read Luke, John too, and the other gospels. Yessireebob, it's as plain as the nose on your face. Don't you believe the holy word, I say." The answer from the lost one is, "No, I don't, not that sort of unholy word. Nor do I believe in such a God who would dispense this kind of insane and brutal judgment. No!" And again the stern reply, "That's just too bad for you, too. I see where you're headed when you die. I'll pray for you, yes, I will, but I misdoubt �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 51 it will do any good. Repent now before it's too late." And to keep the deacon from kneeling and beginning his prayer for him right there, the non-believer changes the subject to the pennant race between the Orioles and the Dodgers baseball clubs. Like the lost one, the deacon loves baseball, and so they have a good cheerful talk after all and shake hands friendly-wise when they part. bad row of stumps A difficult situation, difficult problems ahead. in a bad way In a difficult situation, near bankruptcy or in ill health. Bad weather usually comes with the autumn equinox, September 22 or 23. Bad winters come every seven years. go to the bad To be ruined, depraved, degenerated. looks bad Suspected of wrong-doing, in ill-health. "There's a shortage in John's account and it looks bad for him." bag An elderly woman, usually a prostitute. It is hard for an empty bag to stand upright. bagabond Vagabond. baggage A trollop, a bad woman. baggage smasher A fellow who handles baggage or freight. bag of bones A skinny person. bag of tricks Devious devices or sells. bag of wind (a windbag) A loud, loquacious braggart. bag of worms An intricate problem, a dilemma. �52 Paul Green's Wordbook bagpipe A Scottish wind instrument once loudly played in the Valley, for instance in leading both Tory and Patriot troops to the Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge. bags under the eyes Puffy protuberances under the eyes, often suggestive of heart trouble, say the doctors. Also suggest sleepless night carousing. Bahama grass See "wire grass." bailiwick A politician's district, a person's neighborhood or "stomping ground." bait A full meal, a stuffed stomach. "That boy et a bait of chitlins." The bait hides the hook. After putting bait on your fishhook, spit on it for good luck. Be not a baker if your head be of butter. baker's dozen Thirteen. balance The others, the remainder. "Where are the balance of the folks?" balance all A call and movement in a square dance in which one executes a few steps before swinging his partner. as bald as a billiard ball as bald as a doorknob as bald as an eagle as bald as an onion balderdash Useless talk or argument, rubbish. bald-faced Unashamed, obvious. "He told me a bald-faced lie, that's what he did." bald-faced horse A horse with a white face. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 53 Why is a man's bald head like unto heaven, son? Because there's no parting there. (Riddle.) bald statement A brash statement. balk A narrow unploughed strip in the middle of two rows, or the amount set for a plough to plough off in ploughing a field around and around. as balky as a horse ball A happy experience or happening. "I had a ball pitching that game." Berry. "I had a good holly tree in front of my house full of balls, and once nigh to Christmastime somebody came in the dead of night and dug it up." ball-and-chain A heavy weight. In the old days the dangerous convicts, and often some who weren't dangerous, had to wear a ball-and-chain as they went out to work on the roads or help build railroads, or were hired out to dig canals for certain landowners. Many a pitiful story can be told about those who wore the ball-and-chain. This kind of punishment has passed away. Balland-chain is also used jocularly for a close clinging husband or wife. balled up Tangled up, confused, overwhelmed with work. "I'm so balled up these days I hardly know where to turn." ball game Business, plans. "They found him cheating, and there went his ball game." bollocks Testicles. ball of fire A very energetic person, a hustler. balls Testicles. Also used in an exclamation, "Balls to you" or "Balls!" ball the jack To move fast. One of my earliest remembrances of Wesley Armstrong, a Negro hired man on our farm, was his playing the mouth organ and imitating the train. And when he came to the part where the locomotive was balling the jack, we children would hop up and down in shivers of delight. �54 Paul Green's Wordbook bally-hack To cut and to tear wastefully, mess up. balm in Gilead A Bible phrase which is often used by preachers and others to tell of the healing we on earth who suffer so in this vale of tears will receive in the hereafter. This balm came from the Gilead region of ancient Palestine. balmy Lightheaded, foolish. Baltimore meat Cheap, huge slabs of sidemeat, once very popular, especially among Negroes in the Valley. bamboozle To hoax, to deceive. "He was the finest looking fellow you ever saw and all the time he was bamboozling me to a fare-ye-well." band dog A dangerous dog. One that has to be tied up, banded up. bang about To travel about carelessly. "You can bang about and get all kinds of reports as to the world going to the dogs." Also to treat roughly. bang-up Fine, first-rate, good. "He did a bang-up job on that barbecue." bank A cloud. "A dark bank in the west presages rain." bank on Depend on, count on. "You'd better not bank on that woman since she took to smoking them cigarettes." bantam An active, fiery person. "He was a little bantam all right, but he carried the difference in his pocket in the shape of a switchblade knife." bantlin Same as bantam, an undersized person. baptism The custom of either immersing or sprinkling a newly converted sinner. It is a common belief in the churches that children or babies that have not been baptized must go direct to hell when they die. The custom of baptism is to immerse one in a baptismal font or a lake or millpond, or to sprinkle on �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 55 the head water from a baptismal font as the Methodists do — the Baptists prefer immersion — those sinners who have repented or those children who are being christened. baptizing A ritual use of water, either immersion or sprinkling, to symbolize purifying the converted sinners and admitting them to the Christian fellowship. In the neighborhood where I was reared, the main baptizing place was the Reuben Matthews millpond. I'll never forget the day when I as a boy was baptized. I was so self-conscious that I even sweated while the preacher was leading me and a line of others into the water. I was sure that everybody was looking at me and only me. It was all a strange custom and, as young as I was, I wondered about it. Not many years later, to show how I backslid, I went to one of the baptizings at the same millpond, and two or three other teenage boys and I climbed up in the top loft of the millhouse and peered discreetly out of the open door there and watched the proceedings below. At many a baptizing before I had noticed how the deacons and the men standing on the bank watched the young women be led slowly into the water as they held the hand of the preacher or the person in front and with the free hand constantly pushed down their skirts to keep from revealing too much. And how sometimes when they were dipped under to the words, "Sister Sarah Matthews, I baptize thee in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost," down under they'd go and often come up squealing and sputtering. Well, one day, as I say, we boys were hid upstairs with our beanshooters. We had BB shot for our ammunition and, when the girls were standing out in the water with their skintight clothes revealing much of their anatomy, which was the more keenly watched by the male members of the congregation along the bank, we fellows would let fly silently with our beanshooters and sting these girls with our invisible shot. When one girl would squeal and jump, we would duck behind the level of the door and hide, and the persecuted ones would look around to see from whence this biting and pinching came. We remained uncaught and all of this discomfort was attributed to the dog-flies which were usually plentiful in those hot days of August. "Barbara Allen" The famous and perhaps most beloved of all tragic love ballads. There are many, many versions. Lynn Riggs, the playwright, used to visit us with his guitar, and always we would call for his "Barb'ry Allen." We would sit and gulp back our tears as the sad tale was sung, telling of Willie's futile love that killed him and of Barbara's death to follow. (Lynn Riggs was author of many plays including "Green Grow the Lilacs" from which the Richard Rodgers-Oscar Hammerstein musical "Oklahoma" was made.) �56 Paul Green's Wordbook "Sweet Willie was buried in one grave And Barbara in another. A rose bush sprung from Willie's grave And from Barbara's a briar. "They grew and grew to the tall church door Til they could not grow any higher. They linked and lived in a true love's knot, The rose wrapped 'round the briar." barbecue A popular roasted pork dish, cooked with skill and patience. A dressed whole split pig is laid on poles or iron bars across an open pit in which a fire of hickory wood has been built and burned down to coals. During the some twelve hours of slow cooking these coals are replenished from time to time and the important sauce, composed principally of vinegar and pepper, is brushed over the pig at intervals, even as the pig itself must be turned to insure proper and even cooking. When the meat is thoroughly cooked and seasoned and allowed to cool, it is sliced and minced, which we prefer in the Valley, and served, usually with cole slaw and cornbread. Rocky Mount, North Carolina, used to be a sort of barbecue capital. The word "barbecue" now often stands for a picnic or social gathering — sometimes called too "a pig-pickin' " — for always barbecue is the chief dish on such occasions. Another use of the word referred to the horror of the electric chair.' 'Well, yesterday was Friday the thirteenth and it was an unlucky day for a lot of them fellows. Three of 'em were put in that chair and barbecued." Malcolm Fowler, my historian friend from Lillington, saw one of the executions. He told me that as he was looking through the window to the death chamber at that big strong white man sitting in the chair, naked to the waist, "they shot the juice into him, that two thousand volts, and the hair on his chest caught fire and sizzled away." And Malcolm got sick at the stomach and hollered, from the observation room, "Let me out of here, let me out!" And they did. Barbecue Church The famous old Presbyterian Church where Flora MacDonald worshipped and where in the old days Reverend John McLeod would preach two sermons — one in English and one in Gaelic — to satisfy his Scotch congregation. According to John A. Gates, "The first grave within the 'Auld Kirkyard o' Barbecue' was said to be that of a stranger who appeared late one afternoon at the home of John Dobbin nearby. The stranger appeared seriously ill, unable to travel farther. Only one person, a woman, was at �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 57 home at the time. She told the man it would be impossible for him to receive accommodation there for the night. The stranger traveled on toward the church which had recently been built. The woman, becoming frightened, decided to go to the nearest neighbor's home to spend the night. She walked from Barbecue to the Gully McLean place, which is near the present post office of Overhills, a distance of eight miles or more, and remained there overnight. Next day, the body of the stranger was found prone upon the church steps and was buried hard by the church, the first grave at Barbecue.'' And from that time to this the door of the church is never locked. barefooted To be without means, penniless. "You tell me to be patient and, Lord God, I'm barefooted as a yard dog." barefooted horse An unshod horse. bare naked Nude, naked, also stark naked, mother naked. b'ar hog Boar. bark To skin, to hurt. "Golly, I barked my shin against that snag." To cough. "Hey, boy, why you barking so?" He's all bark and no bite. His bark is worse than his bite. bark at the moon To clamor or argue uselessly. Also to attempt the impossible. barking dogs Aching feet. "I've already walked five miles and I've got to rest my barking dogs." barking iron An instrument in the old days used for removing bark from red oak logs or other trees whose bark was suitable for tanning hides or for medical uses. bark up the wrong tree To be mistaken, to act foolishly. �58 Paul Green's Wordbook barley A cereal grain much planted in the old days. It pretty much disappeared in the latter part of the nineties but it is now beginning to come back into favor. barley corn Usually referred to as John Barley Corn. Robert Burns' poem "John Barley Corn" used to be well known in the Valley. Phil McNeill could recite it beautifully when drunk. "Then let us toast John Barley Corn Each man a glass in hand. And may his great posterity Ne'er fail in old Scotland." barlow knife A very popular pocket knife in the old days. This knife could be bought from Sears and Roebuck for twenty-five cents. It still can be bought around in hardware stores here and there. The last one I got I bought in Canyon, Texas, and it cost me $1.25. The barlow knife is a special knife to me, and it is special to at least one other person in the Valley I can tell you about. When I was a little boy, I had a Negro playmate named Rassie McLeod. His father was a tenant on my father's farm — the only tenant we had, and the family lived in an old shack, for we were all very poor. Rassie was the same age as I was and he was wondrously smart. He knew all kinds of woods lore and little shortcuts in how to get things done. He taught me how to chew tobacco, how to spit through my teeth, how to shoot dogwood berries out of one nostril while holding a finger or thumb against the other — shoot them out sometimes with the speed of a little popgun — and he finally taught me how to swim. In those faraway golden days we progued the woods many an hour when we were not busy in the cotton patch. And we were wont to make little waterwheels and see them turn gaily in the swift flowing tiny branch when the rains came. And we would make small pinebark boats, with an upright little mast and dry oak leaf for a sail, and watch them skid and turn and usually sink in the turmoiling stream. His prized working utensil was an old barlow knife which he had picked up somewhere. Typhoid fever used to be man's raging enemy—along with tuberculosis — up and down the Cape Fear River Valley. Rassie's family came down sick with it. The two older brothers, Preacher and Herbert, were stricken, and the parents, Will and Zelda, prayed unceasingly night and day for their recovery. Dr. Joe McKay was summoned by my father — Dr. Joe, as he was familiarly called, delivered all of us Green children — and he came over in his horse and buggy. He came several times more as the fever ran its course. My older half sister nursed the sick ones as best she could. I tried to help �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 59 her but was forbidden both by her and Dr. Joe to come near the sick folks. Later she reported Rassie was stricken. I wanted to go to see him but she picked up a stick and ran me away from the front door of the shack. A day or two later Rassie died. In spite of all remonstrance I went to see him and there he lay dead on the floor, his little stomach all swelled out like one of these balloons you buy at the circus. I helped my sister wash him and make him ready for the grave. She unrolled a nightshirt to put on him. "It's one of yours," she said. "It's all right, it's all right," I sobbed. "I want him to have it." "And I reckon it's a fair swap," she said, "cause 'fore he died he said he wanted you to have his barlow knife." And reaching behind her, she picked it up from the chimney corner and handed it to me. And all the while Herbert and Preacher, lying in their bed, were hasseling and whickering away in delirium with the sounds of two sucking pigs. And Will and Zelda were kneeling and bumping their heads against the floor, crying out to the old Moster to have mercy and save their boys. Dr. Joe came and surveyed the wrack and ruin. To me he looked about seven feet tall and powerful as God Almighty. He stood by the bed with one of his hands on Herbert, holding his big gold watch open. Then he snapped the lid of the watch to, and it sounded like the snap of a steel trap to me. His voice burst from him in rage. "Why in the name of God a man will let his tenants live in such a mess as this I don't know!" he snarled. "Let 'em die, let 'em all die!" And he strode out of the old shack, climbed in his buggy and drove away. Later my father and I made a coffin for Rassie and we took him up in the field and buried him. And I put some limp cotton in the coffin for his head to rest on. Since that time I have carried a barlow knife in my pocket — in remembrance of my dead playmate of long ago. My more recent neighbor, Dr. Amos Brown, said the barlow knife was special to him too. One day when we were talking about the eradication of typhoid fever and other things, I mentioned Rassie to him and he told me about his own knife. "I've got to go out to see a patient that thinks he's got heart trouble," he said, "and maybe you'd like to ride along with me and I'll tell you the story. '' Yes," he continued as we drove along in his old Ford, "John Dupree was on his last legs when I went out to see him — over there on Black River — or on his last back, you might say, as he was lying in bed too sick to move. When we were boys, John and I had a bad falling out about a barlow knife. I had ordered myself one from Sears and Roebuck or somewhere and I sure did love that knife. I showed it off at Little Bethel School and John saw it and wanted it. He asked me if he could feel it, and I handed it to him. Then he laughed, put it in his pocket and said he was going to keep it. I �60 Paul Green's Wordbook begged and pleaded but nothing doing. He made me so mad that I went after him hot and heavy and we had a real fight. He was bigger than I was and he gave my body a terrible beating. So all the way home walking through the woods I kept crying. But I stopped before I got to the house, washed my face in the branch and went on, too proud to let any of my folks know what had happened. "Naturally, after that I never liked John Dupree. He quit school, as I remember, at the end of the year, went off and hired out to help build the railroad that now runs from Dunn to Durham. He got in a fight over there and had a brush or two with the law. Then he left and went to Georgia and I went to Chapel Hill and then to medical college in Pennsylvania. "What do you reckon! A few months ago a woman came to see me, and was I surprised! Purty, my goodness, and built up in front like one of these statues of Venus de Milo. She said she wanted me to come to see John. I found out then that he had come back from Georgia to the old homeplace. Over the years I had heard some talk now and then that he had been in trouble down in Georgia, had served some time in the penitentiary for shooting a man and so on. So, as I say, I was surprised to have this woman come to see me and to learn that John had come home — and I learned further that he had come home to die. " 'Is he your husband?' I asked her. And she waited a while and said that he wasn't but she loved him just the same and she would do all she could for him in his last days. "I went out to see him. He was in bad shape. He had cancer, cancer of the testicles, a kind of rare thing but he had it. As far gone as he was he recognized me and got hold of my hand with both of his cold trembling ones and said pleadingly, 'Can you do something for me, Amos, can you? We used to be boys together, you know.' I told him I would do the best I could and for him to rest and take it easy. I gave him a shot to ease his pain and then went outside and talked to the woman. Her name was Lydia. I gave her some pain pills to give John now and then and told her I didn't think there was much we could do for him. " 'There must be, there must be!' and her voice was full of pleading. She surely loved that scoundrel and, though by this time the neighborhood was buzzing about what sort of woman she was, I felt like taking off my hat before her. And I did. ' 'Two or three days later I went out to see John again and he was gone. She had taken him up to Duke Hospital. Where she got the money, I don't know. Maybe she got it the way some people snickered and talked about, but I am not judging her. When you see a woman that loves a man the way she loved John and tried to save him, all you can do is say Amen and bless her for it. Anyway she was always a perfect lady around me. "They operated on him at Duke and she brought him home, and for �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 61 a while he seemed to mend. Then he went down hill sudden-like, like the sun sinking out of sight on a dark winter evening, as you might say. "I went out to see him again and he was dead. She was sitting by the bed holding one of his shriveled hands in both of hers. "Well, she told me how John had died during the night and died somewhat easier in his mind, and she told me why this easing had come to him. '' 'You know,' she said looking up at me with her big dark eyes, 'every day he would ask if what he'd had me order from Sears-Roebuck had come in the mail. It come yesterday. He said he wanted you to have it. You would understand because of what happened when you were two little boys way back there at Little Bethel Schoolhouse, he said. Then she got up and took a little package from the mantelpiece and handed it to me. I opened it and inside was a barlow knife. " 'He said he wanted you to forgive him,' she said. " 'Yes, I forgive him,' I said. And we crossed John's hands on his breast and pulled the sheet up over him. ' 'We got the neighbors and buried John two days later, and I was proud to stand by her side at the grave with the people looking on. After that she went away, back to Georgia, I reckon. I wrote there trying to find out about her. I was taken with her — I don't mind telling you. But not a word of her did I ever learn. Ah, a woman's love is a wonderful thing, ain't it. Well, here's where we stop." And we drew up in front of a run-down farmhouse. "And by the way," he said as we got out of the car, "like you I carry a barlow knife with me. But mine is the same one she gave me with her own hand. I've never lost it." And he clasped his britches pocket possessively and he went up the walk to the house. barn door Abigtarget, something too big to be missed. "Cross-eyed as he is, hecouldn't hit a barn door with that old gun." barning To put crops, especially tobacco, into the barn for curing. When the barning time comes on, it is a busy time indeed for the farmers. The ripened tobacco leaves are primed, that is, cropped from the stalk, tied in bundles, put on sticks, and hung in the barn and fires put under them. In the old days, wood was used in the furnaces. But in these later days oil burners are used. A barn well filled, A land well tilled, And a woman well willed Are the greatest blessings under the sun. �62 Paul Green's Wordbook barnyard chorus A group of people, a sort of rabble. Also a popular children's game in the Valley. In a whisper the leader assigns to each player the name of the farm animal or bird he is to imitate. All are to grunt, moo, cackle, bray, etc. when the signal "Barnyard chorus!" is given. However, the leader has secretly instructed all but one, always a newcomer, to remain silent at the signal. So it is that only the voice of the unfortunate one is heard, much to his or her embarrassment. The trouble with this game is it can be played only once by the group and has to wait till another person ignorant of the game arrives. barrel To collect, as grain, for storage. "He barreled his potatoes." To move or drive fast. "He went barrelling down the road and no wonder he had a wreck in that old car." Scraping the bottom of the meal barrel makes mighty poor music. barrel house A wide open saloon. barrow A castrated boar. to set one's barrow down To quit on the job. bar-shear plough A wooden mould-board plough with strips of iron nailed on to the board to save it from wear. This was used in the early days. bash A loud gathering or garden party. To smash, mash, or beat in. "You keep giving me that sass and I'll bash in your face, hosscake.'' It was told in my neighborhood how a strong man, one named Broadhuss (Broadhurst), bashed in the side of his house with some hoghead bones once when he got irritated with his wife's picayunish cooking. See "Broadhuss." bassackwards, bassack'ards Contrariwise, in reverse direction. "It's as plain as the nose on your face,'' said Mr. Mac, "that the way we're going out to win Southeast Asia by military force is bassackwards." Using the word in prim company, one should be sure of his pronunciation. In "The Common Glory," an outdoor drama of mine, there �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 63 is a speech which included the word. One night the actor — and he was a good one — said' 'assbackwards" by mistake and, believe it or not, it nearly broke up the performance. It was something to see and hear — the embarrassed tittering and shuffling of the audience. The actor felt selfhumiliated. He quit acting and became a preacher. bastard Illegitimate. A term of derogation, used often as an expletive. "You bastard!" bat To blink. "That white man hit C.C. Spaulding right in the face when he come up to the fountain asking for a co'cola, and Spaulding never batted an eye, just looked at him all sad and sick-like." A cylinder of cotton made on hand cards and placed between two layers of cloth for quilting. An elderly, obnoxious woman. A night prostitute. A spree. "He went on a bat so long that the heebie-jeebies got him. He thought he was in a barn-lot mired up in manure to his neck and a mule got after him and he couldn't get out. When he started screaming, Bud and me went to him and held him on the bed. Later we had to take him up to the asylum in Raleigh to get him dried out." not bat an eye To be courageous, able to endure. "He didn't bat an eye when the judge sentenced him to death." like a bat out of hell Quickly, in a headlong manner. "When he saw the Ku Klux there in the graveyard, he tore down the road like a bat out of hell." batch To live alone as a bachelor. A number, a group, a flock. A batch of children, a batch of chickens. bats in the belfry Crazy. batter bread Bread made of cornmeal, mixed with eggs and milk and cooked in a deep earthenware dish or tin pan. It is also called spoonbread. �64 Paul Green's Wordbook batting an eye Usually "without batting an eye," meaning instantly. battle axe A militant woman, or a huge, rawbony female. Also a popular brand of chewing tobacco. "The Battle Hymn of the Republic" The rousing Civil War song of the Union Army with marvelous lyrics by Julia Ward Howe. The tune is the old "John Brown's Body Is A-mouldering in the Grave." Battle of Bentonville One of the last battles of the Civil War and a bloody one, fought between the southern forces of General Joseph E. Johnston and the pursuing northern forces under General William Tecumseh Sherman on March 20-21, 1865, in Harnett County. Once more a waste of human life. Johnston lost more than 2,000 of his men and Sherman some 1,600. As a boy, I saw many an old soldier who had given away a leg or an arm in this battle and, strange to say, and not so strange, they all were proud of their sacrificial giving. Battle of Cuttoden The famous and bitter battle in 1746 between the British, led by the Duke of Cumberland, and the Scots, led by Prince Charles Edward, resulting in the defeat of the Scots. The Duke murdered the wounded Scots on the field after the battle and thus received the title, "the butcher." But even so, the Scots in the Valley named their county Cumberland after him. As a boy I used to hear some reference now and then from an old Scotsman who had it from his grandfather or some relative as to the bravery or suffering of an ancestor in that battle. Its influence continued into the Revolutionary War and had something to do with the division of loyalties among the Valley Scots. See "Culloden." battle royal A loud quarrel, a hectic fight. battling stick A stick used to beat clothes while washing them. batty Crazy. "Mr. Holloway worried so much after the girl that jilted him that he finally went plumb batty, and they had to shut him up in Dix Hill." bawbee A trifle, anything of small value. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence bawl 65 Squall, yell, cry. bawl out Scold, berate. bayberry A wax-producing shrub, also referred to as wax myrtle. The plant has aromatic leaves and hard nut-like berries coated with wax. Bayberry candles used to be popular, made by pouring the melted wax of the berries into wooden molds. A bayberry candle burned to the socket Brings luck to the house and money to the pocket. bay the moon Pursue an empty cause or act foolishly. bay window A big belly. beak of the house The comb or ridge of the roof. the be-all to end-all The final goal, the complete authority. beam The hips, buttocks, rump. "She's a broad-beamed woman." bean The head. Also a dollar, as "I'm plumb hard up. I ain't got a bean in my pocket." to bean To hit a person on the head, especially with a pitched baseball. beanery A cheap eating house. beans A standby vegetable in most gardens. There are two main kinds — the string and the bush. We always planted the bush variety, though some of our neighbors preferred the other and put up stakes and a clever crossing or looping of strings for the plants to climb on. The good way of cooking these beans was with a hunk of hog jowl or side meat. According to the old belief, any vegetable whose fruit hangs down should be planted on Good Friday, hangman's day, beans especially. �66 Paul Green's Wordbook not worth beans No good, bankrupt. beanstalk An extremely tall, thin person. Same as slats. Bear ye one another's burdens. Every man shall bear his own burden. bear a hand To aid, to give assistance to. to have a bear by the tail To have a job too big to handle, and at the same time can't let go of it. To have responsibility in a dangerous situation. bear cat A tough person, man or woman. bear grass See "yucca." beard the lion in his den To face the worst. beast with two backs A man and woman in sexual intercourse. beat Exhausted, whipped down. To baffle. "That beats me." You have to beat clay to make a pot. beat about the bush To be evasive, to hesitate, to prevaricate. beat down To persuade a lowering of prices, same as to jew down, to wear one down. beat his bird in the bushes To masturbate. beatingest The outdoingest, most outlandish, wildest. "He's the beatingest man I've ever seen." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 67 beat it A command to leave, to get away. beat of A special or unusual thing or person. "I've never seen the beat of that boy the way he acts." beats the Dutch Outlandish, a matter of surprise. "That beats the Dutch." beat the band To be in excess of, up to a surprising degree. "Lord, that man could yodel to beat the band." "It's raining to beat the band." beat the gums Idle talk, foolish palaver. beat the jews A reference to an act of cleverness or accomplishment. Also a mild expletive. beat the lard out of A common parental threat of a spanking for unruly children.' 'You all stop that fighting or I'll come in there and beat the lard out o' you." beau catcher A little frilled curl ladies arranged near the ear for seductive effect. beaut A beautiful person or thing. as beautiful as the dawn as beautiful as the sunset "Beautiful Dreamer" One of Stephen Foster's greatest songs. Beauty buys no beef. Beauty is as beauty does. Beauty is like a rainbow, full of promise but short lived. Beauty is only skin deep. Beauty never made the kettle boil. beauty sleep Early night sleep. �68 Paul Green's Wordbook Beauty's only skin deep, Ugly's in the bone, Beauty soon will pass away, Ugly hold her own. (A proverb rhyme.) A thing of beauty is a joy forever. I've seen lots of beauty but never et a mess of it. Beaver A game. bed What has four legs, a head, a foot and can't walk and can't talk? (Riddle.) Four legs up, four legs down Soft in the middle, and hard all around. (Riddle.) As you make your bed so you must lie. bedag A mild expletive. bed cord The rope used in cord beds crossed from railing to railing to hold the mattress. "Listen, gal, my love is bed cord strong." bedful of bones An emaciated sick person. bedo and bedamn! A mild expletive. bed offer To tempt sexually, a woman offering herself to a man for sexual use. bed of roses Easy living. get out of bed on the wrong side To be irritable, bellicose. between you and me and the bedpost Secretly. bed stick A bed slat. A short piece of plank used to hold up the springs or mattress. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 69 bed straw A fast growing creeper that will cover a garden plot in a few days if not gathered up. It is easily disposed of. Chewing it and swallowing the juice was supposed to be good for a nervous condition. bed tick A big bag, a sort of thing for holding the goose feathers for the bed. bee balm A member of the mint family. Sometimes called "Oswego tea." It grows luxuriantly in wet places and along stream banks. In the old days a tea made from it was good to help women over their "monthlies." bee bread Brown substance in the honeycomb. beech This lovely tree is most common in the center and upper reaches of the Valley and is a favorite for lovers to carve their initials on. There is a common belief that it, like the sweet gum, is never struck by lightning. The bark was often used for tanning when red oak bark was not available. beef To complain, to bellyache, to growl. "If that fellow can't quit beefing about his job, I'm going to fire him." beef up To increase, to strengthen. beefy Stout, heavy, over-fleshed. bee gum A hollow gum for keeping bees, usually from a black gum tree. Also, an old-timey container made by sawing off the length of a hollow tree and closing up one end of it for holding grain or other farm produce. bee-gum hat A tall hat with a cylindrical crown such as Lincoln wore in the Civil War on his visit to the front. bee in one's bonnet To have a special purpose or a secret scheme. beeline The straightest line between two points.' 'When his pappy called, little Willie made a beeline for home." �70 Paul Green's Wordbook Beelzebub The head man in hell as described in the Bible. The same as Satan, the Devil, the Bad Man, Old Black Boy, Old Nick, Belial, etc. bee-martin A bird especially good at driving off hawks or crows. When I was a boy, nearly every farm in the Valley had a pole raised with cross-arms above from which hung a number of gourds with little openings cut in them for the martins to nest. This custom is passing away. Recently in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, Joe Jones brought me a number of gourds to put up, but I haven't seen one bee-martin yet. been had Seduced, tricked, cheated. "Yes," she said gleefully as she pulled up her drawers, "I've been had." been there Experienced, been around. "Boy, you needn't try to get around him, he's been there." Beersheba A place mentioned in the Bible, and usually spoken of in connection with Dan, meaning from A to Z or from here to yonder. The expression was "From Dan to Beersheba." bees A swarm of bees in May is worth a load of hay, A swarm of bees in June is worth a silver spoon, A swarm of bees in July is not worth a fly. (Folk belief.) bee's knees Something excellent, same as the cat's whiskers. A clever action or a good play at cards, or a nice and happy situation. bee-tree In the old days hunters kept their eyes out to find bee-trees. These were trees, usually hollow black gums, in which bees had built, and sometimes when they were cut down a great deal of honey could be got. I remember one man in Cumberland County telling me that he had cut down a bee-tree once and had over two hundred pounds of honey from it. beezer The nose, the face. before you can bat an eye Very quickly, instantly. �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence 71 before you could say Jack Robinson Instantly. before you could say scat Also quick. Bfrom bull's foot An expression of confusion, ignorance. "They were so drunk they didn't know B from bull's foot." Be fruitful and multiply. beggar lice (ticks) A pestering plant to anyone walking in wastelands or grown-over fields in late August or September. These lice or ticks, their seeds, stick to your trousers or dress most tenaciously. "So do they distribute themselves in the land," said my friend Dr. Henry Totten at Chapel Hill. This caused me to ask if maybe they had a mind of their own and knew what they were doing. His answer was a shrug and half a nod. There is much to ponder here, of course, as everywhere, as to nature's doings, and I have done a lot of that as I walked among the weeds, the woods, the flowers and other growing things in the Valley—not only with a shrug and half nod, but with a humbling of the head. "Do these all," I ask myself, "have the power to think?" As Dr. Totten might — and my old philosopher friend Mr. Mac would say, '' Could be." A tea made from boiling the seed was said to be an aid in easing the discomfort of women's menstrual periods. See "stick-tight." Beggars must not be choosers. Beggars breed, And rich men feed. If wishes would bide, Beggars would ride. If wishes were horses, Beggars might ride. beginning to show Signs of pregnancy. "Mis Mae's girl is beginning to show. Lord have mercy on her, and she ain't got husband one." From small beginnings come great endings. begoudge To stab or pierce with a knife or sharp instrument. "He got so sick in his mind that one day he picked up a butcher knife and begoudged himself in the stomach." �72 Paul Green's Wordbook begredge Begrudge. Begun is half done. behanged! A mild imprecation. behave To act politely. "Now you children behave." behind beyond Completely away, gone. behindhand The opposite of beforehand, indolent, procrastinating. go behind the barn Refers to answering the call of nature, to urinate or defecate. behind the eightball To be in an uncomfortable situation, or hemmed in. being Since. "Being you are ten, you ought to know better." ' 'Being as how you're a woman, I'll help you get your car out of that ditch." bejeck and bejack To trifle with. Also, a mild imprecation. be-Jesus An exclamation, also an indefinite something. "This nuclear threat over the world scares the be-Jesus out of me!" says Lonnie Cofield. belam To lambast, to beat. "You orter seen him belam that old mule." belfry Head, brain.' 'He's got bats in his belfry,'' which means crazy ideas, loony thoughts. Believe only half you hear. Believe I will. Same as "yes." "Will you have more soup, Mr. Barnes?" "Believe I will." A man believes what he wishes to. beliked Loved. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 73 A cracked bell can never be mended. The higher the bell, the farther it sounds. a bell-clapper A loose tongued person. Retarded, loony. bell cow An old woman, a gossip, a scold. belled buzzard In Harnett County when I was a boy, a story was told how an old Negro caught a crippled buzzard and put a little bell around his neck. Then he let the buzzard loose. The buzzard was healed of his hurt and flew away, but he continued to haunt the neighborhood, and he could be heard flying through the air, the little bell tinkling as he soared and dipped. And it was told that when the old Negro was nearing death, this same buzzard came and sat on the roof of his house. Now and then he would shake himself, shivering, lift his wings and hop about to ring the bell the while. After the old man died, the buzzard flew away and was never seen again. Stuffed bellies make empty skulls. bellowsed Wind-broken. "I ain't never liked Jim Harmon since he traded me that bellowsed horse." bell the cat To attempt something dangerous, risky. bellwether The leader, sometimes tinged with derision. "That Sadie Cutts is just an old bellwether." His eye was bigger than his belly. Said of one who overloads his plate with food, takes too much, or undertakes more than he can accomplish. bellyache To complain. bellyband The girth in harness or saddle paraphernalia. belly-buster A flat dive so that one's stomach hits the water first. belly button The navel. �74 Paul Green's Wordbook bellyful Enough, an excessive amount. "I've had a bellyful of that fellow." belly-shot Cattle, horses or mules, whose bellies are swollen and hang down low. Shrunk-gutted. My belly thinks my throat's cut. To be ravenously hungry. belly-wash Patent medicine. Most of the curative tablets and liquids advertised on present-day television can be so described. Also a slang name for coffee. belong To deserve. "You belong to have your butt whipped for spittin' in that woman's face." Should, ought. "If the bonds belong to be in the safety deposit box, then put 'em there." belt To chop a ring around a tree to make it die. Also to strike a blow at someone. belt out To sing loudly. belt-tightening Economical action, cutting down expenses. bench fice A dog with a long body and short legs. bender A spree, a wild drunk. "He went on a bender three weeks ago and ain't struck a lick of work since." bend the elbow Take a drink of liquor. "Yeh, he had too much bending of the elbow and theD.T.'sgot him." benny An automobile. The term may come from the old Benjamin Franklin car. bent and determined "He was bent and determined to go to see that girl and he did." bent but not broken �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 75 Bermuda grass This grass was used widely as a purge when chewed. Even the dogs still chew it to make themselves vomit. berries The real thing, a special person or thing. "That Bryan girl is the berries." berry A jeer, same as raspberry. be-shame bush The sensitive plant. We boys were taught that if you touched its leaflets and said, "Be shame, be shame," the little petals would close up. We soon saw they would close to the touch with or without the words. We were also told that if it thundered, the petals would close in preparation for rain. I don't remember I ever checked this out. besides Except. "Everybody besides you three go out." beslobber To slobber, to slobber on. best To outdo, to get the better of. The best comes first. best fellow or best girl A sweetheart. to put one's best foot forward To make a good impression. The best physicians are Dr. Diet, Dr. Quiet and Dr. Merryman. The best way to lose a friend is to lend him money. Bethel The name given to many a church in the Valley. I used to call the neighborhood in which I grew up "Little Bethel" and wrote many a story and play about the people who lived there. The word means "The house of God," "hallowed spot." Bethesda A name common in the Bible and also very popular as a name for churches in the Valley and elsewhere. better a neighbor that is near than a brother that is far-off �76 Paul Green's Wordbook better be alone than in ill company better be poor than wicked better be sure than sorry better be wise by the misfortune of others than by your own better half One's husband or wife. better have it than hear of it better late than never better one plough than two cradles The better part of valor is discretion. better something than nothing at all better suffer wrong than do wrong better than More. "He'll take better than an hour at a meal every time." the better the day, the better the deed better to be happy than wise better to bend than to break better to be safe than sorry better to be than seem. The North Carolina motto - "Esse quam videri." better to die on your feet than to live on your knees better to do well than to say well better to go to heaven in rags than to hell in embroidery better to go to the house of mourning than to the house of feasting better to leap before you look than always to look and never leap better to save a man from dying than to mourn for him when he is dead better to smoke here than hereafter better wear out shoes than sheets better to wear out than to rust out �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 77 Betty Boddie bought some butter, But the butter Betty bought was bitter. Then she bought some better butter To make her bitter butter better. When she bought her better butter, It made her batter better. Tip top tangle tongue Say this riddle I have sung. (A tongue twister.) betty A name for various tools. "Hand me my betty from that box." between a rock and a hard place In tight circumstances, bankrupt, in a precarious position. between kin see and kain 't see Between daylight and dark. between me and you and the gatepost Confidential, secret. between the devil and the deep blue sea In a bind, in a quandary, in a tough situation. between two fires In a tough situation. between whiles Between times. betwixt Between. betwixt and between Uncertain, not knowing what to do. "I'm all betwixt and between on this matter of capital punishment." Also at odd moments, in one's spare time. "I'll work it in somehow—betwixt and between." bet your boots A phrase of emphasis, a mild expletive. bet your bottom dollar Another phrase of emphasis. bet your life Also a phrase of emphasis. �78 Paul Green's Wordbook Beulah land The land of heart's desire mentioned in the Bible and often sung about and preached about by members of the Christian faith as identical with the New Jerusalem in yonder world. The place the faithful shall go to when they are dead, there to play their harps, drink of the wters of life, and praise almighty God forevermore. Beware of a woman with honey in her mouth and a sting in her tail. Beware of the forepart of a woman, the hind part of a mule and all sides of a priest. beyond the beyond The absolute distance, far far away. beyond the shadow of a doubt Absolutely, without any question. The Bible says The quoted authority to confirm a truth, to silence all opposition. Bible thumper A preacher. biddy A child, young girl. Also a freshly hatched chicken. biff big To hit, to strike with the fist, to buffet. To make pregnant. "He went and bigged Joe Turner's gal. No wonder they're after him with a shotgun." as big as a house as big as an elephant as big as life big as life and twice as natural In full presence. big ass A fat girl or boy, usually refers to a girl. big auger The boss. To bore with the big auger is to have great influence, also to show off. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 79 big bed Used in contrast with the trundle bed.' 'You can sleep in the big bed tonight.'' big blade The boss, a splurging man, usually living beyond his means. Big Boss Jehovah, God. big boy A man, a foreman, a boss. big bug Same as big gun, big one, big shot, big stuff, big wig. A notable person, a millionaire, a political boss. big butt A big posterior, buttocks. big daddy An affectionate term for a boss, leader, factory or union head who has a special care for those who work for him or serve him. Also an indulgent lover and sexually potent man. big dog Same as big bug. the big end of the horn To come out profitably. "Did you hear of Marshall Turlington in that real estate deal? Man, man, he come out at the big end of the horn on that, and I come out on the little end." big-foot A clumsy person. no bigger than a minute no bigger than a possum's peter There's a family — Mr. & Mrs. Bigger and their little daughter. Of the three which is the bigger? (Riddle.) Why, the daughter, of course, for she's a little Bigger, biggest The maj ority, the largest part. " I was there the biggest part of the night.'' biggity Proud, stuck up, insolent. �80 Paul Green's Wordbook big gun Same as big boss. big house The landlord's or boss's house, also the penitentiary. Big John A muscular stout man, any man of great physical size and strength. Also a semi-fictional character in Negro folklore in the Valley and elsewhere. There are many tales told about the Negro Big John and his gluttony and laziness, and I have heard them from different sources. I copied down one Aunt Fanny McDade told me about the old rapscallion. Aunt Fanny was a prideful Negress who owned her own home in Chapel Hill, at the corner of Cameron Avenue and Graham Street, and lived to be a hundred and four years old. She died in 1964. She used to say to her friends with a chuckle, "I come in with Lincoln but I didn't go out with him." She was for a long time a favorite with the university people and her recollections went far back to Mrs. Spencer, Presidents Battle, Winston and others and on up to recent days. I copied down many of the things she told me about Chapel Hill, and in one of my notebooks I wrote down her story of Big John. "Yessuh, yessuh, Mr. Green," she said one day as she lifted her heavy sad iron off the lacy dress she was ironing for one of the university wives and peering over her steel rim spectacles at me, "put this in your pipe and smoke it. There are plenty of people in this world who holler Lord and follow devil. And they make a big squealing and little wool as this same old Satan said when he sheared his hogs. And Big John was like that, a hypocrite from way back, in the old days. Yessuh, he was a lazy good-for-nothing old scoundrel, that's what he was. And there was nothing he liked better than to lie up and snooze whilst his wife and children did all the hard work. And there in his bed he kept saying and pretending he was sicker'n he was and that he wouldn't be long for this world and soon would be flapping his wings at the pearly gates. And he had one speech which he kept calling out — 'Old Moster in Heaven, come and take me, take me whole soul and body, take me away to thy mansion in the skies.' And that's the kind of tune he kept a-going. "The people passing along the road, the neighbors, could hear this old nigger lying up there in his feather bed a-praying and a-talking this good holy talk. And the folks brought him plenty of good things to eat, seeing as how he was so close to God, they thought. But it was all a blind. For that old devil wasn't any more interested in religion than a goat in a bass fiddle. As I said, it was just his excuse to laze and do nothing and eat the good things his wife and children worked out for him and the neighbors brought in. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 81 "It may be easy to fool the niggers, Mr. Green, but you take it from me, you can't fool the good white folks, not for long. They've got brains — even like you and the other 'fessors that teach in the university here. So it was that good old Moster Landlord, the white man, was on to old Big John. He could see through him. So he said to Big John's wife one day, he said, 'Liza' — her name was Liza — 'you and me's got to do something 'bout him.' " 'Yes sir, Marse Landlord,' said Liza. "So they put their heads together in a manner of speaking and made their plans. "Now one day in the fall when the cotton was hanging white as snow in the field and needed picking mighty bad, old Big John was lying up in the bed there same as usual and putting out his prayers and hollers more than ever. You see he was slick, the worse the cotton needed picking, the louder was his holy talk. And he was sending forth his refrain. 'Do Lord God, old Moster, Savior mine, come and get me, whole soul and body! Come now, I'm in a state of grace and pure and ready.' "And then right spang in the middle of the night and in his praying and talking there come a heavy tromp, tromp on the porch and a bam, bam, bam on the side of the weatherboarding and then a big voice calling out, 'All right, Big John, here I am, I've come for you.' "Old Big John didn't quite catch the words at first. And so he prayed out louder than ever. 'O Heavenly Father,' he said, 'take me, Father, to thy holy sweet resting bosom, crown me with thy diadem of glory, fit me with a garment of joy and let me circle the battlements of Heaven like a pigeon white as snow and the sun shining on me making my whings' — he said 'whings' — 'yea, let me, Heavenly Father, sing thy praises celestial evermore.' "And now the voice out on the porch boomed out good and loud, so loud that Big John couldn't help hearing it. 'All right, Big John, your prayers are answered. I've come to get you forevermore.' Old Big John listened and then shivered and shook and made the bed rattle with his trembling. " 'Who's that, who's that?' he said. " 'It's me, the Great Lord God of Heaven and I've come for you in answer to your prayers — whole soul and body.' "Old Big John he still shivered and shook but he quavered out in a little small voice, 'Thank you, God.' " 'Make haste,' said the great voice, 'I've got no time to spare. This is a busy day. I'm gathering in the souls sanctified all round and about.' "And old Big John lying there in the bed did some mighty quick thinking. He raised up in his nightshirt and slid his feet out on the floor and sat there scratching his head and finally he said in a humble sweet voice, 'Oh, Big Moster God, please suh, open the do' so I can look out over my �82 Paul Green's Wordbook crop and say goodbye to it, suh. I wants to say goodbye to all these earthly scenes below,' he said. So the white Marse Landlord standing out of sight on the porch in the darkness pulled back the door a little bit. " 'C'mon, Big John,' he said, 'make it in a hurry.' '' 'Yes suh,' said Big John, now a little more cheerful like. 'Just gimme time, suh, to get my hat. It might be mighty cold flying up to Heaven through them icy stars. And you wouldn't want me to ketch cold, would you, Marse God?' " 'That's right, I wouldn't. Get your coat too,' said the white landlord. '' 'And please, suh, could you crack the do' a little mo' furder so I can get a last look at the barn where my Mary mule is resting? It's mighty sad to say goodbye to that faithful mule and me plowing her so many days and hard.' "And Marse Landlord pulled the door open a little wider. With that old Big John set hisself and out he went, same as if the hounds of the bad place were after him. All in his nightshirt he flew and with his derby hat set 'pon top of his head. ' 'Now the wife and children were standing out in the yard. They were on to the trick played by Marse White Landlord, and so Liza she screamed out, 'Run, John, run!' ' 'And the children they screamed out, 'Run, Pappy, run!' By this time Marse White Landlord with his white sheet on was chasing John in a hurry 'cross the cotton patch. And Liza screamed out again, 'Run, John, God's a-gaining on you!' "And, Mr. Green! John showered down on his speed and he left God behind him same as if Jehovah was mired down in deep mud up to his knees. Yessir, old John's feet that night were shod with the wind, they say. And the pocket of his nightshirt dipped sand, they tell it, as he turned the edge of the field and was gone from there through the woods. To say you the truth, that nigger wasn't seen in the neighborhood for weeks on end. Then one day he came walking back over the hill and he was wearing shoes and a shirt and working overalls. And guess what he had in his hands. Guess. Why he had a maul and a wedge, a maul and a wedge to work in his new ground. And he set to work and they said he was a mighty man at splitting cordwood and getting up grubs from then on, for you see, God had ketched him and put that maul and wedge in his hand. "God ketches everybody. 'Member that, son. Remember." "Yes, Aunt Fanny, yes." big jump An advantage, or a rapid advance or promotion in a job. big leg Milk leg. "Poor Lilly Jones, purty as she is, has got that big leg again." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 83 big man Warden of a penitentiary. big meeting A revival meeting, often spoken of as a protracted meeting. These meetings were usually held in August when "laying by'' time had come, that is, when tending the crops had been finished until the harvest came on. These were great social occasions and often ran from two to three weeks with preaching in the morning, then a picnic lunch or "dinner" on the grounds of the church, then preaching in the afternoon and often prayer meeting at night. There was much whooping and hollering in the old days, and many souls were converted and brought to Christ. In these latter days this type of meeting has become less protracted and the spiritual manifestations of unknown tongues and holy dancing and weepings and shoutings have also become quieter and less loud. big mouth A loud talker, a braggart. put on the big pot To show full hospitality. big shot A millionaire, a prominent person, same as big bug, big dog, big wig, etc. big stuff Also a big shot, and also a big business deal, heavy artillery. "After the whiz-bangs, they turned loose with the big stuff." big sugar A kindhearted and generous boss. Also, a big man who is sugar daddy to some girl who is serving him. big time The highest professional ranks, as in sports, the theatre, etc. big tree, little possum Big effort and little result. big wheel A very important person. big wig A big shot, a rich man, a big politician. big wind A braggart, a blowhard. �84 b'ile Paul Green's Wordbook Boil. b'ile your cabbage down Lovemaking that cools a woman off. bill Mouth.' 'That Silver Queen corn is the sweetest stuff you ever popped your billon." The nose or the face. "He hauled off and punched him in the bill." "Bill Bailey" A Tin Pan Alley song that has been popular and handed on by word-ofmouth from work field to parlor and back again. It was one of our favorite pieces. The rhythm of the chopping hoe went well with it, especially its chorus, and, too, our hard working Christian life made us feel superior to old Bill riding around in a "diamond coach" — the sorry scoundrel! Even as we children chopped and sang we wondered why "she" would cry after the rapscallion, "weeping hard." " 'Won't you come home, Bill Bailey, Won't you come home?' She moans the whole day long. " 'I'll do the cooking, darling, I'll pay the rent. I knows I've done you wrong. " 'Member dat rainy evening I drove you out With nothing but a fine tooth comb? " 'I know I'se to blame, Well, ain't dat a shame? Bill Bailey, won't you please come home?' " billy A policeman's club or stick. Also a billy goat. billy-be-damned! A mild expletive. "Billy Boy" A sort of comic version more or less of the "Lord Randall'' ballad. We used to say the bouncing words of the numerous stanzas as we chopped cotton. " 'Oh where have you been Billy Boy, Billy Boy, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 85 Oh where have you been pretty (charming) Billy?' 'I have been to find a wife She's the joy of my life. She's a young thing and won't leave her mammy.' " Old Billy Buck A guessing game. It is known in many countries under different names. In our Valley version one player shuts his eyes, or sometimes he is blindfolded, and bends over. He is then thumped, or pounded on the back with the flat of the hand while the questioner chants — "Old Billy Buck Try your luck, How many fingers Do I hold up?" Fingers are held up by the questioner. The guess is made by Buck. Say he guesses four when three are held up. The chant and the pounding continue. "Four you said and three it was Old Billy Buck, Try your luck, How many fingers do I hold up?" If the guess is correct, the speaker says, for instance — "Four you said and four it was." Places are exchanged and the game goes on. In the game brought into the Valley by the early Scotch settlers, Buck was a deer, and the question was "How many hands do I hold up?" billy goat A male goat. We children used to sing a billy goat song as we worked in the fields — "A billy goat was feeling fine, Ate six red shirts right off the line." The song went on to tell how his owner in anger tied him to a railroad track so that a train would kill him. But Billy was smart. As the train was rushing toward him — "Bill gave a shriek of roaring pain, Coughed up a shirt and flagged the train." "Billy Goat" also means a lecher. The term fitted the widower, old Henry Leach, so Mis' Sarah Harmon declared. "You know, Paul," she said, "that �86 Paul Green's Wordbook old billy goat went and got him a gal for a wife, only fourteen years old — just a little frying-size biddy that had no more sense than a pond gannet. He traded her daddy six hogs and four gallons of moonshine liquor for the pesky young'un. Now they've got a baby, a little old shriveled-up critter, looks like a baboon. I've seen it. Ain't that a purty looking way to carry on the human race? I ask you." bimeby By and by. bind A tight fix, a worrisome situation. "The United States got itself in a bind in Vietnam." To constipate. "Cheese always binds me, so I can't eat it." binder A token. A payment that binds or makes legal a trade or a deal. binge A spree, a breakdown, a drunken debauch. "After he joined Alcoholics Anonymous he stayed sober for a year, but last Saturday he tore loose and went on a binge." bird Derision, heckling, dismissal. "After the big boss bawled him out, he gave him the bird, and now he's hunting for a job." A woman's pudendum, also the male organ. A lively or exceptional girl or boy. "He's a bird, I'll tell you that!" A bird in the hand is worth two in the bush. A bird is known by its feathers. The early bird catches the worm. Every bird likes its own nest. It's an ill bird that fouls its own nest. It's a lazy bird that won't build her own nest. A little bird wants but a little nest. Sprinkle the tail of a bird with salt, and he'll be easy to catch. bird blinding Once a popular night sport among the boys and girls. In Harnett County we used to split long lightwood splinters, set them afire at one end and then �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 87 tramp into the newground where brush had been piled in the land clearing. We would surround a brush pile, hold up our lights and shake them, and as the birds came out blinded, we would flail the air with our brush broom mops. Sometimes we killed a sparrow or a snowbird, but most often we did more courting and snuggling up one with the other than we did hunting. to join the bird gang To run away in a hurry, to speed off, to vamoose. "Man, when that blunderbuss fired off, I joined the bird gang going away from there." "A Bird in a Gilded Cage" A sentimental favorite out of the "gay nineties" period. It tells the story of a young girl who married for money. My mother and sisters loved it, especially the chorus with its vivid imagery and moral teaching. "She's only a bird in a gilded cage, A beautiful sight to see. You may think she's happy and free from care. She's not, though she seems to be. Tis sad when you think of her wasted life, For youth cannot mate with age. And her beauty was sold For an old man's gold. She's a bird in a gilded cage." As for my sisters, they didn't need any moral teaching of this sort. Though the four of them were beautiful and human enough, there was no man around, young or old, with any gold for their tempting. They all loved and were loved by more suitable husbands. bird-nest protection The wisdom of all nature's creatures is an absorbing mystery. Maybe what they learn by experience with enough passage of time in repetition becomes instinctive. My neighbor recently pointed out to me a wren's nest built in his garage. A piece of dried snake's skin was in the nest. "You notice when you can, Paul," he said, "and you'll often see a snake's skin in a bird nest, especially with wrens. This keeps other marauding birds away, for all of them — especially little birds — are mortally afraid of snakes or any sign of them." I wonder how wrens learned not to be afraid and other birds didn't. bird omen A bird that appears suddenly at a house or flies inside it or hangs about it presages sorrow or bad luck. And if it is a white bird, a death in the house is pretty certain to follow. �88 Paul Green's Wordbook '' When Hardy Gilchrist's mother was dying,'' said old Aunt Margaret Messer to me one day, "there come a little white bird and flew around in the room and made a pitiful cheep, cheep sound and then flew out the window. And later in the evening it come and set on the comb of the housetop and still made its pitiful little cheepings. Then about sundown Mi/ Gilchrist reared up in bed and cried out, with the sunset in the west shining on her, saying that it was the glory of heaven spilling through the pearly gates to welcome her home. I was setting up with her and saw and heard it. And then she died. When we went out and looked for the little bird, it was gone. And he ain't been seen around here since. But you watch my word, when some other person in the neighborhood comes down to die, like as not we'll see that little bird flying around. It's a sad thing to think about, but as the Bible says, 'The bird shall cleanse the house.' Amen." There was the case of Henry Whaley. He lived near Wilmington, and right after he had covered his house with cedar shingles, he looked up and saw a couple of buzzards roosting up there. He hated to have his shingles dirtied, so he got out his old muzzle loader and shot at the buzzards, killing one of them. The next day, believe it or not, his wife and daughter were killed by lightning. As Mr. Jim Willis said, "A buzzard is a sort of sacred soul." Then there was Dr. Joe Robbins near Dunn. He got sold on airplanes and bought himself one, and every time he got a chance he was up flying it. And finally he was so taken with flying that he quit going to church and was out early every Sunday morning, when the weather would allow, flying back and forth in the air above the houses and fields .Old Burgess McFarland told me that he warned the doctor about desecrating the Lord's Day.' 'Yes sir, I warned him before he died. Now the very day he was mortally hurt he was sailing way up there in the clouds all alone when suddenly a voice spoke to him and said, 'Dr. Robbins, stop it. I tell you again, stop flying that thing on Sunday. If you don't, something bad is going to happen to you for violating the Lord's Day.' But as you know, Doc wouldn't stop and went right on flying, saying to hisself no doubt that it was his own imagination made him think he heard a voice. And then the very day he fell, a little white bird come before time and lit on his airplane wing and sung and sung a great long while the most pitiful, sad song — peep, peep. And then it went away and it weren't a minute before the Doc started falling out of the sky to his death, to his mortal wounding, I say. It's the truth. Miss Dorine Hughes, the nurse, said Doc kept babbling while he was delirious and was sinking on down to his death. I tell you, Paul Green, it don't do to go against the will and the warning signs of the Lord, and if Doc had minded his God and Savior, he'd be here with us today and not where he is. Ay, Lord, I hate to think on it!" �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 89 for the birds Nonsense, not worthy of any sort of consideration. "All that talk of his about reforming is for the birds." birds of a feather A gang of rogues, thieves, also any gathering of like people. The term is usually derogatory. Birds of a feather flock together. Birds of prey never sing. Old birds are hard to catch. bird's-nest See "Queen Anne's lace." bird sweat A light rain. Rubbing one's nose in butter on one's birthday will bring good luck. birthday suit In the nude. birthmark A peculiar mark or blemish on a young creature's body at birth. There are innumerable folk-beliefs about birthmarks, their cause and cure. Aunt Candace Murdoch said her boy was born with the mark of a pickle on his hip because she had eaten so many sour pickles during her pregnancy. Constant scrubbing with fresh chicken's blood finally got rid of it, she said. It is widely believed too that if a pregnant woman develops a craving for some fruit, vegetable or drink, or anything, and that desire is not satisfied, her baby will be born with a birthmark on some part of his body resembling the shape of the desired object or sometimes even to its color. This reminds me of the Negro couple, Phil Ochiltree and his wife Lucy, and their dilemma. During her pregnancy Lucy kept telling Phil that she craved snow. "But how you gonna get snow, woman, here in the heat of July?" he snapped. Still she kept asking for snow. Finally outdone, he said, "Goddamit, there ain't gonna be no snow till winter time and maybe not then and you know it." To which she replied, according to Lonnie Co field, "Well if this here baby child is born white don't blame me." I heard of another baby who had the mark of a red apple on its forehead, and of another that had a red apple near its eye — both caused, so the mothers said, because of an unsatisfied craving for June Sweet'nings (q.v.) in the winter time. One of the mothers said she took the advice of old Phinny Barlow, the cow doctor, who told her she should do the way mother cows �90 Paul Green's Wordbook did when some of their offsprings were marked — lick away the sign. And so she did, licking nine mornings in succession, and the mark disappeared. Among the many things desired by pregnant women are apples, cherries, grapes, molasses, potatoes, strawberries, turnip greens, whiskey, icecream, snow, Brazil nuts, oranges and tomatoes. A sudden fright to a pregnant woman too can cause her baby to be marked. A rabbit that bounces up suddenly in front of her and startles her may cause her baby to have a harelip. Also any very impressive sight or vivid object seen at the moment of conception may mark the child to be. An illustration of this is given in Genesis 30 where the wily Jacob added greatly to his flocks at the expense of his father-in-law Laban. The Scripture reads — "Jacob took him rods of green poplar, and of the hazel and chestnut tree and pilled (peeled) white strakes in them and made the white appear which was in the rods. And he set the rods which he had pilled before the flocks in the gutters in the watering troughs when the flocks came to drink, that they should conceive when they came to drink. And the flocks conceived before the rods, and brought forth cattle ringstraked, speckled, and spotted. And Jacob did separate the lambs, and set the faces of the flocks toward the ringstraked, and all the brown in the flock of Laban; and he put his own flocks by themselves, and put them not unto Laban's cattle. And it came to pass, whensoever the stronger cattle did conceive, that Jacob laid the rods before the eyes of the cattle in the gutters, that they might conceive among the rods. But when the cattle were feeble, he put them not in; so the feeebler were Laban's, and the stronger Jacob's. And the man increased exceedingly, and had much cattle, and maidservants, and menservants, and camels, and asses." birtle To cut up, to dance wildly. "I birtled a bit, lad, a wee bit." biscuit A watch. We children used to recite a rhymed riddle: "Round as a biscuit, Busy as a bee, Something inside it Goes ticka-ticka-tee." biscuit cutter A cook. biscuit roller Also a cook. bit Cheated. "We traded horses and, man, did I get bit." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 91 A tiny amount, aniota. "Every little bit helps," astheold woman said when she pissed in the sea. Also another old saying fits: "Every little bit helps," as the old man said when he farted in the storm. as soon be bit as scared to death If that had been a snake he would have bit you. every bit and grain Completely, to the last iota, just as much. "I'm every bit and grain as good as you are, for all your praying." bitch party A female party. The bite is bigger than the mouth. Don't bite the hand that feeds you. bit for manners A bit of food left on one's plate for manners' sake so as not to seem too hungry. My mother always insisted on our following this custom. biter bit A reversal of intent or expectation, and over-reaching, usually with something of mockery in the happening, a situation or action in which a person falls victim to his own doing, as depicted, for instance, in the Sophoclean drama "Oedipus," or an ironical result as in Petronius' story of "The Matron of Ephesus," in O. Henry's "The Gift of the Magi," or even in the doings of one Fate Hargrave. Fate, I guess, was about the stingiest man in the Cape Fear Valley. There was nothing he wouldn't do to turn a penny. But one day he tried for a penny too much, and so became a sort of laughingstock to his neighbors when the story got out. He raised sheep along with his small farming and sold mutton in the town of Dunston, and a terrible fellow he was for squeezing out every last cent's worth he could get for his sheep. It happened that his flock got down in numbers from selling, and about this time a stray bitch took up at his house hungry as she could be. But of course Fate wouldn't give the poor creature a crumb. At first he wouldn't. He ran her off with sticks and chunked rocks at her, but she came back. A second time he didn't run her off, for an idea had come into his stingy mind. He kept her and fed her and in the coming weeks fattened her up. Then one day he was up early before light and killed her and skinned her and took the meat into the town and sold it for mutton to Jeems Macintosh, another Scotchman, who ran a cafe. �92 Paul Green's Wordbook After Fate had haggled and got his money and gone away Jeems grew suspicious. Why, I don't know. Perhaps he found some dog hair on the carcass rather than sheep's wool. Anyway, from suspicion he came to certainty in his own mind. So he put the' 'mutton'' in his ice box and bided his chance. Sometime later, it might have been a few weeks or so, Fate came into the cafe for lunch. He was over in town attending court, for he dearly loved to sit in the courtroom and listen to murder trials and hear the sentencing to death of Negro criminals when such was to be. "What'll you have?" asked Jeems, the cafe man, as Fate sat down at the counter. "What've you got?" asked Fate. ' 'Well, we're running a little short for the time being of everything except mutton. We've got some mighty good fresh mutton left." "Enough said,'' said Fate, "you know how I like mutton. That's what I want." So the mutton was cooked and served up. Fate ate full and hearty, for he would get every cent's worth, as I say, even to sopping his plate clean. "That's good," he said, "good, and I mean good." "There's more where it come from," said Jeems. "No, I reckon not." "Being it's you — no charge for a second helping,'' said Jeems, "seeing as how you sell me a lot of stuff." "Well, no sooner said than done,'' said Fate, hunching himself closer up to the counter in fine good will, pleased that he was getting a double big meal so cheap. "And besides, it's nearing Christmas and all," said Jeems, "the spirit of the giver, you know." "Right," said Fate, "Christmas is the time for friends to loosen up. I shore appreciate it, Jeems." So he had a generous second helping. When he had finished he pushed back his plate. "Yes sir, I've et mutton here and I've et mutton yonder," he said,' 'but this beats everything I've had to a fare-ye-well. I'd like to know where you got that good mutton, Jeems. Who'd you buy if from?" "From you," said Jeems, "about a month ago. "And he took the knife and fork quickly out of the way. "From me?" said Fate, his voice a little fuzzy. "Yeh, from you. You remember that Saturday morning when you brought that sheep in here and I complained about it being a little poor and small." Fate gulped once or twice and then in a low voice said, "Yeh, I remember that —" "Hey, where you going Fate?" But Fate was already fleeing out of the door hunting a quiet emptying �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 93 place in the back alley. He bites off more than he can chew. bite the dust To fail, to fall on one's face, to be thrown from a horse, to die. bite the thumb at To mock, as in the opening of "Romeo and Juliet." biting frost A heavy white frost. After such a frost the weather usually turns warm. After a day or two the rain comes and the wind whips around to the north. Then freezing weather comes once more and white or biting frost is repeated. bit of fluff A girl, a lighthearted female. bit of muslin A girl, a woman. Once bitten, twice shy. bitter as gall bitter as soot bitty Same as biddy, a baby chicken. little bitty Very small indeed, tiny. "He was a little bitty man." biz blab Business. To reveal confidential information, to talk too freely, gossip. blabber-lipped Thick-lipped. blab (blabber)-mouth A loud-mouthed person, a gossip, a loose-tongued talker. in the black To show a profit. "He's in the black, not the red, this year, and his wife is smiling again." black and blue Skin discoloration from an accident, but more often due to bruises from �94 Paul Green's Wordbook a fight or beating. black and white Written down. "If you want me to believe that and depend on it, put it down there in black and white." black as a crow black as a raven black as a stack of black cats black as coal black as ink black as midnight black as night black as pitch black as sin black as soot black as the ace of spades black as the back of the chimney black ball To vote against, to disapprove of. Blackbeard A notorious pirate who preyed on shipping along the coast of North Carolina and at the mouth of the Cape Fear River in the early part of the eighteenth century. His name was Edward Teach or Thatch and he was described by contemporaries as "a swaggering merciless brute." Stede Bonnet, a man of wealth and good standing in the West Indies, joined Blackbeard in his piracy. Finally in a battle with British forces Blackbeard was killed; later Bonnet was captured and hanged. Blackbeard received his nickname because of his heavy and voluminous black beard. Several plays and ballads have been written about him. blackberry A popular briary bush. We used to go blackberry picking and bring home bucketsful of the dark berries to be canned, made into jam or eaten fresh with sugar and milk. Blackberry root tea was especially good for dysentery. blackberry winter A cold time that is supposed to come in May when the blackberry bushes �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 95 are in blossom. black booger A frightful night creature dreamed up out of the folk imagination and used to frighten children or persuade them to behave by threats of his coming. Sometimes identified with the devil. black book An imaginary judgment book in which the record of one's sins and errors is kept. black boy Cast iron figures of Negro boys used as hitching posts, lantern stands, etc. Old Black Boy One of the many religious folklore names in the Valley for the devil. Among others are the Old Bad Boy, Old Booger, Satan, Beelzebub, Old Scratch, Old Nick, the Evil One, the Arch-Fiend, the Anti-Christ, the Foul Fiend, Mephistopheles, Mephisto, the Adversary, the Wicked One, the Old Serpent, Belial, and so and on. "Whilst I was sitting there nodding by the corpse of sinful Acharel Knott," said Benton Barnes, "I saw just as plain as could be the Old Black Boy crack open the door, look in, and then come on in and creep tiptoe on his forked hoofs to the bed. He reached toward the corpse, and something like a great big white moth flew out of Acharel's mouth, and the Old Black Boy grabbed it in his two paws and made with it back through the door, and I could hear him whickering and laughing as he sped off in the night. Yes sir, I believe it was Acharel's soul he carried away. And when I told Preacher Johnson about it later, he said it surely must have been so and let that be a warning to all of us to live right." If a black cat crosses one's path, bad luck will follow. a black cat's blood According to superstitious belief, spreading a black cat's blood on an affected body part will cure the shingles. black cloud A gathering of Negroes. black coat A clergyman. Black Draught A patent medicine good for everything, especially for tight bowels. This powdery stuff — a teaspoonful mixed with water for a dose — was, next to calomel, the most awful gagging drink we children had to endure. My �96 Paul Green's Wordbook father found it a favorite with which to clean us out. My mother preferred calomel. Only a belief in the lightness of my parents' authority kept me from learning to hate them for these ministrations. blackening Shoe blacking. We used to make it by mixing soot and water. black-eyed peas A popular garden crop in the South. If cooked with hog jowl and eaten on New Year's Day, these peas are supposed to bring financial good luck for the coming twelve months. It is common talk around in the Valley that a person will have as many dollars then as peas he eats on New Year's Day. I was told so when a boy, and I ate away manfully, counting the number of peas spoonful by spoonful as I ate them. But when no betterment came in my poor finances, I lost my taste for peas, if I ever had had any. To tell the truth, to my way of thinking they are mighty poor eating at best. But I heard of one fellow who loved them even to gluttony. '' It was a pow' ful rainy night and as dark as the inside of a grave with wind blowing," said Lonnie Co field, "and this fellow was traveling down the river road toward Fayetteville, hoping to find a place to stay. The country weren't settled in them days the way it is now, and a man out at night had to shift for sleeping quarters the best he could. On and on he went. Now why he was out in such a night I don't know. I reckon he was some sort of drummer and had been trying to make a late sale and so got caught in the storm earlier than he had thought for. Anyhow, he kept pushing right on. Well, finally he saw a dim red firelight ahead of him, and he hurried on fast as he could and come to a little cabin by the roadside. He whammed and hammered on the door and finally it was opened by a rough sort of farmer man. The young fellow asked if he could come inside from the storm, and the farmer let him in. "A good lightwood fire was going in the fireplace and the fellow was mighty glad to see it, for he was wet slam through to the skin. The farmer had a young wife and she was mighty polite and hospitable at once to the young fellow and helped him off with his wet coat and hung it on a chair to dry and brung him a towel to wipe his face and hair and scurried about for this and that to make him comfortable. " 'You're mighty kind,' the fellow said to her, 'and soon's I get dry and the storm lets up I'll be on my way toward Fayetteville.' " 'Seems like the storm's getting worse,' she said. "The farmer was a kindhearted fellow and he told the stranger that they'd be glad to offer him some of their poor fare. 'We were just about to set down to a late supper, such as it is,' he said. " 'I'm sure anything would taste good to me," said the young fellow, 'for I ain't et since breakfast.' �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 97 " 'We ain't got nothing but a big pot of black-eyed peas,' said the farmer. 'Everything's mighty short with us this year.' " 'Black-eyed peas!' said the young fellow all quick-like. 'Nothing I love better than black-eyed peas.' "By this time he was getting dry and the young wife set out another plate and brung the big pot of peas from the stove and put it on the table. And they all went to it. That fellow sure did prove the truth of his words. He soon cleaned up his first big helping and held out his plate for more, and the young wife was quick to oblige him. The farmer looked at him and said, 'Like you said, you really like black-eyed peas!' '' 'True, true,' said the young fellow as he gobbled away. 'And whoever cooked these peas knew how to do it.' " 'I cooked 'em,' said the young wife, pleased and looking across at him. "When she had helped the fellow to a third fill, the farmer got up, lifted the pot and took it over and put it firmly back on the stove. 'We'll need some in the house for tomorrow,' he said. "The storm raged and roared outside and the young wife said it looked like too bad a night for anybody to be out in. '' 'Yes, I reckon it really is,' said the farmer, who as I said was at heart a good sort of fellow. And he went on, 'As you see we ain't got but one room to our house and only one bed, but we'll accommodate you as best we can.' " 'Thank you most kindly,' said the young man, 'you mustn't disfurnish yourself. I'll sleep anywhere — lie down on the floor here till day comes.' '' 'You might catch your death of cold doing that,' said the young wife. 'It's mighty drafty on the floor." " 'So it is,' said the good man. 'Well, seeing the night's the way it is and you a wayfaring stranger and the Good Book advising us to be neighborly one with another, I tell you what — we'll share our bed with you. My wife can sleep next to the wall, I'll lie in the middle and you next to me, and no harm done.' "And so it was. And there they lay side by side while the rain poured and the wind blew. Before long the good farmer was sleeping away, and his snores began to sound in the room. But the young wife wasn't sleeping. And maybe the stranger wasn't sleeping either. Soon the storm began to subside. The young wife all of a sudden punched her husband in the side, 'Wake up, wake up,' she cried out. 'Wake up!' He grunted and squirmed and finally wanted to know what the trouble was. 'Why can't you hear it? Can't you?' she called. " 'Hear what?' he mumbled. " 'Hear the pony down in the stable kicking away? He's kicking that �98 Paul Green's Wordbook calf, that's what he is, about to kill it. Get up and go down there and stop it! Quick, hurry! Oh, oh, my poor little calf!' "Growling and grumbling, the good husband finally crawled out of bed, pulled on his shoes and made his way out of the house and on down to the barn. The young wife turned quickly toward the young fellow and whispered in his ear, 'Now's your chance.' "You know what that fellow done then, Paul?" said Lonnie. "No, I don't, Lonnie, but I know what I —" "Why, he got up and et the rest of them black-eyed peas." blackguard To tease, to talk rough to, to berate. black gum (Often pronounced bla'gum). A tree that grows plentifully in swamps and lowlands. The wood is so tough that lumbermen leave it alone. We used to cut down a good-sized tree and saw off narrow sections to make wheels for our play wagons. The old trees often become hollow as they decay and die and bee gums were made from them. The little limb sprouts from the small trees made good toothbrushes — nearly all the snuff-dippers used them. black haw A small tree or shrub that grows well in either damp or dry woods, common in the Valley as throughout the southeast. Tea made from the berries of this shrub was used, especially by the Negroes, as a blood purifier. The old grannies used it also to help prevent abortion. a black hen will lay a white egg A folk saying which suggests one should not be too quick in his judgment. blackjack A tough slow-growing oak tree common to the sandhill country in the Valley. Pretty much worthless. Also a card game. a black letter day An unlucky day, a day on which bad news was received. black Maria The sweatbox, the solitary cell for confinement, used on the chain gangs to make recalcitrant prisoners behave. A hearse. black racer A blacksnake. black story A downright lie. "That boy told me a black story and I whupped him." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 99 black wagon A hearse. See "black Maria." black walnut A large-growing and valuable timber tree. It is especially prized for the making of cabinets and other furniture. Our daughter had some walnut boards which were cut from our farm shipped to Boston, and Frank Hubbard made her a beautiful harpsichord out of them. She performs on it most happily. Juice from the green walnut hull was most efficacious in the treatment of ringworm, poison ivy and skin diseases. A salve made from the leaves was supposed to be a sure cure for leg sores. blaggard Blackguard. blame it! A mild expletive. blast A scolding, a bawling out. blast it! A mild expletive. "Blast it, the blasted fool went down there and sided my corn so close it died." blast off To fire off a volley of words, to blow one's top, to take off at great speed. blate (bleat) We boys used to make blates, sometimes we called them hawk-callers. We usually took a tough little twig of green oak or hickory, split one end and inserted an oak leaf, trimming it close to the edges. Then, putting it to our lips, we blew it like a flute or a fife. A tiny shrill little sound would result, somewhat like the faraway cry of a red hawk in the sky. blather Loud boastful talk. blaze To face (to hack) a turpentine tree for the resin. Don't light a blaze you can't put out. blaze-face An unreliable, unsteady horse or mule. A horse or a cow with a white mark in the forehead. �100 Paul Green's Wordbook go to blazes An imprecation or a term of scornful dismissal. Old Blazes The devil. bleed Urinating. "I' 11 be with you in a minute as soon as I go off here for a bleed.'' To moan and complain. "I bled all over the psychiatrist but he didn't move a muscle, just sat there like a dummy. 'Go on,' he said, 'go on,' and I kept bleeding." To extort from. "That woman bled him plumb white. He denied all but she got every dollar he had." bleed like a stuck pig to stop bleeding Use alum, gun powder, cobwebs or soot. Our one tenant, Wesley Armstrong, woke our family up about three o'clock one morning, saying his wife Meta was bleeding (after childbirth) and he had to have some cobwebs. My father crawled up in the loft of our house with a lantern and finally found the cobwebs and Wesley hurried away happy. Next day he said, "It cyured Meta. up fine — yessuh." bleeding heart A sentimentally kind person, overly sympathetic. "Yeh, I've heard that fellow with his bleeding heart talk ag'in' capital punishment. Nuts!" 'bleeged Obliged. bleeper A faux pas, a big blunder. I'll be blessed! An interjection. Blessed The well-known and comforting beatitudes. (See Matthew 5:3-11) ' 'Blessed Assurance'' One of the most popular and long-lasting hymns in our religious circle. I can still see my mother working about the house, making up the beds, tending to the cooking on the wood stove, or churning away and singing confidently and often gaily to herself the comforting words. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 101 "Blessed assurance, Jesus is mine! Oh, what a foretaste of glory divine! Heir of salvation, purchase of God, Born of His spirit, washed in His blood." "Blessed Be the Name" Another of the talented and devoted Charles Wesley's hymns. The tune was written by R.E. Hudson. It was one of my mother's favorite around-thehouse songs, and its four-four time went well with both her sewing machine and churn. "O for a thousand tongues to sing, Blessed be the name of the Lord! The glories of my God and King, Blessed be the name of the Lord!" bless God! An interjection. bless his (your, her, its) heart An expression of sympathy or admiration. bless my stars! To be lucky, also an interjection. bless out To scold, to berate, to curse. "He blessed him out from A to Z." "Blest Be the Tie That Binds" Another popular and comforting hymn. blest if it ain 't Still another interjection. 'bliged Obliged. blind To be dull, stupid, unable to see the truth in front of one's face. A hut of boughs or camouflaged arrangement in which hunters hide to wait the appearance of game. Exceedingly drunk. Also a common term among students in reference to an examination which they passed easily or feel that they have answered nearly all the questions correctly. "I blinded old Horace on that examination, yes sir, I blinded him from a to z." �102 Paul Green's Wordbook as blind as a mole The blind man eats many a fly. A blind man needs no looking glass. A blind man should not judge colors. To the blind all things seem dark. None are so blind as those who won't see. If the blind lead the blind, both shall fall into the ditch. In the land of the blind the one-eyed man is king. Blindfold (Blindman's Buff) A game popular everywhere in the western world as far as I can find out and popular too in ancient times in Greece according to the records. There is an ironic allusion in Luke 22:64. During the accusation against Jesus:' 'And when they had blindfolded him they struck" (buffed) "him on the face and asked him, saying 'Prophesy who is it that smote thee?' " Players in the modern game usually arrange themselves in something of a standing circle with a blindfolded member in the center. This member is agreed on or chosen by any of a number of counting-out rhymes. He or she is turned around three times and then attempts to catch one of the other players who are permitted to touch or even strike him — buffet him. When he has succeeded in catching one he must guess his or her identity. And here much fun takes place when, say, a boy feels a girl — or vice versa — to find out who she is. The "feeling'' is usually discreet. If the guess is correct, places are exchanged, and the game goes on. blind side The weak side, the most assailable spot. blind staggers A disease of horses or mules. It is the same as sleepy staggers. There are numerous cures or medicines for this from kerosene oil to turpentine. One that was common in the Valley was very much like the medicine or therapeutic treatment I found described in some papers of my great-great-great-grandfather, Colonel Alexander McAllister, in Cumberland County. His prescription went as follows: "Take one ounce of camphyre dissolved in spirits, this to be squirted up their nostrils at the end of every two hours — a teaspoonful of it also to be put in their ears three times a day: a teaspoonful in each ear and every time the camphyre �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 103 and spirits is squirted up their nostrils there must be tobacco smoke blew up their nostrils by a smoking pipe. Then take tobacco and tar, set them on fire and smoke the creatures head over it three times a day and give them for their drink tea made of sassafras root and dogwood root. This by diligent attendance is given for a certain cure." stone blind Completely, irrevocably blind. blind tiger A moonshiner's outfit for making illicit liquor. Its usually secret hiding place in the deep woods and the danger attached to its working gave it its name. The term goes back to the late 18th century. blind trail A false lead, a course that leads nowhere. blink An instant of time. "In a blink that good god (pileated woodpecker) was gone, and there I was with my old muzzle loader cocked and ready to pull down on him." on the blink Crippled, in need of repair.' 'My old buggy has gone on the blink, and I've got to get it fixed." blip A quick turn, a sudden act. Also an interjection. "I grabbed the underholt and, blip! I blipped him head over heels against the frozen ground." A trollop. blister To spank severely. "Behave yourself or I will blister your hide." A blister on your tongue means that you have told a lie. as blithe as a bird as blithe as a lark block The family tree or parent. "Yes sir, he's just like his daddy — a chip off the old block." blockade Bootleg liquor. blockade runner In the latter part of the Civil War the southern states suffered mightily from �104 Paul Green's Wordbook lack of supplies, due to the blockade by the North. Cotton could be bought for eight cents a pound in the South and sold in England for fifty to seventy cents, and cheap goods could be brought back to be sold at high prices. The main center of blockade running was Wilmington, near the mouth of the Cape Fear. It was dangerous business but many shipowners tried it. Stories and ballads of bravery and suffering of many a stout soul have become part of our Valley folk heritage. See "Rose Grenow." blood Quality, high lineage or heritage, aristocracy. "Why, man, he's of the blood — didn't you know that!" Blood is thicker than water. Blood will tell. blood and guts man A fierce fighter, a bulldozing personality. blood and thunder tales Wild hair-raising stories, sensational accounts. blood-blister A clot of blood under the skin such as of a mashed finger. blooded Of first quality, of superior stock. Usually said of fine race horses or prize bulls. blood money Money paid for a crime, usually murder. blood oath An oath signed in one's own blood. After the Battle of Culloden in 1746 between the English and the Scots in which the Scots were defeated, the latter were required to take a blood oath of loyalty to the English king. Even though thousands of Scots migrated to North Carolina, the majority of them still felt their oath was binding, and therefore they supported the Tory cause against the Patriots. "I ha' taken the blood oath," said many a one, "and I will na break it." And no wonder for it was a fearsome declaration, as witness Flora MacDonald's signing — "I, Flora MacDonald of Skye, do swear and as I shall answer to my God in the great day of judgment solemnly take oath that I shall never bear arms against the rightful king of Britain, that I shall forego all action, all tokens and symbols of separation, and may I never see my husband and children, father, mother, loved ones or relations, may I be killed in battle as a coward and lie without Christian sacrament, unburied and forgot far �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 105 from the graves of my forefathers and kindred. May all this come across me if I break my oath — in the name of my king and Almighty God. Amen.'' Then the wrist was pricked, the pen dipped in the resulting blood and the document signed. blood of the lamb A symbolism for the blood of Christ. blood on the moon A red splotch which is supposed to be a sign of bad luck. bloodroot This spring flower with its pale-lobed leaf and showy white blossoms grows in rich open woods from March into May. A tea made from the root is supposed, like carrots, to be good for the eyesight, also good for the nerves and coughs and colds. Two ounces of this tea in one pint of alcohol made a fine stimulant for both babies and rheumatic old men. The babies were allowed two teaspoonfuls for a dose once a day. The old men could suit themselves. In the latter case I doubt the pint lasted very long. blood-shotten (bloodshot) Red and inflamed, most often has reference to the eyes. bloodsucker A low-down character, a miser, a chiseler. bloody flag A woman's monthly. "Stay 'way, boy, she's got her bloody flag up." bloody flux Bloody dysentery. In many old records and letters of Valley people this dread disease is referred to frequently. "Reverend Obadiah Easom is dead of the bloody flux." to yell bloody Mary To shriek, to cry out wildly. Also, to cry bloody murder. to go blooey To explode. blooming like a peach In fresh health, especially said of girls. blooming like a rose blotto Stone drunk. �106 Paul Green's Wordbook blow To brag, to boast. "Listen to that fellow blow—you'd think he had a million dollars in his pocket." To leave in a hurry. "It looks like snow, I'd better blow." To catch one's breath. "Let the mules blow a while." blow a gasket To go off into hysterics. blowed Past tense of blow. I be blowed. An interjection. Also, to be outdone. blow great guns A violent wind, a tornado. blow hot and cold To vacillate, to be wishy-washy, also to be unreliable. blow in To arrive. "We had a lot of company blow in last night and our house is full to the eaves." To spend money recklessly. "He had a thousand dollars when he went up to that roulette wheel and he blew it all in." to blow off steam To give vent to one's packed-up feelings. blowing out candles Birthday custom. One is supposed to make a wish come true by blowing out all the candles on his birthday cake with the first breath. blowing out fire In my neighborhood Zekiel McCrae, an ancient Negro who said he was' 'nigh onto a hundred," claimed he could blow fire out of a burn. He had a "patient" now and then who happily said he could. Zekiel would put his finger on the burned place, mutter a lot of queer grunts and growls as he blew his breath mightily on it. Finally he would say "Yo1 pain is now done gone away, the fire is blowed out, and soon it'll quit hurting, yes ma'm, yes, suh. And I charges only a quarter." blow off steam To give voice to one's feelings or temper. The Freudians believe in this, though they call it by a different name. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 107 blow one's own horn To boast, to brag. blow one's stack (top) To give way to high temper. blowout A party, ball, entertainment, usually gay and loud. blow out his light To shoot, to kill. "He heighoed out in the yard. I opened the door and he let fire at me and shot me right through the side. I reached in, got my shotgun from behind the door and pulled down on him. I bio wed out his lights." He who blows dust will fill his own eyes. He who blows his own horn makes poor music for others. blow sky high To upbraid fiercely, to expose to complete shame and denunciation. blow the whistle on To cause to stop, put an end to an action. blow up To bawl out, to scold. "I made a little teeny mistake, and, Lord, did he blow me up for it." blubber To weep loudly. blue The sky.' 'There's nothing I like better than to get in one of them jets and take off straight into the blue." as blue as indigo as blue as Monday morning as blue as the sky blue back An old time spelling book. blue balls A venereal disease. blue belly A policeman. �108 Paul Green's Wordbook bluebird weather Sunny, fine weather in winter. blue blazes A term of comparison or measurement, "hot as blue blazes," "mean as blue blazes," etc. blue cough An especially bad kind of cough that turns a patient's face blue in one of its onsets. Also name for the whooping cough. blue cough of death Last stages of consumption. blue curls An attractive flower usually found in dry open clearings from August to October. A tea made from the leaves and flowers was used as a gargle for sore throat and for diarrhea. blue darter A kind of hawk. blue devils Low spirits, the dumps, the mulligrubs, the melancholies. "The blue devils got him so bad he took a rope and went into the barn and hung himself." blue-eyed boy A favorite. The same as fair-haired boy or white-headed boy. blue funk A condition of excessively low spirits, melancholia. blue gum A dangerous kind of Negro. "When I went to arrest that blue gum nigger, he got hold of my hair and bit off two of my fingers, but I drilled him with the cold steel. I went right to a doctor, and he said, 'Lord God, like as not you'll die of the hydrophobia or something. He's poisonous.' But I didn't die." blue hen's chicken One who is loyal to the authority. blue law The Sunday law in some states, and in nearly all states having some reference to the keeping of the Sabbath. In the Valley when I was a boy, the Sabbath was supposed to be a day of quiet. Any loud noise was objected to, and in some cases there were laws to back up prohibition of hunting or fishing or showing motion pictures, or doing anything that was pagan and human. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 109 In recent and more sinful days these restraints have been pretty much wiped out. blue lightning A six-shooter, a pistol. blue mass A soft dark gum mercury much used by the Valley doctors in the old days as a laxative. Their account books show it to be one of the most popular of medicines. "To Avis Moore — blue mass — 10$." blue Monday A work-again day after a restful or social weekend. blue moon A long time, very seldom. "I haven't seen you in a blue moon." blues The melancholies, the droopies, low spirits. "I've had the blues all day — and I don't know why." blue stocking An aristocrat, a proud person. Also a learned or pedantic one. bluestone A kind of patent medicine salve used as a cure for chancre or gonorrhea. bluet A tiny wild flower, the earliest to appear in the spring and therefore a prime favorite. When it appears, winter is gone. Blue veins across her nose, She'll never wear her wedding clothes. Bluff Church Famous old church on the banks of the Cape Fear River some twelve miles above Fayetteville. Like Barbecue Church, it was founded by Rev. James Campbell in the 18th century. bluing A preparation used in laundering to make the linen and cotton "wash" as white as possible. My mother's household list for purchases when my father went to Dunn to "trade" nearly always included bluing. blunts Bent points or dull edges of a tool.' 'A file is the best thing to get them holedigger blunts off with." �110 Paul Green's Wordbook blur-eyed Blear-eyed. blushes like a rose bo Fellow, boy, guy. "Hey, bo, don't gimme no back talk." boar cat A torn cat. boar chinch A male bedbug, somewhat larger than the female, and a most fearsome creature. According to Uncle Myron Lassiter, these chinches used to be mighty plentiful in the Valley. And I know they were for a fact. The summer I pitched baseball in Lillington and roomed on the stove-hot third floor of the old Caviness Hotel, these varmints made my nights miserable. Mattresssoaking of kerosene didn't faze them. The old building has long been torn down, and a good riddance. Bedbugs are now pretty much a thing of the past, what with new insect sprays and better sanitation everywhere. But in the old days — oom! "There were these two young fellows," said Uncle Myron, "who set off after their last week of breaking land to go to Wilmington to have some fun with the fast girls down there, the way boys did in those days. Hee, hee! They had ploughed their stock hard all the week and their daddy said they'd have to walk and let the mules rest. So they did, all dressed up in their Sunday clothes though they were. "In the old days virgin longleaf timber was everywhere. The pines stood up straight and tall some hundred and more feet high, so it was said. They're all gone now, the sawmills have eaten them away every bit. But in the old days it must have been something to behold. When I was good grown, some of the remnants of these great forests still remained. On our own farm I can remember in the winter how we would cut down these great trees and haul them to the sawmill to make a little money. Some were three and four feet in diameter. And one great tree on our farm down deep in the swamp stood at an amazing height and size. My father measured it one day and found that the circumference of this great pine tree three feet above the ground was twenty-nine feet. Later he sold it for five dollars to a shinglemaker, who cut it down and found it was all grained up and was no good for shingles at all. Suppose it was living there today. The tourists would beat a path to it. ' 'Well, these boys were walking along and making good time when there came up the ungodliest storm they'd ever seen. A big cloud rose in the west and swept upon them with a terrible lot of wind, thunder and lightning, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 111 and the elements played above their heads among the great trees. And hail began to fall. They were frightened half out of their wits. It seemed to them almost as if the end of the world had come. More than one bolt of lightning hit the tops of the longleaf pines and tore strips out of them down to the ground. And these two fellows made a run for it, but there was no house anywhere. They kept on going down the sandy road as hard as life would let them, and finally they did come to a sort of two-room shack. By this time the night was coming on and the rain was still pouring, and the wind whooshing through the trees, and the lightning flaring all about, with the thunder banging and rolling like a hundred big wagons running away down a rocky hill. "So the two boys knocked on the door and the man there let them in. He lived there with his wife and worked at the turpentine business. They had only two rooms in the house, one of them the kitchen, so the man and his wife had to sleep in their one bed and the two boys would have to sleep on the floor. They went ahead and had supper, consisting mostly of molasses because, the man said, they had just recently made some fresh syrup and they had a big five-gallon jugful of it. So his wife made down a pallet after supper for the boys, and they all went to sleep — the man and his wife in the bed and the two young fellows on the floor. The boys were about to drowse off when, 'ting', something hit one of them in the side, andhe grabbed hold of what it was and squeezed it and then he smelled it. And he knew it was one of these boar chinches. The moon was coming through the window by this time, for the weather had faired off. And he began to see the chinches on the floor, marching in on them from all sides. He woke up the other fellow and they held a counsel in whispers, and they grabbed the molasses jug and poured a ring of molasses around their pallet to keep the chinches out. Then they lay down all snug and hunky-dory and slept well. The next morning when the light broke through the window enough for them to see, there they saw a ring of boar chinches caught in that molasses. And they measured it, and in one place the ring of chinches was nine inches thick. "Never were chinches as bad anywhere in this world," said Uncle Myron, "as they used to be down there in Cumberland County." "Unless it was here in Harnett," I said. board tree A straight tree especially used for lumber. The best board trees were oaks, preferably the white oak. in the same boat In the same situation, condition, etc. to be in the boat To be lucky, to be in good shape, to be sitting pretty. �112 Paul Green's Wordbook Little boats should stay near the shore. bob To hit on the head. bobtail and rag tag The rabble, the scum of the earth, low-down people. bob up To appear or return suddenly. bob white A partridge more commonly known from its call. It is rarely called a quail in the Valley. At its first call in the spring we children would often sing out with the old teasing rhyme: "Old Bob White, are your peas ripe?" (And then we'd answer for the bird) "No, not quite." "Come over tomorrow night bodacious And we'll all have some." Audacious, outrageous, flamboyant. bodaciously Completely, entirely, much the same as teetotally.''Bodaciously winded.'' body Stamina, strongwind, stouthearted. "That horse has a lot of body in him." Often called "bottom" when applied to horses. body-snatcher An undertaker, similar to an ambulance chaser. bohunking To soldier or loaf on the job, to expend one's credit unnecessarily. boil down to Come to the point, to summarize. "The question boils down to this — are we going to have a democracy in this country or a power game in which big business and the military are in charge." feel like a boiled lobster (or a boiled owl) To have a hang-over the morning after, to feel extremely bad physically. Also to suffer a severe sunburn. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 113 boiling hot Very hot indeed. "You go down there and tell your daddy to come out of that boiling hot sun, he's pulled enough fodder.'' I went down and told him, and there he was racing away and to my little eyes a giant and powerful man with the sweat showing through his shirt and on his back a white glimmer of salt where his shirt had dried. How I wished that I, too, could grow up and could sweat like that and show salt through my shirt. And some years later I did. boil over To fly into a rage. A watched pot never boils. bold as brass To be presumptuous, shameless. as bold as a lion bollucks Ballocks, testicles. boll weevil A destructive bug that began to infest the cotton crop in the South — first in Texas and then moving up the east coast. When I was a young man, the pest grew so bad in the Valley that most of the farmers there finally turned to tobacco, peanuts, and of recent days, vegetables. I hear that herbicide discoveries are making possible a cotton comeback. The ballad of the boll weevil became popular. Carl Sandburg, the poet-troubadour, had it as one of his favorite songs. "The boll weevil say to the farmer, 'You better leave me alone. I done et all yo' cotton. Now I'm going to start on yo' corn— Gotta have a home, gotta have a home.' " bolster A long pillow-like headrest common to every bed in the homes of the Valley's best housekeepers. Pillows were used in addition. bolt To swallow greedily without chewing. bolt goods Fabric cut and sold from bolts. �114 Paul Green's Wordbook boltings The bran and seconds from the flour in the bolting process. like a bolt out of the blue Instantly, like a flash of lightning. to drop a bomb Cause excitement, let out devastating news. bond servant A servant who, in the old days, would sign up to serve a certain number of years in order to pay for his passage across from Europe to America. Flora and Allan MacDonald brought several bond servants to the Valley from Scotland. The nearer the bone the sweeter the meat. bone felon A carbuncle, usually on the finger or somewhere close to the bone. bonehead A stupid person. bone lazy Very lazy. bone orchard The cemetery. the bones The dice. bag of bones An emaciated person, often used in reference to a bony old woman. "Dirksen pulled a boner in discussing Mrs. Luce. He said, 'Don't beat an old bag of bones twice.' " make no bones To be frank, to have no hesitation in speaking out. "She went up to Durham there and turned whore, and she makes no bones about it." When an old person's bones ache, it is a sign of rain. boneset A plant common to pastures and wasteland. In late August and September its white flowers can be seen all along the roadside. It is also known as sweating plant. A tea from its leaves or root made a fine tonic and it was good for all kinds of diseases too, including urinary troubles and female disorders. It was said that in the old, old days the doctors made bandages �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 115 of the crushed leaves and wrapped them around a broken leg or arm to help it heal better, whence the name. bone-tired Excessively tired, physically exhausted. bone to pick A quarrelsome matter, a matter of complaint. boneyard The cemetery. Stede Bonnet A pirate who preyed upon commerce at the mouth of the Cape Fear. Not as colorful as Blackboard (q.v.). Bless you, bless you, Bonny Bee, Say when will my wedding be? If it be tomorrow day, Take your wings and fly away. (A divination rhyme.) booby-hatch The insane asylum. booby trap A scheming woman, a diseased prostitute. boodler A grafter, a dealer in boodle or stolen goods. booger To frighten. "Uncle Heck and the others put on their Ku Klux outfits and went down and boogered Reuben Matthews nigh to death." A louse. "Bring me the fine comb here and let me comb this boy's head for the boogers. He's been scratching all through preaching." A goblin. Also, a thing, an animal or a person.' 'What do you reckon that booger did? He pitched the first game with his right hand, and then turned around and pitched the second game with his left, and he won both of them.'' booger man The devil. "Behave yourself, children, or the old booger man will be after you." the Book The Bible, the sacred book, a book used often in the courts and elsewhere for one to hold in swearing to tell the truth. Perhaps the most influential �116 Paul Green's Wordbook single volume in all literature. Many people believe that every word was inspired by God, and some include the translations. The devout Valley people were — and some still are — careful never to drop it or put any other book on top of it. book-learning Education, training. "That fellow's got book-learning — he knows how to lay off a piece of land." Book of Life The mystic book in heaven in which all the records of people on earth are recorded and which will be hauled forth on judgment day. One's account will be looked up and the penalties or rewards handed out by the great Lord of Heaven accordingly. doomsday book The book of the dead in which the final judgment for each individual is recorded. in my book To be in my book is to be in my favor, and not to be in my book is to be in my disfavor. take a leaf out of one's book To follow a person's example, to be guided by another person's action. Books! A call by the teacher to the children on the playground to come in and resume their lessons. At old Pleasant Union School, the call was "Books, books, come in to books!" And sometimes a teacher would ring a little hand bell as he sent his call out far and wide. Later when we got a big bell to go in our belfry, the tones of the bell took the place of the teacher's call, and so the old cry disappeared. boomderatum Rear, ass, buttocks. boondocks Back territory, the sticks, areas far from civilization. the boot is on the other leg The case is reversed, altered, the biter is bit. have one's heart in his boots To be frightened half to death, terrified. boo-turkey An expression of negative emphasis. " He went off without saying boo-turkey �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 117 to anybody." booze-blossoms Pimples on one's nose from excessive drink. be bored for the hollow horn A phrase of disparagement, reference to one as being weak-minded. "He makes such a mess of things, he orter be bored for the hollow horn." Sometimes a misbehaving cow would be diagnosed as having pain or trouble in her horn, and the cow doctor would come and bore a hole and let the "pizen" out. born A word used for emphasis, such as "abornfool," "abornidiot," "aborn writer," etc. born-again Christian One who has received remission of his sins through conversion'' from nature to grace." born and bred in the briar patch Equal to any rough treatment or challenge. From Uncle Remus' tar baby story. born days One's life or the term of existence to date.' 'In all my born days I never saw such a fool." born with a silver spoon in his mouth To be born rich. as sure as you are born A phrase for emphasis. "I'm going to get that fellow as sure as you're born!" to borrow trouble Looking ahead apprehensibly, worrying with no cause for worry. better buy than borrow better to beg than borrow If you would know the value of money try to borrow it. The borrower is servant to the lender. Borrowing makes sorrowing. He that goes a-borrowing goes a-sorrowing. bosom friend A body louse. �118 Paul Green's Wordbook botheration Bother. both sides of the coin Common sense judgment. both ways for Sunday All mixed up. bottle nose A drunkard's nose. bottle up To hem in, to enclose, to keep hidden. bottom Buttocks. Also stamina and character; endurance in a horse. "My buggy horse Bill has got plenty of bottom — he can trot half a day at the time." He who is at the bottom can fall no lower. bottom dollar One's last dollar. bottom falls out A cloudburst or tremendously heavy rain. A heavy drop in, say, the stock market. bottomless pit Hell. bottom rail man A strong, reliable, enduring man. In making our fences in the old days a good heart rail or "a fat lightwood one'' would be preferred as best against rotting. on the bounce On the go, lively, spasmodic. second bounce A second try, a re-run. bouncy Full of high spirits. bound Constipated.' 'My bowels are bound on me, Doc, and I need some calomel to clean me out." Determined. Often used for emphasis as "bound and determined." "I'm �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 119 bound and determined to get across the Cape Fear River somehow." / be bound! An exclamation. as boundless as the ocean (sea) bound to be Certainly a fact. "There's bound to be some way out of here." long bow A big guy, an important person. Also an exaggeration, a lie.' 'When he gets to talking about his fishing experiences, he pulls the long bow." bowels Dung, feces. "That child's bowels look like he's got worms." Animosity. "He's got no bowels." bow-wow Empty talk. go to the bow-wows To go to the dogs, to become depraved, ruined. box A coffin. box supper (basket supper) This was a very popular form of entertainment and money-raising in my neighborhood. The girls would cook delicacies and fix up boxes trimmed in all kinds of ribbons and gay-colored wrappings. At the schoolhouse they would be auctioned off to the highest bidder. What fun we used to have on these occasions! And often two boys who vied for the same girl's favor would go to it hammer and tongs and run the bids up as long as they could beg or borrow or get anybody to stand by them to pay the bid. In the competition now and then, fights would break out. The winner would have the privilege of eating supper with the girl who provided the box. box terrapin A species of terrapin with the lower front part of its shell hinged for closing, boxed in. It is common all over the Valley, and how many have I seen squashed on the highways. boy In southern parlance this usually referred to a Negro boy or man, even if the man is up past middle age. "Hey, boy, come over here and help me with this here trunk.'' The term is passing out of favor now that Uncle Sam has got behind the civil rights movement and the deep southern states have �120 Paul Green's Wordbook reformed, in some cases even reformed more than the North. Never send a boy to do a man's work. boyfriend A sweetheart. Of recent days it frequently means a bedfellow. Boys will be boys. A boy's will is the wind's will. bozo A fellow, a somewhat slow-witted person, a term of derogation. There is a Negro settlement just over the hill from where I live, and a number of the young boys from there used to come and work with me in the garden or help cut firewood. We had lots of fun spelling the names of things about us, identifyng trees, and doing simple arithmetic sums — or trying to. Too often I was appalled at their ignorance, but impressed with their eagerness. "Joe, do you know what tree this is?" "Well-suh-er-maybe it's a dogwood." "No, this is a maple. And this tree here? This is an oak. How do you spell oak, Tracy?" "Er-er o-k-e." "And what grade are you in?" "Seventh grade, Mr. Paul," was the prideful answer. And so on. But one thing they all were keen on and quick to learn about — the Ford tractor I had — all except one, a stout muscular boy of fourteen, named Oscar, whom they called Bozo. He was evidently retarded or so it seemed, and stuttered badly. But when a large rock was to be moved or a heavy timber to be lifted, Bozo was the man to do it. And he was proud and rightly so of his bulging muscles. One day when we were breaking land with the tractor and picking up rocks, I half-jokingly asked Bozo if he would like to try his hand at driving the tractor, saying I would help him or one of the boys would. He shivered and shook his head. The boys laughed loudly and derisively. "Oh-ua—buh-buh—no-nuh, Mr. Paul," he blubbered. But an eager look on his face showed he wanted to. "Go ahead, Bozo, try it," I urged. Before either I or any of the boys could help him, he jumped up on the seat, slammed in the clutch and began ploughing, his furrows straight and true as any man's. Then pulling the lifting lever he backed up, grinning joyously, to where we all stood. The boys stared at him in disbelief. All the time we had been using the tractor he had been watching and learning. From that day a transformation slowly took place in Bozo. He continued to come to work for me in his spare time and soon he was my �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 121 most dependable help. Each time he came and drove the tractor I noticed he seemed to be more of his own man and stuttered less. When I had first met him, I asked whether he wanted me to call him Oscar or Bozo. P-p-please suh—suh, call me Buh-buh-Bozo, Mr. Paul," he said. Now I asked him the same question. "Call me Oscar, Mr. Paul," he said easily and strongly. Time passed. One day I got an engraved invitation from Oscar for his high school graduation. Before he became master of the Ford tractor, he had repeated the third grade two times. But last week there was a knock at the front door and there stood two well dressed young Negro people. The man was Oscar and the lady his wife. We had a good reunion, talking of the old days and plans ahead. "You know, Mr. Green," Oscar said, "when I look back, I think a turning point in my life was when you insisted I drive that tractor. I wanted to run it more than anything. Then when I found out I could — oh me. From then on I had a little bit of confidence in myself and it kept growing, and my stuttering began to go away. I thank you, Mr. Paul, I thank you." "No, Oscar, I thank you." After he and his bride had gone away I pondered and pondered on the subject of education as it is given forth in our schools and the tumult of professional books, with their measurements, tests, and barbaric terminology. If Oscar (Bozo) learned much from the tractor, so did I. brace up Take heart, to keep up one's spirits, strengthen one's willpower. brackly Brittle. brad To strike or flatten. "Mess with me and I'll brad your nose for you." brag crop A crop of cotton or corn or tobacco which a farmer is very proud of. Also, if it is a small specially fertilized piece, he will say his "brag patch." brag dog The leader of the pack. An idle brain is the devil's workshop. pick one's brains To elicit help, information. "He writes novels, and he's always picking people's brains for ideas and making his notes." �122 Paul Green's Wordbook bramstone Brimstone. "I believe just what the Book says — hell is a burning bramstone, and I don't aim to go there." make a branch To urinate, usually spoken to a small child. branchhead boys The common, redneck people usually. branch water Weak, shiftless, poorwhite. "The Barnes always were branch water folks." Natural water as contrasted with soda water. brandied peaches Peaches pickled in brandy. Very popular among the teetotalers. Even the preachers like them. brand-fire new Same as brand new. brandstone Same as brimstone. brandy blossom A pimple or red spots showing on a heavy drinker's nose. brash A skin eruption or a rash. "That child's got a brash all over its back and in between its straddle — why don't you take it to Doctor Cicero West and get him to try some of his herbs on it." brass Bravado, boldness. "That gal Ludie is the brassiest thing alive." Also means high ranking personages. "Yeh, all the brass welcomed the president." Money. brass knucks A brass weapon made with finger holes through it so the fingers can be inserted, and then when the fist is balled up, it becomes a formidable weapon. In ancient days the wrestlers and boxers used lead instead of brass and fought unto the death. A brass ring is good for rheumatism, as brave as a lion �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 123 None but the brave deserve the fair. brawdy Raw, bawdy. as brazen as brass bread Wages, a living.' 'My bread's down under that stump and I got to dig it out.'' Bread first and then the bride. Bread is the staff of life. Bread of dependence is bitter. Whose bread I eat, his song I sing. Charity bread is bitter bread. Communion bread Bread broken in small pieces and eaten with wine in Communion service. According to some believers, the bread actually is transubstantiated into the body of Christ, remembering the words, "This is my body, eat." The wine is supposed to become the blood of Christ. "This is my blood, take, drink." Bread and Butter A children's game: "Bread and butter, Come to supper." Used as a call to players to come into a room where something has been hid by "It" for them to find, as in "hide the thimble." When a searcher draws near the hidden thimble, or another object chosen instead of the thimble, "It" calls out "You're getting warm," or "cold," if the player is going away from the hidden object. bread and butter Food, victuals, a wage-earning husband or wife. "Sure I love her, she's my bread and butter." Don't quarrel with your bread and butter. bread and butter letter A letter of thanks for preceding hospitality. Same as ham and biscuit letter. bread and meat Also livelihood, support, sustenance. bread buttered on both sides To be on easy street, to have a fine job. �124 Paul Green's Wordbook know on which side one's bread is buttered To look out for number one, to see after one's own advantage. bread of life A symbolic term for the salvation process in the Christian religion. He's eating white bread now. Said of a person living at ease and comfort. break A piece of luck, chance. "Give me a break, will you, fellow, and I'll pay that debt." To age. "I declare, Miss Sybil Branch has broke the most." To plough. "No, he ain't here, ma'am—he's down in the low ground breaking land." To end, to scatter. "Church will break in a few minutes and then you can talk to the preacher." breakdown A dance, a wild party. break down To cry or weep. Sing before breakfast, you'll cry before supper. If you tell your dream before breakfast, it won't come true. a breaking out A rash or sort of eczema. "He had a breaking out all over his face." break it off in To suddenly reverse one's decision or agreement, to renege on a deal. "In that land deal, old man Partin really broke it off in me and left me holding the bag." break one's leg To become pregnant while unmarried. Same as to break one's ankle. In the theatre, "Break a leg" is to wish someone a fine performance. break one's pipe To die. Same in French—casser sa pipe. break the back of To get over the most difficult part, over the hump, get by the crisis.' 'March was here and that warm spell broke the back of old winter." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 125 break the ice To begin a difficult conversation or undertaking. break to flinders Smash to bits or smithereens. break up To ruin financially.' 'The hospitals these days will break any man up if he's in there very long." To adjourn, to end. "All of a sudden when sister Latham started letting her bosom come undone in the holy dance, old Deacon Gregory went for her to tell her to be 'shamed, and then brother Latham, her husband, took it on himself to interfere with Deacon Gregory and a fight broke out and broke up the meeting." make a clean breast of Confess in full, state completely. breastworks A woman's breasts, her bosom. breath A report, a rumor, whisper. "I never heard a breath of the fact that she at her age was planning to get married." breathe To let out a secret, tell, let the news out. "I didn't breathe a breath of it, so you can't blame me." breathing one's last Dying. What's bred in the bone won't come out in the flesh. bredern Brethren. breeder A procreant person or animal. "She's a good breeder — already six fine healthy young'uns, and she not thirty years old." bresh Brush. bresh brooms Brush brooms. These were usually made of thick dogwood sprouts and bound around by string. These used to be used to sweep yards, front yards especially. A clean, bare yard was a sign of neatness and good husbandry. Grassy lawns in the Valley, when I was a child, were practically unknown. �126 Paul Green's Wordbook Brevity is the soul of wit. briar-patch baby An illegitimate baby. brick A dependable person, one of sterling character. "Jesse Atkins was a real brick — he took on the debts of his divorced wives and paid "em." to drop a brick To make a tasteless remark, to upset a meeting by a piece of news or a rough statement. brickly Brittle. "The limbs of that china tree certainly are brickly; look how the sleet broke everything to pieces." You can't make bricks without straw. bridal wreath A more common name for spirea with its delicate white spring blossoms. Happy is the bride the sun shines on. To carry the bride over the threshold is to insure good luck. Bridegroom Jesus, the Lamb of God, the Lord, the Messiah, the Savior. See especially the four gospels and the last chapter of the "Book of Revelation." Behold, the Bridegroom cometh. bride of the woods The flowering dogwood tree. bride's bouquet The bridesmaid who catches the bride's thrown bouquet will be the next one to be married. Three times a bridesmaid, but never a bride. What bridge has never been crossed by anybody? (Riddle: Bridge of the nose.) bridge tobacco Horse manure mixed with scuffed up splinters. A neighbor said his grandfather smoked bridge tobacco a lot.' 'There was a covered bridge near his home. The hooves crossing the bridge scuffed up woody fibers from the floor and this got mixed with the droppings. He dried it and smoked it." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 127 A bridle for the tongue is a fine piece of harness. bridle-broke First phase of training an animal, especially a horse or mule. To be tamed down, subdued. "She was wild before she married Tom but now she's bridle-broke." put a bridle on your tongue To stop gossiping. bridle up To fire up, to become irritated, to show resentment. "When Dubose said he had read Lynn's little play, Lynn bridled right up and said, 'It's not a little play, it's a full-length play.' " brief Sick, not up to snuff. "Your Uncle Tom's sort of brief this morning, son, sort of brief." bright Light colored, reference to a mulatto coloring. "He's a bright boy and jest as sassy as he can be." bright and early Very early in the morning, near daybreak. as bright as a button as bright as a dollar (or new dollar) as bright as a new penny as bright as a star as bright as a sunbeam as bright as day as bright as gold as bright as sunlight as bright as the sun brile Broil. bring To cause an orgasm in lovemaking. To loosen, to produce the desired effect, to make ready. "This scalding water will bring the hair on that hog." �128 Paul Green's Wordbook bring down the house To cause hearty applause, to receive an ovation. bring home the bacon To get the desired results, success or victory. "You boys are going to play Sanford, and I want you to bring home the bacon." "Bringing in the Sheaves" A popular big meeting hymn. See "sheaves." He who brings a present finds the door open. bring to taw Tame. as brisk as fire If you lend your britches, don't cut the buttons off. Don't get too big for your britches. to wear the britches To be boss. "His wife wears the britches in that house, believe you me." caught with the britches down To be caught in an embarrassing position or predicament, to be in a helpless situation. britchin' Diaper. The part of the harness passing around the rear of the horse or mule and fastened to the shafts or pole to keep the wagon or buggy from pushing up against the animal. as brittle as glass. as broad as it's long It makes no difference either way. Same as six of one and half a dozen of the other. as broad as the side of a house Frequently used in reference to an overweight person, usually a woman. Broadhuss A semi-fictional strong man in the Cape Fear Valley and one with whom all other strong men were to be weakly compared as to muscle power and brawn and fighting powers of tooth and claw. Like the Negro steel driver John Henry and the Northwest giant Paul Bunyan, his fame and size increased with each telling and retelling of his exploits. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 129 His name was Broadhurst, but everybody called him Broadhuss, just the way you might say cornhuss for husk. But there was no "huss" about him. According to a number of old people who still remember him or say they do, he was all might, fiery blood and muscle, and every ounce a man to his six-feet-six and two hundred and forty pounds. And his deeds of strength were equaled by his sprawling living and sensuality and appetite. It was told that seven women once swore bastards to him on the same first Monday at the Court of Common Pleas and Quarter Sessions in the county seat. And a funny thing too, all the babies were girls. Broadhuss was married to a patient little woman named Polly Oliver, and folks say she didn't weigh more than a hundred pounds. They had one child born to them, a little boy who lived only a few days, and Broadhuss cried like a child at the funeral, they said. One day Broadhuss ordered Polly to cook him up a snack, for he had to go down to Fayetteville with a load of staves and turpentine. In those days Fayetteville was the main head of river navigation and a big market place for most of the upper Valley people. So that morning he was up before light loading his wagon. And Polly was up the same, cooking the grub he was to take with him. She put it in a tow sack, and when he was ready to ride, she dragged it timidly out to the wagon to him. He reached over and lifted the bag from the ground, shook it and roared out at her—"You don't call this a snack, do you!" "Yes, Mr. Broadhuss," she piped up all trembling and afraid. "I thought it would be enough." She always called him Mr. Broadhuss. "And me hungry enough to eat the Lamb of God!" he yelled. And sitting there on his wagon seat, what did he do but open the bag and devour the half-a-bushel of cornbread and five hog heads she had cooked for him. Then he threw the skull bones at the house, smashing a hole in the weatherboarding, 'twas said, and drove off. Another time, he hitched his horse to a maple tree in front of the courthouse. The horse gnawed the tree badly, and Broadhuss was fined five dollars to pay for it. After he had paid the fine he walked back to the tree and manhandled it back and forth, big as it was, loosening it in the ground, and finally with his own two hands he pulled it up roots and all. "Lord," said Lawyer Baggett who was passing by, "he's same as a steam stumppuller himself. And why do you do that, Mr. Broadhuss?" he called. "I paid for it," snarled Broadhuss, "and it's mine to do with what I please." And he carried it off behind the courthouse and threw it into a gulley there where in later years a scaffold was built to hang Nigger Purvis on. There was another strong man, they said, farther up the Valley by the name of Bradley. This Bradley heard of Broadhuss's exploits and went down to call on him. When he got to the mighty man's house, Broadhuss wasn't at home, but Polly was, and she came to the door in answer to Bradley's �130 Paul Green's Wordbook heigho as spry as you please. "Is this where Mr. Broadhuss lives?" said Bradley. "Yes," said Polly. "Well, my name is Bradley, and I claim to be the bull of the woods. I hear that your husband says he can whup anybody." "I don't know about that," said Polly, "but he's whupped everybody around here." "Well, is he at home? I want to see him." "No, he's not at home," said Polly. "He's gone down in the lowgrounds to look for a cow and a calf." "All right, I'll just set here and wait," said Bradley. So he sat down on the front steps fanning himself, waiting for the contest-to-be when he was going to cave in Broadhuss's teeth and skull. Purty soon he looked down the road and saw a cloud of dust rising. "What's that, my good woman?" he called to Polly. Polly looked off and said, "Why, it ain't much of anything, just Mr. Broadhuss coming home." "He's stirred up a mighty dust," said Bradley. "Yes, that'sthe way he travels," saidPolly, "always inahurry." Then she peered a little more closely down the road and said, "Yes, he comes with the cow under one arm and the calf under the other.'' Bradley jumped up as if he'd been bit by a spreading adder. ''Lord God, is that so!" he said. He looked off and it was so. He balled up his hat and said, "Goodbye, Mrs. Broadhuss. Tell your husband I've been here, but I've gone.'' And with that he lit a rag going up the road, raising a cloud of dust himself as he went. Later, so it was said, Broadhuss and Bradley did meet in a brawl at a political rally, and though Bradley put up a great fight, Broadhuss crippled him pretty much for life. George Miller, the local poet, wrote a ballad about it, beginning— "Oh, come everybody and listen to my song, Of the great fight that happened Twixt the powerful and the strong. " 'Twas one Bull Broadhuss on a bright summer day, Met old Bud Bradley in a bloody killing fray— Fol de rol doll—dollicum do." Broadhuss lies buried in Little Bethel churchyard in an unmarked grave, his mighty powers stilled in dust now. Little Polly sleeps by his side. broad open daytime Full day, in the full light of inquiry. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 131 brogues Brogans, a stout sort of shoe. I remember when I got my first pair of brogans, and was I proud. They had a little brass strip on the toe to protect the shoe from being scuffed out from marble shooting and all kinds of ground games. And how thrilling it was to be able to lace up these brogues and hook the goatskin string around the hooks at the top of the shoes. I know one pair that had a little metal lever lock on it. You would open it and put the shoe on, then press the little handle down and they'd be tight and snug as you please. I don't suppose there's a brass-toed pair of brogans to be found in all North Carolina now. broken reed A weak person, a poor promise, something not to be depended on. broke up Upset by grief, deep sorrow. "He was all broke up over the news." brong Past tense of bring, same as brung. broom A woman's pudendum. "Stay away from that woman's broom, boy." A new broom sweeps clean. A new broom sweeps clean but the old broom knows the corners. jump the broom To get married. Usually connotes a sort of shotgun wedding suggesting that the girl is pregnant and the father has been found out and is now forced to marry her. broom sage Broom sedge or broomstraw. How often have we children been sent to the broomstraw patch to cut straw for making brooms. These we usually put together with a stick in the middle about halfway down and wrapped around with a rawhide string. They made wonderful brooms for sweeping the hearth but were very dangerous before the open fire. Many a child crawling along the floor got a broom into the fire and was badly burnt by it. My brother Hugh had a scarred wrist all his life from being burned so as a crawling baby. broomstick marriage A pretense marriage. A man and woman living together illegally were said to have a broomstick marriage. broose around To wander about, to poke around, to take a walk aimlessly. �132 Paul Green's Wordbook Brother, I'm Bobbed A young people's game. One player (sometimes two) sits blindfolded in a chair. The other players march around him and one of them now and then bangs him on the head with a book, rolled paper, or even the flat of the hand, whereupon the blindfolded one says, "Brother, I'm bobbed." The leader asks, "Who bobbed you, brother?" Then the blindfolded one tries to guess who of the players has bobbed him. If he guesses correctly, the guilty one takes his place. If not, then the players continue marching and bobbing. Sometimes two blindfolded people sit in chairs back to back. The dialogue occurs between them, each of whom may get a bobbing. Brow brinker Eye winker Nose knocker Mouth mocker Chin chopper Cootchy, cootchy, coo! (A baby tickling rhyme. On the word' 'coo" the baby gets a tickling under the chin or in his chest or tummy.) brown Brine. "The way to cyore the leg swelling is to soak that leg in a caig of brown—you know brown like them herring fish came in—that's it, soak it good." Brown eggs are richer than white eggs. / be John Brown! A mild expletive. brownie A penny. brown study A reverie, an inner concentration. bruised blood Blood clotted under the skin as in a mashed finger or a bruised spot. bruise easy and cry loud Over-sensitive person. "Them Jews," said Mr. Mac, "always bruise easy and cry loud." bruiser A low prize fighter type of person, a roughneck. brum Broom. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 133 brung Past tense of bring. brung up in a barn One having bad manners, or careless, hasty action. "I once went to call on the girl who later became my wife, and I was introduced to her father who was sitting by a stove reading his church paper. When I went out of the room I forgot to close the door, and I heard him say, 'Who's been brung up in a barn? Close that door.' " Brunswick An early lower Cape Fear Valley town and capital. It was founded in 1727 and for many decades was the center of shipping trade for the region. It was captured by the Spaniards in 1748 and destroyed. But the citizens recaptured it, drove the Spaniards out and rebuilt it. After the Revolutionary War it gradually gave way to the new and growing Wilmington only a few miles distant. The roofless remains of the old Brunswick Church still stand, with its thick walls and solid masonry work as a witness to the town's former importance. Tourists by the thousands come each summer, as well as hundreds in the winter, to see this example of man's effort and his hope. brush As a matter of little importance. "Uncle Joe volunteered for the army in the Civil War," said Mr. Mac, "and rode away laughing, saying Til be back in a few weeks, this is nothing but a brush.' He was killed at Malvern Hill." The pubic hair, especially of a female. Also a fox's tail. brush around Move around. "She's finally got over the typhoid and's where she can brush around the house." brush heap A pile of brush for burning, especially in newground cleanups. brush-off Abrupt dismissal, cold shoulder. "That girl really give Doug the brush-off.'' brush up To study a subject prior to examination, to review. "I'm brushing up on my Russian because I'm expecting to go there." �134 bub Paul Green's Wordbook A boy, buddy. A woman's breast. Plural is "bubbles." bubble A money-making scheme. "When the bubble burst, people started jumping out of the skyscraper windows — Lord, Lord, same as if judgment day had come." buck ague Same as buck fever, a violent nervousness that often seizes a deer hunter at the appearance of the deer. bucket A slop jar or chamber pot. kick the bucket To die. coming down in bucketsful Description of a heavy rain. Same as raining cats and dogs. bucket shop An illegitimate business. buckeye Usually a shrub. I have never seen it large enough to be called a tree. But Messrs. Coker and Totten of the University of North Carolina reported that they found a buckeye in South Carolina 20 feet high and its body 3 Vi inches in diameter, large enough to be called a tree. A decoction from the bark was used in the old days for ulcers and toothache. A buckeye nut or kernel was often carried in the pocket as a good luck charm. As a boy I carried one for several months but after a spell of what I thought was bad luck I threw it away. Mr. Mac said that his mother used buckeyes as a source of starch for clothes. He had heard from old folks too, he said, that the Indians would pound the kernels into a meal, mix it with beaten corn and water and throw the mush into rivers and creeks. The fish would eat it and get drunk on it and float to the top and then were easy to catch as they floated on the water. buck-eyed Round-eyed like a rabbit or buck. buckle To yield to pressure, to bend, to collapse. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 135 make buckle and tongue meet To make accounts square, to make one's outgo not exceed his income, to make a job come out as planned. buckle down To settle down, to become serious about working or about living. buckle-horned An animal with horns turned horizontally inward. buckle to Same as buckle down. buck nigger Young stalwart Negro man. buckra A Negro term for a white man, white folks, and sometimes used derogatorily. buckskin An American soldier during the Revolutionary War, so designated from the deerskin clothes he wore. buck teeth Protruding upper front teeth. Buddha The founder of one of the world's great religions—practiced now throughout most of the Orient — in Burma, Sri Lanka, China, India, Indochina, Japan, Korea, Nepal and Tibet. It also has a scattered following in all other nations of the earth. Like the great religions everywhere, it has its different sects. Buddha founded his belief six centuries before the birth of Christ. And like the Christian faith, it is a religion (even a philosophy) of peace, of love among men. But unlike the Christians, the Buddhists practice their faith. The Christian nations of the west, for all their religious claims of faith in and devotion to the teachings of gentle Jesus, have through the ages proved to be among the most warlike, if not the most warlike, people of all history. For the Buddhist, life is full of suffering (error, pain, ignorance, blindness, etc.) and the way out of it is through the Eightfold Path — right belief, right resolve, right word, right act, right life, right effort, right thinking, right meditation. Selfish desire for earthly things is the main source of suffering. Therefore give them up or at least put them in proper perspective. In this Buddha and Jesus agree. �136 Paul Green's Wordbook As we might expect, Buddha's conception and birth were miraculous. Whereas the Holy Ghost "came down from heaven" and impregnated the virgin Mary, Buddha himself was a spirit dwelling in heaven; looking down on the earth he chose his parents himself — the aristocratic Prince Shuddhodana and his beautiful wife young Princess Maya. Accordingly then as a spirit he descended from heaven and entered Maya's womb. At the moment of conception he was nurtured by a drop of an elixir drawn from an open lotus. For ten months gestation lasted and during that time the elixir fed him. At the time of delivery Maya held on to the bough of a tree, and the infant emerged from her right side. He was given the name Siddhartha, meaning ' 'the goal reached" and grew up in his father's palace, quite different from the poverty of Bethlehem and Nazareth. During his youth Siddhartha fulfilled the prophecies made at his birth. He perfected himself in the knowledge, sports and professions of his times. These were known as the 64 arts. A number of miracles took place in connection with him. For example, one day he went to sleep in the shade of a tree, and the sun changed its course in order not to shine on him and awaken him. Of course we all understand that every religion must have its miracles or it would lack followers. Some authorities place Buddha's birth in the year 566 B.C. and his death in 486 at the age of 48. Since my youth I have liked much of Buddha's teaching. For one thing he believed in living by and for one's faith. Jesus believed the truth he taught would be more powerful if he died for it. He must have believed this for by virtue of his ability to perform miracles he could have waved his hand and said to his captors, "You-all boys, be gone from here." Between the two points of view I prefer Buddha's. "Let men live and work for their cause, not die and thus work no more." When I think of the millions of young men — 55,000 in Vietnam, the 700,000 in the Civil War, the 50,000,000 people in the two world wars — I declare Buddha was right and I cry out and on this written page again and again, "Life, not death!" Every time I see a crucifix with the figure of Jesus hanging there, arms outstretched, head hanging, his two reaching palms with nails driven through them, his crossed pitiful feet nailed likewise and a gaping, blood-lipped hole in his side, I shudder. And I wonder if this symbol in every Catholic church and in most Catholic homes — if this does not prepare and accustom the little viewing children to cruelty and violence, yes, infect them with these evils. What price such preparation for life! �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 137 budget A pack, usually a peddler's pack. "Mr. Berman first came to Chapel Hill with a budget on his back and got his sandwiches at 100 apiece to eat. He grew to be one of the richest men in town." budgies Hicumstrikes, nervous or irritated condition.' 'How've you been, Melvin?'' "Oh nohow, Paul, I've been having the budgies mighty bad lately." buds buff A little calf's budding horns, or a young girl's budding breasts. A devotee, a follower. "As part of the Civil War celebration they fought the battle of Manassas over again, and there must have been 10,000 Confederate buffs there looking on. And 'Stonewall Jackson' from Massachusetts fell off his horse in a briar patch and got all scratched up." buffalo A Confederate soldier who, when his section of the country was overrun by the Yankees and he was captured and took the oath of loyalty, joined the Yankees and fought against his former fellows — such a person was later called a buffalo. I remember once in Avon, N.C., seeing a Bible with some pension papers in it which showed that the same person had got pensions from both the State of North Carolina and the federal government before he died. buffaloed Stumped, confused. "Lord, that professor had me buffaloed." buffing knife A knife used in scraping leather. Mama, Mama, what a bug I'll be When three young men come a-courting me. (A jocular love rhyme.) A bug needn't argue with a chicken. bug day The 18th of March is known as bug day and was therefore a bad day on which to plant a garden for, it was thought, the bugs would eat the corn. I don't know. I am glad it didn't come a day earlier for that was my birthday. bugger bears Booger bears, frightful things. "Better watch out for the bugger bears tonight, you children." �138 Paul Green's Wordbook buggy robe A robe to keep warm under in riding in a buggy or carriage. A good place for holding your girl's hand on a cold night coming from a box party or schoolbreaking. Present day automobiles offer a better chance for that. buggy whip A whip, usually with a long straight handle tapering into a flexible lash. These whips were of many kinds and prices and some were very sporty. bug in one's ear A bit of secret information or advice. bug juice Whiskey. bug out To protrude. "There he sat looking at me, his eyes all bugged out." When bugs give a party, they never ask the chickens. build afire under To stir up a person, to motivate him to action. get the bulge on To get an advantage over. It depends on whose bull is gored. bullace A wild black muscadine grape about the size of a marble. Much the same as the white scuppernong. In late September we used to climb the viney trees here and there and eat and eat until our heads swam. It's hard to find any wild bullaces anywhere in the Valley these days. Their history goes far back. When Amadas and Barlow first reached the shores of North Carolina in 1584, they spoke of the wonderful smell of grapes. We children for lack of jumping ropes used to cut bullace vines and use them with great joy, never once thinking that we were underprivileged because we didn't have a nice woven rope bought from a store. "Bullaces grow sweetest when the vines hang on or climb up pine trees," says my friend Nathan Williams. bullbat A nighthawk, now all but disappeared from the North Carolina evening skies. I remember how we used to see them flying in their criss-cross patterns in the late afternoon and diving suddenly toward the earth with their vulgar braying cries. take a bull by the horns Take a difficult job or boldly face up to a matter. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 139 bull by the tail To get hold of a job or be in a situation too hard to handle. Same as bear by the tail. I wouldn't trust him as far as I could throw a bull by the tail. No trust at all. bull calf An obstreperous boy. bulldog A tough fellow, an irritable, angry-minded person. A cop, a detective. Bull Durham A once famous roll-your- own cigarette tobacco. How sweet-smelling it was when the little cloth bag in which it was sold was opened! The stringing of these little bags was once common household work, especially in the town of Durham, for elderly people. They could remain at home and do the job. Many years ago I, in my early pro-labor activities, inquired as to their remuneration and was informed that the pay was 25<f per thousand bags. I went about trying to get an increase in the wages but was urged almost frantically by these same workers to let well enough alone. I did, for I had already found out that so far as cooperative employers were concerned, I was whistling in the dark. Anyway this work counted for more than one might think, for it helped even in its small way to build both Duke University and Duke Hospital where the workers' children and theirs after them could receive an education as well as medical treatment which they themselves in poverty had been denied. The cigarette-making machines and automatic packaging finally pretty much put an end to the Bull Durham smoking tobacco in bags. When I was a boy, there was a huge sign reared up high in Durham, showing a mighty bull triumphant. At first he had his sexual apparatus buoyantly defined. But churchly and puritan embarrassment caused the now millionaire tobacconists, so I was told, to have him pictorially castrated. I was also told that after that the sign lost much of its advertising appeal. bullet A keen, go-getter person. bullet patching A piece of cloth put around a bullet when in the old days it was pushed into a muzzle-loading gun. A bullfrog knows more about rain than the almanac. �140 Paul Green's Wordbook bullhead A low road dike to turn water. bullheaded Stubborn. like a bull in a china shop Clumsy, awkward, inclined to approach a task without caution. bulling A cow in heat. I heard the cow lowing and my father said,' 'The cow's bulling, son, and you've got to take her up to Mr. Martin Matthews' animal." Bull in the Ring A boy's game of skill and strength. I've never seen girls play it, but maybe with ERA coming on, they will. The boys form a circle and clasp hands tightly. One of the number, chosen by lot, takes his place in the ring. He wanders about, sometimes pawing the ground and making bullish sounds. Suddenly he flings himself against the ring and tries to break through. If he succeeds, one of the boys who yielded takes his place in the center, and the game proceeds as before. Sometimes a quarrel breaks out between the two boys where the breakthrough occurred, one accusing the other of weakness. bull of the woods Strong man, bully. bullshit Nonsense, foolish talk. bull thistle A thorny field pest. It grows from a thick taproot and its spiny leaves, especially when dried, can be a torment to bare feet. It grows everywhere it gets a chance to grow and has one redeeming feature — beautiful reddish purple flowers. According to a folklore pharmacist friend of mine, a salve or even a tincture from it was once supposed to be good for eczema and other skin irritations. bull tongue A plow with a special tongue for breaking roots. bully Fine, excellent, to be praised, good going. bully beef Canned cornbeef fed to the soldiers in World War I. �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence 141 bull yellin Bull yearling. bully-rag To banter, to abuse, to tease. "He bully-ragged me til I was ready to fight." bum The posterior, the ass. To beg, to cadge. "First he bummed a ride off of me, and then he bummed cigarettes all the way along." to be on the bum To be down and out. bumbershoot An umbrella. bumble-foot A heavy-footed, awkward person. bum-fodder Toilet paper. bumfuzzled Confused, muddled, flustered. "My honest belief is that the president stays bumfuzzled all the time about what to do with this war." bump To put off, to cancel. "I had a ticket on the plane, but they bumped me for a soldier." A phrenological term designating an irregularity or protrusion on the skull which showed the character of a person. There were all sorts of bumps according to this now-perished "science," the bump of kindness, of ambition, of anger, etc. Bump A game. A person would be held up by two others, taking hold of the ankles and wrists, and this person would be swung buttward against another person. bumper A full big glass, usually of strong drink, also a bumper crop. bump into To meet by accident. "I bumped into my old war buddy, Tubby Howard, yesterday, and we had good talk about the old days together." bump off To kill, to shoot, mainly a gangster's term. �142 Paul Green's Wordbook bump on a log A good for nothing, a lazy indolent person. "You're just a bump on a log. There you set and won't say nothing." get the bum's rush To be hurried out unceremoniously and involuntarily. bum steer Wrong advice, bad guidance. bunch A crowd, people, group.' 'When that man started walking on the water there in the millpond at Angier, a whole bunch of folks standing on the dam started yelling and shouting." bunchy Roly-poly, stout, fat. "She's a bunchy little girl, but her eyes make you think only of them." bundle off To send away in a hurry. bundlesome (bungersome) Clumsy, awkward. bung The anus. Same as bunghole. bunk To sleep, having sleeping quarters. "Tom Wolfe bunked there in that old room over Eubanks' store." bunk with To share a bed or room. bunny The female pudendum. burn To insult. To infect with venereal disease. "She was the hottest loving woman a-tall and look how she burnt me." burn a hole in one's pocket Said of money one is eager to spend. burn daylight To have a lamp or candle burning during the daytime. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 143 burn for Long for intensely. Burning brush is supposed to bring a rain. burning bush An erect and sometimes tree-like shrub from six to fourteen feet high of the euonymus family. It is deciduous, but in late summer and early autumn its thick leaves turn a fiery red and therefore its name. We have a big one at our back door and it mixes well with the red of the early autumn sunset. It is found from Carolina to Florida and grows in both sandy and rich moist soils. The bark and root provided a good laxative, so it was said by old folks in the Valley. In looking at our bush I often think of the burning bush spoken of in the Bible. There is a full account in the third chapter of Exodus which reads—"Now Moses kept the flock of Jethro, his father-in-law, the priest of Midian; and he led the flock to the backside of the desert, and came to the mountain of God, even to Horeb. And the angel of the Lord appeared unto him in a flame of fire out of the midst of a bush; and he looked, and, behold, the bush burned with fire, and the bush was not consumed. And Moses said, I will now turn aside, and see this great sight, why the bush is not burnt. And when the Lord saw that he turned aside to see, God called unto him out of the midst of the bush, and said, Moses, Moses. And he said, Here am I. And he said, Draw not nigh hither: put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place whereon though standest is holy ground. Moreover he said, I am the God of thy father, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob. And Moses hid his face; for he was afraid to look upon God. And the Lord said, I have surely seen the affliction of my people which are in Egypt, and have heard their cry by reason of their taskmasters; for I know their sorrows and I am come down to deliver them out of the hand of the Egyptians, and to bring them up out of that land unto a good land and a large, unto a land flowing with milk and honey; unto the place of the Canaanites, and the Hittites, and the Amorites, and the Perizzites, and the Hivites, and the Jebusites." And later Jehovah did bring this people unto the land of milk and honey. But he went ahead of them and worked havoc among the inhabitants, mercilessly destroying the above mentioned tribes, every man, woman and innocent child of them. At least the Good Book says he did, and thus he prepared the way for his chosen people, The same sort of thing seems to have happened with the 1948 establishing of Israel, though not with such wholesale killing. In this instance though, England and the United States took the place of Jehovah. �144 Paul Green's Wordbook burn one's fingers To come to harm, to make a bad investment. A burnt child dreads the fire. burn the breeze To ride or run at full speed. Same as burn the wind. burn the candle at both ends To work early and late, also to indulge in dissipation. To debauch oneself, to indulge one's sensual appetite to excess. burn up To cheat. "In that trade he burnt me up by working off that moon-eyed mule on me." To be embarrassed, irritated, or angry. "The way my date behaved at that dinner burnt me up." burn you! An imprecation, same as go to hell. slow burn Smouldering anger. burr A hanger-on, a pest. "He's a burr under my saddle, that's what he is." burr head A Negro. burr of the ear The outer part of the ear. "I hit that fellow in the burr of the ear and I piled him." bursting heart A shrub often called heart-bursting-with-love. bury the hatchet To make friends, to forgive each other, cease hostilities. bush A woman's pubic hair. beat about the bush To be devious, hypocritical, insincere. bush baby A bastard, same as bush or woods colt. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 145 bushed To be whipped down, tired, exhausted. a bushel and a peck A baby rhyme. Usually someone asks a little one: "How much do you love me?" and then is prompted to say: "A bushel and a peck And a hug around the neck." The hug naturally follows. bushel bubby A woman with over-large breasts. go to the bushes To defecate or urinate. business Body elimination. "Before we start the trip, go do your business." business before pleasure Everybody's business is nobody's business. business end The main part, the efficient end, the dangerous part, said of a kicking mule in reference to his hind feet. "Stay away from the business end of that mule.'' mind one's own business To abstain from meddling, to look after number one. buss bust To kiss. A complete failure. "He made a bust of the hardware business there in Wilmington, just like several others before him." A spree, a wild party. "He went on a bust." bust a gut To overexert oneself, strain unduly. bust a hamestring To overdo. bust developers These developers were of various kinds and once were used by many a shy Valley maiden. Sometimes cajoling bust cream was used in massaging the breast. The most effective aid apparently was the breast pump. The early �146 Paul Green's Wordbook Sears-Roebuck catalogues (before the Federal Food and Drug Act) advertised the instrument eloquently for the ladies, declaring "If nature has not favored you with the greatest charm, a symmetrically rounded bosom full and perfect, send for the Princess Bust Developer.'' Satisfactory results were of course guaranteed or money would be' 'gladly refunded.'' This pump had a handle and a rubber cup that fitted over the breast. The suction would pull the breast out and so after much pumping was supposed to produce the desired size — or not. The pump was also used by mothers who had too much milk and some of it had to be drained off. busted To be broke. buster A young boy. bust head Cheap, hard liquor. bustle A padding enlargement of a woman's skirt over the buttocks, common in the fashions of the late 19th century to add to the sex appeal. bust middles To plough out the center ridge between crop rows. bust up Break up of two engaged people or two friends. bust wood To split wood. "I sure love to bust wood on a cold, frosty morning." busy as a beaver busy as a bee in a tar bucket busy as a cat on a hot tin roof busy as a cat on a marble slab busy as a hen with one chick busy as a one-armed paper-hanger with the itch busy as the devil in a high wind butch (butch up) To ruin, make a mess of. Same as botch. butt (or butt-end) The buttocks. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 147 butt-cut The first bottom cut of a tree. butter To soft soap, to praise unduly. Same as butter up. butter and egg money Money made by the housewife from selling butter and eggs. I remember how my Aunt Nanny used to take butter and eggs down to Buie's Creek and accumulate a few dollars which she sent away to foreign missions, for her heart was terribly concerned over the starving children in India—pictures of whom she would see in the Christian Herald. "Why, Paul, it tells in the Herald how the poor things go around gnawing bark off the trees, they're so hungry," she said half-weeping. butter and eggs A folk name, especially a Negro term, for jonquils. butter ball A fat, roly-poly person. Come, butter, come A divination rhyme we used to recite as we churned away at the old' 'stone'' churn— "Come, butter, come For I want some." buttercups There are several varieties of this lovely flower and all give a cheerful spring welcome with their yellow blossoms. The buttercup grows in meadows and pasture lands everywhere, and its bulbs, if eaten, result in stomach upheavals and heart pressures, so the old folks said. butter-fingered One who tends to drop things too easily. "I'm all butter-fingered this morning." butterflies Nervous spasms in one's stomach. "Every time I think of that accident I get butterflies." butterfly A sissy fellow, homosexual. If a butterfly lights on a lady, she will soon get a new dress of the same color as the butterfly. �148 Paul Green's Wordbook butterfly kiss A caress made by two people touching their eyelashes one against the other and blinking. butterfly weed A rather shy plant that grows rarely more than two feet tall here and there in dry soil. Its orange blossoms are especially attractive to butterflies. My old Negro friend, Uncle Jerry McLean, told me that chewing its root and swallowing the juice was the best medicine "a-tall for snakebite." It was also said to be good for the pleurisy and was often called "pleurisy root." The Indians were said to have used it for a purgative and as a sweat-producer. butter molds A wooden mold in which butter is packed and made into balls or cakes. I remember how beautiful I used to think the butter was which my mother took from her molds. On top there was a flower design. But often, in hot weather when I would take the butter to Buie's Creek, some two miles away, the flowers would be terribly "wilted" and smeared by the time I got there to deliver to Mr. Upchurch who ran a boarding house. butter paddle A paddle three to four inches wide with a six-inch blade or more which was used to beat the water out of butter. The paddle was usually made of oak or maple. I can still hear the smart slap of the paddle as my mother made her ball of butter ready. butter piggin A wooden pan in which butter was paddle-worked. butter up To flatter unduly and unctuously, like "lathering the victim well before shaving," that is, cheating him. butt in To interrupt. butt into To meet incidentally. butt off Dead end. button The nose, the face. "He hit him right on the button." Button, Button, Who's Got the Button? A guessing game. The players seat themselves in a circle. The one who does �149 An Alphabet of Reminiscence the guessing, "It," stands in the center. The button is passed from hand to hand, the purpose of the game being to keep "It" from guessing who has it. As the button is passed around, the players all call out or sing: "Button, button, how you wander From one hand unto the other! Is it fair, is it fair To keep Mr. (Miss) standing there?" "It" touches the hand of the one he thinks has the button. The hand is opened to show whether empty or not. If the guess is correct, the player with the button becomes "It," and the game continues. If empty, the game goes on until a correct guess is made. The "It" who takes longest to locate the button is declared the worst player. not to care a button Not to care at all. buttonhole To corner one, to catch hold of a person, to keep him unwillingly for the sake of a conversation or argument. button up To finish a matter, to conclude. "Well, I guess that buttons things up and we might as well adjourn." bust my buttons! A mild expletive. butt peddler A pimp. butts like a ram buy To bribe. "He bought him, that's how he got him on his side." Don't buy a pig in a poke. He who buys what he doesn't need will need what he cannot buy. buzz Idle chatter. buzzard A contemptible person, sometimes used jocularly and affectionately. "Where have you been all these months, you old buzzard? Golly, I'm glad to see you." It's unlucky to kill a buzzard. �150 Paul Green's Wordbook If you see a buzzard flying and make a wish and it flaps its wings, the wish will come true. Fly away buzzard, fly away crow, Way down South where the wind don't blow. (A divination rhyme.) buzzard bait An old decrepit horse or mule. buzzard dance An awkward dance. Buzzards often when they are on the ground stretch their wings and hop around in an actual dance. buzzard lope A loose, awkward manner of running or shuffling along. laid by a buzzard and hatched by the sun A term used to describe an illegitimate child. buzzards Large black scavenger birds, generally known as turkey buzzards, about the size of a turkey hen and very common in the South. I remember hearing Mr. John Turlington tell of a visit he made to Charleston, South Carolina, about 1909. "I sure was disgusted with that dang town,"he said, "for them old turkey buzzards were all about the place, walking in the streets same as people and same like they owned things. And when they wanted to they flew up on tops of the houses and roosted there in their spewing and mess just as ca'm as you please." It used to be against the law in some sections of North Carolina to kill a buzzard. And too it is likely to bring bad luck on the guilty party—as one Austin Honey found out. The story of Austin's tragic and grotesque struggle with these slovenly creatures is still widely told in the Valley. Austin was from hardy and God-fearing Scotch stock. He ran a small farm and tended his fish traps on the rapids of the river there below Linneyville. And like many a Scotchman in that section he was a stubborn fellow. He had to be to make a living from his few sandy acres and these traps. He was not only God-fearing and stubborn but miserly and grasping for the pence. It was this last trait more than any other perhaps which led to his downfall. In his haste to get his fish out of the traps and up into town before the other fishermen arrived, he slubbered his work. If he happened to find a catch of red rock or bass or shad floundering in the foaming waters that poured through the slats in his traps, he would haul these fish out and into his sack and toss the unsalable mud cats and suckers carelessly aside. Some of these culls fell on the rocks and spoiled there in the sun. Uncle Josh, the old colored man who ran the ferry above the falls and �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 151 made shad nets in his spare time, said to him, "Mr. Austin, suh, you better clean up them there dead fish. If you don't, you'll like as not start the buzzards to using around here. And everybody excepting the law knows a buzzard be's a plumb dirty mess and tribulation." But Austin didn't listen. And the great black vultures began to settle down out of the sky and eat the dead stinking fish. From eating the dead ones scattered around they finally began to steal the live ones out of the traps. Then it was that the stingy soul of Austin Honey got fired up. He was a member of good standing in the Little Bethel Church and sometimes even taught the Sunday school class there. So, remembering his pride of place, he controlled himself and refrained from violent language. But one morning when he came down to the river and found a half dozen of the big ungainly birds sitting around gorged to the gills, their wrinkled bald heads nodding in the sun and his traps completely empty of good fish, he flew into sudden and spontaneous profanity and cursed them to a fare-you-well. Uncle Josh, sitting on the bank of the river snoozing under a sycamore tree, said to him,''That's mighty pow'ful languageyou's a-using for agood church member, Mr. Austin, ain't it, suh?" Austin acknowledged it was and felt properly ashamed. As the days went by the number of buzzards kept increasing, and it looked as if the main means of his livelihood would be destroyed. They had really developed a sweet tooth for the live fish by this time. He went off to the hardware store and bought himself a shotgun on a credit and fired after and around the birds to frighten them. They soon got on to the sham shooting and ignored him. Then he lost his temper and fired in among them, killing several. He should have known better, for the law in those days was stern on such matters. He was promptly haled into Recorder's Court and fined five dollars for each of the dead birds. He explained his case to the judge. His lawyer pleaded and moved and objected, but no go. The judge was hard-boiled — for he suspected Austin of shortchanging him on a fine shad recently — and so Austin in a rage had to accept the verdict and pay up. Then he did like many a troubled man before him. He sought refuge in whiskey. Straight across the street to the dispensary he went, and came out an hour later sod-drunk. He began to harangue the air against the judge, and quite a crowd collected around him on the street corner. Finally he began to let out a lot of threats, and so there was nothing to do but lock him up. And he spent the night in jail. For this scandalous behavior the deacons and elders of Little Bethel Church called him before them and warned him to mend his ways. He told them that if they would keep the buzzards from his traps, he would. They couldn't promise that, so he refused to repent. And they expelled him. After that Austin quit church and Sunday school altogether. As time �152 Paul Green's Wordbook passed he went to the bad with blasphemous language and liquor and scorching profanity. But he never relaxed his stubborn contest with the buzzards, drunk or sober, nor they with him. When he sat up at night, they sat up too. When he slept they robbed him. When he woke they fled from him. One winter night he staggered to his traps with his lantern to find one of the finest open-mouth bass he'd ever seen being lifted in a buzzard's beak, and he rushed forward wth a yell loud enough to wake Uncle Josh in his shack up on the hill. He struck at the buzzard with his lantern, and because he was a little wobbly on his legs from his over-heavy slug of whiskey — in fact he was never sober anymore — he missed the buzzard and went head over heel lantern and all into a deep swirling whirlpool below the falls. He came pretty near drowning, but finally he beat his way down to a willow clump on a little island some several hundred yards below the rapids. And there he stayed, chilled and freezing to the bone until Uncle Josh and the neighbors rescued him. A few days after this he developed a case of double pneumonia. And by the end of the week it was spoken around among the neighbors that Austin Honey was going to die, and buzzards were the cause. Then he did a queer thing. He summoned several friends to his bedside. "Folks," he quavered piteously and with heavy breathing — "folks, it looks like they've about done for me — them buzzards I mean." And his glazed sick eyes rested dolorously on their sympathetic faces. "Yes, Austin," they said, "it's all too bad." Then they sat silent, for they were God-fearing people, and they thought he had summoned them to pray for him that his wickedness might be forgiven and he be made ready to pass over the cold river of death into the promised land. And they were all in a prayerful mood. But never a word about praying did he speak. "I've got a dying request to make of you," he said hoarsely—"adying request. And you know that the wishes of the dead are sacred.'' They nodded agreement that this was so. "Then listen to me," he went on waveringly, "and do what I tell you. When I'm dead, and it won't be long, I want you to take me up on yon hill by the river above my fish traps—'' and he pointed with a trembling finger through the window toward the hill in the distance, "and bury me there right on top of it, out in the field space. And I want you to put me in an open coffin, with the lid off. You hear me? Do you?" "Yes, Austin, we hear you," they said. "And you'll do what I say!" They finally agreed. And with burning insistence he made them put their hands on the big Bible and swear to it. ' 'When you've done that,'' he went on,' 'and got me there in that open coffin, I want you to build some hard and fast brickwork up over me and around me—pen me in like. Jake there knows what I mean—the way he �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 153 done Mr. Sexton's front yard wall. Tough and strong I want it. But leave cracks between the bricks, you understand me." The ragged breathing of the sick man was touching to hear. "Yes," said Jake, sadly and gravely, "you want us to sort of dodge the bricks." "Yeh, dodge 'em, that's what I mean," Austin croaked. "What in the world you want that for?" said Marvin Whittaker, the blacksmith. "No matter what I want it for," Austin coughed painfully and even angrily, "I want it. And I want the cracks between them there bricks big enough so you can look through good and see me lying peaceful-like in my coffin." "I believe his wits is a-wandering," said old Phinny Barlow, the cow doctor. '' Wits!'' wheezed Austin.'' You fools wait and see." And he beat the bed on either side with his dying, angry fists. Soon after that Austin died. Jake and his friends, even as they had promised, performed the last sad rites for their dead friend. They placed him in an open coffin on top of the hill. And a good stout interlaced structure of brickwork was built up over and around him. The next morning when Jake Senter looked up toward the hill he saw a single buzzard sitting on the brick death-house. A little later in the day he noticed a second buzzard had arrived and joined the first, and by sunset time a flock of them was slowly wheeling in the sky. The following morning quite a number of them were wandering around there on top of the hill. Some were sitting on the lattice work and others were poking their heads in through the open spaces between the bricks. But none of them could get at Austin. None at all. There he lay serene in his open coffin protected from their reach by the stout bricks. All day long more buzzards were arriving from every direction of the horizon's circumference. And early in the morning of the third day the people from town could see the hill literally black with them. Then the fun really began. Too bad that Austin couldn't see it. A terrific struggle of buzzard muscle and brawn took place against bricks and concrete. Singly and in pairs and in a flock these great black birds would go after Austin. Then they began to fight among themselves for the privilege of another try at him. They beat their old wrinkled heads bloody against the bricks, they wore the feathers away from their rawbony shoulders. And day and night they kept at it. For a fortnight or so the struggle went on, and all the while more buzzards were landing in the scene. In their way they were just as stubborn as Austin had been in his. They wouldn't give up. And as these days went by they drooped and sickened by the hundreds. Their frustration and disappointment brought them into �154 Paul Green's Wordbook nervous prostration and breakdown. They began to die in droves. Also starvation and efforts at mutual cannibalism took toll of them where they carried on their ceaseless and futile toil. All over the hill you could see them scattered like humped bunches of black rags where they lay dead with the dust blowing and sifting over them. Some said there was no doubt of it at all — Austin Honey soon would have cleaned the birds out of the Cape Fear Valley as well as all of North Carolina maybe and had a final and complete revenge if the wind hadn't changed. But it did, and began to blow down back toward the village. That was too much for decent folks living there. When finally they could stand it no longer the more hardy and self-respecting ones fastened wet vinegar cloths to their noses with clothespins and went up to the top of the hill with shovels and mattocks. They raked away the great piles of dead buzzards, tore down the brickwork, closed up the coffin, dug a grave there on the spot and put Austin reverently and definitely in it. And any time you go along that road, folks will point out to you the place where Austin Honey was buried long ago — him that had such a fight with the buzzards. And the name of that hill to this day is Buzzard Hill. buzzing like a fly buzz saw A furiously angry, especially high-tempered person. by any manner or means By any chance or doing. by cracky! A mild expletive. by craps! A mild expletive. "Bye Oh Baby Bunting" A traditional lullaby still sung by mothers. Bunting is an old word for a woolen coverlet. "Bye oh Baby Bunting, Daddy's gone a-hunting To catch a little rabbit skin To wrap his Baby Bunting in." by dag! A mild expletive. bygones Something past, a thing to be forgot. "Let bygones be bygones." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 155 by grabs! A mild expletive. by guess and by god At random, hit or miss, lacking any care or accurate measurement. "I made that lot gate by guess and by god but it works good." by gum! A mild expletive. by heart By rote, to have in one's memory. "He was a smart boy, that Lexie Barnes, he had all the names of all the bones in the body by heart. And he could recite 'em right off and finally got to going so fast he would start dancing to keep up with them, a kind of accompaniment." by himself Alone, single. "Rorie Matthews lives in that old shack all by himself now that his two sisters have died." by hook or crook By any means, fair or unfair, overcoming any obstacle. by now At this moment, at the present. "He's surely got home by now." bypath A devious way, off the main and honest highway of action. "Hewasalways trying to make money by bypath means." by rights Justly, one's j ust deserts. " By rights that boy ought to be in the penitentiary for killing the people in that auto wreck and him drunk." by the by Incidentally. by then By that time. "Come back at three o'clock, and he'll be sure to be here by then." by the tits of St. Chris! A mild oath. �156 Paul Green's Wordbook C cabbage A woman's sexual offerings. "He boiled her cabbage down." Money, cash, same as spondulicks. To steal. cabbage head A weak-minded person, a fool. cabbage leaf Inferior cigar or smoking tobacco. This universal vegetable often came in for good medicinal use. If a child had a cut in his or her foot or a nail puncture, a wilted cabbage leaf was folded over the wound and wrapped in a cloth. Mothers often used this cabbage leaf doctoring. The practice, like other folk cures and treatments, had come down from 'way, 'way back. If a cabbage leaf was not available, then any sort of large leaf would do — collard, mullein, pokeweed, or Jimson weed. In winter applying a kerosene-wet bandage or greasing with lard or mutton tallow would satisfy. cabbage leaves Leaves greased with lard and applied to boils will bring them to a head. caboodle The lot, the aggregate amount, the entirety. "He sold out, kit and caboodle.'' cackle Idle talk. Also to gossip, to babble. cackle crate A chicken truck. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 157 cacky Human excrement. by cacky A mild expletive. tea caddy A kitchen utensil for holding loose tea. cadge To sponge, to deadbeat, be parasitical. cag Keg. caging Cheating, bumming, living off of or living on. "He's caging on us." cahoots Shady dealings, illegal confederation. Cain The son of Adam and Eve and a "tiller of the soil." In a quarrel he killed his brother Abel and because of this, as the well-known Bible story has it, God put a curse on him. We have the folk expression "to raise Cain," meaning to create a row, a fight, or raise an unseemly loud rumpus. The word Cain has a further distinction — or did have — in the minds of many of the religious fundamentalists in the Valley. See "Land of Nod.'' coin't Can't. cair cake Carry. Easy pickings, profit, delight.' 'You cannot eat your cake and have it, too.'' To stick, to adhere. "The mud's caked to his feet." cake together Stick together. cake turns to dough Pretense is shown up. Fine purposes turn out to be nought. take the cake To succeed in, to win the prize. �158 Paul Green's Wordbook cakes and ale Good food, pleasant living. Same as high on the hog. calabash A kind of squash. calaboose Prison. calamity howler A Jeremiah. Calamity Jane A killjoy, a sour-faced person. calamus See "sweet flag." calamus root Tea from the boiled root was used to treat babies with colic. calf A meek, harmless fellow, a numbskull. calf-head A dumb fellow, a stupid person. calf love Adolescent love, same as puppy love. calf-rope A term used in yielding, surrendering, giving up. Often we boys would wrestle or fight, and the cry would soon go up to call for the calf rope, and finally when the defeated one called out "calf-rope," the struggle was over. sound like a dying calf A bellowing, guttural sound. calico A girl, a woman. "He went plumb nuts over that piece of calico that lived 'crost the creek." calico queen A honky-tonk woman, a sort of bawdy house madam. calks The turned-up ends of horseshoes to aid in firm footing. call Named. "That third young'un there is called Sally." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 159 Obligation, right, duty. "He had no call to do me like that." call a spade a spade Describe or report a happening with unashamed frankness. to get the call To need to defecate. The call from on high, to be summoned home to glory, to die. To get the word from on high to speak the gospel. See "call to preach." call down Reprimand. called home Died. call in To visit incidentally. "While I was in Benson I called in to see Miss Nolie and, old as she was, she was right there at that piano teaching music." calling hogs A term used in reference to someone who snores loudly in his sleep, much like sawing gourds. call it a day The end of a day's work, the completion of a job. call it square To become friends, to wipe out a debt. "Pay me ten dollars and we'll call it square." call one's bluff To meet a threat unflinchingly, answer a dare, prove another person's weakness. call the game To umpire, also to stop a game as in a heavy rain. " It was too bad yesterday the ump called the game in the fourth inning. One more inning and we would have won." call the turn To guess right, to solve a problem. call to mind Recall, recollect, remember. "I can't call to mind who it was." call to preach A summons from on high, a divine command to spread the word of God �160 Paul Green's Wordbook and bring sinners to repentance. Over the years I have known many preachers who have come and gone in the Valley, and without exception they all declared they became preachers because God had called them. And I must say that almost without exception God showed mighty poor judgment in his selection. I remember the example of Needham Bolin — though the final results as to him, I must agree, were not bad at all. This Needham was a lonely, plowhandle sort of fellow, timid and of few words indeed. Maybe in his very lonesomeness in the wide fields he felt the need of comfort and so developed some kind of closeness to his God. Anyway, he confided to his sister Lida one night at the table — the two of them lived alone in their little farmhouse after their parents' death — that something strange had happened to him that day as he was plowing. He heard a voice clear as a bell say, "Needham, I want you to preach." Lida looked at him in astonishment, saying he might as well get that wild idea out of his head. It must have been something he et, or maybe he was like that Chester Harmon fellow that thought he heard God saying' 'Go preach, go preach!" only to find out later that it was Heck Turner's old jackass sounding off. And to add to Needham's other disabilities he at times stuttered badly. But as the devout people in the Valley say and have said for generations, "The Lord moves in mysterious ways his wonders to perform." It happened sometime after that that an old Negro woman, who had once been a cotton hoe-hand for Needham's father, died and the Negro preacher came over and invited Needham and Lida to the funeral, saying, "Aunt Hy'cinth loved yo' daddy and she sho' would 'predate yo' 'tendance." So Needham and his sister went to the funeral in the nearby Negro meeting house. It was a bitterly cold day and a big fire was going in the iron heater in the crowded church. Much to Needham's dismay the preacher came down the aisle, got him by the hand, and the next thing he and Lida knew they were wedged in on the front seat and cut off from the door by an aisle full of Negro mourners and relatives who were crowding in. Caught fast, he sat there in a cold sweat between the congregation and Aunt Hyacinth's black cloth-covered pine coffin. Then the preacher started his funeral sermon on Aunt Hyacinth and, much to Needham's surprise made it quiet and short. But he wasn't so surprised long, for the reverend explained that there was one with them this day who would speak words of sympathy and praise about the' 'deceasted.'' Poor timid Needham shuddered where he sat and a great silent groan went up inside him as the preacher pointed to him and called his name. Lida nudged him and whispered that he at least ought to stand up and be recognized. A great "Amen, Brother" sounded from the congregation in urgent expectancy. Needham finally got to his feet and stuttered out a word or two about old Aunt Hyacinth being a fine character and mighty good with a �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 161 hoe. Before he could sink back into his seat more loud cries of "Amen" broke out, and others were added.' 'You tell it, Brother,''' 'Amen,'' "Listen to the word!" "Go on, go on," Lida urged, even pushing him from behind. "Say a little bit more — they expect it." So all bent over and ready to drop down again, Needham managed another word or two, and the amens and hallelujahs began to grow more numerous and loud. The preacher now stepped down from the little pulpit as Needham was taking his seat, got the poor timid fellow by the arm and pulled him firmly out toward the coffin. Then he began clapping his hands and whooping things along in encouragement. Needham managed to squeeze out a few more words, and the preacher moved to one side out of the way, sat down and left him in charge. The congregation kept calling on him to tell the good news about Aunt Hyacinth. "Preach her on into Abraham's bosom," they pleaded loudly. The terrific emotional upheaval now going on in Needham caused something to happen. He started talking more freely, and the Negroes started answering him with the 'sponse. And every time he'd weaken they'd roll in with their hallelujahs and amens and sweep him on. Finally he got going, and soon he was walking the floor, pacing unafraid about the coffin, his eyes flashing, his long plowhandle arms waving like winding blades in a flood of drumming words pouring from his lips. "You know not the day nor the hour!'' he shouted. And the wild 'sponse rolled back from the congregation — "Preach it, brother, preach it up to the gates of glory." And they say he did. Never had such a funeral service been preached in Cedar Grove Church as Needham Bolin preached that day. From then on he was a preacher, and one of the best. Some of the older folks said he was about as good as Billy Sunday. He went on the road bringing sinners to Christ. He quit farming in the hot sunlit fields, for he took literally the words of the Biblical preacher who said, "What profit hath a man of all his labor wherein he laboreth under the sun." So he left his farm, and Lida hired a foolish boy, Erse Harmon, to help farm in his stead. The last I heard, Needham was still traveling up and down the Valley as far as Wilmington to the south and east and Greensboro to the north, thundering forth the word of God. Now and then you could hear his hoarse hasseling voice over the Sunday morning radio. But he was getting old and his powers against the Devil and all his works were weakening. calomel A purgative cure-all in the old days and of constant and popular use by the Valley doctors then, including Dr. Joe McKay, our family physician. Of all the fiendish medicines in the world, I as a boy counted calomel �162 Paul Green's Wordbook the worst. Sometimes my mother would stare at me and say, "You look kind of peaked today. You need cleaning out, that's what." And then she would destroy me in my tracks where I stood by saying she was going to give me a good dose of calomel. And plead and weep and carry on as I would, it was all in vain. For ultimately I would have to take a horrible teaspoonful of the vomit-sickening white powder and wash it down with water. And then most of the following night and on into the next day I would have to squat with my little behind on the cold chamber pot — or "thunder mug" as we sometimes named it—if the weather was wintry; or if the weather was warm, take up residence in the' 'garden house'' or privy out in the edge of the field. Later would come the delicious mending time when Mother would pet me up, bring me good chicken soup and hang sweetly about me. And then the other children — there were six of us — would stand around and look enviously on, almost reconciled to the time when they too would have to take the wretched stuff, with such exquisite warm attentions to follow. And Mother would always see to it that while the calomel was working we didn't get our feet wet and chilled. "I don't want you to get salivated the way Will Elliott did and have all your teeth fall out," she said. This Will Elliott was a nearby neighbor and now and then helped us as a hired hand on our farm. He was a handsome young fellow and had the most beautiful white teeth you ever saw. He was very proud of these teeth and used to show them to good effect in his wide entrancing smiles at the girls at church on Sunday, for he had a lot of the giddy creatures looking his way and he enjoyed the admiration of them all with no fancy for any single one in particular, it seemed. Another thing Will had too, whether he was proud of that I don't know, and that was a high temper. When he was rubbed the wrong way or thought he was, he would fly into a passion. Once he was plowing in front of our house, and our Negro tenant, also named Will, Will McLeod, stopped at the well, lifted the gourd dipper and drank from it same as white folks. He was of course supposed to drink straight from the bucket's rim and not touch the gourd. Will Elliott stopped his mule and flew across the field toward the other Will shouting at him, and that Will fled down the road. Our Will grabbed up the gourd dipper which had been contaminated according to his folk belief by the lips of the Negro, threw it on the ground, and stomped it to pieces. He resumed his plowing, his whole form trembling with rage. I, a little fellow, was standing on our front porch and saw it all and, young as I was, I wondered why he did it. The preceding summer Will Elliott's folks had failed to pull and cure enough fodder for their stock, and one cold winter day it was decided that Will would have to go across the creek some distance to get a supply from old Sheriff Johnson. Now a few nights before this, Will had been out on a randy near Barclaysville and had come home feeling mighty low, so he had taken a big "dose of purgative'' to get himself back in shape. He like �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 163 others believed mightily in calomel, God help him! He must have taken more than usual, for the explosive stuff really reamed him. For a day or two he lay about, weak as water. But he had strength enough, he felt, to drive across the creek to get some fodder for the stock. The Elliotts had an old steer named Buck, a patient, plodding character who had served the family well. So he hitched Buck to the cart and drove over to Sheriff Johnson's to get the fodder. The day was bitterly cold. A series of heavy sleets had recently fallen, and Middle Prong Creek was swollen high. But he got on across somehow, loaded up the fodder and started home. When he came again to the creek, old Buck rebelled. One trip through that icy water was enough. But Will with his furious temper flailed away on his rawbony back with his whip and finally drove him into it. But half-way through, Buck balked once more and Will gave more of the whip to his poor lacerated stern. Then Buck really bucked. He lay down in the creek with his head and part of his backbone sticking up out of the flowing flood. And beat as Will would, Buck wouldn't stir. Then Will in his fury thought of a diabolical scheme. He took several big bundles of the dry fodder, reached out and piled them carefully on the old steer's back, set fire to them and waited. The dry fodder blazed up in a tremendous flame, and when the searing, livid fire tore into Buck's flesh, the old steer bounced straight up in the air. And out of the deep creek he tore, shooting Will tumbling backwards into the swirling stream. And there Will was. He was almost drowned, being in his weakened condition. He finally crawled out of the creek and made for home walking. By this time Buck was out of sight on his way to the same place. For a mile or so Will traveled in the freezing wind. When he reached home, he was almost done for. He was so weak his father and mother had to undress him and put him to bed. They put hot jars of water around him, fed him some cornmeal gruel, and so saved him from pneumonia. But that didn't save him from the salivation effects of the calomel. His gums swelled up, and during the next month or so most of his beautiful front teeth fell out. After that Will was not such a rounder among the girls, and at the next big meeting in the church he went meekly and with snaggle teeth to the mourners' bench and professed religion. From then on, they say, most of his wild temper left him. He later got some false teeth, married a quiet Valley girl, a rather ugly one, and settled down to making a living as a tenant farmer. He died years ago well-respected and a deacon in the church. And as Lonnie Cofield, the local wit, said "I reckon through salivation Will Elliott got salvation — not a bad swap at that." ca'm (short a) Calm. as calm as night �164 Paul Green's Wordbook Farquahar Campbell One of the early Scotch emigrants to the Valley. It was said he was knighted by the king and for a while was called Sir Farquahar. He apparently was a canny businessman, for he accumulated much wealth, which was something to do in those 18th century days. He was opposed to violence and the Revolutionary War, and after the Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge, which he somehow got mixed up in, he was sent as a prisoner to Philadelphia, then to Baltimore. Later he came back to North Carolina, took the oath of allegiance, and once more became a power in the state, serving with distinction in the Legislature. His fine home which used to stand some ten miles from where my folks lived has long ago disappeared — like nearly all the ancient homes. Many a time I have walked in the field where I thought the Campbell house stood, but no relic did I ever find. What first attracted me to this Valley character was his stand against killing. Reverend James Campbell The most famous of all the early preachers in the Valley. He founded old Barbecue Church where Flora MacDonald and her family worshipped, then Longstreet Church (now enclosed in the Fort Bragg acreage and echoing with the heavy firing of field guns instead of the word of God), and after that Old Bluff Church. A fine monument to him stands in the Bluff Cemetery. He lies in an unmarked grave west across the Cape Fear River on land that once belonged to him. camphor Spirits of camphor for headache. can The toilet, commode, the privy. "If you can't perform, get off the can." Jail, as "in the can." Ass, arse.' 'Welfare people sitting on their cans doing nothing and us paying "em!" To fire, dismiss. "He got canned at the factory yesterday, and he's out today looking for a job." To roll a golf ball into the cup. "Yesterday, on the eighteenth green Arnie canned a thirty foot putt, and that was it." cancer cure A folk herb remedy. "When I was a young man," said Mr. Mac, as we sat in his millhouse one night while he caught up on his late corn-grinding, "there was an old woman lived in the Rockfish neighborhood named Miss Zua Smith. She �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 165 was supposed to be one of the best herb doctors in the whole Cape Fear Valley, and she claimed to have discovered a cure for cancer. Maybe she did. Anyway she used to make tumor or cancer plasters and sell them for fifty cents apiece. A few miles off from her near my daddy's place lived old Archie Norwood, who had a cancer on the side of his face. Doctor John McKay, the father of Dr. Joe, treated him as best he could and said he ought to go to a hospital or somewhere and git it burned off. And even that might do no good, for it was a bad one, mighty bad. But Archie wouldn't go. He went down instead to Miss Zua and got one of her plasters and put it on his face. And when the strength would go out of that he would go get another. I'm a witness to the fact that he was cured. I've seen him at church many a time, and only a little scar showed where the terrible affliction once had been. There are many other old folks walking or riding the highways of the Valley who can testify to the fact of her cures. She would take sheep sorrel, beat the juice out of it on a pewter plate, put it in the sun until it hardened like salve, then mix Achilles' heel root and red-oak bark ashes in with it, pouring in a little flyweed tea to strengthen it, so they said. And then she would add something else, she acknowledged. And what that something else was no one was ever able to find out until she died. "The doctors round about had got interested in old Zua's cures, and they came many a time to question her. But she would never tell them what the final secret was in her mixtry. She would only smile at them and say in her high voice, 'Stir about ye, men, stir about ye.' When she got down on her deathbed and the news spread, Dr. John invited several doctors up from Fayetteville and down from Raleigh, and they gathered there in her little shack on the bank of the creek. I heard about the gathering and went down to see what would turn up. I was always anxious to collect any folklore I could. The doctors talked and pleaded with her to tell them what the secret ingredient was, but she lay mum as a post looking up at the ceiling and saying nothing. Just before she died, Aunt Lodie Blalock, the sanctified woman who was waiting on her, said Miss Zua told her she had the recipe written down and it was in a tin box somewhere in the house. She herself had seen it once upon a time. "So forgetting the dying woman on the bed, the doctors got busy ransacking the place. They stirred about all right, as you might say. All up in the loft they went, digging among the newspapers and plunder. They even brought down a little old dusty baby carriage which Zua had bought long years before at a sale when she was engaged to be married, an engagement that never came to anything since her sweetheart, Bull Massingill, a sewing machine agent, ran off with a Croatan girl and on out to the Texas Panhandle. "At last they found the tin box behind a loose stone in the chimney. They gathered around it like flies around a piece of sugar and opened it. �166 Paul Green's Wordbook Sure enough, they found a receipt, or recipe. Dr. John read it out loud. It told the same story of sheep sorrel, pewter plates and Achilles' heel, old yarrow, and the rest of it. Then at the last it said that the final ingredient, and that was the secret one, was to make the patient believe in you. "Yes, that was the secret of her success. The folks she cured believed she could cure them. Well, you might know the doctors were a lot of disappointed fellows, for that part of the cure was outside their science. They all turned back to the bed to argue with the old woman, saying there must be something else. But there she was lying dead as a wedge with a smile on her lips. One of the young doctors spoke up quick-like and said, 'Look at her smiling. Just like she was glad to have fooled us.' " 'Yes, she did, she fooled us,' said another. " 'I wonder if she did after all,' said Dr. John, who was wise in experience and years. "A young doctor at Duke University to whom I told this story said Miss Zua's herbs might very well have cured skin cancer but not the real carcinoma. 'A cure for that dread killer still remains to be found,' he said, 'and it will be.' Then he asked me if I smoked cigarettes. " 'A little,'I said. " 'Then you better quit it,' he said. 'It's my firm belief that cigarette smoking helps cause lung cancer.' Later I did quit. This young doctor was a real pioneer, as time has proved, and I regret I don't have his name." The game is not worth the candle. Said of any action not worth the trouble. will neither work nor hold the candle One who is indolent, too lazy to move in either direction. to burn the candle at both ends To dissipate, to waste one's physical resources. Never light a candle at both ends. Don't hide a candle under a bushel. candle an egg The practice of testing the soundness of an egg by holding it in front of a lighted candle. "You needn't worry about them eggs. I've candled every one of 'em." candleberry See "bayberry." The candle-maker's death is dark as anybody's. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 167 Candlemas Day The religious feast celebrated on February 2 commemorating the purification of the Virgin Mary—so-called because candles for the altar or other sacred uses are blessed on that day. It is the same date as groundhog day. candles on a birthday cake According to tradition, blowing out all the candles on a birthday cake on one breath will make one's wish come true. Other beliefs are that — Number of times you blow— Number of years before marrying. Number of candles left after one blowNumber of years before you marry. Get the candles lighted before you blow out the match. candy Sweet doings, an easy job. "Passing that examination is like taking candy from a baby." candy-pulling A favorite social event. Girls and boys would gather for the occasion and all would participate in the pulling. First, the molasses mixed with the proper amount of water and a bit of salt would be boiled until it came to a thickened, gooey condition. Removed from the fire, it was left to cool enough till it could be handled. Then the pullers with lard or butter-greased hands would divide it into ropes, and couples would work at it till they had it in a chosen shape. Sometimes after pulling it would be flattened out with a roller and cut into small pieces. And ever there were laughter and hearty fun at these pullings. Since the coming of the automobile and the riding out at night this custom along with other like ones has pretty much disappeared. can it Hush, stop talking. "Aw, can it, will you!" canker To be gangrenous or corrosive. canker weed The ragwort. canned cow Canned milk. canned music Juke box music, phonograph music. �168 Paul Green's Wordbook cannon A pistol or gun. cannon fodder Formerly the young men of a nation in time of war, but now everybody. paddle one's own canoe To be self sufficient, to go one's way alone. from can see to can't see From daylight to dark. "I've snaked logs from can see to can't see, and me and the steers are plumb blowed." cant To tilt, to lean over. "Watch out or that thing will cant over on you!" can take it Being able to endure hardship, tough, stout-hearted. cantankerous Queer, sullen, cranky. can't hold a candle to Poor in comparison, can't be compared in value, strength, talent, etc. can't put your finger on him Can't trust him, he is not dependable. can't see for looking To overlook the obvious. can you beat it! A mild interjection. cap The toe of one's shoe. Down in Harnett County we boys used to wear brogans with copper caps on them, and how proud we were of these shoes. Captain. feather in one's cap An honor, some signal success. thinking cap To consider earnestly, seriously, for a long while. "To solve that you'll have to put on your thinking cap." If the cap fits, wear it. If criticism or commendation is applicable, accept it. Same as if the shoe fits, wear it. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 169 cape jessamine One of the Valley's most favored flowers. Its bloom is almost as unearthly as its sweetness. When I was a boy it was always abundant at funerals. But of late years it has given way pretty much to roses, azaleas, lilies and the like from professional florists for these occasions. But it is widely grown still in people's yards. I always like to go to Manteo in the summer, not only to see and help on "The Lost Colony" play, if needed, but to enjoy the plentiful cape jessamines that perfume the town. caper A wild party. A lively, happy dance. cut a caper Have an angry fit. in capital letters To be prominent, obvious. "I was there all diked out in my names and collar, and, boy, they saw me in capital letters." capital punishment The use of the death penalty for crime. There have been many methods in the past — burning at the stake, throttling, the guillotine, etc. cap'n The boss man, Mister, sir. caps Little powder-loaded fittings to be put on the nipple of muzzle-loading guns which the hammers would strike and thus explode and set off the charge of powder. captain A strong-minded, bossy woman. "John's new mail-order wife sure is a captain and old John walks meek as a mouse." cap the climax To surpass, to exceed a high limit, the highest point reached. Pretty much the same as cap the stack, to top what has gone before. carbolic acid Bit of cotton soaked with it was put in an aching hollow tooth for relief. Wheresoever the carcass is there will the buzzards be also. card A comedian, a funny fellow or person of eccentric manners or appearance. �170 Paul Green's Wordbook To score. "He carded a six on that last hole." cardinal cloak A long, enveloping overcoat. cards Utensils for carding cotton, pronounced by the old people formerly "cyards," the way the Virginia poor white aristocrats continue to say "gyarden." good cards A position of strength, a strong playing hand, an advantage. "In our international dealings old Uncle Sam goes in there always with good cards.'' a house of cards Any wild or unsafe scheme or proposition, false hopes. in the cards A true prophecy, a foretelling of facts. "It was in the cards that Adam Clayton Powell should lose his seat in Congress." play your cards To manage your own affairs, keep your nose out of other people's business and in your own.' 'Play your cards well, son, and life's a game you'll surely win — win, that is, until the pale white horse comes galloping closer and closer.'' Also to be astute in timing a move.' 'Play your cards right and you'll get a good price for your "bacco." card up one's sleeve An extra move, something in reserve for use at a decisive moment. care Worry, responsibility. Care and sorrow turn a black head white. Care killed the cat. Better take care before care comes. I care for nobody, no, not I, And nobody cares for me. Don't care lives outdoors. care a pin Care little at all, of little or no interest. "I don't care a pin whether he loves me or not." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 111 care for To love. "He got where he cared for his wife's sister, and all living in the same house, and then the scandal broke and it tore old Summerville Church all to pieces." don't care if I do To be willing, to say yes, okay. "Have some more peas, Henry." "Don't care if I do." careless love A coquette, a flirt, also a favorite folklore lament by the same title. She cares no more for him than a crow cares for Sunday. To have no affectionate feelings at all. Carolina tea See "yaupon." car'n Carrion. You may know a carpenter by his chips. He's not the best carpenter that makes the most chips. The worse the carpenter the more the chips. to be put on the carpet To be reprimanded, placed in a hard situation, be bawled out. carpet full of children Numerous children. carrion Putrefied flesh. Where the carrion is there will the buzzards be. carrion flower See "creeping Charlie, " also "gill-o'er-the-ground." Carrots make one's sight keener. carrot weed See "ragweed." carry To escort, to travel with. "Are you going to carry Lattie Johnson to the box-party Friday?" carry a chip on one's shoulder �172 Paul Green's Wordbook Carry no more sail than you have wind for. carryings on Loud or indecent behavior. "Carry Me Back to Ole Virginny" With words and music by James Bland, this song was a prime favorite with young folks of my generation. On many a moonlight hayride or summer gathering we would sing this yearning song. Our male quartet often sang it at cornshuckings and schoolbreakings. "Carry me back to Ole Virginny That's where the cotton and the corn and 'taters grow, There's where the birds warble sweet in the springtime, There's where this old darkey's heart has long'd to go." Only Stephen Foster's "darkey" songs equalled the appeal of this one. carry on To act or cut up in a boisterous manner. carry the ball Be reliable, lead. carry the mail To travel in a hurry and with a purpose. carry the news To run away, to travel fast. To gossip. carry two rows at the time To be especially busy and adept at it, such as picking two rows of cotton or pulling two rows of fodder at the same time. car sick To be nauseated from riding in an automobile. cart before the horse To have second things come first, get things out of order and mismanaged. cart body The wooden body of a cart. An empty cart body rattles most. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 173 cart off To haul or drag off.' 'You better get a log chain and cart off that choleradead hog." cartwheel To turn a flip. A silver dollar. case A love affair. "Joe Johnson and Lilly Cutts have certainly got a case on between them." Provided, if, when. "You better be ready in case Gab'el blows his horn." A comic fellow, an eccentric character, an entertaining person. "That Kay Kyser is certainly a case." case-hardened A toughened person, cynical, hard-hearted. case-knife A table knife. In our house in the old days, we had two kinds of knives — the case-knife and the butcher knife, and also we had our pocket knives, usually a barlow pocket knife. case of An infection, an illness. "He's got a case of mumps on." get down to cases To get down to business, to the facts, come to grips with the matter, get down to brass tacks. case worker One who does social and welfare work for the government. "Casey at the Bat" The famous song and poem about the mighty batter. "Casey Jones" A popular railroad song. cashier To dismiss, to fire. cash in To succeed, to collect a bet, to die. cash in one's chips (checks) To die. �174 Paul Green's Wordbook Cast down your nets where you are. cast iron and double-bolted Exceedingly strong, impregnable. castor oil bean The castor oil bean is good for the garden. It keeps moles away if planted in it. cat A caterpillar tractor. A lion, a tiger, a leopard. Also a fierce woman, a harlot. To fight, to philander. Cat A most popular school game, especially among boys. Girls were sometimes allowed to participate if for some reason there were not enough boys available. "Choosing up" was the first order of business. Two leaders or captains would do the choosing. One tossed a bat in the air, the other caught it in a hand clasp. Then the first leader clasped it above his hand and so on with right hand and left hand alternating to the top. The one who got the last hold was allowed first choice for his side. But he must prove it by being able to whirl the bat around his head three times and throw it. Sometimes the distance to be thrown was set, say, five feet or ten feet. The measurement was made by one stride equaling three feet. In our game at the old Pleasant Union school, as often elsewhere in the Valley, we had two bases, designated some fifty to sixty feet apart. The pitcher threw the tra'ball (made of wound old sock and/or stocking threads) at the batter. If he missed it three times, he was out, and the next batter was up. If he hit the ball, an effort would be made by the opposition to grab the ball and hit him with it before he reached the base. Then if the next batter hit the ball, the first player ran back for the home base. If either player was hit by the ball while running, he was out. If the hit ball was caught onafly or on the first bounce, the batter was out. Second bounces didn't count. With three outs the sides changed. As I remember, we later turned to the regular baseball form with three bases, but we still called the game "cat" or "old cat." A cat came fiddling out of a barn, A pair of bagpipes under her arm. She could say nothing but "Fiddle-de-dee, The mouse has married the bumblebee." (A nursery rhyme.) A cat has nine lives. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 175 The cat in love catches no mice. A cat sitting with his tail to the fire is a sign of bad weather. A cat will always light on his feet. see like a cat There are more ways than one to skin a cat. Take it slow like the cat eating the grindstone. act like a cat in a gale of wind Act hysterically, foolishly, wildly. Whenever the cat o' the house is black, The lasses o' lovers will have no lack. There are more ways of killing a cat than by choking her with butter. He takes to it like a cat to water, looked like a cat with cream catalog woman A wife gotten through an advertising agency. See "mail-order marriage." catalpa Smoke inhaled from the parched and powdered catalpa leaves, like Jimson leaves, was a good asthma treatment. Also the multitude of worms that feed on the green leaves make good fish bait. Only yesterday I saw an ad in the local paper — "Catalpa worms for sale, twenty-five cents a dozen." cat and dog life A quarrelsome, fighting kind of existence of married couples. cat and mouse game To shilly-shally around, to persecute playfully, to use evasive and teasing tactics. cat around To travel about seeking sexual adventure. catawampus Wap-sided, twisted. catbird A rambunctious fellow. "Yeh, he's a catbird all right, and you girls stay away from him." Same as a buck or a rounder. �176 Paul Green's Wordbook catbird seat The place of authority, a superior position. catbrier A specially clawing and cantankerous kind of brier. In the swamps and woods of the South it is also called a bramble. cat call Derisive whistles or calls as in a theatre or at a political rally. catch A matrimonially desirable person. "She was the one catch in the neighborhood, and trifling Sam Evans with the big eyes would be the one to get her." To help bring a baby. "That old woman's catched thirty-four babies I know of." catch-all A basin or box or receptacle in which all kinds of things, hairpins, chewing gum, matches, nails, tacks, etc., are gathered. catch as catch can To handle a matter as best one can, to attempt experimentally. catch a tartar To get hold of something one can't handle. Same as to have a bear, or bull, by the tail. catching Infectious.' 'Miss Minty died of a cancer and so did her boy, Jim — which proves it's catching, that's what it does." catching before hanging catch me up Set one right if he's wrong or in error. Also bring one up to date. catch on To comprehend, to understand. catch one's death of cold To get a severe chill or illness from over-exposure in bad weather. catch oneself up To stop oneself before making a faux pas, or take charge of oneself, to stick to a resolution. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 111 cat eyes Knots in timber. Same as cat face. cat gut Same as Devil's shoestring. cat gut scraper A fiddler. cat-hammed Said of a horse with crooked hind legs. cathead Prison slang for biscuit. cat hole Usually a small rectangular hole cut in the corner of a door through which a household cat could go and come at night. I heard of one man in my neighborhood who had seven holes cut in his doors, and when someone asked him the reason for this, he said, "Well, I've got a lot of cats and when I say 'scat,' I mean scat." cat nap A short sleep. catnip tea A brew made from the herb. It is supposed to make babies rest well, a good sedative. like a cat on a hot brick Nervous, restless. cat o' nine tails A vicious whip, used in the old days for punishment of rebellious prisoners on the chain gang especially. These prisoners were often rented out to help build railroads or used by the State to build and care for its own roads, etc. I watched a gang one day — and hearing from a prisoner an incident the day before — my lament followed. Six shackled figures on the blazing road, swinging their picks, and four behind with shovels. And they sing, and they sing. The white dust hides the blackberries in the hedge and the willow clumps are bent under its weight. Lazy-Lawrence shimmers across the land as far as the eye can see. The sweat pours down. For the ten mourners on the road the only dampness in the world. And it has salt in it. On a stump to the left a guard squats, drowsy, vapid, like atoad. Sleepy, oh, so sleepy! But his rifle keeps alert. Its muzzle threatens. It is an eye and watches. Fall, picks! Heave arms! �178 Paul Green's Wordbook I called my mother (hanh), I said my mother (hanh) I mean my mother (hanh), Eigh, Lawd! On the bankside to the right another guard sits. He also is sleepy. But he is married and has a wife and children. He loves them, he said so. God forgive. The earth shall receive and the heavens mark it. Swing on, O picks, dig for my riding. Roll back the clay, O shovels. I called my father (hanh), I said my father (hanh), — Tears be planted under and joy ride over. I mean my father (hanh), Eigh, Lawd! The boy on the end with a moan falls down. His stiffened tongue crushes a dried loam clod. Watchers for the State stand to now. It is their duty. Duty. They poke him in the ribs. They cuff him in the collar. Hell, hell, this ain't no party. I mean no party. He makes no answer. God gives no answer — eigh, Lord. Bantam Wilson is his buddy, with hands like an ape. But his head is up, his face is toward the sun. I called my moster (hanh), I said my moster (hanh), — And the willow clumps let forth a barrel. They roll it out and strap him on. God-damn your soul, Bantam. Hold his legs! And now you'll work, and I reckon you'll work. Fifteen — sixteen — seventeen — eighteen. Blood — blood. Sweet earth receive it. Drink it, keep it till the next harvest. I mean my moster (hanh), Eigh, Lawd! Thirty-seven — thirty-eight — thirty-nine. Thirty and nine, so the law declared it. He was a boy — Colonel Jones was a boy — eigh, Lord. Wipe the blood from his fore part, wipe the blood from his rear part. Wipe the pieces of skin from the strap in hand. Oh, his tongue's grown stiffer. His eyes begged at them, speech was in them, speech without sound. And the sun did see it. It made no answer. Lay him in the grass there. Zum — said the fly. For his body was lovely. As a dear God made him. To run by the cabin, to play by the corn fields. Dead as a doornail. Fool, too tender! A little switching, nothing much. I called my Jesus (hanh), �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 179 I said my Jesus (hanh), — Not much of a beating. Hell, not much. I mean my Jesus (hanh), Eigh, Lawd! let the cat out of the bag To reveal a secret, to give forth in gossip forbidden news. Cats that swim in the ocean all drown. a gang of old cats A gathering of gossipy old women. fighting like cats and dogs Usually refers to married couples' tantrums. "They just live like cats and dogs all the time, there ain't no peace in that household — may the Lord have mercy on the poor little children." to rain cats and dogs To rain hard, bucketfuls. When the cat's away, the mice will play. Cat's Cradle A string game which used to be very popular. One child holds a piece of string, joined at the ends on his upheld palms and with a single twist taken over each hand. By inserting the middle finger of each hand over the opposite twist he crosses the string from one finger in a special way. Another child takes the string off on his fingers in a different way and then assumes a second form, and so on. Sometimes one child would play the game alone, tying the string and looping it over his own fingers. We had several figures which we used, one, the Cat's Cradle, and then we'd make the Sawmill, catching the end of the string in our teeth and pushing our hands back and forward making a sawing motion with the crossed strings. And also there was another shape that we called "Job's Coffin." The game is well-described in Mrs. Gomme's Dictionary of American Folklore. Like most of our games, this game came from England. the cat's foot An interjection indicating disbelief or disgust. cat's pajamas An expression of praise or satisfaction, refers to anything very attractive, good, satisfactory. cat's paw A dupe. �180 Paul Green's Wordbook cat's whiskers The real thing, much the same as cat's pajamas. cattail A common marsh or aquatic plant. Becoming very popular in the lily pools which the better-to-do folks in the Valley of recent years have been building. cattle The herd, the mob, the crowds of worthless people or the masses. catty Envious, sharp-tongued, spiteful. "Miss Jones is always speaking catty about people." catty-cornered Misshapen or angular. catty wampus (catawampus) Diagonal, somewhat similar to catty-cornered. "Look, you've gone and put that rafter up all catty wampus." cat walk A narrow path or way. A narrow boardwalk. caucus A huddle, a get-together, such as a political gathering to discuss important matters. caught like a rat in a trap get caught To become pregnant in error. caught flat-footed Caught completely unprepared or at a misdeed. caught in his own trap Much the same as the biter bit, like the man who set a shotgun trap in his henhouse to catch an intruder and then, forgetful of the gun, rushed down when he heard the chickens cackling at night and pulled the door open and was shot by his own gun. caught in the act Caught with the goods. caught short A sudden urge to defecate or urinate. Also refers to shortage in one's accounts. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence caul 181 Web over a newborn baby's face, supposed to be a sign of good luck and some say that one born with a caul is specially gifted in extrasensory perception. I have not checked with the Parapsychology Department at Duke to see if the belief is part of their curriculum. cause why The reason. "I know the cause why you don't go to see that gal anymore, she's done kicked you." caution An odd fellow, a queer duck, an extraordinary show or performance. "That Bernie Macintosh is a caution how he makes money." cave in To collapse, to yield, to surrender, to die. cave man An extra strong man, rough, loud-acting. cedar-bird A gull, a gypped person.' 'The sophomores at Chapel Hill make cedar-birds out of the freshmen — sending them to number one Rosemary Street to register, that being in the old days the jailhouse." central The early village or neighborhood telephone operator, usually a woman. She was always a good source of local news. In writing a motion picture for Will Rogers out of a James Gould Cozzens novel I once used this lady central to good effect. In opening the story I had the camera hold her in full view as she answered the calls and plugged in the connections. The call was for Dr. Bull, the part Will Rogers played. "Dr. Bull? No, I don't know where he is," she said more than once. ' 'No, ma'am, I haven't seen him go by on his way to the drugstore yet. He's at home so far as I know. He doesn't answer? You know how he is. No, sir." And so on. Then the camera goes looking for Dr. Bull — to his home, the barn, his buggy shelter, and so on. Then we hear a man's half-distinct voice lifted in gentle song somewhere off scene. The camera looks around. Presently it fastens its eye on a little narrow building behind the barn — a privy or garden house. It pulls up closer. Yes, Dr. Bull is inside having his morning action no doubt. He is contentedly, even if not quite appropriately, singing ' 'Abide With Me.'' We wait expectantly for him to come out of the privy. But he fools us. He comes from behind it and is carrying a small armful of firewood. Why this deception? Because the Hayes-Breen censorship office �182 Paul Green's Wordbook had ruled that since showing anyone emerging from a privy was censorable in Mississippi and many other states and in England, the bit would be cut out or the film be refused, with resulting financial loss to the studio. Therefore it was not allowed. The letter from the office said, "We suggest the scene be filmed as written up to the point where Rogers comes out of the building. Then change it — let him come from behind the little house.'' Back then (1934) the sound of a flushed toilet was not even allowed. But today the actor would not only be allowed to come straight out of the privy in full view but the camera would likely go inside with him and maybe take a woman along to help. That used to be a common Hollywood practice in storytelling. Let the audience enjoy Jean Harlow's sly, immoral doings, say, until just before the end of the play — (It wouldn't do to let her die like Violetta — not in Hollywood) — then bring out the fact that after all she is not what we thought. She is really a good girl. The end of the story proves it. But of course the psychological effect has already been made, and the Puritan cleaning up "after the train's done gone'' is dull and pretty worthless. But this is away from our telephone central. In the cotton fields we used to sing the old Charles K. Harris tearjerker, with its touching chorus— "Hello, Central, give me heaven, For my mother's there. You can find her with the angels On the golden stair. She'll be glad it's me who's speaking. Call her, won't you please, For I surely want to tell her We're so lonely here." Nothing is certain but death and taxes. certain sure Without doubt, absolutely true. Certain true Black and blue. Lay me down And cut me in two— Really and truly. (An asseveration rhyme.) cess Disgust, bad luck, curses. "Bad cess to you, you old woman!" cesspool of the unconscious The Freudian concept of the unconscious as it has passed into psychiatric �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 183 folklore. c'est la guerre An excuse, that's the way things are. Sometime you win, sometime you lose — "c'est la guerre" or "c'est la vie." chafe To irritate, to rub the wrong way.' 'That preacher chafes me to a fare-youwell the way he flings his hands when he's preaching." chaff Nonsense talk, foolish thinking, unimportant stuff. no corn without chaff and no good without dross like the chaff before the wind scattered like chaff in the wind The chaff shall be separated from the wheat. pull the chain To betray, to withdraw support suddenly, to wash a thing down the drain. "He pulled the chain on me at the convention, and I was a goner." chain gang Prisoners usually sentenced to hard labor on the state and county roads and working in gangs. Sometimes in the old days they were hired out to private individuals or corporations to clear land, dig canals and ditches or build railroads. They always wore stripes (striped uniforms) and often chains, and at times some of them could be seen with a heavy eighteen-pound iron ball fastened to one leg. I got up nerve to speak to one of these prisoners once, and he said with something of pride, "Yessuh, boss, I wears the ball and chain 'cause I'se marked 'danjus.' " With present-day and more humane penology the chain gang convicts now wear ordinary working clothes, and when you pass a number of them on the road, cutting bushes, briers and honeysuckles away, you could take them for any group of nice-looking free American boys except for the fact that a guard, usually a fat and stolid middle-aged one, is sitting or standing around with a double-barreled shotgun on his arm. When the streets of Chapel Hill were being dug up for paving, chain gang convicts were brought in to do the digging. There were no bulldozers in those days. As the prisoners worked they often sang, and I would go out when I could to where they were digging and on the sly try to write down any of their songs I could. Howard Odum, head of the Sociology Department at the University and a devotee of Negro folklore and music as his books show, came out with me one day. He was at that time writing his book, �184 Paul Green's Wordbook Rainbow Round My Shoulder. We sat on the wall and listened to the singing. One huge black Negro convict would lead away with the call — "Going away from here!" — this being half-sung and half-shouted into the air as the picks were lifted, and then as all the picks came down, the whole group gave the 'sponse "Dig on down!" The rhythm of the piece kept on, never changing, but presently I heard new words coming in. "Listen, Dr. Odum," I said, "they're making up a song about us." "Is that a fact?" he said joyously. "Yes, I hear it." And we both out with our notebooks to take it down. It began — "White men setting on the big rock wall, Dig on down! White men setting on the big rock wall, Going away! White men setting on the big rock wall, Easy and cool, don't work a-tall, Dig on — going away! EighLord!" chain lightning Excessive power, activity, swift movements. Also refers to powerful whiskey. "I drunk two drams of that chain lightning and, boy, I was laid out under a shade tree for two days." chain smoker A heavy cigarette smoker, one who lights one cigarette from the burning stub of another. chain up To stop, to shut up. chainyman Chinaman. chainy-berry Chinaberry, a favorite shade tree. chair To preside. "He chaired the meeting." call to the chair To appoint a chairman or president. walk around a chair A good luck action. If one is having bad luck, say, at a card game and gets up and walks around the chair, this is supposed to change his luck. Sometimes better luck comes by one sitting on his handkerchief. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 185 chair warmer An indolent person. walk the chalkline To behave discreetly, to mind one's own business, to take care of his P's and Q's. chalk up To credit, to give recognition to. "St. Peter'll chalk up all them good deeds for you in the hereafter." chamber pot This was usually of white china or porcelain and kept in the bedroom under the bed for use during the night. In our family it was always spoken of as the mug, for we would have been ashamed to call it by its proper name. chamois skin For use in ladies' toilet (make-up, face powdering, etc.). These skins were often decorated with crochet work around the edges. They later gave way to powder puffs. There were other uses, even household ones, for the chamois skin — cleaning glass and silverware and lining pockets. chance A group, an exhibit, a number, a supply, a crop. "That's a nice chance of children you've got there, Billy." chance it To run the risk, to gamble. chancy Risky. There may be a change in the mountain. There may be a change in the sea. There may be a change in your love. There is no change in me. (or There ain't no change in me.) as changeable as a chameleon change artist A card sharper, a flim-flam man, usually as a quick change artist. change one's tune To change one's method of talking or thinking or acting. change over To change one's position.' 'Change over, you've got your knees in my back, �186 Paul Green's Wordbook woman. changes Dress, suits of clothes. "How many changes you got to take to the big meeting?" ring the changes To cover all points or to be especially oratorical or poetic. chap To roughen, to redden. "My hands are chapped with the cold weather the worst." A boy. to the end of the chapter Until death, to the final end. chapter and verse The true authority, the especially authoritative reference. charades Parlor games usually played with a lot of fun. Most of the charades we used to play had to do with guessing of words or phrases or imitative interpretations of words, sometimes with pencil and paper. Their number is too large to list here. charge Emotion, passionate feeling, inspiration. "When I'm with that girl, boy, I've got a charge on." charge it to the ground "Charge it to the ground and let the rain settle it, is that what you want me to do?" said the storekeeper to an unreliable customer. charger A little measuring contrivance used to measure the charge of powder that went into a muzzle-loading gun, or to measure grain or some other small item. Charity begins at home. And though I have all faith so that I could remove mountains and have not charity, I am nothing. Charles River An early name for the Cape Fear. Charleston or Charlestown A 17th century town on the lower Cape Fear. It was later deserted, and the founders moved farther south and founded a second Charleston in South �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 187 Carolina. In the 1920's the Charleston was a popular dance. Charles Wain The great dipper, the constellation of the Great Bear. charley horse A muscular strain. a good time Charlie A hail fellow well met, a sport, easy liver, sometimes a ne'er-do-well. Charlie man Chinaman. Mr. Charlie (Uncle Charlie) Negro designation for an old-timey segregationist white man. charm The best possible charm against evil is to carry the left hind foot of a rabbit killed by a redheaded Negro in a graveyard at midnight on Hallowe'en. charmer A seductive or irresistible person, usually applied to a woman. charms A woman's breasts.' 'With them gals showing their charms all around him, that fellow went wild." chase one's tail To act foolishly, to act to no avail. chase yourself A command to go away, to leave, to vamoose. chassis The body, the human figure.' 'With a chassis like that, Norena had the boys after her hot and heavy." Whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth. chatsome Talkative. chatter like a parrot chatterbox A loquacious person. �188 Paul Green's Wordbook chatty Intimate, pleasant. "We had a nice chatty time sitting by the fire and parching peanuts." chaw To chew. Also to embarrass. chaw out To scold, to bless out. chaw over To repeat one's words, to consider and then reconsider. Cheap as dirt cheap skate A poor and stingy spender, a sorry person. cheat A darnel or hurtful kind of grass. "I've got so much cheat in my wheat this year I'm in bad shape for flour." Tares. "Wheat turns to cheat." Cheat me once, Shame on thee. Cheat me twice, Shame on me. (A Quaker wisdom rhyme.) cheat the man with the reaping hook To recover from a serious illness. Same as cheat the man on the pale horse, cheat the worms, etc. check rein The overhead rein that keeps a horse's head up high. checks (probably gingham) Fabric used by housewives especially for their aprons.' 'When you're in town, get me two yards of checks." cheek Brass, gall, impudence, dare, braggadocio, insolence. Posterior, a buttock. Whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn him the other also. cheek by jowl Close together, one on a level with the other. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 189 cheeks Superstition. If your cheeks burn, that's a sign that someone is talking about you. Same as ears burning. cheeky Insolent. cheep To gossip, to tattle-tale, to spill a secret, to turn stool-pigeon. Also the noise made by a tiny biddy or bird. cheer Chair. Be of good cheer. A cheerful wife is the joy of life. cheesecake A fast turn by a girl in a dance. cheese it A command to leave, to run, to hurry away, usually clandestinely. cheesy Grudging, stingy, parsimonious. cheewink The towhee, the ground robin. cherce Choice. lips like cherries cherry A tea made from cherry bark, especially from wild cherry, was one of the best of home remedies. It was good for colds, coughs, and any and every respiratory trouble. Many a time my mother sent my brother Hugh and me, as boys, into the woods to get some wild cherry bark to make tea. We children were "barking" too much around the house at night. cherry bounce An old-timey drink made by adding cherries, sugar and flavoring spices to hard liquor and left to stand overnight or longer. Dr. Joe McKay of Buie's Creek gave me the recipe years ago. He was our family doctor and delivered us six Green children, always two years apart. �190 Paul Green's Wordbook Cherry year A merry year. A plum year A dumb year. cherub A winged celestial being, especially popular with the Renaissance painters. Also applied to a darling baby. get it off one's chest To get rid of a poisonous secret, or guilt. Now a Freudian cliche and an invitation to explosive and violent action. hairy chest A hairy chest is a sign of extra manhood and physical strength. chestnut Something too hot to handle, also a stale or outworn tale or joke. chesty Braggish, boastful. Don't chew your tobacco twice. chewing tobacco There were many popular brands; among them were Apple, Brown Mule, Black Maria, Bull of the Woods, Beechnut, Drummond, Day's Work, Union Standard, Plum, Peach, Masterpiece, Brown & Williams Sun-cured. chew out To berate, to scold bitterly, same as chaw out. chew the balls off (the ears off) To reprimand severely, to scold hotly. chew the cud To think carefully, to reflect. chew the fat To give and take in easy going conversation. chew the rag To talk, argue, gabble. Much the same as chew the fat. chew up To blister, to bawl out, to chew the ears off, and so on. ch 'ice Choice, an old-timey pronunciation. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 191 chick (chickabiddy, chicken) A girl. Chickamy, Chickamy This game is the same as Old Witch. One child is the witch, one is the mother, and the rest are the mother's children. The old witch comes hobbling along on a stick and the children cry out, "Here comes old granny hippity-hop. Wonder what she wants." The witch then goes through the pantomime of knocking at the door and the mother calls out, "What do you want?" "I want one of your children." "Which one do you want?" "Any of them." "You can't have them." And then the struggle sets up with the old witch trying to catch one of the children as they string out behind the mother who defends them, and each child that is caught then joins the old witch and helps her try to catch others. And so the game proceeds. There are many variations of this game. The rhyme goes as follows: "Chickamy, chickamy, craney crow, Went to the well to wash my toe. When I got there the well was dry. What time is it, old witch? One o'clock going on to two." Chick, chick, chick! A call to the chickens, usually at feeding time in the old days when grain was scattered on the ground. chicken A contest game in which usually boys or young teenagers try out their competitive derring-do. Recently in the paper I read of two boys in the Valley who lay down on the highway daring each other to remain lying there longer than the other. A car came along in the night, ran over them both and killed them. A girl. See "chick." Also a cowardly person. You're no chicken for all your cheeping. chicken feed Small change, unimportant matters. chicken gizzard If a child swallows a chicken gizzard whole, he or she will grow up to be handsome, according to the old belief. Nebo Reardon tried it twice as a boy, but it did him no good. Some folks said it worked backwards with Nebo, for the older he got the homelier he became. �192 Paul Green's Wordbook chicken-hearted Cowardly, soft-hearted. Chicken in the bread tray Peckin' out dough Come back children And have a little mo'. (A recitation rhyme. The first part of this rhyme is in the popular play party song, "Skip to My Lou.") O, chicken! A mild expletive. chicken one day and feathers the next To live high one day and low the following day. chicken out To back down, to turn coward. "I was all set to speak ag'inst spendin' money for a new school fence, but when I saw all them people, I chickened out." She's no spring chicken. A woman getting on in years. Chickens come home to roost. Don't count your chickens before they're hatched. chickweed A gardener's early spring curse. Chicora Cemetery A plot of fenced-off ground near the site of the battle of Averasboro. A number of Southern boys who fell in that battle are buried here, and sometimes a few daughters of the Confederacy meet here to commemorate their sacrifice in the yearned-after Lost Cause. Professor F.H. Page told me he had seen a skull a man ploughed up in the field nearby, and it had a bullet in it. chickory This is an attractive perennial weed growing anywhere from one to five feet tall with sky blue and sometimes white heads, and scattered along on each side of the highway or in fence jambs or edges of fields. The root was once used as bitter tonic and also as an adulterant for coffee. It was also used in jaundice and liver complaints. chief The high muckety-muck, the boss, the head man, the president. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 193 chief cook and bottle washer High muckety-muck, the one in authority, the boss. Also, facetiously, the one responsible for the most menial labor. chigger The Southern red bug, a punishing and infinitesimal mite hardly visible to the naked eye but a most powerful enemy to peace and rest. After walking in the woods in the middle of summer unprotected by an insecticide, one will then spend the night scratching himself. It takes days for the little devils to die and give up their hold. child A simple-minded person. The child is father of the man. Spare the rod and spoil the child. Withhold not correction from the child. How sharper than a serpent's tooth it is to have a thankless child. A burned child dreads the fire. Train up a child in the way he should go and when he is old he will not depart from it. Every child is perfect to its mother. Don't step over a growing child. It will stop growing and remain a dwarf. It's a wise child that knows his own father. It's a wise child that knows his own mother in a bathing suit. Children and fools tell the truth. Children are poor men's riches. Children should be seen and not heard. Children thrive better after they are christened. Suffer little children and forbid them not for of such is the kingdom of heaven. What children hear at home soon flies abroad. How often would I have gathered thy children together even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings and ye would not. Except ye become as little children ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven. �194 Paul Green's Wordbook Children's Day It used to be a custom at the different churches to have what was called Children's Day. The young children with their teachers would put on an exercise and sing their songs and recite favorite verses. I remember one song we used to sing on Children's Day at the old Pleasant Union Church called "Little Beams of Sunshine," the beams being the children that did the singing — beams just for that one day. child's play An easy task, a simple matter. a chill A dull date or morose companion. as chill as death chimbley Chimney. chimbley jamb The corner next to the fire. chime in To join in, speak up, add one's own opinion. Black within and red without, Four corners roundabout. (Riddle. Chimney.) chimney hook An iron rod on a swivel to be pulled out for hanging pots and kettles on and then pushing them back over the fire. chimney pole A stout pole across the chimney well up over the fire with hooks hanging down for pots and kettles. chimney sweeps Chimney swallows. stick and dirt chimney In the old days in Harnett County as a boy I used to see many stick and dirt chimneys. A wooden frame would be built up above the fireplace height outside the house to what was called a shoulder, and then dirt and rock would be filled in (and sometimes mortar mixed in with it to hold it), and then a pen of split wood would be built atop of that which might be called the throat of the chimney, and this would be daubed with clay. Sometimes the fire would reach up to this pen of wood and set the thing on fire, perhaps burning �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 195 down the house. chin To talk, to gossip. An athletic exercise, lifting oneself, chin high, on a horizontal bar. not for all the tea in China An absolute refusal, certainly not, never. chinaberry trees The old folks say, Mr. Mac once told me, that chinaberry trees planted among orchards keep worms and rot away from the fruit trees. Also oil from chinaberry seeds will kill fleas on dogs and vermin generally. A soap made from these berries used to be called "poor man's soap." But the best use of the berries was to make wash for sore eyes, or ointment for scald-head. Chinaman's chance No chance at all, a hopeless possibility. chinch A bed bug. See "boar chinch." Chin cherry Moo merry Nose nappie Eye winkie Brow brinkie Cock up jinkie. (A baby tickling rhyme.) On the last line the little baby is tickled under his chin. chinchy Stingy, niggardly. Chinese Tag One kind of that most popular game, tag. Chinese Tag begins with a group of players designating a special spot or place or tree to race for. They set out to reach the goal, and the last one arriving is "It." He must chase the others until he tags one of them. And this game is played so that wherever the player touches the one tagged, the tagged one must put his hand to that spot on his body which was touched. If he happens to be tagged on the knee, then he has to put his hand on his knee and, while running to tag someone else, run in that position. He is not permitted to move his hand until he has succeeded in tagging one of the other players who then becomes "It" and takes the posture required by placing his hand on his body where he has been tagged. �196 Paul Green's Wordbook chink A crack. Also to daub, to plaster." He chinked his cracks with that old hearth clayey stuff and it just wouldn't hold." A little chink lets in much light. chin music Windy oratory, idle talk and gossip. chinning Talking, tattle-telling. chinquapin Tea from the bark of this bush or tree was used for intermittent fever and chills. The wood is also mighty tough. It makes good fence posts and lasts for generations in the ground. There's many a fence post of it still standing in Little Bethel, though because of the blight the tree is getting scarcer and scarcer. Young girls used to make nice necklaces out of the chinquapin nuts. chin up To be brave, to bear up under difficulties, not to give in. chip To cut boxes in pine trees for turpentine resin to seep into. A child. a blue chip An important argument, a final reason for action, a compelling bit of logic. chip in To share the expense, to add a part. chip off the old block Like father, like son. carry a chip on one's shoulder To be easily angered, high tempered, irascible. chippy A girl of loose morals. To feel good. "The sun is shining, the mockingbirds are singing, and I am chippy to a fare-ye-well." chips are down The showdown, the crisis test. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 197 The gap in the ax shows in the chips. Inheritance will show, guilt leaves its mark on the guilty, blood will tell. chirpy Cheerful, in good spirits. chirrup Noise made by the lips to urge a horse or team on. chisel To cheat. "He'll chisel you out of your eyeballs if you'll let him." chist chit Chest. A little child, a pert young girl. Also an I.O.U. "Mr. Daniels, traveling all over North Carolina, used to hand out chits wherever he went, and that's where Jonathan got the habit," Thad said. chit-chat Chaffy, light and gossipy conversation. chitlins The intestines of hogs. Cleaned, fried and chopped up, they are supposed to be a Southern delicacy. chitter To shiver, to tremble. chock To prop, to put a stone or piece of wood against a vehicle wheel to keep it from moving. chock full Completely full, brim full, overrunning. chock up To chalk up, to credit, to charge. Choeffington An ancient hamlet in Cumberland County which faded away about the middle of the 18th century or a little later when the courthouse was moved to Campbelltown, which later became a part of Cross Creek and then was renamed Fayetteville in honor of LaFayette and his visit there in 1824.1 have searched the field where Choeffington once stood but no remnant of its existence could I find. According to records, it once promised much. There was an ordinary there, a silversmith, and a number of' 'places of business.'' �198 Paul Green's Wordbook Also a pillory and a whipping post for criminals. According to John A. Gates in his encyclopedic "The Story of Fayetteville," there was a race course in the village also. You pays your money and you takes your choice. It's as you would have it. To do as one will. There is small choice in rotten apples. choke off Put a stop to, get rid of a tiresome person or subject. choker A huge cravat. A string of close-fitting beads. cholery Cholera. This disease used to be a curse to the farmers' hogs. How often I've seen my father's face grow long and sad when the cholera had broken out among his "fattening hogs." cholery morbis Cholera morbus. chomp (champ) at the bit To be restless, uneasy, anxious to go. Choose your love and then love your choice. choosy Fastidious. chop-logic An especially argumentative person. chopped Chapped. chopper A hand-edged blow. chops Lips, mouth. to lick one's chops To gloat, to drool with satisfaction. Chop the Poplar A game. This is very much like "Clap hands." Two players sit facing each other, so near that the knees almost touch. Then each one slaps both his �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence 199 hands on his knees, strikes them together, next hits the other's right hand with his, claps his own hands together, strikes the other player's left hand with his left, claps his own again, then strikes both palms against those of the other, claps his own hands, and finally claps both hands upon his knees. So it is described by Paul Brewster. This action can be begun rather slowly and then increase in tempo until the thing blows up. Often we would chant an accompanying rhyme with increased tempo: "Peas, porridge hot. Peas, porridge cold. Peas, porridge in the pot Nine days old." Many are called but few chosen. chouse (chowse) To cheat. This is a word early in my remembrance. My father used to use it relative to a shady dealer or a close-fisted trader. He didn't know where it came from. He only knew it meant to cheat. "Old man John Allen is a close trader and he'll chouse your eyes out if you don't watch him." According to something I read, this word is originally a Turkish name. A Turkish ambassador to London named Chouse became well known for his shady dealings, and so his name passed on into currency in a way he never intended it. chow Victuals, grub, food. Christ! Christ! Christ A'mighty! Jesus! Jesus Christ! and so on. A most common expletive. Christian Science A religious belief which is not science at all. It was founded by Mary Baker Eddy in 1875, and it holds that man is a spiritual idea of God and, therefore, is not in reality subject to the evils and causations of the world. Therefore, pain, sickness, sin, sorrow and death are only figments of man's misguided thinking. Naturally, one might ask if man is an imitation of God's perfection, how then can he err in his thinking. I've had several friends who were Christian Scientists who died horrible deaths of cancer—cancer which earlier might have been amenable to surgery, but left to go so long neither Christian Science nor medical science could save them. Christmas Liquor. Christmas comes but once a year. �200 Paul Green's Wordbook I wouldn't have him (her, it) off a Christmas tree, (as a gift.) Christmas bells See "yucca." Christmas box A box or receptacle for receiving Christmas contributions for the poor. Christmas cards Cards of greetings and best wishes, usually of a religious nature, sent at Christmastime. Christmas club moss Ground cedar. Christmas decoration Usually holly with berries is preferred, also cedar and mistletoe. Old Christmas The twelfth of January. On this day cows, according to old tradition, kneel in their stalls in salutation to the baby Jesus. Roosters crow at midnight on Old Christmas. Christmas serenading With the coming of motion pictures, the automobile and television this custom has pretty much died out. When I was young, come Christmas Eve night, we neighborhood young people would get together and go serenading from house to house. We would dress up in all kinds of fantastic costumes. Some of the girls would put on boys' clothes and the boys, girls' clothes. And we would smear our faces with pokeberry stain or streaks of soot and in some instances completely blacken up and pretend to be "niggers.'' Some of us too would put on homemade masks or dough faces, as we called them, and wear beards of moss, and mustaches made of cornsilks or rabbit tobacco. And the noise we made was as outlandish as our appearances. We blew on guano trumpets, beat tin pans, rang cowbells, whistled and shrieked as we marched back and forth in front of a house. If no fences or bad dogs hindered, we marched around the house. Now and then our rambunctious mood gave way to carol singing, and our voices, too often rough and out of tune, would be raised in "Silent Night" or "Hark, the Herald Angels Sing." And often too we would be invited inside by a kindly farmer and his wife and would fill up on popcorn, peanuts and drinks of harmless cider. Many future marriages came out of these serenadings. See also "John Kuners." Christmassing To go serenading, to have holiday good times. �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence 201 Christmassy Festive. Christmas trees Don't leave Christmas trees up after New Year's Day, or you will have bad luck. It is now the custom in almost every home to have a brightly lighted and decorated Christmas tree at Christmas time. This is a later-years custom. When I was a boy, the tree was usually a community one and of rather large size, say, ten to fifteen feet high. In my neighborhood holly was abundant and was preferred to cedar. We always had our tree in the church, and in the afternoon of Christmas Eve the neighbors would bring their presents and hang them on the tree. Someone would be left to guard the tree. Then after supper the people would return. Usually there would be Christmas music and singing — "Away in a Manger," "Deck the Halls," and so on first, then the gifts would be called off (the names of recipients announced and gifts given). chub A bass fish. chubby Dumpy, short, fat, roly-poly, stout. "He sure loves that chubby wife of his'n." chuck To quit, to wipe one's hands of. To throw out, to discard. Loose materials, plunder, worthless baggage. Food, grub. Chuckaluck A dice game. Chuckaluck—the more you lay down The less you pick up. chuck it Forget it. chuck out To throw out, to eject forcibly. chuff Chaff, nonsense talk. �202 Paul Green's Wordbook chuffy Puffed out like a bird in the cold, or with cheeks puffed out. chum A partner, a pal, best friend. chumming Living together, or spending time together as friends. chump Bozo, fool, fellow, dolt. chune Tune. chunk To throw. To get rid of, to quit. "I got so tar'd of the thing I decided to chunk the whole business." A lightwood knot or piece of wood. chunk of fire The burning end of a chunk of wood. Fire long ago was borrowed by neighbors, one from the other, and carried in chunks. "A chunk of fire fell out and rolled on the floor and set the house afire." chunk up the fire To punch up, to replenish. chunky Stout, fat. "He's a sort of chunky fellow, and he's allus laughing." Church A children's game. Children sit around trying to be solemn, while one is the preacher until it all ends in squeals of laughter and turmoil. Then another game is introduced. the church A finger rhyme. This is the church. This is the steeple. Lift up the roof And see all the people. The fingers are locked together downward toward the palms, and at the second line the index fingers are pointed upward and joined at the tips to form a steeple. On the last two lines the hands are turned with their backs �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 203 down and fingers upward. The wind blows strongest around a church. church-house The church building. churchified Stiff, unbending, sternly orthodox. Church of God An emotional evangelical sect splitting into other sects, as the Only Church of God, then the Only True Church of God. church work Slow work. churchy Same as churchified. churchyard The cemetery. churchyard cough Tuberculosis cough, or cough from heavy cigarette smoking. churm Churn. Big at the bottom, little at the top, Something in the middle goes flippity flop. (Riddle. A churn.) churn-dasher A wooden staff, usually of oak or hickory, with two cross paddles, or a disc with holes bored in it, attached to one end of the staff or handle of the churn. This handle comes up through a circular covering with a hole in it and is used to move up and down to make the butter come. churn head A hardheaded horse or mule of poor intelligence. much churning and no butter churring The voice made by a partridge's wings on sudden rising. cinch An easy job, an easy matter, easy pickings. Conclude a matter, to win, to get possession of. "After trying a dozen �204 Paul Green's Wordbook different things, he finally cinched the job with the undertaker." Cinderella A rope-skipping rhyme. Cinderella dressed in yellow Went uptown with a green umbrella. She walked so slow, She met her beau, He took her to the picture show. How many kisses did he give her? And then the turning of the rope goes on, counting until there is a miss, and then someone else takes over skipping. "Cindy" A favorite fiddling piece and song. cipher To figure, to work arithmetic numbers. "That Norton Spence boy has got so he can cipher right up to old man Bill Byrd." Circle Base A game, same as prison base. to run in a circle To act uselessly, to do work that amounts to nothing, to hop up and down in the same foot tracks. circles Puffed bags under one's eyes.' Tor weeks after she married that fellow she had great circles under her eyes." circumbendibus Round about, circuitous. circumstance A word of comparison. "Talk about Henry Spears being stingy, he ain't a circumstance to John Allen Matthews." Circumstances alter cases. in good circumstances To be well to do. "Henry Spears is in good circumstances, I'll tell you that." circus A laughable hullabaloo, an outlandish display. "The whole thing turned into a circus — Baltimore beat 'em 16 to 1." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 205 cirrhosis of the liver See "roaches of the liver." citreen Citron. A city on a hill cannot be hid. city slicker Suspected as a specially tricky person as contrasted with rural honest John. civil Polite, kind. "She hasn't got a civil answer in her whole makeup." civvies Civilian clothes in contrast with military dress. clabber Curdled milk. clabber grass See "bedstraw." clack Chatter, gossip, woman's loud talking. clacking Gossiping, loud talking. "As soon as them women got together they went to clacking like forty." claim jumper An interloper, a successful rival in love. clam Past tense of climb. To grow secretive, to refuse to talk, to plead the fifth amendment. tight as a clam Secretive, non-communicative. as clammy as death clap Gonorrhea. "I've had the clap seven times," he said, "and it's no worse than a bad cold." clap eyes on To see, to recognize. "It's been a year, man, since I clapped eyes on you." clap happy Hasty. �206 Paul Green's Wordbook like a clap of thunder Instantaneously, with devastating loudness, powerfully. "The news of his mother's death hit him like a clap of thunder." clapper A person's tongue. His tongue moved like a clapper in a cowbell. Clarendon River An early name for the Cape Fear. claret Blood. clasp knife A large pocket knife. class Style, fashion, merit. "Old Clark Gable's got class, yes ma'am." claw A hand. claw hammer coat A coat of special distinction, affected by musical conductors, elderly politicians and certain hedge preachers, especially Negro preachers. "When he puts on the claw hammer coat, he's a different man." We are made of the same clay. clay brains A stupid person. clay dirt eater One who has an abnormal craving to eat clay. Near where I live is a big hole in a clay bank where the local people used to come to satisfy their need. clay root An uprooted stump or tree with the clay clinging to its roots. clay root for brains To be weak in intellect. I've heard many a fervent Democrat speak thus of President Eisenhower, saying that he had a clay root for a head. clay the hearth The custom of getting whitish clay from a clay bank, wetting it and smearing the hearth with it at the beginning of summer, when fires would not be built till fall, and when company was expected, especially the preachers. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 207 clean Entirely, completely, positively. "When I come to the door, that man shot me and his bullet went clean through my belt and out of my back." clean as a cat clean as a hound's tooth Honest, above reproach, of sterling character. Professor Horace Williams used to use this phrase about a number of his students, among them Watts Stacy and Sidney Robbins, always speaking of them as "clean as a hound's tooth." clean as a pin clean as a whistle come clean To confess the facts, to tell all. Much the same as clean breast of it. clean breast of it To confess, to tell all one knows. make a clean haul To completely rob the premises, to take away everything of value. Cleanliness is next to godliness. clean up To take all the winnings. "You weren't here last Saturday in the game, but Brother Giduz cleaned up." Clean your finger before you point it in accusation. as clear as a bell Open and above board, obvious. as clear as a mirror as clear as crystal as clear as ditch water clear as mud Not clear at all, murky, unclear. in the clear To be proved innocent, not responsible, no evidence against. clear-headed Sober, a sagacious person, a right-thinking person. �208 Paul Green's Wordbook clear off Same as fair off, the weather growing fair or clear after cloudiness or rain or bad weather.' 'The weather man says it's going to clear off Tuesday, and I'm planning to put in my small grain on Wednesday if it's dry enough." clear-sighted Wise, perceiving, understanding. clear through Completely. "In the battle of Averasboro a cannonball went clear through the old Smith house." clear up With reference to bad weather clearing into fine. Also refers to one paying up his account. "He cleared up all his debts, and now he's in favor with the government in Washington again." clever Kind, accommodating. click To fit together, to remember suddenly. "Something clicked in his mind, and then he realized who it was that stood before him." clickety-clack The sound of a wobbly wagon or buggy wheel along the hard road. Also the rhythmic sound of a train passing over the joints in the railroad track. cliffhanger A close decision, a precarious situation. dim (clum) Past tense of climb. If you don't climb high, you can't see far. climb down To lower one's sights, to eat crow, confess to error, take a lower place, submit. climb his frame A tongue lashing, to jump on or physically attack a person. "One more word out of you, bo, and I'll climb your frame." like climbing a greased pole with an armful of eels An almost impossible task, a job too hard to do. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 209 climbs like a squirrel The higher a man climbs the more of his behind he shows. climb Venus'mountain A man getting on top of a woman for sexual intercourse. clincher A conclusive argument or statement, a final proof. clinger One who is over-dependent. clink A jail, prison. "He sassed the judge, and the next thing he knowed he had landed in the clink." clip Stroke or short space of time. "He made a hundred dollars at one clip." to clip one's wings Place restrictions on one's plans or activities. clobber To beat unmercifully, to win over by a huge score. "The Green Bay Packers clobbered the Kansas Jets like I knowed they would." A long-silent clock suddenly striking means death. clod A dull, stupid person. clodhopper A dolt, a dull fellow, the same as clod. Also refers to a country man, a rustic. clomb Climbed. close Hot, murky.' 'The weather's close today, and I'm expecting thunderheads this evening." Stingy. as close as Siamese twins as close as your shadow close call A narrow escape. �210 Paul Green's Wordbook A closed mouth catches no flies. closefisted Tightfisted, stingy. close mouth A secretive, non-confiding person. close thing A narrow escape. the cloth A clergyman. You can't judge a man by his clothes. Any clothes will fit a naked man. clothes horse A dandy, a man who wears clothes handsomely and often has little else to recommend him. Clothes make the man. An ancient proverb, more often false than true. But in the case of one person I knew in the Valley it was very true, this being a variation of the old Shakespeare adage that a man's soul is in his clothes. The clothes in this example, however, were limited to a pair of britches and their relation to the soul happened in a way you'd hardly expect. Bernie Randall seemed the last person in the world to whom financial fortune might come. Nobody ever expected him to amount to much. He was awkward, timid, and uncertain with his weak, friendly smile, and homely as an old shoe. His people were poor as whippoorwills and lived down by the railroad tracks just a block or so from where later Bernie had his livery stable and then still later his huge automobile agency and used-car lot. His father was sickly and an addict to patent medicine, and the responsibility of both parents fell pretty much on the thin shrinking shoulders of this their only child. Bernie grew up a drudge. From the time he was six or seven he was running errands for his parents, sweeping leaves out of the people's yards, hiring out to pick cotton in some of the fields that came up to the edge of the town, even trying to shine shoes, or standing on the corner, dumb and fearful, on Saturday afternoons with an armful of Grit newspapers for sale. But through all his twistings and turnings of odd jobs, he never developed the sharpness and quickness that one usually associates with an American boy in such situations. Rather he continued his humble and lonely browbeaten way. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 211 He got a little schooling somehow — enough to read and write and do fairly simple sums in arithmetic — and later when he was big enough for his daddy to swear him by the child labor law he got a job weaving in the cotton mill, and there he labored year after year. When he was about nineteen, May Eppinger came to work at one of the nearby looms. She was a pretty round-faced girl with a light laugh and a craving for candy and milkshakes at the corner drugstore. Bernie fell deeply in love with her, and his devotion was doglike and persistent. May had a lot of other boys swarming around her, and with whatever levity or even bursts of scorn she treated Bernie he continued his dreamings and devotions to her. In time his parents died and left him alone in the little house that had been their home. It was a rented place and now Bernie indulged in some planning of his own. From his earnings he was able to make a mortgage deal with young Ed Weatherford at the bank to buy the little place. So he started paying monthly installments on it. Every now and then he would extract a dollar or two from his thin savings and get a box of candy for May, and once or twice he was able to get ahead enough to take her to the state fair at Raleigh. But of course come wet weather or dry weather, rain or shine, he must somehow scrape up enough each month for his house payments. And regularly he would take his few dollars down to the bank and there hand them over to young Weatherford, who in a swift round business hand would write out the receipt and pass it through the grill to Bernie with a cool and pleasant air. This young Weatherford was everything that Bernie was not. He was handsome, educated at the university at Chapel Hill, and sure of a big future with the power and money he had inherited from his father. Though May had numerous suitors, somehow time passed and she remained unmarried. Maybe the men liked courting her better than marrying her. Whether for weariness from working at the mill or what not, she finally gave in and married Bernie, and then began to take her ease in the little house down by the railroad track. And Bernie liked for her to do that.' 'You've already done your share of hard work, Baby,'' he would say. He loved to call her Baby. And he treated her like a baby, and she purred with satisfaction and lay back cool and sweet. One year, two years went by and May was taking it easy and Bernie was working like a dog in the mills. But however hard he worked, his promotion was slow. He never could learn to deal with people, become swift and to the point, authoritative, a manager. Others younger and less experienced passed him by and became floor bosses or loom inspectors or even superintendents. But poor Bernie mostly remained at his loom. He didn't worry too much though for after all he had May, and in his humble opinion it was quite fitting that others should become successful and he continue in the rut where he was, though he would never think of it as a rut. �212 Paul Green's Wordbook But May began to complain about the little house. "It's not fit to live in,'' she said.' 'We've got to fix it up, it leaks like a sieve.'' And so the patient Bernie went down to the bank again and, after long talking to young Weatherford, arranged to borrow three thousand dollars on the house and lot for remodeling and improvement. So after succumbing to a stiff financing fee plus the regular six percent interest, he was ready to sign the papers and, following young Weatherford's instructions, brought his wife May to sign with him. She was all dolled up for the occasion and it made Bernie proud to see that young Weatherford looked at her with admiring eyes. The pinch on Bernie was harder now. It was tough making the monthly payments on the loan. And once when he fell sick and lost two weeks from work, the first cold grip of despair got its bite into his stolid and lightless soul. He looked at Baby propped up in bed reading a murder serial in the newspapers and for once wrung his hands.' 'What am I going to do, Baby?'' he queried. "Oh, you'll make it somehow," came her light answer. "You always do. And, say, I seen an ad in the paper yesterday for salesmen at forty dollars aweek. That's fifteen dollars a week more'n you're making now," shesaid. Bernie shook his head. The idea of being a salesman frightened him. But she insisted. "I bet Ed Weatherford — Mr. Ed would recommend you and help you get the job," she said. "Not him," said Bernie. "All he studies is money — and women." "Women?" she laughed. Under her insistence Bernie went down and sure enough Ed Weatherford recommended him highly to the vacuum cleaner company and he got the job. Not only that, the bank lent him enough money on a second mortgage to get a secondhand Ford. And so Bernie's days as a vacuum cleaner salesman began. He worked hard at it. Nobody could deny that. He was up early and gone to distant points, here and yonder from farm to farm and village to village and from county to county, pushing his product. The depression days were coming on down now and sales resistance was growing. He intensified his efforts. He was up earlier. He worked later and drove farther. But every night somehow he would get back home to his Baby. Sometimes when he was up and away at early dawn and an installment on the house was coming due at the bank, he would have to have May take the money and go down to Ed Weatherford and pay it. Things tightened up all along the line now and the banks were pulling in their horns some. Young Weatherford himself would go visiting among the farmers, foreclosing and collecting here and there. And sometimes he would come humming home at night in his blue Cadillac with quite a roll of money in his pocket, even as much as $5,000, it was said, to be deposited the next day. That's the way it was with him. Whatever he went after he succeeded. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 213 And all the while poor Bernie Randall was coming down to bankruptcy. One day he got up early to start one of his dreary rounds. He had heard that over in Wilson, a town some fifty or sixty miles away, there were several prospects. He told May he wouldn't be back that night and for her to get one of her sisters to come and stay with her. She laughed and said she wasn't afraid to stay by herself and she put out her pretty lips as usual in a rosebud pout as he kissed her goodbye. "I'll be back tomorrow night," he said. And he drove off. All day he drove through the virgin territory. But sales resistance was a hundred percent. The tobacco market had just opened and the price was bad and the papers had given the prospects as being even less encouraging for the future. Late in the afternoon, completely whipped down, he decided to drive by Raleigh and talk things over with the head office there. When he arrived, the first news that hit him between the eyes was that his agency was being cancelled. A letter was already in the mail to him saying so. He turned in his sample cleaner and stumbled back to his little Ford car and sat there numbed and anguished. The darkness came down, the street lights flared on and still he sat staring at a black wall before him. And all the while he was thinking of how he had failed, miserably failed his sweet and precious Baby. Wait till he got home and told her the terrible news of what had happened to him! How could he tell her, how could he break her heart like that. And in his mind he could see her lying up in bed, beautiful and sweet, a wonder and joy for any man to be proud of. "Yes, lying in bed,'' he said to himself. He wasn't trying to put meaning in the words. He was only reciting them to himself. Then suddenly they had a meaning and he didn't like the feeling that came over him, a new feeling. For the first time in his life Bernie Randall began to feel sorry for himself as he really was, a poor plodding dull fellow, hard put on by others. Later a policeman tapped on his car window and told him he would have to move. And back through the night toward home Bernie drove. "The bank will foreclose on me now," he moaned. "I know that Ed Weatherford. He will squash me like a mouse in a steel trap.'' Anger began to rage in him. "It's a bargain he'll get too when he takes my house. That's the way them fellows make their money. They get poor guys like me in their grip and gripe and then squeeze 'em and take away what they got. And then they turn around and sell it to somebody else for double what it's worth." There must be some way out, there must be. He couldn't drag Baby down into complete poverty and have to start living all over again in a rented two-room mill shack and be back in the mill beaming away—from morning to evening beaming away, and the lint sucking into his lungs. But what, what could he do? When he got within a block of his home he cut his rattle-trap motor off and let the car roll silently up to the house as was his custom when coming �214 Paul Green's Wordbook home late. He was always careful not to wake Baby. He got out softly and walked along the grass up to the little front porch. He unlocked the door gently and went into the hall. Setting his pasteboard suitcase down quietly, he made his way along the little passageway to the bedroom. He felt for the door and opened it noiselessly and there in the dark he took off his coat and trousers and laid them on a chair as ever. And it was just like him, the awkward fellow he was, to bump into the chair and make a racket. Baby's voice cried out in sheer and sudden terror from the big bed, "What's that!'' "Sh-sh, nobody but me, Baby,'' he said. There came a stifling, shaking noise from the bed. "I didn't mean to scare you," he said. "Wait'll I turn on the light." "No! No!" And her voice was high and frantic. "What's the matter, Baby?" he said, all sympathy and concern. "I've got the most awful headache," she said. "It's killing me, it is. I don't know what to do with it. Please, please, don't turn on the light. My eyes would hurt so, my eyes!" And he could hear her sitting up in bed and rocking from side to side. Then in his concern he said he would get a hot pad or come and rub her head, and she pleaded with him not to do it but to go at once right down to the drugstore and get her some aspirin. "No, no," shesaid. "You'd better get me some luminol, for this headache come on all of a sudden and it's killing me, busting my skull with the pain of it! Oh! Oh!" He told her that the drugstore would be closed that time of night but she said if he would hurry he could wake up Ned Sauls the druggist and get something to ease her, seeing that this was such an emergency. Poor Bernie was so upset that he began feeling around hunting for his trousers on the chair. Finally he found them, pulled them on, grabbed up his coat and set off running down toward the drugstore some two blocks away. He threw gravel up to the second-story window and waked Ned Sauls who came down grumbling and growling. The nervous and excited Bernie told him about Baby's sudden and violent sick headache and she had to have help right away. ' 'That's the first tune I ever knowed she had headaches,'' said Ned Sauls as he grudged out some luminol tablets. "That'll be fifty cents." "You better charge it, Ned," said Bernie. "I'd like to have cash if I could, Bernie, seeing how it is," he said. Bernie had some change in his pocket but hated to spare even a fiftycent piece at this time from his dwindling funds. But what had to be had to be. He reached into his pocket and then froze for an instant in his tracks. Slowly his hand came out of his pocket like a thing alive and of itself and in this hand which he held before him Bernie saw a great roll of bills with a rubber band around them. He stared at the bills, a wad so big that his fingers and thumb would hardly shut around it. Ned looked at him with popping eyes. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 215 "Jerusalem!" he finally exploded. "Business must have been good lately, Bernie!" "Looks — er — like it," Bernie finally spoke up stutteringly. "It does that! How much you got there? Oh, hush my big mouth!" "Hah, hah, hah," said Bernie again, and he heard the sound of his own voice high and shrill, like a stranger speaking. Now Ned the druggist was looking at him with growing admiration in his face. "Doggone my hide," he said. "You must be some salesman. I reckon that'll make folks eat their words. Sure, buddy, I'll charge it, charge it. Anytime you want anything, come and get it and I'll put it right on the books, yessir." Bernie let his gaze travel downward. A shock went through his spare frame again though he made no outward sign. He was wearing another man's trousers. He finally turned away, pushing the roll of bulging bills back into his pocket. "Much obliged to you, Ned," he called and went out of the store. He took his time in walking home. It was only a short distance but a lot of things were happening in his head as he walked. Thoughts went flashing by one another, ideas, happenings, and gears inside were turning as they never had turned before. When he got near the house, he tried to whistle. But his lips were so dry that he had to wet them with his tongue. And after several efforts he finally got out a stave or two of the only song he knew called "Come, Humble Sinner, Come," which he had learned in Sunday School years before. Baby would hear him and know he was coming back. Then he saw that he didn't have to whistle anymore, for far down the sidewalk he discerned the figure of a man rapidly disappearing into the darkness. And he knew who the man was and he knew too that he was wearing away a pair of slick-seated dark britches with about two dollars change in the pockets. Bernie doddled around outside the house for a while and then went into the kitchen and got a glass of cold water and took it to Baby. She was sitting up on the bed with the light on, bent over and her arms wrapped around her knees. She didn't look up when he came into the room but just sat there. "Here you are, Baby," he said, holding out the glass. "I got you the luminol." She said nothing. "You got the light on now," he said. "Don't it hurt your eyes?" "No, I'm feeling a little better now," she said. And she took the glass of water and swallowed a couple of luminol tablets, then lay back in bed and pulled the covers up to her chin. "Have a good trip?" she finally inquired. "Well, not so good at first," he said. "But maybe not so bad after all. I'll tell you about it in the morning." �216 Paul Green's Wordbook "All right," she said, "do. And come on to bed now." He switched off the light and went out into the hall. He heard her body jackknife up in bed again as she called out,' 'Ain't you coming to bed here?" "I'm going to lie down out here,'' he said. "I got some figuring to do." She said no more and he stretched himself out on the sofa which was set against the wall in the little combination entrance hall and living room. He lay there in the darkness thinking, thinking. And presently he heard Baby begin her snuggy little snoring. ' 'Lordy mercy, she's already asleep!'' he said to himself incredulously. Then he thought some more. Presently he got up and with his shoes in his hand slipped out through the backdoor and sat on the steps looking out toward his small plot of vegetable garden. The rest of the night he sat there and when the dawn was breaking and the chilly sparrows were chattering in the maples along the street, he went in and changed into his one remaining suit of clothes and came out with a package, which he deposited in the incinerator in the yard and started a fire burning it. Then he returned to the house and began cooking breakfast. Later in the morning he went to the bank. "Morning, Miss Raeford," he said, as he stood before the teller's window. "Morning, Bernie,'' she said without much respect in her voice. It was the same old thing. He had come about his small payments. "I'd like to see Mr. Weatherford," he said. "He's busy," she replied. "You can take the payments up with me as usual." "I want to see him," said Bernie. His manner caused her to glance up, and he was looking at her straight and unblinking. She went away and in a moment the door to an inner office opened and Weatherford appeared in it. He held the knob in his hand as if ready to step back and close the door any moment. Bernie didn't smile. His face never changed, but there was a sort of queer smile deep in his soul to see Weatherford holding on to the knob. "I thought," said Bernie, "I'd like to see you a little bit about my — about my mortgages." "All right. What is it, Bernie?" "I'd like to pay them off." Weatherford was silent a moment, then spoke up strongly, "There's no hurry, Bernie. The bank is satisfied the way things are going, your paying by the month." But Bernie said he was not satisfied and wanted to settle up "right here and now." Weatherford turned to Miss Raeford abruptly and told her to bring out the papers. The papers were brought and marked �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 217 paid as Bernie counted out the full amount in greenbacks. Weatherford kept looking at him unblinking too and saying nothing. "Thank you, Ed," Bernie said, as he put the canceled papers in his breast pocket. This was the first time he'd ever addressed the banker without a handle to his name. "You're welcome," said Weatherford coldly. ' 'And I reckon this sort of squares things betwixt us," Bernie concluded. "Well then — all right — glad it does," Weatherford said harshly. And Bernie walked out of the bank a different man. The depression came down more fiercely after this and began to wipe out Ed Weatherford's holdings. Like the fellows on Wall Street he had overextended himself. At the bottom of the market Bernie — with the fifteen hundred dollars he still had left from the amount found in the britches — made a down payment on a farm in the edge of town which had formerly belonged to Weatherford and the bank. He had confidence in himself now, and he held grimly onto it like a fice dog. And when the depression later lifted and money was easy again, he cut the farm up into building lots, sold them off and made a killing. After this there was no stopping him. Now in these later days as you come driving along the highway toward our town you are likely to see a good splashing sign carrying the big lettered name of Bernard Randall, Dealer in Real Estate, Farm Equipment and Fertilizer. And then when you get inside the town, you are further confronted with Bernard Randall's success as a businessman. On the corner of Main and High Street is Randall's Drugstore. A block higher up on the same main street is Randall's Hardware Store, above which is the owner's suite of plushfurnished real estate offices. And farther south in the edge of town by the railroad tracks is his huge auto business. And as for Baby, well, she is completely changed now, and as everybody knows idolizes Bernie and can't do enough for him. She brings his slippers at night, she fixes his oatmeal in the morning, she mothers and waits on him as if he were a child. And he takes it all with never a word and never a sign to tell how he feels about her or anything else. But in spite of all his business success, his fine new home, better clothes and such, he remains outwardly pretty much the same fellow he always was. He still speaks in his halting, awkward way and goes with slightly bent shoulders, his face still pale and freckled and his blue eyes dull as ever they were. But he doesn't smile anymore, the way he used to do in his more humble days. not worth the clothes on his back Poverty stricken, has no wealth, owns nothing but the clothes on his back. �218 Paul Green's Wordbook in a cloud To be dreamy, romantic, abstracted. Red cloud in the morning Sailors take warning. Red cloud at night Sailors' delight. (Wisdom rhyme.) under a cloud To be in disgrace, or under suspicion. Every cloud has a silver lining. cloud nine A condition of balmy happiness.'' We were all up on cloud nine till the second half, and then the roof caved in." cloud up To darken one's countenance, to become surly. clout A heavy blow. "In the play the boy clouted his daddy on the head with a hoe and laid him out for dead." clout-head A fool. in clover To be all fixed, secure, fine and dandy. Fun, pleasure. Also means riches. Club Fist A popular game. The child or young person who is "It" lays his clenched fist on the table with his thumb elevated. Then the second player grasps this raised thumb with his own fist and raises his own thumb, and so on and on until a pile of fists and thumbs is built up. "It" who has kept one hand free now asks questions of the person whose hand is at the top with the following dialogue and action: "What you got there?" "A club fist." "Take it of for knock it off?" (Andhere, if the player is especially tough he often says "Knock it off," and then "It" has to hit the fist with his own knuckles hard enough to knock it off. Sometimes plenty of squeals of pain follow this procedure.) If the player gives the more common answer, "Take it off," the following dialogue ensues: "What you got there?" "Bread and cheese." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 219 "Where's my share?" "The cat's got it." "Where's the cat?" "In the woods." "Where's the woods?" "The fire burnt it." "Where's the fire?" "The water squenched it." "Where's the water?" "The ox drank it." "Where's the ox?" "The butcher killed him." "Where's the butcher?" "The rope hung him." "Where's the rope?" "The knife cut it." "Where's the knife?" "The hammer broke it." "Where's the hammer?" "The saw sawed it." "Where's the saw?" "Broke in three pieces and hid behind the old church door." "And the first child that shows his teeth in a grin receives a pinch and a hair pull." And so the children firmly close their lips and look around at one another. Finally, someone does grin, and a pinch and a hair pull follow. Sometimes a forfeit is required, and one young person would take another one on his back and trot around the room, and when he comes up before "It," "It" says "What you got there?" "Bag of nits." "Shake him 'til he spits." And then follows a terrific jostling up and down. Another version of Club Fist is given in Brown's folklore book. The players put their fists on top of each other, each grasping the thumb of the one just below his. The one whose fist is on top asks the others if they want to take their fists off or if they want them knocked off. Some choose one and some choose another. When all but one are off, "It" the questioner, asks the owner,' 'What you got there?'' Answer, "Bread and cheese,'' and the play goes on as before, ending with a different penalty — "The first one that shows his teeth gets four slaps, five pinches, six spankings and four hair pulls." �220 Paul Green's Wordbook cluck A person, a fool, usually a dumb cluck. clucking hen A woman fussy about her children. clum Past tense of climb. clump A heavy blow or noise, a bump. as clumsy as a cow (an ox) clunk A sudden bump or sound. clutch A difficult situation. "That Sandy Koufax is one of the best clutch pitchers in the game." clutch-fisted Miserly, stingy. clutter A crowd, a mess, a confusion. "There they all set about in a clutter — the governor ready to paint the wee babe's portrait as soon as she comes into the world." clyde Head, brains, mind. "Use your clyde, boy, use it." CO A call to animals, especially cattle. coach and six In high style, pridefully. "She rides in a coach and six." coachwhip A fabled snake, famous in Valley folklore. When I was a child I was told frightful stories of this dreadful snake, how he would swirl up out of the bushes or tall grass, wrap himself around you, pull you to a tree, souse the spiked tip of his tail into the tree and squeeze the life out of you then and there the while his red smoky eyes gazed deep into yours and his forked tongue jiggled a graveyard stink close to your face. Sometimes when he didn't want to choke you to death but only give you a beating and scare you into fits, this snake would wrap the forepart of his body around you and give you a thrashing with his powerful tail. Then �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 221 sometimes too in chasing his victim he would put his tail in his mouth and roll down a hill like a hoop in pursuit of his intended prey. One day I was out with a group of local historians — Phillips Russell, Jack Crane, Malcolm Fowler and others — in the Flora MacDonald country in Anson County. Ed Hill, a local resident, was showing us through the woods, looking for landmarks, especially for the place where Flora and her husband Allan's house had been. I noticed a cedar tree that stood bushy and dead and asked him what caused the death of this tree. Maybe the extra dry weather had caused it, I said. Hill, a big red-faced, pot-bellied fellow, stopped and fixed us historians with his eye. "Now that's something strange," he said, "that tree. I'll tell you exactly what killed it. It was a coachwhup snake done it. That coachwhup got after me one day when I was walking in these woods here, and I lit a rag and rode the bushes going away. But he was right after me with his spiked tail in his mouth, rolling like a hoop to catch me. I made it by this tree, and 'bam,' he banged into the tree. I reckon it make him mad, for he hauled off and soused the end of his spike into that tree, and I got away while he was all tangled up. And that's what killed it — the poison from his tail." We all laughed and he looked the more serious. When I asked him could he show us the sign on the tree where the snake's spiked tail had entered, he said, "Oh, they don't leave no sign, they're too smart for that, them coachwhups." coal of fire If a coal of fire pops toward you from the fireplace, you will soon receive a letter. eyes like coals of fire carry coals to Newcastle A foolish act, something superfluous. When I was in Russia sometime ago, a young lady told me they had a comparable saying in Russia— "Carrying one's samovar to Tula'' — Tula being the manufacturing center for samovars for all Russia. heap coals of fire on one's head To repay a bad action with a good one, to cause a person to be conscience-stricken. to haul over the coals To bring up sharply, to reprimand, to bless out, to punish by words and accusations. coal-up To take on coal, as a locomotive. �222 Paul Green's Wordbook co-anch A call to a cow. I can still hear my father calling to our cow down in the woods. "Co-anch! Co-anch!" Years later I learned his call was from the old English call of "cow-wench!" as coarse as hog hair coarse part The part of a tune played on the D & G fiddle strings. The fine part is played on the E & A. the coast is clear No danger awaits, everything is easy-going, nobody watching. "The coast is clear. Come on over, honey," the lady said. turn one's coat To desert a party or a cause, traitorous, become turncoat. wear Uncle Sam's coat To don a military uniform, to enter the military service. coattail A woman's skirt.' 'That boy won't never amount to a row of pins, he's always tied to his mother's coattail." cob The pith of an ear of corn. In eastern North Carolina the farmers often used cobs in the place of toilet paper. The cobbler's children go barefooted. have a cobweb in the throat To be hoarse, to have a dry throat. cobwebs Common folk remedy for excessive bleeding. They were often used by country people for a mother right after childbirth. I remember when I was a boy that Wesley Armstrong, a tenant on our little farm, came rushing up to the house one morning, hollering for cobwebs. I crawled up through a hole in the ceiling into the loft and helped gather cobwebs. Wesley grabbed them in his hands and went running toward the juniper, where he lived, to apply them to his wife Meta who had just given birth to a baby. It worked fine, he later reported. CO 'cola (Coca-Cola) A popular drink, much guzzled in the Valley as everywhere else in the United States and on into Europe and Asia. When I was traveling and lecturing in the Orient, I found that this was perhaps the best ambassador Uncle Sam had and was doing much to undo the ignorant and selfish Yankie diplomacy �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 223 practiced by many of our uninformed representatives in that region of the world. And how Ollie Marshall loved it! This Ollie was a grandson of old Doctor Henry Marshall Turner who once lived in a fine mansion on the bank of the Cape Fear River some miles below what is now Buie's Creek, the village that presently houses Campbell University. But Ollie took no interest in the grand old place. He let it run down and finally become inhabited by a family of Negro tenant farmers, the while he lived in a little slop-sided bungalow over in Lillington. Many a time I talked to Ollie about the history of the house and the old books, letters and documents left to rot in the empty upstairs rooms, asking him to let me do something about them. Finally one day he agreed, and I went over and got the trunk of my car filled with this material, which I gave to the university library at Chapel Hill. There were dozens of letters to and from Valley people who, because of hard times after the Civil War, had migrated to Texas. I well remember the day I talked to Ollie about these old letters. That particular morning after I had heighhoed a while, he came to the door of his little frame bungalow and looked out. Lifting his big pole-like arms above his head, he yawned, showing several of his rotted front teeth, then spat off into the yard. I told him again what I wanted. '' Yeh,'' he said,' 'I talked to Sally, and she says she don't see no reason why you can't take anything you find over there in that old house. But you won't find much but old plunder." "Much obliged to you, Ollie," I said, "I'm much obliged." "Aw, go 'way," he grunted, "you're welcome to it. What you want with such old mess I don't see." "Well, I just like to save old letters, books and things," I spoke. "They're mighty interesting, and sometimes they throw a lot of light on the history of a section." "Maybe they do. You're like Grandma Caroline in that. She used to save everything — most of what's over there was what she saved up. She was certainly proud of her folks, and she could write things, too." "I know," I said. "Ever see that little poetry book she wrote?" "Yes, 'Starinthe West,'it's called," I said. "I wish I could find a copy of it. Mr. Mac used to have a copy, but somebody borrowed it, he said, and he's never found it." "I had a copy of it around here some'rs," said Ollie, "but I lost it too. 'Star in the West,' that's right, I remember now, mostly about Texas, weren't it? Because so many of our folks went off to Texas. My Uncle Ken went out there, Grandma's son." "Yes." "I used to think of going to Texas myself, but I never did," he said. �224 Paul Green's Wordbook He yelled out to a Negro boy over at the filling station across the street, "Hey, Bo, bring me over a co'cola." The boy called most politely back that it was coming right up, "Mr. Ollie, sir, yes suh." "I was hoping I'd be able to find some of your Grandma Caroline's letters over there maybe, Ollie," I said. "Yen, you might." "I'll be able to get into the house, won't I? I won't need a key?" "Lord, no, you couldn't shut the front door if you tried to. The ivy's all growed into the hall and choked up everything. And you better be careful too and not let a piece of the roof cave in and kill you. And maybe you'd better watch out for them highland moccasins. They're fearful pizenous, you know," he said. "I'll be careful, Ollie." And then his face lighted all up with feeling, for a shiny new yellow Cadillac had come swinging around the corner with Henry Thompkins, now mayor of the town and cashier of the bank — descendant of one of the white tenants who used to live on the great Dr. Henry Marshall Turner plantation — sitting at the steering wheel. "Jees," Ollie said, "ain't that a honey! Sweetest thing that runs on the road, they tell me." "Is it, Ollie?" '' Yeh, it is. That' s what I' m going to set myself up to one of these days. Ezzactly that. Come in here and let me show you that new trick I've got for controlling window shades. I've just had it patented." "Much obliged, Ollie, but I'd better be getting over to the old place." "Oh well, I see you're in a hurry to get to that old trash." "Some other time I'd like to know how you're coming along with your inventions," I said,' 'the roller and the perpetual motion machine, but right now — " ' 'Yeh, I'm coming along fine. I had another letter from my patent lawyer yesterday. One more payment of ten dollars to him and then I'll be ready to form a corporation for putting it on the market and—" "That'll be fine, Ollie." "Yeh, they's a fortune in it. Everybody says so that's seen it. From now on window shades will stand where you leave 'em — won't be flying up out of your hand. And as for perpetual motion — " "Here's your co'cola, Mr. Ollie," theboysaid, coming into the scene. Ollie with a careless throw-away gesture handed the boy a nickel. And I went away, leaving this grandson of the great Dr. Henry Marshall Turner who performed the first appendicitis operation in the southeast and was a descendant of generals and judges — I left Ollie Marshall sucking on his bottle. I hurried across the river to the old mansion and got a load of material �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 225 and took it to the university library. Some weeks went by before I could go back to the place again, and when I turned into the little field road leading to where the mansion had stood, nothing was there but emptiness and a few blistered old elm and maple trees. The beautiful ancient house had burned to the ground. Some of the Negroes carelessly living in one of the downstairs rooms had left the fire burning in the fireplace, and a chunk evidently had rolled out onto the floor and set it afire. So they told me later. Thus this thing of grace and forgetfulness perished to ashes as so many old homes in the South have perished. But Ollie didn't mind — there where he fumbled and worked at his window shade holder and his perpetual motion machine. When I saw him on another day he shrugged his shoulders and spoke up carelessly, saying, "I knowed it was going to get burned up someday. That's the way it goes. You try to help niggers by giving 'em a home to live in and what do they do? — they burn your house down for you." See "Caroline Turner" and "Dr. Henry Marshall Turner." cock Penis, also female genitals. To copulate. cock-a-doodle-do A rooster's call at the break of day. Also describes irresponsible behavior. "He played cock-a-doodle-do all over the place, and nigh broke up the party." cock and bull story A big lie, an outlandish narrative. cockcrow Daybreak.' 'My daddy used to get up year after year exactly at cockcrow.'' cockeye A squinting eye, a crossed eye. knocked into a cocked hat Destroyed, flattened, smashed. cockeyed Topsy-turvy, all awry, cranksided.' Til tell the cockeyed world I'll not back down on what I said." cockiness Conceit, over self-assertion. �226 Paul Green's Wordbook cockish Wanton, high-spirited. cocklebur Alternate doses of quinine and tea made of cockleburs (gathered before frost), used for diphtheria or typhoid fever. a cocklebur under his saddle One who is excessively irritated. close as a cocklebur in a sheep's wool Hard to move, stingy. cock of the walk A dandy, a bossman, the champion, the winner. cockroach A low-down fellow. Cock Robin A nursery rhyme of many stanzas. Often used as a rhetorical question, "Who killed Cock Robin?" in critical reference to one who is guilty of bringing about a negative action, as killing a legislative bill. cocksucker A reprobate, a reprehensible person, a homosexual. cocksure Quite certain. cocky Conceited, brash. cod The scrotum. coddle To cuddle, also to spoil a child, over-pet one. cod's head A fool, a dolt. Job's coffin A constellation in the sky. Also a kind of string formation we children used to play with stringed hands. coffin blow An especially forlorn wailing of a train whistle. In eastern North Carolina we often would hear the whistle of a distant train, and when it was especially �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 221 mournful, we would say, "Listen to that train's coffin blow,'' meaning that we figured the train had a coffin on board. coffin tack A cigarette, the same as coffin nail. coffin varnish Rot gut liquor. cohonk The sound made by wild geese flying through the sky in the winter time. The Algonquin Indians used the word cohonk to mean winter. Stuff a cold and starve a fever. as cold as a corpse as cold as a dog's nose as cold as a fish as cold as an iceberg as cold as a well-digger's ass as cold as blue blazes as cold as charity as cold as Christmas as cold as death as cold as frog's foot as cold as flury I used to puzzle over the word "flury" which was in common usage when I was a boy in eastern North Carolina. I suppose it is a corruption of "fury.'' as cold as hell as cold as ice as cold as kraut as cold as marble as cold as steel as cold as stone as cold as the grave as cold as the hinges of hell �228 Paul Green's Wordbook cold blood Bad and sluggish circulation. Merciless, brutal. "Willie Evans killed his little niece in cold blood, and he oughta die in that there gas chamber." cold-blooded as a snake cold comfort No comfort at all. cold day in August A time far distant, a rare occasion. "It'll be a cold day in August before I'll shake hands with him." cold deck No-luck cards. cold enough to freeze the balls off a brass monkey Very cold indeed. cold feet To be weak-kneed, cowardly, weak-willed. cold-hurt Frost bit. cold shivers A fit of trembling, the apprehensive shakes. "The story of old Rawheadand-bloody-bones used to send the cold shivers through us children." cold shoulder A rebuff, a snub. cold snap A short spell of cold weather. cold turkey Straight talk, shoulder to shoulder, man to man. "He kept bellyaching about his job, and so one day I called him into my office and I talked cold turkey to him. After that he seemed to do a little better." left cold To be completely deserted. "She up and left him cold, running off with the sewing machine man." out in the cold Neglected, forgotten, passed by. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 229 cold vittles Poor fare, sorry food, dull entertainment. Cold walls make unhappy wives. throw cold water on To discourage. colic An old cure for the colic was to stand on one's head for half an hour. collar To grab by the collar, to choke. Also to girdle or deaden a tree by cutting a ring in the bark around it. "I've collared five acres of trees, and they'll be dead by fall and ready for clearing!" collar and homes Necktie and stiff collar, courting clothes. collard leaves Collard or Jimson leaves, wilted in the oven, will take the fever out of risings; also for headaches. collards A popular green vegetable in North Carolina. Some years ago a group of us interested in the literary development of the state went around lecturing and having fun holding symposiums on the subject, "Culture and Collards." We still raise collards in our own garden and, traveling through the South, one sees them in nearly every countryman's vegetable plot. In the winter we used to turn them down with their heads to the south and put dirt on the upper side to protect them from the cold. How often, year after year, the same phrase would be spoken by my father: "The winter is really here now, and it's time to turn down the collards." collywobbles Stomach pains, also sentimental feelings. "This here Luther King has got collywobbles all about the pore nigger, and some day somebody's gonna up and kill him!" Let me see the color of your eyes when you talk to me. Let me see the color of your money. off-color Bawdy, vulgar, not fit for polite society. colt A frisky young person. �230 Paul Green's Wordbook A ragged colt may make a good horse. coltish Wild, frisky, full of gay spirits. The wildest colts make the best horses — after they are broken. comb his head To whip, scold, to beat. comb the woods To search thoroughly. to cut one's comb To humiliate, to deprive one of honor, to penalize heavily. come To have sexual orgasm. At the time of, on the arrival of. "He'll be six years old come next August 10." All things come to him who waits. come about To happen, to occur. come a cropper Downfall, bankruptcy, failure in one's plans. come across To meet with accidentally.' 'When I was up in Chapel Hill recently, I come across one of my old college buddies and, man, did we have a reunion." To hit upon, to find, to discover. "I come across a verse in the Bible that told me exactly what to do." To pay up, to own up, tell the truth, confess. come and go A topsy-turvy gathering, a mommick and a mess. "I couldn't stay there, it was such a come and go all the time." Come, butter, come A sort of divination rhyme. We used to chant this as we churned the dasher up and down. "Come, butter, come. For I want some. Peter's waiting at the gate �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence 231 For a little frosted cake. Come, butter, come, For I want some." come by To get, to acquire.' 'Ah, Lord, money's mighty hard to come by these days.'' come clean To tell the truth, own up, confess. corned Past tense of come. come down on like a ton of bricks To berate, to humiliate, also to scold. come fresh Said of a cow which has just calved. It was a belief in our family — and throughout the Valley for that matter — that for several days the milk from a fresh cow was not good to drink. It was usually fed to the hogs for three or four days. come hell or high water In spite of all difficulties. "Come Home, Father" A tear-jerking temperance song. come in To mature, be ready for harvest. "I'll be ready to go when my corn comes in." come in one of Almost, on the point of. "He come in one of falling into that icy creek." come it To do, to measure up to, succeed. "I tried to jump that ditch but couldn't come it." come off Asexual spasm, orgasm. "We both come of fat the same time, eigh, Lord!" a come-off A to-do, a bad result, an unhappy condition. "What a come-off when in this democracy of ours plain blatant lying on both domestic and international matters has become the policy." Come off it. Quit misbehaving. �232 Paul Green's Wordbook come on A salutation, a greeting, an inquiry after one's health. "How you come on today, Billy?" The answer usually was, "Well as common." a come-on A lure, a seduction. come out To fare, to receive treatment. "How did you come out in that poker game?'' come out at the big end of the horn Make a fine profit. come out at the little end of the horn To fail, to be cheated, to lose out, suffer the worst of a bargain. Opposite of "big end." come out in the wash The truth will show, will come out in the testing. come out strong To advocate or support vigorously. "He come out strong on the liquor question." come round To reach an agreement. "After an hour's talk," John said, "each come round to the other's point of view, and they had to start all over again." comes to Revived after fainting. "Stand back and give her air till she comes to." "Come, Thou Almighty King" One of the many fighting military-spirited songs, beloved by the people. "Come, thou Incarnate Word, Gird on thy mighty sword. Our prayer attend." It has everything, from fighting to glory and love at the end: "His sovereign majesty May we in glory see And to eternity Love and adore." "Come, Thou Fount of Every Blessing" Another hymn that has brought comfort to many a soul in the Valley as elsewhere. It was one of my mother's favorites, and she constantly sang it about the house. It sent me as a boy to the dictionary too to find out what �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 233 a "melodious sonnet" and "raise my Ebenezer" meant. Nor could I understand, dictionary or not, how he (Jesus) could rescue me from danger by the use of his "precious blood." Through my long years of studying religion and teaching philosophy since, I have learned that I'm not supposed to understand. This brings me no comfort, of course, as I, now in winter's years, watch the dynamic industrial age hurry us on in spite of all religion and its faiths toward a conclusion for man not nice to think about. come through To pass from a state of sin to a state of grace or forgiveness.' 'They prayed over that tough fellow, Eddie Kirk Matthews, I bet two hours, and finally he come through." To survive a critical illness. "The doctors had done give him up for dead, but his heart kept on beating and he come through it finally." come to grief To run into bad luck, to meet with failure. "Jack Nicklaus was way out in front, and then he come to grief on the ninth hole." a come-to-Jesus coat A long swallowtail coat often worn by Negro preachers or old-time politicians. come to the scratch The test, the showdown. "When it comes to the scratch, you'll see — he'll weasel out of it." come to stay To remain permanently. "That old mockingbird has run every robin off the place and come to stay." come undone To be loosened. "Right in the middle of his holy dancing, Grandpa's britches come undone, and that was it." come unglued To go to pieces, have an angry fit, suffer a nervous breakdown. come up To sprout through the soil. "My cotton's come up the worst this year — too blamed cold and dry." A command for a horse or a mule to go forward, opposite of "whoa." comeuppance Just deserts, retribution. "She gave him his comeuppance all right forgetting drunk." �234 Paul Green's Wordbook come up to snuff To meet expectations or needs. "Come, Ye Sinners, Poor and Needy" The actual title of this hymn is " I Will Arise and Go to Jesus," but we always referred to it by its first line. It was a most effective hymn in bringing the erring ones to the mourners' bench. Its appeal was kind, sympathetic and understanding, not like the hymns that threatened brimstone and fire. "Come, ye sinners, poor and needy, Weak and wounded, sick and sore, Jesus ready stands to save you, Full of pity, love and power. I will arise and go to Jesus, He will embrace me in his arms. In the arms of my dear Savior, Oh, there are ten thousand charms." In quiet parlor courtings, a boy and girl would often outwit the "old folks" (the parents), or thought they did, by silently pointing out phrases in hymns that expressed their ardor, one for the other, or making marks with a finger or pencil in the air to spell out the needed word as, say, "In the arms of my dear Charlie (Lucy)/Oh there are ten thousand charms." But the old folks were not outwitted. They knew, for they had done the same in their youth. as comfortable as an old shoe comforter A thickly padded cotton quilt. A strong lover. Also Jesus or the Holy Spirit. coming Right away, at once. "Hey you, John!" — "Coming!" Developing, growing, waxing in power. "He's a coming man in this state — you watch." commencing to Beginning, starting. "It's commencing to rain." common Usual, ordinary, as expected. "I'm well as common." Genial, unpretentious. "I met President Eisenhower at the White House, and he was just as common as anybody." as common as dirt �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 235 A handful of common sense is worth a bushel of learning. Communion A religious ritual and observance, the sacrament of the Eucharist, the celebration of the Lord's Supper when wine is drunk and bread is eaten in memory of that ancient occasion. The most orthodox and devout believers maintain that in the mystic process of the ritual the wine actually turns to blood and bread to flesh — these being of Christ Jesus himself. This has always struck me as a most horrible and cannibalistic contention. But as St. Thomas says, one has to believe the unbelievable if his faith is to be truly tested. Present company always excepted. Two's company, three's a crowd. to keep company with To court, to accompany. You're known by the company you keep. Comparisons are odious. Compassion will do more than passion. Whoever shall compel thee to go with him a mile, go with him twain. complected Complexioned, the coloring of one's skin. "He's a dark-complected man.'' Compliment another's wife, Put in danger your own life. (A proverb.) Compliments cost nothing. compost heap It used to be the custom for the farmers to build large piles of compost in their fields during the late winter and early spring months for distributing in the furrows when planting time came. These piles were made of stable and barnyard manure in which cottonseed and some commercial fertilizer were mixed. It often went through a heat after being put into piles — usually rectangular and flat-shaped, waist or shoulder high — and then was ready for distribution. Often in the early morning I have seen a foggy smoke rising from these heaps, and it was all a part of a beautiful world to me. The only untoward thought was that before long I would have to be helping put out the stuff from heavy baskets, distributing it by hand. �236 con Paul Green's Wordbook A confidence man, a convict. Be not wise in your own conceit. As full of conceit As an egg is of meat. Egotistical, self-proud. concern Business, an undertaking. "He's opening a hardware concern in Lillington." Confederate monument After the Civil War and as soon as funds could be got together from a prettymuch wrecked economy, every town of any size in the South put up its Confederate monument. Nearly always this monument took the form of a single Confederate soldier, holding his rifle or musket and most often facing north toward the enemy. For years and years on Confederate Memorial Day gatherings would be held and Southern patriotic speeches made at the monuments. And if a brass band was available, "Dixie" would be played with a whooping-up effect. The custom has died out but the soldiers still keep their motionless vigil. Perhaps the best known of these monuments is the one on the campus of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. The students have named it "Silent Sam," and for years in all their fraternity initiations and other cuttings up they have never molested Sam. Their respect perhaps is due somewhat to a sense of the tragedy he represents. I hope so. An honest confession is good for the soul. confound it! A mild expletive. confounded Odious, pesky, beastly. "That confounded dog wee-weed on my little boxwood and killed it." congress To defecate, to void, to answer the call of nature. Often when we fellows were working in the fields, one of us would like as not on occasion speak out and say, "I've got to go to congress." And therewith he would disappear into the bushes to attend his natural needs. It was only in later years when I was working on a people's drama for the Washington, D.C. sesquicentennial and doing research on the history of the United States Congress that I found the source of this usage. During the latter days of the Revolutionary War, that lawmaking body had become so ineffectual and empty-handed that vulgar aspersions were cast upon it, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 237 and so the term got into common folk parlance. None of us who used the word in the old days in the Valley saw any connection between it and our national body of representatives. We had accepted it as a matter of course without pedigree from our parents and they from parents before them. Recently I heard Mr. Mac say he didn't misdoubt at all that the term would soon be coming back into prominence if things didn't change in Washington. One day in Hollywood when I was talking to Will Rogers about a part in a picture I was writing for him, I mentioned the word and something of its history for he was always poking fun at the legislative body in his daily newspaper column. He gave his high whickering little laugh, chewed his gum viole'ntly an instant, and said, "That's about right, pardner, just about right." conk To strike on the head. conk out To faint, die, to quit.' 'Half way there my old Ford conked out on me, and I was stuck for the night." connections Relatives. "He was there at the funeral and all his connections." conniption Usually used as conniption fit, a hysterical performance. He is the greatest conqueror who has conquered himself. Conscience makes cowards of us all. Let your conscience be your guide. A good conscience is a soft pillow. A good conscience is the best sleeping pill. A guilty conscience needs no answer. Constant dripping wears away a stone. constitutional A short spell of physical exercise for one's health. Every day Robert Frost, when he was staying with Professor Clifford Lyons, walked up and down Greenwood Road in Chapel Hill for his constitutional. consumption In earlier days one of the great killers along with pneumonia and typhoid fever of Valley people. The poor doctors had no real defense against it. Rest and fresh air were their only recommended medicines. �238 Paul Green's Wordbook I remember as a boy that Negroes around Lillington, Angler and Buie's Creek set up some sort of settlement along the Cape Fear River. Consumption broke out among them, and they died in droves. What a change today! Now this terrible killer, along with nearly all others except cancer, can be dealt with successfully, and cancer is gradually yielding. When we think of the progress medicine has made, including of course surgery, we can pick up a little hope that man on earth maybe will learn to control his passions and selfishness in other fields for the common good and will not destroy himself in a holocaust of fire or suffocating smog as now threatens. contempted To act in contempt of. The judge looked sternly over his spectacles at the long yellow girl and said, "You say that again and I will declare that you have contempted this court. Now go ahead and tell how the attack occurred.'' continental A useless thing, reference to the almost worthless value of the old timey coin or money. "He's not worth a continental." And often the expression is, "He's not worth a continental damn." contraption A thing, a puzzle box. contrarious Contrary, quarrelsome, inimical, ill-tempered, antisocial. Plunkett Barksdale had all of these bad qualities and then some. He was a high-living fellow and inherited right much money from his daddy. Along in his old age, though, he changed his ways somewhat and joined the church here. Of course there was a lot of jubilation over that — at first there was. Like so many Scotchmen, Plunkett had a high temper and was mighty touchous. For some reason or other, some say it was over hogs, others over a land boundary, he quarreled with one of the elders or deacons named Merlin McTaggert. The two had a lawsuit before the J.P. (Justice of the Peace), and the case was decided against Plunkett. Later he attacked Merlin in the road one day with a stick and whipped him. Both men were had up in the church for fighting, and again the case was proved against Plunkett. The brethren waited on him and said he would have to publicly apologize to Merlin before he was allowed to return to good standing in the congregation. Plunkett said he wouldn't do it. And he didn't. He harbored a grudge against all the members from then on. His spite took a funny shape. He joined the Catholic Church where, as he said, a man could drink now and then, dance if he wanted to, and get justice done him. But that wasn't all. He went around among some of his former cronies and organized a meeting. Now one of the members �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 239 happened to own the land close to Little Bethel Church, just to the other side of it. So Plunkett bought an acre and put him up a church of his own. It wasn't much of a building, but it was good enough for him and his followers and had a cross stuck up on the roof. I don't guess it really was a Catholic Church. Plunkett just called it that to spite the Little Bethel Church folks. Anyway some few services were held there with him doing the reading, and it might have grown into something if it had stood long enough. Somebody burnt it down after a year or two. Soon after it burned Plunkett was taken down sick, some said from too much carousing and others said from the cold he caught the night his church burned and he overdid himself fighting the fire. He was taken with double pneumonia, and just before he died he called all his cronies in and said he wanted them not to grieve after him and be sad and mournful like most funerals and wakes. No, he wanted them to be joyful. He said he was ordering a keg of hard liquor and cherry bounce for them all and they must make merry before they carried him across the creek and buried him there where he had built his church. I suppose he still wanted to plague the Little Bethel church members, for his grave would be there where they could look out the window and see it all lonely and unjustly treated by itself. He bought a steel casket into which he was to be put, and a whole barrel of brandy was to be poured in around him to keep him pickled for generations. That would worry the deacons some and would bother that old teetotaler Merlin McTaggert no little to be singing his hymns there in the amen corner and looking through the window thinking of him out there in a sea of liquor. Plunkett died and the funeral parlor people from Fayetteville put him in the casket, poured in the brandy and welded him up as instructed. Then the wake began, and what a wake it was! For a night and day his old companions drank and held watch over him! In the afternoon of the second day they started with the corpse toward the church here. The weather was bad for burying anybody, even Plunkett. A terrible flood of winter rain had fallen all mixed in with sleet, and when the burying party came to the creek they found the bridge washed away and gone. So they stopped and held a caucus. They were all pretty drunk and they came near to blows as to what to do. Finally they decided to go down the stream a little way where some trees had been blown across the run in the year of the hurricane and try to make their way across with the body. So they did. What with the sleet on the slippery logs and their being half-drunk, they fell into the creek, casket and all. The bank was steep there and a lot of jagged rocks stuck out from the sides. The casket fell against some of these rocks and rolled down into the water. For a while it seemed Plunkett would be washed down the stream and into the Cape Fear River, but with a lot of shouting and hullabaloo they finally got him up the bank on the other side. Then they found that the casket had been cracked from the rough handling and a gush of fine �240 Paul Green's Wordbook brandy was pouring out. For a while they tried to stop up the leak. But finally seeing it couldn't be done and the brandy would be wasted, they decided that Plunkett wouldn't mind. So they fell to catching it in their hats and drinking it like pigs. When the brandy was all leaked out or drunk up, they started on toward the churchyard and where they had been half-drunk before they were all roaring drunk now. And they sang all kinds of ballads and dirty songs as they staggered along. When they got to the burial place with the casket they hardly knew B from bull's foot. So they dug Plunkett's grave and buried him but not straight east and west as decent people should be buried but slanchindicular, cattycornered like, that is contrarious, as you might say. And maybe this was a fitting thing to do, seeing that he was so like that in life. Later there was talk of digging Plunkett up and moving him. But for one reason or another it was put off, and finally the whole thing was forgot and today trees and bushes cover the unmarked place where he lies. contrary Ill-humored. "They say that old beggar man, Good, was one of the most contrary scoundrels you ever met with." To oppose or irritate. "It's better not to contrary a sick person." contrivance A contraption, a gadget, a thing. In an interview once with Eddie Rickenbacker's mother in Hollywood, she told me that as a boy Eddie worked hours and hours and days and days and on into the nights on his perpetual motion contrivance, and one day he got it going, "and the whole thing run away with him and busted out of the shed.'' In doing the picture, 20th-Century-Fox had a perpetual motion contrivance built, but it never turned out to be much of a thing other than something queer and outlandish to photograph. After a pile of money was spent for it we threw it away. conversion A change from nature to grace, from a worldly condition to a spiritual one, according to the Valley preachers and others. It was and is a common religious belief that when a baby is born, even that tiny helpless one is in a sinful state and if it should perish as is, its future existence in yonder world would be terrible indeed. I understand that this is the view of the Pope and the Catholic Church, cruel and irrational as it seems. The evangelical preachers work hard, especially at revivals or "protracted meetings," to clean up the contaminated souls round and about and, through exhorting sermons and rending warning hymns, cause the sinner to experience a psychological and inner upheaval that leaves him with the feeling of being "cleansed," that is, converted. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 241 I was never privileged to go through this experience, though as a little boy, under the push of an old preacher and to get him off my back, I pretended I had — that I had found grace and had cast away my sinful nature. One of the most striking conversions I ever heard of happened to a soldier from the Valley — a private in the Confederate Army. The account was given me by an old Confederate veteran. Let us call him Joe. Joe had deserted, was recaptured and sentenced to die. There had been a lot of desertions in the long, grinding struggle around Petersburg, and General Lee, good man that he was, said it had to stop. So that's the way it was. Now the sergeant in charge of the death detail that was to take Joe out and shoot him had been a Baptist preacher in the Valley and one of the best. Call him Henry. So strong had been Henry's feeling about the injustice done the South by the Yankee North that he enlisted early in the cause and, preacher or not, went to the battlefield r'aring to fight. So the old veteran told me. Now Joe found out somehow that Henry was a preacher and, standing there in the edge of the field with his hands tied, he begged the sergeant to give him another chance. But Henry said he had to be shot. It was General Lee's orders. Joe was a devious fellow, according to what was told me, and he upped with an argument. "You're a preacher, ain't you, sergeant?" said Joe, half-weeping. "I am that," replied the sergeant, "and a good one if I do say it myself." "And I'm a poor low-down sinner," sniveled Joe. "You are and no doubt of that," said Henry, "considering the way you've treated General Lee. Get ready to die." "But I ain't ready," said Joe, and he began to howl. Henry ordered his detail to line up, and he pulled out a white handkerchief of cloth to tie over Joe's eyes. Joe's howls suddenly stopped and he called out piteously, "You love your Jesus, don't you, suh?" "I do that," said the sergeant, "and him crucified for our sins," and he lifted his eyes confidingly toward heaven. "And Jesus said have mercy, have mercy, he said — and he said have mercy, didn't he?" blubbered Joe. "True our Savior said blessed are the merciful for they shall obtain mercy," said Henry. "Ezzactly," said Joe. "But he weren't talking about deserters," the sergeant declared. "How you know heweren't?" said Joe, and his voice was a little sharp as he lifted his tied hands and with their backs scrubbed the tears from his eyes. His voice hardened a bit more as he went on. "I'm a terrible sinner. My soul is black with sin — making liquor back home, gambling, running with women, and you just can't send me into the hereafter to burn in hell �242 Paul Green's Wordbook forevermore. You can't, you can't!" And now his voice was heartrending in its begging. Henry lowered his head and stared at the ground. Joe went on. "I tell you I been the turblest sinner they is. I ain't never been converted in no church — never nowhere. My folks was low-down. They never give me no chance." And he began to sob loudly. Henry kept looking at the ground. Here was a bind. True, it was bad enough for Joe to be shot but for his soul to be sent to burn forever in a fire seven times hotter than any on earth — that was maybe a bit rough. He hadn't been thinking of that. The sergeant turned aside and held a short silent prayer, seeking God's help. Some sort of answer must have come and come quickly. He turned back and asked Joe if he knew any religious hymn of any sort. Joe studied and then said 'way back at the big meetings folks used to sing "Come to Jesus.'' "Exactly what we want," said Henry. And he led off in the song. "Come to Jesus, Come to Jesus, Come to Jesus just now. He will save you, He will save you, He will save you just now." Joe sang along as best he could, andsomeof the guard joined in. Soon they were all singing and clapping their hands. "Jesus loves you, Jesus loves you, Jesus loves you just now." With the hymn finished and everybody feeling some effect from it, Henry took from his pocket a little Bible which he always carried and read a bit about Jesus suffering on the cross and saying to one of the thieves crucified with him that "this day thou shall be with me in paradise." Then Henry began to preach, and if he had preached powerful sermons before, never had he preached one equal to the one he put forth for this condemned man's salvation, said the old soldier. He unrolled the glories of heaven and the horrors of hell. Before long he had Joe on his knees hollering for the Lord to save him, and one or two of the more sinful members of the guard were likewise calling for help though not so loudly as Joe. Then the preacher's voice became gentle and consoling. He spoke of the great love Jesus had for this erring one, and there in heaven at this minute, standing by the throne of God, he was reaching out his arms saying,' 'Come, Joe, come, and I will give you rest. Come, Joe, come, and lay your weary head upon your Savior's breast." And the sergeant went on like this for a long while. He dropped down on his knees by Joe and put his arms around him, saying, "Jesus loves you, Joe, and I love you. Yea, you are precious in his sight and precious in my sight. Come to Jesus, come now." This finally was too much for Joe. His hard, sinful soul melted like �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 243 cold molasses in a hot sun. He jumped to his feet presently and began hopping around, shouting out the glad news that salvation had come to him. He felt Jesus in his heart. "Hallelujah, hallelujah!" he yelled. "Hallelujah," answered the sergeant. "Hallelujah!" called the guard and one of them spoke a few words of unknown tongues, so stirred up he was. It was a long while before they were able to quiet Joe down. Finally his shouting stopped and so did the holy jerks that had seized him for awhile. He stood there with the tears of peace pouring from his eyes, his face shining. The sergeant took the white cloth and wiped the tears lovingly away, then hugged him to his breast again and kissed him on the cheek. He now gently but firmly bound the white cloth, somewhat wet in places from Joe's tears, over the condemned man's eyes. He led him a few paces away, stepped aside and gave a high, wild cry, "Ready, aim, fire!" The muskets sounded, and Joe's soul went to its Savior — or didn't. And the sergeant-preacher went back to camp feeling satisfied. He had accomplished several things of which he was proud. Never had he preached a better sermon. Much of it he could use again back home. He had saved another soul and sent it straight to the bliss of heaven, a place where in certain scarce moments he wished to be. And he had served as best he could the great commander he worshipped next to God. Convince a man against his will, He's of the same opinion still. COO like a dove coob up Coop up. cook breakfast with a snowball This was a well-known crack of Professor Horace Williams to his philosophy class. Often he would ask an unsuspecting student if he believed that God was all-powerful, and, of course, the orthodox answer would always come back that he, the student, did believe the deity was not only all-powerful but omniscient and omnipresent. Then Professor Williams would chuckle and ask the student if he thought the all-powerful God could cook breakfast with a snowball. The class would break into gales of laughter. Everybody knew that God couldn't because the snowball would melt. Still there were some orthodox ones in arguments after the class dismissed who maintained stoutly that all things were possible with God, for the Bible said so. cookie A person. "I'll tell you, that Joe Aiken is a smart cookie." �244 Paul Green's Wordbook cooking Things going on, activity, bustle, much to-do. "What's cooking, Bud?" cooking hot A ruttish, sex-hungry person. cooking on all four burners To be doing exceedingly well, also of a motor that's running well. cook one's goose To ruin, kill, defeat, to settle one's hash. cook room The kitchen, where the cook stove is. Too many cooks spoil the broth. cook-woman A cook. cook up To fabricate, to invent. "He cooked up the whole story about President Roosevelt and that woman." cool Clever, careful, debonair. "He plays it cool." To emphasize a figure or an amount or fact. "That McLean boy made a cool million playing the stock market, and when he lost it he jumped off that water tower and busted his brains out." cool as a cucumber cooler The jailhouse, the cell.' 'That fellow cussed out the judge, and the next thing he knowed he was in the cooler." A galvanized container, usually of some two-gallon capacity, used to lower into a well for cooling milk. cooling board In the old days a dead person was laid out on a wide board for the body to cool more quickly and to help preserve it if the weather was hot. cooling-pit A pit dug under or near the dwelling house for keeping milk, butter, watermelons, etc. cool in hot weather. cool one's heels To wait interminably, to be put off. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 245 cool one's saddle To rest, to dismount. coon A derogatory Southern term for a Negro man. To go like a raccoon, move on all fours. "The only way to get across on that log is to coon it." coon muddle Brunswick stew. coon oysters Poor grade of oysters that grow in muddy water and usually are exposed at low tide. They are easily reached by raccoons and, therefore, the name. coon's age A long time. According to Dr. W.D. Weatherford of Black Mountain, a coon's age means fourteen years. "I ain't seen you in a coon's age." COOshee (coosheep) A call to sheep. coot A foolish fellow. cooter A land turtle. It is supposed that when a cooter bites you he won't turn loose until it thunders. cootie A body louse. Also a low-down fellow. cop To take, to seize, to win. "He copped first place in the midget car race." cop caller Squealing brakes. a copper One cent, sometimes referred to as a "copper cent." copperas One teaspoonful a week per sick hog will insure a cure. copper cent A trifle, a worthless item. "He ain't worth a copper cent, he's so lazy." copper-toed shoes One of the proudest moments of my life as a boy was when my father �246 Paul Green's Wordbook bought me a pair of copper-toed shoes. We boys were so devoted to playing marbles that kneeling on the ground around the shooting ring we scuffed out the toes of our shoes unmercifully. The copper strip took care of this — at least for a long while. I put my new shoes pridefully on and stomped braggingly about the house. My mother asked me to go to the woodpile and get some lightwood splinters to start a fire in the stove for supper. Out I went quick to obey. Splitting the splinters I struck my foot with the blade of the axe and cut one of my big toes half off. I fled into the house with cries of grief, not for my bleeding toe — I didn't notice that — but for my ruinedshoe. "Look what I've done to my new shoe, Momma! Look, look!" Ishrieked. "Yes, and look what you've done to your old toe," sheanswered back. "Mary, bring me a piece of cloth, quick, quick!" copy-cat An imitator. cord bed A bed with cords attached to the side rails on which the mattress is placed instead of its being placed on slats. core The clay center of an earth dam. corker First rate, admirable. cornball A dull, stupid person. corn basket A basket made of split white oak withes for handling corn in the ear. corn cob Often the farmer's toilet paper. corn dodger Cornbread in the form of a flat cake, a sort of dumpling made of cornmeal and boiled in a pot with ham and cabbage or in ham and cabbage pot liquor. cornering A deep gash cut in the tree or the cutting of the corners in turpentine farming so the resin will better run into the boxes. cornfed Well-fed, especially strong and good of fiber and stamina.' 'These hogs are all cornfed and their meat is solid as you please." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 247 cornfield hand A common hired hand, usually a Negro, somewhat different and of lower status than a house servant. The only thing standing between him and want and the grave is his own physical strength, his muscles and brawn. cornmeal poultices These were in common use for any sort of ache or pain. The cornmeal was made into a dough, heated and put into a sugar sack or old stocking and placed on the place that hurt. Heated salt in a bag was also good. cornshucking An old-timey custom which has pretty much gone out of style in recent years, what with the mechanizing of the farms with tractors, seeders, harvesting combines and the like. In the old days when late October or early November came on, the farmers would haul the corn in the shuck from the fields, pile it in a horseshoe-shaped mounding around the barn door, and invite their neighbors in to help shuck it. This was always a joyous and festive occasion, and the housewives would cook up a storm of ham, barbecue, beef stew, chicken pastry, pies, cakes, biscuits, and a multitude of things for good eating and fun. The shuckers usually ate in sequent groups — the oldest men first and the younger and yearling fellows last. Sometimes after the supper feeding was over, the girls would come out to the compile and find their respective sweethearts and snuggle down beside them and pretend to help shuck corn. After that, of course, the falling of the shucked ears toward the barn door slackened down considerably. Now and then someone would find a red ear, and then a forfeit — or better, a reward — of a kiss would be taken by the lucky fellow to the merriment and good spirits of all. I used to look forward to a cornshucking with keen delight. And one I'll never forget, for a girl was connected with it. I still can see her face, now perished and gone. She was the sweetest thing under the sun. Yes, for awhile she was. Not an apple in old Squire Johnson's orchard could equal her, none was as red as her cheeks. And my thoughts were wild and lyrical about her. I would plow in the fields all day with her nestling in my mind, sweeter than honey in the comb. But she didn't know it, didn't know that I was crazy about her. Such a fool I was in those days, timid and scary as a fly. I would go to Little Bethel Church and sit at the back listening to her play the organ. There she'd be with her head lifted, singing and playing, her face alight like an angel. What for me then was the preacher's thundering? What did I care about fire and damnation and the crackling of thorns that might threaten and mock me? Sometimes she'd pass along the lane, visiting a girl down the road. I'd be out in the fields spreading the stinking compost or cutting cornstalks, �248 Paul Green's Wordbook and the sight of her pink dress coming around the bend would send my heart up in my throat with a sharp ache. And if someone casually mentioned her name, a sweet thrill would shoot along my spine and down painfully by way of my saddle into my toes. I thought about her, dreamed about her, and the year I was seventeen I began to make plans. Breaking our old stiff bottom land with a heavy twohorse plow, I would ponder in my mind some things I'd do. Before long I'd get up courage and maybe ask her to go riding Sunday. And then before long, you watch me, my mule (and oh, if it only were a horse!) would be tied at her yard fence at least one night a week. That spring went by, the summer came, and I still had no date with her. Once or twice — choked in a high collar of those days, my new bow tie crossed pretty nice and my glass scarfpin shining like a peeping sun — I had spoken to her at church and commented upon the weather or whatever popped into my foolish mind. The merry quick look out of her dark eyes and the tilt of her brown head crucified me with joy. I could never come near such a wonder. Along with my loving that summer I took up reading in deep earnest, for I knew she liked reading. She had been the brightest scholar in our country school. By josh, I'd up and do something, I would. And some of these days — well — some of these days. I read a poetry book, by a man named Havwood, up at Raleigh, novels by E.P. Roe and Mrs. E.D.E.N. Southworth. And through the last-named amorous lady my feelings ran amuck. Fool, fool, why couldn't I get up courage to ask her for a date? She was sixteen and old enough. Then, lo and behold, on a Sunday following some of my mournful musings, she went by in the lane, swift as an arrow, sitting with Judd Hockaday behind his fast race horse. Misery, misery! That long lonesome Sunday afternoon I sat in the woods on a log with a stub of pencil and a sheet of paper, pouring out my soul in poetry. The red bugs and seed ticks did their work on my crotch and thighs, but I paid little mind. "If the high mountains and the deep sea Loosed their power and wrath on me, 'Twould not be like the pain I feel. Bring me your balm, love, my heart heal." There were fifteen verses as good as that. Then in the gray of the twilight I went home somewhat eased, scratching and itching but somewhat eased. Art hath its compensations, even as the philosopher declared. Why couldn't I be a poet? I might. A great writer. I straightened up. Another thought came to me — I might send this poem to her. Why not? By josh, she might like that. She would. I bet she didn't know I had it in me. It was good, if I did say it myself. I pulled it out and read it again, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 249 walking along the road in the gloom. "I looked at the birds and looked at the sky, And hated to think my love would die. I looked at the moon and looked at the sun And thought of my love till day was done." Out of my misery came the poem and out of that the decision to act. I put it in an envelope and mailed it to her, no letter or anything, just the poem. Then I waited. Part of my emotion was transferred to the mailman. The sound of his buggy in the lane thrilled me like the sight of her dress, but with a different sort of thrill, oh, yes, very different. But the days went by and nothing came. Lord, I'd ruined things. Of course she was mad. Anybody would get mad at such brass as that. For weeks I suffered remorse and embarrassment. That poem! I wouldn't have her know who wrote it for anything. But too late now. In the days that followed, even a thought of it and my goose-foolishness would redden my face and cause beads of sweat to pop out on my forehead. I was out in the barn lot one afternoon in October when her little brother came by riding their black mule. "Heigh," said the brother. "Heigh," said I. "Gonna shuck corn tomorrow night and want you all to come," the ruffian said, letting loose a squirt of tobacco juice at the gate and eyeing me sternly. Lightning-like visions and plans raced through my mind as I stood in my tracks. "Can you come?" "Some of us'll be there," I answered gravely, as slow and deliberate as a taciturn Indian. With a mocking look below his stubby red hair the boy soused his heels in the flanks of the old mule and sent her grunting down the road. I'd be there if torment — if hell didn't freeze over. I watched my time, and the next afternoon when everybody was out of the house I slipped in and got my daddy's razor and took my first shave. Uhp, there's a cut. Nothing much though. Other boys with cuts on their chin — I'd heard them say so casual-like, "My razor slipped this morning." I slicked down my hair and put on my suit and stood ready to ride. As a last measure I sprayed myself plentiful with my sister's cologne. Then I hitched up my father's mule and drove through the country, feeling fit and ready as a man of God. The cornshucking was in full swing when I got there. Young men, old men and boys were sitting and squatting around the horseshoe pile. In the dusk the shucked ears were pouring over toward the open barn door like a thick swarm of plunging bats. �250 Paul Green's Wordbook "Heigh, you, bring your shucking-peg?" called Laughing Gus Brown. "Got ten of 'em," I answered. "Well, come over here, Sunday clothes, and fall to it." I took my place among the sweaty overalls and ragged hats. Out of my vest pocket I fished my shucking-peg, made of the hardest dogwood, seasoned by sun and fires, and coming to a fine point at the end. In a few minutes I was ripping the shucks open and shooting the ears over with the best of them. On and on we shucked, ear by ear, nubbin after nubbin, throwing the shuck behind with one hand and reaching forward for another ear with the other. And all the while there was a low drumming and seedy spattering of the corn ears falling always toward the crib. Evening was coming on. Presently Gus let out a whoop. "The man who gets through the pile first finds a silver dollar! How 'bout it, Mr. Mac?" ' 'Dunno," Mr. McLaughlin answered from up the line. He was a dour farmer and not so free with his money. "Uh-uh!" said Laughing Gus, winking at me. "That got him where the hair's short." All the time I was thinking about the girl in the house, seeing her in my mind as she helped arrange the table, dishing up the stew and all the fine things to eat. It was almost time for supper now. The fields out by the barn were growing dim, and the open door to the hayloft above was a square of blackness, and looked lonesome. I gazed up at the sky and saw that the stars were coming out. The sky looked lonesome too. That was a trait I had — when I thought of something sweet and happy, I thought of something lonesome. One feeling seemed to bring the other. "Le's sing some," I said timidly to Laughing Gus. "Sam and Tim's here." "That's right, music in place of the dollar," said he. "Heigh, Tim, you and Sam come over here." Sam and Tim and Gus and I had been singing as a country quartet now for some time — 'round at cornshuckings, ice cream suppers and parties and the like. We sure could make music, as everybody said. Presently Tim and Sam left their places and came around. We made room for them. "How're you?" queried Tim. "What shall it be?" said Sam, dumping his tobacco wad in his hand and throwing it behind him. I was a sort of leader and knew more tunes than they. "Oh, anything," I answered. "What would you like?" "Sing about poor Omi," old Yen Yarborough spoke up in his chair a few paces away. Old Yen liked music, and he especially liked that mournful piece. He'd seen a lot of trouble in his time and now was dying from a bad �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 251 sore on his nose. Try doctors, herbs, salves, all that he might, including Miss Zua Smith's powerful plasters — nothing did him any good. But he still kept cheerful. "Poor Omi it shall be," said Sam with his bass. Thereupon we cleared our throats and settled our knees more firmly in the bed of shucks. "Ta-la-la-la," said Tim, setting the chord. He was the first tenor and a good one. "Do, sol, mi, do," growled Sam. Then we let loose a harmony that shattered the twilight air and trembled the cobwebs in the hayloft. Out, around and upward we sent the lady's plaintive story. "O pity, O pity! pray spare your babe's life, And I will deny it and not be your wife. No pity, no pity, no pity have I, In yonder Deep River your body shall lie." How we did make it chord, all with queer minor and mode! And when we'd reached the end where the poor lady's body, by desperate deed foredone, is found in the river and the guilty George Lewis is captured and bound down in chains, there were grunts of approval and scattered clapping of hands on all sides. "That sure is a piece," mused Laughing Gus. Then through the cool October evening I heard a voice that thrilled me to the bone. "Come on in to supper, you all." She was outside the lot fence with some other girls. "Come on to supper." The fellows around the compile craned their necks around, snickered and stirred with enlivenment. The old men would eat first, and seven or eight of them soon rose, dusted the corn silks from their clothes and went on toward the gate. "We need four more," old Yen called back. "Go on to supper, Tom." "No, you go, Dave." "Why, I ain't hungry a bit in the world." "Charlie, you go." "No, you go. The old come first. Hee-hee!" "Pshaw! Looks before age!" "Since you ain't got 'em, you need sump'n to eat!" "Allen, you go." And finally four middle-aged fellows followed the old ones to supper. The young girls in their white dresses and ribbons clustered around like �252 Paul Green's Wordbook beautiful butterflies beyond the fence. "There she is," and Laughing Gus punched me in the side. But I went on with my shucking seemingly as cold and indifferent as the old dummy that lived by the creek. "You gals come over here and help us shuck this corn!'' three or four voices called. The group of girls beyond the fence were suddenly animated with a flurry of motion, and there were giggles and whispers among them. Finally little Cissy Tatum, who had a tongue like a scorpion's tail, shrilled out, "Who's that all dressed up there in his wedding garments?" A great shout went up around the compile, and I felt my face grow hot as fire. "Come here, little Black-Eyes, and hold its hand!" cried Gus who seemed to have gone crazy in his head. "Bring your han'kcher and an'int it, for she smells like the Queen of Sheby." Sam, who had covered many a bar of balladry with me, suddenly rolled over on his back and wallowed among the shucks with joy. He let out little puffing squeals of merriment. If only the ground would open and swallow me up, or if I might but burrow my way deep under the corn shucks and hide myself from all human eyes! I remembered foolishly that Enos walked with God and was not, for God took him. And so was it with Elijah. I looked up at the sky and wished, as the Negroes sang — wisht I had-a wings for to fly. Then the girls went away, and she called back over her shoulder, "We'll all come and help you after supper." "Do," shouted Gus, "and a kiss for every red ear!" ' 'How about the Springfield Mountain piece?'' I stammered out to Tim who never laughed at anybody or anything. He was a solemn soul, he was. As long as I lived I had never known him to laugh. But Tim had fun, plenty of it, till he died in France. "All right," he muttered. And he lifted up his voice. "In Springfield Mountain there did dwell A handsome youth, I knowed him well. 'Twas Deacon Jones' only son— When he was only twenty-one—" Ah, that was a piece! — And Tim's high tenor was clear and sweet as a bell. We three joined in— "One Monday morning he did go Out in the field some hay to mow. He sca'ce had mowed half o'er the field, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 253 When a venomous blacksnake bit him on the heel— —Sing umble-bumble and a skiddy and a bumble And a mozi-linkum too. "He killed that snake and in his hand He took it quick to Molly Ann— Says he to Moll, 'Jist look and see What venomous blacksnake has bit me!' —Sing umble-bumble, etc. "Says Moll to him.'Why did you go Out in the field, some hay to mow?' Says he to Moll, 'I thought you knowed Your pappy"s hay it must be mowed.' —Sing umble-bumble, etc. "Then Moll she kissed his wounded limb And sucked the pizen out'n him. But Molly had a rotten tooth, And so the pizen took them both. —Sing umble-bumble, etc. "And then they died, gave up the ghost And went to join the heavenly host. And both cried out as up they went, 'Confound that devil of a sarpeint!' —Sing umble-bumble," etc. Handclappings and whistlings of appreciation sounded forth when we finished. "What a piece!" said Tim. Soon the old men came back, and it was the turn of the young fellows to go to supper. We shuffled on through the darkness and crowded around the pump outside the dining room. There we washed up with strong homemade soap and dried our hands and faces on towels hanging from the limbs of a pecan tree. The young girls hovered about in the gloom and waited upon us as if we had been lords. "Here's some soap, Charlie," one said shyly to her husky sweetheart. "And here's a towel," said another. ' 'Hurry up there,'' the sharp voice of Miz McLaughlin called from the kitchen. Through the lighted window of the parlor I could see other girls playing the organ and singing, and two or three were sitting on the lounge looking through the family albums. Time would hang heavy on their hands until the boys were through at the compile. Like a herd of goats we fellows tramped �254 Paul Green's Wordbook in through the dining room and seated ourselves at the table. Mr. McLaughlin was noted for his closeness, but he hadn't failed to provide on this occasion. No farmer does. The table was loaded down with chicken stew, ham, collards, early pork, beef stew and steak, biscuits, muffins, cornbread, potato pie and custards and cakes, and goodness knows what all. Two or three stolid Negro women moved about the room, handing the dishes on. And over it all Miz McLaughlin, with face as dried as a bean root, watched with hawk-like eye. She was a stingy one, no doubt, but she did urge everybody to help himself. If she cared for her rations, as it was said, she was due to suffer this night. And so we began. I being so timid, and with my mind on something else, like a fool got a whole plateful of collards from the first Negro woman. I hated "greens" above all things, and in a few minutes my appetite was gone. It looked like a grimace of pleasure on the hostess' face when I soon had to say "no" to a proffered dish of stew. After a few minutes the girl came in and shyly spoke to Sam. "Are you going to play for us?" she said. "We are if we can tote our vittles," he answered. A bit longer she stayed in the room and then went off along the porch toward the parlor. Not once had I looked up at her, but sat bent over my plate diddling with the hated greens, feeling her presence suffocatingly around me. Back at the compile we shucked and shucked. Presently the cold moon came up behind the barn and peered in our faces. Gus suggested another song, but I, who had grown mournful, said I didn't feel like it. "And Sam's not here, anyhow," I said. I was waiting and hoping she would come. Well, if she did, she'd go and sit with somebody, not me, of course. The corn was dwindling away under our onslaught, we'd be through in a few minutes. Then I heard the knock of the latch in the gate and the shout that went up around the pile told me the girls were there. Through the corner of my eye I saw them come in. My heart pounded in my ribs and nearly stifled me, but I kept at my task, erect and with the gravity of that same old aforesaid Indian. I saw them settle themselves here and there along the pile with their different sweethearts. Ah, it was all so foolish anyhow. I didn't care, I didn't. Why'n thunder had I dressed up like a fool? Then a cool voice spoke up behind me. "Let me sit with you." she said. I gripped the ear I was shucking. "There's some room here," I answered casually, making a place for her. "Un-uh,'' Gus snorted, "red ears, where are you hiding?'' And he went on making funny remarks, but I heard nothing now. Here she was, right here beside me, and she chose me before the rest. My head was swimming and all the fine speeches I had planned were lost in a hazy dreaminess. Bless �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 255 the lord if a sort of sleepiness didn't soon come over me. What ailed me anyhow? Then I felt her soft hand against mine among the shucks. She was reaching for an ear maybe, sure that was all. We shucked away in silence. She would say nothing either. Once Gus stuck a red ear at me. "Now's your chance," he said. But I made no reply and Gus threw the ear scornfully toward the barn. "How's everything at your house?" she finally said. ' 'All right." I wanted to talk out and laugh and cut up like the others, but something weighed me down like lead. I was happy, but something weighed me down. Once or twice she looked at me intently and then presently shivered and stood up. "It's cold here and I better get my fascinator," she said. She went out through the gate, and Laughing Gus lay back and roared with glee. "What's all the fun?" a neighbor queried. "The cat's got the bridegroom's tongue," he cackled. Now if I but had a sledgehammer or something I'd kill that Laughing Gus Brown. I wouldn't mind caving his head in, not a bit in this world. A flood of wretchedness came over me. I was the biggest fool that ever wore shoes, no doubt of it. Well, out I would go. And I did. I stumbled up and went toward the lot gate. I would go home and go to bed where I belonged. Catcalls and merry gibes followed me out and cut me to the quick. With a sob in my throat I went toward the fence where my mule was tied. I began hitching him to the buggy. As I was ready to drive off, she came out of the gloom with her shawl around her. "Where you going?" she asked. "They're about through now and I'd better go on." "Don't go, we're going to play and have some music in a little bit." "I better leave," I muttered, but I stood making no move. She came closer and laid her hand on my arm.' 'That was the sweetest poem you sent me." "Oh, Lord! "I gasped. She looked at me with great admiring eyes. "You're smart as you can be." She stammered and looked down. "You know, I wrote several letters about it, but I was afraid to send 'em. You're so — proud and standoffish. You are." "Good gracious alive!'' I said. Mechanically I tied the mule again and stood by her silent. There were no words to be had now. Fool! "The moon's so beautiful," she murmured, "let's go walking down the lane. We'll come right back." We went along and soon she put her hand in my arm the way I'd read in books. "The wheel ruts make hard walking — so," she said. "I'll write you some more, Nan," I said with some confidence now. "Oh, do, and I'll try to send you a letter some of these days,'' she added. �256 Paul Green's Wordbook "Oh, do," I whispered. The moon looked down with smiling face, and the fields lay wide and peaceful on either side. There in the hedgerow the flowers stood dead and sore from the early frost. The yarrow that Achilles knew held up its blistered hands, and the proud old mullein nodded its gray fuzzy head at us from the shadowy fence jambs. "It's a beautiful night," she murmured again. "Look at the man in the moon!" ' 'And everything all around us," I answered foolishly and in a choking voice. At the turn of the lane we stopped and leaned against the fence. Presently she laid her hand on mine, and I caught it in a tight convulsive clutch. "What's the matter?" she whispered. I looked at her with shining eyes. "Oh, me," she cried. And I put my arms gently around her then. "That's all right, that's all right," I kept saying. For a long while I held her so. Then a few words came stammering through my lips. "I've been thinking a whole lot. I'm gonna do something in this world, gonna be something somehow. I'll do it, do it for you, you wait and see. They can laugh at me — I don't care — I'll—" "They don't laugh at you." She leaned her head timidly against my shoulder and I kissed her fabulous hair once. "Let's go back," she said as if afraid. And I could feel her tremble. For a while we stood there, and then hand in hand we went up the lane toward the house. The music had already begun, the fiddle and banjo ringing out through the night. Boys and girls could be seen having fun on the porch. Near the barn I stopped and gestured around with a quick sweep of my arm. "You know, I'm going to do something." "Yes, you will." "I'm gonna write about all these things, make poems and such — tell 'em how purty — how beautiful it is—" I let go her hand and we went on toward the house and toward our future together — as I foolishly believed. With a cornstalk fiddle and a shoestring bow, Off to court Miss Sallie I'm bound to go. (Nonsense rhyme.) cornstalk /linger or thrower We boys used to cut a hole near the end of a length of a cornstalk, put a pebble in the hole and swing the cornstalk through the air with a sharp jerking motion, so the pebble would fly off at tremendous speed and to a great distance. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 257 Lord Cornwallis The brave, resourceful and intrepid commander of the British forces during the latter phase of the Revolutionary War. His name became a part of folklore of North Carolina. His march from Hillsborough at the north of the Valley to Wilmington and thence to the surrender at Yorktown was especially famous both historically and traditionally. Numerous Valley places were connected with his name. "Here's where Lord Cornwallis spent the night," "This is the road along which Cornwallis marched," and so on. The private home in Wilmington where he stayed has since been known only as the "Cornwallis House." corny Dull, stupid, vulgar. corporation A prominent belly. "In the Nero Wolfe stories, Archie is all the time referring to Nero's corporation." corpse bird A bird of foreboding and omens, the owl. corruption Pus. "That boil's full of corruption and ought to be lanced." cost free A redundancy meaning without cost, free, gratis. cotch Catch. cotton basket A basket usually woven from white oak withes, much like a corn basket, and used to pour the picked cotton in for weighing or emptying into the wagon body. cotton candy A frothy, bubbly candy usually on sale at fairs and circuses. Also nonsense, silly talk, sentimental stuff. cotton in one's ears It used to be a custom to wear cotton in the ears to keep from catching cold, also as a cure for earache. cotton-picking A term of disparagement.' 'Keep your cotton-picking fingers off my leg." cotton root tea A drink made from boiling cotton roots, supposed to be a prevention for �258 Paul Green's Wordbook pregnancy. Many a colored woman has tried it and later woke up with' 'them pains just the same." A COttonstalk too close to the weed Will find the hoe gives it no heed. cottontail A rabbit. cotton to Bow down to, pay subservience to, flatter unctuously. high cotton Fine spirits, easy doings, financially okay. "Since I bought myself that new Ford I'm in high cotton." low cotton To be melancholy, to have heavy feelings, to be down in the dumps, hard doings. "Since the finance company took my Ford away from me, I'm in low cotton." wrapped in cotton (wool) Well protected, petted, spoiled. "No wonder that fellow ain't no 'count, his mother always kept him wrapped in cotton." cough up To disclose, pay up, ante up, meet one's commitment. could be Perhaps so. "You say Dean Rusk is telling the truth about the war in Vietnam — could be." coulter A straight steel blade attached to the beam of a plough to cut the roots or ground in front of the point and wing. How often have I ploughed a newground with one of these coulters. We always called them jumping coulters because of their proclivity for hanging a root and then bouncing out of the ground. The root would come back against your naked shin, and for a moment the newground and the fields would echo with a wild wail of a persecuted boy. Keep your own counsel. In a multitude of counsellors there is safety. counter jumper A salesman in a drygoods store usually. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 259 counterpin Counterpane. counting out rhymes These are popular among children the world over, and each country, region or locality has its own. The rhymes are used to choose a player who is to be "It." The players sit in a circle on the floor or around a table and put out two fingers each. Then the speaker — one who has shouted out first or loudest for the privilege — counts or designates each of the players' extended fingers in turn as he speaks the rhyme, a syllable or beat for each finger. This counting out goes on until only one player is left and he is "It." The following were among our favorite counting-out rhymes in the Buie's Creek neighborhood. Eenery meenery dippery dee, Delia dolya dominee, Hotcha potcha dominotcha Hiya pon tus. O-u-t spells out On your way home. Eeny meeny miny mo, Catch a nigger by his toe, If he hollers let him go. Eeny meeny miny mo. O-u-t spells out On your way home. William Trembletoe He's a good fisherman, Catches hens Now and then, Puts 'em in pens. Some lay eggs, Some don't. Wire brier limberlock Sit and sing till ten o'clock. The clock fell down, The mouse ran around. O-u-t spells out On your way home. as countless as the stars �260 Paul Green's Wordbook count noses To check those present, sometimes to call the roll of the loyal ones as against the disloyal for some matter of concern or matter before the house. count on Rely on. "I'm counting on you to help me in a pinch." To expect, estimate. "I didn't count on so many people showing up, so we're short of fried chicken." take the count To die, to be knocked out, to be made bankrupt. countrified Boorish, lacking in refinement, not citified. the country The outfield in baseball, also means pasture. My country, right or wrong! Very patriotic slogan. country cousin The boorish awkward side of the relatives, not fashionable or citified. country mile A long distance, longer than a mile. to go through the country To drive, to motor, as opposed to traveling on the train, or these days by plane. couple To copulate, to marry. To hitch a horse or a team to a conveyance. "Son, go out to the barn and couple the mules to the wagon and we'll be ready to ride." coupling pole In the old days a four-wheeled wagon was held together with a coupling pole, usually a 2 x 4 white oak scantling. A bolt was inserted through the front end and attached to the middle of the axle. It reached back through the center of the rear axle and was bolted there likewise. course A line of bricks. Also the chop-markings along the side of a log for the broadaxe to hull off for making hewn logs. The course of true love never runs smooth. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 261 Cousin Betty A madam, a keeper of a bawdy house. cover To get the draw on. How many little boys have darted out from a hedgerow with toy pistols in their hands and yelled to the unsuspecting passerby, "Hands up, I've got you covered.'' All part and parcel of the gun psychosis in these United States. Usually refers to a male animal covering a female.' 'My stallion is available at ten dollars a cover." Sometimes, instead of the word cover, the word "leak" was used. coverled Coverlet. covers it To take in all phases of a question. Thou shalt not covet. COW Woman. to feed the COW to catch the calf Pay attention to the mother to win her daughter. better to be a coward than a corpse better a live CO ward than a dead hero cowcumber Cucumber. cowdab A wad or dump of cow dung. cow doctor A sort of veterinarian. Usually in our neighborhood there was someone, an elderly man most often, who gradually got the reputation of being a cow doctor. And any time that any of the cows got into trouble, lost their cud or got belly swollen, the cow doctor was sent for. I remember one who used to come around. And sometimes when a cow had a swollen stomach, he would out with his long-bladed knife and stab a hole in it. "That lets the pizen wind out," he would say. cow dung Applied as an old-time remedy to cuts and burns. �262 Paul Green's Wordbook cowgrease Butter. cowhide To beat with a whip. "If that old beggar man, Good, comes around here again, I'm going to cowhide him from A to Z." cow itch vine The trumpet vine. cow juice Milk. cowlick A peculiar curl in a person's hair, usually just above the forehead. This is supposed to be a mark of good luck. cow-mooing Fervent gossiping or talking by a group of vociferous women. cowpath A path through the woods or fields made by the cows. Many a road has been laid out along a cowpath. I often have heard it said that Durham was laid out by a cow. If this is true, then Boston certainly must have been laid by a herd of them. Cow Poker A game played by children riding in a car, with one child choosing one side of the road, one the other, and counting the number of cows on either side. The one that has the largest number when the journey is over wins. It happens that if one child sees a graveyard on the side of his opponent and calls it out before the other one sees it, that unlucky child loses all his cows and has to start over again. like a cow that's lost her cud (or calf) Forlorn, lonesome, downhearted. He looks like his COW had died. An appearance of grief. Many a good COW has a bad calf. cow-like Bovine, dull, lethargic. until the cows come home A very long time indeed. "If that dog Bruno ever gets you by the leg, he'll hold on until the cows come home!' �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 263 Cows off yonder have long horns. like a cow's tail, always behind Refers to a usual late arrival. Feed the COWS that give most milk. coyduck Decoy duck. crab To complain. crab apple Juice from the fruit made a good poultice for sprains. Also it was used in dyeing. crabgrass A luxuriant grass that grows in the farmers' fields and will' 'take the place'' if not ploughed out in time. In the old days the farmers used to keep flocks of geese to eat this grass from their cotton fields. crabs Body lice of a vicious kind, usually found in houses of prostitution. crack To talk in good spirits intimately. "There they sat cracking jokes and drinking co'cola, and all the time the grass was eating up their cotton." Excellent, first rate. "I seen Annie Oakley once, and, man alive, she was a crack shot from high low jack and the game." A faux pas.' 'Everything was going okay at the party till he made that crack about the woman with the tin drawers and the preacher with the can opener.'' To have a nervous breakdown. "From the way Floyd Mclntosh is acting over television about the race question, he seems about to crack." Crack-a-loo A game, sometimes played by pitching pennies, tobacco tags or other tokens at a chosen mark. crack a smile To smile unwillingly or to have a half smile on one's face. crack-brained Foolish, harebrained, wildly irresponsible. crack down Stern judgment, sudden exercise of authority. �264 Paul Green's Wordbook cracked Open. "Leave the door cracked a bit." Loony, crazy. cracker The string-woven, or hide string, end of a bull whip or a buggy whip. A story that has a logical but unforeseen ending. O. Henry, the short story writer, was famous for his cracker endings. For example. "The Gift of the Magi," where a loving young couple became the butt of their own irony. The girl had beautiful hair, and she had it cut off and sold to buy a Christmas present for her young husband. He had a watch he prized very much, and he sold it to get a present for his wife. The wife's present was a new fob for the watch. The husband's present was a set of lovely combs for his wife's abundant hair. This all comes out in the final few lines of the story. The tail-end player in the game of Pop the Whip. crackerjack A dependable person, a first rate person. "That Smiley boy is a crackerjack." cracking First rate. "It's my belief that Senator Fulbright is a cracking good man." cracklings The crisp leavings of hog's fat after lard or oil or grease has been dried out. It had many uses, one being to mix it with the bread batter, helping to make the famous Southern crackling bread. crack of day The first glimpse of daylight, especially when seen through a low rift in the eastern morning cloud. "He was up at the crack of day." crack of doom Doomsday as especially prophesied in the Book of Revelation. crackpot An irresponsible, wildcat scheming person. Crack the Whip (Same as Pop the Whip) A very popular game among school children. Back in the old days at Pleasant Union School, between Lillington and Angier, North Carolina, we used to play it with great delight. Sometimes I would get into the game and get hurt, for I was crippled in my knees and arms for a long time with "white swelling" and couldn't keep up with the other children, but I would manfully try, and sometimes I would get flung to the ground and turn sick at the stomach from pain. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 265 In the game several players join hands and form a long line, usually a strong boy at the head end and then the others stringing out behind him. The leader boy would start running and then turn in a wide circle, pulling all the others after him, and after the line had attained considerable speed he might suddenly reverse his course, pulling along with the others as strongly as before. Then those on the end of the line would be accelerated to such a pace that sometimes they would be turned somersaulting in the air. We had a girl in our school named Lena Overby, and she had the most beautiful dark eyes and peaches and cream complexion I ever saw — a velvety complexion — and she was the most modest thing alive. While other girls in the schoolroom might sit with their dresses careless about their knees and with the boys snickering and whispering and watching them, she always was very demure and kept her dress far down toward her ankles. Well, one day she had the bad luck of being near the end of the whip and, in turning the corner, Piercy, who was last in line, let go her hand on purpose and she was left on the end. Poor Lena was sent flying through the air, her dress over her head. And Piercy let out a cry, "I see 'em, they're old outing flannel!" crack wind To fart, same as break wind. by cracky or crackles! A mild expletive. cradle An instrument for cutting small grain, that is rye, oats, wheat, with a blade attached to the frame with long spokes or fingers to hold the grain as it fell back under the swipe of the blade. I remember once trying to break a record in Harnett County by cutting with a cradle. I cut five acres of grain for Mr. Joe Johnson in one day. I started at daybreak and cut all day long until dark, round after round, reaching stroke after stroke with the right hand, the cradle coming up to rest on the thigh, the left hand gathering the grain and laying it aside, and on and on. When night came he paid me $ 1.50 and wrote the check out with a stub pencil. The check was good. Rock an empty cradle and soon it will be filled again. cradle robber An elderly man who marries a girl very much younger than himself. The same applies to an older woman getting her hooks on a young man. "That Ed Jones is a real cradle robber. He took that fifteen-year-old girl to South Carolina and married her." as crafty as a fox �266 Paul Green's Wordbook cram To study hard for an examination. cramp To hinder, restrain, cripple. "I don't like that fellow, he always cramps my style." cranksided Twisted, crooked, all awry.' 'The old wheel stood cranksided under the heavy load." cranky Abnormal, irritable. "I wouldn't bother him. He's kinda cranky." Unsteady, unreliable, shaky. "He lives in a cranky old shack down by the river with his one cow staked out in front of the house." crap Excreta. Also nonsense. Crop. to take a crap To defecate. crape hanger A kill-joy, a pessimistic person, one who looks on the dark side of life. crash dive To dive headlong down as a kamikaze pilot. When I was writing a picture on Eddie Rickenbacker, he said, "There I was with my wing on fire and it blazing more every moment. The only thing to do was to try and put it out, and so I crash dived toward the earth for ten thousand feet, and finally the flames went out when I was a few hundred feet off the ground and I was saved." crate A cheap vehicle, a term of disparagement for an automobile.' 'Hey, move that crate out of the way so a real car can drive in." crawfish To back out, to renege on a promise. crawl To beat up, to attack with physical violence. "If that fellow keeps pickin' on me, I'm going to crawl his frame." crawling Crowded, alive with people or things.' 'Memorial Hall there in Raleigh was �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 267 just crawling with people." crawls Shivers, goose pimples.' 'When John McCormack hits that high note, boy, it gives me the crawls." crawly Sensation of having crawling things on one's body. craw sick Nauseated, vomit-sick. craze A fad. crazy Abnormal, queer. " 'Fesser Johnson lives in that crazy house down there on Franklin Street — you can't miss it." He's as crazy about liquor as a steer is for pond water. crazy as a bedbug crazy as a bull bat crazy as a coot crazy as a fly in a drum crazy as a horse in a windstorm crazy as a loon crazy as hell crazy as the devil crazy bone Funnybone. Sometimes refers to the elbow when one accidentally hits it and a temporary numbness results. "Oh, I hit my crazy bone on that cupboard door." crazy house A mental ward, an asylum. Crazy is as crazy does. A folk proverb common in the Valley as elsewhere. The truth of this old saying — with a difference — is well illustrated in the story of Dr. J. T. McRae, son of one Allen McRae, a piddling small town politician. Of all the McRae boys, and there were four of them, J.T. was the most determined. His father Allen loved to read about Indians and �268 Paul Green's Wordbook so had named him John Tecumseh — the Tecumseh having reference to the great midwest Indian chief and prophet. This J. T., as they called him, worked his way through college at Chapel Hill and finally, after many years of hard going through thick and thin, became a doctor. While he was studying, so the story goes, he hired himself out as an assistant to one of the new-fangled medical men who had begun appearing in the South about that time but who since then have become thick as thieves in the land, namely, psychiatrists or psychoanalysts — take your pick, as J. T. would now say. J. T. was a funny-acting fellow, and people said he never would amount to much. In fact most of his neighbors thought he was a little queer in the head and off balance mentally, but later they changed their minds. He had a jerky way of walking and moving his body, and his eyes when he talked would now and then flare up and widen as if they were going to shoot out of his face, and then would narrow down again. This was just a mannerism he had inherited or taken up from his grandpa Turkey Bill Slocumb McRae, and he later got over it. It might have been that the analyst, or whatever he called himself, took him on as an assistant because of this behavior of his. Anyway, after about a year the medical man let J. T. know that he had been studying him all the time and keeping records on him. "You have, have you?" said J. T., his eyes flaring wider than usual at the great psychology teacher — at least this is the way it was told to me. "Yes, I have," said the doctor firmly, "and I've decided that you are schizophrenic — in other words crazy." And some folks said that perhaps the outspoken doctor would have had J. T. shut up in Dix Hill or sent to Morganton because of his findings but for the fact that out comes J. T. now with a big pile of notes and stuff, telling the doctor he had been studying him the year he'd been there and by his findings the doctor was skitzy and crazy. And so the psychology professor was put out of countenance. After much hemming and hawing back and forth, the two of them called a compromise. The professor was now so much struck with J. T. that he offered him a job as a first class assistant and with more pay, saying he believed he had a great future ahead as a psychiatrist. But J. T. had other fish to fry. He said he didn't want to waste his life in any such foolishness, comforting rich old women and the like. He wanted to practice real medicine. So he finished his degree at Chapel Hill, went on to Pennsylvania, somehow, and at last got his license. He's back in his hometown now with his sign on his office, and he is already becoming popular up and down the countryside. It is "Dr. J.T." here and "Dr. J.T." there, and he is on the go both day and night. As his proud father Allen said, "He's coining money right sharp." He's already bought half interest in a brick mill. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 269 You 're crazy! A jocular interjection. cream To hit viciously, to knock out. "In the ninth round old Ali creamed him." cream of the crop The best. cream through To bluff, to always take the easy way out. creasy Cress. creasy sallet Upland cress for cooking greens. Early in the spring, often in February, in the fields in the South, Negro women especially can be seen bending down here and there gathering creasy. creation The beginning of the world as recounted in the Bible. Everywhere around, all over. "He's the best man in the whole creation." That beats all creation. Tops everything, an outlandish happening or thing. a creep A misfit, low-life person. "We'd a-had fun if we hadn't had that creep along." creeper A hanger around, gigolo. "Whilst Sam was on the chain gang a creeper kept coming to the back door and messing with his wife. When Sam got free, he made for that creeper with the old quietus and shot him full of holes like a sieve. Now Sam's back on the chain gang again." creeping about Half sick but able to be up.' 'I'm just creeping about these days, but when spring comes my dander'll be back and I'll be whooping and hollering like always to plant corn." creeping Charlie A most pestiferous ground plant. It will creep strangling-wise all over your lawn if it's not destroyed. The herbalists say it has fine medicinal value as a stimulant and tonic. Whatever its virtues its knavery outweighs them for me. Also known as gill-o'er-the-ground. �270 Paul Green's Wordbook creeping crud A low-life person, dirty, objectionable. creeping Jesus A whining, pious, hypocritical person. creeps Shivers. "He gives me the creeps to look at him." crepe myrtle Perhaps this has finally become the most typical of all the Southern shrubs. In the botany books it is referred to as a shrub, though I have seen single crepe myrtle "shrubs" twenty-five or thirty feet high and with trunks ten to twelve inches in diameter near the ground. From late June and on through September the pink or red (and sometimes white) gushes of blossoms decorate the world. When my wife and I bought an old house near Chapel Hill and remodeled it, the first thing we did was to line the driveway on either side with crepe myrtles. crib To steal. a crib A literal translation, usually of Greek or Latin, which is often secretively used by the students in a college or university. I remember one day in the old classroom there in Chapel Hill when Tom Wolfe was asked to read from the Latin text, and for the first time he read glibly. Dr. Henry looked out, chuckled and complimented him on his reading and then added quite innocently that he'd better put up his translation and read the original. And, of course, then Tom was stumped and stuttered out what little he could of the Latin original. See "pony." crick A muscular affliction in the neck, the shoulders or back. Creek. cricket Fair play. To have a cricket in the house is to have good luck, and it's very bad luck to kill one. by cricky! A mild expletive. cried up To praise highly. "He cried up that woman's charms till we were all sick �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 271 of the subject." If a child cries a great deal when it is an infant, it will make a good man or woman. crimp Cramp. "He crimped my style." crinkly Wrinkly, corrugated. "Young Henry Spears keeps his hair all crinkly with the curling irons." crip An easy matter, an easy course in school.' 'Professor Collier Cobb's course in geology is a plumb crip." Also an abbreviation of a cripple. cripes! An exclamation. croak To die. "Old Man John Rand, the fiddler that used to wear seven shirts at a time — well, last night he croaked." croak like a frog croaker sack A tow bag. croak in her throat Hoarseness. Croatan Indians A tribe that had an up and down, sometimes tragic, history. Many of the tribe claim to be descendants from Sir Walter Raleigh's lost colony of Roanoke Island. At one time they were classed by North Carolina law as Negroes, or "people of color." They fought this classification and were in time designated Indians. Under the old system many inconveniences resulted. For instance, in public places six restrooms were required, one for white men, one for Indian men, and one for Negro men. Likewise the same sort of separation applied to women. I remember years ago that a lawsuit was brought for the admission of Croatan Indians to the Dunn high school. The Indians won. And in the first year of schooling there an Indian girl was elected by the students — nearly all white — to be senior class president. crocodile tears Hypocritical tears, simulated grief. A crooked stick will have a crooked shadow. �272 Paul Green's Wordbook A crooked tree casts a crooked shadow, as crooked as a corkscrew as crooked as a dog's hind legs as crooked as a lawyer as crooked as a pig's tail as crooked as a pretzel Dishonest. "I cain't do business with him. He's as crooked as a pretzel." as crooked as a sick cow's tail as crooked as a snake as crooked as a stick as crooked as hell as crooked as sin That which is crooked cannot be made straight. There was a crooked man And he went a crooked mile. He found a crooked sixpence Against a crooked stile. He bought a crooked cat Which caught a crooked mouse, And they all lived together In a little crooked house. (A nursery rhyme.) crook the elbow Take a dram of liquor. crop To earmark an animal by cutting a notch out of an ear or a piece of the ear off, denoting a particular ownership. crops Past tense of creep. crops in The conclusion of a matter, the finish. "When he said that, the crop was in." cross Ill-tempered, contrary. To oppose, to antagonize. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 273 as cross as a setting hen as cross as cats and dogs as cross as scissors as cross as two sticks Cross two of your fingers when you are lying and the lie won't count. Never cross a bridge till you come to it. Take up thy cross and follow me. The way of the cross leads home. No cross, no crown. When you cross your fingers, you don't really mean what you say. Cross Creek The early name for Fayetteville because of the manner in which the creeks intersected there. In a flood one creek drove its waters across the other. cross-cut saw A two-man saw with upright handles used especially in the old days of timbering. cross-eyed Poor judgment, mistaken. "That's a cross-eyed verdict if ever I heard one." cross-furrow A furrow ploughed across other furrows at an angle, usually a right angle, to control water. cross-grained Perverse, stubborn, sullen. cross knife and fork When we were children in eastern North Carolina, it was good manners to cross one's knife and fork on his plate when he had finished eating. In fact, this was a sign that a child or person had enough. How often have I heard my mother say to forgetful me, "Cross your knife and fork, son.'' Of course, it was very bad manners to drink one's coffee out of his saucer, but everybody did, especially the older persons. The method was to pour hot coffee into the saucer, blow on it to cool it, and then sip it — much the way the Japanese people drink their sake. cross-lift Sometimes in the log-rolling days when four men, two to each hand-spike, �274 Paul Green's Wordbook were lifting logs along and the load proved too heavy, others would take their hand-spikes, two at a time, and put them under the end of each of the former spikes, and there would be four men to each hand-spike. Thus the lifting power would be much increased. cross-mark Making a cross-mark on the ground and spitting in it will break bad luck. cross my heart and hope to die A mild oath, an asseveration much used by children. Cross patch draw the latch, Sit by the fire and spin. Take a cup and drink it up, And call your neighbors in. (A teasing rhyme.) Cross Tag A children's game. cross the River Jordan To die. "Yeh, last night Aunt Sallie crossed over the River Jordan." (Usually pronounced Jurden.) crotchety Irritable. croton oil A most powerful laxative. It was supposed to work so quickly that there was a saying in our neighborhood, "Croton oil goes through you before you can get your britches down." Another saying expressive of speed as to laxative was, "It goes through you like croton oil through a duck." crow To brag, to boast loudly. eat crow To have to swallow one's words, reabsorb an insult. After the fiasco of the Bay of Pigs, Herblock had a cartoon showing a waiter bearing a dish of crow to a waiting table of government powers — CIA, Secretary of State, Defense officials, and including the military. The caption read: "There's plenty for everybody." crowd To jostle, push up against another. "Don't crowd me, big boy, or else..." A crowd is not company. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 275 crow-hop A jumping about sort of dance, also said of a horse that jumps about unbroken. A crowing hen is a sign of bad luck. A whistling woman and a crowing hen Are critters that'll come to no good end. (Wisdom rhyme.) crown To hit on the head. "You call me a liar and I'll crown you." crows Big blackbirds about the size of a bantam hen or larger and so well known in North Carolina and throughout the land as to need no introduction or description. It is enough to say that this, my friend the crow — for so I count him now—is one of the most intelligent and enterprising creatures on earth, and he has to be in order to survive and thrive as he seems to be doing in this technological automobile-speeding age. His example of industry and forethought—his up early and out late working for his living—is something that could put to shame all hippies and gays and welfare deadbeats with their government sponsors now infesting the land, if they could but take it to heart. The example of the crow should be preached to them until they had to take notice. But nothing will be done, of course, for neither they nor Uncle Sam knows the difference between a crow and a crowbar and doesn't want to know. Nearly every time I see a crow I think of Izzy Izzard. His name actually was Israel, Israel Izzard. The Izzards lived between Elizabethtown and Wilmington close by the river, and Norman Izzard, the father, was mainly a corn farmer. Every spring he was mightily tormented by the crows pulling up his young sprouting corn. Like the other farmers he put up scarecrows in the field, and as always the crows got onto the sham and came in the early daybreak to go after the sprouting corn as hard as ever. Izzy the son was about fifteen the year Norman was laying out plans for his biggest corn crop. During the winter he and the hands had got in several more acres of newground and he was counting on his biggest harvest. "We ought to make the best crop we've ever made," he said, "if the dang crows will but let us alone." Now Izzy had already shown a sharpness for making a trade here and there and he had quite a bit of small change saved up in a tin can in his bureau drawer. For instance, when Norman would take the children, say, on an excursion to Wilmington and give each of them two dollars to spend, Izzy would bring most of his back to go into the tin can. He would look a lot �276 Paul Green's Wordbook and buy little. And another thing that showed his saving and already stingy nature was the way he got his pencils at school. He'd find a student who had a new lead pencil and would say to him, "I'll let you break that there pencil over my head if you'll let me have the piece that falls." And then often crack, crack would go the pencil until it was broken in two. But Izzy never flinched, and he always had a piece of pencil to write with that didn't cost him a penny. So he up and says to his father, "About the crows. What would you give me, Pa, for each dead crow?" "Plenty," said his daddy, "but you can't shoot a crow. They're too smart. You know that, for we've been down there in the field many a time before light waiting for 'em and they didn't come. They knew we were there. And when you try to creep up on 'em, the watchman crow they always have sitting off in a high tree gives the alarm and off they go — caw, caw. No, they ain't no getting by a crow." "Looks like a crow hadn't ort to be smarter than human folks," said Izzy. "Yen, but they are," said his daddy, "smarter about not letting you kill 'em." "But how much would you give if somebody could kill 'em, Pa?" asked Izzy. "I'd give a whole silver quarter apiece for 'em," he said, "and I mean it." "Shake hands on it, Pa," said Izzy. "Sure thing," said his pa. And they did. Sometime before this Izzy had heard an old wild-turkey hunter say that the way to kill turkeys was to bait them a long while beforehand and then lie hid in the bushes or behind a stump ahead of time till they came down as usual and then let fly at 'em and get your meat. Izzy had noticed a large hollow blackgum log lying at the edge of the cornfield with its open end pointing out to the field. The tree had been cut down many years before for a bee-tree. So he did some thinking and planning. He got a shovel and dug a long v-shaped trench leading from the log out into the field, and into this trench he scattered a peck of shelled corn. At first nothing happened. When he went down during the first day after, the corn was untouched, and then a day or two later he saw it was being eaten and crow tracks were all around in the soft dirt. He replenished the grain with another peck. The next time he went down, a great flock of crows flew up out of the ditch before he got within two hundreds yards of the place. He put in still more corn, and for two weeks or so he continued to do so. Then one morning long before day he felt the time had come. He got up about three o'clock in the morning to put his plan into execution. His father heard him stirring about and asked him what he was up to. "I'm going after them crows," Izzy said. "And a silver quarter for �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 277 each dead one — right?" "Right," said his daddy, "and it ain't gonna cost me a red cent, baiting or no baiting." "They've been eating that shelled corn right hearty lately," said Izzy, ' 'and I expect there's mergins of em. I'll come back later and get the wagon to haul 'em in — after you hear my muzzle-loader go off down there in the field." "You and my muzzle-loader," said his daddy, "and I'll bet you five dollars to a nickel too you don't kill crow one." "I'll take the bet," said Izzy. "Shake?" And they did. "You'll never get close enough to 'em," said his pa. "You can hide in the bushes but they'll see you." "Wanter make another bet I can hide where they don't see me?" said Izzy. "Go on with your bets, boy, and be careful not to load that gun too heavy, it'll kick your teeth out." "I reckon I've shot it plenty times," said Izzy. He went out into the kitchen and there by lamplight loaded it. And a big extra load of powder and handful of number 4 shot he put into each barrel and rammed them home with double wadding. Yes, sir, the crows better watch out this time. And he hurried off across the fields in the dark. Reaching the hollow log, he backed inside it, and propped his muzzle-loader all capped and cocked, with the barrels pointing straight down the trench where the supply of corn shone white in the starlight and waiting for the crows. He put a scattering of twigs and little brush stuff in front of his face, and there he lay all camouflaged and snug peering out, waiting. Just as daybreak was beginning to show, the crows started arriving. And crows, crows! Never had Izzy seen so many. And they kept coming and lighting down, cawing away, flapping their wings, dipping their heads down and up, down and up, guzzling away at the corn. Before long the vshaped trench, some hundred or more feet long, was jammed full of them. Now was the time! Izzy sighted carefully down along the seam between the barrels of the old muzzle-loader, aiming full along the trench. Then he pulled both triggers. Up at the house Mr. and Mrs. Izzard were having breakfast when the sound of the gun was heard. "Well, Izzy finally has shot at something down there in the fields," Norman said. "Seemed like it sounded mighty loud, don't you think so, Norman?" "Well, it did for a fact," he said, as he reached for another flapjack. "He'll be on in a minute and I'll collect that bet out of him from his tin box. I bet him five dollars he wouldn't kill crow one." "I hope nothing's happened to him," his wife said. �278 Paul Green's Wordbook ' 'Nothing can happen to Izzy,'' Norman said and laughed. "You know what he said, he said he'd come get the two-horse wagon to haul up the dead crows. Hah, hah!" Time passed, Norman milked the cows, came in and helped his wife clean up things. But Izzy hadn't shown up. "Maybe you'd better go down there and see if anything's happened," Mrs. Izzard said. He set out across the field, and when he came to the edge of the newground piece where Izzy had baited the birds, he saw a sight the like of which he'd never seen before. Dead crows were lying in piles on top of one another, the long ditch full of them, and a few crippled ones were flopping about, trying to fly or walk. Norman looked anxiously around for Izzy. "Izzy, Izzy, where are you?" he called. But no Izzy. He stood there thinking, and then he put two and two together and figured the shot that killed the crows had come from the edge of the woods there. He walked over and saw the half-concealed end of the hollow log, and he saw something else. He saw Izzy's limp arm lying there in the opening of the log across the barrel of the old muzzle-loader. In no time he had dragged the boy out of there and into the sunlight. Izzy seemed dead to the world, and blood was seeping out of both his ears. "Izzy, Izzy," his daddy called, and rolled him back and forth. Finally Izzy opened his eyes and asked what had happened. He didn't hear what his daddy said, for he was deaf as a post. The concussion of the gun inside the log had really clobbered him. Out in the air it would only have given him a hard kick but inside the log and with the extra heavy loads of powder and shot, the shock waves had almost killed him. His daddy spoke to him again, but Izzy couldn't hear a word. And for several days he was deaf as could be. But what did Izzy care, for he had really massacred the crows. Just as he had said, they had to get the two-horse wagon to haul them in, and they put them in a great heap in front of the house to show the astounded neighbors. By count there were 879 crows, including the few crippled ones he and his daddy killed with a stick. And true to his word Norman paid up the full amount at a quarter a crow which with the five dollar bet came to $224.75. Izzy took it all over to the bank in town and opened a savings account. By this time he could hear again. "Ah, that Izzy," the neighbors said, "ain't he something! He'll be a millionaire someday and even maybe governor of the state." "Or who knows," said another, "maybe president. I wouldn't put nothing past him." But Izzy never became the man they prophesied. Perhaps the concussion inside the log had addled his brains, I don't know. But for one reason or another he never amounted to much. Until he died, a poor farmer, the big �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 279 day in his life was the day he murdered a mass of crows. For that the Valley remembers him. crows like a rooster Usually said of someone who brags a lot. Crows of a feather will flock together. crow's feet Wrinkles to the sides of one's eyes. Such wrinkles around the eyes of elderly men used to mean that they were good-natured, genial. Also a well-known damp-meadow grass. Crow's Nest A child's finger rhyming game. One child crosses his fingers and tells another child to feed the crow, saying: "Stick your finger in the crow's nest. The crow is not at home. The crow is at the back door Picking at a bone." And then as the child's finger is inserted, the one with the crossed fingers gouges with his thumbnail, saying: "The crow's at home!" a crow to pick To discuss an embarrassing matter with someone, or to take up a subject that has been left unfinished, to criticize. "Come here, young man, I've got a crow to pick with you," said my Aunt Laura. crud A loathsome fellow or thing. cruddy Dirty, lowdown. crumb A dirty, low-life fellow. "I worked in Child's Restaurant for a year and I thought I'd met every crumb in the world until I met up with you." crummy Cheap, poor quality, sorry, dirty. crupper Buttocks. crush A maudlin, sentimental attachment.' 'My wife's got a crush on that fellow, and every night she just sits palpitating until he comes on the TV." �280 Paul Green's Wordbook A large crowded gathering. "There was such a crush at Governor Moore's reception that you could hardly breathe." upper crust The elite, high society, the hoity-toity. crutch One to depend on. "That old selfish woman just kept her daughter there as a crutch, and all the boys passed on by. Now she's an old maid, drying up in that there great big house." Great cry and little wool, as the devil said when he sheared his hogs. cry-baby An irritable child or whiny, complaining person. A person who weeps easily. My cousin, Cara Little of Lillington, was one of the most emotional and easily religiously stirred persons I've ever met — a real cry baby. Nearly every time we saw each other, she'd take hold of my hand and cling to it and look deeply into my eyes and shake her head in sorrow over my sinful and lost condition. And then her lips would begin to tremble and the tears would begin to roll, and always she would say, "Paul, I'm praying for you, I'm praying for you all the time." Cry baby, cry Stick your finger in your eye And make the water fly. (A teasing rhyme.) A fourth line — "Tell your mama it wasn't I"— is sometimes added. It's no use crying over spilled milk. crying shame A very great shame indeed. "It'sacryingshame," said my old philosopher friend, Mr. Mac, "how the preachers tried to get Tim Messer to burn up his fiddle after he got converted. He didn't do it, and I'm sure glad." "And I hear," I said, "that he fell from grace later and went back to playing and sinning again." "So he did, and I'm glad of that too," he said. "And so am I," I said heartily enough. "Yes sir," Mr. Mac continued, "music is a powerful thing. Take the case of Christopher Mitchell. He and I grew up as boys together. You didn't know Chris, did you?" "No sir," I smiled, "I guess he was a bit before my time." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 281 "That's right, he was. Well, Chris was a wonder on the fiddle and, like Tim Messer, he played from here to yonder at dances and shindigs. He won a lot of first prizes at fiddlers' conventions too. Well, like Tim, he got converted at a revival and the preacher ordered him to burn his devil's instrument. A number of the sympathizing neighbors, including a deacon or two, gathered at Chris' house to console him the night of the burning. It was a mighty cold night and a big log fire was going in the fireplace, and this would be the right place to burn the fiddle, all easy and quick-like. "Chris brought out his fiddle to consign it to the flames. I've seen it — a purty thing to look at. First they had a little prayer. Chris wanted it that way. Old Reuben Welken, the head deacon, led the praying, and he called on the Heavenly Father to bless Chris for this good deed, and so on. And Sister Martha Wiggins amened two or three times in her high squeaky voice. She had once in her younger days been a quick stepper in the square dance but long ago had found salvation and had quit it. "Then Chris, with the tears pouring from his eyes, caressed his fiddle like a baby before he was to consign it to the flames. He swept his fingers across the strings careless like, and a little moan came out of his mouth. " 'That's the way "Money Musk" used to start out,' he said, not thinking, so deep in sadness he was. " 'I thought "Leather Britches" started like that,' said old Reuben. " 'No,' said Chris, 'you're thinking of "John Paul Jones." ' " 'Reuben's right,' said old Martha. 'It's "Money Musk" and what a tune! I remember once when I was about seventeen at a party at —' She clamped her mouth suddenly shut. 'No, no, 'twon't do,' she said. "Then Chris made a mistake — or didn't, whichever, you choose — he said that 'Money Musk' went this way and 'Leather Britches' this other way. And lifting the fiddle to his chin he illustrated with a few pulls of the bow. Well, when those heart-touching and fast-tingling tunes poured forth in the room, old Reuben was deeply touched, and so were the others. Then Reuben, who was a fool about music of all sorts, up and said he didn't see why, seeing as how this was the last time they would ever be able to hear Chris play, they couldn't listen to a few final pieces before they put the 'instrument into the far.' "Old Martha said she thought it would be all right and the Heavenly Father would understand, 'bless His holy name.' "So Chris started fiddling, and in no time at all he had forgot his tears, and others were forgetting and as they forgot they remembered the old days. "On and on Chris played, one old favorite piece after the other — 'Money Musk,' 'Leather Britches,' 'John Paul Jones,' and 'Turkey in the Straw.' By the time he got to 'John Paul' a number of the listeners were patting their feet in rhythm to the music. Chris' old close-mouthed and tightfisted father Hosea began to move his bony shoulders back and forth to �282 Paul Green's Wordbook the beat of the music, and the patting of the feet increased. And when Chris broke out with 'Get along home, Cindy,' a few voices sang a bit with exclamations of 'Say on,' 'Tell of the good news,' 'Let the fiddle talk,' and the like. Next it was 'Sally Goodin,' and this was too much to sit still and hear. One just had to move, and old Martha Wiggins moved. She did more than that, she cut a step or two. This prompted ancient Reuben Welken to step out beside her and give a few matching turns, clapping his hands the while. Hand-clappings now broke out all over the place. Whether Chris intended it or not, he had saved the best tune for the last. It was now 'Old Joe Clark' he fiddled. "This was too much for restraint. In no time at all everybody was dancing, and Chris was walking up and down calling out the figures as he had so often in the days gone by. ' 'Well, to make a long story short, under the spell of his music, I guess you might say, the work of the preachers in converting Chris was wiped out. Whereas he had been changed from nature to grace before, he changed back from grace to nature. After old Martha had given out and had to be helped gasping back to her seat, the music and dancing stopped, and quiet came over the scene, an embarrassed quiet at that. Then it was Chris kissed his fiddle, held it up proudly and announced loudly that he wasn't going to burn it. And he didn't. Some of the people agreed with him. Others shook their heads and went away no doubt wondering what had come over them to make them behave so. "Ah, music!" said Mr. Mac. See "devil's music box." crying towel Belly-aching, excessive apologizing. The crying towel is used a great deal by football coaches at the beginning of their season. "Well, I was talking to Coach Howard of Clemson the other day, and as usual he brought out the crying towel about the condition of his men. And so you'd better watch him next Saturday when he shows up there with his gang of roughnecks in Kenan Stadium." cry Lord and follow devil To be hypocritical. cry on one's shoulder Seek comfort, a maudlin begging for sympathy. cub A young inexperienced fellow. cubby hole A hole usually cut in the ceiling through which one could climb into the attic. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 283 cucklebur Cocklebur. cuckoo Drunk, crazy, loony. cuckoo's nest A sell, a foolish mess, a silly stew. One flew east and one flew west, One flew over the cuckoo's nest. (Nonsense rhyme.) cud The dictionary defines cud as "that portion of food which is brought up into the mouth by ruminating animals from their first stomach to be chewed a second time." In our neighborhood a person with the melancholies or mulligrubs or dumps would often be spoken of as having lost his or her cud. We children were raised to believe that the cud was a certain kind of rubbery-like object which a cow, say, kept in her stomach all the time, and now and then when she wanted to lie about and take a rest, she would bring up her cud and chew on it awhile and "ruminate." I remember once our cow Liza got very disconsolate and took no interest in anything, and old Abel Short, the cow doctor, was sent for. He came and rendered a verdict, as he cocked one red-rimmed eye at the western sky, that she'd lost her cud. "Mr. Billy, " he said to my father, "there ain't nothing for it but to make her another cud and get her to take it. If she don't get a cud to work on, she's a dead duck, take it from me. She'll grieve herself to death." "But what you going to make a cud out of?" my daddy asked. And the cow doctor said, "Just wait and see." He'd fix up one. He did come forth with some kind of little hairy object with strings tied around it about the size of a small walnut. And then it was something to see him try to insert this cud in Liza's mouth. The long and short of it was that Liza got so mad that she chased the cow doctor out of the lot, and from then on she was much improved. The next day in fact she was chewing on her own cud placidly enough. "So who can say my cow-doctoring don't do no good?'' Old Abel asked with a grin. "She's well, ain't she?" to lose one's cud To be dejected, downcast, in the grip of the melancholies. cuff An iron shackle. To strike in and about the head, neck and face. �284 Paul Green's Wordbook off the cuff Off the record, something said not to be reported by those who hear it. Also snap judgment. cuke Cucumber. Culloden The site of a bloody meeting of the Scotch and British forces on April 16, 1746, which resulted in the terrible defeat of the Scots. The English were led by the Duke of Cumberland, afterwards known as the "bloody duke," and the Scots by Prince Charlie of the house of Stuart, pretender to Scotland's throne. Because of this defeat, hundreds of Scottish people left their homeland and settled in America, the majority of them in North Carolina. And on down through many decades the memories and the legends from that battle were recounted in the Valley. Poems and songs were made about it. One of the loveliest songs I ever heard — and my old friend used to sing it and accompany himself with soft banjo strummings — was "The Flowers of the Forest." Mr. Mac said it actually was written as a lament about the battle of Flodden, but he, like many others, made it apply equally to Culloden. Sir Walter Scott loved this song and said it was so imitative of ancient minstrelsy that it was hard for him to believe it was written in his own time. It begins with — "I've heard the lilting at our yowe-milking, Lasses a-lilting before the dawn o' day; But now they are moaning on ilka green loaning, The Flowers o' the Forest are a' wede away." Then the song goes on to tell the story of the battle and how the English "by guile won the day," concluding with— "We hear nae mair lilting at our yowe-milking, Women and bairns are heartless and wae; Sighing and moaning on ilka green loaning; The Flowers o' the Forest are a' wede away." I've often wondered why the people of Cumberland named their county after the "bloody duke." See "Battle of Culloden." Cumberland Academy One of the many academies established in the Valley during the 19th and early 20th centuries. This academy was at the old and long-ago perished town of Summerville in Harnett County near the present town of Lillington. In fact, it was the first county seat of Harnett. Later the county government was moved to �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 285 Lillington. The Academy was founded in 1852, some thirty-five years before the nearby Buie's Creek Academy, which later became Campbell College and, more recently, Campbell University. The Cumberland Academy's rates were low, from four to eight dollars the quarter for tuition and one dollar and a half a month for room rent and servant help. My father attended it a while when he was a boy and spoke now and then of the head of the school, a Reverend Simeon Colton, D.D. This educator was evidently a forward-looking man. In reading old records in Fayetteville I found that while he was principal of Donaldson Academy in Fayetteville he was had up for what his Presbyterian accusers called heresy. A member of the church, a widower, had expressed his intent to marry the sister of his deceased wife. The church was outraged, and he was accused of possible incest. The Scriptures forbade such a marriage, they said. Dr. Colton took the man's part and thereby lost his job. He moved to Summerville and took over the school there. Later he returned to his former home in Connecticut. It would be interesting to know what he, a Yankee, thought of the South. cundum Condom. cunning Cute, adorable. "He's the cunningest baby I ever laid eyes on." as cunning as a cat as cunning as a crow as cunning as a fox to cunny-fuggle To play with a woman's private parts. cunt The female pudendum. cunt colic A female in the throes of sexual hunger — maris appetens. cup To treat by cupping. The old doctor used to cup my father for the backache. He would first lance the back, then take a glass tumbler, insert a burning piece of paper in it, fasten it to my father's naked back, and as the oxygen was burnt out, a tremendous vacuum was created which would suck the flesh up into the cup an inch or more, drawing the blood out plentifully. I remember reading that when George Washington was near death's door, he pleaded with the doctor to cup him, and the doctor did until the father �286 Paul Green's Wordbook of his country was so weak he could hardly whisper. Then the end came. not my cup of tea Not my style, not my concern. in one's cups To be drunk. cups and saucers A child's playtime use of acorns. When we were tiny children we used to gather acorns, take the little hulls and drink water from them and pretend all sorts of eating doings. cur-dog A cur. cure-all Drink whey and lie still. What cannot be cured must be endured. cure for dropsy One of Dr. Marshall's famous folk cures for dropsy was to take one tablespoon of steel dust, two tablespoons of powdered Virginia snake root, two tablespoons of ginger root, two of dogwood root bark, two of black china tree bark, two of low myrtle root bark, and mix it all in honey or molasses until liquid-soft. A dose was one half a teaspoon three times a day in a glass of water. Then the dose was gradually increased to one teaspoonful three times per day. The patient was ordered to avoid damp air and wet feet. Many a person said he owed his life to this old remedy. cure for fits Like the cure for corns or warts or styes, the cures for fits were varied and numerous. I remember one old man in our neighborhood who claimed he had a certain cure for fits. He would murmur some hocus-pocus words over the afflicted one and then take the green bough of a pine tree, row out into the pond and stick it up in the shallow water and, as it aged and turned brown, the victim would gradually be free of his fits. So he said and so he practiced, and he picked up a little fee now and then. curiosity A peculiar or outstanding thing or person, something striking. "The new fellow at the crossroads is sure a curiosity with his medicine show." Curiosity killed the cat. curl The twisted stem of a watermelon. We were taught on our farm that when �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 287 the curl grew brown, then the watermelon was ready for pulling. Also, we used to always thump the watermelons, and by the muffled sound of the thump one could tell whether it was ripe. To kill, especially by shooting. "If that sonofabitch fools with me, I'll curl his fingers." makes one's hair curl A horrifying piece of news or experience. curl up To become silent, fold up. curly-cue A cowlick, also the flourish of a signature. Curly locks, curly locks, Wilt thou be mine? Thou shalt not wash dishes Nor yet feed the swine, But sit on a cushion And sew a fine seam And feed upon strawberries, Sugar and cream. (Nursery rhyme.) "Less currying and more corn, please," said the horse to its owner. the curse A woman's monthly period. curses like a sailor curses like chickens come home to roost curtains Death. "After four years lying on death's row, they finally put old man Adams in that electric chair, and it was curtains for him." a curve A surprise, a deceit. "I had my deal all set, then that SOB threw me a curve and I was out in the cold." dead man's curve Any dangerous sharp curve on a road, also refers to a woman's bosomy curves. cush A sort of gruel made of cornmeal, mixed with milk and flavoring. Mother �288 Paul Green's Wordbook used to add bread crumbs. We children loved it. Where the name came from I've never been able to find out. cushions Luxury, comfort. "That man's in cushions since he married all that money.'' CUSS Curse. cussedness Perverseness, obstinacy, sullenness. custard apple Same as pawpaw. cut To castrate. "I want you to help me tomorrow — I've got to cut my hogs." Don't cut off your nose to spite your face. a cut above To be superior somewhat, to be a degree better than another. cut a caper To blow up in anger, to become hysterically active. cut a dido To behave hysterically. According to Greek legend, Dido was the founder and queen of Carthage, and when Aeneas, after the fall of Troy, stopped at Carthage Dido fell in love with him. On his departure she, broken-hearted, mounted a funeral pyre and died in the flames. Henry Purcell, the gifted 17th century English composer, wrote an opera about Dido and Aeneas. Nahum Tate furnished the book. cut a fine figure To play the dandy, to act pridefully, to show one's fine feathers. cut and dried Arranged beforehand, obvious, all set. cut a rust To misbehave, to be brash and loud, to create a ruckus. cut a shine To act in such a way as to show off in an obnoxious manner. cut a splash To show off in a big way. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 289 cut corners To economize, to act more swiftly, efficiently, etc. cut dead To deliberately ignore a person, to pass on by without speaking. cut down To outspell. At our Pleasant Union country school, which I attended as a child, the custom was to have a spelling match the last thing on Friday afternoon. I always looked forward eagerly to this. The teacher would select two of the best spellers, boy and girl, to choose students to line up on opposite sides. I often was selected, and the yellow-haired girl I was crazy about was chosen. Then the spelling would begin, the teacher walking up and down between the opposing lines giving out the words from Harrington's Speller, the successor to the old blue-back speller. The student was given two trials at the word, and if he failed, the next one was given a chance. If he/she was successful, then he had "cut down" the preceding student. More often than not the final two left opposing each other were the yellow-haired girl and myself. In this contest, as I later observed it in life, when ambition is involved, rarely is any mercy shown. as CUte as a kitten as cute as the devil cut fine To reduce to a minimum, to leave only a tiny margin. cut for heart To go for the prize, to try to outdo another. George Alston who did a lot of manual work with me used to tell me of his prideful axe-cutting days. He could souse his axe up to the eye in a green pine — and when he would tangle up with some other champion they would often cut for heart. George said, "I never was out-cut by any man, Mr. Green, and though I'm 80 years old right now, I bet I could out-cut you for heart in any of these big trees standing around here.'' "Yes, George, yes." cut for wind George used to tell me about this contest also. Two cutters on opposite sides of a big tree would try to match blow for blow, the one moving faster and faster and the other trying to keep up until finally one would call out, "I got to blow." His adversary would be the winner. George told me about tangling with a great brute of a fellow once and how they cut into a tree four feet in diameter. "Well, I'm here to tell you, Mr. Green, I ruint him, I plumb ruint him. From that day on he was a bellowsed man. I cut for wind �290 Paul Green's Wordbook and winded him." cut his comb To take one down a peg or two, to deflate a person's ego. In the play,' 'The Lost Colony," there's a line about Sir Walter Raleigh which is spoken by the comedian, Old Tom — ' 'Well, watch your crowing, Sir Walter, or they'll cut your comb some day like His Worship the bishop." cutie-pie A term of endearment. cut it out Stop, quit, cease from doing. "Sawing on that old fiddle you're going to drive me crazy, boy. Cut it out!" cut it short To hurry to an end. Senator Robert Reynolds speaking in the "Lost Colony'' amphitheatre on Roanoke Island once spoke for an interminable time. He was supposed to talk for only seven or eight minutes. Now and then he would say, "Well, folks, one more point and I'll cut it short." At this, applause broke out. cut loose To untie, to unhitch, to let go quickly. cut no ice Made no difference, not important. cut one's coat according to the cloth To act in line with circumstances, to live within one's means. cut one's teeth on A hard subject that one deals with, a difficult undertaking that one matches his strength with in an experimental way. cut out To stop, to quiet down. "Cut out that racket — hear me!" To supersede, to be the successful rival. "She used to love John best, but then when Neil come along he cut John out and got her." Extinguish. "Cut out the lights before you go to bed." Same as put out. to be cut out Meant to be, intended. "From the first he was cut out to be a preacher." cut the dust To go fast. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 291 cut the gravel To start an automobile swiftly. cut the mustard To have high spirits, plenty of sex power though old. "Old Reuben Bland was 90 years old and had had thirty-four children but, boy, he could still cut the mustard!" cut up To misbehave. a cut-up A rowdy or broiling person. cyard Card. An old pronunciation, like gyarden (garden). cymling A round squash and also a watch. I've heard one man at church ask another, "What time is it by your cymling, Joe?" �292 Paul Green's Wordbook D dab To strike or pat softly, also to peck at gently. A tiny bit, a touch of, a small portion. "You've got a dab of smut on your nose." dab (dibs) on Claim on. "I've got dabs on that last apple." dad An elderly man, usually used affectionately. dot drat (drot, dum, gast) it! A mild interjection. daddy A lover. To beget. "Old Broadhuss daddied more young'uns in the Cape Fear Valley than any man that ever lived." sugar daddy Usually an elderly male lover who gives freely of his substance and what love he can eke out to his young doxy. daffodil Perhaps the most popular of all flowers. In early spring they can be seen in golden plenty in nearly every flower garden in the Valley and in clumps or rows in front of or near every home, no matter how humble. Also like the onion, its bulb when split and applied to an arthritic or aching joint is supposed to bring relief. Of all William Wordsworth's poems, his "Daffodils" is perhaps the most often quoted. I used to get great comfort from saying it aloud to the empty fields as I ploughed round and round. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 293 "I wandered lonely as a cloud That floats on high o'er vales and hills, When all at once I saw a crowd, A host of golden daffodils, Beside the lake, beneath the trees, Fluttering and dancing in the breeze." And in the last stanza of this short poem, Wordsworth states his poetic philosophy of "impassioned recollection," states it in unmatched words that thrilled me through-though I was not lying on a couch but was struggling with a sweat-heavy plough. "For oft when on my couch I lie In vacant or in pensive mood, They flash upon that inward eye Which is the bliss of solitude, And then my heart with rapture fills And dances with the daffodils." daffy-down-dilly (a daffodil) Daffy-down-dilly has now come to town In a yellow petticoat and a green gown. See "wake-robin." by dag! A mild expletive. daggone it! A mild expletive. / be daggone! (or doggone) Also an expletive. daid Dead. dairy A small utility house over a spring in which butter, milk and other perishables were kept. Sometimes called a dish house. We didn't have a spring on our farm but we lowered milk, butter and other items down in the well for cooling. turn toes to the daisies To die, to be buried. daisy One of our most popular wild flowers, its blossoms adding a cheerful, almost �294 Paul Green's Wordbook gay, feeling to the landscape in early summer. It grows plentifully in meadows, pastures, and along the roadsides and is widely used in flower beds and lawn borders. The Valley girls, as elsewhere, used to tell love fortunes by reciting a divination rhyme as they plucked the petals away one by one"One I love, two I love, Three I love, I say. Four I love with all my heart, Five I cast away. Six he loves, seven she loves, Eight they both love. Nine they come and ten they tarry, Eleven they court and twelve they marry." daisy cutter A sharply hit baseball that goes close to the ground, same as grass cutter. daisy petals A children's game of reciting "He/She loves me, he/she loves me not," as each white petal of the daisy is pulled out. ups-a-daisy Often said in jollity when tossing a baby or small child up into the air. damage Expense, cost, price.' 'Now that we've finished the job, what's the damage?" damageous Damaging. damfino Damn if I know! damn Expletive, used in multitudinous ways, as damn your eyes, damn it to hell, damn fool, damn scoundrel, damn, double damn, etc. don't give a tinker's damn Doesn't care, not interested. not worth a damn Worthless. be-damned Usually used for intensification. "That J. Edgar Hoover is as tough as bedamned." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 295 dampen one's fingers To aid in better working, to help in a stronger resolve, much the same as to spit on one's hands. We used to dampen our fingers now and then with a swift lick of the tongue in cotton picking. This helped us the better to pull the sun-dried locks of cotton from the open bolls. close one's damper down Stop one's wild doings, said of a person who is over-amorous. dance To jump about in pain. "I burnt my hand on the stove, and man, did it make me dance!" Them that dance must pay for the fiddling. dance on air To be hanged. dancer A little top. In the old days we children made our tops which we called dancers from cutting thread spools half in two. Then, setting a little sharpened axle and trimming the spool to a point, we made the upper point of the little axle somewhat flat. And then grasping it between our thumb and forefinger, we made it spin. dancing In the old days this was considered a sin and many a church member was turned out of the congregation for indulging in it. Most often when he or she promised to quit it, the erring member was reinstated. dandelion The familiar early spring weed. It grows in woodlands, meadows, fields, along roadsides, anywhere and everywhere. We sometimes gathered it for salads and early greens. The juice or tea was supposed to be good for children's kidneys. Also the ground-up dried roots were sometimes used as a substitute for coffee. dander Choler, anger, high spirits, pep. "You get to fooling with old man Martin Matthews' watermelon patch and you'll get his dander up." dandle To bounce up and down as with a baby on the knee. dandruff (dander) "The way Congress is behaving just gets my dandruff up." �296 Paul Green's Wordbook dandy In good shape, usually used with the word "fine." "It's spring and I feel fine and dandy." dang! (dang it!) An exclamation. in danger To be near death. "Have you heard about Miss Millie Upchurch — she's been in danger since day before yesterday." 'Tis dangerous marrying a widow, because she hath cast her rider. dangle around To court. from Dan to Beersheba Much, completely, inclusively. From the references in the Old Testament such as the Lord's curse spoken of in the Second Book of Samuel 24:15, ' 'And there died of the people from Dan even to Beersheba seventy thousand men." The phrase "from Dan to Beersheba" occurs a number of times in the Bible and always in this incorporative sense. dap To dip. "She dapped her handkerchief in the branch and washed her face right in front of him." Dare Base This is a game of chase and is much the same as prison base. The young people choose two leaders, and then these two leaders alternately choose their followers. Each group selects a base some fifty yards from that of his opponent, and then each one dares the other. Any member of either side who is tapped by anyone belonging to the other side must stand in prison. This prison is a ring marked on the ground a few yards behind the opponent's base. The prisoner may be won back if one of his own side runs to him and taps him before the opposition taps him. The game ends when all the members of one side have been caught or the young people are tired and wish to turn to something else. daresent (dassent) Dare not. dare you A challenge, a dare, often in the sense of a race or a competition. "I'll dare you to the millpond first." And then the footrace follows. "I dare you, I double dare you, I nigger dare you." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 297 dark as a cellar dark as a dungeon dark as a pocket dark as midnight fifar& as night dark as pitch dark as the grave flfarA: as the inside of a grave (tomb) darky An old-time word for Negro. "The state has promised me five hundred darkies to work on the railroad, and I know some of them will have to work wearing the ball and chain. But what can you do? When you need help, you need it — and besides, it's the cheapest you can get," so said Boss Little. an old man's darling A young girl, usually mistress, kept or got in marriage by an older man like "the girl in the gilded cage." "Darling Nelly Gray" B.R. Hanby's beautiful lament for a lost one. "Oh, my darling Nelly Gray, they have taken you away, and I'll never see my darling any more." Like Stephen Foster's "Old Black Joe" and "Old Uncle Ned," it makes the throat tighten and the heart ache. It used to be popular with our male quartet and with young people generally on hayrides and at picnics. darn! An expletive. a darning gourd A small smooth round gourd over which an article which is to be darned is stretched. I remember when I was a child seeing many old women around carrying little darning gourds in their apron pockets. When they'd sit down to talk, out would come the gourd and the darning needle would get busy. dash Splurge, show off. "Rass Easom certainly cuts a dash since he got himself that new car." dash it all! An interjection. �298 Paul Green's Wordbook date back To remember. daubing (dabbing) Mud or mortar used to fill in between logs in a cabin or tobacco barn wall, also in a "stick and dirt" chimney. dauncy Mentally unstable, ailing, squeamish, also bad-tempered. put on the dawg To show off. day Lucky time. "Yessir, this is my day—I've already got my bag limit." The dawn. "I get up about day every morning, winter or summer." Come day, go day, God send Sunday. (Divination rhyme.) The day has eyes, the night has ears. day-down (day-dark) Sunset, the gloom of evening.' 'That little be-shame bush closes up at daydown." a day late and a dollar short To be lazy, laggard, remiss. call it a day To finish a job, to stop work, the end of a task. rainy day A time of need, as in old age. "When you're young and able to work hard, you'd better lay up something for a rainy day." red letter day An unforgettable time, most important occasion. From the ancient custom of printing holy days on calendars in red letters. good day for ducks A rainy day. great day in the morning! An exclamation. Daylight can be seen through a small hole. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 299 to burn daylight To waste a light by having it burn in the broad daylight. to put daylight through a man To shoot him, to kill him. daylights Common sense, equanimity, coolness, bravery. "When the old sheep rose up in the moonlight and tore out of that penned-in grave, it scared the daylights out of me and I burnt the wind going away from there." My days are swifter than a weaver's shuttle. dead as a dodo dead as a doorknob dead as a doornail dead as a herring dead as a nit dead as a wedge dead as Billy-be-damned Very dead indeed. Dead men tell no tales. The dead should be carried always head first. Speak no evil of the dead. The wishes of the dead are sacred. dead against Strongly opposed to, absolutely against. "It seems that the Governor is dead against doing anything harsh or punitive to the Ku Klux." dead-broke To be absolutely penniless. a dead certainty An unassailable fact, an undeniable happening. in dead earnest Absolutely in earnest. deaden To cut the green bark around a tree so that it will die, same as girdling. �300 Paul Green's Wordbook deadening An area where the trees have been killed by girdling. deadfall A trap made by propping up a board or log so that when a bird or animal touched the baited trigger, the heavy log or plank would fall down and trap or kill the animal or bird. I remember how when the snow came we children would set up our little deadfalls, scatter cornmeal under them, and often have a string running from the propped-up little post, which held up the wide plank, through the door into the house. Then we would stand by the window. When any of the snowbirds got under the plank, we would jerk the prop out and then dash out with squeals of joy to pick up the little crushed, mute and still warm bodies. Never once did it occur to us that this was cruel. We were just having fun. dead giveaway A body or facial mien suggesting guilt or evasion. "The way that bond salesman would look off when he was trying to get you to buy stock in the factory was a dead giveaway that there was something about it he didn't believe in." dead gone Utterly exhausted, tired to death. dead hand A term used to denote the control of affairs by a person already dead. In a poker game a hand without any good cards in it. deadhead A sponger, a bum. Don't beat a dead horse. dead letter A dead and passed matter, no longer important, out of circulation. deadman A buried log, or anchor to hold a guy wire, usually made of concrete. dead men Empty bottles, same as dead soldiers. dead of night Depths, stillness, middle. "The Ku Kluxes crope upon Uncle Reuben's house in the dead of night." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 301 dead on one's feet To be completely exhausted. dead ringer An exact copy, a facsimile. "He's a dead ringer for his daddy." dead stand A dilemma, a precarious fix, to be brought to a standstill, prevented from acting. "He is at a dead stand since they busted up his whiskey still." dead to the world Unconscious, deep in sleep or drunk. to play dead To pretend, to be hypocritical. We used to catch 'posssums and lay them on the ground, and they would lie still with a queer grin on their faces, and we would say, "Look, he's playing dead." Also playing 'possum. to have the dead wood on one The advantage, the upper hand. According to Valley tradition the phrase "to have the dead wood on one" got started by way of a crane and a grass snake. One day a crane saw a grass snake sleeping in the sun and, creeping up, he seized the snake and quick as blinking swallowed him. But the snake was slick and, like croton oil, went through the crane and out again in no time. The crane grabbed up the snake and swallowed him a second time. But jook, glug, glug, and the snake was out once more. The crane did a little thinking. He saw a dead log nearby. The snake tried to wriggle away but the crane grabbed him again, swallowed him the third time and quick as thought jammed his rear end against the log. "Ho, ho," laughed the crane, "I've got the dead wood on you this time!" And so he had. deaf as a post deaf as a stone Who so deaf as they that will not hear? deaf to reason Hardheaded, unreasoning, hopelessly prejudiced. "When it comes to the Negro question, it seems that Mississippi, Georgia and Alabama are deaf to reason." dear me! An interjection. �302 Paul Green's Wordbook At death lice and fleas leave a body. All men are equal in the presence of death. In the midst of life we are in death. death bells See "death prophecy." death bird See "bird omen." death coppers or death pennies When I was a boy coppers (usually English ha'pennies because of their weight) were used to hold down the eyelids of a dead person till burial. The wild senseless stare of the lifeless open eyes was too much for the survivors to bear. Nowadays the professional undertakers see that all is in order without the pennies, even to the rouged cheeks of the corpse. death dew The sweat that is supposed to come on the foreheads of persons when they are dying.' 'Miss Gate reached over and felt her forehead and said that now the death dew's coming on, it won't be long." death prophecy The foreseeing of death to come. I have known many people in the Valley who say they have had this experience in relation to others. My Aunt Emma Blalock said she knew Sister Betty (my mother) had died on that dreadful January day in 1908 because the death bells rang in her head early in the morning and announced its coming to her. She didn't tell any of us about this prophecy, of course, until long after the terrible thing had happened. Most often these prophecies, if the truth be told, turn out to be false alarms. But such was not the case with old Myatt Northington. See "prevision of death." Of course most everybody laughed at old Myatt and made no little fun of him, for they felt about him the way most of us feel about these ignorant sanctified people who are always prophesying the end of the world on a certain day. And also they remembered Gaster French and his prophecy a few years before. Gaster had got religion at a Pentecostal camp meeting at Falcon and soon after that heard a voice telling him to get ready, for the end of the world was coming soon. So he sold out his little farm and one mule and sat down to wait for Gabriel to blow his horn. This was not hard for him to do, for he was a notoriously lazy fellow. The fateful day came and passed and nothing happened. Of course Gaster had to get up from where he was sitting and go to work again or starve, for the sun rose just the same. Later he died in the county poorhouse. Myatt was a better prophet. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 303 On the day before he was to die he went around to see all the neighbors and say goodby, asking them for messages they might want to send to loved ones in yonder world. A lot of wags, like Ezzie Gunter, sent messages to folks in hell, including Bull Broadhuss, saying tell Bull he'd like to bring him some ice but he was providentially hindered. Old Myatt laughed and said he wasn't going there where Bull went. And maybe he didn't. Well, when the next day came, he dressed himself in his burying clothes, put out the two big English coppers he'd saved to place on his dead eyelids to hold them shut, and lay down in his bed. And as the clock struck three, as the vision said, he turned his face to the wall and quietly breathed his last. At his funeral a great concourse of people gathered. And many of them got converted to God because of that, believing that there must be some kind of spirit or spirits that could speak to men and tell them the future if we only knew how to listen and watch. And Ollie McNeill, the local windowshade-catch inventor, was there and was so convinced of it, he tried to make a contraption to listen to spirits talking. He finally lost his mind working at the thing and at his perpetual motion machine and had to be shut up in the asylum in Raleigh. And there they say he hears spirits all the time now and does a lot of preaching to the bare walls behind his restraining iron bars. death speech It is widely believed that when a person dying makes a speech, it is one in which he reveals his true nature. Leo Tolstoi's last words, according to his daughter Alexandra, were' 'Truth—I have love.'' She also said he struggled to say more but couldn't. death song Sometimes a dying person, especially a religious one, will break into a hymn when dying. Nellie Upchurch said her Aunt Laura did. "There we were," she said, "all sitting around the bed, tears pouring from our eyes, when she started to sing. 'Just as I am without one plea But that thy blood was shed for me ... O Lamb of God, I come.' ' 'Then she said, 'I hear the angels singing,' and she died happy and smiling. And you know, that smile stayed on her face I bet an hour or so." death watch beetle The sound of this beetle boring inside a wall is a sign that somebody in that house will soon die. done to death Over-cooked. �304 Paul Green's Wordbook To wear out a subject in talk. dressed to death Overdressed, same as dressed to kill. A man in debt is caught in a net. Oh what a tangled web we weave When first we practice to deceive. hit the deck To fall on one's face, to suffer a bad fall, to fling oneself down for safety from an air attack. "Deck the Halls" Next to "Silent Night," the most popular of our Christmas songs. We always sang it on our Christmas serenades. /'// declare! An exclamation of emphasis. Deeds speak louder than words. deef deep Deaf. Sly, artful, crafty, devious. deep as hell deep as the ocean (sea) deep-end A morass of trouble, lunacy. "Deep River" A favorite Negro spiritual. deep water A difficulty, a dilemma. "Since that Baucom boy splurged so much on his daddy's money, he's now in deep water." dehorn To deflate, to puncture one's balloon of self-esteem. delicate condition Pregnancy. deliver the goods To be reliable, up to scratch, to be able to provide what is required. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 305 demi-rep A person, especially female, of dubious reputation. as demure as an old whore at a christening Den A boys' out-of-doors game. Each boy is supposed to represent some sort of wild beast and has a separate tree, or rock, or spot which represents his den. Now, any player who leaves his den is liable to be tagged by anyone who has started out after him. The best runner usually ventures first, for, of course, all the young people are not going to stand dead still, for then there would be no game. A second person pursues him, etc. If a player can tag anyone whom he has a right to capture, he takes him on home to his own den, and then this person must be on his side and help him to take the rest. A pursuer cannot be tagged while he is bringing home his game. See "Ku Klux Klan." It depends on whose ox is gored. depth charge A deep copulation on the part of a male, and often a braggart will boast of this. "I give that woman a depth charge she'll never forget." derisive pantomime The putting of one's thumb to the nose and waggling the four spread-out fingers means "kiss my ass." Also the turning of one's posterior in the direction of a person and slapping it with the open palm means the same. The thrumming of one's ear with a forefinger signifies disrespect, "bad cess to you," etc. desk together In our old Pleasant Union School, space was so lacking that two or more students would occupy the same desk seat. "Can Milton and me desk together, Mr. Biggs?" desperated Desperate, a desperado, a bandit. As the old song says, "John Hardy was a mean and desperated man, he toted two guns every day." despise Dislike, be unwilling. "I despise to get my hands all sticky with dough." dest Desk. the deuce! A mild expletive. �306 Paul Green's Wordbook the devil The fabled evil one who presides over hell and who, as he will, wanders the earth in invisible or visible forms tempting people to do evil so that he may carry their souls off to his everlasting keeping in the infernal fires below. His influence was so widely felt that the people knew him by various names — Beelzebub, Belial, The Evil One, Lucifer, Mephisto, Old Bad Boy, Old Black Boy, Old Harry, Old Ned, Old Nick, Old Scratch, Satan, and so on. An interjection. The devil can cite scripture for his own purpose. The devil has all the good tunes. The devil is not as black as he is painted. The devil is old and knows a lot. The devil knows his own. the devil to pay and no hot pitch To be empty-handed. The devil you say! Usually in question of a statement just made by someone or even as an exclamation of surprise. Speak of the devil and his imps will appear. He's between the devil and the deep blue sea. Talk about the devil and you'll see his smoke. like the devil before day He swapped the devil for the witch. Give the devil his due. If it rains while the sun is shining, this means that the devil is whipping his wife. looks like the devil on horseback She's the devil on wheels. When the devil was sick, The devil a saint would be. When the devil was well, The devil a saint was he. (Nonsense rhyme.) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 307 If you sup with the devil you'll need a long spoon. devil child A child born with the devil in him, sometimes even born with little sprouting horns. It is told that a pregnant woman got angry with a Bible peddler and bawled him out. The next day her baby was born with little horns, showing that the devil had entered into this woman. go to the devil! An abjuration. heat devils Little waves of heat that show across a wide field on a hot summer's day. Another name for this is Lazy Lawrence. devil's hole Any dark and dangerous or frightening place. Many Negroes maintain that in these dark holes the devil's hellhounds live, and if a person comes up and leans over one of these holes on a quiet day, he can hear these hounds barking where the devil keeps them hid away deep in the earth to bring them out at night to run howling across the sky in pursuit of sinful souls. devil's music box (devil's instrument) The fiddle. Both the fiddle and the banjo have for generations been instruments of evil — the fiddle being first in sinfulness and the banjo a close second — among the strict orthodox Christians in the Valley. In Harnett County where I was born and grew up the fiddle was associated with wild parties and dancing and therefore was the more forbidden. Tim Messer lived in my neighborhood and was one of the best fiddlers for miles. Hardly any shindig from Linden to Angier to Dunn to Sanford could be held without efforts to get Tim, along with his banjo-picking partner, Sam Adams, to make the music. A fiery and brimstone-hurling preacher, Mr. Roland by name, came to Little Bethel Church one summer and held a two-week meeting there, and such was his power that he cleaned up the sinners far and wide. He even converted Sam Adams and after him the toughest musical wrongdoer of all, Tim Messer. Sam gave his banjo away in his new state of grace and Tim was ordered by the preacher to burn his fiddle. The poor fellow almost wept over the verdict and finally compromised with himself by wrapping it up in thick quilting and secretly burying it under a holly tree behind the barn. He even took care to put a double layer of planks over it the way folks did over the coffins of the dead. In time Sam Adams backslid and repossessed his banjo. Under his pleading and a merry flooding of a few godless tunes he played to Tim's thirsty ears, Tim himself backslid also and dug up his fiddle. ' 'You had it buried mighty snug and safe,'' said Sam, who was helping �308 Paul Green's Wordbook him in the disinterring. "Yeh, I wouldn't have it hurt for a purty," said Tim. ' 'And from the planking and all it seemed like you might a-had in mind the time when we'd — we'd be going back into sin." "It don't matter now," said Tim as he laid the bow sweetly across the strings and sent out a swirl of sounds. After that, folks said Tim's fiddle was better than ever, and where he was a fine fiddler before, from now on he was the greatest to be found from Fayetteville to Raleigh. Tim later was killed in France in World War I. I've never been able to learn what happened to his fiddle. See "crying shame." the devil's papers Playing cards. devil's pincushion The cactus. devil's riding horse The praying mantis. devil's snuffbox A puffball. devil's walking stick A thorny shrub known also as the Mexican mulberry or Hercules' club. Also known as prickly ash. It grew in abundance on the plantation of my ancestor, Colonel Alexander McAllister. An idle brain is the devil's workshop. dew Sweat. No dew in the morning foretells rain. If a girl washes her face in dew on the first of May, her beauty will be helped. dewfall The evening time. dew poison Sores that come on the feet and legs of children who go barefooted in the summertime. mountain dew Corn liquor, also recently the name of a popular carbonated drink. Heavy dews portend no rain. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 309 diacwnbellicos Diarrhea. It takes a diamond to cut a diamond. diamond in the rough A sterling but uncouth person. diarrhea of the mouth, the jaws Gossip, frothy talk, said of a garrulous person. dibble-dabble A mess, a stir, a messy mixture. dibs dice dick Claims. "I've got dibs on that hat!" Often the same as dabs. The results, the answer, payment, etc. "I went for my check, but no dice." Abbreviation for dictionary. The penis. The young suitor at the table spilled hot coffee on his leg. His sweetheart anxiously inquired, "Did it hurt you, Dick?" "No, it just burnt my leg a bit," he answered. queer dick Same as queer duck, a square, a misfit. the dickens! A mild expletive. diddles Titties. diddle To cheat, make a fool of. To copulate, to indulge in sexual play, especially with the fingers. diddle-daddle Foolishness, idly messing about. Diddle, diddle, dumpling, my son John, Went to bed with his britches on. One shoe off and one shoe on, Diddle, diddle, dumpling, my son John. (A baby rhyme.) �310 Paul Green's Wordbook did do Emphasis on do. "After all he did do it." didies Diminutive for diapers. didn 't go to Didn't mean or intend to. "I didn't go to hurt you like that." die like a dog Die shamefully, bankrupt, in the ditch. die like a rat die like a rat in his hole You will die when your time comes and not before. as well die with the disease as with the remedy die-back Dying twigs or limblets of shrubs or trees. "When I cut the die-back out, the tree will look better." die in harness To end one's days hard at work as usual. He that dies pays all debts. die with one's boots on Usually refers to one who is killed in a gun fight, to die in action. differ To quarrel. "The two Matthews brothers are differing again, and the next thing you know they'll both be back in court." as different as day and night Different sores must have different salves. difficulty A quarrel, a controversy. Two brothers in the Valley were notorious for constant difficulty one with the other. They had fallen out over a little strip of hog lane that ran between their farms, each claiming it as his. Again and again they would be listed in the county paper's court docket as "Johnson versus Johnson,'' the trial would be held, and one would win a victory. Then the other would file a counter suit. So it was that as time went on the village lawyers got the majority of their cotton and tobacco money. One August at an especially fervent protracted meeting held by that �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 311 mighty preacher, hairy Neill Hodge, the two brothers got converted. So all filled with brotherly love and spiritual grace now, they met, hugged each other and wept in each other's arms. That evening when they got back home these newly washed and purified souls went out to have a look at the strip of land, which by this time had become known in the neighborhood as' 'the Devil's Lane.'' Standing there side by side and in good fellowship, they considered the cause of their animosity and their conversation ran as follows— "I'll declare," said John or Young, it makes no difference which, "ain't it a sight to think that you and me all these years have been suing one another over this little old bitty piece of land? "That it is. It's a sight," said Young. "I been thinking a lot since we stood up for the right hand of fellowship at church this morning," said John. "So have I too," said Young. "And I tell you what I'm going to do," said John. "I'm going to give up my part of this Devil's Lane complete. I want you to have it." "That's what I been thinking about," said Young. "I want you to have it, John." "Nah, nah," said John, "it's yours, Young. I give it to you and I'll have the deed drawed come Monday morning in the courthouse, denoting it's yours." "No, I can't allow that," said Young. "I'll have the deed drawed in your name." "Dad blame it," said John, getting a little testy. "It'syours, Young." "Well, dadgum," said Young, "it's your'n, John, and that's the last I want to hear about it. Your'n!" "I won't take it," said John. "Yes, you will," said Young. "You got to take it yourself," said John, "and that'll show you there ain't no more hard feeling in my heart agin' you and that I'm gonna live in a state of grace from now on." "No, you take it, and that'll show you how I feel and am gonna live." "I'm the oldest," said John, "and my word ought to count. It's your'n." "You remember what Pa used to say, John. He said, 'John, Young may be younger than you in years, but he's got a better head on him.' " ' 'Well, I reckon I ain't never heard of that before,'' says John, getting a little more ficey-like. "Well, that's what Pa said, and I say on account of my judgment being better—" "Your judgment ain't better," says John. "I deny that on a stack of Bibles a mile high." �312 Paul Green's Wordbook "So you don't think Pa said it, do you?'' said Young, getting somewhat red in the face. "No, I don't," said John. "I don't believe he said it." ' 'Well, I reckon you know what that makes me," said Young,' 'makes me out an outdacious liar." "Well!" said John. "Well!'' said Young. And there they stood looking at each other, their eyes turning red as a terrapin's. And Young hitched up his britches and his hands quiled themselves up into two fists. "Ain't nobody ever called me a liar before and got away with it," he said. "And I reckon there ain't nobody that ever drawed back his fists that made me take cover,'' said John. And with that they squared off and started walking around each other like two game roosters looking for the first chance to make an attack. Seeing an opening, Young suddenly hauled off and kerblip let John have it in the burr of the ear. That brought him down to his knees and Young flew on him, but John came back butting at him and got him in the pit of the stomach and piled him over in the weeds. And from then on they had it, fighting and gouging. Finally some neighbors came along and separated them or I reckon they would have killed each other. For by that time Young was chewing on John's ear and had it about half-eaten off and John had got one of Young's fingers in his mouth and was chewing it to a pulp. At the next term of court there was the same old notice in the newspaper, "Johnson versus Johnson,'' and assault and battery was the charge this time, one against the other. They were tried in the court and both put under a peace bond, and the judge had the lane re-surveyed. A line was run down the middle of it, and the court ordered a fence put up along the line. Now for a good long time John and Young have lived in peace, and each one still stays on his side of the wire fence. But since the big fight between them, neither one has been the man he was. The side of John's head is still disfigured, his looking like a dried-up prune, and Young's hand is about half useless because the long finger John chewed on remains stuck out, stiff as a stick and useless. Old Dan Truelove, the 90-year-old surveyor and godless liquor reprobate, said that's what they got for messing with religion. If they had stayed away from that preacher, he said, they'd be hale, hearty men to this day. But then old Dan didn't have much more character than an egg-thieving dog, being a tattletale and liar the way he was, and no attention was paid to him. And besides, as everybody knew, he was drinking himself fast into the grave and had been doing so for the last fifty years. Difficulties are opportunities. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 313 Through difficulties to the stars — Ad astro per aspera This is the Latin motto of Campbell University and many states and institutions. dig An uncomplimentary reference. "Jesse Helms in his regular Viewpoint T. V. appearance took a dig at you the other night, Paul," said the barber as I sat down to get a haircut. digger A hippy, a no'count young sponger, beatnik. well-digger A lady's man, a swordsman. "Who are you?" said the lady. "I'm a welldigger," I said, and I showed her. "Lordy mercy," she said, "you really are!" Many a person digs his grave with his teeth. dig up the tomahawk To start trouble. To begin a war. diked out (or up) To be in one's best dress, wearing Sunday clothes. "Lord, I'm here to tell you, he was all diked out for commencement day." By diligence and care You may finally get there. (Folk wisdom rhyme.) a diller-a-dollar Late, tardy, from the child's rhyme: A diller-a-dollar A ten o'clock scholar. dime A great many people, especially Negroes, used to put holes through dimes and wear them around their necks or ankles to prevent toothache, rheumatism and blood disease. A few still do. Put a dime around a baby's neck to make him cut teeth easier. a dime a dozen Very cheap. dimple To curtsy, to flirt. �314 Paul Green's Wordbook Dimple on the chin, The devil within. Old Aunt Dinah A cutting up, loud behavior. "He got out there and, me, my, did he play Old Aunt Dinah." dinahs Cheap little marbles, usually to be put into the ring with others like them to be shot out. din-din Dinner, food, baby's pap, milk from the mother's breast. ding-buster A humdinger, an important thing or happening. ding-dong To quarrel, to complain. The buttocks, the setter. "I'll rap on that boy's ding-dong if he messes with me." dinger A fine example, an outstanding thing. Same as dilly. ding it in To instill it in one's memory by constant repetition. dingus The penis. dinky A trifle, cheap looking, silly, disgusting. "And then for all his big talk, he showed up on Sunday courting me riding the dinkiest little old mule you ever saw." dinner The midday meal. The dinner bell is always in tune to a hungry man. There never was a fieldhand that found the dinner bell out of tune. dip Syrup or gravy. dipper gourd A dipper made from a gourd. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 315 dipping A baptizing by immersion. dipso A dipsomaniac, an alcoholic. dipsy-doodle Silly, irresponsible. "You wouldn't want a dipsy-doodle fellow like George Wallace for president, would you?" directly (torectly) Right away, soon. "You go ahead, I'll be up there directly." dirt Uncomplimentary gossip about a person. Obscene talk. Everybody eats a peck of dirt before he dies. dirt cheap Very cheap indeed. do dirt To treat wrong, unfairly, to injure. "He done me dirt when he took my girl from me, and this switchblade knife says I'm gonna get even with him." eat dirt To accept humiliation. Same as eat crow. to dirty To defecate. "I got to go dirty first, and then I'll be with you." as dirty as a hog (pig) dirty work at the crossroads Suspicious doings, secret criminal acts. discord A way of tuning a fiddle to produce a harmonious effect when the bow is drawn across two or more strings at the same time. "I can't play that piece right lessen I discord my fiddle first." Discretion is the better part of valor. the running mouth disease Over-talkative, gossipy, frothy-worded. disencourage To discourage. �316 Paul Green's Wordbook disfurnish To unfurnish, fail to furnish. dish Awoman, usually a complimentary term. "Shewasaprettydish, allright." dished in Bowlegged, also cranksided. dished out The angle at which the spokes of a wheel become weakened. "There that old wagon stood with its wheels dished out.'' Also handed out, a retaliatory action. dishfaced A flat face, concave. "That dishfaced fice dog of his was one of the best coon dogs I've ever seen." dishrag Weakwilled, long-suffering, patient.' 'He's nothing but a dishrag under his new wife's feet." dish water Feeble stuff, imitation, poor argument. "Lady, this soup ain't nothing but dishwater." dismals The blues, the mulligrubs, the melancholies. disposed to Inclined toward, in favor of. "My son is disposed to Duke instead of Carolina." disrecollect To forget, to fail to remember. disremember Unable to remember, not to remember. "He's just moved into that house up there where the road turns to Farrington, but I disremember his name.'' distaff side The woman side. Distance lends enchantment to the view. to ditch To jilt. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence div 317 Dived, past tense of dive. to dive in To begin, to start eating, to initiate an action. "Yes, sir," said Herbert, "just as soon as grace was said at a meal in our house, my daddy would call out, 'Dive in, folkses!' I remember one night when we really did dive, and we dived in such a hurry that we got our ding-dong rapped on to a fare-you-well because of it. "In the old days we didn't get hold of good beef meat often. Well, once the old man went into town with a bale of cotton to sell, and I guess he wanted to sort of reward us young'uns — there were five of us — for all our hard work in the cottonpatch, and he brung back a great big piece of steak which Ma fried and put the platter of it on the table. And there we all were sitting ready to get at it. The grace was said — 'Make us thankful for what we're 'bout to receive, amen,' —and just as Pa said 'Dive in, folkses,' a gust of wind blew out the lamp. Well, when Ma got the lamp lighted again, there sat the old man with five forks sticking in his arm, and his fork was sticking in the steak. We young'uns had made for the steak but in the dark he was ahead of us. Pa looked at us as we pulled our forks out one by one, then made for the firestick over in the chimney corner. And then — man, man, did he ding-dong our ding-dongs." A house divided against itself cannot stand. dividing molasses (whiskey, wine or other liquid) A measurement puzzle. A man came to a neighbor to get four quarts of molasses. He brought an eight-quart jug, but he wanted only four quarts, no more, no less. The neighbor had a cask of molasses but only three-quart and five-quart measuring containers. How did he get exactly four quarts measured out? He poured the three-quart container full, emptied this into the fivequart container, drew the three-quart container full again and emptied two quarts into the five-quart container, filling it and leaving one quart over. He then emptied the five quarts back into the cask, poured the one quart into the five-quart one, drew three more quarts and poured that in with the one, making four quarts exactly. divine power An omnipotent god who, it is believed, controls the universe and all that's in it. divining rod See "dowsing rod." �318 Paul Green's Wordbook "Dixie" The whooping-up song of Southern patriotism. It was written, words and music, by a Yankee, one Dan D. Emmett, in 1859 for use in a minstrel show. Since the minstrels were black, the association of the tune with the South was easy. The song also became popular in the North and is now part of our American heritage. It was reported that when President Lincoln first heard it in 1860 in New York City, he shouted out from his box, "Let's have it again!" Gradually the name Dixie was accepted as meaning the Confederate South — "Dixie Land.'' The word "Dixie,'' the linguists say, comes from the French dix, dixie, a $10 note widely current in Louisiana before the Civil War. So in this matter it seems that for once paper money was really worth its weight in gold, pure gold. At Buie's Creek Academy's commencement when I was a boy, Professor Portis and his brass ensemble (we proudly called it a brass band) would, for a climax to their playing, tear loose in "Dixie." Without failing, the audience in the Old Tabernacle Building would stand up and yell and shout and wave handkerchiefs and hats in the air. Under the spell of the song the Old South was ready to rise again. Dixie The South. dizzy-dance A wild and crazy dance, especially a holy dance of one caught in a religious hallucination, as often the case with the Holy Rollers. do Task, duty. "Do your do, fellow, that's all God asks of you." Swindle. "I bought some stock in that fish factory in Wilmington, and did that man do me." Fit, serve satisfactorily, be reliable, trustworthy.' 'This Richard Nixon just won't do." To behave or act towards one. "Why do you do me like you do?" Do as I say and not as I do. Do as you would be done by. Do it, then talk about it. Do one thing at a time. do or die Do unto others as you would have them do unto you. �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence 319 Never do anything of which you are ashamed. They who can't do as they would must do as they can. You never know what you can do till you try. Do As I Do A tricking game. doated (doaty) Decayed. dobbin' Daubing. doc A colloquial address of familiarity to a man. "Hey, doc, better stay out of that house or that old woman will fly on you like a wet hen." as docile as a sheep In nettle and out dock. Dock shall have a new smock. (Nonsense rhyme.) New doctor, new churchyard. Doctor, doctor, can you tell What will make poor Annie well? She is sick and she might die. That would make poor Johnny cry. (In this teasing rhyme, the name of any one of the group may be substituted.) If the doctor cures, the sun sees it, And if he kills, the earth hides it. what the doctor ordered The proper remedy. "Miss Molly Ferrell was forty years old and then she got married, and that was just what the doctor ordered." doctor-snake The partner of a wounded snake, or another snake that comes and makes the wounded one well. This, no doubt, comes from the fact that often a snake being left for dead revives and escapes. Of course, it may be that the mate of the wounded snake is seen in the surroundings. do-dads Frills, ornaments, little odds and ends. �320 Paul Green's Wordbook Dodge Ball This is played in different ways. Usually the players are divided into two teams, and the members of one team form a circle while those of the other team get inside the circle. The first team has a volley ball or some soft ball and, when the signal is given, this ball is thrown at members of the team inside the circle. Anyone who is hit must either drop out of the game or join the circle, according to an agreement. Finally, when all have been hit, the game is over, and sides change. Those who were in the circle now can go inside, and those inside become the circle, and the game proceeds again. dod rabbit! (drabbit!) An expletive. do-funny An outlandish thing or person, a foolish trinket. A dog howling at night presages someone's death in the neighborhood. A dog in the manger neither eats nor lets others eat. A dog is man's best friend. A dog runs for his character, but a hog runs for his life. A dog that bites off its own tail sets a bad example for the puppies. The dog that fetches will also carry. A dog that will bring a bone will carry one. If you give a dog a bad name, you'd just as well kill him. The hit dog always hollers. It's a poor dog can't wag his own tail. A good dog deserves a good bone. a lean dog for a long chase as many excuses as a dog has fleas Every dog has his day. Every dog has his day and the bitch her evenings. I don't need a dog if I have to do my own barking. A living dog is better than a dead lion. Let a dog lick a sore place to make it well. It is hard to teach an old dog new tricks. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 321 Keep a dog tied up too long and he'll lose his nose for the trail. every dog to his own vomit A dog will not cry if you beat him with a bone. dog biscuit Army hardtack. dog bite him! (it!) An execration. dog cheap Excessively cheap. dog damn! An expletive. dog days The hot days in August when diseases are most rampant. In the old days typhoid fever used to break out especially in this hot time. dog-down For emphasis, same as stomp-down. "He's a dog-down (stomp-down) gentleman." dog-drunk Completely drunk. dog fennel A plant common everywhere, except in the extreme North. Found in waste places and along roadsides. In the old days tea made from its foliage or root was used for all sorts of troubles — nerves, overweight and stomach disorders. dog-fight A ruckus, a loud quarrel. hair of the dog A homeopathic remedy in which the medicine to cure the sickness is that which caused it, such as a drink or drinks of liquor the morning after.' 'Hey, Paul, I've just come over here to see if you'd let me have a little hair of the dog." By doggies! An expletive. 'Y doggies! An exclamation. �322 Paul Green's Wordbook Doggone! An exclamation. doggoned A trifling person. "He's the doggonedest fellow I've ever seen." doggy Stylish, a wearer of sporty clothes. in the doghouse Disfavor, disgrace. "He's in the doghouse now, and his wife won't speak to him." dog in the manger A snarly person who selfishly prevents another's good luck or advantage with no gain to himself. dog Latin A barbaric made-up language by the transposition of a vowel, especially "A," in front of a consonant, or at the beginning of a word. dog leg A chevron stripe. dogleg fence Worn rail fence. dog on the sun A splotch of foggy light above the sun, usually in the morning, which indicates a change in the weather. dog run (trot) The covered passageway between two parts of a cabin or house, same as breezeway or windsweep. like a suck-egg dog Low-down, sneaky, starveling. dogs Feet. "Let's rest, my dogs are killing me." Dogs follow the man with the bone. Lie down with the dogs and you'll get up with the fleas. Let sleeping dogs lie. Barking dogs rarely bite. Old dogs bark sitting down and puppies standing up. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 323 the dog's foot An interjection. dog's life Miserable life. Sometimes said facetiously in observation of the ease of a well-kept pet. A dog's nose and a maid's knees are always cold. go to the dogs To degenerate, to become dissipated, to fall to low estate. Same as to go to the bow-wows. dog-stud A childless husband, usually supposed to be barren. dog's tail The constellation of the Great Bear. Same as dipper with the handle and drinking gourd. in a dog's tail A rebutting comment. Same as in a pig's eye. dog tallow An early kind of round, white stick chewing gum. dog-tired Tired to death, to the bone, exhausted. dog-trick A mean trick, a practical joke. dog-trots Diarrhea. dogwood A beautiful flowering southern tree. When the dogwood blooms it is planting time. When dogwood leaves are the size of squirrels' ears it is time to plant corn. Land where dogwood trees grow well will, when cleared, grow the best cotton. dogwood winter A cold spell that often comes when the dogwoods are in bloom, comparable to blackberry winter. do-hickey (do-hinkey) A thing, an item, a device.' 'Undo that do-hickey there and it will fall apart.'' �324 Paul Green's Wordbook Do how? A query. What? It is used to ask one to repeat a question. doing Why? What's the reason for, etc. "What are those books doing here?" Doing everything is doing nothing. Doing nothing is doing ill. doings Celebrations, activities, fun. "There's big doings at our house tonight." doit To finish, to complete. "That'll just about do it." do it up Wrap up, tie up. do it up brown Finish a thing with extraordinary care, put the fine touch to a thing. dolefuls The melancholies, the dumps, the mulligrubs. "Since her sweetheart kicked her, Fanny stays drooped up in the dolefuls." He squeezes the dollar til the eagle screams. If you would know the value of a dollar, try to borrow one. Dollar, Dollar, Where's the Dollar A game which is usually played by having chairs placed in a circle with a person sitting in each one, and "It," or the person who has the dollar with which to do the guessing, stands in the center. The people sitting in the circle pass a silver dollar or coin from hand to hand. The object is to keep the person in the center from guessing whose hand has the dollar. And while the dollar is being passed around, the players sing or chant: Dollar, dollar, how you wander From one hand into the other. Is it fair, is it fair To keep Mr. Henry standing there? The name of the actual person is used in the last line. When the guess is made correctly, the one in whose hand the dollar was when it was guessed goes into the center, and the center man takes his seat. dollars to doughnuts Usually in the form of a jocular dare or wager. "It's dollars to doughnuts �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 325 those two will never marry." dolly A mistress. do-lolly A thingamajig, a contraption. domestic Unbleached muslin, or clean white cloth, used in the old days especially for bed sheets and often for boys' underwear. domestic trouble Menstrual period. done For emphasis. "I done forgot what you said." Dead. "Don't shoot him anymore, he's done." Well-cooked.' 'This corn is not done, you'll have to put it back on the stove.'' What is done cannot be undone. When a thing is done, it's done. It is easier said than done. done for To be finished, ruined, killed. done gone and done it Used for emphasis. done in Same as all in, exhausted. done to death Overdone, trite, over-familiar, tiresome. done up Completely exhausted, ruined.' 'I've been scouring all day, and tonight I'm plumb done up." Tied up, put in a package. "The laundry is all done up." dony A sexy female sweetheart. do-nothing An inactive, a lazy person. �326 Paul Green's Wordbook Don't call on the Lord unless you know his name. don't care Slovenliness, laziness, improvidence. "Don't care keeps a big house." dontcha? Don't you? Don't go around your elbow to get to your thumb. Don't make me laugh. A jocular expostulation. don't mind me A semi-satirical phrase suggesting that the speaker or one acting has little care for "me." doodads Fineries, trinkets and jewelry. doodle A little insect, more professionally known as an ant lion. He drills a little top-like hole with dry sand grains around it, and an ant who tumbles over the edge keeps falling toward the center because of the loosening grains, and there the doodle waits to seize him and have his feast. To play with a woman's private parts. doodlebug There was a folk belief in our neighborhood that if you put your finger down in the doodle's house and stirred it around and around and chanted the following couplet, the doodle would appear. Naturally he would, because the finger would dig him out, that is, if he was there at all. "Doodlebug, doodlebug, Your house burning up, Doodlebug, doodlebug, Your house burning up." doodler A trifler. doodly-squat A faux pas, a goof. doo-jiggers A thingamajig, a contraption, usually small things. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 327 the crack of doom The instant when the end of the world comes, a bit of the Bible folklore. doomsday A folk term designating the end of time. It also means an indefinite length of time. "Hurry up, you expect me to wait here til doomsday?" do one's business To evacuate, to defecate, and often in Negro terminology "to void." do one's stuff To show one's ability or character. "Get out there on that mound, Bob, and do your stuff." Same as show your stuff. doorknob A white china knob. My mother used to take all the eggs from a laying hen and leave a doorknob in the nest to keep the hen coming back, for it was well understood that if all the eggs were taken away the hen would quit laying in that nest and hunt another place, or quit laying altogether. The doorknob fooled her and she still apparently thought there was one egg left. The doors of wisdom are never shut. next door to Almost, nearing, coming nigh.' 'He is next door to being crazy as a coot.'' do out of To cheat, to chouse. do over Remake, re-do. doozy A lily, a honey, a lulu, an exceptional thing, good or bad. dope Instructions, the lie of things, the facts. "Say, miss, what's the dope on this Rinaki murder?" Coca-Cola. dopey Dull, lethargic. do pray A mild expletive, also a comment of encouragement to continue talking. do proud To make one proud. "She sure did me proud up there on that rostrum with �328 Paul Green's Wordbook all the people looking on." dose Enough of, a surfeit. "I've had my dose of these politicians." Venereal disease.' 'He kept going to that sporting house and finally got his dose." do-se-do A command or call in a square dance. like a dose of salts Quickly, of almost instant reaction. on the dot Punctual, at an appointed hour. Do tell! An exclamation. do the trick To be satisfactory, to solve. "He got a long wire and slipped it through the door and that did the trick." do time To serve a sentence in prison or on the chain gang. doty (doaty) Decayed, somewhat rotten. Also means weak in one's head, a bit crazy. dot your I's and cross your T's Tend to small things, be circumspect, be attentive and polite. a double A copy, a likeness. " I looked up there and thought it was John, but it was that Henry boy, his very double." double-barreled A big breasted woman. "Yonder she comes down the street all doublebarreling at us." double damn For emphasis. double duck fit A frenzy, a burst of excessive temper, etc. double harness Marriage. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 329 double-jointed A long, tall person. Large, muscular. This term has pretty much passed out of usage now that so many double-jointed young men are becoming basketball heroes. double-take An exaggerated visual response. "He did a double-take." doubting Thomas A suspicious person, one demanding special proof or incontrovertible evidence. The Gospel of John, Chapter 20, verse 25, reports that Thomas, one of the twelve disciples, said he doubted that Jesus had risen from the dead. "Except I shall see in his hands the print of the nails — and thrust my hand into his side, I will not believe," he declared. doubtsome Doubtful. douce! An expletive. My father used to use this word very often. It was common with him.' 'The douce you say!'' He pronounced it''dowse.'' Perhaps this is a corruption of deuce. doughface A mask. Also homely, ugly. doughy Sticky. "That clay path is all doughy after the rain." do up To tie, to wrap. "Do up the clothes, the laundry man'll be here in a minute.'' do up brown To deal with a matter or person thoroughly and authoritatively. dove A gentle girl. A dove hovering around a house presages death. down Sick. Melancholic. To drink, to swallow. "He downed six beers, one right after the other." Down is not always out. He that is down need fear no fall. �330 Paul Green's Wordbook down and out In a penniless or spiritless condition. Also, to be knocked out as in the prize ring. down in the dumps Despondent, discouraged, same as down in the mouth. down in the I'ins (loins) To be crippled in the back, unable to raise up the hind part. "Well, Betty, I've been up to the hog pen, and my big fattening hog is down in the I'ins," said my father one doleful winter morning. "I'll have to kill him." down in the mouth Discouraged, melancholic, sad, pensive. "Every time I see Joe Knapp he looks down in the mouth. How come?" down my alley Suitable to my ability, just what I wanted. down on To dislike. "He's down on me, that's why I never get a promotion." down pat To have by memory, full know-how. down the country A bawling out, a tirade against. "With that sharp tongue she could give a man down the country." down the drain Wasted, lost, gone beyond recall. down the road In a weakened or incurable condition, aged. "Too bad but old John is down the road." down to the bottom of the barrel The last penny, to the last crumb or bit of supply, down to one's last chip. down to the ground To the limit, extremely. "Everybody was plumb ashamed down to the ground." dowsing rod A forked twig or small limb fork, usually from a hazel bush, used to locate underground springs and good places for digging wells. I've known dowsers who claimed that a peachtree fork or even dogwood would work just as well. And some more scientific ones now say that metal rods held before �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 331 the dowser as he walks will do the trick too. Recently I looked out through the window of my work cabin and saw a man moving back and forth in the meadow with two little rods extended in front of him. A service truck with the big insignia of the University of North Carolina (Lux et Libertas) on its side stood near by, and two other men were standing leaning against it. Curious, I left off working on my "Cross and Sword" play and went out and asked the gentleman what he was up to — if he didn't mind saying. He said he was locating a water line. In his hands he held two little brass rods sticking far out at right angles from his hands and free to swivel in the small metal collar pieces he grasped. "When these rods start cutting up, I will be near the pipe," he said. "You mean they will tell you where it is?" I asked somewhat incredulously. "Sure do," he said. "And when I get right over the pipe, the rods will cross themselves one over the other in front of me and stay crossed. Yes, sir." "Wonderful," I said. But I didn't believe it, for just the night before I had been reading a lot of stuff Joseph Wood Krutch had written about the New England dowsers. I stood around quite awhile watching this representative of the University trying to find the pipe. "Doesn't the University have a survey that shows where it has laid its pipelines?" I asked. "Not this one," he said, "It's a private line to your house anyhow and hooks up to the main line yonder in the Raleigh Road." "Yes, but the University put it in. Maybe you did," I said, "though I paid for it." "I might have," he said, "but I've put in so many I can't remember them all." He kept walking around to no avail, and I began mentally to estimate the cost he and his truck and the two fellows were penalizing the taxpayers. Seeing at last that he wasn't making any progress, I told him I knew where the water line was, and so I showed him. "I remember the day it was put in," I said, "and it went along near this pine here, first to my cabin and then on by it to the house." The information didn't seem to matter to him one way or the other. "I would a-found it afterwhile anyhow," he said. "These rods never fail me. Now if it's terra cotta pipe, that's another thing. Clay don't seem to attract them, but metal does. When I walk in the woods, for instance, say, on Sunday, I carry a pair of these with me — not just these two, for they belong to the University Buildings Department, but two like them. You never know when you might be walking over metal or even silver or gold in the ground," he said. "Will they find silver and gold too?" I queried. �332 Paul Green's Wordbook "I'm sure they will," he said. "I wonder if I could get me a set of these rods?" I asked. "Sure thing," he said, "just phone Mr. Branch at the Buildings Department and he'll fix you up." He now called out to the two men at the truck, "Heigh, fellows, bring your shovels, Mr. Paul says this is where we'll have to dig." The next day I called up Mr. Branch and for two dollars he ordered me a set of rods. I now keep them on my wall to look at and, I guess, to remind me that all of us are folklorists and filled with folk customs and superstitions from the cradle to the grave. I had first tried them out before I laid them up. Sometime after this, two scientists from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology were visiting us. I told them about the rods and showed them to them. When I started to replace them on the mantel, one of the scientists took them again in his hand and felt them. Then I saw "that look" come into his eyes. "I believe I'll go out and try them," he said. We went outside and for a good while he too wandered up and down the meadow holding them extended in front of him. Presently he came back and handed them to me. "There's nothing to it, of course," he said. The other scientist laughed a bit jeeringly. "I mark that 'of course,' he said. "Then why did you try them?" "Just a prank," the other one said. As we started back to the house, the second scientist said, "Wait a minute, I believe I'll try those things too." I handed him the rods. Doxology I can still see Mr. Tom Long, with his white beard, standing up in old Pleasant Union Church in the days when they had no organ and leading off this song in his strong hollow voice, a voice that used to send the shivers down my spine as a little boy sitting there awed by the great presence. "Praise God from whom all blessings flow, Praise Him, all creatures here below, Praise Him above, ye heavenly host, Praise Father, Son and Holy Ghost." Orthodoxy is my doxy. baker's dozen Generosity, one extra, thirteen. thirteen to the dozen Outlandish, wild, exaggerated. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 333 twelve to the dozen Honesty, good measurement. "He always gave you twelve to the dozen." put him in the dozens To berate, to shame. drabble-tail (draggle-tail) A slovenly woman, a slut. drag Influence, power. "He's got a lot of drag with the boss." A term in fox hunting. dragass A procrastinator, a deadbeat, one who moves slowly, wastes time. dragged out Feeble, feeling poorly. dragging feet Slowness, lethargy, deadbeating. dragging one's spurs To be exhausted, excessively lazy, soldiering on the job. draggle-tail A slovenly, dirty person, usually in reference to a woman, a trollop, a slattern. drag hound A dog especially trained to follow the scent of a drag. drop drat Drop. "He drapped corn all the morning barefooted and he's tard out." A mild swear word. Drat it, drat him, drat you, drat that thing, etc. draw a long bow To exaggerate, to tell a lie or wild stories. To act authoritatively, to be a man of power. draw in one's horns To economize, cut down on plans, or withdraw from an argument. draw it fine To run a close risk, to make a fine distinction. draw straws A method of deciding a bet or luck or something to be done. Usually the �334 Paul Green's Wordbook one drawing the short straw is the unlucky person, and the one drawing the longest straw the lucky. draw up To shrink, shrivel. "After I fell in the creek my seersucker suit drawed up so I couldn't wear it." To move closer, draw nearer. "Draw your chair up to the fire and warm yourself." Always take a dream backwards. dream book The Sears-Roebuck catalog. Same as wish book. dreen Drain. dregs Drugs. drench To dose with liquid orally. "I've got to drench my mule, he's all drooped up." See "twitch." dressed for the part To fit a part, to have an appearance that fits one's calling. dressed to kill Overdressed. dressed within an inch of his (her) life Overdressed, outlandishly dressed. a dressing down A bawling out, a scolding, a berating, a tirade against. dressy Especially fastidious, smart and elaborate. dribble derby A basketball tournament. driblets Tiny bits, piecemeal things.'' She j ust practices her Beethoven in driblets.'' dribs and drabs Bits and shreds. dried apple damn! A mild expletive. "I don't give a dried apple damn" means "I don't give �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 335 a hoot," "don't care," etc. drift A herd, as a drift of cattle. Intent, meaning. "I catch your drift, brother." drill To plug, to put a bullet in the exact spot." He drilled that guy right between the eyes." To teach, to instruct thoroughly. In rows, to sow in the drill. "He drilled his wheat this year and he's got a better stand." drink The ocean, the water. "He had to set the plane down in the drink." drinking gourd The Great Bear in the Northern sky with its pointers toward the North Star, often called the dipper, or box with the handle to it or the drinking gourd. This last was the term mainly used in the old days by the Negroes. In slave times a slave escaping to the North was told to follow the drinking gourd. There is a plaintive folk song entitled,' 'Follow the drinking gourd, follow, follow, follow, follow." The chords of a guitar go well with it. Sitting with Mr. Mac, the old miller and local historian, in his mill house one night I heard the story of a slave named Jim who escaped from the Valley to the North by following the drinking gourd. He traveled at night and lay hid in the woods and swamps in the daytime. He followed it to a future of great success, a success, however great, that couldn't kill off the influence of his childhood raising. "This Jim was born in slavery," said Mr. Mac, "and, with his father and mother, belonged to old Colonel Silas Montgomery down in the lower part of the Valley. His father was a Negro overseer on the colonel's plantation, and a proud and sullen sort of fellow they said he was. This Jim, as he grew up, got a smidgin of book learning from his father and mother and, by the lightwood fire at night and with the door to the cabin shut tight, he heard bitter talk from his father about the oppression of the black man and how there was no haven or 'biding place for the poor nigger unless he could escape to the North. That idea got into the boy Jim's head and stuck there. With the connivance of his father and mother, he finally did escape, carrying what money they could get up for him and his old McGuffey spelling book. With the blessing of his parents he slipped away and by following the drinking gourd finally made his way to the North. The old colonel suspected the father and mother and for revenge sold them both separately �336 Paul Green's Wordbook down the river toward New Orleans. So they disappeared from the Valley and were never heard of again. "This boy Jim must have had the real stuff in him, for somehow he beat his way up. No doubt some of the Northern white folks, nigger lovers they called them, helped him. Anyway he got a chance to go on to school, finally studying law, and by the time he was a middle-aged man, he had married himself an almost white wife and had a big business going. The Civil War came on and passed, and the South, as the local orators have put it ever since, 'lay under the despoiler's heel.' Many changes took place. The people that had been powerful and rich before now became helpless and poor. And some who had been nothing but poor white rose up to places of wealth and domination like them tobacco kings around Durham and Winston-Salem. Jim had sent many an inquiry about his parents but could never hear anything as to what had happened to them. Over the years he subscribed to a Valley newspaper, hoping to keep up with news of things 'back home.' "Well, one day this Honorable James Montgomery sitting in his fine office there in Boston read in the paper about how the famous old plantation of Colonel Montgomery was going to be sold. The family was in hard straits and now that the colonel was dead and the widow, his old missus, was left alone, she was having to sell all the heirlooms and so on in order to keep soul and body together. James had a hankering to go back to see the place of his birth, and also he had the daring thought now that he might go back there and maybe buy some of those heirlooms himself. Who knows, he might even see about buying the plantation itself. And thus some of the shame and suffering of his people would be wiped away and he would be the proud avenger of their wrongs. So he got his several trunks together, had them packed, and set off south. "When he got down to Washington, he had to change trains and go into the Jim Crow car as was the custom then. It took two or three porters to handle his baggage, and one of them joked at him saying, 'Well suh, ya' boss sho' has got a lot of baggage. Must be one of them diplomats or something.' The Honorable James politely informed them that it was his own baggage. 'And where are you going with it?' one of the porters, who happened to be a Southern Negro, asked him. He said he was going back to North Carolina. The Negro broke into laughter and said something about maybe that was being too much of a good thing and he better watch out. James thought it over and finally decided it might be wiser to leave some of his baggage behind. He was proud and had planned on the big impression he was to make back in the old home neighborhood, and it was hard to forego that. But still when his train pulled out headed south, half his baggage remained behind. And it was a somewhat sobered James who sat in the Jim Crow car as the train crossed the Potomac. All around him were Negroes �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence 337 of the poorer class. "All day he rode through red hills, sandy fields, pine forests with paintless houses, and weatherbeaten shacks which dotted the landscape. He saw the Negroes working in the fields, gathering corn or picking cotton, and the sight of a young boy standing with a sack string over his shoulder staring close at the train as it went by brought back to him the old feeling when he as a slave had labored in the fields and gazed at the carriages of the white planters or their proud wives passing on the highway. ' 'Down at Raleigh he had to change trains again. In those days the town was much smaller, and the finely dressed Negro attracted a lot of attention from the few hangers-on around the depot. By this time the Honorable James was becoming full of the old South feeling and was conscious now how his appearance stuck out in sharp contrast to the surroundings. Well, when the little woodburning train drew up to take him down the Valley, he had already checked the rest of his trunks in the baggage room and carried only his fine hog-skin brown valise. Through the swamps and little clearings the train went. A sense of the poverty and darkness of ignorance descended on him, and when he got off at the little home station he was forlorn and unhappy enough. A few Negroes and poor whites were at the siding. The 'one-gallused' agent looked at him in astonishment. And James was glad to get away as soon as possible. When he asked a nearby Negro if there were any 'conveyance' that might take him out to the old Montgomery Plantation, the Negro broke into deep dog-yelping chuckles. " 'Big Boy," he said when he had got control of himself, 'they ain't no conveyance and furdermo' besides'—And his voice died out, as he bowed up and down again, slapping his thighs. " 'What's the matter with you?' asked the Honorable James. " 'Ain't nothing, nothing,' said the Negro. 'But 'uhm reckon they is too. It's them gold specs you wear and them bandbox clothes, and yo' shiny grip. Whew, they do tickle me.' "Other Negroes and whites standing about laughed and showed they were tickled too. "James left his suitcase in the station and set out walking down the long sandy road. But the farther he walked, the more the warm remembrance of the past, the smells and sights and sounds of his boyhood, came back to him. He soon began to recognize the boundaries of the colonel's ancient plantation and there was the big oak tree by the creek they said the colonel hung one of his slaves on one time. And over there toward the Bear Cat Swamp was the field he and his parents had labored in many a day, chopping and picking cotton. "The Honorable James stopped and looked about him. Then he did a strange thing. He took off his fine hat and coat and laid them behind a bush by the road and went on bareheaded, with his white shirt and his silver- �338 Paul Green's Wordbook buckled suspenders shining in the sun. Soon he met a ragged sweaty Negro toiling along toward him. The Negro was a little drunk, and that's maybe how it all happened. Anyhow, it was said that the Honorable James stopped and talked with him a while. And then they went off into the bushes together. Pretty soon out came the drunk wearing the fine clothes and the Honorable James wearing the ragged ones, greasy cap and all. He went on and turned into the lane toward the old Montgomery mansion. The drunk stood watching him a while, then threw up his hands and staggered on his way. "The Honorable James went up the walk to the old mansion. He started to mount the sagging steps to the wide columned, paint-peeled portico, then stopped, turned and went around the house. At the back he knocked on a sagging bannister. Soon the kitchen door opened and a little old whitehaired woman came shakily out. " 'Yes?' said the little old woman, peering down at the ragged Negro standing before her, 'what do you want?' " 'I—I'— said the Honorable James. Then suddenly his hand went up and pulled off his cap and his words blurted from him — 'Missus, missus, your boy Jim done come home again.' " drinking whiskey Especially fine mellow whiskey fit for drinking without weakening with water or soda. "Freddy B. always says, 'Uhm, that's good drinking whiskey.' " "Drink to Me Only with Thine Eyes" A popular favorite often sung on picnics, hayrides, etc. drip Nonsense, empty talk. drive like the devil drive one up the wall To run one to distraction, to infuriate. Don't drive in where you can't turn around to get out. in the driver's seat To be in charge, to be on top, to have the position of authority. drive two horses Show off, splurge. dromedary A husband who is put upon. drooped up (droopy) Sick, ailing. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 339 droop-tailed Discouraged, down in the mouth, unhappy. droopy-ass Same as dragass. droopy-drawers A slouchy, unkempt girl, also a dull and stupid girl, much the same as drip. drop To give birth to. "My cow dropped her calf last night." drop a bomb To create a stir, an excitement, like making a shocking remark at a party, or disclosing horrifying tidings. drop a stitch To make a faux pas, an error, a mistake. drop by Come by incidentally on one's way from another place. "While you're in Dunn could you drop by Grantham's Drug Store and get me one bottle of Cardui and two bottles of Lydia Pinkham's Compound." drop corn In the old days people dropped corn in an open furrow and covered it with a foot. How often hour after hour have I dropped two or three grains in the furrow, stretched out my right bare foot and swept the dirt over it and stepped on it, then took two steps forward and repeated the act over and over, round and round, and the sun burning down on me. Drop dead! Term of reproach or anger or reprimand. "When the reporter tried to interview Adam Clayton Powell, all the interview he got was the snarled out words, 'Drop dead.' " drop in on To visit unexpectedly or incidentally. drop in the bucket A bit, a trifling amount. "$10,000 is only a drop in the bucket compared to his total salary." at the drop of a hat Quickly, instantly, at once. "He'll fight you at the drop of a hat." drop off To go to sleep, to take a nap. "Dr. Lay could lie down and drop off for �340 Paul Green's Wordbook ten minutes any time he wanted to." drop one's uppers To be totally surprised, suddenly shocked. This expression originated from the failure of ill-fitting false teeth to hold when the wearer opened his mouth suddenly in surprise. Little drops of -water, Little grains of sand, Make the mighty ocean And the pleasant land. dropsy The habit of dropping things, loose-fingered. "Seems like I've got the dropsy today the worst a-tall." A folk term also for edema, an abnormal accumulation of serous fluids in the body. cure for dropsy In an old notebook I found the following prescription for it — "One tablespoon of steel dust, two tablespoons of powdered snake root, two tablespoons of ginger root, two of dogwood root bark, two of black China tree bark, two of low myrtle root bark, and mix with honey or molasses until soft. A dose was one half of a teaspoonful three times a day." The patient was asked to avoid damp air and wet feet. As my friend Dr. Leonard Fields says, "It's a wonder that as many people survived these old cures as did." Drop the Handkerchief A game. What fun we used to have playing this, and when little Lattie Matthews got the handkerchief and was running around, how my heart beat hoping she would drop it behind me. Players form in a circle standing up, and one of the number is outside. He runs around the ring and drops the handkerchief behind a chosen player. Then the latter grabs up the handkerchief and chases after the other. And if the dropper of the handkerchief is caught before he can get around to the spot vacated by his pursuer, then he can be kissed and must go into the center of the circle. Here he is to remain until he can seize the place of another player by getting the handkerchief up before the latter player can discover the handkerchief behind him and grab it. When this lucky one has succeeded in doing this, he becomes the next dropper, and the player from whom he snatched the handkerchief must go into the center. dross Waste rosin from turpentine stills, used to start fires in the old days. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 341 If men had their drothers, There'd be no room for others. a drought A long spell without a drink of liquor. The governors of North and South Carolina had this in mind no doubt when they agreed that it was "a long time between drinks." In a drought all signs fail. drove hard and put up muddy To be overworked, to be badly treated, to work hard and have little to show for it. drownd Drown. A drowning man will clutch at a straw. drudge Dredge. drug out Tired, exhausted. drugs Dregs. drugstore cowboy A derisive term for a loud talker, a loafer. drummer A traveling salesman. drunk as a boiled owl drunk as a coot drunk as a dog (hog) drunk as a doodle drunk as a fiddler's bitch drunk as a lord drunk as an owl drunk as a sailor drunk as blazes �342 Paul Green's Wordbook A man shows his real nature when he's drunk. on a drunk On a spell of drunkenness, a boozing tear. drunkards Small flies in fermenting fruit or fruit juice.' 'Put them grapes away or else the drunkards will be after them." Drury Lane Theatre A temporary hall in Fayetteville for theatrical performances, named for the famous old Drury Lane Theater in London. According to some of the old playbills I found in the archives at Williamsburg, Virginia, a traveling actor by the name of Llewellyn Lechmere Wall came into Fayetteville in the late century. He played various roles with a Mrs. Herndon, and afterward settled down in the town. He gave guitar and lute lessons to the young gentlemen and ladies at five shillings apiece. Another old handwritten playbill I found announced a production of "Robinson Crusoe," showing a dance of the savages, the rescue of Crusoe's man Friday, also a curious dwarf dance, etc., etc.,' 'the whole to conclude with an Epilogue, addressed to everybody, not aimed at anybody, to be spoken by somebody in the character of nobody — tickets 1/6, pitt 5 shillings to be had at the Drewry (sic) Lane Theatre." Another — this a large lettered printed playbill I found — announced ' 'An Evening's Lounge'' in the Fayetteville Theatre, presumably the Drury Lane, for December 31,1795, "An antidote for the spleen." Mr. and Mrs. Henderson "from the theatre Charleston" were starred, offering "several pieces selected and comprised in several parts, where the follies of life are exposed in laughable and striking colours — being a satirical, whimsical, humorous, moral and illustrative dissertation and display of the passions, humours, whims and oddities in song and dialogue... with Dibdin's 'Sound Argument' or 'Let us all be unhappy together.' " Mr. and Mrs. Henderson also offered selections from "The School for Scandal" and numerous other items of entertainment, including John Bull's comic song, "Expedition to Church." druthers Rathers, wishes, preferences as before. "If I had my druthers, I'd stay in bed all day." druv, driv Past tense of drive. dry Thirsty. "I'm so dry I have to prime myself to spit." A wry, comic way. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 343 a dry One who is opposed to liquor or alcohol in any form. dry as a bone dry as a chip dry as a stick ofry as dust dry drizzle A light sprinkle of rain. dry grins Chagrin, embarrassment. dry heaves Retchings without actually vomiting. dry hole A failure, a hole which gives neither water nor oil. drying room A place where tobacco is hung on sticks to dry out. dry-rot A sinking into ineffectuality. "He quit going to Broadway and he sat down there in the South and just dry-rotted." a dry run Empty results, a phrase used in seining. Sometimes in Middle Prong Creek when we'd run the seine along a deep hole and lift it up with nothing in it, one of the boys would call out" a dry run.'' Another one might say "a water haul." dry shave A shave without lather. As a boy I once heard of the story of a stingy Irishman who came into Lillington to get a shave. He asked the barber about the price, and the barber said a dry shave would cost him a nickel and a wet lather shave would cost him a dime. The stingy Irishman said, "Gimme the dry shave.'' While he was being shaved, a donkey tied down in the street below let loose a wild and terrific braying. The barber jerked up his head.' 'What in the name of goodness is that," hesaid. "Why," said the Irishman, "that's another man getting a dry shave." To skin, cheat, to deceive. �344 Paul Green's Wordbook dry up Hush, stop weeping, to cease making a racket or noise. "Dry up your blubbering or I'll whup you again." to dry up lard To put chunks of pork fat into a pot and boil it, same as drying up fat. In dry weather all signs fail. dry wilts Emaciation of old age. "What do you know! Old Bill Searcy's done married a right young pullet and him with the dry wilts." d.t.'s Delirium tremens. The wild hallucinations that seize upon alcoholics sometimes when excessive drink has fired their brain to ruination. duberous Dubious, same as jubious. dubersome Doubtful. dubs Doubles. This is an expression we would use in playing marbles. If one player happened to knock out two dinahs at one time, he could keep them if he shouted "dubs" ahead of one of the other players who might cry out "venture dubs." In case the venture dubs man was first, he would have to put one of the marbles back. The same applied to "thribs" (threes), etc. duchess A madam who keeps a brothel. duck Usually used with "queer." "He's a queer duck." A peculiar person. duck fit Hysterics, an explosion of temper. duck in Visit hurriedly. "Just duck in and see what's cooking." duck-legged One with very short waddly legs. duck out Slip away, escape. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 345 duck puddle A muddy, mirey place, the delight of ducks. duck soup Something easy, pleasant. "Standing up and reciting before folks is just duck soup to her." duck -walk A waddling walking. dead duck One who has lost out, no longer influential, worse off than a lame duck. lame duck An office-holder who has been defeated for reelection. During the remainder of his term he is spoken of as a lame duck and his term is a lame duck term, ineffective. Lord love a duck. A mild expletive. like water off a duck's back make ducks and drakes of To make a mess of things, to scramble matters. get ducks in a row Have things all shipshape, organized, fixed. "You better have your ducks in a row before you go up there and try out for that School of the Arts." ducky An expression of fondness, usually from a man to a woman. Safeandsnug, everything fine. "Yessir, all is ducky at my house." dud A failure. A dull, empty-pated person. duds Sunday clothes, dress-up clothes. "He dressed up in his best duds while the earthquake was on, saying he was getting ready to go to meet his Lord." dueling A barbaric practice in the old days when with pistols or swords for honor's sake men tried to kill each other. The last duel I heard of in the Valley took place between old Miles Stevens and young Robert Jefferson. "Yes," said Uncle Myron Lassiter as we were sitting by his fire one winter night, "fighting duels has long gone out of fashion — between �346 Paul Green's Wordbook individuals — men, that is. But the nations keep on doing it crazy as ever. It takes humanity in the mass a lot longer to learn anything than it does a man singly, I reckon. "Well, old Miles Stevens was a big landowner here at the upper end of the Valley before the Civil War and owned a lot of slaves to boot. He was one of the most highf alutin and prideful men, my daddy said, that ever was. After the war his slaves were freed, but it seemed to make no difference to old Miles. He was just as proudish as ever. Though his worldly goods had shrunk mightily, he still kept his aristocratic ways and lorded it over folks. He used to wear a wide white pleated shirt and top hat and a wing collar and swelled-up black tie, and he carried a silver-headed walking stick and wore a square coat that hung down like the one Governor Hoey wears now. Perhaps the most noted feature about him though was his nose, big and red and I mean red — maybe from drinking so much cherry bounce when he could get it. And wherever old Miles appeared — him and his big face and nose and clothes — he made an impression on everybody. As I say, he was an aristocrat of the old South, sure enough. And as for size he was over six feet high and weighed well over two hundred pounds, my daddy said. "He lived up there in Haywood, and Haywood was right much of a town in the old days. Must have been five or six hundred people there. It was built in the forks where the Haw and Deep Rivers come together to make the Cape Fear. There were three churches, a Presbyterian church, a Baptist church, and a Methodist. Might have been an Episcopalian too, but I disremember. But anyhow, I know there were at least three churches. And there was a drugstore and a big hotel run by old Captain Brown — but it's all passed away now and gone." "I was out there a few years ago and saw the remnants of the old hotel,'' I said. "Yes, there was a big hotel and mighty fine house there, a race track and plenty of betting and gambling and cockfighting going on in those days. The aristocratic Scotchmen from way down toward Fayetteville and Wilmington would come up there in the summer with their families to get away from the chills and fever down in the lowland. And so old Haywood was right much of a place and had a lot of big folks in it, as I say. ' 'About the biggest one in it of course was old Miles Stevens. Now there was another special fellow there in Haywood and no aristocrat. His name was Bob Jefferson. In fact, he was a grandson of one of the poor white Jeffersons who had been a bound boy in his young days to old Miles' father. Bob had the stuff in him, though, and he had worked himself up and finally got a pretty good grocery store. Miles would run up an account there in the store and wouldn't pay him. Bob would send him a notice and old Miles would ignore it. Sometimes he'd meet Miles on the street and tip his hat �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 347 polite enough and say 'Mr. Miles, I'm needing that account settled mighty bad.' And Miles would look down his big nose at him and nod, and say, Til be taking care of it right away as soon as I get some money that is overdue me from my investments.' And in fact he did now and then pay a little on his debt, if he happened to sell a bit of timber off his dwindling piece of land. But all the time his indebtedness to Bob increased. "Finally, young Bob lost his patience. He was a kind of waggish fellow, too, and one day when old Miles come walking into his store in his pompous way and started to pick up some oranges and English walnuts and put them in a paper bag without a by-your-leave, Bob's temper began to boil. Miles had his Negro boy with him to tote the groceries and fruit home, and poor Bob just didn't have the grit to tell him no, for all his boiling. But while he was standing there, with old Miles getting his groceries together, his mind was a-working. So when he weighed the groceries and handed them over to old Miles, what did he do? He just reached out and grabbed old Miles by his big red nose and give it a terrible twist to right and left. Then he broke out laughing. ' 'Well, that was a foolish thing to do, as you might imagine. And why Bob done that I don't know. Maybe it was just some kind of a wild impulse that made him seize it all of a sudden. Anyhow, as I said, old Miles' nose had got to be much like a headlight from his drinking so much cherry bounce and highland liquor, and maybe it stood out like the challenge of a headlight or something. Anyhow, when Bob give it that twist, Miles let out a yell. He staggered back, dropped his groceries and, with his hand to his tortured member, declared to all and sundry that his honor had been insulted. "Bob then said he didn't care a hoot about his honor, he wanted his money. His courage had begun to rise by this time, I reckon. Old Miles couldn't take that, so with his insulted honor he drew himself up to his full six feet and said, 'I challenge you to a duel, seh. My seconds will wait on you. I bid you good day!' And he swept out of the store swirling his cane in front of him. The Negro boy grabbed up the groceries and followed. "One of the neighbors, acting as Miles' second, did come down and have a huddle with Bob. He might have been beholden to Bob, I don't know. But anyhow, he and Bob fairly cooked up a deal between them — after Bob cussed old Miles out and said the damned scoundrel hadn't paid a red brownie on his bill in eighteen months, and he'd do anything to get even with him, for he knew he never was going to pay it. Of course, the duel business had been outlawed in North Carolina fifty years before that, but old Miles' honor went away back beyond the outlawing, and so he resorted to this manner of settlement. "Now according to the law of dueling, I've been told (and old Miles knew all about it), the challenged man, that is, Bob, had the right of choosing the weapons. So Bob ups and tells the second that he would choose �348 Paul Green's Wordbook blunderbuss pistols. He had a couple of these old critters that had been given to him by an old soldier, and he had them back there in the store. So they brought 'em out and figured out how to load 'em with cap and ball and get ready for the duel. "Well, down that way," and Uncle Myron gestured, "livedDr. Wyche. He was an awful good doctor, that fellow was, and they called on him and put him onto the secret, and the secret was this — they would go through with the duel, but they would make the whole thing a prank. At Bob's suggestion, thinking of that big white shirt front, no doubt, they decided to load one of the big blunderbusses with a heavy charge of ripe pokeberries, for it was the time of the year for them and they were all standing around in the fence jambs just hanging down. That would be Bob's pistol. The other would have only a charge of powder and paper wadding in it. "So, next morning, bright and early, they met as planned out on the field of honor — a potato patch — some distance outside of Haywood. Dr. Wyche was there with his instrument case. He opened it up and laid his saws and forceps and bandages out while the seconds conferred. And old Miles, as grim and as grave as a judge, and with a special shirt on now, shining brighter than ever, all ironed up with his collar and big black tie accompanying for the occasion — was waiting directions. '' 'These are your instructions, gentlemen,' the seconds said. 'You will stand back to back with your pistols raised, and you'll march eight paces, and at the word "fire," turn and fire.' "Old Miles put a devastating eye on Bob and asked did he have any last words that he wanted to say on earth. 'That's just what I was going to ask you, sir,' said Bob, but his teeth were chattering, and he was acting like a man scared out of his wits. He knew old Miles' pistol didn't have a thing in it but a weak charge of powder and paper while his own was loaded with an extra heavy charge of powder and the rest of the barrel jammed tight with a long wad of them ripe pokeberries. But he acted scared just the same. "So they put themselves back to back and the seconds counted. The two opponents started walking away, and at the word 'fire' they turned and fired. And they said Bob's pistol sounded like a small cannon had gone off. Well sir, that charge of pokeberries come out of Bob's gun in such a terrific wad and at such speed, it hit old Miles right smack on that shirt bosom, spattered all over his face and knocked him flat on his back. His own blunderbuss had just fired paper into the air, of course. "They all rushed up to Miles and made a terrible to-do over him, whooping and hollering and carrying on. Now old Miles' wife and daughter had got word of the duel and they had pleaded with him not to go through with it, but he had insisted, and the wife was at home that very minute, weeping and grieving. It happened that Miles' granddaughter, Lucy Belle �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 349 Bryant, whose parents lived in Raleigh, was visiting the Stevenses at this time, and she had added her voice trying to persuade the old man from his foolish and dangerous course. But no go. And so unbeknownst to Miles, Lucy Belle and his old-maid daughter Pearl had followed to the field of honor and hid themselves behind a tree nearby. When Pearl saw her daddy fall and with a terrible mess of blood all over his shirt and splashed up in his face, she let out a scream and started back across the fields home, crying as loud as she could, 'Lord God, Mom, he's shot. Papa's shot clean through the heart, and his blood and brains are splattered all over him.' And she run wailing through the town telling the dreadful news. But Lucy Belle hurried over to the fallen grandfather. And that's how she and Bob Jefferson first met up with each other. "So it was they laid old Miles out under a tree and were gathered sorrowful around him. And Lucy Belle tried to kneel by him and do what she could, but Bob with his arm around her lifted her away and said it was too terrible a sight for her to endure. He no doubt was afraid for her to get too close to Miles right then for she might get onto the fact that all the blood was all a fake. And too she was mighty purty and maybe Bob didn't mind lifting her off just to be doing it. The fellows took off their hats now, and the doctor knelt by and examined Miles. Bob stood there holding Lucy Belle by the hand to keep her from getting too close, his face all broke up and said he never meant no harm and was sorry as he could be. The doctor told Miles how he didn't 'spect he had long to be on earth, did he have any last words, any unfinished business to attend to. "Well, the old scoundrel said maybe he hadn't lived just right but at the time he couldn't think of any particular sins he had committed lately and the Old Moster would have to take him as he was, bless his name, for he would understand and pardon the weakness of the flesh and his love for his dram which he had been taking as a morning pyeartner for his health's sake — lo these many years — Amen. And then Bob, mad as hops, asked him what about the bill he owed at the store. Old Miles said yes, it was a sin, that was, that he hadn't paid it. He realized it now, he said, and he didn't want to go to meet his Maker with that on his conscience and that he had a little money from the last turpentine he had sold and to tell his wife, his brokenhearted widow, and his desolated daughter and weeping granddaughter to take care of this debt, because after all it was a debt of honor. "But the granddaughter Lucy Belle there wasn't really weeping now, for by Bob's winking at her and making some signs to her with his hands where Miles couldn't see, she was beginning to catch on, and so she was more pretending to weep than not. ' 'And then Bob called on all to witness that the dying man had promised that his debt at the store would be paid. They all said, 'That's right,' they �350 Paul Green's Wordbook were witness to the fact and they'd see to it that the debt was paid. ' 'After this then they all broke out laughing, and it didn't take old Miles but a minute to catch on. And he didn't say a word. He was fighting mad, but he didn't say a word. He climbed to his feet, got his hat and cane and marched straight off, walking proud as ever to his buggy and so drove away. Bob had to take Lucy Belle home in his buggy, and that' s how their courtship began. ' 'Well, in no time the story was everywhere, and the people were bending up and down and shouting and hollering with laughter all along the streets of Haywood. Old Miles took to his house and stayed shut up for weeks. But finally his proud spirit broke down, and he came forth again. And in church on Sunday he stood up in front of everybody and acknowledged his foolishness and sinfulness, saying that from this time forth he was going to live a different and better life. So he said, and people believed him — for a while they did. But to tell you the truth, he didn't change one iota, and when he died a couple of years later he still owed his account to Bob. But Bob said he didn't mind now, not at all. In fact he considered the account paid in full and more than in full and had marked it off the books, for out of it all he got Lucy Belle for a loving wife." duff Doff. "He duffed his hat." Posterior, the buttocks. "The thing to do is get up off your duff and go to work and forget your troubles — as long as you keep talking about 'em to that head shrinker you'll never get well." duffer A codger, a stiff fellow, a useless fellow, often used in reference to an older man. dugs Titties. dukes Fists or hands. "Put up your dukes there, and I don't mean maybe!" dull as a froe dull as dishwater dull as ditch water dumb as a dog dumb as an ox �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 351 dumb as a post Silent. dumb as a wedge dumb baby An effigy made in human form, usually out of old clothes or rags or old sheets, with a soot-painted horrible face, and used to frighten people, especially children. Sometimes we young folks in prankishness would make a dumb baby and put it in an older person's bed under the sheet so that when that person pulled back the covers at night to go to bed he would find this thing glaring at him and be terribly frightened. Louis Clark told me of the time he and Tatum Brown, a pal of his, went to see a couple of fast girls in Clinton. As part of their fun they made a dumb baby and put it in the father's bed upstairs. They were sitting in the parlor courting away and, as Louis put it, getting in the short rows with the girls, when they heard a yell upstairs and the old man came tearing down as if frightened to death, and dressed only in his shirttail. He had come into the house the back way and they hadn't heard him. He was sobbing and pretending that the ha'nts were after him, and every now and then he would lift his shirt and wipe his eyes, scandalizing everybody with his nakedness. Louis and Tatum were so outdone and flabbergasted that they hurried out of the house, climbed into their buggy and drove away from there. "We thought we were bold enough," said Louis, "but when the old man stood there, and pulled his shirt up and scandalized us again and again, we knew we'd had enough. No, we never did go back to see them girls and when one of them had a woods colt boy born on her later and went about for a while saying it was mine or Tatum's, she was entirely wrong. We hadn't got that far with the girls that night, though no doubt we would have if the fool old man hadn't come in earlier than we expected. Yessir." dumb bull A section of a hollow log with a rawhide covering like a drum, pierced by a thong, which, when pulled, makes a roaring sound. dumb cluck A stupid person, a dullard. dumb critters Farm animals — horses, mules, cows. dumb devil Sometimes we country juvenile delinquents would creep up to someone's house, usually a farmer we didn't like, and put a dumb devil on him. We'd �352 Paul Green's Wordbook take a tin bucket and tie a string to it and fasten the string to the house weatherboarding. Then we'd rub rosin back and forth. It made a strange weird sound. dumb Dora A stupid girl. dummy An effigy. "They made a dummy of Governor Reagan and burnt him on the campus." dump A sorry place, a slum, a ghetto. Defecate. "I've got to go take a dump." To break off relations with, to quit, to set aside.' 'When Prince Hal became King he dumped old Falstaff and his former cronies." dump into one's lap To put the responsibility on. dumpling A term of endearment. dumps The blues, glooms, the dismals, usually "down in the dumps." dunce cap A tall paper cap put on a student's head as punishment for misbehaving. The student usually was sent to stand in the corner of the room wearing the cap. dunghill The field near the house used for dung. No doubt it got its name from the fact that during the night the members of the house would slip out and tend to their natural needs in the surrounding field. durn! An expletive, same as dern. dursn 't Dare not. dusk-down Twilight. dust A small amount, especially of meal or flour. "He wouldn't lend me but a dust of meal for all my begging." �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 353 To put insect poison on farm plants, such as tobacco and cotton.' 'I finished dusting my tobacco last night, but it took me on into the moonlight." Speed. "Mess with me, bo, and I'll show you my dust." He who blows dust will fill his own eyes. throw dust in one's eyes To confuse, to mislead. dust off To throw a baseball intentionally too close to a batter.' 'Every time old Bull of the Woods hung over the plate with his bat I dusted him off with a fast ball." dutch Bad luck, a hard situation, a difficulty. "I got in dutch with her old daddy that time I kept her out too late." Dutch auction The sale of specific items by reducing the price a certain amount each day until they are bought. Dutch concert A songfest or gathering where everyone plays or sings a different tune at the same time. go dutch To share costs equally, each one to pay his own expense, say, at a dinner. Dutchman's breeches A patch of blue in the sky, something denoting clearing weather. There's a belief that if you see enough sky to make a Dutchman's pair of pants, the weather will clear. Dutch treat A get-together where each one treats himself, same as going Dutch. dying day A phrase of emphasis as to duration. "I'll hear that man crying as he fell from the derrick till my dying day." Dying is as natural as living. dynamite A powerful thing, a hyperactive person, a go-getter. Anything dangerous or likely to cause a stir.' 'Perversion is dynamite when it comes to politics." High grade narcotics. �354 Paul Green's Wordbook E each Itch. From each according to his ability and to each according to his needs. Each man prays to his own God. eager-beaver A go-getter, one who seeks opportunities. He spreads himself like an eagle. He's like an eagle among crows. to ear To bear ears, as of corn or wheat. "My corn eared well this year because there was plenty of rain in July." The heaviest ear of corn hangs its head the lowest. ear cleaner An ivory toilet article, spoon-shaped at one end. Sears and Roebuck sold them years ago for 10$. "Add 1 cent postage." Deaf in one ear and can't hear out of the other. put a flea (bug) in one's ear To give a hint, to tip off. throw out on one's ear To be unceremoniously kicked or dumped out, fired. in one ear and out the other Pay little attention to, not care for, nor remember. The early bird catches the worm. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 355 Early rest makes early rising sure. Early to bed and early to rise Makes a man healthy, wealthy and wise. earrings A decoration in the ears. I can remember the to-do at our house when one of my sisters would get her ears pierced. She endured suffering in order to wear the ornament. In the old days sailors wore earrings because it was believed that they would protect them from drowning. ears The handles of a pot or jug. Two ears don't mean you hear twice. There are ears on both sides of the fence. He that hath ears to hear let him hear. When your ears burn, someone is talking about you. beat back one's ears To overcome in an argument, or to whip in a fight. can't hear one's ears Not being able to hear. "There's so much racket going on in the courtroom the judge can't hear his ears. Silence! Silence!" pin one's ears back Same as beat back. The poetry of earth is never dead. earth apple Jerusalem artichoke. The bulbs are edible, nutritious and were much prized as a food by the Indians. no earthly good (use, chance, way, etc.) No good whatsoever. earwig A little insect that is often thought to crawl into a person's ear and make his home there. I have heard an older person say to a young one who happened to lie down on the ground, "You better watch out, the earwigs will get inside your head." ease oneself To relieve the bowels. �356 Paul Green's Wordbook ease up on To creep up on. "I eased up on that rabbit asleep and grabbed him with both my hands." It is easier said than done. It is easier to tear down than to build up. east Yeast. East is east and west is west, And never the twain shall meet. East or west, Home is best. east and west A burial custom with the feet to the east, the head to the west. See "Second Coming." Easter eggs The custom of painting eggs in all sorts of colors in the old days and putting them on the table for decoration. We also used to hide them about the premises and have children hunt for them, giving some sort of prize to the one who found the most. "In our Easter egg hunt that little crippled Upchurch boy found the most." easy as eating easy as falling off a log easy as one and one make two easy as pie easy as taking candy from a baby easy as taking money from home easy come, easy go Easy is as easy does. It's easy to win a race when you run by yourself. easy does it To do a thing in a relaxed manner. easy meat A girl easily persuaded to sexual intercourse. Also a fall guy, one it is easy �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 357 to get the best of. easy on the trigger Quick on the trigger, irritable, quick to anger. easy street Financially secure. Also used ironically as on welfare, government relief. easy to look at Pretty. easy virtue Sexually loose, as a woman of easy virtue. eat The flavor, taste. "If you slice ham too thin it doesn't eat good." eat (eat up) To cheat, to get the best of.' 'That Joe Ligon will eat you up in a land trade if you don't watch out." To worry, to pester, to trouble. "There's something always eating him, I don't know what it is." Eat an apple a day To keep the doctor away. Eat an onion a day To keep everybody away. Eat, drink and be merry for tomorrow you may die. Jack Spratt could eat no fat, His wife could eat no lean, And so you see between them both They licked the platter clean. eat crow To have to retract one's statement, to change one's attitude, be forced to recant. "President Johnson and the War Department had to eat crow over that Vietnam War, and there was plenty for everybody." eat dust Accept humiliation, same as to eat humble pie, eat crow. eat humble pie To apologize humbly, to be subservient. Much like eat crow. eating table The dining room table. "Take these flowers, child, and put them on the eating table." �358 Paul Green's Wordbook eat my hat! An asseveration, used for emphasis. "I'll tell you what I'll do — if he wins first place in that contest, I'll eat my hat — and eat it without salt." eat one out of house and home To devour one's substance, to be improvident. "The way you folks behave you're going to be et out of house and home." eat one's head off To be gluttonous, devouring.' 'Them old mules just eat their heads off and still stay poor as quilting frames." eat one's heart out To suffer greatly and in silence. eats Food. eats like a bird eats like a hog (pig) He that eats the kernel must crack the nut. eat up Berate excessively, or even to love excessively. "That fellow was so mad he about et me up." "Up at Buckhorn I met a widow woman, and before the picnic was over I thought she'd eat me up." Eavesdroppers hear no good of themselves. edge To be partly intoxicated, showing a bit of the effects of liquor. "He's got an edge on and I wouldn't pester him." on edge To be nervous, irritable. on the edge of one's seat Be apprehensive, in suspense. "The game between Duke and State kept me on the edge of my seat all the time." edge up To move up quietly and stealthily, to grow slowly. "I edged up behind that old rooster and, blam! I grabbed him, but all I got was a handful of tail feathers." Like a man climbing a pole with an armful of eels. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 359 eeny, meeny A counting out rhyme. Eeny, meeny, tipsy teeny, Apple jack and josephiny, Hotcher, potcher, dominocher, Howyuh pontus Tus in, tus out, Tus around the water spout. Have a peach, have a plum, Have a stick of chewing gum. O-u-t spells out On your way home! Another counting out rhyme runs as follows: Eeny, meeny, miny, moe Catch a nigger by his toe, If he hollers let him go, Eeny, meeny, miny, moe. O-u-t spells out So out you go. Also another one popular in the Valley was: Eeny, meeny, miny, min, Catch a nigger by his chin. If he hollers make him pay Fifty dollars every day. O-u-t spells out On your way home. An egg before an eagle, a thought before a thing, better an egg today than a hen tomorrow As I was walking through the wheat I picked up something good to eat, Neither fish, flesh, fowl nor bone— I kept it till it walked alone. (Riddle. An egg.) egg bag The sack in which hens are supposed to keep their developing eggs. When they quit laying, it used to be said in my neighborhood, "She's laid out her egg bag latter (litter)." �360 Paul Green's Wordbook egghead An impractical pedant, also a dumb cluck, a fool. eggnog A special Valley Christmas drink, usually made of eggs, sugar and cream, with liquor added. In Harnett County when I was a child there was very little drinking among our folks, but when Christmas came, eggnog was popular and the older people, and the younger people, too, would indulge in it with some exhilarating little sense of sin because it had liquor in it. egg on To encourage, to incite to action. Same as agg on. "He kept egging me on, and finally I had to fight." a bad egg A mean guy, a trouble-maker. nest egg Money put away for a rainy day or for some special purpose. "When that young fellow come a-courting, Miss Laura took out her nest egg and turned it slam-dash over to him." eggs Bombs. "Right over the middle of Dresden we let loose our whole nest of eggs — great God!" He moves like he's walking on eggs. The man who puts his eggs all in one basket better watch the basket. Always have an odd number of eggs for a setting hen to hatch well. Don't put all your eggs in one basket. They're so trifling that they have to use their nest eggs when company comes. setting eggs Eggs that are chosen to be set under a hen for hatching. Feeding chickens crushed eggshells will cause them to lay better. egg-skin The white skin inside an eggshell, if dried and taken as a powder, is food for sick stomach, indigestion, etc. ego The conscious part of a person. According to the Freudian mythology the ego is that organization or entity of the personality which has supervision �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 361 and control, more or less, of the id — the id which obeys the pleasure principle. The ego controls the id through the demands of the environment. This control Freud calls the reality principle. It is partly conscious and partly unconscious, he says. This ego goes to sleep at night, but it still senses and keeps a watchful, wakeful eye on the id. According to William James the ego refers to the self. I prefer James, and time will tell the fraud of Freud. Egypt Darkness, ignorance, lack of understanding. "I stay down in Egypt most of the time so far as the young folks go these days." Egyptian A folk misnomer for a gypsy. eh law! (eh Lawd) An interjection. Eight hours of work, eight hours of sleep, and eight hours of play make a healthy man. eightball An unlucky situation. To be behind the eightball is to be in hard luck indeed. See where the cow kicked me on my elbow. This was a pantomime trick we children used to play. One player would crook his elbow with his fist up near his face and ask another child to look at his elbow and see where the cow kicked him. And when the child would lean forward to look for the wounded place, the first player's fist or hand would come smack down against the second child's face or head. elbow grease Stamina, energy, hard work. "All a chopping hoe needs is elbow grease." elbow room Space or freedom in which to accomplish a task. to go around your elbow to get to your mouth This means to take unnecessary trouble, of course, a wasteful procedure. out at the elbows To be in a penurious condition, beggarly, down and out. elder Alder. elderberry A shrub pretty common in the Valley, the history of which goes 'way, 'way back. Ancient Hippocrates (400 B.C.) praised its medicinal virtues, using its tea against colds and throat troubles. The herb doctors declared the berries �362 Paul Green's Wordbook made a good medicine against nearly every physical ailment or discomfort, including the women's monthlies. elebum Eleven. electric belt A contraption for improving health generally and for increasing and restoring manly powers. Popular in the Valley years ago. The old Sears and Roebuck catalogues used to advertise these belts in glowing terms, saying that they were' 'the result of scientific study and experiment"... Wonderful in the "quick cure of all nervous and organic disorders arising from any causes, whether natural weakness, excesses, indiscretions, "etc... "Worth all the drugs, chemicals, pills, tablets, washes, injections, and other remedies." " Perfect in relief for trouble of the sexual organs.'' Priced from $4.00 to $18.00. electric chair The chair in which criminals were and are executed. Some years ago it was supplanted in many places by the gas chamber. I used to have good acquaintance with the warden at the penitentiary in Raleigh when I was working hard for the abolition of capital punishment. He had pulled the switch on nearly a hundred men to send them into eternity, and he was frank in his opinions. "Killing these folks here don't do a speck of good in keeping down crime," he said. When I asked him which he preferred, the electric chair or the gas chamber, he replied, "Oh, the gas chamber! It's just as quick" (I doubt this) "and when the juice is shot into a body, it often leaves the dead man in a cramp, and you have to break his leg or legs to get him into a coffin. But as I say, neither one don't help any in keeping numbers down. In fact, it adds its own murder to the list. Don't you think so, Mr. Green?" "Yes, I do, for death adds to death." element A satisfactory condition, surroundings or situation. "That Norman Matthews is just in his element when he gets a chance to sit down at a piano.'' elements The sky, the weather. Eleven Up A hand slapping game. Any number can play it. The players stack hands, palms down, one on top of the other, and often one palm is brought down on another with a fire-burning slap. The one on the bottom each time is pulled out and put on top until number eleven is reached. Number eleven is taken off. When all the hands except one have been taken off, the person �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 363 whose hand is left is asked,' 'Which will you choose, yes or no?'' He makes his choice. Then he is asked three questions, and if he chose "yes," he must answer "yes." If he chose "no," he must say "no." Often hilarious embarrassment resulted. Say a boy and girl who are in love are present. The boy may be asked if he loves the girl. He may have to say no. "Would you like to marry her?" "No." and so on. The game was sometimes called "Hands." at the eleventh hour At the latest possible moment. elf locks Knots in one's hair supposed to be made by the elves. ell and yard The three stars in the belt of the constellation Orion. ellum Elm. The bark of a slippery elm tree dried was used by spitball pitchers. When I was pitching sandlot ball in the Valley, I would buy the stuff at the drugstore in Angier to chew, and sometimes with the spittle just right and the motion just right, the ball would be sent toward the plate almost without turning. Then as it approached the plate it would dart downward and the batter usually missed it by a foot. But sometimes the slippery elm spittle would cause the ball to get away from me and a wild pitch would result. else's Another's, belonging to someone else. "Here's someone else's hat left behind." emblem charms These charms were usually worn on watch chains. The widespread use of wristwatches has pretty much put them out of style, although now and then they are worn in the coat lapel. When I was a boy, nearly every man you met wore an emblem to decorate his vest, denoting membership in some fraternal or social organization. Among the most common ones were Masons, Odd Fellows, Knights of Pythias, Order of Red Men, and Sons of Veterans. Prices for these charms ranged from 35$ to $12.00. Emma A conjure ball. A little black hairy thing big as a dollar. John Henry, the country quack doctor, said in a play I wrote, "Never try to see what's in that ball for the power would evaporate like the morning dew. A little packet for the men is called 'Emma' and them for the women is called 'Joe.' You folks look at me, how come I got money, dress so well, know so much, and walking the earth happy and a-smiling? My little �364 Paul Green's Wordbook package. How come you folks all so tired, miserable, weak, hungry, quarrelly, fighty, ignorant? Because you got no little ball, no little packet. I can give somebody one. You? You? To start things off with, the regular price is two dollars — two dollars once, two dollars twice! Have one and receive light to heavenly truth. Hebbun, hebbun, everybody talking about hebbun ain't going there. O yes, step right up now, you men folks get your Emma, and you women folks get your Joe, and bring good luck and happiness to yourselves, each one and separate. Individual. Yes, ma'am. And yes, sir. Hallelujah!" Employment brings enjoyment. empt To empty. We children picking cotton in the fields in Harnett County always used the word empt. We'd get our cotton sacks full and one would announce proudly, "I've got to go empt." And so he would go off with his bag to the spread-out cotton sheet where the cotton would be emptied in a pile for tying up and weighing when the sun went down. empty To defecate. empty as a dream empty as a drum empty as a gourd empty as air empty as a sieve An empty belly hears nobody. An empty cart body rattles most. It's hard for an empty bag to stand upright. end The buttocks. The end is not justified by the means. The end of mirth is heaviness. In everything consider the end. go off the deep end Have a complete nervous breakdown, risk everything on a wildcat scheme. can't see farther than the end of your nose �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 365 end for end Horizontal, contiguous. "Lay that lumber end for end." end over end Somersaulting through the air. come to the end of one's rope Come to a complete hindrance or stoppage, play one's last card, make a final and desperate effort, come to the end of one's patience, come down to one's deathbed. keep one's end up Bear one's responsibility, one's share of a job, to bear up under difficulty and disaster. make both ends meet Balance one's income with one's spending. at loose ends Uncertain which way to go, all undecided, scatterbrained. "Since he lost his sweetheart to that fellow over the river he's all at loose ends." enduring A measurement of time used for emphasis. "There he sat without saying a word the whole enduring time." Also during, continuing. endwise Upright. "Stand the scantlings up endwise." enemies Head lice. If thine enemy hunger, feed him. We have met the enemy and he is us. Engine, engine number nine Running on the Chicago line. When she's polished she will shine. Engine, engine number nine. (A counting out rhyme.) English plate A plate entirely cleaned off by the eater. We had an English contributor to the London Observer staying with us, and he would always sop his plate shiny clean with his last morsel of bread and say, "I was brought up always to end my meal with an English plate." �366 Paul Green's Wordbook enjoy To have, to experience. "He's enjoying poor health." A catachrestic use of the word. Enough is as good as a feast. Enough of anything is enough. Well enough is soon enough. Let well enough alone. Enough's enough. Epsom salts Next to calomel, the most popular laxative in the Valley. equalizer Pistol, switchblade knife, any implement of arms. <?r/(oeuf) The pronunciation of the French word by the doughboys in the First World War. We fellows on furlough sometimes would go around among the peasants and try to buy some "erfs." It was about as hard to get the peasants to understand what we wanted as it was for us to locate the eggs in the first place. To err is human, to forgive divine. espen Aspen. by the eternal! An imprecation, a favorite with Andrew Jackson. Can the Ethiopian change his skin or the leopard his spots? evangels The "authors" of the four gospels, Matthew, Mark, Luke and John. evaporate To run away, to vanish, to go AWOL. even dollar Exactly a dollar. "I bought that there coon hound for an even dollar." evening The afternoon, the time between 12 noon and "good dark." Evening brings the cows home. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 367 Even or Odd A guessing game. We used to play the game with grains of corn, but pennies or beans or any small object may be used as counters. One child will take a number in his hand and hold up his closed fist and call, "even or odd?" The other child in the game will make a guess. If he guesses correctly, he gets the grains or pennies in the challenger's hand. If he misses, then he must give the challenger a number of grains or pennies to equal the amount in the hand. And so it goes until one player has lost all of his tokens or counters. Much like Jack-in-the-Bush. even-steven The one equaling the other, a balance, share and share alike. "Let's get some ice cream and all go even-steven." Coming events cast their shadows before them. ever Always, forever, used for emphasis as the best ever, the finest ever, the worst ever, etc. everage Average. ever how many for how much) "It makes no difference ever how many come, we'll have plenty rations for all." everlasting The rabbit tobacco plant. Also an emphatic noun. "I'll knock the everlasting out of you." ever so much A limitless amount. "I love you ever so much." everywhere Everywhere. Every tub must stand on its own bottom. every bit and grain An inclusive statement of every item, every consideration or point of view. "That Steve Lowry is every bit and grain as mean as his brother, Henry Berry." "Everybody Works but Father" A satirical song we children used to sing, often in reference to someone else's father — and we knew of one or two in the neighborhood which the song fitted — but never to our own who was hard-working, much to our pride �368 Paul Green's Wordbook and bragging— "Everybody works but father. He sits around all day Baking his feet to the fi-ah, Smoking his pipe of clay. Mother takes in washing, So does Sister Ann. Everybody works at our house. But my old man." Everybody's business is nobody's business. Every couple is not a pair. Every man must eat a peck of dirt before he dies. Every man Jack Everybody, used for emphasis, same as every mother's son. Everything turns out best in the end. Everything works for the good of those that love the Lord. Everything works out for the best. A place for everything and everything in its place. Every well-made person owns Just two hundred and six bones. every whichaway In disarray, this way and that way, a condition of confusion. Every why has a wherefore. Eve's darning needle Same as yucca. Evil communications corrupt good manners. evil eye A person with an evil eye has an eye which can work curses upon a person it fixes in its glare. Conjure and voodoo doctors are supposed to be able to invoke the evil eye and so put a spell on a helpless person. Whosoever shall exalt himself shall be abased. He that shall humble himself shall be exalted. A good example is the best sermon. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 369 The exception proves the rule. excursion A holiday trip usually on the train to some nearby town, indulged in mainly by country people. Excursions were very popular in early decades of this century. Around Lillington where I lived an excursion to Durham or Raleigh was always a big occasion, and I remember one vividly. I wasn't a passenger on the train but I observed the happening at the little station where the train stopped — a tragic happening. I had come to the neighboring town of Angier with my father on a bright day in spring to get a load of fertilizer for our farm. I stood by the little shack of a railroad station waiting along with several others, among them an old Confererate soldier leaning on his walking stick, for the train to put in its appearance. I have always liked to see trains. Soon the locomotive with its brass trimmings showed its round black moon of a face around the bend. It puffed and wheezed along toward us and finally drew in with a rusty squealing of its brakes. It was an old wood-burner, and the climb into town had been tough. The engineer piled out of the cab. He was greasemarked outside and full of spleen and frustration inside. He began to work on the old locomotive, squirting grease here and there into its aged joints. I looked down the track and spilling out of the Jim Crow car—there were only four in all, a white car, a Negro car, a freight car and a caboose— spilling out was a swarm of little Negro school girls all dressed in their pink and white and blue picnic garments and with ribbons in their hair. Also there was a sprinkling of young Negro boys ironed and pressed and scrubbed clean by their mamas for this great day. At the head of them was a tall yellow Negro man wearing gold-rimmed glasses and with a wide expanse of white stiff-starched shirt front and wing collar, and a big black bolster tie. The little children twittered and chirped in the sunny air, looking happily about them. They were on their way to Durham, North Carolina, on what was called in the parlance of those days a' 'skursion.'' The big yellow man was the teacher and he was taking the children on this jaunt as a wind-up for his year's school teaching. He came strolling forward toward us and toward the irate and working engineer. He felt good. He was expansive. The world was sitting to his hand. "Good morning, gentlemen," he said graciously to us. The old Confederate soldier blinked up at him, continued leaning on his stick and said nothing. I, a little boy, naturally said nothing. But I was already in my heart admiring this gracious, this genial, this successful and respectable representative of the Negro race. ' 'What time do the train get to Durhams, sir?'' the Negro teacher asked of the engineer. �370 Paul Green's Wordbook "None of your damned business,'' the engineer snapped back, still bent over one of the drivers with his oil can. Then he looked around. He straightened spasmodically up and glared at the colored man. The Negro already had taken a shocked and rebuffed step backward. "Sorry, sir, sorry," he said, and he was beginning to bob his head up and down a bit, bending his body at the waist. "Take off your hat," the engineer suddenly shouted. Off it came in the culprit's hand. The little children down at the end of the train began to see something was wrong, and in the blink of an eye they were huddling closer together as if some fearful threat were being felt in the air — and it was. "Take off them specs too!" the engineer snarled as he stood up. "But I ain't done nothing, white folks, ain't done a thing," said the colored man, and he backed away a couple of steps more. "Don't white-folks me!" the engineer squealed. He flung the oil can behind him, snatched the heavy walking stick from under the old Confederate soldier's resting hand and quick as lightning struck the Negro teacher aterrific blow across the face. A little babble of shrieks and meanings rose from the school children, and, like a gang of terrified goats, they bounded up the steps of the Jim Crow car and inside to safety. The old Confederate soldier had almost fallen on his face when his support was jerked away. He righted himself with spreadout legs as the engineer handed his splintered walking stick back to him. The old soldier resumed his resting on it without a word. I couldn't look at the dreadful stick. I couldn't look at the Negro teacher. I shivered as if some bitter freezing pall had overspread the world. A low whimpering sound came from the Negro. Then he spoke out simply, almost coldly, "Lord, white folks, you done ruint my shirt." "All aboard!" yelled the engineer. He climbed hastily into his cab, pulled the whistle cord a couple of times. The Negro schoolteacher turned, still holding his big white handkerchief, now dyeing itself all over crimson, against his face. The scene haunted me for years. And later when trying to do some work for the Negro people, I sat down and wrote a drama of a schoolteacher who tried desperately to help his people and failed. It wasn't a Confederate soldier's walking stick that laid my hero low, but something more up-todate and final — a mob's shotgun. The schoolteacher of that spring morning long ago is dead and gone. A bad scar showed on his face as long as he lived, running from his forehead down to his chin. And there must have been a scar in his heart too. There is in mine still, and always will be. A poor excuse is better than none. excuse-me-ma'am, thanky-ma'am A little dike or j ump for turning water across a road, often called a bullhead. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 371 as many excuses as a dog has fleas excusing Except. "We're all here, Mr. Green, ready to start to work, excusing Bozo, he's sick today." exle Axle. exom salts Epsom salts. expect To suppose, conclude, suspect. Experience is the best teacher. Experience keeps a dear school, but fools will learn in no other. as extinct as a dodo extrasensory perception The perceiving or response to some object, event or even thought by a means other than through the senses. J.B. Rhine of Duke University adopted the term "extrasensory perception," and this has become popular. At his invitation I took his laboratory tests and came out with a score pretty much like that of a retarded child or moron. Mr. Mac, my old friend the miller, and I once were talking about signs and omens and the like and the fact of coincidental happenings now and then. We both agreed that a coincidence could cause people to believe in miracles and such — clairvoyant insight, precognition, and the like. "Take these experiments Rhine is doing up at Duke University about this extra sense people have got," he said. "I've been reading in the paper about it — about all that card-guessing stuff. It's but a game to play. There's nothing to it. They speak of what they call a variation from the average. Well, there's no such thing as the average or, if there is, it's rare as hen's teeth. It's just a theory they've worked out by mathematics. It's as hard to hit the average as it is to vary from it, yes, much harder, maybe. Say you throw up a quarter and let it fall a thousand times. According to their figuring, it ought to fall heads about five hundred times and tails five hundred. But let's see you make it come out that way. They just as well pick the fellow that fitted the average as having that psychic power as one who varies from it. Well, that's the way it goes, and you can't keep people from projecking with every sort of fool thing — that is, when they've got the time and money to do it. But it does seem like a waste, don't it? To think of putting up buildings and hiring teachers and sending young folks to school to mess �372 Paul Green's Wordbook with that!" "I think you're right, Mr. Mac," I said, "but still that's the only way to make progress, they say, by experimenting." "Well, maybe so," he replied. "But it's a waste just the same — waste of something, I won't say brains. Now if these problems were learning and teaching computer work, or ploughing, or how to spread manure, there'd be some reason to it. Still, as Scrubblin' Archie McNeill used to say, it takes all kinds of ingredients to make haggis, and then you're not always sure you've got good haggis at that." eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth The old Mosaic law of tit-for-tat. eye-opener An informing surprise, exceptional new knowledge. Also an early morning dram. People with blue eyes are true; people with black are not. eyes as big as saucers eyes as blue as a gander's eyes like an eagle Grey eyes, greedy gut. Black eyes, eat the world up. (A teasing rhyme.) eyewash Nonsense, baloney. �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence 373 F face To answer an accuser. "Don't worry, I'm not afraid to face anybody." Appearance, meaning. "That puts a different face on the matter." To consider, to have a look at, study a fact, agree. "Some day they'll make a historical place out of that house, let's face it." Don't cut off your nose to spite your face. Her face is like the full moon. straight face To remain calm or unperturbed in a harsh or troublesome situation.' 'There he sat with a straight face hearing the lawyers condemn him to death." faddle Nonsense, almost the same as in the word fiddle-faddle. faddy Full of fads and whims, frivolous. fagged out Tired out, exhausted. Three failures and a fire make a Scotchman rich. Faint heart ne'er won fair lady. fainty Languid, exhausted, out of breath. fair To be honest, to tell the truth. "I'll be fair with you, I don't know what kind of rose bush that is." �374 Paul Green's Wordbook fair as a bell fair as your hand Fair outside doesn't prove a fair inside. All that's fair must fade. It's always fair weather When good fellows get together. fair enough Said of an equitable trade or arrangement. fairies' table An edible mushroom. to fair off A clearing of the weather. "The day faired off for Easter, and we all had a glorious time." fair to middlin' In a so-so, intermediate condition. "How're you today?" "Oh, fair to middlin'." fairy tale A hard luck tale, a panhandler's plaint. Faith builds a bridge across the gulf of death. Faith dares, love bears. Faith is the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen. I have kept the faith. O ye of little faith Thy faith hath saved thee. We walk by faith, not by sight. faithful as a dog faith healing The healing of disease, pain or hurt by the power of faith in the healing agency whether worldly or divine. The man who helps in the yard and around the house told me the other day that he had finally been healed of his "arthuritis,'' and that by television. (I had never known he had any arthritis until then.) "Aw, go 'way, Rollo, you don't mean you really got healed," I said. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 375 "Yes sir, Mr. Green, it worked. I feel like a new man right now. And it didn't cost me a nickel, not a nickel. All I had to do was just do what the man on television, Mr. Roberts, said — look straight at him and believe in his power. And I done it, and him saying 'You are being healed, healed.' I could feel myself getting better. Yes sir, it's a wonderful thing, and it didn't cost me a nickel." I've had some experience with faith healers from the time I was a boy. When I was a student at Chapel Hill and was getting interested in collecting words and phrases and superstitions and folk practices — some of which I put into plays and stories, and some of which I stored away — I went several times down to the Holy Roller camp at Falcon, a settlement some distance below Dunn, on the way to Fayetteville. At Falcon I was a witness to all kinds of hocus-pocus of healing, holy dancing, unknown tongue talkings, prayings and happy weepings. People would go up to the pulpit where the preachers stood or walked about smiling and seraphic, shouting, clapping their hands, and calling on the name of God with great unction and authority to heal them. And God would, or they said he did. I remember one woman who declared that her ribs had been broken and that through prayer and the laying on of hands she had been healed. Finally, one night I myself was moved to go up and try to get healed. When I was a boy of eight or ten I had had a long and serious attack of osteomyelitis and my right arm was somewhat stiff and pained me still at times. And so I was prepared with my rigmarole. I was also prepared with a pencil and a little hid-away notebook. While I was sitting up there at the platform, or standing waiting my turn, I could blindly write down some phrases that were being spieled there, some foolish, crazy, barbaric words used by these holy men of God. Finally, one of the preachers came over and wanted to know what my trouble was, and I told him about my arm, that it pained me a great deal, which was true. So he put his hand on my arm and sent up a keen prayer for me, and then asked me if I didn't feel better, and I shook my head. He prayed some more and asked me if I didn't feel better. I shook my head. Then the liar let out a great whoop and called on all to witness that this young man was feeling better, bless the Lord.' 'And no doubt from now on the power of God will be with him, amen!" he said. And then there was Aunt Sudie Horton near Buie's Creek. I used to go to her house as a little boy and play with Larry and Fred, her sons. We had lots of fun building little dirt furnaces and putting a tin smokestack in them and seeing the smoke come out, and wandering in the woods and making hawk callers and doing all sorts of wonderful things. Aunt Sudie was famous in our neighborhood for being a sanctified woman and able to live without sin. She had no teeth, because as she told me one day and as she had told others, "I talked to the Lord, and the Lord �376 Paul Green's Wordbook told me to have the old ones pulled out. So I had them pulled." My father who was more practical once said to her, "Sudie, why don't you get you some teeth?" And her reply was, "Billy, I talked to the Lord, and he told me that if he had wanted me to have another set of teeth, he would have growed me some." Aunt Sudie was a wonderfully kind woman and as unshakable in her faith as she was kind. Sometimes when I would be walking home late at night from Buie's Creek Academy up the sandy road — maybe I had been staying late for a society meeting or some practice of singing — I'd come by old Pleasant Plains Church, and I could hear her inside praying. The first night I heard her I was frightened. But I stopped long enough to go to the door and peep in and, looking down the aisle, I saw Aunt Sudie kneeling on the floor in front of the pulpit with an old lantern sitting beside her, and she was praying aloud to God, praying for her friends and thanking the Almighty for all the good things he'd done for her. She heard my footstep or some movement at the door, and, without looking around or being frightened in the least, she called out,' 'Whoever it is, come on in and kneel with me, and we'll both pray to our Savior." "It's me, Aunt Sudie — Paul," I finally quavered. "Comeonin, son, and kneel with me, come on in, bless you. And bless the Lord, bless the Lord," she sang out. But already even then — I was about sixteen years old — I was beginning to look down on this kind of religion, and so I didn't go in and partake of all the blessings that she would have been able to give me. Aunt Sudie was a great worker for foreign missions, too, in addition to her belief in faith healing, and she labored hard in milking the cow, making butter, saving eggs and selling them down at Buie's Creek so she could send her little gift to foreign missions, especially to the starving children in India who, according to The Christian Herald, were now reduced to gnawing bark off the trees in the forest. For healing purposes, she kept in her house a supply of sanctified handkerchiefs. She would pass these around to neighbors who might be troubled with a pain or with some affliction such as a boil or inflammation or grippe or kidney colic, whatever it might be. And she would give instructions that the handkerchief should be laid on the sore spot and the suffering and pain would go away. These handkerchiefs cost her a quarter apiece. She got them from a Mr. Yokum in California. Then when the power had been used up, the handkerchiefs would be returned to Aunt Sudie, and she would send them back to "Brother Yokum," as she called him, with a quarter for each one, and he would endow them with more prayer and mystic power and return them to her, and she would distribute them again. One cold morning in winter she went out to milk her cow — while Uncle Luke lay in bed and snoozed as usual. She happened to step on a garden �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 377 rake hidden in the snow, tripped and fell, and one of the prongs pierced her side. We all heard about it and soon learned that Aunt Sudie couldn't live. The neighbors gathered around her, a concourse of them, and she lay on the bed and endured her suffering with great patience and calm. She talked to all her friends in a consoling way, saying they should grieve not, she was happy that she was going home to glory. And as she was dying — I wasn't in the room, but I heard my father tell about it — she cried out she could hear the angels singing — welcoming her home to heaven! And so with a smile on her face, this sweet, patient and enduring little woman passed into eternity. Falcon A small neighborhood some twelve miles north of Fayetteville, with several rough buildings and a central Holiness Church. Every summer it was and still is the custom to have revivals and pentecostal meetings there. I used to attend these meetings, not to get myself converted and filled with grace, but to look on and make notes — a most godless attitude and practice. But even so, I've never felt any need to repent. One summer there was an especially great volume of talking in tongues. My cousin, who was planning to be a preacher, said Miz Rebecca Parrish, under the power of the Holy Spirit, spoke a whole splurge of Chinese talk. To my questioning look — I didn't have the heart to speak out my doubts in words — he answered he was sure it was Chinese, for it "was the most outlandish language I ever heard." Later Miz Rebecca said it was Chinese and no doubt about it. She had asked the Lord and he had assured her' 'that's what it was." I have seen in the series of stable-like pews or rooms there young boys and girls, men and women, too, lying side by side on the sawdust-covered floor in a state of catalepsy or hypnosis from the power of their religious seizures in the church. The rhythmic poundings and stompings, the beating of clapping hands, the singing and hallelujahing of the preachers and congregation had finally proved too much for an emotional searcher and he (or she) had fallen to the floor in a seizure. Then he was borne out and placed on the sawdust floor by cooler-headed ones until he came back to his right mind. My cousin who was to be a preacher (he fell from grace later because of a dark-eyed girl and turned to farming) often had these seizures — after great bouts of shouting and holy dancing. He told me more than once that after these he always felt "so good" in his soul. fall To commit sin, to fall from grace.''Old King David saw Bathsheba taking a bath in a tub, and, brother, that's when he fell and fell hard." �378 Paul Green's Wordbook fall by the wayside To fail. falling axe An axe for cutting trees down as contrasted with a hewing axe, in the old days used to hew logs for cabins. falling picture A picture suddenly falling from the wall means bad luck to someone in the house. falling star When you see a falling star, make a wish and it will come true. A falling Star is a soul of a person dying. falling weather Rain, snow or sleet. "The almanac says there'll be falling weather around the first, and so I'm fixing up things against that." fall in with To agree with. fall off To lose weight, to lose flesh. "Lord, you ought to see him — he's fell off the most." fall off the wagon To start drinking again after an abstemious spell, to go back to alcohol. fall of man The folk belief that Adam and Eve were sinless in the Garden of Eden till Eve ate of the forbidden apple and persuaded Adam to eat too. This disobedience caused God to drive them out of the Garden and condemn them to live by the sweat of the brow. This sinful condition continued for hundreds and hundreds of years. And the children of Adam and Eve multiplied in the earth. After most of them were drowned in a flood which the divine father sent to punish them for their evil-doings, the struggle began again, and once more they multiplied on the earth and waxed in sin. This time a strange plan was hit upon by the maker of heaven and earth. He would send his only son down to the world and through him produce a way of salvation for man. It is easy to imagine dialogue for this plan, since the father knew what was to come just as he knew all that had happened in the past. The son might say — "Papa, you say that man is deep in sin in yonder world and we must save him." "So we must, my son," says the father. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 379 "But if I go down there, Papa, they will nail me to a tree and kill me. I already see that. Won't that mean they commit more sin — be more sinful than they are now?" "But it is my plan," answers the father. "And what you plan has to be," says the son, "I know that." "It has to be," says the father. "I see what is to be, and what is to be must be or else—" And I can imagine the father for a moment communes with himself. Then he goes on and tells his son the plan of salvation, on to his final death on the cross. The Holy Ghost hears all this, no doubt in silence, except when the father says that his son will be sent into the world as a body conceived by the Holy Ghost in a virgin named Mary. I would think that a question would be raised by the Ghost here. I once in a play tried to explain this plan of salvation to an American Indian chief. He could never understand it, even when I showed that Jesus in his love laid down his life for us and in that example of sacrifice and love showed us the way to salvation. In his name then, I said, we should put away hate and violence. Love is the only answer, I said. He showed us that. But Red Cloud could not understand. fall on one's face To fail, to come a cropper, to make a foolish mistake. fall sawyers Cicadas, same as June bugs. " I can always sleep when the fall sawyers start working." fall through To fail, not to succeed. false alarm A phony, a deceiver. Also, to have signs of pregnancy and then learn that they are not true — which reminds me of a little story going the rounds about a conversation of a young woman with a doctor. She went to him, saying she didn't know whether her pains were a false alarm or not. He examined her, and then he said, "I have good news for you, Mrs. Brown." "Miss Brown," she corrected. "I have bad news for you, Miss Brown," the doctor continued. "The alarm was not false." false face A dough face, a mask or an extremely ugly person. false-faced Hypocritical, crooked. �380 Paul Green's Wordbook falsies Inserts for bras used to make women look as if they have fuller breasts than they really have. fambly Family. Familiarity breeds contempt. familious Familiar in an offensive way. in the family way To be pregnant. "Miss Lucy Avez is in the family way, and everybody knows that new Holy Roller preacher done it." After a famine in the stall Comes a famine in the hall. famous Of heavy growth, luxuriant, thick.' 'Them's famous oats you got there, Mr. Green." fancy A sweetheart. fancy Dan A dude, a foppish fellow. fancy piece A sweet-doing woman. Also a joyous copulation. fandangle A fantastic or extravagant ornament.' 'That old fortune-telling woman had them brass fandangles hanging down from her ears, and when she shook her head you could hear 'em rattle." David Fanning The Tory scourge of the Valley in the Revolutionary War. In a foray he captured Governor Burke and marched him to Wilmington as a prisoner. After the war Fanning fled to Canada where his career was a checkered, even disgraceful, one. fan the breeze (the wind) To run fast.' 'When old man Sam Johnson got after that feller for messing up his girl, that guy fanned the breeze going away from there." far Distance. "To the crossroads is all the far I'm going with you." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 381 Fire. This pronunciation used to be common in the Valley but with more education it is rapidly, like other folk speech, passing away. I heard recently of an uneducated fellow who took part in a local Christmas pageant at his church. He portrayed one of the wise men who came to see the baby Jesus, as the Scriptures tell. He showed up for the performance dressed like a fireman — helmet, red suit, and all. When asked why such a costume, he said, "Just the way it says in the Bible — the wise men came from afar." Far from the eyes, far from the heart. fardest Farthest. to a fare-you-well Completely, thoroughly. The Farmer in the Dell A game for small children. This is a ring game in which one child is selected to be the "farmer." The others march around him, singing. And as each stanza is sung, a child is chosen representing the one named. Sometimes the children make up their own words and cause great hilarity in naming the different ones to be chosen and brought inside the ring. The last one chosen becomes the next'' farmer.'' The game down in Harnett County that we played went as follows— "The farmer in the dell, The farmer in the dell, Hi-oh the dairy-oh, The farmer in the dell." And then follows a series of stanzas in which the lyrics are acted out by choosing: "The farmer takes a wife— The wife takes a child— The child takes a nurse— The nurse takes a dog— The dog takes a bone— The bone stands alone." And now the bone becomes the "farmer," and the game continues. Farmyard Charms A children's game. This is a sort of practical joke game. A leader assigns each player the name of the farm animal whose voice he's supposed to imitate. All are to crow, to whinny, to moo or whatever it is, at a given signal. However, the leader has secretly instructed all but one of the players to remain �382 Paul Green's Wordbook silent and then, when the signal is given, this one player brays out while the others are silent, and his embarrassment is equaled only by the fun of the others. far side The right side. fart To break wind. fart around To trifle, to play about. no more use than a fart in a whirlwind No use at all. I could go farther and fare worse. fast Loose, a woman who is active sexually with men. as fast as greased lightning as fast as lightning fast mare A fast woman. fat In playing marbles, if the shooting player's taw stopped in the ring, it was "fat," and he had to stop playing until the next game. He was out of the game for the time being. fat as a butterball fat as a hog fat as a pig You must take the fat with the lean. dry up the fat To render chunks of hog fat in a pot to make lard. This was one of the important parts of the hog-killing ritual when I was a boy. "The Fatal Wedding" The first of Gussie Davis's heart-throbbing lachrymose songs, the second being "In the Baggage Coach Ahead" [q.v.]. This once pullmancar porter's rise to fame is an inspiring story. Against all difficulties of poverty, race prejudice and denied opportunity he beat his way on. I haven't been able to find out where he is buried. If there isn't a monument in stone to him �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 383 somewhere, there should be. But at least he has a monument in his songs that will last like stone. The words to "The Fatal Wedding" were written by one W.H. Windom who, so far as I know, was never heard of again. Mother sang this song to us children. We learned it by heart and shed some tears like her as we sang it in our own way — and often with a word changed here and there— "The wedding bells were ringing on a moonlit winter's night, The church was decorated, all within was gay and bright. A mother with her baby came and saw these lights aglow, And thought of how these same bells chimed for her three years ago! " Td like to be admitted, sir,' she told the sexton old, 'Just for the sake of baby, sir, to protect him from the cold.' He told her that the wedding was but for the rich and grand, And with the eager watching crowd outside she'd have to stand. "Once more she begged the sexton old to let her step inside. 'For baby's sake you may come in,' the gray-haired man replied. 'If anyone knows reason why this couple should not wed, Speak now, or else forever hold your peace,' the preacher said. " 'I must object,' the woman cried, in a voice so meek and mild. 'The bridegroom is my husband, sir, and this is our little child.' 'What proof have you?' the preacher said. 'My baby, sir,' she cried, She raised the babe, then knelt to pray— the little one had died. "The parents of the bride then took the outcast by the arm, �384 Paul Green's Wordbook They said, 'We'll care for you through life, you saved our child from harm.' The parents, bride and outcast wife in a carriage drove away. The bridegroom died by his own hand before the break of day. "No wedding feast was spread that night, two graves were made next day, In one the little baby, in the other its father lay. This story often has been told by firesides warm and bright, Of bridegroom, bride, the outcast wife and a fatal wedding night. "While the wedding bells were ringing, While the bride and groom were there, Marching up the aisle together While the organ pealed an air, Telling tales of fond affection, Vowing never more to part— Just another fatal wedding Just another broken heart." fat and sassy In happy circumstance. fat-ass A broad-bottomed person. fatback A poor type of hog bacon, usually all fat, but especially good for cooking with beans, collards, and various greens to give them the proper flavor. Near our home lived Nathan Gibbs, a tenant farmer, a very industrious fellow, who worked hard and was for a rarity ambitious and wanted his children to have an education. Over the years he was able to accumulate enough to buy a small farm of his own. But unfortunately for his reputation he lived in a neighborhood where everybody except himself was a Democrat. He was a Republican and a staunch one at that, and accordingly was much and sharply gossiped about. And, too, I'm sure some of the disfavor in which he was held was due to the fact that he was more energetic than most people and was sharp too in his dealings — not dishonest, say, but sharp and a bit stingy. I used to hear him brag that there never had been a butcher knife in �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 385 his house sharp enough to cut a ham. After killing his hogs, he always salted down the hams, to be put on sale later. And he fed his family, and the preachers too when and if they came, on fatback, so it was said. It was told — mainly as fun criticism — that Nathan would hang a ham up in the window, put a pan of water on the floor and let the sunlight shine on the ham and cast its shadow into the water, then later he would feed it to his kids for ham soup. It was also told of him that he would often hire his children to go to bed without supper by giving them a nickel apiece and during the night he would steal the money out of their pockets and then the next morning whip them for losing it. Such were the stories the neighbors out of their loving-kindness told about this most estimable man. He was my friend for many years. I admired him very much, for he raised a fine family of children, gave every one of them a college education, though his learning was of the poorest kind, and died rather well-to-do. And all these bad stories about him were told, I'm sure, mainly because he was a Republican and because, for instance, he would never subscribe to The News and Observer newspaper, the Democratic Bible in the Valley, but always threw off on it with scorn for what he considered its narrowness of political thinking and its exaggerated devotion to rape cases, calling it always, with a finger to his nose, "The Nuisance and Disturber." fat chance Little chance at all.' 'Fat chance you've got of being promoted, young man.'' like father, like son Father Is Dead and Laid In His Grave A children's singing game. What fun we used to have playing this on Sunday afternoons up at Uncle Tom's, or at our house or up at Mr. Harmon's — Laura Green, Lula Green, Josephine Harmon, Stuart Harmon, Gordon Long, Hugh Green, Mary Green, Lena Turlington and myself — most of these merry voices and lightsome feet long silent and nerveless in the grave. I can still see their dancing luminous forms, I can still hear the merry laughter there among the old oak trees as we sang and marched about and acted out what we sang— "Father is dead and laid in his grave, Laid in his grave, laid in his grave. Father is dead and laid in his grave— Oh, oh, oh! "There grew a green apple tree over his head, Over his head, over his head, There grew a green apple tree over his head, �386 Paul Green's Wordbook Oh, oh, oh! "The apples were ripe and ready to fall, Ready to fall, ready to fall, The apples were ripe and ready to fall, Oh, oh, oh!" On the last" oh," the marchers suddenly stop. The child nearest Father's head becomes the Old Woman of the next stanza and steps into the ring, being watchful not to get too near the recumbent Father. Then she begins the pantomime of picking up apples and putting them in her gathered-up apron, real or not. The song has gone on. "There came an old woman and gathered them all, Gathered them all, gathered them all, There came an old woman and gathered them all. Oh, oh, oh! "Father rose up and gave her a kick, Gave her a kick, gave her a kick, Father rose up and gave her a kick. Oh, oh, oh!" On the last "oh," Father springs up and aims a kick at the Old Woman. If he misses, he has to lie down again, and the game goes on as before. If he hits the Old Woman, the ring opens and she goes hobbling off for a distance to the accompaniment of the derisive singing— "Then the old woman went hippity-hop, Hippity-hop, hippity-hop. Then the old woman when hippity-hop. Oh, oh, oh!" She now returns and lies down as the Father — all to much merriment — and the one who was the Father joins the ring. Since this game is a sort of theatre of the imagination, sex makes no difference. A boy is easily the Old Woman, and a girl the dead Father. OUT fathers which were wondrous wise Did wet their throats before their eyes. fat in the fire The devil to pay, an explosive situation. "When he accused that girl of leading his boy astray, the fat was in the fire." A fat kitchen makes a lean will. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 387 fat lightwood (often pronounced lighter'd) The rich resinous pine wood. We used to burn this with great delight, pushing it in big splintered sticks under the green oak wood, and before long we had a merry fire going. Lightwood has pretty much disappeared from the Valley. Once in a while you can find a stump and sometimes deep in the woods a dead lightwood tree. We used to use lightwood splinters set on fire for all sorts of illumination. We would use them at night in marching along serenading if we didn't have a lantern handy, also in bird blinding. Great splintered pieces of fat pine were used in tar making. fat meat Fat meat applied to a wound will take out poison. Also good to bring a rising (a boil) to a head and for healing sores. fat part A good part in a play. fattening hogs In the fall a pen usually was made of rails, and the hogs chosen to be slaughtered were put in the pen and fed heavily on corn and mash and slops to make them gain weight. And then on some cold day in mid-winter the farmer would be up before daylight, having a great fire going around his pots and the water being heated. He and some of his neighbors would make their way to the hog pen and there either brain the hogs with an axe or shoot them with a .22 rifle between the eyes. I happened to get a rifle when I was about twelve years old, and I became the hog executioner in the neighborhood. When I thought of the awful crushing thud of the axe against the hog's forehead, I considered my method of killing much more humane. Later on I rebelled at the whole thing, got rid of my rifle and stayed away from all hog killings. And as the years have gone on, I've become more and more "chicken-hearted" so that now I find myself catching a wasp or a bee inside the house and carrying it tenderly in my handkerchief to the front door and letting it go free. And I keep planning to quit eating meat. I have not yet got so tender-hearted that I'd do as I used to see some of the monks in Thailand do — take indoor mosquitoes gently in their cupped hands and carry them to the front door and liberate them. But if I live a few more years, maybe I'll get as soft-hearted and as foolish as that. fatten up To grow or to stouten, or to fleshen up. I met a friend of mine on my first return from Hollywood, and she took me by the hand and looked in my eyes and said, "I'll declare, Paul, you've fattened up out there in Hollywood the most." �388 Paul Green's Wordbook A fault confessed is half redressed. His only fault is he has no fault. There's none without & fault. However blind a man may be Another's faults he's sure to see. He has had food who feeds on another'sfauIts. Faults are thick where love is thin. Forget others' faults by remembering your own. favor To ease up on, to treat amiably or gently. "Is your leg sore? You seem to be favoring it." To resemble, to be like another. "Sho', you's your Uncle Bob's kinfolks. I see the favor now." favored Referring to one's features. "She's a hard-favored woman." fawk Fork. Fear a man who blows both hot and cold. Fear God and keep his commandments. fearder More afraid.' 'Old Goliath was fearder of little David than anybody when he seen that sling with the rock in it." feast or famine Excess in either direction, either plenty or want. feasts Three feasts are due to every man — the feast of baptism, the feast of marriage, and the feast of death. feather in one's cap An honor, a prideful accomplishment. feather one's nest To get rich, to look after number one. "I'll tell you what I think — I think Bobby Kennedy is always feathering his own nest or the nest of the Kennedys." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 389 in full feather Riding high, in full swing, exuberant with expectancy. white feather Cowardice. feathers rubbed the wrong way Irritated, made angry. Fine feathers don't make the bird. gathering goats'feathers Dawdling about,sharpening pencils, cleaning up one's desk, trying to get ready to sit down and write — a favorite pastime of harried authors. "As soon as I quit gathering goats' feathers I reckon I'll be able to start on my book." to get one's feathers up To be angry, ready to fight. make the feathers fly Work like a whirlwind, fight like a wildcat. Feed much to expect much. off one's feed To be sickly, puny, ailing, to have no appetite. put on thefeedbag To go to the table to eat a meal. feeding time The time to feed the farm animals, usually has reference to the ending of the day. feed shucks to a goose Attempt something foolish, irrational, something obviously silly and unworkable. Back in the old days in the Valley, the Irishman was the subject of many a good anecdote and joke. In the 1840's when the great effort to canalize the Cape Fear River was made, many laborers were brought in from a distance, especially Italian and Irish ones. Why the Italian didn't become the butt of fun and the source of joking also I don't know. Anyway, I was raised on the stories of funny Irishmen, and when there were two of the characters they were always named "Pat" and "Mike." If only one of them, he was usually called "Pat." For instance, an Irishman showed up at a farmer's house there in the Valley one day and wanted a job, they said. The farmer asked if he could �390 Paul Green's Wordbook split rails. "Faith and me Christ, surely I can," said Pat. The farmer told him to take the ax and maul and wedge and go down into the swamp and choose the nice straight trees, cut them down into tenfoot lengths and split away. Well, that evening when Pat returned to get his supper, the farmer asked him how many rails he had split. "Faith and me Christ," said Pat, "when I get the one I'm working on and two more I'll have three." "Lord God," said the farmer to his wife, "he's been trying to split them old sweet gums, I know, and God A'mighty's lightning can't do that." "Well," he said to Pat, "maybe you're better at other things, so go out there and feed the geese for me." So Pat went out to feed the geese. When he came back, the farmer said, "Did you feed the geese?" "Yes, sor, I did," said Pat. "What did you feed 'em?" asked the farmer. "Faith and me Christ, I give 'em an armful of shucks." "Did they eat them?" said the farmer. "No, sor, but they was talking about it when I left," said Pat. Feed the Crow A child's game. The one who is going to show the other how to feed the crow crosses his two first fingers over the first two of his other hand, leaving an opening, and then he recites the following little verse: "Put your finger in the crow's nest. The crow's not at home. The crow's at the back door Picking on a bone." And if the second child is induced to insert his finger, then it is nipped by the nail of the thumb of the first child. This game is the same as "Feed the Crab" or "The Crab's Nest." feed the fishes To be seasick, to hang vomiting over the ship's railing. feed trough The place where one gets paid off. Same as pie counter. "Everybody flocks to the feed trough in Washington. Let a little bit of wind blow and it's called a hurricane and a disaster area, and off go the politicians to Washington to get money for the farmers. And all the time everybody's cussing about high taxes and Uncle Sam's messing in everybody's business." Feed your mule well if you expect a good crop. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 391 fee larks Field larks. feel for Jesus It was told of a Holy Roller meeting that during the high cuttings-up and holy dancing and talking in unknown tongues the lights went out and the deacons and some of the young ones started to feel for Jesus, that is put probing hands up the skirts of the females. And one deacon was heard to shout out in the terms of the old timey hymn, "Lord, I've found it!" Another vulgar story I heard as a boy was about a Methodist camp meeting. A farmer was anxious to attend this meeting, and he didn't want his wife to go because she would give the glad eye to the young men. So, as the story went, when he left, being afraid that some of the neighbors left behind would bother his wife, he fitted her with a pair of tin drawers. Well, it happened that two Methodist preachers on their way to the convention or to the gathering passed the farmer's house to get a drink of water and met up with the young woman. And it was told that, expecting such emergencies, they both had come armed with can openers. They started feeling for Jesus with the can openers. And I, a little boy around a sawmill hearing these things, began wondering very early about human nature and its sacred beliefs. feeling hand disease A roving hand of a lecher. "At the party last night Bill got to messing with Sarah over in the corner, and she called out for all of us to hear, 'Say, folks, old Bill here has got the feeling hand disease,' and I reckon that stopped him all right." Where feelings are high common sense is low. feel in one's bones To have a premonition, a hunch. feel like To be inclined to, to look favorably upon. "I feel like standing up and shouting every time I hear Billy Graham preach," said the old lady as she put out her cigarette. feel like a boiled lobster (especially after being in the sun) feel like a boiled owl feel like a stewed owl feel like the devil To be less than well, or to be depressed. �392 Paul Green's Wordbook feel one's oats To be full of pride, high spirits. feel under the table To be in low spirits, sickly. Better to die on your feet than live on your knees. Don't let the feet outrun the shoes. feet foremost Dead, a corpse. It was a custom to carry a corpse feet foremost in the old days. "It won't be long before I'll be carried out through that door, feet foremost to the grave." feet in the trough Hearty eating. felloe The circular rim of a wheel in which the spokes were inserted. fellow The mate to, one of a pair. "Have you seen the fellow to this sock?" bone felon An inflammation of the finger, ending often in the fingernail coming off. fence rail In the old days in the Valley farmers fenced their farms in to protect them from the cattle and hogs which were let run loose in the forest where they could feed on the reed thickets and acorns. These rails were usually split from ten-foot lengths of longleaf pine logs and the fences were built up to stand about ten rails high. They were called snake fences, sometimes worm fences, because of their shape. And keeping them mended, for they were always rotting down, especially the bottom rail, was a chore I despised as a boy and young man, next to digging potatoes. Old Sid Gates, like many another farmer, got up in arms when the nostock law was passed by the state, which said that from now on the situation was to be reversed — where before the farms were fenced in and the cattle left free, now the cattle must be fenced in and the farms left free. "Why, my God A'mighty!" said Sid, "The gover'mint's gone slam crazy." And he got out his shotgun and threatened to shoot anybody that tried to keep his cattle from running wild. "My hogs and cows have been free to go where they wanted, so did my daddy's, so did my gran'daddy's and beyond him to the founding of this country. Yessir. A man's got his rights and liberties g'arnteed by the Constitution and now they're trying to take 'em away from him. Why, our forefathers fou't at Lexington for �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 393 just that, and I'm ready to fight now." So did old Sid and others like him in the Valley talk and threaten. But to no avail, and the juggernaut of progress rolled on over them. 'fess up Confess, speak out. fetching Attractive. fever blister Shows one has been telling lies. Also if a girl, she has been kissing a boy. fever stick A doctor's thermometer. few and far between Scattered, seldom. "Kind words from that woman are few and far between.'' f.h.b. A sort of secret code between the members of a family, for family to hold back on certain items of company food until the guests were satisfied. fibber A liar. fibs flee An expression in a game of marbles, same as five. If a player happened to knock out five dinahs at once and shouted "fibs" before one of the other players shouted "venture fibs," then he could keep all five of the dinahs. But if he failed to be ahead of another player in the calling out, then he had to put the dinahs back into the ring and the game went on as before. A feisty little dog. fiddle about To waste time, to trifle around. fiddle-faddle Trifling ways, nonsense. second fiddle A lesser or supporting position. fiddling tunes For decades "fiddlers conventions" have been popular in the Valley. The winner's first prize was usually a five- or ten-dollar gold piece. After we went off the gold standard, paper money had to do. Though not pretty and �394 Paul Green's Wordbook shiny, it is still money. Among the hundreds of tunes popular at these contests and parties were: Arkansas Traveler; Billy in the Lowgrounds; BoogerMan; Brother Easom Got the Coon and Gone On; Bucking Mule; Buffalo Gals; Cackling Hen; Casey Jones; Catfish and Little Minnow; Cindy; Cumberland Gap; Dancing Gal; The Devil A mong the Tailors; Drunken Sailor; Fisher's Hornpipe; The Girl I Left Behind Me; Golden Joy; Gray Eagle; Green River; Jeff Davis's March; John Paul Jones; Julie Ann Johnson; Katie Hall; Leather Britches; Listen to the Mockingbird; Little Brown Jug; McCuller's Dream; Mississippi Sawyer; Old Bow Back; Old Joe Clark; Old Zip Coon; Peek-a-Boo; Pocahontas; Polly Put the Kettle On; Pop Goes the Weasel; The Preacher and the Bear; Raise a Ruckus Tonight; Redwing; Root Hog or Die; Run, Nigger, Run; Rye Straw; Sally Ann; Sally Goodin; Sally With Her Shoes Run Down; Shortening Bread; Skip to My Lou; Sourwood Mountain; Sugar in My Coffee; Sugar in My Toddy; Sweet Betsy from Pike; Turkey Buzzard; Turkey in the Straw; The Wabash Cannonball; Walking in the Parlor; Weevily Wheat; Who Will Shoe My Purty Little Foot. And on and on. field There are only three things a field needs — good seed, good weather and good elbow grease. fieldhand A worker in the fields as contrasted with a house servant. A house servant would never be called a househand, nor would a fieldhand ever be called a field servant. as fierce as a lion fiery furnace The bad place, torment, hell in the hereafter, also a crisis or hard trial. Not worth a fig (trifle). A fig to you! Same as nuts to you. fighting cock A young braggart and bully. fighting mad In a rage, ready to take on all comers. fight like the devil With determination. He that fights and runs away Will live to fight another day. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 395 filliloo bird A mythical bird that sticks its head in the sand and whistles through its rectum. Applied to a foolish person. fill the bill To suit, to be satisfactory. A lively, even wanton young woman. filth A heavy growth of grass or vines among corn, cotton or tobacco — weeds, trash, straw. My father used to use that word all the time when his crops were so overrun. "We've got to get down there, boys, and clean out that filth." filthy lucre A jocular term for money. find Give birth to. "The old sow has found pigs down in the pasture." Finders, keepers; Losers, weepers. as fine as frog's hair as fine as lace as fine as silk one of these fine days Sometime, an uncertain occasion in the future, same as one of these fair days. Fine feathers don't make the bird. Finery is foolery. fine voice High-pitched voice. "You sing the fine part, Gordon, and let Ernest do the gross." Fine words butter no parsnips. One finger won't catch fleas. Don't cut off a finger to spite the thumb. finger game rhymes The fingers are interlocked and then turned inward, and the person playing the game, usually with little children, speaks the following rhyme: �396 Paul Green's Wordbook "Here's the church, Here's the steeple, Open the door Here are the people." On "Here's the steeple" the forefingers are stuck upward for the steeple. On "Open the door" the closed fingers are turned upward. It is very much the same as another finger game with the following verse— "That's the lady's forks and knives, And that's the lady's table, And that's the lady's looking glass, And that's the baby's cradle." Cutting a baby's fingernails will cause it to steal. hang on by one's fingernails To be able just to carry on, to be in a most precarious situation. finger of scorn A term of contempt. finger stall A finger-shaped covering of cloth, sometimes of leather, to protect a hurt finger. fingers If two people say the same thing at the same time, they should hook each other's little finger and make a wish. Anyone who can make the first and fourth fingers touch over the backs of the others may marry anyone he chooses. fingers all thumbs To be awkward, stumbly, inept. Keep your fingers out of holes. Fingers were made before forks. finish The end, death. "When a man comes down to the finish, he better have some faith in God." fight to the finish "When the forts of folly fall, Find my body by the wall." Matthew Arnold �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 397 finished Bankrupt, undone. fire High temper, spirit, anger. "I tell you you better be careful how you handle old Cindy, she's full of fire." The electric chair. "Yeah, put me in that fire and burn me on down, but I can take it, yeah man, I can take it." Fire a gun or cannon to bring a drowned body to the surface. Fire may be talked out of a burn if one recites certain verses from the Bible. Fire often sleeps in the ashes. Don't pour oil on the fire. out of the frying pan into the fire spreads like fire works like fighting fire You can hide the fire, but what about the smoke? like afire in high grass How great a matter a little fire kindleth. Heap coals of fire upon his head. afire at one end and a fool at the other A cigarette smoker. fireback The back part of a fireplace made of good brick or rock or, in some places where one was able to afford it, of iron plate. I remember once that my father and Clinton McNeil, a local fieldhand and semi-mason worker, went down toward the Cape Fear River and got some rocks, came back and put in a fireback. Later on that winter night we children were all sitting with our father and mother around the glowing fire and thinking how fine this piece of handiwork was. Suddenly there was a terrific explosion and the whole fireback blew out at us, and a piece of rock hit my father on the side of the head, but didn't hurt him too much. Later we figured out that the soft rock had some dampness inside it and this, in the heating, turned into steam, and therefore the explosion. After that, my father was very sure that he got the hardest kind of rock for our fireback. �398 Paul Green's Wordbook fire board The mantel piece. fire dogs Andirons. all-fired A term used for emphasis. "He's all-fired faithful to the Ku Klux Klan." fire-eater An excitable, high-tempered person. fire-fishing The spearing or gigging of fish by the light of burning lightwood splinters. fire in the hole! A cry given out by a dynamiter to warn all the nearby people that the fuse was lighted and to get to a safe place before the explosion occurred. like a house afire Swiftly, frantically, wildly, furiously. "Cleveland Jones can pull fodder like a house afire." fire stick The poker. In the old days for lack of iron or steel the farmers would use a hickory or white oak stick. fire tongs The grapplers to lift coals or fire chunks about. fire up To burn with a drought or sometimes with too much rain. "My corn's all fired up from the drought, and I don't expect to make much this year." To get angry easily. as firm as Gibraltar (a rock) The first the worst, The second the same. The last the best Of all the game. (A recitation and counting-out rhyme.) won't get to first base To make no impression, get no good results. "If you send a well-written, educated letter to the President, you won't get to first base. But if you write something with a pencil and scrawled on an old tablet sheet, you'll get some recognition, for all the politicians are looking for the vote of the people, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 399 and a half-illiterate fellow is to them the people." first come, first served Equal treatment for all. first hundred years are the hardest A jocular statement concerning a tough job or proposition. "The First Noel" A favorite Christmas song, very popular with us on our Christmas serenadings. first off Right away, immediately, instantly. "First off, he let loose some holy shouting and singing." first thing out of the box Immediately, at once, same as "the first news you knew." first whippoorwill The first notes of the whippoorwill signify winter is ended, and it is time to plant corn. Fish A child's game of cards in which one child draws blindly from the hand of another, hoping to match a card in his hand. And when one player gets all his cards in matching fours, he wins the game. Fish bite best when it's raining. Fish is brain food. drink like a fish swims like a fish There are as good fish in the sea as ever were caught out of it. as much at home as a fish in water like a fish out of water Use a small fish to catch a big one. If the first fish you hook gets away, then your luck is ruined for that day. I'll make you fishers of men. As I was walking through the wheat I picked up something good to eat, Neither fish, flesh, fowl nor bone, I kept it till it walked alone. (Riddle — An egg) �400 Paul Green's Wordbook fishhooks Scrawly, undecipherable writing. fishing Pointing the conversation so that one may receive compliments. "There you go again, Maisie, always fishing." fish in troubled waters Stir up trouble where trouble already is. fish or cut bait Come to a decision, make a choice. fish swimmer The inflated air sac inside of a fish. When I was a little boy, I had a playmate named Rassie (see "barlow knife") and he taught me all sorts of things, among them to believe that if I swallowed a fish swimmer, as we called it, I would be able to swim like a fish. So we caught a little pike in Middle Prong Creek and I finally swallowed the sac. I jumped in and nearly drowned. Rassie saved me, then stood on the bank, bowing up and down with shrieks of laughter and derision at my gullibility. a nice kettle offish A quandary, an ironical situation. "L.B.J. has got himself a nice kettle of fish in that Vietnam War." have other fish to fry Business to attend to. Fishy, fishy in the brook, Daddy caught it with a hook, Mammy fried it in a pan, Sonny et it like a man. (A recitation rhyme.) fist Handwriting. fist and skull A bare-fisted, knock-down and drag-out fight. ' 'There is nothing like a lightning fist and skull tangle to work the grudge out of a man," said Uncle Robert Light to me one day. "Yessir. I can remember 'way back to right after the Civil War when I was a teeny boy. I had a bad fight with Len Ragland. I was standing on the school ground at Crowder's Grove when Len slipped up behind me and tripped me up. Ah—ee, I was never hurt so bad in all my born days. He like to have killed me. I swore then that some day I'd get it back on him — I'd whip him if �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 401 it was the last thing I ever did. Well, his family moved out'n the Harnett country and I didn't see him for long eighteen years. Come to think of it, it might have been fifteen years, but it was a long time. Then one day I met up with him at Uncle Josh's ferry on the river. I was coming out of Lillington and he was going toward town. We recognized each other. Yes, we did. I was riding a horse and had a pistol strapped around me. I was a deputy sheriff then. I stopped the horse and called out to Len. 'Well, Len,' I said, 'it's been long enough now and we might as well settle our little matter.' So I got down and started taking off my coat. 'Great God, Bob,' he said, 'you sure can hold a grudge a long time.' 'Yeh,' Isaid, 'and if you had been hurt that day as bad as I was, you'd hold a grudge a long time. You liked to've killed me and I never have forgot it.' 'But Lord, Bob,' he said, 'you're an officer of the law now and I can't fight an officer.' 'I ain't no officer no longer,' I said, and I pulled off my badge and flung it on the ground. 'But you got a pistol too,' he said. 'No, I ain't got a pistol,' I said. I unstrapped it and laid it aside. 'Come on, Len,' I said. "And we went to it. "Well, sir, I'm here to tell you that fellow near 'bout killed me again. He was a man! And I was a man too! I weighed a hundred and eighty-five in them days and had done a little boxing on the sly. And I can tell you we tore up the ground down there by the river that day — Len and me did. Ahee, he was a much man! And as I said, he near 'bout killed me again. "We finally quit. I helped him all bloody-faced up in his road cart, and I got on my horse somehow and made it home. And the part of my shirt that was left was the collar band with part of my necktie rolled in it. "Well, after that, next Sunday, or a few Sundays after — as soon as we were able to get about — we met at the church. And he was a sight to see! He was walking with two walking sticks and his head was sorter cranksided. It pleased me so to see him in that condition that I felt right friendly toward him. We shook hands and called it square. And we kept good friends until the day he died. You know what they put on his tombstone — some words that I told 'em to put — 'the bravest man I ever knew and the truest friend I ever had.' " fistes Fists. fist law A law of physical force. fist-raised dick A penis toughened through masturbation practices. Dr. Lloyd of Chapel Hill told me about this, saying that he preferred that to the kind that was toughened by intercourse with prostitutes."It's a dang sight less dangerous,'' �402 Paul Green's Wordbook he said. fit Ready to, about to. "He laughed till he was fit to die." An exasperated condition, to be bothered to the point of explosion.' 'That girl with her talk always gives me a fit." Past tense of fight, fou't. fit as a fiddle To be in fine health, good spirits, everything just right. fits like a glove To fit exactly, to be exactly suitable. fitten Fitting. fittified Subject to fits. fit toaT An exact fit. fit to be tied In a wild hysterical condition. five fingers Shaking hands to confirm an agreement. five of clubs A fist. "Lawd, that boy shouldn't've messed with that big man. That five of clubs laid him low." a fix A frame-up. fix To cheat. To prepare, to get ready. "He's fixing to go." A critical condition. "Have you heard about Rex Johnson? He's in a fix, I'll tell you." in the middle of a bad fix To be in a tough situation, precarious condition. fixings Decorations, side-trimmings, adornments, pretties, doodads. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 403 Eddie York's pretty wife Ola loved fixings, and Eddie loved the land and the crops he could grow on it. I knew these two young people and was something of a witness to the tragedy that fell upon them. My sympathy as well as my imagination mainly went with Eddie. A wonderful worker Eddie was — one of the best in the whole Valley. Let it be rolling logs, splitting rails, or cutting with a cradle, he stood at the top. And many a hot August day when "the monkey" (the heat) was riding old man McLaughlin's hands in the bottom, Eddie's loud halloo could be heard among them, urging them on to their fodder-pulling. Three hundred bundles a day was easy for him. Yea, he could pull five stacks in a week, had done it all right. And on a particular boiling July day — a day I visualize to myself—he had set a new mark for hoeing cotton. Three acres of grassy stuff chopped out by one man was a record. He thought about it. Who could equal it? He was mad, mad to the bottom now he was. Mad and hurt. And his hurt and anger drove him, beat on him like a flail, hooked and prodded him on like an iron goad. He had quarreled with Ola. Aih, worse than that, he had slapped her. A little slap, not much — he glanced at his heavy hands. But he had stood enough to make any man mad. What had got into her nohow? Here he was with the grass eating his cotton up and he hoeing his liver out trying to save it. So much rainy weather, and the grass growing two inches a day. And she — lying up in the house down there in the field, doing nothing — ready to spend every copper cent she could get on fixings, buying lace and jewelry from the peddlers who passed in the lane. "Says she's done working in the fields, she does,'' he muttered wrathfully. "Yea, but I'll see!" And his hoe flew to the ground. He had had no dinner, his stomach was empty. Evening was coming on. Everything looked gray, lonesome, it sure did. And now he'd have to go on home. The mule and the cow had to be fed and there were the shoats too.' 'Dang, I didn't never plan on things like this!" He loved Ola, always had. Temper it was. Too much temper. His mother used to say it would bring him trouble. He'd ought to be patient. Still, Ola had tried him — worried him nigh to death it seemed. And now he remembered that in their courting days old man McLaughlin had warned him of Ola's dressing and finery. Her pappy and mammy couldn't satisfy her. They were too poor. Take a bank to hold her, he had said. That's right, she didn't treat him decent, and he slaving day in and day out to get ready to buy a piece of land of their own. They were both the children of tenant farmers, the grandchildren of tenant farmers, the great-grandchildren, and on back. But he'd change it for himself. He'd pay taxes on his own land before he died, he would. Aih, she knew his ambition, knew what he intended when she married him and she seemed glad. He stamped and spat upon the ground. He tore through a dozen more rows before the dusk came sifting in �404 Paul Green's Wordbook from the east. And when the moon had begun to shine up in the middle of the sky, he stopped his hoe and stood gazing over the wide rich fields. He would make big cotton here, a bale and half to the acre and more maybe. And over there toward the hollow was his corn, popping with strength and as green as poison. He was a farmer and this was his, the earth was his. It was fine, aye it was, bless God! This level forty acres would be his in a year or two. McLaughlin had promised to sell it to him for his very own as soon as he could pay a thousand dollars down. Money. Ola would have to quit spending his money. Not another cent to waste, not another brownie. No sir, not a damn red! It was foolish. It was foolish for her always to be looking through Sears Roebuck's catalogue, picking out lace curtains and tablecloths and window shades. He'd told her a thousand times. And then this morning — yea, God! With a muttered oath, he turned and went off through the darkness home. He fed the mule and cow and the clamorous pigs. As he came up the walk to the house where Ola had wasted a lot of good guano planting a border of cannas, he saw her sitting on the porch in a cool white dress. And then, fool that he was — his heart suddenly softened toward her and he could have taken her in his arms. She was sweet. She was always clean and cool and sweet. He stopped before the steps embarrassed, trying to think of something to say. The lamp was lighted on the table in the room behind, and he saw the waiting supper spread out on a new white tablecloth. Aih, that was it — finery, fixings! She would ruin him yet. His heart hardened again. "Supper's ready," she said. "I got tired of waiting and had mine." He went on into the kitchen, soused his face and arms in a pan of water and dried them hurriedly on a fresh towel, then seated himself to his meal. "Don't you want nothing more, Ola?" he called. "I've had my supper," she answered. He leant over the table eating in huge mouthfuls. He fed his hunger with beans, sidemeat, cornbread, preserves, and a few pieces of fried chicken, washing it all down with great gulps of black coffee. His powerful sweaty arms made streaks on the new cloth, but what did he care, consumed as he was by hunger and the fiery thought within? When he had finished, he sat picking bits of meat from his teeth with his fingernails. Ola had reproved him for this and other bad manners. Yeh, let her. Now and then he could hear her stirring in her chair on the porch. He was tired and sleepy, and if all was right he might go happily to bed against the next day's labor. But now — no, he was too worried to sleep. She was out there thinking things. He would go out and talk to her, find out some of these things that were always working in her mind. Sitting down on the steps, he took off his shoes and stretched his feet in the soft sand of the walkway. He waited, hoping she would say something, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 405 for he could find no words. But she held her peace. Time went by and drowsiness began to steal over him. Like a dream he heard the frogs croaking down near the millpond and an owl screaming further in the swamp beyond. "You're sweaty. The tub's by the well there." Her words startled him. He fumbled with his shoes and made no answer. Presently she went into the house and brought him a cake of scented-smelling soap and a cloth. As she came near him the odor of rich Fayetteville cologne entered his nostrils. She was sweet enough to eat — sweet — ah, Lord! "Peddler been by today?" he asked quietly, choking down his anger, the while the cake of soap and cloth trembled in his hands. "No," she answered coldly, "no." "Looks like a new tablecloth. Thought maybe you'd been a-buying." "Yourmoneydidn'tbuyit. It was brought to me." She turned sharply and sat again in her chair. "Who brung it?" "Ella and her friend from Raleigh. They had dinner here." "A high-collared dude, riding round this busy time of the year. He'd better stay away from here. I could take him in my two hands and break him like a dead dog-fennel stalk." Ola laughed softly. "Now what do you mean by that?" "I'm going to Raleigh tomorrow with him to visit Ella a while,'' she said. "And the grass eating up our crop!" he cried incredulously. "Yes, eating up your crop." "By God, you won't!" he roared wrathfully, as he got up and began walking back and forth barefooted in the yard. "Not with that loose woman!" "I'm going, I tell you," and her voice quavered. "I'm going to get a rest from your slaving and sweating and your dirt and all." "Well, for God's sakes, listen at her! Listen at her!" "I won't be run to death. Pa didn't run me to death." "Pa didn't — and look at him. He's gonna die in the porehouse. And I ain't, I tell you." He felt a piece of broken glass cut into his bare foot but paid no attention to it. "Do all you can to rob and ruin me — I won't let you do it!" he snarled. Then turning he slumped down on the steps, hugging his knees in anger. "And then this morning you hit me. If Pa knowed it, he'd come over here with his gun and shoot you down like a dog.'' Now she began sobbing. "Dry up, dry up, I tell you. Hanh." He snorted scornfully, "I'll grab him up and bust his brain out ag'in the ground." He got to his feet and slammed his way into the house. "All right," he called back, " go on if you wish. See if I care! But you won't carry off none of my money. No. And you'll be back in a week." And he went to bed. All night Ola sat on the porch, listening to his heavy snores coming �406 Paul Green's Wordbook from the little back room. When the dawn broke beyond the old mill and the chickens flew out of the China tree with a clatter, she got up and started breakfast. While the biscuits were baking she went out and milked the cow for the last time. Eddie rose and ate his meal in silence. When he' d filed his hoe and started into the fields he stopped and called, "Going, are you?" "I am," she said. "Well go and be damned!" he shouted. And off he went up the path, kicking the dust before him. Again a second day he hoed from morn till evening. The fiery sun burned down upon his back, drying up the sweat and leaving splotches of salt upon his shirt. When night came he had another three acres hoed clean and standing up for the siding plow. Again he went home under the moon, devoured by hunger and thoughts within. The house was closed and there was no light. He found a note stuck inthedoor. "I am gone, "it said. "Don't look for me till you see me coming." He could read the clear letters in the moonlight. Tearing the paper into bits, he made his way to the lot to feed the stock. When he had cooked his supper, he gorged himself like an animal and lay down in his sweat-fouled clothes on the bed. Soon again his snores echoed through the house. The next morning he woke and called her. And then he remembered that she had left him. It seemed as if his head flew all to pieces, for he began cursing in loud oaths, cursing her curtains, cursing her trimmings, and he even seized one of her flowerpots and hurled it crashing through the window into the yard. The calendars and magazine covers shook on the wall with the violence of his voice. He cooked his breakfast in the same unwashed pans and ate out of the same dirty plate of the night before. Why should he clean up now? Let the house rot down. Let the maggots work in the dishes. God knows, he didn't care. All that week he did mountains of work. He hoed and plowed and plowed and hoed, driving his mule up and down the windy fields like one possessed. Old McLaughlin came and tried to commiserate with him, but grief and anger were eating in his heart like lye. He said, "Please let me alone." The loneliness of the house, aih, that harried him to death. He became restless and unable to sleep at night. And on Sunday morning when he had shaved himself and sat alone on the porch staring across the wide burning fields, he gave in. Fishing out a stub of pencil he wrote: Dear Ola, Won't you come back? i speck i done you wrong. I'll do better, honest i will, the crop is in good shape, and there aint so much to do. there aint nobody to churn and theys a pile of eggs i cant eat. im well and hope the same. — Ed. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 407 He set off up the road, dropped it in the mailbox and waited. The next week he worked, worked and waited. The grass was killed, the cotton sided, and all looked fine. Then came a note from Ola saying, "I am having a good time. Please look in the top bureau drawer and send me my white slippers. Don't work too hard. —Ola." He was stupefied with rage. All that afternoon he sat on the porch unmindful of his crops and the world about him. A vast and molten wrath consumed him, bloodshotted his eyes and made the back of his head thick with pain. Near night he rushed into the house and began putting on his store-bought suit. "I'll go get her, I'll go get her!" he kept shouting to himself. Hurrying to the barn, he hitched the mule to the buggy and went driving away in a cloud of dust to the north. Late that night he drove up the shining main street of the capital city. The bright lights astonished, even frightened him. But he held his way. Turning to the right near the middle of town, he went several blocks eastward and stopped before a small frame house. There was a stir inside and light came on as he hammered on the door. "Who's that, who's that?" Ella's sleepy voice called. And then he heard a man's voice in the room speaking to her. "It's me," he cried, pushing his way into the hall. "And I want Ola." A door opened in the hall and Ola came out, all beautiful in a clinging blue robe. "Ola, Ola," he said, "come home." "Ooh!" she screamed. And then she laughed queerly and said, " I'm not going — now!" "When you coming, Ola? When?" he begged hoarsely. And then she overdid it. "Maybe next year," she said, and gave that little laugh again. Ella went away and left them alone. "Git your things, I tell you," he almost whispered, "and get out of this bad house." "I ain't going. Good night. You're crazy as a fool, Ed." Temper, temper, that was it. For he couldn't keep his hands off her — hands that could lift a bale of cotton. She couldn't make a whisper, not a sound as he choked her. Then he stumbled down the walk to his buggy. He'd done it all right. He'd killed her all right. He could still feel the softness of her throat in his fingers. He knew all the time, every long mile to Raleigh, that's the way it'd be. He'd choke her to death. Temper, temper. With a clatter of blows, he urged his mule toward the south. A big star shining above the road he traveled caught his eye as he drove, and he rocked his head in grief, "I wisht I was where that star is, clean away, Oh, I do—" And he sobbed as he passed the moonlit hedges. When the sheriff came for him in his little house, he was quiet and �408 Paul Green's Wordbook dignified. Aih, he was sitting on the porch dressed in his Sunday best with his head bent over in his hands. The dishes were washed, the floor swept, the flowers watered, and all in order. He went away like a child and stayed so till the last day. fixments Trimmings, decorations, same as fixings. fixture One who has a settled position, a long-term job holder. "Miss Durham is a fixture in the bank." fizzle To fart. flabbergast To confuse to undoing, to mystify, to bother unduly. woman with her flag up In her menses. "Say, Bo, you just as well let that woman alone, she's got her flag up." sweet flag Sometimes called calamus root. It grows along banks of streams and ponds and in swampy meadows. Its dried root was once used by the Indians for chest troubles. It is also supposed to be good for the digestion. I remember old Miss Minty Gaskins who used to visit us and stay to tiresome irritation. I can still see her sitting in front of the fire, taking out her stained handkerchief with her bony yellow trembling hands and getting out a little piece of flag root. She would break off a pinch, put it into her toothless jaws and sit there munching contentedly away and staring emptily before her. flam Nod, jerk of the head that says go, okay. "And his flam of the head said, 'Go baby, go!' " flame A sweetheart. flang Past tense of fling. At a Negro camp meeting the spirit was especially active and a lot of shouting and holy hopping took place. One hefty old woman caught in the fervor of the occasion jumped and hopped down the church aisle and out into the open. In her wild cavortings she fell sprawling into a mud puddle and lay there puffing and blowing and giggling with happiness. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 409 ' 'We better help her — she might get drownded,'' said one of the sisters, appealing to the preacher who had come out. "Nah, nan" he said, "leave her lay where Jesus flang her." I was told of a court case where the word "flang" was also vividly used. A long, tall yellow girl had indicted a little sawed-off black fellow for raping her — and raping her while she was standing up. This was bemusing not only to the court audience but to the judge. He addressed the plaintiff kindly and asked if she would explain to the court how this happened. "Well, suh, yo' honor," she said, "he flang a bucket over my head and hung down by the handle." flannel A soft woolen cloth much used for underwear. It was also used in the old days in the making of poultices and plasters. For this purpose red flannel was preferred. Why, I don't know. If any of us children had colds or were threatened with colds, Mother would out with a good sized piece of red flannel, plaster it thoroughly with mutton tallow and fasten it on our chests. It always helped. flannel mouth A sycophant, a soft-soaper. flap The front part of a man's trousers, the fly. Also gassy talk. "Don't give me all that flap." A faux pas, also a quarrel, a row. flapper A term used years ago for forward young girls. There was a song that went about in those days that could apply also to the miniskirt craze. It ran somewhat like this as I remember: "If the dresses get any shorter, Said the flapper with a sob, There'll be two more cheeks to powder And a lot more hair to bob." I recently sent this to a newspaper columnist, hoping he might use it. He confessed he'd like to but he didn't dare to. This reminded me of the Hays Code in Hollywood, used to judge and pass on the "moral" nature of the movie scripts. For instance, the office would forbid a writer's including the sound of a flushed toilet in his script. And I remember when I was writing a picture for Will Rogers called Dr. Bull, I had a shotgun wedding in it. John Ford was the director, and he and I were both irritated and had some �410 Paul Green's Wordbook laughter at the ruling of the Breen Office which said we couldn't use shotguns, because this was censorable in Kansas and many other states, and suggested that we use baseball bats — let the two irate brothers show up and stand in the background with baseball bats when the ceremony was taking place, so it was filmed that way. How timid, priggish and hypocritical can we be. flare out To burst out in a tirade. "Don't flare out at me like that if you know what's best for you, hosscake." flare up To get angry easily. flash in the pan A phony, one who promises much and can give little, one who has first success and then can't follow it up with any other. A flash of lightning means God is winking his eye. flashy Showy, ostentatious in one's dress or behavior. flat A gust of wind. "A flat struck him, and over in the gulley, bicycle and all, he went." A level-topped ferry. I remember the old flat on the Cape Fear River that used to carry us over to Lillington. It was run by old Uncle Josh. He would pole it across and haul us with our wagon or buggy, and what a wonderful piece of seagoing machinery this was to my childish eyes. I remember hearing how on the day they hanged Negro Purvis there in Lillington the hundreds of people returning home swamped Uncle Josh and his flat. They rushed on and nearly sank it, and some of the folks fell in the water and were almost drowned. Finally, some strong-armed and strong-minded people took charge of things and Uncle Josh with the helpers finally got them all across. Tired out and weary but satisfied in seeing nigger Purvis dangling from the gallows, they reached home. flat as a floor flat as a flounder flat as a fritter flat as a pancake flat broke Completely broke, without a penny. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 411 flatform A platform. flathead A wood grub under rotten pine bark. We boys used to strip the bark off rotten logs in the woods hunting for flatheads to fish with. They were supposed to be the best bait of all. I remember when I was a little tiny boy I made myself a fishhook out of a crooked pin, went in the woods and got a flathead and, being too small to go to the creek, I fished in a dry ditch, imagining it was full of water. Now and then I would have a bite and jerk up a most wonderful shining bouncing fish and look at him there wiggling in the grass, so proud in my mind that I could dance. flatiron The heavy iron usually heated at the fireplace and used to iron clothes. flat of one's back Lying face up, supine. flat out Completely, violently, etc. "In the scene where Father Martin christens little Virginia Dare, the baby flat out bit him." flatWOOds Level timberland. flaxseed To get a cinder or grain of sand out of one's eye, we used to put a flaxseed in and the flow of hot water washed both seed and cinder out. fleabane (colt's tail) A tea from this plant was used as a stimulant tonic and general health builder. Also it was supposed to be a good cure for gonorrhea. fleabite An insignificant thing, an insufficient quantity, an unimportant word or happening. fleabitten A horse covered with small brown freckles. He would skin a flea for his hide and tallow. Excessive stinginess. flea in one's bonnet A hidden purpose or intent. Same as bee in one's bonnet. �412 Paul Green's Wordbook put a flea in one's ear To give information, also to warn. He who sleeps with dogs will scratch fleas, fled like rats from a sinking ship fleece To cheat, to rob. fleet as the wind flesh and blood Close kin. make one's flesh crawl Same as make one's flesh creep. Horrifying, outrageous, distasteful. I remember how the sound of filing hoes out in the cotton fields used to make my flesh crawl. I still don't like the sound. fleshen up To grow stout, increase in weight. neither flesh, fowl nor good red herring To be in a dilemma of indecision, indeterminate, wishy-washy. fleshly Worldly, not spiritual. flibbity-gibbet Harum-scarum, wildly eccentric, silly. You can catch more flies with a spoonful of honey than a gallon of vinegar. no flies on him Impeccable, also industrious, quick-moving. Flinch Card game. flinders Small pieces, splinters. "He beat him to flinders." to fling a fit and fall in it To go into hysterics, wild behavior. flint A hard person, a cynical person. An arrowhead. "Down in that old field there below Blake's hill you can pick up Indian flints anytime you want to." �An AIphabet of Reminiscence flip 413 A light blow, a thump on the head. Disdainful, pert. "Don't give me any more flip talk, woman, for they's a creeper been here — I can smell him." flipper The hand. A flat-ended piece of springy wood which we boys used to use to shoot peas or BB shot or tiny pebbles. We usually made them from hickory or white oak. They were held in one hand while the other hand was used to hold a small pebble or BB shot against the flat end and, bending it back, we let it go. It would shoot sometimes forty or fifty yards. We boys used to use them in war games, and at times to sting the girls there at old Pleasant Union schoolhouse. flippity-flop Draggle-tailed. flirting of the heart Fluttering of the heart. flirting with death Be overly-reckless, like lighting a cigarette in front of an open gas jet. flitters Pieces, bits, rags, same as "flinders." flitty Flighty. floater A lazy kind of pitch in baseball, a sort of knuckle ball that would come toward the batter seeming to float and not spin. A ne'er-do-well. floating heart A congestive heart. flog a willing horse To urge on someone who already is doing his best. floodgate A watergate in the forebay of a grist mill. It is opened to turn the mill wheel for grinding. �414 Paul Green's Wordbook floozy A loose woman, a trollop. Florida handshake The beggar's outstretched hand for alms. flounce about To show off. To move with self-conscious display or temper. "She flounced out of the house and banged the door." flourish like a green bay tree flowering dogwood A small tree which grows well under larger trees and is common from Canada to Florida and west to Kansas and Oklahoma. Among the Valley people it is perhaps the favorite of all trees and its shower of white blossoms over the landscape in spring is a wonder to behold. In autumn its foliage is a beautiful burnished red. Its berries are succulent food for the birds after the first frost. The wood is close-grained and, when dried out or cured, is almost as hard as iron. The butt of a good-sized tree made a tough and long-lasting maul. Also we used it for gluts (wedges) in the splitting of fence rails and posts. My shucking peg was always made of a piece of dogwood, fire-cured at the point. I've had different explanations for the name "dogwood." One was that because of its hardness daggers were made from it, and dagger-wood became dogwood. Another was that dogs (blocks) used in weaving were made of this wood. Tea made from dried leaves of the tree was once used as a tonic, also as a purgative. like a flower in the hair of a corpse Full many a flower is born to blush unseen. like a flower on a dung heap say it with flowers To speak sympathetically or politely, to praise something, to extend sympathy. "Flow Gently, Sweet Afton" A popular picnic and hayriding old song. I always thought it was Scotch through and through. It is in feeling, though the music to Robert Burns' �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 415 poem was written by an American minister living in Bardstown, Kentucky, a Reverend I.E. Spilman. flub-dub A bungler, a nonentity. "And then Senator Markham brought down the house when he said in that charming way he had, 'Our president is just a Hub-dub.' " fluff A girl. fluke A chance happening, good or bad. "State College won at the last minute by a fluke." flumadiddle A mommick, a mess, a bust. flummox To distress, upset. To cheat or confuse. flury "The morning was cold as flury." My father used to use that word flury all the time, never fury. flusteration Frustration. flusticate To confuse, to embarrass. flute player or flutist A homosexual, same as a piccolo player. flutter wheel A little waterwheel made of crossed pieces of very light wood with small paddles. We boys used to make them and dam up little branches after a rain. Then we'd set up our flutter wheels in a sluice and watch them with delight as they merrily turned. floodyflux Diarrhea. stuck like a fly in flypaper like a. fly in hot manure �416 Paul Green's Wordbook fly around To court. "That Mason boy is flying around Sally Matthews these days." Fly Away, Jack A children's game. The leader or speaker sticks a bit of paper on each index finger and places these fingers, nails up, on the table, then recites: "Two little birds sat on a hill, One called Jack and the other called Jill. Fly away, Jack." At this command the hand is lifted quickly, the index finger doubled under, and the second finger brought down on which there is no paper. The command to Jill follows with the same action. The change of fingers is rarely noticed. Then wonder of wonders at the command of "Comeback, Jack," the finger reappears with the bit of paper restored. And so with Jill. I remember how amazed we children were when Mother first tried this magic onus. How in the world did those bits of paper disappear from those fingers and then quick as blinking get back on them! fly-blowed Damaged, partly decayed. "Don'ttryto palm off thatoldpieceof fly-blowed mutton on me." fly bonnet A bonnet, usually stiffened by the insertion of pieces of cardboard in the lining, and coming down covering the back of the neck and the sides of the face. The women working in the field always wore them as a protection from the sun. They varied in color and were sometimes very charming. take a flyer To make a risky gamble usually for big stakes. fly-flapper (fly-flap) A brush or homemade paper-cut fan to keep the flies away from the table. We used to make them by taking pieces of crepe paper, cutting little serrated teeth along the edge and then, inserting a long-handled stick in the upper part of the roll, we used them to fan the flies. Usually when we had fieldhands or people coming for log-rolling or fodder-pulling, someone would stand beside the table and work the fly-flapper during the meal. Otherwise the flies would about take things. It was not the same as a fly swatter, because we didn't kill the flies, we simply frightened them off. fly high To show off, spend money excessively. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 417 flying mare (jenny) We used to have more fun with these flying mares than most anything. We would go into the woods, clear a place with a medium-size tree in the center, cut it off about four or five feet above the ground, and then chop around the upper part of that to leave a little pivot, usually an inch and a half or two inches thick, a sort of a round axled protrusion. Then we'd cut a pole some ten to fifteen feet long, split an opening in the middle, drop a wedge into this middle and then insert the opening over the little pivot of wood. With that pole horizontal we had us a flying mare, a sort of merry-go-around. We'd hang over the ends of the pole and go flying around, and it never occurred to us that our plaything was crude and we were to be pitied for having such makeshift entertainment. We thought these things were wonderful, and they were wonderful. All we needed was a little time to get free from our labors to make us a flying mare. And about the best time we would have would be Sunday. But the usual forbidden authority of the Sabbath hindered us, because if we went in the woods and were heard chopping with an axe, we would be severely reprimanded as being sinful and breaking God's holy Sabbath. The best thing we could do would be to kneel down right there and ask forgiveness of Old Master in the sky. flying squirrel An extremely interesting animal, smaller than the usual squirrel, and with such loose skin that it can fly or spring out from great heights of trees and spread the skin in such a way as to parachute down, as it were. These creatures are becoming very scarce in North Carolina. fly in the ointment A drawback, a difficulty of bad sorts, the penalty. fly off the handle (hinges) To get excited, angry, explode in a temper. fly one's kite To brag, to self-advertise. fly out To rage or have a burst of temper. fly-specked Anything covered with the minute droppings of flies. fly the coop To run away, to escape, said of a young girl sometimes when she runs away to get married. In the old days it used to be the custom down in Harnett County that if young people under age wanted to get married they would run away and cross the border into South Carolina. McColl was a haven �418 Paul Green's Wordbook for these runaway marriages. My great-great-great grandfather, Colonel Alexander McAllister, had a daughter named Janet who ran away and married Malcolm McNeill, later the first sheriff of Moore County. Recently I came across an old letter of the Colonel's in which he was writing to his brother, and he said that two of his daughters had made runaway marriages and he had not asked after them since nor did he ever expect to. I also found a letter from Janet dated 1774 which she wrote to the Colonel.'' Honored Father, it is no longer in my power to Consele the gref f of mind that I have fealt Seance I Comitted so ondutifull a crime as I shall Ever Call it — and that which hath aded to my gref f the seeing of you twice or thre times without you Ever takeing the Lest notis of me which has allmost broke my hart." Her grave is in the old Tirzah (Summerville) churchyard some two miles west of Lillington. Where her husband is buried I don't know. fly time The hot summer time, especially July and August, when flies are most numerous and the farm animals are most persecuted. I remember how I used to plough the corn or cotton in the late summer and how the horse flies and all kinds of dog flies would persecute the poor mule to madness almost. We always welcomed a little buzzing bumblebee sort of insect which we called horse guards, a yellow striped insect which came around and was supposed to chase the horse flies and persecuting flies away. I never did see such chasing going on, but I always felt comforted when I saw one of the horse guards. I imagined that the persecution of the pestiferous flies grew less during the appearance of this insect and the mule seemed to plough better. flytrap The mouth. See "pitcher plant," also "Venus's flytrap." go fly a kite Mind your own business, leave me alone. on the fly Hurriedly, hit or miss, on the run. "They got married on the fly, but they've had plenty of time to repent and settle down since." foalded Foaled. fo'by Forebay. The wooden-framed bay cut through a dam where water from the dammed up pond or lake can enter before it is released to pour down into �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 419 a turbine and stir it into action. The turbine axle is part of a millstone axle or of a belted wheel axle that turns the stone. Meal or flour resulting from this grinding is usually described as "waterground" and is supposed to be better than other grindings such as electrical, steam or oil power. The reason for this, an old-timer told me, is that a water-turned millstone grinds more slowly and doesn't heat up the meal. fodder Food. "Chris Green looks like she's off her fodder—she's pale and peaked.'' fodder bundle In the old days we used to pull fodder, that is, strip the ripened blades from the corn stalks, tie them in what we called "hands," double up the stalk and stick the hand on top of it for drying. Then the following evening when the dew fell and the fodder hands had cured, we would march up and down the rows tying three hands to the bundle and throwing the bundles into a center row to be carried to a waiting wagon or to the fodder stack and packed there for later use. This was our main staple for animal forage. In recent years, though, fodder pulling has passed away and an acre or two of hay on the separate farms can furnish much more forage than several acres of pulled fodder. But we used to have fun trying to outpull one another, racing one another to the end of the row. Mr. Joe Johnson, a neighbor, was the fastest fodder puller around, even faster than Cleveland Johnson. But the way he did it, he would grab a few blades, stomp down the stalk, and move on to the next one. fodder-forker A hayhand or farmer. fodder stack A cylindrical stack some eight to twelve feet high in which the fodder was stacked with the heads in toward the central pole and the tails of the blade outward. At the top they were capped with other blades to help turn the water during the winter. And as a farmer needed them, he brought the stacked fodder to the barn and fed it to his cattle. fog Ignorance or lack of understanding. "The solution of the poverty problem is all fog to me." To throw with great speed. "Old Big Train really fogged that ball by 'em today." Big Train was the affectionate title of Walter Johnson, the great Washington baseball pitcher. As a young man I saw him pitch one game, and my mouth stayed open in admiration for the whole two hours. He was one of the quickest pitchers I ever saw. He didn't have much of a windup and he didn't wait to put on any gymnastics or pantomime, but received �420 Paul Green's Wordbook the ball back from the catcher, whirled around, and fogged it back toward the batter. A rising fog foretells rain, a falling fog no rain. foggiest Unclear, murky, to lack knowledge of. "I haven't the foggiest notion what to do about my boy." foggy Tipsy, half-drunk, confused. foghorn A loud blatant person, especially a ranting politician, a type quite common in the South since the Civil War. in the fold A religious believer. folk beliefs Concepts, ideas, attitudes of the people as to life, death, the hereafter, and as to pragmatic matters, daily living, sickness, cures, etc., most of them unscientific, ranging from ethics to religious superstitions. These folk beliefs are not limited to the country people or the ignorant ones of the land, but they are part of the life of all our people. Some of the most superstitious people are the so-called scientists and, of course, I always think of the extrasensory perception people at Duke University, as well as the extreme Christian Scientists, faith healers, patent medicine addicts, the phony advertisings, etc., etc. folk cures Usually home remedies or remedies handed down from generation to generation, such as cures for warts, stomachaches, headaches, etc., etc. About 90 percent, I should say, of the cures dispensed through the presentday drug stores are folk cures. From the point of view of science they have no value, but from the point of view of folk belief and comfort they have a great deal of value. I remember being in Grantham's Drug Store in Dunn once, and talking to Mr. Grantham, who happened to be a trustee of the University of North Carolina, about the huge display of patent medicine he had on his shelves — Dr. Pierce's Golden Remedy Discoveries, sarsaparilla, cardui, Lydia Pinkham's Vegetable Compound, etc., etc. And he told me that he eased his conscience in selling the stuff through the fact that so many people got cured or helped by it because they believed in it. "For instance," he says, "take peruna. I sell hundreds of bottles of that stuff and, of course, a lot of our prohibition guys who can't get liquor drink it for its kicks. But patent �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 421 medicine is here to stay," he said. While we were talking, a Negro woman came in with a little boy. She called Mr. Grantham "Doctor." She said, "Doctor, I brung the boy here for you to look at him like you said." Mr. Grantham took the boy and, followed by the woman, went into the rear of the store. I heard him back there saying a few things, and then pretty soon he came out and got a little tin box of salve and sold it to the woman for fifty cents which she fished deep out of her pocket, and she and the boy went outside. Mr. Grantham continued, "Take that boy there, now he's got what you call a dropped palate, and his mother brought him in here two or three days ago. I tried to get her to go to the doctor, but she didn't believe in them regular doctors. She said that I must have some kind of medicine here to help her boy, and she asked me to work on him. And so back there a moment ago I took a bit of his kinky wool, got hold of it on top of his head, gave it two or three jerks, and looked in his mouth and told him that his palate was getting all right, and then I sold her this slave to rub on his throat." I stared at Mr. Grantham in shocked surprised. He shrugged his shoulders, laughed and said, "Human nature's funny, ain't it?" I nodded and started out of the store, and then stopped. "Thatreminds me," I said, "I wanted a bottle, large size, of Vick's nosedrops." "Coming right up," said Mr. Grantham, as he turned to the shelf with a smile. Then there was the case of Dr. Hyde. One day I was sitting with Mr. Mac in his millhouse, eating a barbecue lunch snack, and he told me about one of the most famous fake doctors of the old days in the Valley, this Dr. Hyde. "Now you may know," he said, "that back in the old times people in the Valley believed more in healing by prayer and laying on of consecrated hands than they do now, though you might not think so, seeing the doings at Falcon and in so many of the Pentecostal Holiness churches. But they did, at least I think so. Anyway the story of Dr. Hyde would seem to prove it. "During a long protracted meeting at old Moriah Church all sorts of people with aches and pains came in to be healed by prayer and laying on of hands, and the Holy Ghost, they say, was powerful in their behalf. Right in the midst of things, though, this Doctor Hyde showed up trying to sell his folk medicines. But the Holy Spirit had been doing so well with the sick and infirm that business for him was no good at all, that is, at first. "Hyde had a light wagon fixed up like a peddler's outfit. And on each side of the wagon body he had painted in big letters Doctor Hyde's Home Remedies. He had a little Negro boy that drove for him, all dressed up like a monkey with a red cap and a coat with bells on it. And remedies! Dr. Hyde had them. He had madstone cures for snakebite and rabies, wart cures, pills for chills and fever, tonics for rundown feelings and lost manhood, cures for boils, tetters, scurvy, scrofula, dropsy, piles, fistula, gravel, female �422 Paul Green's Wordbook obstructions, nightmares, purges for bile and yellow ja'ndice, and powders for dysentery, liver complaint, and salivation — everything you could think of. He even had a yellow turpentine salve for cure of the seven-year itch. "So this 'doctor' drove around from door to door in the neighborhood but he sold little or nothing. Next day when the revival meeting was in full swing at the church he showed up there. The little Negro sat outside while the doctor went in. The testimonies were going on, and different people were standing up one by one to give thanks unto Jesus and Him crucified and bespeaking the list of their bountiful blessings. When he got a chance, Doctor Hyde stood up. He too humbly thanked the Lord for all his tender mercy. This time he said he was especially thankful for the privilege God had given him in helping to cure the misery of the wide and suffering world. He went on and told something about his medicines. God had called him to be a doctor, he said. And God told him what to fix to cure folks. Yessir and amen, God had watched over him and instructed him in the healing herbs and mystic mixtures. "Well, that warmed 'em up a little more. And the next day he got so far as to go around in the congregation and talk to sinners with the rest of the sanctified. And after Aunt Sudie Horton had brought up her dozen handkerchiefs to be prayed over to be put on the sore and afflicted — the way she'd been instructed through the mail by old Brother Yokum out in Los Angeles — then after all this had happened, Dr. Hyde rose and said he wanted the sisters and brothers to pray over his medicines so they might be increased in the power of their healing. "After the church meeting broke up, they all went out to his wagon and stood around with their hands on it and consecrated it to the glory of God and the uplift of man. That made him one of them. And a number of folks bought some of his stuff. He told them he hated to charge them for it, and all it cost them was what it cost him. The government made him pay to bring the original ingredient stuff into this country, else he'd give it away free. He said he got the height of it from somewhere away in Asia or Africa. "Then, lo and behold, the next day at church he just about took charge of the meeting. He stood up and praised God and slapped his hands and said he'd just got news from Virginia where two blind people had been cured with his medicines. And he went on telling of this and that, what he had done and what he could do. Everything, he said, was by the grace of God. Nothing in his own strength. When he spoke about the blind folks, everybody thought of Em Lucas and her bastard children — every one of them blind and Em herself blind. Everybody knew it was some bad blood disease made it, old rale or something. But they all had got to believing in him so by this time that they hoped he could do something for Em and her young ones. So some of the freehearted bought several bottles of this rain water and took �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 423 it down to Em. David Vance and Green Mumford, two unregenerate sinners who had lasted out the meeting, chipped in about half of the price. They said they didn't believe in it but still you never could tell. They too had felt the persuasion of Dr. Hyde, no doubt. That day Dr. Hyde did a rushing business. It was the last day of the meeting and he made it count. But he wasn't satisfied. The next day was to be the big baptizing at the Williams' millpond. And he announced that he was going to prove his loving devotion to his God by working a miracle. He wanted everybody to pray for him that it might be so. Jesus walked on the Sea of Galilee he said, and if the spirit was with him he might try the same in Williams' millpond. ' 'He showed up with his wagon loaded down with remedies. No doubt he and that little Negro had worked part of the night down at the creek by lantern light coloring water, filling up bottles and sticking on labels. Another part of the night they had been busy at something else, as David Vance and Green Mumford found out. ' 'Dave and Green were coming along home about three o'clock in the morning from sparking some fast gals over by Barclaysville. The weather was hot and the two rounders had been drinking mighty freely of Jamaica rum and needed to cool off. So they stopped when they got to the millpond and went in swimming, muddy as it was. And in paddling around they bumped into a narrow plank walkway built somewhat under the water. At first they didn't know what in the dickens it was, for foot-planks usually went over the water, not in it or under it. Then by putting two and two together they concluded that it was part of Dr. Hyde's doing and was connected with his miracle for the baptizing. The old rapscallion and the Negro had been there earlier in the night and put it up. So Dave and Green to surprise the doctor quietly lifted out a long section of the planking and carried if off. ' 'Dr. Hyde came next day with mergins of medicines. He told the folks he'd been to the siding where a fresh new supply had just been shipped in from the old world. He got the preachers and deacons to give him a little time before the ducking began. He stood in his wagon and soon had the whole crowd about him. And there was a crowd there that day, everybody for miles and their neighbors, it seemed like. Such a roll of talk as he turned loose! And all the time that little Negro sat there without saying a word. He was on to it all and he must have been snickering in his sleeve at the gang of fools handing up their fifty-centses and dollars. Dr. Hyde did a business that was a business that day. Lord, he was a greedy man! He wasn't satisfied. When he'd sold out, he told the fold that he fully believed God had given him power to work miracles. "And while the Negro boy drove off to get another load of his mess that he had hid somewhere in a fence jamb, he announced to the crowd that through the strength of his medicine and the power of God he was now going �424 Paul Green's Wordbook to try to walk on water. By this time he had just about everybody hypnotized. Blest if he didn't tear loose into the water, right spank! He fluttered and floundered about a minute and then stood up with his hands crossed in front of him and praying c..iu carrying on like he was talking straight to God. And he walked right on off where the water was about ten feet deep. And it didn't come up much above caif-leg high. The folks fell down on their knees and shouted and cut up, same as if the Savior had come back. In a minute the doctor was back on the bank and when he struck dry ground he struck it singing. And everybody else joined in with him. And the preachers led in prayer. I don't know how many fresh converts were made. But I know Dave Vance and Green Mumford weren't among them. They stood on the outside of the crowd looking on, waiting. By this time the little Negro was back with a load of bottles, and the doctor started haranguing the crowd again. But sales were slowing down now. No doubt the old glutton had got about all the money present, but he still wasn't satisfied. So he announced he would walk on water even farther, and for everybody to believe in the power of himself and his medicine sanctified. So he hauled off and made another floundering out in the water, got set and walked as before except farther. And that's where he hung himself. "For while the people looked on, all overpowered with awe, the doctor came to the pitfall prepared for him, even as the scriptures say, except this time it was dug in the water. And down he went like a rock kerchoog and out of sight. Well, to sum the thing up in a word, the old hypocrite nigh drowned before it occurred to anybody to jump in to save him. For he couldn't swim a lick. Then several of the brothers dived in after him, while the women screamed. But not Dave Vance and Green Mumford. They were a stonyhearted pair all right, and they kept whooming about and laughing out loud. And then the folks found the f ootlog contraption, and so exposed the doctor. "It looked for a while as if the people would lynch the old devil when they found out the trick he'd played. Dave and Green helped protect him from the wrath of the crowd, but in spite of them he got his britches torn off of him, and his money with them. And he was whipped black and blue before he got loose and struck a lope toward the mountains to the west. The little Negro had already bolted — when he saw his master sink under the water. ' 'And neither one of of them was ever seen in Little Bethel from that day to this. The folks gave the horse and wagon to poor blind Em Lucas. That helped her some. The medicine didn't." folk practices Like folk customs. Practices dealing with health, weather, man's final calling and election on earth. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 425 folk toys Hawk callers, turkey callers, whirligigs, bean shooters, sling shots, shucking pegs, dancers (made from spools), popguns, waterguns, whammy doodles, etc. Follow the river and you'll come to the sea. Where he leads me I will/O//OW. Follow the drinking gourd. See "drinking gourd." Follow the Leader A boys' game. This is very much like fox and hounds. A player designated as a leader, usually by a counting out rhyme or drawing straws or a majority decision, is followed by the rest who must imitate his every action. The course often includes hazards, the climbing of walls, walking on fences, jumping over little streams or wading through them, climbing over barriers, crawling under other barriers, etc. I have known some of the daring leaders to run under a mule's belly, or between a horse's legs, or go through a barn lot where maybe a dangerous bull is shut up or is wandering around. Follow your nose is the best way home. following like sheep foody Useless, over-ornamented. A. fool and his money are soon parted. A. fool can make money; it takes a wise man to know how to spend it. A. fool flaunteth his folly. As the crackling of fauns under a pot, so is the laughter of a/00/. Answer afool according to his folly. There's no/OO/like an old/00/. Send afool to market and a/00/ comes home again. fool around with Free and easy loving. fool-catcher Used in derision. "How did the fool-catcher miss you?" foolish Mentally retarded, often applied to an idiot,' 'Mrs. Matthews and her foolish Charlie were there in the men's corner, drinking in the sermon like always.'' �426 Paul Green's Wordbook fool killer An imaginary retributive agency or medicine. "The fool killer's about this morning and you'd better watch out." Fools' names are like their faces, Always seen in public places. Fools rush in where angels fear to tread. Experience keeps a dear school, butfools will learn in no other. fool's hill Youthful foolhardiness. "He has to go over fool's hill, let him alone." foot To walk, to hoof it. "You'll have to foot it." A going foot always gets something if it's only a thorn. One foot in the grave and the other edging up. Don't hist one foot till the other's setting flat. foot-and-mouth disease Garrulity, over-talkativeness. footback On foot, as contrasted with horseback. foot free At liberty, loose and fancy free, without responsibility. foot in one's hand Hurried, fast moving. "So I took my foot in my hand and I made it over to Grandpa's house and told him what I thought." foot log A log over a stream placed for crossing. We children attending the old Pleasant Union schoolhouse in Harnett County had to go through a long swamp and across a creek. My father and some other farmers interested in the school had planks sawed and put on little trestles for crossing. We thought this was the finest thing of all, for before that we had been walking on a series of round logs, and they were hard as heck to stay on. Often we'd slip off, and into the cold water we'd go. my foot! An exclamation of disdain or disbelief. put one's best foot forward Be on one's best manners, try to make the best impression possible. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 427 put one's foot in it Make a faux pas, do an unintentional or awkward thing, or make a backfiring remark. put one's foot in his mouth Same as put one's foot in it.' 'Every time that fellow speaks to a girl he puts his foot in his mouth." foot up To add up, to total. foozle To bungle. for Used for emphasis. "I'm not as old as you think for." force Manpower, fieldhands, workers. "He has a force of twenty men working in that newground, and he ought to have it soon cleaned out." "I'm gonna quit farming for I ain't got any force (children) to help out anymore." forehead band A band of cloth once used by ladies in the old days tied tightly around their foreheads to keep wrinkles from appearing. foreign parts A woman's privates. "I visited foreign parts last night and, Lord God, the wonders I encountered." forever An intensification of frequently. "I'm forever leaving the electric stove on high." Forewarned is forearmed. Forfeits A young people's game. To err is human, to forgive divine. Forgive and forget. for good and all Finally, completely. "Well, at last I paid that bill for good and all." forked "His tongue's as forked as a 'possum's prick." �428 Paul Green's Wordbook forkedy Forked. forks Fingers. forrud Forward. hold the fort Wait a minute, hold up everything for a bit. for the birds Worthless, untrustworthy. for to Emphasis. "He had a call for to go to the garden house, but on the way he ran into a clothes line. When he come back, finally, hesaid, 'Don'tmake no difference, I wouldn'ta made it nohow.' " forty fits To be upset, in a dither, disturbed. forty 'leventh A vague and huge number. "I reckon old Colonel McAllister would be about a forty 'leventh cousin or something." forty winks A short nap. like forty Used for emphasis, intensification. "That bone felon hurts like forty." forward Thriving. "My corn is mighty forward this year." fotch Past tense of fetch. fought like a cornered rat four-eyes A bespectacled person, was used in reference to Theodore Roosevelt. fourflusher A crook, a pretender, a braggart, an incompetent person posing as competent. four-leaf clover Always brings good luck. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 429 four-legged burglar alarm A watch dog. fox To mend a shoe by renewing the cap or the upper leather. Br'er Fox he lay low. The old fox is caught at last. An old fox is hard to catch. Don't have afox on the jury when the goose is tried. like setting afox to guard the geese Fox and Geese A good indoor game, much of the checkers variety. A wooden board or stiff piece of cardboard was marked off in the shape of a large-armed cross, with lines on the cross designating the points where the geese are to be placed. The fox is placed in the middle. There are seventeen geese on the board at the start. The fox in the middle of the board faces the geese. The object is for the geese to hem up the fox so that he cannot move, and his purpose is to catch as many geese as possible until their thinned-out number shows they cannot hem him in. The geese move first. They may be moved along in the direction of any line but only one hole at a time. The fox can jump a goose and take it from the board when, in his turn to move, there is a vacant hole behind a goose to which he can jump. My brother Hugh and I loved this game to distraction, even playing it in our dreams after a long evening's struggle. He usually won. We used grains of corn for the geese and a button or penny for the fox. Fox and the Hen See "Chickamy, Chickamy." Fox and the Hounds A game of chase. The fox, chosen by agreement or by a counting-out rhyme, is given a start, say, of one minute or bit of time agreed on or even a distance of one hundred yards or so (both by estimate), and then the other players, the hounds, give chase. The bounds of the chase are set by certain trees, or other landmarks, and the fox must run within those bounds. He, of course, uses every trick he can think of to elude the hounds, hiding, doubling back in his track, etc. The one who catches him becomes the next fox. foxfire A phosphorescence. There are many folk tales about fox fire. It has often been identified with that weird creature "Jack-muh-lantern." I've heard also �430 Paul Green's Wordbook fearful tales of fox fire in graveyards. A Valley doctor told me once that he had actually seen a sort of fox fire above the grave of a recently buried neighbor of his, and he explained it as being an actual phenomenon due to the gas coming up out of the grave from the decomposing body buried there. foxglove A popular ornamental flower with upright white or purple blossoms somewhat resembling fingers in their shape. It is a source of the heart medicine, digitalis, and is sometimes called the digitalis plant. The name, the botanists say, probably comes from folk's glove. It grows in various parts of the world and therefore has various names, such as bloody fingers, dead men's bells, ladies' thimble, etc. It was used in the old days for treating neuralgia, dropsy, asthma, palpitation of the heart and even insanity. fox, goose and corn A ferrying puzzle. A man has to take across a river a fox, a goose and some shelled corn. He can only take one at a time. If he takes the fox, the goose will eat the corn. If he takes the corn, the fox will eat the goose. How does he do it? He leaves the fox and the corn together and takes the goose over. Leaving the goose, he comes back for the corn and carries that over. He leaves the corn and brings the goose back. Leaving the goose now, he takes the fox over, then comes back for the goose and carries it over. fox squirrel The longer reddish squirrel as distinguished from the grey squirrel. fraction A fight, a quarrel, a faction. as fragile as a leaf as fragrant as a flower fraidy cat A coward, a weak-willed, timid person. frail (flail) To beat, to whip unmercifully. "If you children don't behave yourself, I'm going to get them brushbrooms and frail the living daylights out of you." Frailty thy name is woman. from To beat, to pound, to whip. "I frammed the tar out'n that bully." francis A mulatto. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 431 "Frankie and Johnnie" One of the best known of all American jealousy murder songs. "Frankie and Johnnie were lovers, O Lawdy, how they could love. Swore to be true to each other, True as the stars above He was her man, but he done her wrong." Johnnie went straying after a gal named Nelly Ely, and Frankie went after Johnnie with her old forty-four. "O roll me over easy, 0 roll me over slow. Roll me on my right side, honey, For the bullets hurt me so. 1 was your man, and I done you wrong." franzied Frenzied. franzy Frenzy. frazzle A sniption, a small amount. "The baby weighed ten pounds and a frazzle when it came." worn to a frazzle Completely worn out. frazzlings The remnants, the unravelled bits. as freckled as a guinea egg freckle's difference Hardly any difference at all, a small difference. "It don't make a freckle's difference with me whether you come or not." freckly-faced A face marked with freckles. free and easy Good natured, easy-going, lacking in ambition. as free as a bird a&free as the breeze �432 Paul Green's Wordbook as free as the wind free fight A fight in which the combatants grab anything they can to attack the opponent or defend themselves. free-gratis Same as gratis. free-handed (hearted) Generous. free-of-charge Without cost. afreewheeler One who does pretty much as he pleases. freewheeling Loose-ended, uncontrolled. "Looks like now the whole money system in this country is just freewheeling." free, white and twenty-one To be on one's own, to be responsible for one's actions, no longer at the beck and call of one's parents. freeze To stop still, to stand suddenly motionless. "The dog froze on the bird." freeze in one's tracks Same as above. freeze onto To take a great fancy to, to cling to or hold fast to in an objectionable and tiresome way. freeze out To be snubbed. Frenchified Finicky mannered, precious, over-precise. French kiss A perfunctory kiss on each cheek. And then there's another definition of the French kiss: a deep sucking one.' 'Where did you learn to kiss like that,'' asked the girl. "From siphoning gas," replied her sweetheart. French leave To leave suddenly on one's own decision, often AWOL. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 433 Frenchmen Tall, spindly tobacco plants of poor or useless quality. fresh A freshet.' 'The Cape Fair is up so high on account of the fresh that Uncle Josh ain't running his flat today." fresh as a daisy fresh as a fresh turd fresh as a rose fresh as spring fresh as the flowers in May fresh as the morning dew freshen To replenish. "Let me freshen your drink." freshening Said of a cow or other animal whose udder is enlarging in pregnancy. freshen up To add new touches to one's toilette. freshes A swamp with different little streams running in it at flood time. freshman's bible A college or university catalog. freshman's trot A derisive whistling indulged in by sophomores or upperclassmen in teasing a passing freshman, a practice once common at UNC. fresh meat A newcomer on death's row. 'freshments Refreshments. fresh out of Just run out of, a stock of supplies recently exhausted. "I'm fresh out of peppermint candy, son." Fret and fry never shod the mule. Fretting cares makes gray hairs. �434 Paul Green's Wordbook fretty Irritable, prone to worry. Black Friday Execution day in the State prison. Friday the 13th is known as Black Friday. And also Friday the 13th is especially unlucky, according to general folk belief. Good Friday The Friday before Easter Sunday and believed to be best suited for planting beans and certain other garden vegetables. fried Executed in the electric chair. fried pies Little pies turned over and fried in deep fat. A friend in need is a friend indeed. A. friend is easier lost than found. A friend to everybody is a. friend to nobody. A man's best friend is his dog. to go to see a sick friend To make an excuse for not keeping an appointment. "I'm sorry I couldn't be there to meet with you folks, but I had to go and see a sick friend." as friendly as a puppy as friendly as pickpockets at a fair Old friends and old wine are best. A broken friendship may be sortered (soldered) but it will never be sound. a frigate in full sail A woman all panoplied out in fine clothes. frillies Women's underclothes. frills and furbelows Excessive airs, ornaments, flashy attire. frilly Fancily dressed in lace and ribbons. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 435 fringe tree The flowering ash, known also as old-man's-beard, a sweet-scented shrub common to North Carolina woods. Tea made from the bark was good for the yawns and gapes. Also it was used as a wound cleanser. as frisky as a colt friz Past tense of freeze.' 'The ground friz hard as arn, and I was up at daybreak ready to kill my hogs." frizzle To curl or crisp as in cooking or singeing. Also to make a thing draggletailed or frizzly. Two little Negro boys in Cumberland County had an old curly-headed wayward dog that took up at their cabin, and they named the old creature Frizzle. Their father was a big-bellied loud preacher, and the story went that he was given a pounding by his congregation — a pounding being the custom where the members of the congregation or neighbors would bring at least a pound of supplies — coffee, sugar, flour, potatoes, or something at least a pound in weight to present to the pastor. One good-hearted member of the church gave the preacher a sheep, and the preacher told his little wife and mother of the two boys, Paul and Silas, to fatten this sheep up good while he was traveling around doing the Lord's work and laboring hard in the vineyard — praise be! — because when Association time came — the time when there was a big gathering of church delegates from other congregations meeting at his church — he wanted to have this sheep fattened up and be able to feed his visiting consecrated brethren with good mutton. See "pounding." frog The bicep muscle, used to swell out in boys' competition. "I can make a bigger frog than you can.'' Sometimes one would say mouse instead of frog. To stick or poke, especially with the fingers, much the same as goose. There is one common superstition about frogs and that is that if they make water on you, you are sure to have warts. And, of course, there are all sorts of cures for warts. A tiny little boy was asking his Valley mother one day where babies came from, and she told him that they sprouted like seeds in the garden and they came up — which to me was a better account than the old Valley common folk answer, "The doctor finds them in old hollow stumps." Nothing would do but the little boy had to plant himself some seeds to see if he could get some babies of his own. So she, indulging him, let him plant some beans, �436 Paul Green's Wordbook and he packed the dirt on them and put a board over the ground to keep it damp. And during the night he dreamed about his babies that might come. The next morning early he was up to see what had happened. He pulled the plank off, and there sat a little toad frog. He ran yelling into the house to his mother in tears and frantic, "Mama, mama, I've already got a baby, and he's so ugly!" That part of a middle-busting plough to which the steel sweeps are fastened. Kill a frog, and your cow will go dry. A bullfrog knows more about rain than the almanac. frog-eater A Frenchman. Frog in the Middle A game of hiding and hunting. Children form a ring around a member chosen by agreement or a countingout rhyme and, with eyes closed, sing the following words, two, sometimes three times: "Frog in the middle Can't get out. Take a stick And knock him out." While they are singing, the frog hides. When they open their eyes, they call out, "Froggy's hid, we must find him." When he is found, he chases his pursuers. But he cannot catch them while they are squatting. Three squats are allowed. The game continues until all are caught, and the last child caught becomes Froggy for the next go-round. When/rogS croak, winter's broke. frog spit White frothy exudation from plants, weeds, etc. frog-sticker A large pocketknife. frogstool Toadstool, mushroom. frog-strangler A heavy summer rain, a gulley-washer. "Frog Went A-Courting" A popular child's song. One of the most popular children's songs of all times, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 437 known in one form or another in most parts of the world. The version we children sang went as follows: "Frog went a-courting, he did ride, Unh-hunh— Frog went a-courting, he did ride, Sword and pistol by his side— Unh-hunh. "Frog went down to Miss Mousie's hall, Unh-hunh— Frog went down to Miss Mousie's hall, First he'd knock and then he'd call— Unh-hunh. "Took Miss Mousie on his knee, Unh-hunh— Took Miss Mousie on his knee, Said 'Miss Mousie, will you marry me?' 'Uhn-hunh. "Where will the wedding supper be? Unh-hunh— Where will the wedding supper be? Way down yonder in a hollow tree— Uhn-hunh. "What will the wedding supper be? Unh-hunh— What will the wedding supper be? A piece of bread and a cup of tea. Unh-hunh." front A prideful pretense. front name The Christian or given name. a front-porch farmer An indolent person who likes to sit on his front porch, usually in a rocking chair, and look out at the fields. "Yes, take it from me, Jesse's too much of a front-porch farmer ever to prosper." all front and no back A show-off, a phony. �438 frost Paul Green's Wordbook To sharpen the front and the hind parts (calks) of a horse or mule shoe. frost smoke A mist rising from the earth on a cold morning. killing frost A white heavy frost, usually followed by warming weather, then ending in rain and then turning cold again, with another killing frost to follow. frounce Flounce. The ripest fruit falls first. The tree that brings forth corrupt fruit is cut down. Fruit Basket A play-party game. All the players but one who is "It" are seated — all chairs being filled. "It" assigns each person a fruit for his or her name — lemon, orange, grape, etc. — giving the same fruit name to more than one player. When, for instance, he calls out "peaches!" the peach players exchange seats. In the exchange "It" tries to secure one of the peach seats. If he succeeds, then the losing peach player becomes "It" and the former "It" becomes a peach. On the call "Fruit Basket" all exchange seats, and the one who fails to secure a seat must become "It." fruitful vine A woman of rich procreative powers. Stolen fruits are always sweetest. Bring forth therefore.//"M/Ys meet for repentance. By their fruits ye shall know them. fruity Very rich and strong smelling, bad body odor, said of one who is in need of a bath. frumpish Disordered, disheveled, topsy-turvy. frush Fresh. fry To die in the electric chair or to burn in hell-fire as is foretold for unrepentant sinners. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 439 fry in one's own grease To be in a situation or condition due to one's own misbehavior or lack of judgment. fry me for a pan of eels! An exclamation of reaction expressing exaggerated feelings. small fry Small children, the younger ones. out of the frying pan into the fire To exchange one tough situation for another equally tough, to give up what one has in hopes of something better, but finding it the same or worse. frying-sized biddy A young girl. fuck around To waste time, to trifle about. fucked, friendless and up shit creek In a lonely and deserted condition, down with the mulligrubs. daughter fuckers Incesters. mother fucking son of a bitch An intense defamatory description. Fuck you! A term of rough derision. fudge In a marble game to fudge is to gain distance closer to the marble to be shot at by sliding or pushing one's hand nearer the ring. An opposing player can prevent this by crying out "venture fudging" or "venture fudge." full To come full. "The moon fulls on the 18th, and then I'll kill my hogs." full as a tick He that is full of himself is empty. full-faced With a round face. "He's a full-faced man, and old as he is he don't show any wrinkles yet." full of beans A windy and garrulous person. �440 Paul Green's Wordbook full of crap Of a like condition to being full of beans but worse. full of guts Brave, bold. full of one's self Egotistical, spoiled. full of prunes Much the same as full of beans, and suspiciously inaccurate. full speed ahead To go forward with all energy and purpose. full swing (tilt) In full force, with great energy, well under way. "The game was in full swing when we got there." full to the ears (gills) Gorged, satiated with food or drink. full up Quite full. fumadiddles Foolish acts. Also loud or fancy clothes. "That washing machine drummer was at church dressed out in his fumadiddles to a fare-you-well." a barrel of fun An extremely hilarious time, often said of an individual who is exceptionally entertaining. fundament The anus. funeral One's duty, concern, responsibility. Also ill luck. "Well, don't come to me crying, it's your funeral." A burial sermon. "Mr. Johnson preached the funeral at Chalybeate last Sunday." funk A strong smell or stench. "Open the windows and let all this funk out." funky butt A dirty and stinking posterior, so I was told by Jim Faulkner. We boys used to sing a semi-lewd song that went well with the rhythm of the chopping hoe: �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 441 "When I make ten dollars a day. Stinky butt, funky butt, Take it away. I don't want it no more." funning Pretending. as funny as a barrel of monkeys as funny as riding sidesaddle on a sow funny business Underhand dealings, suspicious transaction, tricky goings on. funny face False face (mask). Also a term of endearment. "Come here, funny face, and kiss me." funny house Insane asylum. feel funny To feel strange, sick, nauseated. too funny for words Outlandish, silly, full of giggles and merriment. fur Pubic hair. Far. furce Fuss. "You children quit making such a furce." furder Further, farther. "I can't go no furder." furdest Furthest, farthest. make the fur fly To engage in a fist fight, a clawing and scratching contest. Also excessively active. furmity An old-time popular dish made of new wheat boiled in milk and flavored with sugar, raisins, nutmeg, and liquor. It was Sunday, and Malcolm Fowler, Phillips Russell and I were sitting �442 Paul Green's Wordbook with Uncle Waverly Lassiter on his front porch talking of the old times. We "historians" had come over to visit him, hoping we could get a story or two out of him. Malcolm had told us beforehand that he had "stacks of stories in him." Uncle Waverly knew what we'd come for, and presently he began obliging us — in a somewhat grudging way he did. "Don't reckon any you men ever heard of a fellow named Harry Sauls?" he said. We shook our heads. "Well, this Harry loved a dish we called furmity — a concoction made of all sorts of ingredients and boiled together till it comes out into a sort of creamy custard and mighty smooth and easy to slide down a man's gullet. I used to like it some myself, but you never hear much about it in these days. It's gone out of fashion. "As I say, Harry Sauls really loved the stuff. Folks all called him Lord Harry Sauls — why I don't know, but they did. I guess it was because he was the lord of all the eating men, far and near, and from what I've heard of him he was just that. I never knowed him. He died before my time. But my daddy and other folks around here knowed him. The truth is he didn't weigh but about a hundred pounds or less, so they said, but eat, good lord amercy! I've heard my daddy say that he's seen him devour a dozen biscuits, a dozen eggs, ten cups of coffee and finish off with half a small pork ham. Yessir, he could out eat old Broadhuss hisself." Uncle Waverly stopped, and we urged him to continue. Presently he did. "Harry had a wife named Tom — Tom Sauls. She weighed about 220 pounds and was a big, fat, jolly woman and loved little old Lord Harry better than life itself. She would set him on her lap and play with him and fondle him and make love to him and kiss him like a baby doll. And she waited on him hand and foot and would always give him anything he wanted. "One winter," my daddy said, "when they killed hogs and Tom was drying up the lard and had a whole pot of it boiling away, Lord Harry just stood around there, his mouth watering. 'Tom,' he said, 'that's the purtiest looking grease there in that there pot that I've ever seen, boiling away and all bubbling and laughing-like at itself!' " 'Behave yourself, Harry,' she said. But he kept insisting and finally she said she would give him a little bit of the grease. She went in the house and got a peck of sweet yam potatoes she'd cooked up and brought 'em out in a sack and set it down, and she dipped him up a quart of that clear lard grease. And there he set and he et every one of them potatoes, dipping 'em in that grease until he'd devoured the grease too. And then he was still so hungry she give him another quart more of grease to sort of finish off with. Or maybe it was a half-gallon for all I know. Ha, ha. "Yes sir, he was an eating man, Harry Sauls was. Now, Mr. Green, you're a-grinning, but that's the way my daddy told it. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 443 "I remember seeing all around in the country flowers and things Lord Harry made, tulips and jonquils — made every single one of 'em out of iron. He was a blacksmith, you know. You might not think such a little fellow as that could be a blacksmith, but he was, and he was a good one. And could make anything from a firestock to a log wagon. He was a real artist, that's what he was, and he liked to do all kinds of things. I ain't seen any of his handwork though, in a long time. I guess it's all been scattered and lost, even the log wagon's rotted down. And he had him a nice house up the road a ways, too, and one room he had all paneled in soft poplar boarding. You might make note of that — but the house is rotted and gone long ago — there where he lived. "But the real story of Lord Harry's life I can't tell you. But I can tell you a bit about him and the furmity. I can't tell it right, for it makes my head ache so. I got to have about two fingers of Highland Scotch liquor, or corn will do sometime, before I can really get into it. Yessir, telling stories makes my head ache. "Now, dang it, you just keep on insisting, but I can't tell it right, I tell you. I can only give you the height of it and maybe you can sort of get an idea of what happened. That's the best I can do for you. ' 'Well, this furmity stuff they say is about the best eating that ever was. Lord Harry used to say it was food fit for a god. And every spring Tom would make him up a bait of this furmity. You have to catch the wheat when it's sort of at the milk stage and you boil the hulls off of it in milk and then you put in your sugar and raisins and egg yolks and cinnamon and any kind of custard stuff you want to, and you season it mighty strong with good Highland Scotch liquor. And if you can't get the scotch, then get you some benedictine, and if you can't get that, then I guess you'll have to wind up with good corn liquor. And you put plenty of it in there. "Well, Tom made him up a half-bushel or so of it, and Harry set down and et every bit of it. You see I ain't going to tell you the real story because it has to be done with all kinds of going back and forth of what Harry said as he stood around waiting and what Tom said whilst she was a-cooking of it. I can't tell you that 'cause it makes my head ache so bad. But I'm just giving you sort of what happened since you keep on insisting so danged hard. And Mr. Green there, he just won't quit. He's like one of them Cumberland County boar chinches, he seizes on you and there he is. But I ain't going to tell it to him — I just ain't. I'll tell Mr. Fowler sometime when he's up this way and got plenty of time. Or Mr. Russell there. "But, as I said, this is the height of it, this is sort of what happened. After Lord Harry et up that whole half-bushel or bushel of furmity and went to bed you might expect he'd have trouble. And he did. He begun to swell. The next morning Tom went hotfooting it off for Dr. Wyche. Dr. Wyche come and looked at him. Harry, they say, was stuck out worse than �444 Paul Green's Wordbook any big balloon, his tummy was bigger'n his whole hundred-pound body. It stuck up so he couldn't see over it, even to see his feet or the door. And there he lay. "Dr. Wyche looked at him. And Harry looked up and whimpered, 'Well, doctor, this time it looks like I'm set to cross over the deep icy waters. Pray for me!' "Dr. Wyche said, 'Hell, Harry, you ought to a-crossed the deep icy waters long ago if eating would kill a man. And it's too late to pray.' So he examined him and he said he would do the best he could for him, but he misdoubted anything would help. ' 'Now, sometime before this Harry had paneled the room in which he lay with pretty yellow poplar planking, the way I said. He had shaved it and planed it smooth, and rubbed it, and he had it looking awful nice. And he was mighty proud of how his house looked. As I say, he was a kind of an artist fellow, you know, doing all kinds of things and flowers in iron, and he loved flowers about the house too, real flowers. And he liked a nice house. "Dr. Wyche after studying a while says, 'Tom, go out and get me the washboard.' " 'What for, doctor?' says Tom. " 'You go get it,' said Dr. Wyche. Til do the best I can for him. May kill him. But he's got to have relief, either in death or in life.' "So Tom brought in the washboard. " 'Pull up your nightshirt, Harry,' said Dr. Wyche, 'we don't want to bust that.' So they got his nightshirt up and over that swole stomach — I reckon they had to slit the shirt after all to get it over — and there he lay with that stomach stuck up like a great balloon. 'Now, Tom,' he said, 'stand over there next to the wall and take a good running start and I want you to jump and land right on this washboard whilst I hold it level.' Well, Tom was a mighty big woman, as I said, but she was soople-like on her feet. 'I'm afraid to do it, Doc,' she said. " 'I say it may kill him,' said the doc. 'but he's going to die anyhow and we got to try to save him, damn his soul!' "So Tom hauled off and took a running start, and here she come and landed with her fat behind right smack on the washboard, squashing Harry down same as a pile-driver had smashed him. "Well, sir, they say it sounded like a cannon when Harry went off. You've heard of these eighteen-pounders, them guns. Well, you might say that that day Harry was a hundred-pounder going off. And, sir, he just ruined the whole side of his paneled wall. The charge he shot made a circle, they said about ten feet across. And I'm here to tell you that later as a boy I've been up there and seen it, and once I remember picking some of them harddry wheat grains out of that nice paneling with the point of my knife blade. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 445 Yes, sir, it was just same's if a cannon had gone off and them grains of wheat stuck in the paneling and specked it all up. "Someday I'll tell you the story with all the trimmings. It's a long tale, but it makes my head ache and I can't tell you now. But I might say Harry got well after that and lived a long time, and you couldn't get him to touch a bit of that furmity again, no sir. That's what my daddy said." to furnish To supply with food and clothing on a tenant farm basis. I can remember how my father used to talk to prospective tenants — we had a couple of little tenant houses on our small farm — and it always was the question of furnishing the tenant, and then the sad business in the fall of settling up, and the tenant farmer usually finding he had less than he thought he had. My father was scrupulously honest and even went out of his way to favor the tenant. "You'll have to furnish me, Mr. Green, if I live on your land. I didn't make a thing last year at the Schofield place." fur piece A long distance. Hell hath no fury like a woman scorned, makes morefllSS than an old hen with one biddy fuss and feathers An overactive, bustling, fussy person busy about trifling matters and acting as if they were of prime importance. fuss around To make a stir, to bustle about. fuss box (fuss-budget, fuss pot) An irritable, quarrelsome person. fussicate To stir about, bustle about, also growl and grumble. fussikin around Fussing around. as fussy as a wet (setting) hen fust fusty First. "It's the one that gits there the fustest with the mostest." Musty. �446 Paul Green's Wordbook future life A folk belief held by millions and millions of people in this world and the majority of people in the Valley — that when one dies, he will enter into eternal bliss, if his life has been good, and into eternal woe if it has been bad. This belief seems to be common at a certain level of culture to all races and times of people — paradise or hell, the two extremes. Of all the visions of paradise that I have ever read about, that of the Algonquin Indians on the eastern coast of the United States is the most beautiful. The Christian view of heaven to me seems strange and barbaric, an unbelievable one. I have been taught, and my friends in the Valley have been taught, that heaven is presided over by a God of justice, and on one side of Him is the Holy Ghost and on the other his son Jesus Christ the Savior, and the people after they die come up before the throne of God to be judged. Those who have been evil are sent down to hell to burn there forevermore in a fire seven times hotter than any fire on earth, and those who have been good enter into the New Jerusalem and are given a harp to play and sing and wings to fly around with, and they have nothing to do but to enjoy themselves. I heard about a man who died and went into the afterlife, and there he was given a beautiful room with ladies waiting on him, beautiful girls they were, and anything he wished for he had. Food, drink, wine, music, girls — anything — and immediately there it was. Finally, after a few days he began to get tired of this, because he could not wish for anything that it didn't instantly come to him. So, finally, he asked a long-faced neighbor of his, "Say, is this the way it's to be forevermore, to have everything you want? I didn't know heaven was like this. I knew it was supposed to be perfect, but this is too perfect. It's already beginning to get boring." Then his neighbor looked at him and said, "Where do you think you are?" fuzz The beginning beard on an adolescent face. George Butts, a tenant on our land for a while, used to cut hair early Sunday morning, or shave people. I'll never forget how embarrassed I was when he cut my hair one morning and then lathered my face suddenly and started to shave me. I was about fifteen years old. "Let me shave you," he said, "get this fuzz off and the first thing you know you'll start growing beards worse than a turkey gobbler." fuzzy Tipsy. When fuzzy worms (caterpillars, etc.) are plentiful, a bad winter will follow. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 447 G gift of gab Easy loquacity. gabble Silly talk and plenty of it. gable-end The head, the boss. "Yes sir, Glenn Hancock is the gable-end of the lumber business in Chatham County." Gabriel's hounds The hellhounds that foretell disaster as they run across the sky. on the gad To be restless, also traveling about a great deal. "No wonder Miss Lucy had a nervous breakdown — she's always on the gad." gadder Gather. gad-hook A long pole with an iron hook or gad at the end, used especially for moving floating logs into place for fastening in a timber raft. gadren Gathering. ga'dung God dang. Gaelic language The native language spoken by the early Scots who came into the Valley in the 18th century. They continued to speak Gaelic for a long while, and in 1756 the Reverend Hugh McAden, who came as a wandering preacher �448 Paul Green's Wordbook among them, said they "scarcely knew one word of English." Gradually English took over, but I remember, when I was a boy, an old farmer here and there could still manage bits of Gaelic. A few years ago the Reverend James MacKenzie, showing his devotion to the "auld tongue," became proficient enough in it to deliver a Gaelic sermon now and then at old Barbecue Church where he was pastor — this the church where the Scotch heroine Flora MacDonald and her family worshipped in 1774-75. gaggle To cackle. gagroot Pukeweed, Indian tobacco. What shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul? No gains Without pains. gall A goiter. "She's got a bad gall on her neck." A dead spot in a field where corn or any crop will not grow. "There's a great big gall in my dunghill, and I can't even raise peas in it." An internal organ in superstitious folk medicine. Near our home in Harnett County lived an herb doctor by the name of Cicero East. The first time I ever saw Cicero he came to a little country store run by my brother and myself when we were boys. He showed up riding a little runty mule, his long legs hanging barefooted almost down to the ground and the top of his bushy louse-ridden hair set with a peaked, holey, old felt hat. He had come for a plug of Apple tobacco. I went away to school and later heard that Cicero had set himself up as a doctor there below Angier on Black River. People, as time passed, began to speak of him as Doctor East. You might not believe it, but it is the truth that folks flocked to him by the dozens, even hundreds, seeking cures for all sorts of aches and pains and sufferings, both internal and external. My friend Edward Green, a man fifty years old and of reasonable intelligence, went to Doctor East for treatment. He had been bothered by stomach trouble. Dr. East gave him some medicine — a bottle of some sort of yellow concoction — and Edward said it helped him. At that time I was in the throes of collecting folklore material, as I still am, and I went to Edward to find out just what the herb doctor had done for him. Edward was enthusiastic. "Yes, sir, Paul," he said, "folks like you can laugh at old Cicero but he's smart. He's a mighty hard man to find, I'll tell you that. He's got a house way back in there close to the river and the crookedest road you �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 449 have ever travelled leading to his house. When I got there he had several patients ahead of me — in fact there were two or three Fords and a horse and buggy tied — I mean the horse was tied — out in front of his little house. When my turn come, he give me a thorough examination. He had a long trumpet-like hollow thing, same as a guano bugle, and he put it on my stomach and listened to it with his ear at the small end of it and then he got me to open my mouth wide. Then he put the big end of the bugle over my mouth and looked down my gullet. All of a sudden he jumped back. 'Lord God, Mr. Green,' he said, 'you're in bad trouble!' It scared me but then he made me feel better right off. 'But I can fix you up. No doubt of that.' He looked down inside me again and said, 'Ah-ha I see it now. It's your gall, Mr. Green, your gall. It's big as a goose egg, all swole up and pressing against your innards and that's how come you've got all that pain.' 'Can you help me, doctor?' I said. 'Didn't I say I could help you.' Lord, it was a comfort to hear him talk like that and he said,' I got the very medicine to 'swage you down. Of course, sometime I have to purge the galls out of people, but I don't think yours needs purging.' So it was I got me a bottle of medicine and I've been taking it and my pain is purty nigh gone. It only cost a dollar and a half and he told me to come back for a second bottle if I needed it. And let me tell you, Paul, he showed me a whole shelf loaded with half-gallon Mason jars with alcohol in them, and in them jars was all kinds of galls and pieces of rotten flesh, cancers, big tumors, and things like that he had purged out of people and never a knife he laid on them, never a knife at all. Yes sir, folks like you can laugh at Doctor Cicero East, but I don't laugh. No, sir." gall and wormwood Bitterness, shame. gall apple An oak apple. gall-berries A bitter berry that grows on bushes usually in bogs or swamps. Same as inkberry. Galled horses cannot endure the comb. gallery The public. "He plays to the gallery." galley sleeve A compositor in a printing shop. galling (girling) Courting.' 'Sion's been going galling every night this week, and he's hollow- �450 Paul Green's Wordbook eyed as a sick coon." gallinipper A huge mosquito, its size usually depending on the imagination of the person describing it. We boys used to hear many stories about these pests. I remember one told about a couple of Irishmen — and in those days the Irish were usually the butt of folk jokes. It seems that Pat and Mike — and the Irishmen were always Pat and Mike, and if there was only one of them, it was Pat — had joined a labor gang trying to help Col. A.S. MacNeill canalize the Cape Fear River there a few miles below Lillington. Early in the first night they were badly bothered by mosquitos and they moved several times, wrapping themselves up in their blankets. Finally Pat looked out and saw the whole swamp winking with little lights — lights of fireflies. "Faith me Christ, Mike," said Pat, "let's leave out of here. Them dom gallinippers are coming after us now with lanterns!" And so they fled the job. galloping consumption A quick-acting virulent form of the disease. When I was a boy, a Negro settlement was formed on the east side of the Cape Fear River opposite Lillington. Here farm workers, day laborers, and hirelings for all work congregated. Galloping consumption broke out in the settlement and in a year or two had carried off more than half of the settlers. The rest scattered. Wesley Armstrong and his wife, Meta, who had once lived on our land, perished there. Old Neill Monroe and his family survived. He told me the reason was he had the right medicine for the disease — hard corn liquor in which lightwood knot sawdust was stirred, in the proportion of three spoonfuls of dust to a pint of liquor. "A good dram of it every morning," he said, "done the work." When I asked him why he didn't make known the cure to his suffering neighbors, he winked and said, "Tell you true, Cap'n, liquor was a little sca'ce to be had." galloping pneumonia A virulent form of the disease that carries the sick one of fin a hurry. Young Neill Arch MacNeill was supposed to have died of this, at least his old father, the Colonel, said he did. People knew differently, but out of respect to the Colonel and the family, they kept their counsel — most of them did. On one of my youthful forays in search of Valley folklore and stories, I called by to see my old friend, Mr. Mac, the miller. Several neighbors were gathered around the big walnut tree that shaded the front of the mill, the while they waited for their corn to be ground. They were talking of a sad occurrence over in town the day before. As was my custom I made some note of what they said. Young Neill Arch MacNeill, one of the most popular young men in �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 451 the neighborhood, had died rather suddenly of pneumonia in his father's house, they were saying. The funeral was to be held that afternoon in Old Tirzah churchyard. They spoke of the pity of it all — this young man with a university education and the promise of a bright future in the law practice of his father, Colonel MacNeill, to be so suddenly cut off in the bloom of his early days. The discussion not only showed sympathy for the family's tragedy but a speculation also as to the exact nature of this cutting off. "I misdoubt it were pneumonia at all," said Lammy O'Quinn from where he leant against his wagon body, whetting his lean hungry knife on the steel wagon-wheel rim. "It might be and it might not be,'' old Daryl MacCormack commented quietly from where he sat on a horse block turning a corncob quietly in his hand as if it might give him some reassuring opinion upon the subject. "Sudden? I'll say so," said Russ Jones from his squatting position at the root of the tree. "Why only day before yestiddy I saw young Neill Arch coming out of Mangum's drugstore over there in town as spry as a gander, and he had a box of candy or something under his arm. A great big box." Here Sassle Myers, the local cow doctor and pig trimmer, let out a chuckle and gazed about him with a meaningful wink. He was standing on the opposite side of Lammy O'Quinn and whetting a still larger knife on the steel rim as if in preparation for a vast surgical onslaught upon all and sundry. "I bet you if you go over to a certain house there in town you'll find some of that candy right now if it's not done et up by a sweet pretty mouth." "They do say that woman loves candy," Lammy spoke up. "An" that ain't all she loves," said Russ. "Ain't it the truth!" declared Sassle. And putting away his knife he pulled out a long flat adder-headed needle and began threading it with a piece of twine. "It's all-fired sad and shocking, it is," said Lammy. "He's dead and that's the size of it," murmured old Daryl. "Talking one way or another won't help it." Here Mr. Mac came out of the mill and told them their meal was finished and he was done with grinding for the day. "What's your opinion about young Neill Arch, Mr. Mac?" Sassle inquired, now looping the twine in an oval collar around the needle stuck in his jacket, as if to be ready for any sewing emergency or need. '' Well,'' Mr. Mac said gravely, "a long time ago my grandmammy used to say there's only one way of coming into the world but a million ways of going out. Neill Arch took his own way out." "And what is to be will be," said old Daryl, as he rose creakily from the horse block. "The Scriptures spoke it long before any of us made our biddy peep into this world." �452 Paul Green's Wordbook "But it's mighty hard on the Colonel," said Lammy. "Yes, and it would be harder if by people's talking a scandal was started," said Mr. Mac pointedly. "Right, right," said Sassle, "and we all agree with the report, don't we, folkses, that pnuemonia was what carried him off, and galloping pneumonia at that?" One or two voices said they agreed and one or two heads nodded the same. When the neighbors had gone off in different directions home with their meal, I helped Mr. Mac sack up his tellings and then we went out and sat in the breeze under the walnut tree. He bit off a piece of his usual Sweet Flag and settled himself in his old rocking chair, chewing away with little goatlike workings of his chin. "Looks like rain," he said, "them thunderheads there in the west." "Yes, it does." "Are you going to Neill Arch's funeral?" "No, I'm not," I said. "There '11 be a big crowd standing and gaping around, and crowds bother me. How about you?" "No, I won't go either. We'll just sit here and talk." For a good while he said nothing, sitting there chewing on his Sweet Flag and gazing out across the heat-filled fields. I waited patiently, hoping he would get back to the subject of young Neill Arch or maybe dig up from his remembrance a story of old times. Presently he spoke out. "Take this very walnut tree," he said. "Nothing better than walnut juice for curing all sorts of skin diseases. That is, if you can stand the sting of it. My mammy used to doctor me when I had ringworm or tetter, and I'm here to tell you it would make me shout and call on the Lord. But it cured me, every time it did. Now take that red oak tree right out there in the edge of the woods. There's nothing better for man or beast at times than the inner red oak bark boiled into a brew. It's good for chickens, too. I keep strips of the bark in the watering trough for my chickens all the time. It makes 'em lay better, keeps 'em toned up. And black draught is good too. That's a vegetable compound taken from mother earth's fields and hedges. I use it every now and then when I get to feeling sluggish. Have you ever tried it? " "No, I never have." "Well, you ought to. You can get it in town at the drugstore. That's one good thing they sell. My mother used to give it to us children. It's awful stuff to the taste but it sure does the work. And another thing we children used to take was sassafras tea. The Indians, they said, liked that too — and pennyroyal tea. In one of my old account books I've got a whole list of herbs and folk remedies set down. Maybe several hundred. Some of them I got from an old herb woman down near Fayetteville who's been doing all kinds of cures. They say she can cure cancers and tumors with a kind of plaster �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 453 made of the herbs she gets in the fields and woods." "I'd like to go down and see her sometime," I said. "You can do that. Her name's Zua Smith. I told you about her once. You'll be able to get a mess of stuff for your plays and stories from her. Well, yes, black draught is good. And yesterday morning I went over to the drugstore in town to get me some, for I'd been feeling a little under the weather. And now I'll tell you what was told me and, since you're all the time studying human nature and writing about it, this maybe will come in handy for your use someday. But if you do use it you ought to change the names. Well, as I said, I went into the drugstore to get me some black draught. And while Mr. Mangum, the druggist, was wrapping it up he asked me had I heard the news in town that morning about young Neill Arch. I said I hadn't. Then he leant over the counter and looked around him and spoke kind of secretlike to me and said, 'Why, old Colonel MacNeill's boy, Neill Arch, was cut to death last night. Come here, let me show you.' You know he's a kind of frank-speaking man and he took me to the door and pointed out some damp dark sawdust blobs here and there on the sidewalk and leading around the corner. 'There's his very blood there in that sawdust,' he said. 'I sprinkled it to cover it. Uhm. I wouldn't tell everybody about it but I'll tell you.' " " 'Who in the world done it?' I asked." " 'Ah, that's a mystery to some folks maybe but not to me,' he said. 'And I don't mind telling you who I think done it. You know Joe McFayden, don't you?' I told him I did. 'He's a traveling salesman goes around a lot. His wife lives here in town. You know her?' 'I've seen her,' I said. And I remembered her and some of the stories I'd heard about her. 'Have you ever seen her?" "I don't think so, Mr. Mac," I said. "If you had you'd remember her. A pretty thing and built the way men like and knows it. So according to what I gathered from Mr. Mangum she had been making up to young Neill Arch in her husband's absence. And maybe that's where the box of candy come in. Young Neill Arch had bought it for her as perhaps he had bought her many another trinket. You know how women are about trinkets." "I've not had much experience in that sort of thing," I said. "You don't have to have experience," he retorted, "young or not young. You kind of know that to start with. The Bible's full of it. Any book is full of it. Any neighborhood you might live in shows it, shows how women are seduced and carried away by little trinkets, gifts and doodads handed out from the fingers of men. So it happened that Joe McFayden, according to Mr. Mangum, came home two nights ago and found young Neill Arch with his wife in what they call a compromising position in bed, and so he out with his knife and slashed the young man to the quick. Neill Arch got �454 Paul Green's Wordbook away and staggered home to his father's house to die. The blood drops along the sidewalk showed the path he traveled, forward but never to travel back. He made it by the drugstore and tried to get help but couldn't for it was deep in the night and my store was closed. "Did you know Neill Arch?" Mr. Mac asked. "I used to see him some," I replied. "A fine-looking young man." "That's what Josie Belle McFayden thought all right," and he let out one of his grim little chuckles. "Now what will happen to her and her husband — if it was murder?'' "Nothing will happen to her," he replied. "It will all be hushed up and things will go on as before. People know about it and they'll talk about it among themselves. But it won't come out in the open and get into the papers. And the main reason is maybe because of old Colonel Neill Arch himself. He will keep it hushed up. Right after Mr. Mangum had talked to me about it I left the drugstore and started over to buy me a strip of meat at the market, and I met old Colonel Neill himself. You know what a grand looking figure of a man he is." "Yes, I do." "Thick drooping mustache, flower in his buttonhole, vest and gold chain and long-tailed coat. And the tobacco, yes, his tobacco. He was chewing it just as usual and his mustache was all stained with it. For forty years I've heard him make his roaring speeches there in the courthouse and at picnics and rallies in the cause of navigation on the Cape Fear, North Carolina's charge at Gettysburg, and how he himself fought the full three hot July days there on nothing but a canteen of buttermilk. In fact his life has mainly been one of talk and running for Congress, and he was too young to fight in the Civil War. And he'll never be elected to Congress and he'll die old and discouraged, no doubt. But people respect him, and he's got influence. He always puts on a good front just as he did yesterday morning. He stopped me on the sidewalk, held up his hand all breezy like. 'Morning, Mac,' he said to me. 'Morning, Colonel,' I said. 'I'm coming over to get some of that fine waterground meal,' he said. 'I'll bring you a peck next time I come to town, Colonel.' I said. 'That's a man,' he said, 'and how's politics with you?' 'About the same.' 'Guess you heard about the sorrow that's come to me.' 'Yes, it's bad, Colonel.' 'Yes, too bad,' he said. 'My boy Neill Arch died this morning, Mac. Died of galloping pneumonia. Yes, galloping pneumonia carried him off.' And he looked me straight in the face with his bright blue eyes with never a trace of a lie in 'em, all clear and innocent as a girl's. " 'I'm sorry,' I mumbled, 'real sorry, Colonel.' " 'But as the Lord says in his blessed book,' he said, 'death took him in the night like a thief that falls upon his victim unawares.' And his voice took on a loud note just as if he were getting ready to make a speech. Then �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 455 he caught himself and said all quietlike, 'Poor little Neill Arch.' With that he pulled out his big stained handkerchief, blew his nose, and wiped away his tears. He smoothed back his mustache, fixed the flower in his buttonhole, and tipped his hat. 'You are my friend,'he said. 'Come to the funeral, Mac,' 'Goodbye, Colonel,' I said, and he went on down the sidewalk, his heavy stomach stuck out in front of him all proud and stifflike as if he had just been nominated for Congress and not shaded and shamed down to death. So there won't be anything said about the murder. They are burying young Neill Arch there in Tirzah graveyard with his ancestors, the proud dead Scotsmen of old. And all will be hushed up, and finally things will go on just the same with the turning world, the rising and the setting sun and the stars up high looking down on it all like they've looked for millions of years and like they will look for millions more. And it's right that it is so. It's right, Paul." "Maybe so, Mr. Mac. Yes, maybe so," I said. gallows A large horizontal pole usually resting in the forks or crotches of leaning young tree trunks on which the slaughtered hogs were hung for gutting and cleaning. We usually used dogwood trees for these poles. gallows walk A slow unwilling walk. A walk much like a man moving to his own hanging. one gallus man A tenant farmer, a redneck, a peckerwood, an ignoramus, one of the rural great unwashed. He who gambles picks his own pockets. gambrel A stick usually pointed at each end which is inserted behind the heel sinews of a slaughtered hog so that it can be hung up on the gallows with head down for gutting and cleaning. We used to make the gambrels in Harnett County out of tough hickory wood. game Bold, plucky. "I'm game to try anything once." as game as a rooster stung at his own game The game is up. game fish A fish that fights gamely against its taking. �456 Paul Green's Wordbook gamey Bold, sexy. gander A married man. Gander Hall A fine 19th century estate, now perished, which got its name from a wellknown joke on its owner, Captain James Mcllhenny of a highly respected Valley family. The unusually high prices being paid for goose feathers led Captain Mcllhenny to buy a flock of geese which he intended to use for breeding. In anticipation of large profits, he traveled to the up country for the purchase and was careful in selecting the geese in person and accepted only the white birds. Then he set to waiting for the laying season — and he waited. Finally he consulted a' 'goose expert" and learned to his distress that his geese were all ganders. From then on the estate was called Gander Hall. gander hill A term referring to a house in which a woman is pregnant and the husband has to play the part of the waiting and expectant gander. gander month The month in which a man's wife is confined following the baby's delivery. Also refers to the month of March. gander party A gathering of males, same as stag party, opposite of hen party. ga'nt Thin, gaunt. ga'nt-gutted Lean, thin. A gap in the ax shows in the chips. gapes or gaps Yawnings. To live out of the garden is to live at home. garden greens Collards, cabbage, lettuce, rape and other green vegetables. garden house A privy. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 457 garden peas Early peas usually planted in the Valley in January. garden sass (also garden truck) Vegetables. "The Murder of James A. Garfield" Although the murder of President Garfield occurred in 1881, and this ballad came out a few years after, it was still being sung round and about in Harnett County when I was a boy. I learned a few verses of it from Mr. James Faulkner, a man who helped on our farm and who entranced us Green children many an hour with his tales and musings and piping-voiced songs. "Come, all you Christian people, Wherever you may be, And likewise pay attention To these few words from me. For the murder of James A. Garfield I am condemned to die. It's on the thirtieth day of June Upon the scaffold high. "My name is Charles Guiteau, That name I'll never deny, And I leave my aged parents In sorrow for to die. How little did they think While in my youthful bloom I'd be taken to the scaffold To meet my fatal doom." garlic eater An Italian. Who putteth new cloth upon an old garment! Cut your garment according to your cloth. gas Ineffectual talk, windy talk. gas chamber A room in the state prison in Raleigh where criminals are put to death — a hangover from other barbarous days. It is an outmoded form of punishment, but the politicians and the orthodox church members, especially the Catholics, have not yet decided that this is so. It has been used over the years in the South, like the electric chair, to put to death the poorer class �458 Paul Green's Wordbook of criminals, and especially for two crimes: murder and rape. And it has been well proved to my mind that many an innocent and helpless Negro man has died for the crime of rape which he didn't commit. See "Southern womanhood." Over the years I have visited many condemned men on Death Row in Raleigh and have heard their pitiful and self-mutilating stories, and in each case I have been more and more convinced of the terrible wrong the state legally inflicts on such of its ruined citizens. One only has to read some of the letters written by these condemned ones just before they died to have the truth driven quakingly home as to the vengeful wrong. Here are a few from my collection with the names changed, of course, because of living relatives. Dear Friends: As you know I have been here a long time, and if I had not found God I don't know how I could have stood it. But thanks and glory be to God that I did find Him and axcepted his Son as my saviour about a year ago. As I have served Him the best I could, when I come here I was burdened with sin and saw that I was lost and that no one could help me but God. I got down on my knees one night and asked him to forgive me of my sins. I felt like I was not worthy to call on him for help but God herd my prayer and saved me. And it sure is a wonderful feeling to know that you have someone to give you the comfort and cheer that you need. So you see, friends, you may be in prison and shut off from the world but God is always near and want to help you. You all know that song, Who at my door is knocking. And when he knocks let him in for he is the only real or true friend that you have. So, friends, take him and never let him go. He never will let you go. You have heard me testify many times for my Lord. So I will say So long. I hope to meet all of you in better land someday where the circle will not be broken if you will take Jesus as your Savior. Your friend, Carl Emmet * ** Dear Rev. Johnson: I appreciate so very much your kind letter of sympathy of March 19. So many acts of kindness and sympathy have been extended me during this sad hour, some of them old friends and some friends that I do not even know. Sometimes we do not fully appreciate our friends until sorrow and trouble overtake us. I know that you meant much to Carl, taking such an interest in him and as an inspiration to him to live the Christian way. Sometimes these things happen to us and we are bewildered and wonder why our cross is so hard �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 459 to bear but trusting in Christ I know that someday I'll understand. His funeral was one of the sweetest I ever attended. We used the songs that he sang at the last and also the scriptures that he had written to me to read. The church was filled to overflowing and it was a perfect sunny spring day. The floral offerings were lovely. Again I thank you for every kindness, every word of encouragement and prayer offered in Carl's and my behalf. Sincerely, Mrs. Ella Emmet * ** My dear Mother: Well, Mom, this is the last letter I am writting you. Keep it auntil you die whitch I hope you will never die. But listen, I still love you wherever you my be. I hope you are alive and my God bless you and my sweet wife. I hope you will meat in heaven. May God be with you and Pauline. I know I been unfaithful to my wife to and I disobade to my mother. But I ask God to forgive me for sin. I no I did roung and had be roung but I know my poor mother did the very best she could to rase me without a father but after all every curnor there were trouble look me in my face but now I will give the would up and my God be with me wherever I stop and I hope that God will open the heart of my mother and take away all her sorrow and stand within my wife's eyes and hope that she will give glory to God name and she shall not perish but have eternal life. Just trust him, Pauline, and I no he will stand by. Please don't wait until sick are trouble and darkness come upon you. Meet him tonight at your bedside wherever you and Mother my be. Please remember these words because God will answer it. He is the only one. So this is all and the end. But Mary Pauline and Mary Manly we will meet some sweet day in the sweet land of liberty. Close with tears. Monroe Manly * ** Dear children: Your daddy died in the gas chamber. I want to say that I love you all and hate to part from you but the life I led sinning against Jesus he took me from you, your mother and grandmother. So, children, please remember this — be good and think about the way your daddy died for being disobedient to God's laws. Please go to church and take Jesus for your savior, read your Bible and Jesus will make you happy and bless you the longer you live. Please mind your mother. If you live for Jesus you will see your daddy again. Daddy loves you but God loves him better. Daddy won't say any more now only take Jesus for your friend. Sid Gurney �460 Paul Green's Wordbook Dear Friend — I am telling the world goodbye and this is just how I feel about leaving this world behind. I have good news to bring you, that is why I am writing. I am going to take a trip in that old Gospel ship and go sailing through the air. Oh, I can scarcely wait. I know I won't be late, for I'll spend my time in prayer. And when my ship comes in I'll leave this world of sin and go sailing through the air. I'm going far beyond the sky. I'm going to shout and sing until the heavens ring when I bid this world goodbye. I'm going to take a ride right by my Savior's side and I will not have to care, I'll leave my burden here, with every sigh and tear and go sailing through the air far past the sun and moon I shall be traveling soon. Wasted days are now behind me. My evening sun is sinking fast. Every moment brings me nearer to the end. I will hurry on home to my Jesus. I do hope that everyone will feel as good as I do as his time grows close to his grave. May God bless every one and save his soul. These are the last words of Benny Thomas * ** Dear Friends, This letter is written just forty-five minutes before I go to execution. Well, I want to tell everybody something. Yesterday I was not ready to go but this morning about seven-fifteen o'clock Jesus saved my soul and I am ready to go to be with Jesus. Friends, my advice to all is to get Jesus in your heart. And I hope to meet you all in heven. Boys, I want you all to write and tell my mother and wife that I was ready to go and I ask you all to write and tell them for me and tell them all I said to meet me in heven. So, boys, this is my last request on this earth but there is a home in heven for me. It says so in St. John 14 chapter. Cliff * ** Dear Christian Friends: I am on my way to meet my Lord. I really have enjoy all you have done for me since my stay here. You have helped me to become a child of God. Now my work on earth is done, my life crown has been won and I will be at rest with him above. I am leaving you all praying that you who are left will get a better break than those of us who left you. But as you no we all have to die sometime. Man can take our life but he can't do our soul any harm. Now my friends, stop worrying about your life and get your soul ready to meet God. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 461 Always remember when heaven pull the curtain down and pin them a star God will always be your friend no matter where you are. Please for my sake take him now while you still have time. I won't say good bye for whenever you (leave) this world I feel deep down inside of me that we will meet again some day. So, all my friends who don't no God, learn him now and he will give you rest. Well, it ain't mush to say but I am gone to rest with my Savior and I won't say I will be glad I won't see you all up there. I have learnt a lot about God since here and now I can tell you how I feel. I feel godd till I couldn't wate till the time come for me to go. Now I am gone to join the saints in glory where sory no more truble can (indecipherable). So, boys, pray to make heven your home and less join the band together where we can sing prases forevermore with God. Things here on earth ain't no good if you want to be saved. Don't look at the world and be lost. Look at God and be saved. So long Billy Jackson Friends— Well, fellows, the time grows near as you know. Everybody must die sometime. I feel much better since Rev. Johnson baptized me yesterday. Deep down in my hart I feel that I am saved and I want to thank you all for all you all have done for me and Rev. J. Fellows, I did learn the twentythird Psalm. It means a lot to me. I know God is with me. I have called upon him and he has heard my cry. I will go to him and rest in the kingdom of God forever. In every way you all may go never forget God. To be with God is to have eternal life. Without him you lose. God so loved the world that whosoever believed in him shouldn't perish but have everlasting life. From Carson Black P.S. You know they killed the Son of God and they will me also. I have told the truth and believe if James C. Brook had told the truth they would not kill me. But I have nothing in my hart agenst anyone and hope to rest in heaven with God. Be of good cheer and let not your hart be troubled. Hope to meet you all in heven. Rev. Johnson, my dear friend in Christ: Just a few lines this beautiful Friday morning to say how much comfort you were to me. I thank you so much for the weekly magazines and the many comforting conversations we had together. May God bless you in the years �462 Paul Green's Wordbook to come. Now a few words to my fellow prisoners of Christ. Boys, I want to leave this word with you all to the white and colored or whatever race you may be, that is, I pray you all may enjoy another chance in life, that you can go back home to your wife and children or your dear old mother or sweethearts or loved ones. Brothers my heart cries out for your precious soles. I do hope in some way you may realize your mistakes and go straight. I have many friends in the backyard and I pray you boys will take this letter seriously because the writer only has at this time one hour to live in this old world. Why? Because I must pay with my life for crimes committed in sin. Yes, I am leaving a darling wife and five sweet little children... Boys, I really enjoyed my stay on earth but I can say I was never happy because I didn't know the pleasure of Christian ways. I have been more content since I came to death row than I ever was before because I found God. And I am going home this morning. Boys, when you face your loved ones for the last time it is not very pleasant. Well, Rev. Johnson, I am a little tired now and I am going to slip off in a little while to a good long rest in the arms of my Jesus. So may God bless you and our fellow countrymen in the time to come. Sincerely your friend in Jesus, Danny Ross * ** Dearest Mother: I am writing this letter from the very depths of my heart. There have been times I know dear Mother, when, because of my actions, you often wondered did I really love you. But this night as I look forward to being with my loving Savior, I want to say, like I never said before, I love you, and my only regret is that I did not tell you long ago of my great devotion for you. I will be going to be with God, but I shall be waiting for you and our other loved ones, to come up there to be together forever more. Our parting will not be long, so don't cry or grieve for me. Just think we will be together with our Lord for eternity. I will never forget the day I got in trouble, because you told me that if I didn't stop and listen to you I would get into trouble. But I didn't listen to you, and I am very sorry for not heeding your sound words of advice. And I remember very well how you, the good mother you are, stuck with me through everything, even after some others turned their backs on me. I forgive Father for what he said about me at the time I got into trouble. And I have been praying that he may accept God and spend the rest of his life serving the Lord. I hope and pray that you will be able to make arrangements with Maggie Lene to have Velma Ray, my darling daughter, to visit and stay occasionally with you at your home. Because I know your love and good advice will be a great help to her as she grows older. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 463 As to my trial I promised to tell you the truth. Of course the evidence was against me, but I did not kill the man. I believe that my lawyer could have done more if he had dug into the facts of the case, instead of talking so much about my "so-called confession" and discrimination. I forgive Annie Ruth for what she did to me. I believe no other mother could not raise her child as good as you raised me. All my mistakes I made myself. You always warned me about my bad ways. When I finally found out the truth you always had told me, alas, it was too late. When you get this letter, I'll be with my Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ. And you can rest assured that I am SAVED from all my sins. The State of North Carolina is taking the life of an innocent boy. All my love, Lloyd Ray Last Statement of Lloyd Ray February 11, 1953 This is the last statement made by a 19-year-old condemned negro boy. I am sorry this is my last statement but there is nothing I can do about it now. I want to plead with every man, woman, boy and girl not to get in trouble. I am sorry, so sorry I got in trouble because I am just about to go to my death. I have eleven sisters, no brothers and one daughter of my own. It is a shame how I messed up my life. I have nothing against anyone. But I have never felt good these three years on death row except Sunday and every night from 6 to 7 o'clock; that is when five condemned colored boys hold services. All five of us boys got the bad news about the same time. I have not seen my father since I have been in trouble; all my sisters turned me down, all except my mother. So I had a hard life all the way. I have never been to school but had to work so my sisters could go to school. But when I got in trouble they turned me down; I feel so badly about it. I truly hope and pray everybody will stay out of trouble. I do not hate anyone but I cannot say I love anyone but my mother and daughter. Well, if nothing happens before February 27, my poor short life will be all over in this world. But I am going to live by my Lord Jesus Christ because I am saved from all my sins. I do not have any close friends in this world; I am alone. On June 5,1949,1 gave myself to the good Lord Jesus and in Him I found a friend who will be my friend until I die on February 27, if nothing happens. I can say this much: my lawyer did what he could. Also Warden Roberts did a lot for us condemned boys on death row. I want everybody to know that my soul is saved. I love my sweet mother, I am her only son and she certainly loves me. I wish I could say that about my father but I can't. In �464 Paul Green's Wordbook my closing statement I want to say,' 'God be with you all until we meet again. I am saved but I do not want to die." Lloyd Ray step on the gas To hurry, to drive fast. turn on the gas To get to the point, to start some important action. gassing Idle talk. give one the gate To fire, to dismiss. gather Know, comprehend, understand. "Here you are and I can't gather why you've come." Gather ye rosebuds while ye may. He who would gather roses must not fear the thorns. gathering A swelling such as a boil. gathering goats' feathers To fool time away, to idle about, find excuses for not working.' 'The trouble about writing is you have to gather so may goats' feathers before you get started." gay as a bird gay as a lark gay blade A merry fellow gaysome Happy, frolicsome. gearing Gears. gee To agree, to get along well, to fit. "Their ideas just don't gee." Let the geese beware when the fox preaches. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 465 If geese cackle a lot, it is a sign of rain. geese are swans An exaggerated value of a thing. "All his geese are swans in his thinking.'' the old woman's picking her geese Snowing. gee whillikins! A mild expletive. geezer Face, nose. "Wham, and he hit him right in the geezer." gem A beloved one. Full many a gem of purest ray serene The dark unfathomed caves of ocean bear. Gemini! An exclamation, from Castor and Pollux, the twin constellation in the sky. General Green Pestiferous grass, especially crabgrass.' 'From the looks of that field General Green has won the victory." generality The majority. "The generality will never agree on religious matters." generation A multitude. "My goodness alive, there's a whole generation there at the church meeting." One generation goeth and another generation cometh, but the earth abideth forever. genny-wine Genuine. as gentle as a dove as gentle as a kitten as gentle as a lamb gentlemen! An interjection. "Gentlemen, did that dog evermore go away from there when that turpentine was poured in his rear end!" �466 Paul Green's Wordbook Geordie Diminutive of George. By George! Exclamation. Let George do it. An excuse for not acting, referring to a vague agency, a dodge from work. Georgia buggy A wheelbarrow, a chain gang term. Georgie Porgie, pudding and pie Kissed the girls and made them cry. When the boys came out to play, Georgie Porgie ran away. (A teasing rhyme.) get To move in a hurry. Understand. "I don't get it." get a move on Hurry. get away with To embarrass, to hack, to discombobulate.' 'When I told him I knew about his nigger baby, it really got away with him. Yea, man." get a word in edgewise To push forward in a conversation. get down to brass tacks (cases) To come to the point, to deal directly with the business at hand. get going Start up, to begin. "Let's get going with the prayer meeting, folks." get gone To vamoose, to disappear. get hold of Understand, get the attention of. "Try to get hold of the waiter and ask about the dessert." get in dutch with To fall into disfavor. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 467 get in one's hair To be in the way, to irritate, to bother. get it in the neck To be dealt roughly with, be hurt, be hard put to it. Get lost! A command to one to move off, leave, get out of one's sight. Get me? Do you understand? get next to Affect adversely, irritate. "That Nixon's lying gets next to me." Also, to develop an advantageous acquaintance. "Joe Palmer's road got paved after he got next to the governor." get off to a bad start To begin unluckily or badly. get off to a fly ing start To begin well, swiftly. get on To thrive, to prosper. "He knows that pennies make dollars — and so that's how he gets on." get on a high horse Get upset, lose one's temper. get one's back up To be irritated, to be filled with resentment. get one's bristles up Same as above. get one's goat To become annoyed, embarrassed. get one up on To get the advantage over. get on one's nerves To irritate, to trouble. get-out A descriptive term for emphasis. "He drove that old chewy faster than all get-out." �468 Paul Green's Wordbook One gets as good as one sends. Tit for tat, a quality of treatment. get set To arrange to start, be ready to go. get sore Become angry, humiliated. get straight To become solvent, to be out of debt, solve a complication. get the bacon Succeed in one's efforts. get the brush-off To be ignored, dismissed, fired. get the bugs out Clear up weaknesses, correct an error. get the bulge on To gain the advantage of. get the drop on To have the advantage. get the gate To be fired, dismissed, a more vivid statement of "get the brush-off." get the lowdown on Find some facts, usually derogatory ones, about a person. get the mitten To be fired, dismissed, same as "brush-off" and "gate." get the wind up To be frightened, terrified. get to first base Succeed. "Charlie has asked that pretty new coed for a date several times but he can't get to first base." get under one's skin Irritate, confuse. get up and get Energy, industry. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 469 get up on one's hind legs React strongly, increase one's anger. get up on the wrong side of the bed To be in a surly mood, feel unlucky, to be down in the dumps, the dismals. Get used to a thing when young, you'll stand it when you're old. Get while the getting's good. get wind of To hear about, to have a rumor of. ghost A spirit of a dead person appearing on earth again, such as Hamlet's father's ghost. Often referred to as ha'nt. Ghost stories are universally popular and how often we children shivered with delight as we listened to one. The more pitiful or scary, the better — such as the following. I've heard several versions of this story, all differing in particulars but agreeing on the fact of the ha'nt. This one I got from an old local historian, Jim Fallon. I allowed for his imagination. "Well, a long time ago when the Yankees were fighting with the Southern folk," said old Jim, as we sat by his fire one night, "General Sherman and his soldiers ravaged through the country burning and destroying things. They crossed the Cape Fear at Fayetteville which they burnt and went all around seizing up provisions and victuals — what they could find. They come on up the river into our neighborhood — some of 'em did. And a company of 'em put up in Squire Barclay's big grove. The Squire had a great big house too, but they said they'd put up their tents outdoors and sleep in them like always if he didn't mind. They seemed mighty polite, and he said go right ahead. And I reckon they'd a-done it anyhow, whether or why, for I've always heard them Yankee soldiers were mighty rough, and certain they were, as I'll tell you. "Now the Squire and his wife had a little boy, and he was much took with the soldiers and the rifles and clamping swords and bayonets and he kept brushing around and asking questions and telling 'em no doubt about what old Sandy Claus had brung him for Christmas. The Squire done what he could for the soldiers when suppertime come. He had his niggers bring out what beef and sweet potatoes he could furnish and some cider and peach brandy — not much but some. Them soldiers et and drunk and felt purty good no doubt and thought the Southerners maybe were not so bad after all. Later some of 'em poking about found a big cask of scuppernong wine in the barn where the Squire had it hid away in the shucks. They went after that hot and heavy, and soon they were feeling more than fine. They were getting drunk. �470 Paul Green's Wordbook ' 'Now the Squire and his wife had done gone to sleep in the big house, and the little boy was supposed to be asleep too. The captain of the soldiers had told the Squire that he would see that nothing was disturbed and he and his men would take care of everything. I reckon after all the Yankees were not so bad, though I heard old Miz Nancy Demming say once that her daddy saw one of 'em squatted behind his barn, his britches down and him doing his natural business and he had a long tail like the devil hisself. And I've heard other old folks say that some of 'em had hoofs too. ' 'Well, that little boy couldn't sleep for thinking about the soldiers and their blue coats and their swo'ds and everything, and so he laid in his little bed listening to the happenings down in the grove, some talking and singing maybe. And when everybody else in the house was quiet, he got up and croped out and went down there. And there set the soldiers all full of liquor and a-jawing with one another. ' 'And some of 'em was cussing now and about to fight. When the boy come up to 'em they all stopped and looked at him, and one of them said, 'Sonny, you better be in bed.' Another'n said, 'Let him set up — 'twon't hurt him.' Then they all got to asking questions and bragging on him and said, 'Your father's a big rich man, he must have horses and plenty of silver and things buried in the ground.' " 'If Father did have horses and such hid away I wouldn't tell you,' theboysaid. 'What'sthat?' said the big captain of a soldier who was drunk with the rest of 'em by this time. 'I wouldn't tell you,' said the boy. 'Well, maybe he has,' said the captain, 'and was lying when he told us everything's been sent to the Confederate Army — horses, money, and everything.' 'I ain't going to tell you,' said the boy, 'and you better quit calling my father aliar.' And then they got to fooling with him, half joking and half serious. 'If you don't tell us, we might hang you up high as Haman.' Of course they didn't mean it — they was just joking and picking at him. But he begun to cry and you know how it is sometimes when anybody cries. It's liable to make you meaner than you was, if you're set on pestering of 'em. And that's the way it was with them. They didn't give way to feeling sorry for him. 'Shut up,' they said, and then they begun to give him some minny balls and one of 'em give him a piece of new money with a picture on it, and he hushed his crying. They begun to pick at him again, asking him about all them horses and where that silver and money was buried, 'cause they had already got the idea from the way he acted that that little boy knowed something. And he might for all I know. "Of course, they didn't mean no harm maybe but they were getting good drunk by this time. And you know how it is when folks get drunk and a long ways from home — from their women-folks at home — they are just like as not to get powerful mean. And then the big captain soldier said, 'By God, we'll hang the little rascal on that limb if he don't tell.' And another �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 471 said, 'By God, we will.' But you know — that little fellow wouldn't tell a word, nary'n. And one of the soldiers tied a handkerchief around his little mouth so he couldn't squeal much. Lord, I wished I had been off in the barn with a rifle or up on a rooftop some'r's. ' 'There was a big 'simmon tree there in the grove with the limbs spread out and a little swing on it where the little boy used to swing. And one of the soldiers took his sword and cut the rope in two. Then they tied it around the little boy under the armpits and hung him up. 'Now,' they said, 'you going to tell us about them horses and where that there money's hid,' and the little boy kept shaking his head. 'You gonna tell,' they said. And he kept shaking his head. Golly, that little young'un was a stout Trojas man all right. Then they started swinging him back and forth, way here and way there until his head would almost touch the limbs of the red oaks beyond. And he couldn't make nary a sound 'cause they had his mouth covered up with that handkerchief, and his hands tied. When he would swing by him, the big soldier would say, 'You gonna tell?' And the little boy would shake his head. Then the big soldier got bull mad, and he shouted out so loud that he roused the Squire up in his bed where he slept. 'You gonna tell me? I ask you for the last time!' And the little boy shook his head, and then as he swung back towards him, that there soldier pulled out his sword and run it through the little boy's stomach and killed him — unh! ' 'Well, the Squire and his wife had come out on the porch, 'cause they had heard the loud shouting. They went rushing down towards the soldiers, the two of 'em in their white nightgowns and throwing up their hands. And when they seen the little boy hanging there by the firelight, his head bent over like Jesus on the cross and blood drip-drapping from him to the ground, they both went wild and run at the soldiers clawing and scratching like cats. And the soldiers killed both of 'em, so 'twas said. And the big soldier stood there drunk swinging the little boy, all the time swinging him back and forth, and all of a sudden he gave the little body such a swing that it swung high up and lodged in the fork of the 'simmon tree. "Then when they'd done so much damage — killed the boy and Squire and his wife, 'cause they was all so drunk, they set fire to the house. And the niggers run all out of their cabins into the fields, hollering and screaming while the house burned down. The soldiers shot some of the niggers just to see them fall, so 'twas said. Then they packed up their stuff, saddled their horses and got away from there as fast as they could, and they never more did come back. "Later the white folks cleaned up that grove and made a field of it, but they didn't touch that 'simmon tree. You know how it is, they leave 'simmon trees down in fields, the way it is in my field down there. And one night when I was about yearling size, I went with my daddy coon-hunting over on the hill there. We had four dogs named Rang, Gouge, Buster and Bo- �472 Paul Green's Wordbook Peep, and they were the best coon dogs that ever there was. "Well, we hadn't been out hunting more'n a few minutes when we up and struck a hot track, and they run up and down the swamps — 'Yowyow-yow,' as hard as life would let 'em. Then out on the hills and back again, they'd come. There was something quare about it, 'cause a coon don't usually run like that. He sticks straight in the swamp. Then the dogs struck a trail out of the swamp again — 'Yow-yow-yow,' up the hill, across the field toward where the old Barclay house had been, and all of a sudden the racket stopped. 'What do you reckon's happened now?' I said, and my daddy said they must have ketched him. Then he said they couldn't a-ketched him, and if the coon had gone up the tree they couldn't have clambed the tree to get at him there. "Whilst we stood in the edge of the field a-talking it over, here come the dogs back as hard as life would let 'em run. And they got quite clost up to us and whined and whimpered. 'That ain't no coon,' said my daddy. 'What is it?' I said. And he didn't know he said, but it weren't no coon. And we'd try him again, he said. "Now them dogs was well trained, and when my daddy spoke, they knowed what to do. Everybody did, when he spoke. 'Get on there, Rang, get on, Gouge, you, Buster and you, Bo-Peep.' And he set 'em off again — 'yow, yow, yow.' They run the trail on across the old field and towards where the old house had been and where that 'simmon tree stood up plain in the moonlight. Purty soon there they come back lickity-lick, lickity-lick. And they croped up around and hugged up close to our legs, whimpering and a-whining. 'It ain't no coon,' my daddy says. 'What is it?' I say. 'You know what it is?' he says. And I say I don't. And he says, 'It's a ha'nt — if what I heard as a boy is so, but I ain't never seen a ha'nt in my life, and maybe tonight's a good time to see one.' Of course he was half joking-like, for he really didn't believe all he'd heard about the old Barclay place, and I didn't neither — little as I was. "Now my daddy weren't a-scared of nothing dead or alive. So he says, 'We're going to see. Here, Rang, here Buster, and we started out acrost the fields. But you know them dogs wouldn't run nary another step. They come slipping behind, and every once in a while they'd let out a pitiful wheeah-wheeah sound. Purty soon we come up to that old 'simmon tree and there in the moonlight you could see something a-setting in it. Great God, something bigger'n a 'possum was a-setting in it. There weren't no bears in the country, not even no wolves, and I begun to feel funny. 'Come on,' said my daddy, and he went on up with me behind — and Rang and Gouge and Buster and Bo-Peep all in a row. "Well, we come a little closer and there, bless God, up in the 'simmon tree shining in the moonlight was that little boy or something that looked like a boy. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 473 ' 'I stood froze in my tracks. But my daddy sure had a craw full o'grit, and he said he was going to climb that 'simmon tree and get that little boy or whatever it was, and if it was flesh and blood he'd take him home and raise him. I begged him not to try, but he did. And he climbed on up that 'simmon tree and got right close to where that critter was sitting. And then it run out along the limb to the clean tip of it and hung there by one hand like a 'possum, and my daddy shook the limb so hard that it fell off way down to the ground and hit the ground running — and away it went as hard as its little legs could carry it toward the graveyard back of where the old house has been. But the dogs didn't go after him, no sir. They set right there and whined and whined. And when my daddy come down, he was white as a sheet. 'What's the matter?' I said. 'Come on,' he said, 'let's get away from here." Both of us and the dogs left as hard as life would let us. And my daddy said that little boy or whatever it was had breathed in his face. ' 'Other people seen him in that 'simmon tree too, and it got so nobody would go nigh that place. The briar-bushes growed up about the tree, and the field got full of sassafras scrubs, and the last time I was around there it was full of pines and young sweetgums and new dogwoods. And there'll never more be a plow stuck in it till the end of time. That's what I reckon.'' ghost of a chance A very slim chance indeed. "Richard Nixon hasn't got a ghost of a chance of being elected president." Dibble-gabble Senseless chatter. Gibraltar An image of strength and durability. giddy-gabbing Gossiping. giddy-gadding about A flitting around from place to place, without purpose, silly wandering. Giddy giddy gout, Your shirttail's out Giddy giddy gin, Your shirttail's in. (A teasing rhyme.) giddy head A foolish, silly person. The gift without the giver is bare. �474 Paul Green's Wordbook gift horse A suspicious donation or gift. Never look a gift horse in the mouth. gift marks The marks on the upper part of fingernails which are supposed to denote special talents or gifts. Beware of Greeks bearing gifts. gig A spear for gigging fish. We boys used to make our gigs out of old umbrella ribs, and we would sometimes make ourselves a wooden bow and use the umbrella rib as an arrow, and so shoot fish in the water. Our takings were always very small. giggle soup (water) Liquor. gill o'er the ground (or creeping Charlie) A species of pestiferous ground ivy. gills Jaws. gimlet-eyed Small-eyed, suspicious looking. gi'n Given. best girl A sweetheart. git up and git Get up and get. give To yield. "Push hard on that post and it'll give." Give advice to all, but be security for none. Give at first, asking what you safely can. 'Tis certain gain to help an honest man. It's more blessed to give than to receive. don't give a good goddamn A braggadocio expletive phrase. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 475 give a hand To aid, assist. "Come, give me a hand with these groceries." give a little and take a little To compromise, to solve difficulties by diplomacy. dead giveaway An obvious trick or dodge. give down To age, to grow old. "Mis' Alice has give down the most in the last year." give down the country Bawl out, scold. "I give her down the country for her scandalous behavior.'' Give him an inch and he'll take an ell. Give him but rope enough and he'll hang himself. give him out Cease to expect him. give in To yield, to surrender. give lip Berate, speak especially disrespectfully. give me five. Shake hands. Give me liberty or give me death. To everyone that hath it shall be given, and from him that hath not shall be taken even that which he hath. To him that hath shall be given. give out To end. "The road gives out just over that hill there." To announce. Depleted supply. "My old Ford made a gulp, and there I was squat in the middle of things with my gas give out." To fail. "My eyes give out when I read a lot of fine print." Give the devil his due. give the glad hand To welcome warmly. �476 Paul Green's Wordbook give the go-by To ignore, snub. Give thy thought no tongue. Give the gun To open the throttle, to start away at full speed. Don't give up the ship. Giving to the poor is lending to the Lord. gizzard Manhood, stamina, bravery. "That fellow's got a stout gizzard, I'll tell you that." stick in one's gizzard (craw) Anything offensive, bad news, an insult. glad eye A come on look, especially from a woman to a man or vice versa. glad-handing Obnoxiously affectionate welcome. Officious and overdone greeting. glass arm Refers to a pitcher whose pitching arm has gone bad on him, especially as to speed. People who live in glass houses shouldn't throw stones. gleason A man who likes to see whores naked, especially see them walking around in a room while he sits and takes his eyes full. This term was told to me by a convict in the state penitentiary. glim Glimmer.' 'No, there's not a glim of hope for him, the cancer's too far gone.'' A faint bit of light. "As soon as we see the glim of dawn, we are ready to start." glim of light Daybreak. douse the glim Put out the light. glitters like stars as gloomy as a haunted house �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 477 as gloomy as night as gloomy as the grave glory! An exclamation. The glory that was Greece And the grandeur that was Rome. glory hole A woman's cunt. glory to God! An exclamation. in one's glory In pride or high hopes, extremely happy. as glossy as silk A clean glove can hide a dirty hand. glut go The wooden wedge used to split logs after they have been cracked by a steel wedge. We used dry dogwood. An agreement. "Is it a go or not?" To imitate. "He can go exactly like a wild turkey's call." To intend. "I didn't go to hurt you." Spirit, fire, energy. "That horse has got a lot of go in him." The fashion, the popular thing. "Mini-skirts are all the go now." from the word go From the start, from the very beginning. go-ahead Energy, drive. "He's got plenty of go-ahead, believe you me." to go all out To try one's best. a go and come girl One proficient in sexual know-how. go around Serve everyone present. "I was mighty thankful there was enough vittles �478 Paul Green's Wordbook to go around." go around your elbow to get to your thumb goat A barrel over which a chain gang prisoner would be held while he was beaten. Patience. "She always could get my goat." gob A sailor. go back home and come again Try a different way, tell a different story. gobble-de-gook (garble-de-gook) Nonsense. gobble gut A glutton. gobbler A fizzle, a faux pas. go-by A snubbing. God The Supreme Being. The omnipotent infinite spirit. The creator of all that is. All religions have their Supreme Being. The American Indians worshipped the Great Spirit. The Greeks had their Zeus, however humanized he was. The Persians have their Omnipotent One, their infinite creator, Ahura Mazda (Ormazd), the god of light, with his opposite Ahriman, similar to our Lucifer or Satan. The Hindus have Brahm or Brahma, the everlasting spirit, the Essence of all that is. They believe in a trinity too, similar to our Father, Son and Holy Ghost — Brahm, Vishnu, and Siva, except that Siva is both the evil or destructive one and at the same time the reproductive and restorative power. God created man in his own image. God can't cook breakfast with a snowball. God helps those who help themselves. God is love. God is no respecter of persons. God knows but he won't tell. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 479 God loveth a cheerful giver. God made the country, man made the town. God sees all. God tempers the storm to the shorn lamb. God will bring thee into judgment. I am the Lord thy God and a jealous God. All things are possible with God. You cannot serve God and mammon. The heavens declare the glory of God and the firmament showeth his handiwork. What God hath joined together, let no man put asunder. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain. If God is for us, who can be against us. The kingdom of God is within you. God a-massy! God have mercy, an expletive. "GodBe With You" This used to be a popular hymn in my Harnett County neighborhood, especially at Buie's Creek Academy. Professor James Archibald Campbell, the founder of the Academy, which later became Campbell College and still later Campbell University, always used it at the ending of the school year. He would lead in it and also in the shedding of parting tears. He was a warmhearted man and a fine teacher, and among his subjects was singing, which he loved and which he taught to the whole school at Chapel Hour. "God be with you till we meet again," we sang as the tears — with a sob here and there — wet our cheeks. "God bless the master of this house The mistress bless also And all the little children That round the table go. "And all your kin and kinsmen That dwell both far and near. I wish you a merry Christmas And a happy new year!" (A Christmas carol.) �480 Paul Green's Wordbook God bless you Usually said for good luck when someone sneezes. It is a folk belief that when one's mouth is open in sneezing, the devil can get in. But a quick' 'God bless you" will keep him out. goddammit An expletive. Thomas Godfrey (1736-1763) A playwright who lived for awhile in Wilmington and while there wrote' 'The Prince of Parthia," the first American play produced professionally in America. It was staged in Philadelphia on April 24, 1767, four years after Godfrey's death. He is buried somewhere in the St. James churchyard in Wilmington. In my youth I visited the churchyard and stood in a turmoil of boyish thinking by a small tombstone which said, as I remember, that he was "buried near this spot." Long after that I visited the churchyard again and could find no marker. Maybe it was temporarily misplaced. I asked a man raking leaves, and he said he didn't know anything about a Thomas Godfrey. The church had been added to recently, and he said, "I reckon he's buried somewhere under that new part." Archibald Henderson, a professor at UNC and one of its most outstanding ones — man of science and literature and international mind — published an edition of the play in 1917, with a fine and thorough biographical and critical introduction. to go down hill To weaken, to age, to become seriously ill or worse in health. "He got hit by a streetcar and he's been going down hill ever since." Thou shalt have no other gods before me. God's in his heaven, all's right with the world. He whom the gods love dies young. God's plenty Enough, often much more than enough. God willing and if the creek don't rise A respectful and meek-minded phrase often used in reference to some future intent or appointment. "I'll see you on Monday, God willing and if the creek don't rise." Same as "if nothing doesn't happen." What goes up must come down. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 481 goes with Is appropriate. "That blue plaid tie goes with that suit." Happens or disappears.' 'I wonder what goes with all the bluebirds. I haven't seen one all spring." goggle Gargle. Go In and Out Your Windows A youthful singing game. The players form a circle holding hands. The one chosen as "It" stands in the center. As the players sing, they lift their joined hands and "It" weaves in and out under them, the "windows." At the second stanza "It" chooses a partner, kneels before him or her and on the third stanza gives the chosen loved one a kiss and then joins the singers. The loved one now becomes "It," and the game goes on. No one cares to notice the quickness with which one love is exchanged for another. Go in and out your windows (three times) For you have gained the day. Go forth and face your lover, (etc.) I'll measure my love to show you, (etc.) I kneel before my lover, (etc.) It breaks my heart to leave you. (etc.) going and coming Both ways. "I had him going and coming and I couldn't lose." going around in circles To be getting nowhere. going great guns Succeeding in a big way. going like hot cakes To sell swiftly.' 'Them new seersucker suits down at Fleischman's are going like hot cakes." going man A rising man, one winning success, an energetic hustler. going on Getting near to, approaching. "My boy's six, going on seven." goings on Deeds, usually in a derogatory sense. �482 Paul Green's Wordbook going to pot Wasting, decaying. going to the dogs Failing, falling on evil ways. go in the hole Lose money, have a deficit. All that glitters is not gold. gold digger A female sponger, a sly sycophant. goldenrod There are numerous species and all beautiful. When late summer comes, their golden glory adorns the landscape — the roadsides, meadows, pasturelands, and fallow fields. I remember how my English teacher at Buie's Creek Academy loved it, call it flower or call it weed. He wrote a poem about it, and I thought it was wonderful with its rhyming line saying, "It lifts its pale fingers up to God." Later when I grew more critical, I realized that "fingers" was not quite appropriate. golly Moses! An interjection. golly wampus An amphibious monster supposed to haunt the deep swamps of the Cape Fear. Also called wampus. golly whopper A wonder, an outlandish thing or creature. gone baby (gone coon, goose or gosling) In a lost condition, a person completely out of luck. gone-minded Crazy. gone-sucker A poor fellow caught in unhappy circumstances, an unlucky man.' 'Let that woman get her hooks on him and he's a gone-sucker." good Physically powerful, strong, full of stamina. "I'm as good a man as he is any day on earth." Hold fast that which is good. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 483 good and all Completely, entirely.' 'And then he fetched him a blow behind the ear and knocked him out for good and all." good as As much as, completely, in fact. "Joe Buck is as good as dead and you know it." as good as a dollar as good as dead Helpless. as good as ever the sun shone on as good as gold as good as pie A good beginning makes a good ending. A good book is the best companion. Goodbye is not gone. give the goodbye to To break an engagement, to jilt. "Goodbye, My Lady Love" A familiar song. A good conscience is a soft pillow. A good dog deserves a bone. good egg A sincere fellow, a hail-fellow-well-met, a sociable person. / gooder mind To have a mind to, to intend, to plan. A good example is the best example. Good grief! An exclamation. A good head will get itself hats. A good horse never lacks a saddle. good hunting May success be yours. �484 Paul Green's Wordbook A good husband makes a good wife. goodies The meat of nuts. A good Jack makes a good Jill. Good Lord alive! An expletive. goodly works Pious purposes and actions that advance the cause of virtue in general and the Kingdom of God on earth in particular. These goodly works can take on all kinds of shapes, forms, and fashions in their fulfillment as some of the doings of two Cape Fear Valley characters, Archie and Angus McLean, twin brothers, illustrate. These two were well known personages in our neighborhood, and as a boy I knew them and heard from more than one tongue stories of their exploits in their younger days. In old age they fell upon hard times and used to visit a great deal around among their relatives to save living expenses, and they always took along a little Negro boy to fan them in the hot weather and keep the flies away and wait on them. Sometimes they would come to our house and stay as much as a couple of weeks, and then, with their welcome finally worn to a frazzle, move on to the next relative, for we were busy farming people and had little time to sit on the front porch taking it easy and discussing by the hour the Biblical origin of the Negro race and the wickedness of the world. They were identical twins and as alike as two persimmon seeds in the same persimmon or two peas in a pod. And they stayed that way from birth to old age. For the life of me I never could tell them apart. Not only did they look exactly alike and dress alike, but they behaved alike. They had the same motions and gestures and talked alike, voice for voice, and often used the same expressions. You want to remember that about the voice and expressions. They were little men and supple and quick, and in their young days had the reputation for being fierce as bantam roosters and cocks of the walk in their manhood among the shady women along the Cape Fear River. And it was with this same manhood, so the story went, that on a certain occasion they won local fame for themselves — a fame which endures to this day and keeps their memory green — even beyond all their other churchly good works. One summer Reverend Sandy King held a three-week revival in the Little Bethel church, and under the power of his preaching Archie and Angus both got converted good and hard from their sins. This Reverend King was the �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 485 same man who helped little Welkin Massengill convert old Bull Broadhuss, except that Bull didn't stay converted, they said. But Archie and Angus stayed converted. It seems that when a Scotsman really gets religion in my section of the world he usually swallows a full dose of it and has his money's worth. So the twins took the right hand of fellowship, were baptized good and deep in MacDonald's millpond, and so set their faces clear and shining to serve their Lord. For a long time the people had been wanting and needing an organ there in Little Bethel Church. And Reverend McGregor, the regular pastor, felt that now since the congregation had been so much increased by Brother King's conversions, the time had come to get a good one and some songbooks too. For a generation or longer old man Syracuse Lang had stood up with his white beard before the mercy seat and beat the time and lined out the hymns for the congregation, and folks were tired of him and his ways. So the good members were called upon and exhorted to make pledges for the amount needed to buy the organ and the books. Under the spell of their new-found grace, and maybe because they had been such notorious sinners and wanted people to know they were a hundred percent on the Lord's side now, Archie and Angus stuck up their hands and promised the final fifty dollars toward the purchase of the organ and the books. It was a rather rash promise considering how hard money was to come by in those days, as time well proved. But the Lord willing, they said to themselves, they would make the pledge good in the fall when the crops were housed. The fall came along and the crops everywhere in the neighborhood that year were picayunish and small. First there had been too much wet weather and then too much dry. And that was a queer thing too — to think that the one year Archie and Angus had tried to serve their Lord, He, or whatever stood for Him, had sent them the worst crop they'd ever had. They took notice of that fact betwixt themselves but tried to make the best of the situation instead of complaining against this Higher Authority. At the first frost they hauled their little bitty mess of peas, potatoes, and pork down to Fayetteville and sold them. But by the time they had paid the market and inspection charges and had their mule shod, they had only a dozen or so shillings left, as they called dimes in those days. While they were sitting around in a cafe glum as sick herons and hungry enough in their bereft condition to eat the Lamb of God, as Bull Broadhuss used to put it, they heard a couple of half-drunk fellows laughing and talking a scandalous thing over in a corner. They were telling about a fast woman by the name of Mrs. Markham who ran a sort of fast house there in Fayetteville and had a standing bet that no man could outdo her in the bouts of love. Yes, she had a standing bet of fifty dollars for any man who would make her call for the calf rope from the Mount of Venus. The twins sat there taking it all in, and they heard the fellows say that no man had ever been �486 Paul Green's Wordbook able to collect that bet and no man ever would. ' 'You hear that, Archie?'' said Angus, or maybe Archie said it to Angus. It didn't make any difference which, being as they were so identical in their feelings and thinking. "Ah, the wickedness of creation!" said Archie. "Worse'n Sodom and Gomorrah!" said Angus. "And the woman of Babylon throwed in!" said Archie. And then they looked at each other. The same idea was coming to them both. "Like there's a sign in it," said Archie after a while. "The Lord works in mysterious ways," said Angus. "His wonders to perform," breathed Archie. So of the same mind now, they wandered on up the street toward Mrs. Markham's place. It was night by this time and they finally stopped in front of the house, and there in the dark by the sidewalk hedges caucused a while, the way the folks were wont to do at the Democratic Convention in Lillington each campaign year. And so they made their plans. "Certain to my soul, 'twould be no sin!" said Archie. "Seeing it's all for the cause anyhow," said Angus. "And a service to righteousness," said Archie. "And the wind and the weather bloweth where it listeth, as the Good Book says." "And the Lord's rain falls on the just and unjust. And sometimes it don't fall at all!" "Bless His name anyhow," said Angus humbly. "And the Scriptures declare — be ye zealous in goodly works. Amen." "Aye, lad, true, true — it do say in Hebrews, provoke unto love and do goodly works," said Archie. "Verse 24, chapter 10," said Angus. So Angus took his courage in his hand, as you might say, and went into the house. Or it might have been Archie, for all I know. It didn't make any difference which. And sure enough he found the lady all plump and plush and waiting in her parlor. Angus said he was in bad need of a bed and comfort. And so, projicking and hinting around with the widow and saying he had money coming in in the morning to match hers, the agreement was at last made and they started upstairs. She said she was willing to trust him but if his money wasn't there when she called for it she would have him where the hair was short and she meant short. Angus laughed and said wait till ever the play was played — having reference thereby to the old ballad of Sir Patrick Spence which as a sinner he had loved so long. But her determined and certain manner kind of shook him in his shoes and set back his confidence. So he put up a little silent prayer for help and guidance as she led him along the hall and into her room. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 487 Well, some time later he told the lady to please excuse him a minute, he had to get up and go out to the garden house to — er — answer the call of nature. Outside Archie was waiting. "Well?" asked Archie. "It's an undertaking, and we're up against it," answered Angus solemnly. "It's do or die for us. It's your time now." "Aye," said Archie, forlornlike. And he suddenly shook hands with Angus as if he were departing for foreign parts, which he was. ' 'And ye'd better keep a kind of a little prayer going the while, Archie,'' said Angus. "I did — for a while." "No, no, do pray tell!" said Archie, hurriedly and alarmed. "We've tackled several in our time, lad, but she's the wheel hoss!" "I will then if I can, but I misdoubt I'll be able to keep my mind on religious matters," said Archie. "This is a religious matter!" said Angus sternly. "And while ye're in there I think I'll eat me a snack of barbecue and oysters, short of money though we be." "Aye, you do that, lad," said Archie kindly, "it might help." So he went in. "You go and come mighty quick," said Mrs. Markham. "Yea, I'mabrief man, and I move quick," said Archie. "And be not weary in well-doing, as the Scriptures put it." "Lord have mercy, you ain't a preacher, are you?" asked the lady all shocked and aghast. "No, ma'am, no," said Archie. "But someday I hope to be a deacon in Little Bethel Church." So he put in his licks and some extra for the cause, and then he said excuse him, he had to answer the call of nature and he would be right back. He met Angus along the hedge coming from his meal at the cafe. "Well?" Angus said, giving him a good look. ' 'Oom,'' said Archie,' 'make no mistake about it, we've got our hands full." "Our calling and election's got to come from above," said Angus, ' 'though we do all we can below! And you go down there and eat ye a quick snack too." So Angus went in again. It kept up like that pretty much till daybreak, this visiting the widow and going out to answer the call of nature and eating in between. And finally the woman, stout as she was, hollered "Calf rope! — enough!" And hiding in her shift, she got up all cramped and winded and produced some money from her bureau drawer. When she paid over the fifty dollars, she turned up the lamp good and strong, saying, "I want to see what manner of man you be — that's played such havoc here tonight and no doubt ruined �488 Paul Green's Wordbook my garden house." "I'm little but loud," said Angus — or Archie, whichever one it was — as he stowed the money in his pocket. "Loud!" moaned the woman, "you're the loudest thing that's ever put head in this place. And if you was full grown you'd be a plumb bucket of adders. Get gone from my house and stay gone!" ' 'Why, bless my soul, you ain't on the puny list, are ye, Miz Markham?'' said Angus — or Archie, all gleeful-like. He felt like bragging a bit now that he had the money all safe and won. ' 'And close the door soft when you leave,'' she whimpered as she turned out the light, "for I want to sleep a week." The next Sunday the Reverend McGregor stood up in Little Bethel Church and called for the pledges to be paid. And down the aisle marched Archie and Angus, proud as the two bantam roosters they were, their hair all slicked back and their faces and their collars shining with godliness. They laid the promised fifty dollars on the plate, and Reverend McGregor broke into jubilation. He called on the congregation to witness the deed of Brother Archie and Brother Angus. "My friends," he said, "behold the goodly works of the Lord's true servants!" ''Amen,'' said Archie and Angus as they stood before the mercy seat, their heads bowed and their eyes cast humbly down. "Heavenly grace has blessed them mightily," said the preacher, "and their religion is where their pocketbook is." Which is to say, the Reverend McGregor might be a good preacher, but as a carpenter with a measuring rule he would have been a failure. He was off several inches. You might wonder too what the church did when the story got out — as all stories finally do somehow, bless God! Well, it didn't do anything. For by that time Archie and Angus had been made deacons, and the organ was sounding mighty sweet when beautiful Belle Bethune played it Sundays, and the young and the old sang happily from their fine songbooks. So the people didn't make much of a to-do about it, except to tell the story on the sly — the way I'm telling it here — but with more of the details of goodly works in it no doubt. And I hope it will keep on being told long after I am dead and gone, for it certainly was a thing. Good management is better than good income. A good name is better than a girdle of gold. A good name is rather to be chosen than great riches. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 489 Goodness gracious! An exclamation. Goodness knows! A mild exclamation. good night! An exclamation. "But good night, when he kissed me, what could I do?" Good night, sleep tight. Don't let the bedbugs bite. (A smarty rhyme.) "Good Night, Ladies" A favorite male quartet selection. Good Place Heaven, the New Jerusalem. "Live right, son, and when you die, you'll go to the Good Place." good price A high price. "I paid a good price for that tractor, Raymond, and I think you ought to throw in a new battery." to have the goods on To have proof of one's guilt. good provider One who provides well for the needs of his family. The good that men do lives after them. Good things come in small packages. good ways A long distance. "Mr. John Riardin lives a good ways up the road." good word A recommendation, a favorable reply. A good word maketh the heart glad. Good words and deeds are rushes and reeds. goody woman A midwife. gooey Sentimental, sticky, sweet. �490 Paul Green's Wordbook a goof A crackpot, a fool, also a faux pas. goof off To crack up mentally, also to loaf during working hours. go on A statement of disbelief, you don't say so, don't say that, stop talking. "You mean Frank Graham was a goody-goody? Go on, I don't believe it." go on a tirade To have a hysterical and angry outburst. go one better Outwit, outsmart. go on the warpath To prosecute or go after a matter with might and main. goose To dig one in the side or back with extended thumb, to spur, to tickle. What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander. A setting goose never gets fat. A wild goose never laid a tame egg. Don't kill the goose that lays the golden egg. gooseberries A large kind of green huckleberry that grows in the thick woods. goose grease Grease made from the fat of a goose and used for many folk cures, good for rubbing sore joints or spreading on flannel to put on a croupy chest, etc. The goose hangs high. Everything's fine. His goose is cooked. Having irretrievable bad luck, ultimate undone condition. goose pimples Small temporary eruptions on the skin resulting from cold, fear or excitement.' 'The good close harmony by that barbershop quartet gives me goose pimples." like a goose's ass in mulberry time Purple from eating mulberries. "His face turned as purple as a goose's ass �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 491 in mulberry time." goose skin Skin of one's hands marked from long staying in the water. wild goose chase An effort or trip that amounts to nothing. Goosie, goosie, gander, Whither do you wander? Upstairs and downstairs, And in my lady's chamber. There I met an old man Who would not say his prayers. I took him by the left leg And threw him down the stairs. (A nursery rhyme.) go out Die, fade away. "That fire is going to go out if you don't watch it." To be excused from a classroom. We boys used to snap our fingers and raise a hand signifying our need to "go out," to attend to nature's business, to go to the bushes. The teacher's permission was always granted. goozle The throat or the esophagus. go poke A traveling bag. gorge Temper, anger, spleen.' 'When that man cussed him, his gorge riz and there was a fight to a fare-you-well." gorm (gaum) A mess, mixture, like a gorm of dirt. gorm up To choke up. gormy Dirty, all in a mess. go 'round in circles To waste time, be confused. Gosh! An exclamation. �492 Paul Green's Wordbook Gosh a-mighty! An exclamation. gosling A young adolescent boy. gosling voice A hoarse voice, the changing voice of a young boy entering puberty. gospel truth The absolute truth. "Go Tell Aunt Patsy" A lullaby song. "Go tell Aunt Patsy (three times) The old gray goose is dead. "One she's been saving (three times) To make a feather bed. "The old gander's mourning (three times) Because his wife is dead. "The goslings are crying (three times) Because their Mama's dead. "The whole family's weeping (three times) Because the goose is dead." go the whole hog To make an all-out exertion, to shoot the works. go through the motion To pretend, a seem-so. go through the roof To blow one's top, to explode in a violent reaction.' 'When he started abusing my mother, I went through the roof." go to grass A dismissal command. An order to get rid of a silly or troublesome person. Same as "go to hell," "go to the devil," "go to Jericho," "go to Guinea," ' 'go to Halifax,'' and so on. The last may refer to the fact that North Carolina Tory prisoners were sent to be confined in the Halifax, North Carolina, jail, as for instance, Flora MacDonald's husband and son, who later were sent to Halifax, Nova Scotia. Also a friendly imprecation. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 493 go to hell in a handbag (basket) Make a mess of things for no reason at all. go to Jericho! A mild expletive, usually of dismissal or condemnation, much like "go to hell!" "When I saw he was lying, I said, 'You go to Jericho!' " go-to-meeting manner Proper, pious, discreet. to go to oneself To attend to nature's wants. go to see Mrs. Jones To go to the bathroom, a girl's phrase. go to the bushes (woods) To defecate. go to the dogs To fall into debauchery, to fail. go to the mat with To meet head on, to wrestle with, to attempt a serious effort at a solution. got to Must. go underground To refuse to talk. gourd fiddle A fiddle made from a gourd. Mr. John Reardon, unable to buy a real fiddle, made himself one from a gourd and, with a homemade horsehair bow, was able to play at dances. When his bow gave out, he sawed on it with a lightwood splinter and did fairly well. gourd-guard Helmet, a head protection, especially for motorcycle riders. gourd head A foolish person. gourd house A bird house. In Eastern North Carolina it used to be the custom to put up a tall pole with several cross arms and hang from these cross arms empty gourds with openings cut for the martins to build in. The martins were wonderful birds for keeping hawks and crows driven away. �494 Paul Green's Wordbook to saw gourds To snore raucously. gourdy Green, unsophisticated, hayseedy. go 'way from heah A joshing exclamation somewhat like, "Do tell!" grab-all A greedy person Grab all, Lose all. grabble potatoes To dig potatoes with one's hands. grab-gutted Greedy. by grabs! A mild expletive. well-grabs Small bent-pointed grabs for retrieving buckets lost in wells. "Go over to Lum Butts' and get his well-grabs. The rope busted and I've lost my bucket.'' as graceful as an elephant as graceful as a swan say grace over Manage, look after. "I've got more land now than I can say grace over." gracious! An exclamation. Also gracious alive, gracious goodness, gracious me, good gracious. gracious plenty A good supply, a superfluity. make the grade To measure up to, to succeed. with a grain of salt Doubtingly, questioningly. grain cradle A long wooden fingered utensil for cutting oats, wheat, barley, etc. The �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 495 extended sickle blade was fitted into the grain of the cradle, and the laborer holding to its long handle and handpiece could swing it horizontally to the ground, cutting the grain and allowing it to fall back on the fingers. And then as the cradle was lifted to rest on the right thigh, the left hand of the cutter would sweep down, gather up the long stems of the cut grain and lay them aside, these small handfuls to be gathered up and tied in larger bundles after they had cured out in the sun. The several motions in cutting became one and set in a rhythm, swoop after swoop, dip after dip, and ever and ever a half step forward at the same time. How I used to love to get up early, sharpen the cradle blade with my whetrock and step into the dewy fields in the glad morning sunlight. I remember trying to show off one day with my cradling prowess. Mr. Joe Johnson, a near neighbor, had five acres of wheat he wanted cut. I was up early and went to it — hour after hour under the burning sun. After a few mouthfuls of lunch I was back at it. I finished cutting the last of the five acres before dark came down. He paid me in a stubby-pencilled check — $1.50. It was big money to me. But the real bigness I was so proud of were the youthful muscles swelling under my shirt sleeves. small grain Rye, wheat, oats as contrasted to corn. gramper Grandpa. granddaddy A kind of spraddle-legged insect.' 'Come here, child, let me comb out your hair. It's all tangled up like a nest of granddaddies." "Grandfather's Clock" A favorite song. grandmother Menstrual period. "Grandmother has come visiting and I can't be with you.'' grand-rascal A cheat, a con man, a crooked politician. grand right and left A command or call in a square dance in which the hands are right and left around the set until partners meet, ladies to the left and gents to the right. granny's alive!, 'y grannys!, granny's sakes! Mild expletives. granny woman A midwife. �496 Paul Green's Wordbook Grape seeds will cause appendicitis. I'll eat the goose that eats the grass that grows on your grave. Grass never grows When the wind blows. to let grass grow under one's feet To delay unduly, to vacillate. put out to grass To be left to one's own responsibility. grasshopper A spindly-legged fellow. Oh, grave, where is thy sting! It is irreverent and bad luck to step over a grave. If you walk on a grave, a ghost will haunt you. grave decorations Trinkets. My own little sister Lura used to have a glass slipper trinket on her grave. It has long ago disappeared. gravel To annoy, worry. gravel in his gizzard Stout-hearted, courageous. graveyard Secret. "This is graveyard talk." A diseased prostitute. "That woman was a walking graveyard — I found that out in ten or fifteen days." graveyard cough Tuberculosis, a cigarette cough. graveyard grass Periwinkle. graveyard song "Did you ever think as the hearse rolls by That some of these days both you and I Will be carried off in the self same hack And we won't be thinking of coming back. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 497 "In the lonesome grave they'll lower us down And the men with shovels will be waiting round. They'll shovel in dirt and shovel in rocks And won't give a hoot (damn) if they break your box. "And the worms crawl in and the worms crawl out All over your chin and over your snout. They invite their friends and their friends' friends, too, You're a looking sight when they get through." redeye gravy Gravy from country ham, made by pouring a little water in the pan after cooking the slice of ham. gray as a 'possum gray backs Body lice. Gray beard and red lips make poor lovers. gray mare A horsey wife, a quarrelsome married woman. "Old Gray Mare" A popular picnic and moonlight hayriding song. "The old gray mare Ain't what she used to be" (3 times) "The old gray mare ain't what she used to be Many long years ago." And so on. send to graze To turn out of office, to fire from a job. grease To soft soap, to lather up, flatter, bribe. "I greased his palm with a thousand dollars and our bill went through the legislature as slick as a whistle." fried in his own grease greased lightning Fierce and instant action. "He turned quick as greased lightning and walloped him in the face." greasy Mess call, a prison camp cook. �498 Paul Green's Wordbook greasy skillet Good provisions, good eating. greasy spoon A cheap, usually unsanitary restaurant. great balls of fire! An expletive. great-big For emphasis. "He's a great-big boy and he ought to know better." great day in the morning! A mild expletive. Greater love hath no man than this, that he lay down his life for his friends. The greatest oaks have been little acorns. great God Almighty (great godfrey, great guns) Mild expletives. by the great horn spoon A mild swearing phrase. great Joseph A voluminous sort of overcoat. a great life if you don't weaken A good situation if one behaves himself and keeps working. great scott! A mild expletive. great shakes Great stuff, usually "no great shakes." Great Spirit The Indians' God. According to the Indian folklore the Great Spirit was more mild and merciful than fierce and categorically just. In fact he was a notch above the Mosaic God generated from the thinking of the Jewish people. Since man makes his god rather than the other way around, the Great Spirit perished as the Indian perished. A great tree hath a great fall. great unwashed The common people, the hoi polloi, the proletariat. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 499 Great White Father The Indian designation for the President of the United States. A proper designation no doubt for such presidents as George Washington and Thomas Jefferson but a grievous mistake when applied to Andy Jackson, who really ruined the Indians. Grecian bend An exaggerated bustle or way of walking affected by many large-bustled women back in the 1890's. Greediness bursts the bag. greedy as a hog (pig) greedy-gut Glutton. Greek Mysterious, baffling, unintelligible. "That puzzle is all Greek to me." as green as a gourd as green as grass as green as poison The moon is made of green cheese. To wear green on St. Patrick's Day brings good luck. green end Sawmill work. The roller-bench end of a sawmill where the green outsides are taken and laid aside as a log is being sawed. I used to love working there in the summer as a youth. green goose A young inexperienced person. green gown Seduction, to tumble a woman in the grass. "He gave her the green gown, that's what he did." Green Gravel A children's singing game. A ring is formed around one person chosen to be "It." The children march or dance around singing— "Green gravel, green gravel, the grass is so green. It's pretty, it's pretty as ever I've seen." One of the marchers now turns in and goes to the one in the center and �500 Paul Green's Wordbook "grieves" with him or her as the marchers sing— "Poor Mary, poor Mary, your true love is dead, He sent you a letter so turn back your head." [or "Bow down your head."] The game continues with the same verses until all are in the ring grieving together. "Green Grow the Lilacs" One of our many lyrical love laments and among the best. Lynn Riggs, the playwright, used to visit us from time to time, and we always had pleasure from his singing and guitar playing. Of his many folk songs, we perhaps liked "Green Grow the Lilacs" best. He used it as the title for one of his plays and was with us the night it opened on Broadway. About midnight he called up the Theatre Guild to find out what sort of reception it had got. A success! Later Richard Rodgers and Oscar Hammerstein made a fine musical drama from it, a sort of folk opera — "Oklahoma." "Green grow the lilacs all sparkling with dew, I'm lonely, my darling, since parting from you, And by the next meeting I hope to prove true, To change the green lilacs to the red, white and blue." "I passed my love's window, both early and late. The look that she gave me, it made my heart ache. The look that she gave me was harmful to see, For she loves another one better than me." green hand An experienced person, also a good hand to make crops grow, often "green thumb." pulled too green Immature, acting grownup too early. greens Collards, lettuce, rape, kale. "Greensleeves" The beautiful old Elizabethan song. I first used it in "The Lost Colony" in 1937, hoping to hear it whistled along the streets of Manteo. It was. Falstaff first mentions it in "The Merry Wives of Windsor." A green winter makes a fat churchyard. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 501 Greeny A tag game. When one child, pursued by another, can show a piece of green, a leaf or twig or bit of green grass, then he can't be tagged. Rose Grenow A Confederate secret agent in the Civil War and famous for her exploits. She was well-born, cultured and wealthy. Jefferson Davis said to her, so it was reported, "But for you there would have been no Battle of Bull Run.'' She had warned the Southern leader of the approach of the Federal forces. A white marble monument "to her memory" is in Wilmington's beautiful Oakdale Cemetery where she is buried. Its inscription reads, "This monument commemorates the deeds of Mrs. Rose Grenow, a bearer of dispatches to the Confederate government. She was drowned off Fort Fisher from the blockade runner 'Condor' while attempting to run the blockade Sept. 30,1864. The body was washed ashore on Fort Fisher beach and was brought to Wilmington, N.C. This monument erected by the Ladies' Memorial Association." Grey eye greedy gut, Eat the whole world up. (A teasing rhyme.) Grey mules don't die — they turn into Baptist preachers. on the griddle In a hot place, a tight situation. grim as death grin A spree, a big time. "Man, did we have a grin last Sad'dy!" grins like a 'possum grist Important material, something to one's advantage. "All is grist that comes to my mill." grit one's teeth Make the best of a bad job, summon extra willpower to meet a situation, usually "grit one's teeth and bear it." grits A popular Southern dish made of boiled coarse cornmeal. grits and gravy A popular Southern dish, boiled coarse cornmeal served with country ham gravy. �502 Paul Green's Wordbook groaning time Lying in time for a woman. grog blossom A pimple on the nose or face caused by overuse of strong drink. groovy In the groove, just right. a gross voice A bass voice. down to the ground Completely, entirely, absolutely. groundhog A common woodchuck. One of the most popular folk beliefs in the Valley is that connected with the groundhog. This animal which few of us have ever seen is supposed to come out of its hiding place exactly at noon on the second day of February. If it is cloudy, he will stay out and fair spring weather will soon come. If the sun is shining and he sees his shadow, he will bolt back into his hole, and winter will continue for six more weeks. Groundhog day is still important to a lot of people and the newspapers usually come out with dull comments and even editorials related to it on February 2. ground itch (eetch) A fungus curse to all us barefoot children in the summer. Also called dewpoisoning or dew sores. As a ringworm or fetter it was a torment between our toes especially, and with worse itching than poison ivy. We put tallow, kerosene oil, fatback, and all sorts of medicaments on it. The best cure was to wear our shoes again for awhile, or so we found out. The family doctor says it is caused by the invasion of hookworm larvae. And yet with all our ground itching, we Green children never had hookworm, so far as we knew. ground pea Peanut, goober. ground puppy Salamander. When I was a boy, the Negro hired man on our land, Wesley Armstrong, used to tell us that if a ground puppy barked at us, we would have fits. grounds Lees, sediment. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 503 grouny Full of grounds. "This coffee is groun'y." growing hand A good hand to make crops grow, same as green thumb and green hand. growing weather Moist warm weather good for crops. grubbing hoes The front teeth, usually buck teeth. "He's digging his grave with them grubbing hoes." Gnarled and powerful workmen's hands. grub hoe A mattock, a grubbing hoe. grub hooks Hands. grubs Roots, small stumps. "Man, I sweated a peck down in them low grounds digging and prizing up them grubs." grub time Mealtime. grudgings Coarse flour, the bran from flour grinding. grum Surly, glum. grumble-guts A confirmed complainer. grumbles Complainings. grunt Complain. "She jist sets and grunts there in her rocking chair." A complainer, a bellyacher. To defecate. grunts like a pig gruz Past tense of grease. " I gruz that baby good with tallow and the cramp went away." �504 Paul Green's Wordbook Also past tense of graze. "He shot at me and the bullet just gruz my skull right here." guano bugle A tapering cylindrical bugle made of tin which was strapped over a person's shoulder. With a bucket in one hand, he would dip up a handful of guano and "sow it" down through the bugle, walking along the while. Then the plough would ridge the dirt over the guano, and the crop would be planted behind that. We'd often use guano bugles in serenading at Christmas. Some of the young boys would get proficient at blowing these things, putting the small end to their lips and turning loose and laying out a bellow that could be heard a mile or more. guardeen Guardian. guardian angel There was a common folk belief that a human being is accompanied through life by a protecting and good angel — an angel who warns him of evil and bad luck and strives with him to let his better nature obtain. By constantly committing evil a person can finally so discourage his guardian angel that the angel deserts him. And lo and behold, he's in a mess of trouble from then on, so says Aunt Candace, the Negro washerwoman. by guess and by god Steering or acting by haphazard. by guess and by golly Same as above. guggle Gargle, gurgle. guiding light Somewhat the same as guardian angel, a person's conscience. Guilt may have legs but scandal has wings. A guilty conscience needs no accuser, as guilty as sin guinea eggs Freckles. a Guinea nigger An especially black Negro and one who, if his gums were blue, had a "fatal bite,'' poisonous as a rattlesnake. Or so it was believed in the Valley. When �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 505 I was a little boy and a Guinea nigger with blue gums showed up, I was especially frightened of him. gulley dirt Worthless things or people. gulleywasher A flood, heavy rain. gum A container for corn, oats, etc., made from a length of hollow tree, usually a black gum. Toothless chewing." Since I lost my teeth Ijusthavetogumit when it comes to eating." by gum! A mild oath. gum crib A cradle made from a halved section of a hollow log with rockers added. gummed up Tangled up, in a bind, etc. gum up Make a mess of. gump A fool, a silly person. gun To search with intent to shoot, to cripple or kill. gunboats Excessively large shoes or feet. gunk Sticky or greasy substance. "When the motor jammed, we had to clean out a lot of gunk." gunnysack Hard-woven burlap fabric bag. gunpowder Given to animals to make them spirited, fiery. Feed a dog gunpowder to make him mean. gurglin' on a rope Said of one hanged. �506 Paul Green's Wordbook the gut question The basic question, the heart of the matter. guts Physical stamina, resoluteness of spirit, moral courage. "I have known a lot of men with plenty of guts in my time.'' said Dr. Nathan Brown to me one day as we were riding out in the country to see a patient, "including a doctor who got a strange compulsion to murder his wife and three children and, not being able to beat it off, he went into the woodshed and shot himself for fear of the terrible crime he might commit. It took guts to do that and I honor him for it. He and I grew up together as boys and were mighty close in college, and he told me about this strange feeling that had got hold of him and hinted to me that if the feeling got too powerful he hoped he'd destroy himself before he did the bloody deed. Yes, he tried psychiatric help but it didn't work. After he was dead and buried I tried to comfort his widow, but she wouldn't be comforted. Then thinking it was all right, I told her of his secret, expecting her to honor him for his sacrifice of his own life. Rather than relieving her, it redoubled her trouble. She was horrified, and I cursed myself out for being a fool. She had ordered a fine tombstone for the doctor, but after she heard my story and my praise she turned on me with blazing eyes. And she cancelled the tombstone order and the doctor lies in an unmarked grave to this day. "But the fellow I had in mind to tell you about was David Vance, a man of great guts, also. When he got down on his deathbed from pneumonia, the preachers persuaded him that he must confess his sins, clean out his heart and get ready to meet his God or else burn forever in hell. Dave had been something of a rounder in his day, and had gone fast and furious along the path of love and ladies in the neighborhood. Nor had he gone his way alone, but many a crony had shared in his sly wanderings and his delight, including a few of the more orthodox church ones. "So when the news got out that Dave was in a mortal condition and was going to make a clean breast of everything and be ready when the white horse of death came neighing in front of his house to carry him away, many of the brethren and sisters of his comradeship waited on him in a body. " 'Look here, Dave,' said Green Mumford, one of the ringleaders in all the former doings as he stood by the bed of the repentant sinner, 'we know how you feel. We know the time ain't long with you. But after all, Dave, you're going out of this world, but we've got to live in it. And if you tell everything you know and it gets around, it's going to be hard on us. Not only will our reputations — such as we have — be pretty much ruined, but I fear the law will get some of us. So we beseech and beg you, Dave, to have a thought on the living. We know you've got guts, Dave, you've proved it many a time, and we believe you will stay quiet.' �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 507 "So it was that Dave finally gave in to his friends and kept his mouth shut right up till the time death hit and enfolded him. So he passed on over the river, with his secrets locked in his breast. The preachers said he kept his mouth shut. And in later days his cronies, thinking on the great sacrifice he had made, decided to mend their ways, and most of them joined the church, saying it was the least they could do after what he had done for them. "But Fanny Davis, his truest love, refused to change. She said she wanted to go where Dave might be." gut scraper A fiddler. gutty Impudent, also brave, tough. gut warmer Whiskey. guv Past tense of give. to guy To tease, derogate, mock, much the same as blackguard. gwine Going. gypsies Dark-skinned itinerant people who used to appear from time to time in the Valley in small bands. When I first saw them as a boy, they traveled by horse and wagon conveyances, later by automobiles and usually worn-out ones at that. They told fortunes and were supposed to be unconscionable thieves, especially devastating as to chickens and sometimes even stealing babies. Just below Buie's Creek once stood a great pine tree. Professor H.F. Page first pointed it out to me. It was called the gypsy pine, and he wrote a poem about it. It had a great hollow cut out of it where the gypsies chipped out lightwood for their campfires nearby. It finally collapsed under the chipping and lay rotting away. Both it and the gypsies are gone now. gypsy A high-spirited woman. �508 Paul Green's Wordbook H hab Have. Habit is second nature. hack A prison guard. An instrument for scarifying trees, especially longleaf pine, to secure oozings and drippings of the turpentine into the "box" below. To embarrass. To pile up. "I've got to hack my lumber so it'll dry." hackle A steel- or iron-toothed comb or utensil for dressing flax. hackles Ill-tempered feelings, an irritable or angry reaction. "Every time I see that fellow he raises my hackles." had Possessed sexually. Had a little dog, His name was Rough. I think my speech Is long enough. Had a little dog, His name was Rover. When he died, He died all over. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 509 Had a little mule, His name was Dandy. Fed him cake And sugar candy. Had a little mule, His name was Jack. I rode his tail To save his back. His backbone broke The marrow flew. Get up, Jack, And go on through. Had a little pig And fed him clover And when he died, He died all over. I had a little pony, His name was Jack. I rode his tail To save his back. His tail was black His belly was blue And when he ran He fairly flew. / had five cents And put it on the fence. They come a flood of rain And I ain't seen it since. (Recitation rhymes.) I've had it Been seduced, or "put through the mill." Also to be worn out, tired. had rather Showing a preference, much rather. had up To be brought before a judge or the police. hafter Have to. �510 Paul Green's Wordbook haggle To argue. hag-ridden Pursued by bad luck, afflicted by nightmares. To be ridden by hags or witches as a horse sometimes is in the night, a proof of which is its tangled mane in the morning. hail Columbia Rough treatment. "Behave yourself, boy, or I'll give you hail Columbia." Hail Over See "Heigh Over." hail shot Grape-shot. hair Fine measurement, "to a hair," "within a hair of." Hair by hair makes a head bare. A person who never stole anything has a lock of hair growing in the palm of his hand. Get him where the hair is short. hair-grower A patent medicine. hair in the butter Complication in a delicate or ticklish situation. hair of the dog Some additional drams the morning after, help for a hangover. "The hair of the dog is good for the bite." make one's hair curl Reaction to dreadful news or apprehension. make one's hair stand on end An extreme reaction to a dreadful happening or bad news. Finding a hairpin predicts finding a friend. hair-receiver Small covered china dish with a hole in the cover to receive combings in the days of long tresses. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 511 hairside The outside. "Hit him on the hairside." turn a hair To show a reaction, respond.' 'The preacher watched that electrocution and didn't turn a hair." hairy Dangerous, risky, frightening, difficult, hazardous. Haifa loaf is better than none. half-assed A sorry thing, a poor effort, disreputable. half-baked Inexperienced, raw, over-hasty action. better half Wife or husband, usually wife. half-cracked Somewhat mad, loony. Half-doing is many a man's undoing. half-gone Half-drunk, half-asleep. half-in-two To divide an object, as a piece of timber, into two equal parts. haven't heard the half of it Only partially understood or disclosed. half-screwed Half-drunk. half seas over Same as half-screwed. half-slewed Half-drunk. Halifax An indefinite, far-off place. "Go to Halifax!" which may refer to the fact that North Carolina Tory prisoners were sent for confinement in the Halifax, North Carolina, jail. �512 Paul Green's Wordbook hallelujah gal Member of the Salvation Army, a female preacher. halo round the sun Indicates falling weather, rain or snow. Don't speak of a halter in a house where a man has been hanged. Pray devoutly and hammer stoutly. hammer and tongs With full force, with all one's might. "Ifyou'regoingtowinthegame, you've got to go at it hammer and tongs." hammerhead A stubborn horse or person. a hammering Heavy punishment. hamstrung Severely hindered, handicapped. hancher Handkerchief. hand Handwriting. "She writes a beautiful hand." The hand is no good without the arm. hand and foot A term related to attentiveness. "Bernie loved that woman and waited on her hand and foot." good hand An adept person, a fine worker. "I'm a good hand at washing dishes." get the upper hand To get an advantage. handcuff To shut out, to stop, to beat. "Virginia really handcuffed Carolina in that game." A handful of common sense is worth a bushel of learning. handful of days A short time left in one's life span. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 513 get a hand in To learn the ropes, become adept at. hand in glove with To be on very close and intimate terms. to fly off the handle Lose one's temper. handled with kid gloves Treated carefully, politely, delicately. the hand of prophecy A figure of speech denoting a force that foreshadows what is to be, a prophecy as to a coming event or happening. One day Malcolm Fowler, a Valley f olklorist and historian, and I were poking along the banks of the Cape Fear River near the place where efforts to canalize it took place long ago. He said there was an old rock chimney standing in the woods he wanted to show me. We went to see it and as we stood there he told me the story of one Joe Ed Baucom who built it. ' 'This Joe Ed," he said,' 'was something of a rounder from way back, and he built a cabin retreat with this chimney to it, here above the river. He used to come down here every weekend and have big parties with a lot of hard drinking liquor. You can see out there the little stone bridge he built across that ravine. And right over there is a spring he walled up. Joe Ed, as I say, was a godless character all right. When he was fixing up his place here he decided he needed more rock and flat ones at that. Down the river there a piece was an old Scotch cemetery. So what did Joe Ed do but bring a lot of the tombstones up here and put "em down in his walkway for paving stones. And his and his cronies' godless feet would walk right over the inscriptions put there by loving friends and relatives. Well, one of the relatives — no need to say his name — decided at first to go to the law but then he decided on something more vengeful. He knew that Joe Ed had a superstitious streak in him for all his worldly wickedness — as most of us have — and so he made his plans. "Lo and behold, one evening when Joe Ed arrived to get ready for his weekend party, there at his doorstep was a tombstone standing up with the inscription on it, 'Joe Ed Baucom, Born January 3,1881, Died April 4,1929.' "Well, it kinda shook Joe Ed, but in his godlessness he tried to laugh it off. Anyway April was nearly a year away. And his party that weekend was more riotous and whole-hog than ever before. But try as he might, he continued thinking about the prophecy as time passed. He kept seeing that inscription, even though he had toted the tombstone down to the river and flung it into a deep water hole. Finally the prophecy thing ha'nted him so �514 Paul Green's Wordbook much that he took refuge in liquor and stayed drunk most of the time. Then you know what? On the very day of April 4 he got into his flivver and started to town to buy more liquor. He ran off the road into a gully. His flivver overturned and killed him. That's what it did. The hand of prophecy fulfilled itself but in a way no doubt different from anything Joe Ed expected." handout A charity gift. hand over fist Fast, very quickly. "The Sprunt brothers are making money hand over fist in the cotton business." hand-raised dick Hand-trained penis. hand-running In succession, without a break. The hands are Esau's but the voice is Jacob's. A deceptive action having reference to Jacob's deceiving his father Isaac. hands are tied Unable to act. If a girl, in folding her hands together, instinctively puts her right thumb on top, she will rule her husband. If not, he will rule her. Handsome is as handsome does. hand spike A length of wooden sapling, usually oak or hickory, tapered at each end, to be placed under logs for lifting toward the log-heap to be burned in clearing land. hand's-turn A bit of work. "She's so lazy she won't do a hand's-turn about the house." cold hands, warm heart handy Convenient. handy as a button on a backhouse door to get the hang of To learn how, to master a problem, to catch on to the working of a machine. hanged if I do! A mild expletive. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence hanging and wiving go by destiny 515 An old 16th century saying and repeated many times by different English writers and folklorists. The first two went together all right so far as old Aunt Jenny McLean was concerned, but as for "this heah destiny you talk about, Mr. Green," she said to me, "I misdoubts it anyhow — and pray do tell me what it means. Well, I know this — it was a hanging that brung me my true love and husband. You kin forget the other." Sitting in her little house one night there in Chapel Hill, I listened to her tell about it, the while she ironed away on some delicate dresses for the University professors' wives. "Yeh, lak a whisper, lak a breath, as suddent as death, love kin come to you. Somep'n knocks mebbe on the do' of yo' heart and say, Lemme in, and you never know when it's gwine knock and when it's not gwine knock. So 'twas the fust time I ever slapped these two eyes on the man was meant to be my husband. "I'll never forgit the day it happened nuther. What a day! August time it was, and a Friday. A big hanging was being held over there in Hillsborough, and I mean big. Everybody for miles around was up long 'fore the crack of daybreak gitting primped and dollied and fixed to go to that there spectacle. And people, people, white and colored, everywhere! That was the biggest crowd of human beings gathered together I'd ever seen in all my born days. From every direction they come. From the north and the east and the south and the west — in steer cyarts, in road cyarts, in wagons and in carriages. "And the University itself give out of schooling that day, 'cazen all the students and' fessors mostly had made off over there to see the hanging. And this weren't jes one hanging. It was three hangings. Three po' sinful men was to be hung by the neck till dead — 'and the Lord have mercy on yo' po' souls,' the jedge had said. "I knowed all three of 'em. Leastwise I had recognizance of 'em. Two of 'em was white folks and one of 'em was a po' colored man. There was Mr. Harris and Mr. Johnson. They was the white men, and as full of sin and weekedness as a copperhead snake is full of green pizen. And then there was Louis Colton. He was the colored one. Po' Louis. Sorrow and woeful was the day he mixed hisself up with them 'ere white folks. They was gamblers and drunkards and pistol-toters — robbers and thieves, they was. And when Louis j'ined up with 'em he putt hisself in their power, everybody said so. And he allus done whatever they told him to do. Sam Ragland was in it lakwise. He was a nigger but they let him loose 'cazen he turnt what they called state's evidence. "Yeh, turble, turble it was. But the Good Book do say, verily, verily �516 Paul Green's Wordbook a man shall reap what he sows. And all them men sowed trouble and death and they reaped the same in the vineyard of Almighty God. That old saying is right that says if you run with the dogs you'll lakly scratch fleas. And another one that says when yo' house is afire it's too late to dig a well to get water to putt it out. "Our whole family was all set to go and see the dreadful happening. Up early and breakfast cooked, we soon was dressed out in our best bib and tucker, Ma and Pa and the two little boys and us girls. They was a whole carpetful of chillun in our house. I was the oldest girl in the family and had to keep a lookout foh the little uns. But I'm here to tell you as soon as ever us got in the grip of that occasion they was scattered and gone and I fo'got all 'bout them too. But later on in the day us all got 'sembled back to the wagon and no damage done to any of 'em. And in the meanwhile time, love done blossomed in my heart. "The roads was mighty miry and awful then, not lak they is now, all hard-suffaced up and smooth as a otter's slide. And 'fore we come to Eno River near the edge of the town the sun was a big blazing bird in the sky and it was 'way on in the morning. Pa whupped up the mule 'caze he felt us was already late. We crossed over the bridge and bruised on in a jiffy to'ads the jailhouse on the right hand there. "And what was the very first sight I did see? Well, it was a big-eyed face looking out the jail window, and it weren't nobody's face but po' Louis Colton's. And it was all flaring and ill-sick looking, it was. He seen us and hollered out in a loud voice, 'Hey there, you all. This here's Louis.' And not knowing what I done I raised up my hand in a kind of greeting to the po' lost man. But my tongue wouldn't say nary a word. And he then hollered out mo' louder still and I kin hear the words he said even to this day — 'This here's the day I'm to be hung, folkses. And I'm jest as clear of what they's hangin' me fo' as ever was Jesus Christ the Lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the world.' "My mammy grunted and spet a dip of snuff over the wagon into the road. She allus done that-a-way suddent and quick when she was riled. " 'That's a awful thing — fo' him to be telling lies lak that and he so clost to meeting his Maker,' she said. " 'I reckon lak as not Louis musta been reading the Good Book a lot — whilst he's shet up in there,' said my father, 'jedging from his words.' " 'Well,' my mammy said, as she looked round and about at us chillun — 'mark my word that a gap in the axe allus shows in the chips. And, chillun, listen to what I say — a minute may break what a 'ternity of time kin never mend.' " 'That's raight,' said my father, 'and that's how come us brung you over here — so ever' one of you kin learn a lesson — a lesson to go with you thoo life. And you needn't to worry 'bout Louis, you needn't cry no �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 517 lost tears down fo' him. He was guilty. He's gotta suffer fo' it. He split that good white woman's haid open with a' axe.' '' 'Amen,' said my mammy, 'and it was proved on him. And another thing he done done. Don't fo'git that,' said my mammy. " 'I don't,' said my daddy. 'Louis putt strychinine and arsenic in his wife's coffee, chillun, and he killed her too. But they never did convict him of that, though in certain ever'body knowed he done it.' '' 'Sho' they did,' said my mammy. 'But when he come to killing that white woman — that 'fessor's wife and her finding him robbing her house — well, that's where he spill't the milk all over hisself.' " 'Didn't he though,' said my daddy. "And now the people was swarming all up around the jailhouse lak a gorm of bees. And my daddy drawed up clost by and let us git out, and he went off and hitched the mule to a tree in the jailhouse yard. And there us chillun all stood around in the push of people looking on with great big sorrowful eyes and waiting to see the prisoners brung out. ' 'And soon here come the high shurff and his deppities in their big boots — clonk-clonk, and they carried their pistols in their hands. They went in the jail and brung out the prisoners handcuffed. And the scattering dogs around 'gun to bark. The people stretched and craned and gaped to see it all. They walked the three of 'em around in the yard, the three that was to die, and let 'em partake and taste of sunshine and the sweet air fo' their last day on earth. ' 'And any time now I close my eyes I kin see their po' faces. And death was in 'em and their eyes was wide-rimmed and red. The white men had beards on their faces but behind it all you could see their skin was white as a Sunday sheet. And po' Louis' eyes was smoky and hollow and turning in their sockets lak he couldn't help hisself. His mouth stayed open all the time, same lak a man feeling vomit 'bout to come on. And he kept dripping and drooling, and ever' onct in a while he'd rise up his sleeve and wipe it away from his chin. "And oh, how my heart ached to see it all! I squeezed little Eulalie's hand so hard she cried. And Ma pulled her away from me. 'Quit hurting that chile,' she said. ' 'Then Mr. Harris stopped walking around and held up his two cuffed hands, and ever'body got silent the way you do in the churchyard when the preacher holds up his hand ready to start saying, 'Ashes to ashes and dust to dust.' And then that 'ere murder man he begun to preach loud and strong to all the people. He told 'em about his evil and weeked ways and how he'd repented of all his sins and how ever'body ort to take warning from what his life had turnt out to be — so that they might 'scape the wroth of God the Saviour and sech woe and turble damnation in the end of their days. ' 'Whilst he went on a-talking a lot of people 'gun to cry lak at a revival �518 Paul Green's Wordbook meeting. And I cried myself. I couldn't he'p it. And later it was told that a number of folkses got religion that day and led better lives hencefo'th. One of 'em was old Hezekiah Faulkner. He was a low-down liquor-seller and sinful critter. It was said 'twas him that sold Louis the liquor reg'lar and he furnished the other white men with it. And no doubt the liquor had somep'n to do with their evil doings. Anyhow my daddy said old Hezekiah mought just as well git his hanging along with Louis and t'other. 'Caze Louis fo' a matter of fact was drunk on his liquor the ve'y night he kilt the good white woman.' "But Hezekiah didn't git his grace there in front of the jailhouse. He was too tough fo' that. It was only when he saw later what happened up on the hill — when he saw the bodies hanging there — that the lesson writ in their death come home to him. Fo'ty years the preachers had been atter old Hezekiah and his moss-backed soul and couldn't fetch him. But that hanging reached him all right, and it reached into the soul of plenty t'others. Say so. "It was gitting mighty nigh on to'ads eating time now, and the middle of the day. Most ever'body had brung their midday snack but nobody weren't eating yit. The folkses was waiting fo' the hanging. And besides they all felt mighty sick and didn't have much appetite. Purty soon there come a wagon rattling up pulled along by a big stout fat mule and drove by a mopheaded white boy. And in that wagon was three coffins. The people drawed back from in front of it lak it had been a hearse or the horse of death itself come from Satan and the black beyond. The shurff and the deppities they tuk hold of the prisoners and holp 'em up into the wagon. And with the gyards walking along, the wagon started on up thoo the town to'ads Gallows Hill. "And whilst the wagon rolled along and all of us kep' following atter it, and the dogs too, there Mr. Harris stood up in it with one knee leaning on his own coffin to balance hisself, and he kep' on preaching. And po' Louis he broke into a song, singing it all by hisself. Then the people 'gun to pick it up and they sung with him. I knowed that song the way a lot of other people done, and I've never fo'got it from that day to this un. And ever'time they sings it in the church I thinks 'bout that hanging. And when you hear it, you think 'bout it too. Yeh, you better— 'The lightning flares, the thunders roll, The earthquake shakes from pole to pole— Oh, Jesus Christ, my living God, Make up my dying bed.' "Soon 'most all the folkses had j 'ined in with the singing. But my daddy and my mammy they didn't sing. They was strong hard-shell folks. And up thoo the town we all marched. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 519 'The rocks and hills melt with the sun And man and all his works is done.' ' 'And the wheels kep' knocking under the weight of the men and coffins loaded in that wagon, knocking lak in time to that song. And, rocking in my chair many a time since, I've beared it knock, knock in my 'membrance still. Finally us mounted up to Gallows Hill on the north edge of the town. And there the scaffold was already built with new boa'ds and scantling and three new looped ropes hanging down, waiting all in a row. The boy stopped the wagon by the scaffold, and the shurff and the gyards holp the prisoners out and led 'em up the little steps. The three of 'em stood there and the shurf f tuk the handcuffs off'n 'em whilst the gyards helt their arms, and then he tied their hands behind 'em. And all the while each one was looking thoo the noose that was right in front of his face. And they was all as meek as little chillun. ' 'Then the big white preacher, Reverend A. C. Dixon he was, mounted up the steps to preach. You've beared people tell 'bout him. He later went 'way crost the ocean water to preach befo' the king. Well, Reverend Dixon mounted up on the scaffold, and he putt his hand gentle on each of the men. He kep' his hand longest on Louis' shoulder, lak maybe he felt more sorry for him. Then he turnt 'round, opened up his Bible and tuk his text — 'When I would do good, evil is present with me.' "Mo'n a' hour he preached to the multitude and he carried two rows at a time on how pride goeth befo' destruction and a haughty sperit befo' a fall, and in such an hour as ye know not the Son of Man cometh. Yeh, he said, be sho' a man's sins will find you out and there ain't no hiding place from the wide watching eye of God. "And ever'body in that vast throng of people hung on his words, drinking of 'em in. But the po' prisoner criminals kep' standing there, twisting 'bout ever' now and then on their ta'hed feets same lak they wished he'd hesh and git it over and done with. "When finally the sermont was finished, the preacher led in a long prayer. And all over the hillsides and up in the trees people set and stood. Their heads was bowed lak weeping willow trees. Then at the end of the prayer, Reverend Dixon said, 'Our Father who art in heaven.' and the hundreds and thousands of people, white and black, j 'ined in jest lak chillun in the church on Sunday. And the po' fellows on the scaffold standing there with their heads bowed, they done so too and so done the shurff and the gyards. Clean 'crost the town and out into the country rolled the great voices of sound, saying, 'Lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil, fo' ever and ever, Amen.' "Ever'body in that vast mighty multitude was feeling sorrowful and fo'giving now. My own heart ached lak it couldn't stand but a little bit mo', �520 Paul Green's Wordbook and I could jest feel that ever'body else's heart was aching and filled with sorrow too. And so much sorrow was ever'where that forgiveness was in all our hearts. Kindness was in people's souls, one to another and 'specially so to'ads the po' condemnded ones about to die. And here and there and ever'where bawlings and sobbings 'gun breaking out 'mongst the people. Nobody felt lak hanging nobody now. Ever'body was sorry sich a' awful thing was to be. But still ever' last one of us knowed that the hanging must be. For the law said hang and the law, take it from me, is a' all powerful and fearsome thing. 'Member that. "The tears were pyore blinding my eyes and I turnt away from the sad sight on the scaffold. Then raight 'crost from me was a young colored man looking off, and there were some water drops on his cheeks also. I looked at him, and he looked around at me — in the dimness of our tears we seen one another, and my heart was aching so with grief I felt nigh to him a stranger, and I fujly believed he felt clost to me likewise. I put my hankcher to my eyes to keep from boo-hooing. "So now I beared the great preacher saying a few low kind words to each of the prisoners. I couldn't understand what he was saying, but I knowed he was comforting of 'em. And in the midmost of it all Louis quick hollered out in a loud voice could be beared clean 'crost Eno River. 'This day, certain to my soul, I'm gwine be with Jesus in Paradise. Yea, in the arms of my loving Saviour — that's where I'm gwine be this day!' ' 'And from off'n the hillsides and from off'n the little slopes and gullies where the people was crowded, you could hear scattered amens and bless you, brother. And the dogs started barking again. ' 'Next the shurff and the gyards stepped up and putt black caps on all three of 'em, and there they stood with them black things on 'em looking lak three booger bears or something to scare daylights out'n you on Christmas night. ' 'Whilst they was doing of this Reverend Dixon reached up his hands high and started a song, leading the people in a great hymn anthem. We sing it in our church still to this day. 'Who is this that comes from far With his garments dipped in blood, Stray triumphant traveler Is he man or is he God?' ' 'Then all of a suddent lak as if God the Saviour had made answer back, there come from deep underneath the earth to the west a shaking growl and rumble of bad thunder. People looked all about 'em, one at t'other. Seemed lak they was a sign in it or somep'n. Fo' we'd jest been singing when we'd come marching up the hill 'bout the thunder rolling from pole to pole. "The thunder putt a stop to the singing in the crowd. The preacher �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 521 went on a few lines furder and then only him and Louis was singing. And then the preacher stopped, and only Louis was singing. The song coming out from under that black cap give ever'body the shivers, I tell you. The ropes was now putt 'round the necks of the three lost souls. The shurff put up his hand in a sign, and raight spang at the moment the thunder crashed deep and scary once mo'. A trembling run all through the people and I could feel it. Ever'body could feel it, feel that there was something wrong with the happenings of this day. It was lak the great voice of the Almighty from fur down under the earth speaking out against it. ' 'All the while ever'body was looking at the men on the scaffold. I can still see 'em standing a little knee-bent there. And I was thinking when the thunder sounded 'bout that other old song we used to sing there in Mount Gilead Church. 'Day of wrath, oh day of mourning See fulfilled the prophet's warning.' ' 'And I looked beyont the young colored stranger clost by to the trees 'way to the west and beyont the sycamores along Eno River and the chestnut oaks on top of Occoneechee Mountain. I could see a great roll of thundering clouds coming on up over the world there lak the Jedgment Day itself. "A lump was in my throat and a kind of sick feeling in my stomach. My mouth kept filling with spettle and I wanted to dump it out. But a young girl wasn't supposed to spet. So I wiped my mouth with my sleeve just the way po' Louis had been doing. "I looked back at the scaffold and I knowed pd' Louis couldn't wipe his mouth now because his hands was tied behind him. And it didn't make no difference nohow fo' the black cap was over his face now and mebbe that would soak it up like bread does gravy. "The shurff drapped his hand, and the gyard standing below on the ground and behint a plank handle reached out and pulled the handle easy with his hand. And the props flew out lak somep'n had hit 'em. Down fell the trap doors and the men shot thoo 'em same lak rocks you mought drap into the creek. And the preacher jumped back as if he was af eared he mought fall thoo too. I turnt my head away quick to keep from losing my breakfas'. ' 'At that very pime blank secont, the very secont the handle was pulled and the prisoners fell there come one of the awfulest ripping and tearing crashings of lightning down out'n the sky I'd ever experienced. People screamed and shouted and jumped and turnt around. And a great moaning mumble went out over the multitude. And the dogs just about went wild — gwine away from there. That lightning had struck a big oak tree jest over the brow of the hill, and smoke and bramstone could be seen gwine up the sky where it had struck. "Yeh, it was jest lak mebbe old Moster that makes the heavens and �522 Paul Green's Wordbook the earth and holds 'em in the hollow of his hand—jest lak he'd done spoke with the thunderbolt of his own voice, saying, oh human race, oh human race, the shame and pity of what you's doing! "And the wiggling of the three men on the ropes 'gun to stop. I couldn't look at 'em but I knowed they was wiggling and I could hear the creakling of the scaffold, the creakling coming stiller and stiller. I looked at people whilst they gazed at the scaffold and I could read in the countenance of their face what was happening, 'specially the young stranger where he kept swallowing by his Adam's apple to keep from crying. "Then ever'thing got still as death. There was no movement, no noise from all the people, no sound in the air. There was no more lightning nor thunder now. After a minute or two a' easy little wind 'gun blowing lak a sort of blessing over the scene. A light easy wind 'twas. Then with a rush the rain come on — coming 'crost the land lak the trampling of a flock of goats. It struck the crowd in a great gust. I could hear the drops plop-plopping on the scaffold planking and on the shirts of the three bodies hanging from their ropes. And all of a suddent I was hit by a worry 'bout 'em hanging there helpless and gitting wet, lak mebbe they'd ketch their death of cold. Jest for a second so I was. "Then the people seemed to wake up, the douse of cold rain falling on 'em woke 'em up and brung 'em back out'n the spell of all the turble happenings. They started scattering in all directions lak biddies befo' a hawk, 'fessors, students, ever'body. "I took a last eye-blink back to'ads the scaffold. There was the three pitiful men hanging all wet and bedraggled and their necks stretched out most half as long as your arm, lak a chicken's neck when you pull it to break it. ' 'Then it was I turnt r'ally sick. I whirlt 'round looking fo' my mammy, and I sprung quick to run away from there and spang I banged raight into the young colored man. And he put out his arm good and strong and he helt me up and I was shaking and quivering and fit to squall. I looked up at him and he didn't drap his arm but he kep' looking at me and me at him. And I was boo-hooing good and solid now. He smilt at me. All of a suddent I didn't want to run away no mo.' All of a suddent I was fo'getting about the hanging. I wanted him to keep his arm 'round me and hold me up. He kep' looking in my eyes and I looked in hisn, and his arm was strong about me. ' 'Then I turnt away and he walked 'long with me, helping me thoo the crowd. And my heart was beginning to sing. And it all was so sudden but just natural lak as life. Grief and woe in our two hearts had made it so. "And that's how I met my husband. Yeh — and all on account o' the hanging." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 523 hangman's choice The choice between two evils, often no choice at all. hangman's day Friday, an unlucky day for festivities. "Paul and Elizabeth Green didn't get married on Friday, their preferred and most convenient date, because the bride's family declared it too unlucky to be married on Friday, hangman's day." the hang of The know-how. "As soon as I get the hang of this thing, I can do it." hang on by one's eyelashes To persist obstinately, to be near to ruin, or death or defeat. hang one's head Drop the head, to be embarrassed or ashamed. hang up one's hat To make oneself very much at home. hang up one's hide To make a spectacle of, to shame or disgrace. hanksher (hanketcher) Handkerchief. if nothing don't happen A common phrase in the Valley in reference to some future action or occasion. "If nothing don't happen, I'll be with you Monday morning." "If nothing don't happen, we'll have a big get-together." happen-so Coincidence. happy as a Junebug happy as a lark happy as a pig in a puddle happy as doves happy as ducks in a puddle We'll be happy as we can be And never mind the weather When your little shoes and my big boots Sit under the bed together. (A courting rhyme.) �524 Paul Green's Wordbook Happy is the bride the sun shines on. Tis better to be happy than wise. happy hollers Religious frenzy of shouts and yells. happy hunting ground The Indians' hereafter. happy weepings Weeping in religious joy. harch! March! A military command. hard An erection of the penis. "He's got a hard on." Quickly, fast. "Go up to Uncle Tom's to borrow some meal and come back hard as you can." hard as a brick hard as a bullet hard as a bull's horns hard as a lightwood knot hard as a rock hard as climbing a greased pole with an armful of eels hard as flint hard as iron hard as nails hard as rowing upstream hard as steel It's hard to pay for bread that's been eaten. It is hard to tie a full sack. hard-down Fierce. "It was a hard-down fight." hard-favored Ugly, plain. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 525 as hardheaded as a ram hard nut to crack A difficult job or proposition. hard-pushed (hard-run) In difficulty, financially embarrassed. "I hear that the Ogburn boys are hardpushed these days." hard row of stumps A great difficulty. hard row to hoe A difficult job. Hard Shell Baptists This sect believed like the Presbyterians in predestination and election. In the early days they supported neither Sunday schools nor missionaries, and denied musical instruments a part in the church service. To them the fiddle and banjo were devil's instruments and should be abolished. They believed in free-will offerings so far as a minister's salary was concerned. The minister then had to farm or make a living at some trade, never by preaching alone. He took what folks gave him and sent his thanks to God. hard to come by Obtained with great difficulty. "Don't waste that flour, it's hard to come by." A large crop of acorns and berries and persimmons is a sign of a hard winter. to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds To be two-faced, to straddle both sides of a question, be hypocritical. hare-lip A pregnant woman who looks at a rabbit may have a hare-lip baby. harking Loud, phlegmy coughing. Hark, hark, the dogs do bark, The beggars are coming to town. Some in rags, and some in jags And some in velvet gown. Some gave them white bread And some gave them brown, Some gave them a good horse whip And run 'em out of town. (A nursery rhyme.) �526 Paul Green's Wordbook "Hark, the Herald Angels Sing" Perhaps the most popular of all Christmas hymns. The music is by Felix Mendelssohn and the words by Charles Wesley. It used to be our favorite one on Christmas serenades and often the inmates of the house we were serenading in the deep dead of night would raise their windows, or even come out on the porches shivering in their nightdress and join in the singing. Charles Wesley, the author, was perhaps the most prolific and maybe the best hymn writer that ever lived. Born in England, he came to Georgia with his brother John Wesley, founder of Methodism, as a member of General Oglethorpe's Colony in the 18th century, but soon returned to England. It is said he always carried a notebook with him for there was no telling when a fine line or even a full verse would pop into his mind, and he had to be ready to put it down before it escaped. Among the more than four thousand hymns Charles Wesley wrote, there are, in addition to "Hark, the Herald Angels Sing," the fine "Rejoice, the Lord Is King" and "Jesus, Lover of my Soul." "Hark, the herald angels sing, 'Glory to the new born King— Peace on earth and mercy mild, God and sinners reconciled.' "Joyful all ye nations rise, Join the triumph of the skies. With angelic hosts proclaim 'Christ is born in Bethlehem.' " harmless as doves harm word Backbiting, evil gossip. "I've never said a harm word about him in all my life." to harp To scold, to repeat to wearisomeness. to harp on one string To have only one cause, one subject of talk or interest, be boring. Old Harry The devil. hash Existence, willpower, personality. "If that fellow fools with me, I'll go up there and settle his hash." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 527 haslet The liver, heart, and lights of slaughtered animals — hogs, sheep, beeves. "I give that man a haslet and he didn't even thank me." hassel The panting of a dog.' That dog was hasseling like he couldn't get his wind.'' Haste makes waste, and waste makes want, and want makes strife between a good man and his wife. Give me time to get my hat. Don't hurry me. My hat! A strong assertion. talk through one's hat To talk foolishness, nonsense. bad hat A misfit, an unreliable person. hat burning A custom in certain parts of North Carolina, of a father's burning his hat at the birth of a first son to insure good luck for the child as he grows up. An acquaintance of mine, that ardent and gifted folklorist, Mrs. Maud Minish Sutton, told of her experience once in connection with this belief. She and a companion stopped at a little farmhouse for a drink of water and to rest a bit from their labors. "I didn't notice anything very unusual around the place," she said, "but we entered at a most inopportune time. A new baby had just arrived, and there were some six or eight old women in the one room — a lovely shy-eyed mother, not one day over sixteen — and several men out at the woodpile. I went into the room, exclaimed over the big fine baby, and learned a custom that must be perfectly local. The father, a big awkward boy around eighteen, came in with three old hats in his hand. He addressed me thus — 'Woman, is they any use o' burnin' up all my hats jes' 'cause this here is a boy?' ' 'An old woman who appeared to be the head of things spoke up sternly. 'Course they's use o' burnin' yore hats! If the first boy has any bit o' luck his pap's hats has to burn in the fire. My mammy before me followed the babyfetching and she said their daddies burnt hats for all their first boys. Nobody ever acted stingy with their hats before around here, Jim, except Rial Edwards for his boy and Rial kept back a big hat he'd jest bought, and of all the trifling, no 'count, dirt-eating young'uns ever I seen his'n is the worst. Don't act the fool, Jim. Throw them hats in.' �528 Paul Green's Wordbook "Jim still hesitated. 'Hit looks right plumb foolish,' he said. I stole a glance toward the bed, two big tears were stealing furtively down the cheeks of the pretty girl mother. 'Honey,' said the new father very tenderly, 'do you want my hats burnt?' 'I want my baby to have some chance,' she said. " 'Seeing her suffer like you see her, Jim, shore looks to me like you'd give up them ole hats,' said the old lady contemptuously. "The boy pitched his hats into the blazing log fire. 'You know it twan't stinginess, honey,' he said to his wife, 'hit jest looks foolish.' " down the hatch Down the throat, gullet. Often said preparatory to swallowing a shot of liquor. hate To be unwilling, deplore, dislike doing. "I hate to do it, son, but I've got to whip you for stealing my liquor." Regret. "I hated to hear that your house had been robbed, Mr. Paul." hateful An irritating person. "She's a little old hateful." hat-holding Obsequious, subservient.' 'He's a hat-holding guy hoping for a government job." hat in hand Humble, submissive. ha'th Hearth. hat trick A ruse, a deceit, cheating. hats off Respect, honor. haul freight Leave, run away, go fast, vamoose. haul in one's horns Quit bragging, lower one's sights, eat crow. haul off To act quickly. "He hauled off and hit me." haul over the coals To berate, to scold. Also "haul onto the carpet." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 529 haunted house (place) A house or place where a ghostly apparition may be seen, usually at the same hour and most often at night. have a bear by the tail To be in a most difficult position, to have a job bigger than one can handle. have all one's buttons To be in good form, clever, quick-witted. have a place for everything and have everything in its place have a (great) mind to To feel inclined to some action. have by the balls To have complete control of. "L. B. J. had this country by the balls." have on To wear, to be dressed in. "That's a purty dress you have on." have other fish to fry To have other concerns, business, than the present one. have the goods on To have clear evidence or proof of one's actions, usually of guilt. 'havior Behavior. haw To go left. hawk A fierce person, a war-minded one, an ultra-conservative. An outlook or watch set by thieves or gangsters to warn of the police coming. Hawk and Chickens A children's chase game. The "mother hen" has her brood of "chickens" lined up behind her. The "hawk" is intent on catching the "chickens" one by one and adding them to its side. So the contest begins, the "hawk" trying to elude the "mother hen'' to grab one of the chickens. Each one that is caught joins the "hawk'' group. hawk caller A folk toy. A wildwood little flute-like caller, often spoken of as a blate, made by splitting the end of a green twig, inserting a cut slip of a leaf, usually �530 Paul Green's Wordbook a red oak leaf, and laid against the lips and blown with a shrill little crying sound, much like a hawk's call. Make hay while the sun shines. haymaking Loose love-making, frolicking in the hay. Hay Over A chasing ball game. See "Heigh Over." hayrides Rides that young people used to take on a wagon loaded with hay. What fun we had on these rides, singing and joking away. Perfect for courting and snuggling in the dark. He hits the nail on the head. soft in the head Easily taken in, deceived, sentimentally kind, silly. A cool head and warm feet live long. Little head, big wit; Big head, not a bit. have a head for To be talented in one direction. head full of sense An especially sharp, discerning, practical person. head-hunter A fiercely matrimonially inclined female. heading A bolster, a pillow. "I didn't have enough heading last night and couldn't sleep." head in the sand To be dull, stupid, uncaring. eat one's head off To be gluttonous. head of the heap The leader. head of the house (table) The head man, the boss, the one who leads. There's an old Scotch saying in the Valley that "Where McGregor sits is the head of the table." Neck �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 531 McGregor used to boastfully say this of himself, but he later changed his tune. I knew Neck a little while before he died. He got his nickname from Civil War times. One day in 1865 Sherman's Yankee bummers rushed up to his farm down there on Lower Little River and captured him. He wouldn't tell where his horses and silverware were hid so they hung him up by the neck the way they later did the Harnett County poet George W. Miller. Then they cut him down alive and still he wouldn't tell. Later on some more of Sherman's bummers came by and hanged him again but he wouldn't tell. Maybe he couldn't tell. Maybe he didn't have any silverware. The truth is I guess he didn't have any horses or silverware by this time, for it all had gone into the Southern cause, he being a mighty patriotic fellow and looking up to General Lee as next to God. Finally a third gang of Yankee guerrillas came by and hanged him a third time and that nearly ended him. They left him for dead but some of the neighbors arrived in time to cut him down and revive him. From that day on, though, he walked with a crooked neck and with his head turned slanchindicular. So about all he got out of working for the Confederate cause was a maiming for life and the nickname "Neck.'' That name fitted him right on up to the end, and he quit using the boastful old saying. One day on his way to MacDonald's Mill with a bag of corn he met a few old Confederate soldiers coming around the bend on horses. They were on their way to Fayetteville for a reunion and were carrying a Confederate flag held high and proud before them. The flag flapping in the wind and the troops coming around the curve so suddenlike scared Neck's mule and he ran away with him, throwing him out of the wagon and on his head and killing him. This time his neck was really broken. head of water A supply of water sufficient for water-mill grinding. Heads I win, tails you lose. A catch, a mock wager. heads or tails A tossed coin is used to decide first go, for instance. One leader calls' 'heads,'' another "tails,'' and the one who is matched by the top surface of the falling coin is the winner. can't make heads or tails out of it Completely puzzled. Two heads are better than one. Two heads are better than one, even if one is a cabbage head. Two heads are better than one, or why do folks marry? It's hard to put old heads on young shoulders. �532 Paul Green's Wordbook head the yearling To end, win over, to defeat, overleap or surpass. "Well, suh, all I can say is that really heads my yearling." headwork before handiwork heal all An aromatic plant common to fields, woods and waste places especially, in almost all of North America. It is also known as blue curls. A decoction from it was supposed to be good for anything, hence its name. health springs Before and especially after the Civil War the custom of going to the springs for one's health was widespread. For some days, a week or two maybe, the people would drink plentifully of the water and go back home refreshed and "cleaned out." The being cleaned out had more meanings than one, for a lot of secret card playing and gambling went on. Some of the springs had commodious hotels, equipped with every sort of guest comfort including brass bands. The springs nearest my home were Chalybeate, Holly, and Fuquay — all of small vintage if that's the word. The most popular was Fuquay Springs, and huge crowds gathered there at Easter and the Fourth of July. The springs are all pretty much forgot now, and the hotels and race tracks have long ago disappeared. What hastened the early abandonment of Fuquay Springs in particular was that some years ago the word got out that General Sherman's forces had buried a lot of old wornout mules and horses above the spring, and surely the water was contaminated thereby. Too late to vomit. But quit, everyone did. he-animal Bull. Many persons in the Valley, especially women, are so prudish or timid that they won't use the word "bull." They will say "animal" instead. The same applies to "boar" or "stud." "Mr. Harmon's got a new he-animal in his pasture, and he sure looks dangerous." heaping full More than level, overflowing. hear For emphasis. "Come see us, hear." hearn Heard. heart Kindness. "He's got no heart in him." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 533 The solid, unsappy center of a tree. by heart Memorized. "I knowed it by heart once, but now I've forgot it." Have a heart. To have kind feelings, to be merciful. hear tell Rumored. "I hear tell John Edwards is gonna get married." hear the birds sing To be looney, cuckoo. heart in one's mouth Afraid, intense suspense.' 'On that third strike my heart was in my mouth.'' heartleaf An aromatic Valley plant, wild ginger. Poultices from the leaves are used to heal cuts. hear to it To agree, acquiesce in, heed. Hearts like doors open with ease To very, very little keys. And don't forget that two of these Are "Thank you, sir," and "If you please." (A proverb rhyme.) heathen Any people on earth who are not Christians; usually the Valley people had in mind the folks in Asia. heave-ho To be thrown out, unceremoniously dismissed. "I got the old heave-ho and now I'm looking for a job." Heaven Opposite of hell. The place of supernal delight, usually supposed to be somewhere up in the sky, as hell is supposed to be below the earth somewhere. Heaven helps those who help themselves. Heavenly days! Heavens! Good Heavens! Merciful Heavens! Heavens above! �534 Paul Green's Wordbook Heavens to Betsy! Interjections. heavies Winter underwear. The heaviest ear of corn hangs its head the lowest. heavy Wet, sticky, moisture laden. "I ploughed my corn when the ground was too heavy, and now look at it, it's turned yellow as gold." heavy as a ton of bricks heavy as lead heavy-assed Slow, lazy, lethargic. Heavy dew means fair weather to come. heavysome Dull, sad, despondent. Hebrew Mysterious, indecipherable, not understood. "He explained, but it was all Hebrew to me." heck A mild expletive, same as what the heck, aw heck, etc. to heck and gone A long distance, out of sight and mind, or completely obliterated. for the heck of it For the dare of it, just to be doing it. since Heck was a pup A long time, much the same as coon's age or blue moon. he-cow A prudish assertion for a bull. hedge preacher An illiterate, loud-mouthed evangelist, a great pest, not only to the Valley, but to the world at large. Let him that thinketh he standeth take heed lest he fall. heel it To run, same as hoof it. �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence 535 turn heel To turn and leave, to betray, to change one's direction suddenly, much the same as "turn tail." cool one's heels To wait apprehensively for some decision, to be forced to waste time waiting. to hang by one's heels To be completely ruined, to be made helpless. "When the stock market blew up, it left him hanging by his heels." heel-string Leg tendon. "Mr. Pendergraff was sawing wood last Monday when that chain saw grabbed his leg and cut his heel-string in two." heerd Past tense of hear. heft The might, the strength. "The heft of him was scareful." The handle. "Take that shovel by the heft." He (it, she) has had it. Worn out, incapacitated, done for. He has need of a long spoon that sups with the devil. He hath liv'd ill that knows not how to die well. heifer A young girl. open heifer A prostitute or sexually loose woman. heifer den A brothel. heifer dust A common, low woman. We used to call our boarding housekeeper at Chapel Hill heifer dust. Why I don't know, for she was a kind, nice person, as far as I knew. heigh A form of address. Heigh Over! A ball game, same as Hail Over. The players are divided as equally as possible. They take positions on �536 Paul Green's Wordbook opposite sides of a building. A player on the side with the ball calls out "Heigh over!" and the ball is thrown over the house as far as possible. When it is caught on the fly or on first bounce, the side now with the ball comes tearing around the house and the one with the ball tries to hit one of the opposing players, even chasing him down before he can escape around the house. If he hits an opponent, that one now joins his side. The game continues till all the players have been brought over to one side or till the weaker side gives in and calls it quits or in our old parlance calls out "Calf-rope!" The heights by great men reached and kept Were not obtained by sudden flight But they while their companions slept Were toiling upward in the night. heir Inherit a share or part of an inheritance. "Since Dode heired that money from his uncle, he ain't worth a continental." held up Delayed, hindered, stopped. "I would-a been here sooner but some company came in and I was held up." hell A mild swear word. Torment, Hades, the bad place, the fiery lake, the everlasting fire, a place believed in by most fundamentally religious people where those who die in sin and unknowing of Jesus and his salvation must suffer forever, burning in flames seven times hotter than ordinary fire on earth. Even the innocent children of the Orient who never had any chance to hear of Jesus — according to orthodox Christian faith — these poor innocent ones must burn forever in the flames because they were not saved by believing in Jesus Christ. This cruel nonsense reminds me of a dialogue I recently had with a deacon in one of the Valley churches. "You mean, John, that you believe those millions and millions, hundreds of millions of little children of other nations far away who have not known of Jesus, could not know of Jesus because millions of them lived before he even was born, you mean to say that they are lost forever and must suffer the torments of hell." ' 'Well, it's just too bad, but that's the way the Bible has it, and I believe the Bible. And it says 'Woe unto those that don't believe.' " ' 'Yes, I know, I know, but don't you think this is a terrible bloodthirsty thing to believe in? You can't imagine any god could be so cruel, can you?'' "I believe in God and I believe in Jesus Christ and him crucified, and I believe in the Bible which says 'Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ and him �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 537 crucified and ye shall be saved' and woe unto those who do not believe." "Yes, yes, I see, I see. Well, I guess there's no use arguing, because I could never believe in such a doctrine, and I couldn't believe in such a bloodthirsty god." "Yes, and it's too bad for you, just as it's too bad for them little children, and I know when you die where you are going." "Yes, I know, John, the chances are we won't go to the same place, will we?" "No, we won't. Iknowwherel'mgoing.becauselbelieveintheFather and his Son and I believe in the Holy Ghost, and I try to live right, try to live by my faith." "I try to live right, too, John." "But you can't live right if you don't believe in the Lord. No, you can't, and I want you to know that I've prayed for you night after night, many a year I've prayed for you. It don't look like, though, it's doing any good a-tall." "No, it doesn't, John, it doesn't look as if the great Master in the sky is hearing you." "He hears me, all right, the thing is you don't hear Him. Well, you've had your chance and you're still here looking hale and hearty. And you've still got a chance, but in such an hour as you know not, then he'll call for you, and, oh Lord, it breaks my heart to think that you won't be ready." "I'm sorry to cause you trouble, John, very sorry. Don't let your heart ache over me. I don't reckon I'm worth it according to your view." "Yes, you're worth it, because the Bible does say that all are precious in the sight of God, and you're precious in my sight, too, and I do wish you could see the true faith and believe in it." "I don't guess there's much chance, John, not much chance of my believing in the kind of god that we've been talking about." And again the stern comment, "That's just too bad for you. I'll pray for you, yes, I will, but I misdoubt it will do any good. Repent now before it's too late." And to keep the deacon from kneeling and beginning his prayer for me right there, I changed the subject to the pennant race between the Orioles and the Dodgers baseball clubs. Like me, the lost one, the deacon loves baseball, and so we had a good and cheerful talk after all and shook hands friendly-wise when we parted. Hell is paved with good intentions. gone to hell Shot to hell, all to pieces, undone, made a mess of, broken up. �538 Paul Green's Wordbook like hell An expression of intensity in comparison. go to hell in a basket To go recklessly to hell. hellaceous Hellish. to hell and gone Wild behavior, a wasteful result. hell-bent for election Moving fast, at great speed. hell-bent for leather Wildly intended, pushing on with all one's might. hell driver An auto racer. hell-fired Extremely hellish, a phrase for emphasis. till hell freezes over A long time, much longer than a coon's age. "I'll hold to my views till hell freezes over." hellhounds (Gabriel's hounds) There is a superstition in the Valley that hellhounds can be heard crossing the sky and barking fiercely as an omen of death. "Yes, sir," said Aunt Etta, "I was out there in the pink of the morning, hoeing in my cabbage, when I heard them hellhounds coming way off, and they come nigher and nigher and crossed the sky right overhead, and they went right in the direction of Uncle Jim's house and they faded out when they seemed to get to his house. I told my man, Sandy, at breakfast, 'Sandy,' I said, 'Uncle Jim is dead, I done heerd the hellhounds barking in the sky and barking all around above his house, and he's dead.' And so he was." helling Creating a disturbance, speeding recklessly. hell of a note An intensive description, something extraordinary. hello girl A telephone operator. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 539 hell on wheels A reckless, wild, uncontrollable person. come hell or high water No matter what difficulty, in spite of everything, extreme hardships, etc. hell's bells! An interjection. hell's gate A woman's cunt. helm Helve. If you can't help, don't hinder, as helpless as a baby help my life! An exclamation. "Every little bit helps," said the old woman as she pissed in the sea. "Every little bit helps," said the old woman as she farted in the whirlwind. he-man stuff Rough male treatment, cave man methods. hemispheres A woman's breasts. to stretch hemp To be hanged on the gallows. hemp widow A woman widowed by her husband's being hanged. A black hen lays white eggs. A setting hen is never fat. It is a sorry house in which the cock is silent and the hen crows. henbit A nettle, also known as bee nettle, found in rich wastelands from late February to October. Used as a laxative. hen fruit Eggs. �540 Paul Green's Wordbook Mr. Henry A derisive rhyme. We used to substitute any teacher we wanted when we recited this rhyme. "Mr. Henry, he's a good teacher, Teaches scholars now and then. When he whips them, makes them dance Out of England into France." Setting hens don't want fresh eggs. hen-scratches (tracks) Crude, almost indecipherable handwriting. "I can't make heads or tails of all them hen-scratches." hepatica An early flowering woodland plant, abundant in the Valley, as in most of America. South Dakota has chosen it as its state flower. Also known as liverwort. Its lobed leaves are livershaped, and "hepatica'' means liver. Used for liver complaints and also for fevers and coughs. hep to To be privy to, to have knowledge of, suited to, in the know. herb doctor Much the same as conjure doctor or root doctor. A folk practitioner of hocus pocus, cures and spells, still widely believed in by most people. Innumerable stories are current about them. For instance, not long ago Zonie, the young Negro man who works with me, was telling me of some herb or root doctor cures he knew about. Two of them were especially striking. We were cleaning up our yard and had to go out to Sam Lloyd's in the country to get a little mowing machine. As we drove along we passed a run-down filling station kept by a Negro man. The Negro man was sitting on a bench leaning against the wall. ' 'Look-a there at him,'' said Zonie. "His name is Jackson Long. Stingy — oh, my Lord! I owed him one cent once and 'cause I didn't get back on Monday morning to pay him, he told all around in the neighborhood that Zonie Lippert couldn't nohow be trusted." "You mean one cent, Zonie?" "Mean one cent. But that's the way it is," he went on, as we drove up the road.' 'A man can save and scrimp and scrounge like that, and then bad luck comes and gits him. Last week he had twenty-five hundred dollars in his pocket and he went down to the 'Sociation meeting. Twenty-five hundred dollars!" "Gracious," Isaid, "why would he go around with that much money �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 541 in his pocket?" "He sold off a piece of land to Mr. Dode Jones, and it being Saturday night he couldn't go to the bank in Carrboro 'til Monday morning. And he didn't want to go to the' Sociation and leave it in his ramshackly old filling station for fear somebody would take it. So he had it on him in his pocket. And what you reckon happened to him? Why, somebody spelled him while he was there and just got that money right away from him. Yessuh, hypnotized him, got him in a daze with his devil's eye, and he ain't never going to see nary a brownie of it any more." "What do you mean, hypnotized him?" I queried. "Just that, Mr. Green — spelled him. Aw, the people works spells on you through this country here round and about." "Zonie, you don't believe that." "Shore, I believe it. Take that house right over there we're passing. There was a fellow in there — lived there once but moved up North now. He had the worst spell a-tall. His name was Hub. I used to play with him. Him and me was about the same age. Well, sir, somebody had it in for him. Might have been a girl, for all I know. Anyhow they fed him some juice or something out of a Co'-cola bottle, and it had a spell in it. And you know what? That boy had snakes all under his skin. You could see the pattern of 'em. I've looked at his arm many a time and there you could see the shape of the snakes in his skin." "You mean you really saw the snakes?" ' 'Yessuh, I've seen 'em. And he got worse and worse. And his mammy and daddy and the neighbors met together and said there weren't no doubt about it at all — they had to take him to that herb doctor up there beyond. Maybe you've heard of him." "No. What is an herb doctor, Zonie?" ' 'With all your knowledge and you don't know that! Lord, Mr. Green. Well, some people calls 'em root doctors, dust-doctors. Sometimes they have a herb root with a spell on it they can work strange things with. Then again some of 'em has dust out of the graveyard, from the grave of a man that's been hanged or burnt in the electric chair. Well, that's what they are — call 'em root doctors or dust doctors." "How do they get their power, Zonie?" "Well, sir, the best way to get it is out'n a black cat, one in which they ain't nary a speck of white. Take you a iron pot of hot scalding water and put that cat in there alive and jam a led on it. And then you hop up and stand on that led. And you stand there all the whilst the flesh is b'iling away from that cat's bones. It may jounce and jimmy under your feet, but you just keep standing on the pot. Then when the bones is all fleshened away, you take 'em out and put 'em in a basket. And you go to the creek where there's plenty of swift-running water. You dash all them bones right spang �542 Paul Green's Wordbook into that swift-running water. And the bone that swims up the creek, that's your man. You grab it, and you keep the bone. From then on you got the power." "I reckon so, if you think of a bone swimming up stream,'' I laughed. "Yes sir, that's what I'm thinking of, 'cause some of 'em do. And that Mayben root doctor he had one of them bones. With that bone he would go out in the woods. And any place he come nigh where there was a good root, that bone would move in his pocket and cut up terrible. All he had to do was dig down there and get that root. Then he could cut a piece of it and put it in a handkerchief and sell it to you for two dollars and a half. And if you wanted a girl to come to you—with that root in your handkerchief she'd come. Or if a girl wanted a boy to come to her, she could just touch the root she had and make her wish, and he'd have to come, too. "It was a girl lived back down there got one them things. Ugly she was and spraddle-teefied. And bless your soul, where she hadn't had a fellow looking at her before, now they just stood lined up in front of her house waiting to git in, after she got that piece of root. "As I was going to say — this Hub fellow, he got these snake spells on him. And the mother and the father and the neighbors said we got to take him to that herb doctor at Mayben. Well, they went up there to see the herb doctor, and he said it'll cost you a hundred and eighty-seven dollars. ' 'That rally shocked 'em. They didn't have no hundred and eighty-seven dollars. They pled and they begged him to do something for their poor Hub anyhow, but the herb doctor said — no pay, no taking the spell off, and it's cheap at that. So they come away with Hub back home. And Hub got worse and worse. "One day there was a big heavy rain and Hub went out of the house into the gyarden with a couple of tow sacks. He loaded them tow sacks with wet gyarden dirt and tuk one sack under one arm and one under the other and come into the house. And he emptied the dirt out on the kitchen floor. 'Look here, Mama,' he said, 'at the money we got. We got plenty of money, Mama. You take half and Papa take half and I take half.' And he mixed his hands all down in that dirt, his face shining like he was handling gold. " 'Shut yo' mouth, boy,' his muh yelled out. 'You're plumb crazy as a bed bug. That ain't no money. That's plain old gyarden dirt.' " 'It ain't gyarden dirt, it ain't,' he said. 'It's money, Mama, money — and you can pay the herb doctor at Mayben. And he'll get me well — get them snakes off'n me.' And with that word 'snakes' he begun to squeal and shout and hop up and down. "His mammy was so outdone with him she tuk a handful of that dirt and swabbed it smack into his mouth. 'That's money for you!' she said. Well, that seemed to raily upset Hub, for he tore out of the room and run upstairs, yelling as loud as he could. And there the snakes went to work �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 543 on him to a fare-you-well — so hard that he jumped spang out of the window into the hard yard ground, and when he hit the ground, he hit it running. There was an old bicycle he used to ride laying up against the house had two flat tires. He jumped straddle of that bicycle and tore off down the road trying to outrun them snakes. His mammy yelled for his pappy, and he come in from the field. He got his little old pickup Ford, and him and the mammy hopped in and started after Hub. Well, sir they got that Ford pickup where it was popping off, but that boy clean went away from there and left 'em behind — yessir, on that old bicycle with them two flat tires. And when he rounded the curve down there coming into Carrboro he was making such speed that bicycle thro wed him for a loop. End over end he went through the air and landed in the middle of a big grape vine out in somebody's field. And he got tangled up in the vine, and so his mammy and daddy ketched him. "Then they sont him off to Goldsboro to that 'sylum place, him whimpering and a-crying not to go. People felt sorry for him, the mammy and the neighbors did, and they all got together and raised a hundred and eighty-seven dollars. And they tuk it up to that herb doctor at Mayben and says — 'Here, Mr. Doctor-man, is a hundred and eighty-seven dollars — get poor Hub back home again.' And the doctor tuk the hundred and eightyseven dollars and said — 'Your boy is well!' "And shore enough, he was. Down in Goldsboro they checked, and at the same minute that the doctor said them words, Hub come to hisself in his natcheral mind. "They went and got him and brung him home, and he had plenty of good sense from that day on. He weren't never bothered by snakes no more. Later on he moved up North. They say he's doing well up there — married and got a family. Yes sir, just the way the herb doctor said, a hundred and eighty-seven dollars, and cheap at that." On another day when we were driving back to town after a visit to my farm out in Chatham County, we passed a little house set off in a field. Zonie pointed to it. "You see that house, Mr. Green? There was a girl lived in that had a bad spell on her. I knowed her. Yes sir, she begun to waste away, and there was nothing they could do for her. Somebody, they couldn't tell who it was, had a spell on her, wasting her away. She'd sit around the house and mope and say nothing, all drooped up like a sick pullet. And her mammy went off to see that herb doctor at Mayben. He looked at her and said, 'It'll cost you a hundred and eighty-seven dollars for me to cyore your daughter, and cheap at that.' The poor woman didn't have no hundred and eighty-seven dollars, and she come back home all discouraged like. And the girl kept wasting away. Just like in the case of Hub I told you about, people got together and took pity on her and at the church they took up a collection several Sundays, and the mammy washed and hoed and made a few dollars �544 Paul Green's Wordbook here and there. Finally they got it all together and went to see the doctor at Mayben. " Til have to come down and see what I can do,'he says. 'This here's a special case. How old is she?' "And so he did, riding up in a Buick car with a fat yellow boy driving him. And he looked the premises over. Then he looked at the girl and had her to open her mouth, and he looked in the pa'm of her hands and felt her good. He shook his head mighty mournful-like. 'There ain't no doubt about it,' he said. 'She's got a bad spell on her.' Well sir, that doctor had a little thing in his hand, a kind of wooden thing about the size of a yo-yo with a long needle sticking out of it. And he went round the house with his head bent over holding that thing out in front of him. And, all of a sudden, that needle says 'py-an-ng!' and it shot right out from that piece of wood and out of sight into the ground. " 'Bring a shovel,' the doctor hollered. 'Here's where you dig.' And they dug, and down about two feet they found a little bottle lying on its side there with a cork loose in it. The doctor took that bottle out and held it up in the light. It had just a little bit of juice in it. " 'That's what was killing of her,' he said. 'Whilst this juice leaked out her life was oozing away. We got here just in time, for there's just about enough to last another day. Then she'd a-been gone from here to come no more.' So he remmed the stopper in tight and put the bottle back in the hole right end up — 'to rest there,' he said, 'till the judgment day.' And they filled the dirt back in. And when they'd done that, the girl shook herself, broke out all of a sudden in a happy smile and laughed. " 'I feel better right now,' she said. And so she got well and mended fast. Yes sir, say what you please, them herb doctors got power, and if I ever get a spell on me, I'm sure going to raise me up a hundred and eightyseven dollars and pay one of 'em — and cheap at that." herbs Money. hereafter The other world after death. This other world, according to the orthodox Christian belief, is one of felicity or one of suffering. A man may be morally upright and one without any ethical wrong-doing and still be lost in the hereafter unless he has accepted Jesus Christ as his personal savior and has been forgiven of his sins and, somehow in a mysterious way, has received the grace that St. Paul talks so volubly about. Here, a little child, I stand, Heaving up my either hand. Cold as paddocks though they be, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 545 Lord, I lift them up to thee For a benison to fall On our food and on us all. (Child's prayer, Robert Herrick 1591-1674) here's hoping Here's looking at you, here's how, a toast preparatory to taking a drink. Here I Stand both fresh and fair, Dark brown eyes and curly hair, Rosy cheeks and dimpled chin, A warm little heart that beats within. Here I stand upon a stump Come and kiss me 'fore I jump. Here I stand on two dry chips. Come and kiss me on the lips. Here I stand all fat and chunky, Ate a duck and swallowed a monkey. (Recitation rhymes.) Here's mud in your eye. A jocular toast. here today and gone tomorrow An irresponsible person, also said of some possession or cherished thing. hern Hers. her'n Heron. a dead herring A perished cause or purpose, something that's outmoded. drag a herring over (usually a red herring) To confuse, to keep secret, to hide away. hesh Hush. He skipped the lean and ate the fat And that soon put him where he's at. (A proverb.) �546 het Paul Green's Wordbook Past tense of heat. He that blows dust fills his own eyes. He that dies pays all debts. He that fights and runs away may live to fight another day. He that goes a-borrowing goes a-sorrowing. He that is down need fear no fall. He that pays the piper calls the tune. He that will not when he could, cannot when he would. He that will not when he may, when he would will find it nay. het up Angry, all fired up. Hew to the line and let the chips fall where they may. hewers of wood and drawers of water The common people, the lowest sort, working class. He who blows his own horn hurts other people's ears. He who does what he should not, in time will suffer what he would not. Hey, diddle-diddle The cat and the fiddle, The cow jumped over the moon. The little dog laughed to see such sport And the dish ran away with the spoon. (Nursery rhyme.) hiccups There are many folk cures given for hiccups. One cure is to put a cold knife on the back of the hiccupper or have him stoop over, pick up a rock, spit under the rock and then stand up straight, or hold his breath and count to ten, or have some surprising, frightful news told him, even as a joke. Any sudden surprise or fright is supposed to stop the hiccups. Still another cure is to be able to say the following rhyme thus— "Hiccup, hiccup, Rise up, rise up, Three sucks in the teacup Is good for the hiccups." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 547 To repeat this three times in rapid succession without a single hiccup will give a certain cure. Also, if one takes nine swallows of water, saying between each swallow, "hiccup, hiccup," this will help to cure the hiccups. A teaspoon of sugar held in the mouth until it dissolves cures the hiccups. An old woman told me once to hold my hands above my head and that would cure the hiccups. I don't remember now whether it did or not. Hickory, dickory dock, The mouse ran up the clock. The clock struck one. The mouse ran down, Hickory, dickory dock. (A recitation rhyme, also used sometimes as a counting-out rhyme.) Burn a hickory log and make a poultice of the ashes for shingles. hickory nuts The fruit of the hickory tree. In late fall we children used to have great fun going into the woods with buckets or tow sacks and gathering the nuts that had fallen to the ground, most of them already hulled or partly hulled from striking the earth. And then came the cracking by the fireside and digging the goodies out. hickory shirt A tough working shirt most often made of blue denim cloth. hickory whetrock The best of all possible whetstones, according to a Valley legend, but legendary only. There is no such thing. But when I was a little boy, I was told by an old colored man, Uncle Reuben (See "Ku Klux Klan"), that if I put a piece of hickory wood in a creek where the water ran swiftly and let it stay there a week or so it would turn into a whetrock. I tried it, and for a week beat a path to the creek. No whetrock. Finally I got disgusted and quit. Hickory wood makes the best fire for curing barbecue, smoking meat and also for courting. Hide and Seek One of the most popular of all children's hiding and running games, much the same as "I Spy." "It" is agreed on or chosen by a counting-out rhyme. A home base is selected, usually a tree. "It" counts, say, up to a hundred, and the other players hide the while. At the end of the counting "It" usually calls out — we did when we played it — ' 'Bushel of wheat, bushel of clover, all ain't hid can't hide over! Coming, ready or not." �548 Paul Green's Wordbook And then the search for the hidden players would begin. If a player succeeded in reaching home base before "It" could touch him, he was "home free" and usually called out the fact when he made it. The last one found was usually "It" for the next hiding, though sometimes we chose to let the one who got home free first have that honor. play hide and seek To tease, lead one on. hidebound Narrow-minded, provincial person. Hide the Thimble (Button) A popular children's game. All the players except the one who is to be "It" leave the room. The thimble, or some other small object like a button or a coin, is hid then in some out of the way place, but not under or behind anything. It must always be in plain view, much like Edgar Allan Poe's purloined letter. Then "It" calls the other players in, and they begin to hunt for the thimble. When one of the players is very close to the object, he can call out "Am I hot?", and if not, "It" can say, "You're cold," etc. And sometimes "It" can encourage a player by saying, "You're getting warm." And when one finally finds the thimble, he usually calls out, "Here it is" or "I found it." Then he becomes the "It" for the next game. high as a Georgia pine high as a kite Hilariously drunk. high as the sky No limit. highball A sign of goodbye. "He gimme the highball and left." high blood High blood pressure.' 'My sister's got the high blood and can't work a lick.'' high cotton In good shape, financial security. "I'm living in high cotton now — I'm on Uncle Sam's payroll," said civil servant Jones. The higher one climbs the more of his behind he shows. (I have heard that this was one of Woodrow Wilson's favorite old proverbs.) The higher they climb the farther they fall. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 549 high feather Gleeful feelings. high jinks Pretentious doings, show-off proceedings. highly height Over-proud, superior. "Give my dogs cornbread and, man, they're highly height.'' Mrs. Atlee Neville, who has been with us for forty years, says this was a common saying as long as she can remember. high on the hog Rich living. "He eats high on the hog." high pocket An old worn-out prostitute. high stepper A proud acting, pretentious person, a show-off, a bold, fancy-dressed woman. highsterics Hysterics. hightantrabogus Noisy times, loud doings. high temper Excessive feelings, especially of anger. There is an old saying that a Scotsman's high temper is the worst of all, for it is mixed in with stubbornness of will. This was well proved, at least for once, in the case of Julgar McWhorter and his wife Coziah McQueen McWhorter. Soon after they were married they got into a violent quarrel, and in the height of their Scotch tempers, they swore never to speak to each other again. And as far as anyone knows, they didn't. There they lived in their little house, each in a separate room. But there was certainly some visiting back and forth for they raised a family of six children. The oldest son Darrach once told me that his pa and ma used to communicate with each other through the children.' 'Tell your ma I see the chickens are eating up her collards out there in the garden," Julgar might say. And she would say, "Tell your pa I'll fix the other shirt tomorrow." At the same time she might be handing Julgar the one she'd just finished. high time Due, past time. "It's high time you was here." �550 Paul Green's Wordbook highty-tighty Proud, disdainful, uppish. high water mark A record performance or attainment, a high point of excellence. high, wide and handsome Prideful, braggish, and bold. "He cut a streak with the ladies high, wide and handsome, and that was his downfall." hikum-strikes Hysterics, a wild outburst of temper. hill One single yielding planted source. "Yessir, I got a peck of potatoes on the average from a single hill." hill (hill-up) To plough a crop such as cotton or tobacco for the last time, same as to lay by. hill of beans A term of comparison. "With his mammy spoiling him to death he won't amount to a hill of beans." hill potatoes To store potatoes. We used to put down a good bedding of pine straw, then carefully pile the potatoes on the straw in a tapering heap. More straw was then put over these potatoes and covered with dirt, with an airhole at the top, much like an Indian's tepee. Then we would get busy and put a shelter over the hill. Usually we would have hard luck. Too often they would go through a sweat and would rot badly. In these later times, the farmers have learned how to cure their potatoes indoors, give them air, and so protect them from rotting. hills hilt A woman's breasts. It is magically put in Shakespeare's song — "Hide, oh hide, those hills of snow." Held. "The cold weather's hilt the cabbage plants back, and we ain't got none yet." hindforemost The hind part before. suck the hind tit To get the worst of a matter or to have the leavings, to be mistreated. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 551 hind wheels of nowhere Outlandish, crazy looking. to have on the hip To have the advantage of, to be in the driver's seat over another. hippen A baby's diaper. hippity hop Hopping along like a toad or rabbit. to walk with one's hips Said of a woman who moves her hips and buttocks sexily as she walks. hip-shotten Crippled, awkward. hisn His. his nibs A term of high praise, though sometimes satirical, a big shot, a proud boss. "There sat his nibs all swelled out in his white shirt front and that hussy threw a big glass of red wine all over him. Uhm, what a come-down." his tail draggin' Said of a coward, also of one discouraged. h'isted Hoisted. h 'ist one To take a dram. History repeats itself. He who knows no history is doomed to repeat it. hit To succeed, to mature. "If my cotton hits this year, I'll make a bale to the acre." hit-and-run marriage A very brief marriage. hitch To tangle as in a fight. To get married. �552 Paul Green's Wordbook An unexpected difficulty, a confounding turn of events. hitch your wagon to a star Have high ambition, high ideals. hit if off To agree easily, work well together, to suit one another. hit it up To speed up. hit-off To imitate, to impersonate. "That fat baldheaded fellow could hit-off William Jennings Bryan to a tee." hits where you hold it Said of strong liquor. hit the deck To sleep, to fling oneself prone under an air attack. hit the grit To go, to move, to hurry. "Looks like a cloud coming up, we'd better hit the grit." hit the sawdust trail Process of repentance and confession of sins. hit where it hurts To touch on a sensitive subject. hit where one lives Has to do with one's main interest. play hob To mess things up, to hurt badly. "Liquor has just played hob with poor Rassie Taylor." hobbledehoy A stripling youth, an awkward fellow. hobby horse A chosen practice or favorite thing, a hug-to-the-bosom idea, thing or person. "Perpetual motion is his hobby horse, and he'll ride it till he goes crazy or something." hobnob To associate closely with, to be pals. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 553 hock The leg end of a ham, including the bones and the joint, often referred to as ham-hock. in hock On pawn, mortgaged, in debt. hockey Dung, human excrement, ordure, feces. "Take that boy out'n here — he's got hockey all over his foot." "You wanter go hockey, son?" "Yes, Pa." "Come on then." hockset Hogshead. hocus-pocus Tricky dealings, witchery. Hoe your own row. hoecake Bread made of cornmeal mixed with water and seasoned with salt and baked on a blade of an old-timey hoe. hoe hands Laborers hired to hoe and thin young cotton and chop grass from crops. hog A carpenter's or mason's term, meaning a hump or bulgy excrescence out of a straight line. "That wall's got a hog in it." A hog runs for his life, a dog for his character. If a hog carries a stick in its mouth, it is a sign of bad weather. The greediest hog is the poorest. Root hog or die. It's whole hog or none. hog bladders 'Way back it wasn't easy to get fircrackers to make bedlam noise at Christmas. We often saved up dried hog bladders if hog-killing had come on before Christmas. We would blow these up and then burst them with a great pounce. The trouble was there weren't enough bladders to go around. �554 Paul Green's Wordbook hog killing That exciting time in winter — the cold weather being right — when the "fattening hogs," which have been penned up and gorged with corn and kitchen slops for weeks, are killed for the year's meat. My father, a typical Valley farmer, would be up in the freezing weather before daybreak and get a roaring fire going around the two big iron pots in the backyard to heat water for scalding the hogs and getting the hair off. A few neighbors would come in to help us as we helped them—something of a community enterprise, though of course much smaller than a cornshucking. A large hole was dug in the ground to hold a sloping barrel with the open end up and the lip leaning out. When the water in the pots was near the boiling point ready for scalding the hogs (now that day had "done broke"), we would move to the pigpen. The fat waddling pigs would push their eager snouts between the rails of the fence grunting for their accustomed gift of food. But death as the final gift awaited them in the shape of the lifted axe whose butt would come down in a mighty thudding smack in their foreheads. And they died one by one with a protesting and supplicating squeal that perished gurgling in their mouths. Quick as thinking almost, each one's throat was cut by a sharp butcher knife to let the spoiling blood out. Then the bodies were hauled or dragged to the waiting barrel which had been filled with the boiling water. The bodies were lowered head first into the barrel and sloshed and turned about for a good scalding and then jerked out onto some spread-out planks or '' outsides," these latter being the sawed barked strippings from lumber logs. Flashing butcher knives, sharpened to razor-edge keenness, went swiftly to work scraping off the scalded and loosened hair — rumps, sides, legs, necks, heads, ears, noses — all. Next, the now naked and white gleaming bodies were hung up along a stout scaffolding pole, with a gambrel stick inserted in their now bared heelstrings (tendons) to hold them up. Then came the gutting and pulling out the pile of entrails or guts as we always called them, followed by the haslet (liver, heart, lights), and the milt (spleen, pronounced' 'melt" by us). The empty belly caverns of the hogs were next washed out by deluges of cold water which passed bloodily and freely down and out through the slitted throats. The guts were piled on a big outdoor table and the helping women (my mother was busy in the kitchen cooking the midday meal — always called ' 'dinner'' and never' 'lunch'') would get to work trimming the fat away from the guts and ridding them. This ridding was done by taking sections of the guts, washing them and inserting a long smooth withe or stick in them and packing them each on the stick in wrinkled layers. Then the sections would be pulled off in reverse, thus turning the guts inside out. These were �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 555 thoroughly washed and then some of them cut up in fine pieces which were later to be cooked as chitlins. These were supposed to be a real delicacy. Other guts were set aside to be stuffed later for sausage. The bodies of the hogs were left hanging with the sides of their bellies propped open by gambrels so that they could cool faster. Later in the afternoon when death and the freezing weather had stiffened them sufficiently, they were laid on the big table and cut up, the heads cut off first, then the backbones taken out, and next the hams, shoulders and middlings separated. The hams were of first importance, then the shoulders and last the middlings — each as to the amount of lean meat in it. It was the custom of courtesy to offer the neighbor helpers a haslet, or a backbone, or a head — each stating his own choosing. As I remember, our Negro helpers usually chose a backbone or a haslet and the white neighbors more often than not took nothing, saying they were "mighty glad to help you, Billy, just the way you help me." After supper my father with Roy McNeill, our one tenant — and sometimes my mother and some of us children too, if allowed from getting up our school lessons — would go out to the smokehouse — as we called the little one-room house across from the kitchen — and there trim the meat and salt it away. I can still see my father's big toil-hardened hand almost lovingly rubbing the salt hard against a ham to make it sink in better. Later on, the leaner pieces of trimmed-of f meat were ground up in our little hand-turned sausage grinder and stuffed in guts chosen for that purpose. The stomach sacs when filled with ground sausage meat were called Tom Thumbs, why, I've never been able to find out. The next day, with some of the women helpers back, the trimmed-off pieces of fat were boiled in the iron pot and turned (rendered) into lard. Next the tails, ears, noses, and feet of the pigs were cooked and souse meat made from them. The heads were hatchet-opened and the brains removed for cooking, usually with scrambled eggs — choice eating. The dried residue pieces remaining from the lard-rendering were ground up, seasoned with pepper, garden sage and salt and patted into large rounded balls of "cracklings." Now and then our hog-killing would be large enough for us to have some extra porkers for sale at the market in Raleigh, thirty miles away. This was a full day's trip each way. One doleful time I'll never forget. I was a little boy and at last had the happy privilege of going with my father. The almanac had prophesied cold weather, and it was cold the morning we "killed hogs." Then it turned to summer's heat as it often does in the South. We were delayed in getting off and, hurry the two mules as we could, we arrived at the old Raleigh Market House just as it was closing. Too late! During the night my father tried in vain to find some ice to put on the �556 Paul Green's Wordbook five porkers in the wagon. The next day the inspector sniffed our pigs, shook his head and said they were beginning to spoil and he couldn't pass them. I can still see his swift energetic and somewhat hairy hand as it slapped the rubber stamp on a pig with the big screaming word "Condemned." And I can still see too the stricken look on my father's face, his begging mouth saying "no, no!" Now the long desolate all-day road back home again. It was dark when we got there, but the children — Mary, Hugh, little arm-baby Gladys (Caro Mae and Erma hadn't been born) — were waiting by the road at the old branch a few hundred yards from the house with a lantern. They had been long waiting to welcome us home and to get at the precious gifts we had promised to bring them. Grief and weepings at the dreadful news! Mary put her hand on one of the pigs and said, "Poorpig, I'msorry." But it was poor mother when we got to the house. "Go get Rory," my father said to me and Hugh. We went across the field and got him. Out in the field we dug a big hole. I still remember how bright the moon shone. Our lantern light was hardly needed. The wagon was backed up to the hole, the pigs dragged out and dumped in and covered. Later I put down on paper in a little short story the account of this occasion entitled "Burial by Moonlight." But there was no way I could tell in words the full grief we all felt nor make anyone hear the stifled sobbing of my mother. Also refers to a hilarious party. hog pen A messy room or place. "You ought to a-seen his house after they took his body out — a plumb hog pen it was." hog's heaven A muck and a mire, any harum-scarum dishevelment, as a topsy-turvy bedroom. hog wallow A mudhole in which hogs like to lie. Also a messy house. hogwash Bad liquor, also worthless journalism and political barnstorming. go the whole hog Complete a job, finish a promise, go all out for. the old ho-hum A dull happening, the usual foretold result, especially used in regard to professional wrestling matches. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 557 hoigh High. A pronunciation now pretty much gone from the Valley. holdback straps Straps fastened to the shafts of a buggy and then snapped into the breeching of a harness which the horse or mule can press against to hold the buggy or carriage back in going down a hill. holding the bag Usually as "left holding the bag." To be bamboozled, fooled, made a scapegoat. holding up Same as holding on or holding his own. hold it Stop, wait. hold on To wait. "Hold on a minute before you go off half-cocked." hold one's own To stay about the same, in sickness making a good fight.' 'The way Lamar Lunsford holds his own is something to behold, him 80 years old." hold out To refuse to yield, also to continue to live when critically ill. "Poor Mis' Minty, she's still holding out." hold the fort (phone) Be patient, wait, take one's time before acting. hold tight Be careful, wary, wait. hold up To stop, to halt. Also to withstand age well. "I saw Frank Graham yesterday and in spite of his years, he's holding up well." hold water To stand up in a test, to be the truth.' 'That fellow's story won't hold water.'' hold with To approve, to agree. "Brother Green doesn't hold with that racial business." hold your horses Wait a bit, be patient, take it easy, much the same as hold the fort. �558 Paul Green's Wordbook hold your jaw Stop your comment, quit criticizing. hold your water Stay calm, don't get upset. burn a hole in one's pocket Said of money in possession of a spendthrift. hole in the head Foolish judgment, silly-headed. holier than thou A pious, hypocritical person. holler Lord and follow devil To preach one thing and do the opposite, hypocrisy. hollow The stomach, also a little valley between two hills. When I was a little boy I heard the term used for the stomach in a way I've never forgot. It was court Monday in Lillington, our county seat, and I was there with my father. On our way to our buggy to return home we passed the courthouse. A crowd was gathered in front, ringing around the two white men. We stopped and I, being small, pushed through where I could see better. These men, one big and pot-bellied, the other lean and wiry, were facing each other with long-bladed pocket knives. The people, believe it or not, were egging them on with derisive and challenging calls. "Why don't you fellows fight?" "Who's scared of who?" "Aw, they're both scared, that's what," and so on. I noted that the big man's face was almost cotton pale and the little fellow's a fiery red. Suddenly the little man flew at the big one, quick as a flash his knife going in swift slashings against the big man's belly. The big man threw up his hands with a moan, the knife dropped from his hands, and holding his arms across his belly he sank to the ground, the pouring blood beginning to stain his hands. "Lord God," hescreamed, "he'skilled me — he's done cut me to the hollow!" My father grabbed me by the hand. "Come on, he said, "This ain't no place for us." Later my father said Dr. Joe McKay told him the man died where he lay before he could get there to help him — "which I couldn't a-done anyhow," he said. As for the little man we heard he was put under a peace bond for a while, but never was tried — his act, the grand jury said, being in self-defense. hollow as a drum �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 559 hollow as a gourd hollow as a horn all hollow Thoroughly, completely. "In the election he got beat all hollow." hollow between the eyes Empty-headed, lacking in brains. hollow-hearted Insincere, deceitful. hollow horn A disease of cattle. In the Valley I've known sick cows to have the horn sawed off, the folk diagnosis of the cow doctor demanding it. Sometimes the horn stubs got infected and the poor animal died in great suffering. holly A popular evergreen tree. It never grows as large or tall as the big oaks and pines, but I have seen a few with bodies eighteen inches in diameter near the ground. In winter when the holly berries are red it is much used for Christmas decoration. The leaves have little spiny points, and we young folks used to tell fortunes by these spines, especially as to sweethearts. We would start with spine one as A and go on down the alphabet to the end. The catch for me at first was that my girl's name was so far down the alphabet that the spines too often gave out before I got to the letter beginning either her given (Christian) or surname. But since from my earliest day I have had a devious nature, I got around it by choosing the letter from her name I wanted and so was comforted and with no conscience pang at all. A decoction made from the berries was for a long, long time used in the Valley and elsewhere as a good medicine for coughs and colds. Also, the bark of this tree, when chewed, was good for the teeth. One of the most beautiful of all nativity songs to me is " The Holly and the Ivy." "The holly and the ivy, When they are both full grown, Of all the trees that are in the wood The holly bears the crown." "The rising of the sun And the running of the deer, The playing of the merry organ, Sweet singing in the choir." �560 Paul Green's Wordbook Some scholars say that the subject matter of this carol is perhaps pagan and symbolizes the masculine (the holly) and the feminine (ivy) principle and perhaps was sung as a dance between "lads and maids." "The merry organ" occurs in Chaucer's "Nonnes Preestes Tale." The holly bark was much used long ago as a source of bird lime, which was spread on limbs of trees to catch small birds in its viscous, sticky substance. holp holt Help. "Yesterday in Belk's store the Negro clerk said, 'Kin I holp you.' " Grip. holts Time at bat in a country ball game. "It's our holts now, and you fellows get out on the field." as holy as God Remember the sabbath to keep it holy. holy cats! An interjection. Holy Communion A religious sacrament in which the bread and wine used actually become, for the fundamentalist believers, the body and blood of Jesus Christ himself. Thus in eating the bread and drinking the wine they are partaking of Christ's body and drinking his blood. All reason repudiates this, but then only in the repudiation can this sort of religion be most strongly affirmed, so it seems. holy cow! An interjection. holy dance Spasmodic jerks and jumps indulged in by religious fanatics when caught in the fervor of their religion, especially indulged in by the Pentecostal sects or Holy Rollers. Holy Ghost The third Person of the Trinity, the others being God the Father and God the Son. The three are described in sacred writings as sitting in Heaven with the Son on the right hand of God and the Holy Ghost on the left, the right being a place of higher honor than the left. The story of Jesus is like the story of all the founders of the world's different religions — miraculous. Belief in miracles is a part of religions �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 561 and has to be. Luke in 1:30-32 says that the angel said to the virgin, "Fear not, Mary, for thou hast found favor with God. And, behold, thou shalt conceive in thy womb (en gastri) and bring forth a son and shall call his name Jesus (Salvation). He shall be great and shall be called the Son of the Highest, and the Lord God shall give unto him the throne of his father David." And Matthew adds his testimony saying,' 'Now the birth of Jesus was in this wise: When his mother Mary was espoused to Joseph, before they came together, she was found of child of the Holy Ghost." In Mark, John the Baptist says that after him came one (Jesus) mightier than he "the latchet of whose shoes I am not worthy to stoop down and unloose. I indeed have baptized you with water but he shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost." And in John, Jesus in his own words says of the Holy Ghost, "But the Comforter (Parakletos) which is the Holy Ghost, whom the Father will send in my name, he shall teach you all things, and bring all things to your remembrance, whatsoever I have said unto you." It is interesting that John uses the personal pronoun "he" (ekeinos, that one, that person) rather than an indefinite "it." But of course it is the nature of the miraculous to be too much for full statement in anything, language, signs, symbols or whatnot other than itself. It is interesting, too, to note that in Buddhism the scriptures of that religion tell how the spirit (the ghost) that was to become the Buddha, the enlightened one, was at first a free spirit in heaven (small h here) and of his (its) own free will entered the womb of the beautiful Maya to be born into the world as the Way of Salvation for struggling man, he (it) the savior of the world. And this Buddha, six hundred years before Christ, taught that man should live for his belief, not die — the opposite of what Jesus later taught. When I consider the thousands and thousands of people who have died and caused others to die for the Christian faith, the more I am inclined to favor Buddha. holy jerks Same as the holy jumps and the holy dance. holy mackerel! An interjection. holy Moses! An interjection. Holy Rollers A fervent religious sect, given to outlandish jerks, jumps, and foamy gibberish tongues when filled with the "spirit." �562 Paul Green's Wordbook holy smoke! A mild expletive. holy terror A renegade, a rambunctious person. Holy Yowlers Shouting religionists, usually Holy Rollers. East or west, Home is best. Home is where the heart is. Home is where you hang your hat. Four walls do not make a Home. There's no place like Home. Be it ever so humble, there's no place like home. He lives at home and boards at the same place. nothing to write home about Of poor quality, nothing exceptional. home base One's domicile, also the goal. home free Reaching a goal without cost or penalty. Home-keeping hearts are happiest. homeplace One's birthplace or where one grew up. homespun Plain, honest, sincere. "Abraham Lincoln was a homespun man, and one look at him and you could trust him." "Home, Sweet Home" The famous old-time song that everyone knows about but no one sings anymore. Lyrics by John Howard Payne and music by Henry R. Bishop. Its line, "Be it ever so humble, there's no place like home," has become a folk proverb. hone To hunger for, yearn for, to love. "He kept honing after that girl till they had to shut him up in Dix Hill." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 563 honest as the day is long honest injun! A mild oath, like "cross my heart and hope to die." Usually a forefinger or several fingers are held up as "injun" sign. honest John Any honest person. An honest man is the noblest work of God. An honest man's word is as good as his bond. honest to God! An expletive. honest to goodness Beyond doubt, absolutely trustworthy, also used as an asseveration.' 'Honest to goodness, I didn't mean to hurt you.'' "He's an honest to goodness man.'' the honest truth An intensive expression. "To tell the honest truth, I don't know what to do about the war in Vietnam." Honesty is the best policy. a honey A fine thing, a good job, first rate. Make yourself all honey and the flies will devour you. You may be honey but the bees don't know it. Give doses of honey mixed with ashes of burnt holly leaves for bad colds. honey bunch A term of endearment. honey dew An exudation often seen on bushes in May or June, especially in dry hot weather. It is a sticky sweet substance and shines in the light like a silvery glistening oil. It was supposed to be especially good when licked or eaten for girls' health and beauty. honey-fuggle To cajole, to wheedle, to play with sexually. honey mouth Sweet talking, insincere flattery. �564 Paul Green's Wordbook honey pot A sexually sweet woman. honeysuckle A pestiferous vine with small white or yellow tubular-shaped blossoms. Their heavenly smell even surpasses that of the magnolia — to me it does. It seems to thrive under any and all conditions, and nothing it loves better than to wrap its twisting self around newly-planted loblolly pines. Its fruit is a little black berry about the size of a pea and in old days was supposed to be a good emetic as well as cathartic. Very clever of it to have it both ways — or ends. hongries (hungries) "Yessuh, Mr. Green," said Purefoy as we were chopping in the garden one day, "they's all kinds of hongries, like my pappy said, and some of 'em causes sin and some of 'em don't." "I guess you're right about that, Purefoy," I said promptingly. "Well, suh, first comes the little hongry. Then after about two days the middle-sized hongry shows up, and you're thinking 'bout stealing, but you ain't done it yit. Yessuh, yo' haid is busting slam fit to kill and they's a right brief growling going on under yo' bellyband." "You've never been that hungry, Purefoy." "Oh, yessuh, I been 'bout that hongry 'fore I come to work for you. And my pappy 'fore he died said he'd been hongrier than that. Yessuh, on the third or fo'th day, when you ain't had nothing but branch water and some hickory buds you chewed on, that old big hongry has got you. Then what you reckon happens? Why, you go clipping round the white man's kitchen with yo' tongue hanging out. And too bad if they ain't nobody home, for the next thing you knows yo' hand done gone sliding under somebody's window. And if the reach is too long, then you'll be grabbling in the slop bucket. Yessuh, my daddy said they ain't no man safe against sin long as them hongries is running loose in the world." "I believe he was right about that, Purefoy." "Yessuh, he was right. And he knowed a lot of things 'fore they put him in that 'lectric chair." honk around To drive around on a lark. Honor thy father and thy mother. hoodoo (voodoo) Any person or thing which can bring bad luck, an evil charm. Going into the colored section of Chapel Hill one day to get our cook, I saw in the sandy path leading to the house some strange marks and crisscross �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 565 finger-draggings, as it were. I looked at them and when Mary came out on the porch, I pointed them out. She let out a little scream, and started to run back into the house and then stopped and held on to the door lintel. "What in the world is the matter, Mary?" I asked. "Lord, Mr. Green, somebody's been here in the night and tried to hoodoo me. Them marks is a hoodoo." And she shook with fright. "Behave yourself, Mary, there's nothing to it. See, I'm going to wipe 'em out." So I squatted down on the ground and smoothed out the marks and stamped on them. "Now, all their power's gone," I said. "Are you sure of that, Mr. Green?" "Absolutely, Mary." And somewhat mollified she came down the porch to go get into the car, but I noticed that she stepped around the voodooed spot in the path. hooey Hot air, foolishness, political promises. hooey! A command or shout at a hog to leave, same as sooey. on the hoof Alive, unslaughtered. " I'll pay 10 cents a pound for them hogs on the hoof.'' hoof and mouth disease A phrase applicable to a boasting, loud-talking person. The hook is hidden by the bait. one's own hook Accountability, responsibility. "He acted on his own hook." on the hook In a tough situation. hook or crook Devious means, in spite of difficulties. "By hook or crook he got there." hookers The horns of cattle. hookworm Any of certain parasitic nematode worms. See "ground itch." Pellagra and hookworm diseases years ago were for a long while Yankee-given attributes to the Old South, and then came Franklin D. Roosevelt's description, "economic problem number one." But that is all changed. The South is now perhaps the healthiest place in the country, and since the "sun belt" craze has struck, it is the fastest growing. But all has come a little late for, say, Melinda Chapin and her five illegitimate children. �566 Paul Green's Wordbook This family lived in our neighborhood, and in addition to having the shame of bastardy on them, they were afflicted with hookworm. And they were filthy and stank more than a hot compost heap. You could smell them almost before you could see them. The welfare lady kept sending them to the hospital in Fayetteville where they'd be treated for a while, and then they'd come home no better than when they left. Finally "Doctor" Cicero East made up a tea from the wild ginger and wintergreen plants and fed it to them by the quart. They recovered from their hookworm, but he never did get them so they didn't stink. hootchy-kootchy Sexy. "At the fair in Raleigh I seen them hootchy-kootchy girls in a sideshow — and uhm — uhm, their body works and dancing set me a-far, hear me, set me a-far." Hoover cart A makeshift conveyance. During the deep recession of the 1930's, many people, especially farmers, unable to pay for gas or the upkeep of their automobiles, took wheels from them and fitted them on carts or wagon axles, and pulled them by a horse or mule. Hence, the term and one of no honor to an honest and innocently involved president. hop a ride To get a free ride, especially from a motorist. "Can I hop a ride with you up the road, mister?" "Sure, hop in." Hope deferred makes the heart sick. Hope for the best, but get ready for the worst. Hope springs eternal in the human breast. While there's life there's hope. Live in hope if you die in despair. hop over the broomstick To get married. hoppergrass A grasshopper. hopping-John A dish of black-eyed peas cooked with hog jowl for New Year's dinner. hopple Hobble. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 567 Hopscotch Perhaps the most popular of all children's games especially with young girls. It needs no equipment other than a puck, or very small block or chip of wood and not much space, just five by some fifteen feet of level surface — ground or sidewalk. It is therefore suitable for both city and country life. As for players — any number can play, from one challenging himself to ten competing with one another. The playing area is marked off in squares, rectangles and triangles, numbered from one to ten. The puck is dropped in number one, and the player on one foot hops along and hop-punches the puck from successive place to place. If he hops into a line or the puck stops on a line or in the wrong space, the player is out or has to start over. The above describes the way we children played it, but there are numerous variations. Hop, Skip and Jump An athletic game. Usually a base is marked and those in the contest will take a running start and spring with one foot on this base, land on the other foot, and then take a wide skip and final jump. Also reference to a short distance. "It's only a hop, skip and a jump from Chapel Hill to Durham." hop to it A command to start working, to get a move on. horn The nose. "You ought to hear Ty Guthrie blow his horn." The penis. horn book A school book protected by a horn covering especially for children in the early stages of learning; popular in colonial days when many children had to use the same primer. horn colic Sexual hunger on the part of a male. He toots his own horn. Self-praising. have the horn sawed off Tamed down, to be taken down a peg or two, discomfited. hornin' in Meddling, intruding. �568 Paul Green's Wordbook hornpipe A type of fiddling music. Take the bull by the horns. Let the horns go with the hide. horn snake A fabulous snake supposed to haunt the woods of the Valley. This snake has a horn in the end of its tail shaped like the end of a spear or like an arrowhead, and when he jabs this horn into a tree, the tree will die. hornswoggle To hoax. horny Sensual male. horny-handed Rough-handed, brutal. horny head A small chub-like fish. horoscope A modern popular folk superstition. The reading of one's fortune and foretelling the future by the relation of the planets and the signs of the zodiac. Many newspapers and all almanacs still carry these horoscopes. The News and Observer has a daily rendering. horrors! Exclamation. horrors Delirium tremens. horse To frolic about, to act loosely with the opposite sex, usually "horse around.'' A cross-legged frame on which wood or timber is placed for cutting, same as the sawhorse. I remember reading a long time ago about how Abraham Lincoln and a neighbor tried to outdo each other in swapping horses. The neighbor had a sorry horse and, meeting Lincoln, said he would trade his horse sight unseen to any one that he had. Lincoln said, "You mean any kind of a horse? "The man said, "Sure." Lincolnsaid, "The trade is made." Then he took the neighbor around and handed him his sawhorse. One white foot, buy him. Two white feet, try him. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 569 Three white feet, look well about him. Four white feet, do without him. (Wisdom rhyme.) Don't beat a dead horse. Don't spur a willing horse. eats like a horse A free horse rides easy. A good horse never lacks a saddle. Tis a good horse that never stumbles. A lean horse for a long race. A short horse is soon curried. He looks for the horse he rides on. You can take (lead) a horse to water, but you can't make him drink. horse and buggy days Before the time of the automobile. horse apples A big, luscious apple, especially preferred in the making of cider. horse around To fool about among the women, to fly around. horseback opinion A hurried judgment or opinion, guesswork. horse block A block usually with a step cut in its side for mounting horses. You can still see these old horse blocks here and there in front of old-timey houses. horse colic Can be cured by burning some turpentine in the hollow of its hoof. horse collar The female pudenda. To silence, to shame, to expose. "When he said that, I stood up and told him the truth and put the horse collar on him." horsefly weed The farmers used to fasten this weed in their horses' bridles to keep flies away. It was also a good medicinal plant. One ounce of boiled root to one �570 Paul Green's Wordbook pint of hot water made a good tonic. gift horse A gift that is suspect, as in the old saying about "Never look a gift horse in the mouth." horse-guard A flying, beetle-like insect about the size of a horsefly that attacks flies and other animal-pestering insects. horse hair There's a superstition that if a horse hair is put in running water it will turn to a snake. horse nettle See "apple of Sodom." horse of another color A different matter, a contrary fact or proposition. Don't swap (change) horses in the middle of the stream. hold your horses Be patient, wait a bit. Same as hold the phone. play horses and mares Sexual copulation. horse's ass A term of mild contempt. horseshoe The horseshoe is a well-known object in folklore. When I built my cabin down below my house years ago, I found a horseshoe and, of course, put it up in front of the door with the prongs up so that the good luck wouldn't leak out. The female pudenda, same as horse collar. Horseshoes A game of skill. Two pegs are driven into the ground a chosen distance apart, say some twenty or twenty-five feet. The players usually are allowed two horseshoes each. They stand at one peg and cast the shoes singly at the other. The main purpose is to ring the horseshoe around the peg. If one player does that and a following player rings on top of him, the first player's ring is canceled. If the player's second cast rings on top of the two he gets a score — in our counting — of five. A leaner counts three and the shoe nearest the peg when there is neither a ringer nor a leaner counts for one and the right to shoot first, now back at the other peg. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 571 the horse's mouth Authority. "I got it straight from the horse's mouth." ride two horses at the same time A divided effort, a bad effort doomed to failure.' 'He tried to ride two horses at the same time, and no wonder he fell off both," that is, went bankrupt. horse-swapping A custom of long standing in the Valley. In nearly every county seat during court week the swappers would be busy. They usually showed up in town at that time with a dozen or so horses in tow and set up business in a back lot. And in the swapping it was understood by the buyer that he took all the risk. More often than not he regretted he did. The coming of the automobile ended this folk custom. horsey Sexually frolicsome, smart-alecky. horsing A mare in heat. George Moses Norton A Negro slave poet, one of the most remarkable men ever associated with the University of North Carolina. Dr. Kemp P. Battle in his "History of the University" gives this brief biography of Horton. ' 'He was a good servant, generally working on the farm of his master, James Horton, but, whenever he wished, allowed to hire his time at fifty cents a day. On such occasions he would visit Chapel Hill and write for the students acrostics on the names of their sweethearts. When his employer was willing to pay fifty cents, the poem was generously gushing. Twentyfive cents procured one more lukewarm in passion. He flourished from 1840 to 1860. About 1850 he published a book of poems in paper. After the Civil War he published another edition bound in boards. The book is rare. There is a copy in the Boston Public Library. "Horton was of medium height, dark, but not black. His manner was courteous, his moral character good. Like Byron, Burns, and Poe he often quenched the divine spark with unpoetic whisky. He lived near Chapel Hill until the advent of the Federal Cavalry in 1865. He accompanied a Union General to Philadelphia after the Civil War. He left a son and a daughter, who no longer reside in this neighborhood. I give extracts from poems, one of nine verses on the Pleasures of a Bachelor's Life, and the other of six verses on the Pains of a Bachelor's Life. O tell me not of Wedlock's charms, Nor busy Hymen's galling chain, �572 Paul Green's Wordbook But rather let me fold my arms From pleasures which will end in pain. Tis true the primogenial flower Arose to pleasure in Eden's grove, But did she not as soon devour The silly bee that sought her love? Then with content remain alone, But still on wings of pleasure soar, The storms of life will soon be gone, Perhaps, and to return no more. Without a surly wife to scold, Or children to disturb your mind, To pillage o'er your chest for gold, And spend for trifles what they find. Pains of a Bachelor's Life When Adam dwelt in Eden's shade, His state was joyless there; He then the general scene surveyed, No true delight the world displayed To him without the fair. His mind was like the ocean's wave When rolling to and fro; He seemed a creature doomed to crave, Too melancholy to be brave, When no true pleasures flow. At length a smiling woman rose, A bone from his own side, The scene of pleasure to disclose And lull him into soft repose, The raptures of a bride. Young bachelor who'er thou art, Thy pleasures are but rare; A thorn will never pierce thy heart Until fond nature takes its part Of comfort with the fair. "Horton was entirely self-taught, picking up his A B C's from scraps of papers which accidentally came into his way. Then he gained possession of a spelling book. He conned over such of Wesley's Hymns as he had learned by heart, while listening to the singers. And so, entirely unaided by �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 573 instruction, he made the acquaintance of Grammar and Prosody and read many books, given or loaned to him by the students. One of his earliest poems began thus, At length the silver queen begins to rise And spread her glowing mantle in the skies, And from the smiling chambers of the east, Invites the eye to her resplendent feast." Encouraged by some Northern friends, Horton moved to Philadelphia in 1866. At that time it was a city of some half a million people with a colony of twenty thousand Negroes. Segregation was in force there, even as in the South. However, Horton was much praised and somewhat petted by the Northerners for awhile. Professor Collier Cobb, a professor at the University of North Carolina, says Richard Walser, visited Horton in 1883 and found him in good health and apparently satisfied with the honoring he was receiving. When Professor Cobb addressed him as "poet," he replied, "You are using the proper title." The date of his death is not known, nor where he is buried. His poetry now is received as undistinguished verse, pretty much mere rhyming. But what an inspiring life! hoss Horse. To tease, to blackguard, to annoy. "Don't hoss me, big boy!" Hoss and a flea and a couple-a mice Settin' in a corner shooting dice. Hoss crope up and fell on the flea. Flea cried out, "That's a hoss on me." hoss-cake A half affectionate, half derogatory form of address. "Lookout, hoss-cake, you'll rupture yourself straining at that handspike." hossing 'round Same as to horse around, chasing loose women. hostess heat Housekeeping fervor and frenzy in preparation for the coming of company. hot Illegal, stolen. "That bicycle's hot — better leave it alone." Sexually excited. In good shape, first-rate condition. "That pitcher was hot and I struck out three times." �574 Paul Green's Wordbook not so hot Unacceptable, of poor workmanship. "His plans for that outdoor theatre are not so hot, if you ask me." hot as a fire coal hot as a hen in a wool blanket hot as a mink Sexually potent, usually with reference to a sexually excited female. hot as an oven hot as a pistol hot as blue blazes hot as fire hot as fleury (fury) hot as ginger (pepper) hot as hell hot as pepper hot as red pepper hot as the devil hot as the hinges of hell both hot and cold Two-faced, unreliable. hot and heavy Energetically, excessively, with much force. "She went to scrubbing the floors hot and heavy." hot box High temper. "That Mamie'll get a hot box in a minute if you cross her." A tight situation. Also an erotic woman. hot chair (seat) The electric chair. hot damn! hot dog! etc. Mild expletives. hot day in January An indefinite time, that is, never. "It'll be a hot day in January before I �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 575 kowtow to him." hotfoot Restless. Also, the sadistic game of striking a match and attaching it to the foot of a person who is unaware of the act until his flesh begins to burn. hot line A voluble and persuasive line of talk, convincing salesmanship. Hot love is soon cold. hot off the fire (the griddle) New, brand-spanking new. to have a hot on To be sexually excited. hot pepper Speeded up rope jumping. the hot place Hell. hot spot A tough situation. hot stuff First rate, high class. hotter than a two-dollar pistol A measure of anger, also of dexterity. "That pool-player was hotter than a two-dollar pistol — nothing could stop him." "A Hot Time in the Old Town Tonight" A popular Tin-Pan Alley tune. This was another song we sang in the fields, usually the chorus only, this being the only part we knew by heart. Its fourfour time went well with the rhythm of our chopping hoes. The lyric was written by Joe Hayden and music by Theo Metz and became a popular soldiers' marching song in the Spanish-American War. It is — in what in old parlance was called — "a coon song." "When you hear dem bells go ding, ling, ling, All join round and sweetly you must sing. And when the verse am through, In the chorus all join in, There'll be a hot time in the old town tonight." A man who mistreats his hound will beat his wife. �576 Paul Green's Wordbook hounds The diagonal bases in a wagon which are used to come together and brace the coupling pole. He runs with the hounds and holds with the hares. A deceiving opportunist. hour by the sun An hour after sunrise. "Me out here picking cotton since daybreak, and here you show up an hour by the sun." An hour can destroy what an age has built. house To harvest. "By the middle of October he had housed all his crops." like a house a-fire In a hurry, tempestuous. out of house and home Financial failure, poverty.' 'The way things are going we'll be et out of house and home." In my Father's house are many mansions. It's a sorry house in which the woman wears the britches. A man's house is his castle. Do your housekeeping in the mouth of the bag, not at the bottom. house not made with hands A dream house, an imagined home. There is scriptural reference to such a house in II Corinthians 5:1 which assures us that' 'we have a building of God, a house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens." I had a friend, once, a wonderful woman who always hoped and planned to have a house of her own. She clerked in a dry goods store for many years, and all the while she collected house magazines and drawings of the home to be. Unfortunately in her young years she fell in love with a pretty worthless fellow and married him. He loved drink better than he loved her and for all her hard work — cooking and scrubbing and saving — she could never get enough ahead to put her dream into reality. But she loyally stuck by him. Youth passed into middle age and still she held onto her dream. In the flu epidemic of 1918 she fell sick, and the doctor gave us no hope. Just as she was dying she called to us to let her have her house. There was one particular picture she had cherished — a little house with a pretty flowered walk leading up to it and windows, a chimney top and all. We put this in �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 577 her hand and she clutched it to her. She died with it there. And her sorry husband on his knees by the bed bellowed and bellowed and cried out, "She done left me all by myself — all by myself! What will I do? What? Help me, Lord! Help me, friends," and so on. Later at the funeral service more than one of us wiped tears away and thought of her buried with the house picture held in her little, hard, toilworn hand, and we found the minister's words unfitting enough in their bitter irony — "In my Father's house are many mansions. If it were not so I would have told you. I go to prepare a place for you." Do not entirely finish a new house or bad luck will happen. The Haywood house in Raleigh was a huge affair, and I was told that the reason it was so large was that the builder kept working at it as long as he lived, believing that it was never safe to finish it. house plunder Furniture. how about that! An exclamation of surprise mixed with a question. how come Why. "Ed had drunk so much rot-gut liquor his brains was addled; that's how come he shot hisself." Howdy A greeting, an abbreviation of how do you do. a howdy-do A sorry kettle of fish, a mixed up, topsy-turvy situation. "Now you've got yourself into a howdy-do—proposing to two girls and both of them accepting you." "How Firm a Foundation" This, another fine hymn of "blessed assurance" as to the way for man's salvation, has been a standby in Valley religious services for generations. The original words go back to the latter part of the 18th century and the melody is an old American folk hymn. "How firm a foundation, ye saints of the Lord, Is laid for your faith in His excellent word! What more can He say than to you He hath said, To you who for refuge to Jesus hath fled?" How goes it? A form of greeting. �578 Paul Green's Wordbook howler A glaring blunder or faux pas. How Many Miles to Marley Bright (Molly Bright, Babylon) A chase game. Two groups of children stand at their two separate bases. The witch "It" stands between. The leader of one group calls out to the other, "How far is it to Marley Bright?'' The leader of that group answers' 'Three score miles and ten." "Can I get there by candlelight?" "Yes, if your legs are long and light And the old witch don't catch you." Then the players who are going to Marley Bright make a dash toward the base of the first group. Those whom the witch touches have to join her. And the game goes on with the second group leader now asking the question, and trying to reach "Marley Bright" accordingly. How old are you? As old as my tongue, And a little older than my teeth. (A smarty phrase.) How're you doing? A colloquial greeting phrase meaning "how are you, how's your health," etc. howsomever Howsoever, in what manner, however it may be. hucker-mucker Hugger-mugger, secret, clandestine. huckleberry over my 'simmon An advantage over, one thing that tops another. huffish Petulant, easily irritated. huh! A response to a call, a disdainful comment. hulky Bulky, heavy. hullabaloo A loud racket, a ruckus. �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence 579 hullings Hulls. humble as a dog He that humbleth himself shall be exalted. humorsome Petulant, capricious, full of humors. hump To grow fast. "My tobacco's really humping after that good rain." Humpty Dumpty A proverb, also a riddle. "Humpty Dumpty sat on the wall, Humpty Dumpty took a great fall, All the king's horses, all the king's men Can't put Humpty Dumpty back together again." (An egg.) This is also a girls' game. The way it used to be played the girls would all sit in a circle, and each girl would gather her skirt tightly so as to enclose her feet — a feat no longer possible with the present mini-skirt. The leader then would begin the rhyme, and all would join in. At a word previously agreed on, keeping the skirts tightly grasped, they would throw themselves over backward. The object was to recover the former position without letting go of the skirt. I haven't heard of this game being played in many years. hunchback A giver of good luck as per an old custom. Ed Kirkpatrick, the little hunchback, used to make a bit of money on Saturday afternoons in Dunn. He would stand in the back lot behind Hood and Grantham's drugstore and let the poor whites, Negroes and Croatan Indians rub his hump to bring them good luck. He charged a penny a rubbing. I was an hungered and ye gave me no meat. hungry enough to eat the lamb of God as hungry as a bear (as hungry as a dog, as hungry as a hound, as hungry as a wolf, etc.) Better to go hungry than be without reputation. hunky-dory Safe, snug, happy. "He and his little wife live in that house all hunky-dory.'' �580 Paul Green's Wordbook Hunky dory bound to be And never mind the weather When your little shoes and my big boots Sit under the bed together. (A courting rhyme.) You can't hunt two hares with one dog. hunter's moon The October moon. hurrah's nest A mess, a disordered topsy-turvy room. hurry-worry A bothersome doing, troubled hurrying. They hurt themselves who hurt others. hurled Wounded, hurt, a child's pronunciation. hurting A pain. "He's got a hurting in his side, and it won't ease up." He who hurts his own body works for the worms. hush-a-bye A divination rhyme. Hush-a-bye, baby, Daddy is near, Mama is a lady, And that's very clear. Hush-a-bye, and don't you cry. Go to sleep, little baby, When you wake you'll have some cake And all the pretty little horses. (A nursery rhyme.) hushed as death A solemn stillness.' 'Everything was hushed as death in the house, and people talked in whispers." Hush little baby, haven't you heard Mama's gonna buy you a mockingbird. If that mockingbird won't sing, Mama's gonna buy you a diamond ring. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 581 If that diamond ring turns brass, Mama's gonna buy you a looking glass. If that looking glass gets broke, Mama's gonna buy you a billy goat. If that billy goat runs away, Mama's gonna spank you every day. (A nursery rhyme.) hush puppy A small piece or dab of cornmeal batter fried in grease, especially a concomitant of Southern barbecue. hust Husk. hyena An obstreperous child. "That little fellow is a regular hyena." hyy'all A shortened greeting for "how are you all?" �582 Paul Green's Wordbook I / am the alpha and the omega, the beginning and the end. / am the great / am. / am the master of my fate, /am the captain of my soul. / am the vine, ye are the branches. Lo, /am with you always, even unto the end of the world. / and the father are one. Men may come, and men may go, but / go on forever. / asked my mother for fifty cents To see the elephant jump the fence. He jumped so high he touched the sky, And he never come back till the Fourth of July. (A rope skipping rhyme.) / be dog! An exclamation. / be John Brown! An exclamation. Don't skate on thin ice. ice A diamond or diamonds. "He had his moll with him, and she had ice all over her hands and around her neck." cuts no ice with me Makes no difference with me, doesn't impress. �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence iced 583 Safely won. "After that touchdown the Lions had the game iced." the idea! A mild expletive. Sometimes "the very idea!" What's the big idea? What foolishness is planned, with whose permission. / declare! An exclamation of surprise or amusement. Also "I declare to goodness!'' idiot box Television set. An idle brain is the devil's workshop. A young man idle is an old man needy. Idleness wears away the frog's ass. idlesome Idle. / don't mind if I do. An agreement, yes, an O.K. "Have some more ham, Mr. Wicker?"— "I don't mind if I do." If it's (the weather's) hot enough to set your neighbor's beard afire, you'd better get water and wet yours. If the sky falls, we shall all catch larks. If today will not, tomorrow may. If wishes were horses, beggars would ride. If you love me like I love you, No knife can cut our love in two. (A friendship rhyme.) If you swear while fishing, you'll catch none. If you would have a hen lay, you must bear with cackling. If you would know the value of a dollar, try to borrow one. ifs and ands Questions, conditions, alternatives, details, arguments. "There's no ifs and ands about the Negro people — they ought to have their rights as human beings, and they will if this nation is to stand." �584 Paul Green's Wordbook No ifs and ands, No pots and pans. Ignorance of the law excuses no one. When ignorance is bliss 'tis folly to be wise. / had a little dog, his name was Rover. When he died, he died all over. / had a little dog, his name was Tough. I think my speech is long enough. Ikey ikky A Jew. Much the same colloquialism as Abie. Messy, distasteful, sticky. / know something I won't tell, Three little niggers in a peanut shell, One was black, and one was blacker, One was the color of a chaw of tobaccer. (A recitation rhyme.) /// Bad-tempered, contrary, easy to anger. "He's one of the illest men I've ever met." /// as a hornet Ill-tempered. ill-convenient Awkward, not convenient. ill-got, ill-spent I'll say! An assertion of agreement. ill-sick Sick. /'// tell the world! A firm pronouncement. "I'll tell the world — yeh, I'm mad." /// time An inconvenient time. illy-formed Deformed or crippled from birth.' 'Dr. Monroe's got that illy-formed boy �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 585 to provide for." immaculate conception The scientists say that the embryo beginning of all animal and human life is through a natural and sexual process of impregnation. Almost all religions support a different dogma as to the beginning of their saviors or divine leaders, especially, such as Buddha and Christ. There was a time when a few people in the Valley believed for a while that they had an example of the immaculate conception among them. My good friend, Dr. John A. McKay—son of Dr. Joe McKay who delivered all of us Green babies — first gave me an account of this wonder and later we talked about it. "It seems that about two o'clock p.m.," he said, "a Confederate soldier in the battle of Averasboro was struck by a musket ball which carried away the lower half of one testicle. He lay around in the vicinity for a while for his wound to heal. When it was healed, the war was over and both he and Johnston had surrendered. He rather liked the community and decided to settle down there on a little farm. "At exactly two p.m. or a couple of seconds or so after on that day of battle a young woman was sitting in a rocking chair on the porch of her father's farmhouse a few hundred yards from the battle line. Her legs were spraddled out. A spent musket ball hit the floor of the porch and bounced up into her vagina. She screamed and jumped up and ran back into the house. The chunk of lead fell out of her onto the floor, and she picked it up and kept it. "Nine months later she had a baby. She swore she had never had anything to do with a man, and because of her hitherto spotless character and reputation, it was agreed by a few of the more religious and believing ones that she had been touched by God or the Holy Ghost. The baby was a beautiful boy. '' Some years later she and the soldier met at a candy-pulling. They fell in love and he asked her to marry him. She was honest and mentioned that she had this bastard child, but he loved her so much he said to hell with that and married her. "Sometime later after they had become 'intimate,' the soldier told her about his being wounded and the time it happened, and she told him what had happened to her almost at the same time as his wounding. They began studying the matter. She went and got the musket ball, and he recognized it as one of his own moulding. "Not only that," according to Dr. McKay, but "they found a bit of skin and two or three hairs still sticking to it. A great light broke upon them. It was obvious that a piece of testicle with live sperm cells had ridden that warm ball for several hundred yards, landed in her vagina, lodged against the cervix (entrance to the uterus) and had �586 Paul Green's Wordbook impregnated her. They embraced each other with great passion and with gales of laughter. They scrutinized the face of the little three-year-old boy. He was the 'spittin'-image' of his father." In discussing this story with Dr. John, I said, "Such a thing couldn't have happened, could it, John?" He smiled as he lighted another cigarette. "Some mighty queer things happen in the world, Paul," he said, "yes, they do." immersion Baptism by dipping the candidate under the water until he is entirely covered. This is a symbolization that one's sins have been washed away and he is now ready to enter into the brotherhood of the church. Not all religious sects baptize by immersion. The Methodists, for instance, think that the sins can be washed away by a little bit of sprinkling. And so it goes with our beliefs and our contrary views. immortality Survival after death, widely believed in throughout the world, especially in the so-called Christian world. I will never forget reading the dedication by Sean O'Casey in his play, "The Plough and the Stars." "To the gay laugh of my mother at the gate of the grave." impure blood Infection with syphilis usually. There have been many folk cures for impure blood, and the drugstores throughout the land are crowded with all sorts of fake remedies for this, ranging from sarsaparilla to Geritol. in a hard row of stumps In a tough situation, in harsh difficulties. in a hole In a tough situation. in and out Unreliable, irresponsible, unsteady. "He's an in and outer, and I wouldn't hire him for such an important job." in an interesting condition Pregnant. "I hear that Ted Evans' wife is in an interesting condition, and I'm glad, for they've been wanting a baby a long time." in bad In a bad relationship with another. Also to be in bad as to a situation or reputation. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 587 in between Indecisive. Can't see an inch before his nose. He's every inch a man. Give him an inch and he'll take an ell (mile). inch in To encroach gradually. in an inch of one's life A narrow escape or chance. I've heard many a mother and father say to a misbehaving child, "Shet up or I'll frale (sic) you in an inch of your life.'' inch worm A measuring worm. If an inch worm is found on a person's clothing, that means the worm is measuring the person either for his coffin or his shroud. Incline thine ear unto wisdom. independent as a hog on ice Free-wheeling. Indian fields In the old days these were cleared corn fields which had been deserted by the Indians and allowed to grow up in briars and bushes. Much the same as old fields. Indian hen Pileated woodpecker, the good-god. Indian ladder A ladder made from the long body of a straight young tree by cutting notches in it for a foothold. Indian plantain Wild collards. Indian thistle The wild teasel. In the old days a tea made from it was a good diuretic. Indian turnip Jack-in-the-pulpit. indulge To drink strong liquor. "My father doesn't indulge." �588 Paul Green's Wordbook "I Need Thee Every Hour" An ever-consoling hymn to the Valley faithful. "I need thee every hour, Most gracious Lord, No tender voice like thine Can peace afford. I need thee, O, I need thee, Every hour I need thee! O bless me now, my Saviour, I come to thee." inevitable as death in for a penny, in for a pound A partial involvement that means a total commitment. ingern Onion. in hock In pawn or mortgaged. Man's inhumanity to man makes countless thousands mourn. talking in the ink bottle The plans are still unformulated, still to be drawn up. ink slinger A writer. innocent as a child innocent as a lamb in one's hair Bothering, annoying. in order In the right condition. "His land's in order now and he can start planting.'' ins and outs Various ways and means, the details. "Give me the ins and outs of the matter, and I'll tell you what I'll do." inside Within, soon. "He'll be here inside an hour, you watch." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 589 inside track To have the advantage of, to know ahead of time what is to happen, to have the underhold. in the altogether Naked, nude. in the bag Safe, completed, victorious. Same as sewed up. "By the beginning of the third quarter Carolina had it in the bag — yessir!" "In the Baggage Coach Ahead" A mournful and tear-jerking song, written by a talented Negro, one Gussie Davis, a former Pullman car porter. It was composed in 1896 and swept the country like another of his earlier throat-tighteners, "The Fatal Wedding" (q.v.). The "Baggage Coach" ballad tells the story of a young husband whose baby in his lap continues to cry and disturb the train passengers until some of them angrily tell him to take the baby to its mother. He mournfully tells them he wished he could but "she's dead in the baggage coach ahead.'' Then, of course, regrets and tearful sympathizing. The words were originally by one Frank Bracken of Hector, N.Y., and entitled "Mother." Davis saw possibilities in the poem and rewrote it. He then set the words to music, and it became the hit of the year. Mother used to sing it to us children and we too shed tears as we joined in the chorus. "While the train rolled onward, A husband sat in tears Thinking of the happiness Of just a few short years. For baby's face brings pictures of A cherished shape that's dead. But baby's cries can't waken her In the baggage coach ahead." in the black Financially stable. in the boat Flourishing, in fine condition. in the clear Innocent, with a sound alibi. In the deepest water is the best fishing. �590 Paul Green's Wordbook "In the Evening by the Moonlight" Another favorite with our male quartet. How we loved it! It was perfect for close, swelling in-and-out barbershop harmony. James A. Bland, the Negro who wrote it (1854-1911),was one of the most gifted songwriters this country has produced. I rank him and Gussie Davis, another Negro genius, together. Bland was hailed across the Atlantic as "the promise of Negro songwriters." He gave command performances for Queen Victoria and Edward, Prince of Wales. For twenty years or more he was the toast of the English music halls. Here in the United States he was long unknown even though his songs (among them also "Carry Me Back to Ol' Virginny," "Golden Slippers,'' and "Hand Me Down My Walking Cane'') were widely sung. American publishers, as in the case of Stephen Foster, bought them for a pittance and, like Foster, Bland died destitute and penniless. He passed away in Philadelphia on May 5,1911, and not a single newspaper mentioned his death. He was buried in an unmarked grave. He wrote the words and music of some seven hundred songs. In 1939, through the efforts of ASCAP, his forgotten grave was located, the brambles, weeds and poison ivy cut away and a headstone erected. In 1940 the Virginia legislature made his "Carry Me Back to Ol' Virginny" the official state song. "In the evening by the moonlight You could hear the young folks singing. In the evening by the moonlight You could hear the banjos ringing. How the old folks would enjoy it. They would sit all night and listen As we sang in the evening by the moonlight." in the fold Safely converted religiously, saved from nature to grace. in the know To have inside and confidential knowledge. in the morning « Tomorrow morning. "I'll see you in the morning bright and early." in the red To show a financial loss. in the soup In a dilemma, in a difficult situation. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 591 In time of prosperity, friends will be plenty; In time of adversity, not one amongst twenty. intment Ointment. in two Broken, separated. "The electric line under the ground come in two, and we had a hard time finding it." Ipecac Powerful emetic. Irish High spirits, high temper. "That gal's got a lot of Irish in her." as Irish as Paddy's pig Irish potato The common potato as contrasted with the sweet potato. It is often called spud. The Irish potato grows throughout the United States and the juice of its leaves is reported to be an excellent diuretic. A slice of an Irish potato carried in the pocket is supposed to be good protection against arthritis. to get one's Irish up To rouse one's temper or high spirits. iron Grit, courage, stamina. Iron sharpeneth iron. He's got a lot of iron in his character. Strike while the iron is hot. the iron-faced man A Valley ha'nt. too many irons in the fire Too much work on hand, too many things for concentration. "I Saw Esau" " 'Twas just about a year ago When I was down to Glo'ster I found a lass, but now, alas I find that I have lost her. I'm sure I never can forget The happy days that we saw �592 Paul Green's Wordbook Before the day on which we met Her Country Cousin Esau. I saw Esau kissing Kate and the fact is we all three saw For I saw Esau, he saw me and she saw I saw Esau." (A tongue twister.) We young folks used to have a lot of fun singing the syllables of this comic song against one another. / Spy with My Little Eye A children's game. Usually one in the lead, "It,"—and we used to play it and still do with the children around the table — will say "I spy with my little eye something beginning with the letter A," etc. Sometimes the area of spying is limited to the table itself. It is surprising how many objects on the table one can find to begin with the letter of his choice. The one who guesses correctly becomes "It" and has the next challenging statement. isshy Sticky, messy, much the same as ikky. isshy (issue) A child of a white mother and a Negro father. "You know—that poor woman give birth to one of these isshy babies." it Sex appeal. "Yessir, that gal's got it." It ain't gonna rain no more, no more. It ain't gonna rain no more. How in the hell can old folks tell When it ain't gonna rain no more? (Weather jingle.) It all comes out in the wash. It is a foolish sheep that makes the wolf his confessor. It is a long lane that has no turning. It is an ill wind that blows nobody any good. It is a sad house where the hen crows louder than the cock. It is a silly goose that comes to a fox's sermon. It is a wise child that knows its own father. It is better to be beloved than honoured. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 593 It is better to do well than to say well. It is easier to descend than to ascend. It is easier to pull down than to build up. It is hard to teach an old dog new tricks. It never rains but it pours. It's no use crying over spilt milk. It takes two to make a quarrel. It will be all the same a hundred years hence. itch There are all sorts of folk cures for the itch. Now I remember we boys used to have a vulgar rhyme which we would recite with great glee— Old John Jones is a son of a bitch, His cod rotted out with the seven-year itch. And most often, of course, we would use the name of some neighbor and, behind his back and with him never knowing it, have great gales of laughter at his expense, as we imagined in our minds his terrible condition. One of the best Valley cures was the use of sulphur—burn it in one's room, and also rub it on your body. My brother John and I once caught the itch, and so we used the sulphur cure, and we nearly stifled ourselves in our little shed room and created a stink all over the place. We got well, of course. Whether the sulphur helped cure us, I don't know. Another cure was poke root, and I well remember a neighbor who tried it. It was such a funny happening that I put it down as a sort of story. See "pokeberry weed." My nose itches (eetches) Cream and peaches Someone is coming With a hole in his breeches. (A fortune telling rhyme.) itching foot This means that one is anxious to travel and will travel into strange lands. itching palm Greed for money. itchy nose This means that someone is talking about you. �594 Paul Green's Wordbook by itself (all by itself) Alone, singly, in its own strength. "There that little thing stood in the cold night all by itself." ivories Chips in a poker game. Also the piano keys, or the teeth. tickle the ivories To play the piano adeptly. "I Was Born About Ten Thousand Years Ago" "I was born about ten thousand years ago, And there's nothing in the world that I don't know. I was round the corner peeping at the apple Eve was eating, And I was the man that et the core. I was there when old Noey built his ark, And I got on board it after dark, I twisted the lion's tail and made Jonah swallow the whale, And I swum across the Atlantic on a log." (A braggart song.) At Buie's Creek Academy, when I was a student, we added several local verses to this. One I remember had to do with Professor James A. Campbell, the head of the school, and teacher John R. Baggett, who had recovered from a bad illness. It is interesting to note that Mr. Campbell, one of the best teachers I ever had, graduated from Wake Forest College at the same time his two sons Leslie and Carlyle did. As for Mr. Baggett, I always understood that he, like Andrew Johnson, couldn't read or write till he was a grown man. But he learned and later went to the university, washed dishes and did odd jobs for his keep, studied law and became a successful attorney in my old hometown of Lillington. He sent his two sons to the same university. They were provided with a new Buick roadster for their convenience as fraternity men. Neither finished school. Our song went on verse after verse— "I was the man that painted Campbell's head so red, And I raised Professor Baggett from the dead,"— The rest I have long forgot. / went to the river and couldn't get across, Jumped on a nigger and thought he was a hoss, The nigger bucked and throwed me inSaid to myself, "It's sink or swim." (Recitation rhyme.) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 595 / Went to Visit a Friend A children's (girls') singing and imitative game. I went to visit a friend one day. She only lived across the way, She said she couldn't go out to play, For Monday was her washing day. (Pantomiming) This is the way she washed away (three times) For Monday was her washing day. And next comes Tuesday which was her ironing day and so on with Wednesday as mending day, Thursday, sewing day, Friday, baking day, and Saturday, sweeping day. Sunday was always left out, but it could have been worship or church day, with the children kneeling, their eyes closed, and their hands piously crossed. But that would have been thought a mocking of sacred matters by the elders. izzard The last bit, the end, the letter Z. The old expression "from A to izzard," of course, meant from first to last. Izzy Izzard See "crows." �596 Paul Green's Wordbook J jabbo A word for the weakening of a person at work, often referred to as "the monkey." In the old days when we were cutting timber in the swamps or woods, or pulling fodder, and the weather was hot, sometimes a worker would call out "Old jabbo's walking around!"—which meant that some of the workers were beginning to feel fatigue and were about to' 'give out.'' One of the proudest boasts a woodsman, or fodder puller, or plowman could declare was that old jabbo could never get him down. jabboh A creeper, a cuckolder, someone who steals one's wife or girlfriend. A prisoner in the Raleigh penitentiary told me once that jabbohs really go to work when a husband or sweetheart is in prison. "The unlucky fellows come out most often to find that some jabboh has got his girl or wife. And then out with the gun, a killing maybe, and back in the pen again or the chair." jabboh papers Papers received by a husband or a wife serving notice for a divorce. jack The male of certain animals, as jackass. Money. For every Jack There is a Jill That does with Jack Whate'er she will. (A proverb.) Jack and Jill went up the hill To fetch a pail of water. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 597 Jack fell down and broke his crown And Jill came tumbling after. (A recitation rhyme.) Jack and Jim A sleight of hand game or trick. I remember how astounded we children were the first time our mother worked this on us. Of course there is no second time with those who have seen how it is done. The fun then is to work it on newcomers. You take a bit of paper, wet one side with your tongue and stick it on the nail, say, of each forefinger. Place these fingers on the table, the other fingers curled back in the palms of the hand. Then recite the following: "Two blackbirds sat on a limb, The one named Jack, the other named Jim. Fly away, Jack, fly away, Jim." At the command "Fly away, Jack," my mother's hand would go up in the air behind her and come down on the table with the fingernail bare. A different finger, the second one, say, came back, but we children wouldn't notice the difference. The same command and action followed with "Jim.'' Then she would call, "Come back, Jack," and her hand would go up and back, and come down on the table with the right finger and bit of paper still on it. The same followed with "Jim." Gasps of wonder followed. Then when we saw how it worked, we'd be busy for the next hour trying out our performance till finally in loving exasperation she would have to run us off to bed. Jack, be nimble, Jack, be quick, Jack, jump over the candlestick. (A nursery rhyme.) jacket A vest. Jack in the Bush A guessing game for two players. The first will extend his closed hand, holding tiny objects. (My brother Hugh and I used grains of corn; some of our neighbors used chinquapins.) The second player is to guess at the number as per the following dialogue: "Jack in the bush." "Cut him down." "How many licks?" The second player then guesses at the number. The hand is opened revealing �598 Paul Green's Wordbook the objects—sometimes none at all. If he guesses correctly, he wins all that the hand holds. If he misses, he must pay the first player from his holdings the difference between his guess and the actual number. The game continues till one has cleaned the other out. Of course the supply of grains of corn or chinquapins or whatever is not inexhaustible. At the start, the players agree on the number they have to play with, say twentyfive or fifty. Jack, Jack, where's my_ A divination rhyme to find a lost object. Spit in your hand, hit the hand with your fore and second fingers, and whichever way the biggest glob of spittle goes will lead to the lost object. jack-knifing Horse-bucking. Jack-muh-lantern A strange and eerie creature same as Jack-o-lantern. It is said he lives in the swamps of North Carolina. Sometimes he is referred to as a light, and then as an actual being, and seen most often rising from a grave or near a grave. jack-of-all-trades and master of none A ne'er-do-well, a fellow who has a knack for 'most anything and will stick to nothing. jack off A male sexual orgasm. jack plane A large plane for coarse carpenter work. before one can say Jack Robinson Quickly, almost instantly. Jack Rocks A game of manual skill. Take five small pebbles, or small iron jacks in the form of double tripods (which can be purchased at any ten-cent store). The player throws them all up at once and catches them on the back of his hand. If he fails to catch them all, then he hands the jacks over to the next player. But if he catches them all, he then attempts a series of intricate figures. In these figures the jacks are rolled out on the floor. Then one of the jacks is chosen and thrown up, and while it is in the air, the player picks up the others one at a time. As long as he is successful, he continues to pick them up two at a time, three, four, etc. Should he fail in any of these movements, another player takes �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 599 his place and begins again. There are numerous other figures, more or less intricate, that belong to this game, like: "feeding the chickens," "riding the elephants," "putting the bull in the pen," etc. And each of these is performed while one jack is in the air or resting on the back of the hand. This game used to be most popular in the Valley. My brother Hugh was very good at it and so were all my sisters with their nimble fingers. I was a poor player and usually watched others play. Jack Spratt could eat no fat, His wife could eat no lean, So you see between them both They kept the platter clean. (A folk rhyme.) jack up To reprimand, to scold, to encourage. Also to put a jack under an axle and lever a wheel up for taking a tire off or mending it. A good Jack will make a good Jill. Jacob's ladder A constellation in the sky, also a configuration game played with string. Also, of course, the vision Jacob saw in his dream (Gen. 28:12). Jacob's oil A patent medicine, once a very popular "cure" for rheumatism, swellings or any kind of pains. jady jag Jaded, tired.'' Atlee said that after she served the wedding reception Saturday evening she felt so jady." A piece, a corner, a triangle."Up here on the map is a jag of land that I would like to buy." A spree, a wild party, a drunken debauch, also a crying jag. jaggy Jagged. jags Tatters, rags. jail fever A melancholia, a depression that prison inmates often suffer. Jake Satisfactory, safe, all o.k.'' Yessir, you come along, everything's jake down �600 Paul Green's Wordbook there at that gal's house." jakes The privy, or commode in a bathroom. jam A crowd, a conclave. "There was a jam of people at Marian Graham's funeral." Close to, adjoin. "He was jam on me before I saw him." jam up Crowded, standing room only. First rate, above reproach.' 'The Maurice girls were jam up young ladies.'' janders Jaundice. "Uncle Pete is mighty poor with the yellow janders." Jane A girl. jangly Jangling. jarhead A stubborn mule or horse. To the jaundiced all things seem yellow. jaw Sassy speech. To argue, to talk excessively. jawbone Credible talk, persuasive argument. "That fellow lived on his jawbone." jawbreaker (jaw cracker) Words difficult to pronounce, big phrases, outlandish concourse of wordage. jay A gay foppish fellow. jaybird The blue jay. There is an almost universal superstition that the jaybird goes to hell every Friday to carry the devil some straw for his fire or a grain of corn for food. When the jay gets back, he is usually noisy and quarrelsome, and his eyes, if you look at him closely, will show they are red, very red, from the heat of hell. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 601 Jaybird sittin' on a hickory limb Winked at me and I winked at him. Took my bow and split his shin, Left the arrow stickin' in. (A jingle.) jazz Nonsense, idle chatter. "Oh, they gave me a lot of praise and promise and all that jazz." jazz up To enliven. jealous as a hen with one chicken "Jeanie with the Light Brown Hair" Stephen Foster's immortal love song created for and about his sweetheart Jane McDowell who later became his wife. jeans Trousers. In one of the Eastern Carolina courts one day the judge fined a Negro $10 for some misdemeanor. The Negro defendant spoke up quite pertly and said, "Yessir, your honor, I got it right here in my jeans." This outspokenness irritated the judge, and he came quickly back, saying,' 'And six months on the road. Have you got that in your jeans?" jedge Judge. Jeems James. Jehovah The Hebrew Yahweh and often called upon as is the Christian God. Much the same as Zeus or any religious ruler of the universe. As I have mentioned before, the Jehovah of the Old Testament seems to be pretty much a thundering and bloodthirsty character. And, certainly, the God of the New Testament represents an ameliorative development in the folklore of man's religious urgings. jell To fit, come to fruition, move in harmony. "Our trade finally jelled, and I'm buying his horse." jellybag The scrotum. �602 Paul Green's Wordbook jellyroll A bankroll, money. Also a woman's seductive stomach dance. Jemima An elderly housekeeper. Jenny Jones A dramatic game. A group of children form into a line, holding hands, and two of them act the parts of Miss Jenny Jones and her mother. The mother usually stands or sits on the ground, and Miss Jenny Ann Jones hides behind her. Then the line of children advances, singing: "I'm going to see Miss Jenny Ann Jones (three times) And how is she today?" The mother replies: "She's upstairs washing, washing, washing. She's upstairs washing. You can't see her today." Then the children sing back that they're very glad to hear it, and how is she today, etc. Then they go through all sorts of imitative actions about ironing, cooking, scrubbing, etc. When the mother answers that she is sick, better, or worse, or dead, then the dancers go back to their starting place and come again toward her, singing, "What color is she to be buried in," etc. And they say that blue is for sailors, and red is for the army, and green is for the jealous, and black is for the mourner, and white is for the angels. Then they go on to ask, "Where shall we bury her?" and they bury her under an apple tree. Then they say, they think they saw a ghost last night, etc. And at that, when they talk about ghosts, the mother rises up and tears after them. The one who is caught is the Miss Jenny Ann Jones for the next game, and the next one caught after her becomes the mother. jenny wren The common Carolina wren. Also a demure housewife. Go to Jericho! A mild expletive command. Jeremiah A sermon, a scolding, a pious berating. jerk A very short time, almost instantly. "In two jerks of a sheep's tail I'll be gone." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 603 jerk a knot To cut off, to make one behave correctly. jerk off To execute a thing quickly, to have a sexual orgasm from masturbation. Jerry Hall he was so small, A rat could eat him, hat and all. (A teasing rhyme.) Jerusalem! An interjection, usually drawled out — Jee-ru-sa-lem! Jerusalem oak (worm weed) Sometimes called Mexican tea, wormseed or worm weed, also stinking weed. It is common throughout the South, July to October, and grows prolifically in waste places and along roadsides, sometimes reaching a height of six feet or more. It is aromatic, and the crushed stem gives forth a sticky substance. I don't like this plant, for as a boy I had to grub up too much of it as it tried to spread into the fields. In the old days women used tea from its seeds to help in menstruation too. Some of the old folklorists warned against it because, as they said, it had a "bad poison effect on the brain." The tea was also used to clean out the children's bowels. In the Valley we used to burn the plant for potash to rub on our fresh hog meat. give one Jesse To give one a bawling out, a scolding. Jesus In the Christian faith, he is the son of God and the savior of the world. The name is not quite so holy as "Christ,'' but it is a sin to take it in vain. There used to be a Negro in Chapel Hill who would never step on a piece of paper. If he saw a bit lying on the street, he would always stoop and pick it up. When he was asked why he behaved like this, with his hat in his hand he said, "I dassent step on it 'caze it might have the name of Jesus on it." "Jesus, Lover of My Soul" A soft-assertion hymn and of lasting comfort to many a Valley soul as elsewhere in the world. The words are by Charles Wesley, 1740, and the music by Simeon Marsh, 1834. "Hide me, O my Saviour, hide Till the storm of life be past, Safe into thy haven guide— O receive my soul at last!" And so on in abiding reassurance. �604 jest jet Paul Green's Wordbook Just. To blow snot from one's nose by putting a finger against a nostril and giving a blast with the other. jew or jew down To cheat, to persuade a lowering of prices. "I kept jewing him down until I got the dog for two dollars." Dew. jewberry Dewberry. A jewel of a woman is better than a woman of jewels. Jewish disease Over-sensibility, especially to adverse criticism, over-indulgence in selfbrooding, self-pity. I knew a fine Jewish girl who often told me she had that disease. jew price A reduced price from a usually over-high price to start with and never on the even dollar, most often like $4.99 or $4.98. Jew's harp A little instrument with a vibrating tongue in it which is played by placing it against the lips and vibrating with one's own tongue. It makes a low drumming sound and is about as boring as a dulcimer. wandering Jew (dew) A well-known Valley plant, common elsewhere also. jibber-jabber Foolish talk, word spouting. jibe jiffy Fit. "This window don't jibe." Soon, quick. "I'll be there in a jiffy." jigger An insect, same as chigger. / be jiggered! An exclamation. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 605 Jiggety bum, cider come, Massah, give poor nigger some. Two potatoes and a dram Make a nigger a gentleman. (A recitation rhyme.) Jiggety bum, jiggety bum. Come butter, come, For I want some. (A divination rhyme.) jiggle-jaggle Topsy-turvy. the jig is up The guilt is found out, one is discovered in his wrong-doing. Jill An easy, loose-going girl. jimber-jawed (jimmy-jawed) Same as wamper-jawed, jaws slightly unmatched. Also hard-jawed. Jim Crow An old Negro dance, a minstrel dance act. jim dandy First rate, fine. jiminy cricket! A mild exclamation! jimjams The delirium tremens. jimmy John A demijohn. Jimson weed A heavy-leaved erect poisonous weed with pale-violet trumpet-shaped flowers sometimes referred to as "Angel's Trumpet.'' It has spiny seed pods, and these seeds when eaten can cause death, it is said. It springs up quickly in neglected vegetable gardens and in waste places. We children used to have great fun in the dusk of warm summer evenings chasing after the great tobacco moths that haunted the strong-scented blooms. A tea made from its leaves was supposed to be good to help a mother to a quick recovery from the pains of childbirth. Also it was recommended in the treatment of syphilis. Sometimes the warmed leaves bound against �606 Paul Green's Wordbook the head were good for headache. A pound of beaten fresh green leaves mixed with three pounds of lard also made good grease-rubbing for women's inflamed breasts. I read in an old book once where it said that harem wives in Turkey were wont to chew this weed and swallow the juice to strengthen their powers of love. I wonder what the head of the harem, the old Turk himself, chewed. Dr. Leonard Fields, our family physician for forty years or more, told me of its powers in the treatment of asthma. He had a Negro boy for a patient and was treating him regularly with atropine. Days passed and his patient didn't show up for his regular dose. One day Dr. Fields met him on the street in Chapel Hill and asked him how he was getting along. "Sho* fine," said the boy. Then he pulled out a large half-smoked cigarette. He told the doctor that his grandmother had put him to smoking dried Jimson weed leaves and she was curing him up. The old woman was right in her treatment, said the doctor. "The weed has the same drug in it with which I had been treating this patient." jimswinger The penis. The long-tailed coat that politicians used to wear to impress others. I be jimswingled! An interjection. jine Join. "Jingle Bells" The ever-popular, high-spirited and carefree winter song. "Jingle bells, jingle bells, Jingle all the way. Oh, what fun it is to ride In a one-horse open sleigh!" by jingo! A mild interjection. byjings! A mild expletive. Jiniwary January. j'int Joint. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 607 j'int snake A fabled Valley snake which when chopped in two can immediately join (jine) together again. jip-jawed Same as wamper-jawed. jit A nickel. jitterbug juice Liquor. Jo job A sweetheart. Jab. do a job To defecate. Job's coffin A constellation in the sky, the Dolphin, the four stars east of the seven stars. Job's comforter A boil. Also a doleful adviser, a phony comforter, one who adds to distress while pretending to ease it. Job's tears The false gromwell of the forget-me-not family. It grows to a height of three or four feet and is common in the seaboard states from New England to Florida. Its pearly-white capsule-like seeds hanging down suggest tears maybe. But how Job got connected with it I don't know. The seeds and the root were used as a diuretic in the old days. The best thing about it for me is its poetic name. poor as Job's turkey Job's wife A shrewish woman. Joe A conjure ball used by males to win women's affections. Coffee. "Bring me a cup of hot Joe, will you?" Joe Monroe, cut off his toe And hung it up to dry. �608 Paul Green's Wordbook All the girls began to laugh And Joe began to cry. (A recitation rhyme.) joe-trots Diarrhea. joggly Unsteady, shaky. jog-still Very still. John Privy, a commode, a toilet. "I opened the door and there she was sitting on the John." John Hancock One's signature, handwriting. Also the penis. John Henry One's signature, same as John Hancock. "Just put your John Henry here." A legendary Negro strong man, comparable to the mighty Paul Bunyan of the northwestern woods, who matched his hammer against a steel drill in driving railroad spikes into cross-ties to hold the steel rails in place. He won over the machine but died from his exertion "with his hammer in his hand." Dr. Guy Johnson of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill has a full and fine book on the legend and the music that goes with it. Carl Sandburg also makes quite a bit of the John Henry song in "The American Songbag." Many a Negro strong man has in braggadocio taken over the name of the folk hero. I used one of these in a Negro drama entitled "Roll Sweet Chariot." "John Henry was a little boy, Sitting on his father's knee. He gave one long and lonesome cry, Said 'The hammer'll be the death of me, Hammer be the death of me.' "John Henry said to the captain, 'I'm nothing but a natural man, But before I let that steel drill beat me down I'll die with my hammer in my hand, Die with my hammer in my hand.' �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 609 "John Henry hammered in the mountain, Hammered till his hammer caught on fire, John Henry said to the captain, 'Cool drink of water 'fore I die, Cool drink of water, please, 'fore I die.' "John Henry had a little woman, The dress she wore was red, The very last words I heard her say Was 'I'm going where my man fell dead, Going where my man fell dead.' " honest John An honest, upright person, a term sometimes used in derogation. "Did you see old honest John playing croquet Sunday, how, every once in a while when nobody was looking he would move the ball a bit toward the wicket?'' johnny cake A cake made with cornmeal mixed with water or milk, seasoned with salt and, in the old days, baked on a board set close before the fire. Johnny-come-lately A late arrival, one who barges in and tries to participate in the doings when he has no right to. Johnny's mad, and I am glad And I know what'll please him, A bottle of wine to treat him fine And a pretty little girl to squeeze him. (A teasing rhyme.) Most often when we recited this, we would put the name of some girl in the last line and therefore add to either Johnny's embarrassment or pleasure. Johnny-on-the-job (spot) A reliable and energetic person. Johnson grass A deep-rooted pest, as hard to get rid of as nut grass. join Adjoin. "His and my land join." joint A low-life dive, a gathering place for characters of bad reputation. join the birdgang To flee suddenly. "When that' splosion went of f, I j oined the birdgang going �610 Paul Green's Wordbook away from there." joint snake See "j'int snake." joker An obnoxious person or busybody. "How did that joker get in here?" jollify To make merry. jolly dog A merry, good-hearted fellow. Jonah One believed to bring bad luck. A layout of scenes and characters for the doubling of parts in a play. go to see Miss Jones To go to the privy or bathroom. jook (juke) Jerk, duck or dodge.' 'He'd jook his head every time you tried to hit him.'' joree bird The ground robin, the cheewink towhee. Joseph's coat The famous coat the Biblical Joseph wore, and sometimes used in reference to an over-dressed or dudish person. josh To joke at, to poke fun at, to tease. "If you don't quit joshing that old preacher, someday he's going to get mad." jot and tittle Every least bit, every detail. jounce To dandle, to bounce up and down. journey's end The grave. Journeys end in lovers' meeting. by Jove! A mild expletive. �An A Iphabet of Reminiscence 611 jower To argue loudly, quarrel or wrangle, same as jow. joy ride To take a fling, to have a big time, not caring what happens. "Joy to the World" A bright and sparkling carol. It was always one of our favorite Christmas serenading pieces. The words are by the venerable Isaac Watts, 1719, and the music by that great major-key composer G.F. Handel, 1744. "Joy to the world, the Lord is come! Let earth receive her king. Let ev'ry heart prepare him room And heav'n and nature sing!" jubilee A big time, a good get-together, not quite as intensive as joy ride. jubous Dubious, doubtful. by juckies An exclamation. Judas tree See "redbud tree." Judge not lest ye be judged. Never judge from appearances. jug Prison. not by a jugful Certainly not, by no means. "You needn't count on a cabbage leaf curing that sore place, not by a jugful." juggle Jostle, joggle. jughead A mule, a sorry horse, same as jarhead or pestle-tail. go for the jugular To aim a finishing stroke, to put forth a final and crushing bit of logical argument, to shoot for the prize. "Did you see George Randall's argument in today's News and Observer against capital punishment?—He went for �612 Paul Green's Wordbook the jugular in it." juice Electricity. "Lord, that man's chest hair caught fire when they shot that juice in him in the 'lectric chair." juke joint A cheap restaurant or low gathering place. jularker Boyfriend. jularky A wild party, also a cheap boyfriend. julep An old Southern drink, made by liquor poured on ice to which green mint is added, and usually left to frost over in the refrigerator or to cool down in the old spring house. jump To scare up, to flush out. "He jumped a rabbit and away it went." To grow fast, luxuriantly. "Two weeks ago I put nitrate of soda to my cotton and it's just jumping." jump bail To run away and flee one's bail. jump down one's throat To shout at, to bawl out, scold loudly. great jumping beans! An exclamation. Jumping Jesus! An expletive. jumping off place The end of the world, a weird ungodly place. Jumping the Rope A children's game. See "Skipping the Rope." go jump in the river A derogatory statement or dismissal command, an expression of disbelief. jump jail To escape. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 613 jump on To attack, to whip, to spank. "If you don't quit mommicking with that frog, I'm going to jump on you." get the jump on Get the advantage of, to get into the lead right off. "No. 6 got the jump on all the other horses from the start, and there was no catching him." jump on (in) with both feet To berate a person or go after something with all vim and vigor. jump out of one's skin Condition of extreme fright. "I was about to jump out of my skin, he scared me so." jumps Fidgets, nervous starts. holy jumps Same as holy jerks. jump the broom To get married. "Well, Will Green and Rachel Smith have finally jumped the broom." jumpy Nervous. June is the best month to get married in. June bug has a golden wing. Lightning bug a plain. The bedbug has no wing at all But he gets there just the same. (A folk rhyme.) June bugs (July bugs) The cicadas. June Sweet'nings A pulpy sweetly-flavored early red apple, popular in the Valley in the old days, but rare at the present time and why rare I don't know, for it was a wonder! "Speaking of June Sweet'nings," Uncle Waverly Lassiter said to me one day, "reminds me of old Guy Fitchett and his wife Bessie. They lived down the road apiece from us, there where the highway turns from Fort Bragg toward Manchester. The house has been torn down long ago and the apple orchard with it to make room for progress on the highway. I believe �614 Paul Green's Wordbook there's still one scraggly old tree, though, sort of a stump near the road that sprouts out now and then. The Fitchetts were mighty proud of that apple orchard. And me and my sister Josie loved to eat them apples, them June Sweet'nings, better'n anything in the world. My sister was older'n me and she was quick-legged. One day old Guy found us up in one of his apple trees there gathering and guzzling some, and he switched us out of there and told us to behave ourselves and never bother his apples again—or else. Well, my sister Josie was a quick-tempered little old thing and she didn't forget the switching. No sir, nor the threat. "Well, I told you a while ago about the steamboat, 'The Haughton,' that old man Brady run up the Cape Fear River. He quit running it after the railroads come in. And after some of the locks were washed out in the big freshet, he anchored it in the Cape Fear not far from our house. It stayed there year after year, rotting away. "One day I was down there, a little barefooted boy proguing around, when I found something lying across the deck about eight feet long, looked like a long black snake. I'd never seen one of those hose pieces before. So I got it loose from its fastening and broke it off, with a little sharp piece of iron at the end of it, and I drug it up the hill to take it home. I met my sister Josie. 'What is that?' she said. " ' I dunno,' I said.' I found it down there on the old steamboat rotting away.' "She looked at it for a while and then she said, 'I got a use for that.' " 'What use you got?' I said. " 'I got a use,' she said. 'Will you give it to me?' "So I let her have it. I didn't have any use for it. Didn't know what it was anyhow. That young'un, that sister of mine, she really had a mind. She'd already seen some possibilities in that thing that looked like a snake. No wonder she later married a man who is a professor up there at Chapel Hill and has raised a lot of educated boys and girls of her own. "Finally she told me what she was planning. She was determined to scare old man Fitchett out of his wits. So we cooked up a thing, she done the cooking, of course, since I was a little shaver two years younger. She was about twelve years old or thirteen and I was about nine or ten, and I looked up to her in her smartness and wisdom. "So we went toward the Fitchett house and lay around out in the edge of the woods there till we saw old man Fitchett and his wife go down to the barn to milk the cow and tend to things. So we crope into the house there the back way and found their bed. We pulled the cover down and put that thing down at the foot of the bed, quiled it around and stuck its head up, and then put the sheet back and the quilt across it so nobody could tell what was what. "Well that night after we'd gone home and got our supper Josie said �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 615 we'd go back and call on the Fitchetts. So we did, and we sat around and we talked and we kept 'em up quite a while. And Josie got to asking about stories, about snake stories and ghost stories. And old Guy, he was a skeery fellow anyhow and his wife, Mis' Bessie, weren't much better. So long about midnight he up and said, 'Why don't you children go on home and quit talking these wild stories?" "And so we said we were just about to go. We told 'em goodnight. 'And don't you let the boogers get you,' Mis' Bessie said, all sharp-like, 'going home.' " 'Oh, we won't,' said Josie, 'We won't. We ain't scared of anything except snakes. And you and Mr. Guy watch out for snakes, too!' " 'Go on,' said old man Fitchett. '' 'They do tell some of 'em are fearful things,' said Josie. 'My grandpa Avery down at White Oaks got followed by a coachwhup snake once. It rolled down a hill right after him and he nearly run hisself to death. I just remember the story now. He dodged behind a tree and that hoopsnake made for him and soused the p'int of its tail up in the tree behind which Grandpa had dodged!' "I had a hard time to keep from laughing, for she was telling a story we'd both heard happened to a man way off in Georgy or somewhere. " 'And you know,' she went on, "The next day that tree had all its leaves quiled up and it died plumb dead.' " 'We ain't scared of snakes,' said Mis' Bessie. But she was — yessir, scared to death of 'em. And so we went off. We watched them turn back in the house and shut the door, and then we crope back and stood behind a spirea bush outside the window where there were big window panes that we could see through. So we stayed outside and watched 'em. "Purty soon old man Guy took off his clothes and stood naked as a jaybird and my sister of course had to turn away her head at that. Then he put on his long red nightshirt and knitted toque, and I pinched Josie and told her she could look now. And then we watched him go down on his knees and say his prayers. He was a mighty religious old fellow and was superstitious too. While he was a-prayin' Mis' Bessie put on her night gown and undressed herself under it, and I was glad she did, for I didn't want to see her naked, skinny and old as she was. Well, old man Guy he got up and pulled back the cover a little and got in the bed and slid down in it. Then we saw him all of a sudden freeze up, his hands lifting like calling for help and his feet and knees all drawed up. And he lay there shivering and shaking, not saying a word. Truth is he was scared speechless and couldn't speak, I reckon. Mis' Bessie finished saying her prayers and started to get in the bed. She saw him lying there, his face blue as a huckleberry and choking like a man strangling to death. '' 'What is it, what is it, Precious?' she said. She loved him so she always �616 Paul Green's Wordbook called him 'Precious.' "Finally the breath blew from him in a great gust and he got some words. 'Snakes!' he yelled, 'snakes, I fully believe!' And with that he sailed out of that bed, jerking the cover off. And there lay that black thing all quiled up in the dim lamplight, looking like a snake sure enough with its head stuck up. Well sir, old man Fitchett had a heavy walking stick with a piece of iron on it. He used it when he walked about to be sure to keep any bothersome dogs off of him. He was always scared of mad dogs. So he had fixed up this walking stick special heavylike. Mis' Bessie grabbed that walking stick out of his hand, and while Josie and me stood outside just popping with laughing, she sailed onto the snake with that stick. She beat and tore into the feather bed to a fare-you-well. They had two ticks together, all stuffed with feathers. But she busted 'em both. She busted the pillows, too, and in no time the room was so full of feathers you couldn't see a thing. What happened in the turmoil and turning was that not being able to see a thing, in one of her heavy strokes at the snake she laid old man Guy Fitchett right across the side of the head with that thing and plumb addled him. Yes sir, later the doctor had to come and sew up his skelp with fourteen stitches, so he did. ' 'Well, as you might 'spect, somehow the Fitchetts got on to who done that tricking. They found out that Josie was to blame, and they come down to my house and told my daddy, and he said, 'All right, Josie!' Then he reached for the razor strop. "So they marched us both up there. Old Mis' Fitchett she give us them cards — you know them things with the fine teeth which you card cotton wool with or used to. Well she give Josie one of 'em and give me the other and put us to cleaning that room. Them feathers had stuck to the rafters and weatherboard in a thick coating of white — it was rough weatherboarding — and it took us three solid days to get that stuff off of there. Mis' Fitchett stood around with that iron-headed stick guarding things and seeing that we cleaned everything well. Old Guy's skelp was slow in healing up, and he was lying in another room with a hot bag of salt to his temple, and so was unable to take part in the proceedings. "Poor old fellow — he wore a scar long as he lived. Josie and me cried a lot about his scar, but it done no good, none, of course." June weddings are lucky. juniper A swamp in which juniper trees grow. We would always refer to it as "the juniper." "No, Mr. Billy's not here, he's down in the juniper getting out telephone poles." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 617 'Just As I Am" One of the Valley's most popular revival hymns. The words are by Charlotte Elliot, 1836, and the tune by William Bradstreet, 1849. The refrain with its "O lamb of God, I come" is powerful in its call to sinners as the exhorting preacher and congregation pour it out in pulsing fervor. "If this song won't bring the lost and sinners to the mourners' bench," said Reverend Johnson, "I ask you what will." 'Just Because She Made Dem Goo-Goo Eyes" Another Tin Pan Alley minstrel-like song by John Queen and Hughie Cannon. The chorus made good field-work singing for us children. And at times as we sang we laid aside our hoes and made what we imagined googoo eyes to be — often using our fingers to push our eyelids far back and to glare at the world with red, watery eyeballs. "Just because she made dem goo-goo eyes I thought I'd won a home and copped de prize She is de best what is And I need her in my biz Just because she made dem goo-goo eyes." 'Just Before the Battle, Mother" One of the many fine tragic songs that fittingly came out of the senseless Civil War, a war that for lack of sound and sensible national leadership tore this country apart, filled a common people with unnatural hatred and hundreds of thousands of piteous tight-lipped graves, and for which both Robert E. Lee and the semi-deified Abraham Lincoln are guilty before any justly imagined court of truth. I could continue with a flood of words, but let the song cry its cry — heard and repeated by both Yankee and Rebel many a night on their campgrounds as they waited for the coming of daylight when they would renew the authority-driven struggle to kill each other. It was written in 1863 by the talented George F. Root who also wrote many other favorite songs including "The Vacant Chair." He was a native of Sheffield, Massachusetts. Like "Tenting on the Old Camp Ground" by another talented New Englander, Henry C. Work, it was a favorite with our male quartet. "Just before the battle, Mother, I was thinking most of you, While upon the field we're watching, With the enemy in view. Comrades brave are round me lying, Filled with thoughts of home and God. For well they know that on the morrow �618 Paul Green's Wordbook Some will sleep beneath the sod. Farewell, Mother, you may never..." (And here Ernest Spence would repeat with his bass "you may never.") "Press me to your heart again But you'll not forget me, Mother, If I'm numbered with the slain." Just Like Me A popular children's game. One of the players starts off with a statement, and the other ones in sequence reply to each statement he makes, "Just like me." I went upstairs. Just like me. I looked in the mirror. Just like me. I saw a little monkey. Just like me. Etc. And sometimes the players would drag it out, using their own imaginations as to the places they had visited and the things they had seen. justle Jostle. just one of those things An unfortunate happening that couldn't be helped. just so Finicky, exactly right, picayunish. "He wants everything about the house just so." just what the doctor ordered The proper thing, what one was expecting or hoping for. juty Duty. juvember Some etymologists say this is an Algonquin word for a slingshot. For us boys it meant a beanshooter. And what fun we used to have with our shooters! We could buy our rubber bands from most any store. Then we'd cut a forked dogwood sprout and trim this the proper length. Next we'd fit a strip of the band to each of the little forks with strings and a small �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 619 slingshot holder where we'd fit a pebble or a single buckshot, and then aim and pull away. All around now we'd go after the birds and often in our games of war go after one another. �620 Paul Green's Wordbook K kag Keg. kale A garden vegetable, money. kamerad! A call to stop or an acknowledgment of yielding. Same as calf rope. kearb Curb. keen on To be attracted by or in love with. "He's keen on that Bunn Level girl, no doubt of that." keep To remain safe, unspoiled, in good condition. "It's turned cold now and my meat will keep." See "hog killing." To continue. "It keeps on raining." "Somebody keeps going off with my pencils." Keep a stiff upper lip. Keep a thing seven years and you'll find a use for it. keep a thing under one's hat To keep one's counsel, to be secretive, to say nothing about a matter of information. keep away To stay away. "Keep away from that dog or he'll bite you." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 621 Keep A way A ball game. Two captains are chosen, then they choose their teams. The right of first choice may be decided by flipping a coin or by spitting on one side of a short piece of board and one captain choosing' 'wet'' and the other " dry." The board is then thrown up in the air and when it falls to the ground, the matter is decided. The same method may be used to decide which side has the ball first. The players in possession of the ball throw it back and forth to one another and the members of the opposing team try to intercept it or grab it if it happens to be dropped. When time is up — the ringing of the school bell ending recess or however — the side possessing the ball wins. Or the side that drops the ball the fewest times may be declared winner if that is decided on ahead of time. keep care of To have the care of, take charge of. keep company To be sweethearts or to be interested in each other. "They're keeping company now, and the first thing you know you'll hear of an engagement." Am I my brother's keeper? keep going To be able to be up and about, to be convalescent. "Claude Jones looks like the shadow of death, but somehow he manages to keep going." keep house in the mouth of the bag and not in the bottom Keep one's feet on the ground. To use good judgment, not get rattled. keep in with To maintain friendly relations with, continue on the good side of. keep kicking till the butter comes Never give in, never say die, never stop trying. When I was a boy I heard about two frogs who fell into an open churn of milk. They struggled and struggled but couldn't get out. Frog one said, "This is hopeless, we'll never make it." Frog number two said, "We must keep kicking." Finally frog one quit and gave up the ghost, but number two kicked and kept on kicking. Pretty soon he felt butter coming in the milk. He pulled enough of it together to make a pat, crawled up on it and hopped out. keep one's feet on the ground To use good judgment, not get rattled. keep one's lips buttoned up To refrain from talking. �622 Paul Green's Wordbook keep one's nose clean Keep aboveboard, stay honest and untarnished. keep quiet Be silent. keep tab (on) To keep score, check on. keep the kettle boiling Don't let activity diminish. Often superficial activity, such as political campaigning. keep track of To keep score or account of. Keep thy shop and thy shop will keep thee. keep up To equal. "You go so fast that I can't keep up." keep well To stay in good health. Keep your head up. Keep your own counsel. Keep your pecker up. To be strong-minded, courageous. Keep your shirt on! Don't get angry, impatient, excited. keerful Careful. "Kentucky Babe" Another favorite of barbershop quartets. It was written in 1896 and was immediately popular and has remained so. The words are by Richard Buck who in 1903 wrote the lyric for "Dear Old Girl,'' and the music is by Adam Geibel who never came near creating another song comparable to this classic little gem. "Skeeters am a-humming in de honeysuckle vine. Sleep, Kentucky Babe! Sandman am a-coming to dis little babe of mine, Sleep, Kentucky Babe!" �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 623 And so on to the chorus with its doubly rich harmony— "Fly away, fly away, Kentucky Babe, Fly away and rest. Fly away. Lay yo' sleepy little head On yo' mammy's breast. "Um — um, close yo' eyes in sleep." kep Kept. kept being Continued.' 'Year after year William Jennings Bryan kept being defeated.'' See "Phil McNeill." kerbang An imitative sound of a sudden explosion. kernels Enlarged lymph glands due to some sort of infection. kersplosh (kersplash) A word imitative of the sound of breaking the surface of water, or splashing. ketch Catch. kettle offish A bad business, a messy entanglement. put the kibosh on To ruin, to make a mess of. kick To jilt. A thrill, pleasure. "I get a kick out of hearing the Ku Klux is in trouble, wherever it is." A complaint. "He's got no kick coming." Don't kick a dead dog. It is hard to kick against the pricks. Don't kick a man when he's down. kicking about Lying around in a mess, in disarray. "He leaves his things all the time kicking about." �624 Paul Green's Wordbook kick in the pants A rebuff, a reprimand. kick in the slats A rebuff. kick the bucket To die. kick the habit Stop the habit. kick the lid off To start any violent action. kick the stuffing out of To beat, to thrash, to whip unmercifully. kick the wind To be hanged. kick up one's heels To have a hilarious time, to go on a spree, to break over the traces. kiddo A familiar form of address. kiddie The diminutive of kid. kidney-buster A hard-riding horse, truck or car. kid oneself To deceive oneself. to kill In excess, exaggeratedly. "He laughed to kill at me." kill Kiln. Kill a snake and hang it in a tree to bring rain. Kill two birds with one stone. Thou shalt not kill. killing time The cold winter time for killing hogs. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 625 He who kills his own body works for the worms. Kill your own snakes. Mind your own business. kilter A condition, a regular order. "Don't get things out of kilter." kinder (kinda, kind of) Somewhat. "He's kinder afraid of his daddy." kindling Splinters for starting a fire. Usually fat pine splinters with their rich resin can be lighted easily and, when placed under green oak logs, help to start a good hot fire. kindly Kind of. "When I heard the news, it kindly made me sick." Kindness cannot be bought. Kindness never dies. A king can do no wrong. The king is dead, long live the king. kingdom A large number, a wide expanse, a multitude. "He's got a whole kingdom of children." kingdom come! The hereafter. Often an exclamation. Also a long while, limitless, some eventuality. "I'll fight you to kingdom come, that's what I'll do." king snake A common variety of harmless snake good for catching rodents and keeping poisonous snakes away. king's saddle Two boys clasp crossed hands to make a saddle and persuade another to take a "ride on the king's saddle." (When girls play the game it is queen's saddle.) They walk along carrying the rider, then fling him forward or drop him by unclasping their hands. "King William" A children's singing game. The players form a ring with one child in the center. The others march around, usually holding hands, and sing the following song while the one in the center acts out the narrative. For instance, �626 Paul Green's Wordbook a boy chooses a girl from the ring, and then goes on through the other business as described below. We used to sing this version at old Pleasant Union School in Harnett County. "King William was King George's son, Round the royal race he run. He wore a star upon his breast, Points to the east and points to the west. "Go choose your east, go choose your west, Choose the one that you love best. If he's (she's) not here to take your part, Choose another with all your heart. "Down on this carpet you must kneel, Sure as the grass grows in the field, And when you rise up on your feet, Salute your bride and kiss her sweet." Usually this last command occasioned great gales of laughter. Then the girl who had been chosen became "It" and the game proceeded as before. kinks Quirks, rheumatic pains, bothersome conditions, whether physical or mental. "That fellow's full of all kinds of kinks and is hard to deal with." kisses Small pieces of taffy-like candy. Kissing goes by favor. kissing the bride This is permitted of the preacher for good luck. Kiss my ass (my foot). A term of derision. kiss of death Praise preceding a dismissal. kiss off To charge off, to dismiss, cancel. "He wouldn't pay me and I finally kissed off the whole debt rather than sue." kit and b 'Hing The whole crowd. A fat kitchen makes a lean will. everything including the kitchen sink (stove) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence kite 627 To gad about. "She goes kiting here and yonder all the time and no wonder her children are growing up so mean, poor things." kitten A jocular affectionate term for a woman. feel like a kitten in a cat's mouth Helpless, dependent. stick to one like a sick kitten to a hot brick Over-affectionate, over-devoted. to have kittens The menses. To be frightened into hysterics, to cut up in a wild manner. "When that herb doctor sprinkled me with graveyard dust, I thought I'd have kittens all over the floor." kittle Kettle. kitty A pot, or money saved up. In poker the amount of bets on the table. "Put something in the kitty, Big Mac, if you're going to play." kiver Cover. klep A thief. knee baby A small child, beginning to walk, usually, who has taken second place to the arm baby. knee-high to a duck Small, short, a midget. knee-high to a grasshopper The same. knet The past tense of knit. "She knet me a pair of socks that lasted the whole winter." A man without a knife Is not worth a wife. �628 Paul Green's Wordbook If a knife falls, it means a man is coming; if a fork falls, a woman is coming; if a spoon falls, a child is coming. Unlucky to give a knife to a friend, for knives cut friendship in two. He who lives by the knife will die by the knife. knife in the back To betray, to turn traitor to. knight of the green cloth A gambling hall proprietor. Knives and Forks A finger rhyme, usually amusing to a little child. Here's the mother's knives and forks, (The fingers are interlaced, with the backs together.) Here's the mother's table (The fingers are turned down now, showing the smooth level joints on top.) Here's my sister's looking glass, (Now the little fingers are brought up and they make a point by joining the tips.) And here's the baby's cradle. (The index fingers are brought to a point and the hands are rocked from side to side.) knobhead A mule, a dull, stupid person. knock To low rate, to deprecate. "I wouldn't want to say anything to knock a fellow Mason." Knock and it shall be opened unto you. knock about To poke about, waste time, move around aimlessly. knock along To get along so-so, to fare only middling well. Knock at the door, (Tap on the forehead.) Peek in, (Look into the eyes.) Lift up the latch, (Push the nose up.) Walk in, (Touch the mouth.) Take a chair. (Tickle under the chin.) (A tickling rhyme.) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 629 knock down To be sold or auctioned off to the highest bidder. To cheat. knocked into a cocked hat Badly damaged, confused, flummoxed. knock for a loop To hit a stunning blow, give a shocking surprise, or deflate a windbag. knock galley west Same as knock for a loop. knock off To stop work. knock on wood A superstitious custom. When one makes a braggadocio statement or a particular wish, he knocks on wood to help the statement from failing. knockout A first-rate person, a nonpareil, a thing of beauty. Little knocks split great blocks. knock up To make pregnant, to big. knock your eye out To shock, surprise, impress strongly. knothead A mule, a surly, stupid person, much the same as knobhead. knot on a log A good for nothing. Know that God will bring every act into judgment. Know thyself. don't know B from bull's foot For the living know that they shall die, but the dead know not anything. We know what we are, but not what we may be. knowed Knew. Knowledge is power. �630 Paul Green's Wordbook A little knowledge is a dangerous thing. Much knowledge is a weariness to the flesh. He knO\VS his stuff. He that knows not, and knows not that he knows not, is a fool — avoid him. He who knows nothing is an authority in all things. not that I know of So far as I know. knuckle down To set to work in real earnest. knucklehead A stupid person. knucks Knuckles. knucks on In the game of marbles, one of the players who is shooting can call out ahead of anybody else, "Knucks on the line" or "ring," and then he has the privilege of putting his knuckles over the edge of the ring, which would give him a little nearer shot at the dinahs within the ring. If someone shouts out "Venture knucks!" then the player is denied that privilege. kook A nut, a lunatic. "Yeh, most of them psychiatrists up there are kooks." kowtow Bow down to, make obeisance, to act the sycophant to. Ku Klux To give the Ku Klux treatment to a person is to intimidate him, beat him up. Ku Klux Klan A secret and, until recently, a masked organization, mainly in the Southern part of the United States. (The law now prohibits masks.) This terrible order was created after the Civil War to assure white supremacy. In my section of the country, down in Harnett County, my Uncle Heck was supposed to be one of the organizers there. And the reason I heard him give for its creation, when I was a boy, seemed right enough — the restoration of law and order there. Maybe there could have been some sort of excuse for this order a hundred years ago, but there is no need for its resurgence in these late years — a happening due to ignorance and to plain hard prejudice. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 631 The officers of the organization have outlandish and laughable titles. (They would be laughable if so many innocent people had not suffered cruelty and persecution.) They are: The Imperial Wizard (Supreme Chief Executive) Imperial Klaiff (Supreme First Vice-President) Imperial Klazik (Supreme Second Vice-President) Imperial Klokard (Supreme Lecturer) Imperial Kludd (Supreme Chaplain) Imperial Kligrapp (Supreme Secretary) Imperial Klabee (Supreme Treasurer) Imperial Kladd (Supreme Conductor) Imperial Klarogo (Supreme Inner-Guard) Imperial Klexter (Supreme Outer-Guard) Imperial Klonsel (Supreme Attorney) Imperial Night-Hawk (Supreme Courier) And four Imperial Klokann, constituting a Board of Auditors and Supreme Advisors. These shall be known as the Imperial Wizard and his Genii. When I was about twelve years old I got a firsthand account as to some of the Ku Klux activities in Harnett County. Old Reuben Matthews, a Negro farm worker, after much pleading on my part, told me what had happened to him one dark summer night. I remember his account as vividly today as if I had just heard it yesterday. (We children called him Uncle Reuben, a title of respect given to older Negroes, just as we referred to old Negro women as Aunt so and so.) It was a clear dry morning in May. He and I were out in the field harvesting my father's oats. He was seventy and I was twelve. Round and round we went, his cradle dipping with a whup-swish, whup-swish, and he laying the handfuls of cut oats behind him, and me following with all my manful might tying these handfuls into larger bundles later to be hauled to the barn there across the sun-drenched fields. I was feeling good that morning and Uncle Reuben felt extra spry. I could tell from the way he swung his cradle. And the reason we both felt good was that my Uncle Heck was coming up from Wilmington, where he was the postmaster, to pay us one of his rare visits. I had waked at the roostercrow that morning, and a little sweet feeling had come quick inside my breast remembering the letter we'd received from him the day before saying that he would be up to visit us. And when I told Uncle Reuben that Uncle Heck was coming, he beat his old hat twice against his leg and said, "Hot dog, I'd rather slap these two eyes on that man than anybody that walks this wide green earth!" �632 Paul Green's Wordbook "And he'll bring you a plug of that good Apple tobacco, won't he?" I said. "That he will, bless his sweet heart," said Uncle Reuben. "He allus does." Uncle Heck was a wonder to me—my hero. As a young man he was in the great Civil War. He actually fought at Gettysburg and lived to tell the tale — except that it was very hard to get him to tell it. Once, though, he had unloosed and talked with me about it. We were sitting by the fire one winter night and I had worn him down, I guess, with my pleading, for he had relented enough to get started by saying there was a lot of killing that went on those three days at Gettysburg. I already knew this from my little Confederate history. And the worst thing about it for him, he continued slowly, even worse than the wounded men lying out in the hot sun and calling for their mothers while they died—worse than that, he said, was the whickering and the wild neighing of the horses that were jerking and lunging about with broken legs and their stomachs all tore to pieces and their insides dragging on the ground. Uncle Heck loved horses and he always kept a nice limber-legged one for his buggy. ' 'And you were lying out there wounded too, wasn't you, Uncle Heck? Yes sir," I declared. "Yes, I was lying out there," he said. "You were tough, though," I prompted jubilantly. "They couldn't kill you." "Yeh, tough is the word, and I got over it somehow. I was brought home in a wagon on a bed of wheat straw. And I stunk so bad from my wounds that your grandmammy wouldn't let 'em bring me in the house. Dr. McNeill had to work on me in the barn till the rotted parts of my flesh got cleaned up and healed some." He stopped and looked up at the clock on the mantelpiece. "Time for you to go to bed, boy." "And you got wounded in six places, didn't you, Uncle Heck, in that charge across the wide field? Six bullets hit you, didn't they? Papa said they did." He chuckled. "I got peppered all right with them minny balls. But I lived. Don't you reckon I lived? Yes sir, tough, you said." And he laughed and smoothed back his handsome clean-cut gray moustache. Uncle Heck always wore nice clothes, kept himself trim and neat, carried a cane, and in the summertime he always had a flower in his buttonhole, a cape jessamine bloom if he could get one. My hero! I laughed a bit too and hurried on. "Did you ever see General Lee, Uncle Heck, did you?" "Many a time, boy, many a time. And a sorrowful, bothered man he was too." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 633 "What was he bothered about, Uncle Heck? Oh, I know — losing all so many of his boys in gray, that's what." ' 'Maybe that too. But I reckon what bothered him most was trying to make heads or tails of the whole thing he was tangled up in. Oh yes, that bothered him considerable. It bothered a lot of us." He looked up at the clock again. "I've told you it's bedtime. Go on, boy." But I was quick with my big question. "How many Yankees did you kill, Uncle Heck? I bet a lot. How many?" "Maybe I killed some, maybe I didn't. Ididalotof shooting. I've prayed on my knees, though, many times that I didn't kill a single solitary man. And if I had, I begged God to forgive me for it." Then he called toward the kitchen to my mother, "Betty, come get this young'un and put him to bed. He's pestering me to death about that old Civil War and I don't allow that." And pulling a cheroot from his vest pocket, he bit off the end with his fine gold-filled front teeth, bent over, stuck a lightwood splinter into the fireplace of coals and leaning back brought its frying flame up and lighted his cheroot with great manly puffings. I watched him with the saliva working in my mouth. The rattling of the dishes in the kitchen where my mother was washing them after supper suddenly stopped, and she came in and in spite of my pleadings sent me sternly off to bed. Someofthese things out of past days flitted through my mind that fair May morning as I followed Uncle Reuben in the oat field. Whup-swish went the blade. The sun climbed up the sky and the sweat poured down. After a while he slung the cradle over his shoulder and said it was time to get some water to drink. We went to the apple tree at the edge of the field where our water jug was shaded in a bunch of pawpaw bushes. We sat down and fanned ourselves, and I took a long drink from the jug first because I was white and Uncle Reuben drank second because he was black, and that was the way of things with no questions asked. As he tilted the jug back I watched the water go gluk-gluk in wads down his stringy, wrinkled old throat — a throat as black and scaly as the hide of that alligator I had seen in the circus at Dunn. Then I noticed another thing. The sleeve of his ragged homemade shirt slipped back and there were two round scar spots showing on his forearm. He set the jug down, reached back in the shade, fanned himself a bit more and pulled out a piece of his petrified rock and began sharpening the cradle blade. Once more his old sleeve slipped back up his forearm from his lifted hand and there were those spots again. I happened to notice them, idly at first. And then I stared at them. He saw I was looking at his arm. He pushed the cradle from him and slid the whetstone back into his pocket. He pulled his sleeve down and sat scrubbing his grizzled chin with the hard �634 Paul Green's Wordbook palm of his hand the yellow color of a mulberry root. Then he pulled out a piece of homemade tobacco twist and pinched off a piece and stuck the twist out to me. I shook my head though I was dying to try it, and my greedy saliva was working as always. He sat there munching the tobacco contentedly for a moment with his hard gums, then squirted a bit of slightly stained yellow juice out to one side. He began chuckling. "You notice things, don't you?" he said. "I dunno, Uncle Reuben," I answered uncertainly. "Yeh, you do. You got sharp eyes. I notice that 'bout a lot of things. And now you done crossed the line of 'countability, ain't you?" " 'Countability?" ' That's the time when a young'un gets up where he can think for hisself, like grown folks, gets responsible for his actions. The preachers and teachers tell about it." "Yes," I said, "I already know about that." "So I reckon I mought as well tell you about them spots you been looking at, now that you got up so far in the world. I see you keep looking at 'em." "Yeh, I bet you've had bad carbuncles like my brother had." He chuckled once more. "No, not carbuncles," he said. "I had a bad carbuncle on my thigh," I said, "and it left a round scar much the same." "Carbuncles don't make marks like that," he said. "I know." "What was it, Uncle Reuben? What caused it?" "Sump'n a lot worse'n carbuncles." "What? What was that?" "Hot lead, boy," he answered abruptly, "bullet lead." "Bullets?" "That's what I say. That's where I was shot 'way back in them days." "You shot? Good gracious. When?" "Back in the Ku Klux times." I knew about the Ku Klux of course. And now I remembered I had heard in past times that Uncle Reuben as a young man had been mixed up in some kind of trouble, some kind of killing. But I had never heard the story. Nobody would talk about it. My father wouldn't. And now at last maybe I was going to hear all about it. I squirmed up a bit closer. "Did the Ku Klux shoot you?" I asked eagerly. "Yeah, one of them Ku Klux did." "Who was it, Uncle Reuben?" "Now ain't that a come-off! You know good and well I ain't going to tell you 'bout no 'ticular person. It was just the Ku Klux shot me. I'll show you sump'n else." Creaking to his feet he undid his homemade britches, pulled up his shirt and showed me another spot on his side. Then he turned �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 635 around and shamelessly dropped his trousers farther down disclosing another mark low on his stringy, seamed stern. "Yes suh, son," he went on,' 'that's where them bullets hit me." He stuck his shirt in and buttoned his britches again. "They sho' poured the lead into me that time." I sat there staring at him horrified—yet thrilled too. I was all in a shivering tumult to hear more. "How did it happen? How did it, Uncle Reuben?" I said. "Theydidn't have any right to treat you like that. Lord a'mercy, you oughta got a gun and killed somebody!" He stared at me. "I did kill somebody, son," he said. I blinked at him. He went on. "When I heard them Ku Kluxers outside my door I told 'em not to come in 'cause I was right inside there and I had my axe handy. 'Don't come in here,' I said, Til kill the first man breaks in my door!' But that didn't stop 'em. They whoomed and lunged against the door and they finally broke it down. And the first man that tumbled in was Mr. Ed Gaskins, and what did I do with my axe? I split him clean down to the belly-button. Lord, Lord, I split him on down." And then I remembered too that I had heard something about a Mr. Gaskins that got killed long, long ago in the Ku Klux trouble. Speechless, I gazed at Uncle Reuben. He was no longer just Uncle Reuben but a man with something suddenly mysterious and strange about him. He had killed somebody. He seemed farther away than before—bigger, stronger, more lonely. He chuckled again and dug into the ground with one of his long-nailed bony fingers. "Course I been sorry for that a long, long time. I been sorry. But I been done forgive for it by de old Master up there," and he gestured toward the sky. Then a medley of little whickering chuckles broke from him and he spat a spurt of brown juice now off to one side. "But tough, I was tough! They couldn't kill this nigger, no sir! There I was lying on that floor that night and that Ku Klux man standing over me with the smoking pistol in his hand and the other dead body lying there all split open, bleeding on the floor. Well, I could see that man against the door light and I could smell the powder in the room too, even smell the fresh blood. I still had my good senses about me. And you know what that Ku Klux with the pistol said while he was standing over me?" "No, I don't," I spoke up breathlessly. "I heard him say. 'I reckon that's done for you, you damn black scoundrel. But I'll make sho' of it.' And he bent over in the dark and he fired that last bullet smack at me. He'd already shot me five times. And that made six. But maybe in the dark his hand was too trembly, so he just grazed the side of my skelp here.'' And Uncle Reuben lifted his old hat back, pushed up a bit of his kinky gray hair and there, sure enough, along the side above his ear was a slick hairless mark. �636 Paul Green's Wordbook "Lord," I breathed, "Lord!" '' Yeh, they shot me down like a dog,'' he went on easily, even pridefully. ' 'Maybe I was deserving of it some. I was a young buck then and I had just got my freedom. Maybe I was shooting off my mouth round and about a little too much. And that's how come they come waiting on me in the deep dead of night, them Ku Kluxers." "It must have scared you 'bout to death. How did they look, Uncle Reuben, how?" "Lord, boy, they had bedsheets over their heads and horns sticking up through that headgear and they had great booger goggle-eyes. Oh, my goodness! Makes me shiver thinking of it now. Long time it was since it happened, but still makes me shiver. I tell you one thing, though, them Ku Kluxers made the niggers, the sassy niggers, keep in their place." "Did you know who it was shot you, Uncle Reuben? Who?" "Sure I knowed him. He pulled off his sheet headgear and he looked down at me lying on the floor that night. I seen him clear. I would've knowed his voice anyhow, 'cause him and me had worked in the fields together many a time, in fact—ah—yea, many a time." "Who was it?" "Now behave yourself. You know I ain't gonna tell you that." "Please. Do I know him?" "Hush, boy." "After that what happened? What happened?" ' 'Well, they carried the dead man off from there, away from my house, and later I crawled out through the door and across the fields and got into a ditch. I lay in that ditch all that night and the next day, and that's where Nedgelena, the gal I later married, found me. And she and her mammy hid me in the smokehouse and treated me with poultices and with tallow and turpentine salve till I got well." "And then what, Uncle Reuben?" "Well, I laid mighty low, hid out, as I say, and am here to tell you. And by the time I got well the high feelings had sort of ca'med over. People had learnt better. But I moved off to Sampson County anyhow and farmed there for a few years, then come back here on your daddy's land, and I been here ever since. Yes, sir, people were riled up back in them days and all on account of us niggers." "No, no, it was more mixed up, was deeper than that, Uncle Reuben,'' I said, remembering my reading. "The two parts of the country had just grown apart, different sorts of civilization. They thought differently about things. And the North kept imposing on the South, taking her trade away from her, passing laws in Congress against her." "Maybe so, son — Lord help my life, what do I see yonder!" And he sprang to his feet quick as a young man. I turned my head and then I jumped �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 637 up too, for there coming across the field all dressed out in his white linen suit and Panama hat and swinging his gold-headed cane in the summer sun was Uncle Heck. Both Uncle Reuben and I had been so intent on the Ku Klux story that we hadn't heard the sound of the buggy or the trotting horse coming up the lane at all. Uncle Reuben now quickly spat out his tobacco juice, cleared his throat, spat again, wiped his face, pushed his kinky hair up and finished buttoning his trousers — primping himself. "Howyou there, Reuben?" Uncle Heck called, stepping along toward us. Already Uncle Reuben was grinning and bowing up and down, his hat in his hand while he answered back. "Bless the Lord, there you is, Mr. Heck — a sight for sore eyes. Yes sir, glory be to the Lord on high!" And he scrambled out to meet Uncle Heck. I stood there, a little twelve-year-old sweat-sodden fool, watching those two older fools. For as they met there in the middle of the lone oat field — Uncle Heck with his fine summer clothes and his gray clean-cut military moustache and gold-rimmed eyeglasses and Panama hat and cane, a gentleman great and airy, and Uncle Reuben, smelly and dust begrimed and a Negro at that — Uncle Heck threw his arms around him and hugged him and Uncle Reuben hugged him back. Without hardly knowing what I did I picked up the water jug and went nearer to them. "Well, you old black scoundrel, you ain't aged a day since last year," said Uncle Heck. "And you, Mr. Heck, you looks lak sump'n stepped out of the bandbox of heaven, always a spick and span gentleman.'' And Uncle Reuben peered at him. "One thing I miss though," he said, "that purty flower you allus wears in your buttonhole." "Well, I've stopped that, Reuben, stopped it," Uncle Heck laughed. "The gay girls have quit smiling at me since I'm so old, so I said to myself, 'What use is there in buying a flower any more?' You keeping well, Reuben?'' "Yes suh, yes suh, tip top." And then Uncle Heck looked out at me and gestured with his fabulous cane. "Which one is that?" "That's the one named Paul, suh." "Hi, Paul son, how you doing, boy? My goodness, you've grown!" "All right, Uncle Heck," I stammered, my head swimming with joy. Lord, I loved that man! "It's hard to keep up with 'em all," he said to Uncle Reuben. "Brother Bill has so many. How many has he got now?" "Mercy me, I don't know, Mr. Heck, a whole passel." "How many are you now, son?" Uncle Heck called. "There are — six of us now, Uncle Heck," I stuttered. "Well, well. And here I have got only one and she married and off at that. Is he smart, Reuben?" �638 Paul Green's Wordbook "Yes, he do the best he kin," Uncle Reuben chuckled. "But stories — that's what he likes best — stories. He's all the time after me about things — about darky songs, whether I done seen a ha' nt or not, old foiks' tales.'' "Uhm, Paul, you say. Yes, I remember him well enough. Always pestering me to tell him about the war." "Yessuh, that's him," said Uncle Reuben. "Well, if he wants to hear a real tale, you ought to tell him about the Ku Klux times, Reuben." ' 'Yes sir, I told him something about that, seeing how manhood is about to come on him and he done crossed the line of 'countability." Uncle Heck turned to me. "So Reuben told you about the Ku Klux?" "Yes sir," I answered. "Did he tell you about poor Ed Gaskins?" "Yes sir," I gulped, "the one that got killed with the axe." "And what else?" And Uncle Heck was staring sharply yet smilingly at me now. "That's all, Mr. Heck," said Uncle Reuben quickly. "That's all." "And a Ku Kluxer shot Uncle Reuben down in the floor," I added. "That's right, that's right," said Uncle Heck. "And did Reuben tell you who the Ku Kluxer was?" "Now, Mr. Heck, you know I know better'n that." "No sir, he didn't." "Tell him, Reuben," and he laughed. "He and his line of accountability. That would be a story to last him for a while." But Reuben shook his head. "Lord, no, sir," he said. And then Uncle Heck pushed the end of his cane at Reuben and laughed again. "You know what today is, Reuben?" he said. "No sir." "It's an anniversary. It's the sixth of May." Then he looked over at me. "Thirty-eight years ago it was, son, when he was shot. Walking along downtown yesterday I thought of it. And in honor of that occasion, Reuben, I brought you a whole box full of Apple tobacco, there in the buggy.'' And he gestured off toward the house. "The Lord bless you, the Lord bless you from his heavenly bosom!" said Uncle Reuben. And he grabbed Uncle Heck's hand and held it and kissed it. Uncle Heck laughed again and called out to me, as he winked his eye all merry like. "Look here, son," he said. "Look! You see Reuben kissing my hand. Well, this is the very hand that shot him down one night thirty-eight years ago." I dropped the water jug with a bump. Now the bell in the yard of our little house across the field began to ring for dinner, and Uncle Reuben and Uncle Heck turned and moved on �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 639 across the field. Forgetting the water jug, I followed after. And as I went, the word "six" came foolishly in my mind — "six." Uncle Heck had been shot with six bullets on the field of Gettysburg, and six times he had shot Uncle Reuben. And they both lived. Six for six. Tough, yes, both of them tough. And there they were walking in the summer weather ahead of me. Uncle Heck's arm was around Uncle Reuben's shoulders, and they both were laughing and talking over the old days — cronies, bosom buddies. Eh, Lord! John Kuners Negro mummers. There used to be a lot of Christmas mumming and serenading in the old days. One of the most impressive Valley customs of all was the visit of the John Kuners. These were young Negro boys and men who went around with tatters and strips of gay colors sewn to their clothes. Some of them wore women's garb. They were disguised in all sorts of homemade masks, some representing fox faces, 'possums, hogs, Rawheadand-bloody-bones, Plat-eye and the Headless Girl, which they called Kuner faces. They would rattle cow bones and dried-out horse ribs, blow rams' horns, blow harmonicas, toot on guano bugles, and collect pennies and food from door to door. The leader often carried a long blacksnake whip which he whizzed through the air like an exploding firecracker. It used to be hard to get the children to go to bed so old Santa Claus could look after their stockings until the John Kuners had gone by singing their song about— "They's misery in the mountains, They's smoke upon the hill, And they ain't no coming shuteye Till the Kuners had their fill. Hah — low, Here we go! Hah —low!" The custom has long ago died out, and it's a pity. For it was a fearsome and thrilling sight to see them coming up the lane in the darkness with their pine-splinter torches waving above their wild costumes and making their terrible and outlandish noises. Old men have told me they heard this custom was brought over from Africa or the West Indies with the first slaves. �This page intentionally left blank �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 641 L You can't tell what's in a bottle by the label. Labor overcometh all things. The laborer is worthy of his hire. It is bad luck to walk under a ladder. like holding a ladder for a thief ladies Gambling cards. "All right, fellows, bring out the ladies and let's get started." lady boarders Prostitutes. ladybug (ladybird) A small insect that eats other insects. There was an old belief that it represented the Virgin Mary in disguise. Ladybug, ladybug, Fly away home. Your house is on fire. Your children will burn. (Children's rhyme.) Ladybug, ladybug, fly away home. Bring me good weather whenever you come. (A divination rhyme.) lady killer A fop, a dandy. �642 Paul Green's Wordbook lady slipper or lady's slipper Known also as moccasin flower, perhaps because of its one flat-headed blossom. It grows from Manitoba to Georgia in swamplands and dampish woods. Its greatest value to me is its poetic name. A tincture from its root was once supposed to be good for nervous diseases. laid by To be hilled up, or to have received the last plowing for the summer. See "layby." / laid off to do. I planned to do, intended to do. laid on the shelf Retired, out of circulation, passe. who laid the rail An old saying of comparison. "I've knowed that boy ever since who laid the rail." laid up Something waiting, something to be done later. "I've got a talking-to laid up for you." Sick, bedridden. laig Leg. lally-gagging Idle talk. Flirtatious lovemaking. lambang To beat, to strike strongly. "Quit lambanging that bell, will you." lame duck A politician who has been defeated in reelection or has completed the allowable term and still has some time to serve. lamentate Complain, lament. lamp To look or to gaze at. A lamp unto my feet and a light unto my path. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 643 lampas Excessive swelling of a horse's or mule's gums. lamp chimney salesman A front man or a con man. between me and you and the lamppost In confidence, secretive. lamps The eyes. lanch Lance. "Let the doctor lanch that boil and you'll get better." Ill fares the land to hastening ills a prey, Where wealth accumulates and men decay. Lives there a man with soul so dead Who never to himself hath said, This is my own, my native land. a land A strip of land the width of a plow's cutting in the breaking of the soil. my land! A mild exclamation. see how the land lies To find out the situation, also to find out how much one owes, as at a store. land office business Huge trading activity, large profits. "Since liquor can be served, the restaurants have been doing a land office business." land of Nod Sleepy-time land. Also a place in the Asiatic world where Cain fled after murdering his brother Abel and where, according to many of the fundamentalists in the Valley, the Negro race had its beginning. One day when I was teenage boy I was helping Cousin Arthur Searcey chop out his spring cotton. He was a deacon in Little Bethel Church, also a justice of the peace. Whish, whish, went our hoes in the soft loamy earth — at least mine went that way — as we thinned the long spraddle-legged young cotton stalks and edged out the crab grass. I was in the lead of him naturally, me being me and always in "such a swivet," as he put it, and he always "taking it easy," as I put it, and looking after his weak back. I was helping him with his cotton because of sympathy for my Cousin Lillian. She had in her late thirties married Arthur Searcey in his bachelor middle �644 Paul Green's Wordbook age some few years before to reform him and as everybody knew was having a poverty-stricken time of her life. That morning too my father had said, "Go down there and help your Cousin Arth with his cotton. The grass is about to get it. No, go help your Cousin Lillian, I mean." Yes, Cousin Arth was a poor provider, in fact hardly any provider at all. He instinctively shied away from anything that meant sweat and hard work. Cousin Lillian had reformed him all right. Since the day of their marriage three years before he had not touched a drop of liquor. A wonderful moral reform it was. But he who had had at least a little bit of get-up-andget in his drinking days now had lost even that when he quit liquor. It was as if he felt so proud of his moral reform that his self-esteem and selfsatisfaction were sufficient to sustain his inner man in his laziness. He felt no prickings of conscience as his wife ironed and washed and milked the scrawny ticky cow and did what she could in selling a bit of butter and a few eggs now and then to make ends meet and to tithe something for foreign missionary work, which subject of the heathen lay heavy in her tender heart. Hadn't he quit drinking and carousing around, and what more could you ask? Maybe in his slubbery way Cousin Arth loved Cousin Lillian. Maybe he didn't. I don't know. But I know he loved the courthouse in the county seat, all right. Nothing suited him better than to hang around the crowd there and mix among the political deadbeats and perennial candidates for office every chance he got. Finally somehow he got up brass and energy enough to meet with the right precinct boss and so got himself appointed a rural j ustice of the peace. And sweet it was to his ears when the first defendant addressed him as "jedge" — a feeble-witted Negro boy named Jay Gould who had robbed one of Cousin Lillian's hen's nests and whom Cousin Arth, much to my disgust — for I was there at the time — and Cousin Lillian's patient protestation, declared must be tried. And spitting a stream of tobacco juice and eyeing a pocket of space in the northeast part of the horizon where perhaps he saw some image of majesty that resided there as he deliberated, he pronounced a fine of fifty cents on Jay Gould and ordered him to work it out then and there picking cotton for him, the said judge. "The power and dignity of the law must be upheld," he said. And all day Cousin Arth had sat about overseeing Jay Gould as he worked out his fine, a full day's work. Since early morning now we had been at the chopping, and it was getting on toward ten o'clock and the air was becoming a little steamy. Every now and then Cousin Arth would stop, look biliously around the world, cock �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 645 his eye toward the northeast — a funny habit he had — wipe his forehead with his sleeve and, with his middle finger, carefully push back the looping strands of his tobacco-drenched moustache. Then he would listlessly resume his chopping, making one laggard stroke while I made two or three. I heard him muttering to himself there behind me. "What say?" I said. "I say you're allus working like your britches were full of red ants," he growled. Without looking around I spoke right back — "I reckon it's better'n having the dead lice dropping off you." Oh, yes, I was brash and spoke right out at him because I had so little respect for him and because too, as my folks said, I had such a high temper. "Uhm, uhm, listen at him," he mumbled. He stood a moment, leaning his chin on the knob of his hoe handle and staring down toward the creek. "Whew, it's gonna be a scorcher," he called. ' 'Come on, Cousin Arth, you've not even started sweating yet," I called back. "Cool, man, it's cool compared to what it's gonna be about two o'clock. Remember, when the fall comes, you want a bale or two of cotton to sell, want to feel that good old money jingling in your pockets." "You and your money!" he cackled. "Cousin Lillian's money then,'' I answered angrily.' 'And besides the almanac says it's likely to be wet weather later this month and we want to get this cotton cleaned up and plowed and ready for it." Cousin Arth swore by the almanac, but I didn't. "You and your prophecy," he said. "I know this is sorry work for his honor the judge," I jeered. "But the Bible do say a man's got to live by the sweat of his brow." "You and your—" Then he stopped, for like all the Valley people he had his religious streak and didn't dare speak disrespectfully of the holy book. He resumed his pecking, sickly strokes, and soon I was out to the end of my row and coming back on another toward him. Later a mule and buggy came along the lane beyond the rail fence nearby, driven by a Negro youth all dressed out in a blue suit and derby hat and high stiff collar with a red tie, and with a white rose stuck in the lapel of his coat. By his side sat a teenage Negro girl in a white muslin frock and blue scarf and with a great droopy yellow beribboned hat fitted somewhat sideways on her head. Cousin Arth heard the buggy wheels and looked off as the vehicle stopped beyond the fence and the boy pulled off his derby hat and held it extended in front of him. Finally the boy spoke over the fence toward us, bowing his body respectfully forward. "Mawning, suh," he said. "Yeah," Cousin Arth grunted, eyeing him. �646 Paul Green's Wordbook "Is you the jedge, suh?" the boy inquired. I snorted as I saw the judicial feeling take sudden hold of Cousin Arth. "I am that," he said loftily and sternly. And he stamped his hoe against the ground and stood with it straight beside him like a Roman soldier with a spear. "And I reckon I can guess what you want." The girl slapped her hands together, leaned over sideways and burst into a cascade of high giggles, then as if abashed, bowed her droopy hat over and sat silent. But I could see her round shoulders shaking with stuffedin merriment. "Well, yes suh, us wants to git j'ined—merried, suh." "You do, eh?" said Cousin Arth, still standing straight and stern and not moving. "Yes suh," said the boy. "And what does the girl say?" The girl threw up her hands again and let out a little shrill hilarious scream and rocked from side to side. "Well, I can see she's as big a fool as you are," Cousin Arth called out. "How old are you?" " 'Bout eighteen, suh," said the boy. "And the yaller gal — how old is she?" "How old's you?" I heard the boy murmur to her. "I's 'bout sixteen," said the girl in a small but remarkably clear childish voice. ' 'All right then,'' Cousin Arth called in his stern commanding manner. "Take hands." The boy put his derby hat back on his head, took one of the girl's hands in his and held it up before him. And Cousin Arth intoned loudly through the gentle spring air— "Nought's a nought, Figger's a figger, Kiss your bride, You dirty nigger." The boy and girl sat still. The fields were still too, and Cousin Arth and I were motionless in them. Only the creaking of the harness hames was heard and the motion of the mule's great gullet head seen as it dropped down and the huge whiskered lips began gnawing hungrily at the sparse grass in the fence jamb. The boy looked out sideways and finally said, "Is they any more, Jedge?" "Ain't no more," Cousin Arth said. "You mean that's all, Jedge?" " All,'' said Cousin Arth loudly, "and it'll hold you till the cows come home." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 647 "Then we's merried, Jedge?" the boy timidly called. "Yes, you're married," said Cousin Arth roughly. "I pronounce you man and wife. And it'll cost you a dollar." He held out his hand before him and then shouted, "Do as I say—kiss your bride!" The bridegroom gave the girl a tiny bump with his mouth against her cheek, at which her body swayed and undulated like a flower in the wind. But there was no giggle from her now. The boy got out of the buggy, climbed over the fence and came up to Cousin Arth, bareheaded and with vast respect. He put a dollar in the "jedge's" still outstretched hand and the "jedge" dropped it carelessly into his shirt pocket as if it were of no importance to him at all now. The bridegroom began bowing and backing away. "Thankee, suh, thankee, suh." "You're mashing down my young cotton," Cousin Arth suddenly yelled, and he lifted his hoe threateningly. The boy slammed his derby on, turned and vaulted over the fence light as a deer. He sprang into the buggy, and he and his bride drove on down the road, sitting straight and stiff side by side. Only once did he look back — a quick little snatched glance. Cousin Arth rested on his upright hoe handle again and gazed after them, his moustache wiggling in a sardonic smile. I looked at him in a sort of sullen stupefaction. "Seems like you might have asked them their names," I finally said with all the sarcasm I could command. "It don't make no difference," said Cousin Arth. "And look," he continued, gesturing off, "she's got her head laying over on his shoulder now. First huckleberry thicket they find they'll stop and go to it." "That was a lowdown thing to do!" I said fiercely. "Do how?" he queried with a chuckle, as he swiftly took the dollar from his shirt pocket, smoothed it in his hand and stowed it deep inside his old trousers. "To pretend to marry them like that. To say that mean piece of sorry poetry over them like that—to—to—." I was stuttering with rage. "It don't make no difference," he repeated. "I learned that when I was a boy.'' "Learned what?" I snapped. "Learned it don't make no difference — not with niggers." "They're not even married," I said. "And their children will—" "Of course they're married," hesaid. "You heard me pronounce them man and wife." "Ah, Lord!" I exploded. "What a way to treat a human being!" He turned and stared at me. "A nigger ain't a human being," he said. I stared at him in turn. ' 'And where do you get that crazy idea?'' I snorted. And I began hoeing �648 Paul Green's Wordbook furiously again. He smiled at me and walked along with me, his hoe in his hand. I could feel his poor-white supercilious smile. "From the best place in the world to get ideas," he said. "You ought to know — being as you are so smart in Scripture and got the Bible medal at Buie's Creek Academy and teach the Bible class in Little Bethel Church.'' "Well, the Bible don't say a Negro's not a human being, it never says that!" I half-shouted. "Oh, yes it does," he chortled. "Says so when you put two and two together. Long ago my daddy pointed it all out to me and his daddy before him. And I've hearn Preacher Wicker say the same.'' And now cocking his head to one side he put on his legal manner again, interrogating me as if I were a defendant hauled before him. "How many children did Adam and Eve have?" I humored him. "Well, they had Cain and Abel and—" "Stop right there. Cain and Abel's enough. Now Cain and Abel got into a fight, didn't they?" "It was Cain's fight. He picked up a rock and slew his brother." And I chopped faster. He followed. "So he did, and I believe it. Then what happened to Cain?" "God put a curse on him, a mark on him and he fled." "And where did he go?" "The Bible says he went up into the land of Nod." "Ah-hah, that's just what he did. Then what happened?" "So you're corning to that crazy business of his finding his wife up there. Yes, I see what you're after!" ' 'That's just what I am,'' he spoke up triumphantly. And then his face deepened with the pious look I knew so well from the communion Sundays in Little Bethel Church when he officiated around the white tablecloth with the wine cups and the bits of damp clammy bread. Now he went on sanctimoniously, "Listen, fellow, you'd better be careful how you speak light about the Holy Scriptures. Crazy business? Well, I believe the Bible from led to led." "Oh, yes, you say you do," I fumed. I was boiling. "And I do. And the Bible do say in Genesis 4, verses 15, 16 and 17, that God set a mark on Cain, and Cain went up into the land of Nod—" " 'And Cain went out from the presence of the Lord and dwelt in the land of Nod on the east of Eden,' " I corrected sharply. "Ahm, yes, that's right. And then what do it say?" " 'And Cain knew his wife and she conceived and bare Enoch and he builded a city—' " "Whoa. That's enough. Now who was his wife? They wasn't but one woman on earth at that time, was they — Eve, his own mother? No sir, no �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 649 other woman. Well, I'll tell you what's the truth — Cain cohabited up with one of these here female gorillas — you've seen 'em in the circus at Raleigh, seen what flat noses and big lips they got just like a nigger." "Aw, go to the devil!" I yelled. And I hoed even more furiously. He still walked along by me. "And that's the pime blank truth. Cain's children were animals. And they were niggers. And niggers are animals and they ain't got no souls. They were born of an animal, a gorilla. That's how the nigger race got started. And being the children of a gorilla, as I say, they ain't got no soul. You may not believe it, but most of the folks in this neighborhood believe it." "Yes, they sure do," I sneered. "They use it for an excuse to oppress and keep the Negro people down. And the big politicians in Raleigh believe it and use it for the same reason. And let me tell you something, you folks that are always talking and mouthing about Jesus and the heavenly paradise hereafter where you're going to live in ease, play harps and hear the angels sing — well, let me tell you something, Arthur Searcy—you won't get within sight of heaven. You'll sure be caught short." And I let a neighing laugh break across the fields. "And Jesus has never heard of you and never will. You are all bedfellows and cronies of the Devil himself. When you die you'll hit hell-bottom like a shot — if there is a hell — and there ought to be for such folks as you." O, Lord, I was mad. "Ho, ho," he jeered, "I hearn tell you're 'bout a plumb infidel behind all your Bible readings. You don't railly believe in the hereafter a-tall," he cackled sardonically. "Well, maybe I do or I don't," I said. "Anyhow — this world is enough for me — for the present it is. But if there is a hereafter it is made for just such folks as you and it will be hell all right — hell to punish you." Here I angrily flung down my hoe. "And as for you and your lousy cotton, I'd never hoe another lick if it wasn't for my poor Cousin Lillian that you browbeat and use like a doormat to wipe your feet on." And turning I went ragingly down across the little field to the spring branch to get me some water. "Lordy mercy, he's madder'n a wet hen,'' he shrilled after me. I made no answer. And sitting by the spring I fashioned a little cup of some green oak leaves and drank my belly full of the sweet clear water. Presently looking across the fields I saw Cousin Arth on his way to his little shack of a house there. I knew where he was headed now — over to town to visit the courthouse gang and spend his dollar. Sure enough, in a few minutes I saw him drive his little horse hitched to a roadcart from around behind the shack. Cousin Lillian came out on the corner-sagging decrepit porch and called to him. "Will you be back for supper, Arthur?" I heard her say in her meek way. And I also heard his gruff reply that he had legal business in town that might keep him late and for her to go ahead �650 Paul Green's Wordbook and eat by herself. And so he drove happily away. I knew what legal business it was — he sitting around the courthouse and chewing the rag and eating peanuts and bananas and coconut candy till his dollar was all gone, and listening too to the deadbeats talk and argue about the corruption of the Republican party. And then after that like as not they'd talk about the heathen practices of the lost souls in India and China who have never heard of Jesus Christ and Him crucified and so are doomed to eternal punishment — babies, young people, and old people. And all such stuff as that! I got up stiffly and went on back to my work. And there coming across the rows, with her house duties done now, was Cousin Lillian to take her beloved husband's hoe and labor in his stead. I smothered the oath that rose to my lips. And whish — whish — whish went our hoes again in the soft loamy earth as the day wore on. And the moist feel of the month of May was in the air around us. "It'samightypurtyday, ain'tit?" Cousin Lillian said. "You can smell the sweet bay blooms down in the swamp." I was so swelled up with bitterness that I made no answer. And we chopped on. Soon Cousin Lillian's clear voice rose in one of her beloved hymns, and soon too her strong chopping strokes fell into the rhythm of the piece. Now I am a sucker for music. That's about the only reason I went to church — to hear the music, well, yes, to teach the Bible class, too. So I joined in with her, and out across the burning fields our singing spread. "Can we whose souls are lighted By wisdom from on high, Can we to men benighted The lamp of life deny." And I made my tenor harmonize with her clear soprano, and satirically so — amen — though kind heart that she was she never noticed it. "Salvation! O Salvation! The joyful sound proclaim, Till earth's remotest nation Has learned Messiah's name!" And now I called out loudly, "Next verse! Let's make it ring, Cousin Lillian. Make it ring!" She gave me a grateful happy smile — and we did, all about the heathen ones lost in darkness far away. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 651 "In vain with lavish kindness The gifts of God are strown, The heathen in his blindness Bows down to wood and stone— Bows down to wood and stone." land o' goshen! An exclamation. land poor Having little money but much land. land's sake! A colloquial exclamation. It's a long lane that has no turning. A lantern is no use to a mole. lantern-jawed One with a long thin face and prominent jaw. lap The top of a tree left on the ground after the log is removed. lap cloth Apron. lap link The flat open link of a chain which is used to join other links. lap of the gods Let fate or chance decide, take the responsibility. " It's in the lap of the gods.'' lard stand A large tin can in which melted lard is poured. Then when it cools, it remains white as snow, much like uncolored oleomargarine. lareoversfor meddlers A phrase of rebuking. There used to be an old saying that would come back at a person when he asked some meddlesome question — "Lareovers for meddlers and crutches for lame ducks." as large as life and twice as natural as large as life and twice as sassy Rambunctious, buoyant, bold. lark A spree, a good time, a gay adventure. �652 Paul Green's Wordbook When the sky falls, we shall all catch larks. lashings A great quantity, oodles. "He has lashings of money." The last shall be first. Many that are first shall be last. The world will not last forever. last button on Gabe's coat The very last bit of anything. play one's last card To make a final try. the last day The day of judgment when, according to orthodox Christian belief, the end of the world will come to pass and the story of man will be completed. The dead will rise from the grave and be judged, and the evil ones will be separated from the good ones, the good ones to go to Heaven and rest in everlasting joy, and the bad ones to sink below somewhere in a burning Hell forevermore. The Muslims have the same. last go trade A compliment. lasting Elastic. lasting water Water that can stand without becoming stagnant. last legs Near the end, to be dying. "Old man Ben Gaskin, I hear, is on his last legs.'' on his last Same as last legs. the last of pea time and the first of squash An ill-luck time. "You look like you've been caught in the last of pea time and the first of squash." last roundup Judgment day. last straw The limit. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 653 latch onto To seize, to grab hold of. "He latched onto that nickel like a vice." latch string A string or cord hanging outside of a hole in a door and fastened to a latch on the inside for raising this latch to enter. Sometime at night the cord was drawn inside for safety's sake. latch string is out Hospitality, a warm welcome. Big possums walk late at night. He that riseth late must run all day. better late than never lather To flatter, to praise unduly, to soft soap. lather her belly Sexual wallowing. latrine news Rumor in general, unreliable news, wild rumors. latter Litter. "That hen has laid her latter out." laudanum An opium-based home remedy for aches, especially toothaches. Laugh and grow fat. Laugh and the world laughs with you, Weep and you weep alone. (Proverb.) Don't make me laugh. Denial of belief. Laughing is catching. He who laughs last laughs best. He laughs on the wrong side of his face. The laurels all are cut. Look to your laurels. �654 Paul Green's Wordbook lavender A special flower-bed plant, aromatic and supposed to have, like most plants, trees and flowers in the Valley, medicinal value. Oil or tea made from it was supposed to be a stimulant or tonic. Also it was good for headache and toothache. Where law ends tyranny begins. the law A cop. to law To sue in the courts, to have a lawsuit. "He'll law you if you get him mad.'' John Lawson The earliest historian of North Carolina and the Valley country. The Encyclopedia Americana says of him: "He made his first voyage to the Carolinas in 1700 and stayed for several years, proving himself to be an intelligent and enterprising observer. He wrote one of the most valuable, candid, and readable of the early descriptions of the Carolinas and Indian life there. An expansion of his travel journal, it was first published in London in 1709 as A New Voyage to Carolina but became better known as The History of Carolina, its title in the second edition (1714). It was presumably while Lawson was in England in 1708 that he was appointed surveyor-general of North Carolina. He also met the Swiss promoter of colonization, Baron Christopher de Graffenried, with whom he supervised the immigration of some 600 Germans to the site later known as New Bern, N.C. "In September 1711, not far from this settlement, both Lawson and Graffenried were seized by Tuscarora Indians, who had become increasingly hostile toward encroachment by the immigrants. Graffenried escaped or was released, but Lawson was put to death, probably by the methods of fire torture he had described in his book." One's imagination doesn't dare dwell too closely and long on this daring man's final sufferings. He is firmly now a part of our nation's heritage and hope. lawsy me! A mild interjection. Lawyers and woodpeckers have long bills. lay To have sexual intercourse, to sleep with. "He laid that girl the very first time he met her." To bet, to wager. "I lay he won't be here at all." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 655 lay an egg To fail, to flunk out, to make a bad mistake. lay back To wait, to defer, to delay. "If the frost had laid back a while, you'd a-had a fine chance of beans." lay by To give crops a final plowing, to finish cultivating. "I'll lay by my crops when the rain stops." lay for To lie in wait, to ambuscade. laying on of hands Method of faith healing. Usually the act is accompanied by vociferous and fervent prayings or shoutings but now, with television coming on, healing can take place over television three thousand miles away from the source of the healing hands and voice. to lay in the shade To get the best of, to outdo. lay into To fight, to thrash, to attack. lay it on thick To exaggerate. layoff To plan, to intend. "I lay off to fix them steps someday." To stay away from, to shun. "Lay off that woman, fellow, she'll burn you.'' lay off rows To set up stakes across a flat plowed field and to plow straight furrows for rows. lay one's cards on the table To state the facts, to confess to the facts, tell the truth. lay out Intend, plan to. "I lay out to do that come a-Monday." Also to scold, berate. "She really laid him out for his whore-hopping." lay out the corpse To prepare a dead person for the grave. More than once as a boy I heard my father say he had to "help lay out" a neighbor. �656 Paul Green's Wordbook lay up Plan to, intend. "I've laid up to do that many a time." lay way To waylay. the laziest man In every neighborhood there is found a lazy man or one lazier than his fellows. as lazy as a hog as lazy as a hound A lazy boy makes a smart man. Lazy Lawrence A personification of shimmering summer heat in the woods and fields. "Better watch out in that fodder field or old Lazy Lawrence will get you." See also "monkey riding." There's more hope for a drinking man than a lazy man. a lazy man's load A trifling burden. Lazy Mary A dramatic game. Two young people get into the center of a ring, one representing the mother and the other the daughter Mary. The daughter Mary sits down on the ground or in a chair, or even lies down with her eyes closed. The mother comes up to her and, as the mother and the encircling ring sing, the little drama is acted out. "Lazy Mary, will you get up? Will you get up, will you get up? Lazy Mary, will you get up? Will you get up today?" Then the lazy daughter Mary sings back at her, asking, "What will you give me for my breakfast, if I get up today?'' The mother answers,' 'Butter and bread." And Mary says she won't get up. And then she asks what she will have for dinner. And the mother says, "Peas and cornbread, and collards,'' or anything that she wishes to say, and Mary still says that she won't get up. Then she asks, "What will you give me for my supper?" And then the mother says she will give her a nice young man with rosy red cheeks, etc. Then Mary rises, singing gaily, "Yes, mother, I will get up." lazy Susan A round serving platter, usually of wood, and often attached on a pivot �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 657 to an informal dining table. The food is placed on it, and anyone who wishes to help himself simply turns the lazy Susan. Lead us not into temptation. A piece of lead worn on a string around the neck helps prevent toothache. Also effective in preventing nosebleed. lead by the nose Dominate, same as "henpeck." leader A sinew, a tendon.' 'Yes, he got hung in the barb wire and cut a leader that made him limp, but it don't hurt him as a plough mule a bit." lead home To lead a partner to the starting place in a folk dance. leading question An unfair question, a question meant to trap the one who answers. leading strings Control. lead in one's britches To be lazy, to move slowly. lead me to it Anticipated pleasure. to die of lead poisoning To be fatally shot. lead with your chin To push innocently into a harmful situation, to ignorantly invite one's own hurt. We all fade as the leaf. turn over a new leaf Make a new resolve, a new beginning. take a leaf out of one's book To learn a lesson from, take a hint from. leak Take a leak, to urinate. A little leak will sink a great ship. �658 Paul Green's Wordbook spring a leak To urinate. leaks like a sieve He ate the lean and left the fat And that has put him where he's at. lean as a rake a lean horse for a long race You must take the fat with the lean. "Leaning on the Everlasting Arms" A popular evangelical hymn in every Valley church, excepting the Catholic and Episcopalian. It brought comfort to many a heart aching for a perished loved one. It was a good parlor-courting song, too. The quiet substitution of "your ever-loving" for "the everlasting" was easy to do. "What a fellowship, what a joy divine— Leaning on the everlasting arms! What a blessedness, what a peace is mine, Leaning on the everlasting arms. "Leaning, leaning, Safe and secure from all alarms, Leaning, leaning, Leaning on the everlasting arms." a leap The copulation by a male animal. In the early Valley newspapers there are many advertisements about a stallion which would service at, say, "$5.00 a leap." It is a leap in the dark. Better to leap before you look than always to look and never leap. Leapfrog An ancient and still popular boys' athletic game. It was known in England as early as 1300, and some authorities say it was popular in the Middle Ages. One boy bends far over, his head hung down. A second runs forward, puts his hands on the first boy's back and propels himself over him as far as he can. He marks the place on the ground where his heels strike, plants himself there bent over, then the first bent one straightens up and makes his leap, and so on. The winning player is one who sets his heel mark at such a distance that the others when they leap cannot equal it. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 659 Leap Year A year which comes around every fourth year with one extra day added, making 366. The significance in folklore of this year is that during it girls are supposed to be able to propose marriage to any of their recalcitrant loves without embarrassment. learn To teach. "Mr. Parham learnt me a lot." Learn to crawl before you walk. Learn to creep before you run. Learn to labor and to live. Learn to walk before you run. One is never too old to learn. learn the ropes To get acquainted with a situation or a job. least (leastest) The youngest. "John there is the least one." Least said is soonest mended. The least said the better. From the least to the greatest. leather To thrash, to whip. whit leather A tough gristle of an ox's neck where the yoke has worn a roll of almost calloused leather. An old comparison often used,' 'as tough as whit leather.'' to leave cold Not to affect one, to make no impression. leave in the lurch To desert one, to leave someone caught in an unhappy situation. A little leaven leaveneth the whole lot. leave out in the cold To count out, to ignore, to disregard. leavings The trash, the scraps. �660 Paul Green's Wordbook lebben Eleven. led Lid. led to led Cover to cover, completely. "He knows the Bible from led to led." leetle Little. left field In an ignorant or awkward situation. Don't let your left hand know what your right does. left-handed Awkward, hypocritical, careless. "In passing he paid him a left-handed compliment." left-handed monkey wrench See "April fool." A left-handed person owes the devil a day's work. left hanging on the vine Unmarried, old maid. left high and dry Left behind, deserted, tricked. left holding the bag To be made a fool of, to be tricked, gulled. There used to be a practice in the Valley — maybe elsewhere — of getting a newcomer or one not in the know to go on what we called a snipe hunt. The one to be tricked was given a tow sack and told to "stand here in this ditch and keep your sack mouth lowered and opened and we will drive some snipes along the ditch, and you can catch plenty of them — and take it from me, snipe eating is the best there is — partridges ain't in it." So we would get our innocent one stationed in the dark ditch, then steal away with our lighted torch and go home. Our friend would wait and wait, and ultimately it would dawn on him that he had been left holding the bag. It was up to him to find his way home in the dark night, feeling his way through brambles and briars no doubt. From then on he usually was keen as could be in getting others to be left holding the bag. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 661 left on the shelf Ignored, passed over, discarded. left sucking the hind tit Given the worst of the deal. like cutting from the leg to add to the arm legal protection for men In 1770 the English Parliament passed the following law:' 'That all women of whatever age, rank, profession or degree, who shall, after this act, impose upon, or seduce and betray into matrimony any of His Majesty's male subjects, by virtue of scents, paints, cosmetic washes, artificial teeth, false hair, Spanish wool, iron stays, bolstered hips or high-heeled shoes, shall incur the penalty of the law now in force against witchcraft and like misdemeanors; and the marriage under such circumstances shall be null and void." This law, of course, was promulgated through all the colonies. If it had any effect in the Valley as to women's coquetry (all to man's delight), I haven't heard of it. There was not and never has been a like law to protect women from men. Maybe, with ERA coming on, in time there will be. to leg for To pull for, advocate, to promote. leg it To walk. break a leg To get seduced, to become pregnant. In theatrical terms, a wish for success on stage. pull one's leg To fool, to tease. shake a leg To hurry, to move fast. not a leg to stand on Without any support or logical reason for one's action. leg up To help one mount a horse. An advantage. lemme Let me. �662 Paul Green's Wordbook lemon A sourpuss, a failure, a flop, a distasteful person. Gnawing a lemon is good for a cold. lemon balm A favorite aromatic plant, also known as bee balm, sweet balm and sweet Mary. It grows from Maine to Florida. A tea from it was supposed to be good for fevers, also as an aid in women's menstruation. lend a hand Help. Lend me your ears. Neither lender nor borrower be. You never know the length of a snake until he's dead. A leopard cannot change his spots. le's Let us. lessen Unless.' 'That fellow never will get well of that cough lessen he quits smoking so many cigarettes." Let bygones be bygones. Let me put a bug in your ear. Let the cobbler stick to his last. Let the geese beware when the fox preaches. Let the horns go with the hide. Let us have peace. Let us pray. let alone Much less. "I haven't even had expense money, let alone a fee." let daylight into To make a hole through, to shoot, to kill. let down To fail. "He let me down in the trade we made." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 663 let down the bars To forego the rules, to take off restraints. "The University at Chapel Hill has let down the bars all right. You just oughta see what happens at one of these spring dances." let George do it To pass the buck, have someone else take the responsibility, evade one's duty. let go To fire a gun. "When that mad dog got within twenty feet of me, I let go with both barrels at him and I reckon that stopped him." let it slide Take no notice, let it pass. let off steam To blow one's top, give expression to one's emotion, to tear loose. let on To pretend. "I let on I didn't know a thing about who stole Mr. Hugh's soybeans." let out To dismiss, recess. "School lets out at four o'clock every day." the letters "O" and "X" "O" below a stamp on a letter means a hug, "X" means a kiss. let the cat out of the bag Disclose a secret, spill confidential news. let the old cat die To let a swing gradually grow still. let up To cease, to stop. "The rain is letting up now and we can all get back to plowing again." Let us then be up and doing With a heart for any fate, Still achieving, still pursuing, Learn to labor and to wait. lettuce Money. Same as kale or long green. level An area of concern or activity. "I don't know what's happening on your local level here, but as for the national level things are in a bad way." �664 Paul Green's Wordbook To be honest, straightforward, to act honestly.' 'He leveled with me on the matter and so we got it cleared up." level best The best of one's ability. 'leven Eleven. liable to Likely to, prone to. "I'm liable to haul off and knock you winding if you don't shut your big mouth." A liar is not to be believed even when he speaks the truth. liars' contest See "school-breaking." Give me liberty or give me death. A dry crust with liberty is better than a king's luxury with chains. Liberty Boys A group of young Cumberland County men who in an Association signed on June 20, 1775, more than a year ahead of Jefferson's declaration, their own declaration of independence from Great Britain, swearing that "we will go forth and be ready to sacrifice our lives and fortune" for freedom and safety. There is a heavy stone monument at what is now known as "Liberty Point" in Fayetteville, commemorating their action. Of the thirtynine names on the monument not a Mac is among them. The older Scots around what was then known as Cross Creek had taken the blood oath for the king and felt bound by it. See "blood oath." liberty hall A free and easy home. libido The instinctive sexual energy or desire which attaches itself to the ego or to external objects or persons, this according to the Freudian mythology. lick A blow. "It takes a lot of licks to drive a nail in the dark." To whip, to outdo. "Old Zack Broadhuss could lick any man in the county.'' Any, a bit. "He didn't do a lick of work the whole morning." lick and a promise A hasty action, as a hurried bathing, a slubberly or slovenly act. "He just �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 665 gives his bed a lick and a promise." lick log A log with hollows cut in it in which salt was put for cows to lick. lick one's chops To be smugly happy, to feel superior. flip one's lid To go nuts, to become hysterical. blow the lid off To give vent to one's emotions and high feelings. Same as kick the lid off. keep the lid on To keep in control of things, to be self-restrained. lids Book covers or binding. "If it ain't between the lids of the Bible, then it ain't nowhere." lie down To give in, to take a beating without resistance. a lie laid on with a trowel A thick and egregious lie. a lie made of whole cloth A statement that sounds exactly like the truth. lie out To let land lie fallow. "I'm letting that piece lie out for tobacco next year.'' Life is ever lord of death and love can never lose its own. Life is short and time is fleeting And the grave is not the goal. Life is short, yet sweet. All that a man hath will he give for his life. He that loses his life for my sake shall find it. It's a great life if you don't weaken. The biggest thing in life is a funeral at the end of it. Man's life is like a tale that is soon told, full of sound and fury and signifying nothing. We are such stuff as dreams are made on and our little life is rounded with a sleep. �666 Paul Green's Wordbook The greatest business in life is to prepare for death. He that findeth his life shall lose it. If you love life, then don't squander time, for time is what life is made of. While there's life there's hope. If life were only a dream, it would still be worth dreaming. Take no thought for your life, what ye shall eat or what ye shall drink. life everlasting (feather weed, fussy gussy) Rabbit tobacco, cudweed. A native annual that grows from one to three feet tall. It has numerous white flowers and is slightly aromatic. It flourishes along roadsides, hedges and in deserted fields. We boys used to get the dried little autumn leaves and roll them into ' 'cigarettes.'' We would puff away, feeling grown-up and important. And now and then we'd flick away an invisible ash with a delicate and dandyish finger. The dried leaves made good chewing tobacco, too, and often we'd get a cheek full, roll it about with our tongue, simulating one of our favorite big league baseball pitchers and spit profusely and joyously about us. life insurance agent One of the tribe of predators who used to roam the Valley seeking unwary victims. Of late years they work more from their desks in their offices in the villages or from larger offices in the cities, say, as in Greensboro where one of the most powerful of these klaverns is located, but their methods remain the same. I still sweat when I think of the unlucky time I first got into the clutches of one of these pirates. for the life of me (him) A phrase for emphasis. life ofReilly An easy life, to be living in ease, no more to do. not on your life Absolutely not. This is the life. A happy situation, things all hunky-dory. you bet your life A phrase of emphasis. lift To exhilarate. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 667 lift one's leg To piss. light A window pane. "That nasty, stinking Matthews boy knocked four lights out of my window with his beanshooter." The dawn. "I get up before light every morning, summer or winter." Daybreak. Disrespectful. "It won't do to speak light of the Holy Scriptures." light as a feather light as air light as chaff light as cork light as day light as snow The light of the body is the eye. The light shineth in darkness and the darkness comprehendeth it not. The man with time to burn never gave the world any light. Walk while ye have light lest the darkness come upon you. Ye are the light of the world. Show thy servant the light of thy countenance. Let your light so shine before men that they may see your good works and glorify your Father which is in heaven. the true light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world light a shuck (a rag) To go fast, to run, to flee. "When that cannon went off, he lit a shuck going away from there." lighted match Hold a lighted match vertical until it burns itself out. The charred remainder will fall in the direction of the one you love. The same is true of an expiring candlewick. light-heeled Said of a girl who is especially frolicsome and a bit amorous, too. �668 Paul Green's Wordbook light in To begin, to start. "You fellows light in and eat." Lightning is caused by God winking his eye. Lightning never strikes twice in the same place. lightning in the North A sign of rain on its way. During a drought time in summer my father would most often sit on our back porch and watch anxiously for any sign of lightning. And most often too some of us children who shared his worry about the rain-starving crops would be there with him watching. When no wink of lightning appeared anywhere till bedtime, he and we would give up for that night. But when we did see a wink of lightning in the North, he would speak up and always say with some jubilancy, "That means rain in forty-eight hours." lightning tree A tree that is struck by lightning has a special kind of luck or ill luck attached to it. It is bad luck to cut firewood from such a tree. Toothpicks made from its splinters are good for toothache. white lightning Fresh-run corn liquor. light out To run off suddenly, to take off in a hurry.' 'One more word from you and I'll light out for the sheriff." A light purse makes a heavy heart. put out one's light To kill. lights The lungs, usually has reference to hogs or cattle. knock your lights out To kill. lightwood knots The knots from the dead limbs of the longleaf pine tops were especially full of rosin and, when chopped into bits and pieces, made wonderful material for starting fires and keeping them going under green oak wood in the fireplace. lightwood splinters These fat splinters from the longleaf pine, full of rosin (or turpentine), were �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 669 good for starting fires under green oak wood and for traveling the dark roads in the black night. We used them often in place of lanterns in serenading, bird-blindings, and 'possum and coon hunts. like a cat on a hot griddle like a fly in hot manure like a house afire Furiously, with intense effort. "He pulls fodder like a house afire." like a man's titties and the Pope's balls Useless. like as not Likely, perhaps. like as two peas in a pod like as two pins like a ton of bricks like carpenter, like chips like crazy Furiously. "The Russians were trying like crazy to capture the market in transport jets." like falling off a log Easy, with no effort. like father, like son like fun Doubtful. like hotcakes Quickly. "Dr. Nanzetti's salve for the itch sold like hot cakes." like it but it doesn 't like me Said of a food that upsets one or something that doesn't agree with one. Like it or lump it. like knows like like master, like man like mother, like daughter like nothing on earth �670 Paul Green's Wordbook like the very devil liked to run himself to death In reference to someone who was exceedingly busy. likely Handsome. Also apt to. like pulling eyeteeth A difficult task, a hard job. "Getting money out of old John Allen is like pulling eyeteeth." Then there was the business of Roger Bethune and Corliss Neal. They got into a fight one day in Fayetteville and Corliss broke out one of Roger's eyeteeth, root and all. Being a blacksmith and a toothpuller too, Corliss made Roger a new tooth out of a piece of hickory wood, then drove it in and said, "Now, Roger, you're fixed good as new." They both were drunk at the time, and of course Corliss was as addled as Roger was. Next day when Roger sobered up, his new eyetooth gave him a fit. The dampness in his mouth had caused it to swell, and soon the side of his face was puffed out as if he'd been stung by a swarm of hornets. He was a looking sight, as they say in the Valley. His wife hurried him fast to town and Doctor Bain, the dentist, nearly tore off his jaw getting that new eyetooth separated from him. Corliss had certainly done a good job. When the doctor let Roger loose he went straight to the hardware store, bought himself a pistol and went looking for Corliss. But some of their friends stopped him and persuaded him to give up the gun. From that day till he died he and Corliss had no dealings with each other, though before that they had been buddies and loved to get drunk together. the likes of A comparison, also for emphasis. "He don't care for the likes of me." like something the cat brought in A person of no worth, a bedraggled person or thing. like to Almost. "When Len Bradley jumped on me with both fists, he like to kill me." Consider the lilies of the field, they toil not, neither do they spin. Alexander Lillington A Revolutionary War leader in the Valley. He was prominent in the Battle of Moore's Creek and, though Richard Caswell was in charge of the Whig troops, the Champions of Lillington recited their well-known couplet, saying— �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 671 "Moore's Creek field, the bloody story, Where Lillington fought for Caswell's glory." His home, Lillington Hall, which was near Wilmington, like nearly all of the old Valley homes, has long ago disappeared. There still stands in what was once his front yard the largest magnolia tree I ever saw, a living witness to his perished hand. My hometown Lillington was named for him. Lilliput The home of the Allen family and one of the finest of all the old houses in the Valley. It stood near Orton, another and still extant mansion of preRevolutionary times. Only a few broken dishes and bits of brick here and there on the overgrown site remain from Lilliput's glory. lily-livered Cowardly, weak. limb To trim. "He limbed the tree with his power saw." In the old days it used to designate a woman's leg, because it was bad taste to call it by its real name. limber as a dishrag limber as a rag limber as the Pope's dick limber-dick A will-less, no-good person, a weak member, a sexually weak man. limberjack A toy, usually homemade in the old days, the arms and legs made to bob by pulling an attached string. limber-jawed Same as wamper-jawed, a sort of crank-sided jaw. limb of Satan A cantankerous child. lime A disinfectant, spread around privies. that's the limit The last straw, the final outdoing. �672 Paul Green's Wordbook sky is the limit Without limit, no restraint, no holds barred. limp as a rag linchpin A pin used to put through the end of an axle to keep the wheel on. Also the main pin, the key man or action. Colin Lindsay An early pastor at old Barbecue Church and, according to tradition, a good one. People were attracted to him not only because of his preaching but because of the almost miraculous return of his mother from the grave to give birth to him. According to the Valley historian, Malcolm Fowler, Mrs. Lindsay, Colin's mother, was stricken with a mysterious illness and died. She was certified as dead, the wake was held, and her body was buried in the family cemetery. That night after the burial some ghoulish grave robbers dug her up and opened the coffin to get a valuable ring they knew she was buried with. They couldn't remove the ring and so decided to cut her finger off. At the first whack of the knife, Mrs. Lindsay's body gave a jerk and she screamed. According to Fowler, the robbers "created another road through the undergrowth" going away from there. Sometime after this Colin was born and, in praise and thankfulness, was dedicated to God. line Stock of merchandise. "The Adkins boys have got a good line of men's shirts on sale." draw the line To set up a limit. in line Conformity, do as others do. linen rain Lonnie Cofield says he calls a certain kind of windy rain by this name because it comes down in sheets. get a line on To get the facts or information about a person or subject. line out The reading out of verses of the hymn by the pastor or song leader which are to be sung then by all the congregation. In Pleasant Union Church as a little boy I used to sit in wonderful amazement watching Mr. Tom Long lining out the hymn, "On Jordan's stormy banks I stand and cast a wishful �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 673 eye," and then the sonorous response in the old cold church. I'ines Loins. "My prize hog is so fat she's down in her I'ines." hard lines Hard ways, hard things to do. line tree A tree growing on the boundaries of land, and marked by the surveyors. It's illegal for either party to cut it without the permission of the other. line your insides To eat heartily. link sausage The old timey method of stuffing hog chitterlings and then linking them together and hanging them up to dry. Link sausage and sweet potatoes used to be the best eating a Valley boy ever had. And how eagerly I'd open my tin bucket at school and get out a piece of cold link sausage and a well-cooked potato and go to it. I still love link sausage and sweet potatoes better than most any food ever created. Linkumsloos A fabulous creature that is supposed to live in the deep swamps of the Valley. lint dodger A cotton mill worker. linthead A cotton mill worker. I can remember as a boy going with my father to Dunn and passing the little town of Duke, and if it happened to be the noon hour and the little boys were outside, I always thought of them as lintheads. The farm people looked down on the cotton mill workers. Even the tenant farmers felt superior to them. Beard the lion in his den. lion A popular and much admired person, a hero. I am reminded here of one of the many Hollywood lions, Clark Gable. He was a lion if there ever was one. How he kept his common sense under so much adulation, I don't know. I once worked with him and Victor Fleming (director of' 'Gone With the Wind") for a while on a picture, later starring Gable and Greer Garson (' 'Gable's back and Garson's got him"), and found him a most common sense and likeable person. I got more fun from his hunting stories than he and Fleming got help from me on his picture script. One day on the MGM lot a group of visitors were being shown around. �674 Paul Green's Wordbook Gable suddenly emerged from his dressing room or from somewhere. The ladies in the group were electrified at seeing him. One of the main dowagers pointed a trembling finger at him, stuttering in an overflow of excitement, "There — there — he — he is!" and fainted dead away. Also there is a large Valley bug known as a lion. It is supposed to be a ferocious anteater. put one's head in the lion's mouth To do a foolish, daredevil act, for instance, Russian roulette. button up one's lip To be silent or discreet. Keep a stiff upper Up. Keep your Up out of other people's business. "Lips That Touch Liquor Shall Never Touch Mine" One of the many temperance songs heard in the Valley and elsewhere in the late years of the 19th and the early years of the 20th century. I first heard it, partly recited and partly sung, by a Valley girl when I was a boy. She was being courted by a farmer who had taken to drink, and as she recited I wondered how she could let this swain's lips touch hers anyway, liquor or not, for he was fearsomely ugly and had a droopy tobacco-stained moustache. "When your lips on mine imprinted farewell, They had never been soiled by the beverage of hell, But they come to me now with that terrible sign And the lips that touch liquor shall never touch mine." Good for her! But she later married him anyway. Good liquor needs no water. liquorhead An alcoholic. liquor up To drink heavily, to get fired up with liquor. Listeners hear no good of themselves. "Listen to the Mockingbird" In my youth this was not only a popular song for singing but a tune for good fiddling. I first heard it from an itinerant fiddler and he used to be a marvel to us all when, with a sort of water whistle in his mouth, he imitated the bright notes of the mockingbird on the chorus, as he fiddled away. I learned to play it but badly on my Sears-Roebuck fiddle, but I never tried a whistle. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence "I'm dreaming now of Hallie, Sweet Hallie, sweet Hallie. I'm dreaming now of Hallie For the thought of her Is one that never dies. She's sleeping in the valley, The valley, the valley, She's sleeping in the valley And the mockingbird is singing Where she lies." Chorus "Listen to the mockingbird, Listen to the mockingbird, The mockingbird is singing O'er her grave — Listen to the mockingbird, Listen to the mockingbird Still singing where the weeping willows wave. "When the charms of spring awaken, Awaken, awaken, When the charms of spring awaken, And the mockingbird is singing on the bough, I feel like one forsaken, Forsaken, forsaken. I feel like one forsaken Since my Hallie is no longer with me now." Repeat chorus. lit Drunk. "Man, was I lit, and that's why the cops got me." Little boats should stay near the shore. little but loud A little each day is much in a year. Little knocks make great blocks. A little knowledge is a dangerous thing. A little of everything is nothing in the main. Little pitchers have big ears. 675 �676 Paul Green's Wordbook A little pot is soon hot. Little strokes fell great oaks. Give a little and take a little. Every little bit helps. A little bird told me. Gossip or news from an unnamed or indefinite source. little bit A tiny bit, a very small amount. In a small way, in a picayunish manner. "He bores with a little bit and he stays small, and Henry Spears bores with a big bit and he grows rich." every little bit Ever and anon, now and then. "Every little bit old Zeke Matthews would holler out behind the bars, 'Come and get me, white folks, get me out of this torment.' " Little Bo Peep has lost her sheep And can't tell where to find them. Leave them alone and they'll come home Bringing their tails behind them. Little Bo Peep fell fast asleep And dreamt she heard them bleating. But when she awoke she found it a joke For they were still all fleeting. (Nursery song.) Little boy, little boy, who made your britches? Ma cut 'em out and Pa sewed the stitches. Little boy, little boy, where'd you get your knowledge? Some I got at free school and some I got at college. (A teasing rhyme.) When I was a little boy I lived by myself, And all the bread and cheese I got I put it on the shelf. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence The rats and the mice They stirred such a strife I had to go to London To get me a wife. The streets were so wide And the lanes were so narrow I had to bring her home In an old wheelbarrow. The wheelbarrow it broke And give my wife a fall. The devil can take 'em Wheelbarrow, wife and all. (Nursery narrative rhyme.) Little boy blue, come blow your horn, The sheep's in the meadow and the cow's in the corn. Where's the little boy that looks after the sheep? He's under the haystack fast asleep. (Nursery rhyme.) ''Little Brown Jug" A drinking song we often used as a lively work song in the fields. "Me and my wife lived all alone In a little log hut we called our own. She loved liquor and I loved rum. Twixt 'em both we had much fun. "Ha ha ha, you and me, Little brown jug, how I love thee! Ha ha ha, you and me, Little brown jug, how I love thee! "Me and my wife had a bobtailed dog Crossed the creek on a rotten log. The log it broke and we fell in, But I saved my jug of gin. "Ha ha ha, you and me, Little brown jug, how I love thee! Ha ha ha, you and me, Little brown jug, how I love thee! 677 �678 Paul Green's Wordbook "If I had a cow that gave such milk, I'd dress her in the finest silk. I'd feed her on the finest hay And milk her forty times a day. "Ha ha ha, you and me, Little brown jug, how I love thee! Ha ha ha, you and me, Little brown jug, how I love thee!" Little David took a rock no bigger than a button Killed old Goliath dead same as any mutton. (A recitation rhyme.) Little drops of water, little grains of sand Make the mighty ocean and the present land. (Proverb rhyme.) little end of the horn A disadvantageous position. Little head, big wit. Big head, not a bit. little house A little house well-filled, a little land well-tilled and a wife well-willed are great riches. Little Jack Horner Sat in a corner Eating his Christmas pie. He stuck in his thumb And pulled out a plum, And said, "What a smart boy am I!" (Nursery rhyme.) little man The deputy warden in a penitentiary. A finger rhyme said to the baby as one touches the fingers of the little one, starting with the smallest finger. Little man Ring man Long man Lick pot Thumbo. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 679 Little Miss Muffet Sat on a tuffet Eating her curds and whey. Along came a spider And sat down beside her And frightened Miss Muffet away. (Nursery rhyme.) Little Nancy Etticoat In a white petticoat And a red nose. She has no feet nor hands, And the longer she stands The shorter she grows. (Riddle. A candle.) This little pig went to market, This little pig stayed at home, This little pig got roast beef, And this little pig got none, And this little pig said, 'Wee, wee, wee' all the way home, (or 'Wee, wee, wee, I want some.') (A nursery rhyme often recited in playing with a baby and tickling his toes, beginning with the big toe.) little pigs Heartleaf, wild ginger, the early leaves resembling small pigs' ears. Little Polly Flinders Sat among the cinders Warming her purty little toes. Her mother came and caught her And spanked her little daughter For ruining her nice new clothes. (Nursery rhyme.) littler (littlest) The younger one, the youngest. Little River Academy One of the many academies which dotted the Valley through much of the 19th century and on into the early part of the 20th. Many of them closed during the Civil War, never to reopen. Little River was near the present town �680 Paul Green's Wordbook of Linden and of high reputation. Most of its faculty members were college and university graduates. Like nearly all the early academies, it was coeducational. Little Robin Redbreast Sat upon a rail. Nibble nabble went his head, Wiggle waggle went his tail. (A recitation rhyme.) Little ships stay near the shore, Bigger ships can venture more. A little spark may kindle a great fire. little 'un A small child, a little one. Live and learn. Live and let live. live like a king Live to learn and learn to live. If a man die shall he live again. through whom we live and move and have our being The longer we live the more we learn. live at home Be independent from one's garden. live dictionary A talkative woman. A live dog is better than a dead lion. lively Immoral, full of sexual high spirits. as lively as a cricket as lively as a kitten live on the hump Use up one's savings or capital, use stored up supplies. liver lips Thick lips. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 681 liver spots The yellow or brownish spots that appear on older people's hands. "They have nothing to do with the liver," says Dr. Fields. liverwort See "hepatica." No man lives to himself. Lives of great men all remind us We can make our lives sublime And departing, leave behind us Footprints on the sands of time. As a man lives so shall he die. As a tree falls so shall it lie. livestock Head lice or fleas. "That boy's got a lot of livestock." live with it To endure, to accept as one's lot. The living may hate death but the dead are satisfied. by the living God! An exclamation. living in sin A man and woman living together as man and wife without being married. Ned Lambert and Agatha Tyson lived like this for several years and, though it all happened quite a while ago, I still hear it talked about now and then in the Valley. The two were sweethearts from childhood. And by the time Agatha was seventeen and Ned was nineteen everybody expected to hear any day that they were to be married. Sunday after Sunday Ned would walk with Agatha to the nearby Ebenezer Church or in bad weather drive her in his daddy's buggy. He never showed any interest in any other girl nor she in any other boy. Time passed. They both finished high school, and Ned got a job clerking in the village dry goods store. Agatha stayed at home looking after her now invalid mother. Of the two sweethearts, Agatha was, as everybody knew, the more persistent. Finally an announcement came out in the weekly paper to the effect that Mrs. Joel Tyson announced the coming marriage of her daughter Agatha Watson Tyson to Mr. Ned Ransom Lambert, the local rising young businessman, on such and such a date. By this time Agatha �682 Paul Green's Wordbook was twenty-four and Ned twenty-six. Now preparations and hurry-scurry of bridesmaids, flowers, and the usual to-do were at work. But alas, at the church they waited and waited. No Ned. They found him in his boarding house drunk. Heartsick disappointment all around and none grieved more or wept so loud as Ned's little sister Cheryl, the main bridesmaid, for she adored her brother. Perhaps Agatha's hurt pride prevented her from showing outward too much of the inner agony of the hurt. As for Ned, he moved to another job in another distant town. More time passed. Agatha's parents died and she remained alone in the big house with an old Negro woman and her pet cat. Finally Ned, now nearing middle age and chastened and sobered, returned home. His former employers relented and gave him back his job, for, as everybody said, Ned was a likeable fellow. Pretty soon it was noised around that Ned and Agatha were seeing each other again. No doubt she was the one that made the first advance, and this time it was clear she intended by hook or crook to get Ned to the altar. When the two were seen at church service together, not once but several times, it was assumed that they had made up. In time Agatha sent out a few invitations to their wedding. Cheryl, who had married and moved away, came along with her little daughter Lucy to be bridesmaid. They assembled at the church and Agatha had engaged her old Negro gardener to stay with "Mr. Ned and be sure he is rightly dressed and on time.'' The wedding party waited for about half an hour and it seemed the bridegroom was to repeat his absence. Then the door opened and Ned in tuxedo appeared. He came staggering down the aisle, followed by a pleading and half-weeping old Negro man calling out, "No, Mr. Ned, nossuh — you can't do that!" But Ned could and he did. He was a frightful sight, for hugged up against his white shirt was a huge piece of raw, bloody beef. Agatha screamed as Ned staggered up to her, drunk as a coot, and dumped the meat into her arms. Then he bowed about him and said,' 'Excuse me," and left. This time there really was a scandal in the village. But Ned didn't remain to feel the scorn of his neighbors. He left again. He was next heard of in South America. More years passed. Agatha became a recluse and, where she had had one cat, now she had a swarm of them, each with its own special character and name. Agatha in her loneliness read a lot and she found the names of literary or historical characters intriguing — Alexander, Romeo, Delilah, Juliet, and so on. These she gave to her cats. More time passed. Then lo and behold, one day Ned, a bent gray-headed man, appeared at the village grocery store with a market basket. When and how he had come back no one knew. He made his purchases and returned to Agatha's house. From then on the two lived there together "in sin." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 683 Agatha made it known that when he had come home this time, old and penniless, she had given him shelter. But he still refused marriage, she said, and what of it? It was now too late anyway. They were both too old for that, she said. So—as Lonnie Cofield said — "Let 'em alone. They can't do no damage nohow." So the neighbors did, with the exception of gossiping about them. One day Lucy Lambert, the niece, Ned's last living relative—Lucy Atkins she was no w and a widow — received a telegram from Agatha which said, "Ned is lying dead on my kitchen floor. Come and get him." Lucy and her daughter Sadie set out in their old Buick car to go look into the matter. It was the time of the great depression and Lucy was hard up. There was no money for railroad fare and so she traveled by car, bad tires and all. When they arrived at Agatha's house, they were met by the old grayhaired lady dressed not in black but in her ancient and yellowed wedding dress, and all the cats wore black bow mourning ties around their necks. To make a long story short, Lucy and Sadie were ordered to get Ned out and buried somewhere. They had no credit and decided to get him back to their hometown and have him put cheaply and decently away in the local churchyard. When night came on, they backed the Buick car up to Agatha's kitchen, got Ned into it on the back seat somehow, covered the body with a blanket and set out. Sitting by the fire in our living room one night, Lucy told me of that nightmarish drive. "At any minute," she said, "I expected one of the old tires would blow out. Once we had to stop for gas and a cop came up and looked into the car. 'What you got there?' he inquired. And Sadie spoke right up — she was always quick on the trigger — and said, 'A lot of old clothes we're taking home for the Salvation Army.' 'Well,' he said as he looked at our old car, 'I hope you get there with them.' And we did finally. "We got a cheap coffin and had a decent funeral for Ned. We had a telegramof sympathy which Agatha sent, saying 'for Ned Lambert — gone but not forgotten.' It was not signed by her, but by all the cats — Julius Caesar, Mark Anthony, Romeo, Juliet, Cleopatra, Socrates, Aristotle, Abe Lincoln, Queen of Sheba, Mary Magdalene, and Homer." whale the living lard out of one To beat unmercifully. living pie Dung. "He jumped out from behind a tree and scared the living pie out of me." a living shame! A very great shame indeed. �684 Paul Green's Wordbook lizard A protected little reptile. As a boy I was taught that if you killed a lizard, its mate would come at night and count your teeth while you slept, and if that happened, you were — as Lonnie Cofield put it — "in a bad row of stumps." The same belief was pretty common as to the black snake. Jim Faulkner, who used to work on our farm and was an intriguing storyteller to us children, once told us that he knew of a colored man, one Wingate Stephens, who said he had a cow who lost her calf and in her grief adopted a black snake in its stead. This snake used to suck her and at night when she lay down to sleep and rest, it would cuddle up close to her and keep warm, Wingate said. He finally got so fed up with this that he killed the snake, and he told me — "and I believe it," said Faulkner — the cow lost all her appetite, finally dried up from giving milk and at last died.' 'There are a lot of quare things in this world," said Faulkner. And we entranced children heartily agreed. lizzie A T-model Ford car, usually referred to in the old days as a "tin lizzie." Loaf and invite your soul. Half a loaf is better than no loaf. George Lobdell Another dreamer in the long line of visionary seekers and workers in the Valley. My friend, the Honorable John A. Gates, in his thorough and estimable The Story of Fayetteville, gives a good account of Lobdell: "Ever since assuming charge of the Lobdell Car Wheel Company of Wilmington, Delaware, back in the early 1840's, George Lobdell had devoted a large part of his time, money and energy toward improving the safety factor of the then infant railroad industry. He was always breaking up car wheels, studying them to see why they held up, or didn't. "About the end of the War Between the States he got hold of some car wheels from a captured Confederate military train. Lobdell was astounded at the toughness of these wheels — they were as superior to the average car wheel as a streamliner is to a switch engine. "Immediately he set out on the trail of these captured car wheels in an effort to locate the source of the iron from which they had been made. The trail was long and devious, finally ending at the deserted ruins of John Colville's log-pen furnace in the Buckhorn Hills. "On the site of Colville's furnace, George Lobdell set about creating a Pittsburgh of the Cape Fear country. A battery of modern blast furnaces was proposed and construction of one began immediately with the others to follow in rapid order. His engineers and geologists surveyed and tested �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 685 the surrounding ore beds. ' 'The first of his furnaces went into blast in 1876. From it poured over 300 tons of the finest iron he'd ever seen. Then the rich vein of ore he had been mining was chopped off short by a rock fault. His geologists had placed too much faith in surface outcroppings. The lost vein of Buckhorn is still lost, and Lobdell's dream of an empire of steel in the red hills of Buckhorn vanished with it." loblolly pine Pine, common old field pine, especially grown now for pulpwood. locked bowels An old folk diagnosis of constipation, appendicitis, or any condition in which bowel movements were obstructed. locket A common ornament for women in the old days and often used to contain a bit of a loved one's hair or tiny picture of him or her. Lockets are no longer advertised in the Sears-Roebuck catalogue, which firm was the main source of supply when I was a boy. Prices ranged from forty cents to six dollars and seventy-five cents, "solid gold." Monograms could be engraved for thirty-five to seventy-five cents. lock horns To fight, to have a hot argument, to oppose each other. Lock wood's folly A foolish or impractical undertaking. As the story has it, mainly legend, a man named Lockwood came from the West Indies into the lower part of the Valley in the late 17th or early 18th century and set to work in mighty doings. He thought he and his hundred slaves could handle the Indians as well as take care of a kingdom of land. He built a great mansion and set to clearing fields for his indigo, wheat and tobacco crops. He marched out and attacked the marauding Indians, and there, as Uncle Remus said, he broke his pipe stem. The Indians slaughtered them all. The mansion was burned and the fields left to grow up in briars, honeysuckle and brambles. People still call the old homesite "Lockwood's folly'' and often say with living and therefore smug authority, "Lockwood's folly teaches you never to bite off more than you can chew." locusts A horde of beggars. lodge To get caught or hung. "His hat got lodged in a tree and he couldn't get it down." �686 Paul Green's Wordbook Loey hee hoey and hushaby baby, Hushaby baby, don't cry. Loey hee hoey and hushaby baby, Your father (mother) will come by and by. If I had a wife and she would get drunk I tell you just what I would do, I'd get me a boat and send her afloat And paddle my own canoe. (A lullaby.) loggy Drowsy, stupid, lazy. log-heap Logs cut in lengths for handling and piled in heaps for burning. In the old days we used to clear a lot of land, cutting down trees, sawing them up and selling the bigger ones for lumber, and the smaller ones we would pile in heaps. Then at night we would set them afire with pieces of lightwood stumps or logs. And it was a wonderful sight to see these great heaps burning at night, and my father and the Negro helpers and we boys all working away keeping them punched up and burning brightly. And, of course, often the neighbors would be called in to help at the logrolling. lollypop Silly stuff, a foolish person. In the old days, a sweetened cake. London Bridge One of the most popular of all singing games. The verses often vary but so far as I know the tune never. We used to sing it with an almost endless list of materials with which to repair the old bridge. "London Bridge is falling down, falling down, falling down, London Bridge is falling down, my fair lady." The singing game continues with each of the following repeated according to the above pattern. Build it up with silver and gold, etc. Silver and gold will fade away, etc. Build it up with iron and steel, etc. Iron and steel will bend and break, etc. Build it up with sticks and stones, etc. Sticks and stones will pass away, etc. I suppose there is some cryptic or allegorical meaning in the fact that whatever �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 687 materials are used to repair the bridge, it always breaks down again — silver, gold, iron, steel, sticks, stones, bricks, mortar — whatever. If a watchman is set to guard the bridge, he will fall asleep. If a dog, it will be seduced by a bone. If a cock, a hen will lure it away, and so on. Two of the tallest players represent the bridge, clasping hands and holding them high up. Other players in a line pass under while the two players representing the bridge sing alternate verses. (Sometimes all of us players would sing.) The two players (the bridge) agree on the time of catching a prisoner, say, after any certain verse. Then they drop their arms around the prisoner and they sing. "Here's a prisoner we have got." Then in a whisper one of the "bridge" asks which the "prisoner" would prefer, say,' 'A diamond necklace or a small bag of gold." He chooses one and stands behind the bridge player who represents that choice. The game continues until all have made their choice. Then the players, now lined up behind their respective leaders, engage in a tug of war. The side wins which succeeds in pulling the other side across a given line. "The Lone Pilgrim" To me one of the most haunting of all old pre-Civil War hymns. Years and years ago I came across it in Billy Walker's Southern Harmony and Musical Companion and was taken with it. Right then I determined to get it into one of my outdoor dramas — as part of our musical heritage just as I was using historical characters and their actions as part of that heritage. I wrote a play, put it in, then took it out as not exactly fitting into the play's story needs. Finally, a few years ago I used it in a Texas play, "The Lone Star," and it is singing its lament on the Galveston stage each summer. I hope it will keep on singing for a long time. "I came to the place where the lone pilgram lay, And pensively stood by the tomb, When in a low whisper I heard something say, 'How sweetly he rests here alone.' "The tempest may howl and the loud thunders roll, And gathering storms may arise, Yet calm are his feelings, at rest is his soul, The tears are all wiped from his eyes." It's a lonesome washing that has no man's shirt in it. lone woman A widow. �688 Paul Green's Wordbook as long as a country mile as long as a piece of string long and short of it The whole story. as long as Pat stayed in the army A very short time indeed. pull a long bow To exaggerate, be boastful. make a long face To show unnecessary grief, to mock dolefully. a long grace and no meat A lot of to-do with little results. the long-haired man Jesus. long haul The long test, the continuing struggle. long head A very common-sense person. long home The grave. "Man goeth to his long home and the mourners go about the street." longleafpine Once the tree-glory of the Valley as well as most of eastern North Carolina below the fall line. For a long time these trees were sources of income for the people in lumber, turpentine and tar. The great trees are all gone now, save a few patches preserved here and there as on the James Boyd estate in Southern Pines. When I was a boy, we in the winter were typically busy cutting logs for a bit of income. And what huge trees some of them were! Many of the logs were so large (three and four feet in diameter) that deep gaps had to be cut in them before the logcart-axle could straddle them for hauling. Down in the swamp of Middle Prong Creek stood one of our pines, unbelievably majestic — twenty-nine feet (I measured it) in circumference and at least a hundred and twenty-five feet high. There was a hornets' nest hanging from its lowest limbs and my brother Hugh and I often with our beanshooters tried to hit it with pebbles, but it was so high up we never could even rouse the hornets out. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 689 In those days trees were meant to be cut down. And so since this giant one was too big for hauling, my father sold it to Mr. Joe Turner Matthews for five dollars to make shingles out of. It took him and his three sons more than two days to cut it down. Then it was found to be too tough for splitting and so was left to rot. I was away at school when it was cut, but later Mr. Matthews, with a light in his eyes, told me of the tremendous noise it made on hitting the earth. "Why, Paul," he said, "it shook the world—and the crows and varmints left the swamp same as if an earthquake had struck. A lot of people came to see it fall and they said there'd never been nothing like it." The truth is, I think, Mr. Matthews was more interested in the drama of the great tree's falling than in getting shingles. He was an experienced woodsman and must have known such a monster would not be good shingletimber. The stumps of these trees are still a great source of fat lightwood. See "lightwood splinters." long (sweet) potatoes Yams as contrasted with Irish potatoes. longs and shorts Long underwear and short underwear. by a long sight Much the same as long shot. long-sighted Sagacious, foresighted. long straw pine Longleaf pine. Longstreet Church An old Presbyterian church now in the Fort Bragg military reservation. The voice of its preachers is long hushed away and the voices of mighty guns in target practice rattle the windows instead. The church was founded by that indefatigable servant of God, the Reverend James Campbell, in 1758, along with Old Bluff and Barbecue churches (q.v.). In the early days the sermons were in both Gaelic and English. Gradually the''auld tongue" died out and English took over. long sweetening Molasses. long taw A great distance, a difficult undertaking. �690 Paul Green's Wordbook long trail Death or the process of dying into death. longways Lengthwise. look A word of attention. "Look, Atlee, I don't want your worrying your head about those biscuits." Appearance. "John doesn't look good since he took all that calomel." To search for. "I looked my cow all day long and couldn't find it." Look before you leap. Look both ways. look nine ways for Sunday Look not a gift horse in the mouth. You may look farther and fare worse. Don't look for the horse you ride on. Don't look for your specs while they're on your nose. look and see To search for, to check on. "I'll look and see if the paper has come.'' Often, "I'll go look and see." Look at you! A scolding. to look as if butter would melt in his mouth A hypocritically pious person. Look-a-there! An exclamation, calling attention to a matter or emphasizing something. look back To regret. look big To show off, to appear more than one is, to be rambunctious. look down one's nose To deride or to snub. look for a needle in a haystack To seek for something impossible of finding, or to try to attempt an action �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 691 impossible to perform. Look here. Pay attention, mind what one says. looking Appearance or condition. "You'll be a pretty looking thing with your ass full of buckshot — stay away from that old man's gal." No looking glass ever told a woman she was ugly. looking sight An odd appearance or spectacle. Also, a homely person, an ill-favored thing. "When you put on that old dress you are a looking sight!" looking to Planning to, intending to. "I'm looking to go out to Texas next month." Lookit! Exclamation. look on To read with or to share a book with a person. "John, you look on with Henry there and read that piece about the crane that got caught with the cows." look one's head To search one's head for lice. "Come here, boy, and let me look your head." look out To be on one's guard, to watch. "Look out or you'll get hurt." look over To forgive, to ignore, to overlook. look-see A look around, an inspection, an appraisal, a search. look sharp Be careful. looks like It seems as if, also a sense of ought in the expression. "Looks like he'd take care of his poor brother's little orphans." "Looks like it'll rain." look up to To defer to, to admire. Look where you 're going! �692 Paul Green's Wordbook loo-loo A stunning thing or act, same as lulu. loon A very wild bird, a crazy person. as loony as an owl loony bin The lunatic asylum. loop-legged Bow-legged. as loose as a goose on the loose Free, uncommitted, fancy-free. have a loose screw Lacking in common sense. "That girl has got a loose screw somewhere." loosey-goosey Relaxed, flexible. "I can hit the ball if I walk up there all loosey-goosey." The Lord giveth and the Lord taketh away. The Lord is my shepherd, I shall not want. The Lord is slow to anger. The Lord knows and he won't tell. He hollers Lord and follows devil. O Lord above, look down in love Upon us, your little scholars. We hired a fool to teach our school And paid him nineteen dollars. (A derisive rhyme.) Lord a-mercy! An exclamation. lord god The pileated woodpecker, a bird about the size of a crow, very striking with . his red head, growing more and more rare each year in the South. The Lord is in my mouth! This was, and now and then still is, a common shout by fundamentalist Valley preachers from their pulpits at street corners. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 693 As a boy I heard of "Reverend" Amos Whitney who dressed himself hastily one cold morning to hurry to his pulpit in the nearby Holiness Church. He put on his best pair of pants which had been hanging on a nail in his room for some time. Unknown to him, wasps had built a nest in them. In the midst of his sermon and shoutings of "the Lord is in my mouth," he stopped suddenly. In the heat of his efforts, the wasps had got livened up, and they suddenly let loose on him with their stingers. He gave out a yell and started clawing at himself 'fore and aft. He shrieked, "The Lord may be in my mouth, folkses, but the devil's in my britches!" And with that he tore out of the house of God as if the dogs were after him and made for the woods to shed his britches. Lord love a duck An exclamation. Lord love you! An exclamation. lord manners Leave something on one's plate. "Don't forget lord manners, son." the Lord's patch (acre) In the Valley it has been a custom in past times for a farmer to set aside an acre of crops, the proceeds from which would go to the Lord. This is usually referred to as the Lord's patch or the Lord's acre. My friend, Joe Matthews, a sort of wildish young fellow, got religion at old Pleasant Union Church, and he set aside an acre of cotton for the Lord. He tended it well, but there came a long rainy spell and terrible floods fell and a great gully was washed across the Lord's patch. Also, the crabgrass (or General Green, as they called it) broke out and took over things. Joe looked at it and let out an unbeliever's laugh saying, "Well, if the Lord don't care any more about his patch than that, why he can have it." And so Joe abandoned it and religion and went to sinning again. the Lord's will The will of God, the power that causes all things to happen as they do happen. Lem Adams, a poor white tenant farmer, believed devoutly in God's (the Lord's) will and was a fervent leader in the Holiness Church near Falcon — called "The Sanctified and Only True Church of God." He didn't believe in doctors, and so he and his little obedient wife trusted in prayer to save his baby daughter lola when she fell sick with diphtheria. But prayer failed. "Yes, my baby's dead, "he said to me, "and I try not to grieve, for I know it's the Lord's will." And he lifted his washed-out pale blue eyes trustingly to the sky as I looked at him, troubled in my mind. �694 Paul Green's Wordbook Later Lem became a wandering preacher and held services on the streets of Dunn and Erwin — wherever anyone would listen. Once or twice I saw him preaching to the empty air, people passing him by without stopping. And when that happens in the Valley or most anywhere in the South, you can imagine how poor the preacher is — as well as how patient and determined to follow the Lord's will. the Lord willing An expression of faith even by the unfaithful. "The Lord willing, and if nothing don't happen, I'll be there a-Monday." Lordy! An exclamation. "Lorena" A popular Civil War song. It was published in 1857 — words by Reverend H.D.L. Webster and melody by J.P. Webster, no kin. In a few years after its publication it was being sung all over the country, especially among the soldiers in the war. It became so popular that mothers North and South named their daughters after the heroine of the piece. My grandmother named my mother-to-be Betty Lorena Byrd. For all the beauty and romance of the middle name, I am glad she was called Betty. It seems to me more down-toearth and homey and therefore more beautiful. Perhaps the main reason for the song's popularity in the 1860's was that, in addition to its heart-touching story and most singable melody, it brought back remindings of sweet and tender lost times before the red carnage, waste and sufferings of war afflicted the land. The contrast cried out its message. "The years creep slowly past, Lorena, The snow is on the grass again. The sun's low down the sky, Lorena, The frost gleams where the flow'rs have been. But the heart throbs on as warmly now As when the summer days were nigh. Oh, the sun can never dip so low A-down affection's cloudless sky— The sun can never dip so low A-down affection's cloudless sky. "A hundred months have pass'd, Lorena, Since I last held that hand in mine And felt that pulse beat fast, Lorena, Tho' mine beat faster far than thine. A hundred months, 'twas flowery May When up the hilly slope we climbed �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 695 To watch the dying of the day, And hear the distant church bells chime— To watch the dying of the day And hear the distant church bells chime. "The story of that past, Lorena, Alas! I care not to repeat, The hopes that could not last, Lorena, They lived but only lived to cheat. I would not cause e'en one regret To rankle in your bosom now, For 'If we try we may forget,' Were words of thine long years ago— For 'If we try we may forget,' Were words of thine long years ago. "It matters little now, Lorena, The past is in th' eternal past. Our heads will soon lie low, Lorena, Life's tide is ebbing out so fast. There is a Future! Oh, thank God, Of life this is so small a part! 'Tis dust to dust beneath the sod! But there, up there, 'tis heart to heart." My mother used to sing this song around the house when we children were small. Then as years passed and we grew older she quit singing it. Maybe she had begun to consider war and all things connected with it a bitter and dismal chapter in American history. And she could also have had a clutching fear that a future war or wars might tear her sons from her. She died before she could see at least part of that fear fulfilled. You can't lose what you ain't got. lose one's cool To lose one's temper, to blow up in anger. Lost time is never found again. For the Son of Man has come to save that which is lost. Lot A character in the Bible whose wife became more famous by being turned into a pillar of salt. Lot was usually used to impress us as young people with the kind of luck that befalls a wayward and indecisive character. �696 Paul Green's Wordbook a lot on the ball Gifted, adept. loud loud-mouthed, over-boisterous. as loud as a horn as loud as a loose-tongued woman as loud as two skeletons wrestling on a tin roof so loud you couldn't hear it thunder He mashes on the loud pedal. louse A low-down fellow. A small wingless flattened insect that used to inhabit the heads of most of the Valley children. In our family the fine-tooth comb was in constant use. Sometimes Mother used mercurial ointment or Fitch's horse liniment to anoint our heads. There was in the old days a common folk saying that if one would take the first louse found on a baby's head and crack it on the Bible, the baby would become a preacher, but let the louse go and the baby would become a lawyer. We can take our choice. to skin a louse for his tallow To take much pain with little result. louse path The parting in a person's hair. lousy Crummy, dirty, cheap. Love and weather can never be depended upon. Love is blind. Love is strong as death, jealousy is cruel as the grave. Love is the fulfilling of the law. Love it is a killing thing. Beauty is a blossom. (A rhyme.) Love laughs at locksmiths. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 697 Love me little, love me long. Love me, love my dog. Love rejoiceth in truth. Love thy neighbor as thyself. Love your enemies, do good to them that hate you, bless them that curse you and pray for them that despitefully use you. You can't live on love. All's fair in love and war. Perfect love casteth out fear. Greater love hath no man than this that a man lay down his life for his friend. True love is the weft of life, but it comes through a sorrowful shuttle. If you love me like I love you, No knife can cut our love in two. (An asseveration rhyme.) Many waters cannot quench love, neither can the floods drown it. The course of true love never runs smooth. Hot love soon cools. It's love that makes the world go round. The hotter the love, the colder the freeze. I could not love thee, dear, so much, loved I not honor more. Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, mind, soul and strength. love apple Tomato plant, formerly thought to be poisonous. My grandmother Green grew the plant simply for decoration. "We never thought of eating them when I was a child," said my father. love child An illegitimate child. love curl A little curl girls let hang down in front of their ears. Same as love lock or beaucatcher. It's better to have loved and lost than never to have loved at all. �698 Paul Green's Wordbook The heart that has truly loved never forgets. It's better to be loved than honored. loveded Loved. love him to death Excessive love. love-in A specially affectionate gathering. love-knot Entwined jewelry. as lovely as a rose love of Mike! An exclamation. love pirate A Casanova, a love-'em-and-leave-'em guy. love powder Any of several powder concoctions put out by herb doctors and voodoo artists to create or add to sexual attraction. lover's knot Sexual intercourse. All the world loves a lover. Lord love us! An exclamation. love vine Known also as dodder or field dodder. It is a leafless parasite with whitish stems. If allowed to have its way, it can overrun a flower bed or border and choke the flowers into a stunted and even wilted condition. It also can play havoc with a wheat or oat crop. Its clinging nature gives it its name. In the old days some of the Valley people found it useful in treating sick cows and mules. lovey-dovey Sentimental term of affection. 'low Allow. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 699 as low as a snake as low-down as a snake's belly lower region Hell. lowground Low land. lowing cow A sign of bad luck or death. Also denotes a cow in heat. low man on the totem pole One in an inferior position. low-rate To criticize adversely. Lucifer The devil conceived of as a fallen angel. "Yes," said Uncle Monroe as we sat by the fire one night, "you ask about the devil. Yes, I believe in him, and his name was Luseefer." One of the many names for the devil. According to Scriptural legend, Lucifer was once a bright angel in heaven but, because of his pride and his rebellion against God, he was cast out and became the ruler over the damned souls in hell. See Isaiah 14:12-14 which says in poetic language— "How art thou fallen from heaven, 0 Lucifer, son of the morning! How art thou cut down to the ground, Which didst weaken the nations! For thou hast said in thine heart 'I will ascend into heaven 1 will exalt my throne above the stars of God, I will sit also upon the mount of the congregation, In the sides of the north I will ascend above the heights of the clouds, I will be like the most High.' " down on one's luck To have a long spell of ill luck. fisherman's luck No luck at all. To come home hungry, wet, disgusted and with no fish to show. �700 Paul Green's Wordbook worse luck! An exclamation. lucky in cards, unlucky in love lucky star To be born under a lucky star is to be especially lucky in one's efforts and plannings. There's an old astrological belief that each person born in the world is born under a star, and some stars are unlucky and some are lucky. This makes about as much sense as the Freudian curse of the unconscious with which man, so Freud says, as I understand him, is born into the world. lug The nut on a wheel bolt. Also a sorry person. luggish Heavy, sluggish, dull, slow. "I feel luggish today." lugs The lower leaves of a tobacco plant. They ripen first and are gathered in the first "priming." a lulu A faux pas, same as loo-loo." Nixon has picked some lulus in his cabinet.'' lumber room A room in a dwelling where odds and ends are kept. Also known as plunder room. lump in To include. "No wonder he had such a big expense account, he lumped in all his side expenses." If you don't like it, you can lump it. Accept, even if unhappily or with dissatisfaction. lump sum The complete and exact amount, total amount in one payment. "I'll put in your sewer for the lump sum of $4000." lunch hooks Fingers. lush A low-down, dangerous person, also refers to a gangster's moll. Lydia Pinkham A famous name in patent medicine realms. Mrs. Pinkham's Vegetable Compound has brought relief for female disorders to generations of sufferers �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 701 in the Valley and is still going strong. Ask at any drugstore. We boys used to have a lengthy song we sang about Lydia and her medicine, beginning thus: "O sing, sing, sing of Lydia Pinkham And of her friendship for the female race— She invented her vegetable compound, Now the papers all publish her face. "Mamie Twitchum was brokenhearted, She had nothing beneath her blouse Till they fed her three bottles of Compound— Now they milk her with the cows." And so on to ever more miraculous physiological improvements. It now comes in liquid and tablet form. The current price in the Chapel Hill drugstores is $3.68 for 72 tablets and $3.17 for a small bottle of the liquid. lye soap A homemade product made from a mixture of lye, water and grease. My mother made it in the same big iron pot we used for heating water for hog-killing. First we would get a can or two of Red Devil Lye, mix this in water, stirring and stirring until the lye was thoroughly dissolved. Then hog grease would be added. This would be boiled for a good while, maybe twenty minutes. Any kind of grease would do — bacon grease, side meat grease — grease from any part of the hog. The heavy mixture was put into the big pot, water was added, perhaps a few gallons. A fire was built around the pot and kept going for hours. The hot water would gradually evaporate and the mixture slowly rise to the top as soap. When the proper amount of boiling had been done, the fire was let die out and the ingredients cool and the soap harden. The next day Mother would take a kitchen knife and cut the somewhat hardened mass into cakes. Now we had soap enough to last for months. Sometimes the more fastidious housewives put perfume in their soap. A favorite and easy way was to boil heart leaves (wild ginger) with the mixture. By the time I was a teenage boy, homemade soap was passing away. Octagon soap and other manufactured brands were taking over. I remember my mother saying that her mother used hickory ashes instead of lye, this last not being available in the earlier days. lying down Cowardly, will-less. "And cuss him as I would he took it all lying down." lying out Untended, left lying fallow. "All my corn land is lying out, now that Uncle Sam pays me to put it in the soil bank." �702 Paul Green's Wordbook lynch law The law of the mob which is no law at all. The practice, especially in the South, of mob vengeance on an unlucky person accused of a crime whether guilty or not. "The taking of the law into one's own hands." The story of lynchings in the South, and sometimes in the North, is a shameful one in the history of this country. True, we have dropped the atom bomb on thousands of helpless people and we helped destroy both Vietnam and Cambodia, but we have improved in one matter — lynching. I never saw a lynching except in my imagination but I remember a hot summer day when our sawmilling was stopped because of one. When the whistle blew at twelve o'clock, Mr. Moody, the sawyer, made an announcement to us. "Well, boys," hesaid, "we ain't gonna saw this evening (afternoon)." "Why not, Mr. Moody?" someone asked. "Because," said he, "I got to go off and help lynch a nigger." He said no more and drove away in his A-model Ford. Mr. Moody boarded at our house, and that night at the supper table I kept looking at his strong, long-fingered brown hands, wondering, wondering. It was our custom to go out on the front porch after supper and sit in the cool darkness awhile before going to bed. I was a-quiver to ask him about the lynching. He smoked his cigarette in silence. Finally I could endure it no longer. "What — what happened, Mr. Moody?" I said. "What happened what?" he answered. "I mean — mean about the lynching, sir?" '' Aw,'' he said disgustedly, "I got there too late. They'd already hanged the black son of a bitch and he was dead as a nit. But I reached up with my pistol and put three bullets through his head. Well, good night, I want some good sleep, got a lot of sawing to do tomorrow." He threw away the stub of his cigarette and went off to bed. No doubt he got his good sleep, but I didn't. lyre-leaved sage This plant grows in most parts of the United States and is common in North Carolina. Its big lyre-shaped leaves give it its name. It flourishes in sandy woods and barrens and is conspicuous for its lavender blooms. Sometimes called Cancer Weed, its juice is used to remove warts and other cancerous growths. Was used, I should say, for now in our more enlightened days we have the surgeon's knife and chemotherapy. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 703 M Mac A person, anyone. "Hey, Mae, close that gate when you go out." Allan MacDonald The husband of the famous Scottish heroine Flora MacDonald. He was a strikingly handsome man and was so described by Drs. Johnson and Boswell when they visited him and Flora in the Hebrides. The description from their journal ran as follows: "He was quite the figure of a gallant Highlander — 'the graceful mien and manly looks.' He had his tartan plaid thrown about him, a large blue bonnet with a knot of black ribbon like a cockade, a brown short coat of a kind of duffle, a tartan vest with gold buttons and gold buttonholes, a bluish fillibeg and tartan hose. He had jet black hair tied behind and with screwed ringlets on each side, and was a large stately man with a steady sensible countenance." And Boswell goes on to say that his heart was sore to learn that Allan had fallen sorely back in his affairs, was under a load of debt and intended to go to America. "However, nothing but what was good was present, and I pleased myself in thinking that so fine a fellow would be well everywhere." Allan was one of the commanders at the tragic Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge in 1776 where the Tory power in North Carolina was broken. This battle, though much ignored by the historians, actually was one of the most important in the Revolutionary War. If the Tories had won on that day, then the Patriot cause in North Carolina would have been split in two and no doubt the Tory power would have grown enormously and perhaps become too strong to be dislodged in the South. In this battle Allan and his son Sandy were captured along with several hundred other Loyalists and finally were sent in exchange to Canada—where many a self-reliant and determined follower of the King was later moved. The story of the Tory upheaval in the Valley has never been fully told — in fact, a shameful story and one too often written by the true red-blooded �704 Paul Green's Wordbook American devotee of individuality and democratic prowess. Many Loyalists after the war were robbed of their possessions and some who were not so loyal to Britain were likewise so dispossessed. All that was needed for this sort of robbery was for some Whig of importance to squeal that so-and-so was a Loyalist, get him dispossessed and then fall heir to his land and holdings through court action. And so the Loyalist victim would find himself on the long migration to join his fellows in Canada. See "go to Halifax." Flora MacDonald Allan MacDonald's wife, the famous Scottish heroine. In the JohnsonBoswell Tour to the Hebrides she is described thus: " By and by supper came, when there appeared his (Allan's) spouse, the celebrated Miss Flora. She was a little woman, of a mild and genteel appearance, mighty soft and wellbred. To see Mr. Samuel Johnson salute Miss Flora MacDonald was a wonderful romantic scene to me." And Johnson himself said: "We were entertained with the usual hospitality by Mr. MacDonald and his lady Flora MacDonald, a name that will be mentioned in history and, if courage and fidelity be virtues, mentioned with honor. She is a woman of middle stature, soft features, gentle manners and elegant presence." Flora became the darling of Scotch society and of some English society too for her heroic preservation of Bonny Prince Charlie. After the Battle of Culloden Moor in 1746 when English soldiery were searching for the fleeing prince, a price of 30,000 pounds being set on his head, she helped him escape by disguising him as a maidservant in her service. It is remarkable that in the upheaval of the Scottish citizenry of that time not one of the poverty-stricken crofters or dissident people betrayed the prince, whatever the enormous reward for such betrayal. For a while Flora was shut up in the Tower of London for this loyalty to theHouseof Stuart. But soon the King pardoned her. Ballads were written about her, toasts were given in her name, and everywhere she went she was acclaimed by admiring crowds. Times were hard in Scotland in the middle 18th century, and Allan and Flora finally in the year 1774 migrated to North Carolina in search of a better life for themselves and their children. The Revolutionary War was brewing, and when once more trouble swirled about their heads, the blood oath of loyalty, which the MacDonalds along with other Scotsmen had taken after the Battle of Culloden in 1746, still had its power over them. (See "blood oath") And too, Flora devoutly believed by this time in the stability and Tightness of royal authority. When the Revolutionary War broke out, she considered the Patriots' cause to be that of raggle-taggle irresponsible rebels. She stood firm for Britain. Consequently as time went by she and her household (Allan and Sandy already being prisoners of war in the North) were driven from North Carolina and she returned to die in penury and �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 705 despair in Scotland. Some years ago I wrote a play about her but in no way did justice to this fine and beautiful character. Hugh MacDonald Flora's stepfather. This Hugh had kidnapped Flora's young widowed mother and married her when Flora was a child. He was supposed to be one of the most physically powerful men in all Scotland. Strange as it may seem, he was a captain in charge of a company of young soldiers who apparently tried to capture Bonny Prince Charlie even while Flora was guiding the luckless prince through bracken and mountain passes to safety. Old Hugh — one-eyed Hugh as he was called, for as a child he had lost the sight of one eye by running into a jagged limb — migrated to North Carolina ahead of Flora and settled far out in Anson County. Allan and Flora finally settled nearby on Cheek's Creek and there started to build their new life which was destroyed, as I say, by the Revolutionary War. Old Hugh died in 1782 and is buried in an unmarked grave there on a hill above Mountain Creek. mackerel sky A sky dappled with little clouds more decorative than rainy. holy mackerel! A free interjection. mad A rage. "He's got a mad on and you'll have to wait till he cools off." mad as a hatter mad as a hornet mad as a March hare mad as a snake in haying time mad as a wet sitting hen as mad as fire mad as hops mad as the devil so mad he couldn't spit have a mad on To be infatuated with. made To go. "He made right out the door." �706 Paul Green's Wordbook To have sexual intercourse. "The first night I met that girl I made her." "Mademoiselle from Armentieres" A song especially popular with the A.E.F. in World War I. Innumerable versions were sung, and many of them, even in the license of today, unprintable. Though tinged with Sunday School puritanism, I sang them along with my buddies — there in the muck and misery of Flanders Field. Wepronounced "Armentieres" in good old Valley English, "Armenteers." "Mademoiselle from Armentieres, parlez vous, "Mademoiselle from Armentieres, parlez vous, "Mademoiselle from Armentieres, Hasn't been kissed (f~ked) in forty years—" And so on — as rough as we could make it. made out of whole cloth Of solid character. made over Petted, cuddled. "She made over him all the time." madstone A stone supposed to be found in the stomach of a deer. It was especially efficacious against the bite of mad dogs. According to dozens of witnesses — lawyers, doctors, preachers — whom I have consulted, there is no doubt about it. This stone is a reality and a most powerful cure not only for mad dog bites but for poisonous infections of all sorts, including snakes. In size these stones were about an inch wide and two or three inches long, gray colored, and of a porous nature. Luther Gunter told me that his grandfather, old man Darge Singleton, once had a Negro slave boy bitten by a rabid dog and he went over to Boyd Urquhart, some thirty miles away beyond Smithfield, to get his stone. Urquhart wouldn't send it till old Darge had entered into a bond in the amount of $1,000 for its safe return. He sent the required bond by his son Corbett and got the use of the stone and cured the Negro boy. Urquhart used to charge as much as $50 for each use of it. Bishop Cheshire, a man of repute and strong in the Episcopal Church, once told me he had seen one of these stones applied and, when it was laid against the poisoned wound, it seized upon it and stuck tight as a leech or a Harnett County seed tick. Then as the poison was being sucked out of the wound by the stone, the stone gradually turned dark. Presently, full of poison, it fell off and dropped to the ground. After this the stone was placed �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 707 in a bowl of milk and left there several hours, and the poison exuded from it, turning the milk a sickish green. At the proper time the stone was lifted out, dried off and ready for another use at $50 a suck. For years I have tried to find one of these ancient stones. They all seem to have disappeared forever but the fame of them remains. Mae West An especially strong cocktail. "Drink it, and you won't come up sometime.'' maggots in one's head Crazy. magic lantern Japanese lantern. magic numbers See "numbers." magnolia A beautiful and popular shade tree throughout the Valley and the South. It has become a sort of cognomen for the culture, the beauty and the oldtimeyness of the region. magnolia leaf A fetish token. Galley Farrington who works for me now and then told me recently of his experience with a magnolia leaf and the woman who used it. "She came driving down there to the store," he said, "where a lot of us fellows were chewing the rag — this woman did — and whew! what a knockout she was. She smelled high of cologne and had some sort of brass earrings big as silver dollars in her ears. She said that she was out to bring joy to mankind. 'You all fellows are always broke, ain't you?' she said. We agreed that was mostly true. 'Well,' shesaid, 'I can show you how never to be broke. See these magnolia leaves,' and then out of her big wove handbag she pulled alot of magnolia leaves. 'If you will take one of these here leaves,' she said, 'and put a dollar bill on it and fold it up inside, put it in your pocket, you'll always have good luck and you'll never be broke for you'll have that dollar. But mostly and the main thing,' she said, 'is you'll have good luck. Who's got a dollar?' Some of us had a dollar. I just happened to have one bill so I handed it to her. She folded it up in the leaf into a tight little wad and handed it back to me. 'Now put that in your pocket, honey,' she said, 'and keep it there and the first thing you know good luck will start happening.' Two or three of the other fellows had dollar bills and fool-like — just like me — they handed them over to that woman and saw her fold 'em into the leaf and hand it back to them. 'Now you see,' she said, 'I ain't charging a penny for my service. I just want to do good to my fellowman. Now you all boys,' �708 Paul Green's Wordbook she said, 'don't touch them leaves in your pocket for the next hour. Let 'em stay in there and get 'climated to your body. Then it's all right to feel them. And good luck to you all boys now and I'm on my way to help other folks.' And she got into her late Ford roadster and drove off. "It was Satiddy time and we didn't have to go to work anywhere and so we stood around chewing the rag some more and still smelling the heavy scent of that woman that was gone off. Maybe it was that scent that made us play the fool. Anyhow, after about a' hour by the clock on the Home Savings building we pulled out our magnolia leaves, opened them and, dang my soul, there was no dollar bill in any of them. That woman had really reamed us. We saw her driving sassy around Chapel Hill several times after that and far as I know she might have reamed some of them smart professors. Anyhow we were so ashamed to be made fools of by her that we didn't call the cops in to arrest her." magpie A talkative person. Aunt Mahaly A legendary witch woman who was supposed to live in the depths of the Cape Fear River swamps. I wrote a short play about her and how she bewitched and destroyed two Negro criminals. maiden land Land that comes to a man with the maid he marries. maiden's blushes Something of a subtropical shrub which grows from North Carolina to Florida. It prefers wet, boggy soil. Its greenish and pale yellow capsules grow in thick clusters among the leaves. In the autumn these mellowing leaves become ruddy-tinged, therefore the gothic name, which to me is the most important thing about the plant. In the old days it was used like Peruvian bark (quinine) for intermittent fevers. mail-order marriage A marriage arranged by correspondence, usually through answering an ad in a lonely hearts column. More than one person in the Valley has got a husband or wife by advertising for such in these love columns of magazines and papers, sometimes with good results and sometimes with bad, about the same ratio, I suppose, as occurs in the ordinary love matches arranged by closer and more passionate contact. Take the case of Miss Maria Stuart. The people in our neighborhood used to call her the "Queen of Scotland." Of course she wasn't any queen but we called her that because she was so beautiful and was so proud and because of her name. In my past boyhood recollections I can't recall any �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 709 girl more beautiful than she was. I never saw Laura Searles who by all accounts was the most beautiful girl ever born in the Valley and who later married a titled Englishman. As a boy I used to see Miss Maria at church always radiant and fresh as a rose. And how she loved to sing in the church that old hymn' 'Blessed Assurance, Jesus is Mine''! She was besought and beset by all the young blades thereabouts, but she married none of them. The reason, so my mother said, was that she couldn't find any that suited her choosey ways. Finally she woke up one day to find herself an old maid. She was past thirty and she who had been so popular and cherished was left with only one hanger-on, a short, sawed-off fellow and bowlegged at that, named Rufus Ellington. So there she was with her memories of lovers' hand-squeezes, kisses, and dances and perfumes, fans and whispered flatteries at parties, serenading and moonlit hayrides. At last she got so desperate that she advertised for a husband. She got one all right, a fellow up out of Texas named Moulton, and he turned out to be nothing, worse than nothing. He flattered her so he got her crazy about him and had her sign over all of her property which wasn't much but which would have been enough to support her in her old age. And when he had done that, he sold the property, deserted her, went back to Texas where he had come from, and before too long she died. Her uncle put up a small tombstone to her in the churchyard, for she was penniless. main drag The main highway or central street in a small town. Also big business. main strength and awkwardness Action or procedure in a helter-skelter manner, without any plan or logical design.' 'Earsy was brung up by main strength and awkwardness and that's how come he's so mean." make To succeed, to win out, to get there on time. "I was coming along through the Arboretum from class one day and heard footsteps behind me, and there was elderly Collier Cobb trotting along — and on he came passing me and jiggling his heavy briefcase in his hand — 'I've got to make a train, Paul. Excuse me.' And on he went." Mature. "The corn will make now after that good rain." Figure, shape. "That new schoolteacher that's come to Olive Branch sure has a pretty make." Make hay while the sun shines. Make yourself all honey, and the flies will eat you. If you make a rough bed, you have to lie in a rough bed. �710 Paul Green's Wordbook As we make it, so we have it. As you make your bed, so shall you lie on it. make a branch To urinate. "Come on, sonny, do you want to make a little branch?" make a break To make a faux pas, also to dash for freedom as a prisoner on a chain gang. "I warned the boys not to try to make a break," said Thaddy Matthews, "but one day one of them did and, just before he darted into the woods 200 yards away, I pulled down on him and over he went with a broken leg." make a leg To put one's leg back as in a curtsey or bow. make a mess To have a bowel movement. To turn things upside down. make a puddle To urinate. Same as make a branch. make a smell Go to the bathroom. make a spring Urinate. make 'aste Make haste, hurry. make at To rush to meet as in a fight. "He made at me with a knife and I conked him with that handspike." make a trip Also to go to the bathroom. make away with To waste, to kill, to consume. "At the cornshucking they made away with a whole kettle of chicken stew." Also to get away with. "The thieves made away with a lot of silverware." make buckle and tongue meet Make one's income equal the outgo. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 711 make for To hurry to reach. "A big cloud is coming up over there and we had better make for the house." make game of To mock, to laugh at. make good To succeed. make it To recover, to live through sickness. "Cal Upchurch is down sick again and from what they say it don't look like he's gonna make it this time." make it fly To do a job swiftly. make it warm for To punish, to spank. make like To pretend. make medicine To hold a conference, to plan some action. make no mistake A phrase used for emphasis. "Make no mistake about it, as a man sows, so shall he reap." make off with To steal, to carry away. make one's mark Become well-known, succeed. make one'spile To amass a fortune. make out Same as make like. "Why do you make out like you're rich when you ain't?'' To make love. "They were gone a good while, but I think they were just making out." To get along somehow, to make ends meet, much the same as make do. To decipher, to read as in a poor light. "Can you make out the items on the dinner check?" �712 Paul Green's Wordbook To understand, comprehend. "Speak a little louder, I can't make out what you're saying." make out with To tolerate, put up with, endure. make passes at To try to hug a girl, to try to fondle, flirt. make the feathers (fur) fly To fight tooth and claw in a fisticuff, to work with fierce energy. make the grade To win out, to have success. make tracks To depart hurriedly, to run. make up To be reconciled, to become friends after a fight or quarrel. To even up, repay. "His intensity as an artist makes up for what he lacks as a technician." make up to To court, to soft soap. make whoopee To celebrate hilariously, to hold a spree. makings The ingredients. "I planned to have pie for supper, but I don't have the makings." Traits, talents. "He has the makings of a good student if he'd only work harder." making up To gather, to prepare, to get ready for action. "The clouds are making up in the west. We'd better hurry." malaria cure Have plenty of sunflowers growing about the house. Malice drinketh its own poison. There's as much malice in a wink as a word. With malice toward none and charity for all. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 713 Mamma, Mamma, what is that Twixt your legs like a hairy cat? Pappy, Pappy, what is that Twixt your legs like a baseball bat? (A low recitation rhyme.) Mamma, Mamma, have you heard? Papa's going to buy me a mockingbird. If that mockingbird don't sing, Papa's going to buy me a diamond ring. If that diamond ring turns brass, Papa's going to whip me on my ass. mammy To spoil, to be over-affectionate. "She mammied that boy to death when he was young and now he's grown up he ain't worth a cent." mammy-sick A spoiled child, over-dependent on its mother. man A familiar term of address, usually for emphasis and applied to either sex. "Yes, man, he's a holy terror." "And, man, did that dog run when I put turpentine under his tail." Strength, physical power. "Get in there with that axe, Bo, and show your man." Man brought nothing here and he'll take nothing away. Man doth what he can and God what he will. Man evolved from the lower animals. Man is born unto trouble as the sparks fly upward. Man is conceived and born in sin. Man is of the earth, earthy. Man proposes, God disposes. Man that is born of woman is of few days and full of trouble. Man wants but little here below nor wants that little long. Man was made from the dust. Man works from sun to sun, Woman's work is never done. �714 Paul Green's Wordbook A man is known by the company he keeps. A man is down but never out. A man is never a hero to his own servant. A man is not known by his looks. A man of words and not of deeds Is like a garden full of weeds. A man without a wife Is not worth a wife. A man who beats his mule will beat his wife. A man who kicks his dog will kick his wife. Beware of a smiling man. God made him and therefore let him pass for a man. No man can serve two masters. Get a man drunk if you would know him. Every man for himself and the devil take the hindmost. Every man has his price. As for man, his days are as grass. No man is a prophet in his own country. A silent man is a wise man. As a man lives So shall he die. As a tree falls So shall it lie. An angry man opens his mouth and shuts his eyes. No man should be both accuser and judge. No man stays far from the sweet mouth and a good table. There's more hope for a drinking man than a lazy man. Every man to his taste as the skunk said to the billy goat. It takes a wise man to play the fool. Never hit a man when he is down. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 715 Don't bother a man when he's busy. A drowning man will catch at a straw. A poor man with children has got a millstone about his neck. man about town Sport, an easy liver, a fashionable guy. Good management is better than big wage. man alive! A mild interjection. the man for my money Chosen over others, reliable person, one to be trusted. man in the moon The physiognomy of the moon's face which at a careless glance looks like the face of a man. According to the old legend he was put there as a punishment for burning brush on Sunday. We children were told that so we'd behave better and be quieter on the Sabbath Day. The man in the moon Came down too soon, Asked the way to Norwich. He went to the South And burnt his mouth A-eating hot pease porridge. (A nursery rhyme.) man killer A vicious horse, also a wild woman. mankind An interjection. "Mankind, that was a flood and Bowling Creek looked like a lake!" All mankind loves a lover. manna Extra or excess profit, financial gain with little effort. mannerable Of good manners. no manner account No good at all, lazy, indolent. �716 Paul Green's Wordbook mannerly Well-behaved. manner of means For emphasis. "Dan MacDougald is not buried here by any manner of means." in a manner of speaking An introductory phrase often used in a conjunctive sense similar to "as you might say so." manners Courtesies, polite actions. "Go over and make your manners to Aunt Nettie." Manners make the man. man or a mouse A phrase used in reference to weak-willed, quiet, mouse-like man. "Tell me, are you a man or a mouse!" man person A man. A man's a man for all that. man's best friend The dog. I remember Uncle Bob Green telling me about the dog that Grandpa John Green had named Queenie. It seemed that Grandpa John's brother, my great-uncle William, decided to go to Texas, and he asked Grandpa if he could take Queenie with him. Grandpa finally agreed and off they went. Some months went by and one night there was a scratching at the door, and Uncle Bob said that Grandpa went to the door and there was a little spotted dog, whining and all scratched up and sore-footed, and it was Queenie. She had come all the way back. Later they had a letter from Uncle William which said that Queenie went with him across the Mississippi River and swam along as he swam his horse across. So the dog had actually swum back across the river and found her way the hundreds of miles home. I told Dr. J.B. Rhine of the Extrasensory Perception Laboratory at Duke University about Queenie when he and his wife were gathering examples of the power of animal and bird instinct, and he was very much interested. But when I finally told him that according to Uncle Bob Green, Grandpa for a long time didn't recognize Queenie because she had worn off about six inches of her legs and was much lower down on the ground than formerly — when I told him that, Dr. Rhine looked at me and then �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 111 folded up his notebook. A man's house is his castle. A man's death ought to be like him. A man's man is a woman's man, but a woman's man is nobody's man. A man's self is his own enemy. Better an old man's darling than a young man's slave. mansion in the sky A dream home in the hereafter, hungered for by the soul-starved workers here below and to which all Lord-servers can go when they die. A hairy man's rich, A hairy wife's a witch. mantrap A woman's privity. A woman of sexual powers. Some authors, including St. Paul, apply the term to women generally. manufacture or manufac Plug tobacco as contrasted with the old homemade twist.' 'Uncle Tom, give me a chew of that good manufac you got in your pocket." manure Worthless talk, soft soap. many a one Many. Many a person digs his grave with his teeth. Many are called, but few are chosen. Many a true word is spoken in jest. Many hands make light work, as many as a dog has fleas as many as Carter had oats Nothing. Many happy returns of the day. An old and tiresome birthday greeting. map of Canaan The holy, sanctified and salvation look that often shows on a person's face �718 Paul Green's Wordbook when he or she has become saved from sin or, as it is so often put, saved from nature to grace. Hiteous Belch got religion in the local church down below Smithfield and he put' 'the map of Canaan'' in his face, and so he gave up the worldly practice of "hollering" in the fields at sundown or in the late afternoon when he was ploughing away. And from then on he apparently was a good and rather holy man, but as Itimus Ochiltree declared, "He weren't half as much fun to his friends as before.'' And he went on to say that he thought it was "a poor religion that makes a man a worse neighbor." marble orchard Graveyard. Marbles An everlastingly popular game among boys everywhere. We boys in the Valley played marbles usually in a ring. The ring could be almost any diameter, depending mainly on the levelness of the ground. Sometimes the ring was three feet across, sometimes four or five or even six or seven. Each player put his assortment of dinahs into the ring and then each player in succession shot at these dinahs with his taw, shooting from the ring mark. And how wonderful these taws were, and usually of glass and beautifully patterned. We often got little tobacco sacks to carry our marbles in and how many fisticuffs broke out as we quarreled over the spoils. For when we played for keeps, each player kept the dinahs that he knocked out of the ring with his shooting. And sometimes if two were knocked out, and the shooter failed to cry "dubs" before someone else cried out "venture dubs," he could only keep one dinah. How many variations on this game, and how many mothers in the Valley complained at the worn-out knees of the boys' stockings or their trousers! But it did no good, for marbles had the day. The game is not as popular as it once was, but it has shown no signs of actually dying out. marbles Money, dollars. Also testicles. If March comes in like a lamb, it will go out like a lion. And vice versa. March hare A wild, irresponsible person. Marching to Jerusalem A play-party game. It was usually played with more than six people, boys and girls. The chairs in a room were arranged in a line back to back. There was always one chair less than the number of players. The players would line up and when the music started (piano, record, organ, a solo singer or whatnot), they would march around the chairs. At the sudden stop in the music they would scramble to find seats. The one who failed to get a seat �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 719 would drop out of the game. One chair would be removed and the game go on until one of the final two marchers won. The game was especially rough on chairs. My mother would nearly always say to us, "If you children are going to play that rough game, find you the sorriest chairs I've got — some I won't mind so bad your breaking up." mare dogs Mad dogs. mare's egg A pumpkin. I remember when I was a little boy hearing a story about Pat, the Irishman who came into the Valley from the old country. Usually Pat was accompanied by his fellow companion Mike, but this story had to do only with Pat. Pat is coming along and he stops where some men are building a house and asks the way to Wilmington. The men tell him and then he sees a pumpkin out in the field on the slope near the river and he asks what that is. And one of the wags in the crowd tells him that this is a mare's egg. "A mare's egg? "says Pat. "What do you do with a mare's egg?" "Why," he says, "if you'll take that and set on it for an hour or two and get it good and warm, you'll hatch out a little colt." And Pat says, "Faith me Christ, I think I'll try it." So he went out in the field and sat down on the pumpkin to hatch it and the wag called out,' 'After you set there an hour or two, then take the mare's egg and roll it down the slope and the little colt will jump out." Of course, the wag knew the pumpkin would roll into the river and Pat would be left with the joke on him. So after about an hour Pat got up and rolled the pumpkin down the slope and it happened to hit a stump and break wide open. Now a rabbit was sitting behind the stump and the rabbit jumped up and away he went, and Pat was after him hot and heavy, calling out,' 'Wait, little colt, wait, little colt. Your pappy's after you.'' Of course, the people laughed and had their fun, and finally Pat was made acquainted with the joke and went on up the road crestfallen. mare's nest A hoax, the kind of hoax played on the above Pat. marigold One of the choicest and most popular flowers in the Valley gardens. In the old days a tincture of this highly aromatic plant had many medicinal uses. It was used for cuts and bruises, sprains and so on, and it was reported to be good even for protection against gangrene. marijuana Locoweed, crazy weed. This was first introduced as a fiber crop and escaped �720 Paul Green's Wordbook into waste places. Now it is illegal to grow it for smokers use it as an intoxicant. It goes under many folk names—joints, sticks, teasticks, weed, grass, hemp, griffo, mohasky, roaches, Mary Jane, reefers, pot, muggies, mooters, Indian hay, gigglesmoke, and so on. Heroin has its own nomenclature, such as snow, stuff and junk. mark To castrate, as mark hogs. Also to cut a notch or ownership sign in the ears of a hog or in cattle, for in the old days the stock ran wild in the woods. easy mark A mush head, a sentimental person. toe the mark To measure up to, to fulfill all expectations, to behave as demanded or expected. To market, to market To buy a fat hog. Home again, home again, Jiggety jog. To market, to market To buy a fat pig. Home again, home again, Jiggety jig. (Nursery rhyme.) Old Market House A famous old city center in Fayetteville. This historic landmark is a great obstruction to traffic, and many a motorist in a hurry has cursed it as he had to slow up and poke traffic-bound around it, but the historically minded people of Fayetteville are determined to keep it no matter how the lava flow of traffic pushes. Marley Bright (Molly Bright) A children's chase game. Players are divided into two groups, and they arrange themselves on their base in two lines, say, about forty or fifty yards apart. One player,' 'the witch,'' takes his or her position to one side, halfway between the base lines. The leader on one side calls to the leader on the other, "How many miles to Marley Bright?" The other answers, "Three score and ten.'' The next question is "Can I get there by candlelight? " The other player calls back, "Yes, if your legs are long and light and the old witch don't catch you." Both lines then start scattering and running, each trying to reach the other's base. A player caught by the "witch" becomes the witch, and the former joins one of the lines. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 721 This game is supposed to go back to medieval times. marm Ma'am. One common usage was in referring to a schoolmarm. To have good luck in marriage the bride should wear — Something old, something new, Something borrowed and something blue. Before marriage keep both eyes open; after marriage shut one. Marriages and hangings go by destiny. Marriages are made in heaven. More's married now than's doing well. Not married till bedded. He that marries a widow with two daughters has three back doors to his house. marrow bones Deep inside one. "I could feel that fear right to my marrow bones." Marry in haste and repent at leisure. Marry for money, and you'll be sorry you married at all. Marry in black, you'll wish yourself back, Marry in red, you'll wish yourself dead, Marry in yellow, you'll be 'shamed of your fellow, Marry in green, you'll be 'shamed to be seen, Marry in brown, you'll live out of town, Marry in gray, you'll live far away, Marry in white you have chosen just right, Marry in blue, you'll find that will do. (A proverb rhyme.) marry up Marry. marsh pink A lovely little flower common to bogs and moist soil. This herb is a good tonic and is said to have been used in the old days as a substitute for quinine. martin A grayish black brave little bird that is noted for his tenacity in attacking crows, hawks or any large bird and driving them away from the farmhouse. The martin is pretty much disappearing in the Valley. Last Sunday I was out driving and I saw one fly across the road. This was the first martin I �722 Paul Green's Wordbook had seen in years. can't do nothing till Martin comes This is a proverbial saying in the Valley, and as a little boy I was told how it got started. You'll often hear around a sawmill or any job where men are lolling about waiting for the boss-man to come or waiting for supplies — hear someone say, "Can't do nothing till Martin comes." The old story ran as follows. Massa Landlord bet one of his slaves five dollars that he wouldn't dare stay in an old empty cabin down by the river which was supposed to be ha'nted. This Negro was a preacher and sort of a holy fellow and said he was not skeered of anything above the earth, on the earth, or below the earth. He said he would take up his master on the bet and win this five dollars. So one night the reverend got his Bible and went to spend the night in the haunted cabin. He built himself a fire and took out his Bible and sat there reading it. While he was reading he heard a little wind blowing in the trees outside. He listened an instant and then went on with his reading.' Tor verily sayeth the Lord — " At this moment the old door creaked on its hinges, opening a bit, and in came a great black cat. The preacher looked at the cat and said nothing. The cat went over to the fireplace, stuck his head in, got a mouthful of coals, chewed them a bit and spat out the sparks, and then went over to the side of the hearth and sat down and looked at the preacher in silence. The preacher began reading away again. Presently the door squeaked once more and in came another cat, much bigger than the first, big as a dog. This cat likewise went over to the fireplace, stuck his head in, got a great mouthful of red-hot coals, chewed them and spat out the sparks, swallowed the coals and went over and sat down by the first cat. The preacher began to shake and shiver but he went on reading his Bible. "Verily in my father's house are many mansions. If it were not so, I would have told you.'' The old door squeaked again and in came a third great black cat, this time he was as big as a small calf. He went over, stuck his head in the fireplace, got a great mouthful of red-hot coals, chewed them, spat out the sparks, swallowed the coals and then took his place by the other two cats. The first cat says to the second cat, "We can't do nothing." The second cat looked at the third cat and said,' 'No, we can't do nothing yet,'' and then the third great cat let out in a great big bass voice, "Can't do nothing till Martin comes.'' The preacher slammed his Bible into his pocket and said, "Well, you gentlemen tell Martin when he comes that I done been called away," and with that he plunged through the open window carrying the sash with him and disappeared into the night. The story never told any further as to what Martin looked like or whether he arrived. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 723 martin-gourd We used to see on every farm a tall pole with cross arms from which gourds were hanging, with an opening cut in each gourd. These were called martingourds and the martins used to build nests in them and so help keep watch over the house, driving hawks away especially so that the farmers' chickens could thrive in peace. Mary had a little lamb, Its fleece was white as snow, And everywhere that Mary went The lamb was sure to go. It followed her to school one day, Which was against the rule. It made the children laugh and play To see a lamb at school. (Popular nursery rhyme.) Mary, Mary, quite contrary, How does your garden grow? With silver bells and cockle shells And pretty girls all in a row. (Nursery rhyme.) mash Push, press. "Mash the doorbell, please." Marsh. mashing Dandified or sentimental flirtation. mash-tub A tub in which the mash for making liquor was fermented. Mason's first pin Safety pin. Massacre ofPiney Bottom One of those wasteful and human-inhumane acts of wartime. The story of Piney Bottom still lives among the old folks in the Valley. My friend and Valley historian Malcolm Fowler put it thus in his book They Passed This Way: "When Cornwallis moved through upper South Carolina and into North Carolina on his way to Guilford County Courthouse, many patriots in his path fled with their families to refuge with friends on the Neuse River. Among them were Capt. Gulp of South Carolina and Col. Wadeof Anson. "After the British had left Wilmington for Yorktown and Greene had �724 Paul Green's Wordbook marched back to South Carolina, Gulp and Wade started back home with their families and several friends. "They crossed the Cape Fear at Sprowl's Ferry (McNeill's) and camped for the night on Anderson Creek. During the night one of their party stole a piece of cloth from an orphan girl named Marion McDaniel. It was just a coarse piece of cloth but to the girl it meant a dress to wear to the kirk at Barbecue. "This theft was the spark that touched off the powder keg. John McNeill, another of Archie's and Jennie Bahn's (sic) sons, seems to have been the principal leader. For it was he who dispatched messengers to the various Tory hangouts during the day following the theft of the cloth. But McNeill found it convenient to spend the afternoon at Col. Folsome's, leaving there just at sundown. "From Folsome's to Piney Bottom was a matter of over forty miles. But John McNeill was riding with Col. McDougald when they struck the Whig encampment at three o'clock in the morning. Several of Gulp's party were killed, including a young boy whose head was slit open by one of the attackers. Culp, Wade and several more escaped and rode for help while the Tories plundered the wagons before setting them afire and leaving. "Culp and Wade returned to Cumberland County with 100 men and began a program of senseless bloodshed without parallel in the Valley. Not even Fanning could match them in brutality. "It is interesting to speculate what would have happened had Fanning been available at this time. But he was in the Deep River country recovering from wounds received in the Cane Creek Battle. "Before they satisfied their lust for blood, Culp and Wade had murdered at least eight men, besides robbing many more and burning a number of homes. Oddly enough, Culp and Wade stayed out of Harnett during this raid of revenge, confining their operations to what is now Moore and Hoke territory. Maybe they were hesitant to tackle the Tory big wheels. "Right after this raid, Culp himself was murdered. "After the war, Colonel Wade had John McNeill tried for his life for his part in the affair at Piney Bottom. However, McNeill put Colonel Folsome on the stand and proved he was at Folsome's home until sundown. "The jury promptly returned a not guilty verdict. It was impossible, they said, for a man to ride from Folsome's to Piney Bottom in the time stated. From then on McNeill was called 'Cunning John.' "But John McNeill did make that ride. He practically had lived in a saddle all his life. Arch McDougald and John's brother Daniel knew he made it; they were at Piney Bottom with him. But they were in Nova Scotia when John was tried. McDougald returned in later years. He is buried at Cameron's Hill, near the present village of Spout Springs. "Marion McDaniel knew McNeill made the ride, but she wasn't called �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 725 as a witness. McNeill returned her piece of stolen cloth the day following the Piney Bottom incident. Now she could have her dress. It should have been a thing of wonder too. Fifteen men died on account of it!" "Massa's in de Cold, Cold Ground" Another of Stephen Foster's heart-touching darkey songs. It used to be a favorite with our barbershop quartet, as it was and still is everywhere. Many would-be authorities have claimed that this song was written as a memorial to the composer's dead father. This is wrong. The song was written in 1852. William Foster died in 1855. It seems obvious that Foster had in mind an imaginary and benign "Old Massa," and accordingly it would naturally follow that the massa's slaves grieved after him. "Round de meadows am a-ringing De darkeys' mournful song While de mockingbird am singing Happy as de day am long. Where de ivy am a-creeping • On de grassy mound. Dere old massa am a-sleeping Sleeping in de cold, cold ground." Chorus: "Down in de cornfield Hear dat mournful sound. All de darkeys am a-weeping. Massa's in de cold, cold ground." massy Mercy. "Lord-a-massy child, what are you doing with that snake in your hand?" mast The seeds of pine or beech and other trees. Like master, like man. Every man is master in his own house. An early master makes a long servant. A falling master makes a standing man. He who is master of himself will master others. We cannot all be masters. No man can serve two masters. �726 Paul Green's Wordbook match A well-suited pair, bride and groom, or two horses or two mules. Don't blow out the match before you've lighted the candle. Lighting three cigarettes on one match is unlucky. matching pennies See "crack a loo." 'maters Tomatoes. matrimony vine The climbing nightshade. matter Discharge showing in the corner of the eye, also pus in a sore. "There's a lot of matter in that bone felon that ought to be cleaned out." Wrong, unfitting. "Something's the matter with the doorbell, it won't ring." more matter with less art Matthew, Mark, Luke and John, Bless the bed that I lie on — Four corners to my bed, Four angels 'round my head, One at my head and one at my feet To guard my soul while I'm asleep. (A prayer rhyme.) Matthew, Mark, Luke and John, God bless this bed that I lie on. If anything appear to me, Sweet Christ, arise and comfort me. (A child's prayer rhyme.) Matthew, Mark, Luke and John, Saddle the cat and I'll be gone. (A smarty rhyme.) mattress-jig Lovemaking in bed. maul A homemade wooden farm implement which was used in the old days to hammer the steel wedges and gluts (q.v.) for splitting timbers and rails. These mauls usually were made from dogwood trees. A proper tree about six to �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 727 ten inches in diameter at the root would be chosen and dug up. The rooty end of the tree would be the maul head, to be rounded and shaped like a cylinder. Then some ten or twelve inches up the trunk of the tree an incision would be made. This would be girdled and this part of the tree chopped away until a rounded handle would be left. The handle would be three to four feet long, and with this heavy huge wooden hammer a man could really maul a day's work. I heard of one powerful Negro in the Valley who it was said could maul, or split, a thousand rails a day. Clinton McNeill, another hard-working Negro who could put up a brick chimney in a day, told me that he once mauled 1500 rails in one day. may apple A big-leaved, low-growing plant common in the Valley. It has an evilsmelling white bloom which produces one "apple" about the size of a large bullace or musket ball. Sometimes the plant was called wild lemon, or mandrake. It was used as a cathartic and also for numerous diseases like most every plant in the Valley. maypop The passion flower. It bears a so ft pulpy fruit about the size of an egg. When it is well-ripened and yellow, the pulpy watery insides are sweet to the taste and good for eating as we children proved with many a tight bellyful. It has a big flat purple bloom, and in the center is the "Trinity" and around that "the Twelve Apostles." Go out into the fields in May or June and see for yourself in studying the bloom. Hence, its name. The juice squeezed from the leaves and dried made a good medicine for croup and children's pains. A poultice made of warm leaves was also good for neuralgia and the toothache. maypop war We boys used to have great fun especially on Sundays when we'd slip away from the old folks and go far down in the corn fields where the maypops, after the crops were laid by, were growing all over the ground with their oblong pods of fruit. We would gather these maypops and organize ourselves in opposing parties and go to it, throwing these at one another. As a boy I visited some friends up near Kipling, and these boys made fun of us who played war with maypops. They played war with rocks. I got in the war with them and the first thing I knew a big rock had laid me out pretty cold when it hit me on the side of the head. From then on my admiration for the Kipling boys was unbounded. mazuma Money. �728 Paul Green's Wordbook Reverend Hugh Me Aden An early Presbyterian minister who came down from Pennsylvania into the Valley in 1755, seeking souls to save. And from records of the times there were plenty living in a lost condition and in need of salvation. He kept a journal of his travels and preaching, and many of his entries attest to that fact. For instance, on January 29, 1756, he wrote — "Preached to a small congregation, mostly Highlanders, at Alexander McKay's up the Yadkin Road, who were much obliged to me for coming and highly pleased with my discourse. Though, alas, I am afraid it was all but feigned and hypocritical, for they stayed around the house all night drinking and carousing." McAden has been called the father of Presbyterianism in North Carolina. Colonel Alexander McAllister One of the earliest Scotch pioneers in the Valley. He came over in 1729 to spy out the country and a few years later he led a large group of his countrymen to this "the promised land" or, as he put it, "the best poor man's country on earth." When the Revolutionary War came on, he took the Patriot side against a majority of his neighbors and kinsmen. Appointed lieutenant colonel in the Cumberland militia by the State Congress (legislature), he was active in rallying people to his cause. He is buried in Old Bluff churchyard, and I claim him as a forebear. In fact I was inducted into the SAR along with Frank Graham, by way of him. A massive chunk of granite was set in the Bluff Churchyard several years ago to honor Colonel McAllister. Its attached bronze plate says that he "was buried near this spot" and then lists him as follows — "Colonel of Cumberland County Militia, Justice of the Peace of Cumberland County, member of the N.C. Provincial Congress, member of the N.C. Committee of Public Safety, Elder of Bluff Presbyterian Church." Archibald McBride An early 19th century educator whose collected papers have served as a source for much of the early history of the Cape Fear Valley, notably the work of Caruthers. Steve McDaniel He was supposed to be the laziest man that ever lived in our neighborhood, or any neighborhood for that matter, even lazier than the trifling Negro Big John (q.v.). One day Mr. Mac and I were poking around in the old Tirzah Churchyard looking at tombstones and their various epitaphs and copying one or two now and then. We came to a little squat field stone with the name Steve McDaniel on it. We stopped as Mr. Mac stared down at it. "Steve died when I was a boy," he said,' 'but I remember him all right. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 729 He was the talk of the neighborhood because of his triflingness and the way he stayed in bed all the time, claiming he was too sick to be up and about, though, as I say, most of the people really believed he was shamming. I mean they sort of believed it, for all the time the better-hearted women in the neighborhood like Miss Gallic Senter toted food to him. Zack Broadhuss, a powerful fun-loving strong man, decided he'd test old Steve. He hid behind his house one winter night, set an armful of hay afire and hollered 'Fire, fire! the house is a-burning!' Steve came tearing out into the cold air in his nightgown and run off down in the orchard. The ground was hard frozen, and by the time he'd caught on to the false alarm and the fact he'd been tricked and got back into the house, his feet were half frostbit. He hopped right back into bed. And this time he was struck with the palsy worse than ever. A lot of folks thought he was pretending like before. But he wasn't. In a week he was dead, and my daddy and the neighbors brung him here in a pine coffin box and buried him. Yes, that's right." McGregor A prideful Scotch Valley name. There's an old saying, "where McGregor sits is the head of the table." One "Neck" McGregor used to quote this old saying to me as having special reference not only to his family and forebears but to him himself. Mr. Mac said he knew Neck a long while before he died. He got his nickname from Civil War times, said Mr. Mac. "One day in 1865 Sherman's Yankee bummers rushed up to his farm on Rockfish Creek and captured him. He wouldn't tell where his horses and silverware were hid, so they hung him up by the neck the way they later did our poet Miller. Then they cut him down alive, and still he wouldn't tell. Later on some more of Sherman's bummers come by and hung him again but he wouldn't tell. Maybe he couldn't tell. Maybe he didn't have any silverware by this time for it all had gone into the southern cause, he being a mighty patriotic fellow. Finally a third gang of Yankee guerrillas came by and hung him a third time and that nigh 'bout ended him. They left him for dead, but some of the neighbors arrived in time to cut him down and revive him. From that day on though he walked with a crooked neck and with his head turned slanchindicular. So about all he got out of working for the Confederate cause was a maiming for life and the nickname "Neck." That name fitted him right on up to the end. One day on his way to MacDonald' s Mill he met a few old Confederate soldiers coming around the bend on horses. They were on their way to Fayetteville for a reunion and were carrying a Confederate flag held high and proud before them. The flag flapping in the wind and the troops coming around the curve so sudden-like scared Neck's mules, and they ran away with him, throwing him out of the wagon and on his head and killing him. This time his neck was really broken." �730 Paul Green's Wordbook Rev. John McLeod A young 18th century clergyman who preached for a while at old Barbecue Church where Flora MacDonald and her husband and others of the clan worshipped. It was his wont to preach a sermon both in Gaelic and English, for some of his congregation knew one language better than the other. When the Revolutionary War came on, the Gaelic and English groups split and on one occasion, according to what Mr. Mac told me, they fell to fighting and there was quite a bloody to-do which spilled out into the Barbecue churchyard. Young McLeod took the Tory side and he, with the MacDonalds and many of their neighbors, was driven from the Valley to find refuge in Canada or to return desolate and destitute to Scotland. Colonel A. S. McNeil! A tough and determined builder and businessman. He and his associates got caught in the canalizing fever of the early 19th century and set out to tame the Cape Fear River below the fall line. A company was formed, capital raised, Italian and Irish labor hired, and the enterprise was under way. But down below the present town of Lillington the diggers and blasters ran into a ledge of white flint rock and, strive with might and main and all the power of gunpowder as they would, they failed to break through this ridge. The company finally went bankrupt and in time Colonel McNeill died. He left instructions that a boulder of this flint rock which had been dislodged should be set as a tombstone at the head of his grave. Since he couldn't whip it in life, he would see to it that the "domned tough stuff" would honor him in death. And there he sleeps in old Tirzah churchyard on the ridge just west of Lillington with this boulder at his head. You can see it with its slowly fading inscription "Col. McNeill, died September 6, 1876." The date of his birth is not decipherable. Hector McNeill An 18th century Gaelic poet who lived in Robeson County and sang the praises of the Valley in verses sent back to his waiting kinsmen in Scotland. He has become a figure more legendary than factual so far as any extant sample of his poetry is concerned. I have searched and written here and yon to find some of his verses but so far I have not succeeded. In Scotland too I once searched but with no luck. Janet McAllister McNeill The romantic daughter of the fiery old Scotchman, Colonel Alexander McAllister. The colonel was one of the leading patriots of the Valley and as zealous in his family affairs as in those of the colony. I have one of the ancient letters in which he tells of Janet's runaway marriage, and that as long as she stayed well he hoped not to look upon her face again. He disinherited her for marrying Malcolm McNeill who, he wrote, was much �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 731 beneath him and her since he was tainted with Toryism. I have one of the piteous letters written to her father in May 1771 which because of its contemporary spelling is even more piteous. Part of it ran as follows: "Honored father — it is no longer in my power to Consele the gref of mind that I have fealt Seance I commited so ondutiful a crime as I shale Ever Call it — and that which hath aded to my greff the seeing of you twice or thre times with your Ever takeing the Lest notis of me which has allmost broke my hart. . ." I have never been able to learn whether her father ever made up their quarrel or not. Anyway she lived on with Malcolm, made him a good wife and bore him seven children. He later drifted away from her and the children, moved farther west into the sandhills country and became the first sheriff of Moore County. Janet lies buried alone in old Tirzah churchyard with a sturdy waisthigh headstone which says,' 'In memory of Janet McNeill, relict of Malcolm McNeill, who departed this life April 25th, 1832, aged 75 years." Jennie Ban McNeill A real and yet semi-legendary character in the Valley. The word ban means fair as opposed to dark or brunette. This Jennie Ban was redheaded. She and her husband Archibald, called "Scrubblin" Archie" (q.v.), accumulated great holdings of land as well as cattle. The story is handed down that Jennie Ban herself used to drive her cattle north to the market in Virginia, and once she went on to Philadelphia to buy things for the house on Little River. There at a party she met Benjamin Franklin and a friendship grew up between them. He gave her some kind of a locket which the historian Mr. Mac says he once saw as a boy, but it's been lost since then. They say she and Franklin corresponded for years, but I have never been able to find any of the correspondence. Long before she and Franklin met, Franklin's partner Hugh Meredith had sold his share of the printing business to Franklin and came down into the Valley to explore round and about. He wrote a piece in praise of the land which was published in a little book, An Account of the Cape Fear Valley, which is in the University Library at Chapel Hill. According to tradition, Jennie Ban was a wily woman in more ways than land trade. Tradition tells that in the Revolution she bet on both sides, and three of her sons became Tories and three Whigs. One of them, the Tory John McNeill, helped massacre Colonel Wade's band of Whigs. (See "Massacre of Piney Bottom.") One of her sons was the same Malcolm who despite rumors of Toryism fought on the side of the Whigs and married Colonel Alexander McAllister's daughter Janet (q.v.). Jennie Ban lies buried there in the old family graveyard near Little River. I was there recently with a group of local historians, and Malcolm Fowler gave one of his interesting talks about the McNeill family and about the mansize obelisk marking the �732 Paul Green's Wordbook grave. "This tombstone is only the top part of the monument," said Malcolm. "The total monument was brought up from Wilmington on a flatboat and during the unloading the heavy base of it fell into the river. Folks couldn't get it out and so brought on to the graveyard here only the top part.'' Someone in the group asked if the base was still in the Cape Fear River. "No," said Malcolm, "some years ago they got it out with a crane, cut it up and the pieces of it were used in the bank building there in Fayetteville. I don't remember the name of the bank, but anyone who wants to can find out and can go and see it." So he said. Cunning John McNeil! Son of Jennie Ban and "Scrubblin' Archie." See "Massacre of Piney Bottom." John Charles McNeil! The beloved of Valley poets. When I was a high school student, I fell in love with his poetry, learned reams of it by heart and wrote literally thousands of verses under his spell. I used to plough in the fields reciting him joyously furrow after furrow under the hanging-down, suffocating, relentless sky. How beautiful to me were such stanzas as these from his poem' 'October'' : "The thought of old, dear things is in thine eyes, O, month of memories! Musing on days thine heart hath sorrow of, Old joy, dead hope, dear love, "I see thee stand where all thy sisters meet To cast down at thy feet The garnered largess of the fruitful year, And on thy cheek a tear. "Thy glory flames in every blade and leaf To blind the eyes of grief; Thy vineyards and thine orchards bend with fruit That sorrow may be mute." And so for eight more stanzas — pouring out his feeling about this lovely fecund month, and all under the spell of Keats' "Ode to Autumn," and with a great weakening of beauty, just as my poor verses were a weakening of his, McNeiU's. Recently we local historians held a meeting of honor at McNeill's grave there by the road near Laurinburg. I was surprised and pleased to see how many of the historians could recite long stretches of poetry from McNeill's two books, his Songs Merry and Sad, and Lyrics From Cotton Land. In 1977, Richard Walser, a beloved teacher of English at North Carolina State University and indefatigable anthologist, published a third collection �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 733 of McNeill's poetry — Possums and Persimmons, — chosen from the "Charlotte Observer" files, "Wake Forest Student" and "Century Magazine." PhilMcNeill A valley hermit. When William Jennings Bryan was running for president, Phil vowed an oath he would never cut his beard or shave until Bryan was elected. Year after year went by and Phil's beard grew longer and longer as Bryan kept being defeated. Phil was a sensitive fellow, and his long beard began to embarrass him and he appeared less and less in public. (This was long before the present age of hairy heads and faces, of sloppy shoes and patched jeans.) Finally he moved far out in the sand barrens in western Harnett County and put up as a hermit in a little shack, eking some sort of a poor living out of a sandy hillside. I visited him in his old age. The side road leading to his shack had grown up in blackjack, sassafras and dogwood bushes, and I had to park my Ford and get on through the briars and thickets as best I could. Phil met me in front of his shack — blear-eyed and incredibly dirty. We sat down under an oak tree and he began reciting Burns' poetry. "John Barley Corn is dead,'' he sang up toward the branches of the sheltering oak. Later he showed me his sleeping place — a pallet on the floor of a little log smokehouse. His dwelling — a somewhat better building — was locked up. He had for a pillow in the smokehouse a single piece of oak log with an old coat thrown over it. The pallet was placed in front of the fireplace, and the fireplace was open to the weather at the back, for the stick-and-dirt chimney had fallen down. "I don't sleep in that there house," he said pointing to the dwelling off a few yards. "The ha'nts run about so that I can't sleep, so a year or two ago I moved out here in the cookhouse." "What sort of ha'nts, Mr. McNeill?" ' 'Oh, I don't know—just ha'nts. At night you could hear 'em running just like big rats. I couldn't stand it. So I come out here." "You sleep pretty well here?" and I gestured. "No, I don't sleep much a-tall. Old Anarchy bothers me so." "Anarchy?" " Yeh, between old Anarchy and the ha'nts I have been having a tough time. Let me show you.'' He stood suddenly up and dropped his dirty trousers down and there was his hip all raw and festered — a terrible sight. "Good gracious, Mr. Phil, how in the world did that happen?" I cried. "Like I told you," he said looking down at the spectacle coldly and peeringly, "Anarchy." And he went on. "About a week ago while I was lying asleep — I usually keep a little bit of fire going in the fireplace to keep me warm — old Anarchy crept up outside the house, reached in and put a handful of fiery punk inside my britches. When I woke up I was all afire �734 Paul Green's Wordbook and the side of my hip was burnt clean off." "I'm going to get you to a doctor," I declared. "Nuh-uh, you ain't either," he answered stoutly, and he jerked his trousers up, buttoned their one front button, and hooked his old greasy belt tight again. Then staring off he broke into another recitation. — " 'My luve is like a red red rose so early sprung in June.' "I got to go back to chopping my corn," he said abruptly and turned. He limped swiftly away picking up an old worn-out hoe lying on a log as he went. I stood looking after him. "My corn needs chopping bad," he called back, and on he went into a scattering of little pine trees and there began to chop. I noticed some feeble little stalks of corn here and there which he had planted among the pines. I turned away and mournful were my thoughts as I walked back to my Ford. No one knows in this world what may happen to his mind, I thought to myself. Let me pray mercy of the mute air and the turning earth and the reaching universe that I may escape such a fate — and that mercy might still come to Phil McNeill. But mercy did not come. During the winter a heavy snow fell in the sand barrens and the county dirt roads were shut off for a week or two. I kept thinking about the hermit of Harnett and when the snow melted I went off to inquire. Phil McNeill was already dead. A distant neighbor seeing buzzards roosting on top of his house, cold as it was, had gone to inquire and found him lying stiff and stark in his cookhouse with his head on his wooden log. Old Anarchy would bother him no more. Red McNeill He was called Red Giant McNeill and lived at the now perished town of Averasboro. Many tales have been handed down about this Scotsman. According to my friend John A. Gates, the learned Fayetteville historian, Red McNeill along with hundreds and thousands of other Scotsmen had migrated to the Valley. Red settled near what is now Smiley's Falls. Scarlet fever broke out among the Scotsmen, a fever they were unacquainted with, and Red McNeill was laid low by it. His friend Archie Buie — a family name for which Buie's Creek is named — made him a coffin out of a huge gum log and lid-fastened with wooden pegs. According to Gates, Reverend James Campbell (q.v.) went to see the dying man. "The old Scotchman said to him 'Ye are welcome as a friend, dominie, but I want none o'yer paulin' prayers or yer religious cantin'. I ha'e ne'er called on Him when I was strong and I'll be dom'd if I go whimperin' like a coward to Him now!' The preacher offered a prayer in Gaelic and went away. Little Archie," says Gates, "had promised to take the body of Red McNeill across the river and bury it but the waters were too high. They dug a grave on the east bank, and tradition tells us that little Archie Buie played with his bagpipe McNeill's Lament: �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 735 " 'Here lie I, Red McNeill; Have mercy on my soul, Lord God, As I would do were I Lord God An ye were Red McNeill.' " Later another great freshet overflowed the river and washed up Red's gum coffin and all out of the grave. Only the gum coffin was ever found and it along with Red's giant bones has been forgot. Scrubblin' Archie McNeill Husband of Jennie Ban. According to Wright's Dialect Dictionary, scrubblin' means dirty, low, inferior, hardworking. Which of these adjectives fitted Archie, I don't know. Malcolm Fowler says he thinks it refers to Archie's small size. I haven't been able to find out but, anyway, all of our local historians agree that Archie was tied to a most remarkable woman, even something of a hellcat, in his redheaded partner Jennie. He lies by Jennie's side, quiet and subdued as in life, there in the thicket overgrown McNeill cemetery on Little River. meadow beauty A charming little flower, as beautiful as its name, much like a scarlet evening primrose if there were such a thing. The leaves have a sweetish acid taste and are tasty to deer. Therefore, sometimes this meadow beauty is called deer grass although it is not a grass at all. meadow muffins Cow pies, cow dung. meadow parsnip This plant grows in the upland woods as well as along the river flood plains. It is mainly found in the Piedmont and the mountains but there is enough of it in the Valley to make itself noticed. A tincture of this plant used to be used as a nerve irritant and also in the treatment of syphilis. Tea drunk from it makes a person sweat profusely. meadow rue This plant is of the crowfoot family and has a graceful drooping foliage and small white flowers which appear in April or May. The roots of the plant have been used as a purgative and also for sciatica and snakebites. It is supposed to be poisonous to stock for it contains an alkaloid. meal bag Food. "Come on you folks, put on the meal bag." meal barrel The source of supply, the welfare board. �736 Paul Green's Wordbook Taking out of the meal barrel and never putting in is the way to the poorhouse. Scraping in the bottom of the meal barrel makes mighty poor music. meal ticket A wage earner, one who pays the bill. "He's my meal ticket and so I treat him like sweet papa." mean as all get out mean as a snake mean as he (she, it) can be mean as Old Scratch mean as pizen (poison) mean as Satan mean as the devil mean as they make 'em Me and my wife and a bobtailed dog Crossed the river on a hickory log. The log did break and she fell in. So I lost my wife and bottle of gin. (A recitation rhyme.) measly Cheap, small, no good. "A few measly bushels of corn he had — no more." If you measure a baby for his size, A coffin soon will cover his eyes. (A proverb rhyme.) measuring worm A small caterpillar which, if found crawling on a person's clothes, shows that he, the worm, is measuring the person for a coffin or a shroud. One day when someone pointed in alarm to a measuring worm crawling on Lily Wilder's dress, Lily gave her wild laugh and said, "It's bad luck to kill him and I can tell you he ain't measuring me for a coffin, he's measuring me for a new dress." But maybe the worm really was at his funereal business, for a year later light-hearted Lily died of typhoid fever. One man's meat is another man's poison. meat auger A nonexistent tool, an April fool item. "Bud, run across to Mr. Tysinger's �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 737 and borrow his meat auger for me. I need it bad to bore my hams." medicine Penalty, punishment. "Well, the only thing that a defeated politician can do is to take his medicine." There is no medicine against death. me either (me neither) A self-inclusive phrase of agreement. "I don't like that fellow and never have." "Me either." meek as a lamb meek as a mouse meek as Moses Meet the King and Queen A practical joke game. We used to have a lot of fun playing this in the parlors on Sunday evenings. Some person who didn't know the game would be the gull. Three chairs would be set in a row, two facing outward and the other one facing backward. These would be covered with a sheet or blanket and the king and the queen would sit side by side on the two chairs facing forward with the blanket stretched between them. The leader would go to the door and ask the gull if he wanted to meet the king and queen. The answer was always yes. He was led before the king and queen, who in unison would repeat his name and say, "We are glad to meet you." The recipient of the joke would then be asked to sit down between them. He would turn and take his place and as he sat down, they would rise and down he would go, usually into a pan or tub of water hidden under the blanket. Then squeals of laughter and hopping up and down with joy. Sometimes the recipient of this joke got mad indeed and it would be difficult to make peace. meet up with To meet by chance, unexpectedly, to fall in with. mell of a Hess A hell of a mess. mellow To beat, to pummel. "Just mess with me, Bo, and I'll mellow your head." mellow bug A water bug which has a strong scent when crushed. melt The spleen, often pronounced "milt." �738 Paul Green's Wordbook He looked so holy that butter wouldn't melt in his mouth. member The penis. me, myself and I A jocular phrase for emphasis. Men are old as they feel and women as they look. Men are sorry witnesses in their own cause. Fat men are jolly. Old men are twice children. One-legged men better dance away from the fire. All men can't be masters. Wise men learn by other men's mistakes. When all men speak, no one hears. Mend your manners and your manners will mend you. Truly mending saves much spending. mend one's fences To look after one's neglected business, to make political hay, reconciliation of a quarrel. don't mention it A cursory polite phrase, as don't bother, never mind, thank you just the same, and so on. meracle Miracle. merchants of death Munition makers and sellers. mercury The old cure for syphilis. I've seen more than one man at church or at court or at picnic gatherings all stumbling and shaking and one arm half-dangling because of this terrible disease. Mercury was supposed to be very effective for a normal case of the disease but when the nervous system was affected, the case was pretty much hopeless. The following crack is cynical enough and of little comfort. " One night with Venus and three years with mercury.'' �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 739 mergms See "murgins." mermaid point A point of land below the old perished town of Haywood where the Deep River meets the Haw River. It is said that in the days long gone mermaids, tired of the Atlantic, would swim up the Cape Fear River and battle their way through Smiley's Falls above Erwin. According to Mr. John A. Gates, the Fayetteville historian, they would finally get over the Great Falls at Buckhorn and relax on the white sands of the point. Malcolm Fowler, another Valley historian, says he thinks the story got started because of some huge garfish that used to leap and bounce in the water, and people halfseeing them created the story. as merry as a cricket as merry as birds merrygold Marigold. merry legs A harlotry girl. merry widow Condom, birth control rubber. mess A harum-scarum person, jocularly used.' 'Ain't that Jenny Jones a mess!'' Enough for the meal. "He got a mess of turnips for dinner." mess about (around) To fool away time, to loaf. Messiah The Savior of the world. According to the Jews, the world still awaits his coming. The Christians believe he has already come and been crucified for their sins. Methodists The religious sect that has the true method, or claims it has, for man's happy dwelling on this earth and his soul's salvation in the hereafter. Next to the Holy Roller and Jehovah's Witnesses, it is perhaps our most emotional church. Its revivals or protracted meetings, as they are often called, are well known for the amount of shouting that takes place. The shouters are usually women. At old Pleasant Plains near Buie's Creek, I as a boy saw and heard a lot of shouting women moving up and down the aisles clapping their hands �740 Paul Green's Wordbook and now and then mingling shrieks with their shouts. And all the while their faces were ecstatically lighted up, and the "map of Canaan" was shining there. Methuselah The famous character in the Bible who was supposed to have lived 969 years. Methuselah has been a very vivid personality in Negro folklore, especially in Negro spirituals. middling Sidemeat, bacon. The middle part of the hog between the ham and the shoulder. Mediocre, fairly well, pretty good. "How're you feeling?" "Just middling, just middling." or "fair to middling." middy blouse A young girl's blouse fashionable back in the teens and twenties but now pretty much forgotten. Might is not right. Might makes right. •with might and main With all one's strength. might can do May be able to, same as may can do. might could Perhaps could. might nigh (mighty nigh) Almost, nearto. "When Mary Lou married that other fellow, John'sheart was might nigh broke." mighty Very, much. "Not so mighty long ago." "He's a mighty sick man." mighty much man Of great strength. migration to Texas Before the Civil War and even after the Civil War there was a great movement of people out of the Valley toward Texas, especially a movement of young wildish fellows. If a youth got a girl in trouble or if he got into a cutting scrape, or even committed murder, he was up and off to Texas where he was always pretty much safe from the following and reaching arm of the law. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 741 And whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile, go with him twain. milk To quiz, to question extensively. Don't cry over spilt milk. give down one's milk To pay a debt. Milking a cow on the ground (without a bucket) will cause her to go dry. milk purslane A curse in many a garden. This much-branched radiating annual is as prolific as crabgrass and as common in all of the dry and sandy soils of the Valley. It has many names such as spotted eyebright, spotted spurge, spotted pusley, and according to a book I read, like many other plants, it is good for nearly everything under the sun medicinally — being "emetic, expectorant, cathartic, diaphoretic, astringent, rubefacient, blistering, stimulant and is used in dropsy and as a powerful external stimulant.'' The Indians used this plant as a purgative. milk stage That condition of corn just before its maturing. The Indians especially liked corn in this stage. milk-suck Young, immature. "He was in the milk-suck age." milkweed There are numerous kinds of milkweed in the Valley and all are noted for their juicy milky stalks and for their feathery seeds that blow easily in the wind. We children used to have more fun taking the blossoms and running in front of each other and blowing the downy stuff into one another's faces. go through the mill To have a tough experience, to be treated to a rough course of sprouts. miller's turn To have one's turn in being served. From the old custom of grinding grain for the farmers in order of their arrival. Same as first come, first served. millet A farm grain. There are about a dozen kinds. When my father and the rest of us got so tired of pulling fodder, the newly advertised millet seed was adopted with the hope that some of the hard labor of fodder pulling would be got rid of. For a while we tried it but with the difficulty of harvesting we decided to go back to fodder pulling. Fodder pulling now has passed �742 Paul Green's Wordbook out entirely and hay, small grain and other substitute feeds have taken the place of the sweaty worked-out earlier feed. Here and there millet growing has reappeared and now that cattle are becoming profitable in the Valley, more and more corn silos are being built. million Melon. The mills of God grind slowly, yet they grind exceedingly small. A good millstone grinds; a poor one is ground. A man with a passel of children has got a millstone about his neck. It is better for him that a millstone were hanged about his neck and he were cast into the sea. mimick and momick To make a mess of things.' 'That new hired girl just mimicks and momicks.'' mince To split hairs, to be overly particular. "Quit mincing matters and come on with the truth." mind To intend. "I mind to get me a new Chevrolet as soon as I sell my tobacco crop." To obey. "You children mind your mammy." Mind your own business. Be ye all of one mind. I'm a good mind to Inclined to take action or plan to. mindful Careful, obedient. Never mind! A command in the negative. mind out Be careful, watchful, take care. "Mind out or you'll cut yourself with that razor." He who minds his own business has no time to mind other folks'. The minds of great men run in the same channel. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 743 mind the store To be in charge, tend to business.' 'The old Jew was dying, and his relatives were gathered around. Suddenly he cried out, 'Who's minding the store?' '' What's mine is yours and what's yours is mine. minner mind To have a mind to. My Uncle Tom Green used to use this phrase all the time. Once I heard him say after he had failed to get a lazy tenant woman out of bed, "I minner mind to go down there and whup that old huzzy." miniskirt The recent abbreviated garment that in some cases looks like only a widened belt. This reminds me of an old rhyme which was popular in the flapper days. " 'If the dresses get any shorter,' Said the flapper with a sob, 'There'll be two more cheeks to powder And a lot more hair to bob.' " minny ball Atypeof conical rifle bullet invented by CaptainC.E. Minie, aFrenchman, and much used in the Civil War. As a boy listening to old veterans tell of their Civil War doings, I always heard much mention of minny balls. My Uncle Dan Green was hit by six minny balls, so 'twas said, in the battle of MalvernHill, yet lived. See "KuKluxKlan" and "immaculateconception." mint There are quite a number of mints that grow in the Valley. The most common one of course is the garden mint which is used widely in iced tea and especially in the flavoring of mint juleps. mint of money A lot of money. "I hear tell Henry Spears has got a mint of money." in a pair of minutes Immediately, at once. mirate To wonder, to stand in amazement before. miration Amazement. mirror There are many old sayings connected with the mirror and of course many superstitions. For instance, breaking a mirror foretells seven years bad luck. �744 Paul Green's Wordbook Hold the mirror up to nature. The end of mirth is heaviness. the mischief! A mild interjection. mischeevous Mischievous, wild, proguing, untamed. "My cow is mischeevous as she can be — all the time breaking into the corn field." misery A pain or ache, especially rheumatic pains or arthritis. "I can't hardly travel, son, I got the misery in my back so bad." Misery loves company. Misery makes us acquainted with strange bedfellows. misfortune A bastard birth. "Did you hear about Mis' Mollie Betts — she's had a misfortune. A little woods colt was born on her last night." Better be wise by the misfortunes of others than by your own. Misfortunes never come singly. mishap To make a mess in one's trousers. Also a loss of virginity or a miscarriage. mish-mash A messy mixture, sloppy stuff. mislick A misdirected blow. mismeant A mistake, an error in judgment. misremember Fail to remember. A miss is as good as a mile. missing link An extremely ugly person. miss one's guess To be mistaken, to be off in judgment.' 'That man's going broke or I miss my guess." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 745 Missouri The home of skeptics, of doubting Thomases. "I'm from Missouri, you'll have to show me." miss the boat (bus, train) To lose out, to fail an opportunity. Mist in May and heat in June Makes the harvest come right soon. (A weather proverb.) mistletoe A romantic parasitic plant that grows mainly on oak trees. It is especially popular at Christmas time and young people, even old ones, hang up sprays of mistletoe about the house. When a person happens to be under one of these sprays, another person has the privilege of kissing him or her. The leaves of the mistletoe have been chewed to relieve toothache, and it is said that more than one person has died from eating the berries. I have never known of a case myself. Some of the old people used to put the leaves between the children's toes to cure ground itch. "The Mistletoe Bough" A heart-touching ballad. Along with the piteous "In the Baggage Coach Ahead" and "The Fatal Wedding,'' my mother introduced us children to this song-story. I recently came across its words and music in Vance Randolph's Organ Folksongs. "The mistletoe hung in the castle hall, The holly branch shone on the old oak wall. The baron's retainers were blithe and gay, Keeping the Christmas holiday. The baron beheld with a father's pride While she with her bright eyes seemed to be The star of that goodly company. Oh, the mistletoe bough! " 'I'm weary of dancing now,' she cried, 'Here tarry a moment, I'll hide, I'll hide, And, Lovell, be sure thou are the first to trace The clue to my secret lurking place.' Away she ran and her friends began Each tower to search and each nook to scan, And young Lovell cried, 'Oh where dost thou hide? I'm lonesome without thee, my own dear bride.' Oh, the mistletoe bough! �746 Paul Green's Wordbook "They sought her that night, they sought her next day, They sought her in vain when a week passed away. In the highest, the lowest, the loneliest spot Young Lovell sought wildly, but found her not. And years flew by, and their grief at last Was told as a sorrowful tale long past, And when Lovell appeared the children cried, 'See the old man weeps for his fairy bride.' Oh, the mistletoe bough! "At length an oak chest that had long laid hid Was found in the castle, they raised the lid When a skeleton form lay moldering there In the bridal wreath of that lady fair. Oh sad was her fate, when in sportive jest She hid from her lord in the old oak chest. It closed with a spring and a dreadful doom, And the bride lay clasped in a living tomb. Oh, the mistletoe bough!" a mistook A mistake. give the mitten to To dismiss, to jilt. mixed blood (White-Negro) A "shameful mixture" and until recently to be condemned, and yet, until recently, too, mulattoes were considered in the Valley and elsewhere as naturally superior to the pure blacks. And now black as a color is being considered by the blacks as superior. Only recently I heard a local mulatto youth say he was shamed at school by being referred to as "old half and half." The laws in the Southern states and in most states of the Union prohibited the intermixing of white and Negro blood. If a person was oneeighth Negro, or in some states even less, this prohibition obtained. The U.S. Supreme Court is to be thanked for wiping out such laws. Back in the Revolutionary War one of Cornwallis' soldiers had been wounded and left behind on the retreat from Guilford Courthouse to Wilmington. And he was cared for by a Negro girl and her mother. He fell in love with this girl but of course couldn't marry her. Through her nursing he recovered from his bad wounds and so was determined to stay with his newfound love. Some of the Valley folks threatened and were determined to drive him away. The girl fell sick from grieving. The doctor came and bled her into a pan. And what did the young soldier do? He picked up the �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 747 pan of blood and drank it. And then he took the girl by the hand and went before the Justice of the Peace and declared that he had Negro blood in him and the J.P. couldn't gainsay him. And so a license was finally issued and the two young people were married. They lived a happy life, and their descendants are among the best citizens in the Valley to this day. Of course, a lot of us know that some of them have Negro blood in them but we make no point of it. mix medicine Ability to cope with any situation. "That fellow knows how to mix his medicine all right." mixtry Mixture. mizzle Drizzle, a soft rain. mo A moment. moan like a dove The mob has many heads, but no brains. moccasin flower See "lady slipper." highland moccasin A deadly poisonous snake common throughout North Carolina. Bad luck will come to you if you mock a crippled person. mockingbird To my way of thinking, the most famous bird in America, and if this mighty singer had been a native of England, think of the hundreds of wonderful poems that would have been written to it. He has the nightingale beat a mile. I remember long ago a fiddling tune I tried to play called "Listen to the Mockingbird" (q.v.). modesty A weed or flower from the mallow family. It is a pest to the farmer, sometimes called shoo fly. Mohammedan In the old days any foreigner. When I was a boy, a peddler named Joe Thomas used to come through our neighborhood, and everybody spoke of him as being Mohammedan, meaning a foreigner of a strange nationality. Actually he was a Syrian. �748 Paul Green's Wordbook A mole on the neck Means money by the peck. (A folk belief j-hyme.) In contrast to this belief I used to hear the old saying that moles on the neck meant that a person would be hanged by the neck. If a mole's foot is tied around a baby's neck, the baby will have no teething pains. Molly Cottontail The ordinary rabbit. mollygrubs Mulligrubs. momick To completely disarrange, to make a mess of. Monday for wealth, Tuesday for health, Wednesday the best day of all, Thursday for losses, Friday for crosses, And Saturday no luck at all. (A proverb rhyme.) I never learned what happened on Sunday. Since it was for resting and worship, I suppose there was no need to mention it. Monday's child is fair of face, Tuesday's child is full of grace, Wednesday's child is merry and glad, Thursday's child is sorry and sad, Friday's child is loving and giving, Saturday's child works hard for a living, And the child that is born on the Sabbath Day Is blithe and bonny, good and gay. (A folk wisdom rhyme referring to day of birth.) I have also heard: Wednesday's child is full of woe, And Thursday's child has far to go. Another version of this rhyme is: Friday's child is full of sin, Saturday's child is pure within, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 749 The child that is born on the Sabbath Day To Heaven its steps shall tend alway. Money can do anything. Money has more power than words. Money is the root of all evil. Money makes the mare go. Any fool can make money but it takes a wise man to know how to spend it. Put money in thy purse. A little money is soon spent. He would steal the money off a dead man's eyes. If you would know the value of money try to borrow it. money bags A rich person, a skinflint. Money burns holes in one's pocket Usually spoken of a spendthrift. money crop The main crop of a farmer which can be disposed of for ready cash. Back in the Colonial days and up into the late 19th century tar, pitch and turpentine were the money crops. Then later cotton became the mainstay. Now today it is tobacco, but cattle and peanuts are creeping on up, and if the American people finally decide that cigarette smoking is as deadly as the surgeon general says it is and can act accordingly, tobacco will no longer be the prime crop in the Valley. Perhaps by that time soybeans or cattle or peanuts or truck farming will be the money crop. man for one's money A reliable person, a go-getter, a man "straight as a shingle." money from home Easy pickings, a windfall. money grubber A skinflint, a miser. Money Island A little island in Greenville Sound near Wilmington, N.C. Here Captain William Kidd, the notorious pirate, was said to have hidden his gold back in the late 17th century. Thus the island got its name. A multitude of passionate treasure seekers have overrun this island with their shovels �750 Paul Green's Wordbook through the generations but no gold has ever been found. This William Kidd was a Scotsman, born probably in Greenock about 1645, say the historians. He took to the sea at an early age and by the last decade of the century had become a sea captain and a ship owner in New York. In the war with France he placed his ship at the service of the crown and set forth against the French privateers. Richard Coote, Earl of Bellamont, was appointed Governor of Massachusetts and New York with instructions to suppress piracy. Kidd was commissioned to privateer against the French ships. The only pay he was to receive was to come from the prizes he took. He sailed to New York where he augmented his crew and made all ready. Then he set forth to Madagascar hunting for the French. Before too long word got around that Kidd was not only taking enemy ships but that he was taking and robbing friendly ones as well. In time he was proclaimed a pirate and a price set on his head. He sailed his ship to America and came ashore at Boston. Protesting his innocence he defied the local court, declaring in his defense that he had been forced to piratical action by a mutinous crew and had yielded only to save his life. Nevertheless he was found guilty and sent back to England for punishment, and there in London he was hanged on May 9, 1701. His body stayed in the gibbet for two weeks or so as a warning to all and sundry to mend their ways. Before the hanging, and even during that grisly ceremony, the usual Grub Street poet was busy hawking his ballad among the crowd. The ballad has come down to us with the tune popular at the time — a tune that is still with us in, say, that "damn your eyes" ballad of "Samuel Hall." In the original Kidd is referred to as "Robert" instead of "William." "My name is Robert Kidd As I sailed, as I sailed. My name is Robert Kidd As I sailed. "My name is Robert Kidd And God's laws I did forbid And much wickedness I did, As I sailed, as I sailed, And much wickedness I did, As I sailed. "My father taught me well, As I sailed, as I sailed, My father taught me well... For to shun the gates of hell, But yet I did rebel As I sailed. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 751 "He put a Bible in my hand, As I sailed, as I sailed, He put a Bible in my hand... And I sunk it in the sand Long before I left the land, As I sailed, as I sailed. "Now come, all ye young and old, As I sailed, as I sailed, Now come, all ye young and old, You are welcome to my gold... For it made me lose my soul, As I sailed." money's worth Full value. money to burn A superfluity of money. "I've got money to burn but, brother, I don't like to smell the smoke." money vine See "moneywort." put your money where your mouth is Let your money do the talking, usually a gambler's command to make one's bet, or an admonition to one who speaks strong opinions. moneywort Also called Creeping Jenny, a European perennial with bright yellow flowers usually found in damp places in lawns and fields. It has of late years become an ornamental plant. monish Admonish. The monkey and the coon Were playing in the grass. The coon stuck his finger Up the monkey's ass. Don't that looka like shortening, short'ning, Don't that looka like short'ning bread. (A vulgar jocular rhyme.) monkey glands A supposed restorer of manhood, etc. Thirty or forty years ago there was quite a rush among the male population to be operated on to receive these �752 Paul Green's Wordbook glands. A certain Valley gentleman, so it was said, couldn't get monkey glands and used goat glands instead. Barney Cofield opined that' 'the doctors operated on the wrong place — they should have worked on his head." Monkey, monkey, bottle of beer, How many monkeys have we here? One, two, three, out goes he Down to the bottom of the deep blue sea. (A counting out rhyme.) monkey business Underhand dealing, scheming actions. monkey riding In the old sweaty hard-working days in the Valley the "monkey" was a familiar fancied creature. If a person began to show signs of exhaustion from hard work, some wag would call out that the monkey was riding him. Often a big buck fellow would declare in his braggadocio strength, "Ain't no monkey can ride me!" monkeyshine Wild and ugly behavior, atantrum. "If you don't cut out that monkeyshine, boy, I'm gonna thrash you to a fare-you-well." Monkey sitting on a pine tree rail Picking his teeth with the end of his tail. Mulberry leaves and calico sleeves, Old schoolteachers are hard to please. (A derisive rhyme.) monkey suit - Any kind of loud uniform such as worn by majordomos and doormen in front of fashionable hotels. "The Monkey's Wedding" This was another merry nonsense song we used to sing while chopping cotton. "The monkey married the baboon's sister, Gave her a ring and then he kissed her. He kissed so hard he raised a blister. She set up a yell. "The bridesmaid stuck on some court plaster. It stuck on fast, it couldn't stick faster, Surely 'twas a sad disaster But it soon got well." And so on through the wedding ceremony, the dinner to follow, and then �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 753 to the dancing. "What do you think were the tunes they danced to? What were the figures they advanced to Up and down as they chanced to? Tails they were too long. " 'Ducks in the Kitchen,' 'Old Aunt Sally,' 'Plain Cotillion,' 'Who Keeps Tally?' Up and down they charge and rally! Ended is my song." monkshood A poisonous aconite, sometime called wolf bane or trailing monkshood. It grows in moist and shady places and has been used in the treatment of gout and rheumatism. monotheism The belief in one god as the creator, the all-knower, the all-mover, omniscient power, and the creator of all that is. Thus the actual reality of nature and man's place in it become of no real significance. month of Sundays An indefinite period but certainly a long time. moola Money, same as spondulicks, the long green, mazuma, etc. The moon is made of green cheese. A change in the moon brings a change in the weather. Pale moon doth rain Red moon doth blow. White moon doth neither Rain nor snow. (Weather proverb.) Look at the moon over your left shoulder and make a wish and it will come true. Don't let the moon shine on your face when you're sleeping or it'll make you go crazy. moonack A wild fabulous creature that is supposed to live in the deep swamps of the Cape Fear. moon beliefs There are all sorts of superstitions and beliefs concerning the moon. For �754 Paul Green's Wordbook instance, if you sleep outdoors and the moon shines on you, you'll become a lunatic. in a blue moon A long time, perhaps as long as a "coon's age." moon calf A fool, an idiot. moon-eyed Unreliable, erratic, also said of a horse which goes blind on certain days of the month. mooneyes Silly, adoring looks. "Every time that fellow sees her he makes mooneyes — and she two-timing him." moonlighting Holding two or more jobs at the same time, an after-hours job. moon mad Crazy. George Moore An indefatigable worker in the Valley during the early part of the 18th century. He owned a great plantation through which he had his slaves dig a canal, which many called the devil's ditch. The marks of this ditch are visible today near Wilmington. Among his other accomplishments he was the father of twenty-eight children. the Moore Family There were several of these Moores in the early 18th and on into the 19th century — James, Morris, Roger and Nathaniel, all brothers. They stood high and mighty men in the Valley in the early days and built great plantation homes for themselves. One of these homes still remains as a showplace on the Cape Fear, the plantation house of Orton. The azalea gardens of this plantation are famous far and wide. Roger Moore who built Orton was called "King Roger" because of his munificence. Colonel James Moore was in command of the American troops with Braddock's army, and George Washington served under him. Battle of Moore's Creek This was a battle fought on February 27,1776, in which the Tories and the Loyalists of the Cape Fear Valley country were defeated by the Patriots. This battle kept the power of the King from getting control of the Carolinas from the mountains to the sea and thus prevented the splitting of the Patriot cause in two. The importance of this battle has been ignored pretty much �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 755 by historians, but nevertheless it was one of the most important of the Revolutionary War. Moorfields The famous plantation home of the industrious aforesaid George Moore. Like nearly all of these great plantation homes, it has long disappeared. mophead A person with wild hair flaring in the wind. mop Mary A charwoman. all mops and brooms Drunk. mop up To beat unmercifully, to trounce completely.' 'He mopped up the floor with him." more rain, more rest the more the merrier, the fewer the better not more'n half Half heartedly, incompletely, neglectfully. "He didn't more'n half try to win that ball game." morgue Early newspaper files where the already written biographies of prominent persons were kept, waiting for the biographees to die. in the morning Tomorrow morning. "He is going to phone me in the morning." morning after the night before The sad, headaching condition of a person after a night's carouse. morning droop Morning depression, the blue Monday feeling. morning sickness Nausea caused by pregnancy. My mother used to carry a small hunk of magnesia in her apron pocket and take a bite of it now and then when she was in that condition. morphidite Hermaphrodite. �756 Paul Green's Wordbook holy Moses! An exclamation. Where was Moses when the light went out? Standing in the corner with his shirttail out. (A jocular rhyme.) mosing (moseying) Poking around, moving slowly. mosquito hawks Dragon flies. mosquito net In the old days this was used to cover beds and baby carriages to keep away mosquitos. Moss always grows on the northside of a tree. Most often green, but sometimes red, Has its heart inside its head. (Riddle: A cabbage.) A mother will give as much milk for a little baby as for a big one. mother fucking A term for a lowdown person, one especially lowdown, but when "son of a bitch" is added, he is even lower still, and a fight is supposed to result. Mother Goose A legendary character associated with nursery rhymes. This old woman, so far as I know, is always depicted wearing a highpointed hat and carrying awand, illustrative of her wonderful magic rhymes and stories. She is always shown riding an enormous goose through the air and has become a part of the children's folklore in nearly every land. mother mark A birthmark. Mother, mother, may I go out to swim? Yes, my darling daughter. Hang your clothes on a hickory limb And don't go near the water. Not all nursery rhymes and jingles are very old. The "Mother, Mother" one is about the oldest. A similar one for which the above is no doubt a parody was compiled by one Hierocles hundreds of years ago — �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 757 "Father, father may I go to war? Yes, you may, my son, Wear your woolen comforter But don't fire off your gun. Mother, Mother, I am sick. Send for the doctor, quick, quick, quick. Doctor, doctor, shall I die? Yes, my darling, bye and bye. How many flowers shall I have? One, two, three, four.... (A rope-jumping rhyme.) mother's day Day that welfare checks arrive. mother's pet Usually the spoiled son of "the family. mother's white-haired boy Much the same as mother's pet, the hopeful of the family. mother wit Native common sense. mount To mount a woman for sexual copulation. Also to stage a play. Never make a mountain out of a mole hill. mountain laurel Although mainly limited to the mountains of North Carolina, the mountain laurel has escaped — maybe the seeds were carried by birds or freshets — and is found growing here and there far down in the Valley, especially on the north side of hilly stream banks. The leaves are supposed to be narcotic and poisonous to both man and beast, but preparations from them used to be good treatment for diarrhea and skin eruptions. Mount of Olives A place of prayer and meditation where Jesus went before his crucifixion. Mount of Venus A woman's pudendum. mourners' bench See "age of accountability." mournful as a dove �758 Paul Green's Wordbook mourning bride Daisy fleabane. mourning fingernails Dirty fingernails. The mouse that always trusts to one poor hole Can never be a mouse of any soul. mouse bush The pussy willow. mouse-ear chickweed A lower annual or perennial with small white flowers that seems to want to overrun the earth in the early spring. It is a garden pest but with plenty of care and muscle power it can finally be overcome. It is not nearly so tough a customer as wiregrass. mousetrap A woman's privity. mout Might. "Mess with me, Bo, and I mout up and wham you against the ground." mouth Insult, back talk. "Don't give me none of that mouth, child, or else." A dog's natural bark. "That's old Joe's mouth we hear." The mouth of the righteous speaketh wisdom. A closed mouth catches no flies. Not that which goeth into the mouth defileth a man, but that which cometh out. What enters the mouth goes into the belly. Every time he opens his mouth he puts his foot in it. Keep your mouth shut and your purse closed. Out of thine own mouth will I judge thee. down in the mouth Discouraged, melancholic. laugh on the wrong side of one's mouth To be embarrassed, chagrined. �759 An Alphabet of Reminiscence shoot off one's mouth To be over-talkative, irresponsibly garrulous. Don't be butter mouthed (honey-mouthed, sugar-mouthed). mealy-mouthed, mouthful A bit to eat. "No, thank you, I've already had a mouthful." The exact truth, the honest truth, a statement of actual fact. "When you say Billy Graham's the best preacher since St. Paul, you've said a mouthful.'' don't hold his mouth right Not reliable, not truthful. mouth-watering Desirable. movement A bowel action. "I went to the bathroom, Ma, but I didn't have a movement." get a move on To speed up, hurry, start to work. Two moves are worse than a fire. He moves like walking on pins. moving days Same as for marriage: "Monday for health, Tuesday for wealth, Wednesday the best day of all," etc. Mr. Mac A somewhat fabled Valley historian and storyteller. A great deal of the material in this book came from his storehouse of folk tales and talk, and many a night I've sat with him in his millhouse talking over the old days. much man Strong, with stamina. "That Eddie York is a much man." much obliged Thank you. Too much of a good thing is nothing. much of a muchness Too much, an overdoing. �760 Paul Green's Wordbook much of nothing A sorry person or thing, no good. much up To pet, fondle, cajole. "If you'll much up that dog, he'll like you." mucky Mirey, muddy, messy. He who looks for mud usually finds it. coon muddle Brunswick stew. mud-fat Especially fat. "Uncle Billy is so mud-fat he ain't seen his knees in seven years." mud-flat The low bottom land along a stream. mudsill The bottom support, the mainstay. "That Josie Pettigrew is the mudsill in her family." mudslinger A malicious gossiper. muff A woman's pudendum. muff-diver A cock-sucker. mug The chamber pot. In our family the chamber pot was never called such. It was always spoken of as the mug. We children would have been ashamed to call it by its proper name. mug shot A cheap photo of the face, especially of a criminal. mugwump An ironical term for a leader, a well-known politician, a fence straddler. "His mug on one side of the fence and his wump on the other." mulberry A common fruit in the Valley for feeding hogs and children. On our farm we used to have two kinds of mulberries, the white and the black, and in �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 761 the early spring we children watched the trees with avid appetites. As soon as the berries were beginning to get ripe, we would climb up and stuff ourselves and then we had plenty of trouble with diarrhea. We boys used to use the inner bark of the tree to make whips, calf traces, swings, jumping ropes, and so on. When the mulberry buds appear, the frost is over. "Here We Go Round the Mulberry Bush" A singing, imitating game. The children form a ring, all joining hands, and dance or skip around as they sing. "Here we go round the mulberry bush, The mulberry bush, the mulberry bush, Here we go round the mulberry bush, So early in the morning." As they sing the last line they unclasp hands and begin imitating in pantomime the next activity in their song. "This is the way we dress ourselves, Dress ourselves, dress ourselves, This is the way we dress ourselves, So early in the morning." And so on with "This is the way we comb our hair," "This is the way we go to school," "sweep the floor," "bake our bread," and on until the list becomes tiresome and the game ends. mule Once the Valley farmers' mainstay for ploughing and hauling, but of recent years replaced there as elsewhere by the farm tractor. Missouri mules were supposed to be the best. Every late winter or early spring they would begin to arrive by rail in the towns and hamlets for sale or swapping. There were all sorts of folk sayings and lore about mules, such as— "One white foot, buy him, Two white feet, try him, Three white feet, look well about him, Four white feet, do without him." And so on to— "Gray mules never die, they turn into Baptist preachers." Often a farmer would develop great affection for his mule or mules. We had two loyal ones, Mike and Tom. They became almost like members of the family. When they grew too old for regular work and my father had �762 Paul Green's Wordbook to swap them off, we children wept, and he looked tight-lipped and grave enough too. I am reminded of Amos Honeycutt, a Negro tenant farmer who lived some miles from our home and who had a mule named Nora. She took sick and died. Amos couldn't get over grieving for her and finally committed suicide. I saw the half-legible note he left in his ragged cap by the fish pond's edge — "My old mule is dead, and I am drownded in this pond." I recall too the doings of another Valley farmer, one Dennis Ryan. He got himself a Missouri mule, named her Sara and by late spring had her pretty well broke for ploughing and hauling. A spur line railroad was being built from Raleigh to Fayetteville at that time, and there was much publicity as to the day the first train was to come through the neighborhood on the new track. Dennis' wife Ruby said for sure and certain they must take the children over to the near siding to see that happen. So when the day came, Dennis hitched his still somewhat skittish Sara to his one-horse wagon, loaded wife and children in, and they all set out. When they got to the little siding, Dennis unhitched and tied Sara to a tree limb and said he would ease the wagon down the slope nearer the tracks himself. Ruby and the children could then have a closer look at the new wonder. He put himself between the shafts and pulled the wagon slowly down the slight incline. Suddenly here came the train, out of the woods as it were, with a great sloosh of sparks pouring from its smokestack, its bell ringing and its whistle shrieking. In his sudden surprise and terror Dennis tore away from there as if the dogs were after him. The trouble was he forgot to let go his convulsive grasp on the shafts and thus in his flight hauled wagon, wife, children and all with him. The wagon hit a stump and turned over. Everybody was spilled out. Most of the family suffered some bruises and the oldest boy, Billy Sunday, broke his arm. As for tiny Bo-peep, her nose bled and bled. A lot of jeering and hee-hawing about the incident filled the neighborhood for a while, and the local wit Barney Cofield said he'd be glad to take Dennis in charge and mule-break him good. He'd do it for nothing, he said, provided he could get the use of him to plough his garden a time or two. For some time Dennis was the butt of a lot of joking, and the Ryan children were shamed too at school when their father was gleefully referred to as a mule. But before too long it all passed over. Dennis and Ruby by hard work through the years accumulated some property and gave all their children a good education. One child, Billy Sunday, for all his mother's hope and naming, never became a preacher. Instead he turned to the law and successfully so. He ran once for congress but failed in that bid. Also a barren husband, a sexually impotent man. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 763 If you want to make a good crop, you've got to take care of your mule. The mule's gallop is soon over. muley (mulish) Stubborn like a mule. mullein A common plant throughout the Valley. It loves to grow in fence jambs and along the roadsides. It grows up to the height of a man's head or beyond and has a whitish fuzzy bloom. It is also called Achilles' heel after the famous Greek warrior. The tea of this mullein was especially good for stomach pains in children and also the warmed leaves, as in the case of Jimson weed or collard leaves, placed on sores and poisoned places were considered, and still are, a good remedy to bring down the swelling. Many a young girl in the Valley has been wont to make her cheeks pretty and pink by rubbing her face with the velvety leaves. Another good folk medicine from mullein used to be to take the root of the mullein, stew it along with wild cherry bark, brown sugar and a little vinegar, and then keep it on hand for colds and coughs.' 'They ain't nothing better in this world to cure up that hacking and barking," said Mr. Jimmy Ackland. The oil from its blooms used to be recommended for earache. According to one book I read, the Romans called the mullein "candelaria" from their custom of taking the long dry stalks and dipping them in suet or some kind of oil and using them as funeral torches. The Greeks were supposed to utilize the leaves for lamp wicks. It was sometimes called Indian tobacco since the Indians were wont to smoke the leaves. mulligrubs Melancholies, the blues. Same as the dismals. In the multitude of counselors there is safety. mum as an oyster Mumble Peg A game of dexterity. A double-bladed knife was always necessary for this game. The long blade would be open full and the short blade half way, and each boy in turn would take the knife and throw it so that one or the other of the blades would hopefully stick into the ground. If the knife fell on its side, it counted for nothing and the next player took over. If it fell on its back, the thrower scored five points. If only the short blade was stuck in the ground and the rest of the knife did not touch, he got fifteen points. Sometimes the method of scoring was different in different localities. There were many movements in the game, one finally being the holding of the knife flat in the hand and throwing it over one's shoulder to see if its blade would �764 Paul Green's Wordbook stick in the ground. Another one was to lay the knife in the hand with the blade sticking out and then with the forefinger flip the blade in such a way as to make the knife spin in the air and if it stuck in the ground, that was a certain number of points too. In some localities the game was played specifically as follows: 1. The knife was held in the palm, first in the right and afterwards in the left hand with the point of the blade outwards and thrown so as to revolve towards the player. If it stuck in the ground, the player would continue with the proper number of points. 2. The knife was rested on the right and left fist with the point uppermost and thrown sideways. 3. The knife was pressed with the point resting on each forefinger and thumb of both hands in succession and cast outwards. After this it is held by the point and flipped, (4) from the breast, nose and each eye, (5) from each ear, crossing arms and taking hold of the opposite ear with the free hand, (6) over the head backwards. Some folks call the game stick-knife. mummick Same as momick. mummy Mother. mums Abbreviation for chrysanthemums. Mum's the word. munts Months. cry blue murder Loud squalling, an outcry. Murder will out. The wounds of a murdered man will bleed when the murderer comes near him. murgins A multitude, a tremendous number, a great deal, much, sometimes spelled "mergins." I have asked many scholars where this word came from and I have never been able to find a satisfactory answer. Perhaps it is a mispronunciation of margins. "John Allen Matthews has murgins of dollars." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 765 muscadine Wild black grapes that used to grow plentifully in the Valley. They are becoming rarer and rarer. What happy hours we boys used to have climbing high in the trees where the muscadines grew and where after frost they were black as the ace of spades and sweet as sugar. I remember many times eating so many up in a tree that my head swam and I had to be careful how I climbed down. muscle out To hold an object extended at arm's length. A test of strength with us boys used to be to take an axe and hold it by the end of the helve and stretch one's arm out level and full length and see if the axe could be held extended. "Say, Ervin, let's see you muscle out that axe." Music hath charms to soothe the savage breast. And then we used to recite a somewhat derisive rhyme: "Music hath charm to soothe a savage, Rend a rock or bust a cabbage." face the music To measure up to one's responsibility, to face trial or meet one's punishment. Musical Chairs A popular young people's game. See "Marching to Jerusalem." mush-head A foolish, light-headed person. mushmelon Muskmelon. music roots Sweet potatoes. a bit of muslin A girl. mustard High spirit, spicy behavior or talk, pep. mustard plaster A soft cloth spread with a paste of dry mustard mixed with water. This put on a child's chest was to relieve croup or cough. And what terrific things these plasters were! I remember when my mother would put one on me, I would lie there waiting for it to fire up and soon it would. Under the fiery burning, coughs and pains and aches were all forgotten. Thus the cure. See "Aunt Jemima's plaster." �766 Paul Green's Wordbook must did (musted) Must have. "I went in there to make up the bed and you must did, for it's done made up." muster day The time appointed for the military training in the Civil War. muster grounds The grounds where the soldiers gathered. When I was a little boy, I used to hear my father speak about a place up the road as "the muster ground.'' I thought it had something to do with growing mustard there until I learned better. Mutt and Jeff A tall and short couple, also refers to the once-popular comic strip. mutton head A dull fellow. mutton suet The fat from sheep or cattle used to grease one's chest as therapy for the croup. muzzle An old-timey contrivance of wires and sometimes white oak withes. It was used over the mouth of a mule, a horse or a steer so that the animal wouldn't eat the corn or cotton while plowing. My dame hath a lame tame crane. My dame hath a crane that is lame. Say, sweet Jane, let the dame's lame crane Feed and come home again. (A tongue twister.) my eye! A mild interjection. "My Faith Looks Up to Thee" A beautiful and ever-comforting hymn. It has always been one of the Valley favorites and is known throughout the world, having been translated into some two dozen languages. The words are by Dr. Ray Palmer (1808-1897) and the melody by Lowell Mason (1792-1872). "My faith looks up to Thee, Thou Lamb of Calvary, Saviour divine. Now hear me while I pray, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 767 Take all my guilt away, O let me from this day Be wholly thine." My Mama Sent Me A child' s game .The children divide into two groups and oneofthem,"It," selects some form of housework that they should all imitate. The first action group marches up to the second and says, "My mama sent me to you." "What for to do?" "To do as I do." Then the first group goes through the motions of the work chosen and the other side tries to guess what the work is. When the guess is correct, then that second side becomes the active group and marches up to the first group, and the game goes on. My mama told me long ago Don't marry a girl that you don't know. She'll spend all your money, Sell all your clothes. And what will become of you God only knows. (An advice rhyme.) "My Old Kentucky Home" Now the Kentucky State song, made so by act of the Legislature in 1928. It is always played and received with wild enthusiasm at the Kentucky Derby and at the University of Kentucky's football games. There was long a tradition that the song referred to the Old Federal Hill mansion in Bardstown where Stephen Foster was said to have visited and where he was also said to have composed it. The Honorable John Rowan, owner of the place, was a cousin of the Fosters, and Stephen's sister Charlotte was supposed to be engaged to young Rowan. She died of typhoid fever while visiting there, October 20, 1829. The mansion is in the public mind supposed to be the actual Kentucky Home referred to in the song. But if one looks closely at Foster's lyric he will realize this cannot be. Actually the composer had in mind a slave cabin as he wrote the song and not any white folks' mansion. "The young folks roll on the little cabin floor, All merry, all happy and bright, By'n by Hard Times come a-knocking at the door. Then my old Kentucky Home, good night! Weep no more, my lady, Oh, weep no more today! We will sing one song for the �768 Paul Green's Wordbook Old Kentucky Home, For the old Kentucky Home faraway." "Federal Hill" is now a historic shrine, and thousands visit it each year. In the late 1950's a number of citizens in Bardstown organized a ' 'Stephen Foster Drama Association.'' Funds were raised privately and by State appropriation for the construction of an amphitheater in the woods just south of Federal Hill. There "The Stephen Foster Story," a dramatization of a few intense years of the composer's life, opened on June 26, 1959. It has been presented nightly for some ten weeks each summer since 1959 to enthusiastic crowds. My old mistUS promised me When she died, she'd set me free. She lived so long her head got bald. She got outer da notion of dying at all. Now she's done and gone to hell I hope the devil will burn her well. (An old minstrel song.) myself Used for emphasis. "I wouldn't be that crazy for a million dollars myself.'' �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 769 N nabel Navel. nabob A highfalutin person, a showy person, a representative of royalty. One nail drives out another. nails Difficulties, obstructions in the way. One of the trials of our barefoot days as children was the danger of stepping on protruding nails in old lumber. There were many cures for this hurt, and Miss Cissie Atwater, the Negro schoolteacher, told me that once when she stuck two nails in her foot at the schoolhouse grounds where the carpenters had thrown nail-infested boards aside, she went on home, put a dough poultice on her foot, then got the two nails, greased them well and stuck them between the cracks of the schoolhouse weatherboarding. Every day for five days she went and greased these nails to keep off the lockjaw. It worked, for Miss Cissie didn't have any lockjaw as a result of her wound. I thought about this afterwards and remembered that Miss Cissie had an A-l teacher's certificate provided her by the county school board. cut-nails As differentiated from hand-wrought nails. But of course after the wrought or blacksmith-made nails disappeared from the scene the word "cut" was dropped off too, and only the word "nails" remained. nail the lid on the coffin. To complete a crushing defeat, put an end to, finalize a distressful fact or result. �770 Paul Green's Wordbook nail to the cross In the game of Roly Holey when one player received three pigs — that is, had missed hitting another player three times with the thrown ball — he was stood up against the side of the house or the barn with his back turned to the players, and three efforts would be made to nail him to the cross with the ball. nairn Nary one, not one. naked as a shorn sheep naked as a stone naked as a yard dog as naked as the day he was born I was naked and ye clothed me not. naked bed Bed without sheets or any covering. naked truth The pure truth. name Good reputation. "That man had a name in his neighborhood." A good name is rather to be chosen than great riches. named after To give one person the name of another. "My least 'un there is named Woodrow, after Woodrow Wilson." name dropper A person who brags on his acquaintance with people of importance. In conversation, with seeming carelessness, he drops the names of these personages. name is mud To be in disgrace. in the name of Introductory part of an exclamation or asseveration, as Archibald Henderson's snort, "What in the name of goodness are you doing in my bed, Bill Faulkner?" "Nancy Till" My youngest sister Erma was taught this song early and, when she was four, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 111 she could stand up in bed and sing it merrily as a bird, and we would sweep her into our arms with happy cries, saying, "You're sweet enough to eat!" Believe it or not, she didn't grow up spoiled. "Down in the canebrake close by the mill Lives a purty little girl, her name is Nancy Till. She knew that I loved her, she knew it long, Walk about and promenade and sing a little song. Come, love, come and go along with me, My boat lies high on the old Tennessee." In the Frank Brown Collection, Vol. Ill, p. 491, this is set down as a Negro song as sung by Dr. Kemp P. Battle, UNC President, 1910. Dr. Battle sang many old songs and recited jingles and proverbs for Dr. Brown which he copied. nanny goat A female goat. nap Nape. "He took that old suck-egg hound by the nap of the neck and twisted him round his head and sent him flying through the air like a bird. Amen!'' nappy Stylish, meticulously dressed. nappy-headed Sleepy. Also kinky, as "He's got a gang of nappy-headed children." nard homespun A cheap and popular cloth in the old days, evidently "nard" being a corruption of "Northern." nar'n Nary one. nasty-particular Over-particular, choosy. in the nation! A mild exclamation. "What in the nation are you up to, boy?" national security A phrase too often used to cover up a nation's territorial ambitions. natural born So born by nature, born so. "The trouble with him is he's a natural born fool." �772 Paul Green's Wordbook natural law A generalization about the nature of things and their behavior. It would seem that matter does not obey laws but rather it behaves in such a way that we read laws from the behavior. natural order of man The racial hierarchy of man on earth as set and determined by the divine power which of course, according to the whites, sees to it that the white race is superior to the darker races. nature Sex power or ability. "Cleveland got tore up by a sawmill belt and for a while he thought he'd lost his nature — but when that pretty nurse come to wait on him, he said he found out he hadn't." nature of things The basic way of the world. navigate Irrigate. "Mr. Jones is navigating his tobacco and what a difference it's making!" Can there any good thing come out of Nazareth ? "Nearer, My God, to Thee" One of the most favored of all hymns. It has brought comfort to many a soul in final distress. It was said that the fatally injured President McKinley had it sung to him often during his long ordeal into death. And I remember how we cried at home over the going down of the mighty Titanic and the touching brave last moments as the ship's orchestra played this "Nearer, My God, to Thee." The hymn was also a favorite of the sportive Edward VII. The words were written by a young Englishwoman, Sarah Flower Adams, and the music by our American Lowell Mason who wrote some 1200 hymns, among them the consoling "My Faith Looks Up to Thee" and "From Greenland's Icy Mountains." "Nearer, my God, to thee, Nearer to thee, E'en though it be a cross That raiseth me; Still all my song shall be, Nearer, my God, to thee, Nearer, my God, to thee, Nearer to thee!" �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 773 nearly 'bout Almost. "I'm nearly 'bout finished." near side The left side. near thing A close call, a close shave. neat Unwatered, straight. "I like my whiskey neat." neat as a pin neat but not gaudy An old saying. "Neat but not gaudy, as the monkey said when they painted his ass green." Nebusadnessar Nebuchadnezzar. necessary A privy. Necessity is a hard nurse but she raises strong children. Necessity is the mother of invention. neck To hug and kiss and indulge in sex play. "I've been necked down to a nub,'' she said, fanning herself. neck and neck Almost equal, a close contest. "The horses came in neck and neck." I'd rather my neck felt the yoke than the axe. in the neck To be badly hurt or abused, an unhappy result. "He got it in the neck." to save my neck Used for emphasis. "I can't think of his name to save my neck." necked Naked. neck of the woods The neighborhood, the local region. "The folks are God-fearing people in this neck of the woods." �774 Paul Green's Wordbook neck or naught All or nothing. Limber necks live longer than stiff ones. necksher Handkerchief. necktie A halter, a noose. necktie party A hanging, a lynching. Old Ned A bad temper, the devil. "That fellow's got Old Ned in him, and you better watch out or he'll cut you with that switchblade knife." Need hath no law. don't need it any more than a goat needs a trombone don't need it any more than a pig needs a sidesaddle need be Required, compulsory, necessary. "You'll have to be ready to pay in that money if need be." A thing not needed is easily found. on needles and pins Nervous, anxious, apprehensive. Needles and pins, needles and pins, When a man marries, his trouble begins. (A proverb rhyme.) Needle's Eye A courting game, even if most often a shy one. It is much like "London Bridge." Two players, a boy and girl, raise their clasped hands in an arch. The other players pass under in a line, all singing. "That needle's eye That does supply The thread that runs so true. "O many a lass Have we let pass For the sake of kissing you." (Because we wanted you.) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 775 or "Many a beau Have we let go Because we wanted you." On the word "you" the arch falls around the neck of the person beneath it at the time. If the one caught is a girl, she is supposed to let the boy who helped form the arch kiss her. If a boy, then the girl arch partner is supposed to kiss him. Then the player who does the kissing drops out and the one kissed takes his or her place and the game goes on. With the automobile so available for snuggling up and/or courting, this game like many others has pretty much disappeared from the Valley. But I prophesy that it and many others will someday return. needless to say An introductory cliche. nee'n Needn't. Don't neglect your own field to plant your neighbor's. Negro blood Blood thought in the old days to be different from white blood and thus contaminated. The laws in the Southern states and in most states of the Union have until recently prohibited the intermixing of white and Negro blood. If a person was one-eighth Negro, this prohibition obtained. Many tragic stories have been recounted because of this concept. See "mixed blood." Negro news News passed along by Negroes, somewhat like grapevine news. Neighbor, Neighbor, Lend Me Your Hatchet A popular game in the old days. Neither a lender nor a borrower be. Neither beg nor borrow. It's neither here nor there. Indefinite, insignificant. neither fish, flesh nor good red herring An indefinite thing, a person or thing lacking in character. nellify Nullify. �776 Paul Green's Wordbook nerts! An interjection, nuts! to get on one's nerves To irritate, to disturb. nervous Nellie An easily upset person. nervy Bold, impudent. nest The female pudendum. nestes Nests. Cast down your nets where you are. If you gently touch a nettle, It will sting you for your pains. Grasp it like a man of mettle And as soft as silk remains. (Proverb rhyme.) Out nettle, in dock, Dock shall have a new smock. (Nonsense rhyme.) never For emphasis. "He lammed at me with his fist and he never even touched me." Never be weary of well-doing. Never bite off more than you can chew. Never buy a pig in a poke. Never fall out with your bread and butter. Never fish in troubled waters. Never leave till tomorrow what you should do today. Never look a gift horse in the mouth. Never make a mountain out of a molehill. Never run when you can walk. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 111 Never sit when you can lie. Never speak of a halter in a house where one has been hanged. Never stir up more snakes than you can kill. Never walk when you can sit. never mind Don't bother. never, never land A dreamland, Utopia, unreal, imaginary place. never no more Never more, never again. There's nothing new under the sun. new ball game A new start, new plans. A new broom sweeps clean. A new broom sweeps clean, but an old broom knows where the dirt is. newground A piece of ground newly cleared for cultivation or land in the process of being cleared. New Jersey tea More of a shrub than a flower. It grows plentifully in dry woods or gravelly places. In midsummer its white feathery flower centers show up clearly. The Indian doctors used this plant for the treatment of wounds and venereal sores. New moon, new moon, moon so bright— Wish I may and wish I might See before tomorrow night Someone who would please my sight. (A divination rhyme.) If one would turn around three times on the left heel while reciting this rhyme and then make three wishes, the wishes were supposed to come true. I never have tried it. No news is good news. news toter A gossip. Bad news travels fast. �778 Paul Green's Wordbook New Year's Day The time for new resolutions and the taking of vows to do better, to break off bad habits such as drinking liquor, smoking cigarettes and indulging in indolence and sloth. And for good luck and health during the year, one should be sure to eat turnip greens, hog jowl, and blackeyed peas. My mother always served these peas on this holiday and jocularly urged us children to eat a lot for good luck. next to nothing Of poor worth or quality. "His excuse was next to nothing." n.g. An abbreviation for "no good." nice as pie nicely Satisfactorily. "Harry Lucas has had his gall bladder out and the report is he's doing nicely." Nicholas See "second sight." in the nick of time Just in time. "The fire engine arrived in the nick of time." Old Nick The devil. bad nigger One who violated the old Southern concept of "the Negro in his place." Give a nigger a book and you just as well kill him. Give a nigger an education and you'll ruin a good ploughhand. to nigger To work hard, to behave obsequiously. "No suh, I ain't gonna nigger for him!" nigger head A kind of scattered, dark, field rock showing here and there through the soil.' 'Flora MacDonald's daughter Ann and her husband Captain MacLeod lived over there in the woods and you can still find the place because of the niggerheads scattered all around," said Mr. Mac. nigger head point A projection of land in the Cape Fear River near Wilmington which always denoted to a ship pilot that he was nearing the town. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 779 nigger in the woodpile A hidden obstruction, undisclosed difficulty, concealed cause. nigger lover One who has a sentimental attachment to the cause of racial justice. nigger luck Undeserved luck, luck that outlucks luck. nigger rich Very rich indeed. In the old days the owner of many slaves was so designated. All niggers look alike to me. niggertoes Brazil nuts. How we children in the old days on Christmas morning would rush to get our stockings and there find wonderful English walnuts, and raisins, an orange or two and especially the good old niggertoes! "Be a good boy and Old Sandy Claus will bring you a heap of niggertoes for Christmas" was a common saying around our house. white man's nigger An Uncle Tom term, a Negro who "knows has place" and is popular with the poor whites and rednecks in the South. The night makes no difference to a blind man. To rest well at night Let your diet be light Or else you'll complain With stomach and pain. In the night all cats are black. Eat light at night and you'll sleep well. If a man walk in the night, he stumbleth. There's no night without day. night rail A nightgown. night rider A shady character, one who slips about in the night and secretly terrorizes his neighbors. A term also applied to the Ku Klux Klansmen. night soil Human excreta used for fertilizer. �780 Paul Green's Wordbook as nimble as a flea nincompoop A stupid person. Nine O'clock is striking. Mother, may I go out? Three boys are waiting For to take me out. One to give me candy, One to give me pears, One to give me fifty cents For a kiss behind the stairs. I don't want your candy, I don't want your pears, I don't want your fifty cents For a kiss behind the stairs. I can wash the dishes, I can sweep the floor, I can kiss the Chinaman Behind the kitchen door! (A teasing rhyme.) nineteenth hole The bar or refreshment room of a golf course. nine to the dozen A short dozen, short change. "The Ninety and Nine" Another Valley standby hymn. It always had and still has a telling effect in revival meetings when the pursued sinner is made to feel that ninety-nine "sheep'' out of a flock of one hundred are "in the shelter of the fold" and he, the' 'lost sheep,'' should give up his bullheaded sinfulness and join those in the safety of the heavenly Shepherd's care. It is said the words were written by Elizabeth Cecilia Clephane, an English schoolgirl, in her exercise book and were not published till after her death at the age of 37. Ira D. Sanky (1840-1908) of the Moody-Sanky team wrote the tune. The hymn had its prompting from the reference to the ninety and nine inMatthew 18:12-13, which says, "Howthinkye? If a man have a hundred sheep and one of them be gone astray, doth he not leave the ninety and nine and goeth into the mountains and seeketh that which is gone astray? And �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 781 if so be that he find it, verily I say unto you, he rejoiceth more of that sheep than of the ninety and nine which went not astray." "There were ninety and nine that safely lay In the shelter of the fold, But one was out on the hills away, Far off from the gates of gold. Away on the mountain wild and bare, Away from the tender Shepherd's care, Away from the tender Shepherd's care. "But all through the mountains, thunder-riven, And up from the rocky steep There rose a glad cry to the gate of heaven, 'Rejoice, I have found my sheep!' And the angels echoed around the throne, Rejoice, for the Lord brings back his own. Rejoice, for the Lord brings back his own." nine ways for Sunday In every direction, helter-skelter. nine yards square Absolutely honest, reliable. "He's nine yards square." ninny Mother's milk. Also the teat. "Give that baby its ninny, Ella, and it'll stop its crying." nip in the bud To stop a thing at its beginning. nipping frost A cold and biting frost. nirvana A common word for oblivion, nothingness, complete indolence, mental emptiness, final rest. A Buddhist term. nits will be lice Boys will be men, little evils grow to be big, small habits grow large, and so on. nitty-gritty Tough going, the showdown. "Well, when you get down to the nitty-gritty you'll know who your friends are." "Nobody Knows de Trouble I See" One of the finest of all laments of a grieving people. This was a favorite �782 Paul Green's Wordbook in the repertoire of the great and tragic Paul Robeson, and thousands heard him sing it, and thousands still hear him on phonograph records — hear him and wonder at and ponder in these latter days the nature of our democratic faith and the practice thereof that kept our brothers in murky bondage for three hundred years and more. "Nobody knows de trouble I see, Nobody knows but Jesus, Nobody knows de trouble I see. Glory, hallelujah! "Sometimes I'm up, sometimes I'm down, Oh, yes, Lawd! Sometimes I'm almost to de groun'. Oh, yes, Lawd! "Nobody knows," etc. no can do Unable to do. no compris Not understanding. no 'count Trifling, lazy, no good. no cross, no crown Even Homer nods. no earthly good No good at all, absolutely worthless. no end A great deal, very many, much. "It pleases me no end to see you up and about again." no-fair Unfair. "That's no-fair to treat me like that." no flies on him A person of good character, honest dealings, an industrious individual. No fool like an old fool. no go No deal, no action, a cancellation. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 783 no good In poor health, feeling poorly, rundown. no how Not at all, not good. "How're you feelin' this hot day, Mr. Tenney?" "No how." no ifs and ands No arguments about it, the certain truth. noisy as a boiler factory no'm No, ma'am. no manner account Worthless, an indolent, lazy person. of no more use than a man's titties or the Pope's balls A little nonsense now and then Is relished by the wisest men. none so blind as those who won't see none so deaf as those who won't hear no nothing An emphatic statement of nothing. "You know what kind of garden I've got this year? — no nothing, that's what." "No, Not One" A popular church and Sunday School hymn which says among other things, "There's not a friend like the lowly Jesus. No, not one, no, not one." no occasion No cause to, no reason for. "He had no occasion to quarrel with Henry Spears." nooget Nugget. No pains, no gains. norate To spread by word of mouth, to gossip, to pass on rumors. "It's norated all about that the big meeting at Pleasant Union is stirring up sinners to a fare-you-well." �784 Paul Green's Wordbook No Robbers Out Today A simple child's game. One or two players hide in a hedge or ditch, and then the other players come innocently along singing or chanting. "No robbers out today, No robbers out today. We are singing on our way For there's no robbers out today." And then suddenly the robber (or robbers) darts out and tries to catch one of the passersby. Those that are caught join the robber gang and the game goes on until all become robbers or they become tired of playing. no rose without a thorn He can't see ahead of his nose. He is led by the nose. He prays through his nose. If the nose itches, company is coming. An itchy nose shows that someone is talking about you. Don't cut off your nose to spite your face. nosebleed cure A nosebleed can be stopped by applying a wet cloth to the back of the head. keep one's nose clean To be above reproach, to act circumspectly. long nose A meddler. "There comes old Mis' Leary with her long nose and now the fat is in the fire." on the nose The exact place or time. nosebag A term designating mealtime.' 'Hey, you folks, time to put on the nosebag. Come on now." nose out of joint A condition of jealousy. "Little Jonas has got a new baby sister and, man, is his nose out of joint!" nose rag Handkerchief. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 785 nose to the grindstone A hard-working or penurious condition descriptive of a plodder or an overworked person. nosing Smelling. no soap No deal, no business, lack of success. not a Chinaman's chance No chance at all. "I don't have a Chinaman's chance of getting that job." not by a long shot By no manner of means. notch The female pudendum. notch on a stick A good-for-nothing. "Brother, you ain't more'n a notch on a stick in that church." note shaver A usurious note-discounter, a stingy money-lender. no telling No estimating. "No telling how many poor old women died in that bombing." not that I know of Not to know. A common phrase for pleading ignorance. Nothing is certain but death and taxes. From nothing nothing comes. "Nothing But the Blood" One of the favorite revival or big-meeting hymns. It takes a tough sinner to stand against its pounding four-four time, the preacher's loud calling for repentance and the elderly sisters giving out their shoutings — all a pouring of mighty sound. "What can wash away my sins? Nothing but the blood of Jesus. What can make me whole again? Nothing but the blood of Jesus. �786 Paul Green's Wordbook Oh, precious is the flow That makes me white as snow, No other fount I know— Nothing but the blood of Jesus." nothing doing No agreement, a denial. if nothing don't happen If all goes well. "I'll see you tomorrow if nothing don't happen." nothing much Very little, hardly any. "Since I got my Social Security I don't do nothing much." nothing to crow over A small, unimportant thing or matter. nothing to write home about The same as nothing to crow over. Nothing ventured, nothing gained. to have a notion To have the impulse to act. not on your life Emphatically not. not particular Not especially, notmuch. "Do you like turnip greens?" "Not particular." not worth a damn Worthless. not worth a continental Of no value, worthless or nearly worthless, referring to the paper money issued by the Continental Congress prior to 1789. not worth a hoot Worthless. no two ways A definite and positive statement of fact. "That Farquhar Campbell according to the records was a combination of Tory-Whig in the Revolutionary War and no two ways about it—just go read the old records.'' No use having a dog and doing the barking yourself. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence now 787 A moment back, recently. "He's just now left here." no ways Not at all, by no means. Now I Lay Me Down to Sleep A child's prayer, and how often did we Green children kneel at our beds and sing out this snug little happy feeling prayer to some great kindly omnipotent power in the dark air, around the house and up among the reaching far stars above. Now I lay me down to sleep, I pray the Lord my soul to keep. And if I die before I wake, I pray the Lord my soul to take. There were variations on this, but the' 'Now I lay me" was the most popular one with us. Sometimes in lighter moments and in no prayerful mood at all we would chant out some other prayer statements — I lay me down upon my side, I pray the Lord to be my guide, If I die before I wake, I pray the Lord my soul to take. Amen. Then there was another one we sometimes liked to say— Four corners to my bed, Four angels round my head, One to pray, one to wake, Two to guard me till daybreak— And, blessed guardian angels, keep Me safe from danger while I sleep. No, you ain't! An expression of astonishment or disbelief. nubbin A small underdeveloped ear of corn. "No wonder Roy's mule's ribs show through like bed slats — he only feeds him a few nubbins once a day." A young girl's swelling breasts. "Nuisance and Disturber" The News & Observer. See "Old Reliable." �788 Paul Green's Wordbook number one One's self or one's own belongings or interest. Urinating. "Wait for me, I've got to do number one." numbers According to popular belief, whether folk or cultured, certain numbers represent mystic powers and divine events and therefore have metaphysical as well as allegorical significance, such as 3, 7, 11, 70 and so on. And, of course, there is one number that has a malevolent power and influence — the number 13. Many hotels and business buildings have no 13th floor. number thirteen According to superstition, the most unlucky number. number two Defecation. have one's number up A time when one must face death, or the moment of responsibility or ordeal. nunh-unh A grunt of disapproval or negation. to be nursed in cotton Petted, spoiled. nuss (nurse) To suckle, to nurse. nussing child Unweaned child. nut A downpayment on a purchase, the cost of the job. A financial risk, investment. "Now that he has recovered his nut he can spend more money on the show." Head. A bolt head, the female part that screws on the male part. nut grass A most cantankerous field pest. I know from much experience of hoeing, chopping, digging and burning the stuff. We'd do that and then the next morning there its little evil green heads would be peeping up out of the earth again. Many a farmer has cursed the day this pest got started on his farm. "Yes sir," said Emmet Ennis to me one day, "there's many a tough �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 789 thing in this Cape Fear River Valley, Mr. Paul, many a tough thing. You've heard of whit leather. You've heard of dried sweetgum trees, of seasoned dogwood, of blackgum trees that neither lightning nor dynamite can split — but I'll tell you there's nothing as hard to wear down and out and get rid of as this here nut grass that grows in the fields. Ma and Pa fought it for many years. Now old Judge Hinton had told Pa that hogs would kill it. So Pa tried hogs for years. The hogs would root and dig and get after this stuff and then when we thought we'd got it whipped and started corn or cotton there, out it would come thick as ever. Finally Pa said to me when I was a little teeny boy, 'Son, there's nothing to do but move off and leave this stuff. Let it take over.' So we decided to let that land lie out and the pines grow up and take it. Well sir, twenty years went by and the woods growed up over the place and of course the nut grass disappeared. We sold that timber off for pulpwood and got a bulldozer to push up the stumps and went back to farming the land — twenty years now, later! Do you hear me! Well sir, what do you think? That nut grass come up thick as hairs on a dog's back that spring. The stuff had been lying deep in the ground just waiting its time. So we give up the fields again and when you drive by my place you'll see thick young pine timber growing there again. Won't be long before we'll sell that timber off but, believe you me, we won't try to farm that place — we'll plant new pine seedlings on it. Yes sir, take it from me, nut grass is the toughest stuff the world has ever seen!" It is reputed to be so tough that farmers burning it say it reseeds itself from the smoke. nut her Neither. nut house Asylum for the insane. nutmegs The testes. nuts Testicles Reference to a hysterical person, crazy even. nuts! An exclamation of disapproal. nuts about Crazy about, be devoted to. "Jackie Gleason says he's nuts about country music." �790 Paul Green's Wordbook nuts and bolts Inner workings, important matters. "Let's get to the nuts and bolts of the thing." in a nutshell In a concentrated form, abbreviated. Nuts in May A children's singing game. This is one of the oldest games in the Valley and comes from far back out of its English heritage. But of course in the Valley there aren't any nuts ripened in May, and some scholars say that nuts stand for knots and that the ancient song was "knots in May,'' knots or nosegays of the flowering hawthorn. The game is played by children joining hands and forming two straight lines some several feet apart. One of the lines skips toward the other singing as it comes— "Here we come gathering nuts in May, Nuts in May, nuts in May— Here we come gathering nuts in May On a cold and frosty morning." The first line now stands still while the second line advances and retires. "Who will you have for nuts in May, Nuts in may, nuts in May— Who will you have for nuts in May On a cold and frosty morning?" The song goes on with the first line agreeing on a child whom they choose, and so they march forward and then retire, singing— "We will have (so-and-so) for nuts in May, Nuts in May, nuts in May— We will have (so-and-so) for nuts in May On a cold and frosty morning." And then the line chooses one they wish to pull away and so, as the song goes on, a child is pulled from one side to the other. nutty Crazy. nuver Never. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 791 0 oak A popular and prolific shade tree in the Valley. There are several kinds of oak, the most beautiful perhaps being the white oak, though some people prefer the willow or water oak. There is also the red oak, the blackjack oak and the chestnut oak. oak apple oak gall. oak bark The inside of oak bark was used to make poultices and teas and tinctures and decoctions for all sorts of diseases. I remember when I had a case of osteomyelitis or "white swelling" (q.v.), one of the remedies proposed by many neighbors was to boil red oak bark and mix with cornmeal to make a poultice. My mother did that. And I used to carry that heavy poultice wrapped around my right arm. For a while it helped me — as long as I thought it did. Then when I realized it didn't, there was no help at all. Mrs. Hockaday at Angier said that one of the reasons I decided it didn't help me was because we failed to get the original bark from the north side of the tree and we should have put sugar in it. Tea from oak bark was also a drink good for a child's diarrhea, and a good preventive for bed sores was to bathe the tender place with water in which the oak bark had been boiled. It was supposed to be good for rheumatism, boils, neuralgia and all sorts of diseases, too. Great oaks from little acorns grow. to put in one's oar Push into a matter which is mainly the concern of others, to give gratuitous advice. rest on one's oars To loaf, to take things easy. �792 oats Paul Green's Wordbook Common small grain. According to the Valley cow doctors, dry oats, if eaten in large quantities, will cause balls of undigested stuff in the stomach of cattle. Oats, Peas, Beans and Barley Grow A courtship game, also a game of pantomime. The words ran thus: Oats, peas, beans, and barley grow, Oats, peas, beans, and barley grow, You nor I nor no one knows How oats, peas, beans and barley grow. Thus the farmer sows his seed. Thus he stands and takes his ease. He claps his hands, he stamps his foot And turns all 'round to view the land. He's waiting for a partner. He's waiting for a partner. So open the ring and take her in, And kiss her as she enters in. Now you're married, you must obey, Now you're married, you must obey, Now you're married, you must obey, So take a kiss and walk away. wild oats Dissolute behavior and doings, youthful folly, usually of a sex sort. Usually to "sow wild oats." He who cannot obey cannot command. obleege Oblige. as obstinate as a mule obstitute According to my friend P. B. Wadsworth, "An obstitute would constitute a substitute for a prostitute who was destitute and will restitute in the institute." oceans A large amount. "Pulling that fodder in July brings out oceans of sweat in the workers — good for them." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 793 "O Come, All Ye Faithful" For more than two hundred years this great Christmas hymn has brightened many a fireside, church and hall. First known in J. F. Ward's "Cantus Diversi" (1751), it was sung in Latin for nearly a hundred years— "Adeste fideles laeti triumphantes, Venite, venite in Bethlehem. Natum videte, Regem angelorum Venite adoremus, venite adoremus, Venite adoremus Dominum." In 1841 Frederick Oakley made his perfect translation into English. "O come, all ye faithful, Joyful and triumphant. O come ye, O come ye to Bethlehem. Come and behold him, Born the king of angels. O come, let us adore him, O come, let us adore him, O come, let us adore him, Christ, the Lord." Octobers Chrysanthemums. odd Crazy, retarded. "Poor Mis' Matthews had that odd boy, and he's a trial and tribulation in church." Odd or Even? A guessing game usually played by two people. One will hold his closed hand out in which he has perhaps grains of corn or pennies or some item and asks the other player to guess' 'odd or even?" If he guesses rightly, then he gets the contents of the hand; if he guesses wrongly, he has to pay the other player one item to make the number match his guess. od drat (drot) it! A mild expletive. odds and ends A scattering or collection of little things, a medley of matters. ods God's. "Ods daggers and blades, as the play says, take your hand off my leg!" �794 Paul Green's Wordbook Oedipus complex According to the Freudian mythology, a fascination-complex for one's mother, usually in terms of a son wanting to have intercourse with his mother. Here is just another of Freud's blasphemous ideas. of On. "I fell flat of my back." off and on Vacillating, unsteady, unreliable. off base Wrong, ignorant of the fact. If thine eye offend thee, pluck it out. If thy right hand offend thee, cut it off. offish (stand-offish) Cool, aloof, reserved. off one's chest To speak out, to tell of one's hidden troubles. "Get it off your chest and you'll feel better." This is a good Freudian doctrine even to action, and contrast that with the advice of Samuel Johnson to his friend Boswell. Boswell had written to Johnson in the year 1776 telling him that he was downhearted, had the melancholies, and asked for Johnson's sympathy and advice. Johnson wrote back, "Do not however hope wholly to reason away your troubles; do not feed them with attention, and they will die imperceptibly away. Fix your thoughts upon your business, fill your eatables with company, and sunshine will again break in upon your mind." If this isn't good advice, then my mother and dad were both monkeys. Freud wants a person to lie on a cot session after session and keep telling about his troubles. I've known people who have done that so much and got so hipped on their so-called diseases that they have gone plumb crazy and have had to be shut up in the nut house. Let us hope for an early return of the Sam Johnson good sense in the halls of the psychologists and in the dens of the psychiatrists. off one's feed (oats) Feeling unwell, without appetite, sickish. off one's rocker Irrational condition, behavior. off the cuff Ad lib, extemporaneous, snap judgment. off the hook Released from a difficult situation or dilemma. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 795 off the top of my head A spur-of-the-moment estimate or comment, a hurried guess. off yonder Quite a distance away. oh baby! A mild interjection. Same as oh-boy! O dear, what can the matter be, Johnnie's so long at the fair. He promised to bring me a bow of blue ribbon To put in my pretty brown hair. (A recitation rhyme and lyrics to a folk song.) Oh, Georgie Buck is dead. The last thing he said, Was "Never let a woman have her way." (Negro rhyme proverb.) "Oh, John Hardy" Another murderer-hero song, often confused both as to tune and words with the epic John Henry of Negro lore. We young farm workers sang it in the fields and in the timber woods, the while we sympathized more with the killer than with the killed. "Oh, John Hardy was a mean and desperated man. He toted two guns every day. He killed him a man in a West Virginia town And now he's gonna hang today, today. Lord, he's gonna hang today. "John Hardy said, 'Momma, lend me fifty cents.' She said, 'I haven't got any change.' 'Then hand me down my good old forty-four, I'm gonna blow out my aggervating brains, Lord, blow out my aggervating brains.' "John Hardy had a purty little wife, The dress she wore it was blue. She threw her arms around John Hardy's neck, Said, 'Honey, I've been true to you. Lord, honey, I've been true to you!' "Now his little loving wife is standing by his side When John Hardy mounts up the scaffold high, �796 Paul Green's Wordbook And the very last words they hear John Hardy say Is, Til meet you in the sweet by-and-by, Lord, I'll meet you in the sweet by-and-by.' " 'Oh Little Liza Jane" A jolly piece for Valley group singing and fun. "I got a house in Baltimore Sixteen stories high And every story in that house Is full of chicken pie, Oh little Liza, little Liza Jane, Oh little Liza, little Liza Jane! "When I go a-fishing I take my hook and line, But when I go a-courtin' I court this gal o'mine. Oh little Liza, etc. "You climb up an oak tree, I'll climb up a gum, When I see my Liza, I want to kiss her some. Oh little Liza," etc. 'Oh, Mary, Don't You Weep, Don't You Mourn" This old Negro folk piece was a popular work song, especially for us laborers in the cotton fields. "Some of these days about twelve o'clock This old world's gonna reel and rock— Pharaoh's army got drownded— Oh, Mary, don't you weep. "Oh, Mary, don't you weep, don't you mourn. Your son's in heaven with a harp and a horn— Pharaoh's army got drownded— Oh, Mary, don't you weep. "If I could, I surely would Stand on the rock where Moses stood— Pharaoh's army got drownded— Oh, Mary, don't you weep. "All you sinners better kneel and pray, 'Please, Suh, don't send yo' judgment day'— �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 797 Pharaoh's army got drownded— Oh, Mary, don't you weep." "Oh, My Darling Clementine" One of the most popular picnic, hayride, and barbershop quartet pieces the Valley has ever known. Its outlandish story words, like Foster's "Oh Susanna" and many others, seem to have added to its popularity. "In a cavern, in a canyon Excavating for a mine Dwelt a miner, forty-niner, And his daughter Clementine." Chorus "Oh my darling, oh my darling, Oh my darling Clementine, Thou art lost and gone forever. Dreadful sorry, Clementine. "Light she was and like a fairy And her shoes were number nine. Herring boxes without topses Sandals were for Clementine." (Chorus) And so on, with an account of how she fell into the foaming brine, "blowing bubbles soft and fine.'' Then because the lover was no swimmer he lost his Clementine to drown, and she was buried in a churchyard near the canyon "where the myrtle doth entwine" and "the miner, forty-niner, Soon began to peak and pine, Thought he oughter join his daughter. Now he's with his Clementine." (Chorus) "In my dreams she still doth haunt me, Robed in garments soaked in brine. Though in life I used to hug her, Now she's dead, I'll draw the line." (Chorus) Oh, my ass! Exclamation. Oh, sugar! An exclamation. "Oh, Susanna" One of Stephen Foster's cherished songs, and one of the Valley favorites for quartets or hayride singing. It was a singing piece for the forty-niners on their long marching to �798 Paul Green's Wordbook the California gold fields. Over the years millions of copies have been sold, but Foster received about $100 for it, says the Americana Encyclopedia, but Jack Burton in his The Blue Book of Tin Pan Alley says he received $10. Either one was a shame and a scandal. As was Foster's custom after his first important composition, "Open Thy Lattice, Love," he wrote his own lyrics. The words for "Oh, Susanna" are of the extravagant nonsense class popularized, for example, by the E. P. Christy blackface minstrels. "I come from Alabama Wid my banjo on my knee, I'm g'wan to Lou'siana My true love for to see. It rained all night the day I left The weather it was dry, The sun so hot I froze to death, Susanna, don't you cry. Oh, Susanna, Don't you cry for me! I come from Alabama Wid my banjo on my knee." And so even to the unflattering but cherished also— "De buckwheat cake was in her mouth, De tear was in her eye Says I, I'm coming from de South, Susanna, don't you cry." 'Oh, the Old Gray Mare" This is another nonsense song that used to be popular in the Valley at picnics and on hayrides. Also it was a good male quartet number at schoolbreakings. "Oh, the old gray mare she ain't what she used to be, Ain't what she used to be, ain't what she used to be, Oh, the old gray mare she ain't what she used to be Many long years ago." Refrain "Many long years ago Many long years ago. Oh, the old gray mare she ain't what she used to be Many long years ago. "Oh the old gray mare she kicked o'er the swingletree, Kicked o'er the swingletree, kicked o'er the swingletree, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 799 Oh the old gray mare she kicked o'er the swingletree Many long years ago." As to the other doings of the old gray mare, I found no record. "Oh, when I'm dead, don't bury me at all, Just pickle my bones in alcohol, Put a bottle of booze at my head and feet To tell the world I'm sleeping sweet, And a brand new suit and my Stetson hat To tell the boys I died standing pat!" (A graveyard brag song.) Oh yeah! A mild expletive expression of disbelief, derision or denial. Oil and water won't mix. Pour oil on troubled waters. oiland Island. oiled Liquored up. oil on the fire To add trouble to trouble, to touch off an explosive situation. okay The worn-out term of agreement, fine, everything shipshape. It was used, according to H. L. Mencken, as early as 1841. okay by me I agree. okey-doke Same as okay. okra A tall garden plant bearing long pointed green fruit pods. This vegetable is especially popular with Valley people for stews and soups. Also of late the pods cut into bits and fried are found in the restaurants and cafeterias. I've heard my father say, too, that back in the Civil War days folks made mucilage from the slimy ripe pods, and in those hard times the parched seeds were used for coffee along with parched corn grains and peas. In the early days the settlers made dye from the blossoms. as old as Methuselah �800 Paul Green's Wordbook as old as the hills as old as the itch An old bear is slow in learning to dance. The old make the laws and the young die for them. Old men are twice children. The old must give way to the new. The old order changeth. An old woman's dance is soon over. Honor the old. You can't teach an old dog new tricks. never too old to learn old and young A folk superstition. Old people and young people should not sleep together, for the old ones take the strength away from the young. Old Bad Boy The devil. He is also called Old Davy, Old Harry, Old Ned, Old Nick, Old Roger, Old Scratch, etc. Sometimes he is even called The Old Black Man. old bag An old woman. Old Billy Buck A child's guessing game. One child puts his head in another's lap and as his back is slapped rhythmically, the slapper says, "Old Billy Buck, try your luck, how many fingers do I hold up?" And the child with his head down guesses. If he guesses correctly, then the two change places, but if he guesses incorrectly, say three fingers are held up and the guess is two, then the rhyme goes on. "Two you said, and three it was, Old Billy Buck, try your luck." And so on. old bird An experienced criminal. "Old Black Joe" Stephen Foster's immortal tribute to a black friend. This Joe was a real person. He drove Dr. Andrew McDowell's buggy for many years, serving in addition as yard man, butler and general factotum. Dr. McDowell was the father of Jane McDowell, "Jeanie with the light brown hair," Foster's �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 801 boyhood sweetheart and later his wife. Mrs. Jessie Welsh Rose, a granddaughter of the McDowells, in her reminiscences, published in The Pittsburgh Post in 1926, says of Joe, "In the evenings he pottered, as grandma expressed it, around the house and felt all dressed up in an old blue coat with brass buttons on the tails — the coat only doing duty when Joe 'buttled' in the house. He loved 'his family' dearly and when the beaux of the period brought their stiff starched bouquets to the McDowell girls, five of them living, no one was more intensely pleased than Joe. Grandma recalled him shuffling down the hall carrying a bouquet behind his back, his countenance shining with delight, and calling in a pleased voice 'Miss Jinny! Miss Jinny! Come see what I have for you!' When dusk came, Joe lit the candles and lamps — laid the logs in the fireplace and waited upon the door. All through the sweetheart days Joe watched Foster come and go. The two became great friends. 'Someday I'm going to put you in a song, Joe,' Foster told him and felt in his heart that it was a promise. The old man was gone when the day of fulfillment came, but today and perhaps always 'Old Black Joe' lives again. "There is one remembrance that comes to me at this writing, and that is how inseparably the song 'Old Black Joe' was associated in my grandmother's mind with her own life and family. It was the one song we couldn't sing in Grandma's hearing during her last years. It brought back days of unforgettable happiness among those she had loved and lost, and left her always in tears." "Gone are the days when my heart was young and gay, Gone are the friends from the cotton fields away, Gone from the earth to a better land I know, I hear their gentle voices calling 'Old Black Joe.' I'm coming, I'm coming, for my head is bending low. I hear their gentle voices calling 'Old Black Joe.' I'm coming, I'm coming, for my head is bending low. I hear their gentle voices calling 'Old Black Joe.' " old buck A common name for an aged ram or steer. old cat die Allowing the rope or porch swing to come to a natural stop. Old Christmas Twelfth Night, Epiphany, January 6. In some places in North Carolina it is still celebrated, especially on the Outer Banks. It used to be celebrated in the Valley, but I haven't heard of such for several years. �802 Paul Green's Wordbook Old COOn for cunning, Young coon for running. 'Old Dan Tucker" A play-party song. The tune is a prime favorite also at fiddlers' conventions. The piece was sung in minstrel shows as early as 1841, says Vance Randolph in his Ozark Folksongs (four volumes). It is credited to that Ohio native, Dan Emmett, who wrote the Southern national anthem, "Dixie." In the game the players, boys and girls, choose partners. They then form acircle, holding hands. "It," an additional boy, is "Old Dan," and he stands in the center of the circle. The music — fiddle and banjo usually — strikes up and the players sing. "Old Dan Tucker's come to town, Swinging the ladies all around. First to the right and then to the left And choose the one that you love best." At the words "First to the right," "Old Dan" has the privilege of pulling a girl out into the ring by the right hand, thrusting her back into her place again, and on the words "and then to the left" he pulls a girl out by the left hand and thrusts her back as before. Of course there are breaks in the singing, while the turning and thrusting back are taking place, the music continuing the while. At the words, "And then to the one that you love best,'' each boy swings his own partner. During the swinging "Old Dan" tries to snatch a girl for himself. If he succeeds, the boy who loses his partner becomes "Old Dan." Refrain "Get out'n the way, Old Dan Tucker, Get out'n the way, Old Dan Tucker, Get out'n the way, Old Dan Tucker— You're too late to get your supper. "Old Dan Tucker's a son of a bitch, He got drunk and fell in a ditch. Old Dan Tucker he got drunk, Fell in the fire and kicked out a chunk. Get out'n the way, Old Dan Tucker— "Old Dan Tucker's a fine old man, Washed his face in the frying pan, Combed his head with a wagon wheel, Died with the toothache in his heel. Get out'n the way, Old Dan Tucker—" �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 803 And so on with more nonsense words and rollicking joy. Old Dead Sheep A catch. One speaker starts off by saying, "I saw an old dead sheep." The second answers, "I one it." And it goes on, "I two it," next "I three it," next "I four it," next "I five it,", next "I six it," next "I seven it," next "I eight (ate) it." Then the children go off into gales of laughter. Old Doctor Foster He went to Glo'cester To preach the word of God. When he got there, He sat on a chair, And gave all the people a nod. (Nursery rhyme.) old fields Fields that have been allowed to lie fallow, usually growing up in loblolly pines. old fogy One who has got out of the mainstream of things or has old-fashioned ideas. "Old Folks at Home" Perhaps Stephen Foster's most beloved song. It is often called "Way Down Upon the Swanee River," though the composer never saw this river. E. P. Christy, "the minstrel king," paid Foster $15 for it and for years claimed it as his own composition. Morrison Foster, Stephen's older brother, tells the story of the song's composition. "One day in 1851," he recounts, "Stephen came into my office on the bank of the Monongahela, Pittsburgh, and said to me, 'What is a good name of two syllables for a Southern river? I want to use it in this new song of "Old Folks at Home." I asked him how Yazoo would do. 'Oh,' said he, 'that has been used before.' I then suggested Pedee. 'Oh, pshaw,' he replied, 'I won't have that.' I then took down an atlas from the top of my desk and opened the map of the United States. We both looked over it and my finger stopped at the 'Swanee,' a little river in Florida emptying into the Gulf of Mexico. 'That's it, that's it exactly,' exclaimed he delighted, as he wrote the name down; and the song was finished, commencing, "Way Down Upon de Swanee Ribber." He left the office, as was his custom, abruptly, without saying another word, and I resumed my work." Foster's original lyric of' 'Old Folks at Home'' shows that his first title, as he entered it in his notebook, was "Way down upon de old plantation." The first verse was: �804 Paul Green's Wordbook "Way down upon de Pedee ribber Far, far away Dere's where my heart is turning ebber Dere's wha my brudders play." "Pedee" was crossed out, and "Swanee" written just above it: Swanee "Way down upon de Pedee ribber Far, far away Dere's where my heart is turning ebber Dere's where de old folks stay." Many music historians agree that save for one or two national anthems, such as' 'The Marseillaise,'' "Old Folks at Home'' is the most popular and widely loved song ever written. It has been translated into every European language and into many Asian and African tongues. Millions of people the world over, including Communist countries, have sung it and continue to sing it. old hand An experienced person, an expert. old hat Old stuff, a worn-out matter. Old Horny The devil. old hoss An intimate and jocular form of address, usually from man to man. "Old Hundred" See "Doxology." how old is Anne? A question that can't be answered. "Old Joe Clark" A play-party piece and almost as popular as "Old Dan Tucker" for both fiddling and dancing. "I went down to old Joe Clark's. He was sick in bed, Run my finger down his throat And pulled out a chicken head. "Round and round old Joe Clark, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 805 Round and round I say— Round and round old Joe Clark, I ain't got long to stay. "Old Joe Clark killed a man, Buried him in the sand. Old Joe Clark's gonna be hung, Ain't no other man. "Round and round, old Joe Clark," etc. "Old Joe Clark's dead and gone— I hope he's doing well, Wearing stripes and the ball and chain, Way down there in hell." "Round and round," etc. Old King Cole was a merry old soul, And a merry old soul was he. He called for his pipe and he called for his bowl And he called for his fiddlers three. And every fiddler, he had a fine fiddle, And a very fine fiddle had he, etc. (A nursery rhyme.) "O Little Town of Bethlehem" Another favorite Valley Christmas carol and popular especially on our Christmas serenadings. The melody was composed by one Lewis H. Redner. I've tried to trace him but failed. The words were written by that brilliant young Episcopal bishop of Massachusetts, Phillips Brooks, whose promising church career ended in his too-early death at 3 8.1 can still recall the wonderful snug feeling some of the words of this beautiful carol gave me at Christmas when I was young. And if one of our rare snows had fallen at the time, the feeling was almost heavenly— "O little town of Bethlehem, How still we see thee lie; Above thy deep and dreamless sleep The silent stars go by. Yet in thy dark streets shineth The everlasting light. The hopes and fears of all the years Are met in thee tonight." �806 Paul Green's Wordbook "Old MacDonald Had A Farm" One of those tantalizing memory-testing nonsense songs. It was always popular at our play-parties, picnics, and hayrides. The imitated noises used to throw us into stitches and sometimes the roll call of animals and fowl with their imitated sounds grew so hilarious we had to stop and change to another song or game. Old MacDonald had a farm, E-I-E-I-O, And on that farm he had some ducks, E-I-E-I-O, With a quack, quack (imitate) here And a quack, quack there, Here a quack and there a quack And everywhere a quack, quack— Old MacDonald had a farm, E-I-E-I-O! Then other animals and fowl would be added, but each time the singers had to start at the beginning and include them all in succession. I always fell out after three or four were named — chicks, pigs, turkeys ("with a gobble, gobble here"), cows, mules (' 'with a bray, bray here"), sheep ("with a baa— baa here"), dogs, and so on — as many as could be remembered. old man The boss, husband or father, and an affectionate form of address even to a young man. Also reference to the penis. Old Man Hypocrite We used to play this with a leader protecting the children. One player, the old man, would come along hopping by the help of his stick and crying out a pitiful cry, "Old Man Hypocrite." And we would ask, "What's the matter?'' He would repeat''Old Man Hypocrite.'' And he would go pitifully by us and then all of a sudden turn and try to catch one of us. Much the same as Hawk and Chickens. old man's beard The flowering ash, also called fringe tree. The white beard or fringe of this beautiful tree — perhaps rather a shrub since it rarely grows higher than twenty feet — appears in early spring even before the leaves of the other trees have thickened. Its white beard can be seen here and there in the woods, and its heavenly smell fills the air. It is a showy tree and is often planted by Valley people for ornamentation. Its time of flowering is early April to early May. It grows best in damp land and along stream banks, the botanists say. But the many I have planted around our house thrive mightily, though �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 807 we live on a hill. In the old days the settlers chewed the roots and swallowed the juice, saying it added to their sexual powers. The high birthrate in the Valley — up to recent years — might give credence to this superstition. But I doubt there has ever been any need here for such help. It was also used for bronchial infections. See "Spanish moss" also. Old Molly Hare, whatcha doing there? Running through the cotton patch hard as I can tear. Rabbit in the cornfield eating all the peas. Milk cow, bell cow a-kicking up her heels. Oh, Mr. Rabbit, your ears are mighty longYes, by God, for they put 'em on wrong. Oh, Mr Rabbit, your tail's mighty white. Say so, 'tis so, and I'm getting out of sight. (Animal jingle.) Old Master God. Old Mother Hubbard Went to the cupboard To get her poor dog a bone, When she got there, The cupboard was bare, And so the poor dog got none. (A nursery rhyme.) Old Mother Twitchett has but one eye And a long tail which she can let fly, And every time she goes through a gap She leaves a bit of her tail in a trap. (Riddle. - A threaded needle.) Old Ned The devil or a high temper. Old Nick The devil. "Old Ninety-seven" The wreck of this Southern Railway train became the subject of one of our most popular ballads.The accident described in the song-ballad occurred on September 27, 1903. The mail train Number 97 was running from Washington, D.C. to Atlanta, Georgia, and was some forty minutes late. �808 Paul Green's Wordbook It picked up speed and in rounding a curve jumped the tracks just north of Danville, Virginia. It fell into a ravine and the engineer and crew were killed. Being a mail train only, there were no passengers aboard. Before long, ballads were out and the one written to the tune of "The Ship That Never Returned" caught on best. My brother and I used to sing it over and over as we grubbed up roots in the newground or chopped out the grassy cotton. "On a bright Sunday morning in Washington City Just at the rising of the sun Steve Brodie kissed his wife, saying, 'Children, God bless you, Your daddy's got to go on his run.' "They give him his orders in Monroe, Virginia, Saying, 'Steve, you're way behind time. This is not Thirty-eight but it's old Ninety-seven, And you've got to put her into Danville on time.' "It's a mighty rough road from Lynchburg to Danville And a line on a three-mile grade. It was on this grade that he lost his airbrake— Just see what a run he made. "He was coming down the hill making ninety miles an hour When his whistle broke into a scream. He was found in the wreck with his hand on the throttle— He was scalded to death in the steam." "The Old Oaken Bucket" This was another favorite song with our male quartet in the old days, and it was likewise popular at picnics and on hayrides. The description in the song of the old oaken bucket that hung in the well didn't quite fit our well bucket. Ours was too much in use providing water for the family and for the mules, hogs and cows ever to get any moss on it. But we loved the song anyway — words and melody — for its honoring this humble and yet most necessary farm utensil. "How dear to my heart are the scenes of my childhood, When fond recollection presents them to view! The orchard, the meadow, the deep tangled wildwood, And ev'ry loved spot which my infancy knew. "The wide-spreading pond and the mill that stood by it, The bridge and the rock where the cataract fell, The cot of my father, the dairy house nigh it, And e'en the rude bucket that hung in the well. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 809 The old oaken bucket, the iron-bound bucket, The moss-covered bucket that hung in the well." An old person's funeral brings rain. old rail Syphilis. Old Reliable A term applied to The News and Observer. This Raleigh paper founded by Josephus Daniels nearly a hundred years ago is a solid supporter of the Democratic party. It covers the Valley like a blanket, says Lonnie Cofield, and thousands of subscribers there speak pridefully of it as "The Old Reliable,'' and it is that, being delivered to its subscribers daily and without fail, come hell or high water, freeze or flood, and, like Sears and Roebuck catalog, having in addition to its reading other practical uses. My father subscribed to the paper as long as I can remember, and I can still hear him saying to a neighbor, "I see in the paper where—" the statement to follow having the ring of authority because it had appeared in print. Sometimes the introductory phrase was shorter, being simply "I see where—", this meaning the same. I have followed in the footsteps of my father and am a constant subscriber to "The Old Reliable." I have always had a special affection for this paper and for its later editor, Jonathan Daniels, son of the founder, and I look back with joyous memory to the first little piece of writing I ever published — a small corn field yearning lyric which was printed in it. Way back, Lord, Lord, how many years! And it is especially close to me also because through it a dear friend of mine was rescued from a drunkard's grave. This friend was a rising young merchant in my hometown, happily married and with three fine children. Everybody prophesied a successful career for him. But somehow in the midst of all his stable and successful doings, he took to drink. As time passed he drank more and more, and finally became a sot drunkard, and his business went to pieces. It got so that he would lie up soused in bed all day long, and then late at night would lonesomely wander the streets of the town. Many a time he would be poking around as the dawn came up, and then as the sun began to show its spangled glory in the east, he would make his way home to his bottle and to bed again, as if ashamed to meet any of his neighbors abroad or feel the sun in his face. It happened in some of his late wanderings he ran into the early morning "Old Reliable" delivery man. They struck up acquaintance and my friend often would get into the pick-up truck with him and ride about delivering the paper from door to door. Once or twice to help out, when he was in shape to, he would drive the pick-up while the delivery man on rainy mornings would be wrapping �810 Paul Green's Wordbook up each individual paper in a protective covering. Well, to make a long story short, he got more and more interested in helping to deliver' 'The Old Reliable'' and once when the delivery man was ill he took over delivering the paper that day himself. Some of his friends helped him get a pick-up truck of his own, and he finally became "The Old Reliable" delivery man in that region. As he became more dependable, he drank less and less and finally stopped altogether. Once he said to me, "Paul, I reckon what really saved me was a sort of selfish prideful feeling that came to me when I would be driving around delivering the paper, thinking of all the people snoozing away in their houses, many of them lazy and lying there and me out serving them, fixing it so that they could have their paper with their morning coffee and maybe thankful to the fellow that delivered it. And then too what helped was the fact that The News and Observer folks in Raleigh trusted me." Before too long my friend was back in the church, back as a member in good standing in the Chamber of Commerce, a good member of Rotary, and admired and respected as once he was. Now when you go through the town you will see his big and thriving department store there in the middle of the main block with his name spread in big letters across it. His children are all being educated, the son is a student at the University at Chapel Hill, and the eldest girl is entering St. Mary's next year. Yes, a lot of us are mighty thankful to "The Old Reliable," sometimes jocularly referred to as "The Nuisance and Disturber." The term also refers to the penis. old salt An experienced sailor, an old follower of the sea. Old Scratch The devil. old shoe A common thing or person, something very plain, same as old hat. old so-and-so A term of opprobrium, usually equal to old son of a bitch. old soldier An experienced military man, also an empty bottle or cigar stub. old son (old squirt, old thing) A jocular and affectionate form of greeting between men. old sore An ancient grudge. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 811 Old Split Foot The devil. old stick-in-the-mud A very dull or staid person. old stuff Out-of-date news or argument. old timer A j ocular and intimate form of address, also refers to an old settler or pioneer. "Old Time Religion" A rousing camp-meeting hymn that stands against smart-alecky new preachers and sings out the old, old solid stuff. The original title was " 'Tis the Old Time Religion," but we children always sang it as "Gimme that old time religion." It is found in many of the old hymn books but rarely in the new ones. Its authorship is unknown. The famous Fisk Jubilee Singers used it in their tours at home and abroad. "Gimme that old time religion (repeat two times more) It's good enough for me. It was good for our mothers (repeat two times) It's good enough for me." In subsequent stanzas we substituted for the third line any — and sometimes all — of the following— "Makes me love everybody —" "It has saved our father —" "It was good for the prophet Daniel —" "It was good for the Hebrew children —" "It was tried in the fiery furnace —" "It was good for Paul and Silas —" "It will do when I am dying —" "It will take me home to heaven." The list can continue if one wishes but heaven seems a good stopping place. "Old Ship of Zion" This is a typical representation of old hymns and spirituals. It was first published, so far as I can find out, as early as 1830. It often goes under the title, "She'll Be Coming Round the Mountain." We sang it and sang it. "The old ship of Zion, when she comes, when she comes," This is repeated four times, thus constituting the full first stanza, then it takes off with— �812 Paul Green's Wordbook "She'll be coming round the mountain when she comes," and so on, and continuing with— "She'll be driving six white horses when she comes," "We'll kill the old red rooster when she comes." The list of actions can be as long as one wishes to make it. old timey curative procedures Many a good strong man died in the old days from too much bleeding prescribed by the doctors. (Cf. George Washington.) As a child I remember seeing Dr. Joe McKay, our long-suffering family doctor, bleed my father. He made a little cut in his back, applied a suction cup to the cut and drew out half a cupful of blood. "You'll feel better now, Billy," he said. "I already feel better, Joe," my father said. There were four main methods of treatment in the early days — by induced puking, by purging, bleeding and sweating. Some of the doctors were hardboiled. Their attitude was expressed in the old acrimonious rhyme which was once current in the Valley as to their patients— "Puke 'em, purge 'em, Bleed 'em, sweat 'em, If they die, Then damnit let "em!" "Old Uncle Ned" Another of Stephen Foster's heart-warming darky minstrel pieces. Mrs. Evelyn Foster Monneweck in her Chronicles of Stephen Foster's Family quotes Stephen Foster's older brother Morrison as to Foster's creation of "Old Uncle Ned." "In 1845, a club of young men, friends of his, met twice a week at our house to practice songs in harmony under his leadership. They were J. Cust Blair, Andrew L. Robinson, J. Harvey Davis, Robert P. McDowell and myself. At that time, negro melodies were very popular. After we had sung over and over again all the songs then in favor, he proposed that he would try and make some for us himself. His first effort was called 'The Louisiana Belle.' A week after this, he produced the famous song of 'Old Uncle Ned.' 'Uncle Ned' immediately became known and popular everywhere. Both the words and melody are remarkable. At the time he wrote 'His fingers were long like de cane in de brake,' he had never seen a cane brake, nor ever been below the mouth of the Ohio river, but the appropriateness of the simile instantly strikes everyone who has traveled down the Mississippi." "Dere was an old darky, dey called him Uncle Ned, He's dead long ago, long ago. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 813 He had no wool on de top of his head, De place whar de wool ought to grow. Den lay down de shubble and de hoe, Hang up de fiddle and de bow. No more work for poor old Ned, He's gone whar de good darkies go." old wife's tongue The quivering (quaking) aspen. old woman The midwife. In the old days the old woman or midwife did most of the baby delivering. And of course there were many infections and deaths from childbed fever. old woman picking her geese Snow falling. olive branch Rainbow, a token of peace. 'oman Woman. 'omi Wise The murder of Noami Wise has long been a ballad subject in North Carolina. Our quartet used to sing it, having learned it from the Valley historian, Mr. Mac. The first copy of the ballad, music and words, I ever saw I got from a street hawker in Chapel Hill. I was a freshman at the University and was the happy recipient of a five-dollar gold piece won in a short story contest. At a meeting in old Hill Hall, John Washburn, who was from my hometown of Lillington and was president of the senior class, made the award. Walking along Franklin Street shortly after this I met up with the hawker who was calling out his song books and ballads. He announced to the air he had the pitiful song of poor 'Omi Wise with him, "Twenty-five cents!" I didn't have twenty-five cents, but I had a five-dollar gold piece. Right off I bought the ballad. He changed the gold piece, and we both parted happy. The ballad tells 'Omi's story clearly enough and there's no need here for a different stating. "Come all good people, I'd have you draw near, A sorrowful story you quickly shall hear; A story I'll tell you of poor 'Omi Wise, How she was deluded by Lewis's lies. "He promised to marry and use her quite well; But conduct contrary I sadly must tell, �814 Paul Green's Wordbook He promised to meet her at Adam's spring; He promised her marriage and many a fine thing. "Still nothing he gave her but flattered the case. He says 'We'll be married and have no disgrace, Come get up behind me, we'll go in to town. And there we'll be married, in union be bound.' "She got up behind him and straight he did go To the bank of Deep River where the water did flow; He says 'Now, poor 'Omi, I'll tell you my mind, I intend here to drown you and leave you behind.' " 'O pity your infant and spare me my life Let me go rejected, and not be your wife.' 'No pity, no pity,' this monster did cry, 'In Deep River's bottom your body shall lie!' "The wretch then did choke her, as we understand, And threw her in the river below the milldam; Be it murder or treason, O! What a great crime, To drown poor 'Omi and leave her behind. "Poor 'Omi was missing, they all did well know, And hunting for her to the river did go, And there found her floating in the water so deep, Which caused all the people to moan and to weep. "The neighbors were sent for to see the great sight, While she lay floating all that long night; So early next morning the inquest was held; The jury correctly the murder did tell." Jonathan Lewis was arrested and lodged in jail. But he escaped and fled to the midwest. Years passed. It was finally rumored that he was living at the Falls of the Ohio. Officers were sent and he was arrested, brought back and tried. The verdict was "not guilty." Too much time had passed. On his deathbed, however, he confessed to having slain 'Omi and, according to a folklore account, he repeated her pleas for help. With his face drawn in contortions and' 'the death rattle in his throat,'' he described her actions as she learned that she was going to her Maker instead of to her husband. There is a spot marked on a stone just below the old milldam and also near the old Naomi Ford that is said to be where the footprint of the young woman was found the morning after her drowning. More than one Negro reports seeing her ghost hovering around the place. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence on 815 Indefinite time. "She'll stay on, I hear." About, concerning. "The preacher preached on the forgiveness of sin." on a high horse To be excited, unduly angry. on and off Now and then. "He's sober on and off." on a string To have control of. "That girl's got old P. J. on a string and he a married man at that." on cloud nine Highly exhilarated, happy. on edge Nervous, irritable. once This time, one time. "For the once I'll let you go," said the judge. once and occasionally Sometime, now and then. "I once and occasionally catches a rabbit in my gum." Once bitten, twice shy. once in a blue moon Very rarely, nardly ever. once over A quick glance or quick, half-finished job. one Used for emphasis. "I'll be there Monday or Tuesday one." "The law will get that boy or I will one." One or the other, either. "The brush have got to be hauled off, so take the truck or pick-up one." One at a time, they last longer. One bird in the hand is worth two in the bush. One half the world knows not how the other half lives. One man's meat is another man's poison. �816 Paul Green's Wordbook One may say too much even upon the best subject. One of these days is none of these days. on edge Nervous, irritable. "OneFishball" One of those silly popular songs, and popular because they are silly — and of course one must always allow for a good singable tune to go with them. The "Fishball" song is still popular with my wife and was much sung by her father and all the Lay children. It also tells a story. ' 'There was a man went up and down To seek a dinner on the town. "He feels his cash to know his pence. And finds he has but just six cents. "He finds at last a right cheap place And enters in with modest face. "The bill of fare he searches through To see what his six cents will do. "The cheapest serving of them all Is twelve and a half cents for two fishball. "Then to the waiter he doth call, And gently whispers — 'One fishball.' "The waiter roars it through the hall, The guests they start at 'One fishball!' "The guest then says, quite ill at ease, 'A piece of bread, sir, if you please.' "The waiter roars it through the hall, 'We don't give bread with one fishball!' " one foot in the grave and the other edging up To be very old, senile. one foot in the stirrup On the verge of, ready to spring into action. one for the birds A foolish comment, a mistrusted promise, a statement of derision. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 817 One for the money, Two for the show, Three to make ready, And four to go. (A game rhyme.) We boys used to recite this as we stood with extended pointed hands ready to jump into the old swimming place in Middle Prong Creek, and at the word "go," in we would dive. one gallus Poor, ignorant. one-horse Small, feeble, unimportant. "Joshua Jones has got just that little ol' onehorse farm and he and his wife and children are 'bout to starve to death." One hour's sleep before midnight is worth two hours after. One I Love A divination rhyme. Sometimes we used appleseeds or orange seeds or anything that would suit. And sometimes we would take holly leaves and touch the points of the leaf or pull daisy petals as we would recite the rhyme: One, I love, Two, I love, Three, I love I say. Four, I love with all my heart, And five, I cast away. Six, he loves, Seven, she loves, Eight, they both love. Nine, he comes, Ten, he tarries, Eleven, he courts, Twelve, he marries. Thirteen wishes. Fourteen kisses, And all the rest are little witches. And sometimes we would say the last line, "And all the rest are little switches," or "great long switches." one more man A man of powerful frame or muscular strength.' 'That Jim Jones, I tell you, is one more man." �818 Paul Green's Wordbook one of the boys A crony, a hail-fellow-well-met. one of these (those) days An indefinite time. A hectic time. "I'm exhausted — it's been one of those days." one on him A fact or point charged against a person. one potato A counting out rhyme. one's cup of tea Preference, choice, satisfying. "That parade was my cup of tea." by oneself Alone. one-sided Unfair. one storey and a jump A house with one and a half stories. I tell you one thing A preparatory phrase for an emphatic statement to follow. One thing at a time And that done well Is a very good rule As many can tell. One today is worth two tomorrows. One, two, buckle my shoe, Three, four, shut the door, Five, six, pick up sticks, Seven, eight, lay them straight, Nine, ten, a good fat hen, Eleven, twelve, roast her well, Thirteen, fourteen, girls a-courting, Fifteen, sixteen, girls a-fixing, Seventeen, eighteen, girls a-waiting, Nineteen, twenty, brides a-plenty. (A game rhyme.) There are other variations of this rhyme especially in the last few lines. For instance: �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 819 Seventeen, eighteen, girls a-waiting, Nineteen, twenty, my plate's empty. Or, again: Seventeen, eighteen, ladies a-waiting, Nineteen, twenty, goodies a-plenty. Still another variation of this I have heard: One, two, three, four, Five, six, seven, All good children go to heaven. All the bad ones go below To keep company with Old Black Joe. one up A point or score ahead. One white foot, buy him, Two white feet, try him, Three white feet, look well about him, Four white feet, do without him. (A wisdom rhyme in reference to horses or mules.) on hand To have in one's possession or near by. "Heck Green's always got money on hand." onion The ordinary and common garden vegetable, and there are many folk beliefs concerning it. For instance, it used to be believed that an onion kept in the room of a typhoid patient would prevent the nurse from catching the disease. One person reported that she had found a plate of onions under the bed and cabbage leaves tied around the wrists and ankles and bound to the head of the patient who was sick of typhoid fever. Also onions chewed and taken internally or sliced up and tied around the afflicted limb were thought to be good for rheumatism. Another belief was that one could keep off contagious diseases of any sort by wearing an onion tied around his neck or kept in his pocket. Some have told me that the best onion for this is a red onion, that the white onion lacks the power. And of course all of us have heard that eating onions is one of the best cures for a cold. There is the common rhyme: An apple a day keeps the doctor away, An onion a day keeps everybody away. �820 Paul Green's Wordbook Also the head. "He's got a good onion on his shoulders." onion juice A good remedy for earache. onions Business, prospects, plans. "He knows his onions all right." And recently I heard a neighbor say, "You know, Terry Sanford certainly knew his onions when he was Governor." feel one's onions To be in high spirits, full of pep. onless Unless. onliest Only. "This is the onliest dollar I've got left." on needles and pins To be nervous, have the fidgets, to be full of apprehension, uncertainty. on one's ear In disgrace, knocked for a loop. on one's feet To be in good physical or financial shape. "Joe's back on his feet again after getting busted by the stock market." on one's last legs The last support, defense, weakening. on one's neck A burden. "He's a sorry character to have on your neck." on one's own Individual responsibility. on one's own hook On one's own responsibility. 'on't Won't. on the ball Up to scratch, watchful, wary, authoritative, full of know-how. on the beam To the point, no lost motion. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 821 on the blink Broken, out of repair. on the dodge Hiding away from the law, playing hide and seek with a subpoena server. on the dot Prompt. on the drift Idling, wasting one's time, misspending one's life. on the fence Undecided, unable to choose. on the go To be busy, traveling about, moving in a hurry, energetically working. "She's on the go from morning to night." on the hip In an advantageous position or to have the advantage over one's opponent. on the hook To be in a dilemma, in a precarious and unhappy situation. on the left foot Non-conforming, out of line. on the level Honest, frank. on the loose Free, libidinous. on the mend Convalescing. on the money On the mark, accurate. on the nose On target, exactly. on the q. t. Confidentially, secretly. on the rag Menstruating. �822 Paul Green's Wordbook on the ragged edge On the point of disaster, in a precarious situation. on the stick Stuck. on the up and up Honest, fair, also to be progressing. on the warpath To be angry, ready to fight. on tick On credit. ontie Untie. "On Top of Old Smoky" A popular love ballad. on top of the world In first-rate shape, feeling fine or very happy. "Onward, Christian Soldiers" This militant marching hymn in the cause of Christ is popular throughout the western evangelical world. For a hundred years and more it has been a standby in the Valley. The words are by The Reverend Sabine Baring-Gould and the original music was composed by Henry Gauntlet. In 1871 Arthur Sullivan composed the present melody which everybody sings. The old one is forgot. "Onward, Christian soldiers, Marching as to war, With the cross of Jesus Going on before. Christ the royal Master Leads against the foe, Forward into battle, See His banners go." Refrain "Onward, Christian soldiers, Marching as to war, With the cross of Jesus Going on before." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 823 Francis Archer Jones in his book, Famous Hymns and Their Authors, gives an interesting account of the origin of this hymn. It was originally written for children. The author, Rev. Baring-Gould, wrote it for his mission at Horbury Bridge. "Here the children," says Jones, "had to march many a long mile to take part in what is dear to the heart of every true child — a school feast. Owing to the distance from the church to the scene of the festivities, an early start was necessary, and marching in procession with banners waving, colours flying, and a cross preceding them, the little ones sang lustily all the way. It was for these processions that' 'Onward, Christian Soldiers" was written, and though it is many a year since Mr. Baring-Gould led those enthusiastic little pilgrims of Horbury Bridge, it is not improbable that the hymn is as great a favourite among the newer generation there as it was thirty-five years ago. It was then sung to Gauntlet's tune, for Sullivan had not then composed that stirring march which would have made his name popular had he never written another note. In connection with Sullivan's setting, which he christened 'St. Gertrude,' it is interesting to learn that after writing it the composer remarked that he was afraid that it would be too 'brassy' and martial for church singing. He was more than surprised at its popularity. ' 'Rather a good story is told in connection with this hymn, which may or may not be true," Jones continues. "It is related that a certain rather low church vicar, though he liked processions, particularly when he headed them, stoutly objected to the cross being carried. The organist and the choirmaster both did their best to persuade him that there was nothing wrong in carrying a cross, but they might just as well have addressed their remarks to his pulpit. The vicar was adamant. At last, losing all patience, the choirmaster altered the first verse, and the procession began their march round the church to the words — 'Onward, Christian soldiers, Marching as to war, With the cross of Jesus Left behind the door.' " on you In one's possession, ready. "You haven't got a pencil on you, have you?" oodles A great deal, a vast number. oodles and gads Murgins, a bountiful supply. oops-a-daisy A joyous exclamation, usually when one is playing with a child, tossing the �824 Paul Green's Wordbook little fellow and saying as he goes up, "Oops-a-daisy." Sometimes it is Ups-a-daisy. ooze (out) Ease. "God oozed old Beelzebub out of heaven." oozlings Oozings. open To place the first bet as in a poker game. open and aboveboard To be honest and fair in one's dealings, to be truthful, frank. openhearted Generous, kind, affectionate. open heifer A loose young woman. open one's mouth too wide To promise more than one can fulfill. open up the big blade Do things in a big way, splurge. open sow A sow left unspayed and kept for breeding. Open the Gates A tug of war game. Two children raise their hands up and form a sort of arch and then the others march under it, singing. At the signal point in the song the two drop their hands over and catch a marching player, who then is allowed to choose either' 'the sun'' or' 'the moon,'' which are the names of the two holding up their arms. The one who chooses gets behind that leader, and when the players are all lined up, a tug of war follows. It is somewhat like London Bridge. There are various versions of the song they sing as they march. "Open the gates as high as the sky And let King George's man pass by. Give him a lamp to light him to bed Give him a hatchet to chop off his head." On the word "chop" the two lower their hands to catch the player. Of course, when the two wish, they may delay the song and catch whom they wish. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 825 open weather Fine weather. open winter A warm winter without much snow. Open your mouth and shut your eyes, I'll give you something to make you wise. Shut your eyes and open your mouth, I'll give you something comes from the south. Shut your eyes and open your hand, I'll give you something make you feel grand. (A catch rhyme.) opium poppy A decorative plant grown in a number of housewives' gardens but I have never heard of opium being used by any Valley housewife. opodeldocs Spirits of fun, sometimes spelled opidildocs. Opportunity knocks but once. Opportunity makes the thief. Opportunity never knocks twice. Seize the handle of opportunity. opossum Of course, we always pronounced it 'possum. orange blossoms A favorite good luck flower for the bride. orate To hold forth garrulously. Order is heaven's first law. Set thine house in order. be in order Said of tobacco when it is moist and flexible enough for tying, the damp earth of the dugout providing moisture. to keep order To behave or cause others to behave, to act circumspectly. �826 Paul Green's Wordbook ordering pit A sort of dugout sunk into the ground where tobacco hung on sticks can be put in order after it is cured, that is, soft enough for tying. ornery Mean, cantankerous. orphelin Orphan. orter Ought to. Orton A famous plantation built by King Roger Moore below Wilmington and still a showplace with its azalea gardens. Osage orange A tough small tree used in some places for fencing. Oswego tea See "bee balm." other world The hereafter. hadn 't ought Ought not. ought to be bored for the hollow horn (for the simples) A feeble-minded person, an addlepate. ought to be playing with a string of spools and sent to catch bears with a switch A mouth-filling phrase applicable to a foolish person, a lightheaded one, an addlepate. Ouija board A small board on which people used to place their hands to get spiritual messages from the beyond, a sort of tribal fetish for a while. An ounce o' mither-wit is worth a pound of clergy. An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. ourn out Ours. At the end of the row. We used to have a phrase that we used in the cotton �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 827 patch. "I'll beat you out," meaning I'll finish picking my row to the end before you will. The final result, tally or reward. "He tried to preach but he made a poor out of it." Finished, exhausted supply.' 'The meal is out and I've got to go to the mill.'' Outside. "Your shirt tail is out." out at the elbows Poverty-stricken. outdacious Audacious, outrageous. outen Extinguish. "It took us two days to outen that forest fire." outface To win over the opposition, to outdo and outdare. outfox Outsmart. outhouse Privy. out in left field Out of line, silly, in poor judgment. out in the cold Defenseless, tricked, left behind. outlandish Foolish, wild-looking. outlaw A wild horse or run-mad dog. out like a light To faint suddenly. out-loud Aloud. out'n Out of. out'n flannel Outing flannel. �828 Paul Green's Wordbook Out of debt, out of danger. out of gas Out of breath, exhausted. out of heart Disheartened, discouraged. out of line Non-conforming. out of order Not working properly. as out of place as a flower in the hair of a corpse Out of reach is out of harm. Out of sight, out of mind. out of soap Depleted supplies, power, out of grease. out of sorts Irritable. out of the cards Not needed, not required. out of the frying pan into the fire In escaping from one trouble to land in a worse one. out of the woods Free of ill-health or financial difficulty. out of this world Beyond compare, rarest of the rare. out of whack Broken, out of order, out of line. outside looking in Beggarly, in a forlorn condition. outside of With the exception of, except for, and so on. "Outside of getting stuck in the ditch three or four times, we got along all right." outsider A bastard, a woods colt. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 829 outsides The bark strips of a log which were sawed off in the old days to get to the clean lumber — before mechanical peelers were invented. These outsides were used to fire the mill boiler and often given away to anyone who would take them. oven The womb, also a woman's pudendum. over More than. "I've been here over two hours." Finished, ended. "The jonquils are about over for this year." wooden overcoat A coffin. "A wooden overcoat has no pockets." over fool's hill Grown-up, the age of common sense. "Thank goodness, my boy's finally got over fool's hill." overhalls A common pronunciation of overalls. overly Too much, too large. overrun Run over, spill over, or be over-full. over the hill Old age, on the way out. Also AWOL and an escapee from a chaingang or prison. over the hill to the poorhouse "With her spending, my old woman will send me over the hill to the poorhouse." over the hump Safe, past the crisis. over the top To reach a goal as in a bond or charity drive. Also to go over the top of one's trenches to attack the enemy in war. Owe no man anything. An owl hooting at one's window is a sign of death or misfortune. �830 Paul Green's Wordbook owl head A type of pistol. He came unto his own and his own received him not. own man Individualism, free and self-responsible. "Jefferson believed in a man being his own man and believing like a man and acting like a man, too." to own the world and have the moon for a 'later patch To be rich, sitting in clover. own up To confess, admit to the truth. OX A dull fellow, an impotent man, a eunuch. oxbow The curved bow which is used to encircle the ox's neck and go up through a yoke and fasten with a pin. The ox, against the yoke, would pull the vehicle and the bow would keep the yoke from sliding up over his shoulders. oxeye daisy A popular flower in the housewife's garden. There is a belief that a bed of oxeye daisies planted near the front door will drive away fleas, ticks and other pestiferous insects. Oysters are said to be good for eating only in the months in which there is an "r" in the name. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 831 P packed like sardines Crowded in a limited space. pack off on To put the blame unjustly on someone else. "He tried to pack off that automobile stealing on me." paddle To chastise on the buttocks, to spank. "I paddle my young'uns now and then to build up their character." paddle-footed Said of a horse that wings his front feet out as he trots or gallops. paddle one's own canoe To mind one's own business, to be self-reliant. H.F. Page A Cape Fear Valley poet who was my old teacher at Buie's Creek Academy and a very good one. He was caught like myself in the spell of John Charles McNeill and most of his poetry didn't quite make the grade. Like McNeill he published two volumes — Songs of the Cape Fear and More Songs of the Cape Fear. Walter Mines Page One of the best-known men ever to come out of the Valley. He early began to find fault with the lethargy of the South and wrote numerous articles attacking its peckerwood civilization. He later became editor of the Atlantic Monthly and, under Woodrow Wilson, Ambassador to England. He lies buried near his home place in Old Bethesda churchyard, there in the sandhills. �832 Paul Green's Wordbook pain in the ass An irritating person or thing, a difficult and unpalatable duty. No pains, no gains. Paint the lily and gild the rose. paint the town red To go on a spree, to cut up, raise a ruckus. pair off To marry or become engaged. pair of minutes Immediately, soon. pair of stairs A stairway (steps). "In this old McNeill house there used to be the finest pair of stairs I ever saw." pale as a ghost pale as chalk pale as death pale as flour "The Pale White Rose" A favorite song sung by many a lovelorn youth or maid in the Valley. This beautiful late 19th century love-lament has haunted me ever since I first heard it sung. The lyric by an unknown author is sentimental but true and hearttugging and, though lacking in the perfection of Ben Johnson's "Drink to Me Only With Thine Eyes'' and Mozart's immortal setting, it is real enough. The melody is by one R. W. Adams. After long searching I found a version in The Franklin Square Song Collection, published by Harper and Brothers, 1888. "Oh hope, delusive dream of bliss, Where are thy visions now? Canst thou befriend an hour like this Or soothe my aching brow? Thine emblem is this lovely flower. Thy charms alike disclose. Thou'rt but the creature of an hour And like this pale white rose, Thou'rt but the creature of an hour And like this pale white rose." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 833 pallet A spread-down bed on the floor. We children used to on the hot summer nights always spread a quilt or two down on the floor and sleep where it would be cooler than in the hot feather bed. palmistry The telling of one's fortune through analysis of the shape and lines of a person's hand. This quackery is very popular in the Valley and as one drives along, either a small house or in most places a trailer will be set close to the highway with a sign of an uplifted hand and usually a billboard reading, "Madam so-and-so, Palmistry. Know the future from the present," and so on. palm-reading Palmistry. "Palms of Victory" Another old-time hymn of comfort. Mrs. Atlee Neville, who worked for and with my family for some forty years, told me sometime ago that it used to be one of her mother's favorites. She sang it for me — as much as she could. "Most of it's long gone from me, Mr. Green," she said. "I saw a wayworn trav'ler In ragged garments clad, He struggled up the mountains, It seemed that he was sad. But he shouted as he journeyed, 'Deliverance will come! Palms of victory, crown of glory, Palms of victory I shall wear.' " pan Face. "He faced the judge with the most innocent pan you ever saw." pancake Cow dung. pan fish Fish that are the right size for frying in a pan, medium-sized. push the panic button To grow hysterical, to fly off the handle and behave irrationally. pansy To my mind one of the most beautiful garden flowers in the world. My wife grows them profusely, and I never get tired of looking at their beautiful blooming. �834 Paul Green's Wordbook pansy party A gathering of homosexuals. caught with one's pants down To be discovered in an embarrassing situation, to be called on to act when one is unprepared. panty raids Prankish actions of some of the university and college students in surrounding girls' dormitories and demanding their panties. There hasn't been any panty raid at Chapel Hill or Raleigh or any of the colleges now for quite some time. No doubt the reason is the appearance of the high-raised and bobtailed miniskirts or abbreviated britches which make the panties no longer an unseen and desirable mystery. panty--waist A prissy, girlish fellow, a homosexual. pap Cheap talk, twaddle. Papa loved whiskey, Momma loved men. Momma's in the graveyard, Papa's in the pen. (A moralistic rhyme.) old papa An elderly lecher. paper heart There is belief that if one would cure a witch spell or voodoo spell which has been suffered, he should cut out a paper heart, nail it to a tree and hit it with a hammer for nine mornings running, and on the ninth morning the person who had done the witching or cast the spell would die. "/ Give You a Paper of Pins" A very popular children's song which is no doubt very old. The first stanza runs as follows: "I give to you a paper of pins And that's the way my love begins If you will marry me, me, me, If you will marry me." The reply is: "I don't accept your paper of pins �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 835 If that's the way your love begins, For I won't marry you, you, you, For I won't marry you." And the song goes on with the offer of an easy chair in which the girl may sit and comb her golden hair, a silver spoon, a dress of green, then the key to the speaker's heart. But all of these are refused. Finally the offer is the key to the chest where the money is kept, and then the offer is accepted. Ironically his reply is: "Ha, ha, ha, money is all And I won't marry you at all. For I won't marry you, you, you, . For I won't marry you." parable A story that carries a hidden truth or a moral admonition. paradiddle Foolish, much the same as fumadiddle. parapsych ology The folk belief in certain academic and pseudo-scientific circles that knowledge of the external world can come through mystical and non-physical means. It is the old telepathy theory back again with a new dog tag. par for the course Average. paring iron An iron for paring horse and mule hooves. parlor The best room in the house. Usually kept for company entertaining, it was without a bed if the family could afford it. Here the piano or organ was kept and here courting was done — and that most discreetly. parlor house Bawdy house. to parrot To imitate. We know in part and we prophesy in part. particular hell Extra loud behavior. "He raised particular hell at the party, and we had to take him out." �836 Paul Green's Wordbook partridgeberry A shy little green ground creeper which grows in the moist deep woods. It has delicate fragrant flowers which develop into single red berries that look like little drops of coral among the greenery. The deer especially like these berries and sometimes it is called deer-berry. Also it is known as love-inwinter, pipsissewa, wintergreen, etc. The berries are good for all kinds of diseases, especially for diarrhea and rheumatism, so say the herb doctors. parts The neighborhood, region. "I hear John Turlington caught a 'possum weighed 22 pounds — the biggest ever heard of in these parts." party politics A tough game in which the party is set ahead of any principle by office seekers. In our neighborhood my folks were all Democrats. I remember how we used to look down on a neighbor, Frank Harmon, because he was a Republican. pasnip Parsnip. make a pass at An act of flirtation. Also a pretense of working or doing. "He made a pass at pulling fodder, nothing more." Heaven and earth shall pass away. passed out Drunken insensibility, or fainting spell which women in the earlier days seemed to succumb to, whether from their clothing, overwork, pregnancy or whatever. passel A great many, a horde, a large crowd. "I hear tell that Mr. Ed Deal has nineteen children — a whole passel of them — and when he goes to town to get sugar, he buys a five-pound sack, brings it home, lines them up at the table and, since they all drink coffee, he rips a hole in the bag and walks around, dumping some in each cup. When he gets to his own cup, the last, he shakes the bag and throws it out through the open door into the yard." pass in one's checks Same as to cash in one's checks—to die. pass in one's chips Also to die. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 837 passionflower The lowly maypop. The purple bloom of this flower is one of the most beautiful imaginable, and it has taken on a certain sort of symbolism in which the center of the big purple bloom represents the Trinity surrounded by the Twelve Apostles. The fruit in the late summer is very sweet and tastes much like the ripened pawpaw. We boys used to have great fun playing maypop war. See "maypop" and "maypop war." pass like ships in the night Fail to cross paths. pass the buck To put the blame and the responsibility on another person to evade one's duty. pass the time of day To meet for a short visit and talk. pass water To urinate. pasteboard A ticket, say, to a football game. Also a playing card. "Deal them pasteboards, boy." pasting A whipping or drubbing, a bad defeat. He maketh me to lie down in green pastures, he leadeth me beside the still waters. Pat and Mike The two proverbial Irish funny men. Most of the jokes in the Valley having something to do with the Irish paired these two off. patch A cultivated area, even a large one. "Soon as this meetin's over I got to get out in my corn patch." patch up To heal, to become friends after a quarrel. patent medicine Liquids, pills, compounds and curative materials offered for sale to the public under a patented trademark and without a doctor's prescription. Among the popular patent medicines for which we Valley people have spent hundreds of thousands of dollars and continue to spend are — Adlerika for gas, Angostura Bitters for nerves, Anti-Karnnia for headaches, Astyptodine, Ayers' Cherry Pectoral for coughs, etc., Ayers' Compound �838 Paul Green's Wordbook Extract of Sarsaparilla, Ayers' Ague Cure, Ayers' Hair Vigor, Ayers' Sarsaparilla for the King's Evil (Scrofula), B.C. for headaches, Barnes and Park's Dental Snuff for the gums and teeth, Beckwith's Anti-Dyspeptic Pills, Dr. Benson's Skin Cure,' 'The Blood Food" for consumption, Bisodol for acid stomach, Dr. Blosser's Catarrh Cigarettes, Blue Mass for nits and lice, Bromo-Quinine, Bronkaid tablets for sticky phlegm, Brownatone for gray hair, Brown's Iron Bitters, Buffalo Springs Water, Dr. CaldwelPs Syrup Pepsin, California Fig Syrup, Calomel, Candy Cathartic Cascarets to cure constipation, Capudine for headache, Carter's Little Liver Pills, Chalybeate Springs water, Cheney's Expectorant for coughs, Cherokee Remedy for gonorrhea and all diseases of the urinary organs, Chichester Pills for Ladies, Rev. Child's Catarrh Cure, Dr. Christie's Galvanic Belt and Magnetic Fluid (bracelets, necklaces), Cleveland Springs Water, Coffey-Humber Cancer Cure, Collum Dropsy Remedy, Cook County Blood Poison Remedy, Costar's Vermin Exterminator, Crazy Water Crystals, Dr. Grain's Abdominal Supporter, Creomulsion for colds, Danderine for falling hair, Davis' Vegetable Pain Killer, Digel for stomach acid, Dixie Lax-u-ton Liver Tonic, Doan's Pills for backache, Dodson's Livertone, Dr. Dull's Cough Syrup, Dr. Dye's Electro-Voltaic Belt for debility, Earles Hypo-cod, Dr. Eaton's Blood Food, Dr. Eaton's Infantile Cordial, Electro-Medicated pads for general diseases, aches and pains, Entoral, Ferro-Phosphorated Elixir of Calisaya — a good tonic, Fitch's Dandruff Remover, Fixodent Elastic Membrane for false teeth tightening, Fletcher's Castoria (children cry for it), Foley's Honey and Tar for La Grippe, Foley's Kidney Cure for Bright's Disease, Forhan's Toothpaste for Pyorrhea, Fowle's Peruvian Syrup and Iron Tonic, Fresh Congress Water, Fuquay Springs water, Fruit-a-tives, Gardiner's Rheumatic and Neuralgia Compound, Geritol, Golden Nugget Laxative Goose Grease, Graefenberg Vegetable Pills, Gray's Invaluable Ointment, Groves Tasteless Chill Tonic, Haarlem Oil Capsules for aches and pains, Dr. Hand's Teething Lotion, Harris Springs water, Dr. Harter's Iron Tonic Blood Purifier, Hasting's Compound Syrup of Naphtha, Dr. Hathaway's Stricture Cure, Heimstreet's Inimitable Hair Restorer, Herb Juice for Constipation, Herpicide for dandruff, Hindipo Great French Remedy for restoring lost youth, Hood's Liver Pills, Hood's Sarsaparilla, Hostetter's Celebrated Stomach Bitters for general complaints and disabilities to which the feeble are so subject, Hutchin's Dyspepsia Bitters, The Indian Panacea (Hiram Robinson, M.D., Agent), Infallible Pile �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 839 Remedy, Ironized Yeast, Iron Malt, Jackson's Springs Water, Jad Salts for kidneys, Japanese Pile Ointment, Johnson's Anodyne Liniment, Dr. Johnson's Indian Blood Syrup, Joint Ease Salve for aches, Jordan's Cold Tablets, Jurubeba for decay of vital forces, Kidney Wort, Kodd Dyspepsia cure, Kodol for sour stomach, Latoila for growing hair, Lemon Springs water, Listerine, McAlister's All-Healing Ointment, The Magic Comb (changes color of hair to color of comb, be sure to state color wanted), Magnolia Balm for bad skin, Dr. Martin's Catamenial Corrector for suffering women, Dr. Martin's Compound Syrup of Wild Cherry Measurin for colds, Mexican Mustang Liniment, Montague's Balm (Indian remedy for toothache), Morehead's Magnetic Plaster for rheumatism, lameness, etc., Dr. Moses' (of Virginia) Cancer Cure, Dr. Moses' (of Virginia) Stammering Cure, Mother's Friend, Mother's Joy, Mount Vernon Springs water, Musterol for lumbago, Nature's Oil Liniment, Nature's Remedy for Dyspepsia, Number Nine, Oil of Salt for ladies' pimples, Pape's Diapepsin, Parker's Ginger Tonic, Parker's Hair Balsam, Parson's Purgative Pills, Paw Paw Tonic, Mrs. Joe Person's Remedy, Pertussin Cough Cure, Peruna, Peter's Vegetable Pills, Peterson's Ointment for eczema, Dr. O. Phelps Brown's Permanent Cure for consumption, bronchitis, asthma, coughs, colds, general debility, Phillips' Milk of Magnesia, Dr. Pierce's Golden Medical Discovery, Pinex for coughs, Mrs. Lydia Pinkham's Vegetable Compound, Pond's Extract, Folk's Diphtheria Cure, Pomeroy's Elastic Truss, Dr. Porter's Antiseptic Healing Oil, Psychomancy or Soul Charming, Quercus' Cod Liver Oil Jelly, Resinol for itching and burning, Rheumacide, Rheumaid, Ripan's tablets for the liver, Rowan's Tonic Mixture, Rydale's Tonic, S.S.S. Blood Remedy, St. Jacob's Oil for Rheumatism, St. Joseph's G.F.P. for women, Salicylica for rheumatism, Samaritan Nervine, Sand's Sarsaparilla, Sanford's Liver Invigorater and Compound Cathartic Pills, Saratoga Waters, Scott's Emulsion, Dr. Sharp's Dyspepsia Cure, Shiloh's Catarrh Remedy, Simmons' Liver Regulator, 666 Chill and Fever Tonic, Sominex for insomnia, Sloan's Liniment, Spalding's Cephalic Pills for headache, Stanback Headache Powders, Dr. Stinson's Asthma Remedy, Stuart's Dyspepsia Tablets, Swamp Root, Dr. Swayne's Compound Syrup of Wild Cherry, Syrup of Figs, Tanlac for indigestion, Tarrant's Effervescent Seltzer Aperient, Taylor's Blood Medicine, Teethina for better babies, Terry's Infallible Destroyer, Thedford's Black Draught, Tiz for aching feet, Trippe's Sarsaparilla (cure for scrofula and syphilis), Dr. Turner's Pills for the cure of ague and fever and chill and fever, Tutt's Hair Dye, Tutt's Pills for Torpid Liver, Dr. Tutt's Vegetable Liver �840 Paul Green's Wordbook Pills, Vick's Vaporub, Vinolt, Wells' Carbolic Tablets for all throat diseases, Wendell's Pills, Wild's Iceland Moss and Flaxseed Candy (world-renowned for the cure of the blue cough and colds), Dr. Wilson's Family Pills, Mrs. Winslow's Soothing Syrup, Wright's Indian Vegetable Pills, Wythe's Sage and Sulphur Compound for the hair, Yeager's Liniment, Zemo for pimples and itchy eczema. These are only a few. There are hundreds of others. paternoster pea When its leaves incline downward, cloudy weather is coming; if upward, fair weather. pater-roll Patrol, the home guard during the Civil War. The Negroes called the patrol the pater-roller or patty rollers, and there was a common saying that went about, "You better be in your house by dark or the patty-rollers will get you." as patient as death as patient as Job patridge Partridge. In Harnett County when I was a boy nearly all the old people used this pronunciation, with a short a. patsy An effeminate male. patter Idle and foolish chatter. Patty-cake, patty-cake, Baker's man. Roll him, roll him, Stick him in the pan. (A baby tickling rhyme.) (On the word "stick" the baby or child would usually be given a tickling finger punch in the tummy.) We had another version of this: "Patty-cake, patty-cake Baker's man. Roll him, roll him, Throw him in the pan. Roll him up and cross him with a T. Throw him in the oven for baby and me." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 841 And still another version: "Patty-cake, patty-cake, baker's man, Bake me a cake as fast as you can. Pat it and pick it and mark it with B And put it in the oven for baby and me." patty-roller Patrollers. See "pater-roll." "Paul and Silas" An old song we used to sing while working in the fields. "Paul and Silas Bound in jail. One sang all night While the other one prayed. Do, Lord, deliver me. "Never seen the like Since I been born, The people keep a-coming And the train done gone. Do, Lord, deliver me. "Ain't but one train On this track, Straight up to heaven And then straight back. Do, Lord, deliver me." Paul pry An eavesdropper, a peeping torn, a meddler. paume Palm. paunch guts A person with a large stomach. pauper's oath An oath of destitution through which legal counsel may be secured by defendant in court. This counsel is appointed by the judge and often consists of talent that is unemployed or otherwise and therefore second-rate. Thus it happens that often a poor defendant who is also something of a taxpayer and is helping to support the solicitor who is trying to send him, say, to the electric chair, is dependent upon a second-rate legal counsel to save his life �842 Paul Green's Wordbook or to temper his sentence. This is being limited in North Carolina. I remember some years ago when I was traveling in Russia that some of the young smart alec Komsomol people, that is, members of the Lenin Youth Party, pointed out this injustice to me saying that in many ways our courts with their trial by jury were inferior injustice to theirs. I had never thought of this particular item in this way, and I am glad to find that we are remedying this lack though of course the Russian criticism had nothing to do with it, but a democratic sense of long delayed justice. paw To fondle amorously and roughly.' 'Coming from Greenville with that old man I got myself pawed near 'bout to death and necked down to a nub," said the pretty girl at the party the other night. pawpaw A charming little shrub which has now pretty much disappeared from the Valley. It just happens that I am lucky in having one growing wild at my back door. It was there when I moved out in the country and is still flourishing. Sometimes it is called "the custard apple." Some people are allergic to the fruit and after eating it have been known to break out in a rash. Why the little plant is disappearing I don't know. It is hard to pay for bread that is already eaten. pay an arm and a leg Meet an exceedingly high price. pay-dirt Success. pay mind to To notice, to give attention to. pay on the barrel head Pay cash on delivery or pay up honestly and squarely and out in the open. pay sign to Give attention to. He v/hopays the piper calls the tune. pay the fiddler To suffer the consequences, to pay one's way as one goes, to pay for the value received. Also same as "The laborer is worthy of his hire." pay through the nose To pay an overcharge or, with difficulty, an outlandish price. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 843 PDQ Pretty damn quick. "You better send some money PDQ." pea A sliding weight used on the old timey steelyards, or "still-yards," as we pronounced it in the Valley. Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war. the peace of God that passeth all understanding Let him speak now or else forever hold his peace. In time of peace prepare for war. Live in peace with all men. peach The common fruit in the Valley and especially in the sandhills where the fruit is grown commercially. A tincture of the leaves mixed with tobacco juice used to make a flavoring for children's medicine, and the mixture was even better if mixed with snuff. Mother used to put peach leaves in her jelly jars to add to the flavor. Also the leaves were used in the old days for tanning leather as well as for making poultices. Sometimes these leaves were warmed and worn as a bandage for headache and other pains. Also an attractive girl, a honey. Peach and Honey A brand of chewing tobacco. peacherino A stunning girl, intensification of peach. Peaches in the summertime, Pumpkins in the fall. Christmas comes but once a year And my gal (wife) wants a shawl. (A recitation rhyme.) peach kernels Pounded and made into a sort of oil, these were good for earache. Also a drop of the oil, made by burning a branch of the peach tree with a pine knot or lightwood splinter, on a sore tooth gave help. A dose of this was also good for worms in children. peacock A show-off, a dandy. �844 Paul Green's Wordbook The call of the peacock means rain. pea hull saddles The long hulls of peas worked into a pattern to represent a saddle. My cousin Laura Green was especially clever at making these saddles. peaked Sick looking, thin, anemic. peanuts Unimportant matters, trifling things or sums, cheap stuff. Don't cast your pearls before swine. "Pearl of the Fountain" A popular lyric or something of a ballad which Scotch settlers in the Valley brought over from the old country. "The pearl of the fountain, the rose of the valley, Are sparkling and lovely, are stainless and mild; The pearl sheds its ray 'neath the dark water gaily, The rose opes its blossoms to bloom on the wild. "The pearl and the rose are the emblems of Mary, The maid of Glenconnel, once lovely and gay; A false lover woo'd her, ye damsels be wary, Now scath'd is the blossom, now dimm'd is the ray. "You have seen her when morn brightly dawn'd on the mountain, Trip blythely along, singing sweet to the gale; At noon with her lambs, by the side of yon fountain; Or wending, at eve, to her home in the vale. "With the flowers of the willow-tree blent are her tresses, Now woe-worn and pale, in the glen she is seen Bewailing the cause of her rueful distresses— How fondly he vow'd — and how false he has been." pearly everlasting See "rabbit tobacco." pearly gates The entrance to the heavenly home in the hereafter. According to Revelation 21:21, there are twelve gates which are twelve great pearls. "Every several gate was of one pearl, and the street of the city was pure gold, as it were transparent glass." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 845 Peas Porridge Hot A hand-clapping or rope-jumping rhyme. "Peas porridge hot, Peas porridge cold, Peas porridge in the pot Nine days old." Sometimes we children called it "Peas pudding hot." "Peas pudding hot, Peas pudding cold, Peas pudding in the pot Nine days old. Some like it hot, Some like it cold, Some like it in the pot Nine days old." the last of pea time and the first of squash A barren spell, an empty period of time. pea turkey A lack of notice or attention.' 'I gave him a five-dollar bill as a contribution, and he never said pea turkey." Much the same as boo turkey. A pebble carried in the mouth will ease thirst. not the only pebble on the beach Not the only desirable or important person available or present. pecans A flourishing fruit tree in the Valley. The pecan trees are becoming more and more numerous and before long I expect that the exporting of pecans will become a real agricultural item. pecker Penis. keep one's pecker up To keep one's spirits up, to remain optimistic. peckerwood A woodpecker. Also a term applied to a poor white Southern tenant farmer. I got well acquainted with this word when I wrote my first picture in Hollywood entitled "Cabin in the Cotton." This was the dramatization of a novel of that name by Henry Harrison Kroll. I remember I had something to do with choosing the cast in this picture. During the tryouts a young �846 Paul Green's Wordbook freckle-faced attractive blond girl showed up and she obviously had great talent. I suggested to Mike Curtiz we should cast this girl in the part of the landlord's daughter, and so we did. She sort of ran away with the picture. Her name was Bette Davis. peckish Irritable, fiery. peculiar Retarded. "Ez Bradley's youngest boy is peculiar." pedab A small clay marble in the game of marbles, usually same as a dinah. pee To urinate. peelings Shavings. peel one's eye To keep a sharp lookout. pee pee A baby term for urination. Piss. peepies Tiny baby chickens. peeve To irritate. pee-wee Any small person or bird, also a small marble. peg Penis. peg away To work doggedly, steadily, at a task. pegged out Exhausted, tired out. peg leg A one-legged person, one with a wooden leg. peg out To fail, to die. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 847 pelican flower See "Virginia snakeroot." The pen is mighter than the sword. pen-fattened It was the custom among the Valley farmers to pen up their "fattening hogs'' in the fall and feed them heavily on corn and slops and bran and get them fat before the slaughtering, when the cold weather came on. Take care of the pennies and the dollars will take care of themselves. penny for your thoughts Penny makes trouble a dollar can't cure. A penny saved is a penny earned. penny-wise and pound-foolish to turn up like a bad penny The bad penny always comes back (or comes round). in for a penny, in for a pound A bad penny is hard to get rid of. If you find a penny with its head up, it is a sign of good luck. penny dreadful A cheap, sentimental novel or hair-raising story. pennyroyal (penny ock, pennr'ile) A common aromatic little plant which we children often used to keep away chiggers and fleas. We would smear or crush the tiny leaves in our hands and rub our bare legs and feet. Also pennyroyal tea was used as a sure cure for making the measles break out. According to my old friend Mr. Mac, many of the pregnant women in the Valley used the pennyroyal tea as a good preventative against morning nausea. I remember that my own mother often put some of the plants in the room on the floor and in the corners to keep out ticks and fleas. pennywinkle Periwinkle. pen pusher A clerk. Pentecostal Holiness An especially fervent religious sect that seems to be growing even more �848 Paul Green's Wordbook numerous in the Valley, now that all sorts of scientific and technological gadgets and diagnoses and cures are coming on. This sect claims to have taken its inspiration from Acts 2 which says: "And when the day of Pentecost was fully come, they were all with one accord in one place. And suddenly there came a sound from heaven as of a rushing mighty wind, and it filled all the house where they were sitting. And there appeared unto them cloven tongues like as of fire, and it sat upon each of them. And they were all filled with the Holy Ghost and began to speak with other tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance." I have had a lot of experience with the Pentecostal Holiness. I used to go to Falcon every August where these people would gather for their camp meeting, and what orgies I have witnessed there! I can still see my Uncle Albert and Uncle Alfred sitting up behind the pulpit with their palm-leaf fans going and their faces wreathed in seraphic smiles as the people down below stumbled and shouted, jumped up and down, and cut up most shamefully. I've seen young men and women fall in trances and then be carried out and laid on the sawdust floor in a sort of stable-like building and left lying there until they came back to their senses. Even as a young boy I found this scandalous and, in remembrance, even more scandalous. And still more scandalous is the fact that this sort of emotional debauchery continues to this day. As I say, it seems to be increasing, especially now that these people can do their stuff by way of the radio and TV. People don't change and nothing don't change them, but they change things. People who live in glass houses shouldn't throw stones. You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the people some of the time, but you can't fool all of the people all of the time. pepper High spirits. Paper. "Bring me two rolls of toilet pepper from the store." To hit a target with small shot, to direct rapid-fire questions. pepper and salt Speckled. peppergrass A native annual in the Valley, it can be seen widely spread in the fields and along the roadsides from May to November. Our bare ankles used to get a tingle as we would tramp through this in the summertime. hot pepper The swift pace in the game of jumping the rope. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 849 peppermint A widely spreading plant in the Valley, highly aromatic, sometimes also called spearmint. Many a young man has chewed it as he was on his way to see his sweetheart, thus making his breath sweet, and for a purpose. pep up To enliven. perc Percolate. perch A high place. "The votes came in and he was knocked off his perch." off one's perch To be addled, to be non compos mentis. perfectly good Undoubtedly good, of prime value. "The first lick he hit he ruined my perfectly good axe." perform To have an orgasm. "They say Jean Jacques Rousseau couldn't perform and that was the one reason he wrote so much about men and women and their education." perish To be thirsty, to hunger after. "I'm perished for water." persimmon (usually pronounced 'simmon) A popular wild fruit in the Valley. One of our best drinks used to be' simmon beer, a good tonic for both children and grown-ups. I remember when I was a boy we used to make up a big keg or small barrel of it at our house. We'd mash up, say, a bushel of ripe persimmons after the first frost had struck them, mix that well with one-half bushel of wheat bran, and sometimes we would mash up sweet potatoes. Then we'd add some twelve gallons of fresh spring water and three or four ounces of hops. Next we'd take a clean barrel, cover the bottom with broom straw up to a few inches above the spigot level and lay a few dozen ripe honey locusts on the straw. Then we would pour the new mixture into the barrel and let it stand three or four weeks in a warm place. If we wanted to, we'd draw the beer off, put it in jugs or bottles and store it in a cool place. From then on we were supposed to have a fine beverage for our table and for our friends on any occasion. Man never could drink enough to get drunk on it, and now that legitimate beer has come in, making of persimmon beer has just about passed out. �850 Paul Green's Wordbook persimmon bark A liquid concoction from the inner bark of the persimmon tree is supposed to be one of the best gargles for ulcerated or sore throats. According to Uncle Beverly Lassiter, he has stopped many a coming bad cold by use of this gargle. persuader Any kind of whip, firearms, club, blackjack, policeman's billy and so on. "He started fighting at me and said he wouldn't go, and then I laid my persuader alongside of his noggin and he ca'med right down." Persuasion is better than force. pert as a cricket Peruvian daisy A common garden weed pest that appears in late summer. It turns into a mush at the first frost. perzactly Exactly. pestle-gut A mule. pestle-tail An old worn-out horse or mule. pet Anger, high temper. "She got into a pet and bawled him out." petch Pitch. "That Gordon Overby petched a' almost perfect game and struck out twenty-one of the Black River Cats." pete man A safe cracker. Don't rob Peter to pay Paul. peter The penis. peter out To cease gradually, to give up on the job, fade out, weaken. Peter, Peter, pumpkin eater, Had a wife and couldn't keep her, Put her in a pumpkin shell. There he kept her very well. (A recitation line.) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 851 Peter Piper picked a peck of pickled peppers. A peck of pickled peppers Peter Piper picked. If Peter Piper picked a peck of pickled peppers, Where is the peck of pickled peppers Peter Piper picked? (A tongue twister.) peth Pith. pet snake I've seen a few pet snakes in my time, harmless things — little grass snakes or black snakes which some of the school boys would keep for a while and then let go. And I've heard different stories of people who have had pet snakes, but other than the two mentioned above I've never seen them. But one day old Uncle Bayliss Purefoy and I were sitting on the bank of Morgan's Creek, fishing. The fish weren't biting and Uncle Bayliss got to reminiscing a bit. "Yessuh," he said, "I been fishing up and down these banks and traipsing in these woods for more than sixty years." "And I'll bet you've seen alot of things, haven't you, Uncle Bayliss!" I was hoping he'd tell me a story as he had in times past. "A-plenty of things — varmints and snakes — and one snake I mean especially. Yessuh. Well, that snake still uses in these woods. Now and then I can see the place where he's been dragging along in the sand. It's April time now and warm weather come and it's time for him to be on the move again. You know where he goes every April?" "No, I don't, Uncle Bayliss." ''He goes 'way over there beyond Carrboro to visit a friend of his'n." "What sort of friend?" "A dead man." And Uncle Bayliss chuckled, then took out a piece of Apple tobacco with trembling bony hands and worked off a bit and put it into his toothless mouth. "Way back yonder you might know,'' he said, "there was a man named Taylor lived there beyond Carrboro. He had some slaves too, they tell, and he was a mighty working man and he made everybody else work around him. Well, when he come down to die, he left it agreed upon that he'd be buried standing up. Yessuh — standing up. And that's the way they done him — buried him standing up in his grave on his two feet. Course they had to dig the grave much deeper. Most like a well it was." And the old man chuckled again. "Why did they want to bury him standing up?" I queried. "So as he could watch his slaves working, they said." And he whickered and bent joyously about him from side to side. Then he went on."Well, �852 Paul Green's Wordbook they do tell that not long after he was buried, when the spring come on, one day some folks come along there and they seen a thing about the size of a big hamper basket all quiled up on the ground, and it was that snake. A big bull snake he was. The biggest ever seen in this country — about as thick as your thigh. Well, the folks got 'em a pitchfork and a fence-rail and they made at this snake. But he squiggled away in the bushes and was gone. And then it came to be that every spring they'd find that snake hanging around that grave." "Well, how do you know he used to live in these woods if they found him over there at Carrboro which is two or three miles away?" " 'Cause," said Uncle Bayliss, "I once come'pon him lying side a log down the creek there.'' And he gestured off.''Yessuh, he was big as a whole hamper basket quiled round and round. And his head was big as a saucer and black and flat and his eye was bright. Blue black bright like a ripe pokeberry before the frost has struck it. I got me a brush pole to make at him, but he slid off through the pizen ivy and wild strawberry vines, and he made a scratch filing sound agin the dead leaves as he went. There was a good patch of sand close by the creek bank and he made a track through it like dragging a watermelon or something. And plenty of times after that I could see where he'd drug in the sand on his way over beyond Carrboro to visit that grave where old Taylor was buried in the ground standing up. Yessuh, there was some kind of friendship betwixt 'em. What it was, I don't know, but animals and snakes have plenty of quare things go on in their heads, and you and me will never know what it is. So the dead man that few folks liked when he was alive had a snake that liked him, a pet snake, when dead." His whicker of laughter was cut off suddenly as he made a dive for his fishing pole, for the cork had gone quick and jooked under, and the end of his pole was jerking up and down in the water. With a shout of triumph, he swished a big yellow-bellied catfish out and onto the bank. "I never knowed it to fail," he went on as he held his pole aloft and the line straight to keep it from getting tangled by the flopping fish. "Get to thinking about something, and then the fish will bite." petticoat fever A male yearning for a female. petting party A gathering of indiscriminate lovemaking young people. phantom pregnancy A pathological condition into which some married women fall due to their desire to have children when they are unable to have them. A doctor friend of mine told me of a recent case of a young wife who actually swelled up �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 853 and had all the symptoms of pregnancy. After examination he told her she was not pregnant, and slowly the swelling of her stomach subsided. Pharaoh's wind An east wind that helps hold a drought over the land. Rain will come only when this evil wind changes to the south and southwest. My father used to say, "Uh-uh, that's Pharaoh's wind and no rain til it changes!" Why it is not called "Moses' wind,'' I don't know. See Exodus 10:13' 'And Moses stretched forth his rod over the land of Egypt, and the Lord brought an east wind upon the land all that day and all that night, and when it was morning, the east wind brought the locusts." Pharisee A hypocrite, one who adheres to the letter of the law and forgets the spirit. Philadelphia lawyer A specially smart person. "It takes a Philadelphia lawyer to figure out this income tax business." phleem Phlegm. phlegm-cutter An early morning drink of hard liquor, same as an eye-opener. physic To treat medically, to give medicine to. "I swole up terrible till that root doctor physicked me and then I got well right quick." Physician, heal thyself. The best physicians are Dr. Diet, Dr. Quiet, and Dr. Merryman. piano-legs Big heavy legs. picayune A small worthless coin, also meaning sorriness, worthlessness and so on. "That Jessie Marks ain't worth a picayune." picayunish Testy, querulous, a stickler for unimportant details. piccolo house A dance hall equipped with a juke box. Also a Negro bawdy house. pick a bone To quarrel. �854 Paul Green's Wordbook pickaninny An old Southern term for a little Negro child. pick at To pester, irritate, quarrel with. pickerelweed An attractive perennial that grows in watery places in the swamps, usually reaching from one to four feet in height with showy spikes of blue flowers. A tea made from the root is supposed to be a good cathartic. The plant is becoming very popular for garden pools. My wife and I planted several of them near a spring below the house. picking daisies Acting crazy. picking geese Plucking of the feathers from the goose's breast to make feather pillows or feathered beds. "March had come and it was time to be picking my geese.'' As a boy I used to earn a quarter now and then helping a neighbor catch her geese for plucking. picking sage To be out looking for a husband. "Oh, I was out Sunday picking sage." picking the ear A pantomime of insult or blackguarding when directed at a person, often resulting in a fight. A quarreling fellow would thrum a forefinger along the lobe of his ear while glaring at his opponent and calling out belligerently, "Black-gyard! Black-gyard!" Fisticuffs usually followed. Compare the opening of Romeo and Juliet where biting the thumb at a person was an insult. A Capulet man says in reference to the Montague, "I will bite my thumb at them, which is a disgrace to them, if they bear it." A fight follows. pickle An embarrassing situation, a predicament. Also an awkward or unpopular person, male or female. in a pickle In a bind, a difficult situation. pickled Drunk. pickle-weaned A sour-faced person. See "weaned on a pickle." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 855 a pick-me-up An early morning dram or invigorating drink of whiskey. pick one's nose at To make fun of, to jeer at. "He picked his nose at me and so I fou't him." He who gambles picks his own pocket. pick up To convalesce, to get better.''After that last spell he seems to be picking up." To gather one's baggage, to prepare to leave. "Just pick up and come down any old time." Picnic Twist A brand of chewing tobacco. If a picture falls from the wall, bad luck is coming. in the picture Included, counted in. piddle To trifle around, to waste time, much the same as fiddle around. Also to urinate. "Every piddle makes a puddle." piddler A procrastinator, a trifler. pie Dung. "He scared the living pie out of me when he busted that hog bladder in my face." pie in the sky A false dream, welfare payments, easy pickings. humble pie Shame, disgrace. To eat humble pie is the same as to eat crow. piece Sexual intercourse. "The first time I was with that woman I got me a piece.'' A section of land or acreage. "He's got a fine piece of cotton." A distance. "He lives over there across the valley a piece." To sew together, to join together. "Yesterday we pieced the quilt, and tomorrow we start quilting in earnest." A contemptible woman or girl. �856 Paul Green's Wordbook A recitation. "Go on, son, say your piece." piece of calico A girl. piece out To make a thing last or serve, to mend. "He pieced the thing out with a lot of strings." all to pieces (go to pieces) Completely undone, distraught. "When he heard the news, he went all to pieces." pieded Spotted, pied. pie-eyed Soused drunk. pifflicated Drunk. Piffling Foolish, trifling. Pig Unlucky score in the roley-holey ball-throwing game. A game in which the first player chooses a letter and each successive player adds a letter to it, endeavoring not to have a word end with him, which makes him a "pig." Usually the player who gets three "pigs" is out. A bun or cake— "Tom, Tom, the piper's son, Stole a pig and away he run." It means he stole a bun. The modern nursery rhyme books that show Tom running with an actual live pig under his arm are all wrong. A greedy gut. "This little pig went to market. This little pig stayed home. This little pig had roast beef. This little pig had none. This little pig cried, 'Wee, wee, wee' All the way home." (A tickling rhyme with baby's five toes.) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 857 pigeonberries Same as pokeweed berries. pigeon-wing A capered step in a folk dance. piggin A small wooden vessel, usually holding half a peck or more. Also an iron pot with two handled ears. piggyback A person being carried on the back of another, his legs under the bearer's arms and arms around his neck. pig in a parlor An awkward or obstreperous person. pig in a poke A blind trade or bargain. "Don't buy a pig in a poke." like a pig in shit Completely satisfied, happy. in a pig's ass (eye) A term of derogation, derision or denial. Pigs can see the wind. pig sticker A butcher knife, sometimes called a frog sticker. pig's vest and buttons Sowbelly, bacon. pigweed Garden curse. There are several species of this plant which spread mat-like over the ground. It is easy to destroy if one gets at it early with his hoe. piker A cheap skate, a complainer, a belly-acher, an unreliable person. pile Great deal, much. "He has done a pile of work." pilewort The fireweed. This plant springs up plentifully in newground after it has been burnt over. Sometimes if left alone it will grow to a height of eight or ten feet and then spread its silky white blossoms to the air. It is easy to kill. The name derives from its use in treating piles (hemorrhoids). �858 Paul Green's Wordbook pilgrim's staff The penis. piling full Heaped full, overflowing. "I want you boys to tote in wood and fill the box piling full." a bitter pill to swallow To accept shame, disgrace, to eat one's words, same as to eat crow. pillar to post Harum-scarum. "You say you were born between pillar and post. Goahead, Johnny, and tell us about it." pilled Peeled. pill pusher A pharmacist. pill roller The same as pill pusher. Also a term for a medical doctor. In a calm sea every man is a pilot. pime blank Point blank. See a pin and pick it up All the day you'll have good luck. See a pin and let it lie All the day good luck will fly. Find a pin and let it lie You'll need the pin before you die. See a pin and pick it up, It will bring to you good luck. pin Pen. In the Valley old days the e became a short i in all such words— ten (tin), Ben (Bin), den (din), Len (Lin), etc. pinch A crisis, a precarious situation. "He let me have $50 in a pinch and that got me started." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 859 pincher A lecherously inclined man, especially an oldish one. "There was one of them Civil War pinchers at the party, and I come away black and blue," said Essie Mclntosh. pinchpenny A stingy person. pindling Spindling. pine A common lumber and pulpwood tree in North Carolina. There are many species of pine: longleaf pine, shortleaf, loblolly, rosemary and so on. In the old days Eastern North Carolina was a great stretch of longleaf pine forests, and when I was a boy, in driving from home down to Dunn, we would often pass turpentine stills here and there with the smoke rising from them like a fog. Not only was the pine once the source of tar pitch, turpentine and lumber — in these later days of pulpwood — but it was also the source of many folk cures. A cure, for instance, for influenza was to take several doses of warm water in which the inner skin of the pine bark had been soaked. Some old people would say the cure was no good unless the tree was skinned on the north side. Also thrash doctors would use the pinetops for some of their hocus-pocus cures, and I've known of cases where the quack doctors would put pine bows under the sick person's bed to help towards convalescence. Turpentine, tar oil, and tar salve were also used for every sort of ailment. It would take pages to describe the ways and uses of the pine trees. Books have already been written on the subject. pineapple weed A sweet smelling little shrub sometimes called May weed. The tea from this weed was used as a tonic. pine knot The resinous knot of the longleaf pine especially good for starting fires on the cold winter mornings. Same as lightwood knot. piner A person who carries a pine torch at night to assist in gigging or landing fish. pine rosin chewing gum We children often pinched off brown or yellow bits of hardened turpentine exuding from scarred spots on longleaf pine trees and used them for our gum. We did the same with sweet gum oozings. �860 Paul Green's Wordbook pine straw The dead pine needles. In rainy weather we used to get the dreadful news from our father who would come out and announce, "Well, boys, while it is wet, we better rake pine straw." So into the woods we'd go and rake and rake and haul the straw to put into the mule stables and into the cow stables for bedding. And in the spring these stables would be cleaned out and the manure taken into the fields. Another use for pine straw was for hilling our potatoes. When the first frost came, we would go into the potato patch and cut away the vines and then with a turn-plough, plough up the potatoes and sort them out and then hill them. These hills usually contained some fifteen to twenty-five bushels piled cone-like, covered with pine straw and then covered with dirt with an opening at the top like an Indian's teepee. Sometimes we would put a shelter over these hills. We were always aghast when we opened these hills to see how many of our potatoes had rotted. pineweed A curse to many a Valley pasture. In the late summer the orange tops of these little tough weeds show yellow across the landscape. Cattle will not eat them and, unless they are kept mowed down, they will take over a farmer's pasture. Piney Bottom Massacre During the Revolutionary War the Valley Scotchmen and Englishmen were divided into Tories and Whigs, or Loyalists and Patriots. Much local clan fighting and killing took place up and down the land. One of the most brutal of these massacres occurred at Piney Bottom where a number of Tories murdered several of Colonel Wade's men and a little boy. See "Massacre of Piney Bottom." piney woods rooter A poor kind of hog, one that fends for itself, eating pine mast, roots, etc., usually a razor-back hog, scrawny, sharp-backed. pinfeather chick A very young and unusually sassy girl. pinhooker A cheat, a sharp trader, one who bids in an inferior product. He might buy poor tobacco at a warehouse auction, mix in some good tobacco and put it on the sales floor again. pink elephants Hallucinatory visions often seen by drunkards afflicted with delirium tremens. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 861 pinkiest The prettiest. "She's the pinkiest in the bunch." pinking in Growing pink, as the sky often does in the late afternoon. The pinking in of the day is usually just before dusk. pink of the evening Near sunset. pinnacle The top, the highest point, a tiny mound made by squeezing damp dirt in the butt of one's hand as in the game of marbles. Sometimes a player's marble might be in a declivity and if he cried out "pinnacle!" before anyone said ' 'venture pinnacle,'' he was allowed to make a tiny mound and put the dinah, or pee-wee, on top of it and shoot at it with his taw. to pin one's ears back To thrash, to defeat, win dramatically over one's opponent. pins and needles A tingling sensation. "Every time I see her I get pins and needles up and down my back." on pins and needles To be excitedly anxious, apprehensive. p'int Point. pip Syphilis. Also disease among poultry. An obstreperous or boring person.' 'There we were stuck all afternoon with them three pips." pipe down To cease talking, to grow quiet. Put that in your pipe and smoke it. Make the best of a thing if one can, take a matter under consideration. pipes Respiratory tract. "I can't even talk — my pipes are all clogged up." piping hot Cooking hot, very hot. �862 Paul Green's Wordbook pip-jenny A small eruption or boil, usually on the face, a pimple. pipkin A small tangy pippin apple. Also a type of prolific small-boiled cotton. pippin A darling, a cute girl. pipsissewa A delicious and fragrant little flower that grows in the deep woods. With its shiny evergreen foliage and its dainty summer blossoms, it is one of the most beautiful woodflowers in the Valley. Pipsissewa is evidently an Indian name and, according to some, it refers to the strengthening properties which the red men ascribed to it. It goes by many names such as ground holly, love-in-winter, rheumatism weed, and so on. A tea made from its leaves is supposed to be a very healthful tonic. pipsqueak A weak, unimportant person. piss ants Multitudinous little insects whose bite is stinging. "Charlie Biggs with his big feet has murdered more piss ants than any man alive." piss away To fritter away, to neglect one's opportunities. "He pissed away his chances when he was young, and now that he is old he's on the welfare." piss blood To work to exhaustion, to strain at a tough job, to overdo it. pissing post A gathering place for local politicians. piss off To leave in a hurry, to forego. "When he said that, he pissed off his chances.'' piss pot The chamber pot. pistol The penis. A fiery person. "That Jeff Slocum is a plumb pistol." a hot pistol An eager beaver, a hard worker, a good performer. "Old Lefty Wilson was a hot pistol out on that mound today." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 863 pit-a-pat An onomatopoetic term simulating the scurrying footfall of a person or the distant galloping of a horse—pitter-patter. pitch To plant. "I pitched my crop last week." Sales talk. "He made his pitch but I wouldn't buy." A pitcher that goes too often to the well is broken at last. pitcher Picture. pitcher plant A strange and striking plant that grows in the deep wet swamps of the Valley. The leaves are various colors from green to striped yellow or even deep red, and the blossoms are most unusual, usually of a dead dull red rose color, although I have found some completely yellow ones. We used to go down into the swamp about a half a mile northwest of our house and gather great handfuls of these strange flowers in June. The inside of the flower exudes a sweet secretion and many an insect in search of this sweetness finds himself a helpless prisoner unable to escape up the inside of the blossom because of the opposing bristles. The Indians used this pitcher plant, sometimes called ' 'side-saddle plant,'' to make a tea for the smallpox, and the Scotch settlers in the Valley fed a tincture of it to their children as an internal remedy. According to an old prescription, one ounce of pitcher plant root to one quart of water; one tablespoon given to the sick child every four or five hours would result in a cure. Little pitchers have big ears. pitch in To begin, to set to work energetically. He that pities another blesses himself. pit saw In the old pioneer days before the appearance of the cross-cut saw, the straight-bladed saw was used. It had a handle at each end. One man standing in a pit and one up above on a log, which had been put on a frame, would pull the saw up and down and thus turn out one slow flat board after another. The man at the bottom was called a pit sawyer and the one at the top the top sawyer. Usually a black man was in the pit and the white man on top, if a white man actually was working. �864 pity Paul Green's Wordbook A matter for regret. "It was a pity to burn his fiddle, but after he got sanctified, there was nothing else to do. Later, though, when he fell from grace, he cussed himself for being a fool and bought another from Sears and Roebuck." Pity is akin to love. pizen Poison. Rotgut whiskey. pizen one's spring (pasture) To retaliate, to get revenge, to deliberately infect with venereal disease. A place for everything and everything in its place. Keep your place and your place will keep you. placket The opening slit in a woman's skirt. Also her pudendum. plague take it! A mild expletive. plaguey Indeed, truly, very. "Coysin knows plaguey well I won't be able to pay that note when it comes due and he expects to take my mule." as plain as ABC as plain as an old shoe as plain as day as plain as homespun as plain as print plank To put down, to deposit vigorously, usually plank down. plank roads Roads with a plank-covered surface. Some years before the Civil War and while longleaf pine forests were thick and plentiful, the plank road craze struck our state. The then thriving Valley town of Fayetteville was the center of it. The best known of these roads were the Fayetteville and Western and the Fayetteville and Albemarle. The state invested some $180,000 in them and, according to Lefler and Newsome in their History of North Carolina, received a total of $37,450 in dividends. Some eighty-four companies were chartered in North Carolina �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 865 in the 1840's and 1850's, but only about a dozen roads were built, they report. The most important one stretched 129 miles from Fayetteville through High Point and Salem to Bethania in Forsyth County. This was the longest ever built anywhere. These roads cost about $1500 a mile — about one-tenth as expensive as railroads. At that time the supply of longleaf pine timber seemed inexhaustible, and the sawmills in the Valley were kept busy supplying the road needs. Heavy timbers were laid down and the planks — some eight to ten inches wide and two inches thick — were placed across them and close together with big nails. "Turnouts" were provided at proper intervals for vehicle-passing. Tolls were collected at tollgates at the rate of half a cent a mile for a man on horseback, one cent for a one-horse team and two cents for a two-horse team. The roads prospered for a few years but, as the builders must have known, the planks soon rotted and had to be replaced. It was a losing proposition, and by 1860mostof the roads wereout of use. The Honorable John A. Gates in his voluminous The Story of Fayetteville quotes from an overseer's letter of the times as to labor costs. "Two-horse teams were paid $1.50 per day for hauling and laborers 50$ per day or less. Numbers had to be sent away that came to hunt for work." The best laid plans of mice and men gang aft agley. Plans on Sunday Fail on Monday. (A moralistic rhyme.) plant a crop before fencing it in To conceive a child before marriage. plantations along the Cape Fear Hilton Head Point Pleasant Sans Souci Sedgeley Abbey Springfield Spring Garden Plant corn when the dogwood leaves are the size of squirrel ears. planting signs The superstitions relative to the planting and harvesting of crops and the killing and curing of meat in connection with the zodiac are almost numberless. Any farmer's almanac will furnish the reader with an overflow of instructions. plashy Wet, full of puddles. plaster To splatter, shatter, to beat unmercifully as in a prize fight. "He plastered �866 Paul Green's Wordbook that young fellow's behind with bird shot." plastered Drunk. "Evander Dewar came home plastered, and his wife rapped on his ding-dongs with the brush brooms." plaster saint A hypocrite, one who pretends to be a holy person and is in fact a two-timer. plat-eye A fabled and hideous hobgoblin, supposed to inhabit the Cape Fear River swamps. Tales about it are used often to frighten children or make them behave. Play out the play. play a lone hand To be independent, to go as a loner. play cat and mouse To tease selfishly. play-children together Child comrades. played out Exhausted, finished. play for a sucker To treat as a gull, to entice into a bad deal. as playful as a kitten as playful as a puppy play havoc To tear to pieces, to ruin. play hob with To make a mess of. play it by ear To take things as they come without any prearranged plan. play party An evening of games and dancing, usually with more singing than instrumental music. Many of the old play party favorites are still popular today such as "Skip to My Lou," "Old Dan Tucker," "Sweet Betsy from Pike," and so on. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 867 play possum To pretend to sleep, to dissemble, feign death. play-pretty A toy. (purty) play the fool To act foolishly, to make a disastrous and silly financial deal, same as crapping out. Durward Shaw was a well-to-do farmer in Averasboro Township. He had three daughters and a foolish wife and, like many a poor man before him, tried to do everything he could "to please his women folks." He sent his girls off to Greensboro to the Normal School and there they got highfalutin ideas. When they came home in the summer, they were above working in the fields and there they'd sit on the porch and swing, all dressed up in their bright frocks and their mother Virginia lally-gagging with them. And poor Durward was out in the fields hoeing away alone or ploughing his grassy cotton and corn. So it was that they would talk precise and look down their noses at any of the unlucky — or lucky, depending on how you looked at it — former beaus who for a while tried to continue their courting. Finally their empty-pated mother Virginia and the girls all persuaded Durward to sell out his farm and move with them to Greensboro where customs and manners were more in keeping with their now delicate manners and tastes. So he did, and his neighbors in the Valley heard no more of him for several years. In town, matters went from bad to worse. The girls in time married off to town clerks or grocery boys as empty-headed as they were and worked as best they could in the ten-cent or department stores. Then the mother Virginia died, and a saddened and pretty much penniless Durward returned to the haunts of his younger and happier days. He had no land now, so he tried to make a go as a tenant farmer. But having no "force," as the term went in those days, applicable to children and most often an energetic tough-bodied wife, he had to give that up. He managed to borrow a little money from a local skinflint at 12 or 15 percent interest, got himself a gasoline engine, moved into the edge of Lillington and started grinding corn. He patched up an old single room Negro shack to live in and got himself a raw-boney old milk cow to stake out 'round and about to give him some milk. Now as you go along the highway in the night you can see his smoky lamplight showing through the window where he'll be reading his county paper perhaps. And sometimes as he reads, his gasoline engine is sounding away grinding corn. Durward is now getting old but he still remains the quiet and kindly �868 Paul Green's Wordbook fellow as always. He is well thought of by his neighbors who sympathize with him for the time — as both he and they put it — when he "went and played the fool." play the game To measure up to one's responsibility, to act honorably. play thunder To make a bad blunder, to err badly, much the same as playing the fool. "Now ain't you just played thunder getting that pore gal in the family way!" play up to To humor another, to court goodwill, praise obsequiously. play with one's self Masturbate. as pleased as a dog with two tails as pleased as punch pleasure To please. "I've got artheritis (sic) so bad that it don't pleasure me none to try to pick my banjo." To have or give sexual satisfaction. "Every week I pleasured my man — more than once, I'm here to tell you." Pleasure comes but not to stay. Fly pleasure and it will follow you. plenty Excessive, much. "He was plenty good, that doctor." pleurisy root See "butterfly weed." plinkety-plink A sound made in imitation of a banjo's plinking. plonk Past tense of plank. plough To screw, copulate. ploughed Drunk. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 869 plough into To rush headlong into. plough lines The woven lines used as reins in guiding a mule or horse. We always had two plough lines fastened to the bit on either side of the mule's bridle and held them against the plough handles as we worked. plough point The iron or steel point on the front of the plough shank. Burying rusty plough points in the ground around a barren fruit tree will cause it to bear. He that by the plow would thrive Himself must either hold or drive. Plow deep while sluggards sleep And you shall have corn to sell and keep. Let him who puts his hand to the plow look not back. ploy plug A ruse, a maneuver, an intended move, a design. It is in heavy use now especially by newscasters. A worn-out horse or mule. To cut a small segment from a melon to tell if it is ripe. plug along To push doggedly or slowly on. plugged nickel A phony, worthless thing. plug-hole A hole in the bottom of a boat to let water out when the stopper is pulled. plug-ugly A very ugly person. Plum A brand of chewing tobacco. plum The prize, the choice, an easy reward. �870 Paul Green's Wordbook plumb Completely, absolutely, used for emphasis or to add to a superlative. "I plumb forgot it." plumb sight A spectacle, an ugly scene. "The way that boy cut up at the picnic was a plumb sight!" plume up To praise. plump The sound of a heavy fall or plunge, also to enter suddenly or to take part suddenly in a scene. "Tom plumped himself into the middle of the room and the rest of us hushed while he took over." as plump as a partridge plunder Odds and ends, trash, unimportant belongings. To wander about, to poke about noisily. "I could hear him plundering about upstairs after I went to bed." plunder room A storeroom for odds and ends, broken-down furniture and miscellaneous extras. plunk A dollar. "I got a hundred plunks for that speech at Iowa." pluperfect hell A complete disaster or trouble. " Yessir, brother, the United States has played pluperfect hell by getting into that Vietnam mess." plush Flush, level with. "Get the door there plush with the frame." Plymouth Rock A heavy type of chicken popular in the Valley for its succulent fatness. It is usually a poor layer as compared to the white leghorns. pneumonia Sometimes referred to in desperate cases as "walking pneumonia." See "galloping pneumonia." sitting on one'spocketbook Wasting time on somebody else's money. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 871 pocket handkerchief In the old days in the Valley the handkerchief was always referred to as a pocket handkerchief. pocosin A jungle-like swamp, usually with much water and creepers in it. In the lower part of the Valley, the pocosins were marked with cypress knees and are the haunt of snakes, coons, 'possums and many a bird. podgy Pudgy, short, squabby, fat. podunk Reference to any trifling or obscure settlement or village. Clarence Poe One of the leaders of the Valley, a man who did more than any other to introduce modern farming methods in place of the one-gallus worker, the Boy Dixie plow and the mule. He was long editor of the Progressive Farmer and his work still lives after him. The poet is born not made. point The nipple, the female breast. "That girl in the tight sweater shows her points all right." point of death Near death. Point Pleasure A famous old plantation house on the Cape Fear River, the home of Colonel James Innis under whom Washington served. Like nearly all the old mansions in the Valley, it has long disappeared. poison Bad news, a disliked person. poison ivy A woody nature shrub as well as a climbing vine. It grows anywhere and everywhere it is allowed to grow and is a source of serious skin poison to most people. When my wife and I built our house near Chapel Hill years ago, we found the woods infested with it. The tall white oaks around the spring we walled up were overrun with the stuff, and it took the work of several men two weeks to cut the vines away and burn them. Some of the "vines" I measured were four to six inches in diameter. So far as I know, time is about the best cure for the infection, though many Valley people �872 Paul Green's Wordbook say that a tomato cut in two and rubbed on the infected part will bring relief. Poison Stick A children's tugging game. A stick is stuck upright in the ground. The children join hands in a circle around it and try hard to pull a player against the stick and knock it over or cause it to tilt by touching it. This player grabs up the stick and chases the others. When one is caught, he must help catch the others — and so on until all are caught and the game begins again. The last one caught is the winner. poison sumac A prolific shrub that grows in the Valley anywhere from six to eighteen feet tall. It is most commonly found along the edges of damp swamps and it blooms in June. The fruit of the poison sumac is whitish or dun-colored and the harmless sumac fruit is red. It is said to be a stimulant and a narcotic in rheumatism and herpes. Never buy a pig in a poke. poke along To move slowly, to dawdle. poke around To laze about, to move aimlessly. pokeberry weed It is found almost everywhere from Canada and the Dakotas down toward Florida. The young shoots are often used for salad or a substitute for asparagus. The leaves and the berries and the roots are purgative and narcotic. A tincture of the ripe berries has been used as a popular remedy for chronic rheumatism, and the juice has been used for tumors, cancer, hemorrhoids and for all kinds of trouble. My friend Mr. Mac, the miller, tells me that the pokeweed root is the best cure there is for itch. "Yessir," he said to me one day, "it will cure the seven-year itch and that's the toughest skin disease there is. Old Prentice Thornwell had the worst case of it anybody ever heard of in the Valley country. He tried everything from worm grease to 'possum-gut salve. His skin got so tender with his everlasting scratching that he could hardly lie between the sheets. One day Miss Hettie Crews, the maiden schoolteacher, come over to Thornwell's house to confer with him about one of his children that had misbehaved in school. She found him in a pitiful condition, setting by the fire warming himself in the cold weather and scratching away. Out of her sympathy she told him about her own mother — how once she had had a terrible skin disease and a pokeroot mixture had cured her. She told him that her mother �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 873 had some of the root beat up into a pulp and mixed with hot water, and she bathed in it, and it cured her absolutely. ' 'Well, Prentice was ready to try anything, so no sooner said than done. He sent his wife and some of the children out and they dug up a supply of root, beat it up with a maul and put it in a barrel, the way Miss Crews told him, and filled it with warm water. Prentice had it filled in the barn and he went out there, took off his clothes, and crawled in the barrel to give himself a good soaking. Meanwhile Miss Hettie and the women folk sat around on the porch talking and fixing things about the young boy's misbehavior. All of a sudden a loud scream sounded from the barn, the stable door burst open and there came Prentice, naked as the day he was born, jumping and squealing and fighting at himself like a million hornets were popping their stingers in him. Mrs. Thorn well rushed out in the yard all aghast, same like the sky was about to fall in on her and, as Prentice tore by her, he shrieked out, 'I'm in the flames of hell, woman. Fan me, fan me!' And around the house he went and his wife after him, waving her apron in the air like shooing chickens into the coop. Miss Hettie fled indoors and shut herself away from the sight and the children hopped up and down in the yard laughing. Finally, Prentice could stand it no more and leaving his circling around the house, he made a beeline for the creek and he dived into the old tanning hole, cold as it was, and there he sat in the icy water up to his ears like a frog. The children later carried him some clothes down there and left him. About daydown he came back across the field dressed and in his right mind. He was so ashamed though that for weeks he wouldn't go to church. But it cured him all right. Yessir, the itch never bothered him the rest of his three score years and ten. In fact, his hide was so tough that he could run through a briar patch and never get scratched. Yessir, pokeroot mixture will sure cure skin disease, whether it's the two-weeks kind or the seven-year itch. You try it sometime, Mr. Green, and if you want some good eating, take the tender leaves when the pokeroot is coming up early in the spring and eat it. I've eaten many a mess of it myself and I'm sure it's good for the health. ' 'Take the case of old Mclntyre Prewett who lived down near Linden. He lived to be so old that in his later years he walked like he was squatting down, and when he couldn't walk anymore, he lay up in his little house there, nothing but a bedful of bones, and dreened as dry of life as a basket of chips. After he quit moving and breathing any at all the neighbors waited a week to be sure he was dead and then they buried him. You ask me how old he was? I don't know. Some say he was a hundred, some say he was a hundred and twenty-five. Anyhow, I remember his telling me once when I was a shirttailed boy about the time George Washington drove through the country there to the east and all the people in Tarboro went wild and fired off their one-pound cannon in celebration — yes, he said he was a grown young man �874 Paul Green's Wordbook hisself at the time. And you know what made him live so long? I asked him that once, and he looked at me out of his little squeezed, squinched-up eyes and he said, 'Why, poke salat, poke salat.' They say he used to eat it by the peck. Then in the wintertime he lay up like a bear and drank cornmeal gruel made with water. Yessir, I recommend poke salat and meal gruel for these vitamin folks. Dang sight more sense in it I fully do believe and they're cheaper too, much cheaper." poke bonnet Often called polk bonnet. See "slat bonnet." looks like he had swallowed a poker Poker The well-known card game which is the gambler's delight. The two kinds of poker are stud and draw. Also a practical joke game. The players are seated in a circle. The leader takes a poker in one hand, pokes the floor with it, clears his throat and says, "You can do little who can't do this, this, this." He then gives the poker to his neighbor who is supposed to do exactly the same thing. Some of the players will forget to clear their throats as the leader had done. And so on. Cow Poker A game played by children usually riding in the car. We used to play this often when driving across country from Hollywood. Two children will choose each a side of the road, and they will count the number of cattle on the chosen side. The one who gets the largest number will win. If a graveyard is sighted and the opponent sees it, he can call out, "Graveyard!" and that cancels the number of cattle already counted by his opponent. Penny Poker Poker in which the betting limit is one penny. Also cheap doings. pokeroot tea Especially good for hog cholera. pokeweed One of the best folk remedy plants in the Valley. One ounce of dried root mixed with a pint of water and two tablespoons given as a dose was supposed to be a good treatment for chronic syphilis. An ointment made from the root was good for all kinds of skin diseases, and if the ointment was mixed with lard and the children's heads rubbed with it at night, every nit and louse would soon disappear. Indian runners on long journeys used to chew the leaves to quench the thirst, so it was said. See "pokeberry weed." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 875 pokey Jail, hoosegow. "I put him in the pokey and that'll sober him up." pole beans Running beans that are usually trained up poles. Some of the farmers in the Valley have a regular skein with strings running from pole to pole, up which the beans are trained. polecat A skunk, also a derogatory term applied to a low-down sorry person. Police, police, don't get me. Get that nigger behind that tree. He stole money, I stole none. Put him in the guardhouse just for fun. (A recitation rhyme.) as polite as a dancing master Politeness is to do and say The kindest thing in the kindest way. politician A convict who through pull gets an easy job. poll-parrot An over-talkative person. poll tax A head tax. When I was growing up, the poll tax in North Carolina was a dollar a head, and I remember once hearing my Uncle Bob Green tell about the time he had to collect the poll tax. "It wasn't long after the State passed the poll tax law," he said, "that the niggers all up and down the Cape Fear Valley were past due on their payments. The high sheriff—he was my brother, your Uncle John Green, you remember—well, he said to me, he said, 'Bob, git out your horse and serve papers on them niggers.' So I did. I rode from house to house serving papers for the back taxes and collecting the defendants at the same time. It wasn't long till I had a whole drove of them following behind me and my horse on our way to Lillington. It began to snow like five hundred, and the whole string of them that I had collected did their level best trying to keep up with me and my horse, and I favored them some. When we got to the old McKay place, I said, 'Boys, it's a long way to Lillington over the river and I don't want to make you suffer too much. Will you folks promise to meet me there Monday morning at the courthouse?' �876 Paul Green's Wordbook " 'Yeh, yessir, cap'n,' they said sticking up their hands all quick like and then taking them down just as quick for they were all shivering and shaking from the cold. " 'All right then,' I said, Til let you go. Meet me there Monday morning and we'll dispose of your cases. Have your word be your bond.' " 'Yessir, bond, our word be our bond, your honor, yessir.' "Well, the next Monday morning every one of them was there and their cases were disposed of—except one. And he was lying at home near death's door from the pneumonia he caught from following me that day. In fact he died soon after that. I didn't hear about it till he was already buried. Yeh, yeh, I know it was bad for him to catch pneumonia like that, having no shoes to his feet hardly, but I didn't know the bottoms of his shoes were out and his feet were freezin' off when he was following behind me and my horse. He didn't complain none. Anyhow, I don't worry about it now. He ought to have paid his poll tax in the first place. That's what he ought've done, Paul. Poor fellow." polly-pouts The sulks. Polly, put the kettle on (three times) For we'll all have tea. Sukie, take if off again (three times) They've all gone away. (A child's song.) pollywog A tadpole. "Polly-wolly-doodle" Another popular nonsense song. We never failed to sing it at picnics, cornshuckings and young folks' gatherings. Its author and composer are unknown to me. "I went down South for to see my Sal— Sing Polly-wolly-doodle all the day. My Sal she am a spunky gal. Sing Polly-wolly-doodle all the day. "Fare thee well, fare thee well Fare thee well, my fairy fay, For I'm going to Louisiana For to see my Susyanna— Sing Polly-wolly-doodle all the day. "A grasshopper sitting on a railroad track— �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 877 Sing Polly-wolly-doodle all the day. A-picking his teeth with a carpet tack. Sing Polly-wolly-doodle all the day. "Went to the henhouse on my knees— Sing Polly-wolly-doodle all the day. Thought I heard a chicken sneeze. Sing Polly-wolly-doodle all the day. "He sneezed so hard with the whooping cough— Sing Polly-wolly-doodle all the day. He sneezed his head and his tail right off. Sing Polly-wolly-doodle all the day." polyphemus Another name for the penis. pone Swelling, a lump. "I've got a pone in my side," said Mr. Martin, "and the doctor says I've got to have it cut out." pony An interlinear translation, same as a crib. pony up to To sidle up to, to pay up. pooh An interjection of disbelief or derision. pooh-pooh To shrug off, to take lightly, to deride. "Nixon kept pooh-poohing Congress and now look at him." poontang A woman's sexual giving. poop To defecate. "Look, that baby's pooped in his pants." pooped To be exhausted, worn out. The poor always ye have with ye. as poor as a church mouse as poor as a grasshopper as poor as a rake �878 Paul Green's Wordbook as poor as a skeleton as poor as a snake as poor as a whippoorwill as poor as a winter crow as poor as Job's turkey as poor as owl shit as poor as quilting frames Gaunt. Go sell what thou hast and give to the poor. He that giveth to the poor lendeth to the Lord. It's a poor religion that makes a man a worse neighbor. He that oppresseth the poor reproacheth his maker. He that giveth unto the poor shall not lack. poorhouse The almshouse. The threat of the poorhouse was always hanging over the people in my neighborhood when I was a boy. It was a common expression round and about, "If we don't look out, we'll all land in the poorhouse." I've heard my father say that a thousand times. "Poor Little Turtledove" A love lament. The turtledove has for generations been a symbol of love, most often unrequited love, and nearly always the lyric includes the following lines— "Poor little turtledove A-setting on a pine Grieving for his own true love, Just like I grieve for mine." poor man's clock The sun. poor man's weatherglass The common pimpernel, growing from eastern Canada down eastern United States to Mexico. It is poisonous to dogs and horses but is supposed to be sexually stimulating to humans. Its red flowers appear in mid-summer and are open only in bright sunshine. They close up at the approach of a storm, hence, the name for the plant. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 879 poor mouth Beggary,poverty. "Heputthepoormouthonmeandlpartedwithadollar." poor outs Poor means, sorry methods, also sorry results. Poor Pussy Cat A game. See "Pussy Wants a Corner." poose-back To ride on a person's back like a papoose. poot To break wind, to fart. poots The nervous jerks, the whammy-diddles, the hicumstrikes. The "highgalloping poots" is an intensification of the poots. poo turkey Same as boo turkey. poozie Same as pussy. pop To burst into bloom. "If this warm weather keeps up a few more days, everything's gonna pop." pop-call A very short visit, one made without prior announcement. pope Boss, the head man. sewed up tighter than the pope's drawers "Pop Goes the Weasel" A nursery rhyme and song. popgun Ahomemadetoy "gun" made usually by cutting a joint of hollow reed and reaming it out. Then a berry or chewed wad of paper is inserted in it and, with a rammer slightly shorter than the joint, pushed on to near the end. Then with another pellet part way in, the rammer in reinserted. With a smart blow of the palm the pellet will be ejected with a pop. pop in To make a hurried call. "I'll just pop in and see how she's doing." �880 Paul Green's Wordbook Pop off To hurry away, to lose one's temper, to shout loudly. popover A hollow quick bread shaped like a muffin. popping timbers There's a superstition that if the timbers of a house are heard popping in the dead of night, someone close by is soon going to die. poppy A favorite and colorful garden flower even though its bright red and showy petals last hardly more than one day. Since World War I it has had special significance for me, mainly because of the poem, "In Flanders Fields the Poppies Blow," by Colonel John McCrae. This poem became popular with the American and English troops, and many a time I recited it comfortingly to myself as I shivered in my dugout, expecting the falling German shells to cave in the dirt roof on me at any moment. The last stanza was especially sustaining. "In Flanders fields the poppies blow Between the crosses, row on row, That mark our place; and in the sky The larks, still bravely singing, fly Scarce heard amid the guns below. "We are the Dead. Short days ago We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow, Loved and were loved, and now we lie In Flanders fields. "Take up our quarrel with the foe; To you from failing hands we throw The torch—be yours to hold it high. If ye break faith with us who die We shall not sleep, though poppies grow In Flanders fields." Young Colonel McCrae was later killed in battle. popskull whiskey Especially strong corn whiskey. popsquirt A fresh, sassy-talking person. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 881 popsy A fast woman. popsy-wopsy A term of endearment. pop the question Propose marriage. Pop the Whip A popular outdoor game. We used to play this at the old Pleasant Union School and have lots of fun. With a leader at the head of the line, the children, taking hands, would string out behind him. At the word "go" he would start running, pulling the line of young people after him. He would begin to coil the line, going faster and faster until those at the end sometimes went around so fast that they were flung off and turned somersaulting. The end girls, when they were flung off, would be embarrassed by their windblown petticoats. Populism A political movement in the South in the 1890's and early 1900's which advocated the rights and power of the people, the populace. The Southern Populists cooperated with the Republicans and Negro minority, and their platform denounced lynching and called for justice and fair dealing with all people, including the blacks. In some instances Negroes were given positions in the councils and local governing boards. I remember that in my Valley neighborhood old Uncle Jerry McLean, a Negro with one of the greatest bass voices I ever heard, was put on the local school board. He could neither read nor write. I was a little boy but I remember my older half-sister appearing before him to get a certificate to teach school. He said to her — she reported later — ' ' Bless yo' soul, Miss Allie, you wants to teach school, don't you? Well, honey, that's just what you'sgwinedo. Us passes you in dezamination. Youjes' fill out yo' papers and mark 'em whatsomever they needs and go to it." She got a little school some nine miles from our home at a salary of twenty dollars a month. She boarded at a neighbor's house for six dollars a month. The Populist movement received a setback to its liberalism with the rise of the Red Shirts (q.v.). Possession is nine-tenths of the law. possum apple Persimmon. �882 Paul Green's Wordbook possum haws This slender shrub, rarely becoming large enough to be called a tree, grows plentifully in swamps and along streams. We boys used to love to eat the blue-ripened berries. We still have a plentiful supply of these haws around our spring below the house. Sometimes called possum grapes. possum hunting Along with coon-hunting a very popular sport in the Valley until recent days. Since possums, like coons, do their feeding at night, a good possum or coon dog was always a valuable item. But now that the land has become a network of criss-cross hard-surfaced highways, illumined with automobile lights at night, both the hunting and the dogs have pretty much gone out of style. It was always a fact — and maybe there's some parable significance in it — that little possums climbed big trees and big possums climbed little trees. On our hunts, if the dogs treed a possum up a big tree, the decision usually was to leave the tree alone and not try to cut it down. Why so hard labor for so little result. possum over my persimmon One thing topping another, or one thing too deep for solving. possum piss Silly talk, twaddle. Fat possums prowl late. possum's peter There is a common belief that the possum's penis is forked. 'Possum up de 'simmon tree, Coonies on de ground. Coonie say to de 'possum, "Shake dem 'simmons down." (Animal rhyme.) posted Informed, authoritative. Protected by the law. "Since I've posted my land there's more hunting on it than ever." postes Posts. 'postle The penis. "They say that movie sheik, for all his big talk, ain't got much of a 'postle on him." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 883 Post Office A children's game. My niece Buie Long recalls for me just how it is played, for I had forgot some of the details. One player is blindfolded and stands in the center of the room as postman. Another is postmaster and has a list of cities, saying "I have a letter from to ." Immediately the players having the names of those two cities must rise and change seats, the blind postman trying to catch one of them or sit in one of the seats vacated. The player who is caught or whose chair is taken becomes the postman. Players may crawl, run, walk, dodge, or dive to get by the postman, but are not allowed to step outside the circle of chairs. An announcement that the "General Delivery'' window is open causes a mad scramble, all the players changing chairs. Another version of Post Office was a boys' and girls' courting game. All the boys are sent out of the room and a corner is curtained or screened off to represent the post office. A girl takes her place in the "post office" and another goes to the door and calls out the name of one of the boys waiting outside. She tells him there is a letter waiting for him in the post office. He goes into the "office" and the "postmistress" kisses him. Then the "mistress" can be changed and another boy is called in. And so on. Sometimes the girls are all sent from the room and a boy becomes "postmaster." Jhepot calls the kettle black. The pot which goes to the well will come home broken at last. A little pot is soon hot. An empty pot never boils over. go to pot To degenerate, to go to pieces, to have a breakdown. put on the big pot To cut a splurge or furnish an overflow of hospitality. "We'll put on the big pot when you come." upset the pot To make a mess of things, to ruin one's chances. A grated Inshpotato made into a poultice and put over a boil will draw it to a head. A potato carried in the pocket is good protection against arthritis. Some people say a buckeye or an onion is better. What has many eyes but can't see? (Riddle. A potato.) �884 Paul Green's Wordbook dropped like a hot potato One potato, two potato, three potato, fourFive potato, six potato, seven potato, more— and on and on. (A counting-out rhyme.) long potatoes These are sweet potatoes as contrasted with short, round (Irish) potatoes. round potatoes Irish potatoes as contrasted with long, or sweet, potatoes. small potatoes Unimportant matters, a person or thing of no importance. His family is like potatoes, all that is good of them is underground. Plant potatoes and other underground crops on dark nights. Never bet on potatoes before grabbling time. potato hill The conical-shaped hill in which the sweet potatoes are stored in the winter. The method of preparing these hills was to take pine straw and place it on a bit of elevated land well-drained, pile the potatoes carefully on the straw, cover these potatoes with more straw and then cover them with dirt to shed the rain. Sometimes a shelter was put over the hill and the hill was always left open at the top for air. Most of the potatoes rotted in these hills, but the power of the folk custom continued until recently. Potato Race See "Sack Race." wild potato vine A tough ground-running vine, usually prolific in poor sandy land and hard to eradicate. The roots go very deep, almost as deep as the trumpet vine. pot-gutted Big-bellied. pot hanger A metal hook used in the old days to hang pots over the fire in the chimney for cooking. pothooks Illiterate scrawls, poor handwriting. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 885 pothooks and hen scratches The same. pot licker The liquid from boiling ham meat and greens together. It was counted a delicacy in the Valley and good for giving muscular strength. potluck Ordinary fare. "Stay and have dinner with us if you don't mind taking potluck." pot of gold A superstition that you can find a pot of gold at the end of the rainbow. pot-rack Imitation of the call of the guinea chicken. "During the funeral the guineas were pot-racking all round the house, the fools." potty A chamber pot for children. Spoiled, rotting, decayed or decaying. Dead drunk. "John Oxendine come home Sat'day night all potty and beat up his wife to a fare-you-well." pounce A loud explosion or noise. " Soon as I heard that loud pounce to the east I knowed that big boiler at Duke had busted." When the pound speaks, the penny hushes. pound cake A cake made of pound measurements of ingredients, for instance, a pound of sugar, a pound of butter, a pound of flour and a pound of eggs, etc. pounding The bringing of alms or gifts to a destitute person and most often to the local preacher. There was a mighty Negro preacher in the Valley once, so the folk tale goes, who delighted in being pounded by his congregation. He was a great glutton, this fellow was, and he would be profuse in his thanks and blessings for the pound of coffee or pound of sugar or whatever was brought to him. And sometimes his thankful congregation would bring him a bushel of meal or bag of flour. On one occasion a recently repentant sinner, one who had felt the power of the preacher's great exhorting, gave him a sheep. The great preacher was duly thankful and told his little wife to put that sheep in the pen and fatten it up because when Association Time came in the fall he would �886 Paul Green's Wordbook bring some of his brethren home and they would have a big feast. And, bless the Lord, he would give her some good little loving on the side. Now this little woman was a meek creature and was terribly afraid of this big preacher. They had two little boys named Paul and Silas and they were, like their mammy, very meek and patient little fellows. So it was that the little woman, with the help of the boys, got some nails from around the washpot where naily boards had been burned and rigged up a little old pen and put the sheep in it. And they'd go out in the fields and pull crab grass and crop some of the wilted collard leaves and feed this sheep up mighty good. All the while the big preacher was working in the Lord's vineyard here and yon. Now it happened that these little boys had something they loved better than life itself and that was an old traipsy dog that had taken up at their house. This old dog was a pitiful scraggly looking creature with thin frizzly hair, and so they named her Frizzle. When the fall came on, the sheep was fattened up, and one morning just before the big preacher got ready to drive off in his little old buggy and bedslat mule, he told his little woman that he wanted the sheep cooked and ready for him that night. Sure and certain to the Lord there would be three big preachers to eat with them at suppertime. And so he drove off, flailing his little mule with the hard plough line as he went. The little woman sharpened up the butcher knife and went out to the pen to kill the sheep. The little boys, Paul and Silas, were right with her. And right with them was the old dog Frizzle, wagging her tail and ready to help out. Well, the little woman went into the pen and got the old sheep by the burr of the ear, and then, wham, slashed across the old sheep's throat with the knife. The old sheep gave a squeal and a buck and tore out through the little old rotten pen and got away. The little woman went tearing down the hill after her, calling, "Co-sheepy, co-sheepy," with the boys right after and Frizzle barking along and trying to help out as best she could. On into the woods the little woman went, calling co-sheepy. But no sheep. And the little boys following along called, "Co-sheepy." And Frizzle, following after the sheep, kept on barking. They tried to call her back but she wouldn't come back because she was anxious to help out. And in the running about, little Paul stubbed his toe against a rock and he sat down and little Silas stayed and doctored him. The little woman went on into the woods after the sheep. But she couldn't find that sheep and she sat down on a log with the butcher knife in her hand and cried, for she knew what would happen to her if the big preacher came home that night and there was no sheep and no mutton on the table for him and the visiting brethren in the Lord. And old Frizzle come out of the woods and looked up in her face, trying to sympathize with her no doubt. Then the idea struck the little woman. Well, sometime later up the hill she came and she was carrying the skinned sheep in her big apron. The little boys called out, "You ketched �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 887 him, you ketched him, Mammy.'' So she went on to the house, and the little boys helped her get chips and splinters from the woodpile and build up a good fire in the old stove. So they cooked away on the sheep. That evening the preacher came home with three other preachers and they went hallelujahing around the house and talking holy talk and blessing the little woman for the good cooking she had ready for them. And the house was full of the good smell of the mutton that had been cooked. So it was served up and the preachers et mighty hearty. While they were eating, little Paul and Silas stood around waiting, their mouths just watering, waiting to get their share. But they must eat second after the big preachers had had their fill. While the eating was going on, suddenly there came a sound — the pitiful bleating of a sheep. And all the while the little woman sat by the fireplace sucking on her teeth. When she heard the sheep, she shivered and shook. And the big preacher said to her, "Quit sucking on them teeth." Then he explained to the brethren that she had mighty bad risings in her jaws and that's the way she was. The sheep bleated again, and the preacher looked up and said, "What's that?" The little woman shivered and shook worse now. And Paul and Silas hurried to the door and opened it. And there stood the old sheep with his head hanging down and the slit in his throat showing. Then the preacher jumped up and said, "Lord-amercy, what's happened!'' And the boys, looking at the mutton on the table, saw what had happened, and little Silas or Paul, makes no difference which, called out and said, "Mammy done cooked our dog!" So she had, and the preachers had eaten heartily of Frizzle. They ran out into the night and called to the dog. And the big preacher called, "Come on, come up, dog. I want you to come up." And pretty soon the dog did come up, and in the way you might think. The visiting preachers were so mad when they found out what had happened that they didn't jump on the little woman, they jumped on the big preacher and beat him nearly half to death. And that preacher fled from the neighborhood and was gone from there. Sometime later he sent and got the little woman and the boys, and the last that was heard from him he had a new congregation somewhere 'way down below Rocky Mount and was doing well. But the house he had lived in was allowed to grow up in weeds and briars. Anyone passing on the road today can see it out in the field, all shrouded away now with sumac bushes and 'simmon sprouts. Some do say that the devil in the shape of a big dog stays in that house at night and goes abroad seeking what and which he may devour. no bigger than a pound of soap after a week's washing Very small indeed, pitiful, weak. �888 Paul Green's Wordbook Poverty and laziness go hand in hand. Poverty is a hard bedfellow. Poverty is no sin but it's mighty inconvenient. When poverty conies in at the door, love flies out through the window. Give me neither poverty nor riches. poverty weeds Weeds that are native to poor soil such as the sandhills soil — milkweed, joint weed, sandhill spurge, indigo, and so on. Keep your powder dry. powder one's nose A woman's polite term for going to the privy or bathroom, answering the call of nature. to sit on a powder keg To be in a highly dangerous or precarious situation or condition. to take a powder To run off, to flee from a subpoena, to vamoose. "John was to be there, but somewhere on the way he took a powder." power Much, many, a great plenty. "There was a power of people at the big meeting." powerful Very. "He's a powerful rich man." "Power in the Blood" Another popular and consoling big-meeting hymn beloved by the Valley believers. "Would you be free from your burden of sin? There's pow'r in the blood, pow'r in the blood. Would you o'er evil a victory win? There's wonderful pow'r in the blood." Then in the chorus we are told that the blood referred to is "the blood of the Lamb,'' the Lamb being Jesus. Moreover the song declares that the power of this blood can make you "whiter, much whiter than snow." My childish head used to puzzle as to how this could be. My old gray head bothers about it no longer, though now and then I like to hum the prancing tune to myself as I work about the house doing odd jobs of mending or painting. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 889 powwow A discussion, a caucus. Practice makes perfect. Practice what you preach. Self-praise is half scandal. "Praise God from Whom All Blessings Flow" The well-known Doxology or Old Hundred. I remember how relieved I used to be at old Pleasant Union Church when Preacher Wicker would ask Mr. Joe Long to lead the Doxology, for that meant the end of the service. "Praise God from whom all blessings flow, Praise Him all creatures here below, Praise Him above, ye heavenly host— Praise Father, Son and Holy Ghost." prank To tease, to play tricks upon. Also to grease the end of a shovel. prat pray One's buttocks, behind, ass (arse). "The best part of his show were his pratfalls." Please. Used for emphasis. "Do pray tell me what it's all about." Pray devoutly and hammer stoutly. Pray for them which despitefully use you and persecute you. prayer One of the dictionary definitions for prayer is "the offering of adoration, confession, supplication, thanksgiving, etc. addressed to God or to a god." The prayers that I grew up with and hear now and then are usually short on thanks and long on beseechings for help, guidance and protection. One of the most common prayers in the Valley has to do with sickness or the weather, especially in drought times. I remember more than once that the folks assembled at Pleasant Union Church and prayed for rain. In speaking of the matter, Barney Cofield, the Valley wit, once said, "I see you all folks are here praying for rain and I see none of you have brought your umbrellas.'' I remember too when I first got under fire in World War I with the British army in Flanders Field, I thought that I certainly would pray when the going got tough. But I was so scared and so busy taking care of myself that I never once thought of prayer or praying. The UNC football team used to pray before each game. The opposing team usually did the same, and �890 Paul Green's Wordbook so the Almighty didn't have to bother. prayer book The ritual or scripture book used in some churches, especially in the Episcopal Service. Prayers come from the same mouths as oaths. Preach in your own pulpit. preach a funeral To bawl out, to berate, to scold.' 'After I broke that plate that woman surely preached my funeral." preacher A carpenter's handmade guide stick used in setting and spacing weatherboarding, brick and so on. "Preacher and the Bear" Another of our favorite field songs. And, as in all our work and aroundthe-house singing, we were not always true to the original words. "A preacher went out a-hunting Early one Sunday morn And though 'twas against his religion He'd taken his gun along. He shot hisself some mighty fine quail And a measly old Molly hare And on his way returning home He met with a grizzly bear. The bear marched out in the middle of the road, And when him the coon did see, The coon got so excited He clamb up a 'simmon tree. The bear set down upon the ground, The coon clamb out on a limb. He raised his eyes to the Lord in the skies And this is what he said to him. 'Oh, Lordy, you delivered Daniel from the lion's den And Jonah from the belly of the whale and then The Hebrew chillun from the fiery furnace, so the Good Book do declare, Now, Lord, if you can't help me, don't you help that grizzly bear!' " The original words and music for this coon song are by Joe Arzonia. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 891 Preachers' children are the meanest children of all. A preacher's son tends to turn out bad. Gray mules never die, they turn into Baptist preachers. When the preachers come, the chickens cry. preachify To talk and act piously. preachy Moralistic. "The trouble with so many of these labor dramas is they get preachy." precious Used for emphasis. "There are precious few people that live up to their preachings." Precious things usually come in small packages. precious little Few, very small amount. precious plenty An overflow of supply. predestination The theory that whatever happens has to happen and actually man has no free will. Even Bertrand Russell, the noted English mathematician and philosopher, says that the theory cannot be disproved — or proved. Since my Harnett County days I have believed that even if I had no free will, no freedom of choice, and it was all an illusive belief with me, still my responsibility for action would remain as part of that illusion and therefore I couldn't escape my duty of service to myself and the world around me. It is easy to see how the doctrine of predestination has its place in Presbyterian belief — or in any religious doctrine, for that matter. A belief in God, the omniscient one, the all-knowing one, would allow for, nay, would require it. For by definition he is not only all-powerful but all-knowing and therefore knows what is to be. If he sees what is to be, then what is to be will be — so predestination or pre-determination. Then where does man's action, his behavior, come in? It must come in with his effort to live according to God's will. But suppose, says my corkscrew mind, God has already seen that I am to be lost, what avail is my effort? Or if he sees that I am to be saved, again what is my effort worth? Well, as St. Thomas Aquinas said in his Summa, man must believe the �892 Paul Green's Wordbook unbelievable if he is to have true religious faith. Again I hear the loud shout of dialectical materialsim — but not the Russian voice — declaring its opposition. A pregnant woman needn't try to make good pickles. prehaps Perhaps. prenatal influence A widely held superstition that certain happenings affect the unborn child. There are hundreds and hundreds of beliefs and folk practices connected with this in the Valley as elsewhere. See "birthmark." The first reference I know of occurs in the Bible where Jacob in working for old Laban wished to add to his spotted number of goats and sheep. He took some cuttings from the woods, peeled them in stripes, set them in front of the animals as they were breeding and, lo and behold, according to the Scripture — and who can deny the truth of that — his spotted flock increased tremendously. Smart boy, Jacob. all present and/or accounted for A military report by sergeant or officer to his superior as to the disposition of his men. preserves Fruit cooked in sugar or some syrup thinner and made into jams or jellies and stored in jars or glass containers. These were choice exhibits of many a housewife. presperation Perspiration. press the flesh To shake hands. "L.B.J. believes in pressing the flesh to get votes, and, man, he gets 'em." pretties Toys, trinkets, little playthings. Also a woman's breasts and sex organs. A pretty baby makes an ugly girl. Pretty is as pretty does. as pretty as a peach as pretty as a picture as pretty as a pink as pretty as a poppet �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 893 pretty as a rosebud trimmed in dew a pretty A bet or an ante. "I bet you a pretty I can run faster than you can." In the Valley the word "pretty" was almost always pronounced "purty." Pretty Bird in My Cup See "Put a Bird in My Cup." not to do pretty To act immorally. A softened assertion involving the immoral behavior of a woman. Pretty Girl's Station A guessing and chasing game. Two sides are chosen and they walk away from each other after each leader has chosen his or her station. Then one group marches back toward the other. The second group then calls out, "Where you from?" First Group—"Pretty girl's town." "What's your trade?" "Lemonade." Second Group—"Goto work." And then they go through the pantomime of making lemonade and, while they are making the pantomime, the other group tries to chase them before they can get back to their station. Sometimes one group marches toward the other making a pantomime of their work but not naming it. And when the work is guessed correctly the chase is on. All who are tapped must join the other group and this continues until all the players of one group have been captured or they decide to quit and do something else. This game is sometimes called "Lemonade." Prevention is better than cure. An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. prevision of death A foreseeing of one's fate. Many people in the Valley believe that the future can be seen, especially the tragic future in reference to one's own death date. See "death prophecy." They say that Myatt Northington had this gift. Myatt was a merry light-hearted man and he prophesied even to the day and the hour when he would die. In fact he was made more famous in the Valley by dying than he was by living. He said the news of his taking off had come to him in a dream, a voice that said to him as plain as day that he was to die at such and such a time next year—or as he put it, "called home to heaven"—and he better get ready to go. During that one year of grace he made a good crop, paid up all his debts and got his life in order. He picked out his pallbearers and preacher and had his tombstone cut with the epitaph—"Walk about Zion and go around about her, tell the towers thereof. Mark ye well her bulwarks, consider her palaces that ye may tell �894 Paul Green's Wordbook it to the generation following. Psalms 48: 12-13." Myatt liked his rolling words as well as precision. Of course most everybody laughed and made no little fun of him, for they felt about him the way most of us do about these ignorant sanctified people who are always prophesying the end of the world on a certain day. Also they remembered Gaster French and his prophecy a few years before. Gaster got his Holy Roller religion down at Falcon camp meeting and soon after that he heard a voice, he said, telling him to get ready for the end of the world which would come on the second Sunday in April. So he sold out his farm and team and sat down to wait for Gabriel to blow on his horn. Gaster was a notorious lazy fellow and the sitting and waiting came easy for him. The fateful day came and passed and nothing happened, and of course he had to get up from there where he was sitting and go to work to keep from starving, for the sun rose just the same. Later he died in the county poorhouse. But Myatt was a better prophet. On the day before he was to die he went around to see all the neighbors and say goodbye, asking them for any messages they might want to send to loved ones in yonder world. A lot of the wags, including Barney Cofield, sent messages to folks in hell, including Bull Broadhuss, telling him to take it easy there and not to whip the devil too often. But old Myatt laughed and said he wasn't going to hell. When the next day came he dressed himself in his burying clothes, put out the two big English pennies he had saved to place on his eyelids and lay down in his bed. As the clock struck three, as the voice had said, he turned his face to the wall and quietly breathed his last. At his funeral a great concourse of people gathered and many of them got converted to God because of Myatt, believing that there must be some kind of spirit or spirits that could speak to men and tell them the future if they only knew how to listen and watch. And Ollie Marshall, the Linneyville windowshade and perpetual motion inventor, was so convinced of it, he tried to make a contraption with a big ear on it to listen to spirits talking. Ollie was a determined fellow and he worked and worked at it. And he worked so hard at it and got so wound up in it that he finally lost his mind and had to be shut up in the asylum in Raleigh. They say Ollie hears spirits there all the time and does a lot of preaching behind his restraining bars to an unhearing and lost world. The price of wisdom is above rubies. Every man has his price. prick Penis. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 895 a big prick A show-off, a braggart. all prick and no pence All show and braggadocio, all front and no back. A standing prick has no conscience. It is hard to kick against the pricks. Pride goeth before destruction and a haughty spirit before a fall. prides A man's testicles or a woman's breasts. primed Liquored up and ready for a good time. prime the pump To use water from another source to get a dead pump started. Also to create federal or welfare jobs in order to stimulate the economy. prime tobacco To crop the leaves as they ripen, beginning at the bottom and moving upward. It is back-breaking work at first but becomes easier as the leaves are cropped higher and higher toward the top. Primitive Baptists Known also as "Hardshell Baptists," this sect, formed in North Carolina about 1830, was more Calvinistic in its belief as contrasted with the Freewill Baptists. The Primitives were opposed to Sunday schools and to any "fuss and fancy doings." A strict interpretation of the Bible as the inspired word of God, every jot and tittle of it, was the heart of their doctrine. Prince of Darkness One of various names for Satan or Beelzebub. "Prince ofParthia" A romantic tragedy written by Thomas Godfrey (1736-1763), a poet and playwright living in Wilmington, N.C., at the time. The drama was produced in Philadelphia on April 24, 1767, four years after his death, and has the distinction of being the first play written by an American to be professionally produced. Godfrey died near Wilmington on April 3, 1763. He is buried in the old St. James churchyard there. Years and years ago I went to visit his grave and made a snapshot of his simple headstone that bore, as I remember, only his name and the date of his birth and death. Not long ago I visited the churchyard again and could find no trace of his grave. Nor could any local person, including the sexton and minister, help me. As for the �896 Paul Green's Wordbook photograph I made, that is lost too. But the play remains in a volume entitled "Prince of Parthia,'' with a 74-page Introduction by Archibald Henderson, who served also as editor of the publication by Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1917. See "Thomas Godfrey." princess tree The paulownia tree. The principle is the thing. prink To primp, to make a fastidious toilette, to unduly adorn oneself. I was in prison and ye came unto me. Stone walls do not a. prison make, nor iron bars a cage. Prison Base A very popular children's school game of chase in the Valley. Two leaders are chosen and then these choose their followers alternately. Each group leader selects a place some fifty yards or so from that of his opponent, usually using a tree or drawing a ring around on the ground. And each dares the other. The chase is on and anyone who is caught must enter the opponent's prison and his comrades seek a chance to free him. But if, in the seeking, he himself is touched, then he also becomes a prisoner. Most often the fleeter side wins by getting all the opponents in prison and then the game ends. prissy Effeminate. Institute of Private Affairs A very vulgar and low-down society founded at the University of North Carolina by some of the professors, with meetings every two weeks. At these meetings the whole purpose was to tell as low-down and dirty stories and experiences as possible. Anything decent was forbidden. I was telling Carl Sandburg about our Institute once when he was visiting us and this prompted him, I guess, into misbehaving before some ladies who had come down from the University at Greensboro to sit around and admire Carl. We were having dinner when they arrived. They gooed and gooed over him until he was offended enough, I guess, to start telling stories. "Did you ever hear," he asked, smiling around him, "about the two men who had a bet as to which could eat the dirtiest?" The ladies smiled sweetly and said they hadn't, would he please tell them. So then he let forth into one of the roughest anecdotes I ever heard. I looked at my wife, who was terribly ashamed. But the ladies from Greensboro didn't blink an eye. They smiled and applauded when Carl finished telling about the two guys who got some big tablespoons and went out to see what dirty things they could find to �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 897 eat in the cow pasture and around. And one of the men said, "I can't eat mine, it's got a hair in it." privateers Freebooters and half-pirate seamen who used to prey upon the commerce at the mouth of the Valley. Spruntinhis Tales of the Lower Cape Fear tells much about this. private eye A detective. privates A man's or woman's genitals. pro and con For and against. "Consider all the pros and cons and then you'll know how to vote." Procrastination is the thief of time. profane language There was a belief that it was a dangerous thing to indulge in blasphemous language in a storm at sea or in a thunderstorm on land. I remember when I was a boy hearing the dreadful story of a man who, hurrying across the fields to his house, lost his hat in the wind or a thunderstorm. He let out an oath and the lightning struck him and killed him. How the people ever knew that he let out an oath before he was killed I don't know. What shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul? progue To forage, to wander around. project A device, a matter of concern. Also as a verb, to fool with, pick at. promenade To walk with one's partner in a folk dance. promenade all A square dance call in which partners join crossed hands, right hands above the left, and march around the room. A. promise should be given with caution and kept with care. Promised Land Land to which the Jews went after they left Egypt. Canaan land. Also it refers to the heaven and the hereafter. I remember how old Mr. Tom Long used to line out the song, "On Jordan's stormy banks I stand," and then �898 Paul Green's Wordbook go on to the chorus when he would ring out sonorously, "Oh, who will rise and go with me? I am bound for the Promised Land." prong A branch of a divided stream. The proof of the pudding is in the eating. proon To brood or worry. "He sits and proons over his troubles. No wonder he won't get better." Also sighing, murmuring. "I love to hear the wind prooning in the trees." prophesy Foretelling the future. There are machines now along all of our streets into which you can put a penny and get the prophecy of the future. Prophecy is an act of divination, of seeing into the future, similar to clairvoyance. There are multitudes of signs and omens as well as machines which help one to prophesy. For instance, an autumn with many acorns or nuts or berries foretells or prophesies a hard winter. And the newspapers carry daily horoscopes. A prophet is not without honour, save in his own country. Beware of false prophets. There shall arise false prophets. Man proposes but God disposes. proposition A difficulty, a hard task, a tough undertaking.' 'Getting water up that hill, gentlemen, is a proposition." props Properties, as in a theatrical production. Prospect Hall One of the famous old homes along the Cape Fear, now perished. protection Chaperonage. "Oh, yes, on all the hayrides of the young people some older person would go along for protection." protection against witches James Webster, an old Negro in Wake County, says that a silver dollar is the best protection against witches there is, and not only that, he adds, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 899 protection against sickness. "Yes sir, Mr. Green, ever since I was sixteen years old I've had a silver dollar with me except for two days and then I had fifty cents." Most of the time James carries his dollar in his mouth. Some of his neighbors, because of his talk about witches, believe he is a witch doctor and is endowed with a power to tell fortunes. A lot of young people come to him to get their fortunes told. In recent days he's been making some extra money that way. The dollar in his mouth, he says, gives him power not only to keep the witches off and to keep good health but maybe give the young folks good advice. One reason that it has such power, he says, is that on it is inscribed, "In God We Trust." And no ha'nt, he says, can stay around where God is. He goes on to say that he has carried this dollar or one like it in his mouth most of the fifty-eight years. "Yes sir, I even sleeps with it," he says,' 'and when' In God We Trust' gets to be worn off, I gets me a new dollar. 'Cause you got to have the words right there spang and bright to have the right power and protection." proud To be in heat. "My bitch is prouding and I've got to shut her up." Swollen. "There's a lot of proud flesh around that boil." as proud as a king as proud as a peacock as proud as punch do oneself proud To take especial pride in an action one has done. I remember long ago reading a letter written by my mother when she was a young girl which said, " I went to Cokesbury Saturday and bought myself proud." Evidently she'd bought some gay dresses or trimmings. Proverbs are the wisdom of the ages. He who will not provide for his own house is worse than an infidel. providentially hindered Hindered by an accidental happening or unforeseen circumstance, usually attributed to divine interference. A good provider is never without a mate. prune A sissy, a square, a prig, an unlikable person. full of prunes One who is unreliable as to truth or reporting of fact. �900 Paul Green's Wordbook p's and q's Good manners. "You better watch your p's and q's when you eat at Aunt Emma's house." psychiatry A pseudo-science now sweeping the world, making great inroads on the healing power of religion. But the Catholic confessional still stands as some of the best psychiatric therapy. psychoanalysis Originated or at least made popular mainly by Sigmund Freud who used dream analysis, even automatic writing, to recover forgotten events. Suppressed desires and other disturbing subconscious items are part and parcel of his "science." Here the psychic disturbance, according to him, is affected by bringing the suppressed items into the full consciousness of the patient. "Yes sir, I went to the head shrinker for six months," said Miss Gallic Timberlake, "three times a week at forty-five dollars a clap. And finally I told him I was broke and didn't have any more money. This didn't bother him at all for he said he was on the verge of telling me the week before that he considered me cured. So he let me go. My advice to people hunting psychiatric help is to go ahead and try it and then when they find out it's not helping much, let the doctor know that the money is running out, and the first thing you know you'll be cured." My young cousin, a very bright girl at the university, got into a depression and she got started going to the psychiatrists. She went from one to another, and I guess Aunt Sally, the Negro washerwoman, helped her as much as anybody. Talking to her one day, Aunt Sally said, "I don't see, honey, how you're ever going to get rid of that desperation if two or three times a week you go and lie down on a cot and just keep talking about it to the doctor. I know you say the doctor says you've got to get it out of you, give voice to it. But seems to me that the thing to do would be to try to forget it and get on with your work, put your mind on other things. That's the way my mammy taught me. If things were bothering me and I couldn't do nothing about 'em, then forget 'em, start doing something else and gradually get your mind off it, and as you work at something else, get to thinking about something else, the first thing you'll know, you're in better shape than ever. Yes ma'am, that's what I say. Honey, you do it." See "Crazy is as crazy does" and "off one's chest." A public office is a public trust. pucker up To crinkle one's face as a child preparatory to crying. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence pud 901 Easy, a crip. "Collier Cobb's Geology I is a pud — take that." puddin' A term of endearment. What's your name? Pudding and tame. Look up the black dog's ass And you'll see the same. (A vulgar rhyme.) puddin '-headed A stupid person. puddle To urinate. puddle-jumper A sorry secondhand car, or a worn-out horse. puff like a steam engine To breathe heavily after activity. puff adder A harmless snake. We boys used to kill them after we had stirred them up and got them to puff out their throats in frightful distension. puffball Devil's snuff box. puff guts A fat person. puke 'em A jocular but somewhat cynical rhyme relative to medicinal practices in the saddlebag days when the doctors had little or no medicines to cure anything: Puke 'em, purge 'em, Bleed 'em, sweat 'em. If they die, then Damnit, let 'em. puke weed Vomitweed, Indian tobacco. pull To serve time in jail, the penitentiary or on the chain gang. "He's got to �902 Paul Green's Wordbook pull two years on the road." If pull won't work, try shove. pull a face To grimace. pull a long bow To exaggerate, to cut a splurge. pull a plug on To deflate, to contradict, scuttle. pull coattails Influence by gifts or bribery, or by flattery or servile obedience. pull down To weaken by sickness. Also win in a handspike lifting contest by pulling the other fellow down. pull down on To shoot, as at an escaping prisoner. pulled Referring to being stopped for some highway lawbreaking. pullet A teen-age girl. pulley-bone The chicken wishbone. We used to always do our little folk act at the table when one found a wishbone. Two people grasped the prongs of the wishbone, each made a silent wish and then they pulled till the prongs broke. The one who got the longer piece of bone was the winner. Also we played that he could hang this longer piece over the door, and the next person to enter would be the one he or she would marry. pullikins Forceps. When I was a little boy once I had a sore tooth, and my father told me to go across the creek to see John Allen Matthews and get him to use his pullikins on it. So I walked over to Mr. Matthews' house, about two miles away. He was a blacksmith, a great big portly man with huge dirty hands. He told me to open my mouth. He felt the tooth. Then he got out a pair of rusty pliers, which he called pullikins. He took hold of the tooth and yanked it out. "That'll cost you a quarter," he said. I had happened to bring some money because, as everybody knew, Mr. John Allen was very stingy. He was a moneylender and nearly every year my father would borrow fifty dollars from him in the spring, get forty and pay the fifty back at six �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 903 percent interest in the fall. Another man who used the pullikins a great deal was one Duncan Deer. He was a Valley strong man and lies buried there in the Little Bethel churchyard with a stone over him, inscribed to his virtues as a good Christian and provider for his family. Nothing was said about Duncan Deer's high temper and his proclivity for fighting. He was a cantankerous fellow and, like bully Major Walker who lived farther down the Valley near Wilmington, he was always in a row at any public meeting. For instance, he rarely went to a shooting match or election or a sociable that he didn't whip at least two or three people. No man was a match for him. It was said that once when his prize bull attacked him in the pasture, he grabbed the animal up in his arms, squeezed him till he bellowed, then threw him over the fence into the woods, saying to the bull that if he ever came back there he'd catch him by the nose and horns and twist his damned head off. Whether the bull understood him or not, the animal struck the ground running and raised the dust going away from there. Nor was he ever seen around Duncan's place anymore. Duncan repented of his act and finally advertised in the county paper for the bull but in vain. Duncan had a quaint custom connected with his fighting. He always carried a pair of pullikins in his pocket and when he'd get his opponent down on the ground, he'd extract one of his teeth and let him up. If he happened to have a second fight with the same man, he'd pull two teeth and a third time three. Folks were afraid of Duncan Deer all right and few were sorry when his turbulence ended in death, a quiet death in his sleep, from a heart attack, the doctors said. Yes, death was one strong man he couldn't whip. pull in To arrest. like pulling eyeteeth A difficult job, a tough task. Roger Bethune and Corliss Neal got into a fight down near Linden, and Corliss broke out one of Roger's teeth, root and all, so it was said. Being a blacksmith and a toothpuller too, Corliss made Roger a new tooth out of a piece of hickory wood and then drove it in and said, "Now, Roger, you're fixed good as new." They both were drunk and, of course, Roger was as addled as Corliss was. Well, next day when he sobered up, his new eyetooth gave him a fit. The dampness in his mouth had caused it to swell as if he'd been stung by a swarm of hornets. He was a looking sight, as they say in the Valley. His wife drove him fast to Dunn and Doctor Bain, the dentist, nearly tore off his jaw, so Roger reported later, getting that wood tooth separated from him. Corliss had certainly done a good job. Dr. Bain looked at him and said, "I've always known how hard it is to pull an eyetooth, Roger, but, my, my, this is the worst job I've ever had." And so he let him �904 Paul Green's Wordbook loose, and Roger went straight to the hardware store, bought himself a pistol and went looking for Corliss. But some of their friends stopped him and persuaded him to give up the gun. From that day till he died, he and Corliss had no dealing with each other. pulling fodder See "fodder bundle." pull in one's horns To back down from a fight, or to renege on one's too-forward bet or statement. pull in the collar To work energetically, faithfully. "That's a good mule, he's always ready to pull in the collar." pull off To commit, to perform, to get done. "If he can pull off that scheme, he might become president." pull one's freight To leave, to hurry away. pull one's leg To fool, to trick. pull one's load Do one's part. pull-ons A pair of women's drawers. pull out To quit, resign.' 'He gets mad in every game, and look for him to pull out.'' pull over To move to one side, to stop. "Pull over, buddy, you're going too fast." pull strings To use influence, to get one's way. pull the chain on To repudiate, to betray. " I had that job all staked out till the boss pulled the chain on me." pull the rug out from under To let down, to remove support. pull the wool over one's eyes To fool, to outwit. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 905 pull through To live through a serious illness. "Have you heard? Cleveland Matthews is down mighty low with the fever — and he's not expected to pull through.'' pull up Toarrive, stop. "When I pulled up here yesterday, I saw my first magnolia in bloom." pull up stakes Leave, sell out and go to another place to do business. pulp magazine A cheap publication. pumped Interrogated. pumpkin A facetious term of praise. "He's some pumpkin." Before pumpkins are suitable for eating, frost must fall upon them. pump one's peter (prick) To masturbate. pumps Low-cut ladies' shoes. beat to the punch To get there first, to strike first. to lose one's punch To lose heart, interest or desire. To become melancholic. Punch Board A guessing game. One person stands with his back toward the others. Then someone punches him once in the back. He turns around quickly and tries to guess who it was. If he is successful, the player who is guessed must take his place and be punched. Punctuality is the soul of business. to puncture one's balloon To deflate one's self-esteem, ego. punish To suffer, to endure. "I got arthuritis mighty bad and at night I can't sleep. I just lie there and punish and punish." The punishment fits the crime. �906 Paul Green's Wordbook punk Rotten wood, usually the wood of a pine stump. A worthless, degenerate person, a gangster hanger-on. To feel sick, down-spirited, melancholic. punkin Pumpkin. Also a term of affection. punying or on the puny list To be ailing, to be under the weather. puppy A young fellow, an adolescent boy. puppy love Adolescent infatuation. pure Complete, absolute, entire. "That's the pure truth I'm telling you." as pure as an angel as pure as driven snow as pure as gold as pure as snow as pure as the lilies of May Unto the pure all things are pure, pure gold Of irreproachable character. purellia A Valley flower, the twin bluebell. purely more Really, certainly. Used for emphasis.' 'He purely more laid the hickory on." purging The death froth on the lips of a corpse. purp Pup. purple Royal. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 907 A full purse has many friends. You can't make a silkpurse out of a sow's ear. purslane "Pussly," a garden curse. My father used to have us children pull it from the garden to feed to the hogs. purty Pretty. Purty is as purty does. Same as Handsome is as handsome does. purty fix Used satirically of a bad situation or a bind. purty-looking sight A satirical term. Purvis The last man hanged in my native county of Harnett. I remember hearing about the hanging when I was a boy, and my older half-brother John once pointed out to me some of the pieces of the timber of the scaffolding down just below the old courthouse in Lillington. I was so impressed by the story of Purvis and his fate that I used his name more than once in different folkplays and stories. Recently Malcolm Fowler, the Cape Fear Valley historian, and I were meeting in Lillington and we took a walk down below the courthouse and stood there where Purvis was hanged and talked some about that occasion. Then Malcolm told me something that I'd never heard connected with the hanging. He said that it had been handed on down in the neighborhood that there was a folk belief that a man when he was hanged usually had a sexual orgasm. And Malcolm said that some of the Lillingtonians or Harnett County roughnecks laid bets that this would happen in the case of Purvis. So Malcolm said the story goes that immediately after Purvis was hanged and his body was swinging there in the air several of these bettors ringed around him to hide him from view, took down his trousers and sure enough, according to the story, he had ejaculated. push Ambition, drive, energy. A push is equal to a pull. When push comes to shove, things have got to move. A critical situation, a time that calls for action. �908 Paul Green's Wordbook pushed for In lack of, short of. "I'm pushed for time right now and I can't come over there." pushing up daisies To be dead, buried. push in the collar To work very hard. pushover A gullible person. "He's always been a pushover where women are concerned." push the stop button To put an end to. puss Face, a countenance.' 'After his girl kicked him he went around with a sour puss for a whole year." pussly Purslane. pussy Cunt. The female pudendum, also the act of copulation." He was determined on a piece of pussy from that woman and finally he got it, and he got more than that — Amen. Dr. Jones is treating him." pussy bandit A rapist. "Pussy Cat, pussy cat, where have you been?" "I've been up to London to look at the queen." "Pussy Cat, pussy cat, what did you there?" "I frightened a little mouse under a chair." (A jingle.) pussy-gutted The same as pustle-gutted. Pussy Wants a Corner A game, also known as Poor Pussy Cat. Each child gets into a corner of a room, and one child stays out, wandering from one to another. He calls out, "Pussy wants a corner," and puts on quite a show of "Poor pussy, poor pussy!" making a meow the while. As pussy goes around asking for a corner, the answer always is "Go to the next neighbor." As she moves from one neighbor to another, the last two players try to change corners �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 909 and pussy tries to slip into one of them before the new occupant reaches it. If she is successful, that player becomes the homeless "poorpussy," and the game goes on. pustle-gutted or pustle-gut Pot-bellied. A term used in reference to a mule. "You can't make a good crop with that old pustle-gut." Put a Bird in My Cup A popular game with young people. It was sometimes called "Pretty (Purty) Bird in My Cup.'' A group would be assembled in a room. The first player, often chosen by a counting-out rhyme or simply agreed upon, would stand facing the players, holding a cup with water in it in one hand and a balledup rag in the other. He would dip the rag in the water now and then to keep it sopping wet. In his mind he would choose a bird and give slight hints as to what it was, as to color, song, habits, etc. The players in turn would try to guess the bird. The lucky (or unlucky) one who guessed correctly would receive the wet rag full in his face if the aim was good. Then he would become "It" and the game would continue. put a bug in one's ear To tell a secret or give a warning. put across To settle a deal, to achieve a victory or win out in a contest. to put a nail in one's coffin To shorten one's life by some ill behavior or act. put a saddle on backwards To get things all mixed up or the unimportant things first. put a spoke in one's wheel To hinder, to stop, to confine. put away To eat, to drink excessively. "I saw Damon Runyon put away two pots of coffee one day at lunch in Hollywood." To bury. "I can't come Monday. I've got to go help put away Miss Minty Gaskins." put 'em up A hold-up command to raise one's arms. put heads together To take counsel one with the other. �910 Paul Green's Wordbook put it past one To fool or try to deceive. "You say you wouldn't leave your cash register unlocked? — Well, I wouldn't put it past that fellow about stealing." put my mouth on him To scold. put off on To disparage unduly, to belittle. Never put off till tomorrow what should be done today. put off the big blanket To return to simplicity, to relax. put-on Pretense, proud behavior. "Such a put-on as she was I never saw before." "She said she was sick but it was all a put-on." to be put on (upon) To be abused, mistreated, having to do more than one's share. put one on To fool or deceive one. "I don't mean to put you on but that's the way it is." put one's cards on the table To come clean, to be frank and honest. put one's feet under the table Make oneself at home in another's house, accept hospitality, make a visit. put one's foot down To act emphatically, give a stern command. put one's foot in his mouth To make a faux pas, to speak out of turn or to act or speak awkwardly. put on the dog To act vainly, behave over-showily, assume a false grandeur. to put on the shelf To retire a person from action, to exclude. "Yes, Paul, they've put me on the shelf now that I'm so old." put out To disappoint, to embarrass. "John will be terribly put out if you don't wait for him." To hurry off. "He got mad and put out for home." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 911 To work hard, be energetic, also used sexually. "She's a woman that puts out, yessir." To set, to start. "He put out a fire in the woods and the county slam nearly 'bout burnt up." Irritated. "I was so put out about his telling that lie on me I couldn't shake hands with him at church." put out the light To kill. put over To close a deal, to accomplish a purpose. put pepper in his nose To irritate, to bother. putt Put. "Putt your hand in your pocket just one more time, hoss cake, and next time you go to buy gloves you won't need but one." putter-on A pretender, a hypocrite, a phony-acting person. put that in one's pipe and smoke it To consider thoroughly, to deliberate. To accept without argument. put the bee on To point out, to accuse, put responsibility on. Also to ask for a loan. "The very first day we got acquainted he put the bee on me for twenty-five dollars.'' put the big pot in the little pot Overflowing hospitality. put the finger on To identify, to point out. put the mouth on To curse, to damn. put the saddle on the wrong horse To come to the .vrong conclusion, to trust in the wrong person. put the wind up Create fear. put the wood to To put the hickory to, to trash, whip, punish. �912 Paul Green's Wordbook put through the mill To be given a hard time, a hard course of sprouts, a tough titty to suck. put to bed with a pick and shovel Buried. put (out) to grass Retired, put on one's own responsibility. hard put to it In difficult circumstances. putty A weak-willed person. "Poor Luther, he's just putty in that woman's hands." put up To preserve foods by canning. "I put up forty quarts of snap beans this summer." put up at To stop over, to have quarters. "The preacher's putting up at our house." put-up job A prearranged agreement, usually a planned deception. put up or shut up Act or quit talking about it. put your money where your mouth is Be willing to back up loud opinion with work or contribution. pyeart Pert, well, lively. pyeart as a cricket pyearten up To be reinvigorated.' 'Take a dram of this liquor, it will pyearten you up." Pyramid A children's game in which they stand on top of one another til the last one is unable to mount higher. pyxie plant (moss) A rare and shy little flower that is rarely found anywhere except in scattered places in the Carolina sandhills. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 913 Q on the Q. T. On the quiet, secretly. quack A phony, an impostor. quack doctor A pseudo-medical impostor, sometimes called a root doctor, dust doctor, voodoo doctor, or whatnot, a hypocritical doctor cure-all. One of the most flamboyant I ever met up with was named Dr. Nanzooka, or such was his name, he said. He was a big, heavy-set, swarthy man with fat hanging jowls and wore his grayish dank black hair down in a roll on his shoulders. He used to pay periodical visits to the different villages and towns in the Valley, usually using a local drugstore as his headquarters and filling the glass showcase windows with all sorts of flamboyant and highly advertised bottles and salves and different cures. He always took out good blazing advertisements in the local papers and usually went away with a good harvest of the farmers' dollars. I once wrote a one-act play about him, he impressed me so. One of his advertisement handbills which I have before me runs as follows: "Dr. Nanzooka's extraordinary miraculous remedies. Money will be returned if cures are not effected according to contract. Dr. Nanzooka intends to remain in the city only a few days longer before he moves on to Fayetteville and Wilmington where his medicines are in great demand. So STOP, LOOK, and LISTEN, all who now suffer with incurable diseases for you can be cured. Dr. Nanzooka stands by his affidavit and honorable word to give immediate relief for cancers, boils, tetters, rheumatism, scurvy, scrofula, dropsy, piles, fistula, female obstructures, gravel, nervous dyspepsia, skin and blood disease, bone swelling, aches and pains generally, nightmares, neuralgia, kidney trouble and stricture. Also he is the sole agent �914 Paul Green's Wordbook for Monsieur Lafacteur's true robanti syphilitique, an invaluable remedy for that dreaded disease or continental mal d'amour. Don't hesitate nor be ashamed—tell Dr. Nanzooka everything, MAN, WOMAN, and CHILD, for his life and science are dedicated to helping you. Buy today Dr. Nanzooka's Blenorragia Composition Salve, derived from a laboratory mixture of the balsam of Copivia, Tolu, Peru, Styrax, and Canada, and especially prepared for those disorders which are driven in to the blood stream and which unless stopped at once will convert the loveliest person into a mass of corruption. One dollar the full box. COME ONE, COME ALL, as was said by the Great Healer himself." I asked Dr. McKeithan why in the world he and the North Carolina Medical Association didn't indict the quack and run him out of the country, for he and his kind were doing a world of damage. The doctor said they already had indicted him several times and in vain for no jury in the whole Valley was ever willing to find a true bill against him. Too many of them believed they had been helped by Dr. Nanzooka and "no doubt," said Dr. McKeithan, "they had. That is, they were helped as long as they believed in his cures and most of them believed." While I was a student at Chapel Hill I visited Dr. Nanzooka one day in Durham, and there was a line of people in front of the drugstore waiting to go in, and each one would come out with a bottle of Nanzooka's remedy which he'd bought. Finally, I got on in and met the doctor in the back room. I told him about my arm, took off my coat, rolled up my sleeve and showed him the great scar that the Johns Hopkins doctors had left when they cut out the diseased bone, me being sorely beset years before by osteomyelitis. I told him my arm still pained me which was no lie — at the moment it wasn't. And then he said he had a cure for that. This was a common enough disease and he could assure me that if I would take this bottle of tonic I would immediately get relief. The price was $1.50, and he brought out some salve too that, as I remember, was fifty cents for each little tin box. Then I told him that really what I wanted was to talk to him a bit. I asked him if he remembered ever getting a letter from a fellow named Green. Earlier I had got his address in New Jersey somewhere and had written him asking for an interview. He said that maybe his secretary had got it, but he had never got it. Then he grew suspicious. "What do you want, young fellow, really, what are you after?" "Just that," I said, "I want to talk with you. You really believe that this medicine is good?" "Of course I believe it or I wouldn't be selling it. Are you trying to accuse me of being a crook?" "No sir." "Well, get out of here!" he shouted. And his eyes gleamed at me so that I was glad to get out of there without �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 915 being attacked for my foolish question. So I went off and wrote my play. I didn't make as much money out of that play as he made out of his medicine, of course, for I couldn't reach as big an audience. Later I heard he had built himself a fine estate out of his profits there in New Jersey. And later too I heard he had committed suicide. quagmar Quagmire. as quair (queer) as Dick's hatband which went around nine times and wouldn't tie a quaker bargain An honest agreement or reliable arrangement. quaker-ladies The spring bluets. This modest and demure little flower is one of the earliest to appear in the spring. We children, when warm spring came in March, were always on the lookout for these quaker-ladies. Their arrival meant that winter was passed and we could go barefoot again. Another of its fitting names is innocence. Unlike most flowers in the Valley, it seems to have no medicinal virtues. Quakers The Religious Society of Friends founded in England about 1652 by George Fox. The term "Quaker" was originally disparaging in that the believers were said to tremble or quake violently with religious emotion. Fox preached that they should "tremble at the word of the Lord." The Quakers believe in peace and brotherhood and are strongly opposed to war. The sect was always small in the Valley, and their main following and congregations were in its upper reaches. With the coming of the Civil War their opposition to both it and slavery caused them much trouble and persecution and finally the removal of the maj ority of them to the middle west. Like the Moravians, the Quakers' influence in world affairs has always been strong though their numbers remain small — small by comparison, say, with the Catholics or Baptists. At the present (1981) there are less than 300,000 Quakers in the whole world, and becoming fewer every year. For me the Quakers have one weakness. They do not care for music in their services. quality Aristocratic, high-class, blue-blooded. "You might know quality lives in a house as big as that." quality before quantity The quality of mercy is not strained. �916 Paul Green's Wordbook qualmish Nauseated. quanch Quench. quare (quair) Queer. It takes two to make a quarrel. quart size Small. "He's easy to whup — he's only quart size." quartering time The time halfway between noon and 6 o'clock quitting time, usually around 3:00 p.m. quarter-session The old-timey custom of holding court every three months. queasy Uneasy, sickish. queen A pretty girl, often a spoiled one. live like a queen She is the queen of the hive. Queen Anne's lace Sometimes called bird's nest, wild carrot or devil's plague. A tremendously prolific wild plant that colors the hedges and whole fields white with its lacy, delicate blossoms in spring and summer. The root of the plant has been recommended as a poultice for ulcers and even for dropsy. queen bee A spoiled, egocentric female. Queenie A common name for a female dog. Queen of Scotland See "mail-order marriage." a queer A misfit, a homosexual. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 917 queer fish A misfit, same as a square. queer place The asylum. on queer street A condition of mental disturbance. "He can't talk sense, he's on queer street." There are two sides to every question. Ask me no questions I'll tell you no lies. Give me no peaches, I'll bake you no pies. quick Quicksand.' 'My heifer got tangled up down in the quick, and I had a devil of a time getting her out of there." Raw nerve, the heart, the most sensitive part. "When that tooth dentist's drill hit the quick, seemed like a sledge hammer had struck me 'side the head.'' as quick as a cat as quick as a flash as quick as a shot as quick as a squirrel as quick as batting an eye as quick as lightning as quick as the devil as quick as thought quicker than a rabbit to his hole quicker than you could say Jack Robinson quicker than you could say scat quickmar Quagmire. quick one A quick drink of liquor, taken usually as a small drink, preparatory to hurrying off. �918 Paul Green's Wordbook quick on the trigger Unstable, fiery. a quicky (quickie) Same as a quick one. A quiet tongue shows a wise head. as quiet as a graveyard as quiet as a mole as quiet as a mouse as quiet as an eel swimming in oil as quiet as death as quiet as the grave as quiet as the inside of a coffin as quiet as the inside of a grave as quiet as the tomb on the quiet Secretly, hush-hush. so quiet you could hear a pin drop quietus Death. "When I had that Yankee blinded with the tobacco juice I spet in his eye, then I give him the quietus with my musket butt." quile Coil. quile up Coil up, to get sullen, to become angry. "Don't set there all quiled up." quilting party A get together of neighborhood women for quilt-making. Although blankets are available in stores everywhere for bed covering, quilts are still used in the Valley, not only as such covering but often as show pieces of folk art. Quillings would often last three or four days, and in that time as the women sewed they enjoyed every possible item of gossip and local news. When the quilting was done, the woman of the house would invite other neighbors, both men and women, in for a party. One of my earliest remembrances is of my mother's quilting frames resting on four chairs and four or five women gathered around them with �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 919 their needles going and the patterned quilt gradually growing into its final and many-colored completion. My sister Mary (Mrs. Alton Johnson of Lillington, N.C.) is an expert on quilts and has made and helped make many a one. I asked her to comment on the matter, and she writes me most enthusiastically as follows: "No woman with an eye for color, a love of beauty, the familiar feel of a threaded needle in her hand, with a firm fitting thimble on her middle finger and a box or bag of multicolored scraps left over from the making of the family clothing should ever deny herself the satisfying joy of making a quilt! Quilt-making is as much a part of the beginning of America as cabin building and was an important means of fulfilling most women's creative urge. "Busy hands help ease the anxious spirit, they help long hours pass swiftly, and they add joy to the dreams and longings that perhaps may never come true. As the stalwart men raised the snug, windproof cabins, the equally stalwart wives and mothers wove the cloth that made the garments that kept the family clothed, and made the coverlets that kept them warm through the cold nights of winter. In quiltmaking, the cast-off, worn pieces of clothing that no longer served their purposes were often used, for material was not plentiful or even available to the early pioneers. Actually the story of the quilt is a record of the human family. "The rich and the poor, the high and the lowly, the learned and unlearned, at some time in the development of our country did some form of putting a quilt together, maybe not for warmth always, sometimes for peace of mind and the need to be busy. ' 'Today in England at Hardwick Hall beautiful examples of quiltmaking can be seen, the work of Mary Stuart, Queen of the Scots, made while she was imprisoned there for so long a time. No accurate record, so far, has been found to tell us when and where the first quilt was assembled. "We do have examples from some of the early civilizations, showing that spinning and weaving brought forth the first fabrics which evolved into covers out of necessity to meet a basic human need. The art of making stitches through three layers of material may have had its origin in India, Persia or Egypt. This, too, came about because of man's need for warm covering in cold weather. Today quilt-making has become one of the arts, and the most intricate, lovely quilts never cover man, woman or child for the purpose of warmth; rather, they become wall hangings, bedspreads, draperies, museum pieces, real treasures to cherish and keep and to hand down to some lucky child, grandchild or even great-grandchild. " F d like to comment on some of the older patterns I remember seeing when I was a child growing up in a rural community where our home was: "North Carolina Lily: This pattern has become a favorite of quiltmakers and is included in many of the quilt books being published today. �920 Paul Green's Wordbook When we were children, we had a quilt in our home made by our mother when she was sixteen years old, using this pattern. The colors were faded, the material worn and ragged, but our Aunt copied it for us and today in our family this lovely quilt is treasured. "Dark green, wine red and deep orange were the colors used, and months of searching for these true colors was necessary before we were ever able to assemble them. The result is a most exquisite example of fine needlework; the tiny stitches taken to put the design together, joining the blocks, the border, then the final three layers —top, filling and lining — and then quilting tiny stitches in a most intricate design. This is a treasure to be cherished, and I hope some day it will hang in a very special historical place. "Also as a child I remember another quilt in our home, The Double Irish Chain: Made in an all-over pattern of 1 Vi -inch rectangles of green and white, the design made a pattern of chains across the entire surface of the quilt and was very effective. This too has been copied and is owned by a member of our family. "Below are listed other old and popular patterns. Any quilt book published today on this old art will have these, and many of the books will illustrate the pattern and one can make a tracing of it, true and accurate — Monkey Wrench, Fox and the Geese, Grandmother's Flower Garden, Dresden Plate, Log Cabin, Le Moyne Star, Star of Bethlehem, Road to California, and Turkey Tracks. "Any or all of these, made up in colors of one's choosing (if the workmanship is good), could someday become a collector's item, eagerly sought by young couples who want to go back to the land to make their home and want to furnish this home in early American items. Even the very rich sometimes use quilts to decorate with. "Several years ago in a well-known woman's magazine a very wealthy American woman's bedroom was pictured and quilts were the items used for emphasis. Bedspread, draperies, dressing table and a small round table were decorated with quilts. It was lovely too. Such a display of early American art was heartwarming. "The word quilt reminds us that some of you dear readers may not know how one comes into being. A quilt is composed first of a top — pieced, appliqued, embroidered, even stenciled — and then a layer of cotton batting for filling and a lining — material, mostly cream colored. These three layers are placed in a frame, and small, even stitches go in and out to hold them together. Sometimes in the border, which is mostly solid color, a very fancy and lovely design is quilted. Often an original design by the maker of the quilt is used. Sometimes what is known as "quilting by the piece" is employed. This includes going around the individual patchwork. "We have come a long way from early quilt-making. In this busy, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 921 modernized age in which a lot of homemakers hold jobs outside the home, they simply do not have time to cut the pieces, put together all these pieces, and quilt what they have created. So the fabric manufacturers are copying old quilt patterns in all-over designs. With a machine quilting and binding a filler to the top, a homemaker can buy two widths in the desired length, seam them together, bind the edges and, lo and behold, she has a good reproduction of the motifs of the design to give her the feeling that she has had a part in 'quilting her quilt.' I've seen some very colorful and lovely designs in some of the fabric centers. "Another method is to choose the pattern you want, select the colors that go with your decor, then order your quilt that has been cut out for you — every piece. What joy to start and never have to stop to cut more pieces! This, I think, is the next best method to doing it all 'from scratch.' " Thanks, Mary! One of our favorite Valley picnic songs was "Aunt Dinah's Quilting Party,'' written and composed nearly a hundred years ago by Joseph Fletcher and Francis Kyle. "In the sky the bright stars glittered, On the bank the pale moon shone— And 'twas from Aunt Dinah's quilting party I was seeing Nellie home." Refrain "I was seeing Nellie home, I was seeing Nellie home, And 'twas from Aunt Dinah's quilting party I was seeing Nellie home. "On my arm a soft hand rested, Rested light as ocean foam, And 'twas from Aunt Dinah's quilting party I was seeing Nellie home. "On my lips a whisper trembled Trembled 'till it dared to come, And 'twas from Aunt Dinah's quilting party I was seeing Nellie home." quinine The reliable medicine for malaria. When I was a boy, malaria was widespread every summer in the Valley. I remember Dr. Joe McKay prescribed so much quinine for me that my head roared with the sound of a great wind much like the sound, I imagined, suffering Job heard when God spoke to him out of the whirlwind. But it �922 Paul Green's Wordbook cured me. Malaria is now a thing of the past there. quirk An irrational strain or flaw, a deceitful trick. quirl Coil, curl. quits To stop, and, also, to make peace. "You're both bloody as hogs now and you better call it quits." quitter A failure, a coward. quitting time Sunset. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 923 R rabbit A timid person, a simpleton. Rabbit up a gum stump, Possum in the hollow, Daddy spanks my ding-dong, Listen to me holler. Rabbit up a gum stump, Possum in the hollow, Big gal down at Pappy's house, Fat as she can wallow. (Recitation rhymes.) rabbit ears The two adjustable antennae on an indoor TV set. rabbit eggs There's a child's superstition that the rabbit brings eggs at Easter. rabbit foot A good luck fetish, especially if it's the left hind leg of the graveyard rabbit. I remember hearing Will Rogers raise comment much to the point when a good luck rabbit's foot was shown him on one of his films. "That rabbit had four feet and look what happened to him." rabbit tobacco The pearly everlasting. We boys used to gather it in the early fall and chew it and smoke it and walk about in braggadocio. Little big men. It was also used as a tea in the treatment of colds. The raccoon has a ring tail, The possum's tail is bare. �924 Paul Green's Wordbook The rabbit has no tail at all But a little bunch of hair. (A recitation rhyme.) The race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. race prejudice A narrow and parochial attitude of one person or group toward another, especially that of the white toward the Negro and the Negro toward the white. racer The common blacksnake, usually spoken of as the black racer. rack Small summer clouds that usually form in the hot weather to the west, sometimes coagulating and building up to a great thunderstorm. To walk in a hurry, or as the pacing of a horse is sometimes called. raddled Wrinkled, weather-worn. radish One of the earliest garden vegetables. Also a cheap timepiece. "What time does your radish say?" raft rag A great many, a multitude, as a raft of children. A flag, a handkerchief. To tease, to backbite, to harrass. That takes the rag off the bush. I lit a rag going up the road. Go in a hurry. rag bag A motley collection of odds and ends. A ragged colt may make a good horse. ragtag The rabble, the poor whites, the peckerwoods. ragtag and bobtail Trifling people, same as poor whites. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 925 ragweed A prolific weed throughout the Valley and the curse to hay fever victims through the summer. The old people used to think that ragweed would cure warts. Maybe it would. rail fence The zigzag fence, often called snake fence or worm fence, made from split rails and in the old days common throughout the Valley. The farms, when I was a child, were fenced in and the hogs and cattle ran loose to eat acorns and graze in the reeds in the swamps. These rails were split usually from ten-foot lengths of longleaf pine logs, and the fence was from nine to ten rails high, up about as high as a man's shoulders. Bottom fence rails were chosen for their solid heart and long lasting against rot. Men used to measure their strength by bragging about how many rails they could split in a day. I remember hearing Clinton McNeill, a hard-working Negro, say once that he split a thousand rails on one day in his life. Railroad Mills A popular strong snuff. railroad time The correct time, especially reliable time, absolute truth.' 'Boy, I'm running on railroad time." Evening red and morning gray Sets the traveler on his way. Evening gray and morning red Brings down rain upon his head. Rain before seven, fair by eleven. Rain, come wet me. Sun, come dry me. Stand back, white man, Don't come nigh me. (A recitation rhyme.) Rain falling while the sun shines forecasts rain again the next day. It also means the devil is beating his wife. Rain, rain, go away. Little Tommie wants to play. Wait and come another day. Rain, rain, go away. (A wish rhyme. We children used to substitute our own names the while, with noses against the windowpanes, we chanted our rhyme.) �926 Paul Green's Wordbook The rain doesn't know broadcloth from jeans. If distant sounds are heard very clearly, it means rain is coming. More rain, more rest, All fair weather's not the best. He sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust. He receives as rain that which he gives back as mist. A small rain will lay a great dust. rainbow A sign of God's friendship to man, also a weather sign. Rainbow in the morning Sailors take warning. Rainbow at night Sailors' delight. At the end of the rainbow you will find a pot of gold. rain cats and dogs A heavy downpour. rain check A temporarily delayed invitation. "I can't come over tonight to see what you've done in redecorating the library, but may I have a rain check?" rain crow (the yellow-billed cuckoo) The calling of the rain crow foretells the coming of rain. One raindrop Can't make a crop. (Weather prophecy.) The calling of the rain frog means rain. rain or shine Without fail, certain. "I'll be there Monday morning, rain or shine." It never rains but it pours. rain seeds Mottled clouds. Little racks in the sky, usually dark ones that denote the coming of thickening clouds loaded with rain. rainy day A time of need, hard times, that far-off time that haunts people with apprehension. "Be sure to save up something for a rainy day." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 927 A rainy today means a sunny tomorow. A rainy wedding day is a sign that the marriage will be unhappy. "But from this earth, this grave, this dust, My Lord shall raise me up, I trust." (This is often quoted from Sir Walter Raleigh's poem to give hope.) raise Cain To stir up trouble. raised Reared. "I raised my boys right and that's why they are all such a success today." raised on prunes and proverbs Said of a fastidious, prissy or pious person. raise one's bristles To be irritated or to respond angrily. raise sand Create a fuss, a disturbance. raise the roof To cut up, raise a disturbance, complain loudly. raising Training, upbringing.' 'The trouble with that fellow is he had no raising.'' rake Poor, scrawny person. rake and scrape To be extremely saving, to work hard, to watch the pennies. "I rake and scrape to make a living and there you go wasting every dollar you got." Many bring rakes but few bring shovels. to rake straw To rake up pine needles, to do a distasteful job, waste one's time. rake up To gather gossip, to search for scandal or past errors. "She's always raking up that old story about Linda and the peddler." ram An over-sexed male. �928 Paul Green's Wordbook a rambler A wandering, irresponsible fellow with sexual intent. rambunctious Unruly, high-spirited. "She was a rambunctious widow, raring to go." ramps Wild onions. rampageous High-spirited, a cutup. ramrod To drive a thing through roughshod, to force one to action.' 'He ramrodded the motion through." like he had a ramrod down his back ramption A mess, also a large crowd. "There was a ramption of people at the funeral.'' ramsack Ransack. randy A boisterous party, a shindig. running range Gonorrhea. rank Of a high odor, especially of a rutting boar or ram.' 'That was the rankest billygoat I've ever been around." rank and file The common people, the ordinary folks. rap rape To scold, to spank. "Carter is rapping all of us now." The great Southern bugaboo for which many an innocent Negro has been lynched or died in the electric chair or gas chamber. Just recently a Negro, due to the hysterical testimony of the rapee, was condemned to death and later, commuted to life imprisonment, was found to be absolutely innocent. But North Carolina, so far as I know, has done nothing more than to pardon the Negro and say, as Jesse Oxendine said to the girl he had made pregnant, "Excuse me." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 929 Also a vegetable. rape artist A term applied by fellow criminals to one in the penitentiary serving time for this crime. rapid Fast growing, bounteous. Also angry, fiercely antagonistic, ill-humored. "That sow's mighty rapid since she had pigs — better watch out." rap jacket Sometimes spelled "wrap." A contest in physical endurance indulged in by boys. I remember how at school we used to tear off and see who could take the worst beating. The opponents would take hands and then with a heavy switch or even short stick start belaboring each other. No beating in the face or on the head was allowed, but the rest of the body was fair game. I have been beaten almost black and blue before I called quits, especially if a certain yellow-haired little girl was looking on. I would almost die before I would surrender and call "Calf rope!" rap on one's ding-dong To be beaten or to beat on the rear, spank. rare (or rair) and pitch To cut up, to give way to anger, to quarrel violently. r'aring drunk Very drunk indeed. rash Thrash. raspberry A derisive sound made by protruding the tongue between the lips and exploding a sudden rush of air. ra't Right. to rat To betray, to be a stool pigeon, a traitor. rat The stuffing or pad used by women in the early part of the century to roach up their hair a la Madame Pompadour, and for a few years the height of fashion. �930 Paul Green's Wordbook ratchere Right here. I'd rather be a dog and bay at the moon. I'd rather be right than president. Rats! A mild exclamation. Rats desert a sinking ship. rat-tailed Bedraggled, down and out, said of an animal with little hair on its tail. rattle To confuse, to embarrass. "I could've spelled that word if I hadn't got rattled." rattlebox weed The common wild pea. It is supposed to be poisonous to horses. We children used to pluck the dry pods and shake them close to our ears and listen with delight at the little seeds rattling within. An empty cart body rattles most. rattlesnake plantain This pretty tufted, white, vein-leaved plant appears in all parts of the Valley. It has been reputed to be a cure for hydrophobia and snakebite. Legend tells that the Indians had such faith in its virtues that they were not afraid of snakebites at all and, when bitten, would apply these leaves to the wound and soon go on as if nothing had happened. rattlesnake root A perennial leafy composite plant. It provided a bitter tonic good for dysentery. Also, it was reputed to be an antidote for insect and snake bites. rattletrap A rickety buggy or wagon. "'Take your rattletrap and clear out,' said the professor to the Negro with his hat in his hand." rattleweed Same as wild pea or rattlebox weed. Tea made from this and fed to a sick cow was supposed to restore her appetite. ratty Tattered, moth-eaten, bedraggled. Don't wait to be fed by the ravens. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 931 in the raw Naked, in the nude. Rawhead-and-bloody-bones A fabled monster, stories of which were and still are used in the Valley to frighten children. A common warning was and is — "Rawhead-and-bloodybones will get you if you don't behave." rawhide A whip, also to whip. "If that old devil keeps fooling with me, I'm going to rawhide him good." To haze, to ride, to ridicule. the razoo The bird, the raspberry, a term of derision. razorback A bony sharp-backed hog, usually "forest fattened." razz To mock. razzle-dazzle Fancy and astonishing doings. A man's reach should exceed his grasp, or what's a heaven for. Out of reach, out of harm. read after To read. "I've been reading after Joe Daniels for fifty years, and I still like him." Reading maketh a full man, conversation a ready man and writing an exact man. read out of the meeting To dismiss, to turn away from the church, to deny. read the riot act To lay down the law. Ready money is ready medicine. for real For sure, certain. realize To recognize. "Come closer, chile, see kin I realize you." real McCoy A trustworthy matter, a tried and true thing. �932 Paul Green's Wordbook ream To clean out, to completely outdo, to cheat. "I got in that card game, and, man, did they ream me!" They have sown the wind and shall reap the whirlwind. He who would reap well must sow well. You will reap what you sow. There's neither rhyme nor reason in it. in reason Reasonable. He rebuked the winds and the sea and there was a great calm. reckon To suppose, to believe. "I reckon I know how to act." red as a beet red as a cherry red as a gander's foot red as a lobster red as a rose red as a ruby red as fire in the red To be operating at a loss. red birch The birch common in the Valley as contrasted with the white birch which is better suited to cold climates. The red birch grows along the river banks and creek banks and used to be used widely in making furniture, outdoor seats and tables. I remember as a boy how I admired this sort of furniture, and several times my brother and I went down to the old overgrown Sexton millpond place and cut red birch saplings and built some of this furniture for outdoor seats. Later it all rotted away and we lost interest in it. redbud tree Also called the Judas tree. It seems there are many kinds of trees on which poor Judas hanged himself, but this particular one is the only one I know that has his name. It is a beautiful decorative tree and in the early spring it is one of the first to put out its shower of rosy blooms. A tea made from �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 933 the bark of this tree is supposed to be good for kidney trouble, especially kidney trouble in children. Also it is recommended for grownups' obstructions in the liver and the spleen. red bug A devilish and almost infinitesimal pest known as the "chigger." Anyone wandering in the Southern woods in the hot July and August days had better anoint himself well beforehand with some sort of protection. Otherwise he will for the next several days be scratching himself and uttering ungodly oaths and damnation on this little curse. a red cent A term of emphasis. "It didn't cost me one red cent." Red Coon A brand of chewing tobacco. reddish Radish. red dog The ganging up on a single person or player by the opposition. red ear of corn A red ear of corn found in a cornshucking entitles the finder to an extra dram of liquor in moonshining sections and a kiss from a girl there and elsewhere. See "cornshucking." red-eye Especially fiery corn liquor which gets its name from the fact that it turns the eyes of the drinker red. redeye gravy Gravy that results from the frying of country ham meat, especially meat that is well-cured. How we children used to love to soak our biscuits in it! red-handed In the overt act of committing a crime. "He was caught red-handed." redheaded High-tempered. redheaded stepchild The obstreperous one, the difficult one of the family, an unpopular person. red-hot Over-sexed. "He got in with one of these red-hot mommas one night, and he didn't walk straight for a month." �934 Paul Green's Wordbook red-hot poker A flamboyant garden flower. red-letter day A memorable or lucky day. For hundreds of years the church had the custom of printing in red letters the holy days or church days, and so any red-letter day is a day to be remembered. red-light district Bawdy house district. red-neck Peckerwood, an ignorant farmer class in the South. red oak A common tree in the Valley. The bark from this tree is good for all sorts of troubles and diseases. We used to put the bark in the watering troughs for the chickens. If they drank the water, it was supposed to make them lay more eggs. I myself have worn poultices made from meal and red oak bark water on an aching osteomyelitis arm. My father also used to keep red oak bark strips in his hog troughs to help keep off the cholera. red pepper Any fiery person or doings. Also there was a belief that by blowing red pepper into a pregnant woman's nostrils the baby would be helped toward coming. like a red rag to a bull Infuriating, insulting. Red Shirts A rowdy political organization. In the last years of the 1890's there was an organization known as the Red Shirts. They were not of the Ku Klux Klan, though their insistence on white supremacy was the same as the Klan's. They wore red shirts and rode horseback. Their purpose was mainly "to put the Negro back in his place.'' They were especially strong in the lower part of the Valley, their main headquarters being in Wilmington. In doing research on racial injustice many years ago I came across an account of a Negro member of the Populist Party who started a newspaper in Wilmington. The Red Shirts raided his''plant,'' took his printing press and, as I remember, threw it into the Cape Fear River and drove him out of town. I was so touched by the account that it was one of the reasons I started writing a long play on the subject. I changed the editor to a schoolteacher. The play was later produced in New York and was awarded a prize by the sympathetic Northerners. See also'' Populism.'' �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 935 red shoes Tan shoes. It used to be the custom when a boy wanted to buy a pair of tan shoes, he would say to the storekeeper, "I want to get me a pair of red shoes." reel A lively folk dance, such as Virginia Reel. Also a bobbin or part of a spinning wheel. I regret I have but one life to give for my country. regular A fine character, a good companion, socially approved. "He's a regular guy, that fellow." as regular as a clock as regular as clockwork Keep a tight rein if you'd drive straight. reincarnation The reappearance of the soul of the dead in another human or animal form and sparingly believed in here and there in the Valley, along with its concomitant doctrine of Karma. If one lives a moral life in this world, he is likely to be reborn in a high stage, so the theory holds. If he lives a sinful life, he will be reborn in a lower stage. Rejoice and be exceedingly glad for great is your reward in heaven. For this relief much thanks. religion The relation of man to the infinite, his consciousness of some outside power, usually absolute, omnipotent and beneficent which has control of him and to which he owes obedience and worship. This religious feeling or attitude, of course, is of all kinds, qualities, shapes and sizes, ranging from the most orgiastic and sexual to the highest type of attitude such as Albert Einstein's cosmic religion. One of the curses in the Valley for generations had been the narrow-minded, adamant, irrational and condemnatory orthodoxy — the belief in the Bible as holy "word for word and from led to led." religious jerks Same as holy dance. An orgiastic emotional condition often brought on and indulged in by excessive preachings and hollerings and wild word visions spilling hot and precipitately from the preachers' mouths. The remedy is as bad as the disease. �936 Paul Green's Wordbook as well to die with the disease as with the remedy There is no remedy for ruined character. There is no remedy in death. Remember Lot's wife. Remember now thy creator in the days of thy youth. Remember the ant and the grasshopper. Remember the sabbath to keep it holy. remind To resemble. "You remind me of your dad." Three removes (moves) are as bad as a fire. rench Rinse, to put through a final washing. "Rench the clothes and then hang them on the line." rend Process, render. "I can't get off Saturday, I've got to rend my lard." Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's. Repent ye, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand. It's never too late to repent. Except ye repent, ye shall likewise perish. Deathbed repentance is no repentance. I've not come to call the righteous but sinners to repentance. reputation Of good character, good repute. Better to go hungry than to be without a reputation. One who loses his reputation has lost his most precious possession. "Rescue the Perishing" Another Valley standby hymn. Many a scaly and case-hardened sinner has been brought to repentance through its marching melody and mellow barbershop harmony, along with its message of sympathy and love. "Rescue the perishing, care for the dying, Snatch them in pity from sin and the grave; Weep o'er the erring one, lift up the fallen, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 937 Tell them of Jesus the mighty to save." Refrain "Rescue the perishing, care for the dying; Jesus is merciful, Jesus will save. "Down in the human heart, crushed by the tempter, Feelings lie buried that grace can restore; Touched by a loving heart, wakened by kindness, Chords that were broken will vibrate once more. "Rescue the perishing, care for the dying, Jesus is merciful, Jesus will save." resk rest Risk. The remainder, the last. "Eat the rest of your mush, son." The rest is silence. Come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest. There the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest. I am the resurrection and the life. "Reuben and Rachel" A comic domestic song, a sort of dialogue between husband and wife which was once very popular in the Valley. As I remember it, it began like this — the man doing the speaking first— "Rachel, Rachel, I've been thinking What a fine world this would be If the women were transported Far beyond the western sea." And then Rachel comes back at him and answers— "Reuben, Reuben," et cetera. Revenge is sweet. revved up Keyed up. Reynolds Sun-Cured A brand of chewing tobacco. �938 Paul Green's Wordbook rheumatism In the old days all aches and pains were ascribed to rheumatism, and there were hundreds and hundreds of cures offered for it. I remember one of the most popular in the patent medicine brands was St. Jacob's Oil. And then, of course, there were multitudinous herb, weed, flower, shrub, and tree cures. X-ray made it possible to discover other causes and treatments. Arthritis has now become a more popular term. rheumatism cure Lie for a good while on a grave. rheumatism weed Same as Indian hemp. rhubarb An egregious error, a hassle, a hot useless argument. Neither rhyme nor reason in it. rib A wife. "Ask my old rib there." Also to tease. Rice thrown on a bride and groom brings the good luck of fertility. ricebird The cedar waxwing. In the Valley they were never called waxwings, but always ricebirds. They often were a curse in eating the early spring grains. as rich as a king as rich as Croesus as rich as dirt as rich as mud The rich have many friends. It's better to be born lucky than rich. It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven. rich as sin Exceedingly rich. "I made my garden rich as sin with chicken manure." Rich man, poor man, beggar man, thief, Doctor, lawyer, merchant, chief. (A divination rhyme.) We used to have fun counting the buttons on a person's coat or dress, calling �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 939 them off one by one to fit the words. If the count came out' 'beggar man'' or "thief," gales of laughter resulted. rick (rack) To pile up, usually crosswise, as rick (rack) up lumber. rid To clean. "Old Miss Kate and Mag Howington could rid the chitlins fast as we could get 'em to 'em." A little switch was inserted in the long length of the hog entrails, and then the entrail was turned wrong side out, washed off and then was ready for cooking. Later they were taken from the pot, cut up in small pieces and served as a Southern delicacy known as chitlins. riddle A sieve, a sifter. Riddle me no riddles. ride To copulate.' 'Casey said just before he died, 'They's two more women that I want to ride.' " To tease, to berate, to scold. Ride a cock horse To Banbury Cross To see a fine lady Upon a white horse. Rings on her fingers And bells on her toes, She shall have music Wherever she goes. (A baby foot-riding rhyme.) This is the way the ladies ride— (three times)— Pace, pace, pace. This is the way the gentlemen ride— Trot, trot, trot. This is the way the farmers ride Hobbledehoy, hobbledehoy, Hobbledehoy and a bump! (Here the baby or child is let down with a bump.) (A baby foot-riding rhyme.) ride herd on To take care of, to control, look after, to baby-sit. �940 Paul Green's Wordbook ride high To show off, to be on the pinnacle of success. ride on a rail To disgrace one, to drum one out of town. to take for a ride To carry a person off to kill him. Also to deceive or cheat. rides easy as a rocking chair ride the bushes To flee, to run away fast. "When them yellow jackets zoomed up out of the ground, I rid the bushes going away from there." ride the rail To move in a hurry, same as burn the wind, or ride the bushes. riding Having success, to be getting along well. "That fellow's riding, yea, man, riding." Same as riding high. riding academy A whorehouse. There used to be a riding academy on the right, just north of Morrisville where a lot of the UNC students would go for "rides," so I was told. It has been torn down. riffle Ripple. riffraff Tom, Dick and Harry, the mob, the common people. rigamaragus All topsy-turvy, helter-skelter. right Very. "I'm right mad at you." Absolutely, singly, used for emphasis. "I was right by myself when he hit me." right as rain right as trivet I'd rather be right than be president. Be sure you are right, then go ahead. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 941 right down Used for emphasis. " It made me right down mad to hear him talk like that.'' Righteous are thy ways. The righteous shall flourish. The righteous shall inherit the land. Judgments are righteous. In the house of the righteous is much treasure. Be not righteous over much. The mouth of the righteous speaketh wisdom. Righteousness exalteth a nation. right-hand man A dependable person, a trusted one. right much Very much, used for emphasis.' 'Aunt Sarah is right much better, I hear.'' right off the bat Quickly, at once, unthoughtedly. right smart Much, a considerable amount. "We had a right smart turnout at the Legion meeting last night." riled (roiled) Stirred up, made angry, rubbed the wrong way. rinctum-do A breakdown, a loud party, a celebration. Ring out the old, ring in the new. ring-around A tetter, a breaking out. There are all sorts of cures for this. One I remember was to rub the ring-around with the juice of a green walnut hull. ring around the moon A weather omen. This means that rain is coming soon. We children used to be told that if there were any stars in the ring, the number of stars would denote the number of days before the rain or changed weather would come. Ring Around the Rosie A children's game. The players form a circle holding one another's hands �942 Paul Green's Wordbook as they march around a child, or "It," in the center, singing— "Ring around the Rosie, Pocket full of posies, One, two, three - squat!" The last child to squat or stoop then takes the place of "Rosie" or "It" in the circle. We used to sometimes sing it — "Ring around the Rosies, Pocket full of posies, Green grass, yellow grass, All fall down." ringer A horseshoe that rings or hugs around the pin in the game of horseshoes, also an athletic spy. ring leader The principal leader, the boss, usually used derogatively. ring-tailed An outlandish person or thing, often as a "ring-tailed snorter." A term of disparagement. ring-tailed roarer A brawler, a loud-mouthed braggart. ring the bell Hit the mark, succeed well, bring one's purpose to a conclusion. ringworm Same as ring-around. rinky-dinky Puerile, childish, dull. "My freshman English course at Duke is rinky-dinky, and I'm bored to death." riot rip A whale of a gathering, a turmoiling happy time. "Mrs. Johnson's party was a riot." A reprobate, usually as "old rip." a rip A whore. rip and tear To act boisterously. Also a fighting fracas. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 943 Soon ripe, soon rotten. The ripest fruit falls first. rip-off A cheating procedure. "A lot of this burial insurance sold to Negroes is just a rip-off." rip-tail snorter A terrific happening, person or thing. "Zack Broadhuss was a rip-tail snorter." "That storm was a rip-tail snorter." rise A flood or freshet. "There's such a rise in the river the flat won't run." Rise, take up thy bed and walk. Men may rise on stepping stones Of their dead selves to higher things. The higher the rise the greater the fall. rise and shine To get up in a hurry and move energetically to begin the day's work. He is not here for He is risen. a rising A boil, a carbuncle. ritzy Highfalutin, fashionable, putting on airs. Do as they do over on the river. A sort of living up to the Joneses. Let us pass over the river and rest under the shade of the tree. A noisy river never drowned nobody. All the rivers run into the sea and yet the sea is not full. riz Rose, past tense of rise. roach To mound up, as to roach up a grave. roaches of the liver Cirrhosis of the liver, a drying-up and hardening of that organ, usually attributed to continued overuse of alcohol. �944 Paul Green's Wordbook Nello, who shined shoes in the local barbershop and was a long-time friend of mine, was afflicted with this trouble. One day when I went to the shop, he was absent, as he often was. To my inquiry the barber gave quite a voluble and answering discourse. "What'll it be, Doc?" he first asked, as I stopped by the clothes rack. He gave his barber cloth a few wide popping flaps in the air and held it waiting. I took off my coat, loosened my tie and shirt collar and sat down in the waiting, restful chair. "A shave and a face massage," I said. "Right, right as rain," he said. "Make you feel better." He lowered the chair flat back and spread the cloth over me and began tucking it in and around my neck. I lay looking up at the heavy fluorescent light fixture hanging directly and threateningly above. Heavy, yes! He began stropping his razor. "A shine too," I said. "Hey, boy! A shine over here!" he called. He snapped on the lather mixer. I lay relaxed. It whirred. I closed my eyes. Already I felt better. Now he slip-slopped creamy soap foam on my cheeks and chin. He began to rub pressingly. Outside on the sidewalk the tapping of women's heels went along. I heard it, visualized a bit, and caught the passing mixture of young people's voices — Easter shoppers, elated, expectant, generous. Christ is risen — the fish are biting! Now came hot towels and more soap foam. This was good. A bit of more razor-stropping. And then the shaving began. Suddenly a strong hand lifted my foot and put it up on the shine last. I looked out on the incline to speak to Nello as usual, but there sat a stranger, an intense square-cut wide-nostriled young mulatto face, not Nello at all with his wild razor scars and his shifting restless yellow-balled eyes — Nello, friend to me and my shoes these long times gone. "You've got a new man," I finally said to the barber. "Yeah, yeah, Doc, we have." "How's Nello getting along?" I asked. He shaved on a while and the strong new hands applied polish on my shoes. I was being well looked after, top and bottom. Good. "Yes," the barber said presently, and I felt him wipe the razor across the swatch of paper-roll across my breast. "His name's Early. Say, Early, fix 'fessor's shoes up right, boy. Fix 'em up." He spoke with good and soulbreezy authority. He concentrated on his j ob. The left side of the face now that the right was done, and then the upper lip, carefully —tiny, furtive scrapings and on into the corners of the mouth. Next under the jowls and the chin, and then slip and up under the lower lip. Again the razor was wiped. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 945 "How's Nello getting on now?" I asked, breathing a bit more freely. No answer. "Turn Doctor's pants up, boy, or you'll get that blacking on 'em," the barber said to Early. "Yessuh," said Early quickly. I felt him fumble about my ankle. Next he was finishing with the paste on this shoe and was polishing away, now and then trying to make his shine cloth pop, but without success. Not the way Nello could do it. Nello could make the train sound of old Ninety-seven coming around the bend — whoo-whoo, he could really play his railroad tune with that cloth. Then a dampening soft palm-smearing with warm water on my face and a quick second going-over with the razor. Next, three hot towels in succession and the massaging cream — long squeezing palm strokes, halfbrutal, half-caressing. "You been working hard, Doc?" the barber said. "Oh, so-so." "Writing more plays?" And again his laugh shattered the air. I wondered some — but not much. "Well, trying, I guess," I mumbled. "Soon be time to open up your outdoor dramas again, won't it?" "Yeah. Time goes by in a hurry." "Don't it? The older you get the faster it goes. Getting so now seem like I can hear the Sunday papers falling in front of my gate one 'pon top of the other." Again he laughed and I could feel him looking about the barbershop to his fellows with his merry bright blue eyes. "Yes, and don't the birthdays come fast?" Rub, rub, rub. "They do." Silence — rub, rub. "Yeh, Nello won't be with us any more," he finally spoke up, quietly, coldly even, without interest, a simple reply to a question remembered. ' 'Too bad,'' I said, thinking of the long absences in the past when Nello was away on the chaingang serving time for drunkenness, for fighting. Poor Nello! "I guess you finally got wore out with him." I said. The barber pushed down and roiled up the drying cream, cleaning out the dirty and oily pores. "This is a new kind of cream — really does the work," he said. "Up—oom—no doubt," I mumbled. "He was good at shining shoes what time he was sober — Nello, I mean. That's why we kept him on," he said. "Yeah, he was a good sort of fellow all the same." "He was and he wasn't. Never could tell what was on his mind. Never talked much." "Not much," I said. "I noticed that." And I lay remembering the hard crisp calls of the different barbers in �946 Paul Green's Wordbook the shop — "Hey, boy, shine 'em up here. Brush here, boy. Make it snappy. Can't wait all day" — these calls and orders of times past. And I could see Nello's flying hands, his quick movements, his extended palm for the coin, the whiskbroom under his arm, his bows, his mask-like scarred face, the yellow-balled eyes — the deep brown pupils that looked at you and didn't look at you — the deep brown pupils smoky and, yes, sightless in their seeing — or what did they see? "He was mean when he got full of that old wine,'' said the barber, now brushing away the dirty crumbs of cream from my face. "Is he back on the roads again?" "He may be for all I know,'' and he laughed his shattering laugh once more. "Yeh, if they've got a chaingang in yonder world." A tremor went through me. "Why? What's happened to Nello?" The easing hot towel again now and then another. "Too hot?" "Noo-unh." "Just right?" "Uhm —yes." The towel was lifted now, and next began the slow, long, seductive rubbing, not rough now, not at all, but soothing, sweet, almost like a woman's tender loving. But something — a worry. Nello — my bruised and lost and wordless friend. Nello. "You ain't been in lately," the barber queried and announced half-accusingly. "No, I've been staying in sort of close at home." "Working at your plays?" "Some." "You hadn't heard 'bout Nello? He conked out — croaked, I mean." "What?" "Yeh, up and died last week." "Good gracious!" I half sat up as if that would help, then lay back again. "Had it coming to him, I reckon," the barber said. "How you mean?" "That old wine and stuff. Runs 'em crazy, burns up their liver. Want some witch hazel, 'Fessor?" "Yes, oh yes. Anything." "Mighty good for the tender face. And you're sort of tender down around your Adam's apple." Next the stinging cool and scented lotion.' 'Been scraping yourself kind of close down there, ain't you?" "Yeah, but Nello—" "Gone." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 947 "Goodness! He was a young fellow." "Brush here, boy,'' called another barber down the line. Early laid my foot up finished and sprang away. Now came the cool dry final towel, smelling of the heat of the laundry, like the sheets my mother used to dry on chairs before the wood fire on rainy days long ago. "It was roaches of the liver got him," said my barber. "He was plumb et up with it. Didn't know it either. Worked right up to the last. He come in here to work a-Wednesday morning and he was dead Thursday, the next day. Some of the fellows said to him, 'Nello, you're moving mighty slow today' — that was Wednesday — 'Nello, make it snappy,' we would tell him. And old Nello would mumble something 'bout not feeling so good. 'Reckon I ort to see a doctor,' he said long about quitting time." "That old wine," said Joe, the barber at the right. ' 'Roaches of the liver — yeh. My granddaddy went like that. The doctor said his liver was about the size of a trabball and hard as a hickory nut." "Yeh," said my barber, "it'll kill you —booze will. Powder, Tessor?" "No — yes, powder, a little." Then the dab, dab, pat, pat of the end-folded towel. Sweet stuff. Mennen's. The barber slammed his foot on the chair pedal and swung me up sitting. His hands wriggled and dug into my scalp. "Your hair's mighty dry, Doc. Some lanolin? Make you feel better." "All right." "Good for the scalp. Seems Nello got home and went to bed Wednesday. Then the doctor come — Doctor Abernathy it was. He examined him and saw he was already half-dead. 'I got to get you to Memorial Hospital,' he said. And he left him. Sure puts a shine on your hair, this sheep's grease does." "Did they get him to the hospital?" "Well, yes — the next day — Thursday." And all night Nello lying in his ragged bed, looking at what, thinking of what? He never would talk much. Now the barbers are stropping their razors, winking and jibing—Been with that old wine again, eh, Nello? Ninety days again. Now the bark of the convict boss, — Lift up that pick — heigh you — swing on it — roll that Georgia buggy, boy — tell the news — make your time — make it sweet and low. "The next day Doc come, as I say," said the barber. "Thursday morning. They go in to wake Nello and no waking." Again I felt the brush, brush, the comb, comb, and brush, brush again. "Your hair is standing up in a sort of cowlick here, 'Fessor, where you been sleeping on it. I'll get it down in a minute. He was already in a coma — lying there, his sister said, scarcely breathing at all. They started with him in the ambulance. Yeah, in a stooper he was and he was dead when they got to the ambulance entrance �948 Paul Green's Wordbook at the hospital. Well, there you are, Doc." The cloth was unpinned, a bit of air-hosing inside my collar followed, and I stepped from the chair. I tied my tie, and Early helped me on with my coat and brushed me industriously off. I paid my barber and I gave Early a little extra. ' 'Feel better, Doc?'' said the barber as he crashed the cash register open. "Yeah, better!" — I almost shouted the words, then I softened them down as I saw his eyes flare. "You've fixed me up fine." "Come again, Tessor." "Yeah. How long did Nello work here for you folks?" I asked. "Oh, ten, fifteen years maybe — off and on," said the barber. "And all the time that old wine, that old booze business. We were mighty patient with Nello." "I see," I said. And going out, I let the door slam hard, I didn't mean to let it slam maybe. It just did. And as I walked on I could hear my barber saying to his fellows, in my mind I could hear it. "What's the matter with 'Fessor? Seem like he went off kinder mad or sump'n — let the door slam like that." "Can't tell about these writing fellows," said Joe the nearby barber. "Next!" my barber called. The road to hell is paved with good intentions. You won't travel no good road if you cross a crooked stile to get to it. It is a long road that has no turning. The shortest road to the penny, longest road to the dime. road cart A two-wheeled light gig. road hog A driver who hogs the road and has no care for others' rights. road itch Wanderlust. Roanoke Indian wampum or shells used for money, therefore the name "Roanoke Island." roars like a lion roasting ears (roas'n ears) The milky ears of corn just before they harden into ripeness, a special garden delicacy. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 949 Robbers A game. One or two children (robbers) hide along the path where the other children (travelers) have to pass. After the robber or robbers have hidden, the travelers come walking along saying— "No robbers out today, No robbers out today. We are singing on our way For there's no robbers out today." Suddenly the robber or robbers rush out and try to catch the rest. Those who are caught become robbers in their turn and try to catch others. all around Robin Hood's barn This saying means to go a long ways around to get to the main point, like going around the elbow to get to your thumb. A robin's song is not pretty to the worm. rock A solid, reliable person. To cover with rocks or crushed stone. "We've got one more mile of road to rock, and then we're finished." St. Peter's Rock The Catholic church. Rockabye baby in the treetop. When the wind blows, the cradle will rock. When the bough breaks, the cradle will fall, And down comes cradle and baby and all. (A lullaby rhyme and song.) rock bottom The basic essential, the lowest price or place, the limit. rocker Common sense, sanity. "He's off his rocker." Rocking an empty cradle will bring a new baby to fill it. It is bad luck to rock an empty rocking chair. rocking chair man An easy-going person, an indolent person. rocking chair woman A spoiled, lazy, good-for-nothing female. �950 Paul Green's Wordbook "Rock of Ages" A favorite old hymn that has comforted countless thousands in the Valley with its enduring symbol of strength. "Rock of Ages, cleft for me, Let me hide myself in Thee. Let the water and the blood From Thy wounded side which flowed Be of sin the double cure, Save from wrath and make me pure." "While I draw this fleeting breath, When my eyestrings break in death, When I rise to worlds unknown And behold thee on Thy throne, Rock of Ages, cleft for me, Let me hide myself in Thee." rocks Money, coins. rock-skimming A rock-throwing-on-water contest. We boys also called this rock-skeeting. We'd take flat stones and throw them one at a time with all our might along the surface of the creek or pond. Sometimes one would be able to make his rock go skimming with four or five bounces and be declared the winner. rocky Rough, hard going. "How is it with you, Joe?" "Rocky, son, rocky." Rocky Mountain canary A jackass. rod Gun, a pistol, also the penis. Spare the rod and spoil the child. Thy rod and thy staff they comfort me. roguish Wandering, obstreperous, undomesticated. "I've got a roguish cow, and no matter how high the lot fence is, she can sail over it, so I'll just have to put a yoke and tongue on her." roke Past tense of rake. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 951 Roley Holey A game. A number of players dig a sequence of little saucer-like holes in the ground in a row and the first player rolls a ball along and over these holes. The owner of that hole in which the ball stops grabs the ball and tries to hit one of the players as they run away. If he misses, he is charged with what is called "a pig." When a player gets three' 'pigs,'' he is stood up against a wall, such as the house, facing it, and each of the other players has a throw at him. This is called "nailing to the cross." After this the game resumes. The ball we used was about the size of a small orange and made of thread from old raveled stockings wound and sewed tightly. It was punishing enough when it hit the captive "nailed to the cross," depending on the strength of the thrower. roll To tumble a woman, to copulate with her. rolled Robbed. "Last night I got rolled of fifty dollars." rolling To have plenty of, especially of money or property. "From the way that man gets a new Cadillac every year, he must be rolling." "Roll, Jordan, Roll" We children sang this old song a lot as we chopped in the fields. The rhythm and verses were very satisfactory for emphasizing our too-often lethargic strokes. We pronounced it "Jurdan." "Roll, Jordan, roll, Roll, Jordan, roll, Wanter go to heaven when I die Just to hear old Jordan roll. "Somebody's dead in the graveyard, Somebody's drowned in the sea, Wanter wake up in the morning And shout that jubilee! "Roll, Jordan, roll," etc. rolling stock folks Migrant workers. A rolling Stone gathers no moss. roll your own To be on one's own, also descriptive of a handmade cigarette. �952 Paul Green's Wordbook roly-poly Fat. romancing around Loafing. Rome was not built in a day. When in Rome, do as Rome does. When in Rome, do as the Romans do. He that owns Rome must feed Rome. romp A wild, exuberant party. ront Ruined or ruint. roof cave in Disaster overtaking one. rook To cheat or fool. "I waited two hours, but my man rooked me." There's plenty of room at the top. in room of In place of, instead of. "Let John work in room of Frank today." no room to cuss a cat No space at all. rooster A pert young lad, a cocky person. A good rooster crows in any hen house. rooster fight A rough-and-tumble set-to between two boys. There's a belief that the roosters crow at midnight on Christmas. rooster's egg An undersized or misshapen hen's egg. root The penis. root hog or die Work or starve. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 953 Give a man enough rope and he'll hang himself. rope in To gather in, to trick. rope of sand A worthless argument or reason. ropes Ways, means of business. "He knows the ropes all right." Every rose has its thorn. looks like the last rose of summer A rose to the living is more than sumptuous wreaths to the dead. Gather ye rosebuds while ye may. rose-colored Romantic, over-idealistic. rosemary Also called garden rosemary, a popular and aromatic flower-garden plant. Tea from its leaves was often used as a stimulant and tonic. Housewives put sprays of it in closets and trunks to make the clothes sweet-scented. And who does not recall the piteous Ophelia in the play "Hamlet" where she comes in mad and handing out her flowers — saying — "There's rosemary, that's for remembrance; pray, love, remember, and there is pansies, that's for thoughts." Roses in youth, thorns in old age. Roses on my shoulders, Slippers on my feet, I'm my mother's darling, Don't you think I'm sweet. (A little child's recitation rhyme.) Lie on roses when young and you'll lie on thorns when old. rot gut A sorry sort of moonshine liquor. rotten A sick or enfeebled condition. as rotten as dirt �954 Paul Green's Wordbook There is small choice in rotten apples. Something's rotten in Denmark. Rotten Eggs A game. In playing this game each child locks his arms under his knees. Then two players try to lift him by his arms and try to shake them loose. If his arms give 'way, he is then "Rotten Eggs," their shouts proclaiming him so. rotten Saturday The day after Good Friday. This is supposed to be the worst of all days for planting a garden crop or any crop for that matter. rotten shame Great shame, same as a crying shame. rough-and-ready Unhewn, stalwart, unpolished. "He was a rough-and-ready man but honest to the core." rough-dry Clothes dried and awaiting ironing. rough feed Roughage, as opposed to hard grain feed, such as fodder, hay, wheat, straw and so on. roughhouse A noisy disturbance. roughneck A bully. A noisy, misbehaving person, one with no manners. rough on rats Any violent thing or rough action, harsh treatment, a difficult undertaking. rough row of stumps Difficult situation, etc. as round as a dollar as round as a drum as round as a marble as round as an orange as round as the moon �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 955 rounder A sort of bully, a rough good time Charlie. round-faced like the moon round potatoes Irish potatoes as contrasted with long (sweet) potatoes. round robin Condemnation proceedings, a circle of gossipers busy tearing someone's character to tatters. roust To stir up, to wake, to arouse. "Better not roust up them hornets, boy." Hoe your own row. Let a man hoe his own row and keep it clean, too. It's in the long row that a man's test comes. It's a long row that has no turning. row of pins A phrase of comparison signifying something of no importance or value. "All that talk about behaving himself wasn't worth a row of pins." Row, row, row your boat Merrily down the stream, Merrily, merrily, merrily, merrily, Life is but a dream. (A popular old round.) royal fern A widely diffused fern found on almost any damp place in the Valley. It is easy to transplant and many flower gardens now show it flourishing. Tea made from its root was supposed to be good for coughs and rheumatism. There is no royal road to learning. Who can find a virtuous woman, for her price is far above rubies. rub out To erase. rub the wrong way To irritate, to cross, to exacerbate. ruck Past tense of rake. �956 Paul Green's Wordbook Rut. rucking Rocking, rattling. "My old wagon was rucking along." ruckus A fuss, a fight. There's a popular old Tin Pan Alley song that we used to sing in the Valley titled "Raise a Ruckus Tonight." Our male quartet used to go on many a moonlight foray, singing away and raising a ruckus with our preferred pieces, one of which was always— "My old mistis promised me— Raise a ruckus tonight— When she died she'd set me free— Raise a ruckus tonight." Chorus "Come along, oh children, come along, While the moon shines bright. We'll take a boat And down the river float, Gonna raise a ruckus tonight. "If I could I surely would— Raise a ruckus tonight— Stand on the rock where Moses stood— Raise a ruckus tonight." Chorus repeat ructious Unruly. rue (also called herb of grace) An aromatic plant of popular medicinal use also by the Valley people in the old days. Rue tea was especially good for rheumatism and aching joints. Again we think of poor mad Ophelia's flower chant in the play' 'Hamlet"— "There's fennel for you, and columbines. There's rue for you, and here's some for me. We may call it herb of grace o' Sundays." Rue and thyme grow in the same garden. rue anemone A beautiful shy little flower of the early spring. Like most of its sisters, it too had its medicinal uses in the old days. It was both a purgative and a diuretic. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 957 ruellia The twin bluebell common in the dry woods throughout the Valley. So far as I know, it is an exception in that it has no medicinal value. ruff Roof. "Look up in the ruff of my mouth and you'll see that sore, Doctor.'' ruffled feathers A condition of angry irritation. "Son, you'd better much your sweetheart up — she's got her feathers all ruffled." "Rufus Rastus Johnson Brown" This was another popular song we young folks sang, especially as we worked in the fields and also sometimes on picnics. The melody was written by Harry Von Tilzer (1872-1946), who also wrote' 'A Bird in a Gilded Cage,''' 'Wait Till the Sun Shines, Nelly," and other popular songs. Andrew B. Sterling wrote the words to Rufus. This old-time favorite, like others, is rarely sung in the Valley any more, but I still like to hum it to myself and remember its association with more youthful days, though no less hopeful and aspiring ones than now. "Rufus Rastus Johnson Brown, What you gonna do when the rent rolls round? What you gonna say, what you gonna pay? You'll never have a bit of sense till judgment day. "You know, I know, rent means dough, The landlord's going to put us out in the snow. Rufus Rastus Johnson Brown, What you gonna do when the rent rolls round?" And so on. rug-riders Arabs, especially Iranians. ruinate To ruin, used somewhat jocularly. ruination Ruin. ruined Said of a woman who has borne a bastard baby. I don't know what term would fit those who have had half a dozen or more and are all on the government payrolls. �958 Paul Green's Wordbook mint Ruined, often bankrupt. Rule or ruin. There's no rule without an exception. He that will not be ruled by the rudder will be wrecked on the rock. rule the roost To boss or be head man. rum hound A confirmed drunkard. rump Posterior, buttocks. The rump thrives faster than the forehead. run Supply, to be sufficient. "He's got enough corn this year to run him." Go. "While you're in Lillington, run by Tugwell's and get me a bottle of liniment." A flaw or the breaking of a stitch in any knitted apparel such as hose. "I've got to go back and change, I've got a run in my stocking." The main part of a stream, the channel. A small brook or branch of a stream. A distilling of bootleg liquor. One thing to run for your dinner and another for your life. A good run is better than a bad stand. run-around A festered condition of the fingernail. to get the run-around To be trifled with, deceived, kept waiting on the anxious seat. run down To berate, malign, to spread scandal about a person. "He runs down his wife the worst in the world." run-down A list, a layout, an itemized account. "Give me the run-down on that and I'll tell you what I'll do." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 959 Puny, sick, feeble. "I'm all run-down lately, and I've got to go to the store and get me some Peruna." run dry To quit giving milk, or to be dried up as a stream, or to cease creative work. "I'm afraid Wilbur's run dry — we don't get any more stories from him." to run into To meet. "I'm glad I run into you. I've got a mess to tell." run into money Expensive, high priced. "That wide flooring runs into money." run into the ground To wear out, to overdo, to beat an old bag of bones. "He's run his sanctification story plumb into the ground." run like a turkey To run fast. running In succession. "I've had the toothache three nights running." What's the use of running if you're on the wrong road. running cedar A crawling cedar found in the deep rich damp woods and used plenteously for decoration at Christmastime. running fits A condition of sick dogs and sometimes applied jocularly to people who spout a great deal of nonsense talk. running mouth disease Over-loquacity. running range Gonorrhea. run off at the mouth To be garrulous, over-talkative. run of the house Freedom of the house, to have the free use of a place. run-of-the-mill Average, ordinary. "Well, I reckon he's pretty smart, but I would say he's just run-of-the-mill." �960 Paul Green's Wordbook run on To continue voluble talk. "She run on and on and you couldn't stop her." run one's mouth To be over-garrulous, to talk nonsense. run out of To use up, exhaust. "I'd let you have some gas but I've run out." run ragged Overloaded with work, fretted with too many duties, persecuted. He that fights and runs away Will live to fight another day. A dog runs for his character and a hog runs for his life. He that runs may read. He runs with the hounds and holds with the hare. run scared To be apprehensive of failure. "Yes, I plan to announce for sheriff, but I'm pretty sure I'll have to run scared." runs like a rabbit runs like the devil runs out To end, to be finished, stopped. "Yessir, I've been working at the sawmill green end, but my job run out last week and I'm on the loose hunting for work." run to death Overworked. to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds Straddle both sides. run up and butt To be frustrated in an action. "All he could do was run up and butt, then back off and try it again!" 'ruption (eruption) A fuss, a fight. ruptured Broken down, no 'count. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 961 ruptured duck A failure, a misfit, a weak and ineffectual person. Russellborough The perished home of Governor Tryon where the first armed resistance to the Stamp Act occurred in 1765. See an account of this in Sprunt's Tales. rust High activity, gaiety. Just the opposite of degeneration from lack of activity. "I'm going to cut a rust at that gal's house on Saturday night." rustle up To prepare, to find, to get ready in a hurry.''Rustle up some grub, will you?'' rusty Out of practice, awkward, muscle-bound. "No, I can't play the fiddle. I'm just plumb rusty on it." rusty hairpin An item of good luck. If you find one, be sure to keep it. Some of the members of the U.N.C. baseball team a few years ago looked around to find rusty hairpins. They kept them in their pockets while playing and they won a lot of games, so they said. rusty nails Used for cures as well as fruit-bearing. Old Mis' Mclntosh used to cure her children of malaria and thin blood by feeding them a tea concoction made from rusty nails, vinegar and spring water. She said it was good for the colic, too. There must have been something in it for she raised twelve brawny Scotch sons and daughters and most of them are still living. Then just recently when Arthur Caldwell and I were out hoeing around one of my tender fig bushes, I deplored the fact that they got killed down nearly every winter and I rarely got any figs from them. Up spoke Arthur and said,' 'Mr. Green, you'd have plenty figs if you'd do like my daddy did." "How did he do, Arthur?''' 'Well, sir, he would get a lot of old rusty nails and plough points and stuff like that and put them around the roots of his figs and he got figs and I mean figs. I remember one year he got fifty bushels of figs." "Fifty bushels?" "Yessir, and he hauled most of them to Durham. He had a whole row of figs and every time he found any old rusty nails or plough points or broken iron he'd put 'em at the root of his fig trees and they done good. Yessir, you do that and you'll have plenty of figs, Mr. Green." in a rut To be in a bind or in a psychological block or in a dull repetition of work. �962 Paul Green's Wordbook rutabaga A common garden vegetable. Juice from the boiled root was supposed to be good for fever. ruthers Rathers, preferences, same as druthers, but not drathers. "Why does he always get his ruthers and we don't?" rutty Sexually aroused. rye grass A popular grass for winter lawns. When I was a boy, I don't recall any single yard or lawn in the whole of our neighborhood that had any green grass in the winter. Most of the premises were kept swept clean. Now drive up and down the Valley and the farmers' yards are green with rye grass in the winter. Beauty and caring come more and more to the people. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 963 S The sabbath was made for man and not man for the sabbath. Remember the sabbath day to keep it holy. sack To fire, to dismiss. "My boss sacked me yesterday and you can know how I feel." An old sack needs much patching. It is hard for an empty sack to stand upright. Sack Race A contest game in which the contestants insert themselves into sacks up to the waist and then try to run, hobbled as they are. A prize of sorts is usually given to the winner. sad Deflated, flat, unleavened. "This is a sad cake, it did not rise at all." Sad'dy Saturday. saddle To load down, to overload. "His wife died and left him saddled with six young'uns." sadiron A flat iron, pointed at one end and with an iron handle used for ironing the laundered items. My mother had to have a heavy cloth wrapped around the handle to protect her hands from burning. These irons were usually heated by being set upright on the hearth with the face toward the fire, and, thus, iron handles rather than wood were used in the old days. �964 Paul Green's Wordbook sad sack A dull person, lacking in energy or interest. Be on the safe side. Better safe than sorry. safe and sound Completely safe, hale, well. In the multitude of counselors there is safety. sagashiate To consider, to think about, to investigate. sage A popular old garden plant. The leaves, when dried and ground up, were used for seasoning sausage and the like. Also a tea made from the dried leaves was good to relieve indigestion and insomnia. Young mothers were advised to take the tea, too, to cut down their overflow of milk if they should have such. 'sage Assuage. to gather sage To be out courting, to be looking for a mate. "I was out Sunday gathering sage all day, so no wonder I missed seeing you." Set your sail according to the wind. Set the sail as the wind blows. Take in your sail in the time of storm. Little said is soon mended. Least said, soonest mended. sailing close to the wind Economizing. sainted aunt! A mild expletive. St.-John's-wort A prolific little plant rarely growing beyond two feet in height. Its bright yellow flowers are noticeable in waste fields and along the roadsides nearly all the summer. It was named, I am told, because it was common to gather it on St. John's Eve and to hang it at doors and windows against thunder �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 965 and evil spirits. There was a belief that on St. John's night the soul had power to leave the body and visit the spot where it would finally be summoned from its earthly habitation. The medicinal properties of St.-John's-wort have been extolled. It was said that an ointment made from its blossoms was good for cuts and wounds of any kind, also a tea made from it was designated fuga daemonun, a purgative for demons. It was once supposed to be a good remedy for melancholia, too. St. Phillip's Church A famous old ruined church near Wilmington, down the Valley. It was built in 1740 and there it stands in the woods, a melancholy wreck and a reminder not only of man's faith but of man's destructiveness, for it was pretty much wrecked by bombardment during the Civil War. They are not all saints that use holy water. Saints alive! An exclamation. Bakes alive! A mild interjection. salad days Days of greatest success, and days of youth and inexperience. salivate A salivary condition brought on by the use of too much calomel and followed by exposure to cold or wet weather. See "calomel." To liquidate, to shoot full of holes.'' Boy, you reach in that hip pocket once more like that and I'm going to salivate you." sallet Salad. See "creasy sallet." The best side of a saloon is the outside. salt There are all sorts of superstitions connected with salt. Of course, the common one known by everybody is that if salt is spilled, the only way to keep off bad luck is to take some of the spilled salt and throw it over one's left shoulder. Then any possible evil spell to come will be dissipated and stopped. Salt was also good to help trees to bear. I remember we had a pear tree out near the woodpile at our home and it was barren. An old man told me if I would bore a hole in it and put salt in that hole and stop it up, the tree would begin to bear. I did as he commanded and, sure enough, the tree did start to bear. �966 Paul Green's Wordbook Also in the old days Valley people used to put a saucer of salt mixed with earth under the cooling board of a corpse. The salt was supposed to be an emblem of the immortal spirit and the earth a symbol of the mortal flesh. This custom was supposed to keep the corpse from swelling. Take it with a grain of salt. Help me to salt, Help me to sorrow, Brew me my malt And die on the morrow. (A recitation rhyme.) If the salt hath lost its savor, wherewith shall it be salted. Ye are the salt of the earth. Put salt on a bird's tail and you can catch him. Not worth the salt that goes in your bread. salt bag A little cloth bag of heated salt was one of the most common ways of easing aches and pains. When any of us children had the toothache, my mother would heat some salt, put it in a little bag (sometimes a sugar bag) and have us lie with it against our cheek. It always helped. salted down (away) Laid aside, saved up for a rainy day. salt mines A place of hard and grinding work, any sort of grueling job. "Well, it's good sitting out here and having a smoke, but now I got to get back to the salt mines." salt of the earth A term of high praise. "That John is the salt of the earth." as salty as the ocean There's a salve for every sore. Sambo An old Southern term for a Negro male. It will be all the same a hundred years from now. in the same boat In the same situation, condition. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 967 same looking To be similar to, to resemble. "He wore the same looking hat as his brother.'' what the Sam Hill! A mild interjection. sanctified In a constant state of holiness, to be living without sin. There is a religious sect popular in the Valley known as the Sanctified Holiness People. In fact, our cook says she is sanctified, and I guess she is, because she has labored for us for some thirty years in the most patient and cooperative way, and she must be sanctified to be able to have done that. I had an aunt who was sanctified. She said it was no trouble at all to be so, for didn't the Bible say, " 'Be ye therefore perfect.' It's mighty easy, Paul, to obey the Bible. And you better start doing that, son, or else — " "Or else what, Aunt Sudie?" "Else your soul will burn in torment forever and ever. Hearme, son?" "Yes, Aunt Sudie." sanctified handkerchief (cloth) Many of the sanctified and especially devout people in the Valley subscribe to healing by laying on of hands and by tokens and all sorts of hocus-pocus, as I would call it. See "faith healing." sand Strength, determination, stamina, courage. "She's got a lot of sand in her craw, that girl, and though she's left with five little children, somehow she'll make a go of it." Ropes of sand make mighty poor anchoring. sand-bed The much-travelled dirt road. In Eastern North Carolina the land being so sandy, the roads in which the wagons travelled, usually in single ruts beat out in the middle by single hitched animals, or double, were referred to as sand-beds. sand spur A mean and vicious little cactus-like plant found along the Valley seashore. sang Ginseng. sap (saphead) A fool, a fuddy-duddy, a dunce. Sapona Indians The early inhabitants of the Cape Fear Valley. �968 Paul Green's Wordbook Sapona River The early Indian name for the Cape Fear River. sappy Poor grade of lumber. "He sent me over a whole load of sappy old fieldpine scantlings and they're warped and bent up like a gang of snakes in the sun." sap rising Sexual urgings. "Yeh, every time you feel that sap rising you come back and want to sleep with me and leave another baby sproutin' inside me. But I can tell you right now I'll cut out your heart with this butcher knife before I get in that bed with you." sarsaparilla One of the favorite Valley patent medicines. sartain Certain. sarvice Service. sashay To cut a step in a folk dance. Also to act in a show-off manner. sashlight A windowpane. sass Back talk, impolite or vulgar repartee. Any kind of garden greens. sassafrack Sassafras. sassafras A common small tree found throughout the Valley. The sassafras has an ancient and honorable history. It was especially fancied in late Elizabethan England because of Sir Walter Raleigh's colonists on Roanoke Island sending back sassafras bark and roots to be used medicinally. In the Valley we used to make tea out of the roots and it was supposed to be a very healthful drink. Sometimes it was good to thin the blood of children who were too bouncing and cherry-faced. The doctors would prescribe sassafras tea in the old days rather than prescribing bleeding since it was supposed to thin the blood. The Negroes would often drink it in the spring of the year for bad blood. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 969 sasser Saucer. Satan One of the many names for the devil. Get thee behind me, Satan. satchel on to To grip or grab or fasten on to. "He satcheled on to me and wouldn't turn loose until he had got a dollar." What's sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander. saucer It used to be the custom in the Valley for people to pour their hot coffee from the cup into the saucer, let it cool and then drink it from the saucer. To cool. "Let your temper saucer a while." saucer-eyed Big-eyed in surprise. save To harvest. "Now that the dry weather's come on, I got to get busy and save my crop." Save today what you'll need tomorrow. Better save a man from dying than save him when he's dead. He that will save his life shall lose it. save-all A small bowl or receptacle for all sorts of odds and ends, hairpins, pennies, finger rings, and so on. saved Converted, repented of sins, forgiven of sins, ready for death. Who then can be saved! Others he saved, himself he cannot save. save face To keep one's dignity, prestige, etc., a phrase mightily and ludicrously used by the presidents of the U.S. and politicians during the Vietnam tragic waste. to save my neck A phrase used for emphasis. "I couldn't call his name to save my neck." �970 Paul Green's Wordbook to save you A term of emphasis or intensification. "Do you ever notice maybe you got a noise in your motor and you take your car to the mechanic and it won't make a noise to save you, and then when you're home, it starts up the same old trouble again." savigous Rough, brutal, full of fire and brimstone. "He was a savigous old devil and wild about young women, and he says that now, though he's eighty years old, at night in his dreams his bed is full of them." savvy Common sense, knowledge, understanding. saw Symbol of special danger. "He would fight a circular saw." sawbones Surgeon, a doctor. sawder Flattery, obsequious praise. "Don't give me none of that soft sawder. I'm on to you, hosscake." sawhorse A wooden rack with crossed uprights into which small logs or timber for handsawing were laid. In the old days every Valley farmer had his sawhorse. As a boy I heard an amusing anecdote told about Abraham Lincoln and his sawhorse. A neighbor had a sorry horse and came to Lincoln and urged a trade. Lincoln asked would he trade sight unseen and no questions asked. The reply was an emphatic yessir — no matter what kind or condition of a horse. They shook hands and the deal was made. Lincoln brought forth his sawhorse. Even then the neighbor might have got the best end of the deal. The real horse might have been fit only for the buzzards. sawing gourds Snoring. sawing sawdust Doing or redoing worthless work. sawtooth briar A mean low-running briar that infests the fields and the hedges. We children used to get our bare feet entangled in them and so we learned to say fierce cusswords very early. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 971 sawyers Katydids. Sometimes referred to as "night sawyers" — from the sounds the males make on hot summer nights. "I couldn't sleep a wink because of them pesky sawyers." saxifrage A little tough-growing plant, which from its name implies it is supposed to be so powerful that its roots can break rocks apart. Tea from its roots was used for stomachache. saxifras Sassafras. say A mild exclamation, usually calling attention to what follows. "Say! You better watch what you're doing, fellow." Pronounce or recite. "Go ahead, son, and say your piece." say grace over To be in charge of, to be able to handle. too many things to say grace over Too many irons in the fire, too many jobs. saying A maxim, a proverb. "It is a saying that you can't get blood out of a turnip, but you sure can get the turnip." Saying is one thing, doing another. say-so Agreement, authority, yea-saying.' 'He cut that tree down without my sayso." Say-SO is not say-true. Say well is good, but do well is better. Says which? A query, asking for an explanation of what has just been said. scab The new skin growing over an old sore. Also a strikebreaker or one who hires in to do a job of another one on strike. sca'ce (pronounced skace) Scarce. �972 Paul Green's Wordbook scads Oodles, a great deal.' 'They say John Allen Matthews left scads of money when he died and his grandchildren are all quarrelling over it." scalding barrel A large wooden barrel usually tilted and partly inserted in the ground and filled with scalding water where the newly slaughtered hogs are immersed and twisted around until the hair is pulled off and they are cleaned and scraped with a butcher knife. Then they are hung up on the scaffold or gallows to be gutted. See "hog killing." scallywampus A humorous good-for-nothing fellow. have one's scalp Get the best of, win an easy victory over. scandalize To disgrace. as scarce as frogs' hair as scarce as hens' teeth make yourself scarce (sca'ce) To leave, to go away in a hurry, get out of sight. scarecrow An extremely thin and emaciated person. scared as a rabbit scared shitless To be terror-stricken, horrified. scarlet sage A very decorative plant, becoming more and more popular in Valley flower gardens. scat A command to a cat to flee, to get out of the way, to vamoose. It was the custom in all the farmers' houses to have a little square cut out of the corner of a door called "the cat hole," and this was left open so the cat could go in and out at night. There used to be a little folk tale in the Valley about a man who had seven holes cut in the bottom of his door. When somebody asked him why he had seven holes, he said because he had seven cats.' 'And, brother, when I say scat, I mean scat!" To run fast, to go in a hurry. "When Willie Gregory fired off his double- �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 973 barreled gun through the open window, them serenaders scatted away from there." He that scatters thorns best not go barefoot. Janet Schaw A lady of quality who visited the Valley in the middle 18th century and kept a journal of her experiences there. A vivid picture is given of the customs and people of the place and time. schnozzle The nose. school-breaking The ending of school, the commencement time. We always spoke of the ending of school in the Valley country as the school-breaking. As a child I attended old Pleasant Union School located about halfway between the little towns of Lillington and Angier and a mile or so from our home. It was a one-room log building and was heated by a huge fireplace to which we boys playing horsey used to bring from the woods eight-foot lengths of dead pine logs, dragging them in at the front door and across the floor and rolling them into the cavernous fireplace. I don't remember that we ever had any school-breaking exercises in this one-room building. But later my father, along with the neighbors, tore down the old one-room hut and put up a nice, frame two-room building. We always referred to these rooms as the big room and the little room, the one for the upper grades and the other for the lower. A sliding partition was put up between these rooms and I remember that some of us boys working low down near the floor cut a hole through the partition with our pocket knives and used to pass notes into the little room to some of the girls we were in love with, or thought we were. After we got this two-room building we began to have school-breaking exercises in the spring on the day school ended. These exercises usually consisted of little bits of poetry, recitations, and even sometimes a bit of a play scene. I remember one playlet we put on having to do with a stupid Negro boy who takes some of the white folks' clothes off to be laundered with the understanding that he was to "mangle" them. I played the Negro boy, Rastus, and when I brought the clothes back all mangled (a bundle of substituted rags), I got a big hand from the audience. Maybe this little playlet had something to do with my later writing so many Negro dramas. One of the exercises I always loved at the school-breaking time was the liars' contest. Two boys would come out on the little rough, planked stage and engage each other in as wild imagery of contesting as possible. Most of these liars' contests were made up by the contestants. I remember my last school-breaking day at Pleasant Union. The next �974 Paul Green's Wordbook year I went to school at Buie's Creek Academy. Baxter Upchurch and I contested in lying. We came out before the audience, simulating two neighbors meeting on a road and started off with some of the old' 'Arkansas Traveler" dialogue (q.v.). I said to Baxter, "Hello, stranger." And he replied, "Hell-o yourself—if you want to go to hell, why go there yourself.'' PAUL: (Looking about him): Why don't you cover your house here? (He gestures toward the unseen house.) BAXTER: Can't cover it when it's raining and when it's dry, it don't leak a drop. PAUL: (Gazing around again): What makes your corn look so yellow? BAXTER: Fool, I planted the yellow kind. PAUL: Um-um. How did your 'taters turn out? BAXTER: Didn't turn out, fool, I dug 'em out. PAUL: Say, tell me how far is it to where the road forks. BAXTER: Been living here fifty years and it ain't forked yet. PAUL: Reckon I can ford the river? BAXTER: Reckon so, any goose can ford it. PAUL: Say, yonder comes a steer. You better head him. BAXTER: I gad, looks like he's got a head on him. PAUL: I mean stop him. BAXTER: Ain't got no stopper. PAUL: I mean turn him. BAXTER: Don't need no turnin', he's already got the hairy side out. PAUL: Well, well, well. Say, have you lived here all your life? BAXTER: Not all of it, fool, for I ain't dead yet. PAUL: Goodness alive, you sure are ignorant — you don't know nothing! BAXTER: I know I ain't lost like you. Ha ha ha! And then we would change the subject and get on with our whoppers. PAUL: I haven't seen much of you lately, Baxter. BAXTER: No, I've been mighty busy. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence PAUL: 975 What you been doing? BAXTER: Clearing my newground. PAUL: How do you clear your newground, Baxter? Must take a lot of cutting with axes. BAXTER: No, no — no axes, Paul. I go into the middle of the woods, find a big tree, get plenty of sticks of dynamite, fasten them in a belt around the tree, and set 'em off. The explosion clears me several acres all to once. PAUL: And what happens to you? BAXTER: Why, I just grab a tree top and ride out. Ha ha! PAUL: Well, I've been pretty busy myself. BAXTER: What have you been doing? PAUL: Looking after my watermelons. Lord, lord, and how they do grow! BAXTER: They do? PAUL: Yeh, do. I've been busy making little flat platforms with wheels to 'em so I can take care of 'em. BAXTER: What in the name of Old Scratch were you doing that for? PAUL: Because my land is so rich and the watermelon vines grow so fast that they drag the watermelons along the ground and wear them out. So I put these little wagons under the melons so they won't be dragged to death. Now the vines drag the little wagons along with the melons on them and they're growing bigger and bigger all the time. BAXTER: How big do they grow, Paul? PAUL: Oh, a certain size. Sometimes the wagons run into the fence and stop and the watermelons grow right there bigger and bigger, and you can look out and see the tops of them, the tops of the rinds over the fence. Sometimes the wagons mire up and the same thing happens. BAXTER: Um-um — your melons are almost big as my cabbages. PAUL: And how big are they, Baxter? BAXTER: Oh, of right good size. I lost my sow and pigs the other day and �976 Paul Green's Wordbook hunted and hunted them, and finally I found them. The old sow had et a hole way back in one of my cabbages and there she was as snug as you please, her and the twelve pigs. PAUL: Well, well, well. BAXTER: And I been raising some chickens lately too. I got a rooster can eat two of them cabbages in one bait. PAUL: Ah-hah, that rooster's a little bitty thing compared to my turkey. I got a gobbler that is a gobbler. BAXTER: How big is your gobbler? PAUL: Well, he's so big he can set straddle the Pacific Ocean and pick stars out of the elements for grains of corn. Ha ha ha! BAXTER: Ha ha ha! Well, that is a purty big gobbler, a little bigger maybe than the catfish my Uncle Zacharias caught in the Mississippi River last year. He was so big that they had to get four teams of mules and a log wagon to drag him up the bank and when they cut him open, you know what they found, Paul? PAUL: No, I don't, Baxter. BAXTER: Why they found six cords of wood in him and over in the corner was a Jew peddler with his merchandise all spread out. And the peddler looked up and said, "Sale today, piple, ladies' shoes at half price, men's brogans $1.99." And so we two liars would carry on our contest as long as we could make up lies or until the audience got tired of us, and the audience seldom did. scintilla A tiniest bit, equal to a jot or tittle or iota. "That woman ain't got a scintilla of sense. Just listen to her talk." scoffle To ridicule, to jeer at. scoot To dart, to run quickly. "Scoot up to Mr. John Parrish's and get me some number 50 white thread." scope A large extent, usually of land. "Joe Allan Layton's got a scope of land down there along the Cape Fear River." scorcher An especially hot day, also a fiercely hit ground ball in baseball. Don't rake up old scores. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 977 scorp A scraper. Scotch High temper, fiery emotion. "Better walk soft around that woman — she's got a lot of Scotch in her." Stinginess. "You needn't ask old Ed Mclntyre for any money to buy the baseball suits, he's got too much Scotch in him." to scotch To prop, to wedge open or set in a fast position. Scotch-Irish A term applied to the people who came into the Valley from Ireland and had previously migrated to that island from Scotland. Their place in the American system is recorded in many a book. The last eloquent defender of the Scotch-Irish philosophy was President Woodrow Wilson. Scotch Snuff An especially strong snuff and very popular among the dippers in the Valley as contrasted with Sweet Snuff. Scotch stinginess Scotch stinginess is proverbial. There was an anecdote to illustrate this which I have heard many times. An American, a Scotchman and a Jew had a very dear friend who died and they decided they would put some token of their appreciation in the coffin with the dead man to be buried with him. So the Jew put in a ten dollar bill, the American put in a twenty dollar bill, and the Scotchman wrote a check for fifty dollars, and put it in and took out the bills for change. Scotch stubbornness An especially stubborn quality. Scotch temper Scotch temper is just as tough and stubborn in its way as Scotch stubbornness itself, and they both became one somewhat in the case of Julgar McWhorter and his wife Coziah Ann McWhorter, for soon after they were married these two got into a terrible quarrel. In the height of their Scotch tempers and anger they took out their Bible, put their hands on the Holy Book and swore never to speak to each other again. They lived over in the western part of the Valley, and people who knew them said that, so far as they could ever find out, the two never did speak to each other again, though they lived as man and wife for many, many years. There they lived in their two-room house, each in a separate room. And, believe it or not, they raised a family �978 Paul Green's Wordbook of six children but still they kept their oath. The oldest boy Darrach told Mr. Mac that his pa and ma used to communicate with each other through the children. For instance, his pa would say, "Tell your ma I see the chickens out there scratching up her young collards and she better do something to stop 'em." And he'd say that, even though Coziah Ann might be there within three feet of him. And she would say, "Tell your pa I'll fix that other shirt for him tomorrow." At the same time she might be handing her husband the one shirt she had just finished. As one of the Hockaday boys said one day when we were talking about the McWhorters, "Love may be blind but in their case, if you consider the passel of children they brought into the world, they had something just as good as seeing." scot-free Free of responsibility. (Scot was an ancient tax.) "Scotland's Burning" A round. We children used to sing this with great glee. "Scotland's a-burning, Scotland's a-burning, Look out! Look out! Fire! Fire! Cast on water. Cast on water. Scotland's a-burning." and so on. scouring mop See "shuck mop." scours A cattle disease of a diarrhetic nature. scrabbly Rough,ragged, torn. scrag To betray, to kill. scram To leave in a hurry. scrap To quarrel. A fight. scrape by To barely get by, survive with difficulty. Scraping the bottom of the barrel makes mighty poor music. scratch Money. "If that millionaire and his wife don't come forward with the scratch, then them kidnappers say they're going to kill the boy." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 979 A tiny bit of writing, a brief note. "She's been gone six months and me, her mother, ain't had a scratch from her, no sir." The beginning, from poor beginnings. "Nathan Johnson started from scratch without a cent and now look at him — rich as mud." Scratch where it itches. Old Scratch Another of the many names for the devil. up to scratch Up to normal health, to good feeling. scratches A disease affecting the fetlock joint of horses or mules. scratchings The remnants, the remainders of fat after it has been melted down into lard ready for mixing in as cracklings. scratch lettuce Money. scratch off To tear off in a hurry, to cancel. scraunch To chew noisily as a horse scraunches corn. scream Outlandish, excessively funny. "His costume was a scream." screaming heebie-jeebies Delirium tremens, wild hysterics. screw To have sexual intercourse, to copulate. A prison guard. To cheat, to extort from. "I trusted him like a brother and in that land deal he screwed me to a fare-ye-well." to have a screw loose Somewhat loony, irresponsible. screwball A misfit, an oddly behaved person. �980 Paul Green's Wordbook sere-wed up Messed up, tangled up, topsy-turvy. screwy Nutty, crazy. scribble-scrabble Messy, undecipherable handwriting. scribe A carpenter's handmade tool which serves as a guide in sawing or attaching weatherboard. scrimption A small amount. scringe Cringe. "Every time I see that Kennedy fellow on TV I scringe, thinking of that poor girl he drowned." scripture The absolute truth, the final authority, a holy and sacred text. It is always assumed to be bad luck to step on or handle roughly any part of the Bible. There used to be an old Negro in Chapel Hill named Tank Hunter, and I've noticed him going about the street or the campus. Now and then he would stop, pick up a piece of paper and look at it, and when asked why he did that, he said, "Yessir boss, I always watch out and not step on a piece of paper 'cause I'm afraid it might be the name of Jesus would be printed on it, and I wouldn't want to step on the name of Jesus." The devil can cite Scripture for his own purpose. This is done that the Scriptures might be fulfilled. scritch A high-pitched shriek. scrooched up, scrooged up Drawn up, huddled up, squatted. scrooge Squeeze. "Let him scrooge in here beside me. There's room." scrouge To cheat. scrub A midget. Also shrub. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 981 scrubbling Small, stunted. Jennie Ban McNeill's husband Archibald was called "Scrubblin' Archie," according to tradition. See "Scrubblin' Archie McNeill." scruff The nape of the neck. "And then that big schoolteacher ketched that boy by the scruff of the neck and flang him out through the door, and he hit the ground running and hollering for his mammy." scrumptious Fine, luxurious. scrunch To crush. "I had a little rabbit, but Mamie rocked on it and scrunched it to death." scuffledines Scuppernong grapes. Every year members of our community over the hill come when the grapes are odorous. "Mr. Green, could we pick a few scuffledines?" scuff some chuck To eat. scuppernong A popular grape in the Valley. The original scuppernong or mother vineyard is reported to be growing on Roanoke Island. The early explorers in the Valley spoke in great praise of the scuppernong. It is a whitish grape as contrasted with the muscadine or black grape. SCUt A woman's pudendum, the tail, also a woman's buttocks. scutter A disparaging term for a person, usually a man.' 'Well, you tell that scutter I won't be there." scuttlebutt Rumor, gossip, hearsay. The sea cannot be measured in a quart pot. The sea shall give up its dead. May there be no moaning at the bar When I put out to sea. He goes to sea in a sieve. �982 Paul Green's Wordbook All the rivers run into the sea, yet the sea is not full. seagull A specially protected bird. It is said to be bad luck to kill one. sealed, sanctified and made whole An alliterative phrase descriptive of those who have been saved from nature to grace and are sanctified and are marked on the forehead with the seal of the Holy Ghost. seance A group-sitting of spiritualists, usually gathered together to get messages from the other world. It is surprising how so many otherwise sensible people have gone haywire over this belief. Search others for virtues, yourself for vices. search me A phrase meaning I don't know. "Where do you think he lost it?" "Search me." season A rain, especially good weather for growing crops. "Last night we had a good season and this morning you can see the crops just shaking with joy.'' For everything there is a season and a time. seat warmer An indolent person. sec seek Abbreviation for second. "Wait a sec, won't you, till I can get my britches on." Such. Second thoughts are best. Second Coming The Second Coming of Christ. Most Christian sects believe in this. It will take place, so they say, when time shall be no more — when Gabriel blows his horn on judgment day and ' 'the graves shall open'' and all souls will rise up to meet the Lord and move on to be judged by the Almighty — the "sheep" to rest and be happy in heaven, the "goats" to burn and broil in hell. second fiddle Second-rate, an inferior role. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 983 "It needs more skill than I can tell To play the second fiddle well." seconds A second helping of food. "Hey, Cap'n, ain't there no seconds for a good boy?" A bran-like flour second to the first milling. second sight Clairvoyance, powers of prevision, divination. There are innumerable instances recounted of second sight. One day when a group of us local historians visited old Longstreet Church, now on the Fort Bragg Military Reservation, Mr. Shaw, one of the members, told us about a Negro man who had this gift of second sight. "Over across the creek there," said Mr. Shaw, "a family lived, consisting of a mother and daughter, two sons and the father. Well, in the Civil War the father and sons went away to fight, and they were all three killed. But before the news came that they were all three killed, Nicholas had a vision that they were dead. This Nicholas was a runaway slave just passing through the neighborhood, and he came to the house over there and asked the good lady if she could feed him and give him a place to sleep in the barn. He looked like an honest fellow and she being lonesome with her husband and sons gone to war said he could. My daddy told me about this. "Well, the next morning Nicholas came to the house, his hat in his hand, and he said, 'Missus, the Lord's done come to me in a vision last night, and the Lord said to me, "Nicholas," he said, "the good lady's husband and two sons has been killed." And then the husband, your good man, he appeared to me in a dream. I saw him in second sight clear as the pa'm of my hand, and he said to me, he said, "Nicholas, me and my boys have all been done killed and I want you to keep on staying there with my wife and take care of things. I want you to do that, Nicholas," and I said to him, "Cap'n," I said, "I'll sure do it.'" "So it was that Nicholas stayed there the rest of his life and looked after the mother and the daughter, for his second sight seeing was true. And nobody ever came hunting for him as a runaway slave. "Well, time went on, the years passed by, changes came. The mother and the daughter died and only Nicholas was left alive. He was an old man by this time and he stayed in the house that had belonged to the good lady, for the daughter had left it to him. He lived there until the time the government took over the reservation here in 1923. "Some of you know what a hard time the government had in getting folks to give up their land here at Fort Bragg. But finally after a lot of hard trials everybody had been taken care of except Nicholas. He refused to budge. �984 Paul Green's Wordbook The authorities had to get the law of course and at last they put him out, they evicted him. They moved him and his goods down the road there. ' 'What do you think—the very next day Nicholas was back in the same house. They moved him out again. He came back again. ' 'Finally my daddy and General Bowley came out here to see Nicholas. The General got interested in him. My daddy told him the story of Nicholas, the way I'm telling it. I think the General was touched by it. Anyhow, he said, 'Nicholas, you stay right here. You can stay on as long as you want to. Of course, we've got an artillery range here but we'll take care of you somehow.' "So every time after that they'd start the artillery practice, they'd first send a soldier or soldiers over to tell Nicholas that they were about ready to fire and Nicholas would move out of there. And where do you think he'd come? He'd come here to this old Longstreet Church and wait here till the firing was over. ' 'Of course by that time the church was long deserted, the congregation had passed on and there was no service held here at all. But Nicholas would come here, sit down in the church, and wait until the thunder and fire of the artillery was over just down there to the south of us. "I reckon a lot of us wonder what the old colored man thought about as he sat here in this church and heard the roar of the guns. "Yes, he was the last worshiper in Longstreet Church," said Mr. Shaw, ' 'and now nothing ever comes here much except a lot of deer that take shelter from the cold weather under the building." Later I went out and looked under the church. The north end was some five and half feet from the ground which sloped upward to a couple of feet at the rear. The earth was covered with deer manure.' 'Enough,'' said Leon MacDonald, one of the historians, "to make my garden rich as sin." " Look up there in the gallery," Mr. Shaw went on." I remember when I was a boy, I used to come here to service and there was one old Negro slave left. Every preaching Sunday he'd be here. Look up on the wall there and you can see a darkish spot. That's where he'd rest his head as he looked down on the pulpit. I reckon the grease and sweat of his hair over the long years made the wall dirty that-a-way. Maybe he was just sitting there snoozing away anyhow and not listening to the sermon." Sin in secret and it will show in the open. Nothing is secret which shall not be made manifest. Secretary of Defense A United States Cabinet Member who is thought of by opposing countries as, not Secretary of Defense, but "Secretary of Offense." According to Bertrand Russell, when we consider that the United States has the earth �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 985 girdled with military bases — the word offense would seem the appropriate one for the title. The same is now beginning to apply to the U.S.S.R. secrets A woman's private parts. Tell her secrets at the crossroads. see To borrow, to take. "Let me see your pencil a minute. I'll hand it right back." To look after, to accompany. "It's mighty dark down the road there and you'd better see Mis' Nora home." Can't see an inch before his nose. "I see" said the blind man. "So do I," said the dumb one. (A facetious proverb.) see after To take care of. "See after the children while I'm gone, won't you?" I've got to see a man. Usually used as an excuse to get away from a tiresome person or a bothersome subject or situation. Also to go to the restroom. seed Past tense of see. In the morning sow thy seed and in the evening withhold not thy hand. go to seed To grow old, to lose influence, to become useless. see double To be blinded with anger, to be upset. "He made me so mad I saw double.'' seed ticks A little tiny vicious tick. Seeing is believing. Seek and ye shall find. Seek ye first the kingdom of God and all else shall be added unto you. He that seeketh findeth. Ye shall seek me and shall not find me and where I am thither ye cannot come. Things are not always what they seem. �986 Paul Green's Wordbook a seem-so A camouflage, a pretense. seems to me It appears. "Seems to me like I've seen you som'ers before." seep A miry place. "Better watch out down there, there's a bad seep in the road.'' See-Saw The ever-popular game and activity in which children sit astride the ends of a long plank balanced at the midpoint and several feet or more from the ground. See-saw, Margery Daw, Jack shall have a new master. He shall have but a penny a day, Because he won't work any faster. (A nursery rhyme.) see to To attend to, to look after. "I'll see to that balancing of the books right away." see where Reference to a newspaper source, usually a newspaper account. "I see where the President has ordered more troops to Vietnam." segashiate To move about, to stir around as among company. segregation A doctrine of racial separation, based on the belief that the white man was by nature superior to the black. This doctrine was followed in the South for more than three hundred years but is now being broken down. For a generation or more after the Civil War Uncle Christopher Turner, a Negro, built fires in the Linneyville Baptist Church and worked round and about in the neighborhood for the white man. When he died, penniless and alone, in his little shack on the ridge west of the town, a neighbor or two buried him outside the churchyard wall and stuck up a little piece of pine board at his head which soon rotted down. George Miller, one of the Valley poets, wrote a piece about him which appeared in "The Linneyville News." "They buried me next the white folks' wall So's I could take my rest A little better being next �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 987 To them that's better blest. 'Twas me that used to drink the slops And chew the white man's crumbs And answer to his call and beck Of fingers and of thumbs. But dirt is dirt and worm's a worm, And all men's bones are white And grass grows green from where I sleep As any towards the light. "So let me lie lost in the earth Of blackness given to all. It makes no difference white or black Who's buried by this wall." According to my father, Uncle Chris was one of the humblest and sweetest souls alive, and maybe George Miller gave thoughts to him he never had. And maybe not. See also "excursion." seized Bitten deeply. "That tick has seized and he's gone clean out of sight in the flesh of my leg." selah God be with you. selden Seldom. A man's self is his worst enemy. To thine own self be true. self-heal An aromatic herb that grows plentifully in the Valley. It is an astringent and also a vulnerary. Self-praise is half scandal. Self-praise is no honor. Self-praise is no recommendation. Self-praise is self-slander. 5e//"-preservation is the first law of nature. �988 sell Paul Green's Wordbook A cheat, a deception. "The whole deal was a sell." sell out To run, to flee in terror, to hurry away. "When that wildcat whistle tore loose, man, did that boy sell out!" sells like hot cakes send To exhilarate, to inspire, to fill with elation. "Lord, that country music do send me." He hasn't sense enough to bell a buzzard, no more sense than a snake has hips sensitive plant See "be-shame bush." You look like you were sent for and couldn't come. seplings Saplings. seraphim Winged guardians of God's throne. They are the next order above cherubim. the sere and yellow leaf Old age. Sermons in stones and good in everything. Choose ye this day whom ye will serve. Ye cannot serve God and mammon. No man can serve two masters. They also serve who only stand and wait. served Mated.' 'We ought to have fresh milk in the spring. I've just had my heifer served by Joe Turner's beast." serviceberry Same as sarviceberry, which is also called the shadbush. It grows into smallsized trees in all parts of the Valley. The berries are edible and have been used in stimulating beverages. It serves him right. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence set 989 Sit. To harden as cement, concrete. The number of couples in a square dance, also the number of dances. "I danced six sets before I felt that blister on my foot." To be ready. "I'm all set to travel, come on." A number, a few, some.' 'Come a set of light nights in June and my tobacco's gone up salt creek with the worms." set a cap for Deliberately plan to win a person's love, mainly refers to a woman's intent. set across To carry across. "Waitaminute, honey, andl'll set youacross the branch." set a good table To provide plenty of food. set a spell To pay a visit. Set a thief to catch a thief. Set-Back Acardgame. Same as "High, Low, Jack and the Game." Sometimes called "High, Low, Jack." set in To begin." It set in to raining about dark, and then we had a gully-washer.'' setter The buttocks, the backside. "When that man hit me, I landed on my setter so hard it loosened my back teeth." set the hair To misscald a slaughtered hog and thus make it harder to get the hair off. My father was an expert at knowing how long to keep the hog turning in the scalding barrel before jerking it out. When the hair set, it really was hard to get off, and then we'd have to use sharp butcher knives to shave it off, not being able to pull it off with our hands as usual. See' 'hog killing.'' setting down A scolding, a dressing down. A setting hen never grows fat. �990 Paul Green's Wordbook setting in The occasion of a baby's delivery. setting of eggs Eggs that are chosen especially for hatching. The number suitable for a hen should be an odd number if success is wanted — 9,11 or 13, depending on the size of the hen. "Go up to your Uncle Tom's house and see if we can borrow a setting of eggs." setting stick A stick used for setting tobacco or potato plants. setting up A wake or a night's vigil for a sick or a dead person. settle To pay or to pay back or to exact revenge. "Some of these days I'll settle you for what you've done." settlings The dregs. setup An arrangement. to set up As the hardening of mortar or concrete adhering to stone or bricks. set up to To court. set up with To attend to a sick person especially through the night. "I am sure sleepy today. I had to set up with Aunt Josie all last night." Seven is a lucky number. seven sleepers Legendary heavy sleepers, persons hard to wake, sleepyheads. seven stars The Pleiades. seventh heaven A state of bliss, also the highest heaven where God and the most exalted angels dwell. seventh son An especially gifted person, gifted for healing. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 991 Seven Up A card game, also a popular soft drink. seven-year itch A very tough and hard to cure condition of the skin. See' 'pokeberry weed.'' If one keeps anything for seven years, he will find a use for it. sewed up See "in the bag." sex kitten An over-amorous girl. shackly Broken down, loose-jointed, rickety. "And there old Purdie Banks came riding along in his shackly wagon hauling wood for the professors." shack up To sleep with, cohabiting of an unmarried man and woman. "Have you heard about Walter and Julie — they're shacking up together now." shadbush Same as the serviceberry, and how beautiful this tree is in the early spring when it adorns the woods with its foamy lacy blossoms. shad days The days of early March when the shad begin to run. At least they used to run up the Cape Fear River before the locks were built across it. I can remember vividly how we would all be on the lookout for the Negroes coming up the road from the Cape Fear River direction with their newly-caught shad. My mother used to always look forward to shad time, for we would get these shad weighing several pounds each for fifteen cents apiece. I remember how she complained when the price went up to twenty-five cents. I always hated them because of the millions of bones in them. I still do. shade A resting place. "Naw, he ain't much of a worker, he's always looking for the shade." A bit, a small amount. "Yessir, Mr. Matthews is a shade better today." Don't be afraid of your own shadow. He could walk fifty miles and not stand a single time in his own shadow. He has to stand up twice to make a shadow. So thin she can't make a shadow. �992 Paul Green's Wordbook He parts with the substance for the shadow. Don't lose your meat for a shadow. shady Vulgar, tricky, unreliable. shag Pipe tobacco. shagbark hickory A very fruitful hickory that grows especially in the upper reaches of the Valley. Sometimes they reach enormous size. I have two on my farm that must be sixty or seventy feet tall and two feet or more in diameter near the base. shake a leg To move in a hurry, to dance, to run. shake a stick at A phrase of comparison. "I've got more work to do than I can shake a stick at." shake down A bodily search, also a bribe. fair shake An equal chance, equitable and just treatment. shake hands on An act of confirmation and agreement. shake hands with St. Peter To die, to go to heaven. shakes The palsy, the shivers. "Aunt Edna's got the shakes so bad now she can't even dip snuff anymore." Speedily, almost instantly. "I'll be there in three shakes of a lamb's tail." I'll do it in two shakes of a dog's tail. I'll do it in three shakes of a sheep's tail. no great shakes Of little worth, unimportant. shake up To upset. "When we told him that his sweetheart had been ketched in the �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 993 woods with that new Holy Roller preacher, he said, 'That really shakes me up.' " To make a sudden change in a thing, or people or business. shaking like a leaf shallow High-pitched. "He had a right shallow voice just like a girl and people thought he was prissy till he knocked that bully down one day with a pair of brass knucks." a shame and a disgrace A notorious action, vulgar behavior. a shame and a scandal Same as a shame and a disgrace. shame child An illegitimate child. shamming Pretending, feigning, playing the hypocrite. Old Kelly Sullivan was another one of these stubborn and headstrong Valley Scotchmen. He was a widower and had a darling daughter named Thereba Jane, called' 'Therby." He was jealous of her as a lover might be, and watchful of her every moment. Across the creek lived a young man by the name of Alton Hood who was in love with her, and no wonder, for she was a pretty, bouncing thing. Alton, in his way, was just as stubborn as old Kelly and was determined to marry Therby. But the father, finding he was up against it with Alton and that Therby was looking on the young man with favor, decided to take to his bed as a sick man. And there he stayed week after week and month after month, claiming he had some sort of paralysis and was bedridden and helpless. Therby was a kindhearted girl and could never get up courage to leave her father because she thought he was really ill and needed her, and so she cooked for him, bathed him and tended to his chamber pot. Young Alton began to have suspicions and he argued with Therby that he believed her daddy was shamming and was not paralyzed and that she ought not to be tied to him the way she was. One day when he and she were out in the yard, and he was arguing with her, a peddler came by. In the course of his rigmarole about his goods and his display of clothing before Therby and Alton, the peddler draped himself in a woman's dress to show it off to the girl. Therby didn't have any money to buy anything, of course, because her old dad didn't provide any, and she regretfully had to let the peddler put the dress away, but Alton did buy her a pair of pretty side-combs. �994 Paul Green's Wordbook Young Alton was a smart fellow, and seeing the peddler dressed with the woman's dress draped on him had given him an idea. After the peddler left he had a long argument with Therby and finally persuaded her to his plan. The next day when she was waiting on her daddy, bringing him his mush and trying to comfort him and washing his face and fanning him, she told him about the news of a new woman healer in the neighborhood. "I believe, Pa, that if you let that woman healer come and treat you, you'd get better.'' The old man would hear nothing of it. Still she insisted and finally he grudgingly gave in, knowing in his heart that he wasn't going to be healed by anybody — certainly not as long as this Alton was after his heart's jewel. The next day in came the woman healer. It actually was the peddler dressed up like a woman. Alton had hired him for his purpose. The healer went through all sorts of fumadiddles, examining Kelly and making a spiel about this and that and the other. Therby went out of the room and left them alone, and then the healer began to make love to Kelly and tried to get into bed with him. Kelly was terrified and bounded out with the healer in amorous pursuit, chasing him into the hall and he calling for Therby, Therby, as loud as he could as he ran. Into the yard he fled and there stood Alton and Therby hand in hand and they were laughing at him. Kelly was ashamed down to the ground, and then his shame turned to anger, and he went looking for the healer with his gun. But the peddler had disappeared. After this Therby had a mind of her own and soon she and Alton were married, and the father gave the bride away. shanghai To fool, to cheat, to lure into a trap. shank The early part of the evening, just before twilight comes. "The shank of the evening is pinking in and it's about time to quit, fellows." A leg. "Look how that girl shows her shanks — plumb disgraceful!" shankers Chancres. shanks' mare Feet. "To ride shanks' mare is to go a-foot." shanks' pony One's feet. "I come on shanks' pony, that's how I got here." shape notes The old time notation in the songbooks where the shape of each note denoted its name. These were much easier to sing than the round notes of the present day. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 995 Share and share alike. shark A greedy moneylender. sharp Clever, smart in a trade. Stylish, well-dressed. sharp as a briar sharp as a knife as a pin as a tack sharp as a two-edged sword sharper A swindler, an untrustworthy trader. The sharper the blast the sooner 'tis past. shave A narrow miss, a close call. shaves Shafts. s/zoveta// A new second lieutenant, used in WWI especially. sheaves Repentant sinners or new converts, ready to be taken into the church, those who are newly-changed from nature to grace. The deacons in the Holiness Church of God in Jesus Name in Harnett County had a get-together some two years ago to plan for their big annual revival. After they had sung the old song with its loping refrain— "Bringing in the sheaves, bringing in the sheaves, We shall come rejoicing, bringing in the sheaves—" they got down to business. The head deacon, Simon Bender, said the time had come when they really must go after the sheaves to fill out their church membership. The question before the house was how to do it. One suggested that the deacons themselves should go from house to house where the �996 Paul Green's Wordbook unregenerated sinners lived and hold special prayers to bring them into repentance and into the fold. They discussed this pro and con for a while and finally Deacon Bender proposed that they offer some sort of prize for family conversions and memberships in the church. "We got to work in a family way," he said. At this some of the other deacons snickered, for in the common folk parlance in the Valley "in the family way" meant a woman's being pregnant. Out of the discussion the decision was finally made to offer a prize of a new deep-freeze refrigerator to the family which would provide the most repentant sinners and conversions, to be taken into the church — all, of course, from that same family. The news was published abroad, and the new evangelist arrived to begin the revival or protracted meeting. It happened that a couple of miles away on the banks of Little River lived a notorious white woman by the name of Ludie Crane who was already the mother of seven illegitimate children and was expecting another. She was doing well in the business of producing children, for each new one meant an increase in the welfare check that came to her from the Aid for Dependent Mothers agency. She and Uncle Sam were thus in good cahoots, he helping indirectly both to father and support her and her brood. To add to her notoriety of recent months, a "roomer" had started staying in her house, a dark visaged young man who she said was an Indian and who all the scandalized neighbors believed was a Negro. No one knew where he came from but he showed up at Ludie's house and was living there with her, maybe as her common-law husband. The revival in this Holiness Church of God in Jesus Name got going with the usual clamor and singing and talking in tongues, holy dancing and cuttings up. But even so, the repentant sinners were few and far between. Then one day Ludie and her Indian and her passel of young'uns all showed up at the church and took their seats near the rear. The family were pretty decrepit looking, even though Ludie had tried to dress everyone up a bit. The congregation was upset, but Ludie's family behaved circumspectly enough. The next day they showed up again and this time they came early enough to get a seat near the middle of the church. Again the congregation buzzed and whispered and gritted its teeth. The third day Ludie and her family were on the front row, and when the Reverend Seelie Bryant in his hasseling and phlegmy great voice called on sinners to come to the mercy seat of God and find salvation, Ludie and her family, including the Indian "lover," all trooped forward and knelt at the mourners' bench and there cried out loudly in dolorous and sobbing calls, the whole nine of them, even to the youngest little boy, Roosevelt, for the Lord to have mercy on their sinful souls. The upshot of it was that all of them stood up and confessed and said that they were saved from nature to grace and wanted to be baptized and �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 997 become members of the church. This pretty much broke up that day's meeting. Reverend Seelie pronounced the benediction and the service ended. After Ludie and her crew had gone away, the congregation gathered in knots here and there about the church grounds and let loose a medley of judgments and queries as to what to do. The deacons met inside the church in a called session. "What a come-off, what a come-off!" said Deacon Lester Currin. "The whole thing is a swindle," said another. "It must be so," said Deacon Bender. "She's just after that deep-freeze. They're no more converted — that gang of low-down trash — no more converted than my prize hog." "But what can we do, what can we do? " another one asked anxiously. They turned to Reverend Seelie Bryant, who was meeting with them, for his advice.' 'They's only one more day of the revival,'' said the preacher, "and they'll be back I'm sure and will stand up to receive the right hand of fellowship." "I ain't gonna shake hands with nary one of them,'' said Deacon Currin, "no how!" But at the advice of the preacher they all decided they would go through with giving them the hand and then defer the baptizing indefinitely. This would take care of things for a while. "If we ever let them folks inside our church as members,'' said Deacon Bender, "it will destroy this house of God. People won't come here anymore. They'll only be them nine as a congregation and no one to preach to them.'' So it was decided, and next day the congregation passed along in front of the line of Ludie's family and gave them the limp hand of fellowship along with a few other scattering sinners lined up with them, the latter of course getting a good warm handshake. I heard about the dilemma, and one day some months later I happened to meet Deacon Bender at a store in Lillington and discreetly brought up the subject and asked what had happened to Ludie and the family — had she ever been awarded the deep-freeze, and so on? "Ain't nothing happened to "em," said the deacon sharply, "except that Ludie has another woods colt, and of course an increase in her pay from Uncle Sam. Lord a-mercy, what's this country come to! And as for the deepfreeze, Mr. Green, she'll never get it, because we ain't never gonna baptize her and the young'uns. We've just put off the baptizing, and now it's into December and the water's too cold, so we'll wait till next summer." Then he went on somewhat brightly, "We've got one hope, though." "What's that, Mr. Bender?" I asked. ' 'Well, we've been to the man that owns the house they live in, Patrick Hockaday, and he has promised to turn the family out." "And then what will those children do, say, with winter coming on?" "We're hoping they'll move away, that's what," he said, "move slam �998 Paul Green's Wordbook out of this neighborhood." "But where will they go, you think?" "I don't care where they go but they're going, and she has enough money from Uncle Sam to pay their way som'ers anyhow." And that was what happened. Ludie didn't get her deep-freeze, she and her family moved away to another county, and no one has taken the trouble to find out where she went. Maybe I will someday. And I imagine by this time she is pregnant again by the Indian and is looking forward to an increase in her monthly check. sheba A finery-dressed or attractive woman. shebang A project, a happening, also a crowd, a collection. "The whole shebang ought to be indicted for raising that ruckus like that and if I were sheriff, I'd put them behind bars." she-cow A cow as contrasted to the prudish "he-cow," the latter being used in the place of bull. shed of To be free from, separate from. "Oh, I got shed of that dog long ago." sheeny A Jew. One bad sheep spoils the flock. It is a foolish sheep that confesses to the wolf. sheep-burr Cocklebur. sheep-eyes Languorous courting looks. sheephead A stupid person. sheep laurel This laurel grows in moist localities and in dry sandy acid soils and even bogs in North Carolina. The leaves and twigs and flowers of the shrub are narcotic and poisonous and have been used in the treatment of syphilis, scaldhead and other skin infections. According to the word handed down, the Cree Indians used sheep laurel as a tonic and for bowel complaints. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 999 sheep shearing rain Rain in May which usually comes about the time of the blackberry winter when it is time for shearing the sheep. sheep sorrel The oxalis. Old Miss Zua Smith used to use this as an ingredient in her cancer salve. See "cancer cure." three sheets in the wind Drunk. sheik A glamorous lover. shekels Money.' 'Shell out some of them shekels, brother, if you want to do business with me." on the shelf To be taken out of circulation, laid aside, old and outworn. "Yep, I'm laid on the shelf now and all I do is watch others work and draw my social security." shellacking A whitewashing, a complete defeat, a contest in which the opposition fails to score.' 'Duke sure give Carolina a shellacking Saturday—did you see it?'' shell out Pay up, to contribute money. shelve To delay, put off, lay aside. shelving Lumber suitable for making shelves, book shelves, for instance. she-male A woman who "wears the britches," the female boss. shenanigans Hysterical behavior, fits of temper, funny, tricky doings. "You'd better watch that fellow and his shenanigans." shepherd A preacher, the head of the congregation. The good shepherd gives his life for his sheep, as welcome as the sheriff �1000 Paul Green's Wordbook Every man should be sheriff of his own heart. Sherman's bummers The raggle-taggle foragers of Sherman's army during its march through the South in the Civil War, devourers of the leavings of the country and the objects of many a citizen's curse and shaken fist of malediction. My father used to tell how he as a boy of fifteen first met up with Sherman's bummers. He was out ploughing in the field with a little pony. He said that Grandpa's other few horses had been taken and hidden in the juniper swamp half a mile away. While he was ploughing along, he heard the jingling of swords and the tramping of horses' feet, and he looked out and there came a swarm of Yankees along the road. Some of them jumped right over the rail fence, hurried out where he was, grabbed the plough lines away from him, unhitched the pony and led him off. They stood Papa up against a tree and said they were going to shoot him if he didn't tell where the other horses were. We children used to listen to this rarely-told story with shivers of delight. My father was a modest man and talked very little about himself. But he said that even at the threat of death he didn't tell where the few horses were hid, and the bummers finally went away. Aunt Nancy Demming who was working at Grandpa's house at that time said that she saw one of the bummers later sitting behind the barn "doing his business," and he had a tail and his feet were forked like the devil's. She also used to tell how they caught Grandpa Green, took him out and hung him up by his thumbs in the orchard and tried to get him to tell where the silverware and the horses were hid. I think old Miss Nancy made this up, for my father didn't remember anything about such an incident. But to this day Sherman's bummers are remembered in the Valley — from Wilmington to Chapel Hill — with curses and an abusing of tongues. Jesse Hargrave of Chapel Hill married Christopher Barbee's daughter — the same Christopher who gave much of the land for building the University — and settled with his bride on what came to be known as Hargrave's Mountain a mile or so east of the town. Actually it was a little low hill and overlooked Bowling Creek to the north. When I was a student in Chapel Hill in 1916, some remains of the old Hargrave house still stood, and just to the east was the Hargrave burying ground where Jesse Hargrave and his wife and relatives were buried and also some of the old Hargrave slaves, so I was told. There used to be an iron fence around the grave which was pointed out to me as the resting place of one of the Kenan family, too. Anyway, William Rand Kenan's mother was the daughter of the Hargraves and the granddaughter of old Christopher Barbee. Mr. William Rand Kenan told me that he used to visit the Hargrave place when he was a little boy. The last time I saw Mr. Kenan alive in Florida, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1001 he also said to me, "Did you know that I was the man who put the first electric light in the University? Yes sir, I was. I wired up some of the buildings and that was the first electric light they had." Then he went on to ask me if I had read the story of his life. I told him I had, and he said that that was good. Mr. A.W. Long wrote a book called Son of Carolina, and he tells in it of his visits as a boy to the Hargrave place and how Sherman's bummers came into the yard once — coming up the road from the spring below the hill which is now owned by Dr. Maurice E. Newton and which I used to own. The Hargraves, according to Long, had a cook named Betsy, and when she heard that the bummers were coming, she put on all of her dresses, seven of them, putting the best one nearest her skin and then in sequence of lesser quality on out. When the bummers arrived, she fled upstairs and hid in a feather bed. The sergeant of the group scoured around trying to find some stray shellcorn, but all he found was some sweepings in the barn and an old rooster. He wrung the rooster's neck because he had caught him, he said, "crowing with a Confederate accent." Then he searched the house, and presently he leaned out the window and called, "Come up here boys, I've found the dying Confederacy!'' He had discovered Betsy hiding in the feather bed. Fred Hargrave, Jesse's son, who was supposed to be the handsomest man in Orange County and had a beautiful tenor voice with which he amused the faculty wives and ladies in town at parties — he, Fred, when the bummers came, rushed out into the woods and tied his precious gold watch to a little twig among some leaves to keep it hid. After the bummers left, he went out to find the watch and he never could find it. He had lost the remembrance of the place he had hid it. I bought this Hargrave land in 1933 and built a house on the site of the old Hargrave home. Later with the help of Collier Cobb, Clyde Hornaday and the landscape people at Raleigh, I laid out roads and streets, and the town spread in that direction. Later, too, I sold the Greenwood house to young Watts Hill, and now Elizabeth and I sojourn in Chatham County among the hopping rabbits. Yet every time I pass along Greenwood Road and see the house on the hill, I am likely to think of Sherman's bummers and the old days gone by when men with their senseless wars, even as now, were marauding the earth. See "ghost" and "McGregor." She sells seashells by the seashore. Who sells seashells by the seashore? She sells seashells by the seashore. (A tongue twister.) �1002 Paul Green's Wordbook shet Shut. sheth Sheath, a shuck, a scabbard. shet of Shed of. skew-bread An accumulation of white matter under the skin of an unwashed penis head. shift A woman's undergarment. shifty Unreliable, of guilty appearance. "I don't like that fellow — he's got shifty eyes." shilling A dime. When I was a boy in Harnett County, nearly all the old people spoke of dimes as shillings. In fact my grandfather's account book listed the dimes always as shillings, and my father used to say "a shilling" or "ten cents" instead of a "dime." shilly-shally To vacillate, hesitate, waver, act foolishly and uncertainly. shim A small metal wedge or washer. "Put a shim in there and I think the wheels'll be canted right." shimmy To shake, to vibrate excessively, to weave about. "When that colored sister got to shimmying up and down, seemed her big old bubs would bounce out of her dress." A hip-wiggling type of dance. Also a chemise. Shin (Shinny) An old-time game that was played in the Valley with a little wooden block or pellet and a crooked-ended stick, akind of crude golf game. AuntFanny McDade who used to live on Cameron Avenue in Chapel Hill told me about how the Negro pupils, when she was a child, used to play Shinny there at the Negro school. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1003 shinbone The bone in the front part of the leg below the knee. shindig A party, a dance, a joyous loud celebration. shindy Same as shindig. shine Fancy, liking. "He took a shine to her the very first time he ever saw her, and now they're getting married." to cut a shine To cut up boisterously. shiner A black eye. "When he called me a son-of-a-bitch, that's when I hung that shiner on him." shiners Silver dollars or gold pieces, money. shines like a new penny shingle To cut hair very close. "She went and got herself a shingle, and now she looks like a picked chicken." hang out one's shingle To go into business on one's own, to put up one's sign as to a trade. shingles A disease of irritated skin. One cure that I used to hear about was to take the blood drawn from a black cat's tail and spread it over the afflicted parts and the shingles would disappear. shinplaster Greenback money. shiny as a new dollar A great ship needs deep water. ship comes in Good fortune, wealth. "I will pay you when my ship comes in." ship stuff Bran for hogs. My father used to always say that when he got his ship stuff, his hogs would really fatten up. �1004 Paul Green's Wordbook "The Ship That Never Returned" Another tear-pulling, throat-choking song which was popular in our family. My mother taught it to us at an early date. "On a summer day, as the waves were rippling by the soft and gentle breeze, Did a ship set sail with her cargo laden for a port beyond the seas." Chorus "Did she never return? No, she never returned, and her fate was yet unlearned Tho' for years and years there were fond ones waiting for the ship that never returned. "Said a feeble lad to his anxious mother, 'I must cross the wide wide sea, For they say, perchance, in a foreign climate There is health and strength for me!' 'Twas a gleam of hope in a maze of danger And her heart for her youngest yearned; Though she sent him forth with a smile and blessing On the ship that never returned! " 'Only one more trip,' said a gallant captain, As he kissed his weeping wife. 'Only one more bag of the golden treasure, And 'twill last us all through life! Then we'll spend our days in a cozy cottage And enjoy the rest I've earned!' But, alas, poor man, who sailed commander On the ship that never returned!" shirt-button bush Spirea. shirt tail boy A small boy prior to adolescence. shirttail shower A light rain. don't give a shit Don't care, makes no difference. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1005 shit-ass A lowdown person. up shit creek without a paddle In a precarious situation. shit-hole The anus. shit-house The privy. Shit, no! An emphatic denial, a folksy expletive. shit out of luck Completely unlucky. shit, piss and conception A bilge of frothy talk, a coarse and untrustworthy person. "Yonder comes old shit, piss and conception, let's leave." shits Diarrhea. shivaree A rough and rowdy party, often at the expense of two newlyweds. shive A knife. shivering owl Screech owl. shivers The shakes, chills. shoe To shoe, as "shoe a horse," or as the North Carolina ballad says, "Oh, who will shoe my pretty little feet? Who will glove my hand?" The shoe pinches. If the shoe fits, wear it. He knows where the shoe pinches. He cares more for the shoe than the foot. shoe comes untied Shows that someone is thinking of you. �1006 Paul Green's Wordbook "Shoe Darling" A popular fiddling piece. shoe-fitted To become settled as in a new house. to shoe goslings To waste time, piddle about. Shoemakers should stick to their lasts. shoe on the other foot A reversed condition, a turnabout situation. I would hate to be in his shoes. I set my shoes in the shape of a T That tonight in my dreams my true love I'll see, The shape of his body, the color of his hair, The everyday clothes that he does wear. (A divination rhyme.) shoestring A weak thing, slight margin. "He's opening that play on a shoestring and I believe it'll fail." shoestring leather My father used to keep a roll of leather or of sheepskin from which now and then he would cut shoestrings for the children's shoes. I would stand and admire him as with his sharp knife he would peel off a long slender string. Some of us children usually would hold the ends of the leather while he cut and then how proud we were when we got our new shoestrings in our shoes and walked away to school in the morning. sho' nuff Sure enough. shoo A command for driving away chickens or any fowl, but not applied to animals. shoofly A fast passenger train on the Seaboard Airline Railroad.' 'Listen here, boy, and I'll show you how to sound that shoofly on my harp." shook Shock, as a shook of wheat. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1007 all shook up Disturbed, deeply troubled in mind. "When I heard about Elsie Denning dying all of a sudden, I was all shook up." shoot To say forth, to speak out.' 'Go ahead and shoot — what's on your mind?" A young plant, a sapling or a young child. "Henry's Polly is getting to be a right good-sized shoot of a girl." Shoot! A mild interjection. Shoot the works. like shooting fish in a barrel shooting iron Pistol. Shooting Match A contest of skill in marksmanship. Most always in these days the matches are termed "turkey shooting" because that is the prize. Away back they had shootings for a cow or a bull or a hog. Also shooting match means a crowd of people, a gathering.' 'And then blest if he didn't stand up there and tear loose in his speech and insult the whole shooting match." Speaking of shooting matches, I remember when Percy McKaye was visiting us in Chapel Hill many years ago, he told me of a shooting match he saw once in the Appalachian Mountains. He was up among the mountaineers gathering folklore and he came to a cabin and a very old man was sitting on the front porch with a rifle and was banging away at some mark up in a high pine tree. McKaye said the time of day with him and got to talking, as was his way, hoping to collect some folklore. The old man informed him he was practicing up for a shooting match and then he gave McKaye a sample of his skill. He shot a small pine cone out of the top of a high pine. Then reloading his rifle he fired at a small knot in the lot fence and knocked it out. McKaye was deeply impressed, and then the old man said that he wasn't much good at all, but he ought to see his daddy shoot. "Your daddy?" said McKaye astounded. "You don't mean your daddy's living." "Yeh, he's living," said the old man. "I'm eighty-nine, and he's still living. He's there in the house, and he can still shoot to beat the band. Let me show you. Wait a minute," he said. He went inside and helped an incredibly old man out on the porch and set him down in the chair. Then �1008 Paul Green's Wordbook he put the rifle in the old man's hands and pointed to a knot in the fence farther on than the one he'd shot, and according to McKaye he himself couldn't see the knot. The old man got the rifle raised and fired off. Then the son took McKaye out to the fence and showed him where the small knot had been knocked out. "Ain't he somethin'," said the son pridefully. "He is that," said McKaye. "How old did you say he is?" "He's going on 110," said the son. Then the group of us who were listening to McKaye's tale guffawed a bit and then added to it by saying,' 'No doubt the older man had a daddy somewhere about 149 — or more." "Yes, that's right," said McKaye. "I asked the fellow about other members of the family, and the son laughed and said, 'Our folks don't ever die. We hang them up behind the door and just keep them dried up. I could show you some if you stay around a few days, stranger.' " McKaye said he doubted he could stay long enough to see this sight. shoot off To have a sexual orgasm (male). shoot off at the mouth To talk profusely and foolishly. shoot one's wad To use one's best argument, to make a final effort, to gamble all of one's money. shoot the breeze To gabble, to indulge in idle talk. shoot the works Risk, gamble all, an all-out effort. shoot up Drug taking. Keep the shop and the shop will keep thee. shore Sure. Short and sweet like an old woman's dance. short as pie crust A short horse is soon curried. shortcake Cornbread cake made short by extra grease and seasoning. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1009 to shortchange Fail to fulfill, cheat. To penalize, to oppress, to mistreat. "The poor boy was shortchanged by his parents and that's why he joined the Ku Klux Klan." shortchange artist A swindler. short end of the stick An unfair deal, to come out with a bad bargain.' 'The folks around Jordan Dam have been given the short end of the stick by Uncle Sam." shortening (short'nin') bread A special and delicious cornbread. We used to sing a Negro song about it— "Two little niggers A-lying in the bed, Heels cracked open Like shortening bread. "Don't that looka like shortening, shortening. Don't that looka like shortening bread. "Put on the kettle And put on the led (lid). Mammy's gonna cook Some shortening bread. "Don't that looka like shortening, shortening. Don't that looka like shortening bread." short hair Weakness in an unfortunate situation. "Iran has got Uncle Sam where the hair is short." shorthanded To lack help, to be without assistants. "I was sort of shorthanded in housin' my crop, and so I lost some of my late cotton in the black gusts." short horn Penis. "Roll out, all you buck privates, 'cause we're going to have short horn inspection." short rows Near the end of a job. "We're getting in the short rows now, thank goodness!" �1010 Paul Green's Wordbook short talk An impolite reply, a brusque or sassy answer. shot To be worn out, exhausted, ruined, bushed.' 'The motor in my car is shot." Shut. A dram, a quick drink. "Give me a shot of that red-eye." The bad shot is a ready liar. shotgun wedding A marriage usually forced on the groom by the bride's relatives. Up until recently shotguns were not allowed in Hollywood movies. They were censorable in too many states. I remember in writing a movie for TwentiethCentury-Fox, with John Ford as director, at first I had a shotgun wedding in it. The Breen Censorship Office after reading my script wrote back that we could not show a shotgun wedding and suggested the use of baseball bats on the part of the irate brothers of the bride. As foolish as this seems, baseball bats were used in the movie. shot in the arm An encouraging happening. shotten Dislocated, as hip-shotten. shoulder of land A ridge of land, lengthy little hillock. shouldn 't be surprised A statement of agreement or confirmation. "I hear a big snow is coming.'' "I shouldn't be surprised." shout A religious cry.' 'And at that moment when Brother Roland was really going to town in the pulpit, old Miss Howington let out a wild shout and broke into a holy dance." shove To work hard. "You boys must shove today so we can finish this fodder pulling." shoved to death Very busy. shove it up your ass A term of insult or low derision. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1011 He must have been fed with a shovel. put to bed with a shovel Buried. shove off To leave in a hurry, to move away quickly, to start.' 'All right, fellows, let's shove off. We've got a long way to go." show Pregnant. "Miss Polly Branch is beginning to show, poor thing." An entertaining, outlandish person, a bizarre character. get the show on the road To get things under way, to get a job started. shower Many, a lot. "Mr. Ed Deal lives over there and I hear he's got a shower of children — nineteen, I think it is, and they say that when he goes to town and buys a five-pound bag of sugar, he comes back, with all the children lined up around the table with their coffee waiting. He opens up a corner of the sack, goes around, dumps some sugar in each cup, and when he finishes, he throws the empty bag out through the door." shower down To use extra strength or speed. "He showered down on his bike and left everybody behind." show the white feather Act cowardly. show up To arrive. "If you wait long enough, Percy will show up." shrimp A small, picayunish or detestable fellow. shrink To lose by miscarriage as in the case of animals. "My sow has shrunk her pigs." There are no pockets in a shroud. shrub To cut sprouts or to dig up grubs and roots in making land ready for plowing. "Paul, you and Hugh take your grubbing hoes and get to shrubbing down there in that newground." �1012 Paul Green's Wordbook shrunk-gutted Emaciated. shuck The past tense of shake. "I shuck the bushes and out that hog come ahelling." in the shuck Corn pulled but unshucked, not yet born. "He's got five children and one in the shuck." shucking peg A little sharp-ended peg some five or six inches long with a looped string to go around a third or fourth finger to secure it. Held between the third and fourth finger, it was used to open the end of the cornshuck. In my neighborhood these pegs were usually made from a dogwood sprout and the end hardened in the fire. See "cornshucking." shuck mop A homemade mop for floor-scouring. I can still hear my mother say, "Mary, we've got to scour that kitchen floor Saturday. It's a shame and disgrace for Sunday" — which it wasn't. "Paul (or Hugh), get me some new cornshucks." These mops were made from a sawed-section of a heavy pine planking — say, two inches thick, eight inches wide and twelve inches long. A slanting hole about an inch and a half in diameter was bored in the middle for the insertion of the handle stick. Some eight or ten other holes of the same size were bored through the piece of plank and a wad of shucks, after being wellwetted, was firmly twisted into them from the bottom side. Then with a tub of water handy into which the mop could be dipped now and then for cleansing, the scouring began. Back and forth, back and forth my mother would push and pull the mop, the while she bore down heavily on it for better cleaning, singing away the while,' 'Blessed Be the Name.'' Often she would put one of us larger children to scouring. Dull, dull, dull, when it came my turn. Back and forth and forth and back, the while I carried on a soliloquy inside my head. "What's the matter with my mother? The dang floor looks clean to me. It's them preachers, that's what. They'll be here Sunday and she wants to show off what a good housekeeper she is." And then I'd relent and start condemning myself as a sorry, unappreciative son. I might mention that sometimes Mother would scatter a sprinkling of sand on the floor to aid the mop in "cutting away the dirt." shucks A mild interjection. "Shucks, that's nothing." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1013 Thick shucks on a corn ear denote a hard winter to come. to feed shucks to the geese To act foolishly. shug A familiar term for sugar, a term of endearment. shush To hush, to put down a speaker or a noise. shut-eye Sleep. shut of Rid of, same as shed of. shy Short or lacking. "I counted the church funds, and he was shy $4.65." A shy cat makes a brave mouse. sich Such. sick as a buzzard I was sick and ye visited me. sick as a dog Sick at the stomach. sick stomach A common old trouble in the Valley, usually with vomiting. How often I've heard my mother speak of having the sick stomach and in pregnancy the heartburn. She carried a piece of milk of magnesia in her apron pocket and now and then took a bite of it. to take sick To become nauseated or ill. the sickness The monthlies. side Pride, airs, highfalutin manners. "Since she married that Justice of the Peace she puts on a lot of side." To plough dirt toward a plant. "I've got to side my cotton soon's it's dry enough." �1014 Paul Green's Wordbook He laughs on the wrong side of his face. sideboards The boards put on the side of a cart, a wagon or trailer to enlarge the load carrying ability. side-comb The combs that girls used to wear in their hair and some still do. sidekick A pal, a comrade. side meat Bacon, fatback, middling. There are two sides to every question. sidesaddle A lady's saddle. Up until a few years ago no lady who was a lady would ride "straddle," as it was called. sidesaddle plant See "pitcher plant." side table The inferior place. "The Negro race has eaten at the side table long enough.'' sidewinder A species of rattlesnake, a blow from sideways, also a dangerous sneaky guy. side with To agree with, to take the part of. siding The rough outside boards of a house, and the rough bark strips sawed from a timber log. Also a piece of spur track branching from a railroad. sidling Steep, sloping. "The land's too sidling to be worth much for farming." siff (syphilis) "The doctor says I've got that old siff, but I ain't paying no mind to it." A sigh goes farther than a shout. sight Much, a lot, a great deal. "He's got a sight more sense than to do a thing like that." Out of sight is out of mind. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1015 sight for sore eyes A welcome appearance of someone or something. sight rather To prefer strongly. "I'd a sight rather see you dead than to enter that infidel university at Chapel Hill." Their sights are set too high. sights and dominicker owls Everything. "I've seen sights and dominicker owls and they ain't nothing left." sight unseen On trust without examining or testing. "He bought that mule sight unseen and now he realizes how bad he got burnt." signify around To hint, to suggest. sign on the dotted line Confirm or make legal. pay sign to Pay attention to. Signs don't produce money. All signs fail in dry weather. Silence gives consent. Silence is golden. There's no substitute for brains but silence does very well. A man of silence is a man of sense. as silent as a ghost as silent as falling dew as silent as night as silent as the dead (or death) as silent as the grave as silent as your shadow Watch out for a silent man. A silent man is a wise man. �1016 Paul Green's Wordbook "Silent Night" (Stille Nacht) Another perfect Christmas carol. The melody is by the German composer, Franz Gruber (1818), and the original words by Joseph Mohr (1818). The English translation is by John Freeman Young (ca. 1863), and it too is perfect. In our Christmas serenades and at the Christmas doings in the old Pleasant Union Church we usually led off with "Silent Night," soon to be followed with the pulsing "Joy to the World." The Valley rang with these carols at Christmastime. "Silent night,holy night, All is calm, all is bright Round yon virgin mother and Child, Holy Infant, so tender and mild, Sleep in heavenly peace, Sleep in heavenly peace." silk grass Same as bear grass or Spanish bayonet. See "yucca." silk tree The mimosa tree. as silly as a goose silver bullet Silver in any shape, form or fashion is supposed to be good protection against all kinds of aches and pains, such as toothache, and especially powerful against supernatural evils — voodoo spells, evil-eye or whatnot. And a silver bullet is especially effective in combatting a mystic enemy or marauder whatsoever. Not long ago Malcolm Fowler, the Valley chronicler, and I were driving through the country on one of our historical forays and visitings to old churchyards when he told me about one Baldy Ryalls and his use of a silver bullet. We were just passing along beyond Buie's Creek and Malcolm gestured off to the left. "There's a story connected with that place out there all right," he said, "that little shack of a house out there." "I don't see any shack," I said as I looked out across the rain-streaked field. "Well, there was a shack there. Guess it's all gone now, but the thicket there by that hedgerow shows where it stood. Sarah McLean, an old Negro woman, told me about a happening there. Baldy Ryalls, a Negro, used to live there. One evening Baldy went down below the hill to feed his hogs, and while they were eating the corn and the mash out of the trough, up came a snow-white deer from the woods close by and began to eat the mash and �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1017 stuff away from the hogs. Baldy ran back to the house and got his old gun and came down and banged away at the deer. He was a dead shot, Baldy was, but he didn't hit that deer. She went on back into the woods like nothing had bothered her at all. ' 'The next evening when he came down and fed his hogs, the same thing happened. The white deer came up out of the woods, hopped over into the pen and began to eat the mash and slops away from the hogs as brash as you please. Baldy had brought his gun this time loaded with buckshot. So he banged away pime-blank at the deer. But he couldn't hit her. She went on back into the woods like nothing had happened. "Well, Baldy was not to be outdone. He had heard handed down the belief and stories about the mystic power of anything that had silver in it. So that night he got out a silver dollar and melted it down and made himself a silver bullet. The next evening he was all prepared. "He went down and fed his hogs and stood waiting behind a tree with his gun all loaded with the silver bullet. Sure enough, up came the deer snowwhite and beautiful as ever out of the woods. She hopped over in the pen and began to eat the way she had done before. Then it was Baldy let her have it full blast with his silver bullet. "But bless your life, he hardly noticed whether he hit the deer or not. For right after he fired off his gun at the deer and she had jooked crippled back into the wood and out of sight, he heard the most outdacious yowling and screeching going on up at the house behind him. The children came running out on the porch hollering for him to hurry and see what happened bad to Grandma. "So he ran up to the house and into the room, and there lay Grandma on the floor writhing and twisting and screeching with pain. She had been shot clean through the leg and blood was pouring all out over the floor. ' 'Yes sir, Grandma was a hag, that's what she was — a witch woman,'' said Malcolm with finality, "and getting shot like that served her right." "Then what happened to Grandma?" I asked. "They say Baldy tended to her. After that she was a changed woman, and finally got to be sanctified, so they said, and went about healing sick people by the laying on of hands. Maybe she did, maybe she didn't. I don't know." silver dime A coin especially good for health. I've known many a Negro in the Valley to take a dime, make a little hole in it, run a string through it and wear it around his neck as a sort of necklace. "Yessir, Mr. Paul, there's nothing better than a silver ten-cent piece to keep away all kinds of aches and pains.'' silver dollar charm Old Webb Jones who lives down the road beyond Buie's Creek brags that �1018 Paul Green's Wordbook he hasn't been broke in thirty years. "I always got me some money," he burbles. And he has, for he carries a silver dollar in his mouth. He sleeps with it and eats with it there. Anytime you want him to he'll run it out on his tongue and show it to you. " 'Sides not being broke," he says, "I got pertection too. Ain't no snake gonna bite me, no lightning strike me whilst I got my dollar in my mouth, for it's got God's name on it and says trust in him. And that's what I do, yassuh." See "protection against witches." silverfish A mite that thrives on paper or starched clothes. born with a silver spoon in one's mouth "Silver Threads Among the Gold" This is another one of America's immortal songs. The words are by one EbenE. Rexford, an editor of a Wisconsin farm newspaper who wrote verses on the side. The music is by Hart Pease Banks, a composer of some ability and note. One day in reading Rexford's farm journal, Danks came across a poem that struck his fancy. He wrote to Rexford and bought it for three dollars. "Silver Threads Among the Gold." He sat down to his little pedal organ and soon had the melody completed. Danks was happily married and this had much to do with the deep feeling he put into his song. Some of the harsh critics called it over-sentimental, even saccharine, but the world didn't agree. The song soon swept around the globe. Over the years millions sang it and continue to sing it. It was always one of our choicest male quartet pieces in the Valley, along with "Sweet Genevieve," "Carry Me Back to Old Virginny," and "Sweet Adeline." It is not comforting to report that for all the "soul" Danks put in it, speaking his love for his wife, within a year he and she separated never to live together again. From then on for thirty years he led a solitary life and, according to the record as reported by Jack Burton in his Tin Pan Alley book, lived friendless and broke in a dingy Philadelphia rooming house until he died in 1903. On the floor near his body was a sheet of paper with the words scrawled on it — "It is hard to die alone." "Darling, I am growing old. Silver threads among the gold Shine upon my brow today. Life is fading fast away. But, my darling, you will be Always young and fair to me. Yes, my darling, you will be Always young and fair to me. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1019 "When your hair is silver white And your cheeks no longer bright, With the roses of the May I will kiss your lips and say, 'O my darling, mine alone, alone, You have never older grown. Yes, my darling, mine alone, You have never older grown."' simlin (cymling) A squash, also a watch. "What time is it by your simlin?" simmer down To cool off, to calm down. "Hold on there, brother, you better simmer down a bit before you get someone riled up." 'simmon See "persimmon." simoleon A dollar, a coin. simon pure Very pure. Simon Says A game once popular in the Valley. Any number of players can participate. The one selected as the leader sits in front of the others with his hands on the table and his thumbs sticking up. He says, "Simon says 'Up,'" and all the other players follow the action of the leader. When he says, "Simon says 'Down,'" he and the other players turn their thumbs down, and then when the leader says, "Simon says 'Wigwag,'" all rock their hands back and forth on their thumbs. The game is played in different ways. When "Simon says 'Wigwag,'" we children would wigwag our thumbs with a comic effect and everybody would break out laughing. And if the leader should give a command without first saying''Simon says,'' then the players must not obey even though the leader performs the action he calls for. If a player makes a motion at the wrong time, he must pay a forfeit, most often going out of the game until only the single winner is left. simp A fool. simple simon A mentally retarded person. �1020 Paul Green's Wordbook Simple Simon met a pie man Going to the fair. Said Simple Simon to the pie man, Let me taste your ware.' (A nursery rhyme.) simples The mental feebles. A common saying is "He ought to be bored for the simples." Same as being bored for the hollow horn. Ann K. Simpson The famous murderess in the Valley. Her trial created a sensation and a book was published about it. It is very rare but in it one can read the amazingly learned speeches of the lawyers back in the early 19th century. Sin has many tools, but a lie is a handle that fits them all. Let him without sin cast the first stone. The wages of sin is death. sin buster An evangelical preacher. since Adam was a pup A long time. since the Lord made me A phrase used for emphasis — common in the Valley. "I've never been so tired since the Lord made me." since who laid the rail From a long time back, much the same as a coon's age. "Lord, I haven't seen you since who laid the rail!" sinful seed The offspring of good parents who seem to be by nature evil. "Poor Mr. Nathan and Mis' Lucy. Who would have thought such good folks like them could have produced such sinful seed." sing To confess. "Give him a little of the third degree and he'll sing." Birds of prey never sing. A bird that can sing and won't sing ought to be made to sing. If you sing in the summer, you may dance in the winter. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1021 Sing a song of sixpence, a pocket full of rye, Four and twenty blackbirds baked in a pie. When the pie was opened, the birds began to sing. Oh, wasn't that a purty dish to set before the king! The king was in his counting house, counting out his money, The queen was in her parlor, eating bread and honey. The maid was in the garden, hanging out her clothes, 'Long came a blackbird and nipped off her nose. (A nursery rhyme.) sing a different tune To recant, to talk differently. "Wait till his money runs out and he'll sing a different tune." Sing before breakfast, you will cry before supper. a singing A get-together of people especially for hymn singing. every single day Used for emphasis.' 'Every single day that passes brings me nearer to going home." singlings A first run of moonshine liquor. After a double run the singlings become salable liquor. sings like a bird sings like a lark He who sings drives away sorrow. Sink or swim. There is joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth. If sinners entice thee, consent thou not. The sins of the father shall be visited upon the children even unto the third generation. Though thy sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow. Sister Superior The keeper of a brothel. sistern (or sistren) Sisters. �1022 Paul Green's Wordbook Sit and take the load off your feet. Visit awhile. a-sit Seated. "There he was a-sit on the fence." sit in one's bones To sit naked. "It's just so hot I'm gonna sit in my bones." to sit on one's hands To be idle, lazy. to sit on one's tongue To be tactful, restrained in one's remarks. sitting duck An easy target, one in a helpless situation. sitting on the lid To be hindering or preventing something from coming to fulfillment. sitting pretty In fine shape. sit up and take notice Listen, become aware, pay attention to. sive Scythe. Six feet of earth makes all men equal. six of one and half dozen of the other at sixes and sevens same old sixes and sevens The usual thing, a tiresome repetition. A nimble sixpence is better than a slow shilling. sixth sense See "extrasensory perception." the size of it The truth of it, an accurate account. "That's about the size of it," said the lawyer as he summed up. to size up To appraise, to characterize. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1023 sizzle-sozzle A good and slow-soaking rain. "Oh, Lord," saidRev. Willie Duke, "send us some rain. We need it bad, but don't send a gully-washer, send us a good sizzle-sozzle." a good skate A fine fellow. to skate on thin ice To act with much risk. skedaddle To run in a hurry, to flee. sheer Scare. sheet To skip or bounce or skate. "See if you can make your rock skeet across the water in three bounces. I just did it." To flee. "Man, did I skeet from there." sheeter Mosquito. skeleton in the closet A hid-away or secret guilt. skelp A mark, a cut, a surveyor's term. "If you find the old skelp on the tree, you'll know that's where the line is." skew around Toadjust, change position. "Skew your chair around a bit, I'ma little deaf in that ear." skiddish Skittish. skid poles Peeled horizontal poles at the green end of a sawmill for skidding the outside bark strips off into a pile for hauling or burning. put the skids under To take away one's support, to get rid of a person. Skill and patience will succeed where force fails. �1024 skim Paul Green's Wordbook To chunk rocks on the top of a stretch of water. We boys used to try this and test our skill, each one seeking out a thin, flat little stone with which to try his skill. "See, can you skim that rock clean across the pond." Same as skip or skeet. skimp To act stingy. "Don't skimp the children on that milk." skimption A little bit, a small amount. "He trimmed it a skimption more and then it fitted." skimpy Stingy, small amount, lacking. skin To cheat, to rob, to leave one bankrupt.' 'In that land trade he really skinned me." To whip, to spank severely. "If you don't behave, boy, I'll skin you alive." to skin a flea for his hide and tallow A wrinkled skin conceals the scars, by the skin of his teeth skin and bones A very emaciated person. skinflint One so stingy he'd skin a flint, a miser. as skinny as a rail no skin off one's nose Not one's business, not one's responsibility. skin one's eye To look sharply about, to be on the alert. skins Greenback bills. skip To disregard, to run away, said of one who evades the law. "He skipped bail and the NAACP had to pay it." To miss, to overlook, to omit. "You skipped me, Miss Alice, when you called the roll." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1025 skip it Forget it, let it pass, don't notice it. skippers Bugs that infest meat, especially hog hams. "The dang skippers got into my meat and nigh 'bout ruined it — I salted it and salted it." Skipping the Rope (Jumping Rope) This game can be played by one child with his own hooping-over rope under his lifted feet or by two or three jumpers — with the rope (we children usually used a bullace vine since ropes were not too available for such using) held at each end by two players. These two would swing the "rope" over and the others would skip (jump) as it swept under their feet. If one skipper's feet were tardy, he or she could drop out and the game continue till the last one's feet got caught. Then the swingers and jumpers would exchange places. Some sort of chanted rhymes usually went with the game, the swingers doing the reciting, such as— "Down by the river, down by the sea Johnny broke a bottle and blamed it on me. "I told Ma and Ma told Pa, And Johnny got a whipping — ha ha ha." Another rhyme we recited as we played was— "Peas porridge hot, peas porridge cold, Peas porridge in the pot nine days old, Some like it hot, some like it cold, Some like it in the pot nine days old." And then one of the swingers or players might call out,' 'Hot pepper!'' And the rope would be speeded up till the jumpers fell out. The one who lasted longest or reached one hundred skips first could be called a winner. One thing I learned from this game and that was that girls always were better jumpers than boys. I still wonder why. skips one's mind To forget. "Skip to My Lou" A play-party song and popular in the Valley as elsewhere. I have used it to good effect in a scene in the play' 'Texas.'' Vance Randolph in his Ozark Folksongs says it is the most popular of all play-party pieces. Maybe so. Its nonsense verses and merry tune make frivolity and cutting up easier to indulge in. No doubt of that. �1026 Paul Green's Wordbook "Flies in the buttermilk two by two, Flies in the buttermilk two by two, Flies in the buttermilk two by two, Skip to my Lou my darling." And then on and on with "Chicken in the bread tray, scratching out dough," "Rabbit in the briarpatch, shoo, shoo, shoo," "Hair in the butter, six foot-two," "Can't get a fat girl, a skinny one'll do," and so on. In the ribald old careless days we often sang this verse as "Can't get a white girl, a nigger'll do." skirt A girl or woman. "The soldiers would line up in front of the guardhouse just to watch the skirts go by." skitterbrained Scatterbrained. skittish as a colt skoy duck Decoy duck, same as 'coy duck. In all my boyhood days I never heard the term decoy, only skoy or coy. skum Past tense of skim. skun Past tense of skin. Let each man skin his own skunk. skunk (skonk) A low-down person. To shut out, same as whitewash, to keep an opponent from scoring. "In the ball game yesterday Lillington skunked Angier 6-0." A skunk sat on a rotting stump. The stump said the skunk stunk. The skunk said the stump stunk. Which stunk — the skunk or the stump? (A tongue twister.) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1027 skunk cabbage Sometimes called swamp cabbage as well as polecat weed. This plant grows in swamps and low wet grounds in the Valley. The roots and tubers are supposed to be a narcotic and stimulant and, when dried or powdered, are a good remedy for asthma, catarrh, chronic coughs, dropsy, rheumatism and whatnot. Sometimes a salve made from the roots was used for ringworm and inflammatory rheumatism. When the sky falls, we shall all catch larks. skylark A boisterous party or escapade. sky pilot A preacher. sky rocket A kind of firecracker used at Christmastime in the Valley. The sky's the limit. slack off (up) To become less, to ease up. "The rain is slacking off, and I reckon we can go back to work." keep up the slack To keep close attention to one's work, to stay right on the job. slack talk Sassy talk or idle gossip. slack water A time of dull business, a low water time when millgrinding is curtailed. slain in the spirit One who passes out under the hypnotic influence of the healer. Child preachers seem to be most effective in getting sinners "slain in the spirit." slam Entirely, completely, absolutely. "My fodder's burning up and I'm worked slam to death." to slam To condemn, to berate. slanchindicular Sloping, slanting, diagonally, out of line. �1028 slap Paul Green's Wordbook Exactly, directly at, in the main, completely.' 'And then Bonie hit that third pitch slap over the right field fence." slapdash Careless, slovenly, topsy-turvy. slap-happy Goofy, punch-drunk. Slapjack A card game. Slap Out A young people's game. The players stand in a ring facing inward, and the chosen one runs around and slaps another player on the back or on the shoulder. This player turns and chases the first one. Usually it is a boy and girl game, and the one that is caught gets a kiss. slash Woods, swamp where slash pines grow. "There's some mighty big trees down in the slash." slashing Fine, handsome, high-stepping, strapping.' 'Lord, Hardy Gilchrist has got him a slashing fine woman in that Rhoda girl." slashings Many, a great deal, a multitude.' 'There were slashings of people at the fair in Raleigh Friday." slat, slats An extremely thin tall person. slat-bonnet Same as a sunbonnet. My sisters used to make their bonnets like everybody else in the Valley — by inserting strips of pasteboard for a lining, and this kept the bonnet stiff and in shape. slaunchways Diagonally, awry. Much the same as slanchindicular or slaunchwise. slave driver A hard boss or eager beaver. slay To tickle or amuse extravagantly. "Will Rogers just slays me." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1029 sleep Sleepiness. "Get that sleep out'n them eyes, boy, for day's done broke and it's time we was on our way to work." A whitish discharge in the corner of the eye, usually in the morning. Nature needs but five Custom gives men seven. Laziness takes nine, And weakness takes eleven. (Wisdom rhyme.) Sleep on now and take your rest. One hour's sleep before midnight is worth two after. sleeper A crossbeam, usually a timber to which the floor of a building is nailed. An unnoticed person, a spy. Also an unexpected action or person. Let sleeping dogs lie. There will be sleeping enough in the grave. The sleeping fox catches no poultry, as sleepless as an owl sleep-rocking woman A woman especially adept at making love. sleeps like a log sleeps like a rock to sleep with To have sexual intercourse. sleep with Missus Green To sleep or camp at night in the open air. sleeveholders Elastic garter-like bands used around the upper part of the arms to hold the sleeves up, to keep the cuffs from pushing out too far. This used to be a must in men's Sunday dress. sleigh riding An activity that used to be joyous indeed during some of the rare snows in the Valley. We never did have an actual sleigh and we would often make a sled by using 2 x 4 scantlings for runners and then nailing planks across �1030 Paul Green's Wordbook them and hitching one or two mules to our sled and go riding down the road. And how disappointed we were to see the snow melt so soon as it always did. slew (slue) To move or adjust one's position. "Slew your chair a bit, son, and give me some room." Many, a crowd, a whole lot. "There was a great slew of people at the turkey shooting." slews A great amount, a great many. "He drinks slews of brandy every night." A slice from a cut loaf is never missed. slice of life A piece of realism, realistic interpretation especially in literature. slick A muddy place, an oily spot in a highway or on the sea. "He must have been running 100 miles an hour for when his car hit that slick, it whirled around and went sailing through the air like a winding blade, killed both him and the girl." Clever, wily, usually in a derogatory sense. A fine appearance. "My, you look slick and handsome in that new suit." slick enough to catch a weasel asleep as slick as a button as slick as a duck's back as slick as a greased log as slick as a greased pig as slick as an eel as slick as an eel and twice as nasty as slick as an otter slide as slick as a peeled onion as slick as a soapmaker's ass as slick as a whistle as slick as a wink as slick as glass �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1031 as slick as ice as slick as marble as slick as snot slickenslide Slick and slide, steep, very sloping. Also descriptive of one's walking on ice or a sleety pathway. slick up To dress up, to put on one's best clothes. slide A sled. slide board A short piece of plank we children used to use to slide on any steep hill we could find. And the steep hills in the Valley were very rare. We used to walk miles to one that lay along the creek bank toward Buie's Creek. sliding hill Any steep hillside where we children could ride on our slide board. to slim To take off weight, diet. slim pickings Poor profit. sling the bat To act irresponsibly, hurtfully, uncaringly of others. the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune a slink A coward. slinky Sneaky, furtive, stealthy. slip A faux pas. Also a woman's underdress. There's many a slip Twixt the cup and the lip. Every slip is not a fall. to slip To age, to grow discouraged, become less effective. "I saw John Oxendine �1032 Paul Green's Wordbook last week, and I'm sorry to say he's slipping." To forget. "I meant to get some bacon, but it slipped my mind." slip across To hoodwink, to use cheating methods. "Yessir, I've known that Bennie Oakley to trim the hog shoulders to look like hams and slip 'em across on his customers for hams — yeh, many-a time." slip baby A baby begot by mistake. slipgap A gap in a worm fence made by lowering some of the rails from the top. slip off To steal away quietly. slipper-slide A shoehorn. slippery Unreliable, clever in an unsavory way. "He's a slippery character all right and you'll have to watch him." as slippery as an eel as slippery as ice slippery elm The bark of the slippery elm tree which baseball pitchers used to chew for throwing spit balls. Such balls are now outlawed in the game. slip up To make an error, bad judgment, or the mistake itself. slit The female pudendum. Sloan's Liniment A powerful stinging liniment, once popular in the Valley for treating rheumatism, aches and pains. slobber Silly garrulous talk. slobber chops The jaws. A thimbleful of water fed to a baby will stop its slobbering (dribbling saliva). �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1033 slob-gullet A coarse, disgusting fellow. slog To punish, to hit hard, to thrash. Also to walk heavily as in snow or mud. "He slogged on and on and then, thank the lord, he saw a house." sloop (slurp) A noise often made by a person with bad table manners when drinking soup or coffee. sloosh (slooshings) A great many, much. "He's got a whole sloosh of children." Same as murgins or a slew. slop pail A bucket or pail usually used with the washstand in houses not fitted with plumbing. Often identified with the chamber pot or mug. slouch A sorry, raggle-taggle person. Slow and steady wins the race. as slow as a snail as slow as Christmas as slow as cold molasses as slow as death as slow as molasses in January as slow as molasses running uphill in a freeze as slow as pulling eyeteeth as slow as the itch slow-joe A lazy, slow-working person, same as slowpoke. slubber To mess up, to half-do, to peck at. "You children quit slubbering your cotton." slud Past tense of slide. "Like Dizzy Dean said, 'I quit playing baseball in the cow pasture after one day when I slud into what I thought was third base.' '' �1034 Paul Green's Wordbook sludgehammer Sledgehammer. sluff To shed, to get rid of. "See there — that snake sluffed his skin right in your closet." slug A dram, a drink of whiskey, same as a shot. A slug of whiskey usually is a large drink. sluice The big trough that carries water to or from a gristmill, waterwheel or turbine. slumgullion Hash, mixture of odds and ends, stew. slunch To slant. slush pot The fund set up to reward politicoes for their efforts in the party cause or in the cause of certain candidates. as sly as a fox smack Exactly, right on the dot, plumb in the middle of, used for emphasis. "He fired off the b-b gun and hit the other boy smack in the eye." A kiss. smack dab Right on the target. smacker A piece of money. "He offered me five hundred smackers, but I still said no." as small as a minute as small as a redbug as small as the head of a pin There's nothing too small to use. small fry Children, little folks. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1035 small grain Oats, rye, wheat as contrasted with corn, soybeans and so on. small hours The late hours before dawn. "It's in the small hours I can't sleep." small potatoes Small matters, unimportant things or people. Small rain lays great dust. smart Of good behavior.' 'You boys be smart while you're visiting Uncle John.'' A smart boy makes a lazy man. as smart as a cricket as smart as a dollar as smart as a pin smart aleck A know-it-all, an offensively smart individual. smart aleck rhymes What's your name? Puddin' and tane (tame). Ask me again And I'll tell you the same. What's your name? Puddin' and tane. Look up the black dog's ass And you'll see the same. smart cookie A clever person. "You can say what you please, but Dr. Sam is a smart cookie." smartweed Sometimes known as water pepper. It grows in the wet places throughout the Valley and even thrives in water itself. It has medicinal uses, being good for toothache, coughs, colds, milk sickness and even bowel complaints. smash-baggage Handler of freight or trunks and all sorts of baggage, used mainly as a noun. "Then here come old smash-baggage with a suitcase spilling all over the yard." �1036 Paul Green's Wordbook If smell were all, the goat would win. smell a rat To be suspicious, wary, watchful. smellers Cats' whiskers. smells like a skunk smidges Smudges. smidgin A little bit, a crumb. "That fellow had just a smidgin of learnin' but it was enough in the old days for him to be a schoolteacher." If a baby smiles in his sleep, he is talking to the angels. smithers Fragments, pieces. "He got mad and broke her flowerpot all to smithers." smokalotive Locomotive. smoke To suffer, to receive rough treatment. "When them cops got hold of him, they really made him smoke." Speed. "Old Bob Feller could really smoke that ball by you." smoke at one end and a fool at the other Smoke from burning leaves was supposed to be good for asthma. Smoke from burning newground timbers will bring rain. Smoke going straight up presages rain. It's better to smoke here than hereafter. Where there's smoke there's bound to be fire. No smoke without some fire. smoke out To ferret out. smokestack An excessive cigarette smoker. "We've got three smokestacks coming, so you better have your water hose available for fire." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1037 smoking A wound can be treated by burning a rag in a bucket and putting the wounded foot or hand over it. smoking stick Indian term for a gun. smole Past tense of smile. smooch To kiss sloppily. as smooth as a billiard ball as smooth as a floor as smooth as a millpond as smooth as ice as smooth as satin as Smooth as silk smooth out the humps To drive so fast that the humps in the road seem smoothed out. smooth sailing Easy goings, out of difficulty. Smooth waters run deep. smother up To hush up, to cover up. smut Dirty talk or print. smutty Obscene, vulgar. snack A small meal, a hurried meal. Old Broadhuss told his little wife Polly he had to go to Fayetteville and he wanted her to cook him up a "snack." So she cooked him up a bushel of meal and eleven hogsheads, and when she dragged it out to him in a sack, he roared out at her and said, "Lord, God, woman, is this what you call a snack?!" So as the story went, he sat there, ate everything up, cleaned off the bones and threw them at the house and broke a hole in the weather- �1038 Paul Green's Wordbook boarding and then drove off. See "Broadhuss." snafu Situation normal, all fucked up. In politer terms it is usually spoken of as "Situation normal, all fouled up." snag To catch, to get hold of. "If I could only snag a good idea for my play, I would be a lot happier." snaggle-tooth An old low-down woman or man. snake To drag or haul.''I want you boys to get up early and get down in the swamp and start snaking them logs.'' When I was a boy, all of our logs were snaked by great steers. A low-down fellow. Kill the snake and not scotch it. Snake baked a hoecake And set the frog to mindin'. Frog went to sleep And lizard come and found him. (Recitation rhyme.) no more than a snake can straddle a log To hang a dead snake with its belly up in a tree helps to bring rain. snakebite cure At once drink a lot of tea made from the snakeroot plant. This never fails, so the old folks used to tell me. But in all my travelings up and down the Valley, I never met a person who had been snakebitten and so cured. snake doctor The dragonfly. snake eyes An unlucky throw of the dice in which a two results, that is, a single spot on each die. snake fence The same as worm fence. See "rail fence." snake grabs Steel grabs which fasten to the end of a log for snaking it out. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1039 snake in the grass A traitor, a disloyal person pretending loyalty, a malicious hypocrite. Snake in the Grass (Gully) This is the same game as Jack in the Bush except that the question asked goes as follows: "Snake in the grass Bust his head. How many licks?" And the guess goes on as in Jack in the Bush. snake poison Strong whiskey. snakeroot Sometimes called Sampson's snakeroot. There's a common belief that the Virginia variety, which also grows in the Valley, is especially good for increasing man's sexual powers. I know of one case where the man and his wife were married several years and snakeroot was recommended by an old neighbor. The man ate great quantities of it. In fact, he said, "I've et so much of that stuff I plumb foam at the mouth.'' Anyway, his wife had twins born to her, and so they never get tired of recommending this to their friends. Tea made from this snakeroot is supposed to dry poison out of the body after a snakebite. Perhaps this is the reason it is called snakeroot. Some of the old people still recommend dry powdered leaves mixed with tobacco snuff and thickened into a paste with water as especially good for bee and wasp stings. Old Candiss McLean used to make a powder out of the root and snuff it up her nose to relieve her headache. She said it did her "a power of good." Perhaps it did for it is supposed to have the drug reserpine in it. It was also recommended not only for snakebites but for high blood pressure and mental illness. It was supposed to have a tranquilizing effect. The Liatris plant is also called button snakeweed but as to its powers, I know not. snakes According to some common Valley beliefs, snakes are supposed to go into barns and milk cows and when snakes are killed, their tails are supposed to wriggle until sundown. It was also a common belief among us boys that if a snake were thrown into the fire, the feet would show themselves as the snake burned up. Although most people seem to have a horror of snakes, this feeling does not always extend to the animal and bird kingdom. Sometime ago I went down to the pond back of my house where I had an overturned boat lying on the bank. I decided to go fishing and turned the �1040 Paul Green's Wordbook boat over, and there sat a duck on her nest and two large water moccasins snug up close to her. She made no move but the snakes wiggled off in a hurry into the pond. See "pet snake." Delirium tremens. Don't stir up more snakes than you can kill. snakes' whiskers Liriope, a popular border planting. snaky Mean, treacherous. snap A matter of little concern. "I don't give a snap what you think, I'm going on and do it just the same." A brief season of weather.' 'The Farmers' Almanac says there'll be a cold snap about the first of the month." An easy job, a sinecure. "He's got a snap down there at the powerhouse." snap in her garter A woman with strong sex appeal. "When you read that book Ulysses you'll find that Mollie Bloom sure has a snap in her garter." snap judgment Hasty judgment, decision based on momentary concern. snap of a finger A minute, unimportant action. "I wouldn't give the snap of a finger for his word." If a snapping turtle bites, he will not let go till it thunders. snaps String beans that are broken in pieces for cooking. snazzy Foppish, of fine dress, appearance. sneakers Special kind of rubber-soled, pliable, often canvas shoes. a sneeze blessing A protection against bad luck is to say after a sneeze, "God bless you." According to my friend Mr. Mac, the miller, this got started way back when the first Mac of Barra far away in Scotland was alive. A great epidemic of sneezing overran the world and folks found out finally that by praying �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1041 they could get relief, and their asking God's blessing was the most effectual prayer of all. So the custom began, according to Mr. Mac. Also in the act of sneezing one's mouth is open and if someone quickly says, "God bless you," this will keep the devil from darting into the mouth and taking possession of the unlucky soul. sneezeweed Sometimes called the swamp sunflower. It grows abundantly in the Valley and according to some authorities the reason it is called "sneezeweed" is that if the leaves are dried and beaten into a powder and snuffed, they cause violent sneezing. It is believed that it's poisonous to cattle and sheep. The Indians were reported to have used it for snuffing up their noses. snide Cutting, vicious, berating. "After that snide remark you don't expect me to like you, do you?" snifter A dram of liquor. "Every morning he'd take a snifter before he went out to work." snipe hunt A hoax. See "holding the bag." snippy Sharp-tongued, also proud. Cold or biting as applied to the weather. snitch To tattle-tale, to let out a secret, also to steal. "While Betsy and I were in the theatre, someone snitched her camera from the cloakroom." snits Bursts, bits, pieces. "Now and then he had snits of rage." snits and dumplings A choice dish of dried fruit cooked with ham bones, then with dumplings added. snollygoster A wild outpouring, a deluge of rain. snort A drink, same as snifter. snorter Anything fierce or furious as a storm. snot Obscene talk. �1042 Paul Green's Wordbook snot rag Handkerchief. snotty Stuck-up, over-prideful, disdainful. snotty-nosed Dirty, low-down. "And then in come old snotty-nosed Archie with his cap off for a handout." snout The nose. snow Happy dust, cocaine. Snow is the poor man's fertilizer. snowball A shrub that is very popular with the housewives in the Valley, and in the yards of more homes than not you can see the great white blooms in midsummer. Putting old plough points at the root of the bush will produce blue flowers, so I am told. To increase rapidly, usually of its own strength. "The idea of a memorial for Brenda Holland has snowballed through the state." He's got about as much chance as a snowball in hell. He won't last much longer than a snowball in hell. snowbird An addict to cocaine or happy dust, a drug addict. snow under To overwhelm, overload with duties. "Yesterday I saw Kermit and he said he was just snowed under with these outdoor dramas." snuck Past tense of sneak. snuff A preparation of pulverized tobacco for inhaling or tucking against the gums. Dental Mild Scotch Snuff, Tuberose Society Square, Rainbow Sweet Snuff, Peach Star, Dixie, Naby, Society Square and Railroad Mills were some of the popular brands. up to snuff Equal to the occasion, also in good health. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1043 snuff box Declivity on top of one's hand between the forefinger and thumb where gentlemen used to put snuff to sniff. snuffles Sniffles, a bad cold. snuff mop The chewed end of a black gum twig, usually for dipping snuff. as snug as a bug in a rug snurly Gnarly. "That piece of plank is all snurly and we can't use it." snuzzle To cuddle. So near and yet SO far. soak To cheat, to penalize, overcharge. "We traded cars and he sure did soak me." A hard drinker. soapmaking In the old days the Valley housewife made her own soap. I remember my mother used to make soap in the washpot. She would put in a lot of the trimmings of the pork and boiled pieces of meat of all sorts, have a fire built around the pot and, after cooking these for a good long while, add lye and other ingredients. Then after it had boiled down to a rather thick soupy mixture she would let it cool, and after several hours the top part of the mixture would harden somewhat, sometimes to the thickness of three or four inches. Underneath that would be the liquid leavings. She would then cut the soap out with a knife much as you cut pieces of pie, and we used it for all sorts of cleanings. How pleased we were when we would get a piece of store-bought soap in place of old homemade stuff. There are many beliefs connected with soapmaking, among them the following: If homemade soap is to be solid, only one person must stir it and always in the same direction. To reverse the stroke of the stirring stick is to prevent the solution from congealing no matter how long it cooks or what additional ingredients are put in it. A sassafras stick should be used for stirring and always in one direction. Another belief is to stir as the sun turns. Otherwise the ingredients will not mix and the soap will not do well. The same was thought to be true of cake batter. If you make soap while the moon is waning, the soap will dry up. So make soap on the increase of the moon. Others say that the fat meat and �1044 Paul Green's Wordbook lye will come to the proper congealing in the full of the moon. If a man calls on you while you are making soap, get him to stir the soap ingredients and it will improve the quality. It is bad luck for a woman to call on you while you are making soap. The same is not true of a man. I found an old recipe for homemade soap as follows — a proper mixture of hickory ashes, lye, grease, skins, pieces of fat sidemeat, hog ears, the feet, and so on. Boil and keep boiling until they are completely dissolved, and then let the mixture cool off and you will have good soap. no soap No result, action. "I kept calling for help but no soap." so as So that. s.o.b. Abbreviation for son of a bitch. sobbing Soggy, soaked. How often, when my father would come in from the rain, have I heard my mother say, "I bet your feet are sobbing wet, Billy." Sometimes she would say "sogging." sobby Soggy. sob sister A sentimental woman writer, especially a newspaper reporter who writes tear-jerking sob stuff. sock To hit with one's fist. sockdolager An extraordinary thing or happening, something impressive, a knockout. sock into To fit into. "Let the j'ist sock into the corner there." soda Soda (sodium carbonate) is a good home remedy. Mixed with water it makes a gargle for the sore throat, and also wet soda put on a burn will take the hurt out. sod-drunk Completely drunk. A soft answer turneth away wrath. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1045 Soft words break no bones. as soft as cush as soft as dew as soft as down as soft as falling snow as soft as mush as soft as nightfall as soft as putty Mash on the soft pedal when you're dealing with folks. soft berth Easy street, an easy job. soft sawder Flattery. soft shit A disgustingly sentimental person, also flattery. soft-soap Unctuous flattery. soft spot A kind of feeling in one's heart. Also the spot on top of a baby's head before the bones of the skull have grown together. Be bare with the soil and the soil will be bare with you. SOL Shit out of luck. to soldier To loaf or to laze on the job. sold on To be in complete support of, backing a thing fully, or converted to a point of view. as solemn as an owl solid Used for emphasis, all, entire. "He was there a solid month." Reliable, honest. "That Joe Matthews is a solid fellow." �1046 Paul Green's Wordbook as solid as a brick as solid as a dollar as solid as a rock as solid as Gibraltar Solid South The old Confederacy. Solomon's seal A decorative little spring flower. The small blossoms which appear in April and May grow in clusters or singly on a flower stalk. The root chewed and swallowed was supposed to be a good cure for snakebites. some account Worth preserving. "That piece of lumber is some account and you orter save it." some kind of Much, a great deal. "Man, that was some kind of rain last night." something An especial thing, or extraordinary person or happening. "He's something, that fellow!" Better something than nothing. something for the birds Nonsense, froth, piffle. something on a person To have a person in one's power or have some shameful secret which can be used for bribery purposes.' 'You've got nothing on me and I'm not afraid to oppose you." something on a stick A wonderful person, a fine thing. sometime Undependable, occasional, "a sometime friend." sometimey Fickle, unreliable. "She's a sometimey girl." AwiseSWZ maketh a glad father, but a foolish S0AZ is the heaviness of his mother. song and dance A hard luck story. Also any wordy unconvincing explanation of whys and wherefores. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1047 sonny A familiar term for a boy. son of a bitch An excessively derogatory term, usually resulting in a fight. son of a gun A milder form of son of a bitch, often used affectionately.' 'Why, you old son of a gun, you're a sight for sore eyes." The foxes have holes, and the birds of the air have nests; but the Son of Man hath nowhere to lay his head. My son's my son till he's got him a wife. My daughter's my daughter all the days of her life. Sons of Liberty A band of patriots in the lower part of the Valley who successfully but peacefully opposed the British Stamp Act as the then Governor Tryon tried to impose it. Sons of Temperance A secret order which began in the Valley about the middle of the 19th century and spread to several parts of the State. In the State Archives is a little booklet of some sixteen pages giving the constitution and bylaws of' 'Division No. 157" in Cumberland County. Many a man of the bottle received salvation from this society. But interest waned and by 1900 the society was pretty much dead. sont Sent. sooey A command used to drive hogs away. sook A call to hogs or cows to come for their food. sooky A name given a cow or a sow. Soon gotten, soon spent. Soon hot, soon cold. Soon learned, SOOn forgotten. Soon ripe, SOOn rotten. Well enough is SOOn enough. �1048 Paul Green's Wordbook soon bug June bug. No sooner said than done. soon start An early start. "You better get to sleep, boy, because we've got to get a soon start in the morning." soople Supple, limber. soot sop It was pronounced "sut," and was especially good for stopping bleeding. Gravy, also a bribe, a pacifier. soption Gravy, sauce. sore as a boil sore eyes There are many old folk cures for sore eyes. One I remember when I was a boy and that was rain water. Several washings of the eyes with rain water was supposed to be a cure. Also one's urine was recommended. sore on the tongue This is supposed to be evidence that the person has been lying. sores in the mouth These were proof that one had been lying or else using profanity or dirty words. sore-tailed Over-sensitive to insults, high-tempered. sore-tailed cat An ill-tempered person. It is a sorry house in which the cock is silent and the hen crows. sorter Sort of. sortered Soldered. sot Sat. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1049 Who weds a sot To get his cot Will lose his cot And keep the sot. a sot drunkard An excessively debauched drinker. sot in his (her) ways Habit-bound. soul A spiritual entity, supposed to be separate from and existing after the death of the body. So goes the belief in the Cape Fear Valley and, for that part, throughout much of the world. The soul is not where it lives but where it loves. What doth it profit a man if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul. Of the soul the body form doth take. soul Stuff The spiritual essence of a person. as sound as a dollar Reliable. as sound as a fiddle as sound as a lightwood knot sound off To brag and to boast. sound one's horn Also to brag, boast. soup Fog. Let every man blow his own soup. as easy as drinking soup out of a sluice in the soup To be in difficulty or to be adrift in the sea. souped up Unnaturally energized. �1050 Paul Green's Wordbook soupy Over-sentimental. as sour as a crabapple as sour as a green 'simmon as sour as a pickle sour as wig Very sour indeed. This was a common term of comparison in the Valley when I was a child, and only in late years have I learned that wig was an old Scotch term that referred to the soured milk substance that formed on the top of the milk which had almost turned to whey. sour grapes An attitude, usually of feigned nonchalance, adopted after one has failed in one's desire. "Sour grapes," as the fox said when he could not reach them. sourpuss A sour-visaged person. sour stomach A common affliction in the old days. There were multitudes of patent medicine cures for it. One recently I have seen on television is Bisodol. It is highly recommended by the sour looking person who peers out at night from the television. "Sourwood Mountain " A popular play-party and dancing piece. It was a favorite of Tim Messer and Sam Davis, one with his fiddle and the other with his banjo, with their voices lifted in a two-part harmony now and then as they played. See' 'crying shame." "Roosters a-crowing on Sourwood Mountain, Hi oh diddle dum dee ay, Call up your dogs and le's go hunting, Hi oh diddle dum dee ay. "My little girl lives in the hollow— She won't come and I won't follow—. "Geese in the pond and ducks in the ocean— Devil's in women when they take a notion—. "My little girl's a blue-eyed daisy— If I don't get her, I'll go crazy—." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1051 soused Dead drunk. souse meat A concoction made from boiled pigs' feet, ears, noses and tails, and seasoned with sage, pepper and salt. Put away in jars, this has for generations been a popular dish in the Valley. Southern cooking A highly over-rated type of cooking. Southern rape A common accusation against Southern Negro criminals. Many an innocent man has gone to the electric chair or the gas chamber accused by some hysterical woman. Just recently a Negro in Raleigh was freed from a life term sentence which he was thankful to get, so close was his brush with the gas chamber. Recently another Negro confessed to the crime and the socalled rapee, who had identified the unfortunate man in the first place, came forward, and, on comparing him with the other man, fainted away. Little good did the fainting do the one who had started serving a life sentence, but the State of North Carolina pardoned him and he walks the earth a free man today. "I've got no hard feelings against anybody," he said. Southern womanhood According to one interpreter of Southern thinking, the Southern woman was' 'the lily-pure maid of Astolat and the hunting goddess of the Boeotian hill. There was hardly a sermon that did not begin and end with tributes in her honor, hardly a brave speech that did not open and close with the clashing of shields and the flourishing of swords for her glory." And one of the fraternity toasts in a certain university ran:' To woman, lovely woman of the Southland, as pure and chaste as this sparkling water, as cold as this gleaming ice, we lift this cup, and we pledge our hearts and lives to the protection of her virtue and chastity." Ingraham Blue was a true Southerner in his feeling for his sister Irene. They were from the proud family of Blues that lived near Elizabethtown. Ingraham was a hot-tempered fellow like a lot of young Southerners. Standing on the street corner in Elizabethtown one day, he saw his sister Irene ride up sidesaddle on her big bay mare. She stopped at one of the hitching posts and started to get off. Somehow her foot slipped in the stirrup and she fell. Now it happened that one of Tavis Edwards' Negroes was standing by — a big strapping mulatto he was — and when Irene started falling, he instinctively sprang forward and caught her in his arms, to help her. Old Gregg Hassell, who told me the story, said he was standing there and saw it all. The Negro's hand, in the hurry of the moment, slid up Irene's �1052 Paul Green's Wordbook leg where maybe it oughtn't to, and what did Ingraham do? Standing where he was across the street, he pulled out his pistol, leveled it on his arm and shot the Negro dead. Of course, there was a lot of turmoil about it — not because he killed a Negro, but because it was old man Edwards' Negro that was killed. Tavis sued Ingraham and got a whopping price for damages, at least he got the price of the Negro, and healthy Negroes in those days were valued high. And so the matter ended, or you thought it might end. But a man never knows what can go on in the mind of another man, or even in his own, and so it was with Ingraham. It is well known for a fact though that a Scotchman can get himself more mixed up inside than any other nationality and everybody knows too that when a Scotchman starts going to the bad he can go to the bad faster than anybody else. Or when he takes to drink, he takes to it more whole hog than anybody else. Ingraham got to brooding on what he'd done. And then he began to drink a little, and he brooded more than before. People noticed that soon he began to stay off to himself and, when you would see him around in town, he didn't have much to say, but had a sort of strange look on his face. During one of the big meetings in the Methodist Church, when the spirit was working among the brethren, he stood up in the congregation and confessed his sin, said he had done wrong, had killed a Negro human being and wanted everybody to pray for him. Hallelujah was the answer, and they said they would. The parson waited on Ingraham, talked to him, and felt convinced that his sin had been forgiven — and told him so. So for a while Ingraham perked up and was his old self again. But before long he began to get morose and silent, as before. He finally moved out of the Valley and went over to the west there in the wild woods of the sandy barrens, built himself a little shack and became a hermit. And so all his fair promising life was denied. His father had sent him to the university where he had graduated, and he had a big future in the law, they said. Now all that was passed. So Ingraham lived over there for several years, until he was almost forgotten. One day, somebody passing along the road noticed buzzards sitting on the roof of his little cabin. They told some neighbors about it and they all went over and found Ingraham dead on the floor. The same pistol he had used to kill the Negro with he had used to shoot himself through the head. Mrs. E.D.E.N. Southworth A popular 19th century sentimental novelist once much read in the Valley. Sow a thought, reap an act. Sow an act, reap a habit. Sow a habit, reap a character. And sow a character, reap a destiny. (A proverb rhyme.) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1053 As you SOW, so shall you reap. Sow the wind and reap the whirlwind. 50 W A woman of bad reputation. "Old sow" is the usual term. Like the old SOW, you have to pull her ears off to get her to the mash and pull her tail off to get her away. sowbelly Bacon. Whatsoever a man SO weth that shall he also reap. Call a spade a spade. Never man spake like this man. span The length between the tips of the thumb and the little finger when the hand is outspread. This was an old-time measurement, and I remember hearing two old gentlemen sitting by a coal stove in a local store one winter day arguing about little children that go to hell. One of them was maintaining that according to the Scriptures these little creatures burning in everlasting fire were only a span long. I don't know where he got his measurement. span-fine new Brand new. spang A term suggestive of force or quickness. "Spang, and that fellow was gone from there." Exactly, right there. "He hit him spang in the middle." Spanish fly A drug supposed to increase sexual desire and potency. It used to be a popular quack medicine in the Valley. Perhaps it still is. Spanish moss A long moss that grows in damp semitropical regions somewhat as a parasite. The lower part of the Valley is well-stocked with it. It is referred to as' 'Old Graybeard." It especially seems to love pecan and live oak trees. I have seen orchards of the former down near the coast literally choked to death by it. Mrs. E.M. Backus gives a rather interesting legend about this moss as she heard it from an old Negro man. "Long time ago there was a powerful wicked fellow," said the old Negro. "He was that sinful that Death he don't have the heart to cut him �1054 Paul Green's Wordbook off in his sins, 'ceptin' he give him a warning. So one day Death he appear to the wicked man and tell him how that week he gwine come for him. The wicked man be that upset and skeered he get down on his knees and beg Death to let him live a little longer. The wicked man he take on and beg 'twell Death he promise he won't come for him 'twell he give him one more warning. "So the years go by, but the wicked man he grow more wicked, and one day Death he appear to him again. And Death he tell the wicked man how that day week he gwine come for him, but the wicked man he more frightened than what he was before; and he get down on his knees, the wicked man do, and beg Death to let him live a little longer, and he weep and mo'n and carry on and Death he promise the wicked man how before he come for him he gwine send him a token what he can see or what he can hear. "Well, the mo' years go by, and the wicked man he get to be a powerful old man — he deaf and blind, and he jest drag hisself about. One day Death he done come for the wicked man once more, but the wicked man he say how Death done promised him he won't come for him 'twell he send him a token what he can see. Then the wicked man he say how he can't see no token, 'cause he say how he done gone blind. Then Death he say how he done send a token what he can hear. But the wicked man he say how he can't hear no token 'cause he now plumb deef. And he beg Death that hard to let him live, that Death he get plumb outdone with the wicked man, and Death he jest go off and leave him to hisself. "And the wicked man he jest wander about the woods, and his children all die, and his friends all die. Still he jest wander about the woods. Heblind, and he can't see, and he deef, and he can't hear. He that blind that he can't see to find no food, and he that deef he never know when anybody try to speak to him. ' 'And the wicked man he done perish away 'twell he jest a shadow with long hair. His hair it grow longer and longer, and it blow in the wind and still he can't die, 'cause Death he done pass him by. So he have to wander and blow about the woods, and his body all perish away 'twell all you can see is his powerful long hair blowing all 'bout the trees; and his hair is done blow about the trees 'twell it done grow fast, and now you all folks done call it Spanish moss." Spanish needles The yucca or Spanish bayonet. A strong tea made from it was always a good gargle for the sore throat. Spare the rod and spoil the child. Spare well to spend well. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1055 spare bed The guest bed. spar-hawk Sparrow hawk. to spark To court, also to inspire, to begin. A little spark can kindle a great fire. sparkler A diamond ring. "After the poor simp gave her that sparkler she wanted to play bridge ever' night to show it off on her hand." as sparkling as the dew sparrow grass Asparagus. I remember John Charles McNeilFs poem which I memorized as a boy. "I once et too much sparrow grass. They thought I was dead till I breathed on glass." spatter-board (splatter-board) The dashboard of a buggy or carriage which helped protect the driver or passenger from being spattered with dirt or mud. Speak when you are spoken to, Come when you are called. speak a parable To speak an undeniable truth, an entirely appropriate remark. Same as speak a mouthful. to speak of A little emphasis phrase, often denigratory. "He's got no money to speak of." Speak of the devil and soon you will see his tail. Speak well of the dead. spearmint A popular herb for the housewife's garden. speck A bit, a little, hardly any at all. "He wasn't a speck of trouble, that baby wasn't." �1056 Paul Green's Wordbook specked Marked with tiny decayed spots. "All my horse apples are specked this year.'' Specks on the fingers, fortune lingers. Specks on the thumbs, fortune comes. (A divination rhyme.) spectacle An unhappy situation or condition. "Now ain't you a spectacle, standing there wetting your britches." Speech is silver, silence is golden. All his speed is in his spurs. spell A length of time, an attack of illness. "Social Security will help you in your first spell of sickness but don't try to ride on it all the time." To relieve, to rest. "Spell me on this handspike a minute, Bo." A season of weather. An incantation, conjuration. Spelling Match A spelling contest. At Pleasant Union School Friday afternoon was a great time. We had spelling matches to end the week. And how we loved to cut each other down. Great spenders are poor lenders. spicebush Attractive shrub that grows in the swamps and along the streams of the Valley. It is also called the fever bush and allspice. Oil from the berries of this bush is supposed to be good for bruises, white swelling, worms, pneumonia, colds, coughs, and especially it was good for these illnesses when mixed with sassafras tea. In the Civil War the soldiers who were camped in the Valley used this generally. The shrub seems to be getting rarer every year. spider There are many superstitions connected with the spider. We were always taught in the Valley as children that killing a spider would bring rain. And in dry weather we used to go looking for these little insects to squash them with our heels. Also one of the weather superstitions is that when spiders are numerous in the fall, a hard winter is ahead. The low, three-legged cooking utensil, usually made of cast iron, which was �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1057 set on red hot coals for baking bread or biscuits. Sometimes the' 'led'' would be put on and other hot coals piled on it for extra good hot cooking. spider-shanked Thin-legged, lanky. spifflicate To confuse, to mix up. "I never heard such a spifflicating sermon as that fellow pulled off when he preached on 'God as the Very God.' " Save the spigot and waste at the bung is a mighty poor way of doing. spike To mix liquor with, to put alcohol in an otherwise mild drink.' 'This orange juice is spiked, oh, my Lord!" spile Spoil. spiling Piling. "You better watch out for that fo'by, I believe the spilings is about to give way." spill beans To tell secrets, let out confidential information. spinach The ordinary vegetable, of course, and also money. "That man's got plenty of spinach and he can afford a mansion like that." A beard. "I've got to get my spinach shaved off." spindling Frail. spinning one's wheels Useless action. spit in his eye A term for an insult. The spirit is willing but the flesh is weak. The letter killeth but the spirit giveth life. Why should the spirit of man be proud. spirits Hard liquor. "I'm not a drinker but I always keep a bottle of spirits about the house just in case." �1058 Paul Green's Wordbook Don't spit in the spring that waters you. If one wishes to be lucky at fishing, he should spit on his bait before he puts it in the water. spit and polish Fastidious housekeeping and tidying up. Also particular neatness in personal grooming. spitball We boys in school used to chew up paper, wad the chewed stuff in little balls and, with our beanshooters when the teacher wasn't looking, fire off a shot at somebody we didn't like or at a girl at some distance across the room we did like. The spitball also applies to the pitching method in baseball. Pitchers used to chew slippery elm and with a bit of this on two fingers, clasp the ball lightly and throw it overhand. It would dip suddenly toward the ground to the anger and dismay of the batter. The spitball has been outlawed now in baseball. spitbox A box filled with sand or sawdust into which tobacco chewers could spit. This used to be a constant piece of the furnishings near the stove in the country stores. spit cotton White spittle from thirst or nervousness, sometimes from heavy drinking of whiskey. "What's the matter with you, fellow, you keep standing there spitting cotton." cut off your nose to spite your face spitfire A high-tempered person. spit'n image The very image, a close resemblance. "He's the spit'n image of old man Bill Byrd." spit out God's fire To preach fervently. He spits in his own face. Who works against heaven Spits in his own face. spizzerinctum Energy, drive, pep, know-how. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1059 splatfooted Splayfooted. splatterdabs Hot cakes. splice To marry, to be joined in wedlock. split Splint. A "split-bottomed chair." split one's britches To overdo, to overact. to be in a split stick To be in an embarrassing or difficult situation. Another form of this is "to have one's tail in a split stick." I remember long time ago when we would go possum hunting and were lucky enough to catch a possum. We would cut down a little oak sapling, drive the axe through it to split it and put the possum's tail in that split, release the sides and let them close in on the tail. Then, with the little pole over our shoulders, and the possum behind out of reach of biting us, we would march proudly home. split the quilt Divorce. splitting Severe, intense. "Children, I've got a splitting headache today, so let me be." split-tongue A hypocrite, a liar. splot A spot or stain. splotchy Marked with splots or spots. spludge Splurge. "Lord a-mercy it's a sight to see that woman spludge when she comes driving up to church in her Lincoln Continental." splutter A fuss, a confusion. spoil To over-pet, to mollycoddle. "No wonder he never turned out to be any �1060 Paul Green's Wordbook good, his mother spoiled him to death as a baby." spoiled rotten Usually said of a child that's been spoiled by overindulging parents. spondulicks Money. What's full of holes and still holds water? (Riddle— A Sponge.) sponge To cheat, to live off, to take advantage of, to beg. "That fellow's a sponger if I ever saw one, so you better watch out." Not too long ago every home bathroom had its sponge instead of the present washcloth. spools We children used to have great fun with a spool which our mother would let us have after she had used up the thread in her sewing. We used spools for many things, especially for blowing soap bubbles and for making tops we called "dancers." We would cut the spools half in two and then shape them down to a point and put a little piece of what we called axle through them and sharpen this. Then with the flattened end between thumb and second finger we'd give it a snap and send the little thing dancing away on its point. We used to compete as to which one's dancer could spin longest. spoon To court, to make love. spoon-fed Spoiled, pampered. sport To court, to run after the girls. "How can he pull fodder when he's out sporting every night?" old sport An elderly lecher, also a term of friendly affection. "Golly, I'm glad to meet up with you, old sport, here at the class reunion." sporting house A whorehouse. s'pose Suppose. spot To give one an advantage. "He spotted me three holes and then he beat me." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1061 in a spot (on the spot) To be in a difficult or testing situation or position. as spotted as a leopard spotted spurge An emetic weed that grows in sandy and gravelly soil and waste grounds in the Valley. It flowers in July and has been used as a stimulant and a remedy for dysentery. spotter An incognito informer, or spy. spout off To run off at the mouth, to talk garrulously and foolishly. spraddle Spread out, separate. "You boys spraddle out with that seine and you'll catch more fish." sprags Small screws or nails. sprained her ankle To be made pregnant or bigged. Jack Sprat could eat no fat, His wife could eat no lean, And so you see between them both They licked the platter clean. (A recitation rhyme.) sprat-legged Spraddle-legged, bowlegged. spread A sumptuous meal.' 'What a cornshucking that was and what a spread the old man and the old woman put out!" The putting on of weight. "She's getting her middle-age spread." spreading adder Also known as puff adder. We children used to find these harmless snakes in old stumps or under rotted logs and have fun teasing them with switches or long sticks. They would hiss and puff and distend their necks and yellow bodies and twist and turn and jook their heads at us. After we'd had enough fun we would get sticks or stones and kill them. I haven't seen or heard of a spreading adder in the Valley for, lo, these many years. �1062 Paul Green's Wordbook spread it thick (thin) To live or act expensively (or meagerly). spread oneself To make every effort, to reach out widely, to widen one's business interests, and so on. spreckled Speckled. sprig A young child, usually a pert and sassy one. spriggle To limb out or leaf out, to fork out. "After I had planted that fig, it all spriggled out until dry weather hit it, and then it burnt slam up." to spring To sprain or wrench. "I sprung my wrist trying to lift that heavy rock." spring beauty A lovely wild flower that is popular among sweethearts in the Valley. I remember how in the spring a certain girl and I would go out in search especially of spring beauty. There was something so poetic in this little flower that it fitted right in with our yearnings and our mood, and it was innocent too. So that was good. spring chicken A young person, usually refers to girls, sometimes called pullets. spring cleaning The time for airing quilts, searching beds for bugs, putting up new curtains, etc. A custom now pretty much passed away. spring green and gold A low attractive perennial. It is one of the earliest blooming plants in the Valley. It grows especially in dry woodland and lasts on through the early summer. springhouse The usual small house built over a spring to protect the water and in which milk and butter were kept fresh in the old days long before refrigerators were thought of. spring lizard The salamander. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1063 spring run A small stream fed by a spring. On the old surveyors' maps the spring run was a familiar term. spring to it Begin with great energy, start to work. sprinkling A few, a scattered gathering. "There was only a sprinkling of people at church today." The religious custom of sprinkling water on the head of the new convert instead of immersing him in a baptismal pool or creek. The Baptists believe in immersion, and the Methodists in sprinkling, and that's the only difference I can see in the two dogmas. sprinkly Sprinkled. sprout A young person. sprout wings To become angelic. spruce up To dress up, to make one's toilette. as spry as a cricket as spry as a kitten spunk Partly decayed wood. Same as punk. spunk water Rain water usually collected in log-hollows and stumps. It is supposed to be good for sore eyes. It is also a good cure for warts. If a person could find a hollow stump with this spunk water in it and put his hand in it and recite the following verse — he would get relief in a few days— Barley-corn, barley-corn, Injun-meal shorts, Spunk water, spunk water, Swaller these warts. (Mark Twain, The Adventures of Tom Sawyer.) spurs Honors, final attainment. �1064 Paul Green's Wordbook I Spy A most popular game among all the children in the Valley. It is so well-known that it is needless to describe it here. squaddie A combination of a squat and a straddle. Dost thou love life, then do not squander time, for that is the stuff life is made of. square Honest, reliable. Same as a square shooter. Straight, direct. "That road runs square up the mountain." Completely, entirely. "The bullet went square through him." A queer person. square around To make room, get settled as to seating. squared away Ready, all set, prepared. squarehead An awkward, slow-acting man. square it To make amends, to make right, to make fit, also to pay one's account. Sometimes square up. square meal A full satisfactory meal. square off To get set, prepared for action.' 'They squared off for a fight, but the captain arrived just in time." squat To answer the call of nature. Squat Tag See "Tag." squatty Fat, short and stocky, squabbly. squaw Woman, wife. Often used in derision. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1065 squaw man A henpecked husband. squeak To turn informer, same as to squeal. a squeaker A close call. "Carolina finally beat Duke but, boy, it was a squeaker." squeaks like a rusty hinge All squeal and no wool as the devil said when he sheared his hogs. squeals like a stuck pig It's the wheel that squeals that gets the grease. squeech (squench) owl Screech Owl. He squeezes the dollar till the eagle screams. squelch To silence, to tame down, to hush up. "Squelch them young'uns, will you, they're running me crazy." Same as to inform or squeal on. squench (squinch) Eye puckering, squint. "He had a habit of squenching up his eyes when he talked." squiggled Wiggled. squinch Quench. squinched up Dried, shriveled. Squirrels storing food is a sign there will be a hard winter. squirt gun A little water popgun made from an ordinary small length of bamboo cane with a homemade plunger for squirting water at some unsuspecting person. squirts The diarrhea. "My little boy's got the squirts the worst of all." squirts like a goose Defecating with a rush, as in diarrhea. �1066 Paul Green's Wordbook squoze Past tense of squeeze. sqush Crush. squshy Marshy, miry, soft. srink Shrink. have a stab at To make a try at. It's too late to shut the stable when the horse is gone. stable manure Manure, usually from horses and mules, that accumulates in the stable as opposed to the barn lot or outdoor cow kind. It is ranked higher than either cow or hog manure as a fertilizer but below chicken manure. Stack Temper. "When Ed Spaulding, a colored man, ordered a co'-cola right in front of Avis Jones, why, Avis blew his stack and turned and knocked Spaulding down." stacked Said of a woman of good figure — good breasts and shapely hips. Stacks Plenty, a large supply. "He's got stacks of money." All the world's a Stage. at this stage of the game Under the present condition, at this reading or reporting. stagger To shock or surprise. "The news of his daughter's running away really staggered old Otis." staggerbush A common shrub that grows in drier bogs and sand where the water table is shallow. It is poisonous and when stock, especially sheep, happen to eat of the leaves, they go staggering about. Therefore, the name. staggers Wobbly drunken movements. There was an old belief that a worm in the �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1067 brain caused the staggers in sheep. stag party An all male party. It is unlucky to meet one on the Stairs. Stall A finger-shaped cloth protection for a hurt finger, usually tied around the wrist to hold it. "Well, you better go get your mammy to make a stall for that finger, boy, or you'll catch poison in it." stamping ground (stomping ground) A customary haunt or usual visiting place. stand A crop, a supply, a successful sprouting. "I've got a fine stand of corn this year and I'm hoping the cold weather won't start the cutworm working in it." To accept, to endure. "I don't see how she stands her husband — him aharking and a-spitting all the time." A good Stand is better than a hard run. standing on one's head To be unduly excited. stand in need To be in pressing need. standoff An arm screw supporting wires, such as television cable, running along the walls of the house. Also a tie or draw as in a game. "After we'd cleaned up the shucks, Lloyd and Irving got to wrestlin' and boy did they go to it, but it was a standoff." standoffish Cold, aloof. stand up To be fooled, to receive a rebuff, to fail to appear. "I don't trust making a date with that fellow — he too often stands me up." staple Average, fair. "They're paying a good price now for staple cotton." Star bright, Star light, First Star I've seen tonight, I wish I may, I wish I might See my true love tonight. (A divination rhyme.) �1068 Paul Green's Wordbook Sometimes the last line goes— Have my wish I wish tonight. starch Courage, stamina. starching There's a folk saying that starching the tail of a man's shirt will make him harsh and ill-tempered. I don't doubt it. take the starch out To deflate, to take one down a peg or two. star grass These little plants are found in the grassy woods in the deep summer. The plant grows abundantly in the woods and the bogs throughout the Valley. Tea made from the roots is supposed to be good for the colic, and therefore it is often called "colic-root." Star tight, star bright Same as the rhyme beginning "Star bright." One is supposed to make a wish on the first star that one sees at night and the wish will come true. star-of-Bethlehem A popular little garden flower. stars There's a superstition that if you count the stars in a fog circle around the moon, the number of the stars will designate the number of days before rain or snow comes. eyes like stars Counting the Stars won't pay the taxes. stars and garters! A common exclamation. falling stars There's a scattered belief that falling stars are souls coming to the earth to be born in newborn babies. There is also the belief that a falling star denotes someone's death. See "thunderstone." start naked Stark naked. start the ball rolling To begin a thing, to get business under way, or get a game going. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1069 stash To cache, to stow, to hide, to put in a place for safekeeping. as Stately as an oak as Stately as a queen state of grace A purified and sometimes sanctified condition that a person gets into after having his sins forgiven and "believing on the Lord Jesus Christ as his personal savior.'' Billy Graham in all of his sermons has much to say about the state of grace. Statues A children's game, especially popular with the younger ones. The leader, "It," is usually chosen by a counting-out rhyme. He or she then takes the hand of another player and whirls that player around. The second player "freezes" in exactly the position he finds himself at the end of the spin. The game continues until all the players are whirled and have "frozen." The leader then selects the one judged to be in the most ludicrous attitude and he becomes "It" and the game continues. staub To stub. "He staubed his toe on that rock and did he let out a cry. I'll say so!" stay put To be fixed, remain in one place. steady A loyal and exclusive sweetheart. as steady as a rock "Steal Away to Jesus" Another beautiful Negro spiritual that eased many a long hour for the workers in the turpentine woods and the cotton fields and filled them with hope of an eternal rich reward in the afterlife for their deprivation in this. "Steal away, steal away, steal away to Jesus. Steal away, steal away home. I ain't got long to stay here. "My Lord, he calls me, he calls me by the thunder, The trumpet sounds within-a my soul. I ain't got long to stay here. "Steal away," etc. �1070 Paul Green's Wordbook "Green trees a-bending, po' sinners stand a-trembling, The trumpet sounds within-a my soul. I ain't got long to stay here, Lord, I ain't got long to stay here." Stealing Sticks A popular school children's game. On Sunday afternoons we children used to play this game until our legs ached and kept us sleepless at night. A large playing space is divided across the middle by a marked-of f line, and the players are chosen for two teams. Behind each team a circle is drawn on the ground and a number of sticks put in it — say, six or seven. Then each of the players tries to run around and across and steal a stick before his opponent touches him. If he is touched, he has to stand as a prisoner in the circle with the sticks, hoping that one of his pals on the other side will be able to steal across and get him out without being touched. Only one stick or one prisoner may be taken at a time. The game continues until one side is completely defeated, or the sticks on one side are all stolen, or the players are tired and decide to do something else. steal one's thunder To preempt one's authority. to steal the show To get in the limelight, to gather all the applause, to be the star. steam Speed, swiftness in throwing. "That pitcher really steamed the ball across.'' steep Expensive, excessively priced. "Boy, the price is steep — steep, you heard me!" as steep as a ladder The steeper the hill, the stouter the heart. steeple The male organ. bum steer False advice, false directions. stem-winder A go-getter, a hard worker.' 'That Cyclone Mac is a stem-winding preacher and, man, he gets the sinners down lickin' sweat at the mourners' bench.'' �An Alphabet of Reminiscence step 1071 To go quickly, to move fast. "I've got to step home and get my shovel before I can join the road gang." To measure by walking in strides estimated to be a yard long.' 'He stepped his field and found he had five acres in it." Sometimes "step off." Step and git it. to step aside a bit To defecate, to urinate. "Excuse me, while I step aside a bit." step on it To go fast, speed up. step on one's toes To offend one, to hurt one's feelings, even to insult. step on the gas Move faster. step out To dress up and go calling or go to a party. There's a belief that Stepping over a child, especially a small child, will stop it from growing. stepping stone A means toward a beginning. The verse from Tennyson's "In Memoriam" always sticks in my mind. "I held it truth with him who sings To one clear harp in divers tones, That men may rise on stepping stones Of their dead selves to higher things." steps There's a superstition if someone steps over you while you are lying down you will have bad luck unless he immediately steps back over you. stereoscope A parlor entertainment item, and any half well-to-do family in the Valley used to have one, along with an assortment of photographic views to look at. Since the coming of the motion picture the stereoscope has disappeared. I remember with what joy and astonishment we children would look through the two lenses of our stereoscope at, say, the picture of a deer in a forest. What was flat and two-dimensional before now appeared as threedimensional. There stood an actual deer before us. Sears, Roebuck and �1072 Paul Green's Wordbook Company used to carry a full line of these — as they did of almost everything else under the sun. Prices were incredible. The instrument itself sold from 24$ each to $1.87 for the extra large size, made of "polished rosewood" — "and set with nickelplated trimmings." A set of "36 genuine photographic views" to go with the stereoscope was priced at thirty-six cents — one cent each, and they were good for months and months of viewing. A stereoscope is now produced as a child's toy, with the finer ones as museum pieces. Stetson hat A man's hat, very stylish and popular in the Valley the latter part of the 19th century and the early decades of the 20th. Old Drury Skerrit, who lived down near Carver's Creek Falls, had a black Stetson hat he was very fond of, and he said that when he died he wanted it buried with him. He got down near death's door and he told the folks to bury him under an old tree out there in the field,' 'And I want you to bury me with my John B. Stetson hat on and my Vici (Vi-sy) kid shoes," he said, "for I expect to come back and walk around some after I die and I'll need 'em both." There was a lot of argument after the old man breathed his last. Some of the folks didn't want to do what Drury said, for as they put it, "Look here, we don't want to get the neighborhood ha'nted on account of him." But others said that the wishes of the dead were sacred as everybody knew and Drury in his life had always been a harmless man, so if he did come back he wouldn't hurt a living soul. Finally they buried Drury as he requested, and sure enough he did come back and walk around, Vici shoes or no shoes. And he still does, according to what the people say around Carver's Creek. One night he will appear on the road in the shape of a ball of fire, with the hat on it, and then maybe again in the shape of a little girl or a black dog, with hat the same. And folks say no matter what shape Drury's ghost takes they always know it's him because of that Stetson hat. They never bother about the shoes. stew Confusion. "Everything was in such a stew at the church supper that I didn't know whether I was coming or going." like a stewed owl The "morning-after" condition. stewed to the gills Excessively drunk. stew in one's grease To take one's own medicine, to have to grin and bear it. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence stick 1073 A dull person, same as a stick-in-the-mud. Stick like a leech more than you can shake a Stick at stick and dirt chimney Sometimes called stick and daub or stick and mud chimney. In the old days nearly all the Valley farmhouses and tenant cabins were served with this type of poorer chimney. The base of the chimney and firebox were of rock, and then when the flue or throat began, crossed sticks were used to build it up to reach above the roof of the house with an inner open throat space of some twelve by fourteen inches for the smoke to escape. Mud or daub was packed in between the sticks and the "throat" was thickly lined with it to protect the sticks from the fire in the fireplace below. stick broom A store-bought broom with a handle as contrasted to a broomstraw or homemade broom. stick one's neck out To take an undue risk. stickpins A once fashionable adornment for a man's necktie. When I was about fourteen, I tried to sell stickpins in my neighborhood, but soon realized I was no salesman and gave up the effort. Mine were from a mail-order house sent on consignment and were priced at fifteen cents each, my commission to be five cents each. sticking plaster In the old days sticking plasters were a common treatment for all sorts of aches and pains, boils, pimples and eruptions. My mother used to buy these sticking plasters at the drugstore. I can still remember them and feel them tearing at my flesh. They were thin flesh-colored sheets, one side gummed to stick on the afflicted place. Of course, now these old sticking plasters are replaced by all sorts of bandaids. See also "Aunt Jemima's plaster." stick-in-the-mud A fuddy-duddy, a dull fellow, a failure. "He's an old stick-in-the-mud and his eyes are in the back of his head." sticks A backward neighborhood or section of the country. "All the New York people used to think North Carolina was full of pellagra, hookworm and people who live in the sticks." �1074 Paul Green's Wordbook Sticks like glue Sticks tighter than a brother Sticks tighter than a tick sticktight A rather coarse annual or biennial and often called stickseed. The plant bears little flat prickled fruits and hence the name. When these little flat fruits ripen, they will stick to your clothes as if with a will of their own. We used to call the species we knew best "beggar lice." stick to one's guns Hold to one's beliefs, one's convictions, one's attitude. stick up a stick To claim, to mark as one's own. "He's already stuck up his stick for that Joe Turner gal." stick up for To support, defend. "I see where Bob Morgan says he'll stick up for any senator who gets in trouble." the wrong end of the stick To be at a disadvantage. "When Joe went into partnership with old Horace, he got hold of the wrong end of the stick." sticky A special kind of sweet bun or biscuit. Sentimental. stid Bedstead. a stiff A corpse. A penis erection, as Stiff as a broom as stiff as a plank as Stiff as a poker as Stiff as a ramrod as Stiff as a stick as Stiff as a wagon tongue �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1075 stiff upper Up Courage, stamina. as Still as death Still waters run deep. stillyard A steelyard, weighing scales. sting To cheat. "He stung me in that horse trade." stingaree (stinger) A woman's diseased private organs. stinging adder A fabulous snake, supposed to inhabit the Valley. stinging nettle We boys used to have great fun going out in the sandy woods and digging up stinging nettle roots. We could find them by their shiny white blossoms here and there. Sometimes we would dig down two or three feet in the ground to find the tuber. These tubers were very succulent, and we had great fun eating them. They were usually about the size of a cigar and, much like a cigar, tapering at each end. We would peel them and chew the white delicious meat happily. The Indians were supposed to have counted these roots as a special delicacy, and the ancient Romans used them as a help against sexual impotency. as Stingy as a Scotchman as Stingy as sin as Stingy as the bark on the tree He's so Stingy he wouldn't give you air in a jug. stink like a buzzard Excessively bad smelling. stinkabutt A foul person. We boys used to sing a sort of low-down foolish song which began, "When I make ten dollars a day — stinkabutt, fuckabutt, take it away." stinker Hot. "Today is going to be another stinker." A sorry fellow, an unreliable person, one held in contempt. �1076 Paul Green's Wordbook stinking jim A small speckled land terrapin. stinking pussy Dirty, foul-smelling woman. stinking rich Very rich indeed. Stinks like a polecat Stinks like a skunk Stinks like ditch water Stinks like hell stink tree Tree of heaven or Ailanthus. This tree used to be popular around plantations. My grandfather planted several of them and some of them grew to be two or three feet in diameter. One of them is still alive in front of the place where the old Green log house once stood. stir around To make speed, be busy. "Stir around and get things going, will you?" stirrup cup A dram taken on horseback in the old days before riding off. stir up tail feathers Make one angry, to irritate excessively. stitch Clothing, dress. "There she stood in front of her window with not a stitch on." A sudden pain or catch in one's muscle. A Stitch in time saves nine. in stitches Convulsed with hilarity. stob A small piece of scantling or post or stake. To stab. stobble Stubble. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1077 take stock To stop and consider. One's own soiled Stocking tied around the neck would cure sore throat. stocking feet To walk about without shoes. "I got up and went out in my stocking feet, and some Ku Kluxers had sowed carpet tacks on the front porch — wow!'' Stocks A device formerly used to punish offenders. Stolen fruits are always sweetest. Stolen pleasures are always sweetest. stomach Liking, taste, core, interest. "Dick has no stomach for politics since that bad beating in the primary." to turn one's stomach Response to abhorrent thing or act. "The way that peddler chewed his food with his mouth open was enough to turn one's stomach." stomp To stamp. stomp down Used for emphasis. "He's a stomp down scoundrel." And sometimes I've heard it as "He's a stomp down gentleman." stomping Also for emphasis. "He's a stomping fine man." stomping ground Home, familiar surroundings. The Stone which the builders rejected is become the head of the corner. He kills two birds with one stone. If a son shall ask bread of his father, shall he give him a stone? A rolling stone gathers no moss. Leave no Stone unturned. There shall not be left one Stone upon the other. stoned Totally drunk. �1078 Paul Green's Wordbook stone mint A fragrant perennial, very popular in the flower gardens in the Valley. A tea made from it is good for headaches, fevers and colds. stones Testicles. run one's head against a stone wall Meet up with absolutely unyielding conditions or an unsolvable situation. stool Fecal discharge. stool pigeon An informer, a low-down betrayer. Stop, Look and Listen A warning at the railroad crossing and an admonition in other situations. stopped up To have a bad head cold. "I'm all stopped up this morning and got a headache to a fare-ye-well." stopper An exaggerated lie or cock-and-bull story. store-bought As contrasted with a homemade article. storm To scold or rage. After the Storm the calm comes. story A lie. "His mammy whipped him this morning for telling her a story." stout Strong. Put a Stout heart to a steep hill. stouten up To grow, to fatten. stove Past tense of stave. "He stove that knife in Lemmie's back." stove up Muscle-bound, stiff, temporarily crippled from overwork or overexertion. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1079 "I split rails yestiddy and I'm all stove up." a-straddle Astride. "Mr. Turner's niece come down here from New York and went riding about the neighborhood a-straddle like a man." straddle bug A tricky politician or subterfuger. straddle the issue To be on both sides, indecisive. stradways (wise) Astride. straight Honest, reliable. as Straight as a die as Straight as a line as Straight as a martin to his gourd as Straight as an arrow as Straight as a pine as Straight as a ramrod as Straight as a stick as Straight as a shingle Honest, reliable. "He's straight as a shingle — you can count on his word.'' as Straight as a string as Straight as the crow flies straighten To tidy up. "I've got to straighten up my room before I go." Strain at a gnat and swallow a camel. strainer A sieve. Strain every nerve. Strait is the way and narrow the gate. strak Strike. �1080 Paul Green's Wordbook I was a stranger and ye took me in. Put the stranger Near the danger. The Stranger A man nobody in the Valley knew. One day Mr. Mac and I were poking around in old Summerville Cemetery of Tirzah Church near Lillington, and he was identifying the graves and recounting some of the deeds and events connected with various silent sleepers there. "Take that grave right over there by that cape jessamine bush,'' he said. "That's the resting place of a man nobody knows. In the old days there used to be a sort of town here. It's vanished now like Averasboro and many another Valley town, except for one or two houses. As a boy I can remember there were quite a number of dwellings here — an old jail, the remains of a school once taught by a learned doctor from Yale whose wife is buried in this churchyard, and a boardinghouse where the students used to live. In them days too there was a big sawmill, a hotel inn, and several stores. The Scotsmen built the town here above the river as a sort of summer resort. In the hot weather they moved their families up to the highlands to escape the mosquitoes and malaria in the flats. And so quite a settlement was built here. They say there was plenty of high life and fun and doings among the young sports and the purty girls. And of course there was, for there's always a lot of fun where young people are gathered together. "Well, one summer evening came a young fellow into this village and got a room at the inn. People didn't have to register on the books then the way they do now, so his name was not recorded. He stayed around for a few days and was quite a favorite among the dandies and the ladies. They said he could dance and sing ballads and talk of far places in the world where he had been. He spoke with a sort of accent, and some said he was a German, some said he was a Frenchman, and others said he must have been some kind of lord in disguise that had fled out of Europe to save his life. Anyhow, the purtiest girl among them all — sweet Belle Bethune — fell in love with him — just wild in love from what they said. But even she never did get his name. She, like the rest of the people, just called him Stranger. At home I've got a copy of a love song they say she used to sing. Maybe she sang it to him as they strolled about telling their love in the summer evening. I don't know. Anyhow it was supposed to be a favorite of hers. Well, what should happen to that stranger but that he was struck down with the fever while he was here, and in a few days was dead. Cal Bethune and the rest of them looked through his belongings but never a scratch of writing, never a sign as to who he was could be found. So he was buried here in the �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1081 churchyard. And Belle herself had a tombstone put up over him, and on it a brief verse which maybe she herself wrote to her dead love. "Years ago I made a copy of that epitaph before the letters on the tombstone shaled away, but that record too has disappeared. Maybe there's something symbolic of woman's affection in that." "What happened to Belle? Is she buried near him?" "No, she's not, and that's what I mean. Time is the poultice that heals all heartache and it healed hers finally. She married one of Colin Murchison's sons and they moved away to Texas." strapped Broke, penniless. straw Pine needles. When rain came in the Valley and we had a release from ploughing or working in the fields, we boys usually had to go to the woods and "rake straw" which was used for bedding for the mules and the cows. How we hated it! At least I did. the straw that breaks the camel's back don't care a Straw That is the last Straw. You can't make bricks without straw. strawberry bush The swamp euonymus, known in folk poetry as "hearts-a-busting-withlove." It grows in moist places in the Valley and along the margins of watercourses. A decoction of the roots has been used for prolapsus uteri and also as a blood purifier. strawberry mark A birthmark supposed to be caused by the pregnant mother wanting strawberries before the baby was born and not being able to get them. See "birthmark." straw man A bogey man, a fanciful creation for purposeful confusion, a weak person. Straws A children's game. A number of straws are dropped in a bunch. Players in turn try to remove a straw without disturbing another straw. A player continues as long as he is able to do so. drawing straws A decision by lot. Usually the one drawing the shortest straw was "It." I �1082 Paul Green's Wordbook used an army version of drawing straws in my play "Johnny Johnson," in which the captain burns the end of one match and then, with the opposite ends of the matches showing, the soldiers choose. The one who drew the burnt match had to go over the top to stop the sniper. streak A characteristic. "He's got a streak of meanness in him." Where there's a Streak of fat there's usually a streak of lean. streak off To dart away, to run, move fast. "She streaked off across the field when she saw the sheriff a-coming." Better to swim with the Stream than against it. strent Strength. stretcher An exaggerated lie or narrative. stretches A baby's muscular action, much the same as the yawns. See "baby stretches." stretch one's blanket To exaggerate, to tell a tall tale from nothing.' 'You can't believe half what William Henry tells you, for he stretches his blanket every time." Hatred stirreth up Strife. strike To reach a final stage. "You'll have to wait till these pickles strike." To hit upon, to arrive at. "This is the coolest place I've struck." Strike while the iron is hot. make a strike To be successful. strike it rich To come into riches, usually rather suddenly. strike me dead (pink) A mild interjection. strike oil To have a sudden success. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1083 strikes me Seems to me, appears to be, impresses me. "There's just something about old Ransome that strikes me wrong — I don't trust what he says." "That young man strikes me as first-rate." strike up a conversation strike up with (friendship) To meet up with, often resulting in a beginning acquaintance. string To tease, fool, to blackguard. "All the time he was stringing me along — he never meant to marry me." He plays on one String. Pull the String, the latch will raise. have on a string Have a claim on, to have control of, to be complete boss. "That girl's got Joe on a string, yes, ma'am!" string along with To agree with, to go along with, to vote the same way. "I'm going to string along with Clyde Hoey — there's nobody else to vote for." strings attached Conditions. "That place is for sale and no strings attached." stringhalt Lameness in a horse or mule, usually from a pulled muscle. string up To hang,to lynch. stripper A woman who loves to take off her clothes. A strip-tease does it for hire. Strive not with a man without cause. stroke Past tense of strike. Little Strokes fell great oaks. strollop A mixture of "stroll" and "trollop." A woman of doubtful manners. as Strong as a bull as Strong as a giant �1084 Paul Green's Wordbook as strong as a horse as strong as a mule as Strong as an ox as Strong as death as Strong as Gibraltar as Strong as Hercules as strong as Samson as Strong as steel as Strong as the rock of Gibraltar strop To throw down. "Strop him agin' the ground once more and you've got him." Strap. struck-bushel An exact bushel. This term comes from the custom of filling a bushel full and then taking a measuring rod or yardstick and striking it rakingly across the level top leaving an exact bushel measure. strut A brace. Also it means a dilemma, a difficulty or precarious situation. "I'm in a strut, old timer, couldn't you lend me ten dollars?" All Stuarts are not kinsmen of the king. stub A low small stump or nub. Also to strike against, "to stub one's toe." stubby Short, thick, muscular. stubblefield A field of wheat, oats or other grain after it has been mowed. as Stubborn as a mule as Stubborn as an ox stuck on To be in love with. "That girl is certainly stuck on that boy." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1085 stuck up Proud, has an attitude of silly superiority. stuck with Saddled with, left with responsibility for. "He's gone to Texas and she's stuck with those young'uns." stud A kind of poker game, also an oversexed man. studding Upright timbers for the construction of the walls of a house. Usually in the South in ordinary dwellings the studding is 2"x 4" scantlings. stud horse An oversexed male, especially one who has fathered many children. studs An ornamental removable shirt fastener, usually in formal dress instead of buttons. study Steady. The proper Study of mankind is man. study 'bout it To consider, to think. Stuff a cold and starve a fever is a good policy. stuff and nonsense A mild exclamation. stuffed shirt An all front and no back man, a show-off, a splurger. Often a bore. stumble on To come upon, to hit upon. "I stumbled on this statement in the Bible the other night that if a man called his brother a fool, he would be in danger of hell-fire." stump To confuse, to baffle. "I reckon that question stumped him." To stub or strike one's foot unthoughtedly against an object — a rock or root. stump babies There's an old folk belief, passed on especially to inquiring children, that babies are found in stumps. �1086 Paul Green's Wordbook stump puller An old-timey winding machine used for twisting stumps out of the ground. On our farm we used to fasten a pole to a stump with a chain and hitch a mule to the end of the pole and start him going round and round to twist the stump out. Sometimes this worked as a stump puller if the stumps were not too large. in a bad row of stumps To be in a bad way, an unpleasant situation. stump-sucker A defective horse, one that bites a part of a stump and holds on to it while he sucks air. Some horse doctors say that a horse that does this is sucking wind. stump-tailed Bobtailed. stump water See "spunk water." He was Stung at his own game. stunner A glamorous woman or extraordinary feat. stunt To stun. "I hit that hog with the axe but only stunted him." stunted Defective, undersized, mentally retarded. "One day I had carried Dr. McKeithan's meal to him in Lillington," said my historian friend Mr. Mac. "It was early in the morning and the doctor was up on the roof of his porch fastening a radio aerial. While I was waiting for the cook to bring my meal bag back, Handsome Newberry, a sort of weak-minded Negro and butt of village jokes, came along. Handsome was a little, ugly, bowlegged fellow and that accounted for his mocking nickname. He stopped and watched the doctor a moment and then called easy up to him, 'Boss, can you tell me what's that you're fixing up there?' " 'Hello, Handsome,' said the doctor. 'Yes, I'll tell you. It's a radio aerial.' " 'You mean one of them things that takes music right out'n the air, suh?' " 'Yes, that's right.' " 'Um, ain't people smart? Just think of that — music and all kinds of pritty sounds busting right at your ear and you can't hear them withouten �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1087 you got one of them wires. Um, ain't people smart?' " 'Yes, people are smart, Handsome,' said the doctor. " 'Is! You done said, Doctor. But you know they ain't complete and away smart.' " 'Maybe you're right. I guess they're not.' " 'Nossuh, they's some things they can't do.' " 'What things, Handsome?' " 'One of them I know plumb well. They can't cure consumption,' said Handsome. '' 'No, they can't but they've been able to do a lot of good, and someday we doctors will cure it.' " 'Is? I'm glad to hear that. I thought they'd never been able to do nothing for it a-tall.' " 'Oh, yes.' "You know, Doctor, I believes I got a real way to cure consumption if you could try it out.' " 'If you have, then you're a made man.' " 'Is?' " 'Absolutely — nothing you can't have — automobiles, yachts, summer houses, hardwood floors, oil-burning furnaces—' " 'Um, um, what is a yacht, Doctor?' " 'A pleasure ship that sails on the sea.' " 'Go 'way from here! Don't get me nigh to them deep waters.' " 'Well, go ahead and tell me about your cure.' " 'Well, suh, it's good old kairsene.' " 'Kerosene?' " 'Yessuh, boss. You just take the man, him that's a-barking and aharking with tubuckylosis and stick him in a barrel of kairsene up to his chin and let him set there. And the kairsene soaks in and in till it reaches all that gorm of germs, and they come out of his mouth and fly away like a swarm of wing-gnats. No, suh, they cain't stand kairsene. And he rises out of there a newmade man.' " 'Yes, I suppose he would if it didn't kill him.' "At this Handsome threw up his head, gave two or three dog-yelping laughs and went ambling on up the alley. 'You're right about that, Doc,' he called back, 'but they kill him anyway, don't they? People sure is smart, but they ain't too smart.' "The doctor looked after Handsome a moment, hunched his shoulders and went on fixing the wire that pulled music out of the air. 'He's certainly a character, isn't he, Mr. Mac?' he said to me. 'Pity he's stunted in his mind.' "Just then the cook came out bringing my empty meal bag, and I didn't have to reply." �1088 Paul Green's Wordbook as Sturdy as an oak sty An inflamed swelling of the eyelid. One way of curing a sty is to rub it nine times with a gold ring or a piece of gold. substance The heart of the matter, the main points. "Well, the substance of the speech was — we ought to forget the Civil War and get on with our business of building for the future." He parts with the substance for the shadow. If at first you don't succeed, try and try again. Nothing succeeds like success. such a matter as An indefinite time.' 'Well, he was gone such a matter as two weeks or more.'' suck A swampy or miry place. "My cow got lost, and I found her down there in the suck." suck egg dog A low-down character. /'// be a suck egg dog! (mule) A mild interjection. go suck eggs A term of derogatory dismissal. sucker A common freshwater fish, also a dolt or one who is easily gulled. suck the hind tit To be deprived, to have the worst of anything, be discriminated against. ' 'That' s the way the North kept the South sucking the hind tit and no wonder trouble broke out." suck the lemon dry To get out of a person or a subject all that is possible. go suck yourself A vulgar term of dismissal. suds Draft beer. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1089 Suffer the little children to come unto me and forbid them not for such is the kingdom of heaven. Tis better to suffer wrong than to do wrong. sugar A term of warm endearment, affection. "She likes me but she won't give me no sugar." sugarberry (hackberry) The Indians used these berries to cure syphilis which they caught from the white man, but the berries didn't prevail. sugar daddy A lecherous old fellow with much means by which he is able to purchase the affection of some young girl. sugar gourd In the old days a gourd with an opening in it was kept in the kitchen to hold sugar. sugar lump A sweetheart, also a term of endearment. sugar-mouth A sweet talker, a deceitful person, a sycophant. sugar tit An artificial tit made by using a bit of cloth folded in the shape of a nipple with a mixture of sugar and butter inside it. It was used as a pacifier. I remember the first picture I wrote for Warner Brothers in Hollywood. I had a scene in the cotton patch where the Negro women were picking cotton and their babies were lying on the blankets in the shade, each one pacified with its sugar tit. We had a time getting these sugar tits to work and finally had to scrap the scene because the babies, not used to this sort of tit, kept up such an ungodly row that Director Mike Curtiz finally said, "To hell with them." So we took the babies out, paid the mammies off and went on with the picture. The term more recently is used to refer to welfare aid. suggans Blankets or heavy comforters. Suicide Club A young men's club formed in Wilmington in the latter part of the 18th century, 1780-90. The members, some sixteen" to twenty, were "according to tradition'' avowed Atheists and held strange and secret meetings at which pagan rites were indulged in. It was said that among their mockeries was �1090 Paul Green's Wordbook one of the Lord's Supper where much drinking and carousing took place. But the report was that this proved too much for the patience of the Almighty, or Whoever or Whatever was offended, and in less than a year twelve of the sixteen in attendance took their own lives in remorse. suicide root A root which in its wild growth wraps itself around another root or the body of the plant or tree and slowly kills it. suit Dress, attire, toilette, an arrangement. "You've fixed me anice suit of hair." suits to a tee Very satisfactory. sulky sun A light two-wheeled cart suitable for one person, although in our neighborhood the boys who owned sulkies used to love to get their girls to ride with them, and no wonder, for they could sit close together. And sometimes in a rough place his arm could go around her for safety's sake. To sulk, to be sullen. sulphur A good vermin chaser and especially fine for the itch. When we were young, my brother and I contracted the itch. We had a little shed room on our back porch and we shut ourselves up in there, lighted a tin pan of dry sulphur, took off our clothes and went through the purification process, sitting on the bed or walking around and letting the fumes pour up and around us. It was a common belief in the Valley that this would work a sure cure. Every moment or so we'd have to open the door a crack, breathe in some fresh air and shut it again. After an hour or so we could endure no more, and we got our clothes on as best we could and burst out of the room, wheezing and squealing like persons dying of the asthma. We had to lie around most of the next day to get our strength back. But our itch was cured. For the next couple of weeks the house was so filled with the smell of sulphur that the whole family had to sleep with all doors open. smooth sumach This species of shrub grows in rocky or barren soils throughout the Valley and for that matter in almost all of North America. It is used as a cure for many diseases, claims being made it is good for gonorrhea, diarrhea, scrofula and fevers. The berries are supposed to be good for sore mouth and for gargling. In the case of burns, take equal parts of the beaten root mixed �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1091 with equal parts of milk and water, thicken it with flour and apply it on freshly burned places, and, so the saying goes, not a scar will be left. If you can sing in the summer, you may dance in the winter. No summer without a winter. summer freckles Freckles that appear from exposure to the hot sun in summer. summerset Somersault. Summerville One of the many perished villages and towns in the Valley. This Summerville was built up on a ridge just west of Lillington and was in a good way of becoming a summer resort for the planters who were beginning to build houses there and bring their families up out of the fever-infested lowlands for the hot summer months. The establishment of Lillington near the river finally caused the perishing of this old town. There are still one or two houses left to denote something of its spread and its aristocracy. The old restored Tirzah Church remains a bright landmark. sump A puddle of water, a dirty water hole. sump'n Something. to sun To spread or put out in the sun. The sun is the poor man's clock. Where the sun does not enter, the doctor does. He maketh his sun to rise on the evil and the good. sunball A weather gall, or atmospheric duplicate sun, usually above the sun. sunbeam A term used for a beautiful or precious little child or favorite daughter. In the old Pleasant Union Church we used to have a song we would sing on Children's Day. The little girls in their bright frocks would sing this in their little high-pitched voices, sounding sweetly to the ears of their doting parents, "We are little sunbeams." sunbonnet An old-timey bonnet with a high brim and with a ruffled back for protection �1092 Paul Green's Wordbook from the sun. Much the same as slat bonnet. Come day, go day, God send Sunday. Sunday The day of rest. The first chapter of Genesis in recounting God's creation of the world says, "So God created man in his own image, in the image of God created he him — male and female created he them." "And he gave him dominion over all the earth and every living thing that moveth on the earth....And God saw everything that he had made and behold it was very good. And the evening and the morning were the sixth day....And he rested on the seventh day from all his works." Thus, our commemorative Sunday as a day of rest and worship. Of course, Sunday in the Valley as elsewhere was not only a day of spiritual communion and enjoyment of church worship, it was also an occasion for social communion, neighbor to neighbor, a time to get news of one another's doings. Saturday evening at our house as elsewhere was a time for the weekly bath in and of the big tin tub. Also early Sunday morning the men of the family were busy shaving and brushing up. Then off to church. I'm sure the elders got more pleasure out of Sunday morning church service than we children did. Our time for joy came in the afternoon when we could play games like "I Spy," "Stealing Sticks," "Prison Base" and so on. But we were always conscious that this was the sabbath day and we mustn't be riotous. Sometimes we would forget, and I can still see my father — who was a gentle understanding man — come out where we were playing and say, "Listen, children, you'll have to quiet down — you're making too much racket here on the Lord's day." And then we would quit shouting and squealing so loudly in our enjoyment for a while. But soon we'd be back as loud as ever and get another reprimanding. In those days hunting, fishing, baseball or even marbles, and of course all games of chance, were forbidden. But with the coming of the first world war and the going of thousands of boys from the South into the service a different valuation of customs took place. The constrictive blue laws disappeared. Now the day is pretty much wide open with baseball, football — all sports — finding Sunday one of their biggest days for profit. But still the churches continue strong in their morning services. It's mainly in the afternoon that hell breaks loose — wide open grocery stores, golf, auto racing, etc., etc. Sunday clothes Dress-up clothes. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1093 Sunday gal A flirt, a deceiver. There's a good rhyme about it. A Sunday gal is fair But a weekday gal will wear. Sunday-go-to-meeting duds Best clothes, party clothes. Sunday School Sunday School has become the custom throughout the Valley and is usually held an hour or two ahead of the regular preaching hour. Different teachers have different age groups, and these groups are instructed in the Scriptures. We used to have what we called quarterlies, a sort of synopsis or textbook usually in pamphlet form with the lessons arranged for each Sunday. I enjoyed studying a quarterly and being able to answer up sharply in the Sunday School class. In fact I used to teach in the Sunday School, teaching the men's group, but finally when I got completely converted by Darwin and others, I lost my enthusiasm and finally faded out of the picture. Sunday School cards Little 3"x 4" cards, usually illustrated with the figure of Christ or some other Biblical character and given out to the' 'little folks''' Sunday School class for their knowledge and instruction. The cards often had catechism questions printed on them with a space for answering. I loved them and tried to be ready with my glib answers ahead of everybody else when Sunday came. My half-sister Alda (Allie to us) taught the class and did it well. "Who was the oldest man?" Quick answer — "Methusaleh." "How old was he when he died? " "Over nine hundred years old.'' A grunt of disbelief from some unregenerate four-year-old. "Who was the meekest man?" "Moses." "Who was the strongest man?" "Samson." And so on. Sunday suit The one suit of clothes kept for Sunday wear. sundog A mock sun. sundown Sunset. sun drawing water Often in summer when an afternoon shower was light enough to show streaks of rain falling across the face of the sun behind, we would — or someone would — call out, "Look, the sun's drawing water!" Or maybe another would say, "The devil's beating his wife!" I've never been able to find out �1094 Paul Green's Wordbook the source of either of these old sayings. sunflower The plant grows from the arctic circle to the tropics and is especially prolific in the Valley. The dried seeds make wonderful bird feed. I have known the evening grosbeaks to be so greedy over the seed furnished in our bird feeder that their catalogued date of departure is delayed for weeks. They must have a pathological difficulty as to will to migrate, whatever the easy pickings — the welfare. But instinct always wins and they finally depart, and we look forward to next year when they can come again. There are other and numerous uses for the plant — for chickenfeed, cure for dysentery and bladder infection and so on. The Indians used oil from the seed to grease their heavy hair. The flowers are round, with petals yellow like the sun, but as to name, it is accounted for by the fact that, when in bloom, its "countenance'' shows its adoration of the sun by turning toward it on its rising and turning with it as the hours proceed toward sunset. On cloudy days its devotion is somewhat marred, though it does the best it can, however feebly. Thomas Moore, the Irish poet (1779-1852), has a lovely reference to this in his beautiful lyric, "Believe Me If All Those Endearing Young Charms," set to an old Scotch melody. "The heart that has truly loved never forgets, But as truly loves on to the close, As the sunflower turns on her god when he sets The same look which she turned when he rose." sunny side Optimistic attitude. "She always shows her sunny side when company comes." sunny-side up eggs Eggs fried with the yoke atop and unbroken. sun pain Headaches caused by exposure to the sun. The sunshine follows the rain. sunshiny Cheerful, good-hearted, radiant even. sun time Time gauged by the sun.' 'I run my sawmill, boys, by sun time — start sawing at sunup and knock off at sunset." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1095 sun to sun From sunup to sunset. supper for the dead An old folk practice among the Negroes by which the dead could be summoned from the grave and give information about their taking off, or other matters, so it was believed. A table would be set as usual for the family, and a plate, knife, fork, cup and chair placed at the table for the dead one. Food would be put on the plate too. Then through some incantations or hocus-pocus carried on by a conjure doctor, the dead would come up out of the darkness and take a seat at the table and begin to eat. I wrote a play on this subject, telling the story of a Negro girl, Miny, who had been found drowned in a creek, and old Queenie, a voodoo woman, and her two snake-headed daughters, Lil and Fury, came to the girl's parents and set out a supper for the dead so they could find out the nature of her death. The mother had already begun to suspect her husband, Miny's father, as having had something to do with it. Old Queenie then began to burn her mystic herbs in a bowl on the table while she and her daughters did a queer dance around them, chanting the while— "God befo' me, God behime me, God be wid me." And then as the smoke of the herbs continued to rise in the room, old Queenie chanted forth her spell language— "Feathers, cakes and beans and cawn, Thumb of de bastard son jist bawn, Spider, wasp and field-mice tongue, Eye of a man de gallus hung. "Devil's snuff and de dried dog brains, 'Oman's scabs dat died in chains, Ground calf-tongue and de black cat's bone— Come up, Miny, git yo' own. "Black snake ile and rain-crow aig Puts de strength in the ghostes laig, Make um power of muscle and bone— Come up, Miny, hyuh's yo' own." The ghost of the little girl Miny appeared and indicated that her father there had ruined her and because of him she had committed suicide. On learning this, the wife Vonie, mother of the girl, grabbed the shotgun down �1096 Paul Green's Wordbook from above the door and killed her husband Fess, who had seduced his own daughter. The play won a prize of first place in a New York competition, but according to my friend Barrett H. Clark, the producers "found it so full of violence that they wouldn't stage it." I often ponder this matter of violence in drama. Shakespeare certainly filled most of his plays with it. "Out, vile jelly!" etc. as supple as a cat He who sups with the devil needs a long spoon. suption (soption) Barbecue sauce, gravy, or grease or gooey liquid. "Gimme some more of that suption to make this barbecue hot enough." as sure as day as sure as death as sure as fate as sure as hell as sure as night follows day as sure as shooting as sure as the sun rises as sure as the sun sets as sure as the sun shines Better sure than sorry. Look beneath the surface. the surrender A milestone in Southern history — marking the surrender of General Lee at Appomattox, April 9,1865. "No, Mr. Green, I ain't that old. I was born one year after the surrenduh." Survival of the fittest is a law of nature. suspicion To suspect. "He suspicioned there was something wrong with them slaughtered hogs." Suspicion haunts the guilty-minded. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1097 suster Sister. sut Soot. swag Boodle, stolen goods. 'swage (assuage) To shrink. "Wait till the swelling 'swages down and then we can see just what's wrong." SWAK Initials sometimes put on envelopes indicating "Sealed with a kiss." swallow To accept, to believe. "He swallowed the man's story, hook, line and sinker." One swallow does not make a spring. One swallow does not make a summer. swamp angel The veery, a shy bird of beautiful melody, much like a small thrush in color and shape. Mr. Mac, the Valley historian, says that the swamp angel actually is the thrush and its beautiful singing in the late summer afternoons in the deep cool woods is the most beautiful thing he ever heard. swamp dogwood A shrub found in the low moist woods and along the banks of the streams in the Valley. It is valuable as a cure for many diseases, and Burlage and Jacobs say that the Cree Indians used it for coughs and as a stimulant and a tonic. Its long stems were once used to make baskets. swamp mallow Called by some a marsh mallow. It grows in the borders of marshes throughout the Valley. Seeds of this swamp mallow make a good cordial and once were used for acid stomach. The swan sings when death comes. I swan! A mild interjection, meaning I swear. Don't swap horses in midstream. �1098 Paul Green's Wordbook swap knives A game much indulged in by school boys in the old days. Sometimes the swap was made "with no questions asked." I remember once swapping knives blindly with a fellow and the knife I got had no blades in it at all. swarm up (over) To attack viciously. "He'll swarm all over you if you make him mad." A swarm of bees in May Is worth a load of hay. A swarm in July Is not worth a fly. (A proverb rhyme.) swaybacked A horse with a dip in its back. swave Climb. "He swaved right up that tree." Swear not at all. If you swear while fishing, you will catch no fish. / swear A mild interjection. swears like a pirate (sailor) In the sweat of thy face shall thou eat bread. sweat bees Bees or other insects hovering around a sweaty person. A sweating glass of water means rain. sweep There's a superstition that if one sweeps under the bed of a sick person, that person will die. Everyone should sweep in front of his own door. sweep pole A long pole, usually of resilient white oak or black gum sapling, used as a fulcrum with grabs attached for lifting logs from the ground and carrying them underneath a log wagon to the sawmill. sweep under the rug To hide away a subject, to cover it up, to deceive by outer appearances when "under the rug" lies the truth. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1099 as sweet as a flower as sweet as an angel as sweet as a rose as sweet as honey as sweet as pie as sweet as sugar Every sweet has its sour. so sweet that butter would melt in his mouth "Sweet Adeline" An old sentimental song, especially a favorite of barbershop quartet groups. sweet alyssum A fragrant herbaceous plant found in the Valley where it has become naturalized and is a favorite in the home gardens. There used to be a legend that if it were dried and beat into powder, it was a good cure for hydrophobia, also for hiccoughs. "Sweet and Low" The famous poem of Tennyson set to music, and sung by many a mother as a lullaby. The phrase also means seductive talk, persuasive argument. sweet balsam Rabbit tobacco. sweet bay One of the most decorated and beautiful trees growing in the Valley. The sweet bay is seldom found in the upper reaches of the Valley. The leaves, the berries and the bark were good for poulticing sores or swelling joints, and a tea made from boiling the roots was used for children's colic. The tea was also good for gallstones, liver and spleen troubles in grown-ups. The tree was supposed to have a mystic power of protection in that neither witch nor devil, thunder nor lightning would harm one where sweet bay was planted. I have got a couple planted near my house in Chatham County close by Chapel Hill, but I didn't plant them for fear of the witches, the devil or thunder, but hoping to smell their sweet blossoms. They have responded to that hope but obviously with some effort. "In the Sweet Bye and Bye" A favorite church hymn which depicts the joys to be experienced by the Christian souls in yonder world. This has brought untold comfort to many a Valley soul, as well as elsewhere. �1100 Paul Green's Wordbook sweet enough to eat Usually said of a baby or one's sweetheart. sweeten the pot To add to the ante in a card game. sweeten up To mollify, to flatter excessively. sweet flag The calamus plant. The root is supposed to be good for all sorts of stomach troubles. I remember old Miss Gaskins who used to come and stay with us on a visit, how she would carry some of the sweet flag root wrapped up in her old handkerchief. And sometimes as she sat by the winter fire, she would take out the root in her trembling hands, break off a piece, put it in her toothless mouth, and sit there sucking it and staring peacefully at the fire. The root was supposed to be good for the preservation of the teeth and as an aphrodisiac, though too late to do old Miss Minty any good in either case. "Sweet Genevieve" As long as I can remember this has been a great favorite in the Valley. Our male quartet used to make the night ring with it as we walked or rode home ' 'under the silvery moon" from some neighborhood frolic or cornshucking. The words were written in 1869 by George Cooper, friend and associate of Stephen Foster and for whose' 'Come Where My Love Lies Dreaming'' and other songs he wrote the lyrics. The melody of "Sweet Genevieve" was composed by Henry Tucker, also of the Civil War period and fame. The ballad tells the true story of a young man's only sweetheart dying a few months after the two were married. "O Genevieve, I'd give the world To live again the lovely past! The rose of youth was dew-impearled But now it withers in the blast. I see thy face in ev'ry dream. My waking thoughts are all of thee. Thy glance is in the starry beam That falls along the summer sea." Chorus "O Genevieve, sweet Genevieve, The days may come, the days may go, But still the hands of mem'ry weave The blissful dreams of long ago." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1101 And how in close harmony our quartet would squeeze out a beautiful minor and hold it on "But still the hands of mem'ry weave,'' even sometimes tears filling our sympathetic eyes. sweet gum tree This tree grows prolifically in the Valley throughout its entire length and up into the edge of the mountains. We children used to chop gashes in these trees and then later get the exuded gum and use it for chewing gum. The leaves of the tree are very aromatic and, if dried and beaten up and mixed with whiskey and taken regularly, were very good for irritable stomach. The dried balls of the tree with their little spikes were often used as decoration items on homemade furniture. sweetie pie A term of endearment. sweet lips An especially loving woman. sweet mouth To court, to infatuate, praise to undoing. "She put the sweet mouth on him and he was a goner." sweet potato The common long potato as contrasted with Irish potato. A main staple of food for the Valley people. Also the juice from the vines was used as a mild children's purgative. During the hard reconstruction times many of the Scotsmen in the Valley dried the potatoes and used the dried crumbs to make coffee, and also used potatoes to make mucilage and starch. sweet shrub (sweet betsy) An odoriferous shrub. Carrying one of the buds in one's pocket was supposed to make the girls love you. sweet spirits of nitre! An exclamation. A woman's sweet talk And a plentiful table Will hold any man That's worthwhile and able. (A folk proverb.) sweet tooth A penchant for sweet things. �1102 Paul Green's Wordbook sweet William A very popular garden flower. Sweet words butter no parsnips. swell Fine, dandy. swelled up Angry, sullen. swell head An egotist. sweltry Sultry. swig A small dram, a small drink of liquor, also as a verb. "He don't do nothing but lay around the house and swig whiskey." / swigger! A mild interjection. as swift as a bird as swift as a bullet as swift as an arrow as swift as an eagle as swift as thought swimmy-headed Slightly dizzy. swims like a duck swims like a fish Cast not your pearls before swine. swing To handle, take care of, be able to control. "I haven't got enough money to swing that deal." swinge Singe. swinging-limb The low-hanging limb on a tree, especially used by children to swing from. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1103 Also a favorite hitching place for horses and mules at a picnic or church gathering. swing it To make swing music or move to its rhythm. swingletree Singletree, a bar hitched to a plow or wagon with rings at each end to which trace chains would be attached for the horse or mule to pull. We also had doubletrees for a double team. "Swing Low, Sweet Chariot" To me one of the most beautiful of all Negro spirituals. It was common property among the field workers in the Valley, both black and white, but segregation set up again in the churches, and it belonged then to the Negroes only. I have never heard it sung in a white church, but soon no doubt it will be heard there too. I paraphrased the title somewhat for naming a Negro musical play I wrote for New York back in 1934, though the message remained the same — "Roll Sweet Chariot." "Swing low, sweet chariot, Coming for to carry me home, Swing low, sweet chariot, Coming for to carry me home. "I looked over Jordan and what did I see Coming for to carry me home. A band of angels coming after me, Coming for to carry me home. "If you get there before I do, Coming for to carry me home, Just tell 'em I'm a-coming too, Coming for to carry me home. "I ain't been to heaben but I been told— The streets of heaben is paved with gold— "I'm sometimes up and sometimes down— My head is almost to the ground—" Like most all of the spirituals the author-composer is unknown. Maybe it grew bit by bit from one worker to another in the long cotton field hours or from some equally long tending of a sick or dying person. swink Shrink. �1104 Paul Green's Wordbook a switch A bunch of artificial hair or the lady's own saved in a hair dish and used to fill out a hairdo. switchblade knife A pocketknife whose long blade flies open when a spring is pressed. It is a dangerous weapon in the hand of an irate man. These knives used to be more common in the Valley than they are now, and in the old days many a man carried one to have in readiness at public gatherings and especially at political rallies where in the heat of politics he might receive an insult or some question be raised as to his honor or character. Dr. John Giles had his switchblade with him one day at a political speaking in Lillington. Afterwards he met up with Roderick Massey and the two got to arguing as to whether Andrew Johnson should have been impeached. Dr. John said he shouldn't and Roderick said he should. Hot words began to pass between them. Now Dr. John as everybody knew had a terrible high temper, and in a rage he out with his switchblade and gave Roderick a rake across the stomach that dang nigh ruined him, as Mr. Mac, the Valley historian, recounted the incident to me. Roderick fell to the ground, and of course the neighbors rushed up to try to do something.'' Go get Dr. McBryde!" somebody shouted. Then somebody else said he had seen the doctor going to Lumberton and he wouldn't be back till tomorrow. "Then drive over the river and get Dr. McNeill here in a hurry, for God's sake!" another one said. But another one spoke up and said that Dr. McNeill had gone to Raleigh to a medical meeting — and that's what Mrs. McNeill said. So there was no doctor left anywhere. Then all eyes turned toward Dr. John, who was putting up his wiped knife and straightening his rumpled clothes. He looked back at them and they looked at him. Finally, he let out a loud "Goddamn!", pulled off his hat and stomped it in the dirt, and reached for his bag. His Negro boy, Attorney-at-law, called Turney for short, who had been holding the bag while the doctor had done his cutting, handed it to him. There was nothing else to be done, so Dr. Giles squatted down by the wounded man and went to work on him. They say he was so mad he cried and cussed as he sewed. "If I'd a known this was to happen, Rod," he blubbered, "I wouldn't a-cut you so deep nor so wide." Then Roderick started to argue with him again, saying Johnson was a traitor and ought to be hanged, and he'd stand to it till he died. At this Dr. John lifted up his big hog needle, the tears streaming down his cheeks, and said, "One more word out of you, Rod, and while I got you down I'll sew up your lips and thread 'em to your nose so damned tight you'll never breathe again, let alone argue." Rod saw that he meant it. So he lay still while the doctor sewed, and said no more. He recovered all right, and later he and Dr. John �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1105 were good friends. In fact he was one of the pallbearers that helped put the old doctor there where he sleeps in Tirzah churchyard. / be switched! A mild interjection. switches Little long twigs usually taken from the new sprouts of the spirea bush. "Better obey your parents, children, or Santa Claus will bring you a bag of switches on Christmas — he did for Martin Matthews." switching A light spanking. swivel Shrivel.' 'There stood that little boy in the cold, his lips all swiveled up and blue." swivet A hurry, turmoil, nervous haste, the fidgets. swizzled Fooled, deceived, cheated. swole Past tense of swell. swoom Swoon. Put up thy sword. They that live by the sword shall perish by the SWOrd. swordsman A cocksman, a ladies' man, a sport. "Everybody knowed that Charlie was a swordsman and that's how come he got killed by that jealous husband." swunk Shrunk. syllabub (sillabub) In the old days this was a special Christmas drink in the Valley. Even deacons in the church and sworn teetotalers felt that a bit of syllabub was allowable at this religious holiday time. The drink was made by mixing a little liquor (preferably corn) with a rich, almost custard-thick cream and sweetened. syphilis cure The fruit of the sugarberry tree eaten heavily was one of the many promising cures. The Indians had faith in this practice as a cure after they'd caught the disease from the white man, or woman. �1106 Paul Green's Wordbook T tabby A female cat. tabernickle Tabernacle. tableful! A crowd. tabookit A sound made by the hooves of a galloping horse. keep tabs on To keep an eye on, look after, be responsible for. tackles Poor Southern whites. tackle To attempt, to try, to make an effort at. tacky Common, vulgar. It is used both as an adjective and as a noun. In bad taste.' 'That girl came to the party in one of the tackiest dresses that I ever saw." mill tacky A cotton-mill poor white, a common worker, usually looked down on by the farmers, even tenant farmers. tacky party A costume party where everyone comes dressed in' 'tacky'' and outlandish clothes, usually old clothes. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence tad 1107 A little child, usually refers to boys. Also a small amount, a bit. taddick A little bit, small amount. "Hand me that taddick of wool." Tag One of the most popular of all children's games. There are a number of varieties — Squat Tag, Turn Tag, Wood Tag, Iron Tag, etc. One child is chosen "It" by a counting-out rhyme, and he chases the other players. "Safety" in each game is to touch or do what players agree upon. In Squat Tag, for example, "It" must catch a player before he squats and hold him long enough to count one-two-three. Then the one caught becomes "It." But if the chased one squats before he is tagged, he is safe. Players are granted only three squats. In Turn Tag, "It" must turn and chase anyone who crosses between him and the one being chased. In Iron Tag, the pursued one is always safe as long as he is touching iron before being tagged. tag along To follow dispiritedly, but doggedly. tail A following detective. The backside. A screwing, sexual intercourse. I heard the following at a sawmill once. "I was in town last night and I got me a piece of tail." "You did?" "Yeh, man, and I mean tail." "Urn, and what'd it cost you?" "Nothing." "Nothing?" "Yeh, nothing. Kinfolks." Cut a dog's tail off and put it under the steps, and the dog won't run away from home anymore. tailband The crupper. his tail between his legs Humiliated, shamefaced. tailboard A cross board at the end of a cart or wagon body which can be removed for loading or unloading. �1108 Paul Green's Wordbook tail dragging Loafing, working half-heartedly. "I'm going to turn him off come Saturday — he's just too tail dragging." tail end The exact end. tail feathers Pretensions, false manners, highfalutin airs. You've got to get hold of more than the tail feathers if you want to catch the chicken. tail in a split To be in a difficult situation. One of the Valley doctors told me that his tail was in a split one time. Well, of course, doctors get their tails in splits many times, but this was a particular time and happening. He was at a convention, he said, in a distant city, when a Valley boy, a young man, came to see him. He knew the fellow and there was some confidential talk between them. This young man told the doctor that he had caught venereal disease in the town while he was away from home. This job would soon be ended and he was going to have to go back home, and he didn't know what to do about his young wife. The doctor suggested that he try to get another job in the town and let his wife know that his work was keeping him there longer than he thought. In the meantime he should get himself cured. The doctor said he did. When the doctor got back home, he was called on shortly by the young wife herself, and after much hemming and hawing, she let him know that she, too, had caught venereal disease. "I've been a plumb fool,'' she wept,' 'messing around with that low-down man," and she told who it was.' 'And he's ruined me, ruined me," she said. The doctor comforted her and started treating her. Then she heard with great j oy that her husband had been delayed and was continuing in the distant town. So by the time the young man came home she was cured up. "Yessir," said the doctor, "for a while my tail was in a split, and theirs were too. But it worked out all right, and I reckon neither of them ever knew about the other. Before long they began to have some chldren. They've got four now and they're getting along well — a happy family, though two of the older ones have mighty bad eye trouble and I'm treating them." The old saying' 'tail in a split" always reminds me of our possum hunting custom in the Valley. If we caught a possum, we'd cut down a little sapling — usually a whifp cak one — and cut it off to about a five- or six-foot length. We'd slit open one end of the sapling, insert the possum's tail in the slit, and let it close up tight again, thus holding him captive by the tail. Then with the pole over our shoulders and the captive possum sitting humbly on �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1109 it, held by his tail, we'd march proudly home with our game. He'd be put in a wired-over pen and fed persimmons and boiled sweet potatoes for a few weeks, and then served up as a special and delectable food. I never found it so. To me cooked possum is about eighty percent grease. Still I am thankful for the old folk sayings I got from the creature, and I try as much as possible not to get my tail in a split. Naturally, I don't always succeed. tailings Seconds, inferior quality, the chaffy materials that are blown away by the fan in threshing. tail on fire To be in a great hurry or fiercely angry. tail over the dashboard In high spirits. tail up Resolute, optimistic, much the same as tail over the dashboard. tain't It ain't. tairpin Terrapin. take To get ready to do, to plan, to get set. "Now the government will take and cut your pension down to nothing." To be effective. "The salt didn't take and every one of my hams sp'iled in the warm weather spell." You must take the fat with the lean. take a back seat To retire from the limelight, be demoted. to take a bleed (leak) To urinate. to take a crack at To try, to attempt, to make an effort. take after Resemble. "When I was a little boy, more than one neighbor would look at me and say to my father, 'That boy takes after his grandfather Bill Byrd, don't he?' " �1110 Paul Green's Wordbook take and An expression of emphasis. "He took and went over the creek to get a pot.'' take and do it Get busy and do, act resolutely. "Don't talk so much, just take and do it." take a pen in hand To write in a bombastic or over-inflated style. take a powder To run away, to quit a job suddenly. take a shine to To like. take back To recant. take care of it To wind a matter up, finish, conclude. "That about takes care of it." take for a ride To cheat, to lead on deceptively. "He promised to pay that money back, but he took me for a ride." To be killed.' 'They found him crumpled under a pile of lumber — the gang had taken him for a ride." take in To assemble, to begin. "School took in last Tuesday." To cheat. "I got took in on that deal, yessiree!" take in the town To go out on the town for a big time. take it from me Accept my word for truth, believe me. "Take it from me — that Jack Tufts just won't do." take it out on To treat another spitefully or abusedly. "He took his disappointment out on me and I wasn't to blame at all." taken Past tense of take. "He taken his gun in hand." take notice An emphatic statement of observing.' 'That baby began to take notice before he was six months old." �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 1111 take off To flee, run, leave. To mimic. "Earsie Matthews can take off Mr. Billy Green to a fare-ye-well." take on To assume a task, to make a to-do over. take one down a peg To lower one's pride, to discomfit. take one's foot in one's hand To make a decision. "He tuk his foot in his hand and lit out for home." take out To unfasten, to unhitch. "Take out the mules and feed 'em, the sun's gone down." take sick To become sick, usually suddenly. take stock in To believe in, to give credence to. "I don't take a bit of stock in what he says these days." take the bridle off To cut loose, to go on a tear. take the cake To win the prize, to win first place, to be tops. take the rag off the bush To outdo, out-lie, over-exaggerate. take to To run. "He took to the woods when he saw that bear." To like. "That baby took to old man Lee as soon as he saw him." take to the cleaners. To ream, to bankrupt, to steal everything. take up To loiter, to waste time, to hang about.' 'That old sorry hound dog has took up here and I can't run her off." take up for To defend, espouse a cause, to support. "I'll take up for the young folks any day." �1112 Paul Green's Wordbook take up with To become a pal of, a companion to. taking out fire There are many Valley superstitions about easing a burn or taking out fire. I knew an old Negro man who said he could do it. He had a queer outlandish mumble and wordless song which accompanied the pantomime of his passing his hands over the burnt place. "Now, Missy, you'll feel better right away." tale Malicious gossip. "He told a tale about her." Talk is easy. Talk of the devil and his imps will appear. Don't talk while fishing, for the fish won't bite. talk a blue streak Excessively talkative. talk back To respond impertinently, sassily. Talking comes by nature, silence comes by wisdom. talk the hinges off the door Excessively garrulous. talk through one's hat Speak foolishly. talk turkey Straight talk, stern advice, a laying down of the law. as tall as a church steeple as tall as a haystack tallow The cooked and rendered fat of animals. Tallow is good for all sorts of colds and coughs when smeared on the chest and rubbed in. Also it is good to soften up hard brogan shoes in winter or any kind of leather goods. The folk superstition in the Valley used to run that when one's chest was wellgreased with tallow, no witches or harmful spirits could come nigh enough to hurt. tall tales Wild and imaginative narratives. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1113 Tall trees catch much wind. It is the tall trees the lightning strikes most. as tame as a kitten tan To whip, spank. " If you don't behave yourself, boy, I'll tan your hide good.'' tanglefoot A specially prepared sticky paper to catch flies. We used to have them spread all about our house, and yet the flies increased. tank up To drink to excess, to get drunk.' 'He goes down to that filling station ever' Sad'dy night and tanks up, then comes home drunk and beats the children." tansies Cakes made of eggs and tansy leaves and eaten during Lent. tansy A wild flower that grows some two to four feet high and is plentiful throughout the Valley. It is aromatic and bitter of taste and according to report has been used in medicine since the Middle Ages. It often decks the roadside in summer with its yellow flat-topped flower clusters. In the Roman Catholic Church tansy (from the Greek word meaning immortality) typifies the bitter herbs which were to be eaten or chewed at the Easter season. tantrabogus A frightful monster, a folklore creature of unimaginable fearfulness, the devil himself. tantrum A fit of high temper, hysterics. tap To choose, to designate, as to tap one for a fraternity membership. Tap Out (Clap Out) A children's game of chase, also a young people's courting game. Any number can play this game. A ring is formed, with the players holding hands. Sometimes they march around singing a song — any song they choose. "It" moves around outside the ring and taps a chosen person, usually a boy tapping a girl and vice versa. The one tapped then chases the tapper around the ring. If the boy catches the girl, he is allowed a kiss, and if the girl catches the boy — and this most often happens, for the boys usually slow down for the purpose of being caught — then she can allow herself to be kissed. Many a marriage has begun this way. And oh, how my heart used to ache �1114 Paul Green's Wordbook when my favorite girl would pass me by and tap some no 'count fellow farther down the ring. The game is much like Drop the Handkerchief. "Ta-ra-ra Boom-der-e" A popular song of the old days. We boys used to have our own version which began— "Ta-ra-ra boom-ray-dee, I got bumps all over me." tared Tired. tares Deductions or tolls made from the gross weight of a commodity to be sold. Also any weeds or foreign growth in a field of wheat. Sins, evil deeds for good, as given in the 13th chapter of the Gospel of Matthew.' 'The kingdom of heaven is likened unto a man which sowed good seed in his field. But while men slept, his enemy came and sowed tares among the wheat and went his way. But when the blade was sprung up and brought forth fruit, then appeared the tares also." Don't sow tares, the Scripture commands. Tar Heel A native North Carolinian. The name also applies to different athletic teams — football, basketball, tennis, wrestling, etc. — from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, the original and main campus. There are many "legends'' that give accounts of the origin of the name. One is that when Lord Cornwallis' soldiers crossed the Tar River by wading it during the Revolutionary War, they found their feet sticky with tar that had been dumped into the river from the nearby tar-pitch-and-turpentine activities of the settlers. The word got around that anyone wading in North Carolina rivers would acquire tar on his heels — hence "tar heels." tar kiln An old-timey kiln for making tar. Usually good rich pine butts or knots were used, being piled in a heap, with a trough underneath made of clay. Then the pile was covered with dirt, with an opening in the center for the smoke to come out. The timber was lighted and set for a slow sweaty burning. The tar oozed into the clay trough and flowed to a barrel or pot placed on a lower level. tarnal Eternal. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1115 tarnation! A mild expletive. beat the tar out of To thrash soundly. tartar A bad-tempered, fierce person, usually applied to a woman. "Lord, that Sally Ann Butts is a reg'lar tartar." task A set amount, a delimited job of work. "Now, boys, I've set you a task of two hundred pounds of cotton apiece before you can go off and play baseball," my father announced that morning. And of course Hugh and I were up at daybreak and into the west cotton fields picking away when the sun came up. The heavy dew made the cotton weigh more, and by twelve o'clock we were free and, after a bit of dinner, off with bounding feet and singing heart to the ballfield at the old Schofield place, Hugh to play left field and me to pitch. taste A tiny bit, a shade more.' 'Your house is a taste finer'n mine with that extra chimney." ta-ta A jocular half-mocking reply to a statement or announcement. 'tater Potato. "Sister, give that child a 'tater and hush its squalling." tatterdemalion A ragged good-for-nothing person. tatters Rags. "Look at them pore Barnes young'uns — just going in tatters." tatting One of the needlework skills taught in the early female academies. tattle To gossip. tattletale A gossip, a scandalmonger. Tattletale-tit, Your tongue shall be split And every hog and dog �1116 Paul Green's Wordbook Shall have a little bit. (A teasing rhyme.) tattoo An indelible mark or pattern needle-worked into the skin, often repented of later to little avail. Sailors and soldiers and young men going far from their sweethearts or favorite women would often have some love-token tattooed, usually on the forearm. The Indians in the Valley were addicted to tattooing also. Many men favor the seductive and naked female form for a pattern. Newell Everett who worked at our sawmill had two buxom female breasts tattooed on the inside of his powerful forearm. "When I get to feeling low," he said, "all I got to do to get my spirits coming is to roll up my sleeve and look at that pair of woman's titties." taw A large marble, usually of glass, used to shoot the smaller marbles or dinahs. A sweetheart. An especially prized possession. come to taw To toe the mark, to measure up, also to suffer retribution. tea cake A round sweet thin cake popular in the Valley, named from the English habit of serving cake with tea. tear A spree, a wild party or cutting up. "George Sexton got drunk last night at the box-party and went on a tear — we had to conk him on the head with a piece of scantling to quiet him." It's easier to tear down than to build up. tear down, tear off To flee, run. "He tore down the road like the dogs were after him." a tearing hurry A frenzied activity. tear-jerker A sentimental story or funeral service, a powerful preacher. "Old Sandy King is a tear-jerker all right — when he really gets going in the pulpit." a tease A joking, fun-loving person. teasel A low plant that likes to grow in the damp woods and along running streams. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 1117 The root is astringent, and the leaves were once used to heal up cuts and open wounds. techous Touchous. teddy A woman's chemise. teeny Tiny. teeny-einsy (teen-einy) (teeny-ouncy) Very tiny. teeter-totter A child's playground balancing board, a seesaw. A person with a gap between his front teeth will be lucky. One's teeth should be pulled when the zodiac blood sign is in the feet and not in the head — if the latter, one is likely to have a lot of bleeding. something to get one's teeth in A subject one can make headway in, something palpable, actual, real. to have one's wisdom teeth To have grown up to wisdom's maturity, to be knowing, hard to be fooled, and so on. teetotally Entirely, completely. "That gal has teetotally ruined him." telepathy A common superstition of long enduring to the effect that thought or knowledge can be transferred from one person to another without any physical means of communication. The parapsychology (a more scientific and passable name for extrasensory perception) laboratory at Duke University is engaged head over heels in this folk belief. tell To recognize, identify. "My car is red, so I can tell it easy in any parking lot." To show, mark. "His age is beginning to tell on him." Till. Tell no tales out of school. tell off To scold, berate, bless out, bawl out. "I told that scutter off and I mean told." �1118 Paul Green's Wordbook tell out To scold. tell-tale-tit See "Tattletale-tit." tell the news To weep loudly, to shout, cry out. "Every time Maudie Messer whups her boy you can hear him tell the news clean down here to our house." tempest in a teapot Much ado about little or nothing. temptious Tempting. Ten Commandments The most powerful of all aphorisms and folk proverbs in guiding the behavior of the Valley people. The decalogue, a summary of God's, given to Moses on Mt. Sinai for man's obeying. "Ten Little Indians" One little, two little, three little Indians, Four little, five little, six little Indians, Seven little, eight little, nine little Indians, Ten little Indian boys — and girls and papooses and braves and squaws. (The last is recited in a rush.) (A child's nursery song.) on tenterhooks In an emotional state of uncertainty. "Tenting Tonight" The actual title is "We're Tenting Tonight," but we always said "Tenting Tonight." It, too, was one of our quartet favorites. This is another heart-reaching song coming out of the tragic and wasteful Civil War. It was written by Walter Kittredge soon after he was drafted into the Union Army in 1862. It quickly became a favorite with both North and South. I used it in a Civil War play "Wilderness Road," and in an antiphonal scene both the boys in blue and the boys in gray sang it — one side in answer to the other and then both sides on the chorus together — separated by a protecting hillock. "We're tenting tonight on the old campground, Give us a song to cheer �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1119 Our weary hearts, a song of home And friends we loved so dear." "Many are the hearts that are weary tonight, Wishing for the war to cease. Many are the hearts looking for the right To see the dawn of peace. Chorus "Tenting tonight, tenting tonight, Tenting on the old campground." And so on, with the heart-hurting words, "Dying tonight, Dying on the old campground." terbacker Tobacco. termatoes Tomatoes. in terms of A popular cliche among political speakers and dull classroom teachers, meaning to appraise one thing by picturing another. tessie boy An effeminate fellow, a weak-willed errand boy. tessie man A volatile and knee-bending servant or sycophant, a handyman. testes Tests. fetch Touch. Tetherball A one-person, if necessary, ball game. A pole is set up some eight or ten feet high and a tethered ball, with some string footage a little less than the height of the pole, is attached to the top of the pole. The player or players with a racquet or even a hand can knock the ball wrappingly around the pole without letting it slacken. A tennis ball is often used. A tethered sheep soon starves. talk like a Texan Said of one given to boastfulness about his accomplishments or possessions. �1120 Paul Green's Wordbook Texas star A folk-dance figure. Also a well-known flower. Old Mis' Caroline Turner grew the flower in her garden in memory of her brother who had migrated to Texas soon after the Civil War. She also wrote a little book of poetry by the same name and had it privately printed. Mr. Mac, the local historian, said he once had a copy of it but somebody borrowed it and never returned it. He said he didn't remember any of the poems by heart. "But they were good, Paul, plumb good," he said. Thattan Hall An early theatre in Wilmington, North Carolina. The Thalian Society, which built it, produced many Shakespeare and European plays, and until the end of the 19th century all parts were taken by males. From some of the newspaper reports over the years many of the males made ideal females. Also, according to some theatre historians, the Little Theatre in America had its beginnings here. The Hall is still in active theatre use. thang Thing. "You get that thang right out of my house." Thanks is the poor man's money. thanky-ma'am (excuse-me-ma'am) A shallow ditch across a dirt road, or its opposite — a bullhead to turn the water — both giving a bump to a buggy when it passes over and usually accompanied by the laughing remark of the courting couple, "Thankyma'am."—at least in the old, old horse-and-buggy days. That gets me! Something which stumps, puzzles or irritates. that I know of A phrase still common in the Valley. "Has John been by today?" "Not that I know of." That's a huckleberry over my persimmon. One thing or statement that tops another. "Yeh, I'll hush up — what you say is a huckleberry over my persimmon." That's it. The conclusive fact, the accounting, enough said. "Seventeen dollars for the lot, and that's it." That (It) whips me. Defeats me, is beyond my solving. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence the 1121 A particularizing article, used especially in connection with sicknesses, as "He's got the itch'' — or the headache, the neuralgia, the appendicitis, and so on. Theophilis Thistle, the thistle sifter, Sifted a sack of thistles with the Thick of his thumb. A sack of thistles did Theophilis Thistle, the thistle sifter, sift. If Theophilis Thistle, the thistle sifter, sifted a sack of thistles with the thick of his thumb, Where is the sack of thistles that Theophilis Thistle sifted? (A tongue twister.) "There Is a Fountain Filled with Blood" One of the most vivid and powerful of all fundamentalist church hymns. The words were written by that tormented poet, William Cowper, about 1770 and the tune we sang was composed by Lowell Mason (1792-1872) many years later. Mason was one of America's most prolific as well as most beloved composers. Francis Arthur Jones in his Famous Hymns and Their Authors gives a stirring and piteous picture of Cowper's mental sufferings about the time he wrote the hymn. It was suggested by a text taken from Zechariah 13, verse 1, "In that day there shall be a fountain opened to the house of David and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem for sin and for uncleanness." It was one of the first hymns Cowper wrote after his first attack of temporary madness. He was naturally of a nervous and shy temperament and this extreme sensitivity added to his malady or at least made him more open to its maraudings. It seems he had been promised a post as Clerk of the Journal of the House of Lords and was rejoiced to contemplate his coming appointment and more freedom from the confines of poverty. But to his horror he learned he must undergo a public examination before the House before he could receive the appointment. Jones quotes an account of the matter given in the "North American Review" for January 1834: ' 'As the time drew nigh, his agony became more and more intense; he hoped and believed that madness would come to relieve him; he attempted also to make up his mind to commit suicide, though his conscience bore stern testimony against it; he could not by any argument persuade himself that it was right, but this desperation prevailed, and he procured from an apothecary the means of self-destruction. On the day before his public appearance was to be made, he happened to notice a letter in the newspaper, which to his disordered mind seemed like a malignant libel on himself. He �1122 Paul Green's Wordbook immediately threw down the paper and rushed into the fields, determined to die in a ditch, but the thought struck him that he might escape from the country. With the same violence he proceeded to make hasty preparations for his flight; but while he was engaged in packing his portmanteau his mind changed, and he threw himself into a coach, ordering the man to drive to the Tower wharf, intending to throw himself into the river, and not reflecting that it would be impossible to accomplish his purpose in that public spot. On approaching the water, he found a porter seated upon some goods: he then returned to the coach and was conveyed to his lodgings at the Temple. On the way he attempted to drink the laudanum, but as often as he raised it, a convulsive agitation of his frame prevented its reaching his lips; and thus, regretting the loss of the opportunity, but unable to avail himself of it, he arrived, half dead with anguish, at his apartment. He then shut the doors and threw himself upon the bed with the laudanum near him, trying to lash himself up to the deed; but a voice within seemed constantly to forbid it, and as often as he extended his hand to the poison, his fingers were contracted and held back by spasms. ' 'At this time some of the inmates of the place came in, but he concealed his agitation, and as soon as he was left alone, a change came over him, and so detestable did the deed appear, that he threw away the laudanum and dashed the vial to pieces. The rest of the day was spent in heavy insensibility, and at night he slept as usual; but on waking at three in the morning, he took his penknife and lay with his weight upon it, the point towards his heart. It was broken and would not penetrate. At daybreak he arose, and passing a strong garter round his neck, fastened it to the frame of his bed: this gave way with his weight, but on securing it to the door, he was more successful, and remained suspended till he had lost all consciousness of existence. After a time the garter broke and he fell to the floor, so that his life was saved; but the conflict had been greater than his reason could endure. He felt for himself a contempt not to be expressed or imagined; whenever he went into the street, it seemed as if every eye flashed upon him with indignation and scorn; he felt as if he had offended God so deeply that his guilt could never be forgiven, and his whole heart was filled with tumultuous pangs of despair. Madness was not far off, or rather madness was already come." "There is a fountain filled with blood Drawn from ImmanuePs veins, And sinners plunged beneath that flood, Lose all their guilty stains, Lose all their guilty stains, Lose all their guilty stains— And sinners plunged beneath that flood, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence Lose all their guilty stains. "The dying thief rejoiced to see That fountain in his day And there may I though vile as he Wash all my sins away, Wash all my sins away, etc. "E'en since by faith I saw the stream My flowing wounds supply, Redeeming love has been my theme And shall be till I die, And shall be till I die, etc. "When this poor lisping stammering tongue Lies silent in the grave, There is a nobler sweeter song I'll sing, thy power to save, I'll sing, thy power to save." There was an old woman Lived under a hill And if she's not gone She's a-living there still. (A nursery rhyme.) They that are bound must obey. They who cannot as they would must do as they can. They who live in glass houses should not throw stones. thick and thin Every kind of circumstance, good and bad. as thick as fleas as thick as flies as thick as glue as thick as hops as thick as molasses as thick as mush as thick as peas as thick as pea soup 1123 �1124 Paul Green's Wordbook as thick as the hairs on a dog's back as thick as thieves thicket A woman's pudenda. thickhead A stupid person. thick neck A bully. thick of hearing Somewhat deaf. It takes a thief to catch a thief. thimble The steel sheath covering the wooden end of a wagon axle around which the hub of the wheel revolves. Also a popular young folks' game sometimes known as "Weave the Thimble"or' 'Who's Got the Thimble?'' Each player except "It" sits with the palms of his hands together and extended. "It" goes around with a thimble or coin hidden in his own clasped hands and slides his hands between the hands of the other players in succession, one of them being the secret recipient of the coin or thimble. As "It" does this, he keeps up a chant, '' Weave, weave the thimble.'' When he reaches the end of the line of players he asks the first player, "Thimble, thimble, who's got the thimble?" The first player makes his guess and so on. Then "It" says "Rise up, thimble, show yourself.'' Whoever has guessed correctly becomes "It" and the game proceeds. thimbleberry The black raspberry. as thin as a lath as thin as a rail as thin as a rake as thin as paper thingamajigger An item of indefinite reference. "Hand me that thingamajigger over there, please." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1125 the thing of it is An introductory phrase to emphasize a following statement. "The thing of it is she ought to pay her debts, then the people would respect her more and take more stock in her preaching." things Cattle, stock, also pigs.' 'You boys feed the things while I'm gone to Dunn.'' Clothes. "Wait till I pack my things and I'll be with you." Think today and speak tomorrow. As you think of others, others think of you. As a man thinketh in his soul so is he. think hard of To have animosity toward. to my thinking In my opinion. thinking cap State of concentration. "I'll put on my thinking cap and see if I can remember her maiden name." think of To recollect, to remember. "I intended to go to the homecoming at old Bethesda, but I didn't think of it." Think of it! A mild interjection. thin-skinned Sensitive, easy to anger. third degree A stern ordeal, a fierce probing, a beating. "We gave that fellow the third degree and he owned right up." Thirst is sure the end of drinking, and sorrow is the end of loving. thirteen A bad luck number. Some hotels don't have a thirteenth floor or a room with the number thirteen. "Okay so far," said the man as he fell by the thirteenth floor. Thirteen people at a table means bad luck for the youngest one — maybe early death. �1126 Paul Green's Wordbook Thirty days hath September, April, June and November. All the rest have thirty-one, Save February alone And that has twenty-eight days clear And twenty-nine in each leap year. (A learning rhyme.) this here Something close by, as opposed to "that there." This is the life. A comfy living, a hunky-dory situation. thistle This is a coarse biennial from two to three feet high. There are some seven species in the Valley. When the root is boiled in milk it is supposed to be good for the dysentery. thorn apple See "Jimson weed." thorn in one's side (flesh) A bothersome or irritating person or thing. thorny Difficult, touchy, hard to handle. "Teaching sex in the public schools is a thorny subject." thoughted Thought. "He thoughted the matter over and decided 'no.' " 'thouten Without. th 'owed Threw. "They say George Washington once th'owed a silver dollar slap acrost the Potomac River." thrash An eruptive breaking out especially afflicting children in the mouth. Also a disease afflicting the inner hock of a horse's hoof. There are many hocuspocus cures for children's or babies' thrash. One that the old colored man Uncle Benjamin Dunn practiced was to breathe into the child's mouth, mutter some barbaric syllables, then go to the woods and break out the top of a little pine tree. He would then row out into the millpond with his boat to where the water was shallow enough and plant the piece of tree there. �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 1127 As it gradually died the thrash would disappear. Uncle Benjamin also could blow fire out of burns. He would stand over the person who had been burnt and make all kinds of queer passes in the air and over the burn with his hands, mumbling to himself and puffing away. Then when he had finished he would straighten up and cry out, "Clear my paf, folkses, here I come!" And he would dash out of the house, run down the hill and jump into the pond or creek. There he would huff and puff and wallow around like a great hog or circus animal. "Since I tuk the fire into myself," he would say, "this here's the best means I know of how to squench it." Uncle Benjy also had other powers. One night he heard a ruckus down in his hen house. He hurried there and saw a Negro man. "Throw up your hands!" he shouted from the darkness. The thief, thinking someone had a gun drawn on him, threw up his hands. Uncle Benjy walked up to him, looked at him, and said, "You stand there, and you can't take them hands down now nuther, for they's paralyzed." And the Negro couldn't. All night long he stood there frozen in his tracks, his hands held up. The next morning at sunrise Uncle Benjy went down and told him he could let his hands drop now. And the Negro did, and they said he raised a cloud of dust going away from there. The thread follows the needle. Thread the Needle A children's game. It is played much like London Bridge. Two children become the leaders. Facing each other, they clasp hands and raise them in the air. The other children in a line pass under the hands. When the hands are suddenly lowered, two children are caught, and they must pay a forfeit — sometimes, if they are a boy and girl, they have to kiss. A song most often accompanies the action— "The needle's eye it does supply The thread that runs so true (plumb through), O many a one we let pass on Because we wanted you. "There's (They's) none so sweet or dressed so neat. It's out and in we do intend To make this couple meet And kiss with kisses sweet." old man three-balls A pawnbroker. Three blind mice, three blind mice, See how they run, see how they run. They all ran after the farmer's wife. �1128 Paul Green's Wordbook She cut off their tails with a carving knife. Did you ever see such a sight in your life As three blind mice. (A nursery rhyme used as a round.) three on a light It's bad luck for three people to light their cigarettes from a single match. Three removes are as bad as a fire. Things always come in threes. Three's company, four's a crowd. three sheets in the wind Drunk, tipsy. Three things that quickly fade are an echo, a rainbow and a woman's beauty. thribble Triple. thribs Three in the game of marbles. If a player happens to knock three dinahs out of the ring when he shoots his taw and cries out ahead of anybody else "Thribs!" he may keep the three. But if another player in the game calls out "Venture thribs!" ahead of him, he is allowed only one. thriller-diller A spectacular thing. throat-cutter An unscrupulous trader or sharp-dealing business man. "I agree with Barry Newton,'' said Mr. Botking the other day,' 'Asa Sinclair is the slickest throatcutter in the political game today." belly thinks the throat is cut A condition of great hunger. throat latch A narrow leather bridle strap which passes under the throat of a horse or mule to prevent the animal from rubbing the bridle off against a tree or hitching post, or even getting it off with one of its forefeet. the throne The John, the commode in a bathroom or privy. through and through Completely. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1129 through the mill Suffered hard times, difficulty. "That fellow's been through the mill all right." throve To confuse. "His question really threw me for awhile." To win in wrestling. "I ain't afraid of him, I can throw him every time we wrestle, even if he is twict my size." throve cold water on To discourage, to dampen one's enthusiasm. throw dust in one's eyes To deceive, fool, confuse. throw for a loop To outdo completely, to cause one to come a cropper. throw in To go into partnership with. "If you'll throw in with me, I believe we can clean up in the drug business." To make an addition, to add extra, to give boot. "I'll swap my horse for yours if you'll throw in the buggy." Throwing Tobacco Tags A popular game among boys in the old days, asortof crackaloo. The bright colored tin tags from plugs of chewing tobacco were especially sought for — Apple, Plum, Brown Mule, Peach or whatnot. A mark would be drawn and the players would see who could pitch their tags close to the mark. Often several tags were beaten together to add weight and accuracy to the throw. The one whose tag was nearest the mark after the throw collected the losing tags. throw in the sponge (the towel) To yield, to give up. Throw Knives Much the same game as Throwing Tobacco Tags. throw lead To shoot rapidly and wildly. throw off on To criticize unduly, to berate. throw one's weight around To act big, to make obvious use of one's influence. �1130 Paul Green's Wordbook throw over To jilt, same as kick. throw the book at To react strongly at someone, penalize heavily. throw up To vomit. thumb To fire, dismiss. "I got the thumb, and I'm out." thumb paper A piece of paper or cardboard held under the thumb by a student to keep the open page of his book from getting dirty or wearing out too soon. all thumbs An awkward or heavy-fingered person. stick out like a sore thumb To be obvious, especially as in a flaw or error. thumb one's nose at To deride, scorn. under one's thumb To have control of. thumping Large, a great deal. "Last night I took a thumping dose of calomel and you can imagine how I feel today — just to look at the garden house sets me to running towards it." Thunder in hot weather will make eggs spoil so they won't hatch and also will turn milk sour as well as stop fish from biting. By thunder! An exclamation. The first thunder in the spring wakes up the snakes. Thunderation! An interjection. thunder ball A meteor. thunderclap A burst of thunder, a sudden and astounding happening or piece of news. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1131 thunderhead A small black wad of cloud usually rising in the southwest on hot afternoons in summer, presaging the formation of a larger cloud and rain to follow, accompanied by thunder and lightning. thunder mug The chamber pot. play thunder To make a mess of things. "Now you've just played thunder by getting engaged to that Sadie Cofield — why she's slept with every man in Summerville." "Now, Lem, don't git upset — after all, Summerville ain't such a big place." thunder roots Sweet potatoes. When it thunders, the fish won't bite. thunderstone Thunderbolt, perhaps a piece of fused sand, glass-like where lightning has struck the earth. In the old days a thunderstone was the best possible protection against lightning, so 'twas said. These stones, according to popular belief, were discharged at the earth from every flash of vertical lightning. They were supposed to be glassy-looking and about the size of a good madstone — a couple of inches long and about an inch wide. Old Duncan McPhail, the Negro horse doctor, had one of these magic stones which he said he found in a sand bed. He kept it in a trunk in his house and in the wildest electric storms had no fear that his dwelling would ever be struck by lightning. And often if he had to be outdoors in the fields or off doctoring a cow or sick mule and thunderstorms were about, he carried the thunderstone in his pocket. And though everybody else might rush indoors during the fierce cannonading in the skies, old Duncan would go on quietly and serenely about his work. I got to know Duncan well when I was a boy and used to love to hear him talk. "I was a bad nigger in my younger days," he once said to me. "Aw go 'way, Uncle Duncan," I said, "you never were bad." "Oh, yessuh I was," he replied stoutly and with a little show of pride. "Bad, mighty much bad. But I won't go into that, for it's all done past. And I'm thankful I got over my wildness. It was the stars falling that changed me." "The stars?" "Yessuh." "Aw now." �1132 Paul Green's Wordbook " 'Twas. It was the heavenly firmament breaking to pieces and pieces of it falling down. The stars fell." "You mean the stars really fell?" ' 'And that's ezzactly what I do mean. The stars sho' did fall. I witnessed 'em with my own two eyes. One night close after the surrenduh, I waked up to reach for my friendly liquor jug I kept close by the bed and I heard a great commotion going all up and down the big road where the folks were squealing and shouting. And looking out through the window I seen a bluish white light. I first thought it was Judgment Day had come. And yessuh, I lost no time in finding myself out in the yard. Andwhee-ooh, it was plumb raining stars. They hit on the ground in front of the house like millions of little glass bubbles, and they was bounding up like trab-balls higher'n my head, for you mought know at that izzact minute I was down on my knees wrassling up a great prayer to the most high God. Yessuh, that was a night! And it changed my ways. I promised God then if he'd not destroy the world and let me live till daybreak, I'd never take another drink of liquor and would behave myself and try to do good on earth. He kept his promise. Well, suh, one hot summer day soon after that I was walking 'long the road and my feet just seemed bound to the crossroads where Jeems Turner sold liquor, when bam! out'n the clear sky come a bolt of lightning and it struck right in front of my feet. When the smoke cleared off, there lay that thunderstone, so hot you couldn't handle it. When it cooled off, I put it in my pocket. Yessuh, it's got the power and I ain't afraid of nothing that comes out of the sky no more. I got the insterment of pertection." thyme A favorite garden herb. on tick On credit, charged to one's account (ticket). ticker The heart. "He went to the doctor last week and they told him his ticker was in bad shape." ticket Belief, credo. "Man as a responsible agent is my ticket." meal ticket A support, the breadwinner of the family. ticking A coarse cloth especially used to cover pillows and feather bedding. A ticking sound in the wall foretells death. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1133 Tickle, Tickle A tickling rhyme. There are a number of these rhymes we children used to gleefully recite with the appropriate finger digging and tickling. The soles of the feet or underneath the arm was the most ticklish place we found. Old maid, an old maid, You are sure to be If you laugh or smile When I tickle your knee. tickled pink Very much pleased, gratified. tickled to death A common exaggeration.' 'Lonnie Matthews just about tickles me to death.'' to tickle one's ears To flatter. tickler A bottle, especially a liquor bottle. "Mr. Will drank a whole tickler of whiskey coming from Dunn, and no wonder he was shouting when he got home." tickle tail A gossamer-like weed. We children used to gather these tickle tails in handfuls where they had wind-drifted into fence jambs and tickle our noses to make ourselves sneeze. tickle the ivories To play the piano. Tickling a baby will cause it to stammer when it grows older, also cause it to steal. tickly Easily tickled, easy to make laugh. ticks A body curse of numerous kinds — dog ticks, cow ticks, bed ticks, seed ticks, and so on. tickweed (smooth tickseed) A lovely little sunflower which gladdens the roadsides in summer. Its leaves help as an expectorant. Tiddly-Winks A game we called Tiddly-Winks was played with long knitting-needle-like sticks. The sticks are gathered in the hand, then dropped on the rug or floor �1134 Paul Green's Wordbook in a loose pile or scattered disarray. The player must pick each one up carefully without moving in the slightest any other stick. If he fails, then the other player gathers up the sticks and has his turn. See "Straws." tidy A covering, sometimes ornamental, to protect the back or arms of a chair or sofa from becoming soiled. tied up To be busy, engaged. "Sorry I'm tied up on that date or I'd be glad to come and speak for the bond issue." tie the knot Get married. tiff A quarrel, a falling out. tiger lily Sometimes called the crumple lily. It has perennial bulbs and is a favorite garden flower. It originally came from China, they say, and the Chinese used the bulbs for food. tight Constipated. "That doctor gave me some pills, and now I'm all tight." Drunk. "He come to the party tight as a tick." as tight as a banjo as tight as a drum as tight (thrifty) as a Scotchman as tight as a tick as tight as Dick's hatband as tight as hickory bark as tight as the bark on a tree as tight as the skin in a tight In a tough situation. a tight doing woman A woman with a lot of know-how in sexual intercourse. to tighten one's belt To make a new resolve, to summon extra willpower for a hard job ahead, �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1135 to curtail one's expenses, and so on. tight-fisted Stingy. the tight-skinned man "Ever hear about the tight-skinned man?" "No." "Wanter hear about him?" "Yeh." "Well, his skin was so tight on his body that every time he winked his eye he skinned his prick." "Uh!" "Wanter hear about the loose-skinned man?" "No! Good-by!" (A sell or catch, a bit of stringing.) tight squeeze A precarious situation, a difficult way forward. tightwad A skinflint. "Mr. John Allen is a tightwad all right. He'll take your fiftydollar note for thirty days at six percent and you get forty." till hell freezes (over) A very long time indeed, forever. till the cows come home A long, long time. "That woman will cheat him till the cows come home." time Wages, salary. A term of imprisonment. Difficulty, trouble. "Boy, did I have a time finding you!" Time and tide wait for no man. Time heals all. Time heals all wounds. Time wounds all heels. Take time by the forelock. Lost time is never found. I've got more time than money. �1136 Paul Green's Wordbook time being For the moment, at the present.' 'All is quiet out there for the time being.'' time book The charge book usually kept by the local village merchant or landlord in which were entered the supplies furnished on time to the tenant farmer till his crop was sold in the fall. time crank One who is over-particular about his watch or clock keeping correct time. My brother Will Green was a watch-repair man, and he said he had a lot of trouble with time cranks. " It's a disease all watchmakers dread," he said, "and it ain't restricted to any geographical location. It occurs wherever people and timepieces occur, and his Honor Remus Brown, the Mayor of Linneyville, was one of the worst afflicted I ever met up with. He was always taking out his watch, looking at it, thinking about the time, asking a friend what time of day it was, telling how much his watch was losing, how much it was gaining — and the like. '' Soon after Remus discovered he had a gravel pit on his land just west of the town, he had me order him a fine Hamilton watch. It cost $150. I adjusted it as best I could. But in a day or two his honor was back to have it checked. It had lost a minute or more, he said, according to the radio. So I fixed it," Will said, "but next week he was back again. It had gained a minute. I explained to him there was no such thing as a perfect watch or clock and never would be. The stars themselves, I told him, don't keep perfect time. At least according to the almanac they don't. You have to add or subtract or figure it out by a table to make even the magnetic north right. But he was determined, Remus was. I could tell from the look in his eye that the disease had him. So he traded in the $ 150 Hamilton and got a $200 one. Of course that didn't do any better. So he had to have a $300 watch. I ordered that for him. His gravel pit was doing well, you see, and the steam shovels were digging up the whole side of the hill there where you enter the town.' Making a great mess of things,' said Miss Almira Jenkins, President of the Garden Club. But I don't know about that, it depends maybe on how you look at it. "Anyhow, about this time Remus' wife fell sick with a bad inside trouble. Some said she should have had an operation — I don't know. Others said Remus was too stingy to send her off where the specialists could take care of her. My own thinking is he had spent so much on watches that he was short of cash. Like me, Remus was never one to go and hold his hat and sweat standing in front of old Cousin Atlas McCoy in the bank to borrow money. Well, his wife died. And soon after that Remus was in to see me worrying about his watch again and wanting me to get him a $400 one. So �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1137 I did—about the best money could buy. I delivered that watch to him and expected him back in a few days, being caught in the spell of his disease the way he was, to have me adjust it for him. But he didn't show up. Nor did he come back for some time. Then I heard he was out courting again, sparking Sadie Roberts across the river whose father Ed Roberts owned a world of land. Remus came into the shop several times during his courtship and not once did he ever mention the fact that his watch was slow. In fact one of the first things he did was trade in his expensive watch for his original $150 one which I still had on hand. And he put the money into earrings, a jeweled comb and a ring for Sadie. And thereafter when he came in he would always make his way straight to the jewelry counter case. "Soon after he had bought the diamond ring for Sadie, the two were married and I saw nothing much more of Remus for several months. ' 'Then one day as I was working away at my little table in the window, a voice beyond the counter said, 'Hey, Will, I want you to take a look at this here watch.' I glanced up and there was Remus. He had the same old look and his voice had the same old sound. 'It lost several minutes last week,' he said. "I saw that the time disease had him again. No, I don't know just how he and Sadie are getting along. But from his frequent visits here to have his watch checked up I would not think too well. In fact, I've heard they're thinking of divorce. Only yesterday, he told me he had to get rid of his old watch and wanted me to buy him a $200 one. Yes, once atime crank, always a time crank, we watchmakers say. Love may interrupt it for awhile, but only for awhile." time of day To have slight acquaintance with.' 'Well, we pass the time of day — that's all." time or two Rarely, once or twice in a long while, an indefinite number of times. timersome Timid, timorous. as timid as a mouse tinhorn A cheap person, a loud mouth. tinker To trifle, to work at a matter or job half-heartedly. "Oh, he's in there just a-tinkering, go ahead and call him." �1138 Paul Green's Wordbook tinker's damn Of little worth, a trifle, an insignificant thing or person. "He ain't worth a tinker's damn, if you ask me." tin lizzie The early Ford car. tintsy-wintsy Very tiny. Same as teeny-einy. tintype A word used for emphasis. "You can bet your tintype I'll not join them Ku Klux." tip A gratuity, usually in money, also hint or important bit of information. To lean. "Tip that scantling a shade this way and you'll have it." tip off To give a guiding hint, to let out confidential information. tipping Tiptoeing. "He come tipping into my room about daybreak and I yelled bloody murder at him." tipsy Under the influence of liquor, somewhat drunk. tip the hat The old polite custom of a man's tipping his hat (lifting it slightly from his head) to a lady when meeting or passing her. This has disappeared along with men's hats. But while it lasted I never remember seeing a white man tip his hat to a colored woman. I tried it somewhat furtively now and then as a young man. tip-top In fine fettle or health. "I'm feeling tip-top, Mr. Paul, since I had my operation for gallstones." as tired as a dog tired to death Extremely tired, bored. "When Mr. Lee talks, I get tired (tared) to death.'' The Titanic The great "unsinkable" Royal Mail Steamship, a White Star liner, that struck an iceberg in the North Atlantic on its maiden voyage from Southampton to New York and some two hours later sank in the depths of the dark cold �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1139 Atlantic. This occurred near midnight on April 14, 1912. The luxury ship carried 2,224 passengers and crew, and 1,513 went down with the ship. I can still remember with what horror we read the great black headlines of the morning News and Observer. For days the gloom of tragedy was felt throughout the Valley as elsewhere in the world. It was natural, of course — human nature being what it is, whatever that is — for the good Valley church people to believe that somehow the hand of God who rules all things had a part in the happening. Soon it was talked around as to how the rich people on the ship were carousing and commiting sin and that was why the Almighty decided to destroy it. No point was made of bad seamanship and the captain's effort to set a new crossing record, these being the reason for his driving his ship on at a speed of more than forty knots an hour, although he had been warned by radio from other ships in the vicinity that icebergs were about. And how our hearts ached over this awful tragedy! And the item that brought us all down to tears was to read in the paper that the ship's orchestra struck up "Nearer, My God, to Thee" and continued playing it until the engulfing waters poured drowningly over them. Only a few weeks passed and I heard old Uncle Jerry McLean and others of our black neighbors singing a Titanic song as they chopped grass from the spring cotton. Where they got the song, I don't know. Maybe it sprang out of their own sympathizing lamenting. "Won't (wasn't, weren't) it sad about the Titanic How she went down! Won't it sad about the Titanic How she went down? "It was on a Monday morning, Just about one o'clock When the mighty ship Titanic She began to reel and rock! "Won't it sad about the Titanic How she went down! "Husbands parted from their wives, Women and children lost their lives. Won't it sad about the Titanic How she went down!" tits Breasts, sometimes refers to nipples only. Tit-tat-toe A game. �1140 titty Paul Green's Wordbook A woman's breast. Also the old Scotch word used in the Valley long ago for sister. titty-binder A corset, a bra. a tizzy A tantrum, confusion. to Till. "He kept on drinking to he died." toad-flax A common Valley wild flower but uncommon in that some species are annual and biennial as well as perennial. One species bears showy yellow flowers, grows from one to three feet tall, and is a good spectacle along ditches and in muddy places in spring and early summer. A tincture was sometimes used for jaundice and externally for hemorrhoids. Another species is called blue toad-flax as contrasted with yellow toad-flax and often turns old fields blue with its azure beauty. It is poisonous to cattle. toad-frog Toad. The blood or urine of a toad-frog will cause warts if it touches one's skin. toady to To kowtow to, to be obsequious to. "He toadies to anyone who's got money or position — that's how he's got where he has." toady up to To flatter, to make up to. toast To warm, make hot. "Let me toast my feet at the fire a minute — they're frozen." tobacco Chewing-tobacco juice used to be a good cure for all sorts of ailments, especially of the skin, such as ringworms, pimples, boils, and eruptions. Also it is good for wasp and bee stings. My father would always take some of his chewed tobacco and put on our hurts when we were little children. Later he quit chewing tobacco and we had to look elsewhere for help for our pains. To the Indians as well as the early settlers tobacco was a medicinal herb. It was a good nerve and body tonic. Also tobacco ashes mixed with gin were good for dropsy in both children and grownups. It was generally believed in the Valley that tobacco �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1141 and snuff were good for the teeth and gums and helped prevent toothache. All the advertisements of the dentists haven't yet been able to entirely destroy that belief. Another belief in the Valley about tobacco was that if a person was bit by a poisonous snake and another wished to suck the poison out, he must first chew some tobacco and then the poison wouldn't hurt him. Poultices made of wet cured tobacco leaves are good for all kinds of insect bites. tobacco beds Seed beds usually made ready in January and February in the Valley. Tobacco seeds are raked in and the bed covered with tobacco cloth. The plants are ready for transplanting to field rows in late March and on up to the middle of April. tobacco curing The process of preparing the ripened tobacco for market. In the lower part of the Valley tobacco begins ripening in June and continues on through the upper reaches of the Valley into August. The leaves ripen from the bottom of the plant and gradually on to the top. These leaves are stripped off (or primed) as they ripen and carried to the tobacco barns where they are tied in' 'hands'' of approximately five leaves on the tobacco sticks and hung around the entire interior of the windowless barn. When the barn is filled, fires are started in the furnaces (oil is used now instead of wood) and the buildings closed tight. The first process is to set the desired color (yellow). Then the temperature in the barn is gradually raised to, say, 180 degrees in order to kill out (dry out) the stems in the leaves. It takes a little over three days usually to cure out a barn. Gradually over the years tobacco has replaced cotton in the Valley and most of North Carolina as a main money crop. tobacco patch A tobacco field. The word patch is used even when it is a huge field. tobacco poultice Cured tobacco leaves dampened and bound against a wound, especially rusty nail hurts, was a good remedy. tobacco tags The ornamental tin or metal tags which marked the different brands of chewing tobacco. See "Throwing Tobacco Tags." One today is worth two tomorrows. to-do A fuss, confusion, showy behavior. �1142 Paul Green's Wordbook toe itch See "ground itch." toes up Dead. "There lay old Joe with his toes up — and no more running after women." toe the line Same as toe the mark, be on one's good behavior. tolerable In average health. A usual neighborly reply to an inquiry such as "How're you feeling, Tom?" — "Just tolerable." Also meant bearable. toll A portion of grain or corn kept out by the miller as a charge for grinding the rest. Also a charge at a tollgate, a tax or dues. Toentice, to lure. "She tolled him in her parlor and cooled him with her fan." to tomahawk To kill off.' 'They tomahawked my proposal on the first vote and that was that." tomato The common garden vegetable. In the old days they were called love apples and were thought to be poisonous. My Grandmother Green grew them for a decorative plant, never dreaming of eating them. A green tomato sliced and rubbed on poison ivy infection will work a good cure. tomboy A girl of boyish actions and habits. "She'll never get a husband till she quits being such a tomboy." tomcat A rounder, a sexually motivated male. tomcatting about To prowl about in search of sexual adventure. Tom, Dick and Harry The common run of people, used derogatively. The mass, the crowd, the raggle-taggle people. "No wonder folks don't trust you for mayor — you run around with every Tom, Dick and Harry there is." Little Tommy Tucker Sings for his supper, What shall he eat? �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1143 Cornbread and butter. How will he cut it Without airy a knife? How will he be married Without airy a wife? (Nursery rhyme.) torn thumbs Sausage packed in large intestines. tomtit A popular bird nominated as the state bird, vying with the cardinal in many people's affections. Tom, Tom, the Piper's Son Stole a pig and away he run. The pig was eat and Tom was beat, And Tom ran crying down the street. (A recitation rhyme.) This popular nursery rhyme is a mutilation of an earlier old Scotch nursery rhyme which ran as follows— Tom, Tom, the baker's son Stole a pig and away he run. The pig was eat and Tom was beat And Tom ran crying down the street. According to an old folk tale I ran into in Edinburgh a few years ago, a pig was an ancient bun or cake sold by the Scotch bakers. So it actually was a bun that Tom stole and not the usually small, squealing shoat shown in Tom's embrace as he ran. Somehow in the passage of years and the repetition of the nursery piece, the original meaning of "pig" was lost, also "baker" was changed to "piper" according to choice. torn walkers Stilts. We children never saw store-bought stilts. We made our own. We'd cut dogwood saplings about five or six feet long, trim them, leaving a sixor eight-inch piece of limb protruding from the sapling some foot or more from the ground. These would serve for us to stand on. With the ends of the saplings tucked under our arms and our feet planted on these binding, cut-off limb extensions, we'd stalk about. And what rough wear and tear on our poor shoes! We couldn't use our torn walkers barefooted. They hurt too much. The tongue of idle persons is never idle. �1144 Paul Green's Wordbook Tongue-biting is a sign that one has been telling lies. the tongues The Pentecostal frenzy when the religiously aroused and demonic people would begin jabbering in a splurge of wild vocables. I remember hearing one man say that when "the tongues came on" him, he could speak "real chinee." tongue-tied Too shy or embarrassed to speak. "When I finally met that pretty girl I had admired from afar, dern, I was tongue-tied." tony High class, proud. "They are tony people in that big house." tooby sure (to be sure) Surely, certainly, (purely introductory at times).' 'Tooby sure we ain't gone and got ourselves lost." toofies Aterm for children's teeth. "Open your mouth, son, do them toofies hurt?" tool The penis. tool-bag The scrotum. Too many cooks spoil the broth. toot To brag. "Hear him toot since he won a cattle prize at the fair." A spree, shindig, a fearsome drunk. "I heard you were out on a toot last week, and no wonder you look like death itself." Each child costs a woman a tooth. After a tooth pulling, if one does not put his tongue where the tooth was, a gold tooth will grow in that place. When a tooth is put under the pillow, the fairy will come and leave money. The Negroes believed that if you carried a tooth taken from a human skull you would never have fits. toothache There are many folk remedies for the toothache. Old man Cheshire Jones, a near neighbor of ours, used to have the worst kind of toothache. One day in the dead of winter he went to the Negro conjure man down the road to �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1145 be cured. The "doctor" took him to the creek nearby, made him take off his shoes, roll up his pants legs, and stand in the icy water up to his knees, while he, the doctor, went up and down the bank breaking off twigs of every kind of bush and carrying on a mumbling rigamarole to himself. "Now your toothache's gone. Now your toothache's gone," he kept saying. "But it ain't," said old Cheshire. "You good-for-nothing fool, it's worse than ever." He was half-frozen by this time and hopping up and down in the water. "Well," said the conjure man. "Then it ain't the toothache, it must be the neuralgic, and I never said I could cure the neuralgic." Well, Cheshire was so mad he tore out of the creek after the conjure doctor and ran him down the road. He stumbled over a rock, fell, and knocked out the aching tooth. Later on the conjure doctor went by to collect his fifty cents. "What in the tarnation for?" asked old Cheshire. "For curing your toothache, suh," said the conjure man. "I has all kinds of ways." And Cheshire started chasing him again. Another good remedy for the toothache was to keep on hand a supply of toothpicks made from a tree that had been struck by lightning. There was supposed to be a vast healing power in a lightning-struck tree. The roots of such a tree were good also for all kinds of healing teas and tonics. An exception was the sweet gum tree for, as everybody knew, it was too tough for the influence of lightning to penetrate. A toothache in a child can be cured by washing behind his ears. toothache tree This tree is known by a number of names such as' 'the devil's walking stick,'' "prickly ash," "Hercules'club," "spikenard tree," "the pigeon tree, "and "the shot bush." A couple of years ago poking around the woods of my great-great grandfather's old plantation place, I found a grove of these gnarled and awkward trees. I dug up two or three small ones and took them to Chapel Hill and planted them in our wild flower garden and there they are flourishing well. I think of old Colonel Alexander McAllister every time I see them. The fresh bark of this tree is an emetic and cathartic and is also reputed to be an antidote for the bite of the rattlesnake. Other recommendations for it say it is good for cholera, rheumatism, syphilis and of course toothache as well as the dropsy. The oil of the seed of this tree has been used in earache and deafness and for all sorts of rheumatic pains. toothache wax Another toothache cure. One broke off a piece of wax, which could be ordered in the old days from Sears-Roebuck, and pressed it into the decayed �1146 Paul Green's Wordbook part of the tooth to "bring instant relief." tooth and nail With might and main, a biting and gouging fight. toothbrush tree The black gum tree, especially young trees from which sprouts could be pulled for the toothbrush. tooth-dentist A dentist. Toothpicks made from a tree struck by lightning have a healing power in cleaning food and infectious matter from gums and rotting teeth. tootle Idle blowing on a flute or other wind instrument. "He goes about tootling on that horn and smoking marijuana." toot one's own horn To brag. tootsies Feet, a child's word. tootsy-wootsy Sweetheart, a beloved one. go over the top To raise the full amount or exceed a quota set, of people, events, or things. To come out of the trenches and move toward the enemy in battle or war maneuvers. to top To better a bet or offer, to win an argument. To cover a female in copulation. To cut the top out of corn or tobacco plants. top dressing A final application of fertilizer to a crop, often nitrate of soda. topknot A crest of feathers on a fowl or hair on a person. topo Topographical map. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1147 top off To finish. "He topped off the barbecue with a gallon of 'simmon beer." Top of the day. A cheery good morning greeting. topping tobacco Cutting or breaking the top out of the tobacco plant to control its height. The preferred height is four and a half to five feet depending mainly on the richness of the sandy soil. tops The best, also to be in fine health. top sawyer The top man in a sawpit setup, the man who stood above while the bottom sawyer stood beneath and they sawed up and down with a long saw. This was the old method of cutting boards back in colonial times. topsy-turvy In disarray, everything upside down. toreckly Directly, immediately, soon. "I'll be there toreckly." to rights In a right condition, to clean up, to tidy up. torment Hell, the place of punishment in the hereafter. "Be a good little boy and you won't go to torment when you die." tory weed Also known as "hound"s-tongue" or "sheep-lice." This European biennial usually grows from one to three feet tall and is found in pastures and waste places from Canada to North Carolina and west to Kansas and Minnesota. The leaves and roots are narcotic. In the old days this weed was used as a sedative, in coughs and also externally for burns, tumors, goiters, and the like. tossel Tassel. toss-up Of equal probability, an uncertainty of outcome. tot A small drink, also a tiny child. �1148 tote Paul Green's Wordbook To carry, especially in one's arms. "My boy's getting so heavy I can't tote him." tote the rag off'n the bush To win a prize, take first place. tother The other, another. toting The custom of a Negro cook or servant's carrying (toting) victuals and maybe a piece of clothing now and then as an understood part of the job payment. touch A slight pain, a small bit. "Gimme just a touch of snuff." One touch of nature makes the whole world kin. touch and go A delicately balanced situation of uncertain outcome. touched Looney, crazy. touch-me-not Also called "jewel weed." This plant grows in damp shady places from eastern Canada to Florida and was often used in dysentery and kidney troubles. The flowers sometimes were crushed into a watery pulp and used for dyeing. touchous (techous) Over-sensitive, easy to anger, high-tempered. See "contrarious." Touch pitch, and you'll be defiled. touchy Sensitive, ill-mannered, much the same as touchous. "You're so touchy lately I hardly dare speak to you." as tough as a hickory stick as tough as a lightwood (lightard) knot as tough as a mule as tough as hickory as tough as leather as tough as shoeleather �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1149 as tough as steel as tough as whitleather tough it out To endure, to last on through. tough shit Hard luck, a tough job. tough titty A hard and distasteful duty. "Life is a tough titty but man's got to suck it." A bad woman, a bawd, a tough character. towhead A derogatory reference to a child cotton mill worker. toys, folk In the old days there were no ten-cent stores and most all toys and dolls were homemade. Among the toys we children constructed for ourselves were beanshooters, hawk-callers, whirligigs, shucking pegs, waterwheels, cornstalk rock-throwers, slings, popguns, log-carts, grabs, torn walkers, tea sets, shuck dolls, water guns, and wooden swords. trab-ball A homemade ball, out of ravelled old stockings. We used to wind the string around a center wad until we had a ball about the size of a small apple. Then we would sew this ' 'whipped down'' until it was usable for the bat and run game of Old Cat. So far as I can find out, the term came from the ancient English game of trapball or trapbat. trace chains The chains by which a mule or horse pulls a plow or wagon. trace hook The hook that fastens the chains to the plow or wagon. track To pursue. To follow correctly, as the hind wheels should follow in the track of the front. "Look at him, his feet don't track." Tract. make tracks To run, to hurry away. �1150 Paul Green's Wordbook trading Shopping. In the old days in the Valley no one ever spoke of "going to shop.'' It was always "to trade." trailing arbutus An early spring creeping plant, with heavenly pink blossoms. It grows from Michigan to Florida and best on the north side of the Valley hills. I once found acres of it growing among the scattered little scrub oak trees in the sand barrens of Harnett County. My wife and I have transplanted specimens of it several times to our Chatham County farm but have had poor success with it. A tincture of the plant was once used for kidney trouble, so the herb artists say. "Trail of the Lonesome Pine" A popular sentimental song of the '20s. Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is grown, he will not depart therefrom. traipsing To walk proguingly about. "A traipsing woman is a slattern." "Tramp, Tramp, Tramp the Boys Are Marching" A famous Civil War song. trap The mouth. "Shet your trap and you won't swallow so many flies." trapped like a rat trash Poor whites, no 'count people. trash burner Jocular term for wood-burning locomotive or steamboat. trash mover A heavy downpour of rain. travel To go fast, to run. "Man, did he travel when the shooting started." To move or walk. "He's so blind he can hardly see to travel." travel bug Desire to roam. "He's got the travel bug." tread snow The hissing of the snow that falls down the chimney into the fire. "Listen �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1151 and you can hear the tread snow in the fire there.'' tread softly See "stinging nettle." tread water To keep one's head above water by treading swiftly up and down with one's feet. Make no progress but just hold one's own. Wasting time in waiting for a matter to eventuate. Where your treasure is there will your heart be. treat An extra reward or bonus. To pay another's bill, as treat one to lunch. tree To run up a tree, as a dog chasing a possum up a tree. "Listen to that bark, that dog's treed." A tree is known by its fruit. A great tree makes a great fall. When you have nothing else to do, be putting in of a tree — it will be growing when you are sleeping, lad. tree dog A hunting dog good for treeing game rather than running game. Tree frogs hollering means rain. tree of heaven See "stink tree." tree planting The planting of a tree to honor someone used to be a common practice but is now pretty much out of style. the trembles (weak-trembles) Palsy, the shakes. trembling like a leaf trick To conjure. An attractive thing or person. "Look at that new Chevy, ain't that a trick!" �1152 Paul Green's Wordbook Also a girl. "She's a cute trick." trickets Trinkets. trickly Trickling. trick or treat A Hallowe'en ritual when children come to the door in their masks and makeup on Hallowe'en night, chirping out "Trick or treat." If candies, fruits and goodies are not forthcoming, the children have the right to play some trick on the house. trifling Lazy, no 'count. There have been many trifling people in the Valley and one of the triflingest was old Steve McDaniel. He took to his bed from pure laziness so the neighbors would feed him, claiming to be bedridden by palsy. People did fetch him food for a year or two. Then the wag Zack Broadhuss exposed his fraud by hiding behind his house one night and shouting fire and making a great hullabaloo. Old Steve came tearing out in his nightgown and was mad as thunder when he found he'd been tricked. But soon he was back in bed again, and he really was struck with the palsy this time, followed by a stroke. Nobody believed him though, not until a week or two later when he actually died. Of course, they said it was the way the Lord had paid him back for his playing the hypocrite. trigger A wooden stick arranged under a deadfall or trap for trapping a bird or animal. To set off. "When Jesse called Mack an S.O.B. — that triggered the whole fight." trigger itch Nervous fingers with a gun, one over-quick to shoot. triggery Fine detail carpentering, fine tracery woodwork. trim To cheat, also to castrate. "When the signs are right, I've got to trim my hogs." Neat, slim. Trim one's sails to fit the wind. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1153 The Trinity The Father, Son and Holy Ghost in the Christian faith. Many an irreverent wag in the Valley speaks of these three as "the Old Man, Junior, and Spooky." trinkling Trickling. "And the blood come a-trinkling down." tripe Anything worthless. trivet The three-legged little iron stool or holder for a cooking utensil to be set on. Trojan (Trojas) A hard-working energetic person. "My oldest boy is a regular Trojan for work." trollop A slovenly, slattern woman. tromp (tromple, tromping) To tramp, to trample. troop To move determinedly. "He went trooping after that woman but he never caught her." a trot A pony, an English translation of material in a foreign language, say, Latin. trots Diarrhea. "I've had the trots for about a week and I'm plumb wore out." trotters Feet, as pigs' feet. trot the mule Use of a string by inmates to transfer a small item or gift from one prison cell to another. Never trouble trouble till trouble troubles you. trouble-shooter A peacemaker, an umpire. trounce To defeat, to whip. Troy was not taken in a day. �1154 Paul Green's Wordbook truck Dealings, association with. "I don't have no truck with that fellow, no sir." Trash, barter, trade. truckle bed Trundle bed. as true as a die as true as an arrow as true as a plumb as true as steel true blue Honest, reliable, aboveboard. True love's the very weft of life, but it sometimes comes through a sorrowful shuttle. trump A dependable person, a first-rate thing. Anything that turns out lucky. blow one's own trumpet To brag, to boast. trumpet vine This plant was and still is possessed of a bad name in the Valley, for it's supposed to be especially poisonous to children's skin, almost as bad as poison ivy. I used to play around it and climb up it when I was a child but never was hurt by it. There's one thing about the vine though I've noticed in more recent years, and that is it seems to be a thing almost of instinct. It will climb right on up to the top of the highest tree before it begins sending out its branches. I wonder how it knows when it's got to where it's going. But there are plenty of plants and things in the Valley that seems to have this foreknowledge, for instance, the Venus'-flytrap, the be-shame bush (sensitive plant), aspen tree and others. trundle bed A low children's bed on rollers, usually kept under the grownups' bed during the day and pulled out at night. truss An elastic belt with a pad to correct hernias or ruptures. A number of my boyhood friends wore trusses, available from Sears and Roebuck who always �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1155 carried a full line at all prices in the old days from 44 cents to $4.75. Trust in God but keep your powder dry. I wouldn't trust him as far as a cat can spit. I wouldn't trust him as far as I could throw him. I wouldn't trust him from here to the gatepost. I wouldn't trust him out of my sight. trustle Trestle. Truth A game. In this the players pile their hands one on top of the other, and then draw out in turn. As each person draws his or her hand from the pile in sequence, beginning at the bottom, he has to answer truly any question put by the group. Truth begets trust and trust begets truth. Truth crushed to earth shall rise again, The eternal years of God are hers, But error, wounded, writhes in pain And dies amid his worshippers. (Old saying from W.C. Bryant.) Truth is mighty and will prevail. Truth may have legs but scandal has wings. It's the gospel truth. It's the honest truth. Truth Meeting A children's game usually played by girls who gather in a huddle and agree to tell the truth, no matter what. Some of the questions provoke great hilarity and sometimes embarrassment. Truth or Consequences A game in which, when one is asked a question, he must answer truly or take the consequences. Sometimes the question is so embarrassing that the player would rather take the consequences, such as a pinch or a bang on the head or a silly trick. truth pledges To affirm it strongly say "I cross my heart and hope to die," or �1156 Paul Green's Wordbook "Certain true Black and blue Lay me down And cut me in two— Really and truly!" try An effort, experiment."You never know what you can do till you give it a try." like trying to catch wind in a sieve Try on's Palace Once the most beautiful residence in Colonial America. It was built in 1767-70 by William Tryon, royal governor of North Carolina in New Bern, the seat of his government. Besides being the governor's residence, it was the statehouse and contained an assembly hall, council chamber and public offices. Except for one wing, it was destroyed by fire in 1798, and that soon fell into decay. A number of public-spirited citizens, led by Mrs. Virginia Latham of Greensboro, finally got the palace and gardens restored to their former glory. It is now a showplace for the nation. Every tub should stand on its own bottom. tubby Chubby. tuberculosis cure Of the many folk remedies and cures in the Valley for tuberculosis, a concoction made from flaxseed was supposed to be one of the best. Take, say, one pound of flaxseed and boil them in a half gallon of water along with a dozen unpeeled lemons. Add during the boiling a quart of strained honey. When the mixture has boiled down to one quart in volume, strain out the flaxseeds and lemon seeds and hull. Thereafter, take one teaspoonful every hour indefinitely. Another cure was to mix sawdust from a lightwood knot with whiskey. tuckahoe The large starchy root of this plant was used for food by the Indians. tucker bag A sort of duffle bag for personal belongings. tuckered (out) Tired out, exhausted. "I'm completely tuckered (out) after doing my �An AIphabet of Reminiscence 1157 Monday's washing." tucking comb A comb used for fastening a woman's hair in at the back. tudder Same as t'other, the other, that other. tug chains The short chains fastened to the hames used for securing the shafts of a wagon or cart. Tug of War A game of strength. Two teams line up, boys and girls if agreed on. A rag or handkerchief is tied at the middle of the rope and then two lines are drawn on the ground at right angles to the rope some distance apart — ten, fifteen or twenty feet, whatever is agreed on. Then the rope is stretched between the two groups so that the marker is exactly halfway between the lines. At a signal the teams begin pulling against each other. The team which succeeds in pulling the marker across the line on its side is the winner of that pull. A number of pulls may be made. tuk Past tense of take. tulip tree The yellow poplar. This large timber tree is common in rich soil throughout the United States. It is especially plentiful in the Valley. There is a tulip tree, known as the Davie Poplar, which is a rather sacrosanct object on the campus of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It was under this tree that General William R. Davie took lunch in 1789 when he and his committee chose the site for the University. Yellow poplar timber is especially good for veneering since it takes a higher polish than any other American wood. tumble A try or test. "Give me a tumble, won't you?'' Also means sexual intercourse, as He tumbled that woman. tumblesets Somersaults. tumble turd A tumble bug. Also a term of derision for a person. tummy tickler A sudden bump in a road, same as a bullhead, used to turn the water. See "thanky-ma'am." �1158 tune Paul Green's Wordbook Attitude, point of view. "Put the shoe on the other foot and you'll change your tune." tune up To get ready, prepare to. "Look at that baby's mouth — he's tuning up to cry." tunnel bed Trundle bed. tup turd To copulate. Dung, feces. Turk A rough person, a fighter, a quarreler.' 'Them Oxendines always were regular Turks." turkentine Turpentine. turkey A failure, a bust."That movie sure was a turkey." didn 't say turkey Paid no attention, ignored one. "He went off and didn't say turkey to anybody." turkeyberry (turkleberry) Partridgeberry. turkey caller A device for imitating the call of a turkey. Cousin Hardy Draughan of Dunn invented one consisting of a little resonant poplar wood box with a thin wooden lip against which he would scrape a piece of slate; the result was a sound exactly like a call of a turkey. He sold this contraption to Sears and Roebuck for a goodly sum, and I used to see it advertised in the catalog. turkey cock A vain person. turkey day Thanksgiving. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1159 turkey eggs Freckles. "Turkey in the Straw" Another popular play-party and fiddling piece in the Valley as elsewhere through the South and Southwest. The tune was a prime favorite at fiddlers' conventions. I labored many an hour at night myself, trying to learn how to fiddle it the way I had seen old John Riardin do it. And my sister Mary would patiently play a chorded accompaniment to the squeakings of my Sears-Roebuck instrument. But I could never bring it off. As Carl Sandburg said, "there are thousands of words to the tune, depending on the creative word-ability of the singer or singers." "As I was a-going down the road I met a Mr. Tairpin and I met a Mr. Toad. The toad and tairpin begun to sing, The tairpin cut out the pigeon wing. "Turkey in the hay—heigh heigh heigh! Turkey in the straw—haw haw haw! Funniest thing I ever saw Was that old turkey scratching in the straw. "I went out to milk and I didn't know how, I milked a goat instead of a cow. The goat he bounced and gave a buck And sent me sprawling in the muck. "Turkey in the hay—heigh heigh heigh! Turkey in the straw—haw haw haw! Funniest thing I ever saw Was that old turkey scratching in the straw." turkey shoot A contest of marksmanship in which the turkey was sometimes the object shot at as well as the prize given for the winner. turkey tail out To fork, to spread out in little tributaries. turkey trot A dance, also a fast-swaying walk. turkey-trotting pukers Constant vomiting. turkey wing A fan or duster made from a turkey's wing. �1160 Paul Green's Wordbook turkle Turtle. turkleberry Partridgeberry. Turk's-cap lily One of the most beautiful of all lilies, gorgeous with its Turk's cap. Last summer when my wife and I were walking in the deep oak woods east of our house, I saw a spot of gold shining low in a little opening off to the left. We ran there and stood in awe over the little lovely creature, alone, perfect. We will watch for it next summer. It's a sacrilege to say with the pharmacists that a tincture of the fresh bulb will cause constipation, mouth-burning and restlessness. turn Manner, behavior, appearance. "Zebedee's oldest girl sure has a pretty turn." Fright. "I almost stepped on a copperhead snake out there and it sure give me a turn." To begin an action, to do. "I had this intestinal flu and I turned in and took me a good dost of turpentine and ginger and it cured me right off." A load, an armful. "Hurry out to the woodpile, son, and bring me a turn of stovewood." Time or sequence. "It's my turn to swing now, so git off." To become sour or fermented. To nauseate.' 'That bait of beef turnt my stomach — so look out, here goes.'' Talent, knack, ability. "I've just read a piece by Jonathan Daniels in 'The Nuisance and Disturber,' and he's got a real turn for writing, he has." To change one's belief or politics. "He was a Primitive Baptist for a long time, but now he's turned Christian Scientist." One good turn deserves another. Turnabout is fair play. turned out Dismissed. "After she danced she was turned out of the church." Evicted. The final result. "Those children turned out fine." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1161 Caroline Turner The wife of Dr. Henry Marshall Turner. She lived in the plastered, brickcolumned house overlooking the east bank of the Cape Fear River, and there this redheaded woman ruled as queen over the plantation. The doctor went away to war and she fell into a decline. I gave to the University of North Carolina some old letters of hers in which she pours out her complaints and laments about the cruel and wasteful war. She wrote a little book of poems, entitled Star in the West, about looking toward far-off Texas where so many of her Valley people had migrated. I've never been able to find a copy of it. Dr. Henry Marshall Turner A doughty and powerful man in the Valley. A fierce man, a brave man, and a tortured soul he was. He was reputed to be the first man who ever operated on a person for appendicitis. A small pamphlet has been written about him and a copy can be found in the library at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Up and down the country he went tending the sick, trying to amputate here, bleeding a wench there, and rolling his pills and doing for the dying. And all the while his mind was turmoiling with plans for the development of the Valley country — great timbering operations, his fields and crops and drainage and the river, yes, that river. The Cape Fear River always fascinated him the way it did Colonel A.S. McNeill. It teased him in his waking and in his lying down. Many a night he lay there in his mansion above the river, dreaming and planning, while his redheaded Caroline slept soundly away by his side. He could hear the rush of the river at freshet time down below the house, and he ached in his soul to tame it and make it a highway of commodity and commerce. Finally he went into partnership with Colonel A.S. McNeill and others, and they attempted to canalize the river and make it navigable. But the river whipped him and all the others. All that remains of their efforts are the great gashes along the side of the river, now overgrown with bullace vines and poison ivy and inhabited only by the furtive creatures of the forest. turn in To go to bed. "It's time to turn in, folkses." turnip A cheap watch, same as cymling. "What time is it by your turnip?" You can't get blood out of a turnip but you can get the turnip. turnip greens A favorite vegetable dish in the Valley. When the turnip leaves are gathered fresh and cooked for a good while with hog j owl or a piece of good sidemeat, they are hard to beat. �1162 Paul Green's Wordbook turn loose To move, to act. "Then he turnt loose and hit me right in the face." turn off To accomplish, to do a job of work easily. "He can turn off work faster'n anybody I ever saw." turn off fair To have fair weather after foul. turn one's back To dismiss, to reject. turn one's stomach To disgust, to make sick. turnout Dress, a show, a rig. "Man, where are you going in all that turnout?" The intersection of a side road or path. turn out To go wild, to become lawless.' 'Have you heard about Manly's boy Jeff?— He just turned out." turnover A small piece of pie, so called because the dough-crust is folded over the filling for cooking. turn over a new leaf To resolve on reformation. turns over A horse or mule is worth a hundred dollars for each time he turns over in wallowing. "Look at that mule — turned over three times — I'll take $300 for him." We had a sorry old mule we traded for on our farm. The very first night we turned her loose in the barn lot, she looked around, scraped at the ground and bit with one of her hooves, then lay down and began wallowing. She turned over four times. In a few days we found out she wasn't worth killing — one of the worst balkers we'd ever seen. Since then I've had no stock in the above old saying. turn tables on To get revenge, give back as good as one gets. turn the corner To get past a difficult crisis, convalesce. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1163 to turn up one's toenails To die. turpentime Turpentine. turpentine A teaspoonful of turpentine taken nine mornings in a row will produce an abortion. Miss Ef fie Upton tried it fifteen mornings in a row, so 'twas said, but she had to go on and have her woods colt just the same, shame or no shame. turpentine and sugar A favorite old Valley medicine. A teaspoonful each morning is supposed to be good for the kidneys. Lennie Oxendine said he used to take it regular — for a while he did — but then he got to passing blood and he had to quit it. "These old-timey remedies," he said, "ain't a manner account." turpentine distilling Once a prime occupation in North Carolina, "the home of the longleaf pine." The Valley, from near the ocean on up into the Piedmont, was covered with these pines, some of them of great height and size. I've mentioned elsewhere that we had one pine on our farm twenty-nine feet in circumference three feet above the ground and over a hundred feet high. These pines would be boxed, then scraped on the face above the box for the resin to exude and slide into the box. Then this would be dipped out and carried to the distilling vats. When I was a boy, these turpentine stills were to be found everywhere, only a few miles apart. For several decades North Carolina was known as the tar, pitch and turpentine state. Now it is the tobacco state. If a turtle bites you he won't let go till sundown or till it thunders. turtlehead The flowers of this perennial herb resemble the head of a turtle, and therefore its name. Another name is chelone and still another, fish-mouth or snakemouth. A tonic made from its leaves is supposed to be a good treatment for worms. And it is said that the Indians used it as a tonic and laxative. tush A long tooth, a fang. tush hog A boar. tussick A small clump of marshy grass or moss in a swamp. �1164 Paul Green's Wordbook tussle A wrestling match, a struggle. tussy-mussy A nosegay, a bouquet. T-U turkey, T-Y ty, T-U turkey buzzard's eye. (A recitation rhyme.) twaddle Empty talk, stupid stuff, nonsense. twang Tang, taste. "That apple cider's already got a good twang to it." " 'Twos the Night Before Christmas" A most popular Christmas poem which tells all about Old Nick (Santa Claus, not the Devil) and his reindeer — Dasher, Dancer, Prancer, Vixen, Comet, Cupid, Donner and Blitzen — and how he drives through the night over houses, almost always snowy houses, even in Florida, and brings his sack of fabulous gifts down the chimneys for all good little girls and boys. twayblade A rather delicate perennial wild flower one-half to two feet tall. It has small greenish flowers and leaves that are somewhat oval. My wife and I always keep a sharp lookout for this shy flower on walks through our woods and sometimes we are rewarded with a sight of its humble drooping petals. If it has any medicinal use, I've never heard of it, which sets it apart even more from its fellows. 'tween whiles At intervals, between whiles. Twelfth Night The evening preceding or the evening of Epiphany, a Christmas feast traditionally celebrated on January 6 or on the first Sunday after New Year. In the Western churches it mainly commemorates the visit of the three wise men to the infant Jesus as reported in the second chapter of Matthew. The Negroes in the Valley used to say that on the twelfth night after Christmas the sun rose twice, and the cattle would kneel down on the holy occasion. Once when Lammy O'Quinn was bawling out his Negro hired hand, Romulus Gibbs, Romulus rubbed his eyes, looked out and said, "Lawdy, Mr. Lammy, I was waiting for the second sunrise.'' And Lammy, being Lammy, said, "I was up early and the first sunrise has already come and gone. Get out'n that bed, you bag of lazy bones!'' And Romulus couldn't �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1165 disprove him and so had to hump himself. I got an old saying from Lammy long ago which I like — "Don't call on the Lord unless you know his name.'' twell Till. Twelve pears hanging high, Twelve men came riding by. Each took a pear, Left eleven hanging there. (Riddle — One of the men was named Each.) 'tweren 't It wasn't. " 'Tweren't my fault he stumbled and fell." twerp A silly, irritating person. twict Twice. As the twig is bent so is the tree inclined. twin bluebells Ruellia, sometimes known as hairy ruellia, a fine little plant to have in a wild flower garden. Its name is rightly descriptive. Twinkle, twinkle little star, How I wonder what you are, Up above the world so high Like a diamond in the sky. When the blazing sun is gone, When it nothing shines upon, Then you show your little light. Twinkle, twinkle, all the night. Then the traveler in the dark Thanks you for your tiny spark. He couldn't see which way to go If you did not twinkle so. (A recitation rhyme.) When we children would be picking cotton in the fall and on into the dark of evening, we would sometimes straighten up our aching backs and glimpse the glimmer of a star high in the sky and then recite this rhyme with warm and tender feeling for the little peek-a-boo creature far, far away. And we �1166 Paul Green's Wordbook would often recite the whole "poem" so far as we could remember it. twirp A fool, an odd fellow, a ninny. twist around one's finger To have control over.' 'That woman can twist her husband around her finger whenever she wants to." twisted seventy ways from Sunday Out of order, gone all awry. twisting To get game from a hollow tree by twisting it out with a long stick with a small forked end. Often our dogs would tree a rabbit up a hollow tree, and we would cut off a long sprout of dogwood or black gum bush and run it up the hollow till we reached the trapped little animal. Then we would twist the sprout until it had fastened in the skin of the animal and gradually pull it forth, never minding its pitiful squealings. Cruel, cruel! twist one's arm To bring pressure to bear, to use special influence to get a desired action or result. "Yessir, that LBJ knows how to twist old Dirksen's arm when he needs to." twitch A short, twisted noose or loop of rope attached to the end of a stick some two feet long used to slip on the upper lip of a mule or horse and to be twisted tight enough to keep the animal from rearing out of reach of the veterinarian's medicine-drenching. See "drench." As the old birds sing, the young ones twitter. twitters Flutters, excited talk or behavior. Two heads are better'n one or what's a cabbage for? Two heads are better than one or why do folks marry? It takes two to make a bargain and one to break it. It takes two to make a quarrel. put two and two together To reach a conclusion about an obscure matter by putting the clues logically together. two cents Of poor value, not much good. "I don't feel like two cents today." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1167 two-dollar bill A good luck item, especially one with a corner torn off. Once a two-dollar bill was thought to be unlucky, so I've heard. What caused the change, I don't know. two-double Double. "It takes two-double reins to hold that horse." two hens fighting A sign that two strange women were coming and they would be strumpets and the wife had better get busy making up to her husband. in two Broken, disconnected. "This cord has come in two." two jumps ahead of the sheriff To be on the edge of bankruptcy, also to be dodging the law. Two little birds sat on a limb, One named Jack, the other, Jim, Fly away, Jack, fly away, Jim. Come back, Jack, come back, Jim. (Rhyme to go with the finger game. See "Jack and Jim.") two of a kind Of the same sort. two-time To deceive. Often applied to a man who dates two women, or vice versa. no two ways about it No argument about it, used for emphasis. two whoops and a holler A measurement of distance. "He lives only two whoops and a holler from here." tyke A dog. typhoid fever Once a blighting curse in the Valley as elsewhere, along with pneumonia. A number of my youthful acquaintances perished from the bacterial disease. And often one who recovered suffered some ill effect. One of my boyhood pals was a bright student at old Pleasant Union School. He contracted typhoid fever and during its siege was delirious for two or more days. Finally he recovered, but his brightness was gone. Thereafter he was �1168 Paul Green's Wordbook dull in his mind and of poor memory. A friend said to me,' 'That fever just about burnt his brains up." Modern sanitary conditions on the farm and in the cities along with antibiotics have helped the disease to pretty much disappear. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1169 U udder The other. A derogatory term for a woman, especially an elderly or ugly woman, as Ugly as a gouge as Ugly as a mud fence as Ugly as a mud fence trimmed in tar as Ugly as a scarecrow as Ugly as homemade sin as Ugly as homemade sin cooked in a fireplace as Ugly as homemade soap as Ugly as Satan as Ugly as sin as Ugly as sin and nearly as agreeable as Ugly as the devil Ugly enough to turn milk sour ugly off To peter out, to quit, to fade away. uh-uh A grunt of assent. �1170 Paul Green's Wordbook umbershoot Umbrella. umble Humble. 'umble pie Apologies. Same as eat crow. Opening an umbrella in the house brings bad luck. umbrella tree The chinaberry tree, a native of many parts of Asia and now naturalized in the southern United States. It has lovely sweet flowers in May and its umbrella shape provides good shade. urns Them. "Muh fed urns some wild cherry tea and urns pyeartened right up." unaccustomed as I am A speaker's overworked introductory phrase. unbeknownst Unknown, secretly.' 'All unbeknownst to me he got my brother to sign that deed." Uncle Benny A Franklin car. Uncle Sam The United States. Uncle Sam's a good old man, Washed his face in the frying pan, Combed his head with a wagon wheel, Died with the toothache in his heel. (A recitation rhyme.) uncumstand Understand. under By. "He goes under the name of John Martin now." undercoat Underskirt. To understand all is to forgive all. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1171 under the belt To get control of, to finish, complete. "He got that tough job under his belt and now is ready for another." under the thumb of To be under the control of. "That woman Sal Weaver sure has got old Zeb under her thumb." under the weather 111, feeling poorly. undo To untie, to unhitch. "Undo the horse and come on in." Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown. unfitten Not fit. unfrock To disgrace, to dismiss from a position of influence, as to unfrock a minister. unglued Emotionally upset. "Last fall I came all unglued and had a bad nervous breakdown." unhandy Inconvenient, awkward. In union is strength. the union flag A baby's diaper. United we stand, divided we fall. An unjust man is an abomination. unknown tongues The barbaric vocables and syllables given forth by frenzied religious fanatics when they are in the spell of their evangelical fervor. I once copied down some of the words at a meeting at William's Grove. Among them were such words as "hoofy-beigh-Jesus" and "hokum-ma-loki." It is unlucky to destroy an ant bed. unmentionables An old-fashioned term for women's drawers or any undergarments. unreal as a dream �1172 Paul Green's Wordbook unrip Rip. until when A redundant phrase of time used for emphasis. "He beat me so bad until when he let me up I was too weak to move." unvarnished truth Absolute truth. up To act, bring out. "Rorie Matthews upped with his gun and shot Dan McLeod dead." For emphasis. "Drink it all up, I tell you." up against it In difficult circumstances. up a horse's ass (apig's ass) A mild expletive of derision or denial. up and about To be convalescent, to be getting around despite infirmity. Up and at 'em! A command to action. up and coming Progressive, energetic. up and down Completely. "I really told him up and down." Vacillating. up and gone Restless, a job changer. "He's one of these up and gone fellows and I can't use him." on the up and up Trustworthy. Also recovering from illness. up a stump In a tough spot needing decision or action. up a tree In difficulty. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1173 up by light Up by dawn. up for grabs Available to the highest bidder, ready for taking. up in arms Excited, angry. up in G High up, proud acting. Up Jenks (Jenkins) A very popular guessing game in the Valley when I was growing up, and one that often provoked a lot of merry laughter. Players are seated on opposite sides of a table. The side having a coin for playing sits with hands below the table and one of the players takes the coin. At the command "Up jenks!" the hands are brought up and held closed in the air. At the second command "Down jenks!" they are slapped flat on the table, palms down. The leader of the searching side then selects a turned-down palm, hoping to find the coin. The number of misses are counted in the score. When the lucky palm is upturned, the score is noted and the coin changes sides. The game goes on till the players tire of it, or until one side is so far ahead of the other that there's no chance of the opponent's catching up. up one side and down the other Completely, entirely, absolutely. "I gave him hail Columbia up one side and down the other and he promised to do better." up one's sleeve To be secretive, to have a surprise or undisclosed plan of action. upper crust The aristocracy. upper hand An advantage. uppers The upper part of one's shoe. To be down on one's uppers is to have the soles worn out and to be in a beggarly condition. "I hear he is down on his uppers — stone broke." upper story The higher part of the brain, the head. upping block ups A block or step for mounting a horse, especially used by ladies in the old days. Advantages. "I've got the ups on you now, hosscake, and you'd better cry uncle." �1174 Paul Green's Wordbook ups-a-daisy A phrase usually spoken when one is playfully pitching a baby up in the air, fondling or swinging it. upscuddle A quarrel, a disturbance. upset Nauseated. To have a sick stomach, to be vomiting. upslop Vomit. up salt river In a forlorn situation. up shit creek and no paddle To be in a precarious condition. upshot The final result. have the ups on To have the advantage over. upstairs To be proud, snooty, disdainful. "Since she inherited money she's all upstairs." up the river To be in prison, to be in difficulty. up tight Tense. up to Doing, intending, planning. "He's not up to much good if you ask me." up to now Until this time or moment. up to snuff Equal to the occasion, to be feeling well. up yonder Reference to the upper rooms of a house as contrasted to the kitchen. Also far off, up in the sky. Heaven. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence use 1175 To frequent. "In the old days the wild turkeys would use around here but now you don't hear of 'em any more." Use not today what tomorrow will need. No more use than a man's titties or the pope's balls. The used key is always bright. The used key is never rusty. used to Once upon a time, formerly. "Used to, people seemed to be more neighborly than they are now." used to be Formerly, in the old days. "It used to be much colder than now." usen Use. "The coons always usen around here." uster could Used to could, once was able to. "He uster could pull five hundred bundles of fodder a day, but now he's old and can't pull a dozen." �1176 Paul Green's Wordbook V Valley The Valley in this collection refers to that geographic area coursed by the Cape Fear River which is formed in Chatham County, near Chapel Hill, N. C., by the confluence of the Deep and Haw rivers, flows through Harnett County between Lillington and Buie's Creek, where Paul Green was born and lived his childhood, through Fayetteville and into the Atlantic Ocean near Wilmington, N.C. (Ed. note) valley The sunken v-shaped jointure or gutter in the roof of a house. as vain as a peacock vamp The upper part of the shoe. The pedal on an organ. Also to court, flirt or entice. "That girl started vamping him as soon as they met." vamoose To scat, to hurry, to flee. vanilla plant A plant from eighteen inches to four feet in height with numerous heads of purplish and sometimes white flowers in a terminal cluster. It grows in grassy bog areas all through the Valley and in the old days, so they say, was used as an adulterant in tobacco. Tea made from the aromatic leaves is a good stimulant. Also cuttings from the plant were once used in closets as protection against moths. varge Verge. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1177 varma A special kind of tobacco. The little tobacco town of Varina in the Valley is named for this species. According to B.W. Green in The Virginia Word Book, the town was named for a town in South America where the great South American patriot Bolivar lived. In The North Carolina Gazeteer(1968) William Powell ascribes the name of Varina, N.C., to "the first postmaster's wife, who used the fanciful name in her courtship correspondence." varmint A queer frightful creature. Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord. venture (dubs, thribs, etc.) A phrase of objection in the game of marbles. "I said venture dubs first and you've got to put one o' them marbles back." Ven us's-fly trap This is certainly one of the world's most unique plants. The two-lobed leaf of these small perennials is red inside and attracts insects which light to enjoy the spread-out viand. The lobes, about an inch or more long, suddenly close over their quarry and devour it by absorption. The eating done, they open again and offer their apparently innocent food to the needy. This plant used to be prolific in the lower part of the Valley. A few years ago one could see it for sale on the streets of Chapel Hill. It is now protected by law. Venus 's-looking-glass A slender erect little annual from one-half to two feet high with purple flowers. It blossoms from late April through August. It actually is not a flower but a little weed and is often a pest in a vegetable garden. So far as I know, it has no medicinal value. verbena This white vervain grows from Maine to Texas and is considered a choice herb in the flower garden. It is an emetic and vulnerary, and is a good protection against fever. verge Part of the mechanism of a clock, actually the spindle of the balance wheel. vetch A common trailing vine that grows throughout the Valley and is found especially in grain fields. Some people identify it with the tare spoken of in the Bible. The seeds are detergent and, according to the old horse and cow doctors, it causes the bloat in animals and also is injurious to swine. �1178 Paul Green's Wordbook vim and vigor High spirits, exhilaration, a surplus of energy. one's own vine and fig tree One's own home, one's cherished domicile, one's freehold. violet One of the most popular little flowers on earth. There are some sixteen different kinds of violets that grow in the Valley, running from the bearded white violet through the early blue and on down to the tri-lobed leafed yellow violet. This flower has been praised by musicians and poets through the ages. One of our happiest experiences when we were children was to go into the woods in the early spring, especially where the land had been burnt over, and gather great handfuls of violets and bury our noses in them deliciously. A poultice made from the roots of the common "blue" violet is a good remedy for bone felons and boils. vinegary Sour-tempered, surly, irascible. VIP The abbreviation for Very Important Person. viper's bug loss Sometimes called blue-weed, it is found in dry meadows and pastures in the central and northern part of the Valley. The root contains a poisonous alkaloid which produces eruptions and irritations of the skin. virgin birth Giving birth to an offspring without male fertilization or fatherhood. Virginia bluebell Prescribed for chest ailments. Virginia butterfly pea It is much like the common butterfly pea and grows in dry or sandy soils. Virginia creeper Sometimes called the American ivy. It is a strong climbing vine common in the woods through the Valley. This plant is popular for use in decorating chimneys and shares its popularity only with the English ivy. Virginia day flower A beautiful and delicate plant which flowers in July and grows in either moist or medium dry soil. Not long ago my wife and I discovered two of these plants growing along the edge of the little stream that flows from our spring back of the house. Nearly every day in walking along our path we would �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1179 turn off to see these little flowers. According to my friend Burlage, it is a good relaxant and works well on constipation. Virginia reel A popular folk dance. Virginia snakeroot This is sometimes called the pelican flower and has wondrous medicinal values. In fact, it is highly recommended as an erotic stimulant. In a play I once wrote called The Founders, my comedian married a woman who was barren and finding this remedy he took to snakeroot and ate a lot of it.' 'Till I fairly foamed at the mouth," he said. But the results were good, for his barren wife before many months had gone by presented him with twin sons, one of whom he named Thomas Dale after the governor and the other John Rolfe after Pocahontas' husband. virgin's-bower The clematis, sometimes called Virginia virgin's bower. It grows in wet waste places and in the thickets and borders of woods and is found throughout the Valley. It has been reported to be useful in the treatment of syphilitic eruptions, skin diseases and itch — diseases coarsely antagonistic to its gentle name. Virtue is its own reward. A virtuous woman, her price is above rubies. visitors Menses. "I can't make love with you. I've got visitors." vittles Victuals. void To defecate, to empty the bowels. "I wanter void, Cap'n, wanter void," said the convict. volunteers Unwanted plants that spring up unexpectedly. vomitwort Indian tobacco, or tobacco lobelia. This herb grows in fields and along roadsides in the upper part of the Valley. It is supposed to be good for dozens of ailments such as whooping cough, hernia, headache, tremors, nausea and vomiting. It has also been used in the treatment of epilepsy, pneumonia, hysteria, cramps and convulsions. It is poisonous to animals and therefore in their good sense they let it alone. And now, with all the new vitamin pills and mycin drugs, man is letting the plant alone also. �1180 Paul Green's Wordbook voodoo Black magic or witchcraft is supposed to have come originally from the West Indies. Belief in voodoo is still widespread. Not too long ago I went to a Negro woman's house in Chapel Hill and noticed all sorts of queer marks in the sandy walk before her front door. She saw me looking at them and explained that she had put them there to protect herself from the old black evil eye that was "proguing round and about." vygrous (vigorous) Dangerous, wild. "That boar hog is mighty vygrous and you better watch out for him." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1181 W wad A roll of greenbacks. A chew of tobacco. A reason, a convincing argument, a conclusive and final statement. "He shot his wad and still nobody was convinced." wade into To attack vigorously. waffle A mess, a mistake. To waver, to be uncertain, to hesitate. wag To move on, to go slowly. "Come on, we'll wag on down the road." The wages of sin is death. on the wagon To be a teetotaler, practicing abstinence from liquor or any strong drink, especially by one who enjoys imbibing. wagtail A wanton woman. waiter A tray. Uncle Beirne said, "I want a waiter," and so they called for the "busboy." An attendant on the groom at a wedding. "I can't come Wednesday. I'm a waiter at Luke Gavin's wedding." �1182 Paul Green's Wordbook wait on To be an usher or attendant or a groomsman at a wedding. "I waited on Bob when he got married and he done the same for me when I hitched up." wake-robin The trillium. Although its name refers to the waking of the robins, the plant comes to leaf usually long after the robins have already waked up and gone on their way north. This bulbous plant grows in rich shady woodland soils and goes by a dozen or more different names such as birthroot, ground lily, Indian shamrock, red Benjamin, bumblebee-root and so on. Some people even call it daffydown dilly appropriate to the old children's folk song: "Daffydown dilly has now come to town In a red petticoat and a green gown." The roots of the wake-robin are astringent and tonic. "Wait Till the Sun Shines, Nellie" A popular sentimental song and one our quartet used to sing often. Wake up, Jacob, day's a-breaking Peas in the pot and hoecake baking. (A recitation rhyme.) walk A path, usually one leading to the front or back door of a house. "Throw the newspaper on the walk." walk a chalk line To behave circumspectly, to mind one's p's and q's. walking-around money Small change, spending money. walking on air Highly elated. As I was walking through the wheat, I picked up something good to eat, Neither fish, flesh, fowl nor bone— I kept it till it walked alone. (Riddle—An egg.) walking on water See "folk cures." walking papers Discharge papers, dismissal notice. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1183 walking pneumonia Virulent pneumonia, much akin to the galloping consumption. See "galloping pneumonia." every walk of life All classes represented. walk out with To court, to play suit to. walleye An eye in which much of the white shows. My father told me to beware always of either a walleyed horse or a walleyed woman. wallflower A young woman, unpopular as to male company, not asked to dance, etc. Walls have ears. walnut, black A common nut in the Valley, a hard shell as opposed to the softer-shelled English walnut. Walnut bark and leaves have many good medicinal uses. For instance, a green walnut hull would cure ringworm or skin eruptions, provided the victim could endure the burning pain caused by the juice. This tree grows in rich soils in all parts of the Valley. The leaves are moderately aromatic, bitter and astringent, and the inner bark of the tree and the root are mild cathartics, acting, so it is said, "on the bowels without pain and debilitating the alimentary tract." The Indians in the Valley used the rind of the green fruit in staining and dyeing. The goodies inside the hard shells are highly esteemed. Machinery has been invented now to crack the walnuts and get the goodies out without mashing them. wamperjawed A one-sided jaw. Same as wapperjawed. wampus An imaginary creature who lives in the deep Cape Fear River swamps. wander To rave deliriously. "I sat by his bed all night and from six o'clock on till day he kept wandering." wandering dew The wandering Jew plant. Wandering Dollar A game, same as Weave the Thimble. �1184 Paul Green's Wordbook to wangle To finagle, to arrange to put through a project or accomplish some aim by devious means. All I want in all creation Is a pretty little wife and a big plantation. All I want to make me happy Are two little kids to call me pappy. (A recitation rhyme.) wants the world Greedy. "He wants the world with a fence around it." wapperjawed Having a crooked or wry jaw. Same as wamperjawed. There never was a good war nor a bad peace. War A game played by boys. We used to play our wars mainly with maypops, but sometimes when we had an especially rough leader we would play it with rocks. And sometimes too we'd arm ourselves with beanshooters and fight each other by shooting pebbles. See "maypop war." wardrobe A large upright chest used to keep clothes, usually in the bedroom. old war horse A worn-out politician or a corny joke or story. Much the same as old chestnut. warm To spank. warm bit A sexy woman. like death warmed over "He's getting better now, but he still looks like death warmed over." A warm hand means a cold heart. warming pan A lidded brass pan in which hot coals used to be put for the warming of a cold bed. warnit Walnut. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1185 warn't Was not. war paint A woman's makeup, rouge, lipstick and so on. "Wait till I put on my war paint and I'll be ready." He is the greatest warrior who conquers himself. wartless Of good character, honest. warts A growth on the skin, small and tumor-like and hard. There are dozens and dozens of folk cures for warts as well as explanations of their cause. Handling frogs or getting frog blood on your skin is supposed to cause warts. The best cure I ever found for warts was to prick the wart, get a bit of blood, put it on some grains of corn and throw them to the chickens, and the chickens' eating the corn would cause the warts to disappear. I know this works for I did it several times as a boy, and the warts always went away. Among the other folk cures, one should take an old piece of cloth, a piece of dishrag is best, prick the wart, get some blood on the cloth, bury the cloth and as it rots away, the warts will disappear. Tobacco juice spat on a wart is a good way to get rid of it. Another cure is to count your warts, make a knot in a thread for every wart, and throw the thread away. As the thread rots, the warts will disappear. wash Clothes to be laundered. "Tomorrow's Monday, and I'11 have to get up my wash tonight." To stand the test, to prove true. "That fellow's testimony won't wash, I'll tell you that." A gully. washed in the blood A belief that through the symbolism of baptism a converted sinner is freed from his sins and is washed in the blood of Christ and is therefore fit for salvation. One of the Valley favorite hymns is "Washed in the Blood." washed up Undone, finished, a failed talent. washing dirty linen in public A vulgar discussion of personal matters with others to reveal family or business secrets. �1186 Paul Green's Wordbook washout A failure, a complete disappointment. Also an eroded place in a road. washpot The common iron pot usually kept in the backyard of a farmer's house for boiling clothes, for making soap, for heating water, for scalding hogs, and so on, in the old days. washstand A small bedroom table equipped with a bowl and pitcher, slop jar, chamber pot, hair receiver, soap dish, toothbrush. WASP White, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant. waspis, wastis Wasps. waspish Irritable, easy to anger. Waste makes want. Waste not, want not. A watched pot never boils. watching candle The candle used at the sitting up with a corpse. watch it when you will A phrase of emphasis. water To weaken, dilute.' 'They say that that old philosophy professor waters his milk." A pregnant woman shouldn't drink too much water for fear of drowning her baby. In the deepest water are the biggest fish, like pouring water on a duck's back water brash Water on the stomach, a nauseating sickness, pyrosis. watercress A cress that grows in wet boggy places, even in standing water, and is highly prized as a vegetable and salad in early spring. It is supposed also to be a �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1187 good tonic and blood purifier for children. water dog A second rainbow effect over the first, sometimes a small halo. Also a halo around the sun or moon. A person who really enjoys swimming and other water activities and is "at home in the water" without fear. water down To cheapen, to dilute. watered stock Diluted stock. water gall Same as a water dog. Another meaning is that of a small cloud formation in the sky which presages rain. water gate A floodgate. water gun A folk toy, much the same as pop gun, and used for squirting water at close range in fun. water haul Pulling up a seine but catching no fish. Also an action with no result.' 'Our meeting with the legislative committee was a water haul." water hemlock This plant is sometimes called death of man, or wild parsnip. It grows in all parts of the Valley, in swamps and in wet low-grounds. The plant is acrid and narcotic and the fresh roots are supposed to be especially toxic. won't hold water Undependable, not bona fide. "His promises won't hold water with me." water jack A water boy. One who brings water to laboring groups such as convicts working on the highways. There is a very well-known call which I have often heard given forth by some sweaty laborer swinging his pick under the eyes of a guard and crying out, "Water jack, water jack! Coulda been there and halfway back." water lily A decorative lily now used in many flower garden pools. There are several kinds of water lilies. �1188 Paul Green's Wordbook \vaterloo Disaster, ruin, failure, defeat. to make water To urinate, same as to pass water. watermelon A favorite southern melon. There is an old saying that if one eats watermelon and ice cream together, the combination will make him sick. I've tried it many times and have never been sick from such eating yet. The Valley housewives especially value the rind for pickle-making. "Watermelon on the Vine" This song is evidently of minstrel origin, and we workers in the field sang it with good feeling, especially when we had a watermelon waiting for us at the noon hour. "You can talk about your apples, Your peaches and your pears, Your 'simmons hanging on the 'simmon tree. But bless your heart, my honey, That stuff's nowhere a-tall It's watermelon that's the special thing for me. "Hambone is sweet and bacon is good, And possum meat is very, very fine, But gimme, oh gimme, I surely wish you would, That watermelon hanging on the vine." watermelon seeds These seeds, when dried and eaten, are a stimulant to the urinary tract. water mills Grist mills using dammed-up waterpower to turn the big mill-rocks for grinding grain. We children used to make little water whirligigs, put them into flooded brooks and delight in watching them turn. water moccasin A poisonous snake. We boys used to be told that there was no danger from a water moccasin while in the water, because "he can't bite in the water. If he did he would drown." But we were scared of them just the same. water over the dam A matter of past time or action which cannot now be changed and best be forgot. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1189 water shelf A horizontal board shelf usually nailed to the wall of a farmer's back porch where he conveniently set his bucket and wash basin. water-swole Water-swollen. water under the bridge Same as water over the dam. on the water wagon No longer indulging in alcoholic beverages. water witch Didapper. wattle and dab (daub) Close lath work plastered over with clay and chopped straw. Sometimes twigs are used. don't make waves Don't stir up trouble, let sleeping dogs lie. waxberry Bayberry. wax myrtle See "bayberry." a-way Direction. "Which a-way?" "That a-way." any way, shape, form or fashion All inclusive. in a bad way Seriously ill or in harsh financial trouble. "Way Down Yonder in the Cornfield" An old popular field song. We used to sing it while working. "Some folks say that a nigger won't steal. But I caught two in my cornfield— One carried a shovel and the other carried a hoe And if that ain't stealin', I don't know. Way down yonder in the cornfield." "The Wayfaring Stranger" An early 19th century hymn, and still popular. �1190 Paul Green's Wordbook way gate A gate across the road. way-out Ultramodern, wild. "I like that way-out music." Hugely pregnant. Exaggerated. a ways A long distance. "He lives down the road a ways from here." no two ways about it No doubt, certain, no argument. We had a pie made out of rye, And possum was the meat, Rough enough and tough enough And more than all could eat. The raccoon has a ringed tail, The possum's tail is bare, The rabbit's got no tail at all But a little bunch of hair. (A recitation rhyme.) as weak as dirt as weak as dishwater as weak as puppy piss as weak as skimmed 'possum piss as weak as water weak-kneed Unstable, weak-willed. weak spot A flaw in one's character. "Keep accusing him and you'll find his weak spot somewhere." weak trembles Palsy, the shakes. "I got so hot I had the weak trembles." weaky Weak. He who marries for wealth sells his own liberty. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1191 weaned on a pickle A person with a sour expression. Alice Roosevelt Longworth said of President Calvin Coolidge, "He looks as if he had been weaned on a pickle.'' weapon The membrum virile. wear The fashion. "A pompadour is all the wear now." wear and tear Depreciation due to normal and regular use. Wearing untied shoes brings good luck. "Mr. Archie Johnson told me once he had never tied his shoes after his wedding night." As your wedding ring wears, you'll wear off your cares. wear the britches Spoken of a woman who bosses her husband around, who plays the man in the household. wear the stripes To be a member of a chain gang. In the old days all Southern prisoners wore stripes and the more dangerous ones had to wear a ball and chain. But nowadays this is all changed except that the guard still has a gun. The groups of young men working along the road, all dressed in snuff-colored clothes, have the appearance of being pretty much like any other group of young laboring Americans. Be not weary in well-doing. wear you out To whip harshly, to beat with a switch. "If you don't stop that squalling, I'll wear you out." weasel (out) Same as arsle out. To go back on one's promise, to fail to keep one's commitment. weather Usually inclement weather — rain, snow or sleet. "From the looks of the sky we're going to have some weather along about night." There are hundreds and hundreds of superstitions and folk beliefs relative to the weather, such as the following: A large halo around the sun or moon suggests fair weather; a small halo foul weather. �1192 Paul Green's Wordbook When flies are thick and bite fiercely, it is going to rain. A red sunset means a fair morning. When swallows come early, a hot summer follows. A green Christmas means a fat graveyard. Rain before seven— Clear before eleven. weather breeder A humid hot condition of the air, presaging falling weather. weave-horse A horse that has a meandering or weaving motion as he trots or moves forward. Weave the Thimble A children's game. A coin or thimble is passed about a circle of players and the central player is to guess who has it. The coin or thimble is held in the palm, then passed about the circle by each player alternately clapping his hands together and then extending his arms so as to touch the hands of his neighbor. For this purpose the right hand should be held downward and the left turned upward as the arms are extended. The coin is to be palmed from hand to hand, and the rhythmical motion is accompanied sometimes by a song, using almost any old tune anyone wishes, which goes somewhat as follows: Thimble, thimble (dollar, dollar), how you wander, From the one hand into the other! weaving-house A building, separate from the main house, in which the weaving used to take place. This was the custom in the old days. Oh, what a tangled web we weave When first we practice to deceive. It is bad luck to postpone a wedding. the wedding cake There are a number of customs connected with the wedding cake, among them being the belief that if an unmarried girl sleeps on a piece of the wedding cake she will dream about her future husband. If a bride tears a wedding dress, (it's a sign) her husband will beat her. One wedge drives out another. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1193 weed Tobacco, "the weed." weeds Clothes. Weeds need no sowing. The weeping bride makes a laughing wife. weeping willow A very popular tree in the Valley and one, of course, famous in many a ballad and song. The weeping willow usually suggests mourning or sadness. weevily Full of weevils. wee-wee To urinate. A child's word. weirdo A queer fellow, extreme hippie-type. as welcome as spring as welcome as the flowers in May as welcome as the itch as welcome as the sun after a rain You're welcome. A polite reply in answer to a statement of thanks or acknowledgement of some favor. welk Welt. as well be hanged for a sheep as a lamb Don't wait to dig a well for water till the house is already afire. It's too late to cover the well when the child is drowned. well and good A phrase used for emphasis. "You know well and good I didn't take your books." Well begun is half done. well bricks Specially curved bricks for the lining of wells. �1194 Paul Green's Wordbook well digging In the earliest Valley days the pioneers built their dwellings near a spring. Then as the population increased and springs were not sufficient to serve, wells were dug. These usually were round holes in the earth and dug on down to the proper water level. Usually fifteen or twenty feet was sufficient depth on the coastal plain to secure plenty of water. Then on up in the Piedmont the depth slightly increased. Our well on our farm in Harnett County went to a depth of some thirty feet. It never went dry and is still serving but now with an electric pump to do the "hauling." A well-digger in my youth was a man of some special attention, like the horseand cow-doctor. Clinton McNeill, a powerful black man, a neighbor of ours, claimed he could dig a well in the stretch of time between sunrise and sunset. Well done is better than well said. well-heeled Wealthy, plenty of means. well-off Wealthy. well-posted Well-informed. well sweep In the old days when ropes and chains were scarce, water was usually drawn from the household well by a sweep. A pole some eight or ten feet high would be set up near the well for a fulcrum. Then another pole, the sweep, would be passed through a crotch at the top of the upright pole, and a bolt put through the sweep there. Then some feet farther along the sweep a horizontal pole would be fastened with a bucket hitched to the end of it. The bucket pole would be used to pull the bucket down into the well to fill it. Then hand over hand the bucket pole would be lifted, fetching up the water. The weight of the long end of the sweep would help pull the weighted water bucket up. Sometimes a windlass would be used instead of a well sweep. But both have long passed away. When I was a boy, well sweeps could be seen here and there in the Valley. But I've seen neither sweep nor windlass for more than fifty years. well'um Well, ma'am. "Well'um, since you axed me, I jest don't know how I does it." welsh To tattletale, to renege on a promise, to fail to pay one's debts. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1195 Went to the river and couldn't get across, I jumped on a nigger and thought he was a hoss, Nigger bucked and I fell in— Ain't gonna try that hoss ag'in. I went to the river and couldn't get across, Paid five dollars for an old gray hoss, The hoss wouldn't ride and the hoss couldn't swim And I'll never see my five dollars ag'in. (An old recitation rhyme.) a-went Have gone. "They might a-went to church. I don't know." We're all in the dumps For diamonds are trumps, The kittens are gone to St. Paul's. The babies are bit. The moon's in a fit. And the houses are built without walls. (A nursery rhyme.) wet One who is in favor of liquor as opposed to a dry. Wrong, mistaken. "He's all wet if he thinks I did it." wet as a drowned rat wet behind the ears Inexperienced, naive or childlike. wet blanket A person who is sour-faced and pessimistic, a bringer of bad news. wet one's whistle Take a dram. wet or dry A method of choosing up sides in a ball game. In the old days at Pleasant Union one of the leaders would ask the other leader which he chose, wet or dry. Then the first leader would spit on the bat (usually a flat handletrimmed narrow board) and twirl the bat into the air. When it fell, if the wet side was up, then wet got the first choice of players, and so on. �1196 Paul Green's Wordbook whacking Very large, bounteous, plentiful. "He made a whacking crop of oats this year." Whaddo (Whatta) you know! What do you know! Sometimes used as an exclamation of disbelief as well as a query. whale To flog. "If you don't behave, I'm going to whale the living lard out of you." A lot, a great deal. whall A while. "I saw him pass here whall ago like his shirt was a-far." whammy A police device for catching speedsters. whang To beat, to hit. "That limb whanged him side the head and knocked him silly." whangdoodle A foolish thing, a thingamajig. Also the penis. I'll tell you what A preparatory phrase for emphasis. "I'll tell you what, that woman's got no morals." that's what Surely, no doubt of it. "George Butts ought to be put in jail for beating Mis' Liz, that's what." what all All, entirety. "I don't know what all I did with my money." "What all in the world are you doing?" What are little girls made of? (twice) Sugar and spice and everything nice, And that's what little girls are made of. What are little boys made of? (twice) Snaps and snails and puppy dog tails, And that's what little boys are made of. (A nursery rhyme.) What cannot be cured must be endured. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1197 whatchamacallit (what-you-may-call-it) An item the name of which one cannot recall for the moment, a thingamajig. What comes from the heart goes to the heart. Whatever is worth doing is worth doing well. What gives? What is happening, what is going on? what-have-you More of the same, a term of general comment and inclusion. "The people down there are all drunkards, thieves, bullies or what-have-you." What in God's name! An exclamation. What in hell! Exclamation. What in tarnation! Exclamation of some irritability. what is That is. "A wet kiss is the messiest thing what is." What is a workman without his tools. Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap. What the devil! Exclamation. what the doctor ordered Exactly suitable, what was wanted. what the heck, what the Sam Hill, and so on Mild exclamations. What went with it? What happened? what's what The real lowdown, the actual truth.' 'Let's go in and find out what's what." wheel Bicycle. "Leave your wheel outside the door and come on in." A wagon's worst wheel makes the loudest squeal. �1198 Paul Green's Wordbook wheelbar' Wheelbarrow. wheelhorse A hard worker, a reliable person. wheeze A tall tale or a tiresome old saying. "And Minnie had to pull out that old wheeze about a stitch in time saves nine." whelp A lazy good-for-nothing person, usually refers to a woman. When I die, don't bury me at all. Just pickle my bones in alcohol. Put a bottle of booze at my head and feet. That tells the world I'm resting sweet. or Put a bottle of booze to hold in my hand And I'll find my way to the promised land. (A drinking rhyme.) When I was a baby, a baby, a baby, When I was a baby, a baby was I. 'Twas this way, 'twas that way, 'Twas this way, 'twas that way, When I was a baby, a baby was I. (A singing pantomime game.) This song goes on describing different characters and each with pantomimic action appropriate to the person — a young girl, a gentleman, an old man, a mother, a doctor, and so on and so on. When I was a boy I lived by myself And all the bread and cheese I got I laid it on the shelf. The rats and the mice They raised such a strife That I had to go to London To get me a wife. The road was so long And the streets were so narrow �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1199 That I had to bring her home In an old wheelbarrow. (A recitation rhyme.) When I was a little boy, Hardly knee high, Mama took a little stick And made me cry. Now I am a big boy Mama can't do it, But Papa takes a big stick And goes right to it. (A recitation rhyme.) When the cat's away, the mice will play. When the dew is on the grass, Rain will never come to pass. (Weather rhyme.) whenever When. "She hurt herself whenever she fell off the bed this morning." When I was a child, I spake as a child. "When I Was Single" A popular anti-feminist song. Another of our field-morning songs, a merry one. "When I was single — oh then, oh then, When I was single, oh then, When I was single, My pockets would jingle, And I wish I was single again." "When Johnny Comes Marching Home" Another popular song of the Civil War times by the talented George F. Root who also wrote' 'The Battle Cry of Freedom'' and "Just Before the Battle, Mother," among other fine songs. I was first introduced to "Johnny" by Roy Harris, the composer, at the MacDowell Colony in 1926. Roy was developing it as an orchestral piece. In illustrating the richness of the material he played it for me on the piano and did so with such fire and power that several of the old piano strings gave way with sharp protesting pings. "When the Roll Is Called Up Yonder" This is another soul-comforting hymn much loved in the Valley as elsewhere. Words and music were both written by one man, James M. Black �1200 Paul Green's Wordbook (1856-1938), which makes it something of an exception. It was used always to good effect in the revival meetings. The scaring opening words often served as a text for the preachers at old Pleasant Union Church. "When the trumpet of the Lord shall sound And time shall be no more, And the morning breaks eternal bright and fair, When the saved on earth shall gather Over on the other shore, And the roll is called up yonder, I'll be there." This was an especial favorite with the Honorable Joseph Carrington, a Valley banker and perennial politician. He often spoke of the reunion with all his loved ones and what a joyous time to be with' 'the chosen ones'' after death. Miss Lucy Adkins, who borrowed money on her teacher's certificate from the Honorable Joseph's bank at the cost of heavy carrying charges, later was heard to say that she doubted he'd be there when the roll was called. "He'd be necessarily detained elsewhere," she said. When You and I Were Young, Maggie" One of the world's most touching songs of love's devotion. The story goes that a young Canadian schoolteacher, George W. Johnson, courted and married pretty Maggie Clark in 1864. Soon after, they moved to Cleveland, Ohio, where he obtained a better teaching job than the one he had held before. Within a year tragedy struck, and Maggie died. Johnson then wrote the poem that expressed his grief, "When You and I Were Young, Maggie,'' and published it in a small volume of his verse. James A. Butterfield, a gifted young musician from Chicago, came across the poem and set it to music. Of the some 150 songs Butterfield composed, this is the only one that has lived. "I wandered today to the hill, Maggie, To watch the scene below, The creek and the creaking old mill, Maggie, As we used to long ago. The green grove is gone from the hill, Maggie, Where first the daisies sprung, The creaking old mill is still, Maggie, Since you and I were young." When you are married and eating fish, Don't get greedy and swallow the dish. When you are married and living by the sea, Step to the mirror and kiss yourself for me. (A recitation rhyme.) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1201 "Where Is My Wandering Boy Tonight?" This tearful offering appeared in 1877, words and music by the Reverend R. Lowry. For more than a hundred years it has been a useful revival-meeting piece to aid in bringing prodigal Valley sons back into the fold and to a mother's tender care. Sometimes it helped, sometimes not. In the case of my boyhood friend, call him Sam Maxton, it failed. For all the singing and praying, he went his violent way at last to fill a suicide's grave. "Where is my wandering boy tonight— The boy of my tenderest care, The boy that was once my joy and light, The child of my love and prayer. My heart overflows For I love him he knows, O where is my boy tonight?" wherewithal Means, the money. "I would like to go to the fair but I ain't got the wherewithal." Where You Are A children's game. The full title of this game is "Where you are, Who you're with, What you're doing." One player goes around and whispers to each member of the group where he is. Another tells him quietly whom he is with, and then a third tells each player what he is doing. Then the leader asks each person the three questions, and the juxtaposition of people and situations in the answers is often hilarious, especially if those assigning where, with whom and what the player is doing are highly imaginative. whe'r (whether) "I don't know whe'r he's living or not." Where there is marriage without love there will usually be love without marriage. whetrock A whetstone. In the old days there was a common belief that the best way to get a whetstone was to take a smooth tough piece of green hickory, put it in running water in a stream and let it stay there a year. It would turn into a rock and would be the best kind of stone for sharpening axes, scythes and other tools. Another first-rate kind of whetstone was supposed to be a petrified rock. See "hickory whetrock." which-a-way Which way? Also topsy-turvy. �1202 Paul Green's Wordbook the which "He said the madstone would cure that dog bite, the which it did." whiddle Whittle. Wheedle. whiff To throw with great speed. "Old Lefty Grove just whiffed that third strike by the batters." whiffer A tattletale. whig (wig} A sour Scotch drink made from sour whey. It was usually pronounced in the Valley in the old days without the "h" as wig, and the common comparison we had was in reference to something sour, "as sour as wig." whimsy-whamsy All crazy, awry. whim-whams The hysterics, the heebee-jeebies. whings Wings. As a boy I often heard the word "wings" pronounced "whings." But like "jist" for joist, "chice" for choice, such pronunciation has passed out of fashion. "Whings" brings to mind the old man, Acharel Matthews, who so used the word and took it on himself to obey a command he said he received from the Lord relative thereto. To my young bravado inquiry as to this, he once said to me, "Yessiree, the Lord came to me in a vision in the night plain as the pa'm of my hand and said to me, 'Son, Acharel,' he said, 'I want you to prove your faith to me and to others, helping to bring them to repentance. I want you to fly.' The Master didn't tell me just how to work it but just to fly. I wiv-wavered about it and he spoke to me again in the deep of the night. 'I want you to fly.' Well, I determined to obey the Lord. I talked to my boys and they was against it. But I kept right on, determined to have my way, that's the Lord's way. Well, to make a long story short, me and the Lord finally prevailed and me and the boys made some wide, thin-boarded whings with strops to 'em. I put 'em on and climbed a ladder up on the barn roof. Several people, including Preacher Rolland, had assembled to see me and the Lord prevail. So I balanced myself on the comb- �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1203 edge of the roof and said a little prayer of trust in the Lord and sailed off. Later I realized what had happened. I was the source of my own downfall. For at the very identical instance I plunged off into the air the thought struck me — jist suppose this thing don't work. That's what done the damage. Right at the spang second I needed faith to make me sail off in the air on my whings like a bird this doubt struck me. It was the devil done it. Ah, Lord, he's sly and always laying in wait. He put the thought into my mind.'' Old Acharel landed in the hog pen, and several of his greedy fattening hogs attacked him, thinking maybe he was a shock of corn falling as feed for them. The sons and the neighbors saved him from the hogs, but for the rest of his life he walked somewhat sideways because of the injury to his spine. The boys burnt the "whings" in the trash pile and, though the "whings" are long gone, the story is still alive in the Valley. •whip The leader, the foreman. "That big fellow was the whip for the whole logging crew." whip around To change directions. "The wind whipped around to the North and it turned cold as fury." whipped down To be tired out, exhausted. whippersnapper An insignificant person. whipping boy One who suffers for the wrongdoings of another. whippoorwill A famous night bird. The whippoorwill is often associated with sad omens, sickness or death. One of the old folk beliefs was that when you hear the first whippoorwill you can kill off any bad luck if you get down on the ground and roll over three times. After this the evil bird cannot hurt you. But also there is a brighter side to the whippoorwill's coming because when its first notes are heard, winter and all cold weather are gone. whippoorwill peas A variety of peas speckled like whippoorwill eggs. whippoorwill shoes Lady's-slipper flower. �1204 Paul Green's Wordbook whip steel To use a sledge hammer in driving a steel drill down. "Lawd, that man could whip steel all day and never complain." whipstitch Instant. "He was up from there in a whipstitch." whirligig A little play waterwheel. whirlwind An overly energetic person. A whirlwind means dry weather. In the early days in the Valley the old Scots used to refer to a whirlwind as a "furl o' fairies wind." by a whisker Within an ace of, a close shave, a narrow escape. Whiskey drinking is risky drinking. Drinking a lot of whiskey will cure a snakebite. whist A card game, also a command to silence.' 'Whist on your tongue, will you.'' whistle Throat. "I'll wet my whistle with some of this Adam's ale and then I'll be able to talk better." Whistle in the dark to give you courage. It is bad luck to whistle in a boat for it's likely to raise a wind. whistle britches Corduroy pants which make a scrubbing noise as the legs rub together. whistling in the dark A wasted effort, an ineffectual act. A whistling woman and a crowing hen Are sure to come to no good end. whit A bit, a tiny amount. "I don't care a whit whether she gets married or don't.'' white The color white is a symbol of death. The white dove, the white heron, the white horse, the white swan are connected with death, with the cemetery and the warnings of doom. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1205 As a boy I heard it told that when old Miss Rebecca Lloyd was lying on her deathbed a snow-white dove came and perched on the comb of the house just over her. And on the day the old woman's breath took its final flight the dove flew straight up into the sky and kept on flying and finally disappeared in the light of the blazing sun. Old Miss Minty Gaskins declared that this dove was carrying Miss Becky's immortal soul to heaven just the way the bird in the Scriptures once toted a leaf in its mouth. See' 'bird omen.'' Also honest, fair, reliable. "Oh, he'll treat you white all right." as white as a ghost as white as a sheet as white as chalk as white as cotton as white as snow white alder (pepper bush) This species grows in swamps and damp places from Maine to Florida and throughout North Carolina. Tea made from it was once a good medicine for fevers, coughs and lung afflictions. white birch Not native to the Valley but becoming popular as an ornamental tree. white-bowl-of-milk The call of the whippoorwill. White chickens lay more eggs than brown or black chickens. white-collar worker One who works with his brains rather than his hands. white elephant A worthless holding, especially as to a sizeable building or project. "He spent a lot of money on that old hotel and it's nothing but a white elephant.'' white feather Cowardice. When white folks build 'em a fire, the nigger can keep warm toting wood. Got one mind for white folks to see, Another mind for what I know is me. A white glove often conceals a dirty hand. Suffering and grieving produce white hair early. �1206 Paul Green's Wordbook white-haired boy The pet, the hopeful one. white horse Death. "Some of these days, and it won't be long, the figure on the white horse is going to stop at my door." There used to be a common belief that death rode a white horse and could be seen now and then making his way to a doomed person's house. To dream of three white horses presages death. white lightning Raw moonshine, corn liquor. white-livered Cowardly. white moth The millermoth, also associated with death. I remember hearing Reverend Wicker tell a horrifying story to us children one night when he was staying at our house. He told about how he had to sit up with a sick man who was a dreadful sinner, and during the night this man died unrepentant without having his soul saved. And there he lay on the bed with his mouth open. And Mr. Wicker said he looked at him and saw a white moth come out of his mouth and fly away.' 'And that was his soul, children, that white moth. And you know where that thing was bound? It was bound for hellfire there to burn forever and ever." Don't kill a white moth — it might be somebody's soul. white mulberry Sometimes called the silkworm tree. This tree is a native of China and has been naturalized in the Valley. Back in the old, old days it was thought that silk worms could be raised and fed on the leaves of these trees and the manufacture of silk would result. But just as up in Virginia, the experiment failed. The root of the tree is astringent, and a tea made from its bark is supposed to be good for diarrhea. white oak Perhaps the most beautiful of all trees in the Valley. For a long while it has been the main source of cross ties for the railroads, in shipbuilding, flooring, framing, and a multitude of other uses. The acorns have been good for fattening hogs and the bark is astringent, used in tanning and for all sorts of medicinal uses, gargles and injections. White oak strips were much used for making baskets and chair bottoms especially. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1207 white of an egg Drop the white of an egg in a glass of water and it will form a picture of your love's calling. If he is a sailor, the shape formed will look like a ship; if he is a farmer, it will look like a plow or hoe maybe, and so on. Old Aunt Dicey Ragland, who has never married, said to romantic Effie Latham one day, "Law, ma'am, you better not be a-doing of that. I tried it onct and it made me the shape of a coffin and what happened? Why my sweetheart Bent Morphis was blowed up by dynamite blasting the next day and they didn't find enough of him to bury. Yes ma'am, if you're not to get married before you die, that egg business will sure make you a coffin. Stay away from it, yes ma'am. Like you, maybe, I still got hopings too, but I sure don't mess with them whites of eggs in glasses of water anymore and you better not. 'Cause as long as we don't know the worst we can still expect the best. Ain't it the truth!" "Whiter Than Snow" Another popular Valley hymn. Here once again is stated the intense faith that the miracle of salvation is to take place through the blood of Jesus. "Lord Jesus, I long to be perfectly whole, I want thee forever to live in my soul. Break down every idol, cast out every foe. Now wash me and I shall be whiter than snow— "Whiter than snow, whiter than snow, Now wash me and I shall be whiter than snow." The words are by James Nicolson and the tune by William G. Fischer. white sand A good cure for stomach ulcers, or so Uncle Bob Green was told. He had a bad ulcer and an old man told him that if he would take one teaspoonful of white sand every day he would get cured. Well, believe it or not, Uncle Bob tried it and he was cured. It's a wonder it didn't kill him. white swelling The folk term for the once dreadful disease osteomyelitis. This curse used to be more prevalent in the Valley than it is now. Better diet, sanitation, more medical knowledge and more available hospitals have tended to diminish it. As a little boy I suffered with it for two terrible years. I first fell out of an apple tree and hurt my arm, and then the disease took over. Many a night I would lie in front of the fire on a pallet with my aching arm and knee toward the soothing heat, and every hour or two my mother would rise and put on replenishing logs. Doctor Joe McKay treated me with every �1208 Paul Green's Wordbook kind of purgative known to man, including calomel, black draught and castor oil. He even painted my whole arm with iodine. Every passing neighbor prescribed too. "I'll tell you what, Billy," one would say to my father, "get you some red oak bark, bile it good and mix the tea with meal and make a good poultice, then wrop that boy's arm in it, and it'll do the trick." Another would say, "His kidneys are poisoning him. Feed him some of this good swamp root and he'll mend right away." Swamp root was one of the hundreds of patent medicines for which the hardworking people in the Valley paid out their good money to the scavengers of the North. Finally Doctor Joe lost patience with me and one day in his little office there in Buie's Creek where I had gone for treatment, he had his Negro man grab me and hold me.' 'Look out yonder and see that crow, Paul," he said. I looked off, and pang! he had split my elbow open with his lancet. Then as the Negro continued to hold my churning form, the doctor progued in my inner forearm with a huge sucking needle. I still bear the scars and I still hear in my inner ear the awful screams I let out. "Billy," he said later to my father, "you better take him up to Johns Hopkins in Baltimore to Dr. Osier and let him cut his arm off. He's going to die if you don't and that soon.'' Somehow my father and mother scraped up $75 and Father took me to Baltimore and just in time for, although I was ten years old, I weighed only forty pounds. The wonderful doctors at the hospital saved both me and my arm. Poor old Aunt Margaret Messer, Little Bethel Church's holy woman, opposed my going to the last. "Prayer is the only thing that will save him, prayer and Dr. Yokum's sanctified handkerchiefs putt on the pizen place," she said. I am glad my parents wouldn't listen to her. So I have some definite opinions on the subject of white swelling. So has my old friend Mr. Mac, the miller. One day when I was down at his mill chewing the rag with him on various matters, folklorish, historical and sundry, Ashe Brodie, the bootlegger, came in with a half-bushel of corn to be ground. He was wiv-wavering with drunkenness, and Mr. Mac fell afoul of him for his ways and especially for having his sick son down to the Holy Roller camp meeting at Falcon to be prayed over and healed of his bone disease by the sanctified people. ' 'Why in the world, Ashe,'' the old miller fumed.' 'don't you take that boy up to Rex Hospital and get him operated on for that leg that's rotting off?'' But the slobbering hypocrite whined and said he was ashamed of Mr. Mac for not putting his trust more in the power of "our almighty and blessed Lord." Ashe himself was almost a nervous wreck from hiding in the swamps and jumping from every wind-moving bush, thinking it was a revenue officer. And while the old miller had him there hemmed up in the millhouse he worked a bit on his sorry superstitious soul — for that crippled boy's sake. "Ashe," he said, "you better be careful how you mix your medicine �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1209 and your Lord. They're like oil and water. You ain't old enough, but I remember the case of Tatum Baker, the liquor-head. He woke up one morning with his back bent like a jackknife. Some said a spell had been put on him, others that he slept without a sheet and had caught the cramps. Anyhow, he went for months like that. He tried all kinds of quack doctors, plasters, pills and even took a case or two of female disorder medicine, but nothing seemed to help him. Finally he gave in to his wife's pleading and went down to the Holiness meeting at Falcon to be prayed over. "And the sisters and brothers prayed all right — for a night and the whole of next day they did. About sundown of the second day, the misery left Tatum, and he straightened up and went to shouting. Not only that, but he happy-danced off a piece up and down the aisle and let loose a great bellowing of unknown tongues. Yessir, he was healed and healed good. He thought he was. But old Moster was only playing with him. Later that night going home he felt so fine he couldn't be contained. He had to celebrate. He stopped there in Dunn and got himself a quart of liquor and drank it all as he walked on home. This time wouldn't count, he said, just the way all you liquor-heads say, and before long he was addled and drunk as he wobbled ahead. ''It was a hot night and a big thundercloud had come up. As he wandered up the lane at the Shovel place, a real cloudburst fell out of the sky. Now it happened that old Andrew Shovel himself was lying dead in his house. Some neighbors were there sitting up, and in front of his yard was a hearse with its two black-plumed horses tied to a tree. Tatum hurried along as fast as he could, and as he got near, in his disordered state of mind he mistook the hearse for some sort of covered carriage. Since it was pouring such a heavy rain and thundering and lightning so, he opened the door and crawled in to keep dry. "Now as everybody knows, a hearse don't have any handles on the inside, for the corpse has no need to open the door from within. Well, all of a sudden and blam! the lightning struck a tree in old Shovel's yard. The horses bucked and charged and broke loose, and away they went with hearse, Tatum and all. Lickety-split they went right down the lane back toward Dunn where they came from. As they went charging along, the hearse leaning and blundering from side to side, Tatum's mind cleared up somewhat and he realized where he was. And then he set up a terrible yelling and screeching and praying to the Lord God Almighty — sort of the way you must have done the other day, Ashe, when you were trying to get saved at the mourners' bench — yeh, no doubt just the way you did. "Other neighbors heard the hearse coming, and they rushed out on their porches as it went by. And in the flashes of lightning they could see the 'dead man' in there, squatted on his knees, throwing up his hands and bowing and praying. And they fled back inside and barred their doors. �1210 Paul Green's Wordbook Finally the horses ran smack into the main avenue of Dunn, and there by the street lights the inhabitants visioned this strange flying contraption. And more than one of them bolted out of the house and took to the alleys and side streets and even fields. Right on through the town the horses ran. As they swerved around the curve going toward Clinton, the hearse turned over and threw Tatum out through the broken glass and hard against a ditch stump. This time he really was hurt. His back was cracked. "From that day forth he walked exactly as he walked before — bent all over — and neither doctors nor preachers could ever heal him. They said he learned his lesson all right, but he learned it too late. For before long he died, a lost soul from hardening of the liver and in great pain. No sir, it won't do to mix your medicine and your religion. "Now sit still, Ashe, for that ain't all, and you know where there's no hope there's no hurry and many a man feeds his brains to his belly. Take the case of another bootlegger like you — bootlegger, you heard me, Ashe — old man Abner Witherspoon, who had denied his children both their chance at health and schooling, all for the sake of the liquor he loved. He once got down mighty low with locked bowels, and he promised the good God if he would let him up again he would serve him all the days of his life, would take care of his wife and children, never make whiskey again, never curse, and never have evil thoughts rambling in his brain. So God let him up, and he walked about. But it weren't any time at all till he was back at that whiskey still, firing and straining and a-cussing and thinking of every Saturday night when he'd get off down to Dunn and cut up with some hot wild women. You know how it was, Ashe, for you do that yourself. So God Almighty struck him down again and brought him right up to the hinge creak of the gate of death. And such a loud clamoring and pow-wow of praying and begging the country had never heard before. Sort of like the pow-wowing and hollering you did the other day, Ashe, from what they tell me. Maybe it was because of these children and his wife, Melinda, a godly woman all the years of her being, that the Big Boss in the sky finally heard him again and restored him to health. ' 'What did he do then? He did what so many of us are prone to do — and what you have done time and again, Ashe — the minute the threat of danger faded far away, he went back to his vomit. But as the hog said when the devil sheared him, once is a lot, two times is too much, and three times is completely and tee-totalling overdoing it. So for old Abner there never was a third chance. For when he started back consorting with Old Scratch — and you know every time a man falls he falls harder than before and mires up that much deeper in the slough of his undoing — well, the ha'nts got him this time. Yessir, and I mean ha'nts. You can call it delirium tremens, the happy weepings or the jerks or the pentecostal pourings, but anyhow old Abner was a pitiful sight to see. You know how it is, Ashe, when you �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1211 begin to see faces in knotholes and hear voices in your head and little fingers begin tickling behind your ears, and a great creature you can't even see begins to walk behind you with heavy feet, and you hear him going bump, bump, all in time to your beating heart. "One day the Iron-faced Man would be after Abner. Then another day Rawhead-and-bloody-bones would run him around the house. Then at night likely as not the little Headless Girl would get under his bed and snigger at him with gurgling sounds coming from the slit place in her throat. Be still, Ashe, I ain't finished. "Then there was the ghost of old Aunt Mahaly, the witch woman, with her bucket of snakes that would get after him. She would set upon him in his delirium, coming up out of the deep Cape Fear swamps to do it, with Jack-muh-lantern coming ahead of her with a ball of fox-fire in his hand to light her way. And she would bring her witch's pot and put it right in the middle of the floor and start her fire burning around her devil's brew, and the snakes crawling out of the bucket would get busy bringing chips in their mouths to feed the fire. He thought they did — he was so far gone. ' 'And it was right there that the wonder-working ways of nature's God took his final reckoning with Abner. For one night when the thunder and lightning were popping and cracking in the trees around the house, the ha'nt of old Mahaly started her hocus-pocus by his bed, snakes and all. Some of the neighbors were sitting up with him that night and trying to hold him down. The next day Finley Broom was coming to haul him away to the asylum. But when morning broke coolish and fair with the world all fresh and clean again, there was no need of Finley's straightjacket and his buggy. For during the night old Abner had got loose from his neighbors and jumped spang in the middle of Aunt Mahaly's cauldron and was scalded to death. Yessir, Ashe, it's not what actually is in the world that makes so much to-do with man, but what he thinks is in the world. Scalded to death, you heard me. ' 'From the squallings and babble of words that had kept breaking from old Abner's lips as he died, the watchers knew he thought it was boiling water into which he leapt. Anyhow more than one swore that when they picked him up from the floor dead as a nit he had blisters on his hands and face same as if actual scalding water had been poured on him. Take it or leave it, that's what they said. Heigh, wait a minute, Ashe, don't rush off like that. I'm just getting to the point." But Ashe was gone out of the millhouse as if the dogs were after him, and he raised a dust fleeing down the road. Mr. Mac must have scared him some, for he did do right by his crippled boy the next day — sent him to a surgeon at Rex Hospital and had him finally cured of his white swelling. But for Ashe there seems to be no cure. He is back again making liquor in the swamp and drinking plentifully of it, and trembling and moaning with nervousness every time a pine cone falls. �1212 Paul Green's Wordbook whitewash To clear or to prove innocent. whitewashing the hearth The fireplace and hearth were not used during the summer, and it was the custom in the Valley to make them more presentable than just to stand there dark and waiting for the winter fires. Usually the fireplace was brushed out and maybe some clumps of shrubbery placed in it. Then the custom was to "whitewash" or "clay" the rock faces and the hearth. This was a strict requirement at our house. I can still hear my mother say,' 'Warm weather's here now and it's time to clay the hearth.'' The claying took place several times during the summer. About a mile from home was the "Cofield place," with a bank of whitish clay. We children would take a bucket and trowel or small shovel and get clay from this bank. It was mixed with water and a gooey mush made of it. Then with sopping wet rags the hearth and fireplace faces would be thickly smeared with it. When dried, it all looked nice and white. And woe to any slovenly tobacco chewer who happened to stain that whiteness with his spitting. whitleather The toughest kind of leather. I was told as a boy it was leather from the neck hide of steers, made tough by the yoke-wearing. A common saying is, "as tough as whitleather." whiz A most capable person. "She's a whiz at cooking." who-all Who. Whoa, Maud! A warning to be careful, to stop. Who do you think you are! A reprimand. " Who killed Cock Robin?" "I," said the sparrow, "With my bow and arrow I killed Cock Robin." "Who saw him die?" "I," said the fly, "With my little eye I saw him die." (A nursery rhyme.) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1213 since who laid the rail A long while. "I been knowing that fellow since who laid the rail." whole hog or nothing Completely, entirely, or not at all. whole shebang The collected whole, the entire crowd. the whole shooting match The entire group or collection of items. whole soul and body Completely, entirely. See "Big John." whoop and a holler A measurement of distance. "He lives only a whoop and a holler away." whooping-socker A big shot of alcohol, a large drink of liquor. whoosh To go by in a hurry. whop To hit or throw an opponent down suddenly as in wrestling. whop down To sit. "Whop yourself down there and rest a while." a whopper A big lie or tall tale.' 'That boy told me a whopper and so I whupped him.'' Also anything huge. whore-hopper An habitue of a bawdy house, a chaser after loose women. Whose bread I eat, his song I sing. Whosoever will, let him take the water of life freely. Oh, who will shoe your purty little foot, And who will glove your hand, Oh, who will kiss your sweet rosy cheek When I'm in that furrin land? Oh, Poppa will shoe my purty little foot And Momma will glove my hand. And you shall kiss my sweet rosy cheek When you come from that furrin land. (Folk lyric.) �1214 Paul Green's Wordbook whup Whip. whupped Whipped. Also tired-out, exhausted. no why or wherefore Without question, certainly, absolute. There's never a why but there's a wherefore. Why is a dog's tail like the heart of a tree? (Riddle—It's farthest from the bark.) wibble-wobble Unsteady. wick Self-pride. "He's got too much wick for his candle." as wide as a barn door as wide as the ocean widow man A widower. widow's peak A hairline with a peak downward on the forehead of a woman. widow's weeds Mourning dress. widow woman A widow. A good wife and health Are a man's best wealth. If I had a wife and she would get drunk, I tell you just what I would do. I'd build me a boat and set her afloat And paddle my own canoe. (Proverb rhyme.) Me and my wife and a bob-tailed dog Tried to cross the creek on a rotten log— The log did break and we fell in So I lost my bottle of gin. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1215 Ha-ha-ha, you and me, Little brown jug, How I love thee. (A recitation rhyme.) wiggle-tail An active larva, as mosquito larvae. Wiggle-waggle through the grass, Big head and no ass. What is it? (Riddle—A snake.) as wild as a buck as wild as a colt as wild as a ha'nt as wild as the ocean the wild blue yonder The sky, also foolish and outlandish plans and dreams. wild carrot See "Queen Anne's lace." wildcat A furious frenzied woman. wild cherry Next to the pine, the wild cherry is perhaps the most valuable of all medicinal plants and trees in the Valley. Tea and syrup made from it are good for the nerves, good for fever, scrofula, consumption, bad heart and whatnot. I remember my mother used to send us children out to get bark off the wild cherry tree which she would boil, mix with syrup and give to us for a tonic. I, too, have given it to some of my children and with no bad results. wildfire Erysipelas. Also a fire, as a forest fire, running wild. wild ginger See "heartleaf." A wild gOOSe never laid a tame egg. wild goose chase A fool's errand, such as an April Fools' Day joke of sending a gullible person for a left-handed monkey wrench. Also an effort that produces no results. "When I heard they were paying more for leaf tobacco in Raleigh, I took �1216 Paul Green's Wordbook mine there — but it was a wild goose chase." wild indigo (horsefly killer, fly killer) This plant is found in fertile soils from Virginia to Florida, and is usually two to four feet high. We used to fasten sprigs of it in the mules' bridles to keep the flies away. It had its medicinal uses too in the old days. One ounce of boiled root to one pint of hot water made a good tonic. Dose — one teaspoonful every three or four hours. wild iris A beautiful small iris that grows in damp places and even in wet swamps. The root is chewed or eaten for numerous complaints, dropsy, spleen and kidney afflictions and as a good purgative. wild oats Youthful indiscretions, mostly of a sexual nature. Don't sow your wild oats in a briar patch. wild onion A common pest throughout the Valley. The juice or syrup from its bulbs has been used for colic in infants. wild pigeons (passenger pigeons) These were once the most abundant pigeons in the United States but are now extinct. The species had a handsome red breast and a somewhat long tapering tail and traveled in huge flocks, often large enough to darken the whole sky. When I was a boy, I would hear now and then from some older person stories about "them wild pigeons." Uncle Bayliss Purefoy said to me one day while we sat on the bank of Morgan's Creek waiting for the fish to bite that he'd seen and heard many quare and wonderful things in his life but nothing ever to equal "them pigeons." He went on, "Sometimes you'd hear a roaring way-off yonder like the rush of a train and then here they'd come, a flood of 'em, maybe a flock a mile across. Louder and louder the roaring would sound as they passed along overhead. And the earth would grow dark, most like the 'clipse had come. Onct — and you got to believe me — we measured the time, and it took a flock a whole hour to pass over. Sometimes they'd light down to roost in a neighborhood and all through the woods you could hear the limbs of the pine trees popping and breaking from the weight of 'em. And tame! — you could walk right up to one setting on a low limb and kill him with a stick. We killed mergins of 'em an' et pigeon meat till the thought of that meat made you heave. But that's gone — all long gone. They say they ain't a single one of them birds left in the entire world." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1217 wild potato vine Another curse to the farmer. It grows prolifically in very poor soil and its roots go down beyond the reach of a plow. Its tubers were once used by the Valley Indians for food. wild sarsaparilla An aromatic plant, the root of which is a gentle stimulant. wild strawberry A smaller strawberry than the garden variety but an exquisite fruit for jam and also a good remedy, so it is said, for gout. wild tobacco The wild lobelia, puke weed, or vomitwort. Where there's a will there's a way. "Will you walk into my parlor?" Said the spider to the fly. "It's the prettiest parlor that ever you did spy." "Not I," said the fly. (Nursery rhyme.) Wilful waste makes woeful want. William Trimbletoe A counting rhyme. The players sit in a circle at a table or on the floor, and each player places one or two fingers before him. The leader counts out as follows: "William Trimbletoe, he's a good fisherman, Catches hens, puts them in pens, Some lay eggs, some don't— Wire, briar, limberlock, Sit and sing till twelve o'clock. The clock fell down, the mouse ran around, O-u-t spells out. On your way home." Then the one who is "It" leaves the room, and the other players choose names for themselves, such as mule, donkey, horse, bear and so on, assigning a name to "It" also in his absence. Then the leader calls "It" to return and asks him which he'd rather come home on, a mule, a horse, and so on, calling the names that have been given. If "It" chooses his own name, he must walk home. If not, the one he chooses goes and gets him and brings him �1218 Paul Green's Wordbook in on his back. Then the leader says,'' What have you got there?'' and "It" replies, "A bag of nits." Then the leader says, "Shake him till he spits." And the carrier shakes his rider terrifically to the gales of laughter. Then the game begins again. willies Hysterics, nervousness, hicumstrikes.' 'That fellow gives me the willies just to look at him." A willing helper does not wait until he is asked. willing tit A loose girl or woman. "Willie, the Weeper" Another of our favorite misery songs, cf. "Cocaine Lil," "The Graveyard Song," and "St. James' Infirmary." "Did you ever hear the story 'bout Willie, the Weeper? Made his living as a chimney sweeper. He had the dope habit and he had it bad, Listen while I tell you 'bout the dream he had— Teet ta teeta dee dee, toota toota doo doo, Yah dee dah dah dee dee dah dee dah dah." The song goes on to tell how Willie went to the dope house on Saturday night, smoked a "dozen pills or mo' " and then took off on a "trip." He was riding high till "Bim bam boo!—and the dope give out." willy-nilly Indecisive, will I — nill I, yes-or-no manner, unimportant either way. wind Nonsense, empty talk. Stamina, endurance. "Since I quit cigarettes, my wind is twice as strong." Wind and tide wait for no man. Wind from the east means stormy weather. Sow the Wind and reap the whirlwind. When the wind is in the east, 'Tis neither good for man nor beast. When the wind is in the north, The fisherman he goes not forth. When the wind is in the south, It blows the bait in the fish's mouth. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1219 When the wind is in the west, Then 'tis at the very best. (Weather rhyme.) It's an ill wind that blows no good. wind-broken Bellowsed, diseased in the respiratory system. wind-busted Same as wind-broken. windfall Any piece of unexpected good luck or fortune. windfalls Berries or fruits or nuts fallen from the trees due to the wind. windflower The anemone. winding blades The four arms or blades on which a skein of cotton or yarn is put to be wound into balls. "He came at me with his arms flying like winding blades." winding sheet A sheet that covers a corpse. windjamming Voluble and silly talk, over-loquaciousness. windmilling Said of a catapulting horse, one which is somersaulting. out the window Lost completely, disappeared. "With all those doctor bills my savings have gone out the window." window shopping Eye shopping, gazing at goods in windows without buying. wind shakes Cracked fibers in trees caused by the wind. windsucker A bellowsed horse. wind-swallowers People who without knowing it swallow a lot of wind. Our family doctor tells me that many stomach pains result from this. They usually tend to �1220 Paul Green's Wordbook "break wind" a great deal, too. windup The end, the conclusion. Also the motion of a baseball pitcher preparing to throw the ball. windy Prone to exaggeration. as windy as March Sharp horns on the moon mean windy weather. is a mocker, strong drink is raging, and whosoever is deceived thereby is not wise. Look not upon the wine when it is red. wing The arm. "His old wing is hurting him and he can't pitch worth a cent." winkers Eyes. in three winks Quickly, almost instantly. wintergreen The pipsissewa plant. Malinda Chapin's children had tapeworm for years, and they were so filthy that you could smell them almost before you could see them. The welfare lady in town kept sending them to the hospital where they'd be treated for a while and then they'd come home no better than when they left. Finally, Cicero West, the herb doctor, made up a lot of tea from the wintergreen or pipsissewa plant and fed it to them by the quart. They recovered from their tapeworm all right, but he never did get them so they didn't stink. wintersweet The sweet marjoram. wipe out To kill, to murder, to rub out, to forgive and forget. wipe the floor with A severe thrashing or mauling. "Such a beating I've never seen — he wiped up the floor with him." wipe the slate clean To make a new beginning, a new resolve, to forget old differences. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1221 wire grass Bermuda grass. A farmer's tough pest once it gets started but fine for healing up eroded places in land. wire pulling Finagling, swapping and trading to get one's way. wire road A road with telegraph or telephone wires along it. Old Wire Road The road that used to run along the Cape Fear from Fayetteville to Raleigh. Many historic incidents have happened on this road and many historic characters traveled it, among them old peg-leg Santa Anna when he was being taken to Washington as a prisoner. Wisdom is the sunlight of the soul. wisdom tooth A tooth that comes late and is supposed to come at the time when a person is old enough to have some wisdom. A wise man gets learning from those that have none. A wise son maketh a glad father, but a foolish son is the heaviness of his mother. Be ye wise as serpents and harmless as doves. It's a wise child that knows his own father. Be not wise in your own conceit. (Naomi) Wise A celebrated tragic young woman in North Carolina history and folklore who was drowned in Deep River by her lover, Jonathan Lewis. A ballad was written and sung for many years about the tragedy. I've heard there are even more stanzas. Our quartet used to sing it. See " 'Omi Wise." If you wish something done well, do it yourself. wishbone The forked bone in the breast of most birds, especially chickens. There used to be an old custom when one got the wishbone at the table. After it was cleaned off, the person having it would offer to pull the bone apart with some other person. The one who got the longer piece was the lucky one and would get his wish. And it was believed that if this piece was put above the door, then the first one of the opposite sex who entered the door would be the future husband or wife. �1222 Paul Green's Wordbook She didn't have no wishbone Where her backbone ought to be. wishbook A mail-order house catalogue, especially Sears and Roebuck catalogue. Wishes never fill the bag. Wishes won't wash dishes. If wishes were horses, beggars would ride. wishy-washy Undecided, weak of will, easily persuaded. witch A witch is a woman, usually an elderly one, endowed with supernatural powers, powers of an evil and harmful nature. There are innumerable stories of witches and innumerable tokens and fetishes and protections against them. Perhaps of all folklore creatures the witch is the most popular and active. Sometimes the witch is called a hag and possesses the same sort of evil powers. Silver is supposed to be the best protection against one of these creatures. See "protection against witches" and "silver bullet." witch doctor A hocus-pocus root doctor character who is supposed to be able to unwitch a person or provide cures or protections against all evil powers. witches' stirrups Tangles in a horse's mane supposed to be made by witches who have entwined them to make it easier to mount the horse. These tangles usually show up the morning after the witches have ridden the horses. witch grass Often called couch grass or dog grass, a pest hard to get rid of. It is found in the fields and waste places in the Valley, and a drink from it was once used for irritations of the bladder and kidney diseases. witch hazel Sometimes called the spotted alder. It is a sort of tree-like shrub and has the distinction of blooming in December like the wintersweet. The tea from witch hazel taken by the expectant mother was supposed to be an aid to childbirth. Many people in the Valley in the old days would keep a green hazel stick stuck up over the door of the house where a baby was expected. This was supposed to keep off witches and any evil influences. Forked witch hazel twigs were likewise used in the old days, and now and then you find a person who still uses them as diviners' or dowsing rods in locating good �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1223 places to dig wells for water or hunt for hidden treasure. I remember the Negro well-digger and mason, Uncle Lawrence Askew, going about with his witch hazel twig, a forked twig. Holding it before him with both hands, he'd tramp around till he felt it turning in his hands, and then he would say, "Right here's the place to dig and you'll get a good well of water.'' I talked to Uncle Lawrence about it. "Do you mean it really turned in your hand, Uncle Lawrence?" "Itsho" did. You might put all your man to it and try to hold it to keep it from turning, but it would turn just the same. It felt the power of the water down below pulling on it, yes sir." See also "dowsing rod." with a grain of salt Grudgingly, suspiciously. wither on the vine To become useless. within an inch of one's life A narrow escape from injury. without Unless. "I can't go without you go with me." "We'll have a big crowd on Easter Monday without there comes a big rain." withouten Without. with the bark off Frankly, to tell it straight, honestly. wizard A male witch. According to one folk belief, the way for a man to become a wizard is to put one hand on the top of his head and the other hand on the bottom of his foot, and, while in this position, swear by all good and evil that he will forsake all that is good and uphold the devil and all his evil works. And if he swears this loud and firm enough, he will have the power of a wizard. He will be a wizard. Old Dilda Diggs said she saw a wizard once. She was walking along the road and looked off to one side and there he was standing. "He was a little bitty black rascal, Mr. Paul, and all around him looked like a wide snowfield, and I know'd he was a witchman." Old Aaron Diggs, her husband, said it didn't make any difference if it was a witch or a wizard. If you ever caught up with her or him, all you would find would be just a lump of jelly. He said that he had a sister who was a witch and weighed only ninety-nine pounds, but she had monstrous power. And when she would go out at night and try to bother people, he would warn everybody to take �1224 Paul Green's Wordbook a sieve or sifter and put it on the doorknob and she couldn't go through that door. A sifter was the only thing that would stop her. But his sister Rose, the one he said was a witch — according to the neighbors — used to go around telling that her brother, Aaron, was a wizard or witchman. They lived near Lumberton, but both are dead and long gone now. as wobbly as a duck wolf A girl-chasing man. A parasite grub that grows in the flesh of cattle. Hell hath no fury like a woman scorned. A woman much besot Is finally cheaply bought. woman's home companion The menses. A woman's tears are a fountain of deceit. women folks Women. wont Wasn't, weren't. "He wont but five miles from home when his motor give out." won't do Not reliable, irresponsible. "The trouble with Neal is he just won't do." Unacceptable. "That red tablecloth just won't do for this dinner." How much wood would a woodchuck chuck, If a woodchuck could chuck wood? (A tongue twister.) wooden overcoat Coffin. "Woodman, Spare That Tree" A well-known poem. A woodpecker pecked on the schoolhouse door. He pecked and he pecked till his pecker got sore. (A somewhat vulgar recitation drollery, very popular with us Pleasant Union schoolboys long ago.) �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1225 woodpile A place on the farm near the house where firewood was usually kept to be cut and taken in. The woodpile is not a pile of wood, but a place. wood pussy The skunk. Woods colts (bastards) are supposed to be especially smart. woodshed A spanking. "What that boy needs is the woodshed." It was the custom to take the child out to the woodshed for a severe spanking and "talking to" about his misbehaving. He is not the best woodsman who makes the most chips. wood sorrel The oxalis, also called sour clover and sheep sorrel. It grows in the Valley damp places and is a diuretic. Old Mis' Zula Smith used to beat up the plant and mix it with butter or some sort of grease and use it to cure sores on people's lips. Wood Tag See "Tag." woof Complaining. Idle talk. "We just set around woofing." To conjure. wool Difference, business, matter of concern. "Cuts no wool with me whatever you do." all wool and a yard wide First-rate, reliable, of fine character. "The new chancellor is all wool and a yard wide." woolgathering Idle dreaming, inattention. "I was woolgathering and didn't hear what you said, professor." wool hat An ultra-conservative, especially in politics and social reform. Also a dullard. pull the wool over one's eyes To deceive. �1226 Paul Green's Wordbook woozy Sleepy, tired, also swimmy-headed. get the word To hear, to have news of. A word in due season, how good it is! A word to the wise is sufficient. one's word be his bond Trustworthy, reliable, honest. How often I have heard my father say of some respected neighbor, "He's straight as a shingle. His word is his bond." word in edgewise To be able to break in on a flood of talk.' 'Why don't you dry up a minute and let Sally get a word in edgewise." word of mouth Oral communication. word out News, information. "Get the word out I'm running for sheriff." words Angry argument. "We had some words, then he out with his pistol and shot me through the leg." wore out Tired, exhausted. work To ferment. Also to wriggle. "My scuppernong wine has already started working." To get results, to influence, to have one's way, to manipulate. "With them curls and smiles and dimples, she knows how to work him." Also medical. "That calomel really worked. I was on and off the mug all night long." Work well begun is half done. All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy. He wouldn't work in a pie factory if you gave him the job of tasting. workaholic One whose devotion to working at his job is excessive. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1227 workday Every day except Sunday. work horse A badly put-upon person, usually an overworked husband. a-working Wiggling. "Them worms are just a-working in that can." Man may work from sun to sun; A woman's work is never done. work on To castrate.'' I can't come over there Tuesday. I have to work on my hogs.'' works like a dog works like a horse works like a Trojan works like the devil work the streets To beg, solicit, to pimp. world A great deal, a bounteous supply.' 'He's got a world of timber on that river place." Half the world does not know how the other half lives. have the world by the tail To be sitting pretty, to have all that one wishes. worm To dose a child or animal with medicine to get rid of worms. worm dust Very fine sawdust resulting from borers working in timber. worm fence See "rail fence." to worm out of Toelicit from. "I didn't mean to let on about those folks, but Mazie wormed it out of me." Also to extricate. �1228 Paul Green's Wordbook wormseed mustard A medicinal plant. worm weed See "Jerusalem oak." wormwood Envy, bitter regret. wormy Low-down, vulgar. worn to a frazzle Tired out, exhausted. worration Annoyance. worry To bother, to tire. worrywart A person who continually looks on the sad side of things. Buy him for what he's worth and sell him for what he thinks he's worth and you'll be rich. worth a cent A term of disparagement. "He couldn't spell worth a cent." not worth a hill of beans Hardly of any value, no account. not worth a straw Worthless. worth his weight in gold Very valuable. worth one's salt Reliable, steady. wound up To be overly excited, nervous, tense. WOW To win great success, to triumph, to overpower, to give great delight. "In the old days Libby Holman could just wow an audience with her torch songs." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1229 wow! An exclamation of astonishment or of pleasure. wrack and ruin Demolishment, an undone condition. "That fine old Turner place has gone to wrack and ruin with niggers living in it." wranglesome Quarrelsome. wrap around one's finger To have undue influence over.''She can wrap him around her finger anytime she wants to." wrap up To finish, conclude, to end a meeting. "Well, we're ready to wrap up now — has anyone else anything to say?" wringing Saturated, dripping. "Go in there and put on a dry shirt. You're just wringing." wringing wet Very wet indeed. new wrinkle Method, device, a scheme, a gimmick. "When the Wright Brothers flew their first airplane, that brought a new wrinkle in the world." as wrinkled as a dried prune wrinkle-horned Wise, old, full of experience. The number of wrinkles in a fat baby's knee prophesies the number of children he or she will have. Keep the wrinkles out of your face by keeping sunshine in your heart. nothing to write home about Nothing important, nothing to raise anyone's enthusiasm. to get up on the wrong side of the bed Ill-humored, irritable. "Whoo-ee, you musta got up on the wrong side of the bed this morning." wrapper Wrapper, usually referring to a woman's wrap-around robe over a nightgown. �1230 Paul Green's Wordbook wrappings of the finger Poverty, destitution. wropt Wrapped. wunk Past tense of wink. wusp Wisp.' 'Mr. Page wouldn't feed his poor old mule more than a wusp of straw at the time." �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1231 Y yack-yack A medley of talking tongues, especially female. yak y'all To chatter, to talk aimlessly. "There she sat with her dress cocked up yakyakking about the state of the world." You all. yaller Yellow. yaller junders (jandice) Yellow jaundice, the old folk name for hepatitis. yam A sweet potato. yammering Yelling, shouting, and complaining. yan Yon, yonder, beyond. "He went yan side the creek this morning, and I ain't seen him since." Yankee A Northern soldier or inhabitant of the North, especially in reference to the Civil War or to Dixie which is the South. As a child, I was raised like all other children in the Valley to hate the Yankees and to think of them as hardly human beings. We Green children had an old woman who took care of us a while whose name was Nancy Demming and she used to tell us the most fearsome tales about the Yankee soldiers. She said she �1232 Paul Green's Wordbook remembered when Sherman's bummers came through, waylaying people in the country and stealing everything that could be stolen, that she saw a Yankee squatted down behind the barn doing his business and "Chillun, his feet were forked and he had a tail that hung down like the devil." And we children oohed and ahhed at the wonder of this. Any member of the New York Yankees baseball team. Yankee bummers Sherman's bummers. See "ghost." "Yankee Doodle" The famous comedy song of the American Revolution. yap yard Pretty much the same as yak, loud, loose talk, jaw. The measurement from the thumb of an outstretched hand to the tip of one's nose. Mr. Thomas, the peddler who used to come around and sell my mother dress goods or ribbon, always measured his goods this way. He was a short, fat man and I am sure that his yard was much less than 36 inches. yard child A child born of miscegenation. yard eggs Chicken eggs laid on the ground and not in wire receivers as in professional poultry farms. yardman A gardener. yarn A falsehood, a wild story, an unbelievable account. yarrow Sometimes called old man's pepper or dog daisy. This plant grows in dry pasture places and the Indians used to make tea of it and take it for stomach trouble. The flowers and leaves make a good tea. This plant was supposed to be used by Achilles and his name is often given to it. yarth The earth. yaupon Known as Carolina tea, also as yaupon holly. This is a tree shrub that grows in the lower part of the Valley. The Indians made a sort of black drink from it, and some of the people in the Valley still make yaupon tea. Not so long �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1233 ago I attended a yaupon party given by Mrs. Winslow. Some yaupon drink had been made from the dry leaves and one cup of that stuff was enough to last me quite a while, but some of the guests drank it and praised it highly. They can have it. yawhoo A Cape Fear Valley spectre. There are a number of these imaginary creatures that have become part of the folklore — for example, Rawhead-and-bloodybones, Jack-muh-lantern, the Headless Little Girl, the Iron-faced Man, the witch-woman, Aunt Mahaly, and others. John Charles McNeill, the beloved Valley poet, celebrates the yawhoo in his volume of poems, Possums and Persimmons (edited by Richard Walser). "His hands were gigs, his toes were spears, He lashed a snaky tail, Hot blood gushed out of his eyes and ears And spattered along his trail And streaked his body with crimson tears Which else had been quite pale." yea man! An emphatic yes. year Ear. yearling An adolescent boy. "He's in the yearling stage now and, man, is he hard to handle!" yelk Yolk. Any yelling's good for selling. yellow Cowardly. as yellow as a gourd as yellow (cowardly) as a suck-egg hound as yellow as gold as yellow as saffron yellow bellies Perch. Also the Japanese soldiers in World War II were given this "lovely" name by us, the enemy. �1234 Paul Green's Wordbook yellowhammer The flicker. yellow jessamine A prolific vine, loaded with yellow flowers. It is becoming popular as a vine to decorate porches or fences. yellowroot This plant grows mainly in the upper Piedmont and in the mountains. Tea is made from it and is supposed to be good for the sore throat or thrash and also for nerves. yellow yarrow A cure for toothache. yen yep A yearning, a desire. "I don't know what to do with my daughter, she has a yen for them beatnik fellows." Yes. yes-siree-bob An emphatic affirmation. "If they keep on a-monkeying there in Asia, a third world war will break out, yes-siree-bob." yestydeevening Yesterday evening, meaning yesterday afternoon. A common eastern North Carolina pronunciation. yew tree A popular cultivated tree. It is especially common around cemeteries. "YieldNot to Temptation" A popular church hymn. yistiddy Yesterday. yit Yet. Brother Yokum One of the many fakers and hocus-pocus religious hypocrites who have, like the patent medicine vendors, milked the people in the Valley year after year out of much of their hard-earned money. This Brother Yokum used to advertise his sanctified and healing handkerchiefs in the Valley, and many a person would send a mail order out to California to get these handkerchiefs �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1235 to put on afflicted places — boils, cancers, sprains, sore muscles and the like. Then when it was felt that the power had gone out of the handkerchief, it would be returned to Brother Yokum with twenty-five cents accompanying each one, and he would endow the handkerchief with the usual power and return it. in yonder In another room, at another place. "Where's the carving knife?" "In yonder" (meaning, say, in the dining room). you bet A term of endorsement or agreement. You missed me, you missed me, Now you've got to kiss me. (A teasing rhyme.) young Scant, scarce, in small supply. "How is the gas in that tractor?" "It's beginning to get a little bit young." young fry Children. you 're in You've won, you've reached success. by yourself (myself) Alone, singly. "Are you going up there in the night all by yourself?" yourunses Yours. Youth is life's seed time. If youth only would — if old age only could. yowl Cry. "That baby yowled all night and I couldn't sleep a bit." Also to howl or yell. yo-yo A cord winding skill toy. yow-yow A chasing bark of dogs. yucca The Spanish needle or Spanish bayonet, bear grass. Also called Adam's needle and thread. It is said the Indian doctors used a salve made from it �1236 Paul Green's Wordbook for inflammation. yudder The other. yum-yum An expression of joyous tasting. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1237 Z zany zip A simpleton. Pep, spirit, fire. "He's still got zip, old as he is." Zion for Sion) A hill in Jerusalem, the site of the royal palace of David (about 1000 B.C.) and his successors. It became known as the place of the temple, the center of Hebrew worship, government and national life. Also in Hebrew folklore and religious belief it stands for the heavenly city of God. It has the same heavenly significance for those of the Christian faith, and many a Protestant church hymn sings its praises. "Zion stands with hills surrounded, Zion kept my power divine, All her foes shall be confounded, Tho' the world in arms combine. Happy Zion, what a favor'd lot is thine!" Zionism The movement among the Jews for the establishment of a home and a movement kept alive generation after generation because of anti-Semitism mainly and as part of the Hebrew religious prophecy. Finally, in 1948 the state of Israel was formed after the United Nations had decided on the partition of Palestine to make way for it. The result has not been an entirely happy one. The uprooted Palestinians are still seeking a return of their homeland taken over by the Jews. Quarrels and killings and border wars are of common occurrence. And the United States along with the United Nations is kept busy trying to work out a solution that will bring peace to the region. But both Israel and the Palestinians continue their implacable �1238 Paul Green's Wordbook antagonisms and show no signs of lessening the spilling of blood. zodiac An imaginary belt across the sky along which the moon and principal planets pass. Early astronomers and astrologers divided this path into twelve parts of thirty degrees in length called ' 'signs." Each of these signs contained a constellation of stars, and each sign received its name from the name of the constellation in it. All of the signs except Libra were named after living things and the belt was called the zodiac after the Greek word zodiakos, meaning an animal. These early thinkers believed there was a close relationship between the heavenly bodies and man and so it was that the twelve signs soon became associated with the human body. Charts dating back as early as 1300 B.C. showed the astrologers' belief in the relationship. With this guide they constructed everything from fortune-telling to guides for planting and good fishing. For instance, take the sign Scorpio which is associated with the loins and known as the water sign. While that sign is in the sky for two or three days, farmers find it profitable to plant crops that are above the ground. All the almanacs carry full information and guidance as to the zodiac. by zooks! A mild interjection. zoon bug The June bug, katydid. Zounds! A mild oath. zowie Suddenly. zull Sull, sulk. �This page intentionally left blank �This page intentionally left blank �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1241 Author's Note For many years I have traveled up and down the Cape Fear Valley, North Carolina, where I was born and where I have lived much of my life, collecting the folklore of my people—noting down their speech, beliefs, customs, anecdotes, ballads, epitaphs, legends, proverbs, stories, superstitions, herb cures, games and the like, as well as gathering biographies of many a gnarled and crusted character, real and imaginary. The main body of this rich harvest of human living and dying I have gathered into this volume. Some of the material, shaped into stories or plays, has appeared in The Atlantic Monthly, The English Journal, Esquire, Harper's Magazine, North Carolina Folklore, Southwest Review, Theatre Arts, Yale Review and in volumes of " fiction'' and plays of mine published by Harper Brothers, Samuel French, Inc., Robert M. McBride and Company and The University of North Carolina Press. Permission to use the material in its raw and more native rendering is gratefully acknowledged. Paul Green �This page intentionally left blank �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1243 Other Creative Works by Paul Green FULL-LENGTH PLAYS WITH BROADWAY PRODUCTIONS IN ABRAHAM'S BOSOM— Pulitzer Prize, 1927. THE FIELD GOD JOHNNY JOHNSON, with music by Kurt Weill. ROLL SWEET CHARIOT THE HOUSE OF CONNELL Y NATIVE SON, dramatization with Richard Wright, author of the novel. SYMPHONIC DRAMAS Paul Green originated this genre of drama, reputed to be one of two American contributions to world drama.' 'Symphonic drama'' was the term he applied to plays which utilized all elements of theatre "sounding together"—dialogue, poetry, music, pantomime, lighting, sound effects, dance, etc.—in the dramatization of historical events, usually for staging in the area where the events occurred. [Dates given represent production seasons. An asterisk indicates the play has been published.] *THE LOST COLONY, annually since 1937, Roanoke Island, North Carolina. *THE HIGHLAND CALL, 1939,1940, Fayetteville, North Carolina; 1955, 1956, Campbell College, Buie's Creek, North Carolina; 1976, Cumberland County, North Carolina. *THE COMMON GLORY, 1947-63; 1965-73; 1975-76, Williamsburg, Virginia. FAITH OF OUR FATHERS, 1950, 1951, Washington, D.C. THE 17th STAR, 1953, Columbus, Ohio. * WILDERNESS ROAD, 1955-57; 1972-80, Berea, Kentucky. *THEFOUNDERS, 1957, 1958 and 1964, Williamsburg, Virginia. *THE CONFEDERACY, 1958, 1959, Virginia Beach, Virginia. *THE STEPHEN FOSTER STORY, annually since 1959, Bardstown, Kentucky. *CROSSAND SWORD, annually since 1965, St. Augustine, Florida. *TEXAS, annually since 1966, Palo Duro Canyon, Texas. * TRUMPET IN THE LAND, annually since 1970, New Philadelphia, Ohio. *DRUMBEATS IN GEORGIA, 1973, 1974, Jekyll Island, Georgia. ^LOUISIANA CAVALIER, 1976-1980, Natchitoches, Louisiana. *WE THE PEOPLE, 1976 Bicentennial drama, Columbia, Maryland. * THE LONE STAR, annually since 1977, Galveston, Texas. �1244 Paul Green's Wordbook PUBLISHED PLAYS (in addition to symphonic dramas) THE LAST OF THE LO WRIES, 1922. THE NO 'COUNT BOY, one-act, 1924. THE LORD'S WILL AND OTHER CAROLINA PLAYS, 1925. LONESOME ROAD, Six Plays for the Negro Theatre, 1926. THE FIELD GOD and IN ABRAHAM'S BOSOM, 1927. IN THE VALLEY AND OTHER CAROLINA PLAYS, 1928. THE HOUSE OF CONNELL Y AND OTHER PLA YS, 1931. ROLL SWEET CHARIOT, 1935. SHROUD MY BOD Y DO WN, 1935. HYMN TO THE RISING SUN, 1936. JOHNNY JOHNSON, 1937, 1970. THE ENCHANTED MAZE, 1939. OUT OF THE SOUTH, fifteen plays, 1939. NATIVE SON, with Richard Wright, author of the novel, 1941. PEER GYNT (American version), 1951. WINGS FOR TO FLY, Three Plays of Negro Life (for radio), 1959. FIVE PLA YS OF THE SOUTH, 1963. THE SHELTERING PLAID, one-act, 1965. THE HONEYCOMB, 1972. Also numerous one-act plays published individually by Samuel French, Inc. NOVELS THE LA UGHING PIONEER, 1932. THIS BODY THE EARTH, 1935. SHORT STORIES, volumes of WIDE FIELDS, 1938. SAL VA TION ON A STRING, 1946. DOG ON THE SUN, 1949. WORDS AND WAYS, 1968. HOME TO MY VALLEY, 1970. LAND OF NOD AND OTHER STORIES, 1976. ESSAYS THE HA WTHORN TREE, 1943. FOREVER GROWING, 1945. DRAMATIC HERITAGE, 1953. DRAMA AND THE WEATHER, 1958. PLOUGH AND FURROW, 1963. �An Alphabet of Reminiscence 1245 POETRY, LYRICS AND MUSIC TRIFLES OF THOUGHT, privately published as a soldier, 1917. THE LOST COLONY SONGBOOK, compiler/lyricist, 1938. THE HIGHLAND CALL SONGBOOK, compiler/lyricist, 1941. SONG IN THE WILDERNESS, (Cantata with music by Charles Vardell), lyrics, 1947. THE COMMON GLORY SONGBOOK, compiler/lyricist, 1941. TEXAS SONGBOOK, compiler/lyricist (includes Paul Green melodies). CARMEN (American version), lyrics, 1953. JOHNNY JOHNSON (music by Kurt Weill), lyrics, 1936. WHAT IS THE SOUL OF MAN? (single piece), lyrics and music. SCREENPLAYS including: CABIN IN THE COTTON (based on the novel of the same title by H.H. Kroll), Warner Brothers, 1932, starring Richard Barthelmess and Bette Davis. STA TEFAIR (based on novel of the same title by Phil Strong), Fox Film Corp., 1932, starring Will Rogers and Janet Gaynor. DR. BULL (based on novel The Last Adam, by James Gould Cozzens), Fox Film Corp., 1933, starring Will Rogers. VOLTAIRE, Warner Brothers, 1933, starring George Arliss. DA VID HAR C/M(based on the novel by E.N. Westcott), Twentieth Century Fox, starring Will Rogers, 1934. RADIO PLAYS A START IN LIFE, published in The Free Company Presents, ed. James Boyd,1941. WINGS FOR TO FLY, Three Plays of Negro Life, Samuel French, Inc., 1959. FOREIGN PRODUCTIONS THE FIELD GOD, Gate Theatre, London, 1927-28. WHITE DRESSES, Japan, 1951. JOHNNY JOHNSON, Bochum, Germany, 1973-74. JOHNNY JOHNSON, Finnish National Theatre, Helsinki, Finland, 1975-79. THE STEPHEN FOSTER STORY, Japan, 1985. �ABOUT THE AUTHORS PAUL GREEN was born in Lillington, North Carolina, on March 17,1894. In 1921 he received his B.A. from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and the following year married Elizabeth Atkinson Lay. Green's most famous work, for which he received the 1927 Pulitzer Prize, was a drama titled In Abraham's Bosom. Another notable work of Green's was the production of a symphonic drama titled The Lost Colony, which has run for more than fifty years. Paul Green passed away in Chapel Hill on May 4,1981. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Paul Green's Wordbook: An Alphabet of Reminiscence Description An account of the resource <span><em>Paul Green’s Wordbook: An Alphabet of Reminiscence</em>, the culmination of more than sixty years of observing and collecting superstitions, customs, cures, riddles, games, stories, songs, and beliefs,</span> was published in 1990<em>.</em><span> A personal collection of folk traditions, Paul Green thought that these common idioms served to showcase the heritage of mankind. With roots in eastern North Carolina, Green took inspiration from his peers to write down the traditions of his home state in 1600 pages. The first rendition of </span><em>Paul Green’s Wordbook</em><span> was released in March 1937 by the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and tentatively titled </span><em>Folk Beliefs and Practices in Central and Eastern North Carolina 1926-28.</em><span> It took Green most of his life to revise the wordbook until it was in its final state in 1990.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1A_cOCs5W9M_r9DdiC27c4fG-w5r-h3vI" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638355/paul-greens-wordbook/" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Americanisms--North Carolina English language--Dialects--North Carolina-- Glossaries, vocabularies, etc North Carolina--Social life and customs North Carolina--Languages--Dictionaries Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Green, Paul Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1990 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant North Carolina Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s Dictionary observations phrases reminiscences words https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/d2b47eb78164e2c10985dd348ac520fb.pdf ccc9b93e06172616b0478bbe3753804e PDF Text Text �The Barter Theatre Story L o v e Made Visible b y Mark Dawidziak ���The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1982 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3813-3 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3815-7 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Dedication For Sara, For always, forever �This page intentionally left blank �FOREWORD It is with pleasure that I commend this book to you. It is fitting that THIS book is being published at THIS time. A history of Barter Theatre at a time when Barter Theatre has just completed its 50th —its Golden Anniversary—season of service, a time when Barter Theatre is at a peak period in the artistic quality of its productions and a time when Barter Theatre has ex­ panded into a year round operation, serving not only the Virginia Highlands /East Tennessee region of Appalachia in the spring, summer and fall, but now also serving Northern Virginia with a winter season in Fairfax and other parts of Virginia and surrounding states with an early spring touring season. It is fitting also that THIS book is primarily about THE MAN, Robert Porterfield, and his association with Barter Theatre, for Barter Theatre was Robert Porterfield in its conception and during its developing years. For forty of its fifty years, Bob - "Mr. P." - put it all together. He produced, directed, designed, acted, promoted Barter Theatre. He gathered together 'Friends of Barter," a strong Board of Directors, a Board of Visitors. He attracted financial support and political support. Barter was named "The State Theatre of Virginia." And, before his death, the continuity of Barter Theatre was assured by the creation of Barter Foundation, Inc. to set policy, hold the assets, employ management and assist in financing the theatre. Barter Theatre was and still is Bob Porterfield's creation. Neither Bob Porterfield nor Barter Theatre achieved preeminence easily. For Barter Theatre, in a town of 5,000 persons, to survive for 50 years — longer than any other professional, regional repertory theatre in the United States; for it to compete for actors, directors, and designers with more than forty other regional professional theatres, all from metropolitan areas of over 300,000 population, has required monumental effort. It has required and has received financial, moral and physical help from hundreds of supporters from throughout the United States. Barter still faces problems. There is never enough money. Gasoline prices and shortages, tight county, state and federal budgets for the arts, business recession, adverse weather, all present problems which must be overcome but Barter has survived and with careful planning and care will survive to fulfill Barter Theatre's pledge "to combat the evils that would destroy the culture and enlightenment of the world by giving the best of its strength and devotion to the cause of truth, beauty and spiritual nourishment of the human soul." Fifty years is a good plateau from which to review the past—beginnings, struggles, successes, problems and progress —and to resolve the future—new challenges, new dreams, new effort. This book gives us this 50 year look at Barter Theatre. You will enjoy reading it and Barter Theatre will benefit from your knowing it more intimately. For the Board of Directors, The Barter Foundation, Inc. December, 1982 Fillmore McPherson, J r . , President �This page intentionally left blank �Table of Contents Selected Q u o t e s Introduction C h a p t e r O n e : Setting a n d S c e n e Chapter T w o : Curtain U p C h a p t e r T h r e e : T d Rather Entertain S o u l s " Chapter Four: H a m For Hamlet Chapter Five: M r . P C h a p t e r S i x : T h e Stars of Barter C h a p t e r S e v e n : C h a n g e s at Barter C h a p t e r Eight: T a l k i n g W i t h O w e n C h a p t e r N i n e : T h e G h o s t s of Barter C h a p t e r T e n : A D a y in October C h a p t e r E l e v e n : T h e Partington Y e a r s C h a p t e r T w e l v e : T h e Importance of B e i n g Barter A p p e n d i x A : A C o d e of Ethics for P e o p l e in the Theatre A p p e n d i x B : T h e A i m s a n d Purposes of the Barter Theatre A p p e n d i x C : T h e Barter Theatre A w a r d Appendix D : Awards and Honors Bibliography a n d Resources xi xiii 3 8 16 21 29 47 71 89 93 99 103 113 117 118 119 120 121 �This page intentionally left blank �xi Selected Quotes W o r k is love m a d e visible. A n d if y o u cannot w o r k with love but only with dis­ taste, it is better that y o u s h o u l d leave your work, a n d sit at the gate of the temple a n d take alms from those w h o work with j o y . — K a h i l G i b r a n (quote used for Robert Porterfield: A Memorial) The m a n with a n e w idea is a crank, until the idea succeeds. —Mark Twain bar*ter (barter) verb. T o exchange goods or services without using m o n e y . T o traffic or trade by exchanging o n e c o m m o d i t y for another. Not only will actors benefit from a s u m m e r in Virginia but the towns nearby will have B r o a d w a y brought to their very doors. —Big Stone Gap Post editorial, 1 9 3 3 . A d m i s s i o n Price: 3 0 cents or the equivalent in rations. B r i n g us h o n e y , fresh eggs, fresh vegetables, hams a n d other edibles. — 1 9 3 3 Advertisement for the Barter Theatre's first s h o w . The Barter Theatre was f o u n d e d by Robert Porterfield during the depression of 1932. The original idea of the Barter Theatre was to bring together the hungry actor and the farmer with a surplus of p r o d u c e . The Barter Theatre of V i r g i n i a , Inc. serves as a non-profit, educational a n d cultural experiment for the purpose of giving the people of Virginia a n d its m a n y guest tourists a n opportunity to observe some of the works of the world's most distinguished playwrights performed by competent artists. The Barter Theatre pledges itself to combat the evils that w o u l d destroy culture and enlightenment of the w o r l d by giving the best of its strength a n d devotion to the cause of truth, beauty a n d spiritual nourishment of the h u m a n soul. —Plaque in front of the Barter Theatre. There's something about this place that keeps drawing y o u back. —director O w e n Phillips I think Barter has c o n t i n u e d so extremely well because the spirit hasn't changed. —set designer L y n n Pecktal If y a ' like us, talk about us. If y a ' don't, jes keep y a ' m o u t h shut! —Traditional e n d i n g to Robert Porterfield's curtain speech. �This page intentionally left blank �xiii Introduction T h e arts have always been the realm of long shots, impossible dreams a n d unrelenting innovators. F r o m the impoverished writer plugging away at a n o v e l or a play to the persevering actor w h o p o u n d s the N e w Y o r k pavement waiting for the " b i g " break, the artists, dancers, singers, composers, writers, musicians, comedians a n d actors strive in professions w h i c h dictate the most improbable of odds. Just to exist day to day, these single-minded professionals must continue to tap a n inexhaustable reservoir of belief: belief in the significance of their work, in their o w n talent, a n d in the future. It is a w o r l d where a nicely w o r d e d rejection becomes a comfort or a reason to h o p e . In the small Southwest Virginia t o w n of A b i n g d o n there stands a shrine to this u n c o m p r o m i s i n g belief in dreams a n d the importance of cultural enrichment. It's called the Barter Theatre a n d its beginnings trace back to the bleakest of all eras for A m e r i c a a n d the theatre as an institution—the Depression. T h e Barter story encompasses m a n y stories. It deals with a training g r o u n d that Fritz W e a v e r calls "the best possible for y o u n g actors." It tells h o w a state government c a n give a n d receive m u c h by supporting the arts. It reflects changes a n d developments in the A m e r i c a n theater. It is an integral part of the growth of regional or "decentralized" theater. B u t , more than anything else, it is the delightful success story of a m a n a n d an idea. Barter's reputation h a d m o r e than quietly preceded itself to W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . , where I was w o r k i n g as a journalist in 1 9 7 8 . W h e n informed that I h a d ac­ cepted the post of Arts Editor with the Bristol Herald-Courier,' several of m y m o r e experienced colleagues wagged their heads k n o w i n g l y a n d said, "That means you'll be covering the Barter Theatre." C o n s e q u e n t l y , I arrived in Bristol—some 15 miles from A b i n g d o n a n d located o n the Virginia-Tennessee border—determined to learn all I c o u l d about the Barter Theatre. First step, the local library. " L e t me have y o u r history of the Barter Theatre," I asked. " D o y o u k n o w the title or author?" " N o , but whatever it is shouldn't be too difficult to track d o w n , " I assured the helpful librarian. Several minutes later I was informed that they h a d n o such v o l u m e o n their shelves. W e l l , I thought, mildly surprised, it's just a small local library. I should have better luck at the W a s h i n g t o n C o u n t y Library in A b i n g d o n . After the above scene was repeated, it all started to sink i n . N o one h a d yet published a history of this unique theater. Still, there was certainly n o desire to b e c o m e Barter's "biographer." That came after a year of watching, listening a n d learning about Barter a n d its colorful founder, Robert Porterfield, first with the Herald-Courier, then as the critic a n d entertainment writer for the Kingsport Times-News. �xiv T h e Barter Theatre Story First, it just s e e m e d like a great story to tell. T h e n a few intriguing questions p o p p e d u p . Just about any V i r g i n i a tourism pamphlet will tell y o u that Barter is the country's longest-running professional resident theater staging plays in A m e r i c a ' s s e c o n d oldest theater structure (only the W a l n u t Street Theatre in P h i l a d e l p h i a is older). Others m a y tell y o u that the likes of E d w i n B o o t h , J o s e p h Jefferson a n d F a y T e m p l e t o n appeared o n that A b i n g d o n stage. A n d there are plenty of references to tell y o u that Robert Porterfield c a m e u p with the idea of trading foodstuff for tickets in order to feed hungry actors. Y e s , the w h o s , wheres a n d w h e n s were fairly well d o c u m e n t e d . It was the h o w s a n d w h y s that interested m e . H o w d i d this quaint little theater again a n d again turn out such famous names as H u m e C r o n y n , F r a n k L o v e j o y , G r e g o r y P e c k , Patricia N e a l , Margaret Phillips, L a r r y Gates, Margaret W y c h e r l y , Ernest B o r g n i n e , Herbert N e l s o n , Elizabeth W i l s o n , C l a u d e A k i n s , Fritz W e a v e r , D a v i d (Al) H e d i s o n , G r a n t Williams, R o s e m a r y M u r p h y , D i a n e C i l e n t o , N e d Beatty, Robert Pastene, G e r o m e R a g n i , G a r y C o l l i n s , M i t c h R y a n , Larry Linville, D a v i d B i r n e y , R i c h a r d Sanders a n d D a v i d Selby? H o w d i d such a theater survive the Depression in a n area with little cultural heritage to speak of to b e c o m e a heralded e x a m p l e of decentralized theater at its best? W h y was the Barter chosen as the first state theater in the country? After collecting a n ungainly mass of notes, clippings, interviews a n d research, it took quite s o m e time to get a firm grasp o n the story I wanted to tell. T h e meticulous study of scrapbooks a n d microfilm gave me the skeleton of m y w o r k . T h e interviews a n d countless pictures p r o v i d e d the flesh a n d b l o o d . Fortunately, B o b Porterfield left b e h i n d m a n y friends a n d a wealth of write-ups that slowly p i e c e d together answers to those perplexing questions. T h r o u g h o u t the research, h o w e v e r , I w o r r i e d about m y perspective; a d i l e m ­ m a that I'm glad to report eventually brought m e full circle. W h i l e the months of g r o u n d w o r k were g o i n g by, I was a w e d by the e n o r m o u s a n d seemingly endless mine of Barter history. A s the research drew to a close, I realized anew what I had felt at the very start—this is o n e terrific story. I h o p e I've d o n e it justice. Fair w a r n i n g : the w o r k before y o u m a y often read like a fairy tale. That's as it s h o u l d be, for Barter's record is not only a legacy of g o o d theater; it's the stuff g o o d theater is m a d e of. T h e r e are n o pretensions of this being a scholarly ac­ count of the Barter Theatre or the definitive biography of B o b Porterfield. In­ stead, m y intention is to effect a style that w o u l d , I think, have pleased M r . P . T h e spirit of Barter is not a dusty litany of names a n d dates. O h , there are passages about the actual practice of Barter, a n d the social conditions that s p a w n e d this distinctive theater, a n d its impact o n the Southwest V i r g i n i a - U p p e r East Tennessee area, a n d B o b ' s contributions to the m o v e m e n t for "decentraliz­ e d " theater, a n d n u m e r o u s other worthy aspects that I h o p e will p r o v e valuable to the students of A m e r i c a n theater. Still, Barter is first a n d foremost what car­ ing, literate theater is all about, a n d this story will be told as entertainingly as possible. �Introduction xv M o v i n g into its 50th year of p r o v i d i n g invaluable experience to aspiring per­ formers, Barter is a living, growing m o n u m e n t to its founder, w h o started his theater with little m o r e than a daring concept, a knack for p r o m o t i o n , a wealth of S o u t h e r n c h a r m , a n d 2 2 starving actors. T o k e e p these chapters from turning into a dry collection of data, I've tried to sprinkle the narrative with representative Barter fables a n d legends. In addition to being reflective of B o b a n d his theater, they give a true feeling for each. O n the w h o l e , footnotes tend to be distracting while lending unnecessary weight to a v o l u m e . D e t e r m i n e d to a v o i d this plague, a n extended list of acknowledgements follows; a chronicle of the m a n y w h o willingly volunteered hours of time to pause a n d reminisce, w a r m l y c o n v e y i n g thoughts, memories, ideas, anecdotes a n d emotions. A m o r e technical c o m p e n d i u m of sources a n d a bibliography can be f o u n d in the rear. First a n d most affectionately, I acknowledge m y debt to O w e n Phillips, the m a n w h o was a "brother" to B o b a n d a "godfather" to this w o r k . O w e n not only gave this b o o k encouragement, he p r o v i d e d the contagious enthusiasm that must have been effused by M r . P himself. M y deep gratitude is also extended to M r s . M a r y D u d l e y Porterfield, a genial, reassuring a n d gracious contributor. M y time at the family estate, T w i n O a k s , p r o v i d e d as m u c h a feeling for the m a n as his theater itself. H e r unaffected m a n ­ ner a n d personal accounts of B o b supplied a perfect c o m p l e m e n t to the time spent in libraries a n d newspapers. H e a d i n g the list of friends a n d advisors to this narrative are R e x Partington, the current artistic d i r e c t o r / p r o d u c e r of the Barter Theatre, a n d Pearl Hayter, business manager a n d guardian of the m a n y Barter scrapbooks. Frequently dur­ ing a n interview, s o m e o n e w o u l d ask with a wistful smile, " Y o u didn't k n o w B o b , d i d y o u ? " A d m i t t e d l y , this was m y greatest handicap. H o w e v e r , through these f o u r — O w e n , M a r y D u d l e y , R e x a n d Pearl—I almost get the feeling I d i d know him. F o r their advice a n d friendship, m y thanks to Barter publicity director L o u Flanigan, L y n n Pecktal a n d F r a n k L o w e . A l t h o u g h n o b o o k has ever been published o n the Barter Theatre, m y w a y was well blazoned by two exhaustive theses. T h e first A n n e St. Clair Williams' painstakingly detailed 1 9 7 0 doctoral thesis, Robert Porterfield's Barter Theatre of Abingdon, Virginia, a n indispensable survey a n d analysis. Affectionately k n o w n as "the R e d B o o k , " St. Clair's effort is "the" definitive chronicle of Barter events up to B o b ' s death. It's a shame her thesis hasn't c o m e to popular light. L u c k i l y for m e , w e d i d manage to c o n s u m e several cups of coffee while brainstorming about Barter. F o r o n c e , I shut up a n d listened. A s Barter's historian, m a n y of her c o m m e n t s are i n c l u d e d . T h e second thesis is A Survey of the Attitudes of the Abingdon Community Toward Barter Theatre by Teresa Diane Keller, w h o also consented to be interviewed about her research a n d the time she spent w o r k i n g in the Barter's publicity office. It w o u l d be impossible to list all those w h o furnished bits of information a n d �xvi The Barter Theatre Story vital pieces of Barter history, but special thanks are gratefully extended to H u m e C r o n y n , Fritz W e a v e r , N e d Beatty, C l a u d e A k i n s , Mitch R y a n , D a v i d Selby, B o b G a l l i c o , C l e o H o l l a d a y , M r s . O w e n (Ruth) Phillips, Jeff M e r e d i t h , Betsy G r a h a m , W o o d y V a n c e , B e c k y R o s e , L i l y L o d g e , Russell G o l d , L e t a B o n y n g e , F . L e o n a r d Darby, D a v i d M . L o h o e f e r , A n n B u c k l e s , Peter C u l m a n a n d H a r r y Ellerbe. A l s o grateful thanks to the Kingsport Times-News, the Bristol HeraldCourier, a n d the Washington County News for the use of their files a n d resources. I h o p e they all liked talking to me about B o b a n d Barter a n d , together, I h o p e we can get s o m e more people talking about it. Mark Dawidziak �The Barter Theatre Story Love Made Visible Perhaps the most famous picture of Robert Porterfield, this warm study shows Barter's founder sitting among the seats from the Empire Theatre, each bearing an ornate needlepoint '£'. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) �This page intentionally left blank �3 Chapter One: Setting and Scene A n y g o o d piece of theater s h o u l d adequately set the time a n d place. T h e Great D e p r e s s i o n — 1 9 3 3 . It was n o time to be a n aspiring actor in N e w Y o r k . T h e Depression h a d reached its lowest ebb. S i n c e the early part of the century, the A m e r i c a n theater h a d b e c o m e i n ­ creasingly centralized in a n area of M a n h a t t a n k n o w n as B r o a d w a y . Indeed, " T h e Great W h i t e W a y " has established itself alongside B e r l i n , Paris a n d L o n ­ d o n as a n international cultural capital. T o m a n y , the A m e r i c a n theater a n d B r o a d w a y were s y n o n y m o u s . S o , w h e n the country's e c o n o m i c collapse ravag­ e d the city, the toll was dearly felt o n the A m e r i c a n theater as an institution. W i t h fewer dollars to be spent, ticket sales p l u m m e t e d along with the number of productions. B r o a d w a y producers a n d managers, natural speculators in the stock market, h a d suffered e n o r m o u s losses a n d few chances were being taken o n either n e w playwrights or performers. S o m e producers, such as S a m Harris a n d the Schuberts, m a n a g e d to weather the storm. Others, notably A r t h u r H a m merstein a n d A . H . W o o d s , declared bankruptcy. F l o Zigfield, o n e of B r o a d w a y ' s greatest names, was w i p e d out. " N o w a d a y s , " went c o m e d i a n E d d i e Cantor's o m i n o u s observation after the Stock Market crashed, " w h e n a m a n walks into a hotel a n d requests a r o o m o n the 19th floor, the clerk asks h i m , ' F o r sleeping or jumping?' " C a n t o r h a d little reason to laugh. H e was only o n e in a legion of B r o a d w a y actors, playwrights, directors a n d producers w h o h a d literally lost entire fortunes overnight. T h e walking w o u n d e d i n c l u d e d such prominent theatrical figures as Harris, G e o r g e S. K a u f m a n , A l e x a n d e r Woollcott, Irving Berlin, G r o u c h o M a r x a n d M a x G o r d o n . G r o u c h o w o u l d later recall with m o r e than just a t o u c h of bit­ terness h o w he starred in the "Follies of 1 9 2 9 . " M o v i e s — m o t i o n pictures, films, the flickers, talkies—were a cheaper a n d m o r e productive form of entertainment, a n d B r o a d w a y , V a u d e v i l l e a n d the legitimate theater felt the impact of this rising popularity. Stars a n d "big n a m e s , " h o w e v e r , c o u l d easily l a u n c h into n e w projects a n d recoup their losses. A s galling or demoralizing as the loss of personal fortunes were to B r o a d w a y ' s elite, they h a d o n e financial advantage—their reputations. It was the rank a n d file actor w h o was particularly hard hit. T h e words " B u d d y , C a n Y o u Spare a D i m e ? " s e e m e d to s u m up the stark city environment of breadlines a n d corner applecarts run by former W a l l Street wizards. A u t h o r a n d columnist H e y w o o d B r o u n , deeply disturbed by the growing deprivation in the B r o a d w a y sector, h e l p e d p r o d u c e a revue to benefit out-of- �4 T h e Barter Theatre Story work troupers. Despite the affable writer's sincere intentions, Shoot the Works h a d a short r u n a n d d i d little to help the u n e m p l o y e d actor. O n a more practical level, the Stage Relief F u n d desperately tried to cope with alarming u n e m p l o y m e n t . B y 1 9 3 3 , the Actor's D i n n e r C l u b h a d been set up in the basement of N e w Y o r k ' s U n i o n Methodist C h u r c h to offer balanced meals to less fortunate thespians. Y e a r s later, B o b Porterfield w o u l d recall taking advantage of these cheap meals a n d the opportunity to trade shop-talk with his fellow actors. Still, in spite of all the grim developments, 1 9 3 3 brought the first real reason for h o p e since the crash of '29—better k n o w n in theatrical circles by the Variety headline, " W a l l St. L a y s A n E g g . " A l t h o u g h the country w o u l d never really pull out of the Depression until W o r l d W a r II stimulated the e c o n o m y , the inaugura­ tion of Franklin D e l a n o Roosevelt as 3 2 n d president m a d e m a n y feel that "hap­ p y days" were i n d e e d here again. Roosevelt declared a bank holiday o n e day after his M a r c h 4 inauguration c e r e m o n y a n d set the N R A into action. C o m p a r e d to Herbert H o o v e r ' s quiet brand of leadership, this whirlwind of activity gave the nation a sense of recovery. It was 1 9 3 3 a n d a still u n k n o w n novelist n a m e d J o h n Steinbeck h a d publish­ e d a p o o r l y received w o r k titled, T o A God Unknown. G r o u c h o , H a r p o , C h i c o a n d Z e p p o released their last film as " T h e F o u r M a r x Brothers," a wild satire o n war c o n c o c t e d by Bert K a l m a r a n d H a r r y R u b y , Duck Soup. Perhaps their greatest film, it too was trounced by the critics. Tobacco Road, a shocking play of h u m a n degradation, became the talk of B r o a d w a y , while t w o of N e w Y o r k ' s wickedest wits, Messrs. K a u f m a n a n d Woollcott, t e a m e d up for the disappointing The Dark Tower. R i c h a r d R o d g e r s a n d L o r e n z H a r t h a d temporarily left B r o a d w a y for s o m e lucrative m o v i e offers. H o l l y w o o d h a d stepped up its efforts to p r o v i d e escapist entertainment to a Depression-weary nation a n d in 1 9 3 3 . . . s k i n n y S t a n L a u r e l a n d tubby Oliver H a r d y sneaked off to the Sons of the Desert c o n v e n t i o n , telling their wives they were g o i n g to H a w a i i for their health. M e a n w h i l e , King Kong carried the lovely F a y W r a y to the top of the E m p i r e State B u i l d i n g ; C l a u d e Rains p u l l e d his disappearing act in The Invisible Man; W a l t Disney was delighting audiences with an average of two M i c k e y M o u s e cartoons each month; W a l l a c e B e e r y a n d Marie Dressier recaptured their wonderful Min and Bill chemistry with Tugboat Annie; premiere B r o a d w a y dancer F r e d Astaire m a d e his film debut opposite J o a n C r a w f o r d , C l a r k G a b l e , a n d the T h r e e Stooges in Dancing Lady; F r a n k C a p r a , a former g a g m a n for M a c k Sennett, garnered s o m e increased respect as a director with his Lady for a Day; J a m e s C a g n e y s h o w e d he was more than just a tough-guy gangster type by tap d a n c i n g his w a y through Footlight Parade; a n d sultry M a e West sang " A G u y W h a t T a k e s H i s T i m e " in She Done Him Wrong, a spoof w h i c h co-starred a n u p - a n d - c o m i n g Cary Grant. F o r those w h o preferred to stay at h o m e for their entertainment, Kate S m i t h , �Setting and Scene 5 R u d y V a l l e e a n d P a u l W h i t e m a n m a d e u p the vanguard of radio's musical stars, with A m o s n ' A n d y , E d W y n n a n d F r e d A l l e n offering h u m o r o u s interludes, a n d C l e m M c C a r t h y a n d M e l A l l e n handling the sportscasting duties. Golfing great B o b b y J o n e s was in A u g u s t a , G e o r g i a , laying the foundation for a tournament that w o u l d eventually draw international attention. It w o u l d be called simply, T h e Masters. A pathetic Italian giant n a m e d P r i m o C a m e r a , o w n ­ e d a n d manipulated by the m o b , sat o n the heavyweight b o x i n g throne. T h e most inept of all c h a m p i o n s , he w o u l d be k n o c k e d to the canvas eleven times the following year against an o p p o n e n t "the boys" c o u l d not buy off: M a x B a e r . Baseball was still the national pastime a n d the N e w Y o r k Y a n k e e s its premiere team, although the year before seemed to be the last truly great season for the B r o n x B o m b e r s of R u t h , G e h r i g a n d D i c k e y . A survey revealed that reading h a d b e c o m e A m e r i c a ' s favorite form of recreation. R a d i o p l a c e d s e c o n d , while films ran third. A l t h o u g h entertainment a n d sports thrived in a nation escaping the harsh realities of the Depression, there were e n o u g h fads a n d headlines to capture the country's imagination. Jigsaw puzzles became a fad in 1 9 3 3 , along with long fingernails popularized by M a r l e n e Dietrich. C o l u m n i s t s ruled the newspaper w o r l d , with Walter W i n chell, Westbrook Pegler, B r o u n a n d Franklin Pierce A d a m s leading the pack. A n d a n e w weekly news magazine, appropriately titled Newsweek, hit the stands with its breezy, s u m m a r y format. Prohibition was repealed in 1 9 3 3 a n d the "great experiment" was relegated to a select list of notorious historical failures. T h e m a n behind the k i d n a p p i n g a n d murder of the L i n d b e r g h baby a year earlier was still at large, as was J o h n Dillinger. In N e w Y o r k , mobster D u t c h Schultz was recklessly continuing his ill-fated rise to p o w e r . S o m e w h a t more calculating, C h a r l e s " L u c k y " L u c i a n o was figuring out a w a y to put the "organiz­ e d " into "organized c r i m e . " A m a n with a C h a r l i e C h a p l i n moustache h a d consolidated his p o w e r in G e r ­ m a n y to the point of total authority. W i t h G e r m a n y under his thumb, A d o l f Hitler w o u l d s o o n l o o k to other countries to c o n q u e r . O n another continent, J a p a n reached out to invade the area of C h i n a k n o w n as M a n c h u r i a , setting into m o t i o n the series of events that w o u l d culminate in W o r l d W a r II. A n d into this atmosphere of a w o r l d e x p l o d i n g with change in 1 9 3 3 , the Barter Theatre o p e n e d its doors in A b i n g d o n , a t o w n rapid change h a d passed by.... A b i n g d o n : one of the oldest communities in the Southwest region of Virginia. It first appeared o n a m a p by surveyor T h o m a s L e w i s as " B u r k e s G a r d e n . " T h e site was r e n a m e d by n o less than D a n i e l B o o n e , w h o c a m p e d there during his first trip westward about 1 7 6 0 . A c c o r d i n g to legend, B o o n e a n d his c o m p a n i o n , Nathaniel G i s t — w h o were forging the famed "Wilderness Trail" to K e n t u c k y — m a d e c a m p at a spring near where the present county jail is located, only to have their dogs attacked by a wolf pack from a nearby cave. T h e wolves' d e n at the crest of a hill is n o w the location of the C a v e H o u s e , a well- �6 T h e Barter Theatre Story k n o w n local l a n d m a r k . A b i n g d o n ' s first official n a m e thus b e c a m e W o l f H i l l . S i n c e W o l f H i l l naturally b e c a m e a "crossroads to the W e s t , " a n actual village was quickly established, complete with a c h u r c h . B u t the very first building erected was a p o w d e r magazine, later a courthouse leveled by N o r t h e r n troops in 1 8 6 4 . W h e n a fort was constructed in 1 7 7 6 o n C a p t a i n J o s e p h B l a c k ' s farm, W o l f H i l l b e c a m e B l a c k ' s F o r t — a distribution point for mail a n d supplies. A n d , that same year, the V i r g i n i a G e n e r a l A s s e m b l y n a m e d the settlement the seat of the newly established W a s h i n g t o n C o u n t y , n a m e d after the general from V i r g i n i a early in the struggle for independence a n d long before he was a c k n o w l e d g e d as " T h e Father of his C o u n t r y . " T h e G e n e r a l A s s e m b l y also c h a n g e d the n a m e of B l a c k ' s Fort to A b i n g d o n in October, 1 7 7 8 . S o m e feel the n a m e c a m e from the D u k e of A b i n g d o n by w a y of friends in the area. Still others c o n t e n d it was simply taken by pioneers from the t o w n of A b i n g d o n i n E n g l a n d . M o s t , h o w e v e r , say "it was n a m e d after a parish in w h i c h M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n w o r s h i p p e d as a girl." Southwest Virginia's first post office was established in A b i n g d o n in 1 7 9 3 , the only post office in W a s h i n g t o n C o u n t y as late as 1 8 3 3 . " B y the late 1 8 3 0 s , " reads o n e widely distributed local history, " A b i n g d o n h a d g r o w n to be a n established merchant t o w n with hotels a n d taverns for the wagonmasters, mercantile houses, tanyards, grocers, wheelwrights, blacksmiths, shoemakers, house carpenters, stone masons, bricklayers, jewelers, a n d o n e millinery s h o p . It h a d everything the settlers further west w o u l d want from the civilized east, plus all the things d e m a n d e d by the mer­ chants a n d their families." " C r e a t i n g the atmosphere of the t o w n , " the narrative continues, "are the buildings from A b i n g d o n ' s past. T h e M c D o n a l d T a v e r n o n East M a i n Street is the oldest building in A b i n g d o n , built in 1 7 7 9 . O n C o u r t Street is the first brick dwelling, built for W i l l i a m K i n g in 1 8 0 3 . O t h e r beautiful h o m e s line M a i n Street, one of the most famous being the G e n e r a l Francis Preston h o m e , built between 1 8 3 0 a n d 1 8 3 2 , w h i c h is n o w the center building of the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n Inn." A c t u a l l y , the stately Preston h o m e was turned into the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n C o l l e g e for Girls in 1 8 5 3 . It was temporarily used as a hospital during the C i v i l War. A n o t h e r s c h o o l , the S t o n e w a l l J a c k s o n Institute for W o m e n , eventually set u p offices a n d classrooms o n a hillside several blocks from M a i n Street about the turn of the century. A n industry b o o m hit the surrounding towns in the 1880s, but A b i n g d o n re­ m a i n e d a small, elegant c o m m u n i t y t u c k e d in the beautiful, rolling hills of Southwest V i r g i n i a . L o c a t e d in a fertile valley between the B l u e R i d g e a n d A p ­ palachian M o u n t a i n s ; lying between t w o m a i n forks of the H o l s t o n R i v e r ; a n d in the s h a d o w of M o u n t Rogers, Virginia's highest peak, A b i n g d o n existed through farming—mainly dairy, tobacco, cattle a n d poultry—very light industry a n d its two colleges. In 1 9 3 0 , A b i n g d o n was near four "good-sized towns": Bristol, Tennessee- �Setting and Scene 7 V i r g i n i a , a railroad center with a state line running d o w n its m a i n street a n d a focal point for a five-state area; J o h n s o n C i t y , T e n n . , the largest with a p o p u l a ­ tion of 2 5 , 0 0 0 ; Kingsport, T e n n . , the h o m e of the g r o w i n g Tennessee Eastman p h o t o c h e m i c a l plant; a n d Elizabethton, T e n n . T h e area boasted little in the w a y of cultural heritage, with the exception of a n already national reputation for country-western music. Indeed, w h e n the V i c t o r T a l k i n g M a c h i n e C o m p a n y sent representative R a l p h Peer to "the mountains" in 1 9 2 7 to audition "hillbilly" talent, the moon-faced agent set up shop in Bristol. T h e surrounding hills a n d hollows of A p p a l a c h i a e c h o e d with the s o u n d of grassroots music m a d e by generations of families o n crude, handcrafted i n ­ struments. T h e nasal lyrics sprung from a n isolated existence spent w o r k i n g in the c o a l mines of Southwest V i r g i n i a , laboring o n the railroad lines, scratching a living from a sometime fertile, sometime r o c k y soil, a n d praising the L o r d from a pine p e w . R e c o r d s , o n c e all the rage, were being threatened by the popularity of radio, a n d the major recording labels were scrambling to find n e w a n d fresh ar­ tists to boost d w i n d l i n g sales. Into Peer's makeshift studio strode J i m m i e Rodgers a n d the Carter F a m i l y — A . P . , M a y b e l l e a n d S a r a . T h o s e 1927 recor­ dings m a d e in Bristol started a national craze for country music. T h e event is recognized as the birth of the country-western music industry. Still, inhabitants of the region saw nothing special in either Rodgers or the Carter F a m i l y . A n d it was hard to fathom all the fuss being m a d e by the rest of the country. M u s i c was a w a y of life, but it was certainly n o w a y to m a k e a living. O r , as one o l d saying went, " a m a n w h o p l a y e d the banjo wasn't worth the bullet to shoot h i m . " A l t h o u g h Southwest Virginia a n d U p p e r East Tennessee were the richest areas for musicians a n d country songs, it was all taken for granted a n d the industry s o o n set up headquarters s o m e 3 0 0 miles away in Nashville. M a i n l y descended from Scottish, Irish a n d English stock, the residents of this area were extremely religious—Presbyterian, Baptists, Methodists. T o t h e m , music was for singing in c h u r c h , h u m m i n g in the fields, or playing during Satur­ day night get-togethers in the kitchen. Ironically, it was their h y m n s a n d rich folk music heritage that served as a cornerstone for so m u c h of the growing countrywestern music field. A s for the stage, it was considered a w i c k e d place—the p l a y g r o u n d of the devil, "the legs of S a t a n . " A n actor was a shiftless no-account w h o couldn't m a k e a n honest living. Into A b i n g d o n , into this time, into this environment, ar­ rived B o b Porterfield a n d his c o m p a n y of N e w Y o r k actors in 1 9 3 3 . �8 Chapter Two: Curtain Up " W e ' r e going to church!" Robert Porterfield's a n n o u n c e m e n t stunned the 2 2 N e w Y o r k actors w h o had followed the charistmatic " M r . P " to a remote town in Southwest Virginia. T h e idea of stage performers trekking all the w a y to s o m e u n h e a r d of place called A b i n g d o n was crazy e n o u g h , but now—attending S u n d a y m o r n i n g services? It was the spring of 1 9 3 3 . A b i n g d o n c o u l d not have been further r e m o v e d from the bleak city these performers h a d just left. T h e y were a m i x e d bag of theater veterans, n e w c o m e r s , leading m e n , ingenues, a n d character actors. These creators a n d inhabitants of make-believe worlds all shared o n e soberingly realistic experience: T h e y h a d all been t o u c h e d by the devastation of the N e w Y o r k theater by the D e p r e s s i o n . N o a m o u n t of talent, experience or enthusiasm, they f o u n d out, were safeguards against hunger a n d breadlines. F o o d was hardly a p r o b l e m in A b i n g d o n , p o p u l a t i o n 2 , 0 0 0 . In fact, the fertile hills of W a s h i n g t o n C o u n t y h a d yielded local farmers a n excess of crops that they c o u l d not sell because of a depressed market. T h u s , Porterfield reasoned, the residents of this rural area w o u l d gladly "barter" foodstuffs for theater. B u t first, he h a d to sell the troupe to the t o w n . H e h a d to c o n v i n c e the c o m m u n i t y that these decadent theater p e o p l e were in reality just plain folk. A b i n g d o n was far r e m o v e d from the big city scene a n d sentiment by m o r e than several h u n d r e d miles. T h e town's architecture retained m u c h of the O l d S o u t h c h a r m , a n d its citizens held to the O l d S o u t h outlook. Natives still talked with resentment of h o w the " Y a n k e e s " h a d sacked A b i n g d o n d u r i n g the " W a r B e t w e e n the States." T h e term " C i v i l W a r " was e n o u g h to draw indignant stares from the locals a n d label o n e an outsider. T h e red brick O p r e y H o u s e dated back to the early 1830s, originally built as the n e w S i n k i n g S p r i n g Presbyterian C h u r c h , later falling into the hands of the S o n s of T e m p e r a n c e a n d b e c o m i n g widely k n o w n as the T e m p e r a n c e H a l l . T h e first k n o w n theatrical p r o d u c t i o n in the structure was The Virginian o n J a n u a r y 14, 1 8 7 6 , a n d the likes of E d w i n B o o t h , F a y T e m p l e t o n a n d J o s e p h Jefferson were said to have graced its stage. W i t h the d a w n of a n e w century, the two sur­ viving trustees of the S o n s of T e m p e r a n c e turned over the T e m p e r a n c e H a l l to the t o w n of A b i n g d o n . W h e n Porterfield arranged to use the hall for the debut of his n e w c o m p a n y , the t o w n hall was upstairs while the jail o c c u p i e d the base­ ment. A c r o s s the street stood a sprawling mansion—the defunct M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n C o l l e g e — w h e r e Porterfield's actors h a d taken u p residence. A stately reminder, it epitomized the grandeur a n d grace of a revered but bygone era a n d h o u s e d the out-of-town delegation. �Curtain U p 9 A b i n g d o n , in short, was the last place 2 2 " Y a n k e e " actors w o u l d have chosen to take their bows. Y e t Porterfield's vision, the Barter Theatre, was the alternative to n o w o r k a n d n o f o o d . T h e idea of playing Shakespeare to farmers was somewhat more attractive than starving, a n d if Porterfield said they were going to c h u r c h , they w o u l d g o . There was a m e t h o d to his madness. Porterfield, an ambitious 2 7 , was n o Y a n k e e a n d he understood what the presence of actors meant in A b i n g d o n . T h e tall, ruggedly h a n d s o m e founder of Barter, w h o grew u p in nearby Saltville, wanted to show his skeptical neighbors that "the theater a n d the church were not necessarily at the opposite ends of the street." S o o n the S u n d a y before his Barter Theatre's o p e n i n g night, Porterfield mar­ c h e d his actors from their residence at the o l d M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n C o l l e g e , d o w n M a i n Street to the Presbyterian C h u r c h . Staid churchgoers raised dubious eyebrows as the performers quietly settled into the back pews. T h e y r e m a i n e d stoically u n c o n v i n c e d until it c a m e time for the h y m n s . B o o m i n g over the rest of the congregation was the beautiful baritone of H . H . M c C o l l u m . N o t only d i d he bring m o v i n g expression to the words of " R o c k of A g e s , " but he sang without a h y m n b o o k , as only a real Christian could. In that instant, A b i n g d o n took B o b Porterfield's Barter troupe to its heart. After services, each actor was invited to someone's h o m e for l u n c h . T h e Barter Theatre was a hit before the first play was presented. A n d n o a m o u n t of public relations c o u l d ever match what that one trip to c h u r c h a c c o m p l i s h e d . Later, w h e n Porterfield c o m p l i m e n t e d M c C o l l u m o n his powerful rendition, the actor confided to his boss, " T h e reason I k n e w the verses is because I h a d to k n o w them in a play last year. I haven't been to church in 2 5 years." T h e first of m a n y colorful tales this unique c o m p a n y w o u l d p r o d u c e , this par­ ticular story illustrates Porterfield's sensitivity to the t o w n a n d his legendary gift for p r o m o t i o n — t w o of the principal reasons w h y the Barter survived. A s another Barter legend goes, Porterfield was o n tour with Walter H a m p ­ den's famous c o m p a n y of Cyrano de Bergerac w h e n the inspiration to trade " h a m for H a m l e t " o c c u r e d to h i m . After a West C o a s t engagement, the actors' train was h e a d e d across the wheat fields of K a n s a s . T h e y o u n g actor gazed at the passing farmlands a n d started thinking out l o u d about the abundance of crops in his native Southwest V i r g i n i a . It was ironic, he told H a m p d e n , that so m a n y actors went without f o o d while m a n y farmers h a d p r o d u c e rotting in their fields because they couldn't sell it. A n d for the most part, he continued, these farmers were starved for culture. W o u l d it be possible to operate a theater by having those farmers exchange produce a n d foodstuffs for tickets to shows? H a m p d e n didn't think m u c h of the idea. After all, he pointed out, most ac­ tors thought of p r o d u c e as something thrown at t h e m by hostile audiences. Still, the idea for the Barter Theatre was sparked. Bartering was not u n c o m ­ m o n in the hills of V i r g i n i a . O n e of the earliest k n o w n systems of exchange in civilization, barter has generally enjoyed increased popularity during times of �10 The Barter Theatre Story e c o n o m i c instability. N o t suprisingly, m a n y turned to the practice during the Depression out of necessity. A n d there was certainly a n abundance of potatoes, apple butter a n d aged hams at the Porterfield family farm, T w i n O a k s , near G l a d e S p r i n g . W h y not work a trade? H i s mother h a d kept B o b up to date o n the latest news from h o m e a n d his idea for a "barter" theater was h e l p e d a l o n g w h e n he heard that both the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n C o l l e g e a n d S t o n e w a l l J a c k s o n Institute in A b i n g d o n h a d c l o s e d . A l l those r o o m s a n d facilities just going to waste. A n d there was the O p r e y H o u s e in A b i n g d o n . A l l signs were pointing to A b i n g d o n as the site for " B o b ' s idea." B e t w e e n w o r k i n g such o d d jobs as elevator boy at the N e w Y o r k Athletic C l u b a n d m o d e l i n g , B o b wrote the trustees of both colleges a n d the A b i n g d o n T o w n C o u n c i l , explaining his idea a n d outlining what he n e e d e d to pull it all off. T h e response was better than he dared h o p e . B o b got the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n C o l l e g e building free of charge, with just utility bills a n d u p k e e p to worry about. T h e S t o n e w a l l J a c k s o n facilities were offered for a n o m i n a l rent. A b i n g t o n officials, receptive to n e w ideas that w o u l d stimulate a dismal e c o n o m i c scene, k i c k e d in the o p e r a house free, p r o v i d i n g n o shows w o u l d be given o n S u n d a y . O t h e r "agreements" were m a d e in N e w Y o r k , where B o b h a d n o shortage of "theater" friends. A c t o r ' s Equity agreed to allow performers to appear in the V i r g i n i a H i g h l a n d s , endorsing B o b ' s plan fully since it c o u l d keep s o m e actors from starving. T h e A c t o r ' s Relief F u n d also gave B o b its enthusiastic b a c k i n g a n d he p r o m i s e d the beneficent organization a share of any profits. A n d the Dramatics G u i l d , at playwright A u s t i n Strong's suggestion, a l l o w e d the n e w Barter c o m p a n y to p r o d u c e a n y of its plays with only a V i r g i n i a h a m as p a y m e n t for royalties. This u n i q u e theater tradition was followed by the like of N o e l C o w a r d , T h o r n t o n W i l d e r , Robert E . S h e r w o o d , a n d M a x w e l l A n d e r s o n . Despite all the encouragement a n d c o o p e r a t i o n , Barter was still a long shot. Porterfield repeated his brainstorm to s o m e N e w Y o r k friends w h o received the plan with g o o d - n a t u r e d disbelief. " W e l l , " he retorted, " D o w n where I c o m e from i n Southwest V i r g i n i a , they've always been great p e o p l e for s w a p p i n g or bartering." S h a k i n g her h e a d , the great B r o a d w a y actress J a n e C o w l h a n d e d h i m a statuette. " B o b , " she e x p l a i n e d , "this is Saint Rita, patron saint of the impossi­ ble. C a r r y it with y o u a n d if by chance y o u succeed, pass it a l o n g to s o m e o n e else w h o is attempting the impossible." U n d a u n t e d , Porterfield arrived in A b i n g d o n o n M a y 2 2 , 1 9 3 3 with St. Rita, s o m e scenery he p i c k e d u p from a bankrupt r o a d c o m p a n y of Rose Marie a n d his 2 2 performers in hot pursuit. In that first c o m p a n y appeared such names as E l e a n o r P o w e r s , Robert T h o m s e n , A g n e s Ives, C h a r l e s P o w e r s , M i l d r e d Q u i g l e y , N e l l H a r r i s o n , B o b Fogle, E m i l y W o o d r u f f , M u n s e y Slack, Marjorie L u t z , H u g h M i l l a r d , R u t h Guit- �Curtain U p 11 terman a n d Storrs H a y n e s . B o b certainly hit with four indispensible members of the c o m p a n y . H e l e n R h o n e Fritch, a faculty m e m b e r of the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n College w h o m close friends called "Fritchie," became something of a business manager for Porter­ field. S h e supervised the actors' lodgings, meals, a n d the box office. In a short time she'd also b e c o m e M r s . Robert Porterfield. Y e a r s later, people w o u l d remember "Fritchie" as the "one w h o watched the pennies." If y o u absolutely n e e d e d something, y o u got it, but y o u h a d to justify the use of funds or material. " Y o u c o u l d s p e n d a d i m e wisely a n d she was enthusiastic," director O w e n Phillips e x p l a i n e d , "but she was furious if y o u spent a nickel foolishly." T h e s e c o n d person B o b d e p e n d e d o n during that first year for day to d a y sur­ vival was non-stop publicity machine, R i c k y A u s t i n . H a v i n g w o r k e d in newspapers a n d publicity in both N e w Y o r k a n d California, A u s t i n was also a n aspiring performer in plays a n d films. T h o u g h o u t 1 9 3 3 , Barter's publicity direc­ tor saturated the area newspapers with an impressive string of features, profiles, announcements a n d news releases. In addition to concentrating o n the m e d i a in the 15-to- 100-mile touring radius, A u s t i n capitalized o n Barter's colorful a n d unique operation by garnering international attention through features in the New York Times, Variety, the Baltimore Sun, Richmond Times-Dispatch, Washington Post a n d e v e n the London Times. A mere glance at the public rela­ tions generated by A u s t i n demonstrates quite convincingly h o w fortunate Porterfield was to have a person o n staff w h o recognized Barter's natural p r o m o ­ tional w o r t h . A l s o of great help were actor-director Prentice A b b o t a n d stage manager Robert Fogle, both of w h o m brought years of stock, touring a n d N e w Y o r k ex­ perience with t h e m . B u t it was B o b ' s personality that kept everything going, even at the most discouraging m o m e n t s . There c o u l d be n o stars in the p a m p e r e d sense a n d everyone was expected to help build sets, gather props, construct costumes, a n d d o whatever they c o u l d just to m a k e sure there w o u l d be a t o m o r r o w for the Barter Theatre. A n d s o m e h o w , e v e n with u n k n o w n audiences a n d a torturous touring schedule facing t h e m , B o b c o n v i n c e d t h e m it w o u l d all w o r k . Before the curtain went up o n Barter's first p r o d u c t i o n , Porterfield was m o v ­ ing at a n incredibly industrious pace, setting the example for his c o m p a n y . After drawing up a tentative touring schedule, he set out to m a k e sure his Barter Theatre w o u l d have an audience. " H e personally built interest in Barter by visiting the civic leaders, newspaper editors, groups a n d organizations," stated Barter scholar A n n e St. Clair Williams. " H e c h e c k e d out the various halls, theaters a n d auditoriums in the area; although in s o m e cases, they were appearing in gymnasiums or libraries. S o m e towns b o o k e d the w h o l e season of plays, while others just took one or t w o . B o b was great in front of a n audience, but he was unbeatable o n e - o n - o n e . That's what built this company—that a n d the cohesive nature of the c o m p a n y . T h e y were all playing for the success of the theater. That feeling of ensemble was �3 I Robert Porterfield and a direct descendant and her descendants of the original pig turned in as "barter" on the Barter Theatre's opening night, June 10, 1933. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) I ft CO I �Curtain U p 13 what kept p e o p l e c o m i n g back." "There's n o star c o m p l e x a r o u n d here," B o b w o u l d assure years after Barter opened. Posters were p l a c e d a r o u n d t o w n proclaiming: " W i t h vegetables y o u cannot sell, y o u can b u y a g o o d l a u g h . " O n J u n e 10, 1 9 3 3 , the Barter Theatre o p e n e d its doors with J o h n G o l d e n ' s After Tomorrow. F o r the rest of the s u m m e r , the c o m p a n y traveled to nearby Kingsport a n d J o h n s o n City, T e n n . , as well as G a t e C i t y , C h i l h o w i e , D a m a s c u s , G l a d e S p r i n g , E m o r y , Wytheville a n d Bristol. A d ­ mission was 3 0 cents or the equivalent in eggs, h o n e y , fruits, vegetables, hams a n d other foodstuffs. L e g e n d has it that the first item brought to the b o x office was the sow pig that became Barter's mascot a n d whose descendants p r o v i d e d royalties for several seasons of Barter productions. "That one pig has done more for the drama than any individual or institution," B o b declared some time later. "If the theater gets so m u c h support from the makers of h a m , we s h o u l d support the hams better." " W e play six nights a w e e k , " Porterfield related during those early days, " m o v i n g a r o u n d from one barn or schoolhouse to another, within a radius of 7 0 miles. B u t we always c o m e back to A b i n g d o n for the night, riding in an o l d bus called Bessie, with the evening's b o x office returns in our laps." W i t h the c o m p a n y scrambling to m o u n t each n e w s h o w , A u s t i n was pro­ viding show-by-show material, including profiles o n featured performers a n d feature articles o n productions. A total of seven plays were offered that first season: After Tomorrow, Salt Water by D a n Jarrett, Caught Wet by R a c h e l Roberts, Three Wise Fools by A u s t i n S t r o n g , East Lynne by M r s . H e n r y W o o d , a n d the premier productions of The Bob-Tailed Nag by Frances Mallor a n d Monkey Hat by T o m P o w e r s , w h i c h Porterfield himself appeared i n . If the titles were less than memorable, B o b ' s audiences certainly didn't seem to m i n d . " B r i n g us h o n e y , fresh eggs, fresh vegetables, hams a n d other edibles," Barter asked, a n d a culture-starved p o p u l a c e r e s p o n d e d . A t h o m e , the reaction was overwhelmingly favorable. "That their engage­ ment has been successful," wrote the Bristol News Bulletin at the e n d of the first season, "is p r o v e n by the plans that are being made to return again next year with bigger a n d better entertainments for their Virginia a u d i e n c e . . . . J u s t as M a r t h a G r a h a m a n d her group of dancers are striving to bring to dance a n e w m e a n i n g , so the Barter Theatre group hopes in time to present subtler, more educational dramas for the public they have built up here in the S o u t h , away from the sometimes decadent effect of the m o r e h a r d e n e d N e w Y o r k stage." T h e view of "decadent" N e w Y o r k m a y have been somewhat harsh, but the acknowledgement of Barter's success is well noted. O n a more restrained note, the Big Stone Gap Post praised B o b , saying his idea "is well c o n c e i v e d . N o t only will actors benefit from a s u m m e r in Virginia but the towns nearby will have B r o a d w a y brought to their very d o o r s . " U n d e r an editorial titled " S o m e t h i n g N e w F o r U s , " the Gate City Herald �14 T h e Barter Theatre Story c o m m e n t e d , " T h e taking over of the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n Inn as s u m m e r head­ quarters for actors a n d actresses is something n e w for this section (of the c o u n ­ try) . . . . In the giving of these plays to rural audiences, we see a great chance for the education of the p e o p l e in what constitutes skilled acting." A n d Barter was also news nationwide. A t a time w h e n most newspaper a n d radio reports gave the country little reason for cheer, B o b ' s s p u n k a n d Barter's novelty was not lost o n feature writers a n d news organizations. T h e Richmond Times-Dispatch wrote that Barter h a d offered a "new d e a l " for the w o r d s " h a m " a n d "actor." In its typically s h o w businessy w a y , Variety ran a front-page feature carrying the headline: " D r a m m e r to Billies." Barter was also featured in a P a r a m o u n t newsreel, a n d the Baltimore Sun published a page-one story from the letters of Robert T h o m s e n , a y o u n g Baltimore resident w h o acted with the c o m p a n y during the first season. "I never in all m y life h a d a better t i m e , " he wrote. " P e o p l e started appearing with 'barter' about eleven o'clock a n d by the m i d d l e of the afternoon, the b o x office was filled with the most a m a z i n g lot of stuff. T h e first ticket was bought with a very small baby pig that c a n defeat a n y actor's voice. W e got e n o u g h o n i o n s to keep a cen­ tury, lettuce, c o r n , a chocolate cake a n d the biggest black rooster I ever saw. It was the strangest sight—these farmers c o m i n g u p to the b o x office a n d h a n d i n g over livestock a n d vegetables for a ticket." A n d so the stories a n d legends started to circulate that w o u l d l e n d Barter with so singular a reputation a m o n g theaters. Y e a r s later, B o b w o u l d say that n o mat­ ter where he traveled in the w o r l d , he always met s o m e b o d y w h o k n e w about his Barter Theatre. S i n c e m o n e y was hardly in excess during that first season, B o b put the accent o n acting rather than props, costumes, scenery a n d lighting. H e h a d arrived in A b i n g d o n with the Rose Marie scenery, w h i c h was r e w o r k e d for several shows. " T h e y got by with the m i n i m u m , " A n n e St. Clair Williams p o i n t e d out. " A c ­ tors wore their o w n clothes o n stage whenever possible, a n d p e o p l e in A b i n g d o n donated clothes a n d furniture regularly. Other pieces were b o r r o w e d for a par­ ticular play a n d e v e n the furnishings of the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n Inn were u s e d . " " T h e first year we h a d only o n e set," Porterfield w o u l d later recall," a n d after each Saturday night performance that set h a d to be reconstructed for the M o n ­ day night o p e n i n g of a n e w p l a y . " Y e t , n o matter h o w h a r d the day-to-day toil was, n o b o d y was g o i n g hungry. Porterfield h a d f o u n d the answer in barter. "There has always been a great deal of bartering in V i r g i n i a , " he told the New York Herald-Tribune. " S o w h e n the Depression c a m e a l o n g , a n d I began to think of starting a s u m m e r theatre, it was only natural that I s h o u l d try to incor­ porate barter an an essential feature of the scheme. " D e t e r m i n i n g a fair price for a ticket, w h e n one person brings in a h a m , the next a sack of potatoes a n d a third a d o z e n eggs, isn't always easy. Mostly w e use the market price of the c o m m u n i t y as a basis of r e c k o n i n g . W h e n the offering is insufficient, the playgoer is told to bring s o m e m o r e next time—that is w h e n he �Curtain U p 15 A typical Barter Theatre box office take during the first season in 1933. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) c a n be trusted. L u c k i l y , I grew up in A b i n g d o n a n d I k n o w who's w h o . " O n still another o c c a s i o n , B o b w o u l d say of 1 9 3 3 : "I distinctly remember the first year in A b i n g d o n . A l l the banks in the country were closed, yet the people gathered their garden truck a n d c a m e to the plays. T h e m a y o r a n d the president of the bank both t h a n k e d me for bringing the Barter Theatre to A b i n g d o n . T h e y said, 'until tonight, everyone in t o w n has been depressed about the banks clos­ ing, but n o w their interest has perked-up.' " That first year resulted in a grand profit of $ 4 . 3 0 — p r o m p t l y turned over to the Actor's Relief F u n d — a n d a c o m p a n y of well-fed performers. Indeed, B o b estimated that the troupe h a d gained a total of 3 0 0 p o u n d s in weight; an average of ten p o u n d s a n actor. N o b o d y h a d really g r o w n rich, except area residents in a cultural sense a n d the actors in unforgettable experience. T h e Barter Theatre was a success a n d the country had begun to take notice. B o b celebrated by marrying H e l e n Fritch in February of 1 9 3 4 in N e w Y o r k . �16 Chapter Three: "I'd Rather Entertain Souls" T h e earliest m e n t i o n of a Porterfield ancestor is in a charter dated 1 1 6 0 to A l a n u s de Porter. A p p a r e n t l y , he was o n e of 2 0 Scots nobles used as hostages by K i n g H e n r y II of E n g l a n d in seeing that the 1 1 7 4 Treaty of Falaise be observ­ e d . Later, J o h n Porterfield, the son of Robert Porter, h a d the lands of Porterfield confirmed to h i m o n February 3, 1 4 6 0 . In his 1947 genealogy, The Porterfields, Frank B . Porterfield traces the fami­ ly's origins a n d eventual emigration from S c o t l a n d to the U n i t e d States a n d V i r g i n i a . H i s impressive w o r k details all the Porterfields of p r o m i n e n c e over the centuries. H a r d l y the most conspicuous or exhaustive entry is the o n e for Robert Huffard Porterfield o n page 1 5 9 . T h e passage notes that he is "the originator of the Barter Theater (sic).. .the o n l y theater in the world to w h i c h p e o p l e trade vic­ tuals for entertainment." T h e n , with scholarly understatement, F r a n k a d d e d that "his theater has received m u c h favorable newspaper c o m m e n t . " T h e o d d s against B o b Porterfield b e c o m i n g a n actor were about as great as the chances his theater w o u l d survive 1 9 3 3 . H e was b o r n o n D e c e m b e r 2 1 , 1 9 0 5 in W y t h e C o u n t y , V i r g i n i a , near the industrial c a m p of Austinville—the location usually given for his birth. B o b was the third of six boys, o n e of w h o m died in infancy. H i s father, W i l l i a m B . Porterfield S r . , eventually took a job managing a 20,000-acre farm in Saltville, a n d m o v e d his wife a n d five children "to the first h o m e B o b Porterfield really r e m e m b e r e d . " It was in Saltville that B o b "grew u p a n d l o v e d a n d fought a n d went to s c h o o l a n d acquired most of the ideals a n d ambition a n d c o m m o n sense that have stood me in g o o d stead ever since." A l t h o u g h he w o u l d later admit to being a n "aloof" youngster at times, B o b ' s c h i l d h o o d memories were typical of rural Southwest Virginia in the early 20th century: milking cows, hogkilling, g r o o m i n g horses, harvest times, pitching hay, s m o k i n g hams, curing b a c o n , Saturday afternoon haircuts by D a d with oatmeal bowls over the h e a d , the o n e - r o o m schoolhouse, c o o n hunting, the first p h o n o g r a p h in the parlor, a n d , perhaps most important, amateur theatrics in the barn. Bales of hay were his first p r o s c e n i u m arch. A horse blanket was his first cur­ tain. H i s father's barn was his first theater. A n d his cousins were his first au­ dience. T h a t was w h e n he was seven. " W h e n I was ten-years-old," he once recalled, "I d r e a m e d o n e night I was going to be an actor. T h e d r e a m was very real a n d s h o w e d me m a n y of the things I must d o to achieve m y g o a l . W h e n I w o k e up I k n e w I w o u l d o n e day be an actor. T h e d r e a m has c o m e true in great part a n d I h o p e the rest of it w h i c h hasn't yet been fulfilled will be in t i m e . " �"I'd Rather Entertain Souls" 17 B y the age of 12, y o u n g B o b h a d n o doubts about his profession a n d he stun­ n e d his family by a n n o u n c i n g his intention to b e c o m e an actor while breakfast was being served. H i s father, w h o w a n t e d h i m to be a preacher, was emphatic. " Y o u are not going into that wicked w o r l d of theater," he decreed. H i s devoted mother, Miss Daisy, calmly said, " W e ' l l see what happens." B o t h parents undoubtedly believed this was merely a romantic c h i l d h o o d ambition that he w o u l d grow out of sooner or later. B o b ' s d r e a m d i d not die, h o w e v e r , a n d he was fortunate e n o u g h to have teachers that instilled a love of reading that r e m a i n e d with h i m for the rest of his life. A s a y o u n g student, he couldn't seem to get e n o u g h books—history, almanacs, poetry, encyclopedias, anything. Invariably, everyone from politicians to farmers were impressed with B o b ' s ability to talk knowledgeably o n any topic. A n d any aversion to the classics was lost through a teacher's Shakespeare quotation bees. H e also became i n ­ creasingly interested in oratory a n d o n M a y 3 1 , 1 9 2 4 , the gangly Saltville H i g h S c h o o l senior w o n a N i n t h District oratorical contest in Bristol. H i s topic, "Jeffer­ son a n d the C o n s t i t u t i o n , " p l a c e d second at the state finals in R i c h m o n d , although B o b thought "I s h o u l d have w o n . " Before graduation, he h e l p e d p r o d u c e Julius Caesar a n d p l a y e d Brutus: a n event that reaffirmed his love for the stage. B o b then spent t w o years at H a m p d e n - S y d n e y C o l l e g e in supposed preparation for the ministry. T o his father's dismay, it didn't w o r k out that w a y . A p p a r e n t l y , the clincher o c c u r e d w h e n 19-year-old B o b traveled to R i c h ­ m o n d for a debate tournament. H e saw his first professional c o m p a n y at the o l d L y r i c Theatre—the r o a d s h o w of Rose Marie—and all thoughts of the ministry vanished in the glare of reflected stage lights. H e m a d e up his m i n d . H e w o u l d leave H a m p d e n - S y d n e y a n d pursue his d r e a m . O n e of his professors tried to talk h i m out of it by describing at length the beauty of saving souls. " S i r , " B o b told h i m , "I'd rather entertain souls than save t h e m . " T h e aspiring actor applied at N e w Y o r k ' s A c a d e m y of Dramatic Arts a n d soda jerked in a Petersburg drugstore while waiting for an answer. A letter of ac­ ceptance arrived at the same time as a note from his father d e m a n d i n g he return h o m e or go back to s c h o o l . H e w o u l d go to N e w Y o r k , but first there w o u l d be a trip h o m e under doctor's orders. H i s father, well aware of B o b ' s fierce resolve, asked the diagnostician to disuade h i m . After several long talks with his patient, the diagnostician told the elder Porterfield, "I never e x a m i n e d a healthier patient that h a d ambition. W h y don't y o u let the b o y d o what he wants to?" Grudgingly, his father gave i n . B o b ' s accent became a cause celebre a m o n g instructors at the A c a d e m y of Dramatic Arts. T o help rid h i m of his S o u t h e r n inflections, they strictly forbade any contact with Southerners. It w o r k e d to their satisfaction a n d B o b made his B r o a d w a y debut in a w a l k - o n part the night after graduation. Still, the voice h a d �18 T h e Barter Theatre Story Portrait of Barter's founder as a young actor—nattily dressed and on the lookout for good roles. (Photo courtesy of Mrs. Mary Dudley Porterfield) been untested. A little later he l a n d e d a part in Atlantic City in a play about B e n v e n u t o C e l l i n i . H i s first s p o k e n line as a professional actor w o u l d be, " H a v e y o u seen C e l l i n i ? " H e heard his cue, strode o n stage a n d said in his thickest S o u t h e r n drawl, " H a v e y'all seen C e l l i n i ? " T h e audience roared a n d B o b h a d a story to repeat to four decades of actors. "After acting as usher, reading to blind p e o p l e , a n d d o i n g m a n y other varied chores," he o n c e c o m m e n t e d , "I m a n a g e d to finance m y theatrical education a n d lose m y S o u t h e r n accent. S i n c e that time, I have n e e d e d m y accent in every part I have played!" Porterfield n o w thrust himself into the erratic lifestyle of a y o u n g struggling actor in N e w Y o r k . In addition to s o m e m o d e l i n g a n d radio w o r k , he l a n d e d a job at the N e w Y o r k Athletic C l u b collecting tips as the front elevator boy. A m o n g the p e o p l e to d r o p coins in his h a n d were J o h n D . Rockefeller, M a y o r �19 "I'd Rather Entertain Souls" J i m m y W a l k e r a n d Charles L i n d b e r g h . G r a d u a l l y , he w o r k e d his w a y u p to desk clerk, then to dining r o o m supervisor. Parts in shows c a m e off a n d o n bet­ w e e n 1 9 2 7 a n d 1 9 3 2 . T h e r e was a role in The Ivory Door w h i c h o p e n e d at the Charles H o p k i n s Theatre o n October 18, 1 9 2 7 , a n d bit parts in Mima (1928) at the Belasco Theatre, The Dagger and the Rose (1929), The Blue Ghost (1930) at the Forrest Theatre, a n d Blind Windows (1931). L i k e so m a n y others before a n d after h i m , B o b was paying his dues. A t one point, everything of value was stolen from his N e w Y o r k apartment a n d he h a d to stay with t w o friends for a while. B u t , also like most p e o p l e w h o w a n d e r into the acting profession, B o b believ­ e d a n d , in 1 9 3 2 , Walter H a m p d e n selected h i m to play a cadet for the Cyrano de Bergerac tour w h i c h resulted in the "barter" inspiration. In a fascinating autobiographical sketch requested for the J a n u a r y , 1 9 3 8 Record of the Hampden-Sydney Alumni Association, B o b jotted d o w n some early memories of his c h i l d h o o d , college days a n d starting years as an actor: I was born in Wythe County (Va.) on the other side of New River. M y first conscious moment was Pop in a rowboat paddlin' me and M a across the river—the river was up and the creek was rising and they were taking me to my baptizing. T h e n we moved up to the Salt works, Virginia, where I was reared and fed. I was always under the belief that Saltville was the end of the world because the train turned around there on a turn­ table and went back to Glade Springs. My first ventures out of the "holler" were on a number of football trips in which I suffered a knee and head injuries and haven't been right since; consequently, I turned to oratory and won the ninth district oratorical contest on "The Constitution." This prompted a trip to Richmond under the sponsorship of a Richmond newspaper. I recall I slept with my britches on because I couldn't stand to take them off. O n this trip I remember passing through Farmville and making a rear platform ap­ pearance (not to make a speech). I heard these words, " Y o u have done it before, you can do it some more, Hampden-Sydney." T h e tune kindered my imagination and I in­ quired about Hampden-Sydney, as I was finishing high school that year and realized that I should seek a bit of higher education. Recalling that tune and being somewhat of a fatalist, I matriculated and my abode was "Stagger Inn." Due to weak knees, I turned to the Jangleurs and, thanks to Dr. Bell, I got my first dramatic start as William Sylvanius Baxter, E s q . in Booth Tarkington's Seventeen. Dr. Bell and some of my Kappa A l p h a brothers encouraged me in my thespian aspirations and the combination of that encouragement and my parental objections to the theater decided me to try my luck on the stage. U p o n my arrival in New Y o r k , I was rather lucky, having done shows with David Belasco, a national tour with Walter H a m p d e n in Cyrano other Broadway shows and radio. de Bergerac, a number of Just before B o b h a d gone to N e w Y o r k , his father took the family to the Porterfield farm near G l a d e S p r i n g , T w i n O a k s . Settled before the Revolution about 15 miles north of A b i n g d o n , the land, as B o b was fond of saying, h a d been o w n e d by only Indians a n d Porterfields. T h e stately T w i n O a k s family house, like the O p r e y H o u s e that h o u s e d Barter a n d the Martha Washington Inn that h o u s e d his first c o m p a n y , was also built in the early 1830s. �20 T h e Barter Theatre Story O f all the converts B o b m a d e to theater during his lifetime, o n e h e l d a special significance. D u r i n g a n illness just before his death, B o b ' s father rejected the pre­ judices ingrained by his upbringing. " A c t o r s are about the nicest p e o p l e I k n o w , " he told his s o n . �21 Chapter Four: Ham for Hamlet ..Cabbage for Cash F o r whatever reason—fate, c h a n c e , luck, genius, industry, timing, perseverance, inspiration, or, most likely, a combination of all these—the Barter Theatre survived 1 9 3 3 . T h e c o m p a n y grew to 2 8 a n d the season was e x p a n d e d from seven to ten plays in 1 9 3 4 . O n l y three members of the original crew rejoin­ e d B o b a n d Fritchie for a s e c o n d s u m m e r in A b i n g d o n : publicity director A u s t i n , A g n e s Ives a n d E m i l y W o o d r u f f . T o help insure Barter's future, B o b brought in y o u n g H u m e C r o n y n as a pro­ duction director for that s e c o n d year. "I was his partner during the s e c o n d season of the enterprise," C r o n y n recall­ e d . "It was still singularly his o w n d r e a m a n d vision. I recruited two or three peo­ ple w h o c a m e to the c o m p a n y that season, a n d between us we m a n a g e d to raise a little m o n e y for Barter. That was hard to c o m e by back then, but a very little went a l o n g w a y . I h a d met B o b in N e w Y o r k a n d was immediately struck by his e n o r m o u s personal c h a r m a n d enthusiasm. H e was a natural political figure w h o k n e w h o w to persuade. H e was better at that than almost anything." "It was still 3 5 cents or the equivalent in barter at that time. W e got mostly vegetables...occasionally a p i g . W e ate most of it. A n d we didn't sleep a w h o l e lot. W e really w o r k e d our asses off. A n d sometimes it wasn't easy to deliver o n the promises he m a d e . W e used to call h i m ' M a s s a h . ' B o b was unbeatable at en­ couraging p e o p l e — a very hale, easygoing, big m a n . T o m e , in 1 9 3 4 , it was a job. After leaving Barter I became i n v o l v e d rather quickly with productions in N e w Y o r k . O n e of the members of the c o m p a n y that year was E m i l y Woodruff, w h o later became M r s . H u m e C r o n y n . " ( C r o n y n , of course, is n o w married to actress Jessica T a n d y , with w h o m he has often starred o n B r o a d w a y . ) C r o n y n , like most a n y o n e w h o has w o r k e d at Barter, has stories to tell. E v e r y o n e seems to have their favorite Barter story. A n d n o one was better at spinning a tale than M r . P . There was the farmer w h o led a c o w to the front of the theater. " H o w m u c h milk must I p a y to get i n ? " he asked. " A b o u t two quarts," the ticket seller replied. Lifting his pail, the farmer went to w o r k until he h a d the necessary a m o u n t . H e was about to enter the theater w h e n the b o x office attendant noticed his wife standing by the c o w . " A r e n ' t y o u taking y o u r wife with y o u ? " " L e t 'er milk her o w n ticket," replied the farmer indignantly. T h e n there was the mountaineer w h o offered to p a y "with something I m a k e , only I don't think you'll want it." �T h e Barter Theatre Story 22 The "barter" is already piled high for this matinee that was probably during the 1937 season. The building pictured is one of the Stonewall Jackson Institute structures and now houses the company's rehearsal hall. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) �H a m for Hamlet...Cabbage for Cash 23 "Sure we d o , " cajoled the affable ticket seller. "I m a k e coffins," he said. T h e ticket seller was stumped until the o l d m a n a d d e d that he also made canes. T h e coffin maker c a m e back again a n d again, until every m e m b e r of the Barter c o m p a n y h a d a finely carved walking stick. B o b passed out m a n y of these canes to his friends o n B r o a d w a y , later boasting they h a d supported m a n y of the theater's best k n o w n actors. A pig, admission for eight p e o p l e , got loose one night a n d ran through the streets of A b i n g d o n with actors in hot pursuit. T h e y never caught it. O n e small boy brought a jar of apple butter to the box office. T h e tasty look­ ing delicacy turned out to be m u d . A lamb used as admission was bleating so l o u d that it h a d to be quieted with milk turned in that same night as barter. Turtles bartered for tickets got loose in the lobby a n d scared s o m e elderly ladies. In addition to f o o d , early items of barter included w i n e , toothpaste, snakes, livestock, a n d even underwear. A n o t h e r time there was a farmer w h o p u l l e d up to the theater with a truck l o a d e d with children. M a r c h i n g up to the box office with a calf o n a rope, he said h e ' d like to trade the a n i m a l for season tickets for his family. W h e n told the calf w o u l d be e n o u g h , he asked, " Y o u don't n e e d nothin' else?" A s s o o n as the answer came back negative, he untied the calf saying, " T h e n y o u don't need the r o p e . " S u r e e n o u g h , the calf bolted, but this time a m e m b e r of the c o m p a n y was fast e n o u g h to catch it before a chase delayed curtain time. D u r i n g the very early years, the city jail was in the basement of the theater. Inmates often got r o w d y , interrupting performances. B o b l o v e d these stories a n d he repeated, embellished a n d enriched t h e m for reporters a n d audiences year in a n d year out. " Y o u can almost tell just w h o is in the house any night by looking over the box office," he once said only half-jokingly. B y 1 9 3 9 , Porterfield a n d his performers h a d been featured o n both the F r e d A l l e n a n d R u d y V a l l e e radio shows. T h e wry A l l e n asked his listeners h o w the Barter b o x office m a d e change. W h e n a m a n p l u n k e d d o w n a turkey, did he get a rabbit a n d a b u n c h of carrots in change? "In tomato season," he q u i p p e d , "the w h o l e c o m p a n y h a d acidosis." "If Porterfield wants to k n o w if he's h a d a success," the nasal-voiced c o m ­ edian c o n t i n u e d , " l o n g about L a b o r D a y he just weighs the actors." W h e n the c o m e d y team of O l s e n a n d J o h n s o n accepted a live chicken as a d ­ mission for their long-running B r o a d w a y c o m e d y , Hellzapoppin', one columnist jokingly wrote that Porterfield was considering suing for infringement of c o p y wright. E v e n Barter's custom of using a h a m as royalties was g o o d for an often repeated story. A l t h o u g h such diverse playwrights as N o e l C o w a r d , Philip Barry, G e o r g e K e l l y , M a x w e l l A n d e r s o n a n d T h o r n t o n W i l d e r h a d gone along with this novelty, G e o r g e B e r n a r d S h a w d e m u r r e d . W h e n the Barter staged Candide in 1 9 3 6 , the r e n o w n e d British playwright �ft DO i H =r ft Porterfield as he appeared in a '30s production of T h e Hill B e t w e e n . (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) ft C/) i �Ham for Hamlet...Cabbage for Cash 25 sent back his h a m with the short explanation:"I'm a vegetarian." Three years later w h e n the Barter w i s h e d to produce Pygmalion, S h a w was ready for t h e m : " S p i n a c h w o u l d be acceptable," he wrote. A favorite Porterfield story was the time he c o m p a r e d techniques for curing h a m s with J o h n B a r r y m o r e . Impressed with the Great Profile's expertise, Porter­ field c o m p l i m e n t e d his t h o r o u g h k n o w l e d g e of hams. "I s h o u l d k n o w , " B a r r y m o r e cracked. "I'm the greatest." B o b never d i d totally a b a n d o n his acting career a n d for several years after Barter's first season he appeared o n B r o a d w a y during the winter months. W h i l e Fritchie was often taking care of things in A b i n g d o n , her husband m a n a g e d to rack up a string of impressive a n d most prestigious credits, the most outstanding of w h i c h was the c o w b o y , H e r b , in Robert E . S h e r w o o d ' s The Petrified Forest. H e m a y have never gotten the part if it wasn't for the celebrated Porterfield c h a r m . A t first rejected for the role, he p r o m i s e d producer A r t h u r H o p k i n s one of the hams turned in at the Barter b o x office. O n the w a y over to H o p k i n s ' apartment with the h a m , o n e of N e w Y o r k ' s finest stopped Porterfield a n d m a d e him u n w r a p his rather suspicious looking package. H o p k i n s was so tickled by the story that he cast Porterfield opposite Leslie H o w a r d a n d H u m p h r e y Bogart. T h e following year, 1 9 3 6 , f o u n d B o b at the A m b a s s a d o r Theatre in something called Stark Mad by L y n n R o o t a n d F r a n k F e n t o n . A l s o in the cast were T o m E w e l l a n d P e r c y Kilbride, so loved for his portrayal of P a Kettle in several films with Marjorie M a i n . Stark Mad closed quickly due to bad reviews and Kilbride sent B o b the following note: "Let's pray that y o u r next role will be more worthy of y o u r steel." It was. In N o v e m b e r of the same year he was in the cast of E . P . C o n k l e ' s Two Hun­ dred Were Chosen, described by New York Times critic B r o o k s A t k i n s o n as a superlative "saga of life a n d death." A n a d d e d measure of fame was bestowed w h e n Porterfield a n d fellow cast member W i l l G e e r were paired for a cartoon in the Herald-Tribune. T h e delightful sketch by H . H . Knight was also used o n leaflets advertising the p r o d u c t i o n . A n o t h e r of B r o a d w a y ' s leading critics, famed humorist Robert B e n c h l e y , wrote of T w o Hundred Were Chosen: " T h e actors accomplish one of the m i n o r miracles of the theater. It turns out to be o n e of the most interesting plays in t o w n and one of the best acted." B o b c o u l d also be spotted i n a variety of roles in such plays as Let Freedom Ring, The Hill Between, Bury the Dead, Everywhere I Roam, They Shall Not Die a n d John Brown. Before turning all his attentions to Barter, B o b h a d ap­ peared in some fourteen B r o a d w a y shows. In later years, B o b preferred to tell stories about Barter m o r e than B r o a d w a y , but w h e n a fellow n a m e d C l a r k G a b l e became the " k i n g " of H o l l y w o o d , he couldn't resist recalling 1 9 3 1 for a K n o x v i l l e n e w s p a p e r m a n — " G a b l e certainly has c h a n g e d a lot since we p l a y e d together in Blind Windows. He has a n e w set of teeth a n d his ears have been c l i p p e d . " These regular forays to N e w Y o r k kept B o b ' s perspective o n an ever- �26 The Barter Theatre Story changing theater w o r l d fresh a n d continued to m a k e h i m countless invaluable friends. O n a m o r e practical level, they kept B o b ' s " h a n d i n . " Barter, although successful, was hardly a sure thing. There were n o guarantees that his c o m p a n y w o u l d be back next year during the '30s. T h e adventuresome M r . P also tried his h a n d in H o l l y w o o d , m a k i n g his film debut in the n o w rarely seen The Deep South in 1 9 3 7 . A c t u a l l y , B o b ' s screen credits are also impressive, e v e n if the roles were little m o r e than cameos. Ultimately, m a n y of B o b ' s friends a n d former employees e n d e d up in California, so visits to the West C o a s t sometimes were c o u p l e d with experience before the c a m e r a . T h e r e was a n appearance in M e r v y n L e R o y ' s excellent 1 9 3 7 d r a m a starring C l a u d e R a i n s , T h e y Won't Forget; a memorable performance as G a r y C o o p e r ' s rival in r o m a n c e , Z e b A n d r e w s , in Sergeant York (1941); Army Chaplain (1942); a bit part in The Yearling (1946), w h i c h starred Barter graduate G r e g o r y P e c k ; a n d another small character part in Robert M i t c h u m ' s g r a n d d a d d y of car-chase pictures, Thunder Road (1958), w h i c h was partly film­ ed o n location in Southwest Virginia a n d N o r t h C a r o l i n a . H o l l y w o o d didn't change B o b ' s h o m e s p u n nature, of course. W h e n he s h o w e d u p in the office of a studio executive to sign for The Yearling, he was asked w h o his agent was. " P e c k , " Porterfield replied plainly. "Peck?!" the M G M executive roared. " P e c k ' s the star." "I k n o w , I k n o w . B u t he's m y agent." A n d so he was. B o b c o u l d always count o n his friends. B a c k in A b i n g d o n , Barter's situation was constantly c h a n g i n g . A n apprentice p r o g r a m was inaugurated for the third season, a n d a six-day D r a m a Festival ad­ d e d to each season, with several plays offered in repertory. B u t perhaps the most important change o c c u r e d in 1 9 3 5 w h e n a m o t i o n picture distribution chain leased the M a i n Street O p e r a H o u s e . Barter h a d been designated unfair competition, a n d B o b l o o k e d into the still vacant S t o n e w a l l J a c k s o n c a m p u s as a n alternate site. A l t h o u g h not centrally located, these facilities—including a 500-seat auditorium—were available for a modest rent, so B o b a n d c o m p a n y said a temporary g o o d b y e to the O p r e y H o u s e a n d M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n Inn. After the war, Barter Theatre once again called M a i n Street h o m e , this time for g o o d , but the c o m p a n y residence—the o l d S t o n e w a l l J a c k s o n dormitory rechristened the Barter Inn—the scene s h o p r e m a i n e d " u p o n the hill" at the former S t o n e w a l l J a c k s o n Institute. A n d Barter c o n t i n u e d to m a k e news. In 1 9 3 6 , Porterfield took a double bill of 16th century plays—Everyman a n d H e n r y Porter's T w o Angry Women of Abingdon—to N e w Y o r k a n d staged t h e m at Barter prices. R e s p o n s e to the ap­ pearance at the N e w S c h o o l of S o c i a l Science auditorium was excellent from reviewers a n d audiences, a n d "big city" theatergoers h a d their chance to p a y 3 5 cents or the equivalent in barter. B o b continued such a n n u a l N e w Y o r k showcase performances until the war broke out, offering three plays in three days during the 1 9 4 0 trip. �H a m for Hamlet...Cabbage for Cash 27 Several newspapers a n d the wire services took notice of a bureaucratic ruling that became a Barter cause celebre. W h e n a Barter sow h a d eight piglets, the A A A decreed that was o n e over the limit a n d ordered o n e killed. W e l l , that's a potential royalty the agency was so callously playing with, so the battle was join­ e d . T h e debate over the "litter of eight" e n d e d o n a delightful note w h e n n o less than Chief Justice Charles E v a n s H u g h e s ruled the eighth piglet c o u l d survive. H a m s of both varieties a p p l a u d e d the decision. In the J u l y 3 1 , 1 9 3 9 issue of Life magazine, B o b a n d Barter received one of their single most famous pieces of publicity. A full-page photograph titled " H o w to M a k e L o v e " s h o w e d a serious-minded Porterfield demonstrating the proper romantic embrace to 12 couples in earnest clinches. T h e hill-side p a n o r a m a was repeated in "Best of Life" spreads a n d was recreated for It's A Date, a Universal film starring D e a n n a D u r b i n . Barter was even the subject of a front page feature in The London Times (Sept. 8, 1936). Still, few honors c o u l d be counted as high as the front of the J u ­ ly 2 3 , 1 9 3 9 New York Times d r a m a section. T h e r e , in that n o w legendary style, was a Hirschfeld interpretation of B o b a n d the Barter Theatre lobby. �28 T h e Barter Theatre Story o 2 i to a < u "a E CO 0) E P 3 & o -Q a I 12 a CQ CO c c ON $ ON �29 Chapter Five: Mr. P In today's w o r l d of million-dollar a d campaigns, slick network packaging, a n d cheap wrestling matches, the w o r d promoter carries something of a n ugly c o n ­ notation. B u t let's assume that a promoter pushes something either worthwhile or fraudulent; his methods are either admirable or despicable. A l l o w i n g for that a n d the basic necessity for public relations in the arts, B o b Porterfield was a pro­ moter in the very best sense of the w o r d . Barter survived four decades of change very simply because again a n d again, Porterfield displayed u n c a n n y ingenuity in p r o m o t i n g his theater. "Porterfield was a m a n of m a n y talents," explained the m a n w h o succeeded h i m , R e x Partington. " H e acted, directed, p r o d u c e d , but I think his forte was promotion." Partington's vantage point is not to be taken lightly. H e has steered the A b ­ i n g d o n theater through another decade of growth after B o b ' s death, a n d has kept Barter a vital, vibrant c o m p a n y . " H e was a promoter a n d a very decent one; with the spirit a n d guts to keep it g o i n g , " H u m e C r o n y n stated. O n e w a y Porterfield kept the theater in the national eye year after year was through the Barter A w a r d . W i t h the exception of the N e w Y o r k D r a m a Critics Circle A w a r d , w h i c h started in 1 9 3 6 , there was nothing close to a gala evening that brought together the A m e r i c a n theater's luminaries. T h e Pulitzer Prize, after all, was a n n o u n c e d very dryly a n d the T o n y A w a r d s were not initiated until 1 9 4 7 . A n d there was that legion of carefully cultivated N e w Y o r k friends w h o w o u l d willingly help out the Barter if Porterfield asked. S o , each year Porterfield assembled o l d a n d n e w friends to present the Barter Theatre A w a r d . A l t h o u g h his stated purpose was to recognize A m e r i c a ' s leading performers, the much-publicized N e w Y o r k banquet quickly became a highlight of the theatrical social season. " T h e Barter Theatre has d e c i d e d to present an award to the A m e r i c a n w h o has given the most outstanding performance o n the stage in the current year," wrote First L a d y E l e a n o r Roosevelt in her syndicated c o l u m n , M y D a y . " T h e first recipient of this a w a r d is Miss Laurette Taylor, a n d they a c c o r d e d m e the h o n o r of presenting her with it." M r s . Roosevelt was already o n record as a friend of Barter. A s far back as 1 9 3 6 she h a d expressed interest in B o b Porterfield's experiment, possibly because her father h a d lived in A b i n g d o n for a number of years. T h e New York Journal recorded the following W h i t e H o u s e conversation between the First L a d y a n d a W a s h i n g t o n C o u n t y resident: �T h e Barter Theatre Story 30 Ethel Barrymore, considered the "First Lady" of the American theater, won the third Barter Award in 1941, and received the traditional ham and an acre of land from First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt. Present at the award ceremonies were, left to right, Porterfield, Mrs. Roosevelt, Barrymore, Laurette Taylor (first Barter Award winner), and Dorothy Stickney (1940 winner). (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) �Mr. P 31 " D o y o u k n o w about the Barter Theatre?" M r s Roosevelt inquired. " Y e s , I surely d o , " the A b i n g d o n w o m a n replied. " D o , y o u k n o w about the y o u n g m a n w h o has charge of the theater?" " Y e s , I k n o w h i m . H e is Robert Porterfield, a native of Washington C o u n t y a n d we are very p r o u d of h i m . " It w o u l d be the first of m a n y times the popular First L a d y w o u l d vocally lend her support to B o b ' s theater. T h e first Barter A w a r d was bestowed at a N e w Y o r k l u n c h e o n , with Porter­ field acting as master of ceremonies. Laurette T a y l o r , already a B r o a d w a y legend, but an actress with m a n y great performances a h e a d , was chosen for her portrayal of the c h a r w o m a n in Outward Bound. W i t h the exception of the guests of h o n o r , everyone p a i d for their o w n meals—and those in attendance included H e l e n H a y e s , Tallulah B a n k h e a d , S o p h i e Tucker, Robert M o r e l y a n d M a r c Connelly. O f course, there remained a distinct Southwest Virginia flavor to the pro­ ceedings: the a w a r d consisted of a Virginia h a m a n d an acre of l a n d in Barter territory. O h yes, a n d a special platter bearing the Barter e m b l e m by the C u m b o w C h i n a Decorating C o m p a n y of A b i n g d o n to eat that h a m off of. In addition, each year's winner selected two promising performers to spend a s u m m e r in A b ­ i n g d o n . T a y l o r chose L a r r y Gates a n d E d i t h S o m m e r . T h e next year, D o r o t h y Stickney p i c k e d G r e g o r y P e c k a n d E v e l y n Wells F a r go. F r o m 1 9 3 9 until 1 9 6 9 , w h e n the presentations stopped, Virginia hams were bestowed o n such stars as Ethel B a r r y m o r e , M i l d r e d Natwick, H e l e n H a y e s , H e n r y F o n d a , Tallulah B a n k h e a d , Shirley B o o t h , Frederic M a r c h , R o s a l i n d Russell, D a v i d W a y n e , M a r y Martin, Julie Harris, Ethel M e r m a n , G e o r g e Abbott, A b e B u r r o w s , D a v i d Merrick, Robert Preston a n d Pearl Bailey. F e w awards can boast such a n impressive selection of recipients. A n d , predictably, it was g o o d for more than its share of stories. Perhaps the most publicized m o m e n t came in 1 9 5 4 w h e n D a v i d W a y n e w o n the Barter A w a r d . A ban by the Stage H a n d s U n i o n — p r o b a b l y incurred because Porterfield didn't use u n i o n stage hands at the Barter—forced 137 hopeful actors into the alley beside the Martin B e c k Theatre. U n d a u n t e d , W a y n e , with the help of former Barter actor L a r r y Gates, c o n d u c t e d auditions under the fire escape. A picture of these unique tryouts was widely circulated. Ethel B a r r y m o r e , the grande d a m e of the A m e r i c a n theater, a l l o w e d each performer only one minute for the 1941 auditions. There were about 4 0 0 that year, a n d w h e n asked to explain her m e t h o d , she c o m m e n t e d wryly, "If they have talent, you'll k n o w it. If they don't, you'll think your watch has s t o p p e d . " W h e n not busy in A b i n g d o n , N e w Y o r k or H o l l y w o o d , Porterfield was a popular lecturer at luncheons, civic functions, club meetings, seminars a n d workshops. A natural platform performer, B o b w o u l d loosen up his audience with a few Barter stories before completely winning them over with his c h a r m , wit a n d genuine concern for the survival of live theater in A m e r i c a . T o state a n d local officials he constantly stressed Barter's capacity to attract tourists a n d out- �32 The Barter Theatre Story The 1954 Barter Award went to David Wayne who chose Paul Lukather, left, and Phyllis Wynn to spend a season in Abingdon. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) of-state revenue. T o students a n d educators he was unflinching in his dedication to quality theater. " H e e n c o u r a g e d schools a n d other theaters all the t i m e , " p o i n t e d out O w e n Phillips, B o b ' s close friend a n d frequent Barter director. " H e always said g o o d theater helps us all. B a d theater hurts e v e r y b o d y . " "I s p e n d a great deal of time discouraging y o u n g p e o p l e from g o i n g into theater," Porterfield once said. "It's a d e m a n d i n g profession in w h i c h there's vir­ tually n o h o m e life, a n abundance of long a n d often irregular hours, a n d plenty of headaches a n d heartaches. A n y o n e w h o c a n be discouraged s h o u l d be a n d will be d i s c o u r a g e d . " B u t that didn't m e a n students shouldn't be e x p o s e d to the dramatic process. A n d if it was g o i n g to be of a n y benefit at all, B o b argued, it s h o u l d be with capable instructors a n d proper facilities. " W h a t w e n e e d are m o r e stages a n d m o r e audiences to a c c o m o d a t e all of the dedicated y o u n g actors a n d actresses o n their way u p . " O n another occasion he r e m a r k e d , "Student dramatics never will be as g o o d �CO CO Governor O. Tuck of Virginia joins Robert Porterfield in honoring Barter Award winner Talullah (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) Bankhead. �34 T h e Barter Theatre Story as they s h o u l d until schools put t h e m o n purely for artistic purposes, not to raise m o n e y for n e w g y m e q u i p m e n t . " U n d e n i a b l y , B o b ' s vision was never restricted to his o w n theater. H e was constantly p r o m o t i n g theater as a vital a n d necessary part of people's lives. H e never stopped l o o k i n g into n e w ways he a n d his theater c o u l d enrich his t o w n , region, state a n d country. A n outgrowth of that d e e p c o n c e r n a n d his brilliance for p r o m o t i o n naturally led h i m towards a p r o p o s a l that was c o m i n g into focus about the same time as the Barter A w a r d . B y 1 9 4 0 , Porterfield was writing a n d spending a lot of time with V i r g i n i a legislators, c a m p a i g n i n g for his latest brainstorm: " M y d r e a m is to have the first state theater in the C o m m o n w e a l t h of V i r g i n i a . W o u l d n ' t it be grand if w e h a d 4 8 state theaters? T h e n w e would have a national theater." H e h a d originally w o r k e d u p a p r o p o s a l for a federally subsidized p r o g r a m in 1 9 3 5 — a n early effort at strength through decentralization. If President Roosevelt, Relief Administrator H a r r y H o p k i n s , a n d two Virginia senators were not impressed, the p e o p l e w h o heard B o b p u s h his "state theaters" p l a n in per­ sonal appearances were. A n d several elected officials h a d their ears bent by a relentless Porterfield in 1 9 4 0 , w h o was in R i c h m o n d w o r k i n g for the state Department of E d u c a t i o n o n a drama-in-schools project. B y September, he h a d the particulars of his plan w o r k e d out. If the federal government wasn't going to take the initiative, well, he h o p e d his n e w venture in R i c h m o n d " m a y s o m e day set a national precedent by b e c o m i n g the first A m e r i c a n state theater." " M y g o a l is to establish a professional festival-resident c o m p a n y that will tour the state during the fall, winter a n d spring as a n 'Exhibit A ' for the colleges a n d schools to observe. I expect eventually to pick, with the aid of a competent c o m ­ mittee of Virginians acquainted with the theater, three plays out of the 15 we will experiment with during the s u m m e r season at A b i n g d o n . T h e n we'll m o v e our base to o n e of the college towns a n d play each night for a five-week p e r i o d in a radius of 6 0 miles." " D u r i n g the daytime, a part of the professional actors will rehearse with the college students towards a major p r o d u c t i o n at the e n d of the fifth week. T h e re­ mainder, in the m e a n time, will direct productions in elementary a n d high schools in that area. After five weeks in o n e location, w e will m o v e to another college t o w n for the same length of time, permitting in all about five festival ses­ sions over the state." Porterfield was a h a r d m a n to resist a n d unexpected help c a m e once again from M r s . Roosevelt, w h o wrote in M y D a y : "It is exciting to have a state govern­ ment finally realize the importance of the theater in the life of the p e o p l e . " T h e war, h o w e v e r , interfered with B o b ' s plans. T h e s e c o n d W o r l d W a r saw 135 former Barter players in the a r m e d forces. F o u r w o n the Distinguished Ser­ vice C r o s s . T w o gave their lives. T h e Barter was closed for the duration a n d its founder f o u n d himself in the A i r F o r c e . Porterfield later j o k e d that the G I w h o interviewed h i m , "refused his �Mr. P 35 Head sticking above the rest, stage-center, Bob Portei-field poses with his cast for Two O n A n Island. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) request for liason w o r k , stating that the a r m y d i d not provide for illicit relation­ ships." B u t the laughter d i e d in 1 9 4 4 w h e n a tornado swept through A b i n g d o n . T h e w o r d that reached B o b — s t a t i o n e d in Texas at the time—was i n d e e d dishearten­ ing. E q u i p m e n t , scenery, costumes, scripts a n d props h a d been destroyed by w i n d a n d flooding. Losses were estimated a $ 2 0 , 0 0 0 . Barter h a d been devastated a n d even B o b h a d doubts about continuing. After being discharged in 1 9 4 5 , B o b went to H o l l y w o o d . It was writer J a m e s H i l t o n w h o p r o v i d e d the incentive for Porterfield's return to A b i n g d o n . T h e author of Lost Horizon a n d Goodbye Mr. Chips was yet another k e e n observer of Barter's growth. H e personally sent actors to Barter to gain experience, a n d it was his wish to eventually retire to A b i n g d o n because the quaint t o w n r e m i n d e d h i m so m u c h of a n English country t o w n . H i l t o n never d i d settle in Southwest Virginia. H e d i e d in California after several successful novels a n d screenplays. Hilton's wife A l i c e , h o w e v e r , became B o b ' s secretary in the late '40s, devoting time a n d m o n e y to keep Barter going until her death in 1 9 6 2 . T o this day, �36 The Barter Theatre Story Hilton's Best S c r e e n p l a y Oscar for Mrs. Miniver sits o n the Barter Inn desk of business manager P e a r l H a y t e r . H i l t o n told B o b that i n H o l l y w o o d he w o u l d be just o n e a m o n g thousands a n d thousands of actors. B u t in Virginia he c o u l d still m a k e a n important c o n ­ tribution to the A m e r i c a n theater. Faith r e n e w e d , B o b got to w o r k . It turned out that the A b i n g d o n T o w n C o u n c i l w a n t e d Barter back very badly. T h e O p e r a H o u s e was again reserved for Barter's use, a n d with what B o b a n d friends were able to raise, repairs were effected. Porterfield o n c e again went before the Virginia Legislature a n d this time he got what he w a n t e d . It didn't set a national precedent as B o b h o p e d , but w h e n Barter r e o p e n e d its doors in 1 9 4 6 , it was boosted by $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 in state funding a n d in title, " T h e State Theatre of V i r g i n i a . " T o d a y , Barter's support from the state c o m e s in the form of a four-to-one matching grant. F o r every $ 4 the Barter raises (1981 figures), the state kicks in $1 up to a $ 5 0 , 0 0 0 a n n u a l limit. A l t h o u g h a great tribute to B o b ' s idealism a n d far-sighted beliefs, the "State Theatre" designation was also his greatest single piece of p r o m o t i o n . W i t h o u t it, Barter m a y not have survived to celebrate a 50th anniversary. T h e post-war p e r i o d saw other very necessary changes. A season ticket c a m ­ paign was initiated; actors were put o n salary; a n d a cash b o x office replaced the beloved Barter system. "That was the change that created the most trouble," Barter historian D r . A n n e St. Clair Williams n o t e d . "There were a lot of people w h o were faithful Barter patrons w h o h a d never used anything but vegetables to see a s h o w . O n e of the most v o c a l was a black w o m a n w h o ran the fish market in A b i n g d o n . T h e r e was another w o m a n w h o h a d planted a n extra r o w of beans to use as barter w h e n she heard the theater was g o i n g to r e o p e n . H o w c o u l d y o u explain the e c o n o m i c necessity of a cash b o x office to such loyal patrons? T h e reaction was so strong that B o b let s o m e people still use barter—but o n l y in A b i n g d o n . " B o b also investigated a n d experimented with ways to p r o m o t e A b i n g d o n as a tourist attraction. O n e of his brainstorms was the V i r g i n i a H i g h l a n d s Festival, w h i c h remains a leading showcase for arts a n d crafts. E a c h A u g u s t finds a huge big-top tent set up o n the l a w n across from Barter a n d between the Barter P l a y h o u s e a n d the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n Inn. T h e fair's popularity has brought valuable tourist revenue to A b i n g d o n a n d , not suprisingly, s o m e of Barter's best houses. Part of being a g o o d p r o m o t e r means keeping the customer satisfied, a n d B o b was always acutely aware of the image his theater projected in A b i n g d o n . F r o m the m o m e n t he w a l k e d his c o m p a n y to c h u r c h in 1 9 3 3 , M r . P m a d e it abundantly clear that his actors c o u l d ill afford to alienate the c o m m u n i t y . " A t first," Porterfield recalled, "the A b i n g d o n p e o p l e were suspicious of the actors as a n evil influence, but they were s o o n w o n over. T h e Barter Theatre has never h a d a s c a n d a l . " �Mr. P 37 A post-war Barter company prepares to leave for another engagement. touring (Photo courtesy of T h e Barter Theatre) " T h e y were a little dubious at first," he r e m a r k e d o n another occasion. " H o w e v e r , they n e e d not have any qualms. I h a d m a d e it clearly understood n o b o d y was going to indulge in any m i d - s u m m e r orgies. H a r d work, rather than dissipation, was to be the rule of the day. W e felt o u r w a y cautiously a n d gave mostly simple little productions, going strong o n broad c o m e d y in that first season. W e don't think that the type of patron w e were appealing to w o u l d care for heavy d r a m a or sophistication. T o d a y , h o w e v e r , there has been a m a r k e d expansion of taste a n d we n o w receive little criticism w h e n we offer plays that w o u l d have been considered daring b e y o n d words back in 1 9 3 2 . " L o u F l a n i g a n , a stage manager at Barter in the late '60s a n d n o w the theater's public relations director, remembers walking with B o b Porterfield through A b ­ ingdon a n d being a m a z e d by his easy manner as he passed people o n the street. " H e was very c o m m u n i t y conscious a n d he made sure the theater projected a proper image. Part of that meant cultivating the c o m m u n i t y . " A "free thinker, an individualist, an independent speaker, a 'spinner of yarns,' 'the m a n o n the street,' a n d the m a n next d o o r all rolled into one �38 T h e Barter Theatre Story d y n a m i c p e r s o n . " That's h o w o n e local journalist described Robert Porterfield. Barter's survival simply c a n not be e x p l a i n e d without understanding what for­ midable gifts a n d characteristics its founder possessed. "It wasn't p r o m o t i n g i n the w a y w e think of it," actress C l e o H o l l a d a y declares today. "It was a natural c h a r m . H e c o u l d sell a n y t h i n g . " H o l l a d a y , w h o is n o w married to Barter p r o d u c i n g director R e x Partington, was c h o s e n by M a r y Martin in 1 9 5 5 as a Barter A w a r d winner. "Right a w a y B o b m a d e y o u feel like y o u were part of the theater. H e h a d e n o r m o u s sensitivity for both his actors a n d the t o w n of A b i n g d o n . " C h a r m . F e w p e o p l e c a n recall B o b Porterfield without using that w o r d over a n d over. Certainly B o b ' s distinct ability for p r o m o t i o n was a major factor in the Barter's survival, but, h a n d in h a n d with that talent was the man's o v e r w h e l m i n g charm. "I'm sure there were s o m e p e o p l e w h o didn't find h i m c h a r m i n g . " c o m ­ m e n t e d F r a n k L o w e , a n actor in the Barter c o m p a n y for m u c h of the '50s. " A n y o n e without enemies is suspect. B u t most f o u n d h i m h a r d to resist. Barter was the least likely spot in the w o r l d for a professional theater. It's still isolated, but w h e n he started it, Barter was extremely isolated. H e h a d the u n c a n n y ability to encourage p e o p l e to c o m e to the theater. T h e y were difficult audiences in that they w o u l d n ' t stand for anything b a d . " B o b h a d a very intuitive nature. T h e r e were constant changes in the A m e r i c a n theater, A b i n g d o n , the country a n d the w o r l d ; a n d Barter reflected that. A n d Barter was a place where lifelong friendships were m a d e . It was a h a r d existence, but very instructive. B o b wasn't a remote boss. H e was very helpful, supportive a n d he dealt with y o u o n a n intensely personal level. I f o u n d h i m a n u n c o m m o n l y trusting m a n if he h a d faith in y o u . B u t he liked to see p e o p l e get out of their o w n problems. If he thought y o u were w r o n g , but y o u honestly believed in what y o u were d o i n g , h e ' d let y o u d o it. If he thought y o u ' d learn something, h e ' d let y o u fall flat o n y o u r face. " O n c e w h e n I was in the hospital in N e w Y o r k , I was quite ill a n d very l o w . W h o s h o u l d walk in but B o b Porterfield a n d he said, ' Y o u ' v e got to get out of here a n d g o to w o r k d o w n in A b i n g d o n ' . " " H e was not b o u n d by g r e e d . . . a singular producer. H e h a d a professional c h a r m that he used as a n actor—he k n e w h o w to play an a u d i e n c e — a n d a separate c h a r m that was his o w n personality. H e was rather a religious m a n , yet very o p e n - m i n d e d . H e was interested in a lot of things." T h e m e m o r i e s of friends a n d associates bear out Barter scholar Teresa Keller's assertion that B o b "has been deified." C o n s i d e r just a few of these cherished recollections: A n n B u c k l e s was a n actress in the Barter c o m p a n y in 1 9 5 1 , returning to play the lead in the 1 9 7 1 p r o d u c t i o n of 40 Carats just a few months before B o b ' s death: " B o b Porterfield was certainly a guiding force for m e . H e saw a creative spark a n d encouraged it. A n d w h e n I went to N e w Y o r k that fall ('51), B o b sent a w h o l e folder of letters to influential p e o p l e for m e . Y e a r s later, w h e n e v e r I saw �Mr. P 39 h i m i n N e w Y o r k , h e ' d say, ' W h e n y o u c o m i n g to A b i n g d o n to d o a s h o w ? ' " " H e was a generous p e r s o n . H e truly l o v e d the theater, a n d the area. I remember one night we were partying quite loudly at the Barter Inn. A l l of a sudden there was a k n o c k o n the d o o r a n d there stood B o b . H e just l o o k e d at m e with a steady stare a n d then said simply, ' B l o n d e s dissipate faster than brunettes,' a n d w a l k e d a w a y , ' " leaving his blonde actress o p e n - m o u t h e d a n d with n o g o o d c o m e b a c k . C a t h y D e C a t e r i n a is the founder of Theatre Bristol, a respected c o m m u n i t y theater nearby. B o b came to see a couple of her early children's productions, but her favorite Porterfield m e m o r y harkens back to w h e n she was a student at Juilliard in N e w Y o r k : " O n e day I ran into B o b Porterfield o n the street. It was so wonderful to see this w a r m face from h o m e a n d I just smiled a n d said, ' H i , M r Porterfield.' W e l l , his face just lit up a n d he treated me like I was a long-lost relative. I was naive e n o u g h to think he actually r e m e m b e r e d m y n a m e a n d he was just nice e n o u g h to let me think I was like a first c o u s i n . " L y n n Pecktal was a Kingsport native attending E m o r y a n d H e n r y C o l l e g e just a few miles a w a y from A b i n g d o n w h e n he was tapped by Porterfield to be the c o m p a n y ' s set designer in 1 9 5 5 . W o r k i n g during the summers while finishing his degree, Pecktal went o n to s p e n d nine consecutive seasons at Barter—returning for a stint in 1 9 6 6 a n d a special assignment in 1981 a n d 1982—designing sets for such varied shows as Cat On a Hot Tin Roof, The Waltz of the Toreadors a n d Teahouse of the August Moon. L i k e m a n y others w h o w o r k e d at Barter, Pecktal got more than just a promising career start in A b i n g d o n , since it was dur­ ing his first season that he met G e o r g i a Bennett, the actress w h o five years later became his wife a n d the mother of their two sons. H e is n o w recognized as a leading authority o n set design a n d his 1 9 7 5 text b o o k , Designing for the Theater, is considered the definitive w o r k o n the subject. S c e n i c design is a dif­ ficult field to break into a n d the Barter gave Pecktal a chance to create m a n y diverse types of sets before he established himself in N e w Y o r k . A n imposing oil painting of his set for Tennessee Williams' Cat On a Hot Tin Roof— w h i c h featured N e d Beatty as B i g Daddy—still hangs in the first floor hallway of the Barter Inn. "This was a p r o v i n g g r o u n d , " Pecktal stated. "It was a great place to learn. Robert Porterfield was a great, driving force for y o u n g people a n d d e m a n d e d the best. In those days, w e were d o i n g shows o n very tight budgets. Y o u h a d to use y o u r imagination a n d be as resourceful as possible. I c a n remember closing a s h o w o n a S u n d a y night a n d o p e n i n g o n a M o n d a y . . . o r building several sets at once." " B o b never let y o u d o w n , t h o u g h , w h e n y o u n e e d e d something. Y o u c o u l d ask h i m for anything, a n d , as l o n g as y o u c o u l d justify the expense, y o u ' d get it. H e h a d a marvelous intuitive sense about productions. W h e n he didn't want to spend m o n e y o n a set, all I h a d to d o was say to M r . P , ' O k a y , if y o u want it to look tacky." "Eventually, the time c a m e to m o v e o n . B o b tried to get m e to stay but he �40 T h e Barter Theatre Story u n d e r s t o o d . T h e r e was never any clash between friendship a n d professionalism with B o b . I thought the w o r l d of h i m as d i d m a n y p e o p l e . " B o b G a l l i c o , w h o n o w makes his h o m e in Ireland, c a m e to Barter as a n aspir­ ing actor in the early '50s. T h e s o n of writer P a u l G a l l i c o , his m e m o r i e s of Barter are both wistful a n d v i v i d : " T h e o n e thing I must say is that there is something very special about the Barter Theatre. A c t o r s w o r k in s u m m e r stock a n d reper­ tory theaters all over, but they always r e m e m b e r the Barter Theatre. That's part­ ly d u e to Robert Porterfield. H e was a helluva character in his o w n right. H e was a charmer, a s h o w m a n , a promoter—but he d e m a n d e d the best." " T h e Barter was the best training a n actor c o u l d h a v e . W e p l a y e d in a library o n e night, a n airplane hangar the next. A n d all the classic things hap­ pened—sets fell d o w n , d o o r handles fell off. It was probably less professional than s o m e theaters, but it was a lot more exciting. Y o u k n o w , friendships, mar­ riages a n d r o m a n c e s started at Barter because of the atmosphere. T h e r e was a sense of identity a n d family; a n d B o b was very m u c h a father figure. H e c o u l d be cruel a n d k i n d a n d gentle a n d wise a n d generous. B o b a n d Barter represent the best of theater. A c t o r s are transitory beings, but the Barter is s o m e t h i n g that they always r e m e m b e r . E v e n if I h a d never c o m e back to A b i n g d o n , I w o u l d never forget it." N a n c y Necessary P r i d e m o r e has been a speech a n d d r a m a teacher at Kingsport's D o b y n s - B e n n e t t H i g h S c h o o l for s o m e 3 5 years: "I k n e w B o b Porterfield really well a n d was able to get a lot of students apprenticeships at the Barter. I r e m e m b e r g o i n g to see Barter productions o n 'Barter'—we all took garden vegetables. A s children, we thought it was so exciting. W e didn't k n o w what Barter was all about because there was n o live theater in this area up to that point. B o b ' s influence in this area is t r e m e n d o u s . T h e y ' v e kept theater alive a n d they've definitely inspired other theater groups. C o u n t l e s s children were i n ­ troduced to the magic of live theater through Barter. T h e y ' v e h e l p e d this area grow culturally. There's n o w a y to fully appreciate what Barter has accomplished. A n d B o b was so tall, a n d h a n d s o m e , a n d square-shouldered. H e h a d great stage presence." A n n e St. Clair Williams w o r k e d closely with Porterfield in d e v e l o p i n g her 1 9 6 7 thesis research. S h e said of h i m , " H e didn't n e e d a character to hide b e h i n d , because he was a character." In ill health for several years, B o b ' s b e l o v e d Fritchie d i e d in 1 9 4 9 . Before the war, the first M r s . Porterfield was responsible in large part for Barter's financial survival. B o b always n e e d e d that o n e p e r s o n to "watch the p e n n i e s . " A l i c e H i l t o n filled that function for s o m e years, with P e a r l Price H a y t e r , a Barter e m p l o y e e since the '50s, succeeding her. Fiercely loyal to B o b a n d R e x Par­ tington, Barter's current business manager is a n integral part of the theater's history a n d future. " A m a z i n g c h a r m , " is the w a y Pearl sums u p M r . P . "That's h o w he got so m u c h a c c o m p l i s h e d . H e has b e c o m e something of a saint since his death, but I don't think that's the w a y h e ' d want to be r e m e m b e r e d . H e was very h u m a n a n d �Mr. P 41 he was well aware of it. H e k n e w theater. H e k n e w talent. H e k n e w h o w to per­ suade. H e wasn't a great businessman a n d he was a great o n e for promising things without being sure he c o u l d deliver o n it or not. H e was extremely careful about the actors socializing with the c o m m u n i t y . B o b ran a h a p p y ship but he also believed in discipline." P e a r l , of course, is quite accurate. A s with m a n y m e n of charisma, a m y t h has g r o w n up a r o u n d B o b Porterfield. W h e n A b i n g d o n residents a n d former Barter actors remember B o b , there is a reverence a n d affection in their tone. G r a n t e d , this is m o r e than deserved, yet it keeps us from getting a complete per­ sonal picture of B o b . W h a t was he like at h o m e ? W h a t k i n d of person impressed him? W h a t were his politics? W h a t were his peculiar characteristics? W h e n B o b talked to the press it was generally about Barter; rarely about himself. O n c e or twice, s o m e intimate hints c a m e out. "I like authentic folk music a n d the folk b a l l a d , " he said in 1 9 5 4 , "but I never have been very m u c h o n this popular stuff." W a s he a prude? W e l l , he certainly h a d a great deal of " O l d S o u t h " morality to h i m . A m a n s h o u l d be a gentleman n o matter what his station in life a n d a w o m a n s h o u l d be a L a d y with a capital ' L . ' H e didn't a p p r o v e of cursing, par­ ticularly in front of a w o m a n . T h e virtues of the "Protestant W o r k Ethic" wasn't lost o n h i m , either. Still, B o b apparently was o p e n to n e w ideas. " A t times there are plays presented w h i c h are called shady a n d dirty a n d i m ­ m o r a l , " he stated in 1 9 4 7 . " W e don't want to give such performances. W i t h the p e o p l e in support of the theater, they can d e m a n d plays that are significant a n d carry a worthy message a l o n g with their entertainment. T h e future is up to them." T h e person best able to fill in s o m e of these gray areas is M a r y D u d l e y Porter­ field, the gracious L a d y (with a capital ' L ' ) w h o B o b married in 1 9 6 5 . S h e still lives o n the T w i n O a k s farm in a h o m e filled with memories of B o b . It's about time M a r y D u d l e y h a d center stage: " H e always said, 'if you're not d o i n g something y o u like, y o u won't m a k e a success of it.' H e h a d fun. I still think he was one of the greatest promoters in the A m e r i c a n theater, a n d not just because he was m y husband. I h a d w o r k e d for Barter once a n d he asked m e to c o m e back a n d organize the Friends of Barter (an organization of c o m m u n i t y supporters). That's w h e n it all started. H e lived at the Barter Inn at the time a n d we were married a n d he m o v e d back to T w i n O a k s permanently. It's always been a G r a d e - A dairy. H e a d o r e d this p l a c e . " "Let's see. H e hated s m o k i n g ; hated hairspray; hated drunkenness. L o v e d his w o m e n to smell sweet. H e used to say, 'I married M a r y D u d l e y because she smells like perfume a n d not linament.' H e hated p e o p l e w h o pretended. H e was very considerate a n d thoughtful of p e o p l e . T h e only time I saw h i m get really m a d was at Actors' E q u i t y . H e c o u l d get so m a d at t h e m . " " B o b h a d the k i n d of personality that y o u felt w h e n he c a m e into a r o o m . Y o u just h a d a g o o d time w h e n y o u were a r o u n d B o b . Y o u never k n e w what he �ft I Bob Porterfield and his beloved mother, Miss Daisy, share a quiet moment which the Porterfield homestead is named. (Photo courtesy of Mrs. Mary Dudley Porterfield) beneath the Twin Oaks for ft (0 in I �Mr. P 43 was going to say. T h e curtain speeches were never p l a n n e d . " A h , the curtain speeches...so m u c h a part of Barter's lore. It is a tradition maintained by Partington. B o b w o u l d use that folksy c h a r m before each s h o w . F r o m 1947 o n , he gave away a pair of n y l o n stockings to the person attending a Barter performance for the first time from the farthest distance away. " A n y o n e here from A s i a , Africa, Isaiah," h e ' d start. T o o often, h e ' d get rolling a n d just keep going, sending the actors into agonizing fits b e h i n d the curtain. H e always e n d e d his curtain speech with the same piece of advice: "If y a ' like us, talk about us. If y a ' don't, jes keep y a ' m o u t h shut!" "That's w h e n he put t h e m in his pocket," Fritz W e a v e r maintained. " T h e guy ate audiences," A n n e St. Clair Williams c o n c u r r e d . " T h e actors used to tease h i m or pull his coat through the curtain w h e n he went o n , " M a r y D u d l e y r e m e m b e r e d with a chuckle. " H i s m i n d was w o r k i n g all the time. W h e n he f o u n d out that L a d y B i r d J o h n s o n was o n a beautification tour, he got o n the p h o n e a n d invited her to a performance. A n d he got her. H e was a perfectionist...always striving." " Y o u couldn't take a b a d picture of B o b . H e was the most photogenic person in the w o r l d . H e was perfectly h a p p y in o l d w o r k clothes or a t u x e d o . H e adored dressing u p , but he l o o k e d g o o d in anything." "There was n o place y o u c o u l d go where he didn't k n o w s o m e b o d y or he wasn't recognized. W e took a year off a n d went to E u r o p e a n d there wasn't anyplace we went where people didn't k n o w about Barter. W h e n we went to any k i n d of function, w e never sat together. W e always sat at separate tables. M y job was public relations. That w a y w e c o u l d reach twice as m a n y people. H e never stopped p r o m o t i n g . H e kept a pencil a n d notebook by his b e d a n d h e ' d w a k e up a n d write d o w n ideas." " H e collected little animals a n d little pocket books, but his real hobby was the theater a n d T w i n O a k s . H e liked fishing, but he wasn't a big sportsman. H e couldn't stand to waste time. H e was a big reader, constantly reading anything c o n c e r n e d with theater a n d plays. Variety was his Bible. B o b seemed to k n o w a little about everything." " H e was a Democrat, but he wasn't politically active. H e k n e w that both Democrats a n d Republicans were c o m i n g to his theater." " H e was a frugal m a n . H e k n e w what the Depression was a n d what breadlines were. I remember our first Christmas here at T w i n O a k s , I h a d prepared a turkey. W e l l , we used that d a m n turkey every w a y I c o u l d think of—meals, leftovers, sandwiches, y o u n a m e it. W h e n there was nothing left but the bones, I gathered t h e m up a n d took t h e m out back to throw in the field. A l l of a sudden I was aware of this l o n g s h a d o w in front of m e . ' W h a t are y o u d o i n g , ' B o b said. W h e n I told h i m I was throwing out the bones, he said, ' B o i l t h e m a n d make s o u p . " " H e was a regular movie-goer. H e l o v e d Gone With the Wind. We never went anywhere that we didn't go to a theater. B o b also l o v e d television. H e �T h e Barter Theatre Story 44 c o u l d watch anything, but he got real excited w h e n h e ' d see something with one of his Barter p e o p l e in it." " H e was a g o o d c o o k , a g o o d dancer, a n d a g o o d bridge player. H e also lov­ ed hats. It didn't matter what k i n d . " " H e h a d a S o u t h e r n d r a w l i n his voice, but it wasn't a strong accent. H e h a d a little crack in his voice—it was so appealing. H e didn't realize he h a d it. It was a very pleasing voice. It's h a r d to describe. It was intriguing." " G r o u n d h o g D a y was his biggest d a y . H e gave a lot of attention to his G r o u n d h o g D a y Letters. H e said, 'I only send G r o u n d h o g D a y Letters to p e o p l e w h o sent m e Christmas cards.' O f course, he didn't s e n d Christmas C a r d s himself." L u c k y recipients cherished a n d saved B o b ' s G r o u n d h o g D a y letters. T h e y w o u l d usually begin: GROUNDHOG D A Y GREETINGS I thought of y o u o n L i n c o l n ' s Birthday G o o d Friday Washington's Birthday Memorial Day Independence D a y Labor Day Columbus Day G e n e r a l Election D a y Armistice D a y Thanksgiving D a y Christmas D a y New Year's Day but most especially I a m thinking of y o u o n this GROUNDHOG DAY " T h e letters were a s u m m a r y of the preceding year a n d usually contained lighthearted greetings, witticisms, doses of p h i l o s o p h y ; a n d were sent to family, friends a n d Barter patrons," Teresa Keller e x p l a i n e d . At Stonehenge in England I really had a strange, goose-pimply feeling that I had been there before in another incarnation and I said so to Mary Dudley. W h e n at the ruins of the House of the Vestal Virgins, Mary Dudley said "I have been here before in another incarnation." M y laugh echoed through the Forum and I'm sure Caesar, A n ­ thony and even Brutus must have smiled. 1966 I hope you realize you can't take it with y o u , even though they are now making cof­ fins with pockets for those who wish to try. 1969 T h e r e was o n e other side to B o b ' s private life that must be n o t e d : that of lov­ ing father. In 1 9 6 8 , B o b a n d M a r y D u d l e y were under the great twin oaks for w h i c h the Porterfield spread was n a m e d . �Mr. P 45 Bob, Mary Dudley, Jay Bird, and their Irish Wolfhound. (Photo courtesy of Mrs. Mary Dudley Porterfield) "I said to her," he recalled the following year, " ' D i d y o u k n o w there has not been a child to play under these oaks since m y father was a b o y in 1 8 7 0 . That was nigh o n to 100 years ago. Let's adopt a little boy to play a n d live under these oaks.' W e d i d . T o think M a r y D u d l e y a n d I have been married only four years a n d n o w we have a five-year o l d s o n . W e n a m e d h i m J a y B i r d P a y n e Porter­ field. H e is keeping m e y o u n g . A n d he is aging his mother!" T h e r e are n o terms to describe h o w strong the b o n d between father a n d son became. O n e G r o u n d h o g D a y Letter from 1 9 6 9 noted: " W e a d o p t e d J a y B i r d . O n c e while struggling with h i m during a bath, I asked h i m if they didn't have a bath tub where he c a m e from. H e said he took a bath in a bucket. It's wonderful to get h i m out of that bucket." �46 T h e Barter Theatre Story " T h e y a d o r e d e a c h other, J a y a n d B o b , " M a r y D u d l e y r e m a r k e d . " T h e y were best friends." A t o n e point, M a r y D u d l e y interrupted her narrative a n d a p o l o g i z e d if she was rambling or getting overly a n i m a t e d . " H e ' s m y favorite subject," she ex­ plained. S h e' s not alone in that sentiment. O n e of the best descriptions of B o b Porterfield c a m e from distant relative, T o m m y C u r t i n , a professional performer himself a n d the o w n e r - m a n a g e r of Bristol's H o l i d a y C i n e m a m o v i e theater. "If y o u met h i m , " C u r t i n stated with a smile, " y o u k n e w he h a d to be the o n e w h o started that theater...he was o n e of a k i n d . " �47 Chapter Six: The Stars of Barter T h e stocky y o u n g m a n a n d his friend were hungry, disheveled a n d ex­ hausted. T h e y h a d hitchhiked from Connecticut to A b i n g d o n , V a . , where they h a d heard, B o b Porterfield was auditioning performers for his Barter Theatre company. It was 1 9 4 6 a n d Ernest B o r g n i n e , just out of the N a v y , didn't k n o w what to d o with his life. A s it turned out, his mother, A n n a Bosselli B o r g n i n e came u p with the answer, " E r n i e , " she told h i m , " d i d y o u ever think of acting? Y o u always enjoyed m a k i n g a d a m n e d fool of yourself." S o , after a short stay at the Connecticut S c h o o l of Dramatic Arts, the youngster took the r o a d to A b i n g t o n . Porterfield c a m e d o w n the hill from the Barter Inn to interview the two hapless l o o k i n g prospects a n d assumed they w a n t e d to build sets. "I'm an actor," B o r g n i n e protested. Porterfield smiled a n d threw his h a n d to his neck—"I'm up to here in actors." S o o n , however, the aspiring thespian graduated from set-building a n d costume construction to bit parts. N i n e years later, Ernie p i c k e d up the Best A c ­ tor Oscar for his m o v i n g portrayal of P a d d y Chayefsky's lonely butcher, Marty. Porterfield's response was typical: "We're extremely p r o u d a n d h a p p y that Ernest w o n the A c a d e m y A w a r d . B u t we're not surprised." Later, B o r g n i n e w o u l d say, "I learned (to switch characters) thoroughly at Barter Theatre. I can never be grateful e n o u g h to B o b Porterfield a n d Barter for starting m e o n the w a y a n d for grounding m e in all the facets of acting. It's because I was trained there in every possible sort of role that I'm able n o w to pick scripts a n d get a variety of characters....There's at least one (Barter player) in almost every picture I m a k e a n d we keep running into o l d friends all over t o w n . " Still later, he w o u l d a d d , "That's where I really learned m y profession...by d o i n g , by watching p e o p l e . " H i s story is hardly unique. T h e h o n o r roll of Barter Theatre a l u m n i is an i m ­ pressive list of N e w Y o r k a n d H o l l y w o o d ' s leading film, television a n d theater performers. " Y o u can go right d o w n B r o a d w a y o n any given night a n d find a Barter alumnus in s o m e s h o w , " Fritz W e a v e r c o m m e n t e d . C o n s i d e r that since its i n ­ ception in 1 9 3 3 , Barter has p r o d u c e d the likes of H u m e C r o n y n , Frank L o v e joy, Gregory P e c k , Patricia N e a l , Margaret Phillips, L a r r y Gates, B o r g n i n e , Herbert N e l s o n , Elizabeth W i l s o n , C l a u d e A k i n s , W e a v e r , D a v i d (Al) H e d i s o n , �ft 3 Ernest Borgnine, far left, in post-war Barter production o / M u c h A d o About Nothing. Just learning his trade, Borgnine would walk off with Best Actor Oscar for Marty some ten years later. Other cast members are John Vivyan, Karl Lucas, Larry Gates, Frederic Warriner and Hank Colman (crouching). (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) 3 I �49 T h e Stars of Barter Ernest Borgnine accepts his Best Actor Oscar from Grace Kelly. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) G r a n t Williams, R o s e m a r y M u r p h y , D i a n e Cilento, N e d Beatty, Robert Pastene, G e r o m e R a g n i , G a r y Collins, M i t c h R y a n , Larry Linville, D a v i d B i r n e y , R i c h a r d Sanders a n d D a v i d S e l b y . C o n s i d e r , too, just s o m e of their accomplishments. A complete list w o u l d fill a n entire other b o o k , but e v e n a brief r u n d o w n is i n d e e d staggering: * H U M E C R O N Y N , at Barter for the second season in 1 9 3 4 as a director a n d actor, returning in 1 9 3 8 to direct, he has b e c o m e one of B r o a d w a y ' s most respected performers, often starring with his wife, Jessica T a n d y . A versatile ac­ tor, C r o n y n p l a y e d P o l o n i u s to R i c h a r d Burton's Hamlet, a n d in Richard III, �50 T h e Barter Theatre Story Moliere's The Miser, G h e k h o v ' s The Three Sisters a n d The Cherry Orchard, comedies like Room Service a n d The Male Animal, a n d , m e m o r a b l y , with T a n ­ dy in The Fourposter, Noel Coward in Two Keys a n d The Gin Game. W e l l k n o w n for their d e v o t i o n to the theater, the C r o n y n s will experiment with n e w shows, appear with repertory c o m p a n i e s or tour with the same d e v o t i o n they bring to B r o a d w a y . His forays into film include Shadow of Doubt (1943), Lifeboat (1944), The Postman Always Rings Twice (1946), Brute Force (1947), Sunrise at Campobello (1960), Gaily, Gaily (1969), There Was a Crooked Man (1970), The Parallax View (1974) a n d Rollover (1981). • F R A N K L O V E J O Y , w h o started at Barter in 1 9 3 5 , went o n to a successful film, stage a n d television career before his tragically premature death at the age of 4 8 of a heart attack in 1 9 6 2 . U n d e r contract for W a r n e r B r o s . , he appeared in Home of the Brave (1949), Breakthrough (1950), In A Lonely Place (1950), Goodbye My Fancy (1951), House of Wax (1953), Strategic Air Command (1955) a n d Three Brave Men (1957) with fellow Barterite B o r g n i n e . L o v e j o y also m a d e n u m e r o u s appearances in "live" television anthology programs, such as Four Star Playhouse, Stage 7, Ford Star Jubilee, Rheingold Theatre, Zane Grey Theatre, Playhouse 90, a n d a memorable starring role in the Lux Video Theatre p r o d u c t i o n of Double Indemnity. In 1 9 5 6 , he replaced R a l p h B e l l a m y in Man Against Crime, the T V series about hard-boiled detective M i k e Barnett. T h e following year, he l a n d e d another series, Meet McGraw (1957-59), again starring as a t o u g h guy adventurer. O n B r o a d w a y , L o v e j o y a p p e a r e d in G o r e V i d a l ' s The Best Man. • J E F F R E Y L Y N N ( G E O F F R E Y L I N D ) was one of 15 youngsters c h o s e n for Barter's first apprentice p r o g r a m in 1 9 3 5 . H e arrived at Barter as Geoffrey L i n d a n d as u n s c h o o l e d as o n e c o u l d wish for. D u r i n g his stay, he stage m a n a g e d , acted a n d directed a one-act. W i t h i n a couple of years, Jeffrey L y n n was a rising star in H o l l y w o o d , appearing with the likes of H u m p h r e y Bogart a n d J a m e s C a g n e y in The Roaring Twenties (1939), It all Came True (1940), The Fighting 69th (1940), All This and Heaven Too (1940), Lost Lagoon (1958) a n d Tony Rome (1967). L y n n also starred in the short-lived 1 9 5 3 T V sit-com, My Son Jeep—remembered today by only the most ardent trivia experts—and hosted the dramatic anthology series, Star Stage, for o n e year. • G R E G O R Y P E C K was selected for the c o m p a n y by Barter A w a r d winner D o r o t h y S t i c k n e y in 1 9 4 0 . T r i u m p h s in H o l l y w o o d followed quickly with The Keys of the Kingdom (1945), The Yearling (1946), Duel in the Sun (1947), Gentleman's Agreement (1947), Twelve O'Clock High (1949), The Gunfighter (1950), Captain Horatio Hornblower (1951), Pork Chop Hill (1959), O n the Beach (1959) a n d The Guns ofNavarone (1961). H e reached the height of his powers with his quiet t r i u m p h as Atticus F i n c h in To Kill A Mockingbird (1962). His Best A c t o r O s c a r was the s e c o n d A c a d e m y A w a r d for a Barter a l u m n u s . • M A R G A R E T W Y C H E R L Y was actually already an established star w h e n she a p p e a r e d with Barter in the early '40s. A n older character actress, her ver­ satility a d d e d a considerable d i m e n s i o n to the basically younger Barter c o m - �T h e Stars of Barter 51 p a n y . H e r m a n y screen appearances ranged from a refined English lady in the Thirteenth Chair (1929) to G a r y C o o p e r ' s mother in Sergeant York (1941), w h i c h also featured B o b Porterfield. S h e r e m a i n e d active in films until her death in 1 9 5 6 , appearing in Random Harvest (1942), Keeper of the Flame (1942), The Yearling (1946), as J i m m y C a g n e y ' s notorius mother ("Top of the w o r l d , Ma!") in White Heat (1949) a n d in Olivier's Richard III (1956). O n B r o a d w a y , W y c h e r l y gave notable performances in E l m e r Rice's The Adding Machine (1923), Pirandello's Six Characters in Search of an Author, a n d Tobacco Road. H e r television credits include Philco Playhouse, Kraft Theatre, Studio One a n d G . E . Theatre. H e r o n l y venture into series television was, of course, a character part—Mrs. B r o w n , the possessive mother in the ill-fated 1 9 5 2 dramatic pro­ g r a m , Claudia, the Story of a Marriage. • M A R G A R E T P H I L L I P S started at Barter in 1 9 3 9 before m a k i n g her B r o a d ­ way debut in Proof Through the Night (1942). S h e also appeared o n the Great W h i t e W a y in The Late George Apley (1944), Summer and Smoke (1949) a n d The Cocktail Party (1952). Perhaps her best r e m e m b e r e d role was i n the power­ ful 1 9 4 6 p r o d u c t i o n of Another Part of the Forest, w h i c h was personally staged by Lillian H e l l m a n . A l m o s t two powerful for the gleeful post-war m o o d , H e l l m a n ' s u n c o m p r o m i s i n g d r a m a ran for o n l y 182 performances. Still, Phillips' characterization of Birdie was a p p l a u d e d by the critics. A n interesting footnote to the p r o d u c t i o n is that Phillips co-starred with Patricia N e a l , w h o was also at Barter in 1 9 4 2 , a n d M i l d r e d D u n n o c k , with w h o m B o b appeared o n B r o a d w a y in the '30s. S h e also appeared in the films, A Life of Her Own (1950) a n d The Nun's Story (1959). • P A T R I C I A N E A L , as B o b later told it, c a m e to Barter as a n apprentice in 1 9 3 8 telling h i m she was 18. H e f o u n d out later she was only 16. T h e K n o x v i l l e native was a m e m b e r of the c o m p a n y until the war closed Barter's doors a n d , afterwards, she became a star in H o l l y w o o d a n d o n B r o a d w a y . Before her much-publicized a n d tragic stroke, she appeared in The Fountainhead (1949), The Day the Earth Stood Still (1951) a n d Hud (1963)—an O s c a r - w i n n i n g per­ formance. After her heroic battle to regain speech a n d m o v e m e n t , she stunned the film w o r l d by returning with a superlative characterization in The Subject Was Roses (1968). N e a l also went o n to star in Earl H a m n e r ' s popular Christmas special, The Homecoming, w h i c h became the pilot for The Waltons television series. H e r o w n inspiring story has been the subject of a b o o k by Barry Farrell, Pat and Roald (Dahl, her writer husband) a n d a T V m o v i e based o n the b o o k starring G l e n d a J a c k s o n . H e r daughter, Teresa, was a Barter apprentice in 1973. • L A R R Y G A T E S was one of several y o u n g actors w h o formed the nucleus of the post-war Barter c o m p a n y . A t one point, Gates, Ernest B o r g n i n e , H e r b N e l s o n , W o o d y Romoff, Elizabeth W i l s o n a n d D i a n e C i l e n t o were all o n the payroll together. Originally selected for the Barter by first A w a r d winner Laurette T a y l o r in 1 9 3 9 , Gates frequently returned to A b i n g d o n , although in d e m a n d o n B r o a d w a y a n d television. �52 T h e Barter Theatre Story c I c < = > > 2 k. CO a CD i | H > - w §* 2 to c .5 x •£ c2 ° « I 3 1 42 8 c a * J 5 I a CQ o s CO E 3 "a a *C S �T h e Stars of Barter 53 * E R N E S T B O R G N I N E briefly interrupted his four-and-a-half year stay at Barter to appear o n B r o a d w a y in Harvey. He c o u l d have stayed, but he felt he o w e d B o b Porterfield a debt of gratitude. B o r g n i n e also traveled to E u r o p e with the Barter p r o d u c t i o n of Hamlet that p l a y e d at D e n m a r k ' s Elsinore Castle (see C h a p t e r S e v e n ) . H i s first big film break c a m e w h e n he p l a y e d Fatso J u d s o n in From Here To Eternity (1953). Other notable film credits include Vera Cruze (1954) , Bad Day at Black Rock (1954), Marty (1955), The Best Things in Life Are Free (1956), The Vikings (1958), Barabbas (1962), The Dirty Dozen (1967), Ice Station Zebra (1968), The Wild Bunch (1969), Willard (1971), The Poseidon Adventure (1972) a n d The Emperor of the North Pole (1973). F o r four seasons he was at the h e l m of the P . T . 7 3 as C o m m a n d e r Q u i n t o n M c H a l e in the enormously successful A B C c o m e d y , McHale's Navy. W h e n B o r g n i n e was the subject of a ' 5 6 episode of This Is Your Life, Porterfield was one of the very special guests. T h e p r o g r a m a n n o u n c e d T h e Ernest B o r g n i n e T r o p h y — o r " E r n i e " A w a r d — w h i c h w o u l d be presented to the Barter actor judged to have given the best performance of the season. T h e a w a r d never really caught o n , a n d presentations stopped after a few years. B o r g n i n e d i d , however, like so m a n y Barter graduates, stay i n touch with Barter's founder until B o b ' s death. • E L I Z A B E T H W I L S O N started with Barter i n ' 4 2 , returning to the c o m p a n y in the late '40s a n d early '50s. S h e has achieved her greatest successes o n the B r o a d w a y stage where she has appeared in Sticks and Bones a n d Mornings at Seven, w h i c h brought her a D r a m a Desk A w a r d a n d the Outer Circle Critics' A w a r d . In addition to her stage w o r k W i l s o n has appeared in films—Picnic (1955) , The Goddess (1958), Alfred Hitchcock's The Birds (1963), The Graduate (1967), The Day of the Dolphin (1973), The Prisoner of Second Avenue (1975), 9 to 5 (1980) a n d The Incredible Shrinking Woman (1980)—and o n television, co-starring with G e o r g e C . Scott in the highly realistic ' 6 3 series, East Side/West Side, a n d as B e r n a r d H u g h e s ' wife in D o c . S h e c a m e back to Barter in 1 9 5 9 to star in Auntie Mame a n d Bell, Book and Candle, a n d in ' 6 4 for Oh Dad, Poor Dad, Mama's Hung You in the Closet and I'm Feelin' So Sad. • W O O D Y R O M O F F , in the Barter c o m p a n y from 1 9 4 6 to ' 5 2 , m a d e his N e w Y o r k debut as G a d s h i l l in Henry IV, Part I. He s o o n established himself in N e w Y o r k with such shows as She Loves Me a n d Cafe Crown, also appearing in television dramas o n Studio One, Omnibus a n d Kraft Television Theatre. R o m o f f m a d e a special return visit to Barter during the '70s to star in Dracula. • C L A U D E A K I N S appeared with the Barter touring c o m p a n y in 1 9 5 0 , garnering early experience in such plays as The Heiress a n d Comedy of Errors. A l s o featured in that production of The Heiress were Elizabeth W i l s o n a n d cur­ rent Barter p r o d u c i n g director R e x Partington. T h r e e years later A k i n s appeared with another Barterite, Ernie B o r g n i n e , in From Here to Eternity. H i s other film credits include The Caine Mutiny (1954), R e v . B r o w n in Inherit the Wind (1959) a n d Comanche Station (1960). A k i n s was active throughout the '50s a n d '60s o n television, appearing in memorable episodes of The Loretta Young �2 ft I Dorothy Stickney poses between the two promising newcomers she selected to join the Barter company 1940, Gregoy Peck and Evelyn Wells Fargo. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) in ! I �T h e Stars of Barter 55 Show, Bonanza a n d The Twilight Zone. H i s greatest notoriety has been from such television series as Movin' On, Nashville 99 a n d Sheriff Lobo. L o n g a movie a n d T V " h e a v y , " he is n o w o n e of the most recognized a n d l o v e d per­ formers o n the tube. * F R I T Z W E A V E R has enjoyed a l o n g , rewarding career in theater, films a n d television. H e was c h o s e n for the Barter c o m p a n y in 1 9 5 2 after placing second to A l (David) H e d i s o n in Barter A w a r d auditions c o n d u c t e d by Frederic M a r c h a n d Porterfield. It was so close that they called H e d i s o n a n d W e a v e r back for a run-off audition. W e a v e r left the theater despondent, but Porterfield ran after h i m a n d asked h i m to join the c o m p a n y . Since H e d i s o n was a leading m a n a n d W e a v e r a character actor, it w o r k e d out fine. A Barter press release described the actor this w a y : " W e a v e r boasts as basic equipment; a natural ease o n stage, artistocratic g o o d l o o k s , a n d a resonant baritone w h i c h he attributes to a family line that boasts a number of successful opera singers." H e w o n a T o n y A w a r d for Child's Play in the late '60s a n d p l a y e d S h e r l o c k H o l m e s o n B r o a d w a y in Baker Street. H i s film credits include Fail-Safe (1964), A Walk in the Spring Rain (1970) a n d Creepshow (1982), while his television w o r k numbers appearances o n Studio One, U.S. Steel Hour, The Twilight Zone, The Fugitive a n d N.Y.P.D. * A L ( D A V I D ) H E D I S O N was chosen for Barter because of his potential as a leading m a n . After a brief m o v i e career—which included the m i n o r science fic­ tion classic The Fly (1958)—he starred for four seasons as C a p t a i n L e e C r a n e in the p o p u l a r sci-fi adventure series, Voyage to the Bottom of the Sea. Still a familiar face o n network television, H e d i s o n also was the star of Five Fingers, a spy d r a m a that lasted only o n e season. Trivia buffs c a n tell y o u H e d i s o n p l a y e d V i c t o r Sebastian, an A m e r i c a n counterspy whose c o d e n a m e was "five fingers." • R O S E M A R Y M U R P H Y , the other y o u n g performer chosen by M a r c h for the Barter c o m p a n y , m a d e her B r o a d w a y debut in Look Homeward Angel. H e r other stage credits include the 1 9 6 0 production of Period of Adjustment, for w h i c h she w o n a n O u t e r Circle Critics' A w a r d , a n d Any Wednesday. S h e also appeared as high school principal Margaret B l u m e n t h a l in the 1 9 7 4 Lucas Tanner T V series, a n d in the films Berlin Express (1948), The Young Doctors (1961), To Kill A Mockingbird, Any Wednesday (1966), Ben (1972), Walking Tall (1973) a n d Forty Carats (1973). A n insightful observer of the A m e r i c a n theater, M u r p h y contributed several experiences a n d views to Stuart W . Little a n d A r ­ thur Cantor's excellent study of B r o a d w a y , The Play makers. • G R A N T W I L L I A M S w o n a spot at Barter in 1 9 5 3 . T h e actor gained his greatest notoriety in the highly regarded science fiction film, The Incredible Shrinking Man (1957). (Barter coincidences are legion in s h o w business a n d two Barterites, N e d Beatty a n d Elizabeth W i l s o n , e n d e d up in Lily T o m l i n ' s p a r o d y , The Incredible Shrinking Woman s o m e 2 0 years later.) H i s other film credits i n ­ clude Written on the Wind (1956), Showdown at Abilene (1956), Monolith Monsters (1957) a n d The Leech Woman (1960). H e was also a regular o n the Hawaiian Eye television series. �ON CO Gary Collins, Flora Elkins and Ned Beatty star in Barter 1963 production (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) of Period of Adjustment. I ft •I H I I ft CO �T h e Stars of Barter 57 ' H E R B E R T N E L S O N returned to Barter over a span of s o m e 2 0 years. H e went o n to B r o a d w a y , but f o u n d steady w o r k in television. H e was a regular o n The Brighter D a y a n d The Guiding Light soap operas, a n d his m a n y television credits include appearances o n Studio One a n d The Ed Sullivan Show. * D I A N E C I L E N T O started as a n apprentice at Barter for the 1 9 4 9 - 5 0 season. T h e Australian-born actress m a d e her B r o a d w a y debut playing H e l e n of T r o y in Tiger at the Gates. H e r film w o r k includesThe Breaking Point (1950), Wings of Danger (1952), The Admirable Crichton (1957), The Naked Edge (1961), Rattle of a Simple Man (1964), The Agony and the Ecstasy (1965), Hombre (1967), The Wicker Man (1973), Hitler: The Last Ten Days (1974), a n d her delightful contribution to Tom Jones (1963), for w h i c h she received a n Oscar n o m i n a t i o n for Best S u p p o r t i n g Actress. * N E D B E A T T Y started with Barter as a n apprentice in 1 9 5 8 , staying through ' 6 4 a n d appearing as B i g D a d d y in Cat On a Hot Tin Roof, the title role in Uncle Vanya a n d the boy's father in The Fantasticks. After a brief return in '67 a n d a stint at Washington's A r e n a Stage, Beatty l a u n c h e d a highly successful film career highlighted by his w o r k in Deliverance (1972), Nashville (1975), an Oscar n o m i n a t i o n for Network (1976), Superman (1978), 1941 (1979) a n d Hopscotch (1981). H e has also appeared in a series of well-recieved T V movies that include Our Town, Guyana Tragedy, Friendly Fire a n d All the Way Home. • R O B E R T P A S T E N E , first at Barter in 1 9 4 6 , became yet another Barter graduate to cut out a successful career in several m e d i u m s . H i s m a n y B r o a d w a y shows number The First Cracus, St. Joan, M a u r i c e E v a n s ' Hamlet, The Children's Hour a n d Taming of the Shrew. He h a d a long r u n o n the soap o p e r a , The Edge of Night, a n d for o n e season he was Buck Rogers (1950-51) o n the A B C series. H i s film credits include Butterfield 8 (1960). • G E R O M E R A G N I was chosen for a 1 9 6 2 trip to A b i n g d o n by Barter A w a r d winner A b e B u r r o w s . D u r i n g his stay, he appeared with Beatty in the Barter pro­ duction of The Fantasticks. He w o u l d go o n to write the trend-setting B r o a d w a y play of the '60s, Hair. • M I T C H ( M I T C H E L L ) R Y A N was another a w a r d winner, p i c k e d for the c o m p a n y by n o less than Ethel M e r m a n in 1 9 5 7 . H e stayed until 1 9 6 0 , return­ ing for the 1 9 6 3 - 6 4 season. H i s Barter roles include Brick in Cat on a Hot Tin Roof, the lead in Bus Stop, a n d J o h n the W i t c h B o y in Dark of the Moon. T h e ruggedly h a n d s o m e actor, w h o appeared o n B r o a d w a y in Wait Until Dark, Brecht's Baal, Othello (as Iago opposite J a m e s Earl Jones), Moon for the Misbegotten, the revival of A r t h u r Miller's The Price, a n d Medea, also tried out three short-lived A B C series: Chase (1973-74), Executive Suite (1976-77), a n d Having Babies (1978). H e fared better as S l i m in Robert Blake's much-praised T V - m o v i e version of J o h n Steinbeck's Of Mice and Men. He p l a y e d Ernest H e m m i n g w a y in the P B S special, The Hemingway Story, a n d his feature films include Monte Walsh (1970), The Hunting Party (1971), Electro Glide in Blue (1973), The Friends of Eddie Coyle (1973) a n d Magnum Force (1973). R y a n m a d e o n e very big hit during his stay in A b i n g d o n , but not o n the Barter stage. �8 8 3 TO CD M r . P shows aspiring actress Diane Cilento the plaque in front of the Barter (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) Theatre. ! ! I �T h e Stars of Barter 59 During a 1982 visit, Mitchell Ryan shows wife Lynn around the theater where he often starred 20 years earlier. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) H e was charged by local police with whistling at a girl from the passenger seat of a car. T h e incident s o o n blew over (no p u n intended), but R y a n remembers it clearly: " T h e actual charge was interfering with a female. T h e judge thought the w h o l e thing was very silly. A n d the next day the headlines read, 'Mitch R y a n found innocent of interfering with a female'." * J E R R Y O D D O also cut out a successful television career, appearing o n such shows as Wagon Train, Perry Mason a n d The Untouchables. A n ac­ c o m p l i s h e d playwright, several of his works were premiered at the Barter. �The Barter Theatre Story 60 The 1940 Barter production of Lee of Virginia. The heavily made-up actor at far right? Gregory Peck. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) * G A R Y C O L L I N S was at Barter in ' 6 3 a n d s o o n after l a n d e d the first of four short-lived series: The Wackiest Ship in the Army in 1 9 6 5 . T h i s was followed by The Iron Horse in ' 6 6 , The Sixth Sense in 7 2 , a n d Born Free in ' 7 4 . Collins was also featured in A B C ' s adaptation of A l e x H a l e y ' s Roots, a n d was a n n o u n c e d as the n e w master of ceremonies for the Miss A m e r i c a pageant in 1 9 8 2 . * L A R R Y L I N V I L L E , Barter class of ' 6 4 , became nationally k n o w n as weakwilled Major F r a n k B u r n s o n M*A * S * H for several seasons. • D A V I D B I R N E Y arrived at Barter in ' 6 5 . H e later starred with his wife, Meredith B a x t e r - B i r n e y , in Bridget Loves Bernie ( C B S , 1972), a n d N B C ' s Serpico. O t h e r credits include the film, Trial By Combat (1976) a n d J o h n Carpenter's excellent T V m o v i e , Someone is Watching Me! (1978). • D A V I D S E L B Y was both a director a n d actor at Barter in 1 9 6 6 . H e started out as a n apprentice a n d went o n to appear in Twelth Night ("I carried a spear"), The Crucible, You Never Can Tell, Marat/Sade, a n d as T o n y Kirby in You Can't Take It With You. He also directed one-acts, children's plays a n d perform­ e d S a m u e l Beckett's o n e - m a n , one-act, Krapp's Last Tape. A l m o s t immediately after leaving Barter, the actor l a n d e d a role in A B C ' s immensely successful supernatural soap o p e r a , Dark Shadows. Cast as the silent ghost of Q u e n t i n Collins, S e l b y s o o n f o u n d himself featured in teen a n d horror magazines alike. H e has been seen o n B r o a d w a y in Sticks and Bones with Elizabeth W i l s o n a n d Hedda Gabler with J a n e A l e x a n d e r , while his m o v i e credits include Night of Dark Shadows (1971), Up the Sandbox (1972) with Barbara Streisand, The �T h e Stars of Barter 61 When Ralph Edwards devoted a segment of This Is Y o u r Life to Ernest Borgnine, one of the featured guests was Robert Porterfield. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) �62 •£ (0 £ Q ) T h e Barter Theatre Story 2 -Q 0 DC o 5 Co c 8 "a O O C ^ 3 < u ? O 0 '5 co & 2 > CD o t: o CQ to .£ .CO 4 2 �T h e Stars of Barter 63 Supercops (1974) with R o n L i e b m a n , Raise the Titanic (1980) a n d Rich and Famous (1981) with Jacqueline Bisset a n d C a n d i c e B e r g e n . Selby is again a familiar face o n television due to his portrayal of the daring a n d smooth-talking M i c h a e l T y r o n e o n N B C ' s Flamingo Road. • R I C H A R D S A N D E R S p l a y e d a variety of roles in 1 9 7 2 for Barter's n e w p r o d u c i n g director, R e x Partington. Since 1 9 7 8 he has been featured as w i m p y n e w s m a n L e s N e s s m a n o n the C B S - T V series, WKRP in Cincinnati. A n d that's just 2 8 of Barter's more conspicuous graduates. If Barter were a high-visibility theater located in a major metropolitan area, such a n h o n o r roll, while still impressive, w o u l d be somewhat more understandable. Instead, the Barter is a c o m p a n y where most actors are getting their first or near first taste of theater. H o w then d i d this quaint little theater born in the Depression again a n d again produce performers of such stature? O n e reason is quickly supplied by Fritz W e a v e r : "There is n o training like that theater—the trouping, the extension of y o u r o w n resources. G r e g o r y P e c k once told m e that everything he learned about ac­ ting he got at the Barter." C l a u d e A k i n s agreed with that assessment. "It was m y first real theater job a n d I was actually getting p a i d for it," he recalled. "I remember traveling from t o w n to t o w n , setting up scenery a n d lights o n those gruelling tours. There's n o experience like that." A n d N e d Beatty nearly e c h o e d the sentiments of his fellow actors during a 1981 visit: "I can't say e n o u g h about this place. I almost became a minister a n d that stage turned out to be m y seminary. Literally, there is nothing better for a y o u n g actor to d o than be in a c o m p a n y like this. N o t h i n g e v e n close." "It was through Barter that I became a n actress," Elizabeth W i l s o n said in a 1 9 6 3 interview, " a n d probably (I) w o u l d not have tried to make a career if I h a d not been in A b i n g d o n . " Barter not o n l y offered a y o u n g actor the r o m a n c e of an extremely colorful theater but also a n opportunity to prove himself under the most testing c o n d i ­ tions. U n d e r such a challenging set-up, the g o o d a n d the very g o o d tend to rise to the top. N o one was tested harsher than G r e g o r y P e c k . O n his arrival in A b ­ i n g d o n , he was given 102 pages to memorize in o n e day for a role in Button, Button. H e also drove the truck a n d set up scenery while trying to master the dialogue. T h e y o u n g actor h a d to ad-lib some of the dialogue, but he got through it. W i n n i n g the Oscar was probably a cinch next to that little miracle. B u t , clearly, another primary reason for Barter's proficiency in the star department was Robert Porterfield's distinct ability to recognize talent. N o one w o u l d dare claim that M r . P . was the greatest actor or director to hit the A m e r i c a n stage. A n d , it is generally c o n c e d e d that his greatest gift was p r o m o ­ tion. True e n o u g h , through his undeniable c h a r m a n d genius for publicity, Porterfield p r o m o t e d his theater to a n international reputation. Still, too often o v e r l o o k e d was his k n a c k for spotting a n d nurturing raw acting ability. " B o b c o u l d spot talent," W e a v e r pointed out. " H e c o u l d see it under layers �T h e Barter Theatre Story 64 During the Abingdon run of Family Portrait, legendary actress Judith Anderson sits at the dressing table salvaged from New York's Empire Theatre. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) �T h e Stars of Barter 65 Judith Anderson poses with the cast of Family Portrait. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) �8! ! * I Broadway producer Brock Pemberton accepts his pay in "barter" from Bob Porterfield the theater's production of Harvey. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) when starring in ft I (0 I �T h e Stars of Barter 67 a n d layers of camouflage a n d go after it. L i k e with G r e g o r y P e c k , B o b forced h i m to tell h i m stories to draw h i m out. W i t h m e , he o n c e told m e casually, ' Y o u ' r e a very passionate m a n . I'd like to see m o r e of that o n stage.' W e l l , I h a d been talking about something i n a very animated w a y , but I h a d never thought of myself that w a y . It was like a d o o r o p e n i n g . H e k n e w it was there." " H e was always like a father-figure to m e , " Beatty c o m m e n t e d . " H e h a d a w a y of encouraging y o u a n d k e e p i n g y o u going. H e truly liked actors." A n d , these "stars" all have their favorite Barter memories a n d w a r m tributes to B o b Porterfield. W h e n Barter's founder d i e d in 1 9 7 1 , G r e g o r y P e c k admitted that "if it were not for Robert Porterfield, I doubt very seriously if I w o u l d have e v e n h a d a n ac­ ting career." S o m e years later, he r e m e m b e r e d w h e n theatergoers actually brought vegetables, hams, livestock a n d crafts to "barter" for admission—"I a m here as one w h o ate the b o x office.. .he (Porterfield) was a w a r m , wonderful m a n . W h e n I c o m p l a i n e d once about having to memorize 1 1 0 pages of dialogue in three days, B o b told m e perhaps the best advice I've ever h a d : If y o u have to d o it, grit y o u r teeth, h o l d o n a n d go with it." " B o b k n e w what he was doing...it was a real baptism by fire...it was a close friendship. B o b told m e to always serve it up with a little gravy w h e n y o u want to entertain p e o p l e . I remember this tonight with s o m e feeling of discomfort because e v e n today I a m not the storyteller that B o b Porterfield w a s . " " H e was the courtliest of m e n , " W e a v e r reminisced. " H e h a d that smile that was just out of this w o r l d . H e just laughed y o u out of any temper. H e was a natural k i n d of c o n m a n , but in the best w a y . H e always told y o u he was d o i n g it. If he said, ' G o in the street a n d let yourself get r u n o v e r , ' we w o u l d have d o n e it." D a v i d Selby is a n excellent e x a m p l e of h o w Barter gave y o u n g actor's the o p ­ portunity to grow rapidly: " G r o w i n g u p in West V i r g i n i a , I only thought of theater. I h a d d o n e s o m e theater as a k i d , but just getting out of West Virginia was a little difficult. Barter was m y first real job in theater a n d I want to tell y o u , I w o r k e d like the devil. Peter C u l m a n was actually r u n n i n g things that year a n d I started out as a n apprentice. I started building sets a n d carrying spears. T h e n I went from a n E q u i t y j o u r n e y m a n to a full m e m b e r c o m p a n y to s o m e lead roles a n d s o m e directing. I ran the gamut a n d h a d a marvelous t i m e . " "I lived at the Barter Inn a n d by the time I left I was m a k i n g Equity scale, w h i c h was about $ 7 0 or $ 8 0 a week. O f course, Barter also p r o v i d e d r o o m a n d b o a r d . W e were so busy, but I wouldn't change a thing, y o u can't replace those times." Selby also has s o m e special memories of B o b Porterfield a n d A b i n g d o n . "I remember each year they used to give away a n acre of l a n d to the Barter A w a r d winner. W e used to tease B o b a n d say, ' W h a t are y o u going to d o if all those people c o m e a n d claim their acres of l a n d . ' " " O n e special m e m o r y I have of Barter is the night t w o kittens were left in a �68 Delightful T h e Barter Theatre Story old character actor Eric Blore mugs for a shot in the Barter (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) offices. �T h e Stars of Barter 69 box outside the stage d o o r . M y wife a n d another actor each took one a n d w h e n I got h o m e from the play, there was this little calico kitten waiting for m e . W e l l , I didn't want to k e e p it, but the m o r e I started playing with it, the m o r e I grew to like it. T h a t cat has gone everywhere with us. I still have it." " A l l m y feelings about Barter are very special." A n d , n o matter h o w m a n y credits they amass, each Barter "star" remembers A b i n g d o n with a nostalgic smile. "I can't tell y o u what memories this brings back," M i t c h R y a n said while stan­ ding stage-center during a visit s o m e 2 0 years after his Barter stint. " B o b used to stand all the w a y in the back during rehearsals a n d yell, 'I can't hear y o u , honey!' It's o n e of the greatest theaters i n the w o r l d for training. R o s e m a r y M u r p h y told m e the same thing. If y o u ' v e got a n y talent at all, y o u get great parts here a n d the chance to c h e w t h e m u p . " "I got here i n 1 9 5 7 a n d was p a i d the h a n d s o m e salary of $ 5 0 a week. M y first s h o w at Barter was Bus Stop. M y favorite s h o w was Cat On a Hot Tin Roof. I p l a y e d Brick a n d N e d Beatty was B i g D a d d y . I liked that s h o w because B o b was scared of it. H e thought it was too r o u g h for this area. I saw B o b in N e w Y o r k a n d California from time to time. W e ' d have l u n c h at the A l g o n q u i n — t h a t ' s where he stayed w h e n h e ' d c o m e to N e w Y o r k for a visit. I couldn't get to the m e m o r i a l service they h a d at Sardi's. Elizabeth W i l s o n called m e in 1971 to tell m e they were having it. Y o u k n o w , after I went to H o l l y w o o d , I became Mitchell R y a n . B o b never liked that. H e always preferred M i t c h R y a n . " A c t i n g hasn't been the only realm of theater to w h i c h Barter has m a d e c o n ­ tributions. T h r e e playwrights—William G i b s o n (Two for the Seesaw a n d The Miracle Worker), Edith S o m m e r s (A Roomful of Roses), a n d S a m T a y l o r {Sabrina Fair a n d The Pleasure of His Company)—spent the s u m m e r of 1 9 3 9 in A b i n g d o n . B o b h a d a great respect for writers a n d often thought of starting a n actual artists' c o l o n y in A b i n g d o n , setting aside some l a n d for small lodgings where playwrights, poets, artists a n d directors c o u l d s p e n d a s u m m e r in blissful creation. A n d , occasionally, a n established performer or playwright w o u l d use A b ­ i n g d o n as a showcase for their abilities. M a r y C h a s e {Harvey), another close friend of B o b ' s , chose Barter to premiere her M r . Thing in 1 9 5 1 (later r e w o r k e d as Mrs. McThing for a B r o a d w a y production with H e l e n H a y e s a n d Barter graduate A n n Buckles). Tennessee Williams came to A b i n g d o n in 1 9 6 3 to oversee the premiere of his revised The Milktrain Doesn't Stop Here Anymore. Colorful B r o a d w a y producer B r o c k P e m b e r t o n got a taste of the other side of his business w h e n he starred at Barter as E l w o o d P . D o w d in Harvey. T h e legen­ dary J u d i t h A n d e r s o n agreed to star in Family Portrait in the mid-'50s a n d , over 2 5 years later, D a m e J u d i t h f o u n d herself touring in Medea with Z o e C a l d w e l l a n d t w o former Barterites—Rosemary M u r p h y a n d Mitchell R y a n . D e n n i s K i n g h e a d e d the 1 9 5 9 cast of Separate Tables, while delightful o l d character actor Eric Blore f o u n d his w a y to Barter, as d i d G u y Kibbee. B u t , for the most part, the accent at Barter has been o n the promising n e w �70 T h e Barter Theatre Story performer. "I think the p e o p l e of A b i n g d o n thought of us as B o b ' s big expensive h o b b y , " W e a v e r said. " M o s t l y I r e m e m b e r h u s h e d streets a n d audiences that took us to their hearts. I also remember I fell i n love regularly at Barter." A k i n s got his first big break indirectly through Porterfield. Just a couple years after his Barter stint, the y o u n g actor was interviewing with a N e w Y o r k casting director. T o his surprise, the agent asked about B o b Porterfield w h e n he saw the Barter credit, a n d A k i n s e n d e d up in From Here to Eternity. Beatty r e m e m b e r e d that it was o n the o p e n i n g night of B e r n a r d S h a w ' s Misalliance w h e n his first wife gave birth to fraternal twins. D u r i n g the r u n of another p l a y , Beatty's wife was taken to the hospital maternity r o o m in between a matinee a n d e v e n i n g performance. " A typical actor, I was o n l y thinking of myself," he related with a grin. " A s she was being w h e e l e d off to the maternity r o o m , I yelled, ' W i s h m e luck, honey!' T h e s e are true stories. T h e y have to b e . " H e also recalled touring in Southwest V i r g i n i a where, due to his l o n g hair a n d bulk, little kids w o u l d ask if he was a wrestler. H e always pretended he was. Before Beatty c o u l d m o v e o n to another story, he was rudely interrupted by the fire siren o n Barter's roof. It's always been there, a n d the standing rule is that the actors freeze if the whistle sounds during a performance. H a r d l y a n n o y e d by the shrillness, the genial character actor c l a p p e d his hands together a n d exclaim­ e d , "I love it!" " O n e of m y warmest m e m o r i e s is B o b Porterfield's curtain s p e e c h , " he said. " H e k n e w where his laughs were. I c a n still remember p u n c h i n g h i m through the curtain saying, 'get off, get off.' I never w a n t e d the season to e n d . " �71 Chapter Seven: Changes At Barter For fifty years—forty with Porterfield a n d ten under R e x Partington—Barter has been a theater that has stressed both tradition a n d i n n o v a t i o n . L i k e the t o w n it calls h o m e , Barter holds o n to those traditions a n d ideals that audiences new a n d o l d find so delightful. It's a theater with a lot of heritage a n d neither Porter­ field nor Partington has ever tried to deny those things that make Barter so unique. That c a n be a hinderance, of course, especially w h e n local audiences react negatively to n e w a n d challenging elements in "their" Barter Theatre. T h e resistance B o b met, for instance, w h e n he instituted a cash box office was typical. L o c a l audiences didn't stop to think that this change meant better, more professional productions. It meant they c o u l d n o longer bring carrots in ex­ change for a ticket. T h e e c o n o m i c realities of theater d i d not c o n c e r n t h e m . A l l they k n e w was they wanted their Barter like it used to be. Fortunately, Porterfield was a diplomat par excellent, while Partington has been able to walk that tricky line of progress a n d preservation. T h e city jail m a y n o longer be underneath the stage, but the fire whistle still sits o n the Barter roof. M o s t patrons buy their tickets with cash, but the market equivalent in "barter" will still get y o u through the d o o r . It's change a n d tradi­ tion, holdovers a n d innovations existing side by side in a theater rich with history. O n e c a n still find in the basement of the Barter Inn a rickety sign r e m o v e d from a dilapidated o l d pick-up that reads: " G r e g o r y P e c k drove this truck." That's a reminder of Barter's past, but also a suggestion that the actors we now see at Barter are the future G r e g o r y P e c k s a n d Patricia Neals. That spirit a n d sentiment is evident before every performance w h e n Par­ tington closes his front-of-curtain speech with B o b Porterfield's n o w famous adage: "If y a ' like us, talk about us. If y a ' don't, jes keep y a m o u t h shut!" Still, Porterfield a n d Partington both believed that vital theater meant pro­ gress. S o , rather than settle into y o u r average s u m m e r stock theater or some k i n d of quaint tourist attraction, Barter has seen its share of change since 1 9 4 6 . Until Robert Porterfield's death in 1 9 7 1 , the biggest change was state funding a n d , ultimately, a switch to Equity contracts. There were, of course, a lot of little heartbreaks a n d victories along the w a y . J u l y 10, 1947 l o o m s grimly a m o n g the disappointments. It was the first time in Barter's history that a performance h a d to be cancelled. T h e y h a d been scheduled to perform East Lynne at the Dobyns-Bennett H i g h S c h o o l auditorium in Kingsport w h e n a fire swept through the nearly deserted facility. �The Barter Theatre Story 72 Howard Lindsay and wife Dorothy Stickney ham it up during a trip to Abingdon that coincided with a production of A r s e n i c a n d O l d L a c e . (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) L u c k i l y , most of the c o m p a n y was at dinner. It took volunteer firemen over a n h o u r to bring the blaze u n d e r control, but costumes, sets, props a n d equipment v a l u e d at between $ 2 , 5 0 0 a n d $ 3 , 0 0 0 were lost. Porterfield h a d stepped up Barter's touring after the war, frequently offering three different c o m p a n i e s during winter m o n t h s . Barter m o v e d well b e y o n d the limits of Southwest V i r g i n i a a n d U p p e r East Tennessee, a n d wherever they went—major cities or the W e s t Coast—reaction was favorable. " T h e first result at seeing the play {Much Ado About Nothing) at G e o r g e W a s h i n g t o n H i g h S c h o o l in A l e x a n d r i a is to suggest that what this country needs is 4 7 other state theaters," wrote Washington Evening Star critic J a y C a r m o d y in 1 9 4 6 . " T h e s e c o n d a n d correlative thought of the spectator is that the Virginia C o n s e r v a t i o n C o m m i s s i o n never spent a wiser $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 . " O f all the Barter tours, n o n e received m o r e b a l l y h o o than The Virginian in the early '50s. It was staged by Margaret Perry a n d starred Porterfield in the title role. A l s o o n that tour were C l e o H o l l a d a y , Frank L o w e , B o b G a l l i c o a n d O w e n Phillips, all of w h o m immediately smile w h e n the p r o d u c t i o n is m e n t i o n e d . �Changes At Barter 73 An informal backstage shot of Bob Porterfield during the early '50s tour of T h e Virginian. They were touring Owen Wister's classic western, but the folks flocked to see Bob in the title role. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) " T h e y came to see B o b Porterfield," Gallico c o m m e n t e d , " a n d that's really what he gave t h e m . It wasn't until The Virginian tour that w e really got close; sit­ ting u p nights talking o n the bus." L o w e uses practically the same words: "Traveling with h i m o n The Virginian tour was w h e n I really got to k n o w h i m . " " H e h a d a great time with that part," H o l l a d a y recalled. " O f course, he got by a lot o n his c h a r m . O w e n was O w e n Wister (the author of The Virginian) a n d B o b was the V i r g i n i a n . B u t he was B o b . H e didn't o v e r c o m e his personality in that part. B u t he d i d use it." �T h e Barter Theatre Story 74 Robert Porterfield administers western justice in this scene from The Virginian. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) W h a t c o u l d have been a major t r i u m p h for Barter turned into a n experience n o one m u c h likes to discuss in detail—The Elsinore Hamlet. S i n c e 1 9 3 7 , the D a n i s h N a t i o n a l Theatre has invited national theaters from other countries to perform W i l l i a m Shakespeare's Hamlet in the courtyard of K r o n b o r g Castle. A m e r i c a d i d not have a national c o m p a n y , h o w e v e r . B u t Virginia d i d have a State Theatre. S o , in 1 9 4 7 , Porterfield received an invitation for Barter to stage Hamlet at the 1 9 4 9 two-week H a m l e t Festival. �Changes At Barter The Barter company 75 performing Hamlet at Kronborg Castle in Denmark. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) T h e p r o b l e m was m o n e y . Barter c o u l d hardly subsidize the trip from its o w n coffers, not e v e n with the state funding. Y e t , the prestige attached to such an undertaking was just too tempting to pass u p . O n c e again B o b turned to a N e w Y o r k friend for help. In this case, it was Robert B r e e n , an actor h e ' d met while in Texas during his hitch with the A i r F o r c e . B r e e n h a d been fascinated by Porterfield's plans for a national theater, a n d from their brainstorming c a m e the realization of the A m e r i c a n National Theatre a n d A c a d e m y ( A N T A ) in 1 9 4 5 . It all stemmed from B o b ' s rather Utopian plans for elevating theaters o n a national basis through state companies. A N T A h a d e v e n been chartered by Congress before the war, but federal funds were never realized. After the war, largely inspired by Porterfield, the tireless B r e e n slaved to m a k e A N T A a viable force. B r e e n , executive secretary of A N T A in 1 9 4 7 , asked the State Department to co-sponsor the trip with his organization. In the meantime, although financial backing was hardly secured, B r e e n told his friend to accept the invitation. H e also offered to direct a n d star in the production for B o b . It was already slipping away from being a n actual Barter production w h e n Blevins Davis, a n extremely affluent A N T A board member, put up the necessary �76 T h e Barter Theatre Story funds. T h e r e were stipulations w h i c h Porterfield was i n n o position to debate. Davis w a n t e d to be able to select the show's designers. Plans went a h e a d a n d Hamlet b e c a m e Barter's 2 0 0 t h p r o d u c t i o n , staged in A b i n g d o n as the last s h o w of the 1 9 4 8 season. In o n e sense, B o b got what he w a n t e d . T h e Elsinore Trip generated a great deal of publicity in the A m e r i c a n a n d D a n i s h press. After all, Olivier a n d G i e l g u d h a d performed the role i n D e m a r k , a n d n o w the A m e r i c a n s w o u l d s h o w what they c o u l d d o . Time magazine described Barter as "far a n d a w a y the most active professional repertory c o m p a n y touring the U . S . " T h e story also n o t e d that the Elsinore "Barter" c o m p a n y w o u l d be "bolstered" by such B r o a d w a y veterans as B r e e n , A l i n e M a c M a h o n as the Q u e e n , Walter A b e l as the K i n g , a n d C l a r e n c e Derwent as P o l o n i u s . C l e a r l y , the p r o d u c t i o n h a d ceased to be a genuine Barter offering. S e v e r a l c o m p a n y members resented h a v i n g to " m a k e w a y " for imported talent after creating these roles in A b i n g d o n , but they h a d n o choice. T h e generosity of others c a m e with strings attached. A m o n g the Barter regulars w h o d i d m a k e the trip was Ernest B o r g n i n e . R e v i e w s of Hamlet were largely negative. A n d three of the performers criticiz­ e d were B r e e n , A b e l a n d M a c M a h o n . R i c h a r d L . C o e of the Washington Post, a Barter booster for several years, also f o u n d little g o o d to say about the stars in the Elsinore p r o d u c t i o n . C o e said he liked Derwent's P o l o n i u s , a n d n o t e d the overall reaction from D a n i s h audiences h a d "hardly been lavish in praise." O n e telling sign a p p e a r e d w h e n the c o m p a n y m o v e d o n to G e r m a n y . There the p r o d u c t i o n was billed as " B l e v i n s Davis presents H a m l e t . " E v e n the brilliant critic B r o o k s A t k i n s o n failed to m e n t i o n Barter in his incisive Broadway. A l t h o u g h he describes A N T A at length a n d lists the Elsinore Hamlet a m o n g its accomplishments, there is not a w o r d about Barter or B o b Porterfield. Barter still holds the distinction of being the o n l y A m e r i c a n theater invited to stage Hamlet at Elsinore. T h e h o n o r must be footnoted, h o w e v e r , with the fact that the D a n e s didn't really see the Barter Theatre in action. A story w h i c h h a d a m u c h m o r e satisfying e n d i n g followed s o o n after Elsinore. N e v e r were Porterfield's enterprising ways more in evidence than in 1 9 5 3 w h e n he heard the majestic o l d E m p i r e Theatre in N e w Y o r k was slated for destruction. Immediately he was o n the p h o n e . "What's g o i n g to h a p p e n to that marvelous o l d curtain?" was his feverish question. " A n d that marvelous carpet? A n d those marvelous seats? A n d those marvelous g o l d e n lamps outside the front d o o r ? " " J u n k , " the o w n e r replied to Porterfield's obvious delight. " Y o u want those, M r . Porterfield?" T h e E m p i r e Theatre was N e w Y o r k ' s oldest legitimate theater, built in 1 8 9 3 a n d opulently furnished in r e d a n d g o l d r o c c o c o . T h e r e were gilded fixtures, crystal chandeliers, magnificent mirrors, a n d seats all a d o r n e d with a g o l d needle­ point " E " . It h a d been sold to M . L o w e n s t e i n a n d S o n s , Inc. by the A s t o r family a n d B o b quickly asked L a d y A s t o r for the interior furnishings. H e was t o l d he �Changes A t Barter 77 c o u l d have anything he c o u l d carry away, but there was o n e hitch—it was Friday a n d the theater w o u l d be torn d o w n o n M o n d a y . Porterfield a n d his staff got o n the p h o n e s to friends a n d Barter a l u m n i in N e w Y o r k . W i t h vans a n d trucks supplied by a Virginia firm, c o m p a n y members were dispatched from A b i n g d o n , while B o b coordinated the massive salvage maneuver at h o m e . W o r k i n g through the w e e k e n d , the assemblage r e m o v e d $ 7 5 , 0 0 0 worth of properties a n d l o a d e d t h e m o n vans before the wreckers could move in. "I k n e w B o b Porterfield in N e w Y o r k a n d was invited to several of the Barter A w a r d dinners," actor H a r r y Ellerbe reminisced. " T h e o l d E m p i r e Theatre in N e w Y o r k was an extremely special theater for m e . I h a d d o n e Ibsen's Ghosts at the E m p i r e with A l i a N a z i m o v a , w h o I think n o actress has ever t o u c h e d in sheer brilliance. It was a brilliant success. " F i v e years later, I was directing a play called Sailor's Delight a n d rehearsing it in the Empire's office. T h e secretary c a m e in a n d said, ' W h y don't y o u go d o w n a n d take a final l o o k ? This is the day they're dismantling the inside.' W e l l , I k n e w it was slated to be torn d o w n , but I didn't realize it was so s o o n . It upset m e so m u c h a n d here were these kids tearing everything u p . " O n e tall, red-haired p i m p l y faced k i d shouted at m e , ' H e y , y o u can't go in there. M r . Porterfield says to keep people out.' Finally, o n e y o u n g actor recognized me a n d explained that everything in the theater h a d been given to B o b Porterfield p r o v i d e d he c o u l d get t h e m out before it was torn d o w n . " T h e y o u n g m a n asked Ellerbe if h e ' d like a souvenir from the E m ­ pire—perhaps o n e of the ornate gold " E ' s " from the back of a seat. A t first, the idea seemed m o r b i d , but since Sardi's a n d the Players C l u b h a d both asked for mementos, he reconsidered a n d still has the framed seat-covering. Twenty-three years later, Ellerbe visited A b i n g d o n for his friend Will Geer's o n e - m a n benefit for Barter. P r o d u c i n g director R e x Partington asked h i m to c o m e back for a p r o d u c t i o n a n d , w h e n he stepped o n the stage of the Barter Theatre to play G r a n d p a in You Can't Take It With You, there were the fur­ nishings, lamps, chandeliers, trim a n d seats he saw being taken from his b e l o v e d Empire. "I was so thrilled a n d delighted by the w h o l e t h i n g , " he said. "There's nothing quite like this theater. It's u n i q u e . " F r a n k L o w e remembers the E m p i r e Theater c o n v o y from another vantage point. H e was o n e of the actors dispatched to N e w Y o r k from A b i n g d o n : "There were about six of us from the theater. W e were told to l o o k for everything a n d w e did—seats, drapes, materials, electrical a n d technical equipment, light fix­ tures... anything that c o u l d be used in A b i n g d o n . " N o w the E m p i r e lives o n in A b i n g d o n . W h e n the curtain went up o n the 1 9 5 3 season, Barter patrons were dazzled by three ornate chandeliers a n d several bronze candelabra requiring m o r e than 5 0 0 light bulbs, sumptuous r e d seats emblazoned with the famous golden " E , " a n d a stirring portrait of Katherine C o r n e l l . �T h e Barter Theatre Story 78 Opening night - 1950. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) T h e '50s saw other changes at Barter. E v e r thinking of n e w things to try, B o b instituted after-theater parties a n d receptions in 1 9 5 3 . G e n e r a l l y set u p at the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n Inn or across the street at the C a v e H o u s e , a M a i n Street craft shop near the theater, these get-togethers were h u m o r o u s l y d u b b e d " C h e z Robert" (pronounced S h a y Row-bare). " T h e townspeople used to call it the C h e e s e Robert," M a r y D u d l e y said with a laugh. Of course, a great deal of attention was bestowed o n Barter w h e n B o r g n i n e w o n the Best A c t o r Oscar for Marty. T h e event p r o m p t e d the Bristol HeraldCourier to write; "Barter has w o n an inimitable spot in the theatrical w o r l d simp­ ly by virtue of consistently superlative w o r k . . . . B u t we also p a y our respects to Barter, realizing that its importance lies not in whether its ' a l u m n i ' w i n awards, but in the continuing part w h i c h the theater of A b i n g d o n plays in the social, e c o n o m i c , cultural a n d civic life in our area. A c a d e m y A w a r d s will c o m e a n d g o . Barter will r e m a i n . " �1 A3 OQ < 0) CO c U The year was 1954 and the play was Lolita, the premiere of Mary Chase's new (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) comedy. �T h e Barter Theatre Story 80 A Barter tradition until 1958: Bob welcomes Mary Balance opening night. on (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) Anniversaries also c a m e a n d went. M a r y B a l a n c e , a n elderly A b i n g d o n native w h o h a d attended every Barter o p e n i n g night since 1 9 3 3 , was the guest of h o n o r at the 25th anniversary. B o r n D e c . 1 5 , 1 8 6 4 , the night U n i o n troops b u r n e d the A b i n g d o n courthouse, she was o n e of Barter's most colorful patrons. E a c h J u n e , area newspapers were b o u n d to have a picture of Porterfield w e l c o m i n g M a r y B a l a n c e to o p e n i n g night ceremonies. S h e d i e d at the age of 9 3 in October, 1 9 5 8 . B o b r e m a r k e d o n the occasion of the 25th anniversary, "It doesn't s e e m 2 5 years since a dollar wasn't a n y w h e r e to be seen. T o d a y , they go so fast y o u don't see t h e m a n y w a y . A lot has h a p p e n e d i n 2 5 years—lots of h a p p y things, a n d a lot of u n h a p p y things; but, all in all, I've lived a n d , boy! have I h a d a g o o d time." F i v e years later, President J o h n F . K e n n e d y sent a note of congratulations for the 30th anniversary: "This unique enterprise shows us all that the best theater, both o l d a n d n e w , finds a lively response a m o n g the p e o p l e a n d meets a real n e e d of the c o m m u n i t y . . . . T h i r t y years is a long time in the life of a m a n a n d even in the life of an institution. Y e t thirty years of productive existence are n o w �Changes At Barter 81 A devoted Barter supporter, Alice Hilton accepts "barter" at the box office during the late '40s. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) m a r k e d by the Barter Theatre, a n d thirty years of effort a n d success by its founder a n d guiding spirit, Robert Porterfield. I send m y sincere congratulations. I a m confident the Barter Theatre in the years a h e a d will grow even further in stature a n d influence." F o r this anniversary Porterfield q u i p p e d , " T h e past thirty years has been full of the magic of make-believe. That is, m a k i n g believe the Barter Theatre has all the equipment a n d m o n e y that other professional theaters h a v e . " T h e year 1 9 6 2 was tinged with sadness for Barter by the passing of Alice H i l t o n , a w o m a n whose contributions to the theater can hardly be overstated. Pearl Hayter, w h o w o r k e d closely with A l i c e for m a n y years a n d succeeded her as business manager recalls that "while m a n y people have taken a n d received m u c h from Barter, A l i c e H i l t o n gave completely of herself for so m a n y year. S h e always kept a l o w profile a n d she didn't want the recognition, but she was here from the late '40s to 1 9 6 2 in a volunteer capacity. S h e was completely devoted to B o b a n d the Barter. S h e p a i d for the air conditioning in the theater a n d a n e w marquee. S h e gave of herself financially a n d as a volunteer. S h e believed if y o u were here for the benefit of the theater, y o u deserved a p l a c e . " �00 S P I ft The Barter Theatre as it appeared in 1965 welcoming First Lady Lady Bird (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) Johnson. ! ft o �Changes At Barter 83 Bob Ported escorts First La , La<i Bird JoHnson 1965 visit to Abingdon. d v (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) d u r i n g Her �T h e Barter Theatre Story 84 Lady Bird Johnson is greeted by a well-wisher while awaiting the curtain to go up on the first act at the Barter Theatre. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) T h e years were also full of honors a n d awards. M o s t prominent was B o b ' s 1 9 4 8 Antoinette Perry A w a r d (Tony) for contributions to the A m e r i c a n theater. That a w a r d was particularly touching for B o b since the later executive director of the A m e r i c a n Theatre W i n g for w h o m the a w a r d was n a m e d was o n e of Barter's earliest supporters. B o b was also h o n o r e d with a n H o n o r a r y D o c t o r of Literature from H a m p d e n - S y d n e y C o l l e g e in 1 9 4 8 ; n a m e d First Citizen of A b i n g d o n by the T o w n C o u n c i l in 1 9 5 7 ; given the T h o m a s Jefferson A w a r d for his public relations w o r k o n behalf of Virginia in 1 9 6 3 ; a n d presented with the S u z a n n e D a v i d M e m o r i a l A w a r d at the 1 9 6 7 Southeastern Theatre C o n f e r e n c e . B o b a n d Barter were also featured in a n article by J o s e p h R . J u d g e , " T h e Story of Barter Theatre," w h i c h was written for the magazine Amerika published by the State Department for distribution in Russia. J u d g e dealt at length with the E m p i r e Theatre adventure, noting the crew "received the thanks of M r . P . A n d very often that's its o w n best r e w a r d , for there is a feeling, undiscouraged by Porterfield, that w h e n y o u d o something for Barter y o u also d o something for �Changes A t Barter 85 the w h o l e theater a n d the national culture as well. It is that k i n d of feeling that has kept Barter y o u n g a n d growing all these years." B u t in spite of the recognition, accomplishments a n d honors, B o b was wor­ ried about Barter's future. H e recounted one sobering trip in 1 9 6 0 : "I came through Dallas o n the w a y back a n d there is the M a r g o J o n e s Theater closed. N o b o d y ever d i d m o r e for decentralized theater than M a r g o . B u t two years after M a r g o d i e d , the theater folded u p . N o w I can't let that h a p p e n to Barter. I'm not going to live forever, but the Barter s h o u l d go o n . It has b e c o m e important to the theater w o r l d a n d important to V i r g i n i a . " T o insure Barter's survival, B o b set up the Barter Theatre F o u n d a t i o n , w h i c h still administers the theater's activities through an 11-member B o a r d of Direc­ tors. B o b also set up the Friends of Barter, a n organization m a d e up basically of area residents that runs a n n u a l season ticket campaigns. A n d there was a n expansion in actual theater activities. In 1 9 6 1 , B o b o p e n e d the Barter P l a y h o u s e , located across the street from the theater. T h e oldest of all the Barter buildings, it was constructed as a Protestant Methodist C h u r c h in 1 8 3 0 . Porterfield asked the owners, the Methodist Conference a n d E m o r y a n d H e n r y C o l l e g e , if he c o u l d clean out the structure a n d use it as a theater. F o r the most part, the P l a y h o u s e was used for children's shows, experimental d r a m a a n d avant-garde theater. " H e ' d let y o u d o just about anything over in the P l a y h o u s e , " N e d Beatty p o i n t e d out. "That's where we d i d shows that might have been too risque for the usual theater audiences. I remember I talked h i m into letting us d o Don Juan in Hell over there. I was really enthusiastic about it a n d he let us d o it—even t h o u g h n o b o d y really k n e w the s h o w a r o u n d here, it was w a y too difficult for, a n d realizing h o w audiences w o u l d probably react to four characters sitting o n stools for a n entire s h o w . B u t I wanted to d o D o n Juan in Hell." Porterfield d i d try to ease his control of Barter a little after he married M a r y D u d l e y . In 1 9 6 6 , he took a year-long leave-of-absence a n d toured E u r o p e , leaving 26-year-old Peter C u l m a n in charge. C u l m a n h a d been at Barter in 1 9 6 0 a n d '61 as a production coordinator, a ti­ tle he still doesn't understand. "I asked what's the p r o d u c t i o n coordinator," C u l m a n r e m e m b e r e d . " A n d he said, ' H o n e y , y o u m a k e things h a p p e n . ' " T h e army interrupted his Barter career for three years, but he was back for the ' 6 5 season as associate director a n d vice-president of the Barter foundation. A g a i n he was asked to m a k e things h a p p e n . It was C u l m a n ' s idea to turn the church into the Barter P l a y h o u s e . " W e l l , " M r . P told h i m , " Y o u ' r e the twentieth person in twenty years to c o m e up with that idea. If y o u think y o u can d o it, go a h e a d . " "I hesitate to say w e were close friends personally, but we were close friends professionally," C u l m a n e x p l a i n e d . W e were totally different in our approaches. H e was by the seat of his pants. H e relished chances. H e almost lived by �oo CD The Barter Theatre as it appeared in the mid-60's. The man looking on from the extreme left is Robert Porterfield. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) I I I �Changes At Barter 87 disorganization. B u t it w o r k e d . T h e genius of the guy was that he h a d great horse sense. W h i l e I couldn't dispute his success, we were totally different. " B o b was a gambler. H e took a chance o n m e . H e ' d let y o u try something. H e ' d say, ' G o a h e a d , h o n e y . S e e what happens.' W h e n he wanted to take off for a year, I asked if I c o u l d take over. T h e r e was n o magical selection process. It was a delightful year from all viewpoints. F r o m m y viewpoint, being 26-yearso l d a n d r u n n i n g a theater, it was great. "It was a terrific interlude for m e . B u t it wasn't always rosey because B o b a n d I were so different. I stood up to h i m a n d he ran all over everybody with his c h a r m . H e slaughtered t h e m with it. It was an admirable k i n d of manipulation. A n d it w o r k e d more often than it didn't." B o b never threw anything out, a p h i l o s o p h y C u l m a n certainly didn't adhere to. " M y p h i l o s o p h y was, w h e n in doubt, throw it out," C u l m a n said. " H i s desk was piled high with stacks of paper. H e ' d say he k n e w where everything was a n d I'd say, " b u l l . " W e must have m a d e 5 0 trips to the d u m p during m y stay there, but he never interfered with any decision I'd m a k e . H e d i d used to get m a d as hell at m e . " W h e n B o b returned to Barter, C u l m a n felt it was time to m o v e o n . "I couldn't go back to being just a m e m b e r of the c o m p a n y , " he c o m m e n t e d . "I h a d o u t g r o w n myself at Barter." C u l m a n went directly from Barter to C e n t e r Stage in Baltimore where he continues as managing director. S o m e felt B o b was g r o o m i n g C u l m a n as a "potential successor," but C u l m a n is the first to admit that he didn't really fit the spirit of Barter's founder. Pearl H a y t e r remembers C u l m a n as a "dedicated a n d h a r d w o r k i n g " y o u n g m a n , "but n o b o d y was ready for a n y b o d y to take Porterfield's p l a c e . " W h i l e m a n y things c h a n g e d at Barter, B o b ' s o v e r w h e l m i n g personality re­ m a i n e d the same. H e still called e v e r y o n e " h o n e y . " H e still l o o k e d for every possible w a y to p r o m o t e his theater. A n d he continued looking a r o u n d for a possible successor. O n e m a n he kept his eye o n was R e x Partington. �88 The Barter Theatre Story Owen Phillips as he appeared as Owen Wister in The Virginian. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) �89 Chapter Eight: Talking With Owen H e settles d o w n in the sitting r o o m of his quaint Barter Inn apartment after m a k i n g sure his guest's coffee c u p is filled. Before w e fall to talking about Barter in earnest, a rather animated d a c h s u n d makes his presence k n o w n , striving mightily for attention. H e doesn't get too far before his master waves a stern, a d m o n i s h i n g finger. " W e ' r e w o r k i n g , " says O w e n Phillips, a n d S a m retreats to other, less preoc­ c u p i e d quarters. T h r o u g h m u c h of Barter's history, B o b Porterfield's closest friend was his fre­ quent director a n d sometime actor, O w e n Phillips. Eyes sparkling, the wiry, white-haired O w e n recalls the m a n he calls a brother. " H e always h a d the farm, T w i n O a k s , " he says, fingertips together, his h e a d at a slight forward incline. " W e h a d an agreement. W h e n he was at the farm, w e wouldn't talk about the theater. H e was a fine producer a n d a marvelous public relations m a n . B e c a u s e of h i m , this is one of the very few theaters in the country with a heart. There's something about this place that keeps drawing y o u back." O w e n s h o u l d k n o w . H e first arrived at Barter in 1 9 3 5 , after heading the d r a m a department at the Cincinnati Conservatory of M u s i c a n d directing the Cincinnati Actor's G u i l d . H e stayed for t w o seasons in A b i n g d o n , directing a n d appearing in shows, a n d returning in 1 9 4 6 . This time he was with the Barter c o m p a n y for ten years, leaving to direct at Florida's C o c o a n u t G r o v e , where he o p e n e d t w o of Tennessee Williams' r e w o r k e d The Milktrain Doesn't Stop Here Anymore, rejoining Barter to stay i n 1 9 6 8 . "I h a d never heard of Barter Theatre in 1 9 3 4 , but I was intrigued," O w e n says in a soft, deliberate voice. " W e h a d o u r hands full. It was rugged. B u t right from the start y o u c o u l d tell this theater was built o n love. I was immediately glad I m a d e the decision to c o m e here." O w e n is quick to stress that Barter was not started o n s o m e harebrained whim: " A p p a r e n t l y , B o b tested the waters in 1 9 3 1 . H e was h o m e for a little while a n d wanted to try to put together a s h o w . H e gave a talk at E m o r y a n d H e n r y C o l l e g e a n d he m a d e it s o u n d so exciting that everybody wanted to go to N e w Y o r k a n d be a n actor. H i s idea was something like B o b Porterfield's Theater G u i l d of Southwest V i r g i n i a . T h e y s o m e h o w m a n a g e d a p r o d u c t i o n of Hay Fever, but B o b h a d p r o v e d to himself there was a n audience for live theater here." D u r i n g his m a n y years at Barter, O w e n practically d i d it all—directing, acting, p r o d u c i n g , public relations, touring. H e also got to see m a n y sides of B o b Porterfield both personally a n d professionally. �T h e Barter Theatre Story 90 The 1952 production of T h e C u r i o u s S a v a g e with Owen Phillips, Holladay and Dorothy LaVern. Cleo (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) " W e were like brothers," he declares. " H e was filled with a radiance a n d per­ sonality a n d terrific love of theater w h i c h gave h i m the drive he n e e d e d . B o b was very progressive in his a p p r o a c h to theater. I don't think he d i d as m a n y n e w things as R e x tries to d o but he l o v e d n e w things. A n d B o b l o v e d this area so m u c h . H e got a stimulation w h i c h c a m e from being with his o w n . " Journalists, scholars, actors n e w to Barter, apprentices, directors, faithful patrons, Barter veterans—sooner or later they all are s u b d u e d by O w e n ' s softs p o k e n m a n n e r , listening intently to the memories a n d w i s d o m of over 5 0 years in the theater. W h e n s o m e o n e wants to k n o w about B o b a n d Barter, they i n ­ variably e n d u p talking to O w e n . " W h e n B o b directed," he continues, "he p i c k e d p e o p l e w h o almost fit the parts personally. A n d he d i d plays he k n e w very well. It wasn't his first love. H e l o v e d to see other p e o p l e d o i n g it." " B o b was something of a g l a m o u r b o y , " O w e n says with a sly smile. "After he gave his curtain s p e e c h , the audience was h o o d w i n k e d by his c h a r m . H e k n e w his off-stage c h a r m c o u l d be used to advantage o n stage." �Talking With O w e n 91 Owen Phillips again co-stars with Dorothy production. LaVern in a '50s Barter (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) " W e once toured The Virginian with B o b in the featured role. W e l l , one night he h a d trouble with his lines a n d he yelled to the wings, ' H e y , h o n e y , what's m y lines here? What's m y line here?' T h e n he got u p , w a l k e d over, got his line a n d said, ' T h a n k y o u . ' T h e audience l o v e d it a n d a p p l a u d e d h i m . H e was the only one w h o c o u l d get a w a y with something like that." O w e n Phillips pauses, stares for a m o m e n t then smiles. "I k n e w that was n o great tragedy in the A m e r i c a n theater." T w o actors Phillips felt a n d feels strongly about are Ernest B o r g n i n e a n d N e d B e a t t y — a n d for similar reasons. " H o n e s t y was his (Borgnine's) secret," he explains. " T h e m o m e n t he o p e n e d his m o u t h , I c o u l d tell he was honest as the day is l o n g . H e said, 'I'll d o anything y o u say to b e c o m e a g o o d actor. I want to learn. Y o u just teach me what to d o . ' That o p e n face of his has d o n e m o r e for h i m than anything else. N e d Beatty was another natural, relaxed performer. Y o u never saw it c o m i n g with N e d . It just came out the right w a y . " O n a table in O w e n ' s sitting r o o m is a fairly n e w pictorial biography of T e n - �92 T h e Barter Theatre Story nessee W i l l i a m s . T h e inscription to O w e n refers to s o m e fabled dance of long a g o . T h e director chuckles a n d explains: " W h e n w e were d o i n g The Milktrain Doesn't Stop Here Anymore, Bob in­ vited Tennessee Williams a n d m e out to T w i n O a k s . W e l l , w e were drinking a n d Williams a n d I d i d a satire o n a minuet. B o b l o v e d it. E v e r since that time, he says something to m e like 'keep d a n c i n g . ' Williams h a d seen t w o A r t h u r Miller plays I h a d directed d o w n in F l o r i d a , The View From the Bridge a n d The Cruci­ ble. T h e next day I got a p h o n e call a n d the m a n said, 'This is Tennessee W i l l i a m s . ' I said, ' O h , sure.' " T o d a y , Phillips is Barter's b e l o v e d ambassador. H e c a n often be seen taking tickets in the foyer of his Barter Theatre, greeting regulars a n d tourists w h o m a k e u p the s u m m e r audiences. Occasionally, he appears i n shows. H e relishes work­ ing the Barter apprentices o n children's shows or sharing ideas with y o u n g c o m ­ p a n y members. " W e all o w e so m u c h to so m a n y p e o p l e in this business," he points out. " R e p a y ? Y o u can't repay t h e m . Y o u c a n only try to help s o m e o n e else." O w e n also takes time to lecture at area colleges about Barter a n d B o b . " H i s death was s u c h a b l o w to m e . It's a v o i d that's never been filled. O n e vivid m e m o r y I have of B o b is h i m saying, ' W h a t are y o u worrying about, St. Rita will take care of us.' T h e r e were nights B o b a n d I got d o w n o n o u r knees a n d asked for St. Rita's help. S o m e t i m e s w e ' d be watching a dress rehearsal a n d h e ' d say, 'If w e ever n e e d e d that little l a d y , w e n e e d her n o w . ' " �93 Chapter Nine: The Ghosts of Barter " Y o u k n o w this place is haunted?" T h o s e are the very first words s p o k e n by N e d Beatty before an actual inter­ view even began. Sitting in the near-deserted theater where he got his start, Beatty asks the question e v e n with the distance of film triumphs a n d a n A c a d e m y A w a r d n o m i n a t i o n between he a n d A b i n g d o n . H e c o u l d have been talking about the area, the t o w n or the theater. A b ­ i n g d o n holds o n devotedly to its myths, history, memories a n d traditions. It's "spirit," if y o u will, emanates the past. S o , not suprisingly, A b i n g d o n is a t o w n filled with ghosts.. .whether real or imaginary. E v e n a brochure put out o n U p p e r East Tennessee a n d Southwest V i r g i n i a makes note of ghostly happenings in Abingdon: "There are m a n y ghosts in the m o u n t a i n s . . . o r some d o say. T h e r e are those in A b i n g d o n w h o lay claim to h a v i n g heard the ghostly violinist from the C i v i l W a r , a S o u t h e r n girl n a m e d ' M a r t h a ' b l o w i n g the plaintive tunes of the C o n ­ federacy to soothe the pains of a ' Y a n k e e B o y ' w h o h a d w o n her heart in his last days. W a r h a d been raging the countryside, a n d the day came w h e n the Y a n k e e s torched m u c h of the t o w n . T h e u n k n o w n a n d nameless y o u t h from the N o r t h h a d been secreted into the lovely Preston h o m e , begun in 1 8 3 0 , a n d delivered into Martha's care. O n e night as she p l a y e d for h i m , D e a t h c a m e . N o w in the o l d Preston h o m e , m u c h heralded as the famous M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n Inn, there are those w h o swear that o n certain midnights up o n the third floor of the stately i n n , haunting violin strains still s o u n d for the lost a n d d o o m e d l o v e . . . . " A fun piece of fluff to attract the tourists? V e r y possibly, but the effect is m a d e nonetheless. Spirits, ghosts a n d supernatural happenings often occur where people expect t h e m to: g l o o m y o l d houses, for instance, G o t h i c m a n ­ sions, countries where superstitions are stronger than technology. In other words, either psychologically or actually, a n atmosphere is created in w h i c h the supernatural thrives. A n d what better place for ghosts than a theater. N o w there's atmosphere for you—the very air charged with e m o t i o n p o u r e d out by decades of actors. In­ d e e d , theaters have always been notorious for ghost sightings a n d the Barter is n o exception. S e v e r a l actors p o o h - p o o h any such n o t i o n , but there have been more than e n o u g h responsible individuals w h o have h a d "experiences" in or c o n n e c t e d with Barter to merely chalk it all u p to imagination. A n d , invariably since 1 9 7 1 , s o m e o n e will look y o u straight in the eye a n d say, "I've seen B o b Porterfield." �94 The Barter Theatre Story M o s t d o not say this for effect or just to tell a " g o o d story." T h e y want y o u to k n o w because they think y o u care. It's easy to be cynical about it until y o u ex­ a m i n e the range of p e o p l e a n d sightings. W i t h o u t giving w a y to the sensational, coincidence ends w h e n o n e hears not scattered but consistent reports of ghost sightings at Barter. In mass market a n d scientific studies of the supernatural, theaters are m e n ­ tioned prominently as p r i m e targets for supernatural s t o m p i n g grounds. P e r h a p s the most famous of all theatrical ghosts is the " M a n in G r a y " of L o n d o n ' s Theatre R o y a l , D r u r y L a n e . G e n e r a l l y spotted at the rear of the u p p e r circle, the Drury L a n e ghost has b e e n spotted for t w o centuries a n d is described without fail as a dignified gentleman i n a l o n g gray cloak. Tradition has it that he appears during runs of shows b o u n d for success. T h e identity of the " M a n i n G r a y " has never b e e n established, although d u r i n g the 1800s a secret r o o m was discovered in back of the wall near the spot he most often appears. W o r k m e n ef­ fecting repairs o n the theater f o u n d a skeleton with a knife stuck in its ribs. E n g l a n d , with its g r a n d history of fog-bound streets, royal intrigue a n d mysterious legends, is rife with h a u n t e d theaters. T h e H a y market Theatre is sup­ posedly visited by o n e of its actor-managers; a " w o m a n in white" was often seen at the o l d R o y a l t y before it was torn d o w n ; S i r C h a r l e s W y n h a m , w h o built the N e w Theatre i n St. Martin's L a n e , was spotted backstage after his death; while the spirit of actress S a r a h S i d d o n s is said to haunt the Theatre R o y a l in Bristol. W h a t was it that J a m e s H i l t o n said about A b i n g d o n ? S o m e t h i n g about liking it so m u c h because it r e m i n d e d h i m of E n g l a n d . A l t h o u g h not relegated to Porterfield, most of the " p s y c h i c " p h e n o m e n a sur­ r o u n d i n g Barter is related to M r . P . H e has been seen in n u m e r o u s settings a n d attitudes throughout the theater—the upstairs lobby, seated downstairs, backstage, a n d e v e n at the Barter Inn. H e has been seen in various styles of dress by strangers a n d p e o p l e w h o k n e w h i m , but always wearing something he was f o n d of—a white dinner jacket, a comfortable sweater, a gray suit. T h e skeptic will say that such "sightings" occur through the p o w e r of suggestion a n d imagination. Y o u see, there is a stunning portrait of B o b by D u t c h painter J a n C l a u s i n g that n o w graces the inside of the theater. T h e artist used a p h o t o g r a p h of h i m smiling w a r m l y a n d seated a m o n g the familiar red Barter seats. W h e n the lights go d o w n a n d they play just right with the colors, it actually l ooks as if the portrait is c o m i n g to life. That's a rather c o m p e l l i n g piece of suggestion. N o w o n d e r s o m e p e o p l e think for a m o m e n t that they m a y have seen B o b seated a m o n g the audience. B u t certain incidents can't be e x p l a i n e d so nearly. W h e n a Barter apprentice serving as a n usher helps s o m e o n e to their seats a n d sees a m a n in a gray suit at their destination, then lo o k s again to find he's v a n i s h e d , questions begin to f o r m . H o w c o u l d a youngster w h o never k n e w B o b Porterfield describe just such a gentleman? T h e painting, of course. B u t B o b is wearing a yellow sweater in the painting d o n n e d especially for the o c c a s i o n . H o w w o u l d this apprentice k n o w �The Ghosts of Barter 95 B o b was partial to gray? D o e s Barter have its o w n " G h o s t in G r a y ? " N o t always. C l e o H o l l a d a y remembers seeing something quite different during the run of Silent Night, Lonely Night i n October of 1 9 7 4 . "I h a d a l o n g , long scene where I h a d to lie in bed o n stage," she recalls " T h e audience couldn't really see m y face, but I c o u l d look up from m y angle a n d see the kids in the light b o o t h . O n e night I l o o k e d up at t h e m a n d in the last r o w was a m a n in a white dinner jacket (which B o b always wore o n o p e n i n g nights). I'm c o n v i n c e d it was B o b . I k n o w it was. That was the same night the pipes rattled a n d we took it as a sign that B o b a p p r o v e d of the s h o w . " " T h e G h o s t in G r e y appears w h e n a s h o w is b o u n d to be a success." A gracious a n d practical w o m a n , C l e o H o l l a d a y is not given to theatrical off­ stage posturing, nor does she have a history of psychic experience. S h e tells y o u that story because she wants y o u to k n o w about it. A director is the last person w h o wants to be k n o w n for any k i n d of irrational behavior. Producers want trustworthy individuals in charge of their productions. B u t director Jeff M e r e d i t h has n o qualms about telling y o u , "I've seen B o b Porterfield." "I was out in the alley by the stage d o o r with T o n y Partington (Rex a n d C l e o ' s son) a n d I went inside to the backstage area. There's that dark little stairway that leads to the scenery storage area a n d as I went u p , I saw a m a n sitting o n o n e of the steps. W i t h o u t e v e n thinking, I n o d d e d a n d said, " H i , M r . Porterfield,' A s I passed h i m I realized what I h a d said a n d turned a r o u n d , but n o b o d y was there. I ran out in the alley—shaken a n d scared—and got T o n y . W e both came back, creeping a r o u n d like two little kids. W e didn't find anything, but w h e n we reach­ e d the top of the stairs we saw a strange light at the ceiling that disappeared. I've never h a d any k i n d of supernatural experience before or since, but there's n o doubt in m y m i n d that I saw B o b Porterfield." " D i d y o u h a p p e n to notice what he was wearing?" " H e was wearing a gray sweater." N o t yellow. That's not just coincidence. S o m e scientists w h o accept the possibility of ghosts believe they can be ex­ plained as visions left b e h i n d at highly emotional times. In other words, w h e n our nervous systems are generating a great deal of energy, it is possible that w e m a y actually give off a n aura of s o m e k i n d . It is this aura that s o m e believe became a halo in religious paintings. That energy m a y in turn leave an image b e h i n d , especially in a place that means a great deal to a person. This is only theory, remember, but it means that some people m a y leave ac­ tual snapshots b e h i n d — a n d s o m e individuals have a greater perception for such images...they see ghosts. It w o u l d also explain w h y theaters—atmospheres super-charged with e m o t i o n a l energy—are so susceptible to sightings. This theory, of course, has not f o u n d favor with believers in a "psychic w o r l d . " T h e y believe that ghosts are the manifestations of a conscious intellect m a k i n g contact for a specific reason. O f course, if a n y o n e h a d a c o n s u m i n g devotion to �96 T h e Barter Theatre Story something, it was B o b to his Barter Theatre. D a v i d M . L o h o e f e r has perhaps the most chilling story to tell. A n d , o d d l y e n o u g h , it h a p p e n e d during the run of Silent Night, Lonely Night (make of this what y o u will: this play was staged during the m o n t h B o b h a d d i e d three years earlier). L o h o e f e r was a n apprentice at Barter that year, a n d he a n d a friend were taking a walk after leaving the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n Inn. It was about 2 : 3 0 in the m o r n i n g a n d the t w o h a d stopped to sit o n the concrete base of a gate than runs in front of the Inn a n d faces the Barter. T h e i r casual conversation stopped w h e n L o h o e f e r noticed a man's figure standing in the upstairs gallery. A h a n d p u l l e d back o n e of the transparent white curtains a n d m o t i o n e d i n w a r d , b e c k o n ­ ing t h e m towards the theater. T h e y assumed that s o m e o n e was p l a y i n g a joke o n them—possibly another apprentice—and crossed the street to the front d o o r . It was l o c k e d , a n d after k n o c k i n g several times, they went a r o u n d to try the stage d o o r w h i c h was also l o c k e d . B a c k across the street they went a n d this time the figure was m o r e visi­ ble. "It was a m a n in a gray suit," L o h o e f e r said. " W e c o u l d m a k e h i m out by the lights t h r o w n from the street lamps. H e was still motioning his h a n d i n w a r d w h e n the d o o r of the Barter Theatre o p e n e d . It locks from the inside. W e c o u l d see i n ­ to the theater a n d the ghost light, w h i c h has always been white, was r e d . A t that m o m e n t , before w e c o u l d decide what to d o , a truck p u l l e d in front of the theater to deliver papers. W h e n it p u l l e d a w a y , the d o o r was closed. W e went across, but f o u n d it l o c k e d again. I c o u l d see the ghost light was w h i t e . " L o h o e f e r a n d his friend immediately h e a d e d over to the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n a n d called O w e n Phillips. " O w e n , y o u ' d better get d o w n here," L o h o e f e r told h i m . "There's s o m e b o d y fooling a r o u n d inside the theater." " 'Just relax,' he told us. ' C a l m d o w n . It was probably just M r . P . I w o u l d n ' t advise g o i n g into the theater. Just go h o m e . ' " M a r y D u d l e y doesn't seem surprised by such sightings. D u r i n g his lifetime, B o b h a d a few strange experiences himself. T h e r e was that prophetic d r e a m at age ten. A n d B o b was f o n d of telling about the time he lost certain papers that were very important to Barter's c o n t i n u e d state funding. In a d r e a m , A l i c e H i l t o n , w h o d i e d years earlier, took h i m up to the Barter Inn r o o m where she used to live a n d pointed at a particular spot. T h e next day, B o b went up to the r o o m a n d in that spot he f o u n d the missing papers. " H e h a d a seventh sense," M a r y D u d l e y n o t e d . " H e o n c e called h o m e from w o r k a n d said, 'There's s o m e b o d y in the basement.' H e insisted I go l o o k , a n d sure e n o u g h , there was s o m e o n e . " It s h o u l d also be p o i n t e d out, h o w e v e r , that ghostly happenings at Barter predate B o b ' s death. N e d Beatty's o w n experience, a scare in the dressing r o o m where m a n y actors have gotten the willies, was back in the '60s. Indeed, m a n y are of the o p i n i o n that there are actually t w o ghosts—one benevolent (perhaps that of B o b Porterfield) a n d the other frightening. A n d most chilling experiences �T h e Ghosts of Barter 97 at Barter h a p p e n backstage or in the dressing r o o m area. T y p i c a l of these experiences is the story told by Barter publicity director L o u Flanigan. It was 1 9 6 7 a n d Flanigan was working as a stage manager: "I h a d been here only a w e e k a n d I was w o r k i n g o n the set for Hamlet. This was before the apprentices arrived a n d I was w o r k i n g at night all alone. T h e theater was almost completely dark, but dark buildings don't bother m e . I'm just not succeptible to a n y type of supernatural stuff. "I was w o r k i n g stage-right a n d the only exit was stage-left. A l l of a s u d d e n , I felt a presence. I felt that I h a d to get out of there. I just h a d this horrible feeling that something was really g o i n g to get m e . I ran across the stage, threw o p e n the d o o r , ran a r o u n d the scene d o c k , d o w n the stairs, into the dressing r o o m area a n d to the stage d o o r that leads to the alley. If I h a d turned a r o u n d a n d seen it, it probably w o u l d have been fatal. It was like it was following m e . T h e n I couldn't get the d o o r o p e n . I started kicking it a n d finally it o p e n e d a n d I ran up the alley to M a i n Street. O n e s e c o n d m o r e a n d I'm sure it w o u l d have grabbed m e . W h e n I l o o k e d back, I saw that the stage d o o r was wide o p e n . I k n e w I h a d to go back a n d close it, but it was a full 15 minutes before I c o u l d w o r k up m y nerve to d o it. "I k n o w it didn't c o m e from the house. It came from the stage b e h i n d m e . It was the single most terrifying thing that has ever h a p p e n e d to m e . Fifteen years later it still shakes m e . I just won't go back there alone. A n d it's not only m e . " In fact, to his absolute amazement, Flanigan heard N e d Beatty repeat his story almost word-for-word during a 1 9 8 1 visit to A b i n g d o n . T h e only difference is that Beatty was chased from the dressing r o o m . Others will tell y o u it's not only the theater, but the fourth floor costume attic of the Barter Inn a n d the Rehearsal H a l l are haunted as well. O t h e r Barter "happenings" h a p p e n e d away from Barter. B o t h O w e n a n d F r a n k L o w e remember a particularly frightening experience in B i r m i n g h a m , A l a b a m a . T h e y were d o i n g E u g e n e O'Neill's Ah, Wilderness!, with L o w e play­ ing the juvenile role loosely patterned o n the playwright as a b o y . T h e theater w i n d o w faced a courtyard a n d , in the middle of the first act, the actors heard a horrible scream. " W e all heard it," L o w e declared. " A l l of us in the c o m p a n y . It came from the courtyard. I wasn't a p a r a g o n of concentration, but O w e n m o u t h e d some words to m e a n d w e s o m e h o w finished." That night, they heard o n the radio that E u g e n e O ' N e i l l h a d d i e d in N e w York. A s strange as m a n y of these stories are, it s h o u l d be noted that in the Barter Theatre itself, nothing tragic or malicious has ever been attributed to super­ natural occurences. B u t happenings d o persist. In 1 9 7 4 , Barter housekeeper Ellen Pietsch, a student of Edgar C a y c e ' s works, told a R o a n o k e newspaper that she f o u n d unaccountable spots of light in the b a l c o n y . "It's a little like seeing auras," she said. T h e C a v e H o u s e , bought by A l i c e H i l t o n a n d willed to Porterfield, is another supernatural story c o n n e c t e d to Barter. Journalist K a r e n O l s e n c o n d u c t e d a �98 The Barter Theatre Story 1979 study of the h o m e built o n top of a limestone c a v e — W o l f C a v e . H e r c o n ­ clusion after talking to a n e q u a l a m o u n t of skeptics a n d believers: " Y e s , the house is h a u n t e d . A n d yes, there used to be a secret staircase from the cave to the third floor of the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n I n n . " A s with most supernatural occurrences, s o m e p e o p l e will always believe the Barter is h a u n t e d , while others will never believe it. Still others, w h o have heard the stories but never see anything themselves, are like L o u F l a n i g a n . H e m a y not actually see a n y ghosts, "but I w o n ' t be in the theater a l o n e . " �99 Chapter Ten: A Day in October T h e r e h a d been warnings. A heart attack in the mid-'60s was the most sober­ ing. B u t Barter without B o b was inconceivable. That vital energy a n d w a r m smile—everybody just expected it w o u l d go o n a n d o n . Robert Porterfield d i e d suddenly o n October 2 1 , 1971 at his beloved T w i n O a k s . O w e n h a d d o n e the curtain speech that night. T h e cause was a heart attack after a bout with p h e u m o n i a . H e was 6 5 . A stunned theater w o r l d a n d government leaders sent words of sympathy to Mary Dudley and young Jay Bird. Julie Harris wrote: " B o b was so generous to y o u n g actors a n d helped so m a n y o n their w a y . H i s w a r m t h a n d laughter a n d sunny ways a n d o v e r w h e l m ­ ing belief in live theater m a d e our w o r l d a better p l a c e . " F r o m N e w Y o r k , G r e g o r y P e c k told of his " w a r m affection a n d respect for the m e m o r y of B o b Porterfield, a dear friend w h o first encouraged m e to go o n in the theater. I haven't to this day recovered from the shock of being put o n in the Barter in 1 9 4 0 in the lead of Button Button o n t w o days notice a n d with 110 pages to be learned. It was a shattering experience but I survived as B o b k n e w I w o u l d . In spite of that Porterfield-induced trauma, our friendship has been cons­ tant. B o b gave delight to his friends, a n d careers to so m a n y y o u n g people. I'll always think of h i m as a sunny smiling m a n with a weather eye out for a k i n d ­ ness to be d o n e . W i t h love to M a r y D u d l e y , J a y B i r d a n d all g o o d friends of Bob's." F r o m the W h i t e H o u s e , President R i c h a r d N i x o n sent this note to M a r y D u d l e y : " M r s . N i x o n joins m e in expressing deepest sympathy to y o u a n d y o u r family o n the death of y o u r distinguished husband. W e h o p e that y o u will be comforted by the k n o w l e d g e that his pioneering efforts in the regional theater m o v e m e n t , w h i c h earned h i m such wide respect, have not only a d d e d i m ­ measurably to the cultural life of our nation, but also p r o v i d e d inspiration for generations to c o m e . H e will be deeply missed, a n d affectionately a n d gratefully remembered by all whose lives he t o u c h e d . M a y memories of y o u r life together a n d pride in y o u r husband's accomplishments strengthen y o u in the years ahead." T h e n Virginia G o v e r n o r L i n w o o d H o l t o n noted that " T h e Barter Theatre has been a n institute in V i r g i n i a for thirty-nine years, a n d B o b Porterfield was the Barter Theatre. H e not o n l y enriched the lives of countless Virginians, as well as other A m e r i c a n s , but through the Theatre he established a n d the plays he pro­ d u c e d , he m a d e the Barter into one of A m e r i c a ' s foremost training grounds for aspiring actors a n d actresses. B y his death, the theater has lost one of its most �8 TO C O I B o b Porterfield surrounded by a '60s c o m p a n y in /ront o / the Barter Theatre. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) ft ft ft I �A Day In October 101 dedicated servants." Ernest Borgnine's message was simple a n d p r o f o u n d : " M r . Porterfield d i d m o r e for m e than I d i d for M r . P o r t e r f i e l d . . . . N o other m a n contributed as m u c h to the theater as Robert Porterfield." Robert Pastene, then at the Guthrie Theatre, told of a m a n w h o l o v e d so m a n y : "I a m blessed to be one of those a n d h o p e this message can stand for m y presence o n this occasion of tribute to an urbane gentleman, a generous teacher, a grave pioneer a n d an eternal friend." L a r r y Gates supplied the following tribute: " A n d all of us k n o w , B o b w o u l d not want us, n o w , to be sad or dreary. Rather he w o u l d tell us his funny stories. H e w o u l d m a k e us laugh, a n d w e w o u l d look forward to m o r e h a p p y achieve­ ment, a n d the m a n y wonderful things he always m a d e h a p p e n . W e will miss h i m , but not one of us will ever forget h i m or his w o r k , the Barter." F r o m Barter itself c a m e a heartfelt m e m o r y . "In m y 18 years as executive secretary a n d business manager to Robert Porterfield a n d the Barter Theatre," Pearl Hayter wrote, "I a m keenly aware of M r . Porterfield's love for humanity. W e are all aware of his love for the theater. H e s h o w e d his love for humanity in so m a n y ways. H e reared a wonderful y o u n g m a n , sent h i m to college. Walter M a h a l a is n o w in E n g l a n d serving his 10th year in the A i r F o r c e . . . . M r . P s h o w e d his love by action in so m a n y w a y s . " A quiet funeral was h e l d at T w i n O a k s , with his casket p l a c e d beneath the two 6 0 0 - y e a r - o l d oaks. " W e h a d this big Irish W o l f h o u n d , " M a r y D u d l e y said. " B o b l o v e d that d o g . A l l during the funeral that d o g sat at the h e a d of the casket." After the funeral, several e m p l o y e e s of the T w i n O a k s Dairy operation were standing in the y a r d , waiting to ask M a r y D u d l e y what she intended to d o . " W h a t d o y o u think? W e ' r e going to r u n this f a r m . " A n d r u n it she d i d ; for three-and-a-half years. "I grieved so terribly for B o b . T h e farm saved m y life. I kept going until I w a n t e d to devote m o r e time to J a y . N o w it's leased." In N e w Y o r k , friends of B o b a n d Barter gathered at Sardi's for a m e m o r i a l service. There were those w h o h a d h e l p e d B o b or h a d been h e l p e d by h i m — a c ­ tors, directors, playwrights a n d producers. A year after B o b ' s death, s o m e 4 0 0 friends c a m e together in A b i n g d o n for another k i n d of m e m o r i a l service. T h e y "bartered" stories a n d memories of B o b . T h e next year, B o b ' s friend W i l l G e e r performed a tribute s h o w at Barter c o m ­ prised of selections from M a r k T w a i n , W a l t W h i t m a n , Robert Frost, W o o d y G u t h r i e , J o h n Steinbeck a n d W i l l i a m F a u l k n e r . There were other kinds of memorials: the V i r g i n i a G e n e r a l A s s e m b l y passed a joint resolution expressing "appreciation for a generous a n d noteworthy life that has contributed so m u c h to the public g o o d , " a n d Virginia's H i g h w a y 19 was r e n a m e d the Robert Porterfield M e m o r i a l H i g h w a y . In the meantime, the Barter F o u n d a t i o n h a d chosen a successor. �T h e Barter Theatre Story 102 Bob and J a y Bird at Twin Oaks. (Photo courtesy of Mary Dudley Porterfield) �103 Chapter Eleven: The Partington Years F o r 3 9 years B o b Porterfield was the Barter Theatre. After his death, a board of directors h a d to select his successor. Twenty-five people were considered for the position; R e x Partington got the job. Less the s h o w m a n a n d more the efficient artistic director, Partington has c o m ­ mitted himself to keeping the Barter growing. U n d e r anyone's direction, the Barter c o u l d continue to live off its e n o r m o u s popularity a n d considerable reputation. Tourists a n d residents still w o u l d attend the theater simply because it is the Barter. Y e t , Partington quickly established a strong leadership position. T h e n e w director let it be k n o w n that he w o u l d carry o n the rich Barter heritage by m a k i n g sure the c o m p a n y c o n t i n u e d to grow artistically. "I couldn't just be a caretaker," Partington explained. " T h e fortunate thing is that Robert a n d I saw eye to eye o n about 9 0 percent of theater matters. A wonderful board of directors has given m e a free h a n d to offer as m u c h as w e can as often as we c a n . " " B o b h a d s p o k e n to m e about R e x , " Frank L o w e recalled. " H e said, ' Y o u don't k n o w a n y o n e w h o ' d want to take over this thing, h o n e y ? ' H e was l o o k i n g for s o m e o n e w h o c o u l d handle all the aspects. I think the right m a n was c h o s e n . I'm sure R e x has maintained Barter's high standards." "It's not B o b Porterfield's theater a n y m o r e , " B o b Gallico noted during his 1 9 8 0 trip back to A b i n g d o n . "If it ever became the B o b Porterfield M e m o r i a l Theater, it w o u l d die. H e w o u l d be the last person w h o ' d want it to become a memorial." R a i s e d in Q u e e n s , N e w Y o r k , Partington studied law at Syracuse University, until the acting b u g took h o l d , a n d he was graduated with a major in d r a m a . Right after graduation, he was c h o s e n by Shirley B o o t h for the Barter c o m p a n y in 1 9 5 0 , a n d he spent t w o years there before returning to N e w Y o r k . T h e y o u n g actor struggled in M a n h a t t a n , w o r k i n g as a clerk o n W a l l Street, checking coats, a n d selling orange juice, a m o n g other jobs. After a season at the A r e n a Theatre in M e m p h i s a n d some s u m m e r stock w o r k , Partington m a d e his B r o a d w a y debut in Lunatics and Lovers. This was followed by such prestigious engagements as stage manager for The Matchmaker a n d M y Fair Lady. A l t h o u g h described by Fritz W e a v e r as " a powerful, ferocious y o u n g actor," he a i m e d more at off-stage aspects of the theater, serving as production manager for five years at the Guthrie Theatre. Partington eventually formed his o w n c o m p a n y , Heartland Productions, w h i c h toured the M i d w e s t for two years. W h e n the c o m p a n y folded, he took a job as managing director of the C l e v e l a n d �T h e Barter Theatre Story 104 A young Rex Partington co-stars with Rosemary Murphy in an early '50s production of T w o O n A n I s l a n d . (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) �T h e Partington Years 105 P l a y h o u s e , staying for two-and-a-half years. T h e year 1 9 7 1 saw h i m back in A b ­ i n g d o n as p r o d u c t i o n stage manager. T h e B o a r d of Directors a n n o u n c e d their choice in 1 9 7 2 . W h e n he took over after B o b ' s death, R e x was well aware of the size shoes he was stepping into. B o b h a d already achieved " l e g e n d " status a n d some have only partially j o k e d that it was like taking over for L i n c o l n . "There was a great deal of feeling after B o b ' s death that Barter w o u l d close," Partington pointed out. "I suppose the best thing that has h a p p e n e d is that Barter is still g o i n g . P e o p l e c o m e back a n d their reaction is, ' M y heavens, it's still g o i n g . ' M o s t everyone was extremely w a r m a n d receptive w h e n I started in 1 9 7 2 . B o b was one of the best friends I ever h a d , but I certainly wasn't g o i n g to emulate the m a n . I h a d to be m y o w n m a n or nothing w o u l d have w o r k e d . F o r ­ tunately, I was given artistic carte blanche. I saw m y job as trying to continue what h e ' d been doing—offering a balanced, diversified season—and i m p r o v i n g o n what h a d already been established. There was s o m e u n s p o k e n resistance from people w h o w a n t e d Barter to remain exactly the same. I suppose I've lived in B o b ' s s h a d o w for s o m e time a n d , to s o m e degree, always will. H a d it h a p p e n ­ e d m a n y years earlier w h e n I was sporting a rather fat ego, I don't think I w o u l d have been able to d o it." E a c h J a n u a r y Partington goes to N e w Y o r k a n d holds o p e n Equity auditions. A t the e n d of the m o n t h he holds auditions in A b i n g d o n . A c o m p a n y of about 2 0 is selected a n d rehearsals begin if the season is d o n e in repertory. If not, the p r o d u c i n g director casts show-by-show, usually retaining several actors for m u c h of the season. "Historically, the Barter c o m p a n y is a y o u n g c o m p a n y , " the d e e p - v o i c e d Partington c o m m e n t e d . " B u t it's nice to have a y o u n g c o m p a n y because they have great drive. I think the caliber of actors at Barter has steadily i m p r o v e d a n d the shows have gotten technically better. T h e most limiting factor is m o n e y . " D u r i n g his tenure, Partington instituted a repertory p r o g r a m (1979-80), turn­ ed the P l a y h o u s e into a n Equity stage, accepted one of the first V i r g i n i a G o v e r ­ nor's A w a r d s for the Arts o n behalf of Barter, a n d g u i d e d the theater in 1 9 8 1 to winter quarters o n the c a m p u s of G e o r g e M a s o n University in Fairfax. "I still feel that R e x was the o n l y person w h o c o u l d have taken over the reigns of Barter," is the admittedly biased o p i n i o n of wife C l e o H o l l a d a y . "It was for­ tunate that he h a d administrative training. A n d he loves the theater. Y o u see, B o b didn't like to deal with all that administrative crap. R e x likes to be the boss a n d likes to manage things. W h e n he gets up a n d says he's heading over to his office for 'a few minutes,' I k n o w he's going to be p o u r i n g over books, figures a n d scripts." R e x ' s view of his theater a n d audience is o n e of optimism tempered with realism. " O u r audience, while being sophisticated, is a bit o n the conservative side," he stated. "That does not preclude m e from d o i n g plays of a provocative nature. I o w e that to our audience. W e must continue to e x p a n d . T h e great works of the �106 T h e Barter Theatre Story Barter's producing director Rex Partington photographic oversees a session at the theater. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) �T h e Partington Years 107 Director Owen Phillips, playwright Mary Chase and producing director Rex Partington go over the script for Cocktails With M i m i in preparation for its 1973 Barter premiere. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) past must be d o n e with n e w plays. Theater must reflect a n d c o m m e n t o n the times. If I h a d the m o n e y , I w o u l d d o Inherit the Wind right away. W e can't be just a s u m m e r stock theater or offer dinner theater fare. T h e works of A r t h u r Miller a n d Bertolt Brecht must be d o n e . " E v e n t h o u g h acting has been p u s h e d into the b a c k g r o u n d for Barter's pro­ ducing director, he still tries to appear at least once a year in such roles as J o h n Tarleton in S h a w ' s Misalliance or his riveting portrayal of D r . S l o p e r in The Heiress. He also points with pride to Barter's membership in the L e a g u e of Resident Theaters ( L O R T ) , a group of select theaters across the country that includes L i n ­ coln Center, P A F in N e w Y o r k , the Guthrie in M i n n e s o t a , A r e n a Stage in W a s h i n g t o n , the A l l e y in H o u s t o n , A C T in S a n Francisco, a n d L o n g Warf in New Haven. "There have been so m a n y highlights from the last ten years," he said. " B e ­ ing able to d o a 15-week season in Fairfax is one of the most gratifying. W i t h the �8 a DO a. C/eo Holladay, center, greets the cast of the 1981 production of The Royal Family, which also featured, left to right, Cynthia Parva, Rebecca Taylor, Russell Gold, Leta Bonynge, Richard Voights and Paul Merrill (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) 5* ft I ft o v2 �T h e Partington Years 109 Cleo Holladay and Rex Partington as they appeared in the 1981 production of The Heiress. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) �o ft 03 I E d B o r d o , Dorothy Chace, Ann Buckles, David Darlow and Eda Zahl drink up in this scene from 1973 Barter production of Cocktails With Mimi. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) the H :r ft o > cr ft CO I �T h e Partington Years 111 season in A b i n g d o n a n d touring, it expands our activities as a true State Theatre." "I really liked the true repertory schedule we d i d for those t w o years. It's very stimulating for a c o m p a n y to be playing more than one play at a time. It keeps y o u o n y o u r toes. I'd like to get back to that." " A n d I'd still like to d o n e w plays, a n d a i m at more quality actors so we can d o C h e k h o v , or Brecht, or St. Joan, or Shakespeare's histories. I'd also like to d o more experimental theater in the P l a y h o u s e , but w e don't have the younger, cosmopolitan audience to support that. W e ' r e trying to maintain the tradition a n d m o v e forward, without losing the sight of h o w it all started. W e still accept barter at the b o x office, based o n current market value of p r o d u c e . " " R e x has great insight," scenic designer L y n n Pecktal declared after returning to Barter in 1 9 8 1 . "I think Barter has continued to go extremely well because the spirit hasn't c h a n g e d . " T h e t w o m e n that h a d the greatest influence o n Partington also h a p p e n to l o o m prominently in the history of decentralized theater—Bob Porterfield a n d Tyrone Guthrie. " T h e y were friends a n d inspirations," he said. " B o b was m y first influence right out of college a n d he instilled the ideas of getting the theater to the p e o p l e . T o n y Guthrie stressed quality a n d excellence. I h a d the pleasure of d o i n g two B r o a d w a y plays with h i m — o n e was a success, the other was a flop. H e behaved the same in b o t h . " Partington also has s o m e interesting opinions about the future of acting in this country: "I w o u l d like to see more respect for the professional theater. F r o m a social standpoint, it s h o u l d be in the same category as medicine, law a n d educa­ tion. T h e day of the fly-by-night s h o w folk is passing. T h e actor should be a stoic, responsible individual properly r e c o m p e n s e d for his efforts." N o matter where the A m e r i c a n theater goes, R e x Partington has p r o v e d to A b i n g d o n a n d the theater w o r l d that Barter will continue to meet a n d set certain standards. B o b Porterfield lives because his theater is alive. �T h e Barter Theatre Story 112 A fine view of Barter interior, including main area, balcony and chandeliers. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) seating �113 Chapter Twelve: The Importance of Being Barter W h e n the Barter Theatre o p e n e d its doors in 1 9 3 3 , it was b a d times for the A m e r i c a n theater. B r o a d w a y was h a r d hit, so the theater was hard hit. Recent years have seen a p e r i o d of steady decline for B r o a d w a y . Ticket prices have skyrocketed. T h e n u m b e r of overall productions is w a y d o w n . T h e number of revivals is w a y u p . A n d profits are w a y d o w n . B u t 5 0 years after the Depression, the situation is not so desperate for the A m e r i c a n theater as a w h o l e . Several ex­ cellent regional theaters have m a d e sure of that. E v e n if one b e m o a n s the lack of quality o n B r o a d w a y , they c a n be heartened by the overall picture of health. Indeed, the A m e r i c a n theater m a y be healthier n o w than ever before. Barter, B o b Porterfield a n d R e x Partington all have a h a n d in that d e v e l o p m e n t . F o r years a n d years, the rest of the country "fed" off B r o a d w a y . After a s h o w left the Great W h i t e W a y , s o m e areas of the country m a y have seen it through a touring, regional or c o m m u n i t y p r o d u c t i o n . E v e r y b o d y was d o i n g what B r o a d ­ w a y h a d d o n e . N o w that's reversed a n d B r o a d w a y finds itself turning to other artistic centers for challenging, innovative shows. R e g i o n a l theaters are n o w feeding B r o a d w a y . That's been one of the outgrowths a n d benefits of decen­ tralized theater. M o r e importantly a n d specifically, Barter has brought quality theater to an area where it's most n e e d e d . Despite its problems, N e w Y o r k , has theater r u n n ­ ing out of its ear. B u t Soutwest Virginia a n d U p p e r East T e n n e s s e e — w e l l , e n o u g h said. T h r o u g h 5 0 years of changes, improvements, setbacks, lean years, innovations, heartbreaks a n d triumphs, Barter has p r o c l a i m e d that cultural enrichment is as necessary as the f o o d bartered for tickets in 1 9 3 3 . In mere statistics, it's easy to say where Barter is today: T h e Barter players stage about a d o z e n plays from spring through October in A b i n g d o n , n o w m o v ­ ing o n to 15 weeks i n Fairfax, a n d a major tour. It remains the country's longestrunning professional theater a n d the second-oldest theater structure. A c r o s s the street, the Barter P l a y h o u s e is the site of mainly musical revues. D u r i n g the s u m ­ mer, people from A b i n d g o n , neighboring communities a n d tourists fill the 380-seats of the o l d O p r e y H o u s e , with m a n y of the out-of-town theatergoers staying at the M a r t h a W a s h i n g t o n Inn. B u t in influence a n d stature, it's not so easy to assess Barter's current status. Partington carries o n Porterfield's tradition of giving a w a y a gift to the person attending for the first time from the farthest distance. O n any given night, par­ ticularly during the V i r g i n i a H i g h l a n d s Festival, it goes to s o m e o n e from "outside the continental limits of the U n i t e d States." It bears out the title of " w o r l d famous �114 T h e Barter Theatre Story Barter Theatre as it appears today. (Photo courtesy of the Barter Theatre) Barter Theatre" a n d is o n e indication of where Barter is today. Betsy G r a h a m of Bristol remembers trading 12 ears of c o r n in the late '30s to see He Who Gets Slapped. N o w she buys a ticket like e v e r y o n e else. H o w has Barter changed? " A t the beginning it was a folksy, h o m e t o w n c o m m u n i t y theater. N o w it is a place to see a n d be seen. It is a tourist attraction a n d that's where most of the houses c o m e f r o m . " G o o d or b a d , that's also where Barter is today. "Barter deserves a n d needs recognition," declares C l e o H o l l a d a y . "Especial­ ly locally. T h e r e are p e o p l e in L o n d o n w h o k n o w the Barter Theatre a n d o n M a i n Street there are p e o p l e w h o have lived here all their lives a n d never stepped foot inside the theater." Barter's influence m a y be m o r e p r o f o u n d than e v e n B o b w o u l d have guess­ e d . In addition to its integral role in the regional theater m o v e m e n t , Barter has also contributed to growth of theater in Southwest Virginia a n d U p p e r East T e n ­ nessee. W h e n Barter was f o u n d e d in 1 9 3 2 , there was o n l y o n e c o m m u n i t y theater in existence, the J o h n s o n C i t y C o m m u n i t y Theatre. T o d a y that area is k n o w n as the Tri-Cities, centering a r o u n d Bristol, Kingsport a n d J o h n s o n C i t y , �T h e Importance of Being Barter 115 a n d including such towns as A b i n g d o n , B i g S t o n e G a p , W i s e , P e n n i n g t o n G a p , Hiltons, G a t e C i t y a n d G l a d e S p r i n g , V i r g i n i a , a n d Bluff C i t y , Blountville, P i n e y Flats, Elizabethton, J o n e s b o r o , E r w i n , Rogersville, a n d Greeneville, Tennessee. In 1 9 8 2 , this area was supporting a professional dinner theater, a professional r o a d c o m p a n y , eight c o m m u n i t y theaters, t w o annual outdoor dramas, a n d seven college or university theater programs. A l t h o u g h Barter can hardly be credited exclusively for such growth, its inspiration a n d influence is undeniable. A s for the individual actor: "There are very few theaters like this that provide the environment to learn," says Frank L o w e . "It's a n overview of theater training that has lasted from the Depression until n o w , " adds L y n n P e c k t a l . "There is a tremendous feeling of ensemble," contributes actress Lily L o d g e , w h o appeared at Barter in 1 9 8 0 . "It's idyllic." W i t h all the tradition a n d d e v o t i o n to progress, these are all places Barter is today. After 5 0 years, Barter is still a n expression of love—for the theater, a t o w n , a region, state a n d country. It w o u l d be impossible to even begin an evaluation of worth or calculation of the m a n y this one small theater in Southwest Virginia has t o u c h e d . T h e r e are m a n y eloquent ways to summarize these accomplishments, but it w o u l d be inappropriate to not let B o b Porterfield have his inevitable curtain line: "If y a ' like us, talk about us. If y a ' don't, jes keep y a ' m o u t h shut!" �This page intentionally left blank �117 Appendix A APPENDIX A A Code of Ethics for People in the Theatre Dramatic art is the most human of all the arts. W e are servants of humanity—the producer, direc­ tor, dramatist and actor—pledge unanimity in giving the audience the best theatre possible. W e pledge complete loyalty to the theatre, our great and noble profession. W e pledge ourselves not to let our position or our name be used in any way which will bring discredit to the theatre. W e will not speak derogatorily to the layman about our fellow actors, producers, dramatists. It is bad business to talk bad business in show business. In theatre, where illusion is the first of all pleasures, we pledge our God-given talent for the reflec­ tion of life in all its respects, through comedy and tragedy, magic and glamour, and the world of make-believe. W e pledge ourselves to do everything possible to enhance our art and artistry and the theatre as an institution. W e recognize the producer as the autocratic head. W e pledge our talent to the dramatist in portraying his story of yesterday, today and tomorrow. W e pledge our acquiescence to the interpretation of the director. W e pledge ourselves to respect, cherish, and nourish the artistry of the actor. It is our duty to appeal to the gregariousness of m a n , and to him we pledge the propagation of the eternal verities. In humility we recognize the pleasure of our audience as the final criterion because without an au­ dience we cannot have theatre. (Note: This code was prepared by Robert Porterfield in 1957 with the help of theater friends in New Y o r k . It uses the old style English spelling of "theatre" throughout.) �Appendix B 118 APPENDIX B The Aims and Purposes of the Barter Theatre It is to serve as non-profit educational and cultural expression for the purpose of giving the people of Virginia, and its many guest-tourists, an opportunity to observe some of the works of the world's most distinguished playwrights, performed by competent actors. It is to bring good entertainment to the people of Virginia. It makes it possible for the young actors, young writers, and young technicians of the theatre to get practical experience in the Arts of the Theatre, working in cooperation with experienced profes­ sional actors, writers and technicians. T o make it possible for tourists traveling through Virginia to see "after-dark" entertainment after they have seen Virginia's day-light scenery—the drives, the gardens, the historical shrines. T h e primary purpose is that Virginia have its own standard of appreciation of the theatre, dif­ ferentiated from the tradition of the theatre. It is to be a living example of Democracy at work, carrying out the fundamental principles of Virginia's Bill of Rights. T h e lobby of the legitimate theatre is the only institution that serves as an example of pure democracy, because the legitimate theatre is the only institution still left where all creeds, classes and political faiths can gather under one roof and have a mingling of social graces, manners, and customs. W e must erect a defense against the evils that would destroy the culture and enlightenment of the world, and this is not to be done by the mechanism of munitions and men and steel alone, but by giv­ ing the best of our strength and devotion to the cause of a deeper faith of truth and beauty, and the wisdom of the human soul. "We hope to avail the State of those talents which nature has sown so liberally among the poor as the rich, but which perish without use, if not sought for and cultivated." -Thomas Jefferson (Note: T h e "Aims and Purposes" was prepared and printed in summer programs of 1941 when it looked as if Barter would become the State Theatre.) �119 Appendix C APPENDIX C The Barter Theatre Award Winners and audition selections 1939 Laurette Taylor Larry Gates, Edith Sommers 1941 Ethel Barrymore Robert Pastene, Charlotte Wilson Tallulah Bankhead no audition, theater closed for war. 1940 1942 1943 1944 1945 Dorothy Stickney Mildred Natwick Gregory Peck, Evelyn Wells Fargo Paul Wasserman, Margaret Phillips NO AWARD PRESENTED NO AWARD PRESENTED 1946 Louis Calhern Martin Waldron, Joan DeWeese 1948 Henry F o n d a James Andrews, Virginia Baker Shirley Booth Jerry Rifkin, G a b y Rodgers 1947 Helen Hayes 1949 Tallulah Bankhead 1951 Frederic March 1950 1952 Cornelia Otis Skinner Ray Boyle, Marion Wilson Robert Blackburn, Patricia Larson A . Hedison, Rosemary Murphy Charles Quinlivan, Sylvia Short 1953 Rosalind Russell Charles McCawley, Grant Williams, Jane Moncure 1955 Mary Martin Jerry Hardin, C l e o Holladay 1957 Ethel Merman 1954 1956 David Wayne Julie Harris 1958 Ralph Bellamy 1960 George Abbott Paul Lukather, Phyllis W y n n Arne Sundergaard, Marcie Hubert Mitch R y a n , V i e n n a C o b b Anderson Alex Murray, Elizabeth St. Clair Robert Whitehead William C o m e , Virginia James 1961 1962 Hume Cronyn A b e Burrows G e n e R. C o l e m a n , Joan Lancaster Gerome Ragni, Tojan Matchins 1964 Robert Preston Robert Jundeland, Daryle A n n Corr 1959 1963 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 David Merrick Roger L . Stevens T o m Prideaux Pearl Bailey Donald L i n a h a m , Diane Hill Michael Bierne, Melinda Dotson Russ Murphy NO AWARD PRESENTED NO AWARD PRESENTED N O AUDITION N O AUDITION (Note: T h e Barter Theatre A w a r d was originally intended to honor what was judged the best per­ formance of the theatrical season. Later, Porterfield loosened the eligibility to recognize the contributions of playwrights, producers and directors.) �Appendix D 120 APPENDIX D Awards and Honors Presented to Robert and the Barter Theatre Porterfield February 17, 1939: Life appointment as an Honorary Colonel in the Virginia Militia for contributions to the state's cultural life. Presented by the First Families of Virginia Association. March 28, 1949: Antoinette Perry (Tony) A w a r d for contributions to the American theater. June 1, 1948: Honorary Doctor of Literature from Hampden-Sydney College. June 10, 1957: N a m e d First Citizen of Abingdon by T o w n Council. September 24, 1957: Actors' F u n d A w a r d of Merit September 27, 1963: T h o m a s Jefferson A w a r d for public relations on behalf of Virginia. Presented by the O l d Dominion Chapter of the Public Relations Society of America. March 4, 1967: Suzanne Davis Memorial A w a r d for contributions to the theater in the South. Pre­ sented at the Southeastern Theatre Conference. May 1, 1967: Special Service A w a r d presented by the Virginia State Chamber of C o m m e r c e in Arlington. March 6, 1972: General Assembly of Virginia House Joint Resolution N o . 105 O n the death of u Robert Huffard Porterfield" as "evidence of the abiding regard which he earned in the hearts of all Virginians." November 16, 1979: Special A w a r d presented to the Barter Theatre at the First Governor's Awards for the Arts in Virginia. Accepted by producing director Rex Partington in Richmond. �Bibliography and References 121 B I B L I O G R A P H Y and R E F E R E N C E S Although much of the information in this volume is the result of interviews, several publications were invaluable in researching Barter and the many aspects of theater it encompassed. Perhaps the greatest resource for the Barter student is the scrapbooks stored in the Barter Inn. These volumes are kept year to year, and, as one would expect, some are more complete than others. For the most part, however, the scrapbooks contain most reviews, programs, posters, newspaper articles, magazine features and any other clippings pertinent to that season. Keller, Theresa Diane. A Survey Theatre of Abindgon, Virginia. THESES of the Attitudes of the Abingdon Community Towards Barter (Greensboro, North Carolina, 1977) A thesis submitted to the faculty of the graduate school at the University of North Carolina in partial fulfillment of the re­ quirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Williams, A n n e St. Clair. Robert Theatre Porterfield's Barter Theatre of Abingdon, Virginia; The State (Urbana, Illinois, 1970) Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the re­ of Virginia. quirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Speech in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois. BOOKS Archer, Fred. Exploring the Psychic Atkinson, Brooks. Broadway. New York: William Morrow and C o . , Inc., World. New York: McMillan Publishing C o . , Inc., Barbour, A l a n G . Humphrey Bogart. 1973. Arts: The Economic Twentieth Century F u n d , 1966. Pictorial History York: G . P . Putnam's Sons, Complete New York: Ballantine Books, Farrell, Barry. Pat and Roald. Freedland, Michael. Gregory Directory to Prime 1979. New York: R a n d o m House, Peck. Network New York: William Morrow and C o . , Inc., TV Shows: Theatre 1980. in America: Appraisal and 1968. Green, Abel, and Laurie, Joe, Jr. Show Biz: From 1951. Houghton, Norris. Advance from Broadway: York: Books for Libraries Press, 1971. Hughes, G l e n n . A History of the American Hyams, Joe. Bogie: The Biography Inc. Time Madison, Wisconsin: Dembar Educational Research Services, Inc., and New Y o r k , Theatre Arts Books, Company, New York: 1969. G a r d , Robert E . ; Blach, Marston; and Temkin, Pauline. Challenge. Dilemma. (revised and enlarged by J o h n Kobal). New of the Talkies 1973. Brooks, T i m , and Marsh, Earle. The 1946-Present. 1974. New York: Pyramid Publications, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Baumol, William J . , and Bowen, William G . Performing Blum, Daniel. A New 1968. 1966. Langley, Stephen. Theatre 19,000 Theatre, of Humphrey Langer, Lawrence. The Magic Curtain. Management Vaude to Video. New York: Henry Holt and Miles of American 1700-1950. Bogart. Theatre. Freeport, New New York: Samuel French, 1951. New York: T h e New American Library, New York: E . P . Dutton and C o m p a n y , Inc., in America. 1951. New York: Drama Book Specialists, 1974. �Bibliography and References 122 Lewis, A l a n . American Plays Publishers, Inc., and Playwrights 1965. of the Contemporary Little, Stuart W . , and Canton, Arthur. The Playmakers. New Y o r k : W . W . Norton and C o . , Inc., 1970. Maltin, Leonard (ed.). TV American Library, Inc., Marx, G r o u c h o . Groucho Novick, Julius. Beyond Movies: Revised O ' C o n n o r , Richard. Hey wood New Edition. and Me. New Y o r k : Manor Books, Broadway: 1968. 1981-82 1980. The Quest for Permanent Skinner, Corneilia Otis. Life With Lindsay & Crouse. York: The New Y o r k : Hill and W a n g , Theatres. 1975. Boston: Houghton Mifflin C o m p a n y , Teichmann, H o w a r d . George S. Kaufman: Thomas, T o n y . Gregory New Y o r k : Pyramid Publications, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Peck. Williams, Tennessee. Memoirs. New Y o r k : Atheneum, Portrait. Theatre: 1973. The Revolutionary 1976. 1972. Garden City, New Y o r k : Doubleday and C o m p a n y , Inc., Ziegler, Joseph Wesley. Regional Minnesota Press, An Intimate New 1974. New Y o r k : G . P . Putnam's Sons, Broun. New Y o r k : C r o w n Theatre. 1977. 1975. Minneapolis: University of Stage. NEWSPAPERS Several regional newspapers have covered Barter activities quite extensively throughout the years. A m o n g those most helpful in the preceeding research were the Bristol Herald-Courier, Virginia-Tennessean, Washington Gap Post, Southwest mond County Bristol News-Bulletin, News, Elizabethton Virginia News Leader Abingdon Star, Virginian, Stage Enterprise, Kingsport Post Roanoke and the Richmond Sullivan Times-News, (of Southwest World News, County News, Virginia Roanoke Times-Dispatch. Johnson City Press Gate City Herald, and Upper Times, Knoxville East Bristol Chronicle, Big Stone Tennessee), Journal, Rich­ Other newspapers to have run stories on Barter helpful in the preparation of this book include the Baltimore New Sun, Charlotte York Evening ta Constitution, Post, Observer, Washington Los Angeles New Post, Times, York Variety Times, Washington New York Sun, Evening and the London New York Herald-Tribune, Star (earlier the Star-News), Times. Atlan­ MAGAZINES "Actors and Hams." Time, X X X I V , N o . 14 (October 2, 1936), p. 38. "The Actors A r e C o m e Hither." Time, LIU, N o . 24 (June 13, 1949), p p . 76-77. Ardinger, J o h n . "Barter Theatre's Exciting Season." The Commonwealth, 1953), p p . 25-27. "Baa B a a M r . Porterfield." Forum, June 24, 1936, p. 2. "Barn to Broadway." Theatre X X , N o . 11 (November, X X X V I I , N o . 10 (October, 1953). "Barter." Cue Magazine, Arts, July 18, 1936, p. 20. "Barter is Twenty-Five." Theatre Arts, X L I (October, 1957), pp. 59-62. "Barter Theatre Trades Drama for H a m and Eggs." Life, VII, N o . 5 (July 31, 1939), pp. 54-55. �Bibliography and References 123 Breen, Robert, and Porterfield, Robert. "Toward a National Theatre," Theatre Clark, Margy. "Two Years after Porterfield: where does Barter Theatre Stand?" (Kingsport Times-News Magazine, V o l . 48, N o . 3 (March, 1981) p p . 56-63. Dawidziak, Mark. "Barter Theatre: T h e History and the Heritage." Saturday Herald-Courier), Magazine June 9, 1979, p. 3. Dawidziak, Mark. "The Stars at Barter." Weekender (Kingsport 24, 1981, p. 2-4. August 2, 1964, p p . 12-14. (The Magazine Friddel, G u y , "Old Dominion Foundation Grants A i d Abingdon." The Commonwealth, 1967, p p . 35-40. Kent, Arthur T . S . "Bring Y o u r Beans and See the Show." The Commonwealth, p p . 2-3. (Kingsport pp. 48-53. December, magazine), April 21, 1979, Times-News Millstein, Gilbert. "The Importance of Being Marty." Colliers, C S S S V I , N o . 2 (July 22, 1955), Moustakis, C . C . "Giving the Theatre Back to the People." Readers (June, 1936), p p . 97-98. "New Horizons for the Summer Theatre." New York Times Magazina, X X I X , N o . 170 Digest, August 2, 1936, p p . 24-26. Olson, Karen. "Where Mystery Meets History: T h e Haunting of the C a v e House." The Plow, 13, 1979, p p . 24-26. Plawin, Paul. "Professional Theatre has Thrived for 35 Years in Tiny Abingdon, Virginia." Living, April, 1967, p p . 30-31. Porterfield, Robert. "How Living Theatre W o n State Legislators." Theatre (October, 1956), p p . 512-513. Porterfield, Robert. "Trouping Shakespeare." Theatre 90-92. Arts, Baltimore II, N o . 8 (August, 1935), p p . 9-10. Kiss, T o n y . "Inside Barter Theater." Weekender (Bristol magazine), July Times-News Dorsey, J o h n . "Barter Theatre: Still Swapping Tickets for F o o d . " Sunday Sun), Weekender magazine), July 27, 1974, p p . 2-3. Dawidziak, Mark. "Barter Theatre: B o b Porterfield's Brainstorm." Commonwealth XXXIX Arts, (October, 1945), p p . 599-601. Arts, August Southern X L , N o . 10 X X V , N o . 4 (April, 1951), p p . 55, Sale, Marian Marsh. "Porterfield: Virginia's M a n of the Stage." The Commonwealth, p p . 62-65. "Southern Farmers Swap Country Produce for City Plays." Newsweek, June, 1967, June 20, 1936, p p . 24-25. "Theatre Arts Spotlights: Robert Porterfield." Theatre Arts, X X X V I , N o . 6 (June, 1952), p. 23. V e r n o n , Grenville. "The Play." The Commonwealth, January 25, 1935, p. 23. Williams, D r . A n n e St. Clair. "The Barter Theatre: A History." Southern (March, 1972), p p . 5-19. Williams, Alton. "State Theatre in Action." Theatre Theatre, X V , No. 3 Arts, X X X L , N o . 7 (July, 1947), p. 62. �Bibliography and References 124 UNPUBLISHED S O U R C E S S o m e of the most informative materials in preparing this text are publications from the Barter Theatre, the Abingdon Chamber of C o m m e r c e , and the State of Virginia. Abingdon, Virginia: 200 Years. A pamphlet put out by the Washington County Chamber of C o m m e r c e that includes " A History of Abingdon, Virginia" by Walter H . Hendricks. Historic Abindgon. A pamphlet overview of Abingdon, Damascus and Glade Spring published by the Washington County Chamber of C o m m e r c e . L a n d of the Mountains: Upper East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia. A full color pamphlet-sized tourism fold-out giving overview of the Tri-Cities area. Upper East Tennessee & Southwest Virginia: A Quiet Retreat Y o u C a n Still Afford. A booklet on the Tri-Cities prepared by Edwards and Associates Advertising. Virginia Highlands Festival. A pamphlet outlining the festival. Washington County Virginia: Business Directory and Community Guide. A booklet printed by the Washington County Chamber of Commerce. Barter Theatre publications: T h e Barter Story: 1933 to the Present. A N o v . 1, 1975 four-page history of Barter. Barter Theatre Buildings. A one-page overview by L u c y H . Bushore. Barter Theatre, Abingdon, Virginia. A fold-out brochure including a reprint of Joseph R. Judge's Amerika story on Barter. Barter Theatre: Flanigan. 1980 Newsletter. Four-page publication prepared by publicity director L o u Barter Theatre: Fall, 1981 Newsletter. Barter Theatre: 1979 Repertory Program. Booklet-form program that includes brief articles on Abingdon and Barter. Barter Theatre: 1980 Repertory Program. Barter Theatre: T h e 1981 Season. Booklet program for ten-play season prepared by L o u Flanigan. A Brief History of Barter. O n e page summary. T h e Famous Barter Theatre. A n over-sized booklet reprinting articles on Barter and serving as the program for The Virginian. Barter Theatre. Over-sized booklet with numerous articles and pictures from Barter's past printed for 1960 season. Robert Porterfield: A Memorial. Booklet in honor of Barter's founder that includes a text by J i m East, historical photographs, and a list of Barter A w a r d winners. Robert Porterfield Announces the Opening of the Barter Theatre's 17th Season. A 1949 pamphletsize brochure. Robert Porterfield presents the Barter Theatre. A 1960's brochure. Visit the World Famous Barter Theatre. A 1970s brochure. Minor's Printing, Boone, NC �ABOUT T H E AUTHOR has been a theater, film, and television critic for more than thirty-five years. H e has been the T V critic at the Cleveland Plain Dealer since 1999. H i s many books include the horror novel Grave Secrets and such nonfiction works as The Bedside, Bathtub & Armchair Companion to Dracula and two acclaimed histories of landmark T V series: The Columbo Phile and The Night Stalker Companion. Five of his books are about M a r k Twain. MARK DAWIDZIAK � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Barter Theater Story: Love Made Visible Description An account of the resource <span>Published in 1982,&nbsp;</span><em>The Barter Theatre Story: Love Made Visible</em><span>&nbsp;tells the colorful history of a remarkable American cultural institution. Opened by Robert Porterfield, a&nbsp;native Virginian, in 1933, the Barter Theatre offered the people of Abingdon, Virginia, and the surrounding area entertainment and a much-needed escape from their Depression-era working lives. It became the State Theatre of Virginia in 1946 and it is where the likes of Gregory Peck, Ernest Borgnine, Patricia Neal, Ned Beatty, and Hume Cronyn got their starts. Mark Dawidziak, a journalist from New York who spent much of his twenties in Appalachia and grew to admire the theater, tells the improbable story of the Barter Theatre, which remains one of the last year-round professional resident repertory theaters in the country.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1cnKhV9b_pPkA7ssChN4dSDZnPvHVy68n" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638133/the-barter-theatre-story" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Barter Theatre (Abingdon, Va.) Porterfield, Robert, 1905-1971 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dawidziak, Mark Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant |3|0.0000000|0.0000000|osm Abingdon (Va.) Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4743815/abingdon.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Barter Theater resident Robert porterfield theater Virginia https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/64d40aa75dee7fb47fa129f8adda150c.pdf 919db2b0ac66ae9803252252e9ed7529 PDF Text Text �THE EXAMINED LIFE �Appalachian Consortium Press The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit educational organization comprised of institutions and agencies located in the Southern Highlands. Our members are volunteers who plan and execute projects which serve 156 mountain counties in seven states. Among our goals are: • • • • • • • Preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia Protecting the mountain environment Publishing manuscripts about the region Improving educational opportunities for area students and teachers Conducting scientific, social, and economic research Promoting a positive image of Appalachia Encouraging regional cooperation The member institutions of the Appalachian Consortium are: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Gardner-Webb College Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association John C. Campbell Folk School Lees-McRae College Mars Hill College Mayland Community College N. C. Division of Archives and History Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild U. S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Association �THE EXAMINED LIFE: in American Literature by Jim Wayne Miller, Institute Presenter Karen Lohr, Editor and Project Coordinator Jane Shook, Managing Editor and Site Coordinator Barry M. Buxton, Project Director �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1989 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4238-3 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Table of Contents vil - vill ix - xi 1 2-15 Preface—Karen Lohr WORK Introduction—Jim Wayne Miller 60 - 75 "A Busy Multitude": Work in American Life and Literature—Jim Wayne Miller FAMILY 76 - 78 Participant Reflections: Work 79 - 84 Out of Work—Louis H. Palmer, III 84 - 85 Bibliography of Supplemental Works "The Oldest Unit in the World": The Family in American Life and Literature —Jim Wayne Miller 16-18 Participant Reflections: Family 19 - 23 The Theme of Family in Hamlet and The Sound and the Fury—Barbara Benson 24-25 A Family in Crisis: A Unit of Study of James Agee's A Death in the Family —Patricia B. Chastain 26 - 27 Bringing Characters to Life—Stan Coss 29 59 COMMUNITY 30 - 49 "Members of Each Other": Community in American Life and Literature —Jim Wayne Miller 50 - 52 Participant Reflections: Community 52 - 56 Explore Cultural Values in Your Own Community Through Literature!—Jo Buckner 56 - 57 Community in Nathaniel Hawthorne's Work —Sherrie Hartsoe 86 87 - 89 89 Further Readings Critical Readings of American Thought Acknowledgments �This page intentionally left blank �vii Preface "We all have a stake in seeing to it that the humanities are properly taught and thoroughly learned in our schools. We all have a stake in making sure our children know the shape of the river they are traveling." Lynne Cheney, Chairman of the National Endowment for the Humanities, in "American Memory" calls for a renewed commitment among those in higher education to strengthen humanities education in our nation's public schools. We at the Appalachian Consortium share this concern. In the Southern Highlands, where dropout rates are as high as 40 and 50 percent, ensuring that our young people are acquainted with history, literature, and the cultural values that have shaped our present society has emerged as a clear priority. Most of the states within our region have identified education as a foremost concern, even ahead of economic development. We recognize that the challenge of imparting cultural literacy to our youth most often falls on the shoulders of teachers in our public schools. The Appalachian Consortium is dedicated to assisting our teachers in providing students with a meaningful and stimulating encounter with the humanities, an encounter which is vital in transmitting an understanding of American values and culture. Recognizing that public school teachers in the Southern Highlands were searching for resources to enliven and enrich their humanities programs, the Consortium, with support from the National Endowment for the Humanities, initiated the Southern Highlands Institute for Educators (SHIE). During the summer of 1984 programs were offered at four regional universities with over 120 teachers attending. Their response convinced Consortium members that the offering of quality summer institutes and the establishment of sustainable channels of communication among educators in our public schools and universities are perhaps the most significant and far-reaching contributions the organization will make to the future of public education in the region we serve. "Cultural Values In American Literature" has been a fouryear SHIE program supported by the National Endowment for the Humanities. The 1986-88 summer institutes, led by Dr. Jim Wayne Miller, focused on a triad of concepts, "family, community, work," central to achieving a better understanding of our values, beliefs, and behavior. The words of participants in the 1986-88 Southern Highlands Institute for Educators best describe the benefits of programs which bring together educators and scholars in the hum am'ties: *7 have found this institute to be vital, inspiring, and transformational. It has increased my knowledge of literature in ways that will be helpful and stimulating to my students. Too often teachers are treated like old books and put into a certain place to gather dust. We need to be taken down and at least thumbed through occasionally, and the typical district curriculum course is not quite the right kind of handling. We need more programs like this one." One of the most successful components of the 1984 Southern Highlands Institute for Educators was the publication of a resource guide for teachers entitled Reading, Writing, Region, authored by Jim Wayne Miller. The publication provides a checklist, purchase guide, and directory for educators and school and community libraries in the region. We are pleased to publish this companion volume, The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature. In this work Dr. Miller explores the cultural values which "affirm our humanity" (Cheney) and lead us to a richer understanding of ourselves, the community we live in, our nation, and our global community. Elements of culture given voice in literature, such as family, community, and work, become maps that help orient us in regard to place and time, thereby providing students with a means for self-explanation, self- �via knowledge. Dr. Miller describes his consideration of the central cultural values as "an effort to make a whole out of parts." Too often we limit our reflection on such values to the parameters of the discipline we are immersed in—history, literature, sciences. In this work Dr. Miller bridges the gaps between disciplines, thus providing a valuable resource for all involved in public education. He suggests, "We can guide our students to reflection on their heritage, to a perspective on human existence and a connection to permanent concerns by helping them, as others have helped us, to make a whole out of parts." The Examined Life is designed to provide a guide for humanities educators to resources helpful in integrating the three cultural themes into a broader curriculum. The introduction presented by Dr. Miller gives an orientation to the themes and the humanities approach which considers them in a cultural, historical, and literary context. The sections considering family, community, and work begin with Professor Miller's in-depth discussion of each theme and the three major literary works examined in light of that theme. The historical framework he provides shows us how the theme develops through time and in relation to particular places and cultures. Thus we see family as a dynamic force rather than a static construct. Complementing Dr. Miller's discussion of the cultural values and their expression in the literary texts are excerpts from essays written by participating teachers. These passages provide unique insights to the themes and texts examined during the summer programs. Following these considerations of family, community, and work are curriculum units developed by teachers involved in the summer programs. This component of the guide offers specific examples of how the thematic content can be explored in the context of general curriculum objectives and requirements. These resource units with their exciting and imaginative exercises and methods will be especially useful for humanities educators. Finally, the publication includes an annotated bibliography The Examined Ufe: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature of central and supplemental readings. Also presented is a bibliography of texts useful in gaining a general background in American history and the development of American culture and cultures. A listing of critical works and further supplemental texts is offered as well. The Appalachian Consortium, with the support of the National Endowment for the Humanities, is pleased to make this valuable resource guide available to humanities teachers and public schools in the Southern Highlands. The foremost priority of the Appalachian Consortium in all our educational services is commitment to assisting public school teachers in providing a vital and enriching educational experience for our young people. We look to our teachers for suggestions and input on ways to meet this challenge. Karen Lohr Editor �ix Introduction The works chosen as major texts to facilitate examination of the themes of family, community, and work have been selected for their intrinsic literary value; for the way in which they suggest the interrelatedness of the three themes; and for their usefulness in dramatizing and illuminating the themes as meanings, values, and systems of significance that inform people's lives. In selecting texts, consideration has also been given to providing historical perspective on the American experience. Texts chosen represent a span of time from Colonial America to the 1950's—from Franklin's Autobiography to Harriette Arnow's The Dollmaker and James Agee's A Death in the Family. Geographically, the works deal with the deep South (The Sound and the Fury), New England (The Scarlet Letter, "Civil Disobedience" and Walden, The Rise of Silas Lapham\ and also the Midwest (Main Street, Giants in the Earth). Throughout the three summers during which these texts were studied, the controlling purpose of examination was to discover the ways in which cultural values common to all mankind have been cast in a distinctly American shape and reflected in literary works which are classics in the American literary tradition. The tension between the individual and those forms of existence which force him to interact with others (in the family, the community, and the workplace) informs each of the major texts selected. The working out of this tension (whether one labels it the clash between the ideal and the pragmatic, or between the individual and society) on American soil, by the American mind and spirit, is at the heart of each work selected for examination. The Sound and the Fury, A Death in the Family, and The Dollmaker have been selected as major texts for study because of the ways in which they engage the theme of family as a cultural value; The Scarlet Letter, Walden, and "Civil Disobedience" for the way in which they illuminate the theme of community; and Franklin's Autobiography, The Rise of Silas Lapham, andGiants in the Earth for their revealing confrontations with the theme of work. A secondary consideration in the selection of these works was the way in which these texts afford an examination of the interpenetration of family, community, and work in an overall consideration of cultural values in American life. In The Scarlet Letter, Hester Prynne, the Reverend Mr. Dimmesdale, and their daughter Pearl constitute a family—a fact which is finally acknowledged in the revelation on the marketplace scaffold. Thoreau, in Walden, has insightful comments on work. Main Street engages the theme of family as well as work. Franklin's Autobiography relates how he was able to make himself useful, through industry and good habits, not only to himself but to his family and to his community. The Rise of Silas Lapham offers an instance of a hard-working, self-made man in relation to his family and to a larger community which does not fully share his assessment of himself. Giants in the Earth depicts the protagonist, Per Hansa, in his relationship to his family and to a community of settlers as he struggles to wrest a living from the earth. Roelvaagfs novel also offers a parallel experience to that found in Arnow's The Dollmaker, for both works deal with the immigrant experience in America. Per Hansa and his family come to America from another country. Arnow's Southern Appalachians differ from Roelvaag's characters only in that they have become immigrants in the country of their birth. But like all immigrants, they must bear the memory of a homeland into a new place and out of that experience work to make a new life in a new community. The irreducible cultural values found in the American experience, and which Americans hold with varying degrees of ambivalence, may be found in Franklin's utilitarianism and cheerful reasonableness, and in Thoreau's unbending individualism and uncompromising idealism. Interpretations and understandings of the themes of family, community, and work, as �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature reflected in all the texts to be studied, may vary according to whether they are seen from the standpoint of utilitarianism or idealism. Franklin's alertness to opportunity and his gregarious flexibility would certainly strike Thoreau, at times, as deplorable expedience. Thoreau would not be amused by Franklin's tonguein-cheek observation: "So convenient a thing it is to be a reasonable Creature, since it enables one to find or make a Reason for every thing one has a mind to do." Thoreau would hardly approve Franklin's easy distinction between truth and utility, as when Franklin observes, regarding Deism:".. .1 began to suspect that this Doctrine tho' it might be true, was not very useful." Thoreau's devotion to the supremacy of truth leads him beyond consideration of mere utility. He asserts that "any man more right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one already." Whereas Franklin tends to consider the usefulness of a view, Thoreau is devoted to "Action from principle" [which] "changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was. It not only divides States and churches, it divides families; ay, it divides the individual, separating the diabolical in him from the divine." Franklin and Thoreau differ fundamentally on the value and efficacy of group undertakings. Franklin's civic spirit manifests itself in the founding of the Junto, precursor of the American Philosophical Society; in his efforts to organize and establish a school, a hospital, a fire department. He believed one served God best by serving one's fellow man. He believed in the possibility of influencing people in the mass (and often did this by discussing public issues in his newspaper). He considered it worthwhile to undertake projects for the common good. And whereas Thoreau emphasizes action proceeding from principle, which "changes things and relations" and is discontinuous with what previously exists, Franklin stresses small improvements: "Human Felicity is produced not so much by great Pieces of good Fortune that seldom happen, as by little Advantages that occur every day." Franklin would gradually improve conditions for the sake of everyone, for the entire community. Thoreau finds "little virtue in the action of masses of men." He recommends, rather, action which changes the individual. In the following passage from "Civil Disobedience" Thoreau might seem to be scoffing at the views and values of Franklin, whose life was characterized by altruistic and philanthropic undertakings, and by projects of mutual benefit to those involved: The American has dwindled into an Odd Fellow—one who may be known by the development of his organ of gregariousness, and a manifest lack of intellect and cheerful self-reliance; whose first and chief concern, on coming into the world, is to see that the almshouses are in good repair; and, before yet he has lawfully donned the virile garb, to collect a fund for the support of widows and orphans that may be; who, in short, ventures to live only by the aid of the Mutual Insurance Company, which has promised to bury him decently. (Thoreau's view here also contains an implicit judgment of Carol Kennicott and the community of Gopher Prairie which Carol attempts to reform.) Thoreau might number Franklin among those "men of a certain experience and discrimination" [who] "have no doubt invented ingenious and even useful systems, for which we sincerely thank them; but all their wit and usefulness lie within certain not very wide limits. They are wont to forget that the world is not governed by policy and expediency." By dramatizing the difference between Franklin's utilitarianism and Thoreau's idealism, we may better examine these strains in American cultural values as they are reflected in other texts studied; for they can be seen to lie in the American experience, as Lewis expresses it in Main Street, "like enemies yoked." Seminar participants have examined how Thoreau himself manages the tension between the mundane, practical, and material world, and the domain of the spiritual and ideal in Walden, where he deals not only with "Economy" but also with �INTRODUCTION xi "Where I Lived, and What I Lived For," with "Solitude" and with "Visitors," with "Higher Laws" and with "Brute Neighbors." Such considerations provide a perspective from which to examine not only other texts selected for study, but the contemporary American experience with respect to family, community, and work; a perspective from which to consider the possibilities for combining individualism and a sense of family and community; work with meaning in the context of individual, family, and community values. In each instance the task, as Everett Carter defines it, is to identify those values which permeate the "American Idea," to recognize the underlying tensions, and to examine the ways in which selected American writers either accept or reject or modify these values in the ordered world of their creations. Jim Wayne Miller �This page intentionally left blank �Family John Hicks tells of an outsider trying to buy his land. It seems the man believed it was only a matter of price, and he could not understand John's refusals to sell. 'Why, I couldn't sell that. My people lived there before the Revolution: they walked on it and worked on it all them years. And my people's buried up there." Laura M. Hodges, "A Survey of the Relationship of Land and Character Development in Representative Southern Literature" �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 2 "The Oldest Unit in the World":The Family in American Life and Literature They were for an interval once more on the land, a unit together, the oldest unit in the world: a family. Wilma Dykeman, The Far Family Writers and thinkers, ancient and modern, view the family as our oldest and most important human institution. "God setteth the solitary in families," we read in Psalm 68. Indeed, some descriptions of the family suggest through their imagery that the family is not an arrangement devised by human beings, but rather a part of creation, like trees and flowers. The Chinese philosopher Mencius, three centuries before CHrist, sees the family as "the root of the state" (Bartlett, 89). The Romantic German poet Friedrich von Hardenberg (Novalis) agrees: "Marriage is to politics what the lever is to engineering. The state is not founded upon single individuals, but upon couples and groups" (Viking, 195). C. G. Jung also relates the family to the larger society; he considers the family to be a model for the larger society. The family stamps its character upon the child, who tends to see its earlier miniature world again in the larger adult world. The world, for each of us, is to varying degrees a parental image (Jung, 125). Robert Frost, who habitually questioned conventional wisdom (cf. his questioning of the platitude "Good fences make good neighbors," in "Mending Wall"), never doubted the importance of the family. Frost writes, in "Build Soil" (325): Don't join too many gangs. Join few if any. Join the United States and join the family— But not much in between unless a college. If the family has long been considered the fundamental unit of human society, it has been viewed not as a static, but rather a dynamic structure. Some have been able to see a more or less constant evolution of the family in the western world; others have predicted its demise, at least in one of its manifestations. Lewis Henry Morgan, the nineteenth-century American ethnologist, writes that the "monogamian family has improved greatly since the commencement of civilization," and especially in the nineteenth century. Hence, it was not unreasonable to suppose that the family was capable of still further improvement "until the equality of the sexes is attained" (The Great Thoughts, 301). On the other hand, Karl Marx, Morgan's contemporary, predicted that the bourgeois family would disappear along with the bourgeoise as a class. Marx railed against "bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about the hallowed co-relation of parent and child," which was contradicted by the situation of the family in industrial society where "all family ties among the proletariat are torn asunder, and their children transformed into simple articles of commerce and instruments of labor" (Elster, 263). Something close to Marx's view has become the conventional wisdom, even among those who are not Marxists in their social and economic views. The notion that the family (despite the abolition of child labor) has suffered in the modern world dominated by industry and technology is a common one. We imagine a preindustrial West in which the family existed in something approaching an ideal state. In this regard, we are surely mistaken, for the modern era began long before the Industrial Revolution, which was only one of the modern era's manifestations. In 1611, only four years after the first permanent English settlement in America was established at Jamestown (1607), and well before the establishment of the Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay Colonies in New England (1620 and 1628 respectively), John Donne complained, in "An Anatomie of the World: The First Anniversary" (191) of a breakdown of all traditional relationships and institutions, including the family: Tis all in peeces, all cohaerence gone; All just supply, and all Relation: Prince, Subject, Father, Sonne, are things forgot, For every man alone thinks he hath got �FAMILY To be a Phoenix, and that then can bee None of that kind, of which he is, but hee. If we are to believe these verses, the modern era, and the "breakdown" of the traditional family, begins with the Renaissance individualism to which Donne refers. The meaning of the word "family" has shifted throughout its history in the English language, and it is to a felt shift in societal relations that Donne is responding in his "Anatomie of the World." "Family" became established in English in the late 1300s and early 1400s, derived from the French familia, stemming from the Latin word meaning "household," and ultimately from the Latin root word famulus, a servant. The Latin word denoted either a group of servants or blood-relations and servants living together in one household. In English the meaning of "family" was subsequently extended until, by the end of the fifteenth century, it was used to mean not a household, but a house in the sense of a lineage or kin-group, those descended from a common ancestor. "Family" in the Authorized (Ring James) Version of the Bible, which appeared in 1611, the same year as Donne's "Anatomie of the World," is used either in the sense of a large kin-group, often almost synonymously with tribe, or in the sense of lineage from a common ancestor. Before the seventeenth century the word "family" is not used to refer to a small group of close blood relatives. (In the King James Bible the relationship between parents and children is denoted by the term near &m.) Yet between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries the meaning of the word shifted, and "family" came to mean a small group of close relatives, usually parents and children, living in one house. This shift has made necessary the twentieth century distinction between the nuclear family and the larger extended family (Williams, 108-11). It is difficult to know the degree to which the contemporary family in the West has changed through the centuries, for our study of kinship and the family began only about one hundred years ago. But we do know that one of the early and extremely 3 influential sociologists, Frederic Le Play of France, idealized the pre-industrial "traditional" (extended) family when, in the 1870s, he contrasted it favorably with the post-industrial nuclear family consisting of parents and children. Much of what has been learned about the history of the family since Le Play wrote has amounted to a cumulative correction of Le Play's views of the traditional family (Gies, 4-5). Generally speaking, it is safe to say that we have, on the one hand, romanticized the past, and imagined the family as existing in some idyllic state; on the other, we have viewed the past as hopelessly benighted and brutish, with the family existing in only the most rudimentary form. Studies suggest that neither view is tenable. It has been a widely held view, for instance, that the notion of childhood as a distinct phase of life did not exist before the sixteenth century. But detailed studies of the Middle Ages provide evidence that children were at all times valued and held in great affection, and that parents in Medieval Europe did not lack a concept of childhood (Gies, 5,12,219). Our study of the family over the past century further suggests that there never has been a single family type, but rather at least three historical types: the large "open lineage" family; the smaller "restricted patriarchal nuclear family"; and the "closed domesticated nuclear family" of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Gies, 8). Family type, it has been discovered, varies with class distinction. For instance, the family based on lineage, important to the aristocracy, hardly existed among artisans, craftsmen, shopkeepers, and laborers in eleventh- and twelfth-century Genoa, Italy. The families of these people tended to consist of parents and children, under one roof, with, occasionally, an aged parent or parents or son-in-law or daughter-in-law. The larger group to which an artisan or craftsman belonged consisted not of kin, but of other members of his guild (Gies, 149). Families varied not only according to type during the Medieval period (from about 500 AD to about 1500 AD), but they varied in �4 response to social and economic conditions. During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when the Black Death ravaged the populations of European towns at approximately ten-year intervals, studies show that survivors responded by marrying early and having more children (Gies, 233). When and where the power of government was weak, the family (understood to mean the clan or kindred) grew stronger and more influential; when and where the power of government was strong and effective, the importance of the family waned. And though we are prone to think that reductions in the function of the family have occurred only in the post-industrial period, studies reveal that between Roman times and the Reformation (approximately between 500 AD and 1500 AD), while the economic function tended to remain strong, other functions of the family were reduced to such a degree that both Romans and Germanic peoples who settled within the Empire would have found the European family of 1500 quite different from what they had known. The Christian Church took over religious functions; justice was a matter for secular and ecclesiastical courts to deal with; craft guilds, national governments, schools, and universities assumed other economic, social, and educational functions formerly performed by the family (Gies, 295-96). What has been learned during the last one hundred years about the history of the family highlights its protean ability to assume different forms, its adaptability and resilience as an institution. But where the historical perspective is lacking, any change in the family's form or function, and any adaptation to altered circumstances is apt to be perceived with alarm. The history of the American family shows a continuing flexibility, adaptability, and resilience in its form and function. Alexis de Tocqueville wrote, after visiting the United States in the 1830s, that the family, "in the Roman and aristocratic signification of the word," did not exist in America. But the family he observed in the United States in the first third of the nineteenth century had perhaps only carried forward trends observable in The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature Europe, where, as Tocqueville had already pointed out, "the several members of a family stand upon an entirely new footing towards each other... the distance which formerly separated a father and his sons has been lessened... paternal authority, if not destroyed, is at least impaired" (Tocqueville, v. 2: 229). The colonial and frontier family in America was a blend of European heritage and new conditions. Harvey Wish, in his Society and Thought in America, describes the colonial and frontier family as a "strong patriarchal unit, strengthened by the economic role of both old and young, as well as by religious, biological, and social needs" (1:49). Rural families were closely knit by economic ties; yet, if these families were patriarchal, and they were, conditions on the frontier favoring equality were abetted by the Renaissance individualism which John Donne deplored in "An Anatomie of the World." In accordance with both European heritage and the demands of the conditions in which they found themselves, American colonists and settlers of all social and economic groups tended to marry early and have large families. It was not uncommon for couples to have more than a dozen children. And while, as might be suspected, such large families often resulted in a high mortality rate among women, this was not inevitably the case. Records from New England towns and villages provide examples of women who bore ten, twelve, and even fifteen children and who lived to the ages of ninety-seven, ninety-three, and seventyseven respectively (Wertenbaker, 183-4). Families were, of economic necessity, close-knit. Wives and children shared in the work of clearing land and raising crops when, throughout the seventeenth century and much of the eighteenth, as much as ninety per cent of the population derived its livelihood from agriculture. Since economic factors were so dominant in determining the nature of the family, the family group, at least in some colonies, "tended to include legally the wards, apprentices, and servants as well as the children" (Adams, 11). �FAMILY Yet family life was not always harmonious and idyllic. Our histories of the American Civil War have taught us that families were divided by issues over which the Civil War was fought— that fathers and sons and brothers often opposed each other on the field of battle; but we are less likely to know that colonial families were similarly divided by the Revolutionary War. While sons tended to be advocates of revolution, their fathers remaining loyal to the English crown, this was not always the case; occasionally, fathers were the revolutionists, while the sons were loyalists. Such was the case of Benjamin Franklin and his son William (Greene, 227). Both before and after the Revolution, the family played an important role in immigration, first to the colonies and later to the new young nation. Often families, and sometimes entire communtities (q.v.) immigrated together. It was also not uncommon for a man to establish himself in the colonies or in the new republic and then arrange for his family's passage to their new home. Later immigrants often had family connections in America; these relatives exercised a stabilizing influence as immigrants gained an economic footing in their new situation (Fish, 111). Bernard Bailyn's analysis of immigration from England, Scotland, and Ireland just prior to the Revolution leads him to conclude that there were two immigrations: one, consisting mainly of young unmarried males drawn from London and the southern parts of England; and another consisting largely of entire families from northern England, Scotland, and Protestant Northern Ireland (126-203). Immigration to America resulting from political unrest in Germany in 1848 also brought a conspicuously large number of entire families who attempted to re-establish their family and community groups in America (Fish, 117-18). These German-speaking immigrants, the so-called FortyEighters, arrived in America at a time when technological innovation (the railroad, the steamship, the telegraph) were beginning to profoundly alter the American home, hence the family. Generally improved means of transportation and 5 communications, together with improved living conditions in urban areas (running water, sewage systems, indoor toilets and baths), conspired to make family life in the American tity markedly different from that of small towns, villages, and rural areas (Fish, 330-32). While rural family life would remain largely unaffected by these changes, in some areas until the rural electrification programs of the 1930s, American family life in urban areas, according to one authoritative historian, "lost much of its old privacy," as the word "home," which in England was freighted with emotion and intimacy, became almost synonymous with "house." "Americans lived in a new realm of uncertain boundaries, in an affable, communal world which... was neither public nor private: a world of first names, open doors, front porches, and front lawns, and naturally, too, of lunch counters, restaurants, and hotel lobbies... Casual acquaintances soon seemed ^members of the family*" (Boorstin, 144). Compared to the European family of the same period, the American family of the nineteenth century was characterized by a casualness and laxness. According to Henry Steele Commager, "Parents were notoriously indulgent of their children and children notoriously disrespectful of parents, yet family life was on the whole happy, and most children grew up to be good parents and good citizens" (Commager, 19). The British are still fond of commenting on what is perceived as an absurd reversal of roles in the American family. Ring Edward VIII (1894-1972), who abdicated the throne in 1936 to marry an American, once remarked: "The thing that impresses me most about America is the way parents obey their children" (King Edward VIII, A-ll). But many thoughtful people were alarmed by the changes taking place in the American family during the mid-nineteenth century. To them, the family seemed in a process of disintegration. In 1858 the New York Herald commented editorially on runaway marriages. Matrimonial agencies sprang up. Marriages were entered into lightly, and when the marriage failed, people often �6 remarried without troubling to dissolve the first marriage. The selfishness and willfulness of the younger generation was universally deplored. Ralph Waldo Emerson cited a contemporary who lamented having been so unfortunate as to have been born in an age "when children were nothing and to have spent his mature life in an age when children were everything" (Cole, 16970). By the last quarter of the nineteenth century, as more and more Americans lived in cities, differences between rural and urban families became increasingly apparent. Middle class city dwellers tended to marry later and, due to increasing use of birth control measures, had smaller families. Birth control, at first an unmentionable topic, came to be discussed publicly, and even commended by some medical authorities. Family size and overall rate of population increase (despite large numbers of European immigrants) fell throughout the last decades of the nineteenth century and first decades of the twentieth century. In one decade (1890-1900) the size of the average American household shrank so noticeably that President Theodore Roosevelt accused the "new woman" of abetting in "race suicide" and attempted to make large families once again popular—even as Mrs. Margaret Sanger began the formation of the American Birth Control League (Faulkner, 162-66). Indeed, new conditions in the cities were producing a new American woman, whose different status had implications for the American family. Between 1900 and 1910 the number of female wage-earners increased dramatically (this increase was also relative to the total number of wage-earners). We must note, however, that the increase in women working outside the home was limited to what has come to be known as the relatively lowpaying "service" sector of the economy. While a greater number of women went into teaching, in professions such as law and the clergy there were fewer women in 1910 than in 1900, and in medicine there was only a slight increase. Analysis of statistics suggests that women's place in the work force was still secondary The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature to the home, and that the real labor unit was not the individual but the family. At this time it was determined that fully one-half the women in manufacturing and trade were under the age of twenty-five, and that many worked only until they were married. This temporary status impeded the progress of trade unionism among women. Consequently, women who depended solely on their wages for their own support, or for the support of their children or other family members, were trapped in low-paying jobs with little opportunity for advancement or increased compensation (Faulkner, 153-54). Another consequence of urban dwelling was the decline, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, of the single-family house. In the larger cities rapidly increasing land values caused apartment houses, and even apartment hotels, to almost totally supplant the single-family house. The change was so rapid and dramatic that a writer in a popular magazine declared that the American home had been "lifted clean off the ground—yardless, cellarless, stairless, even kitchenless" (Faulkner, 155). If it had not altogether disappeared, and it had not, the importance of the American kitchen, integral to the economic function of the family, had been significantly reduced by the availability of restaurants, delicatessens, and canned food. According to Rybczynski, not only the kitchen, but the entire home had by this time been feminized; the feminine idea of the home was dynamic, having to do not only with the masculine notion of ease (the home as a refuge from the larger world) but also with work—"which was why, when electricity entered the home, it was by the kitchen door" (160-61). But when observers in the early twentieth century spoke out with alarm about the "breakdown" of the American home, they had in mind not the household "plant," but the family group itself. While most observers believed the increasing incidence of divorce to be the greatest threat to the American family, a more thorough study of the situation concluded that the American �FAMILY family, at least in "its extreme urban form," had lost six of its seven traditional functions. Whereas in the past the family had been held together by economic, religious, protective, educational, recreational, and affectional functions, and by a function having to do with social status, all had been greatly reduced or eliminated, except for the affectional function. This analysis explained, at least partly, the increase in divorce rates: when affection no longer held the family together, there was nothing else to prevent its dissolution (Slosson, 141-44). The adaptability and resilience of the family was made clear again during the Great Depression of the 1930s. Many observers noted a definite strengthening of family ties as a result of the economic emergency and the increased importance of the family as an economic unit. Young men and women who had left the homes of their parents were forced, because they were unable to find or hold on to employment, to go back home, to the place, as Robert Frost put it, "where, when you have to go there, they have to take you in." These older children often contributed to family support and gained prestige as members of the family's "inner council." An observer noted that "many a family that has lost its car has found its soul." The president of Notre Dame University stated that "as a result of the Depression a great portion of the American public rediscovered fireside joys, rediscovered the things of the spirit" (Wecter, 29-33). But the effects of the Great Depression on the American family were certainly not all positive. Closer studies showed that older children returning to the family fold, no longer susceptible to paternal authority, often created family tensions (Wecter, 29). The economic emergency, studies showed, strengthened some families but weakened others. And if both the birth rate and the divorce rate declined, the incidence of desertion by male heads of households increased (Wish, v. 2. 503). Unemployment and enforced idleness took their toll in the form of anxiety, insecurity, apathy, and a sense of worthlessness among members of American families (Wecter, 33). 7 The post-World War II reversal of the declining birth rate (which had characterized the Depression years), the result of millions of veterans returning home to marry and establish longdelayed domestic life, has been well-documented. The effects of this post-war "baby boom," itself a further evidence of the resilience and adaptability of the family as an institution, continue to ripple through American society, and to contribute to widespread concern about the contemporary American family. Divorce, permissiveness in child-rearing (cause for alarm in earlier times in America), continue to be topics of concern, along with child abuse, child abandonment, and increasing incidence of drug use among the young. The carefree innocence of childhood can be destroyed by divorce, and children are, in some instances, subjected to painful conflicts as divorced parents compete for the affection of their offspring. A widely read psychiatrist comments wryly that "Permissiveness is the principle of treating children as if they were adults; and the tactic of making sure they never reach that stage" (Szas, 336). Church-sponsored magazines feature articles about the tragedy of "the fractured family" (Graham, 3-6). The director of an agency which shelters runaway teenagers and abandoned children declares the 1980s "the era of the disposable child" (Daily News, September 20,1988, 4-A). Dr. Urie Bronfenbrenner, a professor of psychology, child development, and family relationships, believes parents are as eager and willing as ever to spend time with their children but find it difficult to do so simply because "conditions of life have changed." Parents still have the primary moral and legal responsibility for rearing their children, he writes, but (and here he echoes earlier findings about the erosion of family functions) many other aspects of child rearing that once were the responsibility of the family have shifted to other societal settings, where this responsibility is, however, not always accepted or even acknowledged. Bronfenbrenner points out that children typically grow up in contemporary America without coming into contact with people who represent a diversity of ages, incomes, and �8 educational attainments. Children rarely are able to watch adults work at their trades, vocations, and professions. He finds the world in which millions of children grow up to be sterile (Bronfenbrenner, 60-66). Yet increasing concern over the well-being of the family as an institution seems to be equaled only by increasing certainty that the family is the crucial and primary social unit. Some psychiatrists are abandoning the view of the autonomous individual as the fundamental social unit in favor of "family systems theory," which views the family "an emotional unit and the individual as part of that unit rather than as an autonomous psychological entity" (Kerr,35ff). Thus, throughout decades when the family has been feared to be in a process of disintegration, Americans have become increasingly self-conscious about family. Family names have become longer, more frequently hyphenated and "double-barrelled" in the effort to preserve, display, or honor them. An historian notes that between Washington and Lincoln only three presidents had more than one Christian name, compared to five between Taft and Truman (Commager, 415). Newspapers, popular magazines, pundits, and advice columnists offer up, by the day, week, and month, reams of commentary on the family, both alarming and reassuring. A medical ethics student sees sinister implications for the family in an invitation that urges guests to "bring your significant other and any associated children" (Memphis, A-9). Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan's 1985 Godkin Lectures at Harvard, published in paperback under the title Family and Nation, are discussed by one syndicated newspaper columnist (Broder, A-9), while another recommends "positive reinforcement" for the idea of monogamous life to counter the "gradual evanescence of the family" (Buckley, A-5). An entertainer asks on the cover of a magazine supplement to a Sunday newspaper, "What Is a Real Family, Anyway?" (Thomas, 4-6). Dr. Benjamin Spock's changing views are reported regularly (MacDonald, D—8-9). A curmudgeon writes to an The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature advice columnist to blame liberated women for broken marriages and shattered families (Landers, 4-B). More reassuring, a weekly news magazine reports on a social psychologist's findings that disadvantaged children are often amazingly resilient: "The picture we have of disadvantaged youth is much more encouraging..." (Monmaney, 67). Another magazine supplement to a Sunday newspaper suggests the death of the family is an exaggeration (Rich, 16-19). A scholarly paper originally presented at a professional conference, then published in a book entitled Passionate Attachments: Thinking About Love, and then reprinted in a middle-brow magazine, asserts that the contemporary American family (excluding the poor black family) "is not, as is generally supposed, disintegrating because of the very high divorce rate... the median duration of marriage today is almost exactly the same as it was 100 years ago" (Stone, 32). Facts, figures, and opinions regarding the family fly at us from every direction—some, like those overheard in passing ubiquitous radios and television sets, too fleeting to document more than partially: • We don't hand anything on from one generation to another. . . . The United States and South Africa are the only industrialized countries that don't have a national family policy (BiU Moyers' World, PBS, October 1988). • The suburban nuclear family of the post-World War II period was a Cold War invention. When more women were either working or attending school, one would have expected less emphasis on family, not more. Home and family, during the McCarthy period, became a bulwark against the enemy within and without (from a discussion of Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era, by Elaine Tyler May, National Public Radio's "All Things Considered," September 26,1988). And during the most recent thaw in the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, the official Soviet news �FAMILY agency Tass reported, in a dramatic reversal of longstanding policy favoring collectivized agriculture, that Russian farmers now "will be able to rent land from the state in a full-scale return to family farming..." ("Soviets reversing over a half-century of state-run farming," Parks. Iff). Meanwhile, the debate goes on. Facts, figures, studies, and statistics do not resolve it, or quell the fears about the state of the American family. An historical perspective on the family, which includes not only sociological studies but considerations of the family as it has been depicted in imaginative literature, may result in the most balanced view. It may be that, as Flaubert observed, "Our ignorance of history makes us vilify our own age" (Viking, 237). Historical perspective is provided by Domestic Revolutions, a social history of American family life based on scholarship that has emerged during the past two decades. The authors remind us that community leaders in the Massachusetts Bay Colony were deploring the decline of the family, enacting laws with respect to family discipline in the community, and, on the whole, sounding much like alarmed voices of the present. Yet the study provides evidence not so much of the decline of the family as it suggests the family's stubborn adaptability and persistence (Mintz and Kellog, et passim). The historical perspective suggests that while it may be accurate to say the traditional functions of the family have been either severely reduced or eradicated, it is also true that in some instances these traditional functions have been replaced by others. If the family is no longer a unit of production, it has become a unit of consumption. Businessmen and economists note that two-worker families have become a significant new market force. The family is still a residential unit, even if more mobile. While the educational and religious functions of the family have been reduced or eliminated, the family has become a more important cultural unit. Obviously, the family still performs its oldest and most constant function—bearing and caring for 9 children (Lerner, 550-52). It is helpful, also, to go beyond consideration of the conventional family. Jane Howard distinguishes between two types, those we are born into and to which we are "connected by blood," and those we join, which are "invented out of water" (2). In terms of the American experience, we might distinguish between families that look inward and backward and appear doomed to repeat the mistakes of the past (frequently instanced in our history as Southern) and frontier families that look outward and to the future. One authority distinguishes at least five different types of American families. The rural family, the "old family" unit of social and economic elites, the second- and third-generation immigrant family, the black family, and the middle class, urban, small-town, and suburban family (the dominant American form) are definable American family types, all of which, with the exception of the black family, can be considered "going concerns" (Lerner, 552-58). It should not be surprising that the black family, with its heritage of slavery and caste in the South, and persisting racism in the country at large, should evidence a high desertion rate, low educational attainment, and low income status. And it is all the more ironic that apologists for slavery stressed the family as a model for the relationship of slave to master. One such apologist, Judge John Belton O'Neall, stated that the first law of slavery was "that of kindness from the master to the slave. . . slavery becomes a family relation, next in its attachments to that of parent and child" (Boorstin, 205). Yet it is an understatement to say that chattel slavery did not encourage the family. The African immigrant to America, unlike most other immigrants, was a man or woman without a family. The practices of slave importers and plantation owners placed obstacles in the way of blacks attempting to form and maintain families. Husbands were separated from wives, wives from husbands, mothers from children. In fact, one of the most dehumanizing effects of slavery, Boorstin argues, was the �10 "obstruction and diversion of maternal affection." He quotes E. Franklin Frazier, author of The Negro Family in the United States, who writes: "Where such limitations were placed upon the mother's spontaneous emotional responses to the needs of her children and where even her suckling and fondling of them were restricted, it was not unnatural that she often showed little attachment to her offspring" (Boorstin, 191). Lower-class and low-income families generally, whether black or white, tend to be less stable and effective. The romantic notion that lower-class families are close-knit and happy, while economically better-off middle class families are less so, does not comport with the facts. Careful studies reveal that lower-class families have higher divorce rates, while middle- and upper-class families have lower ones (Lerner, 558). A further consideration, as one attempts to understand the many facts, figures, and statistics available, is that rising divorce rates in themselves are not necessarily an unambiguous indication of social conditions. Divorce, as Nevins points out, is a reflection "of higher independence and self-respect among women" and can be considered preferable to "a jangling and loveless marriage." Furthermore, nations with low divorce rates are those in which "the domination of the husband overrules any incompatibility" (Nevins, 215-16). High divorce rates, in themselves, are not evidence of the "breakdown" of the family. In the United States, the rate of remarriage after divorce is also high, and this can be taken as a reaffirmation of the value and viability of the family. Indeed, with so many of the traditional functions of the family eliminated or reduced, the supplanting of these traditional functions by new ones, combined with the high rate of remarriage and family formation after divorce, can be understood as a positive valuation of the family. As Lerner suggests, most Americans, despite all the The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature changes in the family and the family situation, continue to find "their deepest expressiveness in family life." The family is closely bound up with the American notion of happiness, the pursuit of which "goes beyond sexual partnership itself and even beyond the marriage relation, finding its fulfillment in the pattern of children, home, community status, and warmth of human relationship which together form the family" (Lerner, 559). Families broken by divorce, alcoholism, drug and child abuse; runaway youth; homeless people living in the streets of American cities—all are grim and undeniable realities. But historical perspective suggests that they are not unique to our time or place. During the Victorian era, a period well-known for the importance attached to home and family, the streets of London swarmed with more that 50,000 street folk, "scavengers, vagrants, prostitutes, bone-grubbers, rat-catchers, crossing-sweepers, ragpickers, chimney-sweeps, pie men, and others—the dispossessed and desperate poor of the slums" (Share, A-15). As Dickens knew, the best of times and the worst of times may co-exist. As it was in his day, so it may be in ours. While the family is beset by many problems, its historic adaptability and resilience should be taken into consideration, along with present-day evidences of its continuing viability. Such evidence may be found in recently reported figures indicating that a twenty-year trend has been reversed as, between 1986 and 1987, the number of family households grew faster than the number of non-family households (Waldrop, 22-26). Similar evidence may be found in the U.S. Census Bureau report entitled "Who's Helping Out? Support Networks Among American Families," which reveals that about $19 billion is transferred annually in the United States as family members help one another. While most of this money is provided by adults maintaining dependent children, one-third of the amount involves �FAMILY adults helping adults—children assisting elderly parents, parents helping adult children to start a household ("Families aid one another.../' A-12). Such evidence suggests that the American family, despite all its problems, and of whatever type (nuclear, extended) remains a going concern. Our historical perspective suggests to us that some of what we consider to be recent family types, such as the "blended" family, are older than many people realize. Whereas today blended families are often the result of divorce and remarriage, in the past they resulted from the death of one of the parents (often the mother, during or as a consequence of childbirth) followed by remarriage of the surviving spouse and the blending of both spouses' children into a single family. Today an older meaning of the word "family" (blood relatives plus servants living under one roof) may be paralleled in families that are communal, or composed of friends rather than relations. "Nobody, who has not been in the interior of a family," Jane Austen writes i&Emma (132) "can say what the difficulties of any individual family may be." One of the advantages of our literary selections is that they show us the interiors of individual families, and temper our generalizations with what we know of particular instances. We learn from her verses how Anne Bradstreet felt about her children and her husband. We hear Samuel Sewell telling his son (as Franklin would later write to his son) "something of the family of which you are." We see Dreiser's Carrie leaving her family, much as Sherwood Anderson's George Willard leaves his family and community. We hear Ma Joad, in Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath, reflecting on the Joad family, past and present: "They was the time when we was on the Ian'. They was a boundary to us then. OF folks died off, an' little fellas come, an' we was always one thing—we was the fambly—kinda whole and clear. An' now we ain't clear no more. I can't get it straight. They 11 ain't nothin'keeps us clear" (536). We can contrast the interior of this family with that of the Wapshots in John Cheever's The Wapshot Chronicle, and contrast the sense of family and ancestry with that of Jules Greene in Joyce Carol Gates' them, who is described as "a true American. His car was like a shell he could maneuver around, at impressive speeds; he was second generation to no one. He was his own ancestors" (357). We can compare the Appalachian families of Thomas Wolfe's Look Homeward, Angel and James Still's River of Earth (one small town, one rural) with those of James Agee's A Death in the Family, Harriette Arnow's The Dollmaker, Lee Smith's Oral History, and all of these with the black family of Lorraine Hansberry's A Raisin in the Sun. And as we are afforded perspectives into the interiors of these different families, we can remember the observation of Senator Phil Thurston, in Wilma Dykeman's The Far Family: "If I can know my family, my folks here well enough, maybe I can understand people on the other side of the world, too" (333). For every family is a blend of uniqueness and universality. The examination of three major works of American literature affords us three instances of blended uniqueness and universality, and views of the interiors of three families and their difficulties. The first of these texts, William Faulkner's The Sound and the Fury, published in 1929, is a demanding work, no simple reflection of a cultural value reflected in literature. Instead, the novel illustrates Everett Carter's idea that great art sometimes comes "out of the anguish of rejection of a society's central beliefs" (10). The Sound and the Fury is just such an anguished rejection of one facet of the American idea—the belief in the family as a source of nourishment—and an attempt—as Carter states it—"to satisfy the basic requirement of men: to make order and meaning out of this universe" (30). �12 The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature The Sound and the Fury A Death in the Family by William Faulkner by James Agee The Compson family's march to disintegration is relentless and inevitable. "Ise seed de first and de last," is Dilsey's summation of the family whose members' lives have been so tightly woven with her own. Far from being a source of nourishment and strength, the Compson family members inflict terrible pain on one another. When asked in a discussion at the University of Virginia, "What is the trouble with the Compsons?", Faulkner answered: "They are still living in the attitudes of 1859 or '60." The character most truly living in the past is Caroline Compson. Cleanth Brooks notes (334) that "The basic cause of the breakup of the Compson family ... is the cold and self-centered mother, who is sensitive about the social status of the family, the Bascombs ... Caroline Compson is not so much an actively wicked and evil person as a cold weight of negativity which paralyzes the normal family relationships." If Caroline is the "weight of negativity" in the novel, Dilsey, the other mother, is the weight of positiveness. It is Dilsey who actually holds the family together and whom Faulkner calls "a good human being." The breakdown of the family, as seen through the eyes of the three Compson brothers, Benjy, Quentin, and Jason—and, in a fourth section, through the eyes of the narrator—is an event which even Dilsey's presence is unable to alter. Brooks argues (341) that the breakdown of such a family takes on added poignancy and significance in a society which is "old-fashioned and in which the family is still at the center. Because the Compsons have been committed to old-fashioned ideals—close family loyalty, home care for defective children, and the virginity of unmarried daughters—the breakup of the family registers with greater impact." It is a dissolution which forces one to separate those past values which cripple and destroy (as exemplified by Caroline Compson) from those which strengthen and set free (as exemplified by Dilsey). The second major work to be studied which deals with the family as a cultural value is James Agee's A Death in the Family. Published posthumously in 1957, and in incomplete form, the novel is an autobiographical reliving of events surrounding the death of Jay Follet, the father of six-year-old Rufus. The story is told predominantly in the third person by an author who is both Rufus, the child, and James Rufus Agee, the adult. The resulting tone is both childlike and mature, a compelling, bittersweet tone. The point of view shifts at times to focus more tightly on Jay or Mary, his wife, or Jay's weak, alcoholic brother Ralph. Yet the end effect of the work is of an experience seen through the eyes of a child, and it is this effect which speaks most directly to the theme of family as a cultural value. It is the family circle, "the simple relationship of father and son," which is, according to Peter Ohlin (204), "a defense against the onslaughts of the universe. The home, located in time and space, is itself an image of order and meaning projected on nothingness." And in each house on the same block, down the street, there is the same image of order and dupKcation—all the fathers water the lawn on a summer evening; all mothers wash the dishes; all children are sent to bed. It is only Death which abolishes the wonder of this order and security for Rufus. The Follet family, unlike the Compsons, is a nourishing family. Mary is a loving, conscientious mother, Jay, a vigorous, strong, father. Rufus and his little sister Catherine variously tolerate and torment and support each other. What truly engages the reader of A Death in the Family is more the unsaid than the carefully detailed and "said" reality of this family. One knows clearly what the family members have been to each other before the death of the father. Whether such an environment of love can be maintained once the family is no longer a traditional unit is a question Agee skirts with only hints at an ominous future for "the deceived mother, the false son, the fatally wounded daughter." �13 FAMILY In this work, as in The Sound and the Fury, the power—the sheer psychological power—of the family over its individual members is incontrovertible. It is an institution capable of immense devastation. Even though the idea of an American family as a positive force is more clearly supported in A Death in the Family than in The Sound and the Fury, the question of which qualities of family life sustain and which destroy is still present in Agee's work, though in an incomplete and only hintedat form. The Dollmaker by Harriette Simpson Arnow The final novel to be studied is also the work about which the least has been written. Yet it is one which Joyce Carol Gates (Afterword, 601) has called "our most unpretentious American masterpiece." Harriette Arnow, born in 1908, published The Dollmaker in 1954. The novel draws upon Arnow's early years in the Kentucky hills and on her years in Detroit, Michigan after her marriage. It tells the story of Gertie Nevels' struggle to keep her family and her dreams intact during the period when she and her five children move from the woods and hills she so loves in Kentucky to be with her husband in Detroit, where he has found wartime work in a factory. As is the case for the other two novels examined, basic cultural assumptions about the value of family life form a backdrop for The Dollmaker. Gertie's mother is horrified that Gertie would consider staying in Kentucky and buying a small farm while her husband works in Detroit, where "He ain't got nobody to cook him a decent bite a victuals." And the Bible says: "Leave all else and cleave to thy husband." What seems a good, solid family value becomes a weapon in the hands of Gertie's mean-spirited mother, and Gertie, conditioned to "honor thy father and thy mother," is afraid. The events which occur from this point on are the results of an adherence to what seems a worthy value—family unity—and yet is one which events and persons twist and corrupt until what should sustain in fact all but destroys. Arnow examines the family uprooted, trapped by economic and social conditions, but also by a lack of understanding and communication. Gertie Nevels' ties to the land, her longing to be whole, her religious faith, her sensitivity to others in the community, her need to work, to create, are all themes which cross and overlap in these three works. But most important for the study at hand, the works each confront the family as an American institution and seek to identify those experiences which nourish the family, and separate them from those which destroy. �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 14 Works Cited Franklin, Benjamin. The Autobiography and other Writings. Selected and Edited with an Introduction by L Jesse Lemisch. New York: New American Library, 1961. Adams, James Truslow. Provincial Society. Vol. Ill, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Frost, Robert. The Poetry of Robert Frost. Edited by Edward Connery Lathem. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969. Austen, Jane. Emma. Edited with an Introduction by David Lodge. TextuaJ Notes and Bibliography by James Kinsley. London: Oxford University Press, 1971. Gies, Frances and Joseph. Marriage and Family in the Middle Ages. New York: Harper & Row, 1987. Bailyn, Bernard. Voyagers to the West. A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of Revolution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986. Graham, Sheila. "Who Will Care For My Child?" The Plain Truth Magazine. September 1988: 3-6. Bartiett, John. Familiar Quotations. Revised and enlarged. Edited by Emily Morison Beck. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1980. Greene, Evarts Boutell. The Revolutionary Generation. Vol. IV, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Boorstin, Daniel J. The Americans: The National Experience. New York: Random House, 1965. Broder, David S. "Return to Social Justice." Louisville, Kentucky Courier-Journal. October 14, 1987:A-9. Howard, Jane. Families. New York, Simon & Schuster, 1978. Bronfenbrenner, Urie. The Split-Level Family." Saturday Review. October 7,1967:60-66. Jung, C. G. Contributions to Analytical Psychology. Translated by H. G. and Gary F. Baynes. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Company, 1928. Brooks, Cleanth. William Faulkner: The Yoknapatawpha Country. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1963. Kerr, Michael E. "Chronic Anxiety and Defining Self." The Atlantic Monthly, September 1988: 35-58. Buckley, William F. The Monogamous Ones." Louisville, Kentucky Courier-Journal. December 10,1987: A-5. King Edward VIII. Quoted in the Louisville, Kentucky Courier-Journal. September 17,1988. Carter, Everett The American Idea: The Literary Response to American Optimism. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1977. Landers, Ann. "Maybe this marriage is dead!" Bowling Green, Kentucky Daily News. October 25,1987:6-4. Lerner, Max. America as a Civilization. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1957. Cole, Arthur Charles. The Irrepressible Conflict. Vol. VII, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. "Linguistic change carries significant implications." Memphis, Tennessee Commercial Appeal. December 6,1986: A-9. Commager, Henry Steele. The American Mind. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950. Daily News (Bowling Green, Kentucky) MacDonald, Sue. "Dr. Spock changed his tune." The Cincinnati Enquirer. November 7,1987: D—6-9. Dreiser, Theodore. Sister Carrie. With an introduction by Claude Simpson Benton. Boston: Houghton Miff I in, 1959. Mintz, Steven, and Susan Kellog. Domestic Revolutions: A Social History of American Family Life. New York: The Free Press, 1988. Dykeman, Wilma. The Far Family. New York: Holt, Rinehartand Winston, 1966. rpt. Wakestone Books, 1988. Monmaney, Terence. "Kids Who Bounce Back." Newsweek. September 12,1988:67. Elster, Jon, ed. Karl Marx: A Reader. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986. Moynihan, Daniel Patrick. Family and Nation. The Godkin Lectures. Harvard University. San Diego, California: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986. "Families aid one another to the tune of $19 billion." Associated Press, Louisville, Kentucky Courier-Journal. October 27,1988: A-12. Nevins, Allan. The Emergence of Modem America. Vol. VIII, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Faulkner, Harold U. The Quest for Social Justice. Vol. XI, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. —. "On HarrietteArnow's The Dollmaker" Afterward in The Dollmaker. New York: Avon, 1972. Fish, Carl Russell. The Rise of the Common Man. Vol. VI, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Oates, Joyce Carol, them. New York: The Vanguard Press, 1969. Ohlin. Peter H. Agee. New York: Obolensky, 1966. �FAMILY Parks, Michael. "Soviets reversing over a half-century of state-run farming." Louisville, Kentucky Courier-Journal August 27,1988: Iff. Rich, Spencer. "The Vanishing Family: A Myth." Louisville, Kentucky Courier-Journal Magazine. October 18, 1987:16-19. Rybczynski, Witold. Home: A Short History of an Idea. New York: Viking Penguin Inc., 1986. Schlesinger, Arthur M. The Rise of the City. Vol. X, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Seldes, George. The Great Thoughts. New York: Ballantine Books, 1985. Sewell, Samuel. The Diary of Samuel Sewell. Edited and abridged with an introduction by Harvey Wish. New York: Putnam, 1967. Share, Allen J. ". . . Homelessness, Still a Problem." Louisville, Kentucky Courier-Journal. October 1,1988. Slosson, Preston W. The Great Crusade and After. Vol. XII, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Steinbeck, John. The Grapes of Wrath. Text and Criticism edited by Peter Lisca. New York: The Viking Press, 1972. Stone, Lawrence. "A Short History of Love." Harper's Magazine. February 1988:32. Szas, Thomas. The Second Sin. Quoted in The Oxford Book of Quotations. Third Edition. New York: Oxford University Press, 1980. Thomas, Mario. "What Is a Family?" Parade. December 6,1987:4-6. Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. In Two Volumes, With a Critical Appraisal of Each Volume by John Stuart Mill. New York: Schocken Books, 1961. Viking Book of Aphorisms. W. H. Auden and Louis Kronenberger, eds. New York: The Viking Press, 1962. Waldrop, Judith. "The Fashionable Family." American Demographics. 10.3 (March 1988): 2226. Wecter, Dixon. The Age of the Great Depression. Vol. XIII, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Wertenbaker, Thomas Jefferson. The First Americans. Vol. II, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Williams, Raymond. Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society. New York: Oxford University Press, 1976. Wish, Harvey. Society and Thought in America. 2 vols. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1950. 15 �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 16 Participant Reflections: Family A Death in the Family concentrates on a middle-class family who lives in Knoxville, Tennessee in 1915. It tells, in meticulous detail, of the death of the father and the family members' attempts to understand and accept it. The novel opens with the narrator's reminiscence of his childhood; the summer evening where everything is peaceful and full of hope. The scene is one of idyllic blissfulness, and the reader perceives that the family is a happy one in a happy atmosphere. Yet even in the description of this perfect setting, there are undertones of tension and impending doom. For example, Agee describes the family members lying on a quilt, and the stillness of the bodies resting is a subtle hint of the repose of death (Moreau, p. 165). Narisse A. Bravard, "The Effects of Death as seen in A Death in the Family" The family shapes the values and beliefs of its members. It also provides individuals with a feeling of belonging to a wider group from which affection and security can be drawn in time of crisis. Very often it is here—within the family—that siblings learn to make decisions and assume responsibilities supported by the advice of close relatives. James Agee has given us a sense of the tremendous role played by the Appalachian family and the importance of family traditions. The Sunday trip into the hills to visit the past inevitably gives Rufus and Catherine a true sense of identity that can only be found within the family. The first part of the book is devoted to establishing a feeling of what it is like to be a family member. Patricia M. CoUis, The FoUet Family As Portrayed in James Agee's A Death in the Family" Rufus becomes very much aware of the reality of his father's death. Painfully he stands before his father's empty chair, smells it, runs his finger around the ash tray, licks the finger, and tastes the darkness, the blackness. He then begins to understand more of what his father's absence will really mean. This scene, when Rufus suffers such intense loneliness, is in sharp contrast to the much earlier scene in which he has felt so close to his father when they went to the movie, stopped at the bar, and then talked as they sat watching the sun go down. Wilma G. Snyder, "Alienation of Children in A Death in the Family and The Dollmaker" The idea of entrapment—women trapped in old roles, illusion, etc.—within the setting or context of the family are ideas that Lee Smith explores in three stories in Cakewalk—"Between the Lines," "Artists," and "Cakewalk"—and in the novel Oral History. In these stories Smith shows that art can "untrap" the artist if the proper balance between art and life is achieved—merging the traditional role with an artistic one without destroying either role. Tammy Marshall, "The Artistic Woman in Lee Smith's Fictional Families" Novelist Simone de Beauvoir once commented, "One is not born a woman. One becomes it by an ensemble of civilization." The "ensemble of civilization" acculturating the American black woman has had dramatic effects on her role today. She is both condemned and praised by sociologists and psychologists for creating and perpetuating a matriarchial stereotype. The most important things in her life were her children. At one point Mama Younger said, "Seems like God didn't see fit to give the black man nothing but dreams—but he did give us �17 FAMILY children to make the dreams worthwhile." Mama was willing to sacrifice anything for her family. She said to Walter, "When the world gets ugly enough—a woman will do anything for her family" Leatrice Pearson, "The Role of the Matriarchal Figure as Reflected in The Dollmaker, The Grapes of Wrath, and A Raisin in the Sun" What truths do Hamlet, a medieval prince of Denmark, and Quentin, a suicidal boy from a small Mississippi town, show to modern American teenagers? They show how painfiil and confusing it can be to confront the imperfect world without the support of loving parents; they show the deep agony one's misconceptions can cause; and finally, they reaffirm life by making one see the wastefulness of their deaths. Quentm's orders to act as guardian of the Compson name are not as explicit as Hamlet's command from the ghost, but they are nevertheless, as urgent and undeniable to Quentin. Perhaps Quentin's ghost is not his father but his forefathers—those mythical adherents to the Southern Code of Honor. These men, or Quentin's notion of what these men were, compel him to try to be a man of honor to whom "disgrace alone is a sin."... Quentin must assume the role of champion of the Compson honor because his parents, who are physically present but emotionally as unavailable as Hamlet's, expect it. Barbara P. Benson, "Hamlet and Quentin: Brothers in Our Human Family" Mrs. Compson allows the chaotic elements of her life to enslave her. Her neurotic, whining response to everyone and everything while maintaining a superficial concern with the appearances of being a "lady" and being a good mother, reveals a personality that "meets change and misfortunes with neither fortitude nor grace but with pretentious and self-indulgent dependence" on others. A victim of her own inner torture and exaggerated sense of responsibility that she refuses to shoulder, she projects a distorted Biblical image of herself as the suffering servant, with all family misfortune and judgment upon herself .. . while Dilsey achieves personal liberation and fulfillment through giving the best of herself, a life of love and sacrifice, to a family caught up in the throes of decay and destruction. Elizabeth Watson, "And the Truth Shall Set You Free: A Look at the Religious Concepts of Gertie in The Dollmaker, Mary in A Death in the Family, and Mrs. Compson and Dilsey in The Sound and the Fury" Harriette Arnow's The Dollmaker depicts a Kentucky family who leave their home and migrate to the industrial city of Detroit in the 1940s. Although the major portion of the novel deals with the problems faced by the Nevels family in Detroit, the first nine chapters convey the strong sense of place associated with the Appalachian family. Gertie's identity is shaped not only by her immediate family, but also by her extended family—the community. In Southern fiction the nuclear family and the community often function collectively as kin. In The Dollmaker the community is represented by the women who come to the post office hoping to hear from their men who have gone to war. Although Aunt Kate and Uncle John are relatives of Gertie's, she feels a kinship with the others as well. Carolyn C. Cahill, "The Function of Place in The Dollmaker'9 �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 18 Gertie's determination to make sense out of her life in a world that seems frustrating and incomprehensible to her, a world that threatens to destroy her family and the values that have held them together, requires strength and endurance beyond anything she has had to give before. Gertie's sacrifice of her beloved carving at the end of The Dottmoker is not defeat for Gertie but affirmation of her endurance, representing a type of spiritual catharsis for her. This truly becomes for Gertie her finest hour. She realizes she must make a life for her family and herself in Detroit. Through this realization lies her hope, not a hope for dashed dreams of what might have been, but a hope for the here and now. The laughing face of Christ coming down from the hills of Kentucky becomes instead the face of Victor gently comforting her when Reuben ran away, the face of Max kneeling over her bed after Cassie's death, the face of Iva Dean's mother making Clytie a dress for graduation, the face of Mrs. Huffacre crying at Cassie's funeral. Christ finally comes alive for Gertie through her experiences with the people of Merry Hill and the sustaining force of human sharing, a here and now source of meaning and order for Gertie. Elizabeth Watson, "And the Truth Shall Set You Free: A Look at the Religious Concepts of Gertie in The Dollmaker, Mary in A Death in the Family, and Mrs. Compson and Dilsey in The Sound and the Fury" At one point she tells her children, "Jesus walks the earth, and we're goen to have us a little piece of heaven right here on earth." Gertie thinks she has realized her dream when she discovers she has finally saved enough money to buy the Tipton Place. When Gertie pays Uncle John for the land the author says of her, "Her foundation was not God, but what God had promised Moses—land." Unfortunately, Gertie's dream is never to be. Her husband, Clovis, gets a job in a war plant in Detroit. Gertie's mother more or less coerces her into moving to Detroit to be with him. This is seen as Gertie's duty to her husband, even though it means uprooting the entire family, three sons and two daughters. So Gertie packs up her children and takes them to Detroit, desperately hoping that when the war is over they may still return home and buy the land. Patricia C. Ramsey, "Judas or Christ?—Gertie's Struggle to Believe in Harriette Arnow's The Dollmaker" �19 FAMILY The Theme of Family in Hamlet and The Sound and the Fury Barbara Benson Watauga High School, Boone, North Carolina One late April day as a class of average and above-average seniors discussed Quentin's section of William Faulkner's The Sound and the Fury, I looked up to see a girl in the middle row crying. Tears were streaming silently down her face. I was not sure what to do and since no one around her seemed to be taking notice, I continued with class. Several days later she came by to tell me that she was sorry she had lost control like that, but that during our discussion of Quentin's suicidal mind, she had suddenly understood her father's recent suicide in a new way. She had realized his loneliness and pain, which until that time, she had not seen because of her own anger at him for leaving her. The realism of Faulkner's Compson family members had brought her to a better grasp of her own troubled family. It had spoken to her in a very personal way, proving once again the greatness of Faulkner's novel and the value of great literature. This incident and many others like it over my years of teaching high school English have convinced me that numerous difficult pieces of "classical" literature can be made accessible and meaningful to modern students if we can show them the humanity in the literature. One way to do this is to use the universal theme of family as a doorway through the complexities of style and character. Two companionable works which lend themselves to this method are William Shakespeare's Hamlet and William Faulkner's The Sound and the Fury. I have taught these two works to average and above average high school juniors and seniors to rave reviews. The two pieces can be done together or separately with equal success, but the pairing of the works adds dimension to both. These pieces both deal with what modern psychologists call dysfunctional families, the type of families in which many of our young people today live. Even more significantly, both Hamlet and The Sound and the Fury are about how the children of these families cope with the problems existingin their homes. Very few of my students can fail to sympathize with Hamlet's despair and anger over his father's death, mother's apparent loose behavior, and new stepfather's assumption of the roles of father and king. They feel empathy with Hamlet's confusion and procrastination as he attempts to handle an adult situation for which he is obviously unprepared. Similarly, students understand the pain of Quentin Compson's embarrassment over his alcoholic father's failure to control the Compson family and the need Quentin has for his self-centered mother's notice, approval, and nurturing. They see that Quentin is like the "perfect" children of today who inexplicably commit violent acts aimed at others or themselves because they can no longer deal with the private hells they live in at home. These two works from different centuries and cultures are timeless because they deal with realistic characters in realistic families to which our teenagers can relate. Approached through the theme of family, Hamlet and The Sound and the Fury are not as difficult stylistically, and therefore, are not impossible for adolescents to read and enjoy. Admittedly, the students do need to be made aware of the nature of the works—of Shakespeare's language and stage conventions, or Faulkner's experiments in stream of consciousness—but once they have some assistance, modern students will become immersed in the people living in these works and not be hampered by the methods of storytelling. Appalachian students in particular often find Shakespeare very easy to understand, for, as one student told me, "My Grandma talks like that sometimes." These young people have the tradition of the Appalachian dialect which goes back to Shakespeare's London, and the cadences and word choices inHamlet are, at times, very familiar to them. Faulkner's novel, likewise, speaks with a Southern accent and the freeflowing style is easier for young people to master than for those of us over-schooled in "proper" narrative form. I have had �20 students who, after being given some significant dates and events from Benjy's section, read right through it with delight. One boy even told me he loved that section because he had a cousin who was retarded and had always wondered how his cousin thought. After seeing through Benjy's eyes, he believed he understood his cousin better. Such examples seem to say that we underestimate the flexibility and intellectual curiosity of our students by not offering them enough challenges which are not only demanding but very pertinent to their lives. They all live in families, and by opening that area of these complex works to them, we give the pieces a relevance that makes the academic difficulty of the authors' styles secondary and surmountable. In addition to offering relevance, Shakespeare's play and Faulkner's novel fit easily into North Carolina's high school English curriculums. Hamlet is regularly taught in the British and Western literature courses offered to high school seniors. The Sound and the Fury is not often attempted in high school but could easily be worked into an upper level American literature course for high school juniors. If a school offers an Advanced Placement class for seniors, a unit pairing these two works would be very appropriate and offer enough challenge to help prepare students for the AP exam. Because students get personally involved in this unit, they have little difficulty discussing and writing about these works, giving numerous opportunities for students to have experience in speaking and writing. Using the video of the BBC production of Hamlet offers chances to develop The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature viewing as well as evaluation skills. In the past, I have had classes critique the video production, cast and block their own production, and present key scenes from Hamlet. In addition, The Sound and the Fury has a lot of potential for creative writing experiments. For example, students could write the story from Caddy's point of view, or add another section to tell what happened to the Compsons after 1928. They could also discuss this novel as a possible movie. A very inferior 1957 movie version of The Sound and the Fury exists. If this movie is available, a movie viewing and critique session would test the students' own views of how the book should "look" and explore the difficulty of moving a work like this to film. Obviously, this unit offers numerous ways to expand into areas that fulfill goals of the Basic Education Plan or follow student interest and expertise. The human family is the first environment for all of us, and seeing it reflected in the literature they read strikes a deep chord of recognition for modern students dealing with changing and sometimes dysfunctional families of their own. They can understand Hamlet and The Sound and the Fury on a level which is so powerful that it goes beyond any structural difficulties in the individual works, and the issues raised by the content of these classics offer opportunities for very meaningful therapeutic classroom experiences. My students and I have found this approach to Shakespeare and Faulkner a wonderful adventure, well worth the struggles involved. One amazed seventeen-year-old once remarked as he left class, "This is really awesome stuff!" �FAMILY Unit for Average or Above Average High School Juniors and Seniors: The Theme of Family in Hamlet and The Sound and the Fury I. Study of William Shakespeare's Hamlet A. Lecture on Elizabethan England, Elizabethan Theater, and William Shakespeare's life B. Read Hamlet with discussion of each act focusing on Hamlet, the son, reacting to a difficult family situation 1. The grieving for Hamlet's dead father 2. The hasty marriage of Hamlet's mother 3. The natural animosity Hamlet would feel toward his stepfather 4. The lack of political motivation in Hamlet in a very politically dangerous situation 5. The isolation and confusion Hamlet feels 6. The natural inclination of Hamlet to deal with his problems in his own head C. View all or part of the BBC production of Hamlet starring Derek Jacobi (I have found this video very useful after students read and discuss.) D. Discuss major issues in the play in small groups E. Write essay on the play II. Study of William Faulkner's The Sound and the Fury A. Lecture on the background of the novel's style 1. Development of the psychological novel in the early twentieth century a. Freud's theories on the workings of the mind b. Henry James' experiments in shifting point of view in The Turn of the Screw 21 2. Development of the style of writing called "stream of consciousness" a. William James' definition of the term b. James Joyce's experiments in A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man: indirect interior monologue c. Virginia Woolfs experiments in the short story "The Mark on the Wall": direct interior monologue 3. Conduct student writing experiments in how the human mind works a. Free writing for two minutes for students to record all thoughts in that period of time, then brainstorming and listing their observations of how they think and the problems a writer would have creating the illusion of a mind working b. Recording an early memory in three ways, then deciding which is better for the author, for the reader 1) Students thinking back to their earliest memory, holding that image, then summing it up on paper with one word 2) Students recording the same memory in three words 3) Students recording the same memory in a complete sentence 4. Discussing the implications of these descriptions of memory a. For many, the single word will be the best because they can evoke the whole scene for themselves with that one word due to the fact that they may have been very limited in their �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 22 verbal ability at the time of the experience b. The mind is able to store many sensations, thoughts, memories, and emotions with one key call word c. These memories are very sensual d. The mind flows quickly, often without obvious connections between ideas B. Background on Faulkner, and Yoknapatawpha County, and Compson Family 1. View film strip on Faulkner's life 2. Read and discuss Appendix to 1946 edition of The Sound and the Fury to get a list of characters and a feel for Faulkner's Southern, oral-tradition style of storytelling C. Reading the novel (I have used study questions at times to help students see what we would discuss in the work.) 1. Benjy's section a. Give information sheet with dates of major memory events for Benjy and time periods of caretakers b. Discuss how these events and caretakers can clue a reader to time shifts in Benjy's section c. Read the first few pages of Benjy's section aloud to class to illustrate how he will narrate d. After students read the whole section, ask how they feel about characters and point out how they are arriving at the judgments on a "gut" level based on Benjy's experiences e. Discuss the central scene of the novel, Caddy up the pear tree, and how it illuminates the roles of the family members f. Show Faulkner's use of juxtaposition with Benjy's memory of his grandmother's funeral and sister's wedding—two central family rituals 2. Quentin's section a. Explain the time, place, situation of this section b. Discuss the differences in how Quentin's mind will operate as opposed to Benjy's c. After students read, discuss the events in Quentin's day in chronological order d. Point out the allusions and comparisons to Hamlet in this section 1) Intelligent, educated character 2) Oldest son trying to uphold family honor 3) Isolation of character 4) Absence or unavailability of parents as comforters 5) Real or pretended madness 6) Suicidal tendencies 3. Jason's section a. Read opening aloud, noting difference in style and personality from previous brothers �23 FAMILY b. After reading the section, list the activities of Jason's day in chronological order c. Discuss his motives in an attempt to judge his actions 4. Dilse/s section a. Discuss the shift in point of view b. After reading, discuss central scenes 1) Dilsey in the kitchen fixing breakfast 2) Dilsey at the Easter service 3) Benjy's trip to the cemetery c. Discuss the effect and meaning of the whole book in light of the four versions of the truth 5. Suggest re-reading of BenjVs section to clarify the novel, put the puzzle together a. Discuss the different views of Caddy and the family b. Try to form a truth from all the evidence, almost like a family counselor c. Discuss the whole novel in small groups III. Culminating activities A. Using the classical notion of tragedy, discuss these two works as tragedies which contain universal situations B. Compare/contrast Hamlet, Quentin, Benjy, Jason, and Dilsey as possible tragic heroes C. Write an essay D. Unit test on the two works List of Resources Faulkner, William. The Sound and the Fury. New York: Vintage Books, 1946. James, Henry. The Turn of the Screw. New York: Dell Publishing, 1966. Joyce, James. A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man. A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man: Text, Criticism, and Notes. Ed Chester G. Anderson. New York: Penguin Books, 1977.5253. Pasternak, Boris. "Hamlet." Dr. Zhivago. New York: Signet Books, 1958.433. The Shakespeare Plays: Hamlet Time Life Video. "William Faulkner." The American Experience In Literature: Five Modem Novelists. Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Educational Co., 1975. (Filmstrip #13095, series #6911.) Woolf, Virginia. "The Mark on the Wall." The Norton Anthology of English Literature. Ed. M. H. Abrams. 5th ed. 2 vols. New York: Norton, 1986. 2:1987-1993. �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 24 A Family in Crisis A Unit of Study of James Agee's A Death in the Family Patricia B. Chastain Powell High School, Powell, Tennessee Many noted educators, including John Dewey, have stated that education for any student begins where that student is and then moves him or her forward to deeper understanding, greater insights, and fuller knowledge. This high and lofty goal that many of us accept as we try to "educate" the youth that come into our classroom presents a special challenge to those of us who teach literature. For many of us, our literature textbooks contain selections that "society" and textbook publishers have deemed appropriate for students throughout the nation, rather that admitting that America is a land of many regions and cultures. So many times, these textbooks omit excellent selections that have regional significance. Someone out there has decided that these writings would not have universal appeal for the hypothetical "typical" student. Also, these same publishers are making culturally biased statements when they include certain pieces and exclude others. Such acts of exclusion short circuit the teacher's primary goal of starting where the students are and leading them to a broader understanding of their culture and life. A solution to these ommissions is for teachers to find good pieces of regional literature that start with ideas, situations, and/or personalities with which the students can identify and that will, at the same time, acquaint the students with the basics of literature that may open doors to other books, poems, and drama. One such regional work of literature is James Agee's A Death in the Family. It is a novel, set in East Tennessee, that uses language familiar to Appalachian students. Agee's autobiographical novel includes many elements that have made it a key to open the door of literature to our students. Our students at Powell High School, located in a small community formerly known as Powell Station, Tennessee, can quickly identify with the novel. The road along which Agee's father (Jay Follet in the novel) was driving when he was killed in an automobile accident runs near Powell and is one our students travel. There are, in fact, some people in the community who remember the accident involving Agee's father. In addition to the highway, the novel refers to streets and landmarks in Knoxville, Tennessee, that are also familiar to Powell students. Even more than the familiarity of locale, the situation of a family in crisis is one with which many students can relate. In Agee's novel, the family's crisis is due to a father's death. Although not many of the students have faced such a loss, they have experienced or know the effect of the breaking up of a family. The Follet family's conflicts are real to twentieth-century students who find similar situations in their own homes. Mary Follet, Jay's wife, thinks Jay drinks too much alcohol. She does not approve of his family from a rural county north of Knoxville. Jay him self is uncertain of his role as father and does not accept his wife's religious beliefs. Since A Death in the Family has a quality that appeals to students, I use it in my American literature classes, both collegebound and advanced placement. Personally, I prefer to discuss it with the students after they have read the entire novel; however, such discussions could be conducted after they have read specific sections of the novel. In class we discuss the elements of fiction that are present in the novel as well as its themes and subject matter. These are some of the subjects that have come up in discussion: conflicts between city folks and country folks, dissatisfaction with the role of father, and ways of dealing with grief. We have examined these concerns in relation to other works of literature and in relation to personal experience. We have also considered the role the editor plays in the final form of the literary work. Such consideration is particularly relevant in A Death in the Family because the final form of the novel is the �25 FAMILY work of editors who assembled the novel after Agee's death. James Agee's A Death in theFamily has been well accepted by my students, not so much because it is a regional novel, but because it has touched realities with which they deal daily. In fact the term regional literature probably is not even a very valid term. No doubt, it may have been a term that was created by some publisher or critic who wanted to exclude a piece of literature that was not part of the canon of "established" works that are customarily taught to all students. We teachers must not let unknown editors control the curriculum that we present to our classes. We must choose literature that both appeals to our students and conveys to them a sense of literary merit. Only when we present a broad spectrum of literature to our students are we likely to catch their attention and stimulate their interest. Then, perhaps, they will develop literary and artistic judgment with which to evaluate other literary works that they encounter. Outline of Unit of Study James Agee's A Death in the Family Class discussions are as follows: 1. Background Information: Include biographical information on James Agee and the nature of the autobiographical novel. (1 day) 2. Structure of the Novel: Include the role of the editor. The concept of unity in the novel is included here. (1 day) 3. Character Analysis: Center on the question: "Does Jay Follet feel comfortable with the role of father?" The study of characters also looks at stereotypes within the narrative. (2-3 days) 4. Discussion of Conflict: Deal with internal and external conflicts and how these are affected by grief. (1-2 days) 5. Analysis of the Theme: Focus on themes of dealing with conflict and grief and emphasize the universal qualities of the novel. (1-2 days) 6. Watch the movie A Death in the Family. (2 days) Suggested Composition Assignments 1. Using <rKnoxville, 1915" as a model, describe your neighborhood as it is on a warm summer late afternoon and evening. Use a variety of descriptive words that appeal to all senses. 2. Write a character analysis of Jay Follet, addressing the question: "Does Jay like, enjoy, or feel comfortable with the role of father?" 3. Compare the unity and structure of A Death in the Family with the unity and structure of Wilder's Our Town. 4. Research the psychological ways of dealing with grief and discuss how these expressions are exhibited by the various family members in A Death in the Family. 5. A Death in the Family is an autobiographical novel. Research James Agee's life and compare it to the story he told in his novel. 6. Write an elegy to the death of Jay Follet. 7. In Chapter 15 of A Death in the Family, Aunt Hannah has difficulty explaining death to Rufus and Catherine. Write a story that could be a book for children that teaches about death. 8. Traditional ballads were created in response to a tragedy in the lives of common people. Write a traditional ballad about the death of Jay Follet. 9. Choose an event from your life before the age of 7 and write it as a story. Supplementary Bibliography Bergreen, Laurence. James Agee: A Life. New York: E. P. Dutton, Inc., 1984. Kramer, Victor A. James Agee. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1975. Moreau, Genevieve. The Restless Journey of James Agee. Miriam Kleiger, translator. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1977. �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 26 Bringing Characters to Life Stan Coss Polk Central High School, Mill Springs, North Carolina For a special study of the family theme I will be suggesting not texts, but technique. The classroom itself is something of a family, and to most effectively use that environment calls for some special methods. The traditional classroom is often inhibiting. There are expressive needs that discussion may not draw out due to a lack of spontaneity in some class members. There is, however, another method besides the deliberative essay or term paper for generating student response; one that may enhance individual participation and planning: enter the monologue. Imagine if every child in a family, especially the smallest, had his or her own say. With no interruptions from more assertive and impulsive speakers, there would be a tremendous flow of feelings. Performing provides a magic touch of empathy and involvement. Normally reticent students, reluctant to speak their own character, may relish the chance to speak through another. Performance models can be found throughout literature, whether it is selected works of Robert Browning or Edgar Lee Masters' Spoon River Anthology, the soliloquies of Shakespeare or differing narrators in The Sound and the Fury. These may be utilized for practice, but for fullest empathy and involvement students can create their own scripts. Two basic possibilities are writing a story sequel and writing an alternative scene. If a student is writing a script for the ears of peers instead of the eyes of teachers, motivation and interest are increased. Preparation is the key to confidence and one of the most important steps in studying the character of a story is to find specific characteristics. These are normally not explicit, but can be drawn from observing how other characters respond to this person or how he/she thinks and behaves. Faulkner sketched some notes in reference to Jason's future. Even without such help, there are a number of colorful characters in the work who lend themselves to sequel portrayals. The following general traits can be focused on: l)physical characteristics such as age, appearance, build, dress, and health; 2) the social aspects of occupation, hobbies, relations with family and friends, and wealth; 3) psychological qualities such as temperment, adjustment, and way of behaving; and 4) moral characteristics including values and desires and goals in life. The monologue is a basic performing medium and could be a starting point for classroom exercises. It can be diversified to include dialogue and multiple parts. Students may combine their participation in a readers theater. The suggestions here are certainly not new. The point is that many students may be less frustrated and more challenged by taking on a stint as an actor, by acting out some of their own concerns with a voice they cocreated. The harsh ending of The Dollmaker, unlike the Fonda film version, demands an examination of values and judgments. Producing and performinga script could be ameans of addressing these concerns. In an alternative scene or sequel, the student may explore the cutting up of the block of wood as an act to save the family or the soul or an act to lose one or both. The following excerpt is from a scene in which Mrs. Anderson is confronting her husband about Gertie's tragedy in an attempt to reach a new resolve in her own life. Judas or Christ—A Logical Choice? "Well!" said Mr. Anderson, hanging up his overcoat. "Did you pick up the little wooden dolls for the bazaar?" "Yes, Homer. Fm afraid so," replied Mrs. Anderson, not looking up from her perch on the couch, secured behind a coffee table. "What? Do you mean they were not up to standard?" "Standard?" said Mrs. Anderson. "Oh, you needn't worry. The Nevels' production line would make your people at Flint very pleased." �FAMILY 27 Hilllam Leonard Eurj Collection "Glad to hear it, dear." Homer could tell his wife was far from being glad or pleased, and he preferred not to pursue it. He headed into the hallway. Mrs. Anderson, catching herself just short of a scream, followed. "Well it's not so simple! Today I went to Gertie's, mostly because I was hoping the block of wood was finished. I'd seen it so elegant two weeks ago, only lacking the face. The body already posed, with hands gesturing like Judas. Now it turns out that I was the one paying the thirty pieces of silver!" Her face was buried in her hands. "I'm not sure what this is all about," said Mr. Anderson, wideeyed, his neck craned, peering around the hallway door. "But I'm sure it's nothing to get so worked up about." "Maybe not," she stiffened, "but it is something critical to my, ah, my sense of relativity. That psychology book you had me read last week would recommend an observer's reaction. You're it." "Now dear, I..." "Sit, Homer! Please, sit." As Homer shuffled uncomfortably over to the easy chair at the end of the couch, Mrs. Anderson pointedly thrust an object toward him. He reacted as though he were about to be stabbed and fell back into the chair. Normally, such a slip would have stirred up at least a snicker, but this time Mrs. Anderson only frowned. "It won't hurt you, Homer." "Oh, it's one of the little dolls," he sighed in relief. He tried earnestly to regain his dignity, with a serious stance, exaggerated even for him. "Its bright, simple features rather enhance its overall appeal, don't you agree?" "Cute's the word," snapped Mrs. Anderson. "It's nice enough," continued Homer in earnest, "though not as unique as her past work. Most people could probably come up with something similar, given ample time." With strained sincerity, Mrs. Anderson responded, "But isn't that the wonder of mass production?" "Yes! An object is simplified as much as possible and copies can be produced rapidly with a minim urn of human effort." "Just a thought..." added Mrs. Anderson. "Didn't you write that stereotypes are formed in much the same way? Could it be there is a link between rising industrialism and lessened individuality, dignity, artistry?" "Now see here," said Mr. Anderson, rising sharply from his chair. "I've been set up!" Mrs. Anderson remained on the couch, musing over the wooden doll. "I wanted only to set Gertie up comfortably... so she could have some work while Clovis was out on strike. The order for all the dolls, the payment, something overwhelmed her. Gertie had never taken the easy way. She'd always labored painstakingly over what she valued, especially on the block of wood. I asked her today if she'd been unable to find a face for it. She told me she could have found plenty of models good enough were it to be Christ. 'Millions of models,' she said, 'a regular assembly line.'" "I get it. The block is where this doll comes from!" Mr. Anderson concluded. He sat with a smug grin. "It seems a logical choice." This sort of creative project can explore values and relationships encountered through an assigned piece of literature or through a student's personal choice of a story. Questions to explore relating to the theme of family include: What influence does a parental character have in the main character's life? What sort of parent would the character make? What was this person like as a child? Are the relationships portrayed healthy or hindering? What has become of the family ten years later? The student can take such ideas and play them out as the character, bringing them to life. Resources Galati, Frank and Charlotte Lee. Oral Interpretation. Atlanta: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1977. Long, Beverly Whitaker and Mary Francis Hopkins. Performing Literature. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1982. �28 �Community Enemies Yoked Where are Hester, Arthur, Roger, Henry, Carol, and Will, The village martyr, the weak-willed minister, the lonely opportunist, the agrarian experimenter, the would-be reformist, the practical, hometown doctor? All, all are sleeping now, Dust returned to dust, Ashes to ashes. One caught in shameful adultery, One rankled by a tragic flaw, One who sacrificed his soul to conquer another, One who lived a simple life with nature, One who determined to fulfill her vision, One caught in the status quo, All, all are sleeping now, Peaceful in death if not in life. One an enemy to conformity, One an enemy to himself, One an enemy to God's laws, One an enemy to society's institutions, One an enemy to ugliness and bigotry, One an enemy to social upheaval, Yoked to the community, to the land, To ambitions both thwarted and fulfilled. All, all are sleeping now. Listen to the secrets of the soul. Elizabeth Watson �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 30 "Members of Each Other": Community in American Life and Literature For we must consider that we shall be a city upon a hill. The eyes of all people are upon us, so that if we shall deal falsely with our God in this work we have undertaken, and so cause him to withdraw his present help from us, we shall be made a story and a byword throughout the world. from "A Model of Christian Charity* (1630), a sermon by John Winthrop, Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, delivered aboard the Arbella In the ninth book of Homer's Odyssey, Odysseus tells King Alcinous of his adventures among the Cyclops, that race of giants with one huge eye in the center of their foreheads. The Cyclops' physical features are not so astonishing to Odysseus as are their social arrangements. They have "neither gatherings for council nor oracles of law, but they dwell in hollow caves on the crests of high hills... and they reck not one of another." Without laws or deliberative gatherings, and without concern for one another, the Cyclops do not live as members of a community. The Greeks found life outside apolis, or city-state, uncivilized. A person who lived to himself, like a Cyclops, unconcerned about his fellow man, uninvolved in things affecting the community, was simply ignorant, i.e. an idiotes (hence the English "idiot"). Aristotle in his Politics (Barnes, 1986) explains: Every state is a community of some kind, and every community is established with a view to some good; for everyone always acts in order to obtain that which they think good. But, if all communities aim at some good, the state or political community, which is the highest of all, and which embraces all the rest, aims at good in a greater degree than any other, and at the highest good. Implicit in Aristotle's concept of the state as the highest form of community, which subsumes all smaller and lower forms, is the concept of the common good—that which benefits all members of the polity. Francois N. Babeuf (Bartlett, 414-15), the French revolutionary activist, formed a Conspiracy of Equals aimed at "something more sublime and equitable—the common good, or the community of goods." Especially since the American and French revolutions of the late eighteenth century, leaders, social philosophers, economists, educational theorists, and others have been necessarily concerned with the relationship of the individual to the community, and with the rights and responsibilities of both. Freud (III.287) considered it the chief task of every individual, from the onset of puberty, to cease to be a child and to become a member of a social community. In the fourteenth chapter of The Moon and Sixpence the English novelist William Somerset Maugham defines conscience as "the guardian in the individual of the rules which the community has evolved for its preservation." Maugham's countryman Bertrand Russell (176) admits the "abstract right of the community to interfere with its members in order to secure the biological necessaries to all," but he does not think this right applies to such things as opinion and knowledge. "The fact that the majority of a community dislikes an opinion gives it no right to interfere with those who hold it." From the time of the founding fathers, American leaders, thinkers, and writers, in a tradition derived from our GrecoRoman and Judeo-Christian heritage, have pondered the political, social, economic, and ecological aspects of community. John Quincy Adams viewed the community as an aggregation of individuals. "Individual liberty is individual power," he wrote in a letter to James Lloyd on October 1,1822, "and as the power of a community is a mass of individual powers, the nation which enjoys the most freedom must necessarily be in proportion to its numbers the most powerful nation." In a speech delivered in 1910, Theodore Roosevelt (687) invoked the concept of the common good when he said: "Every man holds his property �COMMUNITY subject to the general right of the community to regulate its use to whatever degree the public welfare may require it.* Reversing the assumption implicit in Theodore Roosevelt's view of property rights, Aldo Leopold (x), the environmentalist, asks us to consider not only that land may belong to us, as property, individually and communally, but that we belong to the land. "We abuse land," Leopold writes, "because we regard it as a commodity belonging to us. When we see land as a community to which we belong, we may begin to use it with love and respect." There are ecological and environmental implications to economist John Kenneth Galbraith's observation, in chapter seventeen of The Affluent Society, that "Just as there must be a balance in what a community produces, so there must also be a balance in what the community consumes." Judge Learned Hand (284) considered a healthy community as one capable of tolerating dissent, and maintained that a "community is already in the process of dissolution where each man begins to eye his neighbor as a possible enemy, where non-conformity with the accepted creed, political as well as religious, is a mark of disaffection . .. where orthodoxy chokes freedom of dissent.. ."And Franklin D. Roosevelt (781), in his fourth and final inaugural address in January 1945, emphasized the concept of community from the international perspective. "We have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace; that our well-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations, far away. We have learned that we must live as men, and not as ostriches, nor as dogs in the manger." Alluding to the assertion of Socrates (who taught Aristotle's teacher, Plato) that he was not an Athenian or a Greek, but a citizen of the world, Roosevelt concluded: "We have learned to be citizens of the world, members of the human community." The word "community" has been in the English language since the fourteenth century, and is understood in a number of senses. Deriving from the French comunete, and ultimately from the Latin communis, meaning "common," the word from its earliest use referred to the common people as distinguished from 31 people of rank. Additionally, "community" denoted a state or organized society, especially a relatively small one. It further referred to the people of a district, as well as (from the sixteenth century on) the quality of holding something in common, as in expressions such as "community of interests," "community of goods," and a sense of common identity and characteristics. Since the nineteenth century, "community" has come to mean something more immediate and local than "society," with which it was once almost synonymous. In the late nineteenth century the sociologist Toennies introduced two German terms to distinguish between "community" as something direct, immediate, and local— Gemeinschaft—and an entity felt to be larger and more inclusive, such as a nation state or society—Gesellschaft (Williams, 65-66). But whether we understand community as something local and immediate, or all-embracing and abstract, we Americans, from our colonial beginnings onward, have been engaged in a series of experiments aimed at discovering a satisfactory accommodation between individual and community. American history is commonly interpreted as "a story of creative tension between two impulses, an insistence on a vast scope for individualism and a yearning for a sense of community" (Will, 62). These two impulses may be seen in the differing views of Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, as they emerge in the correspondence of these two men (Cappon, Vol. 2, 342-43). Jefferson is optimistic and confident of the ability of citizens to elect their leaders, to better themselve through education; Adams, on the other hand, is skeptical, not at all certain that human beings, by exercising their rational powers, are capable of determining those most capable of governing, or of bettering themselves through education. Jefferson's views and those of Alexander Hamilton differed in a similarly sharp manner, with Jefferson essentially optimistic, and Hamilton pessimistic, dubious of the ability of the people to rule, as Judge Learned Hand (66ff) points out. These differing views of human nature and human capability result in different visions of appropriate government, �32 and therefore are to be associated with our two dominant political parties. Many voices, expressing different visions, speak out of our history. Sometimes these voices stress our identity and our rights as individuals, sometimes our desire and need for community. Henry David Thoreau expresses the impulse to individualism when he writes in the conclusion to Walden: "If a man does not keep pace with his companions, perhaps it is because he hears a dififerent drummer." Yet on the eve of the revolution that secured Thoreau's opportunity to march to a different drummer, Benjamin Franklin (348) stressed community when he said: "We must all hang together, or assuredly we shall all hang separately." The earliest colonists came as members of religious communities, with the intention of perpetuating those communities. "From the beginning," Daniel Boorstin (65) writes, "communities existed here before there were governments to care for public needs or to enforce public duties." Before setting foot on land, the men who crossed on the Mayflower signed an agreement to create a body politic in which majority rule would decide all questions and issues. This Mayflower Compact can be seen as a prototype of later efforts by colonists. In 1630 John Winthrop's sermon, "A Model of Christian Charity," was preached on board ship before the members of the Massachusetts Bay Colony debarked, andimplies a deliberate and self-conscious effort to establish a community. Boorstin (1) asserts that "America grew in the search for community." New Englanders, more so than the people of the southern colonies, saw their communities as centers of change. Any idea for bettering the community was welcomed, and New England public life came to be characterized by an abundance of reform movements (43). In 1840 Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote to Thomas Carlyle about the many social experiments that had become fashionable in New England: "Not a reading man but has a draft of a new community in his waistcoat pocket," Emerson observed. "One man renounces the use of animal food; and The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature another of coin; and another of domestic hired service; and another of the State" (Shapiro, October 30 entry). Thoreau's efforts to wake his neighbors up took place in this ferment of New England reform movements and social experiments. Thoreau was a seeker of community no less than many of his fellow New Englanders and other fellow Americans. While his stay at Walden Pond might suggest that he wished to withdraw from any community, it must be stressed that Thoreau sought not the abolition of community, but a better community, one which was a means to greater fulfillment of the individual. The continent was explored and settled not so much by individuals as by people moving communally. The settlement was carried out, in large part, by rootless people in search of community. Just as colonists crossed the ocean as a community, settlers crossed the continent in organized groups. As settlement progressed westward, group after group recapitulated the experience of the Mayflower pilgrims, and formed "a kind of Mayflower Compact" for the journey (Boorstin, 66). As towns sprang up, businessmen became community-makers and community leaders (115-16), the Benjamin Franklins of the West (123). Eventually communities competed with one another, for designation as the state capital, or (as they do today) for the location of a business or industry (Boorstin, 162). The colleges that were established in connection with this westward movement and settlement, Boorstin maintains, were actually neither public nor private, but a distinctly American community institution (160). Such was, according to Boorstin, the pattern ofcommunitymaking everywhere in America except in the South. In New England, and later elsewhere in America, things as they were tended to be measured by how they ought to be; whereas in the South things as they ought to be tended increasingly to be identified with things as they were (212). The difference between the dynamic communities of New England and the American West, and those of the South are explained not only by the South's "peculiar institution," slavery, �COMMUNITY but by differences in topography and settlement patterns. A distinctive feature of New England life was the town and its meetinghouse, where people met as a community to deal with public affairs. The population of the South was, by comparison, dispersed across the land. People lived in the midst of fields they cultivated; the town meetinghouse was not a distinctive feature of the Southern landscape, as in New England (Wertenbaker, 85). Yet this is not to say that no sense of community existedin the South. In the South and border South, where frontier conditions persisted longer than in New England and other parts of the country, people lived communally even when they resided at considerable distances from one another, and community mores and public opinion operated effectively. The historian Everett Dick, in The Dixie Frontier (302-03), provides an illustration: Such was the primitive simplicity [in frontier communities] that there were no locks. The first lock in one community was bought by a farmer and attached to the door of his corn-crib. This aroused such indignation among the whole neighborhood that a mass meeting compelled him to remove it. Public opinion held that his action was a reflection upon the honesty of the neighborhood, an insult to the whole community. It was freely acknowledged that he had a per feet right to lock things from his own children in his house, but to turn a key in the face of the whole community was an affront that would not be brooked. In the stories we tell ourselves about the American frontier and settlement experience, the rugged individualist occupies center stage. Far more important than the lone frontiersmen, however, were "the obscure men and women who tilled the farms, founded homes, and built ordered communities" (Greene, 177). Our impulse to individualism has always existed, and has been pointed out, in tension with an antithetical impulse toward community. "For all his individualism," Henry Steele Commager 33 (22) writes in The American Mind, "the American was much given [in the years between 1880 and 1950] to cooperative undertakings and to joining... Athousand organizations sprang up—organizations to do good, to prosper business, to influence politics, to recollect the past, to mold the future, to conquer culture. . . [These organizations were] an effort to give an appearance of stability to an unstable society, to create order out of disorder, to substitute new loyalties for those which had been dissipated and new conventions for those which had been lost, to enlarge horizons and inflate opportunities." During these years, too, mainline American churches shifted from an emphasis on individual salvation to one of providing for the social needs of the community (170-71). Yet all this evidence of community-building, as Commager suggests, presented an appearance that belied the reality upon which it was founded. Tocqueville (Vol. 2,236) in his Democracy in America, shrewdly observed, in the first third of the nineteenth century, a difficulty with respect to democratic communities. "Democracy loosens social ties," he wrote, "but it draws the ties of nature more tight; it brings kindred more closely together, whilst it places the various members of the community more widely apart." T. K Whipple (32-33) in Study Out the Land, elaborates on what Tocqueville condenses into a single proposition. Americans were a nation of immigrants from other lands, Whipple reminds us, and he is interested in the psychology of people uprooted from old European communities and transplanted into the American reality. Such a man cannot possibly have the same bond with the soil that his ancestors had in the old community. Such a man's life is necessarily "to some extent impoverished, even though he may be quite unconscious of the deprivation... He once had a close and vital tie with the world about him, and now he has little or none, except as a source of livelihood. His treatment of the soil, his ruthless exploitation of it, and his willingness to leave it and move on will be measures of his lack of feeling." �34 Here Whipple describes the same rootlessness and mobility that Boorstin deals with in The Americans: The National Experience, but he is less sanguine about this feature of the American experience than is Boorstin—at the same time that he helps explain why Tocqueville thought democracy loosened social ties and placed members of the community "more widely apart." The transplanted alien, Whipple continues, may settle among other aliens, "aliens to each other as well as to him; and a number of strangers, however friendly and kindly, cannot soon coalesce into a close-knit community. The circumstances described in Roelvaag^s Giants in the Earth provide an example of just such a community. Even supposing a whole community migrates in a body—as often was the case, as we have seen—the communal life cannot go on as it had previously (Whipple, 33). And the history of such transplanted communities again and again shows that they inevitably and necessarily change as they adapt to new conditions and demands, and more often than not, dissolve. The community of New Plymouth was absorbed into Massachusetts in 1691, by which time the theocratic elements of the community had been drastically reduced. While the Pilgrims had pooled their resources to purchase the Mayflower, and began as communists, sharing land and labor, young men of the community soon began to object to working for other men's families, resented their wives having to work for others, and the provident and industrious rankled at receiving no more reward than the shiftless. The communistic experiment collapsed, as did many that would follow it. The Plymouth Colony's second governor William Bradford (120-21; cf. also Wish, 27-28) cited the failure of the experiment as proof that the arrangement was contrary to human nature. As Whipple reminds us, the twin impulses of individualism and community, in combination with unrestricted freedom, abundant land and natural resources, has not led Americans to the New Jerusalem they set out to find. While statute books and the courts far into the nineteenth century reflected distrust of unregulated economic life, and while Utopian experiments, mass The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature education, abolitionism, and trade unionism through the eras of Jackson and Lincoln also expressed a belief in cooperation in preference to untrammeled economic freedom, entrepreneurship, and root-hog-or-die competition (Wish, v. 1, 574-75), the actions of Americans fell conspicuously short of expressed ideals. We have too often been "Jefiersonian in talk, Hamiltonian in practice," as some individuals have received a charter to exploit the public in the name of freedom of enterprise. Economic power has easily translated into political power. A way of life and a set of values "which seemed ideal to a set of loose rural communities . . . betrayed us in the conditions of a new age..." (Whipple, 119). The process of change from a predominantly rural and agricultural to an urban and industrial society quickened in the post-Civil War period. According to Henry Steele Commager (44), from the mid-1880s to the Spanish War: The new America came in as on flood tide. These years witnessed the passing of the old West, the disappearance of the frontier line and of good, cheap farm land, the decline of the cattle kingdom, the completion of the transcontinentals ... They revealed a dangerous acceleration of the exploitation of natural resources; the seizure of the best forest, mineral, range, and farm land by corporations; and the beginnings of the conservation and reclamation movement. They were marked by a profound and prolonged agricultural malaise and the transfer of economic and political gravity from country to city. The new America caused students of American life to reexamine the American character, values, and traditional community. Sherwood Anderson (247), in Winesburg, Ohio, a collection of interrelated stories subtitled "The Book of the Grotesque," examined the dark underside of small-town American life. Representative of the thousands of young people who left rural areas and small towns for life in large cities during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Anderson's protagonist �COMMUNITY George Willard leaves Winesburg at the end of the book, and the community in which he has grown up becomes "but a background on which to paint the dreams of his manhood." Edgar Lee Masters' Spoon River Anthology (91), a sort of Main Street in verse, presents a gallery of village and small-town failures— disillusioned and broken lawyers, would-be artists and poets, druggists, dentists, doctors, farmers, housewives, bankers, village atheists, and dissenters—all stunted by the narrowness and mediocrity of their community, suffering under the community's hypocrisy, racism, and injustice and anti-intellectualism and narrowness. Spoon River rarely proves nurturing and supportive of the promise and potential of the community's individual members. More often it proves a dark cellar, as Mrs. Charles Bliss explains after she and her husband have been advised by the village preacher and judge to remain in a loveless marriage "for the sake of the children": Now every gardener knows that plants grown in cellars Or under stones are twisted and yellow and weak. And no mother would let her baby suck Diseased milk from her breast Yet preachers and judges advise the raising of souls Where there is no sunlight, but only twilight, No warmth, but only dampness and cold— Preachers and judges! The critical examination of community and the American experience continues to this day. On the one hand we find expressions of discontent with narrow, stifling communities such as Winesburg, Ohio, and Spoon River, communities which oppress the individual. On the other hand, a widely held view is that values and attitudes suited to a former time, when the frontier was open and natural resources were apparently limitless, have persisted into a time when those conditions no longer apply. The result has been reckless and irresponsible behavior destructive of community and the common good. In the post-World War I 35 period R Scott Fitzgerald (225-26) described Tom and Daisy Buchanan, the principle characters in The Great Gatsby, as "... careless people [who] smashed up things and creatures and then retreated to their money or their vast carelessness, or whatever it was that kept them together, and let other people clean up the mess they had made." Many students of American life saw these characters and their attitudes and actions as representatives of American attitudes and actions generally. They typified individual aims, goals, and desires operating to the detriment of the communal good. The Great Depression of the 1930s forced a temporary return to emphasis on the common good. (In our survey of the famiy we have seen how American families became more closely knit during the Depression.) James Still (8-9), in his classic novel of the Appalachian South, River of Earth, depicts a family in the process of closing ranks in the face of economic setback. The mother says to her family: "We've got to live small... We've got to tie ourselves up in such a knot nobody else can get in." During these years President Franklin D. Roosevelt succeeded in causing the entire nation, for the first time in its history, to think of itself as a single community with a common problem to overcome, and to pull together much as the family in Still's River of Earth drew itself into a knot in a time of great need. But the Great Depression also served to intensify the reexamination of the American character and American values set in motion by the new America, which came on like a flood tide in the 1880s. In 1950 Harry Riesman contributed to this reexamination—which continues to this day—with The Lonely Crowd, a book whose title suggested a felt absence of genuine community in America In the 1980s Robert Bellah, in collaboration with five other authors, produced a study entitled Habits of the Heart, which stands, along with The Lonely Crowd, in a tradition going back to Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, from which the title Habits of the the Heart is derived. Bellah and his co-authors identify four personalities that �36 have emerged during the course of American history; these personalities embody values and attitudes with profound implications for the concept of community in American life. Exemplified by the Puritan leader John Winthrop, by Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and the nineteenth-century poet Walt Whitman, these personalities represent, respectively, Biblical, republican, utilitarian individualist, and expressive individualist values. Bellah and his associates conclude that Biblical and republican personalities, and the concepts of the good life they embody (chief among them being civic virtue), live on in the American experience, but they have lost ground to the utilitarian individualism represented by Franklin and to the expressive individualism represented by the life and work of Whitman. These two individualisms, in combination with a growing psychotherapeutic approach to self, are not conducive to the growth and maintenance of community. Bellah, et. al. find that the utilitarian and expressive individualisms embraced by the majority of Americans prevent us from recognizing the complex interdependence our society now requires of us. Believing that the greatest good is either to win, to "make it" financially or professionally, or to develop our individual selves to the greatest degree possible, we have an undeveloped appreciation for community and the public good, and tend to behave collectively, much as do Tom and Daisy Buchanan, with a "vast carelessness" for the communal or public implications of our behavior. Too many Americans, Bellah and his colleagues believe, live like Homer's race of Cyclops, who dwelt apart with little concern for one another. The sense of community implicit in John Winthrop's "city on a hill," and the civic virtue, which is the essence of Jefferson's social and political philosophy, are conspicuously absent in contemporary America, according to this critique, and in their place we have brands of individualism that tell us something is good if it works (utilitarian individualism), or if it feels right (expressive individualism), together with an attitude which The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature says, "These are my values, but they don't have to be anyone else's." The authors of Habits of the Heart find that this attitude has so permeated American life that many newly formed "intentional" communities are nothing more than "lifestyle enclaves," and even the most intimate human relationships, such as marriage, are thought of as contracts negotiated for the mutual benefit of autonomous individuals (Bellah, 85-86,93-97, et passim; and the Glossary of Key Terms, which defines "Biblical tradition," "community," "community of memory," "expressive individualism," "republican tradition," "lifestyle enclave," "utilitarian tradition," and other key terms used in the book). Such a conclusion is suggested by Frances Fitzgerald's Cities on a Hill: A Journey Through Contemporary American Cultures. Fitzgerald examines four contemporary efforts, in a tradition dating back to the Plymouth Colony, to establish and maintain communities dedicated to a single ideal or lifestyle. Two of these, the Castro in San Francisco, and the Rajneeshpuram commune in Oregon, grow out of the spirit of the 1960s, and were established on the ideas of the Gay Rights movement and New Age spirituality, respectively. A third, the Reverend Jerry Falwell's Liberty Baptist Community, is seen as a reaction to the alternative lifestyle of the Castro. And a fourth community, the Sun City retirement village in Florida, was an entire town made up of older Americans who enjoyed good health, were affluent, and had made a conscious decision to live apart from their families. All four communities can be seen as standing in an American Utopian tradition, dating from the earliest colonists, in which people form into a group for the purpose either of escaping mainstream society or providing an example to that society, or both. And like earlier communities in this tradition, each of these has either failed, changed significantly from its original conception, or succeeded only to a modest degree. Like previous communities, these at first attempted to impose their vision on the larger society, then necessarily changed as the enthusiasms of the members waned, or as the communities' ideals confronted the �COMMUNITY realities of existing within the larger society. At first the Castro was idealistic and uninhibited. Then one of the community's most influential supporters, a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, was assassinated, an event which fragmented the gay community; and soon thereafter the AIDS epidemic, closely associated with the gay community in San Francisco, began to attract the attention of the nation. The Reverend FalwelTs Liberty Baptist Community originally provided its members with a world apart from the society at large, but, especially after the community established Liberty University, it became increasingly clear that Bible-based truth alone was not adequate preparation for life in late twentiethcentury America. The Rajneeshpuram in Oregon at first was held together by the fervor of its members and by its charismatic leader the Bhagwan, but from the beginning the community was at odds with Oregonians living nearby. The leaders of the commune eventually betrayed one another (one disappeared with community funds, another testified against other community leaders during court proceedings), the Bhagwan was deported, and the community fell apart. Sun City continues as a retirement village, but its members face a rather bleak and lonely future which falls far short of the community's original promise of happiness and companionship. The four communities examined by Fitzgerald resemble the many similar experiments which have preceded them in American history not only in the way they fall short of their original expectations. They resemble earlier experiments also in that the very rootlessness of so many Americans now, as then, engenders the motivation to create community. And so community experiments of the past quarter century can be seen as the work of rootless people in search of community. As long as there are Americans who have made a break with the past, who have no strong attachments to kin or place, and who are free to move or start over, we may expect to see this strand of utopianism in the 37 collective American experience. An analysis of the American experience and social reality which to some degree parallels that of Bellah and his co-authors is Robert Reich's (8-13) Tales of a New America. Reich identifies four American morality tales, stories rooted in the American experience, which we tell ourselves in the attempt to make sense of our lives. One story Reich calls "The Mob at the Gates," which conceives of America as "a beacon light of virtue in a world of darkness," a country "uniquely blessed, the proper model for other people's aspirations, the hope of the world's poor and oppressed." This view of America, foretold in John Winthrop's sermon, "A Model of Christian Charity," is an example of what Bellah refers to as the Biblical tradition in American life; it requires a sense of community, but it also contains the seeds of paranoia concerning those who are outside the gates. The second story is that of "The Triumphant Individual" and is told, early on, in The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, which has become paradigmatic of the American success story. It is the story of the individual of humble beginnings who works, risks, and eventually wins wealth, fame, and honors. The story of the self-made man or woman, it suggests that anyone with a modicum of wit, grit, and determination can "make it." Recent versions of this story are Rocky and/acocca. Reich's third story is that of "The Benevolent Community." In this story American neighbors and Mends roll up their sleeves, pitch in, and help one another. It is a story of selfsacrifice, community pride, and patriotism. This story helps explain the effort in the nineteenth century to emancipate slaves, to gain the vote for women, and in the 1960s to help American blacks and other minorities secure civil rights. With this story we associate New England meetings where issues affecting the whole community were debated; house- and barnraisings on the frontier, participated in by the whole community. This story accounts for Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal, Truman's Fair Deal, and Johnson's Great Society, slogans summarizing �38 policies that asked Americans to think of the entire nation as a single community; which asked the many to pull together as one. With this story we tell ourselves that we are a generous people with concern for our neighbors and fellow citizens; that we work to make opportunity available to all; that we are all one big family, one large community. Reich's fourth story is called "The Rot at the Top." This story is about evil elites, rich aristocrats, unscrupulous and greedy business leaders and government officials. It is a story about those who conspire to work against the common good. With this story we associate casting off the yoke of arbitrary power during the American Revolution; the formation of labor unions to offset concentrations of economic power in vested interests. But, like all stories, these four stories rooted in the American experience are susceptible to different interpretations. In 'The Mob at the Gates" we can congratulate ourselves with the interpretation that celebrates our "triumph over savages and evil abroad!" Or we can understand the story in such a way as to reveal the difference between our actions and ideals, and conclude: "The world is succumbing to tyranny, barbarism, and devastation, while we stand idly by!" "The Triumpahnt Individual" can mean: "Rejoice in the opportunity open to each of us to gain fame and fortune!" or "Hard work and merit are sabotaged by convention, chicanery, and prejudice!" "The Benevolent Community can mean: "Admire our generosity and compassion!" or "We are selfish, narcissistic, racist, and indifferent—look at the poor and hungry in our midst!" "The Rot at the Top" can mean: "See how we have overcome vested privilege!" or "Our democracy is a sham, and everything important is controlled by a venal cabal at the top!" A version of 'The Rot at the Top" can be seen in a body of opinion which sees a powerful and greedy elite in the business and corporate world (built on a philosophical base of instrumental or utilitarian individualism) functioning in such a way as to harm family and community values. Charles Reich, the author of The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature The Greening of America, represents this considerable body of opinion when he asserts that economic growth often means "less of everything we really need, aside from material goods." One of the things we really need, Reich believes, is a sense of community. But "communities deteriorate when local companies want to make so much money that they leave the communities and go where labor is cheaper and where tax laws are more favorable" (52). Richard John Neuhaus (37) in The Naked Public Square examines the loss of a sense of community in the religious sphere of American experience. He finds that a fundamentalist strain of Protestantism has separated public argument from private belief, with the result that religious beliefs cannot be submitted to public reason. Neuhaus finds (82) that religion "as a mediating structure—a community that generates and transmits moral values—is no longer available ..." The individual's beliefs have become private and are valid for the individual, without reference to the beliefs of others; individual beliefs need not be submitted to the examination of other individuals or to the community. Neuhaus' findings corroborate in the religious sphere what Bellah and his associates find generally in American society. David W. Brown in a discussion of "Civic Virtue in America" points to changed conditions of life in America as a cause for the felt diminution of community. More and more Americans have gained access to "the portable credentials of higher education" and now live and work cut off from "the local institutions in which they were raised." These Americans constitute a new class whose members "appear to be passionate consumers instead of active citizens—like lovely willow trees with shallow roots." In agreement with Bellah, and corroborating Tocqueville (v. 2,257), who feared that Americans might end up "farming nothing but small coteries" instead of genuine communities, Brown finds members of this new class calculating and self-absorbed ("You owe it to yourself," "What's in it for me?"). The communities they join tend to be not genuine communities with a diversity of people, values, views, but communities of interest, enclaves composed of like-minded �COMMUNITY people with similar backgrounds, incomes, and tastes. Brown wonders whether a " 'community' of interest, if it has no geographical place, a neighborhood or a town, where friendship and obligation are practiced, can be sustained" (40). Even members of this new class who genuinely desire it discover the circumstances of their lives working against commitment to local community. Thus Richard Fox (12), a professor of history and humanities at Reed College, admits: It is difficult individually to enact both a professional disciplinary existence and a local neighborhood family existence. Family is an important community for me, as is a professional discipline. Local community is where I do not seem to spend any time. There may be an irreducible conflict here, and the best that we can hope for is emerging in some possible communities but not in all possible communities. Indeed, there is little evidence that community can prosper apart from a particular place, a neighborhood, locale, or town. For the new class of highly mobile and highly educated people (a class to which Richard Fox belongs) it might seem that they could conceive of the nation as a community in which they might function and to which they could feel a commitment. But the sense of the entire nation as a single community seems to be capable of creation only in extraordinary circumstances, and for limited periods, as, for instance, during the Great Depression or during World War II. By the 1960s Lyndon Johnson was unable to evoke a similar sense of national community for the War on Poverty or the Vietnam War, and by the 1980s President Ronald Reagan repudiated Roosevelt's vision of the country as a national community in favor of a view of the nation as a collection of local communities (Robert Reich, 170). (This view was echoed in President George Bush's repeated references during the 1988 presidential campaign to "a thousand points of light.") By the late 1980s the meaning of neighborhood, and hence of 39 community, had changed. The small towns and ethnic sections of earlier times had given way to what Robert Reich calls "economic enclaves whose members had little in common with one another but their average incomes." And in this context the story of'The Benevolent Community" had little applicability. Some observers saw the Reagan recommendation of local volunteerism and concern for neighborhood as a sham, for in contemporary America the idea of community and neighborhood offered a "way of enjoying the sentiment of benevolence without the burden of acting on it" (Robert Reich, 171). This conflation of immediate neighborhood and community caused people to feel that responsibility ended at the borders of their own neighborhoods, and since most Americans could see that their neighborhoods were not suffering, little charity need be exercised. If there were needy people, in some other neighborhood, members of that other neighborhood, that other community, bore the responsibility for helping out. This view allowed the poor to cluster in their own neighborhoods, in large cities, isolated from affluent suburbs that ringed them. The Reagan-Bush approach to neighborhood and community amounted to hollow rhetoric, according to one analyst. "Pure volunteerism, as espoused by the Reagan-Bush administration, asks the private sector to fill gaps created by American capitalism and vacated by a retreating federal government; essentially, it leaves the war on poverty in the hands of the vigilantes" (Bennett, A-7). According to these dour commentaries, genuine community is lacking both in the larger nation-community and in the smaller neighborhoods. One looks in vain for a commentator on American life who can report a satisfactory sense of contemporary community. Liberal and conservative pundits alike deplore the lack of community, but disagree on how community is appropriately promoted or supported. Conservatives tend to see activism on the part of intellectuals in government, especially at the national level, as destructive of community, while liberals are more likely to see �40 "commitments to community ... under constant attack, not by intellectuals or counter-cultures, as conservatives imagine, but by corporate capitalism... ." (Fox, 10). A liberal observer, Bill Moyers wonders on a Public Broadcasting System program in the autumn of 1988 whether the automobile might not have made it possible for us to get around without getting together; whether automobiles have not allowed the prosperous to escape to suburbs, commute to work in the cities, and daily by-pass the poor in the inner cities. George Will, a generally conservative syndicated columnist who ordinarily stands four-square for the rights of the individual, suggests in a televised roundtable in the same season that we might have too much of even such a good thing as individual rights: we are forever asserting the rights of the individual, he opines, but we must remember that the community has rights, too. What are we to make of these various analyses of the American character, these interpretations of American history, and these observations about contemporary American life? Are these different "personalities" with their visions of the good life jostling in disorderly fashion down through our history? Are different American morality tales being told simultaneously and discordantly generation after generation? Perhaps these analyses may be subsumed under the interpretation set forth by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. (et passim) in The Cycles of American History, in which he explains American history in terms of a tradition and a counter-tradition, both of which spring from the world-view and values of our colonial forebears. The people who established New Plymouth and the Massachusetts Bay Colony were both pessimistic and optimistic about human nature and life in this world; they were both pragmatic and idealistic. On the one hand they believed man was weak, limited, and fallen, and could be depended upon to err; on the other, they felt themselves to be an elect people with a mission to build the "city upon a hill" that would be a model for other people. This tradition and counter-tradition, according to The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature Schlesinger, correspond roughly to political and social conservatism and liberalism in the American experience, and have been in constant interplay and cyclical alternation throughout our history. When the essentially liberal and optimistic tradition is in the ascendency, the sense of community and social responsibility expands, and notions of freedom and equality flourish. As the tradition runs its cyclical course, it is supplanted by the countertradition, which brings in a period of retrenchment, an era devoted to emphasis on the individual and private interest. In such a period the sense of community contracts. Schlesinger estimates the cycles of tradition and countertradition to be approximately thirty years in duration. The period encompassing the Great Depression and lasting until well into the 1960s constituted a cycle in which the liberal tradition was in the ascendency. President John F. Kennedy in 1961 could still exhort Americans to ask not what their country could do for them, but what they could do for their country. During this time Americans responded positively to a vision of the entire nation as a single community. That period was followed by an assertion of the conservative counter-tradition and an emphasis on the individual and private interests. The dire predictions of sociologists and journalists with regard to the erosion of community in America might well be considered in the context of this cyclical interpretation of American history, which, if it has validity, suggests that the idea of community in the American experience waxes and wanes, and that the darkest hour for community is always just before a brightening of prospects. The voting habits of Americans lend support to Schlesinger's interpretation of American history as a tradition and a countertradition, one essentially liberal and idealistic and favorable to the formation and maintenance of community; the other essentially pragmatic and conservative and tending to emphasize the individual. A syndicated columnist analyzing the results of the 1988 elections noted that twenty-two of the fifty states sent �COMMUNITY divided delegations (one liberal, one conservative senator) to the U. S. Senate, and in four out of the past five elections the voters have put one party in charge of the White House and the other in charge of the Congress. The columnist took these data to mean that "Americans don't want an energetic government," and cited an elder statesman who considered such voting patterns irrational and tending to result in "divided and deadlocked government" (Kilpatrick,A-4). It is also possible to view these voting patterns as evidence of both the tradition and counter-tradition Schlesinger posits; evidence of both pragmatic and idealist impulses in the American electorate, one essentially conservative, the other liberal; one favoring government which tends to be activist and focused on the community good, the other favoring a relatively passive government (especially in domestic affairs) which gives greater scope to the individual. The voting patterns may be interpreted to mean Americans understand that the impulses toward individualism and toward community are both legitimate; that both continuity and change, progress and stability are desirable. George Will ("Another Muddy Message," 30) suggests that Americans are "idealogically conservative," and therefore wary of big government, while at the same time "operationally liberal" and quite willing to tolerate government when we have faith that it is operating on our behalf. Our vote for president is an ideological and expressive act which affirms "what we are and want to be tomorrow." Voting for president, we are ideologically conservative. When we vote for senators and representatives, and for state and local offices, our vote is more likely to be based on what we want right now, hence operationally liberal. Expressively we are against big government and governmental regulation of our lives; operationally we require government programs and big government capable of mounting such programs. Perhaps the electorate instinctively understands, as Robert Bellah and his co-authors believe, that "communal commitment and individual fulfillment rise or fall together" (Fox, 10). 41 When we listen attentively to what contemporary Americans actually say, as has Studs Terkel (etpassim) mAmerican Dreams: Lost and Found, we find both the impulses to individualism and the urge for community, both Schlesinger's tradition and countertradition, in microcosm. For Americans are pragmatic, but they are also idealistic; they are materialistic, but they also dream about and value things other than material and financial success. Americans are highly individualistic, but they also find great satisfaction in, and place value on, family, community, and work as things worthwhile in themselves. The twin impulses toward individualism on the one hand and community on the other often manifest themselves as ambivalence, as in voting habits, or in the way we define "neighborhood" and "community" in word and deed. Constance Perin inBelonging in America argues that we are conspicuously equivocal not only about whom we call "neighbor," but also about what we consider community. We may value community, yet we readily leave communities for better jobs or homes elsewhere. We aren't sure where the boundaries of our neighborhoods are. We don't necessarily consider the people next door, or on the same block, our neighbors. Yet Perin cites a California farmer who in 1986 sent hay to drought-stricken farmers in Greorgia because "We're 'cross the United States, but we're still a neighbor" (Fischer, 18). Such statements are valuable, for we are usually least articulate about those things that matter most to us and which we therefore take most for granted. Thus, concepts like family, community, and work are so deeply imbedded in our consciousness, so value-laden and freighted with feeling, that our most revealing expressions of them are apt to be in off-hand remarks such as that of the California farmer, or in the oblique revelations of anecdotes, folk tales, customs, and patterns discerned in details of seemingly insignificant daily life. Despite the changes that improved transportation and communications have brought, and despite our ambivalence about who our neighbors are and about the boundaries of our �42 communities, we may expect place to continue to play a vital role in our notion of community The conventional wisdom has been that as various parts of the country are connected by railways, highways, and airline routes, and means of almost instantaneous electronic communications, regional differences would be diminished. But we have less and less reason to consider regions and regional variations to be isolated, archaic survivals in a standardizing country. On the contrary, not only in America, but all over the world, people are rediscovering their regions and provinces. Renewed interest in regions has been characterized as world-wide "local centripetalism" (Troike, 2). Throughout the 1970s, a journalist discovered, new realities of power and people were making the North American continent into nine different "nations" (Garreau, et passim). New realities of power and people are causing us to experience, according to Harold Isaacs (1), "on a massively universal scale a convulsive ingathering of people in their numberless groupings in kinds—tribal, racial, linguistic, religious, national." This worldwide assertion of group identity is in itself a search for community, and has implications for the kinds of community we may hope to create. Isaacs finds that the relative positions of the individual and the group have shifted in contemporary society, a fact which "touches the bedrock of the whole American system. . . ." Our system is based on the rights of the individual, yet individuals are coming to new perceptions of themselves as members of groups and claiming rights not as individuals, but as members of groups. This new relationship of the "one" to the "many" has implications for community and is not unrelated to considerations of place (212-13). According to Rene Dubos (10), "we are beginning to witness a revival of regionalism that will complement the global point of view." This revival is a reaction to a powerful trend toward uniformity; it comes not despite the world's having grown smaller, but because it has done so. The likely result, Dubos believes, will be that the world of forty or fifty years from now will be One The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature World, but will include many local worlds within it. We need these local worlds because "human beings require more than health and economic security." Human life is also made up of "emotional and spiritual satisfactions that have their origins in our contacts with our physical world and social surroundings." These local worlds are the immediate communities in which we live. They are made necessary, paradoxically, because nationstates, and the industrialized world everywhere, do not provide a sufficient sense of community. E. D. Hirsch (96) stresses this point in Cultural Literacy when he writes: If our system had not encouraged localism and diversity, we would in any case have developed them. I four diversity had not arisen from immigration, local accident, and other historical causes, we would have evolved local differences anyway. Localism is constantly being reinvented all over the world, since the large, modern national state does not and cannot lend enough social glue or emotional meaning to satisfy the human desire for community. Our communities are already, and in the future will increasingly be, what Bellah refers to in Habits of the Heart as "communities of memory," places whose people are bound together by an understanding of a common past, a shared history and heritage. The markers for such communities will continue to be, to varying degrees, linguistic distinctiveness—regional speech and dialectical usage. For just as distinctive speech patterns constitute a boundary that excludes some people, the same boundary includes others and identifies them as members of a speech community. In the tenth canto of The Divine Comedy (40-44) Dante, escorted through a region of hell by Virgil, is overheard speaking in his Tuscan dialect by one of the souls enduring torture there, who calls out to Dante: O Tuscan! thou, who through the city of fire Alive art passing, so discreet of speech: Here, please thee, stay awhile. Thy utterance Declares the place of thy nativity ... �COMMUNITY The condemned soul is so charmed by the sound of his native speech that for a while at least he is able to forget the tortures of hell as he converses with Dante. Language, to a significant degree, defines, creates, and maintains a sense of community, as the unknown author of these doggerel lines on the expression "you-all" suggests: "You-all means a race or section/ Family, party, tribe, or clan;/You-all means the whole connection/ Of the individual man" (Bartlett, 922). Often we are strangely comforted and reassured by the familiar way a person speaks, even if we disagree with what is said. "Home in the twentieth century," the journalist Dave Hickey observes, "is less where your heart is than where you understand the sons-of-bitches" (Garreau, vi). By being sensitive to the linguistic communities and communities of memory that already exist, educators at every level can contribute to the creation and maintenance of community, and to its extension to include "the whole connection" of the individual man or woman. As Dewey advocated in Experience and Education, this sensitivity on the part of educators requires intimate acquaintance with the conditions of the local community in which one teaches, with its physical, historical, economic, and occupational conditions, in order to utilize the student's immediate world as an educational resource (Selznick, 48). There are encouraging signs that American educators are more favorably inclined to give serious consideration to local community than they have been within the past half century. In an essay entitled "The Rootless Professors," Eric Zencey, a professor of history and philosophy at Goddard College, signals a changed attitude. For too long, Zencey writes, American college and university professors have fancied themselves as "citizens of some mythical 'world city' or cosmopolis" who "may be systematically blind to some of the crucial elements of an integrated life—the life that is one of the primary goals of a liberal arts education—and to the values of connectedness to place." College and university professors have typically asked their students to "renounce citizenship in the political and biotic communities of 43 their home to embrace citizenship in the world city of ideas and culture that their education offers them"—without realizing that they are asking students to give up "real and immediate connections in favor of an abstraction." Zencey challenges professors to overcome their "prejudice against the local and provincial"; to "take the trouble to include local content in courses"; to "take more seriously the regional branches of professional organizations in our various disciplines"; and to acquire "dual citizenship—in the world of ideas and also in the very real counties, states, regions, and ecosystems in which we find ourselves " Zencey calls for cosmopolitan educators who cultivate a sense of place and "exemplify... a successful resolution of the tension between the local and the universal" (72). (Zencey's approach is being disregarded in the current rush to "universalize" college and university curricula) (Vasquez, A-48). A model of such an educator might be Edwina Sheppard Pepper, who established the John A. Sheppard Ecological Reservation in West Virginia; who was also instrumental in founding the Big Laurel School of Learning for mountain children; and who was described by consumer advocate Ralph Nader as an "unsung heroine" for her imaginative and creative response to environmental problems of her community. "As more and more land has been stripped or deep mined," Nader explained, "the inhabitants of these mountains have lost not only their homes, but also their sense of worth. Mrs. Pepper has tried to restore the feeling of community and resourcefulness the inhabitants' forefathers knew" (Edwina Pepper, B-12). In making community a more important consideration in the educational process, regional and local perspectives can be extremely useful. They can present academic disciplines as they interpenetrate and impinge on one another; issues and problems in contexts that do not dwarf the individual; and the possibility of better combinations of thought and action, knowledge and power, scholarship and citizenship. Regional approaches offer both ways of understanding the geography behind history and �44 ways of understanding history in a geographical context. Community-based approaches can also provide opportunities to instruct students in practical economics, as Paul Gagnon maintains in "Why Study History?" (56), a study of the way American history is presented in widely used textbooks. Gagnon finds that textbooks inadequately instruct young Americans in the way economic expansion has always been supported by public efforts. In the past this expansion "was heavily subsidized by American consumers, taxpayers, workers, and also by slave labor in the South and by an earlier generation of British and Europeans, whose labor produced investment capital. Subsidy remains a bad word in the American lexicon, yet it is axiomatic that all enterprise must in some way be subsidized to one degree or another.... Texts could say that there is nothing wrong with subsidy as such, provided that the gains and losses are reasonably distributed. It is another name for community effort." Such an understanding of American economic history would render less utopian Robert Reich's concept of "collective entrepreneurialism," which conceives of a firm or corporation as a community (Robert Reich, 150). This or a similar presentation of American economic history would help to blend the message of capitalism, which says the individual must make it on his own, with the Christian message (valued by the founders of Plymouth Colony) that says we bear responsibility for our neighbors and for others in our community and encourages us to think of ourselves as community members. A widely held point of view maintains that our way of thinking and talking about American life overemphasizes the role of the individual, while underemphasizing the importance of community, thus impoverishing our entire moral discourse. According to this critique, we are increasingly asked to think of ourselves as individual consumers, with the result that a sense of community, of purposes pursued in common, is eroded. Encouraged in mean-spirited self-interest and self-absorption, we withdraw from generosity, compassion, concern for others. The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature Ellen Goodman (228-29), an acute observer of the contemporary scene, has called this withdrawal "a privatization of everything." Symbolic of this privatization of all aspects of our lives during the past decade, she thinks, was the conversion of a Boston church into a condominium. A church, a place where people communed, was converted into rentable, leasable, purchaseable private spaces. This conversion illustrates, in Goodman's view, a general turning away from community into private spaces, a greater concern with private goods than with the public good. If our lives are focused on private consumption, so goes this argument, we are disposed to reduce our support of public efforts and institutions (education, safety, recreation). For when we think of ourselves primarily as consumers, we will prefer burglar alarms to police forces; private gardens to public parks; private vacations to community recreation; Home Box Office and video discs to public libraries or public broadcasting. We will see nothing odd about cutting subsidies to mass transportation while making government loans to automakers. Parents and students, this argument contends, have even been asked to think of themselves as consumers of education, with the result that more and more emphasis is placed on shortterm benefits, and education is viewed in an increasingly narrow way. We look for education that can be quickly translated into good (by which we mean well-paying) jobs. The long-term value and the broader view of education are less and less emphasized when we think of education as a product, not as a process, and of ourselves as consumers of it. Communities must of course consist of intelligent, thoughtful individuals whose capacities are developed to their fullest. Both statements remind us that while training is an important part of any education, training alone can only make us into a tool, an instrument to be employed by someone else. Genuine education aims to produce more than a one-eyed Cyclopean view of life as consumership lived in private spaces by people who "reck not of one another." In the same way that our two eyes, working �COMMUNITY together, produce a single vision, our training and our education function as two eyes which can work together, providing vision for our individual lives as well as for our lives in common with others; coordinating our vocations and our citizenship in a single vision which sees, as N. Scott Momaday once put it, "beyond all the billboards of illusion" that confront us when we think of ourselves only as consumers of goods and services. The alternative to the one-eyed, Cyclopean life of individuals who take no thought for one another is suggested by the poet Gary Snyder (101), whose recommendations for effective citizenship begin with a consideration of community as a physical place. It is not possible, Snyder writes, to make things better "without our feet on the ground. Stewardship means, for most of us, find your place on the planet, dig in, and take responsibility from there " Snyder's conception of citizenship assumes work at the community level—the "tangible work of school boards, county supervisors, local foresters, local politics. Even while holding in mind the largest scale of potential change. Get a sense of a workable territory, learn about it, and start acting point by point." The Appalachian region of America is a workable territory; it is a definable place on the planet where citizens can dig in and take responsibility, where work at the level of local community is compatible with national and international perspectives. The Appalachian region is one of those potential "communities of memory and hope" considered so important by Robert Bellah and the other authors of Habits of the Heart. For Appalachian America, according to the historian Carl Degler (5), has an interesting and complex triple history. The region has the double history shared by all Southerners—a history as Southerners and as Americans. Additionally, southern Appalachia has a history of its own, as neither north or south, as a borderland America, a place between places. In Southern Appalachia, America's first frontier, many different groups came together: the English and Scotch-Irish, the Swiss, the Germans, the French, together with native Americans and 45 blacks. In Southern Appalachia two different economies and cultures mingled: the planter economy and culture of the lowland South and the economy and culture of the small, independent farmer. This mingling of economies and cultures, nationalities and ethnic groups made Appalachia, according to the historian Wertenbaker (The Old South, 219), "a test laboratory of American civilization." Southern Appalachia was and still is a test laboratory of American civilization. In the nineteenth century Cassius Clay considered the people of the mountain South natural supporters of freedom because they owned land but few slaves (Peck, 4,64). And today one of the things being tested is whether or not—as Robert Coles (201) suspects—there is something redemptive for all America in the experiences, the values, the culture, the "community of memory" known as Southern Appalachia. In years past many young college- and university-trained people from Southern Appalachia have had to go outside their region to find opportunities in professions. Regrettably, higher education has often effectively cut people off from their communities and people. Amother from Blackey, Kentucky (Reck, 24), expressed what many parents have felt over the years when she said, commenting on the exodus of young people, "We lose our purpose when we lose our children . . . they . . . become citizens of nowhere." In recent years it has been increasingly possible for collegeand university-trained people to find opportunities within their Southern Appalachian region. This may become increasingly the case, for Southern Appalachia has many needs—health care professionals, teachers, nurses, trained professionals in local government, community workers of all kinds. The efforts of humanities educators in the Southern Appalachian region can contribute to a "community of memory and hope"; as teachers of history, literature, economics, political science, and other disciplines associated with the humanities, the region's educators can help to replace "citizens of nowhere" with citizens of somewhere— �46 communities constituted by both space and time, by a sense of history and collective experience and an understanding that individual good and the welfare of the total community are inseparable. Our writers contribute significantly to our awareness of ourselves as members of a community. For in contemporary America, just as they have done in all times and places, writers function as creators and sustainers of communities of memory. Writers, John Updike (23) has pointed out recently, instruct the community in matters of tribal identity. "Who we are, who our heroic fathers were, how we got where we are, why we believe what we believe and act the way we do—these are all questions the writer deals with, whether in poems, songs, or stories that serve as memory banks." A recent collection of stories by Wendell Berry (136-37) provides a contemporary example of this ancient function of the writer as a creator and sustainer of community. Berry's collection The Wild Birds bears the subtitle "Six Stories of the Port William Membership," an allusion to the collection's theme of interdependence, the notion that the people of Berry's fictional Port William are all responsible to and for one another and to their place; that not only those who happen to be living at the moment have a say in things, but also the dead and the yet unborn. They are all—the living, the dead, and the yet unborn of that place—part of a membership. As a character, Burly Coulter, observes in the title story,"... we are members of each other. All of us. Everything. The difference ain't in who is a member and who is not, but in who knows it and who don't." It is from such communities of memory as those found in the writing of Berry and other American writers that we are most likely to recover and carry forward our sense of community. Works by three major American writers—Hawthorne's The Scarlet Letter, Thoreau's "Civil Disobedience" and Walden, and Sinclair Lewis's Main Street provide the basis for text-centered considerations of the theme of community in American life. The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature The Scarlet Letter by Nathaniel Hawthorne Often considered the first genuinely American novel, The Scarlet Letter is a central text in the American literary canon, recognized for the universality of its story, the humanness of its characters, for its form and structure, and for the appropriateness of its language. Hawthorne's story is about concealed sin (with emphasis more on the concealment than on the sin) and its effects on four individuals—Hester Prynne, Arthur Dimmesdale, Roger Chillingsworth, and Hester and Dimmesdale's daughter Pearl. Hawthorne is also concerned with the Puritan community in which his story is set, with its values, with the relationship of his main characters to the community, and with the way the individuals affect the community, its attitudes, values, and more. From the moment Hester Prynne emerges from prison wearing the scarlet letter "A" on her dress, she is confronted—in the market—by the community, represented by a number of deftly sketched minor characters. And at the end of the story, when the Reverend Mr. Dimmesdale publicly acknowledges his guilt— again in the marketplace, on a scaffold before the assembled citizenry—the confrontation is one between the individual and the community. Hawthorne's story of these four individuals is framed by an initial and a concluding confrontation with the community and its values while at the same time it shows the harshness and inflexibility with which these values are held and expressed. The individuals are changed by their confrontation with the community, but the community, too, is changed as the individuals, who have lived for the most part in isolation from it, are reintegrated into the community through the public revelation of their sin, and through the community's interpretation of the meaning of the public revelation in the marketplace. In time even the meaning of the scarlet letter itself changes from that of stigma to a symbol associated with sorrow, awe, and reverence, and Hester Prynne herself becomes a comforter and a counselor in the village. �47 COMMUNITY "Civil Disobedience" and Walden Main Street by Henry David Thoreau by Sinclair Lewis Many of Thoreau's assertions might at first give the impression that he dissociates himself from any idea of community. "I am not responsible for the successful working of the machinery of society," he declares in "Civil Disobedience" (222-240). He expresses his felt sense of difference and distance from his neighbors, as when, coming out of jail for refusal to pay taxes, he says he saw that his neighbors were "a distinct race from me by their prejudices and superstitions, as the Chinaman and Maylays are "In the same essay he writes, "I quietly declare war on the state ... though I will still make what use and get what advantage of her I can." Yet Thoreau is not unconcerned with the idea of community. On the contrary, he desires a different and better kind of community than what he finds available. His attitude toward his neighbors, toward the larger community of Concord, and toward the state is influenced by his individualism and devotion to principle and the highest calling of his conscience. Thoreau declares his desire to be "a good neighbor" and "a bad subject" (of the state). He calls for a community and a government which can show "a true respect for the individual." His move to Walden Pond, where he lived for over two years, is not a turning away from community, or an antisocial act of withdrawal from community; rather, the move is an attempt to discover how a community might be better. He undertakes a practical experiment to discover whether the necessities of life could not be obtained more simply and easily than was the case among his neighbors, who were caught up in an unexamined, materialistic life. Thoreau goes to Walden Pond with his neighbors and the larger community in mind As he announces early on in Walden, his purpose is to wake his neighbors up. His wish is to waken everyone to the realization that living can be simple and yet fulfilling to the individual; that it is possible to imagine a community compatible with greater freedom for its individual members. Carol Milford Kennicott, the protagonist of Main Street, is similarly bent on waking her neighbors up and improving the community of Gopher Prairie, to which she has moved after marrying one of the town's residents, Dr. Will Kennicott. Her husband is representative of his community in that he is a complacent, conventional, self-satisfied booster of his home town, practical and matter-of-fact, not inclined to examine life—his own or anyone else's. Carol, however, wants to improve things. She wants to reform her husband, Gopher Prairie, the whole community. In this effort she encounters opposition not only from her husband, but from everyone else in Gopher Prairie. Or if not active opposition, then stolid indifference. The men are interested in cars and trains. They are xenophobic and convinced that their town is the greatest place on earth. The women, who belong to two clubs in town, The Jolly Seventeen and The Thanatopsis Club, have no interests beyond homemaking, cooking, and their children. They have no conception of improving their lives, for they see nothing wrong with things as they are. Carol Kennicott discovers that the members of The Thanatopsis Club, though officially dedicated to improving social conditions, are not interested in improving anything; in fact, they have no notion of what improvements would entail. They are not interested in helping the poor and deny that Gopher Prairie has any poor. Carol discovers that the town librarian does not consider it part of her role to encourage people to read; more important to her is keeping the books in their proper places on the library shelves. Nevertheless, Carol Kennicott makes a number of efforts to change the community. She tries to raise funds for a new city hall. She puts on an amateur theatrical, has dreams of an annual Community Day—all in an effort to create a "more conscious life" for the community. But she finds herself pitted against what �48 de Tocqueville, in his classic examination of America, termed the "tyranny of the majority." People in Gopher Prairie disapprove of her because she pays a maid a salary they consider too generous. She demonstrates, in their view, that she is unconventional when she gives a party with an Oriental theme. She proves to be positively scandalous—especially after she has a dalliance with a young tailor in the town. Eventually Carol Kennicott feels that the citizens of Gopher Prairie are a race apart from her—no less than Thoreau felt distanced from his neighbors after spending a night in jail. And when she and her husband "lie together in a hot bed in a creepy room—enemies, yoked" (284), she thinks they represent two races of people: a race of the "neurotic," to which she belongs, and a race of the "stupid," to which her husband Will and the other residents of Gopher Prairie belong. Finally she is set apart from the community of Gopher Prairie and stigmatized by its residents no less than was Hester Prynne in Salem. In the eyes of the residents of Gopher Prairie Carol wears a letter "R" (for reformer) or an "F (for idealist). Thinking to escape Gopher Prairie, its smug complacency and narrowness, its refusal to examine life, she leaves her husband, and taking her young son with her, goes to Washington, where she hopes to become involved in war work. She needs to find out what her work is (404). She discovers that Washington is only a larger Gopher Prairie. The Scarlet Letter, "Civil Disobedience" and Walden, and Main Street offer varied instances of individuals in their relationship to community. The texts are useful in helping to isolate, examine, and better understand the tensions that exist in the American experience between American individualism and our sense of community. The two "races" identified by Carol Kennicott in Main Street correspond not only to "two souls" resident in the breast of Sinclair Lewis, but to something in the American character, in American cultural values. The "enemies, yoked" are The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature not only the idealist Carol Kennicott beside her complacent and unimaginative husband, on a hot night in Gopher Prairie; they are antimonies in the complex of American attitudes, values, and mores—the romantic, progressive, principled idealist impulse alongside the realist, materialistic impulse which is, though often crude and crass, nevertheless capable of seeing its opportunity and taking it. One is reminded of the embodiment of these impulses in extreme form in Quentin and Jason Compson in William Faulkner's The Sound and the Fury. Works Cited Adams, John Quincy. Writings of John Quincy Adams. Edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford. V. 1-7. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1913-17. Anderson, Sherwood. Winesburg, Ohio. Edited by John H. Ferres. New York: The Viking Press. The Viking Critical Library, 1966. Barnes, Jonathan, ed. The Complete Works of Aristotle. 2 vols. The Revised Oxford Translation. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1984. Bartett, John. Familiar Quotations. Edited by Emily Morrison Beck. Fifteenth and 125th Anniversary Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1980. Bellah, Robert, etal. Habits of the Heart. Individualism and Commitment in American Life. New York: Harper & Row, 1985. Bennet, James. "Gentle Fuzziness." Louisville, Kentucky Courier Journal, October 24,1988: A-7. Berry, Wendell. The Wild Birds. San Francisco: North Point Press, 1986. Boorstin, Daniel J. The Americans: The National Experience. New York: Random House, 1965. Bradford, William. Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-1647. A new edition. The Complete Text. With Notes and an Introduction by Samuel Eliot Morison. New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1953. Brown, David W. "Civic Virtue in America." National Forum, LXVII.2 (1987): 39-41. Cappon, Lester J. The Adams-Jefferson Letters. 2 vols. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1959. Coles, Robert. "On the Humanities and on Appalachia." Appalachian Journal, 5.2 (1978): 197203. Commager, Henry Steele. The American Mind. An Interpretation of American Thought and Character Since the 1880s. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950, Dante Alighieri. The Divine Comedy. Tr. Henry F. Gary. New York: P. F. Collier & Son, 1937. �49 COMMUNITY Degler, Carl N. The Other South. New York: Harper & Row, 1974. Perin, Constance. Belonging in America. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1988. Dick, Everett. The Dixie Frontier. A Social History of the Southern Frontier from the First Transmontane Beginnings to the Civil War. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1948. Reck, Una Mae Lange, and Gregory G. Reck. "Living is More Important than Schooling: Schools and Self Concept in Appalachia." Appalachian Journal, 8.1 (1980): 19-25. Dubos, Rene. "Recycling Social Man." Saturday Review/World, 24 August, 1974:8-10. Reich, Charles. The Greening of America. New York: Random House, 1970. Fischer, Claude S. Those People Next Door." New York Times Book Review, November 13, 1988:18. —. "The Liberals' Mistake." The Center Magazine, July/August 1987:49-59. Fitzgerald, Frances. Cities on a Hill: A Journey Through Contemporary American Cultures. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1925. Riesman, Harry, with Nathan Glazer and Ruel Denney. The Lonely Crowd: A Study of the Changing American Character. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950. Fox, Richard. The Liberal Ethic and the Spirit of Protestantism." The Center Magazine. September/October 1987:4-14. Freud, Sigmund. Collected Papers. Authorized translation by Alix and James Strachey. The International Psycho-Analytical Library. No. 9. Edited by Ernest Jones, M.D. 5 vols. New York: Basic Books, 1959. Gagnon, Paul. "Why Study History?" The Atlantic Monthly. November 1988:43-66. Galbraith, John Kenneth. The Affluent Society. 3rd Rev. Ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1981. Goodman, Ellen. At Large. New York: Summit Books, 1981. Greene, Evarts Boutell. The Revolutionary Generation. Vol. IV, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Hand, Learned. The Spirit of Liberty. Papers and Addresses of Learned Hand. Collected with an introduction and notes by Irving Dilliard. Third edition, enlarged. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952. Hawthorne, Nathaniel. The Scarlet Letter and The House of Seven Gables. With an introduction by James R. Mellow. New York: New American Library, 1981. Hirsch, E. D., Jr. Cultural Literacy. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987. Homer. The Odyssey of Homer. Translated with an introduction by Richard Lattimore. New York: Harper & Row, 1967. Isaacs, Harold. Idols of the Tribe. New York: Harper & Row, 1975. Kilpatrick, James J. "Americans don't want energetic government" Bowling Green, Kentucky Daily News, November 9,1988: A-4. Leopold, Aldo. A Sand County Almanac. New York: Oxford University Press, 1966. Lewis, Sinclair. Main Street. With an Afterward by Mark Schorer. New York: New American Library, 1961. Masters, Edgar Lee. Spoon River Anthofogy. New Edition with New Poems. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1959. Maugham, W. Somerset. The Moon and Sixpence. Garden City, New York: International Collector's Library. 1919. Neuhaus, Richard John. The Naked Public Square. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdman's Publishing Company, 1984. Peck, Elizabeth S. Berea's First 125 Years: 7555-1980. With a final chapter by Emily Ann Smith. Lexington, Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky, 1982. "Edwina Pepper, founder of mountain school, dies." Louisville, Kentucky Courier-Journal, November 13,1988:6-12. Reich, Robert Tales of a New America. New York: Times Books, 1987. Russell, Bertrand. Skeptical Essays. George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1935. Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. The Cycles of American History. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1986. Selznick, Philip. The Demands of the Community." 7776 Center Magazine, January/February 1987:33-54. Shapiro, Larry, ed. A Book of Days in American History. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1987. Snyder, Gary. Turtle Island. New York: New Directions Books, 1974. Still, James. River of Earth. New York: Viking Press, 1940; rpt Lexington, Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky, 1978. Terkel, Studs. American Dreams: Lost and Found. New York: Pantheon Books, 1980. Thoreau, Henry David. A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers, Walden, The Maine Woods, Cape Cod. Cambridge, England: The Library of America, 1985. —. Walden and "Civil Disobedience." With an Afterword by Perry Miller. New York: New American Library, 1960. Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. In two volumes with a critical appraisal of each volume by John Stuart Mill. New York: Schocken Books, 1961. Troike, Rudolph C. The Future of English." 77?e Linguistic Reporter, May 1977:1-5. Updike, John. The Writer Lectures." The New York Review of Books, June 16,1988: 23-27. Vasquez, Jesse M. "Ethnic Studies Programs Are in Danger of Being Lost in the Current Rush to 'Universalize' the College Curriculum." 7776 Chronicle of Higher Education, November 16, 1988:A-48. Wertenbaker, Thomas Jefferson. The First Americans. Vol. 11, A History of American Life, Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. —. 7770 Old South. New York: Cooper Square Publishers, Inc., 1963. Whipple, T. K. Study Out the Land. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1943. Will, George. "Pin the label on the donkey." Newsweek, August 1,1988:62. —. "Another muddy message." Newsweek, November 21,1988:30. Williams, Raymond. Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society. New York: Oxford University Press, 1976. Wish, Harvey. Society and Thought in America. 2 vols. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1950. Zencey, Eric. The Rootless Professors." 7776 Chronicle of Higher Education, XXX. 15 (June 12, 1985): 72. �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 50 Participant Reflections: Community According to Robert Bellah, a community is comprised of memories: Communities... have a history—in an important sense they are constituted by their past—and for this reason we can speak of a real community as a "community of memory/' one that does not forget its past. In order not to forget that past, a community is involved in retelling its story,... and in so doing, it offers examples of the men and women who have embodied andexemplified the meaning of community (153). Perhaps the most effective way of telling America's story is through its literature, stories, verse, and songs because through fictional characters, the past becomes present, lives and breathes and is understood by comparison and identification with local situations, local characters, and local communities. Willa Ann Baker, "In Search of Community" The United States continues to undergo a change within the rural farming community. No longer is the country based on an agrarian economy. An evolution has occurred within society toward a business- and service-oriented community. With this shift in focus away from the family farm and rural community, the nation's value system has experienced a change as well. People can no longer value the family farm when it is not economically or personally satisfying. As a result, more and more family farms will cease to exist. The family farming tradition is coming to a rapid conclusion, marking the end of the farm-based community. Vickie Sutton, "The Grip of Progress on the Family Farm" We all know the contributions to scholarship and the preservation of culture that we owe to the various monastic communities of the Middle Ages. Most Americans are aware of the effects on our national character and culture of such religious communities as the Puritans and the Quakers. But do you know that we owe the invention of the circular Saw, the propeller, and the clothes pin to the communal Shakers? that many of our educational ideas come from the experimental schools set up in the nineteenth-century communities of followers of Fourier and Owens? that the first free public schools in America were part of one of these communities in New Harmony, Illinois? that the silver or stainless steel flatware you buy from Oneida today is manufactured by a company started as a "free-love" commune? My point is that communitarianism as a Western and an American tradition has had far-reaching effects on our culture. Louis H. Palmer, III, "Zoulakia: A Look at an Intentional Community" Of the three sinners in Hawthorne's book, Hester alone survives. It might be interesting to look at why. Early on in the novel, Hester's sin sets her outside the comfort and security of the community in which she lived That Hester truly considered herself a part of the community is evident in her conscious penance. There are many times that Hester speaks personally about her sin. She tells Pearl at one point, "Once in my life I met the Black Man!... This scarlet letter is his mark!" (172). Later as she contemplates leaving New England she says, '"Look your last on the scarlet letter and its wearer!'the people's victim and lifelong bond-slave. . . ." (213). Thus, one must believe that Hester was so imbued with the moral sentiment of her colony that she accepted the fact that there was a sin which must be paid for, and her staying may have partly been for that reason. Rita Silver, "The Revolt Against the Village" �COMMUNITY 51 Hester's struggle to be true to her own values, to rise above the bigotry and intolerance of her community, are universal themes; yet they are particularly applicable to the American experience. "The call of the American experience has been a radical search for identity by attempting to free ourselves from orders, old hierarchies of rank and belief, to discover the emergent man" (Hoffman). The struggle of the individual against society has been reflected not only in The Scarlet Letter but also in maj or works such as The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, Main Street, and Spoon River Anthology. Carolyn C. Cahill, 'The Community: Hester Prynne's Adversary in The Scarlet Letter" In both novels, the structure of the communities seems based on the Hamiltonian idea that the aristocracy—the wealthy, landed, professional, or well-born—of a group is best suited to govern the whole group. The aristocracy's disregard for the common man's interests is much more evident in Main Street. Lewis describes the Gopher Prairie aristocracy as "... all persons engaged in a profession, or earning more than twenty-five hundred dollars a year, or possessed of grandparents born in America." The Stowbody, the Clark, the Elder, and yes, the Kennicott and their kind, thus sit in judgment of and wield power over the Scandinavian and German farmers, mill hands, and hired girls. Every motion made by the farmers and laborers to better their lives is immediately labeled "socialist" by these superiors grown rich (or at least comfortable) off profits earned by the common man's labor. Janice K. Hildebrand, "Terms of Isolation: An Examination of Social Distance in The Scarlet Letter and Main Street* Sinclair Lewis lays bare the narrowness of the small town with its solid middle-class values—home, family, regular habits, business, smugness, and narrow-minded people. He considers all small towns of his day the same and equally monotonous. According to Goist, "The negative sides of small-town community: sharing in the lives of others can frequently turn out to be petty back-biting and gossip or sheer meddlesomeness." Lewis also points out that solidarity among people can lead to the stifling of the uniqueness of the individual. Lynn Avant, "Individuality in American Communities: Past and Present" Main Street and Lake Wobegon Days are literary creations that fit into a body of literature concerned with the American village in the twentieth century. At the turn of the century the village was considered above attack. Charles and Mary Beard report that when Harding ran for president, he campaigned as a representative of the common people who lived in small towns. Part of a campaign speech was: What is the greatest thing in life, my countrymen? Happiness. And there is more happiness in the American village than in any other place on the face of the earth. As Harding was extolling the happiness found in the villages, the literary people were showing the weaknesses of the village. In the 1980s the vast majority of the people live in larger communities. The small town or village is now more a memory of the past which we view through nostalgia-colored glasses. The problems listed by Keillor are ones we acknowledge, but ones that we accept as a less important theme or footnote to a place that is far away in space and time. Patricia B. Chastain, "The End of an Era: A Comparison of Main Street and Lake Wobegon Days" �The Examined Ufe: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 52 The connections between the individual and the community values give Hester Prynne her strength, but defeat Carol. The difference lies not in the connection, but in the two women. Hester uses her understanding of the values of the group to carve a niche for herself and her daughter; eventually she leaves the community but returns after providing for her daughter's future. Carol leaves the community but returns to give birth to her daughter. She has great plans for her daughter, but the reader is left to wonder if she will be any more definite in providing for her daughter's future than she has been in living her own life. Carol Kennicott examines her life and values, but she never really understands that she must make an assessment of individual values within the parameters of her community values. Neither she nor Hester live happy lives, but Hester's life takes meaning from within herself while Carol drifts always looking for an outside panacea for her unhappiness. Carol sees herself but she never sees the community in which she is to live, nor does she see a true picture of her role in that community. She does not see that one "must also acquire a capacity for an informed sympathy with an understanding of the desires and values of others" (Hand). Her consolation to herself that she "has not fought the good fight but she has kept the faith" (Lewis) confirms her acceptance that she will never bridge the gap between her individual values and the community values. Leta Baharestan, "The Individual in His Own Briar Patch" Explore Cultural Values in Your Own Community Through Literature! Jo Buckner Oak Hill Junior High, Morganton, North Carolina Often we as teachers expect our students to be enthused and enlightened with the energy from great literary works. We attempt to convey its message in ways applicable to their everyday lives and thoughts. We are then disappointed and sometimes outraged when the theme or soul of a story or poem is misinterpreted or ignored completely by our students. This rings especially true with junior high students who are a mixture of abstract and concrete thinkers and all shades in between. I have found that through working with familiar themes students can, with the help of hands-on activities, relate the concrete life they lead to the more abstract concepts in literature. I chose the theme of "community," a familiar aspect of our culture, to teach cognitive skills in thinking and writing, performance skills in speaking, as well as an appreciation for literature and its ability to provide a means of inquiry into personal and cultural values. I selected the following short literary works to integrate into the community unit: "This Farm For Sale" by Jesse Stuart, "Journey to the Forks" by James Still, "The Lottery" by Shirley Jackson, Sterling North's version of "Thoreau of Walden Pond," and The Spoon River Anthology by Edgar Lee Masters. Reading "This Farm For Sale" was a springboard for students to discover things that were good and worth keeping, indeed worth advertising, about their own communities. As Stuart's family learned to appreciate the abundant farm that provided them with a plentiful table, my students found creeks, community centers, church life, and good neighbors were aspects of their communities worth "selling to others." Students enjoyed the dialect in Still's "Journey to the Forks." The story is an excellent means for examining the traditional �53 COMMUNITY values regarding education and religion in our own Southern Appalachian community. We learned that our parents, grandparents, and people in our community provide a great influence on why we believe as we do. I knew one student had gained some insight following this remark: "I guess if I hadn't ever gone to a Baptist church and had always gone to a Jewish church, I would think the Jewish beliefs were right!" No other literary work in the unit held my students' interest more than Jackson's disturbing account of a small-town tradition in "The Lottery." This story is excellent for generating thinking on higher cognitive levels. Students analyzed traditional values through interviews with people in their communities. We discussed possible ways to "do away with the lottery." In our study of Thoreau's Walden, students initially were eager to throw their books out the window and dispense with their chores for a Thoreauvian paradise. After a closer examination, however, of Thoreau's utopia, many were willing to be more accepting of the demands of their present communities'lifestyles. Materialism seemed to prevail; few were willing to give up their nice clothes, comfortable homes, cars, and jamboxes. Edgar Lee Masters' Spoon River poems were difficult for some students to read, but most enjoyed the idea of "telling all" from the grave. Students concluded that honesty was upheld by Masters; scandal and sensationalism were relished by the Spoon River community. Students recognized this as an aspect of their own culture and over half made use of scandal in creating their own "Spoon River" poems from unknown tombstones. Ultimately I accomplished two goals through the community unit. Students increased their skills in oral communication, writing, and higher thinking skills. In the affective realm, my students showed a strong appreciation and enthusiasm for several masterworks of literature. In addition they were given an opportunity to examine their own communities and community values and the way in which their personal values fit into that broader perspective. Community: A Thematic Unit Designed for an Eighth-Grade Language Arts Class Approximately 6 Weeks Rationale Since junior high students are at an identity stage of development, the study of their own communities will allow them to examine and value them and will ultimately help them know themselves better. The unit integrates literature, writing, listening, speaking, and viewing skills in accordance with the Standard Course of Study in the North Carolina Basic Education Plan. It also incorporates all the cognitive thinking levels in Benjamin Bloom's Taxonomy. Literature Short Stories: 'This Farm For Sale" by Jesse Stuart; "Journey to the Forks" by James Still. Essay: "Thoreau of Walden Pond" by Sterling North. Poetry: The Spoon RiverAnthology by Edgar Lee Masters. Films: "The Rid Who Wouldn't Quit: The Brad Silverman Story," an ABC After School Special; "The Lottery," based on a short story by Shirley Jackson. Textbook: Your English, North Carolina State adopted, Coronado Press. Objectives Writing: 1. Writing descriptive, persuasive, and point-of-view paragraphs. 2. Writing an advertisement. 3. Writing a poem. Literature: 1. Recalling events in a story and poem. 2. Analyzing a short story (setting, character, plot—climax, �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 54 resolution, internal/external conflict—mood, theme). Speaking: Using the proper speaking skills—(1) standard English, (2) pace, (3) volume, (4) eye contact, (5) posture, (6) gestures, and (7) inflection of voice—in discussions, poetry readings, a one-minute persuasion speech, and an interview. Viewing: Analyzing a film. Listening: 1. Following directions. 2. Answering questions after listening to readings. 3. Evaluating peers' speeches. Grammar: 1. Using complete sentences in writing. 2. Using details and examples to develop a paragraph. 3. Recognizing and writing compound sentences using commas and semicolons. 4. Recognizing adjectives and prepositional phrases used as adjectives and using them in writing. Day 1: Day 2: Introduction to Community Unit. Discussion on what a community is, names of individual communities. Have students look up official definition in dictionary and thesaurus. Put these columns on board or overhead: Name of Community; Buildings; People (ages, typesofwork they do, etc.); Churches; Schools; Businesses; Recreation Facilities; Miscellaneous (unique features). Use these columns as brainstorming technique and write individual communities and fill in proper columns as students give information. Have student copy his/her community features on his/her own paper. This is a pre-writing exercise. Have students add to this list as an independent exercise; students will use this list to write a descriptive paragraph. Lesson. Recognizing and using adjectives. Day 3: Lesson. Recognizing and using prepositional phrases as adjectives. Day 4: Assignment. Write one descriptive paragraph on your community using adjectives/prepositional phrases. Review topic sentence and supporting details. Use lists from Day 1. Self-edit paper and edit partner's paper. Write final draft for homework Days 5, 6: Analyze a short story. Read 'This Farm For Sale" by Jesse Stuart. Give background information on Jesse Stuart. Discuss setting, characters, plot (climax, internal/external conflict), mood, and theme. Make columns on board for: Title; Author; Setting; Characters; Plot—climax, internal I external conflict; Mood; Theme. Have students fill in detailed information in columns—emphasize theme. Days 7-9: Lesson. Recognizing and writing compound sentences; using commas and semicolons in compound sentences. Days 10,11: Writing a persuasive paper. Three paragraphs, trying to convince someone to come to your community to live. Use "old" lists and add intangibles to them, such as: nice people, job opportunities, etc. (things that tell about the quality of life in your community). Teacher input: writing topic sentences, details and examples for development. Give examples to students. Note: Eighth-grade North Carolina students are tested for writing a persuasive or point-of-view essay. Day 12: Self-editing I helping circles on rough drafts. Write final draft in class or for homework. Assignment. Bring pencils, crayons, old magazines, etc. to do advertisement in class tomorrow. Day 13: Project. Use persuasive papers to make an ad to entice someone to your community. "Sell" your �COMMUNITY Day 14: Day 15: 55 community; use pamphlets advertising tourist attractions as models. Lesson. Speaking and listening skills. Students, be prepared to use "pamphlet" to give a oneminute speech to sell your community. "Listeners" will evaluate. Persuasive speeches. "Listeners" evaluate on a scale of 1 to 10 in these areas: posture, eye contact, pace, volume, inflection of voice, and correct Day 16: Lesson. Conducting an interview. Class composes ten questions to ask an older member of his/her community how life was in the community in the past (at least 30 years ago). Interviews due in approximately one week. Days 17, 18: The Spoon River Anthology. Teacher reads selections. Introduce readings and stir students' interest by discussing what people who are lying in their graves would say if they could speak. Hand out one poem of the anthology to each student. Student must interpret his/her poem. Have students use the dictionary or thesaurus to help with unfamiliar words. Work with partner and rehearse reading of his/her poem. Day 19: The Spoon River Anthology. Students read and interpret his/her poem in class. Assignment. Students go to a graveyard in his/her community. Write down name, age, any information on tombstone of a person the student does not know. Day 20: Write a ten-line poem using Spoon River poems as a model. Have partner edit poems. Day 21: Presentations. Students read poems in class. "Listeners" evaluate. Days 22, 23: Class discussion. "Intolerance in a Community." Day 24: Day 25: Day 26: Day 27: Day 28: Day 29: 1) What is intolerance? 2) What are some things your community will not tolerate ? 3) Who are some people your community will not tolerate? Why? Show film. "The Kid Who Wouldn't Quit" a. Analyze the film. Use same method as short story. b. Discuss community's reaction to Brad. c. What was Brad's and his parents' reaction to them? d. What is the word for people who don't like a certain group of people? Prejudice. e. What are some prejudices you see today? f. How can you avoid being prejudiced? "Thoreau ofWalden Pond."9 Read in class. A man who was not tolerant of the community; his critique of his community. Discuss Thoreau's ideas and way of life. Does it appeal to you? Why? Why not? Point-of-view paper. Review topic sentences, writing details. Students write 3-paragraph paper on this prompt: / would /would not like to live like Thoreau. Values in a community. Discuss what "values" means. Have students listen for values in the story as teacher reads "Journey to the Forks." (Students have some problems reading dialect.) Give a quiz recalling events in the story. Students write value(s) in the story—attitudes regarding religion and education are obvious. List values in the students' own communities. Write a paragraph describing the most important value in your community. Be sure to tell why you think it is important. Give examples of this value. Peers edit papers. Final draft at home. Students share interviews with class. Discuss similarities and differences in people interviewed. Film. "The Lottery." Before showing film, discuss �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 56 Day 30: Day 31: Day 32: traditions in a community. Teacher prepares papers for drawing (all white except one with a black dot). Conduct drawing so students understand what a lottery is. Winner gets homework pass. Show film. Students write their reactions to film. Dicussion of tradition: good and bad traditions; when should traditions be kept and when should they be disregarded?; Old Man Warner's role; Tessie's change of attitude toward the lottery; etc. Making your community better. List at least five problems or bad things about your community. Discuss these in class. Select one of these "problems" and write a one-paragraph editorial giving this problem and explaining how this problem could be corrected or your community made a better place to live. Complete rough draft in class; have a partner edit. Final draft for homework. Presentations of editorials. Community snack. Community in Nathaniel Hawthorne's Work Sherrie Hartsoe West Iredell High School, Statesville, North Carolina Because Nathaniel Hawthorne writes in a manner that freshmen find difficult to understand, I begin my Hawthorne unit by reading seven short stories by Hawthorne; then my students are accustomed to the way he writes, and they feel better equipped to read The Scarlet Letter. We begin by using the theme of community to unite the short stories and the novel. We discuss the term "community" and relate it to our lives. I also mention the definitions of community usedinHabits of the Heart. My students are able to visualize different types of communities— a school community, a neighborhood community, a community of friends, a church community, and a community of isolation. My students find it difficult to understand how one can be isolated from a community, until I ask them questions like: Is there anything you could do that would isolate you from your family, friends, or neighborhood? Do you know anyone who has been alienated from his/her community? Normally they are able to come up with at least one example. Thus, they are better able to understand Hester's plight. We read the following short stories and discuss how community is involved in each. 1. "My Kinsman, Major Molineux." This story has young Robin who leaves his innocent world to discover another type of people. As a result, Robin (which means "innocence") is forced to lose his innocence and see a community with revenge, evil, and punishment. 2. "The Minister's Black Veil." This story shows a community treating the Reverend Mr. Hooper like an outcast (like Hester Prynne) because of a symbol, the black veil (the scarlet letter). The people think he has become something evil because of a mere piece of cloth. Rev. Hooper becomes a better minister because of the black veil. Similarly, Hester becomes a better advisor for the women because of her "red badge of courage." 3. "The Birthmark." In this story Georgiana is treated with disdain because of her mark of imperfection. Her husband's dislike for her flaw results in her death because no one can be perfect on earth. Similarly, Hester is rejected for her mark of imperfection. 4. "The Ambitious Guest." This story portrays a community of families who open their hearts to a stranger. Later it is seen that this community of friends and family share a common destiny. 5. "Young Goodman Brown." This is a story of a man who rejects his community of friends, church, and family because he mistrusts them. 6. "Ethan Brand." This story shows a man who goes in search of the unpardonable sin; by doing so, he manages �COMMUNITY to alienate him self from everyone and is not accepted in any community. He then commits suicide, which could be the unpardonable sin. He says he has the unpardonable sin in his heart. (Dimmesdale carries his here also.) 7. "Dr. Heidegger's Experiment." This story shows the older community in search of a younger one. Now we review the notes on Hawthorne's life. I emphasize certain characteristics like his being a recluse for twelve years, his Brook Farm community experience, and his family life. Also, I review the notes from a previous unit on Puritan beliefs and punishments. I remind them that the sin of adultery was punished by the sinner's wearing a letter "A." I also mention to them that the word "adultery" is not mentioned in The Scarlet Letter. I ask my students to mark the passages dealing with community. They are usually surprised to see the change in the letter "A" (adultery to angel, able). They are also surprised to see the community's attitude change from one of hatred to one of acceptance of Hester. Lastly, we discuss events that were once perceived as scandalous to mere acceptance in today's world. Freshmen usually find it difficult to understand why Hester was so severly punished for her sin. I explain to them that this story took place over 300 years before and the times have changed. Then we are able to discuss other aspects of ethics that have changed throughout time. One other thing I do is have my students cut out letters to wear for the day that depict their secret sin. I let them choose the color of paper to indicate their sin. Then we wear them and have fun letting people guess what sin we have committed. I. Short Story Unit (2 weeks) A. Lecture on Nathaniel Hawthorne B. Definitions of "community" C. Read seven short stories by Hawthorne 1. "My Kinsman, Major Molineux" 2. "The Minister's Black Veil" 57 3. 'The Birthmark" 4. "The Ambitious Guest" 5. "Young Goodman Brown" 6. "Ethan Brand" 7. "Dr. Heidegger's Experiment" D. Test on short stories E. Essay due with suggested topics dealing with community II. The Scarlet Letter (4 weeks) A. Lecture on Puritan beliefs and punishments B. Read The Scarlet Letter C. Review of community and seven short stories D. Test on the novel E. Essay on The Scarlet Letter with suggested topics F. View the PBS film of The Scarlet Letter During the past two years I have been forced to do The Scarlet Letter as a book report book. In order to cover other major writers, it was easier to issue study questions and give the students three weeks to read the book independently; but at the conclusion of the three weeks, we discuss the novel thoroughly. Therefore class time can be spent studying other major authors. Resources Bellah, Robert etal. Habits of the Heart. New York: Harper & Row, 1985. Gerber, John C. Twentieth Century Interpretations of The Scarlet Letter: A Collection of Critical Essays. Englewood Cliff: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968. Hart, James D. The Oxford Companion to American Literature. New York: Oxford University Press, 1965. Kaul, A. N. Hawthorne: A Collection of Critical Essays. Englewood Cliff: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966. Leverenz, David. "Mrs. Hawthorne's Headache: Reading 7770 Scarlet Letter." Nineteenth Century Fiction. March 1983, pp. 552-575. Martin, Terence. Nathaniel Hawthorne. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1983. Mellow, James R. Nathaniel Hawthorne in His Times. Houghton Mifflin Company, 1980. �58 �Work For Silas Lapham his paint is "like his heart's blood." The millhands at Plant 2 [in Rhoadhiss] were honored and proud to know that they wove the cloth for the flag that is on the moon. Sherrie Hartsoe, A Death in Rhoadhiss, North Carolina �60 The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature "A Busy Multitude": Work in American Life and Literature Drive a nail home and clinch it so faithfully that you can wake up in the night and think of your work with satisfaction—a work at which you would not be ashamed to invoke the Muse. . . . Every nail driven should be as another rivet in the machine of the universe, you carrying on the work. Henry David Thoreau, "Conclusion," Walden The historian Everett Dick recounts the experiences of a German immigrant, Gert Goebel, as he undertook the work of settlement on the American frontier. Better educated than his neighbors, Goebel observed their work with a feeling of superiority. The work appeared to be simple, and he began his own settlement confident that he could do the necessary work easily and better that his ignorant neighbors. After all, such things as cutting corn, clearing new ground, and splitting logs for rails were simple tasks. All one had to do was go at the work intelligently. But when Goebel, with his father and brothers, tried to make corn shocks as they had observed their neighbors doing it, their shocks fell down, and they couldn't understand wliy. Nor could they figure out why, when they tried to split rails, the work proved so difficult. When they tried to cut down trees, their progress was painfully slow, and they blistered their hands. When at last they had prepared a few logs to be split into rails, no amount of thinking about the problem could explain why wedges became stuck in still unsplit logs. When they ruined a wooden maul from so much pounding on the wedges, and made a new one, they could not understand why their new maul was soon reduced to splinters. By the end of the day they had got their wedges stuck repeatedly, ruined two mauls, made themselves sore and morose—and still had not a single rail to show for their efforts. Two helpful neighbors finally taught them which trees were best for making rails, which wood made a durable maul, which end of a log to begin splitting. And in a two-hour demonstration of rail-splitting in which these neighbors completed between forty and fifty rails, Goebel learned more than he could have in months of thinking about the work (Dick, 304-07). From the beginnings of the American experience in the colonial period, Europeans had found it necessary to set aside or modify their inherited ideas and attitudes in order to make a satisfactory adjustment to the conditions and demands in the new American environment. The experience of the Goebel family typifies the experience of millions who came both before and after them. As was the case with the Goebel family, the conditions of the new environment and the demands it made on settlers were such that, especially in the American workplace, practice proved superior to theory, experience and skill to formal education. While the typical American workplace has long since ceased to be a frontier settlement, that frontier experience, repeated countless times as settlement moved westward, together with concepts, attitudes, and values of our collective cultural heritage, have profoundly influenced our attitudes about work. It has frequently been said that Americans are perhaps the hardest working people in the world. We are said to have a "work ethic." While this may be so, we certainly did not invent the work ethic. Long before America was settled, work was valued by people and cultures contributing to our Graeco-Roman, JudeoChristian heritage. The evils of idleness, the Roman philosopher Seneca advises, can be shaken off by hard work (Epistles, 56.9). Both the Old and New Testaments value work. God's creation, according to the Genesis account, was the work of six days. In keeping with this example, the sixth commandment states that man shall work six days and rest on the seventh. The Old Testament attitude toward work is ambiguous. On the one hand work is a curse resulting from man's disobedience and fall from grace. For the most part, though, work in the Old Testament is �WORK associated with honor and virtue. The sleep of a laboring man, according to Ecclesiastes 5:12, is sweet. Paul, in the New Testament, repeatedly reminds members of the early church that they will be judged by their work. "Every man's work shall be made manifest," he writes in 1 Corinthians 3, "for the day shall declare it, because it shall be revealed by fire; and the fire shall try every man's work of what sort it is." The connection between work and salvation is seen in the motto of the Benedictine Order—Orare est laborare, laborare est orare: To pray is to work, to work is to pray—where work and prayer are synonymous. The attitude toward work brought to America by the earliest settlers was no doubt a part of their Calvinist doctrine. John Calvin, the great sixteenth-century reformer and contemporary of Luther, emphasized the glorification of God through action— through sacrifice, labor, discipline. Thrift, sobriety, and above all, industriousness, were signal virtues, means toward the end of glorifying God. One served God by performing works. John Winthrop's vision of "a city upon a hill" to be built by the members of Plymouth Colony, is spoken of as "this work we have undertaken ..." (Bartlett, 264). Elsewhere in the colonies work was, from the beginning, of paramount concern. The situation had become so serious by September 1608 that Captain John Smith, President of the Colony of Virginia, in a Statement to the Council, bluntly decreed: "You must obey this, now, for a law—he that will not work shall not eat" (Seldes, 389). In the northern and southern colonies alike in the seventeenth century there were laws against idleness, though in the South, a writer noted, planters were not very fond of work "or any manly exercise except Horse (sic!) racing..." (Wertenbaker, 262-63). In 1629 Governor Endicott was advised by the Massachusetts Bay Company that "noe idle drone bee permitted to live amongst us. . . ." (Wish, V.I, 51). Recent emigres and travelers in the post-Revolutionary period were often surprised at how respectable ordinary labor was in the new country (Krout, 40). Thomas Jefferson even defended Southern planters against the charge of 61 idleness and wrote of the varied and unremitting duties of a planter (Wish, VI, 228). Although American society has surely become more secular than it was in the colonial period, the religious rationale for sobriety, thrift, and industry has continued to inform our attitude toward work. A student of Horatio Alger's popular nineteenth-century novels describes Alger's formula as: "middle-class respectability equals spiritual grace" (Cords and Gerster, vol. 2,113). Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1905) argued that the "rationalized, systematized pursuit of material gain was plainly linked to the 'worldly asceticism'promotedby Calvinist religion" (Fox, 4-5). Tocqueville (V. II, 264-65) noted a driven quality in the typical American: a persistent need to be up and doing, as if not only material gain but spiritual salvation depended on it, and a resulting inability really to be at leisure. As if in illustration of Tocqueville's observation, Henry Ford asserted, "I do not believe a man can ever leave his business. He ought to think of it by day and dream of it by night" (Ford). American devotion to work has been so consistent that by the twentieth century, when leisure became commonplace, "for the professional and intellectual man it became almost fashionable to work long hours" (Commager, 422). The word "work" has a long and complicated history in the English language and is related to other words such as "labor" and "leisure." Modern English "work," derived from the Old English noun weorc, and from the related verb wyrcan, is our general word for both doing something and for something done. Although it has most frequently come to denote paid employment, this is not always the case, for in modern English one can speak of working in the garden. On the other hand a woman who runs a household and rears children is distinguished from a woman who works outside the home. Thus, while the meaning is not exclusive, "work" as a noun or verb in most instances has come to be associated with activity undertaken for a wage or salary, with the condition of being hired. "Work" is related to "labor," which, in the Middle Ages, carried �62 a strong sense of pain and toil. ("Toil" itself, derived from a Latin root word meaning "to stir or to crush," bore the meaning of trouble or turmoil before it came to mean "hard labor.") While "labor" and "toil" connoted more arduous activity than "work," manual workers came to be referred to as "laborers" as early as the thirteenth century, and the supply of such people was shortened to *laboi^ by the seventeenth century. Although "laborer" was also a worker from the fourteenth century on, "work" could still be used in a general sense by Shakespeare: "Fie upon this quiet life, I want worke." (Henry IV, II,iv). "Work" compounded with other words to produce workman, workingman, workfolk, workpeople, and in the nineteenth century the working class came to be used in making an important socio-political distinction. The most important shift in the meaning of the word "work" has been from generalized activity to that of paid employment and has come about as a result of the development of capitalist productive relations. According to Raymond Williams (145-48, 281-84) to be "in work or out of work was to be in a definite relationship with some other who had control of the means of productive effort. *Work' then partly shifted from the productive effort itself to the predominant social relationship." Shift from the activity to the relationship has made it possible to say that a woman running a household and rearing children is not working. An older sense of the word is preserved, however, for it is still possible to distinguish between one's real work and what one does only as a job for wage or salary. Activities undertaken during time other than that spent in paid employment are said to be done "on our own time," or during our "free time" or 'leisure time" (the word "leisure" comes from the Latin licere, meaning "to permit"). Because "work" has become specialized and refers most often to paid employment, it is possible to refer to 'leisuretime activities" which may entail considerable effort. And it is in this sense that we may refer to works of art, or to any undertaking for which we are not remunerated by contractual or otherwise formal agreement. The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature The separation of the male and female spheres of work during the late medieval and early modern periods may be a reason why, in contemporary English, we do not speak of a woman who stays at home and rears children as working, while a woman who is employed outside the home is said to work. This usage suggests that a woman works only when she enters the sphere of activity separated in space from the home and dominated by males. But this distinction has not always been possible. In the fourteenth century the typical European bourgeois townhouse combined living and work space (Rybczynski, 25). The homes of artisans and shopkeepers combined living space with shops and studios, and even the wealthy included counting rooms in their residences (Duby, et passim). But by the time of the Renaissance, the home had increasingly become the realm of women and "a setting for private acts and personal moments." Male work and male social life had moved outside the home. The work of women remained much as it had been before, but its isolation from the work of men was new (Rybczynski, 70-71). The world of the early colonists was already characterized by the separation of work from the domestic sphere, and the nature and meaning of work had been transformed by capitalism. Immigration to the colonies was due in large part to economic dislocations brought about by the enclosure movement and the introduction of large-scale commercial farming. "Sheep eat men," was the cry of people who had been evicted from farmland converted to the raising of sheep (Wish, v. 1,12). Many of these uprooted people, or their descendents, eventually made their way to the American colonies (Bailyn, 36-44). In the 1760s in Ireland, Scotland, and Northern England, the desire to emigrate to the colonies reached a fever pitch. British government officials expressed alarm and a sense of urgency. Areport from Ireland in 1773 stated that in the previous half-dozen years Ulster had " *been drained of one-fourth of its trading cash and the like proportion of the manufacturing people' by emigration." The belief that North America was "the best poor man's country in the �63 WORK world" had become so universal that British authorities in the early 1770s considered banning emigration to the colonies altogether and began compiling an official register of emigration in an effort to determine the reasons for emigrating. A growing economic force, capitalism, was the engine that drove the dislocation in the English countryside and which facilitated much of the colonizing in the New World. Some of the first settlements and plantations were the efforts of joint stock companies. When John Donne declared in "An Anatomie of the World: The First Anniversary/' in 1611, " 'Tis all in peeces, all cohaerence gone," (191) he was talking not only about a loosening of ties of kinship, but of the collapse of an entire feudal system in a process of early modernization. Indeed, the age of exploration and the subsequent settlement of the North American continent we now see as manifestations of a new era. The social, economic, religious, and philosophical forces operating in fifteenth-, sixteenth-, and seventeenth-century Europe, we have come to see as the beginnings of the modern age. The early explorers and adventurers, the colonists and settlers, the indentured servants and redemptioners who came to America by the hundreds, then by the thousands, then by the hundreds of thousands and eventually by the millions, were moderns. The West was modern, or becoming so, before America was settled. Or, more accurately, America's settlement occurred as part of the dawning of the modern world. And certainly the Industrial Revolution, a most conspicuous aspect of the modern age, began in England and was well advanced before the American Revolution. So neither the modern era nor the Industrial Revolution, which transformed life in the West, is to be exclusively associated with the United States. Yet it was in the United States that the nature of work was transformed—with consequences for the country and for the entire globe that persist to the present time. According to Boorstin (20-31), Europeans in the nineteenth century began to notice and comment on an "American System of Manufacturing* quite different from their own, and which might have been more accurately called a "New England System." This system did not rely on the special skills of craftsmen who performed each step in the production of a manufactured item. (Highly skilled craftsmen had never been plentiful in the colonies or in the new young nation; in fact, their scarcity and the resulting absences of vested interests explain why the workplace was transformed in America before it was in Europe.) Instead, the new system rationalized and systematized the manufacturing process—broke the manufacture of any item down into simple steps, which could be performed by an unskilled or semi-skilled worker, and then, to take advantage of waterpower at specific sites, organized the various steps under one factory roof. This departure, which came to be known as the Uniformity System, was not so much the result of boldness or inventiveness as it was of necessity and the disposition to experiment; it had the effect of transforming production, the nature of work, and the role of the worker. As Boorstin explains: In Europe the making of a complex machine, such as a gun or clock, had remained wholly in the hands of a single highly skilled craftsman The new Uniformity System broke down the manufacture of a gun or of any other complicated machine into the separate manufacture of each of its component pieces. Each piece could then be made independently and in large quantities, by workers who lacked the skill to make a whole machine. Henceforth the world of production and manufacturing would require not skill but know-how. This modern factory organization would bring changes in the relationships between labor and capital, countryside and city, in the position of women and of the family. It would be the chief difference between Western life in the twentieth century and the eighteenth century, and by the twentieth century, would have implications for the entire human community. One almost immediate consequence of the organization of �64 work at a single site was the inadvertent organization of workers, living and working in close proximity, into a community of common interest. The first Trades Union was organized in Boston in the 1830s, and laws against conspiracy were revised in such a way as to give the American labor movement its charter of legality in 1842 (Boorstin, 46). And well into the twentieth century the manufacturing system that brought large numbers of men and women together on one site organized not only the work, but contributed to the organization of the workers, who took the family as a model for the community they created in pursuit of their interests (Hall, et passim). But for generations, even while its transformation was going on, work was not problematical for the average American. It was obvious why one worked. The fruits of one's labor were seen immediately and directly in the food, clothing, and shelter work provided for oneself and one's family. One saw the usefulness of one's work in one's community. One's work made sense. But as the manufacture of products became increasingly rationalized and systematized, exploded into small steps that could be routinely performed, and as the end product of work became increasingly remote from the worker, work lost much of its immediate satisfaction and meaning. The rationalization of work eventually rationalized the life of the worker, dividing life neatly into work, on the one hand, and play, or leisure, on the other, with the result that both were robbed of satisfaction and meaning. Thus, an understanding of work in the American experience necessarily entails a consideration of leisure, and a consideration of whether or not the meaning of both work and leisure is not to be sought in their connection rather than in their separation. During his presidential campaign in 1880, James A. Garfield observed, "We may divide the whole struggle of the human race into two chapters: first, the fight to get leisure; and then the second fight of civilization—what shall we do with our leisure when we get it?" By that time the collective experience of Americans consisted of subduing wilderness, fighting a war for The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature independence and establishing a nation, fighting a civil war, and then transforming an essentially rural, agrarian society into an increasingly urban and industrial one. Most Americans were still caught up in the transformation; their experience better prepared them to work than to take leisure. For many, perhaps most, leisure was but a euphemism for laziness (Tarbell, 287-88). Yet thoughtful Americans from the earliest times knew the difference between leisure and indolence, and furthermore, knew how to value leisure. In 1743 Benjamin Franklin wrote: The first drudgery of settling new colonies, which confines the attention of people to mere necessaries, is now pretty well over; and there are many in every province in circumstances that seem at ease and afford leisure to cultivate the finer arts and improve the common stock of knowledge..." (Adams, frontispiece). Franklin wrote in Poor Richard's Almanac for 1746, "A life of leisure and a life of laziness are two things," and his life after he retired from his printing business illustrated that proposition. Thoreau, looking about him in his New England community of Concord, concluded that most people were "so occupied with the factitious cares and superfluously coarse labors of life that its finer fruits cannot be pluckedby them." The laboring man lacked the leisure to be "anything but a machine," and yet Thoreau believed this situation existed "through mere ignorance and mistake," and that leisure was within reach of even the poorest person (327). As Franklin taught his countrymen, by word and deed, a lesson with respect to leisure, Thoreau incorporated into his experiment at Walden Pond an illustration of the leisure available to the person of modest means. And in his reflections upon the experiment, like Franklin, he suggested not only that leisure and laziness are two things, but that true leisure may be, paradoxically, more productive than mindless industry. Thoreau writes of "days when idleness was the most attractive and productive industry" (475). �WORK Franklin, however, came to be revered not for his views on leisure but rather for his emphasis in Poor Richard on sobriety, thrift, and industry. And Thoreau was writing against the grain of his time, for in the nineteenth century the gospel of work was preached from many pulpits. Indeed, the "work ethic" that supported the vigorously developing industrial world permeated England and America to such an extent that we might speak of a morality of exertion and effort in which the connection between work and spiritual salvation is transparent. In 1829, near the end of his life, Goethe declared to his Boswell, Eckermann (Eissler II: 1189), "If I work incessantly to the last, nature owes me another form of existence when the present one collapses." It is Goethe's greatest creation, the character of Faust, who couches his pact with Mephisopheles in terms of constant striving and ceaseless effort: If to the moment I should say: Abide, you are so fair— Put me in fetters on that day, I wish to perish then, I swear. Then let the death bell ever toll, Your [Mephistopheles'J service done, you shall be free, The clock may stop, the hand may fall, As time comes to an end for me. (185) When Faust dies and Mephistopheles is about to claim his soul, God intervenes and saves Faust, despite all Faust's shortcomings and transgressions, observing: Who ever strives with all his power, We are allowed to save. (493) Thomas Carlyle, greatly influenced by Goethe, is a conspicuous advocate of work. He declares (196-97), "All work is noble, even cotton spinning, is noble; work is alone noble Alife of ease is 65 not for any man, nor for any god." The coiner of the term "captains of industry," which is the title of the fourth chaper of his book Past and Present (267-73), in which he also observes, "Blessed is he who has found his work; let him ask no other blessedness," in turn was admired by Thoreau's contemporary and sometime mentor Ralph Waldo Emerson (331), who says, in "Fragments on the Poetic Gift": That book is good Which puts me in a working mood. Charles Lamb (563) is a feeble voice in the nineteenth century when he asks, "Who first invented work, and bound the free/And holiday-rejoicing spirit down?" For the most part, the century's leading writers in England and America could not say enough about the salutory effects of work, effort, and exertion. Browning (VI: 57) suggests that work has the power to forestall death: "No work begun shall ever pause for death." Hugh dough's ernest and optimistic lines (Bartlett, 564) are well known: Say not the struggle naught availeth, The labor and the wounds are vain, The Enemy faints not, nor faileth, And things have been as they remain. Henry Wadsworth Longfellow (370) sounds the call to action, effort, and exertion in "A Psalm of Life": Let us, then, be up and doing, With a heart for any fate; Still achieving, still pursuing, Learn to labor and to wait. Perhaps the most memorable poetic nineteenth-century expression of devotion to ceaseless effort, striving, and exertion is to be found in Tennyson's (66-67) "Ulysses," in which the restless Odysseus/Ulysses, in a monologue spoken in a quiet time after the Trojan War and all the adventures of the trip home, says: �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 66 How dull it is to pause, to make an end, To rust unburnished, not to shine in use! As though to breathe were life! Death closes all; but something ere the end, Some work of noble note, may yet be done, Not unbecoming men that strove with gods. •»• *Tis not too late to seek a newer world, Push off, and sitting well in order smite The sounding furrows; for my purpose holds To sail beyond the sunset, and the baths of all the western stars, until I die. To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield. Tennyson's poem, which appeared in 1842, is set in the world of ancient Greece; but it is very much a poem of its time, for in its tone and tenor it expresses the adventures and enterprising spirit of the men who explored the West, of the men and women who first settled the North American continent, of the early industrialists and entrepreneurs who were at that time in the process of seeking and finding a newer world. The world that was coming into being in England and America in the nineteenth century, and in western Europe generally, left little doubt about the efficacy of effort and industriousness, or about the reality of progress. And while the greatest hymns to ceaseless striving may have been written in the nineteenth century, the intellectual, spiritual, economic, and social conditions that give rise to them are inseparable from the experience of modernity which had increasingly affected life in the West since the Renaissance. The Enlightenment in eighteenth-century Germany emphasized not only religious toleration, but also a never-ending pursuit of truth, a view necessary for the idea of progress which is also associated with the Enlightenment. Goethe's predecessor, the brilliant critic and dramatist G. E. Lessing, preferred the pursuit of truth to truth itself. Lessing valued the effort one exerted to get at the truth more than the possession of truth and thought the effort to know the truth a better indication of the worth of the individual. Nicht die Wahrheit, in deren Besitz irgendein Mensch ist oder zu sein vermeint, sondern die aufrichtige Muehe, die er angewandt hat, hinter die Wahrheit zu kommen, macht den Wert des Menschen. Lessing thought that the possession of truth brought one to rest, made one indolent and proud. Der Besitz macht ruhig, traege und stolz. He concluded that if God held out all truth in his right hand, and in his left the desire to pursue truth, even though the pursuit would be filled with error, and said, "Chooser he would choose the pursuit of truth over truth itself. Wenn Gott in seiner Rechten alle Wahrheit und in seiner Linken den einzigen, immer regen Trieb nach Wahrheit, obschon mit dem Zusatz, mich immer und ewig zu irren, verschlossen hielte, und spraeche zu mir: Waehle!—Ich fiele ihm mit Demut in seine Linke und sagte: Vatergib—die reine Wahrheit istja dock nur fuer dich allein (Lessing, 87). This ceaseless activity extolled in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was not the sphere merely of great men—kings and wealthy industrialists and entrepreneurs. The heroic spirit of Tennyson's poem spoke to ordinary men and women, for it was within the reach of the humblest to improve their station in life. As the historian Francis Parkman (xviii) pointed out in 1865: The growth of New England was a result of the aggregate efforts of a busy multitude, each in his narrow circle toiling for himself, to gather competence or wealth. �WORK In an enduring example of nineteenth-century American prose, The Gettysburg Address, Lincoln (Bartlett, 523) calls on his audience to consider the Civil War an unfinished work: It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they [the dead] who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us.... But even before the end of the nineteenth century there were indications of a change in the attitude toward work—a change that would make Thoreau, stepping to his different drummer, seem prophetic. In 1882 the influential social critic Herbert Spencer addressed a banquet audience in New York City on the subject of leisure. Spencer (who along with Thomas H. Huxley, popularized Darwin's theory of evolution, applied it to human society, and coined the term "survival of the fittest") told his audience, "We have had somewhat too much of the 'gospel of work'" (Shapiro, November 11 entry). Certainly in America by the time of the Great Depression, when millions of Americans had leisure forced upon them, the emphasis in discussions of work had shifted. Americans were notoriously willing workers, but they were unprepared for leisure. Not only economic depression but the increasing use of machines in production idled men and women and threatened to alter the nature of work and render the traditional worker superfluous. In 1933 Ralph Aiken (A-7) predicted that leisure, not work, would be the challenge of the future. "Whether we like it or not," he wrote, "the world is evidently entering upon a period of leisure for all men." The influence of the machine was causing "the ideals of an industrious past" to fade beyond recognition. The Russians, Aiken believed, were making a serious mistake in attempting to build a paradise for factory workers because the entire social structure "raised on the life and labor of the factory worker" was already out of date in the 1930s. Soon, Aiken asserted, "a mill-hand will be as rare as a bison. He is marked for 67 extinction." Aiken foresaw a time when engineering progress would have all but eliminated the factory worker; when machines would "force freedom on a laborious and willfully toiling people." But the problem with the factory model of the worker was not just that such workers would be supplanted by machines. The nature of the work performed by the factory worker was in itself problematic. The Uniformity System, as described by Boorstin, rationalized work and divided processes into simple, distinct steps which were performed repeatedly by the worker. The worker was deprived of a sense of accomplishment or completion or closure as the task was fragmented and diminished. The work did not demand the attention and capacities of the entire person, but only a part of the worker—a hand or an eye. The Uniformity System resulted in work that lacked the scope and variety of work in the pre-industrial frontier and settlement period. Life on the frontier, and later on farms, in villages and small towns, required that men and women, and children, acquire a variety of useful skills which might be employed with the changing of the seasons, or as the needs of the family or community altered. If, in such situations, men and women were, typically, jacks-of-all-trades, masters-of-none, work had obvious meaning and usefulness in terms of one's family and community, and presented the worker with constant challenge and variety. The historian Everett Dick illustrates the variety of work experiences in the lives of individuals on the American frontier. One man, Gideon Lincecum, who did not learn to read until he was fourteen, was a student of medicine three years later. Subsequently he was a store clerk, then store proprietor, farmer, and town boomer. After going bankrupt, he made a comeback by exhibiting a troupe of Indians about the country—all before returning to the practice of medicine (219). According to Dick, Little Rock, Arkansas' first mayor "combined with his duties as chief magistrate those of justice of the peace, schoolteacher, bookkeeper, clerk in the post office, house- and sign-painter, �68 glazier, and general tinker." A traveler recollected a man in Alabama who was "a schoolmaster, a lawyer, an almanac-maker, a speculator, and a dealer in eggs...." (336). Such work experiences were not untypical long past the frontier and settlement phases. Wilma Dykeman (60-61) provides a vivid account of a man named J. C. Smathers, who lived in rural Western North Carolina well into the twentieth century and who impressed travelers with "the versatility of his offices and accomplishments." A traveler stopped at Smathers' tavern learned that Smathers was not only the proprieter of the tavern but also the postmaster, storekeeper, and operator of the blacksmith shop. In addition, Smathers ran the local mill and farmed. A pillar in the Methodist church, he was the father of thirteen children, and, in addition to his other skills and activities, he was, or at some time during his life had been, a rock and brick mason, carpenter, shoemaker, tinner, painter, plumber, harnessand saddle-maker, candle-maker, beekeeper, glazier, butcher, lawyer, politician, and schoolmaster. But the Uniformity System of factory work radically altered the nature of the typical work experience. The system organized work at a single site, broke work into small bits or steps, removed the worker from any experience of the usefulness of the work, and generally divided not only the work, but separated the worker from pleasure or satisfaction in the work, thereby changing work into labor or drudgery. While we do not always distiguish between labor and work, our survey of the history of the two words suggests they are two different things, just as leisure and idleness are. Labor is something thrust upon us. We have to do it. And once we have done it, we have to do it again—tomorrow, next week. Labor is taking out the garbage, mopping the floor, doing the laundry. Housework is really house/a&or. The word "work" might better be reserved for other activities— things we do, not only because we need to do them, but because, additionally, we choose to do them. The word "work" ought to be The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature reserved, too, for things which, once done, may not have to be done ever again. Work can be done "once and for all." Sometimes we use the word "work" in this sense, as when we speak of works of art, or the collected works of an author. But usage confuses the meanings, since a work of art may have been a labor of love. Nevertheless, labor enthralls, is essentially drudgery, while genuine work, paradoxically, contains elements of freedom and play. The distinction between labor and work figures in Robert Frost's poem "Two Tramps in Mud-Time" (275-77). The poem's speaker is chopping wood in his yard when two strangers, the tramps, approach and volunteer to chop the wood for pay. For the tramps, chopping wood is labor; they don't want to chop wood, but they need a job and money. The poem's speaker probably needs wood, too, but he goes at the chopping of it with an altogether different attitude than the one the tramps would bring to it. He chooses to chop wood. The work affords him pleasure. His need and his pleasure coincide. He enjoys: The grip on earth of outspread feet, The life of muscles rocking soft And smooth and moist in vernal heat. More than a physical pleasure, chopping the wood is a kind of contemplation—or at least the occasion for contemplation. Chopping the "good blocks of beech" gives "a loose to [his] soul." An attitude of play and enjoyment distinguishes what would have been the tramps' labor from what is the speaker's work. Labor is dull, lackluster. Work is undertaken in a spirit of freedom and enjoyment. A further consideration is that labor separates, while work unites. Labor involves separation of what we need to do from what we choose or like to do. But real work unites need and choice, need and performance. We labor out of compulsion, we work freely. We endure labor, we enjoy work. We hold something back from labor. We say our heart isn't in it. We devote our whole self to work. �69 WORK Work absorbs us totally, as we are totally absorbed when we play. And that is why work, properly understood, really is play and why, as Frost concludes the poem: Only where love and need are really one, And the work is play for mortal stakes, Is the deed ever really done.... Work, then, involves an element of play not found in labor. Work is something we do at our leisure—leisure being understood, as both Franklin and Thoreau viewed it, as something quite different from idleness. And the circumstances of our lives in contemporary America may dispose us to better appreciate the role of leisure in the lives of both Franklin and Thoreau. We are better positioned, as heirs to a critique of the "gospel of work" that has lasted now for well over half a century, to see that while Thoreau was a dissenting voice in the nineteenth century, a man trying to wake his neighbors up to an examination of their lives, his attitude toward leisure is more widely appreciated now, perhaps the prevailing view. In discussions of economics and the workplaces of business and industry we have long heard the phrase "division of labor," by which is meant specialization of tasks. But a more important division has occurred. Work has been divided into its constituent parts: labor and play. Work has been split, sundered. This creates a problem, perhaps two problems. Wendell Berry, in The Unsettling of America: Culture and Agriculture (90-95) writes about a school of agriculture which let a contract to a waste disposal firm to haul horse manure off the university farm, and then bought chemical fertilizers for some of the school's field projects. On the surface, in the context of rational and efficient procedure, this arrangement may appear to be—and perhaps is—unexceptional. But, as Berry observes, the school took a solution and neatly divided it into two problems. Something similar occurs when we arrange our lives in such a way as to divide work into labor and fun/play/entertainment. Labor, apart from enjoyment or satisfaction, is inevitably dull, dreary—a problem. Fun or play or entertainment, apart from achievement, deep involvement, is also a problem. Carol Ely, in Letters from the Country (frontispiece) quotes Selma Laegerloeff, the Scandinavian writer, who observes, "The soul is constantly about to starve; it cannot live on fun alone. If the soul gets no other food, it will first tear apart other creatures... then itself." But together, labor and play, effort and pleasure, are a solution. Frost understands that the tramps are asking him to separate his work and his play. The tramps, Frost writes, thought: My right might be love but theirs was need. And where the two exist in twain Theirs was the better right—agreed. But while the tramps may have a certain logic and conventional wisdom on their side (the logic and conventional wisdom of Thoreau's neighbors), the speaker in Frost's poem doesn't allow them to chop his wood, for he knows that they are asking him to separate his experience into work, on the one hand, and play, or pleasure, on the other. Others may allow this to happen, but he will not. But yield who will to their separation, My object in living is to unite My avocation and my vocation As my two eyes make one in sight The dissenting view of Thoreau and Frost is admirably represented in contemporary America by Wendell Berry (Harper's, 19-24), who realizes that the wholeness of our lives has been sundered by a "purely economic economy," which promotes an ideal of competition that excludes affection and robs work of its pleasure. "That there can be pleasure industries, . ." Berry writes, "can only mean that our economy is divorced from pleasure, and that pleasure is gone from our workplaces and our �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 70 dwelling places. Our workplaces are more and more exclusively given over to production, and our dwelling places to consumption." Berry contrasts this situation with work which blends labor with fun and laughter, with affection for neighbors and relatives, with pleasure and a sense of satisfaction. Berry holds out the hope of recovering such wholeness and a sense of leisure which is not incompatible, as Thoreau knew, with productivity. Berry writes: It is possible, as I have learned again and again, to be in one's place, in such company, wild or domestic, and with such pleasure, that one cannot think of another place that one would prefer to be, or of another place at all; one does not miss or regret the past, or fear or long for the future. Being there is simply all, and is enough. Such times give one the chief standard and the chief reason for one's work. A standard and a reason for one's work is certainly what is required. But, given the diversity of American life, we can be reasonably certain that a single standard or reason will not prove satisfactory for everyone. We have a common heritage which includes the Biblical interpretation of work as a curse, as well as the view of Enlightenment thinkers, such as Lessing and Goethe, who found satisfaction and even salvation in ceaseless effort and activity. But the endless striving of Goethe's Faust, the ceaseless adventuring of Tennyson's Ulysses, represent only one of two human impulses: one may be "to strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield," but the other is to come to rest, to be at peace, as Faust knew when he imagined being able to say to the moment, "Abide, you are so fair"; as Frost knows in "Two Tramps in Mud-Time"; as Wendell Berry knows when he writes of the ability to be "in one's place . . . with such pleasure, that one cannot think of another place that one would prefer to be " Ideally these two impulses, to exert effort and to be at rest, are united in such a way that one is pleasurably at rest in effort and exertion. And some people may be able to achieve such a solution in their lives, managing to make their work their play. Certain entrepreneurs and tycoons of the past have certainly delighted in their work, as if it were play. And the contemporary tycoon Donald Trump (1) asserts, "I don't do it for money. I've got enough, much more than 111 ever need. I do it to do it.... Deals are my art form." Most people are not likely to be fortunate enough to unite their avocation and their vocation. Yet many will find an accommodation with a certain dividedness or separation in their lives, devoting a certain amount of time to remunerated employment, but finding their real "work" in activity outside that employment. Such arrangements are more common than is generally realized. Ronald Gross (17) writes of "hundreds of thousands of'invisible scholars'in America today—women and men pursuing their own intellectual projects, without academic affiliations"—women and men for whom scholarship is "their joy, but not their job." Such scholarship has been investigated in Amateurs: On the Margin Between Work and Leisure, by Robert Stebbins. While the work of the amateur has been depreciated in the age of the expert and specialist, one way to recover the wholeness of work, the sense of affection and play, may be through the rehabilitation of the status of the amateur. For still others, for whom the problem is work that is not as large as they are, a complaint of a woman quoted in Studs Terkel's Working (xxiv), suggests the solution may be in a combination of work experiences, either simultaneously, like the Western North Carolinian described by Wilma Dykeman, or serially, like the work experiences of people in an earlier America who had multiple careers. Such solutions provide work that challenges and offers variety. Different accommodations will prove possible and satisfactory for different individuals. What is certain, however, is that the separation of work from play has reached such a stage in American life that it has, paradoxically, engendered a new kind of work, leisure counseling! (Mobly, 16-17) Such counseling has come into being in response to what the Dutch historian Johan �71 WORK Huizinga, in his book Homo Ludens (et passim), sees as the decline of the play-element in Western culture, and in response to what Josef Pieper (et passim) sees as a growing incapacity for leisure. Such leisure counseling and the people involved in this profession may popularize a new attitude toward work which could be liberating to both men and women. This seems to be the goal of such popular essays as "How To Work For Somebody Else and Still Be Yourself' by Lisa Burnbach (14). Leisure counselors and writers on the subject may help parents overcome their inherited fear of "idleness," which results in their preferring to let children watch television rather than "do nothing." Parents can be helped toward a more positive view of "unstructured time" and toward Franklin's distinction between leisure and idleness, toward an understanding, not unlike Thoreau's, that hours in which children do nothing may prove to be, paradoxically, productive. Certainly it is not uncommon in late-twentieth-century America for ordinary people to be more thoughtful about the role of work in their lives, and to agree with Thoreau that "the life which men praise and regard as successful is but one kind" (338). Throughout the 1970s and 1980s newspapers and magazines have featured individuals who turned down promotions in business, government, and industry that would bring them more money and prestige but would be, in their view, detrimental to their family or uproot them from a community. An economics professor (Whitman, 12) argues that the quest for individual self-fulfillment, which began in the 1960s, has weakened all traditional models of authority, including the traditional concept of worker loyalty to the corporation. Many Americans have become skeptical of the "gospel of work." They might agree that, at its best, this gospel or ethic liberated millions and showed them what was possible through effort; Americans are also quick, however to see a dark side to the work ethic, expressed in the term "workaholic." Apopular version of the work ethic's dark side associates work with Puritanism, as does Barbara Ehrenreich (10) in a recent essay. The work ethic came along ...in the form ofPuritanism— the idea that the amount of self-denial you endured in this life was a good measure of the amount of fun awaiting you in the next. But the work ethic only got off the ground with the Industrial Revolution and the arrival of the factory system. This was . . . simply a scheme for extending the benefits of the slave system into the age of emancipation. This new system is identified with capitalism, described as an arrangement whereby "huge numbers of people had to be convinced to work extra hard, at pitifully low wages, so that the employing class would not have to work at all." The gospel of work, according to this critique, is capitalism's public relations. "Overnight, with the help of a great number of preachers and other well-rested propagandists, work was upgraded from an indignity to an 'ethic/ " Not all working Americans share Ehrenreich's flippant cynicism toward work. But a surprising number do. American businesses and industries are aware of a different attitude toward work and of a diminished commitment to work. Many firms and corporations have responded to worker complaints and dissatisfaction, particularly where considerations of family and community are concerned, by experimenting with new maternity leave policies for both fathers and mothers; by introducing corporate day care for children; and by efforts to be "good neighbors" in communities where they are located. It is clear that many of our dissatisfactions with work are related to our roles as individuals and as members of families an communities. For Nora Watson, interviewed in Studs Terkel's Working (521), her work is unsatisfying because it does not comport with her sense of herself as an individual. "Most of us, like the assembly line worker, have jobs that are too small for our spirit. Jobs are not big enough for people." Therese Carter, a housewife, derives satisfaction from housework that might �72 otherwise be drudgery because she does it for her family. "... Til cook a pie and 111 get to see everybody eat it. This is my offering. I think it's the greatest satisfaction in the world to know you've pleased somebody. Everybody has to feel needed. I know Fm needed. I'm doing it for them...." (303) Philip Da Vinci derives a similar satisfaction from work done for people beyond the family circle, in the larger community. A lawyer who left a position with a large insurance company, Da Vinci found satisfaction in providing legal services for the poor in Chicago. "I finally got into something where I actually felt useful" (537). Old problems related to work persist. The failure of a Southern state legislature to pass legislation having to do with working conditions of migrant farm workers has led to the accusation of a "plantation mentality" on the part of lawmakers ("Plantation Mentality," 4-A). Issues considered long ago resolved reappear: within the past two years network news programs have aired stories about disagreements on the part of unions and garment industry management concerning the permissibility of work performed in cottage industry settings, especially in rural areas and small towns in the Northeast. Ironically, women workers find the arrangement attractive because it permits them to stay at home with children and family. The unions argue that the arrangement leaves the women vulnerable to exploitation and low wages. While women nave entered the work force outside the home, they continue to bear burdens and responsibilities as homemakers—and still women earn lower wages and salaries than men do, further evidence of injustice and exploitation. In addition, hundreds of thousands of workers—both men and women—are becoming members of a downwardly mobile American The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature middle class (Newman). While these work-related issues persist— it is always, as it was in Dickens' time, the worst of times, the best of times—others are thinking about getting art into the workplace, not by making art useful but by making "useful activities artistic" (Lasch, 45). We sense that our attitude toward work has changed, but we cannot foresee where the changes will ultimately lead. History tells us that our attitude toward work has been influenced by evolving social and economic views. We are heirs to the eighteenthcentury concept of self-interest; to the subsequent refinement of that concept, enlightened self-interest; to the concept of the greatest happiness of the greatest number; to the concept of utility; the labor theory of value. And just as hardly any scientific theory is held today that was held when the Industrial Revolution began around 1760, most social and economic views of that period have persisted and evolved (Bronowski, 42, 67). And our views are likely to go on evolving, with implications for the way we think and feel about work. We can also be reasonably certain that we are more likely to find solutions to both private and public problems having to do with work (such as low productivity, declining innovation) through our culture—through careful examination and reflection upon our history, heritage, and collective experience. And that culture is best focused and reflected in our literature and history. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, William Dean HowelTs The Rise of Silas Lapham, and Ole Roelvaagfs Giants in the Earth provide the basis for text-centered considerations of the theme of work in American life. �73 WORK Benjamin Franklin's Autobiography The Rise of Silas Lapham Franklin has often been called the first real American, the "new man" de Crevecoeur describes in his "Letters from an American Farmer." Franklin's Autobiography is the story of the paradigmatic American man; it is the first, and perhaps still the best American success story, the story of the self-made man who, through determination, good habits, and, above all, through diligence and industry, made his own life the most successful of his many projects. Franklin (74) explicitly attributes his success to hard work. "I mention... industry the more particularly and the more freely," he writes, "that those of my Posterity who shall read it, may know the Uses of that Virtue, when they see its Effects in my Favor throughout this Relation." Franklin worked hard as a printer, as well as in his many civic undertakings. He helped found the Junto, an organization for the mutual exchange of ideas and intellectual improvement, which evolved into the American Philosophical Society. He helped establish a lending library; served as postmaster; reorganized the fire department; established an academy which became the University of Pennsylvania. He worked on behalf of a program for innoculation against smallpox. His many projects included efforts to improve city sewers and pave streets. With utility and rationality as his overarching values, Franklin worked to make him self useful to himself, his family, and to his fellow man. The catalog of virtues, and the daily scorecard—his "Scheme of Employment for the Twenty-four Hours of a Natural Day"—he kept in pursuit of them, show how he used "industry as a means of attaining Wealth and Distinction." American literature offers no better text than Franklin's Autobiography as a starting point for a consideration of work as a cultural value. by William Dean Howells William Dean HowelTs The Rise of Silas Lapham brings ethical considerations to bear on the theme of work. The story of Silas Lapham's success is, like that of Franklin's, a story of diligence, determination, and hard work. Lapham is a conventional American success. As the novel opens, Lapham is being interviewed by a reporter. He proudly displays photos of his wife and daughters and relates how he was brought up in a large family, later went to work, bought out a stage route, and eventually made a fortune manufacturing paint containing a mineral his father had discovered on their farm. In the paint manufacturing business Lapham had a partner, one Rogers, who had provided the initial capital enabling Lapham to get started. Later Lapham had forced Rogers out, but considered this simply good business. In the course of the novel Lapham encounters the social prejudice of Boston Brahmins, who are unimpressed with selfmade men. He suffers business setbacks and begins to speculate. He builds a new house in an exclusive section of Boston with the hope of gaining social acceptability. The house burns before he and his family can occupy it. But when forced to chose between losing his fortune or participating in a dishonest business venture, he chooses to lose the greater part of his wealth and to forego his ambition for social position. Lapham's refusal to sacrifice his integrity and sense of fairness results in a material decline, but also in an ethical and moral rise and regeneration. His display of honesty also wins him the admiration of the Boston Brahmins whom he could not impress with money. �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 74 Giants in the Earth by Ole Roelvaag Roelvaagfs Giants in the Earth is the story of a man's struggle to wrest a living from the earth. The protagonist Per Hansa moves with his wife and three children from Minnesota to the Dakota Territory in the late nineteenth century. Per Hansa is optimistic and exuberant. Working from dawn until past dark, he clears land and builds a house for him self and his family. He devotes himself with joy, enthusiasm, and ingenuity to making a success in the new land, though life is a struggle against cold weather, drought, and grasshoppers which devour crops. But his wife has great difficulty in adapting to this pioneer life. She longs for their old life in a Norwegian village, and in her desperation turns with fanatical zeal to the solace of religion. When a neighbor is believed to be near death, and a blizzard is in progress, Per Hansa's wife urges him to set out into the storm to seek a minister, since she believes last rites for the neighbor to be of paramount importance. Per Hansa dies of exposure in the blizzard while trying to bring a minister to a dying neighbor and friend. Giants in the Earth is an epic saga of pioneer life and of the immigrant experience in America. The conflict between Per Hansa, obsessed with work, and his wife, for whom personal feelings and relationships are more important than material success, affords opportunities to examine changing and unchanging attitudes and assumptions about work in the context of the American experience. Works Cited Adams, James Truslow. Provincial Society. Vol. III. A History of American Life. Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Alken, Ralph. Contemporary Opinion. New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1933. Excerpted in the Louisville, Kentucky Courier-Journal, August 28, 1987: A-7. Bailyn, Bernard. Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986. Barlett, John. Familiar Quotations. Edited by Emily Morison Beck. Fifteenth and 125th Anniversary Edition. Revised and Enlarged. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1980. Berry, Wendell. The Unsettling of America: Culture and Agriculture. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1977. —. "The Profit in Work's Pleasure." Harper's Magazine, March 1988:19-24. Bly, Carol. Letters from the Country. New York: Harper & Row, 1981. Boorstin, Daniel. The Americans: The National Experience. New York: Random House, 1965. Browning, Robert. The Works of Robert Browning. With introductions by Sir F. G. Kenyon. 10 vols. New York: Ams Press, Inc., 1966. Bronowski, Jacob. Science and Human Values. New York: Harper & Row, 1965. Carlyle, Thomas. Past and Present. Edited with an introduction and notes by Richard D. Altick. New York: New York University Press, 1977. Commager, Henry Steele. The American Mind: An Interpretation of American Thought and Character Since the 1880s. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950. Cords, Nicholas, and Patrick Gerster. Myth and the American Experience. 2 vols. New York, Beverly Hills: Glencoe Press, 1973. Dick, Everett. The Dixie Frontier: A Social History of the Southern Frontier from the First Transmontane Beginnings to the Civil War. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1948. Donne, John. The Complete Poetry and Selected Prose of John Donne. Edited with an introduction by Charles M. Coffin. New York: The Modern Library, 1952. Dykeman, Wilma. The French Broad. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1965. Ehrenreich, Barbara. "A Farewell to Work." Mother Jones, May 1988:10. Eissler, K. R. Goethe: A Psychoanalytical Study, 1775-1786. 2 vols. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1963. �WORK Emerson, Ralph Waldo. 75 The Complete Writings of Ralph Waldo Emerson in Six Volumes. New York: William H. Wise & Co., 1923. Ford, Henry. Quoted in American Issues Forum. February 8 - March 6, 1976. Fox, Richard. The Liberal Ethic and the Spirit of Protestantism." The Center Magazine, September/October 1987:4-14. Franklin, Benjamin. 7770 Autobiography and Other Writings. Selected and edited with an Introduction by L Jesse Lemisch. New York: New American Library, 1961. Frost, Robert The Poetry of Robert Frost. Edited by Edward Connery Lathem. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969. Goethe, Johann Wolfgang. Faust. The original German and a new translation and introduction by Walter Kaufman. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company. Anchor Books Edition, 1963. Hall, Jacquelyn Dowd, etal. Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1988. Howells, William Dean. The Rise of Silas Lapham. An authoritative text. Composition and backgrounds. Contemporary responses. Criticism. Edited by Don L Cook. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1982. Huizinga, Johan. Homo Ludens:A Study of the Play Element in Culture. New York: Harper & Row, 1970. Krout, John Allen. The Completion of Independence. Vol. V. A History of American Life. Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Lamb, Charles. 7770 Complete Works and Letters of Charles Lamb. New York: The Modern Library, 1935. Lasch, Christopher. "The Degredation of Work and the Apotheosis of Art." Harper's Magazine, February 1984:40-45. Lessing, Gotthold Ephriam. Kritik und Dramaturgie. Ausgewaehlte Prosa. Stuttgart: RedamVerlag, 1959. Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth. 77?e Poems. New York: Modern Library, 1950. Mobly, Tony A. "Leisure Counseling: A New Profession." National Forumf LXII.3 (1982): 16-17. Parkman, Francis. Pioneers of France in the New World. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1907. Pieper, Josef. Leisure: The Basis of Culture. With an introduction by T. S. Eliot New York: Pantheon Books, 1964. "Plantation Mentality Prevails on Farming." Asheville, North Carolina Citizen, June 24,1988: 4-A. Roelvaag, O. E. Giants in the Earth. Translated from the Norwegian by Lincoln Colcord and the author. New York: Harper & Row, 1927. Rybczynski, Witold. Home: A Short History of an Idea. New York: Viking Penguin, 1986. Seldes, George. 7770 Great Thoughts. New York: Ballantine Books, 1985. Shapiro, Larry, ed. A Book of Days in American History. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1987. Stebbins, Robert. Amateurs: On the Margin Between Work and Leisure. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1979. Tarbell, Ida. 7770 Nationalizing of Business. Vol. IX. A History of American Ufe. Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Tennyson, Alfred. Poems of Tennyson. Selected with an introduction and notes by Jerome H. Buckley. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1958. Terkel, Studs. Working. New York: Pantheon Books, 1975. Thoreau, Henry David. A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers, Walden; or Life in the Woods; The Maine Woods; Cape Cod. New York: The Library of American, 1985. Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. In two volumes with a critical appraisal of each volume by John Stuart Mill. New York: Schocken Books, 1961. Weber, Max. 77?0 Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Translated by Talcott Parsons. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1958. Wertenbaker, Thomas Jefferson. 7770 First Americans. Vol. II. A History of American Life. Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan Fox, eds. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-48. Whitman, Marina v. N. "Whatever Happened to Company Loyalty?" World Monitor, I.2 (1988): 11-14. Williams, Raymond. Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society. New York: Oxford University Press, 1976. Wish, Harvey. Society and Thought in America. 2 vols. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1950. �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 76 Participant Reflections: Work A maze of superstitions was accepted as true, and many of them profoundly influenced my grandmother's daily work. Some of these traditions originated in England, others in Ireland and Scotland, and were absorbed in New England, Pennsylvania, and in Southern Appalachia. The Indian neighbors of the early settlers contributed much to the existing folklore. Horton Cooper points out another contributor to Appalachian superstition. Superstition, Cooper says, "was acquired by signs and omens of the lonely and eerie environment, of rugged topography and dark shadows which the mountains cast at night." Indeed, in the early existing environment of the Southern Highlands of North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia, Alabama, Georgia, and Kentucky there was an almost endless dark forest with coves and valleys that looked shadowy in the moonlight and gave off uncertainty and fear. Thus, a blend of Old World traditions and the frontier experience gave the Southern Appalachians a rich folklore of superstitions. Josephine Buckner, "The Influence of Appalachian Superstitions on Farm Work" As colonial Americans became more advanced and the work ethic began to change, the American idea of work and the family also changed. Parents' attitudes toward their children and the children's attitudes toward work began to make a definite and drastic change. In the nineteenth century the upper classes saw children as fragile and in need of scrutiny. Their work consisted of their studies, and they were not expected to work alongside theirparents. This attitude goes alongmore with modern parents than colonial times. In Families and Work Gerstel points out that nineteenthcentury women "nurtured their children and managed the tensions husbands brought home from jobs." This description is also applicable to many women of today, but in addition to nurturing children and managing tensions, they also have to accept the responsibilities of being a working woman. Michelle Wood, "Work and Family: The Ties that Bind" In spite of greater job opportunities and more labor-saving devices for household work, today's woman still has some uncomfortable moments as she searches for "meaningful work." The problem seems to include not only the way we are perceived by others, but also the way we perceive ourselves, a condition that may simply be indicative of today's society in general, a place where appearance is everything. Perhaps what is needed is a healthy dose of the Thoreauvian ideal of expressive individualism; to allow and even encourage those who march to a cadence all their own. Margaret A. Higgins, "Women's Work in a Man's World: American Women Looking for Meaningful Employment" The authors contend that Americans are no longer committed to the "nose-to-the-grindstone" way of life. Interestingly enough, it is the stories by and about American immigrants which bear this out most clearly (Singer's "ASon from America" and Uchida's "Of Dry Goods and Black Bow Ties"). Other stories such as "A Day's Pleasure" and "The Split Cherry Tree" and "A Mother in Marmville" indirectly lead one to believe that education will help save one from gruelling physical work. Jerry is going to school in order to be able to get off the farm. The narrator in "A Mother in Mannville" is a writer who hires others to do physical labor for her. The work of an educated person is made to appear less demanding and therefore preferable. Jane Woodard, "A Man is Not a Piece of Fruit" �77 WORK Snyder's next two books of poems, Turtle Island (1974) and Axe Handles (1983) present the most recent synthesis of his views on work, focusing once again on the tasks of his life and demonstrating how the physical, social, and meditative aspects of work go together. Regarding Wave is Snyder's invocation to the Muse, to the enternal feminine. He has chosen, he tells us, the spiritual path represented by "long hair/' which is "... to accept, go through the powers of nature," contrasting it with the Bhikku or hermitascetic who shaves his head. This is the choice of fertility over celibacy that opens up a new kind of work for the participant— the "common work of the tribe" and the family, which requires an embracing of the real world in all its aspects, and a dedication to doing good works in a social context. Snyder uses the phrase "the real work" to identify his new ideal. Louis H. Palmer, "At the Heart of Work: A Reading of Gary Snyder's Poems" No other American writer so epitomizes the philosophy of the work ethic as does Benjamin Franklin. Throughout his writings Franklin extols industry as the primary virtue to be developed by his colonial contemporaries. Industry is a theme throughout his Autobiography as he traces his journey from penniless apprentice to life as a comfortably wealthy statesman, philanthropist, and public servant. Franklin sets a lofty example by accomplishing an incredible body of work during his 84 years as writer, scientist, inventor, and public servant. June Mann, "Benjamin Franklin: Philosopher of Industry" Franklin's contributions to society owe their existance not only to the Franklin whose persona in the Autobiography indentifies him with the work ethic, but also to the Franklin, who, in keeping with the example set by his father, believed that good conversation at dinner was more important than the dinner itself. Franklin was a thinker whose leisure time allowed him to develop intellectually. Carolyn Cahill, "Franklin: The Man Behind the Pose" Although Giants in the Earth was written about an era over 100 years after the American colonial period, the pioneering conditions under which the characters struggled and their agriculture-centered lives can be compared in many ways to those of our first colonists. Nancy Cott, in her book The Bonds of Womanhood, mentions that in the eighteenth century (the colonial period) in agricultural areas men and women "shared similar work patterns; their work, tied to the land, was seasonal and discontinuous." Margaret A. Higgins, "Women's Work in a Man's World: American Women Looking for Meaningful Employment" Giants in the Earth is a powerful novel, one worthy of study at many levels. Not only does it give to the student a clearer understanding of immigration, it humanizes this epoch of American history. Giants in the Earth gives value and worth to our common heritage that has either been overlooked or unrealistically sensationalized by television. And most importantly, Giants in the Earth explores human nature—the lighter as well as the darker side—and provides insight into our own lives as we make decisions that help us either defeat or cope with the giants in the earth. Danny Lawrence, "Roelvaag^s Giants in the Earth99 �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 78 When Per Hansa is not asked to go to town to buy supplies, he takes out his ill-humor in work and plows an acre and a half of land. He discovers the great healing power of work. If you are disappointed and discouraged—work! Annye S. Holt, 'The Theme of Work as a Cultural Value in American Literature" Per Hansa exemplifies Turner's frontier characteristics in his approach to working to conquer the prairie. Strong both physically and spiritually, he is an eternal optimist who is well suited to frontier life and believes he can accomplish anything if he works hard enough. He imposes his will upon life. "The urge within me drove me, Per Hansa, on and on, and never would I stop; for I reasoned like this, that where I found happiness others must find it as well." Kay Senter, "The Frontier: Land of Promise, Work, and Reality" One aspect of the early pioneers' approach to work is spontaneous innovation, which is present in the work of both Per Hansa and Jesse Stuart. Facing new situations for which he knows no precedents, Per Hansa summons his creativity: 'There was no such thing as the impossible any more" (Roelvaag). In the beginning he decides to plant potatoes before building a house so that he can have a good crop both for food and for trading. When he builds the house, he puts it under the same roof with the barn, something no other settlers in that community had thought to do. Interestingly enough, the innovation, individualism, and competition which are intertwined in both Per Hansa and Jesse Stuart do not become overly tangled with materialism. Although some critics feel that Per Hansa is materialistic, all of his attempts to sell potatoes are efforts to get money to supply needs—not extravagances—for his family. His attitude toward material things is evidenced in his thoughts while building his house: "They had laboured hard and faithfully; well, they would get their wages in due time, every last one of them—but he couldn't bother them with such trifles now." Stuart clearly avoids materialism because he serves as principal on a teacher's salary and, along with some of his teachers, works without pay for a time. Marilyn Raines, "Pioneers at Work: Per Hansa and Jesse Stuart" Riding over to the beach house leased for the summer, a place to and from which Silas commutes in order to continue working, he tells Tom Corey the way he spends his "leisure" time: "There's one thing I always make it a rule to do," he said, "and that is to give my mind a complete rest from business while I'm going down on the boat. I like to get the fresh air all through me, soul and body. I believe a man can give his mind a rest, just the same as he can give his legs a rest, or his back. All he's got to do is to use his will power. Why, I suppose, if I hadn't adopted such rules with the strain I've had on me for the last ten years, I shoulda been a dead man long ago." For Silas, leisure is a preparation for more work. It is being regulated and governed as if it is a part of work rather than work being an aspect of his leisurely attitude toward life. Silas, as well as many of us, would probably miss the irony of the metaphor used in the title of Helen H. Pilla's article about devloping leisure skills, "Accumulating Interest in Your Leisure Savings Account," and the irony in John W. Kendrick's statement, "Time should be set aside for spontaneous activities 1 believe basic guidelines can help people be more productive and effective in their pursuit of happiness." Lisa Wishon, "The Relationship of Work and Leisure" �79 WORK Out of Work Louis EL Palmer, III Whitlock Junior High School, Spartanburg, South Carolina This is a curriculum unit for six weeks for ninth grade. It was developed as a result of a summer seminar for teachers, part of the Southern Highlands Institute for Educators series on cultural values in American Literature. The seminar was taught by Jim Wayne Miller during the summer of 1988 at Appalachian State University. I have selected materials from a wide variety of sources, including materials we read during the seminar. Obviously many of the ideas and suggestions I have incorporated into this unit were provided by Dr. Miller and the other participants: this is less an individual work than an attempt to organize and focus this material into a specific time-frame. I use a journal format for writing assignments. This allows a student to build up a body of work before it is turned in and to look back over that work. Writing about what a class is studying helps a student to own that subject, to feel involved actively rather than to submit passively. Vocabulary can be taken from the reading selections so that the students learn the words before they come upon them, or students can make their own vocabulary lists from words they look up as they read. Ninth-grade students are a good age to deal with the concept of work. Many are working themselves for the first time, filling out those forms and complaining about what the government takes out. Others are considering dropping out soon, when they turn sixteen, and are interested in work for that reason. It was obvious to me from the first that it is unfair and artificial to speak of work as a theme or "a cultural value." For most people it is a great deal more than that. It is an activity that takes up a major part of their lives. Even when we are not "at work" we spend much of our time at some kind of secondary work—housework, yardwork—or involved in community work. We often do some form of work as recreation, such as "working out." A curriculum unit on work in literature could be as amorphous as a curriculum unit on "the rest of my life," and it is certainly a lot to deal with in six weeks, or a year, for that matter. I decided to try to get a handle on it by dividing it up into six subthemes or aspects of work, and assigning one to each week. These are arranged to follow loosely the progression from settlement to a modern, urban-industrial society with two side-trips to examine the things we use to help us work and the use we put to time not used for work. The units are entitled Settlement, Agriculture, Tools, Industry and Apprenticeship, Choosing and Changing, and Leisure. Week 1, day 1. Defining the field Brainstorming: What is work? The students suggest and the teacher writes on the board different catagories of work. Suggest some that we often hear in the news—whitecollar/bluecollar; public sector / private sector; service/manufacturing; skilled/unskilled—and list examples of each. Also give examples of what is meant by seasonal, professional, part-time, temporary, and other terms we hear applied to work. Discuss qualifications for various jobs, in terms of education, onthe-job-training, and experience. Discuss the way jobs change with time (example: typesetters—originally a skilled, fairly highpaying, male-dominated position now done on keyboards by lower-paid workers, predominately women). For a homework assignment, students could look in a newspaper or magazine and find an article about a job or jobs in general, then bring it in and be prepared to give a report on it to the class. Week 1, day 2. Settlement Start with two or three of the class reports assigned for homework, then introduce the theme for the week: Settling. Either through brainstorming or guided discussion, talk about the problems that the settlers in your area faced. What were they �80 looking for? What would make a good spot to settle? What would they need to bring with them? How did they get started once they selected a place? Then discuss the work of settlement. What would be a family's priorities once they found a place? What should be done first? Have students list what they would need to take with them—tools and supplies—for such a project. Remind them that the next trip to the store would be six months away and that everything would have to be carried on a wagon. This is a nice introduction to the first reading assignment, an excerpt from John Ehle's The Land Breakers. I have chosen just a short passage from the first section, "1779" (Ehle, 7-17). This passage should make two points: to confirm or disprove theories about what is needed, and to demonstrate the amount and variety of work that went into the process of settlement. It can also be used to show how different, how alien and beautiful, the primeval forests were, even to those who are familiar with our forests. Week 1, day 3. It helps to explain the various tools whose use is described in the passage—froe, adze, wedges, maul rings, gouge. These can be actually brought in and demonstrated during the Tools week. Discuss the way it must have felt to be the only humans in a remote area: the fear and lonliness, the dangers. Another aspect of settlement is isolation. Frost's "The Hill Wife" (126-29) series of poems gives voice to the fears of a young woman isolated from all but her husband. These poems can be read quickly as a narrative. Fear and isolation give us a transition to the next work. Week 1, day 4. The next reading is a short story by James Still, 'The Proud Walkers," from The Run for the Elbertas (StiU, 16-29). Make the point that there are still people engaged in the work of settling in areas that are remote from civilization; point out that it takes The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature place in the 1930s in the mountains of Kentucky, not a very farremoved time compared with 1779. The story can be used in a variety of ways. I recommend reading out loud for the wonderful rhythm and vocabulary of Still's Kentuckians. Here the fear and suspicion felt by the narrator and his mother turn out to be groundless, and a final point can be made that much of the work of settlement, especially at first, was cooperative. Give examples like barn-raisings and quilting bees, where practical and social needs were combined. The settlers couldn't afford to separate work and play like we do. Week 1, day 5. The final reading is about the settlement of the Midwestern prairie by immigrants from Norway. It is from Ole Roelvaag's Giants in the Earth (38-59). I suggest that the students read this selection, then compare and contrast it with the Ehle or the Still selections in a short essay, to come to terms with the similarities and differences that climate and geography made in people's settlement experiences. A final point to be made is that in most of our history courses great emphasis is laid on the explorers and conquerors, but little on the settlers who were the ones who actually made this country what it is. Week 2, day 1. Agriculture An historical perspective is necessary here because few young people now have had the experience of growing up in an agricultural situation, and most farms are large and mechanized. The decline of the small or family farm has had its effect in a lessening of self-sufficiency for us all. Have students write about what they would do if their family was isolated from the means of supply that they are accustomed to using; or what the family would do if money became worthless. Week 2, day 2. Discuss methods of farming before modern farming machinery. Again, use the previously read selections from Ehle, Roelvaag, �WORK and Still to illustrate the amount of work necessary to cultivate with hand and animal labor. Frost's poems, "Mowing" (17), "The Death of the Hired Man" (34), and "After Apple-Picking" (68), can be used to give vivid illustration to the lives of family farmers. Week 2, day 3. Two more Frost poems can be used to illustrate the nightmare side of the family farm in the post-settlement period: "Home Burial (51) and "The Hill-Wife" series (126). Both of these show the strain that isolation and continuous physical work can have on the individual and the family. Week 2, days 4 and 5. I would conclude this section by a discussion of a modern writer's look at the dissolution of the family agricultural life. From the stories of Breece D'J Pancake, "Trilobites" (21) and "First Day of Winter" (163), illustrate lives made desolate by the passing of this once dominant lifestyle. Still's "I Love My Rooster" (1) from The Run for the Elbertas also dramatizes this conflict through a husband/wife coalcamp/farm conflict. Week 3, day 1. Tools Start the section on tools with an extended definition of "tools." Point out that "tool" can mean a skill like reading or writing complete sentences, as well as a complicated machine like an automobile or a computer. Students can list the tools necessary for any of the three periods discussed—settlement, agriculture, or industrial. Students read Alice Walker's short story "Everyday Use" as an introduction to the topic of tools. This story can help to point out that some of the things we cherish from the past we don't see anymore as tools, but as folk art. Week 3, days 2,3, and 4. Focus with examples or demonstrations of the tools necessary for settlement, agriculture, and industrialization. Eric Slone's beautifully illustrated books are very helpful here. Discuss statements like: "The bush axe is the tool that tamed the South," 81 or "The cotton gin revolutionized agriculture." Out of this analysis of how we accomplish what we do will come the realization that tools are the basis for technique and technique is the basis for technology. The physical-science definition of work can be brought in here and used as a "tool" for the analysis of work in physical and economic terms—what exactly we mean when we talk of "man-hours" and "labor-intensive" and "cost-effective." Week 3, day 5. To conclude this section, read a selection of poems about tools. From W. S. Merwin 'Tools" (26) and "Song of Man Chipping an Arrowhead" (8) from Writings to an Unfinished Accompaniment', from Gary Snyder "What I Have Learned" (85) and the title poem (5) from Axe Handles—the second one is a good one to compare with Frost's "The Axe-Helve" (185); from Doc Dachtler's Drawknife the title poem and "The Bloomfield Haypress" (9). Week 4, days 1 and 2. Industry and Apprenticeship ThiSx section is introduced by Benjamin Franklin's Autobiography, which can be introduced as the story of a young man's attempt to get away from the limitations of society and family in order to make something of himself, rather than as a story of one of our (yawn!) Founding Fathers. This is an urban success story dealing with an early period in the industrial society, but Franklin's experiences are readily contrasted with those of the rural areas. He must be trained in a technological expertise, and eventually becomes involved in the mass-production of what was, in his day, the latest in "information technology." The main difference between Franklin's development and that of his rural and settler counterparts is that he, as we do today, had a much wider field of choices, both to do self-improving things and to do self-destructive things. A reading of the Autobiography, then, can be linked to modern social problems such as drugs, as well as to questions about the training and education necessary for various vocations. �82 I would advise a quick run-through, not a long one, and focusing on these things that students today have in common with Franklin. Week 4, day 3. From HowelTs The Rise of Silos Lapham I recommend reading the introductory interview with the reporter (5-24) and then summarizing the remaining plot, pointing out the circular path that Lapham makes from the stable agricultural world of the farm through his venture into capitalism and back. Here with the advent of literary "realism" we see also a sort of nostalgic and romantic look at the agricultural past. Individual students might report on the various utopian societies formed during the late nineteenth century, including Brook Farm, where the young Nathaniel Hawthorne found himself too exhausted after a long day of physical labor to be able to write. Week 4, day 4. We look further into the idealization of the past with Thoreau's Walden. Students should read Chapter 1, "Economy," for Thoreau's anti-progressive bias toward the newly industrialized society. A good writing exercise is to take one of Thoreau's statements and either defend or refute it using contemporary examples. Week 4, day 5. To contrast with Thoreau's view, and more fitting with that of Silas Lapham, have students read Whitman's "Years of the Modern," and compare it with Sandburg's "Chicago," written in the same spirit of optimism sixty years later. In terms of work, training, education, the horizons have expanded tremendously. Much of Gary Snyder's work, especially his last two books, Turtle Island and Axe Handles, have to do with his experiences with homesteading, which he sees as a resettling in an agricultural mode after rejecting the industrial/technological worldview. Some The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature attention to these books with work as a unifying theme could serve to bring together the three periods of development, which we see as progressive, but which Snyder sees as a conflict between "old ways" of an environmentally sound lifestyle and the "invader mentality" of blind progress and ecological exploitation. Week 5, day 1. Choosing and Changing Thoreau's and Whitman's contrasting voices lead us to an important demographic fact: most of the people who are now in high school will change careers three or four times during their working years. Students should think about the jobs that they are interested in and do cluster diagrams about jobs and the education or training necessary for those jobs, forming jobs into "families" that require similar preparation. Week 5, days 2 and 3. Students do library research into their chosen professions, looking at what they can do now to be better prepared and trained for the job. They will write a 500-word essay describing what they have done and plan to do. Week 5, days 4 and 5. Students will interview a person in their chosen field and transcribe the interview. This will involve careful choice of relevant questions, also consideration of the possibility of job obsolescence and job change in the future. Week 6, day 1. Leisure Using brainstorming and class discussion, work on the chickenegg question of work and leisure: do we work so that we can have leisure, or do we use our leisure time to compensate for the rigors of working? In this context discuss stress and its effects, the term "workaholic," and the work-related causes of alcoholism and drug-abuse. �WORK Week 6, day 2. Women's Roles Several of the readings have had to do with women and their ambivalent social place vis-a-vis "men's" work. We can trace the disaffected women in Still's "The Proud Walkers" and Frost's "The Hill Wife" and "Home Burial" to the modern cliche of the bored and overindulged housewife who gets ajob to "find herself." Other examples are the women in Silas Lapham's household, his wife and daughters. Should women be "free" to do "social" work? How have changing times changed woman's place in the working world? Students can discuss or write opinion papers on these subjects. Week 6, day 3. Social Leisure Read Frost's "A Time to Talk" (124) as an introduction to the question of "down-time" in work. Does the family farmer have an idea of'loss of productivity" from talking to a neighbor? How has that changed with industrialization? "Two Tramps in Mud Time" (275) raises a similar question, as well as the further question that the robotization of production leads us to ask: Is work a right or a privilege? This can lead to the old capitalist/communist arguments about control over production and the merits of free economic competition. A good exercise is to hand out opinions at random and have students support them from their reading. Week 6, day 4. Reckons for Leisure Have students give reasons why we need leisure. Use Frost's "A Lone Striker" (273) and "Directive" (377) as examples of a person feeling the need to get away. Is the individual justified in that kind of action? Use Thoreau as another example—he chose a life of comparative leisure as opposed to one of "quiet desperation." 83 Week 6, day 5. Leftovers Every unit should have a Leftovers day, but for a final focus I want to point out that in our industrialized society there are many by-products of our work and leisure. Two poems about this detritus, Wallace Stevens'"The Man on the Dump" (163) and Doc Dachtler's "The Berkeley Dump" (21), both raise, in different ways, the question of what to do with what is left over. Acontrast of Stevens' aesthetic view with Dachtler's more practical one could lead to many different answers. This is a question that could be asked about the assembly-line worker who has been replaced by a robot, as well. In Steinbeck's Travels With Charley (115-119) the writer finds himself in an uncleaned hotel room and constructs a biography of its former resident, Lonesome Harry, from the garbage he leaves behind. In an article in Notes Plus (9) Evelyn Funda suggests using garbage as a basis for writing assignments. David Macaulay's Motel of the Mysteries depicts an archaelogical dig in 4022 that causes the discoverers to mistake a motel room for a sacred temple. Either of these could be used to lead into an assignment where we could be analyzed by the content of our garbage. In this plan I have tried to provide a general outline for a discussion of poems and stories about the theme of work in American literature. I have also tried to tie in these works and the ideas they generate with contemporary concerns and issues. Work is something that affects all of us, and the changing economic and social conditions of the world affect what work is available. A unit such as this one may serve to provide the connection that students feel is missing between the school and the real world. I would hope that it might also allow them to see the advantages of continuing their education with the goal of finding the work that they want. �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 84 Works Cited Dachtier, Doc. Drawknife. Winters, California: Konocti Books, 1985. Ehle, John. The Land Breakers. New York: Harper & Row, 1964. Franklin, Benjamin. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. New York: Macmillan, 1962. Frost, Robert The Poetry of Robert Frost New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969. Funda, Evelyn. "Garbology Exercise." NCTE Notes Plus, January 1989. National Council of Teachers of English, Urbana, Illinois. Bibliography of Supplemental Works The letter following each title represent the theme the volume addresses: Family (F), Community (C), Work (W). Dates in parentheses are those of the first publication if it differs from the more recent edition. Merwin, W. S. Writings to an Unfinished Accompaniment. New York: Atheneum, 1973. Adams, John and Thomas Jefferson. The Adams-Jefferson Letters. (C) Lester J. Cappon, ed. Chapel Hill: The University Press, 1959. The usually friendly interchange between two of our founding fathers concerning their opposed visions of what the new country should become is still reflected in modern political thought. Pancake, Breece D'J. The Stories of Breece D'J Pancake. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1983. Anderson, Sherwood. Winesburg, Ohio. (C) New York: The Viking Press, 1966. A fictional community history, fitting into the early twentieth-century category of literary "realism." Roelvaag, O. E. Giants in the Earth. New York: Harper & Row, 1955. Berman, Marshall. All that is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity. (W) New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982. This examination of the experience of modernity defines the modern period as starting around 1500, and uses Goethe's Faust as a symbol for modern man. Caught up in a current of constant change, experiencing the disunity and fragmentation of the old values, he seeks to impose his will upon it, to develop it. Berman sees modernity not as something recent, but rather as a Western tradition extending back in time over the past four hundred years. Geismar, Maxwell, ed. The Whitman Reader. New York: Pocket Books, 1955. Howells, William Dean. The Rise of Silas Lapham. New York: NAL Penguin, 1980. Snyder, Gary. Axe Handles. San Francisco: North Point Press, 1983. Stevens, Wallace. The Palm at the End of the Mind. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971. Steinbeck, John. Travels With Charley. New York: Bantam, 1975. Still, James. The Run for the Elbertas. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1980. Thoreau, Henry David. Walden. New York: New American Library, 1980. Walker, Alice. In Love and Trouble. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanivich, 1973. Bradford, William. Of Plymouth Plantation 1620-1647. (C) New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1953 (1908). Bradford's famous history of the early settlement. It shows that our stereotype of the Pilgrim era as grim and repressive is not completely accurate. Bradford gives us insight into the development of one of our first communities. Bradstreet, Anne. The Works of Anne Bradstreet. (F) John Howard Ellis, ed. Gloucester, Massachusetts: Peter Smith, 1962. Bradstreefs poetry shows the passion and depth of her feelings for members of her family—feelings not generally associated with the Puritans. Bronowski, Jacob. Sc/ertceandHuma/? Va/ues.(W) New York: Harper & Row, 1965. In this look at Western values since the Renaissance Bronowski disagrees with the Romantic opposition between science and humanism, saying that "Men have asked for freedom, justice, and respect precisely as the scientific spirit has spread among them." Byrd, William. The Secret Diary of William Byrd of Westover. (F) Louis B. Wright and Marion Tinling, eds. Richmond, Virginia: The Dietz Press, 1941. This diary, originally written in Byrd's idiomatic shorthand code, tells of the personal aspects of the life of one of the colonies' Southern leaders. Suprisingly modem in his attitudes toward such topics as sex and leisure, Byrd lets us know that plantation life was not completely a post-Civil War myth and that our "culture of narcissism" has its roots in our earliest history. Cheever, John. The Wapshot Chronicle. (F) New York: Harper & Brothers, 1967. This novel portrays an eccentric New England family living in a declining seaside town in the middle of the twentieth century. Cheever's characters are improbable and believable. His style is seamless. Cords, Nicholas and Patrick Gerster. Myth and the American Experience. (C) New York: Glencoe Press, 1 973. A series of essays on the mythologization of American cultural traits and heroes. �SUPPLEMENTAL WORKS Dreiser, Theodore. Sister Carrie. (F) Jack Salzman, ed. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970. This story of ayoung, innocent girl's decline and fail after she comes to the big city is an example of the literary naturalism of the early twentieth century. It expresses the evil, fallen world of the nineteenth-century moralism unencumbered by the hope or possibility of redemption. Dykeman, Wilma. The Far Family. (F) New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966. The story of the diaspora and return of a leading Tennesse family. Can traditional, rural values survive in the modern world? Dykeman, Wilma. Return the Innocent Earth. (W) New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1973. Dykeman's novel deals with the Clayburn family and how they make the transition from being wealthy landowners of the South's agrarian past to participants in the Hobbesian business climate of the New South. This novel stresses the environmental and social damage caused by the new paradigm. Ehle, John. The Land Breakers. (C) New York: Harper & Row, 1964. Ehle's novel deals with the settlement period in the mountains. A justly acclaimed treatment, it is rich in realistic details, evoking the experiences of a young couple as they find and settle in a remote mountain area Frost, Robert The Poetry of Robert Frost. (W) New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969. This comprehensive edition contains all of Frost's eleven volumes of poetry. One of Frosfs major themes is work. He spoke as usual in spite of himself when he said in "New Hampshire": "I don't suppose the work/ Much matters. You may work for all of me./ IVe seen times I've had to work myself." Hansberry, Lorraine. A Raisin In the Sun. (F) New York: Random House, 1959. This play about the dreams and disappointments of a black family in Chicago is as eloquent today as it was when it was written. Hand, Learned. The Spirit of Liberty. (C) Third edition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952. An eminent judge argues that community and self-interest are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Hughes, Charles Evans. Conditions of Progress in Democratic Government. (C) New Haven: Yale University Press, 1910. One of the best expressions of the progressive philosophy; Hughes stresses the civic and social responsibilities of the citizen of a modern society. Isaacs, Harold R. Idols of the Tribe. (C) New York: Harper & Row, 1975. A study of the relationship between individual identity and group identity in the community. Jackson, Shirley. 7770 Lottery. (C) Cambridge, Massachusetts: Robert Bentley, 1949. In this collection is the famous short story of the same name about an ordinary community whose members have traditions that go back to the fertility rituals of primitive societies. Barbarism is presented as community tradition. Leopold, Aldo. A Sand County Almanac. (C) New York: Oxford University Press, 1966. In this pioneering work on the environment Leopold stresses our responsibility for the environment and defines community as a "man-to-land" concern. Masters, Edgar Lee. Spoon River Anthology. (C) New York: Macmillan, 1959 (1915). A series of individual portraits in verse that form a collective artistic portrait of a fictional community. Miller, Arthur. Death of a Salesman. (W) Text and criticism, Gerald Weales, ed. New York: Viking/Penguin, 1977. This play, the story of Willie Loman, is Miller's modern tragedy of a man dehumanized and destroyed by economic forces and his own blindness about himself. A classic interpretation of the American dream gone sour. 85 Nelson, William C. Renewal of the Teacher-Scholar. (W) Washington, DC: Association of American Colleges, 1981. A plea for increased attention to and support for humanistic concerns in the occupation of teacher in a liberal-arts program. Oates, Joyce Carol, them. (F) New York: Vanguard Press, 1969. A more recent work in the tradition of naturalism, Oates' novel deals with the "various problems and complexities" of being poor in America. A good contrast to The Grapes of Wrath because Oates' detached treatment lacks both the empathy and the humor that brightened Steinbeck's vision. Peiper, Josef. Leisure: The Basis of Culture. (W) New York: Random House, 1964. In this work Pieper argues against the Marxist concept of work in purely social and economic terms, defining work and leisure in moral terms, which, like the talents of the parable, are gifts given to man to use for the good of all creation. Sewall, Samuel. The Diary of Samuel Sewall. (F) New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 1973 (1927). A look at the life of the early Massachusetts Bay Colony, both public and private, from one of the most prominent public figures of the day. Sewall's doubts and feelings of responsibility and guilt about the burdens of leadership and personal grief offer a sharp contrast with the attitudes expressed by his Southern colonial counterpart William Byrd. Smith, Lee. Oral History. (F) New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1983. In this novel Lee Smith has found her voice—voices, rather—with a ghost story as the starting point, the strange and spotted history of a family emerges from a series of points of view in a variety of styles. Steinbeck, John. 7776 Grapes of Wrath. (F) Peter Lisca, ed. New York: The Viking Press, 1972. Probably the most well-known of Steinbeck's works, this populist novel follows a family of Okies from the Dust Bowl to the promised land of California. The earnestness of Steinbeck's message is tempered by the sensitivity and humor of his portrayal. Still, James. River of Earth. (F) Lexington, Kentucky: University of Kentucky Press, 1978 (1940). A simply and beautifully written book in which Still's ear for spoken language, in all its idiom and idiosyncrasy, infuses the story of economic and familial hardships with a "found" quality. Terkel, Studs. Working. (W) New York: Random House, 1974. This book is a documentation of how modern Americans feel about and deal with their work. The selections present interviews with a variety of people from all kinds of occupations. Thoreau, Henry David. "Life Without Principle." (W) (1854) from Thoreau's Complete Works, Volume 2. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1929. This essay cautions the reader not to let the day-to-day drudgeries and trivialities of life interfere with his vision. "Read not the Times. Read the Eternities." "Twain, Mark" (pseud, of Samuel Langhorne Clemens) Pudd'nhead Wilson and Those Extraordinary Twins. (F) Sidney E. Berger, ed. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1980. In his version of the classic children-switched-at-birth story, Twain adds the ironic twist that one child is black and one is white—but still no one can tell them apart Wolfe, Thomas. Look Homeward, Angel. (F) New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1982 (1929). Wolfe's novel has a scope of vision that has rarely been attained in literature. It concerns in part the relationship between a man and his family, but Wolfe manages to tie in questions of freedom vs. responsibility, nature vs. nurture, freewill vs. predestination, and so on. �86 The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature Further Readings Appalachian Women: An Annotated Bibliography. Sidney Saylor Fair, ed. Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky, 1981. (F/C/W) Green, Archie. Only a Miner. Studies in Recorded Coal-Mining Songs. Champaign, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1972. (W) Arnow, Harriette Simpson. Seedtime on the Cumberland. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1983. (F/C/W) Hall, Jacquelyn D. and others. Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1987. (F/W) —. Flowering of the Cumberland. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1984. (F/C/W) Hine, Robert V. Community on the American Frontier: Separate But Not Alone. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980. (C) Bailyn, Bernard. Voyagers to the West New York: Knopf, 1986. (W) Bouvard, Marguerite. The Intentional Community Movement. Kennikat Press, 1975. (C) Hirsch, E.D. Cultural Literacy: What Every American Needs To Know. Boston: Houghton Muffin Company, 1987. (F/C/W) Cawelti, John G. Apostles of the Self-Made Man. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1965. (W) Kahn, Kathy. Hillbilly Women. Doubleday, 1973. (F/W) Campbell, John C. The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. 1921; re-issued, University Press of Kentucky, 1969. (F/C/W) Kephart, Horace. Our Southern Highlanders. 1922; re-issued, University of Tennessee Press, 1976. (F/C/W) Carawan, Guy and Candie. Voices from the Mountains: Life and Struggle in the Appalachian South. Champaign, Illinois: University of Illinois Press. 1982. (W) King, Stephen Clark. Wheelwright, Kentucky: Community in Transition. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1982. (F/C/W) Coles, Robert. Migrants, Sharecroppers, Mountaineers. Little, Brown, 1971. (F/C/W) Martin, Charles E. Hollybush: Folk Building and Social Change in an Appalachian Community. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1984. (C) Coles, Robert. Working: Changes and Choices. NY: Human Society Press, 1981. (W) Driskell, Leon V. Passing Through. A Fiction. Chapel Hill, N.C.: Algonquin Books, 1983. (F) Dunn, Durwood. Cades Cove: The Life and Death of a Southern Appalachian Community 18181937. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988. (F/C/W) Dykeman, Wilma. The French Broad. University of Tennessee Press, 1965. (F/C/W) Egerton, John. Generations. An American Family. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1983. (F) Eller, Ronald D. Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers: Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880- 1930. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1982. (W) Erickson, Kai. Everything in Its Path: The Destruction of Community in the Buffalo Creek Flood. Simon & Schuster, 1977. (C) Gaventa, John. Power and Powerlessness. Quiescence and Rebellion In an Appalachian Valley. Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1980. (F/C/W) Gertsel, Naomi and Harriet Gross. Families and Work. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987. (F/W) Matthews, E.M. Neighbor and Kin: Life in a Tennessee Ridge Community. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1965. (C) Nathans, Sydney, General editor. The Way We Lived in North Carolina. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1983. (F/C/W) Norman, Gurney. Divine Right's Trip: A Folktale. Dial Press, 1972. (F) Schwarzweller, Harry K., James S. Brown, and J. J. Mangalam. Mountain Families in Transition:A Case Study of Appalachian Migration. Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971. (F/C/W) Stephenson, John. Shiloh:A Mountain Community. University of Kentucky Press, 1968. (C) Waller, Altina L Fued: Hatfields, McCoys, and Social Change in Appalachia, 1860-1900. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1988. (F/C/W) Williams, John Alexander. West Virginia and the Captains of Industry. Morgantown: West Virginia University Press, 1976. (W) �SUPPLEMENTAL WORKS Critical Readings of American Thought Beard, Charles A., and Mary R. Beard. The Rise of American Civilization. Two volumes in one. Revised and Enlarged. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1942. One of the most significant studies of American history and civilization, the Beards' work stresses economic forces which have shaped the American family, influenced community life, and contributed to the nature of work. The Beards divide American history into The Agricultural Era (Vol. 1, from the colonial period to the approach of the Civil War), and The Industrial Era (Vol. 2, from the approach of the Civil War, which they view as a second American Revolution, to the 1930s). In their view the machine age and the achievements of new technology result in the disintegration of the colonial family regime, and bring complicated influences to bear on the American family, and especially on women and children. Old forms of community are weakened, while others come into being under the influence of the feminist and club movements. The treatment of work, closely allied to the economic forces on which this study is focused, is especially detailed, and ranges from a discussion of the labor supply in the colonial period, through the advances of organized labor in the nineteenth century and the effect of immigration, to the transformation of work in the machine age. Boorstin, DanielJ. The Americans: The National Experience. New York: Random House, 1965. Spanning the period from the Revolution to the Civil War, this volume continues Boors tin's history of the American people begun in The Americans: The Colonial Experience, published in 1958. Boorstin is especially attentive to the nature of the American national character, and he sees much of American history as a search for community. He shows how Puritans became Yankees; how stiff-necked dogmatists became "examplars of ingenuity." With respect to community, the nation did not begin at any one time or place, but rather again and again. Americans formed new communities and reformed old communities with such rapidity that within less than a century after the Revolution what had been a fringe of colonial settlements along the Atlantic seaboard, bound to their mother countries, had become a continent-nation. Especially relevant are his chapters on "Organizing the American Factory," "Community Before Government," "Competitive Communities," and "Invisible Communities: The Negroes' Churches." The material on marriage among slaves, between whites and Negroes or Indians, and in transient communities, as well as the discussions of the scarcity of women and domestic servants, have implications for the topics of family and work. Commager, Henry Steele. The American Mind: An Interpretation of American Thought and Character Since the 1880s. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950. Commager is especially insightful in his presentation of the paradoxes and tensions in the American mind: optimism co-existing with determinism; a strong emphasis on the individual with a tendency to be a joiner. He presents a clear and detailed account of how changes in the nature of work affected the American woman and hence the family. Valuable, too, is his account of how mainline American churches, to some extent through the influence of John Dewey, shifted emphasis from individual salvation to the reconstruction of community and society. Lemer, Max. America as a Civilization. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1957. In this monumental 1,036-page study Lerner attempts to see American civilization as a total pattern. To the degree that he succeeds, it is impossible neatly to identify his discussions of family, community, and work, since the topics overlap and interpenetrate 87 one another. For instance, in Chapter 4, The Culture of Science and the Machine," Lerner examines the way in which science and the machine alter the nature of work; the rise of the individual and family firm; and the factory and corporation as community. Nevertheless, the titles of certain chapters and subsections suggest their relevance to the topics of family, community, and work. Chapter 7, "Class and Status in America," contains a subsection entitled "Class Profile of the Worker." A subsection of Chapter 9, "Character and Society," entitled "The Cement of Society," deals with the nature of community in America. Chapter 8, "Life Cycle of the American," has subsections devoted to The Family as Going Concern," "Children and Parents," "Growing Up in America," "Courtship, Love, and Marriage," and The Ordeal of the American Woman." "Life Goals and the Pursuit of Happiness," a subsection of Chapter 9, and Chapter 11, The Arts and Popular Culture," deal in varying degrees of directness with leisure, a topic which is a part of any thorough consideration of work. Because Lerner seeks an overall pattern and does not attempt to deal with the topics of family, community, and work in a serial manner, no index could adequately list such topics; however, the index to this ambitious synthesis is helpful in gaining access to these topics. Parrington, Vernon Louis. Main Currents in American Thought: An Interpretation of American Literature from the Beginnings to 1920.3 vols. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1927. Parrington's study remains a standard work of American literary scholarship, and is still one of the most stimulating attempts to see American literature as a reflection of social forces. Volume One, The Colonial Mind, treats the period from 1620 to 1800. Volume Two, The Romantic Revolution in America, deals with the next six decades, 1800-1860. The third volume, The Beginnings of Critical Realism in America, focuses on a comparable period from 1860 to 1920. The topics of family, community, and work are not indexed. For Parrington's treatment of these topics he must be read leisurely and as general background to the periods covered. His work is most valuable in dealing with the paradoxes, tensions, and ambivalance in the American mind, which he traces to the intellectual heritage of Europe in conflict with a New World environment; to the emergence of two classes, the yeomanry and the gentry; and to two ideals represented by the Puritan and the Yankee. Perry, Ralph Barton. Philosophy of the Recent Past: An Outiine of European and American Philosophy Since 1860. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1926. Perry's survey is limited insofar as it covers a period of only about six decades, but his discussions are accessible to the layman. Perry's non-technical exposition of European and American philosophy will prove a useful aid to understanding Marx and his influence on the history of the American labor movement; Darwin and his influence (chiefly through his interpreter Spencer) on political and economic policies; and of Comte and Durkheim's influential view on the relationship of the individual to the community. Perry relates Emersonian transcendentalism to European antecedents, and, generally, links other American philosophers such as William James, John Dewey, and G. Santayana to the larger tradition of European thought Schlesinger, Arthur M., and Dixon Ray Fox, eds. A History of American Life. 13 vols. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929-1948. These volumes, each written by an authority on the period covered, have long been a standard survey of social growth in America. �The Examined Life: Family, Community, and Work in American Literature 88 Volume I The Coming of the White Man, by Herbert Ingram Priestly, covers the period from 1492 to 1848. Volume II The First Americans, by Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker, treats the period from 1607 to 1690. Volume III Provincial Society, by James Truslow Adams, focuses on the period from 1690 to 1763. Volume IV The Revolutionary Generation, by Evarts Boutell Greene, deals with the years between 1763 and 1790. Volume V 7770 Completion of Independence, by John Allen Krout, treats the period from 1790 to 1830. Volume VI 7770 Rise of the Common Man, by Carl Russell Rsh, focuses on the twenty-year period from 1830 to 1850. Volume VII 777© Irrepressible Conflict, by Arthur Charles Cole, covers the fifteen-year period from 1850 to the end of the Civil War, 1865. Volume VIII 77?e Emergence of Modem America, by Allan Nevins, treats the post-war period from 1865 to 1878. Volume IX The Nationalizing of Business, by Ida M. Tarbell, covers the period from 1878 to 1898. Volume X 77?e Rise of the City, by Arthur Meier Schlesinger, focuses on the same period as Volume IX, 1878 to 1898. Volume XI The Quest for Social Justice, by Harold U. Faulkner, is focused on the period from 1898 to 1914. Volume XII 77?e Great Crusade and After, by Preston W. Slosson, treats the period of the First World War and the post-war decade, 1914-1928. Volume XIII The Age of the Great Depression, by Dixon Wector, covers the period from 1929 to 1941. These volumes provide useful information on the topics of family, community, and work, beginning with Priestley's description of French-American family life in Volume I. Wertenbaker (Volume II) treats family life in New England giving attention to family size. In a chapter entitled "Planter and Puritan at Play," he deals with colonial leisure activities and with laws against idleness. Adams (Volume 111) stresses the importance of the colonial family to the work of subduing the wilderness, and as a social, economic, and even military unit. Greene (Volume IV) provides useful information for the Revolutionary period having to do with family size, birth and death rates, and he stresses the importance of "obscure men and women who tilled the farms, founded homes and built ordered communities." He shows how the Revolution divided families, much as the Civil War would a little over a century later. Krout (Volume V) chronicles the development of Workingmen's parties and provides a detailed picture of family life and household industries. Fish (Volume VI), in describing the rise and fall of common man, deals with the importance of the family and community as institutions assisting and supporting individual immigrants to the United States. Fish also examines changes in the nature of work during the period covered. Coles (Volume VII) attributes changes in the American family to The Growing Pains of Society" (Chapter 7). Alan Nevins (Volume VIII) deals with the crucial post-Civil War period in which modern America emerged. His account treats trade unions, labor movements, and strikes. But he does not overtook The Everyday Life of Americans" during the period, and provides useful information concerning family and community. Ida M. Tarbell's The Nationalizing of Business (Volume IX) is especially rewarding with regard to the topic of work. Tarbell continues the chronicle of Workingmen's parties begun in Volume V, detailing their role in the opposition to immigration. Arthur M. Schlesinger's The Rise of the City(Volume X), which covers the same period as Tarbell's volume, details the improved conditions of labor, the growth of leisure activities, and also comments on the effect of the city on family life. Faulkner's 77?e Quest for Social Justice (Volume XI) deals with the increasing entry of women into the work force and the implications of this social phenomenon for family and community. Slosson (Volume XII) chronicles the conditions of family life and labor during and after World War I. The effects of the Depression on family and community life are dealt with at length in Wector's 7770 Age of the Great Depression (Volume XIII). Wector also examines work relief, the Public Works Administration, and the status of labor under the New Deal. Spiller, Robert E., and Willard Thorp, Thomas A. Johnson, and Henry Seidel Canby, eds. Literary History of the United States. Revised Edition in One Volume. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1953. The eighty-one chapters of this standard history are, for the most part, the work of individual contributors, and, as the editors note, differences of opinion among the authors have been allowed to stand. Nevertheless, the various contributors share a number of assumptions that contribute to the unity of this study. They see American literature, from its beginnings, concerned not only with the theme of "cutting loose and faring forth," of starting over in a new land, but also with the theme of nostalgia for the rich culture of Europe. They all agree that American literature is an expression of the American experience, and that our literature helps shape that experience. They tend to see American literature as a series of cultural waves. Especially relevant to the topics of family, community, and work are those chapters treating communitarian experiements, Transcendentalism, and utopianism, as well as Carl Van Doren's chapter on Benjamin Franklin, Dixon Wecter's "The Education of Everyman," and Gilbert Chinard's The American Dream." Wish, Harvey. Society and Thought in America. 2 vols. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1950. Wish is informative and thought-provoking with respect to the topics family, community, and work. The author shows how, from the first, America was both a religious and a secular society in which the Enlightenment and the Great Awakening contributed to the national character. The battle between rationalism and secularism on the one hand, and faith, intuition, and revelation on the other, helped shape "a new national psychology" which would influence views of family, community, and work. Wish documents attitudes toward work in Puritan New England and cites the views of outstanding individuals from the colonial and early national period—Washington, Jefferson, Franklin. Similarly, his discussion of the impact of the frontier on American life, and the connection between romanticism and the concept of the common man, best expressed in Emerson's blend of individualism and idealism, contributes to an understanding of the family, the community, and work in America. His treatment of nineteenth-century Utopian communities is authoritative. He notes that the attitude toward work in the American South is complicated by the institution of slavery. But, especially with respect to the topic of work, he fails in his treatment of one aspect of the South's complexity. At one point (vol. 1, p. 232) he deplores how poor whites—"listless, slothful people"—have frequently been confused with Southern highlanders—"far more alert in spirit and independent economically." Later, in a �89 SUPPLEMENTAL WORKS discussion of the antebellum South (vol. 1, p. 494ff), he treats both Southern highlanders and poor whites in a brief section, thereby contributing to the likelihood of the two groups being confused. Volume 2 deals with the continuing influence of both religious and secular impulses in the tension between philosophical determinism and the doctrine of free will, and with William James1 attempt to resolve this tension in his philosophy of pragmatism. The chapters most directly relevant to the topics of family, community, and work treat the late nineteenthcentury captains of industry, the labor movement, and the urban impact on rural life and on the home. Acknowledgments This publication proceeds from a four-year project, Cultural Values in American Literature, sponsored by the Appalachian Consortium with supportive funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities. The summer institutes and follow-up activities brought together educators and scholars from throughout the Appalachian region with the intention of strengthening Humanities education in our public schools. We would like to acknowledge the contributions of the following guest presenters and recognize the wealth of resources they have made available to participating teachers and schools. Novelists Wilma Dykeman, John Ehle, and Lee Smith and poet Robert Morgan read from their works and discussed their portrayal of the themes of family, community, and work with participants. Scholars Edwin Arnold and James Uoyd presented lectures on William Faulkner. Native American Culturalist Eustace Conway held a program examining Native American perspectivies on work. Curriculum workshops offering suggestions for exploring cultural values with students were held by William Clauss, Office for Rural Education at Western Carolina University; Johnathan Sher, North Carolina REAL Enterprises, Chapel Hill; Julia Thomason, Appalachian State University; and Max Thompson, Appalachian State University. Elizabeth Long, Director of the ASU-Public School Partnership presented a workshop on establishing college-public school partnerships. Faculty representatives who served as liaisons between their institution and participating schools were Jed Bierhaus of Warren Wilson College, Roberta Herrin of East Tennessee State University, and William Lightfoot of Appalachian State University. We would like to thank participant Louis H. Palmer for contributing the annotated bibliography of supplemental readings. Finally, we would like to recognize the following teachers who took part in the program and the schools which supported their participation. Lynn Avant—Mabel Elementary School, Zionville, NC Leta Baharestan—Cocke County School, Newport, TN Willa Ann Baker—Harris Middle School, Spruce Pine, NC Barbara Benson—Watauga High School, Boone, NC Harry K. Books—Lawrence Middle School, Winston-Salem, NC Narisse Bravard—West Alexander Jr. High, Taylorsville, NC James Brooks—West Wilkes High School, Millers Creek, NC Robert Brown—Belton-Honea Path High School, Honea Path, SC Josephine Buckner—Oak Hill Junior High School, Morganton, NC Carolyn Bumgarner—Burns Junior High School, Lawndale, NC Carolyn Cahill—Morristown Hamlben High East, Morristown, TN Patricia Chastain—Powell High School, Powell, TN Judy Church—Belton-Honea Path High School, Honea Path, SC Patricia Collis—Harris Middle School, Spruce Pine, NC Stan Coss—Polk Central High, Mill Spring, NC B. C. Crawford—St Stephens High School, Hickory, NC Tammy Forbes—Bassett High School, Bassett, VA Sherrie Hartsoe—West Iredell High School, Statesville, NC Margaret Higgins—Asheville-Buncombe Optional School, Asheville, NC Janice Hildebrand—Hibriten High School, Lenoir, NC Gloria Hinson—Bethel School, Waynesville, NC Laura Hodges—Watauga High School, Boone, NC Annye Holt—Asheville High School, Asheville, NC Linda lovacchini—A. C. Reynolds Middle School, Asheville, NC Robinette Kimble—Edwards Junior High School, Central, SC Danny Lawrence—Carver High School, Winston-Salem, NC June Mann—Watauga High School, Boone, NC Louis H. Palmer—Whitiock Junior High School, Spartanburg, SC Leatrice Pearson—South Caldwell High School, Hudson, NC Marilyn Raines—Edwards Junior High School, Central, SC Patricia Ramsey—McDowell High School, Marion, NC Carolyn Ratiedge—South Greene High School, Greeneville, TN Kay Senter—Morristown East High School, Morristown, TN Rita Silver—Chesnee High School, Chesnee, SC Vickie Sutton—Franklin High School, Franklin, NC Wilma Snyder—Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, TN Elizabeth Watson—Polk Central High School, Mill Spring, NC Lisa Wishon—Starmount High School, Booneville, NC Michelle Wood—G. W. Carver High School, Fieldale, VA Jane Woodard—Salem Junior High School, Morganton, NC � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. 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For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Examined Life: Family, Community, Work in American Literature Description An account of the resource <p>Concerned with the 50% dropout rate for public high school students in the Southern Highlands, Jim Wayne Miller published this book in 1989 to ensure that young people had access to published works and other text that examine the themes of familiy, community, and work. Miller intended to provide public school teachers with the tools to engage students and stimulate meaningful conversations. Miller produced a work that guides students to reflect on their heritage, see the bigger picture, and develop a broader perspective of human existence.</p> <br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/12D0SCHlnxpunr27xeB2pUv1eBHmSnmFG/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank">Download EPub</a> Abstract A summary of the resource. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Miller, Jim Wayne Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Subject The topic of the resource American literature--History and criticism American literature--Appalachian Region--Study and teaching (Secondary) United States--Civilization Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Appalachia Community essays family lesson plans literature https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/3fcc8ead3bae62fc095b41354458b21e.pdf fe75d15a42f926a889756999bc6ac5fa PDF Text Text �THOMAS WOLFE A Writer's Life �Thomas Wolfe feeding a chipmunk at the rim of Crater Lake, Oregon, June 2 0 , 1 9 3 8 . Photo courtesy of the Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pock Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. �THOMAS WOLFE A Writer's Life Revised E d i t i o n TED MITCHELL With a Preface by James W. Clark Jr. Raleigh North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources Division of Archives and History Published in Cooperation with the Appalachian Consortium, Boone �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1999 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3810-2 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3812-6 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Dedicated to Aldo P. Magi, in testament to his considerable gifts as a writer, editor, and generous friend to all readers of Thomas Wolfe. The integrity of his work and his dedication to every aspect of Thomas Wolfe's life and literature will always evoke my deep gratitude and admiration. �Contents Foreword ix Preface xi 1 Asheville 1900-1916 2 3 1 Chapel Hill 1916-1920 23 Harvard, New York University, Europe, Look Homeward, Angel 1920-1929 4 37 Brooklyn and Of Time and the River 1930-1935 5 6 53 "I Have a Thing to Tell You" and "Return" to Asheville 1936-1937 65 The Last Voyage, the Longest, the Best 1938 85 Appendix A: Ancestry of Thomas Wolfe 105 Appendix B: Publications of Thomas Wolfe 109 Acknowledgments 115 Index 117 �This page intentionally left blank �Foreword N o FIGURE HOLDS a place more significant in the history of North Carolina literature than the fiction writer Thomas Wolfe of Asheville, North Carolina. A n author of tremendous energy, rich imagination, and powerful rhetorical style, he was arguably the first novelist from North Carolina to become a major voice in American literature. Ted Mitchell's Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life explores Wolfe's life and career from his birth in the North Carolina mountain community of Asheville in 1900 until his early death in 1938. Mitchell, a historic site interpreter at the Thomas Wolfe Memo­ rial State Historic Site in Asheville, is an expert on Wolfe and has written extensively on his subject. A native of Detroit, Michigan, he was educated at Northwood University in Midland, Michi­ gan, prior to coming to western North Carolina. Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life also includes a preface by another Wolfe author­ ity, James W. Clark Jr., a professor of English and director of the Humanities Extension/Publications Program at North Carolina �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life X State University and a former president of the Thomas Wolfe So­ ciety. Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life originally appeared in an ear­ lier edition published by the Thomas Wolfe Memorial State His­ toric Site, and the Historical Publications Section gratefully acknowledges that organization's assistance in issuing this sec­ ond edition, which contains new material by the author. The Historical Publications Section is also pleased to include this ti­ tle as the second volume in the series on western North Car­ olina published jointly with the Appalachian Consortium of Boone, North Carolina. In his famous novel Look Homeward, Angel and other works, Thomas Wolfe vividly portrayed aspects of life in the mountains of North Carolina in the early twentieth century. By jointly publishing this edition of Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life, the Appalachian Consortium and the Historical Publications Section endeavor to keep that portrait alive for thousands of North Carolinians and visitors to the Old North State. Joe A. Mobley, Administrator Historical Publications Section September 1999 �Preface T HOMAS W O L F E of Asheville, North Carolina, wrote exten­ sively about himself, his family, and hundreds of associ­ ates in four long novels and a number of short stories. Who has not heard some version of Wolfe's semi-autobiograph­ ical performances in work after work? His deliberate manner of developing the legend of himself in fiction is unmistakable. Both Eugene Gant and George Webber, the major characters identifiable as the author, still have currency among readers in this country and abroad. For Wolfe's fiction has been widely translated, and a few of his stories or chapters from the novels appear in classroom anthologies with regularity. More than 80 books about his literary canon have been published. Reviews and critical essays total over a thousand. Both the legend of Thomas Wolfe and some of the characters he created live well in our time. As an author known for representing much of his own life in fiction, Wolfe also has continued to be of considerable fascina­ tion to biographers. Ted Mitchell's account of the Asheville �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life xii native's life as literary art brings to more than a dozen the num­ ber of separate, broadly biographical treatments of this powerful figure who died September 15, 1938, at age 37. Thomas Wolfe was the youngest child of William Oliver Wolfe, a Pennsylvania stonecutter known as the marble man, and Julia Westall Wolfe, a second-sighted, purse-lipped woman of the North Carolina mountains. Tom never married. His favorite in the family was brother Ben, also a bachelor. The other Wolfe children who lived to adulthood did marry. Effie and Frank produced offspring. Fred and Mabel did not. Tom was destined to become famous for his romantic yet chastening depictions of his brothers and sisters among the rest. Whether his astonishing memory or his gradually emancipated imagination played the more considerable part in this expand­ ing drama, the fiction writer who had wanted to be a playwright never quite decided himself. Some critics have said that Wolfe was often more conscious of his storytellers than he was of his stories. His own creative challenges and solutions suggest the artis­ tic predicament of his father. The marble man could not carve an angel acceptable to his own vision. He loved literature and recitation; but his family, his only real audience, was not always appreciative. Still it is clear that W.O. Wolfe's apt memory of lit­ erary passages inspired his private performances. Tom remem­ bered Papa's stagecraft. The shrewd mother of the future author used her sharp memory for business matters as an access to real property, most notably city lots and the boardinghouse she pur­ chased in 1906 and operated as the Old Kentucky Home for much of the remainder of her busy life. Wolfe's own special uses of memory, like his father's and mother's, were powerful and sustained. Not a frustrated private performance, not pieces of private property, Wolfe's memory was proof. A n d not just page proof. He gave public proof that the dreams of youth are the promises of our lives, our golden weather. There, also, is his abundant proof that we know a face �Preface xiii or fact or place or personal pleasure for the first time when we remember it. He teaches us to remember in order to know. He employs memory as proof in the grand, often redundant syn­ theses of his Gant and Webber materials. This abundance of details comes and returns without apology but with the sure sense that our time-tossed world does have a still center. The swirling swarm of his remembered hometown life, for example, is anchored by a tall granite monument, a core of changelessness in the public square. While we must try to get along to­ gether, each of us is a proud, lonely little world. In 1929 the narrative voice of Look Homeward, Angel sug­ gested its long foreground to all readers. Wolfe's notebooks and letters have provided insights and further confirmations since then. During the Depression people in the United States and in England found Wolfe's first book quite hopeful. Readers in the Soviet bloc and Europe later championed the vitalism of its characters. As an experiment in literary modernism, Wolfe's work allowed people involved in complex, simultaneous actions to make sense to readers. In this way his readers undergo an apprenticeship in modern reading as the protagonist Eugene Gant is learning how to live. Gothic techniques and James Joyce's pioneering methods combine in Eugene's mind with classical learning and popular culture from his crib to college. In Wolfe the streams of consciousness run clear. Yet voracious everyday living is life to Wolfe. Appetite may seem at times to be all there is. His patron and mistress Aline Bernstein; Maxwell Perkins, the Scribner's editor who loved Wolfe as a son—sternly and dearly; and the redoubtable literary agent Elizabeth Nowell who could also edit: all tasted his bitter­ sweet success and failure. Others of equal literary power and influence did not appreciate his work or champion it, however. Of Time and the River came out in March 1935 as some crit­ ics expressed the opinion that Wolfe was a one-book writer. He had had his own doubts—plus worry and depression. But his material and his associates sustained him. Travel, especially �xiv Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life travel in Germany, bolstered him too. His early and lifelong love of trains enlarged to embrace ocean liners. O n the Olympic in August 1925 he first met Mrs. Bernstein. Employed by Wolfe from 1933 until his death in 1938, Miss Nowell became his first important biographer in 1960 after editing a volume of his let­ ters. She was especially incisive in presenting him in the whirl of literary New York and the frenzy of his creative binges and hang­ overs. Max Perkins was Wolfe's designated executor and estate trustee, always his conservator. This famous editor was not the person who put Wolfe's posthumous novels into shape and into print, however. Those controversial tasks fell to Edward Aswell of Harper and Brothers. Wolfe had begun to work with Aswell in 1937-1938. The Web and the Rock (1939) and You Can't Go Home Again (1940) have led a continuing line of new titles by Wolfe, some published as recently as the 1990s. His short fiction has been issued in a stan­ dard edition by Scribner's, and several of his plays are now in print. The Thomas Wolfe Review is published semiannually by the Thomas Wolfe Society, an international organization with a broad membership. In Asheville an annual festival is held each fall in honor and memory of the sensitive local boy whose home, his mother's boardinghouse, is now a North Carolina state historic site. Collections of Wolfe materials are in private hands as well as in Asheville archives and the valuable holdings of Wolfe's two alma maters. Since their separate publications, his major books have never been out of print. Foreign language editions are available today in Europe and Asia. As a native of western North Carolina with an absorbing in­ terest in himself and language as well as the South, Thomas Wolfe spent much of his adult life elsewhere, New York and Europe in particular. For seven years after he became a literary personality, he did not come back to Asheville at all. His career can actually be characterized by his longing for home and his perplexing avoidance of home. Perhaps it was not avoidance, though. Look as he might, he could not find his true home �Preface xv standing anywhere on the earth for him to enter and settle down. His far wandering is represented and celebrated in his writing, his true abode. His protagonists Eugene Gant and George Webber provide his enduring proofs in their separate and different enactments of Wolfe's vaunted memory and increasingly agile imagination. Long live Thomas Wolfe's storyland. James W. Clark Jr. �This page intentionally left blank �1 Asheville 1900-1916 Born to Mr & Mrs. W. O. Wolfe, a son. —Asheville Daily Citizen Thomas Clayton Wolfe, four months o l d . " . . . the tiny acorn from which the mighty oak must grow, the heir of all the ages, the inheritor of un­ fulfilled r e n o w n . . . " (Look Home­ ward, Angel, 34.) Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collec­ tion, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 2 T HOMAS CLAYTON W O L F E was born on October 3, 1900, at 92 Woodfin Street, Asheville, North Carolina, the last of W.O. and Julia Wolfe's eight children. Although his name did not appear in print when the Daily Citizen routinely reported the event, he was named Thomas after his maternal grandfather, Thomas Casey Westall, and great-great­ grandfather, Thomas Westall. He received his middle name, Clayton, from a spiritualist clergyman, William Clayton Bow­ man, whom his mother admired. His father descended from hardy Pennsylvania German-Dutch-English farmers; his mother Thomas Wolfe's "Altamont"—Asheville, North Carolina—as it appeared in 1902 when he was a child. "I think no one could understand Thomas Wolfe who had not seen or properly imagined the place in which he was born and grew u p / ' Wolfe's editor, Maxwell Perkins, wrote in 1 9 4 7 . "Asheville, North Carolina, is encircled by mountains. The trains wind in and out through labyrinths of passes. A boy of Wolfe's imagination imprisoned there could think that what was beyond was all wonderful—different from what it was where there was not for him enough of anything." (Harvard Library Bulletin, Autumn 1947: 2 7 5 - 2 7 6 . ) Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. �1900-1916 3 was a third-generation North Carolinian of Scots-Irish-English stock. Thomas Wolfe was proud to claim that "One half of me is great fields and mighty barns, and one half of me is the great hills of North Carolina." 1 Wolfe's father, William Oliver Wolfe, was born on his father's farm in Adams County, Pennsylvania, on April 10, 1851. A l ­ though his gravestone at Asheville's Riverside Cemetery reads "BORN AT GETTYSBURG PA," he was born in rural Latimore Township, three miles from York Springs and 17 miles northeast of Gettysburg. He was the seventh of Jacob and Eleanor Jane (Heikes) Wolf's nine children. His father died when W.O. was nine, and his mother struggled with the Herculean hardships of maintaining the family farm. As there were already several stonecutters in the Wolf and Heikes families, W.O. Civil War was persuaded by his mother after the to become a stonecutter. At 15 he apprenticed himself to Hugh and Martin A. Sisson, who ran a stonecutting shop in William Oliver Wolfe, age 2 4 . Thomas Wolfe's father was famil­ iarly known as "W.O." and depicted fictionally as "W.O. Gant" in Look Homeward, Angel and Of Time and the River. Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collec­ tion, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 4 Baltimore. In the evenings W.O. delighted in the plays of Shake­ speare. At a height of 6'4" and possessing an oratorical booming voice, he could well have become an actor. Over the years he be­ came a highly skilled artisan, as several existing examples of marble doorstops and paperweights he carved for family mem­ bers attest. He could carve "The dove, the lamb, the smooth joined marble hands of death, and letters fair and fine—but not the angel." In Look Homeward, Angel Thomas Wolfe used the 2 simpering marble angel from Carrara to symbolize his father's frustrated dreams and ambitions. While still a teenager, W.O. learned of job openings in the South. In 1869 he was hired to trim the South Carolina state capitol in Columbia that had been damaged during the Civil War. By 1870 he had moved to North Carolina to work on con­ structing the state penitentiary in Raleigh. He quickly prospered and entered into a partnership with John Cayton as a marble cutter in a shop on the corner of South Blount and East Morgan Streets. During these happy days of prosperity and success, W.O. added the "e" to his last name for a more elegant "Wolfe." His halcyon days ended on October 9,1873, when he married Hattie J. Watson, marking the first of three troubled marriages. A l ­ though the couple separated less than 15 months later, the di­ vorce suit was not settled until 1876. Both charged sexual incompatibility and filed for annulments, claiming their mar­ riage had never been consummated. O n March 25, 1879, W.O. married the tubercular spinster Cynthia C. Hill, eight years his senior. Later that year he ar­ ranged a move to Asheville, a mountain community well known for its treatment of tuberculars. Cynthia went ahead to Asheville and opened a millinery shop on College Street, and ironically, Julia Westall was Cynthia's first customer. W.O. closed his Raleigh shop and joined Cynthia in Asheville. His second mar­ riage lasted less than five years: Cynthia died of tuberculosis on February 22, 1884, in the house W.O. had built for her at 92 Woodfin Street. �1900-1916 5 Hattie J. Watson, the first of W.O. Wolfe's three wives. In divorce proceedings she charged W.O. with impotence and "brutal violence/' both ver­ bal and physical. W.O.'s violence established a pattern that would repeat itself during his mar­ riages to Cynthia Hill and Julia Westall. Cynthia C. Hill, W.O. Wolfe's second wife, " a gaunt tubercular spinstress, ten years his elder, but with a nest egg and an unshakable will to matrimony." (Look Homeward, Angel, 5.) Cynthia was actually only eight years older than W.O. Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. Photo courtesy of the North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources. Despite his alcoholism, W.O. Wolfe was a hard worker and a good provider for his family. By the time he married Julia Westall on January 14, 1885, he had already established a successful monument shop on the edge of Asheville's public square. Thomas Wolfe admired the fact that his father was largely a selfeducated man. Along with the broad rhetoric he affected, W.O. could recite soliloquies from Shakespeare, as well as the poetry of Gray and Poe. Julia Elizabeth Westall was born on February 16, 1860, in Swannanoa, nine miles east of Asheville. Her ancestor, Peter Penland, had been a captain under George Washington during �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 6 the French and Indian War; Thomas Wolfe's great-great-great- aunt, Elizabeth Patton, a Swannanoa native, was the second wife of frontiersman Davy Crockett. Julia was born a year before the Civil War began and grew up on her father's farm during the hard years of Reconstruction. She was but one of Thomas Casey and Martha Penland Westall's 11 children. Julia's grasping and parsimonious nature was greatly influenced by the deprivations she shared with her family on the Westall farm in Swannanoa. "The poverty and privation of these years had been so terrible that none of them ever spoke of it now," Thomas Wolfe recorded in Look Homeward, Angel, "but the bitter steel had sheared into their hearts, leaving scars that would not heal." 3 Although Julia's childhood was spent in near poverty, she managed to enjoy mountain pastimes: she played the violin, Julia Westall Wolfe in 1882 during her teaching days in the western North Carolina mountains. Thomas Wolfe's mother was depicted fictionally as "Eliza Gant" in Look Homeward, Angel and Of Time and the River. Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �1900-1916 7 attended church, hymn sings, country dances, and quiltings. She was such an excellent marksman with a rifle that she later claimed "the boys didn't want to shoot with me when I was a girl." She attended a one-room school in Swannanoa for four 4 years and then did not go to school again for eight years. A l ­ though Julia acquired only two more years of formal education at the Asheville Female Seminary and Judson College in Hendersonville (both really high schools), she bluffed her way into jobs as a country school teacher and began saving her wages to buy property. Real estate speculation would soon rule her life. A shrewd, tough woman of slightly less than middle height (5'4"), her impoverished youth would provide her with independence and fierce determination. She supplemented her teaching in­ come by becoming a book agent, taking orders from door to door, sometimes riding from town to town on horseback. On October 18, 1884, Julia entered W.O. Wolfe's monument shop and met the recently widowed tombstone maker for the first time. Julia was looking for a prospective customer rather W.O. Wolfe's monument shop at 22 South Pack S q u a r e — " a two-story shack of brick, with wide wooden steps, leading down to the square from a marble porch." {Look Homeward, Angel, 17.) Photo courtesy of the North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources. �8 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life than a husband, but W.O. fell in love with her at first sight, and they were married three months later. At their first meeting she solicited a Civil War novel, Thorns in the Flesh—a title that proved all too prophetic for the couple's turbulent marriage. Ju­ lia's marriage was slated for unhappiness from the beginning. When W.O. proposed to her, she was still in love with young Mark Lance, although she had long ago stopped seeing him. She told W.O. that she would never love another man as she had once loved Lance, but that did not discourage W.O. from marrying her. Julia Wolfe was an enterprising and resourceful woman who worked hard to improve her family's economic position. She never quite approved of her husband's vocation as a tombstone maker: people, she felt, did not die fast enough. Becoming a wife and mother did not curtail her industry. She stopped teaching, but began accepting boarders at the Woodfin Street house and became even more obsessed with wheeling and dealing in the real estate market of the growing resort town. By the time of Thomas Wolfe's birth, Julia was "almost never at home" and all but "completely absorbed in her real estate speculations." 5 Thomas Wolfe lived the first six years of his life at 92 Woodfin Street, the frame and plaster house his father had built for Cynthia in October 1881. Julia later complained she was getting both a secondhand house and a secondhand husband. Woodfin Street was the birthplace for all eight of W.O. and Julia's children: 1. Leslie E. Wolfe ("Leslie" in Look Homeward, Angel) 2. Effie Nelson Wolfe Gambrell ("Daisy Gant Gambell") 3. Frank Cecil Wolfe ("Steve Gant") 4. Mabel Elizabeth Wolfe Wheaton ("Helen Gant Barton") 5. Benjamin Harrison Wolfe ("Benjamin Harrison Gant") 6. Grover Cleveland Wolfe ("Grover Cleveland Gant") 7. Frederick William Wolfe ("Luke Gant") 8. Thomas Clayton Wolfe ("Eugene Gant" in Look Home­ ward, Angel and Of Time and the River; and "George Webber" in The Web and the Rock and You Can't Go Home Again) �1900-1916 9 Thomas Wolfe's birthplace, 92 Woodfin Street, Asheville, July 4 , 1 8 9 9 . Pictured left to right: uniden­ tified servant, Effie, Mabel, Frank, Grover, Fred, Ben, W.O., and Julia Wolfe. Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. Julia Wolfe with Leslie, the first of her eight chil­ dren. Leslie died of infant cholera at the age of nine months. "I thought the end of the world had come when Leslie died," Mrs. Wolfe later stated. (The Marble Man's Wife, M.) Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �10 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life " . . . the maidenly Daisy/' Effie Nelson Wolfe Gambrell. "She was a timid, sensitive g i r l . . . industrious and thorough in her studies She had very little fire, or denial in her " (Look Homeward, Angel, 45.) Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. Frank Cecil Wolfe, W.O. and Julia's third child and the eldest of the five Wolfe brothers. Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Park Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. Mabel Elizabeth Wolfe Wheaton. "She has more human greatness in her than any woman I've ever known," Thomas Wolfe wrote of his sister in 1 9 2 5 . (Letters, 80.) Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �1900-1916 11 Benjamin Harrison Wolfe. Thomas Wolfe stated that "the Asheville I knew died for me when Ben d i e d . . . . I think that his death affected me more than any other event in my life." [Letters, 178.) Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Grover Cleveland Wolfe, 1 9 0 3 . "This was Grover—the gentlest and saddest of the boys." (Look Homeward, Angel, 55.) Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. Frederick William W o l f e — " h e was Luke, the unique, Luke, the incomparable: he was, in spite of his garrulous and fidgeting nervousness, an intensely likable per­ s o n — a n d he really had in him a bottomless well of affection." [Look Homeward, Angel, 121.) Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 12 " T o m , " ca. 1907. Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. A complacent and silent infant, Thomas Wolfe later re­ ported "Moo" him was his "First articulate speech." W.O. 6 had carried into the orchard behind the family home and Tom had begun imitating the sound of a cow near a neighbor's fence. "He can talk," W.O. boasted to Julia, "he said Moo." The proud father 7 told the story over and over, getting Tom to repeat the sound for every visitor to the house that day. The infant grew into an adult with splendid recall. "I have tried to make myself conscious of the whole of my life since first the baby in the basket became conscious of the warm sunlight on the porch," he later wrote, "and saw his sister go up the hill to the girl's school on the corner (the first thing I remember)." He recalled the Hazzard's great 8 house on the hill to the east of the family home and the day that his head was almost crushed by a horse pulling a grocery wagon. Although he was not seriously injured in the accident, he always bore a small scar on his forehead he called "the mark of the centaur." 9 In April 1904 Wolfe traveled with his mother, sister Mabel, and brothers Fred, Ben, and Grover to St. Louis. Planning to mix business with pleasure, Julia rented a large house at 5095 Fairmount Avenue to operate as a boardinghouse for visitors from Asheville to the World's Fair. She called it "The North Carolina." The oldest children, Frank and Effie, remained in Asheville with �1900-1916 13 their father (although Frank soon joined Julia and the other chil­ dren). Another motive of Julia's for going to St. Louis was to re­ move herself and the children from W.O.'s increasing outbursts and alcoholic rampages. Like her fictional counterpart, "Eliza," Julia's "enormous patience was wearing very thin because of the daily cycle of abuse." 10 Once settled in St. Louis, Grover and Fred were sent to work at the Inside Inn, a hotel built for the fair. Julia's venture was cut short on November 16 when Grover died of typhoid fever contracted while working at the fairgrounds. The family immediately returned to Asheville, where Julia was disconsolate and could not help blaming herself for taking the family to St. Louis. Julia's hopes had actually been fastened on Grover, whom she considered the brightest of her children, rather than Tom, but after Grover's death, she grew more and more possessive of the last of her eight children. By now Tom had already experi­ enced an unusually prolonged infantile relationship with his mother. He nursed until he was three-and-a-half. He slept in the same bed with her until he was nine and older. His Little Lord Fauntleroy curls, stylish at the turn of the century, but usually shorn when a boy entered school, were not cut until Tom was Thomas Wolfe with second cousin Mary Louise Wolfe, New Orleans, February 2 4 , 1 9 0 9 . Julia Wolfe kept Tom in curls until he was nine, wanting to keep him her baby as long as possible. A few days before he died in 1 9 3 8 , as he lay on a hospital bed at Johns Hopkins Hospital, Julia kissed him on the forehead and reminded him, "You're my baby." And even five years after his death, Julia told an interviewer, "Tom will always be my baby; he will never seem grown up to me." Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 14 nine. The curls symbolized Tom's childhood, which Julia would never be willing to relinquish. In Look Homeward, Angel Wolfe described the "agony and humiliation" his curls cost him. 11 Only after he contracted head lice from one of the neighborhood boys, did his mother relent and allow his curls to be clipped. On August 30, 1906, hoping to cash in on Asheville's tourist trade, Julia purchased a boardinghouse called Old Kentucky Home at 48 Spruce Street. Only two blocks from the family home, the "dirty yellow" 12 Queen Anne house was comprised of 18 rooms. (Ten years later Julia would add 11 more.) The house was built in 1883 by prominent Asheville banker Erwin E. Sluder, and by 1906 a "malign influence" 13 pervaded the rooms and halls. In Look Homeward, Angel Wolfe described "the bleak hor­ ror of Dixieland" 14 and claimed the house possessed "All comforts of the Modern Jail." the 15 Old Kentucky Home ("Dixieland" in Look Homeward, Angel), 48 Spruce Street, Asheville. Julia Wolfe purchased the boardinghouse from retired minister Reverend T. M . Myers, who gave the house its name in honor of his home state. Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �1900-1916 15 As noted, Julia had accepted boarders at 92 Woodfin Street to supplement the family's income while the children were growing up. Despite Grover's death, Julia's St. Louis venture had been profitable, and now she hoped the Old Kentucky Home would prove to be the money-maker she envisioned. She took only six-year-old Tom with her when she moved into the board­ inghouse that fall. Her other children remained with their father at the family home, with both Effie and Mabel sharing house­ hold duties until they married. Julia's need for money came first: "When she bought this boardinghouse in [1906], she more or less left us," Tom's sister Mabel later explained. "She was busy with her boarders." 16 Deprived of privacy and security, the move into the Old Ken­ tucky Home began a bewildering new era of Thomas Wolfe's life. Although he often shared a bedroom with Julia, he was, more often than not, shuffled "from room to little r o o m " 17 wherever there was space, to make room for his mother's paying guests. And not only was he moved at random, but when the Old Ken­ tucky Home filled with summer tourists, he was sent back to the Woodfin Street house. He later described himself as "a vaga­ bond since I was seven—with two roofs and no home." 18 Although family life began to disintegrate after his removal to the boardinghouse, Wolfe experienced a release from his dis­ mal existence when he entered Orange Street School in 1906. He would attend the elementary school from 1906 to 1912, the first to sixth grades. Although he was too young for the city's regula­ tion age of six to begin school, when he tagged along one day with his neighbor Max Israel, his teacher, Elizabeth Bernard, al­ lowed him to stay. 19 Despite "the misery, drunkenness, and disorder" within 20 the Wolfe households, Tom's childhood was not an altogether unhappy one. The backyard at 92 Woodfin Street with the play­ house W.O. had built for the children was a veritable paradise of cherry, plum, and apple trees. The family home reverberated with noise and laughter, dominated for the most part by W.O.'s �16 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life earthy humor and rhetoric. Tom long remembered the roaring fires his father built in the parlor and how at the dinner table W.O. heaped Tom's plate with food. He enjoyed visiting his father's monument shop, admiring the haunting marble angels on the porch, and obtaining change from his father to purchase treats. Tom loved reading, curling up on the lounge in the parlor of the family home, or sequestering himself in the privacy of the playhouse to read book after book. W.O. often took Tom to the movies on the square or to Riverside Park for the amusements, but Tom's most gratifying pastime was to bury himself in the books at the public library after school—reading more books, the librarian claimed, than any boy in North Carolina. Tom also journeyed throughout the South on trips with his mother. Julia usually leased the boardinghouse during the win­ ter months and made several trips out of state for her health, real estate speculation, or for Tom to see something of the coun­ try. From 1907 to 1916, mother and son traveled to Florida (St. Petersburg, Jacksonville, St. Augustine, Daytona Beach, Palm Beach), New Orleans, Hot Springs, and—in 1913—to Washing­ ton, D.C., to attend the first inauguration of Woodrow Wilson. As usual Tom was treated as an infant, having to share a room with his mother, as well as witness her constant parsimony. Tom later described meals made from leftovers Julia had taken from restaurants: "Humiliation over her stinginess—the incessant wrangling—and the rolls and bread in the bedroom." 21 In 1911 John Munsey Roberts became principal of Orange Street School. To compare progress of students from grade to grade as well as recruit students for a private school for boys he and his wife were planning to establish soon, Mr. Roberts held a writing competition. Because his wife, Margaret, had never heard of any of the students, Mr. Roberts took the papers home and asked her to help him select the best one, knowing her judgment would be unprejudiced. After reading 60 or more papers, she suddenly came to Tom Wolfe's. Looking up, she declared to her husband, "This boy, Tom Wolfe, is a genius! A n d I want him for �1900-1916 our school next year." 17 22 This marked the first time anyone referred to Wolfe as a genius. After more than a little persuading by Mr. Roberts, W.O. agreed to pay the tuition of $100 a year, and Thomas Wolfe became the first student enrolled in the North State Fitting School. He later described his four years (1912-1916) at the Robertses' school as "the hap­ piest and most valuable years of my life." Biographer 23 Andrew Turnbull aptly described Margaret Margaret Roberts as "the Photo courtesy of Margaret Rose Roberts. H i n e s Roberts in 1901 at the age of 2 5 . fairy godmother of Tom's youth." A major influence upon Wolfe's life, Mrs. 24 Roberts nur­ tured his talent as a writer and awakened in him a love for fine literature. He had read indiscriminately before meeting Mrs. Roberts, but, as he later stated, "It was through her that I first developed a taste for good literature which opened up a shining El Dorado for me." 25 Because of Mrs. Roberts's affection and compassion for the young, awkward Wolfe, she became the invincible mentor he called the "mother of my spirit." In an emotion-charged letter written to Mrs. 26 Roberts in 1927 while he was writing Look Homeward, Angel, Wolfe revealed his feelings about his teacher: I was without a home—a vagabond since I was seven—with two roofs and no home. I moved inward on that house of death and tumult from room to little room, as the boarders came with their dollar a day, and their constant rocking on the �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 18 porch. My overloaded heart was bursting with its packed weight of loneliness and terror; I was strangling, without speech, without articulation, in my own secretions—groping like a blind sea-thing with no eyes and a thousand feelers to­ ward light, toward life, toward beauty and order, out of that hell of chaos, greed, and cheap ugliness—and then found you, when else I should have died, you mother of my spirit who fed me with light. 27 In 1914, while attending the Robertses' school, Wolfe took a paper route for the Asheville Citizen. Although his studies were demanding, his parents wanted him to learn the value of money. From his 14th to 16th year, he rose from his bed at four in the morning to deliver newspapers, finishing his route only in time to have breakfast before going to school. His body craved sleep, but he loved the wonder of the dawn breaking upon Asheville's surrounding hills. At school he continued to read omnivorously and, despite his tendency to stammer, he excelled in debate (because of his tenacity, his team always won). During his four years at North State School, he received instruction in Latin, Greek, English, history, mathematics, and German. How­ ever, it was his study of literature with Mrs. Roberts that he loved best. Mrs. Roberts guided him through The Cloister and the Hearth, A Midsummer Night's Dream, Henry V, King Lear, the Romantic poets, and—among numerous other books—the Old Testament. O n May 13, 1916, North State School participated in the Shakespearean pageant commemorating the tercentenary of Shakespeare's death. "I [was] Prince Hal," Wolfe recorded in The Autobiographical Outline, "the tights from Philadelphia—four inches too short. . . , " J.M. Roberts's sister, Emma, a math teacher at the school, substituted the remnants of a clown costume for the inadequate tights. The audience roared with laughter at the sight of Wolfe's preposterous appearance and the sensitive, self-conscious boy was slow to recover from his humiliation. 2 8 �1900-1916 19 A month before the end of Wolfe's four years at the Rob­ ertses' school, he won the bronze medal of the Independent Magazine's citywide school essay contest celebrating the ter­ centenary with "Shakespeare: the Man." Wolfe tore the Chandos portrait of the bard from the newspaper announcing the contest and nailed it to the wall, scrawling below it, "My Shakespeare, rise!" Mrs. Roberts persuaded Tom to recast "Shakespeare: the Man" in oratorical form for the student declamation contest, which he also won. O n June 1, 1916, Wolfe graduated from North State School with several awards, but not with the highest honors. "In other than literary works, other boys with fine minds and regular habits of study far surpassed Tom in the classroom," Mrs. Roberts later wrote. "We knew that this was not because he could not learn those subjects; they simply did not fire h i m . " 29 At the end of the summer, Wolfe and his family engaged in a heated debate over where he was to go to college. Tom preferred the University of Virginia or Princeton, but his father insisted on the state university at Chapel Hill. W.O. believed the University of North Carolina would prove valuable for connections that would be important for the career in law and politics he en­ visioned for his son. "You're a North Carolinian and you'll go to North Carolina," W.O. told Tom. "Go to work if you don't go to North Carolina." Tom grudgingly accepted his father's dictum, and on September 10, 1916, expressed his disappointment to his brother-in-law Ralph Wheaton: 30 I arrived at my decision to attend our state university last Wednesday night. Perhaps I should say forced instead of ar­ rived. For that was what it amounted to. For I had held out for the University of Virginia in spite of the family's protests. But when no reply came from the University of Virginia, I con­ sented to go to Carolina. Two days later a letter did come from Virginia telling me to come on. However, it was too late. But, nevertheless, Carolina is a good school, and perhaps every­ thing is for the best. 31 �20 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life NOTES 1. The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, C. Hugh Holman and Sue Fields Ross, eds. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968), 162. 2. Thomas Wolfe, Look Homeward, Angel (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1929), 4-5. 3. Ibid.,13-U. 4. R. Dietz Wolfe, M.D., "The 'Gams' Remembered," Thomas Wolfe Reviewl'.l (Spring 1983): 29. 5. Elaine Westall Gould, Look Behind You, Thomas Wolfe (Hicksville, NY: Exposition Press, 1976), 34. 6. Thomas Wolfe, The Autobiographical Outline forLook Homeward, Angel, Lucy Conniff and Richard S. Kennedy, eds. (Thomas Wolfe Society, 1991), 4. 7. Richard Walser, "The McCoy Papers," Thomas Wolfe Review 5:1 (Spring 1981): 4. 8. The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 43. 9. Look Homeward, Angel, 44. 10. Ibid., 48. 11. Ibid, 89. 12. Ibid., 127. Exterior paint research of the Old Kentucky Home in 1997 revealed that the house was once painted a dull, medium yellow. 13. Ibid., 128. 14. Ibid., 217. 15. Ibid., 225. 16. Lou Harshaw, Asheville: Places of Discovery (Asheville, NC: Bright Mountain Books, 1980), 118. Note: In this interview, Mabel incor­ rectly gives the date of the purchase of the Old Kentucky Home as 1907. �1900-1916 21 17. Look Homeward, Angel, 137'. 18. The Letters of Thomas Wolfe, Elizabeth Nowell, ed. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1956), 123. 19. Julia Wolfe and Elizabeth Bernard claimed that Wolfe was five-anda-half when he started school; Wolfe's sister Mabel claimed he was five years,fivemonths. Although September 1906 is most certainly when Wolfe formally began the first grade, it is possible he began school informally five or six months earlier, tagging along with Max Israel. 20. Look Homeward, Angel, 225. 21. The Autobiographical Outline, 8. 22. Margaret Rose Roberts to Ted Mitchell, ALS, 7 pp., April 16, 1995. 23. David Herbert Donald, Look Homeward: A Life of Thomas Wolfe (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1987), 25. 24. Andrew Turnbull, Thomas Wolfe (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1967), 13. 25. The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 23. 26. Letters, 123. Mrs. Roberts was portrayed as "Margaret Leonard" in Look Homeward, Angel. 27. Ibid., 123. 28. The Autobiographical Outline, 27. 29. Margaret Roberts, "An Uncommon Urchin,' Thomas Wolfe: A Memoir—I," Thomas Wolfe Review 14:1 (Spring 1990): 12. 30. Richard Walser, Thomas Wolfe Undergraduate (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1977), 5. 31. Letters, 2-3. �This page intentionally left blank �2 Chapel Hill 1916-1920 By God, I shall spend the rest of my life getting my heart back, healing and forgetting every scar you put upon me when I was a child. The first move I ever made, after the cradle, was to crawl for the door, and every move I have made since has been an effort to escape. —Look Homeward, Angel, 505 Thomas Wolfe, age 1 6 . Photo courtesy of the North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources. �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 24 D RESSED neatly in a Biltmore homespun suit, Thomas Wolfe boarded the early morning train for Durham and then, by auto, his final destination of Chapel Hill. By train he finally escaped his tumultuous family; his love for trains and journeying to new places never abated. He was three weeks short of his 16th birthday and already 6'3" tall when he arrived at the University of North Carolina on Sep­ tember 12,1916, the first day of registration. Despite the fact that his father was paying the bills and planned a career in law for him, Wolfe decided to continue the literary studies he had begun at the North State School. Besides Greek, Latin, and English, he enrolled in required courses of algebra and trigonometry O n September 23 he reported to the Dialectic Literary Society to seek membership. Housed in Old West Hall, the Di, as it was known, trained students in debate and public speaking. The walls of the third-floor hall where the society was located were lined with portraits of former members who had achieved fame in the history of North Carolina (such as statesman and Civil War governor Zebulon Vance). The ritual of initiation required new members to speak before the audience. A week after his embarrassing initiation into the Di, Wolfe wrote his brother Fred: I was the first called on. The society hall is lined with the pic­ tures of the distinguished men once belonging to this society. The portrait of Zeb Vance hangs right over the rostrum. In my little talk I told 'em I was both happy and proud to be in such distinguished company. I ended by telling 'em I hoped they would have the pleasure some day of seeing my picture hang beside Zeb Vance's. 1 Although D i Society members laughed at this naive pronounce­ ment, Thomas Wolfe's portrait hangs in the D i hall today. "He belonged, perhaps, to an older and simpler race of men: he belonged with the Mythmakers," Wolfe brashly proclaimed in Look Homeward, Angel "For him, the sun was a lordly lamp to light him on his grand adventuring. . . . He exulted in his �1916-1920 25 Thomas Wolfe's favorite freshman course was Greek, taught by William Stanly "Bully" Bernard ("Edward Pettigrew 'Buck' Benson" in The Web and the Rock). A particularly de­ manding instructor, Bernard led Wolfe through Homer, Plato, and Euripedes and in­ stilled in Wolfe a love for Greek culture and philosophy. The study of ancient Greek under Bernard greatly influenced Wolfe's first two novels in which he made extensive use of Greek philosophy and myth. Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, Univer­ sity of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill. youth, and he believed that he could never die." But his first 2 year at Chapel Hill was also filled with loneliness and pain. Be­ sides the humiliating D i speech, within his first few weeks at the campus, he was made the dupe of several jokes. He listened at­ tentively to a sermon in chapel by a sophomore with a fake beard. He prepared studiously for an examination on the con­ tents of the college catalogue. "He was conspicuous at once not only because of his blunders," he recorded in Look Homeward, Angel, "but also because of his young wild child's face, and his great raw length of body, with the bounding scissor legs." Re­ 3 gardless of his painful self-consciousness, Wolfe was quick to move into the mainstream of campus activity. He helped orga­ nize the Freshman Debating Club, mixed with upperclassmen on an equal basis, and despite his literary portrait of the intro­ verted freshman Eugene Gant, was quite gregarious on campus. The university library contained 75,000 volumes, and Wolfe loaded his arms with books (whether they were required read­ ing or not) and spent much of his free time reading in his room. He also tried out for the track team but eventually gave up; his �26 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life participation in athletics was confined to horseshoe pitching and baseball catching. He eagerly attended smokers and bull sessions with his fellow students, and in the spring of 1917, as the United States entered World War I, he drilled for military training five evenings a week. When Wolfe returned home at the end of his freshman year, he was more determined than ever to leave Chapel Hill, despite the intellectual nourishment he had received there. He now wished to continue his education at Princeton. Although he corresponded with the registrar at Princeton, at the end of the summer his father told him that he would have to return to the University of North Carolina or give up his studies altogether. The summer of 1917 was, for the most part, an ambiguous one for Wolfe. Once home, he was expected to go to work. He was paid $15 a week as Ralph Wheaton's office boy in the Ashe­ ville office of the National Cash Register Company. The stress of the war affected nearly everything and everyone. His brother Fred had enlisted in the navy, while his brother Ben had been rejected for the draft because of his weak lungs. Mabel had mar­ ried the previous year and had moved to Raleigh, but she had returned with her husband, Ralph Wheaton, to 92 Woodfin Street, where she cared for her slowly dying father. Although Wolfe was promiscuous that summer with women of dubious virtue boarding at the Old Kentucky Home, he fell hopelessly in love with one of his mother's summer boarders, Clara Paul, from Washington, North Carolina. Portrayed as "Laura James" in Look Homeward, Angel, Clara was five years older than Wolfe, and his desperate love for her was one-sided. Accompanied by her 11-year-old brother, Ray, who was recover­ ing from a recent illness, Clara was visiting the mountains for a brief vacation before her wedding to a young soldier. Although Clara was wearing the soldier's engagement ring and a wedding date had been set, it did not discourage 16-year-old Thomas Wolfe from falling in love with her. Wolfe's infatuation for Clara Paul remained unrequited and �1916-1920 27 he later claimed he never got over her. "Did you know I fell in love when I was sixteen with a girl who was twenty-one," Wolfe wrote Margaret Roberts in 1924. "Yes, honestly—desperately in love. And I've never quite got over it. The girl married, you know: she died of influenza a year or two later. I've forgotten what she looked like, except that her hair was corn-colored." Two weeks 4 after Clara Paul left the Old Kentucky Home, she married Wallace M . Martin, eventually became the mother of two sons, and then died in 1920. Clara Elizabeth Paul, ca. 1 9 1 3 , four years before she met Thomas Wolfe. "A nice young boy, here, the son of my landlady, has a crush on me," Miss Paul wrote from Julia Wolfe's boardinghouse in 1917. "Of course, I told him right away that I was en­ gaged. I explained that I could never return his feeling. I was real sorry for him. But he seemed to understand. He'll get over it, I feel sure." (Thomas Wolfe Undergraduate, 34.) Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. Wolfe reluctantly returned to Chapel Hill for the fall term, but then, unexpectedly, began three of the happiest years of his life. Although his freshman year was not an entirely happy one, his sophomore year revealed a remarkably divergent Thomas Wolfe. He had escaped the tumult of his family in Asheville, and his growing recognition as a Big M a n on Campus was a source of unbridled joy. "I suppose I'm a greater surprise to myself than to anyone under the sun," he wrote his mother on October 31,1917. "I am changing so rapidly that I find myself an evergrowing source of �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 28 Henry Horace Williams ("Vergil Weldon" in Look Homeward, Angel). Thomas Wolfe wrote Margaret Roberts in 1921 that she was one of "only three great teachers in my short but eventful life." The other two teachers (both at Chapel Hill) were Horace Williams, head of the Department of Philosophy, and Edwin Greenlaw, head of the Department of English. Williams was well known for his con­ tentious nature and eccentricity. Wolfe en­ rolled in Williams's Philosophy 15, " A Study of Forces That Shape Life," and soon found himself embroiled in wrestling with a diverse variety of philosophical truths. Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, Univer­ sity of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill. interest. Sounds egotistical, doesn't it? College life does more things for one than I would have ever dreamed." In 1935 he re­ 5 called: "About this time, I began to write. I was editor of the col­ lege paper. . . . I wrote some stories and some poems for the magazine of which I was also a member of the editorial staff. The War was going on then; I was too young to be in service, and I suppose my first attempts creatively may be traced to the direct and patriotic inspiration of the War." 6 "A Field in Flanders," a patriotic poem, was Thomas Wolfe's first published effort, appearing in the November 1917 issue of the University of North Carolina Magazine. The byline read "Thomas Wolfe," but he also used "Thomas Clayton" and "T.C. Wolfe" for other college publications. The March 1918 issue of the Magazine contained his fervent poem, "The Challenge," and his first published work of fiction, "A Cullenden of Virginia," a tale of heroism in World War I. On March 25, 1918, Wolfe was initiated into Pi Kappa Phi, a new social fraternity that sought members on the basis of �1916-1920 29 leadership and scholarship. He began attending a round of fraternity dances and in April joined Sigma Upsilon, a literary fraternity. O n May 3 he joined Omega Delta, a fraternity that promoted the intellectual and aesthetic side of college life and focused on the production of plays. By then he had been ap­ pointed one of three associate editors of the college annual, Yackety Yack and on May 17 was named associate editor of the y Tar Heel the weekly student newspaper. He would become f managing editor in his junior year and editor in chief in his senior year, 1919-1920. He enjoyed playing the role of "un­ washed genius" and grew neglectful of his appearance. His hair was seldom cut, he arrived late to class, often wearing clothing he had outgrown or worn out. "A genius doesn't have to be im­ maculate," he contended. 7 Rather than return home after his sophomore year in 1918, Wolfe sought a civilian war-job at Langley Field, Newport News, Virginia, as a time checker. He found himself still thinking of Clara Paul, then living in nearby Portsmouth with her husband, but never mustered the courage to call on her. He worked at The second of Thomas Wolfe's great male teachers was Edwin Greenlaw ("Randolph Ware" in The Web and the Rock). During Wolfe's final three years at Chapel Hill, he always enrolled in one of Greenlaw's classes. In his junior year Wolfe enrolled in Greenlaw's English 2 1 , a course in composition based on daily events and current affairs. Greenlaw's students experimented with writing about the world around them, a training that Wolfe would utilize as a novelist. Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, Univer­ sity of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill. �30 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life Langley Field until July 4, when, consumed by bedbugs and mosquitoes, he resigned his job, although penniless. Fortu­ nately, his brother Fred, stationed at Norfolk, rescued him from near-starvation. That summer he also tried his hand as a car­ penter but was fired on his first day because of incompetence. In September Wolfe went to Asheville for a brief visit before returning to Chapel Hill for the fall term. W.O., ill with inflam­ matory rheumatism and prostate cancer, had moved from the Woodfin Street house into a large back bedroom of the Old Ken­ tucky Home. Tom's brother Ben, who had been working as the circulation manager for Winston-Salem's Twin City Sentinel, had also returned to Julia's boardinghouse. Tom found his brother in a bitter, despondent mood. Ben had been rejected for military service, possibly because of inactive pulmonary tuber­ culosis. He blamed his mother for his condition because she accepted tuberculars at the Old Kentucky Home, defending them blindly—as long as they paid their room and board. Wolfe had returned to Chapel Hill for only a few weeks when he received the news of Ben's desperate illness. Their sister Effie Ben Wolfe's death, elegized in took Homeward, Angel, provided the most evocative passage in the novel: "We can believe in the nothingness of life, we can believe in the nothingness of death and of life after d e a t h — b u t l who can believe in the nothingness of Ben ? Like Apollo, L who did his penance to the high god in the sad house m of King Admetus, he came, a god with broken feet, into the gray hovel of this world. And he lived here a stranger, trying to recapture the music of the lost world, trying to recall the great forgotten language, the lost faces, the stone, the leaf, the door." —Look Homeward, Angel, 557 Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collec­ tion, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �31 1916-1920 and her children had visited the Old Kentucky Home and had spread Spanish influenza. Julia sent Tom a telegram asking him to return at once, that Ben had pneumonia. Tom took the train to Asheville, arriving at the Old Kentucky Home in the early morning. Resentful of Julia's parsimony and blaming her for ne­ glecting him during his illness, Ben refused to allow her inside the sickroom. "Get out! Out! Don't want you," Ben tells his 8 mother in Look Homeward, Angel Only shortly before he died, after he lost consciousness, did Julia take her place at the bed beside him. According to his death certificate, Ben died at four o'clock in the morning, October 19, 1918, of "Pneumonia following Influenza." Thomas Wolfe later stated that "the Asheville I knew died for me when Ben died. I have never forgotten him and I never shall. I think that his death affected me more than any other event in my life." 9 After Ben's funeral Wolfe re­ turned to Chapel Hill. Earlier that September he had joined the newly organized Carolina Playmakers, Frederick H . Koch's course in playwriting. Koch emphasized the im­ portance of writing "folk plays," and Wolfe was an eager participant. The Thomas Wolfe in The Return of Buck prime purpose of the Playmakers Covin, 1 9 1 9 . The little play contained was to produce and promote origi­ traces of Wolfe's innate poetic genius: nal plays depicting North Carolina the mountain outlaw has returned to life and people. Wolfe returned to his certain death to place violets over his mountain roots—his first play, The fallen comrade's grave. Return of Buck Gavin, was hastily Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. written in three hours at one sitting, and was one of the first plays to be �32 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life presented by the Playmakers. It was produced on March 14 and 15, 1919, and because no actor could be found to convincingly portray Buck Gavin, the tall mountain outlaw, Wolfe himself was enlisted to play the title role. Wolfe continued writing one-act plays for the duration of his time at Chapel Hill. His second play, Deferred Payment, was published in the June 1919 issue of the Magazine. Two more plays would be published: The Streets of Durham, or Dirty Work at the Cross Roads (University of North Carolina Tar Baby, 18 November 1919), and Concerning Honest Bob (the Magazine, May 1920). In later years Wolfe grew ashamed of these early efforts, explaining, "I had not learned to work, and what I wrote did not represent the best in me." Another effort, the folk play 10 The Third Night, was produced by the Playmakers on December 12 and 13,1919 (with Wolfe once again in the cast). Wolfe's crowning glory as a student at Chapel Hill occurred in the spring of 1919, when, along with six others, he was elected to the honor society the Golden Fleece, the highest honor that could be bestowed at the University of North Carolina. At the Frederick H. Koch, founder of the Carolina Playmakers. "I shall never forget his first per­ formance/' Koch later wrote of Wolfe's por­ trayal of Buck Gavin. "With free mountain stride, his dark eyes blazing, he became the hunted outlaw of the Great Smokies. There was something uncanny in his acting of the part—something of the pent-up fury of his highland forbears." (Carolina Folk-Ploys, Sec­ ond Series, 40.) Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, Univer­ sity of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill. �1916-1920 33 Thomas Wolfe with other members of Pi Kappa Phi at the University of North Carolina, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 2 0 . Wolfe standing, top row, center. Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. end of this, his junior year, he won the university's esteemed Worth Prize in Philosophy for his essay, "The Crisis in Industry," a study examining the labor problems that followed the signing of the Armistice. The essay was printed as a pamphlet by the university. When Wolfe returned for his senior year, he found himself busier than ever. As editor in chief of the Tar Heel, he slept little more than five hours a night in order to juggle all of his activities. "I hate to leave this place," he wrote on May 17, 1920, a month before graduation, to Lora French, a girl he had romanced in Asheville. "It's mighty hard. It's the oldest of the state universi­ ties and there's an atmosphere here that's fine and good. Other universities have larger student bodies and bigger and finer buildings, but in Spring there are none, I know, so wonderful by half." 11 Both W.O. and Julia went to their son's graduation and attended several closing exercises, although W.O. was too weak to attend the commencement ceremony on June 16. That summer Wolfe declined a teaching job at the Bingham Military School, a private preparatory school in Asheville, wor­ rying that he would risk sacrificing a writing career to become a "small-town pedant." 12 Once again his family began arguing �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 34 about his future. W.O. was still insistent upon his son becoming a lawyer, although by now he was growing too enfeebled to care. "Don't bother me with it," he told Tom. 13 But now Tom had set his sights on graduate study at Har­ vard. He had been urged to attend Harvard by Frederick Koch who had himself studied playwriting under George Pierce Baker in his renowned 47 Workshop. Wolfe was convinced that his dream of becoming a dramatist would be realized at Harvard and he besieged his mother to pay for his first semester, even suggesting the money be deducted from his father's will. Julia relented and agreed to pay his way for the first year. She in fact ended up paying for all three of his years at Harvard. However, as Tom soon found out, his mother was rarely eager to part with money, and her checks were often delayed or arrived at the last minute. Wolfe applied in August 1920 for admission to Harvard's Graduate School of Arts and Sciences and was accepted in a let­ ter dated September 13. He traveled first to Baltimore, where his father was receiving radium treatments at Johns Hopkins Hos­ pital. Wolfe noted that his father's life seemed to be "hanging on by one rusty hinge, but hanging—As all the doctors: 'He will not live through the night' but generally he lives through the week— the doctors say it's extraordinary." After saying good-bye, Tom 14 boarded the train for New York City, where he visited for several days, and then went on to his final destinations of Boston and Cambridge. He later mythologized his transition from the South to the North in his second novel, Of Time and the River: Down in the city's central web, the boy could distinguish faintly the line of the rails, and see the engine smoke above the railroad yards, and as he looked, he heard far off that haunting sound and prophecy of youth and of his life—the bell, the wheel, the wailing whistle—and the train. Then he turned swiftly and went to meet it—and all the new lands, morning, and the shining c i t y . . . . 15 �1916-1920 35 NOTES 1. Letters, 4. 2. Look Homeward, Angel, 391. 3. Ibid, 394-395. 4. Letters, 66. 5. 77ze Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 4. 6. Thomas Wolfe, The Autobiography of an American Novelist, Leslie Field, ed. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), 104. 7. Thomas Wolfe Undergraduate, 41. 8. Look Homeward, Angel, 547. 9. Letters, 178. 10. Elizabeth Nowell. Thomas Wolfe: A Biography, (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1960), 47. 11. Letters, 8. 12. The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 7. 13. The Autobiographical Outline, 58. 14. Ibid., 44. 15. Thomas Wolfe. Of Time and the River (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1935), 86. �This page intentionally left blank �3 Harvard, New York University, Europe, Look Homeward, Angel 920- 929 Do you know, all that really matters right now is the knowledge that I am twenty-three, and a golden May is here. The feeling of immortality in youth is upon me. I am young, and I can never die. Don't tell me that I can. Wait until I'm thirty. Then I'll believe you. — The Letters of Thomas Wolfe, 68 Thomas Wolfe at Harvard, ca. 1 9 2 0 - 1 9 2 1 . Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �38 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life T HOMAS W O L F E entered the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences at Harvard University in September 1920. For three years he enrolled in the same playwriting course, English 47, with George Pierce Baker ("Professor James Graves Hatcher" in Of Time and the River). Baker had instructed a score of playwrights and directors who then embarked upon successful careers on Broadway. (Eugene O'Neill was a 47 Work­ shop alumnus.) Wolfe's Harvard years were frequently lonely, although he often saw his uncle Henry A. Westall and his aunt Laura in nearby Medford, spending many Sundays and holidays with them. He became close friends with Baker's assistant, Kenneth Raisbeck, who shared with Wolfe his knowledge of art and Boston nightlife. Wolfe indulged in several romances in Boston and Cambridge ("The brooding romance in my heart— In love with every waitress" ), but he no longer possessed the gregariousness of his student days at Chapel Hill. 1 Wolfe flung himself fervently into his work as a playwright. Baker's 47 Workshop became "the rock to which his life was anchored, the rudder of his destiny, the sole and all-sufficient reason for his being here." His first play finished at Harvard was a folk play about North Carolina, The Mountains. He had started the play at Chapel Hill, and once again, perhaps still under Frederick Koch's influence, began writing about his mountain environment. Baker was proud of Wolfe's submission and told the class that Wolfe had accomplished in one act what three-act plays had failed to do. A trial performance of The Mountains was presented at the 47 Workshop's rehearsal room before members of the class on January 25, 1921. Baker was so impressed that he encouraged Wolfe to write a three-act version. 2 By the end of his first year, Wolfe completed—with high grades—three of four courses required for a Master of Arts de­ gree: English 33 (American Literature), English 47, and elemen­ tary French. He needed an additional course to complete his M.A., but in no hurry, he planned to return to the 47 Workshop in the fall. During summer vacation he considered working his �1920-1929 39 Professor George Pierce Baker in 1920. Thomas Wolfe wrote his mother that Baker "is the great­ est authority on the drama in America and in the last six years he has developed in this class some of the best dramatists in the country several of whom have plays on Broadway now. I was in the depths of despair at the time but his talk has lifted me up again." (The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 13.) Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pock Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. way across the Atlantic aboard a transatlantic steamer as a stoker, but finally decided to enroll in summer school. Just be­ fore the fall term began, he learned that his mother had again taken his father to Johns Hopkins Hospital for radium treat­ ments. He joined them at Baltimore and persuaded Julia to finance one more year of graduate work. On October 21 and 22, 1921, the 47 Workshop staged The Mountains at the Agassiz Theatre at Radcliffe College. The pro­ duction was not a success, and Wolfe was both disappointed and angered by the criticisms. The most frequent criticism was that the audience found it depressing, to which Wolfe re­ sponded to Baker, "If the audience is depressed over my play, I am depressed over my audience." 3 In early February 1922 Wolfe received a note from the sec­ retary of the graduate school informing him that he would receive his M.A. with distinction once he completed the French requirement. Although his first attempt to pass the French exam was unsuccessful, he succeeded in May. When the term was over, he had completed the four courses required for the degree, �40 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life and received credit for two more. His second year in the 47 Workshop did not count for the degree, because not more than one composition course counted, but by now Wolfe's hopes, dreams, and ambitions were fastened on becoming a successful playwright. Although Wolfe received his M.A. degree in June 1922, he planned to return in the fall to work with Professor Baker for one more year. A few days before commencement, Wolfe was suddenly summoned to Asheville where his father was dying. Wolfe left Cambridge on June 19. When the train stopped at Morganton, 50 miles east of Asheville, he bought the early edi­ tion of the Asheville newspaper and learned of his father's death. W.O. had died of cancer shortly after midnight on June 20, in the Old Kentucky Home. Getting off at the Biltmore depot, Wolfe ran weeping along the platform, informing his waiting sister Mabel, "You don't have to tell me. I read it in the paper." 4 Matters were unsettled after W.O.'s death, but Wolfe man­ aged to secure his mother's support to enroll in the 47 Workshop for a third year. During the summer in Asheville, he began writ­ ing Niggertown, which later became Welcome to Our City. The new play would focus on "Greed, greed, greed," he wrote Mar­ garet Roberts, "deliberate, crafty, motivated—masking under the guise of civic associations for municipal betterment. The disgusting spectacle of thousands of industrious and accom­ plished liars, engaged in the mutual and systematic pursuit of their profession. . . ." The town of "accomplished liars" Wolfe called "Altamont." 5 Wolfe returned to Harvard in September and rented a room at 21 Trowbridge Street. According to a member of the 47 Work­ shop, Wolfe submitted the first acts of six different plays to Baker. By December 1922 he had finished the prologue and first act of Niggertown and was at work on the second act, hoping to finish the entire three acts by Christmas. On May 11 and 12,1923, the 47 Workshop staged Welcome to Our City at the Agassiz Theatre. The curtain went up at 8 P.M. and �1920-1929 41 did not go down until midnight. The 10-scene play was "the most ambitious thing—in size, at any rate—the Workshop has ever attempted," Wolfe wrote his mother, "there are ten scenes, over thirty people, and seven changes of setting." That spring, 6 in a letter to Professor Baker, Wolfe stated his lofty theatrical ambitions: "I have written this play with thirty-odd named char­ acters because it required it, not because I didn't know how to save paint. Some day I'm going to write a play with fifty, eighty, a hundred people—a whole town, a whole race, a whole epoch—for my soul's ease and comfort." 7 Welcome to Our City was not a success and did not win the award for best play written in the Workshop that Wolfe had hoped for. However, Professor Baker was well aware of Wolfe's talents and continued to encourage him to persist in writing plays. (Baker was disappointed when Wolfe started teaching in 1924.) Wolfe was encouraged by Baker's opinion that he should cut Welcome to Our City and submit it to the Theatre Guild. "I know this now," he wrote his mother, "I am inevitable, I sincerely believe. The only thing that can stop me now is insanity, disease or death." 8 In August Wolfe revised Welcome to Our City and submitted it to the Theatre Guild. He returned to Asheville to await the Guild's decision (which did not come for four months—he later claimed he was "on the verge of madness and collapse" while 9 waiting). After a long visit with his family, in November he took a job in New York City, soliciting donations from North Carolina alumni for the Graham Memorial Building at the University of North Carolina. He did not enroll in the 47 Workshop that fall. By late 1923 he had served his apprenticeship under Baker and while waiting for a professional production on Broadway, he realized he would have to support himself. In December the Theatre Guild declined Welcome to Our City, although they informed Wolfe that they would reconsider if he tightened and shortened it. But Wolfe made little attempt to revise and re­ submit the play. �42 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life Through the Harvard appointment office, Wolfe learned of a new opening at a branch of New York University, Washington Square College. O n January 10, 1924, he wrote Homer A. Watt, chairman of the English Department, admitting that he had no teaching experience and intended to devote his life to playwriting. Watt was impressed with Wolfe's earnest manner and felt his work with Professor Baker constituted enough credentials. Wolfe began teaching at Washington Square College on Febru­ ary 6,1924, and continued intermittently until January 17,1930. Wolfe was assigned three courses in English composition. He was promised 90 students (although 104 were accepted), eight to ten hours of classroom work, and 26 hours a week of theme reading. His first year's salary was $1,800 and this was raised the following year to $2,000. As his students could attest, Thomas Wolfe was a severe marker. During his first year, he gave only three A's to 104 students, six B's, 53 C's, 21 D's, nine F's, and two "absent" marks when only grades of C or better counted as grades for graduation. Wolfe accomplished little creative work while teaching, finding it impossible to teach and write at the same time. For the most part his time was consumed by correct­ ing papers. In March Wolfe decided to travel to Europe after the summer term was over. Professor Baker had convinced him that travel­ ing in Europe and absorbing its culture was necessary for his training as a writer. Wolfe's initial plan was to take a leave of absence from teaching and write undisturbed while traveling through Europe for two months. He resolved to write 1,500 words a day while abroad. He maintained his resolve but did not return to teach until the fall of the following year. On October 25 Wolfe sailed aboard the Lancastria for his first of seven trips to Europe. He caught his first glimpse of English soil on November 4, the little harbor town of Plymouth, but his destination of London was still 200 miles away. He made good use of the ocean journey by recording his thoughts, obser­ vations, and memories. This manuscript would grow over the �1920-1929 43 next five months as he extended his stay in Europe. He titled it "Passage to England." It soon became a profane blend of fact and fiction containing numerous unsavory details about Ashe­ ville. "Passage to England" was not published during Wolfe's life­ time, but a small, innocuous excerpt, "London Tower," appeared in the Asheville Citizen on July 19,1925. Wolfe spent November in England, then continued to Paris. On his third day in Paris, his old valise containing the uncom­ pleted manuscript of Mannerhouse was stolen. He had been working on the play for more than a year. The manuscript, he wrote his mother, "had become a part of me. I don't think you can understand my feeling quite, but nothing has hit me as hard as this since papa's death." The manuscript was the only one 10 in existence, and Wolfe had no alternative but to rewrite it. Fin­ ished the first week of January 1925, the new Mannerhouse he claimed was "'bigger and better' than the old one—I believe the best thing I've ever done." By the time this photo was dated and stamped, Decem­ ber 2 2 , 1 9 2 4 , Thomas Wolfe possessed a deep baritone voice and had reached a height of 6 ' 6 " . His extreme height intensified his painful self-consciousness: "The world this man would live in is the world of six feet six/' he later wrote, "and that is the strangest and most lonely world there is." (Complete Short Stories, 241.) Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Caro­ lina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. 11 �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 44 As early as November 1924, Homer A. Watt was attempting to lure Wolfe back for the semester beginning in February 1925 and ending after summer school in September. Watt offered a salary increase of $200, but Wolfe was enjoying his adventures in Italy, England, and France too much and was in no hurry to re­ turn to teaching. However, by June 1925 when he was nearly out of money and knew his mother would not continue to support his travels, he negotiated with Professor Watt. Watt asked Wolfe to report by September 21 and informed him recitations were to begin the next day. Wolfe was assigned nine hours of freshman English and an introduction to literature for teachers. Wolfe left Europe in late August aboard the Olympic. O n August 25, the day before he was to arrive in New York, he met Aline Bernstein, a renowned New York City stage and costume designer. Nineteen years older than Wolfe, and married, Mrs. Bernstein became his mistress for the next five years and the great love of his life. She supplied Wolfe with not only the emo­ tional support and belief in his talent that allowed him to write Look Homeward, Angel, but financial assistance as well. She was married to a wealthy stockbroker, Theodore Bernstein, and had raised two children, but was no longer maintaining an exclusive sexual relationship with her husband. Aline Bernstein, ca. 1930s. " M y tender and golden love, you were my other loneli­ ness, the only clasp of hand and heart that I had," Thomas Wolfe wrote Mrs. Bernstein in 1928. "I was a stranger, alone and lost in the wilderness, and I found you." (My Other Loneliness, 194.) Photo courtesy of the Aldo P. Magi Collection. �1920-1929 45 Wolfe resumed teaching in September and by October had developed a close relationship with Mrs. Bernstein. For a year and a half, it would be near perfect for them. During the winter of 1925-1926, Wolfe moved into a loft at 13 East Eighth Street that Mrs. Bernstein also rented as a studio while still maintain­ ing her Park Avenue residence with her husband and children. During their many talks, Wolfe and Mrs. Bernstein shared their childhood reminiscences. Urged on by his mistress, Wolfe wisely decided to abandon playwriting and instead write an autobio­ graphical novel. On June 23 Wolfe boarded the Berengaria for Europe. Mrs. Bernstein had offered to finance the trip once his teaching duties were finished. She also promised he could give up teach­ ing and she would support him until he was ready to return to New York. By the time he sailed, Mrs. Bernstein had already de­ parted for Europe on business; they were reunited in Paris. They traveled through France and England, and in Paris, Wolfe began writing notes and phrases for the novel about his life that he first called "The Building of a Wall." He began jotting down ideas in a plain tablet and later a hardcover composition book. After completing these notes, he began writing in large accounting ledgers supplied by Mrs. Bernstein, who believed this was the only way Wolfe could keep track of what he had written. He eventually filled 17 ledgers. He wrote in longhand, favoring Eberhard Faber Blackwing pencils. He believed his hands were too big and unwieldy to operate a typewriter and hired typists or secretaries to type his manuscripts. On December 22 Wolfe ended his trip and sailed home aboard the Majestic. He settled back into the Eighth Street stu­ dio he shared with Mrs. Bernstein and for six months continued working on his novel. After a third trip to Europe in July 1927, he resumed teaching at New York University. He moved out of the Eighth Street loft and into a more spacious apartment at 263 W. Eleventh Street, once again sharing space with Mrs. Bernstein. Here, on March 31, 1928, he completed the manuscript now �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 46 called "O Lost." After several attempts to market it herself, Mrs. Bernstein submitted the mammoth manuscript (via her chauf­ feur) to literary agent Madeleine Boyd. Mrs. Boyd was wildly en­ thusiastic, and after reading only one-third of the novel, jumped to her feet, shouting, "A genius, I have discovered a genius!" 12 Nonetheless, she warned Wolfe that cuts were needed. O n May 20 Wolfe engaged Mrs. Boyd as his literary agent. Despite Mrs. Boyd's discovery of a genius, it would take seven months to find a publisher. Meanwhile, Wolfe began working on a new novel, "The River People," which he planned to be a more conven­ tional, commercial book, a love story about a wealthy young painter and an Austrian girl. This contrived plot did not hold his interest, although he continued working sporadically on it for most of 1928. O n June 30 Wolfe sailed aboard the Rotterdam, landing at Boulogne, and then visited France, Belgium, and Germany. O n September 30 he was injured in Munich during a drunken brawl with German revelers at the Oktoberfest. He was hospitalized until October 4, spending his 28th birthday as a patient. His nose was broken and he suffered several deep head wounds as well as a few small facial wounds. But then his fortunes changed. In what was certainly the most momentous event of his life, he received a letter in Vienna from Maxwell E. Perkins, legendary editor at Charles Scribner's Sons, asking him to return to New York to discuss "O Lost." Maxwell Perkins never forgot his first meeting with Thomas Wolfe on January 2, 1929: "Wolfe arrived in New York and stood in the doorway of my boxstall of an office leaning against the door jamb. When I looked up and saw his wild hair and bright countenance—although he was so altogether different physi­ cally—I thought of Shelley. He was fair, but his hair was wild, and his face was bright and his head disproportionately small." 13 Perkins did not commit Scribner's until all details could be agreed upon, and made a number of suggestions for Wolfe to consider over the following days. The wait was not long: �1920-1929 47 Maxwell Evarts Perkins ( 1 8 8 4 - 1 9 4 7 ) . "Mrs. Ernest Boyd left with us, some weeks ago, the manuscript of your novel, ' 0 L o s t / " Perkins wrote Thomas Wolfe on October 2 2 , 1 9 2 8 . "I do not know whether it would be possible to work out a plan by which it might be worked into a form publishable by us, but I do know that, setting the practical aspects of the matter aside, it is a very remarkable thing, and that no editor could read it without being excited by it and filled with admiration by many pas­ sages in it and sections of it." [Editor to Author, 61.) Photo courtesy of the North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources. on January 7 Wolfe and Perkins met, and Perkins agreed to pub­ lish "O Lost." The contract was signed on January 9. Wolfe kept the contract in his inner breast coat pocket with the advance for $450 pinned to it (a 10 percent commission had already been paid to Madeleine Boyd). He walked around the city, taking the papers out, gazing at them tenderly, sometimes kissing them. He walked 80 blocks before realizing how far he had gone. Wolfe, who had resumed teaching while revising the manu­ script, proposed to revise and correct 100 pages at a time and deliver 100 pages every week. Over the next four months, he worked closely with Perkins. The original manuscript totaled 1,114 pages and contained 330,000 words. Although during the initial revision it was reduced by 95,000 words, Wolfe added 5,000 more with new transitions. The net reduction was roughly 90,000 words with a total of 147 cuts. In April the editorial staff asked Wolfe to select a better title. Wolfe jotted down dozens, including "The Buried Life," "The �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 48 Thomas Wolfe, summer 1 9 2 9 ; pub­ licity photo by Doris Ulmann for Look Homeward, Angel. As he corrected proofs for Look Homeward, Angel, Wolfe wrote a preface at Scribner's suggestion to protect himself from lawsuits. In the note "To the Reader" he insisted that his book was " a fic­ tion, and that he meditated no man's portrait here." In truth, the resem­ blance between living persons and fictional characters was rarely accidental. Photo courtesy of the North Carolina Depart­ ment of Cultural Resources. Childhood of Dr. Faust," "Remembering Home," and "The Search for the Lost Boy." Finally, after several lists, we find "Look Homeward, Angel." In his notebook he wrote, "Put into final scene of book: 'Look Homeward, Angel, now, and melt with ruth/ " 14 Although Wolfe intended to work the quotation from Milton's "Lycidas" into the novel, he never succeeded in em­ ploying the quotation in the final manuscript. On September 7 Wolfe made a short visit to Asheville, his last until 1937. He found the city full of interest in his forthcom­ ing "We book but could not avoid the usual tensions in his family. get one another crazy—I've been here a week and I'm about ready for a padded cell," he wrote Maxwell Perkins on September 14. Although Wolfe told Perkins "My what it's all about," 15 family knows in truth, he discussed little about Look Homeward, Angel with anyone. Whether, as he later claimed, Asheville's hostile reaction to the novel was a complete surprise is open to dispute. After he left his family behind, on the train �1920-1929 49 going north, he forlornly jotted down in his notebook: "Shall I ever come back to my home, ever again?" 16 Wolfe returned to New York and resumed teaching. Look Homeward, Angel was published on October 18 and caused an uproar in Asheville. The novel was condemned from street cor­ ner to pulpit and banned from the public library. Wolfe received anonymous letters "full of vilification and abuse, one which threatened to kill me if I came back home, others which were merely obscene. One venerable old lady, whom I had known all my life, wrote me—in an extraordinary letter which ran to eight pages, which never stopped once to draw a breath—that she wondered how I could have such a crime upon my soul, and added that although she had never believed in lynch law, she would do nothing to prevent a mob from dragging that 'big over­ grown karkus' across the public square." 17 There are more than 200 characters in Look Homeward, An­ gel, all easily identifiable citizens of Asheville. "The only reason we weren't tarred and feathered was because Tom didn't spare us in the book," 18 Wolfe's sister Mabel later stated. Margaret Roberts was so angered by the derogatory portrait of her hus­ band that she fired off an angry letter to Wolfe, declaring, "You have crucified your family and devastated mine." She did not 19 write to him again for seven years. "It is long, exciting, and has a number of very stark passages," Mrs. Roberts reported shortly after Look Homeward, Angel was published. "The book is about Asheville people, some of it true, and some fiction, but all con­ vincingly written, and so localized that any inhabitant of Ashe­ ville can identify every spot and person." 20 Surprisingly, the novel elicited praise from both the Ashe­ ville Citizen and Asheville Times (and received rave reviews from nearly everywhere else). Wolfe's family reacted with a mixture of bewilderment, pain, and humiliation. When Julia Wolfe received the novel, she sat down to read it at once, sometimes laughing, sometimes crying. "I suppose I stopped to eat my dinner, but read til three o'clock in the morning," she claimed, "almost �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 50 finished the book." While Julia and Mabel were horrified by 21 the novel's contents, they remained loyal to their son and brother, neither making public their criticisms. Fred Wolfe was amused by his portrayal as the stutterer, "Luke." But Frank Wolfe admitted he was ready to commit murder if Tom returned to Asheville. (Frank was portrayed as the dissolute "Steve Gant.") The year 1929 had been momentous for Thomas Wolfe, although some of the success of the novel was tainted by Asheville's adverse reaction. By the end of the year, there was much for which he could be thankful, especially his relationship with Maxwell Perkins. "Young men sometimes believe in the existence of heroic figures, stronger and wiser than themselves, to whom they can turn for an answer to all their vexation and grief," Wolfe wrote Perkins on Christmas Eve. "Later, they must discover that such answers have to come out of their own hearts; but the powerful desire to believe in such figures per­ sists. You are for me such a figure: you are one of the rocks to which my life is anchored." 22 NOTES 1. The Autobiographical Outline, 63. 2. Of Time and the River, 130. 3. Letters, 20. 4. Nowell, 65. 5. Letters,^. 6. The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 38. 7. Letters, 41. 8. The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 42. �1920-1929 51 9. Letters, 58. 10. The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 83. 11. Ibid., 85. 12. Madeleine Boyd. Thomas Wolfe: The Discovery of a Genius, Aldo P. Magi, ed. (Thomas Wolfe Society, 1981), 3. Note: Despite Madeleine Boyd's "discovery of a genius," Margaret Roberts must be rightfully credited for first proclaiming Thomas Wolfe a genius (see pp. 16-17 of this volume). 13. Maxwell Perkins, "Thomas Wolfe," Harvard Library Bulletin 1:3 (Autumn 1947): 271. 14. The Notebooks of Thomas Wolfe, Richard S. Kennedy and Paschal Reeves, eds. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1970), I, 330. 15. Letters, 203. Note: Wolfe's sister Mabel has stated: "I never dreamed—and this opinion I voice for my family: Mama, Fred, Effie, Frank—what would be in the book." (Nowell, 143.) 16. Notebooks, I, 370. 17. The Autobiography of an American Novelist, 17-18. 18. Nowell, 150. 19. George W. McCoy, "Asheville and Thomas Wolfe," North Carolina Historical Review30:2 (April 1953): 207. 20. Ted Mitchell, "Margaret Roberts Writes to Her Daughter's Room­ mate," Thomas Wolfe Review 18:2 (Fall 1994): 70. 21. Thomas Wolfe's Letters to His Mother, John Skally Terry, ed. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1943), xxviii. 22. Letters, 213. �This page intentionally left blank �4 Brooklyn and Of Time and the River 1930-1935 To be a stranger; always to be a stranger —The Notebooks of Thomas Wolfe, II, 537 Thomas Wolfe, Febru­ ary 1 9 , 1 9 3 5 ; passport photo. Photo courtesy of The North Car­ olina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 54 L OOK HOMEWARD, ANGEL proved both a critical and com­ mercial success, and Maxwell Perkins was eager for Thomas Wolfe to produce a new novel as soon as pos­ sible. After consulting with Charles Scribner III, Perkins offered to subsidize Wolfe by paying him a $4,500 advance on his next novel—the advance to be paid in monthly installments of $250, beginning February 1. Although Wolfe would not draw his first royalties from Look Homeward, Angel until spring 1930, on the strength of the advance Perkins arranged, he resigned his teaching post, effective February 6,1930, and never worked as a teacher again. During the spring evenings of 1929, as Perkins and Wolfe worked on editing "O Lost," Perkins's influence upon Wolfe grew so great that he replaced Aline Bernstein as Wolfe's mentor. At the end of 1929, Perkins suggested that Wolfe, without inform­ ing Mrs. Bernstein, apply for a Guggenheim fellowship, which would enable him to go to Europe and write in isolation with financial security. Wolfe had grown more alienated from Mrs. Bernstein as his fame grew and, in turn, Mrs. Bernstein grew more possessive of him. In March 1930, when he informed her that he had been awarded the Guggenheim and would leave alone for Europe, Mrs. Bernstein felt betrayed for she had been willing to support him while he worked on his new novel. As he prepared to go to Europe, he was determined to exercise his in­ dependence and end his relationship with her. Once he reached Europe, he broke off all correspondence, much to Mrs. Bern­ stein's dismay and pain. Wolfe sailed aboard the Volendam on May 9. Arriving in Paris on May 19, he spent several weeks moving from one hotel to another before finally settling down to work on the manu­ script he called "The October Fair." He met and befriended another of Maxwell Perkins's authors, F. Scott Fitzgerald. Wolfe liked Fitzgerald at once, considered him a talented writer, but was distressed at how Fitzgerald was dissipating his career with alcohol. However, Wolfe was pleased when Fitzgerald �1930-1935 55 telegraphed that he had finished reading Look Homeward, Angel in 20 consecutive hours. Wolfe hoped that Fitzgerald would re­ pent and lead a better life thereafter. Wolfe himself was a heavy 1 drinker, an abuser of alcohol for all of his adult life, but exercised restraint when writing. "It would be very easy for me to start swilling liquor at present but I am not going to do it," he wrote Perkins on July 17,1930. "I am here to get work done, and in the next three months, I am going to see whether I am a bum or a man." 2 That summer Wolfe traveled in Switzerland before settling in London in October. He was having "second book trouble" and recorded in his pocket journal, "I am all broken up in fragments myself at present and all that I can write is fragments. The man is his work: if the work is whole, the man must be whole." Along 3 with his chronic depression, he was feeling guilty for deserting Aline Bernstein so ruthlessly, especially since he was using her early life and memories of New York for another projected novel, "The Good Child's River." (Wolfe frequently worked on several projected novels at one time.) At the end of February 1931 Wolfe sailed home on the Europa. In March he discovered that Mrs. Bernstein had suffered an emotional and physical breakdown and was hospitalized. She partially blamed Wolfe for his callous treatment of her. "Apparently to love you as I do is an insanity—I am having a great fight in my self," she wrote from New York Doctors Hospi­ tal in March. "The way I love you will never stop, but I know now that you will no longer have me nor hold me dear. It is impossi­ ble for me to cope with every day life for a little while. You know not what you do." 4 In March Wolfe rented the first of four apartments in Brook­ lyn, once again repeating his habit of moving from one apart­ ment to another, rather than settling in a permanent home. He moved into 40 Verandah Place and settled down to work steadily on a variety of material (usually standing while he wrote, using the top of a refrigerator for his desk). He continued working on �56 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life "The October Fair" and "The Good Child's River," and over the following year worked on new projects as well: "A Portrait of Bascom Hawke," "The Web of Earth," "No Door," and the aborted novel "K-19." In November 1931 Wolfe rented a third-floor apartment at 111 Columbia Heights in Brooklyn, where he lived until August 1932. His definitive break with Aline Bernstein occurred here in mid-January 1932 when Julia Wolfe visited. When Mrs. Bern­ stein called on Wolfe to bring money he had requested for a loan, a bitter fight ensued. Wolfe began arguing with Mrs. Bern­ stein about a lawsuit involving Madeleine Boyd's embezzlement of his German royalties and illogically blamed Mrs. Bernstein for introducing him to Mrs. Boyd. Entering into the fray, Julia Wolfe denounced Mrs. Bernstein's love for Wolfe and humiliated her by attacking her relationship with her husband. Both Julia and Wolfe bodily removed Mrs. Bernstein from the apartment. Mrs. Bernstein responded to the "horrid cruel phrases of your mother and yourself" with a blistering letter: "I had five one hundred dollar bills in my purse yesterday, which you asked me to bring you Monday morning," she wrote on January 14. "When I left you today, I took one out and threw it over the Brooklyn Bridge, I thought if they cannot understand how I love you, here is something to appease the Gods your people wor­ ship." She claimed she would continue over the next four days to throw a hundred-dollar bill over the bridge into the river, "just to show God I don't come from Asheville." Mrs. Bernstein and 5 Wolfe did not meet again for two years. Julia Wolfe never forgave Mrs. Bernstein for loving her son: "If there had been less of her," she once complained, "there would have been more of him." 6 But during this period of turmoil, Wolfe's literary career, once lagging with no successor to his first novel, resumed with two important publications. In April 1932 his novella about his uncle Henry Westall, "A Portrait of Bascom Hawke," was pub­ lished in Scribner's Magazine. This first publication since Look Homeward, Angel tied for first place in a $5,000 short novel �1930-1935 57 competition sponsored by Scribner's Magazine. In May he fin­ ished another novella for Scribner's Magazine, "The Web of Earth," based on a long and complex story Julia had told him during her Brooklyn visit. After working hard all summer, he took a few days off at the beginning of October and visited his father's relatives in York Springs, Pennsylvania, meeting several people who remembered W.O. In late October, overworked to the extent that he "just gave out completely," he wrote his mother he "had never been so fagged out men­ tally, physically, and every other way. I got on a boat and went to Bermuda, which was a bad thing to do because the place is terribly expensive, like it." and I did not 7 In April 1933 Wolfe de­ livered a large portion of "The October Fair" to Max­ well Perkins, changing its name to "Time and the River" (the "of" was added later), a title, he explained, meaning "Memory Change." In May 8 and he signed a contract with a deadline of delivering the complete manuscript on August 1, 1933. spent However, once his advances he for "Time and the River," he quickly began running out of money. Thomas Wolfe on vacation in Vermont, 1 9 3 3 . In September Wolfe took a much needed vacation to Vermont with author Robert Raynolds. "We have done considerable tramping around on country roads also, eating at farmhouses, and going wherever we wanted to go, and I feel better than I have felt in months/' Wolfe wrote Julia Wolfe from Montpelier on September 13. (The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 2U.) Photo by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 58 In November, at Perkins's suggestion, Wolfe gave several pieces from his manuscript to Elizabeth Nowell, a young woman who had left the editorial staff of Scribner's Magazine for an apprenticeship in the literary agency of Maxim Lieber. Miss Nowell was to edit and cut the manuscript and sell the stories to magazines other than Scribner's. Miss Nowell avoided becoming the mother figure that Margaret Roberts and Aline Bernstein had been and she did not allow a romantic relationship to de­ velop. "Tom was always horny as hell," Miss Nowell later re­ membered, "and you had to keep him at arm's length." Miss 9 Nowell became an important force in Wolfe's literary develop­ ment, teaching him about editing and focusing his work. Her frequent sales of Wolfe's work greatly boosted his low morale and financed him through the Great Depression. The deadline for delivering "Time and the River" lapsed in August 1933, but on December 14 Wolfe delivered the last batch Elizabeth Nowell with her daughter Clara, in 1 9 4 3 . Thomas Wolfe never regretted engaging Miss Nowell as his literary agent, and she soon be­ came one of his closest friends and confidants. Even Wolfe's death did not end Miss Nowell's commitment to him. In 1956 she produced the painstakingly researched The letters of Thomas Wolfe. Two years later, racing with time and her impending death, she worked on the final chap­ ters of her Wolfe biography from her hospital bed, mailing revisions to her 15-year-old daughter, Clara, to type and mail to Wolfe's last editor, Edward Aswell. Photo courtesy of Clara Stites. �1930-1935 59 of rough draft. He was aware that much needed to be added to and subtracted from his manuscript and he wished for more time to arrange and sort out the material. Perkins advised Wolfe to concentrate on the first portion of the manuscript (the pro­ tagonist leaving the South for Harvard) and to postpone the love story for a later volume. The protagonist reclaimed the name "Eugene Gant," and the new novel continued Eugene's adven­ tures first begun in Look Homeward, Angel When Of Time and the River was published in 1935, it was to have been the second in a series of six books of which, Wolfe claimed, the first four had already been written and the first two, Look Homeward, Angel and Of Time and the River, pub­ lished. The title of the whole work, when completed, was to have been Of Time and the River. After working alone until late afternoon, Wolfe went into Manhattan and met Perkins every evening to cut the manuscript and to fill in gaps as well as expand episodes. In September 1934, without Wolfe's knowledge, Perkins sent the last half of Of Time and the River to the printers while Wolfe was at the Chicago World's Fair. When informed by Perkins that proof was already coming in, the horrified Wolfe told his editor, "You can't do i t . . . the book is not yet finished, I must have six months more on it." 10 Perkins answered that if he were to allow Wolfe six more months, after that he would demand another six months, and then six months more, and the book would never be finished to the author's satisfaction. Wolfe later complained to Perkins that "the book, like Caesar, was from its mother's womb untimely ripped—like King Richard, brought into the world 'scarce half made up.'" 11 When Of Time and the River was published on March 8, 1935, Wolfe had already left for Europe aboard the He de France. During the ocean voyage, his spirits "sank lower and lower, reaching, I think, the lowest state of hopeless depression they had ever known." 12 Once he reached Europe, he received a cablegram from Perkins reassuring him: "Magnificent reviews, �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 60 somewhat critical in ways expected, full of greatest praise." 13 But Perkins's cable did not reassure Wolfe, and upon arriving in Paris, he wandered around the city, drinking heavily. "In Paris I couldn't sleep at all," he later wrote Perkins, "I walked the streets from night to morning and was in the worst shape I have ever been in in my life." He then proceeded to describe a night­ marish hallucination he had experienced: I came home to my hotel one night—or rather at daybreak one morning—tried to get off to sleep—and had the horrible experience of seeming to disintegrate into at least six people—I was in bed and suddenly it seemed these other shapes of myself were moving out of me—all around me— one of them touched me by the arm—another was talking in my ear—others walking around the room—and suddenly I would come to with a terrific jerk and all of them would rush back into me again. I can swear to you I was not asleep—it was one of the strangest and most horrible experiences I've ever had. * 1 Wolfe could no longer control his paranoia and fears, and on March 13 sent the following telegram: "Dear Max: To-day if I mistake not is Wednesday March thirteenth. I can remember almost nothing of last six days. You are the best friend I have. I can face blunt fact better than damnable incertitude. Give me the straight plain truth." Perkins cabled the next day: "Grand 15 excited reception in reviews. Talked of everywhere as truly great book. All comparisons with greatest writers. Enjoy yourself with light heart." Perkins's answer satisfied Wolfe and a letter from 16 Perkins with excerpts from the reviews followed. After traveling in England and Holland, Wolfe arrived in Berlin on May 7, where he was lionized as a great new American writer. He lived like a prince, spending the German royalties due to him but prohibited by Nazi monetary restrictions from leav­ ing the country. His German publisher, Ernst Rowohlt, arranged for newspaper interviews, magazine articles, photos, and invi­ tations to lavish parties. �1930-1935 61 Thomas Wolfe in Berlin, May 1935. "Byron, they say, awoke one morning at the age of twenty-four, and found himself a famous man," Wolfe wrote in his essay Writing and Living. "Well, I had to wait some ten years longer, but the day came when I walked at morning through the Brandenburger Gate, and into the enchanted avenues of the faery green Tiergarten, and found that f a m e — o r so it seemed to m e — h a d come to me." [The Autobiography of an American Novelist, 140.) Photo courtesy of the North Carolina De­ partment of Cultural Resources. Upon leaving Germany, Wolfe traveled to Denmark before sailing home aboard the Bremen on June 27. By the time he arrived in New York on July 4, the success of Of Time and the River was assured. He was surprised to find a crowd of reporters waiting at the dock to interview him. Maxwell Perkins was also waiting there. Unfortunately, Perkins had news of the trouble that would cause Wolfe to abandon the continuation of his pro­ posed Of Time and the River series: Aline Bernstein had called on Perkins while Wolfe was abroad and told him that she would do everything in her power to prevent the publication of the new manuscript if she was portrayed as a character in it. Ac­ cording to Perkins, Wolfe "did and not seem to take this too seriously, asked me if that was all. A n d when I assured him it was, he said, 'Well, then, now we can have a good time/ " 17 After his bags were checked at the Hotel Lexington, the jubi­ lant Wolfe showed Perkins the Eighth Street loft where he had �62 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life written so much of Look Homeward, Angel That evening, Wolfe and Perkins were joined by their friend Belinda Jelliffe. The trio went to the top of the Radio City building and later the roof restaurant of the St. Moritz where they looked down upon the city. This happiness was recalled a month before Wolfe's death in the last letter he ever wrote. Wolfe grudgingly abandoned Eugene and the beautiful Esther on the last pages of Of Time and the River, on the ocean liner where they had just met, as the ship was "given to the dark­ ness and the sea." 18 He then began his next fictional project, which he called "The Hound of Darkness." It would be about nighttime in America. He wanted to present a series of scenes representative of American life taken simultaneously through the country on a single night. Wolfe never finished "The Hound of Darkness," but during the following three years he wrote large chunks of lyrical material for it that later found places in what became The Web and the Rock and You Can't Go Home Again. The essence of the proposed novel was embodied, however, in a short piece, also called "The Hound of Darkness," which ap­ peared in the February 1,1938, issue of Vogue (under the editor's title, "A Prologue to America"). From July 31 to August 7, Wolfe participated in the sixth annual Writers' Conference at Boulder, Colorado. (Robert Frost and Robert Penn Warren were among the participants.) Wolfe delivered a paper adapted from a long preface he had written for Of Time and the River that Perkins had persuaded him to excise. The talk was later revised and published in serial form in The Saturday Review of Literature and in book form by Scribner's on April 21, 1936, as The Story of a Novel The Boulder talk was an overwhelming success, and Wolfe continued on a vacation to the West Coast in the highest of spirits. He visited Hollywood where he briefly considered work­ ing as a screenwriter, and traveled to San Francisco, a city he had wanted to see since he heard of his father's adventures there. He returned east by way of St. Louis and visited the house �1930-1935 63 where 12-year-old Grover died. He met its owner and pointed out the room where his brother died. This visit inspired his powerful novella The Lost Boy. Although Wolfe had described Grover's death in Look Homeward, Angel, he now gave the tragedy a more complete treatment. Wolfe returned to New York the last week of September and, before settling down to work, began looking for a place to live in Manhattan. He had achieved what he set out to accomplish in Brooklyn and needed to learn more about New York City for his next book. On October 1 he moved into a three-room apartment on the 14th floor of 865 First Avenue, with a magnificent view of the East River. The apartment was only two blocks from the Per­ kinses' town house at Turtle Bay where he was always welcome and where he spent a large amount of his free time over the next two years. On November 24 Scribner's published Wolfe's collection of short stories, From Death to Morning. The 14 stories were not favorably received and sold only 5,392 copies during the book's first year in print. However, by December 1935, Of Time and the River had sold 40,000 copies, and Thomas Wolfe was jubilant. He invited several of his old friends from Chapel Hill to a party at his new apartment on Christmas Eve. It was both a celebra­ tion of the success of Of Time and the River and a belated housewarming. Always sentimental about Christmas, Wolfe reached up to the ceiling of his living room and scrawled with a black crayon, "Merry Christmas to all my friends and love from Tom." As Elizabeth Nowell later remembered: The message stayed there on the ceiling for the two years that Wolfe lived at 865 First Avenue, and often, when he was pacing up and down, he'd glance up at it and smile. It was a symbol of his new-found happiness, his increasing freedom from the morbid supersensitivity of his own ego, and his greater love for all his fellow men. 19 �64 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life NOTES 1. Letters, 250. 2. Ibid., 240. 3. Notebooks, II, 494. 4. My Otter Loneliness: Letters of Thomas Wolfe and Aline Bernstein, Suzanne Stutman, ed. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1983), 322. 5. Ibid., 340-341. 6. Roy Wilder Jr., "Here Are Mother's Memories of Tom Wolfe," Char­ lotte Observer, October 29, 1950. 7. The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 192. 8. Letters, 279. 9. Beyond Love and Loyalty: The Letters of Thomas Wolfe and Eliza­ beth Nowell, Richard S. Kennedy, ed. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1983), xxi. 10. The Autobiography of an American Novelist, 80. 11. Letters, 446. 12. The Autobiography of an American Novelist, 82. 13. Letters, AM. 14. Ibid., 438. 15. Ibid., AM. 16. Ibid., AM. 17. Nowell, 279. 18. Of Time and the River, 912. 19. Nowell, 294. �5 "I Have a Thing to Tell You" and "Return" to Asheville 1936-1937 And I have come back now; I have come home again, and there is nothing more that I can say. — All arguments are ended: saying nothing, all is said then; all is known: I am home. —"Return" Thomas Wolfe in front of the Yancey County Courthouse, Burnsville, North Carolina, August 1937. Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 66 N MARCH 17, 1936, while on a brief trip to Boston, O Wolfe telegraphed Maxwell Perkins: "Wrote book be­ ginning. Goes wonderfully. Full of hope." He gave his 1 new book the tentative title "The Vision of Spangler's Paul," and it later was consolidated into what became The Web and the Rock and You Can't Go Home Again. His hero's name, "Spangler," came from Spangler's Run, a stream that ran near his father's birthplace in Pennsylvania; "Paul" was adopted from the name of the Apostle. Wolfe considered using a quotation from The Acts of the Apostles on the tide page: "And Paul said, I would to God that not only thou, but also all that hear me this day, were both almost, and altogether such as I am—except these bonds." 2 As a legend at the beginning of the new book, Wolfe also in­ tended to use a quotation from War and Peace: "Prince Andrei . . . turned away.... His heart was heavy and full of melancholy. It was all so strange, so unlike what he had anticipated." 3 Another great creative cycle had begun: one night soon after Wolfe plunged into "The Vision of Spangler's Paul," a neighbor of the Perkinses, Nancy Hale, at three or four o'clock in the morning, heard a deep chant growing louder and louder. She looked out the window and saw Wolfe marching down the deserted street with his tremendous stride, chanting, "I wrote ten thousand words today! I wrote ten thousand words today!" 4 Wolfe worked intermittently on "Spangler's Paul" for the next two years, his last creative cycle broken only by his death. But soon came the beginning of the end: literary critic Bernard DeVoto published his infamous essay/review "Genius Is Not Enough" in the Saturday Review of Literature on April 25, 1936. Purportedly a review of the recently published The Story of a Novel, the article was an unwarranted and vicious attack on Thomas Wolfe. DeVoto's harsh criticisms plagued Wolfe the re­ maining two years of his life and contributed largely to his deci­ sion to leave Maxwell Perkins and Scribner's. DeVoto accused Wolfe of being "astonishingly immature" as a novelist, offering 5 the charge that Wolfe could not work without Perkins's help: �1936-1937 67 "The most flagrant evidence of his incompleteness is the fact that, so far, one indispensable part of the artist has existed not in Mr. Wolfe but in Maxwell Perkins. Such organizing faculty and such critical intelligence as have been applied to the book have come not from inside the artist, not from the artist's feeling for form and esthetic integrity, but from the office of Charles Scrib­ ner's Sons." 6 Wolfe eventually came to the decision that he would have to leave Perkins and what DeVoto called "the assembly-line at Scribner's" in order to prove he could write his books without 7 anyone's help. But there were other reasons for Wolfe's final break. During the winter of 1935-1936, Wolfe had two quarrels with Perkins. The first was over his announcement that he wanted his royalties and advances in a bank account instead of being held in custody at Scribner's. (A bank account was soon established for him.) The second was over royalties from The Story of a Novel The actual amount of money he was to receive from the book, he believed, had not been made clear. Another reason for the breach was a series of legal difficul­ ties and lawsuits in which Wolfe was involved and for which he was unfairly inclined to blame Perkins. The first suit had been brought by his agent for Look Homeward, Angel, Madeleine Boyd. Mrs. Boyd claimed that besides her commission for Look Homeward, Angel, she deserved a commission on Wolfe's other publications. The second was Aline Bernstein's threat of a law­ suit if "The October Fair" was published with a portrayal of her in it. Wolfe also unfairly blamed Perkins for exposing him to other libel suits, including one filed by the Dorman family from whom Wolfe had rented his apartment at 40 Verandah Place in Brooklyn. Marjorie Dorman and her family were suing for libel, claiming Wolfe had portrayed her as "Mad Maude" and depicted insanity in their family in "No Door." The fourth suit was one that Wolfe filed against a young manuscript dealer, Muredach J. Dooher, for withholding manuscripts Wolfe had given him to sell and later had demanded their unsuccessful return. �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 68 Still another cause for Wolfe's break was Perkins's opposition to Wolfe writing about the staff at Scribner's. Wolfe had long been fascinated by Scribner's and, during his many conversa­ tions with Perkins, his editor told him not only about the history of the firm, but details about the private lives of staff members. When Perkins discovered in the spring of 1936 that Wolfe had begun writing about a publishing house called "James Rodney & Sons," he realized his highly confidential and intimate details about his associates were in danger of being revealed. Perkins had little objection to being written about himself, but he felt— not altogether logically—that if Wolfe published anything de­ rogatory about the staff, it would be his duty to resign. Exhausted by the complexity of his problems with Perkins, Wolfe needed a vacation. Of Time and the River had been pub­ lished in Germany in April and was a huge critical and commer­ cial success. But because of Nazi restrictions against exporting money, he could not obtain his royalties unless he spent them in Germany. When a German magazine, the Seven Seas, offered him $150 worth of free passage on the Europa in exchange for an article or two about Germany, he could not resist the tempta­ tion. He boarded the Europa on July 23,1936, for his seventh and last trip to Europe. Wolfe went straight to Berlin. During the previous year in Germany, he had been too busy enjoying his fame to acknowl­ edge the problems of Hitler's regime, but he now detected in­ creasing terrorism and could no longer ignore the atmosphere. This year, as his friend Ambassador William Dodd remarked, "only the horses seemed happy" in Germany. 8 The previous year, Wolfe had heard "some ugly things" but "I did not see anyone beaten, I did not see anyone imprisoned, or put to death, I did not see any of the men in concentration camps, I did not see openly anywhere the physical manifesta­ tions of a brutal and compulsive force." Nevertheless, in 1936, 9 despite an even greater welcome, he could not ignore an un­ mistakable darker side: "It was the season of the great Olympic �1936-1937 69 Games," he wrote, "and every day I went to the stadium in Ber­ lin. And, just as that year of absence had marked the evidence of a cruel and progressive dissolution in the lives of all the people I had known, so had it also marked the overwhelming evidence of an increased concentration, a stupendous organization, a tre­ mendous drawing together and ordering, in the vast collective power of the whole land." 10 Outside the stadium the spectacle was overwhelming. Wolfe witnessed enormous masses waiting for the arrival of their leader—the "Dark Messiah"—as Wolfe dubbed Hitler. Ambas­ sador Dodd's daughter, Martha, told of the afternoon that Wolfe sat with her in the diplomatic box. When American athlete Jesse Owens "won a particularly conspicuous victory, Tom let out a war whoop," she recorded in a book of reminiscences. "Hitler twisted in his seat, looked down, attempting to locate the mis­ creant, and frowned angrily." 11 Miss Dodd explained it was the Nazi attitude that Negroes were unqualified to enter the Olympic games. Shortly before the Olym­ pics began, Wolfe fell in love with tall, blond Thea Voelcker, who had been assigned by a German newspaper, the Ber­ liner Tageblatt, to do a drawing of him to accompany an inter­ view. When the drawing was published, he was offended by the caricature, complaining it Thea Voelcker's "Schweinsgesicht" drawing of gave him a "Schweinsgesicht" Thomas Wolfe, which accompanied an inter- (swine's face). Eventually his view in the August 5 , 1 9 3 6 , issue of the Ber- anger abated, and a brief but liner Tageblatt. Photo courtesy of the Aldo P. Magi Collection. tempestuous love affair began. The affair ended after quarrels �70 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life during a trip in the Austrian Tirol. However, they continued to correspond after Wolfe returned to New York. "Else von Kohler" in You Can't Go Home Again is based on Thea Voelcker. O n September 8 Wolfe left Berlin by train for Paris. At the border, crossing into Belgium at Aachen, he witnessed the arrest of a fellow passenger, a nondescript Jewish clerk. The bullying of the clerk by the Nazis inspired Wolfe's novella "I Have a Thing to Tell You," which was posthumously enlarged and consolidated into You Can't Go Home Again. He began writing of the clerk's brutalization in Paris, telling Elizabeth Nowell on September 16, "I've written a good piece over here—I'm afraid it may mean that I can't come back to the place where I am liked best and have the most friends, but I've decided to publish it." He was 12 warned by his German publisher not to publish the novella or his works would be banned in Germany. Although Wolfe himself tended toward anti-Semitism acquired during his youth, this border arrest made him realize that not only was the Jewish clerk being brutalized, but all of humanity. The revelation marked a new maturity for Thomas Wolfe: He lifted his eyes to us, his pasty face, and he was silent for a moment. And we looked at him for the last time, and he at us—this time, more direct and steadfastly. And in that glance there was all the silence of man's mortal anguish. And we were all somehow naked and ashamed, and somehow guilty. We all felt somehow that we were saying farewell, not to a man but to humanity; not to some nameless little cipher out of life, but to the fading image of a brother's face. 13 "I Have a Thing to Tell You" was published in three install­ ments in the New Republic in 1937, and consequentiy, Wolfe's works were banned in Germany for the duration of Hitler's regime. As much as Wolfe loved Germany, after "I Have a Thing to Tell You," he could never go back. As soon as he returned to New York, he wrote to the Seven Seas and asked them to release him from his promise. He returned the check for $150, which they had credited against the cost of his passage. �1936-1937 71 By October 1936 Wolfe's conviction that he would have to leave Scribner's was increased by Perkins's unfavorable reaction to Wolfe's recent short story "No More Rivers." The major diffi­ culty was that Wolfe portrayed Scribner's editor, Wallace Meyer, as an easily recognized character. Wolfe also included satirical vignettes that reflected upon other members of the firm. Perkins and Elizabeth Nowell convinced Wolfe to revise the story (although it was not published during his lifetime), but from that time forth, Wolfe began avoiding stopping by Scrib­ ner's to see Perkins and pick up his mail, instead having it for­ warded to his First Avenue apartment. Wolfe drafted a formal letter of release, stating he had discharged all of his obligations to Scribner's and was no longer under contract to them. The severance from Scribner's was not quite complete when Wolfe left to go to New Orleans for New Year's and for a much needed vacation. (His longer statements of severance were packed in his suitcase when he left New York in late December.) He arrived in New Orleans on January 1,1937. It took only a day or two for the news to get around that Thomas Wolfe was in town, and he was soon engulfed by fans and friends. The most important event of his excursion was meeting advertising man and bibliophile William B. Wisdom, a great admirer of Wolfe's writing. After Wolfe's death, Wisdom purchased Wolfe's man­ uscripts and personal papers and donated them to Harvard University. Leaving New Orleans on January 11, Wolfe stopped in Biloxi, Mississippi, for a rest before going on to Atianta. From Atlanta he returned to North Carolina for the first time in seven years. But because of confusion with his brother Fred during a tele­ phone conversation, he did not disembark when the train stopped in Asheville. Wolfe had indicated to Fred that he wanted to return to Asheville. But when Fred suggested he meet Tom in Spartanburg, South Carolina, instead of coming direcdy to Asheville, Tom thought his family did not want him to come home. Julia Wolfe later claimed that Tom kept saying repeatedly �72 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life over the phone, "Are you ashamed of me? Don't you want to see me? Are you ashamed of me?" Tom soon wrote Fred, "I should 14 have liked to come to Asheville and intended to do so, but when I called you up from Atianta there seemed to be some excite­ ment and confusion about my coming, or whether I wanted to come or not, so I was too tired to argue the point and decided to pass my visit up until some other time." 15 Wolfe then visited Southern Pines where he stayed with author James Boyd. After a night in Raleigh, he spent several days in Chapel Hill at the University of North Carolina, enjoying a warm reunion with faculty and friends. But once back in New York, he soon found himself embroiled in more difficulties with Scribner's. He had mailed one letter of severance from New Orleans even though Maxwell Perkins had attempted to con­ vince him that Scribner's was still interested in publishing him. Wolfe did not entirely relinquish his friendship with Perkins and saw him on occasion socially. He continued to sit for a portrait by Perkins's son-in-law, Douglas Gorsline, all the while express­ ing his grievances against Scribner's and Perkins. Finally, during one of their quarrels, an exasperated Perkins declared, "All right then, if you must leave Scribner's, go ahead and leave, but for heaven's sake, don't talk about it any more!" Later, Wolfe's 16 resentment became so heated that the two men came close to actual blows. Fortunately, Wolfe's attention was diverted by a tall, attractive woman who threw her arms around him and said, "This is what I came to New York to see!" 17 In March Wolfe was ill with influenza for a week. When his fever persisted, he went to a physician. Neither the identity of the physician nor his actual diagnosis has been discovered. However, Elizabeth Nowell has reported that X rays were taken of Wolfe's lungs at this time and revealed an old tubercular scar on his right upper lobe. Wolfe told Miss Nowell he had been to a physician and "there's something the matter with my lung," 18 but refused to talk about it. Despite this intimation of mortality (Wolfe had long had a terror of tuberculosis), he worked hard �1936-1937 73 from February to the spring of 1937 on "The Vision of Spangler's Paul" as well as a number of short stories. By April Wolfe was ready for another vacation and decided to set out on his long-anticipated return to Asheville. He made his journey in short stages, first visiting his father's home, York Springs, Pennsylvania, where in Latimore, he copied inscrip­ tions from gravestones in Gardner's Church cemetery. He jour­ neyed down the Shenandoah Valley, stopping in Roanoke, where he purchased a copy of Gone with the Wind (which he called an "immortal piece of bilge" ). He was "loafing" and in 19 20 no hurry to reach Asheville: "I am dreading Asheville a little," he wrote Elizabeth Nowell from Roanoke on April 28, "but I think I will be ready for it in a few days." 21 Wolfe arrived in Bristol, near the Tennessee-Virginia state line on Thursday, April 29, and registered at the General Shelby Hotel. Several Bristolians visited him in his hotel room. "One has to go away," he told a reporter from the Bristol News, "before he learns how deeply he is attached to his own people and own country." 22 He met novelist Anne W. Armstrong, who offered him a secluded cabin on her properly so he could write in peace that summer. Wolfe declined the invitation but considered it for future use. He departed the following evening, Friday the 30th, and stopped in Yancey County, North Carolina, for a few days to look up Westall relatives. Wolfe registered at the Nu-Wray Inn in Burnsville and placed a call from a phone booth in the lobby to his family to determine if it was "safe" to return to Asheville. Once settled, he began making inquiries about his mother's family and encoun­ tered everywhere people who claimed to be relatives. "Every­ body's kinfolks here," he soon found out. 23 On Saturday night, May 1, between 10:30 and 11:00, Wolfe stepped out of the Gem City Soda Shop on Main Street in Burns­ ville and into an altercation between Otis Chase, Philip Ray, and James O. Higgins. When Wolfe saw Ray pull out a pistol to fire at Higgins, "I got behind an automobile and after that some shots �74 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life were fired but I did not see who fired the shots," Wolfe later tes­ tified at the trial held that August. "I couldn't say definitely how many shots were fired but I would say three or four. I heard a bullet hit two tires, or at any rate you could hear the sound of air going out of the tires. I don't know that a bullet hit one of the tires on the automobile I was behind, but it was either that one or the one next to me." 24 Although none of the feuders were killed that night, a week later, on May 8, when Ray and Higgins met again on the same spot as the previous shooting, Ray shot and killed Higgins. Wolfe was later subpoenaed to testify as a witness to the earlier altercation. Before leaving Burnsville, Wolfe visited his great-half-uncle, John B. Westall, on the South Toe River, and listened to his rem­ iniscences of the Civil War batde at Chickamauga. When Wolfe returned to New York, he fictionalized his great-uncle's reminis­ cences into "Chickamauga," which he rightfully considered one of his best short stories. Wolfe arrived in Asheville on Monday, May 3. From the bus station, he took a taxi to the Old Kentucky Home, where, in short order, he and his mother were photographed on the porch of the shabby, gaunt house. For days the telephone rang as wellwishers and friends called to welcome him home. At one time, there were as many as six people waiting to see him. During the next few days, Wolfe walked through Asheville, visiting many old and familiar places. He went to see his birthplace at 92 Woodfin Street and followed one of the paper routes he once carried. But he made little apology for Look Homeward, Angel "If anything I have ever written has displeased anyone in Asheville, I hope that I will be able to write another book which will please them," he told a reporter for the Asheville Citizen. 25 Wolfe rented a cabin from cartoonist Max Whitson in nearby Oteen, planning to work all summer in it, hoping for seclusion. He later wrote his brother Fred, "I don't think anybody quite un­ derstood when I was home just how tired I am and how much I need now a period of quiet and seclusion. But I do need it very �1936-1937 75 Thomas Wolfe and his mother Julia on the porch of the Old Kentucky Home, May 1 9 3 7 . One of Wolfe's objectives for making the trip to Asheville was to see if he could help his mother untan­ gle her financial troubles with Wachovia Bank. Mrs. Wolfe speculated wildly on real estate during the '20s, and after the stock market crashed in 1 9 2 9 , she found she had over-speculated and could no longer pay her mortgages or taxes. Wachovia Bank was now suing her for the foreclosure of deeds of trust she had executed to secure payments. Photo by Elliot Lyman Eisher; courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. badly, and that is the reason that I have taken the litde cabin out near Asheville in the hope and belief that I can get it there." 26 Wolfe's self-imposed "exile" had ended in triumphant vic­ tory, although not to the extent of his fictional rendering of the event: "The only ones who are mad today are those you left out!" Although most of the feathers Wolfe ruffled in 1929 had 27 been smoothed out, many of the victims of Look Homeward, Angel were slow to forget or forgive what Wolfe had written about them and their families. As late as 1938, many Ashevillians were still not ready to bury the hatchet even when Thomas Wolfe was buried. Before leaving on May 15 for New York, Wolfe was asked by his friend George W. McCoy, a journalist for the Asheville Citi­ zen, to write an article about his feelings at being home again. Wolfe readily agreed, and the evocative prose-poem "Return" appeared in the May 16,1937, issue of the Citizen. Wolfe returned to New York for six weeks to prepare material for Elizabeth Nowell to sell to magazines as well as to pack his �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 76 manuscripts for his stay in Oteen. "I am bringing a great amount of manuscript with me and shall work on it this summer," 28 he wrote his mother. His main concern was his massive work-inprogress. "There is an immense amount of it, millions of words, and although it might not be of any use to anyone else, it is, so far as I am concerned, the most valuable thing I have got," he 29 wrote Fred Wolfe on June 26. Leaving New York on July 1 and arriving at the Biltmore sta­ tion outside of Asheville the next day, Wolfe went directly to the Oteen cabin. O n the afternoon of July 10 a photographer hired by the Asheville Citizen-Times paid a visit to the cabin and found Wolfe with his shirt sleeves rolled up, tie discarded and collar open, writing longhand. Wolfe explained that his new book would be "a chronicle to the modern Gulliver." 30 He hired a black man called Ed to cook and help with the chores at the cabin. Ed was an excellent cook but was usually intox­ icated and could never re­ member Wolfe's last name, often calling him "Mr. Fox." There were several re­ unions with his family in Asheville and at the cabin. Friends and curiosity seek­ ers flocked to Oteen, and Wolfe wrote to a correspon­ dent, "It's pretty hard to tell you what I shall do about staying here in Ashe­ ville. I wanted to come back: I thought about it for years. . . . But my stay here Thomas Wolfe in his cabin at Oteen, summer 1937. Photo by W. Frank Clodfelter; courtesy of the North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources. summer has really re- t h i s s e m b l e d a three-ring circus. I think people have wanted �1936-1937 77 Judge Philip Cocke, Thomas Wolfe, and an unidentified woman in front of the Oteen cabin, July 1937. Wolfe accomplished little in the cabin except the third draft of "The Party at Jack's/' This novella was about a fire that disrupted a party at Aline Bernstein's apartment at 2 7 0 Park Avenue, at which artist Alexander Calder entertained the guests with a circus of mechanical animals and dolls. "The Party at Jack's" would render Wolfe's growing sense of social injustice by contrasting the harsh realities of the working class and the luxury of the more privileged class. Photo by permission of the Houghton Library Harvard University, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. to be and have tried to be most kind, but they wore me to a frazzle. M y cabin outside of town was situated in an isolated and quite beautiful spot, but they found their way to it The " 3 1 first week of August, a Buncombe County deputy sheriff located Wolfe in Oteen and served him with a subpoena to appear on August 16 in Burnsville as a state's witness to the shooting he witnessed in May. Wolfe went to Burnsville on the 16th and spent the night at the Nu-Wray Inn. He testified on the 17th. By the time the trial was completed on the 20th, his testi­ mony had been discredited by one of the defense attorneys. He wrote Hamilton Basso on August 21: I had to attend a murder trial in Yancey and testify. It was a fascinating and thrilling and exhausting experience. I got off fairly lightly compared to some of the witnesses, but I was �78 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life denounced by one of the defense lawyers in his final plea to the jury as the author of an obscene and infamous book called "Look Homeward, Angel," who had held up his family, kin-folk, and town to public odium, and whose testimony, I therefore gathered, was not to be taken into account. 32 After the trial, Wolfe returned to Asheville and got roaring drunk. The pressures of the trial as well as his growing dissatis­ faction with Asheville had pushed him over the edge. "Do you wonder that sometimes this past summer I went berserk?" he 33 later asked Anne W. Armstrong. It took two officers to subdue him, and he spent the night in the city jail. He was released the following morning after he sobered up, and no charges were filed. There is little wonder that he wrote Margaret Roberts, "A prophet may be without honor in his own country, but he is also without privacy." The prodigal's victorious return was, for all 34 intents and purposes, brought to an abrupt conclusion. Soon after his day in court, Wolfe left the Oteen cabin and moved into the Battery Park Hotel in downtown Asheville. He gave his secretary strict instructions not to reveal his where­ abouts to anyone—including his mother. There had been too many disturbing contacts with his family that summer and he needed to work in undisturbed peace and quiet. With more pri­ vacy than the cabin afforded him, he finished the third draft of "The Party at Jack's," but he was now more depressed than ever and drinking heavily He later claimed he was as near to a break­ down as he had ever been. One of the last things Wolfe did before leaving Asheville was to visit his friend J. Y. Jordan at his office six floors high in the Jackson Building in the city square. Wolfe looked out the win­ dow, gazing at the hills and mountains encircling the city, as though he would never again set eyes on them. He left on Sep­ tember 2, carrying under his arm the 80,000-word manuscript he had written since July, "The Party at Jack's." Wolfe stopped for several days in Bristol, Tennessee, relaxing in the cabin Anne W. Armstrong had offered him. At the end of �1936-1937 79 the visit, Mrs. Armstrong drove him to Marion, Virginia, where he spent two days with novelist Sherwood Anderson, one of his literary idols. Before returning to New York, Wolfe stopped at Bal­ timore and recounted his woes to newspaper editor R.P. Harriss of the Baltimore Evening Sun: T v e been down home at Ashe­ ville, and I found that being forgiven was almost worse than being damned. Did you ever have just too much hospitality?" 35 After giving up his First Avenue apartment, Wolfe moved to various hotels, finally settling at the Hotel Chelsea at 222 W. 23rd Street. He rented room 829, a two-room suite with an anteroom for his typist. He stayed alone much of the time and communi­ cated with almost no one except Elizabeth Nowell. He kept his whereabouts a secret, even from his family. His break with Scribner's now became publicly known. Before leaving Ashe­ ville, he had called several publishers asking whether they would be interested in publishing his future novels. "My name is Wolfe," he would blurt out, often intoxicated. "Would you like to publish me?" 36 Some thought it a joke, others were concerned about his leaving Scribner's. His search for a publisher would continue for the remainder of the year. As the weeks went by, he grew convinced that no publisher wanted him. His troubles with Scribner's were "deep, grievous, and I fear, irreparable." 37 O n December 1 Wolfe attended a dinner at socialite Mary Emmet's for the Sherwood Andersons. Also attending the party was Ella Winter, the widow of Lincoln Steffens. When the party was over, Wolfe walked Ella Winter home, pouring out his griev­ ances against Perkins as well as what he had found on his trip to Asheville. As Miss Winter recalled, "He started telling me about his horror at going back to his home and what he found there, and I just said, 'But don't you know you can't go home again?' He stopped dead and then said: 'Can I have that? I mean for a tide? I'm writing a piece . . . and I'd like to call it that. It says exactiy what I mean. Would you mind if I used it?' I laughed and told him that I didn't 'own' it any more than I'd own any other thought." From that time on, Wolfe became obsessed with the 38 �80 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life phrase "You can't so home appin »v a revolutionizing d i s c o v e ^ n T h self. Recognizing 2 aspect of his 7 K me^ZkheZ his work in progress P r o d a i ^ it to friends as m * ^ 3 N "** ***** ^ * C ° n s i d e r D ° to * a V E R T 0 *°°« s H ^ « t i t l e for . . . the whole book might almost be called "You Can't Go Home Again"—which means back home to one's family, back home to one's childhood, back home to the father one has lost, back home to romantic love, to a young man's dreams of glory and of fame, back home to exile, to escape to "Europe" and some foreign land, back home to lyricism, sing­ ing just for singing's sake, back home to aestheticism, to one's youthful ideas of the "artist," and the all-sufficiency of "art and beauty and love," back home to the ivory tower, back home to places in the country, the cottage in Bermuda away from all the strife and conflict of the world, back home to the father one is looking for—to someone who can help one, save one, ease the burden for one, back home to the old forms and systems of things that once seemed everlasting, but that are changing all the time—back home to the escapes of Time and Memory. Each of these discoveries, sad and hard as they are to make and accept, are described in the book almost in the order in which they are named here. But the conclusion is not sad: this is a hopeful book—the conclusion is that although you can't go home again, the home of every one of us is in the future: there is no other way. — The Letters of Thomas Wolfe, 711-712 �1936-1937 81 Edward C. Aswell. "I will be associated with a young man just exactly my own age, who is second in command/' Thomas Wolfe wrote of Aswell. "I think it is going to turn out to be a wonderful experience—I feel that the man is quiet, but very deep and true: and he thinks that I am the best writer there is. I know he is wrong about this, but if anyone feels that way, you are going to do your utmost to try to live up to it, aren't y o u ? " {Letters, (>%.) Photo by Fabian Bochrach; courtesy of Dr. Mary Aswell Doll. Wolfe negotiated with various publishers, finally settiing on Harper & Brothers. He was elated by his new editor, Edward C. Aswell, a fellow southerner from Tennessee, also a Harvard graduate, and six days younger than Wolfe. Wolfe spent Christmas with Edward and Mary Louise Aswell and their infant son Edward Duncan in Chappaqua, outside of New York. There were a dozen people at the party. "We really did have a swell Christmas out at Ed Aswell's—I think it was the best one I have had since I was a kid," Wolfe wrote Elizabeth Nowell on December 29. As they finished dinner, Mrs. Aswell whispered to Wolfe asking if it would be all right to announce that Harper's was to be his publishers. He readily agreed. "So we got out your bottie of champagne and Mary Lou told them," he wrote Miss Nowell, "and I tried to say something and Ed tried to say some­ thing, and neither could very well, and everyone had tears in their eyes, and I think they meant it, too." 39 On December 31 Wolfe signed a $10,000 contract with Har­ per's for a novel, "The Life and Adventures of the Bondsman �82 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life Doaks." He received an advance of $2,500 on that day, with the balance to be paid in three installments of $2,500 each on Feb­ ruary 1, March 1, and April 1,1938. After signing the contract, he wrote Mary Louise Aswell, "The final grim technical details of business and contract signing have been attended to, and now I am committed utterly, in every way. It gives me a strangely empty and hollow feeling, and I know the importance of the moment, and feel more than ever the responsibility of the obli­ gation I have assumed." Then, on the last day of a particularly momentous year, he added: But I guess it is good for a man to get that hollow empty feel­ ing, the sense of absolute loneliness and new beginning at dif­ ferent times throughout his life. It's not the hollowness of death, but a living kind of hollowness: a new world is before me now; it's good to know I have your prayers. 40 �1936-1937 83 NOTES 1. Letters, 496. 2. Acts 26:29. 3. Letters, 527. 4. Nowell, 300. 5. C. Hugh Holman, The World of Thomas Wolfe (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1962), 88. 6. Ibid, 88. 7. Ibid, 89. 8. Notebooks, II, 822. 9. Jfeitf., pp. 905-906. 10. JfoW.,911. 11. Martha Dodd, Through Embassy Eyes (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1939), 212. 12. Letters, 541. 13. The Short Novels of Thomas Wolfe, C. Hugh Holman, ed. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1961), 274. 14. Raleigh News & Observer, October 29,1950. 15. Letters, 609. 16. Nowell, 375. 17. Ibid, 377. 18. Ibid, 378. 19. Letters, 747. 20. Ibid., 615. 21. Beyond Love and Loyalty, 57. 22. Brato/ Afeu/s, April 30, 1937. 23. The Complete Short Stories of Thomas Wolfe, Francis E. Skipp, ed. (NewYork: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1987), 552. �84 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 24. No. 146, Eighteenth District, Supreme Court of North Carolina, Fall Term, 1937, State v. Philip Ray and Otis Chase, Record on Appeal, 20. Note: Wolfe's words here are not necessarily verbatim, but an approximation of his testimony. 25. Asheville Citizen, May 4, 1937. 26. Letters, 621. 27. Complete Short Stories, 556. 28. The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 282. 29. Letters, 619. 30. Asheville Citizen-Times, July 11, 1937. 31. Letters, 653. 32. Ibid., 650. 33. Anne W. Armstrong, "As I Saw Thomas Wolfe," Arizona Quarterly 2:1 (Spring 1946): 8. 34. Letters, 740. 35. R.P. Harriss, "A Memoir of Thomas Wolfe," Baltimore Evening Sun, September 16,1938. 36. Nowell, 392. 37. Letters, 655. 38. Nowell, 410. 39. Letters, 696. 40. Ibid, 698. �6 The Last Voyage, the Longest, the Best 1938 Live a little now, I entreat you; for we are as the men of former time—no different, and in the end we, too, shall turn our faces to the wall, and the light will go out; and we shall go into a place where there is darkness,—nothing hut darkness. —The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother, 60 The last clear photo of Thomas Wolfe; July 4 , 1 9 3 8 , Seattle, Washington, two days before the onset of his fatal illness. Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library at Chapel Hill, and the Estate of Thomas Wolfe. �86 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life A T THE BEGINNING of 1938, Wolfe launched into inten­ sive work on his new novel. During his visit to Ashe­ ville in 1937, he decided to write about the scandal surrounding the failure of the Central Bank and Trust Company. He began devising ways his huge "October Fair" manuscript could be consolidated into his "Bondsman Doaks" book. He hired a typist, Gwen Jassinoff, and dictated material to her as she typed. He began assembling new and old material that would take Doaks through the Depression in both "Libya Hill" (his new fictional counterpart for Asheville) and New York. He wrote Aswell that he had decided to consolidate the material he had written for "The October Fair," "Spangler's Paul," and "Bondsman Doaks" into a complete biographical chronicle. He chose a new title, "The Web and the Rock," as well as a new name, George Webber, for his protagonist. "Let his name be Webber," he jotted down in his notes for the manuscript. 1 O n March 31 Professor F. A. Cummings of the Department of English at Purdue University wired Wolfe, asking him to speak at the annual Literary Awards Banquet at Purdue on May 19, in West Lafayette, Indiana. Wolfe was pleased with the honorarium of $300 and accepted the offer. He decided to make Purdue the first stop on his second trip to the West, planning to travel through the Northwest to soak up local color. By May 9 Wolfe had given large sections of his manuscript to Elizabeth Nowell to read. Miss Nowell persuaded Wolfe to allow Edward Aswell to familiarize himself with the manuscript. Just before Wolfe left for Purdue on the evening of May 17, Aswell ar­ rived at Wolfe's suite at the Hotel Chelsea to collect the massive manuscript and found Wolfe still busy sorting it out. Gwen Jassinoff and Wolfe had already prepared a long out­ line to help identify the manuscript that comprised the two huge bundles Aswell later left with under his arms. The manu­ script totaled more than 4,000 typewritten pages and contained over 1,200,000 words. When Aswell later prepared it for posthu­ mous publication (as three volumes, The Web and the Rock, You �1938 87 Can't Go Home Again, and The Hills Beyond), he used only the enormous bundles he had taken from Wolfe. The three large wooden packing crates full of material Wolfe had acquired since he first began writing had been turned over to his executor, Maxwell Perkins, soon after Wolfe's death. Wolfe all-too-accurately described himself as "a vagabond writer with two tons of manuscript." 2 Wolfe boarded the train on May 17 at 9 P.M. After the talk at Purdue and a vacation through the West, he planned to return to New York and locate a place out of town to spend the summer and keep on with his work. However, he was never to return to work on his massive manuscript. He had worked furiously the last three years with the half-repressed fear that he would die before he accomplished the work he had set out to do. "His enemy was Time," he wrote of George Webber. "Or perhaps it was his friend. One never knows for sure." 3 Wolfe's Purdue speech, "Writing and Living," was a triumph. He gave a well-pre­ pared account of his career and revelations of his devel­ oping social consciousness. With several teachers and their wives, he rode to Chi­ cago, spending "two very pleasant days together, eat­ ing, drinking, driving all over Chicago." After this relaxing 4 Thomas Wolfe, ca. 1 9 3 7 - 1 9 3 8 . According to weekend, he boarded the Gwen Jassinoff, Wolfe's typist in 1 9 3 8 , the photo- Burlington Zephyr for Den- graph was taken at the Hotel Chelsea. ver. There he had a reunion Photo courtesy of Clara Stites. with friends he had met in �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 88 1935 at the Writers' Conference in Boulder. His friends did every­ thing they could to show him a good time and Wolfe enjoyed himself so thoroughly that he extended his visit from one day to a week. After brief stopovers in Cheyenne and Boise, Wolfe arrived in Portland on June 8. He was invited to join an experiment in tourism by Edward Miller, Sunday editor of the Portland Oregonian and Ray Conway, an executive in the Oregon State Motor f Association. Miller and Conway asked Wolfe to be their literary passenger as they toured 11 national parks by auto in a twoweek period. The excursion was meant to prove that all of the Thomas Wolfe with his traveling companions, Ray Conway and Ed Miller, Logan Pass, Glacier National Park, June 2 9 , 1 9 3 8 . Wolfe described his itinerary to Elizabeth Nowell: We leave here Sunday and head south for California stopping at Crater Lake on the way down; we go down the whole length of California taking in Yosemite, the Sequoias and any other national parks they have; then we swing east across the desert into Arizona to the Grand Canyon, etc., north through Utah, Zion and Bryce Canyons, Salt Lake, etc., then to the Yellow­ stone, then North to the Canadian Border, Montana, Glacier Park, etc., then west again across Montana, Idaho, Washington, then Rainier Park, e t c . — i n other words a complete swing around the West from the Rocky Mountains on, and every big national park in the West. —The Letters of Thomas Wolfe, 769. Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. �1938 89 Western national parks could be visited within an average twoweek vacation. The trip was conceived for travel promotion and proved to be a grueling drive. Wolfe eagerly accepted the invita­ tion, believing it an excellent opportunity to absorb the West. "The West is the American horizon," he told Edward Miller. 5 The excursion began on June 20 at 8:15 A.M., leaving Port­ land for Crater Lake. For 13 days and 12 nights Wolfe and his companions traveled in a white Ford conspicuously displaying "Oregon State Motor Association" on its sides and trunk. Miller and Conway took turns driving (Wolfe had never learned to drive), while Wolfe sprawled out in the back seat. He kept a rec­ ord of his impressions in a 6" by 9" ledger, doing most of his writ­ ing at night in lodges. By the time their journey ended at Mount Rainier on July 2, Wolfe had witnessed "the pity, terror, strange­ ness, and magnificence of it all." Wolfe and his companions 6 drove into Olympia, where they had lunch and a sentimental parting. Miller and Conway gave him the maps and old tour book they had worn black, and wrote their names in it. They had trav­ eled 4,632 miles. That afternoon Wolfe caught a bus for Seattle. Upon registering at the New Washington Hotel in Seattle, Wolfe received a wire from Edward Aswell: "Dear Tom: Your new book is magnificent in scope and design, with some of the best writing you have ever done. I am still absorbing it, confident that when you finish you will have written your greatest novel so far. Hope you come back full of health and new visions." 7 O n July 4 Wolfe watched an Independence Day parade with James and Theresa Stevens. Stevens, well-known in Seattle liter­ ary circles, was the compiler of Paul Bunyan stories and had met Wolfe during a short visit to Seattle Wolfe had made in June. After the parade, Wolfe and the Stevenses drove to the home of Ivar and Margaret Haglund in A M , one of the oldest sections of Seattle. Three photographs taken of Wolfe that afternoon were the last clear photos made of him. On July 5 Wolfe left for Victoria and Vancouver in British Columbia. He planned to be gone for a day or two and was eager to return and have his "Western Journal" typed. Sometime �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 90 during this trip on the coastal steamer Princess Kathleen, he shared a pint of whiskey with a "poor, shivering wretch," and 8 contracted a respiratory infection that soon activated the dor­ mant tuberculosis in his right lung. O n the afternoon of July 6 he began experiencing chills, pain in his lungs, and a high fever. He left Vancouver by train and returned to Seattle, remaining in the New Washington Hotel for five days before seeking treatment. In June James Stevens and his wife had given a party to in­ troduce Wolfe to some of the literary people of Seattle, and now Sophus Winther of the University of Washington asked Wolfe to a party in return. When the evening of the party, July 9, arrived, Wolfe was ill, but because he was the guest of honor, he felt he had to make an appearance. He arrived at 10 o'clock, wild-look­ ing with a severe cold; no one realized how dangerously ill he was. Two days later, Wolfe phoned Theresa Stevens and asked her for the Winthers' phone number, telling her his cough was much worse and Mrs. Winther had promised to give him a cough remedy. Mrs. Stevens told him he didn't need a cough remedy—he needed a doctor. She persuaded him to see their family physician, Dr. E.C. Ruge. Dr. Ruge found Wolfe was suf­ fering with a hacking cough and a fever of 102, and diagnosed pneumonia. Dr. Ruge told Wolfe he needed hospitalization, but Wolfe dreaded hospitals. Dr. Ruge, a well-known general surgeon, diagnostician, and psychiatrist, had established a private sana­ torium, Firlawns, 12 miles from Seattle at Kenmore. Wolfe agreed to be admitted there rather than at a big Seattle hospital. A l ­ though desperately ill, he managed to maintain his sense of hu­ mor: "They haven't yet made up their minds whether I'm Jesus Christ or Napoleon," he told a visitor after observing Dr. Ruge's 9 mental patients. However, at Firlawns, Wolfe received the inten­ sive care he needed. By July 14 the crisis seemed to have passed and his fever, which once reached 105, now dropped to 100. "Doctors say I'm out of danger now," Wolfe wired Edward Aswell on July 15. "Will write when I feel stronger." 10 �1938 91 When Wolfe continued to have recurrent fevers, Dr. Ruge wired Wolfe's brother Fred to come. When Wolfe seemed unable to make a complete recovery, Dr. Ruge sent him to Providence Hospital in Seattle the first week of August so X rays could be made of his lungs. The X rays revealed a consolidation of the upper lobe of the right lung, which Dr. Ruge and the X-ray spe­ cialist at Providence diagnosed as an old tubercular lesion. When violent headaches and periods of irrationality began, the doctors suspected a brain tumor or abscess. Wolfe remained at Providence under the care of Dr. Charles E. Watts after Fred Wolfe dismissed Dr. Ruge. Thomas Wolfe had been terrified of tuberculosis since his boyhood and did not want to hear, as he did from Dr. Ruge, that he was now one of the dreaded lungers. Dr. Watts diagnosed pneumonia, not tu­ berculosis, and Wolfe felt safer with the less ominous diagnosis. On August 12 Wolfe's fever shot up to 103. As his situation be­ came desperate, he was uplifted by a warm letter from Maxwell Perkins. Overcome with longing for their old friendship, Wolfe insisted upon sitting up in bed and writing an immediate reply. (The text of this letter to Maxwell Perkins—the last letter Wolfe ever wrote—is reprinted on page 92.) Wolfe's sister Mabel arrived in Seattle on August 19 to relieve Fred, who needed to return to his job. When Mabel appeared in his room, Wolfe blurted out, "Well, what do you think? Have you come out here to tell me I'm going to die?" When Mabel tried to reassure her brother, he said, "I have these headaches, Mabel, awful headaches." 11 His headaches increased in severity, and dilaudid had to be administered so he could sleep. Wolfe believed if he could leave the hospital he would im­ prove and decided to rent an apartment with Mabel for a week or two before going on to Dr. Russel Lee's clinic at Palo Alto to complete his convalescence. He asked Mabel to rent an apart­ ment at the Spring Hotel Apartments he had admired before his illness because of its magnificent view of Puget Sound. O n Sep­ tember 4 Mabel packed her brother's bags and paid his bill, �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 92 H H H ^ H Aug 1938 Dear Max: I'm sneaking this against orders—but "I've got a hunch"—and I wanted to write these words to you. —I've made a long voyage and M been to a strange country, and I've ^ ^ ^ ^ V s •I I . Maxwell Perkins. N e e n the dark man very close; and I don't think I was too much afraid of him, but so much of mortality still , clings to me—I wanted most desT Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library Asheville, North Carolina. . 1 . 1 . J . - H J J T P y > thought about you all a 1000 times, e r a t e l t 0 l l v e a n d s t l U do a n d 1 and wanted to see you all again, and there was the impossible anguish and regret of all the work I had not done, of all the work I had to do—and I know now I'm just a grain of dust, and I feel as if a great window has been opened on life I did not know about before—and if I come through this, I hope to God I am a better man, and in some strange way I can't explain I know I am a deeper and a wiser one—If I get on my feet and out of here, it will be months before I head back, but if I get on my feet, I'll come back. —Whatever happens—I had this "hunch" and wanted to write you and tell you, no matter what happens or has hap­ pened, I shall always think of you and feel about you the way it was that 4th of July day 3 yrs. ago when you met me at the boat, and we went out on the cafe on the river and had a drink and later went on top of the tall building and all the strangeness and the glory and the power of life and of the city were below— Yours Always Tom —Harvard Library Bulletin (Autumn 1947): 278 �1938 93 eager for his release. But before Wolfe was released, Dr. Watts conferred with her: "Mrs. Wheaton, I want to talk to you. You know this has not been any ordinary case of pneumonia. I've just looked in Tom's eyes and it looks to me as if there's a choked disk there. I would almost bet my life on it. I want to call in a good eye man, and I want to have another set of X rays taken the first thing tomorrow morning." 12 Dr. Watts asked that Mabel have Annie Laurie Crawford, a young registered nurse who had befriended Wolfe and Mabel at Providence, accompany Wolfe the next day for the X rays. Miss Crawford had grown fond of Wolfe and had been helping as if she were his private nurse, spending hours of her off-duty time offering reassurance. Miss Crawford had been head nurse at Highland Hospital in Asheville and knew some of Wolfe's Westall cousins, and it was a comfort to Wolfe and Mabel to have someone from home nearby. The next day Wolfe did not recognize Miss Crawford when she arrived to take him for X rays. After the X rays, Wolfe slept while the doctors broke the news to Mabel. The physicians be­ lieved Wolfe had an abscess or a tumor of the brain. They rec­ ommended he be taken to Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore where the best brain surgeon in the country, Dr. Walter E. Dandy, could examine him. Dr. Watts suggested Mabel take Miss Craw­ ford on the train to care for Wolfe and, if needed, give morphine injections for his headaches. He released Wolfe from Providence and allowed him one night in the Spring Hotel Apartments. Wolfe, Mabel, and Miss Crawford left Seattle by rail on the Olympian. For four days Wolfe endured the trip across the con­ tinent, experiencing periods of irrationality and headaches. They changed trains at Chicago where Julia met them. Testing Wolfe's rationality, Mabel asked if he recognized the woman hurrying toward them on the platform. "Mrs. Julia E. Wolfe of the Old Kentucky Home!" he greeted his mother and kissed her. 13 Arriving in Baltimore on September 10, the entourage was met by an ambulance sent by Johns Hopkins Hospital. Wolfe �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 94 was drowsy when admitted to the hospital but tried to co­ operate. Family members provided the data for his admission; he was too confused and ill to supply dependable information. Edward Aswell visited Wolfe in the hospital's Marburg Building and reassured him how wonderful his manuscript was. Aswell remembered: "And he began talking to me very lucidly, very clearly, and suddenly he stopped in the middle of a sentence, and it was as though a shade had been drawn on a scene you'd been looking at. The shade came down, everything went blank. He sat there for a moment, not looking around wildly or any­ thing, just blank. The shade then went up. He resumed the sen­ tence in the middle, exactly where it was." 14 After Dr. Dandy examined Wolfe, he ushered Aswell, Julia, and Mabel into an empty room and told them, "I want to tell you about your son and brother. He's a desperately sick man. I doubt if there's a thing that can be done for him. I've just exam­ ined him—there's so much pressure in his head, it's hard as a rock. Now if it's cancer, the case is hopeless. A n d if it's multiple tuberculosis, it's hopeless—there's absolutely nothing we can do. There's only one chance: if it's an abscess or a tumor—and it depends a great deal on where it is—if it's right here," he pointed to the back of his head, "there may be some hope." Mabel asked what her brother's chances were. "They're ninety-five per cent against him," Dr. Dandy answered. "But if he had only one chance in a million, we ought to try to save him: he has that right." Dr. Dandy recommended that trephining be performed 15 to decrease pressure on Wolfe's brain—the pressure was so great it was bulging his eyes. Also, trephining would make it possible to put air in the brain for X-ray diagnosis. The trephining procedure was performed that afternoon. When the right ventricle of Wolfe's brain was tapped, fluid spurted three feet. According to Dr. Dandy's medical report, "It was perfectly clear fluid, but contained 230 cells, 75% mononu­ clears This was enough to make the diagnosis of tuberculosis." 16 For a short time, Wolfe's headaches were relieved. "They've fixed �1938 95 it, Ed, they've fixed it," Wolfe told Aswell. But relief was tem­ 17 porary Dr. Dandy knew the only remaining hope was that instead of many tubercles there might be only one, a tubercu­ loma, which could be removed. Aswell returned to New York to break the news to Harper's; and Elizabeth Nowell, Fred Wolfe, and Maxwell Perkins came to the hospital. Aline Bernstein wanted to come but was dissuaded by Perkins who knew Mrs. Bernstein's presence would disturb Julia Wolfe. "Julia is here, and we don't know what she would do if she sees you," Perkins told Mrs. Bernstein. "I really think it's better for Tom if you don't come." 18 The surgery was scheduled for September 12. Wolfe's family and friends remained in a small waiting room near the operating room. At the family's insistence, Annie Laurie Crawford watched the operation and served as a buffer between hospital staff and family. Dr. Dandy performed a cerebellar exploration, looking for a large tubercle that might be causing the obstruction to the flow of cerebrospinal fluid and therefore increasing the pressure. If this could be found and removed, the pressure might be re­ lieved. Unfortunately, during surgery, Dr. Dandy discovered "Over the right lobe of the cerebellum were myriads of tuber­ cles" and determined "Obviously there was nothing that could be done." 19 The wound was closed with sutures of layered silk. "He didn't operate," Annie Laurie Crawford told Wolfe's fam­ ily and friends. "They opened up Tom's skull, and Dr. Dandy took one look and laid the scalpel down." Dr. Dandy then came into 20 the waiting room, still in his white suit and skullcap. "The case is hopeless," he grimly told everyone. "He has miliary tubercu­ losis of the brain. His brain is simply covered with tubercles— there must be millions of them there." The family exploded with grief and shock. "He may live for six weeks more," Dr. Dandy told them when they calmed down, "and we can keep him fairly comfortable. But it's absolutely hopeless. If he can die now, with­ out recovering from the operation—as he may within the next three days—it will be much better." Dr. Dandy diagnosed that 21 �96 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life Wolfe had contracted tuberculosis of the lung at some time in his youth. The lung cured itself, sealing the tubercles inside. When he contracted pneumonia in July, the lesion had reopened and the tubercles suffused his bloodstream and infected his brain. Wolfe remained in the neurosurgical recovery room and did not return to the room he had been admitted to in the Marburg Building. For three days and nights, he lay in a semicoma. Eliza­ beth Nowell later recalled: "His head was swathed in great white bandages, his eyes were shut, his breath came stertorously through half-opened mouth, but perhaps a spark of conscious­ ness still was in h i m . " 22 According to hospital records, Wolfe regained consciousness and talked with family members on September 13. The following day, lapsing into unconsciousness, he called for "Scotch!" and had imaginary conversations with his New York editors. The nurses urged Mabel to try to communicate with her brother. "Tom!" she would cry out, "Tom! Can you hear me? Answer me! Tom! Tom!" Finally, Wolfe answered with infinite patience and weariness, as if already talking to her from another world: "All right, Mabel. I'm c o m i n g . . . . " 2 3 A blood transfusion was given to him but to no avail. Wolfe died on Thursday morning, September 15, at 5:30. His death cer­ tificate lists the immediate cause of death as "tuberculosis men­ ingitis" with contributing "pulmonary tuberculosis." However, pneumonia developed following the major surgery and, like his brother Ben, Wolfe died "drowning . . . in his own secretions." 24 He died so suddenly there was little time to call those who had waited so loyally near him. (Of Wolfe's family and friends, only Annie Laurie Crawford witnessed his death.) "At the end—the very end—nothing but silence—there will be silence, lonely si­ lence in the end," he had written earlier. Julia, Mabel, and Fred 25 arrived five minutes after Wolfe died. Beside himself with grief, Fred implored the doctors to do something: "Bring him back, for ten minutes, five minutes, one minute! I want to talk to him!" "You do not understand," Mabel told Fred. "Tom is dead." 26 �1938 97 Julia Wolfe's face as she left the hospital was "white, almost like marble," her granddaughter Virginia remembered, "her black-brown eyes were frightened." 27 Julia did not sleep that night, but sat at a window in the rooming house across from Johns Hopkins, watching the hospital, refusing to go to bed. (Tom, she later insisted, had died of a brain abscess following pneumonia—tuberculosis was never mentioned.) A coffin large enough to hold Wolfe's body could not be located in Baltimore, so the undertaker had one made to order. On September 16 the king-size coffin was loaded onto a baggage car before Wolfe's family boarded the train. Elizabeth Nowell and Edward Aswell noticed that the family Pullman car was K- 19, the car Wolfe usually took to Asheville. On Saturday morning, the 17th, the train climbed up through the hills and mountains Wolfe had loved so much and arrived at the Biltmore station at 9:15. His body was taken to the Brownell-Dunn Funeral Home directly across the street from the Old Kentucky Home where final touches were provided. After an hour, his remains were moved into the front parlor of the dilap­ idated house he had always hated. Surrounded by floral tributes, he lay rigid in the pink padded, satin-lined casket, rouged and embalmed, his face white and expressionless, the line of his mouth unnatural and set. His nicotine-stained hands were Julia Wolfe, shortly before her death in 1 9 4 5 . Julia outlived Thomas Wolfe by seven years. Despite the fact that Wolfe's doctors diagnosed that he had con­ tracted tuberculosis in his youth, Julia refused to admit that her son had died of the disease. Maxwell Perkins firmly believed that Wolfe had contracted tuberculosis in Julia's boardinghouse, where her mania for money made her careless about the boarders she accepted. Photo courtesy of The Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. �98 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life waxen, the callus on his finger tangible evidence that writing was indeed hard work. A n ill-fitting black wig hid the incision on his shaved skull. The hair was plastered down, sleek and smooth, and shined like patent leather. Mabel placed a red rose in the la­ pel of his blue serge suit, although she knew her brother would not approve. The coffin, draped with transparent pink cheese­ cloth to keep the flies away, lay only a few feet from the piano where Mabel had entertained during the house's salad days. News of Thomas Wolfe's death stunned the community. Hundreds of friends and admirers called that day. Julia stood by the coffin, tearless, incessantly describing every minute detail of her son's final illness to anyone who would listen. Mabel, reeking with whiskey, stood near Julia, contradicting her mother's sto­ ries, and often weeping into her handkerchief. Maxwell Perkins went in to look at Wolfe, "who, thank God, did not look in the least like Tom," Perkins later remembered, "so I didn't much mind what I had dreaded." Frederick Koch, Wolfe's playwriting 28 instructor at Chapel Hill, attempted to find violets for Wolfe. Koch remembered how Buck Gavin had gone searching for vio­ lets to put on the grave of his partner. For hours Koch scoured the city but could not locate the violets he thought so appropri­ ate for his former student. O n Sunday afternoon, September 18, at 2:45, Thomas Wolfe left the Old Kentucky Home for the last time. The crowd gathered in front of the house overflowed from the yard to the sidewalk and street. As pallbearers J.Y. Jordan, Paul Green, Albert Coates, Frederick Koch, Jonathan Daniels, Hamilton Basso, W.O. Wolfe, Jr., and Henry Westall carried the coffin out of the parlor, Mabel began screaming hysterically. She later admitted she could not remember anything for the next two weeks. Pressed to the limits of her endurance, she did not attend her brother's funeral. "Brief, but impressive funeral services" 30 29 were held at First Presbyterian Church where Wolfe had attended Sunday school as a boy. The church was full a half-hour before the three o'clock services began, and the crowd extended to the church's balcony �1938 99 and lawn. Rev. Robert E Campbell, the former pastor, officiated, assisted by the present pastor, Rev. C. Grier Davis. "Abide with Me" and "Crossing the Bar," hymns chosen by Mabel, were sung. Dr. Campbell told the assembly, "I wish I had something definite to say about his religious life. As there was a restlessness and lack of definite form in his intellectual and emotional processes, it is natural to conclude that the same was true of his religious beliefs and aspirations." Campbell illustrated his contention with a quotation from Of Time and the River: "Where shall the weary rest? When shall the lonely of heart come home? What doors are open for the wanderer? And which of us shall find his father, know his face, and in what place, and in what time, and in what land?" But when atheist Margaret Roberts sensed Dr. 31 Campbell was attempting to add religious connotation by capi­ talizing "his" and "father" with special emphasis, she wanted to say, "Not capitals! No capitals there!" ("Father" and "His" were 32 capitalized in the Asheville Citizen's reportage of the funeral.) As the funeral cortege passed through the business district, people along the streets stopped and bowed their heads. Men took off their hats. Hundreds attended the interment at River­ side Cemetery. At the end of the rites, Julia Wolfe's tired face was seen pressed against the window of her limousine, and, as the car rolled away, she watched the grave as long as she could. Thomas Wolfe's net estate was assessed at $10,305. Cash at the time of his death totaled $8,653. Royalties accrued on his books were estimated at $6,009. Deductions for administrative and funeral costs of $2,026 and debts of $2,331, incurred during his final illness, reduced the total. Wolfe's will named Maxwell Perkins as executor of the estate. The fate of Wolfe's massive unfinished manuscript was then in the hands of Edward Aswell. Only a day after Wolfe's death, the Asheville Citizen reported that Wolfe's last manuscript would "continue the story of the Gant family began in 'Look Homeward, Angel.'" 33 Before Wolfe had left for Purdue, he de­ termined that The Web and the Rock would require at least an- �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 100 other year of work. Although many chapters had been com­ pleted, others remained in first or partial draft, and several had yet to be written. Some of the sections were still in Wolfe's hand­ written scrawl—typists would have to guess at some of the pen­ ciled words. In addition, the protagonist of the book had as many as six different names. In some chapters, which often weaved between first and third person, the protagonist had sev­ eral brothers and sisters, while in others, he was an only child. After Wolfe's death, Aswell and Perkins realized that because the novel was ten times the size of the average novel, there would be a small reading public for anything of such propor­ tions. Allowed to use only the two enormous bundles Wolfe gave him in May 1937, Aswell dealt with the problem by dividing the manuscript into two novels: The Web and the Rock and You Can't Go Home Again, and a collection of stories and fragments, The Hills Beyond, He standardized names, blended or omitted char­ acters, and, to prevent lawsuits for libel or invasion of privacy, changed the names or altered the descriptions of minor charac­ ters. Although Aswell took liberties in reshaping and recasting dozens of passages, as well as writing the summary notes ap­ pearing in italics between the sections of each novel, by no means could he be considered the author of Wolfe's posthu­ mous novels, as some critics have charged. Maxwell Perkins and Edward Aswell were asked by Wolfe's family to supply a suitable epitaph for Wolfe's gravestone. Per­ kins chose a quotation from Look Homeward, Angel; Aswell, one from The Web and the Rock. Although only one quotation was to be on the stone, Wolfe's family could not decide which to use, so they used both: " T H E LAST VOYAGE, T H E LONGEST, T H E BEST." LOOK HOMEWARD, A N G E L "DEATH B E N T T O T O U C H HIS C H O S E N S O N W I T H MERCY, LOVE A N D PITY, A N D PUT T H E SEAL OF H O N O R O N H I M W H E N H E DIED." T H E WEB A N D T H E ROCK �1938 101 Thomas Wolfe's grave, Riverside Cemetery, Asheville, North Carolina. Photo courtesy of The Thomos Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. NOTES 1. Notebooks, II, 954. 2. Letters, 764. 3. Thomas Wolfe, You Can't Go Home Again (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1940), 388. 4. Letters, 766. 5. Notebooks, II, 963. 6. Ibid., 987. 7. Letters, 774. 8. Ibid., 776. 9. Donald, 456. 10. Letters, 776. 11. Nowell, 428. �102 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 12. Ibid., 429. 13. Ibid., 434. 14. Ibid., 436. 15. ZfoW. 16. Medical reports, Johns Hopkins Hospital, September 10 and 12, 1938. 17. Nowell,437. 18. Carole Klein. Aline (New York: Harper & Row, 1979), 316. 19. Medical reports. 20. Nowell,438. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid., 438-439. 24. The Autobiographical Outline, 41. 25. Notebooks, II, 616. 26. Charlotte News, July 30, 1939. 27. Virginia Gambrell Wilder to Ted Mitchell, telephone interview, April 23,1996. 28. Nowell,439. 29. See Joanne Marshall Mauldin, "'Peace to His Ashes and Sorrow for His Going': Thomas Wolfe's Funeral," Thomas Wolfe Review 18:1 (Fall 1994): 31. This article is a definitive and fascinating account of Thomas Wolfe's funeral. 30. Asheville Citizen, September 19,1938. 31. Ibid. In the early 1930s Wolfe claimed to be an atheist: "I do not think that I have believed in God for fifteen years. Sometimes it seems that I never believed in him save when I was a little child, saying my prayers, mechanically, at night." Turnbull, 327. 32. Turnbull, 321. 33. Asheville Citizen, September 16,1938. �Carrara angel from the tombstone shop of W. 0 . Wolfe in Asheville. "It was sculpted from the finest white Italian marble that money could buy/' Wolfe's father told the daughters of Margaret Bates Johnson, who purchased the statue for their mother's grave in 1 9 0 6 . The statue stands in Oakdale Cemetery, Hendersonville, North Carolina. Photo by Ted Mitchell. �Thomas Wolfe's funeral, September 1 8 , 1 9 3 8 , First Presbyterian church, Asheville. Photo courtesy of the Thomas Wolfe Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. �APPENDIX A Ancestry of Thomas Wolfe Paternal Ancestry Nothing has been learned of the parentage of Thomas Wolfe's paternal grandfather, Jacob Wolf He may have been descended from or in some way related to Hans Georg Wolff or Hans Bernhard Wolff immigrants who arrived in America in 1727. He may have been a distant cousin of George Wolf governor (1829-1835) of Pennsylvania. Thomas Wolfe's paternal grandmother, Eleanor Jane Heikes, was of Dutch and German ancestry. I. Jacob Wolf was born about 1807 in Adams County, Pennsyl­ vania; he died 17 August 1860. Married on 12 April 1838 to Eleanor Jane Heikes (13 July 1817-26 July 1913). They had nine children: 1. Augusta Louisa Wolf (1838-ca. 1915). 2. George Alexander Wolf (1839-1901). 3. Sarah Ellen Wolf (1841-1864). 4. Huldah EmelineWolf (1844-1858). 5. Susan Rebecca Wolf (1846-1867). 6. Wesley Emerson Wolfe (1848-1915). 7. WILLIAM OLIVER WOLFE (Thomas Wolfe's father. See below.) 8. Elmore Elsworth (or Elmer Emerson) Wolf (1853-1894). 9. Gilbert John (or John Gilbert) Wolf (1858-1921). II. William Oliver Wolfe (10 April 1851-20 June 1922). Married three times: Hattie J. Watson on 9 October 1873; Cynthia C. �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 106 Hill (1842-1884) on 25 March 1879; Julia Westall (16 Febru­ ary 1860-7 December 1945) on 14 January 1885. No children from W.O.'s first two marriages; eight children with Julia Westall Wolfe: 1. Leslie E. Wolfe (19 October 1885-14 July 1886). 2. Effie Nelson Wolfe Gambrell (7 June 1887-11 November 1950). 3. Frank Cecil Wolfe (25 November 1888-7 November 1956). 4. Mabel Elizabeth Wolfe Wheaton (25 September 1890-29 September 1958). 5. Benjamin Harrison Wolfe (27 October 1892-19 October 1918). 6. Grover Cleveland Wolfe (27 October 1892-16 November 1904). 7. Frederick William Wolfe (15 July 1894-8 April 1980). 8. Thomas Clayton Wolfe (3 October 1900-15 September 1938). Maternal Ancestry I. Richard (or Andrew) Westall. Origins England or Scodand. II. Thomas Westall (sometimes referred to as William McGillis Westall), born in England or Scodand, about 1775; died circa 1834. Married Mary Brittain Westall (20 July 1787-27 No­ vember 1864) about 1804 (divorced in about 1812). One son. III. William Brittain ("Billy") Westall (15 November 1805-22 No­ vember 1882). Married Matilda Penland Westall (30 June 1799-21 June 1841) on May 31, 1827. Six children from this marriage: 1. Samuel James Westall (1828-1897). 2. Thomas Casey Westall (1830-1903). �Appendix A: Ancestry of Thomas Wolfe 107 3. Clarissa A n n Westall Horton (1832-1921). 4. William Lysander Westall (1836-1864). 5. Noble Bachus Westall (1838-1924). 6. Matilda Jane Westall (1841, died shortly after birth). William Brittain Westall's second marriage in 1841 was to Eliza Madelyn Angel (20 April 1820-19 November 1898) in 1841. There were 13 children from the second marriage: 1. John Baird Westall (1842-1937). 2. Henry Clay Westall (1843-1845). 3. Julia Catharine Westall (1845-1846). 4. Andrew Henson Westall (1846-1914). 5. Mary Elizabeth Westall (1848-?). 6. William Lysander Westall, born Winfield Scott Westall (1849- ca. 1876). 7. Rebecca Katie Westall (1850-?). 8. Robert Penland Westall (1853-1874). 9. James Poteat Westall (1854-1915). 10. Theodore Westall (1856-1925). 11. Sarah A n n Eliza Westall (1857-1911). 12. Zebulon Vance Westall (1859-1890). 13. Nancy Louisa Westall (1859-1953). IV Thomas Casey Westall (9 May 1830-28 June 1903). Married Martha A n n Penland Westall (31 March 1833-27 July 1899) on 31 January 1853. Eleven children: 1. Henry Addison Westall (1854-1947). 2. Samuel William Bacchus Westall (1855-1863). 3. Sarah Matilda Westall (1857-1877). 4. JULIA ELIZABETH WESTALL (1860-1945). Wolfe's mother.) (Thomas �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 108 5. James Manassas Westall (1861-1943). 6. William Harrison Westall (1863-1944). 7. Lee Johnson Westall (1866-1884). 8. Mary Rebecca Westall (1868-1885). 9. Thomas Crockett Westall (1870-1940). 10. Horace Greely Westall (1872-1902). 11. Elmer Capen Westall (1874-1941). (Sources: Julia and the Westalls Beyond: The Maternal Ancestry of Thomas Wolfe, Deborah A. Borland, 1992; Thomas Wolfe's Pennsylvania, Richard Walser, Croissant & Company, 1978; "Thomas Westall and His Son William," Richard Walser, Thomas Wolfe Review, (Spring 1984,): 8-18.) Thomas Wolfe's great-half-uncle, John B. Westall ( 1 8 4 2 - 1 9 3 7 ) , as a Confederate soldier. Wolfe fictionalized his uncle's reminiscences of the Civil War battle at Chickamauga into a short story, "Chickamauga." However, in the story, Westall was made more countri­ fied. "Grandfather didn't talk the way the speaker does in the story, though," Westall's grandson, Bruce Westall, later remembered. "He was very precise and careful; he never said 'hit' for 'it.'" (Thomas Wolfe Review, Fall 1982.) Photo courtesy of The North Carolina Collection, Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville, North Carolina. �APPENDIX B Publications of Thomas Wolfe Separate Publications The Crisis in Industry, University of North Carolina, 1919. Look Homeward, Angel, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1929. Of Time and the River, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1935. From Death to Morning, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1935. The Story of a Novel, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1936. A Note on Experts: Dexter Vespasian Joyner, House of Books, Ltd., 1939. The Web and the Rock, Harper & Brothers, 1939. You Can't Go Home Again, Harper & Brothers, 1940. The Hills Beyond, Harper & Brothers, 1941. Gentlemen of the Press, Black Archer Press, 1942. Thomas Wolfe's Letters to His Mother, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1943. Mannerhouse, Harper & Brothers, 1948. . . . The Years of Wandering in Many Lands and Cities," u Charles S. Boesen, 1949. A Western Journal, University of Pittsburgh Press, 1951. The Correspondence of Thomas Wolfe and Homer Andrew Watt, New York University Press, 1954. The Letters of Thomas Wolfe, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1956. The Short Novels of Thomas Wolfe, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1961. �110 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life Thomas Wolfe's Purdue Speech: "Writing and Living/' Purdue University Studies, 1964. The Mountains, University of North Carolina Press, 1970. The Notebooks of Thomas Wolfe, University of North Carolina Press, 1970. A Prologue to America, Croissant & Company, 1978. London Tower, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1980. The Proem to "OLost," Thomas Wolfe Society, 1980. The Streets of Durham, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1982. K-19: Salvaged Pieces, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1983. Welcome to Our City, Louisiana State University Press, 1983. Beyond Love and Loyalty: The Letters of Thomas Wolfe and Eliz­ abeth Nowell, University of North Carolina Press, 1983. My Other Loneliness: Letters of Thomas Wolfe and Aline Bern­ stein, University of North Carolina Press, 1983. The Train and the City, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1984. Holding on for Heaven: The Cables and Postcards of Thomas Wolfe and Aline Bernstein, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1985. Thomas Wolfe Interviewed, 1929-1938, Louisiana State Univer­ sity Press, 1985. The Hound of Darkness, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1986. The Complete Short Stories of Thomas Wolfe, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1987. The Starwick Episodes, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1989. Thomas Wolfe's Composition Books: The North State Fitting School 1912-1915, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1990. The Autobiographical Outline for Look Homeward, Angel, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1991. �Appendix B: Publications of Thomas Wolfe 111 The Good Child's River, University of North Carolina Press, 1991. The Lost Boy, University of North Carolina Press, 1992. Thomas Wolfe's Notes on Macbeth, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1992. [George Webber, Writer]: An Introduction by a Friend, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1994. The Party at Jack's, University of North Carolina Press, 1995. Antaeus, or A Memory of Earth, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1996. Passage to England: A Selection, Thomas Wolfe Society, 1998. First-Appearance Contributions to Books, Magazines, and Newspapers "A Field in Flanders," University of North Carolina December 1917. Magazine, "To France," University of North Carolina Magazine, December 1917. "The Challenge," University of North Carolina Magazine, March 1918. "A Cullenden of Virginia," University of North Carolina Maga­ zine, March 1918. "To Rupert Brooke," University of North Carolina May 1918. Magazine, "The Drammer," University of North Carolina Magazine, April 1919. "An Appreciation," University of North Carolina Magazine, May 1919. "Deferred Payment," University of North Carolina June 1919. Magazine, "Russian Folk Song," University of North Carolina Magazine, May 1920. �112 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life "The Creative Movement in Writing," Tar Heel June 14, 1919. "The Streets of Durham, or Dirty Work at the Cross Roads," Uni­ versity of North Carolina Tar Baby\ November 18,1919. "Concerning Honest Bob," University of North Carolina Maga­ zine, May 1920. "The Return of Buck Gavin," Carolina Folk-Plays, Henry Holt & Company, 1924. "London Tower," Asheville Citizen, July 19, 1925. "An Angel on the Porch," Scribner's Magazine, August 1929. "A Poetic Odyssey of the Korea That Was Crushed," New York Evening Post, April 4, 1931. "A Portrait of Bascom Hawke," Scribner's Magazine, April 1932. "The Web of Earth," Scribner's Magazine, July 1932. "The Train and the City," Scribner's Magazine, May 1933. "Death the Proud Brother," Scribner's Magazine, June 1933. "No Door: A Story of Time and the Wanderer," Scribner's Maga­ zine, July 1933. "The Four Lost Men," Scribner's Magazine, February 1934. "The Sun and the Rain," Scribner's Magazine, May 1934. "Boom Town," American Mercury, May 1934. "The House of the Far and Lost," Scribner's Magazine, August 1934. "Dark in the Forest, Strange as Time," Scribner's Magazine, No­ vember 1934. "The Names of the Nation," Modern Monthly, December 1934. "For Professional Appearance," Modern Monthly, January 1935. "One of the Girls in Our Party," Scribner's Magazine, January 1935. �Appendix B: Publications of Thomas Wolfe 113 "Circus at Dawn," Modern Monthly, March 1935. "His Father's Earth," Modern Monthly, April 1935. "Old Catawba," Virginia Quarterly Review, April 1935. "Only the Dead Know Brooklyn," New Yorker, June 15, 1935. "Polyphemus," North American Review, June 1935. "In the Park," Harper's Bazaar, June 1935. "The Face of the War," Modern Monthly, June 1935. "Gulliver: The Story of a Tall Man," Scribner's Magazine, June 1935. "Arnold Pendand," Esquire, June 1935. "Cottage by the Tracks," Cosmopolitan, July 1935. "The Bums at Sunset," Vanity Fair, October 1935. "The Bell Remembered," American Mercury, August 1936. "Fame and the Poet," American Mercury, October 1936. "I Have a Thing to Tell You: (Nun will ich ihnen 'was sagen)." New Republic, March 10, 17, 24, 1937. "Mr. Malone," New Yorker, May 29, 1937. "Oktoberfest," Scribner's Magazine, June 1937. "'E, A Recollection," New Yorker, July 17, 1937. "April, Late April," American Mercury, September 1937. "The Child by Tiger," Saturday Evening Post, September 11, 1937. "Katamoto," Harper's Bazaar, October 1937. "The Lost Boy," Redbook, November 1937. "Chickamauga," Yale Review, Winter 1938. "The Company," New Masses, January 11,1938. "A Prologue to America," Vogue, February 1, 1938. �114 Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life The Third Night: A Play of the Carolina Mountains, The Carolina Playbook, September 11,1938. "Portrait of a Literary Critic: A Satire," American Mercury, April 1939. "The Party at Jack's," Scribner's Magazine, May 1939. "A Western Journey," Virginia Quarterly Review, Summer 1939. "Three O'clock," North American Review, Summer 1939. "The Winter of Our Discontent," Atlantic Monthly, June 1939. "The Golden City," Harper's Bazaar, June 1939. "The Birthday," Harper's Magazine, June 1939. "Enchanted City," Reader's Digest, October 1939. "The Hollyhock Sowers," American Mercury, August 1940. "Dark Messiah," Current History and Forum, August 1940. "Nebraska Crane," Harper's Magazine, August 1940. "So This Is Man," Town and Country, August 1940. "The Promise of America," Coronet, September 1940. "The Hollow Men," Esquire, October 1940. "The Anatomy of Loneliness," American Mercury, October 1941. "The Lion at Morning," Harper's Bazaar, October 1941. "The Plumed Knight," Town and Country, October 1941. "Old M a n Rivers," Atlantic Monthly, December 1947. (Sources: Thomas Wolfe: A Descriptive Bibliography, Carol John­ ston, University of Pittsburgh Press, 1987; "Thomas Wolfe: A Publishing Chronology," Aldo P. Magi, Thomas Wolfe Review (Fall 1983): 14-20.) �Acknowledgments F OREMOST, I express my gratitude to Steve Hill, manager of the Thomas Wolfe Memorial since 1979, who made this book a reality. Without his idea for a concise Thomas Wolfe biography, this book would not have been written. As always, I am indebted to Aldo P. Magi for his extraordinary kindness. He is an outstanding advisor and friend, and I deeply appreciate his generosity of spirit and his constant willingness to assist. That's why this book is dedicated to him. Dr. Richard Knapp's sound counsel guided the manuscript from its first stages to the final draft. His efficient and generous help improved this book by 100 percent. I cannot thank him enough for his advice. I am especially indebted to Philip P. Banks of Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville. He was always eager to help me locate materials from numerous sources. I am also grateful to the staff of the Houghton Library at Harvard University, especially Leslie Morris and Melanie Wisner. I am grateful to Alice R. Cotten and Jerry Cotten at the Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, for their attention to minute details. David Strange provided the design and composition of the first edition, upon which this revision is based. As always, I am grateful for his advice as a counselor and his remarkable talents as a designer. His enormous generosity of time and talent will always be appreciated. �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 116 I am grateful to the following individuals for answering my questions and sharing their knowledge of Thomas Wolfe: James W. Clark, Jr., Walter E. Dandy, Jr., M.D., Mary Aswell Doll, Elizabeth Evans, Richard S. Kennedy, John L. Idol, Jr., Steven B. Rogers, Webb Salmon, Herbert M . Schiller, M.D., Clara Stites, Morton I. Teicher, and John Ware, M.D. Many thanks to Deborah A. Borland, whose expertise and professionalism assisted so greatly in the preparation of this book. I am especially grateful to T i m Barnwell, John Beaver, the late Paul Gitlin, Kimberley Hewitt, Joe A. Mobley, Chris Morton, Zoe Rhine, Susan Weatherford, Ralph Williams, and A n n Wright, for their assistance. I would also like to thank for their support: my parents, Ilias and Edna Mitchell; my brother, Rick Mitchell and his family; and friends Zeb Baker, Connie Bostic, Matthew J. Bruccoli, Pat Conroy, George Darden, Tina Gambrell, Walter R. Graham, Jr., Allan Gurganus, Jan Hensley, Secretary Betty Ray McCain, Wes Morrison, Henry Rollins, Anne W. Taylor, Chris Wexler, and the late Virginia Wilder. M y Sunday afternoon visits with the late Margaret Rose Roberts contained some of the most moving memories of my life. M y greatest debt, however, is to Joanne Marshall Mauldin, certainly one of the finest Wolfe researchers in the country. Not only have her painstakingly researched articles set an example for Wolfe scholarship to come, but her fierce devotion to main­ taining accuracy and clarity has been an inspiration to me. Without Joanne Mauldin's help, this would have been a different volume altogether. Finally, Todd Bailey has proved to be all that a friend can be. Life is lighter with his presence. �NDEX A Anderson, Sherwood, 79 Armstrong, Anne W. 73, 78, 79 Asheville: pictured, 2; as por­ trayed by Wolfe, 49-50, 74-75 Asheville Citizen, 18, 49. 74, 75, 76 Asheville Female Seminary, 7 Asheville Times, 49 Aswell, Edward C , xiv, 81, 86-87, 89, 94, 97; pictured, 81 Aswell, Edward D., 81 Aswell, Mary Louise, 81, 82 B Baker, George P., 34, 38, 40, 41; pictured, 39 Basso, Hamilton, 77-78 Battery Park Hotel, 78 Berengaria, 45 Bernard, Elizabeth, 15 Bernard, William S.: pictured, 25 Bernstein, Aline, xiii, xiv, 44-46, 54, 55, 56, 58, 61, 67, 95; pic­ tured, 44 Bernstein, Theodore, 44 Bingham Military School, 33 Bowman, William C. 2 Boyd, James, 72 Boyd, Madeleine, 46, 47, 67 Burnsville, N.C., 73-74, 77-78 c Charles Scribner's Sons, 46, 68, 71,79 Concerning Honest Bob, 32 Carolina Playmakers, 31-32 Cayton, John, 4 "Chickamauga," 74 Cocke, Philip: pictured, 77 Conway, Ray, 88, 89; pictured, 88 Crawford, Annie L., 93, 95, 96 Crockett, Davy, 6 Cummings, F. A., 86 D Dandy, Walter E., 93-96 Deferred Payment, 32 DeVoto, Bernard, 66-67 Dialectic Literary Society, 24 Dixieland boardinghouse, 14. See also Old Kentucky Home Dodd, Martha, 69 Dodd, William, 68 Dooher, Muredach J., 67 Dorman, Marjorie, 67 E Ed (cook), 76 Emmet, Mary, 79 Europa, 68 �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 118 F Fitzgerald, F. Scott, 54-55 Forty-seven (47) Workshop, 39-40 French, Lora, 33 From Death to Morning, 63 Frost, Robert, 62 G Gambrell, EffieW, 8, 12-13, 15; pictured, 10 Gant, Eugene, xi, xiii, xv, 25 Gem City Soda Shop, 73 Gone with the Wind, 73 Gorsline, Douglas, 72 Greenlaw, Edwin: pictured, 29 Guggenheim fellowship, 54 H Haglund, Ivar, 89, 90 Haglund, Margaret, 89, 90 Hale, Nancy, 66 Harper and Brothers, 81-82 Harriss, R. R, 79 Harvard University, 34, 38 Hazzard house, 12 Heikes family, 3 Higgins, James O., 73-74 Hill, Cynthia C , 4; pictured, 5 Hills Beyond, The, 86-87 Hitler, Adolph, 69 "Hound of Darkness," 62 / "I Have a Thing to Tell You," 70 He de France, 59 Independent Magazine, 19 Israel, Max, 15 / Jassinoff, Gwen, 86, 87 Jelliffe, Belinda, 62 Jordan, J.Y, 78 Joyce, James, xiii Judson College, 7 K "K-19," 56, 97 Koch, Frederick H., 31, 34, 38; pictured 32 L Lancastria, 42 Langley Field, 29-30 Lee, Russel, 91 Lieber, Maxim, 58 "London Tower," 43 Look Homeward, Angel, xiii, 4, 6, 14, 24-25, 47-50, 54-55, 59 M McCoy, George W., 75 Majestic, 45 Mannerhouse, 43 Martin, Wallace M., 27 Meyer, Wallace, 71 Miller, Edward, 88, 89; pictured, 88 Mountains, The, 38, 39 Myers, T. M., 14 �Index N Nazis, 68-70 New Republic, 70 New York University, 42 Niggertown, 40 "No More Rivers," 71 North State School, 18,19 Nowell, Elizabeth, xiii, xiv, 58, 63, 71, 72, 79, 81, 86, 95, 97; pic­ tured, 58 Nu-Wraylnn, 73, 77 o Of Time and the River, xiii, 34, 57-63 Oktoberfest, 46 Old Kentucky Home, 14, 15, 26, 30; pictured, 14 Olympic, xiv, 44 O'Neill, Eugene, 38 Orange Street School, 15, 16 Oteen cabin, 74-77; pictured, 77 P "Party at Jack's, The," 78 "Passage to England," 43 Patton, Elizabeth, 6 Paul, Clara E., 26-27, 29; pic­ tured, 27 Paul, Ray, 26 Perkins, Maxwell E., xiii, xiv, 4648, 50, 54, 57-63, 66-68, 71, 72, 91-92, 95; pictured, 47, 92 Pi Kappa Phi, 28-29; pictured, 33 "Portrait of Bascom Hawke," 5657 Princeton University, 26 119 Purdue University, 86-87 R Raisbeck, Kenneth, 38 Ray, Philip, 73-74 "Return," 75 Return of Buck Gavin, The, 31-32 Riverside Park, 16 Roberts, Emma, 18 Roberts, JohnM., 16-17 Roberts, Margaret H., 16-18, 27, 40, 49, 58, 78; pictured 17 Rotterdam, 46 Rowohlt, Ernest, 60 Ruge, E. C , 90-91 s Saturday Review of Literature, 62, 66 Scribner, Charles, III, 54 Scribner's: See Charles Scribner's Sons Scribner's Magazine, 56-57, 58 Seven Seas, 68, 70 Sluder, Erwin E., 14 "Spangler's Paul," 66 Stevens, James, 89, 90 Stevens, Theresa, 89, 90 Story of a Novel, The, 62, 66, 67 Streets of Durham, or Dirty Work at the Cross Roads, The, 32 T Tar Heel, 29, 33 Theatre Guild, 41 Third Night, The, 32 Thomas Wolfe Review, xiv �Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life 120 Thorns in the Flesh, 8 Tuberculosis, 72-73, 94-96 Turtle Bay, 63 u University of North Carolina, 2426, 27-29, 41 University of North Carolina Magazine, 28, 32 V Volendam, 54 Vance, Zebulon, 24 Voelcker, Thea, 69-70 Vogue, 62 w Warren, Robert Penn, 62 Washington Square College, 42 Watson, Hattie J., 4; pictured, 5 Watt, Homer A., 42, 44 Watts, Charles E., 91, 93 Webber, George, xi, xiii, xv, 86, 87 "Web of Earth, The," 57 Web and the Rock, The, xiv, 62, 66, 86-87 Welcome to Our City, 40-41 Westall, Henry A., 38 Westall, John B., 74 Westall, Julia E.: See Wolfe, Julia W. Westall, Laura, 38 Westall, Martha P., 6 Westall, Thomas C , 2, 6 Wheaton, Mabel W., xii, 8, 15, 49, 50, 91, 93-94, 96, 99; pictured, 10 Wheaton, Ralph, 19, 26 Whitson, Max, 74 Williams, Henry H.: pictured, 28 Winter, Ella, 79 Winter, Sophus, 90 Wisdom, William B., 71 Wolf, Eleanor H., 3 Wolf, Jacob, 3 Wolfe, Effie N.: See Gambrell, EffieW. Wolfe, Benjamin H., xii, 8,12, 3031; pictured, 11,30 Wolfe, Frank C , 8,12-13, 50; pic­ tured, 10 Wolfe, Frederick W., xii, 8,12,13, 50,71-72, 74-75, 91, 95; pic­ tured 11 Wolfe, Grover C , 8, 13; pictured, 11 Wolfe, Julia W., xii, 2, 5-8,12-15, 16, 31, 33-34, 39, 49-50, 56, 57, 93-97; pictured, 6, 9,75 Wolfe, Leslie E., 8 Wolfe, Mabel E.: See Wheaton, Mabel W. Wolfe, Mary Louise: pictured, 13 Wolfe, Thomas C : pictured, 1,12, 13, 23,31,33, 37, 43, 48, 53, 57, 61, 65, 69, 75, 76, 77, 85, 87, 88 Wolfe, William O.: xii, 2-5, 7-8, 12, 15-16, 19, 30, 33-34, 40; pic­ tured, 3 Y YacketyYack,29 You Can't Go Home Again, xiv, 62, 66, 70, 79-80, 86-87 �ABOUT THE AUTHOR was a historic site interpreter at the Thomas Wolfe Memorial State Historic Site for more than thirteen years, and was a prolific writer in regards to the life and works of Thomas Wolfe. Mitchell produced more than thirty books and articles on the subject including, Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life and Windows of the Heart: The Correspondence of Thomas Wolfe and Margaret Roberts. Mitchell was the director of the annual Thomas Wolfe festival in Asheville, North Carolina. He was the face and personality of the Wolfe Memorial site. He passed away on December 6, 2008, at the age of 59. TED MITCHELL � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Thomas Wolfe: A Writer's Life Description An account of the resource <span>The first novelist from North Carolina to become an influential voice in American literature, Thomas Wolfe was an imaginative and persuasive fictional writer. Hailing from Asheville, North Carolina, Thomas Wolfe is best known for his vivid portrayal of life in the mountains during the twentieth century. Published in 1999,&nbsp;</span><em>Thomas Wolfe: A Writer’s Life</em><span>&nbsp;explores Wolfe’s life and career spanning from 1900 until his early death in 1938. The author, Ted Mitchell, was a historic site interpreter at the Thomas Wolfe Memorial State Historic Site in Asheville. An earlier edition of this work was published by the Thomas Wolfe Memorial State Historic Site without the interpretation of Mitchell.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1aFWLS9QXyeJ4T60EvAxR2ltTxWJJEjAo" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638102/thomas-wolfe" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mitchell, Ted Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Subject The topic of the resource Wolfe, Thomas, 1900-1938 Novelists, American--20th century--Biography North Carolina--Biography Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1999 Language A language of the resource English Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Biographies E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4453066/asheville.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s Asheville literature photographs Thomas Wolfe https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/c8ce3d19c015cdc10f5d5a220bb0a862.pdf 6a841ffdd6e4f41cd9e538c4e416f04c PDF Text Text �Promoting Student Investigation of Local Environmental Issues EMERGING RMTERNS IN THE SOUTHERN Hit A Reference All. •nd ActvrtM lor Edt»c*noft SKM through the Southern Highlands Environmental Project Project Report Appalachian Consortium, Boone, North Carolina �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2.004., its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1993 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4131-7 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �111 Promoting Student Investigation of Local Environmental Issues through the Southern Highlands Environmental Project Project Report by Woodward S. Bousquet Project evaluation by Diane C. Cantrell Co-sponsored by the Appalachian Consortium, Boone, North Carolina, and Warren Wilson College, Swannanoa, North Carolina, with support from the Z. Smith Reynolds Foundation, Winston-Salem, North Carolina. Additional copies of this report are available from the Appalachian Consortium, University Hall, Boone, North Carolina 28708 (704/262-2064). Please enclose $1.00 for postage and handling. June, 1993 �IV Project Staff Woodward S. Bousquet Institute Director and Project Co-director Chair, Environmental Studies Department, Warren Wilson College Barry M. Buxton Project Co-director Executive Director, Appalachian Consortium (currently Executive Director, The Health Adventure, Asheville, North Carolina) Diane C. Cantrell Project Evaluator and Institute Instructor Assistant Professor of Education, The Ohio State University at Newark (currently Assistant Chief, Office of Public Information & Education, Ohio Department of Natural Resources) Kristin Copeland Graduate Assistant, Appalachian State University, 1988 Ralph Jarvis Exchange Associate, Atlantic Center for the Environment, 1986 �Summary From 1985 through 1990, the Appalachian Consortium developed and sponsored a different approach to inservice teacher education — the Southern Highlands Environmental Project (SHEP). Its purpose was to prepare and support Appalachian teachers in leading their students in investigations of local and regional environmental concerns. The Project began with a needs assessment survey. Results of this survey were used to design a five-day teacher institute, which was held in July, 1988. During the 1988-89 school year, teachers assisted their students in investigating environmental issues in their home communities and, when appropriate, becoming involved in addressing those issues. Most student groups shared the results of their work through science fair projects, PTO meetings, or articles in local newspapers. Participating teachers submitted project reports when their environmental units were completed. An evaluation, which included a two-hour telephone interview with each teacher, documented the implementation and results of the Southern Highlands Environmental Project. The evaluation demonstrated that the Project's basic goals were achieved. This report describes the Project's initiation, needs assessment, teacher institute, classroom implementation, outcomes, and dissemination. Elements of its success are presented as a model for the introduction of community-focused environmental education in schools. �V I Table of Contents page Project Staff iv Summary v Table of Contents vi Introduction Environmental Education The Appalachian Consortium Becomes Involved, 1985 1 Needs Assessment and Project Design, 1986-87 Needs Assessment Project Design and Funding Proposals 3 The Teacher Institute and Classroom Projects, 1988-89 5 Project Evaluation, 1989-90 7 Extending the Project's Impact, 1989-1993 11 Toward an Inservice Teacher Education Model for Investigating Local Environmental Issues 13 References 15 Appendix Needs Assessment Questionnaire Follow-up Letter for Needs Assessment List of Participants Teacher Institute Schedule 17 �Introduction Environmental Education Environmental education sprang from the environmental activism of the late 1960s. It was not entirely new, however. Its practitioners borrowed ideas from, and its proponents built upon the accomplishments of, nature study, conservation education and outdoor education -- three educational movements that had originated a half-century or more earlier. The phrasing may differ, but most educators agree that the purpose of environmental education (EE) is to help citizens understand natural and cultural environments, become aware of environmental problems, and develop the motivation and the skills to work toward their solution (Roth, ei al.. 1980). Although EE can take place at parks, nature centers and camps, and it can be presented through newspapers, radio and television, a great deal of energy has been devoted to incorporating environmental issues and concepts into the K-12 school curriculum. "Get it into the schools" is repeated almost mantra-like by many environmentalists, politicians and educators. Short-term workshops and institutes have been the most popular vehicles for helping teachers "environmentalize" their classroom programs. These forms of inservice teacher education have taken on a variety of formats (Rakow, 1985) and have met with varying degrees of success (Ham, el al.. 1987-88). The standard approach has been a Saturday session in which activity guides are provided and teaching methods are demonstrated. Longer-term formats such as weekend workshops and semester-long graduate courses have also been utilized, but they make up a small percentage of the total number of inservice education opportunities offered. The Appalachian Consortium Becomes Involved. 1985 The Appalachian Consortium is a nonprofit educational organization serving 156 counties in the mountainous portions of seven southeastern states (Figure 1). Dedicated to preserving and protecting the heritage of southern Appalachia, the organization was founded in 1971 by a group of concerned citizens and educational leaders. Currently, the Consortium has 15 institutional members. This diverse group consists of three government agencies, two artisans' associations, seven colleges and universities, two environmental organizations, and a historical society. The Consortium's primary objective is to provide services to the region to improve the quality of life, promote regional cooperation, and raise the pride of Appalachian people in their traditions and region. Activities of the Consortium have included summer institutes for teachers, conferences and seminars on regional scholarship, travelling museum exhibitions, and historic resource studies. The Appalachian Consortium Press, a Consortium division, has published over 50 manuscripts dealing with southern Appalachia. 1 �2 Figure 1 Appalachian Consortium Service Region NC GA SC The Consortium expanded its efforts during the past decade to work with public school teachers and administrators. The organization, with funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities, offered two Southern Highlands Institutes for Educators, one dealing with Appalachian studies and the other dealing with cultural values in American literature. Both institutes brought public school educators together with regional scholars from member colleges and universities. Late in 1985 the Appalachian Consortium's Committee on Regional Cooperation and Development met to explore how the Consortium could support another educational effort - environmental education -- in its service region. Committee members agreed that EE efforts sponsored by the Consortium should deal primarily with regional issues rather than, for instance, species identification or outdoor adventure skills. An issue-oriented focus would match the organization's objectives and fill a suspected gap in existing school programs. The Committee formally endorsed an environmental education project and formed an EE subcommittee. Warren Wilson College, an institutional member of the Appalachian Consortium, began its environmental studies program in 1977. Environmental education is available as one of seven concentrations within the environmental studies major. Thus, the College is one of the few institutions of higher education in the Southeast to offer an EE program. In light of Warren Wilson's membership in the Consortium, its own longstanding commitment to Appalachia, and its activities in environmental studies, the College's leadership in Consortium activities related to EE was considered appropriate. �3 Needs Assessment and Project Design, 1986-87 Needs Assessment No hard data existed on EE needs and priorities across the Appalachian region, so a needs assessment was necessary. Consortium members and a seven-person review panel developed and refined the survey questionnaire. A list of the region's school districts was complied from Patterson's American Education (Moody, 1977). From the 211 districts identified, a random sample of 105 (49.8%) was drawn for the study. Survey materials were sent to district superintendents, who were asked to give them to an appropriate teacher or curriculum coordinator to complete and return. A second population was also sampled. This group was teachers who had taken part in the Consortium's past educational programs. From a mailing list of 118 participants, a random sample of 59 (50.0%) was drawn. Each superintendent or teacher was sent the questionnaire, directions and a stamped return envelope. People who did not respond to the survey by the date requested received a follow-up letter, duplicate questionnaire and return envelope. (See Appendix for the needs assessment questionnaire and follow-up letter.) By the final deadline, 70 of the 105 school district representatives had responded, and 29 of the 59 teachers from the Appalachian Consortium mailing list had responded — an overall return rate of 60.4%. Although environmental education turned out to be a low priority in actual practice, the survey respondents supported a greater emphasis upon EE in their classrooms, schools and districts. Nearly four-fifths (79.4%) agreed that an EE workshop focused on regional issues would be valuable, and 89.1% said that they would recommend such a program to other educators. Approximately one-third (34.1%) even indicated a willingness to share a lesson or teaching resource at such a workshop. Probably the most revealing and useful data came from responses to questions about teachers' interests in various environmental topics relevant to Appalachia. The questionnaire presented a list of 17 possibilities. Persons completing the survey were asked to rate each issue in terms of their interest in 1) learning about the topic itself, and 2) learning methods and resources for teaching the topic. Seven topics attracted particularly high ratings (Table 1). A more detailed description of the needs assessment process and its results appears elsewhere (Bousquet and Jarvis, 1986). Project Design and Funding Proposals The region's educators were clearly interested in EE, and they wanted to learn more about particular issues confronting Appalachia and their home communities. These findings helped guide the design of the what eventually became known as the Southern Highlands Environmental Project (SHEP). The Consortium's Environmental Education Subcommittee established the four goals for the Southern Highlands Environmental Project that appear in Table 2. �4 Table 1 Environmental Topics Receiving the Highest Ratings on the Needs Assessment Toxic Wastes Endangered Species and Natural Areas Wildlife Environmental Ethics The Relationship between Appalachian Cultures and Environments Air Pollution and Acid Rain • Water Resources Table 2 Goals of the Southern Highlands Environmental Project 1. Improve each participating teacher's understanding of local and regional environmental issues facing Southern Appalachia. 2. Enhance each participating teacher's confidence, interest and, competence in teaching students about local and regional environmental issues. 3. Increase the understanding that students in each participating teacher's class have of local and regional environmental issues. 4. Involve participating teachers and their students in studying their local community and the environmental issues it confronts, thereby increasing their motivation and ability to identify, analyze and become involved in resolving these issues. Although the long-range goal of the Project is to reach schools in all seven Southern Highlands states, the Consortium decided to test the initial effort with a small number of educators in a limited area. Funding proposals went to three foundations. In May, 1987, the Z. Smith Reynolds Foundation of Winston-Salem, North Carolina, awarded the Consortium a $20,000 grant to start the Southern Highlands Environmental Project in western North Carolina. �The Teacher Institute and Classroom Projects, 1988-89 Investigating environmental issues requires some basic conceptual background and an ability to deal with abstract ideas, but the concepts and investigation process can be taught through a variety of instructional approaches. Therefore, the EE Subcommittee decided to target students in grades 5 through 12. A brochure was designed to invite their teachers to take part in SHEP. Brochures were sent to elementary school principals and to science and social studies department heads in western North Carolina's middle and secondary schools. Each Project applicant was asked to submit a statement of intent, a resume', and an administrator's letter of support. Twenty-two teachers from western North Carolina, two observers from 4-H, plus a participant from Maine sponsored by the Atlantic Center for the Environment (Ipswich, Massachusetts), were selected. (The Appendix contains a list of participants.) A five-day teacher institute at Warren Wilson College in July, 1988, opened the Project. (The complete schedule for the institute appears in the Appendix.) After an introduction to the geology and human settlement of western North Carolina, the teachers used the first volume of Emerging Patterns in the Southern Highlands (Lovingood and Reiman, 1985) to gain insight into the region's geography. The group then drove to Asheville and climbed a hill that provides a sweeping panorama of the city below. This dramatic setting served as the site for discussing Eller's "The Problems and Promise of Regional Life" (1985), a paper that the participants had read before the institute. To set the stage for studying community issues, participants met with the director of AshevilleBuncombe Discovery, an organization involved in issues related to community growth, protection and development. Back at Warren Wilson the next day, a panel discussed the problems of managing toxic and hazardous wastes. One of the most popular institute sessions turned out to be the poster session featuring various EE teaching resources and regional organizations and agencies that deal with the environment. Curriculum specialists then led teachers in examining and trying out a number of instructional materials. Each teacher received copies of The CLASS Project (National Wildlife Federation, 1982), Roth and Lockwood's Strategies and Activities for Using Local Communities as Environmental Education Sites (1979), and Investigating and Evaluating Environmental Issues and Actions (Hungerford, g_t al.. 1985). The teachers also took part in a simulation on siting a low-level radioactive waste disposal facility (Okun, 1988). The group visited the Great Smoky Mountains National Park to explore the relationships between Appalachian settlers and the environment at the Oconoluftee Pioneer Farm, and they studied air quality problems at the Park's high-elevation air pollution monitoring station. For many teachers, the institute's highlight was a day-long examination of environmental issues in Asheville. In small groups, the participants selected and designed studies of planning and zoning, water supply, open space preservation and riverfront development. Conducting and reporting on the investigations themselves 5 �6 allowed teachers to practice the skills and evaluate the curriculum materials they had been learning about in the institute. The institute closed with a planning session. Teachers reviewed the North Carolina Department of Public Instruction's K-12 curricular guidelines, identifying objectives and competencies that specifically mentioned or related directly to environmental quality, the local community and citizenship skills for their grades and subject areas. Each teacher began designing a "community investigation unit" to carry out with his or her students during the 1988-89 school year. Final plans for the units were submitted in September, 1988. The teachers rated the July institute as very helpful in implementing their subsequent school-year activities. The field trips and Asheville investigation were seen as the most worthwhile institute sessions. Most of them wanted even more time spent on developing ways to integrate community studies into their classroom curricula. Enthusiasm often runs high at the end of a teacher workshop, and the SHEP institute was no exception. But would that interest sustain itself through all the demands of the school year? How would the participants actually implement their plans? How would students respond? The SHEP objectives were demanding. Teachers were expected to do without textbooks and most prepackaged instructional materials. They and their students were to investigate real environmental problems in their home communities and get out into those communities as much as possible. One teacher later explained, / wasn't sure about how much success I would have. It was new to me. It was hard to think about integrating it into what I had been doing. Stated another participant, You can't get too many irons in the fire, so I was a little worried about keeping it [the unit] together ... plus taking care of all the other responsibilities I have at school. �7 Project Evaluation, 1989-90 Teachers play the key role in translating an educational innovation, such as EE, from theory into practice. Their role as implementers is central to the process of curricular change (Crandall, 1983; Cantrell, 1987). Fullan (1982, p. 41) wrote, "Implementation is the means to achieving certain outcomes; evaluations have limited value and can be misleading if they only provide information on outcomes [emphasis in the original]." Therefore, in order to understand the Project's impact, it was important to know both what the teachers did as well as how their students responded. Dr. Diane Cantrell of The Ohio State University's Newark campus carried out the evaluation. She had served as one of the teacher institute's curriculum specialists, so the participants knew her well. Since both the implementation process and the project outcomes were of interest, the standard pretestposttest/analysis-of-variance research design was not the best approach for investigating how teachers incorporated SHEP into their curricula. A qualitative study was more appropriate. Three broad questions were examined: 1. How effective was the Institute in reaching the Project goals? 2. To what extent and in what manner did participating teachers implement programs and practices from the Institute into their school curricula, specifically through community investigations? 3. To what extent are the goals of the Project evident in the teachers' implementation? Cantrell conducted two-hour telephone interviews with each Project teacher after the teacher had finished his or her unit and submitted the required final report. These interviews were taped, transcribed, and then analyzed for categories and themes present in the teachers' responses. Cantrell also examined the Project's written documentation including the teachers' applications, the institute syllabus and other handouts, evaluation forms, community investigation unit plans, and each teacher's final project report. Did the teachers implement their community investigation units? Of the 18 teachers who were expected to complete projects, 15 (83%) did so. One of the teachers who did not carry out a SHEP unit was expecting a baby, another moved out of state during the school year, while the third felt inexperienced and found it difficult to match students' expectations with hers (she was a vocational education teacher). An additional teacher wrote a proposal for his students to develop a nature trail on county property. The project remained unfinished at the end of the 1988-89 school year because of heavy spring rains and the school and county government's "red tape." He and his students completed the trail the following year and held a public dedication ceremony. In general, the five-day July institute accounted for almost half of the ideas that participating teachers incorporated into their community investigation units during the following school year. Slightly more than half of the ideas came from the teachers' own resources including textbooks, lectures, audiovisual materials, �8 laboratory experiences, childrens' literature, bulletin boards, music, and teachercreated activities. The teachers differed in how the investigation units fit into their overall curricula. Four teachers incorporated SHEP throughout the year, sometimes with concentrated blocks of activities. Three spoke to the evaluator about correlating SHEP goals with North Carolina's educational objectives. The two teachers with self-contained classrooms said that they integrated the project with all academic subjects. Two had no specific curriculum and, therefore, had the freedom to develop their classroom programs as they wished. What kinds of issues and projects were involved? All of the students' projects reflected the goals of the Southern Highlands Environmental Project. In each case, students studied environmental issues of concern to their local community. While the topics chosen varied, almost all of them related directly or indirectly to the seven environmental topics identified through the needs assessment (Table 1) and listed in the grant proposal to the Z. Smith Reynolds Foundation. An Iredell County class, for example, selected recycling because their county's landfill was approaching capacity and students felt that solid waste was a problem they could do something about. The recycling program they set up earned over $100 that spring, and the money went for science equipment. The program continued during the next school year. Students in a Transylvania County middle school worked with a local garden club to improve their school's nature trail property for wildlife habitat. A high school class began an acid precipitation monitoring program. In a downtown Asheville school, students conducted several projects related to soil and water conservation. They attended local hearings on obtaining drinking water from the French Broad River, they circulated a petition against cutting trees along a highway, they invited people with different viewpoints on various issues to speak to their class, and they carried out several science fair experiments related to local conservation issues. Most classes presented their projects at local P.T.O. meetings or obtained newspaper coverage about their activities How community-focused were the units? After an analysis of the types of activities the students carried out, Cantrell developed a "continuum of community involvement" (Figure 2) to characterize what took place. At one end of the continuum was writing to a government office for information or inviting a guest speaker to class. Little or no direct student contact with the local community happened. Examples of middle-range community involvement included going on a field trip, attending a public hearing, or inviting a community member to class and having small groups of students interview that person. Activities representing high levels of local contact were conducting opinion surveys and giving public presentations. �9 Figure 2 Continuum of Community Involvement High Involvement in the Community Implement community action project (6)* Conduct community study (3) Conduct survey or interview outside the school (7) Attend public hearing (1) Go on a field trip (11) Implement school-oriented action project (3) Do class activities reaching beyond the school (7) Involve parents (6) Conduct survey or interview inside the school (3) Listen to a guest speaker (8) Write to an agency (1) Read and/or watch local news media (4) Do activities or projects in the classroom (14) Low Involvement in the Community * The number in parentheses indicates how many of the 15 teachers who carried out their units during the 1988-89 school year had classes that took part in each activity. This continuum illustrates the range of activities engaged in by the teachers and their students. The teachers did involve their students in the local community and the community became involved with the students. The majority of activities, however, fell towards the "low involvement" end of the continuum, reflecting the high number of regular classroom activities that the SHEP teachers continued to conduct. Nevertheless, all teachers reported that they had moved "up" in the continuum during the 1988-89 year as a result of participating in the Southern Highlands Environmental Project. That is, their activities dealt with the students' local communities to a greater degree than had been true in the past. Prior to taking part in the Southern Highlands Environmental Project, only five (36%) of the teachers said that they taught about environmental issues, and only three of these teachers indicated that their lessons focused on the local community in some way. The remaining teachers (64%) stated that they taught �10 little or nothing about environmental issues. After completing the teacher institute, carrying out the community investigation units with their students, and submitting their final reports, all of the teachers expressed positive feelings about studying environmental issues in their local communities. As far as the community investigations themselves are concerned, the length and richness of teachers' comments speak to their success: When we started doing the community study [during the July institute] I felt like this is really an imposition on people who are busy. I think when I got home I would have continued to feel that way had I not actively done it myself and gotten the response that we got from the people. That made me feel totally different. I think the students' interactions with each other certainly helped with their maturity level. When we did our interviews, there was no silliness When you teach .,, you want them to become self-motivating. You show them the way and they go out and do it. ... [I didn't tell] them about cutting the trees. They recognized the issue and then they got together and did something about it. The Institute helped me to get a little more confident to actually try a few community investigations because I went out and did one myself. . . Maybe in my mind I thought people were going to be a little more hostile or more untouchable than they were. . . I learned a lot and it really helped me in the upcoming school year. The students realized that they should recycle [because] it's a very current issue in our county if not all over the country ... They have improved their parents' awareness. When children are concerned about it [recycling], they go home and talk to their parents. There were several issues that were voted on or finalized during the year, and the kids felt they had some part in the process ... a personal knowledge and interest in it. They would come running in and say, 'This is the way the vote came out.' ... If I hadn't done the project they wouldn't have cared. �Extending the Project's Impact, 1989-1993 Teachers were expected to broaden the impact of the Project in two ways. First, they were asked to involve their students in organizing a culminating activity, such as an environmental forum or festival, to share their investigations with the general public. While every teacher except one shared the results of the project in some way, no teacher's students achieved the level of organization and publicity implied by the terms "festival" and "forum." The highest level of sharing was making presentations to outside groups. This level included a presentation to a regional garden club meeting, mailing of two student-produced reports to local agencies, and a display of posters at a mall. The second means of broadening the impact of SHEP was requesting that participating teachers make at least one presentation to other professional educators. A videotape was planned to assist the teachers in these presentations. The video was not developed, however, because of the unanticipated time and production costs involved. Some participating teachers informally shared their work with other teachers and supervisors. Two gave a presentation with the institute director at an Appalachian Studies Association conference. Overall, though, this expectation was not well met. Nevertheless, several formal presentations about the Southern Highlands Environmental Project have been made, and a journal article has been accepted for publication. These are listed below. Bousquet, Woodward S., and Diane C. Cantrell. 1989. The Southern Highlands Environmental Project. Presentation at the annual conference of the North American Association for Environmental Education, August 20-23, 1989, Estes Park, Colorado. Bousquet, Woodward, Dorinda Cartin, and Samuel Cathey 1990. Promoting Environmental Education through the Southern Highlands Environmental Project: An Inservice Teacher Education Model for the Region. Presentation at the Thirteenth Annual Appalachian Studies Association Conference, March 2325,1990, Helen, Georgia. Cantrell, Diane C. 1990. Community Studies Serve as Vehicles for Moving Teachers and Students to Action. Presentation at the annual conference of the North American Association for Environmental Education, November 2-7, 1990, San Antonio, Texas. Cantrell, Diane C. (in press). Community Studies Serve as Vehicles for Moving Teachers and Students to Action. Connections Journal. An additional means of extending impact of the Southern Highlands Environmental Project is this report. Although its completion has been delayed, primarily because of the author's increased responsibilities at his home institution, the report will present the Project's design and results to a wider audience. It will be distributed to curriculum coordinators in southern Appalachian school districts, Appalachian Consortium members, participating teachers, persons attending various conference presentations about the Project, 11 �12 and others interested in environmental education or Appalachian studies. It will also be submitted to the Educational Resources Information Clearinghouse (ERIC) so that it can be considered for inclusion in the ERIC database. By documenting SHEP in written form, it is hoped that people interested in community-focused EE will benefit from the experiences of the Project's facilitators, participating classroom teachers, and students. �Toward an Inservice Teacher Education Model for Investigating Local Environmental Issues As explained in the introduction to this report, the Southern Highlands Environmental Project differs from most other EE teacher inservice educational efforts in a number of ways. The evaluation strongly suggests that several aspects of the Project's design have been — at least in part ~ responsible for its overall success in assisting teachers in involving their students in investigating environmental issues in their home communities. These aspects include the five described below. Teacher Input The Project was not a "top-down" effort. Responses to the needs assessment provided a basis for tailoring the Project to the 1988-89 participants' needs and interests. Two-hour interviews with each SHEP teacher at the end of the year revealed important Project strengths and identified areas needing improvement. Specific Expectations Identifying trees or reading about the depletion of the Earth's ozone layer were not part of the SHEP teacher institute - as worthwhile as these EE activities are. Instead, teachers were asked to plan a unit that focused on local and regional issues and ways the students could become involved in investigating and possibly helping to address these issues. Research has shown that if community investigation and action are desired outcomes, then the teacher must build specific investigation and action skills into his or her unit plans (Hungerford, e_t al, 1985; Hines, el al, 1986-87). Students do not develop these skills spontaneously just because their motivation to help solve environmental problems may be raised through nature appreciation lessons or discussions of global problems. Active Involvement The curriculum materials and issues in the five-day teacher institute were not simply talked about. The teachers tried out many lessons themselves, shared them with their colleagues, and matched state-mandated competencies for their grades and subjects with the curriculum materials they examined. They visited an air pollution monitoring station in the middle of a dying forest to better understand the complex causes of forest decline. And, probably most important, during the teacher institute they planned and conducted their own studies of issues facing Asheville so they would feel more comfortable in assisting students in doing similar studies in their home cities and towns. 13 �14 Extended Contact The Project did not end at the close of the July institute. Teachers completed proposals for their community investigation units at the beginning of the school year and sent them to the institute director. Many contacted the institute director during the school year. After the units were completed, participants prepared and submitted final reports and received feedback. If the Project continues with additional groups of teachers, several teachers from the 1988-89 group will be asked to serve as resource persons for future SHEP institutes. Incentives All participants received a $200 stipend. Four graduate credits from Appalachian State University were also available Only one teacher, however, identified the stipend or credit as a primary reason for participating in SHEP. Nevertheless, these incentives appeared to function in more subtle, but still significant, ways. Teachers received only half of their stipends after the July 1988 institute; the $100 balance was sent after the institute director received the teacher's final report, usually near the end of the 1988-89 school year. Similarly, graduate credit was awarded only after the teacher wrote his or her final report. Although no comparative study was carried out on this question, common sense supports the conclusion that withholding credit and half the stipend until the entire year-long project work was completed helped assure that teachers would actually carry out the activities with their students. These five aspects of the Southern Highlands Environmental Project offer some direction for efforts with similar purposes. Most environmental issues cros~s the borders of a given town or city, extending across entire regions. Many continue further to national and global levels. Thus, SHEP can serve as a model for other inservice EE projects that focus on local connections while building regional perspectives. The Project illustrates how an understanding of teachers' needs, careful planning, a diversity of resources, enthusiastic school teachers, and an extended project format can foster an understanding of and concern for local environmental issues in both students and their instructors. �References Bousquet, Woodward S., and Ralph W. Jarvis. 1986. Conservation and Environmental Education in Southern Appalachian Schools. A Report of a Needs Assessment. Unpublished manuscript available through the Educational Resources Information Center (ERIC) database, ED 271317. Cantrell, Diane C. 1987. A Case Study Analysis of Curriculum Implementation as Exemplified by Project WILD in One Midwestern State. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio. Crandall, David P. 1983. The Teacher's Role in School Improvement. Educational Leadership 41 (3): 6-9. Eller, Ronald D. 1985. Looking to the Future: The Problems and Promise of Regional Life. Keynote address to the Forum on Buncombe County and the 21st Century, Warren Wilson College, Swannanoa, North Carolina. Fullan, M. 1982. The Meaning of Educational Change. New York: Teachers College Press. Ham, Sam H., Mary H. Rellergert-Taylor, and Edwin E. Krumpe. 1987-88. Reducing Barriers to Environmental Education. Journal of Environmental Education 19 (2): 25-33. Hines, Jody M., Harold R. Hungerford, and Audrey Tomera. 1986-87. Analysis and Synthesis of Research on Responsible Environmental Behavior: A MetaAnalysis. Journal of Environmental Education (18) 2: 1-8. Hungerford, Harold R., ej, al. 1985. Investigating and Evaluating Environmental Issues and Actions. Skill Development Modules. Champaign, Illinois: Stipes Publishing Co. Lovingood, Paul E., Jr., and Robert E. Reiman. [1985.] Emerging Patterns in the Southern Highlands. A Reference Atlas. Volume 1. Introduction. Boone, North Carolina: The Appalachian Consortium Press, Inc. 15 �16 Moody, Douglas, ed. 1977. Patterson's American Education. Mt. Prospect, Illinois: Educational Directories, Inc. National Wildlife Federation. 1982. The CLASS Project. Washington, D.C. Okun, Melva. [1988.] Low-Level Radioactive Waste and a Simulation Exercise of the Issues Involved in Siting a Disposal Facility. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: Institute for Environmental Studies, University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill. Rakow, Steven J. 1985. A Review of Teacher Inservice Education in Environmental Education: 1970-1980. Journal of Environmental Education 16 (4): 7-10. Roth, Charles E., and Linda G. Lockwood. 1979. Strategies and Activities for Using Local Communities as Environmental Education Sites. Columbus, Ohio: ERIC Clearinghouse for Science, Mathematics, and Environmental Education. Roth, Robert E., Diane C. Cantrell, and Woodward Bousquet. 1980. Impact on Environmental Education. In Hammerman, William M., ed., Fifty Years of Resident Outdoor Education: 1930-1980. Its Impact on American Education. Martinsville, Indiana: American Camping Association. �17 Appendix Needs Assessment Questionnaire Follow-up Letter for Needs Assessment List of Participants Teacher Institute Schedule �<|ir•!•'>"•' £•» UMwiMy Blue Ridg* Ptohny Lm McA* Cain* Mm «* CoJbgt APP.5IACHLS3 ^^ CONSORTIUM N. C. OlMttn of Afchteci A fhliny ^ ^ ^ ^ Wvrvn Ulkon Coftyt SooK-m Hjfclond NonlKn^ CuW Utaon C^oHnii Ufwony UWcd Suit Foot Sltvfct WM«m N C HMoncd Amc CONSERVATION AND ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION QUESTIONNAIRE In conjunction with the Appalachian Consortium , Warren Wilson College is conducting a conservation and environmental education needs assessment in the Southern Appalachian region. If significant needs are demonstrated, the Appalachian Consortium and Warren Wilson College plan to develop proposals to fund a series of conservation and environmental education teacher institutes in the region. These workshops would follow the approach and format of the Consortium's recent Appalachian Studies Teacher Institutes which have assisted teachers in incorporating Appalachian studies into their classroom activities. We want to match our workshops to your particular needs and interests. Therefore, we need your assistance in completing the enclosed survey. Please use the return envelope provided. In order to meet deadlines for planning the workshops, we need your response by April 4, 1986. The return envelope has a code number to enable us to contact people who haven't returned their questionnaires by April 4th. Your individual responses will be kept confidential. If you have any questions about the survey you may direct them to Woodward S. Bousquet at Warren Wilson College (704/298-3325). Thank you for your time and cooperation. Sincerely, Woodward S. Bousquet Chair, Environmental Studies Program Warren Wilson College Ralph W. Jarvis Exchange Associate Appalachian Consortium Preserving, Protecting and Promoting Southern Appalachia University Hall • Appalachian State University . Borne, North Carolina 28608 • 704/262-2064 �10. If support is weak, what prevents a stronger emphasis on conservation and environmental education in your district ? 11. Do you think that a workshop on conservation and environmental education for the Southern Appalachian region would be valuable ? Yes No Undecided 12. If this program were offered for five days during the summer, would you: a) Be interested in attending yourself ? Yes No Undecided b) Recommend it to other educators ? Yes No Undecided c) Share a lesson or resources at the program ? Yes No Undecided 13. REGIONAL TOPICS you would be in : Please indicate, using the scale, how interested Learning some methods and resources for teaching this topic ? Learning about the Topic itself? Not at all Somewhat Extremely Southern Appalachian Geology and Geography 1 Natural History o f the Appalachian Region 2 1 3 2 4 3 5 4 Not at all Somewhat Extremely 1 5 Principles of Ecology 1 2 3 4 Relationships Between Economics and Environmental Quality 1 2 3 4 2 3 4 1 5 Relationships Between 1 Southern Appalachian Cultures and the Environment 2 5 5 3 2 4 3 5 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 2 3 4 5 1 Forests a n d Forestry 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 Energy a n d Energy Resources 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 Water Resources a n d Water Pollution 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 ( Continued on the next page) �Conservation and Environmental Education Questionnaire 1. Please supply the following information: a) Number of years spent teaching: 2. Subjects taught: Language Arts b) Grades taught:. Social Studies Mathematics 3. To what extent are topics related to conservation education currently included in your: a) Classroom : Extensive Moderate b) School: Extensive Moderate c) District: Extensive Moderate Science Vocational Education and environmental Little Little Little Not At All Not At All Not At All 4. How many hours per week do you provide conservation and environmental education instruction ? 5.ln your classroom.which of the following areas of conservation and environmental education do you cover ? (Check all that apply) a) Nature Study and Ecology b) Conservation Methods c) Environmental Issues d) People's Relationship to the Environment e) Other (specify) 6. Please check the method(s) you use to present this material. a) Classroom instruction b) Field trip c) Laboratory d) School site study e) Other (specify) 7. Have you ever participated in a conservation or environmental education course or workshop ? Yes No 8. To you. how important is a stronger conservation and environmental education curriculum in your: a) Classroom : Very Moderately Slightly Not At All b) School: Very Moderately Slightly Not At All c) District: Very Moderately Slightly Not At All 9. To what extent are conservation and environmental education empasized and supported locally by your: a) State board Of education b) School board C) Superintendent d) Pripcipal e) Student's parents f) Fellow teachers Strongly Strongly Strongly _ Strongly Strongly Strongly _ Moderately •_ Slightly _ Nol at all _ Moderately _ Slightly Not at all _ Moderately Slightly Not at all Moderately _ Slightly Not at all _ Moderately Slightly Not at all _ Moderately _ Slightly Not« all �Topic Methods Not at all Somewhat Extremely Production a n d Disposal 1 of Toxic and Hazardous Wastes Litter, Solid Waste a n d Recyling 1 Wildlife a n d Wildlife Management Endangered Species and Natural Areas 2 Coal Mining a n d Related Environmental Issues 2 2 1 1 A i r Pollution a n d Acid Rain 3 4 3 2 4 4 2 1 4 1 2 1 5 Land Use a n d Planning 1 2 3 4 Environmental Ethics and Responsibility 1 2 3 4 1 5 1 2 4 3 3 5 5 4 2 2 4 3 3 5 5 4 2 1 5 3 3 2 4 4 2 1 5 3 3 1 5 4 2 2 5 4 3 1 5 3 3 Not at all Somewhat Extremely 5 5 3 2 1 4 3 1 1 Mineral Resources 2 5 5 4 5 4 4 3 5 5 14. GENERALMETHOD6: Please indicate, using the scale, how interested you would be in workshops dealing with the methods and resources for: Organizing a 1/2 o r 1 D a y Reid Trip 1 2 3 4 5 Organizing a 2 to 5 D a y Field Trip 1 2 3 4 5 Studying Conservation a n d Environmental Issues in your Local Community 1 2 3 4 5 Using your School Site for Conservation and Environmental Education 1 2 3 4 5 15. If you would be interested in further information about this project please provide the information below. Name: Address: Telephone: Office Home, Please use the back of this page for additional comments, suggestions and recommendations for persons to contact. Thank you for your assistance. Please return this questionnaire in the envelope provided by APRIL 4. 1986. Return to: Woodward S. Bousquet, Warren Wilson College 701 Warren Wilson College Road Swannanoa, North Carolina 28778 �Appalachian State University Lees-McRae College Blue Ridge Parkway Mars Hill College East Tennessee State University X^LAC^V Mountain Regional Library APPALACHIAN (1$) CONSORTIUM N. C. Diuision of Archives & History ^SjriO?^ Warren Wilson College Southern Highland Handicraft Guild Western Carolina University United States Forest Service Western N. C. Historical Assoc. May 12, 1986 Dear Superintendent: Six weeks ago we mailed you a Conservation and Environmental Education Questionnaire to give tc a teacher or curriculum coordinator to complete and return. Our records indicate that we have not yet received a response. We would still appreciate your assistance. Could you give the enclosed materials to an appropriate teacher or curriculum coordinator? A duplicate questionnaire and return envelope are provided in case the originals have been misplaced. In order to meet our planning deadlines, we need .a response no later than May 24. 1986. Sincerely, Woodward S. Bousquet Chair, Environmental Studies Program Warren Wilson College Ralph W. Jarvis Exchange Associate Appalachian Consortium Preserving, Protecting and Promoting Southern Appalachia University Hall • Appalachian State University • Boone, North Carolina 28608 • 704/262-2064 �Appalachian State University Lees-McRae College Blue Ridge Parkway Mars Hill College East Tennessee State University X^CAC^N, Mountain Regional Library APPALACHIAN |jg| CONSORTIUM N. C. Division o/ Archives & History ^£m^X Warren W//son CoHege Southern High/and Handicraft Guild Western Carofina University United States Forest Service Western N. C. Historical Assoc. May 12, 1986 Dear Teacher: Six weeks ago we mailed you a Conservation and Environmental Education Questionnaire to complete and return. Our records indicate that we have not yet received your response. We would still appreciate your assistance. A duplicate questionnaire and return envelope are enclosed in case you have misplaced the originals. In order to meet our planning deadlines, we need your response no later than May 24, 1986. Thank you for your time and cooperation. Sincerely, Woodward S. Bousquet Chair, Environmental Studies Program Warren Wilson College Ralph W. jarvis Exchange Associate Appalachian Consortium Preserving, Protecting and Promoting Southern Appalachia University Hall • Appalachian State University • Boons, North Carolina 28608 • 704/262-2064 �Southern. Highlands Environmental Project ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION INSTITUTE at Warren Wilson College, July 25-29, 1988 LIST OF PARTICIPANTS, PRESENTERS AND GUESTS PARTICIPANTS John A. Allen, Jr. 109 Edgewood Ct. Arden, NC 28704 (704)687-1676 Sandra S.Brauer Route 1, Box 655 Marion, NC 28752 (704)652-1548 Dorinda K. Cartin 128 Westwood Rd. Asheville, NC 28804 (704)253-0956 Samuel 3. Cathey Route 1, Box 214 Lake Toxaway, NC 28747 (704)966-9441 Maxine Cleveland 119 Wolfe Cove Rd. Asheville, NC 28804 (704)253-7590 A. Kirk Emmons 180 Hillside Terrace Waynesville, NC 28786 (704)452-7071 Scott Griffin Route 4, Box 303-A Crab Creek Road Hendersonville, NC 28739 (704)693-6893 Claire-Marie Hannon Pern 4-H Center Route 9, Box 249-X Reidsville, NC 27320 (919)349-9445 Debbie Hay * Quality Foward P.O. Box 22 Asheville, NC 23802 (704)254-1776 Kay Harbison Route 10, Box 190-A Morganton, NC 28655 (704)437-7964 Martha T. Kane Route 1, Box 64-38 Conover, NC 28613 Linda M. Marshall 240 N. Oak St. Statesville, NC 28677 (704)872-7203 Roland Flory * North Carolina 4-H 1412 MacDuff Ct. Gary, NC 27511 Charles O'Connor 23 Summerglen Court Asheville, NC 28806 (704)667-0044 Sheila Y. Sherman P.O. Box 13 Todd, NC 28684 (919)877-1155 Sharon M. Stewart P.O. Box 64 Pineola, NC 28662 (704)733-4239 Carol Wallen 24 Deer Run Dr. Asheville, NC 28803 (704)274-4651 Mary Aw Wilds Route 1, Box 448 Candler, NC 28715 (704)667-0327 Lila D. Young P.O. Box 44 Bakersville, NC 2S705 (704)688-2776 Margo Murphy Lincolnville Beach, ME 04849 Marsha Gregory Route 3, Box 7 Burnsville, NC 28714 (704)682-958-7 Janet Ouzts 655 Coxes Creek Rd. Marion,, NC 28752 (704)756-7294 "Guest Observers �Institute Facilitators con't Guest Presenters Woodward S. Bousquet Dean, Warren Wilson College 701 Warren Wilson Rd. Swannanoa, NC 28778 (704)298-3325 Donald Higgins Visual Imagery, Inc. P.O. Box 18173 Asheville, NC 28814 (704)254-3090 Diane C. Cantrell Education Department The Ohio State University Newark Campus University Drive Newark, OH 43055 (614)366-9^00 Robin Purcell Hazardous Waste Officer Buncombe County Courthouse Asheville, NC 28801-3559 (704)255-5087 Appalachian Consortium Staff Dr. Barry Buxton Executive Director Kristin Copeland Graduate Assistant Appalachian Consortium University Hall Appalachian State University Boone, NC 28608 (704)262-2064 Guest Presenters Robert Reiman Community Planning and Geography Dept. Appalachian State University Boone, NC 28608 (704)262-3000 Karen Fields Excutive Director Ashevills-Buncombe Discovery 46 Haywood Street, Suite 336 Asheville, NC 28SOI (704)254-1133 Laura Temple Haney Environmental Studies Program warren Wilson Collage 701 Warren Wilson Rd. Swannanoa, NC 28778 (704)298-3325 Jenny Rominger Clean Water Fund 138 E. Chestnut Asheville, NC 28801 (704)251-0518 Michael Adams Visitor Services Supervisor Oconoluftee Visitor Center Great Smoky Mts. National Park Cherokee, NC 28719 (704)497-9146 Melva Okun Institute for Environmental Studies 311 Pittsboro St, C3# 7410 University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Chapel Hill, NC 27599-7410 (919)966-3332 Marnie Muller Katuah Journal 170 Worley Cove Rd. Marshall, NC 28753 (704)683-1414 �Organizations Appalachian Consortium Press Ms. Karen Lohr University Hall Appalachian State University Boone, NC 28608 (704)262-2064 Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy Mr. Stanley A. Murray P.O. Box 3356 Kingsport, TN 37664 (615)323 3677 Carolina Power & Light Co. Ms. Ruth Petty P.O. Box 1551-14C3 Raleigh, NC 27602 (919)836-7797 Toecane Ranger District Mr. David Purser Assistant Ranger U.S. Forest Service P.O. Box 128 Burnsville, NC 28714 (704)257-4200 Clean Water Fund Ms. Jenny Rominger 138 E. Chestnut Asheville, NC 28801 (704)251-0518 North Carolina Wildlife Federation Mr. Michael Corcoran Executive Vice.President P.O. Box 10626 Raleigh, NC 27605 (919)833-1923 Sierra Club Mr. Mike Petelle Route 7, Box 586 Fairview, NC 28730 (704)628-1636 (Chair: David Blanchard-Reid, (704)686-3211) Western- North Carolina Alliance Mr. Ron Lambe P.O. Box 18087 Asheville, NC 28814 (704)258-8737 Western North Carolina Tomorrow Ms. Rose Hooper P.O.. Box 222 Cullowhee, NC 28723 (704)227-7492 �Southern Highlands Environmental Project ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION INSTITUTE Monday, July 25 - Friday, July 29, 1988 at Warren Wilson College, Swannanoa, North Carolina REVISED SCHEDULE Monday, July 25; 9:00am 10:00am 10:20am ll:00am noon l:00pm 2:00pm 3:00pm 5:30pm 7:00pm 10:00pm Arrival, registration in Sage Dormitory Welcome Introduction (schedule, expectations, participants) Environmental Education: What Is It and How Does It Fit In? Lunch Geography of Appalachia Some Regional Concerns Emerging Patterns in the Southern Highlands (using the Southern Highlands atlas) Guest: Dr. Robert Reiman, Appalachian State University Communities as Classrooms: Setting the Stage (field trip to Asheville) The Transformation of Western North Carolina (Beaucatcher Cut) A Present-day Perspective—Ms. Karen Fields, Asheville-Buncombe Discovery Supper Getting Started: Identifying and Classifying Issues Strategies for Community Study Evening session ends Tuesday, July 26: 7:30am 8:30am 10:30am noon l:00pm 3:00pm 3:30pm 5:30pm 8:00pm Introduction Regional Issues and Some Resources for Studying Them Student Center opens for breakfast Panel Presentations and Discussion: Toxic and Hazardous Wastes (overview, video, panel comments, questions) Regional Organizations (presentations followed by exhibits) Lunch Environmental Education Curriculum Workshop": The CLASS Project Break Simulation: Siting a Waste Disposal Facility Guest: Ms. Melva Okun, Institute for Environmental Studies, UNC-Chapel Hill Supper Night Walk (optional) Wednesday, July 27; 7:30am 8:30am 10:30am noon l:00pm 2:00pm 4:30pm 6:00pm 9:30pm Great Smokies Field Trip Student Center opens for breakfast Depart Warren Wilson College Arrive at Great Smoky Mountains National Park (GSMNP) Appalachian Cultures and the Environment: Pioneer Farm Host: Mike Adams, GSMNP and Great Smoky Mts. Natural History Association Lunch Depart Oconoluftee Visitor Center Arrive at Clingm^n's Dome parking lot Managing the Appalachian Forest (air pollution monitoring, GSMNP staff) Appalachian Cultures and the Environment: Cherokee Picnic supper Arrive back at Warren Wilson College (continued) �REVISED SCHEDULE (continued) Thursday, July 28; 7:30am 8:30am 9:30am 10:00am 10:30am 10:40am noon l:00pm 5:30pm 7:00pm 7:30pm 8:30pm 10:00pm Student Center opens for breakfast Dealing with Values and Balancing Opposing Viewpoints Sharing Session (tell about your "tried and true" teaching ideas) Different Places, Similar Regions: Appalachia and the North Atlantic Guest: Ms. Margo Murphy, Atlantic Center for the Environment Break Preparing for Asheville Investigations Lunch Asheville Community Investigations (participants study issues in Asheville) Supper Preparation time for Asheville Reports Asheville Investigation Reports Identifying Solutions and Taking Action Evening session ends Friday, July 29: 7:30am 9:00am 10:30am ll:30am noon l:00pm 2:30pm 3:00pm Community Investigation Planning and Evaluation Student Center opens for breakfast Move out of Sage Dorm by 8:45am Bioregionalism: Putting It All Together Guest: Ms. Marnie Muller, Katuah Journal Overcoming Barriers to Studying Communities with Your Students Community Festivals, Forums, and Other Ways to Share Your Results Lunch Planning Your Community Investigation Beyond next June ... Institute Summary and Evaluation Departure � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Promoting Student Investigation of Local Environmental Issues through the Southern Highlands Environmental Project: Project Report Description An account of the resource Originally published in 1993, this report is a compilation of a survey evaluating issues with the local environment in the Southern Highlands. The report is based on a five-day teacher institute and a 1988-89 school year assessment. Teachers assisted their students in investigating environmental issues in their home communities, and helped the students share their research results through science fair projects, PTO meetings, or articles in local newspapers. Teachers submitted project reports when the environmental unit was completed, and evaluations of the teachers took place during a two-hour phone call. The report published by Bousquet includes the project description and initiative, needs assessment, teacher institute, classroom implementation, outcomes, and dissemination.  <br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1w1hbVnuspvEWitv3RzMtKiV-G38f5hBh/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank">Download EPub</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bousquet, Woodward S. Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Subject The topic of the resource Environmental education--Appalachian Region, Southern Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1993 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s Education Environment Students Teachers WNC https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/a4019ebe96b3031865052c4092250d85.pdf 18b8183ec6d51f1844ffda7908cd5f44 PDF Text Text �BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SOUTHERN APPALACHIA a publication of THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM, INC. compiled by Appalachian State University Berea College Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Ferrum College First Tennessee-Virginia Development District Lees-McRae College Mars Hill College U.S. Forest Service University of North Carolina at Asheville Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Association edited and selectively annotated by CHARLOTTE T. ROSS distributed by THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS Boone, North Carolina and UNIVERSITY OF TENNESSEE PRESS Knoxville, Tennessee �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2,004.; its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program.; Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1976 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4213-0 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4215-4 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Entered according to Act of Congress A, D. 1873, by D. Appleton and Co. in theofficeof the Librarian of Congress, Washington. Southern Appalachia—circa 1800 �This page intentionally left blank �INTRODUCTION For years, a few persistent but isolated scholars and regional institutions, ignored and without support from the larger intellectual community, continuing their work under criticism almost to the point of ridicule, have known that a great wealth of Appalachiana exists, that it's available, that it's significant. What was needed was a synthesis of effort, a unified approach beyond the capability of any one individual or institution. To reach the widespread geographic area the information defined, to bring together in a single compilation the overall volume and diversity of materials, and to build a comprehensive listing from the scarcity of existing holdings in a multitude of individual libraries required a consorted effort of new dimensions. One group of neo-pioneers seeking to promote regional cooperation and a positive Appalachian consciousness and identity was the Appalachian Consortium, a non-profit, educational organization representing both academic institutions of higher learning and public agencies in the areas of Western North Carolina, East Tennessee, and Southwestern Virginia. In its embryonic stages, before the Consortium's formal incorporation in the early 1970's, the individuals interested in fostering this image were meeting to discuss a common philosophy of purpose and goals on which inter-institutional and inter-agency cooperation could begin. They agreed that one of the first objectives should be the determination of the printed holdings of each potential member and that a union list of regional materials should be prepared. No one at the time anticipated the scope of this five-year project which serves as further evidence of a rich but untapped historical record. It was immediately clear that the project needed to be defined and made manageable. Shortly after the official creation of the Consortium on June 25, 1971, a library committee was formed and the cataloging of materials started in five participating libraries. This effort led to what is now known as the BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SOUTHERN APPALACHIA, which was compiled by the librarians and staffs of eleven institutions and sixty-six other individual contributors. The assembled material was edited and selectively annotated by Charlotte T. Ross of Belk Library, Appalachian State University. What was originally conceived as a listing of perhaps a few hundred holdings in each of five institutions has become a 13,000 entry bibliography, cross-referenced by author and subject, and in addition, includes a separate filmography of Southern Appalachia compiled under the supervision of Professor Robert J. Higgs of East Tennessee State University. The compilation of the bibliography has worked secondarily to encourage member institutions of the Consortium to increase their Appalachian holdings. In 1970, one particular library had approximately 100-150 books pertaining to the Appalachian Region. Aware suddenly of the bounty, the library began an aggressive three-year campaign of acquisition and increased its holdings from a mere one hundred titles to about 5,000, and today, two years later, boasts a collection of approximately 8,000. Because response to the initial efforts of the Consortium's member schools was so encouraging, the Consortium decided to enlarge the project and subsequently issued invitations to institutions and regional libraries outside its geographic range. It also sought and received funds from the Rockefeller Foundation to support approximately one-third of the extensive work to follow. This support is gratefully acknowledged along with the contributions of the seventy-seven individuals and institutions who also contributed time, talent and money. Special appreciation must, however, be given to Berea College for its cooperation in making its Weatherford-Hammond Mountain Collection available. This 53 year-old collection, started by far-sighted President William J. Hutchins in November, 1923, is the oldest and most significant Appalachian Collection in the region, and our bibliographic effort was considerably strengthened by its inclusion. Indeed, many of the rare and original documents in this bibliography can be offered only because of Berea's pioneering effort. It continues to serve as the parent collection from which all other research on Southern Appalachia has come, and this bibliography would have been impossible without the invaluable assistance and encouragement rendered by the faculty and staff of Berea College. In an effort to avoid unnecessary duplication and inappropriate materials, the Consortium's Library Committee established certain perimeters and criteria. The first major task was to decide on an appropriate definition of "Southern Appalachia" for our specific purpose. Unlike more recent socio-economic definitions, it �was decided that the earlier, "pre-pork barrel" geographic demarcations based on elevations would be used. With the exception of topical entries from a few counties in southern Ohio, the central mountains of Pennsylvania, and occasional references to the Appalachians in New York State, the bulk of the entries in this bibliography are derived from a nine-state area. Represented are the entire state of West Virginia, and those areas in eight states referred to by the people of Southern Appalachia as Mountain Maryland, Eastern Kentucky, Western Virginia, East Tennessee, Western North Carolina, Upper South Carolina, North Georgia, and Northern Alabama. It was further agreed to restrict the bibliography to a listing of books and monographs, and more particularly, books and monographs which pertained to the Southern Appalachian Region. Thus, periodical information has been excluded, as well as non-Appalachian works by Appalachian authors. Outstanding work in compiling a comprehensive bibliography of periodical literature has been undertaken by Dr. Robert F. Munn and the West Virginia University Library staff. Researchers are encouraged to refer to that institution's publications, APPALACHIAN OUTLOOK and APPALACHIAN BIBLIOGRAPHY. In addition to the holdings of the eleven Consortium members, the card catalogs and shelf lists of the heretofore-mentioned Weatherford-Hammond Collection at Berea College, and those of the Brown Collection at Duke University, the Cherokee Museum and the Cherokee Historical'Association Collection in Cherokee, and the Thomas Wolfe Collection and other holdings at Pack Memorial Library in Asheville were used. The collections at Marshall University, the University of Tennessee, the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and Asheville, and West Virginia University were also consulted and selectively incorporated into this bibliography. Once these conventional sources were exhausted, efforts were made to search out largely untapped material housed in the region's small county libraries, local libraries, local historical associations and private collections. This led to extensive correspondence and travel to almost every county in the region; it meant knocking on doors, writing individual authors and county officials, and talking to local residents. The great quantity of information came as an unexpected but pleasant surprise, for much has been added to the narrative of Appalachia. Never before included in comprehensive works, this record of a people contains hundreds of small monographs, journals, and genealogies never before documented, which occasionally describe the history of Southern Appalachia in more accurate terms than present history records it. Possibilities for a nascent history of Black Appalachians begin to emerge in tentative ways, as the sample entry for this bibliography illustrates. While the Cherokees are the best represented Native Americans in this compilation, researchers will be pleased to discover the large number of other bands of the first Southern Appalachians that are also included. Without apology, it must be stated that as this bibliography comes off the press it becomes outdated. In fact, this is as planned and was a factor in the method chosen for publication. Through the technological services of Science Press, these entries have become permanently stored in computer memory to stimulate further research and addenda. The Appalachian Consortium welcomes and solicits revisions and additions from all sources. While much has been uncovered, there remains much, much more yet to be discovered. The Consortium alone is responsible for errors and omissions but offers this bibliography in the name of all of its contributors as a research tool not previously available to scholars and academicians within and without the region. We hope that the work will serve as an impetus to individual citizens to look back into their own communities and supplement the on-going inventory. This work is offered not just as a nucleus of library holdings, but as the cumulative culture and heritage of the region. It is a beginning, not an end in itself. While seeking to preserve the work of the past, it encourages new and original work. Perhaps consorted and concerted efforts will help accomplish what has been called the next great task—a definitive and significant history of the Southern Appalachian Region. F. Borden Mace Executive Director The Appalachian Consortium July 4, 1976 �CONTENTS I. AUTHOR ENTRIES II. SUBJECT INDEX III. FILMOGRAPHY LOCATOR ABBREVIATIONS AND ADDRESSES ASU — Appalachian State University Boone, North Carolina 28607 BC — Berea College Berea, Kentucky 40403 ETSU — East Tennessee State University Johnson City, Tennessee 37601 FC — Ferrum College Per rum, Virginia 24088 LMC — Lees-McRae College Banner Elk, North Carolina MHC — Mars Hill College Mars Hill, North Carolina 28604 28754 UNCA — University of North Carolina at Asheville Asheville, North Carolina 28804 WW — Warren Wilson College Swannanoa, North Carolina 28778 WCU — Western Carolina University Cullowhee, North Carolina 28723 �BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SOUTHERN APPALACHIA Sample Entry ASU B6340 BC 1248a Branham, Levi My Life and Travels. Xerox of original. Dalton, Ga.: A. J. Showalter Co., 1929. Autobiography of a former slave and later school teacher from Murray County, Georgia. A rare account giving insight into the period during and after the Civil War with commentary on the Ku Klux Klan in Georgia. 1. Biography 2. Appalachian Counties — Georgia — Murray County 3. Appalachian Counties — Tennessee — Marion County 4. Negroes — Appalachia Sample Author Entry: AUTHORCOPYRIGHT DATE- AUTHOR NUMBER/ CALL NUMBER- Branham, Levi My Life and Travels. Xerox of original. Dalton, Go.; A. J. Showaltet^Co.,^1929. Auto" biography of a former slave and later school teacher from Murray County, Georgia. A rare account giving insight into the period during and after the Civil War with commentary on the Ku Klux Klan in Georgia. »-B6340 (ASU BC)-« -TITLE -PUBLISHER -LOCATOR(s) Sample Subject Entries: SUBJECT HEADING*^-*- BIOGRAPHY V^rMy Life and Travels. B6340 (ASU BC) - TITLED \ \\XAPPALACHIAN COUNTIES— X\ GEORGIA—MURRAY COUNTY \ / \ \MyLi My Life and Travels (ASU BC). AUTHOR NUMBER/^\Jr^B6340 CALL NUMBER \ APPALACHIAN COUNTIES— \TENNESSEE—MARION COUNTY \My Life and Travels \ B6340 (ASU BC) S, \ NEGROES—APPALACHIA My Life and Travels B6340 (ASU BC) rLOCATOR(S) �BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SOUTHERN APPALACHIA Acknowledgements APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM LIBRARY COMMITTEE Robert Balliot, Western Carolina University Richard Jackson, Lees-McRae College Elizabeth Shepard, Warren Wilson College Hal Smith, East Tennessee State University William Tydeman, Mars Hill College Dorothea B. Wilburn, Ferrum College Richard Barker, Appalachian State University, Chairman PARTICIPATING LIBRARIES Berea College, Arthur Flandreau Blue Ridge Parkway, F. Andrew Ketterson, Jr., Historian Pack Memorial Library, City of Asheville, Kenneth Brown University of North Carolina at Asheville, Ainsley Whitman COOPERATING LIBRARIES Duke University East Tennessee Historical Association Marshall University Roanoke Public Library University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill University of Tennessee University of Virginia West Virginia University Special Individual Assistance Mr. Alfred Baker Dr. Fred Bentley Dr. Frank Brown Mrs. Joan Brown Mr. and Mrs. G. B. Chiltoskey Mr. Horton Cooper Ms. Judy Cornett Dr. D. P. Gulp Dr. Arthur Derosier, Jr. Dr. Richard Drake Ms. Sharon Edwards Dr. J. Gerald Eller Ms. Martha Ellison Mr. Leonard Eury Dr. H.C. Evans, Jr. Ms. Sarah Firor Mrs. Emily Gile Mrs. Sheri Greene Dr. Joseph T. Hart Mrs. Audrey Hartley Dr. Reuben Holden Dr. John Hough Ms. Susan Huffman Mr. Louis Iglehart Dr. HarleyJolley Mr. Loyal Jones Mr. Ambrose Manning Mr. Alfred Perrin Dr. W. H. Plemmons Mr. Spencer Quails Dr. Gerald Roberts Dr. Harold Frank Robinson Dr. Carl Ross Mr. Nick Smith Mr. George Stephens Mr. Reuben Teesatuskie Dr. Willis D. Weatherford Dr. Herbert W. Wey Dr. Cratis Williams Dr. Max Williams Mrs. Judy Wilson Ms. Libby Winkler Ms. Agnes Wise �This page intentionally left blank �AUTHOR INDEX �This page intentionally left blank �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Aandahl, A. R. Soil Survey, Hamblen County, Tennessee. Field Report. 1940. Reprint. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering Bureau, 1946. Contains an excellent map of the county which lists many roads no longer in use. A10 (ASU) Abbott, Jane Ludlow Drake Yours for the Asking. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1943. A Novel: A young minister and his bride find it difficult to adjust to life in the Kentucky Mountains. A20 (ASU BC) Abbott, John Stevens Cabot Daniel Boone, Pioneer of Kentucky. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1874. A30 (ASU) Daniel Boone, Pioneer of Kentucky. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1898. A40 (ETSU) Daniel Boone, the Pioneer of Kentucky. American Pioneers and Patriots. New York: Dodd & Mead, 1872. This is a surprisingly restrained account of the life, travels, heroism and declining fortunes of one of our great pioneers. The largest portion of the book is devoted to Boone's role in the settlement of Kentucky. A50 (ASU BC) David Crockett: His Life and Adventures. New York: Dodd & Mead, 1874. A rather extravagant account of the adventures of irrepressible Col. Crockett of East Tennessee. A60 (ASU ETSU) Abemethy, Arthur Talmage Moonshine: Being Appalachia's'Arabian Nights. Asheville, N. C: Dixie Pub., 1924. A book of short stories dealing with the world's second oldest profession. Most have Western North Carolina settings. A70 (ASU LMC) Abemethy, Thomas Perkins From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1932. A history of the culture and politics of Tennessee from the earliest settlement to 1865. Contains much on the East Tennessee mountain region. A80 (WWC BC) From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee: A Study in Frontier Democracy. Southern Historical Publications, no. 12. Univ. of Alabama Press, 1967. A90 (ASU LMC) Three Virginia Frontiers. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1940. The second and third of Abernethy's frontiers are the Great Valley of Virginia and that portion of old Virginia which is now the state of Kentucky. Special emphasis is given to settlement patterns. A! 00 (ETSU BC) Three Virginia Frontiers. The Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures in Southern History. 1940. Reprint. Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1962. A110 (ASU WCU) Western Lands and the American Revolution. The Univ. of Virginia Institute for Research in the Social Sciences Monograph 25. New York: Appleton, 1937. A120 Western Lands and the American Revolution. New York: Russell & Russell, 1959. Deals primarily with trans-Appalachian. Excellent section on Vandalia. A130 (FC BC ASU) Abrahams, Roger 0. Anglo-American Folksong Style. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968. This is a history of the folksong as an art form. Included are chapters on oral transmission, development of the ballad, stylistic changes, organization of meaning, popular themes, rhythm and meter, and the musical form of folksongs. A140 (ASU BC) Absher, Ruby T. Deed Book B-l Wilkes County, North Carolina. Wilkesboro, N. C.-. The Genealogical Society of the "Original" Wilkes County, n.d. A150 AUTHOR Absher, Ruby T. comp. Land Entry Book, Wilkes County, North Carolina, 1778-1781. North Wilkesboro, N. C.: Genealogical Society of the "Original" Wilkes County, 1971. Contains 18th century land records of Wilkes County, North Carolina. A160 (ASU) Absher, Mrs. W. O. Deed Book A-l Wilkes County, North Carolina. North Wilkesboro, N. C.: The author, n.d. A170 Absher, Mrs. W. 0. see Absher, Ruby T. Abt Associates The Industrialization of Southern Rural Areas: A Study of Industry and Federal Assistance in Small Towns with Recommendations for Future Policy. Boston: The associates, 1968? A study of the feasibility of stemming the tide of out-migration by relocating industries in rural Appalachia. A180 Achilles, Charles Marvin Cooperative Action on the Educational Problems of Appalachia. Unpublished Paper, n.p.: Appalachian Educational Laboratory, 1969. A190 Research for Better Schools: A Federal Projects Workshop for Educational Programs in Tennessee and Appalachia. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee College of Education, 1971. These discussion papers summarize a workshop conference on the needs of Tennessee educators. A200 Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia Message from the President of the United States Transmitting the Appalachian Regional Commission's Report, Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia, Pursuant to the Provisions of Section 302 (b) of the Appalachian Regional Development Act. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1969. A multi-volume study of the effects of acid mine drainage. A210 (ASU) Ackenheil and Associates Geo Systems Evaluation of Pollution Abatement Techniques Applicable to Lost Creek and Brown's Creek Watershed, West Virginia. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1973. Explores the relative success or failure of various reclamation attempts. A220 (ASU) Ackerly, Mary Denham Our Kin. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., Inc., 1930. A230 Acklen, Jeanette Tillotson comp. Tennessee Records. Vol. I: TOMBSTONE INSCRIPTIONS AND MANUSCRIPTS, HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL Assisted by K. White, L. W. Bowen, and E. A. Darden. Vol. II. BIBLE RECORDS AND MARRIAGE BONDS. Assisted by E. G. Vaught and others. 2 vols. 1933. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. An excellent genealogical source for East Tennessee families. A240 (ASU) Acuff, J. J. "The Effort and Ability of Grainger County to Support Its Schools." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1955. A survey of school related problems in Grainger Co., Tenn. A250 (ASU) Adair, Anthony Garland ed. Heroes of the Alamo: Accounts and Documents. 2nd ed. New York: Exposition Press, 1957. Includes account of the last days of Col. David Crockett of East Tennessee. A260 (ETSU) Adair, James Adair's History of the American Indians. Ed. under the auspices of the National Society of Colonial Dames of America in Tennessee. Johnson City, Tenn.: The Watauga Press, 1930. Contains a history of American Indian tribes of the Southeastern United States. Good sections on Cherokee and Catawba Indians. A270 (BC FC ASU LMC) AANDAHL—ADAMS Adair's History of the American Indians. 1930. Reprint. Ed. under the auspices of the National Society of Colonial Dames of America in Tennessee. New York: Argonaut Press, 1966. A280 (WCU) History of the American Indians. 1930. Reprint. Ed. under the auspices of the National Society of Colonial Dames in America in Tennessee. Johnson City, Tenn.: Blue and Grey Press, 1971. A290 (ETSU) The History of the American Indians: Particularly Those Nations Adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida. . . 1775. Reprint. With a new introduction by Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr. New York: Johnson Reprint Co., 1968. A300 (LMC) Adair, John comp. Compiled Laws of the Cherokee Nation, Published by Authority of the General Council. Talequah, I. T.: NATIONAL ADVOCATE, 1881. A310 Compiled Laws of the Cherokee Nation, Published by Authority of the General Council. Reprint. Talequah, Okla.: National Advocate, 1881. This edition is printed in Cherokee. A320 Adam, Frank The Clans, Septs and Regiments of the Scottish Highlands. Revised by Sir Thomas Innes. 8th ed. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1970. Many of the descendants of these clans live in Appalachia today. A good genealogical source for Scottish surnames. A330 (ASU) Adam, James Taylor "A Study of Effect of Government Aid and Other Factors on the Economic Development of Three Selected Areas in Georgia." Master's thesis. Georgia State Univ., 1971. A340 Adamic, Louis Fighting for Survival: The Bootleg Coal Industry. Huntington: Appalachian Movement Press, 1973. This 41 page booklet appears to be a rewrite of a 1935 article in THE NATION. A350 (ASU) Adams, Agatha Boyd Thomas Wolfe, Carolina Student: A Brief Biography. Extension Publication, vol. 15, no. 2. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Library, 1950. A biography of Wolfe's formative student days. A360 (ASU WCU) Thomas Wolfe: Carolina Student; A Brief Biography. Library Extension Publication, vol. 15, no. 2. 1950. Reprint. Chapel Hill, N. C.: Univ. of North Carolina Library, 1955. A370 (ASU WCU) Adams, Elmer Cleveland Walking in the Clouds. Detroit, Mich.: Arnold-Powers, 1939. Describes a hike along that section of the Appalachian trail included in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. A380 (ETSU ASU) Adams, Frank Unearthing Seeds of Fire: The Idea of Highlander. Winston-Salem, N. C.: John F. Blair, 1974. A390 Adams, Frazier B. Appalachia Revisited: How People Lived Fifty Years Ago. Ashland, Ky.: Economy Printers, 1970. Describes the folklore and customs of Appalachian people during the author's youth in Eastern Kentucky. A400 (ETSU BC ASU WCU FC LMC) Adams, Herbert Baxter Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia. Contributions to American Educational History, no. 2. Washington: Gov. Print. Off., 1888. Despite all its Old South emphasis, the University is in the Blue Ridge foothills of Albemarle County. This volume also includes sketches of four other Virginia colleges in the Blue Ridge region. A410 (ASU) �ADAMS—AKINS Adams, James Taylor Death in the Dark. Big Laurel; Va.: Adams-Mullins, 1941. A collection of factual ballads of American mine disasters with historical notes. A420 (BC ASU) Adams, James Taylor ed. The Cumberland Empire: A Quarterly Review. Big Laurel, Va.: James Taylor Adams, quarterly. C9410 (BC) Adams, Lila C. Marriages of Patrick County, 1791-1850. n.p.: n.p., 1972. A resource book on Patrick County, Virginia. A430 Adams, Paul Jay Mt. LeConte. Knoxville, Tenn.: Holston Print. Co., 1966. Account of the author's life-long love affair with a mountain. Includes accounts of many hiking trips. A440 (LMC ETSU) Mt. LeConte. 1966. Reprint. Knoxville, Tenn.: Holston Print. Co., 1968. A450 (WCU ASU) Adams, Wayne T. Factors Associated with the Adjustment of Families in Three Low-Income Counties of North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: North Carolina State Univ. Press, 1964. Includes one western North Carolina county. A460 (ASU) "Factors Associated with the Adjustment of Families in Three Low Income Counties of North Carolina." Master's thesis. North Carolina State Univ., 1964. One western North Carolina county is included in this survey. A470 Adams, William H. An Economic and Social Survey of Bedford Co., Va. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia Extension Series XVIII, No. 2, 1944. Interesting statistics because Bedford is one of Virginia's least populous counties. A480 (ASU) Adams, William Henry Davenport Witch, Warlock, and Magician: Historical Sketches of Magic and Witchcraft in England and Scotland. 1889. Reprint. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Gryphon Books, 1971. This volume serves as a delightful introduction to elements of British folklore which are still prevalent in the mountains of Appalachia. A490 (ASU) Addington, Hugh M. Encomium for Scott County, Virginia. Nickelsville, Va.: Service Printery, 1951. A panegyric dedicated to Scott County and its mountain folk. A500 Addington, Luther Foster Indian Stories of Virginia's Last Frontier. Wise, Va.: Historical Society of Southwest Virginia, 1966. Legends of Southwest Virginia and parts of the present state of West Virginia. A510 The Little Fiddler of Laurel Cove. Illustrated by Jules Gotlieb. 1st ed. Indianapolis, Ind.: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1960. A children's book describing the efforts of a young brother and sister to attend high school. A520 (ASU BC) A Short History of Extreme Southwest Virginia. Big Stone Gap, Va.: Chamber of Commerce, Wise County, Virginia, 1965. A history of Washington, Scott, Lee, Wise, Russell and Dickenson counties. A530 (ASU LMC) The Story of Wise County, Virginia. Wise: Centennial Committee and School Board of Wise County, 1956. A short history of Wise County and the Powell Valley includes material on early settlers, Benge's raids, pioneer life, John Fox, Jr., and economic development of the county. A540 -(BC ASU) Sugar in the Gourd. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1961. The story line is based on a favorite mountain fiddle tune. In this story a young girl tries to contribute something special to her family. A550 Tip Off to Win. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1962. A novel from Southwest Virginia about boys and basketball and hot tempered youths. A560 (BC) AUTHOR Wise County Geography Supplement. County Geography Supplements, no. 9. Big Stone Gap, Va.: Wise County School Board and Univ. of Virginia, 1928. A nicely illustrated local geography text designed for area school children. Lists landmarks, industries, and points of interest. A570 (BC) Addington, Robert M. History of Scott County, Virginia. Kingsport, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, 1932. A580 (LMC FC ASU BC) History of Scott County, Virginia, n.p.: n.p., 1932. A590 Addington, Violet Walters "A Study of Homeschool Contacts and Attitudes toward Participation in Lincoln School, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. A600 (ETSU) Ader, Paul Fassett The Leaf Against the Sky. New York: Crown Pub., 1947. Members of a minister's family try to build new lives for themselves in a North Carolina mountain community. A610 (ASU WCU BC) Adrosko, Rita J. Natural Dyes and Home Dyeing. U. S. National Museum Bulletin, no. 281. 1968. Reprint. New York: Dover Publications, 1971. A history of dyes and dyeing with instructions. A620 (BC ASU WCU) Advisory Panel on Regional Materials of Instruction for the Tennessee Valley Applications of the Common Mooring: Fundamental Principles in the Utilization of Resources. Prepared by Howard P. Emerson, Chairman, Sub-committee on Presentation of the Common Mooring. Knoxville, Tenn.: The committee, 1943. A630 Agee, J. H. Stroud, James Frank Soil Survey of Shelby County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1920. S8130 Sweet, Arthur T. Soil Survey of Meigs County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1921. S9570 Agee, James Agee on Film: Five Film Scripts. Foreword by John Houston, n.p.: Beacon Press, 1964. Fine film scripts by Knoxville's well-known author. A640 (BC ASU) Agee on Film: Reviews and Comments. Drawings by Tomi Ungerer. n.p.: Beacon Press, 1964. A650 (ASU) The Collected Poems of James Agee. Introduction by Robert Fitzgerald. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1968. These poems, like Agee's best fiction, glow with the mountain idiom that was his heritage. A660 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Collected Short Prose of James Agee. A memoir by Robert Fitzgerald. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1968. A post humorous collection of short stories and sketches. A670 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) A Death in the Family. New York: McDowell, Obolensky, 1957. This, Agee's strongest book, is a largely autobiographical account of his childhood and his father's death. A680 (ETSU BC WWC ASU) A Death in the Family. 1957. Reprint. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1967. A690 (WCU) Four Early Stories. Collected by Edna Harap. West Branch, Iowa: Cummington Press, 1964. A700 (ETSU BC) Letters of James Agee to Father Flye. New York: G. Braziller, 1962. A710 (BC ETSU ASU) Letters of James Agee to Father Flye. With a new pref. and previously unpublished letters by Father Flye, 2nd ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1971. A720 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1941. Agee's text and Evan's photographs are combined to produce an unforgetable portrait of the sharecropper in the upland South. A730 (BC ASU WCU) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. 1941. Reprint. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1960. A740 (ETSU) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. 1941. Reprint. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1969. A750 (WCU) The Morning Watch. 1950. Reprint. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1951. A touching description of a young boy's early brush with religious expression. A760 (BC ASU WCU) Permit Me Voyage. Foreword by Archibald MacLeish. New York: AM S Press, 1971. Agee's first published volume of poems. A770 (ETSU) Ahles, Harry E. Radford, Albert E. Atlas of the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas. Raleigh: North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, 1965. RIO (LMC WWC) Radford, Albert E. Guide to the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas, with Distribution in the Southeastern States. Chapel Hill, N. C.: Book Exchange, 1964. R20 (LMC WWC) Radford, Albert E. Manual of the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas. Chapel Hill: Univ. of NORTH Carolina Press, 1968. R30 (ETSU LMC WWC) Ahlin, Bjorn "Social and Economic Conditions in Jackson County During the Depression." Master's thesis. Western Carolina Univ., 1971. This thesis illustrates an often quoted truism about the Depression in the Mountains: "It came late and it stayed late." A780 (WCU) Ahrens, Pat J. A History of the Musical Careers of Dewitt "Snuffy" Jenkins, Banjoist, and Homer "Pappy" Sherrill, Fiddler. Columbia, S. C: n.p., 1970. A790 (LMC) Ahronholz, Gladys Telleen "Factors Affecting Social Participation in Coal Communities." Microfilm. Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1951. An analysis of social integration in the coal camps. Factors analyzed include: economic status, religion, and kinship networks. A800 (ASU) Ainsley, Nancy P. "The Utilization of Community Resources in the Elementary Public Schools of Jackson County." Master's thesis. Western Carolina Univ., 1956. A810 (WCU) Akers, Carmen E. "Tuberculosis in Eastern Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1951. An analysis of causative factors in the environment: Diet, poor health care, substandard housing, etc. and the incidence of tuberculosis in Eastern Kentucky. A820 . (ASU) Akers, Elmer "Southern Whites in Detroit/' Master's thesis. Univ. of Michigan, 1935. An important early study of the Appalachian migrant and the automobile industry. A830 Akins, Enos E. "Disciplinary Beliefs and Practices of Selected East Tennessee High School Principals." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1957. A840 Akins, Richard O. Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Forest Service and the Univ. of Georgia, College of Agriculture, Agricultural Experiment Stations. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1972. Soil survey with maps of three -North Georgia counties with heavy mineral deposits. A850 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Alabama, Agricultural Experiment Station The Present and Projected Agricultural Economy of the Appalachian Region of Alabama. A report prepared under terms of a contract research project with the Appalachian Regional Commission. J. Homer Blackstone, project leader. Auburn: The station, 1968. (ASU) Appalachian Alabama: Development Plan — 1970. Montgomery: State Appalachian Development Office, 1970. AB70 (ASU) Alabama Ctnsus Returns, 1820: And an Abstract of Federal Census of Alabama, 1830 Alabama, Department of Archives and History, 1944. A880 (ASU) Alabama, Department of Archives and History Alabama Census Returns, 1820: And an Abstract of Federal Census of Alabama, 1830. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1971. A good genealogical source for Northern Alabama families many of whom migrated through the Shenandoah, Holston and Tennessee River Valleys. A890 (ASU) ey Commission Public Education in Alabama. Washington: American Council on Education, 1945. Includes a survey of school systems in Alabama's twenty-eight Appalachian counties. A900 (ASU) Alabama, Geological Survey Report, no. 1. 1873. University: The survey, frequency varies. Excellent maps. A910 (BC) Alabama State Chamber of Commerce Industrial Alabama, a Directory of Manufacturers. Montgomery: The chamber, 1965. A920 (ASU) Alabama, Tri-county Appalachian Regional Health Planning Commission Health Development Plan — 1969, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Alabama. 2 vols. n.p.: The commission, 1969. This report examines a model health plan in rural Northern Alabama. A930 (ASU) Health Development Plan — 1970, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties. 2 vols. n.p.: The commission, 1970. A940 (ASU) Regional Health Demonstration Project, Phase 2, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Ala. n.p.: The commission, 1968. A950 (ASU) Alabama, University, School of Commerce and Business Administration Manpower Study of Appalachian Alabama. Prepared for Appalachian Regional Commission, under contractual agreement with Auburn Univ. Directed by Robert L. Trewatha. University, Ala.: The univ., 1968. Although Appalachian Alabama has more industry than neighboring states, there is still a poor distribution pattern of job opportunities. A960 MHieiiiwM vwwnry niironcai 9vciviy, war mwury Committee Pursuits of War: The People of Charlottesville and Albemarle County, Virginia, in the Second World War. Charlottesville, Va.: The society, 1948. An account of wartime projects conducted by Charlottesville, Albemarle County, and the University of Virginia. A970 (ASU) Albert, Anno Roberts Russell County, Virginia Personal Property and Land Tax List . . . n.p.: Privately printed, n.d. A980 Albert, Ethel Evans History of Five Southern Families. Baltimore: Gateway Press, 1970. A990 Links With the Past, n.p.: n.p., 1972. A1000 A H,--— — - » | fjuiBtftk* Ul*4jkaS«*JI *— I m^f tAfdu UX*4jhM< AUTHOR Aldon, George Henry New Governments West of the Alleghenies Before 1780. 1897. Reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1971. Includes accounts of the Vandalia and Transylvania settlements. A1010 (BC) State of Franklin, n.p.: n.p., n.d. An account of John Sevier and the men of the Watauga settlements who declared themselves independent of the British colonies and established their own state. A1020 Aldon, John Richard Imperial Management of Indian Affairs in the South 1756-1775. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Michigan, 1939. A1030 John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier. Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1944. A1040 John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier: A Study of Indian Relations, War, Trade, and Land Problems in the Southern Wilderness, 1754-1775. Univ. of Michigan Publications. History and Political Science, vol. 15, 1944. Reprint. New York: Gordian Press, 1966. This is the best account I have read of the relationship between the frontiersman and Cherokee, Creek and Catawba nations in the southern mountains. A1050 (ASU BC FC WCU) Alderman, John P. comp. Botetourt County, Virginia, 1820 Census. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: n.d. A1060 Carroll County, Virginia, 1850 Census. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: n.d. A1070 Carroll County, Virginia, 1860 Census. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: n.d. A1080 Carroll County, Virginia, 1870 Census. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: n.d. A1090 Floyd County, Virginia, 1840 Census. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: n.d. All 00 Floyd County, Virginia, 1850 Census. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: n.d. All 10 Franklin County, Virginia, 1820 Census. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: n.d. All 20 Grayson County, Virginia, Census of 1820, 1830, 1840, 1850. 4 vols. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: The author, n.d. All 30 Grayson County Deed Books 1, 2, 3, 4. 4 vols. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: n.p., n.d. All 40 Index to Grayson County Deed Books 1-9, Grantee. 1 vol. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: The author, n.d. A1150 Index to Grayson County Deed Books 1-9, Grantor. 2 vols. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: The author, n.d. A1160 Montgomery County, Virginia, 1820 and 1830 Census. 2 vois. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: n.d. A1170 Patrick County, Virginia Census, 1820, 1830, 1840, 1850. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: The author, n.d. All 80 Personal Property Tax Lists, Grayson County. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: The author, n.d. A1190 Pulaski County, Virginia, 1840 Census. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: The author, n.d. A1200 Scott County, Virginia, Census, 1820 and 1830. 2 vols. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: The author, n.d. A1210 Wythe County, Virginia, Census, 1810, 1820, 1830, 1840. 4 vols. Typescript. Hillsville, Va.: The author, n.d. A1220 ALABAMA—ALEXANDCR Alderman, Pat In the Shadow of Big Bald: About the Appalachians and Their People. Illustrated by Edyth Price, Ken Ferguson, Elene Bond. Mars Hill, N. C: Bald Mountain Development Corp., 1972. Describes life in Union County, Tennessee and Yancey County, North Carolina. A1230 (ETSU) One Heroic Hour at Kings Mountain. Erwin, Tenn.: Erwin Pub. Co., 1968. Stresses role of the over-mountain men at the battle of Kings Mountain. A1240 (BC LMC ASU) One Heroic Hour at Kings Mountain, October 7, 1780. Erwin: n.p., 1968. A1250 The Over-mountain Men: Early Tennessee History, 1760-1780. Erwin, Tenn.: The Wingreen Co., 1958. Describes exploits of earliest settlers of Tennessee. A1260 (BC ETSU) The Over-mountain Men: Early Tennessee History, 1760-1795. 1958. Reprint. Johnson City, Tenn.: Over mountain Press, 1970. A1270 (ASU LMC FC) The Wonders of the Unakas in Unicoi County. Sponsored by Erwin Business and Professional Women's Club. Erwin, Tenn.: N.P.,. Description and tales of the Unaka Mountains. A1280 (ETSU ASU LMC) Aldorson, William T. od. Landmarks of Tennessee History. Nashville: Tennessee Historical Society, 1965. A1290 Aldridgo, Duard P. "A Study of the Effect of Participation in Co-curricular Activities on Grades of Male Students at Science Hill High School." Master's Thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. A Johnson City, Tennessee high school is the subject of this study. A1300 (ETSU) Alee, F. Venton Alee's History of Martensburg and Berkeley Company, West Virginia. Hagerstown, Md.: Mail Pub. Co., 1888. A1310 Alexander, F. M. The Chattanooga Black Shale, a Possible Future Source of Uranium. Information Circular, no. 1. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 19539 A1320 (ETSU) Alexander Frank DoWHt Owners and Tenants Of Small Farms in the Life of a Selected Community: A Cultural Analysis. Nashville: Joint Universities Library, 1938. Among the factors considered in this study is the impact of the Tennessee Valley Authority on the lives of these farmers. However, the counties studied lie outside the Appalachian region. A1330 A Rural Community in Time of War: The Valley Community in Rabun County, Georgia. Atlanta: U. S. Deportment of Agriculture, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, 1945. The study is an attempt to determine how the social structure of the community was changed by the war. A1340 (BC) Alexander, Gross History of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. New York: American Church History Series, 1894. A1350 (ASU) Alexander, Holmes Moss American Nabob. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1939. A saga of the evolution of West Virginia as a separate state. A1360 (BC) Pen and Politics: The Autobiography of a Working Writer. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1970. The autobiography of a West Virginia journalist. A1370 (ASU) Alexander, Marguerite Kirsty's Secrets: A Yearly Round of Scottish Fare. Winston-Salem, N. C: John F. Blair, 1958. A cookbook of Scottish recipes, designed for North Carolina's many families of Scottish descent. A1380 (ASU) �ALEXANDER-ALLISON Alexander, Michael David "Kentucky State Aid and the Educationally Disadvantaged Child." Ed. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1969. Investigates the effectiveness of Kentucky's Foundation Program. A1390 Alexander, Nancy Here Will I Dwell: The Story of Caldwell County. Salisbury, N. C: Rowan Print. Co., 1956. History of Caldwell County and its founding families. A1400 (ASU WCU BC) Tom Dooley. Lenoir, N. C.: Lenoir News-Topic, 1959. A story of one of North Carolina's most famous crimes. A1410 (ASU LMC) Alexander, Nancy comp. Isbell, Robert Lee The World of My Childhood. Lenoir, N. C.: Lenoir News-Topic, 1955. 1970 (ASU LMC) Alexander, Ted "A Study of the Effect of Participation in Football on the Grades of Students at Bristol, Tennessee, High School." Master's Thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. A1420 (ETSU) Alexander, Thomas Benjamin Political Reconstruction in Tennessee. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1950. A1430 Political Reconstruction in Tennessee. New York: Russell & Russell, 1968. East Tennessee was bitterly divided from the rest of the state by Civil War issues. Political reconstruction was not accomplished until well into this century. A1440 (BC ASU) Thomas A. R. Nelson of East Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee Historical Commission, 1956. Nelson was an orator, politician, and leader of the Whig Party in Tennessee. A1450 (ASU LMC BC) Alexander, William C. "An Avifauna! Strip Census on Grandfather Mountain." Master's Thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1970. A treatise on the birds of Grandfather Mountain. A1460 (ASU) Alinsky, Saul David John L. Lewis: An Unauthorized Biography. New York: Putnam, 1949. Contains a fascinating account of the growth of the United Mine Workers. A1470 (WCU BC) Allan, William History of the Campaign of General T. J. (Stonewall) Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia from Nov. 4, 1861, to June 17, 1862. With full maps of the region and of the battlefields by Jed Hotchkin. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1880. A1480 (ASU) Alldredge, J. Haden A History of Navigation on the Tennessee River System: An Interpretation of the Economic Influence of This River System on the Tennessee Valley. House Doc. 254, 75th Cong., 1st sess. Washington, D. C.: GPO, 1937. A1490 Allee, Marjorie Hill The Road to Carolina. New York: Houghton, 1936. A novel of East Tennessee during the Civil War. A1491 (WWC BC) Allegheny County Centennial, 1859-1959 County History and Souvenir Booklet, n.p.: n.p., 1959? A1730 Allen, Arthur Thomas Zonation of the Middle and Upper Ordovician Strata in Northwestern Georgia. Bulletin, no. 66. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1957. A1500 (ETSU) Allen, Arthur Thomas, Jr. Cramer, Howard Ross Annotated Bibliography of Georgia Geology Through 1959. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1967. C8500 (ETSU) Allen, Charles Fletcher Crockett's Life. Illustrated by Frank McKernau. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1911. A1510 (ETSU) AUTHOR David Crockett; Scout, Small Boy, Pilgrim, Mountaineer, Soldier, Bearhunter, and Congressman, Defender of the Alamo. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1912. Yet another biography of the irrepressible Col. Crockett of East Tennessee. A1520 (BC) Allen, Charles W. Historic Greeneville, Tennessee. A City among the Mountains. New York: Moss, 1899. A1530 Allen, Ira Tom, Jr. "Vocational Preferences of Eighth Grade Students at Ross N. Robinson Junior High School, Kingsport, TENNESSEE, Master's Thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. A1540 (ETSU) Allen, Ivan Earnest The Cherokee Nation: Fort Mountain, Vann House, Chester Inns, New Echota. Atlanta: I. Allen Co., 1958? This pamphlet describes three Cherokee landmarks in Northwest Georgia, the last stronghold of the Nation before 1838 removal. The fourth site, Fort Mountain, in Murray County is a prehistoric ruin. A1550 (ASU BC) Allen, J. Sidna Memoirs of J, Sidna Allen, Being a True Narrative of His Life and Early Manhood, the History of the Allen Family, What Happened at Hillsville and His Life at the Penitentiary. Mount Airy, N. C.: F. H. Lamb, 1929. A true and stirring account of the Allen outlaws and their exploits at Hillsville, Carroll County, Virginia. A1560 (LMC ASU) Allen, James Lane Aftermath; The Bride of the Mistletoe; A Cathedral Singer; The Choir Invisible; The Doctor's Christmas Eve. . . ; The Emblems of Fidelity; Flute and Violin, and Other Kentucky Tales and Romances; The Heroine in Bronze; A Kentucky Cardinal; The Kentucky Warbler; The Landmark; The Last Christmas Tree; The Mettle of the Pasture; The Reign of Law: A Tale of the Hemp Fields; and Summer in Arcady: A Tale of Nature, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Note: Many of the schools submitting entries for this bibliography included the works of James Lane Allen, the Kentucky novelist. In the judgement of this editor these books are not Appalachian. In the main, their settings are in and around Lexington or points west. However, since so many schools submitted them, a title listing is included. A1570 Allen, John D. Philip Pendelton Cooke. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1942. Cook spent most of his life in the Great Valley and Blue Ridge sections of Virginia. His best-known work is FROISSART BALLADS, AND OTHER POEMS. A1580 (BC) Allen, Judson Boyce ed. Cox, Norman Wade Encylopedia of Southern Baptists. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1958. C8220 (ASU) Allen, Martha Norbum Asheville and Land of the Sky. Rev. and enlarged ed. Charlotte, N. C.: Heritage House, 1960 A history of Asheville and the French Broad Country from the time of the Cherokee to twentieth century Asheville. A1590 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Allen, Mary Moore North Carolina Sketches and Places. Goldsboro, N. C.: n.p., 1946. Includes sketches of many western North Carolina landmarks. A1610 (ASU) Allen, Merritt Parmelee The White Feather. 1st. ed. Illustrated by C. B. Falls. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1944. THE WHITE FEATHER is a Civil War story for older boys. A1600 (BC ASU) Allen, Penelope Johnson comp. Guide Book of Chattanooga and Vicinity. Chattanooga: USD of 1812, 1935. A1620 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Tennessee Soldiers in the Revolution: A Roster of Soldiers Living During the Revolutionary War in the Counties of Washington and Sullivan. Taken from the Revolutionary Army Accounts of North Carolina. . . Published under the auspices of the Tennessee Society, Daughters of the American Revolution. Bristol, Tenn.: King Printing Co., 1935. A1630 (ETSU) Allen, Ronald R. comp. Some Tennessee Rarities. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1973. A bibliography of rare books from Tennessee. A1640 (ASU) Tennessee Books: A Preliminary Guide. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1969. A1650 (LMC) Allen, Roscoe J. "A History and Development of Education in Wilkes County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1952. A1660 Allen, T. P. The West Virginia Hills: A Study of the Work of the Presbyterian Church in the United States in the Synod of West Virginia. St. Louis, Mo.: Buxton & Skinner, 1927. A1670 (ASU) Allen, V. C. Rhea and Meigs Counties (Tennessee) in the Confederate War. n.p.: n.p., 1908. Sketches of Confederate soldiers from two East Tennessee Counties. A1680 (ASU BC) Allen, Vernon The Appalachian Regional Commission, Educational Advisory Committee Interim Report. Ed 021653. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 197? A1690 Allen, William Cicero The Annals of Haywood County, North. Carolina: Historical, Sociological, Bibliographical, and Genealogical, n.p.: n.p., 1935. Includes accounts of Hazelwood, Clyde, Canton and the Qualla Reservations of the Cherokee. A1700 (ASU WCU BC) Centennial of Haywood County and Its County Seat Waynesville, N. C, 1808-1908. Waynesville: Courier, 1908. A1710 North Carolina History Stories. Richmond: B. F. Johnson Pub. Co., 1901. Includes some Western North Carolina yarns. A1720 (LMC MHC) Alley, Felix Eugene Random Thoughts and the Musings of a Mountaineer. 1st ed. Salisbury, N. C.: Rowan Print. Co., 1941. A delightful reminiscence and informal history of Western North Carolina. This unpretentious volume is probably the best source we have on Western North Carolina. A1740 (BC ASU WCU LMC ETSU) Allingham, William ed. The Ballad Book. London: Macmillan & Co., 1872. A choice collection of 76 traditional British ballads. A1750 (BC) Allison, Elizabeth Kelly Early Southwest Virginia Families. Auburn, Ala.: n.p., 1960. A1760 Allison, John Dropped Stitches in Tennessee History. Nashville, Tenn.: Marshall & Bruce Co., 1897. Contains much information about Andrew Jackson's exploits as a young hot-tempered lawyer in East Tennessee. A1770 (ASU BC) Allison, John ed. Notable Men of Tennessee: Personal and Genealogical with Portraits. 2 vols. Atlanta: Southern Historical Assoc., 1905. Contains personal histories, genealogical records, and portraits of Tennessee notables. A1780 (ASU) Allison, Louise B. Early History of Snowville. n.p.: n.p., n.d. Twenty-eight pages with illustrations. A1790 Allison, Richard C. "Marketing of Lumber Produced by Sawmills in Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1960. A1800 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Allison, T. F. P. arr. Gattinger, Augustin The Medicinal Plants of Tennessee Exhibiting Their Commercial Value, with an Analytical Key, Descriptions in Aid of Their Recognition, and Notes Relating to Their Distribution, Time and Mode of Collection, and Preparation for the Drug Market. Nashville: F. M. Paul, 1894. 6610 Allman, Clarence Brent Lewis Wetzel: Indian Fighter. The Life and Times of a Frontier Hero. Original title: The Life and Times of Lewis Wetzel. New York: Devin-Adair Co., 1961. Wetzel was West Virginia's best-known frontiersman, scout, and Indian fighter. A1810 (ASU BC) The Mound Builders. Philadelphia: F. A. Davis Co., 1940. Special attention is given to mound builders in West Virginia and the Ohio Valley. A1820 (BC) Allred, C. C. Masters, F. N. The Cumberland Plateau in Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Tennessee, 1944. M4140 Allred, Charles E. An Economic Analysis of Farming in Overton County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Department of Agricultural Education, Univ. of Tennessee, 1927. A1830 (ETSU) Effects of Industrial Development on Rural Life in Sullivan County, Tennessee. Univ. of Tennessee RECORD, vol. 5, no. 3. Knoxville: Division of Univ. Extension, Univ. of Tennessee, 1928. A1840 How the Swiss Farmers Operate on the Cumberland Plateau. Knoxville: Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Tennessee, 1937. A1860 Significant Changes in Agriculture of Cumberland County, Tennessee. Report. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1942. A1870 Significant Changes in Agriculture of Cumberland County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Tennessee, 1942. A1880 Social Factors Associated with Land Class in Overton County, Tennessee. Report. Knoxville: Agricultural Experiment Station, 1940. Examines correlations between land ownership and social activity. A1890 Allred, Charles E. and others Grundy County, Tennessee, Relief in a Coal Mining Community. Report. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1936. A study of social and relief agencies in a Grundy County coal mining community. A1850 Allred, Rulon Clark The Allred Family in America. 1st ed. Salt Lake City: Wm. R. Bischoff, 1965. This is a common family name in Appalachia. A1900 (ASU) Allston, Susan Lowndes Early Sketch of St. John in the Wilderness and Flat Rock, North Carolina, n.p.: n.p., 1964. History of an Episcopal Church at Flat Rock, North Carolina. A1910 (ASU) Alonso, William ed. Friedmann, John Regional Development and Planning: A Reader. Cambridge, Mass.: M. I. T. Press, 1964. F3320 (ASU) Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity West Virginia Collegiate Institute. ELOJO (The Eye). Institute, West Virginia: West Virginia Collegiate Institute, 1923. A yearbook of the Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity. A1920 (ASU) AUTHOR AHhouse, Ronald Work, Safety, and Life Style Among Southern Appalachian Coal Miners. A Survey of the Men of Standard Mines. Morgantown, W. Va.: Office of Research and Development, Appalachian Center, West Virginia Univ., 1974. A1930 Work, Safety, and Life Style Among Southern Appalachian Coal Miners: A Survey of the Men of Standard Mines. Morgantown: Office of Research and Development, Appalachian Center, West Virginia Univ., 1974. A case study of miners employed at a mine complex owned by Standard Mines. A1970 (ASU) Altsheler, Joseph Alexander The Sword of Antietam: A Story of the Nation's Crisis. Civil War Series. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1914. This volume of Civil War fiction for young readers is partially set in the Appalachians. Dick Mason and his young friends pursue Stonewall Jackson's troops through the Valley of Virginia. A1950 (ASU) The Young Trailers: A Story of Early Kentucky. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1907. A fictional account of pioneer life in Eastern Kentucky. A1960 (ASU WCU BC) AHshells, Joseph Alexander The Rock of Chickamauga: A Story of the Western Crisis. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1915. A novel based on the life of General George H. Thomas, a Virginia-born Unionist who saved the Union Army at the Battle of Chickamauga. A1940 (ASU BC) Alvey, Richard H. Wings Over Kingsport, No. 2: Tennessee's Planned City & Its Industries as Viewed from the Sky in 1938 and 1963. Kingsport, Tenn.: n.p., 1963. A1980 (ETSU) Alvord, Clarence Walworth The First Explorations of the Trans-Allegheny Region by the Virginians, 1650-1674. Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark, 1912. Includes excerpts from the journals of Lederer, Batts, and Fallam as well as accounts of the river routes through the mountains. A1990 (ASU BC) Ambler, Charles Henry A History of Education in West Virginia, from Early Colonial Times to 1949. Huntington, W. Va.: Standard Print & Pub. Co., 1951. A2000 (ASU) A History of West Virginia. . . New York: Prentice-Hall, 1933. A2010 (BC WCU) The Makers of West Virginia and Their Work. Huntington, W. Va.: Gentry Brothers, Printers, 1942. A reprint from volume I of Debates and proceedings of the first Constitutional convention of West Virginia, 1861-1863. A2020 Sectionalism in Virginia from 1776-1861. Reprint, 1910. New York: Russell & Russell, 1964. An account of politics and government in Virginia from the Revolution through the Civil War. A2030 West Virginia, the Mountain State. Books on History. New York: Prentice-Hall, 1940. This edition was apparently written for the younger reader. A2040 (ASU ETSU BC) West Virginia, the Mountain State. 2nd ed. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1958. A general, readable history of the mountain state. A2050 (ASU WCU ETSU) West Virginia: Stories and Biographies. New York: Rand McNally, 1937. Designed for use as a textbook in sixth and seventh grade classes. A2060 Ambrister, Mrs. Floyd L., Jr. comp. Wayland, Mrs. Charles F., Sr. Tombstone Inscriptions and Death Records, Calvary Cemetery, Knoxville, Tennessee, 1869-1967. n.p.: n.p., 1967. W1640 (ETSU) ALLISON—AMERICAN American Ancestry: Giving the Name and Descent, in the Male Line, of Americans Whose Ancestors Settled in the United States Previous to the Declaration of I A. D. 1776 Reprint, 1887-99, 12 vols. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. Since most Appalachian families are descended from very early emigrants, this volume is a useful research tool. A2070 (ASU) American Bible Society Cherokee Bible. (Title in Cherokee). New York: American Bible Society, 1860. Printed in Cherokee with notes in English. A2080 (ASU) American Civil Liberties Union The Kentucky Miner's Struggle: The Record of a Year of Lawless Violence. The Only Complete Picture of Events Briefly Told. New York: The union, 1932. This is a partial record of the mine wars in Eastern Kentucky. This horror and its corresponding events in other Appalachian states have been largely disregarded by the press and government agencies. Is this the greatest conspiracy of silence in recent American history? A2090 (ASU) American Constitutional Association, Charleston Life in a West Virginia Coal Field. Charleston, W. Va.: The assoc., 1923. A pretty, pretty picture of an idealized coal camp, written in refutation of articles depicting barbarism in the coal fields. Naturally the association was funded by coal operators. • A2100 American Council of Learned Societies Devoted to Humanistic Studies Surnames in the United States Census of 1790;-an Analysis of National Origins of the Population. Committee on Linguistics and National Stocks in the Population of the United States. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. Forever lays to rest the myth that mountaineers are predominately Scotch-Irish. Numerically, it just isn't, so, although the Scotch-Irish tended to absorb other ethnic groups in the mountains. A2110 American Dialect Society Word-lists from the South. Publications, no. 2. Greensboro, N. C.: The society, 1944. Includes articles on mountain speech by Josiah Combs, H. C Laughlin, Cratis Williams, and F. C. Hayes. A2120 (ASU) American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research The Appalachian Regional Development Bill. S3, Sen. Randolph; H.R. 4, Rep. Fallen. Legislative Analysis, 91st Congress, 1st Sess., no. 6. Washington: The institute, 1965. A2130 (UNCA) American Forest Products Industries Government Land Acquisition: A Summary of Land Acquisition by Federal, State and Local Governments up to 1964. Washington, D. C.: The author, 1965. Millions of acres of mountain land belong to the state and federal government. A2140 (LMC) American Indian Mission Association, Kentucky Minutes, 1834-1852. Microfilm, n.p.: n.p., n.d. A2150 (WCU) American Mining Congress Coal Mine Modernization Year Book. 1928. Washington: American Mining Congress, 1928. A sort of official apologia for the abominable lack of mine safety standards in Appalachia. A2160 American Mountain People Prepared by the Special Publications Division, National Geographic Society. Washington: National Geographic Society, 1973. Discusses America's mountains and the special breed of people who inhabit them. A2170 (ASU BC) American Public Welfare Association "Public Welfare and Related Problems in Grundy County, Tennessee." Chicago: Unpublished typescript, 1940. A2180 �AMERICAN—ANSCOMBE American Technical Assistance Corp. An Analysis of the Vista Program and Appalachian Volunteers, Inc. Washington: American Technical Assistance Corp., 1967. Examines successes and failures of the Vista Program in Appalachia, giving reasons for both. A2190 Ames, Russell Abbott The Story of American Folk Song. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1955. This volume is excellent background material on folksongs. It demonstrates the close relationship between historical events and movements and the folk songs which popularize these events. A2200 (ASU BC) Amick, Dorothy D. The Methodist Temple of Beckley, West Virginia: A History of Seventy-five Years of Active Organization, 1891-1966. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1966. A2210 (ASU) Ammons, John Outlines of History of French Broad Association and Mars Hill College . . . 1807 to 1907. Raleigh: Edwards & Broughton, n.d. A2220 Ammons, Nellie Strausbaugh, Perry Daniel Common Seed Plants of the Mid-Appalachian Region. Morgantown, W. Va.: Book Exchange, 1948. S7820 (ASU BC) Amsden, Thomas William Geology and Water Resources of Garrett County. Bulletin, no 13. Baltimore: Maryland Department of Geology, Mines and Water Resources, 1954. A geological survey of one of Maryland's three Appalachian Counties. A2230 (ETSU) Amyx, (Catherine McClure Wedding of the Waters. Detroit: Harlo Press, 1973. Poems from Grassy Creek, Kentucky. A2240 (BC) Andarawewa, Asoka B. "An Economic Analysis of Fertility Differentials Among Rural Farm Communities in United States in 1960." Ph. D. Diss. Michigan State Univ., 1964. A2250 Anderson, Ethel Cassell Nichols and others comps. Draper Families in America. Nashville, Tenn.: Parthenon Press, 1964. The Draper family followed the frontier land grants through the hills and valleys of Appalachia. A2260 (ASU) Anderson, Frances Gaines "Leisure Time interests and Activities of Girls in High School." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1942. This study uses West Virginia mountain girls as a sample group. A2270 Anderson, Geneva "A Collection of Ballads and Songs from East Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1932. A2280 (LMC) Anderson, Isaac A Sermon, Delivered on September 8th, 1813. .. Rogersville-. The author, 1814. A2290 Anderson, Lorena Handbook of Appalachian Materials. Charleston, W. Va.: West Virginia Department of Education, 1971. An immensely useful compilation of West Virginia materials. A2300 Anderson, Margaret The Children of the South. Foreword by Ralph McGill. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1958. Here is a teacher's warm and sensitive account of her Negro students during the integration troubles in Clinton, Anderson County, Tennessee. A2310 Anderson, Paul F. "The History of Educational Development in Sullivan County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1936. A2320 Anderson, Richard A. "An Evaluation of the Physical Education Programs in the High Schools in the Washington County School System." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. A2330 (ETSU) AUTHOR Anderson, Robert Campbell The Story of Montreat from Its Beginning, 1897-1947. Montreat, N. C: The author, 1949. A history of Montreat College, Montreat, N. C. and the Presbyterian Mountain Retreat Association there. A2340 (ASU WCU LMC) Anderson, Rufus Memoir of Catherine Brown, a Christian Indian of the Cherokee Nation. (Xerox copy of the original.) Boston: Armstrong, & Crocker & Brewster; New York: J. P. Haven, 1825. Catherine was born in present day Wills Valley and her memoir deals primarily with her life and work at Brainerd Mission School for the Cherokee. Both Wills Valley and Brainerd are today suburbs of Chattanooga. A2350 (ASU BC) Memoir of Catherine Brown, a Christian Indian of the Cherokee Nation. Rev. ed. Philadelphia, Pa.: Am. Sunday School Union, 1832. A2360 Anderson, Sherwood Beyond Desire. New York: Liveright, Inc., 1932. The scene is a Southern mill town which is in the process of unionizing. The story appears to be based on the author's experiences in Appalachia. A2370 (ASU) The Buck Fever Papers. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1971. A collection of Anderson's columns in the Smyth County News and/or The Marion Democrat. Anderson lived for several years in the Virginia Blue Ridge country. A2380 (ASU) Death in the Woods and Other Stories. New York: Liveright Publishing Corp., 1933. This anthology includes several of Anderson's mountain stories. A2390 Hello Towns. New York: Liveright, 1929. A2400 (ASU) Hello Towns. New York: Appel, 1970. Articles and tales of life in and around Marion, Virginia. A2410 (LMC ASU) Kit Brandon: A Portrait. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1936. This portrait of a mountain girl who escapes rural poverty and the degradation of a mill town by becoming a driver for a moonshine magnet has to be Anderson's strongest characterization. Strangely it has received little acclaim. A2420 (ASU ETSU BC) Letters; Selected and Edited with an Introduction and Notes by Howard Mumford Jones, in association with Walter B. Rideout. Boston: Little, Brown, 1953. Includes letters from his years in Appalachia. A2430 (BC ASU) Anderson, Thomas A. A Description of Hiwassee Old Town. London: n.p., 1842. A description of one of the five major Cherokee towns. A2440 The Ocoee District, South East Tennessee in the United States of America, Especially the Hundred Thousand Acres, and the Gold Region, with a Sketch of the Character of the People Who Inhabit East Tennessee Generally. London: J. Leath, 1842. A2450 Anderson, Thomas Dale "The Geography of Christmas Tree Production and Marketing in Anglo-America: With Special Attention to Twelve Counties in Western Pennsylvania." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Nebraska, Lincoln, 1966. This dissertation urges the use of tree-farming as an economic alternative in an area where marginal farms are failing. A2460 Anderson, Walter C. A Method of Appraising Pine Sawtimber in South Carolina. U. S. Forest Service. Station Paper, no. 122. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. Four Appalachian counties of South Carolina are heavily forested. A2470 (WCU) APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Todd, A. S. An Appraisal of Methods for Salvaging Small Sawmill Residues in the Southeast. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1957. T8780 (WCU) Anderson, Walter Wadsley Kill 1, Kill 2. New York: W. Morrow, 1940. Fiction. A mysterious disappearance and a strange memo throw the inhabitants of lodges in the Blue Ridge Mountain into a panic. The drama is enacted against the backdrops of a ridge the Indians call Murder Mountain. A2480 (BC ASU) Andress, J. L. Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey of Clay County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. T410 Andrews, Columbus Caldwell County, North Carolina Geography Supplement. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1927-1928. This supplement includes a new set of maps. A2490 (ASU) Andrews, Earnest M. Georgia's Fabulous Treasure Hoards: A Compendium for Rockhounds, Prospectors, and Various Seekers of Gold, Silver, Diamonds, etc., with Known and Historic Locations, . . . Harperville, Ga.: n.p., 1966. A handbook for rockhounds and treasure seekers. A2500 (MHC) Andrews, Matthew Page Virginia, the Old Dominion. Richmond, Va.: Dietz Press, 1956. Deals very sparingly with the mountain regions of Virginia. A2510 (FC BC) Andrews, Peter Sergeant York: Reluctant Hero. New York: Putnam, 1969. Biography of Alvin York, war-hero from East Tennessee. A2520 (ETSU) Andrews, Thomas Gayleon Burchard, Ernest Francis Iron Ore Outcrops of the Red Mountain Formation in Northeast Alabama. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1947. B8450 (ETSU) Angel, Samuel P. Scott, Samuel W. History of the Thirteenth Regiment, Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry, U. S. A., Including a Narrative of the Bridge Burning: The Carter County Rebellion, and the Loyalty, Heroism and Suffering of the Union Men and Women of Carter and Johnson Counties, Tennessee, During the Civil War. Knoxville, Tenn.: The authors, 1903. SI 460 (ASU LMC) Angle, Eula Ferguson Peter Angle, 1754-1968, and Related Families: Wills, Lee, Mooreman. Richmond: Dietz, 1969. A2530 Anglin, Frances B. "A Follow-up Study of Graduates of Roane County High School, 1946-55." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1956. This study indicates that those graduates who are most successful in obtaining an education or a well-paying job are those who left Roane County. A2540 Anglin, Robert A. The Characteristics and Attitudes of Juvenile Delinquents of Kanawha County. Charleston: Proceedings of the West Virginia Academy of Science, 1966. A2550 Status of the Aging in Kanawha County. Bulletin, Series 48, no. 5. Institute; West Virginia State College, 1961. Predictably, this is a sad little volume about the problems of the aged, in an area which is urbanizing rapidly. A2560 Anonymous Sharp-Eye; or the Scout's Revenge. London: n.p., 1850. An account of pioneer life in northwestern North Carolina. A2570 Anscombe, Francis Charles I Have Called You Friends: The Story of Quakerism in North Carolina. Boston: Christopher Pub. House, 1959. Includes accounts of Quaker explorations and settlements in the mountains. A2580 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Anslin, Robert A. The Characteristics and Attitudes of Juvenile Delinquents of Kanawha County, West Virginia. Charleston: Proceedings of the West Virginia Academy of Sciences, 1966. A2590 Anson, August Bitter Sweet, A Mountain Story. Chicago: Scroll, 1900. A2600 (LMC) Anson, Charles P. "A History of the Labor Movement in West Virginia." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1940. A2610 Anthony, Ivan Blair The Potters O'Skunk Hollow. Boston: B. Humphries, 1947. Here is a classic example of poor taste and bad dialect in mountain fiction. The Potters live well during World War II because Louisa is drawing support checks from all eight of her husbands. A2620 (BC ASU) Antone, George Peter, Jr. "Willis Duke Weatherford: An Interpretation of His Work in Race Relations, 1906-1946." Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1969. Weatherford was connected with the Blue Ridge Assembly and Black Mountain College in Western North Carolina and with Berea College in Eastern Kentucky. He was the author of a pioneer survey of the Appalachian Region. A2630 (ASU BC) Appalachia vol. 1, no. 1, June 1876. Brattleboro, Vt.: Appalachian Mountain Club. A sort of house organ for the Appalachian Mountain Club. A2640 (ASU) Appalachia vol. 1, (Appalachian Digest, vol. 1-2.) September, 1967. Washington, D. C: Appalachian Regional Commission, monthly. The official organ of the Appalachian Regional Commission. A2650 (ASU MHC LMC) Appalachia; A Case Study of Regional Business Development, Second Major Business Institute Report, Oct. 19-20, 1966. Athens,* Ohio University, College of Business Administration, 1966. A2660 (BC) Appalachia Bulletin New series, vol. 1, Apr. 1935. Brattleboro, Vt.: Appalachian Mtn. Club. A2670 (ASU) Appalachia Conference on Research in Poverty and Development, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1968. Seeking More Effective Means to Overcome Poverty: Proceedings. In cooperation with the Appalachian Regional Commission. Blacksburg: Research and Extension Division, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1969. A2680 (ASU LMC) Appalachia: An Economic Report — 1970. Trends in Employment, Income and Population Appalachian Regional Commission. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. A2681 Appalachia — An Economic Report: Trends in Employment, Income and Population Appalachian Regional Commission. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1972. A2683 (ASU) Appalachia — An Economic Report: Trends in Employment, Income and Population. Supplement Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, n.d. A2682 (ASU) Appalachia Educational Laboratory The Appalachia Preschool Education: A Home-oriented Approach. Charleston, W. Va.: The laboratory, 1970. A report on the use of home-study kits in selected Appalachian communities. A2690 The Appalachia Preschool Education Program. Folder. Charleston, W. Va.: The laboratory, 1970. A2700 Directions for Educational Development in Appalachia; Report of an Educational Needs and Feasibility Study Involving the Appalachian Areas of Six States. Charleston, W. Va.: The Laboratory, 1971. A2710 (ASU) AUTHOR The Emerging Pattern of Appalachian Regional Development. Charleston, W. Va.: The Laboratory, 1970. A2720 Quality Education for Appalachia: A prospectus proposing the establishment of a regional educational laboratory. Submitted to the United States Office of Education. . . University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University, 1965. A2730 (FC) Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Division of Research and Evaluation Evaluation Report: Early Childhood Education Program, 1969-1970 Field Test. Summary report. Charleston, W. Va.: The laboratory, 1971. A2740 Appalachia Hand Craft Catalog Oak Ridge, Term.: Adroit Print Co., 1974. Booklet describes an area-wide self-help marketing project of Human Economic Appalachian Development (HEAD) Corporation in Berea, Ky. Project is supported by the Commission on Religion in Appalachia. A2750 Appalachia Kentuckian Bibliography Jackson, Ky., Southeastern Kentucky Regional Library Cooperative, 1974. A bibliography of the cooperative's holdings of: Alice Lloyd College, Hazard Comm. College, Jackson City School Library, LBJ Elem. School Lib. (Jackson, Ky.), Lee County Public Library, Letcher Co. High School Lib., Lees Jr. College Lib., Owsley Co. Pub. Lib., Perry Co. Pub. Lib. A2760 (BC) Appalachia Medicine vol. 1-5. -June, 1973. Lexington; Ky.: Appalachian Regional Hospitals, quarterly. A2770 (ASU) Appalachia: Opportunity for Progress: Alabama, Kentucky, Maryland, North Carolina, . Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia Washington: n.p., 1963. A2771 (ASU) Appalachia Region Educational Laboratory Quality Education for Appalachia: A Prospectus Proposing the Establishment of a Regional Education Laboratory. Submitted to U. S. Off. of Education. University Park, Pa., Penn. State Univ., 1965. A2780 (FC) Appalachia: A Report, 1964 Appalachian Regional Commission. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. A2790 (ASU) The Appalachian vol. 1, Aug., 1934. Cincinnati: Appalachian Coals, monthly. A2800 The Appalachian vol. 1, October 9, 1934. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian State Univ., frequency varies. A2810 (ASU) Appalachian Adult Basic Education Demonstration Center. Final Report. Morehead, Ky.: Morehead State College, 1969. A2820 Appalachian Advance vol. 1, October, 1966. Charleston, W. Va.: Appalachia Educational Laboratory, monthly, Oct.-May, except Dec. A2830 (ETSU BC) Appalachian and Western North Carolina Railroad Some Facts Concerning the Appalachian and Western North Carolina Railroad. Greensboro, N. C.: Harrison Print. Co., 1924. A4460 (ASU) Appalachian Apple Service Annual Report. Martinsburg, W. Va.: The service, n.d. A2840 Appalachian Basin Ordovician Symposium, Pittsburgh, 1947 Appalachian Basin Ordovician Symposium: Papers Read at the Meeting of the Pittsburgh Geological Society at Pittsburgh, Pa., May 16, 1947, and Published in the Bulletin of the American Assn. of Petroleum Geologists, Aug. 1948. Editorial Committee: John T. Galey, Chairman, and others. Tulsa: American Association of Petroleum Geologists, 1948. A2850 (BC) ANSLIN—APPALACHIAN Appalachian Bibliography Compiled for Appalachian Regional Commission. 2 vols., 1967. Morgantown: West Va. Univ. Library, annual. Primarily a listing of articles in current periodicals. A2860 (ASU ETSU LMC MHC WWC BC) Appalachian Center, West Virginia University see West Virginia, University, West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development Appalachian Club Estates, Transylvania County, Brevard, N. C. Asheville: Hackney and Noale, 1913? A2870 Appalachian Coals, Inc. ACI Bulletin. Cincinnati, 1930. A2880 ACI experimental 30-day coal consumption forecast. December 1948-April 1949. Cincinnati: 1949. Basic information supplied by U. S. Weather Bureau, Washington, D. C. A2890 Analysis of Potential Market for ACI Coals in the Production of Gas and Coke. Preliminary report, October, 1934. Cincinnati: A2900 Coal-weather Forecast. Jan., 1949. Cincinnati: The Co., seasonal. Promotional materials and weather information. A2910 Design Trends in Boiler Installations in the Pulp & Paper Industry of the South. Industrial Bulletin, 2. Cincinnati: The Co., 1952. A2920 Forecast. 1949-. Cincinnati: The Co., quarterly. Weather information and promotional materials. A2930 Fuel Engineering Data. Cincinnati: Appalachian Coals, Inc., Fuel engineering division, 1935. Eight sections, each paged separately. A2940 Fuels and Hydro Power Used in the Production of Electricity for Public Use in the United States (1933 through 1936). Cincinnati: The Co., 1937. A2950 Heating Season Weather, 1948-49 Heating Season. Cincinnati: The Co., 1949? A2960 How to Compare the Heating Values and Costs of Coal, Fuel Oil and Gas. Cincinnati: The Co., 194?. A2970 Industrial Coal-burning Equipment. Cincinnati: The Co., 1935. A2980 Miscellaneous Publications, n.p.: n.p., 1937. Unbound pamphlets. A2990 Residential Heating, Equipment, and Fuel Consumption; Study and Comparison by States, 1940 and 1948. Area - principal A.C.I, marketing states. Cincinnati: n.p., 1949. Cover-title. Solid fuel retailers still have substantial market. Type heating, 1949. A3000 Southern High-volatile Coals. Cincinnati: Appalachian Coals, 1951. Its Industrial bulletin 1. A3010 Appalachian Coals, Inc., Fuel Engineering Division Proceedings of the Fuel Engineering Conference Atlanta: Appalachian Coals, 1938. A3020 Proceedings: General Index of Fuel Engineering Conferences, First Through Twenty-sixth, 1934-1940. Cincinnati: Appalachian Coals, 1943. A3030 Appalachian Committee for Full Employment Application for Community Organizing Program in the Four Counties of the Upper Kentucky River Area Development Council. Hazard, Ky.: The committee, 1964. A3040 Appalachian Community Meeting Papers. 1st, Washington, 1966. Bristol, Tenn.: Appalachian Volunteers, 1966? A3050 �APPALACHIAN—APPALACHIAN Appalachian Data Book Appalachian Regional Commission, vol. 3, Kentucky. 2nd ed. April, 1970. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1974. A3060 (ASU MHC) Appalachian Regional Commission, vol. 7, North Carolina, 2nd ed. April, 1970. Washington: Gov't Print. Off., 1970. A3070 (ASU MHC) Appalachian Regional Commission, vol. 11, Tenn. 2nd ed. April, 1970. Washington: Gov't Print. Off., 1970. A3080 (MHC ASU) Appalachian Regional Commission, vol. 12, Virginia. 2nd ed. April, 1970. Washington: Gov't Print. Off., 1970. A3090 (ASU MHC) Appalachian Data Book, Summary Volume Appalachian Regional Commission. 2nd ed. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. A3100 (ETSU MHC ASU) Appalachian Digest see Appalachia Appalachian Electric Power Co., Blueffield, W. Va. see Appalachian Power Co., Bluefield, W. Va. Appalachian Exposition Premium List and Prospectus. Knoxville, Tenn.: S. B. Newman, 1910. Records of the 1910 Appalachian Regional Exposition and Fair. A3110 (LMC) The Appalachian Finance Association see Appalachian Financial Review Appalachian Financial Review vol. 1, Spring 1966-. Pittsburgh: Appalachian Finance Association, annual. A3120 (ETSU) Appalachian Forest Experiment Station, Asheville, N. C. see U. S. Forest Service. Appalachian Forest Experiment Station, Asheville, N. C. Appalachian Geological Society Bulletin, vol. 1, 1949. Charleston: The Society, annual. A3130 (ASU ETSU LMC) Fall Meeting of the Appalachian Geological Society and the Pittsburgh Geological Society with the Cooperation of the West Virginia Geological Survey, October 11-12, 1957, at Blackwater Falls State Park: Log of Field Trip, n.p.: n.p., 1957. A3140 (ETSU) Silurian Stratigraphy: Central Appalachian Basin. Field conference, April 17-18, 1970. Roanoke, Va.: The society, 1970. A3150 (ASU) Appalachian Governors' Conference Meeting, May 8, 1961, the White House. 3d., Washington, 1961. Washington: The conference, 1961. A3160 Appalachian Hardwood Manufacturers Appalachian Oak in Fine Furniture. 3d. ed. Cincinnati: The Co., 1970. A3170 (ASU) Official Grading Rules for Eastern Hemlock Lumber: Conforming to American Lumber Standards Effective November 10, 1950. Cincinnati: The Co., 1950. A3180 Appalachian Heritage: A Magazine of Appalachian Life and Culture vol. 1, Winter, 1973. Pippa Passes, Ky.: Alice Lloyd College, quarterly. A3190 (ETSU ASU BC) Appalachian Institute Committee of the President's Appalachian Regional Commission and the Conference of Appalachian Governors Report of the Appalachian Institute Committee to the Conference of Appalachian Governors and the President's Appalachian Regional Commission. Area Redevelopment Administration Technical Assistance Project, U. S. Department of Commerce. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. A3200 (BC ASU) Appalachian Journal vol. 1-30. 1904-Jan. 1937? (Appalachian Trade Journal, vol. 1-17, no. 1.) Knoxville: n.p., monthly. A3210 Appalachian Journal vol. 1, 1972. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian State Univ., semiannual. "A Regional Studies Review." A3220 (ASU ETSU BC) AUTHOR Appalachian Legal Services Conference, Knoxville, Tenn. 1969 Papers and Proceedings of Appalachian Legal Services Conference, Knoxville, Tenn., July 24-26, 1969. Chicago: National Legal Aid and Defender Association, 1969. Focuses on special legal needs of Appalachia, especially those relating to new government agencies such as the Appalachian Regional Commission. A3230 (BC) Appalachian Library and Culture Project Resources of the Appalachian Library and Culture Center, an Annotated Listing of Books, Recordings and Other Media. Cleveland: Cleveland Public Library, 1973. A3240 Appalachian Lookout vol. 1. 1968. Prestonsburg, Ky.: Appalachian Volunteers, 10 no. a year. A3250 (BC) Appalachian Mountain Club Annual Report. Boston: The club, 18A3260 Appalachia. vol. 1. no. 1. June 1876. Brattleboro, Vt.: The club, n.d. A3270 Appalachia Bulletin, vol. 1-28. Nov. 1907-Mar. 1935; new series, vol. 1. Apr. 1935. n.p.: n.p., n.d. A3280 Suggestions as to Outfit for Tramping and Camping. Boston: The club, 1904. A3290 Appalachian Mountain Club Bulletin see Appalachian Bulletin Appalachian Mountain Community Center, Penland, N. C. Appalachian Mountain Community Center under the Auspices of the Protestant Episcopal Church. . . Penland, N. C.: n.p., n.d. A3300 Appalachian Movement Press Literature List, June, 1972. Huntington, W. Va.: The press, 1972. A3310 (ASU BC) Pamphlets, irregularly issued. Huntington, W. Va.: The press, 1972. A3320 (ASU BC) Songs of Freedom. Huntington, W. Va.: The press, 1972. Eight famous labor songs from Appalachia with histories and arrangements. A3330 Appalachian National Park Association The Appalachian National Parks; an Analysis of Work Accomplished, November 1899 up to Aug. 30, 1901. Folder compiled by Dr. C. P. Ambler. Asheville: Appalachian National Park Association, 1901. A3340 Southern Pictures and Pencilings: Official Organ of the Appalachian National Park Association. Asheville: A. H. McQuilkin, 1900. A3350 Appalachian News Service vol. 1. Jan. 1974. Charleston, W. Va.: n.p., semi-monthly. A3360 (ASU BC) Appalachian North Carolina Youth Development Project. Final Report Chapel Hill: North Carolina Internship Office, 1973. A report on a grant to the N. C. Internship office from the Appalachian Regional Commission for 170 youth service-learning internships in western North Carolina. A3370 (ASU) Appalachian Notes vol. 1. 1973. Lexington, Ky.: Erasmus Press, quarterly. A3380 (ASU ETSU BC) The Appalachian Oral History Project at Lees Junior College, Jackson, Kentucky Recollections. Jackson, Ky.: Lees Junior College, 1972. A3390 Appalachian Outlook vol. 1. Oct. 1964. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, quarterly. A3400 (BC ETSU ASU) Appalachian People's History Book Text by Suzanne Crowell. Louisville, Ky.: Mountain Education Associates and Southern Conference Education Fund, 1971? A biased but informative version of Appalachia's history. A3410 (ASU) APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Appalachian Poets vol. 1. 1952. (Appalachian Poets Yearbook, 1952-1955.) Kermit, W. Va.: Appalachian Poetry Guild, annual? A3420 Appalachian Poets Yearbook see Appalachian Poets Appalachian Power Company Report. Roanoke, Va.: The Co., 1939, annual. A3510 Appalachian Power Company, Bluefield, W. Va. To Bankers Trust Company and F.N.B. Close, Trustees; Trust Deed. New York: n.p., 1913. A3430 Hydro-electric Power in the Southwest of Virginia. Bluefield, W. Va.: The Co., 1913. A3440 Order of Business for Real Estate and Rights of Way. Roanoke, Va.: Stone Print. & Mfg. Co., 1927. A3450 Profitable Boat Manufacturing Opportunities in Virginia. Introductory Report to Boat Manufacturers. Roanoke, Va.: The company's Area Development Department, 1960. A3460 Safety Hand Book. Issue of July 1, 1928. Roanoke, Va.: Stone Printing and Manufacturing Co.?, 1928. A3470 The Story of the Reusens Hydro-electric Station, tracing its development over a thirty-year period 1903-1931. Lynchburg, Va.: Appalachian Electric Power Company, 1931. A3480 United States of America, on the Relation of Oscar L. Chapman, Secretary of the Interior, Petitioner v. Federal Power Commission, Virginia Electric and Power Company, et al. Virginia REA Association, et al. On Writs of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. Brief for Appalachian Electric Power Company, Intervenor. n.p.: n.p., 1952. A3490 When Men and Mountains Meet. Bluefield?: The Co., 1966. A3500 Appalachian Power Company, Roanoke, Va. Appalachian Power Company and the American Electric Power System. Roanoke?: The co., 1962. A3520 Appalachian Regional Commission Abstract of the New York State Appalachian Program: A Development Plan, n.p.: Office of Planning Coordination, 1968. A3530 Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia. Washington, D. C.: The commission, 1969. An economic and engineering study of the effects of acid mine drainage in Appalachia in six volumes. A3540 (ASU BC) Annual Report. 1965. Washington: Gov't. Print. Off., annual. A3550 Appalachia: A Report, 1964. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. A3560 (LMC ASU WCU ETSU) Appalachia: An Economic Report — 1970. Trends in Employment, Income and Population. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. A3570 (ASU) Appalachia — An Economic Report: Trends in Employment, Income and Population. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1972. A3580 (WCU ASU ETSU) Appalachia — An Economic Report: Trends in Employment, Income and Population. Supplement. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1973. A3590 (ASU) Appalachian Data Book. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. A3600 (ASU ETSU BC) Appalachian Data Book. 2nd ed. 14 vols. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. A3610 (MHC BC ETSU ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Appalachian Regional Commission The Appalachian Experiment, 1965-1970. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1972. A Study of the various programs of the Appalachian Regional Commission. A3620 (ASU) Appalachian Highlands Recreation Study, Phase I, Inventory and Analysis. Washington, D. C: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. A3630 (ASU) Appalachian North Carolina Youth Development Project, Final Report. Washington: The commission, 1973. Report on a grant from the Commission to the North Carolina Internship office for 170 service-learning internships in Western North Carolina. A3640 (ASU) The Appalachian Region: A Statistical Appendix of Comparative Socioeconomic Indicators. ERIC RC003508. Washington, D. C.: The commission, 1968. Factors studied in statistical index include: population; population distribution by age, sex, state and family income; education; distribution of labor force according to educational levels; industry; industrial location; and employment and unemployment patterns. A3650 (MHC ASU) Appalachian Research Reports, no. 1. 1966. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., issued irregularly. See individual entries. A3660 (ASU WCU) Appalachia's Forest Resources: Timber. A task force report on the timber resources of Appalachia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. A3670 At Transition: Executive Director's Semiannual Administrative and Economic Report, July 1-December 31, 1968. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. A3680 (ASU) A Bibliography of Research Studies Produced with Appalachian Regional Development Program Funds. Washington: The commission, 1969. A3690 Capitalizing on New Development Opportunities along the Baltimore-Cincinnati Appalachian Development Highway: A Staff Recommendation. Appalachian Research Report, no. 11. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. A3700 (ASU) Code. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. A3710 (WCU ASU) Current Regional Reports. Washington: The commission, 1973. A3720 The Economic Impact of Public Policy on the Appalachian Coal Industry and the Regional Economy. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. A3730 (ASU) Guidelines for Funding Appalachian Projects, Development Districts, and Research. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. A3740 (ASU) Guidelines for Funding Appalachian Projects, Development Districts and Research. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. A3750 (ASU) Manpower Report for the Appalachian Coal Industry. Washington: The commission, 1973. A report on the manpower needs of the coal industry and the current distribution and supply of manpower. A3760 (ASU) New Directions: Executive Director's Semi-annual Report, January 1-June 30, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1972? A3770 Preliminary Analysis for Development of Central Appalachia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia. Appalachian Research Report, no. 8. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. A3780 A Program for Simulation of Acid Mine Drainage in a River Basin. Cambridge, Mass.: Meta Systems, Inc., 1969. A3790 (ASU) AUTHOR Report. 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., annual. A3800 (ETSU ASU WCU BC) A Report on the Identification of Areas of Potential Growth in the Appalachian Region of New York State and a General Development Philosophy for the Region. Albany: New York Appalachian Regional Commission, 1966. A3810 A Select Bibliography on High Risk Education for Appalachian Youth: Programs and Practices. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. A3820 State and Regional Development Plans in Appalachia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. A3830 (ASU) A Summary Economic Report: Appalachian Region. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. A3840 (ASU) Summary Report. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. A3850 (ASU) Survey of Environmental Education Programs in Colleges and Universities in the Appalachian Region. Washington: The commission, 1972. A3860 (ASU) An Urban Development Program for the Big Sandy Area. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1965. A3870 Updated Investment Guidelines for North Carolina Appalachian Region 1971 to 1975, and A Plan for Public Investment in Appalachian North Carolina, Fiscal 1971. n.p.: n.p., 1971? A3880 Appalachian Regional Commission, Child Development Staff Federal Programs for Young Children. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. A3890 (ASU ETSU) Programs for Infants and Young Children. 4 vols. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. A3900 (ASU ETSU) Appalachian Regional Commission, Education Advisory Committee Appalachian — Education for Tomorrow. Washington: The Appalachian Regional Commission, 1971. A3910 (ASU) Early Childhood Education for Appalachia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. A3920 (ASU) Interim Report. 1967. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., annual. A3930 (ASU LMC BC) Preliminary Report. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. A3940 Status of Secondary Vocational Education in Appalachia. Appalachian Research Report, no. 10. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. A3950 (ASU LMC) Summary and Recommendations to the Appalachian Regional Commission: Report I. Cover-title: Appalachia — Education for Tomorrow. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. A3960 (ASU) Appalachian Regional Commission, Health Advisory Committee Report to the Appalachian Regional Commission. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. A3970 (ASU) Appalachian Regional Commission, Youth Development Leadership Program Youth Action and Youth Issues in Appalachia: A Report. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. A3980 (ASU) Appalachian Regional Hospitals Evolution of a Model Rural Non-profit Health Care System, 1963-1973. Lexington, Ky.: n.p., 1973. Taking over the hospitals created by the UMW, the ARH has grown from a chain of hospitals into a modern health care system since 1963. A3990 (ASU) APPALACHIAN—APPALACHIAN A Model Rural Non-profit Health Care System. Lexington, Ky.: The authors, 1971. A4000 (ASU) Appalachian Research and Defense Fund Appalachian Research and Defense Fund Public Interest Report, no. 1. Charleston, W. Va.-. The fund, 1970. A4010 Newsletter, no. 1. 1971. Charleston, W. Va.: n.p., n.d. Nine volumes issued ending with winter 72-73. A4020 (BC) Appalachian Review vol. 1. Summer 1966. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., quarterly. A4030 (ASU ETSU BC) Appalachian School, Penland, N. C. The Appalachian School. . . Penland, N. C.: The school, 1933. The Appalachian School Department of Fireside Industries. Penland, N. C.: n.p., 1936. A4050 Appalachian School Summer Camp. Penland, N. C.: n.p., n.d. A4060 The Appalachian South vol. 1. 1965. Charleston, W. Va.: Appalachian Associates, quarterly. A4070 (ASU ETSU MHC BC) Appalachian State University, Belk Library The American Indian: A Bibliography. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian State Univ., The Library, 1973. A4071 Appalachian State University, Boone, N. C. see North Carolina, Appalachian State University, Boone The Appalachian Structural Front in Alabama Guidebook for the Annual Field Trip, no. 7. University: Alabama Geological Society, 1969. A4080 (ETSU) Appalachian Structural Seminar, 2nd, Mont Chateau, W. Va., 1971. Appalachian Structures: Origin, Evolution and Possible Potential for New Exploration Frontiers. A seminar, March 3-5, 1971, directed by William H. Kanes. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. and West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1972. A4090 Appalachian Studies Center Twigs, vol. 1. June 1965. Pikeville, Ky.: Pikeville College, n.d. Vol. 1-4 published by Hilltop Editons, Pikeville College Press, Pikeville, Ky. A4100 (ASU) Appalachian Trade Journal see Appalachian Journal (1904-1937?) Appalachian Trade Union Conference, Charleston, W. Va., 1964 Proceedings, October 12-14, 1964. Indianapolis: Cornelius Print. Co., 1964. A4110 Appalachian Trail Conference The Appalachian Trail. 6th ed. Pub. no. 5. Washington: The conference, 1950. A4120 The Appalachian Trail: A Mountain Footpath — A National Scenic Trail. Publication no. 5. 8th ed. Washington: The conference, 1970. A4130 (LMC ETSU) The Appalachian Trail. Publication, no. 17. Washington, D. C.: The conference, 1970. A4140 (ETSU) The Appalachian Trail: A Footpath Through the Wilderness for More Than 2,000 Miles from Katahdin in Maine to Springer Mountain in Georgia. 12th ed. Publication, no. 17. Washington: The conference, 1963. A4150 (ASU) The Appalachian Trail: A Mountain Footpath, a National Scenic Trail. 9th ed. Publication, no. 5. Harpers Ferry, W. Va.: The conference, 1973. A4160 (ASU) Appalachian Trail Conference, Undertaking the Appalachian Trail (A Mountain Foot-path from Maine to Georgia. . . . New York: The conference, 1933. A4170 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN—ARMOUR ,Appalachian Trail Conference Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Central and Southwestern Virginia. 5th ed. Washington, D. C: The conference, 1960. A4180 (BC LMC ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia. 1st ed. Publication, no. 23. Washington, D. C.: The conference, 1963. A4190 (LMC BC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia. 2nd ed. Publication, no. 3. Washington: The conference, 1967. A4200 (ASU BC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia. 4th ed. Publication, no. 23. Harpers Ferry, W. Va.: The conference, 1973. A4210 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Maine. . . 2nd ed. Washington, D. C.: The conference, 1936. A4220 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Maine; the Route of the Appalachian Trail in Maine. . . 3rd ed. Washington, D. C.: The conference, 1938. A4230 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Maine. . . 4th ed. Washington, D. C.: The conference, 1942. A4240 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians. 2nd ed. Publication, no. 8. Washington, D. C.: The conference, 1942. A4250 (ASU BC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians. 3rd ed. Publication, no. 8. Washington, D. C.: The conference, 1950. A4260 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians. 4th ed. Publication, no. 8. Washington, D. C.: The conference, 1960. A4270 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and the Great Smokies. 1st ed. Publication, no. 24. Washington, D. C.: The conference, 1963. A4280 (LMC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina: Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies. 2nd ed. Publication, no. 24. Washington: The conference, 1967. A4290 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies. 3rd ed. Publication, no. 24. Washington, D. C.: The conference, 1971. A4300 (ETSU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies. 4th ed. Publication, no. 24. Harpers Ferry, W. Va.: The conference, 1973. A4310 (ASU) Guide to the Southern Appalachians. The Appalachian Trail from Virginia-Tennessee Line to Mt. Oglethorpe, Ga. Publication, no. 8. Washington: The conference, 1937. A4320 (ASU BC) Plans for an Appalachian Trail Lean-to. . . 4th ed. Washington: The conference, 1949. Gives a list of shelters along the App. Trail. A4330 (ASU) Suggestions for Appalachian Trail Users. 3rd ed. Publication, no. 15. Washington: The conference, 1944. A4340 Suggestions for Appalachian Trail Users. 4th ed. Publication, no. 15. Washington: The conference, 1949. A4350 Suggestions for Appalachian Trail Users. 6th ed. Publication, no. 15. Washington: The conference, 1962. A4360 Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. Washington: The conference, 1931. A4370 (ASU) AUTHOR Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. 3rd ed. Publication, no. 1. Washington: The conference, 1935. A4380 Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. 4th ed. Publication, no. 1. Washington: The conference, 1940. A4390 (ASU) Trail Manual for Appalachian Trail. 5th ed. Washington: The conference, 1951. A4400 Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. 6th ed. Washington: The association, 1966. A4410 Appalachian Trailway News vol. 1. 1939. Washington: Appalachian Trail Conference, quarterly. A4420 (ASU) Appalachian Traveling Conference, Kentucky Section Traveling Conference of the Department of Agriculture in the Southern Appalachian Region, Oct. 30-Nov. 4, 1939. Washington: The conference, 1939. A4430 Appalachian Underground Corrosion Short Course, West Virginia University Proceedings. 1st. 1956. Technical Bulletin. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Engineering Experiment Station, annual. A4440 Appalachian Wage Conference, Coal Operators' Committee Facts about the Bituminous Coal Industry. New York: The conference, 1939. A4450 Appalachia's People, Problems, Alternatives: An Introductory Social Science Reader Comp. by PARC. 2 vols. Morgantown, W. Va.: People's Appalachian Research Collective, 1971. Although poorly printed and researched, this volume does attempt to represent Appalachia as an example of colonialism whose natural resources are owned by people outside the region. A4470 (ASU) Appalshop Appalbrochure, 1971. Whitesburg, Ky.: The author, 1971. A catalog of current media, films and video tapes available from the Appalshop, Whitesburg, Ky. A4480 (ASU) Appalbrochure, 1974. Whitesburg, Ky.: The author, 1974. A4490 (ASU ETSU) Appell, Darlene Skillern Family History and Genealogy, n.p.: N.P., . A4510 Applewhite, James ed. Voices from Earth, a Collection of Writings on Environment. Greensboro: Univ. of North Carolina, Greensboro, 1971. A4500 (ASU) Arbor and Bird Dog Manual Charleston, W. Va.: Extension Department, College of Agriculture, West Virginia, 1915. Lists forty common birds of West Virginia. A4520 (BC) Archambo, Judith P. Rural Child Care Project, 1968-1969 Research Evaluation, vol. I: A Description of the Rural Child Care Project. vol. II: Hypotheses 1-8 Final Report. Frankfort, Ky.: Kentucky Child Welfare Research Foundation, Inc., 1970. A4530 Rural Child Care Project, 1969-1970 Research Evaluation. Final Report. Frankfort: Kentucky Child Welfare Research Foundation, Inc., 1970. Contains much information on Eastern Kentucky. A4540 Archer, Cordelia Pearl "History of the Schools of Johnson City, Tennessee, 1868-1950." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1953. A4550 (ETSU) Archer, Robert Archer and Silvester Families. 1870. Reprint. Richmond, Va.: William Byrd Press, 1937. A4560 10 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Ardery, Julia Hoge Spencer comp. Kentucky Records. Early Wills and Marriages Copied from Court House Records by Regents, Historians and the State Historian. Old Bible Records and Tombstone Inscriptions. Records from Barren, Bath, Bourbon Counties. 1926. Reprint. Baltimore, Md.: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. A4570 (BC ASU) Ardery, Mrs. William Breckenridge see Ardery, Julia Hoge Spencer Arena, Susan P. ed. Kentucky Living Cookbook. Bicentennial Edition. Shelbyville, Ky.: Landmark Community Newspapers, 1974. Contains many recipes from Eastern Kentucky. A4580 Argo, William V. The 20,000,000,000 a Year Racket of Bootleggers and Liquor-stamp Counterfeiters in Several Southeastern States Is Here Detailed by One of the Men Who Broke It Up. N. Y.: Vantage, 1962. Fully documented, naming names and pinpointing places, the book has the pace and suspense of a thriller. A4590 No Place for Revenuers. New York: Vantage Press, 1962. An account of the author's experiences as an undercover IRS agent. A4600 (BC LMC) Arkle, Thomas Sandstones of West Virginia. Report of Investigations, no. 16. Morgantown: W. Va. Genealogical Survey, 1957. A4610 (ETSU) Arlart, Ernest James A Survey of Monogenetic Trematodes from the Gills of Salmo Gairdneri, Salverinus Fontinalis, and Salmo Trutta in Watauga County, North Carolina. Master's thesis. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian State Univ., 1974. A4620 Armentrout, Walter Wardlaw Employment and Underemployment of Rural People in the Appalachian Area. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., n.d. A4630 Rural Development Problems and Prospects in Fayette, Raleigh, and Summers Counties, West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1960. A study of financial, legal, ecological, and other problems related to development in rural areas. A4640 Armes, Ethel Marie The Story of Coal and Iron in Alabama. Birmingham: Chamber of Commerce, 1910. A survey of resources and the companies which use them. A4650 (ASU) Armes, William Dallam ed. Old English Ballads and Folk Songs. New York: Macmillan, 1904. This 1904 edition lists popular versions, variants and notes for 35 old English ballads. A4660 LeConte, Joseph The Autobiography of Joseph LeConte. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1903. LI270 (BC ASU LMC) Armfield, Lucille Songs from the Carolina Hills. New York: Doxey's Press, 1901. A4670 Armitage, Catherine Smith "A Report of a Summer Internship at Buckhorn Children's Center, Buckhorn, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Western Michigan Univ., 1971. A4680 (ASU) Armour, Eugene "The Melodic and Rhythmic Characteristics of the Traditional Ballad Variants Found in the Southern Appalachians." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. New York Univ., 1961. A4690 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY n, Robert The Attack upon and Defense of Fort Sanders, Knoxville, Tennessee, November 29, 1863. Read at the states meeting of December 7, 1898. Military Orders of the Loyal Legion of the U. S. Commander/ of the District of Columbia. War Papers, 30. Xerox copy of the original. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1893. A4700 (ASU) Arms, Fred Sevier and others Soil Survey, Adair County, Kentucky. Soil Survey, Series 1961, no. 4. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1964. Adair County is in the foothills of the Appalachians in Eastern Kentucky. Its agricultural potential is greater than that of its more mountainous neighboring counties. A4710 Armstrong, Ann* WetieH This Day and Time. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1930. A4720 (ASU) This Day and Time. With a personal reminiscence by David McClellan. 1930. Reprint. Johnson City: Research Advisory Council, East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. A novel about an East Tennessee woman's struggle to earn a living in the early 1920's. A4730 (BC ETSU ASU) Armstrong, Randy Cate, Herma The Southern Appalachian Heritage. Boone, N. C: The Appalachian Consortium, 1974. C2041 Armstrong, ZoNa Hamilton County Confederate Soldiers. Chattanooga: Lookout, n.d. A4740 History of the First Presbyterian Church of Chattanooga. Chattanooga: Lookout, 1945. A4750 The History of Hamilton County and Chattanooga, Tennessee. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Lookout Pub. Co., 1931. A4760 (ETSU BC ASU) The Sevier Family. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Lookout Pub. Co., 1926. A history of Tennessee's first family, the descendants of John Sevier and Valentine Sevier. A47SO (BC) Some Tennessee Heroes of the Revolution; Compiled from Pension Statements. Chattanooga: Lookout, 1933. A4790 Who Discovered America? The Amazing Story of Madoc. Chattanooga: Lookout, 1950. There is a theory that Descendants of this Welsh prince's expedition settled in the Appalachians. French, Janie Vreston Collup The Crockett Family and Connecting Lines. Bristol, Tenn.: King Print. Co., 1928. F3240 French, Janie Preston Collup Davy Crockett and the Crockett Family. Chattanooga: Lookout, 1951. F3250 Armstrong, ZeBa comp. Notable Southern Families. 6 vols. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Lookout Pub. Co., 1918-33. An excellent genealogical source. A4770 (ASU ETSU) Amdt, Harold H. Wood, Gordon H., Jr. Systematic Jointing in Western Part of Anthracite Region of Eastern Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1969. W8510 Amort, Liuio 'Mongst the Hills of Kentucky. Illustrated by Tip Sounders. Louisville: R. H. Carothers & Son, 1909. A lone story set against the background of Eastern Kentucky events such as picnics, tooth-pulling, fights and bee-keeping. A4810 (ASU) Arnold, Dorothy Andora "Some Recent Contributions of the Cherokee Indians of North Carolina to the Crafts of the Southern Highlands." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1952. An excellent study of traditional Cherokee crafts still being produced. A4820 (ASU ETSU) AUTHOR Arnold, Jacob Hiram Farm Practices That Increase Crop Yields in Kentucky and Tennessee. Farmers' Bulletin 981. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1918. A study of farming methods in the limestone and mountain districts of Kentucky and Tennessee. A4830 (BC) Ways of Making Southern Mountain Farms More Productive. Farmers' Bulletin, 905. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Office of Farm Management, 1918. A practical manual dealing with the special problems of agriculture in mountainous country. A4840 (ASU BC) Arnold, Lattye Eunice Aunt Melissa's Memory Jug: Original Folk Stories. New York: Exposition Press, 1962. A4850 (BC) Arnold, Thomas Jackson Early Life and Letters of General Thomas J. Jackson, "Stonewall" Jackson. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1916. Jackson was a native of the Valley of Virginia and his most brilliant campaigns were conducted there. A4860 (ASU) Arnold, William Erastus A History of Methodism in Kentucky. Louisville, Ky.: The Penticostal Pub. Co., 1936. Includes accounts of circuit riders, camp meetings, and the development of the Pentecostal Holiness sect. A4870 (BC) Arnold Zogry Associates A Demonstration Program in Rural Housing: An Area-wide Housing Organization in the Northwest Local Development District. Prepared for the North Carolina State Planning Division, Department of Administration, with the financial assistance of the Appalachian Regional Commission. Raleigh, N. C.: n.p., 1970. Describes a model rural housing project in Northwestern N. C. Tri-county Housing: A Multi-county Response to Housing Problems. Prepared for North Carolina State Planning Division, Department of Administration, with the financial assistance of the Appalachian Regional Commission. Raleigh, N. C.: n.p., 1971. Plans for a model housing program in North Carolina's Appalachian Region. A4890 Arnow, Harriette Louisa Simpson The Dollmaker. New York: Macmillan Co., 1954. A classic novel which deals with the plight of the Appalachian migrant. A4900 (ETSU BC ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC) Flowering of the Cumberland. New York: Macmillan Co., 1963. An account of the development of the Cumberland River Valley and plateau. A4910 (FC BC UNCA WWC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Hunter's Horn. New York: Macmillan Co., 1949. A novel about a man's obsession with a legendary fox who can't be caught. A4920 (BC ASU ETSU WCU LMC MHC WWC) Kentucky Trace: A Novel of the American Revolution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1974. A fictional account of the settlement of Kentucky. A4930 Mountain Path. Appalachian Heritage Book. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1963. A novel about a young teacher's life in a feud-haunted valley. A4940 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU UNCA BCLMC) Seedtime on the Cumberland. New York: Macmillan Co., 1960. Development and settlement of the Cumberland Valley and Plateau. A4950 (ETSU FC ASU WCU BC LMC MHC WWC) Arrington, Ted E. Salesman of Appalachia. New York: Vantage Press, 1966. An account of the life of the salesman in Appalachia and observations on his travels. A4960 11 ARMOUR—ASHE Arrowood, Charles Flinn Thomas Jefferson and Education in a Republic. New York: AMS Press, 1971. Mr. Jefferson's University is in the Blue Ridge foothills and several of his other educational experiments took place in the mountain region. A4970 (ETSU) Art Works in Hamilton County Chattanooga: W. H. Parrish, 1895. A4980 Arthur, John Preston A History of Watauga County, North Carolina. With Sketches of Prominent Families. Written at the request of Roy M. Brown, W. D. Farthing, and others. . . who guaranteed all costs of publication.08511 Richmond: Everett Waddey Co., 1915. One of the better Western North Carolina county histories. A4990 (ASU LMC) Western North Carolina: A History (from 1730 to 1913). Published by the Edward Buncombe chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution, of Asheville, N. C. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards and Broughton Print. Co., 1914. A5000 (BC ASU UNCA WCU LMC WWC) Western North Carolina; a History, 1730-1913. 1914. Reprint. Spartanburg, S. C.: Reprint Co., 1973. A5010 (ETSU ASU LMC) Arthur, Timothy Shay The History of Kentucky, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. Cabinet Histories of the States. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo & Co., 1852. A5020 (BC WCU) Artman, J. O. Forest Fires and Area Burned, State and Private Lands, Tennessee Valley, 1934-1958. Norris, Tennessee: TVA, 1959. A5030 Asbury, Francis Francis Asbury in North Carolina. Nashville, Tenn.: Parthenon Press, 1964. The N. C. portions of the journals of Bishop F. Asbury (vols. I and II of the Clark edition.) A5040 (ASU) Journal of Rev. Francis Asbury, Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church. 3 vols. New York: Lane & Scott, 1852. Asbury was singularly pessimistic about the state of the mountaineer's soul. He seemed to regard his travels in Appalachia as a penance. Often he feared for his life among the rough mountain people. A5050 (BC) Journal and Letters. 3 vols. London: Epworth Press and Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon Press, 1958. A5060 (ASU BC WWC) Asbury, Herbert A Methodist Saint. New York: Knopf, 1927. Asbury was one of the earliest circuit riders to come into the mountains. A5070 (ASU) Ashby, Bernice M. comp. Shenandoah County, Virginia, Marriage Bonds, 1772-1850. Berryville, Va.: Virginia Book Co., 1967. Excellent genealogical source for families who passed through the Valley regions of Virginia. A5080 (ASU ETSU) Ashby, Lowell D. Growth in Employment by County, 1940-1950 and 1950-1960. vol. 5. Southeast. Washington: U. S. Office of Business Economics, Regional Economics Division, 1966. A sad statistical record of Appalachia's loss of population due to lack of employment opportunities. A5090 Ashe, Samuel A'Court History of North Carolina. 2 vols. Greensboro, N. C.: C. L. Van Noppen, 1908-25. Includes some Western North Carolina information. A5110 (BCLMC ASU) History of North Carolina. 1908-25. Reprint. 2 vols. Spartanburg, S. C.: Reprint Co., 1971. A5120 (WWC UNCA) Ashe, Samuel A'Court ed. Biographical History of North Carolina from Colonial Times to the Present. 7 vols. Greensboro, N. C.: C. L. Van Noppen, 1905-07. Contains sketches of a few Western North Carolina men. A5100 (WWC) �ASHE—AUGUSTA Ashe, William Willard The Possibilities of a Maple Sugar Industry in Western North Carolina. North Carolina Geological Survey. Economic Papers, no. 1. Winston-Salem, N. C: M. I. and J. C. Stewart, 1897. A5130 (ASU LMC) Shade Trees for North Carolina. North Carolina Geological and Economics Survey. Bulletin, no. 16. Raleigh, N. C.: E. M. Uzzell and Co., 1908. Identifies all native trees. A5140 (ASU LMC) Ayres, Horace Burner The Southern Appalachian Forests. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1905. A5850 (ASU BC LMC ETSU) Foster, Harold Day Chestnut Oak in the Southern Appalachians. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1908. F2320 (ASU) Greeley, William Buckout White Oak in the Southern Appalachians. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, 1911. G3480 (ASU) Pinchot, Gifford Timber Trees and Forests of North Carolina. Winston, N. C.: Ml & J. C. Stewart, 1897. P2990 (UNCA ASU WCU LMC) Asheville, N. C. City Directory. 1896. Asheville, N. C.: Piedmont Directory Co., annual. A5160 Asheville, N. C. Board of Trade Asheville and Vicinity. "Where the Snowbirds Nest." Asheville, N. C.: The Citizen, 1898-99. Promotional material. A5150 (BC ASU) Asheville, N. C., Chamber of Commerce Asheville — Live and Invest in the Land of the Sky. Asheviile, N. C.: Inland Press, n.d. Tourist brochure. A5170 (ASU) In the Land of the Sky, for Your Year-round Home. Cover title: Asheville, live and invest in the land of the sky. Asheville, N. C.: Chamber of Commerce, n.d. A5180 (ASU) Asheville, N. C., Chamber of Commerce, Industrial Department Asheville Handbook: A Condensed Summary of Important Facts and Figures. 1926. Asheville, N. C: The chamber, annual. A5190 (LMC) Asheville, N. C, Juvenile Planning Council Community Action for Social Redevelopment in Asheville and Buncombe County. Asheville, N. C.: n.p., 1962. A5200 (WWC) Asheville, N. C., Metropolitan Planning Board A Population and Economic Analysis of the Asheville Metropolitan Area and the Western North Carolina That It Serves. Asheville: The board, 1966. A5210 (BC) Ashland, Ky., Centennial Committee A History of Ashland, Kentucky, 1786 to 1954. Ashland, Ky.: Graber Print. Co., 1954. A5220 (ASU BC) Ashley, George Hall The Abram Creek-Stony River Coal Field, Northeastern West Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 711-F. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1920. A5230 Geology and Mineral Resources of Part of the Cumberland Gap Coal Field, Kentucky. In cooperation with the Geological Department of Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 49. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1906. A5240 (ASU) Outline Introduction to the Mineral Resources of Tennessee. Nashville: Folk-Keelin Print. Co., 1910. All of Eastern Tennessee contains large concentrations of mineral deposits. A5250 (ETSU) Ashton, Horace Exploring the Endless Caverns of New Market, Virginia. New York: Nomad Pub. Co., 1926. A guide book, short history, and promotional brochure. A5260 (LMC) AUTHOR Ashton, John A Century of Ballads. Collected, edited and illustrated in facsimile of originals, 1887. Reprint. Detroit: Singing Tree Press, 1968. A5270 (ASU) The Devil in Britain and America. 1896. Reprint. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Gryphon Books, 1971. This volume examines the British origins of some common Appalachian superstitions and beliefs. A5280 (ASU) Association of American State Geologists Centennial Field Trip. Sponsored by the West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey. Log of Trip, May 5, 8, 9, 1963. n.p.: n.p., 1963. A5290 (ETSU) Atalie, Princess see Unkalunt, Atalie Athens "Press" Presents the Story of Niota, Tennessee; Its History, Products, and Services in Words and Pictures Niota: Athens Press, 1961. A5300 Atkin, Edmond The Appalachian Indian Frontier. The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. Introduction by Wilbur R. Jacobs. Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1967. An excellent account of relations between Appalachian settlers and the Indians. Contains records of deeds and treaties and maps of army outposts. A5310 (ASU BC WCU LMC ETSU) Atkins, Benjamin Elberfield Extracts from the Diary of Benjamin Elberfield Atkins: A Teacher of the Old School, 1848-19d9. Gastonia, N. C.: n.p., 1947. Atkins taught school in Gaston County when mountaineers were beginning to move into the area to work in the textile mills. A5320 (LMC) Atkins, Emmet D. comp. Atkins, Benjamin Elberfield Extracts from the Diary of Benjamin Elberfield Atkins: A Teacher of the Old School, 1848-1909. Gastonia, N. C.: n.p., 1947. A5320 (LMC) Atkins, James W. comp. Atkins, Benjamin Elberfield Extracts from the Diary of Benjamin Elberfield Atkins: A Teacher of the Old School, 1848-1909. Gastonia, N. C: n.p., 1947. A5320 (LMC) Atkins, Pres ed. When the Trains Came to Norton, Wise County, in Old Virginia in 1891. Norton, Va.: Norton Press, 1941. A5330 (BC ASU) Atkins, S. W. Allred, Charles E. An Economic Analysis of Farming in Overton County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Department of Agricultural Education, Univ. of Tennessee, 1927. A1830 (ETSU) Atkins, Samuel Wesley "An Economic Analysis of Farming in Overton County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1927. A5340 Increasing Incomes Through Farm Adjustments in the Red Soil Area, Eastern Highland Rim of Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1955. Suggestions for crop rotation and new crop alternatives for marginal farm lands. A5350 (ASU) Atkinson, A. A. A Key to Mine Ventilation. Scranton, Pa.: Colliery Engineer Co., 1892. An elementary treatise on the principles of coal mining and mine safety. A5360 (BC) Atkinson, C. H. Higbee, Howard William Soil Survey, Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1944. H5260 Atkinson, Cuthbert Harry Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Indiana County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1936. B8700 12 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Atkinson, G. H. Simmons, Charles Shaffer Soil Survey of Wayne County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. S3430 Atkinson, George Wesley After the Mountaineers. Wheeling, W.Va.: Fren & Campbell, 1881. A revenue agent's account of some exciting raids. A5370 (BC) The West Virginia Pulpit of the Methodist-Episcopal Church. Wheeling, W. Va.: Fren & Campbell, 1883. Includes sermons and sketches of ministers living at the time of publication. A5380 (BC) Atkinson, Mary Davis Braxton County, Virginia (Now West Virginia) Marriage Book 1. Fort Worth, Texas: American Reference Pub., 1968. A good genealogical source. A5390 (ASU) Doddridge County, Virginia (Now West Virginia) Marriage Book 1: Being a Record of the First Marriage in That County Created in 1845 from Parts of Tyler, Harrison, Lewis, and Ritchie Counties. Fort Worth, Texas: American Reference Pub., 1968. A5400 (ASU) Pleasants County, West Virginia, Register of Deaths, 1853 — 1873. Cairo, W. Va.: n.p., 1969. A5410 (ASU) Ritchie County, Virginia (now West Virginia) Marriages 1843 — 1853: Minister's Returns — With Notes on the Ancestry and Birth Place of Some of the Earliest Settlers. Fort Worth, Texas: American Reference, Pub., 1968. A5420 (ASU) Tyler County, Virginia (Now West Virginia) Marriages, 1815 — 1852. Fort Worth, Texas: American Reference Pub., 1968. A5430 (ASU) Atlas of the Church in Appalachia; Administrative Units and Boundaries. Knoxville: Commission on Religion in Appalachia, 1970. A5440 (BC) Attwood, Stanley Bearce The Length and Breadth of Maine. "Maine Studies," no. 96. Orono: Univ. of Maine, 1973. We have a tendency to forget that the northern reach of Appalachia is in Maine, but this comprehensive accumulation of data will tell us differently. It gives all basic information about the civil divisions of the state, centers of population, physical features, mountains, flora, and fauna. A5450 Atwater, Mary Meigs Shuttlecraft Book of American Handweaving. New York: Macmillan, 1947. Includes instructions and patterns. A5460 . (BC) Augsburg, Paul Deresco Bob and Alf Taylor: Their Lives and Lectures. The Story of Senator Robert Love Taylor and Governor Alfred Alexander Taylor. Followed by the Most Famous of Their Lectures and Speeches, Including "The Fiddle and the Bow" and "Yankee Doodle" and "Dixie". Morristown, Tenn.: Morristown Book Co., 1925. A5470 (BC) Augusta County Va. Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish - Settlement in Virginia. By Lyman Chalkley. 3 vols. Rosslyn, Va.: Commonwealth Print. Co., 1912. Traces the Scotch-Irish migration routes down the Great Valley of Virginia. A5480 (ASU) Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia, Extracted from the Original Court Records of Augusta County, 1745-1800. 1912. Reprint. 3 vols. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. A5490 (ASU) First Marriage Records of Augusta County, Virginia, 1785-1813. Transcribed by Betty Robson Pritchard. Verona, Va.: McClure Press, 1970. A5500 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Aull, Edward Early History of Staunton and Beverley Manor in Augusta County, Virginia. Birmingham, Ala.: n.p., 1963. A5510 (ASU BC) Auft, Mrs. Jamie Way I and, Mrs. Charles P., Sr. Tombstone Inscriptions and Death Records, Calvary Cemetery, Knoxville, Tennessee, 1869-1967. n.p.: n.p., 1967. W1640 (ETSU) Aurand, Harold Wilson "The Anthracite Mine Workers, 1869-1897: A Functional Approach to Labor History." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1969. An account of labor history in the coal fields before the advent of the United Mine Workers of America. A5520 (ASU) Prom the Molly Maguires to the United Mine Workers: The Social Ecology of an Industrial Union, 1869-1997. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1971. An account of the terror in the coal fields. No other U. S. industry has known such anarchy. A5530 (WCU BC) Aurbach, Herbert A. "An Empirical Study of the Application of the Folk-urban Typology to the Classification of Social Systems." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1960. This study uses many Appalachian people as examples of persons from a folk-culture. A5540 (ASU) Austin, Lou You Are Greater Than You Know. Winchester, Va.: Partnership Foundation, 1955. Sentimental autobiography of a Winchester businessman. Stresses correlation between Christian life and business success. A5550 (BC) Austin, Moris E. Soil Survey, Claiborne County, Tennessee. Prepared in cooperation with the Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report, Series 1939, no. 5. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. A5560 (ASU) Austin, Neal F. A Biography of Thomas Wolfe. Austin, Texas: Roger Beacham, 1968. A biography of Western North Carolina's greatest literary figure. A5570 (ASU WCU) Austin, Reba Hodges My Rose Valley. A Geneva Book. New York: Carlton Press, 1969. A charming children's story with a Western North Carolina setting. A5580 (ASU) Austin, Richard C. The Strip Mining of America: An Analysis of Surface Coal Mining and the Environment. New York: Sierra Club, 1971. Deals primarily with Appalachia's ravaged surfaces. A5590 (ASU) Austin, Richard Cartwright A Search for Appalachian People. San Francisco: San Anselmo Theological, 1967. Rev. Austin served several years as a Presbyterian minister in Appalachia. Unlike his colleague, Rev. Jack Weller, author of YESTERDAY'S PEOPLE, he sees virtues in the folk culture of the people and hope for the future. A5600 Austin, Suelle Reece "Dan Tompkins: Mountain Editor." Master's thesis. Western Carolina Univ., 1966. A5610 (WCU) Auvil, Myrtle Covered Bridges of West Virginia, Past and Present. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. Pictures, descriptions, brief histories and exact locations of West Virginia's remaining covered bridges. A5620 (ASU BC) Auxier, Sylvia Trent The Grace of the Bough. Dallas, Texas: Royal Pub. Co., 1957. Poems from Appalachia. A5630 (ASU BC) Green of a Hundred Springs. Appalachia: Young Publications, 1966. Poems from the hills. A5640 (ASU BC) AUTHOR Love-vine. Dallas, Texas: Story Book Press, 1953. Poems from Appalachia. A5650 (ASU BC) Meadow-rue. Prairie City, III.: Decker Press, 1948. Poems from Appalachia. A5660 (ASU BC) No Stranger to the Earth. Mill Valley, Cal.: Wings Press, 1957. Poems from the hills. A5670 (ASU BC) With Thorn and Stone. New and Selected Poems. Pikeville, Ky.: Pikeville College Press, 1968. Poems from Appalachia. A5680 (ASU BC) Availability for Employment of Rural People in the Upper Monongahela Valley, West Virginia Bulletin no. 639. Morgantown: W. Va. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1956. A5690 Avant, Julius H. ed. Jones, Houston Gwynne Union List of North Carolina Newspapers, 1751-1900. Raleigh, North Carolina: Department of Archives and History, 1963. J2360 (LMC) Avary, Philip H. Smith, Howard C. Soil Survey of Chambers County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1911. S4760 Avary, T. H. Hurst, Lewis Alexander Soil Survey of Calhoun County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. H8540 Averill, Esther Daniel Boone. New York: Harper, 1945. Yet another biography of the great frontiersman. This one is appropriate for younger readers. A5700 (ETSU BC) Averitt, Paul The Early Grove Gas Field, Scott and Washington Counties, Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the Geological Survey of the U. S. Department of the Interior. Virginia Geological Survey. Bulletin no. 56. University, Va.: n.p., 1941. A5710 (ETSU) Averitt, S. D. Kerr, John Alexander Soil Survey of Garrard County, Kentucky. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. K1640 Avery, Alphonso C. History of the Presbyterian Churches at Quaker Meadows and Morganton, from the Year 1780 to 1913. Raleigh: Edwards, 1913. A5720 Avery County, N. C. Planning Board Overall Economic Development Program for Avery County, n.p.: Western North Carolina Regional Planning Commission, 1962. Avery County is attempting to avoid the kinds of devastation wreaked on neighboring Watauga, Co. by too rapid, unplanned development. A5790 (LMC) Avery, Isaac Erwin Idle Comments. Reprinted in part from the Charlotte Observer. Charlotte, N. C.: The Stone Pub. Co., 1912. Recollections of life in Burke County and other areas of North Carolina. A5730 Avery, Myron H. ed. Arnold Guyot's Notes on the Geography of the Mountain District of Western North Carolina. Washington: The Appalachian Trail Conference, 1938. A5740 Avery, Robert Sterling Experiment in Management: Personnel Decentralization in the Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1954. An analysis of practices in personnel administration. A5750 Experiment in Management: Personnel Decentralization in the Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1954. An attempt to decentralize the massive TVA bureaucracy. A5760 (ASU LMC) Greene, Lee Seifert Government in Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1966. G3810 (BC LMC) 13 AULL-AYRS Avery, Robert W. A Community Organizes for Action: A Case Study of the Mon-Yough Region in Pennsylvania. University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ. Institute for Research on Human Resources, 1967. A summary of Monongahela-Youghiogheny Valley Community action program. Includes socio-economic profile of the region. A5770 Avery, Thomas Eugene Identifying Southern Forest Types on Aerial Photographs. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 112. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1960. A5780 (WCU) Axelrod, Jim Growing Up Country. Clintwood, Va.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1973. Essays, poems and stories from the younger generation of mountain youth. A5800 (BC ASU LMC) Axelrod, Jim ed. Thoughts of Mother Jones; Compiled from her Writings and Speeches. Huntington: Appalachian Movement Press, 1971. Mother Jones began her career as a union organizer in mid-life and became a legendary figure in the labor movement. A5810 Jones, Mary Harris Thoughts of Mother Jones: Compiled from Her Writings and Speeches. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1973. J2510 (WCU) Axelson, Frederick R. "The Economics of Strip Coal Mining." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State College, 1950. A treatise on the dollars and cents rationale for strip-mining. A5820 (ASU) Ayars, James Caudill, Rebecca Contrary Jenkins. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969. C2320 (ASU MHC ETSU BC) Ayer, (Catherine ed. Goodale, Dora Read Mountain Dooryards. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1961. G2500 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Ayer, Perley Seeking a People Partnership: Eleven Speeches, ed. by Alfred H. Perrin. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1969. Ayer was executive director of the Council. Under his leadership it knew its best days. A5830 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) Ayers, Orla L. Griff en, A. M. Soil Survey of Madison County, Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Soils, 1907. G4090 Griffen, A. M. Soil Survey of Upshur County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Soils, 1914. G4100 Ayres, Ethel Shuler "A History of Ferrum College — The First Fifty Years, 1913-1963." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1963. A history of a Methodist Junior College in Franklin County, Virginia. A5840 (ASU) Ayres, Horace Burner The Southern Appalachian Forests. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 37. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1905. An exhaustive survey of the forests of the Southern Highlands. Shows private, state and federal holdings. A5850 (ASU BC LMC ETSU) Ayres, Nellie F. Ayres Kin and Kin to Kin. Memphis, Tenn.: n.p., 1961. A5860 Ayrs, Orla L. Soil Survey of Overton County, Tennessee. Field Operations, 1908. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1911. A5880 Ayrs, Orla L. and others Soil Survey of Marion County, Alabama. Field Operations 1908. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1912. A5870 �BABER-BAILY Baber, Adin Nancy Hanks, the Destined Mother of a President: The Factual Story of a Pioneer Family as Revealed in an Exhaustive Study of Ancestral History. Hanks Family Historical Series, no. 3. Glendale, CaL Arthur H. Clark Co., 1963. Deals with the once widespread rumor that Lincoln was the son of a Swain Co., North Carolina Mountaineer to whom Nancy Hanks was bonded for a short time. BIO (ASU) Baby, Raymond S. Webb, William Snyder The Adena People, no. 2. Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press, 1957. W2080 (MHC) Bachman, J. W. Memorial of the Rev. James Park. Nashville: Smith & Lamar, 1912. Park was pastor of the First Presbyterian Church at Knoxville. B20 Back, Troy L. The Brashear Story: A Family History, Containing a Partial Account of a Family That Has Been in America for Well over Three Hundred Years, n.p.: The authors, 1963. Traces a family that followed the frontier westward finally settling in Eastern Kentucky. B30 (BC) Backman, Jules Bituminous Coal Wages, Profits and Productivity. Presented before the Presidential Coal Board, n.p.: Southern Coal Producers Association, 1950. Studies correlations between wages, working conditions, profits and productivity. B40 Bacon, Daniel D. King, John M. Soil Survey of Transylvania County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1974. K2300 Bacon, George Washington Life and Speeches of President Andrew Johnson. Embracing His Early History, Political Career, Speeches, Proclamations, etc. With a Sketch of the Secession Movement, and His Course in Relation Thereto; Also His Policy as President of the United States. London: Bacon, 1865. B50 Bacon, H. Stuart Immunization Cooperation in Southwest Virginia. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1959. A study of the reception received by health care workers attempting to convince mountain people of the need for immunization. B60 Bacon, Lenice Ingram American Patchwork Quilts. Photography by Creative Photographers, Boston. New York: Morrow, 1973. A lavishly-illustrated volume of old patchwork patterns with text and instructions. B70 (ASU) Bacon, S. R. Austin, Moris E. Soil Survey, Claiborne County, Tennessee. Washington: U, S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. A5560 (ASU) Higbee, Howard William Soil Survey, Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1944. H5260 Bacon, Samuel Rankin Soil Survey, Montour and Northumberland Counties, Pennsylvania. U. S. Soil Conservation Service Soil Survey, Series 1942, no. 11. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. B90 Soil Survey, Union County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College School of Agriculture and Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1940, no. 2. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1946. B100 AUTHOR Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Davie County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. J2870 Lee, William Daniel Soil Survey of Burke County. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1926. LI 430 Lee, William Daniel Soil Survey of Burke County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. LI 440 Bacon, Samuel Rankin and others Soil Survey, McMinn County, Tennessee. Correlation by M. J. Edwards. United States Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1948, no. 4. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1957. B80 Bade, William Frederic ed. Muir, John A Thousand-Mile Walk to the Gulf. Boston and New York: Houghton Miff tin Co., 1916. M8470 Badenhop, M. B. An Economic Survey of the Upper Cumberland Area with a Special Reference to Agriculture. Bulletin, 428. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1967. B110 (ASU) Bagdikian, Ben H. In the Midst of Plenty: The Poor in America. Boston: Beacon Press, 1964. Three sections of this volume deal with Appalachian people at home or in the cities to which they have migrated. B120 (BC) Baggeriy, Franklin Clyde The History of the Town of Washington, Virginia, "The First Washington of All." Washington, Va.: Town Council, n.d. Washington is the county seat of Rappahannock Co., Va. B130 (BC) Bagnell, Charles Robert, Jr. "Twenty-five Common Mosses of Watauga County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1969. B140 (ASU) Bail, Paul T. Rough, Robert L. Cost Study of Pumping Versus Flowing Oil Production from Appalachian Waterfloods. Pittsburgh: U. S. Bureau of Mines, 1960. R3970 Bailey, Benjamin H. Characteristics of High School Seniors as Related to Subsequent College Attendance. Investigators: Harold A. Gibbard and Stanley O. Ikenberry. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., Division of Education, 1966. This study is based entirely upon graduates of West Virginia high schools. B150 Bailey, Betty Butcher "Appalachian Fertility Levels and the Role of Interpersonal Relations." Ph. D. Diss. Florida State University, 1972. B160 Bailey, Betty W. and others Economic Provisions for Old Age of Rural Families in Five Southern States. Southern Cooperative Series, Bulletin no. 138. Athens: Georgia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1968. Many of the subjects for this study were drawn from the isolated ridges and valleys of Appalachia. B170 Bailey, Carol "Training for Coal Miners in Cooperation with the Public Schools of Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1952. B180 Bailey, Carolyn Sherwin Stories from an Indian Cave: The Cherokee Cave Builders. Illustrated by Joseph Eugene Dash. Just Right Book. Chicago: A. Whitman & Co., 1924. B190 (ASU ETSU WCU) Bailey, Charlotte P. "A Study of the Development of Special Education in Claiborne County." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1958. B200 (ETSU) 14 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Bailey, E. Brasher "The Negro in East Tennessee." Master's thesis. New York Univ., 1947. B210 (ASU) Bailey, Edgar W. "History of Education of Magoffin County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1932. B220 Bailey, Edna Peterson "The Diagnosis and Remediation of Comprehensive Skills of a Sixth-grade Class at Rock Creek School in Erwin, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1962. B230 (ETSU) Bailey, Harold Harris The Birds of Virginia. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., 1913. With fourteen full page colored plates, one map, and one hundred and eight half-tones taken from nature. Treating one hundred and eighty-five species and subspecies: All the birds that breed within the state. B240 (ASU) Bailey, James D. Commanders at King's Mountain. Gaffney, S. C: E. H. De Camp, 1926. B250 Some Heroes of the American Revolution. Spartanburg, S. C.: Band and White Printers, 1924. B260 Bailey, James F. Davies, William Edward West Virginia's Buffalo Creek Flood: A Study of the Hydrology and Engineering Geology. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1972. D720 Bailey, James L. comp. Tennessee Timber Trees. Nashville: Tennessee Dept. of Conservation and Commerce, 1962. B270 Bailey, Joan Smith "Southern Appalachian Non-standard Speech in Conflict with the Standard English of the Classroom." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. B280 (ETSU) Bailey, John Making an Appalachian Dulcimer. London: English Folk Dance & Song Society, 1966. Includes excellent set of instructions with diagrams and specifications. B290 (LMC BC) Bailey, John Herbert "Conservation Projects by Community Organizations in Tennessee and Other Southeastern States." Ed. D. Diss. Cornell Univ., 1960. B300 Bailey, John Marvin Two Supply Cooperatives Serving Low-income Farmers: A Preliminary Analysis in Appalachia. General Report, no. 138. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Farmer Cooperative Service, 1966. B310 Bailey, Kenneth K. Southern White Protestantism in the Twentieth Century. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1964. B320 Bailey, Kenneth P. The Ohio Company of Virginia and the Westward Movement, 1748-1792. Glendale, CaL: Arthur Clark Co., 1939. A history of the Ohio Company and* the settlement of the Trans-Appalachian West. B330 (BC) Bailey, Natalie S. "Student Involvement in the Policies of a Junior High School Library — An Experiment." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. B340 (ETSU) Bairy, Francis Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled Parts of North America, in 1796 and 1797. London: Baily, 1856. B350 The Unsettled Parts of North America in 1796 and 1797. Reprint. Louisville, Ky: Lost Cause, 1959. B360 Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled Parts of North America in 1796 and 1797. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1969. B370 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Baily, Louise Howe Along the Ridges. 'Asheville, N. C: Groves Print. Co., 1971. Informal history and recollections of Henderson Co., N. C. B380 (ASU LMC) Baily, Waldron The Autobiography of Waldron Baily, New York: Exposition Press, 1958. Baily was a North Carolina author and politician. B390 (ASU LMC BC) Heart of the Blue Ridge. New York: W. J. Watt & Co., 1915. A novel idealizing life in the Blue Ridge Mountains. B400 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Heart of the Blue Ridge. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1915. B410 (ETSU) June Gold. New York: W. J. Watt, 1922. B420 (WCU) When the Cock Crows. Illustrated by G. W. Gage. New York: Bedford, 1918. B430 (WCU) Bain, Grady Lee The Circle's End. Boston: Meador Pub. Co., 1932. A novel. Set in Western North Carolina. B440 Bainder, Herman C. "Maryland's Reaction to Andrew Johnson, 1865-1868." Master's thesis. Univ. of Maryland, 1949. B450 Baird, Charles O'Connor "Wood Production Investment Opportunities on the Cumberland Plateau in Tennessee: A Regional Economic Analysis." D. F. Diss. Duke Univ., 1963. B460 Baird, Charles W. History of the Huguenot Emigration to America. Baltimore, Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. B470 (FC) Baird, Nancy Chappelear Fauquier County, Virginia, Tombstone Inscriptions, n.p.: n.p., 1970. B480 (ASU) Baird, Robert Norris "An Application of the Leontief Regional Model: An Input-output Analysis for Eastern Kentucky." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1965. B490 Baisden, A. M. Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey, Smyth County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. J2930 Bakeless, John Edwin Daniel Boone. New York: W. Morrow & Co., 1939. Another biography of the famous frontiersman. Much of the volume is devoted to Boone's exploits in Kentucky. B500 (ASU FC ETSU UNCA BC) Daniel Boone. 1939. Reprint. New York: William Morrow & Co., 1955. B510 (ASU WCU) Daniel Boone. 1939. Reprint. Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Co., 1965. B520 (ASU MH) Fighting Frontiersman, the Life of Daniel Boone. Morrow Junior Books. New York: Morrow, 1948. B530 Fighting Frontiersman, the Life of Daniel Boone. Based on Daniel Boone, Illustrated by Edward Shenton. New York: William Morrow & Co., 1948. B540 (ASU BC) Master of the Wilderness: Daniel Boone. New York: Morrow, 1939. B550 Spies of the Confederacy. Philadelphia, Pa.: Lippincott, 1970. B560 Baker, Blanche "James Robertson: Frontiersman/' Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1926. James Robertson secured land grants from the Cherokee, fought at King's Mountain and was an early political and military leader. B570 Baker, Clarence W. Guide Book to Lookout Mountain and a Brief Account of Battles Fought near Chattanooga, Tennessee. Chattanooga: C. W. Baker, 1876. B580 AUTHOR Baker, Emma Eugene Hall The Master of L'Etrange by Eugene Hall, pseud. Philadelphia: T. B. Peterson, 1886. A novel. A Gothic setting and a tale of lost nobility superimposed on a Western North Carolina novel. B590 Baker, Mrs. F. Columbia County, Georgia, Early Court Records. Albany, Ga.: Georgia Pioneers, 1967. This is one of three Georgia Counties where settlers waiting for admission into the Cherokee Nation waited while lottery numbers were drawn and the Cherokee removed. B600 (ASU) Baker, Jimmy Harold "An Analysis of Curriculum Offerings, Changes and Trends in Five Selected Hamilton County High Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. B610 (ETSU) Baker, Joe L. Men of Affairs in Knoxville. Knoxville: Knoxville Litho., 1917. B620 Baker, John A. Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Paintsville Area, Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Water-supply Paper, no. 1257. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. B630 (ASU) Baker, Louise Regina Cis Martin: Or, The Furriners in the Tennessee Mountains. Illustrated by F. P. Klix. New York: Eaton & Mains; Cincinnati, Ohio: Curts & Jennings, 1898. In this cliche-ridden novel, a New York family moves to Tennessee to capitalize on the timber boom. B640 (ASU BC) Baker, Raymond Campfires Along the Appalachian Trail. New York: Carlton Press, 1971. Account of a 2,000 mile hike'along the Appalachian Trail. B650 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Baker, Todd "The Office of Knox County Sheriff: An Administrative Study." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. B660 "Politics of Innovation." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1968. A study of 20 demands made in Knoxville and Knox County between 1955-63. B670 Bakerman, Theodore "Anthracite Coal: A Study in Advanced Industrial Decline." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1956. Discusses the declining market for anthracite coal due to strip mining and the nation's shift to other forms of fuel. B680 Bakersville, North Carolina, Historical Celebration, 1956. Prepared for Citizens, Friends, and Visitors of Mitchell County, n.p., n.d. Promotional brochure on Mitchell County. Locally published for the tourist trade. B690 (LMC BC) Baldwin, Agnes Leland First Settlers of South Carolina, 1670-1680. Tricentennial Booklet, no. 1. Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1969. B700 (ASU) Baldwin, Joseph Glover Party Leaders: Sketches of Thomas Jefferson, Alex'r Hamilton, Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, John Randolph, of Roanoke, Including Notices of Many Other Distinguished American Statesmen. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1855. Jefferson and Randolph were from the Virginia Blue Ridge area and Jackson began his law career in Appalachia. B710 (ASU) Baldwin, Lloyd, R. Barkan, Barry Picking Poverty's Pocket. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1972. B1150 Baldwin, Mark Long, David Daniel Soil Survey of Jackson County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1915. L3250 Long, David Daniel Soil Survey of Polk County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. L3270 15 BAILY—BALLARD Baldwin, Seth Alas Lucinda London: Dennis Archer, 1932. A melodramatic novel of mountain life. B720 Bales, Vivian D. Ball, Bonnie Sage The Dickenson Families of England and America, n.p.: n.p., 1972. B740 Ball, Arthur Voices from Vale and Hill. New York: Exposition Press, 1954. A collection of articles on nature, history, and folk-lore in the Ohio River Valley. B730 (BC) Ball, Bonnie Sage The Dickenson Families of England and America, n.p.: n.p., 1972. B740 The Melungeons (Their Origin and Kin). 2nd. ed. n.p.: n.p., 1970. A report on a mysterious ethnic minority centered in Hawkins and Hancock Counties, Tennessee. B760 (ASU LMC WCU FC BC) Red Trails and White. New York: Exposition Press, 1955. A biography of Caty Sage and her abduction by Indians reconstructed from family letters and legends. B770 (BC) Scott County, Virginia: U. S. Census, 1850. n.p.: n.p., 1963. B780 (BC ASU) The Seventh Population Census of the United States for Russell County, Virginia, 1850. n.p.: n.p., 1964. B790 (BC ASU) Ball, Bonnie Sage ed. March of the Sages. Radford, Va.: Commonwealth Press, 1967. Extensive (600 pages) history of the Sage family. B750 Ball, Carleton R. A Study of the Work of the Land-Grant Colleges in the Tennessee Valley Area in Cooperation with the Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture and TVA, 1939. B800 Ball, Clyde L. ed. North Carolina, Laws, Statutes, etc., Indexes North Carolina County Legislation Index: A Complete Listing of the Local or Special Acts Passed by the General Assembly for Each County, 1669-1961. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Institute of Government, 1964. N2440 (LMC) Ball, Palmer Ray comp. The Ball Family of Southwest Virginia: A Genealogy of Some of the Descendants of Moses Ball of Fairfax County. Compiled from court, Bible and church records and gravestone inscriptions. Big Laurel, Va.: Cumberlandcrafters, 1933. B810 (ASU) Ball, Richard Allen "The Southern Appalachian Coal Community: An Explorative Study." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1960. An exploration of life in one of Appalachia's many coal camps. B820 (ASU) Ballance, P. S. ed. North Carolina Index: Guide to North Carolina's Periodical Literature. A Cumulative Author and Subject Index Covering Material in N. C. Publications. . . . Winston-Salem: The Editors, irregular serial supplements. N2430 (ASU UNCA) Bollard, Alan Blair Laments of an Egotist. New York: Vantage Press, 1962. Sixty-six "home spun" poems which express inmost thought about life in the mountains. B830 Bollard, Albert M. A Barbecue Toast. Asheville, N. C.: n.p., 1900. An hilarious and historical narrative poem of topics around Asheville. B840 (ASU) Bollard, Helen Houston Geraldine the Sightseeing Cow. Greeneville, Va.: The author, 1969. Geraldine escapes her pasture and goes sightseeing. Fiction for ages 3-8. B850 (ASU LMC BC) Bollard, Jones The Long Way Through. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1959. A young soldier in a stockade reminisces about his West Virginia childhood and the sense of freedom . mountains convey. B860 (BC) �BALLARD-BARNES Ballad, Margaret Byrnside William Bollard: A Genealogical Record of His Descendants in Monroe County. Baltimore?: n.p., 1957. B870 (BC) Ballenger, Thomas L. "The Development of Law and Legal Institutions among the Cherokees." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Oklahoma, 1938. B880 Ballentine, Nelte "A Bibliographical Checklist of Knoxville and Memphis Imprints, 1867-1876 with an Introductory Essay on the Knoxville and Memphis Press." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1957. B890 Bandy, Lewis David "Folklore of Macon County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1940. B900 Banker, (Catherine Thomas A Church Called Bethel. Kingston: n.p., 1968. A Presbyterian church. B910 Banker, Luke H. "Fort Southwest Point, Tennessee: The Development of a Frontier Post, 1792-1807." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1972. B920 Banks, Charles Edward The Planters of the Commonwealth. A Study of the Emigrants and Emigration in Colonial Times. To Which Are Added Lists of Passengers to Boston and to the Bay Colony: The Ships Which Brought Them, Their English Homes and the Places of Their Settlement in Massachusetts, 1620-1640. Baltimore, Md.: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1961. B930 (ASU) Topographical Dictionary of 2885 English Emigrants to New England, 1620-1650. Indexed by Elijah Ellsworth Browned. 3rd ed. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1963. B940 (ASU) Banks Gabriel Conklyn Back to the Mountains, Autobiography. Morehead, Ky.: n.p., 1964. An author's account of his need to live in the mountains. B950 (BC) The End of the Day. 1st ed. New York: Pageant Press, 1966. A romantic tale reminiscent of Romeo and Juliet. Two lovers plight their troth in a Kentucky mountain inn and he goes off to war. A sudden succession of letters produces misunderstanding and leads to two deaths. B960 (ASU) The Witch and Cinderella, The Boom-cat Kid and other stories. 1st ed. New York: Greenwich Book Publishers, 1965. B970 (ASU) Banks, Nancy Huston The Little Hills. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1905. The story is about a widow of a village minister who has to live with her in-laws in Eastern Kentucky. B980 The Little Hills. Authorized facsimile made by Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1975. New York, London: The Macmillan Co., 1905. Romantic fiction with a mountain setting. B990 (ASU) Oldfield: A Kentucky Tale of the Last Century. New York: Macmillan Co., 1902. B1000 (ASU BC WCU) Banks, Vera J. Beale, Calvin, L. Characteristics of the United States Population by Farm and Nonfarm Origin. Washington: Economic Research Service, Economic and Statistical Analysis Division, 1964. B2240 Banks, Vera J. comp. Migration of Farm People: An Annotated Bibliography, 1946-1960. Miscellaneous Publications, 954. Washington: U. S. Economic Research Service, Economic and Statistical Analysis Division, 1963. An invaluable source in an area in which so little data is available. B1010 AUTHOR Banning, Margaret Culkin I Took My Love to the Country. 1st ed. New York: Harper and Row, 1966. A novel set in the Blue Ridge Mountains of North Carolina. A young couple flee the city to find rejuvenation in the mountains. B1020 (ASU) Baratte, John J. Lost State of Franklin. Exhibition catalog, including historical sketch. Johnson City: B. Carroll Reece Memorial Museum, East Tennessee State Univ., 1965. A catalog from the museum's show on the Lost State of Franklin. Descriptive information and illustrations. B1030 (ETSU) Barb, John Milliken "Strikes in the Southern West Virginia Coal Fields, 1912-1922." Microfilm. Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1949. A cool dry look at a very hot issue. The terror in the coal fields of West Virginia is one of the least-known issues in American History. B1040 (ASU) Barbe, Waitman In the Virginias, Stories and Sketches. Illustrated by John Rettig. Akron, Ohio: Werner Co., 1896. The characters are called mountaineers but they differ little from their flatland neighbors. B1050 (ASU BC WCU) Barber, Henry British Family Names: Their Origin and Meaning with Lists of Scandinavian, Frisian, Anglo-Saxon and Norman Names. 1903. Reprint. Baltimore, Md.: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. A good genealogical guide to the proportional representation of the various ethnic groups in Appalachia. B1060 (ASU) Barber, Lunette and others Our Wildlife Neighbors: Important Game Mammals, Fur Bearers, Upland Game Birds and Fish of North Carolina, n.p.: N. C Wildlife Resources Commission, n.d. B1070 (LMC) Barbery, Willard Sanders Story of the Life of Robert Sayers Sheffey. Bluefield, Va.: Trinity Methodist Church, n. d. A biography of a Methodist circuit rider from Southwestern Virginia. B1080 (BC) Barbour, Roger W. Wharton, Mary E. A Guide to the Wildflowers and Ferns of Kentucky. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1971. W5000 (ASU ETSU WCU BC WWC) Barbour, Roger William Amphibians and Reptiles of Kentucky. Kentucky Nature Studies, 2. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1971. B1090 (BC ASU LMC WCU) Barbour, Roger William and others Kentucky Birds: A Finding Guide. Lexington, Ky.: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1973. B1100 (ASU) Barckman, June B. Rent, Robertalee comp. 1810 Montgomery County Census, n.p.: n.p., 1966. R1510 Barclay, Frank Hunt "The Natural Vegetation of Johnson County, Tennessee, Past and Present." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. Of Tennessee, 1957. B1110 (ETSU) Barclay, Robert Edward Ducktown Back in Raht's Time. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1946. A personal recollection of Tennessee's copper producing area and Eckhardt Raht, local character. B1120 (BCASU WCU ETSU) Bardsley, Charles Wareing Endell A Dictionary of English and Welsh Surnames, with Special American Instances. Rev. for the press by his widow. 1901. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. An aid in tracing English and Welsh settlers along the Appalachian frontier. B1130 (ASU) Baring-Gould, Sabine Family Names and Their Story. 1910. Reprint. Baltimore, Md.: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. A genealogical aid. B1140 (ASU) 16 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Barkan, Barry Picking Poverty's Pocket. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1972. A diatribe against economic colonialism as embodied in the coal industry. B1150 Barker, Lawrence Wilbur Mink, Oscar G. Dropout Proneness in Appalachia. Morgantown: Appalachian Center, West Virginia Univ., 1968. M6180 (ASU) Mink, Oscar G. Dropout Proneness in Appalachia. Morgantown: Appalachian Center, West Virginia Univ., 1968. M6190 (ETSU) Barker, Tommie D. Libraries of the South — A Report on Developments, 1930-1935. Chicago: American Library Association, 1936. Includes a section on library facilities in the Southern Appalachians. B1160 Barkey, Frederick Allan "The Socialist Party in West Virginia from 1898 to 1920: A Study in Working Class Radicalism." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1971. B1170 Barkley, Anna M. "Local History Stories for the Third Grade Washington and Sullivan Counties, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. B1180 (ETSU) Barkovitch, Frank S. "The Kentucky Council on Public Higher Education." Master's thesis. Univ. of Louisville, 1970. B1190 Barlow, James A. Coal and Coal Mining in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1974. Describes deep mining, surface mining, coal, the environment, uses of coal, and the future of coal. B1200 Barlowe, Texie Morton The Hortons of Western North Carolina. Lenoir, N. C.: The author, 1934. Family coat of arms and genealogy of the Horton family with the Genealogy of the Barnabas family to 1600 in Mousley, Leichestershire, England. B1210 Barmann, Dolly Trammel Fork Creek. Dallas, Texas: Kaleidograph Press, 1952. Verse. B1220 (BC) Barnard, Jerald R. The Structure of the Kentucky Economy: An Input-output Study. Report number 1 — Preliminary findings. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, Office of Development Services and Business Research, College of Business and Economics, 1969. This study attempts to determine the interrelationships between industries, households and government in the Kentucky economy. B1230 Barnes, Annie Maria The Ferry Maid of the Chattahoochee: A Story for Girls. Illustrated by Ida Waugh. Philadelphia: Penn. Pub. Co., 1899. Romantic fiction centering upon a shy hill girl. B1240 (ASU) Barnes, Bertha Rebecca Boone Cook Book. Illustrated by Darrell Isaacs. Harlan, Ky.: Durham Printing and Offset Co., 1974. Pioneer favorites from Eastern Kentucky. B1250 (ASU) Barnes, Carmen Time Lay Asleep. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1946. Saga of an East Tennessee family in the Sequatchie valley. Action centers around South Pittsburgh, Tennessee. B1260 (BC) Barnes, Clarence E. "The Pattern and Nature of the Informal and Formal Institutional Contacts Participated in by Residents of New Hill." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1952. B1270 Barnes, Florence "An Educational History of Unicoi County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1935. B1280 Barnes, Joe Man on a Mountain. Birmingham, Ala.: Southern Univ. Press, 1969. A reminiscence of Alabama's mountain lakes region. B1290 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY , John "A Case Study of Mingo County Economic Opportunity Commission: The Use of Title II of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 in a Rural County in West Virginia." D. S. W. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1970. B1300 Barnes, Raymond P. A History of Roanoke. Radford, Va.: Commonwealth Press, 1968. B1310 (PC) Barnes, Ruth A. I Hear America Singing. Chicago: John C. Winston Co., 1937. An anthology of folk poetry. B1320 (BC) Barnes, Walter Sunset Views: A Book of Verses. Bradenton, Fla.: The author, 1958. B1330 (ASU) Bamett, Lucille "A Study of the Causative Factors for Reading Retardation in the Eighth Grade in the Parkway School." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1953. B1350 (ASU) Bamette, Brenda Freeman "The Establishment of a Remedial Reading Program at Columbus Powell Elementary School, Johnson City, Tennessee, School Year, 1966-1967." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. B1340 (ETSU) Barney, Richard J. Appalachian Scale Shelter. U. S. Forest Service Research Note, 88. Ogden, Utah: Intermountain Forest and Range Experiment Station, 1962. B1360 Bamhart, John Donald Valley of Democracy: The Frontier Versus the Plantation in the Ohio Valley, 1755-1818. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1953. A well-documented and lucid account of the development of political conflict growing out of the inevitable conflict between planters and yeomen. B1370 (BC) Bamiti, Wirt W. Ashton, Horace Exploring the Endless Caverns of New Market, Virginia. New York: Nomad Pub. Co., 1926. A5260 (LMC) Barns, William D. "The Granger and Populist Movements in West Virginia, 1873-1914." Ph. D. Diss. West Virginia Univ., 1947. B1380 The West Virginia State Grange: The First Century, 1873-1973. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1974. Condensed and revision of the author's extensive writings on the history of the West Va. Patrons of Husbandry. Traces the economic and social forces that caused the spread of the organization throughout the Mountain State. B1390 Barnum, Darold T. The Negro in the Bituminous Coal Mining Industry. Racial Policies of American Industry Report, no. 14. Philadelphia: Industrial Research Unit, Wharton School of Finance and Commerce, Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1970. Records the sad role of the negro in the mines and labor struggles of Appalachia. B1400 (WCU BC MHC) Bamum, Frances Courtenay (Baylor) Behind the Blue Ridge: A Homely Narrative. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1887. A poorly plotted novel about Virginia hill folk. B1410 (BC ASU) Behind the Blue Ridge. A Homely Narrative. . . Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Co., 1887. A loosely structured novel of the Virginia mountains. B1411 (ASU) Barnwell, Mildred Gwin Faces We See. Gastonia, N. C.: The Southern Combed Yarn Spinners Association, 1939. A pictorial survey of mill workers in the Appalachin foothills. B1420 (ASU BC LMC) Barr, Leslie Beckwith The Mountain Pine. Dallas, Texas: Triangle Pub. Co., 1962. Poetry from the hills. B1430 (BC) Barr, Phyllis Cox "The Melungeons of Newman's Ridge." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1965. B1440 (ETSU ASU) AUTHOR Barr, Thomas C., Jr. Caves of Tennessee. Tennessee Geological Survey Bulletin no. 64. Nashville: Tennessee Dept. of Conservation, 1961. B1450 Barrett, John Gilchrist The Civil War in North Carolina. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1963. Several raids and skirmishes but no major battles were fought in Western N. C. including the last action of the war. B1460 (UNCA ASU LMC) Barrett, William Alexander English Folk-songs Collected, Arranged, and Provided with Symphonies and Accompaniments for the Pianoforte. 1891. Reprint. Darby, Pa.: Norwood Editions, 1973. The 1891 edition was published by Novel I o Press, London. B1470 (ASU) Barrus, Ben M. A People Called Cumberland Presbyterians. Foreword by C. Ray Dobbins. Introduction and chapter 16 by Hubert M. Marrow. 1st ed. Memphis, Tenn.: Frontier Press, 1972. The Cumberland Presbyterians Church was a distinctly Appalachian phenomena in that the Presbyterians split over the issue of "Called" ministers versus formally trained ministers following the Great Revival of 1805. B1480 (BC ASU) Barry, Ada Loomis Yunini's Story of the Trail of Tears. London: Fudge and Co., 1932. An account of the Cherokee Removal written for the younger reader. B1490 (ETSU) Barry, Helen B. "A Study of Special Services in the Schools of Greenville County, South Carolina." Master's thesis. Furman Univ., 1954. B1500 Barry, Jane The Carolinians. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1959. A novel of western Carolina in the time of the American Revolution. B1510 (ASU WWC) Barry, Joseph The Strange Story of Harper's Ferry, with Legends of the Surrounding Country. 1903. Reprint. Harper's Ferry, W. Va.: Woman's Club of Harper's Ferry District, 1959. The "Facts" as collected from local residents before events at Harper's Ferry had become the stuff of legend or history. B1520 (BC) Barth, Nancy Mueller, Eva Migration into and out of Depressed Areas. Washington: Area Redevelopment Administration, 1964. M8460 Bartholomew, Marshall Nye, Susannah Mountain Songs of North Carolina. New York: Schirmer, n.d. N3030 Bartlett, Alex The History of New Providence Church, Maryville, Tennessee. Maryville: College Printing, 1876. B1530 Bartlett, Frederick Orin Big Laurel. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1922. A romantic quadrangle envolving a shy mountain maiden, a dashing flatland visitor, a gun-toting swain and a genteel lady. B1540 (BC ASU LMC) Bartlett, John Russell Dictionary of Americanisms. A glossary of Words and Phrases Usually Regarded as Peculiar to the United States. 2nd ed. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1859. Includes some mountain dialect. B1550 (ASU) Barton, Charles T. comp. Botetourt County, Virginia, 1820 Census. Typescript. Troutville, Va.: The author, n.d. B1560 Barton, J. H. Grieve, W. G. Operations Guide for TVA Forest Nurseries. Norris, Tennessee: TVA, 1960. G4080 Barton, Lewis N. ed. Russell, William Greenway What I Know about Winchester: Recollections of William Greenway Russell, 1800-1891. Staunton, Va.: McClure Print. Co., 1953. R4410 (ASU BC) 17 BARNES—BASCOM Barton, William Eleazar Abraham Lincoln, Kentucky Mountaineer: An Address Delivered before the Faculty and Students of Berea College, Berea, Kentucky, Thursday, March 8, 1923. Berea, Ky.: Berea College Press, 1923. B1570 (ASU BC) The Autobiography of William E. Barton. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1932. Barton was an Eastern Kentucky author and educator. B1580 (BC) A Hero in Homespun. A Tale of the Loyal South. Boston: Lamson, Wolffe and Co., 1897. A novel of Eastern Kentuckians and other Appalachian men who leave their mountain fastness to serve in the Civil War. B1590 (BC ASU) A Hero in Homespun. A Tale of the Loyal South. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1901. B1600 Life in the Hills of Kentucky. Oberlin, Ohio: E. J. Goodrich, 1890. Three tales of the Eastern Kentucky mountains. B1610 (ASU ETSU LMC BC) Pine Knot. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1932. A poor novel featuring abolition, the Civil War, ghosts, hunting for silver, and school teachers. B1620 (BC) Pine Knot. A Story of Kentucky Life. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1900. B1630 (ASU) Sim Galloway's Daughter. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1932. B1640 (BC) Sim Galloway's Daughter-in-Law. Boston and Chicago: The Pilgrim Press, 1897. B1650 A Tale of the Cumberland Mountains. The Wind-up of the Big Meetin* on No Business. Oberlin, Ohio: The Oberlin News, 1887. B1660 (BCASU) The Truth about the Trouble at Roundstone. Boston and Chicago: The Pilgrim Press, 1897. B1670 Truth about the Trouble at Roundstone. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1932. Two adults quarrel and a retarded girl drowns. A marvelous public relations piece for Appalachia. B1680 (BC ASU) Wind-up of the Big Meetin1 on No Business. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1932. B1690 (BC) Bartram, John Diary of a Journey through the Carolines, Georgia, and Florida, 1765-66. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1942. Includes botanical notes from the Southern Appalachians. B1700 (ASU BC) Bartram, William Travels. 1791. Reprint. Commentary and an annotated index, by Francis Harper. Naturalist's ed. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1958. B1710 (LMC) The Travels of William Bartram. 1791. Reprint. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1940. Includes notes from his travels in Appalachia. Much good information about the Cherokee, their folkways and mores. B1720 (WCU) The Travels of William Bartram. 1791. Reprint. An American Bookshelf. New York: Dover Pub., 1955. B1730 (ASU) Travels through North Carolina and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida. 1792. Reprint. Savannah, Ga.: n.p., 1973. Reprint. "A facsimile of the 1792 London edition. . ." B1740 (ASU) Barwick, Robert C. "The Economics of Oil Refining in the Pennsylvania Area." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1955. B1750 Bascom, Major Dick The Carpet-bagger in Tennessee. Clarksville: J. Jay Buck, 1869. Reconstruction was less onerous in East Tennessee than in many other areas, because there were no occupying forces. B1760 �BASHAM—BAYLEY Basham, Russell Eugene "A Study of the Intramural Sports Program in George W. Vance Junior High School, Bristol, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. B1770 (ETSU) Baskervill, William Malone Southern Writers: Biographical and Critical. 2 vols. Nashville-. Publishing House of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, 1897-1903. Includes sketches of mountain authors, but fails to draw a distinction between Appalachian literature and that of the rest of the South. B1780 Bass, Althea Leah Bierbower Cherokee Messenger. Norman: Univ. of Okla. Press, 1936. Bibliography of Samuel Worchester and his wife, missionaries to the Cherokees from 1825 to 1859. B1790 (ASU) Cherokee Messenger. The Civilization of the American Indian, 12. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1936. B1800 (BC ASU WCU) Cherokee Messenger. The Civilization of the American Indian, 12. 1936. Reprint. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1968. B1810 (ASU) Bassett, Fletcher S. The Folk-lore Manual. Chicago Folk-lore Society Publications, no. 1. 1892. Reprint. Darby, Pa.: Norwood Editions, 1973. B1820 (ASU) Bassett, John Spencer The Life of Andrew Jackson. 2 vols. Garden City, N. Y.-. Doubleday, 1911. Probably the best single biography of Jackson available. B1830 The Life of Andrew Jackson. Reprint. 2 vols. New York: Macmillan, 1916, 1925, 1928, 1931. Probably the best single biography of Jackson available. B1840 The Life of Andrew Jackson. Reprint. 2 vols in 1. Hamden, Conn.: Shoe String, 1967. Probably the best single biography of Jackson available. B1850 Bassler, Ray Smith The Cement Resources of Virginia, West of the Blue Ridge. Introductory chapter on the materials and manufacture of hydraulic cements by Edwin C. Eckel. Virginia Geological Survey, Bulletin, no. 11-A. Charlottesville, Va.: Univ. of Virginia, 1909. B1860 (ASU) Bastin, E. S. The Gold Log Mine, Talladega County, Alabama. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 640-1. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1917. B1870 Batch, Donald L. Branson, Branley A. Fishes of the Red River Drainage, Eastern Kentucky. Lexington, Ky.: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1974. B6360 Batchelder, Martha The Art of Hooked-rug Making. Peoria, III.: Manual Arts Press, 1947. B1880 (LMC) Bate, William B. The Dedication of the Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Park. Address of Gen. Wm. B. Bate, One of the Speakers Appointed by the Secretary of War for the Above Occasion, Delivered on September 20, 1895. Nashville: Brandon, 1895. B1890 Bates, Robert Lee The Story of Smithfield, Jefferson County, West Virginia. New York: Endicott, 1958. B1900 Batson, Wade T. Wild Flowers in South Carolina. Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1964. B1910 (ASU LMC) Battaglia, Joseph Charles "The Social and Economic History of Maryville since 1890." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1936. B1920 AUTHOR Battelle Memorial Institute A Study of Potential State and Local Programs to Stimulate Lowand Moderate-income Housing Construction in Ohio Appalachia. Supplement, n.p.: Ohio Department of Urban Affairs, 1969. B1930 (ASU) Batterham, Rose, pseud, see Housekeeper, Mrs. William 6. Battey, George Magruder, Jr. A History of Rome and Floyd County, State of Georgia, United States of America, Including Numerous Incidents of More Than Local Interest from 1540-1922. Atlanta: Webb and Vary Co., 1922. B1940 (BC ASU) A History of Rome and Floyd County, State of Georgia, United States of America, Including Numerous Incidents of More Than Local Interest from 1540-1922. 1922. Reprint. Atlanta: Cherokee Publishing Company, 1969. B1950 (LMC MHC) Battison, E. J. A Framework for Community Economic Planning Based on the Integration of an Input-output Model and a Linear Programming Model. University Park: Pennsylvania Agricultural Experiment Station, 1969. A systems model for relating economic changes to basic factors input in Appalachia Pennsylvania. B1960 Battle, J. H. Kentucky: A History of the State. Louisville: F. A. Bettey, 1885. Includes scant information on the eastern region of Kentucky. B1970 Battle of King's Mountain and Battle of Cowpens. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1928. B1980 Battles and Leaders of Civil War 4 vols. N. Y.: Century Co., 1884-1887. B1990 Bauder, Ward W. Characteristics of Families on Small Farms. Bulletin, no. 644. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1956. Includes studies of some Appalachian farms. B2000 Bauer, Fred B. Land of the North Carolina Cherokees. Brevard, N. C.: G. E. Buchanan Printer, 1970. B2010 (ASU MHC ETSU) Bauer, Harry C. comp. An Indexed Bibliography of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Various editions covering the period from 1941 to 1942. Knoxville: TVA Information Div., 1941-42. B2020 Bauer, John Public Organization of Electric Power: Conditions, Policies, and Program. New York: Haroer & Brothers, 1949. B2030 Bauer, William Rudolph The Sineath Family and Affiliated Family Lineages. Columbia, S. C.: R. L. Bryan Co., 1970. B2040 (ASU) Baugher, Ruby Dell Kentucky, Yesterday and Today. Evansville, Ind.: Creative Press, 1962. Verse. B2050 (LMC BC) Listening Hills. New York: Hobson Book Press, 1947. Verse — Story of D. Boone and early Kentucky. B2060 (BC) Baum, Emanuel Lester Coltrane, Robert Irvin An Economic Survey of the Appalachian Region, with Special Reference to Agriculture. Washington: Economic Research Service, U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1965. C6100 (ETSU WCU LMC ASU) Fuller, Theodore Elwood Employment, Unemployment, and Low Incomes in Appalachia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, 1965. F3760 (LMC ASU) Baum, Willa K. Oral History for the Local Historical Society, American Assoc. for State and Local History. Nashville: The Conference of California Historical Societies, 1971. B2070 18 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Baumbach, Ludwig Carl Wilhelm von Briefe aus den Vereinigten Staaten von Nord-amerika in die Heimath, mit besonderer Rucksicht auf deutsche Auswanderer. Cassel: Theodor Fischer, 1851. East Tennessee is strongly recommended for German farmers, although there is no evidence that Baumbach knew the region personally. B2080 Baumgardner, James Lewis "Andrew Johnson and the Patronage." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1968. B2090 "Inconsistent Men of Principle: Future Liberal Republicans and the Johnson Administration." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1964. B2100 Baumgardner, James Travis A Baumgardner Family in America. Austin, Tex.: San Felipe Press, 1970. This book gives records of many Baumgardner families, and has extensive records of those in Wythe County. It contains many illustrations and an excellent section on source material references. B2110 Baumgras, John E. Configuration of Appalachian Logging Roads. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-198. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1971. Instant Nostalgia. B2120 Baxter, Dow Vawter Deterioration of Chestnut in the Southern Appalachians. Technical Bulletin, 257. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1931. Records the loss of the native chestnut. B2130 Bayard, Ferdinand Marie Travels of a Frenchman in Maryland and Virginia with a Description of Philadelphia and Baltimore, in 1791: Or, Travels in the Interior of the United States, to Bath, Winchester, in the Valley of the Shenandoah, etc., During the Summer of 1791. Translated from the 2nd ed., 1798, with introd., notes, and index by Ben C. McCary. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Edwards Brothers, 1950. B2140 Bayard, Samuel Preston ed. Hill Country Tunes: Instrumental Folk Music of Southwestern Pennsylvania. Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, vol. 39. 1944. Reprint. New York: Kraus Reprint Company, 1969. B2150 (LMC) Bayles, Robert E. and others Wood County Deep Well. Well Log, Sample, and Core Description. Description of cores by Leonard D. Harris and Russell R. Flowers. Report of Investigations, no. 14. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1956. B2160 (ETSU) Bayley, William Shirley Deposits of Brown Iron Ores (Brown Hematite) in Western North Carolina. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 31. Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Print. Co., 1925. B2170 (ASU LMC WCU UNCA) General Features of the Brown Hematite Ores of Western North Carolina. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 735-F. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1923. B2180 (ASU) General Features of the Magnetite Ores of Western North Carolina and Eastern Tennessee. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 735-G. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1923. B2190 (UNCA ASU) Geology of the Tate Quadrangle. Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology Bulletin, no. 43. Atlanta: Stein Print. Co., 1928. The Tate Quadrangle contains some of the finest marble and granite deposits in the U. S. B2200 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Boyley, William Shirley The Kaolins of North Carolina. Prepared in connection with the U. S. Geological Survey. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 29. Raleigh, N. C: Edwards and Broughton Pub. Co., 1925. B2210 (WCU) Magnetic Iron Ores of East Tennessee and Western North Carolina. Bult. no. 32. Chapel Hill: North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey, 1923. B2220 (UNCA) Baylor, Frances Courtenay see Barnum, Frances Courtenay Baylor Beach, Robert F. "Book Extension Services in Eastern Kentucky." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Columbia Univ., 1940. B2230 (ASU) Boodles, C. B. Hasty, Allen Henry Soil Survey, Rhea County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. H3390 Boole, Calvin, L. Characteristics of the United States Population by Farm and Nonfarm Origin. Agricultural Economic Report, 66. Washington: Economic Research Service, Economic and Statistical Analysis Division, 1964. B2240 Recent Population Trends in the United States with Emphasis on Rural Areas. Prepared in cooperation with the Population Research and Training Center, University of Chicago. Agricultural Economic Report, 23. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Farm Population Branch, 1963. B2250 Bogue, Donald J. Economic Subregions of the United States. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. B5100 Boalo, Howard K. The Critical Year: A Study of Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction. New York: Harcourt, 1930. B2260 The Critical Year: A Study of Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction. Reprint, n.p.: American Classics Series, n.d. B2270 The Critical Year: A Study of Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction. New York: Ungar, 1958. B2280 Beater, Alex W. The Art of Blacksmithing. New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1969. A nice study of a vanishing occupation. B2290 (ASU) Only the Names Remain: The Cherokees and the Trail of Tears. Illustrated by William Sauts Bock. 1st ed. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1972. An inaccurate, but touching account of the Removal. B2300 (ASU BC WCU ETSU) Boallo, Kathryn S. "An Overview of Special Education Services in the Elizabethton City School with Emphasis on the Homebound Program." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. B2310 (ETSU) Boats, Frank Loo Davy Crockett. Illustrated by Jack Merryweather. Chicago: Wheeler Pub. Co., 1941. B2320 (ETSU) Beamish, Tony Appalachian Wilderness. New York: Ballantine, 1971. B2330 Boon, Frank Dawson "The Interrelationships of Organized Religion and Certain Other Community Subsystems in Five Selected Counties of Kentucky with Implications for Educational Administration." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1960. Includes a sample community from Eastern Kentucky. B2340 Boon, Robert Bennett The Peopling of Virginia. Boston: Chapman and Grimes, Inc., 1928. B2350 (ASU) The Peopling of Virginia. Boston: Crescendo, 1969. B2360 (FC) BAYLEY AUTHOR Boarden, James H. ed. The Travel Industry in North Carolina. Proceedings of the Governor's Travel Information Conference. Greenville, N. C.: Bureau of Business Research, 1964? Many of North Carolina's travel attractions are in the western portion of the state. B2370 (LMC) Bears, Betsy After the Goat Man. New York: Viking Press, 1974. Appalachian fiction. B2371 Beasley, Paul W. "The Life and Times of Isaac Shelby." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1968. B2380 Booty, John O. John Esten Cooke, Virginian. New York: Columbia University Press, 1922. Cooke is a native of the Valley of Virginia. It is the locale for some of his work. B2390 Booty, Richard Edward The Blue Ridge Boys; Narrations of Early Actual Mountain Experiences and Humorous Anecdotes of the Shenandoah National Park Section. Front Royal, Va.: R. E. Bear/, 1938. B2400 (BC) The Mountain Angels: Trials of the Mountaineers of the Blue Ridge and Shenandoah Valley. Front Royal, Va.: The author, 1928. B2410 (BC ASU LMC) Bechtol, Paul Theodore, Jr. "Migration and Economic Opportunity in Tennessee Counties, 1940-1950." Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1962. Includes valuable information on Eastern Tennessee Counties. B2420 Beck, Donald E. Cubic-foot Volume Tables for Yellow-poplar in the South Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Research Note, SE-16. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1963. B2430 Effect of Competition on Survival and Height Growth of Red Oak Seedlings. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, SE-56. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment, 1970. B2440 (WCU) Seed Production in Southern Appalachian Oak Stands. U. S. Forest Service Research Note, SE-91. Asheville, N. C: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1968. B2450 Yield of Unthinned Yellow-poplar. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, SE-58. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. B2460 (WCU) Smalley, Glendon W. Cubic-foot Volume Table and Point-sampling Factors for White Pine Plantations in Southern Appalachians. New Orleans: Southern Forest Experiment Station, 1971. S4320 Beck, M. W. Latimer, William James Soil Survey of Kanawha County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1914. L730 Beck, Samuel E. ed. Chiltoskey, Mary Ulmer ed. Cherokee Cooklore: Preparing Cherokee Foods. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1951. C3870 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) Becker, Bess McReynolds From the Heart. New York: Exposition Press, 1958. Some sixty poems on a wide range of subjects. B2470 Men "Pro and Con." Bristol, Va.: Quality Printers, Inc., 1968. Twenty-eight poems about men. B2480 Becker, Joseph M. In Aid of the Unemployed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1965. A collection of essays on unemployment and the aid programs designed to help the unemployed. B2490 Beckloy Newspaper Corporation Brief History of Beckley, West Virginia. Beckley: n.p., n.d. B2500 (ASU) 19 Bockwith, Nancy Stout The Story of Washington Bottom, Wood County, West Virginia. Parkersburg, W. Va.: West Augusta Historical and Genealogical Society, 1953. B2510 (BC) Boddow, Elizabeth Russell The Oracle of Moccasin Bend: A Story of Lookout Mountain. New York: Neale Pub. Co., 1903. A novel. Setting is the present-day site of Chattanooga. B2520 (ASU BC) Bedinger, Singleton B. Kentuckians, C. S. A. Xerox of the original. Taylor, Texas: Merchants Press, 1965. Most Kentucky mountaineers were pro-Union; there were, however, exceptions and these names are listed in this volume of Kentucky's Confederate Troops. B2530 (ASU) Boobo, Burdetta Faye Appalachian Elk. Illustrated by James Ralph Johnson. New York: David McKay Co., 1962. The American elk, or wapite was exterminated in Appalachia by 1855. Fictional Background. B2540 (ASU) Boobe, Gilbert Wheeler Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians. Medical Aspects of Human Fertility Series. Baltimore, Md.: Published for the National Committee on Maternal Health, Inc. by the Williams and Wilkins Co., 1942. B2550 (BC ASU) "Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1943. B2560 Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians. 1942. Reprint. Family in America. New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1972. The empirical observations concern a sample of 1300 families in Logan County, West Virginia. B2570 (LMC) Boono, William Virgil In Retrospect: Reminiscencies (sic) and Observations of a Hamilton County, Tennessee, Retired Teacher. Chattanooga: Target, 1958. B2580 Boorbower, Ethel Poasloe Through the Years: A History of Methodism in Kingwood, West Virginia. Parkersburg, W. Va.: Banner Print. Co., 1951. B2590 (ASU) Boors, Alma Holland Coker, William Chambers The Boletaceae of North Carolina. C5650 (ASU WWC) Boors, Howard W. Brown, James Stephen Rural Population Changes in Five Kentucky Mountain Districts, 1943-1946. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Kentucky, 1949. B7200 Galloway, Robert E. Utilization of Rural Manpower in Eastern Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1953. G180 Heflin, Catherine Urban Adjustments of Rural Migrants: A Study of 297 Families in Lexington, Kentucky, 1942. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1946. H4310 Williams, Robin M. Attitudes Toward Rural Migration and Family Life in Johnson and Robertson Counties, Kentucky, 1941. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Ky., 1943. W6690 Boers, Howard Wayland Mobility of Rural Population. Bulletin No. 505. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1947. B2600 People and Resources in Eastern Kentucky. (Bulletin No. 500) Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1947. B2610 �BEERS—BENNETT Beers, Howard Wayland Rural People in the City: A Study of the Socio-economic Status of 297 Families in Lexington, Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1945. A number of the migrant families in this study are from the Kentucky mountains. B2620 Urban Adjustments of Rural Migrants. (Bulletin No. 487.) Lexington: Kentucky Agriculture Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1946. A number of mountain families were used in this study. B2630 Beery, Donald Call of the Mountains. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1973. A history of sawmilling and pioneer life for the east central part of West Virginia. B2640 (BC ASU) Beesley, Thomas Edward and others Soil Survey, Cocke County, Tennessee. U. S. Soil Conservation Service Soil Survey, Series 1944, no. 4. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. B2650 Beg, Mirza Amjad Ali "The Regional Growth Points in Economic Development; A Comparison of West Virginia and West Pakistan." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1964. B2660 Begtez, Nancy Strange Lady. Ashland, Ky.: Economy Printers, 1972. A novel about a young girl growing up in the eastern Kentucky Mountains, her life, love and education in a mountain school. B2670 (BC) Belcher, J. R. A Brief History of the Athens Methodist Church (1848-1942). Typescript. n.p.: n.p., 1942. History of the Athens Methodist Church in Concord, West Virginia. B2700 Belcher, John Cheslow Number of Inhabitants of the Southern Appalachians, 1900-1957. Population Data Series, no. 1. Prepared in cooperation with the University of Georgia. Athens, Ga.: Southern Appalachian Studies, 1959. B2680 Use of Health Care Services and Enrollment in Voluntary Health Insurance in Habersham County, Georgia, 1957. Athens: Georgia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1960. B2690 Belcher, Margaret Crowder Sunday Shoes. New York: Pageant Press, 1955. A West Virginia mountain patriarch copes with his family, the church, and World War I. B2710 (BC ASU) Belden, Henry M. Ass. ed. Duke University, Durham, N. C, Library The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina. Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1952-64. D3810 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC WWC ETSU) Beldon, H. L. Drake, Jerry A. Soil Survey of Cherokee County, South Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture Bureau of Soils, 1907. D3230 Belk, George W. Floreen: Or the Story of Mitchell. Charlotte, N. C.: Stone Press, 1916. B2720 Bell, C. Ritchie Radford, Albert E. Atlas of the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas. Raleigh: North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, 1965. RIO (LMC WWC) Radford, Albert E. Guide to the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas, with Distribution in the Southeastern States. Chapel Hill, N. C.: Book Exchange, 1964. R20 (LMC WWC) Radford, Albert E. Manual of the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1968. R30 • (ETSU LMC WWC) AUTHOR Bell, Corydon Some Snow for Christmas. Cleveland: n.p., 1947. A children's story about a mountain doctor set in the old Blue Ridge. B2730 (BC ASU) John Rattling-Gourd of Big Cove: A Collection of Cherokee Indian Legends. New York: Macmillan Co., 1955. A collection of reasonably authentic Cherokee legends edited for children. B2740 (ASU WCU LMC WWC) Bell County Centennial Commission, Inc. The Unfolding of a Century. Pineville, Ky.: Sun Publishing Co., 1967. Promotional and historical booklet prepared for the Bell Co. Centennial. B2750 Bell, D. Ritchie Justice, William S. Wild Flowers of North Carolina. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1968. J3020 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) Bell, Ed. Fish on the Steeple. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1935. A novel of troubled adolescence set in the Blue Ridge foothills. B2760 (ASU) Bell, London Covington Cumberland parish, Lunenburg County, Virginia, 1746-1816. Vestry book, 1746-1816. Richmond, Va.: The William Byrd Press, Inc., 1930. "At the time of its creation Cumberland parish embraced. . . the territory which is now comprised in the counties of Lunenburg, Mecklenburg, Halifax, Charlotte, Pittsylvania, Henry, Patrick, and Franklin. . . and the greater part of Bedford and Campbell counties, and a part of Appomattox. It was, therefore. . . the parent of: Antrim parish in Halifax County. . . of Cornwall parish. . of St. James parish. . . and others. B2770 (ASU) The Golden Anniversary Dinner, February 24, 1940, in Honor of William McClellan Ritter, Founder of W. M. Ritter Lumber Company. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1940. B2780 (WCU) Lunenburg County, Virginia wills, 1746-1825. Indexed by Lorraine L. Fuller and Jean V. Sipe. Berryville: Virginia Book Co., 1972. During this period Lunenburg County included parts of the present day counties of Patrick, Franklin and Bedford. B2790 (ASU) Bell, N. E. Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of St. Clair County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1920. B8750 Bell, N. Eric Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey of Clay County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. T410 Waldrop, Charles S. Soil Survey of Jackson County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1912. W200 Waldrop, Charles S. Soil Survey of Marshall County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. W210 Bell, Robert ed. Early Ballads, Illustrative of History, Traditions, and Customs: Also Ballads and Songs of the Peasantry of England, Taken Down from Oral Recitation and Transcribed from Private Manuscripts, Rare Broadsides, and Scarce Publications. 1877. Reprint. Detroit, Mich.: Singing Tree Press, 1968. Many of these ballads and customs were carried over to Appalachia. B2800 (ASU) Bell, Robert Monroe "The Cost of Administering Criminal Justice in Memphis and Knoxville, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1931. Knox County, Tennessee — County History, Political History and Public Administration. B2810 20 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Bell, Sadie The Church, the State, and Education in Virginia. 1930. Reprint. American Education: Its Men, Ideas and Institutions. New York: Arno Press, 1969. B2820 (MHC) Bell, Thelma Harrington Mountain Boy. New York: Viking Press, 1947. A children's story about a lad growing up in the Southern mountains. B2830 (LMC) Snow. Illustrated by Corydon Bell. New York: Viking Press, 1954. A children's story about the best snowfall of the year. B2840 (ASU) The Two Worlds of Davy Blount. Illustrated by Corydon Bell. New York: Viking Press, 1962. A story of an heroic young mountain lad. B2850 (ASU BC) Yaller-Eye. New York: Viking Press, 1947. B2860 Bendall, John W. "A Study of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory and Its Use in Identification of Acceptable Mine Foremen." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1955. B2870 Benet, Laura Caleb's Luck. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1942. A picture and story book about a parade and a young mountain boy. B2880 Benkelman, Olive Porter Scott James and Rachel Holmes Scott. Elk Creek, Va.: n.p., 1971. An attractive genealogical chart record commemorating the 200th anniversary of the importation of James and Rachel Scott. B2890 Bennecker, Ruth He That Serveth; Twenty-five Years' Adventures in Christian Ministry, George Creswell and Second Church. Knoxville: Second Methodist Church, 1945. B2900 Bennett, Charles W. "Life and Literary Contributions of Luther Foster Addington, a Southwest Virginia Writer and Educator. Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1965, B2910 Bennett, Clara Willis "A Study of Book Losses During the Period 1965-1969 in the Dobyns-Bennett High School Materials Center, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. B2920 (ETSU) Bennett, Clemmon A. "History of Education in Gordon County, Georgia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1932. B2930 Bennett, Emerson The Bride of the Wilderness. Philadelphia: L. B. Peterson, 1854. A tale of pioneering in Northwestern W. Va. along the Monongaheia River. B2940 (BC) Ella Barnwell. Cincinnati: U. P. James, 1853. A tale of the settlement of the border county of Kentucky. B2950 (BC) The Phantom of the Forest: A Tale of the Dark and Bloody Ground. Author's rev. ed. Xerox copy of the original. Philadelphia: J. E. Potter, 1868. A tale of frontier Kentucky. Action occasionally ranges into the mountains. B2960 (ASU BC) Bennett, Frank Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Rockcastle County, Kentucky Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1911. B8740 Bennett, H. D. Lessons in Appalachian Forestry. Cincinnati: Appalachian Hardwood Manufacturers, 1950. A text for secondary schools which attempts to explain the role of forestry, lumbering, and logging in Appalachia. B2970 Bennett, Hugh Hammond Soils of the Shenandoah River Terrace: Revision of Certain Soils in the Albemarle Area, Virginia. Circular, 53. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1912. B2980 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Bennett, James D. "Struggle for Power: The Relations between the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Private Power Industry, 1933-1939. Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1969. B2990 Bennett, John Nathan Jennie Wiley, Pioneer: The True Story of a Virginia Frontier Heroine. 1st ed. New York: Exposition Press, 1955. B3000 (ASU) Bennett, Wallace R. Report of the Economic Growth of Oak Hill, Correlated With the History of King Coal-Fayette County's First Major Industry. Oak Hill, W. Va.: The author, n.d. Statistical survey of Oak Hill's population, finances, housing and industry. B3010 Bent, Allen Herbert A Bibliography of the White Mountain. Boston: Pub. for the Appalachian Mountain Club, by Houghton Mifflin Co., 1911. B3020 Bentley, Blanche S. Sketch of Beersheba Springs: and: Chickamauga Trace. Chattanooga: Lookout, 1928. B3030 Bentley, Hubert Blair "Andrew Johnson, Governor of Tennessee, 1853-1857." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1972. B3040 Benton, Robert L. "A Study of McMinn County High School as Determined by Its Graduates." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1952. B3050 Berea College, Kentucky Berea College, Kentucky, An Interesting History. Approved by the Prudential Committee. Cincinnati, Ohio: Elm Street Print. Co., 1883. B3060 (ASU) Favorite Folk Dance Tunes. Berea, Ky.: Council of Southern Mountains, 1968. B3070 (ASU BC) 1924 Works of Fiction by Southern Appalachian Authors, Or with Southern Appalachian Settings: Mountain Fiction from Addington to Zugsmith. Berea, Ky.: The college, 1972. B3080 (ASU MHC ETSU BC) Berea College, Kentucky Appalachian Center Newsletter, vol. 1. 1972. n.p.: n.p., quarterly. B3090 (BC ASU) Berea College, Kentucky, Department of Education Evidence of Inequality of Educational Opportunity in Kentucky Mountain Counties. Berea, Ky.: The college, 1953. B3100 (BC) Berea College, Kentucky, Rural School Improvement Project. Report, 1953-1957. Lexington: Transylvania Print. Co., 1958. B3110 (BC ETSU) Berea, Kentucky, Planning Commission Land Use Plan for the City of Berea, Ky. Berea: Berea Planning Commission, 1965. B3120 (BC) Public Improvements for the City of Berea, Ky. Berea: Berea Planning Commission, 1965. B3130 (BC) Bergaust, Erik Rocket City U. S. A. from Huntsville, Alabama to the Moon. N. Y..- F. M. Hill Books, 1963. B3140 Berglund, Abraham and others Labor in the Industrial South: A Survey of Wages and Living Conditions in Three Major Industries of the New Industrial South. Charlottesville, Va.: Institute for Research in the Social Sciences, Univ. of Virginia, 1930. B3150 (LMC) Bernard, Karl, Herzog von Sachsen-Weimar-Eisnach Reise sr. Hoheit des Herzogs Bernhard zu Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach durch Nord-Amerika in den Jahren 1825 und 1826. 2 vols. Weimar: Wilhelm Hoffmann, 1828. Observation on the country around Winchester, Staunton, Natural Bridge, Lexington (Va.), and Charlottesville. B3190 Berkhofer, Robert F. "Protestant Missionaries to the American Indians, 1789 to 1862." Ph. D. Diss. Cornell Univ., 1960. B3160 AUTHOR Berkman, Sigmund S. Appalachia, Rebirth of a Nation. Washington: U. S. Department of Labor, Office of Manpower, Automation and Training, 1964. B3170 Bernert, Eleanor H. Farm Migration, 1940-1945: An Annotated Bibliography. Library List, no. 48. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture Library, 1947. A very useful tool in an area in which too little research has been done. B3180 Berney, William Richardson, Howard Dark of the Moon. New York: Theatre Arts Books, 1957. R2100 (ASU WCU) Richardson, Howard Dark of the Moon. London: Heinemann, 1966. R2110 (ASU) Richardson, Howard Dark of the Moon. New York: Theatre Arts Books, 1966. R2120 (LMC MHC) Richardson, Howard Dark of the Moon. New York: Theatre Arts Books, 1970. R2130 (ETSU) Bernheim, Cotthardt Dellmann History of the German Settlements and of the Lutheran Church in North and South Carolina, from the Earliest Period of the Colonization of the Dutch, German and Swiss Settlers to the Close of the First Half of the Recent Century. Xerox of the original. Philadelphia: Lutheran Book Store, 1872. B3200 (ASU) Berry, Brian J. L. A Bibliographic Guide to the Economic Regions of the United States. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago, 1963. Includes a condescending survey of Appalachia. B3210 Berry, Charles A. "Measurement of the Economic Impact of Public Investment of Regional Economic Growth in Appalachia." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Cincinnati, 1968. B3220 Berry, Edward Wilbee Loughlin, Gerald Francis Limestones and Marls of North Carolina. Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Print. Co., 1921. L3630 (ASU LMC WCU) Berry Erick One-string Fiddle. Chicago: Winston, 1939. A story of a little Tennessee mountain boy and his homemade fiddle. B3230 (LMC) Berry, Paul C. and others The Future of American Poverty, Some Basic Issues in Evaluating Alternative Anti-poverty Measures. Croton-on-Hudson, N. Y.: Hudson Institute, 1968. Includes a survey of Appalachian poverty. B3240 Berry Wendall The Memory of Old Jack. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc. 1974. Jack Beechum was one of the most endearing characters in A PLACE ON EARTH. This volume is about his death, burial and the memories he leaves behind. B3270 (ASU) Berry, Wendell Farming: A Hand Book. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1970. A handbook on farming by Eastern Kentucky's well-known novelist. B3250 (WCU ASU) The Long-legged House. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1969. An eloquent ecological plea for the future of Appalachia. B3260 (ASU MHC WCU BC) A Place on Earth. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1967. A novel of a Kentucky foothill town during World War II. B3280 (ASU LMC BC) A Place on Earth. New York: Avon Books, 1969. A novel of a Kentucky foothill town during World War II. B3290 (ASU WCU) The Unforeseen Wilderness: An Essay on Kentucky's Red River Gorge. Photographs by Gene Meatyard. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1971. B3300 (ASU BC LMC) 21 BENNETT-BETTS Berryhill, Henry Lee, Jr. Coal Reserves of the Pittsburgh (No. 8) Bed in Belmont County, Ohio. U. S. Geological Survey Circular, no. 363. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. A survey of coal resources in the Appalachian Counties of Appalachia. B3310 (ASU) Bers, Melvin Labor Force Participation in the Pittsburgh Standard Metropolitan Area. Pittsburgh: Regional Planning Association, 1960. An economic survey of the Pittsburgh region. B3320 Berthy, Howard Phillip Selected Opportunities for Wood Industries Development in West Virginia Through Application of Forest Products Laboratory Research. U. S. Forest Service Research Note, FPL-016. Madison, Wis.: Forest Products Laboratory, 1963. Summarizes forest products research applicable to West Virginia. Includes a bibliography. B3330 Bertrand, Alvin L. Terry, Geraldine B. The Labor Force Characteristics of Women in Low-Income Rural Areas of the South, n.p.: Southern Cooperative Series, 1966. T7630 Best, Billy F. "From Existence to Essence; A Conceptual Model for an Appalachian Studies Curriculum." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Massachusetts, 1973. Offers clear, logical counterpoint to culturally biased appraisals of mountaineers. He suggests a model Appalachian studies curriculum. B3340 Best, Irmgard Appalachians Speak Up. Berea, Ky.: The author, 1972. Through a series of interviews, the author has reached a consensus of Appalachian attitudes. B3350 (BC) Bethell, Thomas N. Conspiracy in Coal. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, n.d. A searing indictment of the coal industry's lack of safety standards and the failure of federal inspectors to report substandard operations. B3360 The Hurricane Creek Massacre: An Inquiry into the Circumstances Surrounding the Deaths of Thirty-eight Men in a Coal Mine Explosion. Perennial Library, P251. New York: Harper and Row, 1972. A hard-hitting indictment of mine safety standards and the criminal negligence of inspectors. B3370 (ASU BC LMC WCU MHC) The Pittston Mentality: Manslaughter on Buffalo Creek. Huntington: Appalachian Movement Press, 1972. An indictment of the corporation responsible for the Buffalo Creek Disaster. B3380 Bett, Henry The Games of Children, Their Origin and History. London: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1929. A book of folk and play party games which were popular in Appalachia two generations ago. B3390 (ASU) Bettis, Glenn E. "A Proposed Central Supply, Storage, and Technicians' Work Area for the Industrial Education Department of East Tennessee State University." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. B3400 (ETSU) Berts, Doris The Gentle Insurrection, and Other Stories. New York: Putnam, 1954. Doris Betts, a young North Carolinian, is a writer concerned with serious and perceptive reporting of the Southern small town and Southern people. B3410 (LMC) Betts, Edward Chambers Early History of Huntsville, Alabama, 1804-1870. Rev. Montgomery, Ala.: Brown Print. Co., 1916. B3420 (ASU BC) Betts, Leonidas Gateway to North Carolina Folklore. Raleigh: School of Education Office of Publications, North Carolina State Univ. at Raleigh, 1974. B3430 �BEVERAGE—BIOGRAPHICAL Beverage, Woodrow Wilson Soil Survey, Barbour County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1968. Soil Survey, Marshall County, West Virginia. Soils surveyed by Merrill Kunkle, Joseph D. Ruffner, and John Webb. Correlation by Morris E. Austin. Soil Survey, Series 1957, no. 4. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, I960. B3450 Losche, Craig K. Soil Survey, Tucker County, Part of Northern Randolph County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1967. L3540 Patton, Boyd J. Soil Survey, Preston County, West Virginia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. P820 Boverett, Andrew J. Perkins, Edward L. Guidelines for an Appalachian Airport System. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1967. P2050 (ASU WCU) Beverly, Frank Monroe Echoes from the Cumberland*, Being Made from His Poems Written During the Last Thirty Years. Strasburg: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1928. Poems, primarily about nature in the Cumberland Mountains. B3460 (ASU BC) Beverly, Lucia Bird, Ronald Status of Rural Housing in the United States. Washington: U. S. Economic Research Service, Economic Development Division, 1968. B4120 Bias, W. B. A Short History of the Wayne Methodist Church. Typescript, n.p.: n.p., n.d. (1846-1960) B3470 Bible, Bond L. Buck, Roy Clair Educational Attainment among Pennsylvania Rural Youth. University Park: Pennsylvania Agricultural Experiment Station, 1961. B8200 Bible, Mary Ozelle "The Post-presidential Career of Andrew Johnson." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1936. B3480 Bibliography of Coal in Kentucky Lexington, Ky.: Univ. of Ky., 1970. Excellent source material on mining in Kentucky. B3490 (BC) Bibliography on the Appalachian South, 1973-1974; Books, Records, Pamphlets, Magazines, and Films Clintwood, Va.: Council of the Southern Mtns., 1974. B3500 (ASU) Bick, Kenneth F. Geology of the Lexington Quadrangle, Virginia. Charlottesville, 1960. B3510 (ETSU ASU) Geology of the Williamsville Quadrangle, Virginia. Report of Investigations, no. 2. Charlottesville: Virginia Division of Mineral Resources, 1962. Includes Highland and Rockbridge Counties. B3520 (ETSU) Bickley, George Washington Lafayette History of the Settlement and Indian Wars of Tazewell County, Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McCain Print. Co., 1973. Includes sketches of Indians in the county and a sketch of the author's life. B3530 (PC ASU) History of the Settlement and Indian Wars of Tazewell County, Va. with added material compiled by J. Allen Neal. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1974. B3540 Biddle, Loureide J. Biddle, William W. The Community Development Process: The Rediscovery of Local Initiative. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. B3550 Biddle, William W. The Community Development Process: The Rediscovery of Local Initiative. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. Report of a successful three year development in an Appalachian county. B3550 AUTHOR Bidgood, Lee Alvord, Clarence Walworth The First Explorations of the Trans-Allegheny Region by the Virginians, 1650-1674. Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark, 1912. A1990 (ASU BC) Bieber, Paul P. Ground-water Features of Berkeley and Jefferson Counties, West Virginia. Prepared by U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey. Bulletin, no. 21. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1961. B3560 (ETSU) Nace, Raymond Lee Ground-water Resources of Harrison County, West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1958. N20 (ETSU) Biesecker, James E. Stream Quality in Appalachia as Related to Coal-mine Drainage, 1965. Geological Survey, Circular, 526. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. A frightening analysis of the effects of mine drainage on streams. B3570 (LMC BC ASU) Stream Quality in Appalachia as Related to Coal-mine Drainage. U. S. Geological Survey Circular 576. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1966. B3571 Biggs, Nina Mitchell History of Greenup County, Kentucky. Louisville, Ky.: The authors, 1951. B3580 (BC) A Supplementary Edition of a History of Greenup County. New York: Vantage Press, 1962. A supplement to the 1951 edition. B3590 (ASU BC) Biggs, Riley O. "Development of Railroad Transportation in East Tennessee during the Reconstruction Period." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1934. B3600 Biles, James M. "A Study of School Transportation, Roane County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. B3610 Billings, Henry AH Down the Valley. New York: Viking Press, 1952. Some public relations man's idea of a soft sell for the TVA. No mention of lines destroyed, historic sites drowned, or farmlands flooded so that electricity could be piped to distant cities. B3620 (BC ASU WCU LMC) Billingsley, G. A.. Robinson, W. H. Water Supply of the Birmingham Area, Alabama. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. R3340 Bills, Nelson Lawrence "An Input-output Analysis of the Upper South Branch Valley of West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1967. A systems analysis study of a West Virginia community. B3630 Bills, Robert E. The Incentive Approach to State School Administration: Change in Two Pilot Centers, Mason County, West Virginia, and Doddridge County, West Virginia, 1959-60. Charleston: West Virginia Department of Education, Division of Research and Planning, 1961. B3640 Billups, Edward W. comp. The Sweet Songster, a Collection of the Most Popular and Approved Songs, Hymns and Ballads. 1854. Reprint. Wayne, W. Va.: Arrowood Brothers, n.d. A popular item throughout Appalachia in the last century. Used to "line out" songs by the song leader, this volume has no music only words. B3650 (ASU BC WCU) The Sweet Songster, a Collection of the Most Popular and Approved Songs, Hymns and Ballads n.p.: n.p., n.d. S9580 Billy Boy Verses selected by Richard Chase. Drawings by Glen Rounds. San Carlos, Cat.: Golden Gate Junior Books, 1966. B3660 (BC ASU) 22 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Biltmore House and Gardens Asheville, N. C: Biltmore Estate, 1965. An American castle in Western North Carolina. The grounds of this estate comprised the first school of forestry in the U. S. B3670 (WCU) Biltmore Nursery Flowering Trees and Shrubs. Biltmore, N. C.: Biltmore Nursery, 1909. A guide to flowering trees and shrubs by Asheville's most famous nursery. B3680 Bimba, Anthony The Molly Maguires. New York: International Pub., 1970. A history of a terrorist organization in the Pennsylvania coal fields. Membership was largely Irish. B3690 (ASU WCU BC) Bing, William K. Conner, Maynard Calvin An Economic and Social Survey of Patrick County. Charlottesville: Univ. of Va., 1937. C6680 (BC) Bingham, Edgar "Land Utilization in the New and Watauga River Basins of North Carolina." Ph. D. Diss. Ohio State Univ., 1954. Explores the rapidly changing land use patterns of Western North Carolina. B3700 (LMC) Bingham, R. W. Joe, A Civil War Novel of the Blue Ridge, n.p.: n.p., 1889. No information available. B3710 Bingham, William Paul "The Growth and Development of Education in Watauga County." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1950. B3720 (ASU) Bining, Arthur C. Pennsylvania's Iron and Steel Industry. Pennsylvania History Studies, no. 5. Gettysburg: Pennsylvania Historical Assoc., 1954. B3730 (ASU) Pennsylvania Iron Manufacture in the Eighteenth Century. Clifton, N. J.: Augusta M. Kelley Pub., 1974. A classic in economic history and colonial art and industry. B3740 Binnicker, Dana Pell Blue Moon Over Cashier's Valley. Charleston: Nelson's Southern Print. and Pub. CO., . Novel with a western North Carolina setting and very standard plot featuring romance, suspense and violence. B3750 Biographical Directory: Bledsoe County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also includes Marion and Sequatchie counties. B3760 Biographical Directory: Btount County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. B3770 Biographical Directory: Bradley County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Polk County. B3780 Biographical Directory: Carter County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Johnson and Unicoi counties. B3790 Biographical Directory: Coffee County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Grundy County. B3800 Biographical Directory: DeKalb County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Cannon County. B3810 Biographical Directory: Fentress County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Overton and Pickett counties. B3820 Biographical Directory: Franklin County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Moore County. B3830 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Biographical Directory: Grundy County Members off the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Coffee County. B3840 Biographical Directory: Hamilton County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. B3850 Biographical Directory: Johnson County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Carter and Unicoi counties. B3860 Biographical Directory: Knox County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. Knox County, Tennessee-County History, Political History and Public Administration. B3870 Biographical Directory: Loudon County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Monroe County. B3880 Biographical Directory: McMinn County Members off the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796B3910 Biographical Directory: Macon County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. B3890 Biographical Directory: Marion County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Bledsoe and Sequatchie counties. B3900 Biographical Directory: Meigs County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796- This volume also contains Rhea County. B3920 Biographical Directory: Monroe County Members off the Tennessee Assembly, 1796- Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Loudon County. Biographical Directory: Overran County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Fentress and Pickett counties. B3940 Biographical Directory: Pickett County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Fentress and Overton counties. B3950 Biographical Directory: Polk County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Bradley County. B3960 Biographical Directory: Rhea County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Meigs County. B3970 Biographical Directory: Roane County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. Biographical Directory: Sequatchie County Members off the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796- Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Bledsoe and Marion counties. B3990 Biographical Directory: Smith County Members off the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. B4000 Biographical Directory: Unicoi County Members off the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Carter and Johnson counties. B4010 AUTHOR Biographical Directory: Van Buren County Members off the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796- Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Warren and White counties. B4020 Biographical Directory: Warren County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville.- State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains White and Van Buren counties. B4030 Biographical Directory: White County Members of the Tennessee General Assembly, 1796Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1968. This volume also contains Van Buren and Warren counties. B4040 Biographical Sketches and Short History of Giles, Montgomery, Pulaski, Roanoke, Smyth and Wythe County. Pearisburg, Va.: Painter's Print Shop, 1973. B4050 Bird, Alan R. Poverty in Areas of the United States. Agricultural Economic Report, 63. Washington: U. S. Economic Research Service, Resource Development Economics Division, 1964. Includes a study of Appalachian Poverty. B4060 White Americans in Rural Poverty. Agricultural Economic Report, no. 124. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, 1967. Includes study of poor Appalachians. B4070 (ASU) Bird, Robert Montgomery The Hawks of Hawk Hollow. Philadelphia: Carey, Lee & Blanchard, 1835. B4080 (BC) The Hawks of Hawk Hollow. London: Ward and Lock, 1856. B4090 Peter Pilgrim: Or, A Rambler's Recollections. Xerox copy of the original. 2 vols. Philadelphia: Lea & Blanchard, 1838. Sketches and scenes of travel in Appalachia. B4100 (ASU) Bird, Ronald Income Opportunities for Rural Families from Outdoor Recreation Enterprises. Agricultural Economic Report, 68. Washington: Y. S. Economic Research Service, Resource Development Economics Division, 1965. Outdoor recreation and tourism have become a big business in Southern Appalachia, especially in Western North Carolina. B4110 Status of Rural Housing in the United States. Agricultural Economic Report, 144. Washington: U. S. Economic Research Service, Economic Development Division, 1968. Includes a study of sub-standard housing in Appalachia. B4120 Bird, Traveller The Path to Snowbird Mountain. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1972. An old tale retold by a latter-day Indian raconteur and historian. B4130 (ETSU) Tell Them They Lie. Los Angeles, Cal.: Westernlore Pub., 1971. Bird, a lineal descendant of Sequoyah, would have us know that his ancestor was not a kindly man who taught children to read, nor invented a syllabary but was instead a leader of the radical element of the Cherokee nation who lived and died as a renegade. B4140 (ASU LMC) Bird, William Earnest Lyrics of a Layman. Greensboro, N. C: Piedmont Press, 1962. Poems by a Western North Carolina educator. B4180 (WCU) Bird, William Ernest The History of Western Carolina College: The Progress of an Idea. Chapel Hill, N. C.: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1963. B4160 (BC ASU LMC WCU) Level Paths: New Songs by the Layman. Asheville, N. C.: Biltmore Press, 1964. Poems by a Western Carolina educator. B4170 (WCU ASU) 23 BIOGRAPHICAL-BIXLER Bird, William Ernest ed. Among the Highlanders Yesterday and Today. (A PAGEANT OF Western North Carolina.) Produced by students of the Cullowhee State Normal School, Cullowhee, N. C., under the auspices of the English, Music and Physical Education Depts. Cullowhee, N. C.: n.p., 1927. B4150 (ASU WCU) The Spirit of Western North Carolina: A Pageant. Produced by the students of the Cullowhee State Normal School, Cullowhee, N. C., under the auspices of the English Department. Asheville, N. C.: Jarrett's Press, 1926. B4190 (WCU LMC) Birdwell, Bobby T. Soil Resources of Johnson City, Tennessee. Johnson City: Regional Planning Commission, 1963. B4200 (ETSU) Birmingham, Alabama, Pioneers Club Early Days in Birmingham. Birmingham: Southern Univ. Press, 1968. B4210 (BC) Bishop, Carol and others Vocational and Educational Goals of Rural Youth in Virginia. Bulletin, 568. (Cover title: Educational and Vocational Goals of Rural Youth in Virginia.) Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1966? Samples for this study were students in the Blacksburg, Virginia area. B4220 Bishop, John Peale Act of Darkness. 1935. Reprint. An Avon Library Book, NA17. New York: Avon Books, 1967. A violent crime and the subsequent trial bring two families in the Shenandoah Valley into conflict with the heretofore unquestioned code of the Southern gentleman. B4230 (ASU) Bishop, R. F. Camerton Slope, a Story of Mining Life. Xerox copy of the original. Cincinnati: Cranston & Curtis; New York: Hunt & Eaton, 1893. A documentary study of life in a mine camp. B4240 (ASU BC) Bishop, Robert Safford, Carleton L. America's Quilts and Coverlets. New York: Dutton, 1972. S80 (ASU) Bishop, Robert Charles Safford, Carleton L. America's Quilts and Coverlets. New York: Dutton, 1972. S70 (ASU) Bishop, William Henry History of Roane County, West Virginia, from the Time of Its Exploration to A. D. 1927. Spencer, W. Va.: The author, 1927. Another good county history from West Virginia. Almost every county in West Virginia has a written history. The Appalachian regions of other states have relatively few. B4250 (ASU BC) Bissell, Richard Pike The Monongahela. New York: Rinehart, 1952. A stirring history of the river which brought men and their industries into backwoods Virginia and West Virginia. B4260 (BC) Bituminous Coal Research Mine Drainage Abstracts, a Bibliography, n.p.: Pennsylvania Coal Research Board, 1964. And Supplements, 1- 1965-. B4270 (ASU) Bivins, John, Jr. Longrifles of North Carolina. Photography by George Shumway. Longrifle Series. York, Pa.: G. Shumway, 1968. A pictorial treatise on early guns, gunsmiths and the role the rifle played in opening the frontier. B4280 (ASU LMC BC) The Moravian Potters in North Carolina. Photography by Bradford L. Rauschenberg. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1972. It was the Moravians who began the pottery industry in North Carolina and many of their descendants continue the tradition today. Excellent photographs. B4290 (LMC) Bixler, Harold Hench The Superior and Gifted Student Project at Cullowhee, Western Carolina College. Cullowhee, N. C.: n.p., 1964. B4300 (WCU) �BLACK-BLEVINS Black, Charles J. History of the First Baptist Church of Kings Mountain, N. C. Kings Mountain: Herald, 1926. B4310 Black, Doris E. "A Contract Plan of Teaching Fifth Grade at Jefferson Elementary School in Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. B4320 (ETSU) Black, Elizabeth McDonald Scheer, Julian Tweetsie, the Blue Ridge Sidewinder. Charlotte, N. C.: Heritage House, 1958. S870 (ASU LMC BC) Black, Mary C. American Folk Painting. New York: Clarkson N. Potter, 1966. Includes the works of a few mountain artists. However, folk art in the mountains usually took some form other than painting. B4330 (ASU) Black Mountain Review 1954-57. Reprint. 3 Vols. New York: AMS Press, 1969. During the last three years of its existence, the controversial experimental school at Black Mountain, North Carolina published a very good review dealing primarily with literature and the arts. B4340 (ASU) Black, William Henry Wintering Beef Cattle in the Appalachian Region. Circular, 408. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Animal Industry, 1927. A practical handbook for getting cattle through the Appalachian winters in the most economical way. B4350 Blackhurst, W. E. Afterglow: A Collection of Short Stories and Poems. Parsons, W. Va.: McCain Print. Co., 1972. A collection of stories and poems about the lumbering boom in West Virginia. B4360 (ASU BC) Mixed Harvest. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1970. Blackhurst's novel of life during his grandmother's day when the first railroad surveyors and lumbermen came to look over West Virginia and plot its devastation. B4370 (ASU BC) Of Men and a Mighty Mountain. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1965. Loosely plotted novel strung together by having each character living or dead speak of his or her experiences and observations of the hometown during the lumber boom. B4380 (ASU WCU BC) Riders of the Flood. 1954. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1968. A novel of railroads and lumberjacks in the author's native West Virginia. B4390 (ASU BC) Sawdust in Your Eyes. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1963. A novel of a town called Sawdust Pile which could have been any town during the great, ravishing lumbering years which despoiled the Appalachian Mountains. B4400 (ASU WCU BC) Your Train Ride through History: An Authentic History of the Town of Cass and the Great Lumber Empire Which Gave Rise to Your Ride on the Cass Scenic Railroad. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1968. B4410 (ASU BC) Blackmore, John "A Watershed Development Program for the TVA. Ph. D. Diss. Harvard Univ., 1954. B4420 Blackmun, Ora A Spire in the Mountains: The Story of 176 Years of a Church and a Town Growing Together, 1794-1969. Asheville, N. C.: First Presbyterian Church, 1970. B4430 (ASU ETSU UNCA) Blackstone, J. Homer The Present and Projected Agricultural Economy of the Appalachian Region of Alabama. Auburn, Ala.: Auburn Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1968. B4440 (ASU) AUTHOR Blaine, James Cyril Dickson The Industrial Development Program of North Carolina, 1954 to 1962, with Projections to 1970. Research Paper, 13. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Graduate School of Business Administration, 1964. Includes projections for bringing more industry into Western North Carolina. B4450 Blair, Everetta Love "Jesse Stuart and His Work: A Critical Study." Master's thesis. Univ. of South Carolina, 1954. A critical study of Appalachia's best-known author. B4460 (ASU BC) Jesse Stuart: His Life and Works. 1st. ed. Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1967. B4470 (ASU BC) Blair, Reuben M. "Development of Education in Polk County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1941. B4480 Blair, Walter Davy Crockett, Frontier Hero; the Truth as He Told It, the Legend as Friends Built It. New York: Coward-McCann, 1955. A defense of Crockett the man versus the legend he left. B4490 Native American Humor (1800-1900). New York: American Book Co., 1937. Includes work of three mountain humorists. B4500 (MHC BC) Blake, Alma Carwile Of Life and Love and Things. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. Poems from the West Virginia hills. B4510 (ASU BC) Blake, Thaddeus C. The Old Log House, a History and Defense of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. Nashville Tenn.: Cumberland Presbyterian Pub. House, 1897. B4520 (ASU) Blakely, Edward James "Toward a Theory of Training People for the War on Poverty — A Qualitative Comparative Study of Three Antipoverty Training Centers." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of California, Los Angeles, 1971. One of these centers deals with Appalachian poverty. B4530 Blakely, Hunter B. Religion in Shoes. Birmingham, Ala.: Birmingham Pub. Co., 1967. Biography of J. A. Bryan, Birmingham minister. B4540 (BC) Blakemore, John A. Known Descendants of Edward Blakemore, Junior, of Lancaster Co. Virginia. n.p.: n.p., 1963. B4550 Blakeslee, E. B. Brooks, Fred Ernest Studies of the Codling Moth in the Central Appalachian Region. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Entomology, 1915. B6920 Blalock, Mary R. Crum "A Survey of the Elementary School Libraries in Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. B4560 (ETSU) Bland County Centennial Corporation History of Bland County (Virginia). Radford, Va.: Commonwealth Press, 1961. Promotional material and a history prepared for the county's centennial. B4570 (ASU BC) Bland, Edward The Discovery of New Brittaine. Reprint of the London 1651 ed. Ann Arbor: Univ. Microfilms, 1966. B4580 (ASU BC) Bland, Frances Moore Stray Leaves from the Hillside. Scottsdale, Pa.: Mennonite Pub. House, 1930. Poems and short stories. B4590 Bland, Marion F. "Superstitions about Food and Health among Negro Girls in Elementary and Secondary Schools in Marion County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1950. B4600 Blaney, Ralph Phillips, Samuel William Soil Survey of Belmont County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1931. P2620 24 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Phillips, Samuel William Soil Survey of Washington County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. P2670 Blankenship, Lela McDowell When Yesterday Was Today. Nashville: Tennessee Bk., 1966. A novel of guerrilla warfare in the Tennessee highlands during the Civil War. B4610 Burns, Amanda Fiddles in the Cumberlands. New York: Richard R. Smith, 1943. B9020 (ASU BC) Blanshard, Paul Labor in the Southern Cotton Mills. New York: New Republic, 1927. Many of these mills were located in the foothills in order to take advantage of cheap labor from the mountains. B4620 Blanton, Catherine Trouble on Old Smoky. Illustrated by Anne Merriman Peck. Whittlesey House Publications. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1951. The Smoky Mountains are the setting for this adventure story for young people. B4630 (ETSU) Blanton, Gladys Shomaker "A Comparative Analysis of Student Teaching Programs in the Elementary Schools at Appalachian State Teachers College." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1957. B4640 (ASU) Blanton, John 0. Pre-historic Man in Tennessee. The Problem Solved. A Centennial Booklet. Tracy City: Tracy City News, 1896. This is a period piece and is unreliable at best. B4650 Blanton, Wyndham Boiling Medicine in Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. Spartanburg, S. C.: Reprint Co. 1973, c!930. Includes a survey of home remedies and folk medicine. B4660 Blasingame, Ralph Upshaw Library Services in West Virginia, Present and Proposed. Assisted by Thornton J. Ridinger. Charleston, W. Va.: Library Commission, 1965. A survey of West Virginia's ambitious plan for public libraries. B4670 (ASU) Blassingame, Wyatt How Davy Crockett Got a Bearskin Coat. Champaign, III.: Garrard Pub. Co., 1972. Davey chases his bear in this story for youngsters. B4680 (ETSU) Bledsoe, Mary Shadows Slant North. Boston: Lothrop, Lee and Shepard Co., 1937. Avery, Ashe and Watauga Counties North Carolina are the setting for this story. A young girl who leaves college to cope with family emergencies, and becomes a businesswoman. B4690 (ASU) Bledsoe, Thomas Or We'll All Hang Separately: The Highlander Idea. Boston: Beacon Press, 1969. An account of the controversial Highlander Folk School at Monteagle and the Highlander Research and Education Center in Knoxville. B4700 (LMC WWC ETSU BC) Blee, C. E. Development of the Tennessee River Waterway. American Society of Civil Engineers. Centennial Transactions: n.p., 193. B4710 Bleeker, Sonia The Cherokee: Indians of the Mountains. Illustrated by Althea Karr. New York: William Morrow and Co., 1952. A sensitive account of the Cherokee and their mountain empire. B4720 (ASU BC WCU LMC) Blevins, R. L. Weisenberger, Billy C. Soil Survey, Bath County, Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1963. W2360 Blevins, Robert L. McDonald, Herman Patrick Reconnaissance Soil Survey, Fourteen Counties in Eastern Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Services, 1965. Ml 140 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Bliss, Russell L. "Teenage Dating Behavior in Two Eastern Kentucky High Schools." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1957. B4730 Blomquist, Hugo Leander The Grasses of North Carolina. Durham/ N. C: Duke Univ. Press, 1948. B4740 (ASU BC LMC WWC) Greene, Wilhelmina F. Flowers of the South, Native and Exotic. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1953. G3840 (ASU BC) Bloody Harlan: The Story of Four Miners Serving Life n.p.: n.p., 1937. They dared to organize a union, strike and picket. Here are facts from the court record of the frame-up. B4750 (BC) Bloom, Benjamin S. Compensatory Education for Cultural Deprivation. New York: Holt, 1965. Deals, in part, with Appalachia. B4760 The Blotter Brasstown, N. C.: John C. Campbell Folk School, 19--. Monthly. House organ for the John C. Campbell Folk School. B4770 (BC) Btounf, Mrs. Godfrey The Story of a Homespun Web. London: J. M. Dent, n.d. A guide to weaving and hand spinning with instructions. B4780 (BC) The Blount Mansion Association The Blount Mansion, Built 1792. Knoxville: Knoxville Engr., 1930. B4790 Blue Ridge Parkway Association The Blue Ridge Parkway: Accommodations and Services. 23d ed. n.p.: The association, 1971-72. Promotional material and information for tourists. B4800 (ETSU) Blue Ridge Parkway News vol. 1-, 193-. Roanoke, Va.: Office of the Blue Ridge Parkway, National Park Service, 193-. B4810 Blue Ridge School for Boys Hendersonville, N. C.: The school, 1936. A catalog for the 1937-38 academic year and a history of the school. B4820 Bluegrass Unlimited vol. 1- 1966-. Burke, Va.: Bluegrass Unlimited, monthly. The country music journal. Unfortunately bluegrass is becoming more popular than traditional folk music in the mountains. B4830 (ETSU) Bluestein, Gene The Voice of the Folk: Folklore and American Literary Theory. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1972. B4840 (FC) Blume, George T. Highlights of Vocational and Educational Goals of Rural Youth in Virginia. Circular No. 1030. Blacksburg: Cooperative Extension Service, Virginia Polytechnic institute, November, 1966. Blacksburg area youth were used for this study. B4850 Blumenthal, Walter Hart American Indians Dispossessed: Fraud in Land Cessions Forced Upon the Tribes. Philadelphia: George S. MacManus Co., 1955. Includes accounts of land cessions in Appalachia. B4860 (ASU) Blythe, LeGette Aiexandriana. Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Sons, 1940. A novel of North Carolina in the Revolution. B4870 (ASU BC WCU LMC) Gift from the Hills. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1971. The story of Lucy Morgan and her unique Penland Crafts School. B4880 (ASU LMC) James W. Davis, North Carolina Surgeon. Foreword by Johnson J. Hayes. Charlotte, N. C.: William Loftin Pub., 1956. Mountain born doctor beloved by generations of Carolinian's. B4890 (ASU BC MHC) Mountain Doctor. Photographs by Bruce Roberts. New York: William Morrow and Co., 1964. B4900 (ASU BC WCU LMC MHC WWC) AUTHOR Morgan, Lucy Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Unique Penland School. Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1971. M7630 Sloop, Mary T. Martin Miracle in the Hills. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1953. S4230 (ASU WCU LMC WWC BC) Blythe, William LeGette see Blythe, LeGette Babbitt, James Ritey "Educational Values of the Berea College Labor Program." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1961. B4910 (ASU) The Impact of Berea College on Student Characteristics. Berea, Ky.: Berea College Press, 1969. B4920 (BC) Boccardy, Joseph A. Effects of Surface Mining on Fish and Wildlife in Appalachia, Special Report. U. S. Sport Fisheries and Wildlife Bureau Resource Publications, 65. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. Bodamer, Richard Sebor, Miles The Economic Geography of Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee State Planning Commission, 1965. SI 600 Boddie, John Bennett Colonial Surry. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. A good genealogical source for families who settled Western North Carolina and Eastern Kentucky. B4940 (ASU BC) Historical Southern Families. 1957. Reprint. VOLS. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. B4950 (ASU) Southside Virginia Families. 1955. Reprint. 2 vols. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. B4960 (ASU) Boehm, Robert Blair "The Civil War in Western Virginia: The Decisive Campaigns of 1861." Ph. D. Diss. Ohio State University, 1957. B4970 Boesman, William C. Gates, Gary R. A Kentucky Riverlands Development Program. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1965. G570 Boette, Marie comp. Singa Hipsy Doodle, and Other Folk Songs of West Virginia. Music notes drawn by John Laflin. Illustrated by Marcia Ogilore. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. B4980 (ASU ETSU BC) Bogart, Eva Kate "A Program for Developing Mental and Emotional Health in Third-grade Children at Love Street School, Erwin, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1951. B4990 (ETSU) Bogart, William Henry The Border Boy. Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1884. The Border Boy and how he became the great pioneer of the West: a life of Daniel Boone. B4991 The Border Boy and How He Became the Great Pioneer of the West; a Life of Daniel Boone. Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1884. Appears to be merely a different edition of the author's Daniel Boone and the Hunters of Kentucky. B5000 (BC) Daniel Boone, and the Hunters of Kentucky. New York: Miller, Orton and Mulligan, 1856. B5010 (ASU) Daniel Boone, and the Hunters of Kentucky. Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1873. B5020 (LMC) Daniel Boone, and the Hunters of Kentucky. New York: C. M. Saxton, 1876. B5030 (ETSU) Boger, Lorise C. The Southern Mountaineer in Literature, an Annotated Bibliography. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1964. The book is very nicely annotated, but there are some startling omissions. B5040 (ETSU ASU LMC BC FC UNCA) Boggs, Elsie Byrd The Hammers and Allied Families. Harrisonburg, Va.: J. K. Ruebush Co., 1950. Area: Pendleton Co., W. Va. Families: Byrd, Cunningham, Harper, Hinkle, Kile, Meadows, Puddles and Caplingers. B5050 (BC) 25 BLISS—BOLTON A History of Franklin, the County Seat of Pendleton County, West Virginia. Staunton, Va.: McClure Print. Co., 1960. B5060 (BC) Boggs, Martha Frye Jack Crews. New York: G. W. Dillingham, 1899. An ailing railroad man marries a mountain girl and finds himself an outcast, whose life is endangered, in his western North Carolina mountain home. B5070 Boggs, Rebecca L The Bleeding Hills of West Virginia. New York: Exposition Press, 1965. A novel of economic colonialism in Appaiachia that is almost too realistic to be fiction. Oil, gas, and coal industries are exposed as exploiters of the poor. B5080 (BC ASU) Bogie, Donald Wayne Sociocultural Differences Among Three Areas in Kentucky, as Determinants of Educational and Occupational Aspirants and Expectations of Rural Youth. Master's thesis. University of Kentucky, 1971. Eastern Kentucky counties compared to central and western counties. B5090 (BC) Bogue, Donald J. Beale, Calvin L. Recent Population Trends in the United States with Emphasis on Rural Areas. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Farm Population Branch, 1963. B2250 Economic Subregions of the United States. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. Includes a study of Appalachia. B5100 Bohland, James I. "Geographic Analysis of Single Dwelling Settlement in Northeast Georgia." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Georgia, 1970. B5110 (LMC BC ASU) Bokum, Hermann The Testimony of a Refugee from East Tennessee. Philadelphia: n.p., 1863. The unionists of East Tennessee comprised a very effective guerilla unit and were constantly involved in skirmishes with Confederate Troops. B5120 (ASU) Boles, John B. The Great Revival, 1787-1805: The Origins of the Southern Evangelical Mind. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1962. An account of the meeting at Cane Ridge and the extraordinary effect it had on the Southern frontier. B5130 (ASU BC) Bellinger, G. A. The Earthquake History of Virginia, 1900-1970. Blacksburg, Va.: Dept. of Geological Sciences, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1972. B5140 Hooper, Margaret G. The Earthquake History of Virginia, 1774 to 1900. Blacksburg: Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State Univ., 1971. H7140 Bolster, Roy Hale Leighton, Marshall Ora The Relation of the Southern Appalachian Mountains to the Development of Water Power. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1908. LI 660 (ASU BC) Bolte, Mary Dark and Bloodied Ground. Photographs by Mary Eastman. Riverside, Conn.: Chatham Press, 1973. A Kentucky history which deals tangentially with Appalachian Kentucky. B5150 (ASU) Bolton, Charles Knowles Scotch Irish Pioneers in Ulster and America. With maps and illustrations by Ethel Stanwood Bolton. . Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. The Appalachians were heavily populated by the Scotch-Irish. B5170 (ASU) Bolton, Charles Knowles comp. Marriage Notices, 1785-1794, for the Whole United States, Copied from the Massachusetts Centinel and the Columbian Centinel. 1900. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. B5160 (ASU) �BOLTON-BOSWORTH Bolton, Ethel Stanwood comp. Immigrants to New England, 1700-1775. 1931. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. An aid in tracing the many Appalachian families who went from New England ports to Pennsylvania and thence southward along the frontier. B5180 (ASU) Bolton, Henry Carrington The Counting-Out Rhymes of Children: Their Antiquity, Origin, and Wide Distribution, A Study in Folk-lore. 1888. Reprint. Detroit: Singing Tree Press, 1969. Just two generations ago these games and rhymes were common in Appalachia. B5190 (ASU) Bolton, Ivy Mae Tennessee Outpost. New York: Longmans, Green and Company, 1939. Historical tale for boys and girls about Tennessee when it was claimed by the Spanish. The hero is a sixteen-year-old boy, but a brave girl also has an important part. B5200 Bolton, Jeanette Bolton, Stanley Black Blood in Kentucky. New York: Vantage Press, 1957. B5210 (BC) Bolton, Stanley Black Blood in Kentucky. New York: Vantage Press, 1957. A novel based upon the struggle of miners in southeastern Kentucky to unionize the million dollar coal fields. B5210 (BC) Bonar, Ross "The Status of the Secondary School Principal of West'Virginia During the Years 1935-36." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1937. B5220 Bond, Donovan H. A Half-Century of Nursing in West Virginia: The History of the West Virginia State Nurses' Association 1907-1957. Charleston, W. Va: Jarrett Print. Co., 1957. B5230 (ASU) Bond, Octavia Louise Zollicoffer The Family Chronicle and Kinship Book of Maclin, Clack, Cocke, Carter, Taylor, Cross, Gordon and Other Related American Lineages. Nashville, Tenn.: McDaniel Print. Co., 1928. B5240 (ASU ETSU) Old Tales Retold: Or, Perils and Adventures of Tennessee Pioneers. Nashville, Tenn.: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1941. B5250 (ASU LMC BC) Bond, Sirus O. The Light of the Hills: A History of Salem College. Charleston, W. Va.: Educational Foundation, 1960. One of the more interesting institutional histories of West Virginia. B5260 Bondurant, J. H. Nicholls, W. D. Family Incomes and Land Utilization in Knott County, Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1937. N900 Nicholls, W. D. Farm Management and Family Incomes in Eastern Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1946. N920 Bondurant, John H. Labor Supply and Farm Production on Eastern Kentucky Farms. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1945. The war drastically changed both the numbers and characteristics of farm workers. B5270 Bone, Winston Paine History of Cumberland University, 1842-1935. Lebanon, Tenn.: The author, 1935. B5280 (ASU) Boner, John Henry Whispering Pines. Winston-Salem, N. C: John F. Blair, Pub., 1954. Poems from the hills. B5290 (ASU) Bonham, Valeria Langeloth Utopia in the Hills. Story of Valeria Home. New York: R. M. McBride, 1948. Lest anyone feel that only the Southern Appalachias got the benefit of mission efforts here is a tale of a New York home. B5300 AUTHOR Bonner, James Calvin Georgia's Last Frontier: The Development of Carroll County. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1971. About one-third of Carroll County is in the Appalachian Region. B5310 (ASU LMC BC) Bonner, John Wyatt Bibliography of Georgia Authors, 1949-1965. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1966. A useful tool for finding Georgia's Appalachian authors. B5320 (BCASU) Bonner, Sherwood see McDowell, (Catherine Sherwood Bonner Bonser, Howard Jacob Better Farming Practices through Rural Community Organization. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1958. A study of rural community improvement clubs in East Tennessee and their impact on farming methods. B5330 Better Homemaking Practices through Rural Community Organization. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1958. A study of rural community organizations in East Tennessee. B5340 Electricity on Farms and in Rural Homes in the East Tennessee Valley. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1951. B5350 Local Leadership in Rural Communities of Cumberland County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, Monograph 144, 1958. B5360 Neighborhoods and Communities of Cumberland County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Tennessee, 1941. B5370 Selective Participation of Farmers and Their Wives in Rural Organization. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1957. A study of farm family participation in four East Tennessee counties. B5380 Boogher, William Fletcher Gleanings of Virginia History. Washington, D. C.: n.p., 1903. This rather informal history contains much information on the western part of the state. B5390 Booker, Jim Trail to Oklahoma. Illustrated by William Moyers. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1959. A novel of the Cherokee Removal. B5400 (ASU) Boone, James W. "The Econometric Forecasting of National Rail Car Requirements for Bituminous Coal." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1970. B5410 Boone, Larry M. Changes in Tennessee Agriculture by Counties, 1954-64. Knoxville: Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin 435, 1967. Explores changes in crops, farming methods, and population. B5420 Boone, North Carolina Code. Charlottesville, Va.: Mitchie City Publications Co., 1972. B5430 (ASU) Boone, North Carolina, Planning Board Land Development Plan. Boone, North Carolina: Boone, North Carolina, 1964. B5440 (BC ASU) Land Development Plan. Boone: The board, 1964. B5450 Boone Trial Herald vol. 1, 1925-. Winston-Salem, N. C.: Boone Trial Herald, 1925-, bi-monthly. Commemorates Daniel Boone Trial. B5460 (BC) Boone, Weldon Wesley A History of Botany in West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1965. A thorough and nicely-annotated study. B5470 (ASU, ETSU WCU BC) Booth, Doris Neal "Guidelines for the Cooperating Teachers in Bristol, Virginia, High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. B5480 (ETSU) 26 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Booton, John Heiskell Songs and Fantasies. Salem, Va., Sentinel Publishing Co., Roanoke College Annual Staff, 1900. B5490 Booz, Allen A Study of the Eastern Industrial Coal Market. Prepared for the Office of Coal Research, U. S. Department of the Interior. Washington: The author, 1967. B5500 Survey of Opportunities to Stimulate Coal Utilization. Submitted to the U. S. Department of Interior, Office of Coal Research. VOLS. Chicago: The company, 1962. B5510 Booz, Hamilton Booz, Allen A Study of the Eastern Industrial Coal Market. Washington: The author, 1967. B5500 Booz, Allen Survey of Opportunities to Stimulate Coal Utilization. Chicago: The company, 1962. B5510 Borger, Louise C. The Southern Mountaineer in Literature. Morgantown, West Virginia University Library, 1964. An excellent listing with brief annotations. B5520 Borland, Ralph J. The Legal Problems of the Appalachian Area in the Immediate Region of Western North Carolina. Cullowhee, N. C.: Western Carolina University, n.d. B5530 (LMC) Born, Kendall Eugene Summary of the Mineral Resources of Tennessee. Nashville: Department of Education, Division of Geology, 1936. B5540 (ETSU) Borrelli, Peter Austin, Richard C. The Strip Mining of America: An Analysis of Surface Coal Mining and the Environment. New York: Sierra Club, 1971. A5590 (ASU) Boschen, Albert O. Andrew Trayton: A Novel of Modern Life. Richmond, Va.: Clyde W. Sounders and Sons, 1928. A truly horrible novel of a smug young ministerial student come to save the pore mountaineer. The mountain family he encounters might well be guest stars on "The Beverly Hillbillies." B5550 (ASU) Bosher, Kate Lee Langley His Friend Miss McFairlane. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1919. A Novel. A young mountain lad unjustly confined in a reformatory is befriended by a society lady. B5560 (BC ASU) Bost, Danny Hart "An Investigation of Instructors' and Students' Philosophy of Education with Student Evaluations of Instructors at Blue Ridge Technical Institute During the First Year of Operation." Master's thesis. Appalachian State University, 1971. B5570 (ASU) Boswell, George W. ed. 1964 Cox, John Harrington comp. Traditional Ballads and Folk-songs Mainly from West Virginia, n.p.: American Folklore Society, 1964. C8180 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Bosworth, Albert S. A History of Randolph County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. Elkins?, W. Va.: n.p., 1916. B5580 (BC) Bosworth, J. Allen All the Dark Places. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1968. Fiction pertaining to the cave region in Kentucky. B5590 (BC ASU) Bosworth, Karl Andrew Tennessee Valley Country: Rural Government in the Hill Country of Alabama. Publications, 4. Univ.: Univ. of Alabama, Bureau of Public Administration, 1941. An experiment in community planning in northern Alabama. B5600 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Botkin, Benjamin Albert The American Play-party Song. University Studies of the University of Nebraska, vol. 38, nos. 1-4. 1937 Reprint. New York: Frederick Ungar, 1963. Play-parties were popular forms of entertainment in the mountains until the late twenties. B5610 (ASU) A Treasury of American Folklore: Stories, Ballads, and Traditions of the People. With a foreword by Carl Sandburg. New York: Crown Pub., 1944. Includes representative Appalachian selections. B5620 (ASU FC) Botkin, Benjamin Albert ed. A Treasury of Southern Folklore: Stories, Ballads, Traditions and Folkways. New York: Crown Pub., 1949. Includes representative Appalachian selections. B5630 (WWC BC FC ETSU WCU) Batt, Matthias W. "Some Aspects of the Coal Mining Industry in Monongalia County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. W. Va. Univ., 1949. B5640 Bouldin, Powhatan Home Reminiscences of John Randolph, of Roanoke. Danville, Va.: The author, Richmond, Va.: Clemmitt & Jones, 1878. B5650 (ASU) Bousman, Louise Tote Kentucky Coverlets. Louisville, Ky.: Commercial Lithograph Co., 1938. Illustrated book of coverlets; knotted, white on white, patchwork, woven and appliqued. B5660 (BC) Bowen, John W. Smith County History. Available at the Tennessee State Library and Archives. n.p.: n.p., n.d. Undistinguished account of Smith County's history. B5670 Bowen, Robert A. Tall in the Sight of God. Winston-Salem, N. C: John F. Blair, 1958. Autobiographical fiction about a Negro family from Wilkes Co., N. C. B5680 (ASU LMC BC) Bowen, Rosalie Areuri "The Development of a Prediction Equation for Geometry at Holston Valley High School, Bristol, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State Univ., 1968. B5690 (ETSU) Bowen, Zeddie Paul Brachipoda of the Keyset Limestone (Silurian-Devonian) of Maryland and Adjacent Areas. New York: Geological Society of America, 1967. B5700 (ETSU) Bowerman, Charles E. Gulick, John Socio-cultural Adaptation of Newcomers to Cities in the Piedmont Industrial Crescent. Chapel Hill: Institute for Research in Social Science, Univ. of North Carolina, 1961. 64850 Bowers, J. H., Jr. Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey, Catoosa County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. T400 Bowles, Edgar Oliver McMurray, Lynn L. The Talc Deposits of Talledega County, Alabama. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1941. M2320 (BC ETSU) Bowles, ENa Shannon Homespun Handicrafts. Philadelphia: Lippincott Co., 1931. Illustrated, with descriptions and instructions. B5710 (BC) Bowles, Gladys K. Bernert, Eleanor H. Farm Migration, 1940-1945: An Annotated Bibliography. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture Library, 1947. B3180 Farm Population: Net Migration from the Rural Farm Population, 1940-1950. (Statistical Bulletin No. 176.) Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, June 1956. Statistics from this period reflect the great wartime exodus from Appalachia. B5720 AUTHOR Net Migration of the Population, 1950-1960 by Age, Sex and Color. Washington: Economic Research Service, U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1965. Excellent source in an area in which too little research has been done. B5730 Bowles, Isaac A. History of Letcher Co., Ky., its Political and Economic Growth and Development. Lexington, Ky.: Hurst Print. Co., 1949. Advertising, stories, history and illustrations. B5740 Bowlick, C. A. "A Study of the Cranberry Ore Belt." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1955. B5750 (ASU) Bowman, Blanche SappenfieM "Study of a Dialect Employed by the People of the Kentucky Mountains and Presented through a Group of Original Short Stories." Master's thesis. Kansas State College of Agriculture and Applied Science, 1940. The dialect is rather poorly presented, but the stories are interesting. B5760 (ASU) Bowman, Elizabeth Skaggs Land of High Horizons. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Pub., 1938. A panegyric for the Great Smokies. B5770 (ASU WCU LMC BC ETSU) Bowman, Mary Jean Communication and Mountain Development: A Summary Report Two East Kentucky Studies. Washington: U. S. Department of Commerce, Economic Development Administration, 1969. B5780 Resources and People in East Kentucky: Problems and Potentials of a Lagging Economy. Baltimore: Published for Resources for the Future by John Hopkins Press, 1963. B5790 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Plunkett, H. Dudley Elites and Change in the Kentucky Mountains. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1973. P3260 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Bowman, Mary Keller Reference Book of Wyoming County History. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1965. Another good county history from West Virginia. B5800 (ASU BC LMC) Bowman, Mary L. comp. A Bibliography of Kentucky Archaeology. Louisville, Ky.: Archaeological Association, 1933. B5810 Bowman, Owen "A Study of a Small School in the Mountains of Virginia." Master's thesis. Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1953. B5820 Bowron, William M. Hand-Book to the Sequatchie Valley. Nashville: Foster & Webb, 1888. A marvelous period piece; a travel guide to a then little-known valley rich in mineral resources, archeological sites, and folkways. B5830 Boyce, Everett Robert ed. Hooper, Ben W. The Unwanted Boy: The Autobiography of Governor Ben W. Hooper. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1963. H7040 (ASU BC) Boyd, Charles Rufus Resources of South-west Virginia, Showing the Mineral Deposits of Iron, Coal, Zinc, Copper and Lead. Also, the Staples of the Various Counties, Methods of Transportation Access, etc. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1881. B5840 (ASU BC) Southwest Virginia and Contiguous Territory: Mineral Resources and Railway Facilities, Statistics, Information, Markets for Coke, Fuel, Ores, etc. Wytheville, Va.: n.p., 1891. B5850 (BC) Boyd, Cleo Y. Detroit's Southern Whites and the Store Front Church. Detroit: Council of Churches, 1958. Account of down home religion in far-off Detroit. B5860 Boyd, James Drums. New York: Scribner's, 1925. A novel of a young boy in wartime with an Appalachian setting. B5870 (MHC) Drums. New York: Scribner's, 1928. B5880 (LMC ETSU) 27 BOTKIN—BOYKIN Long Hunt. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1930. A novel of young men on a long hunt with an Appalachian setting. B5890 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) Marching On. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1927. This is a story of the South during the Civil War. The hero is in the confederate army, and the action ranges into the Blue Ridge Mountains. B5900 (ASU BC ETSU WWC) Boyd, L. The Irvines and Their Kin. Chicago: R. R. Donnelly & Sons Co., 1908. B5920 Boyd, Lorenz Follow the Butterfly Stream. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1971. A children's book about butterflies in the mountains on a spring day. B5910 (ASU) Boyd, Robert Personal Memoirs. Cincinnati: Methodist Book Concern, 1862. An autobiography of an itinerant Methodist minister in the mountains of Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Kentucky. B5930 (BC) Boyd, Thomas Alexander Simon Girty, the White Savage. New York: Minton, Batch & Co., 1928. A biography of West Virginia's frontier hero. There is scant mention of his turncoat period during the Revolution. B5940 (ASU) Boyd, Virlyn A. "Household and Family Composition in Selected Rural Areas of Eleven Kentucky Counties." Master's thesis. Univ. of Ky., 1948. Eight of the selected counties are Appalachian. B5950 Boyden, Lucile Kirby The Village of Five Lives: The Fontana of the Great Smoky Mountains. Fontana Dam, N. C.: Govt. Services, 1964. An interesting account of the growth of one of the area's best known resorts. B5960 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Beyer, Frederick F. Pratt, Joseph Hyde Western North Carolina Facts, Figures, Photographs. Asheville, N. C.: Inland Press, 1925. P4210 (LMC WCU) Beyer, Marie L. Early Days: All Souls' Church and Biltmore Village, n.p.: Biltmore, 1933. A history of the church in the village that grew up at the gates of an American Castle, the Biltmore Estate. B5970 Boyer, Reba Bayless A History of Mars Hill Presbyterian Church, Athens, Tenn. 1823-1973. Athens: The church, 1973. Compiled from session minute books, church rolls, etc.; includes history, short biographical sketches of all ministers and an annotated list of over 2,000 members. B5980 (ASU) Marriage Records of McMinn County, Tennessee, 1820-1870. Athens, Tenn.: The author, 1964. B5990 (ASU BC) Monroe County Records, 1820-1870. 2 vols. Athens: The author, 1969, 1970. Population Schedule of U. S. Census of 1850 for McMinn County, Tennessee. Athens, Tenn.: The author, 1970. B6020 (ASU) Boyer, Reba Bayless comp. Wills and Estate Records of McMinn County, Tennessee, 1820-1870. Athens, Tenn.: The author, 1966. B6030 (ASU BC) Boyer, Reba Bayless ed. Monroe County, Tennessee: Records, 1820-1870. n.p.: The author, 1969. B6010 (ASU BC) Boyer, Richard Owen Labor's Untold Story. 1st ed. New York: Cameron Associates, 1955. B6040 (ASU) Boyer, Walter E. Songs along the Mahantongo: Pennsylvania Dutch Folk-songs. Hatboro, Pa.: Folklore Associates, 1964. B6050 (ASU) Boykin, Elizabeth Jones The Call of the Mountains. Philadelphia: Dorrance & Co., 1928. A young widow in the Tenn. mountains faces a plethora of legal, financial and personal problems. Justice triumphs. B6060 (BC) �BOYNTON—BREEDING Boynton, Henry Van Chattanooga and Chickamauga, Reprint of Gen. H. V. Boynton's Letters to the Cincinnati Commercial Gazette, August, 1888. Washington: Gray & Clarkson, Printers, 1888. B6070 (ASU BC) The National Military Park, Chickamauga-Chattanooga. An Historical Guide. Rosters of both armies at Chickamauga, pp. 60-87, and at Chattanooga, pp. 140-166. Cincinnati: Clarke, 1895. B6090 The National Military Park, Chickamauga-Chattanooga: An Historical Guide, with Maps and Illustrations. Cincinnati, Ohio: Robert Clarke Co., 1895. B6100 (ASU BC) Boynton, Henry Van comp. Dedication of the Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park, September 18-20, 1895. Report of the Joint Committee to Represent the Congress at the Dedication of the ... comp. Washington, D. G Govt. Print. Off., 1896. B6080 (ASU) Boiie, Donald Wayne "Sociocultural Differences among Three Areas in Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Ky., 1971. One of the areas is Eastern Kentucky. B6110 Brabson, Fay Warrington Andrew Johnson: A Life in Pursuit of the Right Course, 1808-1875. The Seventeenth President of the United States. Durham, N. C: Seeman Printery, 1972. East Tennessee's only president is the subject. B6120 (ASU) Brackeen, Leonard Geoffrey Soil Survey, Colbert County, Alabama. U. S. Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, Soil Survey Report Series 1933, no. 22. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1939. B6130 Brackeen, Leonard Geoffrey and others Soil Survey, Elmore County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with the Alabama Department of Agriculture and Industries. Soil Survey, Series 1939, no. 26. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1955. B6140 Bradford, R. H. Rural Underemployment and Land Use in a Marginal Agricultural Area of West Virginia. Morgan town: W. Va. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1943. B6150 Bradford, Roark The Three-Headed Angel. 1st ed. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1937. Newlyweds and a feud form the background for this story with a Tennessee ridge setting. B6160 (ASU BC) Bradley, Arthur Granville Sketches from Old Virginia. New York: Macmillan, 1897. The two chapters entitled, "The Poor Whites of the Mountains," and "Two Episodes on Rumbling Creek," deal with Virginia's mountain counties in a very cavalier fashion. B6170 (BC) Bradley, Frances Sage Rural Children in Selected Counties of North Carolina. 1918 Reprint. Rural Child Welfare Series, no. 2. New York: Negro Univ. Press, 1969. Includes mountain county surveys. B6180 (ASU BC LMC) Bradley, Frank H. Geological Report: Coal Creek Mining and Manufacturing Company of Tennessee. New York: David H. Gildersleeve, 1872. B6190 Bradley, William Aspenwall Old Christmas, and Other Kentucky Tales in Verse. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1917. Kentucky mountain poems. B6200 (BC) Singing Carr and Other Song-ballads of the Cumberlands. New York: A. A. Knopf, 1918. B6210 (ASU BC) AUTHOR Bradshaw, Grace Beatrice "Some Phases of the Social and Economic History of Washington County, Tennessee, 1865-1917." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1942. B6220 "Some Phases of the Social and Economic History of Washington County, Tennessee, 1865-1917." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1942. B6230 (ETSU) Brady, Cyrus Townsend Border Fights and Fighters. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1913. Contains excellent material on John Sevier, Daniel Boone, the Watauga settlements and the Battle of King's Mountain. B6240 (BC) Braley, Silas Alonzo Special Report on an Evaluation of Mine Scaling. Pittsburg: Mellon Institute, 1962. B6250 (ASU) Bramer, Henry Conrad "The Economic Aspects of the Water Pollution Abatement Program in the Ohio River Valley." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1960. B6260 Bramlett, Gene A. Economic Development in the Ohio River Valley Region. Prepared for the Kentucky Department of Commerce. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1964. B6280 Bramlett, Gene A. and others Development Opportunities in Kentucky: Final Report. Prepared for the Kentucky Department of Commerce. 3 vols. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1965. B6270 Bramlett, Glenn L. Soil Survey, Gordon County, Georgia. Soils surveyed by Glenn L. Bramlett and Howard T. Stoner. Soil Survey, Series 1962, no. 9. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, B6290 Branch, Carrick B. "A Study of the Trends and Guidelines of Inservice Education Programs in the Carter County Public School System, Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. B6300 (ETSU) Brand, Oscar The Ballad Mongers: Rise of the Modern Folk Song. New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1962. B6310 (BC) Brandenberg, David Kentucky Harvest. With introduction by Si Cornell. Cincinnati, Ohio: Kentucky Writers Guild, Harvest Press, 1967. Vignettes taken from antique currency. B6320 (BC LMC) Kentucky's Covered Bridges. Cincinnati: Harvest Press, 1968. Pictorial guide to Kentucky's remaining covered bridges. Descriptions. Directions. B6330 Brandenberg, Phyllis Brandenberg, David Kentucky's Covered Bridges. Cincinnati: Harvest Press, 1968. B6330 Brandenberg, Phyllis ed. Brandenberg, David Kentucky Harvest. Cincinnati, Ohio: Kentucky Writers Guild, Harvest Press, 1967. B6320 (BC LMC) Branham, Levi My Life and Travels. Xerox of original. Dalton, Ga.: A. J. Showalter Co., 1929. Autobiography of a former slave and later school teacher from Murray County, Georgia. A rare account giving insight into " the period during and after the Civil War with commentary on the Ku Klux Klan in Georgia. B6340 (ASU) Branscome, James Annihilating the Hillbilly. The Appalachians' Struggle with America's Institutions. Huntington: Appalachian Movement Press, n.d. Beautifully articulated article of the struggle to keep the mountaineer from being inundated by our technological society and America's middle class values. B6350 28 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Branson, Branley A. Fishes of the Red River Drainage, Eastern Kentucky. Lexington, Ky.: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1974. Reports the ichthyological findings of one survey in a long-term bio-ecological analysis of the Kentucky River drainage. B6360 Branson, Eugene C. Our Carolina Highlanders. Circular No. 2. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, Extension Bureau, 1916. Rather coy and cavalier treatment of mountain people. B6370 (ASU WCU) Branson, H. M. Annual Handbook of Knoxville, Tennessee, for the Year 1892. A Concise Statement of the Financial, Commercial and Manufacturing Interests of This City; Its Climate, and the Magnificent Scenery of Its Surroundings; Its Mineral, Marble and Timber Interests, as well as a Complete Memoranda of the Laws of Tennessee, and Other Matters of Interest to Homeseekers and Capitalists. Knoxville: Tribune, 1892. B6380 Brantley, William Henderson Battle of Horseshoe Bend in Tallapoosa County, Alabama, March 27, 1814. Birmington, Ala.: Southern Univ. Press, 1969. B6390 (BC) Brashear, Leon Back, Troy L. The Brashear Story: A Family History, Containing a Partial Account of a Family That Has Been in America for Well over Three Hundred Years, n.p.: The authors, 1963. B30 (BC) Brasington, Clayton Furman, Jr. Livestock Auction Markets in the Appalachian Area: Methods and Facilities. Prepared in cooperation with Agricultural Experiment Stations of Virginia and West Virginia. U. S. Department of Agriculture Marketing Research Report, 309. Washington: Agricultural Marketing Service, Marketing Research Division, 1959. B6400 Brasington, George Furman, Jr. "The McMinn County, Tennessee, Election of August 1, 1946." Master's thesis. Emory Univ., 1948. A pallid account of the Athens, Tennessee War. How could anyone write a dull thesis about a contested election, a gun battle between the entrenched political machine, its imported poll watchers, and the state police? He even fails to mention that the local radio station was strategically located smack in the middle of the shootout and broadcasting line bulletins of the "Athens War" to a startled nation. This one is enough to make you reflect on the circumspection of graduate theses. B6410 (ASU) Breariey, William H. Recollections of the East Tennessee Campaign, Battle of Campbell Station, 16th Nov., 1863: Siege of Knoxville, 17th Nov.-5th Dec., 1863. Detroit: Tribune, 1871. B6420 Breazeale, J. W. M. Life As It Is: Or, Matters and Things in General. 1842. Reprint. Nashville: Charles Elder, 1969. A Tennessee classic. B6430 (ASU BC ETSU) Breazeale, Norma J. "Association of Selected Socio-economic Characteristics with Net Migration from Three Kentucky Economic Areas, 1920-1950." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1958. One of the areas is Appalachia. B6440 Breckinridge, Mary Wide Neighborhoods: A Story of the Frontier Nursing Service. 1st ed. New York: Harper & Row, 1952. Kentucky's Frontier Nursing Service brought health care to the mountains despite incredible odds. Miss Breckinridge started this health care service herself. B6450 (ASU BC LMC MHC WCU WWC) Breeding, Clarence H. "Appraisal of Vocational Education in Agriculture in Claiborne County by Business and Professional Leaders." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. B6460 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Brennan, Ignatius Mountain State Gleanings. Boston: R. G. Badger, 1911. West Virginia verse. B6470 (BC) Brenni, Vito Joseph West Virginia Authors: A Bio-bibliography. Morgantown: West Virginia Library, 1957. A comprehensive listing which was revised in 1968 by Joyce Binder. B6480 West Virginia Authors: A Bibliography. Morgantown: West Virginia Library Assoc., 1968. A very useful guide to West Virginia authors. Revised edition. B6490 (BC) Brent, William Bonney Geology of the Clinchport Quadrangle, Virginia. Report of Investigations, no. 5. Charlottesville: Virginia Division of Mineral Resources, 1963. B6500 (ETSU) Brents, John A. The Patriots and Guerrillas of East Tennessee and Kentucky. The Suffering of the Patriots. Also the Experience of the Author as an Officer in the Union Army. Including Sketches of Noted Guerrillas and Distinguished Patriots. New York: The Author, 1863. B6510 Brewder, E. V. Wenger, Karl Frederick The Relation of Growth to Stand Density in Natural Loblolly Pine Stands. Asheville, N. C: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1958. W2820 (WCU) Brewer, Amanda Meade I Sing of Appalachia: Poems. Appalachia, Va.: Young Pubs., 1967. B6520 (ASU BC) Brewer, Earl D. C. Weather-ford, Willis Duke Life and Religion in Southern Appalachia, an Interpretation of Selected Data from the Southern Appalachian Studies. New York: Friendship Press, 1962. W1920 (ASU MHC WCU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) Brewer, Edward O. Soil Survey, Allegheny County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1973. B6530 Brewer, Mary T. Of Bolder Men (A History of Leslie County). Hyden, Ky.: Leslie County Press, 1970. B6540 (BC) Brewer, Robert Water Use by Appalachian Manufacturers, 1964. Prepared with the assistance of Joseph M. Conrad for Office of Appalachian Studies, Corps of Engineers, by Water Industries and Engineering Services Division. Washington: U. S. Department of Commerce, Business and Defense Services Administration, 1967. B6550 Brice, Douglas The Folk-carol of England. London: Jenkins, 1967. Many of these are still sung in Appalachia today. B6560 (BC) Brice, Marshall Moore Conquest of a Valley. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1965. An account of the Shenandoah Valley Campaign, May through August 1864, and the Battle of Piedmont. B6570 Daughter of the Stars. Verona, Va.: McClure Press, 1973. Novel about Jean McGreal, Augusta County and adjacent Shenandoah Valley setting. B6580 The Stonewall Brigade Band. Verona, Va.: McClure Print. Co., 1967. A history of the Confederate Army's Stonewall Brigade Band. B6590 (ASU BC) Bricked, John The Natural History of North Carolina. 1973. Reprint. Murfreesboro, Tenn.: Johnson Pub. Co., 1968. B6600 (ASU BC LMC) AUTHOR Bridge, Josiah Stratigraphy of the Mascot-Jefferson City Zinc District, Tennessee. Introduction by John Rodgers. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 277. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1956. B6610 Briggs, G. H., Jr. Hunt, C. B. Coal Deposits of Pike County, Kentucky. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1937. H8370 Briggs-Currer, Noel Virginia Settlers and English Adventurers: Abstracts of Wills, 1484-1798, and Legal Proceedings, Relating to Early Virginia Families. 3 vols. in 1. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1970. B6620 (ASU) Brigham, Albert Perry From Trail to Railway through the Appalachians. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1907. B6630 (ASU BC LMC) From Trail to Railway through the Appalachians. 1907. Reprint. Kennikat Series on Man and His Environment. Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1970. B6640 (ETSU MHC) Bright, Lois Wallace A Legend of Oconaluftee. Spindale, N. C.: Spindale Press, n.d. B6650 (ASU) Brimley, C. S. Pearson, Thomas Gilbert Birds of North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards, 1919. PI 380 (WWC) Brimley, H. H. Pearson, Thomas Gilbert Birds of North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards, 1919. PI 380 (WWC) Briscoe, Mary E. Archambo, Judith P. Rural Child Care Project, 1968-1969 Research Evaluation. Frankfort, Ky.: Kentucky Child Welfare Research Foundation, Inc., 1970. A4530 Briscoe, W. Russell Her Walls before Thee Stand: History of the Second Presbyterian Church, 1818-1968. Knoxville: n.p., 1969. B6660 Bristol, Barbara Rose "An Investigation of the Readability of Textbooks Used in the Intermediate Grades in the Elizabethton, Tennessee, School System." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. B6670 (ETSU) Bristol, Eng. Bristol and America, a Record of the First Settlers in the Colonies of North America, 1654-1685, Including the Names with Places of Origin of More than 10,000 Servants to Foreign Plantations Who Sailed from the Port of Bristol to Virginia, Maryland, and Other Parts of the Atlantic Coast, and Also to the West Indies from 1654 to 1685. This list is compiled and published from their records by special permission of the Corporation of the city of Bristol, England. With preface by N. Dermont Harding and historical intro. by William Dodgson Bowman. 1929, 1931. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. B6680 (ASU) Bristol Literary Arts Guild, Inc. Anthology '67. Vol. I, No. 1. Bristol, Virginia-Tennessee: Bristol Literary Arts Guild, Inc., 1967. This anthology is a collection of poetry, essays, short stories, articles, children's poems, and stories written by area authors. B6690 Bristol, Tennessee. Public Schools Course of Study for Elementary Schools, Bristol, Tennessee, Grades 1-6. Prepared by the teachers. Bristol: n.p., 1950. B6700 New Course of Study; A Teachers Guide for the Elementary Schools of Bristol, Tennessee. . . Published by Bristol Tennessee Board of Education for Bristol Tennessee Public Schools, 1954. B6710 (ETSU) Broadfoot, Thomas North Carolina Fiction, 1958-1971: An Annotated Bibliography. Wendell, N. C.: Broadfoot's Bookmark, 1972. B6720 (ASU) 29 BRENNAN—BROOKS Broadhead, Mrs. Eva Wilder McGlasson An Earthy Paragon. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1892. Novel. A city girl finds happiness and a husband in the mountains of Kentucky. B6730 (ASU) Bound in Shallows. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1897. A story of city folk in a Kentucky mountain lumbering company. B6740 Broadhurst, Samuel Davis An Introduction to the Topography, Geology, and Mineral Resources of North Carolina. Educational Series, 2. 1962. Reprint. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation & Development, Division of Mineral Resources, 1965. B6750 (ETSU) Brock, George G. Soil Survey, Banks and Stevens Counties, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the University of Georgia, College of Agriculture, Agricultural Experiment Station. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1971. B6760 Brock, Robert Alonzo Documents, Chiefly Unpublished, Relating to the Huguenot Emigration to Virginia and to the Settlement at Manakintown, with an Appendix of Genealogies, Presenting Data of the Fontaine, Maury, Dupuy, Trabue, Marys, Chastain, Cooke, and Other Families. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. B6770 (ASU) Brock, Samuel M. The Myles Job Mine — A Study of Benefits and Costs of Surface Mining for Coal in Northern West Virginia. Research Series 1. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Appalachian Center, Office of Research and Development, 1968. B6780 Brockman, Charles Raven Adams, Caruthers, Clancy, Neely and Townsend Descendants Composing the Adams, Legerton, Wakefield, Brockmann and Other Twentieth Century Families of the Carolinas. Charlotte, N. C.: n.p., 1950. B6790 (BC) Brodin, Pierre Thomas Wolfe Translation by Imogene Riddick. Preface by Richard Walser. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1949. B6800 (ASU WCU) Broehl, Wayne G., Jr. The Molly Maguires. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1964. Account of a terrorist organization in the coal fields in the 1860's and 1870's. Much of the information in this volume came from recently opened Pinkerton Agency and Reaching Railroad files. B6810 (ASU WCU) Bromine, Traugott Reisen durch die Vereinigten Staaten und Ober-Canada. 3 vols. Baltimore: C. Scheld & Co., 1834-1835. Bromme visited Knoxville and Rogersville in Tennessee; Abingdon, Staunton, Harrisonburg, and Winchester in Virginia. His travels were undertaken to study the possibilities for German immigrants; he preferred the Deep South over Appalachia for German colonization. B6820 Bronson, Bertrand Harris The Traditional Tunes of the Child Ballads. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1959. Child remains the best source for ballads and variants from England and Scotland. B6830 (ASU BC) Brookes, Stanley C. "An Investigation of the Administrative Duties and Responsibilities of Selected Assistant Principals in Upper East Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. B6840 (ETSU) Brookhart, Mary Bishop A Brief History of the First Congregational Church, Crossville, Tennessee, 1887-1962. Crossville: Chronicle, Pub., 1962. B6850 Brooks, Alonzo Beecher Forestry and Wood Industries. West Virginia Geological Survey Reports, vol. 5. Morgantown: Acme Pub. Co., 1910. B6860 (ETSU) �BROOKS—BROWN West Virginia Trees. West Virginia University College of Agriculture, Agricultural Experiment Station, bulletin 175. 1920. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. B6870 (ASU WCU) Brooks, Bert K. The Bedroom of the Poor. New York, N. Y.: Carlton Press, Inc., 1973. Includes section on Appalachian poverty. Brooks, Cora Davis History of Morristown, 1787-1936. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1940. B6890 Brooks, Earle Amos A Descriptive Bibliography of West Virginia Ornithology. Newton Highlands, Mass.: n.p., 1938. B6900 (BC) List of the Birds Found in West Virginia. Newton Highlands, Mass.: The author, 1938. B6910 Brooks, Fred Ernest Studies of the Codling Moth in the Central Appalachian Region. Bulletin, 189. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Entomology, 1915. B6920 Brooks, Joe F. Blueberries, Production Guide for North Carolina. Extension Circular 474. Reprint. Raleigh, N. O: Agricultural Extension Service, 1968. Western N. C. has a growing blueberry industry. B6930 (LMC) Brooks, Joe F. and others Soil Survey, Carroll and Haralson Counties, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Univ. of Georgia, College of Agriculture, Agricultural Experiment Station. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1971. Only portions of these two counties are mountains. B6940 Brooks, John R. Report of a Board of Army Officers upon the Claim of Maj. Gen. William Farrar Smith, U. S. V., That He, and Not General Rosecrans, Originated the Plan for the Relief of Chattanooga in October, 1863. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1901. B6950 (ASU) Brooks, Maurice Graham The Appalachians. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1965. First volume of a series designed to interest North Americans in wild-life, plants and geology of their continent. Explains in a very readable way the natural history of the entire Appalachian range, with some emphasis on West Virginia. B6960 (ASU WCU LMC MHC FC WWC ETSU BC FC UNCA) The Life of the Mountains. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967. Contains much information about the national parks, forests, and reserves and about the ecological balance of the mountains. B6970 (BC) Brooks, Michael P. The Dimensions of Poverty in North Carolina. Durham, N. C.: n.p., 1964. Some sections are devoted to poverty in North Carolina's 28 mountain counties. B6980 Broom, Leonard Speck, Frank Gouldsmith Cherokee Dance and Drama. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1951. S6090 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Brosg'e, William Miller, Ralph L. Geology and Oil Resources of the Jonesville District, Lee County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1954. M5960 Browder, John Caldwell Nisi Prius. New York: Neale Pub. Co., 1912. A Kentucky lawyer's remeniscenses of his years at the bar. Many Appalachian references. B6990 (ASU BC) Browder, Nathaniel C. The Cherokee Indians and Those Who Came After, Notes for a History of Cherokee County, North Carolina, 1835-1860. Hayesville, N. C.: Draft Copy, 1973. B7000 (ASU) AUTHOR Brown, Arthur Aladine Lumbering on the Cumberland: A Romance Taken from Life. Cincinnati: Lumber Worker, 1887. A dramatic account of lumbering in the mountains of Tenn. and Ky. The lumberjacks lived a dangerous, adventurous life with its own code and, to some extent, its own language. B7010 (BC) Brown, Barbara "Needs and Interests in Family Relationships of a Selected Group of West Virginia Eighth and Ninth Grade Pupils, 1948-1949." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1949. B7020 Brown, Beverly Holladay The Mystery of the Wizard Clip. Richmond: Catholic Historical Society, 1949. This W. Va. town is so named because of a recorded case of wizardry in its early days. A priest exorcised the wizard, but the story lived on. B7030 (ASU) Brown, Cecil Kenneth Old Roads in Kentucky. Harrodsburg, Ky.: Daniel M. Hutton, 1929. Includes: Wilderness Rd., Indian War tracts, buffalo trails, early road descriptions and customs. B7040 (ASU BC) Brown, Charles Edward "The Nolachucky Baptist Association of East Tennessee, 1828-1871." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. The Nolachucky Association is one of the oldest in the state. B7050 (ETSU) Brown, Dalton Mitford "An Educational and Economic Survey of Bledsoe County, Tennessee." Thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1926. B7060 Educational, Economic and Community Survey, Bledsoe County. Knoxville: School of Education, Univ. of Tennessee, 1927. B7070 Brown, David Buttrick, Daniel S. TSVLVKI SQCLVLV: A Cherokee Spelling Book. Knoxville: Heiskell and Brown, 1819. B9450 Brown, Dee Alexander Thee Bold Cavaliers. Morgan's 2nd Kentucky Cavalry Raiders. Philadelphia, Pa.: Lippincott, 1959. Morgan's men made four major forays into the mountain region. B7080 Brown, Douglas MacArthur "Productive Capacity and Economic Growth in West Virginia." Ph. D. Diss. West Virginia Univ., 1969. B7090 Brown, Douglas Summers The Catawba Indians: The People of the River. Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1966. The Catawba tribe inhabited the foothill country of North and South Carolina. B7100 (ASU) A History of Lynchburg's Pioneer Quakers and Their Meeting House, 1754-1936. 1st ed. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., 1936. B7110 (ASU) Brown, E. Evan The Economic Development of the Northeast Georgia Commission Area Through Use of Forest Products and Water Resources. Athens, Go.: Northeast Georgia Planning and Development Commission, 1966. B7120 (ASU ETSU) Brown, Frederick Fernando "The Mountain People of the South: A Sociological Study." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1913. A rather condescending study of mountain people by yet another theologian striken by the plight of us pore mountain folk. B7130 (WCU) Brown, Harlan R. A Brief History of Our Early Life and Morgan County, Kentucky. Ashland, Ky.: n.p., 1950. A mixture of autobiography and country history. B7140 (BC) In the Foothills of the Cumberland; a History of Eastern Kentucky. Ashland, Ky.: Graber, 1959. Informal history of Eastern Kentucky. B7150 (BC) 30 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Brown, James Moore The Captives of Abb's Valley. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publications, 1854. A saga of the Moore family of Tazewell County, who on three different occasions were captured by Indians and taken to Canada. B7151 The Captives of Abb's Valley, a Legend of Frontier Life. New ed., with introduction, notes and appendices, maps and illustrations, by Robert Bell Wood worth. Xerox copy of the original. Staunton, Va.: McClure Co., 1942. B7152 (ASU) Brown, James S. Schwarzweller, Harry K. Social Structure of the Contact Situation, Rural Appalachia and Urban America. Morgan town: West Va. Univ., Appalachian Center, 1969. SI 290 Brown, James Stephen Basic Population Data for the Southern Appalachians by State, Economic Area, and Metropolitan Area. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1958. A wealth of useful information, well indexed. B7160 The Changing Kentucky Population: A Summary of Population Data for Counties. Progress Report, 67. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1958. B7170 The Family Group in a Kentucky Mountain Farming Community. Bulletin No. 588. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Kentucky, June, 1952. B7180 The Farm Family in a Kentucky Mountain Neighborhood. Bulletin No. 587. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Kentucky, August, 1952. B7190 Rural Population Changes in Five Kentucky Mountain Districts, 1943-1946. Bulletin No. 532. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Kentucky, 1949. B7200 "The Social Organization of an Isolated Kentucky Mountain Neighborhood." Ph. D. Diss. Harvard Univ., 1950. A study of social and kinship networks in the Kentucky mountains. B7210 (ASU) Southern Appalachian Population Change, 1960-1970: A First Look at the 1970 Census, n.p.: n.p., 1971? B7220 (BC) Schwarzweller, Harry K. Mountain Families in Transition: A Case Study of Appalachian Migration. Univ. Park: Pennsylvania State Univ. Press, 1971. SI 270 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) Brown, Jilda J. Publications of the Southeastern Forest Station, 1921-1958. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 117. Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1960. B7230 (WCU) Brown, John Mason Daniel Boone: The Opening of the Wilderness. Illustrated by Lee J. Ames. Landmark Books, 21. New York: Random House, 1952. B7240 (ASU BC) Brown, John P. Old Frontiers: The Story of the Cherokee Indians from Earliest Times to the Date of their Removal to the West, 1838. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Publishers, 1938. Like most histories of the Cherokee this one merges legend with fact. B7250 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) Old Frontiers: The Story of the Cherokee Indians from Earliest Times to the Date of Their Removal to the West, 1838. Rpt., First American Frontier Series. New York: Arno, 1971. B7260 Pioneers of Old Frontiers. With supplements: Pioneer settlers of the Chattanooga area, by Penelope J. Allen, and The story of another pioneer: A brief history of Pioneer Bank. Chattanooga: Pioneer Bank. 1962. B7270 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Brown, L. A. Higbee, Howard William Soil Survey, Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1944. H5260 Simmons, Charles Shaffer Soil Survey of Wayne County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. S3430 Brown, Len The Encyclopedia of Country and Western Music. New York: Tower Pub., 1971. B7280 (WCU) Brown, Lloyd Arnold Early Maps of the Ohio Valley. Pittsburgh: Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1959. Maps, plans and views made by Indians and colonists from 1673 to 1783. B7290 (BC) Brown, Londo H. Rights-of-Way for Removal of Natural Resources From West Virginia Land: An Examination of Existing Applicable Law and of Possible Changes Therein. Series no. 1. Office of Research and Development, West Virginia Univ., 1965. B7300 (ASU) Brown, Louie A. Dimensions of Change in East Tennessee, Tennessee, the South, and the Nation: A Comparative Analysis. Institute of Regional Studies Monograph, no. 2. Johnson City: East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. B7310 (ASU ETSU LMC WCU) Brown, Luie A. Measurements of Poverty in East Tennessee. Monograph, no. 1. Johnson City: Institute of Regional Studies, East Tennessee State Univ., 1965. B7320 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) Brown, Marcella Ellis "A Seventh Grade Homeroom Guidance Experiment at Elizabethton Junior High School, Elizabethton, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1958. B7330 (ETSU) Brown, Minnie M. Marsh, C. Paul Facilitative and Inhibitive Factors in Training Program Recruitment Among Rural Negroes, n.p.: n.p., n.d. M3360 Brown, Nancy Keen A Broken Bondage. Boston: Roxburgh Pub. Co., 1911. B7340 Brown, 0. Lester Blanford Barnard Dougherty, a Man to Match His Mountains, n.p.: n.p., 1963. Biography of the founders of Appalachian State University. B7350 (ASU) Brown, Ralph Geron "Family Removal of the Tennessee Valley." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1951. A pallid account of the tragic loss of Tennessee's wild rivers and best farm land. B7360 Brown, Raphael, pseud, see Brown, Beverly Holladay Brown, Robert M. Brewer, Edward O. Soil Survey, Allegheny County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1973. B6530 Brown, Roy Melton Steiner, Jesse Frederick The North Carolina Chain Gang: A Study of County Convict Road Work. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1927. S6920 (LMC) Steiner, Jesse Frederick The North Carolina Chain Gang: A Study of County Convict Road Work. Montclair, N. J.: Patterson Smith, 1969. S6930 (WWC) Brown, Stuart E., Jr. Annals of Blackwater and the Land of Canaan, 1746-1880. Berryville, Va.: Chesapeake Book Co., 1959. B7380 (ASU BC) The Guns of Harpers Ferry. Berryville, Va.: Virginia Book Co., 1968. B7390 (ASU BC) AUTHOR Virginia Baron: The Story of Thomas, 6th Lord Fairfax. Berryville, Va.: Chesapeake Book Co., 1965. Lord Fairfax's hidings extended all the way to the Allegheny Mtns. Much of Shenandoah Valley was included in this area. B7400 (ASU BC) Pollock, George Freeman Skyland: The Heart of the Shenandoah National Park, n.p.: n.p., 1960. P3420 (FC BC ASU WCU) Brown, Stuart E., Jr. comp. Virginia Genealogies: A Trial List of Printed Books and Pamphlets. Berryville, Va.: Virginia Book Co., 1967. B7410 (ASU) Brown, Virginia Holmes Greene, Lee Seifert Rescued Earth, a Study of the Public Administration of Natural Resources in Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1948. G3820 (ASU LMC ETSU) Brown, Virginia P. Mary Gordon Duffee's Sketches of Alabama. University: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1970. B7420 Brown, William Griffee History of Nicholas County, West Virginia. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1954. Another good history of a West Virginia County. Proportionally, West Virginia has written histories for more of its counties than any other Appalachia area. Some were begun with WPA funds. B7430 (ASU BC) Brown, William Randall Geology and Mineral Resources of the Lynchburg Quadrangle, Virginia. Bulletin, 74. Charlottesville: Virginia Division of Mineral Resources, 1958. B7440 (ETSU) Brown, Zenith Jones, pseud, see Ford, Leslie Browned, Elijah Ellsworth ed. Banks, Charles Edward Topographical Dictionary of 2885 English Emigrants to New England, 1620-1650. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1963. B940 (ASU) Browning, Charles Henry Welsh Settlement of Pennsylvania. 1912. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. B7450 (ASU) Browning, Clyde A Bibliography of Dissertations in Geography, 1901-1969. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, n.d. A useful index to geologic formations throughout the mountains. B7460 (LMC) Browning, Howard Miller "Washington County Court: The Government of a Tennessee Frontier Community." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1938. This county court served as a training ground for many major American political figures. B7470 Browning, Mary Carmel, Sister Kentucky Authors, a History of Kentucky Literature. Evansdale, Ind.: Keller-Crescent, 1968. A nice tool for ferreting out little-known Eastern Kentucky authors. B7480 (ASU BC) Brownlee, Frederick The John C. Campbell Folk School, 1925-1952. Brasstown, N. C.: n.p., 1952? One of the better folk schools, Campbell is still a going concern. Its founder, John C. Campbell, wrote one of the classic books on Appalachia; THE SOUTHERN HIGHLANDER AND HIS HOMELAND. B7490 Brownlow, William Gannaway Ought American Slavery to be Perpetuated? A Debate between Rev. W. G. Brownlow and Rev. A. Pryne. Held at Philadelphia, September, 1858. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott and Co., 1858. Here's Parson Brownlow again in his role as a great unionist, abolitionist, and an orator of national reknown. B7520(ASU BC) 31 BROWN-BRUCE Sketches of the Rise, Progress, and Decline of Secession: with a Narrative of Personal Adventure among the Rebels. Philadelphia: George W. Childs; Cincinnati, Ohio: Applegate and Co., 1862. Parson Brownlow was East Tennessee's leading unionist. He became the Reconstruction governor of Tennessee. B7530 (ASU) Brownlow, William Gannoway The Great Iron Wheel Examined: Or, Its False Spokes Extracted, and an Exhibition of Elder Graves, Its Builder. Nashville, Tenn.: The author, 1856. A polemic against the established church and some of its leaders. Brownlow, a leading unionist and nationally reknowned orator, had so many causes to expouse and so many enemies to denounce that he established his own press in Jonesboro, so he might be equal to the task. B7500 (ASU) Helps to the Study of Presbyterianism. . . . Knoxville: n.p., 1834. One of Brownlow's few restrained works, this appears to be an aid to self-study for Presbyterians. B7510 Broyles, Bettye J. Second Preliminary Report: The St. Albans Site, Kanawha County, West Virginia, 1964-1968. With appendices by Sigfus Olafson, James A. Barlow, and George E. Snider, Jr. Report of Archeological Investigations, no. 3. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1971. B7540 (ASU) Brubaker, Earl Available for Work: The Pennsylvania Unemployment Compensation Interpretation. Bulletin, no. 61. University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1958. Describes Pennsylvania's unique interpretation unemployment compensation laws. B7550 Broccoli, Matthew-Joseph ed. Davis, Arthur Kyle, Jr. ed. More Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected with the Cooperation of Members of the Virginia Folklore Society. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1960. D790 (ASU FC BC LMC) Bruce, Dickson D. And They All Sang Hallelujah, Plainfolk Camp-meeting Religion, 1800-1845. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1974. B7560 (ASU) Bruce, Henry Addington Bayley Daniel Boone and the Wilderness Road. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1910. A complete and accurate account of the life of Daniel Boone and his contributions to the military, political, economic, and social aspects of the Western expansion. B7570 (ASU BC) Daniel Boone and the Wilderness Road. New York: Macmillan, 1934. B7580 (ETSU) Life of General Houston, 1793-1863. Makers of America Series. New York: Dodd, 1891. Houston's boyhood years were spent in Eastern Tennessee. His Cherokee neighbors exerted a lasting influence on him. B7590 Bruce, Kathleen Virginia Iron Manufacture In the Slave Era. New York: Agustus M. Kelley Publishers, n.d. B7600 Brace, Oscar Clayton Soil Survey of Allegany County, Maryland. Prepared in cooperation with the Maryland Geological Survey and the Maryland Agricultural Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1921. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. Allegany is one of Maryland's three Appalachian counties. B7610 Bruce, Philip Alexander Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. New York: Macmillan, 1896. Economic conditions of people? B7620 (BC FC) �BRUCE—BUCK Bruce, Philip Alexander Institutional History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century: An Inquiry into the Religious, Moral, Educational, Legal, Military, and Political Condition of the People Based on Original and Contemporaneous Records. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1910. B7630 (ETSU) Bruce, Thomas Heritage of the Trans-Allegheny Pioneers: Or, Resources of Central West Virginia. Baltimore: Nicholas, Killam, and Moffitt, 1894. A history of the settlement of the great central valley of West Virginia. B7640 (ASU BC) Southwest Virginia and Shenandoah Valley. An Inquiry into the Causes of the Rapid Growth and Wonderful Development of Southwest Virginia and Shenandoah Valley, with a History of the Norfolk and Western and Shenandoah Valley Railroads. Richmond: J. L Hill Pub. Co., 1891. B7650 (ASU BC FC) Bruce, William Cabell Below the James, a Plantation Sketch. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1927. Sketches on Virginia's Social Life and Customs and Plantation life. B7660 (ASU) Brucker, Elizabeth C. "A Survey of the Status of the Retired School Teacher in West Virginia." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1952. B7670 Bruer, H. L. List of Tennessee Certified Nurseries Collectors of Native Wild Plants and Nursery Dealers for the Season 1967-1968. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Agriculture, 1968. B7680 (LMC) Brumbaugh, Gaius Marcus Revolutionary War Records: Vol. I, Virginia. Lancaster, Pa.: Lancaster Press, 1936. B7690 Revolutionary War Records: Vol. I, Virginia. Virginia Army and Navy Forces with Bounty Land Warrants for Virginia Military Scrip: From Federal and State Archives. 1936. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. B7700 (ASU) Brumit, Robert F. "History of Boone's Creek School, 1851-1958." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1958. B7710 Brumley, Robert H. "The Applicability of the Industrial Arts Curriculum Project, Construction to the New Junior High Schools in Johnson City." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. B7720 (ETSU) Brunk, Harry Anthony History of Mennonites in Virginia, vol. 1. Harrisonburg, Va.: H. A. Brunk, 1959. B7730 (ASU BC FC) Brunner, Edmund de S. Douglas, H. Paul The Protestant Church as a Social Institution. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1935. D3130 Brunner, Edmund de Schweinita Church Life in the Rural South: A Study of the Opportunity of Protestantism Based Upon Data From Seventy Counties. Committee on Social and Religions Surveys. Unique Studies of Rural American town, and County Series, vol. 4. New York: George H. Doran Co., 1923. Study includes some Appalachian Counties. B7740 (ASU BC) Brush, Frederick Hill Doctor, Tells in Story and Ballads, Tales of the Appalachians. Selingsgrove, Pa.: Susquehanna Univ. Press, 1956. B7750 Bryan, Daniel The Mountain Muse: Comprising the Adventures of Daniel Boone. And, The Power of Virtuous and Refined Beauty. Harrisonburg, Va.: The author, 1813. A 252 page narrative poem in flowery style praising Boone. B7760 (ASU BC) AUTHOR Bryan, Emma Lyon 1860-1865. A Romance of the Valley of Virginia. Harrisonburg, Va.: J. Taliaffero, 1892. Romantic fiction with a Shenandoah Valley setting. B7770 (ASU BC) Bryan, Paul Wiebe, A. H. Waterfowl on the Tennessee River Impoundments. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1950. W5960 Bryan, Raymond Arthur A History of William Taylor and Sarah Jones and their Descendants. Raleigh, N. C.: Litho Industries, Inc., 1972. B7780 (UNCA) Bryant, Bruce Geology of the Grandfather Mountain Window and vicinity, North Carolina and Tennessee. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 615. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. B7800 (ASU) Bryant, Bruce Hazelton Geology of the Blowing Rock Quadrangle, N. C. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1962. B7790 Geology of the Linville Quadrangel, North Carolina-Tennessee: A Preliminary Report. Contributions to General Geology Geological Survey, Bulletin, 1121-D. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1962. B7810 (LMC) Mineral Resources of the Grandfather Mountain Window and Vicinity, North Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. B7820 (ASU) Bryant, Elizabeth Jean "The Attitudes of Freshmen Female Students Toward Physical Education at Western Carolina University." Master's thesis. Western Carolina University, 1971. B7830 (WCU) Bryant, Frank Egbert A History of English Balladry, and Other Studies. 1913. Reprint, n.p.: Folcroft Library Editions, 1970. An excellent history of the popular English ballads. With notes. B7840 (ASU) Bryant, Margaret M. Proverbs, and How to Collect Them. Publication, no. 4. Greensboro, N. C.: American Dialect Society, 1945. B7850 (ASU) Bryant, William A. "A Brief Survey of Industrial Plants in Kingsport, Tennessee, with Emphasis on the Geographic Location of the Industrial Worker." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1951. B7860 (ETSU) "A Brief Survey of Industrial Plants in Kingsport, Tennessee with Emphasis on the Geographic Location of the Industrial Worker." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1951. B7870 Bryson, Anne Dunbar These Friendly Mountains. Asheville: Miller Printing Co., 1937. Promotional and descriptive text on the wonders of the North Carolina mountains. B7880 (ASU) Bryson, Herman Jennings The Story of the Geologic Making of North Carolina. Educational Series, no. 1. Raleigh, N. C.: Department of Conservation and Development, 1928. B7890 (LMC UNCA) The Buccaneer Vol. 1-. 1937-. Johnson City: East Tennessee State College, annual. B7900 (ETSU) Buchan, Peter comp. Ancient Ballads and Songs of the North of Scotland. 2 vols. 1875. Reprint. Norwood, Pa.: Norwood Editions, 1973. B7910 (ASU) Gleanings of Scarce Old Ballads, With Explanatory Notes. Reprint of London 1825 ed. Norwood, Pa.: Norwood Editions, 1974. B7920 (ASU) Gleanings of Scotch, English, and Irish: Scarce Old Ballads, Chiefly Tragical and Historical. Many of Them Connected with the Localities of Aberdeenshire. 1825. Reprint. Norwood, Pa.: Norwood Editions, 1974. B7930 (ASU) 32 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Buchanan, Cecil "Municipal Ownership of Public Utilities in Chattanooga, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Louisiana State Univ., 1941. B7940 Buchanan, David P. "The Relations of the Cherokee Indians with the English in America Prior to 1763." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1923. A sad history of strange negotiations and abortative treaties. B7950 (ASU) Buchanan, John A. "A Survey of Labor Requirements in Northern West Virginia Coal Mines in 1957." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1960. B7960 Buchanan, Margaret Terry "The Migration of Workers from Tennessee to Michigan." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1940. B7970 (ASU) Buchanan, Susie Groce "A Study of the Music Education Program of Watauga County." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1953. B7980 (ASU) Buchanan, W. Wray Keeling, William B. Tourism Development in the Chattahoochee-Flint Area. Athens: Univ. of Georgia, Bureau of Business and Economic Research, 1967. K430 Buchele, William Recreating the Kentucky Rifle. 2nd ed. York, Pa.: George Shumway, Pub., 1966. B7990 (ASU BC) Buck, Charles Neville The Battle Cry. Illustrated by Douglas Duer. New York: W. J. Watt and Co., 1914. A Bryn Mawr graduate moves to the Kentucky mountains to teach school. She becomes involved with a feud leader, helps him in a shoo tout and feels she must marry him. B8000 (ASU BC LMC) The Call of the Cumberlands. Illustrated by Douglas Durer. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1913. An artist from the flatlands stumbles onto a full-blown feud in the Kentucky hills, escapes with his life and marries a mountain heroine. B8010 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Code of the Mountains. Illustrated by G. W. Gage. New York: W. J. Watt and Co., 1915. A murderer recently released from the state penitentary, finds himself in a feud, which is finally settled by the Spanish-American War. B8020 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Destiny. Illustrated by R. F. Schabelitz. New York: W. J. Watt and Co., 1916. Setting for this story is a barren rocky farm in the White mountains. B8030 (ASU BC) Flight to the Hills. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1926. A New York actress flees a murder scene and finds peace in the mountains of Kentucky. B8040 (ASU BC) Hazard of the Hills. New York: Macauley Company, 1932. A mountain man and a city woman vascillate between Cape Cod and the Kentucky hills. B8050 (ASU) Iron Will. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1927. A Kentucky born, Harvard-educated lawyer leads a group of mountain men against the dishonest state political machine. B8060 (ASU BC) The Key to Yesterday. Illustrated by R. Schabelitz. New York: W. J. Watt and Co., 1910. B8070 (ASU BC) Marked Men. New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1929. A mountain lawyer outwits big city detectives and solves the mystery of a millionaire's murder. Mountain Justice: A Tale of the Cumberlands. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1935. A schoolmarm finds a connection between a mountain feud and a murder in an exclusive Louisville club. B8090 (ASU LMC BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Buck, Charles Neville A Pagan of the Hills. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1919. A mountain girl learns the lumbering business. B8100 (BC) A Pagan of the Hills. New York: W. J. Watt and Co., 1919. B8110 (ASU) The Portal of Dreams. New York: W. J. Watt and Co., 1912. B8120 The Roof Tree. Illustrated by Lee P. Conrey. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1921. A fugitive from Virginia finds refuge, long-lost kin and a ready-made feud in his new home in Kentucky. 68130 (LMC BC ASU) The Rouge's Badge. Garden City: Doubleday, Page, 1924. A mountain boy becomes a jockey in the Bluegrass area until his father's murder calls him home for revenge. B8140 The Tempering. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1920. A story of the Kentucky mountains spanning the years between the feud-ridden period of the late nineteenth century and World War I. B8150 (ASU BC) When "Bear Cat" Went Dry. Illustrated by George W. Gage. New York: W. J. Watt and Co., 1918. Bear Cat is a drunk who reforms. B8160 (ASU WCU BC) Buck, Elizabeth Salmon "An Inquiry into Present Practices in Guidance in Transylvania County High Schools." Master's thesis. Appalachian State University, 1969. B8170 (ASU) Buck, James P. "A History of the Library Resources of Putnam County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Tennessee Polythechnic Institute, 1961. B8180 Buck, Pearl Once Upon a Christmas. New York: John Day Co., 1972. Includes recollection of her West Virginia childhood. B8190 Buck, Roy Clair Educational Attainment among Pennsylvania Rural Youth. University Park: Pennsylvania Agricultural Experiment Station, 1961. Appalachian counties were used in this study. B8200 Formal Participation Patterns in a Central Pennsylvania Rural Community. Progress Report No. 129. University Park: Agricultural Experiment Station, Pennsylvania State University, January, 1955. Explores possible relationships between location and size of homes and social participation. B8210 Buck, Roy Clark Factors Related to Changes in Social Participation in a Pennsylvania Rural Community. Bulletin No. 582. University Park: Agricultural Experiment Station, Pennsylvania State University, 1954. Factors studied included: Age, income, family cycle, church affiliation and length of residence. B8220 Buck, William Joseph History of Montgomery County with the Schuylkill Valley: Containing Sketches of all the Townships, Boroughs and Villages, in Said Limits, from the Earliest Period to the Present Time. With an Account of the Indians, the Swedes, and Other Early Settlers, and the Local Events of the Revolution: Besides Notices of the Progress of Population, Improvements, and Manufactures. Norristown, Pa.: E. L. Acker, 1859. B8230 (ASU) Buckalew, Marshall The Life of Morris Purdy Shawkey. Charleston, W. Va.: West Virginia Pub. Co., 1941. Shawkey was a West Virginia educator; a school teacher at fifteen he rose through the West Virginia Public school system to become president of Marshall University. B8240 (ASU BC) AUTHOR Buckhorn Association, Inc., Brooklyn, N. Y. Buckhorn: The Story of a Christian Enterprise on Squabble Creek in the Mountains of Kentucky. Brooklyn, N. Y.: The assoc., n.d. Promaterial brochure for Witherspoon College, Perry County, Kentucky and Presbyterian Home Missions. B8250 (BC) Buckingham, James Silk The Slave States of America. 2 vols. n.p.: London, Paris: Fisher, Son and Co., 1842. This world traveller traveled through eastern Tennessee and western North Carolina and Virginia en route to White Sulphur Springs. He was interested in manners, morals, and social conditions. B8260 Buckland, Golden T. "A Study of the Needs for an Audio-Visual Education Center at Appalachian State Teachers College." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1949. B8270 (ASU) Buckland, Grace Young "A Survey of the Reading Materials Found in the Homes of the Fourth and Seventh Grade Students of the Elementary Demonstration School, Boone, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1951. B8280 (ASU) Buckland, Roscoe Verne Berea College, Kentucky, Rural School Improvement Project. Report, 1953-1957. Lexington: Transylvania Print. Co., 1958. B3110 (BCETSU) Buckles, Eleanor Valley of Power. New York: Creative Age Press, 1945. An unimaginative novel about the impact of the TVA project on East Tennessee communities. B8290 (LMC WCU BC ASU) Buckmaster, Henrietta, pseud, see Henkle, Henrietta Buckner, William Aylette "The Mountains and the Blue Grass: A Comparative Study of County Officials in Kentucky." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1968. It's a pity the author was so restricted in his investigation; the study covers social, educational, and statistical factors. A survey of the relative levels of corruption would have been much more fun. B8300 Buehler, Katherine Boies Briscoe, W. Russell Her Walls before Thee Stand: History of the Second Presbyterian Church, 1818-1968. Knoxville: n.p., 1969. B6660 ir, Walter Underground Riches: The Story of Mining. Morrow Junior Books. New York: Morrow, 1958. An account of the rapid depletion of the nation's coal reserves. Written for young children (Grades 2-6.) B8310 (ASU) , Augustus C. History of Andrew Jackson: Pioneer, Patriot, Soldier, Politician, President. 2 vols. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1904. Portions of Jackson's youth and most of his early legal and military careers were spent in Appalachia. B8320 (ASU) Buffington, Albert T. Boyer, Walter E. Songs along the Mahantongo: Pennsylvania Dutch Folk-songs. Hatboro, Pa.: Folklore Associates, 1964. B6050 (ASU) Bull, Donald Eugene "The Attitudes of a Selected Group of Community Leaders Concerning Consolidation of Five Rural Elementary Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. B8330 (ETSU) Bullard, Helen Cumberland County's First Hundred Years. Crossville: Cumberland Co. Centennial Committee, 1956. Promotional and historical information. B8340 (LMC) Bullard, Todd Hupp "The West Virginia Labor Federation and the West Virginia Legislature, 1957-1961." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1964. B8350 BUCK—BUREAU Bullen, Robert Whitefield McDowell County, West Virginia, Library Survey. Charleston: West Virginia Library Commission, 1957. B8360 (BC) Survey for Library Development in Fayette and Raleigh Counties, West Virginia. Charleston: West Virginia Library Commission, 1959. B8370 (BC) Bulletin n.p.: Appalachian Geological Society, n.d. B8380 Buncombe County, Economic and Social: A Laboratory Study at the University of North Carolina, Dept. of Rural Social Economics Asheville, N. C.: Central Bank and Trust Co., 1923. In cooperation with A. M. Moser and others. B8390 (BC) Bunn, Maude Davis The Genealogy of Marion-Davis Families. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards and Broughton Co., 1973. A western North Carolina family. B8400 (ASU) Burch, Robert Renfroe's Christmas. Illustrated by Rocco Negri. New York: The Viking Press, 1971. A young boy learns the meaning of Christmas in a surprisingly unsentimental Christmas tale set in northern Georgia. B8410 Burchard, Ernest Francis Iron Ore in the Red Mountain Formation in Greasy Cove, Alabama. U. S. Geological Survey Circular, no. 1. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1933. B8420 Preliminary Report on the Red Iron Ores of East Tennessee, Northeast Alabama, and Northwest Georgia. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 540-G. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1914. B8430 The Red Iron Ores of East Tennessee. Nashville: Brandon Print. Co., 1913. B8440 (BC) Iron Ore Outcrops of the Red Mountain Formation in Northeast Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. Special Report, 19. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1947. B8450 (ETSU) Iron Ores, Fuels, and Fluxes of the Birmingham District, Alabama. With chapters on the origin of the ores by E. C. Eckel. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 400. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1910. B8460 Russellville Brown Iron Ore District, Franklin County, Alabama. With introduction and annotations by Hugh D. Pallister. Bulletin, 70. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1960. B8470 (ETSU) Burchinal, Lee G. ed. Rural Youth in Crises: Facts, Myths, and Social Change. Prepared for the National Committee for Children and Youth. Washington: Welfare Administration, Office of Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Development, 1965. Twenty-seven readings on juvenile delinquency in Appalachia. B8480 Bureau of Community Service Where Bluegrass and Mountains Meet: A Community Profile of Mt. Sterling and Montgomery County, Kentucky. "Kentucky Community Series," no. 18. Mimeographed. Lexington: Bureau of Community Service, College of Arts and Sciences, University of Kentucky, September 1, 1957. B8490 Bureau of Cooperative Medicine Medical Care in Selected Areas of the Appalachian Bituminous Coal Fields. New York: The bureau, 1939. B8500 Medical-Hospital Problems in the Bituminous Coal Mining Areas. American Medical Association: n.p., 1953. B8510 �BUREAU—BURNETT Bureau off Municipal Research, New York County Government in Virginia. Report on a survey made for the governor and his Committee on Consolidation and Simplification/ Jan., 1927. Richmond: D. Bottom, 1928. Includes Appalachian Counties. B8520 Burford, Arthur E. Annual Field Trip of the Appalachian and Pittsburgh Geological Societies in the Great Valley in West Virginia. Sponsored by the West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey. Thomas Arkle, Jr., Chairman. Log of trip October 16-17, 1964. Morgantown, W. Va.: n.p., 1964? B8530 (ETSU) Burford, Roger L. Net Migration for Southern Counties, 1940-1950 and 1950-1960. Research Paper No. 24. Atlanta: Bureau of Business and Economic Research, Georgia State College, 1963. B8540 Probability Projections of Rates of Net Migration for Southern Counties and Other Applications of Markov Chains. Louisiana Business Bulletin, Vol. 25, no. 1. Baton Rouge: Division of Research, College of Business Administration, Louisiana State University, 1966. B8550 Burgan, John Long Discovery. New York: Farrar Strauss, 1950. Novel of strife in a small mining town in the Pennsylvania mountains during the 1930's. B8560 Surges, George A Journal of a Surveying Trip into Western Pennsylvania under Andrew Ellicott in the Year 1795. Mount Pleasant, Mich.: John Cumming, 1965. B8570 (BC) Burgess, JoAnne Smith "A Study of the Media Center in the Individualized Instructional Program of Jefferson Elementary School in Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. B8580 (ETSU) Burgess, Louis Virginia Soldiers of 1776. Reprint of 1929 ed. Vol. I and II, 1927, Richmond, Va.: Richmond Press; Vol. Ill, Spartanburg, S. C: Reprint Co., 1973. B8590 Burgner, Goldene F. comp. Kirch en Buch (Church Book) Register, 1815-1828. St. James Lutheran Church, Greene County, Tennessee. Greenville: The authors, 1964. B8600 Burgner, Marion Keith Population Schedule of the United States Census of 1850 for Sullivan County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Clinchdale Press, 1963. B8610 (ETSU) Burk, E. H. Handbook of Smith County. Supplement to the Carthage Post. Carthage: Carthage Post, 1903. Promotional material, brief history and notes on prominent families. B8620 Burke, Carmel E. "Geographic Factors Influencing the Development of Scott County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. B8630 Burke, Clyde T. photo, ed. Coleman, John Winston, Jr. ed. Kentucky: A Pictorial History. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1971. C5780 (ASU) Burke County, N. C. Board of Education Interdisciplinary Cultural Heritage Program. Supplemented by project addendum. Morganton, N. C.: n.p., 1968. B8640 (WCU) Supplement to Annotated Bibliography of Burke County Resource Materials, 1969. Morganton: Burke Co. Board of Education, 1969. B8650 (ASU) Burke, Fielding, pseud, see Dargan, Olive Tilfford AUTHOR Burke, James Lee To the Bright and Shining Sun. New York: Scribner, 1970. The book's plot centers around the 17-year-old hero, a third generation miner in the Cumberland Mountains of Kentucky. B8660 (ASU LMC BC) Burke, R. T. A. Higbee, Howard William Soil Survey, Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1944. H5260 Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Allegheny County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1917. Good maps. B8670 (ASU) Soil Survey of Allegheny County. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1917. B8680 Soil Survey of Washington County, Maryland. Prepared in cooperation with the Maryland Geological Survey and the Maryland Agricultural Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1917. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1923. B8690 Soil Survey of Indiana County, Pennsylvania. In cooperation with Pennsylvania State College School of Agriculture and Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1931, no. 27. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1936. B8700 Soil Survey of Limestone County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1914. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. B8710 Soil Survey of Madison County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1911. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. B8720 Soil Survey of Randolph County, Alabama. Soils Bureau Field Operations, 1911. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1912. B8730 Soil Survey of Rockcastle County, Kentucky Field Operations, 1910. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1911. B8740 Soil Survey of St. Clair County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1917. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1920. B8750 Hendrickson, Bertram Higbie Soil Survey of Tioga County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. H4610 Hendrickson, Bertram Higbie Soil Survey of Wyoming County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. H4620 Burke, William The Mineral Springs of Virginia. Richmond, Va.: Morris and Brother, 1851. B8760 The Mineral Springs of Western Virginia: with Remarks on Their Use, and The Diseases to Which They are Applicable. Boston: Edward Morrill and Son, 1853. As the owner of Red Sulphur Springs, Dr. Burke gives this watering place more attention than others, but virtually all are noted. B8770 Burkett, Elsie May Staples ed. Historical Review, Rockwood's Centennial Year, 1868-1968. Rockwood: Rockwood Times, 1968. B8780 Burkhead, Homer Guest's Guide; Points of Interest in Cleveland. Cleveland: n.p., n.d. B8790 Burleigh, William Grant Mac Day, Crusader; A Story of the Fight for Americanism, n.p.: n.p., 1925. Biography of a federal prohibition agent in West Virginia. B8800 (BC) 34 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Man from Buchanan, n.p.: n.p., 1926. The life of Samuel R. Hurley of Buchanan County, a politician. B8810 The Minstrel of the Mountains. Charleston, W. Va.: Kanawha Valley Pub. Co., 1913. A novel based on the life of John Falsome whose music was known throughout the coal fields of W. Va. B8820 (BC) Burleson, Bemey ed. Johnson City, Tennessee. Science Hill High School To the Top with the Toppers; the History of Science Hill High School Football, 1920-1970, with Official Team and Individual Statistics. Johnson City: n.p., 1971. J1550 (ETSU) Burleson, David Sinclair History of the East Tennessee State College, n.p.: n.p., 1947. B8830 (ETSU) Burleson, McBerney East Tennessee State University Football Statistics, 1920-1970. East Tenn. State Univ. Library, Johnson City, Tenn., 1970. B8840 (ETSU) Burleson, McBerney comp. East Tennessee State University, Library East Tennessee State University Track and Field School Records, Together with ETSU Field Records for College Meets. Johnson City, Tenn.: East Tennessee State University, 1969-. E400 (ETSU) Burleson, Nell P. "The Evolution of Southern Appalachian Culture as Evidenced in Folklore." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State Univ., 1963. B8850 (ETSU) Burman, Ben Lucien Everywhere I Roam. Illustrated by Alice Caddy, 1st ed. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1949. Story of a mountain family who leave the hills and travel the world over to return disheartened. B8860 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Four Lives of Mundy Tolliver. New York: Julian Messner, 1953. Mundy leaves the mountains for war work but eventually comes home to Coal Creek, Kentucky. B8870 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Rooster Crows for Day. Illustrated by Alice Caddy. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1945. Kentucky mountain story about a wise foral. B8880 (ETSU) Burman, Linda C. The Technique and Variation in an American Fiddle Tune. The John Edwards Memorial Foundations, Inc. Univ. of Calif., Los Angeles, Calif., 1968. B8890 Burmeister, Walter Frederick Appalachian Water: Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, and Florida. 2 vols. Washington, D. C.: Canoe Cruisers Assoc., 1962. B8900 (LMC) Burnett, Frances Hodgson In Connection with The De Willoughby Claim. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1899. Tom De Willoughby raises an abandoned child and encounters complications twenty years later. B8910 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Jarl's Daughter: and Other Novelettes. 1881. Reprint. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1969. B8920 (ASU ETSU) Louisiana. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1880. A few days at a fashionable resort cause Louisiana Rogers to be dissatisfied with her mountain environment. B8930 (ASU BC) Louisiana. The Pretty Sister of Jose'. Illustrated. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1914. B8940 (ASU LMC WCU) Surly Tim, and Other Stories. New York: Armstrong, and Co., 1877. Short stories. Some with mountain settings. B8950 (ASU BC) Surly Tim, and Other Stories. New York: Charles Scribner's Son, 1905. B8960 (WCU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Burnett, Francos Hodgson Surly Tim, and Other Stories. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1914. B8970 (ASU LMC ETSU) Burnett, Fred M. This Was My Valley. Illustrated by Kenneth Whitsett. Ridgecrest, N. C.: n.p., 1960. Memories of a Western North Carolina valley. B8980 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) Burnett, G. Lafayette Gap o' the Mountains. Knoxville: S. B. Newman, 1939. Thirty odd sketches of mountain life. Good anecdotes. B8990 Burnett, Joints Jehu Sketches of Tennessee's Pioneer Baptist Preachers, vol. 1, series 1. Microfilm. Nashville: Marshall and Bruce Co., 1919. B9000 (WCU) Burnett, Swan M. The Over Mountain Men: Some Passages from a Page of Neglected History. Washington, D. C.: American Hist. Reg., 1895. B9010 Burns, Amanda Fiddles in the Cumberlands. New York: Richard R. Smith, 1943. The Civil War diary of Amanda McDowell Burns. B9020 (ASU BC) Burns, Annit Walktr Abstract of Pensions of North Carolina Soldiers of the Revolution, War of 1812, and Indian Wars. Washington: n.p., 1960. B9030 (ASU) Family History Records of Dr. Thomas Walker, First Explorer of Kentucky. Reprint with additions, n.p.: Privately published, n.d. B9040 Estill County, Kentucky, Record of Abstracts of Pension Papers of Revolutionary Soldiers, War of 1812 and Indian Wars n.p.: n.p., n.d. B9050 Hensley Family Records and Allied Families. Washington: n.p., 1965. B9060 History Records of Harlan County, Kentucky, People. Washington: n.p., 1961. B9070 (BC) Memorial Records of Josh Bell County, Kentucky (Adjoining Historical Cumberland Gap, Tennessee), Family Bible Records Given to the United States Census Taken in 1870. Washington: n.p., 1960? B9080 (BC) United States Census of Bell County, Kentucky, 1880: Which are Family Bible Records as Given the Census Taker on That Date. Washington: n.p., 1961. B9100 (BC) United States Census of Bell Co., Ky., 1890. Washington: Census Bureau, 1961. B9110 Virginia Genealogies and County Records, vols. I-VII. n.p.: n.p., 1941. B9120 Bums, Annie Walker comp. Military and Genealogical Records of the Famous Indian Woman; Nancy Ward. . . . Washington, D. C: n.p., 1957. Bums, Inez E. History of Blount County, Tennessee, From War Trail to Landing Strip, 1795-1955. Sponsored by Mary Blount Chapter, D. AR. Maryville: Tenn. Historical Commission, 1957. B9130 (ASU ETSU BC) Bums, Inez E. comp. McCown, Mary Hardin Soldiers of the War of 1812 Buried in Tennessee. Johnson City, Tenn.: USD of 1812, 1959. M670 (ASU) Bums, J. C. and others Pastures and Grazing Systems for the Mountains of the Mountains of North Carolina. Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin, no. 437. Raleigh: North Carolina State Univ., 1970. B9150 (LMC) Burns, James Anderson The Crucible, A Tale of the Kentucky Feuds. Oneida, Ky.: Oneida Institute, 1928. B9140 (ASU LMC WWC BC) AUTHOR Burns, William A. comp. Abstracts of Death and Obituary Notices Gathered from Herald-Tribune, Jonesboro, Tennessee. 4 vols. in 1. Phoenix, Ariz.: n.p., 1967-1973. B9160 (ETSU) Burock, Frank P. V. "A Study of the Need for Curricular Changes in Secondary Schools in an Economically Distressed Area of Pennsylvania." Ed. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1956. B9170 Burrell, Robert G. Wild Water West Virginia: A Paddler's Guide to the White Water Rivers of the Mountain State. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. B9180 (ASU BC) Burrison, John A. "Georgia Jug Makers: A History of Southern Folk Pottery." Ph. D. Diss. University of Penn., 1973. Chapter five is a study of Northern Georgia. Hill and Mountain Potteries. B9190 Burroughs, Wilbur Greeley The Geography of the Kentucky Knobs. Frankfort: Kentucky Geological Survey, 1926. Illustrated and with maps. B9200 (BC) Burt, B. Stanley Apple Handling and Packing in the Appalachian Area. U. S. Dept. of Agriculture Marketing Research Reports, 476. Washington: Agricultural Marketing Service, Transportation and Facilities Research Division, 1961. B9210 Burt, Jesse Clifton Indians of the Southeast: Then and Now. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1973. Prepared for the younger reader. B9220 (BC) Burt, Katharine Newlin Still Water. Philadelphia: Macrae-Smith Co., 1948. Novel of suspense with the foothills of the Smoky Mountains as background. B9230 (ASU) Burt, Srrumers The Delectable Mountains. New York: Scribner's, 1927. Novel of southwestern Virginia in the Revolution. B9240 (LMC ASU) Burton, Carl D. Satan's Rock. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1954. Fiction. Young man obsessed with wild young girl who is subject of many local legends. B9250 (LMC BC) Burton, J. I. Community Relationships, n.p.: Wise County School Board, 1939. A community study of Norton, Wise County, Virginia. B9260 (BC) Burton, Janice H. "The Predictive Value of the Metropolitan Readiness Tests for First Grade Achievement for Selected Groups of Children in the Johnson City, Tennessee, Public Schools." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State Univ., 1971. B9270 (ETSU) Burton, Ray Berry "The Financing of Reconstruction in Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1966. B9280 Burton, Thomas G. ETSU Collection of Folklore; Folksongs. Johnson City, Tenn.: ETSU Press, 1967. B9310 (LMC) Burton, Thomas G. ed. Collection of Folklore: Folksongs. Musical notations and analysis by Annette Wolfaed. Monograph, no. 4. Johnson City: Institute of Regional Studies, East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. B9290 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Collection of Folklore: Folksongs II. Musical notations and analysis by Annette Woifaed. Johnson City: Institute of Regional Studies, East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. B9300 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) A Collection of Folklore by Undergraduate Students of East Tennessee State University Johnson City: East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. C5920 (ETSU ASU LMC BC) Bush, Florence Lilian Bush, Isabel Graham Goose Creek Folks: A Story of the Kentucky Mountains. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1912. B9320 (ETSU BC) 35 BURNETT-BUTTON Bush, Isabel Graham Goose Creek Folks: A Story of the Kentucky Mountains. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1912. A story which cheerfuly concludes that mission schools cannot solve mountain problems. B9320 (ETSU BC) Bush, Michael E. James Folk Songs of Central West Virginia, vol. 1. Ravenswood, W. Va.: Custom Print. Co., 1969. Forty-four songs with guitar chords and notes. B9330 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Bushnell, David Ives, Jr. Evidence of Indian Occupancy in Albemarle County, Virginia. Washington: Smithsonian Inst., 1933. B9340 (BC) Tribal Migrations East of the Mississippi. Washington: Smithsonian Inst., 1934. B9350 (ASU BC) Bushnell, T. M. O'Neal, Alfred M., Jr. Soil Survey of Fayette County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1920. 0700 Bushong, MilJard Kessler A History of Jefferson County, West Virginia. Chariestown, W. Va.: Jefferson Pub. Co., 1941. B9360 (ASU BC) Old Jube: A Biography of Jubat A. Early from West Point in the 1830's to the Battles of Chancellorsville, Lynchburg, Winchester, and a Wealth of Other Data on the Civil War. Boyce, Va.: C. J. Carrier, 1969. B9370 Butler, Alan Stem, Thad, Jr. Senator Sam Ervin's Best Stories. Durham, N. C.: Moore Pub. Co., 1974. S6950 (WCU BC ASU) Butler, Bion H. Old Bethesda at the Head of Rockfish. Kingsport, Tenn.: n.p., 1933. B9380 (LMC) Butler, Donald C. "Analysis of the Values and Value Systems Reported by Students, The General Public, and Educators in a Selected Appalachian Public School District." Ph. D. Diss. Michigan State University, 1973. "Differences were noted between the values of the Appalachian culture and the values of the larger American society." Author also found significant differences between three test groups. B9390 Butler, Lorine Letcher My Old Kentucky Home. Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1929. Description and travel, and pictures on Kentucky. Much on Eastern Kentucky. B9400 (BC) Butler, Mann A History of the Commonwealth of Kentucky. 1834. Reprint. Berea, Ky.: Oscar Rucker, Jr., 1969. Good source for eastern Kentucky information pertaining to the early years. B9410 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) Butler, Ovid ed. Schenck, Carl Alvin The Biltmore Story: Recollections of the Beginning of Forestry in the United States. St. Paul: American Forest History Foundation, Minnesota Historical Society, 1955. S880 (ASU WCU BC) Butt, Herbert Bonser, Howard Jacob Selective Participation of Farmers and Their Wives in Rural Organization. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1957. B5380 Butterfield, Consul Wiltshire History of the Girty's Being a Concise Account of the Girty Brothers. Cincinnati: R. Clarke and Co., 1890. Biography of West Virginia's famous frontiersmen. B9420 (BC) Buttita, Anthony After the Good Gay Times: Asheville — Summer of '35; A Season with F. Scott Fitzgerald. New York: Viking, 1974. Focuses on events surrounding Fitzgerald's stay in Asheville, the society and city of Asheville, the literary world of North Carolina. B9430 Button, Carl Lloyd "The Rhetoric of Immediacy: Baptist and Methodist Preaching on the Trans-Appalachian Frontier. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of California, Los Angeles, 1972. B9440 (ASU BC) �BUTTRICK—CALDWELl Buttrick, Daniel S. TSVLVKI SQCLVLV: A Cherokee Spelling Book. Knoxville: Heiskell and Brown, 1819. B9450 Butts, Charles Burchard, Ernest Francis Iron Ores, Fuels, and Fluxes of the Birmingham District, Alabama. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1910. B8460 Coals in the Area between Bon Air and Clifty, Tennessee. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 641-k. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1917. B9460 Fensters in the Cumberland Overthrust Block in Southwestern Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the U. Geological Survey. Bulletin, 28. University: Virginia Geological Survey, 1927. B9470 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Resources of the Crossville Quadrangle, Tennessee. Surveyed in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, 33-D. Nashville: Tenn. Division of Geology, 1925. B9480 (ETSU) Geology and Oil Possibilities of the Northern Part of Overton County, Tennessee, and of Adjoining Parts of Clay, Pickett and Fentress Counties. Tenn. State Geological Survey Bulletin, 24. Nashville: Williams Print. Co., 1919. B9490 (ETSU) Geology of the Appalachian Valley in Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey, Virginia Geological Society Bulletin, 52. 2 vols. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1940. B9500 (ETSU ASU) Geologic Map of the Appalachian Valley of Virginia with Explanatory Text. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, 42. University: Virginia Geological Survey, 1933. B9510 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Possibilities at Early Grove, Scott County, Virginia. Charlottesville, Va.: Michie Co., 1927. B9520 (ETSU) Butts, Charles ed. International Geological Congress Southern Appalachian Region. Washington: The Congress; 16th Session, 1933. 1880 By the American Indian Historical Society Henry, Jeannette Textbooks and the American Indian. San Francisco: Indian Historian Press, 1970. H4760 (MHC) Byar, Thomas Madison "The Student Population in the Institutions of Higher Education in the Southern Appalachian Region, 1933-1958." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Tenn., 1959. B9530 (BETSU) Byars, Betsy The Summer of the Swans. New York: Viking Press, 1974. Sensitive story of a fourteen year old girl and her mentally retarded brother. Appalachian setting. B9540 Byers, Tracy Martha Berry: The Sunday Lady of Possum Trot. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1932. B9550 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Martha Berry: The Sunday Lady of Possum Trot. New York: Putnam, 1934. B9560 (LMC) Byington, Robert H. ed. Goldstein, Kenneth S. Two Penny Ballads and Four Dollar Whiskey: A Pennsylvania Folklore Miscellany. Hatboro, Pa.: Folklore Associates, 1966. G2370 Bynum, Curtis Marriage Bonds of Tryon and Lincoln Counties, North Carolina. Asheville: n.p., 1929. B9570 Marriage Bonds of Tryon and Lincoln Counties, North Carolina. 2nd printing, n.p.: Catawba Co. Hist. Assn., and Lincoln Co. Hist. Assn., 1962. B9590 AUTHOR Bynum, Curtis comp. Marriage Bonds of Tryon and Lincoln Counties, North Carolina. 1929. Reprint. Newton, N. C. and Lincoln, N. C: Catawba County Historical Asso.; Lincoln County Historical Assoc., 1962. B9580 (ASU) Byrd, Huger Strickland Soil Survey, Oconee County, South Carolina. Soil Survey, Series 1958, no. 25. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1963. B9600 Soil Survey, Pickens County, South Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the South Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1972. B9610 Byrd, William Histories of the Dividing Line Betwixt Virginia and North Carolina. New York: Dover Publications, 1967. Includes descriptions of the foothill counties of both states. Byrd had a very low opinion of the mountain men he encountered. B9620 (BC FC) Byrne, J. Holt Country Style: An Anthology of Hillbilly Humor. Charleston, W. Va.: J. Holt Byrne, 1970. Humorous sketches, stories, jokes, anecdotes etc. B9630 (LMC) Byrne, Michael Kunkin, Dorothy Appalachians in Cleveland. Cleveland: Institute of Urban Studies, 1972. K3400 (LMC ASU) Byrne, William Eston Randolph Tale of the Elk. Charleston: West Virginia Pub. Co., 1940. A story of the Elk Valley in West Virginia. B9640 Caargill, Oscar Pollock, Thomas Clarke ed. Thomas Wolfe at Washington Square. New York: New York Univ. Press, 1954. P3440 (WCU ASU) Cabell, Margaret Couch Sketches and Recollections of Lynchburg, by the Oldest Inhabitant. Richmond: C. H. Wynne, 1858. A warm and rambling reminiscence of bygone days in Lynchburg. CIO (ASU) Cadden, Virginia Hinkins The Story of Strasburg. Strasburg: First National Bank, 1961. History of Strasburg with sketches of leading citizens and historic events. C20 (ASU) Cady, E. R. Wiebe, A. H. Waterfowl on the Tennessee River Impoundments. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1950. W5960 Cain, James M. The Butterfly. 1st ed. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1947. A story of incest, fighting, shootings and degeneration in a coal camp on the Kentucky — West Virginia line. C30 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Cain, Stephen R. A Selective Description of a Knox County Mountain Neighborhood. Community Action in Appalachia, Unit 3. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, Center for Developmental Change, 1968. C40 Cain, Stith Malone A History of Our Cain Family of Virginia, Alabama and Tennessee. Whitewater, Wis.: The author, 1970. C50 (FC) Caine, Thomas A. Soil Survey of the Wheeling Area, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1906. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1908. C70 Caine, Thomas A. and others Soil Survey of the Middlebourne Area, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field operations, 1907. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1909. C60 Cairns, John S. List of the Birds of Buncombe County, North Carolina. Weaverville, N. C.: n.p., 1891. C80 (ASU LMC) 36 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Caisse, Leroi De. Blue Ridge Magic and Other Poems. Asheville: Norman Press, 1960. C90 (ASU) Calorie, Edwin P. "A literature Survey of the Effects and Controls of Pneumoconiosis." Master's thesis West Virginia Univ., 1970. C100 Caldwell, Erskine ed. Callahan, North Smoky Mountain Country. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1952. C320 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Caldwell, James A. White, Alvin D. History of the Mount Prospect Graveyard and Cemetery, in Mount Pleasant Township, Washington County, Pennsylvania. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. W5300 Caldwell, Janet Taylor There Was Time. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1947. Story of young man trying to become rich in the mountains of Kentucky. C110 Caldwell, Joshua William Joshua William Caldwell. A Memorial Volume, Containing His Biography, Writings and Addresses. Prepared and edited by a Committee of the Irving Club, Knoxville, Tenn. Nashville: Brandon Print. Co., 1909. Biography and tribute to a Knoxville pioneer, professional man, and author. C120 Sketches of the Bench and Bar of Tennessee. Knoxville, Tenn.: Ogden Brothers and Co., 1898. Emphasis on East Tennessee. Caldwell was a resident of the Knoxville area. C130 (ASU) Caldwell, Kate Livingston Diary of Kate Livingston, 1859-1868. Nashville-. WPA, 1938. Biography and county history of Hamblen County, Tennessee. C140 Caldwell, Mary French Tennessee: The Dangerous Example; Watauga to 1849. Nashville: Aurora Publishers, 1974. In 1774 Lord Dunsmore, then colonial governor of Virginia warned King George III of the dangers inherent in allowing colonists to set up free, independent, and separate governments such as that currently existing in Watauga County. It was, he wrote, "a dangerous example" which might lead to other declarations of independence within the colonies. How fitting that Mary Caldwell's book has been published in time for our nation's bicentennial. C150 (BC) The Duck's Back: A Report on Certain Phases of the Socialistic Experiments Conducted by the Federal Government in Tennessee Valley. Nashville: The author, 1952. Author's thesis is that Roosevelt socialism is unlikely to have anymore effect on East Tennessee mountaineers than April showers on a duck's back. Delightful indictment of the TVA. C160 (BC) Caldwell, Ray Von The Genealogy of James Caldwell and his Descendants, 1750-1968: With the Intermarried Families of Campbell, Drum, Grice, Jones, Reep, Setzer, Styles, and Williams. Newton, N. C.: Epps Print. Co., 1968. C170 (ASU) Caldwell, Taylor The Balance Wheel. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, Ou51. C180 (ASU BC) The Balance Wheel. New York: Pyramid, 1970. Novel of a family fortune built in the armaments trade. The setting is a fictitious town in Western Pennsylvania. Cl 90 (WCU) There Was a Time. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1947. Novel. Partially set in Appalachia. Hero tries to bring in an oil well in Eastern Kentucky; fails and returns to New York City. C200 (ASU BC) Caldwell, Taylor, pseud, see also Reback, Marcus and Reback, Janet Taylor Caldwell �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Caldwell, Walter Coal Company Scrip. Fayetteville, Va.: n.p., 1969. An account of the economic stranglehold exerted over miners by forcing them to trade with the company store. C210 (ASU) Caldwell, Willie Walker Donald McElroy, Scotch Irishman. Philadelphia: George W. Jacobs and Co., 1918. C220 (ASU BC) Calendar of the Tennessee and King's Mountain Papers of the Draper Collection of the Manuscripts Madison: Wisconsin Hist. Soc., 1929. An account of the role of Tennessee in the American Revolution. C230 Coffee, Mrs. Berkeley G. Confederate History of Culpepper County. Culpepper, Va.: The author, 1948. Culpepper County in the war between the states, together with a complete roster of the Confederate soldiers from this county. C240 Calhoun, Harlan M. Twixt North and South. Franklin, W. Va.: McCoy Publishing Co., 1974. A history of the Civil War in Pendleton County, West Virginia. C250 (ASU) Calico, Forrest History of Garrard County, Kentucky, and Its Churches. New York: Hobson Book Press, 1947. Well-illustrated county history with emphasis on churches and founding families. C260 (BC) A Story of Four Churches and Reminiscences of Poosey Ridge in Madison County, Kentucky. New York: Hobson Book Press, 1946. Churches included are: Gilead Baptist, Cornith Christian, Friendship Church, and history of Salem Church; with Reminiscences of Poosey Ridge. C270 (BC) California, University, University at Los Angeles, Library The George Pullen Jackson Collection of Southern Hymnody: A Bibliography. Los Angeles: The library, 1964. C280 (BC) Callahan, James Morton History of West Virginia: Old and New, in One Volume. Chicago: American Historical Society, 1923. A concise history of the mountain states. C290 (LMC BC) Semi-Centennial History of West Virginia. With Special Articles on Development and Resources. Charleston, W. Va.: Semi-Centennial Commission, 1913. C300 (ASU ETSU BC) Callahan, North Daniel Morgan, Ranger of the Revolution. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1961. Morgan was a noted frontiersman and explorer and a native, albeit untutored, military genius. His role in the revolution is given the attention it deserves in this volume. His home territory was the area around Winchester, Virginia. C310 (BC) Smoky Mountain Country. 1st. ed. American Folkways. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1952. C320 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Calmeo, Neville Unto the Hills. A story of the Blue Ridge Mountains. New York: H. Revell Co., 1932. A flatland preacher moves to the Virginia mountains and learns to accept his flock and serve them. C330 Calvert, William Jonathan, Jr. Saul. Nashville, Tenn.: Blue and Gray Press, 1973. A novel with a rural Alabama (the Anniston — Garlsden area) setting. C340 (ASU) Camak, David English Human Gold from Southern Hills, Not a Novel But a Romance of Facts. Greer, S. C: n.p., 1960. Account of author's lifelong struggle to educate the mountain youths, he found in the mill towns. Included reminiscences of Spartanburg Junior College. C350 (BC) AUTHOR June of the Hills: The Junaluska Prize Novel, a Story of the Southern Mountains with Lake Junaluska, N. C., as the Center of Action. Waynesville, N. C.: n.p., 1927. Moralistic fiction from the Carolina Mountains. C360 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Cambiaire, Celestin Pierre East Tennessee and Western Virginia Mountain Ballads (The Last Stand of American Pioneer Civilization). London: Mitre Press, 1934. . C370 (ASU BC) Camblos, Ruth Shopping Round the Mountains. Asheville: The authors, 1972. A guide to tourist spots, outlets, crafts and other things to see and do in Western North Carolina. C380 Cameron, Eugene Nathan Feldspar Deposits of the Bryson City District, North Carolina. Prepared by Geological Survey, U. S. Department of the Interior, in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development. Bulletin, No. 62. Raleigh, N. C: n.p., 1951. C390 (ASU WCU) Cameron, John D. Glimpses of a Land of Beauty. Asheville: Cameron and Cushman, n.d. Promotional material in the tourist trade in the Asheville area. C400 Cameron, Viola Root comp. Emigrants from Scotland to America, 1774-1775. Copied from a Loose Bundle of Treasury Papers in the Public Record Office, London, England. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. C410 (ASU) Camp, Anthony J. Tracing Your Ancestors. Toyle's Handbook. London: W. and G. Foyle, 1964. A handy how-to book for genealogists. C420 (ASU) Camp, Cordelia David Lowry Swain, Governor and University President. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1963. Biography of a Western North Carolina statesman, politician, and governor of North Carolina. Contains genealogical and historical sketches. C430 (ASU WCU LMC) Governor Vance: A Life for Young People. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1961. Biography of North Carolina's only governor from the western, mountainous, part of the state prior to 1973. C440 (ASU WCU WWC) Governor Vance, a Life for Young People. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1964?. C450 (LMC) The Influences of Geography Upon Early North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C: Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1963. Explains the role of geography in the settlement, economy, and politics of Western North Carolina. C460 (ASU LMC WWC) The Settlement of North Carolina. Cullowhee, N. C. Cordelia Camp, 1942. Describes the settlements of the various regions of North Carolina. C470 (ASU BC) Sketches of Burke County, n.p.: n.p., 1954. Historical and biographical sketches of Burke County, North Carolina. C480 (ASU) Sketches of Burke County. Morganton: News-Herald, 1954. C490 The Thought at Midnight: The Story of the Asheville Normal. Asheville, N. C.: The author, 1968. Story of the founding and subsequent years of the Asheville Normal School. C500 (LMC) Camp, Wallace Jefferson Soil Survey, Spartanburg County, South Carolina. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1968. C510 37 CALDWELL-CAMPBELL Campbell, Carlos Clinton Birth of a National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains: An Unprecedented Crusade which Created, as a Gift of the People, the Nation's Most Popular Park. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1960. Description of the enormous efforts of many people from 1920 to 1940 to create the park. C520 (ASU ETSU WCU MHC WWC BC) Birth of a National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains; an Unprecedented Crusade Which Created, as a Gift of the People, the Nation's Most Popular Park. rev. ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1970. C530 • Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. Enlarged ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1964. C550 (ASU LMC WCU WWC BC) Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. 3rd ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1970. 175 full color plates with flowers so natural they seem to be alive. C560 (ETSU BC) Campbell, Carlos Clinton and others Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1962. C540 (LMC WCU ETSU) Campbell County, Tenn., 1830 Census n.p.: n.p., n.d. Census data for Campbell County, Tennessee. C561 Campbell, Evelyn Survival. New York: L. MacVeagh, Dial Press, 1928. Novel. Heroine runs from the horror of a murder trial to the serenity of the Black Mountains of North Carolina seeking peace and renewal. Her involvement with the local people helps to lead her back to life and happiness. C570 (BC) Campbell, Floyd Oren "An Examination of the Leisure Activities and Recreational Interests of Students, and Available Equipment and Facilities at Appalachian State Teachers College." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1957. C580 (ASU) Campbell, Harry Modean Elizabeth Madox Roberts, American Novelist. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1956. A critical survey of the life and works of one of Kentucky's greatest novelists. C590 (BC) Campbell, J. E. Managing 10,000 Miles of Shoreline. Address Before Knoxville (Tennessee) Technical Society, August 30, 1954. Knoxville, Tennessee: TVA, 1954. This address summarizes the use and administration of reservoir shoreline property and property rights including the land and land rights involved in recreation use and development. C670 Campbell, James B. "Some Social and Economic Phases of Reconstruction in East Tennessee, 1864-1869." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1946. C600 Campbell, John Charles From Mountain Cabin to Cotton Mill. Washington: National Child Labor Committee, 1913. Pamphlet. Deals with migration from the mountains to the textile mills that dot the foothill country. C610 Future of the Church and Independent Schools in Our Southern Highlands. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1917. A tract urging support for the more than 200 mountain mission schools supported by 13 denominations in the upland South. C620 (BC) The Future of the Church and Independent Schools in our Southern Highlands. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1917. Authorized facsimile made by Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1975. C630 (ASU) �CAMPBELL—CANTRELL Compboll, John Charles The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1921. One of the classic works on the Southern Mountains. C640 (ASU ETSU WWC BC) The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. Foreword by Rupert B. Vance and an introduction by Henry D. Shapiro, 1921. Reprint. Lexington, Kentucky: Univ. Press, 1969. C650 (LMC MHC WCU FC) The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. Spartanburg, S. C: The Reprint Co., 1973. C660 Campbell, John Gregorson Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. Xerographic Copy. Cleveland, Ohio: Bell and Howell Co., 1974. C680 bb Marsh Swing Old Adam. Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1965. Milltown is a mountain community of some two hundred families clustered around a sawmill in the Appalachians. Births, deaths, courtships, weddings, parties, accidents, fights and killings, all play their part in the lives of the mountain people. C690 Campbell, Lillian Smart "An Individualized Reading Program for Students in Grades 4-7 at Hayter's Gap Elementary School, Fall 1970." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. C700 (ETSU) Campbell, Marie Cloud-walking. With a Foreword by Olive V. Keliher. Illustrated by John A. Spilman, III. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1942. C710 (ASU WWC BC) Cloud-walking. 1960. Reprint. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1971. C720 (LMC ETSU WCU BC) Folks Do Get Born. New York: Rinehart, 1946. Stories of Midwifery in the South. C730 (BC) Tales from the Cloud Walking Country. Illustrated by Clare Leighton. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1958. Lonely stories and sketches in authentic dialect. C740 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Campbell, Marius Robinson Character of Coal in the Thomas Bed near Harrison, West Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 716-H. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1921. C750 Geology of the Big Stone Gap Coal Field of Virginia and Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 111. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1893. C760 (BC) CampbeU, Marius Robinson and others The Valley Coal Fields of Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. Virginia Geological Survey Bulletin, 25. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1925. C770 (ETSU) Campbell, Mary Emily R. The Attitude of Tennesseans toward the Union. -. New York: Vantage Press, 1961 C780 (BC ASU) Tennessee and the Union, 1847-1861. Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ. 1937. C790 "Tennessee's Attitude toward Secession." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ. 1929. C800 Campbell, Merrill G. Directions for Education Development in Appalachia: Report of an Educational Need and Feasibility Study Involving the Appalachian Areas of Six States. Charleston, W. Va.: Appalachia Educational Laboratory, 1971. C810 (BC ASU) Campbell, Olive Arnold Dame Adjustment to Rural Industrial Change with Special Reference to Mountain Areas. Washington: National Education Association, 1929. C820 AUTHOR English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians, Comprising 122 Songs and Ballads, and 323 Tunes. With an introduction and notes. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1917. C830 (ASU LMC WWC BC) The Life and Work of John Charles Campbell, September 15, 1868-May 2, 1919. Madison, Wise.: College Print, and Typing Co., 1968. Biography of one of Appalachia's foremost authors and educators. His THE SOUTHERN HIGHLANDER AND HIS HOMELAND is a mountain classic. C840 (WWC BC) The Southern Highlands: A selected Bibliography. New York: Russell Sage Foundation Library, 1920. This Bibliography is part of that which Mrs. Campbell included in the edition of her husband's work, The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. C850 Southern Mountain Schools Maintained by Denominational and Independent Agencies. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1929. A plea for support of the various mountain mission schools. C870 Campbell, Olive Arnold Dame comp. Southern Highland Schools Maintained by Denominational and Independent Agencies. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1921. Authorized facsimile made by Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1975. C860 (ASU) Campbell, Robert Ah/ord Farm Woodland Management in Southern Appalachians, 8-Year Summary. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 41. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1954. C880 Forest Service Log Grades for Southern Pine. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, SE-11. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1964. C890 (WCU) A Guide to Grading Features in Southern Pine Logs and Trees. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 156. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1962. C900 (WCU) Ten Years of Experimental Farm Woodland Management in the Southern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper no. 83. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1957. C910 (WCU) Tree Grades Give Accurate Estimate of Second-Growth Yellow Poplar Values. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 108. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1959. C920 (WCU) Campbell, Robert F. "A Classification of Mountain Whites." n.p., A Pamphlet reprinted from The Southern Workman, 1901. C930 Mission Work among the Mountain Whites in Asheville Presbytery, North Carolina. Asheville, N. C.: Citizen Co., 1899. C940 (BC) Campbell, Thomas Corwith Freight Rates of West Virginia Wood Products. West Virginia Department of Commerce Economic Development Series, no. 5. West Virginia Univ. Bulletin Series 65, no. 10-11. Morgantown: n.p., 1965. C950 (ASU) Campbell, Thomas Jefferson Records of Rhea: A Condensed County History. Dayton, Term: Rhea Pub. Co., 1940. Includes account of the famous "monkey" trial. C960 (ASU BC) The Upper Tennessee. Chattanooga, Tenn.: The author, 1932. Pen and camera pictures with text describing life and travel on the Tennessee over a 150 year period. C970 (BC) 38 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Campbell, Will D. Up to Our Steeples in Politics. New York: Paulist Press, 1970. Author laments political involvement of the Church in Appalachia. Says mission of church is "to be" and not "to do." C990 (WCU BC) Campbell, Will D. comp. The Failure and the Hope: Essays of Southern Churchmen. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1972. A collection of essays on the role of the church in the South. Some attention given to Appalachia. C980 (WCU ASU BC) Camping on Mount Mitchell! Information Regarding Good Places for Summer Camps in United States Forests in North Carolina n.p.: Issued by the Southern Railway, 1916. C1000 (BC) Cams, W. P., Jr. The Smokeless Coal Fields of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. 1963. A study of anthracite mines in West Virginia. C1010 (LMC) Canaday, Julie Big End of the Horn. Washington: Vantage, 1906. C1020 (LMC) CanfieU, Clifford R. The Copenhaver Family of Wythe County. Pasadena, Calif.: Privately printed. . Also includes notes on Capp, Neff, Kegley and Leedy families. C1030 The Descendants of Joseph Samson Hounshell and Mandana Hedrick. Pasadena, Calif., n.p., 1955. C1040 The Hounshell Family of Southwest Virginia. Frankfurt, Germany. Privately printed. Also includes notes on Lambert and Messersmith families. Replaces and updates and enlarges descendants of Joseph Samson Hounshell and Mandana Hedrick, 1955 by Canfield. C1050 Rosenbaum Family. Frankfurt, Germany: n.p., 1963. C1060 Rosenbaum-Rosenbalm Family of Southwest Virginia. Frankfurt, Germany: Privately printed. Also includes notes on Bauman, Rosseler, Sommer, Dill, (Thill), Conradt, Sprecher (Spraker), Copenhaver, Phillippi, Eichelberger and Fox families. C1070 Cann, Marion Stuart On Skidd's Branch, a Tale of the Kentucky Mountains. Xerox Copy of the Original. Scranton, Pa.: Republican Job Rooms, 1884. A novel of a struggle between a miller/moonshiner and a young revenuer who loves the miller's daughter. Naturally, love and right triumph. C1080 (ASU BC) Cannon, Brenda, pseud, see Moore, Bertha Bella Cannon, Elizabeth Rob ed. Vance, Zebulon Baird My Beloved Zebulon; the Correspondence of Zebulon B. Vance and Harriett Newell Espy. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1971. VI00 Cannon, Elizabeth Roberts ed. My Beloved Zebulon. The correspondence of Zebulon Baird Vance and Harriett Neivell Espy. With an introduction by Frances Gray Patton. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1971. Vance was our first Western North Carolina governor. C1090 (ASU) Cannon, LeGrand, Jr. Look to the Mountain. New York: Holt, 1942. Long novel about pioneering in the New Hampshire Grants from 1769 to 1777. The chief characters are a young bride and groom who left the settlements to make their home in the wilderness of the Northern Appalachians. Cl 100 (LMC) Cansler, Charles W. Three Generations: The Story of a Colored Family of Eastern Tennessee. Kingsport, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, 1939. C1110 (ASU LMC BC) Cantrell, Clyde Hull Southern Literary Culture: A Bibliography of Master's and Doctor's Theses. University: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1955. Lists many Appalachian sources. C1120 (ASU LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Contrail, L. Winston, Robert A. Soil Survey of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1912. W7820 Contrail, Llano Soil Survey of Chilton County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1911. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. C1130 Contrail, Roy My Friends, the Cherokees. Cherokee, N. C: Howineetah Publications, 1973. Cl 140 (MHC) Canyus, Lucy Josephine The History of Bartow County, Formerly Cass. Cartersville, Ga.: Tribune Pub. Co., 1933. This county changed names after the Civil War because Cass was from Michigan and therefore unfit to have a Georgia county named for him. C1150 (ASU) Copers, Henry Dicksoh The Life and Times of C. G. Memmings. Richmond: Everett Waddey Co., 1893. Biography of a South Carolina Governor who participated in the Blue Ridge Railroad venture. Cl 160 (ETSU) Caperton, Helena L. Legends of Virginia. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1931. Legends from Western Virginia. C1170 (LMC) Capitalizing on New Development Opportunities along the Baltimore-Cincinnati Appalachian Development Highway: A Staff Recommendation. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, n.d. The planners dream of future development along the highway. Little relevance to the people who live there. C1180 Cappon, Lester Jesse Bibliography of Virginia History Since 1865. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia Institute for Research in the Social Sciences, 1930. Marvelous research tool for Western Virginia items. C1190 (BCFC) Capps, Claudius Meade Indian Legends and Poems. Dalton, Ga.: A. J. Showalter Co., 1932. Legends of the Cherokee, especially those in the North Georgia and East Tennessee region. C1200 (ASU) Carawan, Candie Carawan, Guy Voices from the Mountain. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975. C1210 (ASU) Carawan, Guy Voices from the Mountain. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975. This is a fine collection of words, songs, and photographs representing the constant struggle for sustenance, dignity and life that is Appalachia today. C1210 (ASU) Carbert, Leslie E. The Impact of State and Local Taxes in North Carolina and the Southeastern States. Raleigh: N. C. Tax Commission, 1956. C1220 (LMC) Garden, H. B. Peters, J. T. History of Fayette County, West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1926. P2310 (ASU) Carder, Roscoe H. "History of Education in Jackson County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1937. C1230 Cardwell, Dudley H. The Newburg of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1971. C1240 Carey, Faris Jane Exploring the Mountains of North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: Provincial Press, 1972. C1250 (MHC) Carleton, David A. "The Economic Geography of the State Industry in Eastern Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State College, 1951. C1260 AUTHOR Carlisle, George William Frederick Howard Travels in America. The Poetry of Pope. Two Lectures Delivered to the Leeds Mechanics' Institution and Literary Society, December 5th and 6th, 1850. New York: G. P. Putnam, 1851. This English gentleman saw no more of Appalachia than White Sulphur Springs. C1270 Carlisle, Laura Mae comp. Huffard, Grace Thompson comp. My Poetry Book. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1956. H8010 (ASU) Cariston, Charles William Ground-water Resources of Monongalia County, West Virginia. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey. Bulletin, no. 15. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1958. C1280 (ETSU) Conner, Carl Lamson Stars Fell on Alabama. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1934. Includes account of the author's experiences in Northern Alabama. The author's brief story in this state made an indelible impression on him. C1290 (BQ Camathan, Ralph D. Experiment in Regional Federalism: Implementation of the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 ih Georgia, North Carolina, and Tennessee. Ph.D. Diss. University of Tennessee, 1973. History of the Appalachian Regional Development Act, its Administration and Implementation in each of the Three States. C1300 Carnes, Douglas Status of West Virginia in the Economic Opportunity Program under Public Law 88-452. Charleston: n.p., 1966. C1310 Carolina Comments vol. 1- 1952-. Raleigh, N. C.: State Department of Archives and History, bimonthly. Each issue generally includes some Western North Carolina Material. C1320 (ASU) Carolina Mountaineer The 1916 Pictorial Story of Haywood County. Reprint of a special industrial and resort edition of the Carolina Mountaineer. Waynesville, N. C.: Haywood County Historical Society, n.d. C1330 (WCU) Carothers, J. Edward Keepers of the Poor. Cincinnati, Ohio: Joint Commission on Education and Cultivation, Board of Missions of the Methodist Church, 1966. C1340 (ASU LMC) Carpenter, Allen North Carolina from Its Glorious Past to the Present. Chicago: Childrens Press, 1965. Children's book of North Carolina history. Profusely illustrated, Section on Appalachia. C1350 (ASU) Carpenter, Clarence A. The Best from Almar Farm in Western North Carolina. Illustrated by Constance M. Green. Raleigh, N. C.: The author, 1969. C1360 (LMC ASU) Carpenter, E. F. Mountain Lyrics and Sketches. n.p.: n.p., 1940. A poem to the Appalachian Mountains. C1370 (WCU) Carpenter, Hugh King's Mountain, an Epic of Revolution: With Historical and Biographical Sketches, and Illustrations. Knoxville: The author, 1936. C1380 (BC) Carpenter, J. Raymond Johnson, Hugh A. Exurban Development in Selected Areas of the Appalachian Mountains. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. J1790 Carpenter, Mrs. V. K. Seventh Census of the United States, 1850: Fentress County, Tennessee, Free Population Schedules. Fort Worth, Texas: Miran Publishers, 1969. Cl 390 (ASU) Seventh Census of the United States, 1850: Franklin County, Tennessee, Free Population Schedules. Huntsville, Ala.: Century Enterprises, 1970. C1400 (ASU) CANTRELL-CARROLL Carpenter, William Henry Arthur, Timothy Shay The History of Kentucky, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo & Co., 1852. A5020 (BC WCU) History of Tennessee. Philadelphia: Remsen and Haffelfinger, 1868. Contains a great deal of information on Eastern Tennessee. C1410 Carr, Howard Ernest Washington College: A Study of an Attempt to Provide Higher Education in Eastern Tennessee. Knoxville: S. B. Newman and Co., 1935. Washington College is reputed to be the second oldest college west of the mountains. C1420 (ETSUBC) Carr, Jess The Saint of the Wilderness. Radford, Va.: Commonwealth Press, 1974. A biographical novel depicting the life and works of Robert Sayers Sheffey, Appalachian Minister C1430 (ASU) The Second Oldest Profession: An Informal History of Moonshining in America. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1972. Most instances cited are from the Appalachians, particularly Western Virginia. C1440 (ASU BC) Carr, Larry Douglas "The Changing Economic Position of Southwest Virginia as Affected by the Coal Industry." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. Cl 450 (ETSU) Carr, Maria Graham My Recollections of Rocktown, Now Known as Harrisonburg. Harrisonburg, Va.: F. Stoner, 1959. A touching, personal recollection of the early days of Harrisonburg, Virginia. C1460 (ASU BC) Carroll, Bartholomew Rivers ed. Historical Collections of South Carolina. Embracing many rare and valuable pamphlets and other documents, relating to the history of that state from its first discovery to its independence, in the year 1776. 2 vols. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1836. C1470 (ASU) Carroll, Dorothy Sedimentary Studies in the Middle River Drainage Basin of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 314:F. Shorter Contributions to General Geology, 1957. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. C1480 (ASU) Carroll, Latrobe Carroll, Ruth Robinson Beanie. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1953. C1510 (ASU WWC BC) Carroll, Ruth Robinson The Christmas Kitten. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1970. C1520 (MHC) Carroll, Ruth Robinson The Picnic Bear. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1966. C1550 (ASU) Carroll, Ruth Robinson Runaway Pony. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1963. C1560 (ASU MHC BC) Carroll, Ruth Robinson Tough Enough. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1954. C1570 (ASU MHC WWC BC) Carroll, Ruth Robinson Tough Enough and Sassy. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1958. C1580 (ASU LMC BC) Carroll, Ruth Robinson Tough Enough's Indians, n.p.: H. Z. Walck, 1960. C1590 (ASU LMC ETSU) Carroll, Ruth Robinson Tough Enough's Pony. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1957. C1600 (ASU MHC LMC BC) Carroll, Ruth Robinson Tough Enough's Trip. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1956. C1610 (ASU MHC LMC BC) Carroll, Ruth Robinson Tough Enough's Trip. New York: Oxford Univ., 1956. C1620 (WWC) Carroll, Otis Ward "Industrial Waste and Human Sewage Pollution within the New River Drainage Basin of Watauga County." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1964. C1490 (ASU) �AUTHOR Carroll, Richard R. Structure of Employment in the Area Development Districts of Kentucky, 1960-1970: Analysis and Implications. Ph.D. Diss. University of Kentucky, 1973. Studies find that agriculture and mining are declining, and importance of manufacturing is growing. a 500 Carroll, Ruth Robinson Beanie. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1953. A Children's story of a too-clever dog in the Western North Carolina Mountains. C1510 (ASU WWC BC) The Christmas Kitten. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1970. Western North Carolina is the setting for this story of a Christmas gift. C1520 (MHC) From the Appalachians: A Portfolio of Drawings and Paintings. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1964. A folio of mountain drawings and paintings. C1530 (ASU BC) Peanut. New York: Oxford Pa.: . Children's Story with a Western North Carolina setting. C1540 The Picnic Bear. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1966. There's a mountain setting for this children's story about a hungry bear. C1550 (ASU) Runaway Pony. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1963. Children's story with a Western North Carolina setting. C1560 (ASU MHC BC) Tough Enough. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1954. Mountain setting; animal story. C1570 (ASU MHC WWC BC) Tough Enough and Sassy. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1958. Mountain setting; animal story. C1580 (ASU LMC BC) Tough Enough's Indians, n.p.: H. Z. Walck, 1960. A dog story for children, set in the Smoky Mountains of North Carolina and Tennessee. C1590 (ASU LMC ETSU) Tough Enough's Pony. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1957. A Smoky Mountain setting; pony story. Cl600 (ASU MHC LMC BC) Tough Enough's Trip. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1956. A Smoky Mountain setting; dog story. C1610 (ASU MHC LMC BC) Tough Enough's Trip. New York: Oxford Univ., 1956. A Smoky Mountain setting; dog story. C1620 (WWC) Carroll, William M. "Marketing Forest Products in Pennsylvania; a study of Marketing Practices and Pricing Processes at the Farm level for Forest Products in Pennsylvania 1949-1951." Master's thesis. Penn. State College, 1951. C1630 Carron, Elizabeth Clifton Forge, Virginia, n.p., n.p., n.d. C1640 Carson and Newman College, Jefferson City, Tenn. An Educational Study of Jefferson County, Tennessee. Made co-operatively by faculty members of Carson-Newman College, County superintendent of instruction, Principals of county schools, school year, 1934-35. Jefferson City: The college book store, 1936. C1650 Carson-Newman College see Carson and Newman College, Jefferson City, Tenn. Carter, Clyde Cass "Administrations of John Sevier." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1928. Sevier was governor of Tennessee and the state of Franklin. C1660 Carter County, Tenn., 1830 Census n.p.: n.p., n.d. Census data for Carter County, Tennessee. C1661 Carter, David Wendel Carter of Tennessee, Including the Taylors: Descendants of Colonel John Carter of Tennessee. Pamphlet ed. Chattanooga: Lookout Pub. Co., 1927. C1670 (ETSU) Carter, Ethel Mae Eylar Appell, Darlene Skillern Family History and Genealogy, n.p.: N.P., . A4510 Carter, Everett C. The Impact of Highway Beautification on the Outdoor Advertising Industry in West Virginia. Sponsored by the West Virginia State Road Commission and the U. S. Department of Transportation, Federal Highway Administration, Bureau of Public Roads. State Road Commission Report, no. 22. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Engineering Experiment Station, 1967. C1680 Carter, Herbert The Boy Scouts in the Blue Ridge: Or Marooned Among the Moonshiners. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1913. A stirring tale of young men adventuring among the moonshiners of the Blue Ridge. C1690 (ASU LMC BC) Carter, James Health and Nutrition in Disadvantage .Children. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ., 1970. Includes references to Appalachian children. C1700 Carter, John Benjamin Soil Survey, Rappahannock County, Virginia. Field Survey by C. S. Coleman and others. Soil Survey, Series 1958, no. 11. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1961. C1710 Carter, M. Devereux Wood, Gordon H., Jr. Systematic Jointing in Western Part of Anthracite Region of Eastern Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1969. W8510 Carter, Mary Nelson North Carolina Sketches: Phases of Life Where the Galax Grows. Chicago: A. C. McClurg and Co., 1900. Seventeen sketches of North Carolina mountaineers. Well done. C1720 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Carter, Oliver Reuben Soil Survey, Chambers County, Alabama. Soils surveyed by O. R. Carter and others. Correlation by I. L. Martin. Soil Survey, Series 1956, no. 3. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1959. Good Maps. C1730 Carter, R. G. "A Study of the Progress of Negro Education in Saint Clair County, Alabama." Master's thesis. Alabama State College, 1953. C1750 Carter, Randy Canoeing White Water: A Guide Book to the Rivers of Virginia and Eastern West Virginia, The Great Smoky Mountain Area. Warrenton, Va.: The author, 1967. Cl 740 (LMC) Carter, S. Graf ton, A. Edwin A Manual of West Virginia's Wood-using Industries, with Directory. Morgantown: Office of Research and Development, Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, West Virginia Univ., 1965. G3110 (ASU) Carter, W. R. History of the First Regiment of Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry in the Great War of the Rebellion: With the Armies of the Ohio and Cumberland, under Generals Morgan, Rosecrans, Thomas, Stanley and Wilson, 1862-1865. Knoxville, Tenn.: Gaut-Ogden, 1902. This unit engaged in several campaigns in the mountains. C1760 (LMC) Carter, William T., Jr. Soil Survey of the Leesburg, Virginia, Area. Field Operations, 1903. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1904. C1770 Cartmell, Thomas Kemp comp. Shenandoah Valley Pioneers and Their Descendants: A History of Frederick County, Virginia, from Its Formation in 1738 to 1908. Compiled mainly from original records of old Frederick County, now Hampshire, Berkeley, Shenandoah, Jefferson, Hardy, Clarke, Warren, Morgan and Frederick. Indexed edition. Winchester, Va.: Eddy Press Corp., 1909. C1780 (ASU BC) 40 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Shenandoah Valley Pioneers and Their Descendants: A History of Frederick County, Virginia, from Its Formation in 1738 to 1908. Compiled mainly from original records of old Frederick County, now Hampshire, Berkeley, Shenandoah, Jefferson, Hardy, Clarke, Warren, Morgan and Frederick. 2 vols. Indexed edition. 1909. Reprint. Berryville, Va.: Chesapeake Book Co., 1963. C1790 (ASU ETSU) Cartwright, Betty Goff Cook comp. North Carolina Land Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791. Memphis: J. C. Harper Co., 1958. C1800 (ETSU BC ASU) Cartwright, Peter Autobiography of Peter Cartwright, the Backwoods Preacher. Cincinnati: Cranston and Curts, 1856. Cartwright had a long ministry in Pennsylvania, West Va. and other border states. C1810 (BC) Caruso, John Anthony The Appalachian Frontier: America's First Surge Westward. Maps by Francis J. Mitchell. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1959. Includes: Indians, Wetzel, Crockett, Sovier, the Watauga settlements and the Long Hunters — the most exciting chapter in American History. C1820 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC UNCA) The Southern Frontier. The American Frontier. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, Co., 1963. Accounts of adventures and hardship on the Southern Frontier. C1830 (WCU) Caruthers, Eli Washington Interesting Revolutionary Incidents: And Sketches of Character, Chiefly in the "Old North State." 2nd series. Philadelphia: Hayes and Zell, 1856. C1840 (ASU) Revolutionary Incidents: And Sketches of Character, Chiefly in the "Old North State." Philadelphia: Hayes and Zell, 1854. C1850 (ASU) Caruthers, Eugene "An Investigation of the Exceptional Child in the Negro Secondary Schools of East Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. Cl 860 Caruthers, William Alexander The Knights of the Golden Horse-shoe: A Traditionary Tale of the Cocked Hat Gentry in the Old Dominion. With an introduction by Curtis Carroll Davis, 1845. Reprint. Southern Literary Classics Series. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, . Va. agents move into frontier through Green Valley over Blue Ridge and fight Indians. C1870 (WCU ETSU BC) The Knights of the Horseshoe. "Harper's Franklin Square Library no. 269." New York: Harper and Brothers, 1882. C1880 Gary, Richard Mary N. Murfree. United States Authors Series, no. 121. New York: Twayne Pub., 1967. A critical study of the life and works of the woman who turned the nation's literary attention toward Appalachia. C1890 (ASU) Casdorph, Paul Douglas "Legislative Politics and the Public Schools in West Virginia, 1933-1958: A Twenty-five Year History." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1970. C1900 (ASU BC) Case, Dale Edward "Oak Ridge, Tennessee: A Geographic Study." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tenn., 1955. C1910 Case, Earl Clark "The Valley of East Tennessee: The Adjustment of Industry to Natural Environment." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Chicago, 1925. The Tennessee Valley is one of the few places in Appalachia where this adjustment has been possible. C1920 (LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Cose, H. L. Personnel Policy in a Public Agency: The TVA Experience. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1955. This is a book about the development and present status of personnel administration in TVA by a former Director of Personnel. C1930 Casey, Joseph J. Personal Names in Hening's "Statutes at Large of Virginia" and Shepherd's Continuation. 1896 reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. C1940 (ASU) Cash, James I. Autobiography and Sermons. Spring City: n.p., 1934. An autobiography with sermons and a history of Polk County, Tenn. C1950 Caskey, Willie Malvin "The Administration of Governor Andrew Johnson 1853-1857." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1928. C1960 Cassell, Charles Willis ed. History of The Lutheran Church in Virginia and East Tennessee. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1930. C1970 (ASU BC FC) Cassell, William Holler ed. Fugitive Lyrics of John Heiskell Boo ton. Salem, Va.: Sentinel Pub. Co., 1899. C1980 Cassidy, Frederic Gomes A Method for Collecting Dialect. With the collaboration of Andrew R. Duckert. Publication, no. 20. Gainesville, Fla.: American Dialect Society, 1953. C1990 (ASU) Costoneo! The Journal of the Southern Appalachian Botanical Club vol. 1. January, 1936. Morgantown, W. Va.: The club, monthly except June, July, August, September. C2000 (ETSU UNCA BC) Castleden, Louise Decatur Otha. Washington, D. C: New Edition, 1962. Author's sketch of a humble and religious old mountain man who left a lasting impression on her. C2010 (ASU BC) A Catalog of the South Birmingham: Oxmoore House, 1974. This catalog is published by the same corporation that publishes Southern Living. Like the Magazine, the book contains a great deal of information on Appalachia. C2030 Catalogue of the Fine Arts Section of the Appalachian Exposition Knoxville: Newman, 1910. This is a catalogue of the Great Appalachian Fair in Knoxville in 1910. Apparently it was the only area-wide fair of its kind. C2040 (ASU) Cate, Henna The Southern Appalachian Heritage. Boone, N. C.: The Appalachian Consortium, 1974. A delightful account of life, manners, customs and conditions in the high mountain valleys of the Appalachians. Reminiscence of life as it was. C2041 Cotes, Alma Lydia "A Study of the Language Arts Program in Grade One of the Carter County School System with Some Suggestions for the Improvement of the Program." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State College, 1959. C2050 (ETSU) Cather, Elaine Rittenhouse, Gordon The Texture of Mississippian, Upper Devonian, and Lower Pennsylvanian Sandstones in the Appalachian Basin. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1946. R2530 Rittenhouse, Gordon The Texture of Paleozoic Sandstones and Sandy Limestones in the Appalachian Basin. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1946. R2540 AUTHOR Cather, Willa Sibert Sapphira and the Slave Girl. 1st ed. New York: A. A. Knopf, 1940. Character sketch of a Virginia lady, Sapphira Dodderidge Colbert, of the Loudaun County Dodderidges, who was considered to have married beneath her. Her husband ran the mill in the Blue Ridge frontier town where they went to live. This, Miss Cather's only non-western novel was written from stories her parents told her about their relatives in Virginia. C2060 (ASU ETSU) Cathey, Cornelius Oliver Agricultural Developments in North Carolina, 1783-1860. James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science, vol. 38. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1956. C2070 (LMC) Cathey, James H. The Genesis of Lincoln: Truth is Stranger than Fiction, n.p.: The author, 1899. There's a persistent rumor that Lincoln was the son of Abraham Enlon of Swain Co., N. C. to whom Nancy Hanks was once indentured. C2080 (LMC) Truth is Stranger than Fiction: Or, the True Genesis of a Wonderful Man. n.p.: n.p., n.d. C2090 (ASU) Catholic Education in North Carolina Washington, D. C: Williams and Heintz, 1958. Catholicism is the fastest growing religion in the Southern Mountains. C2100 (LMC) Catlett, Clay Michie An Economic and Social Survey of Augusta County. Univ. of Va. Extension Series, vol. 12, no. 7. Charlottesville: Univ. of Va., 1928. C2110 (ASU BC) Caton, Joseph L. Wild Flowers of the Great Smokies and Surrounding Area, a Pictorial Guide. Knoxville, Tenn.: J. L. Caton, 1940. A beautifully illustrated pictorial guide to the flora of the Great Smokies. C2120 (ASU UNCA) Catron, Ada Grace Early Records of Lee County, Virginia, vol. 2. n.p.: n.p., 1972. Land and Court Records of Lee County Virginia. C2130 Tombstone Inscriptions of Lee County, Virginia. Pennington Gap, Va.: The author, 1966. C2140 (BC) Catron, Anna Grace The Public Career of David Crockett. Master's thesis. Univ. of Tenn., 1955. C2150 Catron, Henry Hardy Kettenring Family. Name changed to Catron. Edinburg, III.: n.p., 1966. Many Wythe County families included. This replaces the author's Kettenring Family in America, Mt. Pulaski, III.: H. J. Wible Print Co., 1955. C2160 Cattermole, E. G. Famous Frontiersmen, Pioneers and Scouts: The Vanguards of American Civilization. Chicago: W. V. Harrison, Jr., 1886. Includes: Boone, Girty and Wetzel as well as mention of lesser known Appalachian pioneer scouts. C2170 (BC) Caudill, Bernice C. Pioneers of Eastern Kentucky, Their Feuds and Settlements. Cincinnati: Creative Printing, 1969. Fascinating account of the people who settled Eastern Kentucky and the routes they took, their fights and towns. C2180 (ASU) Caudill, Harry Poverty and Affluence in Appalachia. Huntington: Appalachian Movement Press, n.d. C2190 Caudill, Harry M. Dark Hills to Westward: The Saga of Jennie Wiley. 1st ed. Atlantic Monthly Press Book. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1969. Account of her capture by Indians and subsequent escape. C2200 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) 41 CASE-CAUDILL My Land is Dying. 1st ed. New York: E. P. Dutton, 1971. Account of the devastation caused by strip-mining by the area's most eloquent ecologist. C2210 (ASU MHC LMC WCU ETSU BC) Night Comes to the Cumberland*: A Biography of a Depressed Area. With a foreword by Stewart L. Udall. Atlantic Press Book. Boston: Little, Brown, 1962. Eloquent diatribe on the havoc the coal industry is wrecking on Eastern Kentucky. C2220 (WWC BC FC) Night Comes to the Cumberlands: Biography of a Depressed Area. Foreword by Stewart L. Udall. Boston: Little, Brown, 1963. This is Appalachia's most eloquent ecological plea. C2230 (ASU MHC WCU ETSU FC UNCA) Night Comes to the Cumberlands: A Biography of a Depressed Area. With a foreword by Stewart L. Udall. Boston: Little, Brown, 1964. C2240 (LMC) The Senator from Slaughter County. 1st ed. Boston: Little, Brown, 1973. A fictional account of political conception and economic colonialism in Eastern Kentucky. C2250 (ASU BC) Caudill, Morris K. A Poverty Program and the Public Schools. Bureau of School Service Bulletin, vol. 41, no. 2. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky College of Education, 1968. A look at poverty funds in the public schools. How much actually gets to the schools; how is it spent. C2260 Caudill, Rebecca Barrie and Daughter. New York: The Viking Press, 1943. C2270 Barrie and Daughter. Illustrated by Berkeley Williams, Jr. 1943. Reprint. New York: Viking Press, 1967. Setting is author's childhood home in the Southern mountains. C2280 (ASU ETSU) The Best-loved Doll. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962. A touching story of a child and a doll in a land where there are few dolls. C2290 (ETSU) A Certain Small Shepherd. Illustrated by William Pene DuBois. 1st ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. Tear-jerker about a mute child and a Christmas miracle. C2300 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) Come Along. Illustrated by Ellen Raskin. 1st ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969. The glories of the mountains presented in haiku verse. C2310 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Contrary Jenkins. Illustrated by Glen Rounds, 1st ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969. A marvelous man who must disagree with any suggestion. C2320 (ASU MHC ETSU BC) Did You Carry the Flag Today, Charley? Illustrated by Nancy Grossman, 1st ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966. A mountain boy goes off to kindergarten. C2330 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU WWC BC) The Far-off Land. New York: Viking Press, 1964. Another what lies over the hills and far-away theme. C2340 (LMC WCU ASU) Happy Little Family. Illustrated by Decie Merwin, 1st ed. Philadelphia: J. C. Winston and Co., 1947. Bonnie and Debby are four and six and are from Eastern Kentucky. C2350 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Higgins and the Great Big Scare. New York: Holt, 1960. Higgins learns a lesson about being afraid. Mountain setting. C2360 (ETSU) The High Cost of Writing. Cumberland: Southeast Community College, Univ. of Kentucky, 1965. An address about her life and work delivered before Southeast Community College, University of Kentucky, Cumberland, Kentucky. C2370 (BC) �CAUDILL—CHANCE Coudill, Rebecca My Appalachia: A Reminiscence. Photographs by Edward Wallowitch, 1st ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966. A reminiscence of the mountains before the land strippers came. C2380 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU WCU FC WWC BC UNCA) A Pocketful of Cricket. Illustrated by Evaline Ness, 1st. ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. A Tennessee farm boy makes a pet of a cricket. C2390 (ASU WWC LMC WCU ETSU) Saturday Cousins. Illustrated by Nancy Woltmate, 1st ed. Philadelphia: Winston, 1953. Games and adventures of six cousins who played together every Saturday, 50 years ago. C2400 (ASU LMC BC) ' Saturday Cousins. 1953. Reprint. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968. C2410 (ETSU) Schoolhouse in the Woods. Illustrated by Decie Merwin. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1949. A story about a one room mountain school a generation ago. C2420 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Schoolroom in the Parlor. Illustrated by Decie Merwin, 1st. ed. Philadelphia: Winston, 1959. A snowbound mountain family has school in the front parlor. C2430 (ASU LMC WCU) Schoolroom in the Parlor. 1959. Reprint. Philadelphia: Winston, 1970. C2440 (ETSU) Susan Cornish. New York: Viking Press, 1955. A story of a young teacher's first school in a poor mountain community. C2450 (WCU ETSU BC) Susan Cornish. 1955. Reprint. New York: Viking Press, 1966. C2460 (ASU LMC) Time for Lisa. New York: T. Nelson, 1959. A Story of a lonely girl who yearns for time and attention. C2470 Tree of Freedom. Illustrated by Dorothy Bayley Morse. New York: Viking Press, 1947. A teen-aged girl finds herself alone on the frontier during the 18th century. C2480 (ASU LMC BC) Tree of Freedom. New York: Viking Press, 1949. C2490 (ETSU) Up and Down the River. Illustrated by Decie Merwin, 1st ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1951. Two children turn salesmen during summer vacation. C2500 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) The Wooden Tower. Charlestown: Morris Horvey Publication, 1975. 176 pages of prose, poetry and graphics by mountain authors and artisans. C2510 Causey, Lawson V. Availability of Ground Water in Talladega County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. Bulletin, 81. University: Division of Water Resources Geological Survey of Alabama, 1965. C2520 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Cherokee County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. Bulletin, 79. University: Division of Water Resources, Geological Survey of Alabama, 1965. C2530 (ETSU) Ground-water Resources of Etowah County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. Information Series, 25. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1961. C2540 (ETSU) Harris, Hobart B. Interim Report on Ground-water Study in Colbert County, Alabama. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1960. H2880 (ETSU) Miller, J. D., Jr. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1958. M5760 (ETSU) AUTHOR Warman, James C. Geology and Ground-Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama. University: Alabama, Geological Survey, 1962. W830 (ETSU) Cauthen, Charles Edward South Carolina Goes to War, 1860-1865. James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science, vol. 32. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1950. C2550 (ASU) Cauthorn, Robert C. Economic Structure of West Virginia. W. Va. Center for App. Studies and Development, W. Va. State Development Plans, Basic Information Series, Report, no. 5. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Office of Research and Development, 1967. C2560 Cavallaro, Joseph A. Froth Floatation Washability Data of Various Appalachian Coals Using Timed Release Analysis Technique. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1965. C2570 Cave Research Foundation The Flint Ridge Cave System, Mammoth Cave National Park, Kentucky. Done in cooperation with the National Park Service. Washington: The foundation, 1966. C2580 (ASU BC) Cawoodr Steven C. A Survey of the Legal Environment of Knox County, Kentucky. Oak Ridge: Oak Ridge Asso. Universities, 1967. Another study of corruption in Eastern Kentucky. C2590 Caylor, Betty Shearer The Double Head Academy. Louisville: J. M. Gray and Associates, 1971. C2600 (BC) Caywood, William Curtis Kentucky Mayor: The Humor and Philosophy of John Edwin Garner. Winchester, Ky.: n.p., 1950. C2610 (BC) Census of Pensioners for Revolutionary or Military Services Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. (1840, 1841). C2620 Centenary . . . the Story of a Church Chattanooga: n.p., 1962. C2630 Centennial Anniversary of the First Presbyterian Church of Knoxville, Tennessee, and the Semi-centennial Anniversary of the Ministry of Rev. James Park, D. D., Knoxville, Tennessee, October 11, 1896 Knoxville: Bean, Warters and Gaut, 1897. C2640 Centennial of Holston Presbytery Celebrated in the Jonesboro Presbyterian Church, Jonesboro, Tennessee, October 18-19, 1926. Greenville: John R. Self, 1927. The Holston Presbytery is the oldest in Tenn. C2650 Chadsey, Charles E. "The Struggle between President Johnson and the Congress over Reconstruction." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1896. C2660 Chaffin, Lillie D. Bear Weather. Illustrated by Helga Aichinger. New York: Macmillan, 1968. A mother bear and her cubs enjoy a spring day after hibernation. C2670 (BC ASU) Coal: Energy and Crisis. New York: Harvey House, 1974. C2680 Freeman. New York: Macmillan, 1972. 12 year old Freeman is shocked to learn that his parents are alive and are returning after his father's release from prison. C2690 (ASU LMC BC) John Henry McCoy. Illustrated by Emanuel Schongut. New York: Macmillan, 1971. Tired of constant moves, a 10 year old boy tries to find a way for. his family to stay in Appalachia. C2700 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Lines and Points. Pikeville, Ky.: Pikeville College Press, 1966. Poems.from Eastern Kentucky. C2710 (BC) 42 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY A World of Books. Chicago: Childrens Press, 1970. A Kentucky woman speaks of her long struggles to become a writer and teacher. C2720 (BC) Chait, William A Survey of the Public Libraries of Asheville and Buncombe County, North Carolina. Chicago: American Library Assoc., 1965. C2730 (LMC ETSU ASU) Chalkey, Lyman Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia. Rosslyn, Va.: The Commonwealth'Printing Co., 1913. Material extracted from the records of original Augusta Co., Va. C2740 (BC ASU) Chalkley, Lyman Augusta County, Va. Chronicles of the Scotch-irish Settlement in Virginia, Extracted from the Original Court Records of Augusta County, 1745-1800. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. * A5490 (ASU) Chalkley, Lyman comp. Chronicles of Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia. First published 1912. Vols. Baltimore, Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. C2750 Chamberlain, E. Burnham comp. Birds of Southern Appalachians. Southern Region. Washington: U. S. Forest Service, 1968. C2760 Chambers, Joseph Lenoir The Breed and the Pasture. Charlotte, N. C.: Stone and Barringer Co., 1910. A successful businessman feels a deep-seated longing for the mountains of home, so he returns to the scene of his childhood for a long visit. Setting appears to be Western North Carolina. C2770 (ASU) Chambers, Lenoir Stonewall Jackson. 2 vols. New York: W. Morrow, 1959. C2780 (ASU) Chambers, Martha T. "A Survey of the Occupational Information Needs of the Ninth Graders of the Elizabethton High School, Elizabethton, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1965. C2790 '(ETSU) Chambers, Robert comp. Popular Rhymes of Scotland. New ed. London: W. and R. Chambers, 1870. Many of these rhymes were used in the play-party games in the mountains until well into this century. C2800 (ASU) Chambers, Vaughn D. "Differences between Negro and Caucasian Students at John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. C2810 (ETSU) Chambers, Virginia Anne "Music in Four Kentucky Mountain Settlement Schools." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Michigan, 1970. Schools included: Pine Mountain Settlement, Hindman Settlement, Alice Lloyd College, Henderson Settlement School. C2820 (LMC BC) Champion, Myra The Lost World of Thomas Wolfe, Thomas Wolfe Home, n.p.: n.p., 1970. C2830 (LMC MHC ASU) Champlin, James Early Biography, Travels and Adventures of Rev. James Champlin, Who Was Born Blind; with a Description of the Different Countries through Which He Has Traveled in America, and of the Different Institutions, etc., Visited by Him; Also an Appendix, Which Contains Extracts from Addresses Delivered by Him upon Several Occasions. 2nd ed., rev. Columbus, Ohio: C. Scott's Power Press, 1842. This itinerant Methodist "public exhorter" traveled widely in eastern Tennessee. His handicap limits the value of his observations. C2840 Chance, Henry Martyn Report on the Mining Methods and Appliances Used in Anthracite Coal Fields. Pennsylvania Geological Survey, 2nd, Report of Progress AC. Harrisburg, Pa.: Board of Commissioner for the Second Geological Survey, 1883. Includes mine laws and a glossary of mining terms. C2850 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Chance, Hilda Index to Hungerford and Ellis' History of Susquehanna and Juniata Valleys. Fort Worth, Texas: American Reference Pub., n.d. C2860 (ASU) Western Maryland Pioneers: Marriages, Early Settlers, Births and Deaths with Location. 2 vols. Liberty, Pa.: The author, n.d. C2870 (ASU) Chancellor, John Miller The Library in the TVA Adult Education Program. Chicago: American Library Association, 1937. C2880 (ETSU) Chandler, Helen Deane A Brief Description of the Battle of King's Mountain, "The Turning Point of the American Revolution," Fought in York County, S. C. October 7, 1780. Together the Brief Accounts of Previous Celebrations, Illustrations Showing the Battlefield and Monuments and Interesting Data Concerning 150th Anniversary Celebration To Be Held on the Battleground October 7, 1930. Gastonia, N. C.: Publicity Comm. of the Sesquicentennial Celebration Comm., 1930. C2890 Chaney, Jim Carolina Country Reader. Durham, N. C: Moore Pub. Co., 1974. C2900 (WCU) Chaney, Rex "An Evaluation of the Community Service or Continuing Education Project: Developing and Stimulating Recreation in Six Counties of Eastern Kentucky." Master's thesis. Morehead State Univ., 1969. C2910 Chang, Kwang Yue "The Relation of Level of Living to Selected Additional Characteristics of Central Appalachia Rural Families." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1965. C2920 (ASU) Chang, Pe Shin ''History of the Hamilton National Bank of Knoxville." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tenn., 1962. C2930 Channing, Marion L. The Magic of Spinning. 4th ed. Marion, Mass.: n.p., 1971. Includes information about wool, the spinning wheel, where to get material and instructions on how to spin. C2940 (ASU WCU) Chopin, Anna Alice The Eagle's Mate. Illustrated by Douglas Duer. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1914. A shy, delicate girl marries into a rugged feuding clan and accepts their way of life. C2950 (ASU LMC BC) The Eagle's Mate. New York: W. J. Watt and Co., 1914. C2960 Mountain Madness. Illustrated by George W. Gage. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1917. Unlikely tale of socializing between summer residents at an old West Virginia resort and rough mountaineers who live nearby. C2970 (ASU BC) Mountain Madness. New York: W. J. Watt and Co., 1917. C2980 The Under Trail. Boston: Little, Brown, 1912. Novel of adventure in the Blue Ridge Mountains of Virginia. C2990 Chapman, Arthur Glenn Minckler, Leon Sherwood Tree Planting in the Central Piedmont, and Southern Appalachian Region. U. S. Department of Agriculture Farmers' Bulletin, no. 1994. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1957. M6130 (WCU) Chapman, Berlin Basil Education in Anttal West Virginia, 1910-1975. Illustrated by Webster Springs High School. Parson, W. Va.: McClain Printing Co., 1974. . C3000 (ASU) , Bob The Whistling Wind and Other Poems. Hazard, Ky.: Don's Printery, 1972. C3010 (BC) Chapman, John H., Jr. The Structure of the West Virginia Economy, 1965: A Preliminary Report. Morgantown: Regional Research Institute, West Virginia Univ., 1967. C3020 (LMC) AUTHOR Chapman, John S. H. Chapman, Mary Clue of the Faded Dress. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1939. C3150 Chapman, Mary Eagle Cliff. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1940. C3160 Chapman, Mary Flood in Glen Hazard. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1939. C3170 (ASU) Chapman, Mary Girls of Glen Hazard. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1939. C3180 Chapman, Mary Marsh Island Mystery. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1936. C3190 Chapman, Mary Mystery of the Missing Car. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1939. C3200 Chapman, Mary Rogues on Rid Hill. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1973. C3210 Chapman, Mary Timber Train. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1933. C3220 Chapman, John Stanton Higham, and Chapman, Mary see Chapman, Maristan, pseud. Chapman, Maristan Clue of the Faded Dress. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1938. A mystery story for young people with a Tennessee mountain setting. C3030 (ASU BC) Eagle Cliff. New York: Appleton-Century, 1934. C3040 (WWC ASU) Glen Hazard. Illustrated by Horace Raymond Bishop. New York: A. A. Knopf, 1933. A rural sheriff searches for a murderer and has some amusing encounters with mountaineers along the way. C3050 (ASU LMC BC) The Happy Mountain. New York: Literary Guild of America, 1928. Wait-still-on-the-Lord Lowe finds big city life is not to his liking and heads home to the hills of Tennessee. C3060 (ASU BC) The Happy Mountain. New York: Viking Press, 1928. C3070 (LMC WCU ETSU WWC) Homeplace. New York: Viking Press, 1929. A young man inherits a cabin which enables him to ask his girl to marry him. C3080 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU WWC) Mystery of the Broken Key. New York: Appleton, 1940. C3090 (WWC) Rogue's March. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1949. Fiction centering on the battle of King's Mountain. C3100 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Weather Tree. New York: Viking Press, 1932. An outlander brings new industry and a reformers zeal to Glen Hazard. The natives get restless when he tries to remake the whole town. C3110 (ETSU ASU WCU LMC BC) The Weather Tree. New York: Book League of America, 1932. C3120 (WWC) Wild Cat Ridge. New York: Appleton-Century, 1932. A novel of mystery and intrigue in the Tennessee mountains. C3130 (LMC BC) Wild Cat Ridge. New York: D, Appleton-Century Co., 1932. Mystery story with a mountain setting. C3140 Chapman, Mary Clue of the Faded Dress, by Maristan Chapman, pseud. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1939. A mystery story with a Tennessee mountain setting. C3150 Eagle Cliff, by Maristan Chapman, pseud. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1940. C3160 Flood in Glen Hazard, by Maristan Chapman, pseud. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1939. C3170 (ASU) 43 CMANCE-CHARLE Girls of Glen Hazard, by Maristan Chapman, pseud. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1939. Mystery story written for young girls. C3180 Marsh Island Mystery, by Maristan Chapman, pseud. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1936. C3190 Mystery of the Missing Car. by Maristan Chapman, pseud. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1939. C3200 Rogues on Rid Hill, by Maristan Chapman, pseud. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1973. C3210 Timber Train, by Maristan Chapman, pseud. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1933. C3220 Chapman, Mary, and Chapman, John Stanton Higham see Chapman, Maristan, pseud. Chapman, Mary Lucile "The Influence of Coal in the Big Sandy Valley." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1945. C3230 (ASU) Chapman, Thomas C. Wiseman Family. Redwood City, Cal.: n.p., 1967. C3240 (LMC) Chappelear, Nancy comp. Early Fauquier County, Virginia, Marriage Bonds, 1759-1854. Washington, D. C.: The authors, 1965. C3250 (ASU) Chapped, Fred Dagon. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World,. 1968. A young minister inherits a farm in the North Carolina and with it the emotional legacy of his family. He finds that the debts of fast generations are heavy to bear. C3260 (ASU LMC) The Gaudy Place. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1973. A novel of a young hustler in Asheville, North Carolina. C3270 (ASU) The Inkling. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1965. Gothic novel of two disturbed children in a strange mountain family. C3280 (ASU LMC) It Is Time, Lord. 1st ed. New York: Atheneum, 1963. A novel of childhood, family quiet, and madness with a western North Carolina setting. C3290 (ASU) Chapped, Louis Watson Folk-songs of Roanoke and the Albemarle. Morgantown, W. Va.: Ballad Press, 1939. C3300 (ASU) John Henry, a Folklore Study. Jena: Frommannsche Verlag, Walter Biedermann, 1933. C3310 John Henry: A Folklore Study. Port Washington, N. Y.: Kennikat Press, 1968. C3320 Chapped, Mary Jane "The Social and Economic Aspects of the Novels of Jesse Stuart." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1959. C3330 (ASU) Chapped, Vernon Glenn, Jr. "The Identification and Evaluation of Factors Affecting Economic Growth in the Tennessee Valley Region, 1950-1960." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1970. C3340 Chappede, Daniel E. Value Growth of Pine Pulpwood on the George Walton Experimental Forest. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 140. Asheville, N. C.: Southeast Forest Station, 1962. C3350 (WCU) Charle, Edwin George "The Demand for Coal for Power Generation in the Tennessee Valley and the Impact of Changing Demand Patterns on a Supplying Coal Field." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1958. C3360 �CHARLESTON-CHESLER Charleston Youth Community, Inc. Action for Appalachian Youth: A Demonstration Program for Kanawha County Youth under the Auspices and Direction of the President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Crime. Charleston: The Committee, 1963. C3370 (ASU) Chartesworth, Harold K. Barnard, Jerald R. The Structure of the Kentucky Economy: An Input-output Study. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, Office of Development Services and Business Research, College of Business and Economics, 1969. B1230 Chartier, Barbara "Weaverton — A Study of Culture and Personality in a Southern Mill Town." Master's thesis. Univ. of N. C, 1949. C3380 Chase, Lewis ''Changes in Social and Economic Status of the People in Sullivan County for a Thirty Year Period." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tenn., 1936. C3390 (ASU) Chase, Richard Jack and the Three Sillies. Illustrated by Joshua Tolfaed. A Jack tale from Beech Mountain, North Carolina. C3440 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) Singing Games and Piayparty Games. Hullabaloo, and Other Singing Folk Games. Illustrated by Joshua Tolfaed. With six piano settings by Hilton Rufty. 1949. Reprint. C3490 (ASU MHC BC) Wicked John and the Devil. Illustrated by Joshua Tolfaed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1951. C3500 (WCU BC) Chase, Richard comp. Hullabaloo, and Other Singing Folk Games. Illustrated by Joshua Tolfaed. With six piano settings by Hilton Rufty. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1949. C3430 (WCU WWC BC) Chase, Richard ed. American Folk Tales and Songs, and Other Examples of English-American Tradition as Preserved in the Appalachian Mountains and Elsewhere in the United States. Illustrated by Joshua Tolfaed. Music edited with the assistance of Raymond Kane McLain, Annabel Morris Buchanan, and John Powell. New York: New American Library, 1956. C3400 (ASU WCU LMC BC) American Folk Tales and Songs, and Other Examples of English-American Tradition as Preserved in the Appalachian Mountains and Elsewhere in the United States. Compiled with introduction and notes. Illustrated by Joshua Tolfaed. Music edited with the assistance of Raymond Kane McLain, Annabel Morris Buchanan and John Powell. . Reprint. New York: Dover Publications, 1971. C3410 (WWC) Grandfather Tales: American-English Folk Tales. Illustrated by Berkeley Williams, Jr. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1948. American-English folk tales that have been handed down for generations in the North Carolina Mountains. C3420 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC FC) The Jack Tales. Told by R. M. Ward and his kindred in the Beech Mountain section of western North Carolina and by other descendants of Council Harmon (1803-1896) elsewhere in the southern mountains: With three tales from Wise County, Virginia. Appendix compiled by Herbert Halpert. Illustrated by Berkeley Williams, Jr. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1943. C3450 (ASU LMC MHC WWC WCU ETSU BC) The Jack Tales. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co., 1950. C3460 Old Songs and Singing Games. Chapel Hill: Univ. of N. C. Press, 1938. C3470 (ASU WCU BC) Old Songs and Singing Games. 1938. Reprint. New York: Dover Pub., 1972. C3480 (LMC) AUTHOR Chase, Stuart Rich Land, Poor Land; A Study of Waste in the Natural Resources of America. Reprint. New York: AMS, 1969. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1936. Includes study of the TVA. C3510 Chattanooga Research report, no. 1. n.p.: n.p., 1957. C3530 (BC) Chattanooga Chamber of Commerce Chattanooga, Industrial Center of the South. Chattanooga: Chattanooga Community Advertising Assoc., 1929. C3520 Chattanooga, Tennessee, Sts. Peter and Paul's Parish The Centenary of Sts. Peter and Paul's Parish, Chattanooga, Tenn. The Story of the First One Hundred Years of the Catholic Church in Hamilton County. Chattanooga: The parish, 1952. C3540 Chavers, Gordon D. Coal Workers' Pneumoconisosis: Workmen's Compensation Treatment and It's Prevention in Kentucky. For the Kentucky Office of Economic Opportunity. Atlanta: Resource Development Internship Project, n.d. C3550 (ASU) Checchi and Company Capital Resources in the Central Appalachian Region. Appalachian Research Report, no. 9, appendix C. Washington: The co., 1969. C3560 (ASU ETSU) Cheek, Mr. and Mrs. Charles comp. 1850 Census: Wilkes County, North Carolina. Wilkesboro: Genealogical Society of the "Original" Wilkes County, N. C., n.d. C3570 (ASU) Cheek, Claude John The Simple Things and Other Poems. Brea, CaL- The author, 1965. C3580 (LMC) Cheek, Curtis Leon "The Singing School and Shapednote Tradition: Residuals in 20th Century American Hymnody." Master's thesis. Microfilm. Univ. of Southern California, 1968. C3590 (WCU) Cheek, Donald M. The Population and Economy of Boone, North Carolina, n.p.: N. C. Dept. of Conservation and Development, Division of Community Of Planning, 1963. C3600 (LMC ASU) Chen, Kuna "Agriculture Production in Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1954. C3610 Chen, Ping-fan Some Low-alumina Quartizitic Sandstones in West Virginia: A Preliminary Report. Circular, no. 1. Morgantown: W. Va. Geological and Economic Survey, 1965. C3620 (ETSU) Cherokee Alphabet Card Cherokee, N. C: Cherokee Pub., n.d. A card, suitable for framing, with the Cherokee alphabet in color. C3630 (ASU) Cherokee Historical Association Unto These Hills: A Drama of the Cherokee People. Souvenir program. Chapel Hill, N. C.: Creative Printers, 1950. C3650 (WCU ASU) Cherokee Historical Association, Inc., pub. Oconaluftee Indian Village. Cherokee: The Association, n.d. A beautifully illustrated booklet advertising Cherokee's nicest tourist attraction. The Oconaluftee Indian Village which attempts to recreate village life in the 1750's. C3640 (ASU) Cherokee Indian Village. Pigeon Forge, Tennessee These Are My People. Pigeon Forge, Tenn.: Cherokee Indian Village, 1975. A moving history of the tribe and their involvement in the larger events of U. S. history. C3660 44 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Cherokee Lands. Report Raleigh, N. C.: Holder and Wilson Printers to the State, 1857. Petition of Samuel Tate and others to the N. C. Legislative asking relief from payment of excessive rates for lands acquired from the Cherokee. These rates were the result of a short-lived speculative boom in mountain property. C3670 (ASU) Cherokee Nation Constitution and Laws of the Cherokee Nation. Published by authority of the National Council. The revised code of laws as prepared by Messrs. The revised code of laws as prepared by Messrs William P. Boudinot, D. H. Ross, and Joseph A. Scales. St. Louis: R. and T. A. Ennis, 1875. C3680 (ASU) Memorial of the Cherokee Indians Residing in North Carolina. Paying the Payment of Their Claims, Agreeably to the 8th and 12th Articles of the Treaty of 1835. Washington: U. S. Senate, 29th Congress, 1st Sess., 1901. C3690 (ASU) Reply of the Southern Cherokees to the Memorial of Certain Delegates from the Cherokee Nation. Together with the Message of John Ross, Ex-chief of the Cherokees, and Proceedings of the Council of the "Loyal Cherokees," Relative to the Alliance with the So-called Confederate States. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1834. C3700 Cherokee Phoenix New Echota, Go.: Isaach Harris, Printer for the Cherokee Nation, 1828. New Echota, near present day Calhoun, was the last capital of the Cherokee nation in the East. The Phoenix was printed in both English and Cherokee. C3710 (ASU) Cherokee Souvenir Map Cherokee, N. C.: Cherokee Publications, 1973. A colorful guide to attractions in present day Cherokee, the Reservation, and The Smoky Mountains National Park. C3720 (ASU) Cherokee Testament New York: American Bible Society, n.d. C3730 (MHC ASU) Cherry, Bess Fayne Parlance of Kentucky Backwoods. Louisville, Ky.: Standard Print. Co., 1935. A rather superficial treatment of Kentucky speech patterns. Includes word-lists. C3740 (BC) Cherry, Thomas Crittenden Kentucky; The Pioneer State of the West. New York: D. C. Heath and Co., 1923. C3750 Chesapeake and Ohio Railway Co. Views of Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad Scenery. Portland, Me.: Chisholm Brothers, n.d. This railroad serves West Virginia, Virginia and Kentucky Appalachian Counties. C3760 (BC) Chesapeake and Potomac Telephone Co. of West Virginia A Forecast of the Economy of West Virginia and the Effect on Certain Operations of the Chesapeake and Potomac Telephone Company of West Virginia, 1961-1970. Charleston: The Co., 1961. C3770 Cheshire, Joseph Blount The Church in the Confederate States: A History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States. London: Logmans, Green, 1912. C3780 (LMC) Fishers of Men: A Charge to the Clergy of the Jurisdiction of Asheville, by the Bishop of North Carolina, n.p.: n.p., 1896. C3790 (WCU) Chester, Herbert A. Avery, Robert W. A Community Organizes for Action: A Case Study of the Mon-Yough Region in Pennsylvania. University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ. Institute for Research on Human Resources, 1967. A5770 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Chesnel, Paul History of Cavelier de LaSalle, 1643-1687; Explorations in the Valleys of the Ohio, Illinois and Mississippi, taken from his Letters, Reports to King Louis XIV, also the Reports of Several of his Associates, Official Acts and Contemporaneous Documents, New York: Putnam, 1932. Includes descriptions of West Virginia and Kentucky. C3800 Cheu, Piug-Fau Burford, Arthur E. Annual Field Trip of the Appalachian and Pittsburgh Geological Societies in the Great Valley in West Virginia. Morgantown, W. Va.: n.p., 1964? B8530 (ETSU) Cheyney, Edward 6. Scott Burton in the Blue Ridge. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1924. A novel of a young man's adventures in the Blue Ridge County. Appears to have been written for junior high students. C3810 Child, Francis James Letters on Scottish Ballads from Professor Child to William Walter. Darby, Pa.: Norwood Editions, 1992. C3840 (ASU) Child, Francis James ed. The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. New York: Dover Publications, 1965. This is the classic work on English and Scottish ballads. C3820 (ASU) The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. 5 vols. in 10. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1882-1892. C3830 (BC) Child, Sargent B. Checklist of Historical Records Survey Publications: Bibliography of Research Projects Reports. Assistance in checking and arranging by Cyril E. Paquin WPA Technical Series, Research and Records Bibliography, no. 7. Rev. 1943. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. C3850 (ASU) Chilman, Catherine S. Growing Up Poor: An Over-view and Analysis of Child-rearing and Family Life Patterns Associated with Poverty. Division of Research Publication, no. 13. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Health, Education and Welfare, Welfare Administration, 1966. Includes a study of Appalachian families. C3860 Chirroskey, Mary Ulmer Cherokee Words with Pictures. Asheville, N. C: Stephens Press, 1972. C3880 (ASU LMC BC) To Make My Bread. Cherokee, N. C.: Museum of Cherokee Indian, 1951. C3890 Chiftoskey, Mary Ulmer ed. Cherokee Cooklore-. Preparing Cherokee Foods. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1951. C3870 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) Chirtick, Victor Lovitt Oakes Ring-tailed Roarers: Tall Tales of the American Frontier, 1830-60. Wood engravings by Lloyd J. Reynolds. Caldwell, Id.: Caxton Printers, 1941. C3900 (ASU) Cholakian, Tony Kevork "A Follow-up Study of Twenty-four Dropouts and Twenty-four High School Graduates: Paired at the Seventh Grade Level, North Junior High School, Johnson City, Tennessee, 1953-1962." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1965. C3910 (ETSU) Chowan College, Creative Writing Group Southern Home Remedies. Murfrecsboro, N. C.: Johnson Pub. Co., 1968. . C3920 (BC ASU) Chreitzberg, Abel McKee Early Methodism in the Carolinas. Barbee and Smith, Agents, xerox of original. Nashville: Publishing House of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, Barbee and Smith, Agents, 1897. C3930 (ASU BC) Chrisman, Arthur Bowie Clarke County, 1836-1936. Berryville, Va.: Clarke Courier Press, 1936. C3940 (ASU) AUTHOR Christeson, R. P. comp. The Old-time Fiddler's Repertory: 245 Traditional Tunes. Columbia: Univ. of Missouri Press, 1973. Its very different to find printed music for the fiddle; this should become a classic. C3950 (ASU BC) Christian, Bolivar Scotch-Irish Settlers in the Valley of Virginia. Alumni address at Washington College, July 1, 1859. Washington and Lee University Historical Papers, no. 3. Baltimore: J. Murphy and Co., 1892. C3960 (BQ Christian, Charles Russell The Mountain Bard: A Series of Original Poems. Huntington, W. Va.: Argus Book and Job Off., 1885. C3970 (BC) Christiansen, Bobbie Huffman "A Survey of the Reading Interests of Sixth-grade Pupils in Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. C3980 (ETSU) Christiansen, John R. Informal Social Participation in Five Kentucky Counties. Progress Report no. 43. Lesington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Ky., 1956. Includes Appalachian Counties. C3990 Trends in the Number and Distribution of Medical Doctors in Kentucky. Progress Report, 69. Lexington: Ky. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1958. C4010 Christiansen, John R. and others Social Security and the Farmer in Kentucky. Bulletin, 645. Lexington: Ky. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1958. Survey includes Kentucky's 49 Eastern Counties. C4000 Christopher, Frederick John Basketry. Dover-Foyle Handbook. New York: Dover Pub., 1953. C4020 (ASU WCU) Chun, Leona Hayes Rouse with the Dawn. A Banner Book. Birmingham, Ala.: Banner Press, 1965. Many of these poems are set in the mountains of North Carolina and northern Alabama. C4030 (ASU) Church, Martha E. "Some Factors That Have Influenced the Location of the Electric Power Plants in the Greater Pittsburgh Area." Master's thesis. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1954. C4040 Church, Mary L. The Hills of Habersham. Clarksville, Ga.: The author, 1962. A history of the North Georgia County from the time of the Cherokee forward. C4050 (ASU LMC BC) The Hills of Habersham. Photocopy of the original made by University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1974. Clarksville, Ga.: The author, 1962. C4060 Seventy Years in Clarksville Baptist Church. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Edwards Brothers, 1958. C4070 (ASU) Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter Day Saints A General Index to a Census of Pensioners for the Revolutionary or Military Service 1840. Prepared by the Genealogical Society of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. C4080 (ASU) Churchill, Norma J. Soil Survey, Fulton County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State University, College of Agriculture and Agricultural Experiment Station and Pennsylvania Department of Agriculture, State Soil and Water Conservation Commission. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1969. C4090 Churchill, Winston The Crossing. Illustrated by Sidney Adamson and Lilian Bayliss. New York: Macmillan Co., 1904. A novel of pioneer days in western North Carolina and of a young man's adventures crossing the Blue Ridge. C4100 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Crossing. Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Liturature House, 1969. C4110 (WCU) 45 CHESNEL-CLARK Ciokolo, Mary "TVA — A Critique of a Regional Plan." Master's thesis. Univ. of Rochester, 1948. C4130 Cist, Henry Martin The Army of the Cumberland. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1882. This unit saw extensive action in Appalachia; they were in campaigns in the mountains of Virginia, Tennessee and Georgia. C4140 Citizen's Commission to Investigate the Buffalo Creek Disaster Disaster on Buffalo Creek, 1972; Report of the Citizen's Commission Investigation. Charlestown, W. Va.: The commission, 1972. A report on criminal negligence in a mining Commission. C4160 (BC ASU WCU) Citizens Committee for Community Planning Survey of Governmental and Voluntary Health, Welfare and Recreation Services in Greater Kanawha Valley. (Community Services Report.) Community Services Report. Charleston: The committee, 1966. C4170 Citizen's of Inquiry into Hunger and Malnutrition in the United States. Hunger, U. S. A.: A Report. With an introductory comment by Robert F. Kennedy. Boston: Beacon Press, 1969. Includes material on Appalachia. C4150 (WCU) City Planning and Zoning Commission, Roanoke, Va. Comprehensive City Plan, Roanoke. Prepared under the direction of City Planning and Zoning Commissions. Roanoke: Stone Printing Co., 1928. C4180 Claiborne, Nathaniel H. Notes on the War in the South; with Biographical Sketches of the Lives of Montgomery, Jackson, Sevier, the Late Governor Claiborne, and Others. Richmond, Va.: William Ramsay, 1819. Reprint., First American Frontier Series. New York: Arno, 1971. C4190 Ctaiboume, William Stirling Roy in the Mountains. New York: E. S. Gorham, 1916. A novel of a young man from the flatlands who goes to southwestern Virginia to work on a railroad and stays to organize an adult education center for mountaineers. C4200 (ASU) Clancy, Paul R. Just a Country Lawyer; a Biography of Senator Sam Ervin. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1974. C4210 (ASU BC) Clapp, Elsie Ripley Community Schools in Action. New York: Viking Press, 1939. Half the volume is devoted to the Arthurdale School, Arthurdale, W. Va. C4220 (ASU) Clapp, Gordon Rufus Power Supply in the Development of the Region. Address before the Knoxville (Tennessee) Kiwanis Club, December 4, 1952. Knoxville, Tennessee: TVA, 1952. C4230 The TVA: An Approach to the Development of a Region. Charles R. Walgreen Foundation Lectures. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1955. C4240 (ASU WWC BC) The TVA: An Approach to the Development of a Region. New York: Russell, 1971. C4250 Clark, Betty Jean "A Study of the Reactions of a Representative Group of Students toward Guidance Received While Attending Bristol, Tennessee, High School, 1958-59." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1961. C4260 (ETSU) Clark, Billy C. The Champion of Sourwood Mountain. Illustrated by Harold Eldridge. New York: Putnam, 1966. Children's story with an Eastern Kentucky setting. C4270 (LMC BC ASU) Goodbye Kate. Illustrated by Harold Eldridge. New York: Putnam, 1964. A juvenile fiction about a mule and her boy and their many adventures in the Tennessee hill country. C4280 (ASU BC) �CLARK—CLAY Clark, Billy C. A Long Row to Hoe. New York: Crowell, I960. A semi-autobiographical account oi childhood in the Eastern Kentucky mountains. C4290 (ASU BC) The Mooneyed Hound. New York: Putnam, 1958. Children's story with an Eastern Kentucky setting. C4300 (BC ASU) Sourwood Tales: Stories. Illustrated by Harold Eldridge. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1968. A collection of short stories with an Eastern Kentucky setting. C4310 (ASU) Clark, Blanche Henry The Tennessee Yeomen, 1840-1860. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1942. Certainly, it was hearty, yeoman stock which populated Tennessee's Eastern counties. C4320 (ASU ETSU) The Tennessee Yeomen, 1840-1860. 1942. Reprint. New York: Octagon Book, 1971. C4330 (LMC) Clark, C. Dunning Captain Paul, the Kentucky Moonshiner; or, the Boy Spy of the Mountains. "Beadle's Half-Dime Library." no. 135. New York: Beadle and Adams, 1880. Poorly-written fiction about moonshiners in the Kentucky mountains. C4340 Clark, Carroll H. My Grandfather's Diary of the War. McMinnville: n.p., 1963. Relates to the Civil War in Warren Co., Tennessee. C4350 Clark, David ed. Blue Ridge Facts and Legends. Charlotte, N. C.: Clark Pub. Co., 1955. A collection of odd facts about the mountains and a collection of legends. C4360 (ASU LMC) Clark, Donald L. UA Survey of the Guidance Programs in North Carolina Junior Colleges." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1958. Includes colleges in the state's 28 county mountain region. C4370 (ASU) Clark, Dorothy Park, and McMeekin, Isabel McLennan see McMeekin, Clark, pseud. Clark, Electa Cherokee Chief: The Life of John Ross. New York: Crowell-Collier Press, 1970. A good biography of the Principle chief of the Cherokee Nation during their last years in the East. C4380 (LMC ETSU) Clark, Ellery H. The Strength of the Hills: A Story of Andrew Jackson, and of the Pioneers of Tennessee. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1929. C4390 (LMC WWC BC) Clark, Elmer T. ed. Asbury, Francis Journal and Letters. London: Epworth Press and Nashville, Term.: Abingdon Press, 1958. A5060 (ASU BC WWC) Clark, Elmer Talmage Methodism in Western North Carolina. Nashville: Parthenon Press, 1966. Includes sketches of ministers and histories of individual churches. C4410 (ASU WCU LMC MHC) The Small Sects in America. Rev. ed. New York: Abingdon-Cokesbury Press, 1949. Fascinating descriptions of the small sects which flourish in Appalachia. C4420 (ASU) The Small Sects in America. Nashville: Cokesbury Press, 1937. C4430 Clark, Elmer Talmage and others eds. The Journals and Letters of Francis Asbury. 3 vols. Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon Press, 1958. Asbury's comments on the mountains and mountaineers were generally negative. C4400 Clark, Eunice Hicks "A History of Traphill Institute, Wilkes County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1954. C4440 (ASU) Clark, H. T. "A History of Mountain View School, Wilkes County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1954. C4450 (ASU) AUTHOR Clark, Henry Scott, pseud, see Cox, Millard F. Clark, Herbert Leon 'Tennessee: A Reluctant Seceder, 1847-1861." Master's thesis. Tennessee State A and I Univ., 1966. East Tennessee was defiantly pro-union throughout the secession debate. C4460 Clark, Joe Back Home. Kingsport, Tennessee. Kingsport: Kingsport Press, 1965. A pictorial study of Kingsport and Sullivan County, Tennessee. C4470 (BC ASU) Tennessee Hill Folk. Essay by Jessee Stuart. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1972. Lovely photographic essay on the area around the Cumberland Gap during the 1930's. Instant nostalgia for anyone who grew up in the mountains. C4480 (ASU MHC LMC WCU ETSU BC) Clark, John T. petitioner Was Rev. J, R. Moffett Murdered? Clark vs. Commonwealth, D. M. No. 43Z, from the Corporation Court of the City of Danville. Richmond: Taylor and Dalton, 1893. An inquiry into one of Virginia's most famous murder trials. C4490 (ASU) Clark, Joseph Harold ''History of the Knoxville Iron Company." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1948. C4500 Clark, Michael J. Lazar and Boone Stop Strip Mining Bully to Save Apple Valley and Buttermilk Creek. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, Inc., 1973. A cartoon strip for children. Anti-strip mining message. C4510 (ASU) Clark, Richard U. The Mountaineers, and Other Poems. Summit, N. J.: n.p., 1903. C4520 (BC) Clark, Septima Poinsette Echo in My Soul. New York: Dutton, 1962. Autobiography of a woman educator, and leader in race relations. She recalls the early, turbulent days of Highlander Folk School. C4530 (BC) Clark, Thomas Allen "A Study to Present the Status of Industrial Arts in the Five White Carter County, Tennessee, High Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. C4540 (ETSU) Clark, Thomas D. assoc. ed. Coleman, John Winston, Jr. ed. Kentucky: A Pictorial History. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1971. C5780 (ASU) Clark, Thomas Dionysius A History of Kentucky. History Series. New York: Prentice-Hall, 1937. C4550 (ASU BC) The Kentucky. Illustrated by John A. Spelman, III. Rivers of America. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1942. A history of the Kentucky River and the people who live along its banks. C4560 (WWC WCU UNCA) The Kentucky. Illustrated by John A. Speiman, III. . Reprint. Lexington, Ky.: Henry Clay Press, 1969. C4570 (ASU UNCA BC) Kentucky: Land of Contrast. 1st. ed. Regions of America Book. New York: Harper and Row, 1968. Includes material on Eastern Kentucky's 49 Appalachian counties. C4580 (LMC ASU WCU BC UNCA) The Rampaging Frontier: Manners and Humors of Pioneer Days in the South and Middle West. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1939. C4590 (ASU) The Rampaging Frontier: Manners and Humors of Pioneer Days in the South and Middle West. 1939. Reprint. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1964. C4600 (WWC) Simon Kenton, Kentucky Scout. New York: Rinehart, 1943. Further adventures of Kentucky and West Virginia's famous scout. Little emphasis is given his role in the latter days of the Revolution. C4610 (BC) 46 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Travels in the New South: A Bibliography. American Exploration and Travel Series, Vol. 36, 2 vols. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1962. This helpful aid lists early explorations and early accounts of travel in the Appalachian region. C4620 Travels in the Old South: A Bibliography. American Exploration and Travel Series, No. 19. 3 vols. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1956-69. C4630 Clark, Thomas Henry ed. Appalachian Tectonics. Royal Society of Canada Special Publications, no. 10. Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1967. A fascinating study of the forces which produced the Appalachians. C4640 (ASU ETSU LMC WCU) Clark, Walter Caldwell County, North Carolina in the Great War of 1861-1865. Hickory: Clay, 1910. C4650 Clark, Walter ed. Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War, 1861-65. Written by members of the respective command. 5 vols. n.p.: State of North Carolina, 1901. C4660 (LMC) Clarke, Kenneth W. Uncle Bud Long: The Birth of a Kentucky Folk Legend. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1973. C4670 (ASU) ; Clarke, Mary Washington Jesse Stuart's Kentucky. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968. An account of the almost mythical Kentucky portrayed in the stories and novels of Jesse Stuart. C4680 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) Proverb, Proverbial Phrases and Proverbial Comparisons in the Writings of Jesse Stuart. n.p.: n.p., 1962. C4690 Clarke, Matthew St. Ctoir ed. Lowrie, Walter ed. American State Papers. Indian Affairs. Washington, D. C.: Gales and Seaton, 1832-34. L3750 Clarkeson, Rosetta E. Herbs: Their Culture and Uses. New York: Macmillan, 1956. Includes material on folk medicine and the botanical drug industry which still flourishes in Appalachia. C4700 (LMC) Clarkson, Roy B. Tumult on the Mountains: Lumbering in West Virginia, 1770-1920. Illustrated by William A. Lunk. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1964. A documentary account of the lumbering industry which was once the primary industry in the mountains. C4710 (ASU LMC WCU MHC BC) Clary, Martin The Facts About Muscle Shoals. New York: Ocean Pub. Co., 1924. A discussion of the electric power and fertilizer facilities at the TVA's Muscle Shoals plant. C4720 (LMC) Claudel, Alice Moser Southern Season. Foreword by Richard Harter Fogle. Pikeville, Ky.: Appalachian Studies Center, Pikeville College, 1972. C4730 (ASU) Clovers, Mrs. Mary, pseud. Kirkland, Caroline Matilda A New Home — Who'll Follow? or, Glimpses at Western Life. New York: C. S. Francis, 1839. K2640 Clay, Alfred Poems for Her. McCain Publishing Co., 1973. Poetry with an Appalachian setting. C4740 Clay, Cassius Marcellus The Life of Cassius Marcellus Clay. Memoirs, Writings, and Speeches, Showing His Conduct in the Overthrow of American Slavery, the Salvation of the Union, and the Restoration of the Autonomy of the States. In 2 vols. Only vol. 1 published. Cincinnati: J. F. Brennan and Co., 1886. Biographical material on Eastern Kentucky's famous abolitionist, educator and orator. C4750 (MHC BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Clay, Cassius Marcellus The Meaning of the Past for the Future. Delivered .at the Sesquicentennial celebration of the founding of Madison County, Richmond, Ky., October 17, 1937. C4760 (BC) Oration before Students and Historical Class of Berea College, Berea, Ky., Oct. 16, 1895. Richmond, Ky.: Pantograph Job Press, 1896. C4770 (BC) Cloy County, N. C. Historical Committee Clay County, 1861-1961; Commemorating the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Creating of Clay County, North Carolina, n.p.: n.p., 1961. C4780 Clay, James C. Kentucky Law on Water. Research Report, no. 25. Frankfort, Ky.: Legislative Research Commission, 1965. A discussion of Kentucky's inadequate laws governing water pollution by acid mine drainage. C4790 Clay, John Wesley Gunpowder Creek Philosophy. Winston-Salem, N. C.: Clay Print. Co., 1963. Solutions from Wesley's daily column in the Winston-Salem Journal. C4800 (BC) Clayton, Claud Franklin . . . Land Utilization in Laurel County, Kentucky. U. S. Dept. of Agriculture. Technical bulletin no. 289. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1932. C4810 t (ASU) Land Utilization in Laurel County, Kentucky. Prepared in cooperation with the Kentucky Agricultural Experiment .Station. Technical Bulletin, 289. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Agicultural Economics, 1932. C4820 (BC) Clayton, John Bell The Strangers Were There: Selected Stories. New York: Macmillan, 1957. A selection of finely wrought short stories set in the Virginia foothill country. C4830 (BC) Cleaver, Bill Cleaver, Vera Where the Lilies Bloom. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1969. C4840 (BC ASU) Cleaver, Vera Where the Lilies Bloom. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1969. Children's story about a brave young girl who struggles to keep her family together after they are orphaned. C4840 (BC ASU) Cleaves, Freeman Rock of Chickamauga, the Life of General George H. Thomas. 1st ed. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1948. Biography of the Civil War general who rallied the Union Forces at the Battle of Chickamauga. C4850 (ASU) Cleland, Charles Leslie Church and Family in Modern Rural Appalachia. Morgantown, W. Va.: Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, 1967. C4860 (ASU) Selected Population and Agricultural Statistics for Tennessee Counties. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1963. A study of out-migration from rural Tennessee counties. C4870 (ASU) Clem, Gladys B. It Happened around Staunton in Virginia. 2nd ed. Staunton, Va.: McClure Print. Co., 1964. Memoirs of life in and around Staunton with historical sketches, and descriptions of some landmarks. C4880 (ASU) Clemens, William Montgomery North and South Carolina Marriage Records, n.p.: n.p., 1927 reprinted 1973. This near-legendary work contains a list of almost 7,500 marriages performed in the Carolinas from the earliest colonial days to the time of the Civil War. C4900 AUTHOR Virginia Wills Before 1799: A Complete Abstract Register of All Names Mentioned in Over Six Hundred Recorded Wills. Copied from the courthouse records of Amherst, Bedford, Campbell, Loudoun, Prince William, and Rockbridge counties. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1973. C4910 (ETSU) Clemens, William Montgomery ed. American Marriage Records before 1699. 1926. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. C4890 • (ASU) Clement, Maud Carter Frontiers Along the Upper Roanoke River, 1740-1776. Lynchburg: J; P. Bell Co., 1964. A very good history of the Roanoke Valley's early settlement and pioneer families. C4920 Clemmer, James D. "J. D. Clemmer's Scrapbooks, 1884-1934." Unpublished typescript. Microfilm copy (5 reels) at Tennessee State Library and Archives, n.p.: n.p., n.d. A history of Polk County in possession of the Clemmer family. C4930 Clemson Agriculture College of South Carolina, Department of Agricultural Economics and Rural Sociology. Survey of Unemployment Compensation Beneficiaries in Anderson, Greenville, Spartanburg Counties, South Carolina. Clemson: The Dept., 1958. C4940 Clendening, John A. Gillespie, William H. Plant Fossils of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1966. » G1650 (BC ETSU) ' Gillespie, William H. West Virginia Geology, Archaeology, and Pedology: A Bibliography and Index. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1964. GT660 (BC ETSU) Cleveland, Catherine Caroline The Great Revival in the West, 1797-1805. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1916. C4950 The Great Revival in the West, 1797-1805. 1916. Reprint. Gloucester, Mass: Peter Smith, 1959. Formal religion gave way to revivalism when it encountered the frontier mind. In a sense, the revivalism movement is an Appalachian Phenomena, for it was here that formal religion met its strongest resistance. C4960 (ASU) Cleveland Chamber of Commerce Bradley County, . Tennessee. 2 vols. Cleveland: Historical and Pictorial Advertising, 1929. A comprehensive historical and genealogical record of Bradley County Tennessee. C4970 City and County with a Future: Cleveland, . Bradley County, Tennessee. Cleveland: Historical and Pictorial Advertising, 1929. C4980 Cleveland Public Library John Griswold White Collection. Cleveland: Bell and Howell Company, 1966. A listing of an excellent folklore collection. C4990 Resources of the Appalachian Library and Culture Center: An Annotated Listing of Books. Cleveland: Cleveland Public Library, 1973. C5000 (WCU ASU) Clifford, William B. "Attitudes toward Education and the Schools in a Rural Industrialized County." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1965. C5010 Sizer, Leonard M. Rural Industrialization: A Case Study in Educational Values and Attitudes. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1966. S3810 (ASU) Gift, Garrett Glenn Kentucky Marriages, 1797-1865. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. C5020 (BC) 47 CLAY—CLYDE Notes on Kentucky Veterans of the War of 1812. Anchorage, Ky.: Borderland Books, 1964. C5030 (BC) "Second Census" of Kentucky, 1800: A Private Compiled and Published Enumeration of Tax Payers Appearing in the 79 Manuscript Volumes Extant of Tax Lists of the 42 Counties of Kentucky in Existence in 1800. 1954. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. C5040 (ASU BC) Gift, Garrett Glenn comp. Kentucky Historical Society Kentucky Marriages, 1797-1865. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co. K1260 (ASU BC) Climatic Summaries of Resort Areas, Georgia Mountain Areas Washington: U. S. Dept. of Commerce, Environmental Data Service, 1970. C5050 Clinard, Jones Weston Clinard Looks Back, a Compilation of Short Stories Covering Early Days in Hickory. Hickory, N. C.: Hickory Print. Co., 1962. C5060 (ASU LMC) Cline, M. G. Austin, Moris E. Soil Survey, Claiborne County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. A5560 (ASU) Gingman, Thomas Lanier Measurements of the Black Mountains, n.p.: Gideon Printers, 1856. Elevations for peaks in the Black Mountain range, reprinted from the Asheville Times. C5070 Selections from the Speeches and Writings of Hon. Thomas L. Clingman, of North Carolina. With Additions and Explanatory Notes. Raleigh, N. C: J. Nichols, 1877. C5080 (ASU BC) Githerow, Ronald Harper "Extent of Sexual Knowledge, Accumulation of Sexual Information, and Sex Education Attitudes of Undergraduate Students at Appalachian State University." Master's thesis. Appalachian State University, 1971. C5090 (ASU) Cloos, Ernst Microtectonics Along the Western Edge of the Blue Ridge, Maryland and Virginia. Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1971. Discuss the formations of the smaller mountains and ridges along the Western Blue Ridge. C5100 (LMC) Clopper, Edward N. Child Welfare in Kentucky. New York: National Child Labor Commission, 1919. Special attention is given to Eastern Kentucky's coal camps and poorer rural areas. C5110 (ASU) Clowes, Molly One-Fourth of Kentucky. Eleven Stories on the Mountains. Reprint. Louisville: Courier-Journal, n.d. These stories are set in Eastern Kentucky's thirty-five mountain counties. C5120 (BC ASU) Cloyd, A. D. Genealogy of the Cloyd, Basye and Tapp Families in America. Columbus, Ohio: Champlin Press, 1912. C5130 Gugston, Katharine Wilderness Road. Garden City, N. Y.: Sun Dial Press, 1941. This history of the Wilderness Road contains biographical material on Boone and good descriptive passages on frontier life in Kentucky. C5150 (BC) Gugston, (Catherine Wilderness Road. New York: Blue Ribbon Books, Inc., 1937. C5140 (ASU) Clyde, N. C. Planning Board Planning for Flood Damage Prevention at Clyde, N. C. Clyde, N. C.: The Board, 1965. Includes flood prevention plans for the Pigeon and Tuckaseegee River Basins. C5160 (LMC) �COAL—COLE Cool Age vol. 1. 1911-. New York: McGraw-Hill Pub. Co., weekly; 1927- monthly. Public relations material sponsored by the major coal companies. C5170 (BC) Practical Kinks for Coal Mining Men. New York: Coal Age, 193? C5180 (BC) Successful Solutions to Everyday Coal Mining Problems. New York: McGraw-Hill Pub. Co., 1931. C5190 (BC) Coal Industry Advisory Committee to Oranco. Mine Drainage Abstracts: A Bibliography. 1966 Supplement, n.p.: n.p., n.d. C5200 (ASU) Coal Patrol no. 1- . 197-. Washington: Appalachian Information, irregular. C5210 (BC) Coale, Charles B. The Life and Adventures of Wilburn Waters, Early History of Southwest Virginia. Richmond, Va.: G. W. Gary and Co., Steam Book and Job Printers, 1878. C5220 The Life and Adventures of Wilburn Waters, the Famous Hunter and Trapper of White Top Mountain. Richmond: G. W. Gary and Co., 1878. Waters was a famous hunter and trapper in the southern mountains. C5230 (BC) Wilburn Waters History 1812-1879. Richmond, Virginia: n.p., 1878. The life and adventures of the famous hunter and trapper, Wilburn Waters, in the mountains of Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee. C5240 Coates, Harold Wilson Stories of the Kentucky Feuds. Knoxville, Tennessee: Holmes-Darst Coal Corporation, 1923. C5250 Stories of Kentucky Feuds. Knoxvitle, Tenn.: Holmes-Darst Coal Corp., 1942. C5260 (ASU LMC) Coatsworth, Elizabeth Jane Down Tumbledown Mountain. Illustrated by Aidren Watson. Evanston, III.: Row, Peterson and Co., 1958. Children's story with an Appalachia setting. C5270 (LMC) Old Whirlwind. Illustrated by Manning DeV. Lee. New York: Macmillan, 1953. A picture story of Davy Crockett's adventures on the Appalachian frontier. Contains several stories about his early years in East Tennessee. C5280 (ETSU) Cobb, Alice Lucy "Sect Religion and Social Change in an Isolated Rural Community of Southern Appalachia, with Case Story, "Fruit of the Land"." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Boston Univ., 1965. A study of upper Mutton community in Harlan County, Kentucky. C5290 (ASU) Cobb, Ann Kinfolks: Kentucky Mountain Rhymes. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1922. C5300 (ASU BC) Cobb, Clayton W., pseud, see Patten, J. A. Cobb, Donald "The Educational Development of Tyler County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1952. C5310 Cobb, Irene S. "Variance in the Theory and Practice of Attendance Workers in Selected East Tennessee Systems." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. C5320 Cobb, W. B. Dickey, John B. R. Soil Survey of Frederick County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. D2180 Cobb, William B. Soil Survey of Caldwell County. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1919. C5330 Soil Survey of Caldwell County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture. Field Operations, 1917. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1923. C5340 AUTHOR Cobb, William Vattle Davis, William Anderson Soil Survey of Watauga County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. D1280 (ASU) Coblentz, Catherine Cate Sequoya. Illustrated by Ralph Ray, Jr. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1946. C5350 (WCU ETSU BC) Sequoya. New York: McKay, 1962. C5360 (ASU) Coccari, Ronald Louis "A Regional Linear Programming Model of the West Virginia Economy." Ph.D. Diss. West Virginia Univ., 1970. C5370 Cochran, John A. "Collective Bargaining in the Bituminous Coal Industry." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Harvard Univ., 1949. C5380 (ASU) Cochran, Samuel Lodge Simon Kenton. Illustrated by Earle H. Tiffany. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1932. Biography of West Virginia's most famous frontiersman. C5390 (ASU) Cocke, Charles Francis Parish Lines, Diocese of Southwestern Virginia. Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1960. C5400 (ETSU) Cocke County, Tenn., 1830 Census n.p.: n.p., n.d. Census statistics for Cocke County, Tennessee. C5401 Cocke, Sarah Johnson Bypaths in Dixie: Folk Tales of the South. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1911. Tales from the upland South. C5410 (ASU BC) The Master of the Hills: A Tale of the Georgia Mountains. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1917. Mrs. Johnson's characters seem more like southern gentry than Georgia mountain folk. C5420 (ASU BC) Cocke, William J. Johnny Park Talks of Thomas Wolfe. Asheville, N. C: Inland Press, 1973. C5430 (ASU LMC) Cockrill, Elizabeth Bibliography of Tennessee Geology, Soils, Drainage, Forestry, etc. with Subject Index. Tennessee State Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 1, Extract B. Nashville: Folk-Keelin Print. Co., 1911. C5440 (LMC ETSU) Cockrum, James Earl "A Study of the Development of Organized Religion in Jefferson County, Tennessee (1785-1950)." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1951. C5450 Coddington, Keith E. "A Comparison of Intelligence in Students with Mixed and Lateral Dominance in Johnson City Vocational Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. C5460 (ETSU) "A Comparison of Intelligence in Students with Mixed and Lateral Dominance in Johnson City Vocational Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. C5460 (ETSU) Coe, David B. Record of the Coe Family and Descendants from 1596-1856. Cincinnati: Standard Pub. Co., 1885. C5470 (BC) Coe, Robert H. "Benjamin Hawkins, Indian Agent from 1796-1817." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1926. Hawkins was, perhaps, the best agent the Cherokee ever had. C5480 Coffey, Horace Marcus The Glass House, a Novel. New York: Business Bourse, 1946. A novel with an Appalachian setting. C5490 (BC ASU) Coffin, Tristram Potter The British Traditional Ballad in North America. Rev. ed. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society, 1963. C5500 (ASU FC) Coffin, Tristram Potter ed. Indian Tales of North America: An Anthology for the Adult Reader. Bibliographical and Special Series, vol. 13. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society, 1961. C5510 (ASU) 48 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Coger, William N. "A Study of Administrative and Supervisory Practices of Principals in the Public School System of Jefferson County, Alabama." Master's thesis. Alabama State College, 1954. C5520 Coggins, James Caswell Abraham Lincoln: A North Carolinian. Asheville, N. C.: Advocate Pub. Co., 1925. Another volume setting forth the oft-repeated theory that Lincoln was the son of Abraham Enlow of Swain County. C5530 (ASU) The Eugenics of President Abraham Lincoln: His German-Scotch Ancestry Irrefutably Established from Recently Discovered Documents. Milligan College, Tenn.: Goodwill Press, 1940. C5540 (ASU) The Thrones of the Apostles, a Study of the Pentecostal Phenomena. Elizabethton, Tenn.: n.p., 1947. A doctrinal study of the Disciples of Christ and of the growth of the Pentecostal Phenomena. C5550 (BC) Coghill, Kenneth L. The Lawmaking Process in West Virginia: A Study in Legislative Ethics. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1970. C5560 (LMC) Cogswell, Leander Winstow A History of the Eleventh New Hampshire Regiment, Volunteer Infantry in the Rebellion War, 1861-65. . . Chapter V-VII. Concord: Republican Press Association, 1891. This unit participated in several campaigns in the Southern mountains. C5570 Cohen, Caroline Records of the Myers, Hays and Mordecai Families, 1707-1913. n.p.: n.p., n.d. C5580 Cohen, David Stephen "They Walk These Hills: A Study of Social Solidarity among the Racially-mixed People of the Ramapo Mountains." Ph.D. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1971. C5590 (ASU) Cohen, Irwin B. An Economic and Social Survey of Botetourt County." Master's thesis. Univ. of Virginia, 1942. C5600 Cohen, William Howard The Hill Way Home: Poems from the Appalachian Highlands, Including "A House in the Country, II." Pippa Pass, Ky.: Mountain Press Alice Lloyd College, 1965. C5610 (LMC BC) Coincon, J. B. Colonial History of Nelson County, 1734-1807. Amherst, Va.: Amherst Pub. Co., n.d. C5620 (ASU) Cokeley, Harlin Rex A Son of the Mountains. Boston: Chapman and Grimes, 1935. A tale of a young man struggling to educate himself in the West Virginia mountains. C5630 Coker, Robert E. ed. Research and Regional Welfare. Papers presented at a conference on research at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1946. Includes material on welfare in North Carolina's twenty-eight mountain counties. C5640 (ASU) Coker, William Chambers The Boletaceae of North Carolina. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1943. An illustrated book of North Carolina's mushrooms. C5650 (ASU WWC) The Trees of North Carolina. Chapel Hill, N. C: W. C. Coker, 1916. C5660 (ASU) Trees of the Southeastern States, Including Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, and Northern Florida. 3rd ed. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1945. C5670 (ASU BC) Cole, Charles D. Cumberland Gap, and Other Poems, n.p.: n.p., 1960. C5680 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Cole, Charles D. My Land — My People, n.p.: n.p., 1967. Poems celebrating life in Southeastern Kentucky. C5690 (BC) Cole, Lois Dwight Kentucky Cargo. New York: Macmillan, 1939. Poems. C5700 (BC) Cole, Lucy W. Kaufman, Harold P. Poverty Programs and Social Mobility. State College: Mississippi State Univ., Social Science Research Center, 1966. K290 Cole, Mary Cross Cross, John Newton William Cross of Botetourt County, Virginia and His Descendants, 1733-1932. Columbia, Mo.: E. W. Stephens Publishing Co., 1932. C9080 Cole, Redmond S. Ancestry, Life and Family of Col. William Edmiston of Washington County. n.p.: typescript, 1937. C5710 Story of Captain Jesse Cox of Johnson Co., Tennessee. Revised by Mrs. Redmond S. Cole, 1958-60. n.p.: The author, 1960. C5720 Cole, Mrs. Redmond S. ed. Cole, Redmond S. Story of Captain Jesse Cox of Johnson Co., Tennessee, n.p.: The author, 1960. C5720 Coleman, Clarence Samuel and others Soil Survey, Culpeper County, Virginia. Soil Survey Report, Series 1941, no. 3. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1952. C5730 Coleman, Howell F. "An Enrollment Projection for the Estes Elementary School, Anderson, S. C" Master's thesis. Western Carolina University, 1971. C5740 (WCU) Coleman, James Plemon and others The Robert Coleman Family, from Virginia to Texas, 1652-1965. Ackerman, Miss.: The author, 1965. A history and genealogy of a western Virginia family. C5750 (ASU) Coleman, John Winston, Jr. A Bibliography of Kentucky History. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1949. C5770 (ASU LMC) Coleman, John Winston, Jr. ed. Kentucky: A Pictorial History. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1971. C5780 (ASU) Coleman, McAlister Men and Coal. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1943. A pro-union, pro-Lewis book by a former union spokesman. C5790 (ASU BC) Men and Coal. 1943. Reprint. American Labor: From Conspiracy to Collective Bargaining. C5800 (MHC WCU) Coleman, Richard Douglas "The Distribution and Relative Abundance of Some Immature Aquatic Insects in Red Fork Creek, Unicoi County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. C5810 (ETSU) Coleman, Sara Lindsay The Common Problem. New York: Doubleday, Doran and Company, 1929. A novel of manners overlaid with mystery and set in Western North Carolina. C5820 Coleman, Thaddeus The Land of the Sky, an Idyl. Asheville, N. C.: Furman's Print., n.d. Paean to the Western North Carolina mountains. C5830 (LMC ASU) Coleman, Wilma "Mountain Dialect in North Georgia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Georgia, 1936. This rather superficial study of mountain speech consists primarily of phrases and vocabulary lists. C5840 (ETSU ASU) Colemen, James Walter The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region. 1936. Reprint. American Labor: From Conspiracy to Collective Bargaining. C5760 (WCU ASU) AUTHOR Coles, Robert Children of Crisis. 1st ed. 3 vols., An Atlantic Monthly Press Book. Boston: Little, Brown, 1967. Volumes II and III contain major sections on the Southern mountaineers at home, or as migrants to northern cities. C5850 (WCU ASU) Dead End School. Illustrated by Norman Rockwell. An Atlantic Monthly Press Book. Boston: Little, Brown, 1968. A sympathetic study of school dropouts in the mountains. C5860 (ASU) An Evaluation of the Appalachian Volunteers. Typewritten copy, n.p.: n.p., 1966. Study of the problems encountered by the Appalachian volunteers and some speculations about reasons for the relative failure of the program. C5870 (BC) Farewell to the South. 1st ed., An Atlantic Monthly Press Book. Boston: Little, Brown, 1972. Includes material taken from the author's case studies of Appalachia. C5880 (ASU WCU) Migrants, Sharecroppers, Mountaineers. Children of Crisis, vol. 2. Boston: Little, Brown, 1971. The Appalachian mountaineers are one of three groups studied in this survey of poor sub-cultures in the South. The author has difficulty distinguishing between mountaineers and other Southerners. C5890 (BC ASU) The South Goes North. Children of Crisis, vol. 3. Boston: Little, Brown, 1971. A study of Southern migrants in northern cities. C5900 (ASU BC) Wages of Neglect. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1969. Includes sections on Appalachian children. Emphasis is on the effects of poverty and neglect on the development of a child's mind and spirit. C5910 (ASU) A Collection of Folklore by Undergraduate Students of East Tennessee State University Institute of Regional Studies Monograph, no. 3. Johnson City: East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. Folklore collected primarily in Avery and Watauga counties of North Carolina. C5920 (ETSU ASU LMC BC) Collier, Charles R. Influences of Strip Mining on the Hydrologic Environment of Parts of Beaver Creek Basin, Kentucky, 1955-59. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. C5930 (BC) Collier, John Roseanna McCoy: Final Screenplay. Hollywood, Cal.: Ball Script Service Co., 1948. A screenplay of the life of Roseanna McCoy and her role in the Hatfield and McCoy feud. C5940 Collins, Carvil Emerson The Literary Tradition of the Southern Mountaineer, 1824-1900. Xerox of original. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Chicago, 1944. C5950 (ETSU ASU) Nineteenth Century Fiction of the Southern Appalachians, n.p.: n.p., 1943. C5960 Collins, Charlie J. "Study of Industrial Arts Education in Public Secondary Schools of the Southern Appalachian Region." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1968. C5970 Collins, Christian C. A Song of the Alleghenies. Johnson City, Tenn.: F. M. Hill Books, 1923. C5980 Collins, Ernest M. "Political Behavior in Breathitt, Knott, Perry and Leslie Counties, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1940. C5990 Collins, Frederick Lewis Uncle Sam's Billion-dollar Baby, a Taxpayer Looks at the TVA. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1945. A realistic look at the waste perpetrated by the TVA. C6000 (ASU UNCA) Collins, Louis Historical Collections of Kentucky. 2 vols. Louisville: John P. Norton Company, 1874. C6010 49 COLE—COMBS Collins, Margaret Humes Plenteous Heritage. Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1966. C6020 (BC) Collins, Richard H. Collins, Louis Historical Collections of Kentucky. Louisville: John P. Norton Company, 1874. C6010 Collin's Travelbook of North Carolina Winston-Salem: Collins Co., annual. Many of the travel attractions listed are in the Western, mountainous section of the state. C6030 (LMC) Collins, W. D. and others Springs of Virginia. In cooperation with U. S. Geological Survey. Richmond: Division of Purchase and Printing, State Commission of Conservation and Development, Division of Water Resources and Power, 1930. C6040 Collins, William From the Freedom of the Mountains to the Hurly-burly City. Cincinnati: Cincinnati Inquirer, n.d. C6050 Collins, William E. Folk Ways and Customs of Old Kentucky. Lexington, Ky.: Uldean W. Johnston, 1971. A book of folklore and folkways collected in the foothill country of Kentucky. C6060 (ASU BC) Colonial Records of Virginia Baltimore, Genealogical Publishing Co., 1973. C6070 Colony, Horatio Free Forester: A Novel of Pioneer Kentucky. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1935. A novel about a long-hunter and trapper who crosses the mountains to live among the Shawnee and Wyandottes. C6080 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Cotton, Henry E. Mountain Scenery: The Scenery of the Mountains of Western North Carolina and Western South Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: W. L. Pomeroy; Philadelphia: Hayes and Zell, 1859. C6090 (ASU WCU) CoHrane, George A. ed. North Carolina, University, Institute of Government County Government in North Carolina. Chapel Hill: The institute, 1968. N2680 (WWC ASU LMC) Coltrane, Robert Iroin Pavlick, Anthony Leo Quality of Rural and Urban Housing in the Appalachian Region. Washington: Economic Research Service, Resource Development Economics Division, U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1964. PI 050 (LMC) Coltrane, Robert Irvin An Economic Survey of the Appalachian Region, with Special Reference to Agriculture. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station Report. Agricultural Economic Report, no. 69. Washington: Economic Research Service, U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1965. C6100 (ETSU WCU LMC ASU) Combs, Harriette Reynolds The Bubble. Richmond, Virginia: Sat ten white Printing Co., 1965. A collection of twenty-six poems' simply but charmingly written. C6110 Combs, Jerry W. "Population Migration in the State of Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1948. C6120 Combs, Josiah Henry Folksongs of the Southern United States. Publications of the American Folklore Society. Bibliographical and Special Series, vol. 19. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1967. C6130 (ASU WCU MHC LMC WWC BC FC) The Kentucky Highlanders from a Native Mountaineers Viewpoint. Lexington, Ky.: J. L. Richardson and Co., 1913. C6140 (BC ASU) Combs, Maxine Solow Gauthier "A Study of the Black Mountain Poets." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. Oregon, 1967. Black Mountain college and the surrounding resort area attracted a substantial colony of all types of artists, including poets. C6150 (WCU) �COMETTI-CONLEY Cometti, Elizabeth ed. The Thirty-fifth State: Documentary History of Virginia. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Library, 1966. C6160 (ASU LMC BC) Commission Book of Governor John Sevier, 1796-1801 Nashville: Tenn. Hist. Comm., 1957. Record book of Tennessee's most exciting governor and the fight for statehood. C6170 Commission oil Religion in Appalachia CORA: Our Christian Commitment in Appalachia. Knoxville: The commission, 1971. C6180 Directory of Appalachian Mission Enterprises. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1972. C6190 (BC) Proceedings: A United Approach to Fulfilling the Church's Mission in Appalachia. Knoxville, Tenn.: The commission, 1966. C6210 (ASU WCU) Commission on Religion in Appalachia, Economic and Political Issues Task Force. Strip Mining in Appalachia. Knoxville: Commission on Religion in App., 1970. C6200 Common Forest Trees of West Virginia Charleston: W. Va. Conservation Commission, n.d. C6220 Community Research Associates Prelude to Planning in Buncombe County, North Carolina. New York: The Co., 1963. C6230 (WWC) Community Service of Clarksburg, W. Va. The Shawnee Trail Program: An Historical Pageant Presented at Clarksburg, W. Va., June 13, and 15, 1923. Clarksburg: The service, 1923. Included an outline of the early history of Harrison County, West Virginia. C6240 (BC) Compton, Hannibal Albert A Moonshiner's'Folly, and Other Stories. Boston: Roxburgh Pub. Co., 1916. Stories about blockading corn huskings, haints, and mountain religion. C6250 (BC) Comstock, Charles Freemasonry in Pioneer Times, White County. Sparta: n.p., 1929. C6260 Comstock, Harriet Theresa The Man Thou Gavest. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1917. A young writer, recovering his health in the Virginia mountains, marries and then abandons a mountain girl. Many years later he works out his guilt by writing a play about her. C6270 (ASU BC) The Shield of Silence. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1921. Novel about a home for Episcopal sisters in the southern mountains and its effects on four women who live there. C6280 (ASU BC) A Son of the Hills. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1913. Novel about a young man who wants escape the hopelessness of life in Lost Hollow and chooses education and out as his route of escape. As a successful artist he is able to reflect more favorably on his mountain background. C6290 (ASU WCU BC) Comstock, Jim F. Best of Hillbilly. A Prize Collection of 100-proof Writings from Jim Comstock's West Virginia Hillbilly. 1st ed. Anderson, S. C: Droke House, 1968. C6300 (ASU MHC WCU LMC BC) Pa and Ma and Mister Kennedy. Richwood, W. Va.: App. Press, 1965. An account of John Kennedy's West Virginia primary campaign. C6310 (ASU BC) Concord College, Athens, W. Va. see West Virginia, Concord College, Athens Condit, D. D. Economic Geology of the Summerfield and Woodsfield Quadrangles, Ohio, with Descriptions of Coal and Other Mineral Resources, Except Oil and Gas. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 720. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1923. C6320 AUTHOR Structure of the Berea Oil Sand in the Summerfield Quadrangle, Guernsey, Noble, and Monroe Counties, Ohio. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 621-N. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1916. C6330 Condon, Mabel Amanda Green A History of Harlan County. Nashville: Parthenon Press, 1962. An informal but rather good history of Harlan County. Special attention is given to education and religion. C6340 (BC) Conference of Governors on Underdeveloped Areas of the Appalachian Region, Lexington, Ky., 1960. Summary. Atlanta: Council of State Governments, Southern Office, 1961? C6350 Conference of Southern Mountain Workers The Southern Highlands, an Inquiry into their Needs, and Qualifications Desired in Service Workers in the Mountain Country. Asheville, N. C. Inland Press, 1915. C6360 Conference of Southern Mountain Workers see Council of Southern Mountain Workers Conference of Southern Workers see also Council of the Southern Mountains Conference on Appalachian Development, Princeton, N. J., 1964 Report. Conference organized by the graduate students of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs of Princeton University, March 20-22, 1964. Princeton, N. J.: n.p., 1964. C6370 Conference on Economic Progress, Washington, D. C. Poverty and Deprivation in the United States: The Plight of Two-fifths of a Nation. Washington: n.p., 1962. C6380 Conference on Interstate Pollution of North Fork Holston River Report of the Conference, 2D * Kingsport, Tennessee, 1962. Kingsport, Tenn.: The Conference, 1962. C6390 Conference on Low Income Farms Proceedings. Morgantown, W. Va.: W. Va. Univ., Agricultural Experiment Station, 1940. A study of the statis marginal farms. C6400 Conference on Manpower Requirements and Human Resource Adjustment Papers. (Charlotte, 1964.) ("API Series," no. 15.) Raleigh: Agricultural Policy Institute, State College of Agriculture and Engineering, N. C. Univ., 1965. C6410 Conference on New Approaches to Strip Mining Proceedings. The Planning Concept. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Student Council on Pollution and Environment, 1970. C6420 Conference on Poverty-in-Plenty — The Poor in Our Affluent Society Poverty in Plenty. Foreword by Sargent Shriver. Contributors: Wilbur J. Cohen and others. Wisdom and Discovery Book. New York: P. J. Kenedy, 1964. Includes sections on poverty in the Appalachian Mountains. C6430 Conference on Surface Mining, Roanoke, Va., 1964. Surface Mining — Extent and Economic Importance, Impact on Natural Resources, and Proposals for Reclamation of Mined-lands: Proceedings. Chicago: Council of State Governments, 1964. C6440 (ASU) Conference on the Application of Engineering Technology to the Problems of Appalachia Draft Paper Discussing the Background of the Problems in Appalachia. Conference at W. Va. Univ., 1965. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., 1965. C6450 Conference on Training in Biomathematics, Western Carolina College, 1961 The Cullowhee Conference on Training in Biomathematics: An International Conference Held at Western Carolina College, Cullowhee, North Carolina, August 14-18, 1961. Raleigh: Institute of Statistics, N. C. State College, 1962. C6460 (WCU) 50 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Conference on Water Resources and Economic Development in the South Papers. (Atlanta, 1964.) ("API Series," no. 15.) Raleigh: Agricultural Policy Institute, State College of Agriculture and Engineering, N. C. Univ., 1965. C6470 (ASU) Conference to Identify Broadened Roles for College and Secondary School Industrial Arts Programs in Appalachia and to Plan Pilot Educational Projects, Eastern Ky. State College, 1964 Proceedings. Richmond: The College, 1964. C6480 (ASU) Conger, J. T. Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey, Dade County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. T440 Congleton, Betty Carolyn "The Southern Poor Whites 1800-1869, with Particular Reference to Kentucky and Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Ky., 1948. C6490 (ASU) Conklin, J. Douglas Selected South Carolina Economic Data. Columbia: Univ. of S. C., Bureau of Business and Economic Research, 1969. C6500 Conley, Betty Rutter "An Evaluation of the Elementary School Libraries in Washington County, Virginia." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State Univ., 1966. C6510 (ETSU) Conley, James F. Mineral Localities of North Carolina. Information Circular 16. Raleigh: N. C. Dept. of Conservation and Development, 1971. The state's most valuable mineral resources are in the western mountains. * C6520 (ASU) Conley, Philip Mallory As I See It. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1965. The author's thoughts on success and proper conduct in life. Largely autobiographical. C6530 (ASU) Beacon Lights of West Virginia History. Vol. 1. Charleston: W. Va. Pub. Co., 1939. C6540 (BC) History of West Virginia Coal Industry. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1960. C6550 (ASU BC) The Mountain Murder. Gold and Blue Series, no. 1. Charleston, W. Va.: W. Va. Pub. Co., 1939. A mystery story set in the West Virginia mountains. C6560 (ASU BC) Uncle Amos, Politician. 1st ed. Charleston, W. Va.: W. Va. Pub. Co., 1940. C6570 (ASU BC) West Virginia: Brief History of the Mountain State. Charleston, W. Va.: n.p., 1963. C6580 (ASU BC) West Virginia History. Charleston: n.p., 1975. A very good new history of West Virginia. C6600 West Virginia Reader, Stories of Early Days. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1970. Delightful stories taken from West Virginia history. C6610 (ASU ETSU) West Virginia, Yesterday and Today. Charleston: W. Va. Review Press, 1931. A school text stressing the geography, history, natural resources, industries, and government of the state. C6620 (BC) West Virginia, Yesterday and Today. 3rd ed., rev. and rewritten. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1952. C6630 (ASU) Conley, Philip Mallory ed. The West Virginia Encyclopedia. 1st ed. Charleston, W. Va.: W. Va. Pub. Co., 1929. An information packed volume of fact and trivia of West Virginia history. C6590 (LMCBC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY ConneNey, William Elsey Eastern Kentucky Papers: The Founding of Harmon's Station, with an Account of the Indian Captivity of Mrs. Jennie Wiley and the Exploration and Settlement of the Big Sandy Valley in the Virginia's and Kentucky. To Which Is Affixed a Brief Account of the Connelley Family and Some of Its Collateral and Related Families in America. New York: Torch Press, 1910. C6640 (ASU) The Founding of Harmon's Station and the Wiley Captivity. Original title: Eastern Kentucky Papers. 1910. Reprint. With four additional chapters by Edward R. Hagelett. C6650 (BC ASU) Connelly, Thomas Lawrence Army of the Heartland: The Army of Tennessee, 1861-1862. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1967. The army of Tennessee saw action in the mountain areas of three states. C6660 (LMC ASU) Discovering the Appalachians: What to Look for from the Past in the Present along America's Eastern Frontier. Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1968. A guide to the recreational attractions of the various mountain ranges which comprise the Appalachians. C6670 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU LMC WWC UNCA BC) Conner, Maynard Calvin An Economic and Social Survey of Patrick County. Extension Record Extension Series, vol. 31, no. 6. Charlottesville: Univ. of Va., 1937. C6680 (BC) Connor, Phyllis Old Timey Recipes. Bluefield, W. Va.: n.p., 1966. Recipes and home remedies from the hills of West Virginia. C6690 (ASU LMC BC) Old Timey Recipes. 3rd ed. Bluefield, W. Va.: n.p., 1970. C6700 (WCU BC) Old Timey Recipes. Bluefield, W. Va.: n.p., 1973. C6710 (LMC) Connor, Robert Diggs Wimberly History of North Carolina. 6 vols. Chicago: Lewis Pub. Co., 1919. C6720 (LMC) Makers of North Carolina History. Raleigh, N. C: Thompson Pub. Co., 1923. C6730 (LMC) North Carolina: Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, 1584-1925. 4 vols. Chicago: American Historical Society, 1929. C6740 (UNCA BC LMC) Race Elements in the White Population of North Carolina. Studies in North Carolina History, no. 1. Greensboro: Woman's College of the Univ. of N. C., 1933. Deals with the various ethnic groups in North Carolina's population. C6750 (ASU BC) Revolutionary Leaders of North Carolina. Studies in North Carolina History, no. 2. Greensboro: North Carolina College for Women, 1930. C6760 (ASU LMC) Revolutionary Leaders of North Carolina. 1930. Reprint. Spartanburg, S. C.: Reprint Co., 1971. C6770 (WWC) Cenrey, G. W. Paschall, Alfred H. Soil Survey, Athens County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. P530 Paschall, Alfred H. Soil Survey of Vinton County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. P540 Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey of Adams County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. T390 AUTHOR Cenrey, Guy Wootard Soil Survey, Scioto County, Ohio. Prepared in cooperation with the Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1933, no. 31. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1940. C6780 Consolidated Coal Company History of the Consolidated Coal Company. New York: The Company, 1934. C6790 Cenway, Martha Bell ed. The Compacts of Virginia. Richmond, Va.: Commonwealth of Va., 1963. A history of the interstate and boundary agreements of Virginia. C6800 (FC) Conway, Robert Traditional Pottery in North Carolina by Bob Conway. Photographed by Ed Gilreath. Waynesville, N. C.: Mountaineer Printers, 1974. C6810 Cook County, III., Department of Public Aid Southern Appalachian Migrant on Public Aid in Cook County. A follow-up study directed by Raymond M. Milliard. Chicago: The dept., 1964. C6820 (ASU) A Study of Families from the Southern Appalachian Region Receiving Public Assistance. Chicago: The dept., 1960. C6830 (ASU) Cook, Gerald Wildon The Descendants of Claiborne Howard, Soldier of the American Revolution. 1st ed. Cholon, Vietnam: n.p., 1960, 1961. C6840 (ASU) Cook, John Harrison "A Study of the Mill Schools of North Carolina." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1925. Many of the textile mills are located in the foothill country of North Carolina. C6850 Cook, (Catherine M. ed. Gaumnitz, Walter Herbert Education in the Southern Mountains. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1938. G640 (ASU BC) Cook, Raymond Allen Fire from the Flint: The Amazing Careers of Thomas Dixon. Winston-Salem, N. C.: J.P. Blair, 1968. Biography of the novelist, education and politician from western North Carolina. C6860 (BC ASU) Thomas Dixon: His Books and His Career. Unpublished Ph. D. Diss. Emory Univ., 1954. Biography of a North Carolina novelist. C6870 Cook, Roy Bird The Annals of Pharmacy in West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Barrett Print. Co., 1946. C6880 (ASU) Christ Church Methodist, a Historical Sketch, 1804-1961. Charleston, W. Va.: Charleston Print. Co., 1961. History of one of Charleston's oldest Methodist Churches. C6890 (ASU) The Family and Early Life of Stonewall Jackson. 4th ed., rev. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1963. Jackson was a native of western Virginia. C6900 (ASU) Washington's Western Lands. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1930. Washington owned land in western Virginia and in what is now West Virginia. C6910 (ASU) Cook, Ruth E. "Food Habits of a Selected Group of Pupils in the Wellsbury High School, West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1951. C6920 Coeke, Addie M. "A History of the Public Library in Murphy, N. C." Master's thesis. Fla. State Univ., 1962. C6930 Ceeke, Dan Boy "Developing a Core Plan in the Seventh and Eighth Grades at Candler Elementary School." Master's thesis. Western Carolina Univ., 1955. C6940 (WCU) 51 CONNELLEY-COOPER Ceoke, Grace MacGowan The Power and the Glory. New York: Doubieday, 1910. A novel about a Tennessee mountain girl who moves to a nearby textile town. Conditions in the mill are realistically described but the plot is overly romantic. C6950 (BC) Coeke, John Esten Fairfax: Or, the Master of Greenway Court. A Chronicle of the Valley of the Shenandoah. New York: Carleton and Co.; London: S. Low, Son and Co., 1868. Novel of frontier life in western Virginia. C6960 (BC ASU) The Last of the Foresters: Of Humors on the Border. A Story of the Old Virginia Frontier. New York: Derby and Jackson; Cincinnati: H. W. Derley and Co., 1856. A novel of the western Virginia frontier. C6970 (ASU BC) Leather Stocking and Silk. New York: Harper, 1854. The area around Martinsburg West Virginia is the setting for this novel based on the life of hunter John Meyers. C6980 (BC) Mohun: Or, The Last Days of Lee and His Paladins. Final Memoirs of a Staff Officer Serving in Virginia. From the MSS. of Colonel Surry, of Eagle's Nest. 1869. Reprint. Americans in Fiction. Ridgewood, N. J.: Gregg Press, 1968. C6990 (ASU WCU BC) Stonewall Jackson. New York: G. W. Dillingham Co., 1897. A biography of Appalachian Virginia's greatest general. C7000 (ASU BC) Stonewall Jackson and the Old Stonewall Brigade. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia Press for the Tracy W. McGregor Library, 1954. C7010 (ASU BC) Ceoke, John White "Isaac Shelby, 1750-1796." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1959. Shelby was a politician, soldier and leader in the Watauga settlements. C7030 Ceeke, Kennis "A History of Education in Wyoming County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1952. C7040 Ceeke, Philip Pendleton Froissart Ballads, and Other Poems. Philadelphia: Carey and Hart, 1847. This volume is the best-known work of this Appalachian Virginia author. C7050 (BC) Cootoy, Elmer J. The Inside Story of the World Famous Courtroom Tragedy. Charlottesville, Va.: Michie Co., 1961. An eyewitness account of the trail of the Allen outlaws at Hillsville, Virginia. C7060 (BC) Coon, Charles Lee The Beginnings of Public Education in North Carolina: A Documentary History, 1790-1840. 2 vols. Raleigh: N. C. Historical Commission, 1908. C7070 (LMC BC) Coon, Charles Lee comp. North Carolina Schools and Academies, 1790-1840: A Documentary History. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards and Broughton, 1915. C7080 (LMC WWC) Coop Howard Poems From a Land of Hills. London, Ky.: Kentuckiana Press, 1969. Poems about Heigira, a land of hills at the western tip of the mountains in Kentucky. C7090 (ASU LMC) Cooper, A. B. "Exploratory Study of the Views toward Birth Control Services." Master's thesis. Univ. of Term., 1966. Some Eastern Tennessee families are used in this study. C7100 Cooper, Byron Nelson Geology of the Draper Mountain Area, Virginia. Virginia Geological Survey Bulletin, 55. Richmond: Division of Purchase and Print., 1939. C7110 (ETSU) The Geology of the Region Between Roanoke and Winchester in the Appalachian Valley of Western Virginia. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ., 1960. C7120 �COOPER—CORRON Cooper, Byron Nelson Grand Appalachian Field Excursion. Engineering Extension Series. Geological Guidebook, no. 1. Blacksburg: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1961. Includes description of Pennsylvania rocks along the West Virginia turnpike. C7130 (BC) »r, Frank Ocona of the Cherokee Hills, n.p.: The author, 1955. C7140 (ASU LMC MHC) »r, H. P. Veatch, Jethro O. Soil Survey of Blair County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1917. V490 Cooper, Herston Crossville. Miami, Fla.: Adams Press, 1965. A description of the World War II interment camp in Cumberland County, Tennessee. C7150 Cooper, Hobart S. "German and Swiss Colonization in Morgan County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tenn., 1925. C7160 (ASU) Cooper, Horton History of Avery County, North Carolina. Asheville, N. C: Biltmore Press, 1964. C7170 (ASU LMC WCU BC) North Carolina Mountain Folklore and Miscellany. Murfreesboro, N. C.: Johnson Pub. Co., 1972. C7180 (MHC ASU LMC BC) Cooper, John R. "A Study of Pupil Withdrawal in Ten Secondary Schools of Floyd, Knott, Letcher, and Pike Counties through the School Year of 1932-33." C7190 Cooper, R. W. Wenger, Karl Frederick The Relation of Growth to Stand Density in Natural Loblolly Pine Stands. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1958. W2820 (WCU) Cooper, Robert Warren Silvical Characteristics of Slash Pine. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 81. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1957. C7200 (WCU) Cooper, Susan Fenimore ed. William West Skiles: A Sketch of Missionary Life at Valle Crucis in Western North Carolina, 1842-1862. New York: James Pott and Co., 1890. C7210 (ASU WCU BC) Skiles, William West A Sketch of Missionary Life at Valle Crucis in Western North Carolina, 1842-1862. New York: James Pott and Co., 1890. S4010 (LMC) Cooper, Williamson Lee Stuart Robinson School and Its Work. Nashville: Parthenon Press, 1936. Reverend E. O. Guerrant's Presbyterian mission school in Letcher County, Kentucky. C7220 (BC) Cooperative Recreation Service Handy Square-Dance Book. Delaware, Ohio: n.p., 1955. A well-illustrated book giving directions for most American square dances. C7230 (WCU ASU) Songs of All Time. 1946. Reprint. Berea, Ky.: Cooperative Recreation Service, 1957. C7240 (WCU) Cope, Annis D. "A History of Education in Hawkins County with Special Reference to Rock Hill School." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tenn., 1957. C7250 Cope, Robert F. The County of Gaston: Two Centuries of a North'Carolina Region. With a foreword by William Friday. Gastonia: Gaston County Historical Society, 1961. C7260 (LMC ASU BC) Cope, Robert S. Carry Me Back: Slavery and Servitude in Seventeenth Century Virginia. 1st ed. Pikeville, Ky.: Pikeville College Press of the Appalachian Studies Center, 1973. C7270 (MHC FC ASU) AUTHOR Copeland, Helen This Snake is Good. Illustrated by Charles W. Walker. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1968. A children's story about a pet snake. Appalachian mountain setting. C7280 (ASU) Copeland, Lewis C. Estimating Tennessee's Tourist Business. A study for the Tenn. Dept. of Conservation, Division of State Information, by the Bureau of Business Administration, the Univ. of Tenn. and the Institute of Research and Training in the Social Sciences, Vanderbilt Univ., in cooperation with the Tenn. Valley Authority: Study, no. 26. Knoxville-. Univ. of Tenn., Bureau of Business Research, 1955. C7290 (ASU) Methods for Estimating Income Payments in Counties; a Technical Supplement to County Income Estimates for Seven Southeastern States. Charlottesville, Va.: Bureau of Population and Economic Research, Univ. of Va., 1952. C7300 Tourists and the Travel Service and Transportation Business in Tennessee, 1948 to 1961, Inclusive, an Economic Analysis. n.p.: Tenn. Division of State Information and Tourist Promotion, 1962. C7310 Travel Industry in North Carolina. An Economic Survey. Raleigh, N. C., 1959. C7320 Copeland, Pauline B. "An Evaluation of the Remedial Speech Program in the Johnson City Schools." Master's thesis. E. Tenn. State College, 1952. C7330 (ETSU) Copley, Robert W. "The Development of a Management Evaluation System for Community Action Agencies." Master's thesis. Univ. of Louisville, 1970. C7340 Copp, James H. ed. Our Changing Rural Society — Perspectives and Trends. Ames: Iowa State Univ. Press, 1964. C7350 Corbett, H. Roger, Jr. Blue Ridge Voyages: One and Two Day River Cruises. Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia. 2 vols. in 1. Falls Church, Va.: Blue Ridge Voyageurs, 1965-66. C7360 (LMC) Corbin, David The Socialist and Labor Star, Huntington, West Virginia, 1912-1915. Huntington: App. Movement Press, 1971. An account of the strike and lookouts at the Socialist and Labor Star. C7370 (ASU BC) Corbin, John B. An Index of State Geological Survey Publications Issued in Series. New York: Scarecrow, 1965. C7380 (LMC) Corby, Jane Irenita Simon Kenton, the Scout: A Tale of Frontier Life During the Revolution. New York: Thomas Crowell Co., 1925. This is one of the few biographies of Kenton that deals with his change of loyalties at the end of the Revolution. C7390 (BC) Core, Earl Lemley The Monongalia Story, a Bicentennial History. Parson, W. Va.: McClain Printing Co., 1974. C7400 Morgantown Disciples: A History of the First Christian Church of Morgantown, West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. £o., 1960. C7410 (ASU) Spring Wild Flowers. Series 58, no. 4-2. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Bulletin, 1958. C7430 (BC) Vegetation of West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1966. C7440 (ASU LMC BC) Strausbaugh, Perry Daniel Common Seed Plants of the Mid-Appalachian Region. Morgantown, W. Va.: Book Exchange, 1948. S7820 (ASU BC) 52 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Strausbaugh, Perry Daniel Flora of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Press, 1952-1964. S7830 (ASU) Core, Earl Lemley and others Plant Life of West Virginia. New York: Scholar's Library, 1960. . C7420 (ETSU) Core, George ed. Stewart, Randall Regionalism and Beyond: Essays of Randall Stewart. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1968. S7340 (ASU) Corey, Faris Jane Exploring the Mountains of North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: Provincial Press, 1972. C7450 (ASU LMC SCU WCU) Corgan, D. Leonard A Description of the George Korson Folklore Archine. Compiled by Judith Tiering, Special Collections Librarian. Wilkes-Barre, Pa.: King's College Press, 1973. C7460 (ASU) Corkran, David H. The Carolina Indian Frontier. 1st ed. S. C. Tricentennial Commission Booklet, no. 6. Univ. of S. C. Press, 1970. C7470 (ASU WCU) The Cherokee Frontier: Conflict and Survival, 1740-62. 1st ed. The Civilization of the Am. Indian Series. C7480 (LMC WCU BC UNA ASU UNCA) The Cherokee Frontier; Conflict and Survival, 1740-62. The Civilization of the American Indian Series. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1966. C7490 (WCU) The Cherokee Frontier: Conflict and Survival, 1740-62. 1st ed. The Civilization of the American Indian Series. . Reprint. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1967. C7500 (ASU) The Creek Frontier, 1540-1783. 1st ed. The Civilization of the American Indian Series, 1962. Reprint. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1967. C7510 (ASU BC) Corlsen, Carl, pseud, see Fey, Arthur Willard Com, James Franklin Farewell the Hills: A Novel of the Eastern Cherokees. New York: Vantage Press, 1971. Set in Western North Carolina, East Tennessee and North Georgia. C7520 (ASU LMC) Red Clay and Rattlesnake Springs: A History of the Cherokee Indians of Bradley County, Tennessee. Cleveland, Tenn.: n.p., 1959. Important, and essentially disastrous, councils were held at both these communities in the early 1830's. C7530 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Cornell, F. D. A Social and Economic Survey of the Spencer Soil Conservation Area. Morgantown: West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1936. C7540 ' Cornett, Essie Richardson The Cornett Family. N. Y., Vantage Press, 1971. C7550 Cornett, Lowell "A Proposed Social Studies Curriculum for the Schools of Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. C7560 (ETSU) Comwell, John Jacob A Mountain Trail: To the Schoolroom, the Editor's Chair, the Lawyer's Office, and the Governorship of West Virginia. Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1939. C7570 (ASU BC) Corpening, B. H. Vogenberger, R. A. Method for Determining Public Fire Control Expenditures for Private Lands. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. . VI310 Corron, Elizabeth Hicks Clifton Forge, Virginia: Scenic, Busy, Friendly. Rev. ed. Roanoke, Va.: Stone Printing Co., 1971. Promotional material prepared for the independent city of Clifton Forge. C7580 (FC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Corry, Ormond C. Comparative Economic Growth Measures — Population and Personal Income Estimates for Tennessee Counties, 1950 Through 1962. Study, no. 30. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Bureau of Business and Economic Research, 1964. Personal income rose very slowly in Eastern Tennessee. C7590 Corwin, Euphemia Kipp Unto the Hills; Glimpses of Berea's Outdoors. Cincinnati: Abington Press, n.d. C7600 Costello, E. J. The Shame That Is Kentucky's The Story of the Harlan Mine War. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1972. C7610 (ASU) Costello, Emily P. "Locating and Providing for Murphy High School's Bright Pupils." Master's thesis. Western Carolina University, 1959. C7620 (WCU) Costello, Peter Bauer, John Public Organization of Electric Power: Conditions, Policies, and Program. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1949. Costner, Ella V. Barefoot in the Smokies, n.p., 1969. C7630 (LMC) Lamp in the Cabin: Poems of the Smokies. Sevierville, Tenn.: Tri-County News, 1967. C7640 (BC) Poems of Paradise. New York: Carlton Press, 1968. C7650 (BC) Poems of the Smokies, n.p., 1967. C7660 (LMC) Song of Life in the Smokies. Maryville, Tenn.: Brazos Press, 1971. An account of life in the Smokies before the advent of the Park. C7670 (LMC) Song of Life in the Smokies: Stories of Mine Own People and Sketches of Life as It Was Lived in the Mountains Before the Park Took Over. Maryville, Tenn.: M. R. Mangrum, 1971. C7680 (ETSU) Costo, Rupert ed. Henry, Jeannette Textbooks and the American Indian. San Francisco: Indian Historian Press, 1970. H4760 (MHC) Cothran, Jean comp. The Whang Doddle; Folk Tales from the Carolines. Columbia, S. C.: Sandlapper Press, 1972. 21 legends, tall tales, stories of mountaineers, Indians and European Settlers. C7690 (BC) CottArill, Robert S. History of Pioneer Kentucky. Cincinnati, Ohio: Johnson and Hardin, 1917. An excellent history of the pioneer period in Kentucky. Most of the material in this volume was extracted from the Draper and Derret manuscript collections. C7700 (LMC BC ASU) The Southern Indians: The Story of the Civilized Tribes Before Removal. The Civilization of the American Indian, 38. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1954. C7710 (ASU WCU BC) The Southern Indians: The Story of the Civilized Tribes Before Removal. The Civilization of the American Indian. . Reprint. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1966. This work treats the major tribes of the Southeast from the Colonial Period to the Removal. C7720 (LMC) Cotton, James A. and others Soil Survey, Fayette County, Alabama. Soil Survey, Series 1962, no. 4. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Conservation Service, 1965. C7730 Cotton, William D. "Appalachian North Carolina: A Political Study, 1860-1889." Ph.D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1955. C7740 Couch, Robert Clarence "The Zinc Industry of Jefferson County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1953. C7750 AUTHOR Couch, William Terry Culture in the South. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1934. Includes some observations on the Southern mountains. C7760 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Coulter, Ellis Merton Auraria: The Story of a Georgia Gold-Mining Town. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1956. This village, near present-day Dahlonega, was the site of the first gold rush in the United States. C7770 (ASU BC) The Civil War and Readjustment in Kentucky. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1926. C7780 (BC) A Short History of Georgia. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1933. A text for high school children. C7800 (LMC BC ASU) William G. Brownlow, Fighting Parson of the Southern Highlands. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1937. Brownlow was a nationally-known orator and abolitionist. C7810 (ASU WCU BC) William G. Brownlow: Fighting Parson of the Southern Highlands. With an introduction of James W. Patton. Tennesseana Editions. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1971. C7820 (ETSU) Coulter, Ellis Merton,ed. A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1949. C7790 (ASU) Coulter, Roy D. "The Negroes of Chattanooga, Tennessee." B.D. thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1934. C7830 Counce, Paul A. "Social and Economic History of Kingsport before 1908." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1939. Sullivan County, Tenn. — County History. C7840 (ETSU) Council of Southern Mountain Workers The Southern Highlands: An Inquiry into Their Needs, and Qualifications Desired in Church, Educational, and Social Service Workers in the Mountain Country, n.p.: Conference of Southern Mountain Workers, 1915. C7960 (BC ASU) Council of State Governments, Southern Regional Conference, Committee on Economic Development Education for Economic Development — The South's Education and Employment Prospects for the Future. A report. AMS Publications, np. 28. Atlanta: The council, 1964. C7970 Council of the Southern Mountains Coal: Southwest Virginia's Source of Misery. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, n.d. C7850 How to Pay for College, a Complete Guide to Scholarships, Loans and Self-help Opportunities in the Appalachian South. n.p.: The council, 1966. C7860 (MHC ASU BC) Mass Meeting Study of the Appalachian South. The Afternoon Program. . . of the Forty-sixth Annual Conference of the Council of the Southern Mountains. Berea: The council, 1958. Processed. C7870 1973-1974 Bibliography of the Appalachian South: Books, Records, Pamphlets, Magazines, and Films. Berea, Ky.: The council, 1973. A list of materials available through the Council bookstore. C7880 (ASU ETSU) Report of Social Welfare Manpower Project for Appalachia, July 15, 1969 to August 31, 1970. Berea, Ky.: The council, 1970. Project directors were Ronan R. Hoffman and Julian Mosley. C7890 (ASU BC) A Selection of Books, Magazines and Records on the Appalachian South, n.p.: The council, n.d. A list of materials available through the Council bookstore. C7900 (MHC ASU) 53 CORRY—COWAN Songs of All Time. Rev. ed. Berea, Ky.: The council, 1957. C7910 (ASU ETSU LMC BC) We Will Stop the Bulldozers. Berea, Ky.: The Council, n.d. A pamphlet describing the work of anti-strip mine organizations in the mountains. C7920 Council of the Southern Mountains, Health Committee Health Care Services and Facilities in the Southern Appalachian Region. Tuskegee, Ala.: Tuskegee Institute, 1955. C7930 (BC) Health Careers in the Appalachian South. Berea, Ky.: The council, 1963. C7940 (BC) Council of the Southern Mountains, Mountain Life and Work see Mountain Life and Work Council of the Southern Mountains. Youth Commission Directory. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, n.d. A directory of organizations, publications and services available in the Southern Mountains. C7950 (ASU) Counts, Charles Common Clay. Photographs by Bill Haddox. Atlanta, Ga.: Droke House Hallux, 1971. Counts is one of the region's best-known potters. He lives near Rising Faun in the North Georgia Mountains. C7980 (LMC ASU WCU) Encouraging American Craftsmen. Report of the Interagency Crafts Committee. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1972. Encouraging American handcrafts. C7990 (WCU LMC ASU) Encouraging American Handcrafts: What Role in Economic Development? Prepared for the U. S. Economic Development Administration. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. C8000 (LMC) Pottery Workshop: A Study in the Making of Pottery from Idea to Finished Form. New York: Macmillan, 1973. C8010 (WCU) Couper, William History of Shenandoah Valley. 3 vols. N. Y.-. Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 1952. An exhaustive history of Virginia's great valley and its role in the region's development. C8020 The V. M. I. New Market Cadets. Biographical Sketches of All Members of the Virginia Military Institute Corps of Cadets Who Fought in The Battle of New Market, May 15, 1864. Charlottesville, Va.: Michie Company, 1933. C8030 (ASU) Courtner, Edna H. "A Survey of the Guidance Services Available in the Elementary Schools of Johnson County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. C8040 (ETSU) The Cousins' Journey; or, Sketches of American Scenery. Boston: L. C. Bowles, 1853. Designed for young people. There are descriptions of Winchester, New Market, Lexington, and Abingdon in Virginia, and of Knoxville, Huntsville, and the Choctaw country on the other side of the mountains. C8050 Couto, Richard A. Poverty, Politics, and Health Care: An Appalachian Experience. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1975. Material for this volume was collected by extensive interviewing in Floyd County, Kentucky. C8060 (ASU) Covert, Hester Lewis "Glass Production Processes of the Kanawha Valley Area." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1969. C8070 (ASU) Covington, Va., Chamber of Commerce Allegheny County, Virginia: Its Resources and Industries. Covington: The chamber, 1907. C8080 (BC) Cowan, Anne Bixler, Harold Hench The Superior and Gifted Student Project at Cullowhee, Western Carolina College. Cullowhee, N. C: n.p., 1964. B4300 (WCU) �COWAN—CRAWFORD Cowan, Frank An American Story-book. Short Stories from Studies of Life in Southwestern Pennsylvania. Xerox copy of the original. Greensburg, Pa.: n.p., 1881. Stories from frontier life and from the coal and steel towns of Southwestern Pennsylvania. C8090 (ASU) Southwestern Pennsylvania in Song and Story. Gettysburg, Pa.: The author, 1878. C8100 Cowan, Samuel Kinkade Sergeant York and His People. Illustrations from photographs taken especially for this book. New York: Funk and Wagnalls Co., 1922. A biography of the celebrated World War I hero from East Tennessee. C8110 (WWCETSUBC) Sergeant York and His People. 1910. Reprint. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1922. C8120 (ASU LMC FC) Cowell, Sidney R. Lomax, Alan American Folk Songs and Folklore: A Regional Bibliography. New York: Progressive Education Assoc., 1942. L3110 Cowhig, James Daniel Age-grade School Progress of Farm and Nonfarm Youth: Agricultural Economic Report, no. 40. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service, 1963. Appalachian youths were used as a control group in this study. C8130 Cox, Aras B. Foot Prints on The Sands of Time, A History of South-western Virginia and North-western North Carolina. Sparta, N. C: Star Pub. Co. 1900. A history of the sparsely populated area in the Va.-N. C. border. C8140 (ASU LMC) Cox, Cora Rogers "A Study of the Word Recognition Abilities in the Fourth and Sixth Grades of Douglass School, 1957-58, in Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1958. C8150 (ETSU) Cox, John Harrington comp. Traditional Ballads and Folk-songs Mainly from West Virginia. Bibliographical and Special Series, vol. 15. n.p.: American Folklore Society, 1964. C8180 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Cox, John Harrington ed. Folk-songs of the South. Collected Under the Auspices of the West Virginia Folk-lore Society. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1925. C8160 (ETSU BC FC) Folk-songs of the South. Collected Under the Auspices of the West Virginia Folk-lore Society. Foreword by Arthur Kyle Davis, Jr. Reprint. Hatboro, Pa.: Folklore Associates, 1963. C8170 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU) Cox, Marian Emily Roatfe An Introduction to Folk-lore. New and enlarged ed. Reprint. Detroit: Singing Tree Press, 1968. A handbook for field work in folklore. C8190 (ASU) Cox, Millard F. The Legionaries; a Story of the Great Raid. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1899. A southern born West Point graduate joins Morgan on his raids through Kentucky and the Ohio Valley. Lone story. C8200 Cox, Naomi D. Poverty Poems. Charleston, III.: Prairie Press Books, 1968. C8210 (BC) Cox, Norman Wade Encylopedia of Southern Baptists. 2 vols. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1958. C8220 (ASU) Cox, Roy Leonard "The Curriculum of the Senior High School: A Survey of Offerings, Changes and Current Trends in the Southern Appalachian Region." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. C8230 Coyte, D. C. Conservation: An American Story of Conflict and Accomplishment. New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press, 1957. C8240 AUTHOR Coyte, David C. Breakthrough to the Great Society. Dobbs Ferry, N. Y.: Oceana Publications, 1965. Contains a discussion of Appalachian poverty. C8250 Coyte, David Cushman Land of Hope: The Way of Life in the Tennessee Valley. Evanston, III.: Row, 1941. C8260 (WWC ASU) Crabb, Alfred Leland A Mockingbird Sang at Chickamauga: A Tale of Embattled Chattanooga. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1949. Civil War Fiction C8270 (ASU WCU WWC) Peace at Bowling Green. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1955. A novel of frontier life in Kentucky. Partially set in the mountains. C8280 (ASU BC) Reunion at Chattanooga. New York: Bobbs Merrill, 1950. Fiction with an East Tennessee setting. C8290 Crabtree, Beth G. North Carolina Governors, 1585-1958: Brief Sketches. Raleigh, N. C: State Department of Archives and History, 1958. Only two governors during this period were from Western North Carolina. C8300 (LMC BC) Crabtree, Lillian Gladys "Songs and Ballads Sung in Overton County, Tennessee a Collection." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1936. C8310 Craddock, Charles Egbert see Murfree, Mary Noailles Craddock, Ernest B. "A Study of the Status of the Elementary Principal of Logan County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1954. C8320 Craft, E. Paul Construction-grade Plywood from Grade 3 Appalachian Oak. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-163. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. C8330 Craft, James Elliott Wheels on the Mountains. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. A history of West Virginia's largest transportation system and a biography of the mountain boy who built this bus line. C8340 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Crafts Horizon. Crafts of the Southern Highlands 1 vol. unpaged. New York: American Craftsmen's Council, n.d. C8350 (WCU ASU) Craghead, Paul "Cost of Operating the Schools in Raleigh County, West Virginia, from 1940-50." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1952. C8360 Craig, Edward Marshall ed. Highways and Byways of Appalachia: A Study of the Work of the Synod of Appalachia of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. Kingsport, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, 1927. The Presbyterians were the largest church in the mountains, and their mission efforts in the region were prodigious. C8370 (ASU LMC BC) Craig, James Hicklin The Arts and Crafts in North Carolina, 1699-1840. Winston-Salem, N. C.: Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts, Old Salem, Inc., 1965. C8380 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Craig, Lawrence C. King, Philip Burke Geology and Manganese Deposits of Northeastern Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Conservation Division of Geology, 1944. K2410 (ETSU) Craig, Lillian Kennedy Johnnie Mountain. New York: Doubleday, 1936. Children's story set in the Appalachian Mountains. C8390 (WWC) Rev. John Craig, 1709-1774, his Descendants and Allied Families. New Orleans, La.: Accurate Letter Company, 1963. C8400 The Singing Hills. New York: Crowell, 1951. Light fiction with an Appalachian setting. C8410 (ASU WCU BC) APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Craig, Locke Mitchell's Peak and Dr. Mitchell. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards and Broughton, 1915. Facts about Mt. Mitchell and the naturalist for whom it was named. C8420 (ASU LMC) Craig, Ronald B. Forestry in the Economic Life of Knott County, Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1932. C8430 Virginia Forest Resources and Industries. U. S. Department of Agriculture Miscellaneous Publication, no. 681. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. C8440 (LMC) Craighead, James Geddes Scotch and Irish Seeds in American Soil: The Early History of the Scotch and Irish Churches, and Their Relations to the Presbyterian Church of America. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication, 1878. The Scotch-Irish were the largest single ethnic groups to settle in Appalachia. C8450 (BC) Grain, Ellen Smoke on the Mountain. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1967. C8460 (LMC) Grain, Jim Camping Around the Appalachian Mountains. New York: Random House, Inc., 1975. A comprehensive guide to campsites in Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina, Virginia, and West Virginia. C8470 (ASU) Craine, Lyle Eggleston Maryland's Role in Water Resources Development: A Study. College Park: Univ. of Maryland Water Resources Study Committee, 1966. C8480 Cramblet, Wilbur H. The Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) in West Virginia. St. Louis: Bethany Press, 1971. A history of the development of the Christian Church in West Virginia. C8490 (BC) Cramer, Howard Ross Annotated Bibliography of Georgia Geology Through 1959. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 79. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1967. C8500 (ETSU) Crampton, Charles Ward The Folk Dance Book for Elementary Schools, Class Room, Playground, and Gymnasium. New York: A. S. Barnes, 1913. Includes diagrams and instructions. C8510 (BC) Crane, Vemer Window The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732. Durham, N. C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1928. C8520 (WCU BC) The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732. 1929. Reprint. Ann Arbor Books, AA4. Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1956. C8530 (ASU LMC FC) Cranes, Douglas Status of West Virginia in the Economic Opportunity Program Under Public Law 88-452. Charleston: n.p., 1966. C8540 Cranford, E. Wade Second Awakening. New York: Vantage Press, 1956. A mass murder stuns an isolated mountain town. The sole survivor, a young boy, unravels the horror and the mystery committing his life to an allegorical denouement. C8550 (BC) Cranford, Fred B. The Waldenses of Burke County. Illustrated by Jackie Deaton. Valdese, N. C.: Burke County Schools' Graphics and Industrial Communications Students, 1969. C8560 (ASU WCU LMC) Craven, Wesley Frank White, Red, and Black: The Seventeenth-century Virginian. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1971. C8570 (ETSU) Crawford, Barbara Ann "Ballad Characteristics in Modern Popular Country Music." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. C8580 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Crawford, Charles Bierne "The Mine War on Cabin Creek and Paint Creek, West Virginia, in 1912-1913." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1939. C8590 (ASU) Crawford, Jean Jug town Pottery: History and Design. Winston-Salem, N. C: J. F. Blair, 1964. C8600 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Crawford, John Reed Stewart, Noah A. The Crash. Asheville, N. C.: Gladiator Productions, 1969. S7320 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Crawford, Thomas J. Hurst, Vernon J. Exploration for Mineral Deposits in Haversham County, Georgia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. H8580 Hurst, Vernon J. Exploration for Mineral Deposits in Habersham County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Area-Redevelopment Administration, Dec., 1964. H8590 (LMC) Crayon, Porte, pseud, see Strother, David Hunter Credle, Ellis Big Doin's on Razorback Ridge. Nelson, 1956. Children's story with a southern mountain setting. . C8610 (ETSUASU) Down Down the Mountain. New York: Nelson and Sons, 1961. Story book for children 5-8. C8620 (ASU MHC BC) Johnny and His Mule. Photographs by Charles Townsend. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1946. A story of a mountain lad and his best friend, a mule. C8630 (ETSU ASU) Tall Tales from the High Hills, and Other Stories. Illustrated by Richard Bennett. New York: T. Nelson, 1957. Twenty folk tales from the Southern mountains. C8640 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) Creecy, Richard Benbury Grandfather's Tales of North Carolina History. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards and Broughton, 1901. C8650 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC UNCA) Creek Nation Laws of the Creek Nation. Union of Georgia Library Miscellaneous Publications, no. 1. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1960. C8660 (ASU) Creekmore, Betsey Beeler Arrows to Atoms, The Story of East Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1959. A history of East Tennessee from the days of the Cherokee to those of atomic energy. C8670 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Knoxville. 2nd ed. Knoxville.: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967. History of Knoxville, Tennessee. C8680 (ASU ETSU BC) Creekmore, Pollyanna ed. Population Schedule of the U. S. Census of 1850 (Seventh Census) for Sevier County, Tennessee. Knoxville: The authors, 1953. C8690 (ETSU BC) Tennessee Marriage Records. 3 vols. Knoxville: Clinchdale Press, 1958-. C8700 (ETSU) Cressler, Charles W. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Catoosa County, Georgia. Geological Survey Information Circular, 28. Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1963. C8710 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Paleozoic Rock Area, Chattooga County, Georgia. Information Circular, 27. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1964. C8720 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Walker County, Georgia. Information Circular, 29. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1964. C8730 (ETSU) Creswell, J. B. Brief Historical Sketch of the Village of Bearden. Knoxville: Newman, 1899. C8740 Crick, Herbert W. "History of Education in Pike County Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1930. C8750 AUTHOR Crickard, Madeline W. comp. Index to 1810 Virginia Census. Parsons: West Virginia, McClain Printing Co., 1971. C8760 Crickmay, Geoffrey William Geology of the Crystalline Rocks of Georgia. Bulletin, 58. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1952. C8770 (ETSU) Crider, Albert Foster The Fire Clays and Fire Clay Industries of the Olive Hill and Ashland Districts of Northeastern Kentucky. 4th series, vol. 1, pt. 2. Frankfort: Kentucky Geological Survey, 1913. This area of Kentucky traditionally had many small pottery factories and other clay-based industries. C8780 (BC) Crim, Matt In Beaver Cove and Elsewhere. New York: Charles L. Webster and Co., 1892. Miss Crim's North Georgia stories are remarkable for their excellent characterizations and dialect. C8790 (ASU BC) Crisman, Rev. E. B. Origin and Doctrines of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. St. Louis: Pevin and Smith, 1877. The Cumberland Presbyterians separated from the Presbyterian Church over issues predicated on frontier life and values. C8800 Critical Issues in Public Finance in an Underdeveloped Region: The West Virginia Case Proceedings of a conference sponsored by the Office of Research and Development Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, West Virginia University, in cooperation with the College of Business and Economics, West Virginia University and the West Virginia State Department of Commerce, May 25-27, 1969. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1971. C8810 (ASU WCU BC) Crittenden, Charles Christopher North Carolina Newspapers before 1790. Sprunt Studies, vol. 20, no. 1. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1928. C8820 (LMC) Crittenden, Charles Christopher ed. 100 Years, 100 Men: 1871-1971. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards and Broughton, 1971. C8830 (ASU) Crittenden, Edward B. The Entwined Lives of Miss Gabrielle Austin, Daughter of the Late Rev. Ellis C. Austin, and of Redmond, the Outlaw Leader of the North Carolina "Moonshiners". Philadelphia: Barclay and Co., 1880. Fantastic tale of a minister's daughter falsely accused of a crime and vindicated by an infamous outlaw. C8840 (BC) Crittenden, Henry Temple comp. The Comp'ny: The Story of the Surry, Sussex and Southampton Railway and the Surry Lumber Company. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1967. C8850 (ASU LMC BC) Crittendeu, Charles Christopher ed. Historical Records Survey, North Carolina The Historical Records of North Carolina. Raleigh: The North Carolina Historical Commission, 1938. H5730 (ASU LMC BC) Crocker, C. D. Gorman, John Loyd Soil Survey, Berkeley County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1966. G2770 Crockett, David An Account of Col. Crockett's Tour to the North and Down East, in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-four. His Object Being to Examine the Grand Manufacturing Establishments of the Country; and Also to Find Out the Condition of Its Literature and Morals, the Extent of Its Commerce, and the Practical Operation of "The Experiment." Written by Himself. Reprint. Philadelphia, Pa.: E. L. Carey and A. Hart, 1835. C8860 55 CRAWFORD—CROCKETT An Account of Col. Crockett's Tour to the North and Down East, in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-four. His Object Being to Examine the Grand Manufacturing Establishment of the Country; and Also to Find Out the Condition of Its Literature and Morals, the Extent of Its Commerce, and the Practical Operation of "The Experiment." Written by Himself. Reprint. Boston: Ticknor, 1835. C8870 An Account of Col. Crockett's Tour to the North and Down East, in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-four. His Objective Being to Examine the Grand Manufacturing Establishments of the Country; and Also to Find Out the Condition of Its Literature and Morals, the Extent of Its Commerce, and the Practical Operation of "The Experiment." Written by Himself. Reprint. New York: Graham, 1848. C8880 The Adventures of Davy Crockett: Told Mostly by Himself. Illustrated by John W. Thomason, Jr. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1934. C8890 (ASU) The Adventures of Davy Crockett, Told Mostly by Himself. New York: Scribners, 1934, 1955, 1958. C8900 The Autobiography of David Crockett. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1923. C8910 (ETSU) The Autobiography of David Crockett. The Modern Student's Library. New York: Scribners, 1923. C8920 The Crockett Almanacks. Nashville Series, 1835-1838.* Chicago: Caxton Club, 1955. C8930 The Crockett Tavern and Pioneer Museum. Unpaged pamphlet. Morristown: n.p., n.d. A guide to a museum and tavern near Crockett's birthplace in Eastern Tennessee. C8940 Davy Crockett's Own Story as Written by Himself; the Autobiography of America's Great Folk Hero. Illustrations Milton Glaser. New York: Citadel, 1955. A collection of Crockett's autobiographical works. C8950 Life of Col. Crockett, Written by Himself. Philadelphia: G. G. Evans, 1859. C8960 (ETSU) Life of David Crockett. New York: Lovell, Coryell and Co., n.d. Biography of the famous frontiersman from East Tennessee. C8970 (ETSU) Life of David Crockett. Philadelphia: T. K. and P. G. Collins, 1836. C8980 (ETSU) Life of David Crockett, the Original Humorist and Irrepressible Backwoodsman: Comprising His Early History; His Bear Hunting and Other Adventures. His Services in the Creek War. His Electioneering Speeches and Career in Congress. With His Triumphal Tour Through the Northern States, and Services in the Texas War. To Which Is Added an Account of His Glorious Death at the Alamo while Fighting in Defence of Texan Independence. Philadelphia: Porter and Coates, 1865. C8990 (ASU) Life of David Crockett, the Original Humorist and Irrepressible Backwoodsman, Comprising His Early History: His Bear Hunting and Other Adventures, His Services in the Creek War. His Electioneering Speeches and Career in Congress. With His Triumphal Tour Through the Northern States and Services in the Texan War. To Which Is Added an Account of His Glorious Death at the Alamo while Fighting. «n Defence of Texan Independence. Philadelphia: John E. Potter and Co., 1865. C9000 (ASU BC) �CROCKETT—CRUMINE Crockett, David Life of David Crockett, the Original Humorist and Irrepressible Backwoodsman: Comprising His Early History; His Bear Hunting and Other Adventures; His Services in the Creek War; His Electioneering Speeches and Career in Congress with His Triumphal Tour Through the Northern States, and Services in the Texan War. To Which Is Added an Account of His Glorious Death at the Alamo while Fighting in Defence of Texan Independence. . . Dallas: Talty and Wiley, 1890. C9010 (ASU) A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee. Facsimile edition with annotations and introduction by James A. Shackelford and Stanley J. Folmsbee. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1973. This edition rejects much spurious material that has appeared in various editions since the original appeared in 1834. C9020 (ASU) A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee. 1834. Reprint. A facsimile edition with annotations and an introduction by James A. Shackford and Stanley J. Folmshee. Tennesseana editions. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1973. C9030 (ASU MHC) A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee. Philadelphia, Pa.: E. L. Carey and A. Hart, 1834. Reprint. Tennesseana Editions, with an introduction and annotations by James A. Shackford and Stanley J. Folmsbee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1973. Many reprints of this "Genuine" autobiography were published in 1834-36; the title was usually combined with other works supposedly written by Crockett. C9040 A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett, Written by Himself. Philadelphia: E. L. Carey and A. Hart; Baltimore: Carey, Hart and Co., 1834. C9050 (ETSU) The Sayings of Davy Crockett in His Own Language, n.p.: Larry Miles, 1938. Includes some of the more outrageous sayings of Tennessee's irrepressible frontiersman. C9060 (ASU) Crockett, M. H., Sr. ed. Adair, Anthony Garland ed. Heroes of the Alamo: Accounts and Documents. New York: Exposition Press, 1957. A260 (ETSU) Croft, Malcolm Swann, Maurice Edward Soil Survey of Winston County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1937. S9450 Croft, Mark G. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Dade County, Georgia. Information Circular, 26. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1964. C9070 (ETSU) Groom, C. W. Goldston, Eugene Frizzell Soil Survey, Jackson County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. G2410 Goldston, Eugene Frizzell Soil Survey, Madison County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. G2430 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Henderson County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1943. P2100 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Transylvania County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P2130 AUTHOR Crosby, Marian K. comp. Burgner, Goldene F. comp. Kirchen Buch (Church Book) Register, 1815-1828. St. James Lutheran Church, Greene County, Tennessee. Greenville: The authors, 1964. B8600 Cross, John Newton William Cross of Botetourt County, Virginia and His Descendants, 1733-1932. Columbia, Mo.: E. W. Stephens Publishing Co., 1932. C9080 Cross, Jonathan Five Years in the Alleghanies. New York: American Tract Society, 1863. Narrative of an early tour of the Alleghanies; a treasure trove of social commentary and candid observations. C9090 (ASU BC) Cross, Luther L. "A Study of Scott County, Tennessee, and Oneida Independent School District Finances." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1961. C9100 Cross Reference Directory, Greater Asheville and Vicinity: Hendersonville, Canton, Waynesville, Brevard. Independence, Kansas: City Publishing Co., 1970-. C9110 (UNCA) Cross, Tom Peete Witchcraft in North Carolina. Studies in Philology. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1919. A general work with few special references to Western North Carolina's 28 mountain counties. C9120 (LMC) Crossely, D. A. Gist, Clayton S. The Litter Arthropod Community in a Southern Appalachian Hardwood Forest: Numbers, Biomass and Mineral Element Content. Logan, Utah: Utah State Univ. Ecology Center, 1973. G1850 Crouch, John Historical Sketches of Wilkes County. Wilkesboro: J. Crouch, 1902. Sketches collected and written for the fiftieth anniversary edition of the Journal Patriot. C9130 (ASU) Crouch, Stella E. Carselowey Story of the Cherokee Indians, and the Trial of Tears, Battle of Cabin Creek, Alloting of Lands: Personal Interviews of Famous People. Vinita, Okla.: n.p., 1967. C9140 (MHC WCU) Crouch, William Ward "Missionary Activities among the Cherokee Indians, 1757-1838." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1932. C9150 Crouse, A. L. Historical Sketches of Alexander County. Hickory: Crouse and Son, 1905. A history of Alexander County with special emphasis on the Civil War, Taylorsville and Moravian Falls. C9160 Crowden, John Joseph "Alienation Among Low-income People in Appalachia." Ph.D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1970. A very thorough study of social interaction and alienation among Appalachia's poor. C9170 (LMC ASU) Crowe, Dan Willard "An Analysis of the Industrial Potential of Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1960. C9180 (ETSU) Crowe, Martin, Jay "The Occupational Adaptation of a Selected Group of Eastern Kentuckians in Southern Ohio." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1964. A study of the sad plight of the modern migrant in Cincinnati and other Ohio cities. C9190 Crowe, Richard G. "Economic Education in Kentucky Public Secondary Schools." Master's thesis. Morehead State Univ., 1969. C9200 Crowe, Ruth Amis "Educational and Vocational Choices of the 1960 Graduates of Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. A follow-up study of the career choices of the class of 1960. C9210 (ETSU) 56 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Crowed, Suzanne Appalachian People's History Book. Louisville, Ky.: Mountain Education Associates, 1971. This text published by the Southern Conference Educational Fund concentrates on the sort of history you didn't learn in school. Interesting, but a little over-laden with propaganda. C9220 (ASU FC WCU ETSU) Crowson, Shirley Bremson "A Comparative Analysis of Three Evaluation Procedures Used with Kindergarten Pupils at Southside Elementary School, Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. C9230 (ETSU) Crazier, Ethelred W. The White-Caps: A History of the Organization in Sevier County. Knoxville: The author, 1899. History of lawless factionalism in Sevier County of the 1890's. Actually, the white-cap movement was rather wide-spread throughout Southern Appalachia. C9240 The White-Caps: A History of the Organization in Sevier County. Rev. ed. Knoxville: n.p., 1937. History of lawless factionalism in Sevier County of the 1890's. Actually, the white-cap movement was rather wide-spread throughout Southern Appalachia. C9250 The White-Caps: A History of the Organization in Sevier County. Sevierville: Brazos, 1963. History of lawless factionalism in Sevier County of the 1890's, Actually, the white-cap movement was rather wide-spread throughout Southern Appalachia. C9260 Crazier, William Armstrong Virginia Colonial Militia, 1651-1776. Baltimore, Southern Book Co., 1954 (1905). C9310 Crazier, William Armstrong ed. Crozier's General Armory: A Registry of American Families Entitled to Coat Armor. 1904. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. C9270 (ASU) Early Virginia Marriages. 1907. Reprint. Virginia County Records, vol. 4. Baltimore: Southern Book Co., 1953. C9280 (ASU) Early Virginia Marriages. 1907. Reprint. Virginia County Records, vol. 4. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. C9290 (ASU) A Key to Southern Pedigrees, Being a Comprehensive Guide to the Colonial Ancestry of Families in the States of Virginia, Maryland, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, West Virginia and Alabama. 2d. ed. Virginia County Record Publications, vol. 8. Baltimore: Southern Book Co., 1953. C9300 (ASU) Virginia Colonial Militia, 1651-1776. 1905. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. C9320 (ASU) Virginia Heraldica, Being a Registry of Virginia Gentry Entitled to Coat Armor with Genealogical Notes of the Families. 1908. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. C9330 (ASU) Crum, Mason The Story of Lake Junaluska. Greensboro, N. C.: Piedmont Press, 1950. Lake Junaluska is the Methodist Convention center and retreat for Southeastern conferences. The center, near Waynesville, North Carolina is named for a Cherokee Chief. C9340 (BC) Crumine, Boyd Virginia Court Records in Southwestern Pennsylvania. Records of the District of West Augusta and Ohio and Yohogania Counties, Virginia, 1775-1780. Indexed by Inez Walden Maier. Excerpted from Annals of the Carnegie Museum, vol. l-lll, 1902-1905. n.p.: n.p., n.d. C9350 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Crush, Charles W. The Montgomery County Story, 1776-1957. Christiansburg, Va.: n.p., 1957. Montgomery County records, militia lists, Confederate companies, and photographs are included. C9360 (ASU) Crutcher, T. P. Spurrier with the Wildcats and Moonshiners. Xerox of the original. Nashville, Tenn.: Univ. Press, 1892. Fancifully embroidered tale about revenue agents and illicit distillers. C9370 (ASU BC) Crymes, Joseph Thomas Sociological Aspects of Poverty, a Bibliography. Columbus: Ohio University School of Social Work, 1964. Includes a good selection of entries pertaining to Appalachia. C9380 Csorba, J. J. Johnson, Hugh A. Private Outdoor Recreation Enterprises in Rural Appalachia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. J1800 Cubby, Edwin Albert "The Transformation of the Tug and Guyandot Valleys: Economic Development and Social Change in West Virginia, 1888-1921." Ph. D. Diss. Syracuse University, 1962. C9390 Culm, Stewart Games of the North American Indians. 24th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute. 1902-03. Washington, D. C: Govt. Print. Off., 1907. Includes games of the Cherokee, Catdwba and Shawnee. C9400 (LMC) Culver, David W. Brown, E. Evan The Economic Development of the Northeast Georgia Commission Area Through Use of Forest Products and Water Resources. Athens, Ga.: Northeast Georgia Planning and Development Commission, 1966. B7120 (ASU ETSU) The Cumberland Empire: A Quarterly Review, vol. 1-5. 1932-1933. Big Laurel, Va.: James Taylor Adams, quarterly. C9410 (BC) Cumberland Gap: Its Geographical and Commercial Features and Importance as a Railroad Centre. New York: Fleming, Brewster, n.d. C9420 Cumberland Presbyterian Church. Alabama Synod. Historical Contributions, no. 1- 1904-. Montgomery, Ala.: n.p., irregularly issued. The Cumberland Presbyterian Church developed as a natural consequence of conflicts between traditional Presbyterianism and mountain or frontier culture. C9430 Cumberland, Robert A. Profits from Pruning Appalachian White Pine. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, 65. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1956. C9440 Cumberiands Hiking Club, Chattanooga Outdoors in the Cumberiands. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Chattanooga Community Assoc., 1933. C9450 (BC) Cumming, William P. Rights, Douglas LeTell The Discoveries of John Lederer. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia Press, 1958. R2330 (ASU LMC) Cumming, William Patterson North Carolina in Maps. Raleigh, N. C.: State Department of Archives and History, 1966. Includes maps of North Carolina's 28 mountain counties. C9460 (ASU WCU) The Southeast in Early Maps with an Annotated Check List of Printed and Manuscript Regional and Local Maps of Southeastern North America during the Colonial Period. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1962. C9470 (ASU LMC) Cummings, Edward Marmaduke of Tennessee. Illustrated by Frank E. Schoonover. Chicago: A. C McClurg and Co., 1914. This sentimental novel has more overtones of the deep South than of its East Tennessee setting. C9480 (ASU BC) AUTHOR Cundiff, Ruby Ethel comp. List of Books and Related Materials About Virginia for use of Schools, compiled under the direction of Ruby Ethel Cundiff by students in L. L.S. 81-82. Harrisonburg, Va.: Madison College, 1950. C9490 Cunningham, A. B. Dresser, Davis The Great Yant Mystery. N. Y.: Detective Club, 1943. D3410 Cunningham, Addie J. "What Progress in Health Has Been Made among the Negro Youths of the Elementary School Age for the Past Ten Years in Talladega County, Alabama." Master's thesis. Alabama State College, 1952. C9500 Cunningham, Albert Benjamin The Affair at the Boat Landing. 1st ed. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1943. Mystery novel with an Appalachian setting. C9510 (ASU BC) The Bancock Murder Case. New York: Dutton, 1942. Mystery with a mountain setting. C9520 The Cane-patch Mystery. 1st ed. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1944. A mountain mystery. C9530 (ASU BC) Death at "the Bottoms." New York: Dutton, 1942. Yet another mountain mystery. C9540 Death Haunts the Dark Lane. New York: Dutton, 1948. A mountain mystery story. C9550 (ASU) Death Rides a Sorrel Horse. 1st ed. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1946. Mountain mystery. C9560 (ASU BC) Death Visits the Apple Hole. New York: Dutton, 1946. Mountain mystery. C9570 (ASU) The Great Yant Mystery. New York: Dutton, 1943. C9580 The Hunter is the Hunted. 1st ed. Guilt Edged mysteries. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1950. C9590 (ASU BC) The Killer Watches the Manhunt. New York: Dutton, 1950. C9600 The Manse at Barren Rocks. New York: George H. Doran Co., 1918. A mystery story with a West Virginia setting. C9610 (ASU BC) Murder at Deer Lick. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1939. A mountain mystery. C9620 (BC) Murder at the Schoolhouse. New York: Dutton, 1940. A mountain mystery. C9630 Murder Before Midnight. 1st ed. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1945. A mystery novel with a mountain setting. C9640 (ASU BC) Murder Without Weapons. 1st ed. Guilt Edged mystery. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1949. C9650 (ASU BC) One Man Must Die. 1st ed. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1946. A mountain mystery. C9660 (ASU BC) Singing Mountains. New York: George H. Doran Co., 1919. A sequel to The Manse at Barren Rocks. C9670 (ASU BC) Skeleton in the Closet. 1st ed. Guilt edged mystery. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1951. A mountain mystery. C9680 (ASU BC) Strait is the Gait. New York: Dutton, 1946. C9690 The Strange Death of Manny Square. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1941. A mountain mystery. C9700 (BC) Strange Return. 1st ed. Guilt edged mystery. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1952. A mountain setting. C9710 (ASU BC) 57 CRUSH—CURRY Who Killed Pretty Becky Low? 1st ed. Guilt edged mystery. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1951. C9720 (ASU BC) Cunningham, Allan Traditional Tales of the English and Scottish Peasantry. London: Taylor and Hessy, 1882. C9730 Traditional Tales of the English and Scottish Peasantry, Vol. I. Published on demand by University Microfilms. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 1975. C9740 Traditional Tales of the English and Scottish Peasantry, Vol. II. Published on demand by University Microfilms. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University microfilms, 1975. C9750 Cunningham, Earl Harold "Religious Concerns of Southern Appalachian Migrants in a North Central City." Ph. D. Diss. Boston Univ., 1962. C9760 Cunningham, Everett W. Jewell, Malcom Edwin Kentucky Politics. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1968. J820 (ASU BC) Cunningham, Raymon "Current and Future Needs for Vocational Education in Jackson County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1967. C9770 Cunningham, Shirley Hubbard "A Descriptive Study of the Science Fair at Robinson Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee, and in Orange County, Florida, for 1960-1962." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1962. C9780 (ETSU) Cunningham, William The Real Book about Daniel Boone. Garden City, N. Y.: Garden City Books, 1952. This volume attempts to dispel some of the myths about Boone. C9790 (BC) Cunyus, Lucy Josephine The History of Bartow County, Formerly Cass. Easley, S. C.: Genealogical Reprints, 197? A very good local history. The name change referred to in the title is an outgrowth of Civil War hostilities. C9800 (BC ASU) Cuppett, Donald G. Air-drying Practices in Central Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-56. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1966. C9820 Cuppk, Albert M. A History of Methodism in Rockbridge County, Virginia, n.p.: n.p., 195? C9810 (BC) Curcie, Charles Peter "Merger of Local Government: Case Study, Washington County and Bristol, Virginia, 1971." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. C9830 (ETSU) Curie, Lawrence Duke Soil Survey, Yadkin County, North Carolina. Fieldwork by J. D. Roberts and others. Soil Survey, Series 1959, no. 16. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1962. C9840 Curry, Jane Louise Beneath the Hill. New York: McGraw Hill, 1974. A 4th grade to Jr. High book in which youngsters encounter the evils of strip-mining. C9850 Curry, R. Bruce Hoffman, Glenn J. Annotated Bibliography on Slope Stability of Strip Mine Soil Banks. Wooster: Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station, 1964. H6250 (ASU) Hoffman, Glenn J. Slope Stability of Coal Strip Mine Spoil Banks. Wooster: Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station, 1964. H6260 (ASU) Curry, Richard Orr "A House Divided: A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia During the Civil War." Ph.D. Diss. University of Pennsylvania, 1961. C9860 �CURRY-D'ARMAND Curry, Richard Orr A House Divided: A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia. Pittsburgh: Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1964. C9870 (WCU ETSU ASU BC) Curtis, Claude Davis Three Quarters of a Century at Martha Washington College. Bristol: King Print. Co., 1928. History of a former girls' school in Abingdon, Va. C9880 (ASU) Curtis, Edna Earl "Some Types of County and City Library Services to Schools in Tennessee." • Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1953. C9890 (ETSU) Curtis, Jennie K. "Art Handbook for Elementary Teachers of Elizabethton City Schools, Elizabethton, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. C9900 (ETSU) Curtis, M. A. Botany: Containing a Catalogue of the Indigenous and Naturalized Plants of the State. Geological and Natural History Survey of North Carolina, part 3. Raleigh, N. C: Institution for the Deaf and Dumb and the Blind, 1867. C9910 (LMC ASU) The Shrubs and Woody Vines of North Carolina. A reprint from Geological and Natural History Survey, Part III, 1860. Bulletin, no. 46. Raleigh, N. C.: Department of Conservation, 1945. C9920 (LMC) Curtis, Mary Barnett Early East Tennessee Tax Lists. A compiled list of residents of the area covered for which there is no (sic) census records prior to 1830. These lists are composed of names of those people who appear on tax lists or petitions for the early 1800's. Fort Worth, Tex.: Arrow Print. Co., 1964. C9930 (ASU) Petitions of Anderson County Tennessee. Fort Worth, Texas: American Reference Pub. Co., n.d. Reprint of a petition to the General Assembly of Tennessee asking that Anderson County be created from what was then Knox County. Includes names of petitioners. C9940 (ASU) Curtis, W. A. Smith, C. D. A Brief History of Macon County, North Carolina. Franklin, N. C.: Franklin Press, 1905. S4430 Cushman, Joseph Augustine Loughlin, Gerald Francis Limestones and Marls of North Carolina. Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Print. Co., 1921. L3630 (ASU LMC WCU) Cushman, Rebecca Swing Your Mountain Gal, Sketches of Life in the Southern Highlands. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1934. Fairly accurate sketches of mountain life with good renditions of the dialect. C9950 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) Cushman, Walter S. Cameron, John D. Glimpses of a Land of Beauty. Asheville: Cameron and Cushman, n.d. C400 Cushwa, Charles T. Forest Recreation: Estimated and Predictions in the North River Area, George Washington National Forest, Virginia. Bulletin, 558. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1965. C9960 Cutlip, Ralph V. The Hickory Grew Tall. New York: Exposition Press, 1970. A novel of pioneer life in the Appalachian Mountains and one man's vision. C9970 Cutten, George Barton The Silversmiths of North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: State Department of Archives and History, 1948. Many of the silversmiths are in the Western, mountainous, part of the state. C9980 (ASU) Cutten, George Burton The Silversmiths of Virginia. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1972. C9990 (FC BC) AUTHOR Dabney, Charles William Universal Education in the South. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1936. Includes some discussion of educators in the mountains. However, the definitive work in educational movements in the mountains has yet to be done. D10 (WWC BC) Dabney, Joseph Earl Mountain Spirits, a Chronicle of Corn Whiskey from King James Ulster Plantation to America's Appalachians and the Moonshine Life. New York: Scribner, 1974. D20 (BC ASU) Dabney, Virginius Virginia, The New Dominion. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1971. Scant mention of life in the western mountains of Virginia. D30 (FC BC) Dahir, James Region Building: Community Development Lessons from the Tennessee Valley. 1st ed. New York: Harper, 1955. D40 (ASU) Dahle, Robert D. "A Preliminary Economic Evaluation of the Corey Creek Watershed." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1956. D50 Dale, Edward Everett Cherokee Cavaliers: Forty Years of Cherokee History as Told in the Correspondence of the Ridge — Watie — Boudinot Family. 1st ed. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1939. Three prominent interrelated families reveal, in their letters, contemporary attitudes toward the issues that split in the Cherokee nation in the 1830's. D60 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Dandridge, Danske Bedinger American Prisoners of the Revolution. 1911. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. A list of captured Continentals. D70 (ASU) George Michael Bedinger: A Kentucky Pioneer. Charlottesville, Va.: Michie Co., 1909. D80 (ASU) Daneker, Jerome G. The Romance of Georgia Marble. Baltimore: Thomsen-Ellie Co., 1927. D90 (ASU BC) Danford, Harry Edmund The Trail of the Gray Dragoon. New York: H. Vinal, 1928. A love story of a fiery rebel girl, a Yankee soldier, and an old inn on the Kanawha turnpike on Ganley Mountain in West Virginia. D100 (ASU) The West Virginian. New York: Harold Vinal, 1926. A novel of coal camp labor difficulties set in Mingo and Pocahontas counties, West Virginia. DUO (BC) Daniel, Ella Mae Hunger: A Tragedy of North Carolina Farm Folk, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Drama about mountain people ekeing out a marginal existence on a rocky farm. D120 Daniel, J. R. V. ed. Hornbook of Virginia History. Richmond, Va.: Division of History of the Virginia Department of Conservation and Development, n.d. D130 Daniel, James Walter The Girl in Checks: Or, The Mystery of the Mountain Cabin. Nashville: Pub. House of the M. E. Church, South, 1890. A Mystery story with a mountain setting and religious overtones. D140 (ASU BC) Daniel, John S., Jr. "Special Warfare in Middle Tennessee and Surrounding Areas, 1861-62." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1971. Includes accounts of the Coleman Scouts and other guerrilla activity in East Tennessee. D150 Daniels, Freeman, Junior "The Mountain People of Virginia: Their Nature and Their Needs." Master's thesis. Univ. of Virginia, 1925. D160 (ASU) "The Mountain People of Virginia: Their Nature and Their Needs." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of Virginia, 1925. D170 (ASU) 58 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Daniels, Jonathan A Southerner Discovers the South. New York: Macmillan Co., 1938. Includes sections on the mountain South. D180 (ASU BC FC) Tar Heels. New York: Dodd, 1941. Includes sections on Western North Carolina. D190 (LMC BC) Thomas Wolfe: October Recollections. Columbia, S. C.: Bostick & Thornley, 1961. Contains some seldom-told Wolfe anecdotes. D200 (ASU) Daniels, Ophelia Cope "Formative Years of Johnson City, Tennessee, 1885-1890: A Social History." Master's thesis. Tennessee Agricultural & Industrial State College, 1947. D210 (ETSU) Daniels, Robert Norman Furman University, a History. Greenville, S. C.: Furman Univ., 1951. D220 (WCU) Daniels, W. M. comp. Should We Have More TVA's? (The Reference Shelf, vol. 22, no. 2.) New York: H. W. Wilson Co., 1950. D230 Danielson, V. A. Waste Disposal Costs at Two Coal Mines in Kentucky and Alabama. Information circular, 8406. Washington: W. S. Bureau of Mines, 1969. D240 Danley, Robert A. Population Estimates for Kentucky Counties and Economic Area, July 1, 1958. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1959. D250 (ASU) Dargan, Olive Tilford Call Home the Heart. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1932. A young mountain woman goes to a mill village and is exposed to unions and communism. Although she is a natural leader in these moments she yearns for her mountains and returns to her family. D260 (ASU BC) From My Highest Hill; Carolina Mountain Folks. Photographs by Bayard Wootten. Rev. ed. Reprint. (Original title: Highland annals.) Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1941. Eight stories of mountain people by social propagandist Dargan. D270 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Highland Annals. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1925. Original edition and title of FROM MY HIGHEST-HILL. D280 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU UNCA BC) Innocent Bigamy, and Other Stories. Winston-Salem, N. C.: J. F. Blair, .1962. Short stories set primarily in the North • Carolina mountains. D290 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Lords and Lovers, and Other Dramas. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1906. D300 (ASU BC) The Mortal Gpds, and Other Plays. N. Y.: Scribner, 1912. D310 (UNCA WCU) Path, Flower, and Other Verses. London: J. M. Dent & Sons; New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1914. D320 (ASU BC) Semiranis, and Other Plays. N. Y.: Scribner, 1909. D330 (BC) The Spotted Hawk. Winston-Salem, N. C.: J. F. Blair, 1958. Short stories by one of North Carolina's prominent mountain authors. D340 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) A Stone Came Rolling. 1st ed. New York: International Pub., 1935. This sequel to CALL HOME THE HEART brings the heroine and her family down from the mountains to fight evil in the mill villages. D350 (ASU BC WCU LMC) A Stone Came Rolling. By Fielding Burke, pseud. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1935. D360 D'Armand, Roscoe Carlisle D. C. Armond Family in America. Knoxville, Tenh.: n.p., 1954. D370 D'Armand, Roscoe Carlisle comp. Knox County, Tenn., Marriage Records. Knoxville, Tenn.: Family Record Society, 1970. D380 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Darnell, Elios A Journal Containing an Accurate and Interesting Account of the Hardships, Suffering, Battles, Defeat, and Captivity of Those Heroic Kentucky Volunteers and Regulars, Commanded by General Winchester, in the Years 1812-13. Also, Two Narratives by Men That Were Wounded in the Battles on the River Raisen, and Taken Captive by the Indians. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo, & Co., 1854. D390 (ASU BC) Darnell, Harold L. "A Study of the Problems of Sixth Grade Students in Selected Schools of Scott County, Virginia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. D400 Darrah, Lawrence B. Economic Study of Land Utilization in Schuyler County, N. Y. Ithaca: Cornell Agriculture Experiment Station, 1942. D410 Damson, Marquerite Porter ed. A Handweaver's Source Book; A Selection of 224 Patterns from the Laura M. Allen Collection. Swarthmore, Pa.: n.p., 1953. D1300 Darst, Henry Jackson The Darsts of Virginia: A Chronicle of Ten Generations in the Old Dominion. Williamsburg, Va.: n.p., 1972. D420 Darter, Oscar H. The Darter-Tarter Family. Illus., indexed. Richmond: Garrett & Massie, 1965. Includes Wythe County families. D430 Daubeny, Charles Giles Bridle Journal of a Tour through the United States and Canada, Made during the Years 1937-38. Oxford: Printed by T. Combe, Printers to the University, for private circulation only, 1843. This British naturalist visited the Virginia springs and vicinity. D440 Dauenheimer, Anne R. "Some Correlates of Alienation Among Southern Appalachians." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1967. An excellent study of difficulties encountered by Appalachian people in relating to the larger U. S. society. D450 (ASU) Dougherty, James Henry Daniel Boone. New York: Viking Press, 1939. This biography with excellent drawings won the 1940 Newberry Award for children's literature. D460 (MHC ETSU UNCA) Daniel Boone. 1939. Reprint. New York: Viking Press, 1940. D470 (ASU) Daughters of the American Revolution, Georgia. Historical Collections of the Georgia Chapters. 1932. Reprint. 4 vols. Vidalia, Ga.: Genealogical Reprints, 1967. D480 (ASU) Daughters off the American Revolution, Kentucky. Hazard Chapter. History of Perry County, Ky. Hazard, Ky.: The chapter, 1933. Interesting but rather superficial study of Perry County, Kentucky. D490 History of Perry County, Kentucky. Reprint. Hazard: Hazard Chapter DAR, 1953. D500 (BC) Daughters off the American Revolution Lineage Books. Roster of the Virginia Daughters of the American Revolution, vols 91 through 166. rev. ed. Richmond: Garrett & Massie, 1959. D510 Daughters of the American Revolution Magazine vol. 1. July, 1892. Washington: National Society, n.d. D520 (ASU) Daughters of the American Revolution; North Carolina. Roster of Soldiers from North Carolina in the American Revolution, with an Appendix Containing a Collection of Miscellaneous Records. 1932. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. D530 (ASU) Daughters off the American Revolution Patriot Index. Washington: National Society D.A.R., 1967. D540 AUTHOR Daughters ot the American Revolution, Pennsylvania, Pittsburgh Chapter. Fort Duquesne and Fort Pitt. Early Names of Pittsburgh Streets. Pittsburgh: Eichbaum Press, 1899. D550 (ASU) Daughters off the American Revolution, Tennessee. Beloved Landmarks of Loudon County, Tennessee. Loudon: Hiwassee Chap., DAR, 1962. D560 (BC) Daughters off the American Revolution, Tennessee, Lydia Russell Bean Chapter, Knoxville. Benton County, Tennessee, Marriages, 1832-1957. From records originally copied from the Benton County court records, by Mr. G. B. Holladay, and published in the CAMDEN CHRONICLE, Camden, Tenn., January through May, 1959. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1962. D570 (ASU) Daughters off Colonial Wars, Kentucky. Kentucky Pioneers and Their Descendants. 1951. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. D580 (ASU BC) Davenport, Fredrick Morgan Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals. New York: Macmillan Co., 1906. Describes some of the more interesting abberations of Appalachia's smaller sects. D590 Davey, Frankland Wilmot "Theory and Practice in the Black Mountain Poets Duncan, Olson, and Creeley." Ph. D. Diss. Microfilm. Univ. of Southern California, 1968. Black Mountain College, now defunct, once served as the nucleus for a flourishing artist colony. D600 (WCU) David, Boileau Bacon, Samuel Rankin Soil Survey, Union County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1946. B100 David, John Peter "Earnings, Health, Safety, and Welfare of Bituminous Coal Miners Since the Encouragement of Mechanization by the United Mine Workers of America." Ph. D. Diss. West Virginia Univ., 1972. D610 Davids, Richard D. The Man Who Moved a Mountain. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1970. Account of the ministry of Rev. Bob Childress in the mountains of Southwestern Virginia. D620 (ASU FC BC) Davidson, Donald The Tennessee. Rivers of America. 2 vols. New York: Rinehart & Co., 1946-48. A moving lyrical history of the river and the people who settled along it. D630 (ASU WCU LMC MHC UNCA BC) Davidson, Dwight M. Loomis, Charles P. Standards of Living of the Residents of Seven Rural Resettlement Communities. Washington, D. C: n.p., 1938. L3440 Davidson, Dwight M., Jr. Standards of Living in Six Virginia Counties. Prepared in cooperation with the Agricultural Economics Bureau, the Work Projects Administration, and Virginia Polytechnic Institute. Social Research Report, 15. Washington: Farm Security Administration, 1940. Wythe and Rockbridge counties are included in this study. D640 Davidson, Grace Gillam comp. Wilkes County. Early Records of Georgia, vol. 1 -2. . Reprint. VOLS. IN . Vidalia, Ga.: S. E. Lucas, 1968. D650 (ASU) Davidson, J. D. A Curiosity in Chancery. Lexington, Va.: The author, n.d. A description of a court case from Rockbridge County, Virginia which had far-reaching political implications. D660 59 DARNELL-DAVIS Davidson, Mrs. Josephine Martin Josie M. Davidson, Her Life and Work, by Herself. Prestonsburgh, Ky.: Mrs. A. J. Davidson, 1922. Autobiography of a Kentucky mountain woman who grew up during Civil War and Reconstruction. D670 (BC) Davidson, Mary Frances The Dye-Pot. Gatlinburg, Tenn.: The author, 1974. Excellent handbook for natural dyes and dyeing. D680 Davidson, Paul Colwell Burred, Robert G. Wild Water West Virginia: A Paddler's Guide to the White Water Rivers of the Mountain State. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. B9180 (ASU BC) Davidson, Roger Harry "The Depressed Area Controversy; A Study in the Politics of American Business." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1963. Includes material on Appalachian counties. D690 (ASU) Davidson, S. F. Cobb, William B. Soil Survey of Ca I dwell County. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1919. C5330 Cobb, William B. Soil Survey of Caldwell County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1923. C5340 Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Cherokee County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. J2860 (ASU) Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Henderson County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1943. P2100 Davidson, Samuel Fred Goldston, Eugene Frizzed Soil Survey, Madison County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. G2430 Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Rutherford County, North Carolina. J2910 Lee, William Daniel Soil Survey, Yadkin County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1928. LI 450 Davidson, Theodore Fulton Reminiscences and Traditions of Western North Carolina. Asheville: Service Print. Co., n.d. A happy collection of memoirs from the western North Carolina mountains. D700 Davies, William Edward Caverns of West Virginia. Reports, vol. 19-A. Reprinted with supplement. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1965. D710 (ETSU) West Virginia's Buffalo Creek Flood: A Study of the Hydrology and Engineering Geology. Circular, 667. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1972. Account of recent criminal negligence in the West Virginia coal country. D720 Daviess, Maria Thompson The Melting of Molly. Illustrated by R. M. Crosby. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1912. A novel of romance and, would you believe, dieting set in Eastern Tennessee. D730 (ASU) Over Paradise Ridge: A Romance. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1915. Romantic fiction with an Eastern Tennessee setting. D740 (ASU BC) The Davis and Elkins Historical Magazine vol. 1, no. 1. May 1948. Elkins, W. Va.: Davis and Elkins College, 1948. D750 (BC) �DAVIS—DAVIS Davis, Arthur Kyle, Jr. Folk-songs of Virginia, a Descriptive Index and Classification of Material. Collected under the auspices of the Virginia Folklore Society. Durham, N. C: Duke Univ. Press, 1949. A classic volume in the field of American folk songs. D770 (ASU LMC FC BC) Folk-songs of Virginia, a Descriptive Index and Classification of Material. Collected under the auspices of the Virginia Folklore Society. Reprint. New York: AMS Press, 1965. D780 (ETSU) Traditional Ballads of Virginia. Cambridge-. Harvard University Press, 1929. D800 Virginia War Agencies Selective Draft and Volunteers. Source Vol. IV. Richmond, Va.: Virginia War History Commission, 1926. D830 Virginia War History in Newspaper Clippings. Source Vol. II. Richmond, Va.: Virginia War History Commission, 1924. D840 Virginia War Letters and Diaries and Editorials. Source Vol. III. Richmond, Va.: Virginia War History Commission, 1925. D850 Davis, Arthur Kyle, Jr. ed. Folksongs of Virginia. Durham, N. C.: Duke Univ., 1949. D760 (ASU) More Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected with the Cooperation of Members of the Virginia Folklore Society. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1960. D790 (ASU FC BC LMC) Traditional Ballads of Virginia. Harvard Univ. Press, 1929. D801 (ASU) Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected Under the Auspices of the Virginia Folk-lore Society. 1929. Reprint. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1957. D810 (LMC FC BC) Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected Under the Auspices of the Virginia Folklore Society. 1929. Reprint. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1969. D820 (WCU ETSU ASU) Virginians of Distinguished Service in World War. Source Vol. I. Richmond, Va.: Virginia War History Commission, 1923. D860 Davis, Burke Jeb Stuart, the Last Cavalier. Maps by Rafall D. Palacios. New York: Rinehart, 1957. An excellent biography with descriptions of major campaigns. D870 (ASU) They Called Him Stonewall: A Life of Lt. General T. J. Jackson, C. S. A. New York: Rinehart, 1954. An excellent biography of Appalachian Virginia's most famous military man. D880 (ASU BC) Davis, Caroline Heath comp. Rutherford County, North Carolina, Abstracts of Wills, 1779-1822. Rutherfordton, N. C.: The author, 1972. D890 (ASU) Davis, Carolyn I. "A Study of Health Instruction in Selected High Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. D900 (ETSU) Davis, Charles Elton "Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin Historian." Master's thesis. Kansas State Univ., 1961. A study of Roosevelt's excellent but littfe-known history of the state of Franklin. D910 Davis, Charles V. "A Study of the Vocational Guidance Now Provided to Non-college Bound Students in East Tennessee High Schools." Master's thesis. Tennessee Technical Univ., 1968. D920 Davis, Claude J. Issues of Constitutional Revision in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Va. Univ., 1966. D930 AUTHOR Davis, Claude J. and others West Virginia State and Local Government. Bulletin Series 63, no 12-5. Morgantown: Bureau for Government Research, West Virginia Univ., 1963. D940 (ETSU BC) Davis, Curtis Carroll Chronicle of the Cavaliers: A Life of the Virginia Novelist, Dr. William A. Caruthers. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1953. Although Caruthers never created very sympathetic or believable mountain characters, he did use mountain settings in some of his works. D950 (WCU ASU) Davis, Darrell Haug Geography of the Mountains of Eastern Kentucky. Ky. Geological Survey no. 18. Frankfort, Ky.: n.p., 1924. Descriptions, elevations and histories of the Kentucky Cumberlands and other ranges are contained in this informative volume. D960 (BC ASU) Davis, Dorothy History of Harrison County, West Virginia. Clarksburg, Va.: American Association of University Women, 1970. Another very good history from West Virginia. This state has a written history for almost every county. D970 (BC ASU) Davis, Dudley H. The Kingdom Gained and Other Poems. Richmond: B. F. Johnson Pub. Co., 1896. Poems, some with mountain settings or themes. D980 (BC) Davis, Eliia Timberlake ed. Frederick County, Virginia, Marriages, 1771-1825. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1973. Excellent resource material on one of Virginia's earliest settled mountain counties. D990 (ASU ETSU) Davis, Harold Lenoir Beulah Land. New York: W. Morrow, 1949. A novel about a young Cherokee girl from Crowtown in Western North Carolina and her adventures during the Civil War and the westward movement. D1000 (ASU BC WCU) Davis, Haze A. "The Study of the Four High Schools in Claiborne County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1957. D1010 Davis, Hester A. "Social Interaction and Kinship in Big Cove Community, Cherokee, N. C." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1957. An excellent study of social and kinship patterns on the Cherokee Reservation. D1020 (ASU) "Social Interaction and Kinship in Big Cove Community, Cherokee, N. C." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1957. D1030 (ASU) Davis, Hubert J. Christmas in the Mountains, Southwest Virginia Christmas Customs and Their Origins. Illustrated by Carolee Jackson. Murfreesboro, N. C.: Johnson Pub. Co., 1972. The most complete volume I know on the many and varied Christmas customs of the Southern mountains. D1040 (ASU BC FC) 'Pon my Honor, Hit's the Truth; Tali Tales from the Mountains. Murfreesboro, N. C.: Johnson Pub. Co., 1973. A delightful collection of mountain humor and tall tales. D1050 (BC) Davis, Innis C. and others A Bibliography of West Virginia. Two parts. Charleston, West Virginia: Charleston Print. Co. for the West Virginia Department of Archives and History, 1939. D1060 Davis, J. L. The Mountain Preacher. Cincinnati, Ohio: F. L. Roure, 1909. The author's experiences as a minister in the Southern mountains are told in dialect. D1070 (BC) Davis, J. Lee Bits of History and Legends Around and About the Natural Bridge of Virginia, 1730-1950. Lynchburg, Va.: Brown-Morrison Co., Ind., 1949. A fascinating booklet of facts and lore pertaining to Western Virginia's oldest travel attraction. D1080 (ASU) 60 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Bits of History and Legends around and about the Natural Bridge of Virginia from 1730-1950. Lynchburgh: Natural Bridge of Va., 1950. D1090 (BC) Tompkins, Edmund Pendleton The Natural Bridge and Its Historical Surroundings. Natural Bridge, Va.: Natural Bridge of Va., 1939. T8880 (ASU FC BC) Davis, James H. A Social Study of the Colored Population of Knoxville, Tennessee. Knoxville: n.p., 1926. D1100 "A Study of Seven School Communities of Hawkins County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1937. This study includes different economic, ethnic and educational levels in the test communities. D1110 Davis, Joe F. Bonser, Howard Jacob Electricity on Farms and in Rural Homes in the East Tennessee Valley. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1951. B5350 Davis, John D. "A Study of the Applied Psychology Classes for Sophomores and Juniors at Appalachian State Teachers College." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1955. D1120 (ASU) Davis, Julia Legacy of Love. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1961. Autobiography of an eventful childhood divided between two sets of grandparents — The intellectual Davises of Clarksburg, W. Va. and the lively, eclectic McDonalds of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. D1130 The Shenandoah. The Rivers of America. New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 1945. A beautifully-written history of the river and the people who live along its shores. Dll 40 (ASUBCFC) A Valley and a Song; the Story of the Shenandoah River. N. Y.: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963. This volume stresses the role of the Shenandoah in our country's westward movement, folklore and folksong. Written for the younger reader. Dll 50 (BCASU) Davis, Julia Lavinia "A Study of Visually-handicapped Children in the Eighth Grade of Boone High School." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1950. Dll 60 (ASU) Davis, Lloyd ed. The Public University in Its Second Century Morgantown: Office of Research and Development, West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, West Virginia Univ., 1967. P4830 Davis, Mack Parker "Problem of the Public School Principals in East Tennessee." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1954. D1170 (ETSU) Davis, Rebecca Harding Kent Hampden. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1892. A story of young Kent Hampden's growing up years in Wheeling, West Virginia. Virtue is, of course, rewarded. Dll 80 (BCASU) Life in the Iron Mills: Or, The Korl Woman. 1st ed. Feminist Press Reprint. Series, no. 1. New York: Feminist Press, 1972. An account of life in the iron mills of Pennsylvania. Dll 90 (ASU) Silhouettes of American Life. New York: Scribner, 1892. Contains six sketches from the Southern mountains. D1200 (ETSU ASU) Silhouettes of American Life. 1892. Reprint. American Short Story Reprint Series, vol. 9. New York: Garrett Press, 1968. D1210 (ASU BC ETSU) Waiting for the Verdict. New York: Sheldon and Company, 1868. Local color. A mystery novel with a mountain setting. D1220 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Davis, Samuel Hoffman Separated by Mountains. Philadelphia: Dorrance & Co., 1933. A Civil War novel set in Virginia and West Virginia. Young David Hart, the mountaineer hero of the piece represents accurately the divided sentiments of mountaineers in Southern states. D1230 (ASU) Davis, Susan Lawrence Authentic History of Ku Klux Klan, 1865-1877. New York: The author, 1924. Despite the fact that the abolition movement in the U. S. started in Appalachia and most mountaineers were pro-Union, there was some Ku Klux activity in the mountains. D1240 (LMC) Davis, Virgil H. "Coordination of Anti-poverty Programs in Chattanooga." Master's thesis. Middle Tennessee State Univ., 1971. D1250 Davis, William Anderson Soil Survey, Stokes County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1934, no. 20. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1940. D1260 (ASU) Soil Survey of Surry County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1932, no. 20. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1937. Dl 270 Soil Survey of Watauga County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, 1928, Series, no. 1. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. D1280 (ASU) Devereux, Robert Eddins Soil Survey of Macon County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1933. D1970 Goldston, Eugene Frizzell Soil Survey, Jackson County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. G2410 Goldston, Eugene Frizzell Soil Survey, Madison County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. G2430 Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Cherokee County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. J2860 (ASU) Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Rutherford County, North Carolina. J2910 Davison, Marguerite Porter A Handweaver's Pattern Book. Rev. ed. Layout and live illustrations drawn by Charles C. Dengler. Photographs by E. Fletcher Brown. Swarthmore, Pa.: The author, 1950. This very thorough guide to handweaving contains 345 threading directions and a wide range of traditional patterns. D1290 (ASU BC) Pennsylvania German Home Weaving. Plymouth Meeting, Pa.: Mrs. C. N. Keyser, 1947. Another of Mrs. Porter's excellent guidebooks with patterns and clear instructions. D1310 Dawley, Thomas Robinson, Jr. The Child That Toileth Not: The Story of a Government Investigation. New York: Gracie Pub. Co., 1912. This expose on child labor includes material on the textile mills in the Southern mountains. D1320 (ASU BC) AUTHOR Dawson, Amelia Cate East Tennessee Kinsman. Seaford, Del.: n.p., 1962. D1330 Dawson, Ann Three Steps. N. Y.: Vantage Press, 1961. Young Eddie Mullins leaves his home on the French Broad River in North Carolina for a well-paying job in Chicago. There he must learn to deal with harsh realities and an uncaring world. His younger brother is corrupted by moneyed outsiders. D1340 (BC ASU) Dawson, Fielding The Black Mountain Book. New York: Groton Press, 1970. An exciting history of the controversial and non-conformist Black Mountain College at Black Mountain, North Carolina. D1350 Dawson, George W. "Problem Survey of the Elementary and High School at Crum, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1952. D1360 Dawson, Laura Leslie Banner Shepherd Monroe Dagger: A Critical Biography. Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1973. D1370 (LMC ASU) Daxey, Charles T. Marshall, Edward In Old Kentucky. New York: G. W. Dillingham Co., 1910. M3430 (ETSU BC ASU) Day, D. L. "Impact of World War II on Juvenile Delinquency in Knox County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1948. D1380 Day, Edith Eleanor The Girl of Luna's Creek. Petersburg, W. Va.: Great Court Press, 1949. Narrative poem about a young girl's encounter with a fairy who represents the spirit of the mountains. D1390 (BC) Day, John F. Bloody Ground. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran & Co., 1941. An unusual volume full of anecdotes, folklore and sociological commentary on the author's native eastern Kentucky. D1400 (ASU LMC BC) Dayton Human Relations Commission Southern Appalachian Migration. Dayton, Ohio: The commission, 1966. A sad look at the alienation experienced by Appalachians who migrate to northern cities. D1410 Dayton, Ruth Neeson Woods Greenbrier Pioneers and Their Homes. Charleston, W. Va.: West Virginia Pub. Co., 1942. D1420 Lewisburg Landmarks. Illustrated by Naomi S. Hostermau. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1957. D1430 (ASU BC) Pioneers and Their Homes on Upper Kanawha. Illustrated by Naomi S. Hosterman. Map by Ashton Woodman Reniers. Charleston, W. Va.: West Virginia Pub. Co., 1947. D1440 (ASU BC) Dayton, Ruth Woods ed. Hall, James Edmond The Diary of a Confederate Soldier: James E. Hall. Lewisburg, W. Va.: n.p., 1961. H760 (ASU) de Lys, Claudin A Treasury of American Superstition. New York: Philosophical Library, 1948. D1770 Deal, Borden Dunbar's Cove. New York: Scribner, 1957. D1450 (ASU WCU BC) Dunbar's Cove. London: Hutchinson & Co., 1958. This, perhaps Deal's best novel, is a powerful story of a mountain man's struggle to save his valley from the TVA. Old Matthew Dunbar is one of the strongest characterizations in Appalachian fiction. D1460 (ASU) The Insolent Breed. New York: Scribner, 1959. A fiddlin' fool moves into a valley where the pious have forbidden music at religious services and stays to win converts to that good 'ole mountain music. D1470 (ASU BC) 61 DAVIS—DEFFENBAUGH Walk Through the Valley. New York: Scribner, 1956. Another of Deal's strong novels featuring mountain people in conflict with outside values. D1480 (ASU BC) Deal, Loyse Youth see Deal, Borden Dean, A. F. Observations from a Peak in Lumpkin: Or, the Writings of W. Ba. Townsend, Editor, The Dahlonega Nugget. Atlanta: Oglethorpe Univ. Press, 1936. Delightful nuggets from an old time, folksy Georgia mountain paper. D1490 (ASU) Dean, Benjamin Hawkins Skull Mountain. New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1941. A mystery novel with a North Carolina mountain setting. D1500 Dean, Loyd Larsh Creech and Joseph Wynn Family Tree. Morehead, Ky.: n.p., 1964. D1510 (BC) Dean, Stuart Burford, Arthur E. Annual Field Trip of the Appalachian and Pittsburgh Geological Societies in the Great Valley in West Virginia. Morgantown, W. Va.: n.p., 1964? B8530 (ETSU) Dearmer, Percy and others The Oxford Book of Carols. 1928. Reprint. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1964. Many of these same carols are sung in the Southern Mountains today. D1520 (LMC) Deaver, R. Map of the Cherokee County, 1837. Washington: Corps of Engineers, War Dept., 1838. Excellent map of the constricted Cherokee Nation just before the 1838 removal. D1530 Debar, J. H. Dess The West Virginia Handbook and Immigrant's Guide. Parkersburg, W. Va.: Gibbens Bros. Printers, 1870. D1540 Debusman, Paul Marshall "Social Factors Affecting Selected Southern Baptist Churches in the Southern Appalachian Region of the United States." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1962. D1550 (WCU ASU) DeCarlo, Vincent R. "The Net Direct Economic Effect of the University of Tennessee on the City of Knoxville and on Knox County Resulting from the Expansion of the Knoxville Campus since 1962." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1969. D1560 Deckard, Percy Edward Genealogy of the Deckard Family. Ptttsburgh, Pa.: Pittsburgh Print. Co., 1932. D1570 Decker, Elmer History of Knox County, Kentucky (1674-1941). n.p.: n.p., n.d. A very interesting short history of one of Kentucky's lesser-known Appalachian counties. D1580 (BC) Dedmond, Francis B. Lengthened Shadows: A History of Gardner-Webb College, 1907-1956. This small private church-related college is located in Cleveland Co., North Carolina. D1590 (ASU) Deegan, Paul J. ed. Fitch, Robert Beck Grandfather's Land: We Are Mountain People. Mankate, Minn.: Creative Educational Society, 1972. F1310 (WCU) Deeter, Earl B. Soil Survey of Mercer County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with Pennsylvania State College. Field Operations, 1917. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1919. D1600 Deffenbaugh, Walter Sylvanus Schools in the Bituminous Coal Regions of the Appalachian Mountains. Bulletin, 21. Washington: Bureau of Education, 1920. D1610 �DEGERING—OEVEREUX DeGering, Etta Wilderness Wife: The Story of Rebecca Bryan Boone. Illustrated by Ursula Koering. New York: D. McKay Co., 1966, A biography of the woman who married adventure and followed it westward all her life. 01620 (ASU MHC WCU BC) DeGruyter, Julius Allan The Kanawha Spectator. Charleston, W. Va.: n.p., 1953. A County Historical paper full of wit, wisdom and local news. D1630 DeHass, Wills History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia: Embracing an Account of the Various Expeditions in the West, Previous to 1795. Also, Biographical Sketches of Distinguished Actors in Our Border Wars. Wheeling, W. Va.: H. Hoblitzell; Philadelphia: King & Baird, 1851. D1640 (ASU BC) History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia: Embracing an Account of the Various Expeditions in the West Previous to 1795. Also, Biographical Sketches of Co. Ebenezer Zone. . . and other Distinguished Actors in our Border Wars. 1851. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1960. D1650 (ASU LMC PC) D« Jarnette, D. L. Webb, W. S. An Archeological Survey of Rickwick Basin in the Adjacent Portions of the States of Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1942. W2070 DeJong, Gordon F. Appalachian Fertility Decline: A Demographic and Sociological Analysis. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1968. An interesting study, however, the sociological analysis appears to be primarily speculative. 01660 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC UNCA) Fertility Data for the Southern Appalachian Region. (KAES-RS22.) Lexington: Department of Rural Sociology, Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, July, 1963. 01670 "Human Fertility in the Southern Appalachian Region: Some Demographic and Sociological Aspects." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1963. 01680 (ASU) Is Out-migration from Appalachia Declining? Paper presented at Rural Sociological Meeting, San Francisco, Cal., August 28-31, 1969. (ERIC RC 003586) Washington: U. S. Dept. of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education, 1968. 01690 (ASU) The Population of Kentucky: Changes in the Number of Inhabitants, 1950-1960. Bulletin no. 675. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, December, 1961. A study of the population shift from rural to urban areas in Kentucky. 01700 Detaney, A. Otis Geologic-Map of the Adult Quadrangle, Northeastern Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1973. 01710 DeLeon, Thomas Cooper Juny: Or, Only One Girl's Story. A Romance of the Society Crust — Upper and Under. Mobile, Ala.: Gossip Print. Co., 1890. A mountain girl finds her entry into high society to be an awkward and heart-rending process. 01720 (ASU) Della-Bianca, Lino Beck, Donald E. Yield of Unthinned Yellow-poplar. Asheville, N. C.= Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. B2460 (WCU) Intensive Cleaning Increases Sapling Growth and Browse Production in Southern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Research Note, SE-110. Asheville, N. C: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1969. 01730 AUTHOR Delozier, Robert Campbell "Public School Enrollment Prediction for the Southern Appalachian Region." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. 01740 Delp, Lester Charles "A Proposed Nongraded Primary Organization for Central School: Bristol, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. 01750 (ETSU) Deluca, Donald R. "Patterns of Development and Net Migration, 1960-1970: A Study of West Virginia Counties." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1971. A study of rural to urban migration blend in the state of West Virginia. 01760 Demarest, D. F. Pepper, J. F. Geology of the Bedford Shale and Berea Sandstone in the Appalachian Basin. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1954. P2000 Demarest, Phyllis Gordon The Wilderness Brigade. New York: Doubleday and Co., 1957. A historical novel about the Civil War in North Carolina. A Union soldier, escaping from a Confederate prison camp, is rescued by Southerners, gets caught up in family tribulations, and ends by marrying the lady of the manor. Set in the foothill country of North Carolina with the military action ranging into the mountains. 01780 Demetriades, Despina Gus "A Study to Identify Some Personality Characteristics of Freshmen Academic Underachieves at Appalachian State University." Master's thesis. Appalachian State University, 1967. 01790 (ASU) DeMond, Robert Orley The Loyalists in North Carolina during the Revolution. 1940. Reprint. Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1964. Very few loyalists were found in the western counties. 01800 (ASU LMC) De Morgan, A. ed. Baily, Francis Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled Parts of North America, in 1796 and 1797. London: Baily, 1856. B350 Dennis, Earle Sale Marriage Bonds of Bedford County, Virginia 1755-1800. Richmond: Dennis & Smith, 1932. 01810 (ASU FC) Dennison, John M. Stratigraphy of Onesquethaw Stage of Devonian in West Virginia and Bordering States. Bulletin, no. 22. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1961. 01820 (ETSU) Structure of Devonian Strata along Allegheny Front from Corriganville, Maryland, to Spruce Knob, West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 24. Charlestown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1963. 01830 (ETSU) Dent, Thomas Lee Ludlow on the Kanawha. New York: Comet Press Books, 1959. An orphan girl in the West Virginia hills discovers she is the long-lost granddaughter of a wealthy business woman. A West Virginia setting. D1840 (ASU BC) Depass, Rudolph Earl "Analysis of the Market Structure of the Fluid Milk Industry in Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1961. 01850 Depew, E. Douglas Land of Waterfalls: A Portfolio of Exclusive Lithographs Suitable for Framing. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1954. Pictorial guide to Western North Carolina's many water-falls. 01860 (WCU) Derden, J. H. Rogers, Reese F. Soil Survey of Jackson County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1915. R3570 62 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY DeRosier, Arthur H. comp. Through the South with a Union Soldier. Johnson City, Tenn.: ETSU, Research Advisory Council, 1969. A collection of 140 letters, written September 29, 1862-May 2, 1865, by A. A. and C L. Dunham privates in the 129th Illinois Regt. Both brothers saw action in the Southern Mountains. D1870 Derrick, Bruce B. Soil Survey of Cambria County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College of Agriculture and Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1915. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1917. D1880 Derthick, Lawrence G. "The Indian Boundary Line in the Southern District of British North America, 1763-1779." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1930. The 1763 Proclamation Line followed the Blue Ridge Mountains' Crest. 01890 Deschamps, Alfred J. "Land Use in Powell County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1954. A study of changing land use patterns in a county which was once primarily agricultural. 01900 DeTurk, David A. The American Folk Scene; Dimensions of the Folksong Revival. N. Y.: Dell Pub. Co., 1967. 01910 (BC) Deurbrouck, A. W. Survey of Sulfur Reduction in Appalachian Coals by Stage Crushing. Based on work done in cooperation with Public Health Service, Health, Education, and Welfare Department. U. S. Mines Bureau Information Circular, 8282. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1966. D1920 Development Planning Associated, Inc. Industrial and Commercial Potentials and Site and Project Analysis in Braxton, Clay and Nicholas Counties, West Virginia. San Francisco: n.p., 1965. D1930 Devereaux, Robert Eddins Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Augusta County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1937. J2850 Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Rockbridge County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. J2900 Devereux, Robert Eddins Davis, William Anderson Soil Survey of Watauga County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. D1280 (ASU) Soil Survey, Albemarle County, Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1935, no. 14. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1940. D1940 Soil Survey of Grayson County, Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1930, no. 19. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. Dl 950 Soil Survey of Macon County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1929, no. 16. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1933. D1970 Obenshain, S. S. Soil Survey, Russell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1945. O100 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Devereux, Robert Eddins and others Soil Survey of Macon County. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1929. Contains a map. D1960 Deveron, Hugh A Rosary of the Ridges. Burnsville, N. C.: Edwards Print., 1919. Poetry from the hills of Ottaray and Yancey and Mitchell Counties, North Carolina. D1980 (ASU) Devis, Innis C. and others A Bibliography of West Virginia. Two parts. Charleston, W. Va.: Charleston Printing Co. for the West Virginia Department of Archives and History, 1939. D1990 De Vorsey, Louis, Jr. The Indian*Boundary in the Southern Colonies, 1763-1775. 1961. Reprint. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North . Carolina, 1966. The proclamation line prohibiting settlement of Indian lands ran almost exactly down the Blue Ridge. D2000 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Dewees, Francis Percival The Molly Maguires. The Origin, Growth, and Character of the Organization. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1877. A fascinating and fairly sympathetic history of the band of Irish terrorists who controlled the coal fields of Pennsylvania for two decades. D2010 (ASU WCU) Dewey, Maybelle Jones Push the Button: The Chronicle of a Professor's Wife. Atlanta: Tupper & Love, 1951. Biography of a Cartersville, Georgia woman and her life as wife of the director of the Emory Glee Club. D2020 (ASU) DeWitt, David M. The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States; a History. New York: Macmillan, 1903. D2030 The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States; a.History. Reprint, Introduction Stanley I. Kutler. Madison: State Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin, 1967. Q2040 DeWitt, Wallace, Jr. Age of Bedford Shale, Berea Sandstone, and Sunbury Shale in the Appalachian and Michigan Basins, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, 1294-G. Contributions to Stratigraphy. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. D2050 Pepper, J. F. Geology of the Bedford Shale and Berea Sandstone in the Appalachian Basin. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1954. P2000 Dexter, 0. P. A Genealogical Cross Index of the Four Volumes of the Genealogical Dictionary of James Savage. Xerox copy of the original. New York: The author, 1884. D2060 (ASU) Diamond, Michael Jay "The Negro and Organized Labor as Voting Blocs in Tennessee, 1960-1964." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1965. Contains scant references to Appalachian Counties. D2070 Dick, Everett Newfon The Dixie Frontier, a Social History of the Southern Frontier from the First Transmontane Beginnings to the Civil War. New York: A. A. Knopf, 1948. D2080 (ASU MHC) Dickens, Roy Selman "The Pisgah Culture and Its Place in the Prehistory of the Southern Appalachians." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1970. A very thorough study of a unique prehistoric tribe which dwelt in what is now Haywood County, North Carolina. D2090 (ASU WWC WCU) Dickenson County, Va. Diamond Jubilee Commission "Meet Virginia's Baby"; a Brief Pictorial History of Dickenson County. Clintwood, Va.: The commission, 1955. A fascinating blend of history, legend, folklore, tall tales and sketches of the counties leading families and industries. D2100 (BC ASU) AUTHOR Dickerman, G. S. The Mountain People in Eastern Kentucky. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, n.d. D2110 Dickerson, Florence Smith Dickerson and Walden Families. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1961. D2120 (ASU) The James Stewart Family of Early Augusta County, Virginia, and Descendants, 1740-1960. n.p.: The author, n.d. D2130 (ASU) Dickey, James Buckdancer's Choice: Poems by James Dickey. 1st ed. Wesleyan Poetry Program. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan Univ. Press, 1965. This slim volume contains much of Dickey's best work. It was written before fame and vulgarity corrupted him. D2140 (ASU) Deliverance. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1970. In terms of plot, movement, characterization, and strong lyrical descriptive passages this should have been a great novel. It failed because the author destroyed the credibility of his mountain characters by the addition of false stereotypes and the most unlikely sort of pornography. D2150 (ASU WCU) Deliverance. New York: Dell Pub. Co., 1970. D2160 (ASU) Poems, 1957-1967. 1st ed. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan Univ. Press, 1967. D2170 (ASU) Dickey, John B. R. Soil Survey of Frederick County, Virginia. Field Operations, 1914. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. D2180 Dickfore, Marie Hessian Soldiers in the American Revolution: Records of Their Marriages and Baptisms of Children in America Performed by the Rev. G. C. Coster, 1776-1783, Chaplain of Two Hessian Regiments. Cincinnati: D. J. Krehbiel Co., 1959. D2190 (ASU) Dickinson, John N. ed. Andrew Johnson, 1808-1875. Chronology-Documents-Bibliographical Aids. Dobbs Ferry, N. Y.: Oceana Publications, 1970. D2200 (ASU) Dickinson, Meriwether Blair "A Lexicographical Study of the Vocabulary of Greenup County, Kentucky, Set Forth in Jesse Stuart's "Beyond Dark Hills"." Master's thesis. Univ. of Virginia, 1941. An interesting study. However the author gives insufficient weight to the fact Stuart's youth was spent outside the mountains and his speech is not necessarily that of Greenup County. D2210 (ASU) Dickson, John "The Judicial History of the Cherokee Nation from 1721 to 1835." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Oklahoma, 1964. A very good study of the superior legal system of the Cherokee Nation prior to the Removal. D2220 Dickson, Lura D. Great Smokies: Wonderland for Boys and Girls. Illustrated by Bill Chapman. Gems of Our Nation. Seymour, Ind.: Dickson's, 1968. An illustrated guide to the wonders of the Great Smokies written especially for children. D2230 (ASU) Dickson, R. I. Ulster Emigration to Colonial America, 1718-1775. Ulster-Scot Historical Series, no. 1. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966. Above 40 percent of the Appalachian families are of Scotch-Irish descent. D2240 (ASU) Dickson, Sallie O'Hear Howard McPhlinn. A Story for Boys. Richmond, Va.: The Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1897. A ngvel of mountain people who appear unaccountably receptive to Presbyterian propaganda. Faith triumphs over evil. D2250 63 DEVEREUX—DILLER Reuben Dalton, Preacher: A Sequel to "The Story of Marthy.'' Richmond, Va.: The Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1900. Preacher Reuben and his wife Marthy attempt to lead their unfortunate North Carolina mountain parishioners toward God and progress. Very sentimental and condescending. D2260 The Story of Marthy. Richmond, Va.: The Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1898. A sentimental story of a young minister's wife in the North Carolina mountains. D2270 Diddle, W. H. West Virginia Gems: Songs for the Revival and Social Prayer Meeting. Pennsboro, W. Va.: Parkersburg Pub. Society, U. B. C.; Singer's Glen, Va.: J. Fund's Sons, printers, 1870. D2280 Diegel, Howard E. "Application of Unitization to the Pennsylvania Crude Oil Industry." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1961. D2290 Diehl, George West Old Oxford and Her Families. Verona, Va.: McClure Print. Co., 1971. D2300 The Reverend Samuel Houston. Verona, Va.: McClure Press, 1970. Biography of a Rockbridge County, Virginia minister. D2310 (BC) Diehl, James A. "A Proposed Program of Public Relations for the Schools of Mason County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Ohio Univ., 1954. D2320 Diehl, William D. "Farm-nonfarm Migration in the Southeast: A Costs-returns Analysis." Ph. D. Diss. North Carolina State College, 1965. A study of out migration from rural areas and its implications for the economy. Appalachian Counties are included in the survey. D2330 Dietrich, Richard Vincent Geology and Mineral Resources of Floyd County of the Blue Ridge Upland, Southwestern Virginia. Engineering Experiment Station Series, no. 134. Bulletin, vol. 52, no. 12. Blacksburg: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1959. Virginia's largest mineral deposits are in the western mountain counties. D2340 (ETSU) Geology and Virginia. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1970. D2350 (ETSU) Virginia Mineral Localities. Revised ed. Blacksburg: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1960. Many of the state's more valuable mineral deposits are in Western Virginia. D2360 (ETSU) Digges, George A. comp. Buncombe County, North Carolina, Grantee Deed Index. 2 vols. Asheville: Miller (c!927). D2370 Buncombe County, North Carolina, Grantor Deed Index. 3 vols. Asheville: Miller (c!926). D2380 Digges, George A., Jr. Historical Facts Concerning Buncombe County Government. Asheville: Biltmore Press, 1935. D2390 (WCU LMC) Dill, Henry W., Jr. Johnson, Hugh A. Exurban Development in Selected Areas of the Appalachian Mountains. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. J1790 Dillard, Annie Pilgrim at Tinker Creek. New York: Harper's Magazine Press, 1974. A moving account of one woman's sojourn among the natural beauty of the Blue Ridge Mountains near Roanoke, Virginia. D2400 (BC ASU) Pilgrim at Tinker Creek. New York: Harper and Row, 1974. D2410 (ASU) Oilier, J. S. Peridotite of Elliott County, Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 38. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1887. D2420 �DILLIN—DOLL Dillin, John Grace Wolfe The Kentucky Rifle: A Study of the Origin and Development of a Purely American Type of Firearm, Together with Accurate Historical Data Concerning Early Colonial Gunsmiths and Profusely Illustrated with Photographic Reproduction of Their Finest Work. Washington: National Rifle Association of America, 1924. D2430 (LMC BC) The Kentucky Rifle. 5th ed. Longrifle Series. York, Pa.: G. Shumway, 1967. D2440 (ASU MHC BC) Dillman, Buddy Leroy "Local Government Social Overhead Expenditures and Economic Growth in the Appalachian Region." Ph. D. Diss. North Carolina State Univ., 1967. This disturbing survey implies that little can or will be done to change existing patterns. D2450 Dillow, Nola M. "The Qualifications and Instructional Program of 100 Elementary Geography Teachers in Northeast Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. D2460 Dills, Gary G. "Macroinvertebrate Community Structure as an Indicator of Acid Mine Pollution." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Alabama, 1973. Discusses a new method of testing water purity. D2470 d'lnvilliers, E. V. McCreath, Andrew Smith New River Cripple Creek Mineral Region of Virginia. Harrisburg, Pa.: Harrisburg Pub. Co., 1887. M940 Direction vol. 1-, 1966. Johnson City, Tenn.: First Tennessee-Virginia Development District, 9 issues yearly. D2480 (ETSU) Directions vol. 1-, Summer/Fall, 1972-. Asheville, N. C: Compass Publications, quarterly. D2490 (ASU) Directory of Community Services for Asheville and Buncombe County, North Carolina Asheville, N. C.: Information and Referral Service and the Social Planning Division of the United Fund of Asheville and Buncombe County, Inc., 1972. D2500 (UNCA) A Directory of Representative Business and Professional Men of Augusta Co., and Staunton, Va. Stauntorv. Rohrer and Diamond, 1899. D2510 (ASU) Dishner, Ernest K. "A Study of the Reading Abilities of the Economically Deprived Students in the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Grades at Stratton Elementary School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. D2520 (ETSU) Divita, Charles, Jr. "Adult Basic Education: A Study of the Backgrounds, Characteristics, Aspirations, and Attitudes of Undereducated Adults in West Virginia." Master's thesis. Marshall Univ., 1969. A sad little volume dealing with one of Appalachia's most formidable problems. D2530 Dixon, Hertha "A Survey of the Library Facilities in the Negro Schools of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama." Master's thesis. Alabama State College, 1952. This Survey concludes that the library facilities are inadequate. D2540 Dixon, Margaret Collins Denny Vann, Elizabeth Chapman Denny Virginia's First German Colony. Richmond: n.p., 1961. V350 (ASU FC) Dixon, Thomas The Black Hood. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1924. Reconstruction fiction set in the North Carolina foothills. D2550 (ASU) The Clansman: An Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan. Illustrated by Arthur I. Keller. Reprint. Americans in Fiction. Ridgewood, N. J.-. Gregg Press, 1967. D2560 (ASU) AUTHOR The Traitor: A Story of the Fall of the Invisible Empire. Illustrated by C. D. Williams. New York: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1907. A Reconstruction fiction set in the North Carolina foothills. D2570 (ASU) The Traitor: A Story of the Fall of the Invisible Empire. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1907. A Reconstruction fiction set in the North Carolina foothills. D2580 (ETSU) Dixon, Thomas W. The Rise and Fall of Alderson, West Virginia. Alderson, W. Va.: n.p., 1967. An account of the growth and decline of a one industry W. Va. town. D2590 (ASU BC) Doane, C. F. Cheesemaking Brings Prosperity to Farmers of Southern Mountains. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1917. D2600 (ASU) Dober, Virginia Darlene "An Analysis of the Social Life and Customs of the Southern Appalachians as Reflected in Selected Children's Books." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1956. D2610 (ASU) "An Analysis of the Social Life and Customs of the Southern Appalachians as Reflected in Selected Children's Books." Master's thesis. Microfilm. Univ. of North Carolina, 1956. D2620 (ASU) Dobson, Wayne W. "Some Phases of the Congressional Career of Andrew Johnson." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1952. D2630 Dodd, James Harvey A History of Production in the Iron and Steel Industry in the Southern Appalachian States. Ph. D. Diss. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1928. D2640 Doddridge, Joseph Logan. The Last of the Race of Shikellemus, Chief of the Cayuga Nation. A Dramatic Piece. To Which Is Added, the Dialogue of the Backwoodsman and the Dandy, First Recited at the Buffaloe Seminary. July the 1st 1821. 1823. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. D2650 (ASU BC) Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783. Together with a Review of the State of Society and Manners of the First Settlers of the Western Country. With a memoir of the author by his daughter, Narcissa Doddridge. Republished. 1912. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain, Print. Co., 1960. D2660 (ASU BC FC) Notes on the Settlements and Indian of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783, Inclusive. Albany, N. Y.: J. Munsell, 1876. D2670 (ETSU BC) Dodds, G. S. Van Liere, Edward J. History of Medical Education in West Va. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Library, 1965. V320 Dodge, Emma Florence History of Pleasant Hill; a History of Pleasant Hill Academy and Who's Who of Alumni. Kingsport: Kingsport Press, 1938. D2680 (BC) Dodge, J. R. West Virginia: Its Farms and Forest, Mines and Oil Wells, with a Glimpse of Its Scenery, a Photograph of Its Population, and an Exhibit of Its Industrial Statistics. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1865. D2690 (BC) Dodge, Louis Rosy. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1919. A tangled plot about innocent convicts, assumed identities, a war hero with a draft dodger's name and the mountain lass who loves the one and shields the other. D2700 Dodge, Richard L. "Factors Influencing the Development of the Broadway Shopping Center at Knoxville, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. D2710 64 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Dodrill, Charles Tunis Heritage of a Pioneer, Being the Story of William (English Bill Doddridge) Dodrill and His Wife, Rebecca (Lewis) Dougherty, Their Family, the Times in Which They Lived, and a Genealogy. Huntington, W. Va.: The author, 1967. D2720 (ASU) Dodrill, William Christian Moccasin Tracks, and Other Imprints. Charleston, W. Va.: Lovett Print. Co., 1915. A collection of sketches most of which relate to early history of Webster County, West Virginia. D2730 (BC) Moccasin Tracks and Other Imprints. Parsons: McClain Print. Co., 1974. D2740 (ASU) Dodson, Chester Lee Geology and Ground-water Resources of Morgan County, Alabama. With a section on the chemical quality of the water by James C. Warman. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the Morgan County Board of Revenue and Control, the City of Decatur and the Geological Survey of Alabama. Bulletin, 76. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1965. D2750 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Murphy Area, North Carolina. North Carolina Division of Ground Water Bulletin, no. 13. Raleigh: n.p., 1968. D2760 (WCU) Interim Report on the Geology and Groundwater Resources of Morgan County, Alabama. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with Morgan County Board of Revenue and Control and the Geological Survey of Alabama. Information Series, 24. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1961. D2770 (ETSU) Dodson, J. D. and others An Economic Adjustment Study of Dairy Farms in Western North Carolina. Economics Information Report, no. 22. Raleigh: North Carolina State Univ., Dept. of Economics, 1971. D2780 (LMC) Dodson, L. S. Loomis, Charles P. Standards of Living in Four Southern Appalachian Mountain Counties. Farm Security Administration Social Research Report, no. 10. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1938. L3430 (LMC ASU BC) Dodson, Linden Seymour Living Conditions and Population Migration in Four Appalachian Counties. Prepared in cooperation with the Bureau of Agricultural Economics. Social Research Report, 3. Washington: U. S. Farm Security Administration, 1937. D2790 Doggett, Frank A. Dipped in Sky; a Study of Percy MacKaye's "Kentucky Mountain Cycle." N. Y.: Longmans, Green and Co., 1930. D2800 (BC) Doherty, William Thomas Conley, Philip Mallory West Virginia History. Charleston: n.p., 1975. C6600 Berkeley County, U. S. A.: A Bicentennial History of a Virginia and West Virginia County, 1772-1972. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. D2810 (ASU BC) Doliante, J. Sharon Johnson Genealogical Serendipity. Alexandria, Va.: n.p., 1965. D2820 Doll, W. L. Smith, R. C. Water Resources of the Wheeling-Steubenville Area, West Virginia and Ohio. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. S4960 Doll, Warwick L. Water Resources of Kanawha County, West Virginia. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the County Court of Kanawha County, W. Va. Bulletin, no. 20. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1960. D2830 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Dollars for Duke Power; Hell for Harlan County. Clintwood, Va.: n.p., 1974. A pamphlet describing the effect of the Brookside Miner's Strike on Harlan County. D2840 DoUen, Hildegarde The Great Oildarado; the Gaudy and Turbulent Years of the First Oil Rush: Pennsylvania, 1859-1880. N. Y.: Random, 1959. D2850 Dombrowski, Alfred Warne, Alice E. An Economic Survey of Clinton Co., Pa. University Park: Penn. State Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1958. W840 Donaldson, Alan C. Burford, Arthur E. Annual Field Trip of the Appalachian and Pittsburgh Geological Societies in the Great Valley in West Virginia. Morgantown, W. Va.: n.p., 1964? B8530 (ETSU) Donaldson, Martha McComb, Thomas M. Knoxville-Knox County Consolidation and the County and City School Systems. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee. Bureau of Business Research, 1958. M510 Donaldson, Thomas ed. Eastern Band of Cherokees in North Carolina. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Census Office, 1892. The 1892 census of the Cherokee Indians of North Carolina. D2860 Donaway, Wayland F. Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1944. D2870 Donnelly, Clarence Shirley Notable Mine Disasters of Fayette County, West Virginia, n.p.: Fayette County Historical Society, 1951. Taken from official reports of West Virginia Department of Mines. D2880 (BC) Donnelly, Shirley The Hatfield-McCoy Feud Reader. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. D2890 (ASU BC) History of Oak Hill, West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1953. Very incomplete historical notes on Fayette County's largest early settlement. D2900 Donohew, Lewis Impacts of Educational Change Efforts in Appalachia. Las Cruces, N. M.: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools, 1970. An overly optimistic view of changes in mountain education. D2910 (ETSU) Dootey, G. B. Smiles and Tears. Lawrenceburg, Tenn.: n.p., 1925? D2920 (ASU) Doolittle, Warren T. Site Index Curves for Natural Stands of White Pine in the Southern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Research Note, 141. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1960. D2930 Doran, Edwina B. "Folklore in White County, Tennessee." Ph. D. Diss. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1969. An excellent study of the folklore of one Eastern Tennessee County. D2940 Domtan, Coy "Manufacturing in the West Central Knoxville Area." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. D2950 Dorman, John Frederick comp. Virginia Revolutionary Pension Applications. 16 vols. Abstracted by author. Washington, D. C.: Privately published, 1971. D2960 Dornbusch, C. E. Regimental Publications and Personal Narratives of the Civil War. A Checklist. New York: Public Library, 1961. This comprehensive guide includes items relating to the war in the mountains. D2970 (LMC) AUTHOR Dorrance, Mrs. Ethel Arnold Smith Flames of the Blue Ridge. New York: Macaulay Co., 1919. Would you believe a temperance novel set in the Blue Ridge? The city-bred drunk reforms and wins the love of his shy mountain maiden. D2980 (ASU LMC BC) Dorrance, James Dorrance, Mrs. Ethel Arnold Smith Flames of the Blue Ridge. New York: Macaulay Co., 1919. D2980 (ASU LMC BC) Dorris, Jonathan Truman A Glimpse at Historic Madison County and Richmond, Kentucky. Richmond, Ky.: Richmond Daily Register Co., 1934. D3000 (BC) Glimpses of Historic Madison County, Ky. Nashville: Williams Print. Co., 1955. D3010 Old Cane Springs; a Story of the War Between the States in Madison County, Kentucky. Louisville: The Standard Print. Co., 1936. D3020 (BC) Pardon and Amnesty under Lincoln and Johnson; the Restoration of the Confederates to Their Rights and Privileges, 1861-1898. Introd. J. G. Randall. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1953. D3030 Dorris, Jonathan Truman ed. Five Decades of Progress: Eastern Kentucky State College, 1906-1957. Eastern Kentucky. Richmond: n.p., 1957. An interesting history. However it will still leave you wondering why Eastern Kentucky is located near the bluegrass and only 30 miles from the University of Kentucky. D2990 (ASU) Dorson, Richard Mercer America in Legend: Folklore from the Colonial Period to the Present. New York: Pantheon Books, 1973. Includes some Appalachian items. D3040 (FC) Buying the Wind: Regional Folklore in the United States. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1964. Appalachia is one of seven regions covered in this volume. D3050 (ASU WWC LMC BC) Dorson, Richard Mercer ed. Davy Crockett: American Comic Legend. New York: Spiral, 1939. Selections from The Crockett Almanacks (1835-56.) D3060 (ASU) Dos Passos, John Adventures of a Young Man. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1938. In one section of the novel the hero tries to assist in unionizing coal miners in the Southern mountains. Scenes and people are well drawn. D3070 (ASU) Adventures of a Young Man. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1938. D3080 Dotson, Benny Rogers "A Population Study of the Appalachian Members of the Freshman Class at Morehead (Kentucky) State University, 1967-1968." Ed. D. Diss. n.p.: Indiana Univ., 1969. D3090 Dotson, John Andrew "The Public School in the Mining Community." Master's thesis, n.p.: Univ. of Kentucky, 1931. A heart-rending look at the general failure of public schools to reach coal camp youngsters. D3100 Dougherty, John J. "A Study of Fatal Roof Fall Accidents in Bituminous Coal Mines." Master's thesis, n.p.: West Virginia Univ., 1971. D3110 (LMC) Doughty, Richard M. Krochmal, Arnold Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1969. K3230 (BC) Krochmal, Arnold A Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. Washington: U. S. Forest Service, 1971. K3240 (ASU ETSU LMC) 65 DOLLARS—DRAKE Douglas, Byrd Steamboatin' on the Cumberland. Nashville: Tennessee Book Co., 1961. Includes information pertaining to the half dozen Eastern Kentucky counties through which the river passes. D3120 (BC ASU ETSU) Douglas, H. Paul The Protestant Church as a Social Institution. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1935. D3130 Douglas, Harlan P. Christian Reconstruction in the South. Boston: Pilgrim Press, 1909. D3140 Douglas, P. B. Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey, Smyth County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. J2930 Porter, Hobart Clarke Soil Survey, Tazewell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P3660 Douglas, William The Douglas Register, Being a Detailed Record of Births, Marriages, and Deaths, Together with Other Interesting Notes, as Kept by the Rev. William Douglas from 1750 to 1797; an Index of Goochland Wills Notes on the French-Huguenot Refugees Who Lived in Manakin-town. Transcribed by W. Mas Jones. . Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. D3150 (ASU) Dowd, Clement Life of Zebulon B. Vance. Charlotte N. C.: Observer Print, and Pub. House, 1897. Vance is one of three governors ever to come from the western part of the state. He was governor during the Civil War. D3160 (ASU LMC BC) Downey, Fairfax Davis Storming of the Gateway: Chattanooga, 1863. New York: D. McKay Co., 1960. A fast-paced account of the exciting campaigns at Missionary Ridge, Chattanooga, and Chickamauga. D3170 (WCU BC ASU) Downey, James Cecil "The Music of American Revivalism." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Tulane Univ., 1968. A history of revival music from Cane Ridge to the present. D3180 (WCU) Downing, H. T. Malmberg, Glenn Thomas Geology and Ground-water Resources of Madison County, Alabama. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1957. M2890 (ETSU) Downum, James Monroe Lays of Life from the Southern Appalachians, n.p.: The author, n.d. D3190 (ASU LMC) Doyle, D. V. Evaluating Appalachian Woods for Highway Posts. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper FPL-111. Madison, Wis.: Forest Products Laboratory, 1969. D3200 Doyle, H. N. Lainhart, William S. Pneumoconiosis in Appalachian Bituminous Coal Miners. Washington: Bureau of Occupational Safety and Health, 1969. LI 50 Drake, Chad ed. Goodale, Dora Read Mountain Dooryards. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1961. G2500 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Drake, Charles D. ed. Drake, Daniel Pioneer Life in Kentucky, a Series of Reminiscential Letters from Daniel Drake ... to His Children. Cincinnati, R. Clarke and Co., 1970. D3220 (ASU) Drake, Daniel Pioneer Life in Kentucky, 1785-1800. Edited from the original ms. with introductory comments and a biographical sketch by Emmet Field Horine. New York: H. Schuman, 1948. D3210 (ASU ETSU BC) Pioneer Life in Kentucky, a Series of Reminiscential Letters from Daniel Drake . . . to His Children. With notes by his son, Charles D. Drake. Cincinnati, R. Clarke and Co., 1970. D3220 (ASU) �DRAKE-OUERR Drake, Jerry A. Soil Survey of Cherokee County, South Carolina. Field Operations, 1905. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture Bureau of Soils, 1907. D3230 Drake, Richard Bryant The Appalachian South: An Historical Bibliography. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, 1962. A five page annotated list of historical materials. D3250 Appalachian Volunteer Reader. Berea, Ky.: n.p., 1966. A curriculum developed for the Appalachian Volunteers and the cooperating public schools within the region. D3260 (BC) An Outline History of Appalachian America. Berea, Ky.: n.p., 1960. An excellent chronological guide to the major events in Appalachian history. D3270 (BC ASU) Drake, Richard Bryant ed. An Appalachian Reader. 2 vols. Berea, Ky.: n.p., 1970. A very good introductory text for Appalachian Studies programs. D3240 (WCU MHC FC BC ASU) Drake, William Earle Higher Education in North Carolina before 1860. A Reflection Book. New York: Carlton Press, 1964. There was, of course, more education in the mountains prior to 1860 than for the next twenty years thereafter. D3280 (LMC) Drane, Brent S. The Mineral Industry in North Carolina from 1918-1923. Economic Paper, no. 55. Raleigh, N. O: Geological and Economic Survey, 1925. Many of the state's richer mineral resources are in Western North Carolina. D3290 (LMC) Draper, Lyman Copeland Kings Mountain and Its Heroes. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. D3300 King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain. Reprint. . Nashville: Blue and Gray, 1971. D3310 (LMC) King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. Cincinnati: P. G. Thomson, 1881. D3320 (BC ASU) King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. Reprint. New York: Dauber and Pine, 1929. A definitive account of this Revolutionary War battle in which a substantial number of Tennesseans participated. D3330 King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. 1881. Reprint. Marietta, Ga.: Continental Book Co., 1954. D3340 (ASU LMC) King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. Reprint, North Carolina Heritage Series, vol. 5. Spartanburg, S. C-. Reprint Co., 1967. A definitive account of this Revolutionary War battle in which a substantial number of Tennesseans participated. D3350 Draper, R. C. "Early History of Jackson County, Tennessee." Gainesboro: Jackson County Sentinel, 1928-29. Published as a series of newspaper articles. D3360 Draper, Sam L. A Winner on Satin's Doorstep. Chicago: Blindfall Press, 1971. A true story of two Kentucky mountain youths who were born in poverty, became unruly and incorrigible and died in the electric chair. D3370 (BC) Draughon, Wallace R. North Carolina Genealogical Reference: Research Guide for All Genealogists Both Amateur and Professional. 2d ed. Durham, N. C.: n.p., 1966. D3380 (ASU LMC) AUTHOR Drayton, John Memoirs of the American Revolution, from Its Commencement to the Year 1776, Inclusive: As Relating to the State of South Carolina. And Occasionally Refering to the States of North Carolina and Georgia. 2 vols. (sic) Xerox copy of the original. Charleston, S. C: A. E. Miller, 1821. D3390 (ASU) Drennen, C. W. Stratigraphy and Structure of Outcropping Pre-Selma Coastal Plain Beds of Fayette and Lamar Counties, Alabama. U. S. Geological Survey Circular, no. 267. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. D3400 (AS.U) Drennen, Charles W. Paulson, Quentin Frank Ground-water Resources and Geology of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1962. P1030 (ETSU) Dresser, Davis see Cunningham, A. B. Dresser, Davis The Great Yant Mystery. N. Y.: Detective Club, 1943. D3410 A Taste for Violence. Brett Holliday, pseud. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1949. D3420 Dressier, Muriel Appalachia, My Land. Charleston, W. Va.: Morris Harvey College, 1973. Mrs. Dressier is one of Appalachia's finest and most representative poets. D3430 Drewes, George, Jr. Phillips, Samuel William Soil Survey of Belmont County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1931. P2620 Phillips, Samuel William Soil Survey of Washington County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. P2670 Drexel Enterprises, Inc. Sixty Years of Progress in the Making of Fine Furniture, 1903-1963. Haarlam, Holland: Joh. Enscbede en Zonen?, 1963. D3440 (ASU LMC) Driscoll, L. S. Kern, E. E. An Inventory of Human and Physical Resources of Cherokee, Dekalb, Jackson, and Marshall Counties, Alabama. Auburn, Ala.: Auburn Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1966. K1590 (ASU) Driver, Carl Samuel John Sevier: Pioneer of the Old Southwest. Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1929. An excellent biography of Tennessee's greatest leader. , D3450 John Sevier: Pioneer of the Old Southwest. Ph. D. Diss. Nashville: n.p., 1929. An excellent biography of Tennessee's greatest leader. D3460 John Sevier: Pioneer of the Old Southwest. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1932. D3470 (ASU LMC BC) Driver, Harold Edson Indians of North America. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1961. D3480 (ASU) Droke, Anna Scott At the Foot of No-man. Cincinnati: Monfort and Co., 1906. A family saga of the Me Donoughs who have mountains in their blood and, generation after generation, find they must return to the hills. D3490 (BC) Dromgoole, Will Allen Cinch, and Other Stories: Tales of Tennessee. Boston: D. Estes and Co., 1898. Miss Dromgoole's stories often deal with the hard lot of women in the mountains. D3500 (ASU ETSU BC) Harum-scarum Joe. Illustrated by Louis Meynelle. Young of Heart Series, vol. 17. Boston: D. Estes and Co., 1899. The plot is dull and the hero unconvincing. D3510 (ASU) The Heart of Old Hickory and Other Stories of Tennessee. With preface by B. O. Flower. 2nd ed. Boston: Arena Pub. Co., 1895. D3520 (ASU BC) 66 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Heart of Old Hickory, and Other Stories of Tennessee. With preface by B. O. Flower. 1895. Reprint. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1970. This volume of Tennessee stories contains one excellent mountain story "Fiddling his Way to Fame." D3530 (ETSU WWC BC ASU) Hero-chums. Boston: Estes and Lauriat, 1898. A children's tale from the Tennessee hills. D3540 (ASU BC) The Island of Beautiful Things: A Romance of the South. Illustrated in color from paintings by Edmund H. Garrett. Boston: L. C. Page and Co., 1912. D3550 (ASUBC) A Moonshiner's Son. Philadelphia: Penn. Pub. Co., 1898. D3560 (ASU) A Moonshiner's Son. Illustrated by F. A. Carter. Philadelphia: Penn. Pub. Co., 1925. A poor boy gets an education and makes his way upward, and piously, in the world. D3570 (WCU LMC BC) Rare Old Chums. Illustrated by Etheldred B. Barry. Boston: D. Estes and Co., 1898. D3580 (ASU BC) The Sunny Side of the Cumberland: A Story of the Mountains. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1886. A group of outlanders come to view the Tennessee scenery and the quaint folk who live thereabouts. D3590 (ETSU BC) The Valley Path. Boston: Estes and Lauriat, 1898. D3600 (ASU BC) Drosdoff, Matthew Miller, John T. Soil Survey, Hall County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. M5850 (ASU) Droze, Wilmon Henry High Dams and Slack Water: TVA Rebuilds a River. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1965. A discussion of navigation on the TVA waterway system. D3610 (ASU WCU LMC BC) "Tennessee River Navigation; Government and Private Enterprise Since 1932." Ph. D. Diss. Nashville, Tennessee: Vanderbilt Univ., 1960. D3620 Drugge, Sten Erik "Economic Inventory and Value Added Estimates of the Natural Resources of a Watershed Region Located in the Appalachian Highland Area of Ohio." Ph. D. Diss. Ohio State Univ., 1964. D3630 Drury, Doris Marie "A Study of the Literature on Accidents in Coal Mines of the United States with Comparisons of the Records in Other Coal-producing Countries." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1965. The U. S. has the poorest mine safety record of any major coal producing region. D3640 Duberman, Martin Black Mountain: An Exploration in Community. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1972. A controversial history of a controversial college which closed in 1957. The school attracted many people proficient in the arts and literature. D3650 (ASU WWC BC) Dudding, Earl Endicott The Trail of the Dead Years. . . Huntington, W. Va.: Prisoners Relief Society, 1933. D3660 Dudley, Harold J. ed. Hale, John Peter Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. . . . Raleigh, N. C.: Dorreth Print. Co., 1971. H360 (ETSU) Duerr, William Allen "The Economic Problems of Forestry in the Appalachian Region." Ph. D. Diss. Harvard Univ., 1945. D3670 The Economic Problems of Forestry in the Appalachian Region. Harvard Economic Studies, vol. 84. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1949. D3680 (ASU LMC BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Duff, Frank "Government in an Eastern Kentucky Coal Field County." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1950. A rather bland thesis that might easily have been developed into an expose. D3690 (ASU) Duffee, Mary Gordon Sketches of Alabama, Being an Account of the Journey from Tuscaloosa to Blount Springs through Jefferson County on the Old Stage Roads, Now First Published in Book Form. Prepared for the press, with introduction and notes, by Virginia Pounds Brown and Jane Porter Nabers. Illustrated with advertisements from the Jones Valley TIMES of 1854. Univ.: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1970. D3700 (ASU) Duffus, Robert Luther The Valley and Its People, a Portrait of TVA. Illustrations by the Graphics Department of the Tennessee Valley Authority. New York: A. A. Knopf, 1944. Unconvincing, saccharine pro-TVA propaganda. D3710 (ASU LMC BC) Duggan, W. L. Facts about Sevier County. Sevierville: n.p., 1910. D3720 Dugger, Shepherd Monroe The Balsam Groves of the Grandfather Mountain: A Tale of the Western North Carolina Mountains. Together with information relating to the section and its hotels, also a table showing the height of important mountains, etc. D3730 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Balsam Groves of the Grandfather Mountain. Banner Elk, North Carolina: S. M. Dugger, 1907. D3740 Romance of the Siamese twins, a Thrilling Story of a Cherokee Indian Family. Burnsville, N. C: Edwards Print. Co., 1936. There is some question as to whether the twins were actually Cherokee. D3750 The War Trails of the Blue Ridge, Containing an Authentic Description of the Battle of King's Mountain, the Incidents Leading up to and the Echoes of the Aftermath of This Epochal Engagement, and Other Stories Whose Scenes Are Laid in the Blue Ridge. Banner Elk, N. C.: The author, 1932. D3760 (BC ASU LMC) Duggins, A. C. Lest We Forget. First Baptist Church, Greenville, Tenn., 1871-1960. Kingsport, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, 1960. D3770 (BC) Duggins, A. C. comp. Burgner, Goldene F. comp. Kirchen Buch (Church Book) Register, 1815-1828. St. James Lutheran Church, Greene County, Tennessee. Greenville: The authors, 1964. B8600 Duke, Basil Wilson History of Morgan's Cavalry. Cincinnati: Miami Print., 1867. Morgan made three major raids in the Appalachian region. D3780 History of Morgan's Cavalry. Reprint. Civil War Centennial Series. Bloom ing ton: Indiana Univ. Press, 1960. Morgan made three major raids in the Appalachian region. D3790 History of Morgan's Cavalry. Reprint. Millwood, N. Y.: Kraus, 1968. Morgan made three major raids in the Appalachian region. Duke University, Durham, N. C., Library The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina. Collected by Dr. Frank C. Brown during the years 1912-1934, in collaboration with the North Carolina Folklore Society. Wood engravings by Claire Leighton. 7 vols. Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1952-64. D3810 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC WWC ETSU) Dula, Mary Susannah "The Growth of a Community Centered Curriculum at Wilkes Central High School, 1952-1960." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1961. D3820 (ASU) AUTHOR Dulaney, Ben Bane An Economic and Social Survey of Washington County. University of Virginia Record. Extension Series, vol. no. 6. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1932. D3830 (ASU BC) Dumond, Dwight L. The Secession Movement, 1860-1861. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Michigan, 1929. The majority of mountain counties were pro-union. Much of Appalachia's partisan politics today grows out of Civil War feuds. D3840 The Secession Movement, 1860-1861. New York: Macmillan, 1931. The majority of mountain counties were pro-union. Much of Appalachia's partisan politics today grows out of Civil War feuds. D3850 The Secession Movement, 1860-1861. Reprint. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1931. The majority of mountain counties were pro-union. Much of Appalachia's partisan politics today grows out of Civil War feuds. D3860 The Seccession Movement, 1860-1861. Reprint. New York: Octagon, 1963. The majority of mountain counties were pro-union. Much of Appalachia's partisan politics today grows out of Civil War feuds. D3870 Dunaway, Wayland F. The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania. Chapel Hill: The Univ. of N. C. Press, 1944. More than 40 of the original settlers of the Appalachians were Scotch-Irish and many of them emigrated to Pennsylvania. Dunbar, Anthony Our Land Too. New York: Pantheon Books, 1971. About half of the book deals with Dunbar's experiences in Appalachia. His thesis is that black and white minorities are oppressed by the same enemies. (ASU BC WCU) Dunbar, Paul Laurence The Heart of Happy Hollow. 1904. Reprint. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1970. A book of short stories featuring Negro characters somewhere in the Upland South. D3900 Duncan, Budd L. Boyer, Reba Bayless A History of Mars Hill Presbyterian Church, Athens, Tenn. 1823-1973. Athens: The church, 1973. B5980 (ASU) Duncan, Georgia Elizabeth Samanthy Billins of Hangin' Dog. Atlanta: Mutual Publishing Co., 1905. A novel featuring quaintly drawn characters, a pat plot and a western North Carolina and North Georgia setting. D3910 Duncan, (Catherine McKinstry The History of Marshall County, Alabama, vol. 1. Albertville, Ala.: Thompson Print., 1969. A very thorough first volume of a projected series on Marshall County, Alabama. D3920 (ASU BC) Duncan, Norvin C. Pictorial History of the Episcopal Church in North Carolina, 1701-1964. Asheville, N. C: n.p., 1965. Includes many interesting and historic churches and missions in the mountains. D3930 (LMC) Duncan, Otis Dudley Social Stratification in a Pennsylvania Rural Community. (Bulletin No. 543.) University Park: Pennsylvania Agricultural Experiment Station, Pennsylvania State University, 1951. Property ownership, church attendance and income level were used as variables. D3940 Dunkelberger, J. E. Kern, E. E. An Inventory of Human and Physical Resources of Cherokee Dekalb, Jackson, and Marshall Counties, Alabama. Auburn, Ala.: Auburn Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1966. K1590 (ASU) 67 DUFF-DURLOO Dunlap, BoutweN Augusta County, Virginia, in the History of the U. S. Frankfort, Ky.: State Historical Society, 1918. An attempt to place Augusta County events in the larger perspective of world events. D3950 (BC) Dunlap, W. C. Life of S. Miller Willis Atlanta: Constitution Pub. Co., 1892. Autobiography of a fire-baptized lay evangelist who traveled and preached all over these mountains. D3960 (BC) Dunmire, D. E. Kurtenacker, R. S. Appalachian Hardwoods for Pallets, Laboratory Evaluation. Madison, Wis.: Forest Products Laboratory, 1967. K3430 Dunn, Billy Gean "West Virginia Higher Education Long-range Enrollment and Operating Budget Projections." Ph. D. Diss. West Virginia Univ., 1965. D3970 Dunn, Mrs. M. H. see Dunn, Shirley Dunn, Millard Charles Foothills: Poems. N. Y.: Exposition Press, 1960. D3980 (BC) Dunn, Shirley comp. Early Lincoln County History. n.p.: n.p., n.d. An abbreviated history of the county compiled primarily from land records, deeds, and marriage books. D3990 (ASU BC) Dunnagan, Macon R. The Red Strings Baseball Team of Yadkin County, N. C., 1896-1902. New Bern: Dunn, 1956. History of a famous and hilarious baseball team. D4000 Dunne, George Harold ed. Conference on Poverty-in-Plenty — The Poor in Our Affluent Society Poverty in Plenty. New York: P. J. Kenedy, 1964. C6430 Dunning, William A. A Little More Light on Andrew Johnson. Reprint from Massachusetts Hist. Soc. Proceedings, Nov. 1905. Cambridge, Mass.: J. Wilson, 1905. D4010 Dunson, Josh Anthology of American Folk Music. Interviews with Moses Asch and Frank Walker. New York: Oak Publications, 1973. D4020 (ASU BC) Raim, Ethel ed. Grass Roots Harmony. New York: Oak Publications, 1968. R120 (LMC) Dupont, H. A. Campaign of 1864 in the Valley of Virginia and the Expedition to Lynchburg. New York: C. J. Carrier, 1925. Includes battles of New Market, Lynchburg, Berryville, Winchester, Fisher's Hill and Cedar Creek. D4030 DuPuy, Edward L. Artisans of the Appalachians. Text by Emma Weaver. Asheville, N. C.: Miller Print. Co., 1967. This volume preserves in words and pictures the dying arts and crafts of the mountains. D4040 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC BC) Durham, Francis M. Dubose Heyward: The Southern as Artist. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Columbia Univ., 1953. Heyward wrote one highly successful mountain novel, Angel. D4050 Durham, Gertrude "Public Education in Tennessee during the Reconstruction Period." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1936. In point of fact there was very little public education in the mountain counties until the 1880's. D4060 Durisch, L. L. Upon Its Own Resources: Conservation and State Administration. University, Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 1951. D4070 Durloo, Leslie H., Jr. Hack, John Tilton Geology of Luray Caverns, Virginia. Charlottesville: Virginia Division of Mineral Resources, 1962. H80 (ETSU FC) �DURR—EAST Durr, R. N. Conrey, Guy Woolard Soil Survey, Scioto County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, l°40. C6780 Durr, William H. "The Status of School Board Members of West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1940. D4080 Durrett, Harold L. "A Validation Study of a Psychological Test Battery for Selection of Joy Ripper-type Continuous Miner Operators." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1960. D4090 Durrett, Reuben T. John Filson, the First Historian of Kentucky: An Account of His Life and Writings. Louisville: Filson Club, 1884. D4100 (LMC) Dutton, William Sherman Stay on, Stranger: An Extraordinary Story of the Kentucky Mountains. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Young, 1954. An account of Miss Alice Lloyd's mission school on Coney Creek which grew to become Alice Lloyd College. D4110 (ASU LMC WWCBC) Duty, Elaine T. "An Annotated Bibliography of Books by Southwest Virginia Authors." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. D4120 (ETSU ASU) Dwight, Allan pseud, see Cole, Lois Dwight Dwyer, Lynn E. "The Social Backgrounds of Scientists and Engineers in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, and Huntsville, Alabama." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1972. D4130 Dyck, Robert G. Statewide Development Planning for West Virginia — A Prospectus for Implementation Under Provisions of Section 701 of the Housing Act of 1954. Morgantown: West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, Office of Research and Development, 1964. D4140 Dye, Harold Eldon The Prophet of Little Cane Creek. Madison, N. J.: Drew Theological Seminary, 1947. D4150 The Prophet of Little Cane Creek. The Church in Its Community Rural. Atlanta: Home Mission Board, Southern Baptist Convention, 1949. Moralistic fiction with a mountain setting. D4160 (WCU) Dye, William Milburn Highlights and Travels of a Southern Highlander. Reserve Pension Fund, Holston Conference Methodist Church, 1941. Journals of a Methodist Circuit Rider. D4170 (ASU) Dyer, Diana Smith Before I Sleep. New York: Pageant Press, 1958. Romance set against background of a coal mine strike. Romance bridges the gap between miners and owners. D4180 (BC) Dykeman, Wilma The Border States: Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia. New York: Time-Life Books, 1968. D4190 (BC ASU LMC WWC ETSU) The Far Family. 1st ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966. A fine novel about a far-flung family which returns to the mountains for a family crisis and finds that old ties bind fast and the land is in their blood. D4200 (ASU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC) The French Broad. Illustrated by Douglas Gorstine. Knoxville-. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1955. An account of the river and the people who live along it. Lyrically written. D4210 (WWC BC) The French Broad. 1955. Reprint. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1965. D4220 (ASU ETSU WCU LMC MHC BC) Look to This Day. 1st ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968. Dawn over the southern mountains brings waves of memories to the author. D4230 (ASU LMC MHC WWC ETSU) Neither Black nor White. New York: Rinehart (1957). A discussion of race relations in the South, including Appalachia. D4240 (ASU WWC ETSU BC) AUTHOR Prophet of Plenty: The First Ninety Years of W. D. Weatherford. 1st ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1966. Biography of Berea's famous president who focused attention on the southern mountains. D4250 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU FC WWCBC) Return the Innocent Earth. 1st ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1973. Novel of a giant canning corporation with midwestern offices and East Tennessee farms. Classic clash between agrarian and corporate values. D4260 (ASU WWC MHC ETSU BC) Seeds of Southern Change: The Life of Will Alexander. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1962. D4270 (WWC WCU MHC ETSU) Southern Appalachian Books: An Annotated, Selected Bibliography. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1971. D4280 (WWC BC) The Tall Woman. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962. A classic mountain novel of a strong woman who brings her family and community through the war, Reconstruction and poverty while imparting idealistic values to her children. D4290 (ASU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC) Too Many People, Too Little Love. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1974. Only tangentially Appalachian, this is a documentary on the consequences of lack of family planning among the poor. D4300 Dykes, Archie Reece "A Study of Public School Finance in the Southern Appalachian Region." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. D4310 "What the Patrons of Hawkins County Schools Think about Their Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. D4320 (ETSU) Dykes, Mack E. "The Effect of Team Teaching on Academic Achievement, John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. D4330 (ETSU) Eads, Lawrence Henry "A Proposed Curriculum for Consolidated High Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. E10 (ETSU) Eads, Ora Wilbert "The History of Banking in Watauga County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1966. E20 (ASU) Eagan, Gerald V. Minimum Land Requirements for Specified Levels of Farm Income in the Eastern Highland Rim of Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1969. E30 Early History of McMinn County from the Time It Was Organized to the Year 1887 Athens: Herald, n.d. E40 Early, Margaret Abigail Holt comp. Holt-Bennett Family History. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1974. E50 (ASU) Early, Ruth Hairston Campbell Chronicles and Family Sketches, Embracing the History of Campbell County, Virginia, 1782-1926. n.p.: n.p., n.d. E60 (ASU BC) East Tennessee Education Association, Research Committee Research Bulletin, vol. 1- , 1940-. Lenoir City, Tenn.: V. L. Adams, annual? E70 (ETSU) East Tennessee: Historical and Biographical Illustrated. Chattanooga: A. D. Smith and Co., 1893. A vanity press item giving biographies of prominent citizens and genealogies of leading families. E80 (ETSU) 68 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY East Tennessee Historical Society Early History of Carter County. Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, 1972. A rather thorough history of Carter County from 1760-1861. E90 Index to Marriages 1792-1900. Knoxville: The Society, 1970. El 00 Marriages 1795-1865. Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, 1971. E110 Marriages 1796-1837. Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, 1971. El 20 Marriages 1796-1850. Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, 1971. El 30 East Tennessee Historical Society, Knoxville Publications. . . . no. 1. Knoxville, Tenn.: The society, 1929-. El40 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) East Tennessee Historical Society, Knoxville, Knox County History Committee The French Broad-Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. Knoxville: The society, 1946. El 50 (ASU BC) East Tennessee Land Company Two Years of Harriman, Tennessee. Established by the East Tennessee Land Company, February 26, 1890. New York: South Pub. Co., 1892? An interesting study of a land company which was influential in the area around Cumberland Gap. El 60 (ASU BC) East Tennessee State College Bulletin, vol. 1-14, 1911-1925 as East Tennessee state normal, Bulletin, vol. 15-34, 1925-1944 as East Tennessee State Teachers College, Bulletin. Johnson City, Tenn.: n.p., 1911. El 80 (ETSU) Scrap Book. 1911-1948. VOLS. Johnson City: East Tennessee Normal School (later The college), Irregular. E190 (ETSU) Teacher Preparation Programs. Johnson City: The college, 1955. E200 (ETSU) Teacher Preparation Programs, East Tennessee State College. Johnson City, Tenn.: The college, 1955. E210 (ETSU) East Tennessee State College, Alumni Association Alumni Quarterly, vol. 1- 1935-. Johnson City: The college, quarterly. E220 (ETSU) East Tennessee State College, Bookstore Master Booklist. Johnson City, Tenn.: East Tennessee State Univ., 19--. E230 (ETSU) East Tennessee State College, Dean's Office The Dean Says, n.p.: n.p., 1950. E240 (ETSU) East Tennessee State College, Economic Education Work Conference Report. 1st- 1955-. Johnson City: The college, n.d. E250 (ETSU) East Tennessee State College, Graduate Division Manual on Thesis Writing. 1st ed. Johnson City: The college, 1951. E260 (ETSU) East Tennessee State College, Graduate School. Abstracts of Theses Done at East Tennessee State College, Graduate School, by Candidates for the Master of Arts Degree during 1950-. Johnson City: The college, 1950-. E270 (ETSU) Complete List of Master's Theses in the Graduate School . . . For Degrees Awarded, Through August I960-, n.p.: n.p., n.d. E280 Complete List of Master's Theses in the Graduate School . . . For Degrees Awarded, Through August I960-, n.p.: n.p., n.d. E290 (ETSU) East Tennessee State College, Library Audio-visual Materials at East Tennessee State College in the Teaching Aids Laboratory: Films, Filmstrips, Disc Recordings, Tape Recordings, Framed Pictures. Johnson City, Tenn.: East Tennessee State College, 1963. E300 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY East Tennessee State College, Library Educational Films and Filmstrips; East Tennessee State College Collection. ... 2 vols. Johnson City, Tenn.: The college, 1951-54. E310 (ETSU) Library handbook. . . . Johnson City, Tenn.: Sherrod Library, ETSU, . E320 (ETSU) East Tennessee State College, Steering Committee on General Education Report. Johnson City: The college, 1960. E330 (ETSU) East Tennessee State Teachers College The Buccaneer, 1937-. Vol. 1-. Published by the senior class of the East Tennessee State Teachers College. . . . Johnson City, Tenn.: ETSTC, 1937-. El 70 East Tennessee State University Bulletin. (Catalog issue) vol. 1- 1911-. n.p.: n.p., n.d. E340 (ETSU) East Tennessee State University Basketball Press Guide. —. n.p.: n.p., n.d. E350 (ETSU) The Role and Scope of East Tennessee State University/a Report Submitted to the Tennessee Higher Education Commission, June 1968. Johnson City: The University, 1968. E360 (ETSU) East Tennessee State University, Audio-Visual Center Film Catalog. Johnson City, Tenn.: n.p., 1964. E370 (ETSU) Subject Index to Films Available at the Audio-Visual Center. Johnson City, Tenn.: n.p., n.d. E380 (ETSU) East Tennessee State University, Department of Journalism The ETSU Journalist. Vol. 1March, 1969-. Johnson City, Tenn.: n.p., n.d. E390 (ETSU) East Tennessee State University, Johnson City, Tenn. see Tennessee, East Tennessee State University, Johnson City East Tennessee State University, Library East Tennessee State University Track and Field School Records, Together with ETSU Field Records for College Meets. Johnson City, Tenn.: East Tennessee State University, 1969-. E400 (ETSU) East Tennessee State University, Library, Instructional Materials Center Catalog of Films and Filmstrips, by Subject (and) by Title. Revised January 1973. 1 vol. (unpaged) 28 cm. Johnson City, Tennessee: The Univ., 1973. E410 (ETSU) Catalog of films, by Subject (and) by Title. Rev. March 1971. Johnson City, Tenn.: n.p., 1971. E420 (ETSU) Catalog of Filmstrips, by Subject (and) by Title. Rev. January 1973. VOL. (unpaged) 28 cm. Johnson City, Tenn.: n.p., 1973. E430 (ETSU) Resources: Recordings and Cassettes. Johnson City, Tenn.: ETSU, 1973. E440 (ETSU) East Tennessee State University, Library, Teaching Aids Laboratory Film Catalog. Johnson City, Tenn.: n.p., 1967. E450 (ETSU) East Tennessee State University, School Public Relations Workshop Newsletter, vol. 1, no. 1; Sept. 1964. 1 no. n.p.: n.p., n.d. E460 (ETSU) East Tennessee, Virginia and Georgia Railroad Company Guide to the Summer Resorts and Watering Places of East Tennessee. Memphis: The Co., 1879. E470 Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians Eastern Cherokees of North Carolina; a Collection of Eight Reports and Memorials. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1868-1902. E480 AUTHOR Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. Planning Board Bibliography; the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. Raleigh: N. C. Dept. of Natural and Economic Resources, Division of Community Services, 1974. E490 The Eastern Cherokees: How They Live Today, Their History Knoxville, Tenn.: J. L. Caton, 1937. E500 (ASU) The Eastern Cherokees: Their History, How They Live Today Knoxville, Tenn.: J. L. Caton, 1937. E510 (ASU) Eastern Kentucky Regional Planning Commission A Decade of Action for Progress in Kentucky. Hazard, Ky.: Eastern Kentucky Regional Planning Commission, 1960. E520 (ASU) Program 60, 1960-70; a Decade of Action for Progress in Eastern Kentucky. Hazard: The commission, 1960. E530 (BC) Eastern West Virginia Research and Development Center Annual Report for 1964. Shepherdstown, W. Va.: Shepherd College, 1965. E540 Eastman, Fred Unfinished Business of the Presbyterian Church in America. Prepared under the direction of the Board of Home Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A., the Woman's Board of Home Missions, the Board of Publication and Sabbath School Work, the Board of Missions for Freedom. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1921. E550 (ASU) Eaton, Allen Hendershott Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands: With an Account of the Rural Handicraft Movement in the United States and Suggestions for the Wider Use of Handicrafts in Adult Education and in Recreation. Containing fifty-eight illustrations from photographs taken for the work by Doris Ulmann. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1937. The classic work on Appalachian arts and crafts. E560 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC) Eaton, Miriam Boyd "A History of the Cherokee Indians, 1763-1776." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee: n.p., 1928. A fascinating history of the Cherokee during one of their most active periods of political disputes. E570 (ASU) Eaton, Rachael Caroline John Ross and the Cherokee Indians. Menasha, Wis.: Banta Press, 1914. E580 (ASU) John Ross and the Cherokee Indians. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Chicago, 1919. E590 (ASU) John Ross and the Cherokee Indians. Muskogee, Okla.: Star Printery, 1921. A biography of the last strong chief of the Cherokee nation before the Removal. E600 (ASU BC) Eavenson, Howard Nicholas Coal Through the Ages. New York: American Inst. of Mining, 1935. E610 (BC) Ebaugh, Laura Smith Bridging the Gap. A Guide to Early Greenville, South Carolina. Greenville, S. C.: Greenville County Events — S. C. Tricentennial, 1970. An interesting history of an Appalachian city with very little Appalachian flavor. E620 (ASU) Ebbs, Eloise Buckner Carolina Mountain Breezes. Asheville, N. C.: Miller Press, 1929. Tales, yarns and descriptive material on the western North Carolina mountains. E630 (ASU) Ebel, Bernard Hughes Insects Affecting Seed Production of Slash and Longleaf Pines: Their Identification and Biological Annotation. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper SE6. Asheville, N. C. Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1963. E640 (WCU) 69 EAST—ECONOMIC Eberling, Ernest Jacob Manpower and Employment Trends in Tennessee. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1959. Another glimpse at the reasons people are leaving the farms for industry. E650 Ebert, Lucy Timothy Corn Stories; as Told by Uncle Dave Arnold of Knobley Farm, n.p.: n.p., n.d. A delightful series of folktales from Hardy Co., West Virginia. E660 Eby, James Brian The Geology and Mineral , Resources of Wise County and the Coal-bearing Portion of Scott County, Virginia. With chapters by M. R. Campbell and G. W. Stose. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. With a chapter on the forests of Wise County, Virginia, by Fred C. Pederson. Prepared in cooperation with the Office of State Forester. Virginia Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 24. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1923. E670 (ETSU ASU) Echoes from the East Tennessee Historical Society vol. 1- . . Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, quarterly. E680 (ETSU) Echoes of West Virginia. A Magazine of Representative Verse vol. 1- 1949-. Huntington, W. Va.: The Magazine, 1949-. E690 Eckard, Miles R. A Comprehensive Study of the Academic Characteristics and Success Patterns of North Carolina Community College Transfer Students and Native Students of Appalachian State University. Master's thesis. North Carolina State, 1971. E700 Eckenrode, Hamilton James List of the Colonial Soldiers of Virginia. Richmond, Va.: Virginia State Library, Department of Archives and History, 1917. E710 (ASU) The Political History of Virginia During the Reconstruction. Gloucester, Mass.: P. Smith, 1966 (1904). Many mountain counties were pro-union during the war and suffered for it during and after Reconstruction. E720 The Revolution in Virginia. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1916. E730 (LMC FC) Separation of Church and State in Virginia; A Study in the Development of the Revolution. Richmond: Davis Bottom, 1910. Many Scotch-Irish people who migrated down the Great Valley of Virginia and later fetched up in the mountains because Colonial Virginia's mandatory tax to support the Anglican Church was offensive to them. This relationship between church and state was one factor in the events leading to Virginia's entry into the Revolution. E740 Eckert, Allan W. The Court-martial of Daniel Boone: A Novel. 1st ed. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1973. Another fictionalized account of Boone's life written for the younger reader. E750 (ASU BC) Eckert, Allen W. The Frontiersmen. New York: Little Brown, 1967. Includes a section on Appalachian frontiersmen, explorers, scouts. E760 Eckley, Wilton Harriette Arrow. N. Y.: Twayne Publishers, 1974. Biography and critical study of one of Appalachia's leading authors. E770 (BC) Economic Development of the Upper French Broad Area; Summary of Needs and Opportunities, Resources, the Regional Economy (by) N. C. Dept. of Water Resources, Tennessee Valley Authority, and Western North Carolina Regional Planning Commission. Raleigh, N. C.: Dept. of Agricultural Economics, 1964. E780 (ASU) The Economic Impact of TVA Based on a series of lectures presented at a symposium in 1964. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967. E790 (ASU LMC WCU BC UNCA) �ECONOMIC—EGLE economic Opportunity Council, Inc., Cumberlond Valley Area Selected Demographic Studies, Knox Co., Ky. Barbourville, Ky.: The council, 1967? Study of population patterns in Knox County, Kentucky. E800 Economic Study off the Origin and Management of Beef Cattle and Other Types of Fanners in Russell County Charlottesville: Va. Ag. Experiment Station, 1941. V550 Eddy, Daniel Clarke Heroine of the Missionary Enterprize. Boston: Ticknor, Reed and Fields, 1850. Appalachia attracted almost as many missionaries as Africa during the 19th century. E810 (BC) Edens, Marion A. "An Analysis of Educational Qualifications and Methods of Selection of School Board Members in the First Congressional District of Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. E820 (ETSU) Edgar, Betsy Jordan The McNeel Family Records: Descendants of Pioneer John McNeel and Martha Davis of Pocahontas County, West Virginia, 1765-1967. Parson, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1967. E830 (ASU) Our House. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. A description of the author's life in the birth place of Pearl S. Buck. E840 (ASU) We Live with the Wheel Chair. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1970. Account of family life with a disabled husband and a warm family life in an historic home. E860 (ASU) Edgar, Betsy Jordan comp. Pocahontas County Cooking Yesterday and Today. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1973. A collection of recipes .used by pioneers. Directions for selecting wild game and wild plants. E850 Edington, John F. comp. A Church Census of the 134 Churches in the City of Knoxville, Tennessee as of Date January 31, 1925. Knoxville: Southside, 1925. E870 Editors of Time-Life Books Dykeman, Wilma The Border States: Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia. New York: Time-Life Books, 1968. D4190 (BC ASU LMC WWC ETSU) Edmunds, Murrell Earthenware, a Group of Stories. Lynchburg, Va.: Little Bookshop, 1930. Excellent short stories, some with mountain settings. E880 (ASU) Red, White and Black: Twelve Stories of the South. New York: Backerman, 1945. Excellent short stories some with Appalachian settings. E890 (ASU BC) Edmunds, Pocahontas Wight Tar Heels Track the Century: Andrew Johnson, Z. B. Vance, M. W. Ransom, C. B. Aycock, O. Henry, J. B. Duke, W. H. Page, F. M. Simmons, Josephus Daniels, Thomas Wolfe. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards and Broughton Co., 1966. E900 (WCU ETSU ASU) Edmundson, R. S. Industrial Limestones and Dolomites in Va.: James River District West of the Blue Ridge. Charlottesville: Univ. of Va., Agricultural Experiment Station, n.d. E910 Educating the Disadvantaged vol. 1- 1968/69-. New York: AMS Press, annual. Includes material on Appalachian children and their special educational needs. E920 Education Advisory Committee, The Appalachian Regional Commission Appalachia, Education for Tomorrow. Washington: The Appalachian Regional Commission, 1971. E930 The Status of Secondary Vocational Education in Appalachia. Research Report No. 10. Washington: The committee, 1968. E940 AUTHOR Education for Mountaineers in the 70's; School-Community Understanding and Cooperation Morgantown: West Virginia University College of Human Resources and Education, 1969. E950 Edwards, Allen David Garnett, William Edward Virginia's Marginal Population — A Study in Rural Poverty. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1941. G420 (BC) Edwards, Bobby Gale Glimpses of Historical Wayne County, Kentucky. Lexington, Ky.: Thoroughbred Press, 1970. E960 (ASU BC) Edwards, Charles Thomas Tales of the Blue Ridge. New York: Exposition Press, 1970. A delightful group of tales, folklore, and fiction from the Blue Ridge. E970 (LMC ASU BC) Edwards, Dorothy E. "The Dialect of the Southern Highlander as Recorded in North Carolina Novels." Master's thesis. Univ. Rochester, 1935. E980 (ASU) Edwards, Evelyn L. "The Reading Habits of 200 Adults in Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. E990 Edwards, Everett Eugene References on the Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands. Washington: United States Department of Agriculture. Bureau of Agricultural Economics, 1934. El 000 (BC) References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1935. El 010 References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians. U. S. Department of Agriculture Library Bibliographical Contributions, no. 28. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1935. E1020 (BC ETSU LMC ASU) Edwards, Georgie Hortense Historic Sketches of the Edwards and Todd Families and Their Descendants, 1523-1895. 1894. Reprint. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1964. El 030 (ASU) Edwards, Harry Stillwell The Marbeau Cousins. Mason, Ga.: J. W. Burke Co., 1897. Romantic turn-of-the-century fiction with a few scenes set in the mountains. El 040 (ASU BC) Two Runaways, and Other Stories. New York: Century Co., 1889. Short stories, some with mountain settings. El 050 (ASU BC) Edwards, John Ellis The Log Meeting-house, and the Mcllhanys. Nashville: Southern Methodist Pub. House, 1884. El 060 (ASU) Edwards, Jonathan The Life of Rev. David Brainerd, Chiefly Extracted from His Diary, Somewhat Abridged, Embracing, in the Chronological Order, Brainerds Public Journal. New York: American Tract Society, n.d. (1749?). El 070 (LMC) Edwards, Lawrence "The Baptists of Tennessee: With Particular Attention to the Primitive Baptist of East Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1940. E1080 (LMC) Gravel in My Shoe. Montevallo, Ala.: Times Print. Co., 1963. Folklore, humor and ghost stories from the mountains. El090 (ASU WCU LHC MHC ETSU BC) Old Speedwell Families. Montevallo, Ala.: n.p., 1955. El 110 School at Speedwell, n.p.: n.p., 1958. Reminiscences of author's youth in Northern Alabama. El 120 Speedwell Sketches. 2nd ed. Boston: B. Humphries, 1951. Memoirs of childhood and school days in Northern Alabama. El 130 (ASU BC) 70 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Edwards, Lawrence ed. Minutes of Davis Creek Church, 1897-1907. Montevallo, Ala.: Times Printing, 1968. History of a Baptist Church in Claiborne Co., Tenn. El 100 Edwards, Martha L. "Government Patronage of Indian Missions." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1916. El 140 Edwards, Max J. and others Soil Survey, Greene County, Tennessee. U. S. Soil Conservation Service Soil Survey, Series 1947, no. 7. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. El 150 Edwards, Norman Fayne "The State Employment Service in Appalachian Kentucky." Ph. D. Diss. The Univ. of Kentucky, 1969. El 160 Edwards, Pat A Bibliography of Appalachian Children's and Young People's Books. Berea, Ky.: Berea College Appalachian Center, 1973. A useful and extensive annotated listing of books on the region appropriate for children and young people. El 170 Edwards, Rapha Olga Jones "The Connection" in East Tennessee. Washington College, Tenn.: Pioneer Printers, 1969. One of the most interesting volumes of genealogy ever to come out of East Tennessee. El 180 (ASU BC) Descendants of East Tennessee Pioneers. Gatlinburg: n.p., 1963. El 190 (ASU) Edwards, Virgil L. The Appalachian Mountain Log Book. Burnsvilie, N. C.: Edwards Printing Co., 1957. El 200 Edwards, William Seymour Coals and Coke of W. Va.; a Handbook of the Coals and Cokes of the Great Kanawah, New River, Flat Top, and Adjacent Coal Districts in W. Va. Cincinnati: Clarke, 1892. El 210 (BC) Eelking, Max Von The German Allied Troops in the North American War of Independence, 1776-1783. Translated and abridged from the German by J. G. Rosengarten. 1893. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. E1220 (ASU) Egerton, Cecil Baker "A History of the First Baptist Church of Knoxville, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1960. El 230 Eggan, Frederick R. ed. Social Anthropology of North American Tribes. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1937. Includes section on the Eastern Cherokee social organization. El 240 Eggers, Mrs. Daisy Williams A Survey of Speech Education in Selected North Carolina High Schools. Master's thesis. App. State Teachers College, 1953. This survey includes sixty-eight schools in twenty-one western North Carolina counties. E1250 (ASU) Eggers, Herman B. The First Baptist Church at Boone, North Carolina: A History, n.p.: n.p., 1969. El260 (ASU LMC) Eggleston, George Cory Camp Venture; a Story of the Virginia Mountains. Boston: Lothrop, 1901. Romantic turn of the century novel with poorly drawn characterizations of mountain people. E1270 (ETSU ASU) Irene of the Mountains; a Romance of old Virgina. Boston: Lothrop, Lee, and Shepard, 1909. A novel of politics and mountaineer-makes-good-in-society. E1280 (ASU BC) A Man of Honor. New York: Orange Judd Co., 1873. Romantic fiction partially set in the valley of Virginia. El 290 (ASU BC) Egle, William Linn, John Blair Persons Naturalized in the Province in Pennsylvania, 1740-1773. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. L2650 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Egle, William Henry Pennsylvania Genealogies: Chiefly Scotch Irish and German. 1886. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. El 310 (ASU) Egle, William Henry ed. Names of Foreigners Who Took the Oath of Allegiance to the Province and State of Pennsylvania, 1727-1775, with the Foreign Arrivals, 1786-1808. 1892. Reprint. El 300 (ASU) Ehle, John The Journey of August King. 1st ed. New York: Harper and Row, 1971. A western North Carolina farmer circa 1850 risks life, property and reputation to save an escaping slave girl. Western North Carolina setting. El 320 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Land Breakers. New York: Popular Library, 1964. El 330 (ASU BC) The Land Breakers. 1st ed. New York: Harper and Row, 1964. A powerful novel of pioneer life in western North Carolina. El340 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Lion on the Hearth. 1st ed. New York: Harper, 1961. Novel of a western North Carolina mercantile family. El 350 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Move Over, Mountain. 1957. Novel of pioneer life in the western North Carolina Mountains. El 360 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Road. 1st ed. New York: Harper and Row, 1967. A novel about the building of a railroad through the rugged North Carolina mountains. Includes realistic descriptions of the building of the Swannanoa tunnel. E1370 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Time of Drums: A Novel. 1st ed. New York: Harper and Row, 1970. A novel of mountain men caught up in the Civil War. El380 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) Eilert, John W. A Profile and Economic Impact Analysis of Four Cumberland Gap Counties. Prepared for, and with, the National Park Service. Memphis: Bureau of Business and Economic Research, Tennessee, State Univ., 1968. El 390 Eisenberg, Larry Eisenbert, Helen And Promenade All. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1968. El 400 Eisenberg, William Edward The Lutheran Church in Virginia, 1717-1962. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., 1967. Material on Churches in Wythe and surrounding counties, photographs, preachers, schools, etc. E1420 (FC) The First Hundred Years of Roanoke College, 1842-1952. Salem, Va.: Trustees of Roanoke College, 1942. History of a small private school in the Valley of Virginia. E1430 Eisenbert, Helen And Promenade All. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1968. Instruction for the most popular square dances. El 400 Eisenbert, William Edward This Heritage. Story of Lutheran Beginnings in Lower Shenandoah Valley and of Grace Church, Winchester. Boyce, Va.: Carr Publishing Co., 1954. E1410 Ejlali, Majid "An Assessment of Needs and Guidelines for Development of an Industrial Ceramics Program." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. E1440 (ETSU) Eke, Paul A. Peck, Millard Economic Utilization of Marginal Lands in Nicholas and Webster Counties, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1932. PI 540 Elabert, Ethel Evans Albert, Anne Roberts Russell County, Virginia Personal Property and Land Tax List . . . n.p.: Privately printed, n.d. A980 Elam, Shelby S. Kentucky through Thick and Thin. Lexington, Ky.: Southside Press, 1955. E1450 AUTHOR Elder, Alma Echoes from the Hills, A Novel. New York: Exposition Press, 1950. El460 (ETSU BC) Elder, Joe A. Soil Survey, Loudon County, Tennessee. Soil Survey, Series 1958, no. 2. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1961. El 480 Soil Survey, Marion County, Tennessee. Correlation by Lester E. Edom. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1950, no. 2. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. El 490 Elder, Joe A. and others Soil Survey, Blount County, Tennessee. Correlation by Max J. Edwards. Soil Survey, Series 1953, no. 7. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1959. El 470 Soil Survey, Washington County, Tennessee. U. S. Soil Conservation Service Soil Survey, Series. 1948, no. 5. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. El 500 Eldridge, Robert L. A History of the First Methodist Church in Livingston, Tennessee, Established 1836. Livingston: Enterprise, 1962. El 510 Eldridge, Robert L. A History of the First Methodist Church in Livingston, Tennessee, Established 1836. Livingston: Enterprise, 1962. El 510 Eleazer, Carolyn "Political Attitudes of the Poor — An Inquiry into Their Position on a Liberal-Conservative Continuum." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tenn., 1966. An interesting but inconclusive study of the politics of the poor. El 520 Eliason, Mary Easter Story, n.p.: Annie Emery Flinn Library, 1971*. El 530 (LMC) Wendy's Halloween Ride: Witch Shadows. Buies Creek, N. C: The author, 1971. E1540 (LMC) Eliason, Norman Ellsworth Tarheel Talk: An Historical Study of the English Language in North Carolina to 1860. Chapel Hill: Univ. of N. C. Press, 1956. El550 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU) Elizabethton, Tenn. Helping Our Children Grow. Elizabethton: Board of Education, 1952. El 560 (ETSU) The Elkhorn Review "From the Heart of the Hills." vol. 1. 1935. Ernine, Ky.: n.p., n.d. El 570 Elkins, Ada Mae Thirty-eight years in the Parsonage: The Fruitful Career of the Reverend Opie Eldridge in the Methodist Ministry of Rural and Urban West Virginia-Perceptively Recounted by His Wife and Fellow Worker. New York: William-Frederick Press, 1960. E1580 (ASU) Elkins, John E. "History of Education of Lawrence County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Ky., 1936. El 590 Elledge, Barry Ward The Impact of Appalachian State University on the Economy of Watauga County. Boone, N. C.: The author, 1971. El 600 (ASU) Elledge, Charles Cowles "Eliminations from the Class of 1950 in the Marion High School." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1951. El 610 (ASU) Ellenburg, Fred Carroll A History of Reidville Private High Schools, Reidville, South Carolina. Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1963. El 620 (ASU) Eller, Oliver Eugene, Jr. "The Role of the Bristol, Virginia, Elementary School Principals in Classroom Visitation." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State Univ., 1969. El 630 (ETSU) 71 EGLE—ELLIS Eller, Thomas R., Jr. The Dissent of Commissioner Thomas R. Eller, Jr., in the Nantahala Power and Light Company Transfer Case, n.p.: N. C. Consumer Committee for Low-Cost Power, 1962. Records of a price dispute over electric power from western North Carolina plants. El 640 (WCU) Ellington, Charles Linwood "The Sacred Harp Tradition of the South: Its Origin and Evolution. Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Fla. State Univ., 1969. Sacred harp music and its shape note songbooks were widespread throughout the Appalachian region. El 650 (WCU) Elliott, Carl comp. Annals of Northwest Alabama. 2 vols. Tuscaloosa, Ala.: Privately Printed, 1958. El 660 Annals of Northwest Alabama Vol. Ill; Including a Reprint of the 1856 Nelson F. Smith's History of Pickens County, Alabama. Northport, Ala.: Heritage Press, 1965. El 670 Elliott, Katherine Blackwell comp. Marriage Records, 1749-1840, Cumberland County, Virginia. South Hill, Va.: n.p., 1969. E1680 (ASU) Elliott, Nova J. "The Personal Characteristics, Social Background, and Academic Achievements of Forty Non-Promoted Pupils at Kennburg School." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State College, 1961. El 690 (ETSU) Elliott, Sarah Barnwell The Durket Sperret. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1898. A novel about two cousins who alternately fight and consider marriage. Poor use of dialect and idiom. E1700 (ASU) An Incident, and Other Happenings. Illustrated by W. T. Smedley. 1899. Reprint. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1969. Rather sketchy mountain fiction with poorly defined characters. El 710 (WCU BC) Jerry, a Novel. New York: Holt, 1891. A melodramatic and unbelievable story of the redemption of a young mountain lad. El 720 (LMC BC) Sam Houston. Beacon Biographies of Eminent Americans Series. Boston: Small, Maynard, 1900, 1917. Houston's youth was spent in East Tennessee. El 730 Elliott, William The Southern Appalachian Forest Reserve. Washington: U. S. Forest Service, 1902. El 740 Ellis, Daniel Thrilling Adventures of Daniel Ellis, the Great Union Guide of East Tennessee, for a Period of Nearly Four Years During the Great Southern Rebellion. Containing a short biography of the author. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1867. El 750 (ASU LMC BC) Thrilling Adventures of Daniel Ellis, the Great Union Guide of East Tennessee, for a Period of Nearly Four Years during the Great Southern Rebellion. Written by Himself. Containing a Short Biography of the Author. Black Heritage Library Collection. Freeport, N. Y.: Bks. for Libraries, 1972. El 760 Ellis, Edward Sylvester The Last Trail. Philadelphia: Porter and Coates, 1889. Fictionalized account of frontier life on the Appalachian frontier. El 770 The Life and Times of Col. Daniel Boone, Hunter, Soldier, and Pioneer. With sketches of Simon Kenton, Lewis Wetzel, and other leaders in the settlements of the West. Alta Edition. El 780 (ETSU BC FC ASU WCU LMC) The Life and Times of Col. Daniel Boone, the Hunter of Kentucky, with Sketches of His Contemporaries: Narrative of St. Clair's Defeat. Mrs. Merrill's Adventures, etc. Beadle's Dime Biographical Library, no. 2. New York: Beadle and Co., 1860. El 790 (ASU BC) �ELLIS—ESCHMEYER Ellis, Edward Sylvester Life of Colonel David Crockett: Comprising His Adventures as Backwoodsman and Hunter; His Services as Soldier and Scout in the Creek War; His Electioneering Canvasses; His Career as Congressman; His Tour through the Northern States; and His Services and Death in the Texan War of Independence. To Which Are Added, Sketches of General Sam Houston, General Santa Anna, Rezin P. and Colonel James Bowie. Philadelphia, Pa.: Porter and Coates, 1884. El 800 (ASU) Logan the Mingo; a Story of the Frontier. N. Y.: Dutton, 1902. A fictionalized account of life of one of Appalachia's most famous Indian Chiefs. El 810 Ellis, James Tandy Kentucky Stories. Lexington: Richardson Co., 1909. Includes some mountain stories. El 820 Tang of the South Stories. Kingsport, Tenn.: F. M. Hill, 1924. Includes an Appalachian character. El 830 Ellis, Lowell "A Proposed Course of Study in Electronics for Johnson City Vocational School's Evening Program." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State College, 1959. El 840 (ETSU) Ellis, Ruby Haskins comp. Jenkins, Ida Powell comp. Lineage Book of the National Society of Daughters of American Colonists. Washington: Judd and Detweiler Inc. Press, 1929. J640 Ellis, Shirley Rose "A Study of the Title I Reading Program During the 1966-68 School Years in Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State Univ., 1970. E1850 (ETSU) Ellison, Kate Henson "Dealing with Problem Children in the Mabel Elementary School." Master's thesis. App. State Teachers College, 1953. El 860 (ASU) Ellyson, W. J. Soil Survey, Wood and Wirt Counties, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the W. Va. Agricultural Experiment Station. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1970. El 870 Elrod, Henry J. "Educational Development of Oconee County, South Carolina." Master's thesis. Univ. of S. C, 1934. El 880 Ely, William The Big Sandy Valley: A History of the People and Country from the Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. 1887. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. An interesting and eminently readable account of the history of the river and valley which shaped so much of Kentucky's history. El 890 (ASU) Embree, Elihu The Emancipator. 1820. Reprint. Nashville: B. H. Murphy, 1932. The emancipation movement in the United States began in East Tennessee. The Emancipator, Embree's third and most popular publication was the focus for the emancipation movement. El 900 (ASU) The Emeralds of North Carolina; a Book for the Rockhound, the gemnologist, the Serious Collector or the Person who enjoys reading North Carolina History, n.p.: n.p., n.d. El 910 Emerson, Frederick B. Tennessee Valley Wildlife: An Outlook for the Year 2000. Norris: Div. of Forestry Development, TVA, 1968. El 920 Emery, Anne Mountain Laurel. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1948. Poems from the hills. El930 (LMC ETSU BC) Emgels, Richard A. Changing Patterns of Fertility in Tennessee, 1960-1970. Knoxville: Center for Economic Research and Business, Univ. of Tenn., 1972. El 940 AUTHOR »t, Boris Labor Relations in the Fairmont, West Virginia, Bituminous Coal Field. U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Bulletin, Miscellaneous Series no. 361. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1924. El 950 (ASU) Emmons, W. F. Palo, G. P. Tennessee Valley Authority's Bull Run Steam Plant. Knoxville, Tenn.: TVA, 1963. PI 30 Emmons, W. H. Geology and Ore Deposits of the Ducktown Mining District, Tennessee. With the collaboration of Arthur Keith. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 139. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1926. El 960 (ASU BC) Emrich, Duncan Folklore on the American Land. 1st ed. Boston: Little, Brown, 1972. General folklore volume with few special references to Appalachia. El970 (ASU BC MHC) The HodgePodge Book, An Almanac of American Folklore. New York: Four Winds Press, 1972. El 980 The Nonsense Book of Riddles, Rhymes, Tongue Twisters, Puzzles and Jokes from American Folklore. Illustrated by I. B. Ohlsson. New York: Four Winds Press, 1970. El 990 (ASU BC) Engineering Economic Study of Mine Drainage Control Techniques, Appendix B to Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia. Pittsburgh, Pa.: Cyrus Rice and Co., 1969. E2000 Engle, Winfield S. H. The Meechor Engle Family History and Genealogy. Lima, Ohio: The author, 1940. E2010 (BC) Englund, K. J. Geology and Coal Resources of the Cannel City Quadrangle, Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, 1020-A. (General title: Geology of the Cannel City Area, Kentucky.) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. E2020 Enroth, Ronald M. "Patterns of Response to Rural Medical Practice and Rural Life in Eastern Kentucky." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Ky., 1967. E2030 Enslow, Ella Harlow, Alvin Schoolhouses in the Foothills. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1937. H2370 Enslow, Ella, pseud, see Murray, Lena Davis Enterline, P. E. Lainhart, William S. Pneumoconiosis in Appalachian Bituminous Coal Miners. Washington: Bureau of Occupational Safety and Health, 1969. LI 50 Enterprise Publishing Company Resources and Enterprises of Upper East Tennessee: Johnson City, Jonesboro, Greenville, Rogersville, Morristown, Watauga, Tennessee. Franklin, Territory South of the Ohio. Knoxville: n.p., 1885. An excellent source book on upper East Tennessee history. E2040 (ETSU) Environmental Quality Systems Determination of Estimated Mean Mine Water, Quantity and Quality from Imperfect Data and Historical Records. Washington: App. Regional Commission, 1973. E2050 (ASU) Episcopal Female Institute, Winchester, Va. Announcement. 1874/75. Baltimore: A. Hoen and Co., annual? E2060 (ASU) Epley, Irwin B. Elder, Joe A. Soil Survey, Marion County, Tennessee. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. El 490 Epperson, Terry Elmer, Jr. "The Boones Creek Community, Some Geographical Aspects." Master's thesis. Univ. of Ky., 1952. E2070 (ETSU) "Geographic Factors Influencing the Manufactural Industries of Upper East Tennessee." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tenn., 1960. E2080 (LMC) Eppes, Allan, pseud, see Wright, Allen Eppes 72 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Epstein, Beryl Epstein, Samuel The Andrews Raid; or, The Great Locomotive Chase, April 12, 1862. New York: Coward-McCann, 1956. E2090 Epstein, Samuel The Andrews Raid; or, The Great Locomotive Chase, April 12, 1862. New York: Coward-McCann, 1956. An exciting account of the great locomotive chase between Big Shanty and Chattanooga. E2090 Equality of Educational Opportunity for Children of Appalachia. Pikeville, Ky.: Pikeville College, 1968. E2100 Ernst, Harry W. The Primary that Made a President: West Virginia, 1960. Eagleton Institute Cases in Practical Politics, no. 26. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1962. An account of John Kennedy's West Virginia primary and the beginnings of the war on poverty. E2110 (ASU) Erskine, Emma Payne A Girl of the Blue Ridge. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1915. Three plots in one carry the reader through pathos, mystery, revenge and the corning of industry and missionaries. E2120 (ASU) The Girl of the Blue Ridge. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1915. E2130 (BC ASU LMC) The Mountain Girl. Illustrated by J. Duncan Gleason. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1912. Backwoods North Carolina mountain girl marries a British peer and makes an amazing adjustment to society. E2140 (ASU LMC BC) When the Gates Lift up Their Heads: A Story of the Seventies. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1901. More moralistic fiction with a western North Carolina setting. E2150 (ASU) Erskine, Harlan Mercer Flood of August 4-5, 1943, in Central West Virginia, with a Summary of Flood Stages and Discharges in West Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Water-supply Paper, no. 1134-A. Notable Local Floods of 1942-43. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1951. E2160 (ASU) Surface Water Supply of West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, no. 5. Morgantown: W. Va. Geological Survey, 1942. E2170 (ETSU) Ervin, Sara Sullivan South Carolinians in the Revolution. With service records and miscellaneous data, also abstracts of wills, Lauren County (Ninety-Six District) 1775-1855. 1949. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. E2180 (ASU) Erwin, Robert B. Burford, Arthur E. Annual Field Trip of the Appalachian and Pittsburgh Geological Societies in the Great Valley in West Virginia. Morgantown, W. Va.: n.p., 1964? B8530 (ETSU) Chen, Ping-fan Some Low-alumina Quartizitic Sandstones in West Virginia: A Preliminary Report. Morgantown: W. Va. Geological and Economic Survey, 1965. C3620 (ETSU) Publications of West Virginia Geological Survey. Morgantown: W. Va. Geological Survey, 1971. E2190 (ASU) Erwin, William Yancey Wanetka, and Other Poems. Lexington, Ky.: J. E. Hughes, 1909. Poems from the Kentucky hill country. E2200 (ASU) Eschmeyer, R. W. Fish and Fishing in TVA Impoundments. Nashville, Tenn.: Tenn. Dept. of Conservation, 1950. E2210 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Eshleman, Henry Frank Historic Background and Annals of the Swiss and German Pioneer Settlers of Southeastern Pennsylvania, and of Their Remote Ancestors from the Middle of the Dark Ages down to the Time of the Revolutionary War. 1917. Reprint. An authentic history, from original sources. With particular reference to the German-Swiss Mennonites or Anabaptists, the Amish, and other non-resistant sects. E2220 (ASU) Eskew, Harry Lee "Shape Note Hymnody in the Shenandoah Valley, 1816-1860." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Tulane Univ., 1966. A fine study of Christian Harmony and shape-note singing. E2230 (WCU) Essary, John Thurman Tennessee Mountaineers in Type: A Collection of Stories. New York: Cochrane Pub. Co., 1910. Short stories from the mountains. Essary's speciality is the character sketch. E2240 (ASU BC) Estepp, James D. A Brief History of Johnson City,, Tennessee. Johnson City: Centennial Commission, 1969. A history of upper East Tennessee's largest city. E2250 (ETSU) Eubanks, David Lawson "Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey of East Tennessee: A Career of Public Service." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tenn., 1965. E2260 Eusebia Presbyterian Church, Blount County, Tennessee: Eusebia Church History Maryville: n.p., 1924. E2270 Evans, Augusta Jane see Wilson, Augusta Jane Evans Evans, Bob Clyde "A Comparison of Certain Factors Related to Dropouts and Potential Dropouts in South Junior High School." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State Univ., 1964. E2280 (ETSU) Evans, Clement Anselm ed. Confederate Military History: A Library of Confederate States History. Written by distinguished men of the South. 12 vols. Atlanta: Confederate Pub. Co., 1899. E2290 (ASU) Evans, Harriet Catherine The Pine Ridge Feud. St. Louis: Concordea Pub. House, '1930. E2300 Evans, Homer Clark "The Nature of Competition among Apple Processors in the Appalachian Area." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Minnesota, 1956. E2310 Some Effects of Price and Income Support Programs on Marginal Farms. Morgan town: West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1961. E2320 Evans, Lewis K. Pioneer History of Greene County, Pennsylvania. Waynesburg, Pa.: Waynesburg, Republican, 1941. Green County Pennsylvania was one of the major migration routes into the mountains. E2340 (ASU) Evans, Mono "David Crockett: An Interpretation." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1924. E2350 Evans, Sidney Horance "Analysis of Costs and Benefits from Commuting for Employment among Core and Satellite Communities in the Appalachian Region of Ohio." Ph. D. Diss. Oklahoma State Univ., 1967. E2360 Evans, Sylvester Hassel "Written Board of Education Policies for Unicoi County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State Univ., 1964. E2370 (ETSU) Evans, T. C. Wenger, Karl Frederick The Relation of Growth to Stand Density in Natural Loblolly Pine Stands. Asheville, N. C: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1958. W2820 (WCU) ESHLEMAN—FARNSWORTH AUTHOR Evans, Walker Agee, James Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1941. A730 (BC ASU WCU) Agee, James Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1960. A740 (ETSU) Agee, James Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1969. A750 (WCU) Evans, William J. The Development of Kentucky's Handicraft Industry. Prepared for the Kentucky Dept. of Commerce. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1963. E2380 Everett, Edward Account of the Fund for the Relief of East Tennessee; with a Complete List of Contributors. Boston: Little, 1864. E2390 Everinden, William L. "The Professional Status of Teachers in the Southern Appalachian Region." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tenn., 1960 E2400 Everton, George B., Sr. ed. The Handy Book for Genealogists. 6th ed., revised and enlarged. Logan, Utah: Everton Pub., 1971. E2410 (ASU) Ewan, Joseph John Banister and His Natural History of Virginia, 1678-1692. Urbana: Univ. of III. Press, 1970. E2420 (LMC) Ewell, Leighton History of Coffee County, Tennessee. Manchester: Doak, 1936. E2430 Ewen, Cecil Henry L.'Estrange A History of Surnames of the British Isles: A Concise Account of the Origin, Evolution, Etymology, and Legal Status. 1931. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. E2440 (ASU) Exchanging Cultural Values; A Study of Newcomers in Columbus, Ohio Public Schools. Columbus: n.p., 1964. E2450 (ASU) Exline, Edouard Evartt Maxwell, Phillip Herbert Valhalla in the Smokies. Cleveland: G. A. Exline, 1938. M4580 (ETSU ASU BC) Exum, Helen McDonald Helen Exum's Chattanooga Cook Book. 1st ed. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Chattanooga News — Free Press, 1970. E2460 (ASU) Fabricant, Ruth A. "Regional Labor Markets and Migration: An Analysis of Gross Migration in the United States, 1955-1960." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of California: Berkeley, 1967. no Fairbairn, Charlotte Judd Historic Harpers Ferry in Jefferson Co., W. Va. Ranson, W. Va.: Whitney and White, 19--. F20 (BC) The Washington Homes of Jefferson County, West Virginia. Illustrated by William D. Eubank. Ranson, W. Va.: Whitney and White, n.d. George Washington's westernmost homes have been loving restored. F30 (WCU) Fairbairn, James comp. Fairbairn's Book of Crests of the Families of Great Britain and Ireland. 4th ed., revised and enlarged. 1905. Reprint. 2 vols. in 1. Baltimore: Heraldic Book Co., 1968. Most Appalachian families came from Scotland, Ireland, England and Wales. F40 (ASU) Fairchild, Edward Henry Berea College, Ky. Cincinnati: Elm St. Print., 1883. Appears to have been originally written as an address or speech for some special occasion. F50 Fairmont, W. Va. High School. J. O. Watson Class Marion County in the Making. Baltimore: Press of Meyer and Thalheimer, 1917. A surprizingly good student written history of the county. F60 (BC) 73 Fallows, Arthur Journal. Reprint of the text as edited by David I. Bushnell, Jr., in his "Discoveries beyond the Appalachian Mountains in September 1671," published in American Anthropologist, new series, vol. 9, 1907. March of America Facsimile Microfilms, Series, no. 33. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Univ., 1966. F70 (LMC ETSU ASU) Famous Labor Songs from Appalachia. 2 vols. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1970. F80 (ASU) Fannin, Allen Handspinning: Art and Technique. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1970. One of the best "how to" books on the art of spinning. F90 (LMC) Fansler, Homer Floyd History of Tucker County, West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1962. Another good county history from West Virginia. F100 (LMC ASU BC) Fantus Company, Fantus Area Research Division Industrial Location Research Studies. Reprint of reports prepared for the Appalachian Regional Commission. 4 vols. Appalachian Research Report, no. 4-7. New York: The Co., 1966. F110 (ASU WCU) Farber, David J. Apprenticeship and Economic Change. Washington: D. S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Apprenticeship and Training, 1964. F120 Faris, John Thomson Nolichucky Jack. Illustrated by D. Cammerota. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1927. Biography of John Sevier written for the younger reader. F130 (ASU LMC ETSU) Roaming the Eastern Mountains. N. Y.: Farrar and Reinhart, 1932. F140 (ASU BC) Seeing the Sunny South. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1921. Includes sketches of the upland South. F150 (ASU LMC BC) Farish, Hunter Dickinson The Circuit Rider Dismounts: A Social History of Southern Methodism, 1865-1900. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1938. An account of the church's adaptations to the changes in 35 years of mountain life. F160 (ASU BC) Farley, G. M. Schneider, Norris F. Betty Zone, Heroine of Fort Henry. Williamsport, Md.: Zone Grey Collector, 1970. SI 010 (ASU) Farley, Jessee Kelso Jr. Twelve Generations of Parleys. Chicago: Press of Albin O. Horn Co., 1943. F170 Farm Policy Review Conference Papers. 1 st-. I960-. Sponsored with the North Carolina State College, Agricultural Policy Institute. Ames?: Iowa State Univ., Center for Agricultural and Economic Development, annual. (Each year has a distinctive title.) Includes brief mention of North Carolina mountain problems. F180 Farmer, Fawn "Available Material in Knox County for Enriching the Teaching of Tennessee History." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. F190 (ETSU) Farmers Advocate Print Military Operations in Jefferson County, Virginia and West Virginia, 1861-1865. n.p.: n.p., n.d. F200 Farnham, Thomas J. Powell, William Stevens The Regulators in North Carolina: A Documentary History, 1759-1776. Raleigh, N. C.: State Dept. of Archives and History, 1971. P4030 (ASU) Farnsworth, Charles H. Folk-songs, Chanteys and Singing Games. New York: H. W. Gray Co., n.d. F210 (ASU LMC BC) �FARNSWORTH—FERGUSON Famsworth, Floyd F. The Man on Horseback; a Story of Life Among W. Va. Hills. Charleston, W. Va.: Tribune Print. Co., 1921. Biography of a missionary doctor in the West Virginia mountains. F220 (BC) The Saga of the Country Doctor Among the W. Va. Hills. Milton, W. Va.: n.p., 1940. F230 (BC) Farrar, Emmie (Ferguson) Old Virginia Houses. 2 vols. Illustrated with photos, by Harry Bagby and others. New York: Hastings House, 1955. F240 (FC) Farrow, Mary Cloyd Howe A Way of Life in Virginia at the Turn of the Century. Photographs and bibliography. Greenville, S. C: The author, 1972. Memoirs of the author's life in Pulaski County, Virginia. Howe family history, especially Haven B. Howe. F250 Farthing, Benjamin Walter The Philosophy of a Partriarch. n.p.: Piedmont Press, 1967. Maxims, poems, family history and memoirs from Watauga County, North Carolina. F260 (ASU BC) Fast, Howard Melvin Power: A Novel. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1962. A novel of labor struggles in West Virginia in the 1920's. F270 (ASU BC) The Tall Hunter. Illustrated by Fafaello Busoni. 1st ed. New York: Harper Brothers, 1942. Fiction. West Virginia setting. • F280 (ASU BC) Fast, Richard E. The History and Government of West Virginia. Morgantown: Acme Publishing Co., 1901. F290 (BC) Faulkner, Charles Herman "Archaeological Investigations in the Tims Ford Reservation, Tennessee, 1966." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1968. F300 (ETSU) The Excavation and Interpretation of the Old Stone Fort, Coffee County, Tennessee, n.p.: n.p., 1967. F310 (ASU) Excavations in Nickajack Reservoir: Season I. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1965. F320 (ETSU) The Old Stone Fort: Exploring an Archaeological Mystery. University of Tennessee Study in Anthropology. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1968. . F330 (ASU LMC BC) Faulkner, Nancy The Secret of the Simple Code. Garden City, N. J.: Doubleday, 1965. A lame boy finds two friends in the southern mountains and shares an adventure with them. F340 Fauquier County Bicentennial Committee Fauquier County Va., 1759-1959. Warrenton, Va.: Fauquier County Bicentennial Committee and the Board of Supervisors, 1959. F350 (ASU) Faust, Albert Bernhardt Lists of Swiss Emigrants in the Eighteenth Century to the American Colonies. 2 vol. 1920-25. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. F360 (ASU) Faust, Albert Nemhardt German Element in the United States. 2 vols. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., Riverside Press, Cambridge, 1909. F370 Favour, Alpheus Hoyt Old Bill Williams, Mountain Man. New ed. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1962. F380 (ASU) Fawcett, Joseph W. Journal of Jos. W. Fawcett. With an introduction by Eugene D. Rigney. Chillicothe, Ohio: David K. Webb, Private Press, 1944. Diary of his trip in 1840 down the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers to Gulf of Mexico and up the Atlantic Coast to Boston. Includes descriptions of West Virginia. F390 (ASU) AUTHOR Fayette Co. Development Corp. Professional .Overall Economic Development for Fayette Co., West Virginia. Fayetteville: the corporation, 1961. F400 Fazzaro, Charles J. Puzzuoli, David A. Development of Tele-lecture and Associated Media Systems for the Improvement of Nursing Education in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1971. P4950 Puzzuoli, David A. Project Era: A Three Year Study of a Follow Through Program. A Longitudinal Study of the Monongalia County Follow Through Program. Morgantown: Monongalia Co. Board of Education, 1970. P4960 Featherstonhaugh, George William A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor; with an Account of the Lead and Copper Deposits in Wisconsin; of the Gold Region in the Cherokee Country: and Sketches of Popular Manners. 2 vols. London: R. Bentley, 1847. F410 A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor; with an Account of the Lead and Copper Deposits in Wisconsin; of the Gold Region in the Cherokee Country: and Sketches of Popular Manners. 2 vols. Reprint. St. Paul: Minnesota Hist. Soc., 1970. F420 Excursion through the Slave States, from Washington on the Potomac to the Frontier of Mexico; with Sketches of Popular Manners and Geological Notices. 2 vols. London: J. Murray, 1844. This British traveller started his journey to Appalachia at White Sulphur Springs and went to Blountville, Tenn., via Fincastle, Wytheville, Abingdon, and Saltville. He describes taverns (at Wytheville and Blountville), the salt works at Saltville. F430 (ASU LMC) Federal Writers' Project These are our Lives; as Told by the People and Written by Members of the Federal Writers' Project of the Works • Progress Administration in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Georgia. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1939. F440 (FC ASU) Federal Writers' Project see Writers' Program Federal Writers' Project. North Carolina North Carolina, a Guide to the Old North State. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1939. F450 (WWC ASU UNCA) Federal Writers' Project of the Work Projects Administration. American Guide Series. Breathitt: A Guide to the Feud Country. Northport, New York: Bacon, Percy and Daggett, 1941. F460 Kentucky: A Guide to the Blue Grass State. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1939. Includes some Eastern Kentucky material. F470 Tennessee: A Guide to the State. New York: The Viking Press, 1939. F480 Virginia: A Guide to the Old Dominion. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1940. F490 Federation Employment and Guidance Service, New York, Library A Guide to Resources for Anti-poverty Programs: A Selected Bibliography. New York: The service, 1965. F500 (ASU) Federation of Communities in Service Discovery, Expression, Communication: An Arts Approach to the Problems of Appalachia. Big Stone Gap, Va.: The Federation, 1969. F510 Fee, John Gregg Autobiography of John G. Fee, Berea, Kentucky. Chicago: National Christian Association, 1891. Autobiography of mountain minister, educator and founder of Berea College. 1520 (ASU BC) Fee, William I. Bringing in the Sheaves; Gleanings from Harvest Fields in Ohio, Ky., and W. V>a. Cincinnati: Cranston and Curtis, 1896. F«I30 74 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Felix, Linda Daybreak on Cranberry Ridge. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern mountains, 1974. A study of two West Virginia mountain families. F540 (ASU) Fellows, Alice Laurel, a Novel. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1950. A novel of family intrigue set in the foothill country of Virginia. F550 (ASU) Felming, Arklie Lee "Economic Set-up of the Cumberland Homesteads, Crossville, Tennessee." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1941. F1450 FeHon, Harold W. John Henry and His Hammer. New York: Alfred Knopf, 1950. West Virginia's most famous folk tale retold. F560 Pelton, Rebecca Latimer Country Life in Georgia in the Days of My Youth. Atlanta: Index Print. Co., 1919. She was the first woman in United States Congress. F570 Fendlosa, Mary McNeil Christopher Laird. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1919. A tale of inter-marriage between landed lowland gentry and hill folk in Virginia. F580 Fenton, John H. Politics in the Border States. New Orleans: Hauser, 1957. A fascinating study of the entriguing politics of the upland i'»outh. F390 (UNCA ASU) Fenton, William N. ed. Symposium on Cherokee and Iroquois Culture, Washington, D. C., 19.58 Papers. Washington: Govt. Print. Ofl:., 1961. S9770 (ETSU WCU BC) Forger, Edward Guide to Chattanooga, Lookout Mountain and Chickamauga National Military Park. Chattanooga: Ferger and Taylor, 1895. F600 Ferguson, Herman White King, Philip Burke Geology and Manganese Deposits of Northeastern Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Conservation Division of Geology, 1944. K2410 (ETSU) King, Philip Burke Geology of Northeasternmost Tennessee with a Section on the Description of the Basement Rocks by Warren Hamilton. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. K2420 (ETSU) Ferguson, Leland Greer "South Appalachian Mississippian." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1971. An attempt to find correlations between Appalachia and Eudora Welty's northeastern Mississippi people. F610 (WCU BC) Ferguson, Nieta H. "A Transitional English Program for Crockett High School, Washington County, Tennessee." Master's . thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. F620 (ETSU) Ferguson, Roland H. The Timber Resources of West Virginia. U. S. Forest Service Resource Bulletin, N £-2. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1964. F630 (ASU) The Timber Resources of Pennsylvania. U. S. Forest Service Resource Bulletin, NE-8. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1968. F640 (ASU) Ferguson, Russell J. Early Western Pennsylvania Politics. Pittsburgh: Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1938. F650 Ferguson, Thomas Wiley Home on the Yadkin. New ed. Winston-Salem, N. C.: Clay Print. Co., 1957. F660 (ASU BC) Springboard to Optimism Versus Majoring in the Minors: A Dozen Books in One. Hickory, N. C.: Hickory Print. Co., 1967. Memoirs of author's youth in North Carolina foothills. F670 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Fermon, Louis A. Job Development for the Hard-to-employ. A joint publication of the Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations (University of Michigan-Wayne State University) and the West Virginia University Center for Appalachian Studies and Development. Policy Papers in Human Resources and Industrial Relations, no. 11. Ann Arbor, Mich.?: n.p., 1969. F680 (ETSU) Ferman, Louis A. ed. Poverty in America. Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1965. Includes discussion of Appalachian poverty. F690 Fernstrom, John R. A Community Attack on Chronic Unemployment: Hazleton, Pennsylvania, a Case Study. Community Development Series, no. 1. Washington: U. S. Office of Area Development, I960. F700 Ftrrto, Miles Joseph Ineson, Frank Avery The Anthracite Forest Region, a Problem Area. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1948. 1760 (ASU) Ferris, George Titus comp. Our Native Land: Or, Glances at American Scenery and Places, with Sketches of Life and Adventure. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1882. F710 (ASU) Fertig, James Walter The Secession and Reconstruction of Tennessee. . . . Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1898. No state in the union was more bitterly divided by the war than Tennessee. F720 (ASU LMC) Fessler, Donald R. The Challenge: Motivating the Poor. Blacksburg: Cooperative Extension Service, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, December, 1965. F730 Fetherling, Dale Mother Jones, the Miners' Angel: A Portrait. Carbondale: Southern Illinois Press, 1974. An unconvincing biography of Mother Jones. F740 (ASU MHC) Fetterman, John Stinking Creek. 1st ed. New York: Dutton, 1967. An in-depth study of the social life and customs of Knox County, Kentucky. F750 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU WWC BC PC UNCA) Fey, Arthur Willard Buried Black Treasure: The Story of Pennsylvania Anthracite. Dansville, N. Y.: F. A. Owen Pub. Co., 1954. F760 (ASU) Field, Hope Stormy Present. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1942. Romantic fiction set in the West Virginia hills. Book abounds with recipes and home cures. F770 (ASU BC) Field, Leslie A. ed. Thomas Wolfe: Three Decades of Criticism. New York: New York Univ. Press, 1968. F780 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Field, Thomas P. Recent Home Construction in Two Appalachian Counties, n.p.: n.p., 1968. Compares Clay and Knox Counties in Kentucky. F790 Field, Thomas Warren An Essay towards an Indian Bibliography: Being a Catalog of Books Relating to the History, Antiquities, Languages, Customs, Religion, Wars, Literature, and Origin of the American Indians, in the Library of Thomas W. Field. With biographical and historical notes, and synopses of the contents of some of the works best known. 1873. Reprint. Detroit: Gale Research Co., 1967. F800 (LMC BC) Fields, Ellis M. "A Discriminative Study of Trends and Innovations: Modern Educational Concepts and Their Application to the Norton, Virginia, City Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1965. F810 (ETSU) Fields, Jeff A Cry of Angels. 1st ed. N. Y.: Atheneum, 1974. A novel of the North Georgia marble country. F820 (ASU) AUTHOR Fields, Nancy Addington, Luther Foster Wise County Geography Supplement. Big Stone Gap, Va.: Wise County School Board and Univ. of Virginia, 1928. A570 (BC) Fifth Avenue Baptist Church, Huntington, W. Va. Diamond Jubilee. Fifth Avenue Baptist Church. Huntington: The Church, n.d. F830 Filler, Louis The Removal of the Cherokee Nation: Manifest Destiny or National Dishonor? Problems in American Civilization. Boston: Heath, 1962. F840 (WCU UNCA FC) Filson, John The Adventures of Colonel Daniel Boone, formerly a Hunter: Containing a Narrative of the Wars of Kentucky, with the Discovery, Purchase, and Settlement of Kentucky, and the Piankashaw Council, 1784, and Territory of North American Indians, and the Rights Land in Kentucky. A new edition with numerous folding maps and illustrations. Xenia, Ohio: Old Chelicothe Press, 1968. F850 (BC ASU LMC) The Discovery and Settlement of Kentucky. 1784. Reprint. March of America Facsimile Series, no. 50. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1966. F860 (LMC ETSU BC) The Discovery, Settlement, and Present State of Kentucky. Introd. by William H. Masterson. New York: Corinth Books, 1962. F870 (UNCA) The Discovery, Settlement, and Present State of Kentucky. 1784. Reprint. American Experience Series. New York: Corinth Books, 1962. F880 (ASU) Kentucky and the Adventures of Col. Daniel Boone. Louisville, Ky.: JPP. Morton and Co., 1934. (facsimile of 1784) F890 Finch, Floyd William "A Study of School Leavers at the Patterson School for Boys, Caldwell County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State University, 1968. F900 (ASU) Finchum, Bernice S. "A Survey of Selected Characteristics of the Washington County, Tennessee, School Teacher." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. F910 (ETSU) Finchum, George A. "Washington County Court, 1796-1836." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1959. F920 (ETSU) Finck, William John ed. Cassell, Charles Willis ed. History of The Lutheran Church in Virginia and East Tennessee. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1930. C1970 (ASU BC FC) Findley, Benjamin F. "A Case Study of the Effects of Automation on Employment in a West Virginia Continuous Process Industry." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1969. F930 Finer, Herman T. V. A. Lessons for International Application. Montreal: International Labour Office, 1944. F940 The T. V. A. Lessons for International Application. International Labour Office Studies and Reports, Series B, no. 37. New York: Da Capo, 1972. F950 Fink, Miriam L. "Some Phases of the Social and Economic History of Jonesboro, Tennessee, prior to the Civil War." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1934. Jonesboro is the oldest town in Tennessee. F960 Fink, Paul M. Bits of Mountain Speech Gathered Between 1910 and 1965 along the Mountains Bordering North Carolina and Tennessee. Boone, N. C: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1974. F970 (ASU) 75 FERMAN-FISHER Fink, Paul Mathes Jonesborough: The First Century of Tennessee's First Town. Publication, no. 394. Johnson City: Tennessee State Planning Commission, 1972. Well-written history of the oldest settlement in Tennessee. F980 (ETSU ASU BC) Jonesborough: The First Century of Tennessee's First Town. Springfield, Va.: National Technical Information Service, 1972. F990 (ASU) That's Why They Call It ... the Names and Lore of the Great Smokies. Jonesboro, Tenn.: n.p., 1956. F1000 (WCU ETSU BC ASU) That's Why They Call It ... the Names and Lore of the Great Smokies. Jones, Tenn.: The author, 1964. F1010 (ASU LMC) Finlayson, John L. Shinnston tornado. N. Y. Hobson Bk. Press, 1946. (W. Va.) Account of the 1944 tornado which nearly destroyed Shinnston, W. Va. F1020 Finley, Joseph E. The Corrupt Kingdom: The Rise and Fall of the United Mine Workers. New York: Simon and Schuster, Inc., 1973. F1030 Finley, Ruth E. Old Patchwork Quilts and the Women Who Made Them. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1929. F1040 (BC) Finn, Raymond F. Ten Years of Strip-mine Forestation Research in Ohio. U. S. Forest Service Technical Paper, 153. Columbus, Ohio: Central States Forest Experiment Station, 1958. F1050 Finney, Raymond A. "History of Private Educational Institutions of Franklin County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1939. FT060 Firestone, Clark Barnaby Bubbling Waters. 1st ed. New York: Robert M. McBride and Co., 1938. A history of health resorts, watering places, spas etc. in the Southern mountains. F1070 (ASU LMC BC) Sycamore Shores. 1st ed. New York: National Travel Club, 1936. Recollections of many trips along the Ohio River in West Virginia. F1080 (ASU) First Baptist Church, Rogersville, Tennessee. Diamond Anniversary, 1890-1965 Rogersville: n.p., 1965, F1090 First Marriage Record of Augusta County, 1785-1813 Published by the Col. Thomas Hughart Chapter, D.A.R. Staunton, Va.: McClure Pub. Co., n.d. F1100 First Presbyterian Church, 1845-1945, Marion, North Carolina Marion: n.p., 1945. F1110 Fish, Frederic F. A Catalog of the Inland Fishing Waters in North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: Division of Inland Fisheries, 1968. Includes guides to mountain trout streams. F1120 (LMC) Fishburne, Elliot Guthree Catlett, Clay Michie An Economic and Social Survey of Augusta County. Charlottesville: Univ. of Va., 1928. C2110 (ASU BC) Fisher, Charles Adam Central Pennsylvania Marriages, 1700-1896. Reprint of the 1946 ed. published in Selinsgrove, Pa. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1974. F1130 (ASU) Central Pennsylvania Marriages, 1700-1896. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., Inc., 1974. A record of marriages that took place in Central Pennsylvania which served as a great migration route for the Appalachians. F1140 (ASU) Probate and Orphans Court Records of Snyder County, Pennsylvania. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1974. More than 10,000 entries. F1150 �FISHER—FLOWERS Fisher, Charles Adam Wills and Administrations of Northumberland County. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1974. F1160 Fisher, George W. ed. Studies of Appalachian Geology: Central and Southern New York: Interscience Publishers, 1970. S8790 (ETSU WWC ASU) Fisher, George W. ed. and others Studies of Appalachian Geology: Central and Southern. New York: Interscience Pubs., 1970. F1170 (ASU LMC ETSU) Fisher, Glenn Luce and others Soil Survey, Carbon County, Pennsylvania. Soil Survey, Series 1959, no. 14. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1962. F1180 Fisher, Lee Fire in the Hills, the Story of Parson Frakes and the Henderson Settlement. Inroduction by Billy Graham. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1971. F1190 (ASU LMC BC) Fisher, Ronald M. The Appalachian Trail. Photographed by Dick Durrauce, II. Foreword by Benton Mackaye. Washington: National Geographic Society, 1972. F1200 (BC ASU FC WWC ETSU MHC) Fisher, Vardis Thomas Wolfe as I Knew Him, and Other Essays. Denver: Alan Swallow, 1963. F1210 (BC ASU UNCA WCU) Fisher, Waldo E. "Economic Consequences of the Seven-hour Day and Wage Changes in the Bituminous Coal Industry." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1939. F1220 Wage Rates and Working Time in the Bituminous Coal Industry, 1912-1922. Philadelphia: U.q. Pa. Press, 1932. F1230 (BC) Fishman, Betty G. Economic Effects of Internal Migration: An Exploratory Study, Substantive Report. Morgantown: Bureau of Business Research, West Virginia Univ., 1968? A study of West Virginia's farm to town trend. F1240 Fishman, Leo Employment Changes in West Virginia, 1948-1958. Business and Economic Studies, vol. 7, no. 3. Morgantown, W. Va.: West Virginia Univ., 1961. F1250 (ASU) Fishman, Leo ed. Poverty and Affluence. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966. Includes discussion of Appalachian poverty. F1260 Fiske, Horace Spencer Provincial Types in American Fiction. New York: Chautauqua Press, 1903. Includes some mountain characterizations. F1270 (ASU) Fiske, John The Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America. Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1899. F1280 (ASU) Old Virginia and Her Neighbours. 2 vols. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1901. F1290 (ASU MHC) Fitch, J. C. Allred, Charles E. Effects of industrial Development on Rural Life in Sullivan County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Division of Univ. Extension, Univ. of Tennessee, 1928. A1840 Fitch, Lynn Fitch, Robert Beck Grandfather's Land: We Are Mountain People. Mankate, Minn.: Creative Educational Society, 1972. F1310 (WCU) Fitch, Michael Hendrick The Chattanooga Campaign, with Especial Reference to Wisconsin's Participation Therein. Original Paper, no. 4. Madison: Wisconsin History Commission, 1911. F1300 (ASU BC) Fitch, Robert Beck Grandfather's Land: We Are Mountain People. Mankate, Minn.: Creative Educational Society, 1972. F1310 (WCU) AUTHOR Fitch, William Edward The Origin, Rise and Downfall of the State of Franklin under Her First and Only Governor, John Sevier. Publications of the New York Society of the Founders and Patriots of America, vol. 25. New York: The society, 1910. F1320 Fitzgerald, Mary Newman The Cherokee. Bryson City, N. C.: Bryson City Times, 1937. F1330 (BC) The Cherokee and His Smoky Mountain Legends. 3d ed. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1946. F1340 (ASU ETSU BC) The Cherokees, 1540-1937. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1927. F1350 (ASU UNCA) The Cherokees. Knoxville: Coleman, 1937. F1360 Fitzgerald, Robert ed. Agee, James The Collected Poems of James Agee. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1968. A660 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Agee, James The Collected Short Prose of James Agee. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1968. A670 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Fitzsimmons, Roxie Cross One Hundred Years of Methodism, the History of St. John's Methodist Church, New Martinsville, W. Va. New Martinsville: The church, 1956. F1370 Fitzwater, A. J. A Brief History of the Musical Movement or Stream, Which was Started in Mountain Valley (Now Singers Glen, Va.) in the Early Part of the Nineteenth Century by Joseph Funk. F1380 (ASU FC) Flanigen, George J. The Centenary of St. Peter and St. Paul's Parish, Chattanooga, Tennessee. The Story of the First 100 Years of the Catholic Church in Hamilton County. Chattanooga: St. Peter and St. Paul's Parish, 1952. F1390 Flannagan, Roy The Forest Cavalier: A Romance of America's First Frontier and of Bacon's Rebellion. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1952. A fictional account of trans-montane settlements and Bacon's Rebellion. F1400 (ASU BC) Fleer, Jack D. North Carolina Politics: An Introduction. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1968. F1410 (LMC) Fleet, Beverley Virginia Colonial Abstracts Vol. XXXIV, Washington County Marriage Register, 1782-1820. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1961. F1420 Fleischmann, Glen The Cherokee Removal, 1838: An Entire Indian Nation Is Forced Out of Its Homeland. A Focus Book. New York: Franklin Watts, 1971. Actually thousands of Cherokees remained in Appalachia. F143Q (ASU BC WCU ETSU) While Rivers Flow. New York: Macmillan Co., 1963. Fictional account of Cherokee political difficulties. F1440 (ASU BC) Fleming, Helen Parr The Parr Family: Allied Families — Holden, Hutchinson, Moore, Jolly, Franks, Sheets, et al. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1968. F1460 (ASU) Fleming, Jo Lee James D. Vaughan, Music Publisher, Lawrenceberg, Tennessee, 1912-1964. Microfilm. Sm. D. thesis. Union Theological Seminary, 1972. F1470 (WCU) Fleming, Robert Sketch of the Life of Elder Humphrey, Baptist Missionary to the Cherokee Indians. Philadelphia, Pa.: King and Baird, 1852. Established missions at Spring Place Georgia and near present-day Chattanooga, Tennessee. F1480 76 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Fleming, Vivian Minor Campaigns of the Army of Northern Virginia, Including the Jackson Valley Campaign, 1861-1865. Richmond: William Byrd Press, 1928. Another laudatory history of Jackson Valley Campaign. F1490 (ASU) Fletcher, A. J. The Story of a Mountain Missionary: Rev. James Floyd Fletcher, 1858-1946. Raleigh, N. C.: The author, 1966. The mountains of western North Carolina, especially Ashe County, still have the imprint of Fletcher's unique theological interpretations. F1500 (ASU) Fletcher, Alice C. Indian Story and Song from North America. Boston: Small Maynard and Co., n.d. F1510 (FC) Fletcher, Arthur Lloyd Ashe County: A History. Jefferson, N. C.: Ashe County Research Association, 1963. A rather good local history of this county which once served as a gateway west. F1520 (ASU WCU) Fletcher, J. F. A History of the Ashe County, North Carolina, and New River, Virginia, Baptist Associations. Raleigh, N. C.: Commercial Print. Co., 1935. F1530 (ASU) Fliegel, Frederick C. The Low-Income Farmer in a Changing Society. (Bulletin No. 731.) University Park: Pennsylvania Agricultural Experiment Station, Pennsylvania State University, March, 1966. A study of subsistence farmers in Fayette County, Pennsylvania. F1540 Flint, Carl R. comp. and ed. Graham, William Franklin The Quotable Billy Graham. Anderson, S. C.: Droke House, 1966. G3160 (WCU) Flint, Russell F. Fluvial Sediment in the Salem Fork Watershed, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the Soil Conservation Service. Administrative Report. Columbus, Ohio: U. S. Geological Survey, Water Resources Division, 1970. F1550 Flint, Timothy Biographical Memoir of Daniel Boone, the First Settler of Kentucky: Interspersed with Incidents in the Early Annals of the Country. 1833. Reprint. Cincinnati: G. Conclin, 1841. F1560 (ASU BC) Biographical Memoir of Daniel Boone, the First Settler of Kentucky: Interspersed with Incidents in the Early Annals of the Country. 1833. Reprint. Edited for the modern reader by James K. Folsom. The Masterworks of Literature Series. New Haven: College and Univ. Press, 1967. F1570 (ETSU WCU) The Life and Adventures of Daniel Boone, the First Settler of Kentucky. Cincinnati: U. P. James, 1868. F1580 (ETSU) Flohr, G. D. Sermons and Essays. Baltimore: John Murphy, 1840. F1590 Flory, John A. Growth and Labor Characteristics of Manufacturing Industries. Area Redevelopment Bookshelf of Community Aids. Washington: U. S. Area Redevelopment Administration, 1964. A survey of correlations between industrial growth and labor characteristics. Some data from Appalachia. F1600 Flowers, Russell R. A Subsurface Study of the Greenbrier Limestone in West Virginia. Report of Investigations, no. 15. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1956. F1610 (ETSU ASU) Flowers, William Lucas, Jr. "The Community Action Movement in North Carolina." Master's thesis. North Carolina State, 1970. FT 620 (LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Floyd, Charles Frederick "Public Policy for Depressed Areas with Special Reference to North Carolina." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1966. Study focuses on several western North Carolina counties. F1630 Floyd, Nicholas Jackson Biographical Genealogies of the Virginia-Kentucky Floyd Families, with Notes of Some Collateral Branches. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins Co., 1912. F1640 (ASU) Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley The Alderson Story; my Life as a Political Prisoner. N. Y.: International Publishers, 1972, 1963. (Anderson, W. Va.) Biography of a prisoner in the Federal Penitentiary for Women in Alderson, W. Va. F1650 Fogg, Gordon Pickeral, John Julian An Economic and Social Survey of Frederick County. P2840 (ASU LMC) Foley, Helen S. comp. First Marriage Records, 1838-1850, Barbour County, Alabama. Fort Worth, Texas: American Reference Pub., 1969. F1660 (ASU) Marriage Records, 1850, Barbour County, Alabama. Fort Worth, Texas: American Reference Pubs., 1969. F1670 (ASU) Folger, John K. Migration and Level of Living in the Tennessee Valley. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1951. F1680 Folk Songs of the Southern Appalachians as Sung by Jean Ritchie: 77 Traditional Songs, Tunes, and Ballads from the Singing of Jean Ritchie and the Ritchie Family, with Guitar Chords and Notes on the Songs. Foreword by Alan Lomax. New York: Oak Pubs., 1965. F1690 (ASU BC WCU WWC LMC ETSU FC) Folmsbee, Stanley John Blount College and East Tennessee College, 1794-1840: The First Predecessors of the University of Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1946. Histories of the two colleges which merged to form the University of East Tennessee which later became the University of Tennessee. F1700 (ETSU) East Tennessee University, 1840-1879, Predecessor of the University of Tennessee. University of Tennessee Record, vol. 62, no. 3. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Record, 1959. A predecessor of the University of Tennessee. F1710 (ASU) The Founding of Knoxville. Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, 1941. A truly delightful history of the early days of one of our regions largest cities. F1720 (ETSU) A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn. Press, 1970. F1730 Sectionalism and Internal Improvements in Tennessee, 1796-1845. Knoxville: n.p., 1939. Much of the text is devoted to East Tennessee. F1740 (WWC ASU) Tennessee; a Short History (by) Stanley J. Folmsbee, Robert E. Corlew and Enloch L. Mitchell. A condensation and revision of vol. 1-2 of the author's History of Tennessee published in 1960. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1969. F1750 (LMC ASU BC) Folsom, Montgomery M. Scraps of Songs and Southern Scenes: A Collection of Humorous and Pathetic Poems and Descriptive Sketches of Plantation Life in the Backwoods of Georgia. Atlanta: C. P. Byrd, 1889. Includes some mention of life in Georgia's upland counties. F1760 (ASU) AUTHOR Foner, Philip Coal Creek Rebellion. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, Inc., 1973. The story of coal miners at Coal Creek, East Tennessee in the late 1800's. They went on strike to protest the convict labor system in the mines. F1770 (ASU) Fonner, R. F. Ellyson, W. J. Soil Survey, Wood and Wirt Counties, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1970. El 870 Fontana Village, N. C. Annual Fontana Conservation Roundup Proceedings. Fontana Village, N. C: n.p., 1960? annual. (Each vol. has a distinctive title.) F1780 (WCU) Foote, William Henry Sketches of North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrative of the Principles of a Portion of Her Early Settlers. 3rd ed. 1846. Reprint. Raleigh, N. C.: H. J. Dudley for the Committee on Historical Matters of the Synod of North Carolina, Presbyterian Church in the U. S., 1965. F1790 (ASU LMC) Sketches of North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrative of the Principles of a Portion of Her Early Settlers. New York: Robert Carter, 1846. F1800 (MHC BC) Sketches of Virginia. Richmond, Va.: John Knox Press, 1850. F1810 Sketches of Virginia Historical and Biographical, vol. I. Philadelphia, Pa.: William S. Martin, 1850. F1820 Sketches of Virginia Historical and Biographical. 2nd series, 2nd ed. rev. Philadelphia, Pa.: J. P. Lippincott & Co., 1856. F1830 Sketches of Virginia: Historical and Biographical, First Series. New ed. Richmond: John Knox Press, 1966. F1840 (LMC UNCA) Forbes, John Joseph Vincent Coal Losses of Tennessee. Prepared by the Bureau of Mines, Department of the Interior, for the U. S. Coal Commission. Nashville: n.p., 1925. F1850 (ETSU) Forbes-Lindsay, Charles Harcourt Ainslee Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1908. F1860 Ford, Anne Davy Crockett. Illustrated by Leonard Vosburg. New York: Putnam, 1961. F1870 (ETSU) Ford, Bonnie Willis The Story of the Penland Weavers, n.p.: n.p., 1941. F1880 (ASU BC) Ford, Daniel Heath "Some Geographical Aspects of the Poultry Processing Industry in North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1969. This industry is heavily concentrated in the foothill counties of North Carolina. F1890 (ASU) Ford, Ernest Jennings This is My Story: This is My Song. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1963. Biography of "Tennessee Ernie" Ford. F1900 (BC) Ford, Evelyn Meek "Enriching the Curriculum of South Side School, Johnson City, Tennessee, by Parent Participation." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. F1910 (ETSU) Ford, Henry Jones The Scotch-Irish in America. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1915. F1920 The Scotch-Irish in America. 1915. Reprint. Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1966. The Scotch-Irish were the Predominate group in early mountain settlement. F1930 (ASU) Ford, Jean I'll Walk to the Mountain. New York: Greenburg, 1936. A Greenwich Village girl hitch-hikes to the Tennessee mountains to try a new lifestyle. F1940 (ASU) 77 FLOYD—FOREMAN Ford, Jesse Hill The Liberation of Lord Byron Jones. 1st ed. An Atlantic Monthly Press Book. Boston: Little, Brown, 1965. A novel of violence and racial tension set in the foothill country of Tennessee. F1950 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Mountains of Gilead, a Novel. 1st ed. An Atlantic Monthly Press Book. Boston: Little, Brown, 1961. The mountains in this case are Indian mounds in flatland Tennessee, but the people are not far removed from mountain characterizations. F1960 (BC ASU ETSU) Ford, Leslie Burn Forever. New York: Popular Library, 1963. Young lovers are caught in a web of violence, murder and intrigue in the Tennessee Valley. F1970 (ASU BC) Ford, Robert Vagabond Songs and Ballads of Scotland. Paisley and London: A. Gardner, 1899. F1980 (ASU) Ford, Thomas R. Christiansen, John R. Trends in the Number and Distribution of Medical Doctors in Kentucky. Lexington: Ky. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1958. C4010 Employment Problems of the Eastern Kentucky Mountain People. Hearing before the Special Committee on Unemployment Problems, United States Senate. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1960. F1990 Health and Demography in Kentucky. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1964. F2000 (LMC BC) Ford, Thomas R. ed. The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962. At the time of its publication, this book was hailed as a mountain classic. Interesting but dated. F2010 Southern Appalachian Studies, Berea, Ky. The Southern Appalachian Region; A Survey. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962. S5670 (BC ASU UNCA FC) Southern Appalachian Studies, Berea, Ky. The Southern Appalachian Region. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1967. S5680 (ASU ETSU FC LMC MHC WCU WWC BC) Foreman, Carolyn Thomas Indian Women Chiefs. Muskogee (?), Okla.: n.p., 1954. A good account of Nancy Ward, Cherokee chief, is included. F2020 (MHC ASU) Indians Abroad, 1493-1938. The Civilization of the American Indian Series. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1943. The story of Indians taken to Europe and other parts of the world by the white man from the time of Columbus, including the 18th-century trips to England by Overhili Cherokee leaders. F2030 Foreman, Grant The Five Civilized Tribes. Introductory note by John R. Swanton. 1st ed. Reprint. The Civilization of the American Indian. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1966. F2040 (WCU BC) The Five Civilized Tribes. The Civilization of the American Indian Series. Intro. John R. Swanton. Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1934. F2050 The Five Civilized Tribes. The Civilization of the American Indian Series. Intro. John R. Swanton. Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1971. F2060 Indian Removal: The Emigration of the Five Civilized Tribes of Indians. New ed. Civilization of the American Indian. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1953. F2070 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Sequoyah. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1938. F2080 (BC UNCA WCU ETSU) Sequoyah. The Civilization of the American Indian Series, vol. 16. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1959. The best biography of this Cherokee who gave his people their first syllabary. However, he did not invent it. F2090 (ASU) �FOREMAN—FOX Foreman, Grant Sequoyah. 1st ed. 1938. Reprint. The Civilization of the American Indian, vol. 16. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1970. F2100 (ASU LMC) Foreman, Ulysses Grant see Foreman, Grant Forest City, N. C. First Baptist Church The First Baptist Church of Forest City, N. C. Forest City, N. C.: Forest City Courier, 1939. F2110 (BC) Forest, Herman Silva Jessie's Children. New York: Vantage Press, 1959. A memoir of hiking in the Great Smokies and of family experiences there. F2120 (LMC) Forest Improvement Measures for the Southern Appalachians, with a List of Selected References Appalachian Forest Experiment Station. U. S. D. A. Technical Bulletin 476. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1935. F2130 Forest Products Laboratory, Madison, Wis. Suitability of Appalachian Woods for Sanitary Tissue and Toweling. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, FPL-66. Madison: Laboratory, 1966. F2140 Forman, Mary Douglass Fundaburk ed. Fundaburk, Emma Lila Sun Circles and Human Hands: The Southeastern Indians Art and Industries. Luverne, Ala.: n.p., 1957. F3830 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Forrest, Williams Trail of Tears. New York: Crown Pub., 1959. Novel of the 1838 Cherokee Removal to Oklahoma. F2150 (WCU BC) Fort, John Porter God in the Straw Pen, a Novel. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1931. Novel of a hell-raising North Georgia revival camp meeting. Tidy plot. F2160 (ASU WCU BC) Make Way for the Great. Nashville: Benson Print. Co., 1950. Accounts of great men who grew up in Tennessee. There was a popular saying in my grandmother's day, "There were giants in the earth in East Tennessee in the old days." F2170 (ETSU BC) Stone Dougherty. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1929. Romantic fiction with a mountain setting. F2180 (BC) Fortney, Harvey C. History of Worthington, West Virginia, and Surrounding Communities. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1968. A very good community history. F2190 (ASU) Fortune, Alonzo Willard The Disciples in Kentucky. Lexington, Ky.: Convention of the Christian Churches in Kentucky, 1932. F2200 (BC) Fortune, Crawford Economic Base Study and Survey of Basic Services. Atlanta: Resource Development Internship Project, Southern Regional Board, 1969. F2210 Economic Base Study and Survey of Basic Services for the Hiwassee River Watershed Development Association. Atlanta: Resource Development Internship Project, Southern Regional Education Board, n.d. F2220 (BC) Foscue, Edwin Jay Gatlinburg, Gateway to the Great Smokies. American Resort Series no. 1. Dallas: Southern Methodist Univ. Press, 1946. A brief history of the community. F2230 Fosdick, Lucian John The French Blood in America. New York: F. H. Revell Co., 1906. F2240 (ASU) Foss, George Abrahams, Roger D. Anglo-American Folksong Style. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968. A140 (ASU BC) Foster, Clementine R. "A Critical Study of Negro Education in Cleveland County, North Carolina, from 1944 to 1954." Master's thesis. North Carolina College, 1958. F2250 (ASU) Foster, G. Allen Impeached: The President Who Almost Lost His Job. New York: Criterion, 1964. F2260 AUTHOR Foster, George Everett Reminiscences of Travel in Cherokee Lands. An Address Delivered before the Ladies' Missionary Society of the Ithaca, New York, Congregational Church, 1898. Ithaca, N. Y.: Democrat Press, 1899. F2270 Se-quo-yah; the American Cadmus and Modern Moses. A Complete Biography of the Greatest of Redmen, around Whose Wonderful Life Has Been Woven the Manners, Customs and Beliefs of the Early Cherokees, Together with a Recital of Their Wrongs and Wonderful Progress toward Civilization. Illus. Miss C. S. Robbins. Philadelphia, Pa.: Off. of the Indian Rights Assoc., 1885. More fiction and sermonizing than biography. F2280 Se-quo-yah; the American Cadmus and Modern Moses. A Complete Biography of the Greatest of Redmen, around Whose Wonderful Life Has Been Woven the Manners, Customs and Beliefs of the Early Cherokees, Together with a Recital of their Wrongs and Wonderful Progress toward Civilization. Illus. Miss C. S. Robbins. Reprint. Tahlequah, N. C.: Stone, 1885. More fiction and sermonizing than biography. F2290 Se-quo-yah; the American Cadmus and Modern Moses. A Complete Biography of the Greatest of Redmen, around Whose Wonderful Life Has Been Woven the Manners, Customs and Beliefs of the Early Cherokees, Together with a Recital of Their Wrongs and Wonderful Progress toward Civilization. Illus. Miss C. S. Robbins. Reprint. New York: B. Franklin, 1971. More fiction and sermonizing than biography. F2300 Story of the Cherokee Bible. An Address, with Additional nal and Explanatory Notes, Delivered before the Meeting of the Ladies' Missionary Society of the First Congregational Church, Ithaca, N. Y., Feb. 5, 1897. Cherokee History Series. Enl. 2nd ed. Ithaca, N. Y.: Democrat Press, 1899. With this is bound Foster's REMINISCENCES OF TRAVEL IN CHEROKEE LANDS. F2310 Foster, Harold Day Chestnut Oak in the Southern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Circular, 135. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1908. F2320 (ASU) Foster, John Wells Prehistoric Races of the United States of America. 6th ed. Chicago: S. D. Griggs & Co.; London: Truibner & Co., 1887. Includes accounts of mound builders and other mountain races. F2330 (ASU) Foster, Lillian comp. Andrew Johnson, President of the United States: His Life and Speeches. New York: Richardson, 1866. F2340 (ASU) Foster, Ruel Ehon Jesse Stuart. Twayne's United States Authors Series. New York: Twayne Pubs., 1968. F2350 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Fothergilf, Augusta Bridgland Middleton Virginia Tax Payers, 1782-87: Other Than Those Published by the United States Census Bureau. 1940. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. F2360 (ASU) Fothergill, Gerald Emigrants from England, 1773-1776. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1964. F2370 (ASU) A List of Emigrant Ministers to America, 1690-1811. 1904. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. F2380 (ASU) Foulke, Roy A. Foulke Family, one branch descended from James Ffookes. Bronxvilie, N. Y.: n.p., 1972. F2390 Fowler, David C. A Literary History of the Popular Ballad. Durham, N. C: Duke Univ. Press, 1968. An impressive work of ballad scholarship. F2400 (BC ASU) 78 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Fowler, Earl D. Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey of Adams County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. T390 Fowler, Gary L. Up Here and Down Home: Appalachians in Cities. Cincinnati: Urban Appalachian Council, n.d. Discusses the problems of the migrants in the cities. F2410 (ASU) Fowler, Ha (Earle) Capt. John Fowler of Virginia and Kentucky; Patriot, Soldier, Pioneer, Statesman, Land Baron, and Civic Leader. Cynthiana, Ky.: The Hobson Press, 1942. F2430 (BC) Fowler, lla Earle comp. Daughters of Colonial Wars, Kentucky. Kentucky Pioneers and Their Descendants. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. D580 (ASU BC) Fowler, James Alexander Memoirs. 6 vols. Knoxville: Unpublished typescript, n.d. F2420 Fowler, Walter "An Educational, Economic and Community Survey of White County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1932. F2440 Fowler, William Joseph "History of Roane County, Tennessee, 1860-1870." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1964. Roane County was practically torn asunder by the divided loyalties engendered by the Civil War. F2450 Fowler, William W. Woman on the American Frontier. Hartford: Scranton, 1881. Includes accounts of women crossing the mountains. F2460 Fox, Charles J. and others Soil Survey, Bradley County, Tennessee Correlation by L. E. Odom. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1951, no. 2. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. F2470 Soil Survey, Franklin County, Tennessee Correlation by L. E. Odom. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1949, no. 8. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. F2480 Fox, Genevieve May Cynthia of Bee Tree Hollow. Illustrated by Forrest W. Orr. Boston: Little, 1948. F2490 (ETSU ASU) Lona of Hollybrush Creek. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1935. F2500 (ASU) Mountain Girl. Illustrated by Forrest W. Orr. Boston: Little, 1932. F2510 (ETSU BC ASU) Mountain Girl Comes Home. Illustrated by Forrest W. Orr. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1934. F2520 (ASU BC) Fox, George Edmund Social and Economic Trends in Tennessee and Their Implications for Education. Johnson City: East Tennessee State College, 1957. F2530 (ETSU) Fox, Heisal M. Fortney, Harvey C. History of Worthington, West Virginia, and Surrounding Communities. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1968. F2190 (ASU) Fox, John, Jr. Blue-grass and Rhododendron: Out-doors in Old Kentucky. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1901. A tale of the mountains and the bluegrass. F2540 (ASU BC) Blue-grass and Rhododendron: Out-doors in Old Kentucky. New York: Scribner, 1910. F2550 (LMC) Christmas Eve on Lonesome. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1920. F2560 (WWC) Christmas Eve on Lonesome and Other Stories. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1904. Overly sentimental mountain tale that was enormously popular in its day. F2570 (BC ASU WCU LMC ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Fox, John, Jr. Christmas Eve on Lonesome, "Hell-fer-sartin/1 and Other Stories. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn, A. I. Keller and others. New York: Scribner's, 1909. Short stories with Kentucky mountain settings. F2580 (MHCBC) Crittenden: A Kentucky Story of Love and War. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1900. Stereotypical mountaineers move across a set stage in a too-pat plot. F2590 (ASU WCU LMC BMC BC) A Cumberland Vendetta. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1908. F2600 A Cumberland Vendetta: A Novel. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1910. More feuding mountaineers. F2610 (ASU) A Cumberland Vendetta and Other Stories. .New York: Harper & Brothers, 1896. Four stories,primarily about feuds. F2620 (ETSU BC) A Cumberland Vendetta, and Other Stories. 1895. Reprint. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1970. F2630 (WCU) Erskine Dale, Pioneer. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1920. Romantic, moralistic fiction with a Kentucky mountain setting. F2640 (ASU LMC ETSU) The Heart of the Hills. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1913. A novel of feuds, fatched-on flatlanders, young love and fierce pride and loyalties. The good guys win. F2650 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) "Hell-fer-sartain" and Other Stories. New York: Harper, 1897. Ten humorous and sentimental stories which fail to shed any light on the complex characteristics of the mountaineer. F2660 (LMC ETSU BC) Hell for Sartain and Other Stories. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1906. F2670 (ASU) "Hell for Sartain" and Other Stories. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1914. F2680 (ASU) "Hell fer Sartain" and Other Stories. 1897. Reprint. The American Short Story Series, vol. 14. New York: Garrett Press, 1969. F2690 (ASU) In Happy Valley. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1917. Ten more humorous stories. Unfortunately, the mountaineer comes off looking slightly ridiculous. Fox never caught the elusive mountain character. F2700 (ASU LMC ETSU) The Kentuckians. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1909. F2710 The Kentuckians: A Knight of the Cumberland. Illustrated by W. T. Smedley and F. C. Yohn. New York: C Scribner's Sons, 1909. Two novels bound together. F2720 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU) The Kentuckians: A Knight of the Cumberland. New York: Scribner's, 1912. F2730 (WWC) A Knight of the Cumberland. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1906. Two traveling city gals stumble across an unlikely mountain fracas and wind up at an affair resembling a medieval joust. F2740 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Kentuckians: A Novel. Illusjrated by W. T. Smedley. New York: Harper, 1898. A mountain legislator pines for a bluegrass lady of quality and eventually wins her heart and hand. F2750 (WCU BC) The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1903. F2760 (WCU UNCA BC) The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn. New York: Scribner, 1906. F2770 (LMC) AUTHOR The Li ttle Shepherd of Kingdom Come. Illus trated by F. C. Yohn. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1920. F278tf (MHC) The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1931. Chad, an orphan and the "little Shepherd" finds a home Wk'th the mountaineer Turners. A trip to Lexington with the Turners is the beginning1 of a new life for him. He reaches manhood, finds love, solves the mystery of his birth, o nd fights on the side of the Union during the vCivil War. Typical Fox ending. F2790 The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1931. F2800 (ASU) The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Com'e. Illustrated by N . C. Wyeth. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1931. F2810 (ASU ETSU) A Mountain Europa. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 18 99. F2820 A Mountain Europa. Mew York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 19O9. Three stories are contained in this book: "A Mountain Europa." "A Cumber! and Vendetta," and "The Last Stetson." The first story has the theme of the "furrener " coming to the hills and falling in love. The1 last two stories are concerned with feuding. * F2830 A Mountain Europa. New Y ork: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1914. F2840 (ASU BC) A Mountain Europa. A Cumberland Vendetta. The Last Stetson. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn and Louis Loeb. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1909. F2850 (WCU ETSU MHC IK) A Mountain Europa. A Cumberland Vendetta. The Last Stetson. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn and Louis Loeb. New York: Scnbner, 1911. F2860 (LMC) A Mountain Europa. A Cumberland Vendetta. The Last Stetson. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn and Louis Loeb. New York: Scribner, 1915. F2870 (LMC) A Purple Rhododendron and Other Stories. Appalachia, Va.: Young Publication, 1967. A posthumous collection of Fox's short stories. F2880 (ASU ETSU BC) The Southern Mountaineer. New York: Scribners, 1901. Fox's attempt to describe the mountaineers around him. Differs very little from his fiction. F2890 The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1908. F2900 The Trail of trie Lonesome Pine. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1909. A love affair between a mountain girl and an outlander results in her being sent out of the mountains to acquire some polish. When she returns, naturally, she suffers from divided loyalties. F2910 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. Illustrated with scenes from the photoplay, a Paramount picture. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1923, 1936. , F2920 (WCU) The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1931. F2930 (ETSU) The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1936. F2940 (WCU) Fox, Stephen Eugene "A Study of Vocational Education at the Elizabethton, Tennessee, Area Vocational-Technical School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1973. F2950 (ETSU) Foxfire vol. 1- 1967- Rabun Gap, Nacooche School, Ga.: Southern Highlands Literary Fund, quarterly. An enormously popular periodical written and edited by high school students. Their primary sources are taped interviews with local people. F2960 (ASU ETSU BC) 79 FOX—FRAWLEY The Foxfire Book: Hog Dressing, Log Cabin Building, Mountain Crafts and Foods, Planting by the Signs, Snake Lore, Hunting Tales, Faith Healing, Moonshining, and Other Affairs of Plain Living Introduction by Eliot Wigginton. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1972. F2970 (ASU WWC MHC ETSU BC FQFoxfire 2: Ghost Stories, Spring Wild Plant Foods, Spinning and Weaving, Midwifing, Burial Customs, Corn Shuckin's, Wagon Making and More Affairs of Plain Living Garden City, N. Y.: Anchor Press, 1973. F2980 (WWC ASU BC FC) Foy, Bernard L. A Bibliography for the T.V.A. Program. Knoxville: Technical Library, Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. A quite comprehensive 73 page listing of materials on the TVA. F2990 Foy, Bernard L. comp. Bauer, Harry C. comp. An Indexed Bibliography of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville: TVA Information Div., 1941-42. B2020 The TVA Program: A Bibliography. Knoxville: TVA Information Div., 1943-1968. Various editions covering the period from 1943 to 1968. F3000 Foye, G. Gibson Emory and Henry's Contribution to the Development of Democracy. Address to the Washington County Historical Society, Bulletin no. 16. Abingdon, Va.: n.p., December 1947. F3010 Foyles, Edward J. The Genealogy about Mills Springs, Monticello Quadrangle, Kentucky. New York: American Museum of National History, 1921. F3020 (BC) France, Irene Bolton "A Program of Library Instruction for the Ninth Grade Pupils at Jonesboro High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. Jonesboro is the oldest town in Tennessee, yet its school system is one of the most innovative in the state. F3030 (ETSU) Francis, Elesabeth Wheeler Lost Links: New Recordings of Old Data from Many States. Nashville, Tenn.: McQuiddy Print. Co., 1945. F3040 (ASU) Francis, G. S. Obenshain, S. S. Soil Survey, Russell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1945. O100 (BC) Francis, Phillip Seventy Years in the Coal Mines. Manuscript, n.p.: n.p., 1943? Personal memoir of a lifetime in the mines of Kentucky and Tennessee. F3050 (BC) Frank, Bernard Peck, Millard Economic Utilization of Marginal Lands in Nicholas and Webster Counties, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1932. PI 540 Frank, Robert M. "Pennsylvania Markets for Primary Forest Products." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1956. F3060 Franklin, James Rutherford In the Path of the Storm. New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1927. A college youth working his way through school by selling pots and pans is stranded with a mountain moonshining family and later suspected of informing on the illegal operation. F3070 (ASU BC LMC) Frantz, Mabel Goode Full Many a Name; the ' Story of Sam Davis, Scout and Spy, C. S. A. Jackson, Tenn.: McCowat-Mercer Press, 1961. F3080 Frawley, Margaret L. Surface Mined Areas: Control and Reclamation of Environmental Damage; a Bibliography. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Interior, Office of Library Services, 1971. F3090 (ASU) �FRAYSER—FROST Frayser, Anne Rebecca Finch Mission. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1951. An account of the Protestant Episcopal Church's Missions in Virginia. F3100 (ASU LMC BC) Frazier, Anne A. "A Critical Analysis of the Counselor's Role in Blountville Junior High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. F3110 (ETSU) Frazier, Chalmer "History of Education of Floyd County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1939. A very interesting study of the role of education in one of Kentucky's most controversial counties. F3120 Frazier, Evelyn McD Hunting Your Ancestors in South Carolina: A Guide for Amateur Genealogists. Watterboro, S. C: Florentine Press, 1969. F3130 (ASU) Frazier, Thomas R. The Underside of American History: Other Readings Since 1865. n.p.: n.p., n.d. Volume II is dedicated to Myles Horton and the Highlander idea. It contains a great deal of information on the Appalachian Region. F3140 Freed man, Ronald "Recent Migration into Chicago." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Chicago, 1948. Many of the migrants are from the Appalachians. The author is sensitive and literate and the volume is quite readable for a dissertation. F3150 Recent Migration into Chicago. Chicago-. Univ. of Chicago Press, 1950. F3160 Free), Margaret Walker Our Heritage, the People of Cherokee County, North Carolina, 1540-1955. Asheville, N. C.: Miller Print. Co., 1956. One of western North Carolina's better county histories. F3170 (ASU WCU BC) Freeman, Berry B. Bechtler's Gold. Spindale, N. C.: Spindale Press, 1958. Interesting phamplet about the discovery of gold in Rutherford County, North Carolina. F3180 Freeman, John F. A Guide to Manuscripts relating to the American Indian in the library of the American Philosophical Society. Memoirs, vol. 65. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1966. F3190 (ASU MHC) Freeman, Louise Barton Regional Subsurface Stratigraphy of the Cambrian and Ordovician in Kentucky and Vicinity. University of Kentucky Geological Survey, Series 9, Bulletin, no. 12. 1953. Reprint. Lexington: n.p., 1960. F3200 (ETSU) Freeman, Richard B. Segal, Martin Economic Redevelopment Research: Population, Labor Force and Unemployment in Chronically Depressed Areas. Washington: Area Redevelopment Administration, 1964. SI 730 French, Evelyn Jackson Mountain Ballads, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Typewritten copy with notes. F3210 (BC) French, Jack, Jr. "Segration Patterns in a Coal Camp." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1953. A study of isolates and other forms of social segregation and alienation in a West Virginia coal camp. F3220 (ASU) French, Jack Phillip "Evaluation of Reading in the Bristol, Virginia, Schools with a Suggested Corrective Program." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. F3230 (ETSU) French, Janie Preston Collup Davy Crockett and the Crockett Family. Chattanooga: Lookout, 1951. F3250 Notable Southern Families. The Doak Family. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Lookout Publishing Co., 1933. F3260 AUTHOR French, Janie Vreston Collup The Crockett Family and Connecting Lines. (Notable Southern Families, vol. 5.) Bristol, Tenn.: King Print. Co., 1928. Contains almost one hundred pages of original court records pertaining to the Crockett family. Index not 'complete. F3240 Frenchburg Reporter; a Voice from th,e Mountain Schools of W. G. M. S. vol. 1, 1931. Frenchburg, Ky.: Frenchburg Schools, 1931. An account of the work of the United Presbyterian Church. F3270 (BC) Freund, Virginia ed. Strachey, 'William The History of Travel Into Virginia Britania (1612). London: Hakluyt Society, 1953. S7730 (ASU) Freytag, Ethel A History of M organ County, Tennessee. Wartburg, "Tenn.: Specialty Print. Co., 1971. Contains reprints of early records and good genealogical information. F3280 (ASU BC) Fridell, Guy What Is It About Virginia? Richmond, Virginia: The Dietz Press, Inc., 1966. F3290 Fridley, H. M. Vessel, A. J. Soil Survey, Greenbrier County, West Virginia. Washington: U. 'S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. V580 Williams, Blonnie 'Hugh Soil Survey of Hardy and Pendleton Counties, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, B.ureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. W6430 Williams, Blonnie Hugh Soil Survey of Pocahonta?; County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. W6440 Williams, Filonnie Hugh Soil Survey of Randolph County, West Virginia. Washi ngton: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1936, W64/JO Fridley, Harry Marion The Geomorphic History of the New Kanawha River System. Report of Investigations, no. 7. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological & Economic Survey, 1950. The New River is reputedly the first or second oldest in the world. F3300 (ETSU) Friedl, Joseph J. "History of Education in McDowell County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1940. F3310 Friodmann, John Regional Development and Planning: A Reader. Cambridge, Mass.: M. I. T. Press, 1964. A hand book for community action and anti-poverty groups. F3320 (ASU) Friedmann, John R. The Spatial Structure of Economic Development in the Tennessee Valley. (Research Paper No. 39.) Chicago: Department of Geography, University of Chicago, 1955. F3330 (BC) Friend, Llerena Sam Houston, the Great Designer. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1954, 1969. Houston's youth was spent in East Tennessee. F3340 Friend, Robert C. and others Giles County, 1806-1956, a Brief History. Pearisburg, Va.: Giles County Chamber of Commerce, n.d. One of a very few published sources on Giles County. F3350 Friermood, Elizabeth Hamilton Ballad of Calamity Creek. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1962. Humorous tale with a mountain setting. F3360 (ASU BC) Fries, Adelaide Lisetta The Moravians in Georgia, 1735-1740. 1905. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. The Moravians were the first missionaries in the Cherokee Nation of Georgia. F3370 (ASU) 80 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Road to Salem. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1944. Contains occassional references to the mountain settlements. F3390 (ASU LMC) Some Moravian Heroes. Bethlehem, Pa.: Comenius Press, 1936. F3400 (ASU) Fries, Adelaide Lisetta ed. Records of the Moravians in North Carolina. ? vols. Raleigh: Edwards & Broughton Print. Co., 1922. At one time the Moravians had a number of churches in the western mountains of N. C. F3380 (ASU LMC MHC) Frings, Ketti Look Homeward, Angel: A Play Based on the Novel by Thomas Wolfe. With introduction by Edward C. Aswell. New York: Scribner, 1958. F3410 (ASU BC) Frisch, Isadore "Twentieth Century Development of the Coal Mining Industry in Eastern Kentucky and Its Influence upon the Political Behavior of This Area." Master's thesis. Microfilm. Univ. of Kentucky, 1938. A fascinating topic which proved too large for this one thesis. F3420 (ASU) Friscia, August Blake "Industrial Retardation and Economic Growth: A Case Study of Secular and Structural Change in the United States, 1920-1960." Ph. D. Diss. New York Univ., 1970. F3430 Fritz, Arah Miller Crabtrees of Southwest Virginia. Pecos, Texas: Hawks Printing Co., 1965. F3440 Frizzed, Izora Waters Edwards, Rapha Olga Jones "The Connection" in East Tennessee. Washington College, Tenn.: Pioneer Printers, 1969. El 180 (ASU BC) Froelicb, Albert J. Geological Map of the Balkan Quadrangle, Bell and Harlan Counties, Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1973. F3450 (BC) From the Hills Charleston, W. Va.: MHC Publications, Morris Harvey College, 1972-. Formed by uniting STORIES FROM THE HILLS, ed. Barbara Yeager and POEMS FROM THE HILLS, ed. Bill Plumley. F3460 (ASU BC) Frome, Michael Strangers in High Places: The Story of the Great Smoky Mountains. Maps by Stephen Kraft. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1966. A story of the near-war between Tennessee and North Carolina over the location of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. F3470 (ASU WCU LMC MHC FC ETSU BC) Virginia. New York: Coward-McCann, Inc., 1966. F3480 (ASU) Whose Woods These Are: The Story of the National Forests. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1962. F3490 (MHC) Frontier Nursing Service, Inc. Quarterly Bulletin. vol. 1, no. 1-. Lexington, Ky.: Frontier Nursing Services, Inc., 1926. F3500 (ASU BC) Thirty Years Onward. Frontier N. S., 1925-1955. Lexington: Frontier Nursing Service, 1955. F3510 (BC ASU) Today, Yesterday and Tomorrow, n.p.: n.p., 1963. F3520 (BC) Frost, John Border Wars of the West. Auburn, N. Y.: Derby and Miller, 1853. Includes material on Pennsylvania, Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee. F3530 (BC) Frost, Norman A Statistical Study of the Public Schools of the Southern Appalachian Mountains. Bulletin 11, 1915; no. 636. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Education, 1915. F3540 (ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Frost, Ralph Walter "A History, of the Cherokee Indians of the Tennessee Region from 1783-1794." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1925. F3550 (ASU) Frost, William Goodell Berea College from Servitude to Service, Being the Old South Lectures on the History and Work of the Negro. Boston: American Unitarian Assoc., 1905. F3560 (BC) For the Mountains, an Autobiography. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1937. Autobiography of a Berea College president who dedicated himself to the Southern Mountains. F3570 (ASU LMC BC) Frothingham, Earl Hazeltine Timber Growing and Logging Practice in the Southern Appalachian Region. U. S. Department of Agriculture Technical Bulletin, 250. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1931. A study of reforestation, forest practices, and management. F3580 (BC ASU) Frothingham, Robert The Pioneer: A Biography. N. Y.: The Knickerbocker Press, 1920. A biography of Albert E. Humphrey born on the frontier near Sissonville, West Virginia. He became a wealthy coal and iron magnate in Appalachia. F3590 (BC) Fry, Joshua The Fry and Jefferson Map of Virginia and Maryland. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1950. F3600 (FC) Fry, Mary A. A. Tennessee Centennial Poem. A Synopsis of the History of Tennessee from Its Earliest Settlement on Watauga to the Present Time, with Short Biographies of Her Most Prominent Men. Chattanooga, Tenn.: The author, 1896. F3610 (ASU) Frye, Garland Vamey "Job Opportunities for High School Graduates in the Manufacturing Industries in Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. F3620 (ETSU) Fullcnier, Virginia comp. Dear Annie: A Collection of Letters, 1860-1886. Art work by Patrick H. Schell, Jr. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. Civil War letters from a soldier to his wife. F3640 (ASU) Fulks, James Billy "A Proposed Master of Arts in Teaching Program for East Tennessee State University." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. F3650 (ETSU) Fuller, Edwin Wiley The Angel in the Cloud: With Memoir and Portrait of the Author, and Additional Poems. 3d ed. New York: E. J. Hale & Son, 1878. F3660 (ASU) The Angel in the Cloud, n.p.: n.p., 1907. F3670 (ASU) Fuller, G. L. Miller, John T. Soil Survey, Hall County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. M5850 (ASU) Fuller, Glenn Loren Soil Survey of Bartow County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Georgia State College of Agriculture. Soil Survey Report, Series 1926, no. 11. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. »r, Hugh Eckel "Joseph Ketron and His Kingsley Seminary, Sullivan County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1953. F3690 (ASU) Fuller, Justin "History of the Tennessee Coal, Iron, and Railroad Company, 1852-1907." Ph. D. Diss. University of North Carolina, 1966. F3700 AUTHOR Fuller, R. V. A Study of the Physical Education Problems as Found In Negro Schools in East Tennessee." Master's thesis. Tennessee Agricultural and Industrial University, 1956. F3710 Fuller, Ruby Jewell. A Study of Library Services in Some Southwest Virginia Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1963. F3720 (ETSU) Fuller, Stephen Souther "The Appalachian Experiment: Growth or Development." Ph. D. Diss. Cornell Univ., 1969. Explores the impact, or lack of it, of the War on Poverty's infusion of money during the 1960's. F3730 Fuller, Theodore Elwood "An Analysis of the Spatial Structure of Manufacturing in the Appalachian Region Between 1950-1960." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1966. F3740 (ASU) Employment in Appalachia: Trends and Prospects. Agricultural Economic Report, no. 134. ERIC RC 002 964. Washington: Economic Research Service, U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1968. F3750 (ASU) Employment, Unemployment, and Low Incomes in Appalachia. In cooperation with the Pennsylvania State University College of Agriculture, Agricultural Experiment Station. Agricultural Economic Report, no. 73. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, 1965. F3760 (LMC ASU) Fulmer, John L. Development Potentials For Kentucky Counties With Related Statistics Lexington: Bureau of Business Research, College of Business and Economics, Univ. of Kentucky. F3770 Fulmer, John Leonard Kentucky Employment Trends from 1951 to 1963 with Projections to 1965-1975. Lexington: Bureau of Business Research, Univ. of Kentucky, 1965. F3780 Kentucky Employment Trends from 1951 to 1963, with Projections to 1965-75. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, Bureau of Business Research, 1965. F3790 Fulton, Eleanore Jane An Index to the Will Books and Interstate Records of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, 1729-1850, with an Historical Sketch and Classified Bibliography. Lancaster, Pa.: Intelligencer Print. Co., 1936. F3800 (ASU) Fulton, Maurice Garland Southern Life in Southern Literature. Boston: Ginn and Co., 1917. Scant mention of Appalachian literature. F3810 Fundaburk, Emma Lila Sun Circles and Human Hands: The Southeastern Indians Art and Industries. Luverne, Ala.: n.p., 1957. F3830 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Fundaburk, Emma Lila ed. Southeastern Indians: Life Portraits: A Catalogue of Pictures, 1564-1860. Luverne, Ala.: n.p., 1958. F3820 (MHC BC) Funk, David T. A Revised Bibliography of Strip Mine Reclamation. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Miscellaneous Release 35. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1962. F3840 (ASU) Funkhouser, William Delbert Ancient Life in Kentucky: A Brief Presentation of the Paleontological Succession in Kentucky Coupled with a Systematic Outline of the Archaeology of the Commonwealth. Illustrated with one hundred and seventy-six original photographs and diagrams. Series 6, Geologic Reports, vol. 34. Frankfort: Kentucky Geological Survey, 1928. F3850 (ASU BC) 81 FROST—FUSON Ancient Life in Kentucky: A Brief Presentation of the Paleontological Succession in Kentucky Coupled with a Systematic Outline of the Archaeology of the Commonwealth. Illustrated with one hundred and seventy-six original photographs, maps, and diagrams. Series 6, Geologic Reports, vol. 34. 1928. Reprint. Berea, Ky.: Kentucke Imprints, 1972. F3860 (WCU MHC BC) Furches, John Frank The Furches Folks. Clemmons, N. C: The author, 1971. F3870 (ASU) A Genealogical Resume of "The Furches Folks." Clemmons, N. C.: The author, n.d. F3880 (ASU) Furman, Lucy The Glass Window; a Story of the Kentucky Mountains. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1929. F3890 The Glass Window: A Story of the Quare Woman. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1925. A novel about the founding of the Hindman Settlement School. F3900 (ASU LMC BC) The Lonesome Road. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1928. The grandson of a hard-shell Baptist preacher wanders into the big world then decides to return home. F3910 (WWC) Lonesome Road. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1927. F3920 The Lonesome Road. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1937. F3930 (ASU LMC) Mothering on Perilous. Illustrated by Mary Lane. New York: Macmillan Co., 1913. A settlement school worker finds her students incomprehensible and they must learn to adjust to her. F3940 (ASU BC) Mothering on Perilous. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1914. F3950 The Quare Women. Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1923. A group of early female social workers camp out in Knott Co., Ky. Feuds and humor predominate. F3960 (BCWWC) Quare Women. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1937. F3970 The Quare Women: A Story of the Kentucky Mountains. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1937. F3980 (ASU LMC BC) Sight to the Blind: A Story. With an introduction by Ida Tdrbell. New York: Macmillan Co., 1914. Missionaries arrange to convert a woman by having cataracts removed from her eyes. F3990 (ASU LMCBC) Furman University. Greenville, S. C. The Furman Bulletin, New Series, vol. 1. Greenville, S. C.: Furman Univ., 1951. F4000 Furr, William R. Tomorrow Achieved, a Novel. Kansas City, Mo.: Chapman Publishers, 1946. Young Dusty Lanier journey's from Hyden to Hazard to work in mines. He finds job and romance. F4010 (ASUBC) Fuson, Henry Harvey Ballads of the Kentucky Highland. London: Mitre Press, 1931. F4020 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) History of Bell County, Kentucky. New York: Hobson Book Press, 1947. Interesting history of Josh Bell County and the Gaparea. F4030 (BC) History of the Fuson Family. London: Mitre Press, 1932. Native to Harlan and Bell Counties, Ky. F4040 (BC) Chant the Mountains. Louisville: Standard Print. Co., 1945. A verse about the Kentucky mountains. F4050 (BC) Just from Kentucky. Louisville: J. P. Morton & Co., 1925. Poems from the Kentucky hills. F4060 (BC) �FUSON—GARNETT Fuson, Henry Harvey The Pinnacle and Other Kentucky Mountain Poems. Louisville, Ky.: J. P. Morton & Co., 1921. Poems from the Kentucky hills. F4070 (ASU BC) The Strange Shape. Louisville: Standard Print. Co., 1946. F4080 (BC) Fussed, Kenneth Eugene Soil Survey, Marshall County, Alabama. Soils surveyed by K. E. Fussell and others. Correlation by I. L. Martin. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1956, no. 2. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. F4090 Gabbard, Eugene Field "History of Education in Owsley County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1939. G10 (BC) Notes from the History of Education in Owsley County. Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1939. G20 Gabel, Hortense West Virginia Housing. A Consultant's Report to the Governor's Task Force on Housing and the West Virginia State Development Plan. West Virginia State Development Plan, Program Development Series, Working Paper, no. 3. Morgantown: Office of Research and Development, West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, West Virginia Univ., 1967. G30 Gable, William Russell "The Tennessee Valley Authority and Its Relation to Private Enterprise." Master's thesis. Louisiana State Univ., 1949. G40 Gableman, John W. Uranium in the Appalachian Mobile Belt. U. S. Atomic Energy Commission Research and Development Report, RME-4107. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. G50 (LMC) Gabriel, Ralph Henry Elias Boudinot, Cherokee, and His America. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1941. A biography of a Cherokee leader who exemplified American Protestantism confronting not only a race problem, but also one of adjustment between two radically different cultures. G60 (ASU BC UNCA) Gaby, L. I. Forced Air Drying of Southern Pine Lumber. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 121. Asheville, N. C: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. G70 (WCU) Gaddis, Haxwell Pierson Foot-prints of an Itinerant. Cincinnati: Methodist Book Concern, 1855. At various times during his career with the Cincinnati Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Gaddis visited several of the Virginia springs and gives considerable attention to them. G80 Gage, Wilson, pseud, see Steele, Mary Q. Gahr, David The Face of Folk Music. Text by Robert Shelton. 1st ed. New York: Citadel Press, 1968. G90 (ASU) Gainer, Patrick W. The West Virginia Centennial Book of One Hundred Songs, 1863-1963; Patriotic Songs, Folk Songs and Hymns. Morgantown, W. Va.: n.p., 1963. Some of the hymns have shape note notations. G100 Gaither, Gene A. Akins, Richard O. Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1972. A850 Galbraith, Vivian Hunter An Introduction to the Use of the Public Records. 1934. Reprint. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1952. A good research tool for searching out ships records of those who emigrated to America. G110 (ASU) AUTHOR Galbreath, Paul M. Maryland Water Law. Water Laws and Legal Principles Affecting the Use of Water in Maryland. College Park: Water Sources Study Committee, Univ. of Maryland, 1965. Maryland has three Appalachian counties from which a number of rivers rise. G120 Gale, Thomas H. The Wonder of the Nineteenth Century, Rock Oil in Pennsylvania and Elsewhere. Erie, Pa.: Sloan & Griffith, 1860. G130 (ASU) Gallatin, M. H. Austin, Moris E. Soil Survey, Claiborne County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. A5560 (ASU) Gallimore, Leonard R. "An Inspection of Standardized Test Results in the Schools of Bath County, Virginia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1962. G140 (ETSU) Galloway, Carl Wilson This is My Country: A Book of Poetry. Graham, N. C.: n.p., 1959. Poems praising the western North Carolina mountain country. G150 (ASU) Galloway, Robert E. Part-time Farming in Eastern Kentucky. Bulletin, 646. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1956. Study shows that even marginal farmers who must take jobs in industry prefer to think of themselves as farmers. G160 Rural Manpower in Eastern Kentucky: A Study of Under-Employment among Rural Workers in Economic Area Eight. Bulletin no. 627. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1955. G170 Utilization of Rural Manpower in Eastern Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1953. G180 Gait, W. I. Deeter, Earl B. Soil Survey of Mercer County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1919. D1600 Gamble, Hays B. Glass, Janet H. A Regional Economic Study of Cameron County, Pennsylvania. University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ., 1967. G2050 (ASU) Gamble, Hays Bentley The Economic Structure of Sullivan County, Pennsylvania. University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ., College of Agriculture, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1967. G190 (ASU) "Equating Timber and Wildlife Values and Returns to the Farm Resource Base in Sullivan County, Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1962. G200 The Impact of Interchange Development on the Economy of Clinton County. Research Report, no. 10. University Park, Pa.: Institute for Research on Land and Water Resources, 1966. G210 "An Input-output Model Incorporating Impact Analysis to Evaluate the Resources and Economy of a Rural Appalachian Community." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1966. G22Q Gamble, Margaret Elizabeth "The Heritage and Folk Music of Cades Cove, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Southern California, 1947. A nicely-done study of the heritage of Cades Cove collected just before the final government evictions. G230 (LMC) Gandee, Lee R. Strange Experience: The Autobiography of a Hexenmeister. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971. Autobiography of a West Virginia clairvoyant. G240 (LMC) 82 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Ganier, Albert F. A Distributional List of the Birds of Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee Dept. of Game and Fish, 1933. G250 Gannett, Henry Dictionary of Altitude in the U. S. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1906. G260 A Gazetteer of West Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 233. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1904. Lists place names for post villages, towns, counties, mountains, and rivers. G270 (BC ASU) Gardner, Annie Cofield "Social Organization and Community Solidarity in Painttown, Cherokee, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1958. A very good study of kinship and social patterns on the Cherokee reservation. G280 (ETSU ASU) Gardner, Caroline Clever Country: Kentucky Mountain Trails. N. Y.: F. H. Revell, 1931. G290 (LMC BC) Gardner Gidley & Associates Master Plan for Recreation and Parks: Jackson County, North Carolina. Winston-Salem: n.p., 1969. G300 (WCU) Gardner, Jeanne A Grain of Mustard. New York: Trident Press, 1969. Autobiography of the clairvoyant and prophet from Elkins, West Virginia. G310 Gardner, R. M. Palo, G. P. Tennessee Valley Authority's Bull Run Steam Plant. Knoxville, Tenn.: TVA, 1963. PI 30 Gardner, Rufus L. The Courthouse Tragedy at Hillsville, Va. Mt. Airy, N. C.: Reliable Print. Co., 1962. This book is based on newspaper articles, courthouse records, and last statements by Claud Allen and his father Floyd Allen, who requested before being electrocuted that this information be passed on to the public. G320 (ASU) Garland, Matilda Pierce "Effect of Consolidation on Johnson County School, Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. G330 (ETSU) Garner, Edward Dixon For All the Lost and Lonely. Published with the assistance of Lena Mearle Shull Endowment. Old North State Poets, Series 1, no. 3. Raleigh: Poetry Council of North Carolina, 1965. G340 (LMC ASU WCU) Sketchbook from Hell. Durham, N. C.: Moore Pub. Co., 1974? G350 (WCU) When Men and Mountains Meet, n.p.: Green Leaf Publishers, 1969. G360 (WCU LMC MHC ASU) Garner, Isaac Leonard "A Study of Certain Phases of the Educational and Economic Conditions of Marion County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1930. G370 Garner, Thomas E. The Igneous Rocks of Pendleton County, West Virginia. Report of Investigations, no. 12. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1956. G380 (ETSU) Garnett, William Edward A Social Study of the Blacksburg Community. Bulletin, 299. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1935. G390 (ASU) The Virginia Rural Church and Related Influences, 1900-1950. Bulletin, 479. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1957. G400 Virginia Rural Youth Adjustments. Bulletin, 405. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1947. G410 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Gornett, William Edward Virginia's Marginal Population — A Study in Rural Poverty. A report on official project 465-31-3-139 conducted under the auspices of the Works Progress Administration. Bulletin, 335. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1941. G420 (BC) Garrett, Jill K. A History of Florence, Alabama, with 1850 Census of Lauderdale County. Columbia, Term.: The author, 1968, Not quite all of Lauderdale County is in the region and Florence is on the very edge. G430 (ASU) Garrett, Lawrence D. Physical Suitability of Appalachian Hardwood Sawlogs for Sawed Timbers. U. S. Forest Service Research Note, NE-121. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. 0440 Garrett, Mitchell Bennett Horse and Buggy Days on Hatchet Creek. Montgomery: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1957. An informative and entertaining history of upper Alabama. G450 (ASU BC) Garrett, William Robertson History of the South Carolina Cession, and the Northern Boundary of Tennessee. Nashville: Southern Methodist Pub. House, 1884. A strip of land 12 miles wide, 400 miles long and south of present boundary of Tennessee. A Tennessee, Georgia, North Carolina, and South Carolina dispute still continues although a settlement was reached further west in Mississippi and Alabama. G460 (ETSU BC) Garriott, William Campbell, Jr. "The Effects of Environment on Public Planning: The Case of Appalachian Planning in Tennessee." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1969. A sad tale of too-little, too-late in terms of public concern and effective legislation to save the environment. G470 (LMC) Garrison, Charles B. comp. Non-federal Aid for Community Development Projects in Kentucky. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1964. Includes material on programs in Eastern Kentucky. G480 Garrison, Winfred Ernest Religion Follows the Frontier; a History of the Disciples of Christ. New York: Harper, 1931. G490 (BC) Garst, William Tell Our Garst Family in America. 1st ed. Kansas City, Mo.: Brown-White Lowell Press, 1950. G500 Garth, John Hill Man. New York: Pyramid Books, 1960. A powerful novel of violence and desire in the Kentucky mountains. G510 (BC) Garvey, Edward B. Appalachian Hiker: Adventure of a Lifetime. Oakton, Va.: Appalachian Books, 1971. A very readable account of a back-packing trip along the 2,000 mile Appalachian Trail. GSM (BC ASU WCU ETSU) Garvey, K. F. "A Descriptive Study of Patients Accepted for Service During a Three-month Period at Psychiatric Service Clinic in Norton, Virginia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1956. G530 Gaskins, Morris M. A Lighthouse in the Wilderness. Albany, Ky.: Clear Fork Baptist Church, 1972. History of the Clear Fork Baptist Church in Albany Kentucky. G540 (BC) Gasque, Jim Hunting and Fishing in the Great Smokies. 1st ed. Borzai Books for Sportsmen. New York: A. A. Knopf, 1948. G550 (BC UNCA ASU WCU LMC) Gaston, Arthur George Green Power, the Successful Way of A. G. Gaston. Birmingham, Ala.: Southern Univ. Press, 1968. Success story of a Birmingham businessman and civic leader. G560 AUTHOR Gates, Gary R. A Kentucky Riverlands Development Program. Prepared for the Kentucky Department of Commerce. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1965. G570 Leslie, J. D. Management of Kentucky Natural Resources. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1965. LI 900 Gates, Margaret Haynes "Fact and Fiction in the Early Biographies of David Crockett." Master's thesis. Univ. of Illinois, 1929. A fascinating and much needed study of the interwoven fact and legend surrounding Crockett. G580 Gatewood, William B., Jr. Preachers, Pedagogues and Politicians: The Evolution Controversy in North Carolina, 1920-1927. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1966. G590 (WCU WWC) Gath see Townsend, George Alfred Gattinger, Augustin The Flora of Tennessee and a Philosophy of Botany, Respectfully Dedicated to the Citizens of Tennessee. Nashville: Gospel Advocate, 1901. G600 The Medicinal Plants of Tennessee Exhibiting Their Commercial Value, with an Analytical Key, Descriptions in Aid of Their Recognition, and Notes Relating to Their Distribution, Time and Mode of Collection, and Preparation for the Drug Market. Nashville: F. M. Paul, 1894. G610 The Tennessee Flora: With Special Reference to the Flora of Nashville. Phaenogams and Vascular Crytogams. Nashville: The author, 1887. G620 Gautt, Thomas G. "Rural Land Use in Franklin County, Tennessee." Ed. D. Diss. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1959. G630 Gaumnitz, Walter Herbert Education in the Southern Mountains. Rev. by Katherine M. Cook. Office of Education Bulletin 1937, no. 26. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1938. A review of the many educational phenomena in Appalachia. G640 (ASU BC) Good References on Educational Problems of the Southern Highlands. Washington: U. S. Dept. of the Interior, 1936. G650 Gaut, John M. Cumberland: The Story of a Name. Nashville: Cumberland Presbyterian Pub. House, 1903. More than any other church, the Cumberland Presbyterian Church can be said to be an Appalachian phenomena. G660 (BC) Gavett, Thomas William Migration and Changes in the Quality of the Labor Force. Business and Economic Studies, vol. 10, no. 2. Also, Bulletin, Series 67, no. 7-1. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1967. G670 (ETSU) The Unemployed in West Virginia. Business and Economic Studies, vol. 8, no. 1. Also, Bulletin, Series 62, no. 12-2. Morgantown: Bureau of Business Research, College of Commerce, West Virginia Univ., 1962. G680 (ASU) Wage Differentials in West Virginia. Business and Economic Studies, vol. 7, no. 4. Bulletin Series 61, no. 12-1. Morgantown: Bureau of Business Research, College of Commerce, West Virginia Univ., 1961. G690 Gavin, Also Franklin "Beginnings: A History of the Founding of Churches in Transylvania County, 1795-1865." Master's thesis. Western Carolina Univ., 1970. G700 (WCU) Gazaway, Rena The Longest Mile. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1969. A sensitive but depressing book about the author's experiences with Appalachian families. 6710 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU FC BC WWC) 83 GARNETT—GEOLOGICAL Gearing, Frederick O. Priest and Warriors: Social Structures for Cherokee Politics in the 18th Century. Memoir 93, vol. 64, no. 5. Menasha, Wis.: American Anthropological Assoc., 1962. G720 (ASU ETSU BC) Gearreald, T. N. Morgan, E. L. Farmer Cooperation in Southwest Virginia. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1941. M7500 (ASU) Gedney, Frederick G. Shenandoah; or The Horizon's Bar. A Story of the War. New York: J. S. Ogilne, 1890. Civil War fiction set in the Shenandoah Valley. G730 Gee, Wilson ed. Catlett, Clay Michie An Economic and Social Survey of Augusta County. Charlottesville: Univ. of Va., 1928. C2110 (ASU BC) Gee, Wilson Parham An Economic and Social Survey of Albemarle County. Berryville, Va.: Virginia Book Co., 1922. G740 Geib, W. J. Wilder, Henry Jason Soil Survey of the Pikeville Area, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1904. W6130 Geiger, James E. "Suburban Opposition to Annexation: Case Study Bristol, Virginia, 1972." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. G750 (ETSU) Geisler, Adatene "An Economic Study of Old Age Pensions with Special Reference to Seven Upper East Tennessee Counties." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1953. G760 Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania Palatine Church Visitations, 1609. Publications, Special Number. Philadelphia (?): The society, 1930. G780 (ASU) Genealogical Society of the Original Wilkes County Will Books, Wilkes County, North Carolina. Projected series of which the following have been published: vol. 1, 1778-1811. vol. 2, 1811-1848. Wilkesboro, N. C: n.p., 1970. G770 General Index to Census of Pensioners, 1840. Prepared by the Genealogical Society of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. G790 Genth, Friedrich August Ludwig Karl Wilhelm The Minerals and Mineral Localities of North Carolina. Being Chapter 1, vol. 2 of the Geology of North Carolina. Reprinted by order of the Board of Agriculture. Raleigh: P. M. Hale, 1885. Most of these localities are in western North Carolina. G800 (ASU) Gentry, James A., Jr. Blaine, James Cyril Dickson The Industrial Development Program of North Carolina, 1954 to 1962, with Projections to 1970. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Graduate School of Business Administration, 1964. B4450 Gentry, Linnell A History and Encyclopedia of Country, Western, and Gospel Music. Nashville: Clairmont Corp., 1969. G810 (ASU) Gentry, Winalee One More River to Cross. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1955. Wife's account of bushland's experiences in gas and oil fields of East Kentucky. G820 (BC) Geological Society of Kentucky Itinerary: Some Stratigraphic and Structural Features of the Middlesboro Basin. Road log for field conference, Geological Society of Kentucky and Appalachian Geological Society. Field trip, 1957. Lexington, Ky.: The society, 1957. G830 (ETSU) �GEOLOGICAL-GIELOW Geological Society of Kentucky Selected Features of the Kentucky Fluorspar District and the Berkley Dam Site. Annual Spring meeting of the society. Field trip, 1962. Published in cooperation with Kentucky Geological Survey. Lexington, Ky.: The society, 1962. G840 (ETSU) George, Francis The Only Nancy. A Tale of the Kentucky Mountains. New York and London: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1917. Mountain lass discovers love and a heretofore unsuspected aristocratic background all in one short season. G850 George, Francis, pseud, see Robertson, George Francis George, Jean Craighead The Moon of the Bears. Illustrated by Mac Shepard. The Thirteen Moons. New York: Crowell, 1967. An animal tale for children about a family of bears in the East Tennessee mountains. G860 (ETSU) George, John R. Biesecker, James E. Stream Quality in Appalachia as Related to Coal-mine Drainage, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. B3570 (LMC BC ASU) George, Kochuparampel Mammen "Association of Selected Economic Factors with Net Migration Rates in the Southern Appalachian Region, 1935-1937." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1961. G870 George, S. R. Biesecker, James E. Stream Quality in Appalachia as Related to Coal-mine Drainage. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1966. B3571 Georgia Board of Education Georgia: A Guide to Its Towns and Countryside. 1st ed. 1940. Reprint. American Guide Series. St. Clair Shores, Mich.: Somerset, 1973. The Georgia mountains have many scenic attractions. G880 (MHC) Georgia. Department of Archives and History Georgia's Roster of the Revolution. 1920. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. G890 (ASU) Georgia, Department of Industry and Trade, Research Division Developing Georgia, a Statistical Study. Atlanta: The division, 1965. G900 Georgia. Department of Mines, Mining and Geology. Publications on the Geology and Mineral Resources of Georgia, n.p.: n.p., n.d. G910 (ETSU) Short Contributions to the Geology, Geography, and Archaeology of Georgia. Bulletin, no. 56, 60,- Atlanta: n.p., 1950-. G920 (ETSU) The Georgia Genealogical Magazine No. 1- . July, 1961- . Index, numbers 1-46, 1961-1972. Homerville, Ga.: n.p., quarterly. G930 (ASU) Georgia Genealogical Reprints The Third and Fourth or 1820 and 1821 Land Lotteries of Georgia. Easley, S. C: Georgia Genealogical Reprints and Southern Historical Press, 1973. G940 (ASU) Georgia Historical Society Index to United States Census of Georgia for 1820. Compiled under the auspices of the Georgia Historical Society. 2nd ed. With additions and corrections by Mrs. Eugene A. Stanley. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. G950 (ASU) Georgia Manufacturers, Producers-Processors. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Commerce, 1951-. G960 Georgia Pioneers Century of Columbia County, Georgia, Wills, 1790-1890. Albany, Ga.: The author, 1966. G970 (ASU) AUTHOR Columbia County, Georgia, Early Court Records. Albany, Ga.: Georgia Pioneers, 1967. Columbia County served as a sort of holding pen for families waiting to get into the Cherokee Nation lottery lands. G980 (ASU) Columbia County, Georgia: Early Marriage Records. Albany, Ga.: The author, 1966. G990 (ASU) The Georgia Review vol. 1- . 1947- . Athens: Univ. of Georgia, quarterly. G1000 (MHC) Georgia. State Engineering Experiment Station, Atlanta. Highlights of the Economy of the Georgia Mountains Area. Atlanta: State Experiment Station, 1964. G1010 (BCASU) Georgia, State Geologist The Paleozoic Group: The Geology of Ten Counties of Northwestern Georgia. Atlanta: G. W. Harrison, 1893. Unfortunately many of these promising sites have been or are slated to be inundated by the TVA. G1020 (BC ASU) Georgia. University. Department of English Thomas Wolfe and the Glass of Time. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1974. G1030 (ETSU ASU) Geo-Technicai Service Sugar Creek Resettlement Area, Leslie County, Kentucky. A Report of a Conference on Planned Relocation, New Housing and Local Employment in Eastern Kentucky, 1966. n.p.: The conference, 1966. G1040 Gerrard, Louise Burr "Impact of a Federal Grant-in-aid Program on an Economically Depressed, Rural State: A Case Study of Mental Health Programs in West Virginia." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1969. G1050 Gersmehl, Phillip Joel "A Geographic Approach to a Vegetation Problem: The Case of the Southern Appalachian Grassy Balds." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Georgia, 1970. A very nice dissertation but the Cherokee explanation for the balds is far more interesting. G1060 (BC ASU) Gerson, Noel Bertram The Cumberland Rifles. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1952. Historical fiction set in the Cumberland during the Revolution. G1070 (ASU BC) Franklin, America's "Lost State." America in the Making. New York: Crowell-Collier Press, 1968. Novel based on the life of John Sevier and the State of Franklin. G1080 (ASU ETSU) The Yankee from Tennessee. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1960. Historical fiction about Andrew Johnson. G1090 (ASU ETSU BC) Gerstel, Eva "Health, Education, and Income as Correlates of Demand for Hospital Care in the Southern Mountains." Master's thesis. North Carolina State College, 1963. As might be expected, there is a negative correlation between low income and education and those who seek medical aid. Gil 00 Getis, Arthur "A Geographical Analysis of the Rail Freight Shipments of Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1958. The mountainous regions have fewer railroads and higher freight rates. G1110 Gettys, WnYiam Goldston, Eugene Frizzed Soil Survey, Graham County, North Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. G2390 Goldston, Eugene Frizzell Soil Survey, Macon County, North Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1956. G2420 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Cherokee County, North Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1951. P2070 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Clay County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. P2080 84 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Henderson County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1943. P2100 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Mitchell County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1952. P2110 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Swain County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1947. P2120 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Transylvania County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P2130 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Yancey County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1952. P2140 Ghei, Deebak Rigsby, Michael Spirit Happy. Brevard?, N. C.: The Loom Press, 1974. R2340 Ghormley, Hugh William The Church's Distinctive Challenge in Southern Appalachia. Master's thesis. Lexington, Ky.: Lexington Theological Seminary, 1966. At one time there were almost as many missionaries sent south to Appalachia as to Africa. Gil 20 (BC) Gibbard, Harold A. "Habitat-economy-society, a Frame of Reference Applied to Southern Appalachian Coal Country." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1961. Gil 30 Gibbons, William Futhey Those Black Diamond Men: A Tale of the Anthrax Valley. New York: F. H. Revell Co., 1902. G1140 (BCASU) Gibbs, Carter B. Tree Diameter, Poor Indicator of Age in West Virginia Hardwoods. U. S. Forest Service Research Note, NE-11. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1963. Gil 50 Gibson, Ernest Willis "The Economic History of Boyd County, Kentucky." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1929. Gil60 (ASU) Gibson, Jeremy Sumner Wycherley comp. Wills and Where to Find Them. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., Inc., 1974. G1170 (ASU) Gibson, Vivian L. "A Study of Voluntary Withdrawals from McHenry and Five Feeder Schools in Floyd County, Georgia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Alabama, 1952. Gil 80 Gibson, William Lloyd, Jr. Economic Land Classification of Pulaski County. Bulletin, 398. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment, Station, 1946. Gil 90 Gielow, Martha Sawyer The Light on the Hill: A Romance of the Southern Mountains. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1915. A story of romance and politics and attempts to bring civilization to the mountains. G1200 (BCASU LMC) Mammy's Reminiscences, and Other Sketches. New York: A. S. Barnes and Co., 1898. A series of sketches about mountain life and manners. G1210 (ASU BC) Mountain Pageant of Historic Tableaux and Symbolic Figures: The Story of a People Lost in the Appalachians for Nearly Two Hundred Years. Washington: Southern Industrial Educational Assoc., n.d. Sweetly nonsensical pageant which purports to represent Appalachian history. G1220 (LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Gielow, Martha Sawyer Old Andy, the Moonshiner. Washington: W. F. Roberts Co., 1909. Old Andy sends his granddaughter to the mission school with money saved from distilling. He's caught; a good lawyer gets him off and books solicits funds for the Southern Industrial Education Association. G1230 (LMC ASU BC) Uncle Sam. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1913. Another sentimental story about mountain people who are variously characterized. G1240 (ASU BC LMC) The Whispering Fairy: Constructive Stories for Children. Los Angeles: J. F. Rowny Press, 1923. G1250 (LMC) Gieseman, Raymond W. Underemployment Concept, Way to Measure Need for Economic Development in Appalachia. Economic Research Service, Department of Agriculture, Series, 347. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. In this study need for economic development is tied directly to unemployment patterns. G1260 Giffin, Philip E. Annotated Bibliography on Industrial Concentration and Firm Diversification in the Bitumonous Coal Industry with Special Reference to the Southeastern United States, 1950-1970. Knoxville: Appalachian Resources Project at the University of Tennessee, 1972. A thirty-one page compilation drawn mainly from periodical literature. G1270 Gilbert, John F. Crossties Over Saluda. Raleigh: Crossties Press, 1971. G1280 Gilbert. John F. ed. Crossties through Carolina. Raleigh: Helios Press, 1969. G1290 (ASU LMC MHC) Gilbert, Vernon Coll is "Vegetation of the Grassy Balds of the Great Smoky Mountains." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1954. G1300 Gilbert, William Harlan The Cherokees of North Carolina. Washington: Smithsonian Institution, Annual Report, 1956. G1310 Gilbert, William Harlan, Jr. The Eastern Cherokees. Univ. of Chicago, 1934. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Anthropoligical Papers no. 23. Ph. D. Diss. Washington, D. C: GPO, 1943. G1320 Gilbreath, Allie Lou Felton ed. Research in the Language Arts at East Tennessee State College. Sponsored by the Research Council and the Graduate School. 1 vol. Johnson City: East Tennessee State College Press, 1962. G1330 (ETSU) Giles, Albert William The Geology and Coal Resources of Dickenson County, Virginia. Virginia Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 21. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1921. G1340 (ETSU) The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-bearing Portion of Lee County, Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. With a chapter on the forests of Lee County, Virginia, by Harry Lee Baker. Prepared in cooperation with the Office of State Forester, Virginia Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 26. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia Press, 1925. G1350 (LMC ETSU) Giles, Henry E. Around Our House. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1971. Memoirs of family life in the home of these Appalachian novelists. G1360 (BC) Harbin's Ridge. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1951. Two well-drawn characters, sons legitimate and illegitimate, make this a warm and sensitive novel of mountain life. G1370 (BC ASU WCU LMC WWC) AUTHOR A Little Better Than Plumb: The Biography of a House. Illustrated by Pansy Wilcoxson Phillips. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1963. A tale of life in the home of two Appalachian families. G1380 (BC ASU ETSU) Giles, Jack McCormick "Small Mammals of Washington and Unicoi Counties, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. G1390 (ETSU) Giles, Janice Holt Giles, Henry E. A Little Better Than Plumb: The Biography of a House. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1963. G1380 (BC ASU ETSU) 40 Acres and No Mule. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1952. Autobiographical novel of life in the Kentucky hills. G1400 (ETSU BC) 40 Acres and No Mule. 2nd ed., with a new prologue by the author. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1967. 61410 (ASU WWC) The Believers. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1957. Novel set in Eastern Kentucky's ridge country. G1420 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) The Enduring Hills. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1950. This was Miss Giles first novel. It is autobiographical in that the main character, Hod, is brought home to the hills by his outland wife, Mary who knows he'll never be happy away from the mountains. G1430 (BC ASU WCU LMC WWC) The Enduring Hills. 2nd ed., new foreword by the author. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1971. G1440 (WCU) The Great Adventure: A Novel. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1966. Fiction with a mountain setting. Reflects the pioneering spirit accurately. G1450 (BC ASU ETSU) Hannah Fowler. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1956. Hannah is an Eastern Kentucky heroine with surprising resources. G1460 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Kentuckians. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1953. Novel of pioneer life in Eastern Kentucky. 61470 (BC ASU WCU MHC LMC) The Land Beyond the Mountains. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1958. Another of Miss Giles' well-crafted stories with Kentucky mountain characters. G1480 (BC ASU WCU) Miss Willie. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1951. Mary Pierce's Aunt Willie comes to the Kentucky mountains to teach school and mix her flatland culture with that of her mountain students. G1490 (BC) Miss Willie. Chicago: Peoples Book Club, 1951. 61500 (BCWWC) Miss Willie. Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett Crest Book, 1972. G1510 (LMC) The Plum Thicket. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1954. Tales from the Plum Grove hills. G1520 Run Me a River. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1964. More Kentucky mountain fiction from the prolific Miss Giles. G1530 (BC ASU ETSU) Savanna. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1961. A surprising mountain heroine brings this book to life. G1540 (ASU BC WCU) Shady Grove: A Novel. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1968. This novel of frontier Kentucky in the Break Neck area takes its title, appropriately enough, from an old mountain fiddle tune. G1550 (ASU BC WCU LMC MHC ETSU) Six-Horse Hitch: A Novel. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1969. A folksy sort of novel from the Plum Thicket area of Kentucky. G1560 (ASU BC) Tara's Healing. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1951. 61570 (ASU WWC BC) 85 GIELOW—GILMER Tara's Healing. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1952. Hood's old army buddy broken in spirit comes to the mountains for a cure and saves the community from an epidemic. 61580 Gilfillan, Harriett Woodbridge I Went to Pit College. New York: Literary Guild, 1934. Autobiography of college life in the strife-torn Pittsburgh of the 1930's. 61590 Gilham, William Manual of Instruction for the Volunteers and Militia of the Confederate States. Richmond: West & Johnston, 1861. 61600 (LMC) Gill, George Creswell Beyond the Bluegrass; A Kentucky Novel. New York: Neale Pub. Co., 1908. Novel of a land company and the coming of a railroad in eastern Kentucky. Much praise for mountain folk. 61610 Gill, L. S. Baxter, Dow Vawter Deterioration of Chestnut in the Southern Appalachians. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1931. B2130 Gillenwater, Mack H. "Cultural and Historical Geography of Mining Settlements in the Pocahontas Coal Fields of Southern West Virginia, 1880 to 1930." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1972. 61620 Gillespie, William H. A Compilation of the Edible Wild Plants of W. Va. N. Y.: Scholar's Library, 1959. Yes, you can live off the land and this book even makes it all sound appealing. 61630 A Guide to the Common Fossils Plants of W. Va. Morganton, W. Va.: Geological and Economic Survey. Educational Series, 1960. 61640 Plant Fossils of West Virginia. Revised edition. Educational Series. 1960. Reprint. (Original title: A Guide to the Common Fossil Plants of West Virginia.) Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1966. 61650 (BC ETSU) West Virginia Geology, Archaeology, and Pedology: A Bibliography and Index. Archaeological references compiled by Edward V. McMichael. Soils references compiled by Willem A. van Eck. West Virginia Univ. Bulletin. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1964. 61660 (BC ETSU) Gillett, Mary Bugles at the Border. Illustrated by Bruce Tucker. Winston-Salem, N. C.: J. F. Blair, 1968. Revolutionary War novel about a North Carolina boy who participates in the Battle of King's Mountain. 61670 (ASU WCU BC) Gilman, Caroline The Poetry of Traveling in the United States. With additional sketches by a few friends. And a week among autographs by Rev. S. Gilman. New York: Coleman, 1838. Section II includes many Appalachian sketches. 61680 (LMC BC) 6ilman, 6lenn Human Relations in the Industrial Southeast, a Study of the Textile Industry. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1956. Many of the textile plants are located in the foothill country and draw their cheap labor from the mountains. 61690 (BC) Gilmer, George Rockingham Sketches of Some of the First Settlers of Upper Georgia, of the Cherokees, and the Author. 1926. Reprint. With an added index. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. 61700 (ASU BC LMC) Sketches of Some of the First Settlers of Upper Georgia, of the Cherokees, and the Author. 1926. Reprint. With an added index. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1970. 61710 (ETSU) Gilmer, Gertrude Cordelia Checklist of Southern Periodicals to 1861. Useful Reference Series, no. 49. Boston: F. W. Faxon Co., 1934. 61720 (LMC) �GILMORE—GLOVER Gilmore, James Roberts The Advance-Guard of Western Civilization. New York: F. M. Hill, 1888. Biography of James Robertson, land-speculation and common wealth builder, arch-rival of Sevier. G1730 Among the Pines: Or, South in Secession-time. Detroit: Negro History Press, 1862. 61740 (WCU MHC) John Sevier as a Commonwealth-builder. A Sequel to The Rear-guard of the Revolution. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1887. Biography of Sevier and the history of the State of Franklin. G1750 (ASU WCU LMC BC) A Mountain-White Heroine. New York and Chicago: Belford, Clarke and Co., 1889. Romantic fiction with a mountain setting complete with violence, moonshine, feuds and mountain laurel. G1760 My Southern Friends. New York: Carlton, 1868. Scant reference to the mountains. G1770 (BC WCU) On the Border. Boston: Lee & Shepard, 1867. A tale of Indians and colonists engaged in disputes along the Appalachian frontier. 61780 (ASU WCU BC) The Rear-guard of the Revolution. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1886. 61790 (BC LMC) Gilpatriclc, Delbert Harold Jeffersonian Democracy in North Carolina, 1789-1816. Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, no. 344. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1931. 61800 (LMC) Gilpin, Pete Bascom Lamar Lunsford, "Minstrel of the Appalachians." His Ballads and His Folk Songs, His Mountain Square Dancing. Ashevillle, N. C: Stephens Press, 1966. Mr. Lunsford's work in preserving the heritage of the mountains was invaluable. All of us will miss him. 61810 (ASU UNCA WCU LMC WWC MHC) Gilreath, Ed Traditional Pottery in North Carolina. Waynesville, N. C.: Mountaineer, 1974. The aim of this publication is to offer samples of some of the finest pottery -past and present-made in the state. . . intended only as a sampler; not a complete pictorial survey. 61820 Ginger, Ray Six Days or Forever? Tennessee v. John Thomas Scopes. Boston: Beacon Press, 1958. An account of the 1925 legal circus at Dayton. 61830 (ASU BC) Giovanni, Nikki Gemini, n.p.: n.p., n.d. An autobiography picturing life in Knoxville and Nashville. 61840 Gist, Clayton S. The Litter Arthropod Community in a Southern Appalachian Hardwood Forest: Numbers, Biomass and Mineral Element Content. Logan, Utah: Utah State Univ. Ecology Center, 1973. This study was conducted in the Nantahalas. 61850 Gitlin, Todd Uptown: Poor Whites in Chicago. 1st ed. New York: Harper & Row, 1970. Two white writers who helped organize JOIN discuss the problems of the mountaineer in the cities. 61860 (ASU BC) Gittings, John 6. West Virginia Lyrics. Morgantown: Acme Pub. Co., 1902. 61870 (ASU) Giuseppi, Montague Spencer ed. Naturalizations of Foreign Protestants in the American and West Indian Colonies, (Pursuant to Statute 13 George 2, c. 7). 1921. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. 61880 (ASU) Givan, Francis P. "Indian Affairs in the Southern Department, 1763-1785." Master's thesis. Univ. of Louisville, 1956. 61890 AUTHOR Givens, Charles 6. All Cats Are Gray. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1937. A well-written tale about a young East Tennessee lawyer and an old unsolved mystery. 61900 (BC ASU LMC) The Devil Takes a Hill Town. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1939. A fantasy about a self-made preacher and his encounter with God. They decide government money has ruined the local people and God floods the valley washing everyone to Glory, only to find that the WPA has already set up offices. 61910 (ASU BC) The Doctor's Pills Are Stardust. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1938. A well-written tale of a dying town in the coal and iron region of East Tennessee. The local doctor tries to find a way to save the town. 61920 (ASU BC) Givens, Dorothy Hall A Givens-Hall Family History from Pre-Revolutionary Times to 1970. . . Radford, Va.: Commonwealth Press, 1971. Although most of the volume is on Givens and Hall families, several allied branches are given in some detail. Covers mostly Giles-Pulaski areas. 61930 Givens, Larry Kenneth "Annexation: A Case Study of Supporting and Opposing Factions in Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. 61940 (ETSU) Givhan, Mercer A. "Factors Contributing to the Educational Development of the Negro Schools in the Jefferson County (Alabama) School System, 1945-51." Master's thesis. Alabama State College, 1952. 61950 Gladden, Sanford Charles The Durst and Darst Families of America, with Discussions of Some Forty Related Families. Boulder, Colo.: Johnson Pub. Co., 1969. Many families of Pulaski County. 61960 Glasgow, Ellen Anderson Gholson Barren Ground. New York: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1925. 61970 Barren Ground. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran & Co., 1926. A sensitive novel of a strange and lovely girl in the Knob Hill country of Kentucky. 61980 (MHC) Barren Ground. 1933. Reprint. American Century Series, 5-14. New York: Sagamore Press, 1957. 61990 (ASU) The Battle-ground. New York: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1902. A novel of rugged life in the Appalachians. Battles rage and peace is rare and precious. 62000 (ETSU) The Battle-ground. New York: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1903. 62010 (ASU) Vein of Iron. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1935. Another Glasgow novel about the descendants of Appalachian pioneers. 62020 (ASU MHC ETSU) Glasgow, Maude The Scotch-Irish in Northern Ireland and in the American Colonies. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1936. 62030 (ASU) Glass, Daniel "A Study of the Causes of Drop-outs and Irregular Attendance among Boys in the Four Negro High Schools of Talledega County, Alabama." Master's thesis. Tuskegee Institute, 1953. 62040 Glass, Janet H. A Regional Economic Study of Cameron County, Pennsylvania. Institute for Research on Land and Water Resources Research Publication, 53. University Park: • Pennsylvania State Univ., 1967. 62050. (ASU) 86 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Glass, Paul Songs of Hill and Mountain Folk, Ballads, Historical Songs, Folk Songs. Arranged for voice and piano with guitar chords. Simplified instructions on styling and strumming and chart of basic guitar chords. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1967. 62060 (BC ASU) Glassie, Henry Leach, MacEdward A Guide for Collectors of Oral Traditions, n.p.: Penn. Historical and Museum Commission, 1968. LI 150 Glassie, Henry H. Folksongs and Their Makers. Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green Univ., Popular Press, 1970. 62070 (ASU MHC BC) Pattern in the Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States. Monographs in Folklore and Folklife, no. 1. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1969. The classic work on artisans and material. 62080 (ASU BC WCU LMC FC) Glazner, John Frank Geography of the Great Appalachian Valley of Alabama. Jacksonville, Ala.: n.p., 1938. 62090 (BC ASU) Gleeson, Patrick Language and Culture. Columbus, Ohio: E. C. Merrill, 1968. Contains an excellent article on mountain speech by Gratis D. Williams. 62100 (ASU BC) Gleeson, Paul comp. Archaeological Investigations in the Tellico Reservoir: Interim Report, 1970. Contributions by Howard Earnest and others. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, Department of Anthropology, 1971. 62110 (ASU ETSU) Glenn, Alfonso Greer "A Survey of Public Education in Watauga County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1932. 62120 (ASU) Glenn, Leonidas Chalmers Ashley, George Hall Geology and Mineral Resources of Part of the Cumberland Gap Coal Field, Kentucky. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1906. A5240 (ASU) Denudation and Erosion in the Southern Appalachian Region and the Monongehela Basin. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 72. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1911. 62130 (ASU ETSU) The Northern Tennessee Coal Field. Nashville: n.p., 1925. 62140 (ETSU) Glenn, Max E. ed. Appalachia in Transition. St. Louis: Bethany Press, 1970. The twelve chapters were prepared by people familiar with the region's problems and hopeful for its future. 62150 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU FC BC) Glenn, Thomas Allen Merion in the Welsh Tract, With Sketches of the Townships of Haverford and Padner. Historical and genealogical collections concerning the Welsh Barony in the Province of Pennsylvania, settled by the Cymric Quakers in 1682. 1896. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1970. 62170 (ASU) Welsh Founders of Pennsylvania. 1911-1913. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1970. 62180 (ASU) Glenn, Thomas Allen comp. AList of Some American Genealogies Which Have Been Printed in Book Form. 1897. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. 62160 (ASU) Globetti, Gerald Development and Application of a Level-of-living Scale for White, Open Country Families, Both Farm and Non-farm in the Southeast. Sociology and Rural Life Series, no. 16. State College: Mississippi State Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1966. Study includes Appalachian counties. 62190 Glover, Julia Lestarjette Unto the Hills. Columbus, Ohio: Wartburg Press, 1941. 62200 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Glover, Lynn Stratigraphy and Uranium Content of the Chattanooga Shale in Northeastern Alabama, Northwestern Georgia, and Eastern Tennessee. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 1087-E. Contributions to the Geology of Uranium, 1958. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. G2210 Gobbel, Luther Lafayette Church-state Relationships in Education in North Carolina since 1776. Durham, N. C: Duke Univ. Press, 1938. G2220 (LMC) Godsey, Edwin Cabin Fever. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1967. Thirty-two poems written with versatility of form and moods. G2230 Godshalk, Rotfe F. ed. Newport. Newport: Cliftan Club, 1970. G2240 Goerch, Carl comp. Down Home. 1st ed. Raleigh: Edwards & Broughton Co., 1943. Memoirs of a North Carolina childhood. Some references to the mountains. G2250 (ASU) Goff, Mrs. Jessie A History of the First Methodist Church. Keyser, W. Va.: The church, 1963. G2260 Goff, Kenneth James "An Investigation of the Factors Causing Absenteeism at Blountville High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. G2270 (ETSU) Gohdes, C. B. The Lily of Carlisle: a Story of the Days of Cromwell and Blake. The Parson of the S. Fork; a Story of W. Va. Hills. Columbus, O. Lutheran BK Concern, 1913. Two books bound together. The second has an Appalachian setting. G2280 Goho, Curtis D. Characteristics of Factory-grade Hardwood Logs Delivered to Appalachian Sawmills. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-166. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. G2290 Goke, A. E. Obenshain, S. S. Soil Survey, Russell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1945. 0100 (BC) Goke, Alvin William Soil Survey of Mercer County, West Virginia. In cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Soil Survey Report, Series 1923, no. 9. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1928. G2300 Golatz, Helmut J. Readings in Pennsylvania Economic Growth. University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ., Center for Continuing Liberal Education, 1965. G2310 Gold, Charles Edward "A Study of the Gospel Song." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of Southern California, 1953. G2320 (WCU) Gold, Thomas Daniel History of Clarke County, Virginia, and Its Connection with the War between the States, with Illustrations of Colonial Homes and of Confederate Officers. Sketches by H. C. Sommerville and others. Indexed edition. Berryville, Va.: Chesapeake Book Co., 1962. G2330 (BC ASU LMC) Gold, W. D. The County of Smith. 1903. Reprint. Livingston: n.p., 1968. Newspaper articles made into a scrapbook. G2340 Golden, Charles Edward "A Survey of the Causes of Absences in the Public School System of White County and Sparta, Tennessee." Master's thesis. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1954. G2350 AUTHOR Goldfarb, Larry S. Perkins, Edward L. Guidelines for an Appalachian Airport System. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1967. P2050 (ASU WCU) Goldstein, Kenneth S. A Guide for Field Workers in Folklore. Preface by Hamish Henderson. Hatboro, Pa.: Folklore Associates, 1964. A useful tool for oral history interviewers. G2360 (BC ASU) Two Penny Ballads and Four Dollar Whiskey: A Pennsylvania Folklore Miscellany. Published for the Pennsylvania Folklore Society. Hatboro, Pa.: Folklore Associates, 1966. G2370 Goldston, E. F. Robinson, Glenn Hugh Soil Survey, Avery County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1955. R3290 Goldston, Eugene Frizzed Davis, William Anderson Soil Survey, Stokes County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1940. D1260 (ASU) Davis, William Anderson Soil Survey of Surry County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1937. D1270 Devereux, Robert Eddins Soil Survey of Macon County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1933. D1970 Soil Survey, Graham County, North Carolina. Rev. by G. H. Robinson and R. C. Jurney. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey Report, Series 1942, no. 1. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. G2390 Soil Survey, Jackson County, North Carolina. In cooperation with the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report, Series 1938, no. 19. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. G2410 Soil Survey, Macon County, North Carolina. Rev. by R. C. Jurney. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1944, no. 6. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1956. G2420 Soil Survey, Madison County, North Carolina. In cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture, North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report, Series 1936, no. 19. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. G2430 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Clay County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. P2080 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Henderson County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1943. P2100 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Transylvania County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P2130 Goldston, Eugene Frizzell and others Soil Survey, Buncombe County, North Carolina. U. S. Sail Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1942, no. 6. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1954. G2380 Soil Survey, Haywood County, North.Carolina. Rev. by R. C. Jurney. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1940, no. 11. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1954. G2400 87 GLOVER—GOODMAN Goldthwaite, Eaton D. ed. Giles County, 1806-1956. Typescript. Pearisburg, Va.: Giles County Chamber of Commerce, 1956. A brief history of Giles County, Virginia, gives accounts of the churches, schools, industries, newspapers and public utilities. G2440 Goldthwaite, Eaton K. ed. Friend, Robert C. and others Giles County, 1806-1956, a Brief History. Pearisburg, Va.: Giles County Chamber of Commerce, n.d. F3350 Gomme, George Laurence Ethnology in Folklore. Modern Science Series. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1892. G2450 (ASU) Gooch, Ernest D. Changes in the Market Movement of Kentucky Livestock. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1960. G2460 Good, Daniel B. "Industrial Parks in East Tennessee: Characteristics and Effectiveness in Attracting Manufacturing." Ph. D. Diss. University of Tennessee, 1973. G2470 Good, Paul The American Serfs. New York: Ballantine Books, 1968. Sub-title: A Report on poverty in the rural South. Explains the failure of the war on poverty in Appalachia and other parts of the rural South. G2480 (ASU) The American Serfs. New York: Putnam, 1968. G2490 (WCU) Goodale, Dora Read Mountain Dooryards. Illustrated by Mary Rogers. 2d ed. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1961. G2500 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Goode, James B. The Whistel and the Wind. 1st ed. Frankfore, Ky.: Whippoorwill Press, 1972. Poetry, mostly about Harlan County, Kentucky. G2510 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Goodlett, John C. Hack, John Tilton Geomorphology and Forest Ecology of the Mountain Region in the Central Appalachians. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1960. H90 Goodlett, Mildred W. The History of Travelors Rest, n.p.: The author, 1966. History of a South Carolina Community. G2520 (ASU) Goodman, K. V. Roberts, Wallace Soil Survey, Hamilton County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1947. R3100 Goodman, Kenneth Veryl Soil Survey, Potter County Pennsylvania. U. S. Soil Conservation Service Soil Survey, Series 1953, no. 2. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. G2530 Hendrickson, Bertram Higbie Soil Survey of Tioga County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. H4610 Hendrickson, Bertram Higbie Soil Survey of " Wyoming County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. H4620 Goodman, Leonard H. The Economic Needs of Neighborhood Youth Corps Enrollees. Final Report. Submitted to the U. S. Office of Manpower Research. Washington: Bureau of Social Science Research, 1969. G2540 Goodman, William M. The First Exposition of Conservation and its Builders; an Official History of the National Conservation Exposition, Held at Knoxville, Tenn. in 1913 and of its Forerunner, the Appalachian Expositions of 1910-1911, Embracing a Review of the Conservation Movement in the U. S. from its Inception the Present Time. Knoxville: Press of Knoxville Lithographing Co., 1914. G2550 �GOODMAN—GRADY Goodman, William M. Souvenir History of Knoxville. Knoxville: Knoxville Engraving Co., 1908. G2560 (BC) Goodman, William M. ed. Souvenir History of Knoxville, the Marble City and Great Jobbing Market. Its Importance as a Manufacturing Center. . . . Knoxville: Knoxville Engr., 1907. G2570 Goodpasture, Albert V. Life of Jefferson Dillard Goodpasture with Genealogy of the Family of James Goodpasture by his Sons. Nashville, Tenn.: Cumberland Presbyterian Publishing House, 1897. G2580 Overton County Address of Albert V. Goodpasture Delivered at Livingston, Tennessee, July 4, 1876. Nashville: Cumberland Presbyterian Pub. House, 1877. G2590 Overton County Address of Albert V. Goodpasture Delivered at Livingston, Tennessee, July 4, 1876. 1877. Reprint. Nashville: B. C. Goodpasture, 1954. G2600 Goodpasture, W. H. Goodpasture, Albert V. Life of Jefferson Dillard Goodpasture with Genealogy of the Family of James Goodpasture by his Sons. Nashville, Tenn.: Cumberland Presbyterian Publishing House, 1897. G2580 Goodrich, Frances Louisa Mountain Homespun. Amasa Stone Mother Memorial Publication Fund. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1931. A classic work on weaving, with patterns and instructions. G2610 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC WWC) Goodspeed's History of Tennessee: Containing Historical and Biographical Sketches of Thirty East Tennessee Counties 1887. Reprint. Nashville: C. and R. Elder Booksellers, 1972. G2620 (ASU BC) Goodwin, John R. Twenty Feet from Glory: From the Land of Ford to the Land of Canaan. Illustrated by O. D. Hagedorn. Morgantown, W. Va.: n.p., 1970. An account of a disastrous balloon accident in West Virginia. G2630 (ASU BC) Goodwin, Maud Wilder The Colonial Cavalier: Or, Southern Life Before the Revolution. Illustrated by Harry Edwards. New York: Lovell, Coryell and Co., 1894. Scant reference to the mountain country. G2640 (LMC) Goolrick, John T. Fredericksburg, Virginia. Its Homes and History, the Battlefields and the Rappahanrock Valley. Fredericksburg: J. A. Brown, 1934. G2650 Gordon, Armistead Churchill In the Picturesque Shenandoah Valley. Introduction by Phillip Alexanc r Bruce. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1930. G2660 (ASU BC) Men and Events: Chapters of Virginia History. Staunton, Va.: McClure Co., 1923. G2670 (LMC) Gordon, C. H. Marble Deposits of East Tennessee: Occurrence and Distribution. Constitution and adaptations of the Holston marbles by T. N. Dale. Technology of marble quarrying by Oliver Bowles. Bulletin, no. 28. Nashville: Division of Geology, 1924. G2680 (LMC) Gordon, Caroline The Forest of the South. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1945. A novel of mountain life in frontier Virginia. G2690 (ASU BC WWC) Green Centuries. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1941. Fiction from the Virginia hills, beautifully written but outside the usual trend of Appalachian fiction. G2700 Green Centuries. 1941. Reprint. New York: Cooper Square Pub., 1971. A novel dealing with the westward movement across the mountains from Virginia to Kentucky. G2710 (WCU BC) AUTHOR Gordon, George Jacob Intergovernment Relations in the Tennessee Valley. Master's thesis. Syracuse Univ.: n.p., 1971. G2720 Gordon, Jan On Wandering Wheels, Through Roadside Camps from Maine to Georgia in an Old Sedan Car. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1928. Describes camping experiences in the Appalachian mountains. G2730 Gordon, Kenneth Frederick "Labor Market Adjustments in a Depressed Area." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Rochester, 1967. The area examined is Wilkes-Barre-Hazleton, Pennsylvania. G2740 Gore, James Howard My Mother's Story. Philadelphia: Judson Press, 1923. Biography of Mrs. Sidney Sophia Gore and her childhood and later life in Appalachia. G2750 (BC) Gore, Nina L. "The Development of a Plan for Parent Education for the Speech Handicapped Children in Overton County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1955. G2760 Gorman, John Loyd Soil Survey, Berkeley County, West Virginia. Soil Survey, Series I960, no. 30. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1966. G2770 Soil Survey, Jackson and Mason Counties, West Virginia. Fieldwork by James B. Rayburn and others. Soil Survey, Series 1957, no. 11. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1961. G2790 Soil Survey, Monroe County, West Virginia. Soil Survey, Series 1960, no. 23. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1965. G2800 Gorman, John Loyd and others Soil Survey, Greenbrier County, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1972. G2780 Gorr, Robert Lathrop "An Analysis of the Tennessee Valley Authority." Master's thesis. Univ. of Iowa, 1936. G2810 Gose, George B. The Groseclose Family History. typescript, n.p.: n.p., n.d. G2820 Pioneers of the Virginia Bluegrass (And Their Descendants). Blacusburg, Va.: n.p., 1964. In addition to the Gose Family, includes Peery, Groseclose, Repass, Brown, and other Wythe County names. G2830 Gott, John K. History of Long Branch Baptist Church, Faquier County, Virginia. Richmond: Williams Print. Co., 1967. G2840 Gott, John Kenneth comp. Chappelear, Nancy comp. Early Fauquier County, Virginia, Marriage Bonds, 1759-1854. Washington, D. C.: The authors, 1965. C3250 (ASU) Gottlieb, David Adolescent Behavior in Urban Areas: A Bibliographic Review and Discussion of the Literature. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963. Includes references to Appalachian migrant children. G2850 Understanding Children of Poverty. Foundation of Education Series. Chicago: Science Research Associates, 1967. Includes references to Appalachian children. G2860 (WCU BC) Gottman, Jean Virginia at Mid-century. New York: Henry Holt, 1955. G2870 (FC BC) Gottmann, Jean Virginia in our Century. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1969. G2880 (BC FC) APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Gouin, Ellen Ammerman The Development Index for 60 Counties in Central Appalachia. Prepared for the Commission on Religion in Appalachia in cooperation with the Dept. of Agriculture. Univ. of Tenn. Knoxville: Commission on Religion in Appalachia, 1972. G2890 (ASU BC) Goulding, Francis Robert Sal-o-quah; or, Boy-life Among the Cherokees. Macon: J. W. Burlie and Co., 1870. A novel of a boy's adventures among the Cherokee. G2900 . . . Sal-o-quah; or, Boy-life Among the Cherokees. Philadelphia: Claxton, Remsen and Haffelfinger, 1870. A novel of a boy's adventures among the Cherokees. G2910 Govan, Christine West, Emmy Danger down River. New York: Viking Press, 1972. W3010 (ASU LMC) Govan, Christine Noble Rachel Jackson: Tennessee Girl. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1955. G2920 (BC LMC ETSU) Sweet Opossum Valley. Illustrated by Manning de V. Lee. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1940. An overly-cute mountain story with a too trite plot. G2930 (ASU WWC BC) Those Plummer Children. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1934. Children's fiction with a mountain setting. G2940 (ETSU) Govan, Gilbert Eaton The Chattanooga Country, 1540-1951: From Tomahawks to TVA. 1st ed. New York: Dutton, 1952. A history of the development of Chattanooga and the surrounding area. G2950 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU BC) The Chattanooga Country, 1540-1962: From Tomahawks to TVA. Revised ed. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1963. G2960 (WCU) The University of Chattanooga: Sixty Years. Chattanooga: Univ. of Chattanooga, 1947. An excellent history of the formative years of the university. G2970 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Governor's Conference on Appalachian Development, Asheville-Biltmore College, 1968. Proceedings. Compiled by State Planning Task Force, Division of the North Carolina Dept. of Administration. Raleigh, 1968. G2980 (ASU BC) Gowen, Emmett Dark Moon of March. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1933. A dreary tale of a tenant farmer who leaves the mountains, becomes a moonshiner, gets caught, serves time and returns to the hills and an uncertain future. G2990 (ASU BC) Mountain Born. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1930. A fiddler named Fate courts a lass called Nearer My God to Thee. G3000 (WWC BC ASU) Mountain Born. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1932. G3010 (ASU) Old Hell. Illustrated by Howard Simon. Blue Seal Books, no. 4. G3020 (ASU WCU BC) Old Hell. New Yorn Age, 1938. The author draws a distinction between the poor-whites of this novel and the usual sturdy mountain people of his fiction. G3030 Gowing, Mary C. Virginia Beyond the Blue Ridge; a Pictorial Survey of Western Virginia. Va.: Commonwealth Press, 1974. G3040 (ASU) Grade, Archibald The Truth about Chickamauga. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1911. A controversial account of the battle of Chickamauga. G3050 (ASU) Grady, James T. ed. and comp. The City of Knoxville, Tennessee and Vicinity and Their Resources. Knoxville: Knoxville Bd. of Trade, 1906. G3060 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Grady, Jamie Auft Bowens of Virginia and Tennessee; Descendants of John Bowen and Lily Mclllhaney. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1969. G3070 Tombstone Inscriptions and Death Records, Calvary. Macedonia Cemetery, Knoxville, Tennessee, 1851-1967. Baptismal Records, 1846-1870, Immaculate Conception Church, Knoxville, Tennessee. Knoxville: n.p., 1969. G3080 (ETSU) Graebner, William Sievers "Coal Mining Safety: National Solutions in the Progressive Period." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1970. G3090 Graf, LeRoy P. ed. The Papers of Andrew Johnson. 3 vols. to date. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967-. Vol. 1 (1967), 1822-51; vol. 2 (1970), 1852-57; vol. 3 (1972), 1858-60. The First 3 volumes of a projected 10 volume series bring Johnson from the obscurity of his tailor shop to the verge of national attention as a Southerner defending the Union. G3100 Grafton, A. Edwin A Manual of West Virginia's Wood-using Industries, with Directory. Bulletin Series 66, no. 3-1. Morgantown: Office of Research and Development, Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, West Virginia Univ., 1965. G3110 (ASU) Graham County Centennial, 1872-1972 Robbinsville: Hilton Business Equipment Co., 1972. G3120 (ASU LMC) Graham, James Robert The Planting of the Presbyterian Church in Northern Virginia, Prior to the Organization of Winchester Presbytery, December 4, 1794. Winchester, Va.: George F. Norton Pub. Co., 1904. G3130 (ASU BC LMC) Graham, Margaret Collier Stories of the Foot-hills. 1895. Reprint. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Pres, 1969. G3140 (ASU) Graham, Paul H. Horn, Allen F. Opportunities for Forest-Based Industries in Pennsylvania: A Manual for the Development of Pennsylvania's Wood Using Industries. Washington: U. S. Area Development Administration, 1965. H7160 Graham, William Franklin The Faith of Billy Graham. Introduction by Cort. R. Flint. 1st ed. Anderson, S. C: Droke House, 1968. G3150 (WCU) The Quotable Billy Graham. 1st ed. Anderson, S. C.: Droke House, 1966. G3160 (WCU) Grainger County, Tenn., 1830 Census n.p.: n.p., n.d. Census statistics for Grainger County, Tennessee. G3170 Gramley, Dale I. A Study of Water Pollution Control in the Textile Industry of North Carolina. Water Resources Research Institute Report, no. 21. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1970. G3180 (LMC) Grammer, Norma Rutledge Marriage Record of Washington County, Tennessee, 1787-1840. n.p.: n.p., n.d. G3190 (ETSU) Marriage Records of Washington County, Tennessee, 1787-1840. Baltimore: Genealogical Print. Co., 1975. G3200 (ASU) Grandview Student Body Association Old Grandview: Grandview Normal Institute, Grandview, Tennessee, 1884-1919: A History. Grandview: The Assoc., 1966. G3210 Grant, Anne Mae Vicar Essays on the Superstitions of the Higlanders of Scotland. Norwood, Pa.: Norwood Editions, 1973. Many of the same superstitions are found in Appalachia today. G3220 AUTHOR Grant, Henry Lee Grant's West Virginia Illustrated. Oakland, Md.: Grant, 1901. Fifty illustrations of scenic beauty, natural resources and industry. G3230 Grant, Howard B. The Presbyterian Church at Philippi, West Virginia, n.p.: n.p., n.d. G3240 Grant, Isabel Frances Highland Folk Ways. London: Routledge and Paul, 1961. The same practices are still common in Appalachia today. G3250 (ASU) Grant, John L. "Behavioral Premises in the Culture of Conservative Eastern Cherokee Indians." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1957. G3260 (ASU) Grant, Willard Huntington Field Excursion: Stone Mountain — Lithonia District. Geological Society of America Southeastern Section Guidebook, no. 2. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1962. G3270 (ETSU) Grasett, K. Complete Guide to Hand Spinning, Teasing, Carding, Spinning. Illustrated. London: London School of Weaving, 195-. G3280 (ASU) Graton, L. C. Reconnaissance of Some Gold and Tin Deposits of the Southern Appalachians. With notes on the Dahlonega Mines b by Waldemar Lindgren. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 293. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1906. G3290 Gravatt, George Flippo Chestnut Blight in the Southern Appalachians. Circular, 370. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1926. G3300 Graves, James Robinson The Great Iron Wheel: Or, Republicanism Backwards and Christianity Reversed. In a series of letters addressed to J. Soule, senior bishop of the M. F. Church, South. 9th ed. Nashville: Graves, Marks and Rutland, 1855. G3310 (ASU) Gray, A. J. The Tennessee River Valley; a Case Study. Washington, D. C.: Housing and Home Finance Agency, 1960. G3320 Gray, Adonis Lyle Brackeen, Leonard Geoffrey Soil Survey, Colbert County, Alabama. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1939. B6130 Gray, Edna One Woman's Life. The Steppings of Faith. Edna Gray's Story. Atlanta: Franklin Print, and Pub. Co., 1898. G3330 (ASU BC) Gray, Ernest E. "An Assessment of Why Part-time Under-graduates Are Enrolled at the Kingsport University Center." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1973. G3340 (ETSU) Gray, Idyl Dial ed. Azure-lure, a Romance of the Mountains: Souvenir of Asheville and Western North Carolina. Asheville, N. C.: Advocate Pub. Co., 1924. G3350 (ASU BC WCU LMC WWC UNCA) Gray, John Thompson A Kentucky Chronicle. N. Y.: Neale Co., 1906. "Among the Virginia emigrants to the Falls, was Reginald Thornton, a stately, kindly gentleman of the old school." He established himself at Last Lands, a few miles from the Falls, and it is the life of his children, his grandchildren, their friends and enemies that makes up this chronicle which is "more than a romance, it is a wisdom book." G3360 Gray, L. C. and others U. S. Dept. of Agriculture Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1935. U2490 89 GRADY—GREEN Gray, Lewis Cecil Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Miscellaneous Publication, no. 205. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1935. G3370 History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860. Assisted by Ester Katherine Thompson, with an introductory note by Henry Charles Taylor. 2 vols. Publication, no. 430. Also, Contributions to American Economic History, 7. Washington: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1933. G3380 (BC MHC) Gray, Minnie Dills A History of Dillsboro, North Carolina. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1959. G3390 (WCU) Gray, Randal Lockhart The Wonderful Shenandoah Valley. Staunton, Va.: R. L. Gray, 1932. G3400 Gray, Robert The McGavock Family. A Genealogical History of James McGavock and His Descendants from 1760-1903. Richmond: W. E. Jones, 1903. G3410 (ASU) McGavock Family, a Genealogical History of James McGavock and his Descendants, 1760-1903. (first pub. 1903). Petersburg, Va.: Plummer Print. Co., 1961. G3420 Great Smoky Mountains National Park Denver: Kistler Graphics, 1968. G3440 (ASU) The Great Smoky Mountains National Park, Tennessee and North Carolina Knoxville: Great Smoky Mtns. Pub., 1928. G3450 (ASU) Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association Mountain Makin's in the Smokies: A Cookbook. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1957. G3430 (LMC) Greater Knoxville Illustrated. A Glance at Her History, a Review of Her Commerce... Nashville: n.p., 1910. G3460 Greater Western N. C. Association for 1913 "The Land of the Sky." Asheville: Inland Press, 1913. Promotional material in the Asheville area. G3470 Greeley, William Buckout White Oak in the Southern Appalachians. Circular, 105. 1907. Reprint. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, 1911. G3480 (ASU) Green, Archie Aunt Molly Jackson Memorial Issue. Excerpted from KENTUCKY FOLKLORE RECORD. Urbana: Univ. of Illinois, n.d. G3490 Only a Miner: Studies in Recorded Coalmining Songs. Music in American Life. Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1972. A very erudite study, of the recorded songs from the coalfields. G3500 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) "Recorded American Coal Mining Songs." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1969. G3510 Green, Bennett Wood Word-book of Virginia Folk-speech. Richmond: W. E. Jones, 1899. The classic work of mountain speech and dialect. G3520 (ASU LMC BC) Word-book of Virginia Folk-speech. Richmond: Wm. Ellis Jones' Sons, 1912. G3530 (ETSU) Green, Charlotte Hilton Birds of the South: Permanent and Winter Birds Commonly Found in Gardens, Fields, and Woods. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1933. G3540 (ASU BC UNCA) Trees of the South. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1939. G3550 (ASU BC) �GREEN—6RIDER Green, Clarence Jasper An Analysis of the Real Cost of TVA Power. Original and Supplemental Reports. Washington, D. C: U. S. Chamber of Commerce, 1948. G3560 Green, John P. comp. Abstracts of Deeds, Rutherford County, North Carolina, Volumes A-D. Dallas, Tex.: Family Heritage, 1968. G3570 Green, John Webb Bench and Bar of Knox County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Archer and Smith, 1947. G3580 (BC) Green, Lewis W. And Scatter the Proud. Winston-Salem, N. C.: John F. Blair, 1969. Short stories and a novella centering around incidents along the Blue Ridge Parkway. G3590 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Green, Margaret Defender of the Constitution: Andrew Johnson. New York: Messner, 1962. G3600 Green, Mary Honeysuckle Hill; a Hillbilly Makes the Grade. New York: Exposition Press, 1961. A shotgun wedding, conquest of big city society, a divorce and a return to the hills complete this trite plot. G3610 Green, Nathan Sparks from a Blackleg. St. Louis: Cumberland Presbyterian Pub. House, 1891. G3620 Green, Paul Wilderness Road; a Parable for Modern Times. New York: Samuel French, 1956. G3630 Wilderness Road: A Symphonic Outdoor Drama. New York: French, 1956. G3640 (WCU BC ASU) Green, Raleigh Trovers comp. Genealogical and Historical Notes on Culpepper County, Virginia. Embracing a rev. and enlarged ed. of Dr. Philip Slaughter's History of St. Mark's Parish. 1900. Reprint. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1964. G3650 (ASU) Green, Sylvia Patchwork for Beginners. New York: Watson-Guptill, 1972. Excellent instructions and illustrations. G3660 (ASU) Green, T. C. Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey of Adams County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. T390 Green, Thomas Marshall Historic Families of Kentucky, with Special Reference to Stocks Immediately Derived from the Valley of Virginia. 1889. Reprint. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1964. G3670 (ASU MHC BC) Green, William F. "An Edited Collection of Beech Mountain Folksongs." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. Songs collected in Avery and Watauga Counties, North Carolina. G3680 (ETSU) Greenbrier County, 160th Anniversary, 1778-1938, Historical Booklet Charleston, W. Va.: n.p., 1938. G3690 Greenbrier Historical Society The Journal of the Greenbrier Historical Society. Lewisburg, W. Va.: The society, 1968. G3700 (ASU) Greene, Carlo I Want to Be Coal Miner. Illus. by Audrey Williamson. Chicago: Childrens Press, 1957. G3710 Greene County Teacher's Workshop. May 28-June 1, 1951. Greenville, Tenn.: n.p., 1951. G3720 (ETSU) Greene, Earle R. and others Birds of Georgia: A Preliminary Check-list and Bibliography of Georgia Ornithology. With a historical narrative by Eugene E. Murphey. Georgia Ornithological Society Occasional Publication, no. 2. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1945. G3730 (ASU) AUTHOR Greene, Earle R. comp. Greene, Earle R. and others Birds of Georgia: A Preliminary Check-list and Bibliography of Georgia Ornithology. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1945. G3730 (ASU) Greene, Evarts Boutell Provinical America, 1690-1740. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1905. Includes material on the great Appalachian barrier. G3740 Greene, Homer The Blind Brother: A Story of the Pennsylvania Coal Mines. New York: T. Y. Crowell and Co., 1887. A novel of the Pennsylvania mining country. G3750 (ASU BC) Coal and Coal Mines. N. Y.: Houghton, Mifflin, 1891. G3760 (BC) Coal and Coal Mines. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1928. G3770 (ASU) Greene, (very C. A Disastrous Flood, a True and Fascinating Story. Lenoir, N. C.: Smith Print. Co., 1964. An account of the 1940 flood in Watauga County, North Carolina. G3780 (ASU LMC) Greene, John W. Forgotten Trails. Erwin, Tenn.: Erwin Pub. Co., 1971. Stories of the Cherokee Indians in North Carolina and Tennessee. G3790 Greene, Katherine Glass Winchester, Virginia, and Its Beginnings, 1743-1814: From Its Founding by Colonel James Wood to the Close of the Life of His Son, Brigadier General and Governor James Wood. With the Publication for the first Time of Valuable Manuscripts, relics of their long Tenure of Public offices. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1926. G3800 (ASU BC) Greene, Lee Seifert Government in Tennessee. 2d ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1966. G3810 (BC LMC) Rescued Earth, a Study of the Public Administration of Natural Resources in Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1948. G3820 (ASU LMC ETSU) Greene, Nanci Lewis Nance; a Story of Kentucky Feuds. Chicago: F. T. Neely, 1893. Romance and feuds are closely interwoven in this novel of young lovers from opposing factions of bitter feud. G3830 Greene, Wilhelmina F. Flowers of the South, Native and Exotic. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1953. G3840 (ASU BC) Greenlee, J. A. When I Was a Boy. Charleston, W. Va.: Greenlee Brothers, 1963. Memoirs of a West Virginia childhood. G3850 (ASU) Greenslade, Rush V. "The Economic Effects of Collective Bargaining in Bituminous Coal Mining." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Chicago, 1953. G3860 Greenville County, S. C. Community Council Greenville's Big Idea. Greenville, S. C.: The council, 1950. G3870 (ETSU) Greenway, John American Folksongs of Protest. Philadelphia: University of Penn. Press, 1953. Greenwood, Elma L. How Churches Fight Poverty, 60 Successful Local Projects. New York: Friendship Press, 1968. Some of the cases studies are Appalachian Church groups. G3890 (ASU LMC WCU) Greer, Archie Foner, Philip Coal Creek Rebellion. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, Inc., 1973. F1770 (ASU) Greer, George Cabell Early Virginia Immigrants, 1623; 1666. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1960. G3900 (ASU FC) 90 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Greer-Petrie, Cordia Angeline Doin' Society. Louisville: Angeline Pub. Co., 1923. A stereotypical mountain matron expresses amazement at the wonders of modern civilization and manages to make all mountaineers seem ridiculous. G3910 (BC) Angeline Hittin1 on High. Louisville: Angeline Pub. Co., 1925. This one is siller than the last. G3920 (BC) Angeline of the Hill Country. Illustrated by Carle Michel Boog. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1925. More stereotypical nonsense. G3930 (ASU WCU BC) Angeline Steppin' Out. Louisville: Angeline Pub. Co., 1923. More of Angeline's antics. G3940 (BC) Gregg, Margaret Clark, Michael J. Lazar and Boone Stop Strip Mining Bully to Save Apple Valley and Buttermilk Creek. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, Inc., 1973. C4510 (ASU) Gregg, Polly "Change in Attitude toward the Indian As the Frontier Line Advanced." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1954. G3950 Gregg, Shelah F. "An Inservice Program to Promote* the Use of the John S. Battle High School Media Center Based on a Study of Faculty Attitudes Toward the Use of Instructional Materials and the Media Services Rendered." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1973. G3960 (ETSU) Gregory, Horace ed. The Portable Sherwood Anderson. New York: The Viking Press, 1949. Includes material from his decade in Appalachia. G3970 Gregory, Jack Cherokee Hymns. Fayetteville, Ark.: Indian Heritage Assoc., n.d. G3980 (ASU) Sam Houston with the Cherokees, 1829-1833. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1967. G3990 (ASU WCU MHC) Gregory, Jack ed. Starr's History of the Cherokee Indians. Fayetteville, Ark.: Indian Heritage Assoc., 1967. G4000 (BC ASU) Starr, Emmet History of the Cherokee Indians. Fayetteville, Ark.: Indian Heritage Assoc., 1967. S6670 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) Gregory, Madeline T. "A Survey of Special Education Services in Washington, Carter and Sullivan Counties, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1955. G4010 Gregory, Paul W. Abstract of Reddies River Church Membership, n.p.: n.p., n.d. G4020 Grellet, Stephen Memoirs of the Life and Gospel Labours of Stephen Grellet. 2 vols. Philadelphia: H. Longstreth, 1860. Memoirs of a long ministry in Appalachia. G4030 (ASU) Greve, Jeanette S. The Story of Gatlinburg. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1931. G4040 Grey, Katharine A Little Leaven. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1922. Mountain lass marries out-lander but fails to adjust to his world. Many years later, when she has acquired education and fame, they are reunited. G4050 (WCU ASU) Grice, Darrell G. Soil Survey, Mercer County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State University Agricultural Experiment Station. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1971. G4060 Grider, George Wrobel, Sylvia Isaac Shelby Kentucky's First Governor and Hero of Three Wars. Danville, Ky.: The Cumberland Press, 1974. W9780 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Gridlty, Morion Eleanor ed. Indians of Today. 3rd ed. Chicago: n.p., 1960. G4070 (MHC) Grieve, W. G. Operations Guide for TVA Forest Nurseries. Morris, Tennessee: TVA, 1960. G4080 Griffon, A. M. Soil Survey of Madison County, Kentucky. Field Operations, 1905. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Soils, 1907. G4090 Soil Survey of Upshur County, West Virginia. Field Operations, 1905. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Soils, 1914. 04100 Griffin, Clarence W. Centennial History of Pleasant Grove Methodist Church, 1838-1938. Forest City, N. C: Pleasant Grove Centennial Committee, 1938. G4110 (ASU BC) Essays on North Carolina History. Forest City, N. C.: Forest City Courier, 1951. Includes commentary on western North Carolina. G4120 (ASU LMC) History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, North Carolina, 1730-1936. Asheville, N. C.: Miller Print. Co., 1937. 04130 (ASU BC WCU) History of Rutherford County, 1937-1951. n.p.: Inland Press, 1952. G4140 (WCU LMC BC) Public Officials of Rutherford County, N. C. 1779-1934: With Introductory Sketches of Orgin and Development of Various County Offices, and Public and Local Laws Governing Same. 04150 (ASU BC) Revolutionary Service of Col. John Walker & Family and Memoirs of Hon. Felix Walker. Forest City, N. C.: Forest City Courier, 1930. 04160 (BC) Western North Carolina Sketches. Forest City, N. C.: Forest City Courier, 1941. 04180 (ASU BC WCU LMC MHC) Griffin, James Bennett ed. Archaeology of Eastern United States. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1952. G4190 (WCU) Griffin, Richard W. Newspaper History of a Town: A History of Danville, Kentucky. Danville: Danville Advocate-Messenger and the Kentucky Advocate, 1965. 04200 (ASU) Griffin, Dr. Roscoe Report of a Workshop on the Southern Mountaineer in Cincinnati. Cincinnati, Ohio: The Cincinnati Human Relations Commission, 1971. G4210 (ASU) Griffin, William W. comp. Greene, Earle R. and others Birds of Georgia: A Preliminary Check-list and Bibliography of Georgia Ornithology. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1945. 03730 (ASU) Griffit, Robert J. Bristol-Kingsport Metropolitan Area Projections and Economic Base Analysis. Richmond, Va.: Division of Planning, 1967. 04220 Griffith, Henrietta Mae "A History of Religious Education in the Kentucky Mountains." Master's thesis. Asbury Theological Seminary, 1950. There were many mission schools and missionaries in the Kentucky mountains. 04230 (ASU) Griffitts, W. R. Part 5, Shelby-Hickory District, North Carolina. Part 6, Outlying Deposits in North Carolina. Professional Paper 248-D. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, Government Print. Office, 1953. 04240 Grigsby, Shaw Earl Rural Social Organization of Frederick County, Maryland. College Park: Maryland Agricultural Experiment Station, 1949. G4250 Grime, John Harvey Recollections of a Long Life. Lebanon: n.p., 1930. 04260 AUTHOR Grimsley, George Perry Iron Ores, Salt and Sandstones. West Virginia Geological Survey Reports, vol. 4. Morgantown: Acme Pub. Co., 1909. G4270 (ETSU) Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties. County Reports. Wheeling: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1916. G4280 (ETSU) Grindstaff, A. B. "A Survey of the Flowering Plants and Ferns on the Forge Hill, Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. 04290 (ETSU) Grindstaff, Dana R. "A Study of the Program of Vocational Rehabilitation in Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1953. 04300 Grinned, George Bird ed. Hunting and Conservation: The Book of the Boone and Crockett Club. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1925. G4310 (ETSU) Grisso, Robert D. Elements of Success in Marketing Appalachian Apples. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1959. G4320 Griswold, W. M. Descriptive List of Novels and Tales Dealing with American Country Life. Cambridge, Mass.: W. M. Griswold, 1890. Occasional references to Appalachia. G4330 Griswold, W. T. Geology of Oil and Gas Fields in Steubenville, Burgettstown, and Claysville Quadrangles, Ohio, W. Va., and Pa. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 318. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1907. 04340 Orizzell, Mary Frances "A Historical Survey of Education in Warren County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Tennessee Technological Univ., 1964. 04360 Greene, Bertram H. Tracing your Civil War Ancestor. Winston-Salem, N. C.: J. F. Blair, 1973. G4370 (ASU) Gronseth, Elbert E. "The Reaction of Presbyterian Ministers in the Knoxville Area to Specific Questions Concerning Ministerial Counseling." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. 04380 Groome, Harry Connelly Fauquier during the Proprietorship: A Chronicle of the Colonization and Organization of a Northern Neck County. 1927. Reprint. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1969. 04390 (ASU) Gross, Maxine Tipton "A Study of Special Classes for Educable Mentally Handicapped Children." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. 04400 (ETSU) Gross, Novice Hendrix "A Proposed Method of Instruction Based on the British Infant and Primary Schools for First and Second Year Students at East Side Elementary School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. G4410 (ETSU) Gross, W. E. Mann, Charles J. Soil Survey of Bedford County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. M3130 Gross, William F. "A Study of Underachieving Academically Talented Students in a Knox County School." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. 04420 Grosscup, Ben S. Zeigler, Wilbur Gleason The Heart of the Alleghanies: Or, Western North Carolina. Comprising Its Topography, History, Resources, People, Narratives, Incidents, and Pictures of Travel, Adventures in Hunting and Fishing and Legends of Its Wildernesses. Raleigh, N. C.: A. Williams and Co.; Cleveland: W. W. Williams, 1883. Z40 (ASU LMC WCU BC ETSU) 91 GRIDLEY-GRUBB Grosser, Charles F. Helping Youth: A Study of Six Community Organization Programs. JD Publication, 1006. Washington: U. S. Office of Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Development, Social and Rehabilitation Service, 1968. Study includes Appalachian communities. 04430 Grossman, D. A. The Appalachian Region: A Preliminary Analysis of Economic and Population Trends in an Eleven State Problem Area. Atlanta: Council of State Governments, 1960. 04440 Grove, J. G. This Is My Story. Commerce, Tex.: n.p., 1966. G4450 Grove Park Inn In the Land of the Sky, Grove Park Inn. Asheville, N. C.: Grove Park Inn, n.d. Promotional material on the inn and the Asheville area. 04460 (ASU) Grover, N. C. The Floods of March, 1936, Part 3, Potomac, James, and Upper Ohio Rivers. With a section on the weather associated with the floods of March, 1936, by Stephen Lichtblau. U. S. Geological Survey Water-supply Paper, no. 800. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1937. G4470 Floods of Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, January-February, 1937. With a section on the Flood deposits of the Ohio River, January-February, 1937, by G. R. Mansfield. U. S. Geological Survey Water-supply Paper, no. 838. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1938. 04480 Surface Water Supply of the New-Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, and North Carolina. U. S. Geological Survey Water-supply Paper, no. 536. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1925. G4490 Grubb, Davis The Barefoot Man. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1971. A powerful novel of the West Virginia coalfields during the depression. 04500 (ASU WCU MHC BC) A Dream of Kings. New York: Scribners, 1955. A story of a young girl, Cathie and her "dream of kings.' Tom, the man who loves her joins the army in the Civil War, returns during the last weeks of defeat (this is in West Virginia) to find Cathie is still lost in her dream and he can not save her. G4510 (LMC WWC BC ASU) Fools' Parade. An NAL Book. New York: World Pub. Co., 1969. Powerful and dramatic novel set in the West Virginia mining country. 04520 (ASU LMC) The Night of the Hunter. 1st ed. New York: Harper, 1953. Classic story of good and evil told through the adventures of two Appalachian children. 04530 (ASU WCU BC) Shadow of My Brother. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1966. A novel of racial violence set in the southern mountains. 04540 (WCU BC ASU) A Tree Full of Stars. New York: Scribner, 1965. Fiction with an Appalachian setting. G4550 Twelve Tales of Suspense and the Supernatural. Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett Pub., 1964. Short fiction with mountain settings and supernatural. 04560 (LMC BC) The Voices of Glory. New York: Scribner, 1962. More superb mountain fiction with a West Virginia setting. G4570 (BC ASU WCU LMC) The Watchman. N. Y.: Scribner, 1961. West Virginia fiction. G4580 Grubb, Kenneth "A Study of Teacher and Parent Opinion of McMinn County High School, Athens, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. 04590 �GRUBB—HACK Grubb, Robert G. Grice, Darrell G. Soil Survey, Mercer County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1971. G4060 Grubbs, David Harold "City-county Consolidation Attempts in Nashville and Knoxville, Tennessee." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1961. G4600 Guerrant, Edward Owings The Gatherers: The Gospel among the Highlanders. Richmond: Onward Press, 1910. G4610 (ASU LMC) The Gospel of the Lilies. Boston: Sherman Finch & Co., 1912. G4620 (BC) Guerrant, Grace Owings McAllister, James Gray Edward O. Guerrant: Apostle to the Southern Highlanders. Richmond: Richmond Press, 1950. M40 (LMC BC ASU) Guerry, Alexander Men and Vision: The Secret of Yesterday's Success, the Formula for Tomorrow's. A Brief History of the Chattanooga Medicine Company. N. Y.: Newcomen Society in North America, 1963. G4630 (ETSU) Guide to Gatlinburg: Authentic Information About Gatlinburg and the Great Smoky Mountains 1st ed., 1939. Gatlinburg, Tenn.: Gatlinburg News, annual. G4640 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Central and South-western Virginia 5th ed. n.p.: Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4650 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies 1st ed. n.p.: Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4720 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies 2nd ed. n.p.: Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4730 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies 3rd ed. n.p.: Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4740 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies 4th ed. n.p.: Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4750 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia 1st ed. n.p.: Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4660 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia 2nd ed. n.p.: Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4670 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia 4th ed. n.p.: Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4680 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians 2nd ed. n.p.: Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4690 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians 3rd ed. n.p.:. Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4700 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians 4th ed. n.p.: Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4710 Guide to the Southern Appalachians. The Appalachian Trail from Virginia-Tennessee Line to Mt. Oglethorpe, Ga. n.p.: Appalachian Trail Conference, n.d. G4760 Guidebook to Contrast in Style of Deformation of the Southern and Central Appalachians of Virginia Blacksburg: VPI Dept. of Geological Sciences, 1971. G4770 AUTHOR Guidelines for Funding Appalachian Projects, Development Districts, and Research n.p.: Appalachian Regional Commission, n.d. G4780 Guild, Josephus Conn Old Times in Tennessee, with Historical, Personal, and Political Scraps and Sketches. Nashville: Tavel, Eastman and Howell, 1878. G4790 (ASU) A Report on Coal Lands Lying in Bledsoe County. Nashville-, n.p., 1887. G4800 Guilday, John E. Biological and Archaeological Analysis of Bones from a 17th Century Indian Village (46 PU 31), Putnam County, West Virginia. Report of Archeological Investigations, no. 4. Morgantown: W. Va. Geological and Economic Survey, 1971. G4810 (ASU) Guines, Mary M. "An Identification of Social-personal Problems in Two Selected Junior High Schools: Implications for Guidance Services." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tenn., 1961. G4820 Guinn, Lorraine Jones "Diversions in East Tennessee, 1920-25." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. G4830 (ETSU) Gulick, John Cherokees at the Crossroads. Institute for Research in Social Science Monographs. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1960. G4840 (ASU BC WCU LMC WWC ETSU) Socio-cultural Adaptation of Newcomers to Cities in the Piedmont Industrial Crescent. With an appendix on social stratification in Greensboro. An Urban Studies Research Paper. Chapel Hill: Institute for Research in Social Science, Univ. of North Carolina, 1961. Includes Appalachian migrants. G4850 Gulick, John ed. Symposium on Cherokee and Iroquois Culture, Washington, D. C, 1958 Papers. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1961. S9770 (ETSU WCU BC) Gullett, George Preble "A Study of Glass and Paper Recycling in Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. G4860 (ETSU) Gullick, Guy A. Greenville County, Economic and Social. Bulletin 102. Columbia, S. C.: Univ. of S. C, 1921. G4870 Greenville County, Economic and Social. Assisted by J. S. Meares and J. O. Williams. Bulletin, 102. Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina, 1921. G4880 Gulliver, Lucile Daniel Boone. True Stories of Great Americans. New York: Macmillan Co., 1930. G4890 (ASU BC) Gummere, Francis Barton Old English Ballads. Boston: Ginn and Co., 1894. G4900 (BC) Gunther, John Story of TVA. New York: Harper and Brother, 1951. G4910 The Story of TVA. New York: Harper, 1953. Pro-TVA propaganda. G4920 Guppy, Henry Brougham Homes of Family Names in Great Britain. 1890. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. G4930 (ASU) Gutheim, Frederick Albert The Potomac. Illustrated by Mitchell Jamieson. New York: Rinehart, 1949. G4940 (FC) Guthrie, Alfred Bertram, Jr. Big Sky. New York: Sloane, 1947. Review: Novel of the opening of the American West, during the years 1830 to 1843. It is the story of the primitive life of the frontier with its dirt savagery and Indians. The hero is Boone Caudill, a Kentucky boy, who tried to kill his vicious father, then stole his gun and set out for the West. G4950 (WCU WWC BC) 92 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Blue Hen's Chick: A Life in Context. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965. G4960 (WCU) Guthrie, Charles Snow Riddles from the Cumberland Valley. Introduction by William Hugh Jansen. Bowling Green: Kentucky Folklore Society, 1973. G4970 (ASU) Guthrie, Ellen Emma Old Scottish Customs, Local and General. London: Hamilton, Adams & Co., 1885. G4980 (ASU) Guthrie, Thomas F. "The Development of Education in Rhea County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. G4990 Guttmann, Allen ed. Filler, Louis The Removal of the Cherokee Nation: Manifest Destiny or National Dishonor? Boston: Heath, 1962. F840 (WCU UNCA FC) Guyot, Arnold Henry Measurements of Points in North Carolina and Tennessee. Aiken, S. C.: Schofield School Press, 1890. G5000 Notes on the Geography of the Mountain District of Western North Carolina. Appalachian Trail Conference Publication no. 10. n.p.: The conference, 1938. G5010 Gwathmey, John Hastings Historical Register of Virginians in the Revolution. Richmond, Va.: Dietz Press, 1938. G5020 (ASU) Twelve Virginia Counties Where Western Migration Began. Richmond, Va.: Dietz Press, 1937. G5030 Haagen, Victor B. The Pictorial History of Huntsville, 1805-1865. Huntsville, Ala.: n.p., 1963. At this time Huntsville was just another sleepy southern town, and so it remained until Redstone Arsenal was installed. H10 (BC) Haas, Ben The Last Valley. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1966. Powerful story of North Carolina mountain family's fight against eminent domain, the state political machine, and a power company. H20 (BC ASU LMC MHC) Look Away, Look Away: A Novel. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1964. Tale of a North Carolina mountain dynasty. H30 (ASU WCU) Haas, Raymond M. An Analysis of Some Selected Characteristics of Cabin Vacationists in West Virginia State Parks and Forests in 1961. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Office of Research and Development of the West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, 1963. H40 (ASU) Economic Impact of the Mountain State Art and Craft Fair, Ripley, West Virginia, 1964. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Bureau of Business Research, 1965. H50 The Manufacture of Hardwood Dimension Stock in West Virginia, a Feasibility Study. Morgantown: Bureau of Business Research, West Virginia Univ., 1967. H60 (ASU) West Virginia Travel and Tourism Study — The Potential Market. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1968. H70 Schmidt, T. William West Virginia Travel and Tourism Study: An Evaluation. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1965. S960 Haber, Alan ed. Ferman, Louis A. ed. Poverty in America. Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1965. F690 Hack, John Tilton Geology of Luray Caverns, Virginia. Report of Investigations, 3. Charlottesville: Virginia Division of Mineral Resources, 1962. H80 (ETSU FC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Hock, John Tilton Geomorphology and Forest Ecology of the Mountain Region in the Central Appalachians. Prepared in cooperation with Harvard Forest, Harvard University. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 347. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1960. H90 Intrenched Meanders of the North Fork of the Shenandoah River, Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 35-A. Shorter Contributions to General Geology, 1959. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. moo Hackamack, Lawrence C. "Cooperation-conflict in Labor Management: A Study of Contrasting Cases (Women's Garment Industry and Bituminous Coal Industry)." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Iowa, 1956. Coal and textiles are the two largest industries in the Southern Appalachians. H110 Hackensmith, Charles William Out of Time and Tide: The Evolution of Education in Kentucky (the Beginnings Through the 1930's). Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1970. Includes accounts of some of the more bizarre educational innovations in the mountain missions. H120 (ETSU) Hacker, Stanley E. Early School Leavers in Kentucky. Lexington: Bureau of School Service, Univ. of Kentucky, 1953. HI 30 Hackley, Woodford B. The Little Fork Rangers: A Sketch of Company "D," Fourth Virginia Cavalry. Richmond: Press of the Dietz Print. Co., 1927. This regiment saw action in several mountain campaigns. HI 40 (ASU) Haden, Ben Kingsport, Tennessee — a Modern American City Developed through Industry. Kingsport: Kingsport Rotary Club, 1963. HI 50 Hadley, Jams B. Geology of the Eastern Great Smoky Mountains, North Carolina and Tennessee. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 349-B. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. HI60 (LMC ASU) Preliminary Report on Corundum Deposits in the Buck Creek Peridotite, Clay County, North Carolina. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 948-E. Strategic Minerals Investigations, 1945. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. H170 (ASU) Hadley, Jarvis B. ed. Studies of Appalachian Geology: Northern and Maritime New York: Interscience Publishers, 1968. S8800 (ASU ETSU UNCA) Hadley, Jarvis Bardwell King, Philip Burke Geology of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, Tennessee and North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of the Interior Geological Survey, 1968. K2450 (ETSU) Hagan, Francis J. A Mountain Exile: The Story of a Kentucky Feud. Cincinnati: S. Rosenthal and Co., 1899. A flatlander wanders into mountain country, causes trouble but eventually finds peace. HI 80 Hagan, Jane Gray The Story of Danville. New York: Stratford House, 1950. A history of Danville, Virginia. HI 90 (ASU) Hagensrein, Perry Reginald "The Location Decision for Primary Wood-using Industries in the Northern Appalachians." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Michigan, 1963. H200 Location Decision for Wood-using Industries in Northern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-16. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1964. H210 Hagey, King Albert The Hagey Families in America and the Dulaney Family. Bristol, Tenn.: King Print. Co., 1951. H220 AUTHOR Hagey, William Anderson Hagey, King Albert The Hagey Families in America and the Dulaney Family. Bristol, Tenn.: King Print. Co., 1951. H220 Hagood, Beatrice S. "The Use of the Case Method in the Study of Juvenile Delinquency in Johnson City." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1964. H230 (ETSU) Hagood, Margaret J. "Mothers of the South: A Population Study of Native White Women of Childbearing Age of the Southeast." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1938. H240 Hagy, James W. Castle's Woods 1769-1799, Frontier Virginia Settlement. Master's thesis. East Tennessee State, 1966. H250 Castle's Woods: Frontier Virginia Settlement, 1779-1799. Abingdon, Virginia: Washington County Technical School, 1967. This was the first and most important settlement in what is now Russell County. H260 Hahn, George W. ed. The Catawba Soldier of the Civil War. A Sketch of Every Soldier from Catawba County, North Carolina, with the Photograph, Biographical Sketch, and Reminiscence of Many of Them, Together with a sketch of Catawba County from 1860 to 1911. Hickory, N. C: Clay Print. Co., 1911. At this time Catawba included sections of mountain counties. H270 (ASU) Hahn, William P. "The Leisure Time Activities and Interests of the Boys of Spencer High School." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1939. H280 Hailey, 0. L. History of the Baptists of Tennessee. Microfilm, n.p.: n.p., n.d. H290 (WCU) Haille, Ann Byrne "History of the Development of Education prior to 1900 in Jackson County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Tennessee Technological Univ., 1961. H300 Haiman, Miecislaus Polish Pioneers of Virginia and Kentucky with Notes on Genealogy of the Sadowski Family. Chicago: Polish R. C. Union of America, 1937. H310 (BC) Halderman, Daisy Sherman History of Methodism in the South Branch Valley. Moorefield, W. Va.: n.p., 1950. H320 Hale, Carl W. The Contributions of Local Subsidies to the Economic Development of West Virginia, 1956-1966. Economic Development Series, no. 12. Also, Bulletin, Series 69, no. 7-7. Morgantown: Bureau of Business Research, College of Commerce, and Office of Research and Development, West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, West Virginia Univ., 1969. H330 (ASU) Hale, J. W. ed. Autobiography of "Old Claib Jones." Hazard, Ky.: Hazard Bk. Co., 1915. (Jones, James Claybourn) Autobiography of a famous Kentucky mountain man, a hunter and trapper and a man with a reputation for violence. H370 Hale, John Peter Daniel Boone. Some Facts and Incidents Not Hitherto Published. His Ten or Twelve Years' Residence in Kanawha County, Near Charleston, West Virginia. Wheeling: L. Baker & Co., 188? H340 (ASU BC) Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 2nd ed. Charleston, W. Va.: Kanawha Valley Pub. Co., 1931. H350 (ASU) Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. . . . 3rd ed. Raleigh, N. C.: Dorreth Print. Co., 1971. H360 (ETSU) 93 HACK-HALL Trans-Allegheny Pioneers: Historical Sketches of the First White Settlements West of the Alleghenies 1784 and After. Wonderful Experiences of Hardships and Heroism of Those Who First Braved the Dangers of the Inhospitable Wilderness, and the Savage Tribes That Then Inhabited It. Cincinnati: Graphic Press, 1886. H380 (ASU BC) Hale, Jonathan D. Champ Ferguson: A Sketch of the War in East Tennessee Detailing Some of the Awful Murders on the Border and Describing One of the Leading Spirits of the Rebellion. Cincinnati: n.p., 1862. H390 Hale, Laura Virginia Four Valiant Years in the Lower Shenandoah Valley 1861-1865. Strasburg: Shenandoah Publishing House, 1968. H400 (ASU) Hale, Nathan Scott "A Nutrition Survey of Some Eleventh Grade Students in Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. H410 (ETSU) Hale, Peter M. comp. The Woods and Timbers of North Carolina. A compilation from the botanical and geological reports of Drs. Curtis, Emmons and Kerr; to which are added information obtained from the Census Bureau and accurate reports from the several counties. New York: E. J. Hale & Son, 1883. H440 (ASU LMC) Woods and Timbers of North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: The author, 1883. Extensive botanical notes and maps. H450 (BC) Hale, Peter M. ed. In the Coal and Iron Counties of North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: P. M. Hale; New York: E. J. Hale, 1883. H420 (LMC WCU) In the Coal and Iron Counties of North Carolina. New York: E. J. Hale & Son, 1883. Contains census and geological reports and sketches and maps of fifty-six counties. H430 (BC ASU) Hale, Wade H. "The Scope of Religious Education in the Secondary Schools of Greenville County, South Carolina." Master's thesis. Furman Univ., 1958. H460 Hale, William Thomas The Backward Trail; Stories of the Indians and Tennessee Pioneers. Nashville, Tenn.: Cumberland Press, 1899. H470 Early History of Warren County. McMinnville, Tenn.: Standard Print. Co., 1930. H480 (ASU BC ETSU) History of DeKalb County, Tennessee. Nashville: P. Hunter, 1915. H490 History of DeKalb County, Tennessee. 1915. Reprint. McMinnville, Tenn.: Ben Lemond Press, 1969. H500 (ASU BC) True Stories of Jamestown and Its Environs. Nashville: Methodist Pub. House, 1907. H510 Haley, Elliot Clarke and others An Economic and Social Survey of Warren County. Virginia County Survey Series, 26. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1943. H520 (ASU) Haley, Nancy Marlene "Cry Aloud and Spare Not; the Formative Years of Brownlow's WHIG, 1839-1841." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1966. H530 Hatfacre, R. Gordon Carolina Landscape Plants. Raleigh, N. C: Sparks, 1971. H540 (LMC) Halik, Constance "The Tennessee Valley Authority: An Examination of Its Historical Background and of Some of the Major Controversies in Which It Has Been Involved." Master's thesis. Univ. of Rochester, 1947. H550 Hall, Arleen S. My Sunrise. Dallas: Rozat Pub. Co., 1957. Poems from the Southern muntains. H560 (BC) �HALL-HAMER Hall, C. W. Three Score Years and Ten. Cincinnati: Elm Street Print. Co., 1884. H570 (ETSU) Hall, Carl Mitchell Jenny Wiley Country. Kingsport, Tenn.: King sport Press, 1972. Describes Kentucky's Jennie Wiley State Park. H580 Hall, Carrie A. The Romance of the Patchwork Quilt in America: In Three Parts. Pt. I. History and Quilt Patches. Pt. II. Quilts and Quilting — Antique and Modern. Pt. III. Quilting and Quilt Designs, by Rose G. Kretsinger. Photographs by Mary Ellen Everhard. 1935. Reprint. New York: Bonanza Books, n.d. H590 (ASU BC) Hall, Clifton R. Andrew Johnson: Military Governor of Tennessee. Ph. D. Diss. Princeton Univ., 1914. An attempt to depict the personality of Andrew Johnson from 1862 to 1865. Hall views Johnson's experience in reconstructing his own state as good training for his work at the national level. H600 (BC ASU) Andrew Johnson: Military Governor of tennessee. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1916. An attempt to depict the personality of Andrew Johnson from 1862 to 1865. Hall views Johnson's experience in reconstructing his own state as good training for his work at the national level. H610 (BC ASU) Hall, Donald C. "Employer Reaction to Retraining in the Clarksburg, West Virginia Labor Market Area." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1964. H620 Hall, Eliza Carver! see Obenchain, Eliza Caroline Carver? Had, Esther Greenacre The Here to Yonder Girl. New York: Macmillan Co., 1937. Tassie Tyler, a young girl in the Kentucky mountains, finds a way to get an education and make her dreams come true. H630 (ASU BC) Up Creek and Down Creek. Illustrated by Anna Parker Braune. New York: Junior Literary Guild & Random House, 1936. A collection of short stories about Kentucky mountain children. H640 (WCU LMC BC) Had, Esther May "An Improved Language Arts Program for a Selected Third Grade at Thomas Jefferson School, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1961. H650 (ETSU) Hall, G. M. Ground Water in the Ordovician Rocks near Woodstock, Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Water. Supply Paper, no. 596-C. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1928. H660 Had, Granville Oavisson Daughter of the Elm. A Tale of Western Virginia Before the War. Chicago: Mayer and Miller, 1899. Romantic novel set in the Blue Ridge Mountains of Virginia. H670 Daughter of the Elm: A Tale of Western Virginia before the War. Chicago: The author, 1907. H680 (LMC BC) Daughter of the Elm: A Tale of Western Virginia before the War. Chicago: Mayer & Miller, 1913. H690 (ASU) The Rending of Virginia; a History. Chicago: Mayer and Miller, 1901. H700 (BC) The Two Virginias: Gensis of Old and New; a Romance of American History; State Sovereignty, Phantom of a Stupendous Folly. Chicago: Mayer & Miller, 1915. H710 (BC) AUTHOR Hall, J. W. "Tales of the Mountains" A Complete Directory of the Eastern Kentucky Coalfields with Extracts from the Geological Reports, Forestry, Oil Development, Education, Superstitions, and Religion of the Mountains. Lexington: Hazard Book Co., 1922. H730 Hall, J. W. ed. Autobiography of "Old Claib Jones." Lexington: Hazard Bk. Co., 1915. Autobiography of James Clayborn Jones famous Kentucky mountain man. H720 Hall, James The Harpe's Head. Philadelphia: Key & Biddle, 1833. A Kentucky legend partially set in eastern Kentucky. H740 (BC) Tales of the Border. 1835. Reprint. Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Literature House, 1970. A collection of stories of frontier life in trans-Allegheny west. H750 (WCU BC) Hall, James Edmond The Diary of a Confederate Soldier: James E. Hall. Lewisburg, W. Va.: n.p., 1961. Diary of a West Virginia soldier who fought in several mountain campaigns. H760 (ASU) Hall, Joseph Sargent The Phonetics of Great Smoky Mountain Speech. American Speech, Reprints and Monographs, no. 4. New York: King's Crown Press, 1942. G790 (ASU ETSU) Mountain Speech in the Great Smokies. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1941. H770 (BC) The Phonetics of Great Smoky Mountain Speech. Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1941. H780 Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. Asheville, N. C.: Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Assoc., 1960. H810 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. 1960. Reprint. Asheville, N. C.: Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Assoc., 1964. H820 (ETSU) Hall, Joseph Sargent ed. Sayings from Old Smoky, Some Traditional Phrases, Expressions, and Sentences Heard in the Great Smoky Mountains and Nearby Areas: An Introduction to a Southern Mountain Dialect. Asheville, N. C.: Cataloochee Press, 1972. H800 (ASU BC LMC MHC) Hall, Lester Ray "A Comparison of Special Characteristics of College Bound Seniors and Non-college Seniors from Virginia High School, Bristol, Virginia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. H830 (ETSU) Hall, Louise Fortune A History of Damascus. Abingdon, Va.: The John Anderson Press, 1950. This is the story of one hundred and fifty-seven years of life in the town now known as Damascus. Early families were the Wrights, the Hands, the Rambos, the Larimers and the Wideners, descendants of whom are still living on Damascus lands. H840 Hall, Mary Boilin* n Bakin* in Boogar Hollow. Lindale, Ga.: Country Originals, 1971. H850 (BC ASU) Hall, Maxy Reddick Leighton, Marshall Ora The Relation of the Southern Appalachian Mountains to the Development of Water Power. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1908. LI 660 (ASU BC) Hall, Mitchel Johnson County, Kentucky: A History of the County, and Genealogy of Its People up to the Year 1927. 2 vols. Louisville, Ky.: Standard Press, 1928. H860 (ASU BC) Hall, Paul M. The Musical Million: A Study and Analysis of the Periodical Promoting Music Reading through Shape Notes in North America from 1870 to 1914. Ph. D. Diss. Catholic Univ., 1970. H870 (WCU) Hall, Rufus Clifford Preliminary Study of Forest Conditions in Tennessee. Nashville: McQuiddy Prrint. Co., 1910. H880 (ETSU) 94 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Hall, Samuel Carter The Book of British Ballads. London: Putnam, 1888. H890 (BC) Hall, Septimius Genealogy of Thomas Hall, His Children and Grandchildren. With added notes, pictures and documents on the Halls, Rogers, and other early settlers of Volga, Barbour County, West Virginia by Tasker H. Williams. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1967. H900 (ASU) Hall, William F. "A History of Carson-Newman College." Master's thesis. Microfilm. Univ. of Tennessee, 1956. H910 (WCU) Hall, William Logan Waning Hardwood Supply and the Appalachian Forests. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service Circular 116, 1907. H920 Halley, Harry John "An Analysis and Evaluation of the OEO National Antipoverty Planning Process." D. B. A. Diss. George Washington Univ., 1971. The author seems genuinely surprised that the War on Poverty was lost in Appalachia. H930 Halley, Robert A. Dr. Augustin Gattinger: The Pioneer Botanist of Tennessee. Nashville: Cumberland, 1904. Includes survey of Eastern Tennessee flora and fauna. H940 Halliburton Services Development of an Economic/Environmental Plan for Dents Run Watershed, West Virginia. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1973. H950 (ASU) Halls, Lowell K. Atlas of Southern Forest Game. New Orleans: U. S. Southern Forest Experiment Station, 1971. H960 (ASU) Halperin, Bernard Seymour "Andrew Johnson, the Radicals, and the Negro, 1865-1866." Ph. D. Diss. Berkeley: Univ. of California, 1966. H970 Halpert, Herbert ed. 1939 Cox, John Harrington comp. Traditional Ballads and Folk-songs Mainly from West Virginia, n.p.: American Folklore Society, 1964. C8180 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Halsey, Don Peters Historic and Heroic Lynchburg. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., 1935. A fascinating warmly-written history of one of western Virginia's more interesting cities. H980 (ASU) Halterman, Daisy Sherman History of Methodism in the South Branch Valley. Moorfield, W. Va.: n.p., 1950. With original poems and pen drawings by the author. H990 (BC) Ham, Tom Give Us This Valley. Chicago: Sears Readers Club, 1952. An account of a mountain family's struggle to win and hold a mountain valley. HI 000 (BC ASU) Give Us This Valley. New York: Macmillan Co., 1952. HI 010 Hamby, Robert P. History of Meridian Baptist Church. Old Sevierville Pike, Knoxville, Tennessee: Church Directory qnd Church Roll in Celebration of the Seventy-sixth Anniversary. Knoxville: n.p., 1950. H1020 Hamelman, Paul W. Prospects and Problems for the Manufacture of Laminated Timber in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1964. HI 030 Hamer and Co. Associates Economy of Western North Carolina. Atlanta, Ga.: n.p., 1961. H1040 Hamer, Philip M. Fort Loudoun on the Little Tennessee. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards & Broughton, 1925. This historic fort will soon be flooded by the TVA. HI 050 (ASU) Hamer, Philip M. ed. Tennessee, a History, 1673-1932. 4 vols. New York: American Historical Society, 1933. HI 060 (LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Hamilton, Alice M. A Doctor's Pilgrimage. Harrogate: Cumberland Gap Hotel and Park, 1892. H1070 Hamilton, Betsy, pseud, see Moore, Idora McClellon Hamilton, C. H. Hay, Donald G. Acceptance of Voluntary Health Insurance in Four Rural Communities of Haywood County, North Carolina. Raleigh: North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, 1954. H3790 Hamilton, C. Horace Perry, Josef H. 1980 Population Projections for North Carolina Counties, with 1950, 1960 and 1970 Population by Age Groups. Raleigh: North Carolina Division of Community Planning, 1964. P2240 Hamilton, Charles ed. Cry of the Thunderbird: The American Indian's Own Story. New York: Macmillan, 1950. H1080 (MHC) Hamilton, Charles Horace Health and Health Services in the Southern Appalachians, a Source Book. Progress Report, RS-35. Raleigh: Southern Appalachian Studies and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, 1959. HI090 (ASU ETSU) Hamilton County, Tennessee. Public Schools The Hamilton County Course of Study, n.p.: n.p., 1926. H1100 (ETSU) Hamilton, Emory L. Frontier Forts along the Clinch, Powell and Holston. n.p.: Typescript, n.d. HI 130 (BC) Hamilton, J. G. de Roulhac Party Politics in North Carolina, 1835-1960. James Sprunt Studies, vol. 15, no. 1-2. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1916. Hll 40 (LMC) Hamilton, John Taylor History of the Moravian Church: The Renewed Unitas Fratrum, 1722-1957. (Original title: A History of the Church Known as the Moravian Church.) Maps drawn by Fred Bles. 1900. Reprint. Bethlehem, Pa.: Interprovincial Board of Christian Education Moravian Church in America, 1967. HI 150 (ASU) Hamilton, Joseph G. de Roulhac Life of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States. Greenville: Brown, 1928, 1930. HI 160 Hamilton, Kate The Parson's Proxy. Boston: Houghton Mifflin & Co., 1896. Religion acquires some strange trappings on the Kentucky frontier. A young man devotes himself to God and finds unexpected aid and rewards. HI 170 (BC) Hamilton, Kenneth G. ed. Records of the Moravians in North Carolina. Raleigh: State Dept. of Archives and History, 1969. HI 180 (ASU) Hamilton, Kenneth Gardiner Hamilton, John Taylor History of the Moravian Church: The Renewed Unitas Fratrum, 1722-1957. Bethlehem, Pa.: Interprovincial Board of Christian Education Moravian Church in America, 1967. HI 150 (ASU) Hamilton, Lillian Opal Zeb Harkins. New York: Vantage, 1952. Schoolteacher Zeb takes rapidly to the mountains' charms including moonshine, friendly folk and a sweetheart. HI 190 Hamilton, Michael Ministry to the Southern Mountaineer. A Report of the Research Work Done by the Church of the Advent in the Neighborhood of Walnut Hills, Cincinnati, Ohio, from August, 1955, to August, 1958. Cincinnati: n.p., 1958. (Processed). HI 200 Hamilton, Sally W. ed. Our County Origins, n.p.: n.p., 1940. H1210 (FC) AUTHOR Hamilton, Warren Geology of the Richardson Cove and Jones Cove Quadrangles, Tennessee. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, 349-A. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1961. HI 220 (LMC) Hamilton-Edwards, Gerald K. In Search of British Ancestry. 3rd ed. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1974. H1110 In Search of Scottish Ancestry Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1974. HI 120 (ASU) Hamlett, James Clifton "Long-lots in Washington County, Tennessee, with Reference to Past and Present Land-holding Shapes." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1962. HI 230 (ETSU) Hamlin, Charles Hughes They Went Thataway. 3 vol. in one. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1974. Designed to assist researchers in the difficult problem of finding the area from which or into which the ancestor moved. HI 240 Virginia Ancestors and Adventurers. Richmond, Va.: n.p., 1967. This new collection of genealogical vignettes derives from predominantly miscellaneous records and documents. HI 250 Hamm, Kathleen Appalachian Regional Commission Appalachia — An Economic Report: Trends in Employment, Income and Population. Supplement. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1973. A3590 (ASU) Hammer and Company Associates The Economy of Metropolitan Knoxville. A Study Focused on the Economic Base and Potentials of Knoxville and Knox County. Washington, D.C.: Metro. Planning Comm. of Knoxville and Knox County, 1962. HI 260 (ETSU) The Economy of Western North Carolina. Prepared for the WNC Regional Planning * Commission, August 25, 1961. Atlanta: The Co., 1961. HI 270 (LMC UNCA) Hammer, Greene, Siler Associates Investment Guidelines for the North Carolina Appalachian Region. Prepared for State of North Carolina, N. C. Dept. of Administration and Appalachian Regional Commission. Washington: n.p., 1967. H1280 (WCU WWC ASU) Investment Guidelines for the North Carolina Appalachian Region. Prepared for the State of North Carolina, North Carolina Department of Administration and Appalachia Regional Commission. Washington: n.p., 1967. H1290 (WWC) Manpower Education in the North Carolina Appalachian Region. Prepared for State Planning Task Force, Department of Administration, Raleigh, North Carolina. Washington: n.p., 1968. HI300 (ASU WWC LMC) Manpower Education in the North Carolina Appalachian Region. Prepared for North Carolina Planning Task Force Dept. of Administration. Washington: The company, 1968. HI 310 (LMC ASU WWC) Manpower Education in the North Carolina Appalachian Region. Atlanta: State Planning Task Force, 1971. HI 320 (ASU) Hammill, Anne Natural Resource Special Districts in Appalachia: Review of Enabling Laws. U. S. Department of Agriculture Economic Service Series, 444. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. HI 330 Hammond, Harriot Milton Aunt Bet, the Story of a Long Life: A Memoir of Elizabeth S. W. Taylor. Biographical sketch of Miss Hammond and an appendix by Anne Middleton Holmes. 2nd ed. Winchester, Va.: Handley Library, 1927. HI340 (ASU BC LMC) 95 HAMILTON—HANEY Hamner, Earl, Jr. Fifty Roads to Town, a Novel. New York: Random House, 1953. Fictional account of a young boy's growing up years in the Blue Ridge mountains of Virginia and an encounter with a traveling preacher. HI 350 (ASU BC) The Homecoming: A Novel about Spencer's Mountain. 1st ed. New York: Random House, 1970. A Christmas novel about Hamner's youth in Virginia. HI360 (BC FC ASU LMC WWC ETSU) Spencer's Mountain. New York: Dial Press, 1961. A novel of a Blue Ridge family who yearn for education for their children. HI 370 (BC ASU WWC) Hampton, Ann M. "Proposed Curriculum for Sequential Concept Development in Language Arts for Upper East Tennessee Exemplary Kindergarten Project." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. HUSO (ETSU) Hamrick, George R. ed. History of First Baptist Church of Shelby, North Carolina. Shelby: The Church, 1969. HI 390 Hamrick, Hubert Founding in America of the Hamrick (Hamerick) Family by Hans George Hamerick in the Year 1731 at the Port of Philadelphia, Pa. n.p.: The author, n.d. HI 400 (ASU) Hamsley, Bob Morrison, John The Real David Crockett: A Short, Authentic, Illustrated, History of Tennessee's Famous Hunter, Frontiersman, Soldier, Legislator, Statesman, Patriot, and Hero of the Alamo, Colonel David Crockett. Lawrenceburg: n.p., 1955. M7930 Hancock County, Tennessee. Comprehensive Overall Economic Development Program Association Report, n.p.: The assoc., 1963. HI 410 (ETSU) Hancock, Mrs. Floyd ed. Ryan, Arthur Frank ed. Historical Forts and Houses in Knoxville and Nearby Vicinity. Knoxville: Knox Co. Libr., 1962. R4450 Hancock, Harry L. "A Study of School Transportation, Bradley County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1953. HI 420 Hancock, Mary A. Menace on the Mountain! Illustrated by H. Tom Hall. Philadelphia: Macrae Smith, 1968. A novel about union sympathizers in western North Carolina during the Civil War. HI430 (BC ASU LMC WCU) Hanczaryk, Edwin W. The Labor Force in West Virginia — A Study of Its Growth and Characteristics. ("Business and Economic Studies," vol. 3, no. 4.) Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1954. H1440 Hand, Wayland D. American Folk Legend. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1971. HI 450 Hanes, Frank Borden Abel Anders. New York: Farrar, Straus & Young, 1951. A mountain epic in verse. HI 460 (BC) Hanes, John K. Powell, Jules V. Costs of Marketing Appalachian Apples. Washington: Agricultural Marketing Service, Marketing Research Division, 1959. P3950 Haney, Glenn P. Silvical Characteristics of Southern Red Oak. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 106. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1959. HI 480 (WCU) * Haney, Glenn P. comp. A Revised Shortleaf Pine Bibliography. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 155. Asheville, N. C: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1962. H1470 (WCU) Haney, William Henry The Mountain People of Kentucky. An Account of Present Conditions with the Attitude of the People toward Improvement. Cincinnati: Rossler Brothers, 1906. H1490 (ASU BC) �HANKINS—HARBEN Hankins, Thomas D. Berry, Brian J. L. A Bibliographic Guide to the Economic Regions of the United States. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago, 1963. B3210 Hanlon, Russell W. Men of Affairs in Knoxville. Knoxville: Journal & Tribune, 1921. Publication of Who's Who in Knoxville. HI 500 Hanna, Charles Augustus Ohio Valley Genealogies, Relating Chiefly to Families in Harrison, Belmont and Jefferson Counties, Ohio, and Washington, Westmoreland, and Fayette Counties, Pennsylvania. 1900. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1972. HI 510 (ASU BC) The Scotch-Irish: Or, the Scot in North Britain, North Ireland, and North America. 2 vols. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1902. HI 520 (ASU BC) The Scotch-Irish: Or, The Scot in North Britain, North Ireland, and North America. 2 vols. 1902. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. HI530 (ASU BC) The Wilderness Trail: Or, The Ventures and Adventures of the Pennsylvania Traders on the Allegheny Path, with Some New Annals of the Old West, and the Records of Some Strong Men and Some Bad Ones. With eighty maps and illustrations. 2 vols. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1911. HI 540 (ASU BC) Hanna, Edwin B. The Integration of Locality Groups in an Eastern Kentucky County. (Bulletin no. 640.) Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1956. H1550 Hanna, Margaret "Drain of Talent out of Georgia and South Carolina." Master's thesis. Kent State Univ., 1957. Includes surveys of mountain counties in both states. HI 560 (ASU) Hannah, David Hardgrave Archaeological Excavations on Virginius Island, Harpers Ferry National Historic Park, 1966-1968. Prepared for the U. S. National Park Service. Harpers Ferry: Harpers Ferry Job Corps Civilian Conservation Center, 1969. HI 570 Hannah, Howard M. Confederate Action in Franklin County, Tennessee. Sewanee: Franklin Co. Civil War Centennial Comm., 1963. HI 580 Hannum, Alberta Pierson The Gods and One. 1st ed. New York: Duel, Sloan & Pierce, 1941. A young mountain girl and her illegitimate child join an extended family of man, three wives and thirty some odd children. HI 590 (ASU BC) The Hills Step Lightly. New York: W. Morrow & Co., 1934. This life story of an unusual mountain women is packed with bits of mountain folklore. Western North Carolina setting. H1600 (ASU ETSU BC) Look Back with Love: A Recollection of the Blue Ridge. New York: Vanguard Press, 1969. Memories of Mrs. Hannum's years in Avery County, North Carolina. H1610 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU FC WWC BC) Thursday April. New York: Harper, 1931. Novel of a young girl in Avery County, North Carolina who is saved from early marriage and given an opportunity for schooling. H1630 (WCU ASU) Thursday April. New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1931. HI 640 Hannum, Alverta Pierson Roseanna McCoy. New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1947. A fictional account of the Hatfield-McCoy feud. HI620 (BC ASU) Hansbrough, Thomas ed. Southern Forests and Southern People. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ., 1963. HI 650 (LMC) AUTHOR APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Hansell, J. E. Hill-Billy Bill; a Biography of Hon. J. Will Taylor of Tennessee. LaFolette, Tenn.: The LaFolette Press, 1932. HI 660 (BC) Hansen, James C. Appalachian Students and Guidance. Guidance Monograph Series, 6. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1971. H1670 (ASU BC WCU MHC ETSU) Hansen, Marcus Lee The Atlantic Migration, 1607-1860: A History of the Continuing Settlement of the United States. Foreword by Arlhur M. Schlesinger. Introduction to the Torchbook edition by Oscar Haudling. Harper Torchbook, 1052. New York: Harper, 1961. HI 680 (ASU) Hansen, Niles M. A Review of the Appalachian Regional Commission Program. Austin: Univ. of Texas, 1969. HI 690 (ASU) Hansen, Robert P. Rites of Summer. New York: Morrow, 1961. Romantic fiction set in modern day Appalachia. HI 700 (ASU BC) Hansen, Viola Karen "Factors That Influence Young Couples to Stay on the Farm in Adair County, Kentucky: Some Social and Economic Factors That Influence Young Couples to Stay on the Farm in a Low-income County in Kentucky." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1962. H1710 Hanson, Ivan Hammill, Anne Natural Resource Special Districts in Appalachia: Review of Enabling Laws. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. HI 330 Hanson, Raus McDill Virginia Place Names: Derivations, Historical Uses. Verona, Va.: McClure Press, 1969. HI 720 (ASU BC FC) Hanten, Edward W. "An Analysis of the Industrial Potential of Johnstown, Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1958. Not unexpectedly, water-power was a major consideration in this study. HI 730 Harbaugh, Thomas Chalmers Middletown Valley in Song and Story, n.p.: n.p., 1910. Stories and poems celebrating life and legends in the Middletown Valley of Kentucky. HI 740 (BC) Harbaugh, William Henry Lawyer's Lawyer; the Life of John W. Davis. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1973. HI 750 (ASU BC) Harben, Will Nathaniel Abner Daniel. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1902. A delightful yarn about such turn of the century improvements as the coming of the railroad in Murray County, Georgia. Abner's dry wit and wry wisdom are used as counterpoint in this series of novels. HI 760 (ASU) Abner Daniel. New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1903. HI 770 Ann Boyd. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1903. H1780 (ETSU) Ann Boyd. New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1906. A novel of romance and courage in the face of social conventions. This one is set in the lower end of Murray County. HI 790 Ann Boyd: A Novel. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1906. HI 800 (ASU BC) The Cottage of Delight: A Novel. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1919. A novel of young love set in what appears to be the Spring Place Community of Murray County, Georgia. HI 810 (ASU BC) The Desired Woman. New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1913. A comedy of manners set in Spring Place and the nearby metropolis of Dalton. HI 820 The Desired Woman. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1913. HI 830 (ASU BC) The Divine Event. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1920. More romantic fiction from Murray and Whitfield counties. HI 840 (ASU BC) Dixie Hart. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1910. Brave young torn-boyish Dixie holds her family together and catches the man of her dreams. HI 850 (ASU BC) The Georgians: A Novel. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1904. Another novel of Murray County, Georgia featuring encounters between mountaineers, poor farmers and town folk. The clever mountain man is often the hero. HI 860 (ASU BC) Gilbert Neal: A Novel. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1908. Gilbert is a hard-working lad from the Ramhurst community of Murray County who overcomes poverty and social stigma to become a leading merchant. HI 870 (ASU BC) The Hills of Refuge: A Novel. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1918. A novel about the mountains of Murray County and the refuge they represent to a confused lad who has encountered trouble in the cities. HI 880 (ASU BC) The Inner Law: A Novel. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1915. A novel about the wages of sin and the effects of conscience. HI 890 (ASU ETSU BC) Jane Dawson: A Novel. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1911. Jane is another poor lass from the southern end of Murray County who triumphs over adversity. HI 900 (ASU) Mam' Linda: A Novel. Illustrated by F. B. Masters. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1907. A novel about a negro woman in Spring Place and an ugly little racial incident which transpires there. H1910 (ASU ETSU BC) The New Clarion. New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1914. A novel about an attempt to launch a new business venture in Murray and Whitfield counties. HI 920 The New Clarion. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1914. HI 930 (ASU BC) Northern Georgia Sketches. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co., 1900. A series of short fiction of which "Trundle's Crisis," and "The Convict's Return" are the best. HI 940 (ASU WCU LMC) Northern Georgia Sketches. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1970. H1950 (ETSU) Paul Rundel: A Novel. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1912. This novel about an outlander is a departure from Harben's usual formula for fiction. HI 960 (ASU BC) Pole Baker. New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1905. HI 970 Pole Baker: A Novel. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1905. Another Murray County novel. Pole, the mountaineer, and Abner, his valley farmer counterpart, are based at least in part upon the exploits of my great-grandfather. HI 980 (ASU LMC BC) The Redemption of Kenneth Gait. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1909. Pore' Kenneth has sinned against church and family and is sowing the fields around Dennis Mill with bitterness until love softens him and the minister does the rest. HI 990 (BC) The Redemption of Kenneth Gait. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1911. H2000 Second Choice. New York: A. L. Burt & Company, 1916. The moral of this one seems to be that second choices have a way of working out for the best. H2010 (ASU BC) Second Choice. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1916. H2020 (ETSU) 96 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Harben, Will Nathaniel The Triumph: A Novel. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1917. Another North Georgia novel with many outland scenes and characters. H2030 (ASU BC) Westerfelt. New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1901. An attempt to contrast gentility and mountain characteristics. Actually, Harben seems to have preferred the yeoman farmer. H2040 Harbison, T. G. A Preliminary Check-list of the Ligneous Flora of the Highland Region, North Carolina. Highlands, N. C: Highlands Museum & Biological Laboratory, 1931. H2050 (ASU) Hardeman, William D. Geologic Map of Tennessee. Assisted by Robert A. Miller and George D. Swingle. Nashville: Tennessee, Division of Geology, 1966. H2060 (ETSU) Harden, John William The Devil's Tramping Ground, and Other North Carolina Mystery Stories. Illustrated by Mary Lindsay McAlister. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1949. A collection of strange occurrences in the old North State. Many from the mountain region. H2070 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Tar Heel Ghosts. Illustrated by Lindsay McAlister. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1954. H2080 (ASU BC LMC MHC ETSU) Harder!, Ronald Albert "Social Structural Factors Influencing the Urbanization of Appalachian Hill Emigrants in an Urban Ghetto." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1967. H2090 Hardesty, Kenneth Legge Songs of the Woods Poet. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. H2100 (ASUBC) Hardesty's Historical and Geographical Encyclopedia VIRGINIA ED. N. Y.: H. H. Hardesty and Co. Publishers, 1884, with notes by R. A. Brock. Includes Wythe and Smyth County biographies. H2110 Hardin, Gail The Road from West Virginia. Chicago: Children's Press, 1970. Coalminer's daughter and school dropout tells about factory jobs which made her value a high school diploma. H2120 (ASU BC LMC) Hardin, James W. North Carolina Drug Plants of Commercial Value. Bulletin, no. 418. Raleigh: Agricultural Experiment Station, 1962. Wilcox Drug Company in Boone, North Carolina is the largest botanical drug company left in the mountains. H2130 (ASU LMC UNCA) Poisonous Plants of North Carolina. Bulletin, no. 414. Raleigh: Agricultural Experiment Station, 1961. H2140 (LMC) Hardin, John E. "A Study of the Physical Education Programs of the High Schools in Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1961. H2150 (ETSU) Harding, Arthur Robert Ginseng and Other Medicinal Plants; a Book of Valuable Information for Growers as well as Collectors of Medicinal Roots, Barks, Leaves, etc. Columbus, O.: A. R. Harding Pub. Co., 1908. H2160 Hardison, Robinson B. Soil Survey of Ashe County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture. Field Operations, 1912. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1914. H2170 Hardy, Earl Souvenir Views of the Beautiful Blowing Rock Region. Twelve photographs. Lenoir, N. C.: n.p., n.d. H2180 AUTHOR Hardy, Lucina Elizabeth An Album of Historical Memories. Chatata-Tasso, Bradley County, Tennessee, 1830-1961. n.p.: n.p., n.d. Includes memories before the Cherokee removal. H2190 Hardy, Stella Pickett Colonial Families of the Southern States of America: A History and Genealogy of Colonial Families Who Settled in the Colonies Prior to the Revolution. 2nd ed. with revisions and additions by the author. 1958. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. H2200 (ASU) Hare, Charles E. Heck, Edward Timmel Appalachian Connate Water. Charleston: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1964. H4290 (ETSU) Price, Paul Holland Salt Brines of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1937. P4560 (ETSU) Hargrove, Jack B. "A Comparative Study of School Dropouts from 1945-50 in Holt Junior High School and Jaylorville Junior High School, Tuscaloosa County, Alabama." Master's thesis. Alabama State College, 1952. H2210 Hargrove, Michael Brutus "Economic Development of Areas Contiguous to Multipurpose Reservoirs: The Kentucky-Tennessee Experience." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1971. H2220 (BC) Marker, Timothy L. Economic Stability and Growth Potential, Fairmont, W. Va. Oak Ridge, Tenn.: Oak Ridge Associated Universities, 1967. H2230 Harkins, Joe R. Surface Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama. With a section on quality of water, by Rodney G. Grantham. Circular, 33. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1965. H2240 (ETSU) Harkness, David James Abraham Lincoln and the Cumberland Gap. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. H2250 (ASU ETSU) Literary Profiles of the Southern States: A Manual for Schools and Clubs. News-letter, vol. 32, no. 1. Knoxville: Division of University Extension, Univ. of Tennessee, 1953. Includes Appalachian authors. H2280 (ASU) Tennessee and Virginia, the Mountain Empire. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1970. H2290 (ETSU) Harkness, David James comp. Kentucky and Tennessee, Twin Centers of Interest. Extension Series, vol. 41, no. 1. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1966. H2260 (ASU BC) Legends and Lore, Southern Indians, Flowers, Holidays. News-letter, vol. 40, no. 2. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. H2270 (ASU) Harkrader, Charles J. Witness to an Epoch: Personal Inventory of the Experiences and Impressions of a Man of Varied Interests. Kingsport, Tenn.: The author, 1965. H2300 (LMC) Harlan County, Ky., School Survey Council Harlan County Schools Have Problems. Lexington: Bureau of School Service, College of Education, Univ. of Kentucky, 1961. H2310 (ASU) Harlan Miners Speak n.p.: Harcourt, Brace & Company, 1932. The classic work on mine wars, union struggles, and labor troubles in the mountains. H2320 Harless, N. R. "A Study of School Transportation, Blount County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. H2330 Harless, Rod The Hillbillys, a Book for Children. Illustrated by Dan Cutler. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1970. An attempt to help mountain youngsters understand their heritage. H2340 (ASU) 97 HARBEN—HARPER The West Virginia Establishment. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1971. H2350 (ASU) Harlin, William Vernon and others Soil Survey, Calhoun County, Alabama. Report by William V. Harlin and E. A. Perry. Soil Survey, Series 1958, no. 9. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1961. H2360 Harlow, Alvin Schoolhouses in the Foothills. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1937. H2370 Harman, B. H. Dan Georgen of the Divided House. A Geneva Book. New York: Carl ton Press, 1965. A novel of a boy who grew up in the Blue Ridge in an atmosphere of superstition and later lived in the midwest. He chose to return to the mountains. H2380 (ASU LMC) Malinda of the Blue Ridge. A Geneva Book. New York: Carlton Press, 1964. Children's fiction with a mountain setting. H2390 (ASU LMC) Harman, John Newton Harman Genealogy (Southern Branch), with Biographical Sketches, 1700-1924. Richmond, Va.: W. C. Hill Print. Co., 1925. H2410 Harman, William Times Gone By. Blowing Rock, N. C.: The author, 1973. Recollection of life in western North Carolina. H2420 Harmeling, Mary Bernadette "Social and Cultural Links in the Urban and Occupational Adjustment of Southern Appalachian Migrants." Ph. D. Diss. Fordham University, 1969. H2430 Harmon, John Newton Annals of Tazewell County, Virginia from 1800 to 1922. Richmond, Va.: W. C. Hill Print. Co., 1922-25. Pt. 1 - Court records. Pt. 2 - Republication of Bickley's History of the settlement and Indian Wars of Tazewell Co. - 1852. H2400 (BC ASU) Harmon, Milton Slow Creek. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. H2440 (ASU) Harmon, Roy Lee Hillbilly Ballads. Beckley, W. Va.: Beckley Newspapers Corp., 1938. H2450 Rhymes of a Mountaineer. Detroit: Harlo, 1968. H2460 (ASU) Rhymes of a Mountaineer; the Best of Roy Lee Harmon. Detroit: Harlo Press, 1968. H2470 (BC) Harms, William R. Spacing-environmental Relationships in a Slash Pine Plantation. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, no. 150. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1962. H2480 (WCU) Horned, Joseph Edward Wild Flowers of the Alleghanies. Oakland, Md.: Sencell Print. Co., 1936. H2490 (BC) Harner, Warren Bartlett Hill Saga. Sherperdstown, W. Va.: n.p., 1936. H2500 Hamsberger, Thomas K. The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-bearing Portion of Tazewell County, Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. Virginia Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 19. H2510 (ETSU) Harold, Kathleen E. "A Study of a Group of Drop-outs of the Greenville High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. H2520 Harper, Francis ed. Bertram, William Travels. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1958. B1710 (LMC) »r, George W. F. Reminiscences of Caldwell County, N. C., in the Great War of 1861-65. Lenoir: n.p., 1913. H2530 �HARPER—HARRIS Harper, Roland McMillan . . . Natural Resources of the Tenn. Valley Region in Alabama. Ala. Geological Survey, special report 17. Tuscaloosa: Univ. of Ala., 1942. H2540 (BC) Harpine, J. William Lindamood Family History. n.p.: n.p., n.d. H2550 Harpster, John W. ed. Pen Pictures of Early Western Pennsylvania. Maps and illustrations by Harvey Cushman. Western Pennsylvania Historical Survey. Pittsburgh: Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1938. H2560 (ASU) Harrah, D. D. Wilson, L. Craig School-community Improvement, a Report of the Greenbrier County Program. New York: World Book Co., 1959. W7360 (ASU WCU) Haired, Isaac Samuel Loyalism in Virginia: Chapters in the Economic History of the Revolution. 1926. Reprint. New York: AMS Press, 1965. H2570 (ASU LMC) Harrelson, Martha Langston Lemert, Benjamin Franklin North Carolina Geography: A Study of How We Live in North Carolina. Oklahoma City: Harlow Pub. Corp., 1954. L1710 (LMC ASU) Harrigan, Terrence D. The Changing Economy of Claiborne County, Tennessee. Oak Ridge, Tenn.: Oak Ridge Associated Universities, 1966. H2580 Harrill, Bob E. "A Study of the Practices and Techniques Used by Principals and Teachers in the McMinn County Schools to Improve School Attendance." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. H2590 Harrill, L. R. Memories of 4-H. Raleigh: North Carolina State Univ. Print. Shop, 1967. H2600 (ASU) Harrington, Mark Raymond Cherokee and Earlier Remains on Upper Tennessee River. New York: Heye Foundation, 1922. H2610 (BC LMC) Harrington, Michael The Other America: Poverty in the United States. New York: Macmillan, 1962. References to Appalachian Poverty. H2620 (MHC BC) Harris, Bernice Kelly Hearthstones, a Novel of the Roanoke River Country in North Carolina. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1948. A novel of pioneer life in western North Carolina. H2630 (WCU) Janey Jeems. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday and Co., 1946. A couple with a houseful of children live on a subsistence farm in the western North Carolina mountains. Much about religion and superstitions. H2640 (ASU WCU BC) Harris, Bernice Kelly ed. Southern Home Remedies. By the Creative Writing Group of Chowan College. Murfreesboro, N. C.: Johnson Pub. Co., 1968. H2650 (AASU LMC) Harris, Corra May White A Circuit Rider's Widow. Illustrated by Walter H. Everett. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1916. A North Georgia author writes about her experiences as a Methodist minister's wife. Semi-autobiographical novel. H2660 (ASU WCU BC) A Circuit Rider's Wife. Illustrated by William H. Everett. Philadelphia: Henry Altemus Co., 1910. Semi-autobiographical novel of her experiences as a Methodist minister's wife. H2670 (ASU BC LMC WCU) The Co-citizens. Illustrated by Hanson Booth. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1915. One of North Georgia's early woman's liberation novels. H2680 (ASU BC) Eve's Second Husband. Philadelphia: Henry Altemus Co., 1911. Auto-biographical fiction from the North Georgia hills. H2690 (ASU) Flapper Anne. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1926. Fiction with a North Georgia setting. H2700 (ASU) AUTHOR The Happy Pilgrimage. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1927. Religious novel partially set in the mountains. H2710 (ASU BC) In Search of a Husband. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1913. Fiction partially set in North Georgia. H2720 (ASU) My Book and Heart. Illustrated by Frederick Greiger. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1924. Autobiographical memoirs of a feminist, minister's wife, and novelist. H2730 (ASU BC) My Son. New York: George H. Doran Co., 1921. Autobiography of the author's son. H2740 (ASU BC) The Recording Angel. Illustrated by W. H Everett. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1912. Religious fiction. H2750 (ASU BC) Harris, Credo Sunlight Patch. Boston: Small, Maynard and Co., 1915. A mountain man attends Miss Jane's settlement school in the Kentucky mountains in an attempt to live up to his late wife's expectations. H2760 (BC) Harris, Evelyn L. K. From Humble Beginnings; West Virginia State Federation of Labor, 1903-1957. Charleston: Charleston, W. Va. Labor History Pub. Fund, 1960. H2770 (BC) Harris, Gene G. Smoke on Old Thunderhead. Illustrated by Don Harris. Winston-Salem, N. C.: J. F. Blair,'1962. A boy, a witch and a black bear are caught in a fire in the Great Smoky Mountains. H2780 (ASU BC LMC) Harris, George E. "The Drain of Talent out of Kentucky." Master's thesis. Kent State Univ., 1956. H2790 Harris, George Washington High Times and Hard Times: Sketches and Tales. Introductory essays by M. Thomas Inge. Illustrated by Mary Alice Bahler. Nashville-. Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1967. H2800 (ASU BC) The Lovingood Papers. Athens, Tennessee, Sut. Society, vol. 1-. 1962-. Athens, Tenn.: Tenn. Wesleyan College, 1962-. H2810 Sut Lovingood. Introduction to Brom Weber. New York: Grove Press, 1954. H2820 (ASU) Sut Lovingood. Yarns Spun by a "Nat'ral Born Durn'd Fool." Warped and Wove for Public Wear. New York: Dick and Fitzgerald, 1867. H2830 (ASU BC ETSU) Sut Lovingood's Yarns. Edited for the modern reader by M. Thomas Inge. Masterworks of Literature Series. New Haven, Conn.: College and Univ. Press, 1966. H2840 (ASU WWC) Harris, Gertrude Manna: Foods of the Frontier. illustrated by Heidi Palmer. San Francisco: 101 Productions, 1972. A guide to survival in the wilderness. H2850 (ASU WCU) Harris, H. "Two Famous Kentucky Feuds and Their Causes." Master's thesis. Kent State Univ., 1956. H2860 Harris, Hobart B. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Colbert County, Alabama. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the Colbert County Board of Revenue, the City of Tuscumbia and the Geological Survey of Alabama. County Report, 10. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1963. H2870 (ETSU) Interim Report on Ground-water Study in Colbert County, Alabama. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the Colbert County Board of Revenue and the Geological Survey of Alabama. Information Series, 20. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1960. H2880 (ETSU) APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Springs in Colbert and Lauderdale Counties, Alabama. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the Boards of Revenue of Colbert and Lauderdale Counties and the Geological Survey of Alabama. Information Series, 10. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1957. H2890 (ETSU) Harris, Isabella Deas "Charles Egbert Craddock as an Interpreter of Mountain Life." Master's thesis. Duke University, 1933. H2900 "Charles Egbert Craddock as an Interpreter of Mountain Life." Mkrofilm. Master's thesis. Duke Univ., 1933. H2910 (ASU) "The Southern Mountaineer in American Fiction, 1824-1910." Ph. D. Diss. Duke Univ., 1948. H2920 (ASU ETSU) Harris, James Coffee Cave Spring and Van's Valley. Cave Spring, Ga.: n.p., 1927. This warm water large spring and lake were sacred to the Cherokee. H2930 (LMC) Harris, Joel Chandler Balaam and His Master, and Other Sketches and Stories. 1891. Reprint. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1969. Two mountain sketches are included in the collection. H2940 (WCU) Joel Chandler Harris, Editor and Essayist: Miscellaneous Literary, Political and Social Writings. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1931. Harris wrote several mountain sketches with surprisingly good dialect. H2950 (WCU) Mingo. 1884. Reprint. Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Literature House, 1970. H2960 (WCU) Mingo and Other Sketches. New York: McKinley, 1884. Includes one mountain sketch, "At Teague Potect's." H2970 (WWC) Mingo and Other Sketches in Black and White. 1884. Reprint. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1970. H2980 (WCU) Harris, Julia Collier Florida Harris, Joel Chandler Joel Chandler Harris, Editor and Essayist: Miscellaneous Literary, Political and Social Writings. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1931. H2950 (WCU) Harris, Mrs. L. H. see Harris, Corra May White Harris, Luther Calvin "An Educational Survey of Coal Creek Community, Anderson County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1932. H2990 Harris, Meriel Daniel "Two Famous Kentucky Feuds and Their Causes." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1940. H3000 (ASU) "Two Famous Kentucky Feuds and Their Causes." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1940. H3010 (ASU) Harris, Oscar J. "An Investigation of Some Needs for Expansion of Vocational Education in Monogalia, Preston and Taylor Counties, West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1966. H3020 Harris, Wiley F., Jr. Dodson, Chester Lee Geology and Ground-water Resources of Morgan County, Alabama. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1965. D2750 (ETSU) Dodson, Chester Lee Interim Report on the Geology and Groundwater Resources of Morgan County, Alabama. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1961. D2770 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Harm, Wiley F., Jr. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Lawrence County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the Geological Survey of Alabama. Bulletin, 78. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1965. H3030 (ETSU) McMaster, William M. General Geology and Ground-water Resources of Limestone County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1963. M2170 (ETSU) Harrison, Clifford Marion Social Types in Southern Prose Fiction. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Virginia, 1921. Does Q very poor job of identifying the mountaineer as a distinctive fictional type. H3040 Harrison, Constance C. A Son of the Old Dominion. New York, Boston and London: Lamson, Wolffe and Company, 1897. Action of the novel ranges into the mountains. H3050 Harrison, Henry Surnames of the United Kingdom: A Concise Etymological Dictionary. Assisted by Gyda Pulling Harrison. 1912. Reprint. 2 vols. in 1. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. H3060 (ASU) Harrison, James A. ed. Poe, Edgar Allan "A Tale of the Ragged Mountains" in The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell and Co., 1902. P3280 (ASU ETSU) Harrison, John Houston Settlers by the Long Grey Trail, Some Pioneers to Old Augusta County, Virginia, and Their Descendants, of the Family of Harrison and Allied Lines. Dayton, Va.: Joseph K. Ruebush Co., 1935. H3070 (ASU BC) Harrison, Paul M. Authority and Power in the Free Church Tradition: A Social Case Study of the American Baptist Convention. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959. H3080 Harrison, Virginia M. The Fear and the Guilt. New York: Ace, 1954. Lurid fiction with an eastern Kentucky setting. H3090 Heat Lightening. New York: Ace, 1954. This novel manages to make everyone in eastern Kentucky sound like a degenerate. H3100 (ASU) The Mating Call. New York: Ace, 1954. Lurid, degenerate novel set in eastern Kentucky. H3110 Harrisonburg, Virginia: Diary of a Citizen from May 9, 1862-August 22, 1864, Local Events during the Civil War. Harrisonburg, Va.: E. R. Grymes Heneberger, 1961. H3120 (ASU) Harris*, Frances Latham Lawson, John History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of That Country, Together with the Present State Thereof, and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled Through Several Nations of Indians, Giving a Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc., Etc. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1952. L970 (LMC MHC BC) Harriss, Frances Latham ed. Lawson, John History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of that Country, Together with the Present State Thereof, and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled through Several Nations of Indians, Giving a Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc., Etc. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1951 and 1960. L980 (UNCA) Harry, P. Map of the Cherokee Territory. Corps of Engineers, War Department. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1837. H3130 Harshaw, Lou The Rubies of Cowee Valley, Franklin, N. C. and other Native Gem and Mineral Locations in Macon County, N. C. Asheville, N. C.: Hexagon Co., 1973. H3140 (ASU) AUTHOR Harshbarger, Richard B. "The Coal Buying Policies: Effects on Prices and Method of Mining in Supplying States." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1964. H3750 Hart, Freeman Hansford The Valley of Virginia in the American Revolution, 1763-1789. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1946. H3160 (ASU BC FC) Hart, George Trimble, George R., Jr. Appraisal of Early Reproduction After Cutting in Northern Appalachian Hardwood Stands. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. T9290 Hart, Joseph K. Education for an Age of Power: The TVA Poses a Problem. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1935. At last, a book that recognizes that the TVA has caused a great many problems. H3170 (ASU) Hartford, Ellis Ford Emphasizing Values in Five Kentucky Schools. With contributions from Willa F. Harmon, Robert Woosley, and Metta Woosely. College of Education Bureau of school service bulletin, vol. 26, no. 4. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1954. H3180 (ASU) Hartley, Cecil B. The Life of Daniel Boone, the Founder of the State of Kentucky. With an introduction by G. Mercer Adorm. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1902. H3190 (ASU) Life of Daniel Boone, the Great Western Hunter and Pioneer, Comprising an Account of His Early History, His Daring and Remarkable Career as the First Settler of Kentucky. To Which is Added His Autobiography Complete as Dictated by Himself. New York: American, 1865. H3200 (WCU BC ETSU) Life of Daniel Boone, the Great Western Hunter and Pioneer, Comprising an Account of His Early History, His Daring and Remarkable Career as the First Settler of Kentucky. To Which Is Added His Autobiography Complete as Dictated by Himself. Philadelphia: J. E. Potter, 1865. H3210 (ASU BC ETSU) Hartley, Loyde Hobart "Sectarianism and Social Participation: A Study of the Relationship between Religious Attitudes and Involvement in Voluntary Organizations in Seventy-two Churches in the Southern Appalachian Mountains." Ph. D. Diss. Emory Univ., 1968. H3220 (LMC) Hartley, Rachel Augusta Brett "Ananias Davisson: Southern Tune Book Compiler (1780-1857)." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Michigan, 1972. H3230 Hartman, Vladimir E. "A Cultural Study of a Mountain Community in Western North Carolina." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1957. H3240 (ASU) **A Cultural Study of Mountain Community in Western North Carolina." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1957. H3250 (ASU) Hartsog, E. R. Hooky Cop Saga: Frustrations and Rewards of an Attendance Officer in Appalachia. illustrated by William F. Rexrode. Parsons, W. Va.: McCain Print. Co., 1967. H3260 (ASU BC) Harvey, (Catherine A. The Best-dressed Miners: Life and Labor in the Maryland Coal Region, 1835-1910. Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1969. The earliest coal mining in the United States took place in Western Maryland. Miners were relatively well-off. H3270 (ASU) "The Coal Miners of Western Maryland." Ph. D. Diss. American University, 1962. H3280 Harvey, Stella Mowbray Tales of the Civil War Era. Crossville: Chronicle Pub., 1963. Publication of this volume was sponsored by the Cumberland County Civil War Centennial Committee. H3290 99 HARRIS-WATCHER Harvill, Alton McCateb Spring Flora of Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1970. H3300 (ASU BC LMC) Harville, Thomas J. "Team Teaching at Douglas School, Elizabethton, Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1964. H3310 (ETSU) Harwell, Richard Barksdale ed. Cooke, John Esten Stonewall Jackson and the Old Stonewall Brigade. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia Press for the Tracy W. McGregor Library, 1954. C7010 (ASU BC) Proceedings of the County Committees, 1774-1776, The Committees of Safety of Westmoreland and Fincastle. Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1956. Discusses and compares the two sets of Resolutions and includes the minutes of the Fincastle County Committee of Safety, and the Resolutions themselves. Fincastle's activities centered at the Lead Mines, now Wythe County. H3320 Harwood, Herbert H., Jr. Blue Ridge Trolley. The Hagerstown and Frederick Railway. San Marino, Cal. Golden West Books, 1970. H3330 (ASU) Hash, Judith Haws "A History of the First Presbyterian Church of Jonesboro, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1965. Jonesboro is the oldest town in Tennessee. H3340 (ETSU) Hash, Lewis J. Hunter, Charles Eugene Halloysite Deposits of Western North Carolina. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation & Development, 1949. H8410 (ETSU WCU) Hashe, Mary Dell "Professional Characteristics of the Master's Degree Graduates of East Tennessee State University." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1965. H3350 (ETSU) Haskins, Ralph W. ed. Graf, LeRoy P. ed. The Papers of Andrew Johnson. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967-. G3100 Hassall, Harry Sharp A History of Concord Presbyterian Church, Concord, Tennessee. Knoxville: Letter Shop, 1963. H3360 Hassell, Bluford Leslie "An Administrative and Educational Survey of the Schools of Campbell County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1933. H3370 Hastings, Earl L. Lamont, W. E. Resource and Beneficiation Studies of Copperbearing Pyrite Ore, Pyriton, Clay County, Alabama. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1964. L240 (ETSU) Hasty, Allen Henry Soil Survey, Limestone County, Alabama. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1941, no. 5. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. H3380 Soil Survey, Rhea County, Tennessee. Prepared in cooperation with the Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report Series 1940, no. 3. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. H3390 Hatcher, Harlan Patterns of Wolfpen. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1934. Novel about an educated, valley family which has been in Eastern Kentucky since 1790. Mountain but refined. H3400 Hatcher, Orie Lathan ed. A Mountain School: A Study Made by the Southern Woman's Educational Alliance and Kennarock Training School. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1930. H3410 (WWC BC) �HATFIELD—HAYES Hatfield, Craig Bond Stratigraphy and Paleoecology of the Saluda Formation (Cincinnation) in Indiana, Ohio, and Kentucky. Special Paper, no. 95. Regional Studies. Boulder, Colo.: Geological Society of America, 1968. H3420 (ETSU) Hatfield, Emmanuel Stories of Hatfield, the Pioneer. New Albany, Ind.: Ledger Co., 1889. H3430 Stories of Hatfield, the Pioneer; embracing a detailed account of His Experience in the Wilderness of East Tennessee, Kentucky, and Southern Indiana. New Albany, Ind.: Ledger Co., Printers and binders, 1890. H3440 (BC) Hatfield, G. Elliott The Hatields. Revised by Leonard Roberts and Henry P. Scalf. Stanville, Ky.: Big Sandy Valley Historical Society, 1974. A low-keyed history of the controversial feuding family. H3450 (ASU) Hatfield, Gilbert Harris. "A Study of Rural Cooperative Organizations in Overton County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1929. H3460 Hatfield, James Monroe "A History and Educational Survey of Putnam County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1937. H3470 Hatfield, Lawrence D. The True Story of the Hatfield and McCoy Feud. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarett, 1944. A history of the feud written by a descendant of one of the principals. H3480 (BC) Hatfield, William F. Beverage, Woodrow Wilson Soil Survey, Barbour County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1968. B3440 Soil Survey, Jefferson County, West Virginia. Prepared in with the West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1973. H3490 Hathaway, J. R. B. ed. The North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register N2400 (ASU) Hatmaker, Arthur J. "A Study for a Guidance Program at Jonesville High School, Jonesville, Virginia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. H3500 (ETSU) Haught, Oscar L. Coal and Coal Mining in West Virginia. Rev. ed. Educational Series. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1964. Propaganda for the coal industry. H3510 (ASU BC ETSU) Geology of Oil and Gas. Circular, 3. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1965. H3520 (ETSU) Oil and Gas in Southern West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 17. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1959. H3530 (ETSU) Oil and Gas in West Virginia. Educational Series. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1964. H3540 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Doddridge and Harrison Counties, West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 16. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1959. H3550 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Lewis and Gilmer Counties, West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 18. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1960. H3560 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 12. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1955. H3570 (ETSU) AUTHOR Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 13. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1956. H3580 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood, and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 11. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1955. H3590 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report on Barbour and Upshur Counties, West Virginia. Bulletin, 31. Charleston: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1965. H3600 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report on Braxton and Clay Counties, West Virginia. Bulletin, 29. Charleston: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1964. H3610 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report on Kanawha County, West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 19. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1960. H3620 (ETSU) West Virginia's Oil and Gas Lubricants and Fuels. Bulletin, 26. Charleston-. West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1964. H3630 (ETSU) Haught, Thomas William West Virginia Wesieyan College, First 50 Years, 1890-1940. Buckhannon, W. Va.: The college, 1940. H3640 Haun, Mildred "Cocke County Ballads and Songs." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1937. H3650 (ASU) The Hawk's Done Gone. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1940. Twenty-three stories covering one family's lore, songs, tales and legends in Hamblen County, Tennessee from pioneer days to 1940. Beautifully done. H3660 The Hawk's Done Gone And Other Stories. 1940. Reprint. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1968. H3670 (ASU BC WCU LMC WWC) Mauser, Robert E. Geological Society of Kentucky Itinerary: Some Stratigraphic and Structural Features of the Middlesboro Basin. Lexington, Ky.: The society, 1957. G830 (ETSU) Hauser, William Patrick "An Analysis of Occupational Conditions in Selected Shops and Laboratories at East Tennessee State University." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. H3680 (ETSU) Hawk, Ruth Lillian "A Study of an Enriched Language Arts Program for Third Grade Students at Fairmont School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. H3690 (ETSU) Hawkins, Caroline A. Cherokee Legends and Myths: Appendix to "Junaluska." Roanoke, Va.: Hammond's Print, and Litho. Works, 1916. H3700 (LMC) Junaluska at the Battle of Horse Shoe Bend: True Story of the Cherokee Chief. Roanoke, Va.: Press of the Stone Print. Co., 1916. H3710 (LMC) Hawkins, Dean pseud. Dean, Benjamin Hawkins Skull Mountain. New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1941. D1500 Hawks, Francis Lister Adventures of Daniel Boone, the Kentucky Rifleman. New York: Appleton, 1843-4. H3720 (BC) History of North Carolina. 2 vols. North Carolina Heritage Series, no. 2-3. 1857-58. Reprint. Spartanburg, S. C: Reprint Co., 1961. Not much emphasis on the western counties. H3730 (LMC MHC) Hawks, Wills Moonshine Strategy, and Other Stories. Baltimore: I and Ottenheimer, 1906. Short stories, some with mountain settings. H3740 (BC) 100 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Hawley, Marion H. Income and Population in Alabama. 3rd ed. Bureau of Business Research Printed Series, no. 27. (Original title: Personal Income in Alabama Counties Since 1939.) University: Univ. of Alabama, 1960. H3750 (ASU) Personal Income in Alabama Counties since 1939. Rev. Printed Series, 25. University: Bureau of Business Research, School of Commerce and Business Administration, Univ. of Alabama, 1959. H3760 (ASU) Hawn, Ashley T. "The Lenoir City Company, An Attempt in Community Development." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1940. H3770 Hawthorne, Frances Hughston "A Survey of Reading Readiness and Reading Achievement of City Kindergarten and Non-kindergarten Children in the First Grades in Elizabethton, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. H3780 (ETSU) Hay, Donald G. Acceptance of Voluntary Health Insurance in Four Rural Communities of Haywood County, North Carolina. Raleigh: North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, 1954. H3790 Hay, Gertrude Sloan ed. Daughters of the American Revolution; North Carolina. Roster of Soldiers from North Carolina in the American Revolution, with an Appendix Containing a Collection of Miscellaneous Records. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. D530 (ASU) Hay, James, Jr. The Bellamy Case. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1925. Mystery tale set in the North Carolina mountains near Asheville. H3800 (ASU) The Hidden Women. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1929. Mystery yarn with a mountain setting. H3810 (BC) The Winning Clue. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1919. Mountain mystery set in Asheville, North Carolina. H3820 (ASU BC) Hayden, Horace Edwin Virginia Genealogies: A Genealogy of the Glassell Family of Scotland and Virginia, Also of the Families of Ball, Brown, Bryan, Conway, Daniel, Ewell, Holladay, Lewis, Littlepage, Nioncure, Peyton, Robinson, Scott, Taylor, Wallace and Others of Virginia and Maryland. Baltimore: Southern Book Co., 1959. H3830 (ASU) Hayes, Adam A. "The Background, Education, and Experience of Teachers in Rutherford County, N. C." Master's thesis. Furman University, 1954. H3840 Hayes, Carl N. Neighbor against Neighbor, Brother against Brother; Greene County in the Civil War. Greeneville: The author, 1966. H3850 Hayes, Charles The Hanging of "Bad Tom" Smith and the Events Leading to his Hanging. Whitesburg, Ky.: Eagle Print. Co., 1969. Includes an account of the French and Eversole feud and other Breathitt County troubles. H3860 (BC) Hayes, Charles Willard Physiography of the Chattanooga District in Tenn., Georgia, and Ala. 1899. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1899. H3870 The Southern Appalachians, n.p.: National Geographic Society Monographs, No. 10, 1895. H3880 The Southern Appalachians. Cincinnati: American Book Co., 1895. H3890 (ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Hayes, Clair Wallace The Boy Troopers Among the Wild Mountaineers. New York: A. L. Burt Company, 1922. Fiction contrived to liken mountain folk to barbarians. H3900 (BC) Hayes, Harold L. "The Settlement Pattern of Upper East Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. A fascinating study of the early settlement of the Watauga Country. H3910 (ETSU) Hayes, Irene comp. What's Cooking in Kentucky? Rev. Isted. Louisville, Ky.: V. G. Reed and Sons, 1970. H3920 (ASU BC WCU) Hayes, Johnson J. The Land of Wilkes. Wilkesboro, N. C: Wilkes County Historical Society, 1962. A very good county history. H3930 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Hayhurst, Donald E. Employment Security in West Virginia. Morgantown: Bureau of Government Research, West Virginia University, 1966. H3940 Haymond, Bruce Borderland Echoes, a W. Va. Story. Boston: Roxburgh, 1921. H3950 (BC ASU) Haymond, Henry History of Harrison County. Morgantown, W. Va.: Acne Pub. Co., 1973. H3960 (ASU) Hays, Bentley G. "Equating Timber and Wildlife Values and Returns to the Farm Resources Base in Sullivan County, Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1962. H3970 Hays, Brooks Vogel, H. D. TVA Revenue Bond Financing Presented by the Board of Directors, Tennessee Valley Authority. New York: Municipal Forum of New York, 1960. VI290 Hays, D. Sanger, S. F. The Olive Branch of Peace and Good Will to Men: Anti-war History of the Brethren and Mennonites, the Peace People of the South, During the Civil War, 1861-1865. Elgin, III.: Brethren Pub. House, 1907. S440 (ASU) Hays, Nancy Margaret "A Proposed Course in Ceramics for the Fine Arts Department of East Tennessee State College." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College,. 1960. H3980 (ETSU) Hays, Willard Murrell "Andrew Johnson's Reputation: A Study of Changing Interpretations." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. H3990 Hays, Wilma Pitchford Highland Halloween. New York: Coward-McCann, 1962. H4000 (LMC) . Haywood, Charles A Bibliography of North American Folklore and Folksong. 2nd rev. ed. 2 vols. New York: Dover Pub., 1961. H4010 (ASU WWC) Haywood County Planning Board Land Use Plan, Haywood County, N. C. Waynesville, N. C.: The author, 1962. H4020 (LMC) Haywood, John The Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee, from Its Earliest Settlement up to the Year 1796: Including the Boundaries of the State. 1823. Reprint. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tenase Co., 1969. H4030 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) The First American Frontier: Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee from Its Earliest Settlement up to the Year 1796. New York: Arno Press, 1971. H4040 (LMC) The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee, up to the First Settlements Therein by the White People in the Year 1768. Including archaeological, geological, and historical annotations bringing the ancient account into focus with present day knowledge, and an introductory sketch of the author by Mary U. Rothrock. Jackson, Tenn.: McCowat-Mercer Press, 1959. H4050 (ASU ETSU BC) AUTHOR Haywood, Marshall Delancey Builders of the Old North State: Selected.Sketches. Raleigh: The compiler, 1968. H4060 (LMC) Lives of the Bishops of North Carolina from the Establishment of the Episcopate in that State down to the Division of the Diocese. Raleigh: A. Williams Co., 1910. H4070 (LMC) Haywood, Mattie Bailey comp. Haywood, Marshall Delancey Builders of the Old North State: Selected Sketches. Raleigh: The compiler, 1968. H4060 (LMC) Haywood, William Dudley Bill Haywood's Book: The Autobiography of William D. Haywood. New York: International Pubs., 1929. Haywood was founder of the IWW and organized some strikes in Appalachia. H4080 (ASU WCU) Hazard, Kentucky. Chamber of Commerce Industrial Resources, Hazard, Kentucky. Frankfort, Ky.: Chamber of Commerce, 1966. H4090 Hazard, Lucy Lockwood The Frontier in American Literature. New York: The Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1927. Discusses some Appalachian books. H4100 Head, James William History and Comprehensive Description of Loudoun County, Virginia. Washington: Park View Press, 1908. H4110 (ASU BC) Headden, Damon Headden, Harmon Clay Conservation of Wildlife and Forests in Tennessee. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Pubs., 1936. H4120 (ETSU BC) Headden Harmon Clay Conservation of Wildlife and Forests in Tennessee. Nashville: McQuiddy, 1941. H4130 Headden, Harmon Clay Conservation of Wildlife and Forests in Tennessee. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Pubs., 1936. H4120 (ETSU BC) Conservation of Wildlife and Forests in Tennessee. Reprint. Nashville: McQuiddy, 1941. H4130 Headlee, Alvah John Washington Germanium in Coals of West Virginia. Report of Investigations, no. 8. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological & Economic Survey, 1951. H4140 (ETSU) Permeability, Porosity, Oil, and Water Content of Natural Gas Reservoirs, Kanawha-Jackson and Campbells Creek Oriskany Fields. West Virginia Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 8. Morgantown, W. Va.: Morgantown Print. & Bind. Co., 1945. H4150 (ETSU) Price, Paul Holland Physical and Chemical Properties of Natural Gas of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1937. P4540 (ETSU) Headrick, Warren B. "A Study of the Physical Plants of Blount County High Schools." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1952. H4160 Heads of Families at the First Census, 1790 Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. H4170 Heald, Milton T. Lithification of Sandstones in West Virginia. Bulletin, 30. Charleston: West Virginia Geological & Economic Survey, 1965. H4180 (ETSU) Hearn, Williamson Edward Soil Survey of Gaston County, North Carolina. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1911. Gaston County borders on the mountain region and is populated primarily by mountaineers who work in the textile mills. H4190 (ASU) 101 HAYES—HEINEMANN Soil Survey of Henderson County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture. Field Operations, 1907. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1909. H4200 Soil Survey of Transylvania County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture. Field Operation, 1906. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1908. H4210 Soil Survey of Transylvania County. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1907. H4220 Heaster, Emmett Limericks and Lyrics from My Rhododendron Thicket. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1973. H4230 (ASU) Heath, Emily P. "A Study of the Relationship Existing Between Amount of Education Completed by White and Negro Head of Households in Floyd County." Master's thesis. Univ. of Georgia, 1948. H4240 Heath, Milton S., Jr. Flood Damage Prevention in North Carolina. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Water Resources, 1963. Many of the states disastrous floods occur in the mountains. H4250 (LMC) Heatwole, Cornelius Jacob A History of Education in Virginia. N. Y.: Macmillan Co., 1916. H4260 (ETSU FC) Heavener, U. S. A. German New River Settlement, Virginia, n.p.: n.p., 1929? Church, court, and family records of several families of Montgomery County near Blacksburg. H4270 (ASU FC) Hebson, Ann The Lattiner Legend. N. Y.: Macmillan, 1961. A family saga set against a Civil War background. H4280 (LMC BC) Heck, Edward Timmel Appalachian Connate Water. Bulletin, 200. Charleston: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1964. H4290 (ETSU) Price, Paul Holland Greenbrier County. Wheeling: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1939. P4530 (LMC ETSU) Heebink, T. B. Kurtenacker, R. S. Appalachian Hardwoods for Pallets, Laboratory Evaluation. Madison, Wis.: Forest Products Laboratory, 1967. K3430 Heer, Clarence Income and Wages in the South. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1930. H4300 (LMC) Heflin, Catherine Urban Adjustments of Rural Migrants: A Study of 297 Families in Lexington, Kentucky, 1942. (Bulletin No. 487.) Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1946. H4310 Heflin, Catherine P. Beers, Howard Wayland People and Resources in Eastern Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1947. B2610 Beers, Howard Wayland Rural People in the City: A Study of the Socio-economic Status of 297 Families in Lexington, Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1945. ; B2620 Beers, Howard Wayland Urban Adjustments of Rural Migrants. Lexington: Kentucky Agriculture Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1946. B2630 Hein, Polly W. Keeling, William B. Tourism Development in the Chattahoochee-Flint Area. Athens: Univ. of Georgia, Bureau of Business and Economic Research, 1967. K430 Heinemann, Charles Brunk comp. First Census of Kentucky, 1790. 1940. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. H4320 (ASU BC UNCA) �HEISKILL—HENRY Heiskill, Samuel Gordon Andrew Jackson and Early Tennessee History. Nashville: Ambrose Print. Co., 1918. Jackson began his legal career in Jonesboro, Tennessee. H4330 Heitman, Francis Bernard Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army During the War of the Revolution, April, 1775 to December, 1783. New, rev. and enlarged ed. with addenda by Robert H. Kelby, 1932. 1914. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. H4340 (ASU) Helms, David Mack A Study of Ohio Appalachian and Non-Appalachian Public Secondary School Teacher's Attitudes Towards Selected Aspects of Training and Experience. Master's thesis. Ohio Univ., 1971. Univ. Microfilms, 1973. H4350 Helmut, Jan Daisy's Fanny. N. Y.: Vantage Press, 1951. A raw and violent tale of feuds, fights, and moonshine-making in the hills of Tennessee. H4360 (BC) Helmut, Jan pseud. Sherman, Katharine Daisy's Fanny. New York: Vantage, 1951. $2920 Helmut, Jan, pseud, see also Sherman, (Catherine Helper, Hinton A. Asheville, Western North Carolina, Nature's Trundle-Bed of Recuperation for Tourist and Health-beds. N. Y.: South Pub. Co., 1886. H4370 Helton, Roy Addison Lonesome Water. N. Y.: Harper & Brothers, 1930. Hauntingly beautiful poems about life in the mountains. H4380 (BC) Nitchey Tilley. N. Y.: Harper and Brothers, 1934. In a remote North Carolina mountain cove a boy is reared without contact with the outside world. When his mentor dies, he must make his own way into the big world. H4390 Nitchey Tilley, a Novel. 1st ed. N. Y.: Harper & Brothers, 1943. H4400 (ASU BC) Helvey, J. D. Rainfall Interception by Hardwood Forest Litter in Southern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, SE-8. Asheville, N. O: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1964. H4410 (WCU) Hemphill, William Edwin and others Albemarle County Historical Society, War History Committee Pursuits of War: The People of Charlottesville and Aibemarle County, Virginia, in the Second World War. Charlottesville, Va.: The society, 1948. A970 (ASU) Henderson, Archibald The Conquest of the Old Southwest: The Romantic Story of the Early Pioneers into Virginia, the Carolines, Tennessee, and Kentucky, 1740-1790. N. Y.: Century Co., 1920. H4420 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Dr. Thomas Walker and The Loyal Company of Virginia. Reprinted from Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society. Worcester, Mass.: n.p., 1931. H4430 North Carolina: The Old North State and the New. 5 vols. Chicago: Lewis Pub. Co., 1941. H4440 (UNCA LMC) The Transylvania Company and the Founding of Henderson, Ky. Henderson, Ky.: n.p., 1929. This land company was instrumental in the settlement of Kentucky. H4450 (ASU) Henderson, Daniel Maclntyre Boone of the Wilderness: A Tale of Pioneer Adventures and Achievement in "The Dark and Bloody Ground." N. Y.: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1921. H4460 (ASU BC) Henderson, George Survivals in Belief Among the Celts. Glasgow: J. Maclehose and Sons, 1911. H4470 AUTHOR Henderson, George Francis Robert Stonewall Jackson and the American Civil War. 2 vols. London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1927. H4480 (ASU BC) Henderson, Harold Alpheus Adjustments of Rural Resources Use and Characteristics to Economic Growth. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1963. H4490 (ASU) "Economic Progress and Resource Adjustments of Rural Households is the Upper East Tennessee Valley." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Purdue Univ., 1962. H4500 (ASU) Income Differences of Rural People in the Upper East Tennessee Valley. (Bulletin No. 365.) Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Tennessee, August, 1963. H4510 (ASU) Resources and Incomes of Rural Upper East Tennessee People, a Progress Report of a Study of the Economic Status and Opportunities of Rural People. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1960. H4520 (ASU BC) Henderson, Helen Ruth A Curriculum Study in a Mountain District. Contributions to Education, no. 732. N. Y.: Teachers College, Columbia Univ., 1937. This study took place in Buchanan County, Virginia. H4530 (ASU ETSU BC) Henderson, Lawson Pinckney, III. Windsongs. Mount Airy, N. C: The author, 1969. H4540 (ASU) Henderson, Moffitt Sinclair A Long, Long Day for November. Charlotte: Delmar Co., 1972. Well-written historical fiction about Revolutionary days in western North Carolina. H4550 (ASU) Henderson, William A. "Nolachucky Jack." (Gov. John Sevier.) Lecture of Wm. A. Henderson, to the Board of Trade of the City of Knoxville, January 7th, 1873. Knoxville, Term.: Printed at the Press and Herald Steam Book and Job Office, 1873. H4560 Hendersonville, N. C., Etowah Baptist Church Minutes and Records, Feb., 1917-Dec. 25, 1960. Microfilm, 3 reels. Nashville: Historical Commission, Southern Baptist Convention, 1960. H4570 (WCU) Hendersonville, N. C., Planning Board A Study of the Hendersonville Central Business District. n.p.: The board, 1965? H4580 (LMC) Hendricks, Garland A. Appalachian Shepherd: A Story of Religion in the Southern Appalachians. Foreword by Dr. W. D. Weatherford. Atlanta: Spiritural Life Publishers, 1965. H4590 (BC ASU LMC ETSU FC WWC) Hendricks, William C. ed. Bundle of Troubles, and Other Tarheel Tales. Durham, N. C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1943. H4600 Hendrickson, Bertram Higbie Soil Survey of Tioga County, Pennsylvania. In cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College, School of Agriculture and Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1929, no. 30. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. H4610 Soil Survey of Wyoming County, Pennsylvania. In cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College, School of Agriculture and Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1929, no. 34. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. H4620 Hendrix, David B. Smoky Mountain Square Dances. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Edwards Brothers, Inc., 1941. H4630 (ASU) 102 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Henkel, Alice American Medicinal Barks. U. S. Department of Agriculture Bureau of Plant Industry Bulletin, no. 139. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1909. H4640 (ASU) American Medicinal Leaves and Herbs. U. S. Department of Agriculture Bureau of Plant Industry Bulletin, no. 219. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1911. H4650 (ASU) Henkel, Elon Oseander ed. Cassell, Charles Willis ed. History of The Lutheran Church in Virginia and East Tennessee. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1930. C1970 (ASU BC FC) Henkel, Henrietta Deep River. 1st ed. N. Y.: Book Find Club, 1944. A novel of romance with a North Georgia mountain setting. H4660 (ASU BC) Henley, John C. This Is Birmingham. Birmingham, Ala.: Southern Univ. Press, 1960. The story of the founding and growth of the city. H4670 (BC) Hennen, Dorothy T. Mermen's Choice: A Compilation of the Descendents of Matthew Hennen (1752-1839). Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1970. H4680 (ASU) Hennen, Earl M. "A Study of the Effects of Foreign Imports on the Hand-blown and Hand-pressed Glass Industry in the United States, Especially in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia from 1948-1958." Master's thesis. Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1959. H4690 Hennen, Ray Vernon Braxton and Clay Counties. Aided in the field by Robert M. Gawthorp. Wheeling: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1917. H4700 (ASU) Fayette County. Assisted by D. Dee Teets, Jr. Assisted in Office by Rietz Courtney Tucker and A. M. Hagan. West Virginia Geological Survey. Wheeling, W. Va.: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1919. H4710 (ETSU) Wirt, Roane and Calhoun Counties. West Virginia Geological Survey County Reports. Morgantown, W. Va.: Acme Pub. Co., 1911. H4720 (ETSU) Wyoming and McDowell Counties. Aided by Robert M. Gawthrop. County Reports. Wheeling: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1915. H4730 (ETSU) Henri, Florette King's Mountain. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1950. A novel about the Tennessee mountain men in the Battle of King's Mountain. H4740 (ASU BC) Henry, E. F. Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey, Smyth County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. J2930 Porter, Hobart Clarke Soil Survey, Tazewell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P3660 Henry, J. Milton "The Tennessee Conservatives and Secession, 1847-61." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Chicago, 1951. The conservatives were mostly mountain men. H4750 Henry, Jeannette Textbooks and the American Indian. San Francisco: Indian Historian Press, 1970. H4760 (MHC) Henry, Jim Gordon "Child-rearing Practices in Mountain Country, Kentucky." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1970. H4770 (LMC) Henry, Mellinger Edward Bibliography for the Study of American Folk Songs with Many Titles from Other Lands. London: The Mitre Press, 1937. H4780 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Henry, Mellinger Edward Songs Sung in the Southern Appalachians. London: Mitre Press, 1934. H4800 (BC) Still More Ballads and Folk-songs from the Southern Highlands. Authorized facsimile. Cleveland, Ohio: Micro Photo Division, Bell and Howell Co., 1974. H4810 Henry, Mellinger Edward ed. Folk-songs from the Southern Highlands. 1st ed. N. Y.: J. J. Augustin, 1938. H4790 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Henry, Ruby Addison The First West. Nashville: Aurora Publishers, 1972. Describes the great Appalachian barrier. H4820 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU BC) Henry, Thomas R. Sherman, Mandel Hollow Folk. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1933. S2940 (BC LMC ETSU WWC) Sherman, Mandel Hollow Folk. Berryville, Va.: Virginia Book Co., 1973. S2950 (ASU) Henschel, A. Lainhart, William S. Pneumoconiosis in Appalachian Bituminous Coal Miners. Washington: Bureau of Occupational Safety and Health, 1969. L150 Henshaw, William Wade comp. Encyclopedia of American Quaker Genealogy. (Vol. VI, Virginia). Ann Arbor, Mich.: Edwards Brothers Printers, 1950. H4830 Hensley, J. L. Rise and Progress of the Church of the United Brethren in Christ of West Virginia, n.p.: n.p., 1886. Hensley, J. L., M. d. The Rise and Progress of the United Brethren in Christ in West Virginia. n.p.: n.p., n.d. H4850 (BC ASU) Henson, Paul Lost Silver Mines and Buried Treasures of Kentucky. Louisville: United Christian Print. Service, 1972. H4860 (BC) Henty, George Alfred True to the Old Flag: A Tale of the American War of Independence. N. Y.: A. L. Burt, 1896? Partially set in the mountains. H4870 (ASU) Hepting, George H. Decay in Merchantable Oak, Yellow Poplar, and Basswood in the Appalachian Region. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Plant Industry Bureau, 1937. H4880 Herbert, Hilary Abner and others Why the Solid South? or, Reconstruction and its Results. Baltimore: R. H. Woodward & Co., 1890. Many Appalachian counties had aligned themselves with the Union. H4890 (ASU) Hergesheimer, Joseph The Limestone Tree. N. Y.: Grosset & Dunlap, 1931. Fiction with a mountain setting. H4900 (ASU WCU BC) Mountain Blood, a Novel. N. Y.: Mitchell Kennerley, 1915. A mountain stage driver marries a wealthy woman but the marriage does not work out. H4910 (ASU BC) Tol'able David. N. Y.: A. A. Knopf, 1923. A mountain tale with too much emphasis on coincidence and dialect. H4920 (BC) Herndon, G. Melvin William Tatham and the • Culture of Tobacco: Including a Facsimile Reprint of an Historical and Practical Essay on the Culture and Commerce of Tobacco by William Tatham. H4930 Heroes and Hunters of the West; Comprising Sketches and Adventures of Boone, Kenton, Brady Philadelphia: Crawford, n.d. H4940 (BC ASU) Herrick, Allyn Marsh Grading and Measuring Hickory Trees, Logs, and Products. Hickory Task Force Report, no. 7. Asheville, N. C: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1958. H4950 (WCU) Herrick, Huldah, pseud, see Ober, Sarah Endicott AUTHOR Herrick, Owne W. A Look at Kentucky's Lumber Industry. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-63. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1967. H4960 (BC) Herrin, Eric "Development of a Course in Fractions for Johnson City Vocational School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1951. H4970 (ETSU) Herring, Harriet L. Passing of the Mill Village. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1949. Many textile mills are located in the foothill counties of Appalachia. H4980 Welfare Work in Mill Villages, the Story of Extra-mill Activities in North Carolina. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1929. H4990 (WWC) Simpson, George Lee Western North Carolina Associated Communities. Cherokee, N. C.: Cherokee Historical Association, 1956. S3610 (WCU) Herrmann, Leo Anthony Geology of the Stone Mountain-Lithonia District, Georgia. Bulletin, no. 61. Atlanta: Georgia Geological Survey, 1954. H5000 (ETSU) Herron, Phillip R. "The Use of Inquiry Learning in Teaching Early Tennessee History." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. H5010 (ETSU) Herron, Richard W. "The Southern Indians as a Factor in the Relations of Spain and the U. S., 1783-1795." Master's thesis. Univ. of Cincinnati, 1938. H5020 Hersh, Alan "The Development of the Iron Industry in East Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. H5030 . (ASU) Hersh, D. M. Weisenberger, Billy C. Soil Survey, Bath County, Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1963. W2360 Hershey, Robert E. Limestone and Dolomite Resources of Tennessee. Bulletin, 65. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1963. H5040 (ETSU) Herzog, George ed. Cox, John Harrington comp. Traditional Ballads and Folk-songs Mainly from West Virginia, n.p.: American Folklore Society, 1964. C8180 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Hesler, Lexemuel Ray Mushrooms of the Great Smokies: A Field Guide to Some Mushrooms and Their Relatives. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1960. H5050 (ASU WHC LMC UNCA BC WWC) \ Some Mushrooms of Eastern Tennessee. I. Amanitas. Extension Series, vol. 6, no. 5. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Record, 1930. H5060 (ASU) Hess, Albert Luther Ley den, Dennis R. Personal Income in West Virginia Counties by Type and Magnitude, 1960-1963: A Pilot Study. Morgan town: Bureau of Business and Research, College of Commerce, and Office of Research and Development of the West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, West Virginia Univ., 1966. L2410 (ASU) Hess, Effie A. ed. Sites, Carrie B. A History of the Town of Dayton, Virginia. Dayton, Va.: Dayton Women's Club, 1962. S3760 (ASU BC) Hess, J. W. ed. Struggle in the Coal Fields. The Autobiography of Fred Mooney, Secretary-Treasurer, District 17, United Mine Workers of America. Morganton: W. Va. Univ. Library, 1967. Mooney participated in the West Virginia labor struggles. H5070 (ASU) Hesseltine, William B. ed. Ramsey, James Gettys McGready Autobiography and Letters. Nashville: Tennessee Historical Commission, 1954. R260 (ASU BC) 103 HENRY—HICKS Hesseltine, William Best The South in American History. History Series. 1936. Reprint. (Original title: A History of the South, 1607-1936.) N. Y.: Prentice-Hall, 1943. Scant mention of Appalachia. H5090 (LMC FC) Hesseltine, William Best ed. Dr. J. G. Ramsey. Autobiography and Letters. Nashville: Tennessee Historical Commission, 1954. Autobiography of an early Tennessee historian and professional man. H5080 (ASU LMC) Hester, Bertha B. Thicket/ Bush: A Drama in Three Acts. N. Y.: Carleton Press, 1967. A drama with a mountain setting. H5100 (WCU WWC) Hester, Jack Hills, Hollers and Hickory Flats. N. Y.: T. Gans Sons, Printers, 1942. A hilarious and surprisingly accurate account of everyday life and adventures in the Southern Mountains. H5110 (BC) Hevener, John Watts "A New Deal for Harlan: The Roosevelt Labor Policies in a Kentucky Coal Field, 1931-1939." Ph. D. Diss. Ohio State Univ., 1971. An interesting account of one of two times this administration investigated labor troubles in Appalachia. H5120 (BC) Hewett, D. F. Possibilities for Manganese Ore on Certain Undeveloped Tracts in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 660-J. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1918. H5130 Heye, George Gustav Certain Mounds in Haywood County, North Carolina. Contributions from the Museum, vol. 5, no. 3. N. Y.: Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1919. H5140 (ASU) Heyl, Allen V. Jolly, Janice L. Mercury and Other Trace Elements in Sphalerite and Wallrocks from Central Kentucky, Tennessee, and Appalachian Zinc Districts. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1968. J2250 Keyword, Du Bose Skylines and Horizons. N. Y.: Macmillan Co., 1924. Lyrical descriptions of the mountain country of western North Carolina. H5160 (ASU LMC BC) Heywood, Du Bose Angel. N. Y.: George H. Doran Co., 1926. A sensitive novel of a young mountain girl forced into an unfortunate marriage. H5150 (ASU ETSU BC) Hiatt, Ellen 0. M. Sequatchie Valley, a Historical Sketch. Photographs by Marguerite Hiatt. Nashville: Methodist Pub. House, 1916. H5170 Hibbard, Clarence Addison ed. Stories of the South, Old and New. With an introduction, biographical notes and bibliography. Univ. of N. C. Press, 1931. Scant mention of the mountains. H5180 (ASU BC WWC) Hickerson, Thomas Felix Echoes of Happy Valley: Letters and Diaries, Family Life in the South, Civil War History. Chapel Hill, N. C.: Bull's Head Bookshop, 1962. H5190 (ASU LMC BC) Happy Valley, History and Genealogy. Chapel Hill, N. C.: The author, 1940. H5200 (ASU) Hicks, Billy C. Martin, Joe Allen The Economics of Using Low-Quality Hardwoods for Producing Charcoal in Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, Agriculture Experiment Station, 1964. M3700 Hicks, Glenda "The Forgotten Sons: North Carolinans in the Union Army." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1968. Many mountaineers were Union soldiers. H5210 (ASU) Hicks, Marie Leach "The Hepatic Flora of Watauga County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1964. H5220 (ASU) �HICKS—HISTORICAL Hicks, Nannie Lee Community Historical Sketches in Knox County, Tennessee: Corryton — Harbison's Cross Roads — Smithwood. Community Historical Sketches, no. 1. Knoxville: Knox Co. Lib., 1958. H5230 Historic Treasure Spots of Knox County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Simon Harris Chapter, Daughters of the American Revolution, 1964. H5240 (ETSU BC) The John Adair Section of Knox County, Tennessee. Knoxville: n.p., 1968. H5250 Higbee, Howard William Soil Survey, Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College, School of Agriculture and Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report Series 1934, no. 27. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1944. H5260 Moon, J. W. Soil Survey, Jefferson County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. M6630 Higgins, Hazel Briggs "The Diagnosis and Remediation of Difficulties in Arithmetical Skills of a Seventh-grade Class at Rock Creek School in Erwin, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. H5270 (ETSU) High, Fred Waynesburg, Prosperous and Beautiful, a Souvenir Pictorial Story of the Biggest and Best Little City in Pennsylvania. . . . Wanyesburg, Pennsylvania: Green County Historical Society, 1973. H5280 High Schools, Gaston County, N. C; a Southern Cotton Mill Town Charlotte, N. C.: Observer Print. House, 1908. H5290 (ASU) Highlander Folk School The Story of an Educational Center for Working People, n.p.: n.p., n.d. H5310 Highlander Folk School, Monteagle, Tenn. Annual Report, n.p.: n.p., 1951-. H5300 Hilbert, Archer Butler Boone's Wilderness Road. Historic Highways of America, Vol. 6. Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1903. H5320 Hilbish, Florence M. A. Tales of a Frontier Preacher. N. Y.: Pageant, 1959. Memoirs of a frontier preacher who served long years in the mountains. H5330 Hildreth, Arthur L. A Brief History of New Market and Vicinity. The Battle of New Market Centennial, May 15, 1864-1964. New Market, Va.: Henkel Press, 1964. One of the most tragic campaigns of the entire war. H5340 (ASU) Hill, Alonzo F. The White Rocks; or The Robbers Den; a Tragedy of the Mountains. Morgantown, W. Va.: Morgantown Print. and Binding Co., 1925. Fact turned to legend and later to fiction. H5350 (BC) Hill, Daniel Harvey Bethel to Sharpsbury. 2 vols. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards & Broughton Co., 1926. H5360 (ASU LMC) Young People's History of North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: Williams, 1916. H5370 (LMC WWC) Hill, Emory Akers "The Design and Preparation of a Proposal for Federal Aid for the Education of Children from Low Income Families in Damascus Elementary School, Washington County, Virginia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. H5380 (ETSU) Hill (Eric) Associates Johnson City, Tennessee, Population and Economic Base Study. 2 vols. in 1. Atlanta: Johnson City Regional Planning Comm., 1964-65. H5390 AUTHOR Hill, George Canning Daniel Boone: The Pioneer of Kentucky. N. Y.: Lippincott, 1859. H5400 Life and Adventures of Daniel Boone, the Pioneer of Kentucky. N. Y.: Hurst & Co., n.d. H5410 (ASU BC) Hill, Howard L. The Herbert Walters Story. 2 vols. Morristown: Morristown Print., 1963-66. H5420 Hill, J. J. comp. Old Cherokee Families: "Old Families and Their Genealogy" . . . with a Comprehensive Index. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1968. H5430 Hill, Jack Kenneth "Social and Economic Implications of Strip Mining in Harrison County, W. Va." Master's thesis. Ohio State Univ., 1965. H5440 Hill, James Edwin "The Strawberry Industry of the Hilly and Mountainous Regions of Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. H5450 (ASU) Hill, James Otto "Sewanee a Unique Community." Master's thesis. Middle Tennessee State Univ., 1952. H5460 Hill, Louise Biles History of Mt. Zion Methodist Episcopal Church 4, South of Mount Zion, Warren County, Tenn., 1809-1930. McMinnville: Standard, 1930. H5470 Hill, Samuel S. Southern Churches in Crisis. 1st ed. N. Y.: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston, 1967. H5480 (WCU WWC) Hill, West T. The Theatre in Early Kentucky, 1790-1820. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1971. Very few performances were given in the mountains. H5490 (BC) Hill, William Laurie The Master of the Red Buck and the Bay Doe: A Story of Whig and Tory Warfare in North Carolina in 1781-83. Charlotte, N. C.: Stone Pub. Co., 1913. Action ranges into the mountains. H5500 (LMC) Hillard, George Stillman Life and Campaigns of George B. McClellan, Major-General U. S. Army. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1865. Includes some information about campaigns in the Valley of Virginia. H5510 (ASU) Hillbilly Cookin' by the Tates Thorn Hill, Tenn.: F. Tate, 1968. H5520 Hillery, George A. Population Growth in Kentucky, 1820-1960. (Bulletin No. 705.) Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1966. H5530 Hillis, Florence Elliott comp. and ed. Daughters of the American Revolution, Tennessee, Lydia Russell Bean Chapter, Knoxville. Benton County, Tennessee, Marriages, 1832-1957. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1962. D570 (ASU) Hilmon, J. B. Plants of the Caloosa Experimental Range. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, SE-12. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1964. H5540 (WCU) Hind, James Fox "The History of Transportation Advertising, 1850-1956, and a Study of Its Importance in Knoxville, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. H5550 Hinde, H. K. The Shenandoah National Park Travelogue; an Official Illustrated Guide Book for the First Great Nat'l Park of the East. Luray, Va.: Shenandoah Nat'l Park, 1937. H5560 Hinebaugh, Margaret H. "History of Education of Marion County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1940. H5570 104 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Hines, Chet How to Make and Play the Dulcimore. An Early American Society Book. Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1973. An excellent book of directions and instructions for the traditional Appalachian instrument. H5580 (WCU ASU BC) Hines, Lois Davidson Lynch Families of the Southern States, n.p.: Dorothy Ford Wulfeck privately printed, 1966. H5590 Hinke, William John ed. Strassburger, Ralph Beaver Pennsylvania German Pioneers: A Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808. Norristown, Pa.: Pennsylvania German Society, 1934. $7790 (ASU) Strassburger, Ralph Beaver Pennsylvania German Pioneers: A Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. S7800 (ASU) Hinkle, Jerry W. "Fish Fauna Diversity as an Indication of Pollution Stress in Streams." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. H5600 (ETSU) Hinkley, Julian Wisner A Narrative of Service With the Third Wisconsin Infantry. Original Papers, no. 7. Madison: Wisconsin History Commission, 1912. This unit saw action in the Appalachian mountains. H5610 (ASU) Hinricks, Albert Ford "The United Mine Workers of America and the Non-Union Coal Fields." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1923. H5620 Hinsen, Herbert G. Floods on Small Streams in North Carolina: Probable Magnitude and Frequency. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina State Highway Commission. Circular, 517. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1965, 1966. H5630 (LMC) Hinshaw, William Wade Encyclopedia of American Quaker genealogy. 2 vol. 1936-1938. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969-. H5640 (ASU) Hinton, Bruce "Significant Factors Influencing Quality and Success of Supervised Farming Programs of Vocational Agriculture Students in Seven Schools of East Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. H5650 Hirsch, Arthur Henry The Huguenots of Colonial South Carolina. 1928. Reprint. Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1962. H5660 (ASU) Hirsch, Herbert "Political Socialization in Appalachia: An Inquiry into the Process of Political Learning in an American Sub-Culture." Ph. D. Diss. The Univ. of Kentucky, 1968. H5670 Hirsch, Nathaniel David Mithron An Experimental Study of the East Kentucky Mountaineers: A Study in Heredity and Environment. Genetic Psychology Monographs, vol. 3, no. 3. n.p.: Clark Univ., 1928. H5680 (ETSU BC ASU) Hislop, Alexander The Proverbs of Scotland. N. Y.: Norwood Editions, 1868. H5690 (ASU) Historical Highlights of Elliott County, 1869-1969 Sandy Hook, Ky.: Elliott Centennial Committee, 1969. H5700 Historical, Pictorial, Fraternal Souvenir of Knoxville, Tennessee Knoxville: n.p., 1903. H5710 Historical Records Survey, Maryland Inventory of the County and Town Archives of Maryland. Prepared by the Historical Records Survey, Division of Women's and professional projects, work progress administration, no. 21. Baltimore: The Historical Records Survey, 1937. Three Maryland counties are in the Appalachian region. H5720 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Historical Records Survey, North Carolina The Historical Records of North Carolina. With a preface by Luther H. Evans. 3 vols. Raleigh: The North Carolina Historical Commission, 1938. H5730 (ASU LMC BC) Index to Moore's Roster of North Carolina Troops in the War Between the States. 15 reels. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Archives and History, 1958. H5740 (ASU) Introduction to the County Records of North Carolina, Including the General Introduction to the Historical Records of North Carolina. Raleigh: North Carolina Historical Commission, 1938. H5750 (ASU) Historical Records Survey, Tennessee Directory of Churches, Missions, and Religious Institutions of Tennessee, no. 33. Hamilton County. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1940. H5760 Directory of Churches, Missions, and Religious Institutions of Tennessee, no. 47. Knox County. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1941. H5770 Directory of Churches, Missions, and Religious Institutions of Tennessee, no. 90. Washington County. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1942. H5780 Guide to Depositories of Manuscript Collection in Tennessee. Nashville: The Survey, 1940. H5790 (ETSU) Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Anderson County. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1941. H5800 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Blount County. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1941. H5810 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Bradley County. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1941. H5820 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Hamilton County, Tennessee. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1937. H5830 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Knox County. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1941. H5840 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Loudon County. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1941. H5850 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee. Nashville: The Survey, 19-. H5860 (ETSU) Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Sullivan County. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1942. H5870 List of Tennessee Imprints, 1793-1840, in Tennessee Libraries. Nashville: The Survey, 1941. H5880 (ETSU) Summary of Special Legislation Relating to the Government of Sullivan County. 19 leaves. Nashville: The Survey, WPA, 1940. H5890 Tennessee Records of Roane County Marriage Records, 1801-1838. Nashville: The Survey, 1939. H5900 (ETSU) Historical Records Survey, Tennessee. Works Projects Administration Transcription of the County Archives of Tennessee: Minutes of the County Court of Knox County (Book No. 0") 1792-95. Division of Community Service Programs, Work Projects Administration. Nashville, Tenn.: Historical Records Survey, 1941. H5910 (ASU) AUTHOR Historical Records Survey, West Virginia A Check List of West Virginia Imprints, 1791-1830. American Imprints Inventory, the WPA Historical Records Survey Program, Division of Professional and Service Projects, no. 14. 1940. Reprint. New York: Kraus Reprint, 1964. H5930 (ETSU BC) W. Va. Co. Formations and Boundary Changes. Charleston, W. Va.: Hist. Records Survey, 1938. H5940 (BC) Historical Records Survey, Works Progress Administration Historical Records Survey of County Archives of West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: The Historical Records Survey, 1937. This is only one of a number of WPA-Historical Records Survey listings focusing on state and local areas, many of which relate to the Appalachian region. H5920 Historical Society of Southwest Virginia Historical Sketches of Southwest Virginia. Wise, Va.: The Society, 1965-. H5950 Historical Society of Washington County, Virginia Publications of the Historical Society of Washington County, Virginia. Abingdon: The Society, n.d. This book is composed of eighteen addresses that were delivered before the Historical Society of Washington County, Virginia, by various people at various times. The addresses are concerned with outstanding people, places, and events of the town of Abingdon and of Washington County, Virginia. H5960 History and Illustrations of Knoxville, Tennessee Knoxville: n.p., 1896, 1900. H5970 History of Andersonville Baptist Church and Andersonville Institute Knoxville: Coleman's, 1966. H5980 A History of Etowah County, Alabama Gadsen: Etowah Co. Centennial Committee, 1968. H5990 History of Humphreys Memorial United Methodist Church, Charleston, W. Va. Charleston: The Church, 1973. H6000 History of North Carolina 6 vols. Chicago: Lewis Pub. Co., 1919. H6010 (MHC) History of the Knoxville Public Schools Knoxville: Dept. of Secondary Educ., 1953. H6020 History of the Smith Run Methodist Church, Lewis County, Virginia from 1832 to 1952 n.p.: n.p., 1952. A five page typescript including history of the establishment of the church, copies of deeds, list of curcuit riders, and some church records and minutes. H6030 Hitchcock, Mrs. Caroline (Hanks) Nancy Hanks, the Story of Abe Lincoln's Mother. N. Y.: n.p., 1899. Nancy Hanks was an indentured servant in Swain Co., North Carolina. H6040 Kite, James Cleveland "The Short-run Supply of Industrial Labour in Four Rural Areas of the Southeast, 1949-1964." Ph. D. Diss. Clemson Univ., 1966. The survey includes one Appalachian Area. H6050 Kite, Mary Elizabeth My Rappahannock Storybook. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1950. Stories from western Virginia. H6060 (BC ASU) Hobbs, Samuel Huntington, Jr. North Carolina: An Economic and Social Profile. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1958. H6070 (LMC BC) North Carolina, Economic and Social. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1930. H6080 (WWC LMC BC UNCA) Hobday, Victor Carr Sparks at the Grassroots; Municipal Distribution of TVA Electricity in Tennessee. Ph. D. Diss. Syracuse Univ., 1966. H6090 105 HISTORICAL-HOFFER Sparks at the Grassroots, Municipal Distributions of TVA Electricity in Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1969. H6100 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Hobson, Leo Guy "The Agricultural, Cooperative and Rural Electrification Activities of the Tennessee Valley Authority, and the Work of the Farm Credit Administration in the Tennessee River Basin." Ph. D. Diss. Cornell Univ., 1936. H6110 Hochstrasser, Donald Lee "Possum Ridge Farmers: A Study in Cultural Change." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Oregon, 1963. A study of an isolated Appalachian community in transition. H6120 (ASU) Hodge, Clarence Lewis The Tennessee Valley Authority: A National Experiment in Regionalism. Washington: American Univ. Press, 1938. H6130 (LMC BC) The Tennessee Valley Authority: A National Experiment in Regionalism. 1938. Reprint. N. Y.: Russell & Russell, 1968. H6140 (ASU) Hodge, David C. Hutchison, Robert S. An Economic Survey of Blount County, Tennessee, a Study of Resources and Industrial Potentials. Knoxville: Bureau of Business Research, Univ. of Tennessee, 1957. H8720 Hodge, James Michall Coals of the North Fork of the Ky. River in Perry and Portions of Breathitt & Knott Co. Ky. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1918. H6150 Hodge, Joyce W. "Community Correlates of Crime and Law Enforcement Activities in Northwestern North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1972. H6160 (ASU) Hodges, Charles Sasnette Diseases in Southeastern Forest Nurseries and Their Control. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 142. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1962. H6170 (WCU) Hodges, Sidney Cecil "Handicrafts in Sevier County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1951. H6180 (ASU) Hodgin, David Reid The Ballad of Tall Tom Wolfe. Boone, N. C.: n.p., 1950. H6190 (ASU) Hodgson, Adam Letters from North America Written During a Tour in the United States and Canada. 2 vols. London and Edinburgh: Hurst, Robinson and Co., A. Constable and Co., 1824. One of the earliest travelogues mentioning Appalachia. H6200 Hodgson, Richard S. ed. In Quiet Ways: George H. Mead, the Man and the Company. Dayton, Ohio: Mead Corp., 1970. H6210 (LMC) Hodson, Ivan Conrey, Guy Woolard Soil Survey, Scioto County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1940. C6780 () Hoffer, Frank William Presbyterian Churches of Roanoke, Virginia. Roanoke, Va.: Economic Print. Co., 1937? H6220 (ASU BC) Hoffer, Isaac Genealogy of Matthias Hoffer (Huffard) and his Descendants in the United States of America. Republished with additions by Paul P. Huffard. N. Y.: Paul P. Huffard, 1945. H6231 Hoffer, Isaac comp. Genealogy of Matthias Hoffer (Huffard) and his Descendants in the United States of America. Mt. Joy, Pa.: J. R. Hoffer, 1868. H6230 �HOFFMAN—HOLLOWAY Hoffman, Charles Fenno A Winter in the West. By a New Yorker. 2 vols. N. Y.: Harper, 1835. Hoffman travelled from Lexington, apparently via the Wilderness Road, to Cumberland Gap, thence to Tazewell (Tenn.), Pearisburg, and White Sulphur Springs, on his return trip from the west. He was keenly observant of the natural beauties of the region and he gives a detailed account of a homestead and its family in Clay County, Kentucky. H6240 Hoffman, Glenn J. Annotated Bibliography on Slope Stability of Strip Mine Soil Banks. Wooster: Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station, 1964. H6250 (ASU) Slope Stability of Coal Strip Mine Spoil Banks. Final report on State project 231: Reclamation and use of strip mined land in Ohio. Subproject 4: Factors influencing structual stability of spoils. Prepared in cooperation with the Central States Forest Experiment Station, U. S. Department of Agriculture. Wooster: Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station, 1964. H6260 (ASU) Hoffman, Laban Miles Our Kin. Charlotte, N. C: Queen City Print. Co., 1915. H6270 Hoffman, Marie E. Lindy Loyd, a Tale of the Mountains. Boston: Marshall Jones Co., 1920. A tale of thwarted love, mystery and estrangement set in the Tennessee Mountains. H6280 (BC ASU) Hoffman, N. March Follow-up Study of MDTA E. and D. Project at Bluefield State College. Washington: Bureau of Social Science, Research, 1967. H6290 Hoffman, Richard L. ed. Holt, Perry C. ed. The Distributional History of the Biota of the Southern Appalachians. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1974. H6940 Hoffman, Ronan R. Report of a Social Welfare Manpower Project for Appalachia, July 15, 1969 to August 31, 1990. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1990. H6300 (BC ASU) Hoffman, William The Dark Mountains. N. Y.: Garden City, 1963. A mystery story with a mountain setting. H6310 (BC) A Walk to the River. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday & Co., 1970. A fiction with a mountain setting. H6320 (WCU) Hoffman, William S. Andrew Jackson and North Carolina Politics. (James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science vol. 40). Chapel Hill: Univ. of N. C. Press, 1958. H6330 (LMC) Hoffsommer, Harold Grigsby, Shaw Earl Rural Social Organization of Frederick County, Maryland. College Park: Maryland Agricultural Experiment Station, 1949. G4250 Hofstetter, Arthur N. "Analysis and Projection of Population and School Enrollment in Harrison County." Master's thesis. Morgantown, W. Va. Univ., 1965. H6340 The Need for a New Perspective of the School Plant and School Organization in Taylor County. Morgantown, W. Va.: W. Va. Univ., 1965. H6350 A Survey of Attitudes and Opinions of Preston County Voters. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., 1964. H6360 Hogan, Leo Francis "A Proposed Course of Study for General Shop in the John Sevier Junior High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1955. H6370 (ETSU) AUTHOR Hogan, William G. The Effect of Workmen's Compensation on the Logging and Sawmilling Industries in the Northeast. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., Office of Research and Development, 1971. H6380 Hoge, Arista ed. The First Presbyterian Church, Staunton, Virginia. Staunton, Va.: Press of Caldwell Sites Co., 1908. H6390 (ASU BC) Hogg, Dorothy Hall, Mary Boilin' n Bakin' in Boogar Hollow. Lindale, Ga.: Country Originals, 1971. H850 (BC ASU) Hogue, Albert Ross Davy Crockett and Others in Fentress County Who Have Given the County a Prominent Place in History. Jamestown, Tenn.: n.p., 1955. H6400 (ETSU BC) History of Fentress County, Tennessee, the Old Home of Mark Twain's Ancestors. Nashville: Williams, 1916, 1920. H6410 Mark Twain's Obedstown and Knobs of Tennessee; a History of Jamestown and Fentress County, Tennessee. Jamestown: Cumberland, 1951. H6420 One Hundred Years in the Cumberland Mountains along the Continental Line. McMinnville, Tenn.: Standard Print. Co., 1933. H6430 (ETSU ASU) Holcombe, Julia Irene "Southern Mountain Folk Songs for American Schools." Master's thesis. Eastman School of Music, Univ. of Rochester, 1941. H6440 (ASU) Holcombe, Ransome "The Textile Strikes in Marion, North Carolina, 1929: A Challenge to the New South." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. H6450 (ETSU) Holcombe, William Frederic Bulletin of the Virginia State Library: Index to Mrs. Cabell's "Sketches and Recollections of Lynchburg." Richmond, Va.: Superintendent of Public Printing, 1920. H6460 (ASU) Holden, Anna and others Clinton, Tennessee: A Tentative Description and Analysis of the School Desegregation Crisis. New York: Anti-Defamation League, 1957. H6470 Holden, Katherine C. "A Survey of the Qualification of Some Teachers of the Educable Mentally Retarded in East Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. H6480 (ETSU) Holden, Patricia Padgett "An Archaeological Survey of Transylvania County, North Carolina." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1966. H6490 (WCU) Hollan, Clay Genealogy of Hollon and Related Families. Chicago: The author, 1958. Genealogy of an Eastern Kentucky family. H6500 Holland, Carl W. "Educational Facilities and Economic Development of Bristol, 1930-1950." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1956. H6510 "Educational Facilities and Economic Development of Bristol, 1930-1950." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. H6520 (ETSU) Holland, Cecil Fletcher Morgan and His Raiders: A Biography of the Confederate General. New York: Macmillan, 1942. This favorable treatment confines itself to John Hunt Morgan's activities as leader of cavalry raiders during the Civil War. Holland, working largely from previously untouched materials, depicts his subject as one of the most popular.figures of the Confederacy. H6530 106 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Holland, Charles T. Current and Proposed Regulations and Legislation on Water Pollution Concerning Appalachian Industries. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., Coal Research Bureau, 1969. H6540 Research, Education and Mine Personnel Safety in W. Va. Morgantown, W. Va.: W. Va. Univ., Coal Research Bureau, 1969. H6550 (BC) Holland, Charlton Gilmore An Archaeological Survey of Southwest Virginia. Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology, no. 12. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1970. H6560 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Holland, Collen J. "The Tribal Voice of a People in Transition." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Minnesota, 1956. H6570 Holland, W. J. The Educational Needs of Appalachia. An address delivered at the commencement of the West Virginia University. Morgantown: Acme Print. Co., 1901. H6580 Hollander, Nanci Gitlin, Todd Uptown: Poor Whites in Chicago. New York: Harper & Row, 1970. G1860 (ASU BC) Hollands worth, Genevieve Youth Recreation in the Coal Mining Towns of West Virginia. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., 1942. H6590 Hollenbeck, Ronald P. Ceramic Evaluation of Clays and Shales of East Tennessee. Nashville:. Division of Geology, 1969. H6600 (ETSU) Raw Materials for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Alabama and Georgia. U. S. Mines Bureau Report of Investigations, 7244. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1969. H6610 Shales for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Kentucky and Tennessee. U. S. Mines Bureau Report of Investigation, 7129. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1968. H6620 Holley, Marie E. "A Study of Absenteeism in the Tazewell County One Room Negro Elementary Schools." Master's thesis. Ohio State Univ., 1954. H6630 Holliday, Carl A History of Southern Literature. Washington, D. C.: Neale Pub. Co., 1906. Scant mention of Appalachian fiction. H6640 Holliday, Robert Kelvin Tests of Faith. Oak Hill, W. Va.: Fayette Tribune, 1966. H6650 (ASU BC) Moiling, Clancy The Book of Indians. Illus. by H. C. and Lucille Moiling. New York: The Platt & Munk Co., Inc. 1935. A volume of Indian lore. H6660 (ASU MHC) Mailings, Ernest F. The Case Against Hunger: A Demand for a National Policy. New York: Cowles Book Co., 1970. Some mention of Appalachian poverty and that of other minorities. H6670 Mailings worth, Jesse Gentry History of Surry County, or, Annals of Northwest North Carolina. Greensboro, N. C.: W. H. Fisher Co., 1935. H6680 (LMC ASU WCU BC) History of Surry County, or, Annals of Northwest North Carolina. Mt. Airy, N. C.: J. G. Hollingsworth, 1935. H6690 Hollon, Clay Genealogy of Hollon and Related Families. Chicago: The author, 1950. An Eastern Kentucky family. H6700 Genealogy of Hollon and Related Families: Early Settlers of Eastern Ky. and Their Descendants. Chicago: n.p., 1958. H6710 Holloway, James Y. Campbell, Will D. Up to Our Steeples in Politics. New York: Paulist Press, 1970. C990 (WCU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Holloway, Roland F. Five Months in the Old North State. Chicago: The author, 1914. H6720 (ASU BC) Holly, John Fred The Economy of Greeneville, Tennessee; a Study of the Information and Data Related to the Greeneville, Tennessee, Economic Community. Bureau of Research, College of Business Administration Study no. 21. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1950. H6730 "The Social and Economic Effects Produced upon Small Towns by Rapid Industrialization." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1938. Elizabethton is described in this study. H6740 "The Social and Economic Effects Produced upon Small Towns by Rapid Industrialization." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1938. Includes Kingsport. H7650 Hoknan, Clarence Hugh Thomas Wolfe. Pamphlets on American Writers, no. 6. Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1960. H6760 (ASU UNCA) Three Modes of Modern Southern Fiction: Ellen Glasgow, William Faulkner, Thomas Wolfe. Mercer University Lamar Memorial Lectures, no. 9. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1966. H6770 (ASU MHC) The World of Thomas Wolfe. A Scribner Research Anthology. New York: Scribner, 1962. H6780 (ASU WCU MHC UNCA) Holmes, Alexander Pen and Politics, the Autobiography of a Working Writer, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Autobiography of a working writer from West Virginia. H6790 Holmes, Dorothy P. Child, Sargent B. Checklist of Historical Records Survey Publications: Bibliography of Research Projects Reports. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. C3850 (ASU) Holmes, Jock E. Structure of County Government in Tennessee, n.p.: n.p., n.d. H6800 Holmes, Jimmy A. Tourist and Recreation Facility Survey of Nine Counties in Southeastern Kentucky. Oak Ridge, Term.: Oak Ridge Associated Universities, 1966. H6810 Holmes, John Simcox Common Forest Trees of North Carolina: How to Know Them. A Pocket Manual. 4th ed. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation & Development, 1929. H6820 (LMC) Common Forest Trees of North Carolina: How to Know Them. A Pocket Manual. 5th ed. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation & Development, 1944. H6830 (LMC ASU) Forest Conditions in Western North Carolina. In cooperation with the U. S. Forest Service. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 23. Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Print. Co., 1911. H6840 (ASU WCU LMC UNCA) Organization of Co-operative Forest Fire Protective Areas in North Carolina. Being the proceedings of the Special Conference on forest fire protection held as part of the Conference on forestry and nature study, Montreat, N. C, July 8, 1915. North Carolina Geological & Economic Survey Economic Paper, no. 42. Raleigh: E. M. Uzzell & Co., 1915. H6850 (ASU) Holmes, John Simcox comp. Proceedings of Second Annual Convention of the North Carolina Forestry Association Held at Raleigh, North Carolina, February 21, 1912. Forest fires in North Carolina during 1911. Suggested forestry legislation. North Carolina Geological & Economic Survey Economic Paper, no. 25. Raleigh: Edwards & Broughton Print. Co., 1912. H6860 (ASU) s, Mary Hull Holmes Family History, n.p.: n.p., 1964. H6870 AUTHOR Holmes, Mary Jane Rose Mather. New York: G. W. Carleton and Co., 1868. Sentimental fiction with a mountain setting. H6880 Holmes, William Henry Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States. Washington: U. S. Bureau of American Ethnology, 1903. H6890 Handbook of Aboriginal American Antiquities. Part I, the Lithic industires. Nashville: Blue and Gray Press, 1972. H6900 (LMC) Holt, Andrew David The Struggle for a State System of Public Schools in Tennessee, 1903-1936. Contributions to Education, no. 753. New York: Teacher's College, Columbia Univ., 1938. H6910 (ETSU) Holt, C. L. Seventy Years in the Cumberlands. n.p.: n.p., 1970. H6920 Holt, Felix Dan'l Boone Kissed Me. 1st ed. New York: Dutton, 1954. Juvenile book based on frontier life in Kentucky. H6930 (ASU) Holt, Janice Giles, Henry E. Around Our House. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1971. 61360 (BC) Holt, Perry C. ed. The Distributional History of the Biota of the Southern Appalachians. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1974. Three parts. A comprehensive review of the vertebrates, flora and vertebrates found in the Southern Appalachians. H6940 Holteman, Harvey Azure-Lure: A Romance of the Mountains. Asheville: n.p., 1924. Promotional material about Western North Carolina disguised as fiction. H6950 Hotthouser, Julia McNeely "Community Resources of Tryon, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Western Carolina State Teachers College, 1959. H6960 (WCU) HolyfieW, Frank The Southern Mountains, a Collection of Drawings. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1973. A lovely collection of drawings many from Madison County, North Carolina. H6970 (ASU BC) Home Demonstration Club, Asheville, N. C. Good Victuals from the Mountains. Asheville: Inland Press, 1951. H6980 Homecoming, First Presbyterian Church, Knoxville, Tennessee, 1796-1925 Knoxville: n.p., 1925. H6990 Hood, Flora Mae Pink Puppy. Illustrated by James Spanfeller. New York: Putnam, 1967. Children's story with a mountain setting. H7000 (ASU) Hood, Frazer ed. If Ye Know These Things: The Presbyterian Task in North Carolina. Charlotte, N. C.: Presbyterian Standard Pub. Co., 1927. H7010 (LMC) Hood, John 0. History of the Chilhowee Baptist Association, n.p.: n.p., n.d. This association is located in Blount County. H7020 Hooker, Elizabeth Robbins Religion in the Highlands: Native Churches and Missionary Enterprises in the Southern Appalachian Area. Section on missionary and philanthropic schools by Fannie Wyche Dunn. New York: Home Missions Council, 1933. H7030 (WWC ASU BC) Hooks, W. Gary ed. The Appalachian Structural Front in Alabama University: Alabama Geological Society, 1969. A4080 (ETSU) 107 HOLLOWAY-HORN Hooper, Ben W. The Unwanted Boy: The Autobiography of Governor Ben W. Hooper. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1963. This Tennessee governor was born amid scandal in Newport and spent the first eight years of his life roaming East Tennessee while his mother looked for work. After a year in Knoxville orphanage he was acknowledged by his father and reared in Newport. H7040 (ASU BC) Hooper, James E. Land-use in Clay County. Cullowhee, N. C.: Western Carolina Univ., n.d. H7050 (LMC) Hooper, Johnson Jones Some Adventures of Capt. Simon Suggs. 1848. Reprint. Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Gregg House, 1970. Ribald tales from the frontier, including upper Georgia, Alabama, and Tennessee. H7060 (ASU) Hooper, Margaret G. The Earthquake History of Virginia, 1774 to 1900. Blacksburg: Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State Univ., 1971. H7140 Hooper, Ralph M. McGee, Charles E. Regeneration After Clearcutting in the Southern Appalachians. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. Ml 390 (LMC) Olson, David F., Jr. Early Survival and Growth of Planted Northern Red Oak in Southern Appalachians. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1968. 0630 Hoos, Ida Russakoff Retraining the Work Force, an Analysis of Current Experience. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1967. H7070 Hoover, Hazel Marie "A Survey of the Study Habits of the Freshman Class of 1959-1960 at Appalachian State Teachers College." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1960. H7080 (ASU) Hopkins, Arthur Moonshine; a One Act Play. New York: S. French, 1921. A mountain melodrama. H7090 (BC) Hopkins, Samuel The Youth of the Old Dominion. Boston: J. P. Jewett & Co.; New York: Sheldon, Blakeman & Co., 1856. H7100 (ASU) Hopkins, T. C. Western Maryland Mine Drainage Survey, 1962-65. Annapolis: Md. Dept. of Water Resources, 1965. H7110 Hopkins, Walter Lee Hopkins of Virginia and Related Families. Richmond: J. W. Ferguson &Sons, 1931. H7120 Leftwich-Turner Families of Virginia and Their Connections. Richmond: J. W. Ferguson & Sons, 1931. H7130 Hopper, Margaret G. Bellinger, G. A. The Earthquake History of Virginia, 1900-1970. Blacksburg, Va.: Dept. of Geological Sciences, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1972. B5140 Hopson, C. F. Report of C. F. Hopson, M. D., Director, Bureau of Negro Welfare and Statistics of the State of West Virginia to Governor Clarence W. Meadows, 1945-46. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1946. H7150 (ASU) Horn, Allen F. Opportunities for Forest-Based Industries in Pennsylvania: A Manual for the Development of Pennsylvania's Wood Using Industries. Washington: U. S. Area Development Administration, 1965. H7160 Horn, Dorothy D. Sing to Me of Heaven: A Study of Folk and Early American Materials in Three Old Harp Books. Gainesville: Univ. of Florida Press, 1970. H7170 (ASU BC) �HORN—HOUTS Horn in the West. Scrapbooks, 1954- . Vol. 54 cm. n.p.: n.p., n.d. Includes advertisements, newspaper clippings, photographies, and programs relating to the Horn in the West outdoor drama. H7180 (ASU) Horn, Stanley Fitzgerald This Fascinating Lumber Business. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1943. H7190 (ASU) The Army of Tennessee: A Military History. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1941. H7200 (ASU) Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. Boston: Houghton, 1939. The author's premise is that the Klan, in its early stages, was designed to preserve some degree of law and order in the South after the War. H7210 Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. American Historical Series no. 47. New York: Haskell, 1969. The author's premise is that the Klan, in its early stages, was designed to preserve some degree of law and order in the South after the War. H7211 Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. Cos Cob, Conn.: Edwards, 1969. The author's premise is that the Klan, in its early stages, was designed to preserve some degree of law and order in the South after the War. H7212 Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. New York: Gordon, 1969. The author's premise is that the Klan, in its early stages, was designed to preserve some degree of law and order in the South after the War. H7213 Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. 2nd enl. ed., Criminology, Law Enforcement, and Social Problems Series no. 81. Montclair, N. J.: Patterson Smith, 1969. The author's premise is that the Klan, in its early stages, was designed to preserve some degree of law and order in the South after the War. H7214 Tennessee's War: 1861-1865, Described by Participants. Nashville: Civil War Centennial Commission, 1965. H7220 (BC ASU) Hornbeck, Betty Dutton Upshur Brothers of the Blue and the Gray. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1967. H7230 (ASU) Homer, Junius M. Southern Appalachian Highlanders of Western North Carolina. Asheville, N. C: n.p., 1927. H7240 Hornsby, Henry Lonesome Valley. New York: W. Sloane Associates, 1949. A mountain orphan lad goes to school, comes home to the hills, and never overcomes his basic loneliness. H7250 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) Horry County, S. C, Historical Society 1880 Census of Horry County, South Carolina. Charleston, S. C.: Walker, Evans, & Cogswell, 1970. Horry County was one of the migration routes into the mountains, H7260 (ASU) Horsley, Reginald The Blue Balloon, a Tale of the Shenandoah Valley. New York: E. P. Dutton Co., 1896. A fantastic tale of western Virginia in the last century. H7270 Horsman, Reginald Expansion and American Indian Policy, 1783-1812. East Lansing: Michigan State Univ. Press, 1967. Horsman describes the tension between the nation's desire to expand because of population pressure, strategic reasons, and growing nationalism, and a genuine desire to treat the Indian fairly according to the developing national tradition. Unfortunately this fairness did not extend to the Cherokee. H7280 AUTHOR Morton, A. H. Grover, N. C. Surface Water Supply of the New-Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, and North Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1925. G4490 The Ohio Valley Flood of March-April, 1913, Including Comparisons with Some Earlier Floods. U. S. Geological Survey Water-supply Paper, no. 334. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1913. H7290 Morton, Albert Howard Leighton, Marshall Ora The Relation of the Southern Appalachian Mountains to Inland Water Navigation. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1908. L1650 (BC ASU) Morton, Clyde Gibson "Tennessee Valley Authority Legislation." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1938. H7300 Morton, F. O. O'Neal, Alfred M., Jr. Soil Survey of Fayette County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1920. O700 Morton, Frazier Robert "Negro Life in Watauga County." Bachelor's thesis. Agricultural and Technical College of North Carolina, 1942. H7310 (ASU) Morton, Myles Adams, Frank Unearthing Seeds of Fire: The Idea of Highlander. Winston-Salem, N. C.: John F. Blair, 1974. A390 Horwitz, Elinor Lander Mountain People, Mountain Crafts. Photographs by Joshua Horwitz and Anthony Horwitz. New York: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1974. H7320 (ASU) Hoskins, Homer Arthur Heck, Edward Timmel Appalachian Connate Water. Charleston: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1964. H4290 (ETSU) Martens, James Hart Curry Dolomite Zone at Base of Greenbrier Limestone (Big Lime). Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1948. M3520 (ETSU) Price, Paul Holland Salt Brines of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1937. P4560 (ETSU) Price, Paul Holland Springs of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1936. P4570 (ETSU) Hoss, Hugh F. Knoxville: Commercial and Industrial Survey of Knoxville, Tennessee. Knoxville: n.p., 1939. H7330 Hoss, May Dikeman The Pike. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1954. A mountain family is embroiled in legal troubles. Hugh, the son home from the army, fights to reconcile two lifestyles. H7340 (LMC BC WCU) Hosterman, James L. Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Indiana County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1936. B8700 Hostetler, John A. Participation in the Rural Church. (Paper no. 1762.) State College: Pennsylvania Agricultural Experiment Station, Pennsylvania State College, October, 1952. Study includes Pennsylvania's Appalachian counties. H7350 Hotten, John Camden ed. The Original Lists of Persons of Quality, Emigrants, Religious Exiles, Political Rebels, Serving Men Sold for a Term of Years, Apprentices, Children Stolen, Maidens Pressed, and Others, Who Went from Great Britain to the American Plantations, 1600-1700. With their ages, the localities where they formerly lived in the mother country, the names of the ships in which they embarked, and other interesting particulars. From mss. preserved in the State Paper Dept. of Her Majesty's Public Record Office, England. 1874. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. H7360 (ASU BC) 108 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Hougen, Richard Torgor Cooking with Hougen. New York: Abingdon Press, 1960. Recipes from Berea's famous Boone Tavern. H7370 (ASU) Look No Further. Illustrated by Robert D. Bigelow. 1955. Reprint. New York: Abingdon Press, 1958. H7380 (ASU) More Hougen Favorites. Nashville: Parthenon Press, 1971. H7390 (ASU) Hough, Emerson The Way Out, a Story of the Cumberland Today. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1918. Dave Joslin leaves the hills to gain an education and returns to help his people turn from backward practices. H7400 (ASU BC) Hough, Van Ness D. Photogeologic Techniques Applied to the Mapping of Rock Joints. Report of Investigations, no. 19. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Economic Survey, 1960. H7410 (ETSU) Hough, Walter S. Braddock's Road Through the Virginia Colony. Winchester, Va.: Winchester-Frederick County Historical Society, 1970. H7420 (ASU) Houk, Eloise Andrews "A Five-year Study of an Educable Mentally Retarded Class in Keystone School, Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1961. H7430 (ETSU) House, Floyd Nelson Fort Lewis: A Community in Transition. Univ. of Virginia, Institute for Research in Social Sciences, 1930. H7450 House, Floyd Nelson and others Fort Lewis: A Community in Transition. Transition. A report based on a study made by the Community League of Fort Lewis, Roanoke County, Virginia. Under the auspices of the Cooperative Education Association of Virginia, with technical assistance by the School of Sociology of the University of Virginia. Univ. of Virginia Institute for Research in the Social Sciences, 1930. H7440 (FC) Fort Lewis: A Community in Transition. Charlottesville, Va.: Michie Co., 1930. H7460 House, Ray A Handful of Stars 1st ed. Louisville, Ky.: Touchstone Pub. Co., 1970. , Autobiographical fiction by a native mountaineer who has succeeded in the outside world but still values the mountain way of life. H7470 (ASU MHC BC) Housekeeper, Mrs. William G. Pleasure Piece. 1st ed. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1935. After her father dies young Celie fights her way through Gothic situations to a city in the valley where she finds her lover and her long-lost mother. H7480 (ASU BC) Housing in Appalachia, the Future in Public-Private Collaborations. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Office of Research and Development, 1969. H7490 Houston, Margaret D. "A Language Arts Program for a Fourth Grade of Culturally Deprived Pupils." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1964. H7500 (ETSU) Houston, Martha Lou comp. Indexes to the Country Wills of South Carolina. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1964. H7510 (ASU) 600 Revolutionary Soldiers Living in Georgia in 1827-8. Athens, Ga.: Heritage Papers, 1965. H7520 (ASU) Houston, Sam M. "TVA, a Study in Policy Formation." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Iowa, 1942. H7530 Houts, Paul G. "An Educational, Economic, and Community Survey of Blount County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1928. H7540 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Hovey, Horace Carter Celebrated American Caverns. Cincinnati: R. Clarke, 1882. Many of the nation's most famous caves and caverns are in the Appalachian region. H7550 Celebrated American Caverns, Especially Mammoth, Wyandot, and Luray. Cincinnati: R. Clarke & Co., 1882. H7560 Mammoth Cave of Kentucky . . . with an Account of Colossal Cave. Louisville: J. P. Morton & Co., 1889. H7570 Howard, Elizabeth Metzger Before the Sun Goes Down. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday & Co., 1946. Melodramatic fiction with a mountain setting. H7580 (ASU) Howard, Herbert Allen "External Diseconomies of Bituminous Coal Surface Mining — A Case Study of Eastern Kentucky, 1960-1967." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1969. H7590 Howard, Hugh A. "The Economic History of Knox County." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1937. H7600 Howard, James Edward "Migration Patterns of Residents in a High In-Migration County, Hamblen County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1969. H7610 Howard, Montice B. "A Study of the Use of Student Library Assistants in the Secondary Schools of East Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1958. H7620 Howard, 0. 0. The Feuds in the Cumberland Mountains. Louisville: Independent, 1904. H7630 Howard, Quentin R. Down a Dusty Road. Pikeville, Ky.: Hilltop Editions, Pikeville College Press, 1967. Personal recollections of day to day life in the Kentucky hill country. H7640 (BC ASU) Howard, Quenton R. ed. Wind Pikeville, Ky.: n.p., 3 times a year. W7640 (BC) Howard, T. Levron "Federal Payments in Lieu of Taxation with Emphasis on the Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1943. H7650 The TVA and Economic Security in the South. Southern Policy Papers, no. 7. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolinarfress, 1936. H7660 (ASU WCU LMC) Howard, Waldorf Vivian Authority in the TVA Land. Kansas City, Mo.: F. Glenn Pub. Co., 1948. H7670 (ASU LMC BC) Howe, Daniel Dunbar Listen to the Mockingbird. Boyce, Va.: Carr Pub. Co., Inc., 1961. A story of the life and times of a pioneer Virginia family from the Shenandoah Valley who moves into Pulaski, Montgomery and Giles counties. Brief accounts of the wars from the American Revolution through 1945 are given. Approximately the last one hundred pages contain the genealogies of the Howe, Hoge, DeJarnette, Haven and Patton families. H7680 Listen to the Mockingbird; The Life and Times of a Pioneer Virginia Family. Boyce, Va.: Carr Pub. Co., 1961. H7690 Lovely Mount Tavern: The Birth of a City, and Something of the Early New River Settlers. Reprinted by the New River Historical Society. Boyce, Va.: Carr Pub. Co., 1963. Radford and vicinity. H7700 Howe, Henry Historical Collections of Virginia . . . Charleston: South Carolina, Babcock & Co., 1845. H7710 Historical Collections of Virginia. 1845. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. H7720 AUTHOR Howell, Joseph C. Birds of Knox County. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1970. H7730 Howes, R. M. People's Shorelines. Address before Tennessee Public Power Association, Nashville, Tennessee, April 15-18, 1958. Knoxville, Tenn.: TVA, 1958. H7740 Planning for Recreation Use of Impounded Waters — TVA Experience. Knoxville, Tenn.: TVA, 1956. Paper before Conference on Recreation Use of Impounded Water, December 13, 1956, Berkeley, California. H7750 Howse, Nathaniel Roosevelt "Political Activities of the Republican Party in the State of Tennessee, 1860-1870." Master's thesis. Tennessee State A & I Univ., 1951. H7760 Hoyle, Columbus A. comp. Panorama of Progress: Jackson County Centennial. Sylva: Jackson Co. Centennial Celebration Executive Committee, 1951. H7780 Hoyt, Edwin Palmer Your National Parks: Great Smoky Mountains. New York: Putnam, 1965. H7790 (ETSU) Hubbard, E. H. Swann, Maurice Edward Soil Survey, Roane County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. S9440 Hubbard, Edgar Harvey Soil Survey, Grainger County, Tennessee. Soil Survey Report Series 1940, no. 4. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. H7810 Hubbard, Edgar Harvey and others Soil Survey, Cumberland County, Tennessee. Soil Survey Report, Series 1938, no. 25. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, & Agricultural Engineering, 1950. H7800 Hubbard, Harlan Payne Hollow. New York: The Book Organization, n.d. Mystery story with a mountain setting. H7820 Hubbard, Margaret Ann The History Limb. N. Y.: The Macmillan Co., 1942. A novel of John Sevier and the Watauga settlements. H7830 (BC ASU) Hubbard, Preston J. Origins of the TVA; the Muscle Shoals Controversy, 1920-1932. Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1955. This work presents the political and economic origins of the TVA through examining the struggle for control for the Tennessee River system from 1920 to 1932. The focal point of this struggle was at Muscle Shoals. Hubbard concludes that TVA owes its existence to a small number of Progressives in the Congress led by Sen. George Norris. H7840 Origins of the TVA; The Muscle Shoals Controversy, 1920-1932. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1961. H7850 (ASU LMC WCU) Origins of the TVA; the Muscle Shoals Controversy, 1920-1932. 1955. Reprint. New York: Norton, 1968. This work presents the political and economic origins of the TVA through examining the struggle for control of the Tennessee River system from 1920 to 1932. The focal point of this struggle was at Muscle Shoals. Hubbard concludes that TVA owes its existence to a small number of Progressives in the Congress led by Sen. George Norris. H7860 Hubert, Archer Butler Boone's Wilderness Road. Cleveland: A. H. Clark Co., 1903. H7870 (ETSU BC) Huckleberry Poems; Poems Written about the Mountains and Huckleberry Mountain Workshop Camp at Hendersonville, N. C. n.p.: n.p., n.d. H7880 109 HOVEY—MUGGINS Hudden, William P. History of the Hebron Lutheran Church, Madison Co., Va. New Market, Va.: Hankel and Co., 1907. H7890 (BC) Huddle, J. W. Oil and Gas Wells Drilled in Southwestern Virginia before 1950. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 1027-L. Contributions to Economic Geology, 1955. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1956. H7900 (ASU) Huddle, Lula May Huddle, W. D. History of the Descendants of John Hottel. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Publishing House, 1930. H7910 Huddle, W. D. History of the Descendants of John Hottel. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Publishing House, 1930. H7910 Huddleston, Edwin Glenn The Claybrooks. New York: Macmillan Co., 1951. An East Tennessee girl leaves the crumbling family home to find adventure. H7920 (ASU WCU BC) Huddleston, George comp. Huddleston Family Tables. Concord, N. H.: Rumford Press, 1933. H7930 Huddleston, Tim History of Pickett Co., Tenn. Collegedale, Tenn.: College Press, 1973. H7940 Pioneer Families of Pickett County, Tennessee. Collegedale: College Press, 1968. H7950 Hudson, C. Donald "Augusta County, Virginia: A Study of Patterns." Master's thesis. Univ. of Chicago, 1934. H7960 (LMC) "Augusta County, Virginia: A Study of Patterns." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of Chicago, 1934. H7970 (ASU) Hudson, Charles M. The Catawba Nation. Monographs, no. 18. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1970. H7980 (LMC) Hudson, John C. Beaie, Calvin, L. Characteristics of the United States Population by Farm and Nonfarm Origin. Washington: Economic Research Service, Economic and Statistical Analysis Division, 1964. B2240 Hudson, Monie Taras, Michael Andrew Seasoning and Preservative Treatment of Hickory Crossties. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1959. T240 (WCU) Hudson, Robert P. Songs of the Cumberlands. Nashville, Tenn.: CR and HH Harch Pub., 1887. A series of poems descriptive of scenes and incidents among the Cumberlands. H7990 (BC) Huff, Jane Whom the Lord Loveth; the Story of James A. Huff. N. Y.: McGraw Hill, 1961. A wife's account of her brief and happy marriage to a young, and seriously ill, minister from East Tennessee. H8000 (BC) Huff, Judith M. Johnson, Hugh A. Private Outdoor Recreation Enterprises in Rural Appalachia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. J1800 Huffard, Grace Thompson comp. My Poetry Book. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1956. This is an extensive anthology of modern verse for boys and girls. The selections are classed under such headings as "At Our House." "When It's Time to Play," "Going Places," "My Birds," "My Flowers," etc. Miss Carlisle lives in Wytheville, Virginia. H8010 (ASU) Hoggins, Edith Warren In All Its Glory. New York: Philadelphia & Dorrance, 1945. North Carolina fiction. The action of the novel ranges into the mountains. H8020 Muggins, Maloy A. A History of North Carolina Baptists, 1727-1932. Raleigh: The General Board Baptist State Convention of N. C., 1967. H8030 (LMC) �HUGHART—HUNTER Hughart, Col. Thomas, Chapter Daughter of the American Revolution comp. Augusta County, Va. First Marriage Records of Augusta County, Virginia, 1785-1813. Verona, Va.: McClure Press, 1970. A5500 (ASU) Hughes, Ann A Handbook and Resource Guide for New Craft Groups. Knoxville: Commission on Religion in Appalachia, 1972. H8040 Hughes, Arizona Houston Aunt Zone's Web. As told to Thomas C. Chapman. Gastonia, N. C: Publications Engineers, & Consultants, 1962. Memoirs of a life in Appalachia filled with laughs, lore and advice. H8050 (ASU LMC) Hughes, Frank G. "A Study of the School Buildings of McMinn County." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. H8060 Hughes, Hatcher Hell-bent for Heaven, a Play in Three Acts. 1st ed. Harper's Modern Plays. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1924. Pulitzer prize winning drama with a Watauga County, North Carolina setting. H8070 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Ruint; a Folk Comedy in Four Acts. New York: Harper, 1925. A comedy about a shotgun wedding. The mountainers are made to look ridiculous. H8080 Hughes, Josiah Pioneer West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: The author, 1932. Appears to have been written for school children. Gives genealogies of pioneer families. H8090 (ASU) Hughes, Nicholas Collin Hendersonville in Civil War Times. Hendersonville, N. C.: Blue Ridge Speciality Printing, 1936. H8100 Hughes, Ralph H. Fertilization of Young Slash Pine in a Cultivated Plantation. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 148. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1962. H8110 (WCU) Hughes, Roscoe Durall Exploring Virginia's Human Resources. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1965. H8120 (ASU BC) Hughes, Thomas Rugby, Tennessee, Being Some Account of the Settlement Founded on the Cumberland Plateau by the Board of Aid to Land Ownership, Ltd. London: Macmillan, 1881. H8130 (LMC BC) Hughes, Thomas P., Jr. Pittsylvania County, Virginia Abstracts of Wills, 1768-1800. n.p.: n.p., 1956. H8140 Hughson, Walter The Church's Mission to the Mountaineers of the South, Hartford, Conn.: Church Missions Pub. Co., 1908. H8150 Huheey, James E. Amphibians and Reptiles of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967, 1972. H8160 (UNCA ASU LMC WCU BC) Huhta, James K. Powell, William Stevens The Regulators in North Carolina: A Documentary History, 1759-1776. Raleigh, N. C.: State Dept. of Archives and History, 1971. P4030 (ASU) Hulbert, Archer Butler Soil: Its Influence on the History of the United States, with Special Reference to Migration and the Scientific Study of Local History. 1930. Reprint. New York: Russell & Russell, 1969. H8170 (ASU) Hull, C. H. J. Bibliography of Maryland Water Resources Data. Baltimore: n.p., 1962. H8I80 Hull, Corded The Memoirs of Cordell Hull. New York: Macmillan Co., 1948. Hull was born in Overton County, Tennessee, educated at Cumberland College. H8190 (ASU) AUTHOR Hull, Vemam Taylor, Archer A Collection of Irish Riddles. Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1955. T380 (FC) Hull, William I. William Penn and the Dutch Quaker Migration to Pennsylvania. 1935. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1970. H8200 (ASU) Hulme, Francis Pledger Come Up the Valley: Ballads and Poems. Illustrated by Rafaello Busoni. New Brunswick: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1949. H8210 (ASU BC WWC) Human, William D. "A Study of Preparatory to Cooperative Development of Board of Education Policies for Morgan County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1954. H8220 Humbert, R. L. Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. Blacksburg: Engineering Extension Division, V. P. I., 1928-30. For the following counties: Bland, Buchanan, Carroll, Craig, Dickenson, Floyd, Giles, Grayson, Lee, Pulaski, Russell, Scott, Smyth, Tazewell, Washington, Wise, Wythe, Wythe reprint, Bedford. And the following cities: City of Radford and Montgomery County, Wytheville. H8230 Industrial Survey, Bland County, Virginia. Blacksburg: Engineering Extension Division, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1930. H8240 Industrial Survey, Wytheville, Virginia. Blacksburg: Engineering Extension Division, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1928. H8250 (ASU) Hume, Brit Death and the Mines: Rebellion and Murder in the United Mine Workers. New York: Grossman, 1971. Account of the degradation, violence and ineffectiveness of the United Mine Workers in the past two decades. H8260 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Humes, Thomas William Historical Discourse of St. John's Church, Knoxville, Tennessee. Knoxville: n.p., 1886. H8270 The Loyal Mountaineers of Tennessee. Knoxville: Ogden Brothers & Co., 1888. Almost all of East Tennessee remained loyal to the Union. H8280 (ASU BC LMC) Hummel, B. L. Davidson, Dwight M., Jr. Standards of Living in Six Virginia Counties. Washington: Farm Security Administration, 1940. D640 Hummel, Ray D. ed. Southeastern Broadsides Before 1877. Sponsored by the Association of Southeastern Research Libraries. Publications, no. 33. Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1971. H8290 (ASU) Humphrey, Hubert H. War on Poverty. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964. Some discussion of the failure of the war on poverty in Appalachia and the reasons for that failure. H8300 Humphrey, Inez Faith From the Prairies to the Mountains; Memories Especially of Illinois and Eastern Kentucky. N. Y.: Exposition Press, 1968. H8310 Humphreys, Flynn G. "The Status and Problems of the Ministry in Knox County," Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1936. H8320 Humphreys, Gertrude Adventures in Good Living. West Virginia Extension Homemakers Council. Parsons, W. Va. McClain Print. Co., 1972. H8330 (ASU BC) Humphreys, Samuel H. "Learning Opportunities in Science in Six Public Schools in Upper East Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. H8340 (ETSU) Hunnicutt, Samuel J. Twenty Years of Hunting and Fishing in the Great Smoky Mountains. Knoxville: Newman, 1926. H3850 110 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Twenty Years of Hunting and Fishing in the Great Smoky Mountains. 1926. Reprint. Maryville: n.p., 1951. H8360 Hunt, C. B. Coal Deposits of Pike County, Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 876. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1937. H8370 Hunt, Walter Bernard The Golden Book of Indian Crafts and Lore. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1954. H8380 (MHC) Hunter, Catherine H. "A History of Higher Education in Franklin County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1940. H8390 Hunter, Charles Eugene Forsterite Olivine Deposits of North Carolina and Georgia. Published in cooperation with TVA. Bulletin, no. 47. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation & Development, 1941. H8400 (ETSU WCU) Hallo/site Deposits of Western North Carolina. Bulletin, no. 58. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation & Development, 1949. H8410 (ETSU WCU) Hunter, Cyrus Lee Sketches of Western North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrating Principally the Revolutionary Period of Mecklenburg, Rowan, Lincoln, and Adjoining Counties. Raleigh, N. C.: Raleigh News Steam Job Print., 1877. H8420 (ASU BC WCU) Sketches of Western North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrating Principaiiy the Revolutionary Period of Mecklenburg, Rowan, Lincoln and Adjoining Counties, Accompanied with Miscellaneous Information, Much of It Never Before Published. Reprint. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1970. H8430 (ASU LMC ETSU) Hunter, Edgar F. "A History of Yancey Collegiate Institute." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1952. H8440 (ASU) Hunter, George George Hunter's Map of the Cherokee Country and the Paths Thereto in 1730. Comments by A. S. Salley, Jr. South Carolina Historical Commission Bulletin, no. 4. Columbia, S. C: State Co., 1917. H8450 (WCU) Hunter, Kermit Unto These Hills: A Drama of the Cherokee. 1950. Reprint. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1950. H8460 (ASU MHC ETSU) Hunter, Richard G. Chen, Ping-fan Some Low-alumina Quartizitic Sandstones in West Virginia: A Preliminary Report. Morgantown: W. Va. Geological and Economic Survey, 1965. C3620 (ETSU) Renton, John J. A Simple Technique for the Determination of Weight Per Cent of Calcite and Dolomite in Carbonate Rocks. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological & Economic Survey, 1965. R1530 (ETSU) Tallon, Walter A. High-alumina Clays of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1959. T120 (ETSU) Hunter, Richard Glenn Arkle, Thomas Sandstones of West Virginia. Morgantown: W. Va. Genealogical Survey, 1957. A4610 (ETSU) Headlee, Alvah John Washington Germanium in Coals of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological & Economic Survey, 1951. H4140 (ETSU) Spectrographic Chemical Analysis. Report of Investigations, no. 5. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological & Economic Survey, 1948. H8470 (ETSU) Hunter, William M. Missa Appalachia. Logan, W. Va.: Trinity Episcopal Church, 1964. Moralistic fiction about the West Virginia hills. H8480 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Huntington, W. Va. Board of Park Commissioners Huntington's Park System and Recreational Facilities. Huntington: Standard Print. & Pub. Co., 1942. H8490 Huntley, Troy Charles "A Curriculum Analysis of the Undergraduate Professional Preparation Program in Health and Physical Education at Western Carolina University." Master's thesis. Western Carolina Univ., 1970. H8500 (WCU) Hupp, John Cox Down in West Virginia and Other Poems. New York: Hubson Book Press, 1946. H8510 Hurlburt, J. S. History of the Rebellion in Bradley County, East Tennessee. Indianapolis: Downey & Brause, 1866. H8520 Hurley, Edward R. and Associates A Plan for Development of Ohio Appalachia. Columbus: Ohio Department of Urban Affairs, n.d. H8530 (ASU) Hurst, Lewis Alexander Soil Survey of Calhoun County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1908. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. H8540 Hurst, Otis C. "Trends in the Social Studies in Eighty Tennessee High Schools, 1931-1952." " Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. H8550 Hurst, Samuel Need The Mountains Redeemed; the Romance of the Mountains, a True Story of Life and Love in Southwest Virginia, Interwoven with an Exposition of her Mountain Life and the Weird Religion of the Mountains, Embracing Scores of Humorous, Ridiculous, Laughable, and Tragic Stories, Episodes, and Incidents and the Religious, Moral, Educational, Industrial and Political Redemption of the Mountains. Illus. by S. N. Hurst, Jr. Appalachia, Va.: Hurst and Co., 1929. H8560 Hurst, Thomas E. "Tennessee Coal Mining and Marketing Trends." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1951. H8570 (ETSU) Hurst, Vemon J. Exploration for Mineral Deposits in Haversham County, Georgia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. H8580 Exploration for Mineral Deposits in Habersham County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Habersham County Redevelopment Corporation and Institute of Community and Area Development. Washington: U. S. Area Redevelopment Administration, Dec., 1964. H8590 (IMC) Exploration for Mineral Deposits in White County, Georgia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. H8600 (LMC) Field Excursion: Ocoee Metasediments: North Central Georgia and Southeast Tennessee. Geological Society of America Southeastern Section Guidebook, no. 3. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining & Geology, 1962. H8610 (ETSU) The Geology and Mineralogy of Graves Mountain, Georgia. Bulletin, no. 68. Atlanta: Georgia. Department of Mines, Mining & Geology, 1959. H8620 (ETSU) Stratigraphy, Structure, Mineral Resources of the Mineral Bluff Quadrangle, Georgia. Bulletin, no. 63. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining & Geology, 1955. H8630 (ETSU) Hurt, A. B. "Educational Development of Ashe County." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1929. H8640 Hurt, Helen Jones "The Home Visitation Program of the Bristol, Tennessee, Schools, 1948-1969." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. H8650 (ETSU) HUNTINGTON—INCIDENCE AUTHOR Hurt, Samuel S. "Gentlemen, I ain't a-goin1." Roanoke, Va.: Stone Print, and Manufacturing Co., 1913. An account of the Hillsville, Virginia courthouse tragedy and the Allen family's role in the feud. H8660 Hustvedt, Sigurd Bernhard Ballad Books and Ballad Men: Raids and Rescues in Britain, America, and the Scandinavian North Since 1800. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1930. H8670 (ASU BC) Hutchens, Paul Yesterday's Rain. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1938. Melodramatic fiction with a mountain setting. H8680 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Hutchens, Ross E. Hidden Valley of the Smokies. New York: Dodd, 1971. Deep in the Great Smoky Mountains lies a valley known to few people. It is a place of primitive beauty and* it is here that naturalist-photographer Ross Hutchins takes the reader. H8690 Hidden Valley of the Smokies: With a Naturalist in the Great Smoky Mountains. Illustrated with photographs by the author. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1971. H8700 (ASU LMC MHC WWC BC WCU ETSU) Hutchins, Francis Stephenson Berea College: The • Telescope and the Spade. Newcomen Address. New York: Newcomen Society in North America, 1963. H8710 (ASU) Hutchison, Robert S. An Economic Survey of Blount County, Tennessee, a Study of Resources and Industrial Potentials. Knoxville: Bureau of Business Research, Univ. of Tennessee, 1957. H8720 Migration and Industrial Development in Tennessee. Nashville: Legislative Council, 1958. H8730 Hutson, A. C., Jr. "The Coal Miner's Insurrections, 1891-1892." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1933. H8740 (ASU) Hutson, William F. Campbell, Carlos Clinton and others Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1962. C540 (LMC WCU ETSU) Campbell, Carlos Clinton Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1964. C550 (ASU LMC WCU WWC BC) Huxley, Julian Sorell TVA, Adventure in Planning. Cheam, Surrey, England: Architectural Press, 1943. H8750 TVA, Adventure in Planning. London: Reader's Union, 1945. H8760 Huyck, Earl E. Page, William J., Jr. Appalachia: Realities of Deprivation. Washington: U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, 1964. P60 Hyams, C. The Flora of North Carolina from Ranunculaceae to Salviniaceae. Bulletin, no. • 164. Raleigh: North Carolina College, 1899. H8770 (LMC) Hyatt, Rebecca Dougherty Marthy Lou's Kiverlid. Morristown, Tenn.: Triangle Press, 1937. Both a story and a book of weaving instructions. H8780 "Marthy Lou's Kiverlid," a Sketch of Mountain Life. Morristown, Tenn.: Triangle Press, 1937. H8790 (ASU) "Marthy Lou's Kiverlid," a Sketch of Mountain Life. 2nd ed. Morristown, Tenn.: Morrison Print. Co., 1963. * H8800 (ASU) Hyde, Victor A. "A Geographical Survey of Knoxville, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1939. H8810 111 Hyder, Carroll "A Follow-up Study of Graduates in Industrial Technology at East Tennessee State University, 1962 Through 1967." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. H8820 (ETSU) Hyder, Jane "An Evaluation of the Changes in Reading Achievement Effected by a Federal Project in the Bristol, Tennessee, Elementary Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. H8830 ' (ETSU) lacopi, Robert L. Look to the Mountain Top. San Jose, Calif.: Gousha Publications, 1972. Addresses, essays and lectures — many about Indians, including the Cherokee. no lannone, Ron "School Ain't No Way . . ." Appalachian Consciousness. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. A marvelous book which explains how the public schools fail the Appalachian child. This should be mandatory reading for the region's teachers. 120 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) Ickis, Marguerite The Standard Book of Quilt Making and Collecting. N. Y.: Dover, 1959. This classic work on American quilts is a must for regional differences in traditional patterns. 130 (ASU BC) Weaving as a Hobby. New York: Sterling Pub. Co., 1968. Includes patterns, instructions for warping your loom and illustrations that are easily deciphered. 140 (BC ASU) llsen, Isa Maud Chimney Rock Anthology. 'Asheville: Hackney Press, 1921. An anthology of poetry and fiction from the scenic highlands near Asheville. ISO Images No. 1-. 1970-. vol. illus. Asheville: Univ. of North Carolina, irregular. 160 (BC UNCA) Imlay, Gilbert A Jopographical Description of the Western Territory of North America. 3 vols. New York: Samuel Campbell, 1793. This three volume work may have been the first to depict the Appalachian man as a hero. Imlay's novel expands upon this rustic hero theme. 170 A Topographical Description of the Western Territory of North America. 3rd ed. 1797. Reprint. New York: Johnson Reprint Co., 1968. 180 (LMC ETSU BC) A Topographical Description of the Western Territory of North America. 3rd ed. 1797. Reprint. Reprints of Economic Classics. New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1969. 190 (LMC) Impact of Mine Drainage on Recreation and Stream Ecology. Appendices E and F to Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia Appendix E prepared by Robert R. Nathan Associates. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1969. 1100 (ASU) Impact of Mine Drainage Pollution on Industrial Water Users in Appalachia; Appendix A to Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia Report Prepared by Battelle Memorial Institute. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1969. 1110 (ASU) Impacts of Mine Drainage Pollution on Location Decisions of Manufacturing Industry in Appalachia; Appendix D to Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia Prepared by Fantus Co., Inc. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1969. 1120 (ASU) Incidence and Formation of Mine Drainage Pollution in Appalachia; Appendix C to Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia Prepared by the Office of Appalachian Studies, n.p.: Army Corps of Engineers, 1969. 1130 (ASU) �INDEX—INDUSTRIAL Index of the Rolls of Honor (Ancestor's Index) in the Lineage books of the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution (1916-1940). Four volumes in two. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1972. Contains more than 25,000 names of servicemen. 1150 Index to American Genealogies: And to Genealogical Materials Contained in All Works as Town Histories, County Histories, Local Histories, Historical Society Publications, Biographies, Historical Periodicals, and Kindred Works Originally published by Joel Munsell's Sons. 5th ed. with Supplement. 1900, 1908. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. 1160 (ASU) Index to Marshall Wingfield's "Marriage Bonds of Franklin County, Virginia 1786-1858" Berryville, Va.: Virginia Book Co., n.d. 1180 (PC) Index to Revolutionary War Pension Applications Washington, D. C.: National Genealogical Society, 1966. 1140 Index to the Andrew Johnson Papers Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. 1170 The Indian Advocate, January, 1846-1855 Microfilm. Washington: Library of Congress Photo-Duplication Service, 1955. Includes material on the Cherokee. 1190 (WCU) Industrial Directory of South Carolina Columbia, S. C.: State Development Board, 1950-. 1210 Industrial Directory of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania Harrisburg, Pa.: Pennsylvania State Development Board, 1913-. 1200 Industrial Education Association for Southern Mountaineers Statement of Conditions 1930. n.p.: n.p., 1931. 1220 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky Frankfort, Ky.: Department of Economic Development, 1950-. Study includes the following areas: Richmond; Rockcastle Co.; Russell Co.; Russellville; Russellville — Logan County; Salyersville; Somerset; Stanford; Vanceburg; Vanceburg — Tollesboro; West Liberty; Whitesbury; and Williamsburg. 1230 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky Frankfort, Ky.: Department of Economic Development, 1952-. Study includes the following areas: Barbourville, Bath County, Bell County, Berea, Burkesville, Burnside Compton, Carter County, Catlettsburg, Columbia, Corbin, Cumberland, Elkhorn City, Frankfort, Grayson, Greenup County, Harlan, Hazard, Hinaman, Hyden, Irvine-Ravenna, Jackson, Jackson County, Knott County, Lancaster, Lee County, Liberty, Livingston, London, Louisa, McCreary, McKee, Martin, Middlesboro, Morehead, Mt. Olivet, Mt. Vernon, Ohio County, Olive Hill, Owingsville, Paintsville, Pike County, Pikeville, Pineville, Powell County, Prestonburg, and Pulaski. 1240 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Bath County, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Commerce, 1970. 1250 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Bell Co., Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Commerce, 1969. 1260 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Berry, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1270 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Burkesville, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 1950. 1280 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Burnside, Kentucky Frankfort: Dept. of Economic Development, 195-. 1290 AUTHOR Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Campton, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Manchester, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1530 1300 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Carter Co. Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Martin, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1540 1310 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Catlettsburg, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Middlesboro, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1550 1320 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Columbia, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Monticelb, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1560 1330 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Corbin, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Morehead, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1570 1340 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Cumberland, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Mt. Vernon, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1580 1350 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Elkhorn, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Olive Hill, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1590 1360 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Greenup Co. Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Owingsville, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1600 1370 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Harlan, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Paintsville, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1610 1380 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Hazard, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Pike Co. Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Commerce, 1970. 1620 1390 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Hindman, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Pikeville, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1630 1400 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Hyden, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Pineville, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1640 1410 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Irvine Ravenne, Kentucky Frankfort: Dept. of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Powell Co. Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, n.d. 1650 1420 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Jackson Co. Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Commerce, 1969. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Prestonburg, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1660 1440 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Jackson, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Pulaski Co. Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Commerce, 1970. 1670 1430 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Knott Co. Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, n.d. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Richmond, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1680 1450 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Lancaster, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Rockcastle Co. Frankfort: Kentucky Dept. of Commerce, 1966. 1690 1460 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Lee Co. Frankfort, Ky.: Dept. of Economic Development, 195-. 1470 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Russell Co. Frankfort: Kentucky Dept. of Economic Development, 195-. 1700 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Liberty, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1480 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Somerset, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1710 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Livingston, Kentucky Frankfort: Department of Economic Development, 195-. Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Vanceburg-Tollesboro, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Commerce, 1969. 1720 1490 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. London, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1500 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. Louisa, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1510 Industrial Resources Survey, Kentucky. McCreary, Kentucky Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, 195-. 1520 112 Industrial Resources Survey, Virginia Blacksburg, Va.: Engineering Extension Division of Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1920-. Survey includes: Lee County and Scott County. 1730 Industrial Review: Big Sandy and Kentucky Reviews. Coal — Oil — Gas Paintsville, Ky.: Paintsville Herald, n.d. 1740 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Industrial Workers of the World Songs of the Workers to Fan the Flames of Discontent. Chicago: The Workers, 1973. Includes folk and labor songs from the Appalachian region. 1750 (ASU) Ineson, Frank Avery The Anthracite Forest Region, a Problem Area. U. S. Department of Agriculture Miscellaneous Publication, no. 648. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1948. 1760 (ASU) Ingalls, Fay The Valley Road. Illustrated by Margaret Lowengrund. Cleveland: World Pub. Co., 1949. Includes descriptive material on Hot Springs, and Warm Springs, Virginia. 1770 (A-SU BC FC) Inge, Delia Addington, Luther Foster Wise County Geography Supplement. Big Stone Gap, Va.: Wise County School Board and Univ. of Virginia, 1928. A570 (BC) Inge, M. Thomas ed. Harris, George Washington High Times and Hard Times: Sketches and Tales. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1967. H2800 (ASU BC) Ingersoll, Ernest To the Shenandoah and Beyond: The Chronicle of a Leisurely Journey through the Uplands of Virginia and Tennessee, Sketching Their Scenery, Noting Their Legends, Portraying Social and Material Progress, and Explaining Routes of Travel. New York: Leve & Alden, 1885. 1780 Ingles, Andrew Lewis ed. Steel, Roberta Ingles Escape From Indian Captivity. The Story of Mary Draper Ingles and Son Thomas Ingles. Radford, Va.: Commonwealth Press, n.d. S6740 Ingram, Bowen Light as the Morning. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1954. A young boy agonizes over the impending loss of a beautiful valley to the Tennessee Valley Authority. 1790 (ETSU BC ASU) Milbry. New York: Crown Pub., 1972. A novel with a mountain setting but no convincingly Appalachian characters. 1800 (LMC BC) Ingram, Henry R. "Study of Factors Causing Potential Drop-outs to Remain in the Mitchell County, North Carolina, High Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1959. 1810 n, Milton J. "A History of Negro Education in Wilkes County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. North Carolina Agricultural and Technical College, 1954. 1820 Inman, Buis T. Bird, Ronald Income Opportunities for Rural Families from Outdoor Recreation Enterprises. Washington: Y. S. Economic Research Service, Resource Development Economics Division, 1965. B4110 Inman, E. ed. Stories of Hatfield the Pioneer . . . His Experiences in the Wilderness of East Tennessee, Kentucky and South Indiana. New Albany, Ind.: G. Fishback, 1889, 1890. 1830 Inman, Mrs. W. H. Rudicil, Rowland K. Historic Hamblen, 1870-1970. Morristown: Morristown Print. Co., 1970. R4210 Innes, Thomas C. "A Study of Some Problems of Eighth Grade Students of John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. 1840 (ETSU) Innis, Pauline B. Gold in the Blue Ridge: The True Story of the Beale Treasure. Washington: R. B. Luce, 1973. Documentary fiction about two million dollars in gold supposedly hidden near the Peaks of Otter in southwestern Virginia. 1850 (ASU LMC) AUTHOR Innis, Walter Dean Innis, Pauline B. Gold in the Blue Ridge: The True Story of the Beale Treasure. Washington: R. B. Luce, 1973. 1850 (ASU LMC) Inservice Education for Case Workers in Home Management Improvement for Welfare Recipient Families in Ten Eastern Kentucky Counties Annual Report, 1969-70. Morehead, Ky.: Department of Home Economics, Morehead State Univ., 1970. I860 Institute for Rural America Poverty, Rural Poverty and Minority Groups Living in Rural Poverty, an Annotated Bibliography. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1969. 1870 Inter-League Survey Committee for the Ohio River Basin The Ohio River Basin. Washington: League of Women Voters Education Fund, 1964. 1890 International Geological Congress Southern Appalachian Region. Washington: The Congress; 16th Session, 1933. This pamphlet seems to be intended more as a guidebook for excursions than a geologic report. 1880 Interstate Commission on the Potomac River Basin Appalachia Meets the Potomac. Washington: The Commission, 1966. 1900 Potomac River Basin Directory. Bethesda, Md.: The Commission, 1974. Includes federal, state, county, city and local action groups. 1910 Investigation Mine Survey of a Small Watershed; a Field Investigation to Locate and Define Unknown Hidden Drift Mine Openings in the Brown's Creek Watershed of West Ford River in W. Va. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. 1920 Irelan, Lola M. ed. Low-income Life Styles. Publication, 14. Washington: U. S. Welfare Administration, Division of Research, 1966. Includes a discussion of rural Appalachian poverty. 1930 Ireland, Robert M. The County Courts in Antebellum Kentucky. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1972. Includes material about Kentucky's 49 Appalachian counties. 1940 (BC WWC) Irwin, Frank E. "A Study of School Transportation, Anderson County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. 1950 Isaac, Paul E. Prohibition and Politics: Turbulent Decades in Tennessee, 1885-1920. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1965. Includes some material on the East Tennessee whiskey industry. I960 (ASU LMC) Isaacs, I. J. eomp. The City of Bristol, Virginia-Tennessee, Its Interests and Industries; Compiled under the Auspices of the Board of Trade. Also a Series of Comprehensive Sketches of Representative Business Enterprises. Bristol: King, 1915. 1990 Isaacs, Neil D. Maddux, Rachel Fiction Into Film: A Walk in the Spring Rain. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1970. M2710 (ASU) Isbell, Robert Lee The World of My Childhood. Illustrated by Marjorie Talton. Lenoir, N. C.: Lenoir News-Topic, 1955. Memories of life in a western North Carolina county. 1970 (ASU LMC) Israel, Marion Louise Cherokees. Illustrated by Harry Timmins. Look, Read, Learn. Chicago: Melmont Pubs., 1961. A children's text on the Cherokee tribe. Profusely illustrated. 1980 (MHC) Issack, Thomas S. Thompson, James H. Factors Influencing Plant Location in West Virginia, 1945-1956. Morgantown: Bureau of Business Research, West Va. Univ., 1956. T8210 113 INDUSTRIAL-JACKSON Iverson, Evan A. Greene, Lee Seifert Rescued Earth, a Study of the Public Administration of Natural Resources in Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1948. G3820 (ASU LMC ETSU) Ives, Edward D. Glassie, Henry H. Folksongs and Their Makers. Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green Univ., Popular Press, 1970. G2070 (ASU MHC BC) Ives, L. Silliman The Trials of a Mind in the Progress to Catholicism: A Letter to His Old Friends. Boston: Patrick Donahoe, 1854. These letters reflect both personal soul-searching and the status of and attitudes toward Catholicism in the mountain region in the 1850's. 11000 (LMC) Ivey, George Franks Loom-fixing and Weaving; A Book for All Who Are Interested in Such Matters. Hickory, N. C.: The author, 1901. A handyman's guide to basic loom repair, maintenance, warping and weaving. 11010 Ivey, J. B. Robinson, W. H. Water Supply of the Birmingham Area, Alabama. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. R3340 Izard, Ralph Stead "West Virginia's Program of State Publicity." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1962. 11020 Jack, George S. History of Roanoke Co. Roanoke: Stone Print., 1912. Includes historical material on the city, the county, and the Norfolk and Western Railroad. J10 (BC) Jackson, Allen Keith "Religious Beliefs and Social Status: A Study of the Relationships between Religious Beliefs and Social Status Levels in Sixty-one Churches of the Southern Appalachian Mountains." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Emory Univ., 1960. J20 (ASU) Jackson County, North Carolina. Committee on Appraising Outdoor Recreation Potential Outdoor Recreation Potential Appraisal. Sylva, N. C.: The committee, 1971. J30 (WCU) Jackson, George Pullen White and Negro Spirituals, Their Life Span and Kinship, Tracing 200 Years of Untrammeled Song Making and Singing Among Our Country Folk, with 116 Songs as Sung by Both Races. New York: J. J. Augustin, 1944. J90 (ASU BC) White Spirituals in the Southern Uplands. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1933. J100 White Spirituals in the Southern Uplands: The Story of the Fascola Folk, Their Songs, Singings, and "Buckwheat Notes". 1933. Reprint. Hatboro, Pa.: Folklore Associates, 1964. J110 (ASU BC WCU ETSU LMC MHC) White Spirituals in the Southern Uplands: The Story of the Fasola Folk, Their Songs, Singings, and "Buckwheat Notes". 1933. Reprint. Dover Books, T1425. J120 (ETSU WWC) Jackson, George Pullen ed. Another Sheaf of White Spirituals. Gainesville: Univ. of Florida Press, 1952. J40 (ASU LMC) Down-east Spirituals, and Others: Three Hundred Songs Supplementary to the Author's Spiritual Folk-songs of Early America. New York: J. J. Augustin, 1943. J50 (ASU) Spiritual Folk-songs of Early America: Two Hundred and Fifty Tunes and Texts with an Introduction and Notes. New York: J. J. Augustin, 1937. J60 (ASU) Spiritual Folk-songs of Early America: Two Hundred and Fifty Tunes and Texts with an Introduction and Notes. 1937. Reprint. New York: Dover Publications, 1964. J70 (ASU WCU LMC BC) �JACKSON—JEFFREY Jackson, George Pullen ed. The Story of The Sacred Harp, 1844-1944, a Book of Religious Folk Songs as an American Institution. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1944. J80 (LMC WCU MHC BC ASU) Jackson, George T. and others Soil Survey, Putnam County, Tennessee. Soil Survey, Series 1960, no. 7. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1963. J130 Soil Survey, Warren County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1967. J140 Jackson, H. J. Morton, A. H. The Ohio Valley Flood of March-April, 1913, Including Comparisons with Some Earlier Floods. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1913. H7290 Jackson, Helen F. "The German Swiss Settlers at Gruetli, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1933. J150 (ASU) Jackson, James E. Hughes, Ralph H. Fertilization of Young Slash Pine in a Cultivated Plantation. Asheville, N. C: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1962. H8110 (WCU) Jackson, Luther Porter Free Negro Labor and Property Holding in Virginia, 1830-1860. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1942. J160 (ETSU) Jackson, Minnie L. "A History of the Development of Schools for Negroes in Walker County, Georgia." Master's thesis. Tennessee Agriculture and Industrial State Univ., 1958. J170 Jackson, Ralph F. "Bituminous Coal Open Pit Mining in Clarion County, Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1959. J180 Jackson, Robert Montgomery Smith The Mountain. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1860. Fiction with an unspecified mountain setting. J190 (LMC BC) Jackson, Ward B. "The History of Education of Boyd County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1932. J200 Jacob, John Jeremiah A Biographical Sketch on the Life of the Late Captain Michael Cresap. Intro, by Otis K. Rice. 1866. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. Biography of an Indian fighter, controversial military man, and Appalachian Scout. J210 Jacobs, Lucile Frizzed Duck River Valley in Tennessee and Its Pioneers, p.p.: n.p., 1968. A warm, rambling and very readable family chronicle from East Tennessee. J220 (ASU) Jacobs, Marion Lee Index of Plants of North Carolina With Reputed Medicinal Uses, n.p.: n.p., 1958. Primarily a list of plants from the western North Carolina Mountains, an area which provides a large percentage of the nation's raw botanical drugs. J230 (WWC) Jacobs, Wilbur R. ed. Atkin, Edmond The Appalachian Indian Frontier. The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1967. A5310 (ASU BC WCU LMC ETSU) The Appalachian Indian Frontier: The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. Columbia: Carolina University of South Carolina Press, 1954. A carefully edited and indexed edition of Atkins' advice to the British Board of Trade regarding the expansion of British autonomy immediately prior to the French and Indian War. J240 Indians of the Southern Colonial Frontier; The Edmond (Edmund) Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1967. J250 Jacobsen, E. T. Huddle, J. W. Oil and Gas Wells Drilled in Southwestern Virginia before 1950. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1956. H7900 (ASU) AUTHOR Jacobus, Donald Lines Genealogy As Pastime and Profession. Introduction by Milton Rubincam. 1930. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. J260 (ASU) Index to Genealogical Periodicals. 3 vols. 1932, 1948, 1964. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1963-1969. J270 (ASU) Jahoda, Gloria Delilah's Mountain. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1963. Novel set in southwestern Virginia's Clinch Valley during the period of Indian wars. Contains some good descriptive passages on frontier life. J280 (ETSU ASU WCU BC) Jalliffe, John Chattanooga. Cincinnati: Wrighton and Co., 1858. Descriptive material designed to attract industry and tourists to the area. J290 James, Bessie Rowland Six Feet Six, the Heroic Story of Sam Houston. Illustrated with woodcuts by Lowell Balcom. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1931. Houston's early years-were spent in east Tennessee. J300 (ASU) James, Charles M. "Measuring Productivity in Coal Mining: A Case Study of Multiple Input Measurement at the County Level in Pennsylvania." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1952. J310 James, Edgar The Allen Outlaws: A Complete History of Their Lives and Exploits, Concluding with the Hillsville Courthouse Tragedy. Baltimore: Phoenix Pub. Co., 1912. J320 (ASU BC) James, Garland Ewing "A Study of the Procedures Used for the Recruitment, Selection, and Assignment of Professional Personnel in Six Selected East Tennessee School Systems." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. J330 (ETSU) James, George Wharton Indian Basketry. Pasadena, Calif.: The author, 1902. Includes a section on Cherokee basketry. J340 James, Harlean Romance of the National Parks. New York: Macmillan Co., 1939. This history of the national park system includes material on the many parks along the Appalachian mountain range. J350 (ASU) James, Marquis James, Bessie Rowland Six Feet Six, the Heroic Story of Sam Houston. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1931. J300 (ASU) The Raven, a Biography of Sam Houston. New York: Blue Ribbon Books, 1929. J360 Jameson, Gladys Vee Sweet Rivers of Song: A Book of Traditional Songs From the Southern Appalachian Mountain Region. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, 1967. A fine collection of old favorites from the southern mountains. Music arranged by Gladys Jameson. J370 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Wake and Sing: A Miniature Anthology of the Music of Appalachian America. New York: Broadcast Music, 1955. A small but fairly representative anthology of hill country music. J380 (WWC BC ASU) Janney, Samuel Macpherson Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney; Late of Lincoln, Loudoun Co., Va. Philadelphia: Friends Bk. Association, 1890. Biography of a Quaker minister who lived and worked in western Virginia. J390 Jansma, J. Dean Battison, E. J. A Framework for Community Economic Planning Based on the Integration of an Input-output Model and a Linear Programming Model. University PdHc: Pennsylvania Agricultural Experiment Station, 1969. B1960 114 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Janssen, Raymond Ellsworth Earth Science, A Handbook on the Geology of West Virginia. Clarksburg, W. Va.: West Virginia Educational Marketeers, 1973. J400 Jaquish, Orin W. Grice, Darrell G. Soil Survey, Mercer County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1971. G4060 Jarrell, Hampton M. William Gilmore Simms: Realistic Romancer. Ph. D. Diss. Duke University, 1932. Despite the title, Simm's Appalachian fiction is hardly realistic. J410 Jarrett, Robert Frank Back Home and Other Poems. Being a Collection of Poems. Asheville, N. C: Inland Press, 1911. A book of poems with western North Carolina settings. J420 (LMC) Occoneechee, the Maid of the Mystic Lake. New York: Shakespeare Press, 1916. J430 (ASU WCU) Occoneechee, the Maid of the Mystic Lake. Atlanta: n.p., 1946. J440 (UNCA LMC) Jarrett, Tim W. Sluder, Earl Ray Tests on Direct Seeding of Oak in Piedmont and Southern Appalachians of North Carolina. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. S4250 (WCU) Jarvis, James Allen "Factors Influencing Political Behavior in Bell, Clay, Knox, and Whitley Counties." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1948. J450 (ASU) Jasper, Mary (Catherine "Social Value of Settlement Schools in the Kentucky Mountains." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1930. A rather saccharin account of the supposed social value of the Kentucky settlement schools. J460 (ASU) Jaworek, Walter Gibson "The Use and Intel-changeability of Fuels in Pennsylvania." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1960. Deals with oil, gas, and coal industries of Pennsylvania. J470 Jeffers, Jack A Photographic Documentary of the Blue Ridge Mountains. Lyndhurst, Va.: The author, 1973. A lovely photographic essay on Virginia's Blue Ridge range. J480 (LMC) Jefferson County Camp, United Confederate Veterans Military Operations in Jefferson Co., Virginia and West Virginia, 1961-65. n.p.: Whitney and White, 1960. J490 (ASU) Jefferson, Peter Fry, Joshua The Fry and Jefferson Map of Virginia and Maryland. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1950. F3600 (FC) Jefferson, Thomas Notes on the State of Virginia. Boston: Lilly and Wait, 1832. Includes commentary on the potential of Virginia's western counties. J500 (ASU) Notes on the State of Virginia. New York: Harper and Row, 1964. J510 (FC) Jefferys, Grady Gilbert, John F. Crossties Over Saluda. Raleigh: Crossties Press, 1971. G1280 Easy to Follow Directions on How to Get Lost in the Land of the Sky. Asheville, N. C.: Miller Print. Co., n.d. A humorous guide to the mountain regions near Asheville. J580 (WCU) Jeffords, Russell MacGregor Ground-water Conditions along the Ohio Valley at Parkersburg, West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 10. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1945. J520 (ETSU) Jeffrey, Arthur David "An Economic Analysis of Idle Farm Land, PotMf County, Pennsylvania, 1953." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1956. J530 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Jeffrey, Betty Educational and Vocational Goals of Rural Youth and Their Parents in Tennessee. Bulletin no. 399. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Tennessee, 1966. Deals primarily with Eastern Tennessee counties. J540 (ASU) Jeffreys, Alois Waldo Tuning and Playing the Appalachian Dulcimer. Waynesboro, Va.: n.p., 1958. A handbook for beginning dulcimer players. J550 (ASU LMC) Tuning and Playing the Appalachian Dulcimer. Staunton, Va.: The author, 1958. J560 (BC) Tuning and Playing the Appalachian Dulcimer. Staunton, Va.: n.p., 1964. J570 (WCU) Jemison, George Meredith "The Effect of Basal Wounding By Forest Fires on the Diameter Growth of Some Southern Appalachian Hardwoods." Ph. D. Diss. Duke University, 1942. J590 Timber Stand Improvement in the Southern Appalachian Region. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1949. J600 Jenkins, Brenda J. "The Effect of the Physical Activity Program on the Strength Development of Freshmen at Appalachian State Teachers College." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1963. J610 (ASU) Jenkins, Clifford T. Floods in Tennessee; Magnitude and Frequency. Nashville: Tennessee Dept. of Highways, 1960. J620 Jenkins, Clifton Hubbard, Edgar Harvey Soil Survey, Grainger County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. H7810 Rudolph, Foster Soil Survey, Carter County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1953. R4220 Jenkins, George "The History of Watauga Academy of Butler, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1950. An interesting study of a Johnson County, Tennessee institution which seems fairly representative of the 1880-1915 academy movement. J630 (ASU) Jenkins, Ida Powell comp. Lineage Book of the National Society of Daughters of American Colonists. Washington: Judd and Detweiler Inc. Press, 1929. J640 Jenkins, John Sitwell Life and Public Services of General Andrew Jackson. New York: Miller, Orton, and Mulligan, 1856. J650 Jenkins, Mark Rev. Calvary Church Episcopal, where City and County Meet to Worship God; A Historical Sketch of Calvary Episcopal Church. Fletcher, N. C: Calvary Episcopal Church, 1959. J660 Jenkins, William J. Mountain Rhythms: Or, Poems of a Mountaineer. Raleigh, N. C.: Commercial Print. Co., 1922. J670 (ASU) Jennings, Edith Gasteiger "A Multilevel Approach to Reading for One Section of a Sixth Grade Class in Keystone Elementary School Year, 1965-1966." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. J680 (ETSU) Jennings, Ruby Brugh Botetourt County, Virginia, 1850 Census. 2 vols. Roanoke, Va.: Privately Printed, 1974. J690 Jensen, Harold R. A General Picture of Commercial Agriculture in Eastern Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agriculture Experiment Station, 1957. J700 AUTHOR Jensen, Henry W. The Little Seeds of Christmas and Other Stories. Swannanoa, N. C.: International Relations Club, Warren Wilson College, 1964. Short stories with a western North Carolina setting. J710 (WWC) Jensen, Richard E. Archeological Survey of the Rowlesburg Reservoir Area, West Virginia. Report of Archeological Investigations, no. 2. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1970. J720 (ASU) Jesse Stuart, the Man: Poet, Novelist, Short Story Writer, Educator Ashland, Ky.: Economy Printers, 1968. S8620 Jessee, R. W. Bacon, H. Stuart Immunization Cooperation in Southwest Virginia. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1959. B60 Jessey, Gary D. Letcher County's Pine Mountain Caves. Cromona, Ky.: Superior Print, and Pub. Co., 1973. Descriptive material, maps and illustrations about Letcher County's extensive caves. J730 (BC) Jeter, Virginia Lockhart "Elements of Local Color in the Prose Fiction of Jesse Stuart." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. J740 (ASU) Jewell, Aurelia M. Loudoun Co., Virginia, Marriage bonds, 1762-1850. Berryville: Chesapeake Bk. Co., 1962. Includes maps of early Loundoun County. J750 (ASU) Jewell, James William Kentucky Days. Lexington, Ky.: Lang Co., 1950. Memoirs of a Kentucky childhood. J760 (ETSU) Kentucky Mountain Melodies. Lexington: Lang Co., 1950. A collection of Kentucky hill country favorites with musical arrangements. J770 Melee; or Woman in Command. Mimeographed copy. Lexington: Lang Co., 1951. J780 (BC) My Kentucky; Plain Verse of a Mountain Man from Old Kentucky. Mimeographed copy. Lexington: n.p., n.d. J790 (BC) "A Proposed Certification Plan for Kentucky Teachers Through Credentials, a Complete Investigation and a Comprehensive Examination in Major Fields." New York: Hobson Book Press, 1947. J800 (LMC BC) Walking Bear of Silvermine Mountain. Lexington: Lang Co., 1950. An Indian legend from the Kentucky hills. J810 Jewell, Makom Edwin Kentucky Politics. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1968. J820 (ASU BC) Jillson, Willard Rouse Bibliography of Clark Co., Kentucky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1963. J830 Bibliography of Elliott Co., Ky. Frankfort: Perry Pub. Co., 1958. J840 Bibliography of Floyd Co., Ky. Frankfort: Perry Pub. Co., 1956. J850 Bibliography of Knox Co., Ky. Frankfort: Perry Pub. Co., 1958. J860 Bibliography of Lawrence Co., Ky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1969. J870 Bibliography of Licking River Valley in Ky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1968. J880 Bibliography of Madison Co., Ky. Frankfort: Perry Pub. Co., 1964. J890 Bibliography of Menifee Co., Ky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1967. J900 Bibliography of Powell Co., Ky. Frankfort: Perry Pub. Co., 1961. J910 115 JEFFREY-JILLSON Bibliography of Pulaski Co., Ky. Frankfort: Roberts Pub. Co., 1954. J920 Bibliography of the Big Sandy Valley. Frankfort: Perry Pub. Co., 1960. Since the Big Sandy was host to Kentucky's early extractive industries, this bibliography includes some interesting facts. J930 Bibliography of the Cumberland River Valley. Frankfort: Perry Pub. Co., 1960. J940 A Bibliography of the Mineral Resources of Kentucky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1966. J950 The Big Sandy Valley: A Regional History Prior to the Year 1850. Boone Day Address, 1922, Kentucky State Historical Society. Louisville, Ky.: J. P. Morgan and Co., 1923. J960 (ASU BC) The Big Sandy Valley: A Regional History Prior to the Year 1850. Boone Day address, 1922, Kentucky State Historical Society. 1923. Reprint. With a new foreword by the author. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1970. J970 (MHC) The Boone Narrative. Louisville, Ky.: Standard Print., 1932. This Boone family narrative contains a great deal of material on Kentucky. J980 (LMC) The Coal Industry in Kentucky. Frankfort: The State Journal Co., 1922. J990 The Coal Industry in Kentucky. Frankfort: Kentucky Geological Survey. J1000 Daniel Boone in Kentucky. Frankfort: State Journal Co., 1939. J1010 Geology and Coal of Stinking Creek. Frankfort: Dept. of Geology and Forestry, 1919. J1020 The Geology and Mineral Resources of Kentucky: A Brief Description of the Physiography, Stratigraphy, Area! and Structural Geology, and Mineral Resources of Each of the Counties Comprising the Commonwealth. Illustrated with two hundred and fifty-one photographs, maps and diagrams. Geologic Reports, series 6, vol. 17. Frankfort: Kentucky Geological Survey, 1928. J1030 (ETSU) Geology of a New Oil Pool in Casey Co., Ky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1967. J1040 Geology of Clark Co., Ky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1969. J1050 Geology of Pickett Co., Tenn. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1948. J1070 Geology of Cumberland Co., Kentucky, n.p.: n.p., 1951. J1070 Geology of Powell Co., Ky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1969. J1080 Geology of the Area Around Powell Co., Ky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1963. J1090 Geology of the Glencairn and Pine Ridge Faults. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1965. J1100 Geology of the Goose Creek Dome. Frankfort: Perry Pub. Co., 1960. J1110 Bibliography of the Green River Valley. Frankfort: Perry Pub. Co., 1968. J1120 Geology of the Meadow Anticline. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1954. J1130 Geology of the Mica Dome in Clark Co., Ky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1963. J1140 Geology of the Nimtonville Dome in Casey Co., Ky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1962. J1150 �JILLSON—JOHNSON Jillson, Willard Rouse The Kentucky Land Grants: A Systematic Index to the Land Grants Recorded in the State Land Office at Frankfort, Kentucky, 1782-1924. 1925. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1971. J1160 (ASU) Natural Gas in Eastern Ky. Louisville: Standard Print. Co., 1937. J1170 Oil Domes of Ashland. Des Moines: Geological Pub. Co., 1926. J1180 Old Kentucky Entries and Deeds. A Complex Index to All of the Earliest Land Entries, Military Warrants, Deeds and Wills of the Commonwealth of Kentucky. 1926. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. J1190 (ASU MHC) Red River Iron Works. Frankfort: Roberts, 1964. J1200 The Rose Hill Oil Pool. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1947. J1210 A Tour Downstream. Frankfort: Perry Pub. Co., 1959. J1220 Jitodai, Ted Terua "Migration, Mobility and Social Participation." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Michigan, 1963. J1230 Joel MunselPs Sons comp. Index to American Genealogies: And to Genealogical Materials Contained in All Works .as Town Histories, County Histories, Local Histories, Historical Society Publications, Biographies, Historical Periodicals, and Kindred Works Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. 1160 (ASU) John, Bruce M. Appalachia: Problems and Solutions, n.p.: Association of Southern Agricultural Workers, Agricultural Economics and Rural Sociology Sections, 1965. J1240 (ASU) John, M. E. Forces Influencing Rural Life. Bulletin no. 388. University Park: Pennsylvania Agricultural Experiment Station, Pennsylvania State Univ., 1940. Study uses mountain counties in central Pennsylvania. J1250 Johns, Patricia The Violent Years. New York: Hastings House, 1962. Biography of the Controversial scout, frontiersman and soldier from West Virginia. J1260 (BC) Johnson, Allen Monroe "A Study of Reasons Why Freshmen Drop Out of Appalachian State Teachers College." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1953. J1270 (ASU) Johnson, Andrew Speeches of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. Boston: Little, Brown, 1865. J1280 Speeches of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. New York: B. Franklin, 1968. J1290 (ASU) Johnson, Augusta Phillips A Century of Wayne County, Kentucky, 1800-1900. Louisville, Ky.: Standard Print. Co., 1939. J1300 (ASU BC) Johnson, Charles A. A Narrative History of Wise County, Virginia. Norton, Va.: Norton Press, 1938. An informal but informative history of Wise County from its earliest settlement to date. J1310 (LMC ASU) Johnson, Charles Albert The Frontier Camp Meeting. Dallas: Southern Methodist Univ. Press, 1955. Deals with the camp meeting phenomena from the Great Revival of 1805 to the present. In many regards the revivalism movement may be considered an Appalachian phenomena. J1320 (WWC) AUTHOR Johnson, Charles Spurgeon and others Statistical Atlas of Southern Counties Listing and Analysis of Socio-economic Indices of 1104 Southern Counties. Chcpel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1941. Contains valuable statistical material on Appalachian Counties. J1330 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Johnson City Area Industrial Commission Industrial Advantages of the Johnson City Area. Johnson City, Tenn.: The commission, 1970. J1340 (ETSU) Johnson City. East Tennessee State Normal School Curriculum for the Observation and Practice School. Nashville: State Board of Education, 1914. J1350 (ETSUX Johnson City High School, Senior Class, 1924. The Wataugan Annual. Johnson City, Tenn.: Union, 1924. J1360 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee Annual Report ... for Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1944-. Johnson City, Tenn.: The City, 1944-. J1370 (ETSU) Annual Report . . . for Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1944-. Johnson City, Tenn.: The city, 1944-. J1380 (ETSU) Code. Rochester, N. Y.: Lawyers Co-operative Pub. Co., 1951. Also, 1956 Supplement. J1390 (ETSU) The Code of the City of Johnson City, Tennessee: The Chart and the General Ordinances of the City, Published by Order of the Board of Commissioners. Charlottesville, Va.: Michie City Pub. Co., 1964. J1400 (ETSU) Zoning Ordinance for the City of Johnson City, Tennessee. Johnson City: n.p., 1963. J1410 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee. Chamber of Commerce Map of Johnson City, Washington County, Tennessee. Johnson City: Chamber of Commerce, 1961. J1420 (ETSU) Newsletter, vol. 1- 19--. n.p.: n.p., Frequency varies. J1430 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee. First Methodist Church Directory of First Methodist Church, November 1, 1950. . . Johnson City: The church, 1950. J1440 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee. North Junior High School and the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools. Secondary Commission. Evaluation Report, North Junior High School, Johnson City, Tennessee. Mimeographed copy. Johnson City: The Ass'n, 1965. J1450 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee. Office of Civil Defense Washington County-Johnson City Civil Defense Operational Survival Plan. Johnson City: Office of Civil Defense, 1961. J1460 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee. Public Schools. Learning, Resources, and Service Center Manual for Receiving and Processing Instructional Materials. Revised by Opal Johnson, Processor. Johnson City, Tenn.: The author, 1970. J1470 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee, Regional Planning Commission Johnson City Shopping Center District Regulations. Johnson City: The commission, 1964. J1480 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee: Population and Economic Base Study. Prepared by Eric Hall Associates for the City of Johnson City, Tennessee, and the Johnson City Regional Planning Commission. 3 vols. in 1. Atlanta: n.p., 1964-65. J1490 (ETSU) Johnson City's Community Facilities. Johnson City: The commission, 1962. J1500 (ETSU) Land Use Analysis. Johnson City: The commission, 1965. J1510 (ETSU) 116 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Land Use Plan. Johnson City: The commission, 1965? J1520 (ETSU) Neighborhood Analyses. 2 vols. in 1. Johnson City: The commission, 1962. J1530 (ETSU) Subdivision Regulations of Johnson City Regional Planning Commission. Adopted November 12, 1957. Prepared with the assistance of Upper East Tennessee Office, Tennessee State Planning Commission, n.p.: n.p., 1957. J1540 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee. Science Hill High School To the Top with the Toppers; the History of Science Hill High School Football, 1920-1970, with Official Team and Individual Statistics. Johnson City: n.p., 1971. J1550 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee. Science Hill High School and the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools. Secondary Commission. Evaluative Study Made in Science Hill High School, Johnson City, Tennessee . . . March 4-8, 1951. Mimeographed. Johnson City: The commission, 1951. J1570 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee. South Junior High School and the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools. Secondary Commission. Evaluative Study of South Junior High School, Johnson City, Tennessee; Completed by the Visiting Committee March 15-18, 1965. . . Johnson City, Tenn.: The Ass'n, 1965. J1560 (ETSU) Johnson, Clifton Highways and Byways of the South. New York: Macmillan, 1904. Contains descriptive material on the mountain regions of eight southern states. J1580 (BC LMC) Johnson County, Tennessee, Comprehensive Overall Economic Development Program Report. Johnson County: Development Committee, 1963. J1590 (ETSU) Johnson, Cyrus M. Mountain Families in Poverty. Mimeographed. Lexington: Departments of Sociology and Rural Sociology, in cooperation with the Social Research Service, and the Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Kentucky, May, 1965. J1600 Johnson, D. H. Appalachian Rivers. New York: Hafner, n.d. Comprehensive listing and descriptive material on the region's rivers. J1610 Johnson, Douglas ed. Quinn, Bernard Atlas of the Church in Appalachia, Administrative Units and Boundaries. Knoxville, Tenn.: Commission on Religion in Appalachia, 1970. Q180 (ASU) Johnson, Douglas W. The Commission on Religion in Appalachia, Inc.; a Case Study. New York: National Council of the Churches of Christ, 1971. An evaluation of CORA's many regional projects. J1620 (BC ASU) Johnson, Douglas Wilson Stream Sculpture on the Atlantic Slope: A Study in the Evolution of Appalachian Rivers. 1931. Reprint. Columbia Geomorphic Studies. New York: Hafner Pub. Co., 1967. J1630 (ASU LMC ETSU) Johnson, Edward A. "Compulsory and Flexible Retirement Policies and Practices; An Analysis of West Virginia Industrial Patterns." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1970. J1640 Johnson, Eileen Jayne "A Survey of the Problems of Freshmen.'Student Nurses at Memorial Hospital and a Proposed Guidance Program." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. J1650 (ETSU) Johnson, Elmer D. Thomas Wolfe: A Checklist. Kent, Ohio: Kent State Univ. Press, 1970. J1670 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Johnson, Elmer D. Of Time and Thomas Wolfe: A Bibliography with a Character Index of His Works. New York: Scarecrow Press, 1959. J1680 (ASU UNCA) Johnson, Elmer D. ed. A Checklist of Southwest Virginia Newspapers, 1800-1974. Compiled by Dept. of History, Radford College. Radford, Va.: Dept. of History, Radford College, 1974. J1660 Johnson, Emily Davis, Innis C. and others A Bibliography of West Virginia. Charleston, West Virginia: Charleston Print. Co. for the West Virginia Department of Archives and History, 1939. D1060 Devis, Innis C. and others A Bibliography of West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Charleston Printing Co. for the West Virginia Department of Archives and History, 1939. D1990 Johnson, Frances Nelson A Five Year Follow-up Study of Graduates of Asheville-Buncombe Technical Institute, 1966-67 through 1970-71. Master's thesis. Appalachian State University, 1974. J1690 (ASU) Johnson, Frank A. The White Pole Meeting House, Hillsboro, West Virginia. Franklin, W. Va.: n.p., 1963. J1700 (ASU BC) Johnson, Frank Roy How and Why Stories in Carolina Folklore. Spartanburg: Johnson Reprint, 1971. Includes some western North Carolina tales. J1720 (LMC) The Tuscaroras: Mythology, Medicine, Culture. 2 vols. Murfreesboro, N. C.: Johnson Pub. Co., 1967. J1730 (ASU LMC) Witches and Demons in History and Folklore. Murfreesboro, N. C.: Johnson Pub. Co., 1969. Tales of the supernatural collected primarily in North Carolina. J1740 (LMC) Johnson, Frank Roy ed. How and Why: Stories in Carolina Folklore. Murfreesboro, N. C.: Johnson Pub. Co., 1971. Includes some western North Carolina tales. J1710 (WCU) Johnson, Gerald W. An Honorable Titan: A Biographical Study of Adolph S. Ochs. New York: Harper, 1946. Ochs was a Chattanooga journalist who later controlled the NEW YORK TIMES. J1750 Johnson, Gerald White Randolph of Roanoke: A Political Fantastic. New York: Minton, Balch and Co., 1929. Biography of John Randolph politician and statesman. J1760 (ASU) Johnson, Gerald Wolblet "West Virginia Politics: A Socio-Cultural Analysis of Political Participation." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1970. J1770 Johnson, Guy B. John Henry: Track Down a Negro Legend. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1929. An intriguing account of a researcher's attempt to validate the legend of John Henry. J1780 Johnson, Hugh A. Exurban Development in Selected Areas of the Appalachian Mountains. U. S. Department of Agriculture Resource Development Economics Division, Economic Research Service Series, 111. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. J1790 Private Outdoor Recreation Enterprises in Rural Appalachia. U. S. Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service Series, 429. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. J1800 Johnson, Jack Dempsey "Economic Factors Affecting Cattle Prices at Appalachian Auctions." Ph. D. Diss. Iowa State Univ., 1958. J1810 AUTHOR Johnson, James Gibson Southern Fiction Prior to I860: An Attempt at a First Hand Bibliography. 1909. Reprint. New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1967. J1820 (ASU) Southern Fiction Prior to I860: An Attempt at a First-hand Bibliography. 1909. Reprint. New York: Phaeton Press, 1968. Includes early Appalachian fiction. J1830 (MHC) Johnson, James Pearce "A "New Deal" for Soft Coal: The Attempted Revitalization of the Bituminous Coal Industry under the New Deal." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1968. J1840 Johnson, James Ralph Lost on Hawk Mountain. New York: Follett Pub. Co., 1954. Children's adventure story with an Appalachian setting. J1850 (ASU) Johnson, John Lang "Distribution of Income Payments to Individuals in Kentucky Counties by Amount, by Type, and by Size: 1950." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1954. Eastern Kentucky income levels are noticeably lower than those of non-mountainous areas of the state. J1860 Income in Kentucky: County Distributions by Amount, by Type, and by Size. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1955. J1870 (LMC BC) Johnson, (Catherine Baker The Knox County Missionary Baptists 1786-1945. Typescript. n.p.: n.p., 1946. J1880 Johnson, Opal ed. Johnson City, Tennessee. Public Schools. Learning, Resources, and Service Center Manual for Receiving and Processing Instructional Materials. Johnson City, Tenn.: The author, 1970. J1470 (ETSU) Johnson, Pamela Hansford The Art of Thomas Wolfe. 1948. Reprint. (Original title: Hungry Gulliver.) New York: Scribner, 1963. J1890 (ASU WCU) Thomas Wolfe: A Critical Study. London: W. Heinemann, 1947. J1900 (ASU WCU BC) Johnson, Patricia Givens James Patton and the Appalachian Colonists. Verona, Va.: McClure Press, 1973. A well-documented work on the activities of James Patton and his trans-montane settlements. J1910 (ASU) Johnson, Paul M. "Integration in West Virginia Since 1954." Microfilm. Master's thesis. West Virginia Wesleyan College, 1959. J1920 (ASU) Johnson, Reginald Brimley Popular British Ballads, Ancient and Modern. London: J. M. Dent and Co., 1894. J1930 Johnson, Roy L. "A Study of Reorganization of Attendance Centers in Hawkins County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1955. J1940 Johnson, Victor M. "A Study of the Drop-outs from the Bristol, Tennessee, School Systems in Grades 8-12 from 1946 to 1951." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1952. J1950 Johnson, William Perry ed. Draughon, Wallace R. North Carolina Genealogical Reference: Research Guide for All Genealogists Both Amateur and Professional. Durham, N. C.: n.p., 1966. D3380 (ASU LMC) Index to North Carolina Wills, 1663-1900. 3 vols. Raleigh, N. C.: The author, n.d. J1960 (ASU) The North Carolinian . . . A Quarterly Journal of Genealogy and History, n.p.: n.p., 1955-. J1970 (ASU) Johnston, Annie Fellows Georgina's Service Stars. Illustrated by Thelma Gooch. New York: Britton Pub. Co., 1918. Sentimental fiction with an East Tennessee setting. J1980 (WCU) 117 JOHNSON-JOHNSTON In League with Israel; a Tale of the Chattanooga Conference. Nashville: Pub. House of the Methodist Episcopal Church South, 1896. Novel about the Epworth League in the Chattanooga area. J1990 The Little Colonel's Knight Comes Riding. Illustrated by Etheldred B. Barry. Boston: L. C. Page and Co. Romantic fiction in which the mountain setting is almost incidental. J2000 (ASU BC) Johnston, Coy Kelley William Johnston of Isle of Wight County, Virginia, and His Descendants, 1648-1964: A Genealogical Study of One Branch of the Family in the South. West Hartford, Conn.: The authors, 1965. J2010 (ASU) Johnston, David Emmons A History of Middle New River Settlements and Contiguous Territory. Huntington, W. Va.: Standard Print, and Pub. Co., 1906. An early history of the territory which was formerly a part of Augusta, Fincastle, Montgomery, Greenbrier, Wythe, Monroe, Tazewell and Giles Counties. J2020 (ASU FC) Johnston, Frances Benjamin The Early Architecture of North Carolina: A Pictorial Survey. Architectural history by Thomas Tileston Waterman. Foreword by Leicester B. Holland. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1947. J2030 (ASU MHC LMC) Johnston, Front is W. ed. Vance, Zebulon Baird Papers. Raleigh: N. C. State Department of Archives and History, 1963. Vll0 (ASU LMC) Johnston, Hugh B. Johnston, Coy Kelley William Johnston of Isle of Wight County, Virginia, and His Descendants, 1648-1964: A Genealogical Study of One Branch of the Family in the South. West Hartford, Conn.: The authors, 1965. J2010 (ASU) Johnston, I. H. Birds of West Virginia, Their Economic Value and Aesthetic Beauty. Charleston: State Department of Agriculture, 1923. J2040 (ASU) Johnston, Joseph Eggleston Narrative of Military Operations, Directed, During the Late War Between the States. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1874. General Johnston a native of Appalachian Virginia led several brilliant campaigns in the southern mountains. His campaign from Chattanooga to Kennesaw Mountain is a military classic. Both Sherman and Grant considered him the best general in the Civil War. J2050 (ASU) Johnston, Josiah Stoddard First Explorations of Kentucky Doctor Thomas Walker's Journal, of an Exploration of Kentucky in 1750, Being the First Record of a White Man's Visit to the Interior of that Territory . . . Also Colonel Christopher Gist's Journal, of a Tour through Ohio and Kentucky in 1751. . . Louisville: John P. Morton, 1898. J2060 Johnston, Mary Audrey. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1902. Novel of life on the Appalachian frontier. J2070 (ASU BC WCU ETSU) Cease Firing. Illustrated by N. C. Wyeth. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1912. Fiction partially set in the Appalachian mountains. J2080 (ASU WWC BC) The Great Valley. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1926. Novel of pioneer life in western Virginia, East Tennessee, and Kentucky. J2090 (ASU BC) Hagar. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1913. Novel partially set in the Appalachian mountains. J2100 (WCU) Hunting Shirt. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1931. Novel of pioneer life in the mourrtains. J2110 (BC ASU WWC ETSU) Lewis Rand. Illustrated by F. C. Yohn. Boston*. Houghton Mifflin Co., 1908. Mountain fiction. J2120 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) �JOHNSTON-JONES Johnston, Mary The Long Roll. Illustrated by N. C. Wyeth. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1911. Novel partially set in the Appalachian mountains. J2130 (ASU WWC) Sir Mortimer, a Novel. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1904. Romantic fiction with a mountain backdrop. J2140 (ASU BC) Johnston, P. M. Ground-water Supplies in Shale and Sandstone in Fairfax, Loudoun, and Prince William Counties, Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Circular, no. 424. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1960. J2150 Johnston, Richard Malcolm Mr. Absalom Billingslea, and Other Georgia Folk. 1887. Reprint. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1970. Includes some sketches from the area around Cartersville. J2160 (WCU) Johnston, Ross B. comp. West Virginia Estate Settlements (1753-1850). Texas-. American Reference Publishers, 1969. J2170 (ASU) Johnston, William Drumm, Jr. Physical Divisions of Northern Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, no. 38. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1930. J2180 (ETSU) Johnstone, Herrick The Secret Shot, or the Rivals of Misty Mount, A Romance of the Old North State. New York: Frank Starr and Co., 1874. Fiction with a western North Carolina setting. J2190 Joint Commission on Education and Cultivation ed. Jones, Wayne Marshall A Pocket Full of Change: Methodist Ministries in the New Appalachia. Cincinnati: Board of Missions, The Methodist Church, n.d. J2630 Joint Committee of Hopewell Friends Hopewell Friends History, 1734-1934, Frederick County, Virginia: Records of Hopewell Monthly Meetings and Meetings Reporting to Hopewell. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1936. Two hundred years of history and genealogy compiled from official records and published by a joint committee of Hopeweil Friends assisted by John W. Wayland. J2200 (ASU) Joint Committee on North Carolina Literature and Bibliography of the North Carolina English Teachers Association and the North Carolina Library Association North Carolina Fiction, 1734-1957: An Annotated Bibliography. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Library, 1958. J2210 (ASU MHC) Jdley, Harley E. The Blue Ridge Parkway. 1st ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1969. The definitive work on the Blue Ridge Parkway. J2220 (BC ASU LMC WCU WWC FC ETSU) "The Blue Ridge Parkway: Origins and Early Development." Ph. D. Diss. Florida State University, 1964. J2230 JollHfe, John Chattanooga. Cincinnati: Anderson, Gates and Wright, 1858. Fiction with an East Tennessee setting. J2240 Jolly, Janice L. Mercury and Other Trace Elements in Sphalerite and Wallrocks from Central Kentucky, Tennessee, and Appalachian Zinc Districts. Bulletin, 1252-F. Contributions to , Economic Geology. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1968. J2250 Jonas, Anna I. ed. International Geological Congress Southern Appalachian Region. Washington: The Congress; 16th Session, 1933. 1880 AUTHOR Jones, A. R. Vogei, H. D. TVA Revenue Bond Financing Presented by the Board of Directors, Tennessee Valley Authority. New York: Municipal Forum of New York, 1960. VI290 Jones, Abraham "The Status of the Negro Teachers in Blount, Cullman, DeKalb, and Marshall Counties, Alabama 1952-53." Master's thesis. Alabama State College, 1954. J2260 Jones, Alexander The Cymry of '76: Or, Welshmen and Their Descendants of the American Revolution. An address with an appendix, containing notes, sketches, and nomenclature of the Cymbri. To which is added a letter on eminent Welshmen, by Samuel Jenkins; and a brief sketch of St. David's Benevolent Society. 2nd ed. 1855. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. J2270 (ASU) Jones, Chapin Common Forest Trees of Tennessee: How to Know Them, a Pocket Manual. 6th ed. Nashville: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, 1922. J2280 (LMC) Common Forest Trees of Virginia: A Pocket Manual Describing Their Most Important Characteristics. Forestry Publication, no. 26. Charlottesville: Virginia State Conservation and Development Commission, 1928. J2290 (BC LMC) Jones, Clarence Fielden Semple, Ellen Churchill American History and Its Geographic Conditions. New York: Russell and Russell Co., 1968. SI860 (ASU MHC) Jones, Erma Lee "A Preliminary Edition of a Reading Test For Use With Disadvantaged Children in the Primary Grades of the Southern Appalachian Region." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. J2300 (ETSU) Jones, Frank Anderson "The Incidence of Social Diseases among Negroes in Chattanooga, Tennessee, and the Educational Implications." Master's thesis. Fisk Univ., 1944. J2310 Jones, Gilmer Andrew Songs from the Hills. Franklin, N. C.: n.p., 1950. J2320 (WCU) Jones, Gwyn Welsh Legends and Folk-Tales. Illustrated by Joan Kiddell-Monroe. Oxford Myths and Legends. New York: Henry Z. Walck, 1955. Many of these motifs are still found in Appalachia. J2330 (ASU) Jones, Houston Gwynne For History's Sake: The Preservation and Publication of North Carolina History, 1663-1903. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1966. J2340 (BC LMC ASU MHC) Union List of North Carolina Newspapers, 1751-1900. Raleigh, North Carolina: Department of Archives and History, 1963. J2360 (LMC) Jones, Houston Gwynne ed. North Carolina's Local Records Program. Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1961. J2350 (ASU) Jones, Hugh The Present State of Virginia; from Whence Is Inferred a Short View of Maryland and North Carolina. Chapel Hill, N. C.: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1956. J2370 (FC) Jones, James Athearn Traditions of the North American Indians. 2nd ed. 1830. Reprint. 3 vols. in 1. Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Literature House/Gregg Press, 1970. J2380 (LMC) Jones, James Claybourn Autobiography of "Old Claib Jones." Hazard, Ky.: Hazard Bk. Co., 1915. The remarkable story of a legendary fighting man from the Eastern Kentucky hills. J2390 Jones, James G. "A Survey of ESEA Title 1 Equipment and Its Extended Usage in Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. J2400 (ETSU) 118 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Jones, James Sawyer Life of Andrew Johnson; Seventeenth President of the United States. Greeneville, Tenn.: East Tennessee Pub. Co., 1901. Biography of East Tennessee's only United States president. J2410 Jones, Joseph Explorations of the Aboriginal Remains of Tennessee. Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. 22, article 2. Also, Smithsonian Publication, 259. J2420 (ASU BC) Jones, Joseph Seawell A Defence of the Revolutionary History of the State of North Carolina from the Aspersions of Mr. Jefferson. Boston: C. Bowen; Raleigh, N. C.: Turner & Hughes, 1834. Mr. Jefferson objected to North Carolina's Mecklenburg Declaration and other claims to early involvement in the Revolution. J2430 (ASU BC) Jones, Laura Sage Sage, Clara McCormack Early Records, Hampshire County Virginia, Now West Virginia, Including at the Start Most of Known Va. Aside from Augusta District. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. SI30 (BC ASU) Jones, Leslie "An Experimental and Field Study of North Georgia Mountaineers." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of Georgia, 1934. J2440 (ASU) Jones, Lewis Wade Johnson, Charles Spurgeon and others Statistical Atlas of Southern Counties Listing and Analysis of Socio-economic Indices of 1104 Southern Counties. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1941. J1330 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Jones, Mabel J. "Regional English of the Former Inhabitants of Cades Cove in the Great Smoky Mountains." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1973. Cades Cove was purchased by the National Park Service and all its native population were moved out. J2450 Jones, Madison A Buried Land, a Novel. New York: Viking Press, 1963. A novel set in the TVA country of Eastern Tennessee. J2460 (BC ASU LMC WCU ETSU) An Exile. New York: Viking Press, 1967. A novel with an Eastern Tennessee setting. J2470 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) Forest of the Night. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1960. A novel with an Eastern Tennessee setting. J2480 (BC ASU LMC ETSU) The Innocent. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1957. East Tennessee fiction. J2490 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Jones, Mary Harris Thoughts of Mother Jones: Compiled from Her Writings and Speeches. HuntSngton, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1973. J2510 (WCU) Jones, Mary Harris ed. Autobiography of Mother Jones. Introduction by Clarence Darrow. 1925. Reprint. American labor from conspiracy to collective bargaining. New York: Arco & New York Times, 1969. Biography of Appalachia's famous union organizer in the coal fields with accounts of her participation in the region's mine wars and strikes. J2500 (BC LMC ASU WCU MHC) Jones, Michael Owen "Chairmaking in Appalachia: A Study in Style and Creative Imagination in American Folk Art." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1969. A monumental two volume work on one of the region's oldest handicrafts. J2520 (ASU) Jones, Oleona My Colorful Days. Boston: Christopher, 1940. Autobiography of the author's years as a social worker and teacher among underprivileged mountain folks. J2530 Jones, Ora L. Peculiarities of the Appalachian Mountaineers: A Summary of Legends, Traditions, Signs, and Superstitions That Are Almost Forgotten. Detroit: Harlo Press, 1967. J2540 (BC ASU LMC WCU ETSU MHC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Jones, Pearl Eggars Shirley. New York: Greenwich Book Publishers, 1959. A romantic fiction partially set in the southern mountains. J2550 Jones, Perry "A Historical Study of the European Wild Boar in North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1957. J2560 (ASU) Jones, Reece A. "A Geographical Survey of Morgan County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1940. J2570 Jones, Russell Bradley Uncle Sandy. Dalton, Ga.: A. J. Showalter Co., 1946. Tales of a North Georgia eccentric as cultivated by her family and friends. J2580 (ASU) Jones, Samuel Porter Sermons, Wise and Witty: By Rev. Sam P. Jones, the Mountain Evangelist. New York: Cheap Pub. Co., 1885. J2590 (ASU) Jones, Stephen Collins The Hamrick Generation, Being a Genealogy of the Hamrick Family. Raleigh, N. C: Edwards and Brough ton Print. Co., 1920. J2600 (ASU) Jones, Uriah James Simon Girty, the Outlaw. Harrisburg, Pa.: Anrand Press, 1931. Includes biographical sketches and notes. This is one of a very few non-romanticized biographies of Girty. J2610 Jones, Virgil Carrington The Hatfields and the McCoys. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1948. A realistic account of the famous Kentucky feud. J2620 (BC ASU LMC WCU WWC) Jones, W. Mac ed. Douglas, William The Douglas Register, Being a Detailed Record of Births, Marriages, and Deaths, Together with Other Interesting Notes, as Kept by the Rev. William Douglas from 1750 to 1797; an Index of Goochland Wills Notes on the French-Huguenot Refugees Who Lived in Manakin-town. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. D3150 (ASU) Jones, Wayne Marshall A Pocket Full of Change: Methodist Ministries in the New Appalachia. Prepared by the Joint Commission on Education and Cultivation. Cincinnati: Board of Missions, The Methodist Church, n.d. J2630 Jones, Weimar My Affair with a Weekly. Winston Salem, N. C.: J. B. Blair, 1960. An account of life with a western North Carolina newspaper. J2640 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Jones, William "Environmental School Sanitation of an Eastern Kentucky County." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1954. J2650 Jones, William B. Methodism in Bedford County; a Study Made by William B. Jones with Recommendations by C. Ralph Arthur, n.p.: Virginia Conference of the Methodist Church, Commission on Town and County Work, 1953. J2660 (FC) Jones, William Emmett Soil Survey, Cherokee County, South Carolina. Soils surveyed by R. L. Bishop and others. Soil Survey, Series 1958, no. 19. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1962. J2670 Jonesboro, Tenn. Jonesboro High School and the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools. Secondary Commission Evaluative Study; Made in Jonesboro High School, Jonesboro, Tennessee . . . Completed by the Visiting Committee April 8-11, 1957. . . Mimeographed. Jonesboro, Tenn.: The Assn., 1957. J2680 (ETSU) AUTHOR Jonesville Methodist Church, Woman's Society of Christian Service Jonesville Cook Book. Jonesville, Va.: First Methodist Church, October 1, 1964. This cookbook contains recipes donated by members of the Woman's Society of Christian Service and their friends. Some are recipes handed from generation to generation; others are new. J2690 Jordan, Bruce C. "A Study of the School Transportation Problem in Grainger County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. J2700 Jordan, Dan H. and others Soil Survey, Cherokee, Gilmer, and Pickens Counties, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the University of Georgia, College of Agriculture, Agricultural Experiment Station. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1973. J2710 Jordan, David Starr Your Family Tree. 1929. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. J2720 (ASU) Jordan, James D. Underwood, Evelyn comp. CRISIS: Addresses Delivered at the Spring Symposium, Mars Hill College, 1967, 1968. Mars Hill, N. C: Mars Hill College, n.d. U70 (WCU) Jordan, Thomas The Campaigns of Lieut.-Gen. N. B. Forrest, and of Forrest's Cavalry. 1868. Reprint. Dayton, Ohio: Morningside Bookshop, 1973. Includes accounts of Forrest's brilliant use of the mountain terrain in his calvary raids. J2740 (ASU) Jordan-Smith, Paul The Road I Came. Caldwell, Idaho: The Caxton Printers, Ltd., 1960. One man's chronicle dealing with the area from the Upper Valley of Virginia to the Redwood Groves of California. J2730 Joseph, J. S. Headlee, Alvah John Washington Permeability, Porosity, Oil, and Water Content of Natural Gas Reservoirs, Kanawha-Jackson and Campbells Creek Oriskany Fields. Morgantown, W. Va.: Morgantown Print. & Bind. Co., 1945. H4150 (ETSU) Joss, Alexander Economic Study of Land Utilization in Chautaugua County, New York. Ithaca: Cornell Agricultural Experiment Station, 1939. J2750 Economic Study of Land Utilization in Otsego County, New York. Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1943. J2760 Journal of the Alleghenies Spring 1963-. Pittsburgh, Pa.: Council of the Alleghenies, quarterly 1963-67, annual 1968. J2770 Joyner, Charles W. Folk Song in South Carolina. 1st ed. South Carolina Tricentennial Booklet, no. 9. Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1971. J2780 (WCU) Joyner, Judith Rebecca "Treatment of Pupil Misbehavior by Textbooks Used in Undergraduate Education Courses at Appalachian State Teachers College." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1957. J2790 (ASU) Judson, John C. Jack and Jill Go Up a Hill. With a "thirteen-year-old's" version by Mary Elizabeth Judson. Gatlinburg, Tenn.: Little Pigeon Press of the Gatlinburg News, 1940. A mountaineer's version of an English nursery rhyme. J2800 (ASU) Judy, Elvin Lycurgus History of Grant and Hardy Counties, West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Charleston Print. Co., 1951. J2810 (ASU) Julian Price Memorial Park Blue Ridge Parkway. Greensboro, N. C.: Jefferson Standard Life Insurance Co., 1971. J2820 (ETSU LMC) 119 JONES-JURNEY Junior Service League of Johnson City, Tenn. Smoky Mountain Magic; a Superb View of Treasured Recipes. Greenville, Miss.: Democrat Print. Co., 1960. J2830 (LMC) Junker, Buford H. Johnson, Charles Spurgeon and others Statistical Atlas of Southern Counties Listing and Analysis of Socio-economic Indices of 1104 Southern Counties. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1941. J1330 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Jumey, Mrs. James A. (Josephine Ramsey Jumey) 79 Families of Washington County. 21 Pedigree charts, typescript, n.p.: n.p., n.d. J2840 Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Augusta County, Virginia. In cooperation with the Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1932, no. 13. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1937. J2850 Soil Survey of Cherokee County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1921. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. J2860 (ASU) Soil Survey of Davie County, North Carolina. In cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1927, no. 5. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. J2870 Soil Survey, Lee County, Virginia. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1939, no. 17. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. J2890 Soil Survey of Rockbridge County, Virginia. In cooperation with the Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1931, no. 4. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. J2900 Soil Survey of Rutherford County, North Carolina. In cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1924, no. 5.9511 Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1928. J2910 Soil Survey, Scott County, Virginia. U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, Soil Survey Report, Series 1939, no. 13. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1951. J2920 Soil Survey, Smyth County, Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report Series 1938, no. 16. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. J2930 Soil Survey of Wilkes County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture. Field Operations, 1918. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1921. J2950 Obenshain, S. S. Soil Survey, Russell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1945. 0100 (BC) Porter, Hobart Clarke Soil Survey, Tazewell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P3660 �JURNEY—KANE Jurney, Robert Campbell and others Soil Survey of Haywood County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1922. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1928. J2880 Soil Survey, Washington County, Virginia. In cooperation with the Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report, Series 1937, no. 14. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1945. J2940 Justice, Dewey J. "A Study of the Opinions of the Various Classes of People Toward Pike County's Medical Facilities." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1958. J2960 Justice, Ralph The Ghost of the Gugan. Boston-. Bruce Humphries, 1948. Mystery story about a young man who comes home to West Virginia in answer to father's deathbed plea. J2970 (BC) Justice, William M. A Man and a Woman and God. Pikesville, Ky.: The author, 1939. Love sonnets from Eastern Kentucky. J2980 (BC) Take Time to Stroll. Pikesville, Ky.: The author, 1965. Poetry from Eastern Kentucky. J2990 Tears and Laughter and Other Poems. Berea, Ky.: Berea College Press, 1934. J3000 This Way Lies Peace. Pikeville, Ky.: The author, 1957. J3010 Justice, William S. Wild Flowers of North Carolina. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1968. J3020 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) Justus, May Big Log Mountain. New York: Henry Holt, 1958. Young people's fiction with an Appalachian setting. J3030 (LMC ASU) Children of the Great Smoky Mountains. 1st ed. New York: Dutton, 1952. Sixteen stories from the Smokies. J3040 (WCU ETSU) Children of the Great Smoky Mountains. Illustrated by Robert Henneberger. New York: Dutton, 1967. J3050 (ASU LMC MHC) The Complete Peddler's Pack: Games, Songs, Rhymes, and Riddles from Mountain Folklore. Illustrated by Jean Tamburine. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967. J3060 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU FC) Eben and the Rattlesnake. Champaign, III.: Garrard Pub. Co., 1969. Children's story with a mountain setting. J3070 (ETSU) Here Comes Mary Ellen. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1940. Children's fiction with a mountain setting. J3080 (ETSU) Holidays in No-End Hollow. Illustrated by Vivian Berger. Champaign, III.: Garrard Pub. Co., 1970. Four short stories tell how Thanksgiving, Christmas, a housewarming, and a school's birthday are celebrated in Tennessee's Great Smoky Mountains. J3090 Holidays in No-End Hollow. Illustrated by Vivian Berger. A Reading Shelf Book. Champaign, III.: Garrard Pub. Co., 1970. J3100 (BC ETSU) Honey Jane. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1935. Children's fiction with a Smoky Mountain setting. J3110 (ETSU) House in No-End Hollow. Illustrated by Erick Berry. New York: Doubleday, 1938. J3120 (ETSU WWC ASU) Hurrah for Jerry Jake. Chicago: A. Whitman and Co., 1945. Children's fiction set in the Smoky Mountains. J3130 (ETSU) AUTHOR It happened in No-End Hollow. Champaign, III.: Garrard Pub. Co., 1969. Smoky Mountain setting. J3140 Jerry Jake Carries On. Chicago: A. Whitman and Co., 1943. Mountain setting. J3150 (ETSU ASU) Jumping Johnny Outwits Skedaddle. Illustrated by Raymond Burns. Champaign, III.: Garrard Pub. Co., 1971. J3160 Lester and His Hound Pup. Illustrated by Joan Balfour Payne. New York: Hastings House, 1960. J3170 (ASU LMC) Lizzie. Chicago: A. Whitman and Co., 1944. J3180 (ETSU ASU) Luck for Little Lihu. New York: Aladdin, 1950. J3190 (ETSU ASU) Lucky Penny. 1st ed. New York: Aladdin Books, 1951. J3200 (ETSU ASU) The Mail Wagon Mystery. Chicago: A. Whitman, 1940. J3210 (ASU WWC ETSU) New Boy in School. Illustrated by Joan Balfour Payne. New York: Hastings House, 1963. J3220 (LMC MHC WCU ASU) A New Home for Billy. New York: Hastings House, 1966. J3230 (LMC ASU) The Other Side of the Mountain. Illustrated by Berkeley Williams. New York: Hastings House, 1957. J3240 (ASU LMC WCU) Peddler's Pack. 1st ed. New York: Holt, 1957. J3250 (ETSU ASU) Peter Pocket and His Pickle Pup. Illustrated by Jean Tamburine. New York: Holt, 1953. J3260 (ETSU) Sammy. Illustrated by Christine Chrisholm. Chicago: A. Whitman, 1946. J3270 (ETSU ASU) Smoky Mountain Sampler: Stories. Illustrated by Jean Tamburine. New York: Abingdon, 1962. J3280 (ASU LMC MHC) Step Along and Jerry Jake. Chicago: A. Whitman and Co., 1942. J3290 (ETSU ASU) Surprise for Perky Pup. Illustrated by Mimi Korach. Champaign, III.: Garrard Pub. Co., 1971. J3300 Surprise for Peter Pocket. Illustrated by Jean Tamburine. 1st ed. Holt Books for Young People. New York: Holt, 1955. J3310 (ASU LMC) Tales from Near-side and Far. Drawings by Herman B. Vestal. Champaign, III.: Garrard Pub. Co., 1970. Four stories set in Tennessee's Great Smoky Mountains tell about a troublesome pup, a peddler named Step-Along, a pet mule, and a boy who knew how to use his legs. J3320 Tale of a Pig. Adaptation of an American folk song. New York: Abingdon, 1963. J3330 (LMC ASU) Then Came Mr. Billy Barker. Illustrated by Joan Balfour Payne. New York: Hastings House, 1959. J3340 (ASU LMC WCU) Toby Has a Dog. Chicago: A. Whitman and Co., 1949. J3350 (ETSU) Use Your Head, Hildy. Illustrated by Jean Tamburine. 1st ed. New York: Holt, 1956. J3360 (ASU LMC ETSU) Winds a Blowing. Illustrated by Jean Tamburine. New York: Abingdon Press, 1961. J3370 (ASU LMC) You're Sure Silly, Billy. Illustrated by Herman Vestal. Champaign, III.: Garrard Pub. Co., 1972. J3380 (ASU) 120 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Jyams, Charles Walter The Flora of North Carolina from Ranunculaceae to Salviniaceae. The North Carolina College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, Agricultural Experiment Station. Bulletin no. 164. Raleigh, N. C: n.p., 1899. J3390 (ASU) Kahn, Edward A. "The Carter Family: A Reflection of Changes in Society." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of California, Los Angeles, 1970. A study of a musical mountain family who became country and western stars. K10 (WCU) Kahn, Kathy Hillbilly Women. Photographs by Al Clayton. Migrant photographs by Frank Blechman, Jr. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1973. This book is permeated by the biases of the social activist, and the women chosen for study are not representative mountain women. K20 (ASU BC UNCA) Kahn, Si Readings About Appalachia: A Guide to Pamphlets and Periodicals. Mineral Bluff, Ga.: Cut Cane Associates, 1971. K50 Kahn, Si Who Speaks for Appalachia 1972? Mineral Bluff, Ga.: Cut Cane Associates, 1972. K60 (ASU) Kahn, Si The Forest Service and Appalachia. n.p.: John Hay Whitney Foundation, 1974. The United States Forest Service owns vast tracts of tax-exempt land in the Appalwchian Mountains. K30 (ASU) How People Get Power: Organizing Oppressed Communities Get Action. N. Y.: McGraw-Hill, 1970. A do-it-yourself handbook for community action agencies in the Southern mountains. K40 (WCU ASU) Readings About Appalachia: A Guide to Pamphlets and Periodicals. Mineral Bluff, Ga.: Cut Cane Associates, 1971. A four page listing of inexpensive materials which deal with regional problems. K50 Who Speaks for Appalachia 1972? Mineral Bluff, Ga.: Cut Cane Associates, 1972. K60 (ASU) Kains, Maurice G. Ginseng, Its Cultivation, Harvesting, Marketing and Market Value: With a Short Account of Its History and Botany. New York: Orange Judd Co., 1902. A study of the highest priced botanical drug grown in the Southern mountains. K70 (WWC) Kaminkow, Jack A List of Emigrants from England to America, 1718-1759. Baltimore: Magna Charta Book Co., 1966. K80 (ASU) Kaminkow, Marion Kaminkow, Jack A List of Emigrants from England to America, 1718-1759. Baltimore: Magna Charta Book Co., 1966. K80 (ASU) Kan, Lincoln Shiao King "A Historical Study of the Relationship Between the Watauga Democrat and Appalachian State Teachers College." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1961. K90 (ASU) Kanawha River Basin Coordinating Committee Kanawha River: Comprehensive Basin Study. Charleston: n.p., 1971. K100 (ASU) Kanawha Welfare Council Our Troubled Children. Charleston, W. Va.: The Council, 1957. K110 Kane, Harnett Thomas The Gallant Mrs. Stonewall: A Novel Based on the Lives of General and Mrs. Stonewall Jackson. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1957. Partially set in the southern mountains. K120 (MHC) Gone Are the Days: An Illustrated History of the Old South. 1st ed. N. Y.: Dutton, 1960. Scant mention of the mountain region. K130 (MHC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Kane, Harriett Thomas Miracle in the Mountains. With Inez Henry. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1956. The story of a rural mountain health center, school, and hospital in Avery County, North Carolina. K140 (ASU LMC MHC WCU WWC FC BC) The Southern Christmas Book: The Full Story from Earliest Times to Present. People, Customs, Conviviality, Carols, Cooking. New York: D. McKay Co., 1958. K150 (MHC) Kane, John T. Engineering and the Future of Appalachia. Frankfort, Ky.: n.p., 1963. K160 Kanner, Leo Folklore of the Teeth. New York: Macmillan Co., 1928. This whole volume is devoted to superstitions and folklore of teeth, both human and animal. K170 (ASU) Kaplan, Berton H. Blue Ridge: An Appalachian Community in Transition. Bulletin, series 71, no. 7-2. Morgantown: Office of Research and Development, Appalachian Center, West Virginia Univ., 1971. This study of an isolated western North Carolina community proposes that the mountains should join the modern world. K180 (ASU WCU FC ETSU BC) "Social Change, Adaptive Problems, and Health in a Mountain Community." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1962. This study of an isolated western North Carolina community could serve as a blueprint for the destruction of mountain culture. K190 (LMC ASU) Kaplan, Sylvan J. ed. Appalachia Conference on Research in Poverty and Development, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1968. Seeking More Effective Means to Overcome Poverty: Proceedings. Blacksburg: Research and Extension Division, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1969. A2680 (ASU LMC) Seeking More Effective Means to Overcome Poverty. Washington: Research and Extension Division Virginia Polytechnical Institute, in cooperation with the Appalachian Regional Commission, 1969. K200 (ASU) Kappa, Mary Ann "A Survey of Programs Offered for the Academically Talented Students at Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, Tennessee, and the Resulting Implications for the School Library." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. K210 (ETSU) Karaska, Gerald James "The Pattern of Settlements in the Southern and Middle Anthracite Region of Pennsylvania." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1962. A study of the extent to which the coal industry has determined settlement patterns in West Virginia. K220 Karpeles, Maud Cecil Sharp-. His Life and Work. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1967. Biography of one of Appalachia's most famous folklorists, musicologists, and ballad collector. K230 (BC ASU LMC) Karpeles, Maud comp. Sharp, Cecil James Eighty English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1968. S2300 (WCU ASU BC ETSU) Karpeles, Maud ed. Sharp, Cecil James comp. English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians, Comprising 273 Songs and Ballads with 968 Tunes, Including 39 Tunes Contributed by Olive Dame Campbell. London: Oxford Univ. Press, H. Milford, 1932. S2310 (ASU) Sharp, Cecil James English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. London: Oxford Univ. Press, H. Milford, 1932. S2320 (ASU WWC FC) AUTHOR Sharp, Cecil James comp. English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1966. S2340 (ASU WCU LMC MHC) Katz, F. J. Hewett, D. F. Possibilities for Manganese Ore on Certain Undeveloped Tracts in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1918. H5130 Kauffman, Henry J. The Pennsylvania-Kentucky Rifle. Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1960. An interesting treatise on the development of the frontier rifle. K240 (BC LMC ASU) Kaufman, Harold F. Participation in Organized Activities in Selected Kentucky Localities. Bulletin 528. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1949. K250 Religious Organization in Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1948. K260 Rural Churches in Kentucky, 1947. Bulletin no. 530. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1949. K270 Social Changes and Their Implications for Southern Agriculture. Series no. 11. State College: Mississippi Agricultural Experiment Station, Mississippi State Univ., August, 1959. Includes statistics on the mountain regions of six Appalachian states. K280 Kaufman, Harold P. Poverty Programs and Social Mobility. State College: Mississippi State Univ., Social Science Research Center, 1966. Examines poverty programs in the rural south including Appalachian states. K290 Kaufmann, Jacob Joseph ed. Golatz, Helmut J. Readings in Pennsylvania Economic Growth. University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ., Center for Continuing Liberal Education, 1965. G2310 Kavanagh, Michael J. Preliminary Over-all Economic Development Program for the North-western Pennsylvania Redevelopment Area. Greenville: Northwestern Pennsylvania Conference for Economic Development, 1961. K300 Kaylor, Peter Cline Abstract of Land Grant Surveys, 1761-1791. Assisted by George Warren Chappelaer. Dayton, Va.: Shenandoah Press, 1938. K310 (ASU) Kearfoot, Clarence Baker Highland Mills. New York: Vantage Press, 1970. K320 Kearfoot, Robert R. Kerfoot, Kearfoot and Allied Families in America, n.p.: n.p., 1948. K330 Kearins, Jack J. Yankee Revenooer. Durham, N. C: Moore Pub. Co., 1969. A stereotypical revenue agent meets and learns to understand the mountaineers. K340 (ASU LMC) Keats, Ezra J. John Henry: An American Legend. New York: Pantheon, 1965. A 28 page version of the legend of John Henry and his mighty hammer. K350 Kee, William D. "Water Data for Industrial Site Development, Monongahela Valley, West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1964. K360 Keebler, Alleen Smith "Problems of Beginning Teachers in Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1955. K370 (ETSU) Keech, James Maynard Workmen's Compensation in North Carolina, 1929-1940. Publications. Durham, N. C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1942. K380 (LMC) Keeler, Robert W. "An Archaeological Survey of the Upper Catawba River Valley." Honors Essay, Dept. of Anthropology, Univ., of North Carolina, 1971. K390 121 KANE—KEITH "An Archaeological Survey of the Upper Catawba River Valley." Honors Essay, Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of North Carolina, 1971. K400 Keeling, William B. The Georgia Travel Industry, 1960-1963. Athens, Ga.: Univ. of Georgia, Bureau of Business and Economic Research, 1965. Includes material on the Georgia mountain resort area. K410 A Study of Out-of-State Requests for Travel Information from the State of Georgia. Athens: Univ. of Georgia, Bureau of Business Research, 1962. Includes requests for information on the North Georgia mountains. K420 Tourism Development in the Chattahoochee-Flint Area. Athens: Univ. of Georgia, Bureau of Business and Economic Research, 1967. The Chattahoochee rises in the North Georgia mountains. K430 Keesecker, Guy L. ed. Marriage Records of Berkeley County, Virginia, for the Period of 1781-1854, Located at Berkeley County Court House, Martinsburg, West Virginia. Martinsburg?, W. Va.: n.p., 1969. K440 (ETSU) Kegley, Charles Guido My Life's History. Bristol: Doak Print. Co., 1959. K450 Kegley, F. B. St. John's Evangelical Lutheran Church, Wythe County, Virginia, Its Pastors and Their Records 1800-1924. n.p.: privately published, 1961. K460 Kegley, Frederick Bittle Kegley's Virginia Frontier: The Beginning of the Southwest. The Roanoke of Colonial Days, 1740-1783. Introduction by Samuel M. Wilson. Roanoke, Va.: Southwest Virginia Historical Society, 1938. Focuses on the Roanoke area, frontier Virginia through 1760, the French and Indian War, and Botetourt County. K470 (ASU ETSU FC BC) Kegley, Marietta McWane Chuckles to Brighten the Day. Bristol: Doak Print. Co., 1960. K480 History and Genealogy, Dudley, 1406-1956 and McWane, 1796-1956. n.p.: Privately Printed, 1956. K490 . . . History (and) Genealogy, Kegley, 1760-1959 and Grubb, 1743-1959. n.p.: Privately Printed, 1959. K500 My Memoirs and Autobiography. Bristol: Doak Print. Co., 1959. K501 Kegley, Mary B. Kegley, F. B. St. John's Evangelical Lutheran Church, Wythe County, Virginia, Its Pastors and Their Records 1800-1924. n.p.: privately published, 1961. K460 New River Tithables, 1770-73. Roanoke: Copy Cat, 1972. Contains tithes and taxes for seven western Virginia counties. K510 Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. Roanoke, Va.: Copy Cat, 1974. Lists all males over 21, personal property, and land tax records for Wythe, Pulaski, Giles, Grayson, Carroll, Bland, Floyd, Smythe, and Tazewell Counties. K520 Keim, Phyllis R. "Minimum Wages in Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State College, 1952. K530 Keister, E. E. Strasburg, Virginia and the Keister Family. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1972. K540 Keith, Arthur Tin Resources of the King's Mountain District, North Carolina and South Carolina. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 660-D. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1918. K550 �KEITH—KENTUCKY Keith, Arthur Topography and Geology of the Southern Appalachians. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1902. K560 Keller, Allan Thunder at Harper's Ferry. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1958. A romanticized account of Harper's Ferry's role in the American Civil War. K570 (ASU) Keller, Alvin "Bituminous Coal Strip Mines; Some Financing Considerations." Master's thesis. University of Pittsburgh, 1951. K580 Keller, Luther Jensen, Harold R. A General Picture of Commercial Agriculture in Eastern Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agriculture Experiment Station, 1957. J700 Keller, Luther H. Eagan, Gerald V. Minimum Land Requirements for Specified Levels of Farm Income in the Eastern Highland Rim of Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, 1969. E30 Kelley, Julielma M. Biographical Record of Daniel and Mary (Jackson) Williams — Early Kentucky Pioneers, 1752-1898. 1898. Reprint. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1964. K590 (ASU) Kelley, Paul Achilles, Charles Marvin Research for Better Schools: A Federal Projects Workshop for Educational Programs in Tennessee and Appalachia. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee College of Education, 1971. A200 Kellner, Ester Lewis, Clarence Cry to the Hills. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1966. L2090 (BC LMC ASU) Kellner, Esther Moonshine: Its History and Folklore. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971. Emphasizes the ties between the Irish whisky industry and moonshine industry in the Southern mountains. K600 (BC ASU LMC WCU MHC) Kellogg, Louise Phelps ed. Thwaites, Reuben Gold ed. Documentary History of Dunmore's War, 1774. Madison, Wis.: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1905. T8510 Thwaites, Reuben Gold ed. Frontier Defense on Upper Ohio, 1777-1778. Madison, Wis.: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1912. T8520 Thwaites, Reuben Gold ed. Revolution on the Upper Ohio, 1775-1777. Madison, Wis.: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1908. T8530 Kellogg, Remington Cetothere Skeletons from the Miocene Choptank Formation of Maryland and Virginia. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1969. K610 (ETSU) Kellogg, Sanford Cobb The Shenandoah Valley and Virginia, 1861 to 1865: A War Study. New York: Neale Pub. Co., 1903. K620 (ASU BC) Kelly, Donovan B. Davies, William Edward West Virginia's Buffalo Creek Flood: A Study of the Hydrology and Engineering Geology. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1972. D720 Kelly, Eleanor Mercein Kildares of Storm. New York: The Century Co., 1916. Novel in which the mountain characters and setting are tangential to the plot. K630 The Mansion House. New York: Century Co., 1925. Novel partially set in Appalachia and featuring one memorable Appalachian character. K640 (ASU BC) Mixed Company. New York: Harper, 1936. A group of short stories from the Cumberland mountains. K650 Kelly, J. A. Burk(e) Family of Southwest Virginia in Valley. Copied with permission of Mrs. John Boswell. Haverford, Pa.: n.p., 1944. K660 AUTHOR Kelly, Mary Hope Betsy's Descendants. The Descendants of Thomas Jefferson Duff and his wife Ann Elizabeth (Betsy) Spraker Ketron. n.p.: n.p., 1966. K670 Kelly, Paul Historic Fort Loudoun. Vonore, Term.: Fort Loudoun Assoc., 1958. Unfortunately the recently restored fort is in danger of being flooded by the TVA. K680 Historic Fort Loudoun. Vonore: Fort Loudoun Assoc., 1961. K690 Kemp, Harry Talton "An Investigation of Elementary Guidance in Pickens County." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1967. K700 (ASU) Kemp, J. F. The Deposits of Copper — Ores at Ducktown Tenn. n.p.: n.p., n.d. K710 Kemp, Oliver Wilderness Homes. New York: The Outing Pub. Co., 1908. Includes descriptions of frontier homes in mountain regions of eastern America. K720 Kendriclc, M. A. Lainhart, William S. Pneumoconiosis in Appalachian Bituminous Coal Miners. Washington: Bureau of Occupational Safety and Health, 1969. LI 50 Kenna, Edward Benninghaus Songs of the Open Air and Other Poems. Charleston, W. Va.: Tribune Print. Co., 1912. Poems from the West Virginia hills. K730 (BC) Kennedy, Harold "A History of St. Andrew's School." Master's thesis. Middle Tennessee State Univ., 1952. K740 Kennedy, John Pendleton The Blackwater Chronicle; A Narrative of an Expedition into the Land of Canaan. New York: Redfield, 1853. An account of a trip into the wilderness of Randolph County, Virginia in 1851. K750 (BC ASU) Horse-shoe Robinson. With an introduction, chronology, and bibliography, by Ernest E. Leisy. American Fiction Series. New York: American Book Company, 1937. Partially set in the Appalachian Mountains. K760 (WCU ASU) Horse-shoe Robinson: A Tale of the Tory Ascendency. New York: American Book Co., 1957. K770 (ETSU) Horse-shoe Robinson: A Tale of the Tory Ascendency in South Carolina, in 1780. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1928. This Revolutionary War novel includes forays into the Appalachians. K780 (MHC BC) Kennedy, Ralph Emerson An Economic and Social Survey of Wise County. Record Extension Series, vol. 12, no. 11, also, Virginia County Surveys, 11. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1928. K790 (ASU BC) Kennedy, Richard S. The Window of Memory: The Literary Career of Thomas Wolfe. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1962. K800 (BC UNCA ASU WCU) Kennerly, Billie Weyrick Tenn. Grainger Co., Marriage Bonds and Licenses. Houston, Tex.: n.p., 1964. K810 Kennerly, Wesley Travis The Battle of Fort Sanders. An Address Delivered November 28th, 1814 ... at the Unveiling and Dedication of the Monument Erected by the Knoxville Chapter, United Daughters of the Confederacy, to the Memory of the Confederate Soldiers Who Lost Their Lives during the Siege of Knoxville, Tennessee, November 29, 1863. Knoxville: Breen, 1914. K820 Kennesaw Mountain National Battlefield Park, Ga. S/N 2405-0120. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. K830 122 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Kenney, A. E. The Geography of West Virginia. Chicago: Werner School Book Co., 1896. K840 Kenny, Hamill Thomas West Va. Place Names. Piedmont, W. Va.: Place Name Press, 1945. Includes names of streams, villages, towns and mountains. K850 Kent, D. F. Techniques Used in Mine-water Problems of the East Tennessee Zinc District. U. S. Geological Survey Circular, no. 71. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1950. K860 (ASU) Kent, Deane F. Rodgers, John Stratigraphic Section at Lee Valley, Hawkins County, Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Conservation, Division of Geology, 1948. R3400 (ETSU) Kent, William B. History of Saltville, Virginia. Radford, Virginia: Commonwealth Press, 1955. History of a community famous for its salt mines since frontier days. K870 Kent, William H. An Analysis of Appalachian State Coal Mine Health and Safety and Workmen's Compensation Programs: Recommendations for Improvement. A report to the Appalachian Regional Commission. State College, Pa.: n.p., 1973. K880 (ASU) Kenton, Edna Simon Ken ton: His Life and Period. New York: Doubleday, 1930. Biography of the famous West Virginia frontiersman, scout and sometimes traitor. K890 (ASU) Kentucky, Adjutant-General's Office Kentucky Soldiers of the War of 1812. Original title: Report of the Adjutant General of the state of Kentucky: Soldiers of the War of 1812. 1891. Reprint. With an added index compiled by Minnie S. Wilder, 1931, and a new introduction by B. Glenn Clift. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. K900 (ASU) Kentucky Agricultural and Industrial Development Board Economic Data on Eastern Kentucky Coal Fields. Frankfort: The board, 1956. K910 Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station Circular. No. 1-. Frankfort: Ky. Agricultural Experiment Station, n.d. K920 Farm Population Changes in Eastern Kentucky. Lexington: Ky. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1943. K930 Tables Showing Components of Population Change and Percent Due to Net Migration for State Economic Areas, Metropolitan Areas, and Counties, Southern Appalachians, 1950-1960. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Kentucky, 1960. K940 Utilization of Rural Manpower in Eastern Kentucky. Lexington: Ky. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1953. A study of Kentucky's economic area no. 8. K950 Kentucky Ancestors vol. 1-., 1965-. Frankfort: Kentucky Historical Society. K960 Kentucky Birds: A Finding Guide Kentucky Nature Studies, 3. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1973. K970 (ASU WCU) Kentucky Commission on Human Rights Kentucky's Black Heritage. Frankfort: n.p., 1971. K980 (BC ETSU) Kentucky Commission on Law Enforcement and Crime Prevention Delinquency in Kentucky. Frankfort: The Commission, 1967. K990 Kentucky Conference on Youth, Louisville, 1963 Dropouts and Jobs: The Report of the Kentucky Conference on Youth, August 22-23, 1963. Frankfort: Kentucky Commission on Children and Youth, 1963? K1000 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Kentucky, Deportment of Commerce Commonwealth and Community: The Kentucky Program of State Assistance for Community Improvement. Frankfort?: The department, 1964? KIOTO Industrial Resources: Northern Kentucky. In cooperation with the Northern Kentucky Chamber of Commerce, n.p.: Kentucky Department of Commerce, 1971. K1020 (ASU) Kentucky, Deportment of Commerce, Economic Research Division Resources for Industry. 6 vols. Frankfort: The division, 1962-64. K1030 (ASU) Kentucky, Department of Commerce, Research Division Frankfort: The division, 1966. K1040 (ETSU ASU) Natural Resources of Kentucky. Frankfort: The division, 1967. K1050 (ETSU ASU) Kentucky, Department of Economic Development Action Programs for Eastern Kentucky: Final Report of the Kentucky Flood Rehabilitation Study. Frankfort: The department, 1957. K1060 (BC ASU) Eastern Kentucky Economic Atlas. Frankfort: Kentucky Department of Economic Development, October, 1958. K1070 Kentucky, Department of Education History of Education in Kentucky. Frankfort: The department, 1914. K1090 (ETSU ASU) Youth Education and the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964: Some Indications of Need for Broad-based School and Community Action Programs for Kentucky Youth with Implications for Federal Assistance Programs. Frankfort?: The department, 1964. Special emphasis on poor Appalachian counties. K1100 Kentucky, Department of Education. Division of Research Educational Attainment of the Adult Population in the Forty-four County Appalachian Region of Kentucky. Frankfort: The division, 1964. K1080 (ASU) Kentucky, Department of Mines and Minerals Annual Report, 1885-1919. Frankfort: The department, 1885-1919. Kino Kentucky, Department of Mines and Minerals: Geological Division Directory of Kentucky Mineral Operators. Lexington: State Dept. of Mines and Minerals, 1935. K1120 Kentucky, Department of Natural Resources Strip Mining in Kentucky, n.p.: The department, 1965. K1130 (BCASU) Kentucky, Division of Community Planning and Development Existing Land Use Analysis, Leslie County, Kentucky. Frankfort: The Division, 1967. Land use analysis for Hyden and Leslie Counties, Kentucky. K1140 Harlan County, Existing Land Use Analysis. Harlan-Harlan County Major Thoroughfare Plan. Frankfort: The Division, 1967. K1150 Pikeville, Kentucky, Neighborhood Analysis. Frankfort: The Division, 1966. K1160 Kentucky, Division of Planning and Development Population-Economic Study, Harlan-Harlan County, Kentucky. Frankfort: The Division, 1966. K1170 Kentucky, Division of Reclamation Surface Mining and Reclamation in Kentucky. Frankfort: n.p., 1972. K1180 Kentucky, Division of the Budget Federal Aid in Kentucky. Frankfort: The Division, 1962. K1190 Kentucky, Division of Tourism and Travel Promotion Travel in Kentucky. Frankfort: The Division, Annual. K1200 AUTHOR Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky State College, Richmond Five Decades of Progress. Richmond: The College, 1957. Written by faculty members. K1210 Kentucky Folklore Record Vol. 1-, 1955. Bowling Green: Kentucky Folklore Society, quarterly. K1220 (ASU ETSU BC) Kentucky General Assembly. House of Representatives Articles of Impeachment Against John A. Duff, Surveyor of Perry Co. Frankfort: The Assembly, 1847. K1230 Kentucky General Assembly. Joint Legislative Committee on UnAmerican Activities Hearings Held at Pikeville. Pikeville: The Committee, 1968. K1240 Kentucky, Geological Survey . . . Geological Map of Kentucky. Presented in Colors, Showing Oil, Gas, Coal, Fluorspar, and Asphalt Fields; and Other Mineral Resources and Geologic Data Including Faults, Folds, Sections, Elevations, and Physiographic Divisions of the Commonwealth. Series, no. 6. Frankfort: Kentucky Geological Survey, 1929. K1250 Kentucky Historical Society Kentucky Marriages, 1797-1865. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co. K1260 (ASU BC) Kentucky Illiteracy Commission Moonlight School Courses of Study. Frankfort: Commission, 1918. K1270 Kentucky Land Office A Calendar of the Warrants for Land in Kentucky Granted for Service in the French and Indian War. Abstracted by Philip Fall Taylor. 1917. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. K1280 (BC ASU) Kentucky Legislative Research Commission Strip Mining. Frankfort: The Commission, 1954. K1290 Kentucky Mining Institute Coal Mining Reference Book. Reprinted by Oklahoma State Department of Vocational and Technical Education, 1970. Frankfort: Kentucky Mining Institute, 1958. K1300 Proceedings, vol. 1- annual. Lexington, Ky.: n.p., 1940? K1310 Kentucky Mountain Club Yearbook. Lexington, Ky.: The Club, 1929. K1320 Kentucky Mountain Missions, v. 1-1930- Frakes, Ky.: Kentucky Mountain Missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1930. v. monthly. Monthly news letter published in the interest of our missionary work in the Kentucky mountains. K1330 Kentucky, University, Bureau of Business Research Analysis of Manufacturing Employment Trends in Kentucky Counties, 1960-64, and Their Economic Significance. John Leonard Fulmer, director. Lexington: The Bureau, 1966. Includes statistics for Kentucky's forty-nine mountain counties. K1340 Analysis of Occupational Trends in Kentucky from 1950 to 1960, with Projections to 1975. John Leonard Fulmer, director. Lexington: The Bureau, 1965. Includes statistics for the mountain counties. K1350 Development Potentials for Kentucky Counties with Related Statistics. John L. Fulmer, director. Lexington: The Bureau, 1966. K1360 (ASU) Kentucky Tourist Preferences. Lexington: The Bureau, 1962. Includes material on the mountain resort areas. K1370 123 KENTUCKY-KEPHART Kentucky, University, Center for Developmental Change Community Action in Appalachia: An Appraisal of the "War on Poverty" in a Rural Setting of Southeastern Kentucky. 13 vols. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, Bureau of School Service, 1968. K1380 Kentucky, University, College of Agriculture and Home Economics Appalachian Resource Development Project, Submitted to the Kellogg Foundation. Lexington: The College, 1960. K1390 Kentucky, University, Department of Agriculture New Towns for the Appalachian Regions: A Case Study Located in Eastern Kentucky. Under the auspices of the Kentucky Research Foundation. Lexington: The Univ., 1960. K1400 Kentucky, University, Geological Survey Bibliography of Coal in Kentucky. Series X, Special Publications, 19. Lexington: The Survey, 1970. K1410 Kentucky, University, Social Research Service Basic Population Data for the Southern Appalachians. Southern Appalachian Series: Report no. 1. Lexington: The University, 1958. K1420 Kentucky Water Resources, 1965 Frankfort: Kentucky Dept. of Natural Resources, 1965. K1430 Kentucky Writing Morehead, Ky.: Morehead State College Press, 1954. K1440 Kentucky's Resources: Their Development and Use Rev. ed. Prepared under the direction of a core committee appointed by the Commissioner of Conservation and the Superintendent of Public Instruction. Preface by W. Paul Street. Bulletin of the Bureau of School Service, vol. 31, no. 2. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1958. K1450 (ETSU ASU) Kephart, Horace Camping and Woodcraft: A Handbook for Vacation Campers and for Travelers in the Wilderness. New ed. 1917. Reprint. New York: Macmillan Co., 1967. The author also wrote OUR SOUTHERN HIGHLANDERS, the first book which attempted to portray the southern highlands. K1460 (ASU) The Cherokees of the Smoky Mountains, Silver Spring, Md.: Westland Print. Co., 1971. K1470 (WCU ASU) The Cherokees of the Smoky Mountains: A Little Band That Has Stood Against the White Tide for Three Hundred Years. Ithaca, N. Y.: Atkinson Press, 1936. Kephart lived and worked with the Cherokee for many years. K1480 (ASU MHC UNCA) Our Southern Highlanders. New York: Outing Pub. Co., 1913. K1490 (ETSU BC ASU) Our Southern Highlanders: Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. New York: Macmillan Co., 1921. K1500 (BC ASU) Our Southern Highlanders: Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. New and enlarged ed. New York: Macmillan Co., 1922. K1510 (ASU WCU LMC) Our Southern Highlanders: Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. New and enlarged ed. New York: Macmillan Co., 1926. K1520 (ASU) Our Southern Highlanders: A Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of Life Among the Mountaineers. 1922. Reprint. New York: Macmillan Co., 1936. K1530 (WWC) �KEPHART-KILPATRICK Kephort, Horace Our Southern Highlanders: A Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. Rev. ed. 1941. Reprint. New York: Macmillan Co., 1967. K1540 (FC) Kercheval, Samuel A History of the Valley of Virginia. 4th ed., rev. ed. and extended by John Walter Wayland, the author, and new notes added by Oren Frederic Morton, the editor. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. Co., 1925. K1550 (ASU BC) History of the Valley of Virginia. 2nd ed. rev. Woodstock, Va.: John Gatewood Printer, 1850. K1560 History of the Valley of Virginia. 3rd ed. Woodstock, Va.: W. N. Grabill Power Press, 1902. K1570 Kerhoff, Jennie Ann Old Homes of Page County, Virginia. Luray, Va.: Lauck and Co., Inc., 1962. K1580 Kern, E. E. An Inventory of Human and Physical Resources of Cherokee, Dekalb, Jackson, and Marshall Counties, Alabama. Auburn, Ala.: Auburn Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1966. K1590 (ASU) Kern, Ethel Kelley M. The Trail of the Three Notched Road. Silhouette sketches by Margaret Eugenie Kern. Richmond: William Byrd Press, 1929. Novel with a Cumberland Mountain setting. K1600 (BC) Kernodle, Michael Wilson, John M. Summary of Ground Water Data for Tennessee, Through May 1971. n.p.: State of Tennessee Department of Conservation Division of Water Resources, 1970. W7350 (LMC) Kerns, Carole Smithers "High-interest, Low-vocabulary Original Prose and Poetry for Teenagers in Southern Appalachia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State University, 1970. K1610 (ETSU) Kerr, Dewey Winston "An Analysis of the Relationship of Religious Commitment and Alienation Among High School Students of Bristol, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State University, 1971. K1620 (ETSU) Kerr, John Alexander Soil Survey of Fayette County, West Virginia. In cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1919. Washington, D. C: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1921. K1630 Soil Survey of Garrard County, Kentucky. Prepared in cooperation with the Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1921. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. K1640 Soil Survey of Monroe County, West Virginia. In cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Soil Survey Report, series 1925, no. 15. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. K1650 Soil Survey of Summers County, West Virginia. In cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Soil Survey Report, series 1924, no. 21. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1929. K1660 Kerr, W. C. Report of the Geographical Survey of North Carolina: Physical Geography, Resume, Economical Geology. Raleigh, N. C.: Turner, 1875. K1670 (LMC ASU) Kerr, Washington Caruthers Genth, Friedrich August Ludwig Karl Wilhelm The Minerals and Mineral Localities of North Carolina. Raleigh: P. M. Hale, 1885. G800 (ASU) AUTHOR Kershaw, Joseph A. Government Against Poverty. Washington, D. C.: Brooking's Institution, 1970. K1680 Kerwood, Robert V. "Effects of Urbanization on Vocational Agriculture in Jackson County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1963. K1690 Kesler, T. L. Geology and Mineral Deposits of the Cartersville District, Georgia. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 224. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1950. K1700 Kesner, Mernie Bibliography for Appalachian Studies. Berea, Ky.: Berea College Appalachian Center, 1973. A listing of books, tapes, periodicals, and pamphlets for high school libraries. K1710 Kester, Vaughan The Prodigal Judge. Illustrated by M. Leone Bracker. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1911. Fictional account of an actual event in the southern hills. K1720 (BC ASU LMC WCU) Keun, Odette A Foreigner Looks at the TVA. 1st ed. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1937. A too, too rosy picture of America's largest socialist experiment. K1730 (BC ASU WWC) Key, Alexander Cherokee Boy. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1957. Juvenile fiction about a young boy growing up on the Cherokee reservation. K1750 (ASU BC) Escape to Witch Mountain. Illustrated by Leon B. Wisdom, Jr. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1968. Science fiction tale in which two children seek their former home in Western North Carolina mountains. K1760 (ASU) The Forgotten Door. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1965. A boy from another planet falls to earth in Western North Carolina and uses supernatural powers. K1770 With Daniel Boone on the Caroliny Trail. Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1941. A novel of frontier and pioneer life in North Carolina. K1780 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Keyes, Charles A. Parson of the Hills. New York: Vantage Press, 1956. Biographical material on North Carolina's famous Parson of the Hills. K1790 Keys, Bernelle Mitchell "The Enriched Curriculum as a Means of Meeting the Emotional and Social Needs of First Grade Children in Washington County." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. K1800 (ETSU) Keys, Lucy Lowery Hoyt The Wahnenauhi Manuscripts: Historical Sketches of the Cherokees, Together with Some of Their Customs, Traditions, and Superstitions. Introduction by Jack Frederick Kilpatrick. U. S. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, no. 196. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. K1810 (WCU) Keys, Robert Kenneth "Some Problems Concerning the Relations of Administrators and Beginning Teachers in the Washington County School System, 1955-1956." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. K1820 (ETSU) Keys, William G. "Editorial Attitudes of West Virginia Newspapers toward School and Education." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1937. K1830 Keyserling, Leon Poverty and Deprivation in the United States. Washington: Conference on Economic Progress, 1962. Includes material on rural Appalachia. K1840 Keystone Folklore Quarterly vol. 1- . 1956- . Lewisburg, Pa.: n.p., quarterly. K1850 (ETSU) 124 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Keystone Trails Association Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Pennsylvania: From the Maryland Line to the Delaware Water Gap—222.4 Miles. Appendix describing 13 other trails maintained by member clubs of K. T. A. 2nd ed. Concordville, Pa.: The assoc., 1970. K1860 (ETSU) Kidd, Paul E. "Governmental Assistance to Industrial Development in West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1958. K1870 Kidd, Robert H. Mountain Stories. Grafton, W. Va.: Grafton Press, 1931. A collection of short stories from the hills of West Virginia. K1880 Kiddle, Mary White, Lamar Highlights of the Economy of the Georgia Mountains Area. Atlanta: Industrial Development Division, Engineering Experiment Station, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1964. W5510 Kidwell, J. H. Silver Fleece, a Tale of the Swift Mines of Old Kentucky. New York: Avondale Press, 1927. A tale of the fabulous Silver Fleece mines in Kentucky. K1890 (LMC BC) Killebrew, Joseph Buckner The Grasses of Tennessee: Including Cereals and Forage Plants. Nashville: American Co., 1878. K1900 (BC ASU LMC) Knoxville as an Iron Center. Nashville: Eastman and Howell, 1880. K1910 Tennessee: Its Agricultural and Mineral Wealth, With an Appendix Showing the Extent, Value and Accessibility of its Ores, With Analyses of the Same. Nashville: Tavel, Eastman, and Howell, 1877. K1920 (ASU LMC) Warren County, Its Organization, Scenery, Resources and Representative Men. Nashville: Union and American, 1871. K1930 Safford, James Merrill The Elements of the Geology of Tennessee. Nashville: Ambrose and Bostelman, 1904. S90 (ASU LMC BC) Killian, Lewis M. "Southern White Laborers in Chicago's West Side." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Chicago, 1950. Describes the fate of the hillbilly worker in Chicago's hillbilly ghetto. K1940 (ASU) Killion, Ronald G. A Treasury of Georgia Folk-lore. Illustrated by Maureen O'Leary. Atlanta: Cherokee Pub. Co., 1972. Includes material from Georgia's thirty-five mountain counties. K1950 (BC ASU MHC ETSU) Kilpatrick, Anna Gritts Chronicles of Wolf town: Social Documents of the North Carolina Cherokees, 1850-1862. U. S. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, no. 196. Also, Anthropological Papers, no. 75. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. K1960 (WCU ASU) Kilpatrick, Jack Frederick Eastern Cherokee Folktales: Reconstructed from the Field Notes of Frans M. Olbrechts. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. K1970 (WCU ASU) Kilpatrick, Jack Frederick Friends of Thunder, Folktales of the Oklahoma Cherokees. Dallas: Southern Methodist Univ. Press, 1964. K1980 (ASU) Kilpatrick, Jack Frederick Notebook of a Cherokee Shaman. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1970. . K2000 (WCU ETSU UNCA ASU) Kilpatrick, Jack Frederick Run Toward the Nightland: Magic of the Oklahoma Cherokees. Dallas: Southern Methodist Univ. Press, 1967. K2010 (LMC MHC) Kilpatrick, Jack Frederick Walk in Your Soul: Love Incantations of the Oklahoma Cherokees. Dallas: Southern Methodist Univ. Press, 1965. K2030 (LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Kilpotrick, Anna Gritts ed. Kilpatrick, Jack Frederick New Echota Letters: Contributions of Samuel A. Worcester to the Cherokee Phoenix. Dallas: Southern Methodist Univ. Press, 1968. K1990 (WCU LMC MHC ASU) Kilpatrick, Jack Frederick The Shadow of the Sequoyah: Social Documents of the Cherokees, 1862-1964. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1965. K2020 (BC ASU WCU LMC ETSU) Kilpatrick, Jack Frederick Kilpatrick, Anna Gritts Chronicles of Wolf town: Social Documents of the North Carolina Cherokees, 1850-1862. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. K1960 (WCU ASU) Eastern Cherokee Folktales: Reconstructed from the Field Notes of Frans M. Olbrechts. U. S. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, no. 1. Also, Anthropological Papers, no. 80. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. K1970 (WCU ASU) Friends of Thunder, Folktales of the Oklahoma Cherokees. Dallas: Southern Methodist Univ. Press, 1964. Tales collected in Oklahoma from survivors and descendants of those who were in the "Trail of Tears" removal. K1980 (ASU) New Echota Letters: Contributions of Samuel A. Worcester to the Cherokee Phoenix. Dallas: Southern Methodist Univ. Press, 1968. New Echota near present-day Calhoun, Georgia was the last eastern capital of the Eastern Cherokee. The Phoenix was the Cherokee language newspaper. K1990 (WCU LMC MHC ASU) Notebook of a Cherokee Shaman. Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 2, no. 6. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1970. K2000 (WCU ETSU UNCA ASU) Run Toward the Nightland: Magic of the Oklahoma Cherokees. Dallas: Southern Methodist Univ. Press, 1967. K2010 (LMC MHC) The Shadow of the Sequoyah: Social Documents of the Cherokees, 1862-1964. 1st ed. Civilization of the American Indian Series. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1965. K2020 (BC ASU WCU LMC ETSU) Walk in Your Soul: Love Incantations of the Oklahoma Cherokees. Dallas: Southern Methodist Univ. Press, 1965. K2030 (LMC) Kilpatrick, Jack Frederick ed. Keys, Lucy Lowery Hoyt The Wahnenauhi Manuscripts: Historical Sketches of the Cherokees, Together with Some of Their Customs, Traditions, and Superstitions. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. K1810 (WCU) Kim, Byong-suh "Religiosity as Related to Social Factors and Modes of Social Institutional Behavior in the Southern Appalachian Region." Ph. D. Diss. Emory Univ., 1968. K2040 (LMC ASU) Kim, Ungsoo "Measuring and Analyzing the Impact of Employment Generation Benefits of a Public Water Resource Development Project in Appalachia." Ph. D. Diss. The Catholic Univ. of America, 1972. K2050 Kimball, Sarah Louise Jordan, David Starr Your Family Tree. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. J2720 (ASU) Kimel, Doris Elizabeth "A Study of the Changing Role of the Music Specialist in the North Carolina Elementary Schools, 1950-1957." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1958. Includes data on the twenty-eight mountain counties. K2060 (ASU) Kimery, Greer Jackson "Return Jonathan Meigs, Cherokee Indian Agent, 1801-1823." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1948. K2070 AUTHOR Kimmel, Donald C. "Agriculture Development in the Pittsburgh District." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1950. K2080 Kimsey, William Warren "The Chattanooga Region as a Plant Site for the Nylon Industry." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. K2090 (ETSU) Kimzey, Herbert Bennett Habersham County, Georgia, Genealogical Records. Cornelia, Ga.: The author, 1969. K2100 (ASU) Kimzey, Herbert Bennett comp. Rabun County, Georgia, Records. Cornelia, Ga.: The author, 1971. Contents.- Part 1. The 1830 census, family heads only listed. -Part 2. The 1850 census, showing name, age and sex of all residents of county and the state of birth of family head and wife. K2110 (ASU) Kinard, J. D. Farm Business Study of the Six Mile Area of Pickens County, 1940. n.p.: South Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, 1942. K2120 (ASU) Kincaid, Bradley ed. Favorite Mountain Ballads and Old Time Songs, n.p.: n.p., 1928. K2130 Kincaid, Robert L. The Wilderness Road. Harrogate: Lincoln Memorial Univ. Press, 1955. K2170 Kincaid, Robert Lee A Boy Finds a College. Harrogate, Tenn.: privately pub., 1955. President Kincaid's sentimental tale of young man who discovers Lincoln Memorial University. Supposedly based on fact. K2140 Jinny and Jim. Harrogate, Tenn.: Lincoln Memorial Univ., 1941. A mountain tale by the president of Lincoln Memorial University. Supposedly based on actual characters from Kincaid's family. K2150 (ASU) The Wilderness Road. 1st ed. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1947. K2160 (BC WCU WWC ETSU) The Wilderness Road. 3rd ed. Middlesboro, Ky.: n.p., 1966. K2180 (ASU LMC) Kinder, Chuck Snakehunter. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1973. Adventure story with a mountain setting. K2190 (ASU LMC) Kinder, Don R. "Secession and Civil War in Jefferson County, Tennessee, 1860-1865." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1973. K2200 (ETSU) Kindig, Joe Thoughts on the Kentucky Rifle in its Golden Age. New York: Bonanza, 1964. K2210 (ASU) King, Beverly Country and Bluegrass Dobro. 2nd ed. 2 vols. in 1. Revere, Pa.: n.p., 1973. K2220 (WCU) King, Carl W. "A Study of a Labor Unions of the Textile Industry in the Southern Appalachian Piedmont." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. K2230 (ETSU) King, Charles Norman Holt: A Story of the Army of the Cumberland. Illustrated by John Huybers and Seymour M. Stone. New York: G. W. Dillingham Co., 1901. K2240 (BC ASU) King, E. J. comp. White, Benjamin Franklin *the Sacred Harp. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1968. W5310 (WCU ASU) King, Edward The Great South: A Record of Journeys. Illustrated by J. Wells Champney. 1875. Reprint. 2 vols. New York: Burt Franklin, 1969. K2250 (LMC) 125 KILPATRICK—KING The Great South: A Record of Journeys in Louisiana, Texas, the Indian Territory, Missouri, Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia, and Maryland. Illustrated by J. Wells Champney. Hartford, Conn.: American Pub. Co., 1875. K2260 (ASU BC) King, Elisha Sterling The Wild Rose of Cherokee, or Nancy Ward, "The Pocahontas of the West." A Story of the Early Exploration, Occupancy, and Settlement of the State of Tennessee. A Romance Founded on and Interwoven With History. Nashville: Univ. Press, 1895. K2270 (LMC BC) The Wild Rose of Cherokee: Or, Nancy Ward, "The Pocahontas of the West", a Story of the Early Exploration, Occupancy and Settlement of the State of Tennessee. A Romance, Founded on and Interwoven with History. Etowah, Tenn.: Myrtle K. Tatum, 1938. K2280 (BC ASU) King, Howard M. "What Citizens of Sullivan County Know about Their Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. K2290 King, John M. Soil Survey of Transylvania County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1974. K2300 King, Joseph Leonard, Jr. Dr. William George Bagby: A Study of Virginian Literature 1850-1880. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1927. K2310 Dr. George William Bagby: A Study of Virginia Literature, 1850-1880. 1927. Reprint. New York: AMS Press, 1966. K2320 (ASU) King, Judson Conservation Fight from Theodore Roosevelt to the Tennessee Valley Authority. Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1959. K2330 Legislative History of Muscle Shoals. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1936. K2340 TVA Labor Relations Policy at Work; Successful Cooperation Between Public Power and Organized Labor in the Public Interest. Revised ed. Washington: National Popular Government League, April 19, 1940. K2350 King, Junie Estelle Stewart Abstract of Early Kentucky Wills and Inventories, Copied From Original and Recorded Wills and Inventories. 1933. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1961. K2360 (BC ASU) Abstracts of Wills, Inventories, and Administrations Accounts of Frederick County, Virginia. Includes some notes on early settlers; Frederic Rentals, 1746 Land Holders 1750; Cemetery Inscriptions; and Survey Warrants. Berryville, Va.: Virginia Book Co., n.d. K2370 King, Louis Eugene "Negro Life in a Rural Community." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1951. K2380 King, Marie Halbert Cabin in the Valley. Asheville: Stephens Press, 1969. Fiction with a western North Carolina setting. K2390 Forgotten Valleys. Asheville: Stephens Press, 1958. Fiction with a western North Carolina setting. K2400 King, Philip Burke Geology and Manganese Deposits of Northeastern Tennessee. Bulletin, 52. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Conservation Division of Geology, 1944. K2410 (ETSU) Geology of Northeasternmost Tennessee with a Section on the Description of the Basement Rocks by Warren Hamilton. U. S. Geological Survey Profession Paper, 311. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. K2420 (ETSU) �KING—KNOXVILLE King, Philip Burke Geology of the Central Great Smoky Mountains, Tennessee. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 349-G 2 vols. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. K2430 (ASU LMC) Geology of the Elkton Area, Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 230. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1950, 1954. K2440 Geology of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, Tennessee and North Carolina. Professional Paper, 587. Washington: U. S. Department of the Interior Geological Survey, 1968. K2450 (ETSU) Manganese Deposits of the Elkton Area, Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 940-B. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1943. K2460 King, Spencer Bidwell Selective Service in North Carolina in World War II. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1949. K2470 (LMC) King, W. M. History of First Settlers of Cow Run. n.p.: W. M. King, Typescript, 1953. Cow Run is located in Jackson County, Union District, West Virginia. The History includes: History of first settlers of Cow Run; History of the parents of the children that went to old log Antioch schoolhouse; Antioch, The log schoolhouse on the hill; The Old Cherry Grove Church; The way people lived in my childhood days; Late-settlers in Antioch district; and a poem THE BACKWOODSMAN. K2480 King, Warren R. Water Resources of Tennessee: Being A Compilation of Existing Data Pertaining to the Surface Waters of Tennessee and Their Utilization. Bulletin, no. 34. Nashville: Division of Geology, 1925. K2490 (LMC) King's Mountain National Military Park, South Carolina S/N 2405-0172. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. K2500 Kingsport Press Kingsport Book of Type Faces. 3 vols. New York: n.p., n.d. K2510 (ETSU) A Way of Life, Our Home in the Southern Appalachians. Kingsport, Tenn.: The press, 1973. K2520 (BC ETSU) Kingsport, Tennessee. John Sevier Junior High School "Flexible Scheduling in Secondary Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State University, 1968. K2530 (ETSU) Kingsport, Tennessee. Public Schools New Dimensions in Mathematics for the Elementary Schools in Kingsport, Tennessee. Kingsport, Tenn.: n.p., 1966. K2540 (ETSU) Kingsport, Tennessee. Rotary Club Kingsport, the Planned Industrial City. (Original title: Kingsport, city of industries, schools, churches and homes.) Kingsport: The club, 1946. K2550 (ETSU) Kingsport, Tennessee, a Modern American City — Developed through Industry. Kingsport: The club, 1962. K2560 (LMC ETSU) Kingsport, the Planned Industrial City. (Original title: Kingsport, city of industries, schools, churches and homes.) Kingsport: The club, 1951. K2570 (ETSU ASU) Kingston, Marion A Folk Song Chapbook. Chapbook, no. 4. Beloit, Wis.: Beloit Poetry Journal, 1955. K2580 (LMC) Kinicely, Howard "Characteristics of Mobile Workers in a Rural Industrialized Community." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1960. K2600 AUTHOR Kinkel, Arthur R., Jr. The Ore Knob Copper Deposit, North Carolina, and Other Massive Sulfide Deposits of the Appalachians. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. K2590 (LMC) Kinnaird, James Brown Historical Sketches of Lancaster and Garrard County, 1796-1924. n.p.: n.p., 1924. K2610 Kinnear, Duncan Lyle The First 100 Years: A History of Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. Illustrations, index, and bibliography. Blacksburg: Polytechnic Institute Educational Foundation, 1972. K2620 Kirk, Charles H. ed. History of the Fifteenth Pennsylvania Volunteer Cavalry: Which Was Recruited and Known as the Anderson Cavalry in the Rebellion of 1861-1865. Philadelphia: Historical Committee, 1906. K2630 (LMC) Kirke, Edmund pseud. Gilmore, James Roberts A Mountain-White Heroine. New York and Chicago: Belford, Clarke and Co., 1889. G1760 Kirke, Edmund, pseud, see Gilmore, James Roberts Kirkland, Caroline Matilda A New Home — Who'll Follow? or, Glimpses at Western Life. New York: C. S. Francis, 1839. Fiction partially set in the mountains. K2640 Kirkland, W. M. Where the Star Still Shines, n.p.: n.p., n.d. K2650 (LMC) Kirkpatrick, Perl Ellis "Carter County's Greatest Need in the Homebound Program of Services for Exceptional Children, 1952-54." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1954. K2660 (ETSU) Kiser, James L., Jr. A Study of Judicial Procedures on the Cherokee Indian Reservation. Cullowhee: Western Carolina Univ., 1970. K2670 (LMC ASU) Kistner, Joyce Allison "The Third-grade Social Studies Program in Bristol, Virginia, 1969-70." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. K2680 (ETSU) Klein, Edward L. "An Analysis of the Christmas Tree Industry in Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1961. K2690 Klein, Maury History of the Louisville and Nashville Railroad. New York: Macmillan, 1972. The L and N was one of Appalachia's most significant corporation from the founding of Birmingham, Alabama, through the opening of the Elkhorn Field in 1910. This railroad continues to be one of the region's main carriers. K2700 Klindt, Thomas Harold "Development of Procedures for Quantifying and Assessing the Economic Well-being of Rural Areas." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1971. K2710 Klingberg, Frank J. Old Sherry, Portrait of a Virginia Family (Wysors). Richmond, Va.: Garrett and Massie, 1938. K2720 Knapp, Daniel Scouting the War on Poverty: Social Reform Politics in the Kennedy Administration. Lexington, Mass.: Heath Lexington Books, 1971. K2740 Knapp, David The Confederate Horsemen. New York: Vantage, 1966. K2730 Knapp, George L. A Young Volunteer With Old Hickory. Illustrated by Leslie Crump. New York: Dodd, Mead, and Co., 1929. Fictional account of young man's adventures with Andy Jackson. K2750 (ASU BC) Kneberg, Madeline Lewis, Thomas McDowell Nelson The First Tennesseans; an Interpretation of Tennessee Prehistory. Knoxville: Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Tennessee, 1955. L2260 126 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Lewis, Thomas McDowell Nelson The Prehistory of the Chickamauga Basin in Tennessee, a Preview. Knoxville: Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Tennessee, 1941. L2280 Knechtel, M. M. Manganese Deposits of the Lyndhurst-Vesuvius District, Augusta and Rockbridge Counties, Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 940-F. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1944. K2760 Knight, Edgar Wallace ed. A Documentary History of Education in the South before 1860. 5 vols. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1949-53. Tangentially Appalachian. K2770 (WWC) Knight, Herbert A. Virginia's Timber, 1966. U. S. Forest Service Resource Bulletin, SE-8. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1967. K2780 (LMC) Knight, Howard Vernon Scenic and Historic Old Virginia and Eastern National Parks. Asheville, N. C., and Richmond: Southern Park and Playgrounds, 1930. K2790 (WCU) Knight, Lucian Lamar Stone Mountain: Or, the Lay of the Gray Minstrel. An Epic Poem in Twenty-four Parts, Commemorative of the South's Confederate, Pre-Historic, Colonial, Revolutionary, and World War Days, to Which Are Added a Number of Other Poems, Patriotic, Humorous, and Occasional, Besides a Few Prose Selections. Atlanta: Johnson-Dallas Co., 1923. K2800 (ASU) Knight, Lusian Lamar comp. Georgia. Department of Archives and History Georgia's Roster of the Revolution. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. G890 (ASU) Knight, Mazie M. "A History of the Secondary Schools of Cocke County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1952. K2810 Knittle, Walter Allen Early Eighteenth Century Palatine Emigration: A British Government Redemptioner Project to Manufacture Naval Stores. 1937. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. Many of these settlers left the coast and slipped over the mountain wall in search of land. K2820 (ASU) Knott, Sarah Gertrude A Gatherin'; Ky. Lore of Mt. Music, Songs, and Dances. Frankfort: Ky. Council of the Performing Arts and Ky. Dept. of Commerce, 1963. K2830 Knowles, Clifton Dixon "A Study of the Motor Ability of a Selected Number of Boys at the Appalachian Elementary School During the 1959-1960 School Year." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1960. K2840 (ASU) Knowlson, Thomas Sharper The Origins of Popular Superstitions and Customs. 1910. Reprint. Detroit: Gale Research Co., 1968. Deals with the Celtic origins of Appalachian customs, superstitions and folklore. K2850 (ASU) Knox County in the World Wan 1917-1918-1919 Knoxville: Knoxville Litho., 1919. K2860 Knox, Joe Little Benders. 1st ed. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1952. A book of short stories including several set in the western North Carolina mountains. K2870 (BC ASU WCU) Knox, John Ballenger The People of Tennessee: A Study of Population Trends. Prepared for the Bureau for Sociological Research with the assistance of Jerry W. Combs, Jr., and others. With an introduction by William E. Cole. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1949. K2880 (BC ASU WCU) The Knoxville Chalkboard vol. 1- . 1961- . Knoxville: Knoxville Teachers League, monthly. K2890 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Knoxville District Dietetic Association The Knoxville Area Diet Manual. Knoxville: The assoc., 1967. K2900 (ETSU) Knoxville, Tennessee, Public Schools The Other Children: A Seatwork Activities Bulletin. New York: Harper and Row, 1960. K2910 (ETSU) Knoxville, Tennessee, the Queen City of the Mountains Knoxville: Knoxville Board of Trade, 1909. K2920 Knutson, Robert Look at Mine-timber Market in the Appalachian Bituminous Coal Region. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-147. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. K2930 Koch, ? Up the Big Mountain. Birmingham, Ala.: Title Books, n.d. Children's adventure story set in the southern Appalachians. K2940 Koch, Frederick Henry ed. Carolina Folk-plays. Introduction. Foreword by Paul Green. Illustrated from photographs of the original productions of the plays. 3rd ed. New York: H. Holt and Co., 1928. K2960 (LMC) Kochenderfer, James N. Erosion Control on Logging Roads in the Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-158. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. K2970 (ASU LMC) Kock, Frederick Henry ed. Carolina Folk-Plays. Introduction on folk-play making. Illustrated from photographs of the original productions of the plays. New York: H. Holt and Co., 1922. Includes some mountain material. K2950 (ASU BC) Kolb, F. W. Lewis, Henry Guy Soil Survey of Cleburne County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1915. L2170 Kollmorgen, Walter Martin The German Settlement in Cullman County, Alabama: An Agricultural Island in the Cotton Belt. Washington: Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, 1941. K2980 (BC) The German-Swiss in Franklin County, Tennessee: A Study of the Significance of Cultural Considerations in Farming Enterprises. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, 1940. K2990 (ASU BC) Koon, William Henry "Folk Songs of Watauga." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Georgia, 1966. K3000 Koontz, Louis Knott The Virginia Frontier, 1754-1763. Xerox copy of the original. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1925. K3010 (ASU BC) Kopas, Frank A. Soil Survey, Fayette County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State University, Agricultural Experiment Station and Agricultural Extension Service, and Pennsylvania Department of Agriculture, State Soil and Water Conservation Commission. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1973. K3020 Kornbluh, Joyce L. ed. Per man, Louis A. ed. Poverty in America. Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1965. F690 Korson, George Gershon Black Land, the Way of Life in the Coal Fields. Evans ton, III.: Row, Peterson, 1941. K3030 Black Rock: Mining Folklore of the Pennsylvania Dutch. 1st ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1960. K3040 (ASU) Coal Dust on the Fiddle: Songs and Stories of the Bituminous Industry. Foreword by John Greenway. Hatboro, Pa.: Folklore Associates, 1965. The foremost source on coal miner's songs. K3050 (ASU LMC WCU BC) AUTHOR Minstrels of the Mine Patch: Songs and Stories of the Anthracite Industry. Foreword by Archie Green. 1938. Reprint. Hatboro, Pa.: Folklore Associates, 1964. K3060 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Pennsylvania Songs and Legends. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1949. K3070 Korstian, Clarence Ferdinand The Economic Development of the Furniture Industry of the South and Its Future Dependence Upon Forestry. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development, 1926. K3080 (LMC) Kozee, William Carlos Early Families of Eastern and Southeastern Kentucky and Their Descendants. 1961. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1973. K3090 (ASU) Pioneer Families of Eastern and Southeastern Kentucky. 1957. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1973. K3100 (ASU BC) Kozsuch, Mildred Spaulding "A Study of the Use of Periodicals Received by the Dobyns-Bennett Senior High School Materials Center, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. K3110 (ETSU) Kraft, John Christian Morphologic and Systematic Relationships of Some Middle Ordovician Ostracoda. New York: n.p., 1962. K3120 (ETSU) Kramer, Loren W. Settlement Institutions in Southern Appalachia. Mineographed. n.p.: Atlantic Resource Project, Southern Regional Education Board, 1969. K3130 Krassen, Miles Appalachian Fiddle. New York: Oak Publications, 1973. Contains old fiddle favorites and hard-to-find printed music for fiddlers. K3140 Kraus, John F. The Olustee Arboretum Performance of 67 Species of Forest Trees. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, no. SE-4. Asheville, N. C: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1963. K3150 (WCU) Kraus, Richard Folk Dancing. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1962. K3160 (FC ASU) Krause, Mary Lou "An Experimental Study of the Effect of an Individualized Reading Program on Third, Fourth, and Fifth Grade Students in the Thomas Jefferson School, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. K3170 (ETSU) Krebs, Charles E. Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. Wheeling: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1913. K3180 (ETSU ASU) Krebs, F. J. Harris, Evelyn L. K. From Humble Beginnings; West Virginia State Federation of Labor, 1903-1957. Charleston: Charleston, W. Va. Labor History Pub. Fund, 1960. H2770 (BC) Krebs, Frank J. Where there is Faith; The Morris Harvey College Story, 1888-1970. Charleston: The college, 1974. K3190 Krebs, Friedrich Emigrants From the Palatinate to the American Colonies in the 18th Century. Introduction by Milton Rubincam. Special Study, no. 1. Norristown: Pennsylvania German Society, 1953. K3200 (ASU) Krechniak, Helen Bullard Cumberland County's First Hundred Years. Crossville, Tenn.: Centennial Committee, 1956. K3210 (ASU ETSU LMC BC) Krechniak, Joseph M. Bullard, Helen Cumberland County's First Hundred Years. Crossville: Cumberland Co. Centennial Committee, 1956. B8340 (LMC) 127 KNOXVILLE-KUHNS Krechniak, Joseph Marshall Krechniak, Helen Bullard Cumberland County's First Hundred Years. Crossville, Tenn.: Centennial Committee, 1956. K3210 (ASU ETSU LMC BC) Kretsch, Jack Louis "Influence of Reservoir Projects on Land Values." Ph. D. Diss. Harvard Univ., 1963. K3220 Krochmal, Arnold Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-138. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1969. K3230 (BC) A Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. Washington: U. S. Forest Service, 1971. K3240 (ASU ETSU LMC) Kroll, Harry Harrison The Cabin in the Cotton. New York: R. Long and R. R. Smith, 1931. This Kroll novel, unlike his others, is only tangentially Appalachian. K3250 (ASU BC) Darker Grows the Valley. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1947. A saga of Tennessee's Clinch family from pioneer days to the coming of the TVA. A magnificent drama of eighteenth century values in conflict with the federal government. K3260 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Mountain Singer. New York: William Morrow and Co., 1928. A mountain boy finds his identity through music. K3270 (BC ASU) My Heart's in the Hills. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1956. A novel celebrating Knoll's love for the mountains. K3280 (ASU BC) The Rider on the Bronze Horse. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1942. Novel in which mountain characters and settings are incidental to the action of the novel. K3290 The Smouldering Fire. New York: Ace Co., 1955. A novel based on the Breathitt County feuds. K3300 Summer Gold. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1955. Only tangentially Appalachian. K3310 (BC) Their Ancient Grudge. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1946. A finely wrought novel based on the Hatfield-McCoy feud. K3320 (ASU ETSU BC) Three Brothers and Seven Daddies. New York: R. Long and R. R. Smith, 1932. Superstition flourishes in the shadow of Three Brothers and Seven Daddies until a young couple trapped in a cave are forced to apply logic to their superstition. K3330 (ASU LMC BC) Kruegel, David Leo "Metropolitan Dominance and the Diffusion of Human Fertility Patterns, Kentucky, 1939-65." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1968. K3340 Projected Kentucky Population Growth by Age, Sex, and Color Groups: 1960 to 1970. Bulletin no. 703. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Kentucky, 1965. K3350 Krueger, Daniel W. Wind Directions for Prescribed Burning in Southeastern United States. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 131. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. K3360 (WCU) Kuhaida, Andrew Jerome, Jr. "Debris Avalanching as a Natural Hazard in the Southern Appalachians: A Case Study of the Davis Creek Watershed, Virginia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. K3370 (ETSU) Kuhns, Levi Oscar The German and Swiss Settlements of Colonial Pennsylvania: A Study of the So-called Pennsylvania Dutch. New York: Abingdon Press, 1914. K3380 (ASU) �KULL-LANE Kull, Donald C. Budget Administration in the Tennessee Valley Authority. Master's thesis. Univ. of Minnesota, and Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Record, May 1948. A study sponsored by the Bureau of Research of the College of Business Administration and the Bureau of Public Administration, University of Tennessee. K3390 Kunkin, Dorothy Appalachians in Cleveland. Cleveland: Institute of Urban Studies, 1972. A study of "Over-the-Rhine," a Cleveland ghetto for mountaineers. K3400 (LMC ASU) Kunkle, W. M. Ellyson, W. J. Soil Survey, Wood and Wirt Counties, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1970. El 870 Kunz, George Frederick History of the Gems Found in North Carolina. Bulletin, no. 12. Raleigh: North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey, 1907. K3410 (LMC) Kupferer, Harriet J. The "Principal People", I960: A Study of Cultural and Social Groups of the Eastern Cherokee. U. S. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, no. 196. Also, Anthropological Papers, no. 78. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. K3420 (WCU) Kurtenacker, R. S. Appalachian Hardwoods for Pallets, Laboratory Evaluation. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, FPL-76. Madison, Wis.: Forest Products Laboratory, 1967. K3430 Kutsche, Rudolph Paul, Jr. "A Rorschach Comparison of Adult Male Personality in Big Cove, Cherokee, North Carolina, and "Henry's Branch', Kentucky." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1961. A study of personality differentials between adult males in two isolated mountain communities. K3440 Kuvlesky, William Peter "The Non-attainment of Adolescents' Occupational Aspirations: A Longitudinal Study of Rural Pennsylvania Males." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1965. Survey covers a number of mountain counties in Pennsylvania. K3450 Kyger, M. E. Smith, Elmer L. The Pennsylvania Germans of the Shenandoah Valley. Allentown, Pa.: The Folklore Association, 1964. S4620 (ASU) Kyle, John H. The Building of TVA, an Illustrated History. 1st ed. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ., 1958. K3460 (ASU WCU LMC BC) La Barre, Weston They Shall Take Up Serpents: Psychology of the Southern Snake-handling Cult. Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1962. A documentary account of the Southern snake-handlers. L10 (BC ASU WCU WWC) They Shall Take Up Serpents: Psychology of the Southern Snake-handling Cult. New York: Schocken Books, 1962. L20 (ASU) Lacey, Anna Elizabeth "A Guidance Program for Elizabethton High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. L30 (ETSU) Lacy, Ann K. "A Survey of Physical Education Programs for Educable Mentally Retarded Students in Tennessee Public Elementary Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. L40 (ETSU) Lacy, Dan ed. Historical Records Survey, North Carolina The Historical Records of North Carolina. Raleigh: The North Carolina Historical Commission, 1938. H5730 (ASU LMC BC) Lacy, Eric Russell "Sectionalism in East Tennessee, 1796 to 1861." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Georgia, 1963. L50 AUTHOR Vanquished Volunteers: East Tennessee Sectionalism From Statehood to Secession. Johnson City: East Tennessee State Univ. Press, 1965. L60 (LMC ETSU BC) Ladd, H. S. Manganese Deposits of the Sweet Springs District, West Virginia and Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey, no. 940-G. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1944. L70 Ladd, Robert A. "The Development of Education in Roane County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. L80 Ladd, William Mueller, Eva Migration into and out of Depressed Areas. Washington: Area Redevelopment Administration, 1964. M8460 Lael, Ralph I. The Brown Mountain Lights, n.p.: The author, 1965. A nonsensical space fantasy written as an explanation of the Brown Mountain Lights, an ancient and mysterious North Carolina phenomena. L90 (ASU LMC) Lafky, John Delmar "Tennessee Valley Authority 1933 to I960: An Investigation of Progress." Master's thesis. Univ. of Texas, 1960. LI 00 Laing, James T. The Drain of Talent Out of the Virginias. Morgantown: West Virginia Academy of Science, 1938. L110 A Further Note on the Drain of Talent Out of the Virginias. Morgantown: West Virginia Academy of Science, 1939. LI 20 "The Negro Miner in West Virginia." Ph. D. Diss. Ohio State Univ., 1933. LI 30 Lainhart, William S. Pneumoconiosis in Appalachian Bituminous Coal Miners. Washington: Bureau of Occupational Safety and Health, 1969. LI 50 Lainhart, William S. and others Pneumoconiosis in Appalachian Bituminous Coal Miners. Public Health Service Publication, no. 2000. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Occupational Health and Safety, Consumer Protection and Environmental Health Service, 1969. A study of the major health problem in coal fields. LI 40 (ASU) Lair, John Renfro Valley; Then and Now. n.p.: n.p., 1957. A study of Renfro Valley's contributions to country music and dance. LI 60 Lamar, Ralph E. "Fundamentalism and Selected Social Factors in the Southern Appalachian Region." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1962. LI 70 (ASU) Lambert, Darwin Seymour The Earthman Story, Starring Shenandoah Skyline. 1st ed. Shenandoah Natural History Association Bulletin, no. 6. An Exposition Banner Book. New York: Exposition Press, 1972. Focuses attention on the social, recreational and conservational roles of the Skyline. L180 (BC ASU MHC) Lambert, H. D. Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Allegheny County. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1917. B8680 Lambert, Oscar Doane West Virginia and its Government. Boston: Heath, 1951. LI 90 Lambert, Stella Wilson Along Came the Other Girl; a Story of Love and Adventure in Pre-Revolutionary Virginia. New York: American Press, 1961. Romantic fiction from frontier Virginia. L200 Lambert, Walter Holmes, Jack E. Structure of County Government in Tennessee, n.p.: n.p., n.d. H6800 Lambert, Walter N. Governments in Knox County. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1965. L210 (ETSU) 128 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Lambie, Joseph T. From Mine to Market: The History of Coal Transportation on the Norfolk and Western Railway. Graduate School of Business Administration. Business History Series. New York: New York Univ. Press, 1954. L220 (ASU BC) "The Norfolk and Western Railroad, 1881-1896: A Study in Coal Transportation." Ph. D. Diss. Harvard Univ., 1948. L230 Lamont, W. E. Resource and Beneficiation Studies of Copperbearing Pyrite Ore, Pyriton, Clay County, Alabama. Circular, 27. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1964. L240 (ETSU) Lancaster, Bruce Night March. 1st ed. Boston: Little, Brown, 1958. Novel with an Appalachian setting and a wartime backdrop. L250 (ASU BC WCU) No Bugles Tonight. 1st ed. Boston: Little, Brown, 1948. Action-packed novel with a wartime Appalachian setting. L260 (ASU) Lancaster, John L. Personal Income Estimates for Virginia Counties and Cities, 1955. Charlottesville: Univ. of Va., Bureau of Population and Economic Research, 1958. Includes western Virginia towns and counties. L270 "Some Economic Aspects of the Changes in Towns County Agriculture during the Period, 1934-1950." Master's thesis. Univ. of Georgia, 1952. L280 Lancour, Harold A Bibliography of Ship Passenger Lists, 1538-1825: Being a Guide to Published Lists of Early Immigrants to North America. 3rd ed. Revised and enlarged by Richard J. Wolfe. With a list of passenger arrival records in the National Archives by Frank E. Bridger. New York: New York Public Library, 1963. L290 (ASU) "Land of the Sky" and The Great Smoky Mountains National Park Asheville, N. C.: Great Smoky Mountains Pub. Co., 1929. L300 (UNCA ASU) Landmarks; a Pictorial History of DeKalb Co., Ala. n.p.: Landmarks of DeKalb Co., Inc., 1971. L310 Landrum, John Belton O'Neall Colonial and Revolutionary History of Upper South Carolina, Embracing for the Most Part the Primitive and Colonial History of the Territory Comprising the Original County of Spartanburg with a General Review of the Entire Military Operations in the Upper Portion of South Carolina and Portions of North Carolina. 1897. Reprint. South Carolina Heritage Series, no. 1. Spartanburg, S. C.: Reprint Co., 1959. L320 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Colonial and Revolutionary History of Upper South Carolina. 1897. Reprint. Spartanburg, S. C: Reprint Co., 1971. L330 (LMC) History of Spartanburg County: Embracing an Account of Many Important Events, and Biographical Sketches of Statesmen, Divines and Other Public Men. 1900. Reprint. South Carolina Heritage Series, no. 2. Spartanburg, S. C. Reprint Co., 1960. L340 (ASU BC) Lane, Billy Joe "Some Factors Affecting School Attendance as a Family Problem, as Revealed by a Comparison of Two Groups of Families in Washington County, Tennessee, 1951-1952." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. L350 (ETSU) Lane, Charles Franklin "Physiography of the Grassy Cove District, Cumberland County, Tennessee." Ph. D. Diss. Northwestern Univ., 1952. L360 (LMC) Lane, Rose Wilder Hill-billy. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1926. A humorous but derogatory novel about mountaineers. L370 (ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Lone, Winthrop David Civil War in West Virginia: A Story of the Industrial Conflict in the Coal Mines. With an introduction by John R. Commons. 1921. Reprint. The Freeman Pamphlets. New York: Arno Press, 1969. L380 (ASU BC) Laney, F. B. Emmons, W. H. Geology and Ore Deposits of the Ducktown Mining District, Tennessee. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1926. El 960 (ASU BC) Laney, Francis Baker Bibliography of North Carolina Geology, Mineralogy, and Geography, with a List of Maps. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 18. Raleigh: E. M. Uzzell and Co., 1909. L390 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) The Geology and Ore Deposits of the Virgilina District of Virginia and North Carolina. North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development Bulletin, no. 26. Also, Virginia Geological Survey Bulletin, 14. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell, 1917. L400 (ETSU ASU) The Gold Hill Mining District of North Carolina. North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development Bulletin, no. 21. Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Print Co., 1910. L410 (LMC ETSU) Laney, R. L. Dodson, Chester Lee Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Murphy Area, North Carolina. Raleigh: n.p., 1968. D2760 (WCU) Lang, Theodore F. Loyal W. Va. from 1861 to 1865. Baltimore: Deutsch Pub. Co., 1895. L420 Langley, John Wesley They Tried to Crucify Me; or, the Smokescreen of the Cumberlands. Pikesville, Ky.: The author, 1929. Biography of a man falsely accused and publicly abused on hearsay evidence. L430 Longman, R. C. Appalachian Kentucky, an Exploited Region. Selected Studies in the United States. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1971. Deals with absentee ownership of Kentucky's natural resources. L440 (ETSU) Langstaff, John comp. Langstaff, Nancy comp. Jim Along, Josie; a Collection of Folk Songs and Singing Games for Young Children. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, Inc., 1970. L470 (ASU) Langstaff, John M. Hi Ho The Rattlin' Hog and other Folk Songs for Group Singing. Selected by John Langstaff. Piano settings by John Edmunds and others. Guitar chords suggested by Happy Traum. Illustrated by Robin Jacques. N. Y.: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1969. Not primarily Appalachian. L450 The Swapping Boy. Illustrated by Beth and Joe Krush. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1960. Mountain folk songs arranged for children. L460 (ASU) Langstaff, Nancy comp. Jim Along, Josie; a Collection of Folk Songs and Singing Games for Young Children. Piano arrangement by Seymour Berah. Guitar chords by Happy Traum. Illustrated by Jan Pienkowski. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, Inc., 1970. L470 (ASU) Lanham, Robert Eugene "The West Virginia Statehouse Democratic Machine; Structure, Function and Process." Master's thesis. Claremont College, 1971. L480 Lanier, Ruby Jeanne "Blanford Barnard Dougherty: Mountain Educator." Ed. D. Diss. Duke Univ., 1971. L490 (ASU) Blanford Barnard Dougherty, Mountain Educator. Durham, N. C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1974. L500 (ASU) AUTHOR Lanier, Sidney The Centennial Edition of the Works of Sidney Lanier. 10 vols. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1945. Lanier wrote one novel and several poems about the mountains. L510 (MHC) Tiger-lilies: A Novel. New York: Hurd and Houghton, 1867. L520 (ASU) Tiger-lilies: A Novel. Introduction by Richard Harwell. Southern Literary Series. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1969. A romantic Civil War novel in the florid German tradition set in Pike County, Tennessee. Cain and Gorn Smallin are realistically drawn mountain characters. L530 (ASU ETSU) Lankford, Jesse R. "The Campaign for a National Park in Western North Carolina, 1885-1940." Master's thesis. Western Carolina Univ., 1973. L540 (WCU) Lanman, Charles Adventures in the Wilds of the United States and British American Provinces. Appendix by Campbell Hardy. 2 vols. Philadelphia: John W. Moore, 1856. Includes descriptions of travel in Appalachia. L550 (LMC) Letters from the Allegheny Mountains. New York: Putnam, 1849. The record of a trip from Dahlonega, Georgia to Harper's Ferry, West Virginia. L560 (LMC ASU BC) Lansing, Elizabeth Carleton Hubbard Rider on the Mountains. New York: Crowell, 1949. A Boston society girl volunteers for a tour of duty with Kentucky's Frontier Nursing Service. As she proves herself, she becomes sympathetic to the mountain folks. L570 Shoot for a Mule. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1951. A story of youth, poverty and ambition set in the Cumberland mountains. L580 Lansinger, Sarah Lucille "A Distributive Education Program for Washington County, Tennessee, High Schools Based on an Occupational Survey of the County." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1965. L590 (ETSU) Lantz, Herman R. People of Coal Town. With the assistance of J. C. McCrary. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1958. A haunting description of life in an Appalachian coal camp. L600 (ASU BC WWC WCU) People of Coal Town. Carbondale: Southern HI. Univ. Press, 1971. L610 (LMC) Lapham, Jesse Erwin Soil Survey of the Asheville, North Carolina, Area. Field Operations, 1903. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1904. L620 Lapsley, Robert A., Jr. Home Mission Investments. Richmond: John Knox Press, 1946. L630 (LMC) Large, Mary Harriott The Twelfth Juror. Boston: C. M. Clark Pub. Co., 1908. A young man, reared outside the mountains returns home to find himself elected foreman of a jury in the trial of a mountain man for an unusual murder. L640 (BC ASU) Larsen, Christian L. South Carolina's Natural Resources: A Study in Public Administration. Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1947. L650 (ASU) Lart, Charles Edmund Huguenot Pedigrees. 1924-48. Reprint. 2 vols. in 1. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. L660 (ASU) Lathrop, Frank H. The Old Naturalist's Notebook: Wild Flowers of the Appalachian. Asheville, N. C.: Asheville-Biltmore Botanical Gardens, 1968. L670 (UNCA ASU) 129 LANE—LATIMER Latimer, Elizabeth Wormeley Our Cousin Veronica; or, Scenes and Adventurers over the Blue Ridge. New York: Bunce and Brothers, 1855. Period fiction in which stereotypical mountaineers move across a set stage. L680 Latimer, Ira S., Jr. Gillespie, William H. Plant Fossils of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1966. 01650 (BC ETSU) Latimer, William James Soil Survey of Barbour and Upshur Counties, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1917. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1923. L690 Soil Survey of Boone County, West Virginia. In cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1913. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1915. L700 Soil Survey of Braxton and Clay Counties, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1918. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1920. L710 Soil Survey of Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1916. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1921. L720 Soil Survey of Kanawha County, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1912. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1914. L730 Soil Survey of Lewis and Gilmer Counties, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1915. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1917. L740 Soil Survey of Logan and Mingo Counties, West Virginia. In cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1913. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1915. L750 Soil Survey of McDowell and Wyoming Counties, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1914. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. L760 Soil Survey of Preston County, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1912. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1914. L770 Soil Survey of Raleigh County, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1914. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. L780 Soil Survey of the Huntington Area, West Virginia. In cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1911. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1912. L800 �LATIMER-LEAVY Latimer, William Jomes Soil Survey of the Point Pleasant, West Virginia, Area. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1910. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1911. L810 Soil Survey of the Spencer, West Virginia, Area. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1909. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. L820 McLendon, Willie E. Soil Survey of Oconee County, South Carolina. Washington: U. S, Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1909. M2060 Meeker, Fred N. Soil Survey of the Parkersburg Area, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1909. M4920 Winston, Robert A. Soil Survey of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1912. W7820 Latimer, William James and others Soil Survey of Spartanburg County, South Carolina. Field Operations, 1921. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. L790 Laughrun, Clark Jan "A Study of the Blue Ridge Job Corps Center." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. L830 (ETSU) Lauritzen, Mrs. J. R. Some Sketches from My Life, Written for My 80th Birthday, May 1, 1910. Knoxville: n.p., 1910. L840 Law, Alton Dennis "Types, Quantities and Destinations of West Virginia's Manufactured Exports, an Exploratory Study." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1964. L850 Law, Harry Lavegia A Brief Geography of Tennessee. Clarksville, Tenn.: Queen City ' Book Co., 1949. I860 (ASU) Lawhon, William T. "Radial Growth and Wood Density of White Pine in Relation to Coal-Derived Environmental Pollutants." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1973. Study concludes pine density was affected but not radial growth. L870 Lawless, Ray McKinley Folksingers and Folksongs in America. New York: Duel), Sloan and Co., 1960. L880 (BC) Folksingers and Folksongs in America: A Handbook of Biography, Bibliography, and Discography. Illustrated from paintings by Thomas Hart Benton and others and from designs in Steuben glass. New rev. ed. with special supplement. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1965. L890 (ASU WWC BC) Lawrence, Elizabeth L. A Southern Garden: A Handbook for the Middle South. Rev. ed. 1942. Reprint. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1967. L900 (ASU) Lawrence, Mildred Walk a Rocky Road. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1971. An Appalachian girl who can't afford to go to college finds an unexpected opportunity to open up the gates of her small insular world. L910 (LMC) Lawritis, Eve-Malle ed. Appalachian Legal Services Conference, Knoxville, Tenn. 1969 Papers and Proceedings of Appalachian Legal Services Conference, Knoxville, Tenn., July 24-26, 1969. Chicago: National Legal Aid and Defender Association, 1969. A3230 (BC) AUTHOR Laws, George Malcolm American Balladry from British Broadsides: A Guide for Students and Collectors of Traditional Song. Bibliographical and Special Series, vol. 8. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society, 1957. L920 (BC ASU) Native American Balladry, a Descriptive Study and a Bibliographical Syllabus. Rev. ed. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society, 1964. L930 (FC) Laws of the Cherokee Nation: Adopted by the Council at Various Periods, 1808-1835. Printed for the Benefit of the Nation. Tahlequah, N. C: Cherokee Advocate, 1852. L940 Lawson, Ernest Marshall Awakening. Of Cumberland County on the Last Fifty Years. Burkesville, Ky.: Cumberland County Pub. Co., 1973. L950 (ASU BC) Lawson, Inez R. Kingsport, Tennessee. John Sevier Junior High School "Flexible Scheduling in Secondary Schools." East Tennessee State University, 1968. K2530 (ETSU) "Flexible Scheduling in Secondary Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. L960 (ETSU) Lawson, John History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of That Country, Together with the Present State Thereof, and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled Through Several Nations of Indians, Giving a Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc., Etc. 1709. Reprint. 2nd ed. (Original title: A New Voyage to Carolina.) Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1952. L970 (LMC MHC BC) History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of that Country, Together with the Present State Thereof, and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled through Several Nations of Indians, Giving a Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc., Etc. London: Printed for W. Taylor at the Ship, and F. Baker at the Black Boy, in Pater-Noster Row, 1714. 3rd ed. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1951 and 1960. L980 (UNCA) History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of That Country, Together with the Present State Thereof and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled Through Several Nations of Indians, Giving Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc. 1709. Reprint. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1960. L990 (WWC ASU) A New Voyage to Carolina. 1709. Reprint. March of America Facsimile Series, no. 35. Ann Arbor: Univ. Microfilms, 1966. L1000 (LMC ETSU) A New Voyage to Carolina. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1967. L1010 (UNCA) Lawson, Laura Bennett Leonora, A Tale of the Great Smokies. New York: Neale Pub. Co., 1904. An abandoned woman stumbles into Asheville and dies of childbirth and grief. The daughter discovers this at the death of her stepmother and sets out to avenge her mother. By the time she discovers her father, her anger has burned itself out*. LI 020 Lawson, Michael Edwin "A Program of Visual Instruction for Use in Teaching the Location of Major Resources in the East Tennessee State University Library." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. L1030 (ETSU) Lawson, W. B. The Hatfield-McCoy Feud. New York: Street and Smith, 1898. A romanticized version of the Hatfield-McCoy feud. L1040 130 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Hatfield-McCoy Vendetta. New York: Street and Smith, 1894. An account of forty years of feuding along the Kentucky-West Virginia line. LI 050 Lawton, Mrs. James M. comp. Family Names of Huguenot Refugees to America. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1963. LI 060 (ASU) Lay, Elery Arnold "An Industrial and Commercial History of the Tri-cities in Tennessee." Ed. D. Diss. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1960. • LI 070 Laycock, George Big Nick: The Story of a Remarkable Black Bear. Illustrated by Nancy Grossman. 1st ed. New York: W. W. Norton, 1967. A big black bear with a colorful personality roams the Appalachians. LI 080 (ASU BC) The Diligent Destroyers. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1970. An attack on agencies and industries who are destroying our environment. LI090 (ASU WCU) Layne, Ora Sequatchie County: History and Development. Dunlap: The author, 1969. LI 100 Layne, Raymond Lee Descendants of Isham Lane. Madison Co., Ky.: Valley Station, Ky., 1966. Saga and genealogy of one of Kentucky's pioneer families. Lino Lazenby, Mary Elinor comp. Catawba Frontier, 1775-1781: Memories of Pensioners. Washington: The author, 1950. L1120 (ASU BC) Leach, MacEdward The Ballad Book. New York: Harper, 1955. L1130 (ASU) The Ballad Book. New York: A. S. Barnes, 196-. LI 140 (WCU) A Guide for Collectors of Oral Traditions, n.p.: Penn. Historical and Museum Commission, 1968. LI 150 Leach, Maria God Had a Dog: Folklore of the Dog. New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1961. LI 160 (ASU) How the People Sang the Mountains Up: How and Why Stories. Illustrated by Glen Rounds. New York: Viking Press, 1967. LI 170 (ASU) The Rainbow Book of American Folk Tales and Legends. Illustrated by Marc Simon. 1st ed. Cleveland: World Pub. Co., 1958. LI 180 (ASU FC) League of Women Voters, Boone, N. C. Handbook of Watauga County. Boone, N. C.: The league, 1967. LI 190 (ASU LMC) This is Our Town: Boone, N. C. Boone, N. C: The league, 1964. L1200 (LMC ASU) League of Women Voters, Kingsport, Tenn. A Survey of Social Services in the Greater Kingsport Area. Kingsport, Tenn.: The league, 1948. L1210 (ETSU) Leather Stocking and Silk; or Hunter John Meyers and His Times New York: Harper and Brothers, 1854. LI 220 Leatherman, Martin Conrey, Guy Woolard Soil Survey, Scioto County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1940. C6780 () Leavell, Frank Hartwell "The Literary Career of Jesse Stuart." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1965. LI 230 (ASU) Leavitt, Mrs. Sturgis Ellens ed. Stories and Poems From the Old North State. Durham, N. C.: Seeman, 1923. LI 240 (LMC) Leavy, Thomas A. "Agricultural Regions of Clarion County, Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1952. LI 250 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Lebus, William F., Jr. Economic Data on Eastern Kentucky Coal Field. Frankfort: The author, 1956. LI 260 LeConte, Joseph The Autobiography of Joseph LeConte. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1903. Mt. LeConte was named for this early explorer. L1270 (BC ASU LMC) Lederer, John The Discoveries of John Lederer. 1672. Reprint. March of America Facsimile Series, no. 25. Ann Arbor: Univ. Microfilms, 1966. L1280 (LMC) The Discoveries of John Lederer, in Three Several Marches From Virginia, to the West of Carolina, and Other Parts of the Continent: Begun in March 1669, and Ended in September 1670. Together with a general map of the whole territory which he traversed. Collected and translated out of Latine from his discourse and writings, by Sir William Talbot, baronet. 1672. Reprint. Rochester, N. Y.: G. P. Humphrey, 1902. LI 290 (ASU FC BC) The Discoveries of John Lederer, with Unpublished Letters By and About Lederer to Governor John Winthrop, Jr. 1792. Reprint. An Essay on the Indians of Lederer's Discoveries by Douglas L. Rights and William Patterson Cummings. Edited with notes by William Patterson Cummings. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia Press, 1958. L1300 (ASU WCU ETSU) Lee, Betty Arrowood "A Study of the Academic Achievement of Kindergarten and Non-kindergarten Children in a Rural School in Appalachia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. L1310 (ETSU) Lee, Chi Yuen "The Impact of TVA on Agriculture." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1949. LI 320 Lee, Enoch Lawrence Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763. Raleigh, N. C: Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1963. LI 330 (ASU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) Lee, George Taylor A Virginia Feud: The Story of a Mountain Lassie. New York: Neale Pub. Co., 1908. A young surveyor meets a mountain girl and finds it difficult to be accepted by her family. LI 340 (ASU BC) Lee, Howard Burton Bloodletting in Appalachia: The Story of West Virginia's Four Major Mine Wars and Other Thrilling Incidents of Its Coal Fields. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1969. L1350 (ASU WCU LMC BC MHC) The Burning Springs, and Other Tales of the Little Kanawha. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1968. L1360 (ASU BC) My Appalachia: Pipestem State Park Today and Yesterday. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. LI 370 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) Lee, Jesse Memoir of the Rev. Jesse Lee. With Extracts From His Journals. 1823. Reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1969. LI 380 (ASU FC) Lee, K. Y. Geologic Map of the Maulden Quadrangle, Southeastern Kentucky. Washington, D. C.: Geological Survey, 1974. LI 390 Lee, Lewey K. "An Analysis of Particulate Pollution in Johnson City and Rural Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. LI 400 (ETSU) Lee, Marguerite du Pont Virginia Ghosts. Rev. ed. Berryville, Va.: Virginia Book Co., 1966. Some of these tales are set in the Virginia mountains. LI 410 (FC ASU BC) AUTHOR Lee, Mary Law "The Influence of Geography on the Growth of Chattanooga Industries." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1931. LI 420 Lee, W. D. Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Cherokee County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. J2860 (ASU) Lee, William Daniel Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Rutherford County, North Carolina. J2910 Soil Survey of Burke County. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1926. LI 430 Soil Survey of Burke County, North Carolina. In cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1926, no. 22. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. LI 440 Soil Survey, Yadkin County, North Carolina. In cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1924, no. 1. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1928. LI 450 Lee, William E. Haiku and Tanka. Penacook, N. H.: Sunburst Anthology Press, 1973. Lee is a Watauga County, North Carolina poet. L1460 (ASU) Leeder, Joseph A. Thomas, Jeannette Bell The Singin' Gatherin': Tunes From the Southern Appalachians. New York: Silver Burdett Co., 1939. T7940 (UNCA BC ETSU ASU) Thomas, Jeannette Bell The Singin' Gatherin': Tunes From the Southern Appalachians. New York: Silver Burdett, 1939. T7950 (LMC BC) Leeper, Louise South "Development of a Comprehension Skills Program for the Primary Educable Mentally Retarded Class in Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. L1470 (ETSU) Lees-McRae College, Banner Elk, N. C. Report on Its Institutional Self-study for the Commission on Colleges and Universities, Southern Association, 1962-63. Banner Elk, N. C.: The college, 1964. LI 480 (LMC) LeFevre, Laura Zenobia Stoke of Brier Hill. Cleveland, Tenn.: Pathway Press, 1962. A rather Southern interpretation of the mountain country. LI 490 (BC) Leffard, Warren Lee "Employment Opportunities and Training Needs for Technicians in the Metalworking Manufacturing industries of the Central Ohio Valley with Projections through 1975." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Missouri, Columbia, 1968. LI 500 Lefferts, Walter The Taming of the Tennessee: Continued Study Units in Geographic Backgrounds. Philadelphia: Davis, 1941. L1510 Lefler, Hugh Talmage A Guide to the Study and Reading of North Carolina History. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1955. LI 520 (LMC) A Guide to the Study and Reading of North Carolina History. Rev. ed. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1963. LI 530 (UNCA ASU) A Guide to the Study and Reading of North Carolina History. 3rd ed. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1969. LI 540 (LMC) History of North Carolina. 4 vols. New York: Lewis Historical Pub. Co., 1956. LI550 (BC LMC UNCA) 131 LEBUS—LEMERT North Carolina, the History of a Southern State. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1954. LI570 (UNCA WWC) North Carolina, the History of a Southern State. Rev. ed. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1963. L1580 (BC FC ASU LMC) Lefler, Hugh Talmage ed. North Carolina History Told by Contemporaries. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1934. LI 560 (BC LMC WWC) Leftwich, Nina Two Hundred Years at Muscle Shoals Being an Authentic History of Colbert County, 1700-1900. Tuscumbia, Ala.: n.p., 1935. LI 590 Leftwich, Rodney L. Arts and Crafts of the Cherokee. Cullowhee, N. C.: Land-of-the-Sky Press, 1970. LI 600 (UNCA ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Legislative Work Conference on Southern Regional Education Technical-Vocational Education and the Community College. Williamsburg, Va.: Proceedings of the Thirteen Annual Conference, 1964. LI 610 Lehman, John William Changing Sawmill Industry; a Status Report on 58 Circular Sawmills in the Tennessee Valley, 1950-60. Norris, Tenn.: TVA, 1961. LI 620 Products from Hickory Bolts. Hickory Task Force Report, no. 6. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1958. LI 630 (WCU) Leibel, Irene Hope Look Back Into Your Mighty Ancestors. Lincoln, Nebr.: n.p., n.d. LI 640 Leidheiser, Henry, Jr. ed. Hughes, Roscoe Durall Exploring Virginia's Human Resources. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1965. H8120 (ASU BC) Leighton, Marshall Ora The Relation of the Southern Appalachian Mountains to Inland Water Navigation. U. S. Forest Service Circular, 143. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1908. L1650 (BC ASU) The Relation of the Southern Appalachian Mountains to the Development of Water Power. U. S. Forest Service Circular, 144. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1908. LI 660 (ASU BC) Leighty, Ralph G. Porter, Hobart Clarke Soil Survey, Tazewell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P3660 Leighty, W. J. Robinson, Glenn Hugh Soil Survey, Avery County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1955. R3290 Leighty, Willis Jay and others Soil Survey, Watauga County, North Carolina. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1944, no. 5. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. L1670 Leininger, Mary "The Regionalist Movement in the Cumberland." Master's thesis. Ohio State Univ., 1942. An account of the brief literary regionalistic movement in Appalachia and its few political implications. LI 680 (ASU) Leisy, Ernest E. ed. Kennedy, John Pendleton Horse-shoe Robinson. New York: American Book Company, 1937. K760 (WCU ASU) Lemaster, Jimmie Ray "Jesse Stuart: Kentucky's Chronicler-poet." Ph. D. Diss. Bowling Green State Univ., 1970. L1690 Lemert, Benjamin Franklin The Cotton Textile Industry of the Southern Appalachian Piedmont. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1933. L1700 (BC ASU ETSU) �LEMERT-LEWIS Lemert, Benjamin Franklin North Carolina Geography: A Study of How We Live in North Carolina. Oklahoma City: Harlow Pub. Corp., 1954. Includes material on the 28 western counties. L1710 (LMC ASU) Lemmon, Robert E. "Geology of the Bat Cave and Fuitland Quadrangles and the Origin of the Henderson Gneiss, Western North Carolina." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1973. The first detailed study of Henderson County's remarkable geologic formations. LI 720 Lemmon, Sarah McCullah ed. Haywood, Marshall Delancey Builders of the Old North State: Selected Sketches. Raleigh: The compiler, 1968. H4060 (LMC) Lemmon, Sarah McCulloh Frustrated Patriots: North Carolina and the War of 1812. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1973. L1730 (MHC) Lemond, Thomas Addison "The Good Government League and Polk County Politics, 1946-1965." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1970. Polk County has one of bloodiest, most entrenched and most patriarchal political machines in America. LI 740 Lemons, James "A Study of the Working Relationships of the Agriculture Extension Service and the Vocational Agriculture Program in East Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. LI 750 Lenoir, N. C, Chamber of Commerce The Lenoir-Blowing Rock Wonderland. Lenoir, N. C.: The chamber, 1926. Promotional material on the Lenoir-Blowing Rock Tourist attractions. L1760 (ASU) Lenoir, William B. History of Sweetwater Valley. Sweetwater: The author, 1916. LI 770 Lenski, Lois Blue Ridge Billy. New York: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1946. Story of a barefoot boy in the remote coves of the North Carolina mountains. L1780 (ASU LMC MHC BC WCU ETSU) Coal Camp Girl. New York: Lippincott, 1959. An autobiographical story of a young girl's life in a West Virginia coal camp. LI 790 (WCU ETSU BC) Lentz, Fred W. "A Study of the Educational Facilities of the Public Schools of Alexander County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1951. LI 800 Leonard, Elmore The Moonshine War. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1969. Realistic fiction about the mountains' oldest industry. L1810 (LMC) Leonard, Henry C. Pigeon Cove and Vicinity, n.p.: n.p., n.d. An account of a remote cove taken over by the Blue Ridge Parkway. LI 820 Leonard, Jacob C. History of Catawba College, Formerly Located at Newton, Now at Salisbury, N. C. n.p.: Trustees of Catawba College, 1927. LI 830 (ASU) Leoprapai, Boonlert "Mobility and Economic Progress in the Tennessee Valley Region: 1957-65." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Massachusetts, 1971. LI 840 Lepawsky, Albert State Planning and Economic Development in the South. NPC Committee of the South, Report no. 4. Washington: National Planning Association, 1949. LI 850 LeRay, Nelson L. Employment and Underemployment in Rural People: Low Income Groups in Arkansas, Maryland, and West Virginia, no. 43-109. Washington: Agricultural Research Service, U. S. Department of Agriculture, December, 1959. LI 860 AUTHOR Lerning, John Young Experiences of a Circuit Rider. New York: Methodist Book Concern, 1932. The personal experiences of a young Methodist circuit rider. LI 870 Lesch, Alma Vegetable Dyeing: 151 Color Recipes for Dyeing Yarns and Fabrics with Natural Materials. New York: Watson-Guptill Publications, 1970. A comprehensive guidebook for making dyes from natural materials. LI 880 (ASU) Lesh, F. R. Shearin, A. E. Soil Survey, Pickens County, South Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1943. S2570 Lesley, J. Peter Manual of Coal and Its Topography. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1856. LI 890 Leslie, J. D. Management of Kentucky Natural Resources. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1965. The general conclusion is that natural resources are poorly managed. LI 900 Lessing, Peter and others, eds. Appalachian Structural Seminar, 2nd, Mont Chateau, W. Va., 1971. Appalachian Structures: Origin, Evolution and Possible Potential for New Exploration Frontiers. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. and West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1972. A4090 Lester, James G. Allen, Arthur Thomas Zonation of the Middle and Upper Ordovician Strata in Northwestern Georgia. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1957. A1500 (ETSU) Lester, James George Cramer, Howard Ross Annotated Bibliography of Georgia Geology Through 1959. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1967. C8500 (ETSU) Lester, William Stewart The Transylvania Colony. Spencer, Ind.: S. R. Guard & Co., 1935. An interesting history of the land company which drew settlers into the mountain wilderness. L1910 (BCASU) Lesure, Frank G. Mica Deposits of the Blue Ridge in North Carolina. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, 577. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. L1920 (LMC) Lett, W. L. Tharp, William Edgar Soil Survey of Bibb County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. T7660 Tharp, William Edward Soil Survey of Cullman County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. T7670 Leubke, B. H. and others Types of Farming in Tennessee. Bulletin no. 169. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Tennessee, 1939. Includes survey of Tennessee's mountain counties. LI 930 Leuthold, Frank 0. Population Changes in Tennessee since 1930. Bulletin no. 403. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Tennessee, 1966. LI 940 LeVan, Donald C. Catalog of Oil and Gas Wells in Well Sample Repository on August 1, 1959. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1962. LI 950 Directory of the Mineral Industry in Virginia, 1966. Charlottesville: Virginia Division of Mineral Resources, 1966. LI 960 Wells Drilled for Oil and Gas in Virginia Prior to 1962. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1962. LI 970 (ETSU) 132 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Leverett, Frank The Pleistocene of Northern Kentucky, a Regional Reconnaissance Study of the Physical Effects of Glaciation Within the Commonwealth. Preface by T. C. . Chamberlin. Presented with four separate geological papers by Stephen Sargent Visher, Arle H. Sutton, James (sic, Joseph) K. Roberts, and Arnim Kohl Lobeck. Illustrated with sixteen photographs, maps, and diagrams. Series 6, Geological Reports, vol. 31. Frankfort: Kentucky Geological Survey, 1929. LI980 (ETSU) Levin, Melvin R. Grossman, D. A. The Appalachian Region: A Preliminary Analysis of Economic and Population Trends in an Eleven State Problem Area. Atlanta: Council of State Governments, 1960. G4440 Levine, Daniel Settle "Economic Development in Appalachia." Ph. D. Diss. Northwestern Univ., 1971. LI 990 (BCASU) Levine, Louis The Potential for Human Resources and Economic Growth in a Declining Local Community; A Socioeconomic Study of the Johnstown, Penn. Economy. Univ. Park: Institute for Research on Human Resources, Penn. State Univ., 1969. L2000 Levitan, Sar A. Federal Aid to Depressed Areas — An Evaluation of the Area Redevelopment Association. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1964. L2010 (BC) The Great Society's Poor Law, a New Approach to Poverty. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1969. L2020 Programs in Aid of the Poor. Kalamazoo, Mich.: Upjohn Institute, 1965. L2030 Programs in Aid of the Poor for the 1970's. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1969. L2040 Levy, Charles "School Desegregation in Warren County, Virginia, During 1958-1960; A Study in the Mobilization of Restraints." Master's thesis. Univ. of Chicago, 1961. L2050 Lewis, Alfred Allan The Mountain Artisans Quilting Book. New York: Macmillan, 1973. A description of the Renaissance of the mountain folk art of quilting in West Virginia. L2060 (BC ASU LMC) Lewis, Alfred Henry When Men Grew Tall: Or, The Story of Andrew Jackson. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1907. Novel based on the life of Andrew Jackson. L2070 (ASU) Lewis, Arthur H. Lament for the Molly Maquires. New York: Pocket Books, 1969. A nostalgic look at the Irishmen who ruled America's coal fields for two generations. L2080 Lewis, Clarence Cry to the Hills. 1st ed. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1966. Moralistic fiction with a mountain setting. L2090 (BC LMC ASU) Lewis, Claudia Louise Children of the Cumberland. Photographs by William T. Buttrick, Jr. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1946. An educator and sociologist takes a realistic look at "backward" mountain children. L2100 (BC ASU LMC WCU WWC) Children of the Cumberland. Photographs by William Butterick, Jr. Xerox copy of the original. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1946. L2110 (ASU) Lewis County Development Committee Overall Economic Development Program. Weston, W. Va.: The Committee, 1962. L2120 Lewis, David Parks "Single and Multi-region Intersectoral Plows Analysis: An Examination of the Rows-only Approach with Applications to the Tennessee Economy." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1968. Study includes Eastern Tennessee. L2130 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Lewis, Don L. "The Status of Geography Teaching in the Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1955. L2140 (ETSU) Lewis, Helen Matthews "Occupational Roles and Family Roles: A Study of Coal Mining Families in the Southern Appalachians." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1970. L2150 Lewis, Henry Guy Soil Survey of Cleburne County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1913. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1915. L2170 Soil Survey of Lawrence County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1914. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. L2180 Lewis, Henry Guy and others Soil Survey of Carroll County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Georgia State College of Agriculture. Field Operations, 1921. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. About one-third of Carroll County falls within the Appalachian region. L2160 Lewis, John New Hope; or, The Rescue. A Tale of the Great Kanawha. New York: Bunce, 1855. Young Kate is rescued from hostile Indians. L2190 (ASU) Young Kate; or, The Rescue. A Tale of the Great Kanawha. Two volumes in one. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1844. L2200 Lewis, Joseph Volney Corundum and the Basic Magnesian Rocks of Western North Carolina. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 11. Winston-Salem: M. I. & J. C. Stewart, 1896. L2210 (WCU) Pratt, Joseph Hyde Corundum and the Peridotites of Western North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: Geological Survey, 1904. P4220 (ASU WCU LMC) Lewis, Madeline Kneberg Lewis, Thomas McDowell Nelson Eva, an Archaic Site. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1961. L2250 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) Lewis, Thomas McDowell Nelson Hiwassee Island, an Archaeological Account of Four Tennessee Indian Peoples. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1946. L2270 (ETSU ASU WCU LMC BC) Lewis, Thomas McDowell Nelson Tribes That Slumber: Indian Times in the Tennessee Region. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1958. L2290 (ASU LMC WCU MHC BC) Lewis, Thomas McDowell Nelson Tribes That Slumber: Indians of the Tennessee Region. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1970. L2300 (ETSU) Lewis, Ruth Fretwell "The Southern Mountaineer in Fiction." Master's thesis. Univ. of Virginia, 1929. L2220 (ASU) Lewis, Sinclair Cheap and Contented Labor; the Picture of a Southern Mill Town in 1929. New York: United Feature Syndicate, Inc., 1929. (Marion, N. C.) This syndicated feature shows the changes which overcome Lewis during his early encounters in Appalachia. Western North Carolina and Eastern Kentucky events caused him to "drop out" of mainstream life and move to Appalachia. L2230 Lewis, Thomas McDowell Nelson Annotations Pertaining to Prehistoric Research in Tennessee. Knoxville: Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Tennessee, 1937. Cherokee and other Indians of Tennessee, and early inhabitants are listed. L2240 AUTHOR Eva, an Archaic Site. Study in Anthropology. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1961. A fascinating study of an ancient Tennessee site. L2250 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) The First Tennesseans; an Interpretation of Tennessee Prehistory. Knoxville: Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Tennessee, 1955. This publication was revised and enlarged and issued as TRIBES THAT SLUMBER, which described the Cherokee and four other Indians of Tennessee. L2260 Hiwassee Island, an Archaeological Account of Four Tennessee Indian Peoples. Partially based on field reports by Charles H. Nash. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1946. L2270 (ETSU ASU WCU LMC BC) The Prehistory of the Chickamauga Basin in Tennessee, a Preview. Knoxville: Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Tennessee, 1941. Various pagings. L2280 Tribes That Slumber: Indian Times in the Tennessee Region. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1958. The archaeologists' report on four primitive tribes of Tennessee. L2290 (ASU LMC WCU MHC BC) Tribes That Slumber: Indians of the Tennessee Region. 1958. Reprint. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1970. L2300 (ETSU) Lewis, Virgil Anson First Biennial Report of the Department of Archives and History of the state of West Virginia. Charleston: The Tribune Print. Co., 1906. L2310 (ASU) History and Government of West Virginia. New century ed. State Government Series. New York: American Book Co., 1912. L2320 (ASU) History and Government of West Virginia. New century ed. State Government Series. New York: American Book Co., 1922. L2330 (WCU) History of the Battle of Point Pleasant. Charleston, W. Va.: Tribune Print. Co., 1909. An account of Lord Dunsmore's expedition against the Indians at the mouth of the Kanawha River. Theodore Roosevelt describes this as one of the most decisive battles in the winning of the West. L2340 (BC ASU) History of West Virginia In two parts. Philadelphia: Hubbard Brothers, 1889. L2350 (BC ASU) The Soldiery of West Virginia in the French and Indian War, Lord Dunmore's War, The Whiskey Insurrection, The Second War with England, The War with Mexico, and Addenda Relating to West Virginians in the Civil War. 1911. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. L2370 (ASU) Third Biennial Report of the Department of Archives and History of the State of West Virginia. Charleston: The News-Mail Co., 1911. L2380 (ASU) Lewis, Virgil Anson ed. How West Virginia was Made. Proceedings of the First Convention of the People of North-western Virginia at Wheeling, May 13, 14 and 15, 1861, and the Journal of the Second Convention of the People of Northwestern Virginia at Wheeling, which Assembled, June llth 1861. With appendixes and an introduction, annotations and addenda, by Virgil A. Lewis. Charleston, W. Va.: News-Mail Co., Public Printer, 1909. Records transcribed from the "Daily Intelligencer" of Wheeling. L2360 (ASU) Lewis, W. W. Obenshain, S. S. Soil Survey, Russell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1945. 0100 (BC) Lewisburg, Tennessee. Planning Commission Planning for Flood Damage Prevention. Lewisburg, Tennessee: The commission, 1956. L2390 133 LEWIS—LINDELL Leybum, James Graham The Scotch-Irish: A Social History. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1962. An interesting but nearly-mouthed account of the influence of the Scotch-Irish. L2400 (ASU BC) Leyden, Dennis R. Personal Income in West Virginia Counties by Type and Magnitude, 1960-1963: A Pilot Study. Business and Economic Studies, vol. 10, no. 1. Also, Bulletin, Series 66, no. 12-3. Morgantown: Bureau of Business and Research, College of Commerce, and Office of Research and Development of the West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, West Virginia Univ., 1966. L2410 (ASU) Licensed Beverage Industries The Incredible Moonshine Menace. New York: The author, 1967. Alas, now and here's a book with no appreciation of what was once a great art form. L2420 (ASU) Moonshine: Public Enemy. New York: The author, n.d. L2430 (ASU) Lilienthal, David Eli The Journals of David E. Lilienthal. New York: Harper, 1964-71. Lilienthal was a pioneer in the development of the Tennessee Valley Authority. L2440 TVA: Democracy on the March. 1st ed. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1944. L2450 (BC WCU LMC MHC) TVA: Democracy on the March. 20th anniversary ed. New York: Harper, 1953. L2460 (ASU MHC WWC BC UNCA) Lillard, Richard G. The Great Forest. New York: Knopf, 1948. Fiction partially set in Appalachia. L2470 (LMC) Lillard, Roy G. "A Brief History of the First Baptist Church (Ocoee Baptist Church), Benton, Tennessee, 1836-1959." Benton: Unpublished typescript, 1964. About 50 pages. In possession of author. L2480 "The Ocoee Lodge no. 212, F & A. M., Benton, Tennessee." Benton: Unpublished typescript, 1963. About 10 pages. In possession of author. L2490 "Some Aspects of Polk County Politics." Benton: Unpublished typescript, 1962. About 50 pages. In possession of author. L2500 Lilley, Lee Reaching for Reality. Bluefield, W. Va.: The author, 1965. The 13 characters in this group of related stories search for their own identities and differ in their perceptions of reality. L2510 (BC) Linback, Neal G. Atlas of Alabama. Montgomery: State Printers, n.d. A state atlas with 130, 2 color and 4 color maps, tables, graphs, illustrations, and 52 short essays. L2520 Lincoln Memorial University. Harrogate, Tenn. The Living Memorial to Lincoln. Cumberland Gap, Tenn.: LMU, n.d. This small university in the Cumberland Gap is a memorial to Lincoln. L2530 Lincoln Memorial University, Harrogate, Tennessee Lincoln Memorial University. "Sine Qua Non." Why It Is, Why It Should Be, Why It Must Be, Why It Is America's Hope. Harrogate, Tenn.: Lincoln Memorial Univ., n.d. L2551 (BC) The Living Memorial to Lincoln. Cumberland Gap, Tenn.: Lincoln Memorial Univ., n.d. L2552 (BC) Lindell, Gary R. Marketing West Virginia Lumber to Manufacturers in Other States. U. S. Forest Service Research, Paper, NE-35. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1965. L2540 �LINDSAY—LLOYD Lindsay, Marie Batterham The First Shearing. Richmond: Whittet & Shapperson, 1904. Moralistic fiction set in the Blue Ridge Mountains. L2550 (ASU) Lindsey, Thomas H. Lindsey's Guidebook to Western North Carolina. Asheville, N. C: The Randolph-Kerr Print. Co., 1890. L2560 Lindstey, John Berrien ed. The Military Annals of Tennessee: Confederate. First Series. Embracing a Review of Military Operations with Regimental Histories and Memorial Rolls Compiled from Original and Official Sources. Nashville, Tenn.: J. M. Lindsley, 1886. L2570 (LMC) Lindstrom, David B. ed. Kaplan, Sylvan J. ed. Seeking More Effective Means to Overcome Poverty. Washington: Research and Extension Division Virginia Polytechnical Institute, in cooperation with the Appalachian Regional Commission, 1969. K200 (ASU) Lindstrom, David E. ed. Appalachia Conference on Research in Poverty and Development, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1968. Seeking More Effective Means to Overcome Poverty: Proceedings. Blacksburg: Research and Extension Division, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1969. A2680 (ASU LMC) Lineberry, Mildred Memoirs of Burkes Garden and Tazewell County, n.p.: n.p., n.d. L2580 Linger, Charles S. "A Study of the Influence of Certain Personal and Other Factors on the Number of Observed Unsafe Acts and Injuries Sustained by Employees of Kingsport Power Company." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1964. L2590 (ETSU) Linger, Margaret Virginia "French Creek Community." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1934. Sociological study of an Appalachian community. L2600 (ASU) Lingley, Charles Ramsdell The Transition in Virginia from Colony to Commonwealth. Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, No, 96. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1910. L2610 (LMC) Link, A. D. A Planner's Reference Guide Relating to Socioeconomic Factors Within Appalachia as Applied to Public Education. Las Cruces, N. M.: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools, 1970. L2620 (ETSU) Link, Gertrude Bible "A History of Marion County." Master's thesis. Middle Tennessee State Univ., 1953. L2630 Linkous, Carlos T. "The Development of a Community Water Supply to Serve a Rural Area of Southern Appalachia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. L2640 (ETSU) Linn, John Blair Persons Naturalized in the Province in Pennsylvania, 1740-1773. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. L2650 (ASU) Record of Pennsylvania Marriages, Prior to 1810. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. Includes marriage, church and military records. L2660 (ASU) Linn, John Blair ed. Record of Pennsylvania Marriages, Prior to 1810. 1880-90. Reprint. 2 vols. Pennsylvania Archives, 2nd Series, vol. 13-19. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. L2670 (ASU) Linney, Romulus Heathen Valley. New York: Antheneum, 1962. Sensational novel about an Episcopal bishop's attempts to tame the savage mountain people of Valle Crucis, North Carolina. One of the saddest portraits ever painted of mountain life. L2680 (ASU LMC WCU) AUTHOR Slowly, By Thy Hand Unfurled. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1965. Novel partially set in Linney's Watauga County, North Carolina homeland. Southern gothic mountain style. L2690 (ASU) The Sorrows of Frederick: A Play. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1966. Not Appalachian; but a surprising number of mountain phrases and attitudes are present. L2700 (ASU) Linzey, Alicia W. Mammals of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. 1st ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1971. A listing of mammals from the Eastern U. S.'s largest park. Beautifully illustrated with a text that flows well. L2710 (WCU WWC ASU LMC) Mammals of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1972. L2720 (BC) Linzey, Donald W. Linzey, Alicia W. Mammals of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1971. L2710 (WCU WWC ASU LMC) Linzey, Alicia W. Mammals of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1972. L2720 (BC) Lipscombe, George A. Vocational Agricultural Instruction for Adult Farmer Classes in Preston County. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1963. L2730 Lisenby, William Foy "An Administrative History of Public Programs for Dependent Children in North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, 1900-1942." Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1962. Includes children from the poorer mountain counties of each state. L2740 List of North Carolina Land Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791 1 reel. 35mm. Microfilm. Washington: National Archives, 1944. L2750 (WCU ASU) List of Pensioners on the Roll, January 1, 1883 5 vols. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1970 (1883). L2760 List of References on the Mountain Whites Washington: Library of Congress, 1935. An incomplete, biased and foolish attempt at a bibliography on "us pore barefoot hillbillies." L2770 (ASU MHC) Litsey, Edwin Carlile A Moid of the Kentucky Hills. Chicago: Browne and Howell Co., 1913. Romantic fiction burdened with a Victorian style. True love triumphs and mountain speech is effectively presented. L2780 (ASU) Stones for Bread. Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, 1940. A tale of two brothers and their lives of hunger, poverty, despair, and terror in Desolate Valley. L2790 (BC) Little, Arthur D., Inc. Teachers in Appalachia. Appalachian Research Report, no. 12. Washington: n.p., 1970. Prepared for the Appalachian Regional Commission. L2810 (ASU ETSU MHC) Little, Arthur, Inc. Project Economic Study of the Ohio River Basin. Cambridge, Mass.: n.p., 1964. L2800 Little, Elvin Wesley "A Study to Determine the Major Causes of Withdrawal from Science Hill High School During the 1965-1966 School Year." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. L2820 (ETSU) The Little Mohee: An Appalachian Ballad. Illustrated by Joanna Traughton New York: E. P. Dutton, 1971. One of the region's most popular ballads. L2830 (BC ASU ETSU) The Little Smith Barn: A Story of the Triangular Plot Now Called Pritchard Park Asheville, N. C.: n.p., 1947. L2840 134 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Littleton, Gary L. A Survey of Low-Cost Housing in Carter County, Kentucky. Oak Ridge, Tenn.: Oak Ridge Associated Universities, 1966. L2850 (ASU) Litton, Gaston Dale, Edward Everett Cherokee Cavaliers: Forty Years of Cherokee History as Told in the Correspondence of the Ridge — Watie — Boudinot Family. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1939. D60 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Litton Industries, Economic Development Division A Preliminary Analysis for an Economic Development Plan for the Appalachian Region. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1965. L2860 Livaditis, Nicholas John "A Comparison of Tennessee's Revenue Potential, Utilization, Tax Burden, and Educational Effort with Selected States." Ed. D. Diss. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. Much emphasis on Appalachian counties. L2870 (ETSU) Lively, Robert A. Fiction Fights the Civil War: An Unfinished Chapter in the Literary History of the American People. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1957. Many mountain novels are included. L2880 (ASU) Livengood, Joseph Michael "Vascular Flora of the Sim's Pond Area." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1972. L2890 (ASU) Liverpool List of Emigrants to America from Liverpool, 1697-1707. Transcribed by Elizabeth French. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1962. L2900 (ASU) Livesay, Elizabeth Ann Geology of the Mammoth Cave National Park Area. Rev. by Preston McGrain. Kentucky Geological Survey Series 10, Special publication 7. Revision of Series 9, Special publication 2. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1962. L2910 (ETSU ASU) Livesay, Glenn Q. "A Study of Public School Finance in Hancock County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1954. L2920 Livingood, James W. Raulston, J. Leonard Sequatchie: A Story of the Southern Cumberlands. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1974. R540 (ASU) Livingood, James Weston Govan, Gilbert Eaton The Chattanooga Country, 1540-1951: From Tomahawks to TVA. New York: Dutton, 1952. G2950 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Govan, Gilbert Eaton The Chattanooga Country, 1540-1962: From Tomahawks to TVA. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1963. G2960 (WCU) Govan, Gilbert Eaton The University of Chattanooga: Sixty Years. Chattanooga: Univ. of Chattanooga, 1947. G2970 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Livingston Academy, Class of 1951 Echoes from the Foothills. Livingston: n.p., 1951. L2930 Livingston, Inex Baisden "School Attendance in Harlan County, Kentucky, 1948-1954." Master's thesis. Ohio State Univ., 1956. L2940 Livingston, William J. "Coal Miners and Religion." Master's thesis. Union Theological Seminary, 1951. Shows no significant difference due to occupation. L2950 Lloyd, Emma Rouse Clasping Hands with Generations Past. Cincinnati: Private Printing (Wiesen-Hart Press), 1932. L2960 Lloyd, John Uri Felix Moses, the Beloved Jew of Stringtown on the Pike. Illustrated by J. Augustus Knapp. Cincinnati: Caxton Press, 1930. Short Stories. L2970 (ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Lloyd, John Uri Our Willie: A Folklore Story of the Gunpowder Creek and Hills, Boone County, Kentucky. Cincinnati: J. G. Kidd and Son, 1934. Short Stories. L2980 (ASU WCU) Red Head. Illustrated by Reginald B. Birch. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1903. A tale of the Red-head — Holcomb feud. L2990 (BC ASU WCU LMC ETSU) Stringtown on the Pike: A Tale of Northernmost Kentucky. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1900. More about the Red-head feud. Short Stories. L3000 (BC LMC ETSU ASU WCU) Warwick of the Knobs: A Story of Stringtown County, Kentucky. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1901. Photographic illustrations of Knob County. L3010 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU) Lloyd, Ralph Walde Maryville College: A History of 150 Years, 1819-1969. Maryville, Tenn.: Maryville College Press, 1969. L3020 (ETSU WWC ASU) Lockord, E. Kidd "The Temperance Movement in West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1960. 'Nigh onto a teetotal failure. L3030 Locke, Jerry "The Politi.es of Legislative Reapportionment in Tennessee, 1962." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1963. L3040 Lockwood, Green and Co. Report of Industrial Survey of Florence, Alabama, and Muscle Shoals District. Florence, Ala.: Chamber of Commerce, 1925. L3050 (ASU) Logan, Frenise A. The Negro in North Carolina, 1876-1894. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1964. L3060 (LMC) Logan, John Henry A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina. Charleston, S. C: S. G. Courtenay, 1859. Includes South Carolina's six mountain counties. L3070 (LMC BC) A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina: From the Earliest Periods to the Close of the War of Independence, vol. 1. 1859 Reprint. South Carolina Heritage Series, no. 5. Spartanburg, S. C.: Reprint Co., 1960. L3080 (ASU WCU LMC) Logan, William Hugh A Peddlar's Pack of Ballads and Songs. Detroit: Singing Tree Press, 1968. L3090 (ASU BC) Logue, Calvin McLeod Ralph McGill, Editor and Publisher. Durham, N. C.: Moore Pub. Co., 1969. Biography of an East Tennessee journalist who attained national prominence. L3100 (ASU) Lomask, Milton Andrew Johnson: President on Trial. New York: Farrar, Straus, 1960. L3120 (MHC ASU BC) Lomax, Alan American Folk Songs and Folklore: A Regional Bibliography. New York: Progressive Education Assoc., 1942. L3110 Lomax, Alan comp. Hard Hitting Songs for Hard Hit People: American Folk Songs of the Depression and the Labor Movement of the 1930's. Notes on the songs by Woody Guthrie. Music transcribed and edited by Pete Seeger. New York: Oak Publications, 1967. L3140 (BC ASU MHC LMC) Lomax, John Avery American Ballads and Folk Songs. New York: Macmillan Co., 1934. L3160 (LMCBCFC) Lomax, John Avery American Ballads and Folk Songs. New York: Macmillan Co., 1967. L3170 (WCU ASU) Lomax, John Avery Folk Song U. S. A., the 111 Best American Ballads. New York: New American Library, 1966. L3180 (WCU FC ASU) Lomax, John Avery Our Singing Country: A Second Volume of American Ballads and Folk Songs. New York: Macmillan Co., 1941. L3190 (WCU BC) AUTHOR Lomax, Alan ed. The Folk Songs of North America, in the English Language. Melodies and guitar chords transcribed by Peggy Seeger with one-hundred piano arrangements by Matyas Seiber and Don Banks. Illustrated by Michael Leonard. Editorial assistant Shirley Collins. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1960. L3130 (WCU ASU) Lomax, John Avery Adventures of a Ballad Hunter. Illustrated by Ken Chamberlain. New York: Hafner Co., 1947. L3150 (ASU BC) American Ballads and Folk Songs. With a foreword by George Lyman Kittredge. New York: Macmillan Co., 1934. L3160 (LMC BC FC) American Ballads and Folk Songs. With a foreword by George Lyman Kittredge. 1934 Reprint. New York: Macmillan Co., 1967. L3170 (WCU ASU) Folk Song U. S. A., the 111 Best American Ballads. 1947 Reprint. A Signet Book. New York: New American Library, 1966. L3180 (WCU FC ASU) Our Singing Country: A Second Volume of American Ballads and Folk Songs. Ruth Crawford Seeger, music ed. New York: Macmillan Co., 1941. L3190 (WCU BC) London, Martha H. "An Analysis of the Types of Retardation in the Elementary Departments of Five Negro Union Schools in Rural Cleveland County." Master's thesis. North Carolina Agriculture and Technical College, 1952. L3200 Long, Alton Blanton "An Economic and Educational Survey of Rogersville Community." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1940. L3210 Long Bob of Kentucky By the author of "Zeke Sternum". New York: George Munro, 1866. A once popular dime novel of frontier life. L3220 Long, David Daniel Soil Survey of Floyd County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Georgia State College of Agriculture. Field Operations, 1917. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1923. L3230 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1915. L3240 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Georgia State College of Agriculture. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1915. L3250 Soil Survey of Madison County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Georgia State College of Agriculture. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1921. L3260 Soil Survey of Polk County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Georgia State College of Agriculture. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. L3270 Soil Survey of Rabun County, Georgia. In cooperation with the Georgia State* College of Agriculture. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1924. L3280 Mangum, Adolphus W. Soil Survey of Chattooga County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. M3030 Long, Howard Kingsport: A Romance of Industry. Kingsport, Tenn.: Sevier Press, 1928. L3290 (BC ASU ETSU) Long, Millard Fillmore "The Price of Coal: A Study of the Policies of the National Coal Board." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Chicago, 1961. L3300 135 LLOYD—LORD Long, R. S. Higbee, Howard William Soil Survey, Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1944. H5260 Long, Richard A. "Socioeconomic Factors Which May Affect Part Time Farmer Education in Butler County, Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1970. L3310 Long street, Augustus Baldwin Georgia Scenes. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1835. Many sketches from Northern Georgia. L3320 (ASU) Georgia Scenes: Characters, Incidents, etc., in the. First Half Century of the Republic. Introduction by B. R. McElderry, Jr. American Century Series, S-24. New York: Sagamore Press, 1957. L3330 (ASU) Georgia Scenes: Characters, Incidents, etc., in the First Half Century of the Republic. Introduction by B. R. McElderry, Jr. American Century Series, S-24. 1957 Reprint. Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1970. L3340 (ASU) Lonsdale, Richard E. Atlas of North Carolina. Assisted by John B. Cile and others. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1967. L3350 (ASULMCUNCA) Lontz, Mary Belle Early Assessment Records: Union County and Northumberland County. Milton, Pa.: n.p., 1966. L3360 (ASU) Index to History of Northumberland, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Centre, Union, Columbia, Juanita, and Clinton Counties, Pennsylvania. 1847 Reprint. Milton, Pa.: The author, n.d. L3370 (ASU) Tombstone Inscriptions of Union County, Pennsylvania, n.p.: The author, 1967. L3380 (ASU) Union County, Pennsylvania, 1865-1965. Milton, Pa.: n.p., 1966. L3390 (ASU) Looff, David H. Appalachia's Children: The Challenge of Mental Health. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1971. L3400 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC MHC WWC BC) Lookabill, Robert E. "A Survey of Withdrawals from Mullins High School in 1954-1958." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1960. L3410 Loomis, Charles P. Social Relationships and Institutions in Seven Rural Communities. United States Farm Security Administration Social Research Report no. 18. Includes Cumberland County. Washington, D. C.: n.p., 1940. L3420 Standards of Living in Four Southern Appalachian Mountain Counties. Farm Security Administration Social Research Report, no. 10. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1938. L3430 (LMC ASU BC) Standards of Living of the Residents of Seven Rural Resettlement Communities. United States Farm Security Administration Social Research Report, no. 11. Washington, D. C.: n.p., 1938. L3440 Looney, Louisa Preston Tennessee Sketches. Chicago: A. C. McClurg and Co., 1901. Includes some East Tennessee sketches. L3450 (ASU ETSU BC) Lorant, Stefan ed. Pittsburg: The Story of an American City. With contributions by Henry Steele Commager and others. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1964. L3460 (ASU) Lord, G. William The Blue Ridge Parkway Guide. Washington: National Park Service, 1969. L3470 (LMC ASU) �LORD—LUDLUM Lord, Gerald D. "Federal Centralization versus Local Values: A Case Study of Federal-Local Relations in the Knoxville-Knox County Community Action Committee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1969. L3480 Lord, James H. An Economic Profile of Tucker County, West Virginia. Morgantown, W. Va.: Bureau of Business Research, West Virginia Univ., 1967. L3490 (ASU) Lord, May Carleton On a High Hill. Winston-Salem, N. C: John F. Blair, 1973. L3500 (ASU) Lord, Sharon Burmeister "Self-concepts of Appalachian Children: A Comparative Study of Economically Poor and Economically Disadvantaged Children Using the Piers-Harris Self-concept Inventory." Master's thesis. Indiana Univ., 1970. L3510 (LMC ASU) Lord, William George The Blue Ridge Parkway Guide. 4 vols. Asheville, N. C: Stephens Press, 1959-1963. L3520 (BC LMC ASU WCU) Lorentz, Jeffrey Lane "An Evaluation of the Tennessee Valley Authority Manpower Training and Development Demonstration Project." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1971. L3530 (ASU BC) Losche, Craig K. Soil Survey, Tucker County, Part of Northern Randolph County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1967. L3540 The Lost Children of the Alleghanies: Found by a Dream: A True Story with a Moral Philadelphia: W. P. Zimmerman, 1856. Romantic and moralistic nineteenth century fiction. L3550 Lothrop, Laura Egerton "A History of the Webb School of Knoxville, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1972. L3560 Lotti, Thomas Silvical Characteristics of Cherrybark Oak. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 88. Asheville: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1957. L3570 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Shumard Oak. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 113. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1960. L3580 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Swamp Chestnut Oak. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 110. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Experiment Station, 1960. L3590 (WCU) Wenger, Karl Frederick The Relation of Growth to Stand Density in Natural Loblolly Pine Stands. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1958. W2820 (WCU) Loudoun Co., Va. Civil War Centennial Commission Loudoun County and the Civil War: A History and Guide. Leesburg: n.p., 1961. L3600 Lough, Glenn D. Now and Long Ago, a History of the Marion County Area, n.p.: n.p., 1969. A really interesting and readable county history. L3610 (ASU) Loughead, Leo V., Jr. "A Survey of Guidance Activities in the Public Secondary Schools of Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. L3620 (ETSU) Loughlin, Gerald Francis Limestones and Marls of North Carolina. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 28. Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Print. Co., 1921. L3630 (ASU LMC WCU) Loughry, F. G. Paschall, Alfred H. Soil Survey, Athens County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. P530 AUTHOR Paschall, Alfred H. Soil Survey of Vinton County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. P540 Lounsbury, Clarence Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Rockcastle County, Kentucky Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1911. B8740 Love, Gary Leslie "A Study of Factors Related to the Entrophication of Boone Reservoir, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. L3640 (ETSU) Love, Jolee Love's Valley. Nashville: Ambrose, 1954. Memoirs of life in Dekalb County, Tennessee. L3650 Love, Theodore R. and others Soil Survey, Coffee County, Tennessee. Correlation by J. H. Winsor. Soil Survey Series 1950, no. 5. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1956. L3660 Loving, Robert S. Double Destiny: The Story of Bristol, Tennessee-Virginia. Bristol, Tenn.: King Print. Co., 1955. L3670 (LMC ETSU) Double Destiny: The Story of Bristol, Tennessee-Virginia. 2nd ed. Bristol, Tenn.: King Print. Co., 1956. L3680 (ASU) Lovingood, Paul Evans, Jr. "The Asheville Basin of North Carolina: A Study in Highland Agricultural Land Use." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1963. L3690 (LMC ASU) Low Income Farms in West Virginia, A Symposium Morgantown: West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1938. L3740 Lowdermilk, William Harrison History of Cumberland (Maryland), From the Time of the Indian Town, Caiuctucus, in 1728, Up to the Present Day, Embracing an Account of Washington's First Campaign, and the Battle of Fort Necessity, Together with a History of Braddock's Expedition. Washington: J. Anglim, 1878. L3700 (ASU) Lowe, Cornelia "Initiating the Rural Library Program in Towns and Union Counties, Georgia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Georgia, 1948. L3710 Lowe, Patricia L. "The Reactions of the Students of the Jonesboro, Tennessee, Middle School to Newbery Book Award Winners." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. L3720 (ETSU) Lowe, R. B. Sawyer, W. K. Electrical and Hydraulic Flow Properties of Appalachian Petroleum Reservoir Rocks. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1971. S610 Lower, Mark Antony English Surnames. An Essay on Family Nomenclature, Historical, Etymological, and Humorous. With several illustrative appendices. 2 vols. 1875 Reprint. Detroit: Gale Research Co., 1968. L3730 (ASU) Lowrie, Walter ed. American State Papers. Indian Affairs. 2 vols. Washington, D. C.: Gales and Seaton, 1832-34. These volumes contain much primary material relating to the government's relations with various Indian tribal groups between 1789 and 1814. L3750 Lowry, R. E. Organization for Watershed Planning in the Public Interest. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1959. Paper presented at Symposium on the Economics of Watershed Planning. L3760 136 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Lowther, Minnie Kendall Blennerhassett Island in Romance and Tragedy; the Authentic Story of Blennerhassett Island, with the Burr Episode Entwined about it; the Romance and Mystery of the Blannerhassetts; Burr under Footlights and Shadows; Tragedy of Theodosia Burr. Parsons, W. Va.: McCain Print. Co., 1974. Blennerhassett was a privately owned island in the Ohio River. L3770 Lowther, Russell D. Laughter and Tears in the Mountains. Huntington, W. Va.: Cook Print. Co., 1968. L3780 (ASU BC) Lubin, Isador Miner's Wages and the Cost of Coal: An Inquiry into the Wages System in the Bituminous Coal Industry. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1924. L3790 Lucas, Joseph Richard "The Competitive Position of Bituminous Coal in the Utility Markets of the Northeast." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1965. L3800 Lucas, Rex Archibald Men in Crisis: A Study of a Mine Disaster. New York: Basic Books, 1969. L3810 "Social Behavior under Conditions of Extreme Stress: A Study of Miners Entrapped by a Coal Mine Disaster." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1967. L3820 Lucas, Silas Emmett, Jr. Index to the Headright and Bounty Grants of Georgia, 1759-1909. Vidalia: Georgia Genealogical Reprints, 1970. L3830 (ASU) The Second or 1807 Land Lottery of Georgia. Vidalia: Georgia Genealogical Reprints, 1968. L3840 (ASU) Supplement to the History of the Dodson-Dotson Family of Southwest Virginia. Swainsboro, Ga.: n.p., 1966. L3850 (ASU) Lucas, Silas Emmett, Jr. ed. The Georgia Genealogical Magazine Homerville, Ga.: n.p., quarterly. G930 (ASU) Lucas, Wavie Harmon Births in Court Records of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1853-1871. n.p.: n.p., 1972. L3860 Lucke, John B. McCue, John Bruce Limestones of West Virginia. Parkersburg, W. Va.: Scholl Print. Co., 1939. M960 (ASU ETSU) Lucke, John Becker Bibliography and Index of West Virginia Geology and Natural Resources to July 1, 1937. Bulletin 4. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1937. L3870 (ETSU) Luden, Heinrich ed. Bernard, Karl, Herzog von Sachsen-Weimar-Eisnach Reise sr. Hoheit des Herzogs Bernhard zu Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach durch Nord-Amerika in den Jahren 1825 und 1826. Weimar: Wilhelm Hoffmann, 1828. B3190 Ludlum, John Charles The Geology of Cacapon State Park, West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1951. L3880 (ETSU) The Geology of Hawks Nest State Park, West Virginia. State Park Series, Bulletin, No. 1. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1951. L3890 (ETSU) The Geology of Lost River State Park, West Virginia. State Park Series, Bulletin, No. 3. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1952. L3900 (ETSU) The Geology of Watoga and Droop Mountain Battlefield State Parks, West Virginia. State Park Series, Bulletin, No. 4. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1954. L3910 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Ludlum, John Charles "Inside Down Under Australia and New Zealand Development Characteristics Compared to West Virginia as a Part of the Appalachian Highlands, U. S. A." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1965. L3920 Luebke, B. H. Martin, Joe Allen Types of Farming in Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, Agriculture Experiment Station, I960. M3710 (ASU) Luihn, Sigurd Allan "A Critical Study of the Physical Education Undergraduate Curriculum at Appalachian State Teachers College." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1962. L3930 (ASU) Lumer, Hyman Poverty — Its Roots and the Future. New York: Internationals Publishers, 1965. L3940 Lumpkin, Ben Gray Folk Songs on Records. Denver: Alan Swallow, 1950. L3950 (ASU) Lumpkin, Grace To Make My Bread. New York: Macaulay Co., 1932. Proletariat novel about mountain people's problems in the foothill textile mills. Poverty, drama, violence and a well drawn plot make this a superior novel. L3960 (ASU BC) Lumpkin, Wilson The Removal of the Cherokee Indians from Georgia. 1907. Reprint. 2 vols. in 1. New York: Arno Press, 1969. Including his speeches in the U. S. Congress on the Indian question, as representative and senator of Georgia, and later as U. S. Commissioner to the Cherokees, 1827-1841, together with a sketch of his life and conduct while holding many public offices under the government of Georgia and the U. S., prior to 1827, and after 1841. L3970 (ASU LMC BC) Lunsford, Bascom Lamar It's Fun to Square Dance: Southern Appalachian Calls and Figures. Asheville, N. C: n.p., n.d. L3980 30 and 1 Folksongs from the Southern Mountains. Chicago: Carl Fischer, 1929. Lunsford was one of the old-time ballad collectors and founder of one of the better mountain music festivals. L3990 (ASU BC) Lunsford, Hugh The Law of Hemlock Mountain. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1920. A confused novel in which two antagonists from the Philippines meet in Kentucky mountains. Right triumphs as the good guy gets the job, the girl, and redeems his reputation. L4000 (BC ASU) Luther, Edward T. The Coal Industry of Tennessee. Information Circular, no. 10. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1960. L4010 (ETSU) The Coal Reserves of Tennessee. Bulletin, 63. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1959. L4020 (ETSU) Lutheran Church The Proceedings of a Special Conference Held in Madison County, Virginia, in the Lutheran Congregation of Said County, on the 14th Day of September, 1817, and the Subsequent Days, n.p.: n.p., n.d. L4030 (ASU) Luttrell, Laura F. comp. Calvin Morgan McClung Historical Collection, n.p.: n.p., n.d. L4040 Lyback, Johanna R. M. Indian Legends, n.p.: Lyons and Carnahan, 1925. L4050 (LMC) Lyle, Thomas ed. Ancient Ballads and Songs, Chiefly from Tradition, Manuscripts, and Scarce Works. 1827. Reprint. Norwood, Pa.: Norwood Editions, 1973. L4060 (ASU) Lyman, Webb S. Carter, William T., Jr. Soil Survey of the Leesburg, Virginia, Area. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1904. C1770 AUTHOR Soil Survey of Etowah County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1908. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. L4070 McLendon, Willie E. Soil Survey of Grainger County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1908. M2050 Lynch, Lawrence K. Evans, William J. The Development of Kentucky's Handicraft Industry. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1963. E2380 Lynchburg, Virginia, Chamber of Commerce Lynchburg in Old Virginia, the City of Industry and Opportunity. Lynchburg, Va.: Brown-Morrison Co., n.d. L4080 (ASU) Lynde, Francis Battles of Chattanooga and Vicinity. Chattanooga: Chattanooga Community Assoc., 1930. L4090 Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park with Narratives of the Battles of Chickamauga, Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. Chattanooga: Birchmore, 1895. L4100 Lynn View School Elizabethan, Tenn. Helping Our Children Grow. Elizabethan: Board of Education, 1952. E1560 (ETSU) Lyon, Walter W., Jr. Carter, Everett C. The Impact of Highway Beautification on the Outdoor Advertising Industry in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Engineering Experiment Station, 1967. C1680 Lyons, Edward Francis "Industrial Organization of the Appalachian Hardwood Lumber Using Industry." Ph. D. Diss. Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State Univ., 1969. L4110 Lytle, Andrew Nelson Bedford Forrest and His Critter Company. Rev. ed. New York: McDowell, Obolensky, 1960. L4120 (ASU) The Long Night 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1936. L4130 (ASU) The Velvet Horn. New York: McDowell, Obolensky, 1957. L4140 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Lytle, Leonard The Descendants of John Little of Botetourt and Rockbridge Counties, Virginia. n.p.: n.p., 1960. L4150 M. T. ed. The Washington Randolphs and Their Friends: Extracts from the Diary of a Lady of Old Virginia, Selected and Edited by T. M. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., Inc., 1915. M10 (ASU) Maben, Charlotte Romance of the Cumberlands. New York: Vantage Press, 1953. Story of a Cumberland Mountain family in West Virginia which is plagued by poverty and a greedy neighbor who had done them out of everything worth having for generations by legal trickery. M20 (LMC BC ASU) McAdams, Mrs. Harry Kenneth comp. Kentucky Pioneer and Court Records: Abstracts of Early Wills, Deeds, and Marriages from Court Houses and Records of Old Bibles, Churches, Grave Yards and Cemeteries. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. M30 (ASU) McAllister, James Gray Edward O. Guerrant: Apostle to the Southern Highlanders. Richmond: Richmond Press, 1950. Guerrant was among the best known and best loved of the Presbyterian missionaries to the Southern Highlands. M40 (LMC BC ASU) 137 LUDLUM—MCCABE Sketch of Captain Thompson McAllister, Co. A, 27th Virginia Regiment. Petersburg, Va.: Fenn and Owen, 1896. The story of Thompson McAllister — His life and military exploits. Areas in which story takes place: Cumberland County, Lost Creek Valley, parts of Pennsylvania, and parts of Virginia. M50 (ASU) McAllister, Jean Graham A Brief History of Bath County, Virginia. Under the auspices of the county school board and the board of supervisors of the county. Staunton, Va.: McClure Co., 1920. Short and informal history of Bath County, Virginia, with family sketches and accounts of historic spots within the county. M60 (ASU) McAllister, John Merriwether Genealogies of the Lewis and Kindred Families. Columbia, Mo.: E. W. Stephens Pub. Co., 1906. M70 McAllister, Joseph Thompson Historical Sketches of Virginia. Salem, Va.: Salem Print, and Pub. Co., 1908. A descriptive history of Virginia which includes much information on the mountain region. M80 Historical Sketches of Virginia, Hot Springs, Warm Sulphur Springs and Bath County. Salem, Va.: Salem Print, and Pub. Co., 1908. History and descriptions of the famous spas of Bath County. M90 (BC) Virginia Militia in the Revolutionary War: McAllister's Data. Hot Springs, Va.: McAllister Pub. Co., 1913. A list of militiamen from Montgomery County with an indexed list of all Virginia militiamen who received pensions as of 1835. Ml 00 (ASU) McAteer, Davitt Bethell, Thomas N. The Pittston Mentality: Manslaughter on Buffalo Creek. Huntington: Appalachian Movement Press, 1972. B3380 McAteer, James Davitt Coal Mine Health and Safety; the Case of West Virginia. Foreword by Ralph Nader. Afterword by Arnold Miller. New York: Praeger, 1973. MHO (BC) Coal Mining Health and Safety in West Virginia. Morgantown, W. Va.: n.p., 1970. A revealing look at some of the frightening conditions in West Virginia mines. Ml 20 McAvoy, Rogers "An Analysis of Achievement, Motivational, and Perceptual Variables Between High School Seniors Who Do and Do Not Attend College." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1967. West Virginia high school seniors were used as a sample for this study. Ml 30 McBride, George Adams "A Plan Formulation Methodology for the Appalachian Development Highway System." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1969. A case study of Corridor K which runs from Sylva, North Carolina to the Tennessee line. The author feels the highway planners did not discriminate among beneficiaries and possible contributors to the investment. Ml 40 McBride, Nancy S. Gordon Kinship. Verona, Va.: McClure Print. Co., 1973. Ml 50 McBride, Robert M. ed. More Landmarks of Tennessee History. Nashville: Tennessee Historical Society, 1969. A descriptive history of Tennessee which cites major historic sites. Ml 60 (ASU LMC) McCabe, James D., Jr. Planting the Wilderness: Or, The Pioneer Boys: A Story of Frontier Life. The Frontier Series. Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1869. A fast-moving novel of life on the trans-Appalachian frontier. Ml 70 (BC) McCabe, Nicholas Other Fires: The Story of Tsali. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Publishing, 1940. A fictional account of Tsali's sacrifice and the roundup of the Cherokee. Ml 80 (WWC BC) �MCCAGUE—MCCOWN McCague, James The Cumberland. River of America Series. New York: Holt, 1973. A history of the Cumberland River and the effect it had upon the settlement and development of Kentucky and Tennessee, including some Appalachian areas in both states. M190 (LMC) McCall, Edith S. Cumberland Gap and Trails West. Chicago: Childrens Press, 1961. An illustrated children's history of the westward movement, its major trails, and the geographical and historical reasons for their locations. M200 (BC) McCall, Ettie Tidwell Roster of Revolutionary Soldiers in Georgia. 2 vols. 1941. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. Since the Georgia records were destroyed in both Washington and in the state's capitol, these records are invaluable sources. M210 (ASU) McCall, Mrs. Howard H. see McCall, Ettie Tidewell McCall, William A. Cherokees and Pioneers. Asheville, N. C: Stephens Press, 1952. Explore the ever changing relationships between the Cherokee and the settlers. M220 (ASU LMC) McCalley, Henry Report on the Coal Measures of the Plateau Region of Alabama. Montgomery, Ala.: Smith, Alfred and Co., 1891. Includes good maps of the coal fields in the area around Blount County. M230 (BC) McCampbell, Vera Cleo "An Educational Survey of the Elementary Schools of Grundy County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1935. M240 McCann, Glenn C. A Study of Farm Families and Their Level of Living Income Patterns in Watauga County, North Carolina. Rural Adjustment Studies, Progress Report Rs-39. Raleigh: Dept. of Rural Sociology, Univ. of Nor.th Carolina, 1961. Watauga County is more prosperous than many other Appalachian counties. M250 (ASU) McCarthy, Cormac Appalachian Gothic. New York: Random, n.d. A collection of sketches and short fiction by one of the region's foremost authors. M270 (ASU) Child of God. n.p.: n.p., n.d. Novel of depravity, replete with psychological insights and the author's effective use of an East Tennessee background. M280 (ASU) The Orchard Keeper. New York: Random House, 1965. A drifter and a Tennessee hill man meet and mingle their destinies in the Green Fly Inn in a hollow not too far from Knoxville. Violence and a fastpaced story. M290 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Outer Dark. New York: Random House, 1968. A gothic novel of a child born in incest in a mountain cabin, abandoned by his father/uncle and rescued by a passing tinker. Suspicious, the mother investigates and at last tries to claim her child. M300 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) McCarty, Harold H. The Geographic Basis of American Economic Life. New York: Harper, 1940. Touches briefly on the relationship between geography, isolation and the economic conditions in the mountains. M310 (ASU) McCary, Ben Clyde Bibliography of the Virginia Indians. Richmond: Archeological Society of Va., 1946. Includes references to the Indians of the mountains. Excellent resource. M320 (FC) Indians in Seventeenth Century Virginia. Historical Booklet, no. 18. Williamsburg, Va.: 350 Anniversary Celebration Corp., 1957. Excellent resource material. M330 (ASU) AUTHOR McCauley, Orris D. Forestry Returns Evaluated for Uneven-aged Management in Two Appalachian Woodlots. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-244. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1972. M340 Sawmill Practices and Problems in Appalachian Hill Country of Ohio and Kentucky. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-80. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1967. M350 Value Added by Sawmilling in Appalachian Hill Country of Ohio and Kentucky. Forest Service Research Note, NE-67. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1967. M360 McClain, Walter Stephen A History of Putnam County. Cookville, Tenn.: Q. Dyer and Co., 1925. Informative history of Putnam County, Tennessee. Chapter eight appears to have been written by Quimby Dyer, the publisher. M370 McClellan, George Brinton Report on the Organization and Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac: To Which Is Added an Account of the Campaign in Western Virginia, with Plans of Battlefields. New York: Sheldon and Co., 1864. Detailed maps and description of the campaign in Appalachian Virginia. M380 (ETSU) McClellan, Henry Brainerd The Life and Campaigns of Major General J. E. B. Stuart, Commander of the Calvary of the Army of Northern Virginia. Boston: Houghton Mifflirr and Co., 1885. Stuart campaigned extensively in the mountains. M390 McClelland, Margaret G. pseud, see McClelland, Mary Greenaway McClelland, Mary Greenaway Burkett's Lock. New York: Cassell and Co., 1886. Frontier fiction partially set in the mountains. M410 (ASU) Jean Montioth. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1887. Mountain fiction featuring some very good character sketches. M420 (ASU) Oblivion: An Episode. New York: H. Holt and Co., 1885. In the North Carolina mountains a flooded river strands a lovely outland lady and her child. The child drowns; the mother loses memory and her English and reverts to her native French. The mountain folk take her in and eventually she marries one. M430 (ETSU BC) McClendon, James.B. Bone and Striffen. 1st ed. Nashville: Blue and Gray Press, 1972. This story is set in a hilly section of Alabama, a land of small farms and poor, rocky soil in the nineteen hundreds. M440 (ASU) McCloskey, Robert Sawyer; Ruth Journey Cake, Ho! New York: The Viking Press, 1970. S600 (ASU) McCluen, Marilyn N. Roane County, Tennessee: Abstracts of Estate Book "A" 1801-1824. Rockwood: n.p., 1965. M450 (ASU) McClung, James Wilson Historical Significance of Rockbridge County, Virginia. Staunton, Va.: McClure Co., 1939. Lists natural features, historic houses, and important events of the past. M460 (BC) McClung, John Alexander Sketches of Western Adventure: Containing an Account of the Most Interesting Incidents Connected with the Settlement of the West, from 1755 to 1794. Louisville, Ky.: R. H. Collins and Co., 1879. M470 (ETSU BC) McClure, Virginia Clay "The Settlement of the Kentucky Appalachian Highlands." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1934. Fascinating account of the settlement of the mountains, giving migration routes and ethnic background for many of the settlers. M480 (ASU BC) 138 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY McComas, B. B. Marriage Records of Kanawha County, West Virginia 1816-1850. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. M490 McComas, E. W. Relative Merits of Producing Creep-fed, Feeder, and Lot-Fattened Clones in the Appalachian Region. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Animal Industry Bureau, 1938. M500 McComb, Thomas M. Knoxville-Knox County Consolidation and the County and City School Systems. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee. Bureau of Business Research, 1958. M510 McConnell, Catherine S. High on a Windy Hill. Bristol, Tenn.: The King Printing Co., 1968. The inscriptions in this book were copied from tombstones, loc.ated in three hundred and thirty-three cemeteries in Washington County, Virginia. M520 (ASU) Sanders Saga. Verona, Va.: McClure Press, 1972. Indexed, well-documented, includes photographs, maps, and sketches, not only of Sanders families of Wythe County, but of forty-six allied families. M530 McConnell, John Preston Who Am I? A Brief Sketch of the McConnell and Related Families in Southwest Virginia. East Radford, Va.: n.p., 1929. M540 (ASU) McConnell, Lela Grace Faith Victorious in the Kentucky Mountains. Winna Lake, Ind.: Light and Life Press, 1946. Account of a 22 year ministry in the mountains of Kentucky. M550(BC) Faith Victorious in the Kentucky Mountains. Berne, Ind.: Light and Hope Publishing, 1950. M560 Hitherto and Henceforth in the Kentucky Mountains. Lawson, Ky.: n.p., n.d. Account of 25 years of the Mountain Holiness Association in the Kentucky mountains. M570 (BC) The Pauline Ministry in the Kentucky Mountains: Or, A Brief Account of the Kentucky Mountain Holiness Association. Louisville, Ky.: Pentecostal Pub. Co., 1942. M580 (ASU LMC BC) McConnell, Thomas Calvin "A Survey of Industrial Arts Students at Dobyns-Bennett High School, 1950-1955." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. M590 (ETSU) McCorkle, William Alexander The Recollections of Fifty Years of West Virginia. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1928. A lawyer's recollections of fifty years of growth and change in his state. M600 (BC ASU) The White Sulphur Springs: The Traditions, History, and Social Life of the Greenbriar, White Sulphur Springs. New York: Neale Pub. Co., 1916. History of the famous resort and spa. M610 (ASU BC) McCormick, Allen "Development of the Coal Industry of Grundy County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1934. M620 McCormick, Kyle The New-Kanawha River and the Mind War of West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Mathews Print., 1959. Account of yet another mine war in West Virginia. The river was an important source of transportation. M630 (BC) The Story of Mercer County. Charleston, W. Va.: Charleston P/int. Co., 1957. Another excellent county history from West Virginia. M640 (BC ASU) McCown, Mary Hardin 100th Anniversary History and Directory, 1871-1971, First Christian Church, Johnson City, Tennessee. Johnson City: n.p., 1971. M650 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Mcvown, Mory Hordin Brief Chronological History of Johnson City, Tennessee and Three Suggested Historical Tours of the Johnson City Area. Johnson City, Tenn.: Chamber of Commerce, 1963. M660 (BC LMC ETSU ASU) Soldiers of the War of 1812 Buried in Tennessee. Johnson City, Tenn.: USD of 1812, 1959. M670 (ASU) McCewn, Mary Hardin ed. Washington County, Tennessee, Records. Johnson City, Tenn.: n.p., 1964. M680 (ETSU ASU) Washington County, Tennessee, Records, Transcribed by Mary Hardin McCown. Vol. 1, Washington County Lists of Taxables, 1778-1801, ed. Nancy E. Jones Stickley and Inez Burns. Johnson City, Tenn.: privately printed, 1964. M690 McCoy, Freida The Tempter's Harvest. Findley, Ohio: Ellisonia, Manse of the Muses, 1954. Poems from the hills. M700 Till the Frost. Pikeville, Ky.: n.p., 1952. Appalachian poetry. M710 McCoy, George William Battle of Asheville. Publication, no. 1. Asheville, N. C: Buncombe County Confederate Centennial Committee, 1965? A minor battle in the closing days of the war. M720 (ASU LMC UNCA) A Bibliography for the Great Smoky Mountains. Asheville, N. C.: n.p., 1932. M730 A Brief History of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park Movement in North Carolina. Asheville, N. C.: Inland Press, 1940. M740 The First Presbyterian Church, Asheville, North Carolina, 1794-1951. Asheville, N. C: Miller Print. Co., 1951. M750 Guide to the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. 1st ed. Asheville, N. C.: Inland Press, 1933. M760 (WCU) McCoy, George William comp. Official Data on Western North Carolina's 223 Highest Mountain Peaks. Asheville, N. C.: Asheville Citizens-Times Co., 1946. A marvelous store of information on the western mountains. M770 (WCU) McCoy, Homer Claude "The Rise of Education and the Decline of Feudal Tendencies in the Tug River Valley of West Virginia and Kentucky in Relation to the Hatfield and McCoy Feud." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1950. Written by one of the McCoy kinsmen. M780 (ASU) McCoy, Isaac History of Baptist Indian Missions: Embracing Remarks of the Former and Present Condition of the Aboriginal Tribes. Their Settlement Within the Indian Territory, and Their Future Prospects. Microfilm. Washington: H. and S. Raynor, 1840. M790 (WCU) McCoy, John L. Bird, Alan R. White Americans in Rural Poverty. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, 1967. B4070 (ASU) McCoy, John Pleasant Big as Life. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950. A wealthy widower becomes infatuated with Flossie Sowers, forty years his junior. His daughter is horrified; his housekeeper remembers another romance. It is a story of a family who stands together. M800 (LMC BC ASU) The Secret Doorways. New York: Weybright and Talley, 1971. A tale of life and love and terror in a coal town on the Cumberland River. M810 AUTHOR Swing the Big-eyed Rabbit. Philadelphia: Blakiston Co., 1944. A shy mountain boy is accepted as a student at the newly established mission school. He has a great desire for knowledge but life at the school proves almost too real. Temptation in the form of seductive Millie Darnell, the teacher he idolizes, almost brings his dream to an end. M820 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) McCoy, Lola Love Tom Wolfe's "Dixieland." Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1949. Asheville and environs, the south of Thomas Wolfe. M830 (ASU WCU) McCoy, Lottie "History of Education in Harlan County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1936. M840 McCoy, Truda The Tempter's Harvest. Pikeville, Ky.: n.p., 1954. Poems. M850 Till the Frost. Pikeville, Ky.: n.p., 1952. M860 (ASU BC) McCoy, William Joseph "The Tennessee Political System: The Relationship of the Soci©economic Environment to Political Processes and Policy Outputs." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1970. Draws some interesting conclusions about depressed areas in East Tennessee. M870 McCracken, Dennis W. "A Study of Serum Protein Variation in Peromyscus Maniculatus Nubiterrae Rhoads at Six Attitudinal Habitats on Roan Mountain, Carter County, Tennessee, and Mitchell County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. M880 (ETSU) McCracken, George Englert The Welcome Claimants Proved, Disproved and Doubtful with an Account of Their Descendants. With a foreword by Walter Lee Sheppard, Jr. Welcome Society of Pennsylvania Publications, no. 2. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1970. The Welcome was one of William Penn's first emigrant ships to come to Pennsylvania. M890 (ASU) McCrady, Edward The History of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1775-1780. Xerox copy of the original. New York: Macmillan Co., 1901. Information on the campaign which included Kings Mountain and Cowpens. M900 (ASU) McCrary, Mary Jane The Goodly Heritage: A History of St. Phillips Church of Brevard, N. C, and of St. Pauls in the Diocese of Western Carolina. Kennesaw, Ga.: Continental Book Co., 1959. M910 (WCU BC) McCraw, Thomas K. TVA and the Power Fight. New York: Lippincott, 1971. Recounts the various struggles of the TVA in establishing their vast bureacracy. M920 (LMC BC) McCreath, Andrew Smith The Mineral Wealth of Virginia Tributary to the Lines of the Norfolk and Western and Shenandoah Valley Railroad Companies. Harrisburg, Pa.: L. S. Hart, Printer and Binder, 1884. M930 (BC) New River Cripple Creek Mineral Region of Virginia. Harrisburg, Pa.: Harrisburg Pub. Co., 1887. M940 McCue, John Bruce Limestones of West Virginia. West Virginia Geological Survey Reports, vol. 12. Parkersburg, W. Va.: Scholl Print. Co., 1939. M960 (ASU ETSU) McCue, John Bruce and others Clays of West Virginia. Reports, vol. 18. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1948. M950 (ETSU) McCulloch, Delia A. Pioneers of Mason County, West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: J. B. F. Yoak, 1910. M970 139 MCCOWN—MCDONALD McCulloch, Jack D. "A Study of the Status of Rural Teachers in East Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1951. Examines academic background, certification and experience of rural teachers in East Tennessee. M980 (ETSU) McCulloh, Judith Hillbilly Records and Tune Transcriptions. Los Angeles: The John Edwards Memorial Foundation, Univ. of California, 1967. M990 Some Child Ballads on Hillbilly Records. Los Angeles: The John Edwards Memorial Foundation, 1966. Ml 000 McCurdy, Howard E., Jr. "Centralization-decentralization in a Context of Intergovernmental Relations: A Study of Selected Federal Projects in Appalachia." Ph. D. Diss. Cornell Univ., 1969. M1010 McCurry, Bertha Moore Black Top. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1956. The mountain community resents the coming of a road that threatens to isolate their best land. M1020 (WCU BC ASU) On Silver Creek Knob. Chicago: Moody Institute Press, 1939. Two youngsters orphaned by a tornado go to the mountains to live on a great uncle's abandoned farm, renew their courage, and plan their lives. Ml 021 (BC) Strength of the Hills. Chicago: Moody Press, 1952. A young physician, Mark Murray, returns wounded from World War II and finds himself identifying through time and space and by coincidence and intuition with his great grandparents to come to the hills to escape the war and dreamed of rearing a doctor. Ml 030 (BC) McCurry, Betsey pseud, see McCurry, Bertha Moore McCurry, John Gordon The Social Harp. 1855. Reprint. Edited by Daniel W. Patterson and John F. Garst. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1973. The most popular of the shape-note songsters which were used al! through these mountains until very recent times. Ml 040 (ASU BC) McDade, Frank E. "History of Education in Logan County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1941. Ml 050 McDaniel, Harold W. History of Forestdale Evangelical United Brethren Church. Knoxville: The Church, 1956. Ml 060 McDaniel, Susie Blaylock Official History of Catoosa County, Georgia, 1853-1953. Dalton, Ga.: Gregory Print, and Office Supply, 1953. M1070 (ASU LMC BC) McDonald Associates Evaluation of Timber Development Organization. Reprint of a report prepared for the Appalachian Regional Commission. Appalachian Research Report, no. 1. Washington: n.p., 1966. Ml 080 (ASU WCU) A Forest Industry Processing and Marketing Complex for Eastern Kentucky. Prepared for the U. S. Area Redevelopment Administration. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., April, 1963, i. e. 1964. Ml 090 (LMC) McDonald, Benjamin Wilburn History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. 4th ed. Nashville, Tenn.: Board of publication of Cumberland Presbyterian Church, 1888. Ml 100 McDonald Cornelia Peake A Diary with Reminiscences of the War and Refugee Life in the Shenandoah Valley, 1860-1865. Annotated and supplemented by Hunter McDonald. Nashville: Cullom and Ghertner Co., 1935. Ml 110 (ASU LMC) �MCDONALD—MCGOWAN McDonald, David John Coal and Unionism: A History of the American Coal Miners Unions. Indianapolis, Ind.: Cornelius Print. Co., 1939. Ml 120 (BCASU) McDonald, Everett The Red Debt. New York: G. W. Dillingham Co., 1916. A novel about a feud in the highlands of Kentucky, replete with moonshiners, churches, and an aura of fiefdom. Ml 130 (BC) McDonald, H. P. Weisenberger, Billy C. Soil Survey, Elliott County, Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1965. W2390 McDonald, Herman Patrick Reconnaissance Soil Survey, Fourteen Counties in Eastern Kentucky. Soil Survey, Series 1962, no. 1. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Services, 1965. M1140 McDonald, Lois Southern Mill Hills, a Study of Social and Economic Forces in Certain Textile Mill Villages. New York: Alex L. Hillman, 1928. Includes villages in the foothills of Appalachia. Ml 150 (ASUWWC) McDonald, Patrick A Collection of Highland Vocal Airs. 1784. Reprint. Norwood, Pa.: Norwood Editions, 1973. Many of these are still sung in Appalachia. Ml 160 (ASU) McDonnold, B. W. History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. 2nd ed. Nashville: Cumberland Presbyterian Church, 1888. The Cumberland Presbyterian Church is truly an Appalachian phenomena. Ml 170 (ASU BC) History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. 4th ed. Nashville: Board of Publication of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, 1899. Ml 180 (ASU) McDowell, Flora Folk Dances of Tennessee; Folk Customs and Old Play Party Games of the Caney Fork Valley. Delaware, Ohio: Cooperative Recreation Service, n.d. Ml 190 (ASU) Folk Dances of Tennessee; Old Play Party Games of the Caney Fork Valley, n.p.: Edward Brothers, Inc., 1938. Ml200 (BC ASU) McDowell, Katherine Sherwood Bonner Dialect Tales. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1883. Some of the best renditions of mountain speech found in Appalachian literature. M1210 (BC ASU ETSU) McDowell, L. L. Songs of the Old Camp Ground. Ann Arbor, Mich.: n.p., 1937. Religious songs of the Tennessee hill country. M1220 (BC ASU) McDowell, Lucien McDowell, Flora Folk Dances of Tennessee; Folk Customs and Old Play Party Games of the Caney Fork Valley. Delaware, Ohio: Cooperative Recreation Service, n.d. Ml 190 (ASU) McDowell, Flora Folk Dances of Tennessee; Old Play Party Games of the Caney Fork Valley, n.p.: Edward Brothers, Inc., 1938. Ml200 (BC ASU) McDowell, Robert C. Geologic Map of the Sardis Quadrangle, Northwestern Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1973. Ml 230 (BC) McDowell, Sam Surname Index to the 1850 Federal Population Census of Kentucky, n.p.: The author, n.d. Index includes Clay, Clinton, Crittenden, and Cumberland Counties. Ml 240 Surname Index to the 1850 Federal Population Census of Kentucky, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Index includes: Grayson, Green, Greenup, and Hancock. Ml 250 McDowell, William L., Jr. ed. Documents Relating to Indian Affairs, 1754-1756. Colonial Records of South Carolina, series 2. . Columbia: Univ, of South Carolina Press, 1970. Includes some Cherokee information. Ml 260 (LMC) AUTHOR McElderry, Bruce Robert Thomas Wolfe. United States Authors Series, 50. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1964. Ml270 (ASU WCU UNCA) McEldowney, John C. History of Wetzel County, West Virginia, n.p.: n.p., 1901. Ml 280 (BC) McElroy, Don D. "A Comparative Analysis of the Results of the Kraus-Weber Test for Minimum Muscular Fitness in Four of the Elementary Schools of Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. Ml 290 McElroy, Lucy Cleaver Juletty: A Story of Old Kentucky. New York: T. Y. Crowell and Co., 1901. Romantic tale of a mountain girl and a young revenue agent. Ml 300 (ASU BC) McFall, Pearl Smith It Happened in Pickens County. Pickens, S. C.: Sentinel Press, 1959. Informal history of Pickens County, South Carolina. M1310 (ASU BC) The Keowee River and Cherokee Background. n.p.: n.p., 1966. A history of the Keowee River and the Cherokees who once lived along it. Ml 320 (BC) McFarlan, Arthur Crane Some Old Chester Problems — Correlations Along the Eastern Belt of Outcrop. Series 9, Bulletin, no. 20. Lexington: Kentucky Geological Survey, 1956. Ml 330 (ETSU) McFarland, Berty Sketches of Early Watauga. Illustrated by Peggy Poison. Boone, N. C.: American Association of University Women, 1973. Sketches of historic homes and buildings in Watauga County. Ml 340 (ASU) McFarland, Robert W. The Surrender of Cumberland Gap. Columbus, Ohio: Smythe, 1898. Ml 350 McFarlane, James The Coal Regions of America. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1873. Discusses topography, geology and development of the coal regions of America. Ml 360 McGann, Agnes Geraldine, Sister Nativism in Kentucky in 1860. Ph. D. Diss. Catholic Univ. of America, 1944. Study traces nativism — anti-foreign, anti-Catholic social and political movement in Kentucky prior to the Civil War. Ml 370 (ASU) McGee, Bluford Bartlert The Country Youth: Autobiography of B. B. McGee. North Wilkesboro, N. C.: Pearson Pub. Co., 1964. Recollections of life in Wilkes County, North Carolina with an introduction by James Larkin Pearson. Ml 380 (ASU) McGee, Charles E. Regeneration After Clearcutting in the Southern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, SE-70. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. Ml 390 (LMC) Regeneration in Southern Appalachian Oak Stands. U. S. Forest Service Research Note, SE-72. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1967. Ml 400 McGee, Gentry Richard A History of Tennessee from 1663 to 1905. For use in schools. New York: American Book Co., 1899. The portions devoted to the earlier years contain much information on East Tennessee. Ml 410 (ASU BC) A History of Tennessee from 1663 to 1930. Revised and enlarged by C. J. I jams. 1930. Reprint. Nashville: Charles Elder, 1971. Ml 420 (ASU) McGee, Ivan Clair "The Identification and Analysis of Agricultural Occupations in Seventeen Pennsylvania Counties." Ed. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1965. A careful study of farm tasks in Appalachian Pennsylvania. Ml 430 140 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY McGee, Leroy Randolph Income and Employment in the Southeast: A Study of Cyclical Behavior. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1967. Includes information relative to Appalachian counties. Ml 440 (ASU BC) McGee, Thomas D'Arcy A History of the Irish Settlers in North America, from the Earliest Period to the Census of 1850. 6th ed. Boston: Patrick Donahoe, 1855. Ml 450 (ASU) McGehee, Thomasine Cobb Journey Proud. New York: Macmillan Co., 1939. Romantic fiction set in the Cumberland Mountains. Ml 460 (ASU) McGhee, Lucy Kate comp. Cherokee and Creek Indians. Returns a Property Left in Tennessee and Georgia, 1838. n.p.: n.p., n.d. Ml 470 Historical Records of East Tennessee. Jefferson County, Dandridge Edition. 2 vols. Washington, D. C: n.p., 1954. Ml 480 Southwest Virginia Historical Records, Census of 1810, Wytheville, Wythe County edition, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Wythe county history in census and other records. Ml 490 McGhee, Maxie B. "Socioeconomic Characteristics of Young Farmers Enrolled in Vocational Agriculture Classes in West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1970. Ml 500 McGill, John For Which the First Was Made. Boston: Quails, Hood and Co., 1974. John McGill, veteran newsman, has written a novel about his native Carter County, Kentucky, incorporating much local tradition. Especially fascinating is the story of Matthew Sellers, who wanted to be the first man to fly an airplane. A vigilante group known as The Regulators recalls some of the violence that has plagued the region in the past. M1510 McGill, Josephine comp. Folk-songs of the Kentucky Mountains. New York: Boosey and Co., 1917. Twenty traditional ballads and other English folk-songs, notated from the singing of the Kentucky mountain people. Introductory note by H. E. Krehbiel. Ml520 (ASU WCU BC) McGill, Nettie Pauline The Welfare of Children in Bituminous Coal Mining Communities in West Virginia. Publication, no. 117. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Labor, Children's Bureau, 1923. M1530 (ASU) McGill, William M. Caverns of Virginia. University, Va.: State Commission on Conservation and Development, 1933. Description of and directions to the caves and caverns of Virginia. Ml 540 (LMC) Outline of the Mineral Resources of Virginia. Bulletin, no. 47, Educational Series, no. 3. Richmond: Virginia Geological Survey, 1936. Ml 550 (LMC) McGowan, Alice Judith of the Cumberlands. Illustrated by George Wright. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1908. A romantic novel with lovely Roan Mountain, Tennessee, as a backdrop. M1560 (ASU) The Sword in the Mountains. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1910. A civil war novel with a mountain setting. Ml 570 (ASU BC) The Sword in the Mountains. New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1910. Ml 580 The Wiving of Lance Cleaverage. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1909. Two wild spirits wed, flont tradition, separate, and reunite when Lance is charged with murder. Ml 590 (BC) McGowan, Daniel A. "Measurement of Personal Wealth in Centre County, Pennsylvania." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1973. Ml 600 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY McGraw, Thomas K. Morgan vs. Lilienthal: The Feud within the TVA. Chicago: Loyola Univ. Press, 1970. Internecine strife during the early days of TVA which resulted in Mr. Arthur F. Morgan's resignation from a TVA directorship. Ml 610 "TVA and the Power Fight, 1933-1939." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1970. Ml 620 McGregor, James Clyde The Disruption of Virginia. New York: Macmillan Co., 1922. The beginnings of West Virginia history. Ml630 (BC ASU ETSU) McGrew, Ellen Z. North Carolina Census Records, 1784-1900. Raleigh: North Carolina State Dept. of Archives and History, 1967. Ml 640 McGuffey, Charles D. ed. Chattanooga and Her Battlefields. Chattanooga: MacGowan-Cooke, 1912. M1650 Standard History of Chattanooga, Tennessee, with Full Outline of the Early Settlement, Pioneer Life, Indian History and General and Particular History of the City to the Close of the Year 1910. Knoxville: Crew and Dorey, 1911. Ml 660 McGuire, Edna Daniel Boone. Chicago: Wheeler Pub. Co., 1945. Ml 670 (ETSU) Mcllhany, Hugh Milton Some Virginia Families Being Genealogies of the Kinney, Stribling, Trout, Mcllhany, Milton, Rogers, Tate, Snickers, Taylor, McCormick, and other Families of Virginia. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1962. M1710 (ASU) Mcllwaine, H. R. ed. Journals of the Council of the State of Virginia. 4 vols. Virginia State Library, 1931. Ml 680 Mcllwaine, Shields The Southern Poor-white from Lubberland to Tobacco Road. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1939. Draws a useful distinction between the mountaineer and the poor white. M1690 (ASU) The Southern Poor-white from Lubberland to Tobacco Road. 1939. Reprint. New York: Cooper Square Pub., 1970. Ml 700 (LMC) Mclntyre, C. L. Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1972. M1720 Robertson, Stanley M. Soil Survey, Habersham County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1963. R3190 Mclntyre, John Thomas In Kentucky with Daniel Boone. Philadelphia: The Penn Pub. Co., 1913. Ml 730 (ASU) McJunkin, Frederick E. Water Resources of Virginia. Blacksburg: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1966. Appalachian Virginia's water resources are listed. Ml 740 McKaye, Percy The Gobbler of God: A Poem of the Southern Appalachians. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1928. Ml750 (LMC WCU BC) Kentucky Mountain Fantasies: Three Short Plays for an Appalachian Theatre. Illustrated by Arvia MacKaye. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1928. Three humorous plays with mountain folk getting the best of city folk. Ml 760 (ASU BC) Kentucky Mountain Fantasies: Three Short Plays for an Appalachian Theatre. 1928. Reprint. New York: Samuel French, 1933. Ml 770 (LMC) Tall Tales of the Kentucky Mountains. New York: George H. Doran Co., 1926. Sol Shell travels the hills telling tales for his board. A sort of mountain minstrel. Ml 780 (ASU WCU LMC BC) AUTHOR This Fine Pretty World: A Comedy of the Kentucky Mountains. New York: Macmillan Co., 1924. Marital shenanigans. Gilly Maggot wants a child and his wife is past child-bearing age. Ml 790 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Weathergoose-wool. Illustrated by Arvia MacKaye. London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1929. Tales leaning toward the supernatural. Ml800 (ASU LMC BC) McKee, Ella F. Plumed Depths. Lynchburg, Va.: Coleman and Bradley, 1956. God, trees, weather and people come and go in these eighty poems. M1810 McKee, George Wilson The McKees of Virginia and Kentucky, n.p.: n.p., 1890. Ml 820 McKellar, William H. "Churvallic's Chronicle of Franklin County, Tennessee." Unpublished typescript, n.d. Ml 830 McKelvie, Martha Groves Belonging: A Nostalgic Look at Appalachia. Illustrated by Emily Touraine. Philadelphia: Franklin Pub. Co., 1954 or 5. Ml 840 (LMC) McKenney, Thomas Lorraine Memoirs, Official and Personal; with Sketches of Travels among the Northern and Southern Indians; Embracing a War Excursion, and Descriptions of Scenes along the Western Borders. 2 vols. New York: Paine and Burgess, 1846. As an official of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, McKenney conferred with the Chickasaws, Choctaws, and Cherokees about their removal across the Mississippi. Ml 850 McKenzie, Helen R. West Virginia Housing, Considerations for Planning and Programming. Charleston: West Virginia Department of Commerce, 1967. Ml 860 McKim, C. R. Fifty Year History of the Monongahela National Forest. Elkins, W. Va.: n.p., 1970. Ml 870 McKim, Ruby Short One Hundred and One Patchwork Patterns: Quilt Name Stories, Cutting Designs, Material Suggestions, Yardage Estimates, Definite Instructions for Every Step of Quilt Making. Rev. ed. New York: Dover Publications, 1962. One of the clearest books of instructions available. Ml 880 (ASU WCU BC) McKinney, Ernest Lee "A Follow-up Study of the 1959-1963 Graduates of Langston High School, Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1964. Ml 890 (ETSU) McKinney, Gordon Bartlett "Mountain Republicanism, 1876-1900." Ph. D. Diss. Northwestern Univ., 1971. The fierce mountain republicanism that was the heritage of the Civil War and Reconstruction is well documented in this study. Ml 900 McKinney, John C. The South in Continuity and Change. Durham, N. C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1965. Some selections of this study are applicable to the mountains. M1910 (BC FC) McKinney, Lavonia "Factors Affecting the Health and Educational Growth of Elementary Pupils in Three Selected Schools of Jefferson County, Alabama." Master's thesis. Alabama State College, 1952. Ml 920 McKinney, Zeylatid G. "The County Farm Life Schools of North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1953. Ml 930 (ASU) McKitrick, Eric L. Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1960. A sensitive study of the U. S. President who inherited the most difficult conditions that have ever gone with that office. Ml 940 (ASU) 141 MCGRAW—MCLEOD McKnight, Charles Captain Jack, the Scout: Or, the Indian Wars about Old Fort Duquesne, an Historical Novel. Illustrated. Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1873. A stirring novel of frontier life in the Trans-Appalachian West. Ml 950 (ASU BC) Old Fort Duquesne: Or, Captain Jack, the Scout. An Historical Novel with Copious Notes. Pittsburgh: Peoples Monthly Pub. Co., 1873. A different edition and title, but the same novel as the preceding entry. Ml 960 (ASU) McKoy, Harry Brent Simon Kenton as Soldier, Scout, and Citizen: An Address Delivered Wednesday, August 19, 1936 at the Blue Licks Battlefield State Park, Robertson County, Kentucky on the Occasion of the Celebration of the Battle of the Blue Licks and Commemoration of the Centenary of the Death of General Simon Kenton. Lexington: n.p., 1936. Ml 970 McLain, Nelson Wylie The Forgotten Region. Chicago: Ram's Horn Print., 1897. At head of the title: "Appalachian America," appears to be a plea for Berea College and other mission efforts in the Southern mountains. Ml 990 (BC) McLean, John Patterson An Epitome of the Superstitions of the Highlanders of Scotland. Microphoto copy. Cleveland: Bell and Howell Co., 1974. M2000 A Historical Account of the Settlements of Scotch Highlanders in America Prior to the Peace of 1783: Together with Notices of Highland Regiments and Biographical Sketches. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. Many Scots eventually settled in Appalachia; the earlier arrivals were noted for their acceptance into the Cherokee nation. M2010 (ASU) McLean, Patricia "Human Resources Available to the Schools of Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. M2020 (ETSU) McLendon, Willie E. Soil Survey of Coffee County, Tennessee. Field Operations, 1908. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. M2030 Soil Survey of Franklin County, Georgia. Field Operations, 1909. M2040 Soil Survey of Grainger County, Tennessee. Field Operations, 1906. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1908. M2050 Soil Survey of Oconee County, South Carolina. Field Operations, 1907. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1909. M2060 Soil Survey of Walker County, Georgia. Field Operations, 1910. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1911. M2070 McLeod, John Angus From These Stones: Mars Hill College, 1856-1968. Mars Hill, N. C: Mars Hill College, 1968. M2080 (LMC WCU WWC) From These Stones: Mars Hill College, the First Hundred Years. Mars Hill, N. C.: Mars Hill College, 1955. A well written history of this Madison County College. M2090 (ASU WCU BC) "The Southern Highlands in Prose Fiction." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1930. An interesting but incomplete study of mountain fiction. M2100 (ASU WCU) �MCLEOO—MCBRIDE McLeod, William Christie The American Indian Frontier. The History of Civilization Historical Ethnology. New York: A. A. Knopf, 1928. Includes maps of the Indian holdings from the seventeenth century foreword. M2110 (ASU) McLinden, John J. "An Historical Study of the Growth of Commercial Television in West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1967. M2120 McLysaght, Edward A Guide to Irish Surnames. 2nd ed. rev. and enlarged. Dublin: Helicon, 1965. There are literally thousands of Irish surnames in Appalachia. M2130 (ASU) More Irish Families. Galway, Ireland: O'Gorman, Ltd., 1960. M2140 (ASU) Supplement to Irish Families. Baltimore: Genealogical Book Co., 1964. M2150 (ASU) McMahon, Blanche C. Sevier County, Tennessee. Fifth Census. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1956. M2160 McMaster, William M. General Geology and Ground-water Resources of Limestone County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. County Report, 11. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1963. M2170 (ETSU) McMechen, James H. Legends of the Ohio Valley. Wheeling: West Virginia Print. Co., 1887. Stirring tales of pioneers and Indians in early West Virginia. M2180 (BC ASU) McMeekin, Clark Old Kentucky Country. 1st ed. American Folkways. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1957. M2190 (ASU LMC WWC BC UNCA) Tyrone of Kentucky. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1954. Returning to his ravaged Kentucky farm with an attractive Alabama bride, David Tyrone, a Confederate soldier, strives to wrest a living from the soil and to resolve the strained relationship with his former fiancee in a novel of conflicting loyalties during the Reconstruction. M2200 (WCU) McMeekin, Isabel McLennan The Bronze Hunter. Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1935. Poems from Kentucky. M2210 Journey Cake. New York: J. Messner, 1942. Juba, a free colored woman, in the Yadkin Valley of North Carolina takes her dead mistress's children over the mountains to Kentucky to join their father. M2220 (BC) Juba's New Moon. Illustrated by Nicholas Panesis. New York, J. Messner, 1944. Another story of the invincible Juba and the youngsters she guards in the wilds of Kentucky. M2230 (ASU WCU BC) Melodies and Mountaineers. Boston: Stratford Co., 1921. M2240 (ASU) McMeekin, Isabel McLennan, and Clark, Dorothy Park see McMeekin, Clark pseud. McMichael, Edward V. Archeological Survey of Nicholas County, West Virginia. Archeological Series, no. 1. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1965. M2250 (ASU) Excavation of the Murad Mound, Kanawha County, West Virginia, and an Analysis of Kanawha Valley Mounds. Report of Archeological Investigations, no. 1. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1969. M2260 (ASU) introduction to West Virginia Archeology. Illustrated by Bettye J. Broyles and Paul W. Queen. 2nd ed. rev. Educational Series. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1968. M2270 (ASU) AUTHOR Introduction to West Virginia Archeology. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1969. M2280 McMillan, Homer "Unfinished Tasks" of the Southern Presbyterian Church. Richmond: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1922. One chapter devoted to unfinished tasks in Appalachia. M2290 McMullen, Robert B. History of the First Presbyterian Church in Knoxville, Tennessee. Knoxville: John B. G. Kinsloe, 1855. M2300 McMurray, Lynn L. The Talc Deposits of Talledega County, Alabama. Circular, no. 16. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1941. M2320 (BC ETSU) McMurry, Charles Alexander Chattanooga: Its History and Geography. Morristown, Tenn.: Globe Book Co., 1923. A very thorough account of the development of Chattanooga. M2310 (BC ETSU) McMurry, Richard M. The Road Past Kennesaw: The Atlanta Campaign of 1864. Foreword by Bell I. Wiley. Washington: U. S. National Park Service, 1972. Kennesaw Mountain was the site of the last battle in General Joe Johnson's brilliant mountain campaign from Chickamauga to Kennesaw. M2330 McNair, James Birtley comp. McNair, McNear, and McNeir Genealogies. Chicago: The author, 1923. M2340 (ASU) McNamara, Mary C. "Glory" of the Hills. Covington, Ky.: Mary C. McNamara, 1930. A dull and unbelievable novel of a mountain beauty, government geologists, a campaign to get mountain men into the war, education and, of course, love. M2350 (BC) McNeer, May Yonge The Story of the Southern Highlands. Illustrated by Cornelius High DeWitt. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1945. A sensitive text and beautiful illustrations interpret the mountains for the younger reader. M2360 (ASU MHC LMC ETSU BC WWC WCU) McNeil, Norman L. ed. Lumpkin, Ben Gray Folk Songs on Records. Denver: Alan Swallow, 1950. L3950 (ASU) McNeil), Douglas The Last Forest; Tales of the Allegheny Woods. New York: Forteeny's, 1940. A tale of the trans-Appalachian West. M2370 McNeill, George Douglas Tales of Pocahontas County. Marlington, W. Va.: n.p., 1958. M2380 McNeill, Louise From a Dark Mountain, Lyrics from the Production of Louise McNeill's Premiere Reading. Charleston, W. Va.: Morris Harvey Publications, 1972. M2390 (ASU) Gauley Mountain. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1939. One of the most marvelous books of poetry from the Appalachians. The whole history of her West Virginia home and its marvelous characters is here in verse. M2400 (ASU LMC BC) Mountain White. Dallas: Kaleidoscope Pubs., 1931. More great poetry from West Virginia's best-loved poet. M2410 Paradox Hill from Appalachia to Lunar Shore. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1972. M2420 (ASU) McNeill, Robert H. Historical Address ... in Celebration of the Founding of Beaver Creek Baptist Church, Wilkes County. The church, 1949. M2430 McNelley, Pat ed. The First 40 Years: John C. Campbell Folk School. Atlanta: McNelley-Rudd Print. Service, 1966. A history of one of the region's most successful folk schools. M2440 (ASU LMC MHC BC) 142 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY McNutt, Robert Britton and others Soil Survey, Cullman County, Alabama. Report by R. B. McNutt and E. A. Perry. Soil Survey, Series 1959, no. 9. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1962. M2450 McNutt, Samuel H. "Evaluation of the Collection of the Solid Waste in Bristol, Virginia, with a Consideration for the Proposed Annexation Area." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. M2460 (ETSU) McPherson, Ruth McNeil "A Follow-up Study of the Physics Students at Science Hill High School from 1944-1955." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. M2470 (ETSU) McQueen, David Raymond "A Determination of Ambient Air Concentrations of Sulfur Dioxide in Elizabethton, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. M2480 (ETSU) McRay, Sybil Wood comp. Hall County, Georgia, 1819-1839, Marriages. Gainesville, Ga.: The author, 1968. During this period Hall County was the last Georgia County on the frontier — to the north and west lay the Cherokee Nation. M2490 (ASU) Tombstone Inscriptions of Hall County, Georgia. Gainesville, Ga.: n.p., 1971. M2500 (ASU) McSpadden, J. Walker Storm Center. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1947. A novel of the life of Andrew Johnson. M2510 (BC) McSpadden, Lynn Four and Twenty Songs for the Mountain Dulcimer. Music transcribed by Dorothy French. Mountain View, Ark.: Dulcimer Shoppe, 1970. M2520 (ASU BC) McTeer, Will A. History of New Providence Presbyterian Church, Maryville, Tennessee, 1786-1921. Maryville, Tenn.: n.p., 1921. History of the oldest Presbyterian Church in Maryville. M2530 (ETSU) McVaugh, Rogers Ferns of Georgia. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1951. Includes mountain varieties. M2550 (LMC) McVey, Frank Le Rond The Gates Open Slowly: A History of Education in Kentucky. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1949. Includes some discussion of educational phenomena in the mountains. M2560 (BC LMC) McWhiney, H. Grady "The Ordeal of Command: Bragg before Chickamauga." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1960. M2540 McWhirter, Millie Hushed Were the Hills. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1969. A widow and her two daughters move from the city to the Tennessee hills during the depression. M2570 (ASU LMC ETSU MHC WCU BC) McWhorter, John Camillus The Scout of the Buckongehanon: An Historical Romance of the Western Virginia Border, 1764-1782. Boston: Christopher Pub. House, 1927. Stirring novel of frontier West Virginia. M2580 (ASU WCU BC) McWhorter, Lucullus Virgil The Border Settlements of Northwestern Virginia from 1768-1795. Hamilton, Ohio: Republican Pub. Co., 1915. Includes notes on Indian raids, the lives of the scouts and anecdotes. M2590 (BC) McWhorter, Minnie S. History of Henry McWhorter Family of New Jersey and West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Charleston Print. Co., 1948. The McWhorter family is found ail through the mountains from West Virginia to Alabama. M2600 (ASU) McBride, Robert M. ed. Alderson, William T. ed. Landmarks of Tennessee History. Nashville: Tennessee Historical Society, 1965. A1290 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY McCall, H. F. Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Washington County, Maryland. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1923. B8690 McCall, Sidney pseud. Fendlosa, Mary McNeil Christopher Laird. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1919. F580 McCary, Ben C. ed. Bayard, Ferdinand Marie Travels of a Frenchman in Maryland and Virginia with a Description of Philadelphia and Baltimore, in 1791: Or, Travels in the Interior of the United States, to Bath, Winchester, in the Valley of the Shenandoah, etc., During the Summer of 1791. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Edwards Brothers, 1950. B2140 McCauley, Orris D. Whitaker, James C. Costs and Returns for Hardwood Lumber Production in Appalachian Region of Kentucky and Ohio. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1966. W5260 McClay, Ben Harris ed. Harris, George ' Washington The Lovingood Papers. Athens, Tenn.: Tenn. Wesleyan College, 1962-. H2810 McClure, Joe P. Knight, Herbert A. Virginia's Timber, 1966. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1967. K2780 (LMC) McComas, F. W. Snidow, Francis Arthur An Economic and Social Survey of Giles County. Charlottesville: Univ. of Va. Extension Division, 1927. S5250 McCue, John B. Price, Paul Holland Salt Brines of West Virginia. Morgantbwn: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1937. P4560 (ETSU) McCue, John Bruce Price, Paul Holland Springs of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1936. P4570 (ETSU) McDowell, F. N. Vanatta, Earl Steere Soil Survey of Cleveland County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1918. V40 McFarland, Betty Poison, Peggy Sketches of Early Watauga. Boone, N. C.: American Assoc. of University Women, Boone Branch, 1973. P3460 McGehee, A. C. Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Randolph County, Alabama. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1912. B8730 Winston, Robert A. Soil Survey of Tuscaloos* County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1912. W7820 McGinnes, Byrd S. Cushwa, Charles T. Forest Recreation: Estimated and Predictions in the North River Area, George Washington National Forest, Virginia. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1965. C9960 Machir, Delores Genealogical History of the Descendants of Machir of Scotland. Mt. Pleasant, W. Va.: Mattox Print. Service, 1964. Based on material compiled by Marchirs and Machir descendants and by Mae R. Crummel and James L. Pyles, both of whom married descendants. M2610 (ASU) Machir, Violette Somerville Machir, Delores Genealogical History of the Descendants of * Machir of Scotland. Mt. Pleasant, W. Va.: Mattox Print. Service, 1964. M2610 (ASU) Machir, Violette Somerville comp. The Somerville Family and Descendants, 1789-1963. Greenville, III.: Naco Print. Co., 1963. M2620 (ASU) AUTHOR Mclntyre, C. L. Akins, Richard O. Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1972. A850 Mclntyre, Julian H. Brewer, Edward O. Soil Survey, Allegheny County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1973. B6530 McKee, J. M. Shaw, Charles Frederick Reconnaissance Soil Survey of Northeastern Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. S2470 Mackey, Lila Thrasher "The Social and Educational Aspects of the Tennessee Valley Authority." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1937. M2630 McMahon, Blanche C. Creekmore, Poliyanna ed. Population Schedule of the U. S. Census of 1850 (Seventh Census) for Sevier County, Tennessee. Knoxville: The authors, 1953. C8690 (ETSU BC) McMaster, William M. Harris, Wiley F., Jr. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Lawrence County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1965. H3030 (ETSU) McNeilly, J. H. Bachman, J. W. Memorial of the Rev. James Park. Nashville: Smith & Lamar, 1912. B20 MacNider, G. M. Hearn, Williamson Edward Soil Survey of Henderson County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1909. H4200 Hearn, Williamson Edward iSoil Survey of Transylvania County, Norm Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1908. H4210 Hearn, Williamson Edward Soil Survey of Transylvania County. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1907. H4220 Macon County Home Demonstration Clubs Favorite Recipes, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Everything from chitlins to twice stewed possum. M2640 Macon, Hershal L. Campbell, Carlos Clinton and others Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1962. C540 (LMC WCU ETSU) Campbell, Carlos Clinton Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1964. C550 (ASU LMC WCU WWC BC) McProud, Margaret Milam Fritz, Arah Miller Crabtrees of Southwest Virginia. Pecos, Texas: Hawks Printing Co., 1965. F3440 McTuown, Ruth Shannon, Jasper Berry Presidential-Politics in Kentucky, 1824-1948: A Compilation of Election Statistics and an Analysis of Political Behavior. Lexington: Bureau of Government Research, College of Arts and Sciences, Univ. of Kentucky, 1950. S2230 (LMC) Madden, David Bijou, A Novel. New York: Crown Publishers, 1974. A novel of a declining Appalachian town, a growing boy and the town's entertainment center and hotel. M2650 Cassandra Singing: A Novel. New York: Crown Pub. Co., 1969. A novel of modern Kentucky with poverty, trouble, sickness, motorcycle .culture, and through it all, somehow, Cassandra singing. M2660 (ASU BC) 143 MCCALL—MAHAN Rediscoveries: Informdl Essays in Which Well-known Novelists Rediscover Neglected Works of Fiction by One of Their Favorite Authors. Edited with an introduction by David Madden. New York: Crown Publishers, 1971. Three chapters deal with Appalachian writers. M2670 (ASU) Madden, Nancy Sawyer Sevier Sevier, Cora Bales Sevier Family History, with the Collected Letters of Gen. John Sevier, First Governor of Tennessee and 28 Collateral Family Lineages. Washington: Kaufman Print. Co., 1961. S2030 (ASU ETSU MHC BC) Maddocks, Durward Swing Your Partners: A Guide to Modern Country Dancing. Brattleboro, Vt.: Stephen Daye Press, 1964. M2680 Maddox, Kathryn ed. In West Virginia, It Is Working: One Teacher Education Center in Action. Washington: Teacher Education, 1972. A study of the Kanawha County multi-institutional teacher education center. M2690 (WCU BC ASU) Maddox, Rufus Sherrill Common Forest Trees of Tennessee, How to Know Them; a Pocket Manual. Nashville, Tenn.: Dept. of Conservation, 1922. M2700 Maddux, Rachel Fiction Into Film: A Walk in the Spring Rain. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1970. An Appalachian novel is connected into film. M2710 (ASU) Madison County Industrial Commission We Look Unto These Hills and See Them Not As Obstacles But As Opportunities, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Madison County, North Carolina looks to the future. M2720 (LMC) Madison County Newsweek vol. 1. Richmond, Ky.: 1970. A newspaper with a mountain emphasis. M2730 Madison, Monroe Boiling Drug Plants of Western North Carolina, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Western North Carolina is a leading center in the botanical drug trade. M2740 (WCU ASU) The Magazine of Albemarle County History vol. 1 — 1940. Charlottesville, Va.: Albemarle County Historical Society, annual. M2750 (ASU) Magazine of History — Biography Randolph County Historical Society, 1926. M2760 Maggard, Ella Weep for the Dawn. New York: Carlton Press, 1969. After their father's death, two children are reclaimed by the mother they have never known. M2770 (ASU WCU BC) Magill, Mary Tucker History of Virginia, for the Use of Schools. 6th ed. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell, 1882. Virginia history text for children. M2780 (LMC) The Holcombes. A Story of Virginia Homelife. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott and Co., 1871. The children in a Blue Ridge mountain family are apprehensive about having a stepmother. M2790 (ASU BC) Magruder, James Mosby, Jr. comp. Index of Maryland Colonial Wills, 1634-1777, in the Hall of Records, Annapolis, Maryland. Reprinted with additions and a new introduction by Louise E. Magruder. 3 vols. in 1. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. M2800 (ASU) Magruder's Maryland Colonial Abstracts: Wills, Accounts and Inventories, 1772-1777. 1934-1939. Reprint. With a new introduction by Louise E. Magruder. 5 vols. • in 1. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. M2810 (ASU) Mahan, Paul E. Smoky Mountain Wines. New York: Arco Pub. Co., 1973. M2820 (ASU) �MAHER-MARKEY Maher, Stuart Wilder Hershey, Robert E. Limestone and Dolomite Resources of Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1963. H5040 (ETSU) Mahoney, James W. The Cherokee Physician . . . As Given by Richard Foreman. Chattanooga: J. M. Edney, 1846. M2830 Maidment, James A New Book of Old Ballads. Edinburg: n.p., 1891. Songs still sung in the southern mountains. M2840 Mairs, Oscar L. McMichael, Edward V. Excavation of the Murad Mound, Kanawha County, West Virginia, and an Analysis of Kanawha Valley Mounds. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1969. M2260 (ASU) Malcolm, Gerald C. "A Study of the Effect of Individualization on Achievement in Language Arts at North Side Elementary School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. M2850 (ETSU) Maldonado, Ray F. Kiser, James L., Jr. A Study of Judicial Procedures on the Cherokee Indian Reservation. Cullowhee: Western Carolina Univ., 1970. K2670 (LMC ASU) Malesky, Gaynelle S. Green Autumn. Francestown, N. H.t Golden Quill Press, 1967. Fifty-one poems of farm and mining life. M2860 (BC) Mallison, Sam Thomas The Great Wildcatter. Charleston: Education Foundation of West Virginia, 1953. Biography of West Virginia's greatest oil magnate. M2870 (ASU BC) Let's Set a Spell. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1962. Tales from West Virginia. M2880 (ASU) Malmberg, Glenn Thomas Geology and Ground-water Resources of Madison County, Alabama. County Report, 3. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1957. M2890 (ETSU) Malnak, Julian "The Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965." D. P. A. Diss. New York Univ., 1968. An analysis of the Appalachian Regional Development Act and the Commission. M2900 Malone, Bill C. Country Music U. S. A.: A Fifty-year History. Publications of the American Folklore Society Memoir Series, vol. 54. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1968. M2910 (FC ASU) Malone, Henry Thompson Cherokees of the Old South: A People in Transition. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1956. M2920 (UNCA ASU WCU LMC BC ETSU) The Early Nineteenth Century Missionaries in the Cherokee Country, n.p.: n.p., n.d. M2930 "A Social History of the Eastern Cherokee Indians from the Revolution to the Removal." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Emory Univ., 1952. M2940 (WCU ASU) Malone, Howard D. "A History of Education in Jefferson County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1955. M2950 Malone, Joseph S. Sons of Vengeance. New York: F. H. Revell, 1903. A tale of feuding and fighting in the Cumberland highlands of Tennessee and Kentucky. M2960 (BC ASU) Maloney, Forrest B. The Rural Land Use of Washington County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1956. M2970 Management and Economic Research Inc. Guidelines for an Appalachian Airport System. Research Report No. 3. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1966. M2980 AUTHOR Manarin, Louis H. ed. North Carolina Troops, 1861-1865, a Roster. 2 vols. Raleigh, N. C: State Dept. of Archives and History, 1966. M2990 (ASU LMC) Mangalam, J. J. Schwarzweller, Harry K. Mountain Families in Transition: A Case Study of Appalachian Migration. Univ. Park: Pennsylvania State Univ. Press, 1971. SI270 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) Mangalam, Joseph J. Human Migration: A Guide to Migration Literature in English, 1955-1962. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1968. Includes material on Appalachian migrants. M3000 Mangrum, Claude Thomas "The Drain of Talent Out of North Carolina and Tennessee." Master's thesis. Kent State Univ., 1958. Mountain counties often lose their most promising students. Few of the educated come home again to live. M3010 (ASU) Mangum, Adolphus W. Soil Survey of the Campobello Area, South Carolina. Field Operations, 1903. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1904. M3020 Soil Survey of Chattooga County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Georgia State College of Agriculture, Field Operations, 1912. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. Maps. M3030 Mangum, Charles Staples The Legal Status of the Tenant Farmer in the Southeast. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1952. M3040 (LMC) Mangus, A. R. Subsequent Movement of Kentucky Hill Families Relocated as Farm Laborers in Ohio. Columbus: Ohio State Univ. and Ohio Agriculture Experiment Station, 1943. M3050 (ASU) Mank, Russell W., Jr. "Senator Kenneth D. McKellar and the Tennessee Valley Authority, 1933-1944." Master's thesis. Univ. of Maryland, 1964. M3060 Mankin, Virginia T. The Crowning Event and Other Stories. Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1953. Stories of rowdy and funloving mountain folk centered in and around West Virginia. M3070 (ASU) A Mountain Code and Other Stories. Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1938. Humorous stories of West Virginia mountain folk. M3080 (ASU) Manley, Joe F. Fishing in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park and Adjacent Waters. Gatlinburg, Tenn.: author, 1938. M3090 Manley, Louise Southern Literature from 1579-1895. Richmond, Va.: B. F. Johnson Pub. Co., 1895. Includes Appalachian items. M3100 Manly, Marline Kentucky Kate; or, The Moonshiners' League. "Log Cabin Library," No. 366. New York: Street and Smith, 1896. A Kentucky mountain moonshine tale complete with a lovely heroine. M3110 Mann, Cathrine Cleek comp. Marriage Record "A1, Floyd County, Georgia, 1834-1848. Cedar Bluff, Ala.: Mannsford, 1970. M3120 (ASU) Mann, Charles J. Soil Survey of Bedford County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College School of Agriculture and Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1911. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. M3130 Manning, Ambrose N. ed. Burton, Thomas G. ed. Collection of Folklore: Folksongs. Johnson City: Institute of Regional Studies, East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. B9290 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) 144 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Burton, Thomas G. ed. Collection of Folklore: Folksongs II. Johnson City: Institute of Regional Studies, East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. B9300 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) A Collection of Folklore by Undergraduate Students of East Tennessee State University Johnson City: East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. C5920 (ETSU ASU LMC BC) Mannis, Martha A. "A Study Designed for the Attitudes of the Negro Teachers of Bedford County, Virginia Toward In-Service Teacher Education." Master's thesis. North Carolina Agricultural and Technical College, 1954. M3140 Manpower Development and Training Project A Report of the Findings of a Demonstration Retraining Project for Long Term Unemployed Persons in a Rural Appalachian Mountain Area. Bluefield, W. Va.: Bluefield State College, 1965. M3150 (ASU) Mansfield, George Rogers Origin of the Brown Mountain Light in North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey (Circular 646), 1971. M3160 (ASU) Manual and Directory of the First Methodist Episcopal Church, Huntington, West Virginia Huntington: The church, n.d. M3170 Manufacturing and Mercantile Resources of Knoxville, Tennessee Knoxville: n.p., 1882. M3180 Marcher, Melvin V. Tuscaloosa Formation in Tennessee. Report of Investigations, no. 17. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1962. M3190 (ETSU) Marcy, W. L. Surveys of the Tennessee River. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1846. M3200 Marden, D. W. Wilpolt, R. H. Geology and Oil and Gas Possibilities of Upper Mississippian Rocks of Southwestern Virginia, Southern West Virginia, and Eastern Kentucky. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. W7060 (ASU) Marion County Regional Planning Commission Public Administration Study: Marion County, Tennessee. Chattanooga: The Commission, 1973. M3210 Marion County Teachers Association History of Marion County, Alabama, n.p.: The Association, 1959. M3220 Marion County, Tennessee, 1830 Census n.p.: n.p., n.d. Census data for Marion County, Tennessee. M3230 Marion, Leonard M. "A Guidance Program for the Schools of Hawkins County." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. M3240 Maris, Alan H. "Severity of Malocclusion Found in Children of Appalachian Heritage Compared with Children of Non-Appalachian Heritage." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1971. M3250 Marius, Richard The Coming of Rain. 1st ed. New York: Knopf, 1969. A novel of Eastern Tennessee in the 1880's. The shadows of the war and Reconstruction still lie on the land. M3260 (WCU ETSU BC) Markey, Gene That Far Paradise. New York: David McKay Co., 1960. A novel of the Kensal family and all their retinue traveling through the Virginia mountains to the Ohio and downriver to Kentucky in 1794. M3270 (BC) Markey, Mabel Lee Biggs, Nina Mitchell History of Greenup County, Kentucky. Louisville, Ky.: The authors, 1951. B3580 (BC) Biggs, Nina Mitchell A Supplementary Edition of a History of Greenup County. New York: Vantage Press, 1962. B3590 (ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Marier, Martha Griffis Kentucky Jane. San Antonio: Naylor, 1962. Autobiographical sketches from the life of a young mountain girl. M3280 Marier, Mike comp. "Name Index to (Male's) History of DeKalb County, Tennessee." Nashville: Unpublished typescript, 1971. M3290 Marlin, Lloyd Garrison The History of Cherokee County. Atlanta: Walter B. Brown Pub. Co., n.d. A rather nice, informal, history of Cherokee County, Georgia. M3300 (BC) Mamin, Gene Vestige of Valor. New York: Vantage Press, 1973. M3310 (BC) Marriage Records, Warren County, Tennessee, 1852-1900 McMinnville, Tenn.: Womack Print. Co., 1965. M3320 (ASU) Marriages, Births and Deaths from Virginia and East Tennessee Lutheran Church in America Records Prepared by the General James Breckinridge Chapter, D. A. R., Roanoke, Virginia, Typescript. Roanoke: Breckinridge Chapter, D. A. R., 1969. M3330 Marriott, Alice Lee Sequoyah: Leader of the Cherokees. Illustrated by Bob Riger. Landmark Books. New York: Random House, 1956. A fictional account of Sequoyah; bears little resemblance to actual events. M3340 (ASU LMC BC) Marschner, Francis Joseph Rural Population Density in the Southern Appalachians. U. S. Department of Agriculture Miscellaneous Publications, no. 367. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1940. M3350 (ASU) Marsh, C. Paul Facilitative and Inhibitive Factors in Training Program Recruitment Among Rural Negroes, n.p.: n.p., n.d. M3360 Mason, Marie Migration Within Kentucky. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, Agriculture Experiment Station, 1954. M3990 Marsh, Kenneth Frederick Historic Flat Rock: Where the Old South Lingers. Text by Blanche Marsh. 1st ed. Asheville, N. C.: Biltmore Press, 1961. Description of the interesting past of Flat Rock, North Carolina. M3370 (ASU LMC BC) Marsh, Owen T. Reconnaissance of the Ground-water Resources in the Waynesville Area, North Carolina. Chemical quality of water section by R. L. Laney. Ground-water Bulletin, no. 8. Raleigh: North Carolina Dept. of Water Resources, 1966. M3380 (LMC WCU) Marsh, Ruby Kenan Keepers of Memories: Biographical Sketches of Confederate Widows Living in North Carolina, 1861-1961, Plus Other Related Features. Asheboro, N. C.: n.p., 1965. A few of these ladies were from Western North Carolina. M3390 (MHC) Marshall, Bernard G. Old Hickory's Prisoner: A Tale of the Second War for Independence. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1925. A novel of the Civil War in Appalachia. M3400 (ASU) Marshall, Catherine Wood Christy. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967. A young girl accepts a teaching post in the remote mountains of East Tennessee and finds love and a vocation among the mountaineers. M3410 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU WCU WWCBC) Marshall College, Huntington, West Virginia One Hundred Years of Marshall College. Huntington: The college, 1937. An account of the centennial celebration and a history of the college. M3420 (BC) Marshall, Edward In Old Kentucky. New York: G. W. Dillingham Co., 1910. A story based on Charles Dazey's play of the bluegrass and the mountains. M3430 (ETSU BC ASU) AUTHOR Marshall, Humphrey The History of Kentucky. 1812. Reprint. Berea, Ky.: Oscar Rucker, Jr., 1971. M3440 (MHC BC) Marshall, Martha A Golden Book of the History and Tradition of Bristol, Tennessee, High School, 1915-1965. n.p.: n.p., n.d. M3450 (ETSU) Marshall, Peter D. "Imperial Regulation of American Indian Affairs 1763-1774." Ph. D. Diss. Yale Univ., 1959. M3460 Marshall, R. P. Gravatt, George Flippo Chestnut Blight in the Southern Appalachians. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1926. G3300 Marshall, Richard Moon Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Indiana County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1936. B8700 Marshall, Robert K. Julia Gwynn. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1952. A gothic tale of murder and family secrets. An aging Julia Gwynn comes out of seclusion to help her nephew who is on trial for his life. She is still the first lady of Tatesboro. M3470 (WCU BC) Little Squire Jim. 1st ed. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1949. The boy-loves-teacher tale is set against a backdrop of murder and the supernatural in the North Carolina mountains. M3480 (ETSU BC) Marston, Wendell G. "The Problems of Unemployment in a Depressed Area." Master's thesis. Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1962. A study of unemployment in Beckley, West Virginia. M3490 Martel Methodist Church, 1795-1962 n.p.: The Church, n.d. M3500 Martens, James Hart Curry Dolomite Zone at Base of Greenbrier Limestone (Big Lime). Report of Investigations, no. 4. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1948. M3520 (ETSU) Petrology and Correlation of Deep-well Sections in West Virginia and Adjacent States. West Virginia Geological Survey Reports, vol. 11. Morgantown: Morgantown Print, and Binding Co., 1939. M3530 (ETSU) Possibility of Shaft Mining of Greenbrier Limestone. Report of Investigations, no. 6. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1948. M3540 (ETSU) Rock Salt Deposits of West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 7. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1943. M3550 (ETSU) Sulphate Minerals in West Virginia. Bulletin, 25. Charleston: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1963. M3560 (ETSU) Well-sample Records. West Virginia Geological Survey Reports, vol. 17. Charleston: Jarrett Print. Co., 1945. M3570 (ETSU) Martin, Arlee "History of the Development of Negro Public Schools in Bradley County, Tennessee, 1931-1951." Master's thesis. Tennessee Agricultural and Industrial Univ., 1952. M3580 Martin, Charlene E. "Pupil Transportation in Pickett County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Tennessee Polytechnic Institute, 1961. M3590 Martin, Christopher see Hoyt, Edwin Palmer 145 MARLER-MARTIN Martin, Harold H. Ralph McGill, Reporter. Boston: Little Brown, 1973. This book is a labor of love by a colleague who worked with Ralph McGill on the Atlanta Constitution for thirty years. McGill became one of the great Southern liberal voices in the 1950's and 1960's by an unusual route that began in East Tennessee, then took him through sports writing with the NASHVILLE BANNER and the CONSTITUTION, and finally to his influential editorship. M3500 Ralph McGill, Reporter. Boston: Little Brown, 1973. This book is a labor of love by a colleague who worked with Ralph McGill on the Atlanta Constitution for thirty years. McGill became one of the great Southern liberal voices in the 1950's and 1960's by an unusual route that began in east Tennessee, then took him through sports writing with the NASHVILLE BANNER and the CONSTITUTION, and finally to his influential editorship. M3600 Martin, Isaac Patton A Minister in the Tennessee Valley. Nashville: Parthenon Press, 1954. Account of a 67 year ministry in the Tennessee Valley. M3610 (BC) Church Street Methodists, Children of Francis Asbury: A History of Church Street Methodist Church. Knoxville, Tennessee, 1816-1947. Knoxville: Methodist Hist. Soc. of Holston Conference, 1947. M3620 Methodism in Holston. Knoxville: Methodist Hist. Soc. of Holston Conference, 1945. M3630 A Minister in the Tennessee Valley for Sixty Seven Years. Knoxville: Parthenon Press, 1954. M3640 Martin, James E., Jr. Irrigation Arrangements in Buncombe County, North County, North Carolina; a Report of an Irrigation Survey in Buncombe County, Conducted in the Summer of 1962. Chapel Hill: Institute of Government, Univ. of N. C., 1963. M3650 (LMC) Irrigation Arrangements in Henderson County, North Carolina; a Report of an Irrigation Survey in Henderson County, Conducted in the Summer of 1962. Chapel Hill: Institute of Government, Univ. of N. C., 1963. M3660 (LMC) Irrigation Arrangements in Transylvania County, North Carolina; a Report of an Irrigation Survey in Transylvania County, Conducted in the Summer of 1962. Chapel Hill: Institute of Government, Univ. of N. C., 1963. M3670 (LMC) Martin, James 0. Soil Survey of the Lock Haven, Pennsylvania, Area. Field Operations, 1903. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1904. M3680 Soil Survey of the Lock Haven, Pennsylvania, Area. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1904. M3690 Martin, Joe Allen The Economics of Using Low-Quality Hardwoods for Producing Charcoal in Tennessee. Bulletin 375. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, Agriculture Experiment Station, 1964. M3700 Types of Farming in Tennessee. Bulletin, 311. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, Agriculture Experiment Station, 1960. M3710 (ASU) Martin, John R. Berryman Brown of Roanoke County, Virginia and Clinton Dade and Ozark Counties, Missouri, n.p.: n.p., 1957. Compares life in the Ozarks and the Appalachians. M3720 Martin, LeRoy A. A History of Tennessee Wesleyan College, n.p.: Louis Ginsburg, n.d. M3730 �MARTIN—MATHENY Martin, LeRoy Albert A History of Tennessee Wesleyan College, 1857-1957. Athens? Tenn.: n.p., 1957. A history of a Methodist College in Athens, Tennessee. M3740 (WCU ASU) Martin, Patricia Miles Daniel Boone. Illustrated by Glen Dines. A See and Read Beginning to Read Biography. New York: Putnam, 1965. M3750 (ASU) Martin, Peggy 0. "A Team Teaching Approach to Reading in the Fourth Grade at Dickson Elementary School in Kingsport, Tennessee, 1964-1965." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. M3760 (ETSU) Martin, Robert Lewis "The Sequatchie Valley, Tennessee, a Study in Land Utilization." Ph. D. Diss. George Peabody College, 1941. M3770 Martin, Roscoe C. ed. The First Twenty Years. University: Univ. of Alabama Press, and Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1956. An authoritative review of Tennessee Valley Authority's many activities. M3780 Martin, Roscoe Coleman ed. TVA TVA: The First Twenty Years. A Staff Report. Univ. of Alabama Press, 1956. T3790 (ASU WCU LMC) TVA TVA: The First Twenty Years; A Staff Report. Univ., Ala.: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1956. T3800 (UNCA) Martindale, Donald L. Silvical Characteristics of Sweetgum. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 90. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1958. M3790 (WCU) Martindale, Mrs. J. W. Cheek, Mr. and Mrs. Charles comp. 1850 Census: Wilkes County, North Carolina. Wilkesboro: Genealogical Society of the "Original" Wilkes County, N. C., n.d. C3570 (ASU) Martineau, Harriet Retrospect of Western Travel. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1838. This widely read English writer covered the South rather extensively, but in Appalachia she saw only White Sulphur and Hot Springs and the Natural Bridge of Virginia. M3800 Martinez, Corinne Coffee County from Arrowheads to Rockets: A History of Coffee County, Tennessee. Tullahoma: Coffee Co. Conservation Bd., 1969. M3590 Coffee County from Arrowheads to Rockets; a History of Coffee County, Tennessee. Tullahoma: Coffee Co. Conservation Bd., 1969. M3810 Coffee County: From Arrowheads to Rockets. A History of Coffee County, Tennessee. Tullahoma, Tenn.: Coffee Co. Conservation Bd., 1969. M3820 (ETSU) Martinson, H. M. Effectiveness of Apprentice Training in the Tennessee Valley Authority. Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1949. M3830 Martinson, Vince Leonard An Appalachian Valley. n.p.: n.p., 1964. Observations about nature during the various seasons of the year in travels throughout western North Carolina. M3840 (ASU) An Appalachian Valley, n.p.: n.p., 1964. Observations about nature during the various seasons of the year in travels throughout Western North Carolina. M3840 (ASU) Mary Sharp College Club of Nashville, Tennessee Dr. Z. C. Graves and the Mary Sharp College, 1850-1896. Nashville: Baptist Board of Pub., 1926. M3850 Maryland, Department of Economic Development The Appalachian Region: A Preliminary Analysis of Economic and Population Trends in an Eleven State Problem Area. Annapolis: The department, 1960. M3860 (BC) AUTHOR Directory of Maryland Manufacturers. Annapolis: Department of Economic Development, 1965. M3870 Fact Sheet on Appalachian Maryland — Garrett, Allegheny, and Washington Counties. M3880 Occupational Outlook for Washington County. Baltimore: Department of Employment Security, 1966. M3890 Maryland, Department of Geology, Mines and Water Resources Allegheny County. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1900. Survey of mineral and water resources. M3900 (ETSU) The Physical Features of Washington County. Baltimore: n.p., 1951. M3910 (ETSU) Maryland, Executive Department Copy of a Correspondence Between Governor Thomas, of Maryland, and Governor Tazewell, of Virginia, in Relation to the Unsettled Divisional Boundgry Lines Between the Two States. Annapolis: Jeremiah Hughes, 1835. M3920 (ASU) Maryland, University School of Law Legal Problems of Coal Mine Reclamation: Study in Maryland, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia. Project directors: Everett F. Goldberg and Garrett Power. Water Pollution Control Research Series. Washington: U. S. Environmental Protection Agency, 1972. M3930 (BC) Maryville College Students "Social Survey of Blount County, Tennessee." Maryville: Unpublished typescript, 1930. M3940 Masa, George McCoy, George William Guide to the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Asheville, N. C: Inland Press, 1933. . M760 (WCU) Maser, Frederick E. The Dramatic Story of Early American Methodism. New York: Abingdon Press, 1965. M3950 (ASU) Masney, S. ed. Tennessee Poetry Journal vol. 1-4,1967-1971 Martin, Tenn.: n.p., 1967-1971. T1790 Mason, Charles Dwight "A Survey of the Training and Experience of Secondary Principals in Five Upper East Tennessee Counties." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. M3960 (ETSU) Mason, D. D. Porter, Hobart Clarke Soil Survey, Tazewell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P3660 Mason, Francis Van Wyck see Mason, Van Wyck Mason, Harrison D. Locust Bloom. Pittsburgh: Cramer Print, and Pub. Co., 1924. Stories and descriptions of the Ohio River Valley with verses. M3970 (BC) Mason, Kathryn Harrod James Harrod of Kentucky. Southern Biography Series. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1951. One of the Kentucky's earliest settlers and pioneers. M3980 (ASU) Mason, Marie Migration Within Kentucky. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, Agriculture Experiment Station, 1954. M3990 Rural Family Health in a Selected County in Kentucky. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, Agriculture Experiment Station, 1949. Powell County, Kentucky is the subject of this study. M4000 Mason, Miriam Evangeline Daniel Boone: Wilderness Trailblazer. Illustrated by Harve Stein. Piper Books. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1961. M4010 (ASU ETSU) 146 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Mason, Pearl E. "Some Employment Opportunities of the Vocational Agriculture Trainees of Gilmer County." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1964. M4020 Mason, Robert Lindsay The Lure of the Great Smokies. Boston: Houghton, 1927. M4030 The Lure of the Great Smokies. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1927. M4040 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU WWC BC) Mason, Van Wyck Hang My Wreath. Center Books Edition. New York: Wilfred Funk, 1941. A Civil War novel partially set in Appalachia. M4050 (ASU) Massachusetts Infantry, 35th Regt., 1862-65 History of the Thirty-fifth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862-1865. With a roster. By a committee of the regimental association. Boston: Mills, Knight and Co., 1884. M4060 Massachusetts Infantry, 36th Regt., 1862-1865 History of the Thirty-sixth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862-1865. By a committee of the regiment. Boston: Rockwell and Churchill, 1884. M4070 (ASU) Massay, Glenn Frank "Coal Consolidation: Profile of the Fairmont Field of Northern West Virginia, 1852-1903." Ph. D. Diss. West Virginia Univ., 1970. "Coal Consolidation: Profile of the Fairmont Field of Northern West Virginia, 1852-1903." Ph. D. Diss. West Virginia Univ., 1970. M4090 Massengill, Samuel Evans The Massengills, Massengales and Variants 1472-1931. Bristol, Tenn.: n.p., 1931. M4100 The Massengills, Massengales and Variants 1472-1931. Bristol, Tenn.: King Print. Co., 1931. M4110 Massey, A. B. The Ferns and Fern Allies of Virginia. Bulletin, vol. 37, no. 7. Blacksburg: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1944. M4120 (LMC) Massie, Joseph L. Blazer and Ashland Oil; a Study in Management. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1960. M4130 Masters, F. N. The Cumberland Plateau in Tennessee. Bulletin no. 192. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Tennessee, 1944. M4140 Masters, Gil Sissy, She's Coming Sunday. Kingwood, W. Va.: n.p., 1969. Youngsters book based on a favorite singing game from the Appalachians. M4150 Masters, Roxie A. The Valley of the Long Hunters. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. A history of early Tennessee explorers in the bountiful Tennessee Valley. M4160 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Masterson, Clara Estelle "A History of Knoxville Journalism." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1933. M4170 Masterson, William Henry William Blount. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Uriiv. Press, 1954. Biography of early Tennessee politician. M4180 (BC ETSU) Matacia, Louis J., Jr. Corbett, H. Roger, Jr. Blue Ridge Voyages: One and Two Day River Cruises. Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia. Falls Church, Va.: Blue Ridge Voyageurs, 1965-66. C7360 (LMC) Matheny, Emma Robertson comp. 1850 Census of Highland County, Virginia, n.p.: The author, 1966. M4190 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Motheny, H. E. Major General Thomas Male/ Harris, A Member of the Military Commission That Tried the President Abraham Lincoln Assassination Conspirators, and Roster of the 10th West Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment, 1861-1865. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1963. M4200 (ASU BC) Mother, William A. Hosteller, John A. Participation in the Rural Church. State College: Pennsylvania Agricultural Experiment Station, Pennsylvania State College, October, 1952. H7350 Mathes, Charles Hodge Tall Tales from Old Smoky. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Pubs., 1952. M4210 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) Mathes, Wileta "A Study of Problems of Junior High School Students of Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1953. M4220 (ETSU) Matheson, James Reed, Andrew A Narrative of the Visit to the American Churches, by the Deputation from the Congregational Union of England and Wales. London: Jackson and Walford, 1835. R1010 Matheson, Robert Edwin Special Report on Surnames in Ireland. Together with Varieties and Synonyms of Surnames and Christian Names in Ireland. 1901, 1909. Reprint. 2 vols. in 1. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. M4230 (ASU) Mathews, A. A. L. Marble Prospects in Giles County, Virginia, with a section on Petrography of Marbles by Arthur A. Pegan. Virginia Commission on Conservation and Development. Virginia Geological Survey Bulletin no. 40. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1934. M4240 Mathis, Willie H. "A Survey to Determine the Need of Trade and Industrial Education in Warren County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. M4250 Matteson, Maurice Beech Mountain Folk-Songs and Ballads. New York: Schirmer, 1936. Collected in Watauga County, North Carolina. M4260 Matthews, Earle Dwight Soil Survey, Washington County, Maryland. Survey by Boyd D. Gilbert and others. Soil Survey, Series 1959, no. 17. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1962. M4270 Matthews, Elmora Messer Neighbor and Kin: Life in a Tennessee Ridge Community. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1965, i. e. 1966. Sociological study of an isolated hili community in Tennessee. M4280 (ASU WCU LMC BC WWC FC UNCA) Matthews, Etta Lane Over the Blue Wall. Illustrated by James Dougherty. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1937. M4290 (BC ASU LMC ETSU WCU) Matthews, Fred D. History of Sevier County, Tennessee. Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, n.d. M4300 Matthews, Joseph Carson, Jr. Human Resources in the Economy of the Upper French Broad Area. Raleigh: North Carolina State Univ., 1965. M4310 (LMC) Matthews, Martin Taylor Experience-worlds of Mountain People: Institutional Efficiency in Appalachian Village and Hinterland Communities. Contributions to Education, no. 700. New York: Teachers College, Columbia Univ., 1937. M4320 (ETSU WWC BC) AUTHOR Experience-worlds of Mountain People: Institutional Efficiency in Appalachian Village and Hinterland Communities. Contributions to Education, no. 700. 1937. Reprint. New York: AMS Press, 1972. M4330 (ASU) Matthews, Riley Kingston "A Survey of Recreational Music Activities Available to the General College Student in Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Tennessee." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1961. M4340 (ASU) Matthews, S. A. comp. Kentucky Mountain Square Dancing Running Set. London: English Folk Dance and Song Society, 1969. M4350 (ASU) Matthews, Thomas Edwin General James Robertson, Father of Tennessee. Nashville: Parthenon Press, 1934. Robertson was a leader of the Watauga Settlements and the Overmountain men; a politician and land surveyor. M4360 (ETSU ASU) Matzek, B. L. Hubbard, Edgar Harvey Soil Survey, Grainger County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. H7810 Rudolph, Foster Soil Survey, Carter County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1953. R4220 Matzek, B. L. and others Soil Survey, Sullivan County, Tennessee. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey Reports, Series 1944, no. 2. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. M4370 Maughan, Edwin K. Geologic Map of Part of the Rose Hill Quadrangle, Harlan County, Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1973. M4380 (ASU) Maughan, William ed. A Guide to Forestry Activities in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee. Asheville, N. C: Asheville Section, Society of American Foresters, 1939. M4390 (ETSU LMC) Maupin, Juanita "A Study of Living Conditions in the Pittman Center Community, 1934-1935." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1936. M4400 Maurer, B. B. Mountain Heritage, Mountain State Art and Craft Fair Cedar Lakes. Ripley, W. Va.: Morgantown Print, and Binding Co., 1974. M4420 Photiadis, John Community Size and Social Attributes in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., n.d. P2730 (WCU ASU) Photiadis, John Religion in an Appalachian State. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., n.d. P2740 Maurer, B. B. ed. Mountain Heritage. Ripley, W. Va.: Mountain State Art and Craft Fair, 1974. M4410 Maurer, Beryl Flake "The Rural Church and Organized Community Activity, a Study of Church-community Relations in Two East Tennessee Communities." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1953. M4430 Maurer, David W. Kentucky Moonshine. Lexington: Univ. Press, of Kentucky, 1974. M4440 Maurice, George H. Daniel Boone in North Carolina. 2d ed. rev., and enlarged. (Original title: On the Trail of Daniel Boone in North Carolina.) Eagle Springs, N. C.: Ballingtoy, 1959. M4450 (ASU LMC WCU BC) On the Trail of Daniel Boone in North Carolina. Eagle Springs, N. C.: The author, 1955. M4460 (ASU) 147 MATHENY—MAYHALL Maury, Matthew Fontaine The Resources of the Coal Field of the Upper Kanawha, with a Sketch of the Iron Belt of Virginia, Setting Forth Some of Their Markets and Means of Development. Baltimore: Sherwood and Co., 1873. M4470 (ASU) The Resources of the Coal Field of the Upper Kanawha, with a Sketch of the Iron Belt of Virginia, Setting Forth Some of Their Markets and Means of Development. Baltimore: Sherwood and Co., 1873. M4480 Maxwell, Ann History of Tucker County, West Virginia. Kingswood, W. Va.: Preston Pub. Co., 1884. Another interesting county history from West Virginia. M4490 Maxwell, Henry V. Chilhowee, a Legend of the Great Smoky Mountains. Illustrated by Clara T. Gresham. Knoxville, Tenn.: S. B. Newman Co., 1897. The legend of Chilhowee's ghost in verse. M4500 (LMC BC) Maxwell, Hu Fast, Richard E. The History and Government of West Virginia. Morgantown: Acme Publishing Co., 1901. F290 (BC) The History of Barbour County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Exploration and Settlement to the Present Time. 1899. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1968. M4510 (ASU ETSU) History of Hampshire County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present. Morgantown: A. B. Boughner, 1897. M4520 History of Hampshire County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present. 1897. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. M4530 (ASU) The History of Randolph County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present, Embracing Records of All the Leading Families, Reminiscences and Traditions. 1898. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1961. M4540 (ASU) History of Tucker County, West Virginia, from the Earliest Explorations and Settlements to the Present Time: With Biographical Sketches of More Than Two Hundred and Fifty of the Leading Men, and a Full Appendix of Official and Electional History. Also, an Account of the Rivers, Forests and Caves of the County. Illustrated with twenty-eight phototypes of noted persons. Kingswood, W. Va.: Preston Pub. Co., 1884. M4550 (ASU) Jonathan Fish and His Neighbors. Morgantown, W. Va.: Acme Pub. Co., 1902. Fine short stories; sketches of West Virginia characters. M4560 (BC) Miller, Thomas Condit West Virginia and Its People. New York: Lewis Historical Pub. Co., 1913. M6010 Maxwell, Kathleen A. Mountain Echoes, a Book of Poetic Reflections. Galax, Va.: Gazette Press, 1973. M4570 (ASU) Maxwell, Phillip Herbert Valhalla in the Smokies. Cleveland: G. A. Exline, 1938. A paean for the Great Smokies. M4580 (ETSU ASU BC) May, Earl Chapin Principio to Wheeling. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1945. A history of the iron and steel industry in West Virginia from 1715-1945. M4590 (BC) May, Emma Wells History of the First Methodist Church Prestonsburg, Ky. Prestonsburg, Ky.: n.p., n.d. M4600 Mayhall, Jane Cousin to Human. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1960. A comic novel from the northern Alabama hills. M4610 (ASU) �MAYNADIER-MERCER Maynadier, Gustaves B. Wilder, Henry Jason Reconnaissance Soil Survey of Northwestern Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. W6120 Maynor, Theodore R. "A Historical Analysis of Student Drop-outs in the Negro Schools for Bibb County, Alabama." Master's thesis. Alabama State College, 1954. M4620 Mayor's Friendly Relations Committee Report of a Workshop on the Southern Mountaineer in Cincinnati, April 29, 1954. Cincinnati: Human Relations Commission, 1971. C4120 (ASU BC) Mays, Lee Cain, n.p.: Naylor, 1969. M4630 Call of the Hills, n.p.: Naylor, 1971. M4640 Child of the Hills. Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1953. M4650 Echoes from the Hills. Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1957. M4660 Epic of Creation, n.p.: Naylor, 1965. M4670 Philosophy of the Hills, n.p.: Naylor, 1968. M4680 Ramble in the Hills, n.p.: Naylor, 1969. M4690 The Return to the Hills. Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1955. M4700 Mazek, Warren F. 'The Efficacy of the Labor Migration with Special Emphasis on Depressed Areas." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1965. M4710 Mazzei, Frank J. "A Study of the Factors Influencing Job-satisfaction among Factory Workers of Clarksburg, West Virginia, and Coal Miners of Morgantown, West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1951. M4720 McCants, Elliot Crayton In the Red Hills: A Story of the Carolina Country. New York: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1904. Story of upper Carolina Country. M260 (ASU) Mead, Edward Campbell Historic Homes of the South-west Mountains, Virginia. With twenty-three illustrations and a map. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1899. M4730 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) Mead, Everard Kidder ed. Chrisman, Arthur Bowie Clarke County, 1836-1936. Berryville, Va.: Clarke Courier Press, 1936. C3940 (ASU) Mead, Martha Elizabeth Norburn Asheville, in Land of the Sky. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1942. Illustrated, well-written pertaining to Asheville and the surrounding area. M4740 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) Meade, Bishop Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia. 2 vols. Philadelphia, Pa.: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1857. M4750 Meade, Everard Kidder Frederick Parrish, Virginia, 1744-1780. Winchester, Va.: Pifer Print. Co., 1947. Accounts of churches, chapels, ministers and vestries. With early maps. M4760 (BC) Meade, William Old Churches, Ministers, and Families of Virginia. 1857. Reprint. With digested index and genealogical guide compiled by Jennings Cropper Wise. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. M4770 (ASU) Meadowcroft, Enid LaMonte On Indian Trails with Daniel Boone. New York: Crowell, 1945. Adventure tale of the Trans-Appalachian West. M4780 (ETSU) On Indian Trails with Daniel Boone. New York: Crowell, 1947. M4790 (ETSU) AUTHOR The Story of Andrew Jackson. Illustrated by David Hendrickson. Signature Books. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1953. Novel of Andy Jackson, set partially during his early day in Appalachia. M4800 (ASU BC) The Story of Davy Crockett. Illustrated by Charles B. Falls. Signature Books. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1952. Novel of the exploits of the irrepressible Mr. Crockett. M4810 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) Medal of Honor Recipients, 1863-1973 Washington, D. C: Govt. Print. Off., 1973. M4820 Medford, W. Clark The Early History of Hayweod County. Waynesville, N. C.: The author, 1961. History of Haywood County and Waynesville, North Carolina. M4830 (LMC WCU) Finis and Farewell. Illustrated by Helen Medford Cartwright. Waynesville, N. C.: Miller Print., 1969. Describes social life and customs in Haywood County. M4840 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Great Smoky Mountain Stories and Sun over Ol' Starlin. Waynesville, N. C.: The author, 1966. M4850 (LMC WCU) Haywood's Heritage and Finest Hour. Asheville, N. C.: Daniels Graphics, 1971. M4860 (ASU BC WCU) Land o' the Sky; History, Stories, Sketches. Asheville, N. C.: Miller Print. Co., 1965. About the Asheville, Buncombe, Haywood, Madison County areas. M4870 (ASU BC LMC WCU UNCA) The Middle History of Haywood County, with Story Supplement. Waynesville, N. C: The author, 1968. History, sketches and stories from Haywood County. M4880 (BC LMC WCU) Mountain People, Mountain Times. Waynesville, N. C.: The author, 1963. Sketches of mountain people in and around Haywood County. M4890 (BC LMC WCU) R. A. Sentelle, Educator, Preacher, Public Servant, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Biography of a mountain educator and preacher in Western North Carolina. M4900 (LMC) Meeker, Mrs. A. M. Eliza Ross; or, Illustrated Guide of Lookout Mountain. Atlanta: Franklin, 1870. M4910 Meeker, F. N. Lapham, Jesse Erwin Soil Survey of the Asheville, North Carolina, Area. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1904. L620 Latimer, William James Soil Survey of the Spencer, West Virginia, Area. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. L820 Smith, William G. Soil Survey of Blount County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1914. S5180 Meeker, Fred N. Soil Survey of the Parkersburg Area, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1908. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1909. M4920 Soil Survey of Meigs County, Ohio. Prepared in cooperation with the Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1906. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1908. M4930 Meeker, Stella Colby The Parson's Mountaineers. New York: Frederick H. Hitchcock, 1927. Sentimental fiction about a preacher's supposed influence in an isolated mountain community. M4940 (BC) 148 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Valley People. Terre Haute, Ind.: Viquesney Co., 1920. Stereotypical and uninspired novel stressing differences between native mountaineers and outlanders. M4950 (BC) Meeks, Carl Garnert "Resources for Physical Recreation in the Tennessee Valley Authority Region." Ed. D. Diss. Teachers College, Columbia Univ., 1953. M4960 Meet Virginia's Baby Pictorial History of Dickenson County, Virginia, 1880-1955 Clintwood, Va.: n.p., 1955. M4970 Meigs, Cornelia Lynde Call of the Mountain. Illustrated by James Dougherty. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1940. Nostalgic novel of life in the northern Appalachians. M4980 (ASU) Meine, Franklin J. ed. Crockett, David The Crockett Almanacks. Nashville Series, 1835-1838. Chicago: Caxton Club, 1955. C8930 Meissner, Hanna H. ed. Poverty in the Affluent Society. New York: Harper and Row, 1966. A collection of reprints and unpublished materials on the history of poverty in the United States. Some mention of Appalachian poverty as a separate concern. M4990 Melbo, Irving Robert Our Country's National Parks. 2 vols. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1941. Includes material on the many national parks within the Appalachian region. M5000 (ASU) Mellen, George F. ed. Rule, William ed. Standard History of Knoxville, Tennessee, with Full Outline of the Natural Advantages, Early Settlement, Territorial Government, Indian Troubles and General and Particular History of the City Down to the Present Time. Chicago: Lewis, 1900. R4280 Melton, Robert W., Company Digest of Information About Transylvania County, North Carolina, Containing Information of General Interest to Commercial and Industrial Businesses. Brevard, N. C.: n.p., 1968. Promotional material and descriptive and historical facts about the county. M5010 (WCU) Memminger, Edward Read Historical Sketch of Flat Rock. Asheville: Stephens Press, 1954. M5040 (ASU) An Historical Sketch of Flat Rock . . . Flat Rock, N. C.: Privately published by his daughter, Mrs. Walter M. Norment, 1954. M5050 (ASU) Memoir of John Arch, a Cherokee Young Man, from Communications of Missionaries in the Cherokee Nation 4th ed. Boston: Massachusetts Sabbath School Society, 1838. M5020 (ASU) Memoranda of the Preston family Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1963. M5030 (ASU) Memory Days, in Which the Shenandoah Valley Is Seen in Retrospection, with Glimpses of School Days and the Life of Virginia People n.p.: Neale Pub. Co., 1908. PI 080 Mendel, Joseph J. Forestry Accomplishments in Southeastern Ohio under the U. S. Agricultural Conservation Program, 1957-64. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-65. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 196]". M5060 Mental Health in Appalachia. A Report of a Conference in Bethesda, Md., July 13-14, 1964 Washington: U. S. Dept. of Health, Education, and Welfare, 1965. M5070 Mercer, J. C. Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey, Catoosa County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. T400 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Mercer, J. C. Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey, Dade County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. T440 Mercer, Julia "North Georgia Life in the Fiction of Will N. Harben." Master's thesis. Duke Univ., 1938. Harben's novels are set in Murray and Whitfield counties. M5080 Merchant, Jane Halfway Up the Sky. n.p.: n.p., n.d. Poems from the hills. M5100 Mereness, Newton Dennison ed. Travels in the American Colonies. Edited under the Auspices of the National Society of the Colonial Dames of America. New York: Antiquarian Press, 1961. One of the earlier traveler's observations on the mountain South. M5090 (ASU BC) Merinar, Elmer K. "A Study of the Status of the Elementary School Principal of West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1953. M5110 Merkel, Edward P. Hydraulic Spray Applications of Insecticides for the Control of Slash Pine Cone and Seed Insects. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, SE-9. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1964. M5120 (WCU) Merrens, Harry Roy Colonial North Carolina in the Eighteenth Century: A Study in Historical Geography. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1964. M5130 (UNCA LMC) Merriam, Lucius Salisbury Higher Education in Tennessee. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1893. M5140 (ETSU) Merrill, William McKinley "Economics of the Southern Smokeless Coals." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1953. M5150 Merritt, Frank Early History of Carter County, 1760-1861. Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, 1950. M5160 (ASU ETSU LMC) Mertie, J. B., Jr. Quartz Crystal Deposits of Southwestern Virginia and Western North Carolina. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, 1072-D. Contributions to Economic Geology, 1957. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. M5170 Mertins, Herman, Jr. West Virginia Budgeting: Problems and Possibilities. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Bureau of Government Research, 1971. M5180 Message from the President of the U. S. Transmitting a Report of the Secretary of Agriculture in Relation to the Forests, Rivers, and Mountains of the Southern Appalachian Region Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1902. M5190 (ASU) Metcalf, Paul C. Will West. Highlands, N. C.: Jonathan Williams, 1956. Cherokee history is interwoven in this tale of an Indian baseball player who makes his way west. M5200 Methodist Episcopal Church, Southern Conferences. Western North Carolina Journal of the Western North Carolina Annual Conference . . . 1890-. n.p.: n.p., n.d. M5210 (WCU) Metropolitan Charter Commission. Knoxville and Knox County, Tenn. Proposed Metropolitan Government Charter for Knoxville and Knox County, Tennessee, 1959. n.p.: n.p., n.d. M5220 Metz, Louis John Haney, Glenn P. Silvical Characteristics of Southern Red Oak. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1959. HI 480 (WCU) AUTHOR Metzler, W. H. Porter, Ward F. Availability for Employment of Rural People in the Upper Monongahela Valley. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., 1956. P3700 Metzler, William H. Employment and Underemployment of Rural People in the Upper Monongahela Valley, West Virginia. Bulletin No. 404. Morgantown: West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, West Virginia Univ., June, 1957. M5230 Meyer, Duane The Highland Scots of North Carolina. A condensed version. Raleigh, N. C.: Tercentenary Commission, 1963. M5240 (LMC BC) Meyer, Duane Gilbert The Highland Scots of North Carolina, 1732-1776. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1961. Focuses on the circumstances of emigration and politics after arrival. M5250 (ASU LMC WWC) Meyer, H. B. List of References on the Mountain Whites. Bulletin No. 633. Washington, D. C.: Library of Congress Division of Bibliography, 1922. M5260 Meyer, Simon ed. One Hundred Years: An Anthology — Charleston Jewry. Charleston, W. Va.: Jones Print. Co., 1972. M5270 (ASU) Meyers, June ed. Bibliography of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. Raleigh, N. C.: Dept. of Natural and Economic Resources, Division of Community Services, 1974. M5280 Meyers, Robert Cornelius V. Life and Adventures of Lewis Wetzel. Philadelphia: John E. Potter, n.d. Wetzel was considered one of the greatest scouts and Indian fighters in our history. M5290 (BC) Meyertons, Carl Theile Triassic Formations of the Danville Basin. Report of Investigations, 6. Charlottesville: Virginia Division of Mineral Resources, 1963. M5300 (ETSU) Michalek, Daniel D. "Fan-like Features and Related Periglacial Phenomena of the Southern Blue Ridge." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1967. M5310 (WCU) Michalik, Benjamin A. "The Decline of Anthracite, 1913-1955." Ph. D. Diss. Fordham Univ., 1957. M5320 Michaux, Francois Andre Travels to the West of the Allegheny Mountains ... London: Barnard and Sultzer, 1805. M5330 (ASU BC) Michaux, R. R. Sketches of Life in North Carolina. Culler, N. C.: W. C. Phillips, 1894. Includes material on the western portions of the state. M5340 Mickley, Minnie F. Genealogy of the Mickley Family of America. Mickleys, Pa.: n.p., 1893. M5350 Middleton, Elmon Harlan County, Kentucky. Big Laurel: J. T. Adams, 1934. M5360 (BC) Miernyk, William H. Appalachian Development: The Long-run View. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Poverty and Human Resources Abstracts, 1967. The author is looking down the years at the human and physical resources of Appalachia. M5370 (LMC) Appalachian Future, the Economic Challenge. Morgantown: Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, 1968. M5380 Stimulating Regional Economic Development with an Input-Output Model. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Regional Research Institute, 1968. M5390 Stimulating Regional Economic Development. An Interindustry Analysis of West Virginia Economy. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Regional Research Institute, 1969. M5400 149 MERCER-MILLER The Structure of the West Virginia Economy in 1975, a Preliminary Forecast. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Regional Research Institute, 1968. M5410 Milam, Thomas Riley "An Individualized Reading Program for a Fifth Grade Group of Students at Andrew Johnson School, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1963. M5420 (ETSU) Miles, Emma Bell Our Southern Birds. Morristown, Tenn.: Globe Book Co., 1922. Lists and describes Southern birds, their habits and habitats. M5430 (ASU BC) The Spirit of the Mountains. New York: J. Pott and Co., 1905. A description of mountain life, customs and culture. M5440 (ASU BC WCU) Strains from a Dulcimore. Atlanta: E. Hartsock, Bozart Press, 1930. Mountain poetry — some of excellent quality. M5450 (BC) Miles, Miska Gertrude's Pocket. Illustrated by Emily McCully. 1st ed. Boston: Little, Brown, 1970. M5460 (ASU BC LMC ETSU) Hoagie's Rifle-Gun. Illustrated by John Schoenberr. 1st ed. An Atlantic Monthly Press Book. Boston: Little, Brown, 1970. Story of a young boy's hunting trips and the unexpected trouble he encounters. M5470 (ASU BC LMC) Milici, Robert C. Stratigraphy of the Chickamauga Supergroup in Its Type Area. Report of Investigations, no. 24. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1969. M5480 (ETSU) Military Operations in Jefferson County Virginia (and West Virginia) 1861-1865 n.p.: Farmers' Advocate Printers, 1911. M5490 Millen, Eli Moffatt Bethel. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1929. The story of a Kentucky mountain preacher who struggles to keep his church from the clutches of a millionaire landowner. M5500 (ASU BC LMC) Miller, Mrs. Alex M. Daintie's Cruel Rivals. Cleveland: George Munro, 1898. M5510 (BC) Lynette's Wedding. New York: Strut and Smith Corp., 1896. M5520 (BC) The Pearl and the Ruby. New York: George Munro's Sons, 1884. M5530 (BC) Miller, Allen Guivere As Once I Passed This Way. Boston.- The Meador Pub. Co., 1935. Verse from the hills. M5540 Miller, B. R. Kern, E. E. An Inventory of Human and Physical Resources of Cherokee Dekalb, Jackson, and Marshall Counties, Alabama. Auburn, Ala.: Auburn Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1966. K1590 (ASU) Miller, Barbara Martin "A Comparison of Socio-economic Status and Art Interest of Two Sixth Grade Groups in Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. M5550 (ETSU) Miller, Caroline Lamb in His Bosom. New York: Grosset, 1933. Pulitzer prize novel of family in the foothill country of Georgia. M5560 (ASU WWC) Lamb in His Bosom. 1st ed. New York: Harper Brothers, 1933. M5570 (ASU) Miller, David Reed The Red Swan's Neck: A Tale of the North Carolina Mountains. Boston: Sherman, French and Co., 1911. A picturesque tale of the North Carolina mountains during and immediately following the Civil War. M5580 Miller, Delmas Ferguson "A Survey of the Public Relations Programs of West Virginia High Schools." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1934. M5590 �MILLER—MILLS Miller, Edna Lucille "A Study of Folklore in Watauga County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1938. M5600 (IMC) Miller, Ernest C. Pennsylvania's Oil Industry. Rev. ed. Gettysburg, Pa.: Historical Assoc., 1959. M5610 Miller, Francis Pickens Man from the Valley: Memoirs of a 20th-century Virginian. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1971. M5620 (ASU) Miller, Harold W. "Characteristics of Mining and Nonmining Psychiatric Patients." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1960. M5630 Miller, Harvey J. News from Pigeon Roost. Rabun Gap, Ga.: The Foxfire Press, 1975. This North Carolina and East Tennessee ridge community is analyzed in depth by Miller, the country correspondent with the rare faculty for catching his neighbors on paper. M5640 (ASU) Miller, Heather Ross The Edge of the Woods. New York: Atheneum, 1964. A woman in the Uwharrie mountains of North Carolina searches her past as she fights for sanity. M5650 (ASU) Tenants of the House. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1966. This volume is made up of fourteen brief accounts of the people and events of Johnsboro, a small, backward North Carolina aluminium-smelting town. No Appalachian focus. M5660 (WCU BC) The Wind Southerly. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1967. M5670 Miller, Helen A Proposed Regional Library for Wood, Pleasants, Tyler, and Wetzel Counties, n.p.: n.p., 1960. M5710 Miller, Helen Topping After the Glory. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1958. A novel of Reconstruction Days in Tennessee. Partially set in the mountains. M5680 (ASU BC ETSU) Hawk in the Wind. New York: D. Appleton Century Co., 1938. A strong mountain woman runs a pulp mill in the mountains of North Carolina. M5690 (ASU BC) Horns of Capricorn. New York: Appleton, 1950. A romantic story of North Carolina at the turn of the century when the tobacco business was beginning to boom. Not Appalachian in content or setting. M5700 (BC ETSU WCU WWC) Sharon. Philadelphia: Penn Pub. Co., 1931. A plane falls from the sky, bringing Sharon's drifting day to an end. She marries and begins supporting five people with mountain ingenuity. M5720 (ASU) Slow Dies the Thunder. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1955. Fiction with a Revolutionary War background. Set partially in the mountains. M5730 (ASU BC ETSU) The Sound of Chariots: A Novel of John Sevier and the State of Franklin. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1947. M5740 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) Splendor of Eagles. Philadelphia: Penn Pub. Co., 1935. Romantic fiction about a new bride. Partially set in the mountains of Western North Carolina and Eastern Tennessee. M5750 Miller, J. D. Paulson, Quentin Frank Ground-water Resources and Geology of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1962. P1030 (ETSU) AUTHOR Miller, J. D., Jr. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the Tuscaloosa County Board of Revenue and the Geological Survey of Alabama. Information Series, 14. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1958. M5760 (ETSU) Ground-water in the Vicinity of Bryce State Hospital, Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with Alabama State Hospitals and Partlow State Schools and the Geological Survey of Alabama. Information Series, 12. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1958. M5770 (ETSU) Miller, J. T. Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey of Adams County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. T390 Miller, James Henry History of Summers County from the Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1970. M5780 (ASU) Miller, James R. "School Transportation Costs in Unicoi County: A Comparison of Publicly-owned and Privately-owned Systems." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1965. M5790 (ETSU) Miller, Jim Wayne Copperhead Cane, Poems. Nashville, Term.: R. M. Allen, 1964. Great poetry from the hills. Miller, a native of western North Carolina was educated in Kentucky and Tennessee. M5800 (ASU BC) Dialogue with a Dead Man. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1974. A native son's tribute to his grandfather and his region. Miller is without contest, the finest Appalachian poet of the generation. M5810 (ASU BC) A List of Magazines, Journals, Small Presses, Newspapers, etc. of Interest to Students of Appalachia. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, 1973. A listing of thirty-five periodicals, small presses, etc. M5820 The More Things Change, the More They Stay the Same. Kentucky Poets Series, vol. 1. Frankfort, Ky.: Whippoorwill Press, 1971. M5830 (ASU BC LMC) Published Works of Gratis Williams. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, 1974. M5840 (ASU BC) Miller, John T. Soil Survey, Hall County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the University of Georgia College of Agriculture. Soil Survey Report, Series, 1937, no. 2. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. M5850 (ASU) Miller, John T. and others Soil Survey, Towns County, Georgia. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1939, no. 16. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1954. M5860 Soil Survey, Union County, Georgia. Soil Survey Report, Series 1938, no. 28. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1950. M5870 Miller, Joseph Lyon The Descendants of Capt. Thomas Carter. Harrisonburg, Va.: C. J. Carrier Co., 1972. Includes a section on southwest Virginia Carters of Scott County. M5880 Miller, L. F. TVA Lakes as a Fishery and Wildlife Asset. Norris, Tenn.: TVA Fish and Game Branch, 1959. M5890 Miller, Leonard P. Education in Buncombe County, 1793-1965. Asheville, N. C.: n.p., 1965. M5900 Miller, Lewis Sketches and Chronicles: The Reflections of a Nineteenth Century Pennsylvania German Folk Artist. York, Pa.: The Historical Society of York County, 1966. M5910 (FC) 150 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Miller, Martin A. "Farm-level Demand Analysis of the Appalachian Fresh Apple Industry." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1970. M5920 Miller, Marvin G. The Hills and Home. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. Poems. Very Good. M5930 (ASU) Miller, Mary L. Community Analysis and Program Planning, Big Caney Valley, Kentucky. Oak Ridge: Associated Universities, 1966. M5940 Miller, Nora Girl in the Rural Family. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1935. Child from an Appalachian mill town is used in this study. M5950 (ASU BC) Miller, Ralph L. Geology and Oil Resources of the Jonesville District, Lee County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1954. Prepared in cooperation with the Virginia Geological Survey. M5960 Miller, Robert W. Zeller, Frederick A. Problems of Community Action in Appalachia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Appalachian Center, Office of Research and Development, 1968. Z70 Miller, Robert W. ed. Approaches to University Extension Work with the Rural Disadvantaged: Description and Analysis of a Pilot Effort. Morgantown: West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development West Virginia Univ., 1972. M5970 Miller, Robert Wilbur ed. Zeller, Frederick Anthony Manpower Development in Appalachia: An Approach to Unemployment. New York: Praeger, 1968. Z80 (UNCA ASU LMC ETSU) Miller, Russell Allen "Mercury Pollution in Fish in Boone Reservoir, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. M5980 (ETSU) Miller, Sampson Newton Annals of Webster County, West Virginia. Webster Springs, W. Va.: n.p., 1969. M5990 Miller, Stanley "The United Mine Workers: A Study of How Trade Union Policy Relates to Technological Change." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1957. M6000 Miller, Thomas Condit West Virginia and Its People. New York: Lewis Historical Pub. Co., 1913. M6010 Miller, Tracey R. "Investigation of the Regional English of Unicoi County, Tennessee." Ph. D. Diss. University of Tennessee, 1973. Focuses on the older citizens with little formal education. M6020 Miller, Virgil Thomas "Geographic Factors Affecting Manufacturers of Durable Goods in Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1951. M6030 (ETSU) Milligan, Jack A. "A Comparison of the Personal and Economic Characteristics of the Mobile and Immobile." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1960. M6040 Milling, Chapman James Red Carolinians. Photographs by Dr. Bruce Mayne and others. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1940. M6050 (ASU BC WCU) Milling, Chapman Jarves Red Carolinians. 1940. Reprint. Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1969. M6060 (LMC) Mills, Anita U. Radomski, Alexander L. Family Income and Related Characteristics Among Low-Income Counties and States. Washington: Division of Research, Welfare Administration, U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, 1964. R40 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Mills, Josephine J. "An Investigation of the Reading Interest of the Junior High School Students in Greenville, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1954. M6070 Mills, Mary Hampton Be Ye Begger or King. Asheville, N. C: Advocate Pub. Co., 1925. No copy available for examination. Reputedly Appalachian in setting. M6080 Mills, Oma H. Sommerville, Geraldine David Rawson Ancestors and Descendants, n.p.: n.p., 1974. S5460 (ASU) Mills, Robert L. "A Method of Measuring the Financial Ability of Kentucky School Districts to Support an Educational Program." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1951. M6090 Millspaugh, Charles Frederick Part 1: The Living Flora of West Virginia. Part 2: The Fossil Flora of West Virginia. West Virginia Geological Survey Reports, vol. 5-A. Wheeling: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1913. M6100 (ETSU) Milne, Terry Crain, Jim Camping Around the Appalachian Mountains. New York: Random House, Inc., 1975. C8470 (ASU) Milton, Charles Subsurface "Basement" Rocks of Georgia. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, n.d. M6110 (ETSU ASU) Milton, George Fort The Age of Hate: Andrew Johnson and the Radicals. New York: Coward-McCann, 1930. M6120 (ASU) Minckler, Leon Sherwood Tree Planting in the Central Piedmont, and Southern Appalachian Region. U. S. Department of Agriculture Farmers' Bulletin, no. 1994. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1957. M6130 (WCU) Mine Drainage Abstracts, a Bibliography Bituminous Coal Research: n.p., n.d. M6140 Miner, William Harvey Daniel Boone. New York: B. Franklin, 1970. An exhaustive study of sources on Daniel Boone. M6160 (ASU BC ETSU) Mineral Resources of the Appalachian Region Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1968. M6170 (ASU) The Miner's Voice vol. 1-, 1970. Morgantown, W. Va.: Fund for the future, monthly. M6150 (BC) Mink, Oscar G. Dropout Proneness in Appalachia. Research Series, 3. ERIC RC 003132. Morgantown: Appalachian Center, West Virginia Univ., 1968. M6180 (ASU) Dropout Proneness in Appalachia. Research Series, 3. Morgantown: Appalachian Center, West Virginia Univ., 1968. M6190 (ETSU) Minnick, Howard Edward "A Search for a Meaningful Program in Mathematics for the Slow Learner in the Seventh Grade in the Bristol, Tennessee, City Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. M6200 (ETSU) Mischaikov, Michael K. Postwar Changes in the Export Markets for American Coal: A Study in the Industry Response to Variations in Foreign Demand. West Virginia University Business and Economic Studies, vol. 9, no. 3. Also, Bulletin, Series 65, no. 7-1. Morgantown: Bureau of Business Research, College of Commerce, 1965. M6210 (ASU) Miser, H. D. Hewett, D. F. Possibilities for Manganese Ore on Certain Undeveloped Tracts in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1918. H5130 Miser, Hugh Dinsmore Mineral Resources of the Waynesboro Quadrangle, Tennessee. Bulletin, no. 26. Nashville: Tennessee Geological Survey, 1921. M6220 (ETSU) AUTHOR Mish, Mary Vernon Jonathan Hager, Founder of Hagerstown, Maryland. Hagerstown, Md.: Stouffer Print. Co., 1962. M6230 Missionary District of Asheville (Episcopal). Woman's Auxiliary to the Board of Missions Annual Report, n.p.: n.p., 1913-. M6240 (LMC) Mitchell, Beulah "A Study of the Life and Works of Jesse Stuart." Master's thesis. East Texas State Teachers College, 1952. A critical study of the works of Kentucky's best-known writer. M6250 (ASU) ' Mitchell, Carrie "An Analysis of the Possibilities for Local Support of Education in Pickett County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Tennessee Polytechnic, 1959. M6270 Mitchell, Cleophus H. "A Study of the Changes in the Educational Levels of the Negro Teachers in Jefferson County, Alabama, 1930-50." Master's thesis. Fisk Univ., 1952. M6280 Mitchell County, N. C., Board of Education Discovering Mitchell County, 1939-40: A Cooperative Study Made by the Teachers and Pupils of Mitchell County. Bakersville, N. C.: The Board, 1940. A descriptive history of Mitchell County, North Carolina. M6290 (ASU) Mitchell, Elisha Diary of a Geological Tour by Dr. Elisha Mitchell in 1827 and 1828. With introduction and notes by Dr. Kemp Plummer Battle. James Sprunt Historical Monograph, no. 6. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1905. Mitchell took copious scientific notes throughout the Appalachians. He was ' attempting to measure the altitude of the highest peak in the Appalachians when he fell to his death. The mountain was named for him. M6300 (ASU BC LMC) Mitchell, Fred E. Fading Hi-lights Relating to the Birth and Growth of the Swannanoa Valley in Western North Carolina, 1845-1960. Aiken, S. G: The author, 1962. Relates incidents from the history of the Swannanoa Valley. Much about the gap as a way west and about the famous tunnel. M6310 (ASU) Mitchell, Harry E. The Mitchell-Doak Group, n.p.: n.p., 1966. M6320 Mitchell, Howard W. The Hammered Dulcimer — How to Make and Play It. n.p.: n.p., n.d. A book and record set with diagrams, instructions, photograph and music. M6330 The Mountain Dulcimer, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Detailed instruction book with record on how to make and play a mountain dulcimer. M6340 Mitchell, Langdon Edwyn Love in the Backwoods. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1897. Two stories of frontier West Virginia where love does not quite conquer all. M6350 (BC) Mitchell, R. L., Jr. "Fifty Years Ago, a History of Overton County, Tennessee, Around the Year 1850." Livingston, Tenn.: The Enterprise, 1931-32. A scrapbook of articles printed in the Livingston Enterprise, 1931-32. M6360 Mitchell, Broadus Frederick Law Olmsted: A Critic of the Old South. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1924. Olmsted made several trips into the Southern mountains. M6260 Miyakawa, Tetsuo Scott Protestants and Pioneers; Individualism and Conformity on the American Frontier. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1964. M6370 Mize, Jessie comp. Richardson, Marian M. 1832 Cherokee Land Lottery: Index to Revolutionary Soldiers, Their Widows and Orphans Who Were Fortunate Drawers. Danielsville, Ga.: Heritage Papers, 1969. R2150 (ASU WCU) 151 MILLS—MONTAGUE Mock, Asenath Birchfiel "An Analysis of the Errors in Word Recognition Made by Pupils of One Section Each of the Second Through Sixth Grades of Lynn Avenue School, 1956-57, in Elizabethton, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. M6380 (ETSU) Mockler, William Emmett Morgan West Virginia Surnames, the Pioneers. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1973. First published for the W. Va. Dialect Society in 1956. M6390 (ASU) Moffett, Lee Water Powered Mills of Fauquier County Virginia. Warrington, Va.: The author, 1973. Descriptions photographs, short histories and locations. M6400 (ASU) Moffett, Thomas Clinton The American Indian on the New Trail: The Red Man of the United States and the Christian Gospel. New York: Missionary Education Movement of the United States and Canada, 1914. M6410 (ASU) Moffitt, James William "A History of the Early Baptist Missions Among the Five Civilized Tribes." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Oklahoma, 1946. M6420 (WCU) Moffitt, Polly Byrd "An Experimental Program in Grouping for Third Grade at Fairmont School, Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. M6430 (ETSU) Moffitt, William C. and others Soil Survey: DeKalb County, Tennessee. Prepared in cooperation with the Tennessee Agricultural Station. Washington: Soil Conservation Service, 1972. M6440 Mogen, C. A. Hasty, Allen Henry Soil Survey, Rhea County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. H3390 Roberts, Wallace Soil Survey, Hamilton County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1947. R3100 Monhollow, Jimmie Ray "The Farmers Home Administration and Agricultural Poverty in Tennessee." Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1964. Analyzes contributions of the FHA to improvement of low-income farmers. M6450 Monongahela Power Company Timber Inventory and Wood Manufacturing Opportunities in the Northern and Central West Virginia Region. Fairmont, W. Va.: n.p., 1967. M6460 Monongahela River Mine Drainage Remedial Project and Advisory Work Group Handbook of Pollution Control Costs in Mine Drainage Management. Washington: U. S. Federal Water Pollution Control Administration, 1966, i.e. 1967. M6470 The Monongalia Historical Society The 175th Anniversary of the Formation of Monongalia County, West Virginia, and Other Relative Historical Data. Morgantown, W. Va.: The society, 1954. M6480 (ASU) Monroe, Muriel B. Howell, Joseph C. Birds of Knox County. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1970. H7730 Montague, Margaret Prescort Deep Channel. Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1923. Novel of life in the Southern Appalachians. M6490 (ASU) In Calvert's Valley. New York: Baker and Taylor Co., 1908. Story centers on a townsman, but West Virginia mountains and mountaineers provide backdrop. M6500 �MONTAGUE—MOORE Montague, Margaret Prescott Linda. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1912. Wild, nature-loving Linda is forced to marry a local sawyer. Complications: Linda's pregnant and his presumably dead wife turns up. Linda flees, bears child, and returns to her husband as he lies dying. M6510 (ASU BC) The Poet, Miss Kate and I. Illustrated by George W. Hood. New York: Baker and Taylor Co., 1905. A novel of city folk in an Allegheny resort area. M6520 (ASU BC) The Sowing of Alderson Cree. New York: Baker and Taylor Co., 1907. Cree sows hatred, revenge, and a desire to commit murder in the heart of son David. Circumstances intervene to save David and right triumphs. M6530 (ASU BC) Uncle Sam of Freedom Ridge. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1920. His only son is killed in the war and Sam finds his patriotic fervor fading. In the end he commits suicide. M6540 (BC) Up Eel River. Illustrated by Martha Bensley Bruere. New York: Macmillan Co., 1928. A lumber camp on Eel River provides backdrop for this series of folk tales. M6550 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Montell, William Lynwood The Saga of Coe Ridge: A Study in Oral History. 1st ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1970. An outstanding example of oral history from the Cumberland Ridge country. M6560 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU WWC) Montgomery, Charles "Community Uses of Public School Buildings in West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1934. M6570 Montgomery, Ernest Brimer "Some Factors Affecting Retardation in the Six High Schools of Washington County." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. M6580 (ETSU) Montgomery, James Elmer "Three Appalachian Communities: Cultural Differentials as They Affect Levels of Living and Population Pressure." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1945. Social history of three Appalachian communities. M6590 (ASU) "Two Resettlement Communities on the Cumberland Plateau." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1941. Includes Cumberland Homesteads. M6600 Montgomery, John F. Wilson, L. Craig School-community Improvement, a Report of the Greenbrier County Program. New York: World Book Co., 1959. W7360 (ASU WCU) Montgomery, William John Theory and Practice of Mine Ventilation. Columbus, Ohio: The Jeffrey Manufacturing Co., 1936. Certainly, in Appalachia, there is a wide gap between theory and practice. M6610 Moody, Minnie Hite Long Meadows. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1941. Historical novel partially set in Western Virginia. M6620 (ASU) Moon, J. W. Soil Survey, Jefferson County, Tennessee. Prepared in cooperation with the Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, Soil Survey Report, Series 1935, no. 20. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. M6630 Mooney, Charles N. Latimer, William James Soil Survey of Braxton and Clay Counties, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1920. L710 Latimer, William James Soil Survey of the Point Pleasant, West Virginia, Area. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1911. L810 AUTHOR Soil Survey of the Albemarle Area, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1903. M6640 Soil Survey of the Bedford Area, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1902. M6650 Soil Survey of Centre County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1910. M6660 Soil Survey of Clarksburg Area, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1912. M6670 Soil Survey of the Greenville Area, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1905. M6680 Soil Survey of the Morgantown, West Virginia Area. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1912. M6690 Soil Survey of Talladega County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1909. M6700 Mooney, Charles W. Soil Survey of Webster County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1920. M6710 Mooney, Fred Struggle in the Coal Fields: The Autobiography of Fred Mooney. Edited by J. W. Hess. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1967. M6720 (ASU BC WCU) Mooney, James The Aboriginal Population of America North of Mexico. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 80, no. 7. Washington, D. C: Smithsonian Institution, 1928. Contains some mention of the Cherokee and other Indians of the mountains. M6730 Cherokee Animal Tales. Edited from his Myths of the Cherokee, with an introduction by George F. Scheer. Illustrated by Robert Frankenberg. New York: Holiday House, 1968. M6740 (ASU) Myths of the Cherokee. Nineteenth annual report, 1897-98. Washington: U. S. Bureau of American Ethnology, 1900. Includes a glossary of Cherokee words. M6750 (ASU LMC) Myths of the Cherokee. 1900. Reprint. Landmarks in Anthropology. New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1970. The best book published on the Cherokee. M6760 (ASU BC WCU) Myths of the Cherokee. 1900. Reprint. St. Clair Shores, Mich.: Scholarly Press, 1970. M6770 (ASU ETSU WWC) Myths of the Cherokee and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokee. Nashville: Charles and Elder, 1972. M6780 (ASU LMC) The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees. Extract from the seventh annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1891. M6790 (WCU ASU) The Swimmer Manuscript, Cherokee Sacred Formulas and Medicinal Prescriptions. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1932. M6800 (ETSU) Mooney, Mary Sue "An Intimate Study of Mary Noailles Murfree, Charles Egbert Craddock." Microfilm. Master's thesis. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1928. M6810 (ASU) Moore, Alvin Edward History of Hardy County of the Borderland. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1963. M6820 (ASU BC) Moore, Arthur K. The Frontier Mind: A Cultural Analysis of the Kentucky Frontiersman. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1959. M6850 152 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Moore, Arthur Keister The Frontier Mind: A Cultural Analysis of the Kentucky Frontiersman. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1957. Includes bibliographies. M6830 (ASU BC ETSU UNCA) The Frontier Mind. 1957. Reprint. McGraw-Hill Paperbacks. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963. M6840 (ASU WCU) Moore, Bertha Belle see also Cannon, Brenda pseud. Moore, Bertha Belle As by Fire. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1939. Moralistic fiction for youths. Set in Western North Carolina. M6860 (ASU) Autumn on Breezy Hill. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan Pub. Co., 1956. Moralistic fiction for the younger reader. Set in Western North Carolina. M6870 (ASU) Blacktop. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1956. This novel, written for young adults, presents a stereotypical plot. The mountaineers are fighting progress. Rather than resolve this conflict, the author lets love conquer all. M6880 (ASU) Dan and Jack Find a Pal. Chicago: Moody Press, 1955. Children's fiction partially set in western North Carolina. M6890 (ASU) Doctor Happy. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1938. Children's fiction. M6900 (ASU) Eyes Unto the Hills. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1951. Western North Carolina fiction for the younger reader. M6910 (ASU) The Girl of the Listening Heart. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1937. North Carolina fiction for youths. M6920 The Healing Hills. Findley, Ohio: Fundamental Truth, Pub., 1941. Moralistic fiction set in western North Carolina. M6930 (ASU) The Jolly J's Have a Reunion. Chicago: Moody Press, 1952. M6940 (ASU) The Jolly J's Make Decisions. Chicago: Moody Press, 1951. Set in western North Carolina. M6950 (ASU) The Jolly J's of Silver Creek. Chicago: Moody Press, 1949. M6960 (ASU) Joy Shop Stories. Springfield, Mo.: Gospel Pub. Co., 1929. M6970 (ASU) Laborers Together. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1952. North Carolina fiction. M6980 On Silver Creek Knob. Chicago: Moody Institute Press, 1939. Children's fiction from western North Carolina. M6990 (ASU BC) Ordered Steps. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1937. Partially set in western North Carolina. M7000 Silver Creek's Camp Jolly. Chicago: Moody Press, 1954. North Carolina fiction. M7010 (ASU) Spring on Breezy Hill. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 1952. M7020 (ASU) Strength of the Hills. Chicago: Moody, 1952. Moralistic fiction set in western North Carolina. M7030 (ASU) These, My People. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1942. North Carolina fiction. M7040 The Touch of Polly Tucker. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1952. Moralistic fiction for youths. M7050 (ASU) The Triplets Go to Camp. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1955. M7060 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Moore, Caroline T. ed. Abstracts of the Wills of the State of South Carolina, 1740-1760. Columbia, S. C: R. L Bryan Co., 1964. M7070 (ASU) Moore, Clarence Bloomfield Aboriginal Sites on Tennessee River. Philadelphia, Pa.: The author, 1915. M7080 Moore, Dean W. Washington's Woods: A History of Ravenswood and Jackson County, West Virginia. 1st ed. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. M7090 (ASU) Moore, Donald Lee Wey, Adelaide Smoky Mountain Ballads. New York: n.p., 1949. W4980 Moore, Edward Alexander The Story of a Cannoneer, under Stonewall Jackson, in Which Is Told the Part Taken by the Rockbridge Artillery in the Army of Northern Virginia. With introductions by Capt. Robert E. Lee, Jr., and Hon. Henry St. George Tucker. Illustrated by portraits. 2nd ed. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., 1910. M7100 (ASU) Moore, Elizabeth Fox John Fox, Jr.: Personal and Family Letters and Papers. Lexington, Ky.: n.p., 1955. M7110 Moore, Elwood James "The Effects of a Physical Education Program on the Motor Skills of Selected Severely Retarded Children in Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1973. M7120 (ETSU) Moore, Ethel Sivley Francis, Elesabeth Wheeler Lost Links: New Recordings of Old Data from Many States. Nashville, Tenn.: McQuiddy Print. Co., 1945. F3040 (ASU) Moore, Frank ed. Songs and Ballads of the Southern People, 1861-1865. 1886. Reprint. New York: Burt Franklin, 1971. M7130 (ASU) Moore, George Ellis A Banner in the Hills: West Virginia's Statehood. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1963. M7140 (ASU BC WCU) "West Virginia and the Civil War, 1861-1863." Ph. D. Diss. West Virginia University, 1957. M7150 Moore, Gerald K. Harris, Hobart B. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Colbert County, Alabama. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1963. H2870 (ETSU) Harris, Hobart B. Interim Report on Ground-water Study in Colbert County, Alabama. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1960. H2880 (ETSU) Moore, Grace You're Only Human Once. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1944. Life story of an Appalachian musician. M7160 (ASU) Moore, Helen K. Pioneer Superstitions; Old-timey Signs and Sayings. High Point, N. C.: Hutcraft, 1969. M7170 (ASU BC) Moore, Ida L. Like a River Flowing. New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1941. Pioneer story of life in the North Carolina mountain country from ante bellum days to the turn of the century. M7180 (ASU) Moore, Idora McClellan Southern Character Sketches. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1937. Part I includes tales of northern Alabama hill folk. M7190 (ASU WCU) Moore, J. A. Planning for Flood Damage Prevention. Special Report no. 35. Atlanta, Ga.: Engineering Experiment Station, Georgia Institute of Technology, June 1958. M7200 Moore, J. R. Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey, Smyth County, Virginia. Washington: U. S, Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. J2930 AUTHOR Schmidt-Bleek, F. Benefit/Cost Approach to Decision Making: The Dilemma with Coal Production. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, The Appalachian Resources Project, 1973. S970 (ASU) Schmidt-Bleek, F. K. Statement on Benefit/Cost Evaluation of Strip Mining in Appalachia. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Appalachian Resources Project, 1973. S980 (ASU) Moore, James C. "An Analysis of the New Deal Subsistence Homesteads Program in Cumberland County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Tennessee Technological Univ., 1967. M7210 Moore, John Monroe The South To-day. Richmond: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1916. Contains a great deal of information on the Presbyterian Home Mission Society's efforts. M7220 (LMC) Moore, John R. Strip Mining and the Three E's. Report, no. 19. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, Appalachian Resources Project, 1973. M7240 (ASU) Moore, John R. ed. The Economic Impact of TVA Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967. E790 (ASU LMC WCU BC UNCA) The Economic Impact of TVA. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967. Eight Specialists assess TVA's first 30 years. M7230 Moore, John Trotwood The Bishop of Cot ton town: A Story of the Southern Cotton Mills. Illustrated by the Kinneys. Nashville: Cokesbury Press, 1906. Some of his observations were drawn from Appalachian mill towns. M7250 (ASU BC) Hearts of Hickory: A Story of Andrew Jackson and the War of 1812. Nashville: Cokesbury Press, 1926. Novel of Andy Jackson and the War of 1812. Jackson was a long-time resident of Appalachia. M7260 (ASU BC WCU) Hearts of Hickory: A Story of Andrew Jackson and the War of 1812. New York: Grosset, 1926. M7270 (ETSU) Jack Ballington, Forester. Illustrated by George Gibbs. Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1911. Tangentially Appalachian. M7280 (ASU) Songs and Stories from Tennessee. Chicago: J. C. Bauer, 1897. M7290 (UNCA) A Summer Hymnal, a Romance of Tennessee. Philadelphia: Henry T. Coates and Co., 1901. Period fiction set in Eastern Tennessee. M7300 (ASU BC ETSU) Moore, John W. History of North Carolina: From the Earliest Discoveries to the Present Time. 2 vols. Raleigh, N. C.: Alfred Williams, 1880. Good source on Western North Carolina. M7310 (LMC) Roster of North Carolina Troops: In the War Between the States. 4 vols. Raleigh, N. C.: Ashe and Gatling, 1882. M7320 (LMC) Moore, Lilian Daniel Boone. New York: Random House, 1955. M7330 Moore, Martha Kiser 'The Appalachia of Wilma Dykeman's Fiction." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1975. M7340 Moore, Terry A. "The Phytoecology of Boone Fork Sphagnum Bog." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1972. M7350 (ASU) Moore, William H. "Rockwood: A Prototype of the New South." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1965. M7360 Moorehead, Warren King Exploration of the Etowah Site in Georgia. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1932. M7370 (ASU) 153 MOORE—MORGAN Morais, Herbert M. Boyer, Richard Owen Labor's Untold Story. New York: Cameron Associates, 1955. B6040 (ASU) Morefield, Ada Honea "A Program of Folk Songs Used to Enrich and Implement the Social Studies Program in Grades Four, Five and Six at North Side School, Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1958. M7380 (ETSU) Morehead, James Turner An Address in Commemoration of the First Settlement of Kentucky. Frankfort, Ky.: A. G. Hodges, 1840. M7390 Morehead State University, Morehead, Ky. Bulletin of Applied Linguistics, vol. 1. n.p.: n.p., 1966 — Irregular. M7400 Morehead State University. School of Applied Sciences and Technology Employment Opportunities and Usable Agricultural Skills in Non-Farm Agricultural Occupations in Appalachia. Morehead: The University, 1965. M7410 Morehouse, Kathleen Moore Rain on the Just. New York: L. Furman, 1936. A gothic plot involves Least Dolly Allen in a pack of troubles in the Brushy Mountain of North Carolina. Well-written. M7420 (ASU) Moretz, Arlie E. Versatile Verse. New York: Vantage Press, 1971. M7430 (ASU) Morgan, Arthur E. Log of the TVA. New York: Survey Associates, 1936. M7440 The Making of the TVA. n.p.: n.p., n.d. Personal account of TVA's early years by its first director. Contacts with Franklin D. Roosevelt are included. M7450 Morgan, Charles McKinley "An Educational Survey of Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1936. M7460 Morgan, Charles Thomas Flickering Light. Berea, Ky.: Berea College Press, 1943. Promotional literature about Berea College. M7470 (BC WWC) The Fruit of This Tree: The Story of a Great American College and Its Contribution to the Education of a Changing World. With an introduction by Bruce Barton. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, 1946. M7480 (ASU BC) Morgan, Clarita H. Edward Morgan 1751-1884, Pioneer Minister in Southwest, Virginia. Radford, Va.: n.p., 1973. Includes biographical sketch of Rev. Edward Morgan, who served in Pulaski and Giles Counties, and his sons Edward Jr. and Francis Asbury Morgan who lived in Pulaski County. M7490 Morgan, E. L. Farmer Cooperation in Southwest Virginia. Prepared with the cooperation of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Bulletin, 331. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1941. M7500 (ASU) Morgan, Edith Wenger Stories My Father Told Us. Berryville, Va.: Virginia Book Co., n.d. Stories from western Virginia. M7510 (ASU) Morgan, Fred T. comp. Ghost Tales of the Uwharries. Illustrated by Virginia Ingram. Winston-Salem, N. C.: J. F. Blair, 1968. M7520 (ASU WCU) Morgan, French A History and Genealogy of the Family of Col. Morgan the First White Settler of the State of West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1966. M7530 (ASU) Morgan, George Hallenbrooke comp. Annals, Comprising Memoirs, Incidents and Statistics of Harrisburg, from the Period of Its First Settlement. Harrisburg, Pa.: G. A. Brooks, 1858. M7540 (ASU) �MORGAN—MORTON Morgan, Hazel Smith ed. Morgan, Kelly Pioneer Families of Clay County, Kentucky. Manchester, Ky.t n.p., 1970. M7600 (ASU BC) Morgan, J. W. Souvenir of the 125th Anniversary of the Greenbriar Baptist Church (1781-1906), Alderson, West Virginia. Huntington, W. Va.: Swan Pub. Co., 1907. M7550 (ASU) Morgan, Jackson Kindred David Morgan (ca. 1779-1857) and His Descendants. Danielsville, Ga.: Heritage Papers, 1971. M7560 Morgan, Jesse W. "Excess Levies and School Bond Issues in Wyoming County (West Virginia) from 1933-1951." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1952. M7570 Morgan, John G. Charleston 175. Based on a series of stories in the Charleston Gazette. Charleston, W. Va.: Charleston Gazette, 1970. Celebration of 175 years of the city on the river. . M7580 (ASU) West Virginia Governors. Charleston, W. Va.: Newspaper Agency Corp., 1960. Lists all governors of the mountain state. Includes biographical sketches. M7590 Morgan, Kelly Pioneer Families of Clay County, Kentucky. 1st ed. Manchester, Ky.: n.p., 1970. M7600 (ASU BC) Morgan, Le Berta H. ed. Staub School. A Brief History of Its First Fifty Years' Service to the Community. Knoxville: Staub PTA, 1947. M7610 Morgan, Lucy Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Her Unique Penland School. With LeGette Blythe. 1st ed. Story of the Penland School of Handicrafts. M7620 (ASU BC ETSU FC WCU WWC) Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Unique Penland School. Enl. ed. Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1971. M7630 Morgan, Lucy G. Finding His World: The Story of Arthur E. Morgan. Yellow Springs, Ohio: Kahoe, 1927. M7640 Morgan, Norma D. "A Study of the Factors Influencing the Election of Home Economics at Clyde A. Erwin High School." Master's thesis. Western Carolina University, 1962. M7650 (WCU) Morgan, Robert Zirconia Poems. Northwood Narrows, N. H.: Lillabulero Press, 1969. M7660 (LMC) Morgan, Stella Embree Again the River. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1939. Three times the river washes away Jasper Morton's house. In the first two floods he loses his wife and two daughters. Now, alone and deranged he battles the river for the last time. M7670 (ASU LMC) Morgan, W. L. "Improving School Attendance in Six White Elementary Schools in Polk County, Georgia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Georgia, 1949. M7680 Moricle, Clay Wesley "A Study of Ninth-grade Science Students in Phase Two at John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee, 1967-1968." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. M7690 (ETSU) Morland, John K. Millways of Kent. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1958. The report of a social anthropologist's one-year sojourn among the cotton mill workers of a Piedmont Crescent town of about 4,000 people. The Piedmont Crescent encompasses Virginia, the Carolines, Northern Georgia, and Northern Alabama. Textile mills seem to have sprung up most often in the Blue Ridge foothills. M7700 AUTHOR Morley, Margaret Warner The Carolina Mountains. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1913. An inviting survey of the author's beloved mountains. M7710 (ASU BC LMC MHC WCU WWC) The Carolina Mountains. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1913. M7720 (UNCA) Morony, Ives Guy "Attitude of Coal Miners toward Union and Coal Industry." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1959. M7730 (ASU) Morrell, David* First Blood. New York: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1972. A drifter, thrice warned to leave an Eastern Kentucky town refuses to do so. The situation escalates into a manhunt with state and local police chasing Rambo, the drifter, an excellent guerilla warrior, in the hills. Very bloody. M7740 (BC) Morrill, Maurice B. Simpson, George Lee Western North Carolina Associated Communities. Cherokee, N. C: Cherokee Historical Association, 1956. S3610 (WCU) Morris, Byron T. A Charge to Keep; History of the First Baptist Church of Kenova, West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. M7750 (ASU) Morris, D. R. Stephen, n.p.: n.p., 19--. Futuristic novel of an urban boy captured by Appalachian guerrillas in the year 2000. M7760 (ASU) Morris, Eastin Eastin Morris' Tennessee . Gazetteer, 1834, and Matthew Rhea's Map of the State of Tennessee, 1832. Edited by Robert M. McBride and Owen Meredith. With an introd. by Mary U. Rothrock. Nashville: Gazetteer Press, 1971. M7770 (ASU) The Tennessee Gazetteer, or Topographical Dictionary: Containing a Description of the Several Counties, Towns, Etc. To which is prefixed a general description of the state and a condensed history from the earliest settlements down to the convention in 1834. With an appendix, containing a list of the practising attorneys at law in each country: Principal officers of the general and state governments. Times of holding courts: and other valuable tables. Nashville: W. H. Hunt and Co., 1834. M7780 (ASU BC) Morris, Homer Lawrence The Plight of the Bituminous Coal Miner. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1934. M7790 (ASU BC) Morris, Jerry W. "Aesthetic Attitudes and Values of Selected Appalachian Youths." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1973. This study of the personality characteristics of Appalachian students refutes some of the triter stereotypes. M7800 Morris, Margaret Logan Irvins, Doaks, Logans and McCampbells of Virginia and Kentucky, n.p.: n.p., 1916. M7810 Morris, Robert G. Outdoor Recreation Potential in West Virginia's Eastern Panhandle. Morgantown, W. Va.: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Potomac Headquarters, 1972. M7820 Morris, Robert Lee Opie Read, American Humorist, 1852-1939. 1st ed. New York: Helios Books, 1965. Read was an Appalachian novelist. M7830 (BC WCU) Morris, Samuel Leslie At Our Own Door: A Study of Home Missions with Special Reference to the South and West. 2nd ed. New York: Revell, 1904. M7840 (BC LMC) The Romance of Home Missions. Home Mission Study. Richmond: Presbyterians Committee of Publication, 1924. M7850 (ASU LMC) 154 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Morris, Thomas John "The Coal Camp: A Pattern of Limited Community Life." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1950. M7860 (ASU) Morris, W. R. Folklore of the Blue Ridge Mountains and Early Settlers. 3 vols. Fancy Gap, Va.: n.p., 1953-. Very strange. Folklore in this instance includes overtures of Sunday Schools, court records an obsession with lineage, character sketches, historic happenings, and descriptions of settlements in the Blue Ridge. Vol. 3, Part 2 has cover title: "Did God Approve Mixing of the Races?" M7870 Morrison, Alice Marie "Selected Children's Fiction with a Contemporary Setting in the Mountains of Kentucky and North Carolina." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 1973. An excellent study of contemporary Appalachian fiction for children. M7880 (ASU) Morrison, Charles The Fairfax Line, a Profile in History and Geography. Our Potomac Heritage. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1970. M7890 (ASU) An Outline of the Maryland Boundary Disputes and Related Events. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1974. M7900 (ASU) Wappatomaka: A Survey of the History and Geography of the South Branch Valley. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. M7910 (ASU) Morrison, Hal "A Study of the Effect of Participation in Athletics on the Grades of Students at East Tennessee State College." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1955. M7920 (ETSU) Morrison, John The Real David Crockett: A Short, Authentic, Illustrated, History of Tennessee's Famous Hunter, Frontiersman, Soldier, Legislator, Statesman, Patriot, and Hero of the Alamo, Colonel David Crockett. Lawrenceburg: n.p., 1955. M7930 Morrison, Okey J. The Slaughter of the PfostGreen Family of Jackson County, West Virginia. Cincinnati: Gibson and Sons Co., 1898. A History of the Tragedy, with a Notice of the Early Settlers of Jackson County, a Sketch of the Family and John F. Morgan. M7940 (ASU) Morrison, Sarah Elizabeth Chilhowee Boys. New York: T. Y. Crowell and Co., 1893. Fiction . for young boys. Appalachian mountain setting. M7950 (ASU) Morristown Centennial Corporation Morristown Centennial, 1855-1955. The authors: n.p., 1955. M7960 Morristown, Tennessee, Centennial Celebration Centennial Souvenir Program, 1855-1955: An Historical Pageant of Davy Crockett's Home Town, "Arrows to Atoms." n.p.: n.p., n.d. Promotional material and historical sketches. M7970 (ETSU) Morristown, Tennessee, First Methodist Church A Century of Service: The Story of First Methodist Church, Morristown, Tennessee, 1852-1952. Morristown, Tenn.: n.p., 1952. M7980 (ETSU) Morristown, Tennessee, High School Senior Class, 1917 The Itakha Annual. Knoxville: Lithrographing Co., 1917. M7990 (ETSU) Morton, J. Blair History of the Presbytery of Kanawha, 1895-1956. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1956. M8000 (ASU) Morton, Joseph W. ed. Sparks from the Camp Fire: Or, Tales of the Old Veterans, A Photograph of Our Old Life. Philadelphia: Keystone Pub., 1890. Thrilling stories of heroic Civil War deeds as re-told today around the modern camp fire. M8010 (LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Morion, Oren Frederic Annals of Bath County, Virginia. Staunton, Va.: The McClure Co., Inc., 1917. M8020 (BC) Annals of Bath County, Virginia. 1917. Reprint. Bridgewater, Va.: C. J. Carrier Co., 1970. M8030 (ASU) A Centennial History of Allegheny County, Virginia. Dayton, Va.: J. K. Ruebrush Co., 1923. M8040 (BC) A Centennial History of Allegheny County, Virginia. 1923. Reprint. Bridgewater, Va.: C. J. Carrier Co., 1970. M8050 (ASU) A Handbook of Highland County, and a Supplement to Pendleton and Highland History. Monterey: The Highland Recorder, 1922. M8060 A History of Highland County, Virginia. 1911. Reprint. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1969. M8070 (ASU BC) A History of Highland County, Virginia. 1911. Reprint. With a new index. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1972. M8080 (ASU) A History of Monroe County, W. Va. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1974. M8090 (BC) A History of Pendleton County, W. Va. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1974. M8100 (ASU BC) A History of Rockbridge County, Virginia. Staunton, Va.: McClure Co., 1920. M8110 (ASUBCWCU) Land of the Laurel: A Story of the Alleghenies. Morgantown, W. Va.: Acme Pub. Co., 1903. A sound historical novel giving good descriptions of the day-to-day life in the Alleghenies. M8120 (ASU BC ETSU) The Story of Daniel Boone. Hot Springs, Va.: McAllister Pub. Co., 1913. M8130 (ASU BC) The Story of Winchester in Virginia, the Oldest Town in the Shenandoah Valley. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1925. M8140 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) Winning or Losing? A Story of the West Virginia Hills. Kingwood, W. Va.: The author, 1901. Farm and social life are well depicted in this novel of Northern West Virginia. M8150 (BC) Mory, Samuel A. History of Coal Mining in Laurel County, Kentucky, 1920-1944. London, Ky.: Sentinel-Echo, 1944. M8160 Mosby, Robert H. "Chief Causes of Non-attendance in the Schools of McDowell County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1940. M8170 Motel, Tad All the Way Home. New York: Avon Books, 1963. A dramatization of James Agee's novel, A Death in the Family. M8180 (ASU BC) Mosely, Elizabeth Robards Wilkie, Katherine Elliott Frontier Nurse: Mary Breckenridge. New York: Messner, 1969. W6290 (ASU LMC BC) Moser, Artus M. ed. Buncombe County, Economic and Social. A laboratory study at the University of North Carolina, Department of Rural Social Economics, by A. M. Moser and others. Asheville, N. C.: Central Bank and Trust Co., 1923. M8190 Moser, Artus Monroe Western North Carolina: A History. Prospectus of 3 vol. work. New York: Lewis Historical Pub. Co., n.d. M8210 (ASU) Moser, Artus Monroe ed. Buncombe County: Economic and Social. Ashevilie, N. C.: Central Bank and Trust Co., 1923. A survey of the resources of Buncombe County. M8200 (ASU BC LMC) AUTHOR Moser, Mabel Y. Resources for the Study of Appalachia: A Bibliography. Berea, Ky.: Berea College Appalachian Center, 1974. Thirty-two page listing of resources — books, recordings, films, filmstrips and slides — available to college and curriculum libraries. M8220 Moses H. Cone Memorial Park, Blue Ridge Parkway Washington: National Park Service, 1971. Brochure. M8230 (ASU ETSU) Moss, J. Joel West Virginia and Her Population. (Bulletin No. 103.) Morgantown: West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, West Virginia University, 1957. M8240 Moss, Paul Little Church of the Valley (Moss Baptist Church), in the Shadow of the Potrock. Dallas, Tex.: Mathis Van Nort, (c!949). M8250 Moss, Paul T. The Rock Was Free. Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1945. Poorly defined novel of western North Carolina. M8260 The Shadow of the Potrock. Dallas: Southwest Press, 1932. A rather disjointed novel with a western North Carolina setting. M8270 Moss, William Paul comp. The Moss Family: William Paul Moss, Thaddeus Augustus Moss, Amanda Holden Moss, Howell Moss, Crestus Howell Moss, Henry Moss, Their Families and Progenitors. Odessa, Texas: n.p., 1964. Moss families from this branch of the tree are found in ail states of the Southern Appalachians. M8280 (ASU) Motsinger, Linda Ann "A Proposed Individualized Primary Mathematics Program for Holston Heights Elementary School, Bristol, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. M8290 (ETSU) Mott, Glen Ford Push Boat. Huntington, W. Va.: Franklin Print. Co., 1941. Story of an orphan lad who builds a business empire out of a sack of medicinal plants and a flat-boat. M8300 (ASU) Mott, Pearle G. History of Davis and Canaan Valley. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. M8310 (ASU) Mottem, Eulah Blanche "A Simplified Library Program for the Elementary Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1959. M8320 (ETSU) Mouttrie, William Memoirs of the American Revolution, So Far as It Is Related to the States of North and South Carolina, and Georgia. 1802. Reprint. 2 vols. New York: Arno Press, 1968. M8330 (ASU) Mount Torry Mining Company, Augusta Co., Va. Report. Winchester, Va.: The Company, 1889. M8340 The Mountain Eagle vol. 1-, 19-. Whitesburg, Ky.: Tom Gish, ed., Weekly paper. One of the best weeklies in Appalachia. M8350 The Mountain Educator Official organ of the Kentucky Mountain Schools, vol. 1-, 1903-. London, Ky.: Wyatt and Baldwin, Publishers, n.d. M8360 Mountain Life and Work vol. 1-, 1925-. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, quarterly. Title and frequency vary through the years. Issued from Clintwood, Va. 1973-. M8370 (ASU ETSU MHC BC) Mountain Living vol. 1-, 1970-. Franklin, N. C: Community Newspapers, quarterly. M8380 (ASU BC ETSU) Mountain Milestones Penland, N. C.: Penland School of Handicrafts, 19--. Frequency varies. M8390 155 MORTON-MUUINS Mountain Review vol. 1-, Sept. 1974.. Whitesburg, Ky.: Appaishop Inc., v. illus. quarterly. Mountain Sentinel, The Mountaineers Own Magazine vol. 1-, 1937-. Relief, Ky.: Donald and Webb, ed., monthly. M8410 Mountain Trails: An Amateur Journal of the Cumberlands vol. 1-, 1936-. Whitesburg, Ky.: Bennett Adams, 1936-. M8420 Mowbray, Azilee H. "Development of Adoption Practices in East Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1953. M8430 Moyer, Egbert "The Status of Public Relations Activities in the Secondary Schools of Greene County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. M8440 Mozier, W. S. Conrey, Guy Woolard Soil Survey, Scioto County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1940. C6780 Mudge, Baden P. Buck, Roy Clair Formal Participation Patterns in a Central Pennsylvania Rural Community. University Park: Agricultural Experiment Station, Pennsylvania State University, January, 1955. B8210 Muelhof, William E. "An Evaluation of the Pension Plans in the Anthracite Coal Industry." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1959. M8450 Mueller, Eva Migration into and out of Depressed Areas. (Economic Redevelopment Research.) Washington: Area Redevelopment Administration, 1964. M8460 Muir, John A Thousand-Mile Walk to the Gulf. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1916. Interesting commentary on the Appalachian region of several southern states. M8470 Muir, Willa Living with Ballads. New York: Oxford University Press, 1965. M8480 (ASU FC) Mulkeam, Lois A Traveler's Guide to Historic Western Pennsylvania. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1954. M8490 (ASU) Mull, J. Alex Mountain Yarns, Legends, and Lore. Illustrated by R. L. Patton. Banner Elk, N. C: Pudding Stone Press, n.d. M8500 (ASU LMC) Mull, Larry W. Everybody Square Dances: In the Southern Appalachians: The Story of Folk Dancing and Mountain Music as Enjoyed by Natives and Visitors in the Southern Highlands. Asheville, N. C.: n.p., 1948. M8510 (ASU WCU) Scenic Western North Carolina, a Vacation Guide to the Highlands. New York: William-Frederick Press, 1946. M8520 (ASU) Mullenax, Foster G. "Mass Media Use Patterns and Interests Among West Virginia Rural Non-farm Families of Low Socio-economic Status." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1968. M8530 Muller, Herbert Joseph Thomas Wolfe. The Makers of Modern Literature. Norfolk, Conn.: New Directions Books, 1947. M8540 (ASU UNCA) Mullikan, Trumans An Analysis of School District Organization in Greenville County, South Carolina. Master's thesis. Furman University, 1952. M8550 Mullins, Isla May The Boy from Hollow Hut. Chicago: Fleming H. Revell, 1911. The Kentucky mountains are the background for this conventional story of a boy growing up, going off to settlement school, finding love and fortune. M8560 (BC) �MULLINS—MURFREE Mullins, Marion Day Grammer, Norma RuHedge Marriage Records of Washington County, Tennessee, 1787-1840. Baltimore: Genealogical Print. Co., 1975. 63200 (ASU) Mullins, Marion Day comp. Grammer, Norma Rutledge Marriage Record of Washington County, Tennessee, 1787-1840. n.p.: n.p., n.d. G3190 (ETSU) Munford, Beverly B. Virginia's Attitude Toward Slavery and Secession. New York: Longmans, Green, 1909. M8570 (FC LMC) Munn, M. J. Griswold, W. T. Geology of Oil and Gas Fields in Steubenville, Burgettstown, and Claysville Quadrangles, Ohio, W. Va., and Pa. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1907. G4340 The Menifee Gas Field and the Ragland Oil Field, Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 531-A. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1913. M8580 Reconnaissance of Oil and Gas Fields in Wayne and McCreary Counties, Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 579. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1914. M8590 Munn, Robert F. Appalachian Bibliography. 2 vols. Morgantown: West Virginia University Library, 1968. Listing of periodical articles and books according to subject, revised, 1970. M8600 (ASU BC) The Coal Industry in America: A Bibliography and Guide to Studies. Morgantown: West Virginia University Library, 1965. The most extensive listing of coal resources and mining in the United States. M8610 (ASU BC) Index to the Press of the Kanawha Valley, 1855-1865. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1963. M8620 (BC) Index to West Virginiana. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1960. An index to published material dealing with West Virginia. M8630 (ASU BC) The Southern Appalachians: A Bibliography and Guide to Studies. Morgantown: West Virginia University Library, 1961. Excellent source for current periodical literature on Appalachia. M8640 (ASU BC LMC ETSU WCU UNCA) The Southern Mountaineer: A Bibliography and Guide to Studies. Morgantown: West Virginia University Library, 1961. Since its publication this bibliography has been the standard regional listing. M8650 (ASU BC) Strip Mining, an Annotated Bibliography. Morgantown: West Virginia University Library, 1973. M8660 (ASU BC) Munro, John Miller "Transportation Investment and Depressed Regions: The Case of Appalachia." D. B. A. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1966. An exhaustive study of the relationship between isolation and poverty. M8670 (ASU LMC) Munyan, A. C. Hunt, C. B. Coal Deposits of Pike County, Kentucky. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1937. H8370 Munyan, Arthur Claude Geology and Mineral Resources of the Dalton Quadrangle, Georgia-Tennessee. Bulletin, no. 57. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1951. M8680 (ASU ETSU) AUTHOR APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Munzer, Martha E. Pockets of Hope: Studies of Land and People. New York: Knopf, 1967. The author has taken five economically depressed areas in the United States and shown how the residents are getting together and lifting themselves out of despair and poverty. She covers the mined-out coal fields around Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania and the Johnson Creek watershed in Tennessee. M8690 Valley of Vision: The TVA Years. New York: Knopf, 1969. A volume of total praise, no reservations, for the Tennessee Valley Authority. M8700 (ASU BC) Murdoclc, Louise S. Almetta of Gabriel's Run. New York: Meridian Press, 1917. The residents of Gabriel's Run, Kentucky take misfortune in stride, take in orphans like Almetta and get on with the business of living. Good illustrations of mountain fatalism. M8710 (BC) Murfree, Mary Noailles The Amulet: A Novel. New York: Macmillan Co., 1906. Novel of an English girl in the Cherokee country of the Smoky Mountains at the end of the Seven Years War. M8720 (ASU BC) The Bushwhackers, and Other Stories. Chicago: H. S. Stone and Co., 1899. Contains three short stories of the Tennessee hill folk. M8730 (ASU BC LMC) The Bushwhackers, and Other Stories. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1969. M8740 (ASU ETSU) The Despot of Broomsedge Cove. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1889. A local election causes strife between kin and friend, religion and politics. The sinner reforms and gets the girl. M8750 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) Down the Ravine, a Story. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1885. A tale of the quest for gold and trouble over a disputed land grant in East Tennessee. M8760 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) The Frontiersmen. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1904. A tate of pioneers, Cherokee, and British troops in the Great Smokies. M8770 (ASU BC WCU) His Vanished Star. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1894. An outlander building a hotel in the remote mountains of Tennessee is thwarted by the natives. M8780 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) In the Clouds, a Story. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1887. A moonshining troublemaker is in and out of trouble with the law. M8790 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) In the "Stranger People's" Country: A Novel. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1891. An archeologist wanders into country inhabited by strange, rough, but appealing people. M8800 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) In the Tennessee Mountains. 7th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1885. M8810 (LMC) In the Tennessee Mountains. 13th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1884. A group of short stories that began the trend toward mountain fiction. M8820 (ASU BC) In the Tennessee Mountains. 16th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1886. M8830 (ASU BC) In the Tennessee Mountains. New York: Houghton, 1887. M8840 (LMC) In the Tennessee Mountains. 23d ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1893. M8850 (ASU LMC) In the Tennessee Mountains. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1912. M8860 (ETSU LMC) In the Tennessee Mountains. 1884. Reprint. Americans in fiction. Ridgewood, N. J.: Gregg Press, 1968. M8870 (WCU) In the Tennessee Mountains. With an introduction by Nathalie Wright. Tennesseana Editions. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1970. M8880 (LMC MHC) The Juggler. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1897. A man returns to the mountains after a long absence during which he has become a juggler. The natives fear he is in league with the devil. M8890 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) The Mystery of Witch-Face Mountain and Other Stories. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1895. A group of stories about fairs, elections and a mystery. M8900 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) The Mystery of Witch-Face Mountain, and Other Stories. American Short Story Series, vol. 72. New York: Garrett Press, 1969. M8910 (WCU) The Ordeal: A Mountain Romance of Tennessee. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1912. More Cherokees and outlanders than mountaineers in this story. M8920 (ASU BC ETSU) The Phantoms of the Foot-bridge, and Other Stories. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1895. Short stories. M8930 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) The Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1885. A man taken by religion gains a reputation for prophecy and tries to influence the outcome of an election. M8940 (ASU BC) The Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1892. M8950 (ASU BC LMC WCU) The Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1913. M8960 (ETSU WCU WWC) The Raid of the Guerilla, and Other Stories. Illustrated by W. Herbert Dunton and Remintion Schuyler. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1912. Ten short stories of the Chilhowee country. M8970 (ASU WWC) The Raid of the Guerilla, and Other Stories. Illustrated by W. Herbert Dunton and Remington Schyler. Short Story Index. Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1971. M8980 (ETSU WCU) A Spectre of Power. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1903. A curious Cherokee girl brings grief to the town of Great Tellico and to her nation. M8990 (ASU BC WCU) The Storm Centre: A Novel. New York: Macmillan Co., 1905. Story of a man living on the Tennessee River in Southern Tennessee. M9000 (ASU LMC) The Story of Keedon Bluffs. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1888. A rumor of a treasure hidden beneath the bluffs during the war leads to tragedy. M9010 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) The Story of Old Fort Loudon. New York: Macmillan Co., 1899. A novel of the seige and battle of Fort Loudon on the Little Tennessee. M9020 (ASU BC) The Story of Old Fort Loudon. 1899. Reprint. Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Literature House, 1970. M9030 (WCU) Where the Battle Was Fought: A Novel. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1884. Novel of a battle and the haunting of the battlefield. M9040 (ASU) The Windfall. New York: Duffield, 1907. A sideshow comes to the Tennessee hill country bringing confusion, distrust and death to a moonshining family. M9050 (ASU BC) The Young Mountaineers: Short Stories. Illustrated by Malcolm Faser. 1897. Reprint. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1969. Ten short stories. M9060 (ASU BC WCU ETSU) 156 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Murfree, Mary Noailles Parks, Edd Winfield Charles Egbert Craddock. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1941. P340 (ASU) Murlless, Dick Hiker's Guide to the Smokies. San Francisco: Sierra Club, 1973. M9070 (ASU LMC WCU) Murphy, Ottis The Knox County Economic Opportunity Council Anti-Poverty Arts and Crafts, n.p.: n.p., 1968. The project was an unqualified success with all socio-economic groups working together. M9080 Murray, Doris Lewis "Materials for Teaching Social Studies in a Selected Fifth Grade at Asbury School, Johnson City, Tennessee, 1956-57." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. M9090 (ETSU) Murray, Kenneth Down to Earth People of Appalachia. Foreword by Ambrose Manning, afterward by Helen Lewis. Boone, N. C: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1974. Photographic essay of the plainer folk of Appalachia. M9100 Murray, Lena Davis Schoolhouse in the Foothills. In collaboration with Alvin Fay Harlow. Illustrated by Thomas Benton. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1935. This book is a "must" for any basic Appalachian Studies reading list. It is a warm and sensitive account of a teacher's experiences in the Tennessee foothills. M9110 (ASU BC ETSU WWC) Murray, Thomas Edward Chattanooga, The Mountain City. Chattanooga: The Chattanooga and Tenn. River Power Co., 1906. M9120 (BC) Murry, Howard Salt O'Life. With reproductions of the author's water colors. Winston-Salem, N. C: J. F. Blair, 1961. Proverbs and tales from Western North Carolina. M9130 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Muscle Shoals Commission Muscle Shoals: A Plan for the Use of the United States Properties on the Tennessee River by Private Industry for the Manufacture of Fertilizers and Other Useful Products. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1931. M9140 (BC) Muse, William V. ed. Business and Economic Problems in Appalachia. Athens: Ohio Univ., 1968. A survey of the region's economic status and the reasons for this. M9150 (ASU LMC) Musick, 6. C. Genealogy of the Musick Family and Some Kindred Lines. Hinton, W. Va.: Bluestone Print. Co., 1964. M9160 Musick, Ruth Ann Ballads, Folk Songs and Folk Tales from West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1960. M9170 (ASU BC) Green Hills of Magic, West Virginia Folk Tales from Europe. Illustrated by Archie L. Musick. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1970. Folktales brought to West Virginia by European immigrants. M9180 (ASU BC LMC WCU) The Telltale Lilac Bush, and Other West Virginia Ghost Tales. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1965. M9190 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) Musmann, Michael A. Black Fury. New York: Fountainhead Pub., 1966. A novel of a young couple in a Pennsylvania Coal Town during the 1925-28 strike and the attempt to organize the UMW. M9200 (BC) Musser, Carl Wilson Economic and Social Aspects of Negro Slavery in Wythe County, Virginia, 1790-1860. Master's thesis. Columbian College, George Washington University, 1958. M9210 AUTHOR Musser, John J. Description of the Physical Environment and of Strip-mining Operations in Parts of the Beaver Creek Basin, Kentucky. Prepared in cooperation with Kentucky and with Federal agencies. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Papers, 427-A. Hydrologic Influence of Strip Mining. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. M9220 Mutzenberg, Charles Gustavus Kentucky's Famous Feuds and Tragedies. New York: R. F. Fenno and Co., 1971. An account of Kentucky's feuds and vendettas. M9230 Myer, William Edward Indian Trails of the Southeast. Nashville: Blue and Gray Press, 1971. Excellent maps of trails and tribal boundaries. M9240 (ASU FC LMC) Myers, Albert Cook Immigration of the Irish Quakers into Pennsylvania 1682-1750: With Their Early History in Ireland. Swarthmore, Pa.: The author, 1902. Many of these Irish families eventually settled in Appalachia. M9250 (ASU) Irish Quaker Arrivals to Pennsylvania, 1682-1750: List of Certificates of Removal from Ireland, Received at the Monthly Meetings of Friends in Pennsylvania, 1682-1750. With genealogical notes from Friends' records of Ireland and Pennsylvania, genealogies, county histories, and other books and manuscripts. Excerpted from his Irish Quakers into Pennsylvania, 1682-1750. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1964. M9260 (ASU) Quaker Arrivals at Philadelphia, 1682-1750: Being a List of Certificates of Removal Received at Philadelphia Monthly Meeting of Friends. 2nd ed. Baltimore, Md.: Southern Book Co., 1957. M9270 (ASU) Myers, Elisabeth P. Angel of Appalachia: Martha Berry. New York: Messner, 1968. M9280 (ASU MHC) Myers, Grace Funk "Them Missionary Women;" or Work in the Southern Mountains. Hillsdale, Mich.: n.p., 1911. M9290 Myers, Jerry C. "What the Patrons of the Elementary School of Bristol, Tennessee, Think About Their Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. M9300 (ETSU) Myers, Raymond E. The Zollie Tree. Louisville: Falcon Club Press, 1964. Biography of General Felix Zallicoffer, CSA. who was in charge of an Eastern Kentucky Campaign near Somerset. M9310 (BC) Myers, Sylvester Myers' History of West Virginia. Wheeling, W. Va.: Wheeling News Lithograph Co., 1915. M9320 (BC) Myers, Will S. and others Kentucky Income Payments by Counties, 1939, 1947, 1950 and 1951. Lexington: University of Kentucky, Bureau of Business Research, 1953. Shows discrepancies between Eastern Kentucky counties and those of the more prosperous bluegrass area. M9330 Myint, Thelma D. Goodman, Leonard H. The Economic Needs of Neighborhood Youth Corps Enrollees. Final Report. Washington: Bureau of Social Science Research, 1969. G2540 Mylin, Barbara Kendig Fulton, Eleanore Jane An Index to the Will Books and Interstate Records of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, 1729-1850, with an Historical Sketch and Classified Bibliography. Lancaster, Pa.: Intelligencer Print. Co., 1936. F3800 (ASU) N. A. S. A. West Virginia Conference to Explore Ways in which Space Science and Technology Might be Applied to the Development of West Virginia's Industry and Educational Institutions, 1964. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. N10 157 MURFREE—NASH N. C. Div. of Archives and History Artistry in Quilts. Nov. 10, 1974-Jan. 19, 1975 North Carolina Museum of History, Raleigh. Raleigh: N. C. Division of Archives and History, 1974. This instructive and colorfully illustrated brochure was used during the exhibition. N2010 (ASU) Nabers, Jane P. Brown, Virginia P. Mary Gordon Duffee's Sketches of Alabama. University: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1970. B7420 Nace, Raymond Lee Ground-water Resources of Harrison County, West Virginia. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, no. 14. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1958. N20 (ETSU) Nadal, Ehrman Syme A Virginian Village, and Other Papers: Together with Some Autobiographical Notes. 1917. Reprint, Essay Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1968. The story is about a Virginia mountain village. Book covers Southern literature, a horse-fair pilgrimage, impressions of Lincoln, impressions of Lowell, contrasts of English and American scenery, Cumberland Gap, Lincoln and Stanton, and Virginia women. N30 (WCU) Naegele, Orville D. Dennison, John M. Structure of Devonian Strata along Allegheny Front from Corriganville, Maryland, to Spruce Knob, West Virginia. Charlestown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1963. D1830 (ETSU) Nafziger, Alyce J. Analysis of Attitudes Relative to Education in the Appalachian Region. Las Cruces, N. M.: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools, 1971. N40 (ASU ETSU) Nankivel, J. R. History and Times of Mars Hill Presbyterian Church, 1823-1923. Athens: Session Bd., n.d. N50 Napier, John T. The Selected Poetry and Prose of John T. Napier. Edited and introduced by David Lee Rubin. Pikeville, Ky.: Appalachian Studies Center of Pikeville College, 1972. Appalachian poems. N60 (ASU BC) Napier, Patrick E. Kentucky Mountain Square Dancing, n.p.: The author, n.d. With historical notes, calls, diagrams and written directions. N70 (ASU BC LMC) Napier, Teddy L. The Impact of Water Resources Development upon Local Rural Communities: Adjustment Factors to Rapid Change. Ph. D. Diss. Ohio State Univ., 1971. Two Wayne County, West Virginia and one Guernsey County, Ohio Counties were used in the study. N80 Narratives of Captivity among the Indians of North America; A List of Books and Manuscripts on this Subject in the Edward E. Ayer Collection of the Newberry Library Ann Arbor, Mich.: Gryphon Books, 1971. Includes accounts of several famous Appalachian captivities. N90 (ASU) Nash, Howard P., Jr. Andrew Johnson: Congress and Reconstruction. Rutherford, N. J.: Fairleigh Dickinson Univ. Press, 1972. A brief survey of the principal congressional struggles of Southern Appalachia's only President. N100 Nash, Leonidas Lydwell Recollections and Observations During a Ministry in the North Carolina Conference, Methodist Episcopal Church, South, of Forty-three Years. Introduction by Rev. R. H. Bennett. Raleigh, N. C.: Mutual Pub. Co., 1916. Describes a town of duty in one of Western North Carolina's conferences. N110 (ASU) �NATHAN—NELSON Nathan (Robert R.) Associates, Washington, D. C. Recreation as an Industry in Appalachia. Prepared for the Appalachian Regional Commission. Appalachian Research Report, no. 2. Washington: n.p., 1966. N120 (ASU WCU) National Child Labor Committee, New York Child Welfare in Kentucky: An Inquiry. For the Kentucky Child Labor Association and the State Board of Health, under the direction of Edward N. Copper. New York: The committee, 1919. This report led to changes in the child labor market of Kentucky. N130 (ASU BC) National Committee for the Defense off Political Prisoners Marian Miners Speak: Report on Terrorism in the Kentucky Coal Fields. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1932. This famous committee included Theodore Dreiser, Lester Cohen, Sherwood Anderson and others. N140 (ASU BC) Harlan Miners Speak: Report on Terrorism in the Kentucky Coal Fields. 1932. Reprint. Civil Liberties in American History. New York: Da Cape Press, 1970. Ml50 (ASU LMC WCU) Notional Conference on Medicine and the Federal Coal Mine Safety Act of 1969, Washington, D. C, 1970 Papers and Proceedings. Washington: The Conference, 1970. N160 National Council of the Churches of Christ in the United States of America Churches and Church Membership in the United States ("Series B," Nos. 1-4; "Series C," Nos. 32-35, 37-38, 40-43.) New York: National Council of the Churches of Christ in the United States of America, 1956-1957. The Church of Christ is rapidly gaining membership in Appalachia. N170 National Education Association of the United States Carter County, Kentucky; A Study of an Unconscionable Combination of Politics and Education. Washington: The Association, 1963. What this report doesn't stress is that Carter is no worse than many other mountain counties. N180 The Mountains Are Moving. Sixth NEA National Conference on Human Rights in Education. Equality of Educational Opportunity for Children of Appalachia. Washington, D. C.: National Education Association, 1968. N190 (ASU) National Forests in North Carolina: From the Mountains to the Sea Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. Much of Western North Carolina is owned by the federal government. N200 (WCU) National Forests in the Southern Appalachians Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service, 1940. N210 National Industrial Conference Board The Tax Problem in West Virginia. New York: National Ind. Conference Board, Inc., 1925. N220 National Institute of Mental Health see U. S. National Institute of Mental Health National NEA Conference on Human Rights in Education, 6th, Pikeville College, Pikeville, Ky,f 1968 Conference Report: Equality of Educational Opportunity for Children of Appalachia. Washington: National Education Association, 1969. N230 (ASU) National Planning Association. Center for Economic Projections Joint Reports. ("National-Regional Economic Projections Series.") Washington, D. C.: 1963--. Includes projections for the Appalachian Region. N240 State Population, Net Migration, Labor Force and Industry Employment Trends to 1975. ("Regional Economic Projection Series," No. 65-1.) Washington, D. C.: n.p., 1965. N250 AUTHOR The Natural Bridge of Virginia and Its Environs, 1890 n.p.: n.p., n.d. Historical and promotional pamphlet on the Natural Bridge Region. N260 Nave, Robert Tipton "A History of the Iron Industry in Carter County to 1860." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1953. N270 (ETSU) Neal, Carl B. The Beaver Pond Neals of Virginia. n.p.: n.p., 1965. N280 The Donnelly-Barry-Butler Families and Their Kin-folks of Johnson Co., Tennessee. Olympia, Wash.: n.p., 1958. N290 Leonard Shoun and his Wife Barbara Slemp Shoun of Johnson Co., Tennessee, n.p.: n.p., 1957. N300 The McQueen Family of Johnson Co., Tennessee, n.p.: n.p., 1958. N310 Wills Family of Johnson County, Tennessee. n.p.: n.p., 1960. N320 Neal, J. Allen comp. Bickley, George Washington Lafayette History of the Settlement and Indian Wars of Tazewell County, Va. with added material compiled by J. Allen Neal. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1974. B3540 Neal, John Randolph Disunion and Restoration in Tennessee.... Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1899. N330 Disunion and Restoration in Tennessee.... New York: Knickerbocker, 1899. N340 Hearing, Scott Anthracite: An Instance of Natural Resource Monopoly. Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1915. N350 (ASU LMC) Neel, Marvin H. The Word-Book of a Backwoodsman. Ceres, Va.: Backwoods Press, 1957. N360 Neel, William Trent Neel-Dickson Genealogy. Unpublished typescript, revised to January 1949. N370 Neher, Evelyn Four-Harness Huck. n.p.: n.p., n.d. Book contains 42 pages for the handweaver, including photographs of handwoven samples, with theory, drafts and weaving directions. N380 Inkle, n.p.: n.p., n.d. A book about weaving, looms ancient and modern. Over 100 photos. N390 Neighbors, Kyle comp. The Lima Shays on the Greenbrier, Cheat and Elk Railroad Co. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. N400 (ASU) Nelsen, Anne K. Nelsen, Hart M. Bibliography on Appalachia: A Guide to Studies Dealing with Appalachia in General and Including Rural and Urban Working Class Attitudes Toward Change. N420 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU MHC) Nelsen, Hart M. Bibliography on Appalachia: A Guide to Studies Dealing with Appalachia in General and Including Rural and Urban Working Class Attitudes Toward Change. Bowling Green: Western Kentucky Univ., 1967. ERIC 002 932. N430 (ASU) Nelsen, Hart M. The Appalachian Presbyterian: Some Rural-Urban Differences, a Preliminary Report. Research Bulletin, no. 5. Bowling Green: Western Kentucky Univ., College of Commerce, Office of Research and Service, 1968. ERIC RC 002852. N410 (ASU BC MHC) Bibliography on Appalachia: A Guide to Studies Dealing with Appalachia in General and Including Rural and Urban Working Class Attitudes Toward Change. Research Bulletin, no. 4. N420 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU MHC) 158 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibliography on Appalachia: A Guide to Studies Dealing with Appalachia in General and Including Rural and Urban Working Class Attitudes Toward Change. Research Bulletin, no. 4. Bowling Green: Western Kentucky Univ., 1967. ERIC 002 932. N430 (ASU) A Comparison of Religious Groupings in Appalachia. Bowling Green: Western Kentucky Univ., Office of Research and Services, 1968. Compares Presbyterian, Episcopal, Church of God, and Holiness Denominations. N440 (ASU) A Review of the Literature Pertaining to Appalachia; Stressing Attitudes to Social Change and Religious and Educational Orientations; A Working Paper for the Boards of Christian Education of the United Presbyterian Church in the U. S. Unpublished Typescript, n.p., 1967. N450 (BC) Nelson, Arnold E. Haven in the Hardwood: The History of Pickens, West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. N460 (ASU) Nelson, Donald E. Marketing of Lumber Through Retail Outlets in W. Va. Morgantown, W. Va.: Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1964. N470 Nelson, Douglas R. "The Life and Works of Lamar Stringfield, 1897-1959." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1971. One of North Carolina's most beloved musician/composers. N480 (ASU WCU) Nelson, James Poyntz Claudius Crozet: His Story of the Four Tunnels in the Blue Ridge Region of Virginia. Richmond: Mitchell and Hotchkins, 1917. The tunnels were constructed for the Chesapeake and Ohio Railway. N490 (BC) Nelson, Joseph Backwoods Teacher. 1st ed. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1949. The story of a schoolteacher in the Backwoods of the Appalachian Mountains. N500 (ASU) Nelson, Lucretia D. "Distribution of Tardigrades on Roan Mountain, Tennessee - North Carolina." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tenn., 1973. N510 Nelson, Robert Allen A Program for the Improvement of Instruction in Spelling in the High Schools of Rutherford County. Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1958. N520 (ASU) Nelson, Rosemary Smith Nelson, Arnold E. Haven in the Hardwood: The History of Pickens, West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. N460 (ASU) Nelson, Thomas Charles Decorative Plants of Appalachia: A Source of Income. Agriculture Information Bulletin, no. 342. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. N530 (ASU ETSU LMC) Silvical Characteristics of Bitternut Hickory. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 111. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1960. N540 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of the Commercial Hickories. In cooperation with Southeastern Forest Experiment Station. Hickory Task Force Report, no. 10. Asheville, N. C.: n.p., 1965. N550 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Mockernut Hickory. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 105. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1959. N560 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Shagbark Hickory. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 135. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. N570 (WCU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Nelson, Vincent E. Geological Society of Kentucky Itinerary: Some Stratigraphic and Structural Features of the Middlesboro Basin. Lexington, Ky.: The society, 1957. G830 (ETSU) Nelson, Wilbur Armistead Butts, Charles Geology and Mineral Resources of the Crossville Quadrangle, Tennessee. Nashville: Tenn. Division of Geology, 1925. B9480 (ETSU) The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. Bulletin, 33. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1925. N580 (ETSU) Nesius, Ernest J. The Rural Society in Transition. Public Affairs Series, no. 3. Morgantown: Office of Research and Development, Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, West Virginia Univ., 1966. N590 (ASU) Neskaug, Selmer R. "Agricultural and Social Aspects of the Swiss Settlement in Grundy County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1936. N600 Nesselroad, Paul Emmett "Optimum Farm Organizations for a Portion of the Appalachian Plateau." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1969. N610 Netherton, Nan Templeman, Eleanor Lee (Reading) Northern Virginia Heritage; a Pictorial Compilation of the Historic Sites and Homes in the Counties of Arlington, Fairfax, Loudoun, Fauquier, Prince William and Stafford, and the Cities of Alexandria and Fredericksburg, by Eleanor Lee Templeman and Nan Netherton. Arlington, Va.: Privately published by E. L. Templeman, 1966. T860 (BC) Nettl, Bruno An Introduction to Folk Music in the United States. Detroit: Wayne State Univ. Press, 1962. N620 (BC) Neuman, Robert B. Geology of the Western Great Smoky Mountains, Tennessee. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 349-D. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. N630 (ASU LMC) Middle Ordovician Rocks of the Tellico-Sevier Belt, Eastern Tennessee. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 274-F. Shorter Contributions to General Geology, 1955. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. N640 Neuman, Robert Ballin King, Philip Burke Geology of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, Tennessee and North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of the Interior Geological Survey, 1968. K2450 (ETSU) Neuner, E. J. Financial and Operating Characteristics of the Municipal and Cooperative Distributors of T.V.A. Power. College of Business Administration, Bureau of Research Study no. 20. Knoxville, Tenn.: Division of Univ. Extension, Univ. of Tennessee, May 1949. N650 New Bethel Presbyterian Church The New Bethel Sesquicentennial 1782-1932. Bristol: King, 1932. N660 New York, New Jersey Trail Conference Guide to the Appalachian Trail in New York and New Jersey. 7th ed. n.p.: Walker Pub. Co., 1972. N680 (ASU) New York. Office of Planning and Coordination New York State Appalachian Development Plan; A Twenty Year Plan for the Fourteen Counties of the New York Appalachian Region. Albany: Office of Planning and Coordination, 1971. N700 AUTHOR New York (State), Office of Planning Coordination, Cartographic Section The Appalachian Region of New York State: An Atlas of Natural and Cultural Resources. Albany: The office, 1969. N690 (ETSU) Newberry, Elizabeth "Civil War Anecdotes and Legends of Chattanooga." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1928. N710 Newcomb, W. H. The First Methodist Episcopal Church, Huntington, West Virginia, n.p.: n.p., n.d. N670 (ASU) Newcome, Roy Ground-water Resources of the Cumberland Plateau in Tennessee. Nashville, State of Tennessee, Dept. of Conservation, Division of Water Resources, 1958. N720 (BC) Newcomer, Christopher Armour Cole's Cavalry: or, Three Years in the Saddle in the Shenandoah Valley. Baltimore: Cushing and Co., 1895. N730 (ASU) Newell, Herbert Moses History of Fayette County, Alabama. Fayette, Ala.: Newell Offset Print., 1960. N750 (ASU BC) Newell, William Wells Games and Songs of American Children, Collected and Compared. With a new introduction and index by Carl Withers. Dover Books, 354. New York: Dover Publications, 1963. N760 (ASU BC) Newhouse, Joseph Labor Costs in the Bituminous Coal Industry. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., 1971. N740 Newman, Harry Wright comp. Maryland Revolutionary Records: Data Obtained from 3,050 Pension Claims and Bounty Land Applications, Including 1,000 Marriages of Maryland Soldiers and a List of 1,200 Proved Services of Soldiers and Patriots of Other States. 1938. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. N770 (ASU) Newman, Leonard S. Gorman, John Loyd Soil Survey, Monroe County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1965. G2800 Newman, Monroe Brubaker, Earl Available for Work: The Pennsylvania Unemployment Compensation Interpretation. University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1958. B7550 Newman, Monroe Oscar The Political Economy of Appalachia; A Case Study in Regional Integration. Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1972. N780 (BC WWC ASU ETSU MHC WCU) News Letter vol. 1- . Winter, 1972- Berea, Ky.: Appalachian Center, Berea College, quarterly. N790 (ASU) Newsfocus: AEL. A Semi-monthly Report on Developments at the Appalachian Educational Laboratory vol. 1- . 1966?-. Charleston, W. Va.: Appalachian Educational Laboratory, semimonthly. N800 (ASU BC ETSU) Newsome, Albert Ray Lefler, Hugh Talmage North Carolina, the History of a Southern State. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1963. LI580 (BC FC ASU LMC) Newsome, Albert Ray ed. Records of Emigrants from England and Scotland to North Carolina, 1774-1775. Raleigh, N. C: Dept. of Archives and History, 1962. N810 (ASU) Newton, J. H. History of the Pan-handle. Wheeling, W. Va.: J. A. Caldwell, 1879. Includes histories of Brooke, Marshall and Hancock Counties, West Virginia. N820 (BC) 159 NELSON—NICKELL Nicely, Billy K. "A Study of the Reorganization of the Attendance Centers of the Grainger County School System." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. N830 Nicholls, Leland L. ed. North Carolina, Appalachian State University, Boone Proceedings of the Third Annual Workshop on the Third Annual Workshop on the Planning and Utilization of Leisure Resources, March 18-19. Boone: The Univ., 1974. N1620 (ASU) Nicholls, Leland L. ed. Planning a Tourist Recreation Region for the Age of Leisure. Printed by Planning and Land Use Education Program, Appalachian State Univ., 1974. Proceedings of the Third Annual Workshop on the Planning and Utilization of Leisure Resources. Appalachian State University. N890 (ASU) Nicholls, W. D. Bondurant, John H. Labor Supply and Farm Production on Eastern Kentucky Farms. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1945. B5270 Clayton, Claud Franklin . . . Land Utilization in Laurel County, Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1932. C4810 (ASU) Clayton, Claud Franklin Land Utilization in Laurel County, Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Agicultural Economics, 1932. C4820 (BC) Family Incomes and Land Utilization in Knott County, Kentucky. Bulletin no. 375. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1937. N900 Family Incomes and Land Utilization in Knott County, Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agriculture Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1946. N910 Farm Management and Family Incomes in Eastern Kentucky. Bulletin no. 491. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1946. N920 Nichols, Beverley A Book of Old Ballads. London: Hutchinson and Co., 1934. N840 (BC) A Book of Old Ballads. London: Hutchinson and Co., 1934. Selected chiefly from Percy's Reliques. N850 Nichols, Earl "An Analysis of Putnam County's Ability to Support Education Based on a Study and Comparison of Assessed Value to Real Value of Property." Master's thesis. Tennessee Polytechnic, 1959. N860 Nichols, Joseph Van Devanter Legends of Loudoun Valley. With an introduction by John Eisenhard. Leesburgh, Va.: Potomac Press, 1961. N870 (ASU) Loudoun Valley Legends. Purcellville?, Va.: n.p., 1955. Stories from the Loudoun Valley and Loudoun County, Virginia dealing with the life and times of the people. N880 (BC) Nicholson, Cregoe D. P. Some Early Emigrants to America, Also, Early Emigrants to America from Liverpool, abstracted by Reginal Sharpe France. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. N930 (ASU) Nicholson, Meredith The Cavalier of Tennessee. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1928. Novel of Andy Jackson, early chapters are set in and around Jonesboro, where he was lawyer and judge. N940 (ASU BC) Nickell, William Lynn Stacy, Helen Price Selections from Morgan County History: Sesquicentennial Volume. West Liberty, Ky.: n.p., 1972? S6420 (ASU) �NICKELS—NORMAN Nickels, Henry C. "An Evaluation of the Impact of the Vocational Education Act of 1963 on Agricultural Education in the Blue Ridge Area of Southwestern Virginia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. N950 (ETSU) Nicklin, Philip Holbrook Letters Descriptive of the Virginia Springs: the Roads Leading Thereto and the Doings Thereat. Collected and annotated by Peregrine Prolix. Philadelphia: H. S. Tanner, 1835. Nicklin visited Charlottesville, Staunton, Rock-Fish Gap, Warm Springs, White Sulphur, Salt Sulphur, Red Sulphur, Gray Sulphur, Sweet Springs, and Hot Springs. N960 Nicks, Roy Sullivan "City-county Separation in Tennessee, a Case Study of Kingsport and Sullivan County." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1957. N970 Nicolls, William Jasper The Story of American Coals. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1897. Account of the role of coal in the development of the nation. N980 (BC) Niederer, Frances J. Hollins College; an Illustrated History. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1972. Hollins' history is followed sympathetically from the conversion of the resort at Botetourt Springs in 1842 through the Civil War and Reconstruction trials and the generous gift of John Hollins in 1910 to the present time. N990 Nielsen, Ralph Leighton "Socio-Economic Readjustment of Farm Families Displaced by the TVA Land Purchase in the Morris Area." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1940. N1000 Niemi, Esther Personen "A Study of Commercial Banking in Two Economically Depressed Cities: Youngstown, Ohio, and Wheeling, West Virginia, 1951-1967." Ph. D. Diss. Case Western Reserve Univ., 1969. N1010 Nienburg, Bertha Marie Potential Earning Power of Southern Mountaineer Handicraft. Bulletin, 128. Washington: U. S. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, 1935. Ml 020 (BC) Niles, John Jacob The Ballad Book. New York: Bramhall House, 1961. N1040 (ASU ETSU) The Ballad Book. Illustrated by William Barss. 1961. Reprint. New York: Dover, 1970. N1050 (ASU WCU) Folk Ballads for Young Actors. Illustrated by Lee Ames. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962. (Also, phonodisc.) N1080 (ASU BC) Folk Carols for Young Actors. Illustrated by Lee Ames. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962. (Also, phonodisc.) N1090 (ASU) Seven Kentucky Mountain Tunes. New York: G. Schirmer, 1928. Niles collected these songs from Marion Kerby. Nil 10 (BC) Ten Christmas Carols from the Southern Appalachian Mountains. New York: G. Schirmer, 1935. Arranged for piano accompaniment. Nil30 (ASU BC) Niles, John Jacob comp. The Ballad Book. Illustrated by William Barss. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1961. More than 100 of best Americans ballads from Britain. Includes bibliography. N1030 (ASU BC FC LMC MHC) Ballads, Carols, and Tragic Legends from the Southern Appalachian Mountains. American Folk-song Series, set 18. New York: G. Schirmer, 1937. N1060 (ASU ETSU LMC) Ballads, Lovesongs, and Tragic Legends from the Southern Appalachian Mountains. American Folk-song Series, set 20. New York: G. Schirmer, 1938. N1070 (ASU) AUTHOR More Songs of the Hill-folk: Ten Ballads and Tragic Legends from Kentucky, Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Georgia. American Folk-song Series, set 17. N1100 (ASU ETSU) Niles, John Jacob ed. Songs of the Hill-folk: Twelve Ballads from Kentucky, Virginia, and North Carolina. American Folk-song Series, set 14. New York: G. Schirmer, 1934. Nil20 (ASU BCETSU LMC) Nisbet, Alice Send Me An Angel. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1946. Novel about a young girl struggling to manage a plantation in the foothill country of western North Carolina. Nil 40 (ASU) Nitze, Henry Benjamin Charles Gold Deposits of North Carolina. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 3. Winston-Salem: M.I. and J.C. Stewart, 1896. Some of these deposits were in western North Carolina. Nil 50 (LMC) Gold Mining in North Carolina and Adjacent South Appalachian Regions. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 1. Raleigh, N. C: G. V. Barnes, 1897. Nil60 (ASU WCU LMC) . . . Iron Ores of North Carolina; A Preliminary Report. Raleigh: J. Daniels, State Printer and Binder, 1893. Nil70 (ASU UNCA) Monazite, and Monazite Deposits in North Carolina. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 9. Winston-Salem: M.I. and J.C. Stewart, 1895. Some of these deposits are in the western Carolina mountains. Nil 80 (WCU) Nix, Harold L. Opportunities for and Limitations of Social and Economic Adjustments in an Alabama Rural County. Auburn: Alabama Agriculture Experiment Station, 1962. County used in study is Fayette County, Alabama. Nil 90 Nixon, Alfred History of Daniel's Evangelical Lutheran & Reformed Churches, Lincoln Co., N. C. Reprinted, n.p.: Lincoln Co. Hist. Assn., 1969. An illustrated history of Lincoln County's Lutheran and Reformed Churches. Ml 200 Nixon, H. C. Tennessee Valley, a Recreation Domain. Vanderbilt Univ. Institute of Research and Training in the Social Sciences. Paper no. 9. Nashville, Tenn.: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, June 1945. N1230 Nixon, Herman Clarence Lower Piedmont Country. American Folkways. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1946. N1210 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) Possum Trot, Rural Community, South. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1941. Study of an isolated northeast Alabama hill town. N1220 (ASU BC WCU) Nixon, Joseph R. The German Settlers in Lincoln County and Western North Carolina. Sprunt Studies, vol. 11, no. 2. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1912. N1240 (LMC) Nixon, Phyllis Jones A Glossary of Virginia Words. With a preface by Hans Kurath. The secretary's report. Publication, no. 5. Greensboro? N. C.: American Dialect Society, 1946. N1250 (ASU) Noad, Frederick M. The Guitar Songbook. London: Collier-Mcmillan, 1969. Includes guitar instruction and arrangement. N1260 Noble, Charles Hollister see Noble, Hollister Noble, Cora M. Memories. Boston: Christopher Pub. House, 1964. Memories of a childhood in Breathitt County and of many years as a court clerk in that same county. N1270 (BC) Noble, E. L. Bloody Breathitt. 2 vols. Jackson, Ky.= Jackson Times Print. Co., 1936-38. An account of the history of Breathitt County and its famous feuds. N1280 (BC) 160 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Noble, Hollister Woman with a Sword: The Biographical Novel of Anna Ella Carroll of Maryland. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1948. A novel of the Civil War in the Mountains. N1290 (ASU BC WCU) Noble, Louis Legrand The Lady Angeline: A Lay of the Appalachians. New York: Sheldon, Blakeman and Co., 1856. Mountain ballads and poetry. Ml 300 (BC) Noble, Lucinda Ann "Structural Analysis of Mothers' Attitudes toward Child Rearing in Four Communities in Appalachia." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, Greensboro, 1969. N1310 Noe, Cotton Lincoln and Twenty Other Poems. n.p.: n.p., 1922. Many of the "other poems," have southern mountain settings. N1320 (BC) Tip Sams of Kentucky. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1947. A collection of poems from Appalachia. Replete with hill country characters. N1330 (BC) Tip Sams Again. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1947. A collection of poems from Appalachia. Replete with hill country characters. N1330 (BC) The Valleys of Parnassus; A Selection From the Poetry of J. T. Cotton Noe. Louisville, Ky.: J. P. Morton and Co., Inc., 1935. N1350 Noel, Lois Purcell Cumberland Falls, Kentucky, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Description and historical notes of the Cumberland Falls area. N1360 Nolan, Robert L. Rural and Appalachian Health. Springfield, III.: Charles C. Thomas, 1973. Focuses on rural health generally, and Appalachian health particularly as examples of health problems. Includes recommendations for legislative changes. N1370 (ASU) Nolan, Robert L. ed. Rural and Appalachian Health Springfield, III.: Thomas, 1973. R4310 (ASU BC) Noland, S. Will Makes a Way. Nashville: Pub. House of the M. E. Church South, 1889. Autobiography of a Methodist minister. N1380 (BC) Nolland, Cecil F. ed. Duke, Basil Wilson History of Morgan's Cavalry. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1960. D3790 Norbeck, Mildred E. The Lure of the Hills: A Tale of Life in the Mountains of Kentucky. Cincinnati: Revivalist Press, 1931. A novel of adventure in the mountains of Kentucky. N1390 (BC ASU) Norburn, Martha Elizabeth The Influence of the Physiographic Features of Western North Carolina on the Settlement and Development of the Region. Ph. D. Diss. Chapel Hill, 1932. Important dissertation that attempts to document the relationship between the physiographic features of the southern Appalachia and the character of its people. Ml 400 (ASU) Norfolk and Western Railway, Industrial and Shippers Guide Comp. by Agricultural and Industrial Department N & W. Railway. Roanoke, Va.: The Railway, 1916. Contains good material on western Virginia's economy. N1410 Norman, Gurney Divine Right's Trip: A Folktale. New York: Dial Press, 1972. A tale of boy's trip, in a Day-Glo painted van, from the hippie world of California to his boyhood home in eastern Kentucky. Wild. N1420 (ASU) Norman, Jacque B. Appalachian Regional Hospitals. Frankfort: Kentucky Legislative Research Commission, 1966. N1430 Norman, Victor Louis Chattooga Griffin. Boston: Stratford, 1924. A maudlin tale from the Blue Ridge Mountains. Right triumphs over all. N1440 (LMC BC ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Norono, Detf Moundsville's Mammoth Mound. Moundsville: West Virginia Archeoiogical Society, 1954. N1450 West Virginia Imprints, 17900863. Moundsville, W. Va.: Library Association, 1958. N1460 Wheeling: A West Virginia Place Name of Indian Origin. Moundsville, W. Va.: West Virginia Archeoiogical Society, 1958. Maps, statistics, historical sketches and a good bibliography. N1470 (ASU) Norona, Detf ed. Upper Ohio Valley Pioneer Moundsville, W. Va.: Delf Norona, quarterly. U4170 Morris, Hoke All the Kingdoms of Earth, a Novel. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1956. A novel of a flood and other disasters in the foothill country of North Carolina. N1480 (BC ASU WCU) Morris, J. E. ed. History of the Lower Shenandoah Valley: Counties of Frederick, Berkeley, Jefferson, and Clarke. Chicago: A. Warner and Co., 1890. NT 490 (ASU BC) Morris, Roy K. "The Agricultural Needs of Claiborne County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1965. Ml 500 Morris, Tenn. Watershed Dept. Multiple-use on Norris Watershed. Norris: Tenn. Dept. of Conservation and Commerce, 1962. N1510 Norris Women's Fellowship Cumberland Cook Book. Norris, Tenn.: Norris Women's Fellowship, 1964. N1520 The North Carolina Almanac and State Industrial Guide. 1950/51- Raleigh, N. C: Almanac Pub. Co., biennial. References to western North Carolina are, in large measure, references to extractive industries, agricultural industries, and crafts or tourism. N1530 (LMC ASU UNCA) North Carolina, Appalachian State Teachers College Singing Light. Boone, N. C.: The college, 1966. Ml 560 North Carolina, Appalachian State Teachers College, Boone Faculty Publications, no. 1- . 1957-. Boone: The college, annual. N1540 (BC ASU LMC ETSU) Folk Arts Workshop. I960-. Boone: The college, annual. N1550 (ASU) North Carolina, Appalachian State University College Bulletin. Boone, N. C. vol. 1-, 1910-. Boone, N. C.: n.p., irregular. N1570 (ASU) North Carolina, Appalachian State University, Belk Library The American Indian: A Bibliography. Boone, N. C.: The Univ., 1973. N1580 North Carolina, Appalachian State University, Boone Dedication: B. B. Dougherty Administration Building. Boone: The Univ.'s Mountaineer Print. Shop, Industrial Arts Department, 1968. N1590 (ASU) Institutional Self-study for the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools. Boone: The Univ., 1971. N1600 (ASU) President's Annual Report to the Board of Trustees for the Year Ending June 30, 1969. Boone: The Univ., 1969. Ml 610 (ASU) Proceedings of the Third Annual Workshop on the Planning and Utilization of Leisure Resources, March 18-19. Boone: The Univ., 1974. N1620 (ASU) A Proposal for the Institution of Programs Leading to the Bachelor of Arts and the Bachelor of Science Degrees Not Requiring Professional Preparation for Teaching at Appalachian State Teachers College. Boone, N. C.: The college, 1965. N1630 (ASU) AUTHOR North Carolina, Appalachian State University, Boone, The Faculty A Self-evaluation Report Submitted to the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education. Boone, N. C: The college, 1962. N1640 (ASU) A Self Study Report Submitted to the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools. Boone, N. C: The college, 1962. N1650 (ASU) North Carolina Arts Council The Arts in North Carolina, 1967. Raleigh, N. C.: The council, 1967. Ml 660 (LMC) North Carolina Baptist Association Tuckaseigee Minutes, 1829-1857. Microfilm. Cullowhee, N. C.: E. H. Stillwell, 1929. This Baptist Conference is named for the river which geographically defines it. N1670 (WCU) North Carolina Basic County Data V. I Alamance Jackson. V. II Johnston - Yancey. Raleigh, N. C.: State Planning Board, 1946. Good source of general and statistical information on North Carolina's twenty-eight western counties. N1680 (ASU LMC) North Carolina, Board of Health Biennial report. Raleigh, N. C.: pagination varies. Ml690 (ASU LMC) A History of the North Carolina State Board of Health, 1877-1925. Raleigh: The board, 1966. N1700 (LMC) North Carolina, Board of Higher Education Higher Education in North Carolina, 1969-71: Report. Raleigh, N. C.: The board, 1972. N1710 (LMC ASU) North Carolina, Civil Defense Agency Watauga County Reception and Care Plan. Watauga County: n.p., n.d. Provisions for contemporary disasters. N1720 (ASU) North Carolina Club Contemporary Industrial Processes. Yearbook, 1929-30. Also, Extension Bulletin, vol. 10, no. 2. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1930. Contains a brief discussion of western North Carolina limited to mining, crafts, tourism and agriculture. N1730 (LMC) Home and Farm Ownership. Yearbook, 1921-22. Also, Extension Bulletin, vol. 2, no. 9. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1923. Contains limited material on western North Carolina. Ml 740 (LMC) North Carolina: Resources, Advantages, and Opportunities. Yearbook, 1915-16. Also, UNC Record, no. 140. Extension Series, no. 17. Durham: Seeman Printery, 1916. N1750 (LMC ASU) State Reconstruction Studies. UNC Record, no. 184. Also, Extension Series, no. 41. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1921. Western North Carolina had been primarily union territory; thus it fared badly after the War. Ml760 (LMC ASU) Studies in Taxation. Yearbook, 1927-28. Also, Extension Bulletin, vol. 8, no. 8. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1928. Interesting because the 1928, or pre-tourist, tax base for western North Carolina is so different from today's. N1770 (LMC) North Carolina, College of the City of Asheville The Asheville Archive, College of the City of Asheville, N. C. City archives of the library of this college which later became Asheville - Biltmore College. College, n.d. N1780 North Carolina, Council of Civil Defense Jackson County: Operational Survival Plan. Sylva?: The council, 1962. N1790 (WCU) North Carolina, Department of Agriculture North Carolina and Its Resources. Raleigh: J.I. and J.C. Stewart, 1896. At this time western North Carolina's economy was almost entirely agricultural. N1810 (ASU BC UNCA) 161 NORONA—NORTH North Carolina: Land of Opportunity. Raleigh: The department, 1923. N1820 (LMC) A Sketch of North Carolina. Charleston, S. C.: Lucas-Richardson Co., n.d. N1830 (ASU LMC) North Carolina, Department of Archives and History The Formation of the North Carolina Counties, 1663-1943. Raleigh: The department, 1950. N1840 (WWC) The North Carolina Census of Wilkes County, 1787. Copied from the original in the state archives. Raleigh, N. C.: Genealogical Society of the "Original" Wilkes County, n.d. Parts of five counties were originally contained within the boundaries of Wilkes county. Ml 860 (ASU) North Carolina Newspapers on Microfilm. 2nd ed. Raleigh: The department, 1963. A checklist of early North Carolina newspapers available on microfilm. N1870 (ASU LMC) State Census of North Carolina, 1784-1787. Transcribed and indexed by Alvaretta Kenan Register. 2nd ed., rev. Norfolk, Va.: n.p., 1971. N1880 (ASU) State Census of North Carolina, 1784-1787. Transcribed and indexed by Alvaretta Kenan Register. 2nd ed., rev. 1971. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1973. Ml 890 (ASU) Watauga County Records: Bonds, Court Records, Estates Records, Land Records, Military and Pension Records, Tax and Fiscal Records and Wills. Microfilm. Raleigh: The department, 1972. Ml 900 (ASU) North Carolina, Department of Community Colleges Educational Guide: Technical Institutes/Community Colleges. Raleigh: Board of Education, 1969. N1910 (LMC) North Carolina, Department of Conservation and Development Chromite Deposits of North Carolina: Geology and Mining. Raleigh: Department of Conservation and Development, 1942. Ml 920 Common Forest Trees of North Carolina, How to Know Them. A pocket manual prepared by John Simcox Holmes. 6th ed. Raleigh: The department, 1953. N1930 (ASU UNCA) A Directory of the Principal Mineral Producers of North Carolina. By William F. Wilson. Raleigh: The department, 1965. N1940 (ASU ETSU) The Shrubs and Woody Vines of North Carolina. Raleigh: The department, n.d. N1970 (ASU) North Carolina, Department of Public Instruction, Division of Professional Services Report to State Evaluation Committee on Western Carolina University by the Visitation Committee OCT. 1821, 1964. Raleigh: n.p., 1964. N1990 (ASU WCU) North Carolina, Department of Water and Air Resources. Board of Water and Air Resources. State of North Carolina North Carolina Water Plan Progress Report, Chapter 44; the Appalachian Region in North Carolina. Raleigh: The department, 1970. Deals with the 28 county mountain area of North Carolina. N2000 (ASU) North Carolina. Dept. of Administration Directory of Services Available to Industry from the State of North Carolina. Raleigh: The Department, 1968. Ml 800 (UNCA) North Carolina, Dept. of Archives and History Guide to North Carolina Historical Highway Markers. Raleigh: The department, 1964. N1850 (ASU) �NORTH—NORTH North Carolina, Oept. of Conservation and Development North Carolina: A Good Place to Live. . . . Issued by the state of North Carolina, Department of Conservation and Development, Wade H. Phillips, Director. Raleigh: Observer Print. House, Inc., 1928. N1950 (UNCA) Sawmills and Lumber Production for 26 Counties in Western North Carolina, 1959. Raleigh: The department, 1959. N1960 North Carolina, Dept. of Local Affairs. Division of Community Planning. Western Area. Community Facilities Plan. Brevard, N. C. Brevard: The department, 1970. N1980 North Carolina, Division of Community Planning Community Facilities Plan: Brevard, N. C. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1970. N2020 Community Facilities Plan and Public Improvements Program: Glen Alpine, North Carolina. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1968. N2030 (WCU) Community Facilities Plan & Public Improvements Program: Valdese, North Carolina. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1968. N2040 (WCU) Land Development Plan for Black Mountain, N. C. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1970. N2050 (WCU) Land Development Plan: Boone, North Carolina. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1964. N2060 (WCU ASU) Land Development Plan: Burnsville, N. C. Raleigh: n.p., n.d. N2070 (WCU) Land Potential Study: Madison County, North Carolina. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1970. N2080 (WCU) Land Potential Study & Land Development Plan: Wilkes County, North Carolina. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1968. N2090 (ASU WCU) Land Use Survey & Analysis and Land Development Plan: Glen Alpine, North Carolina. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1967. N2100 (WCU) Land Use Survey and Analysis and Land Development Plan: Valdese, North Carolina. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, n.d. N2110 (WCU) Neighborhood Analysis: Brevard, N. C. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1970. N2120 (LMC WCU ASU) Neighborhood Analysis: Valdese, North Carolina. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning N2130 (ASU WCU) Personal Income Statistics for North Carolina Counties, 1949-1959. Raleigh: n.p., 1963. Of special interest is the discrepancy between piedmont and mountain counties. N2140 Population and Economy: Marshall, N.C. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1969. N2150 (ASU WCU) Population and Economy: Valdese, North Carolina. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1967. N2160 (WCU) Public Facilities Plan: Wilkes County, North Carolina. Raleigh: Division of Community Planning, 1968. N2170 (ASU WCU) Watauga County Land Development Plan. Greensboro, N. C.: Division of Community Planning, 1971. Cover title: Land Development Plan, Watauga, North Carolina. N2180 (ASU) AUTHOR Zoning Ordinance: Boone, N. C. n.p.: The author, 1965. N2190 (LMC ASU) Zoning Ordinance of the W. Kerr Scott Reservoir Area, Wilkes County, N. C. n.p.: The author, 1964. N2200 (ASU) Zoning Ordinance: Wilkes County, North Carolina. Raleigh: The division, 1969. N2210 (ASU WCU) North Carolina, Division of Mineral Resources The Mining Industry in North Carolina. Economic Paper. Raleigh: E.M. Uzzell and Co., 1900-. N2220 (ASU UNCA ETSU LMC) North Carolina, Education Association, Jackson County Unit Jackson County Public Schools, 1853-1954. n.p.: n.p., 1954. N2230 (WCU) North Carolina, Employment Security Commission Area Manpower Review: Asheville Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area — Buncombe County. Asheville, N. C.: The commission, 1973. N2240 (ASU WWC) Smaller Communities Program: Manpower Resources Report — Avery County. Raleigh: The commission, 1965. N2250 (WCU) North Carolina, Employment Security Commission. Job Market Research Center Measuring Unemployment in Small Rural Labor Areas: Report on a Household Survey Conducted in Allegheny County, N. C., 1969. Raleigh: The commission, 1969. N2260 North Carolina Folklore, vol. 1-, 1948-. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, semiannual. N2270 (BC ASU ETSU MHC) North Carolina Folklore Society Folklore Studies in Honor of Arthur Palmer Hudson. Chapel Hill: n.p., 1965. N2280 (ASU LMC) North Carolina Fund Characteristics of Households in Areas Served by the W. A. M. Y. Community Action Program. Durham: N. C. Fund, 1966. N2290 (ASU) The Dimensions of Poverty in North Carolina. n.p.: The North Carolina Fund, 1963. N2300 (ASU) North Carolina Genealogy, v. 1-, 1955-. Raleigh, N. C.: n.p., quarterly. N2350 North Carolina General Assembly Cherokee Lands, Report. Document no. 34, Session 1856-7. Raleigh, N. C.: Holder and Wilson Printers to the State, 1857. Petition of Samuel Tate and others to the North Carolina Legislature asking relief from payment of excessive rates for lands acquired from the Cherokee. These rates were the result of a short-lived speculative boom in mountain property. N2360 North Carolina, Geological and Economic Survey Altitudes in North Carolina. Bulletin, no. 27. Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Print. Co., 1917. N2310 (ASU LMC WCU) . . . Altitudes in North Carolina, comp. by the North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey. Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Print. Co., 1917. N2320 (ASU UNCA) Biennial Report of the State Geologist: 1919-1920. Raleigh, N. C: Edwards and Broughton, 1921. N2330 (ASU LMC) Report of the State Geologist and Director. 1891-92 - 1923-24. Raleigh: The survey, 1924. N2340 (ASU UNCA) North Carolina Good Roads Association Road Maps and Tour Book of Western North Carolina. Chapel Hill: The assoc., 1916. N2370 (BC ASU LMC) North Carolina Higher-Court Records 2 vols. Raleigh, N. C.: State Dept. of Archives and History, 1968-71. N2380 (ASU UNCA) The North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register vol. 1-3 January, 1900-July, 1903. N2400 (ASU) 162 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY North Carolina Historical Commission Literary and Historical Activities of North Carolina, 1900-1905. Raleigh: E. M. Uzzell Co., 1907. N2390 (LMC WWC ASU) North Carolina Historical Review vol. 1-, January 1924-. Raleigh, N. C.: N. C. Historical Commission, 1924-. N2410 The North Carolina Historical Review vol. 1-, 1924-. Raleigh: North Carolina Historical Commission, quarterly. N2420 (BC ASU) North Carolina Index: Guide to North Carolina's Periodical Literature A Cumulative Author and Subject Index Covering Material in N. C. Publications. . . . Winston-Salem: The Editors, irregular serial supplements. N2430 (ASU UNCA) North Carolina, Laws, Statutes, etc., Indexes North Carolina County Legislation Index: A Complete Listing of the Local or Special Acts Passed by the General Assembly for Each County, 1669-1961. (Also, Supplement, 1966.) Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Institute of Government, 1964. N2440 (LMC) North Carolina Library Commission Libraries in North Carolina. Raleigh: North Carolina Library Association, 1948. N2450 (WWC) North Carolina Lives: The Tar Heel Who's Who A reference edition recording the biographies of contemporary leaders in North Carolina with special emphasis on their achievements in making it one of America's greatest states. Written and prepared under the supervision of William Stevens Powell. Hopkinsville, Ky.: Historical Record Association, 1962. N2460 (LMC) North Carolina Museum of History, Raleigh Artistry in Quilts. Raleigh, N. C.: N. C. Museum of History, 1974. The colorfully illustrated brochure prepared for this quilt exhibition was jointly sponsored by the museum and the North Carolina Department of Archives and History. N2470 (ASU) North Carolina, Office of State Planning The Southern Highlands Mountain Resources Management Plan. Raleigh: Office of State Planning, n.d. N2480 North Carolina Parks Commission Complete Report (of the Commission Created to Establish a National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains) Submitted to Governor Clyde R. Hoey, Dec. 31, 1939. Report compiled for the commission by Albert H. Blake. Raleigh?: The commission, 1939. N2490 (LMC WCU) North Carolina Plan for Emergency Management of Resources Chapel Hill: Office of Emergency Planning, Institute of Government, 196-?-. N2500 North Carolina Poetry Society A Time for Poetry: An Anthology. Winston-Salem: J. F. Blair, 1966. N2510 (LMC) North Carolina, Presbyterian Church in the U. S. Our Mountain Work. Weaverville, N. C.: The Church, 1953-1959. Issued irregularly. N2520 North Carolina Rural Electrification Authority Directory of Electric Agencies Serving Rural North Carolina. Raleigh: The authority, 1970. N2530 (LMC) North Carolina, Secretary of State Abstract of North Carolina Wills, Compiled from Original and Recorded Wills in the Office of the Secretary of State by J. Bryan Grimes, Secretary of State. Published under authority of the trustees of the public libraries. Raleigh: E.M. Uzzell and Co., 1910. N2540 (ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY North Carolina, Secretary of State Abstract of North Carolina Wills, Compiled from Original and Recorded Wills in the Office of the Secretary of State by J. Bryan Grimes. 1910. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. N2550 (ASU BC) North Carolina Manual 1874-19. Raleigh: n.p., 1874-19--. A reliable source of raw data concerning western Carolina for the past 101 years. N2560 (ASU LMC) North Carolina Wills and Inventories, Copied from Original and Recorded Wills and Inventories in the Office of the Secretary of State by J. Bryan Grimes. 1912. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. N2570 (ASU) North Carolina State Board of Health Biennial Report. Raleigh, N. C: n.p., pagination varies. N2580 (LMC) North Carolina State College, Raleigh see North Carolina, University, State College of Agriculture and Engineering, Raleigh North Carolina, State Dept. of Archives and History Guide to Civil War Records in the N. C. State Archives. Raleigh: n.p., 1966. N2590 Guide to Private Manuscript Collections in the North Carolina State Archives. Prepared by Beth G. Crabtree (archivist). Raleigh: The department, 1964. N2600 (ASU) North Carolina, State Education Commission Report: Education in North Carolina, Today and Tomorrow. Raleigh: United Forces for Education, 1948. N2610 (LMC BC) North Carolina, State Planning Board North Carolina Basic County Data. Comp. and pub. by N. C. Planning Board, 2 vol. Raleigh, N. C.: The board, 1946. N2620 (LMC) North Carolina, State Planning Task Force Water Resource Needs for Selected Development Corridors in Appalachian North Carolina. Rummel, Klepper and Kahl, Consulting Engineers, 9 vols. Raleigh, N. C.: The Task Force, 1970. Projects growth for western North Carolina cities and related developments. Apparently based on the Appalachian Regional Commissions corridor development theory. N2630 (ASU) North Carolina, State Stream Sanitation Committee, Survey Report, Raleigh The Watauga River Basin: A Survey of Existing Pollution in the Watauga River Basin Together with Recommended Classification of Its Waters, 1960-1962. Pollution Survey Report, no. 15. Raleigh: North Carolina State Department of Water Resources, Division of Stream Sanitation and Hydrology, 1962. N2640 (ASU) North Carolina, University, Buncombe County Club Buncombe County: Economic and Social. Chapel Hill: The club, 1923. N2670 (ASU) North Carolina, University, Institute of Government County Government in North Carolina. By Robert G. Byrd and others. 2 vols. Chapel Hill: The institute, 1968. N2680 (WWC ASU LMC) North Carolina, University of North Carolina at Asheville Ecological Effects of Hot Water Discharge by an Electric Power Generating Plant, n.p.: The univ., 1971. N2660 (ASU UNCA) North Carolina, University of North Carolina, at Asheville Biosystem Character of the Pigeon River in the Primary State of Recovery n.p.: Univ. of N. C., 1973. "A report submitted by undergraduate students at the University of North Carolina at Asheville under the National Science Foundation Student-Originated Studies Program, Grant GY-10780." N2650 (ASU UNCA) AUTHOR North Carolina, University, State College of Agriculture and Engineering, Raleigh, Department of Agricultural Economics Economic Development of the Upper French Broad Area: Summary of Needs and Opportunities, Resources, the Regional Economy. By the North Carolina Department of Water Resources, Tennessee Valley Authority, and Western North Carolina Regional Planning Commission. 2 vols. Raleigh, N. C.: Department of Agricultural Economics, 1964. N2690 (ASU) North Carolina, Western Carolina University, Cuilowhee A Faculty Handbook of Western Carolina University. Cuilowhee, N. C.: The univ., annually. N2700 (WCU) Regional Sketches. Western Carolina Univ., Bulletin, vol. 15, no. 6, Dec., 1937. Cuilowhee: The univ., 1937. N2710 (WCU) A Report on Studies and Investigations Dealing with a Prospective Expanded Program of Service by Western Carolina Univ. Cuilowhee: The univ., 1952. N2720 (WCU) Teacher Education Programs: A Self-study Report to Division of Professional Services, State Department of Public Instruction. Cuilowhee: The college, 1964. N2730 (WCU ASU) Views. Cuilowhee State Normal School. Asheville: Advocate Pub. Co., n.d. N2740 (ASU WCU) North Carolina, Western Carolina University, Cuilowhee, School of Education and Psychology College Preparatory Program for Visually Impaired Students: A Cooperative Program Between the North Carolina Commission for the Blind and Western Carolina University, n.p.: n.p., 1967? N2750 (WCU) North Carolina, Western Carolina University, Cuilowhee, Steering Committee Institutional Self Study Report, 1963. Cuilowhee: The college, 1963. N2760 (WCU) Teacher Education Report to National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education. Cuilowhee: The college, 1964. N2770 (WCU) North Carolina, Western Carolina University, Cuilowhee, Where from Here Committee Horizon 1980: Report of the Special Committee "Which Way From Here" Appointed by President Paul A. Reid, Sept. 3, 1965. Cuilowhee: The college, 1966. N2780 (WCU) North Carolina! Western Highlands and Great Smoky Mtns., National Park Miller Print. Co.: n.p., n.d. Map. N2790 (MHC ASU) North Wilkesboro, North Carolina Public Improvement Program and Capital Improvement Budget, n.p.: The author, 1967. N2810 (LMC) North Wilkesboro's Commerce Bureaus, Inc. North Wilkesboro, Wilkes County, N. C.: Key to the Blue Ridge Parkway, n.p.: The author, 1938? N2800 (ASU LMC) Northern, Ray M. Factors Influencing Recent Industrial Growth in Northeastern Georgia. Athens, Ga.: Institute of Community and Area Development, 1962. N2820 (ASU) Northwest Planning Council for Crime Deterrence Toward a Safer Society: Five Year Proposal. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian State Univ., 1970? N2830 (ASU LMC) Norton, Egbert "History of Education in Rockcastle, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1932. N2840 (BC) Norton, Frank Henry The Days of Daniel Boone. New York: American News Co., 1883. N2850 (ETSU) 163 NORTH—NYE The Days of Daniel Boone: A Romance of the "Dark and Bloody Ground". New York: New York Pub. Co., 1882. Novel of pioneer Kentucky. N2860 (LMC ASU BC) Norum Organum 6 New Haven, Conn.: n.p., n.d. Is in large part devoted to the problems of Kentucky and Appalachia. N2920 Norwood, Charles W. comp. The Chickamauga and Chattanooga Campaign and Battle-fields. A Chronological Historic Guide, August 16-November 25, 1863. Chattanooga: Connelly, 1898. N2870 Norwood, Hayden The Marble Man's Wife, Thomas Wolfe's Mother. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1947. N2880 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Norwood, William Howard comp. "General" John Norwood and Related Lines. In cooperation with James Harvey Norwood, Sr. Dallas, Tx.: Trumpet Press, 1964. N2890 (ASU) Noss, Marie G. Books on the Southern Mountain Area That Contain Certain Religions or Sections on Religion, 1947-55. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, 1955. Contains eighty titles on mountain religious movements. N2900 (BC) Nourse, Paul Francis "The Opinions of Certain Groups Toward Teaching the Bible in Unicoi County High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. N2910 (ETSU) Nowell, Elizabeth Thomas Wolfe, a Biography. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1960. N2930 (BC ASU WCU UNCA) Nuckolls, Benjamin Floyd Pioneer Settlers of Grayson County, Virginia. Bristol, Term.: King Print. Co., 1914. N2940 (ASU) Nuckolls, Bertha The First Virginia Nuckolls and Kindred. Boston, Mass.: Thomas Todd Co., 1960. N2950 Nugent, Nell Marion Cavaliers and Pioneers: Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants, 1623-1666. Introduction by Robert Armistead Stewart. 2nd ed. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1963. N2960 (ASU) Nugent, Tom Death at Buffalo Creek: The 1972 West Virginia Flood Disaster. New York: W. W. Norton, 1973. N2970 (BC LMC ASU) Null, Marion Michael The Forgotten Pioneer: The Life of Davy Crockett. New York: Vantage, 1954. It's quite unlikely one could ever forget the flambouyant Mr. Crockett since his biographers seem endless. N2980 (ASU ETSU) Nunburg, Bertha M. Potential Earning Power of Southern Mountaineer Handicrafts. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1935. For years this study was considered overly optimistic; however, statistics on craftsmen in recent years seem to support her contention that a decent living could be had from marketing crafts. N2990 Nurtafl, John Trees Above the Coal Below. San Diego: Neyenesch Printers, 1961. N3000 Nutter, T. comp. Thomas, West Virginia: History, Progress, and Development, 1906. 1906. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1968. N3010 (ASU) Nyden, Paul The Coal Miner's Struggle in Eastern Kentucky. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1972. N3020 (ASU) Nye, Susannah Mountain Songs of North Carolina. New York: Schirmer, n.d. This delightful book contains texts, notations, and music for favorite tunes from the Carolina mountains. N3030 �NYGAARD-OHIO Nygaard, Norman E. Bishop on Horseback. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan Pub. House, 1962. Another biography of the circuit-riding bishop who thought serving in Appalachia was his personal penance. N3040 (BC) Nyland, Keith Ryan "Doctor Thomas Walker (1715-1794): Explorer, Physician, Surveyor, and Planter of Virginia and Kentucky." Ph. D. Diss. Ohio State Univ., 1971. N3050 (BC) Oak Ridge Association Universities, Resource Development Office A Report of Student Internships in Resource Development, & Legal Services Development. Oak Ridge: Associated Universities, 1967. 010 Oakes, George W. Ochs Chattanooga and Hamilton County, Tennessee. Chattanooga: Tennessee Centennial Exposition Comm., 1897. 020 Oakley, Wiley Roamin' with the Roamin' Men of the Smoky Mountains. Gatlinburg, Tenn.: Little Pigeon Press of the Gatlinburg News, 1940. A delightful tribute to the Smokies from the men who know them best. O30 (ASU LMC BC) Obenchain, Eliza Caroline Calvert Aunt Jane of Kentucky. Illustrated by Beulah Strong. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1908. A collection of Kentucky short stories; some with mountain settings. 040 (ASU) Aunt Jane of Kentucky. Illustrated by Beulah Strong. 1907. Reprint. Boston: Little, Brown, 1909. O50 (WCU) A Book of Hand woven Coverlets. Rutland, Va.: C. E. Tuttle Co., 1966. Numerous illustrations, diagrams, plates and instructions. O60 (BC) The Land of Long Ago. Illustrated by G. Patrick Nelson and Beulah Strong. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1909. 070 (BC WCU ASU) To Love and to Cherish. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1911. Reub Ward, leading gubernatorial candidate withdraws from the race because his mountain wife can't adjust to society. 080 (BC) Sally Ann's Experience. Illustrated by G. Patrick Nelson and Theodore B. Haphood. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1910. Short story separately published. May also be found in AUNT JANE OF KENTUCKY. O90 (ASU BC) Obenshain, S. S. Soil Survey, Russell County, Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report, Series 1936, no. 21. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1945. 0100 (BC) Obenshain, Samuel Shockley Jurney, Robert Campbell and others Soil Survey, Washington County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department af Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1945. J2940 Ober, Sarah Endicott Ginsey Kreider. Boston: Pilgrim Press, 1900. When the folks on Possum Trot finally get a teacher, its a "blab" school for he cannot reach. They rebel, he leaves kidnapping young Ginsey for evil purposes. A native boy returns to Possum Trot to set up a school. The people are scandalized by what he's learned "outside" and lynch him. The young folk rally, Ginsey returns and enlightment begins to creep into the mountains. 0110 (ASU) Oberholser, Harry Church The Mammals and Summer Birds of Western North Carolina. Biltmore, N. C.: Biltmore Forest School, 1905. 0120 AUTHOR O'Brien, Bonylin Carson The Anxious Seat. New York: Carlton Press, 1971. A novel of life in Cat Valley and peril to Tallie who goes to the big world and is a long time coming home. 0130 (BC) O'Brien, Michael A. ed. Corpus Genealogiarum Hiberniae. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1962-. Excellent genealogical source on the Irish in America. 0140 (ASU) O'Brien, Michael Joseph ed. The Irish in America: Immigration, Land, Probate, Administrations, Birth, Marriage, and Burial Records of the Irish in America in and about the Eighteenth Century. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. 0150 (ASU) O'Brien, Warren S. Adventures along the Cumberland. New York: Vantage Press, 1963. Account of many adventures and stirring days along the river. O160 (BC) O'Connell, Jeremiah Joseph Catholicity in the Carolines and Georgia: Leaves of Its History. New York: D. and J. Sadlier and Co., 1879. Catholicity is rapidly growing in the mountains. O170 (BC ASU WCU LMC) O'Connor, Jean Smith The Quiet Hills. Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1963. Contemporary poems from the hills. 0180 (BC) O'Connor, Richard Thomas, Rock of Chickamauga. 1st ed. New York: Prentice-Hall, 1948. Biography of General George Thomas hero of Chickamauga. 0190 (ASU) O'Dell, Ruth Webb Over the Misty Blue Hills: The Story of Cocke County, Tennessee. Newport: n.p., 1951. An excellent local history. 0200 Odell, Samuel Robert "The First Hundred Days of the New Deal in Upper East Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. What a fascinating topic. Background material for a whole host of "WPA Roosevelt" stories. 0210 (ETSU) Oder, Charles Rollin Lorain Geology of the Mascot-Jefferson City Zinc District, Tennessee. Report of Investigations, no. 12. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1961. O220 (ETSU) Odom, J. N. Austin, Moris E. Soil Survey, Claiborne County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. A5560 (ASU) Odom, L. E. Soil Survey, Johnson County, Tennessee. Survey by Ralph G. Leighty and others. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1946, no. 2. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1956. O270 (BC ASU) Soil Survey, Sevier County, Tennessee. Survey by E. H. Hubbard and others. U. S. Soil Conservation Service, Soil Survey, Series 1945, no. 1. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1956. 0280 O'Donnell, James H. Southern Indians in the American Revolution. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1973. 0230 (ASU) Odum, Eugene P. comp. Greene, Earle R. and others Birds of Georgia: A Preliminary Check-list and Bibliography of Georgia Ornithology. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1945. G3730 (ASU) Odum, Howard W. American Regionalism. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1938. Good discussion of the Appalachian region as separate from the rest of the south. O240 164 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Odum, Howard Washington Southern Regions of the United States. For the Southern Regional Committee of the Social Science Research Council. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1936. Good information on the Appalachians. 0250 (BC LMC MHC WWC) The Way of the South: Toward the Regional Balance of America. New York: Macmillan, 1947. Is the South homogenous? Could Appalachia ever be? 0260 (ASU LMC BC) Oertel, John Frederick Moonshine. Macon, Ga.: J. W. Burke Co., 1926. Novel, North Carolina mountain setting story is sympathetic to those the author calls "real" moonshiners — men who had pride in their work, made a fine product for honest profit and never considered that the state or federal government should have the slightest interest in what he did with his corn. It was his inalienable right to do a little blockading. 0290 Oertel, Julia Adelaide Hand in Hand Through the Happy Valley. Brooklyn: Church Charity Foundation, 1881. Novel set in western North Carolina's legendary Happy Valley. 0300 Office of Evaluation and Management Improvement Catalog of ARC Section 302B. Research and Demonstration Projects, n.p.: n.p., n.d. 0310 (ASU) Official Booklet of Grainger County, Tennessee Rutledge: Progressive Club, 1926. 0320 Official Souvenir and History, Sesquicentennial Celebration, Knoxville, August 28 through September 1, 1941 Knoxville: n.p., 1941. O330 Ogbum, Charleton Winespring Mountain. New York: Morrow, 1973. A well-to-do young man is sent to the coal mines to learn the business from the bottom up. A naturalist at heart, he begins a successful campaign to save Winespring Mountains. 0340 (BC ASU) Ogburn, Dorothy Death on the Mountain. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1931. Mystery story with a western North Carolina setting. O350 Ogletree, James R. Appalachian Schools — A Case of Consistency. Lexington: College of Education, Univ. of Kentucky, 1962. 0360 (ASU) Ohio, Department of Urban Affairs A Summary of a Study of Potential State and Local Programs to Stimulate Low and Moderate-income Housing Construction in Ohio Appalachia. Columbus: The department, 1970. O370 (ASU) Ohio, Development Department A Development Program for the Ohio Valley Region. Columbus: Development Department, n.d. O380 Ohio, Legislative Service Committee Comparative State Strip Mining and Reclamation Laws. Columbus: Legislative Service Committee, 1965. 0390 The Ohio River Atlas Cincinnati: Picture Marine Pub. Co., 1954. Includes a collection of maps of the river from 1713 to 1954. 0400 Ohio River Basin Survey Coordinating Committee Ohio River Basin: Comprehensive Survey, Main Report. 14 vols. Cincinnati: U. S. Army Engineer Division, 1969. 0410 (ASU) Ohio River Survey — 1819, Commissioner's Report on Shoals in the Ohio River in 1819, Ohio, Kentucky, Virginia (now West Virginia) and Indiana n.p.: n.p., 1819. A report on obstructions to navigation in Ohio waters. 0420 Ohio University, Athens, Center for Economic Opportunity Appalachia: A Case Study of Regional Business Development. Athens: Major Business Institute Report, 1966. 0430 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Ohio Valley Health Service Foundation Ohio Appalachia Health Development Plan, 1970. Athens: The foundation, 1970. A comprehensive plan for improving health care services within the region. O440 (ASU) Ohlin, Peter H. Agee. 1st ed. New York: I. Obolensky, 1966. A critical study of the life and works of James Agee. 0450 (WCU) Okun, Milt Something to Sing About. New York: Collier Books, 1970. The favorite songs of America's leading folk artists. 0460 (BC) Old First Church, Synod of Appalachia, Presbytery of Knoxville Knoxville: n.p., 1942. 0470 Old Greenfield Church, West Virginia, Copy of Marriage Register of Rev. John Alderson, Jr., 1776-1798. n.p.: n.p., n.d. 0480 (ASU) Old Hickory vol. 1-11. 1919-1929. Johnson City: East Tennessee State Normal School, 1919-. 0490 (ETSU) Old Time Music no. 1-, Summer, 1971-. London, Ky.: n.p., quarterly. 0500 Olds, Fred A. An Abstract of North Carolina Wills from about 1760 to about 1800. Supplementing Grimes' Abstract of North Carolina wills, 1663 to 1760. Oxford, N. C: "The Orphan's Friend", 1925. O510 (BC ASU) An Abstract of North Carolina Wills from about 1760 to about 1800. Supplementing Grimes' Abstract of North Carolina wills, 1663 to 1760. 1925. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. 0520 (BC ASU) Story of the Counties of North Carolina, with Other Data. As printed in The Orphans' Friend and Masonic Journal. Oxford, N. C.: Press of Oxford Orphanage, n.d. Includes sketches of the twenty-eight western counties. O530 (ASU) Oleham, Edythe Virginia Appalachia, Resource Unit, n.p.: n.p., n.d. 0540 (ASU) Olive, Dame Campbell Sharp, Cecil James Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1917. S2290 (ASU BC) Oliver, James Dale "Shifts in Land Use in the Appalachian Region of Virginia." Ph. D. Diss. Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State Univ., 1971. 0550 (LMC ASU) Oliver, John Recreation Grows Up in the Tennessee Valley. Address before Knoxville Tourist Bureau Annual Meeting, June 16, 1952. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1952. O560 Oliver, K. M. Porter, Hobart Clarke Soil Survey, Tazewell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P3660 Oliverio, Jean E. comp. Footprints in the Soil and Reflections on the Water: Conservation in West Virginia. Condensed for publication by William H. Gillespie. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. 0570 (ASU) Olmsted, Frederick Law A Journey in the Back Country. Our Slave States, 3. New York: Mason Brothers, 1860. Includes an early description of Appalachia and its people. O580 {ASU LMC) A Journey in the Back Country. 1860. Reprint. With a new introduction by Clement Eaton. New York: Schocken Books, 1970. O590 (LMC) A Journey in the Back Country. 1860. Reprint. Williamstown, Mass.: Corner House Pub., 1972. O600 (BC LMC) AUTHOR Olmsted, Stanley At Top of Tobin, New York: Dial Press, 1926. Except for an emphasis on funerals this novel of North Carolina mountain life has a rather clear plot. Mollie Donbrook wants to leave the mountains and raise her young son in Florida where the living is easier, in the end they return to the mountains. O610 (BC LMC) Olsen, Evelyn Guard Indian Blood. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1967. A history of the Allegheny Indians living along the Youghiogheny River in Pennsylvania. 0620 (ASU) Olson, David F., Jr. Beck, Donald E. Seed Production in Southern Appalachian Oak Stands. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1968. B2450 Early Survival and Growth of Planted Northern Red Oak in Southern Appalachians. Forest Service Research Note, SE-89. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1968. 0630 Sluder, Earl Ray Tests on Direct Seeding of Oak in Piedmont and Southern Appalachians of North Carolina. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. S4250 (WCU) Olson, E. F. Vogenberger, R. A. Method for Determining Public Fire Control Expenditures for Private Lands. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. VI310 Olson, J. C. Griffitts, W. R. Part 5, Shelby-Hickory District, North Carolina. Part 6, Outlying Deposits in North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, Government Print. Office, 1953. G4240 Olson, Jerry Chipman Pegmatites of the Cashiers and Zirconia Districts, North Carolina. Bulletin, no. 64. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development, Division of Mineral Resources, 1952. O650 (ETSU ASU) Olson, Jerry Chipman and others Mica Deposits of the Franklin-Sylva District, North Carolina. Bulletin, no. 49. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development, 1946. 0640 (ASU WCU ETSU) O'Meara, Walter Daughters of the Country: The Women of the Fur Traders and Mountain Men. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1968. This is an account of the racial and sexual confrontation of the Indian women and the white men on our frontiers. 0660 (WCU) One Hundred and Fifty Selected Views of Chattanooga, Lookout Mountain, Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park, National Cemetery, and Missionary Ridge Lookout Mountain, Tenn.: Rollins and Linn, 190-? 0670 One Hundred and Fifty Years of American Quilts Lawrence: U. of Kansas Museum of Art, 1973. Booklet prepared for an exhibition at the university museum. O680 (ASU) One Man's Cravin' Pine Mountain: Pine Mountain Settlement School, 1945. A biography of the founder, William Creech, of the Pine Mountain Settlement School. 0690 O'Neal, A. M., Jr. Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Limestone County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. B8710 Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Madison County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. B8720 165 OHIO-ORNDUFF Veatch, Jethro O. Soil Survey of Walker County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. V500 O'Neal, Alfred M., Jr. Soil Survey of Fayette County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1917. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1920. 0700 O'Neal, William B. Architecture in Virginia: An Official Guide to Four Centuries of Building in the Old Dominion. 1st ed. New York: Walker, 1968. Includes many old homes from the Shenandoah Valley. 0710 (ASU) The Oneida Mountaineer v. 1. Oneida, Ky.: n.p., 1915 — Monthly. 0750 O'Neill, Charles Wild Train; the Story of Andrews Raiders. New York: Hastings House, 1956. An account of the great train robbery of the Civil War. Action confined to the mountain areas of north Georgia. 0720 O'Neill, Charles Kendall Wild Train: The Story of the Andrews Raiders. New York: Random House, 1956. Account of the capture of a Confederate Train by a band of Union Raiders. Setting is the north Georgia mountains. O730 (ASU ETSU) O'Neill, Dave The Life and Times of a Mountaineer Game Warden. Ft. Pierce, Fla.: n.p., 1971. A fantastic account of people, moonshine and politics in Wise County, Virginia. 0740 Operation Coal and the Southern Student Committee (V.P.I.) Coal, Southwest Virginia's Source of Misery. Printed by the Council of the Southern Mountains. Clintwood, Va.: The council, 1974. Facts about coal, history, economy, miners and coal as a future. 0760 (ASU) Ord, John ed. The Bothy Songs & Ballads of Aberdeen, Banff & Moray, Angus and the Mearns. With a foreword by Robert S. Raib. Paisley, Great Britain: A. Gardner, 1930. Many still sung in the Southern Mountains. 0770 (ASU) Ordway, Richard John Geology of the Buffalo Mountain-Cherokee Mountain Area, Northeastern Tennessee. Report of Investigations, no. 9. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1959. 0780 (ETSU ASU) The Ore Knob Copper Deposit North Carolina, and other Massive Suffide Deposits of the Appalachians Geological Survey Professional Paper 558. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. O790 Oriel, Steven S. Geology and Mineral Resources of the Hot Springs Window, Madison County, North Carolina. Bulletin, no. 60. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development, 1950. 0800 (ASU WCU ETSU) Ormond, Jesse Marvin The Country Church in North Carolina: A Study of the Country Church of North Carolina in Relation to the Material Progress of the State. Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1931. 0810 (ASU WCU LMC WWC) Ormsby, Virginia H. Mountain Magic for Rosy. New York: Crown Publishers, 1969. Granny's magic solves a problem for a guitar-playing girl in the North Carolina mountains. 0820 Ornduff, Peggy Josephine "An Improved Language Arts Program for a Selected Third Grade at Henry Johnson School in Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1959. 0830 (ETSU) �ORR-PANORAMA Off, Helen Allison The History of the Emory and Henry College Library, 1839-1954. Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1955. The development of the library at Emory and Henry College is told from its beginning in 1839 to 1954. 0840 Off, Thomas B. "A Follow-up of 1952 Graduates of Logan High School, Logan, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1953. 0850 Ortiz-Garcia, Angel Luis "Andrew Johnson's Veto of the First Reconstruction Act." Ph. D, Diss. Carnegie-Mellon Univ., 1970. 0860 Orvedal, A. C. Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey, Smyth County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. J2930 Obenshain, S. S. Soil Survey, Russell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1945. 0100 (BC) Osborn, Hampton A Collection of Poems. Clintwood, Va.: n.p., n.d. 0870 Osborn, Scott Compton "A Study and Contrast of the Kentucky Mountaineer and the Bluegrass Aristocrat in the Works of John Fox, Jr." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1939. 0880 (ASU) Osbome, Barren M. "A Study of the Factors Affecting the Holding Power of High Schools in a Certain Mountainous Rural County." Master's thesis. Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1961. 0890 Osborne, James T. "Community Use of School Resources in Cherokee County, North Carolina, as Compared with a National Trend." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1950. 0900 O'Shaughnessy, Marjorie ed. Christopher, Frederick John Basketry. New York: Dover Pub., 1953. C4020 (ASU WCU) Otis, James The Boy Spies at the Defense of Fort Henry, a Story of Wheeling Creek in 1777. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1900. Children's adventure story set in and around the present city of Wheeling, West Virginia. 0910 (ASU BC) Hannah of Kentucky, a Story of the Wilderness Road. New York: American Book Co., 1912. Children's story featuring a young girl's hazardous crossing of the Blue Ridge and Appalachian mountains on the road to Kentucky. O920 (ASU BC) Ott, Glena Kreis Freytag, Ethel A History of Morgan County, Tennessee. Wartburg, Tenn.: Specialty Print. Co., 1971. F3280 (ASU BC) Otwell, William J. Hurst, Vernon J. Exploration for Mineral Deposits in White County, Georgia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. H8600 (LMC) Our Mountain Work v. 1. Weaverville, N. C.: Home Missions Committee of Asheville Presbytery, 1930. 0930 Overbeck, Robert M. Amsden, Thomas William Geology and Water Resources of Garrett County. Baltimore: Maryland Department of Geology, Mines and Water Resources, 1954. A2230 (ETSU) Overbey, W. K., Jr. Rough, Robert L. Lithologic Descriptions of Appalachian Area Oil-producing Formations. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Mines, 1970. R3980 AUTHOR Overbey, William K. Oil and Gas Report on Jackson, Mason, and Putnam Counties, West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 23. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1961. O940 (ETSU) Overton, Walter Bruce "An Educational, Economic, and Community Survey of Jackson County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1927. 0950 Owen, Marguerite Muscle Shoals and the Public Welfare. Washington: National League of Women Voters, 1929. 0960 The Tennessee Valley Authority. New York: Praeger, 1973. 0970 Owen, Pauline "A Comparison of Parents and Teachers Viewpoints Relative to Teacher Competencies in Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Tennessee Agricultural and Industrial Univ., 1952. 0980 Owen, Thomas M. comp. Revolutionary Soldiers in Alabama: Being a List of Names, Compiled from Authentic Sources, of Soldiers of the American Revolution, Who Resided in the State of Alabama. 1911. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. O990 (ASU) Owens, Ivan C. Easton-Avery Community History, 1963. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1964. 01000 (ASU) Owens, Susie L. The Union League of America: Political Activities in Tennessee, the Carolines, and Virginia, 1865-1870. New York: New York Univ., 1947. O1010 Owsley, Agnes Grace "An Evaluation of the Library Proficiencies of Freshmen at Appalachian State Teachers College, 1953-54." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1954. O1020 (ASU) Oxford, Jeaner Arguile Dr. John McLeod Oxford, 1841-1928; A Sketch of His Life. Taylorsville, N. C.: n.p., 1930. Biography written by his son. O1030 (ASU) Oxmoor House A Catalogue of the South. Birmingham, Ala.: Oxmoor House, 1974. Includes a goodly number of references to the southern Appalachians. 01040 (ASU) Oyler, Morton D. Community and Neighborhood Groupings in Knott County, Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1936. O1050 Fertility Rates and Migration of Kentucky's Population, 1920-1940. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1944. O1060 (ASU) Natural Increase and Migration of Kentucky's Population, 1920-1935. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1939. O1070 (ASU) Neighborhood Standing and Population Changes in Johnson and Robertson Counties. Bulletin no. 523. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1948. 01080 Pace, E. S. Smith, Howard C. Soil Survey of Jefferson County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. S4770 Pace, Herbert E. 50 Years Ago Around Saluda, N. C. Saluda: n.p., 1957. P10 Pace, Mildred Mastin Home Is Where the Heart Is. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1954. Brady's father leaves her with a well-off family to work her way. She learns to live on her own and take happiness where she can find it. P20 166 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Pachence, Anthony M. Krueger, Daniel W. Wind Directions for Prescribed Burning in Southeastern United States. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. K3360 (WCU) Pack, Devota Parrish Lucas, Wavie Harmon Births in Court Records of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1853-1871. n.p.: n.p., 1972. L3860 Page, Elizabeth Wilderness Adventure. New York: Rinehart and Co., 1946. P30 (ASU) Page, Myra With Sun in Our Blood. New York: Citadel Press, 1950. Taking a stranger in out of a storm proves to be the beginning of an adventure for Dolly and her brother and sisters. P40 (ASU) Page, Thomas Nelson Red Rock: A Chronicle of Reconstruction. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1898. This novel of post-war Virginia is partially set in western Virginia's hill country. P50 (ASU) Page, William J., Jr. Appalachia: Realities of Deprivation. Washington: U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, 1964. P60 Pageant of East Tennessee Commemorating the Sesquicentennial of Greene County at Greeneville, August 18, 1933 Greeneville-. n.p., 1933. Souvenir program of the Greene County, Tennessee Historical pageant. P70 Paine, Dorothy Charlotte A Maid of the Mountains. Philadelphia: George W. Jacobs, 1906. More fiction in which the mountain setting seems almost incidental. Poor use of several minor characters who might have been memorable. P80 The Paintsville Herald. Special Issue, Industrial Review: Big Sandy and Kentucky Rivers. Coal-oil-gas Paintsville, Ky.: The Herald, n.d. P90 Palmer, Abram Smythe Folk-etymology, a Dictionary of Verbal Corruptions or Words Perverted in Form or Meaning by False Derivation or Mistaken Analogy. 1882. Reprint. New York: Johnson Reprint Co., 1969. PI 00 (ASU) Palmer, Frederick A. "Westerners at Home: Comments of French and British Travelers on Life in the West, 1800-1840." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Illinois, 1948. The term "west" at this time in American history included Appalachia. P110 Palmer, Susan Tate Thomas Hope of Tennessee, 1757-1820, House Carpenter and Joiner. Knoxville: Privately printed, 1972. A biography and a county history of Knox County, Tennessee. PI 20 Palo, G. P. Tennessee Valley Authority's Bull Run Steam Plant. Knoxville, Tenn.: TVA, 1963. PI 30 Palowitch, E. P. Deurbrouck, A. W. Survey of Sulfur Reduction in Appalachian Coals by Stage Crushing. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1966. D1920 Pamplin, Lily May The Scamps of Bucksnort: Memories of a Nineteenth-century Childhood in Rural Tennessee. 1st ed. New York: Exposition Press, 1962. Memoirs of life in the foothills of Tennessee. P140 (ASU) Panorama of progress: Jackson County Centennial, Sylva, North Carolina, September 2-8, 1951 Sylva, N. C.: Herald Pub. Co., 1951. PI 50 (WCU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Papers on the Stratigraphy and Mine Geology of the King sport and Mascot Formations (lower Ordovician) of East Tennessee Prepared in cooperation with the Society of Economic Geologists and the University of Tennessee Department of Geology. Report of Investigations, no. 23. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1969. P160 (ETSU) Parent's Study Group Elizabethon, Tenn. Helping Our Children Grow. Elizabethon: Board of Education, 1952. El 560 (ETSU) Parham, Louis L. Chattanooga, Tennessee; Hamilton County, and Lookout Mountain. An Epitome of Chattanooga from Her Early Days Down to the Present; Hamilton County, Its Soil, Climate, Area, Population, Wealth, etc. Lookout Mountain, Its Battlefield, Beauties, Climate, and Other Attractions. Chattanooga: The author, 1876. A history and reminiscence of Hamilton County, Tennessee. P170 Parish, Peggy Let's Be Early Settlers with Daniel Boone. New York: Harper and Row, 1967. Children's book of frontier life. PI 80 (ASU ETSU) Park, James The Fiftieth Anniversary of the • Rogersville Synodical College. McMinnville: Standard, 1899. A brief history of the college and of Hawkins County, Tennessee. PI 90 History of the First Presbyterian Church in Knoxville, Tennessee. Knoxville: Ramage, 1876. P200 Parker, George Martin Nathaniel The Mountain Massacre. Bluefield, W. Va.: Country Life, 1930. Story of the Allen family and the tragedy at Hillsville Courthouse. P210 (ASU) Parker, Haywood "'Folklore of the North Carolina Mountaineers." Unpublished paper. Asheville: Pen and Plate Club, 1906. P240 Parker, Helen M. Fruitful Year, n.p.: The author, 1971. Hill country poetry. P220 (ETSU) Parker, J. K., Jr. "A Study of the Needs, Growth, and Development of the Presbyterian Church of Boone, N. C." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1955. P230 (ASU) Parker, James Peele Hemlock Twigs and Balsam Sprigs. Black Mountain, N. C.: Black Mountain Printery, 1921. P250 (ASU) Parker, Joanne M. Donohew, Lewis Impacts of Educational Change Efforts in Appalachia. Las Cruces, N. M.: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools, 1970. D2910 (ETSU) Parker, John Mason Residual Kaolin Deposits of the Spruce Pine District, North Carolina. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, no. 43. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development Division of Mineral Resources, 1946. P260 (ETSU) Parker, Lula Eastman Jeter Ackerly, Mary Denham Our Kin. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., Inc., 1930. A230 Parker, Lula Jeter History of Bedford County, Virginia. Bedford: Bedford Democrat, 1954. P270 (FC) Parker, Marian Mountain Mating. 1st ed. New York: Pageant Press, 1954. A very poor novel of a group of degenerates at the foot of Grandfather Mountain. P280 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Parker, Mattie Erma Edwards ed. North Carolina Higher-Court Records Raleigh, N. C.: State Dept. of Archives and History, 1968-71. N2380 (ASU UNCA) Parker, Thomas V. "Relations of the United States Government with the Cherokee Tribe." Ph. D. Diss. New York Univ., 1906. With general history of the Cherokee. P300 PAPERS—PASSANO AUTHOR Parker, Thomas Valentine The Cherokee Indians, with Special Reference to Their Relations with the United States Government. Grafton Historical Series. New York: Grafton Press, 1907. Includes general historical background on the Cherokee. P290 (ETSU ASU WCU LMC) Parker, W. Gordon Two Boys in the Blue Ridge. Boston: D. Estes and Co., 1901. Two young boys face an ordeal in the mountains and gain maturity from it. P310 (ASU) Parker, William Blake Soil Survey, Randolph County, Alabama. Field survey by William B. Parker and others. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1967. P320 Parks, Aileen Wells Davy Crockett, Young Rifleman. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1949. Novel of the young Davy Crockett and his exploits in east Tennessee. P330 (ETSU) Parks, Edd Winfield Charles Egbert Craddock. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1941. This is perhaps the best of the studies of Miss Murfree and her work. P340 (ASU) Parks, Ina Ruth "Teaching Exceptional Children in the Fifth Grade of Lincoln Elementary School — Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1951. P350 (ETSU) Parks, James R. "A Follow-up Study of Attitudes of Sullivan County High School Seniors toward the Church." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1953. In this county a very high percentage of young people continued to attend church after leaving home. P360 Parks, Joseph H. The Story of Tennessee. Oklahoma City, Okla.: Harlow Pub. Co., 1958. Children's history of Tennessee. P370 (LMC) Parks, Leighton Turnpikes and Dirt Roads. New York: C. Scribners Sons, 1927. Biography of David Clough, dealing primarily with his boyhood in the Valley of Virginia during the Civil War. P380 Parlier, Gertrude Dana and others Albemarle County Historical Society, War History Committee Pursuits of War: The People of Charlottesville and Albemarle County, Virginia, in the Second World War. Charlottesville, Va.: The society, 1948. A970 (ASU) Parman, Guy D. "Geographic Factors in the Land Use of Greene County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1954. P390 Parris, John A. The Cherokee Story. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1950. History and sketches of the Cherokee. Many reprinted from Parris' daily column in the Asheville paper. P400 (UNCA ASU WCU ETSU) My Mountains, My People. Native flower sketches by Dorothy Luxton Parris. Asheville, N. C.: Citizen-Times Pub. Co., 1957. Sketches of life in the Carolina mountains. P410 (ASU WWC UNCA) Mountain Bred. Native flower sketches by Dorothy Luxton Parris. Asheville, N. C.: Citizen-Times Pub. Co., 1967. Sketches of life in the Carolina mountains. P420 (ASU LMC MHC WCU WWC) Roaming the Mountains with John Parris. Asheville, N. C.: Citizen-Times Pub. Co., 1955. More sketches of mountain folk and their lives. P430 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU WWC) These Storied Mountains. Native flower sketches by Dorothy Luxton Parris. Asheville, N. C: Citizen-Times Pub. Co., 1972. Stories from the mountains. P440 (ASU ETSU MHC WCU WWC) 167 Parrish, Earl L. "Land Utilization in Roane County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1951. Roane County is still primarily agriculture and local groups are hoping to avoid the blight of tourism. P450 Parrish, Paul H. Soil Survey, Columbia County, Pennsylvania. Soils surveyed by Paul H. Parrish and others. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1967. P460 Parson Browndow and the Unionists of East Tennessee, With a Sketch of His Life New York: Beadle's Dime Series, 1862. Overstated and poorly written biography of the region's famous orator and abolitionist. P470 Parson Brownlow's Book see Sketches of the Rise, Progress and Decline of Secession Parsons, Rhey Boyd "Teacher Education in Tennessee." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Chicago, 1935. P480 (ETSU) Partadiredja, Atje "Helvetia, West Virginia: A Study of Pioneer Development and Community Survival in Appalachia." Ph. D. Diss. The Univ. of Wisconsin, 1966. P490 "Helvetia, West Virginia: A Study of Pioneer Development and Community Survival in the Appalachia." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1966. P500 Partin, Robert Love "The Secession Movement in Tennessee." Ph. D. Diss. George Peabody College, 1935. More than any other mountain state, Tennessee was bitterly divided by the War. P510 Parton, Mary Field ed. Jones, Mary Harris ed. Autobiography of Mother Jones. New York: Arco & New York Times, 1969. J2500 (BC LMC ASU WCU MHC) Autobiography of Mother Jones. New York: Arno and The New York Times, 1969. Mother Jones joined the union struggle at age fifty and gave nearly fifty years to the cause. P520 (ASU) Paschall, A. H. Conrey, Guy Woolard Soil Survey, Scioto County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1940. C6780 Phillips, Samuel William Soil Survey of Belmont County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1931. P2620 Phillips, Samuel William Soil Survey of Washington County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. P2670 Paschall, Alfred H. Soil Survey, Athens County, Ohio. Prepared in cooperation with the Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1932, no. 32. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. P530 Soil Survey of Vinton County, Ohio. Prepared in cooperation with the Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1933, no. 21. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. P540 Pasour, E. C., Jr. Production, Marketing, and Prices of North Carolina Apples, 1947-1963. Agricultural Economics Information Series, no. 117. Raleigh: North Carolina State Univ., 1965. P550 (LMC) Passano, Eleanor Phillips An Index of the Source Records of Maryland: Genealogical, Bibliographical, Historical. 1940. Reprint. With a new introduction by W. Filby. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. P560 (ASU) �PASSOW—PAULSEN Passow, A. Harry ed. Work Conference on Curriculum and Teaching in Depressed Urban Areas, 1962 Education in Depressed Areas, n.p.: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1963. W9170 The Past, Present, and Future of Chattanooga, Tennessee, the Industrial Center of the South Chattanooga: Times, 1885. A history of Chattanooga and Hamilton County, Tennessee, with lists of industries and opportunities. P570 Pasto, J. K. Gorman, John Loyd Soil Survey, Berkeley County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1966. G2770 Patric, James H. Deforestation Effects on Soil Moisture, Streamflow, and Water Balance in Central Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-259. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1973. P580 Patrick, A. L. Derrick, Bruce B. Soil Survey of Cambria County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1917. D1880 () Patrick, Austin L. Higbee, Howard William Soil Survey, Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1944. H5260 Patrick, Austin L. and others Soil Survey of Morgan County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1918. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1921. P590 Patrick, Walton R. Cantrell, Clyde Hull Southern Literary Culture: A Bibliography of Master's and Doctor's Theses. University: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1955. C1120 (ASU LMC) Patten, Cartter Signal Mountain and Walden's Ridge. Chattanooga: The author, 1961. A history of two ridges in Hamilton County, Tennessee. P600 Patten, Z. C. So Firm a Foundation. Chattanooga: The author, 1968. P640 Patten, Elizabeth Bryan History of Summertown, Walden's Ridge, Tennessee. Chattanooga: The author, 1959. 20 leaves. History of a resort in Hamilton County, Tennessee. P610 Patten, J. A. The Mountaineer Detective. A Thrilling Tale of the Moonshiners. Secret Service Series, no. 16. New York: Street and Smith, 1889. A story of violence and moonshine in the Southern mountains. P620 (ASU) Patten, Marjorie The Arts Workshop of Rural America: A Study of the Rural Arts Program of the Agricultural Extension Service. New York: Columbia Univ., Press, 1937. P630 (LMC) Patten, Z. C. So Firm a Foundation. Chattanooga: The author, 1968. A history of the Civil War era in Hamilton County, Tennessee. P640 Patterson, Caleb Perry The Negro in Tennessee, 1790-1865. New York: Negro Universities Press, 1922. Some mention of the Negro in the mountains. P650 (LMC) Patterson, Charles Paint Creek Miner. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, n.d. Famous labor songs from the Paint Creek incident. P660 Patterson, Dean Charles "A Study of Two Areas for Future Supermarket Location in Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. P670 (ETSU) AUTHOR Patterson, G. W. Devereux, Robert Eddins Soil Survey of Grayson County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. D1950 Classification of Land Ownership in Bedford Co., Virginia. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1958. P680 Economic Land Classification of Augusta Co., Virginia. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1945. P690 Economic Land Classification of Botetourt Co., Virginia. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1945. P700 Economic Land Classification of Carroll County, Virginia. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1950. P710 Economic Land Classification of Clarke Co., Va. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1952. P720 Economic Land Classification of Culpeper Co., Va. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1945. P730 Economic Land Classification of Grayson Co., Va. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1946. P740 Economic Land Classification of Greene Co., Va. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1945. P750 Economic Land Classification of Loudoun Co., Va. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1946. P760 Economic Land Classification of Shenandoah County, Va. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1951. P770 Economic Land Classification of Smyth Co., Va. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1951. P780 Economic Land Classification of Wythe Co., Va. Charlottesville: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1949. P790 Patterson, Robert A Narrative of the Campaign in the Valley of the Shenandoah in 1861. Philadelphia: Sherman and Co., 1865. P800 (ASU) Patteson, G. W. Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Augusta County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1937. J2850 Patton, Abel "Har Lampkins"; A Narrative of Mountain Life, On the Borders of the Two Virginians. New York: Abbey Press, 1901. Novel. Harry Lampkins teaches his first school on the West Virginia border where every new teacher must fight. The reader is apt to side with the schoolboys. P810 Patton, Boyd J. Beverage, Wood row Wilson Soil Survey, Marshall County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1960. B3450 Soil Survey, Preston County, West Virginia. Fieldwork by David C. Taylor and others. Correlation by Arnold J. Baur. U. S. Soil Conservation Service Soil Survey, Series 1954, no. 3. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. P820 Patton, James Biography of James Patton. Asheville: n.p., 186-. Biography of a land speculator who settled in the original Wilkes County. P830 168 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Patton, James Welch Unionism and Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1860-1869. 1934. Reprint. Gloucester, Mass.: P. Smith, 1966. Tennessee was the only southern state to escape military reconstruction. P840 (ASU WCU) Patton, Janet Whitney "The State Development Planning Process: Implementation of the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 in West Virginia." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of California, Berkeley, 1970. P850 Patton, Sadie S. Buncombe to Mecklenburg: Speculation Lands. Forest City: Western N. C. Hist. Assn., 1955. P860 Ghost Stories and Legends of the Mountains. Hendersonville, N. C.: Blue Ridge Specialty Printers, 1935. P870 Patton, Sadie Smothers A Condensed History of Flat Rock (the Little Charleston of the Mountains). Asheville, N. C.: Church Print. Co., 1961. P880 (ASU WCU LMC) The Kingdom of the Happy Land. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1957. History of an all black community on the North Carolina/South Carolina boundary. Founded by refugees after the Civil War, this commune had a king and queen. P890 (ASU LMC) Sketches of Polk County History. Hendersonville? N. C.: n.p., 1950. P900 (ASU WCU LMC) St. James Episcopal Church: Book of Memory, 1843-1950. n.p.: Western North Carolina Historical Assoc., 1953. P910 (ASU) Smothers from Yadkin Valley to Pigeon River: Smothers and Agner Families. Henderson, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1954. P920 (ASU) Short Stories and Legends of the Mountains. Hendersonville, N. C.: Blue Ridge Specialty Printers, 1935. Stories based on authentic mountain legends. P930 The Story of Henderson County. Asheville, N. C.: Miller Print. Co., 1947. P940 (ASU WCU LMC) The Story of Henderson County. Asheville: Miller, 1947. P950 Patton, William P. "Those Who Enroll for Vocational Agriculture in West Virginia, Considering Certain Scholastic Achievements and Some Background Factors." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1965. P960 Patty, John C. Life of Lucius B. Compton. Cincinnati: Revivalist Press, 1941. Biography of a mountain evangelist. P970 Paulding, James Kirke The Backwoodsman. Philadelphia: M. Thomas, 1818. Long narrative poem. P980 Pauley, James H. "Early North Carolina Migrations into the Tennessee Country, 1768-1782: A Study in Historical Demography." Master's thesis. Middle Tennessee State Univ., 1969. P990 Paulic, Anthony Lou Towards Solving the Low-Income Problem of Small Farmers in the Appalachian Area. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Agricultural Station, 1964. PI 010 Paulick, Anthony Leo "An Analysis of the Effects of Federal Farm Programs on Incomes of Appalachian Farmers." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Minnesota, 1963. PI 000 Paulsen, Kathryn comp. Witches' Potions and Spells. With decorations by Maggie Jarvis. Mount Vernon, N. Y.: Peter Pauper Press, 1971. PI 020 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Paulson, Quentin Frank Ground-water Resources and Geology of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in ccoperation with the Tuscaloosa County Board of Revenue and the Geological Survey of Alabama. County Report, 6. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1962. PI 030 (ETSU) Pavlick, Anthony Leo "An Analysis of the Effects of Federal Farm Programs on Incomes of Appalachian Farmers." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Minnesota, 1963. PI 040 (LMC) Quality of Rural and Urban Housing in the Appalachian Region. Agricultural Economics Report, no. 52. Washington: Economic Research Service, Resource Development Economics Division, U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1964. PI 050 (LMC) Towards Solving the Low-income Problem of Small Farmers in the Appalachian Area. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1964. P1060 (LMC) Paxson, Frederic Logan History of the American Frontier, 1763-1893. Students's ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1924. P1070 (ASU BC) Paxton, Tom Ramblin' Boy, and Other Songs. Original drawing by Agnes Frieseu. Cover design by Ronald Clyne. Music edited by Milt Okum. New York: Oak Publications, 1965. PI 090 (ASU) Paye, Burrall "A Political History of Morristown and Hamblen County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1965. A history of politics and life in Hamblen County, Tennessee. PI 100 Payne, Joe 6. "A Study of the Physical Education Program at the Junior High School, Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1959. PlllO (ETSU) Payne, John Howard John Howard Payne to His Countrymen. Edited with an introduction by Clemeus DeBaillove. Miscellanea Publications. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1961. Includes accounts of his sojourn with the Cherokee and his imprisonment in Spring Place, Georgia. PI 120 (WCU) Payne, John Howard, Jr. "A Vegetational Analysis of the Rattlesnake Ridge Area of Unaka Mountain, Unicoi County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. PI 130 (ETSU) Payton, Jacob S. ed. Asbury, Francis Journal and Letters. London: Epworth Press and Nashville, Term.: Abingdon Press, 1958. A5060 (ASU BC WWC) Peabody Coal Co. Peabody Atlas. Chicago: n.p., 1906. Atlas of coal resources and mines in the United States. PI 140 (BC) Peace, Richard R. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Franklin County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, 72. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1963. PI 150 (ETSU) Peacock, Mary Thomas The Circuit Rider and Those Who Followed. Sketches of Methodist Churches Organized before 1860 in the Chattanooga Area with Special Reference to Centenary. Chattanooga: Hudson, 1957. A history of Methodism in the Chattanooga Valley. PI 160 Peak, Texarado McKnight The McKnight Families and Their Descendants: Also the Wallace and Alexander Families. Austin, Texas: The author, 1965. PI 170 (ASU) The McKnight Family and Their Descendants, Also the Wallaces, Alexander and English Families. 3rd ed. Austin, Texas: The author, 1969. PI 180 (ASU) AUTHOR Peake, C. Rex Roan Mountain. Bakersville, N. C: Roan View Gift Shop, 1964. Tribute to a beautiful mountain, formed for its rhododendron. PI 190 (LMC) Peake, Ora Brooks A History of the United States Indian Factory System, 1795-1822. n.p.: n.p., n.d. History of a systematized trading system with the Indians. PI 200 Pearce, Albert "The Growth and Overdevelopment of the Kentucky Coal Industry, 1912-1929." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1930. PI 210 (ASU) Pearce, John E. The Superfluous People of Hazard, Kentucky. Hazard, Ky.: The author, 1963. Tongue in cheek discussion of migration, the population of a coal town, coal industry problems, and city services. PI 220 Pearce, Kearney C. ed. Isbell, Robert Lee The World of My Childhood. Lenoir, N. C.: Lenoir News-Topic, 1955. 1970 (ASU LMC) Pearl, Minnie Christmas at Grinder's Switch. New York: Abingdon, 1963. An hilarious account of Christmas in the Tennessee Mountains. PI 230 (LMC) Pearman, Jack Richard "A Survey of the Vascular Plants of the Sinking Creek Area of Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. PI 240 (ETSU) Pearsall, Marion Little Smoky Ridge: The Natural History of a Southern Appalachian Neighborhood. Univ.: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1959. Sociological and anthropological study of a Tennessee community. P1250 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU WWC FC UNCA) "Some Aspects of Culture Change in A Mountain Neighborhood of East Tennessee." Ph. D. Diss. The Univ. of California, Berkeley, 1951. PI 260 (ASU) Pearse, John Teach Yourself Appalachian Dulcimer. London: Folk Dance and Song Society, 1966. PI 270 Pearson, Cora Wallace The Double Standard. North Wilkesboro, N. C.: Pearson Pub. Co., 1966. Novel of a western North Carolina girl who leaves home in disgrace because of her pregnancy. PI 280 Pearson, Edmund Lester Queer Books. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1928. Includes some of the horrors written about the mountains, including Dugger's BALSAM GROVES OF GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN. PI 290 (ASU LMC) Pearson, James Larkin Castle Gates (a Book of Poems) Through Which the Knowing Ones Are Admitted into Some of My Castles in Spain. Moravian Falls, N. C.: Pearson Print. Co., 1908. Larkin is a western North Carolina poet and poet laureate of North Carolina. PI 300 (ASU) Early Harvest: The First Experimental Poems of a Self-taught Farm Boy. Guilford College, N. C.: Pearson Pub. Co., 1952. P1310 (ASU) Fifty Acres, and Other Poems. Wilkesboro, N. C.: Pearson Pub. Co., 1933. PI 320 (ASU) My Fingers and My Toes. Complete Poems of James Larkin Pearson. Compiled and promoted by Wilkes Community College. Nashville: Ingram Book Co., 1971. PI 330 (ASU LMC) Pearson's Poems. Boomer, N. C.: The author, 1924. A boomer, in mountain parlance, is a squirrel. In this instance the place name speaks volumes about the poet. PI 340 (ASU) Plowed Ground, Humorous and Dialect Poems. Guilford College, N. C.: Pearson Pub. Co., 1949. PI 350 (ASU) 169 PAULSON—PECK Selected Poems. Edited with an introduction by Walter Blackstock. Old North State Poets, series 1, no. 1. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally, 1960. PI360 (ASU LMC) Pearson, Linda S. "Youth Involvement in Swain County." Master's thesis. Western Carolina Univ., n.d. PI 370 (LMC) Pearson, Thomas Gilbert Birds of North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C: Edwards, 1919. PI 380 (WWC) Birds of North Carolina. Revised by David L. Wray and Harry T. Davis. Raleigh, N. C.: Bynum Print. Co., 1959. PI 390 (ASU WWC) Peattie, Donald Culross American Heartwood. Illustrated by David Hendrickson. Boston: Houghton, 1949. PI 400 (WCU) Journey into America. Illustrated by Lynd Ward. Boston: Houghton, 1943. Includes accounts of western North Carolina and other mountain areas. PI 410 (WCU) Pearson's Falls Glen: Its Story, Its Flora, Its Birds. Tryon, N. C.: Tryon Garden Club, 1962. Account of a western North Carolina resort area. PI 420 (WWC) Up Country. A Story of the Vanguard. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1928. A novel of a young girl's journey from England to her new home in the Blue Ridge Mountains. PI 430 (ASU) Peattie, Elia Wilkinson Annie Laurie and Azalea. Chicago: Reilly and Britten, 1913. Novel about two western North Carolina girls. PI 440 Azalea's Silver Web. Chicago: Reilly and Britten, 1915. Novel about a western North Carolina mountain girl. PI 450 Azalea: The Story of a Girl in the Blue Ridge Mountains. Illustrated by Hazel Roberts. Chicago: Reilly and Britton Co., 1912. Touching story of the Blue Ridge Mountains. PI 460 (ASU WCU) A Mountain Woman. 1896. Reprint. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1969. A sensitive character study of a mountain woman. PI 470 (ASU) The Shape of Fear, and Other Ghostly Tales. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1969. PI 480 (WCU) The Wander Weed. Chicago: Charles H. Sergei and Co., 1923. Eight plays; some with mountain background. PI 490 Peattie, Louise R. Peattie, Donald Culross Up Country. A Story of the Vanguard. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1928. PI 430 (ASU) Peattie, Roderick ed. The Great Smokies and the Blue Ridge: The Story of the Southern Appalachians. The contributors: Edward S. Drake, Ralph Erskine, Alberta Pierson Hannum and others. American Mountain Series, vol. 1. New York: Vanguard Press, 1943. A well-written account of life and travel in the Southern Appalachians. PI500 (WCU ASU LMC ETSU MHC WWC) Peck, Elizabeth Sinclair Berea's First Century, 1855-1955. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1955. PI 510 (ASU LMC) Nurses in Time. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, 1963. Developments in nursing education at Berea College 1898-1963. PI 520 Tibb's Flooders. New York: House of Field, 1941. A tale of the Ohio River Flood of 1937. PI 530 �PECK—PERKINS Peek, Millard Economic Utilization of Marginal Lands in Nicholas and Webster Counties, West Virginia. Contribution from the Bureau of Agricultural Economics in cooperation with the West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Technical Bulletin, no. 303. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1932. PI 540 Peck, Samuel Minturn Alabama Sketches. Chicago: A. C McClurg and Co., 1902. Some sketches of the mountain regions. P1550 (ASU) Pectol, Loretta L. "A Speech Improvement Program in Kindergarten of the Johnson City, Tennessee, Public School System." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. P1560 (ETSU) Pederson, Fred C. The Forests of the Valley Coal Fields of Virginia. Charlottesville, Va.: Univ. of Va., 1925. PI 570 Peel, Alfredo Marion Witch in the Mill. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1947. A tale of the supernatural. PI580 (ASU LMC FC) Peele, W. J. comp. Historical and Literary Activities in North Carolina, 1900-1905. Goldsboro, N. C.: Nash Brothers, 1904. PI 590 (LMC) Peirce, Neal R. The Border South, States; People, Politics, and Power in the Five States of the Border South. New York: W. W. Norton and Co., Inc., 1975. PI 600 Peithmann, Irvin M. Red Men of Fire, a History of the Cherokee Indians. With a foreword by N. B. Johnson. Springfield, III.: C. C. Thomas, 1964. P1610 (LMC MHC) Pelton, Mabell Shippie Clarke see Smith, Mabell Shippie Clarke Pelton, Robert W. Snake Handlers: God-Fearers? or, Fanatics? Nashville: T. Nelson, 1974. PI 620 Pemberton, Olson "Educational, Economic and Community Survey of Scott County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1934. PI 630 Pen and Plate Club, Asheville, N. C. The Pen and Plate Club of Asheville, North Carolina. 1904-1929. Asheville, North Carolina: The Inland Press, 1929. Club sponsors programs on regional literature and history. PI 640 (ASU) Pence, Joe Allen "A Study of Some Differentiating Characteristics of Dropouts and Graduates of Lamar and Jonesboro High Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. P1650 (ETSU) Pendexter, Hugh Red Belts. Garden City, N. Y.= Doubleday, Page and Co., 1920. A novel of the trans-Appalachian settlements of the 18th century. PI 660 (ASU WCU BC) Pendleton, Lee Indian Massacres in Montgomery County, 1775-1776; Drapers Meadow Massacre Retold. Also, Fort Vause and Its Traditions. Christiansburg, Va.: n.p., 1968. PI 670 Pendleton, Lewis Beauregard Corona of the Nantahalas, A Romance. New York: The Merriam Co., 1895. A fantastic tale of fancy folk lost and rediscovered in the Nantahala Gorge. PI 680 Pendleton, William C. History of Tazewell County and Southwest Virginia 1748-1920. Richmond: W. C. Hill Print. Co., 1920. A very well-written county history. PI 690 (ASU ETSU LMC) Political History of Appalachian Virginia 1776-1927. Dayton, Va.: The Shenandoah Press, 1927. Author believes the most deadly peril is political corruption. PI 700 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC) AUTHOR Penhallegon, William James Building Sandstones of Northern Alabama. Published in cooperation with the Tennessee Valley Authority. Survey, 1940. Circular, no. 13. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1940. P1710 (ETSU) Penland School of Handicraft, Penland, N. C. Catalog. Penland: The school, 1962. Penland is one of the more famous schools of handicrafts in the Southern Highlands. PI 720 (ETSU) Penley, Larry Howard "A Baptist People and the Events Leading to the Formation of the Three Forks Association." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1964. The Three Forks Association is the oldest Baptist association in the North Carolina mountains. PI 730 (ASU) Penned, Joseph Stanley The History of Rome Hanks and Kindred Matters. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1944. The story of a Carolina mountaineer's adventures in the larger world. PI 740 (ASU) Pennington, Lee Appalachia, My Sorrow: A Play for Voice. Middletown? Ky.: n.p., 1971. Pennington's attempt to capture Appalachia's voices. Excellent poetry. PI 750 (ASU) April Poems. Brooklyn: Poetry Preview, 1970. Fine poetry from the hills. PI 760 The Dark Hills of Jesse Stuart: A Consideration of Symbolism and Vision in the Novels of Jesse Stuart. Cincinnati: Kentucky Writers Guild, Harvest Press, 1967. Excellent volume of criticism of Stuart's work in symbolism by a Kentucky author. PI 770 (LMC) Scenes from a Southern Road. Smithtown, N. Y.: J.R.D. Pub. Co., 1969. PI780 (LMC ASU) Pennsylvania Archives Muster Rolls of the Pennsylvania Volunteers in the War of 1812-1814. 1890. Reprint. Excerpted. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. PI 790 (ASU) Pennsylvania, Bituminous Coal Research see Bituminous Coal Research Pennsylvania, Department of Mines and Mineral Industries Operation Scarlift, the After-Effects of Over 100 Years of Coal Mining In Pennsylvania and Current Programs to Combat Them. Harrisburg: Dept. of Mines and Mineral Industries, 1967. PI 800 Pennsylvania, Division of Sanitary Engineering Water Pollution Control In the Monongahela River Basin. Harrisburg: Division of Sanitary Engineering, 1963. P1810 Pennsylvania, Economic Development Council of North-eastern Pennsylvania Overall Economic Development Program fo/ the Counties of Carbon, Lackawanna, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike, Schuylkill, Wayne, in the Northeastern Pennsylvania Economic Development District. Wilkes-Barre, Pa.: The council, 1967. P1820 (ASU) Pennsylvania, General Assembly, Joint State Government Commission Coal in Pennsylvania, Recent Developments and Prospects. Harrisburg: Joint State Government Commission, 1963. PI 830 Pennsylvania, Geological Survey Bituminous Coal Fields in Pennsylvania. 4 vols. Harrisburg: Pa. Geological Survey, 1925. PI 840 Pennsylvania, State Planning Board Capability of Local Government in the Stroudsburg Area, Monroe County. A study prepared under the auspices of the Appalachian Regional Commission. Wilkes Barre: Pennsylvania Economy League, 1969. PI 850 (ASU) 170 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY An Economic Background for Regional Planning . in the Anthracite Counties. Harrisburg: The board, 1952. PI 860 Pennsylvania Appalachian Development Plan. Prepared to meet the requirements of the Appalachian Regional Commission. Harrisburg: The board, 1968. PI870 (ASU WCU) Pennsylvania Appalachian Development Plan: . Revision for 1970. Harrisburg, Pa.: Dept. of Commerce, 1969. PI 880 (ASU) A Rationale for Public Investment in Appalachia Pennsylvania: An Interim Statement. Prepared by the board as advisor to the Pennsylvania state member on the Appalachian Regional Commission. Harrisburg: The board, 1966. PI 890 Pennsylvania, Topographical and Geological Survey Commission Geologic Map of Southwest Pennsylvania. Harrisburg: W. S. Ray, 1914. A really fine topographical map. You can find headwaters for each little creek, compare relative elevations and get a feel for the countryside. PI 900 Pension List of 1818 1820. Reprint. Baltimore: Southern Book Co., 1955. PI 910 Pension List of 1818 Washington: Gales and Seaton, 1820. PI 920 Pension Roll of 1835 4 vols. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. PI 930 Pensioners of the Revolutionary War Struck off the Roll, with added Index to States Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. PI 940 Pentecost, Percy M. "A Corporate History of Knoxville, Tennessee, before 1860." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1946. PI 950 People's Appalachia vol. 1-, March, 1970-. Morgantown, W. Va.: People's Appalachia Research Collective, irregular. PI 960 (ASU BC) Peoples Appalachian Research Collective Appalachia's People, Problems, Alternatives. vol. 1-. Morgantown, W. Va.: The •collective, 1971-. Part V, "Resources," is an issue-oriented collection of general titles, films and resources people. P1970 (BC ASU) Appalachia's People, Problems, Alternatives; an Introductory Social Science Reader. Morgantown: The collective, 1971-. PI980 (BC ASU) Peplies, Robert Waldemar "Occupance Formation Concept: A Case Study of the Asheville Basin." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Georgia, 1968. PI 990 (LMC) Pepper, J. F. Geology of the Bedford Shale and Berea Sandstone in the Appalachian Basin. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 259. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1954. P2000 Pepper, Nellie Whan The Young Mrs. Blennerhasset: A Novel of Early Days in West Virginia. New York: Exposition Press, 1964. A novel of the Burr conspiracy in West Virginia. P2010 Percy, Alfred Old Place Names. Madison Heights, Va.: Percy Press, 1950. Includes place names from the west central and Blue Ridge areas of Virginia. P2020 Perdue, Mabel J. "The Relation of the Hot Lunch Program to the Progress of Pupils in the Deep Water School, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1952. P2030 Perkins, Dqvid Cullen The Use of Hostile Verbs by *Male Committed Youthful Offenders. Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1972. The subjects for this study were inmates at the Watauga Prison Camp, Boone, North Carolina. P2040 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Ptrkins, Edward L. Guidelines for an Appalachian Airport System. Phase II of a two-part study prepared for the Appalachian Regional Commission by Management and Economics Research Incorporated, Palo Alto, Cal. Appalachian Research Report, no. 3. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1967. P2050 (ASU WCU) Perkins, Robert Burford, Arthur E. Annual Field Trip of the Appalachian and Pittsburgh Geological Societies in the Great Valley in West Virginia. Morgantown, W. Va.: n.p., 1964? B8530 (ETSU) Ptrkins, S. 0. Hardison, Robinson B. Soil Survey of Ashe County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1914. H2170 Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Wilkes County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1921. J2950 Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Cherokee County, North Carolina. U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering Soil Survey Report, Series 1941, no. 2. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1951. P2070 Soil Survey, Clay County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station Soil Survey Report, Series 1935, no. 19. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. P2080 Soil Survey, Henderson County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1937, no. 9. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1943. P2100 Soil Survey, Mitchell County, North Carolina. Soil Survey Report, Series 1939, no. 14. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1952. P2110 Soil Survey, Swain County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture, the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report, Series 1937, no. 18. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1947. P2120 Soil Survey, Transylvania County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report, Series 1938, no. 17. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P2130 Yancey County, North Carolina. Soil Survey Report, Series 1939, no. 15. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1952. P2140 Perkins, Samuel Oscar and others Soil Survey of Buncombe County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and State Agricultural Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1920. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1923. P2060 AUTHOR Soil Survey of Greene County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College School of Agriculture and Experiment Station, and the Pennsylvania Department of Internal Affairs, Bureau of Topographic and Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1921. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1925. P2090 Pen-in, Alfred H. From Bishop Percy (1765) to John Jacob Niles (1974): 340 Books of Ballads and Songs in the Berea College Collection. Berea, Ky.: Hutchins Library of Berea College, 1974. P2150 (BC ASU) Mountain Fiction From Addington to Zugsmith: 924 Works of Fiction by Southern Appalachian Authors, Or With Southern Appalachian Settings. Berea, Ky.: Hutchins Library of Berea College, 1972. An updated reissue of Perrin's 1970 listing of mountain fiction. P2160 A Shelf List of More than 760 Works of Fiction. Berea, Ky.: Hutchins Library of Berea College, 1970. P2170 Perrin, Alfred H. ed. Ayer, Perley Seeking a People Partnership: Eleven Speeches. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1969. A5830 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) Perrin, Richard K. A Survey of Beef Production Patterns in the Mountains and Piedmont of North Carolina. Economics Information Report, no. 27. Raleigh: North Carolina State Univ., Department of Economics, 1972. P2180 (LMC) Perry, Catherine "Life of John Sevier." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1923. Biography of Sevier with special attention to land speculation and politics. P2190 Perry, Dick Reflections of Jesse Stuart on a Land of Many Moods. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971. P2200 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Perry, E. A. Carter, Oliver Reuben Soil Survey, Chambers County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1959. C1730 Fussell, Kenneth Eugene Soil Survey, Marshall County, Alabama. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. F4090 Perry, H. H. Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey, Smyth County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. J2930 Perry, H. H. and others Soil Survey, Wise County, Virginia. Revised by R. C. Jurney. Soil Survey, Series 1940, no. 12. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1954. P2210 Perry, Henry Wacaster "A Sampling of the Folklore of Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1938. P2220 Perry, Huey "They'll Cut Off Your Project": A Mingo County Chronicle. New York: Praeger Pubs., 1972. Perry is an organizer who helps people set up and run their own projects. P2230 (ASU MHC WCU WWC) Perry, Josef H. 1980 Population Projections for North Carolina Counties, with 1950, 1960 and 1970 Population by Age Groups. Raleigh: North Carolina Division of Community Planning, 1964. P2240 Perry, L. Seat Weaving. 3rd ed. Peoria, III.: Chas. A. Bennett Co., Inc., Pubs., 1940. Originally published 1917. This is a classic work on caning and seat weaving. P2250 171 PERKINS—PBTRACEK Perry, Lester Forty Years Mountain Politics, 1930-1970. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. A West Virginia legislator details political corruption in his state. P2260 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) Perry, Octavia J. My Head's High From Proudness. Winston-Salem, N. C.: John F. Blair, 1963. Account of a Negro man's search for pride and independence in the mountains of North Carolina and Virginia. P2270 (ASU) Perry, Vernon F. "The Labor Struggle at Wilder, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1934. A violent labor struggle in a mountain industry. P2280 (ASU) Perry, Wilbur Don A History of Birmingham-Southern College, 1856-1931. Nashville: Methodist Pub. House, 1931. P2290 Peterkins, George William A History and Record of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Diocese of West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Tribune Co., 1902. P2300 Peters, J. T. History of Fayette County, West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1926. P2310 (ASU) Peterson, Arthur G. Historical Study of Prices Received by Producers of Farm Products in Virginia, 1801-1927. Virginia Polytechnic Institute Technical Bulletin, no. 37. Richmond: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1928. P2320 (LMC) Peterson, Bill Coal town Revisited: An Appalachian Notebook. Chicago: Regnery, 1972. A sad, powerfully-written expose of the land where the war on poverty was lost to an entrenched bureaucracy. P2330 (ASU LMC ETSU WCU WWC BC) Peterson, Clarence Stewart Consolidated Bibliography of County Histories in Fifty States in 1961, Consolidated 1935-1961. 2nd ed. 1961. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1963. P2340 (ASU) Known Military Dead During the American Revolutionary War, 1775-1783. 1959. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. P2350 (ASU) Peterson, David Bruce "The Factors Affecting Absenteeism in the Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Grades at Barnes Elementary School, Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. P2360 (ETSU) Peterson, Elmer Theodore Big Dam Foolishness; the Problem of Modern Flood Control and Water Storage. Introd. Paul B. Sears. New York: Devin-Adair, 1954. P2370 Peterson, Gene B. Sharpe, Laurie M. The Cleveland Southern In-Migrant Study; an Overview. Washington: Bureau of Social Science Research Inc., 1967. S2440 Peterson, John M. Copeiand, Lewis C. Estimating Tennessee's Tourist Business. Knoxville: Univ. of Term., Bureau of Business Research, 1955. C7290 (ASU) Peterson, M. J. Kinard, J. D. Farm Business Study of the Six Mile Area of Pickens County, 1940. n.p.: South Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, 1942. K2120 (ASU) Peterson, Z. R. comp. Greene County, Tennessee: Early Marriage Bonds, 1782-1820. Typed for the Public Library of Fort Wayne, Allen County, Indiana, n.p.: n.p., n.d. P2380 Peto, Florence American Quilts and Coverlets; A History of a Charming Native Art. New York: Chanticleer Press, n.d. Includes a manual of instruction. P2390 Petracek, Ruth Woods Wallace, Cousin Clues. n.p.: n.p., 1973. P2400 �PETREY—PICKENS Petrey, K. D. ed. Tomorrow's People, a Storm in Harlan, Kentucky. In facsimile with a foreword by Jesse Stuart. Composed and compiled by the Writing of Poetry Class, University of Kentucky, Southeast Community College, Cumberland, Kentucky. Cincinnati: Kentucky Writers' Guild, Harvest Press, 1968. The book of poems, TOMORROW'S PEOPLE did indeed cause a storm in Harlan County. P2410 (LMC) Petro, James H. Soil Survey, Ross County, Ohio. Fieldwork by James H. Petro and others. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1967. P2430 Petro, James H. and others Soil Survey, Fauquier County, Virginia. Soil Survey, Series 1944, no. 7. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1956. P2420 Petro, Sylvester The Kingsport Strike. New Rochelle, N. Y.: Arlington House, 1967. Refers to labor difficulties at the Kingsport Press. P2440 (ASU LMC BC) Pettit, Florence Harvey How to Make Whirligigs and Whimmy Diddles and Other American Folkcraft Objects. New York: Crowell, 1972. A lovely, lucid, illustrated book of instructions. P2450 Peyton, Elsie Mae Comin' Through the Gap. Burlington, Ky.: Pen and Hoe Press, 1953. About the Cumberland Gap and other scenic or historic places in Kentucky. P2460 Peyton, Green Rain on the Mountain. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1934. Novel set in western Virginia. The countryside seems to be as much as a protagonist as the major characters. P2470 Peyton, John Lewis The Adventures of My Grandfather. New limited ed. With an introduction and Peyton family genealogy by Bernard Peyton Chamberlain. Charlottesville, Va.: John Peyton Memorial Assoc. and Allen Co., 1963. P2480 (ASU) History of Augusta County, Virginia. 2nd ed. Containing a revised and enlarged index by Charles R. Carrier. Bridgewater, Va,: n.p., 1953. P2490 (ASU) Memoir of John Howe Peyton, in the Sketches of His Contemporaries, Together with Some of His Public and Private Letters, etc., Also a Sketch of Ann M. Peyton. Staunton, Va.: A. B. Blackburn and Co., 1894. P2500 (ASU) Phalen, W. C. Economic Geology of the Kenova Quadrangle, Kentucky, Ohio, and West Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 349. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1908. P2510 Pharr, R. F. LeVan, Donald C. Directory of the Mineral Industry in Virginia, 1966. Charlottesville: Virginia Division of Mineral Resources, 1966. LI 960 Phelan, James History of Tennessee: The Making of a State. (Xerox copy of the original, ASU) Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1888. P2520 (ASU LMC BC) Phelan, Mary Kay Martha Berry. New York: Crowell, 1972. Biography of the founder of a school for mountain children which has become a college. P2530 Pheythyon, Harry The Rock Dust Remedy for Coal Mine Explosions; An Open Letter to the Operators in the 27th Bituminous District of Pennsylvania. Belle Vernon, Pa.: Belle Vernon Agency, 1926. P2810 Philadelphia, Mayor's Office Record of Indentures of Individuals Bound Out As Apprentices, Servants and of German and other Redemptioneers in the Office of the Mayor of Philadelphia. P2540 AUTHOR Philips, Claude S. "The Influence of the Baptist Church on Knoxville Government." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1950. A history of the Baptist Church in Knox County, Tennessee. P2580 Phillippe, M. M. Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey, Smyth County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. J2930 Phillips Academy, Andover, Massachusetts, Dept. of Archaeology Etowah Papers New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1932. Archaeological expedition papers from the Etowah Mounds excavation near Cartersville, Georgia. P2550 Phillips, Alexander Lacy Call of the Home Land; A Study of Home Missions. Richmond: Presbyterian Pub. Committee, 1906. P2560 Phillips, C. D. Gooch, Ernest D. Changes in the Market Movement of Kentucky Livestock. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1960. G2460 Phillips, Charles A Memoir of the Rev. Elisha Mitchell, D. D., Late Professor of Chemistry, Mineralogy and Geology in the University of North Carolina: Together with the Tributes of Respect to His Memory, by Various Public Meetings and Literary Associations, and the Addresses Delivered at the Re-interment of His Remains. By Rt. Rev. James H. Otey. Chapel Hill, N. C.: J. M. Henderson, 1858. P2570 (ASU LMC) Phillips, G. Howard Ohio Appalachia Regional Community Study. Columbus: Ohio State Univ., Agricultural Research and Development Center, 1968. P2590 (ASU) Phillips, James Monroe "The Attitudes of Students and Parents Toward the Division of Morristown, Tenn., High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. P2600 (ETSU) Phillips, Karen ed. Oxmoor House A Catalogue of the South. Birmingham, Ala.: Oxmoor House, 1974. 01040 (ASU) Phillips, Peggy Ann The Effect of Modern Dance Upon Strength and Flexibility in Selected College Students. Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1964. The subjects for this study were physical education majors at Appalachian State Teachers College, Boone, North Carolina. P2610 (ASU) Phillips, Perry Anderson, Lorena Handbook of Appalachian Materials. Charleston, W. Va.: West Virginia Department of Education, 1971. A2300 Phillips, Samuel William Soil Survey of Belmont County, Ohio. Prepared in cooperation with the Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1927, no. 17. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1931. P2620 Soil Survey: Fannin County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Georgia State College of Agriculture. Soil Survey Report, Series 1923, no. 7. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1928. P2630 Soil Survey of Grant and Mineral Counties, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1922. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. P2640 172 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Soil Survey of Nicholas County, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1920. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1922. P2650 Soil Survey of Tucker County, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1921. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1925. P2660 Soil Survey of Washington County, Ohio. Prepared in cooperation with the Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1926, no. 19. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. P2670 Phillips, Thomas Elwood "A Study of Noise Levels at the College of Health Building in East Tennessee State University." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. P2680 (ETSU) Phillips, Ulrich Bonnell Life and Labor in the Old South. Boston: Little, Brown, 1949. Tangential segments on mountain life. P2690 (LMC BC FC) Phillips, William Battle Iron Making in Alabama. Geological Survey of Alabama: Univ. of Alabama, 1912. P2700 (ASU) Phlegar, Cornelia Ellen Backman Descendants of Samuel Bachman and wife Rachel Owen. Radford, Va.: Commonwealth Press, 1970. P2710 Photiadis, John Changes in the Rural Southern Appalachian Community. (ETIC RC 003 131) Morgantown: Appalachian Center, West Virginia Univ. Library, 1969. P2720 (ASU) Community Size and Social Attributes in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., n.d. P2730 (WCU ASU) Religion in an Appalachian State. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., n.d. P2740 Photiadis, John D. Change in Rural Appalachia: Implications for Action Programs. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1971. P2750 (FC LMC WCU ETSU ASU BC) Improving County School Systems in West Virginia, The School Bond Issues and Its Management. Morgantown: W. Vq. Univ., App. Center, 1968. P2760 Migration and Occupational Adjustment of West Virginians in the City. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., Appalachian Center, 1974. P2770 Rural Southern Appalachia and Mass Society, and Overview. Charleston, W. Va.: Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, 1967. P2780 (ASU LMC) Selected Social and Sociopsychological Characteristics of West Virginians in Their Own State and in Cleveland, Ohio. 2 vols. Appalachian Center Research Report, 3. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1970. P2790 (ETSU) West Virginians in Their Own State and In Cleveland, Ohio. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., n.d. P2800 (ASU) Picket, Eugene "A History of Roane County to 1860." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1971. A history of pre-war Roane County, Tennessee. P2820 Pickens, Nell Dry Ridge: Some of Its History, Some of Its People, n.p.: Weaverville: 1962. A survey of a Buncombe County, North Carolina community's legends, lore, and history. P2830 (LMC ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Pickerel, John Julian An Economic and Social Survey of Frederick County. Record. Extension Series, vol. 15, no. 2. Also Virginia County Surveys, 15. P2840 (ASU LMC) Pidgin, Charles Fetton Blennerhassett: Or, The Degrees of Fate. A Romance Founded Upon Events in American History. Illustrated by Charles H. Stephens. 4th ed. Boston: C. M. Clark Pub. Co., 1901. A novel of West Virginia and the Burr Conspiracy. P2850 (ASU WCU WWC BC) Pieper, Mary G. "Church Organization in Bradley County, Tennessee, in 1950." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1952. P2860 Pierce, C. I. Sawyer, W. K. Electrical and Hydraulic Flow Properties of Appalachian Petroleum Reservoir Rocks. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1971. S610 Slagle, Franklin D. Densities and Porosities of Core Samples from Wells in Appalachian Oilfields. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1967. S4130 Pierce, Harvey Cushman Seven Pierce Families. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pubs., 1936. P2870 Pierce, Helen M. Warne, Alice E. An Economic Survey of Clinton Co., Pa. University Park: Penn. State Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1958. W840 Warne, Alice E. An Economic Survey of Monroe County, Conducted by the Bureau of Business Research, College of Business Administration, Penn. State Univ. in Cooperation with Pocono Mountains Chamber of Commerce, Stroudsburg, Pa. Univ. Park: Penn. State Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1959. W850 Pierce, Laurence Barry Surface Water in Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. County Report, 9. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1962. P2880 (ETSU) Pierce, Lloyd Franklin Fox, George Edmund Social and Economic Trends in Tennessee and Their Implications for Education. Johnson City: East Tennessee State College, 1957. F2530 (ETSU) Pierce, Mack W. "A Program for Mentally Retarded, Elizabethton City Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1955. P2890 (ETSU) Piers, Maria Coles, Robert Wages of Neglect. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1969. C5910 (ASU) Pierson, Edna Church The Witch of Turner's Bald. Kingsport, Tenn.: Quickway Print. Center, 1971. A novel with a hint of the supernatural. P2900 (ASU) Pifer, Albert Donald The Daughter of the Smokies. Punta Gorda, Fla.: Eternal Light Press, 1966. Novel of a young girl in the Smokies. P2910 (ASU) Pike County, Kentucky, Health Department Annual Report, no. 1-, 1926-. n.p.: The department, annual. P2920 (BC) Pikl, I. James Copeland, Lewis C. Estimating Tennessee's Tourist Business. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn., Bureau of Business Research, 1955. , C7290 (ASU) Pitcher, George William Samuel Davies: Apostle of Dissent in Colonial Virginia. 1st ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1971. Davies was an apostle of the Great Awakening although he was a Presbyterian. He was a moving force in providing Virginia's Negroes with churches or ministers. P2930 (ASU) Pitcher, Louis The Story of Hazard, Kentucky. Hazard: Hazard Herald, 1913. Promotional, historical and descriptive material on the city of Hazard. P2940 (BC) AUTHOR The Story of Jackson City (Breathitt County). Lexington, Ky.: Beckner Print. Co., 1914. Promotional and historical material on Jackson City and Breathitt County. Includes scant mention of "Bloody Breathitt's" troubled years. P2950 (BC) Pilcher, Mary Campbell Historical Sketches of Campbell, Pilcher and Kindred Families. Nashville, Tenn.: n.p., 1911. P2960 Pinchot. Giffbrd Biltmore Forest: The Property of Mr. George W. Vanderbilt, and Account of its Treatment, and the Results of the First Year's Work. 1893. Reprint. American Environmental Studies. New York: Arno Press, 1970. Site of first Forestry School in the United States. P2970 (LMC UNCA ASU) Breaking New Ground. New York: Harcourt, 1947. An account of the development of the nation's first school of forestry. P2980 (LMC BC) Timber Trees and Forests of North Carolina. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 6. Winston, N. C.: Ml & J. C. Stewart, 1897. P2990 (UNCA ASU WCU LMC) Pinckney, Cathey Ryan, Irene (Granny) Granny's Hillbilly Cookbook. Englewood Cliff, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966. R4470 (ASU BC) Pine Mountain Settlement School, Pine Mountain, Harlan County, Kentucky Pine Mountain Bulletin. Pine Mountain: The school, n.d. P3010 (BC) Pine Mountain Settlement School, Pine Mountain, Harlan County, Kentucky, Guidance Institute Findings of the Pine Mountain Guidance Institute. Pine Mountain, Ky.: The institute, 1939. P3000 (BC) Pine Ridge Booster vol. 1-, 1924-. Pine Ridge, Ky.: Alvin Drew School, 7 issues a year. P3020 Pinkerton, Allan The Molly Maguires and the Detectives. New York: Dover, 1973. An account of the relationship of the famed Pinkerton detectives, leading strikebreakers in the coal fields, and the Irish-dominated sect which brought terror to the Pennsylvania coal fields in an attempt to improve miners' pay and conditions. P3030 Pinkett, Harold Thomas Gifford Pinchot: Private and Public Forester. Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1970. P3040 (WCU LMC) Pinkston, 0. Estelle "A Projection for the Future Needs and Potentials of the Kingsport Center of East Tennessee State University." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1963. P3050 (ETSU) Pinnell, Lois M. French Creek Presbyterian Church: A Memorial to the 150 Years of Service of the French Creek Presbyterian Church. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. P3060 (ASU) Pino, Pietro "A Study of Academic Achievement of Band Students and Non-band Students, Blountville High School (1964-1967)." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. P3070 (ETSU) Piquet, John A. ed. Kingsport, City of Industries, Schools, Churches and Homes. Kingsport: Kingsport Rotary Club, 1937. History of Kingsport and Sullivan County, Tennessee. P3080 Kingsport, the Planned Industrial City. Kingsport: Kingsport Rotary Club, 1946. History of Kingsport and Sullivan County, Tennessee. P3090 Pitcher, June D. "Occupational Status and Reasons for Leaving the State of West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1955. P3100 173 PICKERAL—PLOCH Pittard, Mabel Baxter "The Coleman Scouts." Master's thesis. Middle Tennessee State Univ., 1953. P3120 Pittard, Pen L. Alexander County's Confederates. Taylorsville, N. C.: n.p., 1960. P3110 Prologue: a History of Alexander County, North Carolina. Taylorsville, N. C.: n.p., 1958. P3130 Pittenger, William Daring and Suffering: A History of the Andrews Railroad Raid into Georgia in 1862. (Other titles: Capturing a Locomotive; The Great Locomotive Chase.) New York: War Pub. Co., 1887. Account of the exciting chase through the North Georgia mountains during a Civil War raid. P3140 (ASU WCU) The Great Locomotive Chase: A History of the Andrews Railroad into Georgia in 1862. 4th ed. (Other titles: Daring and Suffering; Capturing a Locomotive.) Philadelphia: Penn Pub. Co., 1893. P3150 (ETSU) Pitts, James E. Fulmer, John Leonard Kentucky Employment Trends from 1951 to 1963 with Projections to 1965-1975. Lexington: Bureau of Business Research, Univ. of Kentucky, 1965. F3780 Fulmer, John Leonard Kentucky Employment Trends from 1951 to 1963, with Projections to 1965-75. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, Bureau of Business Research, 1965. F3790 Pitts, John Abram Personal and Professional Reminiscences of an Old Lawyer. Kingsport: Southern, 1930. First published as weekly articles in the Nashville CITIZEN APPEAL, beginning in June, 1929. P3160 Pittsburgh Geological Society Tectonics and Cambrianordovician Stratigraphy in the Central Appalachians of Pennsylvania. Guide book. Field conference, Sept. 19-21, 1963. Also sponsored by Appalachian Geological Society. Pittsburgh: The society, 1963. An interesting and readable account of the formation of the Central Appalachian mountains. P3170 (ETSU) Pittsburgh, Regional Planning Association Employment Trends in the Pittsburgh Metropolitan Area. Pittsburgh: Regional Planning Association, 1960. P3180 Pittsburgh, University of Center for Regional Economic Studies Appalachian Regional Data Book, 1964. Pittsburgh: Center for Reg. Econ. Studies, 1964. P3190 Pirtston Mentality Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1970. A 26 page indictment of the alleged policies and deeds of the Pitts ton Coal Company. P3200 Plan of a Memorial for President James Monroe at "Oak Hill," Loudoun County, Virginia n.p.: n.p., n.d. Contains related papers and extracts. P3210 Platt, Charles Malcolm 1855-1895 How Old Man Corn Held Possession. New York: Current Literature Pub. Co., 1894. A feud, a faulty land title, and a mountain farm figure in this story of the North Carolina hills. P3220 Platt, Loula Roberts Queen of Appalachia Cook Book, n.p.: n.p., n.d. P3230 The Pleasant Hill Baptist Church Constituted February 7, 1851, Centennial, Historical Sketch, 1851-1951 n.p.: n.p., 1951. P3240 Ploch, Louis A. Buck, Roy Clark Factors Related to Changes in Social Participation in a Pennsylvania Rural Community. University Park: Agricultural Experiment Station, Pennsylvania State University, 1954. B8220 �PLUMLEY-PORTER Plumley, William Anderson, Lorena Handbook of Appalachian Materials. Charleston, W. Va.: West Virginia Department of Education, 1971. A2300 Poems From the Hills. 1970- Charleston, W. Va.: Morris Harvey College, annual. P3320 Plumley, William comp. Poems From the Hills, 1971. Charleston, W. Va.: MHC Publications, 1970 — v. annual. Great poetry from the Appalachian Region. P3250 (ASU BC) Plunkett, H. Dudley Bowman, Mary Jean Communication and Mountain Development: A Summary Report Two East Kentucky Studies. Washington: U. S. Department of Commerce, Economic Development Administration, 1969. B5780 Elites and Change in the Kentucky Mountains. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1973. A study of hill folk responding to the encroachment of modern civilization. P3260 {ASU MHC WCU BC) Poate, Ernest M. The Trouble at Pinelands: A Detective Story. New York: Chelsea House, 1922. Suspense novel with a mountain setting. P3270 Poe, Edgar Allan "A Tale of the Ragged Mountains" in The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell and Co., 1902. Mystery story with Virginia's Ragged Mountains as a setting. P3280 (ASU ETSU) Poe, Nan Trantham Beautiful Upon the Mountains, the Story of a Kentucky Missionary. Roanoke, Va.: The author, 1952. Novel. Kentucky mountain mission setting. Trite plot and predictable ending. P3290 (ASU) Poe, Orlando M. Personal Recollections of the Occupation of East Tennessee and the Defense of Knoxville. n.p.: p.p., n.d. History of Knoxville during the Civil War and Reconstruction. P3300 Poem no. 1-, 1967-. Huntsville, Ala.: Literary Guild, 3 times a year. P3310 Poems From the Hills. 1970- Charleston, W. Va.: Morris Harvey College, annual. P3320 Poetry Council of North Carolina Bay Leaves, no. 1-, 1952-. Raleigh: Poetry Council of North Carolina, n.d. P3330 (ASU) Pohlman, G. G. Patton, Boyd J. Soil Survey, Preston County, West Virginia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. P820 Polansky, Norman Albert Roots of Fertility. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1972. Study of child abuse and social handicrafts in Appalachia. P3340 Polk County Centennial Commission, Inc. Polk County Centennial: Souvenir Historical Booklet. Tryon, N. C: The commission, 1955. A 32 page paean to Polk County, North Carolina on its one hundredth anniversary. P3350 Polk County Historical Society Studies in Polk County History, no. 1, 1965. Benton: Polk Co. Hist. Soc., 1965. P3360 (ASU BC) Polk, Kenneth Knapp, Daniel Scouting the War on Poverty: Social Reform Politics in the Kennedy Administration. Lexington, Mass.: Heath Lexington Books, 1971. K2740 Polk, William Tannahill Southern Accent: From Uncle Remus to Oak Ridge. New York: William Morrow, 1953. Scant mention of Appalachia despite the proper names in the title. Harris did some interesting early dialect work in the North Georgia mountains. P3370 (LMC WWC BC) AUTHOR Pollack, Barbara The Collectors: Dr. Claribel and Miss Etta Cone. With a portrait by Gertrude Stein. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1962. Claribel and Etta were sisters of industrialist Moses Cone. The family's interest in the arts is yet reflected at the Cone Craft Center on the Blue Ridge Parkway. P3400 (ASU) Pollard, Edward Albert The Virginia Tourist. Sketches of the Springs and Mountains of Virginia: Containing an Exposition of Fields for the Tourist in Virginia, Natural Beauties and Wonders of the State: Also Accounts of Its Mineral Springs. And a Medical Guide to the Use of the Waters, Etc., Etc. Illustrated by engravings from actual sketches. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott and Co., 1870. P3380 (ASU BC) Pollard, Edward Bagby Paul Judson: A Story of the Kentucky Mountains. Louisville: Baptist Argus, 1905. Mountain boy goes to a Baptist college and spends the rest of his life spreading the word and enjoying the rewards of the just. P3390 Polley, Robert L. ed. America's Folk Art. Waukesha, Wis.: Country Beautiful Corp., 1971. Unfortunately little attention was paid to the southern mountains during the early years of folk art study. This book rectifies the error by the inclusion of some mountain artisans. P3410 (ASU) Pollock, George Freeman Skyland: The Heart of the Shenandoah National Park. With a foreword by Harry F. Byrd. n.p.: n.p., 1960. P3420 (FC BC ASU WCU) Pollock, Norman J. Outcomes of Vocational Retraining in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Va. Univ., 1965. P3430 Pollock, Thomas Clarke ed. Thomas Wolfe at Washington Square. New York: New York Univ. Press, 1954. Western North Carolina's most famous outhor. P3440 (WCU ASU) Polsky, Thomas The Cudgel. New York: Dutton, 1950. The mountain setting is almost entirely incidental to the stock mystery plot. P3450 Poison, Peggy Sketches of Early Watauga. Boone, N. C.: American Assoc. of University Women, Boone Branch, 1973. A book of beautifully executed sketches of Watauga's historic structures. Historical notes included. P3460 Pomeroy, Kenneth Brownridge North Carolina Lands: Ownership, Use, and Management of Forest and Related Lands. Land Ownership Series. Washington: American Forestry Assoc., 1964. P3470 (ASU LMC BC WCU UNCA) Pond, George Edward The Shenandoah in 1864. New York: Scribners, 1883. Discusses the Shenandoah Valley Civil War Campaign in 1864, prior campaigns in the Valley, and the problems and prospects of the inhabitants as the war ended. P3480 (BC) Pool, Maria Louise Against Human Nature. New York: Harper, 1895. A New England spinster travels to North Carolina mountains to care for her friends' orphaned daughter until the girl marries and leaves the mountains. Two cultures clash humorously. P3490 (BC ASU) Dally. New York: Harper, 1891. Dally, an untutored mountain girl, goes north to live with a Massachusetts widow. Cultures clash. P3500 (BC ASU) In Buncombe County. Chicago: H. S. Stone & Co., 1896. Two northern ladies are scandalized by the North Carolina mountaineers in the Asheville, Buncombe County area. P3510 (BC ASU LMC WCU) The Red-bridge Neighborhood, A Novel. New York: Harper, 1898. More fiction about North Carolina mountain folk. P3520 (LMC BC) 174 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Poole, Ernest Nurses on Horseback. New York: Macmillan Co., 1932. An account of the Frontier Nursing Service and its impact on rural eastern Kentucky. P3530 (ASU ETSU LMC BC WWC) Poore, Benjamin P. ed. Trial of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, before the Senate of the United States, on Impeachment by the House of Representatives for High Crimes and Misdemeanors. Rpt., Law, Politics, and History Series. 3 vols. in 2. New York: Da Capo, 1970. A complete transcript of the proceedings. P3570 Poovey, Ruth Royal The Burke County Gold Rush. Prepared in conjunction with the Burke County Cultural Heritage Project, Title III, ESEA, 1967. n.p.: n.p., n.d. P3540 (LMC) Pope, Adelynne Miller "Prelude to TVA: The Wadsworth-Kahn Bill, 1919-1921." Master's thesis. Trinity Univ., 1966. P3550 Pope, Liston Millhand and Preachers, a Study of Gastonia. Yale Studies in Religious Education, 15. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1942. Gastonia, North Carolina is a mill town in the foothills of North Carolina. Many mountaineers relocated there were involved in the labor strikes. P3560 (MHC) Pope, Tilda Jones Jones, Erma Lee "A Preliminary Edition of a Reading Test For Use With Disadvantaged Children in the Primary Grades of the Southern Appalachian Region." East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. J2300 (ETSU) Population Schedule of the United States Census of 1850 (Seventh Census) for Warren County, Tennessee McMinnville: Womack, 1958. P3580 Porcher, Francis Peyre Resources of the Southern Fields and Forests, Medical, Economical, and Agricultural. Being Also a Medical Botany of the Confederate States. 1863. Reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970. P3590 (LMC BC) Porter, E. Russell When Cultures Meet. Cincinnati: Mayor's Friendly Relations Committee, 1962. Discussion of cultural clash between mountaineer and urbanite. P3620 (BC ASU) Porter, Eliot Appalachian Wilderness: The Great Smoky Mountains. Natural and human history by Edward Abbey. Epilogue by Harry M. Caudill. 1st ed. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1970. P3600 (UNCA BC ASU WCU ETSU) Appalachian Wilderness: The Great Smoky Mountains. Natural and human history by Edward Abbey. Epilogue by Harry M. Caudill. New York: Dutton, 1973. A beautiful book of natural history mixed with a sad history of a hardy people. P3610 (ASU BC) Porter, Estelle Rawl " "They Are a Curious and Most Native Stock." The Southern Mountaineer in the Short-story." Master's thesis. Winthrop College, 1945. P3630 (ASU) Porter, H. C. Obenshain, S. S. Soil Survey, Russell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1945. O100 (BC) Porter, Hobart Clarke Soil Survey, Tazewell County, Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report, Series 1938, no. 18. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P3660 Swann, Maurice Edward Soil Survey, Roane County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. S9440 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Porter, Hobart Clarke and others Soil Survey, Bland County, Virginia. Rev. by R. C. Jurney. Soil Survey, Series 1940, no. 15. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1*54. P3640 Soil Survey, Loudoun County, Virginia. Correlation by W. E. Hearn and W. S. Ligon. Soil Survey, Series 1951, no. 8. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1960. P3650 Porter, Mary Colkey The Southern Highlanders of America. Pittsburgh: Women's General Missionary Society, n.d. Another missionary looks at the "pore mountaineer." P3670 (BC ASU) Porter, Nannie Francisco Blacks and Other Families. Richmond: The author, 1954. P3680 (ASU) Porter, Sara Lindsay C. The Common Problem. New York: Doubleday, 1929. A novel of human problems in the western North Carolina mountains. P3690 Porter, Ward F. Availability for Employment of Rural People in the Upper Monongahela Valley. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., 1956. P3700 Elk Garden, West Virginia: A Reconnaissance Survey of a Problem Town. Bulletin no. 355-T. Morgantown: West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, West Virginia Univ., 1952. P3710 Porter, William Sidney The Complete Works of O. Henry. New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1923. Author has written five excellent short stories with mountain settings. P3720 Posey, Thomas E. "The Labor Movement in West Virginia, 1900-1948." Ph. D. Diss. The Univ. of Wisconsin, 1946. P3730 Posey, Walter Brownlow Frontier Mission: A History of Religion West of the Southern Appalachians to 1861. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1966. P3740 (BC WWC) .The Presbyterian Church in the Old Southwest, 1778-1838. Richmond: John Knox Press, 1952. The term "Old Southwest" includes portions of Appalachia in Georgia, Tennessee and Alabama. P3750 (BC LMC) Religious Strife on the Southern Frontier. Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures in Southern History. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1965. Fascinating account of strife between religious sects. P3760 (ASU LMC BC) Possett, Emanuel Anthony Dictionary of Weaves; a Collection of All Weaves from Four to Nine Harness. Philadelphia: Textile Pub. Co., n.d. Two thousand weaves with directions for implementation. P3770 (BC) Post, Melville Davisson Dwellers in the Hills. New York: Putnam, 1901. Allegorical fiction about life in the southern mountains. P3780 The Mountain Schoolteacher. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1922. In a heavy-handed allegory, a teacher is killed by a mountain mob after a Christ-like life of service. P3790 (ASU BC) Uncle Abner, Master of Mysteries. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1937. Mystery story with mountain setting. P3800 (ASU BC) Potentials for Expanding Agriculture Business in the Tennessee Valley Region n.p.: National Fertilizer Development Center, 1969. P3810 Potomac Appalachian Trail Club, Washington, D. C. Guide to Paths in the Blue Ridge: The Appalachian Trail and Side Trails in Southern Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. Washington: The club, 1941. P3820 (ASU) AUTHOR Guide to Paths in the Blue Ridge: The Appalachian Trail and Side Trails in Southern Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. Washington: The club, 1950. P3830 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail and Side Trails in the Shenandoah National Park. 7th ed. (Previous titles: Guide to paths in the Blue Ridge; Guide to trails in the Shenandoah National Park.) Washington: The club, 1970. P3840 (ETSU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail: From the Susquehanna River to the Shenandoah National Park. 7th ed. Washington: The club, 1970. P3850 (WCU ETSU LMC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Central and Southwestern Virginia. 5th ed. Washington: The club, 1960. P3860 Guide to the Appalachian Trail: Susquehanna River to the Shenandoah National Park. 5th ed. Washington: The club, 1960. P3870 Guide to Trails in the Shenandoah National Park: The Appalachian Trail and Side Trails. 5th ed. Washington: The club, 1959. P3880 Hiking, Camping, Mountaineering and Trailclearing Equipment. 7th ed. Washington: The club, 1950. P3890 (ASU) Pottery Collector's Newsletter vol. 1-, Oct., 1971-. Asheville, N. C.: n.p., monthly. P3900 (BC) Potts, J. Manning ed. Asbury, Francis Journal and Letters. London: Epworth Press and Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon Press, 1958. A5060 (ASU BC WWC) Pound, Merritt B. Benjamin Hawkins, Indian Agent. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1951. • Hawkins was one of the few fair-minded Indian Agents. His death in 1812 precipitated trouble with the Indians. P3910 Poundstone, Sally "A Plan for Regional Library Development in Eastern Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1955. P3920 Powell, Hobart L. "A Comparative Study of the Relationship Between ACT Composite Scores and GPA of Washington County Students at East Tennessee State University, 1965-66." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. P3940 (ETSU) Powell, James Curtis "Farm Taxation and County Government in Overton, Clay and Pickett Counties, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1930. P3930 Powell, Jules V. Costs of Marketing Appalachian Apples. U. S. Department of Agriculture Marketing Research Report, 300. Washington: Agricultural Marketing Service, Marketing Research Division, 1959. P3950 Powell, Levi M. Who Are These Mountain People? An Intimate Historical Account of Southern Appalachia. 1st ed. An Exposition-Lochinvar Book. New York: Exposition Press, 1966. Intimate historical account of Appalachia. P3960 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU MHC BC) Powell, Scott History of Marshall County, from Forest to Hill. A Story of the Early Settlement and Development of Marshall County, W. Va., with Incidents of Early Life and Roster of Soldiers of the Several Wars, with Other Matters of Interest. Moundsville, W. Va.: n.p., 1925. P3970 (BC ASU) Powell, William S. Joint Committee on North Carolina Literature and Bibliography of the North Carolina English Teachers Association and the North Carolina Library Association North Carolina Fiction, 1734-1957: An Annotated Bibliography. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Library, 1958. J2210 (ASU MHC) 175 PORTER—PRATT Powell, William S. ed. Crittenden, Charles Christopher ed. 100 Years, 100 Men: 1871-1971. Raleigh, N. C: Edwards and 'Broughton, 1971. C8830 (ASU) Powell, William Stevens The North Carolina Gazetteer. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1968. P4010 (BC ASU LMC MHC UNCA) North Carolina: A Students' Guide to Localized History. Localized History Series. New York: Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia Univ., 1965. P4020 (LMC WCU) The Regulators in North Carolina: A Documentary History, 1759-1776. Raleigh, N. C.: State Dept. of Archives and History, 1971. P4030 (ASU) Powell, William Stevens comp. North Carolina County Histories: A Bibliography. Raleigh, N. C.: State Department of Archives and History, 1954. P3980 (MHC) North Carolina County Histories: A Bibliography. Library Studies, no. 1. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Library, 1958. P3990 (ASU) Powell, William Stevens ed. North Carolina Fiction 1734-1957: An Annotated Bibliography. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1958. Contains a review giving content, locality and an evaluation of each book. P4000 (ASU MHC) Power, F. Ray The School Law of West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1939. P4040 (ASU) Power, W. Robert Field Excursion: The Georgia Marble District. Geological Society of America, Southeastern Section Guidebook, no. 1. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1962. P4050 (ETSU) Powers, Caleb My Own Story: An Account of the Conditions in Kentucky Leading to the Assassination, of William Goobel, Who Was Declared Governor of the State, and My Indictment and Conviction on the Charge of Complicity in His Murder. Illustrated from photographs. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1905. P4060 (ASU) Powers, Frederick William In the Shadow of the Cumberlands; a Story of Kentucky Mountain Life. Columbus, Ohio: Champlin Print. Co., 1904. A Tennessee moonshiner has a host of troubles. He dies and the pious daughter and the revenuer. P4070 Powers, Nick Hall, Mary Boilin' n Bakin' in Boogar Hollow. Lindale, Ga.: Country Originals, 1971. H850 (BC ASU) Barefoot in Boogar Hollow; Yesterday's Sayings to Live by Today. Lindale, Ga.: Country Originals, 1971. P4080 (BC LMC ASU) Powers, Ozelle S. "A History of Education in McMinn County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1950. P4090 Powers, Wilann Hall, Mary Boilin' n Bakin' in Boogar Hollow. Lindale, Ga.: Country Originals, 1971. H850 (BC ASU) Powers, Nick Barefoot in Boogar Hollow; Yesterda/s Sayings to Live by Today. Lindale, Ga.: Country Originals, 1971. P4080 (BC LMC ASU) Prater, Otto "Economic History of White County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1932. A history of business and industry in White County, Tennessee. P4100 Pratt, Audree Webb "Unicoi County Court: 1876-1918." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1960. P4110 (ETSU) �PRATT—PRICE Pratt, C. W. "The History and Development of Education in Knox County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. P4120 Pratt, D. C. Clinch Mountain Gems. Bristol, Tenn.: The King Print. Co., 1963. The poems in this collection reflect the writer's thoughts about God, friendship, home and habits. P4130 Country Voices. Bristol, Tenn.: The King Print. Co., 1960. The fifty-two poems in this collection are concerned with home and country life. P4140 Russell County. Bristol, Tenn.: The King Print. Co., 1968. This is a record of the development of Russell County, Virginia. P4150 Elk Garden Tales. Bristol, Tenn.: The King Print. Co., 1968. A collection of twelve stories that are told repeatedly by the people of the Elk Garden area of Russell County, Virginia about strange phenomena. P4160 Exploring with Verses. Bristol, Tenn.: Preston Print. Co., 1971. P4170 (LMC) Russell County, Virginia's Bluegrass Empire. Bristol: King Pub. Co., 1968. History of Russell County, Virginia with descriptions of interesting features. P4180 (ASU) Pratt, Joseph H. Zircon, Monazite and Other Minerals Used in Production of Chemical Compounds Employed in the Manufacture of Lighting Apparatus. Bulletin no. 25. Raleigh: North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey, 1916. P4190 (LMC) Pratt, Joseph Hyde Talc and Pyrophyllite Deposits in North Carolina. North Carolina Geological Survey Economic Papers, no. 3. Raleigh, N. C.: E. M. Uzzell, 1900. P4200 (ASU) Western North Carolina Facts, Figures, Photographs. Asheville, N. C.: Inland Press, 1925. A guide to western North Carolina's attractions, resources, and industries. P4210 (LMC WCU) Corundum and the Peridot!tes of Western North Carolina. Report, vol. 1. Raleigh, N. C.: Geological Survey, 1904. P4220 (ASU WCU LMC) The Tin Deposits of the Carolinas. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 19. Raleigh, N. C.: E. M. Uzzell and Co., public printers and binders, 1904. P4230 (WCU) Pratt, L. J. The Unfortunate Mountain Girl: A Collection of Miscellanies in Prose and Verse. Middlebury, Vt.: Register and Job Office, 1854. P4240 (LMC) Pratt, Wilburn J. Bramlett, Gene A. Economic Development in the Ohio River Valley Region. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1964. B6280 Street, James A. Ohio River Valley Population: Trends and Projections, 1930-1970. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1963. S7850 Preble, John W. Land of Canaan. Plain Tales from the Mountains of West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1960. Eight stories from the West Virginia hills. P4250 (ETSU BC) Land of Canaan: Plain Tales from the Mountains of West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1965. P4260 (ASU) The Sinks of Gandy Creek. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. P4270 (ASU BC WCU) Precambrian-Paleozoic Appalachian Problems Bulletin, no. 80. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1969. P4280 (ETSU) AUTHOR Pree, H. L., Jr. Public and Industrial Water Supplies of the Jackson Purchase Region, Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Circular, no. 287. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. P4290 Prentice, Harry The Slate-picker: Story of a Boy's Life in the Coal Mines. New York: A. L. Burt, 1892. A depressingly realistic novel of a young boy's life in the coal mines of Pennsylvania. P4300 (WCU BC) Presbyterian Committee of Publication Pioneer Presbyterianism in Tennessee; Addresses Delivered at the Tennessee Exposition on Presbyterian Day, Oct. 28, 1897. Richmond, Va.: Whittet and Shepperson, 1898. P4310 (ASU) Presgraves, James S. Smyth County Families and History. Pulaski, Va.: B. D. Smith Print. Co., 1974. P4320 Presgraves, James S. ed. Wythe County Chapters. Pulaski, Va.: B. D. Smith and Bros., Printers, 1972. This new publication is a gathering of material from scarce, rare, or out-of-print sources about Wythe County. Indexes more than 3700 entries on a variety of topics. P4330 (ASU) President's Appalachian Regional Commission Appalachia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. A report on resources in the Appalachian Region. P4340 (ASU) President's Commission of Income Maintenance Programs Poverty Amid Plenty: The American Paradox, n.p.: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. One segment is on Appalachian poverty. P4350 (MHC) Preslar, Charles J. ed. A History of Catawba County. Salisbury: Rowan, 1954. Catawba is a foothill county which serves six mountain counties in western North Carolina. P4360 Presley, James Scopes, John Thomas Center of the Storm: Memoirs of John T. Scopes. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967. R1340 (ASU WCU) Pressey, H. A. Hydrography of the Southern Appalachian Region. 2 parts. U. S. Geological Survey Water-supply Paper, nos. 62-3. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1902. P4370 Preston and Virginia Papers of the Draper Collection of Manuscripts Calendar Series, vol. 1. Madison: Wisconsin State Historical Society, 1915. P4380 Preston, Dennis Richard "Bituminous Coal Mining Vocabulary of the Eastern United States: A Pilot Study in the Collecting of Geographically Distributed Occupational Vocabulary." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1969. A fascinating study of the private language of the coal miner. P4390 Preston (E. S.) and Associates Highway Accessibility Study for the Appalachian Development Highway System. Prepared for the Appalachian Regional Commission. Columbus, Ohio: The co., 1968. In general, access has been poorly planned. P4400 Highway Transportation and Appalachian Development: The Impact and Costs of the Appalachian Development Highway System Appalachian Research Report, no. 13. Columbus? Ohio: The co., 1970. Poor planning has reserved the impact of the corridor in Appalachia. P4410 (ETSU LMS ASU) Preston, George Riley Thomas Wolfe, a Bibliography. New York: C. S. Boesen, 1943. P4420 (BC ASU) 176 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Preston, Nelly C. Paths of Glory. Richmond, Va.: Whittet and Shepperson, 1961. A tale of Elizabeth, sister of Patrick Henry and wife of William Campbell and William Russell who were prominent in the activities on the Virginia frontier prior to 1790. P4430 Preston, Thomas Wilson Historical Sketches of the Holston Valleys. Holston Historical Library, 1. Kingsport, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, 1926. Sketches of the folk, homes, historic sites, and past events of the Holston Valley. P4440 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) The Story of Bristol. Bristol: King Print. Co., 1941. A history of the growth of the city and a glimpse of its future. P4450 (ETSU ASU) Prestonburg, Ky. Chamber of Commerce Industrial Resources, Prestonburg, Kentucky. Prestonburg: Chamber of Commerce, 1958. Promotional material designed for potential investors. P4460 Preys, Louisen Rosalie Dear Teacher. Boston: Mead Pub. Co., 1942. The hilarious story of an old maid teacher in a West Virginia college town. Many adventures. P4470 (BC) Preysz, Louisen Rosalie Laming. Boston: Mead Pub. Co., 1939. A tale of an old maid school teacher in the West Virginia mountains. \ Surprisingly good dialect. P4480 Price, Edith Ballinger My Lady Lee. New York: Greenberg Pubs., 1925. The story of a blind girl from the southern mountains and the life she finds in a northern institution for the blind. P4490 (BC) Price, G. C. Porter, Hobart Clarke Soil Survey, Tazewell County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. P3660 Price, Henry R. Melungeons: The Vanishing Colony of Newman's Ridge. Sneedville, Tenn.: Hancock County Drama Assoc., 1971. P4500 (ETSU) Price, Olive M. Snifty. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1957. Children's fiction set in western North Carolina. P4510 Price, Overton Westfeldt Practical Forestry in the Southern Appalachians. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Division of Forestry, 1901. P4520 Price, Patricia Ann Corry, Ormond C. Comparative Economic Growth Measures — Population and Personal Income Estimates for Tennessee Counties, 1950 Through 1962. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Bureau of Business and Economic Research, 1964. C7590 Price, Paul Holland Greenbrier County. Wheeling: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1939. P4530 (LMC ETSU) Physical and Chemical Properties of Natural Gas of West Virginia. Reports, vol. 9. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1937. P4540 (ETSU) Pocahontas County. West Virginia Geological Survey County Reports. Wheeling, W. Va.: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1929. P4550 (ETSU) Salt Brines of West Virginia. Reports, vol. 8. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1937. P4560 (ETSU) Springs of West Virginia. Reports, vol. 6. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1936. P4570 (ETSU) Tilton, John Littlefield Hampshire and Hardy Counties. Morgantown, W. Va.: Morgantown Print, and Bind. Co., 1927. T8670 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Price, Paul Holland Tilton, John Littlefield Pendleton County. Wheeling, W. Va.: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1927. T8680 (ETSU) Price, Richard Nye Holston Methodism. From Its Origin to the Present Time. 5 vols. Nashville, Term.: Dallas, Texas: Pub. House of the M. E. Church, South, 1903-13. P4580 (BC ASU) Price, Rolland Ernest Rutherford County: Economic and Social. Durham, N. C: Seeman Printery, 1918. P4590 (ASU) Price, W. E., Jr. Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Prestonburg Quadrangle, Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Water-supply Paper, no. 1359. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1956. P4600 Price, Walter L. ed. and eomp. Johnson City, Tennessee Code. Rochester, N. Y.: Lawyers Co-operative Pub. Co., 1951. Also, 1956 Supplement. J1390 (ETSU) Price, Walter Willard Sing. O Mountaineer Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1963. P4610 (BC ASU LMC) Price, William B. Tales and Lore of the Mountaineer. Salem, W. Va.: Quest Pub. Co., 1963. Tales and folklore from the West Virginia mountains. P4620 (BC) Price, William Thomas Historical Sketches of Pocahontas County, West Virginia. Marlington, W. Va.: Price Brothers, 1901. A very good county history. P4630 (BC ASU) Without Script or Purse: Or, The Mountain Evangelist. Louisville: The author, 1883. Biography of George O. Barnes, the mountain evangelist. P4640 (BC) Prichard, Armstead Mead comp. Allied Families of Read, Corbin, Luttrell, Bywaters. Starting from Culpeper County, Virginia, Their Descendants Are Now Planted in Every State Westward to the Pacific. My Wife's Kin. Staunton, Va.: McClure Co., 1930. P4650 (ASU) Priclcett, James McChesney A Bit O' Sunshine. Bristol, Tenn.: King Print. Co., 1928. P4660 Princess Atalie see Unlcalunt, Atalie Pritchett, Charles Herman The Tennessee Valley Authority, a Study in Public Administration. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1943. P4670 (BC ASU WCU) Probst, H. Claude This An' That. Grundy, Va.: Virginia Mountaineer, n.d. A variety of articles, poetry, and family meditations published in the Virginia Mountaineer, a weekly county newspaper. P4680 Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of Washington County Bar Association, January 27, 1941. Abingdon, Va.: The assoc., 1941. P4690 A Progress Report on the Allegheny Highlands Project, July-Dec., 1970- Morgan town: West Virginia Univ., 1970P4700 (BC) Progressive Knoxville: A Pictorial Review of the City, 1903-1904 2 vols. Knoxville: Russell Harrison, 1904. A general history of the early settlement of Knox County, Tennessee. P4710 Projections of Population and Labor Force; Tennessee, Regions and Counties: 1975-2000 Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Center for Business and Economic Research, 1972. P4720 The Prospector's Guide: Showing the Resources and Advantages of East Tennessee, and of Her Central and Largest City, Knoxville, Tennessee Knoxville: W. T. Ragsdale, 1888?. A list of resources of Knox County, Tennessee. P4730 AUTHOR Prosser, Julian Branson Two City Managers in Asheville, North Carolina: Politics, Administration and Policy Formulation. Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1972. P4740 (UNCA) Proudfout, Merrill Diary of a Sit-in. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1962. Account of a sit-in in Knox County, Tennessee. P4750 (WCU ETSU) Prouty, Chilton Eaton Lower Middle Ordovician of Southwest Virginia and Northeast Tennessee, n.p.: n.p., 1946. P4760 (ETSU) Prouty, William Frederick Geology and Mineral Resources of Clay County, with Special Reference to the Graphite Industry. County Report, 1. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1923. P4770 (ETSU) Tilton, John Littlefield Hampshire and Hardy Counties. Morgantown, W. Va.: Morgantown Print, and Bind. Co., 1927. T8670 (ETSU) Tilton, John Littlefield Pendleton County. Wheeling, W. Va.: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1927. T8680 (ETSU) Prucha, Francis Paul American Indian Policy in the Formative Years, the Indian Trade and Intercourse Acts, 1780-1834. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1962. P4780 (BC ASU) The Sword of the Republic: The United States Army on the Frontier, 1783-1846. Wars of the United States. New York: Macmillan, 1969. P4790 (ASU) Pruett, James A Selective Music Bibliography from the Period 1663-1763. Raleigh: Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1962. P4800 (LMC) Pryne, Abram Brownlow, William Gannaway Ought American Slavery to be Perpetuated? A Debate between Rev. W. G. Brownlow and Rev. A. Pryne. Held at Philadelphia, September, 1858. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott and Co., 1858. B7520 (ASU BC) Pryor, Elinor The Double Man. New York: Norton, 1957. Set in western North Carolina. P4810 Pryor, J. P. Jordan, Thomas The Campaigns of Lieut.-Gen. N. B. Forrest, and of Forrest's Cavalry. Dayton, Ohio: Morningside Bookshop, 1973. J2740 (ASU) Public Education in Harlan County, Kentucky Bulletin of the Bureau of School Service, Vol. XX, no. 2. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1947. P4820 The Public University in Its Second Century Papers presented to a symposium sponsored by the State Visiting Committee of the West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development. Public Affairs Series, no. 5. Morgantown: Office of Research and Development, West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, West Virginia Univ., 1967. P4830 Puckle, Bertram S. Funeral Customs, Their Origin and Development. 1926. Reprint. Detroit: Singing Tree Press, 1968. P4840 (ASU) Pugh, Edwin V. Mulkearn, Lois A Traveler's Guide to Historic Western Pennsylvania. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1954. M8490 (ASU) Pugh, Maud Capon Valley. 2 vols. Capon Bridge, W. Va.: n.p., 1946-1948. A general history of Hampshire County, West Virginia and its people. Family records and sketches. P4850 (BC) Purcell, James S., Jr. "The Southern Poor White in Fiction." Unpublished M. A. Thesis. Duke Univ., 1938. Refers to mountain people slightenly. P4860 177 PRICE—QUACKENBUSH Purdy, Ralph D. Wilson, L. Craig School-community Improvement, a Report of the Greenbrier County Program. New York: World Book Co., 1959. W7360 (ASU WCU) Purnell, Elizabeth Wilkins John Gamp: Or, Coves and Cliffs of the Cumberlands. A story of the early days of the monteagle Sunday School Assembly. Nashville: Gospel Advocate Pub. Co., 1901. Fiction with Monteagle Assembly as its setting. P4870 (LMC BC) Pursell, Donald E. Selected Demographic Aspects of the West Virginia Economy, 1950-1975: Estimates and Projections of Migration and Population. Business and Economic Studies, vol. 11, no. 3. Also, West Virginia University Bulletin, Series 69, no. 8-13. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1969. P4880 (ETSU BC) Purslow, Frank comp. The Foggy Dew; More English Folk Songs from the Hammond and Gardiner Manuscripts. London: E. F. D. S. Publications, 1974. P4890 (ASU) Pusey, William Allen The Wilderness Road to Kentucky. New York: George H. Doran Co., 1921. Excellent maps and illustrations. What a pity the road cannot by properly marked in other states. P4900 Putnam, John F. The Plucked Dulcimer of the Southern Mountains. Berea, Ky.t Council of the Southern Mountains, 1957. P4910 (ASU BC) The Plucked Dulcimer and How to Play It. Photographs by Howard A. Matthews. Artwork by Robert F. Connor. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1961. Excellent book of instructions with illustrations, simple melodies and a history of the instrument. P4920 (WCU ASU BC) The Plucked Dulcimer and How to Play It. Photographs by Howard A. Matthews, Art work by Robert F. Connor. Rev. ed. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1964. P4930 (ASU LMC MHC) Puzzuoli, David A. Educational Renaissance in Appalachia; an Evaluation. Morgantown: Ed. Research & Field Service, W. Va. Univ., 1968. P4940 Development of Tele-lecture and Associated Media Systems for the Improvement of Nursing Education in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1971. P4950 Project Era: A Three Year Study of a Follow Through Program. A Longitudinal Study of the Monongalia County Follow Through Program. Morgantown: Monongalia Co. Board of Education, 1970. P4960 Pyle, Ernest T. (Ernie) Gatlinburg and the Great Smokies. Gatlinburg: Mountain Press, 1951. A history and description of Sevier County, Tennessee. P4970 Qazilbash, A. Husain "A Dialect Survey of the Appalachian Region." Ph. D. Diss. Florida State Univ., 1971. There are some strangely discordant notes in this study. To the native's ears it sounds rather superficial. Q10 (LMC ASU) A Dialect Survey of the Appalachian Region. Atlanta: National Center for Educational Research and Development. (Regional Research Program), Region 4, 1971. Q20 (BC) Quackenbush, Robert Go Tell Aunt Rhody. New York: Lippincott, 1973. The folktale, the music, the silly goose, and a host of colorful illustrations dominate this excellent and unusual children's book. Q30 (ASU) �QUALITY—RAMSEY Quality Education for Appalachia: A Prospectus Proposing the Establishment of a Regional Educational Laboratory Sponsored by school systems, state departments of education, institutions of higher learning and other educationally related agencies in Kentucky, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Virginia and West Virginia, n.p.: n.p., 1965. 040 Quails, Daniel "History of Education in Carter County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1931. Q50 "A Quantitative Study of the Subalpine Forests of Roan and Bald Mountains in the Southern Appalachians." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State Univ., 1969. C2020 (ETSU) Queries, Edwin Latham Booton, John Heiskell Songs and Fantasies. Salem, Va., Sentinel Publishing Co., Roanoke College Annual Staff, 1900. B5490 Queries, Garland R. The Churches of Winchester, Virginia: A Brief History of Those Established Prior to 1825. Winchester: The author, 1960. 060 George Washington and Winchester, Virginia 1748-1758; A Decade of Preparation for Responsibilities to Come. Winchester, Va.: C. J. Carrier, 1974. Q70 (ASU) The Schools of Winchester, Virginia. Winchester: The author, 1964. 080 The Story of One Hundred Old Homes in Winchester, Virginia. Winchester: The author, 1967. Tribute to Winchester's historic past. 090 The Streets of Winchester, Virginia: The Origin and Significance of Their Names. Winchester: The author, n.d. The names read like a history of early America, especially Virginia and the westward movement into the mountains. 0100 Quarles, Garland R. ed. Russeli, William Greenway What I Know about Winchester: Recollections of William Greenway Russell, 1800-1891. Staunton, Va.: McClure Print. Co., 1953. R4410 (ASU BC) Quarles, Mary Ann "A Comparison of Some Aspects of Family Life Between Two Areas of Leslie Co., Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1952. QUO Quarles, Royce W. "A Study of the Economically and Educationally Deprived Students of Bristol, Virginia, Junior High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. Q120 (ETSU) Queener, Verton Madison "The Republican Party in East Tennessee, 1865-1900." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1941. East Tennessee was as bitterly divided by the war as was Virginia. The history of the Republican party 1865-1900 reflected the harsh realities of the war. 0130 Query, Joy M. Neale "A Cultural Comparison of Schizophrenia in Mountain Rural and Metropolitan Kentucky." Ph. D. Diss. The Univ. of Kentucky, 1961. Q140 Quesinberry, Ronald A. Conklin, J. Douglas Selected South Carolina Economic Data. Columbia: Univ. of S. C., Bureau of Business and Economic Research, 1969. C6500 Quigley, Michael J. April Is the Crudest Month. Dubuque: Kendall/Hunt Pub. Co., 1969. A novel of coal mines, itinerant preachers, and out-migration from West Virginia. Very confused plot. 0150 (BC) Quillen, Bess Bradley In the East Kentucky Hills. Philadelphia: Dorrance & Co., 1970. 0160 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC) AUTHOR Quincy, Harold C. "Coordination of Physical Education and Community Recreation in Ashe, Avery, and Watauga Counties." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1948. Q170 (ASU) Quinn, Bernard Atlas of the Church in Appalachia, Administrative Units and Boundaries. Knoxville, Tenn.: Commission on Religion in Appalachia, 1970. Useful atlas with clearly drawn districts and boundaries. Q180 (ASU) Quinsenberry, Anderson Chenault Kentucky in the War of 1812. 1915. Reprint. With an added preface by G. G. Gift and an added index supplied by the Kentucky Historical Society. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. Q190 (ASU MHC) Quisenberry, Anderson Chenault The Life and Times of Hon. Humphrey Marshall. 1892. Reprint. Berea, Ky.: Oscar Rucker, Jr., 1971. Marshall was the author of the first systematic history of Kentucky. Much on early Kentucky politics. Q200 (LMC BC MHC) Quisenberry, Anderson Chenault comp. Revolutionary Soldiers in Kentucky, Containing a Roll of the Officers of Virginia Line Who Received Land Bounties: A Roll of the Revolutionary Pensioners in Kentucky. A List of the Illinois Regiment Who Served Under George Rogers Clark in the Northwest Campaign, Also a Roster of the Virginia Navy. Baltimore: Southern Book Co., 1959. Q210 (ASU BC) Radford, Albert'E. Atlas of the Vascular Flora of the Carolines. Technical Bulletin, no. 165. Raleigh: North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, 1965. RIO (LMC WWC) Guide to the Vascular Flora of the Carolines, with Distribution in the Southeastern States. Chapel Hill, N. C.: Book Exchange, 1964. R20 (LMC WWC) Manual of the Vascular Flora of the Carolines. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1968. R30 (ETSU LMC WWC) Radomski, Alexander L. Family Income and Related Characteristics Among Low-Income Counties and States. (Welfare Research Report No. 1.) Washington: Division of Research, Welfare Administration, U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, 1964. Includes data on Appalachia. R40 Ragan, Rev. O. G. History of Lewis County, Kentucky. 1st ed. Cincinnati: Press of Jennings and Graham, n.d. R50 Ragan, Samuel Talmadge The Tree in the Far Pasture. Winston-Salem, N. C.: J. F. Blair, 1964. R60 (ASU) Raggs, Spottsylvania Pokeberry Hills, Hollers and Hickory Flats, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Humorous tales from the hjlls expressed in verse and prose. R70 Ragle, Harold E. The Bastins of Casey, Lincoln, and Pulaski County, Kentucky. Liberty, Ky.: Casey County News, 1968. R80 (BC) The Blacks of Casey and Pulaski County, Kentucky, and of Kdnsas. Liberty, Ky.: Casey County News, 1969. R90 (BC) The Carmans of Casey County, Kentucky. Casey, Ky.: Casey County News, 1969. R100 The Ragles of Pennsylvania, Virginia, Kentucky, and Kansas. Liberty, Ky.: The author, 1971. R110 Raim, Ethel ed. Dunson, Josh Anthology of American Folk Music. New York: Oak Publications, 1973. D4020 (ASU BC) Grass Roots Harmony. New York: Oak Publications, 1968. R120 (LMC) 178 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Raine, James Watt The Land of Saddle-bags: A Study of the Mountain People of Appalachia. New York: Published jointly by Council of Women for Home Missions and Missionary Education Movement of the United States and Canada, 1924. Generally considered a "mountain classic," it is an account of life in eastern Kentucky in the 1920's. R130 (BC ASU ETSU WWC) The Land of Saddle-bags: A Study of the Mountain People of Appalachia. 1924. Reprint. Detroit: Singing Tree Press, 1969. R140 (LMC MHC WCU) Mountain Ballads for Social Singing. Berea, Ky.: Berea College Press, 1923. Music collected by Cecil J. Sharpe. R150 (BC) Saddlebag Folk: The Way of Life in the Kentucky Mountains. The Way of Life Series. Evanston, III.: Row, Peterson and Co., 1942. Depicts life in the Kentucky mountains. R160 (BC ASU LMC ETSU) Raines, Carroll C. "A Study of School Transportation, Hawkins County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1954. R170 Rakestraw, Isaac K. "Negro Education in Cocke County." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1956. R180 . Ralston, Frances "History of Education in Letcher County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1939. R190 Ramey, James M. "Factors Influencing Social Status, Social Participation in the Elementary School of Crum, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1953. R200 Ramey, Lee Oly "An Inquiry into the Life of Jesse Stuart as Related to His Literary ' Development and a Critical Study of His Works." Master's thesis. Ohio Univ., 1941. A study of the life and literature of Jesse Stuart. Kentucky's best known author. R210 (ASU) Ramey, Shirley A. Cleveland County, North Carolina, Marriages, 1851-1868. Lattimore: n.p., 1971. R220 Ramsay, John American Potters and Pottery. New York: Tudor Pub. Co., 1947. Appalachia has had many fine potteries though few are still producing today. R230 (BC) Ramsey, Charles E. Gottlieb, David Understanding Children of Poverty. Chicago: Science Research Associates, 1967. G2860 (WCU BC) Ramsey, James Gettys McGready The Annals of Tennessee to the End of the Eighteenth Century: Comprising Its Settlement, as the Watauga Association, from 1769 to 1777. A Part of North Carolina, from 1777 to 1784: The State of Franklin, from 1784-1788. A Part of North Carolina, from 1788-1790: The Territory of the U. States, South of the Ohio, from 1790 to 1796. The State of Tennessee, from 1796 to 1800. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo and Co., 1853. A classic volume on Tennessee history. Earliest information deals almost exclusively with eastern Tennessee. R240 (ASU BC) The Annals of Tennessee to the End of the Eighteenth Century: Comprising Its Settlement, as the Watauga Association, from 1769 to 1777. A Part of North Carolina, from 1777 to 1784: The State of Franklin, from 1784-1788. A Part of North Carolina, from 1788-1790: The Territory of the U. States, South of the Ohicy from 1790 to 1796. The State of Tennessee, from 1796 to 1800. 1853. Reprint. Kingsport, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, 1926. R250 (ASU LMC WCU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Ramsey, James Getty* McGready Autobiography and Letters. Nashville: Tennessee Historical Commission, 1954. Letters and autobiography of one of Tennessee's finest historians. R260 (ASU BC) History of Lebanon Presbyterian Church, "In the Fork/' Five Miles East of Knoxville. Knoxville: Archer and Smith, 1918; 1952. R270 Tales of the Revolution, by a Young Gentleman of Tennessee. Nashville: Hunt, Tardiff, 1833. R280 Ramsey, Joyce Education in Appalachia as Depicted in Major Periodicals. Berea, Ky.: Berea College Appalachian Center, 1973. An annotated bibliography. R290 Ramsey, Ralph J. Brown, James Stephen The Changing Kentucky Population: A Summary of Population Data for Counties. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1958. B7170 Forms and Scope of Poverty in Kentucky. ("Resource Development Series, No. 10.") Lexington: Cooperative Extension Service, Univ. of Kentucky, 1967. Includes data on Appalachian counties. R300 Ramsey, Robert W. Carolina Cradle: Settlement of the Northwest Carolina Frontier, 1747-1762. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1964. Traces migration routes of the westward movement. R310 (BC LMC ASU) Ramsey, Thomas R., Jr. The Battle of Kingsport. Illustrated by Georgia P. Neely. Kingsport, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, 1972. R320 (ASU ETSU) The Raid, East Tennessee, Western N. Carolina, Southwest Virginia. Kingsport, Tenn.: n.p., 1973. R330 (ASU) Ranck, George Washington Boonesborough: Its Founding, Pioneer Struggles, Indian Experiences, Transylvania Days and Revolutionary Annals. With full historical notes and appendix. Filson Cleo Publications, no. 16. Louisville, Ky.: J. P. Morton and Co., 1901. R340 (BC ASU LMC) Boones borough: Its Founding, Pioneer Struggles, Indian Experiences, Transylvania Days and Revolutionary Annals. 1901. Reprint. The First American Frontier. New York: Arno Press and New York Times, 1971. R350 (ASU WCU ETSU) **The Traveling Church": An Account of the Baptist Exodus from Virginia to Kentucky in 1781, under the Leadership of Rev. Lewis Craig and Capt. William Ellis. With historical notes, n.p.: n.p., 1910. Offers some explanations for the phenomenal success of the Baptists on the frontier. R360 (BC) Rand, James Hall North Carolina Indians. James Sprunt Historical Publication, vol. 12, no. 1. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1900-. R370 (WCU) The North Carolina Indians. James Sprunt Historical Publications, vol. 12, no. 2. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1913. The Indians of North Carolina and their relations with the settlers. R380 (ASU LMC BC) Rand, McNally & Co. Indexed County and Railroad Pocket Map and Shipper's Guide of West Virginia. Chicago: The co., 1904. A marvelous source for West Virginia historians. Good map. Contains many routes no longer in use. R390 (BC) Randolph, Corliss Fitz A History of Seventh Day Baptist in West Virginia Including the Woodbridgetown and Salemville Churches in Pennsylvania and the Shrewbury Church in New Jersey. Plainfield, N. J.: American Sabbath Tract Society, 1905. R400 (BC) AUTHOR Randolph County Historical Society, Elkins, W. Va. Magazine of History — Biography. Elkins: Randolph Co. Hist. Soc., 1924-. annual. R410 Randolph, John H. "The Revival of the Folk Arts in West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1970. R420 (ASU LMC) Randolph-Macon Woman's College, Lynchburg, Va. Randolph-Macon Prose and Verse, a Collection of Undergraduate Writings. Charlottesville, Va.: Michie Co., 1946. R430 (ASU) Rankin, G. C. The Story of My Life: Or, More Than a Half Century as I Have Lived It and Seen It Lived. Nashville, Tenn.: Smith & Lamar, 1912. Life of a Methodist circuit-rider in East Tennessee during the Civil War; his years in the Holston Conference, at Hiwassee College, in Knoxville, Chattanooga and Asheville. R440 (BC LMC) Rankin, Hugh F. North Carolina in the American Revolution. Raleigh: State Dept. of Archives and History, 1959. Some action took place in the western part of the state. R450 (ASU LMC) Ranney, W. P. Expected Returns from Selected Specialized Farming Systems in the Northern Highland Rim Area of Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, Agricultural Experiment Station, 1963. R460 (ASU) Ransmeier, Joseph Sirera The Tennessee Valley Authority: A Case Study in the Economics of Multiple Purpose Stream Planning. Xerox copy of the original. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1942. R470 (ASU BC UNCA) Ranson, James Morris "The Life and Career of General James Robertson." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1966. A history of the Watauga Association, Indian land purchases, frontier Washington County, State of Franklin, Revolutionary War and other exploits of James Robertson, pioneer. R480 Raper, J. R. Without Shelter: The Early Career of Ellen Glasgow. Southern Literary Studies. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1971. Some of Miss Glasgow's works are tangentially Appalachian. R490 (ASU) Raphael, David L. Gamble, Hays Bentley The Impact of Interchange Development on the Economy of Clinton County. University Park, Pa.: Institute for Research on Land and Water Resources, 1966. G210 Rasetti, Franco Upper Cambrian Trilobite Faunas of Northeastern Tennessee. Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 148, no. 3; Publication, 4598. Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1965. R500 (LMC) Raskopf, B. D. Production and Marketing of Hatching Eggs in Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn., Agricultural Experiment Station, 1957. R510 Rasnick, Rose H. "Guidance in the Selection of Elective Courses for the Students of Tennessee High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. R520 (ETSU) Ratcliffe, Bill Welsh, Stanley Flowers of the Mountain Country. 1975 Deals with Some of the More Representative of Both Conspicuous and Inconspicuous Types, n.p.: n.p., n.d. W2780 Ratliff, Frank, Jr. Humor among These Hills. Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1971. A verse portrait of humor and pride and simplicity. R530 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) Raulston, J. Leonard Sequatchie: A Story of the Southern Cumberlands. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1974. One of the best local histories of the year. Surely this will win an award from the American Association of State and Local History. R540 (ASU) 179 RAMSEY-RAYNER Rowlings, Mary The Albemarle of Other Days. Charlottesville, Va.: Michie Co., 1925. A history of Albemarle County. R550 (LMC ASU) Ray, Charles E. The Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Asheville: North Carolina National Park Commission, 1926. Revised edition of the Commission's popular booklet on the Smokies. R560 (ASU) Ray, Herman "An Economic, Educational, and Social Survey of Franklin County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1937. R570 (ASU) Ray, Lenoir Postmarks: A History of Henderson County, North Carolina, 1787-1968. Chicago: Adams Press, 1970. A history of Henderson County and its postal service. R580 (BC ASU ETSU LMC) Ray, Worth Stickley "Early Days in Monroe County, Tennessee." Austin, Tex.: Unpublished typescript, 1943. An unpublished history of Monroe County, Tennessee. R590 The Lost Tribes of North Carolina. Where Did . They Come from? Where Did They Go? Austin, Texas: The author, 1947. A history, the flood of migrants who passed through North Carolina on the way west. R620 (ASU) Ray's Index and Digest to Hathaway's North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register. With genealogical notes and annotations, n.p.: n.p., 1971. R630 Tennessee Cousins: A History of Tennessee People. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. A history of Tennessee's families, their routes of migration and their descendants. R640 (BC ASU WCU) Ray, Worth Stickley comp. Index and Digest to Hathaway's North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, with Genealogical Notes and Annotations. Baltimore: Southern Book Co., 1956. (Published also as Part I of the author's The Lost Tribes of North Carolina.) R600 (ASU) Index and Digest to Hathaway's North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register. With genealogical notes and annotations. 1956. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1971. R610 (ASU) Raya, Florence Pepper comp. The History of the Pepper Family in America and Allied Lines. Fort Madison, Iowa: The Evening Democrat Co., 1973. This volume includes many branches of Peppers in America, one of these being the Montgomery County Kentucky branch. R650 Raybum, James B. Gorman, John Loyd Soil Survey, Jackson and Mason Counties, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1961. G2790 Raymond, Charles Jud. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1968. Account of a spoiled city boy whose father takes him to the Smokies for a summer of roughing it. R660 (ASU) Up from Appalachia. Chicago: Follett Pub. Co., 1966. Novel of an Appalachian family transplanted to Chicago. R670 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU) Raymond, Richard D. The Myth of the Appalachian Brain Drain: A Case Study of West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1972. The thesis is that all our native talent does not leave the region. R680 (BC ASU WCU) Rayner, Emma Visiting the Sin: A Tale of Mountain Life in Kentucky and Tennessee. Boston: Small, Maynard and Co., 1900. A girl relies on superstition and Biblical direction to learn what caused her father's disappearance and death. She plots her revenge. R690 (BC ASU) �RAYNER—REEDS Rayner, Kenneth Life and Times of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States. New York: Appleton, 1866. R700 Reynolds, Robert Thomas Wolfe: Memoir of a Friendship. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1965. R710 (ASU WCU UNCA) Read, Opie Pereival The Captain's Romance, or, Tales of the Backwoods. New York: P. Tennyson Neely, 1896. Five short stories with mountain settings. R720 (ASU BC) The Jucklins: A Novel. Chicago: Laird and Lee, 1896. A boy from northern Alabama goes to North Carolina to teach school, woo the daughter of the Jucklin House, and bargain for mica rights in the western Carolina hills. R730 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) Odd Folks. Neely's Popular Library, no. 93. New York: F. T. Neely, 1897. A group of character sketches of Tennessee and Kentucky hill people. R740 (BC ASU WCU) Old Lim Jucklin. New York: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1905. The philosophy and humor of a North Carolina character and self-styled wit. R750 (ETSU) The Starbucks: A New Novel. Chicago: Laird and Lee, 1902. A poorly written novel of east Tennessee during Reconstruction. R760 (ASU BC) A Tennessee Judge: A Novel. Library of Choice Fiction, no. 68. Chicago: Laird and Lee, 1893. R770 (ASU ETSU) The Waters of Caney Fork: A Romance of Tennessee. Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1898. Novel set in the East Tennessee hills. R780 (ASU ETSU) Read, Opie Pereival 1852-1939 The Wives of the Prophet: A Novel. Chicago: Laird and Lee, 1894. A world-weary lawyer stumbles into an isolated cone and soon convinces its fanatical religious leaders he is a prophet. He has fine wives and all else he could desire until the charade is uncovered. Then he is subjected to a ritualistic murder. R790 (ASU) Read, Thomas Buchanan The Wagoner of the Alleghenies: A Poem of the Days of Seventy-six. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1865. Verse portrait of a revolutionary hero. R800 (BC) Reade, Ernest H. Power, W. Robert Field Excursion: The Georgia Marble District. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1962. P4050 (ETSU) Real Estate Research Corporation Economic Analysis and Feasibility Study of Proposed Transient Facilities at East River Mountain, Mercer County, West Virginia. Chicago: The corporation, n.d. R810 Reback, Janet Taylor Caldwell see Caldwell, Taylor Reback, Marcus see Caldwell, Taylor Reber, Clara Smith Tapestry of Time. Charleston, III.: Prairie Press Books, 1968. Hill country poems. R820 Record of Pennsylvania Marriages Prior to 1810 Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. Since so many Appalachian settlers passed through Pennsylvania in the late 17th century, this is an excellent source. R830 (ASU) Red Clay Reader Charlotte, N. C-. Southern Review, 1964-. annually. R840 (ASU) Redd, Callie G. "An Examination of the Negro Character in Selected Fiction by White East Tennessee Writers." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. R850 (ETSU) Redding, Tracy W. The Call of the Smokies. Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1967. Poems with the lure of the Smokies in them. R860 (BC LMC WCU) AUTHOR Reddy, Anne Waller West Virginia Revolutionary Ancestors Whose Services Were Non-military and- Whose Names, Therefore, Do Not Appear in Revolutionary Indexes of Soldiers and Sailors. An index from Manuscript Public Claims of the Revolutionary War in the Virginia State Library. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1963. R870 (ASU) Redford, A. H. Western Cavaliers, Embracing the History of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Kentucky from 1832 to 1844. Nashville, Tenn.: Southern Methodist Pub. House, 1876. Pioneers of Methodism in Tennessee. R880 (ASU) Redgrave, Herbert Stanley Bygone Beliefs, Being a Series of Excursions in the Byways of Thought. London: W. Rider and Son, 1920. R890 (ASU) Redington, Robert J. Appalachian Mountain Elevations. Washington: Appalachian Trail Conference, 1970. A useful guide to the Appalachians. R900 (ASU LMC ETSU WCU) Redwing, Morris Partisan Rate; or, A Stirring Story of the Battle of Mill Springs. "The War Library; Original stories of adventure in the War for the Union." no. 363. New York: Novelist Pub. Co., 1839. Mountain novel set against the backdrop of the Revolution. R910 Ree, Rev. Stephen ed. Gordon Ballads. Reprinted from vol. 2 of the 1903-07 ed. of the HOUSE OF GORDON, edited by J. M. Bulloch, printed for the New Spalding Club, Aberdeen, Scotland which was issued as no. 26 and 33 of the New Spalding Club Publications. Norwood, Pa.: Norwood Editions, 1974. R920 (ASU) Reece, Brazilla Carroll The Courageous Commoner, a Biography of Andrew Johnson. Charleston, W. Va.: Educational Foundation, 1962. Yet another history of East Tennessee's only United States President. R930 (BC) Reece, Byron Herbert Ballad of the Bones. New York: E. P. Dutton, 1936. Great poetry from the mountains of northwestern Georgia. Based on folklore and folk motifs. R940 Better a Dinner of Herbs. 1st ed. A gothic novel of the North Georgia hills. R950 (ASU) Bow Down in Jericho. New York: E. P. Dutton, 1950. A selection of ballads with Biblical themes taken from the folklore of the Appalachian mountains. R960 The Hawk and the Sun. 1st ed. New York: Dutton, 1955. Another chilling tale from the North Georgia hills. This one features violence between the races. R970 The Season of Flesh. New York: Dutton, 1955. Mountain poetry. R980 (LMC BC) A Song of Joy, and Other Poems. New York: E. P. Dutton, 1952. Poems drawn from North Georgia's rich heritage of folk poetry. R990 Reece, Edna Bray The Brays of Fisher River. Jonesville, N. C: The author, 1970. R1000 (ASU) Reed, A. J. Doane, C. F. Cheesemaking Brings Prosperity to Farmers of Southern Mountains. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1917. D2600 (ASU) Reed, Andrew A Narrative of the Visit to the American Churches, by the Deputation from the Congregational Union of England and Wales. 2 vols. London: Jackson and Walford, 1835. The deputies went from Kentucky to Virginia via Charleston, Lexington and Staunton. They found little support for their church in Appalachia. R1010 180 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Reed, Carroll E. English Archaisms in Pennsylvania German. A word-list from the Appalachians and the Piedmont area of North Carolina, by Zeta C. Davison. The secretary's report. Publication, no. 19. n.p.: American Dialect Society, 1953. R1020 (ASU) Reed, Clyde M. "Business Education in the Kingsport Area High Schools: An Evaluation of Their Business Graduates." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1963. R1030 (ETSU) Reed, Frances Frye "The Cyclone of Rye Cove: The Event, the Folklore, the Song." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. A fantastic tale of an actual occurrence in eastern Tennessee and an account of its transition to legend and song. R1040 (ETSU) Reed, Franklin Weld Report on an Examination of a Forest Tract in Western North Carolina. U. S. Bureau of Forestry Bulletin, no. 60. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1905. R1050 (ASU LMC) Reed, Gerard Alexander "The Ross-Watie Conflict: Factionalism in the Cherokee Nation, 1839-1865." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Oklahoma, 1967. History of factionalism in the Cherokee Nation. R1060 Reed, Ida Lillard My Life Story, n.p.: The author, 1912. Biography of a West Virginia churchwoman. Memories of her West Virginia childhood , etc. R1070 (BC) Songs of the Hills. Boston: Meador Pub. Co., 1940. Poetry set to music to serve as hymns. R1080 (ASU) Reed, Jacqueline The Morningside of the Hill. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1960. A young girl living with her grandparents in the foothills of the Cumberlands suddenly receives a legacy. R1090 (BC) Reed, John C., Jr. Bryant, Bruce Geology of the Grandfather Mountain Window and Vicinity, North Carolina and Tennessee. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. B7800 (ASU) Geology of the Linville Falls Quadrangle, North Carolina. Geological Survey Bulletin, 1161-B. Contributions to General Geology. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. R1100 (ASU) Reed, Louis Warning in Appalachia: A Study of Wirt County, West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1967. This Wirt County study raises questions of population control, care for the aged, economic problems and the effect of changing morality on life in the hills. Rl 110 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Reed, Rufus M. The Green Bough. Appalachia, Va.: Young Publications, 1969. Hill country poems. R1120 (BC) Lyrics of Life and the Great Outdoors. New York: Pageant Press, 1953. Mostly about Southwest Virginia. R1130 (BC) Reed, Samuel R. The Vicksburg Campaign, and the Battles about Chattanooga under the Command of General U. S. Grant in 1862-63; an Historical Review. Cincinnati: R. Clarke, 1882. R1140 Reeds, Chester Albert The Endless Caverns of the Shenandoah Valley. New York: Department of Geology, American Museum of Natural History, 1925. R1150 (BC) The Natural Bridge of Virginia and Its Environs. New York: Nomad Pub. Co., 1927. R1160 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Reeve, Felix A. East Tennessee in the War of the Rebellion. And Read at the Stated Meeting of December 3, 1902. Xerox copy of the original. Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the U. S. Commandery of the District of Columbia War Papers, 44. Washington: n.p., 1902. East Tennessee was more fiercely divided by the war than were other Appalachian areas. R1170 (ASU) Reeve, Jewell B. Climb the Hills of Gordon: Stories of Gordon County and Calhoun, Georgia. Calhoun, Ga.: The author, 1962. Good county history. R1180 (LMC ASU BC) A Whimsical Collection. New York: Vantage Press, 1968. Sketches of Gordon County, Georgia and its hills and characters. R1190 Reeves, Eleanor Baker A Country Doctor Goes to Town. Galax, Va.: Gazette Press, 1966. Biography of an Ashe County (North Carolina) boy who moves to Galax, Virginia and founds a Medical Center. Written by his daughter. R1200 (ASU) Reeves, J. Gottlieb, David Adolescent Behavior in Urban Areas: A Bibliographic Review and Discussion of the Literature. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963. G2850 Reeves, John E. "Population Trends and Other Factors Influencing the Voting Habits of the Cumberland Valley Region of Southeast Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1938. R1210 Reeves, Paschal Thomas Wolfe's Albatross: Race and Nationality in America. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1968. R1230 (BC ASU WCU UNCA) Reeves, Paschal comp. The Merrill Studies in Look Homeward, Angel. Charles E. Merrill Studies. Columbus, Ohio: Merrill, 1970. R1220 (ASU WCU) Reeves, Paschal ed. Georgia. University. Department of English Thomas Wolfe and the Glass of Time. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1974. G1030 (ETSU ASU) Thomas Wolfe and the Glass of Time. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1971. Proceedings of a symposium held April 10-12, 1969, sponsored by the Dept. of English and the College of Arts and Sciences, University of Georgia. Includes bibliographical references. R1240 (ETSU ASU WCU BC) Reeves, William T. "A History of Haywood County." Master's thesis. Duke Univ., 1937. R1250 (ASU) Reger, David Bright Barbour and Upshur Counties and Western Portion of Randolph County. Assisted by D. Dee Teets, Jr. With introduction by Israel Charles Chite, on deep well borings, and Charles Edwin Van Orstrand, on deep well temperatures. West Virginia Geological Survey County Reports and Maps. Wheeling, W. Va.: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1918. R1260 (ASU ETSU) The Cheat Mountain Coal Field of Randolph County, West Virginia. Bulletin, no. 3. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1928. R1270 (ASU ETSU) Mercer, Monroe, and Summers Counties. Assisted by Paul Holland Price. Wheeling: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1926. R1280 (ASU ETSU) Mineral and Grant Counties. Assisted by Rietz Courtney Tucker. West Virginia Geological Survey. Morgantown, W. Va.: Morgantown Print. & Bind. Co., 1924. R1290 (ASU ETSU) Nicholas County. Assisted in field by William Armstrong Price. Assisted in office by Rietz Courtney Tucker and James Donaldson Sisler. West Virginia Geological Survey County Reports. Wheeling, W. Va.: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1921. R1300 (ASU ETSU) AUTHOR Randolph County. West Virginia Geological Survey. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1931. R1310 (ASU ETSU) Tucker County. Assisted in field by William Armstrong Price, and in office by Rietz Courtney Tucker. West Virginia Geological Survey. Wheeling, W. Va.: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1923. R1320 (ASU LMC ETSU) Regional Air Pollution Control Agency An Emission Survey and Ambient Air Quality Data of Buncombe, Haywood, Henderson Counties and the City of Asheville. n.p.: n.p., n.d. R1330 (WCU) Register, Alvaretta K. State Census of North Carolina 1784-1787. Raleigh: The author, n.d. R1340 Rehder, Jessie Clifford Remembrance Way. New York: Putnam, 1956. A disturbed adult recalls a summer at a camp in the North Carolina mountains. R1350 (ASU) Reichel, Levin Theodore The Moravians in North Carolina. An authentic history. 1857. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. The Moravians were among the earliest explorers of western North Carolina. R1360 (ASU LMC) Reichert, Alfred Charles Egbert Craddock and die Amerikanische Short Story. Leipsig: Sturm and Koppe, 1912. R1370 Reichert, Stanley Orville Manganese Resources of East Tennessee. Nashville: n.p., 1942. R1380 (ETSU) Reid, Albert Clayton Tales from Cabin Creek. Raleigh, N. C: Edwards and Broughton, 1967. R1390 (ASU) Reid, Christian pseud, see Tieman, Frances Christine Fisher Reid, H. Extra South. Susquehanna, Pa.: Starrucca Valley Publications, 1964. This is book number 1038 of a first edition limited to 2,000 copies. R1400 (ASU) Reid, John Phillip A Law of Blood: The Primitive Law of the Cherokee Nation. New York: New York Univ. Press, 1970. R1410 (LMC BC UNCA) Reilly, J. S. Knoxville, Past, Present and Future. n.p.: The author, 1884. Discusses the General History and Early Settlement of Knox County, Tennessee. R1420 Reilly, John P. "An Analysis of Faculty and Administrative Attitudes Toward Teacher Corps Interns in Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. R1430 (ETSU) Rejected or Suspended Applications for Revolutionary War Pensions with an Added Index to the States Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. R1440 Relating Denominational Theology to Appalachia Berea, Ky.: Spiritual Life Commission, Council of the Southern Mountains, 197-. R1450 (BC) Remembrances: Watauga Academy, Appalachian School, Appalachian State Normal School, Appalachian State Teachers College, Appalachian State University Compiled by Tom Corbitt and William R. Dunlap for the seventy-fifth anniversary of Appalachian State University. Boone, N. C.: The univ., 1974. R1460 (ASU) Renters, Perceval The Springs of Virginia: Life, Love and Death at the Waters, 1775-1900. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1941. R1470 (ASU FC) 181 REEVE—REWIS Rennick, G. E. and others Demonstration of Safety Plugging of Oil Wells Penetrating Appalachian Coal Mines. Based on work done in cooperation with Christopher Coal Co., Division of Consolidation Coal Co. Technical Progress Report, 56. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Mines, Coal Mine Health & Safety Research Program, 1972. R1480 Renshaw, James F. Silvical Characteristics of Yellow-poplar. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 89. Asheville: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1958. R1490 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of White Basswood. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 136. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. R1500 (WCU) Rent, Robertalee comp. 1810 Montgomery County Census, n.p.: n.p., 1966. R1510 Renton, John J. A Pressure Chamber for the Impregnation of Porous Rock Specimens. Circular, no. 5. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological & Economic Survey, 1967. R1520 (ETSU) A Simple Technique for the Determination of Weight Per Cent of Calcite and Dolomite in Carbonate Rocks. Circular, no. 2. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological & Economic Survey, 1965. R1530 (ETSU) Report to the Congress on the Unified Development of the Tennessee River System Knoxville: TVA, 1936. R1540 Reported Sexual Behavior and Attitudes of Appalachian State University Students; a Comparison of Freshmen Girls and Their Upperclass Sisters Master's thesis. Appalachian State University, 1974. K1740 (ASU) Reprint of Official Register of Land Lottery of Georgia, 1827 Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. Since Georgia records were destroyed by fire in both the national and state capitals, these land lotteries provide one of the best indexes to the settlement of North Georgia Counties. R1550 (ASU) Rettie, James C. The Population and Employment Outlook for the Anthracite Region of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: U. S. Forest Service, Northeast Forest Experiment Station, 1945. R1560 The Reviewer vol. 1-5; Feb. 15, 1921-Oct. 1925. Richmond, 1921-24. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1925. Carries an occasional Appalachian item. R1570 (ASU) Revill, Janie comp. A Compilation of the Original Lists of Protestant Immigrants to South Carolina, 1763-1773. 1939. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. Many of these families settled in Appalachia. R1580 (ASU) Copy of the Original Index Book, Showing the Revolutionary Claims Filed in South Carolina Between August, 20, 1783, and August 31, 1786. Kept by James McCall. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. R1590 (ASU) Revitt, Paul Joseph The George Pullen Jackson Collection of Southern Hymnody: A Bibliography. Los Angeles: Univ. of California at Los Angeles Library, 1964. R1600 Rewis, Millard His New Creation; a History of Greene Memorial Methodist Church (1859-1959), from Methodism's Earliest Days in the Roanoke Valley. Roanoke: Art Printing, 1959. R1610 (FC) �REXROAD—RICHARDSON Rexroad, Carl Buckner and others The Silurian Formations of East-central Kentucky and Adjacent Ohio. Prepared in cooperation with the Indiana Geological Survey. Kentucky Geological Survey Series 10, Bulletin 2. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky College of Arts & Sciences, 1965. R1620 (ETSU) Rexrode, William F. Rexrode Art: Sketches from the Hills of West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1966. R1630 (ASU) Reynolds, Bufford Greene County Cemeteries, from Earliest Dates to 1970-1971. n.p.: n.p., 1971. R1640 (ASU ETSU) Reynolds, Cora Addington, Luther Foster Wise County Geography Supplement. Big Stone Gap, Va.: Wise County School Board and Univ. of Virginia, 1928. A570 (BC) Reynolds, Donald E. Editors Make War: Southern Newspapers in the Secession Crisis. Ph. D. Diss. Tulane Univ., 1965. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1966, 1970. Includes Appalachian Unionist Papers and references to earlier mountain abolistionist papers. R1650 Reynolds, Hughes The Coosa River Valley from DeSoto to Hydroelectric Power. Cynthiana, Ky.: Hobson Book Press, 1944. A history of the Coosa River Valley from Spanish Explorers to the Tennessee Valley Authority. R1660 (ASU) Reynolds, J. J. The Allen Gang. Baltimore: I. & M. Ottenheimer, 1912. A graphic account of the tragedy at Hillsville Courthouse, Hillsville, Virginia. R1670 (LMC BC ASU) Reynolds, James E. "Anxiety in Coal Miners." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1957. One of the few looks at the psychological effects of life in the mines. R1680 Reynolds, M. M. Shelter, Charles Milestones of West Virginia History...Some Events of Importance in the Development of the Mountain State. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1963. S2660 Reynolds, Michael M. "A Bibliographic Center in the West Virginia Region: An Analysis of Present Needs and Future Directions." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Michigan, 1964. A marvelous idea, but one unlikely to develop. R1690 (ASU) Forests and Forestry in West Virginia, a Bibliography. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Library, 1963. R1700 Shetler, Charles Milestones of West Virginia History: Some Events of Importance in the Development of the Mountain State. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1966. S3020 (ASU) Reynolds, Noah M. History of the Feuds of the Mountain Parts of Eastern Kentucky, Lives of Noah and John Reynolds. Whitesburg, Ky.: Eagles Print. Co., n.d. R1710 (ASU LMC BC) Reynolds, Roy Lee "A Study of Parent-child Relationships in Greene County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1951. R1720 (ETSU) Reynolds, Ruth Allen "A Proposed Health Instruction Program for Upper Elementary Grades Adaptable to Carter County." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. R1730 (ETSU) Reynolds, Thurlow Weed Born of the Mountains, n.p.: n.p., 1964. Delightful volume of manners and maxims from the hills. Includes personal reminiscences from the author's childhood. R1740 (ASU WCU LMC) Cherokee and Creek. Highlands, N. C: The author, 1966. R1750 (ASU LMC) AUTHOR High Lands. Highlands, N. C: n.p., 1964. Stories of the Carolina mountains and memoirs of a childhood spent there. R1760 (ASU LMC WCU) The Southern Appalachian Region: Hitherto Untold Stories. 2 vols. Highlands, N. C.: The author, 1966. R1770 (ASU LMC) Rhawn, Heister 6. Sturm, Harry Price Rimfire, His Life Story and Selections From His Own Writings. A Study of the Typical Mountaineer, Eli (Rimfire) Hamrick. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1967. S8920 (ASU BC) Rhea, Caroline McQueen "Sketches and Legends of Upper East Tennessee." Master's thesis. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1932. An excellent thesis chock full of tales from the Holston Valley County. R1780 (LMC ASU) Rhea County, Tenn. 1830 Census n.p.: n.p., n.d. Census statistics for Rhea County, Tennessee. R1790 Rhinehart, Joe P. ed. The Webster Cookbook. Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Co., 1974. Cookbook from the Webster Community, School, and Restoration Project near Sylva, North Carolina. R1800 Rhoades, Verne H. Ice Storms in the Southern Appalachian Mountains. With note on the preceding by William Willard Ashe. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Weather Bureau, 1918. R1810 Rhode Island School of Design, Providence, Museum of Art Mountain Artisans: An Exhibit of Patchwork and Quilting, Appalachia. Photographs, films and collected music by John Cohen. Providence: The school, 1970. R1820 (BC) The Rhododendron vol. 1, no. 1- . 1922- . Boone, N. C.: Appalachian State Univ., annual. R1830 (ASU) Rhoton, Thomas Foster "A Brief History of Franklin County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1941. R1840 Rhudy, Chelsea Laws "A Reading Improvement Program Developed by a Classroom Teacher for a Selected Seventh-grade Group at Elizabethton Junior High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. R1850 (ETSU) Rhymes of a Mountaineer Detroit: Harlo, 1968. R1860 Rhyne, Edwin Hoffman "Political Leadership and Social Structure in a Rural County." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1950. A mountain county was used for the study. R1870 (ASU) Rhyne, Jennings J. Some Southern Cotton Mill Workers and Their Villages. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1930. Many mill villages are located in the Appalachian foothills. R1880 (WWC ASU) Rice, Alvin H. The Shenandoah Pottery. Illustrated with photographs from the collection of the author (Rice?) Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1929. A list of early potteries in the valley. R1890 (ASU BC) Rice, Charles L. Geologic Map of the Jenkins West Quadrangle, Kentucky-Virginia. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Geological Survey, 1973. R1900 Geologic Map of the Whitesburg Quadrangle, Kentucky-Virginia, and Part of the Flat Gap Quadrangle, Letcher County, Ky. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1973. R19TO Rice, Charles Scott Steinmetz, Rollin C. Vanishing Crafts and Their Craftsmen. New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1959. $6940 (ASU) 182 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Rice, DeLong "Old Limber": Or, The Tale of the Taylors. Nashville: McQuiddy Print. Co., 1921. A fanciful tale of Bob and Sef Taylor's rivalry being resolved by making the dog governor. R1930 (ASU) Rice, DeLong ed. Governor Bob Taylor's Tales. Nashville, Tenn.: DeLong Rice and Co., 1896. Includes such favorites as "The Fiddle and the Bow" and "The Paradise of Fools." R1920 Rice, James Phillips "Taxation and Assessment of Coal, Gas and Oil with Special Reference to Western Pennsylvania, Eastern Ohio and Northern West Virginia." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1957. R1940 Rice, Laban Lacy A Mountain Idyll. Nashville: Baird Ward Press, 1921. An idyllic tale in flowery prose. The heroine is pure, right triumphs in the end. R1950 (WCU BC ASU) Rice, Lawrence K. "History of Education in Breathitt County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1933. R1960 Rice, Otis K. The Allegheny Frontier: West Virginia Beginnings, 1730-1830. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1970. An excellent interpretative history of the role of the first frontier in our country's westward expansion. R1970 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU MHC WWC BC FC UNCA) Teacher's Manual for West Virginia: The State and Its People. Grade 8. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. R1980 West Virginia: The State and Its People. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. R1990 (ASU) Rice, Otis Kermit "Frontier West Virginia: Some Aspects of Its Political, Social, and Economic Development." Ph. D. Diss. The Univ. of Kentucky, 1961. R2000 (ASU) Rich, Mark Some Churches of Coal Mining Communities of West Virginia. Sponsored by the West Virginia Council of Churches and the Committee for Cooperative Field Research. New York: n.p., 1951. R2010 Richards, John Adair A History of Bath County, Kentucky. Yuma, Ariz.: Southwest Printers, 1961. R2020 (BC) Richards, Thomas Addison Tallulah and Jocassee, or, Romances of Southern Landscape, and Other Tales. Charleston, S. C.: Walker, Richards and Co., 1852. As a landscape painter Richards did many scenes of rivers and mountains, some inspired by the hill country of South Carolina and Georgia. There are intimations of mountain scenery in these tales. R2030 Richards, William Carey Georgia Illustrated in a Series of Views, Embracing Natural Scenery and Public Edifices, Engraved on Steel by Rawdon, Wright, Hatch and Smillie, from Sketches Made Expressly for This Work by T. Addison Richards. Accompanied by Historical and Topographical Sketches, by Our Own Writers. Penfield, Go.: W. & W. C. Richards, 1842. There are descriptions of "The Rock Mountain," "The Falls of Tallulah," "The Falls of Towaliga," and "The Lover's Leap" with sketches. R2040 Richardson, Charles H. "A History of Municipal Government in Knoxville since 1911." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1945. R2050 Richardson, Ethel Park comp. American Mountain Songs. Edited and arranged by Sigmund Spaeth. New York: Greenberg, 1955. R2060 (ETSU BC ASU) American Mountain Songs. Edited and arranged by Sigmund Spaeth. 1955. Reprint. New York: Greenburg, 1956. R2070 (ASU ETSU WCU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Richardson, Frank From Sunrise to Sunset, Reminiscence of Bristol, Tennessee. Bristol: King Print. Co., 1910. Memoirs of a Methodist minister from east Tennessee. R2080 (BC) Richardson, Hiram K. Memoirs of Berea. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, 1940. R2090 (BC) Richardson, Howard Dark of the Moon. The Drama Library. New York: Theatre Arts Books, 1957. One of our better mountain dramas. R2100 (ASU WCU) Dark of the Moon. The Drama Library. London: Heinemann, 1966. R2110 (ASU) Dark of the Moon. Rev. ed. New York: Theatre Arts Books, 1966. R2120 (LMC MHC) Dark of the Moon. Rev. ed., 1966. Reprint. New York: Theatre Arts Books, 1970. R2130 (ETSU) Richardson, James R. Snakes and the Devil. New York: Vantage Press, 1959. A novel of the serpent-handling cults in Appalachia. R2140 Richardson, Joy W. Roback, Selwyn S. The Effects of Acid Mine Drainage on Aquatic Insects. Philadelphia: Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, 1969. R2630 (ASU) Richardson, Marian M. 1832 Cherokee Land Lottery: Index to Revolutionary Soldiers, Their Widows and Orphans Who Were Fortunate Drawers. Danielsville, Ga.: Heritage Papers, 1969. R2150 (ASU WCU) Richardson, Yokes From Cedar Mountain: A Collection of Stories from the Large American Novel, Cedar Mountain. New York: Vantage Press, 1963. A fine collection of stories excerpted from the author's forthcoming novel. Most have Eastern Tennessee settings and are rich in the language and lore of the mountains. R2160 (ASU) Richey, Ish Kentucky Literature 1784-1963. Tompkinsville, Ky.: Monroe County Press, 1963. A review of 179 years of Kentucky literature, with bibliography. R2170 (BC) Richter, Conrad The Grandfathers. New York: Knopf, 1964. A novel about a young girl growing up in the mountains of Maryland searching for the identity of her father and grandfather. R2180 Rickets, Milton George Washington Harris. New York: Twayne, 1965. Appalachia's foremost early humorist. Harris' Tennessee tales had a national audience. R2190 (BC) Rickert, Edith Ancient English Christmas Carols. New York: Duffield and Co., 1915. R2200 (FC) Ricketts, James E. Oder, Charles Rollin Lorain Geology of the Mascot-Jefferson City Zinc District, Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1961. O220 (ETSU) Rico-Velasco, Jesus Antonio "Immigrants from the Appalachian Region to the City of Columbus, Ohio: A Case Study." Master's thesis. Ohio State Univ., 1969. A study of the trauma inflicted on the Appalachian migrant to the big-city ghetto. R2210 (BC) Riddel, Frank Stephen "Related Aspects of the Social and Economic Problems, Cultural Transitions and Educational System of Rural Appalachia: An Analysis Based on the Concept of Scale." Ph. D. Diss. Ohio State Univ., 1971. R2220 (BC) Riddle, Almeda A Singer and Her Songs. Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 1970. Miss Riddle is noted for her renditions of traditional ballads. R2230 (BC) Ridenour, George L. "The Development of Public Education in Campbell County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1950. R2240 AUTHOR The Land of the Lake: A History of Campbell County, Tennessee. LaFollette: LaFollette Pub., 1941. An informative and informal history of Campbell County, Tennessee. R2250 Ridgecrest Baptist Assembly, Ridgecrest, N. C. Day Book, Sept., 1907-Aug. 24, 1909. Microfilm. Ridgecrest, N. C.: p.p., 1907-1909. The mountain assembly and retreat of the Southern Baptists. R2260 (WCU) Minutes, 1909-1931. Microfilm. Ridgecrest, N. C.: n.p., n.d. R2270 (WCU) Ridgely, Joseph Vincent William Gilmore Simms. New York: Grossett and Dunlap, 1962. Simms wrote several novels with Appalachian settings. R2280 (BC) Ridgeway, Florence Holmes Cor win, Euphemia Kipp Unto the Hills; Glimpses of Berea's Outdoors. Cincinnati: Abington Press, n.d. C7600 A Charge to Keep; Narratives and Episodes Devoted to the Women Who Helped Build a Place for Worship and for Learning on the Berea Ridge. Typescript. Berea: Berea Woman's Club, 1954. R2290 (BC) Ries, Heinrich Clay Deposits and Clay Industry in North Carolina, a Preliminary Report. North Carolina Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 13. Raleigh: G. V. Barnes, 1897. R2300 (WCU) Riggs, F. E. ed. Tolley, G. S. Economics of Watershed Planning Sponsored by the Southeast Land Tenure Research Committee, the Farm Foundation, and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Ames, Iowa: State Univ. Press, 1961. T8820 Rights, Douglas LeTell The American Indian in North Carolina. Durham, N. C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1947. R2310 (WCU) The American Indian in North Carolina. 2nd ed. Winston-Salem, N. C.: J. F. Blair, 1957. R2320 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU UNCA BC) The Discoveries of John Lederer. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia Press, 1958. R2330 (ASU LMC) Rigsby, Michael Spirit Happy. Brevard?, N. C.: The Loom Press, 1974. R2340 Ripley, Thomas H. Cushwa, Charles T. Forest Recreation: Estimated and Predictions in the North River Area, George Washington National Forest, Virginia. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1965. C9960 Recreation Impact on Southern Appalachian Campgrounds and Picnic Sites. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 153. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1962. R2350 (WCU) Risley, Eleanor de a Vergne Doss The Road to Wildcat: A Tale of Southern Mountaineering. Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1930. Stories of a flatland couple traveling through the mountains of Appalachia. R2360 (BC ASU LMC) Risser, Hubert E. "The Economics of the Coal Industry." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kansas, 1958. R2370 Ritchie, Andrew Jackson The Rabun Industrial School and Mountain Extension Work Among the Mountain Whites. Atlanta: n.p., 1906. This has become the Rabun Gap Nachoochee Valley School of FOXFIRE fame. R2380 Sketches of Rabun County History, 1819-1948. 1948. Reprint. Clayton, Ga.: The author, 1959. Stories and historical sketches of Rabun County history. R2390 (BC ASU LMC) 183 RICHARDSON—RITTENHOUSE Ritchie, Frank T., Jr. Robertson, Stanley M. Soil Survey, Habersham County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1963. R3190 Ritchie, Jean Apple Seeds and Soda Straws: Some Love Charms and Legends. Illustrated by Don Bolagnese. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1965. R2400 (ASU) Celebration of Life, Her Songs, Her Poems. New York: Geordie Music Pub., 1969. R2410 (ASU) Celebration of Life: Her Songs, Her Poems. New York: Geordie Music Pub., 1971. R2420 (LMC) The Dulcimer Book, Being a Book about the Three-stringed Appalachian Dulcimer, Including Some Ways of Tuning and Playing: Some Recollections in Its Local History in Perry and Knott Counties, Kentucky. Some Observations on the Probable Origins of the Instrument in the Old Countries of Europe: And with Words and Music for Some Sixteen Songs from the Ritchie Family of Kentucky. New York: Oak Pub., 1964. R2430 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) The Dulcimer Book, Being a Book about the Three-stringed Appalachian Dulcimer, Including Some Ways of Tuning and Playing: Some Recollections in Its Local History in Perry and Knott Counties, Kentucky. Some Observations on the Probable Origins of the Instrument in the Old Countries of Europe: With Plentiful Photographic Illustrations and Drawings. And with Words and Music for Some Sixteen Songs from the Ritchie Family of Kentucky. New York: Oak Pub., 1972. R2440 (ASU) Folk Songs of the Southern Appalachian As Sung by Jean Ritchie. New York: Oak Pub., 1965. R2450 (WWC) Folk Songs of the Southern Appalachians; As Sung by Jean Ritchie. New York: Oak Pub., 1965. R2460 (LMC WWC ETSU) Singing Family of the Cumberlands. Illustrated by Maurice Sendak. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1955. R2490 (ASU MHC WWC BC) Singing Family of the Cumberlands. Illustrated by Maurice Sendak. 1955. Reprint. New York: Oak Publications, 1963. R2500 (ASU WCU LMC) The Swapping Song Book. Photographs by George Pickow. Piano arrangements by A. K. Fossner and Edward Tripp. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1952. R2510 (BC ASU LMC) Ritchie, Jean comp. Jean Ritchie's Swapping Song Book. Photographs by George Pickow. Piano arrangements by A. K. Fossner and Edward Tripp. New York: H. Z. Walck, 1964. R2480 (ASU WCU) Ritchie, Jean ed. A Garland of Mountain Song: Songs from the Repertoire of the Ritchie Family of Viper, Kentucky. With piano accompaniment by Hally Wood Gordon. Produced under the supervision of Milton Rettenberg. New York: Broadcast Music, 1953. R2470 (ASU WWC) Ritt, Leonard Gilbert "Presidential Voting Patterns in Appalachia: An Analysis of the Relationship Between Turnout, Partisan Change, and Selected Socioeconomic Variables." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1967. R2520 Rittenhouse, Gordon The Texture of Mississippian, Upper Devonian, and Lower Pennsylvanian Sandstones in the Appalachian Basin. U. S. Geological Survey Special Publication. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1946. R2530 The Texture of Paleozoic Sandstones and Sandy Limestones in the Appalachian Basin. U. S. Geological Survey Special Publication. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1946. R2540 �HITTER—ROBERTS Ritter, (W. M.) Lumber Company The Romance of Appalachian Hardwood Lumber: 1890 — Fifty Years of Service — 1940. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1940. R2550 (BC ASU WCU LMC) Rittgers, Fred Henry "A Geographical Survey of Blount County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1941. R2560 Rivers, William James A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of the Proprietary Government by the Revolution of 1719. With an appendix containing many valuable records hitherto unpublished. Xerox copy of the original. Charleston, S. C: McCarter & Co., 1856. R2580 (ASU) Rives, Amelie Tanis, the Sang-Digger. New York: Town Topics Pub. Co., 1893. A surveyor in the mountains meets a strange woman who digs ginseng for a living. R2570 Rives, Amelie pseud, see also Troubetzkoy, Amelie Rives Chandler Rivkin/Carson Priority Determination Procedure for the Selection of Pollution Abatement Projects in the Monongahela River Basin. With Arthur W. Edwards Associates. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1972. R2590 (ASU) Rizk, Estelle Smith No More Muffled Hoofbeats. Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1960. R2600 (ASU) Roanoke Story of County and City Compiled by Workers of Writers Program of W.P.A. in Virginia. American Guide Series. Sponsored by School Board of Roanoke City, and School Board of Roanoke County. 1942. Roanoke: The board, 1942. R2610 Roanoke Valley Historical Society Journal, vol. 1-, 1964-. Roanoke, Va.: The society, n.d. R2620 (BC ETSU) Roback, Selwyn S. The Effects of Acid Mine Drainage on Aquatic Insects. Philadelphia: Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, 1969. R2630 (ASU) Roberson, Zero Hall Public School Education in Buncombe County, 1935-1969. Asheville, N. C.: Miller Print. Co., 1969. R2640 (WCU) Robert, Joseph Clarke The Tobacco Kingdom: Plantation, Market, and Factory in Virginia and North Carolina, 1800-1860. 1938. Reprint. Gloucester, Mass.: P. Smith, 1965. R2650 (ASU) Robert, O. R. Amsden, Thomas William Geology and Water Resources of Garrett County. Baltimore: Maryland Department of Geology, Mines and Water Resources, 1954. A2230 (ETSU) Roberts, Bruce The Carolina Gold Rush. 1st ed. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally and Loftin, 1971. Gold Fields in North Carolina included Burke County and other western areas. R2660 (ASU MHC ETSU) The Goodliest Land —- North Carolina. New York: Doubleday, 1973. Western North Carolina is allotted adequate coverage. Beautifully illustrated. R2680 (ASU LMC) Harper's Ferry in Pictures. Text by W. J. McNally. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally & Loftin, 1963. R2690 (ASU WCU) Sense of Discovery. The Mountain. Richmond, Va.: John Knox Press, 1969. A beautifully illustrated book about the mountains, a small girl and a stranger in buckskin. R2700 (ASU LMC BC WCU) Where Time Stood Still: A Portrait of Appalachia. New York: Crowell-Collier Press, 1970. Pictorial study of Appalachia; its culture and its people. R2710 (ASU UNCA BC WCU MHC ETSU FC LMC WWC) Roberts, Nancy This Haunted Land. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally and Loftin, 1970. R3040 (ASU MHC BC) AUTHOR Roberts, Nancy This Haunted Land. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally and Loftin, 1973. R3050 (LMC) Roberts, Nancy Sense of Discovery: The Mountain. Richmond: John Knox Press, 1969. R3060 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Roberts, Bruce ed. The Face of North Carolina. With text by Dick Gorrell. Foreword by Paul Green. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally & Loftin, 1962. R2670 (ASU LMC UNCA) Roberts, Dorothy James The Mountain Journey. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1947. Story of childbirth and a harrowing journey through a West Virginia storm to seek medical aid. R2720 (ASU) Roberts, Elizabeth Madox Black Is My Truelove's Hair. New York: Viking Press, 1938. A novel of love and betrayal in the Kentucky mountains. R2730 (ASU LMC ETSU WCU BC) A Buried Treasure. New York: Literary Guild, 1931. Set in the foothill country of the Appalachians. R2740 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU) The Great Meadow. New York: Viking Press, 1930. A novel of frontier life and the journey over the mountains to Kentucky. R2750 (ASU LMC ETSU BC WWC) The Haunted Mirror. New York: The Viking Press, 1932. Stories with a mountain setting, notable for the fluid quality of mountain speech. R2760 The Haunted Mirror; Stories. New York: Viking, 1932. Stories with a mountain setting and excellent use of the haunting cadence of mountain speech. R2770 He Sent Forth a Raven. New York: Viking Press, 1935. R2780 (ASU) He Sent Forth a Raven. New York: Popular Library, 1963. R2790 (ETSU) My Heart and My Flesh, a Novel. New York: Viking Press, 1927. R2800 (ASU ETSU WCU) Not by Strange Gods; Stories. New York: Viking, 1941. A group of stories with a Kentucky hill setting. R2810 Song in the Meadow: Poems. New York: Viking Press, 1940. R2820 (ASU) The Time of Man. New York: Viking Press, 1926. The Chesser family migrates from the mountains to pick tobacco in the south. R2830 (ETSU LMC WCU WWC BC) The Time of Man, a Novel. With wood engravings by Clare Leighton. New York: Viking Press, 1945. R2840 (WCU) The Time of Man, a Novel. Introduction by Robert Penn Warren. With wood engravings by Clare Leighton. Compass Books, C103. New York: Viking Press, 1963. R2850 (ASU) Roberts, Elliot One River — Seven States: TVA-State Relations in the Development of the Tennessee River. Record Extension Series, vol. 31, no. 1. Knoxville: Bureau of Public Administration, Univ. of Tennessee, 1955. R2860 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Roberts, Ellis Wynn "A History of Land Subsistence and Its Consequences Caused by the Mining of Anthracite Coal in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania." Ph. D. Diss. New York Univ., 1948. R2870 Roberts, Ina Wear Edwards, Rapha Olga Jones Descendants of East Tennessee Pioneers. Gatlinburg: n.p., 1963. Ell 90 (ASU) Roberts, John Bennett "A Role Definition of Secondary School Assistant Principals in Washington County, Virginia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. R2880 (ETSU) 184 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Roberts, Joseph Kent Annotated Geological Bibliography of Virginia. Published by the Alderman Library. Univ. of Virginia Bibliographical Series, no. 2. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1942. R2890 (ETSU) Roberts, Leon Ward 1912- The Tales and Songs of the Couch Family. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1959. This is the family from whom Mr. Roberts has collected much of his published folklore. R2900 Roberts, Leonard ed. Hatfield, G. Elliott The Hatfields. Stanville, Ky.: Big Sandy Valley Historical Society, 1974. H3450 (ASU) Roberts, Leonard W. Folk Tales of the Southern Mountains. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1958. R2910 (ASU MHC) I Bought Me a Dog, and Other Folktales from the Southern Mountains. Berea, Ky.: Council of Southern Mountain Workers, 1954. One dozen authentic folk stones from Appalachia. R2920 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Sang Branch Settler, Folksongs and Tales of a Kentucky Mountain Family. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1974. R2950 (ASU) Up Cutshin and Down Greasy: Folkways of a Kentucky Family. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1959. R2990 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC UNCA) Roberts, Leonard W. comp. Nippy and the Yankee Doodle, and More Folk Tales from the Southern Mountains. 1st ed. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1958. R2930 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Old Greasybeard: Tales from the Cumberland Gap. Illustrated by Leonard Epstein. Detroit: Folklore Associates, 1969. Includes animal, hero, giant, humorous and tall tales. R2940 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC WWC MHC BC FC) Roberts, Leonard W. ed. South from Hell-fer-Sartin: Kentucky Mountain Folk Tales. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1955. Collection of folk tales, some from Europe with an Appalachian flavor. R2960 (ASU WCU MHC BC) South from Hell-fer-Sartin: Kentucky Mountain Folk Tales. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1964. R2970 (LMC MHC ETSU WWC) South from Hell-fer-Sartin: Kentucky Mountain Folk Tales. 1955. Reprint. First Appalachian Heritage Edition. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1964. R2980 (ETSU) Roberts, Lydia Jane The Nutrition and Care of Children in a Mountain County of Kentucky. Publication, 110. Washington: U. S. Department of Labor, Children's Bureau, 1922. R3000 Roberts, Nancy Roberts, Bruce The Goodliest Land — North Carolina. New York: Doubleday, 1973. R2680 (ASU LMC) Roberts, Bruce Sense of Discovery: The Mountain. Richmond, Va.: John Knox Press, 1969. R2700 (ASU LMC BC WCU) Roberts, Bruce Where Time Stood Still: A Portrait of Appalachia. New York: Crowell-Collier Press, 1970. R2710 (ASU UNCA BC WCU MHC ETSU FC LMC WWC) Ghosts of the Carolinas. With photographs by Bruce Roberts. Foreword by Legette Blythe. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally and Loftin, 1962. A few of the stories are from the mountains. R3010 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Ghosts of the Carolinas. With photographs by Bruce Roberts. Foreword by Legette Blythe. 2nd ed. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally and Loftin, 1967. R3020 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Roberts, Nancy An Illustrated Guide to Ghosts and Mysterious Occurrences in the Old North State. Photographs by Bruce Roberts. Charlotte, N. C: Old Heritage House, 1959. R3030 (ASU LMC) This Haunted Land. 1st ed. A Southern Living Edition. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally and Loftin, 1970. R3040 (ASU MHC BC) This Haunted Land. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally and Loftin, 1973. R3050 (LMC) Sense of Discovery: The Mountain. Richmond: John Knox Press, 1969. A young girl meets a stranger in buckskin who shows her the wonders of the mountain. R3060 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Roberts, Peter Anthracite Coal Communities. New York: Macmillan, 1904. A study of the demography, social, educational and moral life of the coal region. R3070 (BC) Roberts, Roy L. Some Postwar Rural Trends in Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Agricultural Economics, 1946. R3080 Roberts, Ruby Altizer Emera Altizer and His Descendants, n.p.: n.p., n.d. R3090 Roberts, Wallace Moon, J. W. Soil Survey, Jefferson County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. M6630 Soil Survey, Hamilton County, Tennessee. Prepared in cooperation with the Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report, Series 1937, no. 22. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1947. R3100 Swann, Maurice Edward Soil Survey, Roane County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. S9440 Roberts, Wallace and others Soil Survey, Knox County, Tennessee. Soil Survey, Series 1942, no. 10. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1955. R3110 Robertson, Archibald Thomas Slow Train to Yesterday, a Last Glance at the Local. Illustrated by F. Stoobel. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1945. Railroading in the mountains. R3120 (ASU LMC BC) Robertson, George F. A Small Boy's Recollections of the Civil War (War Between the States) Clover, S. C.: The author, 1932. R3130 (ASU) A Small Boy's Recollections of the Civil War. Charlotte, N. C.: Standard Print. Co., 1932. R3140 Robertson, George Francis The Only Nancy. Mount Holly, N. C.: Lowell Pub. Co., 1917. R3150 (LMC ASU) Robertson, James Rood Petitions of the Early Inhabitants of Kentucky to the General Assembly of Virginia, 1769. Louisville, Ky.: John P. Morton and Co. Inc., Printers to the Filson Club, 1914. R3160 Robertson, Seonaid Mairi Dyes from Plants. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1973. R3170 (ASU) Robertson, Stanley M. Soil Survey, Forsyth County, Georgia. Soils surveyed by S. M. Robertson and others. Correlation by A. H. Hasty. Soil Survey, Series 1956, no. 12. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1960. R3180 AUTHOR Soil Survey, Habersham County, Georgia. Field Survey by Stanley M. Robertson and others. Soil Survey, Series 1959, no. 27. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1963. R3190 Robinette, Frank L. "What the Eighth Grade Patrons of Scott County Think about Their Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. R3200 Robinette, Reba "Specific Techniques Used to Improve the Reading of Three Groups of Children in the Eighth Grade at Robinson Jr. High School in Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1958. R3210 (ETSU) Robins, Edwards With Thomas in Tennessee. Philadelphia: G. W. Jacobs and Co., 1903. Thomas was the hero of the East Tennessee campaign and saved the day at Chickamauga. R3220 Robinson, Daniel Merritt Bob Taylor and the Agrarian Revolt in Tennessee. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1935. R3230 Robinson, Donald H. Camper's and Hiker's Guide to the Blue Ridge Parkway. Riverside, Conn.: Chatham Press, 1971. R3240 (ASU LMC ETSU FC WCU BC) Robinson, Eliot Harlow The Man from Smiling Pass: Or, The Honorable Abe Blount. Illustrated by H. Weston Taylor. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1924. Young man urges reforms in the mountain, gets elected to Congress and gets the girl. R3250 (ASU BC) "Smiles," a Rose of the Cumberlands. Illustrated by H. Weston Taylor. Boston: Page Co., 1919. A novel of life, love and medicine in the mountains. R3260 (ASU WCU BC) Smiling Pass: Being a Further Account of the Career of "Smiles," a Rose of the Cumberlands. Illustrated by John Goss. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1921. A continuation of SMILES. The young nurse, Rose comes home from the war. R3270 (ASU) Robinson, George 0. The Oak Ridge Story: The Saga of a People Who Share in History. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Pubs., 1950. R3280 (ASU WCU BC) Robinson, Glenn Hugh Soil Survey, Avery County, North Carolina. Soil Survey, Series 1946, no. 1. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1955. R3290 Robinson, John Hovey Daniel Boone.- Or, The Pioneers of Kentucky. Boston: G. W. Studley, 185?. A fictional account of the exploits of Daniel Boone. R3300 (BC) Robinson, Luther We Made Peace with Polio. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1960. R3310 (ASU) Robinson, Marie "Public Information and the Community Action Programs of the War on Poverty: The First Three Years." Master's thesis. American Univ., 1970. R3320 Robinson, Nelson Holmes, Jack E. Structure of County Government in Tennessee, n.p.: n.p., n.d. H6800 Robinson, Tully M. Occurrence and Availability of Ground Water in Ohio County, West Virginia. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, 27. Charleston: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1964. R3330 (ETSU) Robinson, W. H. Water Supply of the Birmingham Area, Alabama. U. S. Geological Survey Circular, no. 254. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. R3340 Robnett, Elizabeth Parham "A History of Bledsoe County, Tennessee: 1807-1957." Ed. S. Diss. George Peabody College, 1957. R3350 185 ROBERTS—ROGERS Rockbridge Historical Society Proceedings of the Rockbridge Historical Society. Lexington, Va.: The society, 1941-. R3360 (BC ASU) Rockingham, Harrisonburg Civil War Centennial Commission Civil War Action in Rockingham County, Virginia, 1861-1865. Harrisonburg: The author, 1964. R3370 (ASU LMC) Rodgers, John King, Philip Burke Geology and Manganese Deposits of Northeastern Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Conservation Division of Geology, 1944. K2410 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Deposits of Bumpass Cove, Unicoi and Washington Counties, Tennessee. Bulletin, 54. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Conservation, Division of Geology, 1948. R3390 (ETSU) Stratigraphic Section at Lee Valley, Hawkins County, Tennessee. Bulletin, 55. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Conservation, Division of Geology, 1948. R3400 (ETSU) The Tectonics of the Appalachians. New York: Wiley — Interscience, 1970. Tectonics, according to Mr. Webster, has to do with the formation of mountains. R3410 (LMC ETSU WWC) Rodgers, John comp. Geologic Map of East Tennessee. Prepared in cooperation with U. S. Dept. of Interior Geological Survey. Bulletin, 58, pt. 2. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Conservation, Division of Geology, 1952. R3380 (ETSU) Roger's Asheville Photogravures. New York: Alber-type Co., 1895. R3590 (BC) Rogers, Elizabeth E. Daddy's Pearl and Other Stories. Philadelphia: J. M. Rogers, 1898. Kentucky mountain stories from a Berea author. R3420 (BC) How Jack Went to College. Berea, Ky.: Students' Job Print., 1895. Story of a boy's efforts to go to college; at Berea, of course. R3430 (BC) Rogers, Elizabeth Embree Biny's Choice. Berea: Berea College Print. Dept., 1895. Sabina chooses a husband with educational ambitions. R3440 (BC) Sarepty's Schoolin'; the Tale of a Mountain Maid Who Hungered for Knowledge. Berea, Ky.: Berea College Print. Dept., n.d. R3450 (BC) Rogers, Evelyn Focus on Franklin County. Winchester: n.p., 1966. R3460 Rogers, George Adventures of Elder Triptolemus Tub. Boston: Abel Tompkins, 1867. A novel of religious experience. R3470 (WCU) Rogers, James R. Cane Ridge Meeting-house. To Which Is Appended the Autobiography of B. W. Stone and a Sketch of David Purviance. Cincinnati: Standard Pub. Co., 1910. The Great Revival Movement started at Cane Ridge in Kentucky. R3480 (BC ASU) Rogers, Jesse Littleton The Civil War Battles of Chickamauga and Chattanooga. Chattanooga: Andrews, 1942. R3490 Rogers, John A. R. Birth of Berea College; a Story of Providence. Philadelphia: n.p., 1903. R3500 (BC ASU) Rogers, John Almanza Rowley Birth of Berea College: A Story of Providence. With an introduction by Hamilton Wright Mabie. Philadelphia: Coates, 1903, Facsimile, 1970 edition. R3510 (MHC) Rogers, (Catherine V. "A Description of Government in Gordon, Clark and Paulding Counties, Georgia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Ga., 1941. R3520 �ROGERS—ROTHROCK Rogers, Lettie Hamlett Birthright. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1957. A novel about segregation in a Burke County, North Carolina town. A young school teacher takes a stand on the rare problem and sets off a chain of reactions leading to her dismissal. R3530 (ASU) Rogers, Louis Leroy "Problem Analysis Study of Selected Freshmen Students at Appalachian State Teachers College." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. R3540 (ASU) Rogers, Lucille Light from Many Candles: A History of Pioneer Women in Education in Tennessee. Published by XI State, Delta Kappa Gamma. Nashville: McQuiddy Print. Co., 1960. R3550 (ETSU) Rogers, Reese F. Soil Survey of Jackson County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 1915. R3560 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Tennessee. Prepared in cooperation with the Tennessee Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1913. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1915. R3570 Rogers, Thomas 0., Jr. "The Economic Impact of Recreation Resort Development on the Local Economy: A Case Study of Avery County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1973. R3580 (LMC) Rogers, Tommy W. Wilbur, George L. Internal Migration in the United States 1958 to 1964: A List of References. State College: Mississippi Agricultural Experiment Station, Mississippi State Univ., 1965. W6080 Rogers, William Warren Ward, Robert David Labor Revolt in Alabama: The Great Strike of 1894. University: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1965. W770 (WCU BC) Rohrbaugh, Lewis Bunker Rohrback Genealogy. Philadelphia, Pa.: Dando-Schaff Print, and Pub. Co., 1970. R3600 Rojankovsky, Fedor Daniel Boone. Paris: Domino Press, 1931. Biography of Boone the hunter, pioneer, land speculator, and Indian trader. R3610 (BC) Rotfe, Mary A. Our National Parks. Book One. Chicago: Sanborn and Co.; 1927. R3620 (ASU LMC BC) Roller, David Charles "The Republican Party of North Carolina: 1900 to 1916." Ph. D. Diss. Duke Univ., 1965. Western North Carolina, the traditional strong-hold of Republicanism, was held accountable for Civil War sins and did not begin to recover from that handicap until after 1916. R3630 Rollins, Kathleen Impassioned Foothills. New York: William Godwin, 1937. Romantic fiction set in western North Carolina. R3640 Love's Tapestry. New York: Arcadia House, 1935. Romantic fiction with a western North Carolina setting. R3650 Rolston, Frances "History of Education in Letcher County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1939. R3660 Romagnoli, Alfonso Louis "Worker Education in West Virginia: A Study in Union-University Cooperation." Microfilm. Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1957. R3670 (ASU) Romaine, William B. Story of Sam Davis. Pulaski: Pulaski Citizen, 1928. R3680 Roncker, Robert The Southern Appalachian Migrant. Cincinnati: n.p., 1959. An important early treatise on the problems of the Southern Appalachian mountaineer in the cities. R3690 AUTHOR Roosevelt, Theodore The Winning of the West. 4 vols. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1889-96. Early volumes devoted to America's first frontier — the Appalachians. The author recognized the strategic importance of the mountains and the battles fought there. R3700 (ASU) Root, A. S. Mangum, Adolphus W. Soil Survey of the Campobello Area, South Carolina. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1904. M3020 Roper, Marilyn Elizabeth "A Survey of Vocabulary Weaknesses of 417 Freshmen at East Tennessee State University." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1964. R3710 (ETSU) Roper, Rosalie "An Analysis of Youth Centers for White Youth in Three Tennessee Cities: Johnson City, Elizabethton and Kingsport." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1958. R3720 (ETSU) Rorabargh, James D. John R. Rohrbach (Rohrabaugh) 1728-1821: Descendants and Marriage Connections. 2 vols. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1966-1970. R3730 (ASU) Rosa, Bray Roberts, Ruby Altizer Emera Altizer and His Descendants, n.p.: n.p., n.d. R3090 Rose, Boyd B. Brown, E. Evan The Economic Development of the Northeast Georgia Commission Area Through Use of Forest Products and Water Resources. Athens, Ga.: Northeast Georgia Planning and Development Commission, 1966. B7120 (ASU ETSU) Rose, Joseph A. How to Be Successful. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. A smug little autobiographical volume describing one mountain boy's success. Stuffed with maxims. R3740 Rose, Mary Glenn "Jesse Stuart: Pioneer Writer of the Kentucky-Hills." Microfilm. Master's thesis. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1938. R3750 (ASU) Rosenbaum, Art Old-time Mountain Banjo: An Instruction Method for Playing the Old-time Five-string Mountain Banjo Based on the Styles of Traditional Banjo-pickers. New York: Oak Publications, 1968. One of the finest volumes available for the mountain banjo. R3760 (WCU ASU BC) Rosenberg, Bruce A. The Art of the American Folk Preacher. New York: Oxford Press, 1970. A grand tribute to the camp-meeting revivalist. R3770 (BC) The Folksongs of Virginia. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Va., 1969. R3780 (FC) Ross, Charles C. ed. Story of Rotherwood, from the Autobiography of Rev. Fre'derick A. Ross. Knoxville: Bean, Warters, 1923. History of Rotherwood in Sullivan County, Tennessee. R3790 Ross, Clarence Samuel Occurrence and Origin of the Titanium Deposits of Nelson and Amherst Counties, Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 198. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1941. R3800 Origin of the Copper Deposits of the Ducktown Type in the Southern Appalachian Region. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 179. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1935. R3810 (ETSU ASU) Ross, Edmund Gibson History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and His Trial by the Senate, for High Crimes and Misdemeanors in Office, 1868. 1896. Reprint. New York: Burt Franklin, n.d. R3820 (ASU) 186 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Ross, Ernest Lafayette "An Educational Study of Bradley County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1940. R3830 Historical Cemetery Records of Bradley County, Tennessee. 2 vols. Cleveland, Tenn.: n.p., 1973. R3840 (ETSU) Ross, Fred E. Jackson Mahaffey, a Novel. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1951. A well-written novel of the North Carolina foothill country. Speech patterns are very close to those of mountain speech. R3850 (ASU) Ross, James W. "An Analysis of.the Relationship Between the Anxiety Level and the Academic Performance of Freshmen at East Tennessee State University for the Year 1965." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. R3860 (ETSU) Ross, L. M. ed. North Carolina Index: Guide to North Carolina's Periodical Literature A Cumulative Author and Subject Index Covering Material in N. C. Publications. . . . Winston-Salem: The Editors, irregular serial supplements. N2430 (ASU UNCA) Ross, Malcolm Harrison The Machine Age in the Hills. New York: Macmillan Co., 1933. Progress by machine comes into the hills. Areas discussed agriculture, textile industry, mining, and spinning mills. R3870 (ASU LMC BC WWC ETSU) Ross, W. G. Shaw, Charles Frederick Reconnaissance Soil Survey of Northeastern Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. S2470 Ross, William P. Indian Territory. Washington, D. C.: Gibson Brothers, Printers, 1874. Remarks in opposition to the bill to organize the territory of Oklahoma, by William P. Ross, principal chief of the Cherokee Nation, before the Committee on Territories of the House of Representatives. R3880 (ASU) Roth, Elmer R. Heart Rots of Appalachian Hardwoods. U. S. Forest Service Forest Pest Leaflet, 38. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. R3890 Roth, William V., Jr. The Appalachian Regional Development Program. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, n.d. R3900 (ASU) Rothblatt, Donald N. Regional Planning: The Appalachian Experience. Lexington, Mass.: Heath Lexington Books, 1971. An examination of the Appalachian Regional Commission. Concludes that Appalachian people were not represented in the decision making. R3910 (ASU WCU WWC LMC) Rothery, Agnes New Roads in Old Virginia. Rev. ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1937. R3920 (LMC) Rothrock, Howard Eugene Geology and Coal Resources of the Northeast Part of the Coosa Coal Field, St. Clair County, Alabama. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the Geological Survey of Alabama. Bulletin, 61. University: Univ. of Alabama, 1949. R3930 (ETSU) Rothrock, Mary U. comp. Luttrell, Laura F. comp. Calvin Morgan McClung Historical Collection, n.p.: n.p., n.d. L4040 Rothrock, Mary U. ed. Haywood, John The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee, up to the First Settlements Therein by the White People in the Year 1768. Jackson, Tenn.: McCowat-Mercer Press, 1959. H4050 (ASU ETSU BC) Rothrock, Mary Utopia ed. The French-Broad Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. Knoxville, Tenn.: East Tennessee Historical Society, 1946. R3940 (LMC BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Rothrock, Mary Utopia ed. The French Broad-Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. By the Knox County History Committee, East Tennessee Historical Society. 1946. Reprint. Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, 1972. R3950 (ETSU) Rothwell, R. P. Report on Stone Hill Copper Mines and Works, Cleburne County, Alabama. Washington: Off. of Engineering and Mining, 1877. R3960 (ASU) Rough, Robert L. Cost Study of Pumping Versus Flowing Oil Production from Appalachian Waterfloods. Report of Investigations, 5558. Pittsburgh: U. S. Bureau of Mines, 1960. R3970 Lithologic Descriptions of Appalachian Area Oil-producing Formations. Information Circular, 8473. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Mines, 1970. R3980 Rotary Coring of Appalachian Area Oil-producing Formations with Mud or Air. U. S. Mines Bureau Report of Investigations, 7238. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1969. R3990 Rourke, Constance Mayfield American Humor: Study of the National Character. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1931. Scant attention paid to rough mountain wit. R4000 (MHC) Davy Crockett. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1934. Gives less attention to the sensational and more attention to the solid character of the man than most other Crockett biographers. R4010 (ETSU BC) Davy Crockett. Illustrated by James MacDonald. Introduction and study guides by Geraldine Murphy. School ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1955. R4020 (ASU) Rouse, Elaine Burdett "Union Economic Politics and Union Discipline in the Bituminous Wage Dispute of 1949-1950." Microfilm. Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1953. R4030 (ASU) Rouse, W. L. Nicholls, W. D. Family Incomes and Land Utilization in Knott County, Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agriculture Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1946. N910 Rovetch, Warren Program Budgeting for Planners; A Case Study of Appalachia With Projections Through 1985. New York: Praeger Pubs., 1974. Analyzes the Appalachian Regional Commission's program budget. R4040 Rovit, Earl H. Herald to Chaos: The Novels of Elizabeth Madox Roberts. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1960. Many of her novels are set in western Virginia and eastern Kentucky. R4050 (ASU BC) Rowan, Thomas Black Earth. New York: Hillman-Curl, 1935. Novel of the coal, oil and gas industries of Appalachia. Set primarily in northern Alabama. R4060 (ASU) Stormy Road. New York: Ives-Washburn, 1934. A nere-do-well mountain family moves to a valley town and becomes very like the white trash around them. Message is that mountain people lose their values and culture in industrial towns. R4070 Rowed, Adelaide On Jordan's Stormy Banks: A Novel of Sam Davis, the Confederate Scout. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1948. R4080 Rowel, John W. Yankee Cavalrymen: Through the Civil War with the Ninth Pennsylvania Cavalry. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1971. Two enlisted men's diaries describe the cavalry raids of this unit in Tennessee. R4090 AUTHOR Rowland, Joseph M. Bright Angel Trail. Richmond: Richmond Press, 1926. Saccharine fiction with a North Carolina setting and some light but effective humor. R4100 (ASU) The Hill Billies. Nashville: Cokesbury Press, 1924. A novel about North Carolina hill folk during World War I. Old Tom's trip to New York to meet his hero son would have made a fine vehicle for a Ma and Pa Kettle film. R4110 (ASU BC) Rowland, Joseph Medley Blue Ridge Breezes. Richmond: Appeals Press, 1920. Description of life in the Blue Ridge by a Methodist minister. The twin brothers were based on real people and the Cleveland incident actually happened. R4120 (LMC FC WCU BC) Blue Ridge Breezes. Nashville: M. E. Church, South, 1927. R4130 (ASU BC) Roy, Andrew A History of the Coal Miners of the United States. Columbus, Ohio: J. L. Trauger Print. Co., 1907. R4140 (BC) Royall, Mrs. Anne Newport Sketches of History, Life, and Manners in the United States. By a Traveller. New Haven: The author, 1826. Mrs. Royall travelled on horseback from Alabama, through Knoxville and East Tennessee to the Virginia springs. R4150 Royall, Margaret Shaw Andrew Johnson — Presidential Scapegoat. New York: Exposition Press, 1958. R4160 (BC) Royce, Charles C. "The Cherokee Nation of Indians." Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1883-84. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1887. A general history of the Cherokee Nation. R4170 (UNCA ASU) Rubin, Louis Decimus Thomas Wolfe: The Weather of His Youth. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1955. R4190 (UNCA ASU WCU BC) Rubin, Louis Decimus ed. Thomas Wolfe; a Collection of Critical Essays. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973. R4T80 (UNCA) Rubincam, Milton ed. Krebs, Friedrich Emigrants From the Palatinate to the American Colonies in the 18th Century. Norristown: Pennsylvania German Society, 1953. K3200 (ASU) Rucker, Maud Applegate West Virginia, Her Land, Her People, Her Traditions, Her Resources. New York: W. Neale, 1930. R4200 (BC) Rudicil, Rowland K. Historic Hamblen, 1870-1970. Morristown: Morristown Print. Co., 1970. A history of Hamblen County, Tennessee. R4210 Rudolph, Foster Austin, Moris E. Soil Survey, Claiborne County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. A5560 (ASU) Moon, J. W. Soil Survey, Jefferson County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. M6630 Soil Survey, Carter County, Tennessee. Rev. by L. E. Odom. Soil Survey, Series 1942, no. 4. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1953. R4220 Rudolph, Foster and others Soil Survey, Norris Area, Tennessee. Rev. by L. E. Odom. Soil Survey, Series 1939, no. 19. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1953. R4230 Rudolph, L. C. Francis Asbury. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1966. Asbury regarded the time he spent in the mountains as his personal penance to the Lord. He was afraid of both the land and the mountaineers. R4240 (ASU WWC BC) 187 ROTHROCK—RUSSELL Ruffin, Beverly Augusta Parish, Virginia, 1738-1780. Verona, Va.: McClure Press, 1970. R4250 (ASU BC) Ruffner, Henry Address to the People of West Virginia: Shewing That Slavery Is Injurious to the Public Welfare, and That It May Be Gradually Abolished, Without Detriment to the Rights and Interests of Slaveholders. 1857. Reprint. Bridgewater, Va.: Green Bookman, 1933. R4260 (ASU BC) Ruggles, Alice McGuffey Merrill The Story of the McGuffeys. New York: American Book Co., 1950. The McGuffey reader series came from an Appalachian family. R4270 (ASU BC) Rule, William ed. Standard History of Knoxville, Tennessee, with Full Outline of the Natural Advantages, Early Settlement, Territorial Government, Indian Troubles and General and Particular History of the City Down to the Present Time. Chicago: Lewis, 1900. A General History of the Early Settlement of Knox County, Tennessee. R4280 Runyan, Nicholas Patterson A Quaker Scout. New York: The Abbey Press, 1900. A novel of a Quaker lad in frontier Appalachia. R4290 Ruperti, George comp. Tribbeko, John Lists of Germans From the Palatinate Who Came to England in 1709. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. T9270 (ASU) Rupp, Israel Daniel A Collection of Upwards of Thirty Thousand Names of German, Swiss, Dutch, French, and Other Immigrants in Pennsylvania from 1727 to 1776. 2nd rev. and enlarged ed. With an added index. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. R4300 (ASU) Rural and Appalachian Health With a foreword by Edward M. Kennedy. Papers presented at a conference at Mont Chateau, W. Va., June 6-8, 1971, under the sponsorship of the Division of Public Health and Preventive Medicine, School of Medicine, West Virginia, University. Springfield, III.: Thomas, 1973. R4310 (ASU BC) Rush, John DeWitt "Relation of Land Base Quality to the Agricultural Economy of Knox County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1940. An Economic History of Knox County, Tennessee. R4320 Ruskin, Gertrude McDavis John Ross, Chief of an Eagle Race. Chattanooga: John Ross House Assoc., 1963. Ross was the principal chief of the Cherokee Nation at the time of their removal to Oklahoma. R4330 (ASU) Russet, Dean The TVA Idea. Irvington on Hudson, N. Y.: Foundation for Economic Education, 1949. R4340 (BC) Russell, Elizabeth Henry Campbell Paths of Glory: A Simple Tale of a Faring Bride, Elizabeth, Sister of Patrick Henry. By Nelly C. Preston. Richmond: Whittet and Shepperson, 1961. Fictional account of the life of Beth Henry and her two marriages on the Appalachian frontier. R4350 (ASU) Russell, James Snakes and the Devil. New York: Vantage Press, 1959. A novel of the snake-handling cults. R4360 (LMC) Russell, James pseud, see Richardson, James Russell, Jerry Sutton, Willis A. The Social Dimensions of Kentucky Counties: Data and Rankings of the State's 120 Counties on Each of 81 Characteristics. Lexington: Bureau of Community Service, Univ. of Kentucky, 1964. S9360 Russell, John Henderson The Free Negro in Virginia, 1619-1865. 1913. Reprint. New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969. R4370 (ETSU FC) �RUSSELL—SANDERS Russell, Mattie "William Holland Thomas, White Chief of the North Carolina Cherokees." Ph. D. Diss. Duke Univ., 1956. R4380 Russell, Phillips North Carolina in the Revolutionary War. Charlotte, N. C: Heritage Printers, 1965. R4390 (ASU LMC) Russell Sage Foundation Southern Mountain Schools Maintained by Denominational and Independent Agencies. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1929. R4400 (LMC) Russell, William Greenway What I Know about Winchester: Recollections of William Greenway Russell, 1800-1891. Reprinted from the Winchester News by Winchester-Frederick County Historical Society. Staunton, Va.: McClure Print. Co., 1953. R4410 (ASU BC) Rust Engineering Study The Appalachian Thruway Study. Pittsburg: n.p., 1969. A study of the Appalachian Regional Commission's grandiose scheme to shuttle people through or out of the mountains without providing enough access to allow local people to use the thing. R4420 Rutherford County, North Carolina, Marriage Bonds Typed by the Genealogical Society of Utah. Salt Lake City: The society, 1943. R4430 (ASU) Rutledge, William E., Jr. An Illustrated History of Yadkin County, 1850-1965. Yadkinville, N. C.: The author, 1965. R4440 (ASU) Rutman, Gilbert L. Pursell, Donald E. Selected Demographic Aspects of the West Virginia Economy, 1950-1975: Estimates and Projections of Migration and Population. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1969. P4880 (ETSU BC) Ryan, Arthur Frank ed. Historical Forts and Houses in Knoxville and Nearby Vicinity. Knoxville: Knox Co. Libr., 1962. Historical structures and places in Knox County, Tennessee. R4450 Ryan, Grace Laura comp. Dances of Our Pioneers. Music arrangements by Robert T. Benford. Illustrated by Brooks Emerson. 1926. Reprint. (Original title: Music for Dances of Our Pioneers.) New York: A. S. Barnes and Co., 1939. R4460 (ASU BC) Ryan, Irene (Granny) Granny's Hillbilly Cookbook. Illustrated by Bob Bugg. Englewood Cliff, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966. From "The Beverly Hillbillies" TV show. R4470 (ASU BC) Ryan, Marah Told in the Hills. New York: Rand, McNally and Co., 1905. Tales from the southern mountains. R4490 Ryan, Marah Ellis Martin A Pagan of the Alleghanies. Chicago: Rand, McNally and Co., 1891. Romantic and adventurous fiction with a mountain setting. R4480 (ASU BC) Ryan, William Blaming the Victim. 1st ed. New York: Pantheon Books, 1971. Shows the national tendency to blame the poor for their plight. References to Appalachia. R4500 (WCU BC ASU) Ryder, C. J. The Debt of Our Country to the American Highlanders During the War. New York: Central office of American Missionary Association, n.d. R4510 Ryland, Garnett The Baptists of Virginia, 1699-1926. Richmond: Baptist Board of Missions and Education, 1955. R4520 (BC) Ryssel, Fritz Heinrich Thomas Wolfe. New York: Ungar, 1972. R4530 (UNCA) Rywell, Martin comp. Tennessee Cookbook, More Than 300 Tasty Tennessee Recipes. Harriman, Tenn.: Pioneer Press, 1952. R4540 (ASU) AUTHOR Saalbach, William Frederick "United States Bituminous Coal Markets — Trends Since 1920, and Prospects to 1975." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1960. Apparently the 1974-75 energy crisis was not forseen by any of the long-range forecasters for the coal industry. S10 Sabbard, Eugene "History of Education in Owsley County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1939. S20 Sabin, Edwin Legrand In the Ranks of Old Hickory, When with the Western Riflemen in Defense Against from Within and Without, Young and Old of All Degrees United Under Andrew Jackson to Make the Republic's Borders Safe. Illustrated by Frank Eltonhead. Trail Blazers Series. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1927. The Cherokee fought with Jackson in his wars against the other tribes. S30 (ETSU ASU BC) Saddler, Gordon Taliaferro "The Appalachian Regional Commission: Selected Aspects of Institutions and Processes and Their Relationship to Natural and Human Resources Development." Ph. D. Diss. West Virginia Univ., 1969. S40 Sadove, Abraham H. "Transport Improvement and the Appalachian Barrier: A Case Study in Economic Innovation." Ph. D. Diss. Harvard Univ., 1950. A very lucid study of the lack of transportation and its effect on the social isolation and economic depression of Appalachia. S50 (ASU) Saffell, William Thomas Roberts Records of the Revolutionary War. 3rd ed. 1894. Reprint. With index to Saffell's list of Virginia soldiers in the Revolution, by J. T. McAllister, 1913. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. S60 (ASU) Safford, Carleton L. America's Quilts and Coverlets. 1st ed. New York: Dutton, 1972. S70 (ASU) America's Quilts and Coverlets. New York: Dutton, 1972. S80 (ASU) Safford, James Merrill The Elements of the Geology of Tennessee. Prepared for the use of the schools of Tennessee, and for all persons seeking a knowledge of the resources of the state. Nashville: Ambrose and Bostelman, 1904. S90 (ASU LMC BC) Geological Reconnaissance of the State, Tennessee. Nashville: G. C. Torbett and Co., 1856. Safford was one of Tennessee's most productive early geologists. SI 00 (ASU) Geology of Tennessee. Nashville: S. C. Mercer, 1869. SI 10 (ETSU) The Saga of a City; Lynchburg, Virginia. 1786-1936 Lynchburg: n.p., 1936. SI 20 Sage, Clara McCormack Early Records, Hampshire County Virginia, Now West Virginia, Including at the Start Most of Known Va. Aside from Augusta District. 1939. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. SI 30 (BCASU) Sager, William Herman Haley, Elliot Clarke and others An Economic and Social Survey of Warren County. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1943. H520 (ASU) Saijo, Albert The Backpacker. A Pocket-size Manual Which Deals with All Aspects of Backpacking. Covers Equipment, Food, Getting Organized for Your Trip, and Takes the Reader on a Sample Trip Through the Mountains. San Francisco: 101 Productions, 1972. SI 40 Saileau, John M. Tenn. Valley Land and Its Changing Use. Muscle Shoals, Ala.: National Fertilizer Development Center, 1966. SI 50 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Saint Agnes Church, Franklin, N. C., The First Fifty Years . . . 1888-1938 Franklin: n.p., 1938. SI 60 Saint Cloud, Virgil Pioneer Blood. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards and Broughton Co., 1948. SI 70 (ASU) Saint James Church, Knoxville, Tennessee Knoxville: n.p., 1929. A social and cultural history of Episcopal, religious groups. SI 80 Saint James* Episcopal Church, Hendersonville, N. C., 1863-1963 Hendersonville: n.p., 1963. SI 90 Salamanca, J. The Lost Country: A Novel. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1958. A novel of a strange pioneer family in the Blue Ridge Mountains of Virginia. S200 (ASU BC) Salem Home Sunday School A Brief History of the Moravian Church. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards and Broughton Print. Co., 1909. The Moravians had many early missions and settlements in the mountains. Especially among the Cherokee. S210 (ASU) Salisbury, John W. Geology and Mineral Resources of the Northwest Quarter of the Cohutta Mountain Quadrangle. Bulletin, no. 71. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1961. S220 (ETSU) Salo, Lawr V. ed. Archaeological Investigations in the Tellico Reservoir, Tennessee, 1967-1968: An Interim Report. Contributions by Duane H. King and other. Knoxville: Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Tennessee, 1969. S230 (ASU) Sames, James Walter comp. Four Steps West. Versailles, Ky.: n.p., 1971. A history of the dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Informative, but Sames is not part of a William Byrd. S240 (ETSU ASU) Sams, W. C. Hasty, Allen Henry Soil Survey, Rhea County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. H3390 Samuels, Harriet Brockman ed. Loudoun County, Virginia, Past and Present. Princeton, N. J.: Graphic Arts Press, 1940. S250 (ASU) Sanborn, Ruth Burr These Are My People. New York: The Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1941. Miss Sanborn writes of country people whose traditions stem directly from the early English settlers and generations of independent pioneers. The story is about a young Southern physician, torn between the wealthy patients his fiancee brought him and the sturdy back country people who really love him. S260 (ASU) Sandburg, Carl The American Songbag. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1927. S270 (FC) Sandburg, Helga The Wheel of Earth. New York: McDowell, Obolensky, 1958. A novel of farm life, love and hope set in the hill country of Kentucky. S280 (ASU WCU BC) The Wizard's Child. New York: Dial Press, 1967. A novel of a strange girl-child in an unspecified setting in the Appalachians. S290 (ASU WCU LMC) Sanders, Albert N. Botanical Gardening in Greenville. Greenville, S. C.: Furman Univ., 1962. S300 (BC ASU) Sanders, Charles H. "An Educational and Economic Survey of Pickett County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1924. A Pickett County, Tennessee history. S310 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Sanders, Charles Wesley Hill-bred Barton's Code, a Western Story. New York: Chelsea House, 1925. A novel of a hill man whose code will not allow him to stand still for a legal investigation. He fights and runs and takes a long time to clear his name. S320 (ASU BC) Sanders, David B. "Transportation and Trade Areas; Analysis of Morgantown, Fairmont, and Clarksburg." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1968. S330 (ASU) Sanders, John L. Maps of North Carolina Congressional Districts, 1789-1960, and State Senatorial Districts and Apportionment of State Representatives, 1776-1960. Prepared for the General Assembly of North Carolina. Chapel Hill: Institute of Government, Univ. of North Carolina, 1961. S340 (BC WWC) Sanders, Retta E. "A Survey of Boone County (West Virginia) School Buildings." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1952. S350 Sanders, Robert Stuart An Historical Sketch of Springfield Presbyterian Church, Bath County, Kentucky. Frankfort: Roberts Print. Co., 1954. S360 (BC) Sanders, Ronald L. Kentucky Personal Income, 1961. Lexington: Bureau of Business Research, Univ. of Kentucky, 1963. Gives statistics by counties. Good data on Appalachian counties. S370 Sanders, Walter R. The Scherer Family of Montgomery County, Illinois. Litchfield, III.: The author, 1945. Family settled originally in the mountains of West Virginia. S380 (ASU) Sanderson, Esther Sharp County Scott and Its Mountain Folk. Huntsville, Tenn.: The author, 1958. A well-written, very interesting county history. Good social commentary and depictions of mountain life. S390 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Sandlin, Moselle Stack adapter Underwood, Thomas Bryan adapter Cherokee Legends and the Trail of Tears. Asheville, N. C: Stephens Press, 1956. U80 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) Sandmann, Leo Joseph "Social Effects of the Mining Industry in Eastern Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1915. An excellent study of the correlations between mining and a community's social activities. S400 (ASU) Sanford, E. T. Blount College and the Univ. of Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn., 1894. Describes the beginnings of the University of Tennessee. S410 (ASU BC ETSU) Sanford, Thomas H., Jr. Gound-water Levels in Madison County, Alabama, July 1956 to July 1959. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the Madison County Board of Commissioners and the Geological Survey of Alabama. Information Series, 22. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1960. S420 (ETSU) Ground Water in Marshall County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, 85. Univ.: Geological Survey of Alabama, Division of Water Resources, 1966. S430 (ASU ETSU) Sanger, S. F. The Olive Branch of Peace and Good Will to Men: Anti-war History of the Brethren and Mennonites, the Peace People of the South, During the Civil War, 1861-1865. Elgin, III.: Brethren Pub. House, 1907. S440 (ASU) Sartain, James Alfred History of Walker Co., Ga. Dalton: A. J. Showalter Co., 1932. Includes family sketches of early settlers. S450 (ASU BC) History of Walker County, Georgia. LaFayette, Ga.: A. M. Mathews, 1972-. S460 (ASU) AUTHOR Satterfield, M. H. Soil and Sky; the Development and Use of Tennessee Valley Resources. Knoxville: Bureau of Public Administration, University of Tennessee, 1950. S470 Saucier, J. R. Taras, Michael Andrew Wood Density Surveys of the Minor Species of Yellow Pine in the Eastern United States: Pt. I — Spruce Pine (Pinus Glabra Walt.). Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. T250 (WCU) Sauerlender, Owen H. Gamble, Hays Bentley The Impact of Interchange Development on the Economy of Clinton County. University Park, Pa.: Institute for Research on Land and Water Resources, 1966. G210 Sounders, James Edmonds Early Settlers of Alabama. With notes and genealogies by his granddaughter Elizabeth Sounders Blair Stubbs, 1899. Reprint. 2 parts in 1. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. S480 (ASU BC) Sounders, Robert J. The Spatial Concentration of Industry in Appalachia: An Analysis of the Potential for Import Substitution. With the assistance of Edmund Rollo. Foreword by William H. Miernyk. Prepared for the Appalachian Regional Commission. Appalachian Research Report, no. 9, appendix B. Morgantown: Regional Research Institute, West Virginia Univ., 1969. S490 (ASU ETSU) Saupart, Sylavnia Stories of W. Va. for Boys and Girls. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1937. S500 Savage, Henry, Jr. Lost Heritage. New York: William Morrow, 1970. This book surveys the travels and writings of seven Colonial, pre-Audubon naturalists: John Lawson, Mark Catesby, John and William Bertram, Andre and Francois Andre Michaux, and Alexander Wilson. S510 (LMC) Savage, James Everett History of Methodism in Montgomery County. Mount Sterling, Ky.: Mount Sterling Advocate, 1939. S520 (ASU) Savage, John Life and Public Service of Andrew Johnson, n.p.: Derby and Miller, 1866. A very sympathetic portrait of Johnson's background and his troubled years. S530 Savage, John H. The Life of John H. Savage: Citizen, Soldier, Lawyer, Congressman. Nashville: The author, 1903. Savage was from Warren County, Tennessee. S540 (LMC) Save Our Cumberland Mountains, Inc. Facts about Strip Mining. Lake City, Tenn.: The organization, 1974. A seven page question and answer series about strip-mining. S560 Save the Children Federation Report on the School Sponsored Program, Appalachian Area. Mimeoprinted. n.p.: n.p., 1955. S550 Savoldi, Gloria Root Tenn. Boy. Philadelphia.Westminster, 1972. Novel of a lad living alone in a remote cabin in the Smokies during the closing days of the Civil War. S570 (BC ASU) Saward, Frederick Edward The Coal Trade, a Compendium of Valuable Information Relative to Coal Production, Prices, Transportation, etc., at Home and Abroad. New York: n.p., 1881. Saward did not foresee the troubles in the Appalachian coal fields. S580 (BC) Sawyer, Harriet Adams Souvenir of Asheville or the Sky-land. St. Louis: Nixon-Jones Print. Co., 1892. Promotional and descriptive material on the area around Asheville. S590 (ASU WCU BC) Sawyer, Ruth Journey Cake, Ho New York: The Viking Press, 1970. Humorous and informative children's book concerning a trip into the mountains. S600 (ASU) 189 SANDERS-SCHACTER Sawyer, W. K. Electrical and Hydraulic Flow Properties of Appalachian Petroleum Reservoir Rocks. U. S. Mines Bureau Report of Investigations, 7519. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1971. S610 Saye, Albert B. ed. Coulter, Ellis Merton ed. A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1949. C7790 (ASU) Saylor, Lettie Cradle Valley. New York: Hobson Book Press, 1946. A bleak novel of life in a Kentucky valley torn by a feud that started over a pumpkin. Living, dying, love, marriage nothing arouses the people from their lethargy except the feud. S620 (BC ASU) Saylor, Lettie Hoskins Brick Without Straw, a Story of Kentucky Mountain Life. Cincinnati: Hobon Press, Inc., 1843. A mountain girl from a family so large it's running out of names, struggles through the eighth grade by age seventeen. She marries a rich man and becomes an authoress. S630 (ASU BC) Saylor, Roger B. An Economic Survey of Indiana County, Pennsylvania. State College: Penn. State College, Bureau of Business Research, 1959. S640 An Economic Survey of Northumberland County, Pennsylvania. State College: Penn. State College, Bureau of Business Research, 1949. S650 An Economic Survey of Venango County, Pennsylvania. State College: Penn. State College, Bureau of Business Research, 1950. S660 Saylor, Roger B. and others Fayette County, Pennsylvania; An Economic Survey. Univ. Park: Penn. State Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1957. S670 Scalf, Henry P. ed. Hatfield, G. Elliott The Hatfields. Stanville, Ky.: Big Sandy Valley Historical Society, 1974. H3450 (ASU) Scalf, Henry Preston Four Men of the Cumberlands: Big Ed Hall, Devil John Wright, Dr. M. B. Taylor, Bad Talt Hall. Prestonburg, Ky.: The author, 1958. Seems most of Kentucky's heroes are violent men. S680 (ASU BC) Historic Floyd, 1890-1950. Prestonburg, Ky.: Floyd Co. Sesguicentennial, 1950. Promotional and historical material on Prestonburg and Floyd County. S690 Kentucky's Last Frontier. Foreword by Thomas D. Clark. 1st ed. Chicago: Adams Press, 1966. S700 (MHC BC) Kentucky's Last Frontier. Prestonburg, Ky.: The author, 1966. S710 (ASU LMC) Mountain Kinsmen Ride; a Story of the James Family. Prestonburg, Ky.: The author, 1956. The infamous James brothers are descended from a Floyd County, Kentucky family. S720 Scarborough, Dorothy A Song Catcher in Southern Mountains: American Folk Songs of British Ancestry. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1937. A classic in ballad scholarship. S730 (ASU WCU ETSU WWC BC) A Song Catcher in Southern Mountains: American Folk Songs of British Ancestry. 1937. Reprint. New York: AMS Press, 1966. S740 (ASU LMC ETSU) Scarbrough, George Tellico Blue. New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1949. Mountain poetry. S750 (BC) Schaare, C. Richard The Life of Daniel Boone in Picture and Story. New York: Cupples and Leon, 1934. A biography designed for the younger reader. S760 Schacter, Harry W. Kentucky on the March. Foreword by Niark F. Ethridge. 1st ed. New York: Harper, 1949. S770 (ASU BC) �SCHAEFER-SCHUMACHER Schaefer, Donald Fred "A Quantitative Description and Analysis of the Growth of the Pennsylvania Anthracite Coal Industry, 1820 to 1865." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1967. S780 Schaeffer, John Randolph From Baltimore to Charleston. Gormania, W. Va.: n.p., 1906. S790 Schaff, Walter R. "The Growth and Development of Education in Caldwell County." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1926. S800 (ASU) Schaie, Klaus Warner The 1965 Head Start Psychological Screening Program; Final Report on the Data Analysis Conducted Under a Contract Between the West Virginia Office of Economic Opportunity and West Virginia University. Morgantown: Human Resources Research Institute, West Virginia Univ., 1967. S810 (ASU) Schanz, John Schenck, George E. The Economic Importance of the Coal Industry to Pennsylvania. Univ. Park: Penn. State Univ., Dept. of Mineral Economics, 1967. S910 Schaper, William August Sectionalism and Representation in South Carolina. Xerox copy of the original. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1901. Includes material on South Carolina's six Appalachian counties. S820 (ASU BC) Scharf, John Thomas History of Western Maryland. Philadelphia: L H. Everts, 1882. Includes history of Maryland's three mountain counties. S830 (ETSU) History of Western Maryland: Being a History of Frederick, Montgomery, Carroll, Washington, Allegany, and Garrett Counties from the Earliest Period to the Present Day. Including Biographical Sketches of Their Representative Men. 2 vols. 1882. Reprint. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1968. S840 (ASU) Scharf, Paula S. "The Reading Interests of Students as Revealed in a Study of an Individualized Reading Program at Pond Gap School, Knoxville, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. S850 Schauinger, J. Herman Cathedrals in the Wilderness. Milwaukee: Bruce Pub. Co., 1952. Biography of the priest who established first Catholic church west of the Allegheny Mountains. S860 (BC) Scheer, Julian Tweetsie, the Blue Ridge Sidewinder. Illustrated by Lee Kalbe. 1st ed. Charlotte, N. C: Heritage House, 1958. A history of the East Tennessee and Western North Carolina Railroad. S870 (ASU LMC BC) Schenck, Carl Alvin The Biltmore Story: Recollections of the Beginning of Forestry in the United States. St. Paul: American Forest History Foundation, Minnesota Historical Society, 1955. Site of first forestry school in the United States. S880 (ASU WCU BC) Birth of Forestry in America, Biltmore Forest School, 1898-1913. Santa Cruz, Calif.: Forest History Society and the Appalachian Consortium, 1974. S890 (ASU) Schenck, David North Carolina. 1780-81. Being a History of the Invasion of the Carolinas by the British Army Under Lord Cornwallis in 1780-81, with the Particular Design of Showing the Part Borne by North Carolina in That Struggle for Liberty and Independence, and to Correct Some of the Errors of History in Regard to That State and Its People. Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton, 1889. S9QO (ASU LMC) Schenck, George E. The Economic Importance of the Coal Industry to Pennsylvania. Univ. Park: Penn. State Univ., Dept. of Mineral Economics, 1967. S910 AUTHOR Schenk, Paul The Colony Bernstadt in Laurel County, Kentucky. London, Ky.: The Sentinel-Echo, 1940. Report on a colony of Swiss farmers who came to Kentucky in 1860. S920 Schildt, John W. Drums Along the Antietam. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. A history of the Antietam Valley from its Pennsylvania hill source to Antietam Furnace on the Potomac. Few areas are so rich in history. S930 (MHC ASU) Schindall, Henry Let the Spring Come. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1953. A novel of the American Revolution which includes a trek across the mountains of Virginia to Pittsburgh. S940 (ETSU BC ASU) Schlee, John S. Hurst, Vernon J. Field Excursion: Ocoee Metasediments: North Central Georgia and Southeast Tennessee. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining & Geology, 1962. H8610 (ETSU) Schlesinger, Arthur M. ed. Hansen, Marcus Lee The Atlantic Migration, 1607-1860: A History of the Continuing Settlement of the United States. New York: Harper, 1961. HI 680 (ASU) Schloss, Bert P. A Human Relations Study — The Southern White In-Migrant. Chicago: Commission on Human Relations, 1957. S950 Schmidt, J. William Haas, Raymond M. West Virginia Travel and Tourism Study — The Potential Market. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1968. H70 Schmidt, T. William West Virginia Travel and Tourism Study: An Evaluation. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1965. S960 Schmidt-Bleek, F. Benefit/Cost Approach to Decision Making: The Dilemma with Coal Production. Supported by National Science Foundation. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, The Appalachian Resources Project, 1973. S970 (ASU) Schmidt-Bleek, F. K. Moore, John R. Strip Mining and the Three E's. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, Appalachian Resources Project, 1973. M7240 (ASU) Statement on Benefit/Cost Evaluation of Strip Mining in Appalachia. Prepared for the U. S. House of Representatives, Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, Subcommittee on the Environment and Subcommittee on Mines and Mining. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Appalachian Resources Project, 1973. S980 (ASU) Schmitt, Leonard R. "Recreational Habits of Rural Youth in Selected Communities of Hamilton County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1949. S990 Schnacke, Dick American Folk Toys: 85 American Folk Toys and How to Make Them. New York: Putnam, 1973. SI 000 (ASU) Schneider, Norris F. Betty Zane, Heroine of Fort Henry. Williamsport, Md.: Zane Grey Collector, 1970. Partially set in the Appalachian Mountains. S1010 (ASU) Schneider, William Joseph Water Resources of the Appalachian Region, Pa. to Ala. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1965. Includes extensive maps. S1020 Schneiderman, Leonard "The Culture of Poverty — A Study of the Value-orientation Preferences of the Chronically Impoverished." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Minnesota, 1963. Contains references to Appalachian poverty. SI 030 Schnell, R. L. Harvesting Pine Pulpwood in the Tennessee Valley. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. SI 040 190 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Scholtz, Carl The Story of Glen Rogers, W. Va. Charleston: Raleigh-Wyoming Coal Co., 1933. Story of Glen Rogers, West Virginia a coal town. Good propaganda for the industry. S1050 (BC) Schopf, Johann David Travels in the Confederation, 1783-1784. Translated and edited from the German by Alfred James Morrison. 2 vols. 1911. Reprint. New York: Bergman, 1968. Includes early report of life in the mountains by a European traveler. SI 060 (ASU) Schroder, F. C. Stose, G. W. Manganese Deposits of East Tennessee. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1923. S7660 Schroder, F. F. Flood of July 5, 1939, in Eastern Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Water-supply Paper, no. 967-C. Notable Local Floods of 1939, Part 2. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1945. SI 070 Schreiner-Yantis, Netti Supplement to 1810 Census of Virginia. Springfield, Va.: n.p., 1971. S1110 Schreiner-Yantis, Netti comp. 1800 Tax Lists and Abstracts of Deeds (1796-1800) of Wythe County, Virginia. Springfield, Va.: n.p., 1971. Lists those white males over sixteen who paid personal property tax in 1800. Deeds are abstracted in an attempt to locate the residence of the taxpayer. Map, index. SI 090 Montgomery County, Virginia Circa 1790. Springfield, Va.: n.p., 1972. A comprehensive study, including the 1769 tax lists, abstracts of over eight hundred land surveys, and data concerning migration. Map of the area included. snoo Schreiner-Yantis, Netti ed. Archives of the Pioneers of Tazewell County. Springfield, Va.: Privately printed, 1973. Index contains original records from the Tazewell County courthouse. Includes: Orders of court, wills, marriages, militia records, land records, tax lists, records of the descendants of the pioneers of Tazewell County. SI 080 Schretter, Howard A. The Georgia Mountains: A View of Its Resources, Problems, and Potentials. Athens: Institute of Community and Area Development, Univ. of Georgia, 1964. SI 120 (ASU LMC) Schrey, Frank J. "Forest Products Marketing from Public Lands in Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1957. SI 130 Schrier, Arnold Ireland and the American Emigration, 1850-1900. Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1958. SI 140 (ASU) Schuttz, (Catherine E. McChesneys of Virginia. Annville, Pa.: n.p., n.d. SI 150 Schuftz, Vincent et al. Statewide Wildlife Survey of Tennessee, a Study of the Land, Wildlife, Farmer, Hunter and Trapper; Final Report of Work Accomplished with Federal Aid to Wildlife Restoration Funds Under Pittman-Robertson Project no. W-16-R. Nashville: Tennessee Game ond Fish Commission, 1954. SI 160 Schulz, William F. Conservation Law and Administration: A Case Study of Law and Resource Use in Pennsylvania. New York: Ronald Press, 1953. Like most conservation case studies this one leaves you frustrated. Will the laws ever be enforced? SI 170 Schumacher, G. J. Whiford, L. A. A Manual of the Fresh-Water Algae in North Carolina. Raleigh: North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, 1968. W5740 (LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Schuricht, Herrman History of the German Element in Virginia. Baltimore, Md.: Theo Kroh and Sons Printers, 1898. S1180 Schuster, William Kenneth "The Economic Position of Railroad Commuter Service in the Pittsburgh District — Its History, Present and Future. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1958. S1190 Schuster, Richard The Selfish and the Strong. New York: Random House, 1958. A novel of the Civil War and love and politics in the Big Sandy Region of Kentucky. SI 200 Schwab, Glenn 0. Hoffman, Glenn J. Annotated Bibliography on Slope Stability of Strip Mine Soil Banks. Wooster: Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station, 1964. H6250 (ASU) Hoffman, Glenn J. Slope Stability of Coal Strip Mine Spoil Banks. Wooster: Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station, 1964. H6260 (ASU) Schwab, W. G. The Forests of Tazewell County, Virginia. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, Va. Geological Commission, 1917. S1210 Schwartz, Douglas Wright Conceptions of Kentucky Prehistory: A Case Study in the History of Archeology. Studies in Anthropology, no. 6. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1968. S1220 (ASU BC) Schwartz, Jerome L. Nolan, Robert L. Rural and Appalachian Health. Springfield, III.: Charles C. Thomas, 1973. N1370 (ASU) Schwartz, Jerome L. ed. Rural and Appalachian Health Springfield, III.: Thomas, 1973. R4310 (ASU BC) Schwarze, Edmund History of the Moravian Missions Among Southern Indian Tribes of the United States. Bethlehem, Perm.-. Times Pub. Co., Printers, 1923. S1230 (BC UNCA) Schwarzweller, Harry K. Education, Migration and Economic Life Chances of Male Entrants to the Labor Force from a Low Income Rural Area. Lexington: Agricultural Experiment Station, 1964. SI 240 (ASU) Career Placement and Economic Life Chances of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. ERIC EC 004 030 Lexington: Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, 1964. S1250 (ASU) Family Ties, Migration, and Transitional Adjustment of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. Bulletin no. 691. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky in cooperation with the Economic Research Service, U. S. Department of Agriculture, May, 1964. SI 260 Mountain Families in Transition: A Case Study of Appalachian Migration. Univ. Park: Pennsylvania State Univ. Press, 1971. SI270 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) Research Design, Field Work Procedures, and Data Collection Problems in a Follow-Up . Study of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. RS21. Lexington: Rural Sociology Department, Univ. of Kentucky, May, 1963. SI 280 Social Structure of the Contact Situation, Rural Appalachia and Urban America. Morgantown: West Va. Univ., Appalachian Center, 1969. SI 290 Sociocultural Factors in the Career. Aspirations and Plans of Rural Kentucky High School Seniors. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1960. SI 300 Sociocultural Origins and Migration Patterns of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1963. S1310 AUTHOR Schwarzweller, Harry K. ed. Photiadis, John D. Change in Rural Appalachia: Implications for Action Programs. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1971. P2750 (FC LMC WCU ETSU ASU BC) Schweiker, William F. Health, Welfare, and Housing Needs of the Aged in Berkeley County, West Virginia. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., 1969. SI 320 Schwendeman, Joseph R. "A Study of Woodworking Industry of the Eastern Mountains and Coal Field Region of Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1957. SI 330 Scofield, Kendrick ed. Dillin, John Grace Wolfe The Kentucky Rifle. York, Pa.: G. Shumway, 1967. D2440 (ASU MHC BC) Scopes, John Thomas Center of the Storm: Memoirs of John T. Scopes. 1st ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967. Scopes was a young teacher who agreed to the trial because he had no job for the summer. By August of 1925 he was a national celebrity. R1340 (ASU WCU) The World's Most Famous Court Trial, Tennessee Evolution Case: A Complete Stenographic Report of the Famous Court Test of the Tennessee Anti-evolution Act, at Dayton, July 10 to 21, 1925, Including Speeches and Arguments of Attorneys. Cincinnati: National Book Co., 1925. Scopes published this stenographic report a few months after he was convicted for teaching evolution. R1350 (ASU BC) Scott, Edith The Story of Two Chairs. Bristol: King Print. Co., n.d. A story of two chippendale chairs which made the journey from England to Mecklenburg County, North Carolina and across the mountains into East Tennessee with the Ramsey and McReady families. SI 360 (BC) Scott, Evalyn Parrott Links That Bind. 1st ed. 2 vols. Sudan, Tex.: Sudan Beacon-News, 1967. SI 370 (ASU) Scott, Evelyn Background in Tennessee. New York: R. M. McBride and Co., 1937. Social life and customs in Tennessee. SI 380 (ASU) Scott, Evelyn D. Witch Perkins. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1929. A young girl in a Kentucky mountain town is convinced that the woman who moves in next door is a witch. SI 390 (BC) Scott, George H. "A Study of the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1951. SI 400 Scott, Harold ed. English Song Book. New York: R. M. McBride and Co., 1926. Songs collected, edited and introduced by Harold Scott. SI 410 Scott, James A. "An Interpretation of the Distribution of Crops and Livestock in East Tennessee as Reported by the 1950 Census." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1953. S1420 (ETSU) Scott, John H., Jr. "Pikeville, Market Center of the Upper Sequatchie Valley." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1951. SI 430 Scott, Nancy N. ed. A Memoir of Hugh Lawson White, Judge of the Supreme Court of Tennessee, Member of the Senate of the United States, Etc., Etc. With selections from hie speeches and correspondence. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1856. Biography of a prominent East Tennessee lawyer and judge. SI 440 (ASU BC) 191 SCHURICHT—SEBOR Scott, Otto J. The Exception; The Story of the Ashland Oil and Refining Co. New York: McGraw, 1968. SI 450 Scott, Samuel W. History of the Thirteenth Regiment, Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry, U. S. A., Including a Narrative of the Bridge Burning: The Carter County Rebellion, and the Loyalty, Heroism and Suffering of the Union Men and Women of Carter and Johnson Counties, Tennessee, During the Civil War. Knoxville, Tenn.: The authors, 1903. SI460 (ASU LMC) Scott, W. W. Annals of Caldwell County. Lenoir: News-Topic, 1930. SI 470 "Promotion of the Recreational Use of State Forests, with Special Reference to Pennsylvania." Master's thesis-. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1951. SI 480 Scottina, Joseph P. Kavanagh, Michael J. Preliminary Over-all Economic Development Program for the North-western Pennsylvania Redevelopment Area. Greenville: Northwestern Pennsylvania Conference for Economic Development, 1961. K300 Scruggs, Earl Earl Scruggs and the 5-string Banjo. New York: Peer International Corp., 1968. SI 490 (WCU BC) Scully, Carleton Leslie, J. D. Management of Kentucky Natural Resources. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1965. LI 900 Seals, Monroe History of White County, n.p.: n.p., 1935. SI 500 Seamen, Richard M. "An Analysis of Federative Patterns in Social Organization with a Field Study of the Council of Southern Mountain Workers." Ph. D. Diss. Northwestern Univ., 1947. S1510 (BC) Sears, Joseph Hamblen Tennessee Printers, 1791-1945: A Review of Printing History from Roulstone's First Press to Printers of the Present. Kingsport, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, 1945. SI 520 (ASU BC) Seaton, Dorothy B. "Socio-economic Status of Teachers in Kingsport, Tennessee, 1968-1969." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. SI 530 (ETSU) Seaver, Jesse Montgomery The Harris Genealogy. Philadelphia: American Historical Genealogical Society, n.d. S1540 (ASU) Seay, Hilton A. "A Study of the Attitudes Toward Modern Mathematics of Secondary Mathematics Teachers in Upper East Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. S1550 (ETSU) Seay, Maurice F. Adult Education, a Part of a Total Educational Program. A Description of the Educational and Training Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1912. SI 560 Seay, Maurice F. ed. Adult Education, a Part of a Total Educational Program. A Description of the Educational and Training Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Lexington, Ky.: Univ. of Ky., 1938. SI 570 (ASU) Seay, Maurice Farris Elementary Education in Two Communities of the Tennessee Valley: A Description of the Wilson Dam and Gilbertsville Schools. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1942. S1580 (ETSU) Seay, Ruth A. With Reference to Appalachia. Dexter, Mich.: Michigan Institutional Survey and Consulting Service, n.d. S1590 (ASU) Sebor, Miles The Economic Geography of Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee State Planning Commission, 1965. Special section on Appalachian Tennessee. SI 600 �SECESSION—SEXTON Secession: Or, Prose in Rhyme. A Poem by an East Tennessean Philadelphia: S. T. Logan, 1864. A narrative poem of East Tennessee during and shortly before the Civil War. S1610 (BC) Seckar, Alveva West Virginia and the Captains of Industry: State Politics and the Origins of Modern Appalachia, 1880-1913. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1974. SI 620 Zuska of the Burning Hills. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1952. Zuska, a little girl in an impoverished family in a West Virginia coal town stumbles on a secret which helps her family. Sweet but not trite. SI 630 (BC ASU) Secrist, Mark H. Zinc Deposits of East Tennessee. Bulletin, no. 31. Nashville, Tenn.: Division of Geology, 1924. SI 640 (LMC) See, Margielea Stonestree The Banner Floats On and Other Poems. Foreword by Vincent Godfrey Burns. Washington: New World Books, 1971. SI 650 (ASU) See, Margielea Stonestreet Noon Shouts. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. S1660 (ASU) Seeber, Raymond Clifford "A History of Anderson County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1928. SI 670 Seebohm, Benjamin ed. Grellet, Stephen Memoirs of the Life and Gospel Labours of Stephen Grellet. Philadelphia: H. Longstreth, 1860. G4030 (ASU) Seeger, Peter How to Play the 5-String Banjo: A Manual for Beginners. 3rd ed. rev. Beacon, N. Y.: The author, 1962. S1680 (ASU LMC) The Incomplete Folksinger. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1972. SI 690 Seeger, Ruth Porter Crawford American Folk Songs for Christmas. Illustrated by Barbara Cooney. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1953. S1700 (ASU) Seeman, Elizabeth In the Arms of the Mountain: An Intimate Journal of the Great Smokies. Illustrated by Glen H. Rounds. New York: Crown Pub., 1961. A volume of praise for the Smokies: Natural history, history, and description. S1710 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Seeman, Ernest What's Next? Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1951. A study of American capitalism as seen from the wilderness of East Tennessee. S1720 (ASU) Segal, Martin Economic Redevelopment Research: Population, Labor Force and Unemployment in Chronically Depressed Areas. Washington: Area Redevelopment Administration, 1964. Study includes Appalachia. SI 730 Seggar, John F. ''Social-psychological Adjustment of Kentucky Mountain Migrants in Urbanized Industrial Areas of Southern Ohio." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1964. SI 740 (ASU) Seifert, Elizabeth Hillbilly Doctor. Philadelphia: Blakiston Co., 1945. SI750 (ASU BC) Seifert, Shirley Never No More, a Novel. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1964. Fictional account of the life of Daniel and Rebecca Boone. SI 760 (ASU WCU BC) Seighworth, K. J. Initial Forest Management in the Tennessee Valley. Norris, Tenn.: TVA, 1961. SI 770 Selden, Samuel Frederick Henry Koch: Pioneer Playmaker. A Brief Biography. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1954. Koch is the author of several of the outdoor dramas performed in and written about the Southern Mountains. S1780 (LMC) AUTHOR Self, Margaret Cabell Red Clay Country. 1st ed. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1936. Fiction set in the mountainous part of Virginia. SI 790 (ASU) Seligman, Ben B. Poverty as a Public Issue. New York: Free Press, 1965. A selection of essays on poverty; some on Appalachia. SI 800 (BC) Sells, Cecil 0. "A Study of Pupil Transportation in Polk County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Tennessee Polytechnic Institute, 1959. S1810 Selznick, Philip TVA and the Grass Roots. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1949. A study of the organization, not to mention the vast bureaucracy, of the Tennessee Valley Authority's public relations. SI 820 (WWC BC) Selznick, Phillip TVA and the Grass Roots: A Study in the Sociology of Formal Organization. 1949. Reprint. New preface by the author. Harper Torchbooks. The Academy Library, TB 1230L. New York: Harper and Row, 1966. SI830 (ASU LMC MHC UNCA) Semicentennial History of First Methodist Church, Forest City, N. C, 1889-1939 Forest City: Semi-centennial Committee First Methodist Church of Forest City, 1939. G4170 (BC) Semones, James King "An Analysis and Evaluation of High School Sociology as Taught in Southern Appalachia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. SI 840 (ETSU) Semple, Ellen C. American History and Its Geographic Conditions. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1903. Discusses the role of geography in the preservation of Appalachia's traditions. SI 850 (BC) Semple, Ellen Churchill American History and Its Geographic Conditions. Rev. 1933. Reprint. New York: Russell and Russell Co., 1968. S1860 (ASU MHC) Semple, Robert B. History of the Rise and Progress of the Baptists in Virginia. Richmond: The author, 1810. S1870 (LMC BC) Seneker, Stanley Archibald "An Economic Analysis of Competition Between the Tennessee Valley Authority and Private Power." Master's thesis. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1957. SI 880 Senour, Fount Le Roy Morgan and His Captors. Cincinnati: C. F. Vent and Co., 1865. Morgan made several raids in the Appalachian region. SI 890 (ASU) Sensing, Thurman Champ Ferguson, Confederate Guerilla. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1942. SI 900 The Sentinel-Echo Laurel County, Kentucky. London, Ky.: Sentinel-Echo, 1954. Reprints of the jubilee edition of the Sentinel-Echo. Sketches of Laurel County history and early settlers. S1910 Sequoya Cherokee Indian New Testament. New York: American Bible Society, 1860. Elias Boudinet, not Sequoya, was responsible for this translation of the Bible. S1920 (LMC ASU) Sergeant, John Select Speeches of John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania (1818-1828). Philadelphia: E. L. Carey and A. Hart, 1832. Includes a plea for the Cherokee Nation given before the Supreme Court, 1831. S1930 (ASU) Serna, Edgar Barr Making a State, Formation of West Virginia. Charleston: State of W. Va., 1956. A history of the division of West Virginia from Virginia. SI 940 Settel, T. S. ed. and comp. Graham, William Franklin The Faith of Billy Graham. Anderson, S. C.: Droke House, 1968. G3150 (WCU) Setters, Jillson see Thomas, Jean 192 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Settle, Mary Lee Fight Night on a Sweet Saturday, a Novel. New York: Viking Press, 1964. The third novel in Settle's marvelous trilogy of West Virginia. A strong novel of the legacy of a coal baron's grandchildren, murder, love, and rediscovery of lost kin and lost values. SI 950 (ASU WCU BC) Know Nothing. New York: Viking Press, 1960. A novel of West Virginia's own brand of frontier life and politics. The second novel of Settle's trilogy. S1960 (ASU WCU) O Beulah Land, a Novel. New York: Viking Press, 1956. The first novel of the trilogy treats the discovery of the Kanawha Valley and introduces the McCarkle family, pioneers and dreamers. SI 970 (ASU LMC WCU) O Beulah Land. 1956. Reprint. New York: Ballantine Books, 1965. Miss Settle is a first rate novelist; her acclaim is long overdue. SI 980 (WWC) The Scopes Trial: The State of Tennessee v. John Thomas Scopes. New York: F. Watts, 1972. The first completely truthful account of the Scopes trial. Miss Settle shows us how the local merchants' scheme to "put Dayton on the map" got out of hand. SI 990 (ASU) Setzler, Frank M. Peach tree Mound and Village Site, Cherokee County, North Carolina. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, no. 131. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1941. S2000 (ASU LMC UNCA) Sever, Charles W. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Crystalline Rocks, Dawson County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. Information Circular, 30. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1964. S2010 (ASU ETSU) Severn, William In Lincoln's Footsteps; the Life of Andrew Joh.ison. New York: Washburn, 1966. Biography of Andrew Johnson written for children. S2020 Sevier, Cora Bales Sevier Family History, with the Collected Letters of Gen. John Sevier, First Governor of Tennessee and 28 Collateral Family Lineages. Washington: Kaufman Print. Co., 1961. Genealogy of Tennessee's first family. Letters relate to the state of Franklin. S2030 (ASU ETSU MHC BC) Seward, Harry M. Scenes and Information about Rockwood, Tennessee, in the Heart of the Great Tennessee Valley Development. Rockwood: Rockwood Times, 1935. This Tennessee Valley Authority propaganda piece includes a Roane County, Tennessee, history. S2040 Sewell, David Oliver "Training the Poor: A Benefit-cost Analysis of Vocational Instruction in the United States Antipoverty Program." Ph. D. Diss. Duke Univ., 1971. Study included some western North Carolina counties. S2050 Sexton, Carlie Old Fashioned Quilts. Wheaton, III.: n.p., 1928. An illustrated book of patterns and instructions some patterns seldom seen today. S2060 Sexton, Oswell S. "A History of Education in Scott County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1951. S2070 Sexton, Robert Fenimore "Kentucky Politics and Society: 1919-1932." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. Microfilms, 1971. Mentions political corruption in eastern Kentucky and the conditions which cause it. S2080 (BC) Sexton, Thomas Anvil to the Pulpit. Knoxville: S. B. Newman and Co., 1906. Biography of the blacksmith preacher of the Appalachian frontier. S2090 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Seymour, Charles M., Company A History of 100 Years of St. Johns Episcopal Church in Knoxville, Tenn. Knoxville: Vestry of St. John's Parish, 1947. Includes a history of Knoxville during the Civil War and Reconstruction. S2100 Seymour, Digby Gordon Divided Loyalties: Fort Sanders and the Civil War in East Tennessee. 1st ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1963. A history of Knoxville and Knox County during the Civil War and Reconstructions. S2110 (BCETSU) Seymour, Flora Warren Smith Daniel Boone, Pioneer. New York: Century Co., 1931. Yet another biography of Boone. No distinguishing features. S2120 (ASU) Shacketford, Nevyle Wildflowers of Kentucky. Lexington: Univ. of Ky., College of Agriculture, Cooperative Extension Service, 1970. A book of the folklore and romance of Kentucky wild flowers. S2130 (BC) Shackford, James Atkins "The Autobiography of David Crockett: An Annotated Edition." 2 vols. Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1948. Shackford's introduction and notes became the foundation for the 1973 Shackford-Folmsbee edition of A NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF DAVID CROCKETT. This dissertation was the basis for the best biography of David Crockett. S2140 (ASU) Shackford, James Atkins ed. David Crockett, the Man and the Legend. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1956. Features less of the sensational and more of the actual accomplishments and character of Crockett. S2150 (ASU ETSU BC) Shafer, Holly M. "Why Pupils Drop Out of School Before Finishing the Grades in the Rural Schools of West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1929. S2160 Shafron, Isaac "The Relationship Between the Structure of the Transportation Network and the Economic Development of West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1967. Clearly illustrates the primary economic problem of Appalachia; poor transportation which results in poor or indifferent marketing practices. S2170 Shah, Robin Chandulal "What Lessons India Can Learn from the Tennessee Valley Authority." Master's thesis. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1958. S2180 Shaler, Nathaniel Southgate Kentucky: A Pioneer Commonwealth. American Commonwealths Series. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1884. S2190 (LMC BC ASU) Kentucky: A Pioneer Commonwealth. American Commonwealths Series. Boston: Houghton, 1893. S2200 (WWC) Kentucky; a Pioneer Commonwealth. New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1912. S2210 Shanks, Royal Eastman Summer Key to Tennessee Trees. 1950. Reprint. Contribution from the Department of Botany, New Series, no. 124. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1963. S2220 (ASU LMC BC) Shannon, Jasper Berry Presidential Politics in Kentucky, 1824-1948: A Compilation of Election Statistics and an Analysis of Political Behavior. Studies in Political Behavior, no. 1. Lexington: Bureau of Government Research, College of Arts and Sciences, Univ. of Kentucky, 1950. S2230 (LMC) Shannondale Presbyterian Church Historical Committee Seventy-Five Years: Shannondale Presbyterian Church, Knoxville, Tennessee, 1886-1961. Knoxville: n.p., 1962. S2240 Shapiro, Henry David "A Strange Land and Peculiar People: The Discovery of Appalachia, 1870-1920." Microfilm. Ph. D. Diss. Rutgers Univ., 1966. S2250 (ASU LMC) AUTHOR Shapiro, Irwin Yankee Thunder: The Legendary Life of Davy Crockett. New York: J. Messner, 1944. S2260 (ASU ETSU) Sharp, Aaron J. Campbell, Carlos Clinton and others Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1962. C540 (LMC WCU ETSU) Campbell, Carlos Clinton Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1964. C550 (ASU LMC WCU WWC BC) Sharp, Aaron John Shanks, Royal Eastman Summer Key to Tennessee Trees. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1963. S2220 (ASU LMC BC) Sharp, Cecil J. Farnsworth, Charles H. Folk-songs, Chanteys and Singing Games. New York: H. W. Gray Co., n.d. F210 (ASU LMC BC) Sharp, Cecil James American-English Folk Songs, Collected in the Southern Appalachians. Boston: G. Schirmer, 1918. S2270 (ASU) Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1917. S2290 (ASU BC) Eighty English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1968. S2300 (WCU ASU BC ETSU) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. Comprising two hundred and seventy-three songs and ballads with nine hundred and sixty-eight tunes. Including thirty-nine tunes contributed by Olive Dame Campbell. 2 vols. London: Oxford Univ. Press, H. Milford, 1932. S2320 (ASU WWC FC) The Idiom of the People. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1958. English traditional verse with notes from the manuscripts of Cecil J. Sharp. S2350 (ASU BC) Sharp, Cecil James arranger Nursery Songs from the Appalachian Mountains. Illustrated by Ester B. MacKinnow. 2 vols. London: Novello and Co., 1923. S2360 (ASU BC LMC) Sharp, Cecil James comp. The Country Dance Book. London: Novelle and Co., 1934. S2280 (ASU BC) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians, Comprising 273 Songs and Ballads with 968 Tunes, Including 39 Tunes Contributed by Olive Dame Campbell. 1st ed. London: Oxford Univ. Press, H. Milford, 1932. S2310 (ASU) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. 2 vols. in 1. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1960. S2330 (ETSU) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. Comprising two hundred and seventy-three songs and ballads with nine hundred and sixty-eight tunes, including thirty-nine tunes contributed by Olive Dame Campbell. 2 vols. 1932. Reprint. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1966. S2340 (ASU WCU LMC MHC) Sharp, Cecil James ed. Campbell, Olive Arnold Dame English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians, Comprising 122 Songs and Ballads, and 323 Tunes. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1917. C830 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Sharp, John McClure Recollections of Hearsays of Athens, Fifty Years and Beyond. Athens, Tenn.: The author, 1933. An informal history of McMinn County, Tennessee. S2370 Sharp, Karl Wayne "A Study of Debt History in Carter County, Tennessee, 1892-1952." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1952. S2380 Sharpe, Bill A New Geography of North Carolina. 4 vols. Raleigh, N. C: Sharpe Pub. Co., 1954. S2390 (ASU LMC BC UNCA) 193 SEYMOUR—SHAWKEY Tar on My Heels, a Press Agent's Notebook. Photographs by John Hemmer. Winston-Salem, N. C.: Tar Heels, 1946. S2410 (ASU LMC BC) Sharpe, Bill ed. North Carolina: A Description by Counties. Compiled by the Division of Advertising and News, North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development. Raleigh, N. C.: Warren, 1948. S2400 (LMC) Sharpe, J. Ed Cherokee Fun and Learn Book Play and Color as You Learn About the Cherokee Indian People. Illustrated by Shirley Simmons. Cherokee, N. C.: Cherokee Publications, 1970. S2420 (ASU) The Cherokees, Past and Present: An Authentic Guide of the Cherokee People. Illustrated by Shirley Simmons. Cherokee, N. C.: Cherokee Publications, 1970. S2430 (ASU BC WWC) Sharpe, Laurie M. The Cleveland Southern In-Migrant Study; an Overview. Washington: Bureau of Social Science Research Inc., 1967. S2440 Shaver, Hazel G. The Origins and Characteristics of Folk Art in West Virginia. Master's thesis. West Va. Univ., 1964. S2450 Shaver, Jesse Milton Ferns of Tennessee, with the Fern Allies Excluded. Nashville: George Peabody College for Teachers, 1954. S2460 (WWC) Shaw, C. F. Wilder, Henry Jason Reconnaissance Soil Survey of Northwestern Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. W6120 Shaw, Charles Frederick Reconnaissance Soil Survey of Northeastern Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College School of Agriculture and Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1911. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. S2470 Shaw, E. W. The Irvine Oil Field, Estill County, Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 661 -D. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1918. S2480 Shaw, Helen L. The British Administration of the Southern Indians, 1756-1783. Lancaster, Pa.: Lancaster Press, 1931. History of Cherokee and other Indians of Tennessee. S2490 Shaw, James The Scotch-Irish in History as Master Builders of Empires, States, Churches, Schools and Civilization. New York: Eaton and Mains, 1899. S2500 (ASU BC) Shaw, Ronald E. Andrew Jackson, 1767-1845: Chronology, Documents, Bibliographical Aids. Dobbs Ferry, N. Y.: Oceana, 1969. Research tools for the study of Andrew Jackson. Grades 9-12. S2510 Shaw, Wilene pseud. Harrison, Virginia M. The Fear and the Guilt. New York: Ace, 1954. H3090 Harrison, Virginia M. Heat Lightening. New York: Ace, 1954. H3100 (ASU) Harrison, Virginia M. The Mating Call. New York: Ace, 1954. H3110 Shawe, Fred R. Geologic Map of the Stanford Quadrangle, Boyle and Lincoln Counties, Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1974. S2520 Shawkey, Morris Purdy West Virginia: A Book of Geography, History, and Industry. Boston: Ginn, 1922. S2530 (WCU) West Virginia, in History, Life, Literature and Industry. New York: The Lewis Pub. Co., 1928. S2540 �SHEARER—SHETLER Shearer, Hardin David "The History and Educational Influence of Douglas School, Elizabethton, Tennessee, 1900-1965." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. S2550 (ETSU) Shearer, Henry K. "The Economic Effects of the Original Section of the Pennsylvania Turnpike on Adjacent Areas." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1955. S2560 Shearin, A. E. Soil Survey, Pickens County, South Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the South Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1937, no. 7. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1943. S2570 Shearin, Hubert Gibson British Ballads in the Cumberland Mountains. Sewanee, Term.: Univ. of the South Press, n.d. Originally appeared in Sewanee Review July, 1911. S2580 A Syllabus of Kentucky Folk-Songs. Lexington: Transylvania Print. Co., 1911. S2590 Sheehan, Bernard W. Seeds of Extinction: Jeffersonian Philanthropy and the American Indian. Chapel Hill: Pub. for the Institute of Early American History & Culture at Williamsburg, Va., by the Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1973. S2600 (MHC) Sheeler, John Reuben "The Negro in West Virginia Before 1900." Ph. D. Diss. West Virginia Univ., 1954. S2610 Sheffey, Nola B. Zubovic, Peter Distribution of Minor Elements in Coals of Appalachian Region. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1966. Z150 Sheffy, John P. Handbook of Smyth County, Virginia, n.p.: Board of Supervisors, 1907. S2620 Shell, Sherman Leroy "A Follow-up of Industrial Arts Graduates of East Tennessee State College from 1930 to 1953." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1958. S2630 (ETSU) Shellans, Herbert comp. Folk Songs of the Blue Ridge Mountains: 50 Traditional Songs as Sung by the People of the Blue Ridge Mountains Country. With notes on the people and the music. New York: Oak Publications, 1968. S2640 (ASU ETSU LMC MHC WCU BC) Shellhammer, Kenneth L. Miernyk, William H. Stimulating Regional Economic Development with an Input-Output Model. Morgan town: West Virginia Univ., Regional Research Institute, 1968. M5390 Miernyk, William H. The Structure of the West Virginia Economy in 1975, a Preliminary Forecast. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Regional Research Institute, 1968. M5410 Shelor, Susan Jefferson Pioneers and Their Coat of Arms of Floyd County: Genealogies of Prominent Early Settlers of the Blue Ridge Plateau of Virginia. Winston-Salem, N. C: Hunter Pub. Co., 1961. S2650 (ASU FC) Shelter, Charles Milestones of West Virginia History...Some Events of Importance in the Development of the Mountain State. Parsons, W. Va.: McCloin Print. Co., 1963. S2660 W. Va. Civil War Literature. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Library, 1963. S2670 Shelton, Barrett Decatur Story. Knoxville, Term.-. TVA, 1949. Account of a valley town's transformation after the Tennessee Valley Authority programs arrived. S2680 AUTHOR Shelton, Farrar V. Gibson, William Lloyd, Jr. Economic Land Classification of Pulaski County. Blacksburg: Virginia Agricultural Experiment, Station, 1946. Gil 90 Shelton, Feme Colonial Holiday Treats, Special Recipes. High Point, N. C: Hutcraft, 1971. S2690 (ASU BC) Pioneer Comforts and Kitchen Remedies. Old Timey Highland Secrets from the Blue Ridge and Great Smoky Mountains. S2730 (MHC ASU BC WCU) Pioneer Superstitions: Old-timey Signs and Sayings. High Point, N. C: Hutcraft, 1969. S2760 (ASU LMC WCU) Shelton, Feme ed. Colonial Kitchen Herbs and Remedies: Garden and Kitchen Secrets from Early America. High Point, N. C.: Hutcraft, 1970. S2700 (ASU LMC) Colonial Treasure Cookbook. High Point, N. C.: Hutcraft, 1970. S2710 (ASU) Pioneer Beauty Secrets: Old and New Cosmetics from the Kitchen, Garden and Insect Control. High Point, N. C.: Hutcraft, 1966. S2720 (ASU LMC) Pioneer Cookbook, Favorite Campfire and Kitchen Recipes from Early America. High Point, N. C.: Hutcraft, 1971. S2740 (ASU BC) Pioneer Proverbs: Wit and Wisdom from Early America. Collected by Mary Turner. High Point, N. C: Hutcraft, 1971. S2750 (ASU WCU) Southern Appalachian Mountain Cookbook: Rare Time-tested Recipes from the Blue Ridge and Great Smoky Mountains. High Point, N. C.: Hutcraft, 1964. S2770 (ASU LMC BC) Turner, Mary comp. Pioneer Proverbs; Wit and Wisdom From Early America. High Point, N. C.: Hutcraft, 1971. T9830 Shelton, Robert The Country Music Story: A Picture History of Country and Western Music. Photographs by Burt Goldblatt. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1966. S2780 (ASU WCU) Shelton, Tom "Trends and Needs of the Washington County, Tennessee, Schools, 1948-1966." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1954. S2790 (ETSU) Sheppard, Mrs. Edwin Gold or Guilt. Philadelphia: J. A. Moore, 1877. Novel. Mystery story with a mountain setting and a too-pat ending. S2800 (ASU) Sheppard, Muriel Earley Cabins in the Laurel. Illustrated by Bayard Wootten. 1935. Reprint. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1965. S2820 (FC ASU) Cloud by Day: The Story of Coal and Coke People. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1947. S2830 (ASU LMC BC) Sheppard, Muriel Early Cabins in the Laurel. Illustrated by Bayard Wootten. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1935. A mountain classic. An account of life in the Doe River Valley, North Carolina. S2810 (ASU MHC LMC WCU ETSU WWC BC FC UNCA) Sheppard, Walter Lee comp. Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684. Reprints of Articles With Corrections, Additions, and New Materials, by Marion R. Balderston, Hannah Benner Roach and Walter Lee Sheppard, Jr. Reprints of related material by Francis James Dallet, Morgan Bunting and L. Taylor Dickson. Publications of the Welcome Society of Pennsylvania, no. 1. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1970. S2840 (ASU) Shepperson, Wilbur Stanley Samuel Roberts: A Welsh Colonizer in Civil War Tennessee. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1961. S2850 (ASU) 194 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Sherard, Hoyt Soil Survey: Franklin County, Alabama. Tuscaloosa: Ala. Ag. Exp. Station, 1965. S2860 Sherard, Hoyt and others Soil Survey, Lawrence County, Alabama. Correlation by Max J. Edwards. Soil Survey, Series 1949, no. 10. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1959. S2870 Soil Survey, Morgan County, Alabama. Soil Survey, Series 1944, no. 10. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1958. S2880 Sherburne, James Hacey Miller: A Novel. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1971. A story of a young man at Berea who is a staunch abolitionist and must side against his southern family and neighbors in the war. S2890 (BC LMC ASU) Stand like Men. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1973. A novel of the struggle for unions in the mines of Harlan County. Action centers on "Yellow Dog" Mine and on the Hord family who first settled on Dead Dog Branch. S2900 (BC) The Way to Fort Pillow. A Novel. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1972. Berea, an abolistionist college, is closed by a pro-slavery mob and Hacey Miller a young teacher at the college rides with the Union against the wishes of his Bluegrass family. S2910 (LMC ASU BC WCU ETSU) Sherman, Katharine Daisy's Fanny. New York: Vantage, 1951. A middle man in the moonshine business begins courting the daughter of one of his suppliers. The young girl is only twelve years old; in disgust and fear she turns to a Negro boy for love. Situation degenerates rapidly. S2920 Sherman, Mandel The Development of Attitudes. New York: Payne Fund, 1933. Has implications for Appalachian people facing rapid social change. S2930 Hollow Folk. Xerox copy of the original - LMC. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1933. Considered a mountain classic. This is a social survey of an isolated community about to be displaced by a highway. Sound, if depressing, social commentary. S2940 (BC LMC ETSU WWC) Hollow Folk. 1933. Reprint. Berryville, Va.: Virginia Book Co., 1973. S2950 (ASU) Sherrill, William Lander Annals of Lincoln County, North Carolina: Containing Interesting and Authentic Facts of Lincoln County History through the Years 1749 to 1937. Charlotte, N. C.: Observer Print. House, 1937. S2960 (ASU) Sherwood, Ada Simpson Hungering for the Hills and Other Poems. Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1947. S2970 Sherwood, George American Colonists in English Records: A Guide to Direct References in Authentic Records, Passenger Lists Not in "Hotten". 2 vols. in 1. 1932-33. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. S2980 (ASU) Shetler, Charles Guide to Manuscripts and Archives in the West Va. Collection, by Charles Shetler. West Va. Univ. Library. West Va. Collection. Morgantown: West Va. Univ. Library, 1958. S2990 (BC) Guide to the Study of West Virginia History. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1960. S3010 (BC) Milestones of West Virginia History: Some Events of Importance in the Development of ' the Mountain State. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1966. S3020 (ASU) West Virginia Civil War Literature. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1963. S3030 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY West Virginia Civil War Literature; An Annotated Bibliography. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Library, 1963. S3040 Shatter, Charles W. Guide to the Study of West Virginia History. Morgantown: Virginia Univ. Library, 1960. S3000 Shetrone, Henry Clyde The Mound-Builders; a Reconstruction of the Life of a Prehistoric American Race, through Exploration and Interpretation of Their Earth Mounds, Their Burials, and Their Cultural Remains. 1930. Reprint. Port Washington, N. Y.: Kennikat, 1964. S3050 Shifflett, Frances Elaine Eocene Stratigraphy and Foraminifera of the Aquia Formation. Bulletin, 3. Baltimore: Maryland Department of Geology, Mines and Water Resources, 1948. S3060 (ETSU) Shinedling, Abraham Isaac West Virginia Jewry: Origins and History, 1850-1958. Philadelphia: M. Jacobs, 1963. S3070 (ASU LMC) Shipley, Gertrude G. comp. Centennial Celebration of Island Home Baptist Church, Knoxville, Tennessee, October 2, 1960 - December 11, 1960. Knoxville: Coleman, 1960. Includes a history of the church's first hundred years. S3080 Shipp, Albert Micajah The History of Methodism in South Carolina. Xerox copy of the original. Nashville: Southern Methodist Pub. House, 1883. S3090 (ASU BC) Shirley, Franklin Ray Zebulon Vance, Tarheel Spokesman. Charlotte, N. C: McNally and Loftin, 1962. Vance was North Carolina's first mountain governor; his term encompassed the Civil War and Secession years. S3100 (ASU) Zebulon Vance, Tarheel Spokesman. 1962. Reprint. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally and Loftin, 1963. S3! 10 (LMC) Shoemaker, Henry Wharton Juniata Memories: Legends Collected in Central Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: J. J. McVey, 1916. S3120 More Allegheny Episodes: Legends and Traditions, Old and New. Altoona, Pa.: Mountain City Press, Times Tribune Co., 1964. S3130 Penn's Grandest Cavern: The History, Legends and Description of Penn's Cave in Centre County, Pennsylvania. Altoona, Pa.: Altoona Tribune Press, 1914. S3140 Scotch-Irish and English Proverbs and Sayings of the West Branch Valley of Central Pennsylvania. An address at the Rotary Club, Milton, Pa., June 6, 1927. Reading, Pa.: Reading Eagle Press, 1927. S3150 (ASU) South Mountain Sketches, Folk Tales, and Legends Collected in the Mountains of Southern Pennsylvania. Altoona, Pa.: Times Tribune Co., 1920. S3160 (ASU) Shore, John W. "Community Appearance Commissions in North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1972. Shore used Western North Carolina Counties for his study. S3170 (ASU) Shores, H. H. Fuller, Glenn Loren Soil Survey of Bartow County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. F3680 Short, Eirian Introducing Quilting. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1974. S3180 (ASU) Shoup, Charles S. A Bibliography of the Zoology of Tennessee and Tennessee Valley Region. Oak Ridge, Term.: U. S. Atomic Energy Commission, 1974. S3! 90 (ASU BC) AUTHOR Showalter, Noah Daniel Atlas of Rockingham County, Virginia. Assisted by Homer B. Vance. Map of Harrisonburg by William G. Myers. Editorial assistants, John W. Wayland and John S. Flory. Harrisonburg, Va.: The author, 1939. S3200 (ASU) Shriner, Charles H. History of Murray County. By Charles H. Shriner. n.p.: n.p., 1911. Contains valuable information about this county formed from the Cherokee nation in 1838. S3210 History of Murray County. Spring Place, Ga.: n.p., 1911. Interesting history of a mountain county created from the Cherokee Nation in 1838. S3220 (ASU) Shryock, Richard Harrison Georgia and the Union in 1850. Durham, N. C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1926. Several mountain counties in Georgia remained loyal to the Union throughout the War. S3230 (MHC) Shulkcum, Edward Devereux, Robert Eddins Soil Survey, Albemarle County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1940. D1940 Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Augusta County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1937. J2850 Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey of Rockbridge County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. J2900 Jurney, Robert Campbell Soil Survey, Smyth County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. J2930 Jurney, Robert Campbell and others Soil Survey, Washington County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1945. J2940 Shull, Lena Meare Fire on the Mountain. Verse Craft Series. Atlanta: Banner Press, 1955. S3240 (ASU WCU) Night Is Always Kind. Dallas, Texas: Kaleidograph Press, 1948. S3250 (ASU WCU) Red Leaf Carols. Old North State Poets, series 1, no. 2. Dexter, Mo.: Candor Press, 1961. S3260 (ASU WCU LMC) Shull, Peg Children of Appalachia. New York: J. Messner, 1969. A book designed for children and about the life of children in southeastern Kentucky. Author use a composite of families to put across a realistic portrait of life in present day Appalachia. S3270 (ASU ETSU MHC BC) Shumate, Samuel B. Ball, Bonnie Sage Scott County, Virginia: U. S. Census, 1850. n.p.: n.p., 1963. B780 (BC ASU) Shumate, William H. Petro, James H. Soil Survey, Ross County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1967. P2430 Shupe, Jane Little "A Survey of Comprehension Weaknesses of 417 East Tennessee State University Freshmen." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1964. S3280 (ETSU) Siegmeister, Elie ed. The Music Lover's Handbook. New York: W. Morrow and Co., 1943. S3290 (ASU) Siehl, George H. comp. The Issues Related to Surface Mining; a Summary Review, with Selected Readings. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. S3300 (WCU) 195 SHETLER—SIMMONS Silberberg, Elliot D. Celluloid Muse: A Critical Study of James Agee. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1973. This discussion of Knoxville's James Agee includes poetry, fiction, movie scripts and journalism. S3310 Siler, David W. comp. The Eastern Cherokees: A Census of the Cherokee Nation in North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia in 1851. Preface by Fred B. Kniffen. Cottonport, La.: Polyanthos, 1972. Thousands of Cherokees did not move westward on the Trail of Tears, but were exempted for family or occupational reasons. S3320 (BC ASU) Siler, James Hoyden A History of Jellico, Tennessee, Containing Historical Information on Campbell County, Tennessee and Whitley County, Kentucky. Jellico: n.p., 1938. S3330 Siler, Margaret R. Cherokee Indian Lore and Smoky Mountain Stories. Bryson City, N. C.: Bryson City Times, 1938. A delightful book of legends, lore and wisdom from the Qualla Reservation. S3340 (ASU BC) Cherokee Indian Lore and Smoky Mountains Stories. 1938. Reprint. Bryson City, N. C.: Bryson City Times, 1939. S3350 (ETSU) Siler, R. W., Jr. Flood Problems and Their Solution Through Urban Planning Programs. Nashville, Term.: Tennessee State Planning Commission, 1955. S3360 Sill, James B. Historical Sketches of Churches in the Diocese of Western North Carolina Episcopal Church. Asheville, N. C.: Church of the Redeemer, 1955. Sketches of all the Episcopal Churches in North Carolina's mountain region. S3370 (LMC WCU BC) Silliphant, Stirling Maddux, Rachel Fiction Into Film: A Walk in the Spring Rain. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1970. M2710 (ASU) Silverman, Jerry Beginning the Folk Guitar, an Instructional Manual. New York: Oak Publications, 1964. A clearly written manual of instruction for beginning guitarists. S3380 (ASU) Silverman, Jerry ed. Folk Blues: 110 American Folk Blues. With a chart of basic guitar chord fingering patterns and a full biography and discographer. New York: Macmillan, 1958. S3390 (ASU) Silverstone, Naomi ed. Appalachian Regional Commission, Child Development Staff Programs for Infants and Young Children. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. A3900 (ASU ETSU) Silvester, Guy Alwin "A Comparative Analysis of the Felt Need Pattern of the Personality Structure in Rural Appalachia and Suburban America." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. An amazingly mature analysis of the psychology of alienation as applied to Appalachian people. S3400 (ETSU) Simmendiger, Ulrich B. True and Authentic Register of Persons Still Living, by God's Grace, Who in the Year 1709, under the Wonderful Providence of the Lord, Journeyed from Germany to America or New World, and There Seek Their Piece of Bread at Various Places, Reported with Joy to All Admirers, Especially to Their Families and Close Friends. Translated from the German by Herman F. Vesper. 1934. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. S3410 (ASU) Simmons, Anne Bird, Ronald Status of Rural Housing in the United States. Washington: U. S. Economic Research Service, Economic Development Division, 1968. B4120 �SIMMONS—SKELLY Simmons, C. S. Shearin, A. E. Soil Survey, Pickens County, South Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1943. S2570 Simmons, Charles Shaffer Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Indiana County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1936. B8700 Soil Survey of Wayne County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College School of Agriculture and Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1932, no. 25. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. S3430 Simmons, Corinne John Uri Lloyd: His Life and Works, 1849-1936. Cincinnati: The author, 1972. Biography of a scientist, author and philanthropist. Author of several books on eastern Kentucky. S3440 Simmons, John Benjamin History of the Public Schools of White County, Georgia 1870 Thru 1938. n.p.: n.p., 1938. Primarily sketches of teachers past and present. S3450 (BC) Simmons, Wilhelmina "Community Concept of Juvenile Court Function in Knox County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. S3460 Simms, William Gilmore Charlemont: Or, the Pride of the Village. A Tale of Kentucky. Border Romances. Chicago: Donohue, Henneberry and Co., 1890. A tale of warfare, Indians and romance in backwoods Kentucky. The action ranges into the Kentucky mountains. S3470 (ASU) Charlemont: Or, The Pride of the Village, a Tale of Kentucky. New York: AMS Press, 1970. S3480 (ETSU) Guy Rivers: A Tale of Georgia. Atlanta: The Martin and Hoyt Co., n.d. A tale of warfare, scouting, love and betrayal in upcountry Georgia. Simms describes the noble mountaineer in his best purple prose. S3490 Guy Rivers: A Tale of Georgia. Border Romances. Chicago: Belford, Clarke, and Co., 1888. S3500 (ASU BC) Guy Rivers: A Tale of Georgia. 1885. Reprint. New York: AMS Press, 1970. S3510 (ASU ETSU) The Scout: Or, The Black Riders of Congaree. 1854. Reprint. Americans in Fiction. Ridgewood, N. J.: Gregg Press, 1968. Revolutionary War fiction in which the action occasionally ranges into the mountains. S3520 (ASU WCU ETSU) Voltmeier, or The Mountain Men: A Tale of the Old North State, n.p.: Serialized in THE WESTERN WORLD, 1869. A novel of North Carolina during the Revolutionary War. The Mountain Men are the heroes. S3530 (ASU) The Wigwam and the Cabin. Chicago: Belford, Clarke, and Co., 1888. A romance of the backcountry. Some of the action takes place in the Appalachians. More purple prose. S3540 (ASU) The Wigwam and the Cabin. Life in America. Ridgewood, N. J.: Gregg Press, 1968. S3550 (WCU LMC) Woodcraft: Or, Hawks About the Dovecote A Story of the South at the Close of the Revolution. Rev. ed. 1856. Reprint. Americans in Fiction. Ridgewood, N. J.: Gregg Press, 1968. A novel of the Revolution in South Carolina. Some of the action takes place in the mountains. S3560 (ASU WCU ETSU) AUTHOR The Writings of William Gilmore Simms, Centennial Edition. Introduction and Explanatory notes by Donald Davidson and Mary C. Simms Oliphant. Text established by James B. Meriwether. Contents Vol. I.: VOLTMEIER; or, THE MOUNTAIN MEN. Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1969. S3570 (ASU) Simon, Charlie May Hogue Younger Brother, a Cherokee Indian Tale. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1942. S3575 (ETSU) Simpkins, Francis B. The South Old and New. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1947. Contains scant information on the mountain south. S3580 (BC) Simpson, Donval Riley "An Investigation of the Arithmetical Disabilities of Beginning Ninth Grade Pupils in Appalachian High School." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1957. S3590 (ASU) Simpson, Dorothy Taylor "An Ecological Survey of Flat Rock Mountain." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1958. Ecological study of one western North Carolina mountain. S3600 (ASU) Simpson, George Lee Western North Carolina Associated Communities. Cherokee, N. C.: Cherokee Historical Association, 1956. S3610 (WCU) Simpson, James History of the Cross Creek Graveyard and Cross Creek Cemetery. Originally compiled in 1894 by James Simpson, revised and prepared for publication by Alvin D. White. Parsons, West Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. S3620 History of the Cross Creek Graveyard and Cross Creek Cemetery. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. S3630 Simpson-Poffenbarger, Livia Nye Battle of Point Pleasant . . . Point Pleasant, W. Va.: State Gazette Pubs., 1909. Contains biographical sketches of the men who participated. S3640 Sims, Carlton C. "County Government in Tennessee." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Chicago, 1930. Some interesting commentary on political practices in East Tennessee. However, considering the publication date, this should have been much more of an expose. The author was too timid. S3650 (BC) Sims, Edgar B. Indexes to Land Grants in West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Rose City Press, 1952. S3660 (ASU) Sims, Edgar Barr Making a State; Formation of West Virginia, Including Maps, Illustrations, Plats, Grants and the Acts of the Virginia Assembly and the Legislature of West Virginia Creating the Counties. Charleston: State of West Virginia, 1956. S3670 (BC) Sims, Marion McCamy Memo, to Timothy Sheldon. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1938. Novel in the form of a long letter from Lynn Sheldon to her husband. On a vacation in the North Carolina mountains Lynn meets a man she would like to marry and writes a letter to her husband telling him of her plans. S3680 (ASU) Simulating Regional Economic Development; an Interindustry Analysis of the West Virginia Economy Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1970. S3690 (UNCA) Sinclair, Upton B. King Coal. 1917. Reprint. Pasadena, Cal.: n.p., 1930. A novel of the coal industry in Pennsylvania and neighboring states. Like all of Sinclair's work, this book makes a strong sociological statement about life in the coal camps and the unions. S3700 (ETSU) 196 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Singer, Louis C. Glass, Paul Songs of Hill and Mountain Folk, Ballads, Historical Songs, Folk Songs. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1967. G2060 (BC ASU) Singh, Ghaguan Krishna Modernization and Diffusion of Innovations in a Rural Appalachia County; General Systems Analysis. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1970. S3710 (BC) Singh, Har Swarup "Evaluation of Alternative Income Opportunities For Farm Operations in Macon County, North Carolina." Ph. D. Diss. North Carolina State Univ., 1959. S3720 (LMC) Sipe, F. Henry Surveying Rural Property Boundary Lines in West Virginia: A Guide For Surveyors, Attorneys, Landowners, and Others. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1965. S3730 (LMC) Sister, Janice Call Christopher Call's Family of Preston County, West Virginia 1741-1973. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1973. S3740 Sistler, Byron 1830 Census, East Tennessee. Transcribed and indexed by Byron Sistler. Evanston, III.-, n.p., 1969. S3750 Sites, Carrie B. A History of the Town of Dayton, Virginia. Dayton, Va.: Dayton Women's Club, 1962. A history of a small town in Rockingham County, Virginia. S3760 (ASU BC) Sitter son, Joseph Carlyle The Secession Movement in North Carolina. James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science, vol. 23, no. 2. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1939. Mountain counties were opposed to Secession. S3770 (LMC) Sizer, Leonard M. County Study Data Book: Measures of Social Change in West Virginia. Bulletin no. 464. Morgantown: West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station, West Virginia Univ., 1961. S3780 Population Changes in West Virginia 1900-1950. Morgantown: W. Va. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1957. S3800 Rural Industrialization: A Case Study in Educational Values and Attitudes. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1966. S3810 (ASU) Sizer, Leonard M. and others The Learning Experiences of Youth Groups: A Study of 4-H Clubs in Barbour County, West Virginia. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1959. S3790 Skaggs, Marvin Lucian North Carolina Boundary Disputes Involving Her Southern Line. James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science, vol. 25, no. 1. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1941. Disputed territory includes North Carolina's southwestern mountain counties. S3820 (ASU LMC) Skaggs, Meviil Maguire The Folk of Southern Fiction. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1972. This book was a great disappointment. It fails to differentiate the mountain man from other southern types and does not recognize Appalachian fiction as a separate literary entity. However, some attention is given to the formation of the mountain stereotype. S3830 (ASU) Skean, Marion Holcomb Circle Left Folk Play of the Kentucky Mountains. Homeplace, Ky.: E. C. Robinson Mountain Foundation, 1939. A nice round-up of old favorites. S3840 (ASU LMC BC) Skelly and Loy/Zollman Associates Preparation of Plans and Specifications for Pollution Abatement Activities in Cherry Creek Watershed, Maryland. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1973. S3850 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "Sketches of Pioneer Medical Doctors of Cocke County." n.p.: unpublished typescript, 1968. S3860 Skeyhill, Thomas John Sergeant York, Last of the Long Hunters. Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1930. S3880 (ASU BC) Skeyhill, Thomas John ed. Sergeant York, His Own Life Story and War Diary. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran, and Co., 1928. S3870 (ASU ETSU LMC) Skidmore, Hobert Douglas Disturb Not Our Dreams. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1947. S3890 (ASU BC) 0 Careless Love. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1949. The simultaneous arrival of a wise but innocent mountain girl and a drought prove too much for the village of felicity. S3900 (ASU) The Years Are Even, a Novel. New York: Random House, 1952. S3910 (ASU) Skidmore, Hubert Hawk's Nest. New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1941. The Great Depression brings an influx of outlanders into West Virginia to blast a tunnel through a mountain. Confusion and trouble follow. S3920 (BC ASU) Heaven Came So Near. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1938. Ben Cutlip, unable to adjust to the brutality of the lumber camp, takes to the hills. His mind is unable to cope with other people; he grows stranger and more aloof and at last confesses to a murder he saw in a vision. S3930 (ASU LMC BC) Hill Doctor. Illustrated by Benton Spruance. New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1940. A young doctor returns to his mountain homeland and finds himself in conflict with the local midwife and the lumber company which is the only area industry. S3940 (ASU WCU BC) Hill Lawyer. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1945. A young lawyer comes to Stoney Fork to help the mountaineers save their land from lumber and mining companies which are trying to force the locals to sell by devious means. S3950 (BC LMC) Hill Lawyer. Illustrated by Richard Bennett. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1950. S3960 (ASU) 1 Will Lift Up Mine Eyes. Garden City, N. Y.: Book League of America, 1936. Memorable story of the disintegration of the Cutlip's strong family ties when they leave the hills and move to a lumber town. Powerful novel of the mountaineer versus industrialization. S3970 (BC ASU) I Will Lift Up Mine Eyes. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran, 1936. S3980 (LMC) River Rising Illustrated by Benton Spruance. New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1939. Novel of York Allen, a teacher trying to earn money for medical school. He has difficulty with the lumber camp families until his heroic action saves some mill property. S3990 (ASU LMC) Skidmore, Owings, & Merrill Co. Report to the Atomic Energy Commission on the Master Plan, Oak Ridge, Tennessee. Oak Ridge: The Co., 1948. S4000 (ASU) Skiles, William West A Sketch of Missionary Life at Valle Crucis in Western North Carolina, 1842-1862. New York: James Pott and Co., 1890. A description of a harsh and generally unrewarding ministry at an isolated Episcopal Mission in Western North Carolina. S4010 (LMC) Skinner, Charles Montgomery Myths & Legends of Our Own Land. 2 vols. Detroit: Singing Tree Press, 1969. S4020 (ASU) AUTHOR Skinner, Constance Lindsay Becky Landers; Frontier Warrior. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1926. Novel of a young girl on the Kentucky frontier who has become the provider for her family. Action moves in and out of the mountain area as she associates with famous scouts and warriors. S4030 (BC) Pioneers of the Old Southwest. Chronicles of America Series. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1920. S4040 (LMC) Pioneers of the Old Southwest: A Chronicle of the Dark and Bloody Ground. Chronicles of America Series, vol. 18. Abraham Lincoln edition. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1919. The term "old southwest" encompasses parts of Appalachia. S4050 (ASU) Pioneers of the Old Southwest: A Chronicle of the Dark and Bloody Ground. Chronicles of America Series, vol. 18. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1921. S4060 (ETSU) Silent Scot, Frontier Scout. New York: Coward McCann, 1925. S4070 Silent Scott, Frontier Scout. New York: Macmillan, 1940. Novel of a North Carolina mountain boy who is captured by the British but escapes to become a famous scout. Much about the Cherokee and Sevier's Overmountain Men. S4080 (WWC BC) Skinner, George W. comp. Pennsylvania at Chickamauga and Chattanooga: Ceremonies at the Dedication of the Monuments Erected by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to Mark the Positions of the Pennsylvania Commands Engaged in the Battles, n.p.: Wm. Stanley Ray, 1900. S4090 (ASU) Skordas, G\ist The Early Settlers of Maryland: An Index to Names of Immigrants Compiled from Records of Land Patents, 1633-1680, in the Hall of Records, Annapolis, Maryland. Foreword by Morris L. Radoff. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. S4100 (ASU) Skyland, Situated on High Plateau in the Blue Ridge Near Grand Old Stony Man Peak, Overlooking Famous Shenandoah Valley, 4,000 Feet in the Blue Washington: Judd and Detweiler, 1917. S4110 (ASU) Slaats, Gary ed. Religious News Press in Appalachia, 1971. A Directory of News Periodicals of ... all Members of the Commission on Religion in Appalachia. . . Knoxville: Commission on Religion in Appalachia, 1971. S4120 (ASU BC) Slack, Larry J. Wilder, Hugh B. Summary of Data on Chemical Quality of Streams of North Carolina, 1943-67: Quality of Surface Waters of North Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. W6140 (LMC) Slagle, Franklin D. Densities and Porosities of Core Samples from Wells in Appalachian Oilfields. U. S. Mines Bureau Information Circular, 8330. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1967. S4130 Slaughter, Philip A History of Bristol Parish, Va.; With Genealogies of Families Connected Therewith, and Historical Illustrations. 2nd ed. Richmond: J. W. Randolph & English, 1879. S4140 (ASU BC) The Knights of the Golden Horseshoe from the History of St. Mark's Parish. Baltimore: Innes and Co., 1877. S4160 Slaughter, Phillip A History of St. Mark's Parish, Culpeper County, Va., With Notes of Old Churches and Old Families and Illustrations of the Manners and Customs of the Olden Time. Baltimore: Innes and Co., 1877. S4150 (ASU) 197 "SKETCHES—SMALL Slaughter, Turbit H. The Water Resources of Allegany and Washington Counties. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, no. 24. Baltimore: Maryland Department of Geology, Mines and Water Resources, 1962. S4170 (ETSU) Slavin, Richard H. The Pressed and Blown Glassware Industry. Morgan town: Bureau of Business Research, College of Commerce, West Virginia Univ., 1963. S4180 (ASU) Slay, James Linwood "A History of Bradley County, Tennessee, to 1861." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1967. A short history of Bradley County, Tennessee and the city of Cleveland. 54190 Slemp, C. Bascom comp. Addresses of Famous Southwestern Virginians. Bristol: The King Print. Co., 1939. S4200 Slonaker, Arthur Gordon A History of Shepherd College, Shepherdstown, West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1967. S4210 (ASU BC) Slonaker, Robert Ray "A Curriculum in Agricultural Education for Two Consolidated High Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. S4220 (ETSU) Sloop, Mary T. Martin Miracle in the Hills. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1953. Account of the growth of Crossnore: school, mission, village and hospital. S4230 (ASU WCU LMC WWC BC) Sluder, Earl Ray Exploratory Studies on Chemical Control of Unwanted Hardwoods in Southern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Research Note, 165. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. S4240 Tests on Direct Seeding of Oak in Piedmont and Southern Appalachians of North Carolina. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, 134. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. S4250 (WCU) 'Variation in Wood Specific Gravity of Yellow-poplar (Liriodendron tulipfera L.) and Its Relationship to Environmental Conditions in the Southern Appalachians." Ph. D. Diss. North Carolina State Univ., 1970. S4260 (LMC) A White Pine Provenance Study in the Southern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, SE-2. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1963. S4270 (WCU) White Pine Provenance Study in the Southern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, SE-2. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1963. S4280 (ASU) Sluss, Emily "A Comparative Study of Twenty-five Children Who Attended Project Head Start and Twenty-five Children Who Did Not: Paired at the First-grade Level in the Jonesboro Elementary School, Jonesboro, Tennessee, 1965-1966." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. S4290 (ETSU) Small, John Kunkel Ferns in the Southeastern States. Descriptions of the Fern Plants Growing Naturally in the States South of the Virginia-Kentucky State Line and East of the Mississippi River. Illustrated by Ruth Sinclair George. Lancaster, Pa.: Science Press Print. Co., 1938. S4300 (ASU BC) Manual of the Southeastern Flora; Being Descriptions of the Seed Plants Growing in Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Eastern Louisiana, Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. New York: Hafner Pub. Co., 1972. S4310 �SMALLEY-SMITH SmoHey, Glendon W. Cubic-foot Volume Table and Point-sampling Factors for White Pine Plantations in Southern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service Research Note SO-118. New Orleans: Southern Forest Experiment Station, 1971. S4320 Smelling, London H. Middlesboro and Before Middlesboro Was. Middlesboro, Ky.: The author, 1924. $4330 Smelling, Sam, Jr. "The Social, Economic, Cultural, Religious and Family Educational Backgrounds of Recent Dropouts from Bristol, Tennessee, High School." Master's thesis East Tennessee State Univ., 1963. S4340 (ETSU) Smallwood, Johnny B., Jr. "George W. Norris and the Concept of a Planned Region." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1963. S4350 Smothers, George Henry The History of Land Titles in Western North Carolina: With Supplement. Asheville, N. O: Miller Print. Co., 1938. S4360 (ASU LMC WCU UNCA) Smeker, Buna "A Study of Financing a Program for Education in Sevier County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1956. S4370 Smeltzer, Wallace Guy The Story of Methodism in the Pittsburgh Region. Freeport, Pa.: Ailegheny-Kiski Print. Co., 1958. S4390 (ASU) Smeltzer, Wallace Guy ed. Methodism in Western Pennsylvania, 1784-1968. An Historical Records Volume. Little Valley, N. Y.: Straight Pub. Co., 1969. S4380 (ASU) Smiley, David L. Lion of White Hall: The Life of Cassius M. Clay. 1962. Reprint. Gloucester, Mass.: P. Smith, 1969. Biography of the great orator from Madison County, Kentucky. $4400 (MHC) Smith, A. M. Bruce, Oscar Clayton Soil Survey of Allegany County, Maryland. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. B7610 Smith, Abbot Emerson Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607-1776. Chapel Hill: Pub. for the Institute of Early American History and Culture at Williamsburg, Va., by the Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1947. S4410 (ASU) Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607-1776. Glouchester, Mass.: P. Smith, 1965. S4420 (ASU) Smith, C. D. A Brief History of Macon County, North Carolina. Franklin, N. C.: Franklin Press, 1905. Includes promotional material and colorful tales from this well-known stronghold of mountain ways. S4430 Smith, Charles C. Down by the Riverside, n.p.: Typescript, 1971. Autobiographical sketch of life in eastern Kentucky; an attempt to catch the flavor of times gone by. Typescript is basis for a forthcoming book. S4440 Smith, Charles Forster Reminiscences and Sketches. Nashville, Term.: Publishing House of the M. E. Church, South, Smith and Lamar, Agents, 1908. $4450 (ASU) Smith, Charles G. "A Social and Economic Survey of Pickett County." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1928. $4460 Smith, Charles Henry Bill Arp (pseud.) So Called, a Side Show of the Southern Side of the Civil War. New York: Metropolitan Record Office, 1866. Resuming his column after the War, Smith said, "I killed at least as many of them as they did of me." S4470 (ASU) AUTHOR Bill Arp: From the Uncivil War to Date, 1861-1903. Atlanta: The Byrd Print. Co., 1903. Smith's columns written for the Rome (Georgia) and Atlanta newspapers had a wide following. As Bill Arp, he became North Georgia's foremost humorist. Excellent use of mountain characters and dialect. $4480 (ASU) Bill Arp's Peace Papers. 1873. Reprint. Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Literature House, 1969. Bill Arp was a well known humorist from the North Georgia mountains. He wrote for the Rome, Cartersville and Atlanta papers. $4490 (ASU) Smith, Daniel A Short Description of the Tennessee Government, or The Territory of the United States South of the River Ohio, to Accompany and Explain a Map of That Country. Philadelphia: Mathew Carey, 1793. $4500 (BC ASU) Smith, Dennis K. "The Economic Structure and Growth of the Pennsylvania Economy: 1956-1966." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1970. $4510 Smith, Dick W. "Economic Levels of Forage and Grain Production on Dairy Farms in East Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1956. $4520 Smith, E. Marvin History of Summersville Normal School, Summersville, West Virginia, 1893-1914. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1966. S4530 (ASU) Smith, Earl The Daniel Boone Story, n.p.: n.p., 1965. Yet another biography of Boone. No distinguishing features. $4540 (BC) Smith, Ed M. "History of Educational Development in Jackson County, Tennessee, 1800 to 1950." Master's thesis. Tennessee Technological Univ., 1967. S4550 Smith, Edith Hutchins Drought, and Other North Carolina Yarns. Illustrated by Elizabeth Toth Spencer. Winston-Salem, N. C: J. F. Blair, 1955. Some with mountain settings. $4560 (LMC ASU) Smith, Edward Conrad The Borderland in the Civil War. New York: McMillan, 1927. Smith's definition of the borderland includes West Virginia and Eastern Kentucky. S4570 Smith, Eldon D. "Migration and Adjustment Experiences of Rural Migrant Workers in Indianapolis." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1954. Many of these migrants come from the Appalachian Region. S4580 Smith, Elizabeth V. "An Accounting Study of the Educational Progress of Knoxville Negro Pupils Over a Sixteen-year Period." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. $4590 Smith, Elizabeth Virginia Descendants of Samuel Miller, John Detrick, John and Mary Snell of Rockingham County, Virginia. Kingston, Pa.: n.p., 1943. $4600 Smith, Elmer L. The Pennsylvania Germans of the Shenandoah Valley. Allentown, Pa.: The Folklore Association, 1964. $4620 (ASU) Shenandoah Valley Cooking; Recipes and Kitchen Lore. Lebanon, Pa.: Applied Arts Pubs., 1970. S4630 (FC) Stewart, John An Occult Remedy Manuscript from Pendleton County, West Virginia, n.p.: Madison College, 1964. $7300 Smith, Elmer L. comp. Arts and Crafts of the Shenandoah Valley. Published for the Shenandoah Valley Folklore. Witmer, Pa.: Applied Arts, 1968. S4610 (ASU BC FC) Smith, Mrs. Enoch, Sr. see Smith, Lilly 198 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Smith, Ethel Wheeler ed. Washington County, Tennessee, Marriages and Wills. Transcribed from the original bonds and licenses at the county courthouse, Jonesboro. Johnson City, Tenn.: Parrish Print., 1961-. S4640 (ETSU) Smith, Evelyn Futch North Carolina Palatine-Germans (Futch Family). Jacksonville, Fla.: The author, n.d. $4660 (ASU) Smith, Evelyn Futch comp. Charn Cuimhne to Our Scots of North Carolina. Jacksonville, Fla,: The author, 1969. S4650 (ASU) Smith, Frank E. The Politics of Conservation, rev. ed., New York: Harper, 1971. New York: Pantheon, 1966. S4670 Smith, Frank H. The Appalachian Square Dance. With Rolf E. Hovey. Sketches by Mary Rogers. Photographs by Doris Ulmann and Mattson Studio. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, 1955. S4680 (ASU MHC LMC WCU BC) Smith, Fred Neil Shelton, Tom "Trends and Needs of the Washington County, Tennessee, Schools, 1948-1966." East Tennessee State College, 1954. S2790 (ETSU) Smith, G. Hobart "An Economic, Social and Educational Survey of Campbell County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1934. $4690 Smith, George Gilman The Story of Georgia and the Georgia People, 1732 to 1860. 2nd ed. 1901. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. Includes good information on the mountain counties. S4700 (ASU FC BC) Smith, Gerald Wayne Nathan Goff, Jr., a Biography: With Some Account of Guy Despard Goff and Brazilla Carroll Reece. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1959. $4710 (ASU) Smith, H. C. Stroud, James Frank Soil Survey of Shelby County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1920. S8130 Watkins, William Isaac Soil Survey of Greenville County, South Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1924. W1480 Smith, H. M. Phillips, Samuel William Soil Survey of Washington County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1930. P2670 Smith, Harvey L. Society and Health in a Mountain Community: A Working Paper. Mimeographed. Chapel Hill: Institute for Research in Social Science, Univ. of North Carolina, 1961. S4720 (ASU) Smith, Helen Louise Niles, John Jacob Folk Ballads for Young Actors. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962. (Also, phonodisc.) N1080 (ASU BC) Niles, John Jacob Folk Carols for Young Actors. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962. (Also, phonodisc.) N1090 (ASU) Smith, Henry Clay Epicormic Branching on 8 Species of Appalachian Hardwoods. U. S. Forest Service Research Note, NE-53. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1966. S4730 Trimble, George R., Jr. What Happens to Living Cull Trees Left After Heavy Cutting in Mixed Hardwood Stands? Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1963. T9340 Smith, Hilda Neff From the Alps to the Appalachians (Neff Families). Arlington, Va.: R. W. Beatty Ltd., 1967. S4740 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Smith, Homer H. Memoirs. Blountvilie, Term.: n.p., 1948. Recollections of life in upper East Tennessee. S4750 (ETSU) Smith, Howard C. Soil Survey of Chambers County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1909. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1911. S4760 Soil Survey of Jefferson County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. S4770 Smith, Hugh M. The Fishes of North Carolina, vol. 2. Raleigh: North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey, 1907. S4780 (LMC) Smith, Hugh M. ed. North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey. The Fishes of North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C: North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey, 1907. S4790 Smith, J. Gray A Brief Historical, Statistical and Descriptive Review of East Tennessee, United States of America: Developing Its Immense Agricultural, Mining and Manufacturing Advantages, with Remarks to Emigrants. Accompanied with a Map & Lithographed Sketch of a Tennessee Farm, Mansion House, and Buildings. London: J. Leath, 1842. Smith strongly recommends eastern Tennessee to immigrants. He quotes J. S. Buckingham's detailed description of the region. S4800 Smith, James Clenton "The Economic Impact of the University of Tennessee upon Metropolitan Knoxville." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1964. S4810 Smith, James F. comp. The Cherokee Land Lottery. New York: Harper and Row, 1838. Because of the destruction of Georgia's records by fire in both national and state capitals, these land lotteries are among the best sources for tracing people through Georgia. S4820 (LMC ETSU ASU BC) The Cherokee Land Lottery. 1838. Reprint. Vidalia: Georgia Genealogical Reprints, 1968. S4830 (ETSU) The Cherokee Land Lottery, Containing a Numerical List of the Names of the Fortunate Drawers in Said Lottery, With an Engraved Map of Each District. 1838. Reprint. With a new index and map of original Cherokee County. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. S4840 (ASU WCU BC) Smith, James William Milici, Robert C. Stratigraphy of the Chickamauga Supergroup in Its Type Area. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1969. M5480 (ETSU) Smith, Jane E. Dennis, Earle Sale Marriage Bonds of Bedford County, Virginia 1755-1800. Richmond: Dennis & Smith, 1932. D1810 (ASU FC) Smith, Jean Wesley The Mountaineers: Or, Bottled Sunshine for Blue Mondays. Nashville: M. E. Church, South, 1902. Observations on life in the southern mountains. Mostly accurate and sympathetic; never maudlin or glib. S4850 (ASU BC) Smith, John Lawrence Blackwater Country. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. A descriptive account of the beauty and natural features of Tucker County, West Virginia. S4860 (ASU WCU MHC BC) The Potomac Naturalist: The Natural History of the Headwaters of the Historic Potomac. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1968. S4870 (ASU BC) Smith, Larry Joe Duncan, (Catherine McKinstry The History of Marshall County, Alabama. Albertville, Ala.: Thompson Print., 1969. D3920 (ASU BC) AUTHOR Smith, Lees "Rural Leadership in Roane County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1942. S4880 Smith, Lilly Call of the Big Eastatoe. Columbia, S. C.: State Print. Co., 1970. An autobiographical novel of life in the South Carolina mountains. Excellent descriptions of rural and family life. S4890 (LMC ASU) Smith, Mabell Shippie Clarke A Tar-Heel Baron. Illustrated by Edward Stratton Holloway. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1903. A German baron living in poverty in the North Carolina mountains is found by his brother and sweetheart. All misunderstandings are resolved and everyone lives happily everafter. S4900 (ASU WCU BC) A Tar-Heel Baron. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1908. Novel of life in the foothill country of North Carolina. S4910 (ASU) Smith, Mariwyn McClain . . . And Live Forever. A compilation of Senior Citizens articles for THE PARSONS ADVOCATE. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1974. S4920 (ASU) Smith, Nancy Roberts "The Teaching of French, Grades 3-6, Lincoln School, Kingsport, Tennessee, 1965-1966." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. S4930 (ETSU) Smith, Nena S. "The Relationship between Reading Capacity and Reading Achievement of One Hundred and Twenty-three Third Grade Children of Morrison and Hamblen County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Tennessee Agricultural and Industrial Univ., 1952. S4940 Smith, Ozella Nelson, Arnold E. Haven in the Hardwood: The History of Pickens, West Virginia. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. N460 (ASU) Smith, Presley Alexander Lycurgus Boyhood Memories of Fauquier. Richmond: Old Dominion Press, 1926. S4950 (ASU) Smith, R. C. Water Resources of the Wheeling-Steubenville Area, West Virginia and Ohio. U. S. Geological Survey Circular, no. 340. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. S4960 Smith, R. L. Hendrickson, Bertram Higbie Soil Survey of Tioga County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. H4610 Hendrickson, Bertram Higbie Soil Survey of Wyoming County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. H4620 Smith, R. P. Experiences in Mountain Mission Work. Richmond: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1931. S4970 (ASU WWC) Smith, Reed South Carolina Ballads: With a Study of the Traditional Ballad Today. 1928. Reprint. Spartanburg, S. C.: Reprint Co., 1972. S4990 (ASU BC) The Traditional Ballad and Its South Carolina Survivals. Bulletin, no. 162. Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Extension Division, 1925. S5000 (LMC) Smith, Reed ed. American Anthology of Old-world Ballads. Settings by Hilton Rufty. New York: J. Fischer and Brothers, 1973. S4980 (ASU) Smith, Richard C. Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. New York: Friendship Press, 1952. S5010 (ASU BC) Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. New York: Friendship Press, 1952. The author is a former director of the Mountaineer Mission near Morgantown, West Virginia. S5020 199 SMITH—SMITH Smith, Richard Wellington The Phosphate Resources of Tennessee. Bulletin, no. 48. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Conservation, Division of Geology, 1940. S5030 (ETSU) Smith, Robert Cullen Stringfield, Victor Timothy Relation of Geology to Drainage, Floods, and Landslides in the Petersburg Area, West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1956. S8030 (ETSU) Smith, Robert L. "Basic Industrial Resources of the Altoona, Pennsylvania, Area." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State College, 1949. S5040 Smith, Rosalyn Atkinson "Emerson Etheridge as a Candidate in the Tennessee Gubernatorial Election of 1867." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1969. S5060 Smith, Ross Reminiscences of an Old-Timer, n.p.: Privately printed, 1930. Memoirs of a senior citizen from Washington County, Tennessee. S5050 Smith, Sam B. Tennessee History, a Bibliography. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1974. An excellent resource for Tennessee researchers. S5070 (ASU) Smith, Virginia Norre "Folk-hymns of the Southland." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Union Theological Seminary, 1948. Some variants of old favorites, but she really added very little that could be found in previously published sources. S5080 (WCU) Smith, Warren B. White Servitude in Colonial South Carolina. Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1961. S5090 (ASU) Smith, Wesley G. An Inventory of Land and Its Use in the Tennessee Valley. Muscle Shoals, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. S5100 Level of Education and Estimated Rate of School Dropout in the Tennessee Valley. Muscle Shoals, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1967. S5110 (ASU) Movement of Labor Between Farm and Non Farm Sectors and Multiple Jobholding by Farm Operators in the Tennessee Valley. Muscle Shoals, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1967. S5120 Smith, Wil J. Zeller, Frederick A. Economic Development in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Office of Research and Development, 1968. 260 Smith, Wil J. ed. Critical Issues in Public Finance in an Underdeveloped Region: The West Virginia Case Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1971. C8810 (ASU WCU BC) Smith (Wilbur) and Associates Parking Program, Central Business District, Johnson City, Tennessee. Prepared for the city of Johnson City, Tennessee. New Haven, Conn.: The co., 1959. S5130 (ETSU) Traffic and Parking, Johnson City, Tennessee. Prepared for Tennessee Department of Highways and city of Johnson City in cooperation with U. S. Department of Commerce Bureau of Public Roads. New Haven, Conn.: The co., 1959. S5140 (ETSU) Smith, William Dale The Lost Children of the Alleghanies. Philadelphia: W. P. Zimmerman, n.d. S5150 (ASU) A Multitude of Men. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1959. A novel of love and death and work in a West Virginia steel mill. Two major characters Vera Mae and her brother Dudley are very powerfully drawn. Set against the backdrop of a labor strike. S5160 (BC) �SMITH—SOUTHERN Smith, William Farrar From Chattanooga to Petersburg Under Generals Grant and Butler: A Contribution to the History of the War, and a Personal Vindication. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1893. Includes some battles in the mountain regions. S5170 (ASU) Smith, William G. Soil Survey of Blount County, Alabama. Field Operations, 1905. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1914. S5180 Soil Survey of Colbert County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1908. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1909. S5190 Smith, William Robert Lee Charles Lewis Cocke, Founder of Hollins College. Boston: Richard G. Badger, The Gorham Press, 1921. S5200 The Story of the Cherokees. Cleveland, Tenn.: Church of God Pub. House, 1928. A rather maudlin account of the Cherokee Removal with a general history of the Cherokee. S5210 Smith, William Winfred ed. Dudding, Earl Endicott The Trail of the Dead Years. . . Huntington, W. Va.: Prisoners Relief Society, 1933. D3660 Smithwick, J. W. P. Ornithology of North Carolina: A List of the Birds of N. C. with Notes on Each Species. Bulletin, no. 144. Raleigh: North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, 1897. S5220 (LMC) Smoky Mountain Cultural Arts Development Association Confrontation with the Arts: The Arts in Education — What? For Whom? How? A Symposium Held at Western Carolina University, March 6-7, 1969. Sylva, N. C.: The assoc., 1967. S5230 (ASU WCU) Snell, Ruth Freeman "Diagnosis and Remediation of Difficulties in Arithmetic in Fifth Grade at West Side School, Elizabethton, Tennessee, 1956-57." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. S5240 (ETSU) Snidow, Francis Arthur An Economic and Social Survey of Giles County. Charlottesville: Univ. of Va. Extension Division, 1927. S5250 Snitzler, James R. Transportation of Apples in the Appalachian Belt, 1952-53. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Agricultural Marketing Service, 1954. S5260 Snodgrass, Billy Broten "Written Board of Education Policies for Hawkins County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. S5270 (ETSU) Snow, Dorothea J. A Sight of Everything. Illustrated by Vee Guthrie. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1963. Purdie is certain that he has too many brothers and sisters. He can never have anything of his own. Southern mountain setting. S5280 (ASU) Snow, John Allen Fisher's River Scenes, Reproduced from the Original, n.p.: The author, 1958. Hilarious sketches of life along the river. Some of the best dialect in all of Appalachian Literature. S5290 (LMC WCU ASU BC) Snyder, Ann E. On the Watauga and the Cumberland. Nashville: M. E. Church, South, Pub. House, 1895. S5300 (LMC) Snyder, Frank G. ed. Symposium on Mineral Resources of the Southeastern United States, University of Tennessee, 1949 Proceedings. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1950. S9780 (ASU BC) Snyder, J. M. Watkins, William Isaac Soil Survey of Greenville County, South Carolina, Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1924. W1480 AUTHOR Snyder, Joseph Buchanan History of the Family Snyder (Schneider) (Snider). St. Lewis: St. Louis Law Print. Co., 1940. Family originated in Whitley County, Kentucky. S5310 Snyder, Joseph M. and others Soil Survey of Garrett County, Maryland. Prepared in cooperation with the Maryland Geological Survey and the Maryland Agricultural Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1922. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1926. S5320 Snyder, Opal "History of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1935. S5330 Snyder, William U. Thomas Wolfe: Ulysses and Narcissus. 1971. Reprint. Athens: Ohio Univ. Press, 1972. S5340 (ASU) Social Register of Knoxville & East Tenn., 1934 Asheville, N. C.: Blue Book Co. of N. Y., 1934. S5350 Society for the Advancement of Management Financial Control System of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Revised ed. Federal Fiscal Series. Study no. 1. Washington: American Univ. Press, 1945. S5390 Society of American Foresters, Washington, D. C., Appalachian Section Cumulated Index for Proceedings of the Society of American Foresters, Volumes 1-11, May 1905-1916. Forestry Quarterly, Volumes 1-14. October, 1902 - December, 1916 Journal of Forestry, Volumes 15-27, January 1917-December, 1929. Washington: The society, 1930. S5360 (ASU) Society of Colonial Wars, Kentucky Yearbook of the Society of Colonial Wars in the Commonwealth of Kentucky, n.p.: The society, 1895-. S5380 (ETSU) Society of the Army of the Tennessee Report of the Proceedings. Cincinnati: n.p., 1896, 1906. S5370 (LMC) Soileau, John M. Tenn. Valley Land and Its Changing Use. Muscle Shoals, Ala.: National Fertilizer Development Center, 1966. S5400 Solberg, Erling Day Suggestion for Planning and Zoning in Appalachia. Agricultural Economic Report, 330. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, 1964. S5410 Solie, Richard John "Job Retraining under the Area Development Act: The Campbell, Claiborne Counties (Tennessee) Case." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1965. S5420 Solomon, Ben Hiker's Guide. Leisure League Little Book, no. 15. New York: Leisure League of America, 1934. A handy book of advice for hikers. S5430 (ASU) Somers, Gerald G. "Grievance Settlement in Coal Mining." Master's thesis. West Va. Univ., 1956. S5440 Mobility of Chemical Workers in a Coal Mining Area. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1954. S5450 Sommerville, Geraldine David Rawson Ancestors and Descendants, n.p.: n.p., 1974. S5460 (ASU) David Rawson: Ancestors and Descendants, 1636-1974. By Geraldine Sommerville and Oma H. Mills. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1974. S5470 Sondley, Foster Alexander Asheville and Buncombe County. Genesis of Buncombe County, by Theodore F. Davidson. Asheville, N. C.: Citizen Co., 1922. S5480 (WCU BC) 200 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Early Settlement of Western North Carolina. Asheville: n.p., n.d. S5490 A History of Buncombe County, North Carolina. 2 vols. Asheville, N. C.: Advocate Print. Co., 1930. S5500 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Indian's Curse; a Legend of the Cherokees. Asheville: n.p., n.d. S5510 (UNCA ASU) Songs of Freedom, Famous Labor Songs from Appalachia Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, n.d. S5520 (ASU) Sorrel, G. Moxley Recollections of a Confederate Staff Officer. With Introduction by Senator John W. Daniel. New York: Neale Pub. Co., 1905. S5530 (LMC) Sossamon, Leroy Backside of Heaven: Selected Verse From Bystander in the Smoky Mountain Times. Bryson City, N. C.: Village Press, 1957. Poems from and about Swain County, North Carolina. S5540 (WCU BC UNCA) Falling Sky. Bryson City, N. C.: Village Press, 1961. S5550 (WCU) Soupart, Sylvia Stories of W. Va. for Boys & Girls. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1937. $5560 South Carolina, Appalachian Region Health Policy and Planning Council Health Development Plan — 1970. 4 vols. Greenville, S. C.: The council, 1970. S5570 (ASU) South Carolina, Department of Agriculture South Carolina: A Handbook. Columbia, S. C.: Clemson College, 1927. Includes discussions of the six mountain counties. S5580 (LMC) South Pitts burg on the Tennessee River, Marion County, Tennessee n.p.: Privately printed, 1887. S5590 South, Stanley A. Indians in North Carolina. Raleigh: N. C. State Department of Archives and History, 1959. S5600 (ASU WCU MHC BC UNCA) Southeastern Kentucky Health Resources Development, Technical Assistance Services Southeastern Kentucky Regional Health Demonstration Project. Frankfort, Ky.: Area Development Office, 1967. Appendix also issued in 1967. S5610 (ASU) Southeastern Kentucky Regional Health Demonstration Project. Appendix, 1967. Frankfort, Ky.: Area Development Office, 1967. S5620 (ASU) Southeastern Kentucky Regional Health Demonstration Health Development Plan for Year, 1968-69. Lexington: The demonstration, 1968. S5630 (ASU) Southeastern Kentucky Regional Health Demonstration Project. Health Development Plan for Year 1969-70. By Kentucky River Comprehensive Health Planning Council and Cumberland Valley Comprehensive Health Planning Council. Lexington, Ky.: The demonstration, 1969. S5640 (ASU) Southern Appalachia Power Conference Proceedings. 1st, 1922-. Knoxville, Tenn.: The conference, annual-. $5650 Southern Appalachian National Park Commission see U. S. Southern Appalachian National Park Commission Southern Appalachian Studies Health & Health Service in the Southern Appalachians, a Source Book. Progress report, RS-35. Raleigh, N. C.: N. C. Agricultural Experiment Station, Dept. of Rural Sociology, 1959. S5660 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Southern Appalachian Studies, Berea, Ky. The Southern Appalachian Region; A Survey. Contributors: Rupert B. Vance and others. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962. S5670 (BC ASU UNCA FC) The Southern Appalachian Region. Contributors: Rupert B. Vance and others. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1967. S5680 (ASU ETSU FC LMC MHC WCU WWCBC) Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools, Secondary Commission Evaluation of the East Ridge High School, Chattanooga, Tennessee; Completed by the visiting Committee March 5-9, 1962. . . . Mimeographed. Chattanooga, Tenn.: The ass'n., 1962. S5690 Evaluative study made in Chattanooga High School, Chattanooga, Tennessee; completed by Visiting Committee March 12-16, 1950. Mimeographed. Chattanooga, Tenn.: The ass'n., n.d. S5700 Southern Education Reporting Service Southern Schools: Progress and Problems. Prepared by staff members and associates of (the) Service. Nashville: The service, 1959. S5710 (WWC) Southern Educational Board Educational Conditions in the Southern Appalachians. Knoxville: Southern Educational Board, 1902. S5720 Southern Folklore Quarterly vol. 1-, 1937. Jacksonville, Fla.: H. and W. Drew Co., quarterly. S5730 (ASU BC) Southern Highland Handicraft Guild Crafts in the Southern Highlands. Asheville, N. C: The guild, 1958. S5750 (BC ASU) Crafts in the Southern Highlands. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1968. S5760 Highland Highlights, v. I, no. 1-, 1942. Mimeographed, n.p.: n.p., n.d. S5765 (BC) The Southern Highlander v. II, 1907. Rome, Ga.: Berry College, 1907, monthly. S5770 The Southern Highlands Asheville, N. C.: News of the Asheville Public Libraries, 1963. S5780 (MHC) Southern Indian Studies vol. 1, 1949. Chapel Hill, N. C.-. Archaeological Society of North Carolina, annual. S5790 (ASU) Southern Newspapers Publishers' Association Catalogue, Southern Newspaper Library. . . . Chattanooga, Tenn.: The ass'n., 1954. S5800 Southern Postcard Company Sixty-four Selected Views of Western North Carolina, "The Land of the Sky, America's Beauty Spot". Asheville, N. C.: The co., n.d. S5810 (ASU) Southern Pulpwood Production Issues by the U. S. Southern Forest Experiment Station in cooperation with the Southern Pulpwood Conservation Association. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, annual. S5820 (WCU) Southern Railway Camping on Mount Mitchell, Information Regarding Good Places for Summer Camps in United States Forests in North Carolina, n.p.: The railway, 1916. S5830 (ASU) Community Life in Western North Carolina. n.p.: The railway, n.d. S5840 (ASU) Southern Railway Company The Floods of July 1916: How the Southern Railway Organization Met an Emergency. Washington: The co., 1917. S5850 (ASU LMC) The Land of the Sky, Western North Carolina. n.p.: The co., 1914. S5860 (LMC) Southern Regional Council Hungry Children: Special Report. Atlanta: The council, 1967. S5870 (ETSU) AUTHOR Southern Regional Education Board. Resource Development Project Basic Health Needs and Resources in the Upper Hiwassee Development Association Area. Atlanta: Southern Regional Education Board, 1967. S5880 (WCU) Southern West Virginia Economic Development Corporation Coal, The Curse and the Key: Overall Economic Development Program for the Southern West Virginia Economic Development District, n.p.: n.p., 1968. S5890 Southworth, Emma Dorothy Eliza Nevitte Fallen Pride; or the Mountain Girl's Love. Philadelphia: T. B. Peterson and Brothers, 1968. Romantic nonsense which peoples the mountains with gentry who take pity on the natives. S5900 (BC) The Prince of Darkness, a Romance of the Blue Ridge. Philadelphia: T. B. Peterson and Brothers, 1869. A very romantic, very silly tale of good and evil, love and pride in the Blue Ridge Mountains. Mrs. Southworth's fine gentry seem out of place. S5910 Souvenir Supplement. Sparta Exposition, January, 1902 Sparta: n.p., 1902. S5920 Spaeth, David Hollingsworth Application of Current Utilization Research to the Kentucky Coal Industry. Prepared for the Kentucky Department of Commerce. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1963. S5930 The Economic Viability of the Small Underground Coal Mine. . . . Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research Center, 1962. S5940 Spaeth, Sigmund Gottfried Read 'Em and Weep: The Songs You Forgot to Remember. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1927. S5950 (ASU) Spalding, Arthur Whitefield The Hills o' Ca'liny. Takoma Park, Washington, N. C.: Review and Herald Pub. Assoc., 1921. Observations on life in the North Carolina mountains. S5960 (ASU LMC) The Men of the Mountains: The Story of the Southern Mountaineer and His Kin of the Piedmont. With an Account of Some of the Agencies of Progress among Them. Nashville: Southern Pub. Assoc., 1915. S5970 (ASU ETSU LMC) Spalding, Henry Stanislaus The Sheriff of the Beech Fork: A Story of Kentucky. New York: Benziger Brothers, 1903. A novel of 20th century Kentucky. Rivers to navigate, troubles to overcome and romance as the reward. S5980 (ASU BC) Spalding, S. J. The Old Mill on the Withrose. New York: Benziger Brothers, 1910. A novel of northeastern Kentucky. Romance with a mountain background. S5990 (BC) Sparks, Doris Brenda "The History of Patterson School, Caldwell County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1961. A history of one of the few private preparatory schools in western North Carolina. S6000 (ASU) Sparks, Jared Daniel Boone. The Library of American Biography. Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1847. Another biography of Daniel Boone, this one has more anecdotes than most others. S6010 Sparks, Robert ed. Cumber-lands Hiking Club, Chattanooga Outdoors in the Cumberlands. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Chattanooga Community Assoc., 1933. C9450 (BC) Spaulding, Irving A. Mobility and Fertility Rates of Rural Families in Johnson County, Kentucky, 1918-1941. Lexington: Ky. Ag. Exp. Sta., 1943. S6020 201 SOUTHERN—SPILLMAN Spaulding, Willard M., Jr. Boccardy, Joseph A. Effects of Surface Mining on Fish and Wildlife in Appalachia, Special Report. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. B4930 () Spearman, Walter North Carolina Writers. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1949. S6030 (LMC) North Carolina Writers. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1953. S6040 (LMC) Spears, Woodridge "Elizabeth M. Roberts: A Biographical and Critical Study." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1955. S6050 (ASU) The Feudalist. New York: The Fine Editions Press, 1946. S6060 (BC) River Island. Morehead, Ky.: Morehead State College Press, 1963. S6070 (BC) Speck, Frank Gouldsmith Catawba Texts. Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 24. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1934. S6080 (LMC BC) Cherokee Dance and Drama. In collaboration with Will West Long. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1951. S6090 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) . . . Decorative Art and Basketry of the Cherokee. Milwaukee, Wis.: Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, v. 2. no. 2 July 27, 1920. S6100 (ASU) Speece, Conrad The Mountaineer, A New Edition. Collected essays from a newspaper, the local REPUBLICAN FARMER. Staunton, Va.: Isaac Collett, 1823. S6110 Speed, Thomas The Wilderness Road: a Description of the Routes of Travel by Which the Pioneers and Early Settlers First Came to Kentucky. 1886. Reprint. Filson Club Publications, no. 2. Burt Franklin Research and Source Work Series, 761. American Class in History and Social Science, 193. S6120 (ASU FC LMC BC) Spelman, John A., Ill At Home in the Hills: Glimpses of Harlan County, Kentucky, through the Media of the Linoleum Block and the Woodcut. Pine Mountain, Ky.: Pine Mountain Print Shop, 1939. S6130 (LMC BC) Spence, Joe Edd "The Public Career of Andrew Jackson Graves." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1967. Graves was a Democratic political leader in Knox County in the 1920s. S6140 Spence, Thomas Hugh The Historical Foundation and Its Treasures. Rev. ed. Montreat, N. C.: Historical Foundations Publications, 1960. The Historical Foundation of the Presbyterian and Reformed Churches is in Montreat, North Carolina in the Appalachian Mountains. S6150 Spencer, Gary F. "West Virginia's Appalachia Participation." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1970. S6160 Spencer, Herbert W. Methodism in Jackson and Breathitt County, Kentucky, n.p.: n.p., 1964. S6170 Spiceweed, Simon Junaluskie, the Cherokee; a Story of the War. Salisbury, N. C.: J. Bruner, 1865. No copy of this volume has ever been found. S6180 Spillane, William Henry "Comparative Study of Related Health Fertility Attitudes and Behavior of Families Residing in a Poverty Area." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1971. An Appalachian county is used in this study. S6190 Spillman, Claude 0. "The Relationship of the Economic Production of Farmers of the Southern Appalachian Region to Certain Social Factors." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1939. S6200 (ASU) �SPINDLETOP—STARR Spindletop Research Commonwealth of Kentucky Planning Inventory. Comprehensive State Planning Series, Doc. B-2. Prepared for the Kentucky Program Development Office. Lexington, Ky.: The co., 1969. Includes plans for the Appalachian counties. S6210 Commonwealth of Kentucky Program Planning Communication & Coordination (P2C2): A Preliminary Syste*m Design. Comprehensive State Planning Series, Doc. C-1. Frankfort, Ky.: Kentucky Program Development Office, 1970. S6220 Goals, Objectives, and Policies. Prepared for the Kentucky Program Development Office. Comprehensive State Planning Series, Doc. G-l. Lexington, Ky.: The co., 1969. S6230 Kentucky Public Library Inventory and Projected Needs. Prepared for the Kentucky Program Development Office. Comprehensive State Planning Series, Doc. B-l. Lexington, Ky.: The co., 1969. S6240 A Model for Sequencing Public Investment Programs and Allocating Multiprogram Benefits. Prepared for the Army Corps of Engineers Office of Appalachian Studies. 3 vols. Lexington, Ky.: The co., 1967. S6250 An Urban Development Program for the Big Sandy Area. Prepared for the Kentucky Program Development Office and the Appalachian Regional Commission. Lexington, Ky.: The co., 1968. S6260 (ASU) Spinelli, Michael Ambrose "A Definition of the Economic Subregions of Appalachia Using Factor Analysis." Ph. D. Diss. West Virginia Univ., 1971. S6270 Spivak, John Louis The Devil's Brigade: The Story of the Hatfield-McCoy Feud. New York: Brewer and Warren, 1930. S6280 (ASU WCU BC) A Man in His Time. New York: Horizon Press, 1967. As a journalist, Spivak is best known for his coverage of mine wars and labor disputes in the Appalachians. S6290 (ASU) Spoden, Muriel Clark Kingsport, Tennessee: Historical Map of Long Island of the Holston. Kingsport: n.p., 1969. * S6300 Sponaugle, William Clay Biographies of Southwest Virginians. 2 vols. n.p.: n.p., n.d. S6310 Sprague, William C. Davy Crockett. True Stories of Great Americans Series. New York: Macmillan, 1915. S6320 Davy Crockett. New York: MacMillan, 1929. S6330 (WWC) Spraker, Ella Hazel comp. The Boone Family; a Genealogical History of the Descendants of George and Mary Boone Who Came to America in 1717, Containing Many Unpublished Bits of Early Kentucky History. . . . Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., Inc., 1974. S6340 (ASU) Spratt, Barnett Toppy and the Circuit Rider. Salisbury, N. C.: J. Bruner, 1865. No copy available. $6350 Spring City High School Alumni Association Spring City High School, 1912-1962, Golden Anniversary Celebration, May 12, 1962. Collegedale: College Press, 1962. A history of a high school in Rhea County, Tennessee. S6360 Springman, Charles ed. North Carolina by North Carolinians: A Photographic Exhibition Sponsored By the North Carolina Arts Council: The People, Places and Things of One State as Seen by the People Who Know It Best — Those Who Live Here, n.p.: North Carolina Arts Council, n.d. Much information on western North Carolina and its scenic spots. S6370 (LMC) AUTHOR Springs, Katherine Wooten The Squires of Springfield. Charlotte, N. C.: W. Loftin, 1965. S6380 (ASU) Spunders, Fred B. Wise, James O. Optimum Farm Organizations and Area Production Patterns for the Upper Hiwassee'Watershed Area. Athens: Georgia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1969. W7870 Spurrier, Joseph L. Spurrier With the Wildcats and Moonshiners. Nashville, Tenn.: n.p., 1892. Stories of moonshiners and mountain life told by a revenuer. S6390 (ASU BC) Squire, Joseph Report on the Calaba Coal Field. Alabama Geological Survey. Montgomery: Brown Print. Co., 1890. S6400 Stackpole, Edward James Sheridan in the Shenandoah: Jubal Early's Nemesis. Maps by Wilbur S. Nye. Illustrated from the Keau Archives. 1st ed. Civil War Centennial Series. Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Co., 1961. S6410 (ASU) Stacy, Helen Price Selections from Morgan County History: Sesquicentennial Volume. West Liberty, Ky.: n.p., 1972? S6420 (ASU) Stadnichenko, Taisia Zubovic, Peter Distribution of Minor Elements in Coals of Appalachian Region. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1966. Z150 Staff of Quote comp. and ed. Graham, William Franklin The Quotable Billy Graham. Anderson, S. C.: Droke House, 1966. G3160 (WCU) Stafford, Emily Ann "A Study of Readiness Needs of the First Grade Children at Henry Johnson School, 1952-1953." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1953. S6430 (ETSU) Stagg, Brian L. Deer Lodge, Tennessee, Its Little-Known History. Oak Ridge: The author, 1964. History of a small community in Morgan County, Tennessee. S6440 Stahurski, Edward J. "A Study of Buyers on the Allegheny County Farmer's Market, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 1946." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State College, 1947. S6450 Stallard, John Junior "A Comparative Study of Twenty Business Trainees of the Gate City, Virginia, MDTA Program with Twenty Business Graduates of the Washington County, Virginia, Technical School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. S6460 (ETSU) Stallings, Constance Murlless, Dick Hiker's Guide to the Smokies. San Francisco: Sierra Club, 1973. M9070 (ASU LMC WCU) Stallings, James L. and others Resources of the Upper South Branch Valley, West Virginia. Morgantown: West Va. Univ. Ag. Exp. Station, 1967. S6470 Stallworth, Anne Nail This Time Next Year. New York: Vanguard Press, 1971. A very good first novel about a young girl's life in northwestern Alabama in the 1930's. S6480 (ASU BC) Stambaugh, Samuel C. A Faithful History of the Cherokee Tribe of Indians from 'the Period of Our First Intercourse with Them, Down to the Present Time. The Reasons and Considerations Which Produced a Separation of the Tribe at an Early Period; Organizing a Nation East and a Nation West of the Mississippi River. With a Full Exposition of the Causes Which Led to Their Subsequent Division into Three Parties, and Involved Them in Their Present Deplorable Condition, and of the Nature and Extent of Their Present Claims. Washington, D. C.: J. E. Dow, 1846. S6490 202 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Stanard, Mary Newton The Story of Virginia's First Century. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1928. S6500 (LMC) Stanard, William Glover comp. Some Emigrants to Virginia. Memoranda in regard to several hundred emigrants to Virginia during the Colonial Period whose parentage is shown or former residence indicated by authentic records. Richmond: W. E. Jones' Sons, 1911. S6510 (ASU) Some Emigrants to Virginia. Memoranda in regard to several hundred emigrants to Virginia during the Colonial Period whose . parentage is shown or former residence indicated by authentic records. 2nd ed. 1915. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1964. S6520 (ASU) Stanberry, Thomas W. "The Economic Status of Knox County Teachers." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tenn., 1959. S6530 Standefer, Jewel B. comp. Hughes, Thomas P., Jr. Pittsylvania County, Virginia Abstracts of Wills, 1768-1800. n.p.: n.p., 1956. H8140 Standish, Hal Fred Fearnot in West Virginia. New York: Frank Tousey, 1903. A novel of a brave young West Virginia boy who helps the revenue agents during a moonshine raid. S6540 Stanley, Isaac Newton "An Educational and Economic Survey of Monroe County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1926. $6550 Stanley, James A. "The Development of Secondary Education in Watauga County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1940. S6560 Stanley, Lawrence L. Ghost Stories from the Southern Mountains. Cashiers, N. C.: n.p., 1971. A series of ghost stories most of them from north Georgia. S6570 (ASU) A Rough Road in a Good Land. Rabun Gap, Ga.: Craft House, 1971. Account of the author's growing up years in North Georgia. Good information on rural life during the Depression. S6580 (ASU) Stapleton, Ammon Memorials of the Huguenots in America, with Special Reference to Their Emigration to Pennsylvania. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. S6590 (ASU) Stapleton, Pat Report on Appalachian Culture Preschool Curriculum Project. Greensboro: Univ. of N. C., Center for Leadership for Child Care, 1973. This study done in cooperation with Licking Valley Community Action Program and Kentucky Rural Child Care. S6600 (ASU) Starkey, Marion Lena The Cherokee Nation. New York: A. A. Knopf, 1946. One of the better histories of the Cherokee. S6610 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Starnes, Carl Edward "A Study of a Possible Plan for Further School Consolidation in Hawkins County." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. S6620 (ETSU) Starnes, John Morris "A Study of Twenty Superior Students at Ketron High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1964. S6630 (ETSU) Starr, Donald H. "The Educational Progress of the Negro Schools in Cherokee County, Alabama, from 1930-1950." Master's thesis. Alabama State College, 1952. S6640 Starr,. Emmet Cherokees "West," 1794-1839. Oklahoma City: Warden, 1921. S6650 Early History of the Cherokees: Embracing Aboriginal Customs, Religion, Laws, Folklore and Civilization. Claremore, Okla.: n.p., 1917. S6660 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Starr, Emmet History of the Cherokee Indians. Indian Heritage Edition. Fayetteville, Ark.: Indian Heritage Assoc., 1967. S6670 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) History of the Cherokee Indians and Their Legends and Folk Lore. 1921. Reprint. New York: Kraus Reprint Co., 1969. S6680 (ASU LMC) Old Cherokee Families: Old Families and Their Genealogy. Reprinted from History of the Cherokee Indians and their legends and folklore. With comprehensive index compiled by James Julian Hill. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Foundation, 1968. S6690 (WCU MHC) Staton, Willis A Colorful Career of a Miraculous Mountaineer: A Glimpse into the Life of a Remarkable Character. Johnson City, Tenn.: Christian Craft, 1965. S6700 (ASU) Stead, F. W. Manganese and Quartzite Deposits in the Lick Mountain Region of Wythe Co. n.p.: n.p., 1943. S6710 Steams, Richard G. Marcher, Melvin V. Tuscaloosa Formation in Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1962. M3190 (ETSU) Steams, Richard Gordon The Cumberland Plateau Overthrust and Geology of the Crab Orchard Mountains Area, Tennessee. Bulletin, 60. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1954. S6720 (ETSU) Pennsylvanian Rocks of the Southern Appalachians. Nashville: n.p., 1962. S6730 (ETSU) Stttl, Robert V. P. see also Thomas, Lately pseud Steel, Roberta Ingles Escape From Indian Captivity. The Story of Mary Draper Ingles and Son Thomas Ingles. Radford, Va.: Commonwealth Press, n.d. S6740 Steele, Glenn . . . Maternity and Infant Care in a Mountain County in Georgia. Washington, D. C: U. S. Dept. of Labor, Children's Bureau. Bureau pub. No. 120, Govt. Print. Off., 1923. S6750 (BC) Steele, J. G. Paschal!, Alfred H. Soil Survey, Athens County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. P530 Paschall, Alfred H. Soil Survey of Vinton County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. P540 Phillips, Samuel William Soil Survey of Belmont County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1931. P2620 Steele, Mary Q. The Secret of Fiery Gorge. Illustrated by Mary Stevens. 1st ed. Cleveland: World Pub. Co., 1960. Exciting tale about a brother and sister who vacation in the western North Carolina mountains and solve a local mystery. S6760 (ASU) Steele, Robert V. P. The First President Johnson: The Three Lives of the Seventeenth President of the United States of America. New York: Morrow, 1968. S6770 Steele, William O. Daniel Boone's Echo. Illustrated by Nicolas. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1957. Daniel recruits a boy called Aaron to go to Kentucky with him and come back to tell the folks there is nothing to fear. In this way Boone can persuade settlers to go to Kentucky. S6780 (ASU BC) The Far Frontier. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1959. Another of Steele's well-researched novels of frontier life. Partially set in the mountains. S6790 (BC) AUTHOR Flaming Arrows. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1957. Novel of frontier life in the Trans-Alleghany west. Plenty of Indians and all manner of chances for a boy to grow up. General setting: eastern Kentucky. S6800 (WCU BC) John Sevier, Boy Pioneer. Indianapolis: Bobbs Merrill, 1953. Novel of John Sevier who pioneered in the Watauga country and grew up to become governor of the state of Franklin and the state of Tennessee. S6810 (BC) The Lone Hunt. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1956. A young man faces his first hunt alone and matures in the process. S6820 (BC) The Old Wilderness Road: An American Journey. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1968. A novel of the Wilderness Road and the four men who hacked it from the wilderness: Thomas Walker, Elisha Wallen, Daniel Boone, and John Filson. S6830 (WCU BC ETSU) Over-Mountain Boy. New York: Aladdin Books, 1951. This over-mountain boy seems to be a miniature of the legendary over-mountain men who defeated the British at Kings Mountain. S6840 The Perilous Road. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1958. Novel of frontier life and the westward movement. S6850 The Story of Daniel Boone. Illustrated by Warren Baumgartner. Signature Books, 15. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1954. A fictionalized account of the life and exploits of Daniel Boone. S6860 (ASU BC) Tomahawks and Trouble. New York: \ Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1955. A novel of the frontier, youth, and Indian troubles in the Cumberland mountains. S6870 (BC) Triple Trouble for Hound Dog Zip. Champaign, III.: Gerrard Pub. Co., 1972. S6880 Wilderness Journey. Illustrated by Paul Goldone. 1st ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1953. A journey across the Great Appalachian barrier is the subject of this novel. S6890 (ASU WCU BC) Winter Danger. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1954. Novel of a young boy on his first winter hunting trip in the Cumberlands. S6900 (WCU BC) Stein, John G. Hamilton County, Economic and Social: A Laboratory Study in the Department of Agricultural Economics Under the Direction of Professor C. E. Allred. Knoxville: Dept. of Agricultural Economics,! Univ. of Tennessee, 1925. S6910 Steiner, Jesse Frederick The North Carolina Chain Gang: A Study of County Convict Road Work. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1927. Includes reports from the twenty-eight mountain counties. $6920 (LMC) The North Carolina Chain Gang: A Study of County Convict Road Work. 1927. Reprint, Montclair, N. J.: Patterson Smith, 1969. S6930 (WWC) Steinmetz, Rollin C. Vanishing Crafts and Their Craftsmen. Xerox copy of the original. New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1959. S6940 (ASU) Stem, Thad, Jr. Senator Sam Ervin's Best Stories. Durham, N. C.: Moore Pub. Co., 1974. Tales from Senator Sam the mountain man. He hails from Morganton, Burke County, North Carolina. S6950 (WCU BC ASU) Stephens, Dan V. Peter Stephens and Some of his Descendants, 1690-1935. Fremont, Neb.: Hammond and Stephen Co., 1936. A Virginia family which has branches in the midwest. S6960 203 STARR-STEPUTIS Stephens, Dan V. ed. Stephens Family Genealogies, rev. ed. Fremont, Neb.: Hammond and Stephens Co., 1940. S6970 Stephens, Erwin D. Nubbins From Fodderstack Ridge. Yanceyville, N. C.: Hyco Press, 1966. Earthy humor and crackerbarrel philosophy from western North Carolina. S6980 (ASU) Stephens, George Gilpin, Pete Bascom Lamar Lunsford, "Minstrel of the Appalachians." His Ballads and His Folk Songs, His Mountain Square Dancing. Ashevillle, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1966. 61810 (ASU UNCA WCU LMC WWC MHC) Stephens, George M. Lunsford, Bascom Lamar It's Fun to Square Dance: Southern Appalachian Calls and Figures. Asheville, N. C.: n.p., n.d. L3980 Stephens, George Myers The Smokies Guide. Illustrated by Burnley Weaver. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1941. An illustrated guide to the attractions of the Great Smoky Mountains. S6990 (BC ASU WCU) The Smokies Guide. Rev. ed. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1962. S7000 (LMC) William Bertram's Venture into the Cherokee Country, 1775. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1967. An account of the great naturalist's stay among the Cherokee. S7010 (LMC WCU) Stephens, Julius Harold Echoes From the Hills: Tall Tales From Tennessee. Ohio: The author, 1966. A delightful group of whoppers from the Tennessee hills. S7020 (LMC BC) Echoes of a Passing Era (Down Memories Lane). Fairborn, Ohio: The author, 1971. Memories of an Appalachian childhood combined with a lament for a passing culture. S7030 (LMC BC) Stephens, M. E. Swann, Maurice Edward Soil Survey of Winston County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1937. S9450 Stephens, Mary Jo Witch of the Cumberlands. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1974. An old woman prophesies that three children would come to Devil's Mountain. When they do the old mystery of a mine disaster is unraveled. S7040 Stephenson, J. W. Phillips, Samuel William Soil Survey: Fannin County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1928. P2630 Stephenson, John B. Shiloh: A Mountain Community. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1968. A report on changes which have taken place in an isolated mountain community since 1940. The move toward the mainstream of American culture has begun. S7050 (ASU ETSU FC LMC UNCA WCU WWCBC) Stephenson, John Bell Patterns of Adaptation in a Changing Mountain Community; Stress and Health. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1967. S7060 (BC) Stephenson, Matfie Rountree comp. Historical Sketch of Sinking Spring Presbyterian Church of Abingdon, Virginia, n.p.: n.p., 1948. Rev. Charles Cummings answers the call of the Sinking Spring and Ebbing Spring Churches and becomes the first pastor west of the Allegheny Mountains. A succession of pastors follow, and the church grows under their leadership. S7070 Steputis, Walter J. Beverage, Woodrow Wilson Soil Survey, Barbour County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1968. B3440 �STEPUTIS—STONE Steputis, Walter James and others Soil Survey, Clinton County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1966. S7080 Stern, Ernest George Nails and Spikes in Hickory. Hickory Task Force Report, no. 9. Asheviile, N. C: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1964. S7090 (WCU) Sterner, T. E. Laboratory Investigation of In Situ Combustion Process for Recovering Pennsylvania Grade Crude Oil. U. S. Bureau of Mines Report of Investigations, no. 7044. Pittsburgh: Bureau of Mines, 1967. S7100 Sterrett, D. B. Keith, Arthur Tin Resources of the King's Mountain District, North Carolina and South Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1918. K550 Sterrett, Douglas Bovard Pratt, Joseph Hyde The Tin Deposits of the Carolines. Raleigh, N. C.: E. M. Uzzell and Co., public printers and binders, 1904. P4230 (WCU) Stevens, Bernice A. A Weavin" Woman. Gatlinburg, Tenn.: Buckhorn Press, 1971. Account of one woman's obsession with weaving. Illustrated, with instructions. S7110 (LMC) Stevens, Edmund H. and others Soil Survey, Lycoming County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College, School of Agriculture and Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1923, no. 32. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1928. S7120 Stevens, G. C. Grover, N. C. Surface Water Supply of the New-Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, and North Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1925. G4490 Stevens, G. R. An Economic and Social Survey of Roanoke County. Charlottesville: n.p., 1930. S7130 Stevens, William Anvil of Adversity: Biography of Furniture Pioneer. New York: Popular Library, 1968. Biography of the founder of the Broyhill furniture empire in western North Carolina. S7140 (ASU WCU BC) Stevens, William Oliver The Shenandoah and Its Byways. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1941. Descriptive and promotional volume on the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. S7150 (ASU BC) Stevenson, Augusta Daniel Boone, Boy Hunter. New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1943. Biography of Daniel Boone. Concentrates primarily on his younger period. S7160 (ETSU) Daniel Boone, Boy Hunter. Illustrated by Robert Doremus. Childhood of Famous Americans. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1961. S7170 (ASU) Stevenson, B. F. Cumberland Gap. A paper read before the Ohio Commandery of the Loyal Legion of the United States. Cincinnati: H. C. Sherick and Co., 1885. S7180 Stevenson, George James 1924- Increase in Excellence, a History of Emory and Henry College. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1963. Emory and Henry is the oldest college in southwest Virginia. A Methodist institution with a history of regional services. S7190 (ASU BC) Stevenson, George Washington North Carolina Local History: A Select Bibliography. Raleigh: Office of Archives and History, North Carolina Dept. of Art, Culture, and History, 1972. S7200 (ASU) Stevenson, Richard Clugston, Katherine Wilderness Road. New York: Blue Ribbon Books, Inc., 1937. C5140 (ASU) Clugston, Katharine Wilderness Road. Garden City, N. Y.: Sun Dial Press, 1941. C5150 (BC) AUTHOR Stevic, Richard R. Hansen, James C. Appalachian Students and Guidance. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1971. H1670 (ASU BC WCU MHC ETSU) Steward, Davenport They Had a Glory. Atlanta: Tupper and Love, 1952. A novel of frontier life and the westward movement. Includes vivid account of crossing the Cumberlands and settling Kentucky. S7210 (ASU BC) Rainbow Road. Atlanta: Tupper and Love, 1953. A novel about the settlement of North Georgia and the great gold rush there. S7220 (ASU BC) Steward, Donald D. Employment, Income and Resources of Rural Families of Southeastern Ohio. Research Bulletin No. 886. Wooster: Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station, June, 1961. S/230 Steward, Guy H. A Touch of Charisma; a History of the 4-H Club Program in West Virginia. Morgantown: n.p., 1969. A history of William H. Kendrick and the 4-H Club movement in West Virginia. S7240 Stewart, Acie "A Study of Students Dropping Out of Wyoming County, West Virginia, High Schools for the 1950-51 School Term." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1952. S7250 Stewart, Albert The Untoward Hills. Morehead, Ky.: Morehead State College Press, 1962. Poems from eastern Kentucky. S7260 (BC) Stewart, Cora W. Moonlight Schools for the Emancipation of Adult Illiterates. New York: Dutton, 1922. A study of Kentucky's unique "moonlight" schools, a movement toward adult education in the Kentucky mountains. S7270 (BC) Stewart, Mrs. Frank Ross Cherokee Country History, 1836-1956. 2 vols. Centre, Ala.: n.p., 1958-. S7280 (ASU BC) Stewart, Guy H. Guiding Principles for Rural Development in West Virginia. Morgantown: n.p., 1963. S7290 Stewart, J. G. Smith, Elmer L. The Pennsylvania Germans of the Shenandoah Valley. Allentown, Pa.: The Folklore Association, 1964. S4620 (ASU) Stewart, John An Occult Remedy Manuscript from Pendleton County, West Virginia, n.p.: Madison College, 1964. Manuscript of folk and occult remedies collected by a Madison County professor and his class. S7300 Stewart, John Stephen "The Use of Locational Analysis in the Determination of School Sites: A Case Example, Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. S7310 (ETSU) Stewart, Noah A. The Crash. Asheviile, N. C.: Gladiator Productions, 1969. S7320 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Stewart, Paul D. New Small Business in a Redevelopment Coal Area in West Virginia. Washington: Small Business Administration, 1962. S7330 Stewart, Randall Regionalism and Beyond: Essays of Randall Stewart. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1968. Includes discussion of Appalachia, as a regional concept. S7340 (ASU) Stickles, Arndt M. East Tennessee, Chickamauga, Chattanooga. Chapter 13 of Simon Bolivar Buckner, Borderland Knight. Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1940. S7350 (ASU) Still, James Hounds on the Mountain. New York: Viking Press, 1937. An excellent volume of poetry by one of Appalachia's finest authors. S7360 (ETSU BC) Hounds on the Mountain. 1937. Reprint. New York: Viking Press, 1939. S7370 (ASU) 204 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Hounds on the Mountain. 1937. Reprint. Lexington, Ky.: Anvil Press, 1965. S7380 (WWC) On Troublesome Creek. New York: Viking Press, 1941. S7390 (ASU UNCA) River of Earth. New York: Viking Press, 1940. One of the strongest novels ever to come out of Appalachia. Still's story of life in the coal camps will haunt you. S7400 (BC ASU UNCA) River of Earth. 1940. Reprint. New York: Popular Library, 1968. S7410 (LMC ETSU) River of Earth. 1940. Reprint. New York: Popular Library, 1970. S7420 (WCU) Way Down Yonder on Troublesome Creek: Appalachian Riddles and Rustics. New York: G. P. Putnam's Songs, 1974. A collection of riddles and humor from Appalachian Kentucky. S7430 (BC ASU) Stillwell, Edgar Herman Notes on the History of Western North Carolina. Cullowhee, N. C.: Cullowhee State Normal School, 1927. S7440 (WCU) Stimson, Frederic Jesup Sentimental Calendar, Being Twelve Funny Stories. 1886. Reprint. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1969. Two of the twelve stories have mountain settings. S7450 (ASU WCU) Stine, O. C. A Case Study of Six Central West Virginia Counties of the Interrelationships of Factors Leading to Persistence of Low Incomes and Unemployment with Corrective Suggestions. Morgantown: West Va. Univ., Dept. of Agricultural Economics, 1966. S7460 Stirling, James Letters from the Slave States. London: J. W. Parker and Son, 1857. In his investigation of slavery, Stirling, visited only Knoxville in one Appalachian region. S7470 Stith, Lee Street "Rural Leadership in Roane County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1942. S7480 (ASU) Stockton, Ernest L. History Excursions into Tennessee, Its Early Heritage. Kingsport, Tenn.: Newcomen Society, American Branch, 1941. S7490 (LMC) Stokeley, James Dykeman, Wilma The Border States: Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia. New York: Time-Life Books, 1968. D4190 (BC ASU LMC WWC ETSU) Stokely, James Dykeman, Wilma Neither Black nor White. New York: Rinehart (1957). D4240 (ASU WWC ETSU BC) Dykeman, Wilma Seeds of Southern Change*. The Life of Will Alexander. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1962. D4270 (WWC WCU MHC ETSU) Stokely, Janie May Jones Years of Harvest, Poems and Tales from the Smoky Foothills, 1924-1964. Newport, Tenn.: n.p., 1964. A treasure-trove of tales, lore and poems from the Smokies. S7500 (BC LMC WCU) Stone, Barton Warren The Biography of Eld. Barton Warren Stone, Written by Himself. With Additions and Reflections, by John Rogers. 1847. Reprint. Religion in America, Series II. New York: Arno Press, 1972. S7510 (ASU) Stone, Harold A. and others City Manager Government in Kingsport. Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1940. S7520 Stone, Paul S. Change in Agricultural and Economic Trends in North Carolina; Information by Area Development Associations and Counties. Circular no. 454. Raleigh: North Carolina Agricultural Extension Service, 1964. Includes information on twenty-eight mountain counties. S7530 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Stone, Richard Wellington Coal Resources of the Russell Fork Basin in Kentucky and Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 348. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1908. S7540 Stone, William Curtis "Historical Sketches of Clay County, Tennessee." Nashville: Unpublished typescript, 1962. S7550 Stoneback, Harry Robert "The Hillfolk Tradition and Images of the Hillfolk in American Fiction Since 1926." Ph. D. Diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1970. S7560 (LMC BC) Stonebreaker, Jack D. Potassium-Argon Geochronology of the Brevard Fault, Southern Appalachians. Ph. D. Diss. Florida State Univ., 1973. This process of age-dating was used in a tectonic study of the fault which runs along the North Carolina/Tennessee line and into northern Alabama. S7570 Stonehouse, Merlin John Wesley North and the Reform Frontier. Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1965. A history of reconstruction in Appalachia. S7580 "Lincoln's Carpetbagger, J. W. North." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of California at Los Angeles, 1961. $7590 Stoner, Robert Douthat A Seed-bed of the Republic, a Study of the Pioneers in the Upper (Southern) Valley of Virginia. Roanoke: Roanoke Historical Society, 1962. S7600 (FC BC) A Seed-bed of the Republic: A Study of the Pioneers in the Upper (Southern) Valley of Virginia. Sponsored by the Roanoke Historical Society. Kingsport, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, 1962. S7610 (ASU) Stoney, William S. Historical Sketch of Grace Church, Morganton, North Carolina. Morganton, N. C: The author, 1935. S7620 (ASU) Storey, Theodore G. Wendel, George W. Seasonal Moisture Fluctuations in Four Species of Pocosin Vegetation. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1962. W2800 (WCU) Stories From the Hills Charleston, W. Va.: Morris Harvey College Publications, 1970-, annual. S7630 Story, Margaret E. "The Status of Eighth Grade Social Science in Washington County, Tennessee, 1960-61." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1962. S7640 (ETSU) The Story of Strasburg, and Other Historical Articles as Published in the Bicentennial Edition of the Northern Virginia Daily, September 20, 1961 Strasburg, Va.: First Nat'l Bank, 1961. S7650 Stose, G. W. Hewett, D. F. Possibilities for Manganese Ore on Certain Undeveloped Tracts in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1918. H5130 Manganese Deposits of East Tennessee. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 737. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1923. S7660 Phosphate Deposits in Southwestern Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 540-L. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1914. S7670 Stoss, G. W. ed. International Geological Congress Southern Appalachian Region. Washington: The Congress; 16th Session, 1933. 1880 Stoudt, John fiaer Rice, Alvin H. The Shenandoah Pottery. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1929. • R1890 (ASU BC) AUTHOR Stout, Chester T. "A Study of the Program of Pupil Transportation in Johnson County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1962. S7680 (ETSU) Stout, Larry "An Overview of Federal Programs and Their Impacts on Appalachia." Master's thesis. Las Cruces: New Mexico State Univ., 1971. S7690 Stout, Ralph E. "What Citizens of Carter County Know about Their Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1953. S7700 (ETSU) Stover, John F. The Railroads of the South, 1865-1900: A Study in Finance and Control. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1955. S7710 (LMC BC) Stover, Virginia Hendrix Angels in the Mountains. Birmingham: n.p., 1957. S7720 Strachey, William The History of Travel Into Virginia Britania (1612). Works, 2nd series, no. 103. London: Hakluyt Society, 1953. S7730 (ASU) Strack, Charles Miller "Agricultural Changes in the TVA Area, 1930-1945." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Iowa, 1950. S7740 Stradley, William Bascom "Local Ability to Support Education in Monroe County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1955. S7750 "A Study of Local Sources of Local Government Agencies in Twenty-three Selected Tennessee Counties." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. Includes some Appalachian counties. S7760 Strange, Robert Eoneguski, or the Cherokee Chief: A Tale of Past Wars, by an American. Washington, D. C.: Frank Taylor, 1839. S7770 Eoneguski: Or, the Cherokee Chief (1839). 2 vols. Foreword by Richard Walser. Facsimile ed. Charlotte, N. C.: McNally, 1960. S7780 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) Strassburger, Ralph Beaver Pennsylvania German Pioneers: A Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808. 3 vols. Proceedings, vols. 42-44. Norristown, Pa.: Pennsylvania German Society, 1934. S7790 (ASU) Pennsylvania German Pioneers: A Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808. 1934. Reprint. 2 vols. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. S7800 (ASU) Stratemeyer, Edward With Boone on the Frontier, or The Pioneer Boys of Old Kentucky. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1903. Fictional account of young boys on the Kentucky frontier. S7810 Stratton, Garland Smith, R. C. Water Resources of the Wheeling-Steubenville Area, West Virginia and Ohio. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. S4960 Strausbaugh, Perry Daniel Common Seed Plants of the Mid-Appalachian Region. Morgantown, W. Va.: Book Exchange, 1948. S7820 (ASU BC) Flora of West Virginia. 4 vols. Bulletin, Series 52, no. 12-2; Series 53, no. 12-1. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Press, 1952-1964. S7830 (ASU) Streaker, Margaret M. see Tamarack Street, Eugene "The Influence of Community Pressure Groups on School Principals in Carter County." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1960. S7840 (ETSU) 205 STONE—STRICKLER Street, James A. Ohio River Valley Population: Trends and Projections, 1930-1970. Prepared for the Kentucky Department of Commerce. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1963. S7850 Street, James Howell Pride of Possession. 1st ed. New York: Lippincott, 1960. A novel about hunting wild boars in the Great Smoky Mountains. S7860 (ASU) Street, Julia Montgomery Drover's Gold. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1961. An adventure tale about herding stock down the Buncombe turnpike wagon road. S7870 Moccasin Tracks. Illustrated by Frank Kramer. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1958. An adventure tale about an Indian boy and his white friend in the western North Carolina mountains in 1821. S7880 (ASU) Street, Paul Vocational Rehabilitation Needs and Resources in Eastern Kentucky. Lexington: Bureau of School Service, Univ. of Ky., 1967. S7890 Streleski, Nelda comp. Washington County, Tenn., 1830 Federal Census, n.p.: n.p., n.d. S7900 (ASU) Stribling, Thomas Sigismund Bright Metal. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1928. A Greenwich Village bride goes home to the hills of Tennessee with her husband and becomes interested in folkways and local politics. S7910 (ASU LMC ETSU) The Sound Wagon. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.; Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1935. Dramatic tale of the war and its aftermath, personal fortunes and the means by which they were acquired in the mountains of northern Alabama. S7920 (ASU) The Store. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1932. Another Stribling tale set in the Alabama mountains. S7930 (ASU) Teeftallow. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1926. An east Tennessee irontown is the setting for this tale of strife and lynchings. S7940 (ASU WCU ETSU) Unfinished Cathedral. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1934. A novel about Florence, Alabama, its churches, schools, libraries, hospitals and its old cotton economy. S7950 (ASU) Strickland, L. J. Moon, J. W. Soil Survey, Jefferson County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. M6630 Strickland, Reba Carolyn Religion and the State in Georgia in the Eighteenth Century. 1940. Reprint. New York: AMS Press, 1967. S7960 (WCU) Strickland, Rennard Gregory, Jack Cherokee Hymns. Fayetteville, Ark.: Indian Heritage Assoc., n.d. G3980 (ASU) Gregory, Jack Sam Houston with the Cherokees, 1829-1833. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1967. G3990 (ASU WCU MHC) Strickland, Rennard ed. Starr, Emmet History of the Cherokee Indians. Fayetteville, Ark.: Indian Heritage Assoc., 1967. S6670 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) Strickland, W. P. The Life of Jacob Gruder. New York: Carlton and Porter, 1860. Account of the long life and ministry of Jacob Gruder. Many years were spent as an itinerant preacher in East Kentucky, West Virginia and other mountain areas. S7970 (BC) Strickler, Harry Miller Massanutten, Settled by the Pennsylvania Pilgrim, 1726: The First White Settlement in the Shenandoah Valley. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1924. S7980 (ASU BC) �STRICKLER-STUART Strickler, Harry Miller Old Tenth Legion Marriages; Marriages in Rockingham Co., Va. from 1778 to 1816. Dayton, Va.: J. K. Ruebush Co., 1928. $7990 A Short History of Page County, Virginia. Richmond, Va.: The Dietz Press, 1952. S8000 (BC) Tenth Legion Tithables, Rockingham Division, Rockingham County, Virginia, Tithables for 1792. Luray, Va.: The author, 1930. S8010 Strike, W. W. Stroud, James Prank Soil Survey of Franklin County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1932. S8120 Stringfield, Lamar comp* Lunsford, Bascom Lamar 30 and 1 Folksongs from the Southern Mountains. Chicago: Carl Fischer, 1929. L3990 (ASU BC) Stringfieid, Margaret The Cherokee in Romance, Tragedy, and Song in the Great Smokies. Waynesville, N. C: n.p., 1946. S8020 (ETSU) Stringfield, Victor Timothy Relation of Geology to Drainage, Floods, and Landslides in the Petersburg Area, West Virginia. Report of Investigations, no. 13. Morgan town: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1956. S8030 (ETSU) Stripling, R. R. ed. Knight, Howard Vernon Scenic and Historic Old Virginia and Eastern National Parks. Asheville, N. C., and Richmond: Southern Park and Playgrounds, 1930. K2790 (WCU) Strip-Mining in Virginia: The 1974 Record and the Facts. Blacksburg, Va.: Operation Coal, 1974. S8040 (ASU) The Stripping of Appaiachia: A Citizen's Reference Book Washington, D. C.: Center for Science in the Public Interest, 1972. S8050 Strodtbeck, Fred "Migration from Kentucky: A Study of Intervening Opportunities." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Indiana Univ., 1942. S8070 (ASU) Strong, Edna R. "A Sociological Analysis of Ecology, Structure and Processes in a Virginia Coal Mining Community." Master's thesis. Louisiana State Univ., 1943. S8080 Strong, Jason Rotfe The StarligM of the Hills; A Romance of the Kentucky Mountains. New York: Frederick Pustet Co., 1923. Poorly written tale of Catholic Missions in eastern Kentucky. S8090 Strong, Paschal Neilson Behind the Great Smokies. Illustrated by Herman Fay, Jr. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1937. Makes good use of the Smokies backdrop and of the mountains as protagonists. S8100 (ASU) Strother, David Hunter The Old South Illustrated. Edited with an introduction by Cecil D. Eby, Jr. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1959. Some beautiful illustration from the mountain south. S8060 (ASU BC) Virginia Illustrated: Containing a Visit to the Virginian Canaan, and the Adventures of Porte Crayon and His Cousins. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1857. S8110 (ASU BC) Stroud, J. F. Lewis, Henry Guy Soil Survey of Lawrence County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. L2180 Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey of Coosa County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1933. T430 AUTHOR APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Veatch, Jethro O. Soil Survey of Walker County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. V500 Stroud, James Frank Soil Survey of Franklin County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with the Alabama Department of Agriculture and Industries. Soil Survey Report, Series 1927, no. 30. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1932. S8120 Soil Survey of Shelby County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1917. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1920. S8130 Stroud, James Frank and others Soil Survey of Cherokee County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with the Alabama Department of Agriculture and Industries. Soil Survey Report, Series 1924, no. 2. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1928. S8140 Stroup, Robert H. Economic Impact of Secondary Road Improvements. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1963. S8150 Structure of the Berea Oil Sand in the Flushing Quadrangle, Harrison, Belmont, and Guernsey Counties, Ohio U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 346. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1908. G4350 Strunk, Flonnie Shoemaker "A Study of Pupil Transportation in Scott County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1956. S8160 Stryker, Lloyd P. Andrew Johnson; a Study in Courage. 1971. Reprint. New York: Macmillan, 1929, 1930, 1936. The author describes Johnson as being in the tradition of Lincoln and embracing his program of compassion and reconciliation for the South. Stryker's villains are the Radicals in Congress who blocked Johnson's efforts and ultimately attempted to impeach him. S8170 (ASU) Stuart, Jane Eyes of the Mole. Sauk City, Wis.: Stanton and Lee Pub., 1967. Appalachian poetry. S8180 (BC) Passerman's Hollow. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1974. A Gothic novel of an area barely recognizable as the mountain south. S8190 (BC ASU) A Year's Harvest. Bel Air, Md.: Landmark House, 1957. S8200 (BC) Yeliowhawk. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1973. A novel of the mountain south, yet very unlike her father's work. Gothic elements in this tale of schoolchildren. S8210 (BC ASU) Stuart, Jesse Album of Destiny. New York: Dutton, 1944. S8220 (LMC WCU ETSU) Andy Finds a Way. illustrated by Robert Henneberger. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1961. S8230 (ASU BC) Autumn Lovesong: A Celebration of Love's Fulfillment. Kansas City, Mo.: Hallmark, 1971. S8240 (ETSU ASU) The Beatinest Boy. Illustrated by Robert Henneberger. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1953. A Christmas tale of mountain children. S8250 (ASU LMC ETSU WWC WCU MHC) \ Beyond Dark Hills: A Personal Story. Illustrated by Ishmael. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1938. This story done for an English class at Vanderbilt started Stuart on his writing career. $8260 (ASU LMC) Beyond Dark Hills: A Personal Story. Illustrated by Ishmael. 1938. Reprint. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1972. S8270 (ETSU WCU) Clearing in the Sky and Other Stories. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1950. Collection of mountain stories. S8280 (ETSU ASU) Come Back to the Farm. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971. A collection of stories about superstitions, humor, and love of the land. S8290 (ASU LMC MHC WCU ETSU FC BC) Come, Gentle Spring. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969. A group of stories about the War, country doctoring, and mountain life. S8300 (ASU LMC MHC WCU ETSU BC UNCA) Come to My Tomorrowland. 1 st ed. Nashville: Aurora Pubs., 1971. A young girl crippled by polio feels a special attachment for a deer with a broken hip. S8310 (LMC ASU WCU MHC ETSU BC) Daughter of the Legend. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965. A tale of love between a young outlander and a beautiful melungeon girl. S8320 (ASU MHC LMC WCU WWC ETSU BC UNCA) Dawn of Remembered Spring. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1972. Short stories and poems, mostly about animals. S8330 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU) Foretaste of Glory. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1946. S8340 (ASU WCU BC) God's Oddling: The Story of Mick Stuart, My Father. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1960. S8350 (ASU MHC WCU ETSU BC) The Good Spirit of Laurel Ridge. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1953. Theopolis Akers is a mite upset when his citified daughter starts keeping company with a ghost. S8360 (ASU ETSU BC) Harvest of Youth. Berea, Ky.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1964. S8370 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Head o' W-Hollow. 1st ed. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1936. Short stories set in a valley so steep the sun doesn't hit 'til midday. S8380 (ASU) Head o1 W-Hollow. Short Story Index Reprint Series. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1971. S8390 (WCU ETSU) Hie to the Hunters. Study materials by J. Arthur Ferner. High School ed. New York: Whittlesey House, 1950. Dog poisoners and barn burners are causing trouble in the Plum Grove hills. Plenty of fox hunts. S8400 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Hold April: New Poems. Illustrated by Walter Ferro. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1962. S8410 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Huey, the Engineer. St. Helena, Calif.: J. E. Beard, 1930. S8420 A Jesse Stuart Harvest. New York: Dell Pub. Co., 1965. S8430 (FC BC ASU) A Jesse Stuart Reader: Stories and Poems. Foreword by Max Bogert. Commentary and questions by Ella De Mers. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963. S8440 (ASU WCU BC ETSU) Kentucky Is My Land. Poems. 1st ed. New York: Dutton, 1952. S8450 (ASU ETSU BC) The Land beyond the River. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1973. S8460 (LMC MHC WCU ETSU BC) Man with a Bull-tongue Plow. 1st ed. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1934. S8470 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Man With a Bull-tongue Plow. New rev. ed. Dutton Everyman Paperback, D32. New York: Dutton, 1959. S8480 (WCU ETSU ASU) 206 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Stuart, Jesse Men of the Mountains. 1st ed. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1941. Short stories illustrating some of the grotesque and pathetic elements of mountain life. S8490 (ASU WWC BC) Mongrel Mettle, the Autobiography of a Dog. New York: Books, Inc., 1944. Autobiography of a dog. S8500 (LMC WCU UNCA ETSU BC) Mr. Gallion's School. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967. A novel based on Stuart's experiences as a principal and teacher. S8510 (ASU WCU MHC LMC WWC ETSU BC UNCA) My Land Has a Voice. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966. Short stories about Tennessee and Kentucky. The Grandma and Grandpa introduced here are hilarious characters. S8520 (ASU MHC WCU LMC WWC ETSU FC UNCA) Old Ben. Illustrated by Richard Cuffari. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1970. Tale of a snake who befriends a young boy. S8530 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) A Penny's Worth of Character. Illustrated by Robert Henneberger. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1954. A young boy learns a lesson in honesty. S8540 (ASU LMC MHC WCU ETSU BC) Plowshare in Heaven: Stories. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1958. Twenty-one stories of the Kentucky hills. S8550 (ASU WCU MHC WWC ETSU BC) Red Mule. Illustrated by Robert Henneberger. New York: Whittlesey House, 1955. S8560 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU BC) A Ride with Huey, the Engineer. Illustrated by Robert Henneberger. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966. S8570 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Rightful Owner. Illustrated by Robert Henneberger. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1960. S8580 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Rightful Owner. Eau Claire, Wis.: E. M. Hale Co., 1960. S8590 (WCU) Save Every Lamb. Illustrated by Jean George. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964. Short stories, primarily about farm life and animals. S8600 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU BC) Stories by Jesse Stuart. Adapted by Laurence Swinburne. Illustrated by Ferd Sondern, Ira Hauders Associates. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1968. S8610 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Tales from the Plum Grove Hills. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1946. A lovely group of stories from Stuart's best-loved place. S8630 (ASU FC ETSU) Taps for Private Tussie. New York: Dutton, 1943. The Tussie's collect $ 10,000 when kin is killed in the war. Relatives descend until there are forty-six in the house and the money runs out. S8640 (ETSU BC) Taps for Private Tussie. Illustrated by Thomas Hart Benton. 1943. Reprint. New York: World Pub. Co., 1969. S8650 (ASU WCU LMC MHC UNCA) 32 Votes before Breakfast: Politics at the Grass Roots, as Seen in Short Stories. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1974. Stories of mountain politics. S8660 (ASU BC) The Thread That Runs So True. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1949. Stuart experiences a 17 year old teacher in Lonesome Valley. S8670 (ASU MHC LMC WCU WWC BC) The Thread That Runs So True. New York: Scribner, 1958. S8680 (ETSU UNCA) Tim, a Story. 1939. Reprint. Cincinnati: Kentucky Writer's Guild and Harvest Press, 1968. S8690 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) AUTHOR To Teach, to Love. New York: World Pub. Co., 1970. Stuart's second autobiography about his experiences as a teacher. S8700 (ASU MHC WWC UNCA ETSU ' BC) Trees of Heaven. Illustrated by Woodi Ishmael. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1940. A novel of the rapid deterioration of the Bushman family when they're forced off the land they love but do not own. S8710 (ASU WCU WWC ETSU BC) The Year of My Rebirth. Illustrated by Barry Martin. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1956. Account of his heart-attack and recovery. S8720 (ASU ETSU BC) Stuart, John Memoir of Indian Wars, and Other Occurrences. Presented to the Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society, by Chas. A. Stuart. 1833. Reprint. With an introd. by Otis K. Rice. Parsons, W. Va.: Reprinted by McClain Print. Co., 1971. S8730 (ASU) A Sketch of the Cherokee and Choctaw Indians. Little Rock: Woodruff and Pew, 1837. S8740 Stubbs, Elizabeth Sounders Blair Early Settlers of Alabama. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. S8750 Stuckey, Jasper Leonidas North Carolina: Its Geology and Mineral Resources. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development, 1965. S8760 (LMC WWC ETSU UNCA) Pyrophyllite Deposits in North Carolina. Bulletin, 80. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development, 1967. S8770 (ETSU) Stucky, J. A. and others Trachoma in Eastern Kentucky. Chicago: American Medical Association, 1913. S8780 Studies in Polk County History no. 1-, 1965-. Benton, Tenn.: Polk County Historical Society, n.d. S8810 (ETSU) Studies of Appalachian Geology: Central and Southern New York: Interscience Publishers, 1970. S8790 (ETSU WWC ASU) Studies of Appalachian Geology: Northern and Maritime New York: Interscience Publishers, 1968. S8800 (ASU ETSU UNCA) "A Study of Speech Education as It Relates to the Science Hill High School Program." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. H7770 (ETSU) "A Study of Twenty Parents in Carter County, Tennessee, Selected as the Best Partners-in-instruction." Master's thesis. East Tenn. State College, 1952. E2330 (ETSU) Stull, William Morris Haley, Elliot Clarke and others An Economic and Social Survey of Warren County. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1943. H520 (ASU) Stump, Roy J. The Effects of School Bus Transportation upon the Achievement of Students in Calhoun County, High School. Master's thesis. West Va. Univ., 1942. S8820 Stupka, Arthur Huheey, James E. Amphibians and Reptiles of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967, 1972. H8160 (UNCA ASU LMC WCU BC) Birds of the Smokies. Illustrated by Dolores Roberson. Gatlinburg, Tenn.: Buckhorn Press, 1972. S8830 (LMC) Great Smoky Mountains National Park, North Carolina and Tennessee. U. S. National Park Service Natural History Handbook Serie's, no. 5. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1960. S8840 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU) 207 STUART—SUMMERS Notes on the Birds of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1963. Observations of more than 200 species based on 25 years of field work. S8850 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA BC) Notes on the Birds of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1968. S8860 (UNCA) Trees, Shrubs, and Woody Vines of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1964. The detailed notes are based on the observations of many years. S8870 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) Trees, Shrubs, and Woody Vines of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1968. S8880 Wildflowers in Color. With the assistance of Donald H. Robinson. 1st ed. New York: Harper and Row, 1965. S8890 (ASU ETSU UNCA) Sturgill, Roy L. Crimes, Criminals and Characters of the Cumberlands and Southwest Virginia. Bristol, Va.: Quality Printers, 1970. S8900 Sturgis, Dudley C. "Standard of Living and Migration of 136 Farm Families in Overton County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1936. S8910 Sturm, Harry Price Rimfire, His Life Story and Selections From His Own Writings. A Study of the Typical Mountaineer, Eli (Rimfire) Hamrick. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1967. Musings of a mountaineer on the subject of mountaineers. S8920 (ASU BC) Stutler, Boyd B. Conley, Philip Mallory West Virginia, Yesterday and Today. Charleston: W. Va. Review Press, 1931. C6620 (BC) Conley, Philip Mallory West Virginia, Yesterday and Today. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1952. C6630 (ASU) Stutler, Boyd Blynn The Kinnan Massacre. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. An account of the family massacred by Indians and of the sufferings of Mary Kinnan who was taken captive. S8930 (ASU BC) West Virginia in the Civil War. 2nd ed. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1963. S8940 (ASU BC) "A Suggested Plan of Consolidation of the Schools of Greene County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1958. F3630 Sullins, D. Recollections of an Old Man. Seventy Years in Dixie. Bristol, Tenn.: King Print. Co., 1910. S8950 Sullivan, James R. Chickamauga and Chattanooga Battlefields; Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park, Georgia-Tennessee. Washington: National Park Service, 1956. S8960 Sullivan, John Wentworth The Geology of the Sand Lookout Mountain Area, Northwest Georgia. Information Circular, 15. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Natural Resources Division of Mines, Mining and Geology, 1942. S8970 (ETSU) Sulzer, Elmer Griffith Ghost Railroads of Kentucky. Indianapolis: Vane A. Jones Co., 1967. Now that the lumber companies, loggers, and small mines have gone, there are many abandoned railroad beds in Eastern Kentucky. S8980 (BC) Twenty-five Kentucky Folk Ballads. Lexington: Transylvania Print. Co. Inc., 1936. S8990 (BC) Summers, Festus P. Ambler, Charles Henry West Virginia, the Mountain State. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1958. A2050 (ASU WCU ETSU) �SUMMERS—SWANN Summers, Festus P. Cometti, Elizabeth ed. The Thirty-fifth State: Documentary History of Virginia. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Library, 1966. C6160 (ASU LMC BC) Borderland Confederate. Pittsburgh: Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1962. S9000 Summers, George W. The Mountain State. Charleston, W. Va.: Moses W. Donnelly, 1893. A description of the natural resources of West Virginia. S9010 Pages from the Past. Charleston, W. Va.: Charleston Journal, 1953. Includes recollections and tales of Old Timers, incidents of early history of West Virginia or that part of Virginia which is now West Virginia. S9020 (BC) Summers, Hollis Spurgeon Someone Else; Sixteen Poems About Other Children. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1962. Eastern Kentucky poems. S9040 Summers, Hollis Spurgeon ed. Kentucky Story, a Collection of Short Stories. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1954. A collection of stories from Kentucky writers or about Kentucky. S9030 (ASU BC) Summers, Lewis Preston Annals of Southwest Virginia, 1769-1800. Abingdon, Va.: The author, 1929. History of Southwest Virginia including legends, lore, sketches of early settlers etc. S9050 (ASU BC FC ETSU) History of Southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870. Richmond: J. L. Hill Print. Co., 1903. Early history of Washington County and Southwest Virginia from the Revolution to Reconstruction. S9060 (ASU BC ETSU) History of Southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870. 1903. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. S9070 (ASU LMC FC ETSU) History of Southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870. 1903. Reprint. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1971. S9080 (ASU ETSU) Sumsion, Cartton T. Geology and Ground-water of the Morganton Area, North Carolina. Ground Water Bulletin, no. 12. Raleigh: North Carolina Division of Ground Water, 1967. S9090 (WCU) Surface, Bill Poisoned Ivy. New York: Coward, McCann and Geoghegan, Inc., 1968. S9100 Surface, William The Hollow. New York: Coward-McCann, 1971. A sociological study of an isolated mountain hollow: family life, occupations, recreation, social interaction etc. 59110 (WWC ASU LMC ETSU BC) Surry of Eagle's Nest: Or, the Memoirs of a Staff-officer Serving in Virginia Edited from the MSS. of Colonel Surry. 1866. Reprint. Ridgewood, N. J.: Gregg Press, 1968. C7020 (ASU WCU BC) Survey Staff for the Study of West Virginia Public Schools Public Higher Education in West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: The staff, 1956. S9120 (ASU) Survey, Union County Univ. of Tennessee Record Extension Series, Vol. 1, no. 2. Knoxville: Div. of Univ. Extension Univ. of Tennessee, 1924. S9130 Surveys and Research Corporation Appalachian Highway Corridor D-E Impact Study. Final Report. Washington: Surveys and Research Corporation, 1968. S9140 Sutherland, Elihu Jasper Dickenson County in War Time; a Community History, n.p.: n.p., n.d. A brief account of Dickenson County during the First World War. S9150 AUTHOR Folk Games from Frying Pan Creek in Dickenson County, Virginia, n.p.: n.p., n.d. 59160 In Lonesome Cove. New York: Exposition Press, 1951. The Tennessee Valley is the background for this collection of poems. Dialect poems, nature poems, and poems commemorating great events are included. S9170 (ASU) In Lonesome Cove: Poems from TVA-land. New York: Exposition Press, 1951. S9180 (ASU) Meet Virginia's Bcby: A Brief Pictorial History of Dickenson County, Virginia, from Its Formation in 1880 to 1955, with Stress on Pioneer Background. Clintwood, Va.: The author, 1955. S9200 (ASU LMC BC) Richard D. B. Sutherland; An Early Leader of Education in Sandy Basin. Clintwood, Va.: The author, 1935. S9220 Russell Co., Va. Census of 1820. Clintwood, Va.: The author, 1940. S9230 Sand Lick Primitive Baptist Church; The First Hundred Years, 1837-1937. Richmond, Va.: The author, 1938. S9240 Some Sandy Basin Characters. Clintwood, Va.: Elihu Jasper Sutherland, 1962. These articles tell of the most striking activities of a few prominent leaders of Sandy Basin. They recount the ways people made a living for their own families, the ways they served others. S9250 The Sunken Star. Columbia, S. C: Cary Print. Co., 1917. S9260 (BC) Sutherland, Elihu Jasper ed. Meet Virginia's Baby. n.p.: Dickenson County Diamond Jubilee Publication, 1955. A pictorial history of Dickenson County, Virginia. Includes history, the resources, progress, and unsolved problems of Virginia's youngest county. S9190 Regular Primitive Baptist Washington District Association. Elon College, N. C.: The Primitive Baptist Pub. House, 1952. Included is a short history of the Washington District Association and information on the beliefs and practices of the Primitive Baptist Church. S9210 Sutherland, Herbert M. Tall Tales of the Devils Apron. Radford, Va.: Commonwealth Press, 1970. S9270 (LMC BC FC) Sutherland, J. H. T. Sutherland, Elihu Jasper Dickenson County in War Time; a Community History, n.p.: n.p., n.d. S9150 Suttle, James H. Carter, Everett C. The Impact of Highway Beautification on the Outdoor Advertising Industry in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Engineering Experiment Station, 1967. C1680 "The Economic Impact of Highway Beautification on the Outdoor Advertising Industry in West Virginia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1967. S9280 Suttlemyre, Charles Greer "Gold Mining in North Carolina: 1799-1860." Master's thesis. Western Carolina Univ., 1970. S9290 (WCU) Sutton, Ann The Appalachian Trail; Wilderness on the Doorstep. Foreword by Stewart L. Udall. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1967. S9300 (ASU) The Appalachian Trail: Wilderness on the Doorstep. Foreword by Stewart L. Udall. 1st ed. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1967. S9310 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU FC WWC UNCA BC) Sutton, John Davison History of Braxton County and Central West Virginia. 1919. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1967. S9320 (ASU BC) 208 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Sutton, Jurt Hubert "A Follow-up of the Fifth Year Graduates of the Department of Administration and School Personnel." Master's thesis. Western Carolina Univ., 1971. S9330 (WCU) Sutton, Margaret Jemima, Daughter of Daniel Boone. New York: Scribner, 1942. Biography of the brave Boone daughter who survived capture by Indians and other harrowing adventures on the frontier. S9340 Sutton, Myron Sutton, Ann The Appalachian Trail; Wilderness on the Doorstep. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1967. S9300 (ASU) Sutton, Ann The Appalachian Trail: Wilderness on the Doorstep. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1967. S9310 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU FC WWC UNCA BC) Sutton, Rita Kennedy Early Osbornes and Alleys, With Notes on Allied Families. Wise, Va.: Historical Society of Southwest Virginia, 1973. Indexed. Includes records on all the Osbornes of Clinch and New Rivers and Alleys of the Clinch. S9350 (BC) Sutton, Willis A. The Social Dimensions of Kentucky Counties: Data and Rankings of the State's 120 Counties on Each of 81 Characteristics. Kentucky Community Series, no. 29. Lexington: Bureau of Community Service, Univ. of Kentucky, 1964. S9360 Svenson, Henry Tennessee Wildflowers. Nashville: Division of Information, Tennessee Dept. of Conservation, 1964. S9370 Swain County Chamber of Commerce A National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains. Bryson City, N. C.: Swain Co. Chamber of Commerce, 1925. Promotional material supporting the North Carolina location of the park and touting the advantages of Swain County. S9380 Swain, George F. and others Papers on the Waterpower in North Carolina, a Preliminary Report. Bulletin, no. 8. Raleigh: North Carolina Geological Survey, 1899. S9390 (LMC) Swain, George T. Facts About the Two Armed Marches on Logan. Charleston, W. Va.: Ace Enterprises, 1962. One sided view of the two young wars in the Logan County Coal Fields. S9400 (ASU BC) The Incomparable Don Chafin. Charleston, W. Va.: Jones Print. Co., 1962. Lauds the sheriff who used strikebreakers, state and federal troops on the Kanawha Valley Miners. S9410 (BC ASU) Princess Aracoma, Beautiful Story of the Comely Daughter of Chief Cornstalk, Great Sachem of the Shawnee Tribe of Indians Who Was Born Near Point Pleasant, Married a "Pale-face", Migrated to the Guyan Valley and There Met a Tragic Fate at the Hands of the White Man. Charleston, W. Va.: Ace Enterprises, n.d. S9420 (ASU) The True Facts about the Famous Hatfield-McCoy Feud. Charleston, W. Va.: Ace Enterprises, 1962. All Swain's books of "facts" have the ring of zealotry. He should have been around for the Crusades. S9430 (ASU BC) Swann, Maurice E. Austin, Moris E. Soil Survey, Claiborne County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. A5560 (ASU) Swann, Maurice Edward Soil Survey, Roane County, Tennessee. Prepared in cooperation with the Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Soil Survey Report, Series 1936, no. 15. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. S9440 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Swonn, Maurice Edward Soil Survey of Winston County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with the Alabama Department of Agriculture and Industries. Soil Survey Report, Series 1932, no. 12. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1937. S9450 Vessel, A. J. Soil Survey, Greenbrier County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. Y580 Swanson, Neil Harmon The First Rebel; Being a Lost Chapter of Our History on a True Narrative of America's First Uprising Against English Military Authority and An Account of the First Fighting Between Armed Colonists and British Regulars. Together with a Biography of Colonel James Smith. . . Recounted from Contemporary Documents by Neil H. Swanson. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1937. S9460 (BC) Swanton, John R. The Indians of the Southeastern United States. Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 137. Washington, D. C: Govt. Print. Off., 1946. S9490 (BC) The Indian Tribes of North America. Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 145. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1952. S9520 (FC) Swanton, John R. ed. Final Report of the United States De Soto Expedition Commission. House Ex. Doc. 71, 76th Cong., 1st sess. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1939. Apparently De Soto visited the mountains of Georgia, Tennessee, and North Carolina. S9480 Swanton, John Reed Early History of the Creek Indians and Their Neighbor. Smithsonian Institute Publication, no. 73. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1922. S9470 (LMC) The Indians of the Southeastern United States. Xerox copy of the original. U. S. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, 137. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1946. S9500 (ASU) The Indians of the Southeastern United States. 1946. Reprint. Grosse Pointe, Mich.: Scholarly Press, 1969. S9510 (LMC WCU) Sweeny, Lenora Higginbotham Amherst County, Virginia, in the Revolution: Including Extracts from the "Lost Order Book", 1773-1782. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell, 1951. S9530 (ASU) Marriage Records of Amherst County, Virginia, 1815-1821, and Subscription for Building St. Mark's Church, Amherst Co., Virginia. Lynchburg, Va.: n.p., 1961. S9540 (ASU) Sweeny, William Montgomery Wills of Rappahannock Co., Va., 1656-1692. Lynchburg, Va.: The author, 1947. S9560 (ASU BC) Sweeny, William Montgomery comp. Marriage Bonds and Other Marriage Records of Amherst County, Virginia, 1763-1800. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., 1937. S9550 (ASU) Sweet, Arthur T. Soil Survey of Meigs County, Tennessee. Prepared in cooperation with the Tennessee Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1919. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1921. S9570 The Sweet Songster, a Collection of the Most Popular and Approved Songs, Hymns and Ballads n.p.: n.p., n.d. Widely sung in Appalachia as in all of the South. S9580 Sweet, William Warren Methodism in American History. New York: The Methodist Book Concern, 1933. S9600 (BC FC) AUTHOR Religion in Colonial America. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1942. S9630 (MHC FC) Religion in the Development of American Culture, 1795-1840. 1952. Reprint. Gloucester, Mass.: P. Smith, 1963. You can't study the American Frontier without reading this book. S9640 (ASU) Revivalism in America. New York: n.p., 1944. In a sense the Great Revival of the early 1800's was an Appalachian phenomena. That's where culture and formality hit the frontier spirit head on, and lost. S9650 Sweet, William Warren ed. The Baptists, a Collection of Source Material, General Introduction by Shirley Jackson Chase. Religion on the American Frontier, 1783-1840. vol. 1. 1936. Reprint. New York: Cooper Square Pubs., 1964. Ever wanted to know how the Baptists got such a toehold on frontier religion even though the Methodists and Presbyterians were trying harder? Read Mr. Sweet's account of their expansion. S9590 (ASU BC) The Methodists, a Collection of Source Materials. Religion on the American Frontier, 1783-1840. vol. 4, 1946. Reprint. New York: Cooper Square Pubs., 1964. S9610 (ASU) The Presbyterians, a Collection of Source Materials. Religion on the American Frontier, 1783-1840. vol. 2. 1936. Reprint. New York: Cooper Square Pubs., 1964. S9620 (ASU BC) Sweeten, Charles Hugh "Tennessee Municipalities and TVA Power." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1966. S9660 Swenson, Gustavus Adolphus and others Soil Survey, De Kalb County, Alabama. Correlation by M. J. Edwards. Soil Survey, Series 1951, no. 3. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1958. S9670 Soil Survey, Jackson County, Alabama. Soil Survey, Series 1941, no. 8. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1954. S9680 Soil Survey, Madison County, Alabama. Soil Survey, Series 1947, no. 3. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1958. S9690 Swiggett, Howard The Rebel Raider, a Life of John Hunt Morgan. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1934. Morgan, who knew the mountains well, made four major raids within Appalachia and used the mountains as an escape route numerous times. S9700 (BC ASU) Swingle, George D. Geology, Mineral Resources, and Ground Water of the Cleveland Area, Tennessee. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, 61. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1959. S9710 (ETSU) S wisher, Basil G. S. "A Survey of the Attitudes of Women in Monongalia County, West Virginia, toward the Use of Contraceptives." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1970. S9720 Swisher, Howard Llewellyn Maxwell, Hu History of Hampshire County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. M4530 (ASU) Swope, Paul W. "Pupil Transportation in W. Va., 1934-55." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1957. S9730 Sykes, Robert H. Proud Heritage of West Virginia. New Brunswick, N. J.: Standard Press, 1974. S9740 Sylva Planning Board Population and Economy: Sylva, N. C. Sylva, N. C.: The board, 1963. S9750 (LMC) 209 SWANN—TALLEY Sylvester, Letitia Vertrees My Kentucky Cousins. Boston: Christopher Pub. House, 1933. Collection of short stories about Kentucky. Most have mountain settings and the author's understanding of mountain culture is a pleasant surprise. S9760 (ASU BC) Sylvester, Mrs. S. A. see Sylvester, Letitia Vertrees Symposium on Cherokee and Iroquois Culture, Washington, D. C., 1958 Papers. U. S. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, no. 180. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1961. The Cherokee once belonged to the Iroquois Nation but differences waxed and similarities waned. S9770 (ETSU WCU BC) Symposium on Mineral Resources of the Southeastern United States, University of Tennessee, 1949 Proceedings. Contributions by Charles H. Behre, Jr. and others. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1950. S9780 (ASU BC) System Development Corporation Appalachia Project Staff A Report to the Area-Redevelopment Administration; U. S. Department of Commerce on a Model for an Appalachian Regional Commission. Falls Church, Va.: The corporation, 1964. A modern fairy tale, come true. S9790 Szwed, John F. Glassie, Henry H. Folksongs and Their Makers. Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green Univ., Popular Press, 1970. G2070 (ASU MHC BC) Tabb, Marion F. Petro, James H. Soil Survey, Ross County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1967. P2430 Tabb, William Kenneth "A Recursive Programing Model of Resource Allocation and Technological Change in the United States Bituminous Coal Industry." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1968. T10 Tableland Trails vol. 1-, Spring 1953-. Oakland, Md.: Tableland Trails, .1953-. A magazine devoted to the history, folklore and cultural interests of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and West Virginia. T20 Taglauer, James R. "The History of Lutheran Elementary Education in Catawba County." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1961. T30 Tailby, G. W., Jr. Caine, Thomas A. Soil Survey of the Wheeling Area, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1908. C70 () Meeker, Fred N. Soil Survey of Meigs County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1908. M4930 Talbert, Charles Gano Benjamin Logan, Kentucky Frontiersman. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962. Biography of one of Kentucky's pioneer explorers and land speculators, who led a life of public service. T40 (WCU BC) Taliaferro, Harden E. Carolina Humor: Sketches. Foreword by David K. Jackson. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1938. These western North Carolina sketches are notable for their humor and excellent dialect. T50 (ASU) Fisher's River Scenes. 1859. Reprint, n.p.: J. A. Snow, 1958. T60 (ASU) Fisher's River (North Carolina) Scenes and Characters by "Skitt Who Was Raised Thar." New York: Harper and Brothers, 1859. If you could read only one book as an example of Appalachian humor and dialect, this should be it. T70 (ETSU BC) Talley, William M. Talley's Kentucky Papers. Fort Worth, Texas: Arrow Print Co., 1966. Primarily court records, registers of birth etc. from Eastern Kentucky. T80 (BC) �TALLEY—TAYLOR Talley, William M. Talley's Northeastern Kentucky Papers. Fort Worth, Texas: American Reference Publishers, 1971. T90 Tollman, Marjorie Dictionary of American Folklore. New York: Philosophical Library, 1959. T100 (ASU) Tallon, Walter A. High-alumina Clays of West Virginia. Report of Investigations, no. 17. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1959. T120 (ETSU) Talmadge, John Erwin Rebecca Latimer Felton, Nine Stormy Decades. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1960. Becky Felton was the first woman to serve in the United States Congress. She was a controversial figure in North Georgia (Bartow County) for most of her ninety odd years, for she was an early feminist and a natural born character. T110 (ASU) Tamaracke Taming the Savage River. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1968. Man triumphs over a river with the aid of modern technology. T130 (ASU BC) Tarns, W. P. The Smokeless Coal Fields of West Virginia: A Brief History. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1963. T140 (BC ETSU ASU WCU) Tandy, Laura Boufton McAllister, John Merriwether Genealogies of the Lewis and Kindred Families. Columbia, Mo.: E. W. Stephens Pub. Co., 1906. M70 Taney, Mary Florence Kentucky Pioneer Women. Columbian Poems and Prose Sketches. Cincinnati: Press of R. Clarke and Co., 1893. T150 (BC) Tangerman, Elmer John Whittling and Woodcarving. 1936. Reprint. New York: Dover Publications, 1962. T160 (ASU) Tankel, Phillip "Bloody" Harlan, 1931-1938; an Appalachian Coal County in the Thirties. Unpublished Paper. Columbia Univ.: n.p., 1968. T170 Tankersley, Charles W. Genealogy of the Tankersley Family in the United States. 1895. Reprint. Atlanta: Rachel Peeples Rogers, 1950. T180 (ASU) Tapp, Hambleton ed. The Register of the Kentucky Historical Society. Published quarterly by the Ky. Historical Society Old State House. Frankfort, Ky.: Kentucky Historical Society, 1973-, quarterly. T200 (BC) Tappan, George L. Andrew Johnson — Not Guilty. New York: Comet, 1954. T210 Taras, Michael Andrew Circular Slide Rule for Calculating Wood Moisture Content. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 125. Asheville, N. C: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. T220 (WCU) A Comparison of Increment Core Sampling Methods For Estimating Tree Specific Gravity. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, SE-7. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1963. T230 (WCU) Seasoning and Preservative Treatment of Hickory Crossties. Hickory Task Force Report, no. 8. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1959. T240 (WCU) Wood Density Surveys of the Minor Species of Yellow Pine in the Eastern United States: Pt. I — Spruce Pine (Pinus Glabra Walt.). Rev. ed. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, SE-34. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1970. T250 (WCU) AUTHOR Tarleton, Fiswoode Bloody Ground: A Cycle of the Southern Hills. New York: L. MacVeagh, Dial Press, 1929. This group of stories set in an Eastern Kentucky town deals with the tendency of hill men toward violence. T260 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) Some Trust in Chariots. New York: L. MacVeagh, Dial Press, 1930. A settlement school in Eastern Kentucky is burned because of the mountaineer's aversion to accepting either charity or advice from outlanders. A realistic portrayal of the delicate balance between the mountaineer and the mission schools. T270 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) Tarrant, Eastham The Wild Riders of the First Kentucky Cavalry. A History of the Regiment in the First Great War of the Rebellion. 1861-1865. Telling of its origin • and organization: A description of the material of which it was composed. Its rapid and severe marches, hard service, and fierce conflicts. A regimental roster. Prison life, adventures, and escapes. Published by a committee of the regiment. 1894. Reprint. Lexington, Ky.: Henry Clay Press, 1969. T280 (ASU) Tarver, James D. Bowles, Gladys K. Net Migration of the Population, 1950-1960 by Age, Sex and Color. Washington: Economic Research Service, U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1965. B5730 Tate, Ferrell Hillbilly Cookin' by the Tates. Thorn Hill, Tenn.: Clinch Mountain Lookout, 1968. Receipts for such favorites as squirrel and dumplings and yellowroot tea. T290 (ASU) Tate, Leland B. An Economic and Social Survey of Russell County. Charlottesville: Univ. of Va., School of Rural Social Economics, 1931. T300 (BC) Lebanon, A Virginia Community. Bulletin 352. Charlottesville: Univ. of Va. Ag. Exp. Station, 1943. A social and economic study of a Southwest Virginia town. T310 Tate, Luke E. History of Pickens Co. Atlanta: W. W. Brown Pub. Co., 1935. T320 (ASU) Tate, Ray J. Soil Survey: Gwinnett County, Georgia. Athens: Univ. of Ga. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1967. T330 Tate, William Questions and Answers for American Mine Examinations. Scranton, Pa.: The Colliery Engineer Co., 1897. T340 (BC) Tatum, Georgia Lee Disloyalty in the Confederacy. 1934. Reprint. New York: AMS Press, 1970. Most of the mountaineers sympathized with the Union. Many enlisted in the Union Army, and some mountain counties seceded from their Confederate states. Of these, Dade County, Georgia and Winston County, Alabama were the last to reunite with their state governments. T350 (BC LMC) Taussig, Harry A. Folk-style Autoharp; an Instruction Method for Playing the Autoharp and Accompanying Folk Songs. New York: Oak Publications, 1967. T360 (ASU) Taylor, Alfred Alexander Taylor, James Patton Life and Career of Senator Robert Love Taylor (Our Bob) by His Three Surviving Brothers. Nashville: Bob Taylor Pub. Co., 1913. T580 (ASU) Taylor, Alfred Heber "Jesse Stuart and the Short Story." Master's thesis. Vanderbilt Univ., 1949. T370 (ASU) Taylor, Archer A Collection of Irish Riddles. Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1955. Irish riddlers, maxims, blessings, sayings and curses are still found in North Georgia and other Appalachian areas. T380 (FC) 210 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey of Adams County, Ohio. Prepared in cooperation with the Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1932, no. 29. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. T390 Soil Survey, Catoosa County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Univ. of Georgia College of Agriculture. Soil Survey Report, Series 1937, no. 4. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. T400 Soil Survey of Clay County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1915. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. T410 Soil Survey of Coosa County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with the Alabama Department of Agriculture and Industries. Soil Survey Report, Series 1929, no. 18. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1933. T430 Soil Survey, Dade County, Georgia. Prepared in cooperation with the Univ. of Georgia College of Agriculture. Soil Survey Report, Series 1936, no. 20. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. T440 Taylor, Arthur Elijah and others Soil Survey: Clermont County, Ohio. Prepared in cooperation with the Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1923, no. 22. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1928. T420 Taylor, Benjamin Franklin Mission Ridge and Lookout Mountain, With Pictures of Life in Camp and Field. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1872. T450 (ASU) Taylor, Bob Lectures and Best Literary Productions of Bob Taylor. Nashville: Bob Taylor Pub. Co., 1913. Lectures and literary output from one half of East Tennessee's Bob and Alf Taylor political circus. T460 (ASU) Taylor, Bonnie Kate "Determining the Most Effective Method by Which the Children in Each of Three Groups in the First Grade at South Side School, Carter County, Tennessee, Learn to Recognize Words." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1959. T470 (ETSU) Taylor, Charlotte "A Tentative Health Instruction Program for the Secondary Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. T480 (ETSU) Taylor, Daniel Benjamin "An Assessment of the Characteristics, Education, and Training of Public School Superintendents in Southern Appalachia and in West Virginia." Ph. D. Diss. West Virginia Univ., 1965. T490 Taylor, David Bacon, Samuel Rankin Soil Survey, Montour and Northumberland Counties, Pennsylvania. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. B90 Taylor, David Clarence and others Soil Survey, Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1968. T500 Taylor, Dee F. Stamper Tract Prescribed Burn. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, SE-14. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1964. T510 (WCU) Taylor, Mrs. F. H. Apple and Doughhead Dollmaking: Clothes Patterns Included. Mountain Home, Ark.: n.p., 1968. T520 (WCU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Taylor, Mrs. Feamster Rudicil, Rowland K. Historic Hamblen, 1870-1970. Morristown: Morristown Print. Co., 1970. R4210 Taylor, George Braxton Virginia Baptist Ministers, Fourth Series. Foreword by Edgar Young Mullius. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., 1913. Biographical sketches of Baptist ministers. T530 (LMC) Taylor, Halsey P. "The Short Stories of Jesse Stuart." Master's thesis. Univ. of Southern California, 1952. T540 (ASU) Taylor, Helen "A Survey of Innovative Practices in East Tennessee Secondary Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. T550 (ETSU) Taylor, Hugh Lawson Taylor, James Patton Life and Career of Senator Robert Love Taylor (Our Bob) by His Three Surviving Brothers. Nashville: Bob Taylor Pub. Co., 1913. T580 (ASU) Taylor, James Barnett Virginia Baptist Ministers. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott and Co., 1859. Sketches of the lives of Baptist ministers. T560 (ASU) Taylor, James M. **Teachers Attitudes Toward Their Profession in Greenville County, South Carolina." Master's thesis. Furman Univ., 1952. T570 Taylor, James Patton Life and Career of Senator Robert Love Taylor (Our Bob) by His Three Surviving Brothers. Nashville: Bob Taylor Pub. Co., 1913. Biography of the famous orator, politician and writer from East Tennessee. T580 (ASU) Taylor, Jerome Gregg "The Public Career of Joseph Alexander Mabry." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1968. Mabry was editor of the Knoxville Whig. T590 Taylor, John M. "History of Education in Laurel County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1932. T600 Taylor, John Stuart Sixteenth South Carolina Regiment, CSA, From Greenville, S. C. Greenville, S. C.: The author, 1964. T610 (ASU) Taylor, Joyce Ann The Cherokees and the Great Smoky Mountains. Newland, N. C.: Avery Journal, 1965. Stories of Cherokee history, legends and lore. T620 (LMC) Taylor, Linda Leslie, J. D. Management of Kentucky Natural Resources. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1965. 11900 Taylor, Mildred History of Wayne County, West Virginia, n.p.: n.p., 1963. T630 (ASU) Taylor, N. Relief for East Tennessee. Meeting at Cooper Institute, Thursday evening, March 10, 1864. Address of Hon. N. G. Taylor (late Representative from East Tennessee.) Reported by A. F. Washburton, stenographer. New York: Wm. C. Bryant, 1864. T640 (BC) Taylor, Oliver Historic Sullivan: A History of Sullivan County, Tennessee, with Brief Biographies of the Makers of History. Bristol, Tenn.t King Print. Co., 1909. T650 (ASU ETSU BC) Historic Sullivan: A History of Sullivan County, Tennessee, With Brief Biographies of the Makers of History. 1909. Reprint. Blountville, Tenn.: Burmar Books, 1971. T660 (ASU) Historic Sullivan: A History of Sullivan County, Tennessee, With Brief Biographies of the Makers of History. Nashville: Charles Elder, 1971. A good county history prepared under difficult circumstances. The written records of the county were burned during the battle of Blountville, 1863. T670 AUTHOR Taylor, Ouvy Wilbum Early Tennessee Baptists, 1769-1832. Nashville: Tennessee Baptist Convention, 1957. T680 (ASU) Taylor, Paul F. "Coal and Conflict: The U.M.W.A. in Harlan County, 1931-1939." Ph. D. Diss. The Univ. of Kentucky, 1969. T690 (BC ASU) Taylor, R. Quintard White Sulphur Springs, a Brief History, n.p.: n.p., 1923. T700 (ASU) Taylor, Richard Cowling Statistics of Coal. The Geographical and Geological Distribution of Mineral Combustibles or Fossils Fuel, Including, Also, Notices and Localities of the Various Mineral Bituminous Substances, Employed in Arts and Manufactures...Embracing, From Official Reports of the Great Coal-Producing Countries, the Respective Amounts of Their Production, Consumption and Commercial Distribution, in All Parts of the World; Together With Their Prices, Tariffs, Duties and International Regulations... Philadelphia: J. W. Moore, 1848. T710 (BC) Taylor, Robert Love Echoes: Centennial and Other Notable Speeches, Lectures, and Stories. Nashville: S. B. Williamson and Co., 1899. T720 (ASU) Mainstreams of Mountain Thought; Attitudes of Selected Figures in the Heart of the Appalachian South. Univ. Microfilms, 1973. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tenn., 1971. T730 (ASU) Memorial Addresses Delivered in the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1913. T740 (ASU) Taylor, Sarah M. "A Study of the Factors Which Might Affect Achievements in Reading in the First Grade of Anderson School, Bristol, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1963. T750 (ETSU) Taylor, Wetford Dunaway ed. Anderson, Sherwood The Buck Fever Papers. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1971. A2380 (ASU) Taylor, William Thomas "The Development of a Middle School Program for the Morristown City School System, Morristown, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. T760 (ETSU) Tazelaar, James E. Geologic Map of the Evarts Quadrangle and Part of the Hubbard Springs Quadrangle, Southeastern Kentucky and Virginia. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1974. T770 (BC) Teachers and Pupils of Mitchell County Discovering Mitchell County. Bakersville, N. C.: County Board of Education, 1939-1940. A fifty-nine page guide to Mitchell County history compiled by the public schools of the county. T780 Teachers Training Class. Bumsville, N. C. History and Geography of Yancey County. Bumsville: The class, 1930. T790 (ASU) Teale, Edwin Way North With the Spring: A Naturalist's Record of a 17,000 Mile Journey With the North-American Spring. 1951. Reprint. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1957. T800 (ASU LMC) Tebbals, Alma Owens A History of Pulaski Co., Kentucky. Bagdad, Ky.: G. O. Moore, 1952. T810 Tedrow, N. P. Higbee, Howard William Soil Survey, Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils and Agricultural Engineering, 1944. H5260 211 TAYLOR—TENNESSEE Teets, 0. Dee, Jr. Krebs, Charles E. Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. Wheeling: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1913. K3180 (ETSU ASU) Temple, Oliver Perry East Tennessee and the Civil War. Cincinnati: The R. Clarke Co., 1899. T820 (ASU) East Tennessee and the Civil War. 1899. Reprint. The Black Heritage Library Collection. Freeport, N. Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1971. The best history of the violence and hatred begun during the Civil War and evident in Tennessee politics yet. T830 (ETSU) East Tennessee and the Civil War. 1899. Reprint. Knoxville: Burmar Books, 1972. T840 (ASU ETSU) John Sevier, Citizen, Soldier, Legislator, Governor, Statesman. Knoxville, Tenn.: Zi-Po Press, 1910. T850 (ETSU) Templeman, Eleanor Lee (Reading) Northern Virginia Heritage; a Pictorial Compilation of the Historic Sites and Homes in the Counties of Arlington, Fairfax, Loudoun, Fauquier, Prince William and Stafford, and the Cities of Alexandria and Fredericksburg, by Eleanor Lee Templeman and Nan Netherton. 1st ed. Arlington, Va.: Privately published by E. L. Templeman, 1966. T860 (BC) Teng, Hai Chuan "Marble Deposits and Marble Industry of the Knoxville Area." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1948. Economic and county history of Knox County, Tennessee. T870 Tennent, Gaillard S. Medicine in Buncombe County Down to 1885, Historical and Biographical Sketches. Asheville: Stephens Press, 1906. T880 Tennessee. Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin, no. 1-. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn., n.d. T890 (BC) Rural Research Series. Monograph no. 1-. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn., irregular. T900 Tennessee and Kings Mountain Papers of the Draper Collection of Manuscripts Calendar Series Vol. III. Madison, Wis.: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1929. T1550 Tennessee. Annual Report of the State Geologist Nashville: State Geologist, n.d. T910 (LMC) Tennessee Archaeologist vol. 1-, 1944-. Knoxville: Tennessee Archaeological Society, 1944-. T920 (ETSU) Tennessee Archeologist Ten Years of the Tennessee Archaeologist: Selected Subjects. Chattanooga, Tenn.: J. B. Graham, 1954. T930 (ETSU) Tennessee, Board of Entomology Annual Report of the State Entomologist and Plant Pathologist. Knoxville: The board, annual. T940 (ETSU) Tennessee, Civil War Centennial Commission Tennesseans in the Civil War: A Military History of Confederate and Union Units with Available Rosters of Personnel. Nashville: The commission, 1964. T950 (ASU) Tennessee, Commission on Youth Guidance Report to the Governor and Members of the General Assembly (81st) State of Tennessee. Nashville: The commission, 1959. T960 (ETSU) Report to Honorable Frank G. Clement, Governor, and Members of the 80th General Assembly, State of Tennessee. Nashville: The commission, 1956. T970 (ETSU) Tennessee County Inventory. Nashville: The commission, 1959. T980 (ETSU) Tennessee, Department of Agriculture Agricultural Trends in Tennessee: A Record of Crop and Livestock Statistics, 1866-1947. Nashville: The Department and the U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, 1948-. T990 (ETSU) �TENNESSEE—TENNESSEE Tennessee, Department of Agriculture Makers of Millions, Not for Themselves But for You: Stories of Tennesseans whose Accomplishments for Agriculture Brought Renown to Their State and Caused an Appreciating and Benefited Public to Propose Their Admission to the Tennessee Agricultural Hall of Fame. 1st ed. Nashville: The department, 1951. T1000 (ASU) Tennessee, Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Agriculture, Statistics and Mines Mineral and Agricultural Resources of the Portion of Tennessee Along the Cincinnati Southern and Knoxville and Ohio Railroads. Nashville: Tavel, Eastman, and Howell, 1876. T1010 (ASU) Tennessee, Department of Conservation Division of Geology Bulletin. Nashville: The division, n.d. T1020 Tennessee Fishing Waters, Featuring TVA Lakes. Nashville: State of Tennessee, 1948. T1040 Tennessee, Department of Conservation and Commerce, Education Service "Some Tennessee Trees — a Simple, Illustrated Key." Nashville: Unpublished typescript, 1966. T1070 Tennessee, Department of Conservation, Division of Geology see also Tennessee, Division of Geology Tennessee, Department of Conservation, Division of Information Tennessee: A Guide to the State. American Guide Series. 1939. Reprint. St. Clair Shores, Mich.: Somerset, 1973. T1030 (MHC) Tennessee, Department of Conservation, Division of State Information The Tennessee Scene. Nashville: n.p., 1947. T1050 Tennessee, Department of Conservation, Educational Service Forest Trees and Forest Facts of Tennessee. Nashville: The department, 1946. T1060 (ETSU) Tennessee, Department of Education Bradley County Schools Survey Report. Nashville: State of Tennessee, 1966. T1080 Campbell County School Survey. Nashville: State of Tennessee, 1962. T1090 Grainger County Schools Survey Report. Nashville: State of Tennessee, 1965. Til 00 A Guide for Developing and Evaluating Language Arts Courses of Study, Grades 1-12. Johnson City: East Tennessee State College, 1956. T1110 (ETSU) Jefferson County Survey Report. Nashville: State of Tennessee, 1965. Relates to the schools of the county. Til 20 Report of the Survey of the Schools of Blount County, Tennessee, for School Year, 1934-1935. Nashville: The department, 1935. T1130 (ETSU) Washington County Survey Report. Directed by T. Wesley Pickell. Nashville: The department, 1964. T1140 (ETSU) Tennessee, Department of Education, Division of Geology The Magnetic Iron Ore of East Tennessee and Western North Carolina. Bulletin no. 29. Nashville: Dept. of Education, 1923. Til 50 The Valley of East Tennessee. Bulletin no. 36. Nashville: Dept. of Education, 1925. Til 60 Tennessee, Department of Education, Division of Geology see also Tennessee, Division of Geology Tennessee, Department of Employment Security A Study of the Chattanooga Labor Market Area. Nashville: The department's Research and Statistics Section, 1963-. T1170 (ETSU) AUTHOR Tennessee, Department of Employment Security, Research and Statistics Section Population and Labor Force Characteristics of Tennessee Counties. Nashville: The department, 1963. Til 80 Tennessee Employment Statistics, 1939-1964. Nashville: The department, 1965. Til 90 Tennessee Manpower: Current Trend and Future Projections. Nashville: The department, 1967. T1200 Tennessee, Department of Finance and Administration Tennessee — Its Resources and Economy — The Tennessee Economy — Vol. I. Nashville: The department, 1965. T1210 Tennessee, Department of Highways, Research and Planning Division Johnson City Transportation Study: Major Route Plan. Traffic Operation Study and Parking Study. Nashville: The division, 1968. T1220 (ETSU) Tennessee, Department of Public Health, Stream Pollution Control Division Stream Pollution Control In The Upper Cumberland River Basin, 1965. Nashville: The department, 1965. T1230 Tennessee, Division of Forestry The Horseshoe Properties Forest Management Demonstration. Nashville: The department, 1956. T1240 Tennessee, Division of Geology Administrative Report of State Geological Survey, 1910-1923-1924. 7 vols. Bulletins, 4, 15, 18, 23, 25, 27, 35. Nashville: The division, 1911-25. T1250 (ETSU) Bulletin, no. 1-, 1910-. Nashville: The division, irregular. T1260 (ETSU) Geologic Maps and Mineral Resources Summary. Prepared in cooperation with the U. S. Geological Survey and Tennessee Valley Authority. Nashville: The division, 1962-. T1270 (ETSU) Geology and Barite Deposits of the Del Rio District, Cocke County, Tennessee. A real geology by Herman W.. Ferguson. Economic geology by Willard Brownell Jewell. Bulletin, 57. Nashville: The department, 1951. T1280 (ETSU) Tennessee, Division of Mines Report on Mineral Resources of Tenn. Nashville: Rich Print. Co., annual. T1290 Tennessee, Division of Water Resources Interagency Report on Water Resource Activities in Tennessee. Nashville: The department, 1962. T1300 Tennessee, East Tennessee State College, Johnson City Curriculum Improvement Conference. Grades 1-12. July 15-29, 1954. Johnson City: The college, 1954. T1310 (ETSU) Instructional Leadership Conference, June 25-July 13, 1951. Johnson City: The college, 1951. T1320 (ETSU) Tennessee, East Tennessee State Normal School, Johnson City Curriculum for the Observation and Practice School, n.p.: State Board of Education, 1914. T1330 (ETSU) Tennessee, East Tennessee State University, Johnson City The Role and Scope of East Tennessee State University. A report submitted to the Tennessee Higher Education Commission, June, 1968. Johnson City: The univ., 1968. T1350 (ETSU) Tennessee, East Tennessee University, Johnson City Bulletin, vol. 1-, 1911-. Johnson City: The univ., annual. T1340 (ETSU) 212 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Tennessee Farm and Home Science. Progress Report no. 1-, 1952-. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Agricultural Experiment Station, quarterly? T1360 (ETSU) Tennessee Federal Free Population Census, 1830 n.p.: n.p., n.d. A partial census of 24 East Tennessee counties. T1370 Tennessee Folklore Society Bulletin, vol. 1-, 1935-. Maryville: The society, quarterly. T1380 (ETSU) Tennessee, Game and Fish Commission Amphibians and Reptiles of Tennessee. Nashville: State of Tennessee, 1965. T1390 (ASU) Tennessee General Assembly Joint Legislative Committee Report on the Great Smoky Mountains and Other Areas for a National or State Park. Nashville: State of Tennessee, 1925. T1400 Tennessee, General Assembly, House of Representatives House Journal, 1861-62, of the First Session of the Thirty-Fourth General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, Which Convened at Nashville, on the First Monday in October, A. D. 1861, and Adjourned in Memphis, March 20, 1862. Preface by Robert Hiram White. Nashville: Tennessee Historical Commission, 1957. T1410 (ASU) Tennessee, General Assembly, Legislative Council Committee Migration and Industrial Development in Tennessee. Nashville: The committee, 1958. T1420 Public Education in Tennessee, Grades 1-12: A Report to the Education Survey Subcommittee. Submitted Nov. 18, 1957, by James E. Gibbs, director of the study. Nashville: The committee, 1957. T1430 Public Library Service Study: Final Report. Nashville: The committee, 1960. T1440 Study on Automobile Junk Yard and Highway Beautification 1964; A Final Report. Nashville: The committee, 1964. T1450 Study on the Coal Industry. Nashville: The committee, 1964. T1460 (ASU) Tennessee, Governor Messages of the Governors of Tennessee. By Robert Hiram White. Nashville: Tennessee Historical Commission, 1952. T1470 (ASU) Tennessee, Governor, 1796-1801 (Sevier) Commission Book, 1796-1801. Nashville: Tennessee Historical Commission, 1957. Records from one of Tennessee's earliest administration. T1490 (ASU ETSU) Tennessee, Governor (Clement) A Report to the President of the United States on the Tennessee Valley Authority, October 8, 1953. Nashville, Tenn.: n.p., 1953. Governor Clement's statement for former President Eisenhower dealt with the economic development of the Tennessee Valley as a result of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Particular emphasis was placed on the cooperation which exists between Tennessee Valley Authority and the state and local governments. T1480 Tennessee, Historical Commission The Blount Journal, 1790-1796. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn. Press, 1955. T1500 Tenn. Historical Markers. Nashville: The commission, 1958. T1510 Tennessee Old and New. Sesquicentennial. 1796-1946. Also sponsored by the Tennessee Historical Society. 2 vols. Kingsport, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, 1946. T1520 XASU LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Tennessee, Historical Commission Three Pioneer Tennessee Documents: Donelson's Journal, Cumberland Compact, Minutes of Cumberland Court. Nashville, Tenn.: The Tennessee Historical Commission, 1964. T1530 (ASU) Tennessee, Historical Society Landmarks of Tennessee History. Nashville: The society, 1965. T1540 Tennessee, Labor Council Labor and TVA; Collective Bargaining Under Government Operation of a Public Utility and an Analysis of the Benefits to All the People of the Integrated Development of a River Basin. Nashville: The council, 1956. T1560 Tennessee, Laws and Statues Private Acts of Anderson County, 1801-1956. Nashville: Tenn. General Assembly, 1956. T1570 Tennessee Legislative Council Committee Tennessee's Water Resources and Related Lands. Submitted August 22, 1962, by David H. Grubbs. Nashville: The committee, 1962. T1580 Tennessee Libraries vol. 1-7, no. 2, June, 1931-September, 1947. Knoxville: Tennessee Library Assoc., n.d. T1590 (ETSU) Tennessee, Nat see Winston, Nat Taylor Tennessee, Office of Urban and Federal Affairs, Appalachian Division Tennessee Appalachian Development Plan, 1969-1970. Report submitted to the Appalachian Regional Commission, and annual supplements. Nashville: The office, 1969. T1600 (ASU) Tennessee, Planning Commission Comprehensive Plan for Development: Kentucky Reservoir Region. Nashville: The commission, 1964. T1610 (ETSU) An Economic Survey of the Tri-Counties Region of Upper East Tennessee. Prepared by Bristol, Tennessee, Regional Planning Commission and others assisted by the Upper East Tennessee Office of the Tennessee State Planning Commission. Nashville: The commission, 1956. T1620 (ETSU) Flood Problems and Their Solution Through Urban Planning Programs. Publication no. 262. Nashville, Tenn.: The commission, 1955. T1630 Local Planning in Tennessee, 1956-57. Publication no. 280. Nashville: The commission, 1957. T1640 Melton Hill Reservoir, Comprehensive Plan for Land Use Development. Publication no. 310. Nashville: The commission, 1960. T1650 A Plan for Development-Nicka Jack Reservoir Area. Also by Marion County Planning Commission in cooperation with Tennessee Valley Authority. Publication no. 335. Nashville: The commission, 1965. T1660 (ASU LMC) Policy Conclusions, Problems and Opportunities. Nashville: The commission, 1967. T1670 Population, Labor Force, and Employment Projections and Interpretations. Nashville: The commission, 1967. T1680 A Proposed Plan for Development: Sevier County, Tennessee. Nashville: n.p., 1964. T1690 Reservoir Shore Line Development in Tennessee; a Study of Problems and Opportunities. Nashville: State of Tennessee, 1958. T1700 Resource Inventory and Analysis of Tennessee Appalachia. Publication no. 355. Nashville: The commission, 1967. T1710 (ETSU) AUTHOR Tennessee Resources — Agriculture, Forestry, and Minerals. Nashville: The commission, 1967. T1720 (ETSU) The Tennessee River Gorge, Its Scenic Preservation; a Report to the 1961 General Assembly. State Planning Office Publication no. 311. Nashville: n.p., 1961. T1730 Towers of Power Back Industrial Opportunities in Tennessee, First Public Power State. Nashville: State of Tennessee, 1944. T1740 Tennessee, Planning Commission, Upper East Tennessee Office Historic District Plan: Jonesborough, Tennessee. Prepared for the Jonesboro Regional Planning Commission. Publication no. 395. Johnson City: The commission, 1972. T1750 Tennessee, Planning Committee for the White House Conference on Children and Youth Tennessee's Children and Youth. A report to the Honorable Buford Ellington, Governor, State of Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee Commission on Youth Guidance, 1960. T1760 (ETSU) Tennessee, Planning Office, Nashville Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1965-; Rationale and Model for Application in Tennessee. Nashville: State Planning Office, 1965. T1770 Report on First Year's Activities in the Appalachian Development Program. Publication no. 4. Nashville: The office, 1966. T1780 (LMC) Tennessee Poetry Journal vol. 1-4, 1967-1971 Martin, Tenn.: n.p., 1967-1971. T1790 Tennessee, Research and Statistics Division, Department of Employment Security Population and Labor Force Characteristics of Tennessee Counties. Nashville: The dept., 1963. T1800 Tennessee, Secondary School Athletic Association Directory of Member Schools. Trenton, Tenn.: The assoc., 1963-. T1810 (ETSU) Tennessee, Secretary of State Tennessee Blue Book. Nashville: Secretary of State, annual. T1820 (LMC) Tennessee State Library and Archives Guide to the Use of Genealogical Materials in the Tenn. State Library and Archives. Nashville: The library, 1964. T1830 "Inventory of Bledsoe County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964-. T1840 "Inventory of Blount County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1850 "Inventory of Carter County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1860 "Inventory of Coffee County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1870 "Inventory of Cumberland County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1880 "Inventory of DeKalb County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1890 "Inventory of Franklin County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1900 "Inventory of Grundy County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1910 213 TENNESSEE—TENNESSEE "Inventory of Loudon County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1920 "Inventory of McMinn County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1930 "Inventory of Marion County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1940 "Inventory of Meigs County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1950 "Inventory of Polk County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1960 "Inventory of Rhea County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1970 "Inventory of Roane County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1980 "Inventory of Sequatchie County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T1990 "Inventory of Smith County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T2000 "Inventory of Van Buren County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T2010 "Inventory of Warren County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T2020 "Inventory of Washington County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T2030 "Inventory of White County Records." Unpublished typescript. Nashville: State Library and Archives, 1964. T2040 A Study of the Community of La Follette, Tenn. Nashville: State of Tenn., 1957. T2050 Tennessee State Library and Archives, Nashville, Manuscript Division Cherokee Collection. Registers, no. 11. Nashville: The library, 1966. T2060 (LMC WCU ETSU) Highlander Folk School Audio Collection. Nashville: The library, 1964. T2070 (ETSU) Highlander Folk School Manuscript Records Collection, 1932-1966. Registers, no. 9. Nashville: The library, 1968. T2080 (LMC) Tennessee, State University, Memphis, Bureau of Business and Economic Research Southeast Tennessee Region Profile and Policies. Project director: John W. Eilert. Research assistant: Sue Magargel. Prepared for the Tennessee State Planning Office. Memphis: The bureau, 1967. T2090 The Lower Cumberland Region: A Study of Its Population, Economic Base and Potential. Project director: John W. Eilert. Research Assistants: Eugene Gregory and Sue Magargel. Prepared for the Tennessee State Planning Office. Memphis: The bureau, 1967. T2100 (ETSU) The Upper Cumberland Economy. Project director: John W. Eilert. Research assistants: Sue Magargel, Eugene Gregory, and Robert West. Prepared for the Tennessee State Planning Office. Memphis: The bureau, 1967. T2110 (ETSU) �TENNESSEE-TVA Tennessee, Stream Pollution Control Division Stream Pollution Control in the Upper Cumberland River Basin, 1964. Nashville: Stream Pollution Control Board, 1965. T2120 (ETSU) Tennessee, Taxpayers Association A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of Greene County, Tennessee. Nashville: The assoc., 1934. T2130 (ETSU) A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of the Government of Knox County, Tennessee. Prepared for the county court of Knox County. Nashville: The assoc., 1934. T2140 (ETSU) A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of the Government of Washington County, Tennessee. Prepared for the county court of Washington County. Nashville: The assoc., 1934. T2150 (ETSU) A Report of the Survey of the Management and Finances of the Government of Hamilton County. Nashville: The assoc., 1934. T2160 (ETSU) Tennessee, University The University of Tennessee Sesqui-Centennial, 1794-1944. Knoxville: The Univ. of Tennessee, 1945. T2170 (ASU) Tennessee, University, Agricultural Extension Service Building a Better Tennessee Through Rural Community Improvement. Publ. 321. By Almon J. Sims. Knoxville: Tennessee Agricultural Exp. Station, 1950. T2180 Tennessee, University, Department of Geography A Geographical Analysis of Selected Ski Resorts in the Southeastern United States. Leland L. Nicholls, principal researcher. Knoxville: The univ., 1972. T2190 (ASU) Tennessee, University, Division of Extension East Tennessee University 1840-1879. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, 1959. T2200 Institute of Regional Development of the Southeast. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn., Division of Extension, 1949. T2210 One River, Seven States. By Elliott Roberts. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn., Division of Extension, 1949. T2220 Valley of Tomorrow, the TVA and Agriculture. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn., 1952. T2230 Tennessee, University, Library University of Tennessee Library Lectures, no. 1-, 1949-. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee, Division of Univ. Extension, irregular. T2240 (ASU) TVA Annual Report. 1935-. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., annual. T2250 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Annual Report of the Distributors of TVA Power, 1937-Date. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1937. T2260 An Appraisal of Coal Strip Mining. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, February 1963. T2270 (BC) Articles of Agreement Between the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Salary Policy Employee Panel. Negotiated December 5, 1950. Reprinted with Revisions through May 1, 1952 and, February 4, 1955. n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T2280 Articles of Agreement . . . Negotiated December 5, 1950. Revisions Through February 4, 1955. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1955. T2290 Atlas Finding List of the Tennessee Valley Region. The Tennessee Valley Area and Adjacent Districts in Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Illinois, Kentucky, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia and West Virginia. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1968. T2300 AUTHOR Atlas of the Tennessee Valley Region, pt. 1. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1936. T2310 Basic Data on TVA and Its Revenue Bond Financing. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T2320 (ASU) Bear Creek Watershed, Summary of Resources. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T2330 A Bibliography for the TVA Program. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, Technical Library, 1963. T2340 (ASU BC LMC) A Bibliography for the TVA Program. Knoxville: Technical Library, Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T2350 (ASU) A Bibliography for the TVA Program. Knoxville: Technical Library, Tennessee Valley Authority, 1968. T2360 (LMC) The Bull Run Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial One-Unit Plant. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1967. T2370 Chattanooga Flood Control Problem. 76th Congress, Mouse Document no. 91. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1939. T2380 . . . Chemical Engineering Report, no. 1. Wilson Dam, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1942. T2390 The Cherokee Project, a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Cherokee Project. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1946. T2400 . . . The Chickamauga Project, a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Chickamauga Project. . . . Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1942. T2410 Clinch-Powell Valley; Summary of Resources. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T2420 Coal Reserves in Portions of Butler, Edmonson, Grayson, Muhlenberg, Ohio, and Warren Counties, Kentucky. Lexington: College of Arts and Sciences, Univ. of Kentucky, 1963. T2430 The Colbert Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Four-Unit Plant. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T2440 Comparison of Coal-Fired and Nuclear Power Plants for the TVA System. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T2450 ... A Compilation of the More Important Congressional Acts, Treaties, Presidential Messages, Judicial Decisions, and Official Reports and Documents Having to do with the Control Conservation, and Utilization of Water Resources. Prepared by Francis W. Laurent. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1938. T2460 . . . Communication from Tennessee Valley Authority. Message from the President of the United States, transmitting a copy of a communication from the Tennessee Valley Authority. . . . Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1934. T2470 Concrete Production and Control, Tennessee Valley Authority Projects. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1947. T2480 The Cost of Distributing Power, Knoxville, Tennessee. A report on the first year of operation with Tennessee Valley Authority rates. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1939. T2490 214 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . County Government and Administration in the Tennessee Valley States. Issued by Tennessee Valley Authority, Knoxville, Tenn., July 1940. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1940. T2500 Design of TVA Projects. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1952. T2510 Development of the Tennessee Valley. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1935. T2520 The Development of the Tennessee Valley. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1936. T2530 The Douglas Project; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Douglas Project. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. T2540 . . . Drawings for the Chickamauga Project. . . . Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941. T2550 . . . Drawings for the Guntersville Project. . . . Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1940. T2560 Economic Development of the Upper French Broad Area by North Carolina State and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville? Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T2570 (LMC) Electrical Demonstration Branch Electricity in Dairying. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, n.d. T2580 Elk River Watershed; Summary of Resources. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T2590 Engineering Geology and Mineral Resources of the Tennessee Valley Authority Region. By E. C. Eckel. Geologic Bulletin no. 1. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T2600 . . . Engineering Geology of the Tennessee River System. . . . Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1940. T2610 Evaluation of Forestry Opportunities on Farms in the Beech River Watershed. By Tennessee Valley Authority in cooperation with the Univ. of Tennessee, June, 1965. Morris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965. T2620 Extent of Recreation Development and Use of TVA Lakes and Actual Lake Frontage Property. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1947. Contains tabulations showing kinds and extent of recreation development and use reservoir and accumulated totals from 1947 to date. T2630 Facts About Major TVA Dams. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T2640 Facts About TVA Operations. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T2650 Facts About TVA Operations. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T2660 Facts About TVA Steam Plants. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T2670 Fertilizer Science and the American Farmer — the Research and Education Programs of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. T2680 Fertilizer Science and the American Farmer — the Research and Education Programs of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T2690 Fifty Inches of Rain. A Story of Land and Water Conservation. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1939. T2700 (BC) . . . Financial Statements. . . . Report of the comptroller to the Board of directors. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1940. T2710 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY TVA Fish and Fishing, Fort Loudoun Reservoir. Unpublished Folder. Morris: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T2720 Flood Problems and Management in the Tennessee River Basin. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1960. T2730 Floods and Flood Control. Knoxville, Term.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T2740 Floods on the Tuckaseigee River and Deep Creek in Vicinity of Bryson City, North Carolina. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T2750 Floods on Watauga and Doe Rivers in Vicinity of Elizabethton, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. T2760 The Fontana Project: A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Fontana Project. Technical Report, no. 12. Washington, D. C: Govt. Print. Off., 1950. T2770 (WCU) Forest Inventory Statistics for Buncombe County, North Carolina. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T2780 Forest Products Industry Notes, no. 1. Norris: Tennessee Valley Authority Division of Forestry Relations, annual. T2790 (BC) Forests and Human Welfare. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1940. T2800 Forestry Bulletin, no. 1. Mimeographed. Norris, Tenn.: n.p., 1937. T2810 (BC) The Fort Loudoun Project; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Fort Loudoun Project. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. T2820 General Agreement Between the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Tennessee Valley Trades and Labor Council. Chattanooga: Adams Litho, 1957. T2830 General Outline of Chemical Engineering Activities. 2nd rev. ed. Muscle Shoals, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965. T2840 Geology and Foundation Treatment, Tennessee Valley Authority Projects. Technical Report, no. 22. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. T2850 (ETSU) The Guntersville Project. A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Guntersville Project . . . Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941. Includes bibliographies. T2860 (BC) A History of Navigation of the Tennessee River System; an Interpretation of the Economic Influence of this River System on the Tennessee Valley. Message From the President of the United States Transmitting a Survey Entitled UA History of Navigation on the Tennessee River and Its Tributaries." (75th Cong., 1st sess. House Doc. 254.) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1937. T2870 (BC ASU) The Hiwassee Valley Projects. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1946-48. T2880 How Cheap Electricity Pays Its Way. TVA. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1938. T2890 . . . Hydraulic Data Activities of the Tennessee Valley Authority . . . Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1939. T2900 AUTHOR Hydrology of Small Watersheds in Relation to Various Crop Covers and Soil Characteristics. A Pictorial Brochure. Cooperative Research Project in Western North Carolina. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T2910 Industrial Development in the TVA Area During 1965. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T2920 Initial Forest Management in the Tennessee Valley. By Kenneth J. Seigworth chief, Forest Development Branch and James H. Barton forester. Chicago: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T2930 . . . Injunctions in Cases Involving Acts of Congress. Letter from the Chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority Transmitting, in Response to Senate Resolution no. 82, Certain Information Concerning Injunctions or Judgments Issued or Rendered by Federal Courts Since March 4, 1933, in Cases Involving Acts of Congress. . . . Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1937. T2940 Interterritorial Freight Rate Problem of the United States. (75th Congress, House Document no. 264.) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1937. The problem of discriminatory freight rates affecting the South is discussed, and possible solutions are suggested. Two additional Tennessee Valley Authority studies have been made of this problem. T2950 . . . Investment of the Tennessee Valley Authority in Wilson, Norris, and Wheeler Projects. Letter from the Chairman of the Board of the Tennessee Valley Authority Transmitting a Report on the Investment and the Allocation of the Investment of the Authority in the Wilson, Norris, and Wheeler-Projects, Pursuant to Section 14 of the Tennessee Valley Authority Act of 1933 . . . Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1938. T2960 Is the Tennessee Valley Favored in Federal Expenditures? Prepared by Government Relations and Economics Staff. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1955. T2970 (BC) The Johnsonville Steam Plant; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Six-Unit Plant. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T2980 The Kentucky Project; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction and Initial Operations of the Kentucky Project. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1951. T2990 Knoxville and Vicinity, Tennessee. 1953. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1956. T3000 The Land Between the Lakes; A Demonstration in Recreation Resource Development; Revised Concept Statement. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T3010 Lower Hiwassee Valley; Summary of Resources. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T3020 Management Services Report, no. 1-. n.p.: n.p., 1942. T3030 The Melton Hill Project; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Initial Operations, and Costs. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T3040 Municipal and Cooperative Distributors of TVA Power; Annual Report. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, annual. T3050 215 TVA—TVA Municipalities (Electric Departments Only) and Cooperatives Purchasing Power from Tennessee Valley Authority. Financial Statements for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1940; a Report from the Comptroller to the Directors of Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1940. T3060 Nature's Constant Gift, a Report on the Water Resource of the Tennessee Valley. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T3070 (BCASU) Nature's Constant Gift; a Report on the Water Resource of the Tennessee Valley. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T3080 Nature's Constant Gift; a Report on the Water Resource of the Tennessee Valley. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 6. T3090 Navigation and Economic Growth: Tennessee River Experience; a Report. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T3100 Non-Urban Outdoor Recreation, an Analysis of Its Functions, Forms, and Types of Areas. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Land Planning and Housing, Recreation and Conservation Section, 1935. T3110 Norris Dam . . . Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1936. T3120 . . . The Norris Project, A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Tennessee Valley Authority's First Water Control Project . . . Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1940. T3130 Operation of TVA Reservoirs, Annual 1963. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T3140 Outdoor Recreation for a Growing Nation; TVA's Experience With Man-Made Reservoirs. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T3150 The Paradise Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Two-Unit Plant. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T3160 Parker Branch; an Experiment in Appalachian Agriculture, 1953-1962. n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority and North Carolina State of the Univ. of North Carolina at Raleigh, 1964. T3170 Parker Branch Research Watershed; Project Report, 1953-1962. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T3180 Personnel Administration in TVA; the Experience of 14 Years. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1947. T3190 Pickwick Landing Dam on the Tennessee River. Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Departments, n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1935. T3200 ... The Pickwick Landing Project, a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Pickwick Landing Project . . . Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1941. T3210 . , . Plant Nutrient Losses in the Tennessee River System. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1943. T3220 Plant Trees — Grow Jobs; Reforest 7 States in 7 Years. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T3230 (ASU) Power Annual Report. I960-. KnoxviHe: Tennessee Valley Authority, I960-. T3240 �TVA—TVA TVA Preliminary Report: Floods on Scott Creek in Vicinity of Sylva, North Carolina. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T3250 Profile of a Region; Some Characteristics and General Trends, Tennessee Valley States. n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority, Government Relations and Economics Staff, 1958. T3260 A Program for Reducing the National Flood Damage Potential. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T3270 Program for Reducing the National Flood Damage Potential. Committee on Public Works, United States Senate. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. T3280 Progress in Seven States. TVA Now. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1944. T3290 Progress in the Valley, TVA, 1947. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1947. T3300 A Quality Environment in the Tennessee Valley. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1969. T3310 Recreation Areas on TVA Lakes. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1954. T3320 Recreation Areas on TVA Lakes, n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T3330 . . . Recreation Development of the Tennessee River System. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1940. T3340 Recreational Development of the Southern Highlands Region, A Study of the Use and Control of Scenic and Recreational Resources. Tennessee Valley Authority. Department of Regional Planning Studies, 1938. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1938. T3350 (ASU) . . . Regionalized Freight Rates: Barrier to National Productiveness. Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting a Report of the Tennessee Valley Authority Entitled "Regionalized Freight Rates: Barrier to National Productiveness". . . Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1943. T3360 Report. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, annual. T3370 . . . Report on the Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas. Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting Report Entitled "The Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas" . . . Washington-. Govt. Print. Off., 1945. T3380 Report on Scientific Research Projects. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, n.d. T3390 Report to the Congress on the Unified Development of the Tennessee River System. Knoxville: The authority, 1936. T3400 (ASU) Report to the Nation from the Tennessee Valley Authority on Its First Twenty-Five Years. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T3410 River Traffic and Industrial Growth. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1954. T3420 River Traffic and Industrial Growth. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T3430 River Traffic and Industrial Growth. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T3440 AUTHOR River Traffic and Industrial Growth. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T3450 The Scenic Resources of the Tennessee Valley. A descriptive and pictorial inventory. Department of Regional Studies, Knoxville, Tennessee. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1938. T3460 (ASU LMC FC) Sequatchie Valley; Summary of Resources. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T3470 Short History of the Tennessee Valley Authority, 1933-1963. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T3480 Soil . . . People, and Fertilizer Technology. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. T3490 Southwest Virginia: Lee, Scott, Wise Counties, Summary of Resources. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T3500 (ASU BC) Southwest Virginia, Lee, Scott, Wise Counties; Summary of Resources. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T3510 . . . Statistical Bulletin no. 1-. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T3520 A Study of Methods Used in Measurement and Analysis of Sediment Loads in Streams. Planned and Conducted Jointly by Tennessee Valley Authority, Corps of Engineers, Department of Agriculture, Geological Survey, Bureau of Reclamation, Indian Service, and Iowa Institute of Hydraulic Research. Report no. 1-. Iowa City, Iowa.: St. Paul Engineer District sub-office, Hydraulic laboratory, Univ. of Iowa, 1940. T3530 A Study of Methods Used in Measurement and Analysis of Sediment Loads in Streams, Planned and Conducted Jointly by Tennessee Valley Authority. Report D, progress report: comparative field tests on suspended-sediment samplers as of January 1946. Minneapolis: Project Offices of Cooperating Agencies, 1957. T3540 Summary of Resources. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965. T3550 Summary of Resources Tributary Area Development Program. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T3560 Survey of Electrical Appliances in the Homes and Farms of the TVA Area. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1955. T3570 Surveying, Mapping and Related Engineering. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1951. T3580 Systematic Farm Planning in Relation to Water Resources at Parker Branch Pilot Tributary Watershed. Knoxville, Tenn.: North Carolina State College in cooperation with the Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T3590 . . . Technical Report no. 1. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1940. T3600 . . . A Technical Review of the Chickamauga Project . . . St. Louis: John S. Swift Co., Inc., 1940. T3610 ... A Technical Review of the Guntersville Project. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1939. T3620 . . . A Technical Review of the Hiwassee Project . . . Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1940. T3630 . . . A Technical Review of the Norris Project. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1937. T3640 . . . A Technical Review of the Pickwick Landing Project . . . Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1939. T3650 216 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY ... A Technical Review of the Wheeler Project. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1938. T3660 The Tellico Project of the TVA. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965, 1966. T3670 Tennessee River History. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. Based on the paper "Development of the Tennessee River Waterway," by C. E. Blee, before the American Society of Civil Engineers centennial meeting in Chicago, Illinois, September 12, 1952. T3680 Tennessee River Navigation. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, June, 1953. T3690 The Tennessee River Navigation System; History, Development, and Operation. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T3700 The Tennessee River Waterway, (a multiple-purpose project) Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T3710 The Tennessee Valley Authority. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1934. T3720 Tennessee Valley Authority. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1940. Annual reports, with varying titles, of Tennessee Valley Authority to Congress. T3730 Tennessee Valley Authority, 1933-1937. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1937. T3740 TVA and the River. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. Based on an address by LeRoy Engstrom at a joint meeting of the Engineers Club of Western North Carolina and Greenville Section of A.S.M.E., in Asheville, North Carolina, on November 19, 1951. Data revised and brought up to date in March 1962. T3750 TVA Dams; the Twenty Major Dams Built by the Tennessee Valley Authority and Wilson Dam. Prepared for the Sixth International Congress of the International Commission on Large Dams. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1958. T3760 TVA Electricity Rates, A Statement of Facts. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1935. T3770 Tennessee Valley Authority Facts Book; Norris, Wheeler and Wilson Projects . . . n.p.: n.p., 1934. T3780 TVA: The First Twenty Years. A Staff Report. Univ. of Alabama Press, 1956. T3790 (ASU WCU LMC) TVA: The First Twenty Years; A Staff Report. Univ., Ala.: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1956. T3800 (UNCA) TVA Flood Control. Revised. Knoxville?: n.p., 1960. T3810 TVA Flood Control; New Concepts. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T3820 TVA's Influence on Electric Rates. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965. T3830 TVA — a National Asset. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T3840 TVA Power, 1966. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T3850 TVA Power — 1963/64. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T3860 TVA; A River Controlled. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. T3870 TVA River Traffic and Industrial Growth. Rev. ed. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T3880 TVA Tames the River. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T3890 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY TVA TVA Today, 1965. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965. T3900 TVA 25th Anniversary; Progress Thru Resource Development, A Report to the Nation from the Tennessee Valley Authority on Its First Twenty-Five Years, 1933-1958. n.p.: n.p., 1958. T3910 TVA, Its Work and Accomplishments. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1940. T3920 TVA, The Valley of Light, 1933-1963. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. "Contains the principle text of the Tennessee Valley Authority's Annual Report to the President and the Congress . . . 1963." T3930 TVA's Coal-Buying Program. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, April 11, 1956. T3940 TVA's Influence on Electric Rates. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T3950 General Agreement . . . and Supplementary Schedules. Negotiated August 6, 1940, Revised 1961-62. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1940, 1961-62. One volume covers annual employment and one volume covers hourly employment. T3960 Tennessee Valley Authority Act, May 18, 1933 with Amendments. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. T3961 The Tennessee Valley Region; Population Changes, 1950-1955. n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority, Government Relations and Economics Staff, 1956. T3970 Tennessee Valley Resources; Their Development and Use. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1947. T3980 To Keep the Water in the Rivers and the Soil on the Land . . . Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1938. T3990 Tributary Area Development Activities; Selected List of Reports and Publications. 1963. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T4000 Tributary Area Development in the Tennessee Valley. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, April 1963. T4010 Upper Duck River Valley; Summary of Resources. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965. This volume incorporates information gathered by the Upper Duck River Development Association. T4020 Upper Hiwassee Valley: Summary of Resources. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965. Based on information gathered by the Upper Hiwassee Watershed Development Association. T4030 The Upper Holston Projects: Watauga, South Holston, Boone, and Fort Patrick Henry; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Initial Operations, and Costs of Four Hydro Projects in the Holston Basin at the Eastern Tip of Tennessee. Improvement of the minor Wilbur project . . . included as an appendix. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. T4040 The Valley is Paying off, TVA 1949. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. T4050 Valley With a Future, TVA in the Sixties. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T4060 . . . Value of Flood Height Reduction from TVA Reservoirs to the Alluvial Valley of the Lower Mississippi River . . . Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1939. T4070 AUTHOR The Watts Bar Steam Plant; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operation of the Watts Bar Steam Plant. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. T4080 . . . The Wheeler Project, A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Wheeler Project . . . Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1940. T4090 Working With Areas of Special Need, With Examples From the Beech River Watershed, n.p.: n.p., 1953. T4100 Working with Areas of Special Need, with Examples from the Beech River Watershed. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1955. T4110 Working with TVA. Knoxville: n.p., 1952. T4120 The Yellow Creek Port Project. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1968. T4130 Agricultural Economics Branch Census of Agriculture for the 125 Tennessee Valley Watershed Counties. Computed from state census reports. Wilson Dam, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T4140 Central Joint Cooperative Committee Teamwork: the Cooperative Program of the Tennessee Valley Trades and Labor Council and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T4150 Central Joint Cooperative Conference Goals of the Cooperative Program. By L. J. Van Mol, E. A. Shelley, A. R. Carson, and W. G. Clark. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. These addresses were presented at the 12th Annual Valley-wide Meeting of Union-Management Cooperative Conferences, Gatlinburg, Tennessee, April 13-14, 1961. T4160 Commerce Dept. Cheaper Transportation via the Tennessee River. By the Commerce Dept., River Transportation Division. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, Commerce Dept., 1946. T4170 Commerce Series. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1942. T4180 Electric Poultry Equipment for the Farm. Prepared by D. E. Washburn, assistant agricultural engineer. Knoxville: Agricultural Engineering Development Division, Commerce Dept., Tennessee Valley Authority, 1942. T4190 . . . The Initial Phase of Public-Use Terminal Development at Chattanooga, Tennessee. Prepared by C. T. Barker, Chief, River Transportation Division, and A. D. Spottswood, Chief, Transportation and Industrial Economics Division. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, Commerce Dept., 1940. T4200 Pumps and Plumbing for the Farmstead. Prepared by G. E. Henderson, Associate Agricultural Engineer in cooperation with Jane A. Roberts, Associate Specialist in Home Electrification. Illustrator, L. H. Poole. Agricultural Engineering Development Division, Commerce Dept., Tennessee Valley Authority, Nov. 1940. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1948. T4210 Report. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, The Dept., annual. T4220 Rural Electrification; Lessons for Boys' Groups. Prepared by D. E. Washburn . . . Illustrator, L. H. Poole . . . Knoxville: Agricultural Engineering Development Division, Commerce Dept., Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941. T4230 217 TVA—TVA . . . Supplemental Phases of the Interterritorial Freight Rate Problem of the United States. Message from the President of the United States. Tennessee Valley Authority, Commerce department, J. Haden Allredge, director. Transportation and industrial economics division, John H. Goff, chief. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1939. T4240 Comptroller Financial Statements for the Fiscal Years Ended June 20, 1938-Date. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, annual. T4250 Municipalities (Electric Departments Only) and Cooperatives, Purchasing Power from Tennessee Valley Authority. Financial Statements for the Fiscal Years Ended June 30, 1938-Date. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, annual. T4260 Dept. of Electricity . . . Statistical Bulletin no. 1. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T4270 Dept. of Regional Planning Studies County Government and Administration in the Tennessee Valley States. Issued by Tennessee Valley Authority, Knoxville, Tennessee, July 1940. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1940. T4280 Recreational Development of the Southern Highlands Region; A Study of the Use and Control of Scenic and Recreational Resources. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1938. T4290 (LMC) Report of the Project on Research in Agriculture and Industrial Development in the Tennessee Valley Region. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, n.d. T4300 The Scenic Resources of the Tennessee Valley; A Descriptive and Pictorial Inventory. Prepared by the Tennessee Valley Authority, Department of Regional Planning Studies, Knoxville, Tennessee. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1938. T4310 TVA Demountable Houses for Defense Workers; a Report. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941. T4320 Dept. of Regional Planning, Social and Economic Research Division Social and Economic Characteristics of Six Tennessee Valley Reservoir Areas. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1940. T4330 (BC) Division of Agricultural Development Fertilizer Trends. Wilson Dam, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Agricultural Development, 1962. T4340 Southern Bulk Blending Conference, Jan. 21-23, 1963. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T4350 Division of Agricultural Relations Bulk-Blending — An Innovation in Fertilizer Marketing. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T4360 Changing Agriculture of the Tennessee Valley. Research in Agricultural Development in the Tennessee Valley Region, Report no. 3. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1954. T4370 Do Fertilizer Education and Services Pay? By John R. Douglas, Jr. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T4380 Fertilizer Summary Data. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, The Division, 1958. T4390 Fertilizer Summary Data. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T4400 �TVA—TVA Division of Agricultural Relations Fertilizer, One Key to Better Land Use. Summary of Distributor Demonstration Program for TVA Fertilizers, Fiscal Year 1955. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Agricultural Relations, 1957. T4410 Fertilizer Trends. Wilson Dam, Ala.: Division of Agricultural Development, Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T4420 Fertilizer Trends; the Scope of TVA's Fertilizer Activities. Prepared by John N. Mahan, Fred D. Lyon and John R. Douglas, Jr. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, The Division, 1956. T4430 Fertilizer Trends; the Scope of TVA's Fertilizer Activities. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, The division, 1958. T4440 Fertilizer Trends,- the Scope of TVA's Fertilizer Activities. Prepared by John R. Douglas and others. Rev. ed. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, The division, 1960. T4450 Food at the Grass Roots; the Nation's Stake in Soil Minerals. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1947. T4460 Income Levels in the Upper Tennessee Valley: A Comparative Analysis. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. T4470 Interpreting Results of Irrigation Experiments; a Progress Report. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T4480 The Occurrence of Drought in the Tennessee Valley. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Agricultural Relations, Agricultural Economics Branch, Division of Water Control Planning, Hydraulic Data Branch, 1958. T4490 Plant Nutrient Consumption by States and Geographic Areas. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Agricultural Relations, 1958. T4500 Problems and Suggested Programs for Low-Income Farmers with Special Reference to the Tennessee Valley. By Arthur B. Mackie and E. S. Baum. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T4510 Problems of Underemployed Rural People. By Stephen C. Smith. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1955. T4520 Progress Through Cooperative Research on Fertilizer Evaluations; a Report of TVA Soils and Fertilizer Research Branch for the Period July 1957 Through June 1960. Wilson Dam, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, The division, 1960. T4530 Report. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, The division, annual. T4540 Research Contributes to More Efficient Use of Fertilizers. A Report of Progress of the Soils and Fertilizers, Fertilizer Research Branch. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. T4550 Test-Demonstration Farms and the Spread of Improved Farm Practices in Southwest Virginia. By John Blackmore, R. M. Dimit, and E. L. Baum. Knoxville, Term.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1955. T4560 U. S. Plant Nutrient Consumption. Prepared by John R. Douglas, Jr., and Robert D. Grisso. Wilson Dam, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T4570 Use of Linear Programming Technique to Compute Least-Cost Bulk-Blended Fertilizers. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T4580 AUTHOR Division of Forestry Forest Conditions in Monroe County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1935. T4590 Division of Forestry Development Annual Report, 1963. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Forestry Development, 1963. T4600 The Changing Sawmill Industry; a Status Report on 58 Circular Sawmills in the Tennessee Valley, 1950-1960. By John W. Lehman. Norris: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T4610 Comparative Data for Additional Hardwood Pulp and Paper Mills in the Tennessee Valley. Norris: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T4620 Comparative Results of Circular Sawmill Surveys in the Tennessee Valley, 1950 and 1955. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T4630 A Demonstration of Watershed Protective Logging, Mars Hill Municipal Watershed, Madison County, North Carolina. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T4640 Development of Forests — Fish — Wildlife in the Tennessee Valley. Annual Report for 1962. Norris: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T4650 Evaluation of Forestry Opportunities on Farms in the Beech River Watershed. In cooperation with the Univ. of Tennessee. Norris, Tenn.: The division, Tennessee "Valley Authority, 1965. T4660 (ETSU) Fish and Wildlife in the Tennessee Valley. Norris: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Forestry Relations, 1950. T4670 Forest Inventory Statistics for Fannin County, Georgia. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T4680 Forest Inventory Statistics — Holston River Tributary Area, East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia. Norris: Tennessee Valley Authority, The division, 1963. T4690 Forest Inventory Statistics for Towns County, Georgia. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, The division, 1959. T4700 Forest Inventory Statistics for Union County, Georgia. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T4710 Forest Inventory Statistics for Walker County, Georgia. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, The division, 1958. T4720 Forest Inventory Statistics for Whitfield County, Georgia. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T4730 Forest Resources and Industries in the Tennessee Valley. Norris, Tenn.: The division, 1966. T4740 (ETSU) Forest Resources of the Beech River Watershed. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T4750 Furniture Industry Expansion in the Tennessee Valley. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T4760 Hardwood-Logging Methods and Costs in the Tennessee Valley. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T4770 Hardwood Utilization Centers: Their Potential for the Tennessee Valley. Norris, Tenn.: The division, 1964. T4780 (ASU) 218 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Influence of Woodland and Owner Characteristics of Forest Management. Report no. 217-56. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T4790 Laminated Lumber From Low-Grade Hardwoods by the Continuous Glue Press Process. Norris, Tenn.: n.p., 1949. T4800 Multiple-Use of Norris Watershed. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T4810 North Georgia Forest Industry Outlook, n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T4820 Operations Manual for TVA Forest Nurseries. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1954. T4830 Pine Pulpmill Possibilities, North Alabama. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T4840 Private Forest Management in the Tennessee Valley. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Forestry Relations, 1954. T4850 Publications Available for General Distribution. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T4860 Status of the Forest Resource in the Tennessee Valley — 1950. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T4870 Technical Note. no. 1, July 31, 1940-. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, Issued irregularly. T4880 TVA and Forestry. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Forestry Relations, 1955. T4890 TVA and Forestry. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T4900 TVA and Forestry. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1967. T4910 Twenty Years of Fire Records for State and Private Forest Lands in the Tennessee Valley. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Forestry Relations, 1954. T4920 Why Invest in Forest Land? Some Forest Owners Give Their Answers. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T4930 Division of Forestry Relations Annual Report. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1946. T4940 Design and Operation of Open-Tank Timber Treating Plants. By E. M. Conway and R. L. Schnell. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T4950 Farm Forestry Planning Through Linear Programming. By Arthur J. Coutu and Birger W. Ellertsen. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T4960 Forest Resource Trends in the Tennessee Valley. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T4970 Guide to Selection of Superior Loblolly, Shortleaf and Virginia Pine in the Tennessee Valley. Prepared by Thomas G. Zarger. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T4980 Inventorying Forest Properties; Suggested Standard Procedure and Specifications for Use in the Tennessee Valley. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T499Q Operations Guide for TVA Forest Nurseries. By William G. Grieve and James H. Barton. Norris? Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T5000 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Division of Forestry Relations Private Forest Management Trends in the Tennessee Valley. Morris, Term.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T5010 Quality-Control in Circular Sawmill Operation . . . Report by W. W. King, Staff Forester. Norris, Tenn..- Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T5020 Reforestation Estimates for the Tennessee Valley. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. T5030 Report: A Record of Activities and Accomplishments. Norris? Tenn.: The division, n.d. T5040 Sawmill Facts; First Step Toward Good Management. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1951. T5050 A Survey of Pulpwood Dealers in the Tennessee Valley . . . Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T5060 TVA Fish and Game Activities. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T5070 Utilizing Pine Sawmill Residue for Pulp Chips. Report prepared by John W. Lehman. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T5080 Legal Dept. . . . A Compilation of the More Important Congressional Acts, Treaties, Presidential Messages, Judicial Decisions, and Official Reports and Documents Having to do with the Control, Conservation, and Utilization of Water Resources. Prepared by Francis W. Laurent. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1938. T5090 Division of Navigation Development Benefit-Cost Analysis for Water Resource Projects: A Selected Annotated Bibliography. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1967. T5100 Benefit-Cost Analysis for Water Resource Projects; a Selected Annotated Bibliography. By Hubert Hinote. Rev. ed. Knoxville: Center for Business and Economic Research. Univ. of Tennessee, 1969. T5110 Major Freight Terminals on the Tennessee River Waterway. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. 15120 Navigation Charts, Tennessee River Waterway, Paducah, Kentucky to Knoxville, Tennessee; Showing Underwater Conditions, Navigation Channels and Aids and Adjacent Shore Planimetry. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T5130 The Tennessee River Navigation System: History, Development, and Operation. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T5140 Division of Property and Supply Land Acquisition in TVA. An Analysis of TVA Land Acquisition, Land Management, and Family Relocation Procedures as They Could Relate to the Missouri Valley Development. Statements Presented Before the Select Subcommittee on Real Property Acquisition of the Committee on Public Works. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T5150 Division of Regional Studies The Barge Grain Case — Its Significance to the Tennessee Valley and the Southeast. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1951. T5160 Comparative Data on Farm Income and Employment, 1929-51. Research in Agricultural and Industrial Development in the Tennessee Valley Region, Report no. 1. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T5170 AUTHOR Differentials in Farm Income and Employment in the Tennessee Valley Region Counties. Research in Agricultural and Industrial Development in the Tennessee Valley Region Report no. 2. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T5180 Local Government Services and Industrial Development in the Southeast. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, n.d. A joint statement by the state universities of the Valley States and Tennessee Valley Authority. T5190 The Tennessee Valley Region: Highlights of Growth and Change; Historical Perspectives, Recent Trends. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1968. T5200 Regional Studies Staff The Image of Asheville. n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1968. T5210 (LMC) Division of Reservoir Properties Annual Report, 1958 and 1959. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T5220 Public Grounds Maintenance Handbook. By H. S. Conover, landscape architect, Site Planning Section, Division of Reservoir Properties. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T5230 Division of Engineering and Construction Engineering Data. 2 vol. Technical Monograph no. 55. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1954-1955. T5240 Measurements of the Structural Behavior at Fontana Dam. Technical Monograph no. 69. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T5250 Measurements of the Structural Behavior of Norris and Hiwassee Dams. Technical Monograph no. 67. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1950. T5260 Fish and Wildlife Branch Fish and Wildlife, Valuable Natural Resources. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963-64. T5270 Forest Economics Section Crosstie Industry Facts for the Tennessee Valley Counties. By William H. Ogden, staff forester. Norris: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Forestry Relations, 1949. T5280 Statistical Summary of Forest-Produc*s Industries in the Tennessee Valley. By Walter P. Smith. Norris: Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Forestry Relations, 1949. T5290 Government Relations and Economics Staff Manufacturing Employment in the Tennessee Valley Region. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T5300 Manufacturing Structure and Change in the Tennessee Valley Region, 1959-1963. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T5310 Tennessee Valley Authority Program: The Role of the States and Their Political Subdivisions. Prepared for Israel Congress, International Union of Local Authorities, Tel Aviv, November 14-16, 1960. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T5320 The Tennessee Valley Region: Important Features and Recent Trends. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T5330 Health and Safety Dept Community Health and Safety Series no. 1. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, Health and Safety Dept., 1941. T5340 219 TVA—TVA Full-Scale Study of Dispersion of Stack Gases; a Summary Report. Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Health and Safety, and Public Health Service, Division of Air Pollution. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, The dept., 1964. T5350 Malaria and Its Control in the Tennessee Valley. 1st ed. Prepared by the staff of the health and safety department, Tennessee Valley Authority, as source material in popular health instruction directed to the prevention and control of malaria. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941. T5360 Malaria and Its Control in the Tennessee Valley. 2nd ed. Prepared by the staff of the health and safety department, Tennessee Valley Authority, as source material in popular health instruction directed to the prevention and control of malaria. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1942. T5370 Malaria Control: 1. How the Community Can Help. An Office of War Information Reprint of the Tennessee Valley Authority Booklet. Malaria: The Story of an Individual Problem and a Community Problem. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941. T5380 Malaria Control in the Tennessee Valley. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T5390 Malaria, the Story of an Individual Problem and a Community Problem. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941. T5400 Prediction of Stream Reaeration Rates. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T5410 Quality of Water in Chickamauga Reservoir. Prepared by Stream Sanitation Staff. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T5420 Report. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, annual. T5430 Significant Developments in TVA's Malaria Control Program Through 1947. Tennessee Valley Authority Health and Safety Dept., Malaria Control Division, n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1948. T5440 Stream Sanitation in the Tennessee Valley. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1952. T5450 Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. By G. R. Scott, sanitary engineer. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941-45. T5460 Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. By G. R. Scott. New York: Arno, 1970. T5470 Surface Water Quality in the Chestuee Creek Watershed. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T5480 Surface Water Quality in the Chestuee Creek Watershed. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T5490 TVA; the Health of a Region. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T5500 Vector Control and Water Resource Development — The Experience of TVA. By O. M. Derryberry and F. E. Gartrell. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T5510 Hydraulic Data Branch Boone Project, Hydraulic Model Studies. Technical Monograph no. 74. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1954. T5520 �TVA—TVA Hydraulic Data Branch Flood on Piney River, November 18-19, 1957 in the Vicinity of Spring City, Tenn. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T5530 Fontana Project Hydraulic Model Studies. Technical Monograph no. 68. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T5540 Influences of Reforestation and Erosion Control Upon the Hydrology of the Pine Tree Branch Watershed 1941 to 1950. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1955. T5550 Tennessee and Cumberland Valley Reservoirs Level Storage Tables and Profile Storage Charts. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T5560 Industry Division Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Anderson County, Tennessee. Knoxville:, Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5570 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Bledsoe County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5580 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Carter County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5590 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Cocke County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5600 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Coffee County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5610 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Cumberland County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1935. T5620 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Fentress County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5630 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Franklin County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5640 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Grainger County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5650 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Greene County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5660 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Hamblen County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1935. T5670 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Johnson County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5680 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Loudon County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1935. T5690 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of McMinn County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5700 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Marion County, Tennessee. 2 vols. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5710 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Meigs County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5720 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Monroe County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5730 Agricultural-industrial Survey of Morgan County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1935. T5740 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Polk County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1935. T5750 AUTHOR Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Rhea County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5760 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Sevier County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5770 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Sullivan County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5780 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Washington County, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5790 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of White County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5800 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Unicoi County. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934. T5810 Industrial Economics Branch Defense Expansion in the Tennessee Valley Region. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1952. T5820 Land Planning and Housing Division Atlas of the Tennessee Valley Region. Submitted by G. Donald Hudson, chief, Land Classification Section Division of Land Planning and Housing, Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1936. T5830 A Cartographic Summary of United States Census Data, 1930, Tennessee Valley and Surrounding Area by Land Classification Section, Land Planning and Housing Division, Tennessee Valley Authority. Submitted by G. Donald Hudson, chief of section. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1936. T5840 Houses at Morris, Tennessee; a Review of Costs. Submitted by Louis Grandgent. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1936. T5850 The Rural Land Classification Program; a Summary of Techniques and Uses Submitted by G. Donald Hudson, Chief, Land Classification Section, Division of Land Planning and Housing, Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1935. T5860 The Three Major Physical Divisions of the Upper Tennessee Basin. By Land Classification Section, Land Planning and Housing Division. Submitted by G. Donald Hudson, chief of section. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1936. T5870 Library ... A Bibliography of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Prepared by Harry C. Bauer, technical librarian. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1935. T5880 A Bibliography for the TVA Program. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1952. T5890 ... A Chronology of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Compiled by Harry C. Bauer, technical librarian. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1936. T5900 Congressional Hearings, Reports, and Documents Relating to TVA. 1933-. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, n.d. T5910 Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T5920 Flood Damage Prevention*; an Indexed Bibliography. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T5930 Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. 4th ed. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T5940 220 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. 5th ed. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1967. T5950 Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. 6th ed. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1969. T5960 . . . Government Corporations, a Selected List of References, September 15, 1945. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1945. T5970 . . . An Indexed Bibliography of the Tennessee Valley Authority, Compiled by Harry C. Bauer, Technical Librarian. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1936. T5980 . . . Payments in Lieu of Taxes, a Selected List of References, January 2, 1946. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1946. T5990 Personnel Administration in TVA; a Selected List of References. Rev. December 1, 1951. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1952. T6000 . . . Regional Authority Developments, a Selected List of References, Including Legislative Bills Introduced in Congress, 1933-1945. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1946. T6010 . . . A Selected List of Books, Theses, and Pamphlets on TVA, Compiled by Ernest I. Miller, Reference Librarian. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1940. T6020 . . . A Selected List of Books and Pamphlets on TVA. January 1, 1945. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1945. T6030 . . . A Selected List of Books, Theses, and Pamphlets on TVA. Compiled by Ernest I. Miller, reference librarian. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941. T6040 ... A Selected List of Books, Theses, and Pamphlets on TVA. Compiled by Bernard L. Foy, acting technical librarian. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1942. T6050 The TVA Program; a Bibliography of Selected Readings, Prepared by the Training and Educational Relations Staff of the Personnel Dept. and the Staff of the Technical Library. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1946. T6060 The TVA Program; a Bibliography of Selected Readings, Compiled by Bernard L. Foy, Technical Librarian. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1950. T6070 The TVA Program; a Bibliography of Selected Readings, Compiled by Bernard L. Foy, Technical Librarian. Rev. Sept. 1, 1951. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1951. T6080 TVA, Symbol of Valley Resource Development; a Digest and Selected Bibliography of Information. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T6090 TVA as a Symbol of Resource Development in Many Countries; a Digest and Selected Bibliography of Information. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1952. T6100 Office of Chemical Engineering, Chemical Engineering Reports Agglomeration of Phosphate Fines for Furnace Use. Compiled by E. I. Stout. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1950. T6110 Analytical Index of Chemical Engineering Publications Patents and Reports. Compiled by E. L. Newman and L. D. Copeland. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1954. T6120 Chemical Engineering Bulletins. Wilson Dam, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1952. Issued irregularly. T6130 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Office of Chemical Engineering, Chemical Engineering Reports Chemical Engineering Reports. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. T6140 Development of Processes for Production of Calcium Metaphosphate Fertilizer. Compiled by J. C. Brosheer. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. T6150 Development of Processes for Production of Concentrated Superphosphate. Compiled by G. L. Bridger. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. T6160 Development of Processes for Production of Fused Tricaicium Phosphate. Compiled by J. C. Brosheer and T. P. Hignett. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. T6170 Development of Processes and Equipment for Production of Phosphoric Acid. Compiled by M. M. Striplin, Jr. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. T6180 General Outline of Chemical Engineering Activities. By H. A. Curtis, Revised ed., 1949. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. T6190 Phosphorus; Properties of the Element and Some of Its Compounds. Compiled by Thad D. Farr. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1950. T6200 Preparation of Research and Engineering Reports. By M. A. Tschantre. Wilson Dam, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1950. T6210 Production of Elemental Phosphorus by the Electric — Furnace Method. Compiled by R. B. Burts and J. C. Barber. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1952. T6220 TVA Chemical Plant and National Defense. Wilson Dam, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1955. T6230 Office of Chief Engineer The Colbert Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Four-Unit Plant. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T6240 Construction Plant for TVA Projects. Tennessee Valley Authority, Divisions of Engineering and Construction. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. T6250 Drawings for the Appalachian Project. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1947. T6260 Drawings for the Boone Project by Tennessee Valley Authority, Divisions of Engineering and Construction. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. T6270 Drawings for the Chatuge and Nottely Projects by the Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Departments. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1946. T6280 Drawings for the Cherokee Project by the Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Departments. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1947. T6290 Drawings for the Fontana Project. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1948. T6300 Drawings for the Fort Loudoun Project by the Tennessee Valley Authority, Divisions of Engineering and Construction. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1950. T6310 Drawings for the Hiwassee Project. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941. T6320 Drawings for the Johnsonville Steam Plant. By Tennessee Valley Authority, Divisions of Engineering and Construction. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1955. T6330 AUTHOR Drawings for the Kentucky Project. By the Tennessee Valley Authority, Divisions of Engineering and Construction. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1949. T6340 Drawings for the Ocoee no. 3 Project. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1947. T6350 . . . Drawings for the Pickwick Landing Project . . . Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1939. T6360 Drawings for the South Holston Project. By Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Engineering and Construction. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 6. T6370 Drawings for the Watauga and Wilbur Projects. By the Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Engineering and Construction. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1955. T6380 Drawings for the Watts Bar Project. By the Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Department. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1948. T6390 . . . Drawings for the Wheeler Project . . . Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1939. T6400 Engineering Data. Tennessee Valley Authority Projects. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1948. T6410 Engineering Data. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1955. T6420 Instructions for Scale Checking Aerial Photographs. By George D. Whitmore, principal cadastral engineer. Washington: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1942. T6430 Measurements of the Structural Behavior at Fontana Dam. By the Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Engineering and Construction. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T6440 Measurements of the Structural Behavior of Morris and Hiwassee Dams. By the Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Engineering and Construction. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1950. T6450 Pickwick Landing Dam on the Tennessee River. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Department, 1935. T6460 . . . Plans and Specifications for the Morris Dam . . . Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1938. T6470 Plans and Specifications for the Morris Dam. 2nd ed. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1946. T6480 Office of Engineering Design and Construction The Bull Run Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial One-Unit Plant. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1967. T6490 The Kingston Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965. T6500 The Melton Hill Project; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Initial Operations, and Costs. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T6510 The Paradise Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Two-Unit Plant. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T6520 221 TVA—TVA Engineering Laboratory Research in the Fields of Civil Engineering, Mechanical Engineering, Instrumentation. 1965/66-. Morris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T6530 Office of Health and Environmental Science Annual Report. 1969/70-. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1970. T6540 Office of General Manager, Division of Property and Supply Scheduling and Disposal of Records, Prepared by Office Methods Staff. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1949. T6550 Division of Power Transmission System of Tennessee Valley Authority. Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Power, January 1951. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1951. T6560 Division of Power Marketing Electricity Sales Statistics, Monthly Report no. 1. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1935-Date. T6570 Industrial Development in the TVA Area During 1962. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T6580 Division of Power Supply Report on the Plateau Coal Field of Alabama. By Reynold Q. Shotts. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T6590 Report on the Reserves of Coal in a Part of the Worrier Coal Field of Alabama. By Reynold Q. Shotts. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, September, 1953. T6600 Electrical Development Branch Electricity and Your Farm; a Manual for Instruction on the Practical Uses and Application of Electricity in Rural Areas. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, n.d. T6610 Office of Power Comparison of Coal-Fired and Nuclear Power Plants for the TVA System. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T6620 Fire Protection Manual. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T6630 Rate Reductions by the Distributors of TVA Power. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T6640 Rate Reductions by the Distributors of TVA Power. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. T6650 TVA Power. 1953-. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T6660 TVA Power and Taxes. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T6670 TVA Power and Taxes. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965. T6680 Office of Power, Division of Power Marketing Industrial Development in the TVA Area, 1955-Date. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, annual. T6690 Office of Power, Division of Power Utilization Electricity Sales Statistics. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, annual. T6700 Industrial Development in the TVA Area. 1958-. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958-. T6710 All-Electric Schools . . . in the Tennessee Valley. A Special Report on the Growing Use of Electricity in Modern Schools. 2nd ed. Chattanooga, Tenn.: n.p., n.d. T6720 �TVA—TVA Office Service Branch File Audit Handbook. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T6730 File Operation Handbook. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T6740 Records Management in TVA. Revised edition. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T6750 Records Retention and Disposal Handbook. Revised edition. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T6760 Secretarial Handbook. Revised edition. Chattanooga: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T6770 . . Personnel Dept. Administration and Standards of Apprenticeship of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T6780 Development of Salary Policy Employee Panel (Documentation). Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T6790 Documentation of TVA Apprenticeship Program. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1952. T6800 Effectiveness of Apprentice Training in TVA. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1951. T6810 Group Participation in Personnel Administration in the Tennessee Valley Authority, n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. T6820 Management Guide for Handling Grievances of Employees, Represented by the Salary Policy Employee Panel. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T6830 Report, n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority, annual. T6840 TVA Employment Policy and Methods for Salary Policy Jobs. 2nd ed. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T6850 TVA and Engineering: Electrical, Civil, Mechanical, Chemical, Architectural, Nuclear, Fuels. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T6860 TVA Labor Relations, 1933-1953. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T6870 Valley of Opportunity; Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963-1964. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T6880 Technical Library A Bibliography for the TVA Program. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. T6890 Flood Damage Prevention; An Indexed Bibliography. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T6900 TVA as a Symbol of Resource Development in Many Countries. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T6910 Water Control Planning Dept. Boone Project Hydraulic Model Studies. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1954. T6920 . . . Flood Control for Upper French Broad River and Tributaries; a Preliminary Report. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1942. T6930 Flood of August 24-25, 1961: Upper French Broad River Basin. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T6940 Flood on Piney River, November 18-19, 1957, in Vicinity of Spring City, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T6950 AUTHOR Floods of March 1963 in Tennessee River Basin. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T6960 Floods on Beaver Creek, in Vicinity of Bristol, Virginia-Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T6970 Floods on Brush Creek in Vicinity of Johnson City, Tennessee. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959, T6980 Floods on Cheoah River and Tributary Creeks in Vicinity of Robbinsville, North Carolina. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1969. T6990 Floods on Clinch River, in Vicinity of Clinton, Tennessee. Flood history to May 1, 1956. Maximum flood of reasonable regional expectancy. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T7000 Floods on Elk River and Norris Creek, in Vicinity of Fayetteville, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T7010 Floods on Elk River in Vicinity of Fayetteville, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. "Original report . . . issued in October 1954 and revised in May 1957. A supplement was issued in November 1960. This edition of the report incorporates and brings up to date this previously published material. T7020 Floods on French Broad and Davidson Rivers and King, Nicholson, and Tucker Creeks in Vicinity of Brevard, North Carolina. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T7030 Floods on French Broad and Swannanoa Rivers, in Vicinity of Asheville, North Carolina. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T7040 Floods on French Broad River and Spring Creek in Vicinity of Hot Springs, North Carolina. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T7050 Floods on French Broad River in the Vicinity of Marshall, N. C. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T7060 Floods on Hiwassee River, Valley River, and Peachtree Creek in Vicinity of Murphy, N C. Revision of May, 1961. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T7070 Floods on Little Pigeon and West Fork Little Pigeon in the Vicinity of Sevierville, Tenn. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T7080 Floods on Little Tennessee River, Cullasaja River, and Cartoogechave Creek in Vicinity of Franklin, North Carolina. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T7090 Floods on Nolichucky River and North and South Indian Creeks in Vicinity of Erwin, Tennessee. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1967. T7100 Floods on North Chickamauga, Mountain, and Lookout Creeks, in Vicinity of Chattanooga, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T7110 Floods on North Toe River and Beaver and Grassy Creeks in Vicinity of Spruce Pine, North Carolina. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T7120 Floods on Oconaluftee and Tuckaseigee Rivers and Soco Creek in Vicinity of Cherokee, North Carolina. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T7130 Floods on Oostanaula Creek, in Vicinity of Athens, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T7140 222 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Floods on Oostanaula Creek in Vicinity of Athens, Tenn. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. T7150 Floods on Powell River and South Fork Powell River in Vicinity of Big Stone Gap, Virginia. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T7160 Floods on Powell River and South Fork Powell River in Vicinity of Big Stone Gap, Virginia. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T7170 Floods on Reedy Creek in Vicinity of Kingsport, Tennessee. Supplement. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T7180 Floods on Richland Creek and Tributary Streams in Vicinity of Waynesville and Hazelwood, North Carolina. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1970. T7190 Floods on Rock Creek, West Fork and North Fork, in Vicinity of Tullahoma, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T7200 Floods on South Mouse Creek in Vicinity of Cleveland, Tennessee. Edition of April, 1969. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1969. T7210 Floods on Streams in Vicinity of Newport, Tennessee. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1968. T7220 Floods on Streams in Vicinity of Paris, Tennessee. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1969. T7230 Floods on Swannanoa River and Beetree Creek in Vicinity of Swannanoa, North Carolina. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T7240 Floods on Swannanoa River and Flat Creek in Vicinity of Black Mountain and Montreat, North Carolina. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1962. T7250 Floods on Tennessee River and Battle Creek, in Vicinity of South Pittsburg and Richard City, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T7260 Floods on the Tennessee River and Cypress and Cox Creeks in Vicinity of Florence, Alabama. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1956. T7270 Floods on Tennessee River in Vicinity of Tri-Counties Alabama (Lawrence, Limestone, Morgan.) Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T7280 Floods on Tennessee River, Little Tennessee River, and Town and Muddy Creeks in Vicinity of Lenoir City, Tennessee. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. T7290 Floods on Toccoa-Ocoee River and Fightingtown Creek, in Vicinity of McCaysville, Ga. — Copperhill, Tenn. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1958. T7300 Floods on Valley River, Tatham Creek, and Junaluska Creek in Vicinity of Andrews, North Carolina. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965. T7310 Floods on Yellow Creek in Vicinity of Burnsville, Mississippi. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T7320 Fontana Project; Hydraulic Model Studies. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953. T7330 Forest Cover Improvement Influences Upon Hydrologic Characteristics of White Hollow Watershed, 1935-1958. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1961. T7340 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Water Control Planning Dept. Fort Patrick Henry Project: Hydraulic Model Studies. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T7350 Geologic Bulletin no. 1-10. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934-1938. T7360 High and Low Flows and Flow Duration at Stream Gages in North Carolina in Tennessee River Basin. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1959. T7370 How Topographic Maps are Made. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1952. T7380 How Topographic Maps Are Made. 2nd ed. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1965. T7390 . . . Hydraulic Data Activities of the Tennessee Valley Authority . . . Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, n.d. T7400 Hydraulic Model Investigations of Lock Filling and Emptying Systems. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1947. T7410 Industrial Water Supplies of the Tennessee Valley Region. By Tennessee Valley Authority, Division of Water Control Planning, Division of Health and Safety and Division of Regional Studies. Knoxville: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1948. T7420 Influences of Reforestation and Erosion Control Upon the Hydrology of the Pine Tree Branch Watershed 1941 to 1950. Knoxville: n.p., 1955. T7430 Major Freight Terminals on the Tennessee River Waterway. Knoxville: n.p.,'1968. T7440 Maps and Surveys. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Division of Water Control Planning, Maps and Surveys Branch, Tennessee Valley Authority, 1966. T7450 Navigation Charts: Tennessee River. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1946. T7460 Navigation Charts Tennessee River Reservoirs: Paducah, Kentucky to Knoxville, Tennessee, Showing Underwater Conditions, Navigation Channels and Aids and Adjacent Shore Planimetry. Knoxville: n.p., 1960. T7470 Precipitation in Tennessee River Basin Annual. Knoxville: n.p., 1936. T7480 Recreation Maps — Tennessee Valley Lakes. Knoxville: n.p., 1962. T7490 Reforestation and Erosion Control Influences Upon the Hydrology of the Pine Tree Branch Watershed 1941 to 1960. Knoxville: n.p., 1962. T7500 Report on Initial Phases, Chestuee Watershed Project. Prepared by A. S. Fry and staff. Knoxville: n.p., 1945. T7510 . . . Technical Monograph ... no. 1. Knoxville, Tenn.: n.p., 1941. T7520 The Watts Bar Project on the Tennessee River. By T. B. Parker, chief engineer. Knoxville: n.p., 1938. T7530 Watershed Development An Analysis of the Parker Branch Watershed Project, 1953 Through 1959: A Progress Report. North Carolina State College in Cooperation with the Tennessee Valley Authority. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1960. T7540 Bear Creek Watershed; Summary of Resources. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, .1962. T7550 Clinch-Powell Valley; Summary of Resources. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963. T7560 AUTHOR Tennessee Valley Public Power Association Answers to Questions That Are Frequently Asked About TVA. Chattanooga, Tenn.: n.p., 1962. T7580 Tennessee Valley Public Power Association. Underground Residential Distribution Committee Underground Residential Distribution. Chattanooga, Tenn.: n.p., 1966. T7570 Terango, Larry Development and Learning of Language and Speech: A Brief Synopsis. Johnson City, Tenn.: Johnson City Public Schools, Division of Special Education, Learning and Resources Center, 1969. Includes references to mountain speech as a learning disability or a problem in the development of proper language patterns. T7590 (ETSU) Terees, John K. From Laurel Hill to Siler's Bog. 1st ed.-New York: Knopf, 1969. T7600 (ETSU) Terrell, Issac Long Old Houses in Rockingham County, 1750-1850. Verona: McClure Press, 1970. T7610 (ASU WCU) Territory of the United States, South of the River Ohio. Governor, 1790-1796 (Blount) The Blount Journal, 1790-1796: The Proceedings of Government Over the Territory of the United States of America, South of the River Ohio. Nashville: Benson Print. Co., 1955. T7620 (ASU) Terry, Geraldine B. The Labor Force Characteristics of Women in Low-Income Rural Areas of the South, n.p.: Southern Cooperative Series, 1966. Includes data from several mountain counties. T7630 Testerman, Violet M. "A Comparative Study of Certain Personality Traits Between Female Physical Education Majors and Non-Majors at Appalachian State University." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1972. T7640 (ASU) Tharin, Robert Seymour Symmes Arbitrary Arrests in the South: Or, Scenes From the Experiences of an Alabama Unionist. New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969. Some mention of Alabama mountain areas. Tharin's people, like many mountain families, were pro-union during the war. Tharin, himself, is known today as "the mountain abolitionist." T7650 (WCU) Tharp, W. E. Swann, Maurice Edward Soil Survey of Winston County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1937. S9450 Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey of Adams County, Ohio. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. T390 Tharp, William Edgar Soil Survey of Bibb County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1908. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. T7660 Tharp, William Edward Soil Survey of Cullman County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1908. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. T7670 Thayer, Donald Clifton "A Study of the Effects of the Elementary-Secondary Education Act of 1965 Upon Education at Greendale Elementary School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. T7680 (ETSU) 223 TVA—THOMAS Thede, Marion The Fiddle Book: The Comprehensive Book on American Folk Music, Fiddiin, and Fiddle Styles Including More Than 150 Traditional Fiddle Tunes Compiled From Country Fiddlers. New York: Oak Publications, 1967. Includes instructions on bowings, standard tunings, old songs, accessories and the transition from violin to fiddle. T7690 (ASU) Thiel, Robert Ellis "Kenneth D. McKellar and the Politics of the Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941-1946." Master's thesis. Univ. of Virginia, 1967. T7700 Thiessen, Reinhardt et. al. Oil Shales of Kentucky. Frankfort: Kenfucky Geological Survey, 1925. T7710 ThiseHon-Dyer, Thomas Firminger The Folk-lore of Plants. 1899. Reprint. Detroit: Singing Tree Press, 1968. Includes folk remedies, lists of medicinal plants, and superstitions regarding planting, growing, and harvesting. T7720 (ASU) Thoenen, Eugene David History of the Oil and Gas Industry in West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Education Foundation, 1964. T7730 (ASU BC) Thorn, William Taylor Petroleum and Coal; the Keys to the Future. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1929. Mr. Thorn was a prophet as well as an early student of Appalachia. He foresaw some of the troubles we've known in 1974-75. T7740 (BC) The Struggle for Religious Freedom in Virginia by the Baptists. New York: Johnson Reprint Co., 1973. Religion in Appalachia has never had a peaceful history. T7750 (ASU) Thomas, A. Carlin Wise, James O. Optimum Farm Organizations and Area Production Patterns for the Upper Hiwassee Watershed Area. Athens: Georgia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1969. W7870 Thomas, Clarence General Turner Ashby, the Centaur of the South: A Military Sketch. Winchester, Va.: Eddy Press Corp., 1907. T7760 (ASU) Thomas, Cyrus The Cherokees in Pre-Columbian Times. Fact and Theory Papers. New York: Hodges, 1890. Who built the strange fortifications like those at Fort Mountain in Georgia or the Mounds in Tennessee, North Carolina and Georgia? Were they really Cherokee? T7770 (BC LMC) "The Cherokees Probably Mound Builders." Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1833-84. Washington, D. C: Govt. Print. Off., 1887. . T7780 Thomas, Daniel Lindsey Kentucky Superstitions. Princeton, N. J.:. Princeton Univ. Press, 1920. A truly marvelous book of the things we've almost forgotten. T7790 (ASU BC) Thomas, David Nolan "Early History of the North Carolina Furniture Industry, 1880-1921." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1964. T7800 Thomas, Dora Lair Echoes from the Kentucky Hills, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Personal and descriptive poems. T7810 Thomas, George Roger Poverty in the Nonmetropolitan South. Lexington: Lexington Books, 1972. Some references to Appalachia are included although there is no distinction made between mountain economic problems and those of other rural areas. T7820 (WWC) Thomas, Gerald D. "An Attitudinal Study of Sunday Closing Laws in Johnson City, Tennessee: A Contribution to the "Interest-group" (Conflict) Model of Law." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. T7830 (ETSU) �THOMAS—THOMPSON Thomas, Helen Webb "A Survey of Library Services in the County Schools of Sullivan County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1958. T7840 (ETSU) Thomas, Howard The Singing Hills. 1st ed. Prospect, N. Y.: Prospect Books, 1965. T7850 (ASU) Thomas, James F. "The History of the First Baptist Church of Jonesboro, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1955. This church was one of the earliest Baptist churches in Tennessee. Jonesboro is Tennessee's oldest town. T7860 (ETSU) Thomas, James Walter History of Allegany County, Maryland. Includes a biographical and genealogical record of representative families, prepared from data obtained from original sources of information. 1923. Reprint. 2 vols. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1969. T7870 (ASU) Thomas, Jean see Thomas, Jeannette Bell Thomas, Jeannette Bell Ballad Makin' in the Mountains of Kentucky. Music arranged by Walter Kob. New York: Oak Publications, 1964. Complete with arrangements and notations for some of the old favorites. T7880 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Big Sandy. New York: H. Holt and Co., 1940. A tale well-told of a river, a valley and its people. T7890 (ASU BC) Blue Ridge Country. American Folkways. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1942. A description of life in the Blue Ridge mountains. Pleasant and fairly accurate. T7900 (FC WWC ETSU BC ASU) Blue Ridge Country. 1942. Reprint. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1960. T7910 (ASU WCU LMC) Devil's Ditties, Being Stories of the Kentucky Mountain People, Told by Jean Thomas, With the Songs They Sing. Chicago: W. W. Hatfield, 1931. These tales and songs from the Kentucky hills include expurgated versions of the devil's ditties popular in the early 1900's. T7920 (ASU BC) The Singin' Fiddler of Lost Hope Hollow. 1st ed. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1938. There are those who say that Jilson Settlers was part of a musical hoax: neither blind nor from Last Hope Hollow. At any rate, it's an interesting book. T7930 (LMC ASU ETSU BC) The Singin' Gatherin': Tunes From the Southern Appalachians. Complete ed. New York: Silver Burdett Co., 1939. T7940 (UNCA BC ETSU ASU) The Singin' Gatherin': Tunes From the Southern Appalachians. Student's ed. New York: Silver Burdett, 1939. T7950 (LMC BC) The Sun Shines Bright. New York: Prentice-Hall, 1940. Autobiography of Jean Thomas, court stenographer, musician extraordinare, and ballad collector. T7960 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) The Traipsin' Woman. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1933. Account of Miss Thomas' experiences as a traveling court stenographer in Eastern Kentucky. She has some marvelous insights into the mountain culture. T7970 (ASU WWC BC) Thomas, Jerry Bruce "Coal Country: The Rise of the Southern Smokeless Coal Industry and Its Effect on Area Development." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1971. T7980 Thomas, Lately see also Robert V. P. Steele Thomas, Lately pseud. The First President Johnson: The Three Lives of the Seventeenth President of the United States of America. New York: Morrow, 1968. A well-written biography in three sections. Sympathetic in tone and notable for the author's cognizances of the effect of Johnson's mountain background on his character. T7990 (ASU) AUTHOR Thomas, Lucy Blayney Thomas, Daniel Lindsey Kentucky Superstitions. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1920. T7790 (ASU BC) Thomas, Maude Morgan Black Diamonds. Illustrated by Robert Elliot Kinsley. Yesterday and Today Series. New York: T. Nelson and Sons, 1941. T8000 (ASU) Thomas, Mei Grannies's Remedies. American ed. 1965. Reprint. New York: J. H. Heineman, 1967. A volume to help us remember all those horrible-tasting tonics and remedies we grew up with. Now scientists are saying most old home remedies have positive curative effects. Granny knew that. T8010 (ASU) Thomas, Richard G. "Southern Appalachian State Newspapers' Treatment of the Antipoverty and Appalachia Acts." Master's thesis. American Univ., 1967. Interesting topic, but the author makes poor use of his data. Many social and political overtones are ignored. T8020 Thomas, Roy Edwin comp. Popular Folk Dictionary of Ozarks Talk. Little Rock, Ark.: Dox Books, 1972. Dr. Thomas is now a professor at Appalachian State. He maintains, correctly I think, that there is little difference between Ozark and Appalachian dialect and idiom. T8030 (ASU) Thomas, W. E. and others Soil Survey, Carroll County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1967. T8040 Thomas, Walter "The Drop-Out Problem in Harris High School, Spruce Pine, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1956. T8050 (ASU) Thomas, Walter B. "A Survey of Educational Facilities in Cherokee County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1948. T8060 (ASU) Thomas, William H. Explanation of the Fund Held in Trust By the United States For the North Carolina Cherokees. Washington: L. Towers, 1858. Interesting account of the establishment of the reservation. This is the only reservation in the United States which was privately donated rather than established by the government. Later the government took over the reservation and now manages the Cherokee trust fund. T8070 (ASU) Thomas, William Roscoe Life Among the Hills and Mountains of Kentucky. Louisville: Standard Print. Co., 1926. Interesting observations on the mountaineers of Kentucky by an outlander who lived among them for many years. Commentary on resources and industry and social and economic conditions. T8080 (ASU BC) Thomason, John Williams Jeb Stuart. New York: Scribner, 1930. Jeb Stuart was born in the mountains of Virginia and he used his knowledge of the terrain to advantage many times during the war. This biography captures his larger than life image and leadership qualities. Well researched; beautifully written. T8090 Thomason, Ronald E. Graf ton, A. Edwin A Manual of West Virginia's Wood-using Industries, with Directory. Morgantown: Office of Research and Development, Center for Appalachian Studies and Development, West Virginia Univ., 1965. G3110 (ASU) Thomasson, Lillian Franklin "Education in Swain County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1939. T8100 Swain County: Early History and Educational Development. Bryson City, N. C: n.p., 1965. T8110 (ASU WCU LMC) 224 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Thompson, Adele Eugenia Brave Heart Elizabeth; a Story of the Ohio Frontier. Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1902. A novel about Betty Zone of Wheeling, West Virginia and the Ohio River frontier country. Courage and goodness triumph. T8120 (ASU BC) Thompson, Algernon D. Thompson, Lawrence Sidney The Kentucky Novel. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1953. T8240 (ASU) Thompson, Anthony D. Tribal Enrollment of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians, Cherokee, North Carolina. Cullowhee, N. C.: Western Carolina Univ., 1970. T8130 (LMC WCU) Thompson, Bradford F. History of the 112th Regiment of Illinois Volunteer Infantry, in the Great War of the Rebellion, 1862-1865. Toulon, III.: Printed at the Stark County News Office, 1885. This regiment was action in the South mountains. T8140 (ASU) Thompson, Edgar T. ed. McKinney, John C. The South in Continuity and Change. Durham, N. C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1965. M1910 (BC FC) Thompson, Ernest Trice Presbyterian Missions in the Southern United States. Richmond: Presbyterian Committee of Publications, 1934. The Presbyterians sent more missionaries south to help the "pore mountaineer" than any other denomination. T8150 (LMC) Presbyterians in the South. Richmond: John Knox Press, 1963. The Presbyterians were among the first missionaries on the Appalachian frontier, and they kept up the good fight until well into this century. T8160 (WWC BC) Thompson, Henry Dewey Drainage Evolution in the Appalachians of Pennsylvania. New York: Academy of Sciences, 1949. T8170 (ETSU) Thompson, Holland From the Cotton Field to the Cotton Mill: A Study of the Industrial Transition in North Carolina. New York: Macmillan Co., 1906. Many textile mills located in the foothills and used cheap mountain labor. The damage done to the mountaineer in the transition from freedom and individualism to an automated cipher is incalculable. T8180 (LMC) Thompson, J. J. A History of the Feud Between the Hill and Evans Parties of Garrard County, Ky. Cincinnati: U. P. James, 1854. This was one of the most exciting and least understood of Kentucky's bloody feuds. At one time it involved nearly eighty men. T8190 (ASU BC) Thompson, James H. The Changing Markets for West Virginia Coal 1951-1963. Morgantown: Bureau of Business Research, West Virginia Univ., 1964. T8200 Factors Influencing Plant Location in West Virginia, 1945-1956. Morgantown: Bureau of Business Research, West Va. Univ., 1956. T8210 Labor Market Areas for Manufacturing Plants in West Virginia. Morgantown: Bureau of Business Research, West Va. Univ., 1955. T8220 Significant Trends in the West Virginia Coal Industry, 1900-1957. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., n.d. T8230 (ASU) Thompson, Lawrence S. assoc. ed. Coleman, John Winston, Jr. ed. Kentucky: A Pictorial History. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1971. C5780 (ASU) Thompson, Lawrence Sidney The Kentucky Novel. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1953. T8240 (ASU) Kentucky Tradition. Hamden, Conn.: Shoe String Press, 1956. This history of the state and its traditions seems to lack a cohesive central theme. T8250 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Thompson, Mary Lou "An Analysis of the Homebound Program for Exceptional Children in Unicoi County." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. T8260 (ETSU) Thompson, Maurice At Love's Extremes. New York: Cassell and Co., 1885. A traveling Englishman finds an old friend in a mountain cabin in Alabama. The host's daughter is in love with the young English boarder, but not until he realizes his cruel English lady is unattainable does he turn to Milly and Sand Mountain for consolation. T8270 (BC) Stories of the Cherokee Hills. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1898. Stories and sketches of the Cherokee country; North Georgia, Eastern Tennessee, and North Alabama. T8280 (BC WCU) The Witchery of Archery. With an added chapter by Will Henry Thompson. Edited by Robert Potter Elmer. Pinehurst ed. Pinehurst, N. C: Archers Co., 1928. T8290 (ASU) Thompson, Noble R. "A Geographic Appraisal of Union County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1965. T8300 Thompson, Rhodes Voices from Cane Ridge. St. Louis, Mo.: Bethany Press, 1954. Although Cane Ridge is just outside the mountain region, the revivalism movement in the United States was an Appalachian phenomenon. Here, in the mountain, frontier culture met and clashed with the too formal religion of the East. It was the mountaineer who caused established religion to despair and brought on the revival movement. T8310 (BC) Thompson, S. F. History of Allegheny County, n.p.: n.p., 1912. T8320 Thompson, Samuel Hunter The Highlanders of the South. New York: Eaton and Mains; Cincinnati: Jennings and Graham, 1910. Observations on the East Tennessee mountaineers by an outlander. Commentary on social life, customs, the economy, and the characteristics of the mountaineer. T8330 (ASU ETSU BC LMC) Thompson, Wesley Sylvester The Free State of Winston: A History of Winston County, Alabama. Winfield, Ala.: Pareil Press, 1968. Winston County was sympathetic to the Union cause and seceded from the state of Alabama. T8340 (ASU) Thorn, Joe Oic-? Science Fiction. Parsons, W. Va.: McCain Print. Co., 1971. A science fiction novel set in the Appalachia of the future. T8350 (ASU) Thornborough, Laura pseud, see Thornburgh, Laura Thomburgh, Laura The Great Smoky Mountains. Illustrated by Vivian Moir. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1937. A loving description of the Great Smoky Mountains and the National Park. T8360 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) The Great Smoky Mountains. Illustrated by Vivian Moir. Rev. and enlarged ed. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1942. T8370 (WCU LMC BC ETSU) The Great Smoky Mountains. Illustrated by Vivian Moir. Rev. and enlarged ed. 1942. Reprint. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1962. T8380 (ETSU) Thomdyke, George Howard The Witch's Castle. Knoxville, Tenn.: Life and Letters Co., 1903. T8390 (ASU) Thornton, G. 0. Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey, Catoosa County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. T400 Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey, Dade County, Georgia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1942. T440 AUTHOR Thornton, Mable Harvey Pioneers of Roane County, Tennessee, 1801-1830. Rockwood, Tenn.: n.p., 1965. Source materials include tax lists, muster rolls, election lists, and petitions. T8400 (ETSU) Thornton, Marcellus Eugene My "Budie" and I. New York: F. Tennyson Neely, 1899. Romantic fiction about a North Carolina coal baron. T8410 (ASU) Thornton, Mary Lindsay A Bibliography of North Carolina, 1589-1955. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1958. T8420 (LMC UNCA ASU) Official Publications of the Colony and State of North Carolina, 1749-1939, a Bibliography. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1954. T8430 (ASU LMC) Thrasher, James Arvin "An Educational Survey of Unicoi County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1932. T8440 Three Fork Baptist Church Minutes. Three Fork Baptist Church, 1790-1895. Raleigh: North Carolina State Department of Archives and History, 1952. This is the oldest Baptist Association in the North Carolina mountains. T8450 (ASU) Thrift, Minton Lee, Jesse Memoir of the Rev. Jesse Lee. With Extracts From His Journals. New York: Arno Press, 1969. LI 380 (ASU FC) Thruston, Gates P. The Antiquities of Tennessee and the Adjacent States, and the State of Aboriginal Society in the Scale of Civilization Represented by Them. Cincinnati: Robert Clarke, 1890. T8460 (LMC ASU) Thurmond, Walter R. The Logan Coal Field of West Virginia: A Brief History. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1964. T8470 (ASU ETSU WCU) Thurston, Mynna The Washingtons and Their Colonial Homes in W. Va. Charleston: Jefferson Pub. Co., n.d. T8480 (BC) Thwaites, Reuben Gold Daniel Boone. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1902. Another Boone biography with ponderous style and too many interjections. T8490 (ETSU BC) Daniel Boone. 1902. Reprint. Appleton's Life Histories Series. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1926. T8500 (ASU) Thwaites, Reuben Gold ed. Documentary History of Dunmore's War, 1774. Madison, Wis.: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1905. T8510 Frontier Defense on Upper Ohio, 1777-1778. Draper Series, Vol. III. Madison, Wis.: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1912. T8520 Revolution on the Upper Ohio, 1775-1777. Draper Series, Vol. II. Madison, Wis.: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1908. T8530 Withers Chronicles of Border Warfare. Cincinnati: Robert Clark Co., 1895. T8540 Tibbals, Alma Owens A History of Pulaski County, Kentucky. Bagdad, Ky.: G. O. Moore, 1952. T8550 Tidball, Mary Langdon Barbara's Vagaries. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1886. A North Carolina mountain girl from the French Broad country finds herself in society, and society is overwhelmed by her. T8560 (WCU BC) Tidwell, James Nathan ed. A Treasury of American Folk Humor; a Rare Collection of Laughter, Tall Tales, Jests and Other Gems of Merriment of the American People. New York: Crown Pubs., 1956. T8570 (FC) 225 THOMPSON-TIPPLE Tiernan, Frances Christine Fisher Bonny Kate. A Novel. Library of American Fiction, no. 1. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1881. A stylized novel of manners with a mountain setting. T8580 (ASU) His Victory. Notre Dame, Ind.: Ave Maria Press, 1887. Moralistic fiction with a mountain setting. T8590 The Land of the Sky; or Adventures in Mountain By-Ways. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1875. Romantic fiction set in western North Carolina. T8600 "The Land of the Sky": Or, Adventures in Mountain By-Ways. New York: Appleton, 1882. T8610 (LMC) The Land of the Sky: Or, Adventures in Mountain By-Ways. New York: Appleton, 1900. T8620 (LMC) "The Land of the Sky": Or, Adventures in Mountain Byways. New York: D. Appleton kd Co., 1907. T8630 A Little Maid of Arcady. Philadelphia: H. L. Kilner and Co., 1893. Western North Carolina setting. T8640 A Summer Idyl. New York: Appleton, 1878. Western North Carolina fiction. T8650 Tight, W. G. Drainage Modifications in Southeastern Ohio and Adjacent Parts of West Virginia and Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 13. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1903. T8660 Tigue, William B. Reilly, John P. "An Analysis of Faculty and Administrative Attitudes Toward Teacher Corps Interns in Carter County, Tennessee." East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. R1430 (ETSU) Tilton, John Littlefield Hampshire and Hardy Counties. West Virginia Geological Survey County Reports. Morgantown, W. Va.: Morgantown Print, and Bind. Co., 1927. T8670 (ETSU) Pendleton County. West Virginia Geological Survey. Wheeling, W. Va.: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1927. T8680 (ETSU) Timberlake, Henry Lieut. Henry Timberlake's Memoirs, 1756-1765. With annotation, introduction and index by Samuel Cole Williams. Johnson City, Tenn.: Watauga Press, 1927. T8690 (BC ETSU) Lieut. Henry Timberlake's Memoirs, 1756-1765, With Annotation, Introduction and Index. By Samuel Cole Williams. 1927. Reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1971. T8700 (ASU WCU LMC) Memoirs, 1756-1765. With Annotation, Introduction and index by Samuel Cole Williams. 1927. Reprint. Marietta, Ga.: Continental Book Co., 1948. T8710 (ETSU ASU WCU) Tinsley, Bob Depew, E. Douglas Land of Waterfalls: A Portfolio of Exclusive Lithographs Suitable for Framing. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1954. D1860 (WCU) Tippett, James Sterling Schools for a Growing Democracy. In collaboration with the Committee of the Parker School District, Greenville, S. C. New York: Ginn and Co., 1936. T8720 (ETSU) Tipple, Eira Squier Frances Asbury, the Prophet of the Long Road. New York: Methodist Book Concern, 1916. T8730 (ASU) The Heart of Asbury's Journal. New York: Earon and Mains, 1904. T8740 �TIPTON-TREMBLE Tipton, Alice Stevens comp. Favorite Recipes of the John C. Campbell Folk School. Edited by Oris Cantrell. Brasstown, N. C.: John C. Campbell Folk School, 1971. T8750 (BC WCU ASU) Titler, George J. Hell in Harlan. Beckley, W. Va.: BJW Printers, 1972? Memoirs of the United Mine Workers. T8760 (WCU) Titus, Warren Irving John Fox, Jr. New York: Twayne, 1971. Biography of one of Kentucky's most famous novelists. Fox pioneered in popularizing Appalachia as a subject for fiction. T8770 Todd, A. S. An Appraisal of Methods for Salvaging Small Sawmill Residues in the Southeast. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 84. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1957. T8780 (WCU) Todd, Joseph Archer The Blue Ridge Parkway: A Poem. Gatlinburg, Tenn.: W. M. Cline, 1971. A paean to the Blue Ridge Parkway. T8790 (WCU) Toewe, E. Clayton Geology of the Leesburg Quadrangle, Virginia. Report of Investigations, 11. Charlottesville: Virginia Division of Mineral Resources, 1966. T8800 (ETSU) Tollett, Daniel Joseph "An Analysis of the Continuing Consultant Program and the Development of a Profile of Schools in the Tennessee Appalachia Educational Cooperative." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1971. T8810 Tolley, G. S. Economics of Watershed Planning Sponsored by the Southeast Land Tenure Research Committee, the Farm Foundation, and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Ames, Iowa: State Univ. Press, 1961. T8820 Tomlinson, Everett Titsworth Scouting with Daniel Boone. American Scouting Series. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1914. T8830 (ASU LMC BC) Tomlinson, W. F. Biography of the State Officers and Members of the General Assembly of North Carolina, 1893, Other Interesting Facts. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards and Broughton, 1893. T8840 (ASU LMC) Tomorrow's People, a Storm in Harlan, Kentucky Facsimile with a foreword by Jesse Stuart. Ed. by K. D. Petrey. Cincinnati: Harvest Press, 1968. These poems written in Lee Pennington's class at Southeast Community College, Cumberland, Kentucky literally created a storm in Harlan County. T8850 (BC) Tompkins, Dorothy C. Poverty in the U. S. During the Sixties, a Bibliography. Berkeley. Univ. of California, 1970. Lists numerous entries on Appalachian poverty. T8860 (BC) Tompkins, Dorothy L. (Campbell) Culver Strip Mining for Coal. Berkeley: Institute of Governmental Studies, Univ. of California, 1973. T8870 (BC) Tompkins, Edmund Pendleton The Natural Bridge and Its Historical Surroundings. Natural Bridge, Va.: Natural Bridge of Va., 1939. T8880 (ASU FC BC) Rockbridge County, Virginia. Richmond, Va.: Whittet and Shepperson, 1952. An informal history of Rockbridge County, Virginia. T8890 Tompkins, Jerry R. ed. D-Days at Dayton: Reflections on the Scopes Trial. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1965. An account of the circus sponsored by the town of Dayton in 1925. T8900 (ASU BC) Toomery, Glen A. The Romance of a Sesquicentennial, The Dumplin Creek Baptist Church of Christ, Jefferson County, Tennessee, Organized 1797. n.p.: n.p., 1947. T8910 (BC) AUTHOR Toone, Betty L. Appalachia: The Mountains, the Place, and the People. Illustrated with photographs by Joyce Hoffman. A First Book. New York: F. Watts, 1972. Geographical and historical background legends and life of the people today. T8920 (ASU LMC MHC BC ETSU) Torlone, William D. "A Cost Analysis of Methods of Salvaging Logging Residue in Appalachia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1968. T8930 Torpey, Dorothy Margaret Hallowed Heritage: The Life of Virginia. Richmond, Va.: Whittlet and Shepperson, 1961. T8940 (FC BC) Torrence, Clayton Virginia Wills and Administrations, 1632-1800: An Index of Wills Recorded in Local Courts of Virginia, 1632-1800, and of Administrations of * Estates Shown by Inventories of the Estates of Intestates Recorded in Will (and Other) Books of Local Courts, 1632-1800. 1930. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1972. T8950 (ASU BC) Torrence, Robert M. Colonel "Davey" Crockett. Washington, D. C: N. Fagan, 1956. T8960 Torrey, Bradford Spring Notes From Tennessee. Boston: Riverside Press, 1896. T8970 (LMC BC) A World of Green Hills: Observation of Nature and Human Nature in the Blue Ridge. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1898. T8980 (ASU LMC BC) Totten, Henry Rolaud Coker, William Chambers The Trees of North Carolina. Chapel Hill, N. C: W. C. Coker, 1916. C5660 (ASU) Coker, William Chambers Trees of the Southeastern States, Including Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, and Northern Florida. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1945. C5670 (ASU BC) Toulmin, Harry A Description of Kentucky in North America: To Which Are Prefixed Miscellaneous Observations Respecting the United States. 1792. Reprint. Edited by Thomas D. Clark. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1945. T8990 (ASU LMC) The Western Country in 1793: Reports on Kentucky and Virginia. Edited by Marion Finliag and Godfrey Davies. 1st ed. San Marino, Cal.t n.p., 1948. T9000 (ASU BC ETSU) Tourgee, Albion Winegar Bricks Without Straw: A Novel. Americans in Fiction. Ridgewood, N. J.: Gregg Press, 1967. Deals with the question of race in the South. Not specifically Appalachian. T9010 (WCU BC ETSU) A Fool's Errand, by One of the Fools-. The Famous Romance of American History. New, enlarged and illustrated ed. To which is added by the same author, Part II. The invisible empire: A concise review of the epoch on which the tale is based. With many thrilling personal narratives and startling facts of life at the South never before narrated for the general reader. New York: Fords, Howard and Hulbert, 1880. Deals with the question of race in the South. Not specifically Appalachian. T9020 (WCU BC) A Fool's Errand: A Novel of the South During Reconstruction. New York: Harper, 1966. T9030 (WWC) The Invisible Empire: A Concise Review of the Epoch, With Many Thrilling Personal Narratives and Startling Facts of Life at the South, Never Before Narrated for the General Reader, All Fully Authenticated. Also published as Part II of A Fool's errand. 1880. Reprint. Americans in Fiction. Ridgewood, N. J.: Gregg Press, 1968. Deals with the question of race in the South. Not specifically Appalachian. T9040 (WCU) 226 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY A Royal Gentleman: A Novel. Original title: Toinette. 1874. Reprint. Americans in Fiction. Ridgewood, N. J.: Gregg Press, 1967. T9050 (WCU) Tousey, Sanford Davy Crockett: Hero of the Alamo. Chicago: A. Whitman, 1948. Crockett was born and reared in East Tennessee. T9060 (ETSU) Towe, Stuart Baker, Joe L. Men of Affairs in Knoxville. Knoxville: Knoxville Litho., 1917. B620 Townsend, Mrs. F. L. see Townsend, Metta Folger Townsend, George Alfred Katy of Catoctin: Or, The Chain-Breakers, a National Romance. New ed., with an introduction by Harold R. Manakee. Cambridge, Md.: Tidewater Pubs., 1959. Romantic fiction with a vaguely Appalachian milieu. T9070 (ASU WCU BC WCU) Townsend, John Wilson Kentucky in American Letters, 1784-1912. WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY James Lane Allen. 2 vols. Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1913. T9080 (ASU BC) Richard Hickman Menefee. New York: Neale Pub. Co., 1907. Biography of a lawyer-journalist from Owensville, Kentucky. T9090 (BC) Townsend, Metta Folger In the Nantahalas: A Novel. New York: Broadway Pub. Co., 1910. A western North Carolina girl leaves the mountains for an education. T9100 (LMC BC ASU WCU) Townsend, Wm. B. F. Observations from a Peak in Lumpkin. Atlanta: Oglethorpe Univ. Press, 1936. Collected writings of the longtime editor of the DAHLONEGA NUGGET, one of North Georgia's finest county newspapers. T9110 (BCASU) Tracy, Don Street, James Howell Pride of Possession. New York: Lippincott, 1960. S7860 (ASU) Cherokee. New York: Dial Press, 1957. Young people's fiction about the mountain-based Cherokee. T9120 (LMC BC WCU MHC) Traffic Planning Associates A Preliminary Major Highway Plan, A Part of the Georgia Mountains Region Development Program. Atlanta: Traffic Planning Associates, n.d. T9130 Tragos vol. L-, 1970-. Williamsburg, Ky.: Cumberland College, n.d. T9140 (BC) Training Corporation of America Training Program for Auxiliary Health and Education Personnel in Nine Counties of Southern West Virginia. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1968. T9150 (ASU) Transallegheny Historical Magazine vol. 1-, 1901-. Morgantown: Transallegheny Historical Society, n.d. T9160 (BC) Transylvania Historical Commission 1861-1961, Transylvania County Centennial: Historical Souvenir Program, n.p.: n.p., 1961. T9170 Treacy, M. F. Prelude to York town: The Southern Campaign of Nathanael Greene, 1780-1781. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1963. Greene campaigned in the foothill country of North Carolina and his forays ranged as far north as the Dan River in Virginia. T9180 (ASU) Treaties Between the United States and the Cherokee Nation From 1785 Tahlequah, N. C.: n.p., 1870. A sad volume documenting the official betrayal of the Cherokee. T9190 Tremble, Stella Craft The Crystal Prison. New York: American Poets Free Press, 1959. T9200 (BC) The Silver Chain. Sambornville, N. H.: Wake-Brook Press, 1953. T9210 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Tremble, Stella Croft Thorns and Thistledown. New York: Comet Press Books, 1954. T9220 (BC) Wind in the Reed. Boston: Bruce Humphries, 1957. T9230 (BC) Trent, William P. William Gilmore Simms. American Men of Letters Series. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1892. T9240 (ASU) The Trial of Floyd Allen, April 30, 1912, at Wytheville, Va. Reported by Morris and Hart (Shorthand Reporters), 3 vols. typescript. Roanoke, Va.: n.p., 1912. Transcript of the trial of one of the famous "Allen outlaws" of the Hillsville Courthouse tragedy. T9250 (BC) Tribbeko, John Lists of Germans From the Palatinate Who Came to England in 1709. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. T9270 (ASU) Tri-Cities Arts Council, Johnson City, Tennessee KIOSK, no. 1-, 1967-. Johnson City: The council, quarterly. Quarterly magazine of the Johnson City, Kingsport, Bristol Arts Council. T9260 (ETSU) Trimble, David B. Southwest Virginia Families. San Antonio: n.p., 1974. T9280 Trimble, George R., Jr. McCauley, Orris D. Forestry Returns Evaluated for Uneven-aged Management in Two Appalachian Woodlots. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1972. M340 Appraisal of Early Reproduction After Cutting in Northern Appalachian Hardwood Stands. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, 162. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1961. T9290 Diameter Increase in Second-Growth Appalachian Hardwood Stands, Comparison of Species. Forest Service Research Note, NE-75. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1967. T9300 Growth of Appalachian Hardwoods as Affected by Site and Residual Stand Density. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-98. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1968. T9310 Regeneration of Central Appalachian Hardwoods with Emphasis on the Effects of Site Quality and Harvesting Practice. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1973. T9320 Reproduction 7 Years After Seed-Tree Harvest Cutting in Appalachian Hardwoods. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-223. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1972. T9330 What Happens to Living Cull Trees Left After Heavy Cutting in Mixed Hardwood Stands? U. S. Forest Service Research Note, NE-12. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1963. T9340 Wendel, George W. Early Reproduction After Seed-tree Harvest Cuttings in Appalachian Hardwoods. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1968. W2790 Trimble, J. Green "Recollections of Breathitt." Jackson: Kentucky Jackson Times Print., 1915. A note on the card indicates that the Berea copy of this rare item is one of three in Kentucky. T9350 (BC) Trimble, John Farley Trimble Families of America. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1973. T9360 Trinity Episcopal Church, Woman's Auxiliary Good Cooking in Asheville. Asheville: The auxiliary, n.d. T9370 AUTHOR Triplett, Frank Conquering the Wilderness: Or, New Pictorial History of the Life and Times of the Pioneer Heroes and Heroines of America. With 200 Portraits from life, and engravings from designs by Nast, Dailey, and other eminent artists. New York: N. D. Thompson and Co., 1883. T9380 (ASU BC) Tristate Southern Highlands Study Southern Highlands Mountain Resources Management Plan, Vols. I and II. Atlanta: Georgia Dept. of Natural Resources, N. C. Dept. of Admin., S. C. Dept. of Parks, Recreation, and Tourism, 1974. T9390 Tritschler, Donald C. Health and Sanitation Needs and Resources, Bradley County, Tennessee. Oak Ridge, Term.: Oak Ridge Associated Univ., 1966. T9400 Triumphant Faith in the Kentucky Hills; Answers to Prayers in the Mountains of Kentucky n.p.: Kentucky Mountains Holiness Assoc., 1942-43. T9410 Trogdon, W. F. Trogdon Family History. Miami, Fla.: The author, 1926. T9420 (ASU) Trosper, Ernest Melvin "The Driving Habits and Experiences of One Hundred Graduates of Tennessee High School, Bristol." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. T9430 (ETSU) Troubefzkoy, Amelie Rives Chandler Virginia of Virginia: A Story. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1888. T9450 (LMC) Troubetzkoy, Amelie Rives Chanler Tanis, the Song-Digger. New York: Town Popics Pub. Co., 1893. Tale of a ginseng digger who has a profound impact on the life of a surveyor who is visiting the southern mountains. T9440 (ASU) Troughton, Joanna The Little Mohee, an Appalachian Ballad. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1970. A ballad concerning the romance of an Indian woman and a man from the Old World. Written and illustrated for children. T9460 Troutman, Richard Laveme "The Social and Economic Structure of Kentucky Agriculture, 1850-1860." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1958. T9470 Trouy, Lucien C. "Charles Egbert Craddock and the Southern Mountains and Mountaineers." Master's thesis. Catholic Univ. of America, 1932. T9480 (ASU) Trowbridge, John Townsend Cudjo's Cave. Boston: Lothrop, Lee and Shepard Co., 1891. Expounds the legend of a cave in the Cumberland Gap. T9490 (ASU ETSU) Troxel, Thomas H. Legion of the Lost Mine; Stories of the Cumberland, n.p.: Comet Press Books, 1958. T9500 Truesdell, Fred L. "The Development of Negro Education in Rutherford County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. North Carolina Agricultural and Technical College, 1954. T9510 Truett, Randle Bond Trade and Travel Around the Southern Appalachians Before 1830. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1935. T9520 (ASU LMC) Truex, Everett Palmer "A Comparative Analysis of Per Capita Income and Related Factors in North Carolina Counties and the United States for Selected Years From 1939 to 1954." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1961. T9530 Tryon, N. C., League of Women Voters Know Our County: People, Places, and Facts. A Survey of Polk County in Western North Carolina. Tryon, N. C.: The league, 1960. T9540 (WCU) 227 TREMBLE—TURKLE Tryon, N. C., Town Planning Board Proposed Development Plan, Tryon, N. C., Central Business District. Tryon, N. C.: The board, 1966. T9550 (LMC) Tryon Riding and Hunt Club, Tryon, N. C. Souvenir Edition, 20th Anniversary Block House Races. Complete History. Tryon: The club, 1966. T9560 Tsai, Cha-Houy An Annotated Bibliography of Water Resource Papers Pertaining to West Virginia. Morgantown: n.p., 1963. T9570 Tucker, Beverley The Partisan Leader. 1836. Reprint. New York: Rudd and Carleton, 1861. Partially set in Virginia's mountain region. T9580 Tucker, George The Valley of Shenandoah; Or, Memoirs of the Graysons. 2 vols. New York: Charles Riley, 1824. T9590 The Valley of Shenandoah: Or, Memoirs of the Graysons. Introduction by Donald R. Noble, Jr. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1970. T9600 (ASU ETSU WWC) Tucker, Glenn Chickamauga: Bloody Battle in the West. Maps by Dorothy Thomas Tucker. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1961. T9610 (ASU MHC) Front Rank. Illustrated by Bill Bollard. Raleigh: North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission, 1962. T9620 (LMC) Tecumseh: Vision of Glory. 1st ed. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1956. Biographical history of Tecumseh, chief of the Shawnee nation. T9630 (ASU) Zeb Vance: Champion of Personal Freedom. 1965. Reprint. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1966. Vance was governor of North Carolina during the Civil War. T9640 (ASU WCU UNCA) Tucker, Nathaniel Beverley The Partisan Leader. Edited, with an introduction, by Carl Bridenbaugh. American Oleserta. New York: A. A. Knopf, 1933. T9650 (ASU) The Partisan Leader. Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Gregg Press, 1968. T9660 (ETSU) Tucker, Rietz Courtney Tilton, John Littlefield Hampshire and Hardy Counties. Morgantown, W. Va.: Morgantown Print. and Bind. Co., 1927. T8670 (ETSU) Deep-well Records. West Virginia Geological Survey, Reports, vol. 7. Huntington, W. Va.: Gentry Brothers Print. Co., 1936. T9670 (ETSU) Summarized Records of Deep Wells. West Virginia Geological Survey Reports, vol. 16. Charleston, W. Va.: Charleston Print. Co., 1943. T9680 (ETSU) Tudiver, Neil "Why Aid Doesn't Help: Organizing for Community Economic Development in Central Appalachia." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Michigan, 1973. Gives reasons for the futility of current aid programs. T9690 Tuley, William Floyd The Tuley Family Memoirs; an Historical, Biographical and Genealogical Story of the Tuleys and the Floyd Family Connection in Virginia, Kentucky, and Indiana. New Albany, Ind.: W. J. Hedden, Printer, 1906. T9700 Tunis, John Roberts Highpockets. New York: W. Morrow, 1948. T9710 (ASU) Son of the Valley. New York: W. Morrow, 1949. T9720 (ASU ETSU) Turkle, Brinton The Fiddler of High Lonesome. New York: Viking Press, 1968. T9730 (LMC ASU WCU) �TURMAN-U. S. Turman, Nora Miller The Girl in the Rural Family. Chape! Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1935. Includes sketches of a western North Carolina family. T9740 (ASU) Tumbuil, Andrew Thomas Wolfe. 1967. Reprint. New York: Scribner, 1968. T9750 (ASU WCU UNCA) Turner, Byron J. "What Parents in Two Lewis County Communities Think About the Transportation of Their Children to a Consolidated School." Master's thesis. W. Va. Univ., 1940. T9760 Turner, Edward Raymond The New Market Campaign, May, 1864. Richmond: Whittet and Shepperson, 1912. An account of the Civil War campaign involving cadets from Virginia Military Academy. T9770 (ASU) Turner, Ella May ed. Stories and Verse of West Virginia. Rev. With a foreword by Waitman Barbe. Scottdale, Pa.: The Mennonite Pub. House, 1925. Includes bibliography and biographical sketches. T9780 Turner, Fitzhugh ed. Nichols, Joseph Van Devanter Legends of Loudoun Valley. Leesburgh, Va.: Potomac Press, 1961. N870 (ASU) Turner, Francis Marion Life of General John Sevier. New York: Neale Pub. Co., 1910. Sevier was a frontier general and governor of the State of Franklin and Tennessee. T9790 (ASU) Turner, Frederick Jackson The Frontier in American History. 1921. Reprint. New York: Holt and Co., 1923. An analysis of the role of the frontier in American history. Written with erudition, insight and humor. T9800 (MHC) The Frontier in American History. Foreword by Ray Allen Billington. 1921. Reprint. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962. T9810 (ASU) Rise of the New West, 1819-1829. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1906. Author's thesis is that democracy was born on the frontier. T9820 Turner, Mary comp. Pioneer Proverbs; Wit and Wisdom From Early America. High Point, N. C: Hutcraft, 1971. T9830 Turner, Virginia Casey Cat Claws and Tree Bark. Pikeville, Ky.: Appalachian Studies Center, Pikeville College, 1972. T9840 (ASU) Turney, Salley F. Street, James A. Ohio River Valley Population: Trends and Projections, 1930-1970. Lexington, Ky.: SpSndletop Research, 1963. S7850 Turney, Sally F. Gates, Gary R. A Kentucky Riverlands Development Program. Lexington, Ky.: Spindletop Research, 1965. G570 Turpin, John W. King, John M. Soil Survey of Transylvania County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1974. K2300 Tuskegee Institute, Rural Life Council Report to Council of the Southern Mountains on Health Care Services and Facilities in the Southern Appalachian Region. Tuskegee: The council, 1955. T9850 (ETSU) Turtle, Louise Jennings Acres of Beauty. New York: Fortuny's, 1936. Romantic fiction set in western North Carolina. T9860 Twigs 1-, 1965-. Pikeville, Ky.: Hilltop Editions, Pikeville College Press, n.d. T9870 Twin-State Development Association Upper Little Tennessee River Region: Summary of Resources. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1968. T9880 (WWC) AUTHOR Two Years of Harriman, Tennessee. Established by the East Tennessee Land Company, February 26, 1890 New York: South, 1892. Harriman is a Roane County, Tennessee community which was once the center of a booming land development company. T9890 Tyer, James Hasty, Allen Henry Soil Survey, Rhea County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. H3390 Roberts, Wallace Soil Survey, Hamilton County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1947. R3100 Tyler, James Hoge The Family of Hoge — Genealogy. Greensboro, N. C.: Joseph J. Stone and Co., 1927. T9900 Tyler, Lyon G. Men of Mark in Virginia. 5 vols. Washington, D. C.: Men of Mark Pub. Co., 1906. T9910 Tyler, Lyon Gardiner The Letters and Times of the Tylers. 3 vols. Richmond, Va.: Whittet and Shepperson, 1884-96. T9920 (ASU) Tyrrell, M. E. Hollenbeck, Ronald P. Raw Materials for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Alabama and Georgia. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1969. H6610 Hollenbeck, Ronald P. Shales for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Kentucky and Tennessee. Pittsburgh: Mines Bureau, 1968. H6620 Tyson, Lawrence Davis Tennessee's Part in the Revolution: Address at Valley Forge, at the Presentation of the Tennessee State Flag and Inauguration of Tennessee Sunday, April 24, 1927. Valley Forge, Pa.: Tennessee Soc. of Colonial Dames, 1927. T9930 UCLA Conference on American Folk Legend, 1969 American Folk Legends; a Symposium. Edited, with a pref., by Wayland D. Hand. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1971. U10 (FC) Udall, Stewart and others Look to the Mountaintop. n.p.: n.p., n.d. Includes material on the Cherokee Indians' history, culture and relations with the United States Government. U20 Ullom, Judith Folklore of the North American Indians. Washington: Library of Congress, 1969. U30 (LMC) Ulmann, Doris The Appalachian Photographs of Doris Ulmann. Remembrance by John Jacob Niles. Penland, N. C.: The Jargon Society, 1971. A marvelous collection of character studies done in the 1920's with a plate glass camera. Miss Ulmann's photographs are devoid of sentimentality. U40 (ASU LMC ETSU FC MHC WCU WWCBC) Ulmer, Mary see Chiltoskey, Mary Ulmer Umberger, Arthur D. Umberger Family Chart. Aldan, Pa.: n.p., 1956. U50 The Umberger (Umbarger) Family Chart. 2nd ed. Aldan, Pa.: n.p., 1971. Includes charts and biographies of Umbergers in Pennsylvania and Virginia. U60 Underwood, Evelyn comp. CRISIS: Addresses Delivered at the Spring Symposium, Mars Hill College, 1967, 1968. Mars Hill, N. C: Mars Hill College, n.d. U70 (WCU) 228 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Underwood, Thomas Bryan adapter Cherokee Legends and the Trail of Tears. From the nineteenth annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. The John Burnett version of Cherokee removal courtesy of The Museum of the Cherokee Indian. Illustrated by Amanda Crowe. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1956. U80 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) Legends of the Ancient Cherokee. Asheville: Stephens Press, 1956. U90 The Story of the Cherokee People. Illustrated by Jacob Anchutin. Knoxville, Tenn.: Newman Print. Co., 1961. U100 (ASU LMC MHC BC) The Story of the Cherokee People. Illustrated by Jacob Anchutin. Knoxville, Tenn.: S. B. Newman Print. Co., 1967. U110 (WCU) Unicoi County, Tennessee, Unicoi County Redevelopment Committee Overall Economic Development Program for Unicoi County, Tennessee, n.p.: The committee, 1962. U120 (ETSU) Union Trust and Deposit Company, Parkersburg, W. Va. The Parkersburg Story. 1st ed. Parkersburg, W. Va.: The bank, 1953. U130 (ASU) U. S. Agricultural Research Service, Animal Husbandry Research Division Family Chicken Flock for Appalachia. Leaflet, 541. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. U140 U. S. Agricultural Research Service, Crops Research Division Growing Vegetables in Appalachian Region. Information from the Division's publications and from consultation with county agricultural agents and staff members of State agencies of the Appalachian region. U. S. Department of Agriculture House and Garden Bulletin, no. 116. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. U150 U. S. Appalachian Regional Commission see Appalachian Regional Commission U. S. Appalachian Regional Commission Appalachian Data Book. 1 vol. (loose-leaf). Washington: n.p., 1967. Includes bibliography. U160 (UNCA) U. S. Area Redevelopment Administration Appraisal of ARA Program to Date and Its Relationship to Economic Opportunity and Appalachia Programs, Address by William L. Batt, Jr., Administrator, Area Redevelopment Administration, Department of Commerce, before Association of State Planning and Development Agencies, Washington, D. C., May 26, 1964. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U170 A forest industry processing and marketing complex for eastern Kentucky. Washington, D. C: n.p., 1963. U180 (BC) Opportunities for Economic Development in Mingo County, West Virginia. ARA Field Report. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U190 Recreation & Tourism Develop. Through Federal Programs. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U200 U. S. Area Redevelopment Administration, Office of Planning and Recreation Information Sources for Locating Industrial Prospects. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U210 U. S. Army Corps of Engineers "Big South Fork, Cumberland River (Kentucky-Tennessee), Interagency Field Task Group Report." n.p.: unpublished typescript, 1969. U220 Big South Fork, Cumberland River, Kentucky and Tennessee. Interagency report to Committee on Public Works, United States Senate, by U. S. Army Corps of Engineers, U. S. Department of the Interior of U. S. Department of Agriculture. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. U230 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY U. S. Army, Corps of Engineers Big South Fork, Cumberland River, Kentucky and Tennessee. Interagency report to Committee on Public Works, United States Senate, by U. S. Army Corps of Engineers, U. S. Dept. of the Interior and U. S. Dept. of Agriculture. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. U240 Dev. of Water Resources in Appalachia. Cincinnati: n.p., 1969. U250 Development of Water Resources in Appalachia: Report of the Secretary of the Army. Based on Studies Prepared by the Office of Appalachian Studies. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U260 Flood plain information Lenoir, North Carolina; Lower Creek, Blair Fork, Long Branch. Prepared by the Corps of Engineers, U. S. Army. Charleston, S. C: n.p., 1970. U270 Flood plain information, Morganton, North Carolina. Charleston, S. C.: District, U. S. Army Corps of Engineers, 1969. U280 Interim Study Report on Upper Licking River Basin, Kentucky. Louisville: U. S. Army Engineer District, 1967. U290 (BC) Ohio River Basin, Grayson reservoir, Little Sandy River, Kentucky design memorandum no. 3A preliminary master plan. Huntington, W. Va.: U. S. Army Engineer District, 1964. U300 (BC) Potomac River Basin Report: Summary. Baltimore: U. S. Army Engineer District, North Atlantic Division, 1963. U310 Water Resources Dev. by the U. S. Army Corps of Engineers. Cincinnati: n.p., 1965. U320 U. S. Army War College, Washington, D. 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U560 (ASU UNCA) Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: Pennsylvania. 1908. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. U570 (ASU) Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: Records of the State Enumerations, 1782 to 1785, Virginia. 1908. Reprint. Virginia Heritage Series, no. 1. Spartanburg, S. C.: Reprint Co., 1968. U580 (ASU LMC) Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: South Carolina. 1908. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. U590 (ASU) Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: South Carolina. 1908. Reprint. Spartanburg, S. C.: Reprint Co., 1968. U600 (ASU LMC) Population Schedules, North Carolina. 2 reels. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, 1959. U610 (ASU) U. S. Bureau of the Census, 2nd Census, 1800 Population Schedules, North Carolina. 6 reels. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, 1961. U620 (ASU) U. S. Bureau of the Census, 3rd Census, 1810 Population Schedules, North Carolina. 6 reels. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, 1957. U630 (ASU) U. S. Bureau of the Census, 4th Census, 1820 Population Schedules, North Carolina. 6 reels. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, 1958. U640 (ASU) U. S. Bureau of the Census, 5th Census, 1830 1830 Census, Tennessee. Transcribed and indexed by Byron Sistler. 3 vols. Evanston, III.: n.p., 1969. U650 (ASU ETSU) Index to the 1830 Census of Georgia. Compiled by Alvaretta Kenav Register. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1974. U660 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. 8 reels. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, 1944. U670 (ASU) U. S. Bureau of the Census, 6th Census, 1840 A Census of Pensioners for Revolutionary or Military Services, with Their Names, Ages, and Places of Residence, as Returned by the Marshals of the Several Judicial Districts, under the Act for Taking the Sixth Census in 1840. 1840. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. U680 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. 21 reels. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, 1967. U690 (ASU) U. S. Bureau of the Census, 7th Census, 1850 Coffee County, Tennessee, 1850 Census. Transcribed by Deane Porch. Franklin, Tenn.: Mrs. Clyde Lynch, 1969. U700 (ETSU) Fentress County, Tennessee, Free Population Schedules. Transcribed by Mrs. V. K. Carpenter. Fort Worth, Texas: Miran Pubs., 1969. U710 (ASU) �u. s<-u. s. U. S. Bureau of the Census, 7th Census, 1850 Population Schedules, North Carolina. 38 reels. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, 1963. U720 (ASU) Population Schedule of the U. S. Census of 1850 (Seventh Census) for McMinn County, Tennessee. Transcribed by Reba Bayless Boyer. Athens, Tenn.: McMinn County Chapter, East Tennessee Historical Society, 1961. U730 (ASU) Population Schedule of the United States Census of 1850 (Seventh Census) for Warren County, Tennessee. Transcribed from a microfilm copy of the original. McMinnville, Tenn.: Womack Print. Co., 1958. U740 (ETSU) The Seventh Population Census of the U. S. for Russell County, Va., 1850. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1850. U750 The Seventh Population Census of the United States for Russell County, Virginia, 1850. Compiled by Bonnie Sage Ball and Ada Grace Catron. Haysi? Va.: n.p., 1964. U760 Tennessee Population Schedule of the United States Census of 1850, Meigs County. Transcribed by Agnes Maddux, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U770 (ASU) United States Census 1850 for Knox County, Tennessee. Copied, arranged, and indexed by Laura Elizabeth Luttrell. Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, 1949. U780 (ETSU) U. S. Bureau of the Census, 8th Census, 1860 Population Schedules, North Carolina. 42 reels. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, 1967. U790 (ASU) U. S. Bureau of the Census, 9th Census, 1870 Population Schedules, North Carolina. 46 reels. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, 1965. U800 (ASU) U. S. Bureau of the Census, 10th Census, 1880 Index to the 1880 Population Schedules, North Carolina. 79 reels. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, 1962. U810 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. 39 reels. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, n.d. U820 (ASU) U. S. Bureau of the Census, llth Census, 1890 Eastern Band of Cherokees of North Carolina. By Thomas Donaldson. Eleventh Census of the United States, Extra Census Bulletin. Washington: The bureau, 1892. U830 (WCU) Special Schedules Enumerating Union Veterans and Widows of Union Veterans of the Civil War, North Carolina. Washington: National Archives, Microfilm Publications, 1948. U840 (ASU) U. S. Bureau of the Census, 19th Census, 1970 Selected Rural Counties in Appalachia. 1970 census of population and housing: Employment profiles of selected low-income areas, PHC (3)-70. Prepared by the Demographic Surveys Division. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1972. U850 Selected Rural Counties in Appalachia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1972. U860 U. S. Bureau of Chemistry and Soils Soil Survey of Blount County, Tenn. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agr., 1959. U870 (BC) Soil Survey of Bradley Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U880 (BC) Soil Survey of Carter Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U890 Soil Survey of Ciaiborne Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1948. U900 (BC) AUTHOR Soil Survey of Cumberland Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1950. U910 (BC) Soil Survey of Cumberland Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U920 Soil Survey of Grainger Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1948. U930 (BC) Soil Survey of Grainger Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U940 Soil Survey of Hamblen Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1946. U950 (BC) Soil Survey of Hamilton Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1947. U960 (BC) Soil Survey of Hamilton Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U970 Soil Survey of Jefferson Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1941. U980 (BC) Soil Survey of Jefferson Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U990 Soil Survey of Johnson Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1956. U1000 (BC) Soil Survey of Johnson Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U1010 Soil Survey of Knox Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1955. U1020 (BC) Soil Survey of Knox Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U1030 Soil Survey of Marion Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U1040 Soil Survey of Marion Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U1050 (BC) Soil Survey of McMinn Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1957. U1060 (BC) Soil Survey of Norris Area, Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U1070 Soil Survey of Norris Area, Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1953. U1080 (BC) Soil Survey of Rhea Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1948. U1090 (BC) Soil Survey of Rhea Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U1100 Soil Survey of Roane Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1942. U1110 (BC) Soil Survey of Roane Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U1120 Soil Survey of Sevier Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1956. U1130 (BC) Soil Survey of Sevier Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U1140 Soil Survey of Sullivan Co., Tenn. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1953. U1150 (BC) Soil Survey of Sullivan Co., Tennessee. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U1160 Soil Survey of Washington Co., Tennessee. Washington: Dept. of Agriculture, 1958. U1170 (BC) U. S. Bureau of Economic Security Family Characteristics of the Long-term Unemployed: A Report on a Study of Claimants under the Temporary Extended Unemployment Compensation Program, 1961-1962. BES, no. U-207-2. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. U1180 U. S. Bureau of Education Bulletin, no. 1. n.p.: Bureau of Education, 1913. U1190 (BC) 230 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Bulletin. 1915. no. 1. n.p.: Bureau of Education, n.d. A statistical study of the public schools of the southern Appalachian Mountains. U1200 (BC) U. S. Bureau of Employment Security Bituminous Coal Mining: Labor Market Developments. Prepared by James Woodrow Higgins. Industry Manpower Surveys, no. 106. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. U1210 U. S. Bureau of Indian Affairs Census Roll, 1835, of the Cherokee Indians East of the Mississippi. Index to the roll. Microfilm. Washington: National Archives, 1960. U1220 (ETSU) Indians of North Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. U1230 (ASU) Indians of North Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1972. U1240 (ASU) Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81: Southern Superintendency, 1851-1856. 7 reels. Washington: National Archives, 1958. U1300 (WCU) U. S. Bureau of Indian Affairs. Branch of Plant Management. Field Technical Office Rates study for water supply and sewage disposal at Cherokee Indian Agency, Cherokee, North Carolina. Littleton, Colo.: n.p., 1968. U1250 Report on water and sewerage facilities at Cherokee and Soco Valley, North Carolina. Littleton, Colo.: n.p., 1968. At head of title: Engineering study for the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians, Cherokee, North Carolina. U1260 U. S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Cherokee Agency Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81: Cherokee Reserves, 1828-1850. 2 reels. Washington: National Archives, 1959. U1270 (WCU) Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81: Cherokee Emigration, 1828-1854. 4 reels. Washington: National Archives, 1959. U1280 (WCU) Records of the Cherokee Indian Agency in Tennessee, 1801-1835. 14 reels. Washington: National Archives and Records Services, 1952. U1310 (WCU) U. S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Cherokee Agency (East) Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81: Cherokee Agency (East), 1824-36. 6 reels. Washington: National Archives, 1959. U1290 (WCU) U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Area Wage Survey: The Birmingham, Alabama, Metropolitan Area. April, 1966- Bulletin. (Supersedes in part the Bureau's Occupational wage survey.) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., Annual. U1320 Area Wage Survey: The Charleston, West Virginia, Metropolitan Area. April, 1966Bulietin (Supersedes in part the Bureau's Occupational wage survey.) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., annual. U1330 Area Wage Survey: The Chattanooga, Tennessee-Georgia, Metropolitan Area. September, 1965- . Bulletin, no. 1465-7. (Supersedes in part the Bureau's Occupational wage survey.) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., annual. U1340 Area Wage Survey: The Greenville, South Carolina, Metropolitan Area. May, 1966Bulletin. (Supersedes in part the Bureau's Occupational Wage survey.) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., annual. U1350 Area Wage Survey: The Huntsville, Alabama, metropolitan area. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. U1360 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Area Wage Survey: The Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, Metropolitan Area. January, 1966- . Bulletin. (Supersedes in part the Bureau's Occupational wage survey.) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., annual. U1370 Area Wage Survey: The Scranton, Pennsylvania, Metropolitan Area. August, 1965- . Bulletin, no. 1465-3. (Supersedes in part the Bureau's Occupation wage survey.) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., annual. U1380 Hours and earnings in anthracite and bituminous coal mining. Anthracite — January, 1922, bituminous — winter of 1921-22. July, 1922. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1922. U1390 Impact of the war on the Huntsville Area, Madison County, Alabama; working notebook for use by local groups studying recent economic developments and formulating plans for the post-war period. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Employment and Occupational Outlook Branch, Postwar Division, 1943. U1400 Wage Chronology: Bituminous Coal Mines, 1933/66-. (Supplements in the Bureau's Monthly Labor Review.) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. U1410 U. S. Bureau of Mines Bulletin 1. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1910. U1420 List of publications, Bureau of Mines. Supplement... 1923/33-1935/36; 1937/38-. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1933. U1430 List of publications, Bureau of Mines. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. U1440 List of publications, Bureau of Mines. Supplement. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. U1450 Miners' Circular, no. 1, 1910. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., irregular. U1460 Miners' Circular, no. 1/1910-. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., irregular publication. U1470 Mining and Mineral Operations in the United States; a Visitor's Guide. By Staff, Bureau of Mines, area mineral resources offices. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U1480 Story about Fighting Mine Fires in Abandoned Coal Workings, Mine Fire Control Project in Appalachia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U1490 Story of Operation Backfill, Mine Subsidence Project in Appalachia. Joint project with the Pennsylvania Department of Mines and Mineral Industries, 1964. U1500 U. S. Bureau of Outdoor Recreation A Report on Outdoor Recreation Demand, Supply, and Needs in Appalachia. Prepared for the Appalachian Regional Commission. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U1510 Tour. & Recreation Potential E. Ky. Washington: U. S. Area Red. Admin., 1963. U1520 Tourist and Recreation Potential: Eastern Panhandle Area, West Virginia (Grant, Hardy, Hampshire, Mineral, and Morgan Counties). Prepared for the U. S. Area Redevelopment Administration. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U1530 AUTHOR Tourist and Recreation Potential: Lewis Smith Lake (Cullman, Walker and Winston Counties, Alabama). Prepared by the Area Analysis Staff, Division of Planning and Surveys of the Bureau in cooperation with the Area Redevelopment Administration. Washington?: The bureau, 1963. U1540 (LMC) Tourist and Recreation Potential: Upper Cumberland Lakes Area of Tennessee (Clay, Dekalb, Jackson, Overton, Pickett, Smith, and Warren Counties). Prepared for Area Redevelopment Administration by James N. Lowe and others. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U1550 Tourist and Recreation Potential: Western North Carolina. Area analysis staff report prepared for the U. S. Area Redevelopment Administration. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U1560 U. S. Bureau of Public Roads Remarks by Lawrence Jones, Deputy Federal Highway Administrator. Prepared for Delivery at Groundbreaking Ceremonies for Appalachian Development Highway at Isom, Kentucky, July 6, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U1570 U. S. Business and Defense Services Administration Water Used by Appalachian Manufacturers, 1964. Prepared for the Office of Appalachian Studies, Corps of Engineers, by the Water Industries and Engineering Services'Division, Business and Defense Services Administration, U. S. Dept. of Commerce. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. U1580 Water used by Appalachian Manufacturers, 1964. U1590 U. S. Census Office see U. S. Bureau of the Census U. S. Children's Bureau Bureau publication No. 120 Steete, Glenn. Maternity and infant care in a mountain county in Georgia, n.p.: n.p., 1923. U1600 The Nutrition and Care of Children in a Mountain County in Kentucky. By Lydia Roberts. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1922. U1610 U. S. Coal Mines Administration A medical survey of the bituminous-coal industry. Report of the Coal mines administration. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1947. U1620 U. S. Commission on Civil Rights, North Carolina Advisory Committee Equal Protection of the Laws in North Carolina. Report of the N. C. Advisory Committee to the U. S. Commission on Civil Rights. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959-62. U1630 (LMC) U. S. Congress. House Report. The committee on Indian Affairs, to which Was Referred the Petition of Joseph Brown. House of Representatives, Report no. 175, 23rd Congress, 1st session, Jan. 14, 1834. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1834. U1640 U. S. Congress. House. Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Appalachia Appalachian regional development act, 1967. Hearings, Ninetieth Congress, first session, on H. R. 4446, and related bills. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U1650 U. S. Congress. House. Committee on Indian Affairs Indians, Cherokees. May 26, 1840. (26th Cong. 1st sess. House, Doc. no. 222.) Washington, D. C: n.p., 1840. U1660 U. S. Congress. House. Committee on Public Works Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Report to accompany S. 3. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U1670 Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1967. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U1680 231 U. S.—U. Tennessee Valley Authority Financing. Hearings, 85th Cong., 1st sess., on H. R. 3236 and H. R. 4266. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1957. U1690 Tennessee Valley Authority. Hearings, 86th Cong., 1st sess., on H. R. 3460 and H. R. 3461. March 10-11, 1959. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. U1700 U. S. Congress. House of Representatives, Public Lands Committee National parks in southern Appalachian Mountains. Hearings on H. R. 11980, to provide for securing of lands in southern Appalachian Mountains for perpetual reservation as national parks, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U1710 U. S. Congress. Joint Committee on Labor-Management Relations Labor-Management Relations in TVA. 81st Cong., 1st Sess., S. Rept. 372. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1949. U1740 U. S. Congress. Joint Committee to Investigate Tennessee Valley Authority Investigation of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Hearings before the Joint Committee 75th Cong. 3rd sess. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1939. U1720 Investigation of the TVA. 75th Congress, 3rd Session, pursuant to public resolution No. 83. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1939. U1730 U. S. Congress. Senate Committee on Education and Labor W. Va. Coal Fields. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1921. U1750 U. S. Congress. Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce Conditions in the Coal Fields of Penn., W. Va., and Ohio. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1928. U1760 U. S. Congress. Senate Committee on Public Works Amending the TVA Act. Hearings, 85th Cong., 1st sess., on S. 1855, S. 1869, S. 1986, and S. 2145. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1957. U1770 Revenue Bond Financing by TVA. Hearings, 86th Cong., 1st sess., on S. 931 and H. R. 3460. June 9-10, 1959. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. U1780 Tennessee Valley Authority Financing. Hearings, 84th Cong., 1st sess., on S. 2373; a Bill to Amend the Tennessee Valley Authority Act of 1933. July 21, 22, and 27, 1955. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. U1790 U. S. Congress. Senate Committee on Unemployment Problems Unemployment problems. Hearings, Eighty-sixth Cong., 1st sess., on S. Res. 196. Dec. 10, 11, and 14, 1959. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966* U1800 U. S. Congress. Senate. Select Committee on National Water Resources Water Resources Activities in the United States. Flood Problems and Management in the Tennessee River Basin. (86th Cong., 1st Sess., Committee Print no. 16). Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1960. U1810 U. S. Congress (21st), 1st Session, 1829-1830 Speeches on the Passage of the Bill for the Removal of the Indians, Delivered in the Congress of the U. S., April and May, 1830. Boston: Perkins and Marvin; New York: J. Leavitt, 1830. U1820 (ETSU) U. S. Congress (29th) Cherokee Indians. 1st Sess Senate Dec. 408; June 25, 1846. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U1830 U. S. Congress (53rd), 3rd Session, 1894-1895 Memorial addresses on the life and character of Zebulon Baird Vance. Late a senator from North Carolina delivered in the Senate and House of Representatives, Fifty-third Congress, third session. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1895. U1840 (UNCA) �U. S.—U. S. U. S. Congress (56th), Senate Appalachian Mountains. Memorial of Appalachian National Park Association urging establishment of national park in Southern Appalachian region; presented by Mr. Pritchard Jan. 4, 1900. (S doc. 58) n.p.: n.p., n.d. U1850 Preliminary report of investigations upon forest of Southern Appalachian region. With view to establishment of national park or forest reserve Jan. 16, 1901. (S. doc. 93.) n.p.: n.p., n.d. U1860 Forest Reservations and Protection of Game Committee. Report favoring S. 5518, for national forest reserve Southern Appalachian Mountains, Feb. 12, 1901. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U1870 U. S. Congress (57th), Senate The Timber Resources of W. Va. Senate Doc. 33, 87th Congress, 1st sess., 1961. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U1880 U. S. Congress (61st), 3rd Session, 1910-1911 Walter P. Brownlow. (Late a representative from Tennessee) Memorial addresses delivered in the House of Representatives and the Senate of the United States, Sixty-first Congress, third session. Proceedings in the Senate, December 6, 1910. Proceedings in the House, February 19, 1911. Compiled under the direction of the Joint Committee on printing. Walter P. Brownlow. . . Memorial addresses. . . . Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1911. U1890 U. S. Congress (62nd), 3rd Session, 1912-1913 Robert Love Taylor. (Late a senator from Tennessee) Memorial addresses delivered in the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, Sixty-second Congress, third session. Proceedings in the Senate February 8, 1913. Proceedings in the House February 23, 1913. Prepared under the direction of the Joint Committee on printing. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1913. U1900 U. S. Congress (64th) Statue of Zebulon Baird Vance, Erected Statuary Hall of the United States Capitol by the State of North Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1917. U1910 (ASU WCU) U. S. Congress (76th), House Memorial Services Held in the House of Representatives of the United States, Together with Remarks Presented in Eulogy of James Willis Taylor, Late Representative from Tennessee. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1941. U1920 (ASU) U. S. Congress (81 st), Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare Causes of Unemployment in Coal and Other Specified Industries. Report Pursuant to S. Res. 274 with Supplemental View of Mr. Taft. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1950. U1930 U. S. Congress (85th), House, Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs Hearings before the Special Subcommittee on Coal Research on Establishment of Research and Development Program for the Coal Industry. 2 vols. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1957. U1940 U. S. Congress (87th), Senate Printing as Senate Document Information Relative to the Timber Resources and National Forests of West Virginia. Report from the committee on Rules and Administration to Accompany S. Res. 137, June 14, 1961. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1961. U1950 U. S. Congress (88th), House Consideration of H. R. 11946. Report to Accompany H. Res. 861, Aug. 20, 1964. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U1960 AUTHOR U. S. Congress (88th), House, Committee on Public Works Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964. Hearings before the Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Appalachian Regional Development of the Committee on Public Works on H. R. 11065 and H. R. 11066, May 5-June 11, 1964, to Provide Public Works and Economic Development Programs and the Planning and Coordination Needed to Assist in the Development of the Appalachian Region. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U1970 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964: Report to Accompany H. R. 11946, July 31, 1964. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U1980 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965: Report to Accompany S. 3, February 17, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U1990 Section-by-section Analysis of H. R. 11065 and H. R. 11066: Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964 as Submitted in Draft to the Committee, April 29, 1964. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U2020 U. S. Congress (88th), Senate Proposed Appropriation for Appalachian Regional Commission, Fiscal Year 1965. Sept. 29, 1964. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U2030 U. S. Congress (88th), Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Subcommittee on Poverty War on Poverty: The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. A Compilation of Materials Relevant to S. 2642, Prepared for the Select Subcommittee, July 23, 1964. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U2040 U. S. Congress (88th), Senate, Committee on Public Works Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964. Report Together with Minority Views to Accompany S. 2782, Aug. 13, 1964. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U2000 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964. Hearings on S. 2782, a Bill to Provide Public Works and Economic Development Programs and the Planning Coordination Needed to Assist in the Development of the Appalachian Region, June 22-26, 1964. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U2010 U. S. Congress (89th), House Authorizing Printing of Additional Copies of Hearings by Committee on Public Works on Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Report from Committee on House Administration to Accompany H. Res. 724. June 2, 1966. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. U2050 Authorizing Printing of Additional Copies of Committee Print 1 of Committee on Public Works on Section-by-section Analysis of H. R. 4, Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, and Difference between H. R. 4 (89th Cong.), and H. R. 11946 (88th Cong.) as Reported to House of Representatives and S. 2782 (88th Cong.) as Passed by Senate. Report from Committee on House Administration to Accompany H. Res. 722. June 2, 1966. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. U2060 Supplemental Estimates of Appropriations for Various Agencies for Fiscal Year 1965 to Finance Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Mar. 15, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U2070 U. S. Congress (89th), House, Committee on Agriculture Establishment of Mount Rogers National Recreation Area in Virginia. Report from the Committee to Accompany H. R. 10366, August 31, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U2080 232 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Establishment of Spruce Knob-Seneca Rocks National Recreation Area in West Virginia. Report from the Committee to Accompany H. R. 10330, August 31, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U2090 U. S. Congress (89th), House, Committee on Education and Labor Examination of the War on Poverty Program. Hearings before the Subcommittee on the War on Poverty Program, April 12-30, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U2100 U. S. Congress (89th), House, Committee on Public Works Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965: Report to Accompany S. 3. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U2110 (ETSU) Highlights of Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, Mar. 10, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U2120 Section-by-section Analysis of H. R. 4: Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, and Differences between H. R. 4 (89th Congress) and H. R. 11946 (88th Congress), as Reported to the House of Representatives, and S. 2782 (88th Congress) as Passed by the Senate. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U2130 U. S. Congress (89th), House, Committee on Public Works, Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Appalachia Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Hearings on H. R. 4 and S. 3, February 3-5, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U2140 U. S. Congress (89th), Senate Authorizing Printing for Use of Committee on Public Works of Additional Copies of Its Hearings on Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 (S.3). Report from Committee on Rules and Administration to Accompany S. Res. 208. Feb. 16, 1966. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. U2150 U. S. Congress (89th), Senate, Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, Subcommittee on Parks and Recreation The Appalachian Trail. Hearing on S. 622, September 16, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U2160 (LMC) U. S. Congress (89th), Senate, Committee on Public Works Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Hearings on S. 3, January 19 and 21, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U2170 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965: Report, Together with Individual Views, to Accompany S. 3, January 27, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U2180 U. S. Congress (90th), House Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1965, Communication from President of United States Transmitting Recommendation that Congress Extend Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Jan. 23, 1967. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U2190 Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1967. Conference Report to Accompany S. 602. Sept. 26, 1967. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U2200 U. S. Congress (90th), House, Committee on Public Works Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1967, and Amendments to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965. Report with Additional, Minority, Supplemental, and Separate Views, on S. 602. August 8, 1967. U2210 Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1967. Hearings on H. R. 4446 and Related Bills, May 9-July 12, 1967. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U2220 (ASU ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY U. S. Congress (90th), Senate, Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs Nationwide System of Trails. Hearings before the Committee on S. 827, March 15 and 16, 1967. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U2230 (LMC) U. S. Congress (90th), Senate, Committee on Public Works Nomination of Joe W. Fleming II to be Federal Co-chairman of the Appalachian Regional Commission Hearing, Feb. 7, 1967. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U2240 Nomination of Meriwether Lewis Clark Tyler to be Alternate Federal Co-chairman of the Appalachian Regional Commission. Hearing, March 21, 1968. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. U2250 Revising and Extending Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, and Amending Title 5 to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965. Report Together with Supplemental Views, to Accompany S. 602. April 6, 1967. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U2260 U. S. Congress (90th), Senate, Special Subcommittee on Economic Development Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1967 Hearings on S. 602, Jan. 24-Feb. 3, 1967. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U2270 (ASU) U. S. Congress (91st), House, Committee on Education and Labor Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969. Report Together with Minority, Supplemental, and Separate Views from the Committee to Accompany H. R. 13950, October 13, 1969. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. U2280 Legislative History: Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. U2290 U. S. Congress (91 st), House, Committee on Education and Labor, General Subcommittee on Labor Coal Mine Health and Safety. Hearings before the Subcommittee on H. R. 4047, H. R. 4295, and H. R. 7976, March 4-May 1, 1969. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. U2300 U. S. Congress (91 st), House, Committee on Public Works Appalachian and Regional Action Planning Commissions. Report. Together with Supplemental Views to Accompany H. R. 4018: June 30, 1969. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. U2310 U. S. Congress (91 st), Senate, Committee on Appropriations Independent Offices and Department of Housing and Urban Development Appropriations for Fiscal Year 1970. Hearings before the Subcommittee on H. R. 12307. Pt. 1: Appalachian Regional Commission, Appalachian Regional Development Programs (Funds Appropriated to President), Civil Defense, Department of Defense, Civil Service Commission, Commission on Executive, Legislative, and Judicial Salaries, Disaster Relief (Funds Appropriated to President), Emergency Health and Welfare Activities, DHEW, Federal Communications Commission, Federal Home Loan Bank Board, Federal Power Commission, Federal Trade Commission, General Services Administration, National Aeronautics and Space Administration National Aeronautics and Space Council, National Science Foundation, Office of Emergency Preparedness, Office of Science and Technology, Renegotiation Board, Securities and Exchange Commission, Selective Service System, Veterans Administration, Testimony of Members of Congress, Other Interested Individuals and Organizations. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. U2320 AUTHOR U. S. Congress (91st), Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969. Report from the Committee Together with Individual Views to Accompany S. 2917, September 17, 1969. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. U2330 U. S. Congress (91 st), Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Subcommittee on Labor Coal Mine Health and Safety. Hearings before the Subcommittee on S. 355, S. 467, S. 1094, S. 1178, S. 1300, and S. 1907, February 27-May 2, 1969. 5 pts. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. U2340 U. S. Congress (91 st), Senate, Committee on Public Works Nominations of Federal Cochairmen of Regional Economic Development Commissions. Hearing on Nominations of John B. Waters, Jr., to be Federal Cochairman of the Appalachian Regional Commission, W. Donald Brewer to be Federal Cochairman of the Four Corners Regional Commission, G. Fred Steele to be Federal Cochairman of the Coastal Plains Regional Commission, Stewart Lamprey to be Federal Cochairman of the New England Regional Commission, and E. L. Stewart to be Federal Cochairman of the Ozarks Regional Commission, March 25, 1969. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1960. U2350 Nomination of Orville H. Lerch for Alternative Cochairman, Appalachian Regional Commission. Hearing, July 15, 1969. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. U2360 Regional Economic Development Legislation. Extension and Revision of Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, as Amended, and of Titles 1-5 of Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965, as Amended. Report to Accompany S. 1072. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. U2370 U. S. Congress (92nd), House Public Works Acceleration Act. Public Works and Economic Development Act, Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Conference Report to Accompany S. 575, June 2, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U2380 U. S. Congress (92nd), House, Committee on Public Works Public Works Acceleration Act. Public Works and Economic Development Act, and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions Report with Minority and supplemental Views, 92d Congress, 1st session, on H. R. 5376, March 29, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U2390 Public Works and Economic Development Act and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Report to Accompany H. R. 9922, July 21, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U2400 U. S. Congress (92nd), House, Committee on Public Works, Subcommittee on Flood Control and Internal Development Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1971. Hearings on H. R. 5376 and Related Bills, March 15-17, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U2410 U. S. Congress (92nd), Senate Public Works Acceleration Act. Public Works and Economic Development Act, and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Conference Report to Accompany S. 575, June 1, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U2420 U. S. Congress (92nd), Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Subcommittee on Labor Buffalo Creek (W. Va.) Disaster, 1972. Hearings before the Subcommittee. 2 pts. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1972. U2430 233 U. S.—U. S. U. S. Congress (92nd), Senate, Committee on Public Works Appalachian Airports. Hearing on Development of Regional Airports for Purpose of Improving Transportation and Passenger Safety, March 2, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U2440 Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1971. Report Together with Individual Views to Accompany S. 575, March 9, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U2450 Public Works and Economic Development Act and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Report to Accompany S. 2317, July 20, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U2460 Watershed Work Plan for Little Bigby Creek Watershed, Maury County, Tennessee. Report of the Soil Conservation Service, Department of Agriculture, in Accordance with Public Law 83-566, April, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U2470 U. S. Congress (92nd), Senate, Committee on Public Works, Subcommittee on Economic Development Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1971. Hearings on S. 575, February 8-10, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U2480 U. S. Department of Agriculture, Agricultural Research Service see U. S. Agricultural Research Service U. S. Dept. of Agriculture Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1935. U2490 Living Conditions and Population Migration in Four Appalachian Counties. Washington, D. C: Dept. of Agric., 1937. U2500 (BC) Message From the President of the United States Transmitting a Report of the Secretary of Agriculture in Relation to the Forests, Rivers, and Mountains of the Southern Appalachian Region. December 19, 1901. Read, referred to the Committee of forest reservations and the protection of game and ordered to be printed. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1902. U2510 (UNCA ASU ETSU) References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. U2520 Report on an Examination of a Forest Tract in Western North Carolina. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1905. U2530 Report of the Secretary of Agriculture on the Southern Appalachian and White Mountain Watersheds. Commercial Importance, Area, Condition, Advisability of the Purchase for National Forests, and Probable Cost. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1908. U2540 (BC) Rural Recreation Enterprises for Profit: An Aid to Rural Areas Development. Agriculture Information Bulletin, 277. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. U2550 Standards of Living in Four Southern Appalachian Mountain Counties. By C. P. Loomis and L. S. Dodson. Washington, D. C.: Dept. of Agriculture, 1938. U2560 (BC) U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation Service Appalachian land stabilization and conservation program, program results from inception through Dec. 31, 1968. Prepared by Data Division, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U2565 �U. S.—U. S. U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Agricultural Economics Crop Production Practices, Labor, Power, and Materials, by Operation: Sec. 3, Appalachian, Southeast, and Mississippi Delta. FM Series, 92. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. U2570 U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Crop Reporting Board 1967 Regional Summary of Fruit Tree Surveys, Selected Appalachian States. Prepared in cooperation with State Departments of Agriculture and Matching Funds Program, Consumer and Marketing Service. Statistical Reporting Service, 13. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. U2580 U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Economic Research Service Employment, Unemployment, and Low Incomes in Appalachia. Agricultural Economic Report no. 73. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U2590 An Economic Survey of the Appalachian Region, with special reference to Agriculture. Washington, D. C: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. U2600 Suggestions for Planning and Zoning in Appalachia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U2610 (LMC) * U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Farmer's Bulletin Ways of Making Southern Mountain Farms More Productive. Farm Practices That Increase Crop Yield in Ky. and Tenn. n.p.: n.p., 1918. U2620 U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service see U. S. Forest Service U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service see U. S. Soil Conservation Service U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Technical Bulletin no. 1 Family Living in Knott County, Ky. Washington: Govt. Print. Co., 1937. U2640 Land Utilization in Laurel County, Ky. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1932. U2650 Timber Growing and Logging Practice in the Southern Appalachian Region. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1931. U2660 U. S. Dept. of the Army Development of Water Resources in Appalachia. The Department of the Army, Office of Appalachian Studies, Corps of Engineers. Cincinnati: U. S. Army Corps of Engineers, 1969. U2670 (ASU) Environmental Study of Logan, McDowell, and Mingo Counties, West Virginia and Pike • County, Kentucky. Prepared for Huntington District, U. S. Corps of Engineers. Columbus, Ohio: Battelle Memorial Institute, 1967. U2680 (ASU) U. S. Dept. of Commerce ARA Field Report, Opportunities for Economic Development in Mingo County, W. Va. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. U2690 U. S. Dept. of Commerce, Area Redevelopment Administration see U. S. Area Redevelopment Administration U. S. Dept. of Commerce, Bureau of Public Roads see U. S. Bureau of Public Roads U. S. Dept. of Commerce, Economic Development Administration Economic Development, Project Activity Supplement. 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U2730 U. S. Dept. of Health, Education and Welfare, 1971 Conference in the Matter of Pollution of the Interstate Waters of the Monongahela Pines. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. U2740 U. S. Dept. of Health, Education and Welfare, Public Health Service Consumer Protection and Environmental Health Service HEW's Eight-point Program to Combat Coal Miners' Pneumoconiosis. Remarks by Charles C. Johnson, Jr., Administrator, for presentation at a session on dust control and health, American Mining Congress, Pittsburgh, Pa., May 5, 1969. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. U2750 U. S. Dept. of Housing and Urban Development Appalachian Housing Assistance. HUD Handbooks. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. U2760 U. S. Dept. of Indian Affairs The Eastern Cherokees: A Census of the Cherokee Nation in North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia in 1851. Compiled by David W. Siler, Special Agent. Pref. by Fred B. Kniffen. Cottonport, La.: Polyanthos, 1972. Despite the "Trail of Tears" forced removal many Cherokee families remained in these four states. U2770 U. S. Dept. of the Interior The Nation's River. • Official Report on the Potomac from the Department, with Recommendations for Action by the Federal Interdepartmental Task Force on the Potomac. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. U2780 Natural Resources of West Virginia, the Mountain State. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U2790 (ASU) Origin of the Copper Deposits of the Ducktown Type in the Southern Appalachian Region. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1935. U2800 (ASU) Potomac Valley, Model of Scenic and Recreational Values: A Preliminary Report of the Joint Federal-State Planning Team on Landscape and Recreation, Potomac Valley. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. U2810 Study of the Strip and Surface Mining in Appalachia; an Interim Report to the Appalachian Regional Commission. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1966. U2820 (BC) Surface Mining and our Environment; a Special Report to the Nation. Washington-. Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U2830 (BC) Rejected or Suspended Applications for Revolutionary War Pensions. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. U2840 (ASU) U. S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs see U. S. Bureau of Indian Affairs U. S. Dept. of the Interior, Coal Mines Administration A Medical Survey of the Bituminous-coal Industry. Report. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1947. U2850 (LMC) U. S. Dept. of the Interior, Division of Information Natural Resources of West Virginia, the Mountain State. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U2860 234 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY U. S. Dept. of the Interior, Geological Survey Topographic Maps. Arlington, Va.: Distribution Section, U. S. Geological Survey, n.d. The Charles Sherrod Library of East Tennessee State University has in its holdings the complete collection of topographic maps. Inclusive are those of the Appalachian region. 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Federal Power Commission Report on Review of Allocations of Costs of the Multiple-Purpos.e Water Control System in the Tennessee River Basin, as Determined by the Tennessee Valley Authority and Approved by the President Under the Provisions of the TVA Act of 1933 as Amended. Washington: FPC, 1949. U2910 U. S. Forest Service Nantahala National Forest, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina. By Frederick William Wiese. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1936. U2920 (WCU) National Forests of the Southern Appalachians. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1923. U2930 National Forests of the Southern Appalachians. Help Banish Fire from our Appalachian Forests. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1929. U2940 Progress Report on a Study of Forest Conditions in Kentucky. Frankfort, Ky.: Frankfort Print. Co., 1909. U2950 (BC) Purchase of Land under the Weeks Law in the Southern Appalachian and White Mountains. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1911. U2960 Purchase of Land under the Weeks Law in the Southern Appalachian and White Mountains Rev. ed. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1913. U2970 Special Forest Products for Profit, Self-Help Suggestions for Rural Areas Development. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1963. U2980 Timber in North Carolina. Forest Resource Report, no. 15. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. U2990 (WCU) Watauga Lake recreation areas, Cherokee National Forest, Tennessee. Cleveland, Tenn.: n.p., n.d. U3000 U. S. Forest Service, Appalachian Forest Experiment Station Measures for Stand Improvement in Southern Appalachian Forests with List of Selected References. Washington: U. S. Forest Experiment, 1933. U3010 U. S. Forest Service, Appalachian Forest Experiment Station, Asheville, N. C. Annual Report and Program, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3020 (BC) U. S. Forest Service, Berea Forest Research Center, Berea, Ky. Strip Mining Reclamation in Appalachia. Berea, Ky.: Berea Forest Research Center, 1971. U3030 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY U. S. Forest Service, Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, Asheville, N. C. Annual Report and Program. 1st - 1921/1922. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3040 U. S. Forest Service, Southern Region Joyce Kilmer Memorial Forest in the Nantahala National Forest. North Carolina: n.p., 1968. U3050 U. S. General Accounting Office Highway Program Shows Limited Progress toward Increasing Accessibility to and through Appalachia: Report to the Congress on the Appalachian Regional Commission by the Comptroller General of the United States. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U3060 Opportunities for Improving Administration of Federal Program of Aid to Educationally Deprived Children in West Virginia, Office of Education, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. U3070 Report on the Audit of Tennessee Valley Authority. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., n.d. U3080 U. S. Geological Survey Appalachian Region as Designated by the Appalachian Regional Commission, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1956. U3090 Asheville Folio, North Carolina — Tennessee. Geologic Atlas of the United States, no. 116. Washington: The survey, 1904. U3100 (WCU) Chemical character of surface waters of Kentucky, 1949-1951. By William L. Lamar district chemist and Leslie B. Laird. Frankfort: Agricultural and Industrial Development Board of Kentucky, 1953. U3110 Coal deposits of Pike Co., Ky. Bulletin no. 876. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3120 Cranberry Folio, North Carolina — Tennessee. Geological Atlas of the U. S., no. 90. Washington: The survey, 1903. U3130 (WCU) Geology of the Spruce Pine District: Avery, Mitchell, and Yancey Counties, North Carolina. By Donald A. Brobst. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1962. U3130 (ASU) Floods in Youghiogheny and Kiskiminetas River Basins, Pennsylvania and Maryland, Frequency and Magnitude. Circular, no. 204. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1952. U3140 Geology of Big Stone Gap. Bulletin no. 111. U3150 Geology & ground water resources in the Paintsville Area, Ky., 1955. Water-supply papers no. 1-1257. U3160 Geology and Mineral Resources of part of the Cumberland Gap coal field, Ky., 1906. Professional Papers, 1. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1902. U3170 Geology & ore deposits of the Ducktown mining district, Tenn., 1926. Professional papers, 1-139. Washington: Govt, Print. Off., 1902. U3180 Greenville Folio, Tennessee — North Carolina. Geologic Atlas of the U. S., no. 118. Washington: The survey, 1905. U3200 (WCU) Inundation & erosion in the Appalachian region. Professional papers. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1902. U3210 Knoxville Folio, Tennessee — North Carolina. Geologic Atlas of the United States, no. 16. Washington: The survey, 1895. U3220 (WCU) Manganese deposits of the Lyndhurst-Vesuvius district, Augusta & Rock bridge Co., Va., 1943. Bulletin no. 940F. n.p., n.p., n.d. U3230 AUTHOR Manganese deposits of the Flat Top & Round Mtn district, Bland & Giles Co., Va., 1944. Bulletin no. 940H. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3240 Mineral Resources of the Appalachian Region: A Compilation of Information on the Mineral Resources, Mineral Industry, and Geology of the Appalachian Region. Also sponsored by the U. S. Bureau of Mines. Geological Professional Paper, 580. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. U3250 (ASU LMC ETSU) Mount Mitchell Folio, North Carolina -~ Tennessee. Geologic Atlas of the U. S., no. 124. Washington: The survey, 1905. U3260 (WCU) Nantahala Folio, North Carolina — Tennessee. Geologic Atlas of the United States, no. 143. Washington: The survey, 1907. U3270 (WCU) Oil & gas wells drilled in southwest Va., before 1950. Bulletin no. 1027L. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3280 Origin of Copper deposits S. Appal. Region. n.p.: Ken Crawford Books, 1935. U3290 Pisgah Folio, North Carolina — South Carolina. Geologic Atlas of the United States, no. 147. Washington: The survey, 1907. U3300 (WCU) Surface water of the U. S. 1953; Cumberland and Tenn. River Basin. Water-supply papers no. 1-1276. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3310 (U) Possibilities for Manganese ore or certain undeveloped tracks in Shenandoah Valley, Va., 1918. Bulletin 1-660J. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3310 Professional papers, 1, 37, 49, 198, 72, 139. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1902. U3320 (BC) Roan Mountain Folio, Tennessee — North Carolina. Geologic Atlas of the United States, no. 151. Washington: The survey, 1907. U3330 (WCU) Soil Maps. Cleveland County, Caldwell County, and Lincoln County, n.p.: Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, n.d. U3340 Soil Survey of the Mt. Mitchell Area, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3350 Soil Surveys Allegheny County, Gaston County, Transylvania County, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3360 The Southern Appalachian Forest. Professional papers, 1-37. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1902. U3370 Titanium deposits of Nelson and Amherst Co., in Va. Professional papers, 1-198. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1902. U3390 Water supply paper, no. 1. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1896. U3400 U. S. Geological Survey, Division of Water Resources The Ohio River Basin Except the Cumberland and Tennessee River Basins. Water-supply Paper, 1725. Pt. 3-A, Compilation of Records of Surface Waters of the United States, October, 1950-September, 1960. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U3410 U. S. Geological Survey, Water-supply papers Geology and ground water resources in the Paintsville area, Ky. 1955, Surface water of the U. S. 1953; Cumberland and Tenn. River Basin, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3420 U. S. Government Document Acid Mine Drainage in Appaiachia. 3 vols. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1969. U3430 (ASU) U. S. House of Representatives, Committee on Education and Labor Examination of the War on Poverty Program. Hearings before the Sub-committee on the War on Poverty Program, 89th Congress, 1st Session, April 12-30, 1965. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3440 235 U. S.—U. S. Poverty in the United States. 88th Congress, 2nd Session, April, 1964. n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3450 U. S. Laws, Statutes, etc. An act to provide public work and economic development programs and the planning and coordination needed to assist in development of the Appalachian Region. (Public law 89-1, 89th Cong. 53, Mar. 9, 1965) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U3460 An act to provide public work & economic development programs & the planning & coordination needed to assist in development of the App. Region. (Public law 89-1, 89th Cong., S 3, Mar. 9, 1965) Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U3470 Economic Development Acts: Pt. 1, Public Law 90-103, Title 1, Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1967, Title 2, Amendments to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965. Pt. 1, Section-by-section Analysis of Title 1, Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1967, Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, as Amended, Pt. 3, Section-by-section Analysis of Title 2 Amendments to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965, Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965, as Amended. Printed for the use of the Committee on Public Works, 90th Congress, 1st session. Washington: Govt. Print. Off*, 1967. U3480 Economic Development Programs under the Jurisdiction of the Committee of Public Works, Pt. 1, 1971 Amendments to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965 and Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Pt. 2, Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965, as Amended. Pt. 3, Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 as Amended, December, 1971, 92nd Congress. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U3490 H. R. 8947, Act Making Appropriations for Public Works for Water and Power Development, Including Corps of Engineers — Civil, Bureau of Reclamation, Bonneville Power Administration and Other Power Agencies of the Department of Interior, Appalachian Regional Development Programs, Federal Power Commission, Tennessee Valley Authority, Atomic Energy Commission, and Related Independent Agencies and Commissions for Fiscal Year Ending June 30, 1974, and for Other Purposes. Approved August 16, 1973. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1973. U3500 H. R. 10090, Act Making Appropriations for Public Works for Water and Power Development, Including Corps of Engineers, Civil, Bureau of Reclamation, Bonneville Power Administration, and Other Power Agencies of Department of Interior, Appalachian Regional Commission, Federal Power Commission, Tennessee Valley Authority, Atomic Energy Commission, and Related Independent Agencies and Commissions for Fiscal Year 1972, and for Other Purposes. Approved Oct. 5, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U3510 H. R. 15586, Act Making Appropriations for Public Works for Water and Power Development, Including Corps of Engineers — Civil, Bureau of Reclamation, Bonnevilie Power Administration, and Other Power Agencies of the Department of Interior, Appalachian Regional Development Programs, Federal Power Commission, Tennessee Valley Authority, Atomic Energy Commission, and Related Independent Agencies and Commissions for Fiscal Year 1973, and for Other Purposes. Approved August 25, 1972. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1972. U3520 �U. U. S. Laws, Statutes, etc. S. 3, Act to Provide Public Works and Economic Development Programs and Planning and Coordination Needed to Assist in Development of Appalachian Region. Approved Mar. 9, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U3530 (ETSU) S. 7, Act to Provide for the Establishment of Spruce Knob-Seneca Rocks National Recreation Area in West Virginia, and for Other Purposes. Approved September 28, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U3540 S. 602, Act to revise and extend Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, and to amend Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965. Approved October 11, 1967. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U3550 S. 2317, Act to Extend Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965 and Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Approved Aug. 5, 1971. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. U3560 (ETSU) Tennessee Valley Authority Act: Public no. 17-73d Congress, 1st Session (H. R. 5081) May 18, 1933, 48 Stat. 58 ... as Amended by Public Resolution, no. 88-76th Congress, 3d Session (H. J. Res. 544) June 26, 1940. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1941. U3570 U. S. Library of Congress Check-list of Recorded Songs, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3580 West Virginia, the Centennial of Statehood, 1863-1963. An exhibition in the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C, December 12, 1963, to December 11, 1964. State Exhibition Catalogs, 20. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U3590 (ETSU) U. S. Library of Congress, Legislative Reference Service Valley Authorities. Public Affairs Abstracts, V. II, No. 3. Washington: unp., 1951. U3600 U. S. Library of Congress, Legislative Reference Service, Economics Division Should the Federal Government Establish a National Program of Public Work for the Unemployed? Selected Excerpts and References Relating to the National College Debate Topic, 1964-65. 88th Congress, House, Document, no. 92. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U3610 U. S. Library of Congress, Music Division, Archive of Folk Song A bibliography of hammered and plucked (Appalachian or mountain) dulcimers and related instruments. Washington, D. C.: Library of Congress, n.d. U3620 U. S. National Advisory Commission on Rural Poverty The people left behind; a report by the President's National Advisory Commission on Rural Poverty. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U3630 U. S. National Air Pollution Control Administration Kanawha Valley Air Pollution Study. Prepared with the West Virginia Air Pollution Control Commission, Publication APTD Series, 70-1. Raleigh, N. C: The administration's office of Technical Information and Publications, 1970. U3640 U. S. National Clearinghouse for Mental Health Information A Selective Bibliography of Writings on Poverty in the United States. Bethesda, Md.: U. S. National Institutes of Health, 1964. U3650 AUTHOR U. S. National Institute of Mental Health Mental Health in Appalachia: Problems and Prospects in the Central Highlands. A report based on a conference sponsored by the National Institute of Mental Health held in Bethesda, Maryland, July 13-14, 1964. Prepared by Public Information Section. Public Health Service Publication, no. 1375. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U3660 (LMC) Mental Health in Appalachia. A Report of a Conference in Bethesda, Md., July 13-14, 1964. n.p.: Dept. of HEW, 1965. U3670 U. S. National Park Service The Allegheny Parkway, West Virginia, Virginia, Kentucky: Report to the Congress of the U. S. Prepared in cooperation with the Bureau of Public Roads. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1964. U3680 Appalachian National Scenic Trail. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1973. U3690 Chickamauga-Chattanooga National Military Park. Tennessee. Georgia, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3700 Feasibility Study for Development of a New River Gorge National Parkway Virginia and West Virginia. Washington: n.p., 1963. U3710 Great Smoky Mountains National Park. North Carolina-Tennessee. The Land and its People, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3720 Great Smoky Mountains National Park. North Carolina-Tennessee. The Land and its People, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3730 U. S. National Science Foundation Scientific Information Activities of Federal Agencies: Tennessee Valley Authority. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1960. U3740 U. S. Northeastern Forest Experiment Station The Forest Products Marketing Laboratory at Princeton, West Virginia, Research Facility of the Northeastern Forest Experiment Station. Upper Darby, Pa.: Forest Service, 1963. U3750 U. S. Office of Economic Opportunity A Nation Aroused, 1st Annual Report. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U3760 Poverty Program Information, as of January 1, 1966. 2 vols. Washington: Govt. Print, Off., 1966. U3770 VISTA Services Urban Ghetto, Rural America, Appalachia, Migrant Worker, American Indian, Mentally Handicapped, Job Corps. Prepared by Community Relations Division, VISTA. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1967. U3780 War on Poverty Projects, March 31, 1965= Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U3790 War on Poverty Projects, April 30, 1965. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1965. U. S. Office of Economic Opportunity, Community Action Program Strengthening Labor's Role in the War on Poverty: Labor Leadership for Community Action in Appalachia. 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President's National Advisory Commission on Rural Poverty Rural Poverty in the United States. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1968. U3850 U. S. President's Water Resources Policy Commission Report, V. 2: Ten Rivers in America's Future. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1950. U3860 The Tennessee River Basin. V. 2, In the Commission's Report. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1950. U3870 U. S. Public Health Service Malaria Control on Impounded Water. By the United States Public Health Service and Tennessee Valley Authority, Health and Safety Department. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1947. U3880 Mental Health in Appalachia, Problems and Prospects in the Central Highlands. Publication no. 1375. Bethesda, Md.: n.p., 1965. U3890 Report on Coosa River System, Georgia-Alabama. Cincinnati: Public Health Service, Robert A. Taft Sanitary Engineering Center, 1963. U3900 U. S. Secretary of War Revolutionary pensioners; a transcript of the pension list of the United States for 1813. Baltimore: Southern Book Co., 1959. U3910 (ASU) U. S. Soil Conservation Service An Appraisal of Potentials for Outdoor Recreational Development in Fort Worth. Prepared in cooperation with Tennessee Game and Fish Commission and others, n.p.: n.p., n.d. U3920 Cumberland Plateau and Mountains and Southern Appalachian Ridges and Valley of Alabama, Georgia, and Tennessee. Soil Survey Interpretations for Woodlands, Progress Report, W-LL. Fort Worth, Texas: The service, 1969. U3930 Soil Survey, Watauga County, North Carolina. Washington, D. C.: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. U3940 Watershed Work plan. Fort Worth, Texas: n.p., 1971. U3950 Watershed Work Plan . . . Eighteen Mile Creek Watershed, Pickens and Anderson Counties, South Carolina. Fort Worth, Texas: n.p., 1971. U3960 Watershed Work Plan; Mill Creek Watershed, Jackson and Roane Counties, West Virginia. Prepared under the authority of the Watershed Protection and Flood Prevention. n.p.: n.p., 1969. U3970 (ASU) U. S. Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, Asheville, N. C. Forest Survey Release. Asheville, N. C-. n.p., 1939. U3980 Improvements at Coweeta. Asheville: n.p., 1964. U3990 Research Information Digest; Recent Publications of the Southeastern Forest Experiment Station. Asheville: n.p., <> semi-annual. U4000 1963 Research at the Southeastern Forest Experiment Station. Asheville: The station, 1963. U4010 (WCU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY U. S. Southern Appalachian National Park Commission Final Report of the Southern Appalachian National Park Commission to the Secretary of the Interior, June 30, 1931, Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1931. U4020 (ASU) U. S. Supreme Court Opinion of the Supreme Court of the U. S. at the Jan. Term, 1832. Delivered by Chief Justice Marshall; together with the opinion of Justice Me Leon in the case of Samuel A. Worcester vs. the state of Georgia. Washington: Gates and Seaton, 1832. U4030 U. S. War Dept. Letter from the Secretary of War in reply to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 23d ultimo, respecting the interference of any officer or agent of the Government with the Cherokee Indians in the formation of a government for the regulation of their own internal affairs. Washington, D. C: Blair and Rives, 1840. U4040 The Pension List of 1818-1819. Orig. Publ. as Letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting a Report of the Names, Rank, and Line of every person placed on the Pension List, etc. n.p.: n.p., 1955. U4050 Pensioners of Revolutionary War struck off the roll; with an added index to States. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. U4060 (ASU) Revolutionary Pensioners of 1818. n.p.: n.p., 1959. U4070 U. S. Work Projects Administration Guide to civilian organizations . . . Louisville, Ky.: n.p., 1942. U4100 U. S. Work Projects Administration, Federal Writer's Project see Writers' Program U. S. Works Progress Administration Federal Writer's Project. 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U4140 Updated Investment Guidelines for North Carolina Appalachian Region 1971 to 1975, and A Plan for Public Investment in Appalachian North Carolina, Fiscal 1971 Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission, 1972. U4150 Upper East Tennessee Regional Planning Commission Industrial Site Survey of Carter County, Sullivan County, and Washington County. Nashville: Tenn. State Planning Commission, 1959. U4160 Upper Ohio Valley Pioneer Moundsville, W. Va.: Delf Norona, quarterly. U4170 AUTHOR Upshur County Development Committee Overall Economic Development Program for Upshur County, West Virginia. Buckhannon, W. Va.: The committee, 1962. U4180 Urban America Kentucky Housing Fund: A Housing Proposal for the Commonwealth of Kentucky. Prospectus and Final Report to the Appalachian Regional Commission. Washington: n.p., 1968. U4190 West Virginia Housing Development Fund: A Housing Proposal for the State of West Virginia. Prospectus and Final Report. Report to the Appalachian Regional Commission. Washington: n.p., 1968. U4200 The Urban Experience and Folk Tradition Edited by Americo Paredes and Ellen J. Stelcert. Published for the American Folklore Society. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1971. U4210 (ASU LMC) URS Research Company Recreation Potential in the Appalachian Highlands: A Market Analysis. Reprint of a report prepared for the Appalachian Regional Commission. Appalachian Research Report, no. 14. San Mateo, Cal.: The co., 1971. U4220 (ASU) Use of Health Care Services and Enrollment in Voluntary Health Insurance in Habersham County, Georgia, 1957 n.p.: n.p., n.d. U4230 Ussery, Clyde Cate, Herma The Southern Appalachian Heritage. Boone, N. C.: The Appalachian Consortium, 1974. C2041 Vail, Robert W. G. The Voice of the Old Frontier. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1950. VI0 Val Baker, Denys ed. Voyage; an Anthology of Selected Stories by Mary Lavin, Rhys Davies, James Hanley and Others. London: Sylvan Press, 1945. Includes some mountain items. V20 Valdese, North Carolina Subdivision Regulations, Valdese, N. C., Adopted April 3, 1967. n.p.: The author, n.d. Valdese and the surrounding areas of Burke County were settled by Waldensians. Their community is unique and attractive. V30 (LMC) Vanatta, E. S. Taylor, Arthur Elijah Soil Survey of Clay County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. T410 Vanatta, Earl Steere Soil Survey of Cleveland County, North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the North Carolina Department of Agriculture. Field Operations, 1916. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1918. V40 Van Benthuysen, Robert N., Jr. "The. Sequent Occupance of Tellico Plains, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1951. A Monroe County, Tennessee demographic study. V50 Van Berries, J. W. The Coal Fields of Perry Co., Ky. Paper presented to the annual meeting Ky. Mining Institute, Pinesville, Ky. May 4, 1915. Pineville: n.p., 1915. V60 Vance, Carl T., Jr. "A Consultative Conference in Science for Elementary Teachers in Bristol, Virginia, 1955-56." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1956. V70 (ETSU) Vance, Carl Taylor "A Study of High Schools in Hawkins County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1922. V80 Vance, Rupert Bayless Human Geography of the South: A Study in Regional Resources and Human Adequacy. 2nd ed.. Social Series. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1935. V90 (ASU LMC WWC MHC) 237 U. S.—VAN HOOK Vance, Zebulon Baird My Beloved Zebuion; the Correspondence of Zebulon B. Vance and Harriett Newell Espy. With an introd. by Frances Gray Patton. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1971. Vance was North Carolina's Civil War governor. VI00 Papers. Raleigh: N. C. State Department of Archives and History, 1963. VI10 (ASU LMC) Repeal of Civil Service Law. Speech of Hon. Zebulon B. Vance of North Carolina, Delivered in the United States Senate, Wednesday, March 31, 1886. Washington: R. O. Polkinhorn and Son, 1886. VI20 (ASU) The Scattered Nation. New York: M. Schnitzer, 1916. VI30 (ASU WCU) The Tariff and the Farmers: Speech of Hon. Z. B. Vance, of North Carolina, on the McKinley Tariff Bill in the Senate of the United States, Friday, 25, 1890. Washington: n.p., 1890. VI40 (ASU) VanCleve, Dorothy "The History of the First Presbyterian Church of Bristol, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1959. VI50 (ETSU) Van Der Beets, Richard comp. Held Captive by the Indians: Selected Narrative, 1642-1836. 1st ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1973. V170 (ASU MHC) Van Der Beets, Richard ed. Held Captive by Indians: Selected Narratives, 1642-1836. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1973. The eighteen narratives give insight into Indian-white relations in Appalachia. VI60 (ASU MHC) Van der Horst, Brian Folk Music in America. New York: F. Watts, 1972. V180 Vanderwerth, W. C. Indian Oratory: Famous Speeches by Noted Indian Chieftains. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1971. VI90 (LMC) Van Devanter, J. N. History of the Augusta Church, from 1737 to 1900. Staunton, Va.: Ross Print. Co., 1900. V200 (ASU) Van Doren, Mark ed. Bertram, William The Travels of William Bertram. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1940. B1720 (WCU) Bertram, William The Travels of William Bertram. An American Bookshelf. New York: Dover Pub., 1955. B1730 (ASU) Van Every, Dale The Captive Witch. New York: J. Messner, 1951. V210 (ASU) A Company of Heroes. New York: Wm. Morrow and Co., 1962. A history of the American frontier from 1775-1783. V220 Disinherited: The Lost Birthright of the American Indian. New York: Morrow, 1966. V230 (WCU ETSU MHC UNCA) Forth to the Wilderness: The First American Frontier, 1754-1774. A Menton Book. New York: New American Library, 1962. V240 (ASU) Men of the Western Waters; a Second Look at the First Americans. Boston: Houghton, 1956. Includes bibliography. V250 Our Country Then: Tales of Our First Frontier. Isted. New York: Holt, 1958. V260 (ASU) The Trembling Earth. New York: J. Messner, 1953. V270 (ASU) Van Hook, Joseph Orlando The Kentucky Story. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Harlow Pub. Corp., 1959. V280 �VAN HORN—VIRGINIA Von Horn, Earl C. Talc Deposits of the Murphy Marble Belt. Prepared and published in cooperation with the Tennessee Valley Authority. Bulletin, no. 56. Raleigh: N. C. Department of Conservation and Development, 1948. V290 (WCU) Von Home, Thomas B. History of the Army of the Cumberland, Its Organization, Campaigns, and Battles; Written at the Request of Maj.-Gen. George H. Thomas, Chiefly from his Private Military Journal and Official and Other Documents Furnished by Him. Illus. with campaign and battle maps comp. by Edward Ruger. n.p.: Robert Clarke and Co., 1875. V300 Vankirk, Fred Public Facility Location Determinations and Impact of New Highway Investment on Accessibility Changes in a Specified Subregion of W. Va. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Office of Research and Development, 1969. V310 Van Liere, Edward J. History of Medical Education in West Va. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Library, 1965. V320 Van Liere, Edward Jerald Early Teachers in W. Va. Univ. School of Medicine, 1869-1922. Morgantown: W. Va. Univ. Library, 1968. V330 Van Loon, Elizabeth The Shadow of Hampton Mead. Philadelphia: T. B. Peterson, 1878. V340 Vann, Elizabeth Chapman Denny Virginia's First German Colony. Richmond: n.p., 1961. V350 (ASU FC) Van Noppen, Ina Faye Woestemeyer see also Woestemeyer, Ina Faye Van Noppen, Ina Woestemeyer Stoneman's Last Raid. Raleigh, N. C.: North Carolina State College, 1961. V360 Stoneman's Last Raid. Raleigh, N. C.: n.p., 1961. V370 (ASU LMC WCU) Western North Carolina Since the Civil War. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1973. V380 (ASU WWC ETSU) Van Noppen, John James Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman: The Green Woods Were His Portion. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian Press, 1966. V390 (ASU WCU LMC MHC) Van Noppen, John J. Van Noppen, Ina Woestemeyer Western North Carolina Since the Civil War. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1973. V380 (ASU WWC ETSU) Van Noppen, John James Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman: The Green Woods Were His Portion. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian Press, 1966. V390 (ASU WCU LMC MHC) Vann Wagenen, Jared The Golden Age of Homespun. Illustrated by Erwin H. Austin. Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1953. V400 (ASU) Van Sickle, Charles C. Forest Industries in Appalachian Counties of Tennessee. U. S. Forest Service Resources Bulletin, SO-8. New Orleans: Southern Forest Experiment Station, 1967. V410 Van Sickle, John Valentine Planning for the South, an Inquiry into the Economics of Regionalism. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1943. V420 (ASU) Vantage Point no. 1-, 1973-. Knoxville, Term.: Commission on Religion in Appalachia, n.d. V430 Van Veen, Ted Rhododendrons in America. Portland, Ore.: Sweeny, Kirst and Dimm., 1969. V440 (ASU) Vargha, Louis A. Stroup, Robert H. Economic Impact of Secondary Road Improvements. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1963. S8150 AUTHOR Vaughn, Lawrence M. Just the Little Story of Cumberland Gap. Middlesboro, Ky.: Middlesboro Chamber of Commerce, 1927. V450 Vaughn, William Hutchinson "Robert Jefferson Breckinridge as an Educational Administrator." Master's thesis. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1937. V460 (ETSU) Vaught, Edgar S. Partial History of the Vaught Family. Oklahoma City, Okla.: n.p., 1950. V470 Veal, Cora T. "The Development of Education in Monroe County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. V480 Veatch, Jethro O. Soil Survey of Blair County, Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College, School of Agriculture and Experiment Station. Field Operations, 1915. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1917. V490 Soil Survey of Walker County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1915. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1916. V500 Vecsey, George One Sunset a Week, the Story of a Coal Miner . . . . New York: Saturday Review Press, E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1974. V510 (ASU) Veech, James The Monongahela of Old: Or, Historical Sketches of South-Western Pennsylvania to the Year 1800. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. V520 (ASU) Verhoeff, Mary The Kentucky Mountains, Transportation and Commerce, 1750-1911: A Study in the Economic History of a Coal Field. Filson Club Publications, no. 26. Louisville: J. P. Morton and Co., 1911. V530 (ASU WCU BC) . . . The Kentucky River Navigation. Louisville, Ky.: John P. Morton and Co., 1917. V540 Vernon, J. J. and others Study of the Organization and Management of Farmers in Grayson County, Va. Charlottesville: Va. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1936. V560 Verve vol. 1-, Fall 1970. Boone, N. C.: Appalachian State Univ., Student Development, quarterly. V570 (ASU) Vessel, A. J. Austin, Moris E. Soil Survey, Claiborne County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1948. A5560 (ASU) Perkins, Samuel Oscar Soil Survey, Henderson County, North Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1943. P2100 Soil Survey, Greenbrier County, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey and the West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1937, no. 3. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. V580 Vibhatakarasa, Jin "The Tennessee Valley Authority: Administrative Development of the Last Two Decades, 1940-1960." Master's thesis. Duke Univ., 1961. V590 Vick, Shirley M. "A Comparative Study of Changes in Selected Personality Variables in Guidance and Counseling Majors as Compared with Reading Majors at Appalachian State University, 1967-68 Academic Year." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1968. V600 (ASU) 238 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Vickery, Dorothy Scovil Holiins College, 1842-1942; an Historical Sketch, Being an Account of the Principal Developments in the One-Hundred-Year History of Holiins College. Holiins College, Va.: Holiins College, 1942. V610 (BC) Vimmerstedt, John P. Doolittle, Warren T. Site Index Curves for Natural Stands of White Pine in the Southern Appalachians. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1960. D2930 () Southern Appalachian White Pine Plantations, Site, Volume, and Yield. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, 149. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1962. V620 (WCU) Vincent, Bert Bert Vincent's Strolling, Being Sort of a Side-Glance at the Little Odds and Ends of Life in These Parts. Knoxville: W. L. Warters, 1940. Vincent was a feature writer for the Knoxville News-Sentinel. V630 The Best Stories of Bert Vincent, ed. Willard Yarbrough. Maryville: Brazos, 1968. V640 More of the Best Stories of Bert Vincent. Maryville: Brazos, 1970. V650 Vines, Howell This Green Thicket World. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1934. V660 (ASU) Vinson, Lacy W. "A Study of the Ability of Cocke County to Support Its Schools." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1957. V670 Virginia, Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin. Blacksburg, Va.: n.p., 1926. V680 (BC) Virginia, Auditor of Public Accounts A List of Lands and Lots Returned as Delinquent, in Grayson County, Va. n.p.: n.p., n.d. V690 (BC) Virginia, Board of Immigration Virginia: A Geographical and Political Summary, Embracing a Description of the State, Its Geology, Soils, Minerals and Climate; Its Animal and Vegetable Productions; Manufacturing and Commercial Facilities; Religious and Educational Advantages; Internal Improvements, and Form of Government. Richmond: The author, 1870. WOO (BC) Virginia, Commission on Constitutional Government Federal Grants-in-Aid; a Comprehensive Analysis of Federal Grants-in-Aid to All the States, with a Detailed Analysis of Programs in Effect in Each City and County of Virginia. Richmond: The commission, 1961. V710 (BC) Virginia Conservation Commission State Historical Markers of Virginia. 5th ed., Edited by the Division of History and Archeology. Richmond: Division of Publicity and Advertising, 1941. V720 Virginia, County Court (Franklin County) An Old Virginia Court: Being a Transcript of the Records of the First Court of Franklin County, Virginia, 1786-1789, with Biographies of the Justices and Stories of Famous Cases. Transcribed, annotated, glossarized and indexed by Marshall Wingfield. Memphis: West Tennessee Historical Society, 1948. V730 (ASU ETSU) Virginia, Department of Conservation and Development A Hornbook of Virginia History. Compiled and edited by James Randolph Vivian Daniel. Richmond: The department's division of history, 1949. V760 (ASU) Virginia, Dept. of Agriculture and Immigration Virginia. Pub. by the Department of Agriculture and Immigration of the State of Virginia by Geo. W. Koiner, Commissioner, Richmond. Richmond: D. Bottom, Superintendent of Public Print., 1926. V740 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Virginia, Dept. of Conservation and Development, Division of Industrial Development Manufacturing Plants in Va. Established Since 1940, Listed by Counties and Independent Cities. Richmond: The dept., 1958. V790 Virginia Dept. of Conservation and Development, Division of Water Resources Bulletin. Surface and Water Supply of Va. New, Big Sandy, and Tenn. River Basins, 1942-1950. Richmond: The dept., n.d. V750 (BC) Virginia, Dept. of Conservation and Economic Development Industrial Sites and Economic Data. Richmond: The dept., 1960. Describes industrial sites and economic data of Tazewell County, Virginia. V770 (BC) Industrial Sites and Economic Data, Botetourt County, Virginia. Richmond: The dept., 1960. V780Virginia, Dept. of Highways, Div. of Traffic and Planning Travel Survey of Out-of-State Passenger Cars Using Highways in Virginia. Richmond: The dept., 1964. V800 Virginia, Division of Industrial Development Economic Data. Richmond: The division, n.d. V810 (BC) Virginia, Division of Industrial Development and Planning Projections and Economic Base Analysis: Bristol-Kingsport Metropolitan Area Including the City of Bristol, Virginia, and the Counties of Washington, Virginia, and Sullivan, Tennessee. Richmond: The division, 1967. V820 Virginia, Division of Mineral Resources Bulletin. Charlottesville: The division, n.d. V830 (BC) Virginia, Division of Water Resources New River Basin Comprehensive Water Resources Plan. Richmond: The division, 1967. V840 Virginia; an Economic Profile Richmond, Va.: Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond, 1962. V850 (BC) Virginia, Employment Commission Labor Supply Survey of Bristol, Virginia-Tennessee. Prepared by the Research, Statistics, and Information Division. Richmond: The Commission, 1964. V860 (ETSU) Labor Supply Survey of New River Valley. Prepared by Research, Statistics and Information Division, Virginia Employment Commission. Richmond: The commission, 1963. V870 (ASU) Labor Supply Survey of Northern Shenandoah Valley. Prepared by Research, Statistics, and Information Division. Richmond: The commission, 1963. V880 (ASU) Redevelopment Manpower Report for the Norton-Big Stone Gap Area. Richmond: The commission, 1964. V890 (ASU) Virginia, Geological Commission, Office of the State Forester Bulletin. Charlottesville, Va.: Univ. of Virginia, 19--. V900 (BC) Virginia, Geological Survey Bulletin. Richmond: . n.p., n.d. V910 The Gay and Shales of Va. West of the Blue Ridge. Bulletin no. 20. Richmond: The survey, 1920. V920 Contributions to Virginia Geology. Bulletin, no. 46. Richmond: The survey, 1936. V930 (LMC) Fensters in the Cumberlan'd Over Thrust in Southwest Va. Bulletin no. 28. Richmond: The survey, 1927. V940 Geology and Coal Resources of Buchanan Co., Va. Bulletin no. 18. Richmond: The survey, 1918. V950 AUTHOR The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-Bearing Portion of Tazewell Co., Va. Bulletin no. 19. Richmond: The survey, 1919. V960 The Geology and Coal Resources of Dickenson Co., Va. Bulletin no. 21. Richmond: The survey, 1921. V970 Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise Co. and Coal Bearing Portions of Scott Co., Va. with a Chapter on the Forest of Wise Co. Bulletin no. 24. Richmond: The survey, 1923. V980 Guidebook, Field Conference of Pennsylvania Geologists, Virginia — 1938. Compiled by Arthur Charles Beva, with the Collaboration of Charles Butts, Frank M. Swartz, Anna I. Jonas, A. S. Furcon, Earl A. Trager and Joseph K. Roberts. Guide Leaflet no. 1. Univ., Va.: The survey, 1938. V990 (ETSU) Marble Prospects in Giles Co., Va. Bulletin no. 40. Richmond: The survey, n.d. VI000 Oil and Gas Possibilities at Early Grove, in Scott Co., Va. Bulletin 27. Richmond: The survey, 1927. V1010 Reprint Series, no. 1-, 1937-. Univ., Va.: The survey, irregular. V1020 (ETSU) Zinc and Lead Region of Southwestern Va. Bulletin no. 43. Richmond: The survey, 1935. VI030 Virginia, Guide to the Old Dominion Compiled by the Writers Program of the W.P.A. in Virginia. American Guide Series. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1940. VI040 Virginia Highway Historical Markers: The Tourist Guide Book of Virginia Featuring the Inscriptions on the Official Markers Along the Historic and Romantic Highways of the Mother State. Strasburg, Va.: Shanandoah Pub. House, n.d. VI050 (BC) Virginia, Historical Collections, New Series vols 1 through 11. 1882-1892. Richmond, Va.: William Ellis Jones Printer, n.d. VI060 The Virginia Historical Register, and Literary Companion Ed. by William Maxwell. 1. 1-6, Jan. 1848-Oct. 1853. Richmond: Printed for the Proprietor by Macfarlane and Ferguson, 1848-53. VI070 (BC) Virginia, Laws, Statutes, etc. Acts of the General Assembly, Passed at the Extra Session, Held May Sixth, 1862, at the City of Wheeling. Wheeling: Printed at the Dail Press book and job office, 1862. An act giving the consent of the legislature of Virginia to the formation West Virginia. VI080 (BC) The Code of Virginia: With the Declaration of Independence and Constitution of the U. S.: And the Declaration of Rights and Constitution of Virginia. Richmond: Wm. F. Ritchie, 1849. VI090 (LMC) Virginia Local History: A Bibliography Richmond, Va.: State Library, 1971. V1100 (LMC) The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography Published quarterly by the Virginia Historical Society. Richmond, Va.: The Society, 1893. VT110 (BC) Virginia Military Institute, Lexington Official Register, 1910-1911. Lexington, Va.: The institute, n.d. VI120 (ASU) Virginia Minerals vol. 1-, 1955. Charlottesville, Va.: Division of Mineral Resources, n.d. Vll 30 (BC) Virginia, Outdoor Recreation Study Commission Va's Common Wealth, a Study at Va.'s Outdoor Recreation Resources. Richmond: The survey, 1965. VI140 239 VIRGINIA—VOGEL Virginia, Polytechnic Institute, Blacksburg Bulletin. Engineering Experiment Station series, no. 1. n.p.: n.p., n.d. VI150 (BC) Virginia, Economic and Civic. Prepared in the Virginia Polytechnic Institute in collaboration • with the Virginia State Chamber of Commerce. Edited for the Virginia state chamber of commerce by Clarence W. Newman. Richmond: Whittet & Shepperson, 1933. VI160 (BC) Virginia, Secretary of the Commonwealth Report. Richmond: n.p., annual. VI170 (BC) Virginia, State Library, Richmond A Bibliography of Virginia, Part 1. Containing the Titles of Books in the Virginia State Library which Relate to Virginia and Virginians, the Titles of Those Books Written by Virginians, and of those Printed in Virginia but not including the Titles of the Official Editions of the Laws, of the Journals of the Legislative Bodies, of the Reports of Administrative Officers, and other published official documents. By Earl G. Swem, Assistant Librarian. Richmond: Sup't of Public Print., 1916. VI180 Virginia, State Library, Richmond, Department of Archives and History List of the Colonial Soldiers of Virginia. Special report for 1913. 1961. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. VI190 (ASU) Virginia Travel Study Committee Travel in Virginia, Its Economic Significance. Richmond: Advisory Council on the Virginia Economy, 1967. VI200 Virginia, University The University of Virginia Record . . . . Charlottesville: The Univ., irregular. VI210 (BC) Virginia, University, Bureau of Population and Economic Research Personal income estimates for Virginia counties and cities, 1957 and 1958, by John Littlepage Lancaster. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1961. VI220 (BC) Virginia, University, Library The Folksongs of Virginia: A Checklist of the WPA Holdings, Alderman Library University of Virginia. By Bruce A. Rosenberg. Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1969. VI230 (ETSU ASU LMC) Virginia, University School of Rural Social Economics An Economic and Social Survey of Warren Co. Charlottesville, Va.: Univ. of Va., 1943. VI240 (BC ASU) Virkus, Frederick Adams ed. The Abridged Compendium of American Genealogy: First Families of America, a Genealogical Encyclopedia of the United States. Under the direction of Albert Nelson Marquis. 1925-42. Reprint. 5 vols. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1968. V1250 (ASU) Immigrant Ancestors: A List of 2,500 Immigrants to America Before 1750. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1963. VI260 (ASU) Immigrants to America Before 1750: An Alphabetical List of Immigrants to the Colonies Before 1750, Compiled from Official and Other Records. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. VI270 (ASU) Vlachos, P. G. "The Structure and Polarization of Economic Activity in the Appalachian Region." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Cincinnati, 1969. VI280 (LMC) Vogel, H. D. TVA Revenue Bond Financing Presented by the Board of Directors, Tennessee Valley Authority. Speech before the Municipal Forum of New York, May 12, 1960. New York: Municipal Forum of New York, 1960. VI290 �VOGEL—WALKER Vogel, John This Happened in the Hills of Kentucky. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan Pub. House, 1952. Vogel founded the Galilean Children's Home in Corbin, Kentucky. VI300 (ASU LMC) Vogenberger, R. A. Method for Determining Public Fire Control Expenditures for Private Lands. Prepared in Cooperation with North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development and the TVA Division of Forestry Relations. Morris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1957. VI310 Voice of the Hills vol. 1, no. 1 ceased pub. after 1st issue, April 1970. Richwood, W. Va.: Mountaineer Hall of Fame, n.d. The voice of the Mountaineer Hall of Fame. VI320 (BC) Voigt, Marry Raymond History of Concordia College, Conover, North Carolina. Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1951. V1330 (ASU) Vollmer, Lula The Hill Between; a Folk Play in Three Acts. Prepared by Nathaniel E. Reeid. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1937. A slow-moving drama about a mountain born doctor and his outland wife who returned to the hills. VI340 Moonshine and Honeysuckle; a Play in Three Acts. New York: French, 1934. A farcical drama of strife and feuds in the southern mountains. VI350 Sun-up; a Play in Three Acts. New York: Brentano's Pubs., 1924. A drama of World War 1 volunteers and a deserter set in the southern mountains. V1360 (ETSU ASU) Sun-up: A Play in Three Acts. New York: Coward-McCann, 1933. VI370 (ASU LMC) Voorhees, Lillian W. The Brown Thrush; Anthology of Verse by Negro Students, Talladega College, Tougaloo College. Edited by Lillian W. Voorhees and Robert W. O'Brien. Bryn Athyn, Penn.: Lawson-Roberts, 1932. VI380 (BC) W. F. Stallard ed. The Elkhorn Review "From the Heart of the Hills." Ernine, Ky.: n.p., n.d. El 570 Wachovia Bank and Trust Company North Carolina County Data. Raleigh: Wachovia Bank and Trust Co., 1968. W10 Wadded, Joseph A. Annals of Augusta County, Virginia, 1726-1871. 2nd ed. rev. Staunton: C. Russell Caldwell Pub., 1902. W20 Wadded, Joseph Addison Annals of Augusta County, Virginia, with Reminiscences and a Diary of the War, 1861-1865, and a Chapter on Reconstruction. Richmond: Wm. E. Jones, 1886. W30 (LMC BC ASU) Wade, Carlson Natural and Folk Remedies. Foreword by H. W. Holderby. New York: Parker Pub. Co., 1970. W40 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Wade, Forest C. Cry of the Eagle: History and Legends of the Cherokee Indians and Their Buried Treasures. Cumming, Ga.: n.p., 1969. W50 (ASU WCU BC) Wade, William Frankly Speaking: A Concoction of Humorous, Serious, and Satirical Verses. Beckley, W. Va.: n.p., 1936. W60 (ASU) Wadleigh, Francis R. A List of Books and Other Sources of Information Regarding Coal and Coal Products. Washington: W. F. Roberts, 1935. W70 Wager, Paul Woodford County Government and Administration in North Carolina. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina, 1928. W80 (LMC BC) AUTHOR Waggoner, George C. What Kentuckians Ought to Know about the State Game and Fish Commission . . . . Frankfort, Ky.: Kentucky Game and Fish Commission, 1926. W90 (BC) Wagner, A. J. TVA Power System. Address before the Electric League of Chattanooga, May 19, 1964. Knoxville, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1964. W100 Wagner, Leopold Manners, Customs, and Observances: Their Origins and Signification. 1894. Reprint. Detroit: Gale Research Co., 1968. WHO (ASU) Wag staff, Henry McGilbert Federalism in North Carolina. James Sprunt Studies, vol. 9, no. 2. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1910. W120 (LMC) Wiley Buck and Other Stories. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1953. W130 (LMC) Wag staff, Thomas "Andrew Johnson and the National Union Movement." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1967. Helped make Johnson a national political figure. W140 Wahl, Kenneth D. Ground Water in the Vicinity of Bryce Hospital, Negro Colony, Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the Alabama State Hospitals and the Geological Survey of Alabama. Circular, 25. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1965. W150 (ETSU) Wahlenberg, W. G. Technique for Hand Planting of Forest Trees on Southern Appalachians. U. S. Forest Service, Station Paper, no. 12. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1951. W160 Wahlgreu, Harold E. Taras, Michael Andrew A Comparison of Increment Core Sampling Methods For Estimating Tree Specific Gravity. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1963. T230 (WCU) Wakefield, Donald S. A Technical Assistance Program for the Upper Cumberlands of Tennessee. Cookeville, Tenn.: Technological Univ. Upper Cumberland Economic and Resources Development Center., 1968. W170 Wakefield, Eleanor Ely Folk Dancing in America. New York: J. L. Pratt, 1966. Includes Appalachian folk dances. W180 (BC) Wakefield, Nancy comp. Gleeson, Patrick Language and Culture. Columbus, Ohio: E. C. Merrill, 1968. G2100 (ASU BC) Waldman, Emerson Beckoning Ridge. Illustrated by James Reid. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1940. W190 (ASU) Waldrop, C. S. Lewis, Henry Guy Soil Survey of Cleburne County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1915. L2170 Lyman, Webb S. Soil Survey of Etowah County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. L4070 Smith, William G. Soil Survey of Colbert County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1909. S5190 Waldrop, Charles S. Soil Survey of Jackson County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1911. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1912. W200 Soil Survey of Marshall County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1911. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. W210 240 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Soil Survey of Putnam County, Tennessee. Prepared in cooperation with the Tennessee Geological Survey. Field Operations, 1912. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1914. W220 Wales, G. Indian Battles, Murders, Sieges and Forays in the South-west. Nashville-, n.p., 1853. Cherokees and other Indians of Tennessee. General History of the Cherokees. W230 Walker, Anne Kendrick Russell Co. in Retrospect. Richmond, Va.: Deitz Press, 1950. W240 (BC) Walker, Charles R. Steeltown, an Industrial Case History of the Conflict between Progress and Security. New York: Harper, 1950. An excellent study of social conditions in a Pennsylvania steel town. W250 Walker, Earnest "Characteristics of School Board Members of Selected Upper East Tennessee School Districts." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1969. W260 (ETSU) Walker, Edith C. "Folk Elements in the Fiction of James Still." Master's thesis. Western Kentucky Univ., 1969. Still is one of Appalachias popular authors. His RIVER OF EARTH is a classic. W270 (ASU) Walker, Etta Belle Willis, Carrie Hunter Legends of the Skyline Drive and the Great Valley of Virginia. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1937. W7000 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Walker, Frank H. Geological Society of Kentucky Itinerary: Some Stratigraphic and Structural Features of the Middlesboro Basin. Lexington, Ky.: The society, 1957. G830 (ETSU) McFarlan, Arthur Crane Some Old Chester Problems — Correlations Along the Eastern Belt of Outcrop. Lexington: Kentucky Geological Survey, 1956. Ml 330 (ETSU) Walker, Hugh Tennessee Tales. Nashville: Aurora Pubs., 1970. W280 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Walker, Lewis Meriwether, Jr. An Economic and Social Survey of Allegheny County. Record, Extension Series, vol. 20, no. 7. Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia, 1936. W290 (ASU BC) Walker, Robert S. Chattanooga, Its History and Growth. Chattanooga: Chattanooga Community Assoc., 1930. W300 The Chickamauga Dam and Its Environs. Chattanooga: Andrews, 1949. W310 This is Chattanooga. Chattanooga: Andrews, 1949. W320 Walker, Robert Sparks As the Indians Left It: The Story of the Chattanooga Audubon Society and Its Elise Chapin Wildlife Sanctuary. Chattanooga, Tenn.: C. C. Hudson, 1955. W330 (ASU MHC) Lookout, the Story of a Mountain. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Pubs., 1941. W340 (LMC BC) Torchlights to the Cherokee: The Brainerd Mission. New York: Macmillan Co., 1931. W350 (ASU ETSU BC) Walker, Samuel Turence V. Powderly, "Labor Mayor", Workingmen's Politics in Scranton, Pennsylvania, 1870-1884. Ph. D. Diss. Ohio State Univ., 1973. W360 Walker, Thomas Doctor Walker's Diary of Exploration, 1750; with Will Subjoined. 5th ed. Barbourville, Ky.: Advocate Pub. Co., 1950. W370 (BC) Journal of an Exploration in the Spring of the Year 1750. Boston: Little, 1888. W380 Kentucky's First House; the Journal of Dr. Thomas Walker. Barbourville, Ky.: Advocate Pub. Co., 1940, W390 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Walker, W. H. Pree, H. L, Jr. Public and Industrial Water Supplies of the Jackson Purchase Region, Kentucky. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1953. P4290 Walker, William McJunkin, Frederick E. Water Resources of Virginia. Blacksburg: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1966. M1740 The Southern Harmony Songbook . . . . New York: Hastings House, 1939. A very popular shape-note songbook. W410 (BC) Walker, William comp. The Southern Harmony. 1854. Reprint. Edited by Glenn C. Wilcox. First line index by Charles L. Atkins. Los Angeles: Pro Musicamericana, 1966. A very popular shape-note songbook. W400 (WCU) Walker, William Edward John Eston Cooke: A Critical Biography. Unpublished doctoral diss. Vanderbilt Univ., 1957. W420 Walker, William R. Industrial Water Use in North Carolina. Chapel Hill: U.N.C. Institute of Government, 1964. W430 Walker, Woods Walker Fox Hounds. Cynthiana, Ky.: The Hobson Book Press, 1945. National fox hounds that are famous in Appalachian Hunting Clubs. W440 (BC) Walker, Zeddie "An Educational Survey of Grundy County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1952. W450 Wall, Sara T. History of the Church of the Redeemer, Shelby, N. C, 1858-1958. Shelby: n.p., 1958. W460 Wallace, George S. Huntington (West Virginia) Through Seventy Five Years. Huntington, W. Va.: Anderson Newcomb Co., 1947. W470 Wallace, H. A. Weisenberger, Billy C. Soil Survey, Elliott County, Kentucky. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1965. W2390 Wallace, Louis D. Tennessee, Department of Agriculture Makers of Millions, Not for Themselves But for You: Stories of Tennesseans whose Accomplishments for Agriculture Brought Renown to Their State and Caused an Appreciating and Benefited Public to Propose Their Admission to the Tennessee Agricultural Hall of Fame. Nashville: The department, 1951. T1000 (ASU) Wallace, Richard S. West Virginia — An Economic Profile. Richmond: Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond, 1964. W480 Wallen, Clarence Monroe Gena of the Appalachians. New York: Cochrane Pub. Co., 1910. W490 (BC ASU ETSU) Waller, Charles T. comp. Killion, Ronald G. A Treasury of Georgia Folk-lore. Atlanta: Cherokee Pub. Co., 1972. K1950 (BC ASU MHC ETSU) Waller, Eugene C. "A Survey of the Church and Independent Schools and Colleges of the Southern Appalachians." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1931. W500 Waller, James Flint West of Suez. Verona, Va.: McClure Press, 1970. A collection of widely varied tales, including some of the local history of Virginia, specifically of Rockenbridge and Augusta Counties. W510 (ASU BC) Waller, Mary Ella Deep in the Hearts of Men. Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1924. W520 (BC) The Woodcarver of Olympus. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1904. W530 (ASU) Wallo, Joseph Appalachian Dulcimer Plans. Washington, D. C.: n.p., 1969. Plans for building your own instrument. W540 AUTHOR Walls, David S. Appalachia in the Sixties: Decade of Reawakening. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1972. W550 (ASU LMC WWC WCU MHC ETSUBCUNCA) Walls, Norah Spencer Looking Back. New York: Exposition Press, 1959. W560 (BC) Walser, Richard Betts, Leonidas Gateway to North Carolina Folklore. Raleigh: School of Education Office of Publications, North Carolina State Univ. at Raleigh, 1974. B3430 Walser, Richard Gaither Literary North Carolina. Raleigh: North Carolina State Department of Archives and History, 1970. W580 (ASU BC) Thomas Wolfe: An Introduction and Interpretation. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1961. W630 (UNCA ASU WCU BC) Walser, Richard Gaither ed. The Enigma of Thomas Wolfe: Biographical and Critical Selections. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1953. W570 (ASU WCU) The North Carolina Miscellany. Illustrated by Paul Gray. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1962. W590 (LMC ASU) North Carolina Poetry. Rev. ed. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1951. W600 (LMC BC) North Carolina in the Short Story. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1948. W610 (LMC BC) Short Stories from the Old North State. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1959. W620 (ASU LMC WWC) Walters, Joe Parks "The Marble Industry of the Knoxville Area." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1958. W640 Walters, Roy N. A Study of Private Secondary Schools in Southeastern Kentucky. Nashville: George Peabody College for Teachers, 1957. W650 "Survey and Sociological Study of 25 Weekly Newspapers in Eastern Kentucky." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1936. W660 (ASU) Walters, Russell S. Krochmal, Arnold Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1969. K3230 (BC) Krochmal, Arnold A Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. Washington: U. S. Forest Service, 1971. K3240 (ASU ETSU LMC) Watthall, John A. COPENA: A Tennessee Valley Middle Woodland Culture. Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1973. The story of a number of woodland burial mound sites in Northern Alabama. W670 Walton, Mrs. M. L. Vale of Shenandoah and Other Poems. Snow Hill, Md.: The People Print., n.d. W680 (ASU) Walton, Thomas G. Sketches of the Pioneers in Burke County History, n.p.: n.p., 1961. W690 Wampler, Charles W. My Grandfather, My Grandchildren, and Me: An Autobiography of Charles W. Wampler. Harrisonburg, Va.: Shenandoah Press, 1968. W700 (ASU) WAMY Community Action, Inc. A Profile of Community Problems: Watauga, Avery, x Mitchell, Yancey Counties. Compiled for WAMY Community Action, Inc. by the North Carolina Fund, n.p.: n.p., n.d. W710 Warburton, Amber A. Guidance in a Rural-lndust. Comm., Harlan Co., a Ky. Coal Mining District, Plans. Washington: Nat. E. Assoc., 1954. W720 241 WALKER—WARNER Ward, Francis Ehl "A Historical Study of the ET&WNC Narrow Gauge Railroad." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1958. W730 (ASU) Ward, George Gordon The Annals of Upper Georgia Centered in Gilmer County. Carrollton, Ga.: Thomasson Print, and Office Equipment Co., 1965. W740 (ASU LMC) Ward, John William Andrew Jackson, Symbol for an Age. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1955. W750 (ASU) Ward, Joseph Marshall "A Proposal for the Two-Dimensional Design Course at Virginia Interment College, Bristol, Virginia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1965. W760 (ETSU) Ward, Robert David Labor Revolt in Alabama: The Great Strike ot 1894. Southern Historical Publication, no. 9. University: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1965. W770 (WCU BC) Warded, Morris L. A Political History of the Cherokee Nation, 1838-1907. Civilization of the American Indian, 17. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1938. W780 (ASU LMC) Wardron, Holman D. With Pen and Camera Thro the "Land of the Sky": Western North Carolina and the Asheville Plateau. 10th ed. Portland, Me.: Chesholm Brothers, 1911. W790 (ASU) Ware, Charles Crossfield North Carolina Disciples of Christ. St. Louis, Mo.: Christian Board of Publications, 1927. W800 (BC) Warfield, Ethelbert Dudley Kentucky Resolutions of 1798. 2nd ed. New York: n.p., 1894. W810 (BC) Waring, Antonio J. ed. Creek Nation Laws of the Creek Nation. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1960. C8660 (ASU) Warman, James C. Geology and Ground-Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the Calhoun County Board of Commissioners, the City of Anniston, and the Geological Survey of Alabama. County Report, 7. University: Alabama, Geological Survey, 1962. W830 (ETSU) Warman, James C. and others Geology and Ground-Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama: An Interim Report. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the Calhoun County Board of Commissioners, the City of Anniston, and the Geological Survey of Alabama. Information Series, 17. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1960. W820 (ETSU) Warne, Alice E. An Economic Survey of Clinton Co., Pa. University Park: Penn. State Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1958. W840 An Economic Survey of Monroe County, Conducted by the Bureau of Business Research, College of Business Administration, Penn. State Univ. in Cooperation with Pocono Mountains Chamber of Commerce, Stroudsburg, Pa. Univ. Park: Penn. State Univ., Bureau of Business Research, 1959. W850 Warner, Charles Dudley On Horseback: A Tour in Virginia, North Carolina and Tennessee. With Notes of Travel in Mexico and California. Boston: Houghton, 1888. Early sociological comments and observations. W860 (BC) On Horseback: A Tour in Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee. With Notes of Travel in Mexico and California. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1892. Early sociological comments and observations. W870 (ASU WCU LMC) �WARNER—WATKINS Warner, Charles Willard Hoskins Road to Revolution; Virginia's Rebels from Bacon to Jefferson, 1676-1776. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1961. W880 Warner, John W. Hatfield, William F. Soil Survey, Jefferson County, West Virginia. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1973. H3490 Warner, Larkin Bruce "The Economics of the Transportation of Ohio Coal." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1961. W890 Warner, Paul L. An Economic and Social Survey of Clarke County. Charlottesville: n.p., 1925. W900 Warre, LA Lincoln's Parentage Childhood. Bartlesville, Okla.: Borderland Books, n.d. W960 Warren, Charles B. A Paraphrase of Seven Days. Huntington, W. Va.: Huntington Poetry Guild, 1944. W910 (BC) Warren County Civil War Centennial Commission Observance, Battle of Front Royal Virginia, May 19-20, 1962. n.p.: The commission, 1962. W920 (LMC) Warren, Harlow Beckley, U.S.A. Beckley, W. Va.: n.p., 1955-63. W930 (BC) Warren, Harold F. A Right Good People. Boone, N. C: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1974. Sketches and pictures of mountain people from a feature writer for THE CHARLOTTE OBSERVER. The writing is warm and sensitive and the pictures are classics from the archives of Doris Ulmann, Warren Brunner, Kenneth Murray, Joe Clark and the author. W940 (ASU) Warren, Julie B. The People Govern North Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: Warren, 1946. W950 (WWC) Warren, Robert B. Soil Survey of Meigs County, Tenn. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture Soil Conserv. Service, 1974. W970 Warren, Robert Penn The Cave. New York: Random House, 1959. Set in the Cumberland Region of Kentucky. W980 (ETSU BC) Warren, William Robinson The Life and Labors of Archibald McLean. St. Louis, Mo.: Published for United Christian Missionary Society by the Bethany Press, 1923. W990 ' (BC) Washburn, Benjamin Earle A Country Doctor in the South Mountains. Illustrated by John Pike. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1955. A biography of a rural North Carolina doctor in Rutherford County. W1000 (ASU LMC MHC BC). Rutherford County and Its Hospital. Spindale, N. C.: Spindale Press, 1960. ' W1010 (BC) Washburn, Claude Carlos The Green Arch. New York: Albert and Charles Boni, 1925. W1020 Washington Center for Metropolitan Studies A Selective Bibliography of Writings on Poverty in the United States. Bethesda, Md.: National Institute of Health, 1964. W1030 Washington College, Washington College, Tenn. Bulletin, vol. 1. Washington College, Tenn.: Washington College, 19--. W1040 (BC) Washington County, Tennessee, Board of Education School Board Policies. Jonesboro, Tenn.: The board, n.d. W1050 (ETSU) Washington County, Tennessee, Council of Home Demonstration Clubs Favorite Recipes: A Collection of Favorite Recipes of Home Demonstration Club Women of Washington County, n.p.: The council, 1952. W1060 (ETSU) Washington County, Virginia, Historical Society Publications. Abingdon, Va.: The society, n.d. W1070 (ASU LMC ETSU) AUTHOR Washington, George The Journal of Major George Washington. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Univ. Microfilms, 1966. As a young militia officer, Washington spent much time on the frontier. W1080 Washington, Mary Louise "The Folklore of the Cumberlands as Reflected in the Writings of Jesse Stuart." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1960. W1090 Watauga County — Administrator's Bonds 1873-1911 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1873-1911. W1100 (ASU) Watauga County — Appointment of Administrators and Guardians 1873-1926 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1873-1926. W1110 (ASU) Watauga County — Appointment of Receivers 1910-1920 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1910-1920. W1120 (ASU) Watauga County — Apprentice Bonds, 1874-1906 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1874-1906. W1130 (ASU) Watauga County — Armed Forces Discharges 1922-1957 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1922-1957. W1140 (ASU) Watauga County — Cross Index to Wills 1873-1969 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1873-1969. W1150 (ASU) Watauga County — Index to Administrators and Executors 1873-1968 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1873-1968. W1160 (ASU) Watauga County — Index to Guardians 1873-1968 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1873-1968. W1170 (ASU) Watauga County — Index to Real Estate Coveyances, Grantees 1872-1969 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1872-1969. W1180 (ASU) Watauga County — Index to Vital Statistics, 1914-1969 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, n.d. W1190 (ASU) Watauga County — Inheritance Tax Records, 1920-1969 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1920-1969. W1200 (ASU) Watauga County — Marriage Registers, 1873-1969 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1873-1969. W1210 (ASU) Watauga County, N. C., Board of Education Allegheny, Ashe, Watauga Planning Project for Handicapped Children, ESEA Title III. Boone, N. C.: The board, 1969. W1360 (WCU) Watauga County - Record of Accounts 1873-1968 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1873-1968. W1220 (ASU) Watauga County — Record of Administrators 1911-1968 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1911-1968. W1230 (ASU) Watauga County — Record of Deeds 1882-1958 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1882-1958. W1240 (ASU) Watauga County — Record of Elections 1878-1968 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1878-1968. W1250 (ASU) Watauga County — Record of Executors 1925-1968 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1925-1968. W1260 (ASU) Watauga County — Record of Guardians 1911-1968 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1911-1968. W1270 (ASU) 242 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Watauga County — Record of Resales 1922-1968 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1922-1968. W1280 (ASU) Watauga County — Record of Settlements 1873-1968 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1873-1968. W1290 (ASU) Watauga County — Record of Surveys, 1904-1953 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1904-1953. W1300 (ASU) Watauga County - Record of Wills, 1902-1968 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1902-1968. W1310 (ASU) Watauga County — Superior Court Minutes 1873-1959 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1873-1959. W1320 (ASU) Watauga County — Tax Lists, 1918-1921 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1918-1921. W1330 (ASU) Watauga County — Tax Scrolls 1888-1926 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1888-1926. W1340 (ASU) Watauga County — Trust Funds and Accounts for Indigent Children 1915-1960 Microfilm. Raleigh: Dept. of Art, Culture and History, 1915-1960. W1350 (ASU) Watauga Historical Association Watauga: 'The Dangerous Example." The Story of Sycamore Shoals. In cooperation with the Tennessee Historical Commission and East Tennessee State University. Johnson City: East Tennessee State Univ. Press, 1963. W1370 (ETSU) Watauga Review vol. 1, Fall, 1962. Johnson City: East Tennessee State Univ., irregular. W1380 (ETSU) The Watauga Spinnerette vol. 1. Elizabethton, Tenn.: North American Rayon Corp. and American Bemberg Division, Beaunit Mills, monthly. W1390 (ETSU) Water Development Coordinating Committee for Appalachia Minutes of the Meeting, no. 1-, Sept., 1965. Asheville, N. C.: The committee, n.d. W1400 (ETSU LMC) Minutes of the meeting, no. 1, Sept., 1965. Asheville: n.p., n.d. W1410 (ETSU) Water, Linda Crussell "A Study of the Cooperative Vocational Education Program at Boones Creek High School." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. W1430 (ETSU) Waters, Henry Fitz-Gilbert Genealogical Gleanings in England: Abstracts of Wills Relating to Early American Families, with Genealogical Notes and Pedigrees Constructed from the Wills and from Other Records. With the addition of Genealogical gleanings in England (new series) A-Any on. 2 vols. 1901, 1907. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. W1420 (ASU) Watkins, Charles Hubert Watkins, Floyd C. Yesterday in the Hills. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1963. W1450 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Watkins, Floyd C. Thomas Wolfe's Characters: Portraits from Life. 1st ed. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1957. W1440 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Yesterday in the Hills. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1963. An Emory University professor and his father recollect tales and tell of Ball Ground in North Georgia. W1450 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Watkins, Grace Virginia "A Study of Selected Fifth Grade Children in Lincoln School, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1951. W1460 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Wotkins, Samuel R. "Co. Aytch," Maury Grays, First Tennessee Regiment: Or, A Side Show of the Big Show, (original title: 1861 vs. 1882: "Co. Aytch" ...) Introduction by Bill Irvin Wiley. 1882. Reprint. Jackson, Tenn.: McCowat-Mercer Press, 1952. W1470 (ASU) Watkins, William Isaac Soil Survey of Greenville County, South Carolina. Field Operations, 1921. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1924. W1480 Watkins, Willie Moss comp. The men, women, events, institutions, and lore of Casey Co., Kentucky. Louisville: Standard Print. Co., 1939. W1490 (BC) Watlington, Patricia The Partisan Spirit: Kentucky Politics, 1779-1792. New York: Atheneum, 1972. W1500 (WWC BC) Watson, Doc comp. The Songs of Doc Watson. New York: Oak Publications, 1971. Collected favorites of a Watauga County, North Carolina musician and folk singer. W1510 (ASU WCU) Watson, Henry Clay Six nights in a Block house. New York: Must and Co., n.d. Exploits of Daniel Boone. W1520 (BC) Watson, Joan "The Library in the Literature Program at Daniel Boone High School, Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. W1530 (ETSU) Watson, Judge "The Economic and Cultural Development of Eastern Kentucky from 1900 to the Present." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1963. W1540 (ASU) Watson, Thomas Leonard Lead and Zinc Deposits in Virginia. Virginia Department of Agriculture and Immigration, Geological Survey of Virginia, Geological Series Bulletin no. 1. n.p.: Board of Agriculture and Immigration, 1905. W1550 . . . Mineral Resources of Virginia. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., Printers and Binders, 1907. W1560 (LMC) Watson, Thomas Shelby The Silent Riders. WAKY Radio Documentary. Louisville, Ky.: Beechmont Press, 1971. W1570 (BC) Watt, Homer Andrew Wolfe, Thomas The Correspondence of Thomas Wolfe and Homer Andrew Watt. New York: New York Univ. Press, 1954. W8400 (ASU WCU ETSU) Watts, George B. The Waldenses of Valdese. Valdese, N. C: The author, 1965. The story of a unique community settled by immigrants from Northern Italy. W1580 (LMC WCU) Watts, Sue E. Some Appalachian Short Stories: A Bibliography. Berea, Ky.: Berea College Appalachian Center, 1973. An evaluation of regional short stories appropriate for junior high school. W1590 Watts, W. C. Pittard, Pen L. Alexander County's Confederates. Taylorsville, N. C.: n.p., 1960. P3110 Facts and Events of the Watts Family. Taylorsville: Taylorsville Business Forms, n.d. A sketch of the life and ancestry of the Watts, Jones' and Echerds1 of what is now Alexander County. W1600 (ASU) Watts, William Courtney Chronicles of a Kentucky Settlement, n.p.: Putnam, 1897. W1610 (BC) Way, Frederick The Allegheny. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1942. Story of the Allegheny River. W1620 (BC) Wayland, Mrs. Charles F., Sr. Abstract of Wills, 1792-1835. Knoxville: East Tenn. Hist. Soc., n.d. W1630 AUTHOR Tombstone Inscriptions and Death Records, Calvary Cemetery, Knoxville, Tennessee, 1869-1967. n.p.: n.p., 1967. W1640 (ETSU) Wayland, John W. A Bird's Eye View of the Shenandoah Valley with Map. Staunton, Va.: McCiure Co., Inc., n.d. A pictorial review of the Shenandoah Valley. W1650 Facts and Fiction in Virginia History, n.p.: n.p., 1929. W1660 A History of Shenandoah County, Virginia. 2nd ed. Containing the addition of two chapters, and an addition to the Bibliography not found in the first edition. Strasburg, Va.: C. J. Carrier, 1969. W1670 Scenic and Historical Guide to the Shenandoah Valley. Petersburg, Va.: Louis Ginsberg, n.d. W1680 Stonewall Jackson's Way. An outline of Jackson's military movements in 1861, 1862 and 1863, with special emphasis on his brilliant campaign in the Shenandoah Valley in the spring and summer of 1862. Verona, Va.: C. J. Carrier, n.d. W1690 Twenty-Five Chapters on the Shenandoah Valley. Strasburg: Shenandoah Pub. House Inc., 1957. W1700 (BC) Virginia Valley Records. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1973. W1710 The Washingtons and Their Homes. Virginia Homes include "Mount Vernon," "Audley," "Clifton," "Fairfield," "Rising Sun Tavern," and many others. An appendix contains biographical sketches of over 400 Washingtons. Berryville, Va.: C. J. Carrier, n.d. W1720 Wayland, John Walter The Bowmans, a Pioneering Family in Virginia, Kentucky and the Northwest Territory. Staunton, Va.: Press of the McCiure Co., 1943. W1730 (ASU BC) German Element of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. Charlottesville, Va.: Michie Co. Printers, 1907. W1740 (BC) The German Element of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. Bridgewater, Va.: C. J. Carrier Co., 1964. W1750 (ASU) Historic Harrisonburg. Staunton, Va.: McCiure Print. Co., 1949. W1760 (ASU BC) Historic Homes of Northern Virginia and the Eastern Panhandle of West Virginia. Staunton, Va.: McCiure Co., 1937. W1770 (ASU) A History of Rockingham County, Virginia. Dayton, Va.: Ruebush Elkins Co., 1912. W1780 (ASU BC) A History of Shenandoah County, Virginia. 1927. Reprint. Strassburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. Co., 1969. W1790 (ASU BC) A History of Shenandoah County, Virginia (1969) Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1969. W1800 Scenic and Historical Guide to the Shenandoah Valley: A Handbook of Useful Information for Tourists and Students. 3rd ed., rev. and enlarged. Dayton, Va.: J. K. Ruebush Co., 1923. W1820 (WCU) Sidney Lanier at Rockingham Springs. Dayton, Va.: Ruebush-Elkins Co., 1912. W1840 (BC) The Valley Turnpike, Winchester to Staunton, and Other Roads. Publications, vol. 6. Winchester, Va.: Winchester-Frederick County Historical Society, 1967. W1850 (ASU BC) Wayland, John Walter comp. The Shenandoah Valley in History and Literature. Harrison, Va.: n.p., 1909. W1830 (ASU) 243 WATKINS-WEAVER Wayland, John Walter ed. Men of Mark and Representative Citizens of Harrisonburg and Rockingham County, Virginia. Va.: McCiure Co., 1943. W1810 (ASU BC) Virginia Valley Records: Genealogical and Historical Materials of Rockingham County, Virginia, and Related Regions. Special contributors: David A. Heatwole and others. 1930. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. W1860 (ASU BC) Waynick, Capus North Carolina Roads and Their Builders. Raleigh, N. C.: Superior Stone Co., 1952. W1870 (ASU LMC) Weals, Vic Hillbilly Dictionary, and Enlightening Collection of Mountain Expressions. Gatlinburg, Tenn.: n.p., n.d. W1880 (ASU) Wear, Pat Weatherfield and others Teacher Education in Service. By James R. Ogletree, Fred Edmonds, and Pat W. Wear. Bulletin, vol. 35, no. 2. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, 1962. W1890 (BC) Weatherford, Willis Duke Life and Religion in Southern Appalachia, an Interpretation of Selected Data from the Southern Appalachian Studies. New York: Friendship Press, 1962. A classic study of Appalachian religious beliefs and customs. W1920 (ASU MHC WCU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) Pioneers of Destiny: The Romance of the Appalachian People. Birmingham: Vulcan Press, 1955. Romantic view of the Appalachian people. W1930 (LMC BC) Weatherford, Willis Duke ed. Educational Opportunities in the Appalachian Mountains. Published under the auspices of the Berea Centennial Committee. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, 1955. W1900 (ASU LMC WWC BC) The Goals of Higher Education. By Harold Taylor and others. Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1960. W1910 (BC) Religion in the Appalachian Mountains: A Symposium. Berea, Ky.: Berea College, 1955. W1940 (ASU BC) Weathers, Lee Beam The Living Past of Cleveland County, a History. Shelby, N. C: Star Pub. Co., 1956. W1950 (ASU) Weaver, C. E. Illustrated Johnson City, Tennessee. Under the auspices of the Johnson City Chamber of Commerce. Illustrated Cities Series, n.p.: The author, 1915? W1960 (ETSU) Weaver, Charles E. Students in Appalachia. Presented at the Education-Business Relations Program Planning Work Shop at Concord College, Athens, West Virginia, May 12, 1971. Columbus: Ohio State Department of Education, 1971. W1970 (ETSU) Weaver, Emma Crafts in the Southern Highlands. Asheville: Southern Highland Handicraft Guild, 1958. W1980 Weaver, John Downing Wind Before Rain. New York: Macmillan Co., 1942. North Carolina mountain novel. W1990 (ASU LMC BC) Weaver, Mary One Hundred Years: A Story of the First Baptist Church, Clinton, Tennessee. Clinton: Clinton Courier-News, 1940. W2000 Weaver, Pearl Meno The Tribe of Jacob: The Descendants of the Reverend Jacob Weaver of Reems Creek, North Carolina, 1786-1868, and Elizabeth Siler Weaver. Weaverville, N. C: n.p., 1962. W2010 Weaver, Ward Hang My Wreath. New York: n.p., 1941. Romantic fiction set in Civil War Virginia. W2020 Weaver, Ward pseud, see Mason, Van Wyck �WEBB—WELLMAN Webb, Charles A. Fifty-eight Years in Asheville. Asheville, N. C: Asheville Citizen-Times Co., 1948. W2030 (UNCA) Mount Mitchell and Dr. Elisha Mitchell. Asheville: Citizen-Times Co., 1956. W2040 Webb, George Willis "The Resources of the Cumberland Plateau as Exemplified by Cumberland County, Tennessee: A Geographic Analysis." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Tennessee, 1956. W2050 Webb, Ross Allan Benjamin Helm Bristow, Border State Politician. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1969. W2060 (BC) Webb, W. S. An Archeological Survey of Rickwick Basin in the Adjacent Portions of the States of Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee. Smithsonian Inst. Bureau of Amer. Ethnology, Bulletin 129. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1942. W2070 Webb, William Snyder Punkhouser, William Delbert Ancient Life in Kentucky: A Brief Presentation of the Paleontological Succession in Kentucky Coupled with a Systematic Outline of the Archaeology of the Commonwealth. Frankfort: Kentucky Geological Survey, 1928. F3850 (ASU BC) Funkhouser, William Delbert Ancient Life in Kentucky: A Brief Presentation of the Paleontological Succession in Kentucky Coupled with a Systematic Outline of the Archaeology of the Commonwealth. Berea, Ky.: Kentucke Imprints, 1972. F3860 (WCU MHC BC) The Adena People, no. 2. With chapters by Charles E. Snow and Robert M. Goslin. In cooperation with the Ohio Historical Society. Columbus: Ohio State Univ. Press, 1957. W2080 (MHC) An Archaeological Survey of Guntersville Basin on the Tennessee River in Northern Alabama. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1951. W2090 (LMC BC) An Archaeological Survey of the Norris Basin in Eastern Tennessee. Smithsonian Institute Bureau of American Ethnology. Bulletin no. 118. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1938. W2100 (BC) Indian Knoll. Introd. to the new ed. by Howard D. Winters. 1946. Reprint. Knoxville, Tenn.: Univ. of Tenn. Press, 1974. W2110 Weber, Brom ed. Harris, George Washington Sut Lovingood. New York: Grove Press, 1954. H2820 (ASU) Weber, Julia My Country School Diary. New York: Harper and Bros., 1946. W2120 (BC) Webster, Larry Chavers, Gordon D. Coal Workers' Pneumoconisosis: Workmen's Compensation Treatment and Its Prevention in Kentucky. Atlanta: Resource Development Internship Project, n.d. C3550 (ASU) Webster, Marie Dougherty Quilts: Their Story and How to Make Them. New York: Tudor Pub. Co., 1915. W2130 (ASU) Quilts: Their Story and How to Make Them. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page, 1916. W2140 (BC) Webster, Ronald C. Hill Country Poems. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1970. W2150 (ASU LMC BC) Webster, Susie McCarver Historic City, Chattanooga; Containing Views and Descriptive Matter of Historic Points of Interest, Scenery, Pictures of Old and New Buildings, Leading Men, etc., All Artistically and Pleasingly Intermingled. Chattanooga: McGowan-Cooke, 1915. W2160 AUTHOR Wechsler, James Arthur Labor Baron, a Portrait of John L. Lewis. New York: W. Morrow and Co., 1944. W2170 (BC) Wechter, Nell Wise Betsy Dowdy's Ride. Winston-Salem: J. F. Blair, 1960. W2180 Weddle, Ethel Harsbarger Alvin C. York, Young Marksman. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1967. The story of a young mountain man who becomes the leading hero of World War One. W2190 (ETSU) Weddle, Warren F. "A Suggested Plan for Developing a More Effective Community Music Program in Johnson City." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1954. W2200 (ETSU) Weed, W. H. Copper Deposits of the Appalachian States. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 455. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1911. W2210 Weeden, Howard Shadows on the Wall: The Life and Works of Howard Weeden. Northport, Ala: Colonial Press, 1962. W2220 (BC) Weedfall, Robert 0. Climate, Weather and Coal Mine Explosions; with a Meteorological Review of the Farmington Disaster. Morgantown: West Va. Univ. Engineering Experiment Station, 1970. W2230 Weekley, Wm. Marion Twenty Years on Horseback. Dayton, Ohio: United Brethren Pub. House, 1907. The story of a Circuit Rider. W2240 (BC) Weeks, J. D. The Potomac and Roaring Creek Coal Fields in West Virginia, n.p.: n.p., 1894. Geographic and geological summary of one of the major coal areas in the Appalachian Mountains. W2260 Weeks, J. Devereux Dates of Origin of Virginia Counties and Municipalities. Charlottesville: Institute of Government, Univ. of Virginia, 1967. W2250 Weeks, Stephen Beauregard . . . Church and State in North Carolina. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1893. W2270 (BC) The Religious Development in the Province of North Carolina. Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1892. W2280 (LMC WWC UNCA) Weiner, Robert S. "The Location and Distribution of the Glass Industry of Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1949. W2290 Weir, Donald E. A Guidance Program for McMinn County High School. Knoxville: Univ. of Tenn., 1959. W2300 Weir, Gordon Whitney Geologic Map of the McKee Quadrangle, Jackson and Owsley Counties, Ky. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Geological Survey, 1973. W2310 (BC) Geological Map of Paint Lick Quadrangle. USGS. n.p.: n.p., 1969. W2320 (BC) Weir, Howard Laurie The Dialect of the Southern Highlands, n.p.: n.p., 1922. W2330 (BC) In the Land of Mudholes and Mountains; a Story of Three Years' Missionary Work in the Cumberland Mountains, n.p.: n.p., 1921. W2340 (BC) Weisbrod, Burton A. ed. The Economics of Poverty, an American Paradox. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1965. W2350 Weisenberger, Billy C. Soil Survey, Bath County, Kentucky. Soil Survey, Series 1959, no. 30. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1963. W2360 244 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Soil Survey, Bath County, Kentucky. By B. C. Weisenberger, R. L. Blevins, and D. M. Hersh. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1963. W2370 Soil Survey, Elliott County, Kentucky. By Billy C. Weisenberger, H. P. McDonald, and H. A. Wallace. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, 1965. W2380 Soil Survey, Elliott County, Kentucky. Soil Survey, Series 1961, no. 18. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1965. W2390 Weiser, Frederick S. ed. The Weiser Family. Conrad Weiser Family Association. Mechanicsburg, Pa.: Center Square Press, 1960. W2400 Weisgerber, Pius "Characteristics of Low Income Rural Families Related to Expenditure and Consumption Patterns: An Analysis of Rural Poverty for Public Program Purposes." Ph. D. Diss. Michigan State Univ., 1966. W2410 Weiss, Leah The Story of Why and How the Leah Weiss Relief Kitchen Became a Landmark in Cincinnati. Cincinnati: n.p., 195?. W2420 (BC) Weiss, Raymond B. A Scenic Guide to the Monongahela National Forest. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1969. W2430 (LMC ASU WCU BC) Weisser, Anne Teague "The Paradox of the Mountains: A Study of the Influences on Thomas Wolfe." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1969. W2440 (LMC) Weitzell, E. C. Bradford, R. H. Rural Underemployment and Land Use in a Marginal Agricultural Area of West Virginia. Morgantown: W. Va. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1943. B6150 Certain Econ-Aspects of Agriculture in Jackson Co. Soil Conservation Area, n.p.: n.p., 1939. W2450 Forest-Land Utilization in Nicholas and Webster Co., W. Va. n.p.: W. Va. Agric. Exp. Station, 1943. W2460 Welch, Jack History of Hancock Co., Va. and W. Va. n.p.: Wheeling News Print. & Litto Co., 1963. W2470 (BC) Weller, Jack E. A Profile of the Appalachian Family. Morgantown: West Va. Univ. Cooperative Extension Service, 1968. W2480 Yesterday's People: Life in Contemporary Appalachia. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1965. This controversial book suggests that Appalachian culture should be repudiated and all our youngsters incorporated into modern society. In recent years Mr. Weller's position has ameliorated somewhat. W2490 (UNCA ASU WCU MHC LMC ETSU WWC FC BC) Welles, G. M. Moon, J. W. Soil Survey, Jefferson County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1941. M6630 Weilman, Manly Wade Cope, Robert F. The County of Gaston: Two Centuries of a North Carolina Region. Gastonia: Gaston County Historical Society, 1961. C7260 (LMC ASU BC) Battle at Bear Paw Gap. New York: Washburn, 1966. A story for children about Indian attacks on the settlers in the North Carolina mountains in the late 18th century. W2500 (ASU) Battle for King's Mountain. New York: Washburn, 1962. A young patriot leads the continentals to a group of Tories at King's Mountain. W2510 (ASU LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Wellman, Manly Wade Clash on the Catawba. New York: Washburn, 1962. A young patriot is captured by the British while fighting near the Catawba River. W2520 (ASU) Dead and Gone: Classic Crimes of North Carolina. Chapel Mill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1954. W2530 (LMC BC) Harpers Ferry, Prize of War. Charlotte, N. C: McNally, 1960. A popular history written for the young reader. W2540 (ASU) The Kingdom of Madison, a Southern Mountain Fastness and Its People. By Manly Wade Wellman, with drawing by Frank Holyfield. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1973. W2550 The Kingdom of Madison, a Southern Mountain Fastness and Its People. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1973. W2560 (ASU LMC WWC WCU MHC BC) Lights over Skeleton Ridge. New York: Ines Washburn, 1957. W2570 The Master of Scare Hollow. New York: Washburn, 1964. A suspense and adventure story set in western North Carolina. W2580 (ASU WCU BC) Mountain Feud. New York: Washburn, 1969. The story of a feud between two mountain families in North Carolina. W2590 (ASU MHC BC) Mystery at Bear Paw Gap. New York: Washburn, 1965. Late 18th century North Carolina mountain settlers are frightened by an unknown beast. W2600 (ASU) The South Fork Rangers. New York: Washburn, 1963. During the American Revolution North Carolina patriots unite against the tories. W2610 (MHC) The Specter of Bear Paw Gap. New York: I. Washburn, 1966. Story of North Carolina mountain settler in 1792 who hears rumors of Indian demons. W2620 (WCU BC) Who Fears the Devil? Sauk City, Wise.: Arkham House, 1963. Several of these eleven short stories are set in western North Carolina. W2630 (LMC) Wells, Bertram Whittier The Natural Gardens of North Carolina, with Keys and Descriptions of the Herbaceous Wild Flowers Found Therein. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1932. W2640 (ASU WWC) The Natural Gardens of North Carolina, with Keys and Descriptions of the Herbaceous Wild Flowers Found Therein. 1932. Reprint. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1967. W2650 (ASU ETSU LMC) The Remarkable Flora of the Great Smoky Mountains. Asheville: Inland Press, n.d. W2660 Wells, Donald Theodore "The TVA Tributary Area Development Program." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Alabama, 1963. W2670 The TVA Tributary Area Development Program. Bureau of Public Administration Publications, 64. University: Univ. of Alabama, 1964. W2680 (LMC BC) Wells, Emma H. M. The History of Roane County, Tennessee, 1801-1870. Chattanooga: Lookout Pub., 1927. W2690 Wells, Emma Helm Middleton The History of Roane County, Tennessee, 1801-1870. Chattanooga, Tenn.: Lookout Pub. Co., 1927. W2700 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) AUTHOR Wells, Evelyn Kendrick The Ballad Tree, a Study of British and American Ballads, Their Folklore, Verse and Music, Together with Sixty Traditional Ballads and Their Tunes. New York: Ronald Press Co., 1950. W2710 (BC) Wells, J. K. A Short History of Paintsville and Johnson County. Paintsville, Ky.: Paintsville Herald, 1962. W2720 (ASU BC) Wells, Jane F. "Study of Thought Relating to Strip Mining in the Commonwealth of Kentucky." Ph. D. Diss. Indiana Univ., 1973. A comparison of attitudes of proponents and opponents of strip mining. W2730 Wells, Joseph William The Big Wells Family. Louisville: Standard Print. Co., 1957. W2740 (BC) History of Cumberland County. Louisville: Standard Print. Co., 1947. W2750 (ASU BC) Wells, Robert Dial Soil Survey, Douglas County, Georgia. Assisted by C. L. Mclntyre and Frank T. Ritchie, Jr. Soil Survey, Series 1959, no. 1. Washington: U. S. Soil Conservation Service, 1961. W2760 Wells, Ruth Marguerite "Andrew Johnson, Senator from Tennessee, 1857-1862." Master's thesis. Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1933. W2770 Welsh, Stanley Flowers of the Mountain Country. 1975 Deals with Some of the More Representative of Both Conspicuous and Inconspicuous Types, n.p.: n.p., n.d. W2780 Wendel, 6. W. Taylor, Dee F. Stamper Tract Prescribed Burn. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1964. T510 (WCU) Wendel, George W. Early Reproduction After Seed-tree Harvest Cuttings in Appalachian Hardwoods. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-99.. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1968. W2790 Seasonal Moisture Fluctuations in Four Species of Pocosin Vegetation. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 147. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1962. W2800 (WCU) Wendorff, Ruth How to Make Cornhusk Dolls. New York: Arco, 1973. Instructions for using cornhusk to make a variety of dolls, animals, flowers, and other accessories. Gives suggestions for using these objects for decorating or for money-making projects. W2810 Wenger, Karl Frederick The Relation of Growth to Stand Density in Natural Loblolly Pine Stands. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 97. Asheville, N. C.: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1958. W2820 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Loblolly Pine. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 98. Asheville, N. C. Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1958. W2830 (WCU) Wengert, Norman I. Valley of Tomorrow: The TVA and Agriculture. Record Extension Series, vol. 28, no. 1. Knoxville: Bureau of Public Information, Univ. of Tennessee, 1952. W2840 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Werstein, Irving Labor's Defiant Lady: The Story of Mother Jones. Women of America. New York: Crowell, 1969. W2850 (ASU) Wertenbaker, Green Peyton Rain on the Mountain. Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1934. W2860 (BC) Wertman, W. T. Sterner, T. E. Laboratory Investigation of In Situ Combustion Process for Recovering Pennsylvania Grade Crude Oil. Pittsburgh: Bureau of Mines, 1967. S7100 245 WELLMAN-WEST Cable-tool Coring with Oil-base Mud in Appalachian Oilfields. Report of Investigations, 5424. Pittsburgh: U. S. Bureau of Mines, 1958. W2870 Weslager, Clinton Alfred The Log Cabin in America: From Pioneer Days to the Present. New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1969. W2880 (ASU WCU BC) Wesley, G. R. Hunt, C. B. Coal Deposits of Pike County, Kentucky. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1937. H8370 Wessells, Katherine Tyler The Golden Song Book. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1945. W2890 (BC) Wessenauer, G. O. Necessity for a Load Building Program. In American Public Power Association. Proceedings, 1959. Washington, D. C.: n.p., 1959. W2900 Problems on a Large Power System with Large Generating Units. In Sixth World Power Conference, Melbourne, October 20-27, 1962. Paper no. 82. n.p.: n.p., 1962. W2910 West, Don Clods of Southern Earth. New York: Boni and Goer, 1946. W2920 (BC) Freedom on the Mountains. Huntington, W. Va.: The Appalachian Movement Press, Inc., 1973. Excerpts from a manuscript on Southern Mountain History which describes abolitionism in the region. W2930 O Mountaineers A Collection of Poems. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Press, 1974. W2940 (ASU BC) People's Cultural Heritage in Appalachia. Huntington, W. Va.: The Appalachian Movement Press, Inc., n.d. W2950 The Road Is Rocky: A Collection of Poems. New York: New Christian Books, n.d. W2960 (LMC BC) Robert Rharin: Biography of a Mountain Abolitionist. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1970. W2970 (LMC) Romantic Appalachia; Or Poverty Pays If You Aren't Poor. Pipestem, W. Va.: The author, 1970. W2980 Southern Mountain Folk Traditions: And the Folksong "Stars" Syndrome. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, n.d. W2990 (ASU LMC) A Time for Anger: Poems Selected from. . . . Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1970. W3000 (ASU LMC) West, Emmy Danger down River. New York: Viking Press, 1972. Adventure of a young boy on the Tennessee frontier in 1810. W3010 (ASU LMC) West, John Foster Appalachian Dawn. Durham, N. C.: Moore Pub., 1973. Novel of life in Wilkes County, North Carolina. W3020 (ASU LMC WCU) The Ballad of Tom Dula: The Documented Story Behind the Murder of Laura Foster and the Trials and Execution of Tom Dula. Durham, N. C.: Moore Pub. Co., 1970. The true story behind the Ballad of Tom Dula. W3030 (ASU BC) This Proud Land. Charlotte/Santa Barbara: McNally and Loftin Publishers, 1974. THIS PROUD LAND is fittingly described by the author as "a beautifully prejudiced book in favor of what was best and still is best of the Blue Ridge Mountains." W3040 This Proud Land: The Blue Ridge Mountains. By John Foster West and Bruce Roberts. Charlotte: McNally and Loftin, 1974. W3050 Time Was. New York: Random House, 1965. Life in the mountains of Wilkes County, North Carolina, 1904-1918. • W3060 (ASU LMC) �WEST—WEST West, John Foster Up Ego 1st ed. New York: Pa/ton Paul Pub. Co., 1951. W3070 (ASU) West, John W. Sketches of Our Mountain Pioneers. Lynchburg, Va.: n.p., 1939. W3080 (BC) West, L. R. Harris, Hobart B. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Colbert County, Alabama. University: Alabama Geological Survey, 1963. H2870 (ETSU) West, Lewis R. Sanford, Thomas H., Jr. Gound-water Levels in Madison County, Alabama, July 1956 to July 1959. Univ.: Alabama Geological Survey, 1960. S420 (ETSU) West, Nora R. "School Failure in Relation to Delinquency, Scott County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1961. W3090 West, Robert Frederick Alexander Campbell and Natural Religion. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1948. W3100 (BC) West, Roy Andre "The Songs of the Mountaineers." Master's thesis. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1922. W3110 (ASU) West Virginia, Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin. West Virginia: Agricultural Experiment Station, n.d. W3130 (BC) West Virginia Agriculture and Forestry vol. 1 — Winter, 1969-. Supersedes Science Serves your Home and Farm. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., College of Agriculture, quarterly. W3140 (ETSU) West Virginia Blue Book Charleston: Jarrett Print. Co., 1916. W3160 (ETSU ASU) West Virginia Blue Book (Formerly West Virginia Legislative Handbook and Manual and Official Register) Compiled and edited by the clerk of the Senate, West Virginia State Legislature, vols. 23. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1916. W3170 (ASU ETSU) West Virginia Board of Centennial Managers Resources of West Virginia. Wheeling: The Register Co., 1876. W3180 West Virginia Board of Education Look into These Hills, n.p.: n.p., n.d. W3190 West Virginia, Bureau of Negro Welfare and Statistics Report 1922. Charleston: The bureau, annual. W3200 (ETSU) West Virginia Centennial Commission W. Va. in color. Parkersburg: N. Am. Color Press, 1963. W3210 (BC) West Virginia Centennial Committee on Folklore The W. Va. Centennial Book of One Hundred Songs: 1863-1963; Patriotic Songs, Folk Songs, and Hymns. Morgantown: P. W. Gainer, 1963. W3220 (BC) West Virginia Chamber of Commerce Retail Trading Areas in W. Va. Charleston: The author, 1965. W3230 W. Va. Personal Income and Retail Sales by Counties, 1948-1965. Charleston: The author, 1966. W3240 West Virginia Coal Association W. Va. Coal Facts, 1971. Charleston: The author, 1971. W3250 West Virginia Coal Mining Institute Proceedings. 1st. Charleston, W. Va.: n.p., 19--. W3260 (BC) West Virginia Commission of Aging The Older West Virginian. Charleston: The author, 1964. W3270 West Virginia Community Planning Association Community Planning Newsletter. Charleston, W. Va.: n.p., 1963. W3280 AUTHOR West Virginia, Concord College, Athens, Center for Economic Action Utilizing a College's Resources to Provide Technical Assistance to Business Firms in Southern West Virginia: A Report on the Concord College Center for Economic Action, July 1, 1963, Through June 30, 1966. Athens, W. Va.: The center, 1967. W3290 West Virginia Conservation vol. 1. Charleston: Conservation Commission, monthly. W3300 (BC) West Virginia Constitutional Convention Debates and Proceedings, n.p.: n.p., n.d. W3310 (BC) West Virginia, Council on Schoolhouse Construction Standards for Schoolhouse Construction Approved by the State Board of Education. Charleston: Division of Schoolhouse Planning, State Department of Education, 1945. W3320 (ETSU) West Virginia, Department of Archives and History Biennial Report. Charleston: W. Va. Dept. of Archives and History, 1905. W3330 (BC) Short Title Check-list of West Virginia State Publications. 1947/48-. Charlesrleston: The department, annual. W3340 (ETSU) West Virginia, Department of Commerce An Economic Atlas for West Virginia. Charleston:: The author, 1965. W3350 West Virginia, Department of Natural Resources Wonderful West Virginia. Charleston, W. Va.: Department of Natural Resources, n.d. W3600 (ETSU ASU) West Virginia, Dept. of Commerce Economic Profiles of West Virginia Counties. Charleston: n.p., n.d. W3360 Functional Program Planning for the State of W. Va. Charleston: The author, 1967. W3370 West Virginia Economic Outlook, 1967-1972. Charleston: n.p., 1967. W3380 West Virginia Manufacturing Directory, 1962. Charleston: The Department, 1962. W3390 (BC) W. Va. Redevelopment Plan for Webster County. Charleston: n.p., 1961. W3400 West Virginia, Dept. of Commerce, Planning and Research Div. West Virginia Economic Outlook 1965-1966. Charleston: n.p., 1965. W3410 West Virginia, Dept. of Education Bulletin. West Virginia: Dept. of Education, n.d. W3420 (BC) West Virginia, Dept. of Employment Security Experimental Rural Area Program. Charleston: n.p., 1964. W3430 Manpower Requirement of Training Needs. Charleston: n.p., 1958. W3440 A Study of the Manpower Resources of Braxton, Clay, Lewis, Nicholas, Upshur, and Webster Counties. Charleston: n.p., 1961. W3450 W. Va. Labor Force. Charleston: n.p., 1960. W3460 West Virginia Labor Force. Charleston: n.p., 1960. W3470 Work Force, Employment, Unemployment, 1958. Charleston: n.p., 1966. W3480 West Virginia, Dept. of Employment Security Research and Statistics Div. Boone County Household Survey. Charleston: n.p., 1971. W3490 Labor Supply Survey. Charleston: n.p., 1963. W3500 Personal and Economic Characteristics of the Insured Unemployed. Charleston: n.p., 1961. W3510 West Central West Virginia Area Manpower Requirements Survey to 1972. Charleston: n.p., 1967. W3520 246 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY West Virginia, Dept. of Finance and Admin. Budget Div. Digest of Programs Containing Federal Funds in W. Va. Charleston: n.p., 1964. W3530 West Virginia, Dept. of Free Schools Biennial Report. Charleston: Tribune Print. Co., biennial. W3540 (ETSU) History of Education in West Virginia. Charleston: Tribune Print. Co., 1904. W3550 (ASU) West Virginia, Dept. of Health Report. Charleston: Dept. of Health, 19-. W3560 (BC) West Virginia, Dept. of Natural Resources Common Forest Trees of West Virginia: How to Know Them. A pocket manual, rev. by Earl Lemley Core and Roland Lee Guthrie. 6th ed. Charleston: The department, 1968. W3570 (ASU) Forest Trees of West Virginia, n.p.: n.p., n.d. W3580 Wonderful West Virginia. Information and Education Division State Department of Natural Resources State Capitol. Charleston, W. Va.: n.p., n.d. W3590 West Virginia, Div. of Water Resources A Design for a W. Va. Water Resources Plan. Ann Arbor, Mich: Technology for Planning Center, 1967. W3610 West Virginia Elementary Principals' Association Year Book. 1st-, 1935-. Charleston: The association, annual. W3620 (ETSU) West Virginia Folklore Fairmont: West Virginia Folklore Society, n.d. W3630 (BC) West Virginia, Geological Survey Barbour and Upshur Counties. . . . n.p.: n.p., 1918. W3640 (ETSU) Bulletin, no. 1, 1901. Morgantown: The survey, irregular. W3650 (ETSU) Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. By C. E. Krebs, assistant geologist, and D. D. Teets, Jr., field assistant, I. C. White, state geologist, Wheeling, 1913. n.p.: n.p., n.d. W3660 (ETSU) Characteristics of Minable Coals of West Virginia. 2 vols. Reports, vol. 13-13A. Morgantown: The survey, 1940-55. W3670 (ETSU) County Report, no. 1. 1911. Morgantown: The survey, irregular. W3680 (ETSU) County Reports and Maps. Pleasants, Wood and Ritchie Counties, W. Va.: n.p., 1910. W3690 (BC) Fayette County. By Ray V. Hennen, assistant geologist, assisted by D. D. Teets, Jr., field assistant, assisted in office by R. C. Tucker and A. M. Hagan Wheeling, W. Va.: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1919. W3700 (ETSU) Geology and Economic Resources of the Ohio River Valley in West Virginia. Reports, vol. 22. Morgantown: The survey, 1956. W3710 (ETSU) Greenbrier County. By Paul H. Price, state geologist and E. T. Heck, assistant geologist. Wheeling: n.p., 1939. W3720 (ETSU) Hampshire and Hardy Counties. By John L. Tilton, William F. Prouty, R. C. Tucker and Paul H. Price. Morgantown: Morgantown Print, and Bind. Co., 1927. W3730 (ETSU) Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties. By G. P. Grimsley, assistant geologist. I. C. White, state geologist. Wheeling: The survey, 1916. W3740 (ETSU) Log of Appalachian Geological Society Field Trip. June 20, 1953: Elkins, West Virginia, to Clifton Forge, Virginia, June 21, 1953. Clifton Forge, Virginia, to White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia. Morgantown: The survey, 1953. W3750 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY West Virginia, Geological Survey Logan and Mingo County. County reports and maps. Wheeling: The survey, 1914. W3760 (BC) Mercer, Monroe/ and Summers Counties. By David B. Reger, assistant geologist, assisted by Paul H. Price. Wheeling: The survey, 1926. W3770 (ETSU) Mineral and Grant Counties. By David B. Reger assisted by B. B. Tucker. Morgantown: Morgantown Print, and Bind. Co., 1924. W3780 (ETSU) Nicholas County. By David B. Reger, assistant geologist assisted in field by W. Armstrong Price, paleontologist, assisted in office by R. C. Tucker and James D. Sisler. I. C. White, state geologist. Wheeling: Wheeling News LithoCo., 1921. W3790 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Doddridge and Harrison Counties, West Virginia. By Oscar L. Naught, petroleum geologist. Morgantown: State of West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1959. W3800 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. By Oscar L Haught, petroleum geologist. Morgantown: State of West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1955. W3810 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. By Oscar L. Haught, petroleum geologist. Morgantown: State of West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1956. W3820 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. By Oscar L. Haught, petroleum geologist. Morgantown: State of West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1955. W3830 (ETSU) Pendleton County. County reports and maps. Wheeling: The survey, 1927. W3840 (BC) Pocahontas County. County reports and maps. Wheeling: The survey, 1929. W3850 (BC) 'Randolph County. By David B. Reger, associate geologist. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., 1931. W3860 (ETSU) Report of Investigations, no. 1-. 1947-. Morgantown: The survey, irregular. W3870 (ETSU) Reports, no. 1-. 1899-. Morgantown: The survey, irregular. W3880 (ETSU) Salt Brines of West Virginia. By Paul H. Price, state geologist, Charles E. Hare, assistant geologist, J. B. McCue, chief chemist, Homer A. Hoskins, chemist. Morgantown: The survey, 1937. W3890 (ETSU) State Park Series. Bulletin, no. 1-, 1951-. Morgantown: The survey, irregular. W3900 (ETSU) Tucker County. By David B. Reger, assistant geologist; assisted in field by W. Armstrong Price, and in office by R. C. Tucker. Wheeling: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1923. W3910 (ETSU) The West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey: Its Accomplishments and Outlook. Reports, vol. 23. Morgantown: The survey, 1963. W3920 (ETSU) Wirt, Roane and Calhoun Counties. By Ray V. Hennen, assistant geologist. I. C. White, State geologist. Morgantown: Acme Pub. Co., 1911. W3930 (ETSU) Wyoming and McDowell Counties. By Ray V. Hennen, assistant geologist, aided by Robert M. Gawthrop, field assistant, I. C. White, state geologist. Wheeling: The survey, 1915. W3940 (ETSU) AUTHOR West Virginia Governor State Papers and Public Addresses. By James W. Harris, Jr. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Pub. Co., 1937. W3950 State papers and public addresses of Clarence Watson Meadows. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1950. W3960 State Papers and Public Addresses of Homer Adams Holt, Twentieth Governor of West Virginia, January 18, 1937 to January 13, 1941. Compiled and annotated by William E. Hughes. Charleston, W. Va.: Jarrett Print. Co., 1942. W3970 State Papers and Public Addresses of Okey L. Patterson, E. Rosalind Carroll Funk. Charleston, W. Va.: West Virginia State Department of Archives and History, 1953. W3980 State Papers and Public Addresses of William C. Marland, Twenty-Fourth Governor of the State of West Virginia, 1953-1957. Charleston, W. Va.: West Virginia Dept. of Archives and History, 1953. W3990 West Virginia Governor's Council of Economic Advisors The Condition and Prospects of the West Virginia Economy. Wheeling: The agency, 1963. W4000 West Virginia, Governor's Economic Opportunity Agency Status of West Virginia in the Economic Opportunity Program under Public Law 88-452. Edited by Douglas Gene Carnes. Charleston: The agency, 1966. W4010 West Virginia Governor's Task Force on Housing Homes for Mountaineers. Charleston: The agency, 1966. W4020 Homes for Mountaineers. Charleston: The agency, 1966. W4030 West Virginia Heritage Foundation West Virginia Heritage, vol. 1-, 1967-. Richwood, W. Va.: The foundation, annual. W4040 (ASU BC) West Virginia Hillbilly vol. 1-, 1956. Richmond, W. Va.: n.p., weekly. W4050 (BC) West Virginia Historic Commission West Virginia Highway Markers, Historic, Prehistoric, Scenic, Geologic. Beckley, W. Va.: The commission, 1967. W4060 (ASU) West Virginia History; a Quarterly Magazine Charleston, W. Va.: State Department of Archives and History, 1939. W4070 (UNCA ETSU) West Virginia Human Rights Commission A Survey of Negroes Employed by the State of West Virginia. Charleston: n.p., 1964. W4080 West Virginia Illustrated vol. 1-, 19--. St. Albans: Bold Enterprises Corp., monthly. W4090 (BC) West Virginia, Industrial Development Division West Virginia: Economic Profile. Charleston: The agency, 1971. W4100 West Virginia Labor Force vol. 1-, May, 1960. Charleston, W. Va.: Dept. of Employment Security. W4110 (BC) West Virginia, Laws, Statutes, etc. The School Law of West Virginia. Charleston: n.p., 1915. W4130 (BC) The School Law of West Virginia. Charleston: Jarrett Print. Co., 1943. W4140 (BC) School Laws of West Virginia. Reprinted from Michie's West Virginia Code of 1949, and 1953 cumulative supplement. Charlottesville, Va.: Michie Co., 1954. W4150 (ETSU) The School Law of West Va. and Opinions of the Attorney-General and Decisions of the State Superintendent of Free Schools. Charleston: W. E. Forsyth, Public Printer, 1897. W4160 (BC) 247 WEST—WEST Acts of the Legislature of West Virginia at Its First Session, Commencing June 20th, 1863. Wheeling: J. F. M'Dermoot, 1863. W4120 (BC) West Virginia, Legislative Interim Committee A Survey of the Educational Programs of the West Virginia Public Schools. Charleston: The agency, 1957. W4170 (BC) A Survey of the Educational Programs of the W. Va. Public Schools. Charleston: The agency, 1957. W4180 West Virginia, Legislature, Interim Committee to Study Problems of Government A Digest of a Report of a Survey of Public Education in the State of West Virginia. Charleston: The committee, 1945. W4190 (BC) West Virginia, Legislature, Joint Committee on Government and Finance A New Plan .for the Allocation of State Aid for Schools; Report by the Joint Committee on Gov. and Finance and the Commission on Interstate Cooperation. Charleston: Joint Committee on Gov. and Finance, 1952. W4200 A Study of State Institutions of Higher Education. Charleston: The joint committee, 1957. W4210 (BC) West Virginia Libraries vol. 1. Microfilm. Morgantown: West Virginia Library Assoc., quarterly. W4220 (ETSU) West Virginia, Manufacturing Directory Charleston, W. Va.: Dept. of Planning, Commerce, Research Div. Charleston: The agency, 1960. W4230 West Virginia Mining Institute Proceedings. Charleston: n.p., annual. W4240 West Virginia Review vol. 1-, 1923. Charleston: Conley-Teter Pub. Co., monthly. W4250 (BC) West Virginia Rural Areas Development Committee Horizon Committee on Capital and Finance — Capital and Finance for Development. Morgantown: The agency, 1964. W4260 Horizon Committee on Human Resources. The Development of W. Va.'s Human Resources. Morgantown: The agency, 1965. W4270 Horizon Committee on Natural Resources. The Development of W. Va.'s Natural Resources. Morgantown: The agency, 1964. W4280 West Virginia Secretary of State Manual of the state of West Virginia. Charleston: n.p., n.d. W4290 (BC) West Virginia, State Board of Centennial Managers Resources of West Virginia. Wheeling: The Register Co., 1876. W4300 (BC) West Virginia, State Board of Education Survey of Education in West Virginia. 4 vols. n.p.: The board, 1928-29. W4310 (ETSU) West Virginia, State Board of Education, Division of Vocational Education Guidance Services Reference Manual of Occupational Information Materials. Guidance Manual, no. 1. Charleston, W. Va.: The board, 1948. W4320 West Virginia, State Dept. of Education A Catalog of Educational Change in West Virginia. Charleston: The dept., 1963. W4330 (BC) History of Education in West Virginia. Charleston: Tribune Print. Co., 1904. W4340 (BC) The History of Education in W. Va. Rev. ed. Charleston: Tribune Print. Co., 1907. W4350 (BC) �WEST—WESTERN West Virginia, State Dept. of Education, Division of Research An Administrative Survey of the Public Schools of Boone County, West Va. Charleston, W. Va.: West Va. State Dept. of Education, Division of Research, 1934. W4360 (BC) West Virginia State Dept. of Free Schools Superintendent of Free Schools Biennial Report of the State Superintendent of Free Schools of West Va. Two years ending June 20, 1920. By M. P. Shawkey, State Sup. Charleston: Tribune Print. Co., n.d. W4370 West Virginia State Gazetteer and Business Directory vol. 1-, 1878-. Detroit: R. L. Polk, biennial. W4380 (BC) West Virginia, State Ornithologist Birds of West Virginia. Charleston: State Dept. of Agriculture, 1923. W4390 (BC) West Virginia, State Road Commission Annual Report. Charleston: The commission, 1919. W4400 (BC) General Highway Maps. West Virginia: State Road Commission, 1954. W4410 (BC) West Virginia Historic and Scenic Highway Markers. Charleston, W. Va.: West Virginia, State Road Commission, 1937. W4420 (BC) West Virginia, State Superintendent of Free Schools Biennial Report of the State Superintendent of Free Schools of West Virginia. Two years ending June 30, 1920. By M. P. Shawkey, State Superintendent. Charleston: Tribune Print. Co., n.d. W4430 (ETSU) West Virginia Statistical Handbook Morgan town: West Virginia Univ., 1974. A comprehensive reference work. W4440 West Virginia Statistical Handbook, 1974 Edition If you want the real facts about West Virginia, this is the hottest source. It contains chapters on population, health, education, forests, mining, trade, banking, climate, and much more. Useful, clear, up-to-date, n.p.: n.p., n.d. W4460 West Virginia Statistical Handbook Bureau of Business Research Morgantown: W. Va. Univ., 1965. W4450 West Virginia, Superintendent of Schools The History of Education in West Va. Rev. ed. Charleston: Tribune Print. Co., 1907. W4470 (BC) West Virginia Tax Commissioner Biennial Report. 1st. Charleston: West Va. Tax Commissioner, 1906. W4480 (BC) West Virginia University Business and Economic Studies, vol. 1. n.p.: n.p., n.d. W4490 (BC) Publications of the Faculty and Staff, West Va. University, 1960-1969. Morgantown: West Va. Univ., 1970. W4500 (BC) West Virginia, University, Appalachian Center see West Virginia, University, West Virginia Center for Appalachian Studies and development West Virginia University, Board of Governors Annual Report of the Board of Governors . . . 1st— July 1, 1972/Oct. 1, 1932. Morgantown, W. Va.: West Va. Univ., 1932. W4510 (BC) West Virginia University, Bureau of Business Research Economic Development Series, no. 1. West Virginia Univ.: Bureau of Business Research, n.d. W4520 (BC) West Virginia University, Center for App. Studies and Development An Informal Series Covering Agric. Econ., in Its Broadest Sense. Morgantown: The agency, 1962. W4530 Pilot Project, App. Center, W. Va. Univ., Youhger Youth Science Camp, Aug. 2-7, 1964. Morgantown: West Va. Univ., 1965. W4540 AUTHOR West Virginia University, Center for App. Studies and Development, Office of Research and Development State Legislation Governing Planning and Land — Use Control and the Value of Planning and Controls in Fostering Highway Detection and Economic Development with Particular Reference to W. Va. and Bordering States. Morgantown: n.p., 1966. W4550 West Virginia University Conference on Poverty Amid Affluence, 1965 Poverty Amid Affluence: Papers. Edited by Lee Fishman. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1966. W4560 (ETSU WCU BC) West Virginia University, Div. of Documents Report of the Archives of the Division of Documents. First — 1935/36. Morgantown, W. Va.: Pub. by Univ., 1936. W4570 (BC) West Virginia University, Human Resources Research Institute An Evaluation of the Impact of the Community Action Program Upon Poverty Conditions in McDowell Co. Morgantown: The agency, 1967. W4580 West Virginia, University, Kanawha Valley Graduate Center Professional Development Lectures. Nitro: The center, 1970. W4590 (ASU) Seminar and Conference Reports and Proceedings Series. Nitro: The center, 1970. W4600 (ASU) West Virginia, University, Library The Development of a Bibliographic Center in the West Virginia Region: Final Report, 1966. Morgantown: The library, 1966. W4610 (ASU) West Virginia, University, Library, West Virginia Collection Guide to Manuscripts and Archives in the West Virginia Collection. Bulletin, Series 53, no. 10-1, Series 65, no. 12-1. Morgantown: The library, 1958. W4620 (ASU ETSU BC) West Virginia University Magazine vol. 1-, Spring, 1969. Morgantown: The univ., quarterly. W4630 (ETSU BC ASU) West Virginia University, Office of Research and Development Man and His Community, A 100th Anniversary Symposium. Morgantown: West Va. Univ., Office of Research and Development, 1969. W4640 West Virginia University, West Virginia Center for App. Studies and Development Information Series, no. 1. n.p.: n.p., 1969. W4650 Public Affairs Series, no. 1, 1965. n.p.: n.p., n.d. W4660 Research Report, n.p.: n.p., 1969. W4670 Research Series, n.p.: n.p., 1968. W4680 (BC) Work Stoppages and the Grievance Procedure in the Appalachian Coal Industry. By Keith Dix and others. Under contract to the Appalachian Regional Commission. Morgantown: The univ., 1972. W4690 (ASU) Work Stoppages and the Grievance Procedure in the Appalachian Coal Industry. By Keith Dix and others. Morgantown, W. Va.: Univ. Appalachian Center, Institute for Labor Studies, n.d. W4700 Work Stoppages and the Grievance Procedure in the Appalachian Coal Industry. By Keith Dix and others under contract to the Appalachian Regional Commission. Morgantown: The univ., 1972. W4710 (ASU) Approaches to University Extension Work with the Rural Disadvantaged: Description and Analysis of a Pilot Effort. By Robert W. Miller and others. Morgantown: The agency, 1972. W4720 248 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Approaches to University Extension Work with the Rural Disadvantaged: Description and Analysis of a Pilot Effort. By Robert W. Miller and others. Bulletin Series 72, no. 3-3. Morgantown: The center, 1972. W4730 (ASU) Bulletin Series. Morgantown: The univ., 1968. W4740 Conference Papers Series. Morgantown: The univ., 1968. W4750 (BC) Information Series, no. 1. Morgantown: The univ., 1969. W4760 (BC) Public Affairs Series, no. 1. Morgantown: The univ., 1965. W4770 (BC) Public Affairs Series, no. 1. Morgantown: The univ., 1965. W4780 Research Report. Morgantown: The univ., 1969. W4790 (BC) Research Series. Morgantown: The univ., 1968. W4800 West Virginia Work Trade Mission West Virginia Business Dev. Opportunities. Charleston: The agency, 1964. W4810 West, William Benjamin America's Greatest Dam, Muscle Shoals, Alabama: Description and Pictorial Illustration of Muscle Shoals. 2nd ed., rev. New York: F. E. Cooper, 1925. W4815 (ASU) Westcort, Thompson Names of Persons Who Took the Oath of Allegiance to the State of Pennsylvania between the Years 1888 and 1789 with a History of the "Test Laws" of Pennsylvania. 1865. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1965. Excellent research tool. Includes a brief history of the loyalty oaths, test laws, and naturalization laws of Pennsylvania. W4820 (ASU) Westerfield, Hargis For Crossing Wide Waters. N. Montpelier, Vt.: The Driftwind Press, 1943. W4830 (BC) Give a Man Courage. N. Montpelier, Vt.: The Driftwind Press, 1942. W4840 (BC) Western Carolina College see North Carolina, Western Carolina College, Cullowhee Western Carolina College Faculty Studies. Cullowhee: The college, annual. W4850 (WCU) Western Carolina University, Cullowhee Journal of Education. Cullowhee, N. C: n.p., 1969. W4860 Western Carolina University, Cullowhee, N. C. see North Carolina, Western Carolina University, Cullowhee Western North Carolina! Historical and Biographical Charlotte, N. C: A. D. Smith and Co., 1890. Includes large portraits with many of the biographical sketches. W4870 (ASU) Western North Carolina Library Association Union List of Periodicals in Libraries of Western North Carolina Library Association, n.p.: n.p., 1971. W4880 (ASU) Western North Carolina Library Club Union List of Periodicals in Libraries of Western North Carolina. Asheville, N. C.: The club, 1964. W4890 (LMC) Western North Carolina R. R. Scenery: "Land of the Sky." n.p.: n.p., n.d. W4940 (BC) Western North Carolina Regional Planning Commission The economy of Haywood County. Waynesville: The author, 1963. W4900 Population and economy of Andrews, N. C. Andrews: The author, 1964. W4910 Population and economy of Henderson County. Hendersonville, N. C.: The author, 1965. W4920 (LMC) Today and Tomorrow, Murphy, North Carolina. n.p.: The author, 1964. W4930 (LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Western Virginia Black Lung Association Newsletter, vol. 1. Charleston, W. Va.: Black Lung Assoc., 19--. W4945 (BC) Weston, George Melville Poor Whites of the South. Washington: Buell and Blancherd, 1856. Mountain people are descended from altogether different stock than that of the poor white. However this distinction has been a difficult one for authors through the years. For further elucidation on this subject see Gratis D. Williams dissertation, "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction." New York University, 1960. W4950 Wetmore, Alexander New Race of Song Sparrows from the Appalachian Region. Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1936. Concentrates on new folk artists and ballad collectors. W4960 Wetmore, Susannah Mountain Songs of North Carolina. New York: Schirmer, 1926. W4970 (BC) Wey, Adelaide Smoky Mountain Ballads. New York: n.p., 1949. W4980 Wey, Jean Jensen "A Study of the Freshmen Placement Tests Given at Appalachian State Teachers College as a Basis for Determining Their Effective Use as a Screening Device." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1958. W4990 (ASU) Wharton, Mary E. A Guide to the WiIdflowers and Ferns of Kentucky. Kentucky Nature Series, 1. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1971. More than 500 photographs help the reader to identify 800 wi I dflowers and ferns. W5000 (ASU ETSU WCU BC WWC) Trees and Shrubs of Kentucky. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1973. W5010 (BC) Wharton, May Cravath Doctor Woman of the Cumberlands: The Autobiography of May Cravath Wharton, M. D. Pleasant Hill, Tenn.: Uplands, 1953. A woman doctor's recollections of her life and practice in the Cumberland mountains. Deeply moving. W5020 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Doctor Woman of the Cumberlands; the Autobiography of May Cravath Wharton, M. D. 1953. Reprint. Pleasant Hill, Tenn.: Uplands, 1972. W5Q30 (LMC WCU) Wheaton, Mabel Wolfe Thomas Wolfe and His Family. With LeGette Blythe. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1961. Explores the rich family background and the many characters who influenced Wolfe's boyhood. Also presents some interesting observations on "Dixieland." W5040 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Wheeler, Arville White Squaw: The True Story of Jennie Wiley. Illustrated by True Bengtz. Boston: Heath, 1958. An exciting account of the life and captivity of Jennie Wiley. W5050 (ASU ETSU) White Squaw: The True Story of Jennie Wiley. Illustrated by True Bengtz. 1958. Reprint, n.p.: Eastern Kentucky Pubs., 1962. W5060 (MHC) Wheeler, Billy Edd The Billy Edd Wheeler Song Book. New York: Quartet Music and Bexhill Music Corp., 1962-1968. W5070 (WWC) Song of a Woods Colt: Poetry. 1st ed. Anderson, S. C: Drake House, 1969. Poems of humor and goodwill, courage and protest, hate and love. W5080 (LMC ASU MHC BC) Twenty-Five Great Folk Songs, n.p.: Hansen Pubs., 1964. W5090 (BC) Wheeler, Mrs. Candace (Thurber) Home Industries and Domestic Weavings. New York: Associate Artists, n.d. W5100 Wheeler, Jesse Harrison, Jr. "Land Use in Greenbrier County, West Virginia." Ph.D. Diss. Univ. of Chicago, 1951. W5110 (BC) AUTHOR Wheeler, John Hill Historical Sketches of North Carolina, from 1584 to 1851. Comp. from original records, official documents, and traditional statements. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo and Co., 1851. Contains biographical sketches of successful men. W5120 (UNCA) Historical Sketches of North Carolina from 1584 to 1851. 1851. Reprint. With a foreword by Magnolia McKay Shuford. 2 vols. New York: F. H. Hitchcock, 1925. W5130 (ASU LMC) Historical Sketches of North Carolina from 1584 to 1851 Compiled from Original Records, Official Documents, and Traditional Statements, with Biographical Sketches of Her Distinguished Statesmen, Jurists, Lawyers, Soldiers, Divines, etc. 2 vols. in 1. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1964. W5140 (LMC BC) Reminiscences and Memoirs of North Carolina and Eminent North Carolinians. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. W5150 (UNCA BC ASU) Wheeler, Mary Kentucky Mountain Folk-Sonys. The Words and Melodies Collected by M. Wheeler, the Pianoforte Accompaniments by Clara G. Bridge. With an intro. by Edgar Stillman-Kelley. Boston, Mass.: The Boston Music Co., 1937. W5160 Wheeling College Selected Archeological and Historical Sites in West Virginia; Preliminary Plan for Development. Wheeling, W. Va.: Wheeling College, 1965. W5170 Wheelwright, Jere H. Gentlemen, Hush New York: Scribner, 91948. W5180 (BC ETSU) Wheelwright, Jere Hungerford Kentucky Stand. New York: Scribner, 1951. W5190 (ASU LMC ETSU WCU BC) Whelan, Paul A. "Unconventional Warfare in East Tennessee, 1861-1865." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1963. A history of the guerilla warfare, Coleman Scouts, and other Cavalry Raiders in East Tennessee. W5200 Where Bluegrass and Mountains Meet. A Community Profile of Mt. Sterling and Montgomery County, Ky. Sept. 1, 1957. Lexington, Ky.: Univ. of Ky., n.d. Montgomery is not usually considered a mountain county. W5210 (BC) Whetstone, George W. Doll, Warwick L. Water Resources of Kanawha County, West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1960. D2830 (ETSU) Whetiel, Virgil L. "Reservoir Impacts on Economic Activity, Land Use and Land Values in Appalachia." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1969. W5220 Whiford, L. A. A Manual of the Fresh-Water Algae in North Carolina. Technical Bulletin, no. 186. Raleigh: North Carolina Agricultural Experiment Station, 1968. W5740 (LMC) Whisnant, David E. What Has Been Done . . . Missionaries, Planners, and Developers, n.p.: n.p., n.d. W5230 Whisner, Will Caspar Mark Ellis, or Unsolved Problems: A Story for the Present Day. Morgantown, W. Va.: Acme Pub. Co., 1899. Period fiction with an emphasis on adventure and a moral lesson. W5240 (ASU) Whitaker, Fees History of Corporal Fees Whitaker: Kentucky Mountain Life. Louisville: Standard Print. Co., 1918. A history of Letcher County, Kentucky written from an autobiographical and very biased point of view. W5250 (ASU LMC BC) 249 WESTERN—WHITE Whitaker, James C. Costs and Returns for Hardwood Lumber Production in Appalachian Region of Kentucky and Ohio. U. S. Forest Service Research Paper, NE-55. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1966. W5260 Whitaker, R. H. Incidents and Anecdotes. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards & Broughton, 1905. Some of these North Carolina incidents and anecdotes have western North Carolina settings or characters. W5270 (LMC) Whitaker, Sarah G. "A History of Livingston Academy from 1909 through 1947." Master's thesis. Tennessee Technological Univ., 1964. W5280 Whitaker, Walter Claribome A Round Robin, the Southern Highlands and Highlanders. Harford: Church Mission Pub. Co., 1916. An account of mission work in the southern mountains. W5290 (BC) White, Alvin D. History of the Mount Prospect Graveyard and Cemetery, in Mount Pleasant Township, Washington County, Pennsylvania. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1972. W5300 White, Benjamin Franklin The Sacred Harp. 3rd ed., 1859. Facsimile. Including as a historical introduction The Story of the Sacred Harp by George Pullen Jackson. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1968. The most famous of the Christian Harmony songbooks used in mountain religious services. W5310 (WCU ASU) White, Benjamin U. "The Climatology of the Southern Blue Ridge Mountains." Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1951. W5320 (LMC) White, Buchanan The Rural School Teacher: Or, A Double West Virginia Love Story. New York: Broadway Pub. Co., 1909. A suspenseful thriller of the dime novel variety. Right triumphs. W5330 (BC) White, Campbell The Northern Appalachian Coal Field, n.p.: n.p., 1902. No copy available for examination. W5340 White Caps and Blue Bills Knoxville, Tenn.: Seviere Pub. & Distrib. Co., 1937. A treatise on two types vigilante groups active in the southern mountains. W5350 (BC) White, Charles Lincoln A Century of Faith. Boston: Pub. for the Amer. Baptist Home Mission Society by the Judson Press, 1932. W5360 (BC) White, D. H., Jr. Danielson, V. A. Waste Disposal Costs at Two Coal Mines in Kentucky and Alabama. Washington: W. S. Bureau of Mines, 1969. D240 () White, David Millspaugh, Charles Frederick Part 1: The Living Flora of West Virginia. Part 2: The Fossil Flora of West Virginia. Wheeling: Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1913. M6100 (ETSU) Lower Pennsylvanian Species of Mariopteris, Eremopteris, Diplothmema, and Aneimities from the Appalachian Region. Assembled and edited by C. B. Read. U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper, no. 197-C. Shorter Contributions to General Geology, 1941-42. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1943. W5370 White, Edwin E. Highland Heritage: The Southern Mountains and the Nation. New York: Friendship Press, 1937. W5380 White, Edwin Elverton Highland Heritage: The Southern Mountains and the Nation. New York: Friendship Press, 1937. W5390 (ASU LMC BC WWC) White, Elizabeth "Development of the Bituminous Coal Mining Industry in Logan County, West Virginia." Master's thesis. Marshall College, 1956. W5400 �WHITE—WHITTAKER White, George Historical Collections of Georgia: Containing the Most Interesting Facts, Traditions, Biographical Sketches, Anecdotes, etc., Relating to Its History and Antiquities, from Its First Settlement to the Present Time. Compiled from original records and official documents. Illustrated by nearly one hundred engravings. 1855. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. W5410 (ASU BC) Statistics of the State of Georgia. Savannah: Williams, 1849. W5420 (BC) White, H. M. The McClanahans. Roanoke, Va.: Stone Print. Co., 1894. W5430 White, Hozeltine White, Campbell The Northern Appalachian Coal Field, n.p.: n.p., 1902. W5340 White, Helen From the Mountain. Memphis: Memphis State Univ. Press, 1972. An account of the lives of Miss Paula Snelling and Miss Lillian Smith and their North Georgia Review and other literary endeavors in Georgia's upcountry. W5440 (ASU BC) White, Israel Charles Levels Above Tide. True Meridians. Report on Coal. West Virginia Geological Survey, Reports, vol. 2. Morgantown: Morgantown Post Co., 1903. W5450 (ETSU) Levels. Coal Analyses. West Virginia Geological Survey Bulletin, 2. Morgantown: Acme Pub. Co., 1910. W5460 (ETSU) Stratigraphy of the Bituminous Coal Field of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 65. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1891. W5470 Supplementary Coal Report. West Virginia Geological Survey Reports, vol. 2A. Wheeling: Press of Wheeling News Litho. Co., 1908. W5480 (ETSU) White, (Catherine Keogh The Kings Mountain Men: The Story of the Battle, with Sketches of the American Soldiers Who Took Part. 1924. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1966. W5490 (ASU) The King's Mountain Men, the Story of the Battle, with Sketches of the American Soldiers Who Took Part. Dayton, Va.: Joseph K. Ruebush, 1924. W5500 (BC) White, Lamar Highlights of the Economy of the Georgia Mountains Area. Atlanta: Industrial Development Division, Engineering Experiment Station, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1964. W5510 White, M. L. A History of the Life of Amos Owens, the Noted Blockader, of Cherry Mountain, North Carolina. Shelby, N. C: Cleveland Star Job Print., n.d. W5520 (LMC) White, Moses Art Work of Knoxville, with Sketch of Knoxville. Chicago: W. H. Parish, 1895. W5530 White, Nelle Rhea The Bradfords of Virginia in the Revolutionary War, and Their Kin. Richmond: Whittet and Shepperson, 1932. W5540 (ASU) White, Newman Ivey General ed. Duke University, Durham, N. C., Library The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina. Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1952-64. D3810 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC WWC ETSU) White, R. H. Development of the Tennessee State Educational Organization, 1796-1 ?29. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Pub., 1929. W5550 (ETSU BC) White, Rita Rothgeb Papa's Diary. Luray, Va.: n.p., 1961. Memoirs of the 19th Century in Virginia's Shenandoah Valley. W5560 (BC) AUTHOR White, Robert Hiram Tennessee: Its Growth and Progress. Rev. ed. Nashville, Tenn.: n.p., 1947. W5570 (BC) White, Stewart Edward Daniel Boone: Wilderness Scout. Illustrated by James Dougherty. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday and Co., T922. W5580 (ETSU ASU BC) Daniel Boone; Wilderness Scout. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Doran, 1929. W5590 (BC) Daniel Boone, Wilderness Scout. Garden City, N. Y.: Sun Dial Press, 1937. W5600 (ETSU) Daniel Boone: Wilderness Scout. The Life Story and True Adventure of the Great Hunter, Long Knife, Who First Blazed the Wilderness Trail Through the Indian Country to Kentucky. Illustrated by James Dougherty. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1926. W5610 (ASU) White, Thomas Edward "Development and Operation of the Welfare and Retirement Fund in the Bituminous Coal Industry." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1954. W5620 White, W. S. The Bauxite Deposits of Floyd, Bartow, and Polk Counties of Northwest Georgia. U. S. Geological Survey Circular, no. 193. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1952. W5630 White, Walter S. ed. Studies of Appalachian Geology: Northern and Maritime New York: Interscience Publishers, 1968. S8800 (ASU ETSU UNCA) White, William E. A History of Alexander County, North Carolina. Taylorsville: Alexander. Co., Hist. Co., 1947. History of a football county in North Carolina. Alexander County's Civil War days are especially interesting. W5640 Whitehead, Mrs. Raymond H. Genealogical History of Original Murray County. Atlanta, Ga.: The author, 1972. An excellent source for finding families who moved west with the Cherokee land grant. W5650 Whiteman, Ruth H. "Food Habits of a Sample of University High School Students." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1952. W5660 Whitener, Daniel Jay Daniel Boone Wagon Train. Boone, N. C.: n.p., 1964. This promotional material for the annual wagon train also includes Whitener's brief history of Watauga County, and sketches of the founding families. Wagon route follows the Boone Trail. W5670 (ASU) History of Watauga County: A Souvenir of Watauga Centennial. Boone, N. C.: Watauga Centennial, 1949. A history of the county, its early exploration and its leading families. W5680 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU) Local History — How to Find and Write It. Asheville, N. C.: Western North Carolina Historical Assoc., 1955. Pamphlet discusses possible projects in the local history of western North Carolina as well as local history methodology. W5690 (ASU) Prohibition in North Carolina, 1715-1945. James Sprunt Studies, vol. 27. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1946. Some mention of the moonshine industry in western North Carolina. W5700 (LMC) Whitfield County, Georgia, History Commission Official History of Whitfield County, Georgia. Dalton, Ga.: A. J. Showalter Co., 1936. Whitfield county was formed from original Murray County, Georgia. W5710 (BC) Whitfield, Fred E. Growing Christmas Trees in North Carolina, n.p.: North Carolina Agricultural Extension Service, 1968. W5720 (WCU) 250 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Whitfield, Vallie Jo Fox Whitfield History and Genealogy of Tennessee. Walnut Creek, Cal.: n.p., 1964. Genealogy of the influencial Whitfield family of early East Tennessee. W5730 (ASU) Whitlatch, George Isaac Smith, Richard Wellington The Phosphate Resources of Tennessee. Nashville:- Tennessee Department of Conservation, Division of Geology, 1940. S5030 (ETSU) Whitlatch, George Isaac ed. Industrial Resources of Tennessee. Rev. ed. 5 vols. Nashville: Tennessee State Planning Commission, 1948. W5750 (ETSU) Whitley, Edythe J. R. Sam Davis, Hero of the Confederacy, 1842-1863, Coleman's Scouts. Nashville: Blue and Gray Press, 1971. Biography of famous Civil War Scout and raider in East Tennessee. W5760 Whitley, Edythe Johns Rucker Tennessee Genealogical Records: Overton County. Nashville: n.p., 1967. W5770 (BC) Whitlow, Jane Davis "A Comparative Study of the Science Achievement of Fifth and Sixth Grades in Bristol, Tennessee, 1958-1962." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1963. W5780 (ETSU) Whitman, J. A. Historical Facts About Churches of Wythe County. Wytheville, Va.: Southwest Virginia Enterprise, 1939. W5790 The Iron Industry of Wythe County from 1792. Wytheville, Va.: Southwest Virginia Enterprise, 1942. Wythe County produces iron ores. The forges, furnaces, and foundaries have played an important part in the development of the county. W5800 (ASU BC) Whitman, John C. "Cost Estimating Model for Identifying Gross Dollar Needs for West Virginia Highways." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1971. W5810 Whitman, Robert H. "Development of the Health Program for Negroes in Franklin County, Tennessee from 1940-1953." Master's thesis. Tennessee Agricultural and Industrial Univ., 1953. W5820 Whitman, Willson David Lilienthal, Public Servant in a Power Age. New York: Holt and Co., 1948. Biography of a Tennessee Valley Authority man. W5830 (BC) God's Valley: People and Power Along the Tennessee River. New York: Viking Press, 1939. W5840 (ASU WWC BC) Whitney, Gertrude Cookeville in Retrospect. Dallas: n.p., 1943. A history of Putnam County, Tennessee and the city of Cookeville. W5850 Whitney, Milton Soils of the Appalachian Mountain and Plateau Province. Bulletin, 78. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1911. W5860 Whitsirt, William Heth Life and Times of Judge Caleb Wallace, Some Time a Justice of the Court of Appeals of the State of Ky. Louisville: M. P. Morton and Co., Printers, 1888. Biography of an eastern Kentucky jurist. W5870 (BC) Whitson, Philip L. "An Analysis and Basis for Curriculum Revision Concerning the Drafting Program at East Tennessee State University." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1968. W5880 (ETSU) Whittaker, Alto ed. and comp. Comstock, Jim F. Best of Hillbilly: A Prize Collection of 100-proof Writings from Jim Comstock's West Virginia Hillbilly. Anderson, S. C.: Droke House, 1968. C6300 (ASU MHC WCU LMC BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Whittaker, James C. McCauley, Orris D. Sawmill Practices and Problems in Appalachian Hill Country of Ohio and Kentucky. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1967. M350 McCauley, Orris D. Value Added by Sawmilling in Appalachian Mill Country of Ohio and Kentucky. Upper Darby, Pa.: Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1967. M360 Whittaker, Otto Best of Hillbilly. Anderson, S. C.: Droke House, 1968. A collection of the best writings from James Comstock's WEST VA. HILLBILLY. W5890 (ASU LMC) Whittenburg, Robert L. Torrence, Robert M. Colonel "Davey" Crockett. Washington, D. C.: N. Fagan, 1956. T8960 Whitter, Joida Abstracts of Bedford County, Virginia Wills, Inventories and Accounts 1754-1787. n.p.: The author, 1969. W5900 (FC) Whittlesay, Susan VISTA: Challenge in Poverty. New York: Coward-McCann, 1970. A history of the VISTA volunteers and their role in the War on Poverty. Contains information about VISTA efforts and problems in the Southern Mountains. W5910 Whittlesey, Charles War Memoranda: Cheat River to the Tennessee, 1861-1862. Cleveland: W. W. Williams, 1884. Memories of the Civil War in the mountains — from the Cheat River to the Tennessee. W5920 (BC) W-Hollow Harvest, a Magazine for Jesse Stuart Buffs vol. 1. Cincinnati: n.p., 1965. W5930 (BC) Who's Who in East Tennessee State College Johnson City: The college, 1949. W5940 (ETSU) Wichmann, Patricia Guion Christ Church, Episcopal, Rugby, Tennessee, a Short History. Rugby, Tenn.: n.p., 1959. W5950 (BC) Wiebe, A. H. Waterfowl on the Tennessee River Impoundments. Norris, Tenn.: Tennessee Valley Authority, 1950. W5960 Wiech, Edward A. The American Miners Association: A Record of the Origin of Coal Miners' Unions in the United States. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1940. W5970 (ASU) Wieck, Edward A. The Miners' Case and the Public Interest: A Documented Chronology. Research materials from the Russell Sage Foundation Department of Industrial Studies. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1947. W5980 Preventing Fatal Explosions in Coal Mines: A Study of Recent Major Disasters in the United States as Accompaniments of Technological Change. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1942. W5990 Wiggington, Eliot Foxfire 2: Ghost Stories, Spring Wild Plant Foods, Spinning and Weaving, Midwifing, Burial Customs, Corn Shuckin's, Wagon Making and More Affairs of Plain Living. Edited with an introduction by Eliot Wiggington. Garden City, N. Y.: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1973. W6030 (FC ASU BC) Wiggington, Eliot ed. Foxfire, vol. 1. Rabun Gap, Ga.: n.p., 1967. W6010 (FC LMC BC WWC ASU WCU ETSU) The Foxfire Book: Hog Dressing,- Log Cabin Building; Mountain Crafts and Foods; Planting by the Signs; Snake Lore, Hunting Tales, Faith Healing; Moonshining; and Other Affairs of Plain Living. Edited with an introd. by Eliot Wiggington. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1972. W6020 (FC ASU BC) AUTHOR Foxfire 3: Animal Care, Banjos and Dulcimers, Hide Tanning, Summer and Fall Wildplant Foods, Butter Churns, Ginseng, and Still More Affairs of Plain Living. Garden City: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1975. W6040 (ASU) Wigginton, Brooks Elliot Trees and Shrubs for the Southeast. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1963. W6000 (BC) Wigginton, Eliot ed. The Foxfire Book: Hog Dressing, Log Cabin Building, Mountain Crafts and Foods, Planting by the Signs, Snake Lore, Hunting Tales, Faith Healing, Moonshining, and Other Affairs of Plain Living Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1972. F2970 (ASU WWC MHC ETSU BC FC) Wight, Edward A. Wilson, Louis Round County Library Service in the South. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1935. W7390 (BC) Wikstrom, Thomas N. West Virginia Graduate Research Studies in Education, 1894-1965: A Bibliographical Listing. Prepared unaer the direction of William K. Hamilton. Charleston: West Virginia Dept. of Education, 1965. W6050 (ETSU) Wilbanks, Thomas J. "Socio-cultural Factors and Economic Development in West Central Appalachia." Master's thesis. Trinity Univ., 1960. W6060 Wither, George L. Kaufman, Harold F. Social Changes and Their Implications for Southern Agriculture. State College: Mississippi Agricultural Experiment Station, Mississippi State Univ., August, 1959. K280 Wilborn, Elizabeth W. The North Carolina Historical Almanack, Being a Collection of Notable Events That Have Befallen People and Places in Our Great State. Rev. Raleigh: State Dept. of Archives and History, 1962. W6070 (ASU BC) Wilbur, George L. Internal Migration in the United States 1958 to 1964: A List of References. Sociology and Rural Life Series, no. 15. State College: Mississippi Agricultural Experiment Station, Mississippi State Univ., 1965. W6080 Wilbur, Robert L. The Leguminous Plants of North Carolina. Bulletin, no. 151. Raleigh: N. C. Agricultural Station, 1963. W6090 (LMC) Wilburn, Hiram C. Cherokee Landmarks Around the Great Smokies. Asheville, N. C.: Stephens Press, 1966. W6100 (LMC) Wildasin, Frances W. "An Analysis of Problems of Eighth and Ninth Grade Students in the Junior High School of Johnson City, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1952. W6110 (ETSU) Wilder, Charles G. Webb, William Snyder An Archaeological Survey of Guntersville Basin on the Tennessee River in Northern Alabama. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1951. W2090 (LMC BC) Wilder, Henry Jason Reconnaissance Soil Survey of Northwestern Pennsylvania. Prepared in cooperation with the Pennsylvania State College Agricultural Experiment Station, Field Operations, 1908. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. W6120 Soil Survey of the Pikeville Area, Tennessee. Field Operations, 1903. Washington: U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1904. W6130 Wilder, Hugh B. Summary of Data on Chemical Quality of Streams of North Carolina, 1943-67: Quality of Surface Waters of North Carolina. Prepared in cooperation with the N. C. Department of Water and Air Resources. U. S. Geological Survey Water-supply Paper, 1895-B. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1971. W6140 (LMC) 251 WHITTAKER—WILKINS Wilder, Minnie S. comp. Kentucky Soldiers of the War of 1812. Baltimore, Md.: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1812. W6150 Wilder, Robert Mr. G. Strings Along. New York: Putnam's, 1944. Appalachian setting. W6160 (LMC) Wilder, William Murtha Wilder and Some Connecting (Especially Some Ware) Families in Southeast United States of America. Columbus, Ga.: Columbus Office Supply Co., 1969. W6170 Wildlife Resources Commission, State of N. C. Tar Heel Wildlife. By Wm. L. Hamnett and David C. Thornton. Raleigh: The Comm., 1953. W6180 (LMC) Wiley, Richard Sim Greene and Tom the Tinker's Men. Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1907. W6190 (BC) Wiley, Ruth Smith "Language Experience Approach to Remedial Reading: Fourth Grade, Dunbar School, 1965-66." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. W6200 (ETSU) Wiley, Samuel T. History of Preston County (West Virginia). 1882. Index by Harold F. Powell. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. W6210 (ASU) History of Preston County (West Virginia). Assisted by A. W. Frederick. 1882. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1968. A truly good and relatively early county history from West Virginia. W6220 (ASU BC) Witfong, Harry Dean "A Cross-Validation Study of a Mining Foreman Selection He Devised from the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1957. W6230 Wilgus, D. K. Combs, Josiah Henry Folksongs of the Southern United States. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1967. C6130 (ASU WCU MHC LMC WWC BC FC) Country-Western Music and the Urban Hillbilly. Los Angeles: Univ. of California, 1970. Reprinted from the JOURNAL OF AMERICAN FOLKLORE April - June, 1970. W6240 (ASU) Wilgus, Donald Knight Anglo-American Folksong Scholarship Since 1898. New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1959. W6250 (BC) Wilhelm, E. J., Jr. The Blue Ridge: Man and Nature in Shenandoah National Park and Blue Ridge Parkway. Charlottesville.- Univ. of Virginia, 1968. W6260 (WCU LMC) Wilkens, Henry A. J. Nitze, Henry Benjamin Charles Gold Mining in North Carolina and Adjacent South Appalachian Regions. Raleigh, N. C.: G. V. Barnes, 1897. Nil60 (ASU WCU LMC) Wilkes County, N. C., Board of Education Identifying and Organizing for Individual Needs: An Evaluation. Wilkesboro, N. C.: n.p., 1969. W6270 (WCU ASU) Wilkie, Katherine Elliott Daniel Boone: Taming the Wilds. New York: Scholastic Book Service, 1961. W6280 (BC) Frontier Nurse: Mary Breckenridge. New York: Messner, 1969. W6290 (ASU LMC BC) John Sevier, Son of Tennessee. New York: J. Messner, 1958. W6300 (ETSU) John Sevier, Son of Tennessee. 1958. Reprint. New York: Julian Messner, 1966. W6310 (LMC) Wilkie, Richard W. Playing Lead Dulcimer. 2nd ed. Albany, N. Y.: Three City Press, 1972. W6320 (ASU) Wilkins, Thurman Cherokee Tragedy: The Story of the Ridge Family and the Decimation of a People. New York: Macmillan, 1970. W6330 (ASU WCU LMC BC UNCA) �WILKINSON—WILLIAMS Wilkinson, Kenneth P. Kaufman, Harold P. Poverty Programs and Social Mobility. State College: Mississippi State Univ., Social Science Research Center, 1966. K290 Wilkinson, Sylvia Cale. New York: Avon, 1972. W6340 (ASU) Wilkinson, T. L. Doyle, D. V. Evaluating Appalachian Woods for Highway Posts. Madison, Wfs.: Forest Products Laboratory, 1969. D3200 Wilkinson, W. E. Burke, Richard Thomas Avon Soil Survey of Randolph County, Alabama. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1912. B8730 Cantrell, Llano Soil Survey of Chilton County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1913. C1130 Winston, Robert A. Soil Survey of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1912. W7820 Willeford, Mary Bristow "Income and Health in Remote Rural Areas: A Study of Four Hundred Families in Leslie County, Kentucky." Ph. D. Diss. Columbia Univ., 1932. W6350 Income and Health in Remote Rural Areas; a Study of 400 Families in Leslie County, Ky. New York City: n.p., 1932. W6360 (BC) Willey, William Patrick An Inside View of the Formation of the State of West Virginia, with Character Sketches of the Pioneers in that Movement. Wheeling, W. Va.: News Pub. Co., 1901. W6370 (BC) William, Ellis R. "Contacts of Negroes and Whites in Morgantown." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1952. W6380 Williams, A. ed. Doddridge, Joseph Notes on the Settlements and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783, Inclusive. Albany, N. Y.: J. Munsell, 1876. D2670 (ETSU BC) Williams, A. J. A Confederate History of Polk County, Tennessee, 1860-1866. Nashville: McQuiddy, 1923. Polk County was about half Union, half Confederate. W6390 Williams, B. H. Stroud, James Frank Soil Survey of Franklin County, Alabama. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1932. S8120 Williams, Ben Ames Hostile Valley. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1934. W6400 (ASU) Williams, Bertha L. "A Survey of School Library Facilities and Services in Four Selected High Schools in Jefferson County, Alabama." Master's thesis. Alabama State College, 1954. W6410 Williams, Blonnie Hugh Devereux, Robert Eddins Soil Survey, Albemarle County, Virginia. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 1940. Dl 940 Soil Survey of Hampshire County, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey. Soil Survey Report, Series 1927, no. 9. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1931. W6420 Soil Survey of Hardy and Pendleton Counties, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey and the West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series, 1930, no. 14. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1934. W6430 AUTHOR Soil Survey of Pocahontas County, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey and the West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1933, no. 14. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1938. W6440 Soil Survey of Randolph County, West Virginia. Prepared in cooperation with the West Virginia Geological Survey and the West Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Soil Survey Report, Series 1931, no. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, 1936. W6450 Williams, Coral "Legends and Stories of White County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. George Peabody College, 1930. W6460 Williams, Cratis Dearl "Ballads and Songs of Eastern Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1937. An excellent source on Kentucky ballads. Includes some very rare variants. W6470 A Selected Bibliography: The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction. Bibliography for his dessertation. n.p.: ASU Library, n.d. W6480 (ASU MHC) "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction." Xerox of the original 3 vols. Ph. D. Diss. New York Univ., 1961. The classic work on mountain literature; an exhaustive study of books published prior to 1960. W6490 (ASU MHC ETSU WWC BC) Williams, David G. Mertins, Herman, Jr. West Virginia Budgeting: Problems and Possibilities. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Bureau of Government Research, 1971. M5180 Williams, Dorcas A. "Food Habits of the Pupils in Monongahela and Dunbar (West Virginia) High School Whose Parents are Engaged in Coal Mining." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1952. W6500 Williams, Drew B. "A Study of Pupil Transportation in Hancock, Tennessee." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1953. W6510 Williams, Ethel W. Know Your Ancesters-. A Guide to Genealogical Research. Rutland, Vt.: C. E. TuttleCo., 1961. W6520 (ASU) Williams, Faith Moors and others Family Living in Knott County, Kentucky. U. S. Department of Agriculture Technical Bulletin, no. 576. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1937. W6530 (BC) Williams, G. Croft Social Problems of South Carolina. Columbia, S. C.: State Co., 1928. Scant mention of Appalachian counties. W6540 (LMC) Williams, George Walton ed. Davis, Arthur Kyle, Jr. ed. More Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected with the Cooperation of Members of the Virginia Folklore Society. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1960. D790 (ASU FC BC LMC) Williams, Harold F. "A Comparison of Sources and Expenditures of the Funds Raised by the Schools and Organizations in Carter County with the School Budget of 1960-61." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1962. W6550 (ETSU) Williams, Harrison Legends of Loudoun: An Account of the History and Homes of a Border County of Virginia's Northern Neck. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1938. W6560 (ASU BC) 252 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Williams, Hiram Preston "A Comparative Study of Tendencies and Motivational Factors of Students from Various Academic Departments Who Vandalize Library Materials at Appalachian State University." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1971. W6570 (ASU) Williams, lolo A. English Folk Song and Dance. London: Longmans Green and Co., 1935. Variants of the English folk songs and dances can still be found in the Southern Mountains. W6580 Williams, James Earl "The Industrial Development Policy of the Tennessee Valley Authority for the Period 1933-1950." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1950. W6590 Williams, Jerry J. The Incidence of Poverty — Social and Economic Conditions in Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee State Planning Commission, 1965. W6600 Williams, Jerry Phillip "An Ecological Study of Some Small Mammals of Horse Cove, Washington County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1963. W6610 (ETSU) Williams, John Alexander "Davis and Elkins of West Virginia: Businessmen in Politics." Ph. D. Diss. Yale Univ., 1967. W6620 Williams, John Augustus Life of Elder John Smith. Nashville: Gospel Advocate Co., 1956. Life of a mountain minister and missionary in the central Appalachians. W6630 (BC) Williams, Jonathan Blues and Roots, Rue and Bluets: A Garland for the Appalachians. Photographs by Nicholas Dean. New York: Grossman, 1971. A remarkable book which captures the grandeur, wit, humor, courage and pathos of mountain life in the concrete images of meter and photograph. This man writes poetry as he hears it in the speech of others. W6640 (ASU LMC BC) An Ear in Bartram's Tree: Selected Poems, 1957-1967. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1969. Title refers to William Bertram, the Naturalist, whose journals of trips in the Appalachians this poet has studied. W6650 (LMC BC) The Loco Logodaedalist in Situ: Selected Poems, 1968-70. New York: Cape Goliard Press, 1972. Poetry, not restricted to Appalachia. W6660 (LMC) Williams, Pearl D. "The Development of a Statement of Written Policies for the Roane County Tennessee Board of Education." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1958. W6670 Williams, Raymond "A Study of Pupil Achievement in the Nongraded John F. Hay Elementary School in Morristown, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1971. W6680 (ETSU) Williams, Robin M. Attitudes Toward Rural Migration and Family Life in Johnson and Robertson Counties, Kentucky, 1941. Bulletin no. 452. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Ky., 1943. W6690 Williams, Ruth McKibben "The History of the Soil Conservation Service in Watauga County, North Carolina." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1961. W6700 (ASU) Williams, Samuel Cole Adair, James Adair's History of the American Indians. Johnson City, Tenn.: The Watauga Press, 1930. A270 (BC FC ASU LMC) Adair, James Adair's History of the American Indians. New York: Argonaut Press, 1966. A280 (WCU) Adair, James History of the American Indians. Johnson City, Tenn.: Blue and Grey Press, 1971. A290 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Williams, Samuel Cole The Baptists of Tennessee. 2 vols. in 1. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Pubs., 1930. W6710 (ASU) Dawn of Tennessee Valley and Tennessee History. Johnson City, Tenn.: Watauga Press, 1937. Widely acclaimed history of Tennessee. To be used in conjunction with the author's early travels in the Tennessee Country. W6720 (ASU LMC BC) Early Travels in the Tennessee County, 1540-1800. 1928. Reprint. Nashville: Franklin Book Reprints, 1970. W6730 (ETSU) History of Codification in Tennessee. Johnson City, Tenn.: Watauga Press, 1932. W6750 (ETSU) Hfstory of Johnson City and Its Environs. Johnson City, Tenn.: Watauga Press, 1940. W6760 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) History of Johnson City and Its Environs. 1940. Reprint. Johnson City, Tenn.: Watauga Press, 1954. W6770 (ETSU) History of the Lost State of Franklin. Johnson City, Tenn.: Watauga Press, 1924. The first of Judge William's works on Tennessee history. W6780 (ASU MHC BC) History of the Lost State of Franklin. Johnson City, Tenn.: The Watauga Press, 1933. W6790 History of the Lost State of Franklin. Rev. ed. New York: Press of the Pioneers, 1933. W6800 (LMC WCU ETSU ASU) History of the Lost State of Franklin. 1924. Reprint. Nashville: Franklin Book Reprints, 1970. W6810 (ETSU) History of the Lost State of Franklin. Knoxville: Tenase, 1970. Illustrates that a movement toward separate statehood existed on all frontiers in the 1780's but was achieved only by the State of Franklin. W6820 Tennessee During the Revolutionary War. Nashville: Tennessee Historical Commission, 1944. The most dramatic event in Tennessee's Revolutionary History was the march of the Overmountain Men from Sycamore Shoals to Kings Mountain and their subsequent victory there. W6840 (ASU BC) William Tatham, Wataugan. 2nd, rev. and limited ed. Johnson City, Tenn.: Watauga Press, 1947. W6850 (ETSU ASU WCU BC) Williams, Samuel Cole ed. Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 1540-1800: With Introductions, Annotations and Index. Johnson City, Tenn.: Watauga Press, 1928. Extracts from the writings of early travelers. W6740 (ASU LMC BC) Lieutenant Henry Timberlake's Memoirs 1756-1765. 1927. Reprint. Marietta, Ga.: Continental Book Co., 1948. Timberlake's memoirs offer insight into early relations between the British, the colonists, and the Indians, especially the Cherokee. W6830 Williams, Stanley B. "Disorganization and Delinquency in Three Coal Communities." Microfilm. Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1954. W6860 (ASU) Williams, Thomas John Chew Thomas, James Walter History of Allegany County, Maryland. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1969. T7870 (ASU) The History of Washington County, Maryland, from the Earliest Settlements to the Present Time, Including a History of Hagerstown. To this is added a biographical record of representative families prepared from data obtained from original sources of information. 1906. Reprint. 2 vols. Baltimore: Regional Pub. Co., 1968. W6870 (ASU) AUTHOR Williams, Vinnie Greenbones. New York: Viking Press, 1967. Setting is the North Georgia mountain region. W6880 (ASU) Walk Egypt. New York: Viking Press, 1960. A tale of a strange and lonely woman in the North Georgia hills who finds love and laughter only to lose them again. W6890 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Williams, W. D. Whittle Springs Hotel and Golf and Country Club. Knoxville: n.p., 1911. History of a Knox County, Tennessee resort. W6900 Williams, W. T. History of Ravenna, Kentucky. n.p.: n.p., 1956. W6910 (BC) Williams, York Wayland "An Economic Evaluation of the Power Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority." Master's thesis. Univ. of Colorado, 1961. W6920 Williamson, A. D. Huddle, J. W. Oil and Gas Wells Drilled in Southwestern Virginia before 1950. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1956. H7900 (ASU) Williamson, Hugh The History of North Carolina. 2 vols. 1812. Reprint. Spartanburg, S. C: Reprint Co., 1973. W6930 (ASU LMC BC) Williamson, Jack A. "Experimental Preschool Intervention in the Appalachian Home." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1970. W6940 Williamson, John Ferns of Ky; with Full-page Etchings and Wood Cuts. Louisville: J. P. Norton, 1878. W6950 (BC) Williamson, Malcome J. Nelson, Thomas Charles Decorative Plants of Appalachia: A Source of Income. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. N530 (ASU ETSU LMC) Williamson, Margaretta A. Bradley, Frances Sage Rural Children in Selected Counties of North Carolina. New York: Negro Univ. Press, 1969. B6180 (ASU BC LMC) Williamson, W. H. "A History of Polk County." Benton: Unpublished typescript, n.d. W6960 Willis, Bailey The Mechanics of Appalachian Structure. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1894. W6970 The Northern Appalachians. National Geographic Monograph, no. 6. New York: American Book Co., 1895. W6980 (BC) Willis, Byrd Charles Willis Family of Virginia. Richmond: Whittet and Shepperson, n.d. W6990 Willis, Carrie Hunter Legends of the Skyline Drive and the Great Valley of Virginia. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1937. W7000 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Legends of the Skyline Drive and the Great Valley of Va. Richmond, Va.: The Dietz Press, 1940. W7010 (BC) Willis, Richard Henry Willis, Byrd Charles Willis Family of Virginia. Richmond: Whittet and Shepperson, n.d. W6990 Willis, Roger Lee "A Study of Cooperative Education in Relation to the Industrial Technology Program of East Tennessee State University." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1972. W7020 (ETSU) Willis, Virginia G. "The Planning of Art Facilities for Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. W7030 (ETSU) Willoughby, Charles C. The Virginia Indians in the Seventeenth Century. Reprinted from AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, vol. 9, no. 1. Lancaster, Pa.: New Era Print. Co., 1907. W7040 (ASU) 253 WILLIAMS—WILSON Wilmoth, Benton M. Ground Water in Mason and Putnam Counties, West Virginia. Prepared by the U. S. Geological Survey. Bulletin, no. 32. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological & Economic Survey, 1966. W7050 (ETSU) Wilmoth, Benton M., Jr. Doll, Warwick L. Water Resources of Kanawha County, West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey, 1960. D2830 (ETSU) Wilpolt, R. H. Geology and Oil and Gas Possibilities of Upper Mississippian Rocks of Southwestern Virginia, Southern West Virginia, and Eastern Kentucky. U. S. Geological Survey Bulletin, no. 1072-K. Contributions to Economic Geology, 1957. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. W7060 (ASU) Wilson, A. Frederick ed. Songs of the University of Virginia. New York: Hinds, Noble and Eldredge, 1906. W7070 (ASU) Wilson, Augusta Jane Evans Saint Elmo, a Novel. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1896. W7080 (ASU) A Speckled Bird. New York: G. W. Dillingham Co., 1902. W7090 (ASU) Wilson, Barto G. comp. Knoxville Negro. Knoxville: n.p., 1929. W7100 Wilson, Charles Morrow Backwoods America. Illustrated by Bayard Wootten. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1934. Although there is more about the Ozarks than the Appalachians some observations on the frontier character and the circumstances of frontier life apply to Appalachia. W7110 (ASU LMC BC) The Landscape of Rural Poverty: Corn Bread and Creek Water. New York: H. Holt, 1940. W7120 (BC) Wilson, Charles William, Jr. Annotated Bibliography of the Geology of Tennessee Through December, 1950. Bulletin, 59. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Conservation Division of Geology, 1953. W7130 (ETSU) Annotated Bibliography of the Geology of Tennessee, January, 1951, Through December, 1960. A supplement to Bulletin 59. Bulletin, 67. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1965. W7140 (ETSU) Guidebook to Geology Along Tennessee Highways. Report of Investigations, no. 5. Nashville: Tennessee Division of Geology, 1958. W7150 (ETSU) Wilson, Clyde Our Bed Is Green. New York: Robert O. Ballou, 1934. A superbly told tale which offers a variation of the Montague-Capulet theme. Set in Watauga County, North Carolina. W7160 Wilson, David Nature's Pantry; 100 Wild Edible Plants Alphabetically Listed, Each with Full Description, Food Preparation and Folk Medicinal Properties. 1st ed. Virginia Beach, Va.: L. House, 1972. W7170 (BC) Wilson, Dell B. The Grandfather and the Globe. Vignettes by Donald R. Baker. Banner Elk, N. C.: Pudding Stone Press, 1969. A well-documented novel set in Civil War era Watauga, Avery, and Caldwell Counties, North Carolina. W7180 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Wilson, Eddie W. Camp, Cordelia The Settlement of North Carolina. Cullowhee, N. C. Cordelia Camp, 1942. C470 (ASU BC) Wilson, Edwin B. Current and Proposed Regulations and Legislation on Air Pollution Concerning the Appalachian Coal Industry. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Coal Research Bureau, 1969. W7190 Wilson, Everett Broomall America's Vanishing Folkways. New York: A. S. Barnes, 1965. W7200 (MHC) �WILSON-WINGFIELD Wilson, Frank E. The Hill Billy Kid. Chicago & New York: Rand McNally and Co., 1927. This novel of Night Riders and tobacco wars in Kentucky has a mountain setting but few mountaineers. W7210 (BC) Wilson, Gearl D. "The Achievement of Selected Economically Deprived Secondary School Male Athletes as Related to Non-athletes in Blount County, Tennessee, Schools." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1970. W7220 (ETSU) Wilson, George Pickett Instructions to Collectors of Dialect. Publication, no. 1. Greensboro, N. C: American Dialect Society, 1944. W7230 (ASU) Wilson, Goodridge Smyth County History and Traditions. Published in connection with the centennial celebration of Smyth County, Virginia, 1932. Kingsport, Tenn.t Kingsport Press, 1932. W7240 (ASU BC) Wilson, Gordon Fidelity Folks. Cynthiana, Ky.: Hobson Book Press, 1946. W7250 (WWC) Folklore of the Mammoth Cave Region. Ed. by Lawrence S. Thompson. Bowling Green, Ky.: Ky. Folklore Society, 1968. W7260 (BC) Wilson, Gregory The Valley of Time. 1st ed. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1967. Western North Carolina setting. W7270 (LMC) Wilson, Harry Robert arr. Sing and Dance: Folk Songs and Dances Including American Play-party Games. Dance directions prepared by Beatrice A. Hunt, music arranged by Harry Robert Wilson, illustrations by Conura Melder Collier. Chicago: Hall and McCreary, 1945. W7280 (BC) Wilson, Hilda Louise "A Study of Relevant Community Resources for Elementary Classes (Grade 4-6) in Walhalla, S. C." Master's thesis. Western Carolina Univ., 1970. W7290 (WCU) Wilson, Howard McKnight The Lexington Presbytery Heritage. Verona, Va.: McClure, 1971. The Upper Shenandoah Valley is included in the Lexington Presbytery. W7300 (BC) The Lexington Presbytery Heritage; the Presbytery of Lexington and Its Churches in the Synod of Virginia, Presbyterian Church in the United States. Verona, Va.: McClure Press, 1971. W7310 The Tinkling Spring, Headwater of Freedom: A Study of the Church and Her People, 1732-1952. Fisherville, Va.: Tinkling Spring and Hermitage Presbyterian Churches, 1954. W7320 (ASU BC) Wilson, John E. "The Allegheny-Monongahela Flood Control Program and Its Benefits to Metropolitan Pittsburgh." Master's thesis. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1952. W7330 Wilson, John M. Ground Water Resources and Geology of Cumberland County, Tennessee. Nashville: Tennessee Department of Conservation Division of Water Resources, 1965. W7340 (LMC) Summary of Ground Water Data for Tennessee, Through May 1971. Publication no. 6. n.p.: State of Tennessee Department of Conservation Division of Water Resources, 1970. W7350 (LMC) Wilson, L. Craig School-community Improvement, a Report of the Greenbrier County Program. New York: World Book Co., 1959. W7360 (ASU WCU) Wilson, Leon This Boy Cody. Illustrated by Ursula Koering. New York: Watts, 1950. W7370 (ASU ETSU) This Boy Cody and His Friends. Illustrated by Ursula Koering. New York: F. Watts, 1952. W7380 (ASU ETSU) AUTHOR Wilson, Louis Round County Library Service in the South. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1935. W7390 (BC) Wilson, Mary Allison "The Symphony Orchestra of Kingsport, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1964. W7400 (ETSU) Wilson, Maud The A. K. Wilson Family: Abraham Key Wilson and Mary Jane Wilson, Their Descendants and Their Ancestors, n.p.: OSU Cooperative Association, 1961. W7410 (BC) Wilson, Minter Towther The Happy Years. Boston: Christopher Pub. House, 1954. Autobiographical sketches from Judge Wilson's mountain childhood. W7420 Wilson, Neill Compton The Nine Brides and Granny Hite. New York: Morrow, 1952. Fourteen stories featuring Granny Hite's expert meddling. W7430 (ASU BC) Wilson, Robert O. "A Survey of Co-curricular Programs in the Five High Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. W7440 (ETSU) Wilson, Ross H. "A Study of Secondary Schools of Morgan County." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1941. W7450 Wilson, Samuel M. Virginia Revolutionary Land Bounty Warrants. Baltimore: Southern Book Co., 1953. W7460 Wilson, Samuel MacKay comp. Catalogue of Revolutionary Soldiers and Sailors of the Commonwealth of Va.; to Whom Land Bounty Warrants were Granted. . . . Baltimore: Southern Elk Co., 1953. W7470 (BC) Catalogue of Revolutionary Soldiers and Sailors of the Commonwealth of Virginia to Whom Land Bounty Warrants Were Granted by Virginia for Military Services in the War for Independence. Compiled from official records in the Kentucky State Land Office at Frankfort, Kentucky. 1913. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1967. W7480 (ASU) Wilson, Samuel Tyndale A Century of Maryville College, 1819-1919, a Story of Altruism. Maryville, Tenn.: Directors of Maryville College, 1916. W7490 (ASU BC) Chronicles of Maryville College: A Story of Altruism. Maryville, Tenn.: Directors of Maryville College, 1935. W7500 (ASU ETSU BC) Isaac Anderson, Founder and First President of Maryville College. Maryville, Tenn.: Kindred of Dr. Anderson, 1932. W7510 (BC) The Southern Mountaineers. New York: Presbyterian Home Missions, Literature Department, 1906. An important early work which helped to focus attention on social conditions and the mountain culture. W7520 (ASU ETSU MHC WWC BC) The Southern Mountaineers. 4th ed. New York: Presbyterian Home Missions, Literature Department, 1914. W7530 (ASU LMC) Wilson, Vesta M. "Diagnosis and Remediation of Reading and Personality Problems of a Second Level First Grade at Valley Pike School, Sullivan County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1961. W7540 Wimberly, C. F. The Lost Trail: A Story of the Kentucky Mountains. Louisville: Pentecostal Pub. Co., n.d. W7550 (BC) Wimberly, Lowry Charles Folklore in the English and Scottish Ballads. 1928. Reprint. New York: Dover Publications, 1965. W7560 (ASU FC) 254 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Wimer, David C. Derrick, Bruce B. Soil Survey of Cambria County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1917. D1880 Winchester-Frederick County Civil War Centennial Commission Civil War Battles in Winchester and Frederick County, Virginia, 1861-1865. Boyce, Va.: Carr Pub. Co., 1960. W7570 (BC ASU LMC) Winchester-Frederick County Historical Society Diaries, Letters and Recollections of the War Between the States. Winchester, Va.: The Society, n.d. W7580 Gravestone Inscriptions: From 61 Graveyards in Frederick County and the Counties That Were Once a Part of Frederick County and Includes the Inscriptions from the "Old Lutheran and German Reform Graves" in Mt. Hebron Cemetery. Boyce, Va.: Carr Pub. Co., 1960 W7590 (ASU) 2200 Gravestone Inscriptions from Winchester and Frederick County, Virginia (Death Dates Range from 1700's to Early 1900's). Indexed. Boyce, Va.: Carr Pub. Co., 1960. W7600 (ASU) Winchester, Va., Fire Department Souvenir. Winchester, Va.: Enterprise Print. Co., 1897. W7610 (ASU) Winchester, Va., Historical Society Annual Papers. v o l . 1 - . 1931-. Winchester, Va.: The Society, annual. W7620 (ASU) Winchester, Va., Ordinances, etc. The Code of the City of Winchester, Virginia, 1947. The Charter of the City and the General Ordinances of the City, Enacted as a Whole May 6, 1947, Effective May 6, 1947. Published by order of the Common Council. Charlottesville, Va.: Michie City Pubs. Co., 1947. W7630 (ASU) Wind vol. 1- . Spring, 1971-. Pikeville, Ky.: n.p., 3 times a year. W7640 (BC) Windham, Gerald O. "Socio-economic Status and Formal Social Participation of Rural Migrant Families in Pittsburgh." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1960. W7650 Windy Cove Church, Millboro Springs, Va. A History of Windy Cove Church, Millboro Springs, Virginia, 1929-1949. Including a biography of Rev. Alexander Craighead, the founder of Windy Cove Church in the year 1749. Millboro Springs, Va.: The congregation, 1949. W7660 (ASU) Wine, Cecil J. Michael Miller Family. Radford, Va.: Commonwealth Press, 1964. W7670 Wine, John M. Christian Wine Family, n.p.: n.p., 1960. W7690 Wine, Jacob David The Wine Family in America, Section 3. Boyce, Va.: Carr Pub. Co., 1961. W7680 Wine, John M. Christian Wine Family, n.p.: n.p., 1960. W7690 Wing, Fred Edward "James Still: An Inquiry into the Intrinsic Value of the Works of a Regional Writer." Ed. D. Diss. Colorado State College, 1969. James Still's RIVER OF EARTH is considered one of the finest and most representative Appalachian novels ever published. W7700 (LMC) Winger, Sarah Elizabeth B. "The Genesis of TVA." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Wisconsin, 1959. W7710 Winger, Virginia Camblos, Ruth Shopping Round the Mountains. Asheville: The authors, 1972. C380 Wingfield, Marshall Franklin County, Virginia, a History. Berryville, Va.: Chesapeake Book Co., 1964. W7720 (ASU BC FC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Wingfield, Marshall Hills of Home. Memphis, Term.: A R. Taylor Co., 1938. W7730 Marriage Bonds of Franklin County, Virginia, 1786-1858, Transcribed from the Original Records. Memphis: West Tennessee Historical Society, 1939. W7740 (ASU BC) Pioneer Families of Franklin County, Virginia. Berryville, Va.: Chesapeake Book Co., 1964. W7750 (ASU BC FC) Wink, Anna T. Housing Conditions in Rural Pennsylvania. Univ. Park: Pa. Agricultural Experiment Station, 1945. Includes data from Pennsylvania's Appalachian Counties. W7760 Winkle, Karl Franklin "An Occupational Survey of Selected Industries in the Kingsport Area of Sullivan County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. W7770 (ETSU) Winser, Justin The Westward Movement. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1897. Includes commentary on the Appalachian frontier. W7790 (BC) Winslow, Anne The Frontier Nursing Service. Washington, D. C: Committee on the Costs of Medical Care, 1932. A study of Eastern Kentucky's famed Frontier Nursing Service. W7780 (BC) Winstanley pseud, see Coleman, Thaddeus Winston, Nat Taylor All Good Times. Berea, Ky.: The Council of the Southern Mountains, n.d. W7800 (BC) Hit Haint the Fish. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Pub., 1949. W7810 (LMC BC) Winston, R. A. Deeter, Earl B. Soil Survey of Mercer County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1919. D1600 Winston, Robert A. Soil Survey of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. Prepared in cooperation with Alabama. Field Operations, 1911. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1912. W7820 Winston, Robert W. Andrew Johnson, Plebian and Patriot. New York: Holt, 1928. W7830 (ASU) Winston, Robert Watson It's a Far Cry. New York: H. Holt and Co., 1937. Autobiography. W7840 (WCU) Wisconsin State Historical Society Calendar of the Tennessee and King's Mountain Papers of the Draper Collection of Manuscripts. Madison, Wis.: The society, 1929. W7850 (LMC) Wise, Charles C., Jr. The Appalachian Center of West Virginia University. Chapel Hill, N. C.: Association of Governing Boards, 1964. W7860 Wise, James O. Optimum Farm Organizations and Area Production Patterns for the Upper Hiwassee Watershed Area. Athens: Georgia Agricultural Experiment Station, 1969. W7870 Wise, Jennings Cropper The Military History of the Virginia Military Institute from 1839 to 1865. With appendix, maps, and illustrations. Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Co., .1915. Includes account of the VMI cadets in the Battle of New Market. W7880 (ASU) Wise's Digested Index and Genealogical Guide to Bishop Meade's Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia. Richmond, Va.: n.p., 1910. W7890 Wise, John Sergeant Diomed: The Life, Travels, and Observations of a Dog. Illustrated by J. Linton Chapman. Boston: Lamson, Wolffe and Co., 1897. W7900 (ASU) The End of an Era. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1899. W7910 (BC) AUTHOR With the Colors from Hawkins County: 1917-1918-1919. Pressmen's Home:Dunwoody and Reed, 1920. W7920 Witham, Rose Adelaide ed. English and Scottish Popular Ballads, n.p.: Houghton, 1909. These ballads are still sung in the Southern Mountains. W7930 (BC) Withers, Alexander Scott Chronicles of Border Warfare; or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Va., and . . . . 1st ed. Clarksburg, Va.: Published by Joseph Israel,'1831. W7940 (BC) Chronicles of Border Warfare; or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Virginia, and of the Indian Wars and Massacres, in That Section of-the State. With reflections, anecdotes. A new . ed., edited and annotated by R. G. Thwaites. With the addition of a memoir of the author and several illustrative notes by L. C. Draper. Cincinnati: R. Clarke Co., 1895. W7950 (ASU ETSU WCU BC) Chronicles of Border Warfare: or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Virginia, and of the Indian Wars and Massacres, in That Section of the State. With reflections, anecdotes. A new ed., edited and annotated by R. G. Thwaites. With the addition of a memoir of the author and several illustrative notes by L. C. Draper. 1895. Reprint. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1961. W7960 (ASU UNCA) Withington, Alfredo Bos worth Mine Eyes Have Seen: A Woman Doctor's Saga. New York: Dutton, 1941. Biography of a woman doctor in the Southern Mountains. W7970 (WWC BC) Withoft, Mabel Swartz Oak and Laurel. Nashville: Sunday School Board of the Southern Baptist Convention, 1923. W7980 (ASU BC) Witzel, William T. "The Resources and Industries of the New River Drainage Basin in West Virginia." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tennessee, 1957. W7990 Woestemeyer, Ina Faye see also Van Noppen, Ina Faye Woestemeyer Woestemeyer, Ina Faye ed. The Westward Movement: A Book of Readings on Our Changing Frontiers. With the editorial collaboration of J. Montgomery Gambrill. New York: Appleton-Century Co., 1939. W8000 (ASU) Wofford, Robie Tip of the Toe. Illustrated by Gin Hughey. Atlanta: The author, 1969. W8010 (LMC) Wohlford, Marguerite "A Survey of Reading Achievement of First Grade Pupils in Unicoi County." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1962. W8020 (ETSU) Wolcott, Sibyl D. Crest on the Wave. Lexington,* Ky.: The author, 1889. W8030 (BC) Wolfe Co., Ky., Womans' Club Champion Early and Modern History of Wolfe County. Campton, Ky.: n.p., 1958. W8035 (ASU BC) Wolfe, Julia Elizabeth Thomas Wolfe's Letters to His Mother. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1943. W8040 (ASU WCU) Wolfe, Thomas The Correspondence of Thomas Wolfe and Homer Andrew Watt. Edited by Oscar Cargill and Thomas Clark Pollock. New York: New York Univ. Press, 1954. W8050 (UNCA ASU BC) The Face of a Nation: Poetical Passages from the Writings of Thomas Wolfe. Illustrated by Edward Shenton. New York: Literary Guild of American, n.d. W8060 (ASU WCU BC ETSU) From Death to Morning. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1935. W8070 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC UNCA ETSU) 255 WINGFIELD—WOLFE The Hills Beyond. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1935. W8080 (WWC) The Hills Beyond. With a note on Thomas Wolfe by Edward C. As well. 1st ed. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1941. W8090 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU BC) The Hills Beyond. New York: Lion Books, 1955. W8100 (UNCA ASU) Letters. Collected and edited, with an introd. and explanatory text, by Elizabeth Nowell. New York: Scribner, 1956. W8110 (UNCA) The Letters of Thomas Wolfe. Collected and edited, with an introduction and explanatory text, by Elizabeth Nowell. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1956. W8120 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother. Newly edited from the original manuscripts by Clarence Hugh Holman and Sue Field Ross. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1968. W8130 (UNCA ASU WCU ETSU BC) Look Homeward, Angel; a Story of the Buried Life. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1929. W8140 (MHC BC UNCA) Look Homeward, Angel: A Story of the Buried Life. New York: Modern Library, 1929. W8150 ,(WWC) Look Homeward, Angel: A Story of the Buried Life. Modern Library of the World's Best Books. New York: Modern Library, 1934. W8160 (WCU) Look Homeward, Angel: A Story of the Buried Life. Illustrated by Douglas W. Gorsline. With an introduction by Maxwell E. Perkins. Modern Standard Authors. New York: Scribner, 1952. W8170 (WCU) Look Homeward, Angel: A Story of the Buried Life. With an introduction by Maxwell E. Perkins. 1929. Reprint. New York: Scribner's, 1957. W8180 (LMC WCU MHC ETSU) The Lost Boy. New York: Harper and Row, 1965. W8190 (BC) The Lost World of Thomas Wolfe. Prepared by Myra Champion. Selections from Look Homeward, Angel. Asheville, N. C.: Thomas Wolfe Memorial, 1970. W8200 (ASU WCU ETSU BC UNCA) Mannerhouse, a Play in a Prologue and Three Acts. New York: Harper, 1948. W8210 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Mountains: A Play in One Act. The Mountains: A Drama in Three Acts and a Prologue. Edited, with an introduction, by Pat M. Ryan. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1970. W8220 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC MHC BC UNCA) The Notebooks of Thomas Wolfe. Edited by Richard S. Kennedy and Paschal Reeves. 2 vols. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1970. W8230 (UNCA BC WCU ETSU ASU) Of Time and the River: A Legend of Man's Hunger in His Youth. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1935. W8240 (ASU WCU BC UNCA WWC) Of Time and the River: A Legend of Man's Hunger in His Youth. Garden City, N. Y.: Sun Dial Press, 1944. W8250 (ETSU) The Portable Thomas Wolfe. Edited by Maxwell David Geismar. Viking Portable Library. New York: Viking Press, 1946. W8260 (WCU ETSU) Short Novels. Edited, with an introduction and notes, by C. Hugh Holman. New York: Scribner, 1961. W8270 (UNCA ASU WCU WWC ETSU) A Stone, a Leaf, a Door: Poems. Selected and arranged in verse by John S. Barnes. 1969. Reprint. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 197.1. W8280 (ETSU) �WOLFE—WOODS Wolfe, Thomas A Stone, a Leaf, a Door: Poems by Thomas Wolfe. Selected and arranged in verse by John S. Barnes. With a foreword by Louis Untermeyer. New York: C. Scribner's W8290 (DMCA ASU WCU BC) The Story of a Novel. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1936. W8300 (ASU WCU ETSU BC UNCA) The Thomas Wolfe Reader. Edited, with an introduction and notes, by C. Hugh Holman. New York: Scribner, 1962. W8310 (ASU WCU WWC ETSU BC UNCA) Thomas Wolfe's Letters to His Mother, Julia Elizabeth Wolfe. Edited with an introduction by John Sakally Terry. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1943. W8320 (UNCA ASU BC) Thomas Wolfe's Purdue Speech: Writing and Living. Edited from the dictated and rev. typescript, with an introduction and notes, by William Braswell and Leslie A. Field. West Lafayette, Ind.: Purdue Univ. Studies, 1964. W8330 (ASU ETSU BC UNCA) To Rupert Brooke. Paris: Lecram Press for R. J. Picard, 1948. W8340 (ASU) The Web and the Rock. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1939. W8350 (UNCA ASU WCU BC) The Web and the Rock. New York: Sun Dial, 1940. W8360 (WWC ETSU) A Western Journal: A Daily Log of the Great Parks Trip, June 20-July 2, 1928. Pittsburgh: Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1951. W8370 (UNCA ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Years of Wandering in Many Lands and Cities. New York: S. S. Boesen, 1949. W8380 (ASU BC) You Can't Go Home Again. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1940. W8390 (ASU WWC WCU ETSU BC UNCA) The Correspondence of Thomas Wolfe and Homer Andrew Watt. Edited by Oscar Cargill and Thomas Clark Pollock. New York: New York Univ. Press, 1954. W8400 (ASU WCU ETSU) Wolfe, Thomas Clayton see Wolfe, Thomas Wolverton, John B., Jr. "A Study in Student Perceptions of the Person(s) Who Is Performing the Counseling Function at Watauga High School." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Univ., 1971. W8420 (ASU) Womack, James J. The Civil War Diary of Capt. J. J. Womack. n.p.: n.p., n.d. W8430 Womack, John Walter, Jr. ed. Hale, William Thomas Early History of Warren County. McMinnville, Tenn.: Standard Print. Co., 1930. H480 (ASU BC ETSU) Womack, Walter McMinnville at a Milestone, 1810-1960. A Momenta of the Sesquicentennial Year of McMinnville, Tennessee, I960, 1958. McMinnville, Tenn.: Standard Pub. Co., 1960. W8440 (ASU ETSU BC) Womble, Walter L. Love in the Mists. Raleigh, N. C.: Edwards and Broughton, 1892. A very interesting story about the revenuers and the moonshiners. W8450 Women's Society of Christian Service Cooking Favorites of Brucetown. Brucetown, Va.: The service, n.d. W8460 (ASU) Wonnacott, Ronald Johnston Manuf. Cost and the Comp. Advantage of U. S. Regions. Minneapolis: Univ. of Minn., 1963. W8470 AUTHOR Wonser, C. H. Shearin, A. E. Soil Survey, Pickens County, South Carolina. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1943. S2570 Wood, Clement The Life of a Man: A Biography of John R. Brinkley. Kansas City: Goshorn Pub. Co., 1934. W8480 (ASU) Wood, Frances Elizabeth Great Smoky Mountains, Everglades, Mammoth Cave: With Hot Springs, Platt, Virgin Islands, Abraham Lincoln Birthplace. Our National Parks. Chicago: Follett Pub. Co., 1964. W8490 (ETSU BC) Wood, George W. Report of Mr. Wood's Visit to the Choctaw and Cherokee Missions, 1855. Boston: T. R. Marvin, 1855. W8500 Wood, Gordon H., Jr. Systematic Jointing in Western Part of Anthracite Region of Eastern Pennsylvania. Bulletin, 1271-D. Contributions to General Geology. Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1969. W8510 Wood, Gordon Reid A List of Words from Tennessee. Report of a recent project of collecting by Frederick G. Cassidy. The secretary's report. American Dialect Society, Pub. no. 29. University: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1958. W8520 (ASU) Vocabulary Change; a Study of Variation in Regional Words in Eight of the Southern States. Carbondale: Southern Illinois Univ. Press, 1971. W8530 (BC) Wood, Harriette The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky. Chapel Hill: U. N. C., 1930. W8540 "The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky." Microfilm. Master's thesis. Univ. of North Carolina, 1930. W8550 (ASU) The Need for Guidance Programs in Privately Supported Mountain Schools. Richmond: Southern Woman's Educational Alliance, 1933. W8560 (BC) Wood, James Thomas comp. Some of Our Families Ancestors and the Genealogy of Some of Their Descendants. Roanoke, Va.: n.p., n.d. W8570 Wood, Joe B. "The Determination of a Prediction Equation for Algebra I at Elizabethton High School Utilizing Selected Variables." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1967. W8580 (ETSU) Wood, Katherine Hill Laney, Francis Baker Bibliography of North Carolina Geology, Mineralogy, and Geography, with a List of Maps. Raleigh: E. M. Uzzell and Co., 1909. L390 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) Wood, Mayme Parrott Drifting Down Holston River Way, 1756-1966. Marysville, Tenn.: n.p., 1966. W8590 (BC) Hitch Hiking Along the Holston River from 1792-1962. Gatlinburg, Tenn.: n.p., 1964. W8600 Shunem Church and Cemetery Speak: A Living Memorial to Those Who Sleep Here, 1824-1965. Gatlinburg: Brazos, 1965. W8610 Wood, Ralph V. Wood, Virginia S. 1805 Georgia Land Lottery. Cambridge, Mass.: Greenewood Press, 1964. W8670 (ASU BC) Wood, Robert E. Heroes of the War of 1812 for Whom Kentucky Counties are Named, n.p.: n.p., n.d. W8620 Wood, Robert S. Pleasure Packing, How to Backpack in Comfort, n.p.: n.p., n.d. W8630 256 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Wood, Rosa Aubrey Banjo and Pistols, a Tale of the Blue Ridge. Illustrated by Maginel Wright Barney. New York: R. M. McBride and Co., 1929. W8640 (ASU BC) Wood, Violet So Sure of Life. New York: Friendship Press, 1950. W8650 (BC) So Sure of Life. Illustrated by Oscar Grimley. New York: Friendship Press, 1951. W8660 (LMC) Wood, Virginia S. 1805 Georgia Land Lottery. Cambridge, Mass.: Greenewood Press, 1964. W8670 (ASU BC) Wood, Warren Representative Authors of West Virginia. Ravenswood, W. Va.: Worth While Book Co., 1926. W8680 Wood, William W. Culture and Personality Aspects of the Pentecostal Holiness Religion. The Hague: Mouton, 1965. W8690 (ASU) Woodall, Thomas E. Design for Action, Community Problem Solving in Disadvantaged Communities. W. Va. Univ.: n.p., 1969. W8700 Woodard, Clement Manly A Word-List from Virginia and North Carolina. Publication, no. 6. Greensboro, N. C.: American Dialect Society, 1946. W8710 (ASU) Woodard, Thomas H. Summary of Data on Temperature of Streams in North Carolina, 1943-67: Quality of Surface Waters of North Carolina. U. S. Geological Survey Water-supply Paper, no. 1895-A. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1970. W8720 (LMC) Woodbridge, Hensley C. Jesse and Jane Stuart: A Bibliography. Murray, Ky.: Murray State Univ., 1969. W8730 Woodbridge, Hensley Charles Jesse Stuart: A Bibliography. With essays by Roland Carter and others. Harrogate, Tenn.: Lincoln Memorial Univ. Press, 1960. W8740 (WCU BC) Jesse Stuart; a Bibliography for May, 1960-May, 1965. "Reprinted from The Register of The Ky. Hist. Society, vol. 63, no. 4, October, 1965." n.p.: n.p., 1965. W8750 (BC) Woodford, Bessie Van Dyke Somebody, a Play in 4 Acts. New York: Fortuny's, 1937. W8760 (BC) Woodhouse, Betty Frost "Legislative Control of the Tennessee Valley Authority." Master's thesis. Louisiana State Univ., 1945. W8770 Woodmason, Charles The Carolina Backcountry on the Eve of the Revolution: The Journal and Other Writings of Charles Woodmason, Anglican Itinerant. Edited with an introduction by Richard J. Hooker. Published for the Institute of Early American History and Culture at Williamsburg, Va. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1953. W8780 (ASU LMC BC) Woodruff, W. W. and others Power Transmission. In the Standard Handbook for Electrical Engineers. 9th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1957. W8790 Woods, Edgar Albemarle County in Virginia: Giving Some Account of What It Was by Nature, of What It Was Made by Man, and of Some of the Men Who Made It. 1901. Reprint. Bridgewater, Va.: C. J. Carrier, 1964. W8800 History of Albemarle County, Virginia Giving Some Account of What It Was by Nature, and What It Was Made by Man and Some of the Men Who Made It. Harrisonburg, Va.: C. J. Carrier, 1972. W8810 One Branch of the Woodses. Charlottesville, Va.: Prout, the Printer, 1894. W8820 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Woods, Rev. Meander M. The Woods-McAfee Memorial containing an account of John Woods and James McAfee of Ireland and Their Descendants in America. Louisville, Ky.: Courier Journal Job Print. Co., 1905. W8830 Woods, Robert E. Heroes of the War of 1812 for Whom Kentucky Counties are Named, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Address ... at the state meeting of the Daughters of 1812 ... Louisville, Ky. W8840 (BC) Woodside, Robert Edward 'The Educational Development of Avery County." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1952. W8850 (ASU) Woodson, Carter Godwin Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America. Huntington, W. Va.: Appalachian Movement Press, 1973. W8860 Woodson, Henry Morton comp. Historical Genealogy of the Woodsons and Their Connections. Columbia, Mo.: E. W. Stephens Pub. Co., 1915. W8870 Woodson, Marshall S. "An Economic Survey of Oconee County." Master's thesis. Univ. of South Carolina, 1923. W8880 Woodsworth, Robert Bell comp. Descendants of Robert and John Poage. Genealogy based on the manuscript collection of Professor Andrew Woods Williamson, Henry Marlyn Williamson and John Guy Bishop, Vol. 2. Staunton, Va.: McClure Print. Co., 1954. W8890 Woodward, Grace Steele The Cherokees. Civilization of the American Indian Series, 65. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1963. W8900 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU UNCA BC) The Cherokees. 1963. Reprint. Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1969. W8910 (ASU LMC) Woodward, Herbert P. McCue, John Bruce Limestones of West Virginia. Parkersburg, W. Va.: Scholl Print. Co., 1939. M960 (ASU ETSU) Woodward, Herbert Preston Cambrian System of West Virginia. With Comments on Older Rocks and Igneous Dikes. Reports, vol. 20. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1949. W8920 (ETSU) Devonian System of West Virginia. Reports, vol. 15. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1943. W8930 (ETSU) Ordovician System of West Virginia. Reports, vol. 21. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1951. W8940 (ETSU) Outline of the Geology and Mineral Resources of Russell County, Virginia. Bulletin, 49, County Series, no. 2. University: Virginia Geological Survey, 1938. W8950 (ETSU) Woodward, Herbert Preston ed. A Symposium on the Sandhill Deep Well, Wood County, West Virginia. Including papers presented at the joint meeting of the Appalachian Geological Society and Pittsburgh Geological Society, at Blackwater Falls Lodge, Tucker County, West Virginia, October 11-12, 1956. Paul H. Price and Ralph L. Miller, coc hair men. Report of Investigations, no. 18. Morgantown: West Virginia Geological Survey, 1959. W8960 (ETSU) Woodward, J. Fletch Fletch Woodward, His Fights with Those Bad, Bad Town Boys. McMinnville: n.p., 1878. W8970 Woodworth, Robert Bell A History of the Presbytery of Winchester (Synod of Virginia): Its Rise and Growth, Ecclesiastical Relations, Institutions, Agencies, Churches and Ministers, 1719-1945. Based on official documents. Staunton, Va.: McClure Print. Co., 1947. W8980 (ASU BC) AUTHOR Woodworth, Robert Bell and others A History of the Presbyterian Church in Winchester, Virginia, 1780-1949. Based on official Documents. Winchester, Va.: Pifer Print. Co., 1950. W8990 (BC) Woody, Robert H. ed. Crittenden, Charles Christopher ed. 100 Years, 100 Men: 1871-1971. Raleigh, N. C: Edwards and Broughton, 1971. C8830 (ASU) Woody, Virginia "The Reading Diagnosis and Remediation of Five Groups of Eighth Grade Students at John S. Battle High School in Washington County, Virginia." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1964. W9000 (ETSU) Woofter, Thomas Jackson Seven Lean Years. By T. J. Woofter, Jr. and Ellen Winston. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1939. W9010 (BC) Wooldridge, J. ed. Rule, William ed. Standard History of Knoxville, Tennessee, with Full Outline of the Natural Advantages, Early Settlement, Territorial Government, Indian Troubles and General and Particular History of the City Down to the Present Time. Chicago: Lewis, 1900. R4280 Woolqon, Constance Fenimore Rodman the Keeper: Southern Sketches. American Short Story Series, vol. 87. New York: Garrett Press, 1969. W9060 (WCU ASU) Woolsey, Elmo Murray Moving On. Bristol, Tenn.: n.p., 1954. Autobiographical sketch of the life of an East Tennessee lawyer. W9020 (ASU) Woolson, Constance Fenimore For the Major: A Novelette. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1883. W9030 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Horace Chase. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1894. Partially set in Appalachia. W9040 (ASU WCU BC) Horace Chase. 1894. Reprint. Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Literature House, 1970. Partially set in Appalachia. W9050 (ETSU) Woolum, Leonard Franklin "History and Partial Evaluation of In-service Education in Harlan County, Kentucky." Ed. D. Diss. Univ. of Maryland, 1960. W9070 Woolwine, Thomas Lee In the Valley of the Shadows. New York: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1909. A typical feud tale set in Tennessee. W9080 (BC) Wooten, Bobbie "A Comparative Study of the Achievement in Science of the Fifth and Sixth Grade Pupils in Bristol, Tennessee, Schools, 1953-57." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. W9090 (ETSU) Wooten, John M. comp. Scrapbook History of Polk County, Tennessee, n.p.: n.p., 1927-39. Microfilm copy at Tennessee State Library and Archives. W9100 Wooten, John Morgan Centennial of the First Presbyterian Church, United States, in Cleveland, Tennessee, 1837-1937. Cleveland: The author, 1937. W9110 A History of Bradley County. With the cooperation of the Tennessee Historical Commission, n.p.: Bradley County Post 81, 1949. W9120 (ETSU) Red Clay Council Ground, 1832-1838; Last Capital of the Cherokee Nation East of the Mississippi River. Cleveland: n.p., 1935. W9130 Red Clay in History. Cleveland: n.p., 1935. W9140 Wooten, Samuel R. "A History of Richmond Hill Law School." Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, Boone, 1963. W9150 257 WOODS—WOUK Wootton, Clara They Have Topped the Mountain. Frankfort, Ky.: Blue Grass Press, 1960. W9160 (ASU) Work Conference on Curriculum and Teaching in Depressed Urban Areas, 1962 Education in Depressed Areas, n.p.: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1963. W9170 Work Projects Administration Guide to the manuscript collections in the archives of the N. C. Historical Commission. Raleigh: N. C. Historical Commission, 1942. W9180 (LMC) Guide to the Manuscripts in the Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina. Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1941. W9190 (LMC) Workshop on Methods of Working with Limited Resource Farmers Muscle Shoals, Ala.: 1972 Proceedings. Muscle Shoals, Ala.: Tennessee Valley Authority, National Fertilizer Development Center, 1972. W9200 (BC) Muscle Shoals, Ala.: Proceedings, n.p.: Tennessee Valley Authority, National Fertilizer Development Center, 1972. W9210 Workshop on Problems of Chronically Depressed Areas Papers. Asheville, N. C, 1965. ("API Series," no. 19.) Raleigh: Agricultural Policy Institute, North Carolina State Univ., 1965. W9220 Worrell, Anne Lowry Early Marriages, Wills and Some Revolutionary War Records, Botetourt County, Va. Hillsville, Va.: Carroll Pub. Co., 1958. W9250 Early Marriages, Wills and Some Revolutionary War Records:, Botetourt County, Va. Baltimore, Md: n.p., n.d. W9260 Our Mountain Men: Their Early Court Records in Southwest Virginia. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1962. W9270 (BC) Over the Mountain Men. Baltimore: n.p., n.d. W9280 Worrell, Anne Lowry comp. A Brief of Wills and Marriages in Montgomery and Fincastle Counties, 1773-1831. n.p.: n.p., 1932. W9230 A Brief of Wills and Marriages in Montgomery and Fincastle Counties, 1773-1831. 2nd ed. 1959. n.p.: n.p., 1932. Marriages are arranged alphabetically by males. Some errors due to copying and printing but a valuable guide to what records are available at the Courthouse in Christiansburg. W9240 Worsham, John H. One of Jackson's Foot Cavalry: His Experience and What He Saw During the War, 1861-1865, Including a History of "F Company," Richmond, Va., 21st Regiment Virginia Infantry, Second Brigade, Jackson's Division, Second Corps. New York: A. N. Neale Pub. Co., 1912. W9290 (ASU) Worst, Edward Francis Foot-Power Loom Weaving. 2nd ed. enl. Milwaukee, Wise.: Bruce Pub. Co., 1920. W9300 (BC) Foot-Power Loom Weaving. 3rd ed. enl. Milwaukee, Wise.: The Bruce Pub. Co., 1924. W9310 (BC) How to Weave Linens. Milwaukee, Wise.: The Bruce Pub. Co., 1926. W9320 (BC) Worthington, Paul Clayton Davis, Arthur Kyle, Jr. ed. More Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected with the Cooperation of Members of the Virginia Folklore Society. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1960. D790 (ASU FC BC LMC) Wouk, Herman Youngblood Hawke. Garden City, N. J.: Doubleday, 1962. A novel about a young literary lion from the Southern Mountains: Appears to be roughly on the life of Thomas Wolfe. W9330 (ASU ETSU BC) �WOULFE—YANCEY Woolfe, Patrick ed. SLOINNANCE SAEDEAL IR SAIL: Irish Names and Surnames. Collected and edited with explanatory and historical notes. 1923. Reprint. Baltimore: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1969. W9340 (ASU) Wray, Esther comp. Old-time Recipes from the Nu-Wray Inn, Burnsville, N. C. 3rd ed. Revised by Rush T. Wray. n.p.t n.p., n.d. W9350 (LMC) Wren, Christopher A Study of North Appalachian Indian Pottery. Wyoming Historical and Geological Society. Wilkes-Barre, Pa.: Yordy, 1914. W9360 (LMC BC) Wright, Anna M. Rose Hungry Hollow. New York: Friendship Press, 1951. W9370 (BC) Wright, Elizabeth C. Lichen Tufts, from the AHeghenies. New York: M. Doolady, 1860. W9380 (BC) Wright, Elizabeth Mary Tea Rustic Speech and Folklore. 1913. Reprint. Detroit: Gale Research Co., 1968. W9390 (ASU) Wright, Frank J. The Older Appalachians of the South, n.p.: Louis Ginsberg, 1932. W9400 Wright, Harold Bell The Shepherd of the Hills. 1907. Reprint. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1961. W9410 (ASU) Wright, James B. Great Smoky Mountains National Park: Statement of Jas. B. Wright. Elicited by the Park Investigation Committee. Nashville: The author, 1929. W9420 (LMC) Wright, Jane Garland "A Study of the Mathematics Background of 2250 Dropouts from Tennessee High Schools, 1965-1966." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State Univ., 1966. W9430 (ETSU) Wright, Junius P. "The Extracurricular Activities of Teachers of Greenville County, South Carolina." Master's thesis. Furman Univ., 1952. W9440 Wright, (Catherine 0. Christmas at Thunder Gap. New York: Arrowhead Books, 1954. Stereotypical mountain fiction. W9450 (BC) Wright, Louis B. ed. Strachey, William The History of Travel Into Virginia Britania (1612). London: Hakluyt Society, 1953. S7730 (ASU) Wright, Louis Booker Culture on the Moving Frontier. Harper Torchbooks. The Academy Library, TB 1053. New York: Harper, 1961. W9460 (ASU) Wright, Lyle H. American Fiction, 1774-1850: A . . . Bibliography. Rev. ed. San Morino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1948. W9470 (BC) Wright, Marcus Joseph Tennessee in the War, 1861-1865: List of Military Organizations and Officers from Tennessee (Confederate and Union). New York: A. Lee Pub. Co., 1908. W9480 (BC) William Blount, 1749-1800. Washington: E. J. Gray, 1884. W9490 (ETSU) Wright, Muriel Hazel Springplace: Moravian Mission and the War Family of the Cherokee Nation. From the genealogical notes of Miss Clara Alice Ward and other sources. Guthrie, Okla.: Co-operative Pub. Co., 1940. W9500 (MHC) Wright, Richardson Little Hawkers and Walkers in Early America: Strolling Peddlers, Preachers, Lawyers, Doctors, Players, and Others, from the Beginning to the Civil War. By Richardson Wright . . . with 68 illustrations from mold sources. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1927. W9510 AUTHOR Hawkers and Walkers in Early America: Strolling Peddlers, Preachers, Lawyers, Doctors, Players and Others, from the Beginning to the Civil War. 1927. Reprint. American Classics. New York: F. Ungar Pub. Co., 1965. W9520 (ASU) Wright, Wade H. History of the Georgia Power Company; 1855-1956. Atlanta: Georgia Power Co., 1957. W9530 (BC) Wright, Watkins Eppes Home to the Hills. New York: Arcadia House, 1944. W9540 Home to the Hills. New York: Arcadia House, 1944. W9550 Wright, William Troy Devil John Wright of the Cumberlands. Pounds, Va.: W. T. Wright, 1932. W9560 (BC) Writers' Program, Kentucky In the Land of Breathitt. American Guide Series, 1941. Reprint. Northport, N. Y.: Bacon, Percy & Daggett, 1964. W9570 (ASU) In the Land of Breathitt. Compiled by Workers of the Writers' Program of the Work Projects Administration in the State of Ky. Northport, N. Y.: Bacon, Percy & Daggett, 1941. W9580 (BC) Kentucky: A Guide to the Bluegrass State. American Guide Series, 1939. Reprint. New York: Hastings House, 1947. W9590 (ASU LMC) Writers' Program, North Carolina Bundle of Troubles, and Other Tarheel Tales. Edited by W. C. Hendricks, illustrated by Hilda Ogburn. Publications. Durham, N. C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1943. W9600 (WWC ASU LMC) How They Began — The Story of North Carolina County, Town, and Other Place Names. Sponsored by North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development. New York: Harlan Pubs., 1941. W9610 (ASU) North Carolina, a Guide to the Old North State. American Guide Series. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1939. W9620 (ASU) The North Carolina Guide. Edited by Blackwell P. Robinson. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1955. W9630 (ASU) Writers' Program, South Carolina South Carolina Folk Tales: Stories of Animals and Supernatural Beings. Univ. of South Carolina Bulletin. Columbia: South Carolina Educational Association, 1941. Scant mention of counties. W9640 (LMC) South Carolina: A Guide to the Palmetto State. American Guide Series. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1941. W9650 (ASU BC) Writers' Program, Tennessee God Bless the Devil. Chapel Hill: The Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1940. W9660 (BC) Tennessee, a Guide to the State. New York: Viking Press, 1939. W9670 (ASU) Tennessee: A Guide to the State. American Guide Series. New York: Hastings House, 1949. W9680 (ASU LMC) Writers' Program, Virginia Roanoke, Story of County and City. Sponsored by the School Board of Roanoke City and the School Board of Roanoke County. American Guide Series. Roanoke, Va.: Stone Print, and Manufacturing Co., 1941. W9690 (ASU BC) Virginia: A Guide to the Old Dominion.*New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1964. W9700 (BC) Virginia: A Guide to the Old Dominion. American Guide Series, 1940. Reprint. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1964. W9710 (ASU) 258 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Virginia: The Old Dominion in Pictures. New York: Fleming Pub. Co., 1941. W9720 (BC) Writers' Program, West Virginia The Bull town Country. Folk Studies, no. 10. Charleston, W. Va.: The program, 1940. W9730 (ASU BC) Plant Life of Braxton County, Number 8 Plant Ecology. Charleston, W. Va.: The program, 1940. W9740 (ASU) The Smoke Hole and Its People. Folk Studies, no. 3. Huntington: The program, n.d. W9750 (BC) Of Stars and Bars. Charleston, W. Va.: The program, 1940. W9760 (BC) West Virginia: A Guide to the Mountain State. Sponsored by the Conservation Commission of West Virginia. American Guide Series. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1941. W9770 (ASU BC WWC ETSU) Wrobel, Sylvia Isaac Shelby Kentucky's First Governor and Hero of Three Wars. Danville, Ky.: The Cumberland Press, 1974. W9780 Wulfeck, Dorothy Ford ed. Hines, Lois Davidson Lynch Families of the Southern States, n.p.: Dorothy Ford Wulfeck privately printed, 1966. H5590 Wyst, Klaus Folk Art in Stone, Southwest Virginia. Edinburg, Va.: Shenandoah History, 1970. W9790 (ASU ETSU BC) Virginia Fraktur. Penmanship as Folk Art. Edinburg, Va.: Shenandoah History, 1972. W9800 Virginia Germans. Charlottesville: Univ. Press, 1969. Well documented. W9810 Wartburg: Dream and Reality of the New Germany in Tennessee. 31st Report, Society for the History of the Germans in Maryland. Baltimore: J. H. Furst, 1963. W9820 Wyant, Edwards The Effects of Migration of the Labor Force. W. Va. Univ.: n.p., 1966. W9830 Wyatt, Lucile Rebecca Douglass Wyatt Family Records. Richmond, Va.: Dietz Press, 1957. W9840 Wyatt, Pearl Spitzer Wyatt Family. Richmond, Va.: n.p., 1962. W9850 Wylie, John Cook ed. Preliminary Checklist for Abingdon, 1807-1876. Virginia Imprint Series no. 1. Richmond, Va.: State Library, 1946. W9860 Wyman, Loraine comp. Twenty Kentucky Mountain Songs. The melodies collected and piano accompaniments added by Howard Brockway. Boston: Oliver Ditson Co., 1920. W9880 (ASU BC) Wyman, Loraine ed. Lonesome Tune, Folk Songs from the Kentucky Mountains. Pianoforte accompaniment by Howard Brockway. New York: H. W. Gray Co., 1916. W9870 (ASU BC) Wyoming County Advisory Committee for Library Service Wyoming County on the Alert: A Socio-Economic Survey by Wyoming County Advisory Committee for Library Service and West Virginia Library Commission. Charleston: The service, 1964. W9890 Wysor, Rufus Johnson Boyhood Days in Southwest Virginia. New York: Vantage Press, 1961. W9900 (BC) Yadkin County (North Carolina) Record Book Yadkinville: James Williams, 1939. Y10 Yancey County Teacher Training Department History and Geography of Yancey County. Burnsville: Edwards Print. Co., 1930. Y20 Yancey, Rosa Faulkner Lynchburg and Its Neighbors. Richmond: J. W. Fergusson and Sons, 1935. Y30 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Yancey, William H. The Gate Is Down; A Novel of The Alabama Hills. New York: Exposition, 1956. A novel of the Alabama hills. Y40 Yandle, Elizabeth Lewis A Critical Anal/sis of the Development Tasks of an Upper-elementary Class in Area 2 of the Greenville County-city School System and the Patterns of Direction Attempted for Better Group Action. Master's thesis. Appalachian State Teachers College, 1958. Y50 (ASU) Yatts, Elizabeth Brave Interval. New York: Coward-McCann, 1952. Y60 (BC) Yates, Ernest K. Elder, Joe A. Soil Survey, Marion County, Tennessee. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1958. El 490 Yates, Harry Orbell The Nantucket Pine Moth: A Literature Review. U. S. Forest Service Station Paper, no. 115. Ashevilie: Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, 1960. Y70 (WCU) Yates, Richard Edwin The Confederacy and Zeb Vance. Confederate Centennial Studies, no. 8. Tuscaloosa, Ala.: Confederate Pub. Co., 1958. Y80 (ASU WCU UNCA) Yeager, Barbara ed. Stories From the Hills Charleston, W. Va.: Morris Harvey College Publications, 1970-, annual. S7630 Stories from the Hills, 1971. Charleston, W. Va.: Morris Harvey College Publications, 1971. A collection of choice stories from the mountains selected from items submitted to Morris Harvey's annual literary festival. Y90 (LMC) Yearick, L. G. Bacon, Samuel Rankin Soil Survey, Montour and Northumberland Counties, Pennsylvania. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1955. B90 Yelsew, Jean pseud, see Smith, J. Wesley Yoder, Den Pennsylvania Spirituals. Lancaster, Pa.: Pennsylvania Folklore Society, 1961. Y100 (ASU) Yoder, Don ed. Boyer, Walter E. Songs along the Mahantongo: Pennsylvania Dutch Folk-songs. Hatboro, Pa.: Folklore Associates, 1964. B6050 (ASU) Yoder, Gerald Bacon, Samuel Rankin Soil Survey, Union County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering, 1946. B100 Yoder, Julian Clifton The Economic Geography of Watauga County, North Carolina. Boone, N. C: n.p., 1941. Y110 (ASU) "North Carolina: A Geographic Study." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of North Carolina, 1950. Y120 (LMC) Yoho, James G. Pomeroy, Kenneth Brownridge North Carolina Lands: Ownership, Use, and Management of Forest and Related Lands. Washington: American Forestry Assoc., 1964. P3470 (ASU LMC BC WCU UNCA) York, Alvin C. Sergeant York: His Own Life Story and War Diary. Edited by Tom Skeyhill. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1928. The story of a mountain man who became America's favorite hero of World War I. Y130 (LMC BC) Yost, Doyle A. Thoughts from the Hills. Tazewell, Va.: privately printed, 1965. A book of poetry, dealing with various topics. Y140 Youmans, E. Grant Aging Patterns in a Rural and an Urban Area of Kentucky. Bulletin no. 681. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, March, 1963. Y150 The Educational Attainment and Future Plans of Kentucky Rural Youths. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, 1959. Y160 AUTHOR Information on School Dropouts. KAES Miscellaneous Publication no. 252. Mimeographed. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Department of Rural Sociology, University of Kentucky, January, 1962. Y170 Leisure-Time Activities of Older Persons in Selected Rural and Urban Areas of Kentucky. Progress Report no. 115. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, March, 1962. Y180 Older Rural Americans: A Sociological Perspective. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1967. Y190 (BC) The Rural School Dropout: A Ten-Year Follow-Up Study of Eastern Kentucky Youth. Bulletin of the Bureau of School Service, vol. xxxvi, no. 1. Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky, September, 1963. Y200 Socio-Economic Problems of Older Persons in Casey County, Kentucky. Progress Report no. 88. Lexington: Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Univ. of Kentucky, March, 1960. Y210 Young, Bennett H. The Prehistoric Men of Kentucky. Louisville: J. P. Morton and Co., 1910. An account written by a famous confederate hero. Y220 (BC) Young, Bennett Henderson The Prehistoric Men of Kentucky; a History of What Is Known of Their Lives and Habits, Together with a Description of Their Implements and Other Relics and of the Tumuli Which Have Earned from Them the Designation of Mound Builders; a Paper Prepared to Commemorate the Silver Anniversary of the Filson Club, by Colonel Bennett H. Young. Louisville, Ky.: J. P. Morton and Co., 1910. Y230 Young, D. C. ed. History of the First Presbyterian Church, Sweetwater, Tennessee, 1860-1960. Knoxville: n.p., n.d. Y240 Young, Harry F. "History of Education in Wayne County, Kentucky." Master's thesis. Univ. of Kentucky, 1927. Y250 Young, Harry P. Veatch, Jethro O. Soil Survey of Blair County, Pennsylvania. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1917. V490 Young, Jacob Autobiography of a Pioneer: Or, The Nativity, Experience, Travels, and Ministerial Labors of Rev. Jacob Young, with Incidents, Observations, and Reflections. Cincinnati: L. Swormstedt and A. Poe, 1857. Y260 (BC) Young, James Oliver A Baptist Looks Back: The Origin and Early History of Roan Mountain Baptist Association, Now Mitchell Baptist Association. Boone, N. C.: The author, 1968. Y270 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Young, R. S. Hack, John Tilton Intrenched Meanders of the North Fork of the Shenandoah River, Virginia. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1959. moo Young, Raymond "An Analysis of the Sources and Expenditures of Internal Funds in the High Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." Master's thesis. East Tennessee State College, 1957. Y280 (ETSU) Young, Willie Pauline comp. Abstracts of the Old Ninety-Six and Abbeville District Wills and Bonds, as on File in the Abbeville, South Carolina, Courthouse. 1950. Reprint. Abbeville, S. C.: n.p., 1969. Y290 (ASU) Young, Zachary Taylor Boone Logan's Letters to the Sentinel-Democrat (Mount Sterling, Kentucky) Pertaining to the Rowan County Feud and Other Matters, n.p.: n.p., n.d. Y300 (BC) 259 YANCEY—ZOPF Yount, John The Trapper's Last Shot. New York: Random House, 1973. Y310 Wolf at the Door. New York: Random House, 1967. Y320 (ASU) Yowell, Claude Lindsay A History of Madison County, Virginia. Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Pub. House, 1926. Y330 (BC) Zandarski, Joseph Robert "Problems in the Anthracite Industry with Special Reference to Marketing." Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1964. Z10 Zanolli, Stelvid W. "The Coal Miner in a Large Scale, Highly Mechanized, Highly Integrated Bituminous Coal Mining Plant." Master's thesis. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 1948. Z20 Zanotti, Victor W. "Market Structure Analysis of the West Virginia Peach Industry." Master's thesis. West Virginia Univ., 1967. Z30 Zappone, C. R., Jr. McLendon, Willie E. Soil Survey of Coffee County, Tennessee. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, 1910. M2030 Zeigler, Wilbur Gleason The Heart of the Alleghenies: Or, Western North Carolina. Comprising Its Topography, History, Resources, People, Narratives, Incidents, and Pictures of Travel, Adventures in Hunting and Fishing and Legends of Its Wildernesses. Raleigh, N. C.: A. Williams and Co.; Cleveland: W. W. Williams, 1883. Z40 (ASU LMC WCU BC ETSU) Zeitner, June Culp Appalachian Mineral and Gem Trails. 1st ed. San Diego, Calif.: Lapidary Journal, 1968. Z50 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Zeller, Frederick A. Economic Development in West Virginia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Office of Research and Development, 1968. Z60 Problems of Community Action in Appalachia. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ., Appalachian Center, Office of Research and Development, 1968. Z70 Zeller, Frederick Anthony Manpower Development in Appalachia: An Approach to Unemployment. Based on papers from a conference held at West Virginia University, 1966, sponsored by the Institute for Labor Studies, West Virginia University, and the AFL-CIO Appalachian Council. Praeger Special Studies in U. S. Economic and Social Development. New York: Praeger, 1968. Z80 (UNCA ASU LMC ETSU) Zen, E-an ed. Studies of Appalachian Geology: Northern and Maritime New York: Interscience Publishers, 1968. S8800 (ASU ETSU UNCA) Ziegler, Martin L. "Social Legislation for the Protection of Coal Miners in Pennsylvania." Master's thesis. Pennsylvania State College, 1947. Z90 Zinn, Jack The Battle of Rich Mountain. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1971. Z100 (ASU BC) R. E. Lee's Cheat Mountain Campaign. Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Print. Co., 1974. Z110 (ASU) Zinn, William Davidson The Story of Woodbine Farm. Buckhannon, W. Va.: K. Reger, 1931. Z120 (BC) Zirkle, Gordon J. Zirkle Family in America, Germany to America, vol. 1. Sponsored by the Zerkel-Zirkle-Circle Family Committee, Mt. Jackson, Virginia. New Market: Henkel Press, 1971. Z130 Zopf, Paul E. North Carolina, a Demographic Profile. Chapel Hill, N. C.: Carolina Population Center, 1965. Z140 (ASU LMC) �ZUBOVIC—ZWARTENDYK Zubovie, Peter Distribution of Minor Elements in Coals of Appalachian Region. Bulletin, 1117-C Washington: U. S. Geological Survey, 1966. Z150 Zugsmith, Leane The Summer Soldier. New York: Random House, 1938. Z160 (ETSU) AUTHOR Zukofsky, Louis Found Objects. Georgetown, Ky.: M. B. Chapin, 1962. Z170 (BC) Zumstein, William C. "A Study of School Transportation, Morgan Co., Tenn." Master's thesis. Univ. of Tenn., 1953. Z180 260 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Zwortendyk, Jan "Economic Aspects of Surface Subsidence Resulting from Underground Mineral Exploitation." Ph. D. Diss. Pennsylvania State Univ., 1971. Z190 �SUBJECT INDEX �This page intentionally left blank �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY ABOLITION — APP. Address to the People of West Virginia: Shewing That Slavery Is Injurious to the Public Welfare, and That It May Be Gradually Abolished, Without Detriment to the Rights and Interests of Slaveholders. R4260 (ASUBC) ABSENTEE OWNERSHIP - APP. Home Mission Investments. L630 (LMC) ACID MINE DRAINAGE Message from the President of the United States Transmitting the Appalachian Regional Commission's Report, Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia, Pursuant to the Provisions of Section 302 (b) of the Appalachian Regional Development Act. A210 (ASU) Evaluation of Pollution Abatement Techniques Applicable to Lost Creek and Brown's Creek Watershed, West Virginia. A220 (ASU) Stream Quality in Appalachia as Related to Coal-mine Drainage, 1965. B3570 (LMC BC ASU) Stream Quality in Appalachia as Related to Coal-mine Drainage. B3571 Mine Drainage Abstracts, a Bibliography. B4270 (ASU) Kentucky Law on Water. C4790 Mine Drainage Abstracts: A Bibliography. C5200 (ASU) "Macroinvertebrate Community Structure as an Indicator of Acid Mine Pollution." D2470 E2000 Determination of Estimated Mean Mine Water, Quantity and Quality from Imperfect Data and Historical Records. E2050 (ASU) Handbook of Pollution Control Costs in Mine Drainage Management. M6470 ACID MINE DRAINAGE — APP. 1100 (ASU) 1110 (ASU) 1120 (ASU) 1130 (ASU) ACID MINE DRAINAGE — KY. Influences of Strip Mining on the Hydrologic Environment of Parts of Beaver Creek Basin, Kentucky, 1955-59. C5930 (BC) ACID MINE DRAINAGE — MD. Western Maryland Mine Drainage Survey, 1962-65. H7110 ACID MINE DRAINAGE — W. VA. 1920 AGED Status of the Aging in Kanawha County. A2560 The Older West Virginian. W3270 Aging Patterns in a Rural and an Urban Area of Kentucky. Y150 Leisure-Time Activities of Older Persons in Selected Rural and Urban Areas of Kentucky. Y180 Older Rural Americans: A Sociological Perspective. * Y190 (BC) Socio-Econ&mic Problems of Older Persons in Casey County, Kentucky. Y210 AGED —APP. Economic Provisions for Old Age of Rural Families in Five Southern States. B170 AGED — ECONOMIC CONDITIONS "An Economic Study of Old Age Pensions with Special Reference to Seven Upper East Tennessee Counties." G760 AGED — W . V A . "A Survey of the Status of the Retired School Teacher in West Virginia." B7670 SUBJECT Health, Welfare, and Housing Needs of the Aged in Berkeley County, West Virginia. SI 320 . . .and Live Forever. S4920 (ASU) AGRICULTURE Soil Survey, Hamblen County, Tennessee. A10 (ASU) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A730 (BC ASU WCU) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A740 (ETSU) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A750 (WCU) Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. A850 The Present and Projected Agricultural Economy of the Appalachian Region of Alabama. A860 (ASU) A Rural Community in Time of War; The Valley Community in Rabun County, Georgia. A1340 (BC) An Economic Analysis of Farming in Overton County, Tennessee. A1830 (ETSU) How the Swiss Farmers Operate on the Cumberland Plateau. A1860 Significant Changes in Agriculture of Cumberland County, Tennessee. A1870 "The Geography of Christmas Tree Production and Marketing in Anglo-America: With Special Attention to Twelve Counties in Western Pennsylvania." A2460 Traveling Conference of the Department of Agriculture in the Southern Appalachian Region, Oct. 30-Nov. 4, 1939. A4430 Ways of Making Southern Mountain Farms More Productive. A4840. (ASU BC) "An Economic Analysis of Farming in Overton County, Tennessee." A5340 Soil Survey of Marion County, Alabama. A5870 ' Soil Survey of Overton County, Tennessee. A5880 Soil Survey, McMinn County, Tennessee. B80 Soil Survey, Montour and Northumberland Counties, Pennsylvania. B90 Soil Survey, Union County, Pennsylvania. B100 Two Supply Cooperatives Serving Low-income Farmers: A Preliminary Analysis in Appalachia. B310 Characteristics of Families on Small Farms. B2000 Characteristics of the United States Population by Farm and Nonfarm Origin. B2240 Soil Survey, Cocke County, Tennessee. B2650 Soil Resources of Johnson City, Tennessee. B4200 (ETSU) Wintering Beef Cattle in the Appalachian Region. B4350 Soil Survey, Colbert County, Alabama. B6130 Soil Survey, Elmore County, Alabama. B6140 Soil Survey, Gordon County, Georgia. B6290 Soil Survey, Allegheny County, North Carolina. B6530 Soil Survey, Banks and Stevens Counties, Georgia. B6760 Soil Survey, Carroll and Haralson Counties, Georgia. B6940 The Family Group in a Kentucky Mountain Farming Community. B7180 Soil Survey of Allegheny County, North Carolina. B8670 (ASU) ABOLITION—AGRICULTURE Soil Survey of Allegheny County. B8680 Soil Survey of Washington County, Maryland. B8690 Soil Survey of Indiana County, Pennsylvania. B8700 Soil Survey of Limestone County, Alabama. B8710 Soil Survey of Madison County, Alabama. B8720 Soil Survey of Randolph County, Alabama. B8730 Soil Survey of Rockcastle County, Kentucky B8740 Soil Survey of St. Clair County, Alabama. B8750 Soil Survey, Oconee County, South Carolina. B9600 Soil Survey, Pickens County, South Carolina. B9610 Soil Survey, Sparfanburg County, South Carolina. C510 Soil Survey of Chilton County, Alabama. C1130 Soil Survey, Rappahannock County, Virginia. C1710 Soil Survey, Chambers County, Alabama. C1730 Soil Survey, Fulton County, Pennsylvania. C4090 Land Utilization in Laurel County, Kentucky. C4820 (BC) Soil Survey of Caldwell County, North Carolina. C5330 An Economic Survey of the Appalachian Region, with Special Reference to Agriculture. C6100 (ETSU WCU LMC ASU) Soil Survey, Fayette County, Alabama. C7730 Adjustments of Rural Resources Use and Characteristics to Economic Growth. H4490 (ASU) Soil Survey of Wyoming County, Pennsylvania. H4620 "Single and Multi-region Intersectoral Plows Analysis: An Examination of the Rows-only Approach with Applications to the Tennessee Economy." L2130 Soil Survey of Etowah County, Alabama. L4070 Soil Survey of Coffee County, Tennessee. M2030 Soil Survey of Franklin County, Georgia. M2040 Soil Survey of Oconee County, South Carolina. M2060 The Rural Land Use of Washington County, Tennessee. M2970 Soil Survey of Meigs County, Ohio. M4930 Soil Survey, Hall County, Georgia. M5850 (ASU) Soil Survey, Towns County, Georgia. M5860 Soil Survey, Union County, Georgia. M5870 Soil Survey: DeKalb County, Tennessee. M6440 Employment Opportunities and Usable Agricultural Skills in Non-Farm Agricultural Occupations in Appalachia. M7410 "The Agricultural Needs of Claiborne County, Tennessee." Ml 500 Home and Farm Ownership. N1740 (LMC) "Land Utilization in Roane County, Tennessee." P450 Economic Land Classification of Clarke Co., Va. P720 Soil Survey, Preston County, West Virginia. P820 "An Analysis of the Effects of Federal Farm Programs on Incomes of Appalachian Farmers." PI 040 (LMC) Soil Survey, Transylvania County, North Carolina. P2130 Yancey County, North Carolina. P2140 �AGRICULTURE-AGRICULTURE AGRICULTURE Soil Survey of Belmont County, Ohio. P2620 Soil Survey: Fannin County, Georgia. P2630 Resources of the Southern Fields and Forests, Medical, Economical, and Agricultural. Being Also a Medical Botany of the Confederate States. P3590 (LMC BC) The Colony Bernstadt in Laurel County, Kentucky. $920 Soil Survey, Pickens County, South Carolina. $2570 Soil Survey of Wayne County, Pennsylvania. $3430 "Evaluation of Alternative Income Opportunities For Farm Operations in Macon County, North Carolina." S3720 (LMC) Soil Survey of Blount County, Alabama. $5180 Soil Survey of Colbert County, Alabama. $5190 Soil Survey of Garrett County, Maryland. $5320 Soil Survey, Clinton County, Pennsylvania. $7080 Change in Agricultural and Economic Trends in North Carolina; Information by Area Development Associations and Counties. $7530 Soil Survey of Franklin County, Alabama. $8120 Soil Survey of Shelby County, Alabama. $8130 Soil Survey of Cherokee County, Alabama. $8140 Soil Survey, Roane County, Tennessee. $9440 Soil Survey of Winston County, Alabama. $9450 Soil Survey of Meigs County, Tennessee. $9570 Soil Survey, De Kalb County, Alabama. $9670 Soil Survey, Jackson County, Alabama. $9680 Soil Survey, Madison County, Alabama. $9690 Food at the Grass Roots; the Nation's Stake in Soil Minerals. T4460 The Folk-lore of Plants. T7720 (ASU) Family Chicken Flock for Appalachia. U140 Growing Vegetables in Appalachian Region. U150 Appraisal of ARA Program to Date and Its Relationship to Economic Opportunity and Appalachia Programs, Address by William L. Batt, Jr., Administrator, Area Redevelopment Administration, Department of Commerce, before Association of State Planning and Development Agencies, Washington, D. C, May 26, 1964. U170 Soil Survey, Bath County, Kentucky. W2360 Soil Survey, Elliott County, Kentucky. W2390 Certain Econ-Aspects of Agriculture in Jackson Co. Soil Conservation Area. W2450 Soil Survey, Douglas County, Georgia. W2760 Valley of Tomorrow: The TVA and Agriculture. W2840 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Bulletin. W3130 (BC) W3140 (ETSU) An Informal Series Covering Agric. Econ., in Its Broadest Sense. W4530 Soils of the Appalachian Mountain and Plateau Province. W5860 Seven Lean Years. W9010 (BC) Muscle Shoals/Ala.: 1972 Proceedings. W9200 (BC) SUBJECT Muscle Shoals, Ala.: Proceedings. W9210 Papers. W9220 The Story of Woodbine Farm. Z120 (BC) AGRICULTURE — ALA. Soil Survey, Marshall County, Alabama. F4090 Soil Survey, Calhoun County, Alabama. H2360 Soil Survey, Limestone County, Alabama. Soil Survey of Calhoun County, Alabama. H8540 The German Settlement in Cullman County, Alabama: An Agricultural Island in the Cotton Belt. K2980 (BC) Soil Survey of Cleburne County, Alabama. L2170 Soil Survey of Lawrence County, Alabama. L2180 Soil Survey, Cullman County, Alabama. M2450 Soil Survey of Talladega County, Alabama. M6700 Opportunities for and Limitations of Social and Economic Adjustments in an Alabama Rural County. N1190 Soil Survey of Fayette County, Alabama. 0700 Soil Survey, Randolph County, Alabama. P320 Soil Survey of Morgan County, Alabama. P590 Soil Survey: Franklin County, Alabama. $2860 Soil Survey, Lawrence County, Alabama. S2870 Soil Survey, Morgan County, Alabama. S2880 Soil Survey of Chambers County, Alabama. S4760 Soil Survey of Jefferson County, Alabama. S4770 Soil Survey of Clay County, Alabama. T410 Soil Survey of Coosa County, Alabama. T430 Soil Survey of Bibb County, Alabama. T7660 Soil Survey of Cullman County, Alabama. T7670 Cumberland Plateau and Mountains and Southern Appalachian Ridges and Valley of Alabama, Georgia, and Tennessee. U3930 Soil Survey of Walker County, Alabama. V500 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Alabama. W200 Soil Survey of Marshall County, Alabama. W210 Soil Survey of Putnam County, Tennessee. W220 Soil Survey of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. W7820 AGRICULTURE — APP. Farming: A Hand Book. B3250 (WCU ASU) Development and Application of a Level-of-living Scale for White, Open Country Families, Both Farm and Non-farm in the Southeast. G2190 History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860. G3380 (BC MHC) "Possum Ridge Farmers: A Study in Cultural Change." H6120 (ASU) Soil: Its Influence on the History of the United States, with Special Reference to Migration and the Scientific Study of Local History. H8170 (ASU) Appalachia: Problems and Solutions. J1240 (ASU) Social Changes and Their Implications for Southern Agriculture. K280 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Appalachian Resource Development Project, Submitted to the Kellogg Foundation. K1390 The Legal Status of the Tenant Farmer in the Southeast. M3040 (LMC) "Optimum Farm Organizations for a Portion of the Appalachian Plateau." N610 "An Analysis of the Effects of Federal Farm Programs on Incomes of Appalachian Farmers." PI 000 Towards Solving the Low-income Problem of Small Farmers in the Appalachian Area. P1060 (LMC) Some Postwar Rural Trends in Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia. R3080 Tenn. Valley Land and Its Changing Use. SI 50 "The Relationship of the Economic Production of Farmers of the Southern Appalachian Region to Certain Social Factors." S6200 (ASU) Evaluation of Forestry Opportunities on Farms in the Beech River Watershed. T2620 Fertilizer Science and the American Farmer — the Research and Education Programs of the Tennessee Valley Authority. T2680 Fertilizer Science and the American Farmer — the Research and Education Programs of the Tennessee Valley Authority. T2690 Systematic Farm Planning in Relation to Water Resources at Parker Branch Pilot Tributary Watershed. T3590 Census of Agriculture for the 125 Tennessee Valley Watershed Counties. T4140 Report of the Project on Research in Agriculture and Industrial Development in the Tennessee Valley Region. T4300 Fertilizer Trends. T4340 Southern Bulk Blending Conference, Jan. 21-23, 1963. T4350 Bulk-Blending — An Innovation in Fertilizer Marketing. T4360 Do Fertilizer Education and Services Pay? T4380 Fertilizer Summary Data. T4390 Fertilizer Summary Data. T4400 Fertilizer, One Key to Better Land Use. Summary of Distributor Demonstration Program for TVA Fertilizers, Fiscal Year 1955. T4410 Fertilizer Trends. T4420 Fertilizer Trends; the Scope of TVA's Fertilizer Activities. T4430 Fertilizer Trends; the Scope of TVA's Fertilizer Activities. T4440 Fertilizer Trends; the Scope of TVA's Fertilizer Activities. T4450 Interpreting Results of Irrigation Experiments; a Progress Report. T4480 Plant Nutrient Consumption by States and Geographic Areas. T4500 Problems and Suggested Programs for Low-Income Farmers with Special Reference to the Tennessee Valley. T4510 Problems of Underemployed Rural People. T4520 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY AGRICULTURE — APP. Progress Through Cooperative Research on Fertilizer Evaluations; a Report of TVA Soils and Fertilizer Research Branch for the Period July 1957 Through June 1960. T4530 Report. T4540 Research Contributes to More Efficient Use of Fertilizers. A Report of Progress of the Soils and Fertilizers, Fertilizer Research Branch. T4550 Test-Demonstration Farms and the Spread of Improved Farm Practices in Southwest Virginia. T4560 U. S. Plant Nutrient Consumption. T4570 Use of Linear Programming Technique to Compute Least-Cost Bulk-Blended Fertilizers. T4580 Comparative Data on Farm Income and Employment, 1929-51. T5170 Differentials in Farm Income and Employment in the Tennessee Valley Region Counties. T5180 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Hamblen County, Tennessee. T5670 Report of the Secretary of Agriculture on the Southern Appalachian and White Mountain Watersheds. Commercial Importance, Area, Condition, Advisability of the Purchase for National Forests, and Probable Cost. U2540 (BC) Appalachian land stabilization and conservation program, program results from inception through Dec. 31, 1968. U2565 Crop Production Practices, Labor, Power, and Materials, by Operation: Sec. 3, Appalachian, Southeast, and Mississippi Delta. U2570 1967 Regional Summary of Fruit Tree Surveys, Selected Appalachian States. U2580 An economic survey of the Appalachian Region, with special reference to Agriculture. U2600 Suggestions for Planning and Zoning in Appalachia. U2610 (LMC) Ways of Making Southern Mountain Farms More Productive. Farm Practices That Increase Crop Yield in Ky. and Tenn. U2620 AGRICULTURE — GA. Soil Survey of Bartow County, Georgia. F3680 Soil Survey, Cherokee, Gilmer, and Pickens Counties, Georgia. J2710 "Some Economic Aspects of the Changes in Towns County Agriculture during the Period, 1934-1950." L280 Soil Survey of Carroll County, Georgia. L2160 Soil Survey of Floyd County, Georgia. L3230 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Georgia. L3240 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Georgia. L3250 Soil Survey of Madison County, Georgia. L3260 Soil Survey of Polk County, Georgia. L3270 Soil Survey of Rabun County, Georgia. L3280 Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. Ml 720 Soil Survey of Walker County, Georgia. M2070 Soil Survey of Chattooga County, Georgia. Soil Survey, Forsyth County, Georgia. R3180 SUBJECT Soil Survey, Habersham County, Georgia. R3190 Soil Survey: Gwinnett County, Georgia. T330 Soil Survey, Catoosa County, Georgia. T400 Soil Survey, Dade County, Georgia. T440 Optimum Farm Organizations and Area Production Patterns for the Upper Hiwassee Watershed Area. W7870 AGRICULTURE — KY. Soil Survey, Adair County, Kentucky. A4710 Farm Practices That Increase Crop Yields in Kentucky and Tennessee. A4830 (BC) Labor Supply and Farm Production on Eastern Kentucky Farms. B5270 The Farm Family in a Kentucky Mountain Neighborhood. B7190 Social Security and the Farmer in Kentucky. C4000 . . . Land Utilization in Laurel County, Kentucky. C4810 (ASU) Part-time Farming in Eastern Kentucky. G160 Rural Manpower in Eastern Kentucky: A Study of Under-Employment among Rural Workers in Economic Area Eight. G170 Utilization of Rural Manpower in Eastern Kentucky. G180 Soil Survey of Madison County, Kentucky. G4090 "Factors That Influence Young Couples to Stay on the Farm in Adair County, Kentucky: Some Social and Economic Factors That Influence Young Couples to Stay on the Farm in a Low-income County in Kentucky." HI 710 Soil Survey, Jefferson County, West Virginia. H3490 A General Picture of Commercial Agriculture in Eastern Kentucky. J700 Circular. No. 1-. K920 Farm Population Changes in Eastern Kentucky. K930 Tables Showing Components of Population Change and Percent Due to Net Migration for State Economic Areas, Metropolitan Areas, and Counties, Southern Appalachians, 1950-1960. K940 Soil Survey of Garrard County, Kentucky. K1640 Reconnaissance Soil Survey, Fourteen Counties in Eastern Kentucky. Ml 140 Farm Management and Family Incomes in Eastern Kentucky. N920 "The Social and Economic Structure of Kentucky Agriculture, 1850-1860." T9470 Soil Survey, Bath County, Kentucky. W2370 Soil Survey, Elliott County, Kentucky. W2380 Family Living in Knott County, Kentucky. W6530 (BC) AGRICULTURE — MD. Soil Survey of Allegany County, Maryland. B7610 Soil Survey, Washington County, Maryland. M4270 AGRICULTURE — N. C. Agricultural Developments in North Carolina, 1783-1860. C2070 (LMC) Soil Survey of Caldwell County, North Carolina. C5340 Soil Survey, Yadkin County, North Carolina. C9840 Soil Survey, Stokes County, North Carolina. D1260 (ASU) AGRICULTURE—AGRICULTURE Soil Survey of Surry County, North Carolina. D1270 Soil Survey of Watauga County, North Carolina. D1280 (ASU) Soil Survey of Macon County. D1960 Soil Survey of Macon County, North Carolina. D1970 Soil Survey, Wood and Wirt Counties, West Virginia. E1870 Papers. F180 Soil Survey, Buncombe County, North Carolina. G2380 Soil Survey, Graham County, North Carolina. G2390 Soil Survey, Haywood County, North Carolina. G2400 Soil Survey, Jackson County, North Carolina. G2410 Soil Survey, Macon County, North Carolina. G2420 Soil Survey, Madison County, North Carolina. G2430 Soil Survey of Ashe County, North Carolina. H2170 Memories of 4-H. H2600 (ASU) Soil Survey of Gaston County, North Carolina. H4190 (ASU) Soil Survey of Henderson County, North Carolina. H4200 Soil Survey of Transylvania County, North Carolina. H4210 Soil Survey of Transylvania County. H4220 Soil Survey of Cherokee County, North Carolina. J2860 (ASU) Soil Survey of Davie County, North Carolina. J2870 Soil Survey of Haywood County, North Carolina. J2880 Soil Survey of Rutherford County, North Carolina. J2910 Soil Survey of Wilkes County, North Carolina. J2950 Soil Survey of Transylvania County, North Carolina. K2300 Soil Survey of the Asheville, North Carolina, Area. L620 Soil Survey of Burke County. L1430 Soil Survey of Burke County, North Carolina. LI 440 Soil Survey, Yadkin County, North Carolina. L1450 Soil Survey, Watauga County, North Carolina. LI 670 "The Asheville Basin of North Carolina: A Study in Highland Agricultural Land Use." L3690 (LMC ASU) "The County Farm Life Schools of North Carolina." Ml 930 (ASU) North Carolina and Its Resources. Ml 810 (ASU BC UNCA) North Carolina: Land of Opportunity. Ml 820 (LMC) Soil Survey of Buncombe County, North Carolina. P2060 Soil Survey, Cherokee County, North Carolina. P2070 Soil Survey, Clay County, North Carolina. P2080 Soil Survey, Henderson County, North Carolina. P2100 Soil Survey, Mitchell County, North Carolina. P2110 Soil Survey, Swain County, North Carolina. P2120 The Tobacco Kingdom: Plantation, Market, and Factory in Virginia and North Carolina, 1800-1860. R2650 (ASU) Soil Survey, Avery County, North Carolina. R3290 Soil Survey, Watauga County, North Carolina. U3940 Soil Survey of Cleveland County, North Carolina. V40 �AGRICULTURE—AGRICULTURE AGRICULTURE — N. C. The Leguminous Plants of North Carolina. W6090 (LMC) "The History of the Soil Conservation Service in Watauga County, North Carolina." W6700 (ASU) AGRICULTURE — N. Y. Economic Study of Land Utilization in Chautaugua County, New York. J2750 Economic Study of Land Utilization in Otsego County, New York. J2760 AGRICULTURE — OHIO Soil Survey, Scioto County, Ohio. C6780 Subsequent Movement of Kentucky Hill Families Relocated as Farm Laborers in Ohio. M3050 (ASU) Soil Survey, Athens County, Ohio. P530 Soil Survey of Vinton County, Ohio. P540 Soil Survey, Ross County, Ohio. P2430 Soil Survey of Washington County, Ohio. P2670 Soil Survey of Adams County, Ohio. T390 Soil Survey: Clermont County, Ohio. T420 AGRICULTURE — PA. "Agriculture Production in Pennsylvania." C3610 Soil Survey of Mercer County, Pennsylvania. D1600 Soil Survey of Cambria County, Pennsylvania. D1880 Soil Survey, Carbon County, Pennsylvania. F1180 The Low-Income Farmer in a Changing Society. F1540 "Equating Timber and Wildlife Values and Returns to the Farm Resource Base in Sullivan County, Pennsylvania." G200 Soil Survey, Potter County Pennsylvania. G2530 Soil Survey, Mercer County, Pennsylvania. G4060 "Equating Timber and Wildlife Values and Returns to the Farm Resources Base in Sullivan County, Pennsylvania." H3970 Soil Survey of Tioga County, Pennsylvania. H4610 Soil Survey, Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania. H5260 "An Economic Analysis of Idle Farm Land, Potter County, Pennsylvania, 1953." J530 "Agriculture Development in the Pittsburgh District." K2080 Soil Survey, Fayette County, Pennsylvania. K3020 "Agricultural Regions of Clarion County, Pennsylvania." L1250 "Socioeconomic Factors Which May Affect Part Time Farmer Education in Butler County, Pennsylvania." L3310 "The Identification and Analysis of Agricultural Occupations in Seventeen Pennsylvania Counties." M1430 Soil Survey of Bedford County, Pennsylvania. M3130 Soil Survey of the Lock Haven, Pennsylvania, Area. M3680 Soil Survey of the Lock Haven, Pennsylvania, Area. M3690 Soil Survey of Centre County, Pennsylvania. M6660 Soil Survey, Columbia County, Pennsylvania. P460 Soil Survey of Greene County, Pennsylvania. P2090 SUBJECT "A History of Land Subsistence and Its Consequences Caused by the Mining of Anthracite Coal in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania." R2870 Reconnaissance Soil Survey of Northeastern Pennsylvania. S2470 "A Study of Buyers on the Allegheny County Farmer's Market, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 1946." S6450 Soil Survey, Lycoming County, Pennsylvania. S7120 Soil Survey, Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania. T500 Soil Survey of Blair County, Pennsylvania. V490 Reconnaissance Soil Survey of Northwestern Pennsylvania. W6120 AGRICULTURE — S. C. Soil Survey of Cherokee County, South Carolina. D3230 Soil Survey, Cherokee County, South Carolina. J2670 Farm Business Study of the Six Mile Area of Pickens County, 1940. K2120 (ASU) Soil Survey of Spartanburg County, South Carolina. L790 Soil Survey of the Campobello Area, South Carolina. M3020 South Carolina: A Handbook. S5580 (LMC) Soil Survey of Greenville County, South Carolina. W1480 AGRICULTURE — TENN. Farm Practices That Increase Crop Yields in Kentucky and Tennessee. A4830 (BC) Soil Survey, Claiborne County, Tennessee. A5560 , (ASU) An Economic Survey of the Upper Cumberland Area with a Special Reference to Agriculture. B110 (ASU) Better Farming Practices through Rural Community Organization. B5330 Neighborhoods and Communities of Cumberland County, Tennessee. B5370 Changes in Tennessee Agriculture by Counties, 1954-64. B5420 Selected Population and Agricultural Statistics for Tennessee Counties. C4870 (ASU) Bibliography of Tennessee Geology, Soils, Drainage, Forestry, etc. with Subject Index. C5440 (LMC ETSU) Minimum Land Requirements for Specified Levels of Farm Income in the Eastern Highland Rim of Tennessee. E30 Manpower and Employment Trends in Tennessee. E650 Soil Survey, Blount County, Tennessee. El 470 Soil Survey, Loudon County, Tennessee. El 480 Soil Survey, Marion County, Tennessee. El 490 Soil Survey, Washington County, Tennessee. El 500 Soil Survey, Bradley County, Tennessee F2470 Soil Survey, Franklin County, Tennessee F2480 "Rural Land Use in Franklin County, Tennessee." G630 Soil Survey, Rhea County, Tennessee. H3390 "Economic Progress and Resource Adjustments of Rural Households is the Upper East Tennessee Valley." H4500 (ASU) APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "Significant Factors Influencing Quality and Success of Supervised Farming Programs of Vocational Agriculture Students in Seven Schools of East Tennessee." H5650 Soil Survey, Cumberland County, Tennessee. H7800 Soil Survey, Grainger County, Tennessee. H7810 Soil Survey, Putnam County, Tennessee. J130 Soil Survey, Warren County, Tennessee. J140 The Grasses of Tennessee: Including Cereals and Forage Plants. K1900 (BC ASU LMC) Tennessee: Its Agricultural and Mineral Wealth, With an Appendix Showing the Extent, Value and Accessibility of its Ores, With Analyses of the Same. K1920 (ASU LMC) The German-Swiss in Franklin County, Tennessee: A Study of the Significance of Cultural Considerations in Farming Enterprises. K2990 (ASU BC) "The Impact of TVA on Agriculture." LI 320 *fA Study of the Working Relationships of the Agriculture Extension Service and the Vocational Agriculture Program in East Tennessee." LI 750 Types of Farming in Tennessee. LI 930 Soil Survey, Coffee County, Tennessee. L3660 Soil Survey of Grainger County, Tennessee. M2050 Types of Farming in Tennessee. M3710 (ASU) The Cumberland Plateau in Tennessee. M4140 Soil Survey, Sullivan County, Tennessee. M4370 "The Farmers Home Administration and Agricultural Poverty in Tennessee." M6450 Soil Survey, Jefferson County, Tennessee. M6630 Soil Survey of the Greenville Area, Tennessee. M6680 "Agricultural and Social Aspects of the Swiss Settlement in Grundy County, Tennessee." N600 Soil Survey, Johnson County, Tennessee. O270 (BC ASU) Soil Survey, Sevier County, Tennessee. 0280 P3810 Expected Returns from Selected Specialized Farming Systems in the Northern Highland Rim Area of Tennessee. R460 (ASU) Production and Marketing of Hatching Eggs in Tennessee. R510 Soil Survey, Hamilton County, Tennessee. R3100 Soil Survey, Knox County, Tennessee. R3110 Bob Taylor and the Agrarian Revolt in Tennessee. R3230 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Tennessee. R3560 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Tennessee. R3570 Soil Survey, Carter County, Tennessee. R4220 Soil Survey, Norris Area, Tennessee. R4230 "Relation of Land Base Quality to the Agricultural Economy of Knox County, Tennessee." R4320 "An Interpretation'of the Distribution of Crops and Livestock in East Tennessee as Reported by the 1950 Census." S1420 (ETSU) "A Curriculum in Agricultural Education for Two Consolidated High Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." S4220 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY AGRICULTURE — TENN. A Brief Historical, Statistical and Descriptive Review of East Tennessee, United States of America: Developing Its Immense Agricultural, Mining and Manufacturing Advantages, with Remarks to Emigrants. Accompanied with a Map & Lithographed Sketch of a Tennessee Farm, Mansion House, and Buildings. S4800 An Inventory of Land and Its Use in the Tennessee Valley. S5100 Tenn. Valley Land and Its Changing Use. 55400 "Agricultural Changes in the TVA Area, 1930-1945." S7740 Agricultural Trends in Tennessee: A Record of Crop and Livestock Statistics, 1866-1947. T990 (ETSU) Makers of Millions, Not for Themselves But for You: Stories of Tennesseans whose Accomplishments for Agriculture Brought Renown to Their State and Caused an Appreciating and Benefited Public to Propose Their Admission to the Tennessee Agricultural Hall of Fame. T1000 (ASU) Mineral and Agricultural Resources of the Portion of Tennessee Along the Cincinnati Southern and Knoxville and Ohio Railroads. T1010 (ASU) Division of Geology Bulletin. T1020 Tennessee Resources — Agriculture, Forestry, and Minerals. T1720 (ETSU) Valley of Tomorrow, the TVA and Agriculture. T2230 Changing Agricultural of the Tennessee Valley. T4370 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Anderson County, Tennessee. T5570 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Bledsoe County. T5580 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Carter County. T5590 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Cocke County. T5600 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Coffee County. T5610 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Cumberland County. T5620 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Fentress County. T5630 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Franklin County, Tennessee. T5640 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Grainger County. T5650 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Greene County, Tennessee. T5660 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Johnson County, Tennessee. T5680 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Loudon County, Tennessee. T5690 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of McMinn County, Tennessee. T5700 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Marion County, Tennessee. T5710 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Meigs County, Tennessee. T5720 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Monroe County, Tennessee. T5730 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Morgan County, Tennessee. T5740 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Polk County, Tennessee. T5750 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Rhea County. T5760 SUBJECT Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Sevier County. T5770 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Sullivan County. T5780 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Washington County, Tennessee. T5790 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of White County. T5800 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Unicoi County. T5810 Soil Survey of Blount County, Tenn. U870 (BC) Soil Survey of Bradley Co., Tenn. U880 (BC) Soil Survey of Carter Co., Tenn. U890 Soil Survey of Claiborne Co., Tenn. U900 (BC) Soil Survey of Cumberland Co., Tenn. U910 (BC) Soil Survey of Cumberland Co., Tenn. U920 Soil Survey of Grainger Co., Tenn. U930 (BC) Soil Survey of Grainger Co., Tenn. U940 Soil Survey of Hamblen Co., Tenn. U950 (BC) Soil Survey of Hamilton Co., Tenn. U960 (BC) Soil Survey of Hamilton Co., Tenn. U970 Soil Survey of Jefferson Co., Tenn. U980 (BC) Soil Survey of Jefferson Co., Tenn. U990 Soil Survey of Johnson Co., Tenn. U1000 (BC) Soil Survey of Johnson Co., Tenn. U1010 Soil Survey of Knox Co., Tenn. U1020 (BC) Soil Survey of Knox Co., Tenn. U1030 Soil Survey of Marion Co., Tenn. U1040 Soil Survey of Marion Co., Tenn. U1050 (BC) Soil Survey of McMinn Co., Tenn. U1060 (BC) Soil Survey of Morris Area, Tenn. U1070 Soil Survey of Norris Area, Tenn. U1080 (BC) Soil Survey of Rhea Co., Tenn. U1090 (BC) Soil Survey of Rhea Co., Tenn. U1100 Soil Survey of Roane Co., Tenn. U1110 (BC) Soil Survey of Roane Co., Tenn. U1120 Soil Survey of Sevier Co., Tenn. U1130 (BC) Soil Survey of Sevier Co., Tenn. U1140 Soil Survey of Sullivan Co., Tenn. U1150 (BC) Soil Survey of Sullivan Co., Tennessee. U1160 Soil Survey of Washington Co., Tennessee. U1170 (BC) Watershed Work Plan for Little Bigby Creek Watershed, Maury County, Tennessee. Report of the Soil Conservation Service, Department of Agriculture, in Accordance with Public Law 83-566, April, 1971. U2470 Cumberland Plateau and Mountains and Southern Appalachian Ridges and Valley of Alabama, Georgia, and Tennessee. U3930 Soil Survey of Meigs County, Tenn. W970 Soil Survey of the Pikeville Area, Tennessee. W6130 AGRICULTURE — TENN., EASTERN Increasing Incomes Through Farm Adjustments in the Red Soil Area, Eastern Highland Rim of Tennessee. A5350 (ASU) AGRICULTURE-AGRICULTURE AGRICULTURE — VA. Soils of the Shenandoah River Terrace: Revision of Certain Soils in the Albemarle Area, Virginia. B2980 The Present and Projected Agricultural Economy of the Appalachian Region of Alabama. B4440 (ASU) Soil Survey of the Leesburg, Virginia, Area. C1770 Soil Survey, Culpeper County, Virginia. C5730 Soil Survey, Albemarle County, Virginia. D1940 Soil Survey of Grayson County, Virginia. D1950 Soil Survey of Frederick County, Virginia. D2180 Virginia Rural Youth Adjustments. G410 Virginia's Marginal Population — A Study in Rural Poverty. G420 (BC) Soil Survey of Augusta County, Virginia. J2850 Soil Survey, Lee County, Virginia. J2890 Soil Survey of Rockbridge County, Virginia. J2900 Soil Survey, Scott County, Virginia. J2920 Soil Survey, Smyth County, Virginia. J2930 Soil Survey, Washington County, Virginia. J2940 Soil Survey of the Albemarle Area, Virginia. M6640 Soil Survey of the Bedford Area, Virginia. M6650 Farmer Cooperation in Southwest Virginia. M7500 (ASU) "An Evaluation of the Impact of the Vocational Education Act of 1963 on Agricultural Education in the Blue Ridge Area of Southwestern Virginia." N950 (ETSU) N1410 Soil Survey, Russell County, Virginia. 0100 (BC) "Shifts in Land Use in the Appalachian Region of Virginia." 0550 (LMC ASU) Economic Land Classification of Carroll County, Virginia. P710 "Those Who Enroll for Vocational Agriculture in West Virginia, Considering Certain Scholastic Achievements and Some Background Factors." P960 Soil Survey, Wise County, Virginia. P2210 Historical Study of Prices Received by Producers of Farm Products in Virginia, 1801-1927. P2320 (LMC) Soil Survey, Fauquier County, Virginia. P2420 Soil Survey, Bland County, Virginia. P3640 Soil Survey, Loudoun County, Virginia. P3650 Soil Survey, Tazewell County, Virginia. P3660 The Tobacco Kingdom: Plantation, Market, and Factory in Virginia and North Carolina, 1800-1860. R2650 (ASU) Soil Survey, Carroll County, Virginia. T8040 V550 Study of the Organization and Management of Farmers in Grayson County, Va. V560 Bulletin. V680 (BC) �AGRICULTURE—AM. AGRICULTURE — VA. Virginia: A Geographical and Political Summary, Embracing a Description of the State, Its Geology, Soils, Minerals and Climate; Its Animal and Vegetable Productions; Manufacturing and Commercial Facilities; Religious and Educational Advantages; Internal Improvements, and Form of Government. WOO (BC) Virginia. V740 (BC) AGRICULTURE — W. VA. "The Granger and Populist Movements in West Virginia, 1873-1914." B1380 The West Virginia State Grange: The First Century, 1873-1973. B1390 Soil Survey, Barbour County, West Virginia. B3440 Soil Survey, Marshall County, West Virginia. B3450 Rural Underemployment and Land Use in a Marginal Agricultural Area of West Virginia. B6150 Soil Survey of the Middlebourne Area, West Virginia. C60 Soil Survey of the Wheeling Area, West Virginia. C70 Proceedings. C6400 Some Effects of Price and Income Support Programs on Marginal Farms. E2320 Soil Survey of Mercer County, West Virginia. G2300 Soil Survey, Berkeley County, West Virginia. G2770 Soil Survey, Greenbrier County, West Virginia. G2780 Soil Survey, Jackson and Mason Counties, West Virginia. G2790 Soil Survey, Monroe County, West Virginia. G2800 Soil Survey of Upshur County, West Virginia. G4100 Soil Survey of Fayette County, West Virginia. K1630 Soil Survey of Monroe County, West Virginia. K1650 Soil Survey of Summers County, West Virginia. K1660 "Effects of Urbanization on Vocational Agriculture in Jackson County, West Virginia." K1690 Soil Survey of Barbour and Upshur Counties, West Virginia. L690 Soil Survey of Boone County, West Virginia. L700 Soil Survey of Braxton and Clay Counties, West Virginia. L710 Soil Survey of Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties, West Virginia. L720 Soil Survey of Kanawha County, West Virginia. L730 Soil Survey of Lewis and Gilmer Counties, West Virginia. L740 Soil Survey of Logan and Mingo Counties, West Virginia. L750 Soil Survey of McDowell and Wyoming Counties, West Virginia. L760 Soil Survey of Preston County, West Virginia. L770 Soil Survey of Raleigh County, West Virginia. L780 Soil Survey of the Huntington Area, West Virginia. L800 Soil Survey of the Point Pleasant, West Virginia, Area. L810 Soil Survey of the Spencer, West Virginia, Area. L820 SUBJECT Vocational Agricultural Instruction for Adult Farmer Classes in Preston County. L2730 Soil Survey, Tucker County, Part of Northern Randolph County, West Virginia. L3540 L3740 "Socioeconomic Characteristics of Young Farmers Enrolled in Vocational Agriculture Classes in West Virginia." Ml 500 "Some Employment Opportunities of the Vocational Agriculture Trainees of Gilmer County." M4020 Soil Survey of the Parkersburg Area, West Virginia. M4920 Soil Survey of Clarksburg Area, West Virginia. M6670 Soil Survey of the Morgantown, West Virginia Area. M6690 Soil Survey of Webster County, West Virginia. M6710 Towards Solving the Low-Income Problem of Small Farmers in the Appalachian Area. PI 010 Economic Utilization of Marginal Lands in Nicholas and Webster Counties, West Virginia. PI 540 Soil Survey of Grant and Mineral Counties, West Virginia. P2640 Soil Survey of Nicholas County, West Virginia. P2650 Soil Survey of Tucker County, West Virginia. P2660 The Learning Experiences of Youth Groups: A Study of 4-H Clubs in Barbour County, West Virginia. S3790 Soil Survey, Greenbrier County, West Virginia. V580 Soil Survey of Hampshire County, West Virginia. W6420 Soil Survey of Hardy and Pendleton Counties, West Virginia. W6430 Soil Survey of Pocahontas County, West Virginia. W6440 Soil Survey of Randolph County, West Virginia. W6450 "Market Structure Analysis of the West Virginia Peach Industry." Z30 ALA. — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL Mary Gordon Duffee's Sketches of Alabama. B7420 Stars Fell on Alabama. C1290 (BC) C8050 ALA. — HISTORY Early History of Huntsville, Alabama, 1804-1870. B3420 (ASU BC) The History of Marshall County, Alabama. D3920 (ASU BC) School at Speedwell. El 120 Speedwell Sketches. El 130 (ASU BC) Annals of Northwest Alabama. El 660 Annals of Northwest Alabama Vol. Ill; Including a Reprint of the 1856 Nelson F. Smith's History of Pickens County, Alabama. El 670 Horse and Buggy Days on Hatchet Creek. G450 (ASU BC) H5990 L310 History of Fayette County, Alabama. N750 (ASU BC) The Coosa River Valley from DeSoto to Hydroelectric Power. R1660 (ASU) Cherokee Country History, 1836-1956. S7280 (ASU BC) Early Settlers of Alabama. S8750 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Free State of Winston: A History of Winston County, Alabama. T8340 (ASU) ALLEGHENY RIVER The Allegheny. W1620 (BC) "The Allegheny-Monongahela Flood Control Program and Its Benefits to Metropolitan Pittsburgh." W7330 AM. REVOLUTION Western Lands and the American Revolution. A120 Western Lands and the American Revolution. A130 (FC BC ASU) D520 (ASU) D540 The German Allied Troops in the North American War of Independence, 1776-1783. El 220 (ASU) The Cymry of 76: Or, Welshmen and Their Descendants of the American Revolution. J2270 (ASU) L2760 Known Military Dead During the American Revolutionary War, 1775-1783. P2350 (ASU) Records of the Revolutionary War. S60 (ASU) Revolutionary pensioners; a transcript of the pension list of the United States for 1813. U3910 (ASU) Revolutionary Pensioners of 1818. U4070 Road to Revolution; Virginia's Rebels from Bacon to Jefferson, 1676-1776. W880 The Carolina Backcountry on the Eve of the Revolution: The Journal and Other Writings of Charles Woodmason, Anglican Itinerant. W8780 (ASU LMC BC) Our Mountain Men: Their Early Court Records in Southwest Virginia. W9270 (BC) AM. REVOLUTION — ALA. Revolutionary Soldiers in Alabama: Being a List of Names, Compiled from Authentic Sources, of Soldiers of the American Revolution, Who Resided in the State of Alabama. 0990 (ASU) AM. REVOLUTION — APP. Daniel Morgan, Ranger of the Revolution. C310 (BC) C2620 Hessian Soldiers in the American Revolution: Records of Their Marriages and Baptisms of Children in America Performed by the Rev. G. C. Coster, 1776-1783, Chaplain of Two .Hessian Regiments. D2190 (ASU) The Colonial Cavalier: Or, Southern Life Before the Revolution. G2640 (LMC) Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army During the War of the Revolution, April, 1775 to December, 1783. H4340 (ASU) 1140 1150 R1440 The Winning of the West. R3700 (ASU) AM. REVOLUTION — BATTLES — KINGS MTN. One Heroic Hour at Kings Mountain. A1240 (BC LMC ASU) One Heroic Hour at Kings Mountain, October 7, 1780. A1250 The Overmountain Men: Early Tennessee History, 1760-1780. A1260 (BC ETSU) The Overmountain Men: Early Tennessee History, 1760-1795. A1270 (ASU LMC FC) Commanders at King's Mountain. B250 King's Mountain, an Epic of Revolution: With Historical and Biographical Sketches, and Illustrations. C1380 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY AM. REVOLUTION — CAMPAIGNS AND BATTLES — KING'S MTN. Kings Mountain and Its Heroes. D3300 King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain. D3310 (LMC) King's Mountain and its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. D3320 (BC ASU) King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. D3340 (ASU LMC) King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. D3350 AM. REVOLUTION — EARLY DECLARATIONS Proceedings of the County Committees, 1774-1776, The Committees of Safety of Westmoreland and Fincastle. H3320 The First Rebel; Being a Lost Chapter of Our History on a True Narrative of America's First Uprising Against English Military Authority and An Account of the First Fighting Between Armed Colonists and British Regulars. Together with a Biography of Colonel James Smith. . . S9460 (BC) AM. REVOLUTION — EARLY INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENTS A Seed-bed of the Republic, a Study of the Pioneers in the Upper (Southern) Valley of Virginia. S7600 (FC BC) A Seed-bed of the Republic: A Study of the Pioneers in the Upper (Southern) Valley of Virginia. S7610 (ASU) AM. REVOLUTION - KY. Estill County, Kentucky, Record of Abstracts of Pension Papers of Revolutionary Soldiers, War of 1812 and Indian Wars B9050 AM. REVOLUTION — MD. History of Cumberland (Maryland), From the Time of the Indian Town, Caiuctucus, in 1728, Up to the Present Day, Embracing an Account of Washington's First Campaign, and the Battle of Fort Necessity, Together with a History of Braddock's Expedition. L3700 (ASU) AM. REVOLUTION — N. C. Abstract of Pensions of North Carolina Soldiers of the Revolution, War of 1812, and Indian Wars. B9030 (ASU) Interesting Revolutionary Incidents: And Sketches of Character, Chiefly in the "Old North State." C1840 (ASU) Revolutionary Incidents: And Sketches of Character, Chiefly in the "Old North State." C1850 (ASU) Revolutionary Leaders of North Carolina. C6760 (ASU LMC) Revolutionary Leaders of North Carolina. C6770 (WWC) The Descendants of Claiborne Howard, Soldier of the American Revolution. C6840 (ASU) Roster of Soldiers from North Carolina in the American Revolution, with an Appendix Containing a Collection of Miscellaneous Records. D530 (ASU) The Loyalists in North Carolina during the Revolution. D1800 (ASU LMC) Revolutionary Service of Col. John Walker & Family and Memoirs of Hon. Felix Walker. G4160 (BC) A Defence of the Revolutionary History of the State of North Carolina from the Aspersions of Mr. Jefferson. J2430 (ASU BC) SUBJECT Memoirs of the American Revolution, So Far as It Is Related to the States of North and South Carolina, and Georgia. M8330 ' (ASU) The Regulators in North Carolina: A Documentary History, 1759-1776. P4030 (ASU) North Carolina in the American Revolution. R450 (ASU LMC) North Carolina. 1780-81. Being a History of the Invasion of the Carolinas by the British Army Under Lord Cornwallis in 1780-81, with the Particular Design of Showing the Part Borne by North Carolina in That Struggle for Liberty and Independence, and to Correct Some of the Errors of History in Regard to That State and Its People. S900 (ASU LMC) Prelude to York town: The Southern Campaign of Nathanael Greene, 1780-1781. T9180 (ASU) The Kings Mountain Men: The Story of the Battle, with Sketches of the American Soldiers Who Took Part. W5490 (ASU) The King's Mountain Men, the Story of the Battle, with Sketches of the American Soldiers Who Took Part. W5500 (BC) AM. REVOLUTION — N. C. — APP. REGION North Carolina in the Revolutionary War. R4390 (ASU LMC) AM. REVOLUTION - PA. Fort Duquesne and Fort Pitt. Early Names of Pittsburgh Streets. D550 (ASU) History of Cumberland (Maryland), From the Time of the Indian Town, Caiuctucus, in 1728, Up to the Present Day, Embracing an Account of Washington's First Campaign, and the Battle of Fort Necessity, Together with a History of Braddock's Expedition. L3700 (ASU) AM. REVOLUTION — PRISONERS American Prisoners of the Revolution. D70 (ASU) AM. REVOLUTION — S. C. Some Heroes of the American Revolution. B260 A Brief Description of the Battle of King's Mountain, "The Turning Point of the American Revolution," Fought in York County, S. C. October 7, 1780. Together with the Brief Accounts of Previous Celebrations, Illustrations Showing the Battlefield and Monuments and Interesting Data Concerning 150th Anniversary Celebration To Be Held on the Battleground October 7, 1930. C2890 Kings Mountain and Its Heroes. D3300 King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain. D3310 (LMC) King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. D3320 (BC ASU) King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. D3330 King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. D3340 (ASU LMC) King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. D3350 Memoirs of the American Revolution, from Its Commencement to the Year 1776, Inclusive: As Relating to the State of South Carolina. And Occasionally Refering to the States of North Carolina and Georgia. D3390 (ASU) South Carolinians in the Revolution. E2180 (ASU) Colonial and Revolutionary History of Upper South Carolina, Embracing for the Most Part the Primitive and Colonial History of the Territory Comprising the Original County of Spartanburg with a General Review of the Entire Military Operations in the Upper Portion of South Carolina and Portions of North Carolina. L320 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Colonial and Revolutionary History of Upper South Carolina. L330 (LMC) The History of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1775-1780. M900 (ASU) Memoirs of the American Revolution, So Far as It Is Related to the States of North and South Carolina, and Georgia. M8330 (ASU) Copy of the Original Index Book, Showing the Revolutionary Claims Filed in South Carolina Between August, 20, 1783, and August 31, 1786. R1590 (ASU) Historical Statements Concerning the Battle of Kings Mountain and the Battle of the Cowpens, South Carolina. U330 (ASU) Calendar of the Tennessee and King's Mountain Papers of the Draper Collection of Manuscripts. W7850 (LMC) AM. REVOLUTION — S. C. — CAMPAIGNS AND BATTLES — KINGS MTN. The Kings Mountain Men: The Story of the Battle, with Sketches of the American Soldiers Who Took Part. W5490 (ASU) The King's Mountain Men, the Story of the Battle, with Sketches of the American Soldiers Who Took Part. W5500 (BC) AM. REVOLUTION — TENN. Some Tennessee Heroes of the Revolution; Compiled from Pension Statements. A4790 Commanders at King's Mountain. B250 Some Heroes of the American Revolution. B260 "The Life and Times of Isaac Shelby." B2380 The Over Mountain Men: Some Passages from a Page of Neglected History. B9010 A Brief Description of the Battle of King's Mountain, "The Turning Point of the American Revolution," Fought in York County, S. C. October 7, 1780. Together with the Brief Accounts of Previous Celebrations, Illustrations Showing the Battlefield and Monuments and Interesting Data Concerning 150th Anniversary Celebration To Be Held on the Battleground October 7, 1930. C2890 Notes on the War in the South; with Biographical Sketches of the Lives of Montgomery, Jackson, Sevier, the Late Governor Claiborne, and Others. C4190 Beloved Landmarks of Loudon County, Tennessee. D560 (BC) Benton County, Tennessee, Marriages, 1832-1957. D570 (ASU) Kings Mountain and Its Heroes. King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain. D3310 (LMC) King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. D3320 (BC ASU) King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. D3340 (ASU LMC) �AM.—APR. AM. REVOLUTION — TENN. King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. The Rear-guard of the Revolution. G1790 (BC LMC) Tales of the Revolution, by a Young Gentleman of Tennessee. R280 Tennessee's Part in the Revolution: Address at Valley Forge, at the Presentation of the Tennessee State Flag and Inauguration of Tennessee Sunday, April 24, 1927. T9930 The Kings Mountain Men: The Story of the Battle, with Sketches of the American Soldiers Who Took Part. W5490 (ASU) The King's Mountain Men, the Story of the Battle, with Sketches of the American Soldiers Who Took Part. W5500 (BC) Tennessee During the Revolutionary War. W6840 (ASU BC) AM. REVOLUTION - TENN. — SOURCES C230 AM. REVOLUTION - VA. Revolutionary War Records: Vol. I, Virginia. B7690 Revolutionary War Records: Vol. I, Virginia. Virginia Army and Navy Forces with Bounty Land Warrants for Virginia Military Scrip: From Federal and State Archives. B7700 (ASU) Virginia Soldiers of 1776. B8590 Virginia Colonial Militia, 1651-1776. C9310 Virginia Colonial Militia, 1651-1776. C9320 (ASU) Virginia Revolutionary Pension Applications. D2960 List of the Colonial Soldiers of Virginia. E710 (ASU) The Revolution in Virginia. E730 (LMC FC) Separation of Church and State in Virginia; A Study in the Development of the Revolution. E740 Historical Register of Virginians in the Revolution. G5020 (ASU) Loyalism in Virginia: Chapters in the Economic History of the Revolution. H2570 (ASU LMC) The Valley of Virginia in the American Revolution, 1763-1789. H3160 (ASU BC FC) Virginia Militia in the Revolutionary War: McAllister's Data. Ml 00 (ASU) West Virginia Revolutionary Ancestors Whose Services Were Non-military and Whose Names, Therefore, Do Not Appear in Revolutionary Indexes of Soldiers and Sailors. R870 (ASU) Amherst County, Virginia, in the Revolution: Including Extracts from the "Lost Order Book", 1773-1782. $9530 (ASU) The Kings Mountain Men: The Story of the Battle, with Sketches of the American Soldiers Who Took Part. W5490 (ASU) The King's Mountain Men, the Story of the Battle, with Sketches of the American Soldiers Who Took Part. W5500 (BC) Virginia Revolutionary Land Bounty Warrants. W7460 Catalogue of Revolutionary Soldiers and Sailors of the Commonwealth of Va.; to Whom Land Bounty Warrants were Granted. . . . W7470 (BC) Catalogue of Revolutionary Soldiers and Sailors of the Commonwealth of Virginia to Whom Land Bounty Warrants Were Granted by Virginia for Military Services in the War for Independence. W7480 (ASU) SUBJECT ANTHROPOLOGY — APP. Morphologic and Systematic Relationships of Some Middle Ordovician Ostracoda. K3120 (ETSU) ANTHROPOLOGY — KY. Ancient Life in Kentucky: A Brief Presentation of the Paleontological Succession in Kentucky Coupled with a Systematic Outline of the Archaeology of the Commonwealth. F3850 (ASU BC) Ancient Life in Kentucky: A Brief Presentation of the Paleontological Succession in Kentucky Coupled with a Systematic Outline of the Archaeology of the Commonwealth. F3860 (WCU MHC BC) ANTHROPOLOGY — VA. The Virginia Indians in the Seventeenth Century. W7040 (ASU) APP. Growing Up Country. A5800 (BC ASU LMC) APP. CITIES — ABINGDON, VA. Publications of the Historical Society of Washington County, Virginia. H5960 Historical Sketch of Sinking Spring Presbyterian Church of Abingdon, Virginia. S7070 Preliminary Checklist for Abingdon, 1807-1876. W9860 APP. CITIES — ANDERSON, S. C. "An Enrollment Projection for the Estes Elementary School, Anderson, S. C." C5740 (WCU) APP. CITIES — ANDREWS, N. C. Population and economy of Andrews, N. C. W4910 APP. CITIES — ASHEVILLE, N. C. Asheville and Land of the Sky. A1590 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Asheville and Vicinity. "Where the Snowbirds Nest." A5150 (BCASU) City Directory. A5160 Asheville — Live and Invest in the Land of the Sky. A5170 (ASU) In the Land of the Sky, for Your Year-round Home. A5180 (ASU) Asheville Handbook: A Condensed Summary of Important Facts and Figures. A5190 (LMC) Community Action for Social Redevelopment in Asheville and Buncombe County. A5200 (WWC) A Population and Economic Analysis of the Asheville Metropolitan Area and the Western North Carolina That It Serves. A5210 (BC) B3670 (WCU) A Spire in the Mountains: The Story of 176 Years of a Church and a Town Growing Together, 1794-1969. B4430 (ASU ETSU UNCA) Early Days: All Souls' Church and Biltmore Village. B5970 After the Good Gay Times: Asheville — Summer of '35; A Season with F. Scott Fitzgerald. B9430 Glimpses of a Land of Beauty. C400 The Thought at Midnight: The Story of the Asheville Normal. C500 (LMC) A Survey of the Public Libraries of Asheville and Buncombe County, North Carolina. C2730 (LMC ETSU ASU) Fishers of Men: A Charge to the Clergy of the Jurisdiction of Asheville, by the Bishop of North Carolina. C3790 (WCU) C9110 (UNCA) D2500 (UNCA) "The Land of the Sky." G3470 In the Land of the Sky, Grove Park Inn. G4460 (ASU) APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Asheville, Western North Carolina, Nature's Trundle-Bed of Recuperation for Tourist and Health-beds. H4370 Good Victuals from the Mountains. H6980 Soil Survey of the Asheville, North Carolina, Area. L620 L2840 Battle of Asheville. M720 (ASU LMC UNCA) Asheville, in Land of the Sky. M4740 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) Area Manpower Review: Asheville Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area — Buncombe County. N2240 (ASU WWC) Two City Managers in Asheville, North Carolina: Politics, Administration and Policy Formulation. P4740 (UNCA) An Emission Survey and Ambient Air Quality Data of Buncombe, Haywood, Henderson Counties and the City of Asheville. R1330 (WCU) Photogravures. R3590 (BC) Souvenir of Asheville or the Sky-land. S590 (ASU WCU BC) Asheville and Buncombe County. S5480 (WCU BC) Sixty-four Selected Views of Western North Carolina, "The Land of the Sky, America's Beauty Spot". S5810 (ASU) The Image of Asheville. T5210 (LMC) Floods on French Broad and Swannanoa Rivers, in Vicinity of Asheville, North Carolina. T7040 Fifty-eight Years in Asheville. W2030 (UNCA) APP. CITIES — ASHLAND, KY. A History of Ashland, Kentucky, 1786 to 1954. A5220 (ASU BC) The Fire Clays and Fire Clay Industries of the Olive Hill and Ashland Districts of Northeastern Kentucky. C8780 (BC) Oil Domes of Ashland. J1180 The Exception; The Story of the Ashland Oil and Refining Co. SI 450 APP. CITIES — BECKLEY, W. VA. Brief History of Beckley, West Virginia. B2500 (ASU) Beckley, U.S.A. W930 (BC) APP. CITIES — BEREA, KY. U4140 APP. CITIES — BIRMINGHAM, ALA. Early Days in Birmingham. B4210 (BC) This Is Birmingham. H4670 (BC) Water Supply of the Birmingham Area, Alabama. R3340 APP. CITIES — BLACKSBURG, VA. A Social Study of the Blacksburg Community. G390 (ASU) APP. CITIES — BLOWING ROCK, N. C. The Lenoir-Blowing Rock Wonderland. LI 760 (ASU) APP. CITIES — BLUEFIELD, VA. AND W. VA. Follow-up Study of MDTA E. and D. Project at Bluefield State College. H6290 APP. CITIES — BOONE, N. C. Code. B5430 (ASU) Land Development Plan. B5440 (BC ASU) Land Development Plan. B5450 The Population and Economy of Boone, North Carolina. C3600 (LMC ASU) "A Study of Visually-handicapped Children in the Eighth Grade of Boone High School." D1160 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. CITIES — BOONE, N. C. The First Baptist Church at Boone, North Carolina: A History. E1260 (ASU LMC) "A Study of the Motor Ability of a Selected Number of Boys at the Appalachian • Elementary School During the 1959-1960 School Year." K2840 (ASU) This is Our Town: Boone, N. C. LI200 (LMC ASU) Zoning Ordinance: Boone, N. C. N2190 (LMC ASU) "A Study of the Needs, Growth, and Development of the Presbyterian Church of Boone, N. C." P230 (ASU) "An Investigation of the Arithmetical Disabilities of Beginning Ninth Grade Pupils in Appalachian High School." S3590 (ASU) APP. CITIES — BRISTOL, TENN. "A Study of the Intramural Sports Program in George W. Vance Junior High School, Bristol, Tennessee." B1770 (ETSU) Course of Study for Elementary Schools, Bristol, Tennessee, Grades 1-6. B6700 New Course of Study; A Teachers Guide for the Elementary Schools of Bristol, Tennessee . . . B6710 (ETSU) "A Study of the Reactions of a Representative Group of Students toward Guidance Received While Attending Bristol, Tennessee, High School, 1958-59." C4260 (ETSU) "A Proposed Nongraded Primary Organization for Central School: Bristol, Tennessee." D1750 (ETSU) "Educational Facilities and Economic Development of Bristol, 1930-1950." H6520 (ETSU) "The Home Visitation Program of the Bristol, Tennessee, Schools, 1948-1969." H8650 (ETSU) "An Evaluation of the Changes in Reading Achievement Effected by a Federal Project in the Bristol, Tennessee, Elementary Schools." H8830 (ETSU) "A Study of the Drop-outs from the Bristol, Tennessee, School Systems in Grades 8-12 from 1946 to 1951." J1950 "An Analysis of the Relationship of Religious Commitment and Alienation Among High School Students of Bristol, Tennessee." K1620 (ETSU) "An Industrial and Commercial History of the Tri-cities in Tennessee." LI 070 Double Destiny: The Story of Bristol, Tennessee-Virginia. L3670 (LMC ETSU) Double Destiny: The Story of Bristol, Tennessee-Virginia. L3680 (ASU) A Golden Book of the History and Tradition of Bristol, Tennessee, High School, 1915-1965. M3450 (ETSU) "A Search for a Meaningful Program in Mathematics for the Slow Learner in the Seventh Grade in the Bristol, Tennessee, City Schools." M6200 (ETSU) "A Proposed Individualized Primary Mathematics Program for Holston Heights Elementary School, Bristol, Tennessee." M8290 (ETSU) "What the Patrons of the Elementary School of Bristol, Tennessee, Think About Their Schools." M9300 (ETSU) The Story of Bristol. P4450 (ETSU ASU) "The Social, Economic, Cultural, Religious and Family Educational Backgrounds of Recent Dropouts from Bristol, Tennessee, High School." S4340 (ETSU) "A Study of the Factors Which Might Affect Achievements in Reading in the First Grade of Anderson School, Bristol, Tennessee." T750 (ETSU) SUBJECT "The History of the First Presbyterian Church of Bristol, Tennessee." VI50 (ETSU) "A Comparative Study of the Achievement in Science of the Fifth and Sixth Grade Pupils in Bristol, Tennessee, Schools, 1953-57." W9090 (ETSU) APP. CITIES — BRISTOL, TENN. AND VA. "A Study of the Effect of Participation in Football on the Grades of Students at Bristol, •Tennessee, High School." A1420 (ETSU) APP. CITIES — BRISTOL, VA. "Merger of Local Government: Case Study, Washington County and Bristol, Virginia, 1971." C9830 (ETSU) "The Role of the Bristol, Virginia, Elementary School Principals in Classroom Visitation." El 630 (ETSU) "Evaluation of Reading in the Bristol, Virginia, Schools with a Suggested Corrective Program." F3230 (ETSU) "Suburban Opposition to Annexation: Case Study Bristol, Virginia, 1972." G750 (ETSU) Bristol-Kingsport Metropolitan Area Projections and Economic Base Analysis. G4220 "A Comparison of Special Characteristics of College Bound Seniors and Non-college Seniors from Virginia High School, Bristol, Virginia." H830 -(ETSU) "Educational Facilities and Economic Development of Bristol, 1930-1950." H6510 "The Third-grade Social Studies Program in Bristol, Virginia, 1969-70." K2680 (ETSU) Double Destiny: .The Story of Bristol, Tennessee-Virginia. L3670 (LMC ETSU) Double Destiny: The Story of Bristol, Tennessee-Virginia. L3680 (ASU) "Evaluation of the Collection of the Solid Waste in Bristol, Virginia, with a Consideration for the Proposed Annexation Area." M2460 (ETSU) The Story of Bristol. P4450 (ETSU ASU) "A Study of the Economically and Educationally Deprived Students of Bristol, Virginia, Junior High School." Q120 (ETSU) "A Consultative Conference in Science for Elementary Teachers in Bristol, Virginia, 1955-56." V70 (ETSU) Projections and Economic Base Analysis: Bristol-Kingsport Metropolitan Area Including the City of Bristol, Virginia, and the Counties of Washington, Virginia, and Sullivan, Tennessee.* V820 Labor Supply Survey of Bristol, Virginia-Tennessee. V860 (ETSU) APP. CITIES — BRISTOL, VA. AND TENN. The City of Bristol, Virginia-Tennessee, Its Interests and Industries; Compiled under the Auspices of the Board of Trade. Also a Series of Comprehensive Sketches of Representative Business Enterprises. 1990 APP. CITIES — BRYSON CITY, N. C. Floods on the Tuckaseigee River and Deep Creek in Vicinity of Bryson City, North Carolina. T2750 APP. CITIES — CALHOUN, GA. Climb the Hills of Gordon: Stories of Gordon County and Calhoun, Georgia. R1180 (LMC ASU BC) APP. CITIES — CARTERSVILLE, GA. Geology and Mineral Deposits of the Cartersville District, Georgia. K1700 APP.—APP. APP. CITIES — CHARLESTON, W. VA. Survey of Governmental and Voluntary Health, Welfare and Recreation Services in Greater Kanawha Valley. (Community Services Report.) C4170 One Hundred Years: An Anthology — Charleston Jewry. M5270 (ASU) Charleston 175. M7580 (ASU) APP. CITIES — CHARLOTTESVILLE, VA. Pursuits of War: The People of Charlottesville and Albemarle County, Virginia, in the Second World War. A970 (ASU) APP. CITIES — CHATTANOOGA, TENN. Guide Book of Chattanooga and Vicinity. A1620 History of the First Presbyterian Church of Chattanooga. A4750 The History of Hamilton County and Chattanooga, Tennessee. A4760 (ETSU BC ASU) Guide Book to Lookout Mountain and a Brief Account of Battles Fought near Chattanooga, Tennessee. B580 Pioneers of Old Frontiers. B7270 (ETSU) "Municipal Ownership of Public Utilities in Chattanooga, Tennessee." B7940 C2630 Chattanooga, Industrial Center of the South. C3520 C3530 (BC) "The Negroes of Chattanooga, Tennessee." C7830 "Coordination of Anti-poverty Programs in Chattanooga." D1250 Storming of the Gateway: Chattanooga, 1863. D3170 (WCU BC ASU) Helen Exum's Chattanooga Cook Book. E2460 (ASU) Guide to Chattanooga, Lookout Mountain and Chickamauga National Military Park. F600 The Chattanooga Country, 1540-1951: From Tomahawks to TVA. G2950 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU BC) The Chattanooga Country, 1540-1962: From Tomahawks to TVA. G2960 (WCU) Men and Vision: The Secret of Yesterday's Success, the Formula for Tomorrow's. A Brief History of the Chattanooga Medicine Company. G4630 (ETSU) Physiography of the Chattanooga District in Tenn., Georgia, and Ala. 1899. H3870 Chattanooga. J290 An Honorable Titan: A Biographical Study of Adolph S. Ochs. J1750 "The Incidence of Social Diseases among Negroes in Chattanooga, Tennessee, and the Educational Implications." J2310 "The Chattanooga Region as a Plant Site for the Nylon Industry." K2090 (ETSU) "The Influence of Geography on the Growth of Chattanooga Industries." LI 420 Chattanooga and Her Battlefields. Ml 650 Standard History of Chattanooga, Tennessee, with Full Outline of the Early Settlement, Pioneer Life, Indian History and General and Particular History of the City to the Close of the Year 1910. Ml 660 Chattanooga: Its History and Geography. M2310 (BC ETSU) Chattanooga, The Mountain City. M9120 (BC) �APR.—APR. APR. CITIES — CHATTANOOGA, TENN. "Civil War Anecdotes and Legends of Chattanooga." N710 The Chickamauga and Chattanooga Campaign and Battle-fields. A Chronological Historic Guide, August 16-November 25, 1863. N2870 Chattanooga and Hamilton County, Tennessee. O20 0670 Chattanooga, Tennessee; Hamilton County, and Lookout Mountain. An Epitome of Chattanooga from Her Early Days Down to the Present; Hamilton County, Its Soil, Climate, Area, Population, Wealth, etc. PI 70 P570 The Circuit Rider and Those Who Followed. Sketches of Methodist Churches Organized before I860 in the Chattanooga Area with Special Reference to Centenary. PI 160 Evaluation of the East Ridge High School, Chattanooga, Tennessee; Completed by the visiting Committee March 5-9, 1962. . . . S5690 Evaluative study made in Chattanooga High School, Chattanooga, Tennessee; completed by Visiting Committee March 12-16, 1950. S5700 A Study of the Chattanooga Labor Market Area. T1170 (ETSU) Chattanooga Flood Control Problem. T2380 Floods on North Chickamauga, Mountain, and Lookout Creeks, in Vicinity of Chattanooga, Tennessee. T7110 Chattanooga, Its History and Growth. W300 This is Chattanooga. W320 Historic City, Chattanooga; Containing Views and Descriptive Matter of Historic Points of Interest, Scenery, Pictures of Old and New Buildings, Leading Men, etc., All Artistically and Pleasingly Intermingled. W2160 APR. CITIES — CLARKSBURG, W. VA. "A Study of the Factors Influencing Job-satisfaction among Factory Workers of Clarksburg, West Virginia, and Coal Miners of Morgantown, West Virginia." M4720 Soil Survey of Clarksburg Area, West Virginia. M6670 "Transportation and Trade Areas,- Analysis of Morgantown, Fairmont, and Clarksburg." S330 (ASU) APR. CITIES — CLEVELAND, TENN. Guest's Guide; Points of Interest in Cleveland. B8790 City and County with a Future: Cleveland, Bradley County, Tennessee. C4980 Health and Sanitation Needs and Resources, Bradley County, Tennessee. T9400 APP. CITIES — CLINTON, TENN. One Hundred Years: A Story of the First Baptist Church, Clinton, Tennessee. W2000 APP. CITIES — CORBIN, KY. 1340 APP. CITIES — DALTON, GA. Official History of Whitfield County, Georgia. W5710 (BC) APP. CITIES — DANVILLE, VA. The Story of Danville. HI 90 (ASU) APP. CITIES — ELIZABETHTON, TENN. "An Overview of Special Education Services in the Elizabethton City School with Emphasis on the Homebound Program." B2310 (ETSU) "An Investigation of the Readability of Textbooks Used in the Intermediate Grades in the Elizabethton, Tennessee, School System." B6670 (ETSU) SUBJECT "A Seventh Grade Homeroom Guidance Experiment at Elizabethton Junior High School, Elizabethton, Tennessee." B7330 (ETSU) "A Survey of the Occupational Information Needs of the Ninth Graders of the Elizabethton High School, Elizabethton, Tennessee." C2790 (ETSU) "Art Handbook for Elementary Teachers of Elizabethton City Schools, Elizabethton, Tennessee." C9900 (ETSU) Helping Our Children Grow. El 560 (ETSU) "A Study of Vocational Education at the Elizabethton, Tennessee, Area Vocational-Technical School." F2950 (ETSU) "Team Teaching at Douglas School, Elizabethton, Carter County, Tennessee." H3310 (ETSU) "A Survey of Reading Readiness and Reading Achievement of City Kindergarten and Non-kindergarten Children in the First Grades in Elizabethton, Tennessee." H3780 (ETSU) "The Social and Economic Effects Produced upon Small Towns by Rapid Industrialization." H6740 "A Guidance Program for Elizabethton High School." L30 (ETSU) "A Determination of Ambient Air Concentrations of Sulfur Dioxide in Elizabethton, Tennessee." M2480 (ETSU) "An Analysis of the Errors in Word Recognition Made by Pupils of One Section Each of the Second Through Sixth Grades of Lynn Avenue School, 1956-57, in Elizabethton, Tennessee." M6380 (ETSU) "A Program for Mentally Retarded, Elizabethton City Schools." P2890 (ETSU) "A Reading Improvement Program Developed by a Classroom Teacher for a Selected Seventh-grade Group at Elizabethton Junior High School." R1850 (ETSU) "An Analysis of Youth Centers for White Youth in Three Tennessee Cities: Johnson City, Elizabethton and Kingsport." R3720 (ETSU) "The History and Educational Influence of Douglas School, Elizabethton, Tennessee, 1900-1965." S2550 (ETSU) "Diagnosis and Remediation of Difficulties in Arithmetic in Fifth Grade at West Side School, Elizabethton, Tennessee, 1956-57." S5240 (ETSU) Floods on Watauga and Doe Rivers in Vicinity of Elizabethton, Tennessee. T2760 APP. CITIES — ERWIN, TENN. "The Diagnosis and Remediation of Difficulties in Arithmetical Skills of a Seventh-grade Class at Rock Creek School in Erwin, Tennessee." H5270 (ETSU) APP. CITIES — FAIRMONT, W. VA. Economic Stability and Growth Potential, Fairmont, W. Va. H2230 "Transportation and Trade Areas; Analysis of Morgantown, Fairmont, and Clarksburg." S330 (ASU) APP. CITIES — FLORENCE, ALA. A History of Florence, Alabama, with 1850 Census of Lauderdale County. G430 (ASU) Report of Industrial Survey of Florence, Alabama, and Muscle Shoals District. L3050 (ASU) Floods on the Tennessee River and Cypress and Cox Creeks in Vicinity of Florence, Alabama. T7270 APP. CITIES — GATLINBURG, TENN. Gatlinburg, Gateway to the Great Smokies. F2230 Gatlinburg and the Great Smokies. P4970 10 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. CITIES — GREENEVILLE, TENN. Historic Greeneville, Tennessee. A City among the Mountains. A1530 Resources and Enterprises of Upper East Tennessee: Johnson City, Jonesboro, Greenville, Rogersville, Morristown, Watauga, Tennessee. Franklin, Territory South of the Ohio. E2040 (ETSU) The Economy of Greeneville, Tennessee; a Study of the Information and Data Related to the Greeneville, Tennessee, Economic Community. H6730 P70 Greeneville's Government; a Study of the Organization and Administration of the Government of Greeneville, Tennessee. U4110 APP. CITIES - GREENVILLE, S. C. "A Study of Special Services in the Schools of Greenville County, South Carolina." B1500 Greenville's Big Idea. G3870 (ETSU) Botanical Gardening in Greenville. S300 (BC ASU) Sixteenth South Carolina Regiment, CSA, From Greenville, S. C. T610 (ASU) Schools for a Growing Democracy. T8720 (ETSU) A Critical Analysis of the Develgpmental Tasks of an Upper-elementary Class in Area 2 of the Greenville County-city School System and the Patterns of Direction Attempted for Better Group Action. Y50 (ASU) APP. CITIES — GREENVILLE, TENN. Lest We Forget. D3770 (BC) Bridging the Gap. A Guide to Early Greenville, South Carolina. E620 (ASU) "A Study of a Group of Drop-outs of the Greenville High School." H2520 "An Investigation of the Reading Interest of the Junior High School Students in Greenville, Tennessee." M6070 Soil Survey of the Greenville Area, Tennessee. M6680 APP. CITIES — HAGERSTOWN, MD. Jonathan Hager, Founder of Hagerstown, Maryland. M6230 The History of Washington County, Maryland, from the Earliest Settlements to the Present Time, Including a History of Hagerstown. W6870 (ASU) APP. CITIES — HARLAN, KY. 1380 Harlan County, Existing Land Use Analysis. Harlan-Harlan County Major Thoroughfare Plan. K1150 Population-Economic Study, Harlan-Harlan County, Kentucky. K1170 APP. CITIES — HARPER'S FERRY, W. VA. Harper's Ferry in Pictures. R2690 (ASU WCU) APP. CITIES — HARRISBURG, PA. Annals, Comprising Memoirs, Incidents and Statistics of Harrisburg, from the Period of Its First Settlement. M7540 (ASU) APP. CITIES — HARRISONBURG, VA. My Recollections of Rocktown, Now Known as Harrisonburg. C1460 (ASU BC) Historic Harrisonburg. W1760 (ASU BC) APP. CITIES — HAZARD, KY. Industrial Resources, Hazard, Kentucky. H4090 1390 The Story of Hazard, Kentucky. P2940 (BC) APP. CITIES — HENDERSONVILLE, N. C. B4820 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. CITIES - HENDERSONVILLE, N. C. Minutes and Records, Feb., 1917-Dec. 25, 1960. H4570 (WCU) A Study of the Hendersonville Central Business District. H4580 (LMC) Hendersonville in Civil War Times. H8100 SI 90 APP. CITIES — HICKORY, N. C. Clinard Looks Back, a Compilation of Short Stories Covering Early Days in Hickory. C5060 (ASU LMC) APP. CITIES — HINDMAN, KY. 1400 APP. CITIES — HUNTINGTON, W. VA. Huntington's Park System and Recreational Facilities. H8490 Soil Survey of the Huntington Area, West Virginia. L800 The First Methodist Episcopal Church, Huntington, West Virginia. N670 (ASU) Huntington (West Virginia) Through Seventy Five Years. W470 APP. CITIES — HUNTSVILLE, ALA. Rocket City U. S. A. from Huntsville, Alabama to the Moon. B3140 Early History of Huntsville, Alabama, 1804-1870. B3420 (ASU BC) "The Social Backgrounds of Scientists and Engineers in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, and Huntsville, Alabama." D4130 The Pictorial History of Huntsville, 1805-1865. H10 (BC) Impact of the war on the Huntsville Area, Madison County, Alabama; working notebook for use by local groups studying recent economic developments and formulating plans for the post-war period. U1400 APP. CITIES — HYDENr KY. 1410 APP. CITIES — JACKSON, KY. 1430 APP. CITIES — JEFFERSON CITY, TENN. An Educational Study of Jefferson County, Tennessee. C1650 APP. CITIES - JOHNSON CITY "A Comparison of Intelligence in Students with Mixed and Lateral Dominance in Johnson City Vocational Schools." C5460 (ETSU) "A Comparison of Intelligence in Students with Mixed and Lateral Dominance in Johnson City Vocational Schools." C5460 (ETSU) APP. CITIES — JOHNSON CITY, TENN. "History of the Schools of Johnson City, Tennessee, 1868-1950." A4550 (ETSU) "The Establishment of a Remedial Reading Program at Columbus Powell Elementary School, Johnson City, Tennessee, School Year, 1966-1967." B1340 (ETSU) Soil Resources of Johnson City, Tennessee. B4200 (ETSU) "The Applicability of the Industrial Arts Curriculum Project, Construction to the New Junior High Schools in Johnson City." B7720 (ETSU) "The Predictive Value of the Metropolitan Readiness Tests for First Grade Achievement for Selected Groups of Children in the Johnson City, Tennessee, Public Schools." B9270 (ETSU) "An Evaluation of the Remedial Speech Program in the Johnson City Schools." C7330 (ETSU) "A Proposed Social Studies Curriculum for the Schools of Johnson City, Tennessee." C7560 (ETSU) SUBJECT "A Comparative Analysis of Three Evaluation Procedures Used with Kindergarten Pupils at Southside Elementary School, Johnson City, Tennessee." C9230 (ETSU) "Formative Years of Johnson City, Tennessee, 1885-1890: A Social History." D210 (ETSU) "A Proposed Course of Study in Electronics for Johnson City Vocational School's Evening Program." E1840 (ETSU) Resources and Enterprises of Upper East Tennessee: Johnson City, Jonesboro, Greenville, Rogersville, Morristown, Watauga, Tennessee. Franklin, Territory South of the Ohio. E2040 (ETSU) A Brief History of Johnson City, Tennessee. E2250 (ETSU) "Enriching the Curriculum of South Side School, Johnson City, Tennessee, by Parent Participation." F1910 (ETSU) "Effect of Consolidation on Johnson County School, Johnson City, Tennessee." G330 (ETSU) "Annexation: A Case Study of Supporting and Opposing Factions in Johnson City, Tennessee." G1940 (ETSU) "A Study of Glass and Paper Recycling in Johnson City, Tennessee." G4860 (ETSU) "The Use of the Case Method in the Study of Juvenile Delinquency in Johnson City." H230 (ETSU) "Development of a Course in Fractions for Johnson City Vocational School." H4970 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee, Population and Economic Base Study. H5390 "A Five-year Study of an Educable Mentally Retarded Class in Keystone School, Johnson City, Tennessee." H7430 (ETSU) "A Multilevel Approach to Reading for One Section of a Sixth Grade Class in Keystone Elementary School Year, 1965-1966." J680 (ETSU) Industrial Advantages of the Johnson City Area. J1340 (ETSU) The Wataugan Annual. J1360 (ETSU) Annual Report ... for Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1944-. J1370 (ETSU) Annual Report . . . for Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1944-. J1380 (ETSU) Code. J1390 (ETSU) The Code of the City of Johnson City, Tennessee: The Chart and the General Ordinances of the City, Published by Order of the Board of Commissioners. J1400 (ETSU) Zoning Ordinance for the City of Johnson City, Tennessee. J1410 (ETSU) Map of Johnson City, Washington County, Tennessee. J1420 (ETSU) Newsletter. J1430 (ETSU) Directory of First Methodist Church, November 1, 1950. . . J1440 (ETSU) Evaluation Report, North Junior High School, Johnson City, Tennessee. J1450 (ETSU) Washington County-Johnson City Civil Defense Operational Survival Plan. J1460 (ETSU) Manual for Receiving and Processing Instructional Materials. J1470 (ETSU) Johnson City Shopping Center District Regulations. J1480 (ETSU) 11 APP—APP. Johnson City, Tennessee: Population and Economic Base Study. J1490 (ETSU) Johnson City's Community Facilities. J1500 (ETSU) Land Use Analysis. J1510 (ETSU) Land Use Plan. J1520 (ETSU) Neighborhood Analyses. J1530 (ETSU) Subdivision Regulations of Johnson City Regional Planning Commission. J1540 (ETSU) Evaluative Study of South Junior High School, Johnson City, Tennessee; Completed by the Visiting Committee March 15-18, 1965. . . J1560 (ETSU) Evaluative Study Made in Science Hill High School, Johnson City, Tennessee . . . March 4-8, 1951. J1570 (ETSU) Report. J1590 (ETSU) "A Survey of the Problems of Freshmen Student Nurses at Memorial Hospital and a Proposed Guidance Program." J1650 (ETSU) "An Industrial and Commercial History of the Tri-cities in Tennessee." L1070 "An Analysis of Particulate Pollution in Johnson City and Rural Washington County, Tennessee." L1400 (ETSU) "A Study to Determine the Major Causes of Withdrawal from Science Hill High School During the 1965-1966 School Year." L2820 (ETSU) 100th Anniversary History and Directory, 1871-1971, First Christian Church, Johnson City, Tennessee. M650 Brief Chronological History of Johnson City, Tennessee and Three Suggested Historical Tours of the Johnson City Area. M660 (BC LMC ETSU ASU) "A Comparative Analysis of the Results of the Kraus-Weber Test for Minimum Muscular Fitness in Four of the Elementary Schools of Johnson City, Tennessee." Ml 290 "A Follow-up Study of the 1959-1963 Graduates of Langston High School, Johnson City, Tennessee." M1890 (ETSU) "A Study of Problems of Junior High School Students of Johnson City, Tennessee." M4220 (ETSU) "Geographic Factors Affecting Manufacturers of Durable Goods in Johnson City, Tennessee." M6030 (ETSU) "An Experimental Program in Grouping for Third Grade at Fairmont School, Johnson City, Tennessee." M6430 (ETSU) "The Effects of a Physical Education Program on the Motor Skills of Selected Severely Retarded Children in Johnson City, Tennessee." M7120 (ETSU) "A Program of Folk Songs Used to Enrich and Implement the Social Studies Program in Grades Four, Five and Six at North Side School, Johnson City, Tennessee." M7380 (ETSU) "Materials for Teaching Social Studies in a Selected Fifth Grade at Asbury School, Johnson City, Tennessee, 1956-57." M9090 (ETSU) "An Improved Language Arts Program for a Selected Third Grade at Henry Johnson School in Johnson City, Tennessee." 0830 (ETSU) "A Comparison of Parents and Teachers Viewpoints Relative to Teacher Competencies in Johnson City, Tennessee." O980 "A Study of Two Areas for Future Supermarket Location in Johnson City, Tennessee." P670 (ETSU) �APR.—APR. APP. CITIES — JOHNSON CITY, TENN. **A Study of the Physical Education Program at the Junior High School, Johnson City, Tennessee." PniO (ETSU) "A Speech Improvement Program in Kindergarten of the Johnson City, Tennessee, Public School System." PI 560 (ETSU) "An Analysis of Youth Centers for White Youth in Three Tennessee Cities: Johnson City, Elizabethton and Kingsport." R3720 (ETSU) Parking Program, Central Business District, Johnson City, Tennessee. S5130 (ETSU) Traffic and Parking, Johnson City, Tennessee. S5140 (ETSU) Johnson City Transportation Study: Major Route Plan. Traffic Operation Study and Parking Study. T1220 (ETSU) "An Attitudinal Study of Sunday Closing Laws in Johnson City, Tennessee: A Contribution to the "Interest-group" (Conflict) Model of Law." T7830 (ETSU) Illustrated Johnson City, Tennessee. W1960 (ETSU) "An Analysis of Problems of Eight and Ninth Grade Students in the Junior High School of Johnson City, Tennessee." W6110 (ETSU) History of Johnson City and Its Environs. W6760 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) History of Johnson City and Its Environs. W6770 (ETSU) APP. CITIES — JOHNSTOWN, PA. The Potential for Human Resources and Economic Growth in a Declining Local Community; A Socioeconomic Study of the Johnstown, Penn. Economy. L2000 APP. CITIES — JONESBORO, TENN. Resources and Enterprises of Upper East Tennessee: Johnson City, Jonesboro, Greenville, Rogersville, Morristown, Watauga, Tennessee. Franklin, Territory South of the Ohio. E2040 (ETSU) APP. CITIES — KINGSPORT, TENN. "Vocational Preferences of Eighth Grade Students at Ross N. Robinson Junior High School, Kingsport, TENNESSEE,,-. A1540 (ETSU) Wings Over Kingsport, No. 2: Tennessee's Planned City & Its Industries as Viewed from the Sky in 1938 and 1963. A1980 (ETSU) "A Study of Book Losses During the Period 1965-1969 in the Dobyns-Bennett High School Materials Center, Kingsport, Tennessee." B2920 (ETSU) "A Brief Survey of Industrial Plants in Kingsport, Tennessee, with Emphasis on the Geographic Location of the Industrial Worker." B7860 (ETSU) "A Brief Survey of Industrial Plants in Kingsport, Tennessee with Emphasis on the Geographic Location of the Industrial Worker." B7870 "Differences between Negro and Caucasian Students at John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." C2810 (ETSU) Back Home. Kingsport, Tennessee. C4470 (BCASU) "Social and Economic History of Kingsport before 1908." C7840 (ETSU) "A Study of the Word Recognition Abilities in the Fourth and Sixth Grades of Douglass School, 1957-58, in Kingsport, Tennessee." C8150 (ETSU) "Educational and Vocational Choices of the 1960 Graduates of Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." C9210 (ETSU) SUBJECT "A Descriptive Study of the Science Fair at Robinson Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee, and in Orange County, Florida, for 1960-1962." C9780 (ETSU) "The Effect of Team Teaching on Academic Achievement, John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." D4330 (ETSU) "The Reading Habits of 200 Adults in Kingsport, Tennessee." E990 Bristol-Kingsport Metropolitan Area Projections and Economic Base Analysis. G4220 Kingsport, Tennessee — - a Modern American City Developed through Industry. HI 50 "An Improved Language Arts Program for a Selected Third Grade at Thomas Jefferson School, Kingsport, Tennessee." H650 (ETSU) "A Study of Some Problems of Eighth Grade Students of John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." 1840 (ETSU) "A Survey of Programs Offered for the Academically Talented Students at Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, Tennessee, and the Resulting Implications for the School Library." K210 (ETSU) Kingsport Book of Type Faces. K2510 (ETSU) New Dimensions in Mathematics for the Elementary Schools in Kingsport, Tennessee. K2540 (ETSU) Kingsport, the Planned Industrial City. K2550 (ETSU) Kingsport, Tennessee, a Modern American City — Developed through Industry. K2560 (LMC ETSU) Kingsport, the Planned Industrial City. K2570 (ETSU ASU) "A Study of the Use of Periodicals Received by the Dobyns-Bennett Senior High School Materials Center, Kingsport, Tennessee." K3110 (ETSU) "An Experimental Study of the Effect of an Individualized Reading Program on Third, Fourth, and Fifth Grade Students in the Thomas Jefferson School, Kingsport, Tennessee." K3170 (ETSU) "An Industrial and Commercial History of the Tri-cities in Tennessee." LI 070 A Survey of Social Services in the Greater Kingsport Area. L1210 (ETSU) "Development of a Comprehension Skills Program for the Primary Educable Mentally Retarded Class in Kingsport, Tennessee." LI 470 (ETSU) "A Study of the Influence of Certain Personal and Other Factors on the Number of Observed Unsafe Acts and Injuries Sustained by Employees of Kingsport Power Company." L2590 (ETSU) Kingsport: A Romance of Industry. L3290 (BC ASU ETSU) "A Team Teaching Approach to Reading in the Fourth Grade at Dickson Elementary School in Kingsport, Tennessee, 1964-1965." M3760 (ETSU) "An Individualized Reading Program for a Fifth Grade Group of Students at Andrew Johnson School, Kingsport, Tennessee." M5420 (ETSU) "A Study of Ninth-grade Science Students in Phase Two at John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee, 1967-1968." M7690 (ETSU) "City-county Separation in Tennessee, a Case Study of Kingsport and Sullivan County." N970 "Teaching Exceptional Children in the Fifth Grade of Lincoln Elementary School — Kingsport, Tennessee." P350 (ETSU) The'Kingsport Strike. P2440 (ASU LMC BC) 12 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Kingsport, City of Industries, Schools, Churches and Homes. P3080 Kingsport, the Planned Industrial City. P3090 The Battle of Kingsport. R320 (ASU ETSU) "Business Education in the Kingsport Area High Schools: An Evaluation of Their Business Graduates." R1030 (ETSU) "Specific Techniques Used to Improve the Reading of Three Groups of Children in the Eighth Grade at Robinson Jr. High School in Kingsport, Tennessee." R3210 (ETSU) "An Analysis of Youth Centers for White Youth in Three Tennessee Cities: Johnson City, Elizabethton and Kingsport." R3720 (ETSU) "Socio-economic Status of Teachers in Kingsport, Tennessee, 1968-1969." SI 530 (ETSU) "The Teaching of French, Grades 3-6, Lincoln School, Kingsport, Tennessee, 1965-1966." S4930 (ETSU) Kingsport, Tennessee: Historical Map of Long Island of the Holston. S6300 City Manager Government in Kingsport. S7520 Projections and Economic Base Analysis: Bristol-Kingsport Metropolitan Area Including the City of Bristol, Virginia, and the Counties of Washington, Virginia, and Sullivan, Tennessee. V820 "The Planning of Art Facilities for Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." W7030 (ETSU) "The Symphony Orchestra of Kingsport, Tennessee." W7400 (ETSU) "An Occupational Survey of Selected Industries in the Kingsport Area of Sullivan County, Tennessee." W7770 (ETSU) APP. CITIES — KNOXVILLE, TENN. Memorial of me Rev. James Park. B20 Men of Affairs in Knoxville. B620 "Politics of Innovation." B670 "A Bibliographical Checklist of Knoxville and Memphis Imprints, 1867-1876 with an Introductory Essay on the Knoxville and Memphis Press." B890 "The Cost of Administering Criminal Justice in Memphis and Knoxville, Tennessee." B2810 He That Serveth; Twenty-five Years' Adventures in Christian Ministry, George Creswell and Second Church. B2900 Annual Handbook of Knoxville, Tennessee, for the Year 1892. A Concise Statement of the Financial, Commercial and Manufacturing Interests of This City; Its Climate, and the Magnificent Scenery of Its Surroundings; Its Mineral, Marble and Timber Interests, as well as a Complete Memoranda of the Laws of Tennessee, and Other Matters of Interest to Homeseekers and Capitalists. B6380 Recollections of the East Tennessee Campaign, Battle of Campbell Station, 16th Nov., 1863: Siege of Knoxville, 17th Nov.-5th Dec., 1863. B6420 Joshua William Caldwell. A Memorial Volume, Containing His Biography, Writings and Addresses. C120 C2640 "History of the Hamilton National Bank of Knoxville." C2930 "History of the Knoxville Iron Company." C4500 Knoxville. C8680 (ASU ETSU BC) �SUBJECT APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. CITIES — KNOXV1LLE, TENN. A Social Study of the Colored Population of Knoxvilie, Tennessee. D1100 "The Net Direct Economic Effect of the University of Tennessee on the City of Knoxvilie and on Knox County Resulting from the Expansion of the Knoxvilie Campus since 1962." 015*0 "Factors Influencing the Development of the Broadway Shopping Center at Knoxvilie, Tennessee." D2710 "Manufacturing in the West Central Knoxvilie Area." D2950 The French Broad-Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. El 50 (ASU BC) A Church Census of the 134 Churches in the City of Knoxvilie, Tennessee as of Date January 31, 1925. E870 "A History of the First Baptist Church of Knoxvilie, Tennessee." El 230 The Founding of Knoxvilie. F1720 (ETSU) Memoirs. F2420 The First Exposition of Conservation and its Builders; an Official History of the National Conservation Exposition, Held at Knoxvilie, Tenn. in 1913 and of its Forerunner, the Appalachian Expositions of 1910-1911, Embracing a Review of the Conservation Movement in the U. S. from its Inception the Present Time. 62550 Souvenir History of Knoxvilie. 025*0 (BC) Souvenir History of Knoxvilie, the Marble City and Great Jobbing Market. Its Importance as a Manufacturing Center. . . . 62570 The City of Knoxvilie, Tennessee and Vicinity and Their Resources. 63060 63460 "The Reaction of Presbyterian Ministers in the Knoxvilie Area to Specific Questions Concerning Ministerial Counseling." 64380 "City-county Consolidation Attempts in Nashville and Knoxvilie, Tennessee." 64600 The Economy of Metropolitan Knoxvilie. A Study Focused on the Economic Base and Potentials of Knoxvilie and Knox County. H1260 (ETSU) Men of Affairs in Knoxvilie. HI 500 "The History of Transportation Advertising, 1850-1956, and a Study of Its Importance in Knoxvilie, Tennessee." H5550 H5710 H5970 H6020 H6990 Knoxvilie: Commercial and Industrial Survey of Knoxvilie, Tennessee. H7330 Historical Discourse of St. John's Church, Knoxvilie, Tennessee. H8270 "A Geographical Survey of Knoxvilie, Tennessee." H8810 The Battle of Fort Sanders. An Address Delivered November 28th, 1814 ... at the Unveiling and Dedication of the Monument Erected by the Knoxvilie Chapter, United Daughters of the Confederacy, to the Memory of the Confederate Soldiers Who Lost Their Lives during the Siege of Knoxvilie, Tennessee, November 29, 1863. K820 Knoxvilie as an Iron Center. K1910 K2890 (ETSU) The Knoxvilie Area Diet Manual. K2900 (ETSU) K2910 Governments in Knox County. L210 (ETSU) "Federal Centralization versus Local Values: A Case Study of Federal-Local Relations in the Knoxville-Knox County Community Action Committee." L3480 "A History of the Webb School of Knoxvilie, Tennessee." L3560 Knoxville-Knox County Consolidation and the County and City School Systems, M510 History of Forestdale Evangelical United Brethren Church. M1060 History of the First Presbyterian Church in Knoxvilie, Tennessee. M2300 M3180 "A History of Knoxvilie Journalism." M4170 Proposed Metropolitan Government Charter for Knoxvilie and Knox County, Tennessee, 1959. M5220 Staub School. A Brief History of Its First Fifty Years' Service to the Community. M7610 History of the First Presbyterian Church in Knoxvilie, Tennessee, P200 "A Corporate History of Knoxvilie, Tennessee, before 1860." P1950 "The Influence of the Baptist Church on Knoxvilie Government." P2580 Personal Recollections of the Occupation of East Tennessee and the Defense of Knoxvilie. P3300 P4710 P4730 Knoxvilie, Past, Present and Future. R1420 "A History of Municipal Government in Knoxvilie since 1911." R2050 Standard History of Knoxvilie, Tennessee, with Full Outline of the Natural Advantages, Early Settlement, Territorial Government, Indian Troubles and General and Particular History of the City Down to the Present Time. R4280 S180 "The Reading Interests of Students as Revealed in a Study of an Individualized Reading Program at Pond Gap School, Knoxvilie, Tennessee." $850 A History of 100 Years of St. Johns Episcopal Church in Knoxvilie, Tenn. S2100 Divided Loyalties: Fort Sanders and the Civil War in East Tennessee. $2110 (BCETSU) Seventy-Five Years: Shannondale Presbyterian Church, Knoxvilie, Tennessee, 1886-1961. $2240 Centennial Celebration of Island Home Baptist Church, Knoxvilie, Tennessee, October 2, 1960 - December 11, 1960. $3080 "An Accounting Study of the Educational Progress of Knoxvilie Negro Pupils Over a Sixteen-year Period." $4590 "The Economic Impact of the University of Tennessee upon Metropolitan Knoxvilie." $4810 $5350 Letters from the Slave States. $7470 "The Public Career of Joseph Alexander Mabry." T590 The Cost of Distributing Power, Knoxvilie, Tennessee. T2490 Knoxvilie and Vicinity, Tennessee. 1953. T3000 13 Bert Vincent's Strolling, Being Sort of a Side-Glance at the Little Odds and Ends of Life in These Parts. V630 The Best Stories of Bert Vincent, ed. Willard Yarbrough. V640 More of the Best Stories of Bert Vincent. V650 "The Marble Industry of the Knoxvilie Area." W640 Tombstone Inscriptions and Death Records, Calvary Cemetery, Knoxvilie, Tennessee, 1869-1967. W1640 (ETSU) Art Work of Knoxvilie, with Sketch of Knoxvilie. W5530 Knoxvilie Negro. W7100 APP. CITIES — LENOIR CITY, TENN. Floods on Tennessee River, Little Tennessee River, and Town and Muddy Creeks in Vicinity of Lenoir City, Tennessee. T7290 APP. CITIES - LENOIR, N. C. The Lenoir-Blowing Rock Wonderland. L1760 (ASU) APP. CITIES - LOGAN, W. VA. "A Follow-up of 1952 Graduates of Logan High School, Logan, West Virginia." 0850 APP. CITIES - LYNCHBUHG, VA. A History of Lynchburg's Pioneer Quakers and Their Meeting House, 1754-1936. B7110 (ASU) Sketches and Recollections of Lynchburg, by the Oldest Inhabitant. CIO (ASU) Historic and Heroic Lynchburg. H980 (ASU) Bulletin of the Virginia State Library: Index to Mrs. Cabell's "Sketches and Recollections of Lynchburg." H6460 (ASU) Lynchburg in Old Virginia, the City of Industry and Opportunity. L4080 (ASU) $120 Lynchburg and Its Neighbors. Y30 (ASU) APP. CITIES — MCMINNVULE, TENN. McMinnville at a Milestone, 1810-1960. A Momenta of the Sesquicentennial Year of McMinnville, Tennessee, 1960, 1958. W8440 (ASU ETSU BC) APP. CITIES — MANCHESTER, KY. 1530 APP. CITIES — MARION, N. C. "Eliminations from the Class of 1950 in the Marion High School." E1610 (ASU) F1110 APP. CITIES - MARION, VA. Hello Towns. A2400 (ASU) Hello Towns. A2410 (LMC ASU) APP. CITIES — MARYVILLE, TENN. The History of New Providence Church, Maryville, Tennessee. B1530 "The Social and Economic History of Maryville since 1890." B1920 History of New Providence Presbyterian Church, Maryville, Tennessee, 1786-1921. M2530 (ETSU) APP. CITIES — MIDDLESBORO, KY. 1550 Middlesboro and Before Middletboro Was. $4330 Just the Little Story of Cumberland Gap. V450 APP. CITIES — MOREHEAO, KY. 1570 APP. CITIES — MOR6ANTON, N. C. Historical Sketch of Grace Church, Morganton, North Carolina. $7620 (ASU) Geology and Ground-water of the Morganton ! Area, North Carolina. $9090 (WCU) �SUBJECT APP,—APP. APP. CITIES — MORGANTOWN, W. VA. Morgantown Disciples: A History of the First Christian Church of Morgantown, West Virginia. C7410 (ASU) "A Study of the Factors Influencing Job-satisfaction among Factory Workers of Clarksburg, West Virginia, and Coal Miners of Morgantown, West Virginia." M4720 Soil Survey of the Morgantown, West Virginia Area. M6690 "Transportation and Trade Areas; Analysis of Morgantown, Fairmont, and Clarksburg." S330 (ASU) "Contacts of Negroes and Whites in Morgantown." W6380 APP. CITIES — MORRISTOWN, TENN. History of Morristown, 1787-1936. B6890 Resources and Enterprises of Upper East Tennessee: Johnson City, Jonesboro, Greenville, Rogersville, Morristown, Watauga, Tennessee. Franklin, Territory South of the Ohio. E2040 (ETSU) Morristown Centennial, 1855-1955. M7960 Centennial Souvenir Program, 1855-1955: An Historical Pageant of Davy Crockett's Home Town, "Arrows to Atoms." M7970 (ETSU) A Century of Service: The Story of First Methodist Church, Morristown, Tennessee, 1852-1952. M7980 (ETSU) The Itakha Annual. M7990 (ETSU) "A Political History of Morristown and Hamblen County, Tennessee." PI 100 "The Attitudes of Students and Parents Toward the Division of Morristown, Term., High School." P2600 (ETSU) "The Development of a Middle School Program for the Morristown City School System, Morristown, Tennessee." T760 (ETSU) "A Study of Pupil Achievement in the Nongraded John F. Hay Elementary School in Morristown, Tennessee." W6680 (ETSU) APP. CITIES — NEWPORT, TENN. Newport. G2240 APP. CITIES - NORTH WILKESBORO, N. C. Public Improvement Program and Capital Improvement Budget. N2810 (LMC) APP. CITIES — OAK RIDGE, TENN. "The Social Backgrounds of Scientists and Engineers in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, and Huntsville, Alabama." D4130 The Oak Ridge Story: The Saga of a People Who Share in History. R3280 (ASU WCU BC) Report to the Atomic Energy Commission on the Master Plan, Oak Ridge, Tennessee. S4000 (ASU) APP. CITIES - PAINTSVILLE, KY. A Short History of Paintsville and Johnson County. W2720 (ASU BC) APP. CITIES — PARKERSBURG, W. VA. Ground-water Conditions along the Ohio Valley at Parkersburg, West Virginia. J520 (ETSU) The Parkersburg Story. U130 (ASU) APP. CITIES — PIKEVILLE, KY. 1630 Pikeville, Kentucky, Neighborhood Analysis. K1160 APP. CITIES — PITTSBURGH, PA. "Some Factors That Have Influenced the Location of the Electric Power Plants in the Greater Pittsburgh Area." C4040 Fort Duquesne and Fort Pitt. Early Names of Pittsburgh Streets. D550 (ASU) "Agriculture Development in the Pittsburgh District." K2080 Pittsburg: The Story of an American City. L3460 (ASU) Employment Trends in the Pittsburgh Metropolitan Area. P3180 "The Economic Position of Railroad Commuter Service in the Pittsburgh District —- Its History, Present and Future. SI 190 APP. CITIES — PRESTONBURG, KY. 1660 Industrial Resources, Prestonburg, Kentucky. P4460 Historic Floyd, 1890-1950. S690 APP. CITIES — RADFORD, VA. Lovely Mount Tavern: The Birth of a City, and Something of the Early New River Settlers. H7700 APP. CITIES - RICHMOND, KY. A Glimpse at Historic Madison County and Richmond, Kentucky. D3000 (BC) Glimpses of Historic Madison County, Ky. D3010 1230 1680 APP. CITIES — ROANOKE, VA. A History of Roanoke. B1310 (FC) Home Reminiscences of John Randolph, of Roanoke. B5650 (ASU) Folk-songs of Roanoke and the Albemarle. C3300 (ASU) Comprehensive City Plan, Roanoke. C4180 The Geology of the Region Between Roanoke and Winchester in the Appalachian Valley of Western Virginia. C7120 Presbyterian Churches of Roanoke, Virginia. H6220 (ASU BC) Randolph of Roanoke: A Political Fantastic. J1760 (ASU) Kegley's Virginia Frontier: The Beginning of the Southwest. The Roanoke of Colonial Days, 1740-1783. K470 (ASU ETSU FC BC) R2610 Roanoke, Story of County and City. W9690 (ASU BC) APP. CITIES — ROGERSVILLE, TENN. Resources and Enterprises of Upper East Tennessee: Johnson City, Jonesboro, Greenville, Rogersville, Morristown, Watauga, Tennessee. Franklin, Territory South of the Ohio. E2040 (ETSU) "An Economic and Educational Survey of Rogersville Community." L3210 The Fiftieth Anniversary of the Rogersville Synodical College. PI 90 APP. CITIES — ROME, GA. A History of Rome and Floyd. County, State of Georgia, United States of America, Including Numerous Incidents of More Than Local Interest from 1540-1922. B1940 (BC ASU) A History of Rome and Floyd County, State of Georgia, United States of America, m Including Numerous Incidents of More Than Local Interest from 1540-1922. B1950 (LMC MHC) APP. CITIES — STAUNTON, VA. It Happened around Staunton in Virginia. C4880 (ASU) D2510 (ASU) The First Presbyterian Church, Staunton, Virginia. H6390 (ASU BC) APP. CITIES - STEUBENVILLE, OHIO Water Resources of the Wheeling-Steubenville Area, West Virginia and Ohio. S4960 14 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. CITIES — STRASBURG, VA. The Story of Strasburg. C20 (ASU) Strasburg, Virginia and the Keister Family. K540 APP. CITIES — SWEETWATER, TENN. History of the First Presbyterian Church, Sweetwater, Tennessee, 1860-1960. Y240 APP. CITIES — VA. Dates of Origin of Virginia Counties and Municipalities. W2250 APP. CITIES — WAYNESVILLE, N. C. Centennial of Haywood County and Its County Seat Waynesville, N. C, 1808-1908. A1710 C9110 (UNCA) APP. CITIES — WHEELING, W. VA. When Men and Mountains Meet. A3500 Soil Survey of the Wheeling Area, West Virginia. C70 Principio to Wheeling. M4590 (BC) "A Study of Commercial' Banking in Two Economically Depressed Cities: Youngstown, Ohio, and Wheeling, West Virginia, 1951-1967." N1010 Wheeling: A West Virginia Place Name of Indian Origin. N1470 (ASU) Water Resources of the Wheeling-Steubenville Area, West Virginia and Ohio. S4960 APP. CITIES — WHITESBURG, KY. 1230 APP. CITIES — WILKESBORO, N. C. North Wilkesboro, Wilkes County, N. C.: Key to the Blue Ridge Parkway. N2800 (ASU LMC) APP. CITIES — WILLIAMSBURG, KY. 1230 APP. CITIES — WINCHESTER, KY. Kentucky Mayor: The Humor and Philosophy of John Edwin Garner. C2610 (BC) APP. CITIES — WINCHESTER, VA. You Are Greater Than You Know. A5550 (BC) The Geology of the Region Between Roanoke and Winchester in the Appalachian Valley of Western Virginia. C7120 This Heritage. El 410 Announcement. E2060 .(ASU) Winchester, Virginia, and Its Beginnings, 1743-1814: From Its Founding by Colonel James Wood to the Close of the Life of His Son, Brigadier General and Governor James Wood. With the Publication for the first Time of Valuable Manuscripts, relics of their long Tenure of Public offices. G3800 (ASU BC) The Story of Winchester in Virginia, the Oldest Town in the Shenandoah Valley. M8140 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) The Churches of Winchester, Virginia: A Brief History of Those Established Prior to 1825. 060 George Washington- and Winchester, Virginia 1748-1758; A Decade of Preparation for Responsibilities to Come. Q70 (ASU) The Schools of Winchester, Virginia. 080 The Story of One Hundred Old Homes in Winchester, Virginia. Q90 The Streets of Winchester, Virginia: The Origin and Significance of Their Names. Q100 What I Know about Winchester: Recollections of William Greenway Russell, 1800-1891. R4410 (ASU BC) Diaries, Letters and Recollections of the War Between the States. W7580 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. CITIES — WINCHESTER, VA. 2200 Gravestone Inscriptions from Winchester and Frederick County, Virginia (Death Dates Range from 1700's to Early 1900's). W7600 (ASU) Souvenir. W7610 (ASU) The Code of the City of Winchester, Virginia, 1947. The Charter of the City and the General Ordinances of the City, Enacted as a Whole May 6, 1947, Effective May 6, 1947. W7630 (ASU) APP. CITIES — WYTHEVILLE, VA. Industrial Survey, Wytheville, Virginia. H8250 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES . . . County Government and Administration in the Tennessee Valley States. T2500 County Government and Administration in the Tennessee Valley States. T4280 APP. COUNTIES - ALA. - BIBB CO. "A Historical Analysis of Student Drop-outs in the Negro Schools for Bibb County, Alabama." M4620 Soil Survey of Bibb County, Alabama. T7660 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — BLOUNT CO. "The Status of the Negro Teachers in Blount, Cullman, DeKalb, and Marshall Counties, Alabama 1952-53." J2260 Report on the Coal Measures of the Plateau Region of Alabama. M230 (BC) Soil Survey of Blount County, Alabama. S5180 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — CALHOUN CO. Surface Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama. H2240 (ETSU) Soil Survey, Calhoun County, Alabama. H2360 Soil Survey of Calhoun County, Alabama. H8540 Lower Piedmont Country. N1210 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) Possum Trot, Rural Community, South. NI220 (ASU BC WCU) Geology and Ground-Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama: An Interim Report. W820 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama. W830 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — CHAMBERS CO. Soil Survey, Chambers County, Alabama. C1730 Soil Survey of Chambers County, Alabama. S4760 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — CHEROKEE CO. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Cherokee County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. C2530 (ETSU) An Inventory of Human and Physical Resources of Cherokee, Dekalb, Jackson, and Marshall Counties, Alabama. K1590 (ASU) "The Educational Progress of the Negro Schools in Cherokee County, Alabama, from 1930-1950." S6640 Cherokee Country History, 1836-1956. S7280 (ASU BC) Soil Survey of Cherokee County, Alabama. S8140 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — CHILTON CO. Soil Survey of Chilton County, Alabama. C1130 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. - CLAY CO. Resource and Beneficiation Studies of Copperbearing Pyrite Ore, Pyriton, Clay County, Alabama. L240 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Resources of Clay County, with Special Reference to the Graphite Industry. P4770 (ETSU) SUBJECT Soil Survey of Clay County, Alabama. T410 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — CLEBURNE CO. Soil Survey of Cleburne County, Alabama. L2170 Report on Stone Hill Copper Mines and Works, Cleburne County, Alabama. R3960 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — COLBERT CO. Soil Survey, Colbert County, Alabama. B6130 Geology and Ground-water Resources of Colbert County, Alabama. H2870 (ETSU) Interim Report on Ground-water Study in Colbert County, Alabama. H2880 (ETSU) Springs in Colbert and Lauderdale Counties, Alabama. H2890 (ETSU) Two Hundred Years at Muscle Shoals Being an Authentic History of Colbert County, 1700-1900. LI 590 Soil Survey of Colbert County, Alabama. S5190 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — COOSA CO. Soil Survey of Coosa County, Alabama. T430 APP. COUNTIES - ALA. — CULLMAN CO. "The Status of the Negro Teachers in Blount, Cullman, DeKalb, and Marshall Counties, Alabama 1952-53." J2260 The German Settlement in Cullman County, Alabama: An Agricultural Island in the Cotton Belt. K2980 (BC) Soil Survey, Cullman County, Alabama. M2450 Soil Survey of Cullman County, Alabama. T7670 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — DE KALB CO. Soil Survey, De Kalb County, Alabama. S9670 "The Status of the Negro Teachers in Blount, Cullman, DeKalb, and Marshall Counties, Alabama 1952-53." J2260 An Inventory of Human and Physical Resources of Cherokee, Dekalb, Jackson, and Marshall Counties, Alabama. K1590 (ASU) L310 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — ELMORE CO. Soil Survey, Elmore County, Alabama. B6140 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — ETOWAH CO. Ground-water Resources of Etowah County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. C2540 (ETSU) H5990 Soil Survey of Etowah County, Alabama. L4070 APP. COUNTIES - ALA. — FAYETTE CO. Soil Survey, Fayette County, Alabama. C7730 Stratigraphy and Structure of Outcropping Pre-Selma Coastal Plain Beds of Fayette and Lamar Counties, Alabama. D3400 (ASU) History of Fayette County, Alabama. N750 (ASU BC) Opportunities for and Limitations of Social and Economic Adjustments in an Alabama Rural County. Nil 90 Soil Survey of Fayette County, Alabama. 0700 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — FRANKLIN CO. Russellville Brown Iron Ore District, Franklin County, Alabama. B8470 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Franklin County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. P1150 (ETSU) Soil Survey: Franklin County, Alabama. S2860 Soil Survey of Franklin County, Alabama. S8120 15 APP.—APP. APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — JACKSON CO. An Inventory of Human and Physical Resources of Cherokee, Dekalb, Jackson, and Marshall Counties, Alabama. K1590 (ASU) Sequatchie: A Story of the Southern Cumberlands. R540 (ASU) Soil Survey, Jackson County, Alabama. S9680 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Alabama. W200 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — JEFFERSON CO. "A Study of Administrative and Supervisory Practices of Principals in the Public School System of Jefferson County, Alabama." C5520 Sketches of Alabama, Being an Account of the Journey from Tuscaloosa to Blount Springs through Jefferson County on the Old Stage Roads, Now First Published in Book Form. D3700 (ASU) "Factors Contributing to the Educational Development of the Negro Schools in the Jefferson County (Alabama) School System, 1945-51." G1950 "Factors Affecting the Health and Educational Growth of Elementary Pupils in Three Selected Schools of Jefferson County, Alabama." Ml 920 "A Study of the Changes in the Educational Levels of the Negro Teachers in Jefferson County, Alabama, 1930-50." M6280 Soil Survey of Jefferson County, Alabama. S4770 "A Survey of School Library Facilities and Services in Four Selected. High Schools in Jefferson County, Alabama." W6410 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — LAUDERDALE CO. A History of Florence, Alabama, with 1850 Census of Lauderdale County. G430 (ASU) Springs in Colbert and Lauderdale Counties, Alabama. H2890 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — LAWRENCE CO. Health Development Plan — 1969, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Alabama. A930 (ASU) Health Development Plan — 1970, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties. A940 (ASU) Regional Health Demonstration Project, Phase 2, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Ala. A950 (ASU) Soil Survey of Lawrence County, Alabama. L2180 Soil Survey, Lawrence County, Alabama. S2870 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — LIMESTONE CO. Health Development Plan — 1969, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Alabama. A930 (ASU) Health Development Plan — 1970, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties. A940 (ASU) Regional Health Demonstration Project, Phase 2, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Ala. A950 (ASU) Soil Survey of Limestone County, Alabama. B8710 Soil Survey, Limestone County, Alabama. H3380 General Geology and Ground-water Resources of Limestone County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. M2170 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — MADISON CO. Soil Survey of Madison County, Alabama. B8720 Geology and Ground-water Resources of Madison County, Alabama. M2890 (ETSU) Sequatchie: A Story of the Southern Cumberlands. R540 (ASU) Gound-water Levels in Madison County, Alabama, July 1956 to July 1959. S420 (ETSU) �APP^-APP. APP. COUNTIES - ALA. — MADISON CO. Soil Survey, Madison County, Alabama. S9690 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. - MARION CO. Soil Survey of Marion County, Alabama. A5870 () History of Marion County, Alabama. M3220 APP. COUNTIES - ALA. — MARSHALL CO. The History of Marshall County, Alabama. D3920 (ASU BC) Soil Survey, Marshall County, Alabama. F4090 "The Status of the Negro Teachers in Blount, Cullman, DeKalb, and Marshall Counties, Alabama 1952-53." J2260 An Inventory of Human and Physical Resources of Cherokee, Dekalb, Jackson, and Marshall Counties, Alabama. K1590 (ASU) Ground Water in Marshall County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. S430 (ASU ETSU) Soil Survey of Marshall County, Alabama. W210 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — MORGAN CO. Health Development Plan — 1969, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Alabama. A930 (ASU) Health Development Plan — 1970, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties. A940 (ASU) Regional Health Demonstration Project, Phase 2, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Ala. A950 (ASU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Morgan County, Alabama. D2750 (ETSU) Interim Report on the Geology and Groundwater Resources of Morgan County, Alabama. D2770 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Morgan County, Alabama. P590 Soil Survey, Morgan County, Alabama. S2880 APP. COUNTIES - ALA. — PICKENS CO. Annals of Northwest Alabama. El 660 Annals of Northwest Alabama Vol. Ill; Including a Reprint of the 1856 Nelson F. Smith's History of Pickens County, Alabama. El 670 APP. COUNTIES - ALA. — RANDOLPH CO. Soil Survey of Randolph County, Alabama. B8730 Soil Survey, Randolph County, Alabama. P320 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — SHELBY CO. Soil Survey of Shelby County, Alabama. S8130 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — ST. CLAIR CO. Soil Survey of St. Clair County, Alabama. B8750 "A Study of the Progress of Negro Education in Saint Clair County, Alabama." C1750 Geology and Coal Resources of the Northeast Part of the Coosa Coal Field, St. Clair County, Alabama. R3930 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — TALLADEGA CO. The Gold Log Mine, Talladega County, Alabama. B1870 Availability of Ground Water in Talladega County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. C2520 (ETSU) "What Progress in Health Has Been Made among the Negro Youths of the Elementary School Age for the Past Ten Years in Taliadega County, Alabama." C9500 Soil Survey of Talladega County, Alabama. M6700 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — TALLAPOOSA CO. Battle of Horseshoe Bend in Tallapoosa County, Alabama, March 27, 1814. B6390 (BC) SUBJECT APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — TALLEDEGA CO. "A Study of the Causes of Drop-outs and Irregular Attendance among Boys in the Four Negro High Schools of Talledega County, Alabama." G2040 The Talc Deposits of Talledega County, Alabama. M2320 (BC ETSU) APP. COUNTIES - ALA. — TUSCALOOSA CO. "A Survey of the Library Facilities in the Negro Schools of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama." D2540 "A Comparative Study of School Dropouts from 1945-50 in Holt Junior High School and Jaylorville Junior High School, Tuscaloosa County, Alabama." H2210 Geology and Ground-water Resources of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. M5760 (ETSU) Ground-water in the Vicinity of Bryce State Hospital, Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. M5770 (ETSU) Ground-water Resources and Geology of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. P1030 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. W7820 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — WALKER CO. Soil Survey of Walker County, Alabama. V500 APP. COUNTIES — ALA. — WINSTON CO. Soil Survey of Winston County, Alabama. S9450 The Free State of Winston: A History of Winston County, Alabama. T8340 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — GA. — BANKS CO. Soil Survey, Banks and Stevens Counties, Georgia. B6760 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — BARTOW CO. The History of Bartow County, Formerly Cass. C1150 (ASU) The History of Bartow County, Formerly Cass. C9800 (BC ASU) Soil Survey of Bartow County, Georgia. F3680 Geology and Mineral Deposits of the Cartersville District, Georgia. K1700 Rebecca Latimer Felton, Nine Stormy Decades. T110 (ASU) The Bauxite Deposits of Floyd, Bartow, and Polk Counties of Northwest Georgia. W5630 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — CARROLL CO. Georgia's Last Frontier: The Development of Carroll County. B5310 (ASU LMC BC) Soil Survey, Carroll and Haralson Counties, Georgia. B6940 Soil Survey of Carroll County, Georgia. L2160 APP. COUNTIES - GA. — CATOOSA CO. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Catoosa County, Georgia. C8710 (ETSU) Official History of Catoosa County, Georgia, 1853-1953. Ml 070 (ASU LMC BC) Soil Survey, Catoosa County, Georgia. T400 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — CHATTOOGA CO. Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Paleozoic Rock Area, Chattooga County, Georgia. C8720 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Chattooga County, Georgia. M3030 APP. COUNTIES — GA. - CHEROKEE CO. Soil Survey, Cherokee, Gilmer, and Pickens Counties, Georgia. J2710 The History of Cherokee County. M3300 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — GA. — DADE CO. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Dade County, Georgia. C9070 (ETSU) Soil Survey, Dade County, Georgia. T440 16 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. COUNTIES - GA. — DAWSON CO. Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. A850 Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. M1720 Geology and Ground-water Resources of Crystalline Rocks, Dawson County, Georgia. S2010 (ASU ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — GA. — DOUGLAS CO. Soil Survey, Douglas County, Georgia. W2760 APP. COUNTIES - GA. — FANNIN CO. Soil Survey: Fannin County, Georgia. P2630 Forest Inventory Statistics for Fannin County, Georgia. T4680 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — FLOYD CO. A History of Rome and Floyd County, State of Georgia, United States of America, Including Numerous Incidents of More Than Local Interest from 1540-1922. B1940 (BC ASU) A History of Rome and Floyd County, State of Georgia, United States of America, Including Numerous Incidents of More Than Local Interest from 1540-1922. B1950 (LMC MHC) "A Study of Voluntary Withdrawals from McHenry and Five Feeder Schools in Floyd County, Georgia." Gil 80 Cave Spring and Van's Valley. H2930 (LMC) "A Study of the Relationship Existing Between Amount of Education Completed by White and Negro Head of Households in Floyd County." H4240 Soil Survey of Floyd County, Georgia. L3230 Marriage Record "A*, Floyd County, Georgia, 1834-1848. M3120 (ASU) The Bauxite Deposits of Floyd, Bartow, and Polk Counties of Northwest Georgia. W5630 APP. COUNTIES - GA. - FORSYTH CO. Soil Survey, Forsyth County, Georgia. R3180 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — FRANKLIN CO. Soil Survey of Franklin County, Georgia. M2040 APP. COUNTIES - GA. — GILMER CO. Soil Survey, Cherokee, Gilmer, and Pickens Counties, Georgia. J2710 The Annals of Upper Georgia Centered in Gilmer County. W740 (ASU LMC) APP. COUNTIES — GA. — GORDON CO. "History of Education in Gordon County, Georgia." B2930 Soil Survey, Gordon County, Georgia. B6290 Climb the Hills of Gordon: Stories of Gordon County and Calhoun, Georgia. R1180 (LMC ASU BC) "A Description of Government in Gordon, Clark and Paulding Counties, Georgia." R3520 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — GWINNETT CO. Soil Survey: Gwinnett County, Georgia. T330 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — HABERSHAM CO. The Hills of Habersham. C4050 (ASU LMC BC) The Hills of Habersham. C4060 Seventy Years in Clarksville Baptist Church. C4070 (ASU) Exploration for Mineral Deposits in Habersham County, Georgia. H8580 Exploration for Mineral Deposits in Habersham County, Georgia. H8590 (LMC) Habersham County, Georgia, Genealogical Records. K2100 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. COUNTIES — GA. — HABERSHAM CO. Soil Survey, Habersham County, Georgia. * R3190 U4230 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — HALL CO. Hall County, Georgia, 1819-1839, Marriages. M2490 (ASU) Tombstone Inscriptions of Hall County, Georgia. M2500 (ASU) Soil Survey, Hall County, Georgia. M5850 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — GA. - HARALSON CO. Soil Survey, Carroll and Haralson Counties, Georgia. B6940 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — JACKSON CO. Soil Survey of Jackson County, Georgia. L3240 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Georgia. L3250 APP. COUNTIES — GA. - LUMPKIN CO. Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. A850 Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. Ml 720 Observations from a Peak in Lumpkin. T9110 (BCASU) APP. COUNTIES — GA. — MADISON CO. Soil Survey of Madison County, Georgia. L3260 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — MURRAY CO. My Life and Travels. B6340 (ASU) Geology and Mineral Resources of the Northwest Quarter of the Cohutta Mountain Quadrangle. S220 (ETSU) History of Murray County. S3210 History of Murray County. S3220 (ASU) Genealogical History of Original Murray County. W5650 Springplace: Moravian Mission and the War Family of the Cherokee Nation. W9500 (MHC) APP. COUNTIES — GA. — PAULDING CO. **A Description of Government in Gordon, Clark and Paulding Counties, Georgia." R3520 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — PICKENS CO. Soil Survey, Cherokee, Gilmer, and Pickens Counties, Georgia. J2710 "An Investigation of Elementary Guidance in Pickens County." K700 (ASU) History of Pickens Co. T320 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — GA. - POLK CO. Soil Survey of Polk County, Georgia. L3270 "Improving School Attendance in Six White Elementary Schools in Polk County, Georgia." M7680 The Bauxite Deposits of Floyd, Bartow, and Polk Counties of Northwest Georgia. W5630 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — RABUN CO. A Rural Community in Time of War: The Valley Community in Rabun County, Georgia. A1340 (BC) Rabun County, Georgia, Records. K2110 (ASU) Sketches of Rabun County History, 1819-1948. R2390 (BC ASU LMC) Soil Survey of Rabun County, Georgia. L3280 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — STEPHENS CO. Soil Survey, Banks and Stephens Counties, Georgia. B6760 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — TOWNS CO. "Some Economic Aspects of the Changes in Towns County Agriculture during the Period, 1934-1950." L280 SUBJECT "Initiating the Rural Library Program in Towns and Union Counties, Georgia." L3710 Soil Survey, Towns County, Georgia. M5860 Forest Inventory Statistics for Towns County, Georgia. T4700 APP. COUNTIES — GA. - UNION CO. "Initiating the Rural Library Program in Towns and Union Counties, Georgia." L3710 Soil Survey, Union County, Georgia. M5870 Forest Inventory Statistics for Union County, Georgia. T4710 APP. COUNTIES - GA. — WALKER CO. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Walker County, Georgia. C8730 (ETSU) "A History of the Development of Schools for Negroes in Walker County, Georgia." J170 Soil Survey of Walker County, Georgia. M2070 History of Walker Co., Ga. S450 (ASU BC) History of Walker County, Georgia. S460 (ASU) Forest Inventory Statistics for Walker County, Georgia. T4720 APP. COUNTIES — GA. — WHITE CO. Soil Survey. Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. A850 Exploration for Mineral Deposits in White County, Georgia. H8600 (LMC) Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. Ml 720 History of the Public Schools of White County, Georgia 1870 Thru 1938. S3450 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — GA. — WHITFIELD CO. Forest Inventory Statistics for Whitfield County, Georgia. T4730 Official History of Whitfield County, Georgia. W5710 (BC) APP. COUNTIES - KY. The Social Dimensions of Kentucky Counties: Data and Rankings of the State's 120 Counties on Each of 81 Characteristics. S9360 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — ADAIR CO. "Factors That Influence Young Couples to Stay on the Farm in Adair County, Kentucky: Some Social and Economic Factors That Influence Young Couples to Stay on the Farm in a Low-income County in Kentucky." HI 710 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — BATH CO. 1250 A History of Bath County, Kentucky. R2020 (BC) An Historical Sketch of Springfield Presbyterian Church, Bath County, Kentucky. S360 (BC) Soil Survey, Bath County, Kentucky. W2360 Soil Survey, Bath County, Kentucky. W2370 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — BELL CO. The Unfolding of a Century. B2750 Memorial Records of Josh Bell County, Kentucky (Adjoining Historical Cumberland Gap, Tennessee), Family Bible Records Given to the United States Census taken in 1870. B9080 (BC) United States Census of Bell County, Kentucky, 1880: Which are Family Bible Records as Given the Census Taker on That Date. B9100 (BC) United States Census of Bell Co., Ky., 1890. B9110 Geological Map of the Balkan Quadrangle, Bell and Harlan Counties, Kentucky. F3450 (BC) 17 APP^-APP. History of Bell County, Kentucky. F4030 (BC) 1260 "Factors Influencing Political Behavior in Bell, Clay, Knox, and Whitley Counties." J450 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — BOYD CO. "The Economic History of Boyd County, Kentucky." Gil 60 (ASU) "The History of Education of Boyd County, Kentucky." J200 APP. COUNTIES - KY. — BREATHITT CO. "Political Behavior in Breathitt, Knott, Perry and Leslie Counties, Kentucky." C5990 Breathitt: A Guide to the Feud Country. F460 Coals of the North Fork of the Ky. River in Perry and Portions of Breathitt & Knott Co. Ky. H6150 Memories. N1270 (BC) Bloody Breathitt. N1280 (BC) The Story of Jackson City (Breathitt County). P2950 (BC) "History of Education in Breathitt County, Kentucky.1' R1960 Methodism in Jackson and Breathitt County, Kentucky. S6170 "Recollections of Breathitt." T9350 (BC) In the Land of Breathitt. W9570 (ASU) In the Land of Breathitt. W9580 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — CARTER CO. A Survey of Low-Cost Housing in Carter County, Kentucky. L2850 (ASU) "History of Education in Carter County, Kentucky." Q50 No More Muffled Hoofbeats. R2600 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — CASEY CO. Geology of a New Oil Pool in Casey Co., Ky. J1040 Geology of the Nimtonville Dome in Casey Co., Ky. J1150 The Bastins of Casey, Lincoln, and Pulaski County, Kentucky. R80 (BC) The Blacks of Casey and Pulaski County, Kentucky, and of Kansas. R90 (BC) The Carmans of Casey County, Kentucky. R100 The men, women, events, institutions, and lore of Casey Co., Kentucky. W1490 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — CLARK CO. Bibliography of Clark Co., Kentucky. J830 Geology of Clark Co., Ky. J1050 Geology of the Mica Dome in Clark Co., Ky. J1140 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — CLAY CO. "Factors Influencing Political Behavior in Bell, Clay, Knox, and Whitley Counties." J450 (ASU) Surname Index to the 1850 Federal Population Census of Kentucky. Ml 240 Pioneer Families of Clay County, Kentucky. M7600 (ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES — KY. - CLINTON CO. A Lighthouse in the Wilderness. G540 (BC) Surname Index to the 1850 Federal Population Census of Kentucky. Ml 240 APP. COUNTIES — KY. - CUMBERLAND CO. Geology of Cumberland Co., Kentucky. J1070 �APP^-APP. APP. COUNTIES — KY. — CUMBERLAND CO. Awakening. Of Cumberland County on the Last Fifty Years. L950 (ASU BC) Surname Index to the 1850 Federal Population Census of Kentucky. Ml 240 History of Cumberland County. W2750 (ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — ELLIOTT CO. Peridotite of Elliott County, Kentucky. D2420 H5700 Bibliography of Elliott Co., Ky. J840 Soil Survey, Elliott County, Kentucky. W2380 Soil Survey, Elliott County, Kentucky. W2390 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — ESTILL CO. Estill County, Kentucky, Record of Abstracts of Pension Papers of Revolutionary Soldiers, War of 1812 and Indian Wars. . . . B9050 The Irvine Oil Field, Estill County, Kentucky. S2480 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — FLOYD CO. "A Study of Pupil Withdrawal in Ten Secondary Schools of Floyd, Knott, Letcher, and Pike Counties through the School Year of 1932-33." C7190 Poverty, Politics, and Health Care: An Appalachian Experience. C8060 (ASU) "History of Education of Floyd County, Kentucky." F3120 Bibliography of Floyd Co., Ky. J850 Historic Floyd, 1890-1950. S690 Mountain Kinsmen Ride; a Story of the James Family. S720 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — GARRARD CO. History of Garrard County, Kentucky, and Its Churches. C260 (BC) Soil Survey of Garrard County, Kentucky. K1640 Historical Sketches of Lancaster and Garrard County, 1796-1924. K2610 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — GREEN CO. Surname Index to the 1850 Federal Population Census of Kentucky. Ml 250 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — GREENUP CO. History of Greenup County, Kentucky. B3580 (BC) A Supplementary Edition of a History of Greenup County. B3590 (ASU BC) 1370 Surname Index to the 1850 Federal Population Census of Kentucky. Ml 250 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — HARLAN CO. History Records of Harlan County, Kentucky, People. B9070 (BC) A History of Harlan County. C6340 (BC) The Shame That Is Kentucky's! The Story of the Harlan Mine War. C7610 (ASU) Geological Map of the Balkan Quadrangle, Bell and Harlan Counties, Kentucky. F3450 (BC) Harlan County Schools Have Problems. H2310 (ASU) "A New Deal for Harlan: The Roosevelt Labor Policies in a Kentucky Coal Field, 1931-1939." H5120 (BC) Harlan County, Existing Land Use Analysis. Harlan-Harlan County Major Thoroughfare Plan. K1150 Population-Economic Study, Harlan-Harlan County, Kentucky. K1170 SUBJECT "School Attendance in Harlan County, Kentucky, 1948-1954." L2940 "History of Education in Harlan County, Kentucky." M840 Geologic Map of Part of the Rose Hill Quadrangle, Harlan County, Kentucky. M4380 (ASU) Harlan County, Kentucky. M5360 (BC) Bulletin of the Bureau of School Service, Vol. XX, no. 2. P4820 At Home in the Hills: Glimpses of Harlan County, Kentucky, through the Media of the Linoleum Block and the Woodcut. S6130 (LMC BC) "Coal and Conflict: The U.M.W.A. in Harlan County, 1931-1939." T690 (BC ASU) Hell in Harlan. T8760 (WCU) T8850 (BC) "History and Partial Evaluation of In-service Education in Harlan County, Kentucky." W9070 The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky. W8540 "The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky." W8550 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — JACKSON CO. "History of Education in Jackson County, Kentucky." C1230 1440 Geologic Map of the McKee Quadrangle, Jackson and Owsley Counties, Ky. W2310 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — JOHNSON CO. Johnson County, Kentucky. A History of the County, and Genealogy of Its People up to the Year 1927. H860 (ASU BC) Neighborhood Standing and Population Changes in Johnson and Robertson Counties. 01080 A Short History of Paintsville and Johnson County. W2720 (ASU BC) Attitudes Toward Rural Migration and Family Life in Johnson and Robertson Counties, Kentucky, 1941. W6690 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — KNOTT CO. "Political Behavior in Breathitt, Knott, Perry and Leslie Counties, Kentucky." C5990 "A Study of Pupil Withdrawal in Ten Secondary Schools of Floyd, Knott, Letcher, and Pike Counties through the School Year of 1932-33." C7190 Forestry in the Economic Life of Knott County, Kentucky. C8430 Coals of the North Fork of the Ky. River in Perry and Portions of Breathitt & Knott Co. Ky. H6150 1450 Family Incomes and Land Utilization in Knott County, Kentucky. N900 Family Incomes and Land Utilization in Knott County, Kentucky. N910 Community and Neighborhood Groupings in Knott County, Kentucky. O1050 Family Living in Knott County, Kentucky. W6530 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — KNOX CO. A Selective Description of a Knox County Mountain Neighborhood. C40 A Survey of the Legal Environment of Knox County, Kentucky. C2590 History of Knox County, Kentucky (1674-1941). D1580 (BC) 18 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Selected Demographic Studies, Knox Co., Ky. E800 "The Economic History of Knox County." H7600 "Factors Influencing Political Behavior in Bell, Clay, Knox, and Whitley Counties." J450 (ASU) Bibliography of Knox Co., Ky. J860 Geology and Coal of Stinking Creek. J1020 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — LAUREL CO. . . . Land Utilization in Laurel County, Kentucky. C4810 (ASU) Land Utilization in Laurel County, Kentucky. C4820 (BC) History of Coal Mining in Laurel County, Kentucky, 1920-1944. M8160 The Colony Bernstadt in Laurel County, Kentucky. S920 S1910 "History of Education in Laurel County, Kentucky." T600 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — LAWRENCE CO. "History of Education of Lawrence County, Kentucky." El 590 Bibliography of Lawrence Co., Ky. J870 APP. COUNTIES — KY. - LEE CO. 1470 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — LESLIE CO. The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky. W8540 "The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky." W8550 (ASU) Of Bolder Men (A History of Leslie County). B6540 (BC) "Political Behavior in Breathitt, Knott, Perry and Leslie Counties, Kentucky." C5990 Sugar Creek Resettlement Area, Leslie County, Kentucky. A Report of a Conference on Planned Relocation, New Housing and Local Employment in Eastern Kentucky, 1966. G1040 Existing Land Use Analysis, Leslie County, Kentucky. K1140 "A comparison of Some Aspects of Family Life Between Two Areas of Leslie Co., Kentucky." QUO "Income and Health in Remote Rural Areas: A Study of Four Hundred Families in Leslie County, Kentucky." W6350 Income and Health in Remote Rural Areas; a Study of 400 Families in Leslie County, Ky. W6360 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — LETCHER CO. History of Letcher Co., Ky., Its Political and Economic Growth and Development. B5740 "A Study of Pupil Withdrawal in Ten Secondary Schools of Floyd, Knott, Letcher, and Pike Counties through the School Year of 1932-33." C7190 "History of Education in Letcher County, Kentucky." R190 Geologic Map of the Whitesburg Quadrangle, Kentucky-Virginia, and Part of the Flat Gap Quadrangle, Letcher County, Ky. R1910 "History of Education in Letcher County, Kentucky." R3660 The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky. W8540 "The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky." W8550 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — LEWIS CO. History of Lewis County, Kentucky. R50 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. COUNTIES — KY. — LINCOLN CO. Early Lincoln County History. D3990 (ASU BC) The Bastins of Casey, Lincoln, and Pulaski County, Kentucky. R80 (BC) Geologic Map of the Stanford Quadrangle, Boyle and Lincoln Counties, Kentucky. S2520 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — LOGAN CO. Facts About the Two Armed Marches on Logan. S9400 (ASU BC) The Incomparable Don Chafin. S9410 (BC ASU) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — MADISON CO. The Meaning of the Past for the Future. C4760 (BC) A Glimpse at Historic Madison County and Richmond, Kentucky. D3000 (BC) Glimpses of Historic Madison County, Ky. D3010 Soil Survey of Madison County, Kentucky. G4090 Bibliography of Madison Co., Ky. J890 Lion of White Hall: The Life of Cassius M. Clay. S4400 (MHC) U4140 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — MAGOFFIN CO. "History of Education of Magoffin County, Kentucky." B220 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — MENIFEE CO. Bibliography of Menifee Co., Ky. J900 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — MONROE CO. William Bollard: A Genealogical Record of His Descendants in Monroe County. B870 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — MONTGOMERY CO. Where Bluegrass and Mountains Meet: A Community Profile of Mt. Sterling and Montgomery County, Kentucky. B8490 History of Methodism in Montgomery County. S520 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — KY. - MORGAN CO. A Brief History of Our Early Life and Morgan County, Kentucky. B7140 (BC) Selections from Morgan County History: Sesquicentennial Volume. S6420 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — OWLSEY CO. "History of Education in Owsley County, Kentucky." G10 (BC) Notes from the History of Education in Owsley County. G20 "History of Education in Owsley County, Kentucky." S20 Geologic Map of the McKee Quadrangle, Jackson and Owsley Counties, Ky. W2310 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — KY. — PERRY CO. "Political Behavior in Breathitt, Knott, Perry and Leslie Counties, Kentucky." C5990 History of Perry County, Ky. D490 History of Perry County, Kentucky. D500 (BC) Coals of the North Fork of the Ky. River in Perry and Portions of Breathitt & Knott Co. Ky. H6150 Articles of Impeachment Against John A. Duff, Surveyor of Perry Co. K1230 The Coal Fields of Perry Co., Ky. V60 The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky. W8540 "The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky." W8550 (ASU) SUBJECT APP. COUNTIES — KY. — PIKE CO. "A Study of Pupil Withdrawal in Ten Secondary Schools of Floyd, Knott, Letcher, and Pike Counties through the School Year of 1932-33." C7190 "History of Education in Pike County Kentucky." C8750 Coal Deposits of Pike County, Kentucky. H8370 "A Study of the Opinions of the Various Classes of People Toward Pike County's Medical Facilities." J2960 Environmental Study of Logan, McDowell, and Mingo Counties, West Virginia and Pike County, Kentucky. U2680 (ASU) Coal deposits of Pike Co., Ky. U3120 APP. COUNTIES - KY. — POWELL CO. "Land Use in Powell County, Kentucky." D1900 1650 Bibliography of Powell Co., Ky. J910 Geology of Powell Co., Ky. J1080 Geology of the Area Around Powell Co., Ky. J1090 Rural Family Health in a Selected County in Kentucky. M4000 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — PULASKI CO. 1670 Bibliography of Pulaski Co., Ky. J920 The Bastins of Casey, Lincoln, and Pulaski County, Kentucky. R80 (BC) The Blacks of Casey and Pulaski County, Kentucky, and of Kansas. R90 (BC) A History of Pulaski Co., Kentucky. T810 A History of Pulaski County, Kentucky. T8550 APP. COUNTIES - KY. — ROCKCASTLE CO. Soil Survey of Rockcastle County, Kentucky B8740 1230 1690 "History of Education in Rockcastle, Kentucky." N2840 (BC) APP. COUNTIES - KY. — ROWAN CO. Boone Logan's Letters to the Sentinel-Democrat (Mount Sterling, Kentucky) Pertaining to the Rowan County Feud and Other Matters. Y300 (BC) APP. COUNTIES - KY. — RUSSELL CO. 1230 1700 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — WAYNE CO. The Double Head Academy. C2600 (BC) Glimpses of Historical Wayne County, Kentucky. E960 (ASU BC) A Century of Wayne County, Kentucky, 1800-1900. J1300 (ASU BC) Reconnaissance of Oil and Gas Fields in Wayne and McCreary Counties, Kentucky. M8590 "History of Education in Wayne County, Kentucky." Y250 APP. COUNTIES — KY. - WHITLEY CO. "Factors Influencing Political Behavior in Bell, Clay, Knox, and Whitley Counties." J450 (ASU) A History of Jellico, Tennessee, Containing Historical Information on Campbell County, Tennessee and Whitley County, Kentucky. $3330 History of the Family Snyder (Schneider) (Snider). S5310 APP. COUNTIES — KY. — WOLFE CO. Early and Modern History of Wolfe County. W8035 (ASU BC) 19 APP.—APP. APP. COUNTIES — LAWRENCE CO. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Lawrence County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. H3030 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES - MD. - ALLEGANY CO. Soil Survey of Allegany County, Maryland. B7610 History of Western Maryland: Being a History of Frederick, Montgomery, Carroll, Washington, Allegany, and Garrett Counties from the Earliest Period to the Present Day. Including Biographical Sketches of Their Representative Men. S840 (ASU) The Water Resources of Allegany and Washington Counties. S4170 (ETSU) History of Allegany County, Maryland. T7870 (ASU) Fact Sheet on Appalachian Maryland — Garrett, Allegany, and Washington Counties. M3880 Allegany County. M3900 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — MD. — CUMBERLAND CO. History of Cumberland (Maryland), From the Time of the Indian Town, Caiuctucus, in 1728, Up to the Present Day, Embracing an Account of Washington's First Campaign, and the Battle of Fort Necessity, Together with a History of Braddock's Expedition. L3700 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — MD. — FREDERICK CO. Rural Social Organization of Frederick County, Maryland. G4250 APP. COUNTIES — MD. — GARRETT CO. Geology and Water Resources of Garrett County. A2230 (ETSU) Fact Sheet on Appalachian Maryland — Garrett, Allegany, and Washington Counties. M3880 Soil Survey of Garrett County, Maryland. S5320 Taming the Savage River. T130 (ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES - MD. - WASHINGTON CO. Soil Survey of Washington County, Maryland. B8690 Fact Sheet on Appalachian Maryland — Garrett, Allegany, and Washington Counties. M3880 Occupational Outlook for Washington County. M3890 The Physical Features of Washington County. M3910 (ETSU) Soil Survey, Washington County, Maryland. M4270 History of Western Maryland: Being a History of Frederick, Montgomery, Carroll, Washington, Allegany, and Garrett Counties from the Earliest Period to the Present Day. Including Biographical Sketches of Their Representative Men. S840 (ASU) The Water Resources of Allegany and Washington Counties. S4170 (ETSU) The History of Washington County, Maryland, from the Earliest Settlements to the Present Time, Including a History of Hagerstown. W6870 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. N1680 (ASU LMC) The Formation of the North Carolina Counties, 1663-1943. N1840 (WWC) Sawmills and Lumber Production for 26 Counties in Western North Carolina, 1959. N1960 North Carolina Basic County Data. N2620 (LMC) County Government in North Carolina. N2680 (WWC ASU LMC) Story of the Counties of North Carolina, with Other Data. O530 (ASU) Buncombe to Mecklenburg: Speculation Lands. P860 �APP.—APP. APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — ALEXANDER CO. Historical Sketches of Alexander County. C9160 "A Study of the Educational Facilities of the Public Schools of Alexander County, North Carolina." LI 800 Dr. John McLeod Oxford, 1841-1928; A Sketch of His Life. O1030 (ASU) Alexander County's Confederates. P3110 Prologue: a History of Alexander County, North Carolina. P3130 Facts and Events of the Watts Family. W1600 (ASU) A History of Alexander County, North Carolina. W5640 APP. COUNTIES - N. C. - ALLEGHANY CO. A1730 Soil Survey, Allegheny County, North Carolina. B6530 Soil Survey of Allegheny County, North Carolina. B8670 (ASU) Soil Survey of Allegheny County. B8680 Measuring Unemployment in Small Rural Labor Areas: Report on a Household Survey Conducted in Allegheny County, N. C., 1969. N2260 History of Allegheny County. T8320 Allegheny, Ashe, Wotougo Plonning Project for Hondicopped Children, ESEA Title III. W1360 (WCU) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — ASHE CO. Ashe County: A History. F1520 (ASU WCU) Soil Survey of Ashe County, North Corolino. H2170 "Educational Development of Ashe County." H8640 "Coordination of Physicol Educotion end Community Recreotion in Ashe, Avery, end Wotougo Counties." Q170 (ASU) Allegheny, Ashe, Watauga Planning Project for Handicapped Children, ESEA Title III. W1360 (WCU) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — AVERY CO. "A Study of the Cranberry Ore Belt." B5750 (ASU) History of Avery County, North Carolina. C7170 (ASU LMC WCU BC) The War Trails of the Blue Ridge, Containing an Authentic Description of the Battle of King's Mountain, the Incidents Leading up to and the Echoes of the Aftermath of This Epochal Engagement, and Other Stories Whose Scenes Are Laid in the Blue Ridge. D3760 (BC ASU LMC) Smaller Communities Program: Manpower Resources Report — Avery County. N2250 (WCU) Characteristics of Households in Areas Served by the W. A. M. Y. N2290 (ASU) "Coordination of Physical Education and Community Recreation in Ashe, Avery, and Watauga Counties." Q170 (ASU) Soil Survey, Avery County, North Carolina. R3290 "The Economic Impact of Recreation Resort Development on the Local Economy: A Case Study of Avery County, North Carolina." R3580 (LMC) A Profile of Community Problems: Watauga, Avery, Mitchell, Yancey Counties. W710 "The Educational Development of Avery County." W8850 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — BUNCOMBE CO. Community Action for Social Redevelopment in Asheville and Buncombe County. A5200 (WWC) B8390 (BC) List of the Birds of Buncombe County, North Carolina. C80 (ASU LMC) SUBJECT A Survey of the Public Libraries of Asheville and Buncombe County, North Carolina. C2730 (LMC ETSU ASU) Prelude to Planning in Buncombe County, North Carolina. C6230 (WWC) "Developing a Core Plan in the Seventh and Eighth Grades at Candler Elementary School." C6940 (WCU) C9110 (UNCA) Buncombe County, North Carolina, Grantee Deed Index. D2370 Buncombe County, North Carolina, Grantor Deed Index. D2380 Historical Facts Concerning Buncombe County Government. D2390 (WCU LMC) D2500 (UNCA) Soil Survey, Buncombe County, North Carolina. G2380 Irrigation Arrangements in Buncombe County, North County, North Carolina; a Report of an Irrigation Survey in Buncombe County, Conducted in the Summer of 1962. M3650 (LMC) Education in Buncombe County, 1793-1965. M5900 Buncombe County, Economic and Social. M8190 Buncombe County: Economic and Social. M8200 (ASU BC LMC) Land Development Plan for Black Mountain, N. C. N2050 (WCU) Area Manpower Review: Asheville Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area — Buncombe County. N2240 (ASU WWC) Buncombe County: Economic and Social. N2670 (ASU) Soil Survey of Buncombe County, North Carolina. P2060 Dry Ridge: Some of Its History, Some of Its People. P2830 (LMC ASU) An Emission Survey and Ambient Air Quality Data of Buncombe, Haywood, Henderson Counties and the City of Asheville. R1330 (WCU) Public School Education in Buncombe County, 1935-1969. R2640 (WCU) Asheville and Buncombe County. S5480 (WCU BC) A History of Buncombe County, North Carolina. S5500 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Medicine in Buncombe County Down to 1885, Historical and Biographical Sketches. T880 Forest Inventory Statistics for Buncombe County, North Carolina. T2780 Parker Branch; an Experiment in Appalachian Agriculture, 1953-1962. T3170 Flood of August 24-25, 1961: Upper French Broad River Basin. T6940 APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — BURKE CO. History of the Presbyterian Churches at Quaker Meadows and Morganton, from the Year 1780 to 1913. A5720 Idle Comments. A5730 Supplement to Annotated Bibliography of Burke County Resource Materials, 1969. B8650 (ASU) Sketches of Burke County. C480 (ASU) Sketches of Burke County. C490 The Waldenses of Burke County. C8560 (ASU WCU LMC) "An Archaeological Survey of the Upper Catawba River Valley." K390 Soil Survey of Burke County. LI 430 Soil Survey of Burke County, North Carolina. LI 440 20 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Community Facilities Plan and Public Improvements Program: Glen Alpine, North Carolina. N2030 (WCU) Community Facilities Plan & Public Improvements Program: Valdese, North Carolina. N2040 (WCU) Land Use Survey & Analysis and Land Development Plan: Glen Alpine, North Carolina. N2100 (WCU) Land Use Survey and Analysis and Land Development Plan: Valdese, North Carolina. N2110 (WCU) Neighborhood Analysis: Valdese, North Carolina. N2130 (ASU WCU) Population and Economy: Valdese, North Carolina. N2160 (WCU) The Burke County Gold Rush. P3540 (LMC) Subdivision Regulations, Valdese, N. C., Adopted April 3, 1967. V30 (LMC) Sketches of the Pioneers in Burke County History. W690 The Waldenses of Valdese. W1580 (LMC WCU) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — CALDWELL CO. Here Will I Dwell: The Story ofCaldwell County. A1400 (ASU WCU BC) Caldwell County, North Carolina Geography Supplement. A2490 (ASU) Caldwell County, North Carolina in the Great War of 1861-1865. C4650 Soil Survey of Caldwell County. C5330 Soil Survey of Caldwell County, North Carolina. C5340 "A Study of School Leavers at the Patterson School for Boys, Caldwell County, North Carolina." F900 (ASU) Echoes of Happy Valley: Letters and Diaries, Family Life in the South, Civil War History. H5190 (ASU LMC BC) Happy Valley, History and Genealogy. H5200 (ASU) The World of My Childhood. 1970 (ASU LMC) "The Growth and Development of Education in Caldwell County." S800 (ASU) Annals of Caldwell County. SI 470 "The History of Patterson School, Caldwell County, North Carolina." S6000 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES - N. C. — CATAWBA CO. "The History of Lutheran Elementary Education in Catawba County." T30 History of Concordia College, Conover, North Carolina. VI330 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — CHEROKEE CO. Ducktown Back in Raht's Time. B1120 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) The Cherokee Indians and Those Who Came After, Notes for a History of Cherokee County, North Carolina, 1835-1860. B7000 (ASU) "A History of the Public Library in Murphy, N.C." C6930 "Locating and Providing for Murphy High School's Bright Pupils." C7620 (WCU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Murphy Area, North Carolina. D2760 (WCU) Our Heritage, the People of Cherokee County, North Carolina, 1540-1955. F3170 (ASU WCU BC) Soil Survey of Cherokee County, North Carolina. J2860 (ASU) "Community Use of School Resources in Cherokee County, North Carolina, as Compared with a National Trend." 0900 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — CHEROKEE CO. Soil Survey, Cherokee County, North Carolina. P2070 "A Survey of Educational Facilities in Cherokee County, North Carolina." T8060 (ASU) Population and economy of Andrews, N. C. W4910 Today and Tomorrow, Murphy, North Carolina. W4930 (LMC) APP. COUNTIES - N. C. - CLAY CO. Clay County, 1861-1961; Commemorating the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Creating of Clay County, North Carolina. C4780 Preliminary Report on Corundum Deposits in the Buck Creek Peridotite, Clay County, North Carolina. H170 (ASU) Land-use in Clay County. H7050 (LMC) Little Church of the Valley (Moss Baptist Church), in the Shadow of the Potrock. M8250 Soil Survey, Clay County, North Carolina. P2080 APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — CLEVELAND CO. History of the First Baptist Church of Kings Mountain, N. C. B4310 Lengthened Shadows: A History of Gardner-Webb College, 1907-1956. D1590 (ASU) "A Critical Study of Negro Education in Cleveland County, North Carolina, from 1944 to 1954." F2250 (ASU) History of First Baptist Church of Shelby, North Carolina. HI 390 "An Analysis of the Types of Retardation in the Elementary Departments of Fine Negro Union Schools in Rural Cleveland County." L3200 P3240 Cleveland County, North Carolina, Marriages, 1851-1868. R220 Soil Survey of Cleveland County, North Carolina. V40 The Living Past of Cleveland County, a History. W1950 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — DAVIE CO. Soil Survey of Davie County, North Carolina. J2870 APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — GASTON CO. The County of Gaston: Two Centuries of a North Carolina Region. C7260 (LMC ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — GRAHAM CO. The Village of Five Lives: The Fontana of the Great Smoky Mountains. B5960 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Our Heritage, the People of Cherokee County, North Carolina, 1540-1955. F3170 (ASU WCU BC) Soil Survey, Graham County, North Carolina. G2390 G3120 (ASU LMC) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — HAYWOOO CO. The Annals of Haywood County, North Carolina: Historical, Sociological, Bibliographical, and Genealogical. A1700 (ASU WCU BC) Centennial of Haywood County and Its County Seat Waynesville, N. C., 1808-1908. A1710 The 1916 Pictorial Story of Haywood County. C1330 (WCU) C9110 (UNCA) Soil Survey, Haywood County, North Carolina. G2400 Acceptance of Voluntary Health Insurance in Four Rural Communities of Haywood County, North Carolina. H3790 Land Use Plan, Haywood County, N. C. H4020 (LMC) Certain Mounds in Haywood County, North Carolina. H5140 (ASU) Soil Survey of Haywood County, North Carolina. J2880 SUBJECT The Early History of Haywood County. M4830 (LMC WCU) Finis and Farewell. M4840 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Great Smoky Mountain Stories and Sun over OP Starlin. M4850 (LMC WCU) Haywood's Heritage and Finest Hour. M4860 (ASU BC WCU) The Middle History of Haywood County, with Story Supplement. M4880 (BC LMC WCU) Mountain People, Mountain Times. M4890 (BC LMC WCU) "A History of Haywood County." R1250 (ASU) An Emission Survey and Ambient Air Quality Data of Buncombe, Haywood, Henderson Counties and the City of Asheville. R1330 (WCU) The economy of Haywood County. W4900 APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — HENDERSON CO. Early Sketch of St. John in the Wilderness and Flat Rock, North Carolina. A1910 (ASU) Along the Ridges. B380 (ASU LMC) C9110 (UNCA) Crossties Over Saluda. G1280 Crossties through Carolina. G1290 (ASU LMC MHC) Soil Survey of Henderson County, North Carolina. H4200 Calvary Church Episcopal, where City and County Meet to Worship God; A Historical Sketch of Calvary Episcopal Church. J660 "Geology of the Bat Cave and Fuitland Quadrangles and the Origin of the Henderson Gneiss, Western North Carolina." L1720 Historic Flat Rock: Where the Old South Lingers. M3370 (ASU LMC BC) Irrigation Arrangements in Henderson County, North Carolina; a Report of an Irrigation Survey in Henderson County, Conducted in the Summer of 1962. M3660 (LMC) Historical Sketch of Flat Rock. M5040 (ASU) An Historical Sketch of Flat Rock . . . M5050 (ASU) A Condensed History of Flat Rock (the Little Charleston of the Mountains). P880 (ASU WCU LMC) The Kingdom of the Happy Land. P890 (ASU LMC) St. James Episcopal Church: Book of Memory, 1843-1950. P910 (ASU) The Story of Henderson County. P940 (ASU WCU LMC) The Story of Henderson County. P950 Pearson's Falls Glen: its Story, Its Flora, its Birds. PI 420 (WWC) Soil Survey, Henderson County, North Carolina. P2100 Postmarks: A History of Henderson County, North Carolina, 1787-1968. R580 (BC ASU ETSU LMC) An Emission Survey and Ambient Air Quality Data of Buncombe, Haywood, Henderson Counties and the City of Ashevilie. R1330 (WCU) SI 90 Flood of August 24-25, 1961: Upper French Broad River Basin. T6940 Population and economy of Henderson County. W4920 (LMC) APP. COUNTIES - N. C. - JACKSON CO. "Social and Economic Conditions in Jackson County During the Depression." A780 (WCU) "The Utilization of Community Resources in the Elementary Public Schools of Jackson County." A810 (WCU) 21 APP.—APP. Master Plan for Recreation and Parks: Jackson County, North Carolina. G300 (WCU) Soil Survey, Jackson County, North Carolina. G2410 A History of Dillsboro, North Carolina. G3390 (WCU) Panorama of Progress: Jackson County Centennial. H7780 Outdoor Recreation Potential Appraisal. J30 (WCU) Jackson County: Operational Survival Plan. N1790 (WCU) Jackson County Public Schools, 1853-1954. N2230 (WCU) P150 (WCU) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — LINCOLN CO. The German Settlers in Lincoln County and Western North Carolina. Ml 240 (LMC) Annals of Lincoln County, North Carolina: Containing Interesting and Authentic Facts of Lincoln County History through the Years 1749 to 1937. S2960 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — MCDOWELL CO. "An Archaeological Survey of the Upper Catawba River Valley." K400 APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — MACON CO. Soil Survey of Macon County. D1960 Soil Survey of Macon County, North Carolina. D1970 Soil Survey, Macon County, North Carolina. G2420 Favorite Recipes. M2640 SI 60 "Evaluation of Alternative Income Opportunities For Farm Operations in Macon County, North Carolina." S3720 (LMC) A Brief History of Macon County, North Carolina. $4430 APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — MADISON CO. Soil Survey, Madison County, North Carolina. G2430 Land Potential Study: Madison County, North Carolina. N2080 (WCU) Population and Economy: Marshall, N.C. N2150 (ASU WCU) Geology and Mineral Resources of the Hot Springs Window, Madison County, North Carolina. 0800 (ASU WCU ETSU) A Demonstration of Watershed Protective Logging, Mars Hill Municipal Watershed, Madison County, North Carolina. T4640 The Kingdom of Madison, a Southern Mountain Fastness and Its People. W2560 (ASU LMC WWC WCU MHC BC) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — MITCHELL CO. B690 (LMC BC) "Study of Factors Causing Potential Drop-outs to Remain in the MitcheH County, North Carolina, High Schools." 1810 "A Study of Serum Protein Variation in Peromyscus Maniculatus Nubiterrae Rhoods at Six Attitudinal Habitats on Roan Mountain, Carter County, Tennessee, and Mitchell County, North Carolina." M880 (ETSU) Discovering Mitchell County, 1939-40: A Cooperative Study Made by the Teachers and Pupils of Mitchell County. M6290 (ASU) Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Her Unique Penland School. M7620 (ASU BC ETSU FC WCU WWC) Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Unique Penland School. M7630 �APR.—APR. APR. COUNTIES — N. C. — MITCHELL CO. Characteristics of Households in Areas Served by the W. A. M. Y. N2290 (ASU) Soil Survey, Mitchell County, North Carolina. P2110 Discovering Mitchell County. T780 A Profile of Community Problems: Watauga, Avery, Mitchell, Yancey Counties. W710 APR. COUNTIES — N. C. — POLK CO. 50 Years Ago Around Saluda, N. C. P10 Polk County Centennial: Souvenir Historical Booklet. P3350 Know Our County. People, Places, and Facts. A Survey of Polk County in Western North Carolina. T9540 (WCU) Proposed Development Plan, Tryon, N. C., Central Business District. T9550 (LMC) T9560 APR. COUNTIES — N. C. — RUTHERFORD CO. Rutherford County, North Carolina, Abstracts of Wills, 1779-1822. D890 (ASU) Bechtler's Gold. F3180 Abstracts of Deeds, Rutherford County, North Carolina, Volumes A-D. G3570 Centennial History of Pleasant Grove Methodist Church, 1838-1938. G4110 (ASU BC) History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, North Carolina, 1730-1936. G4130 (ASU BC WCU) History of Rutherford County, 1937-1951. G4140 (WCU LMC BC) Public Officials of Rutherford County, N. C. 1779-1934: With Introductory Sketches of Orgin and Development of Various County Offices, and Public and Local Laws Governing Same. G4150 (ASU BC) "The Background, Education, and Experience of Teachers in Rutherford County, N. C." H3840 Soil Survey of Rutherford County, North Carolina. J2910 A Program for the Improvement of Instruction in Spelling in the High Schools of Rutherford County. N520 (ASU) Buncombe to Mecklenburg: Speculation Lands. P860 Rutherford County: Economic and Social. P4590 (ASU) R4430 (ASU) "The Development of Negro Education in Rutherford County, North Carolina." T9510 A Country Doctor in the South Mountains. W1000 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Rutherford County and Its Hospital. W1010 (BC) APR. COUNTIES — N. C. — STOKES CO. Soil Survey, Stokes County, North Carolina. D1260 (ASU) APR. COUNTIES — N. C. - SURRY CO. Soil Survey of Surry County, North Carolina. D1270 History of Surry County, or, Annals of Northwest North Carolina. H6680 (LMC ASU WCU BC) History of Surry County, or, Annals of Northwest North Carolina. H6690 Fisher's River Scenes. T60 (ASU) Fisher's River (North Carolina) Scenes and Characters by "Skitt Who Was Raised Thar." T70 (ETSU BC) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — SWAIN CO. "Youth Involvement in Swain County." PI 370 (LMC) Soil Survey, Swain County, North Carolina. P2120 SUBJECT A National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains. S9380 "Education in Swain County, North Carolina." T8100 Swain County: Early History and Educational Development. T8110 (ASU WCU LMC) APP. COUNTIES - N. C. — TRANSYLVANIA CO. A2870 "An Inquiry into Present Practices in Guidance in Transylvania County High Schools." B8170 (ASU) C9110 (UNCA) "Beginnings: A History of the Founding of Churches in Transylvania County, 1795-1865." G700 (WCU) Soil Survey of Transylvania County, North Carolina. H4210 Soil Survey of Transylvania County. H4220 "An Archaeological Survey of Transylvania County, North Carolina." H6490 (WCU) Soil Survey of Transylvania County, North Carolina. K2300 Irrigation Arrangements in Transylvania County, North Carolina; a Report of an Irrigation Survey in Transylvania County, Conducted in the Summer of 1962. M3670 (LMC) Digest of Information About Transylvania County, North Carolina, Containing Information of General Interest to Commercial and Industrial Businesses. M5010 (WCU) Community Facilities Plan. Brevard, N. C. N1980 Community Facilities Plan: Brevard, N. C. N2020 Neighborhood Analysis: Brevard, N. C. N2120 (LMC WCU ASU) Soil Survey, Transylvania County, North Carolina. P2130 1861-1961, Transylvania County Centennial: Historical Souvenir Program. T9170 APP. COUNTIES - N. C. — WATAUGA CO. A History of Watauga County, North Carolina. With Sketches of Prominent Families. A4990 (ASU LMC) "Twenty-five Common Mosses of Watauga County, North Carolina." B140 (ASU) "The Growth and Development of Education in Watauga County." B3720 (ASU) "A Study of the Music Education Program of Watauga County." B7980 (ASU) "Industrial Waste and Human Sewage Pollution within the New River Drainage Basin of Watauga County." Cl 490 (ASU) William West Skiles: A Sketch of Missionary Life at Valle Crucis in Western North Carolina, 1842-1862. C7210 (ASU WCU BC) Soil Survey of Watauga County, North Carolina. D1280 (ASU) "The History of Banking in Watauga County, North Carolina." E20 (ASU) "Dealing with Problem Children in the Mabel Elementary School." El 860 (ASU) "A Survey of Public Education in Watauga County, North Carolina." G2120 (ASU) A Disastrous Flood, a True and Fascinating Story. G3780 (ASU LMC) "The Hepatic Flora of Watauga County, North Carolina." H5220 (ASU) "Negro Life in Watauga County." H7310 .(ASU) "Folk Songs of Watauga." K3000 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Handbook of Watauga County. L1190 (ASU LMC) Soil Survey, Watauga County, North Carolina. LI 670 A Study of Farm Families and Their Level of Living Income Patterns in Watauga County, North Carolina. M250 (ASU) Sketches of Early Watauga. Ml 340 (ASU) Beech Mountain Folk-Songs and Ballads. M4260 "A Study of Folklore in Watauga County, North Carolina." M5600 (LMC) Watauga County Reception and Care Plan. N1720 (ASU) Watauga County Records: Bonds, Court Records, Estates Records, Land Records, Military and Pension Records, Tax and Fiscal Records and Wills. N1900 (ASU) Land Development Plan: Boone, North Carolina. N2060 (WCU ASU) Watauga County Land Development Plan. N2180 (ASU) Characteristics of Households in Areas Served by the W. A. M. Y. N2290 (ASU) Sketches of Early Watauga. P3460 "Coordination of Physical Education and Community Recreation in Ashe, Avery, and Watauga Counties." Q170 (ASU) "The Development of Secondary Education in Watauga County, North Carolina." S6560 A Profile of Community Problems: Watauga, Avery, Mitchell, Yancey Counties. W710 W1100 (ASU) W1110 (ASU) W1120 (ASU) W1130 (ASU) W1140 (ASU) W1150 (ASU) W1160 (ASU) W1170 (ASU) W1180 (ASU) W1190 (ASU) W1200 (ASU) W1210 (ASU) W1220 (ASU) W1230 (ASU) W1240 (ASU) W1250 (ASU) W1260 (ASU) W1270 (ASU) W1280 (ASU) W1290 (ASU) W1300 (ASU) W1310 (ASU) W1320 (ASU) W1330 (ASU) W1340 (ASU) W1350 (ASU) Allegheny, Ashe, Watauga Planning Project for Handicapped Children, ESEA Title III. W1360 (WCU) Daniel Boone Wagon Train. W5670 (ASU) History of Watauga County: A Souvenir of Watauga Centennial. W5680 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU) "The History of the Soil Conservation Service in Watauga County, North Carolina." W6700 (ASU) "A Study in Student Perceptions of the Person(s) Who Is Performing the Counseling Function at Watauga High School." W8420 (ASU) The Economic Geography of Watauga County, North Carolina. Y110 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — WILKES CO. Deed Book B-l Wilkes County, North Carolina. A150 Land Entry Book, Wilkes County, North Carolina, 1778-1781. A160 (ASU) Deed Book A-l Wilkes County, North Carolina. A170 22 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — WILKES CO. "A History and Development of Education in Wilkes County, North Carolina." A1660 1850 Census: Wilkes County, North Carolina. C3570 (ASU) "A History of Traphill Institute, Wilkes County, North Carolina." C4440 (ASU) "A History of Mountain View School, Wilkes County, North Carolina." C4450 (ASU) Historical Sketches of Wilkes County. C9130 (ASU) "The Growth of a Community Centered Curriculum at Wilkes Central High School, 1952-1960." D3820 (ASU) Will Books, Wilkes County, North Carolina. G770 The Land of Wilkes. H3930 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Echoes of Happy Valley: Letters and Diaries, Family Life in the South, Civil War History. H5190 (ASU LMC BC) Happy Valley, History and Genealogy. H5200 (ASU) "A History of Negro Education in Wilkes County, North Carolina." 1820 Soil Survey of Wilkes County, North Carolina. J2950 The Country Youth: Autobiography of B. B. McGee. M1380 (ASU) Historical Address . . . in Celebration of the Founding of Beaver Creek Baptist Church, Wilkes County. M2430 The North Carolina Census of Wilkes County, 1787. N1860 (ASU) Land Potential Study & Land Development Plan: Wilkes County, North Carolina. N2090 (ASU WCU) Public Facilities Plan: Wilkes County, North Carolina. N2170 (ASU WCU) Zoning Ordinance of the W. Kerr Scott Reservoir Area, Wilkes County, N. C. N2200 (ASU) Zoning Ordinance: Wilkes County, North Carolina. N2210 (ASU WCU) North Wilkesboro, Wilkes County, N. C.: Key to the Blue Ridge Parkway. N2800 (ASU LMC) Biography of James Patton. P830 The Ballad of Tom Dula: The Documented Story Behind the Murder of Laura Foster and the Trials and Execution of Tom Dula. W3030 (ASU BC) Identifying and Organizing for Individual Needs: An Evaluation. W6270 (WCU ASU) APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — YADKIN CO. Soil Survey, Yadkin County, North Carolina. C9840 The Red Strings Baseball Team of Yadkin County, N. C., 1896-1902. D4000 Soil Survey, Yadkin County, North Carolina. L1450 An Illustrated History of Yadkin County, 1850-1965. R4440 (ASU) "A History of Richmond Hill Law School." W9150 Y10 APP. COUNTIES — N. C. — YANCEY CO. In the Shadow of Big Bald: About the Appalachians and Their People. A1230 (ETSU) "A History of Yancey Collegiate Institute." H8440 (ASU) Land Development Plan: Burnsville, N. C. N2070 (WCU) Characteristics of Households in Areas Served by the W. A. M. Y. N2290 (ASU) Roan Mountain. PI 190 (LMC) SUBJECT Yancey County, North Carolina. P2140 History and Geography of Yancey County. T790 (ASU) "The Drop-Out Problem in Harris High School, Spruce Pine, North Carolina." T8050 (ASU) A Profile of Community Problems: Watauga, Avery, Mitchell, Yancey Counties. W710 History and Geography of Yancey County. Y20 APP. COUNTIES — N. Y. — CHAUTAUQUA CO. Economic Study of Land Utilization in Chautauqua County, New York. J2750 APP. COUNTIES — N. Y. — OTSEGO CO. Economic Study of Land Utilization in Otsego County, New York. J2760 APP. COUNTIES — N. Y. — SCHUYLER CO. Economic Study of Land Utilization in Schuyler County, N. Y. D410 "The Pisgah Culture and Its Place in the Prehistory of the Southern Appalachians." D2090 (ASU WWC WCU) APP. COUNTIES — OHIO — ADAMS CO. Soil Survey of Adams County, Ohio. T390 APP. COUNTIES - OHIO - ATHENS CO. Soil Survey, Athens County, Ohio. P530 APP. COUNTIES — OHIO — BELMONT CO. G4350 Soil Survey of Belmont County, Ohio. P2620 APP. COUNTIES — OHIO — CLERMONT CO. Soil Survey: Clermont County, Ohio. T420 APP. COUNTIES - OHIO - GUERNSEY CO. G4350 The Impact of Water Resources Development upon Local Rural Communities: Adjustment Factors to Rapid Change. N80 APP. COUNTIES - OHIO - HARRISON CO. G4350 APP. COUNTIES — OHIO - MEIGS CO. Soil Survey of Meigs County, Ohio. M4930 APP. COUNTIES — OHIO — ROSS CO. Soil Survey, Ross County, Ohio. P2430 APP. COUNTIES — OHIO — SCIOTO CO. Soil Survey, Scioto County, Ohio. C6780 APP. COUNTIES — OHIO — VINTON CO. Soil Survey of Vinton County, Ohio. P540 APP. COUNTIES — OHIO — WASHINGTON CO. Soil Survey of Washington County, Ohio. P2670 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — ALLEGHENY CO. More Allegheny Episodes: Legends and Traditions, Old and New. S3130 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — BEDFORD CO. Soil Survey of Bedford County, Pennsylvania. M3130 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — BUTLER CO. "Socioeconomic Factors Which May Affect Part Time Farmer Education in Butler County, Pennsylvania." L3310 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — CAMBRIA CO. Soil Survey of Cambria County, Pennsylvania. D1880 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — CAMERON CO. A Regional Economic Study of Cameron County, Pennsylvania. G2050 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES - PA. - CARBON CO. Soil Survey, Carbon County, Pennsylvania. F1180 Overall Economic Development Program for the Counties of Carbon, Lackawanna, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike, Schuylkill, Wayne, in the Northeastern Pennsylvania Economic Development District. PI 820 (ASU) 23 APP.—APP. APP. COUNTIES — PA. — CENTRE CO. Soil Survey of Center County, Pennsylvania. M6660 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — CENTRE CO. Index to History of Northumberland, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Centre, Union, Columbia, Juniata, and Clinton Counties, Pennsylvania. L3370 (ASU) "Measurement of Personal Wealth in Centre County, Pennsylvania." Ml 600 Penn's Grandest Cavern: The History, Legends and Description of Penn's Cave in Centre County, Pennsylvania. S3140 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — CLARION CO. "Bituminous Coal Open Pit Mining in Clarion County, Pennsylvania." J180 "Agricultural Regions of Clarion County, Pennsylvania." LI 250 APP. COUNTIES - PA. — CLINTON CO. The Impact of Interchange Development on the Economy of Clinton County. G210 Index to History of Northumberland, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Centre, Union, Columbia, Juniata, and Clinton Counties, Pennsylvania. L3370 (ASU) Soil Survey, Clinton County, Pennsylvania. S7080 An Economic Survey of Clinton Co., Pa. W840 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — COLUMBIA CO. Index to History of Northumberland, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Centre, Union, Columbia, Juniata, and Clinton Counties, Pennsylvania. L3370 (ASU) Soil Survey, Columbia County, Pennsylvania. P460 APP. COUNTIES - PA. - FAYETTE CO. Soil Survey, Fayette County, Pennsylvania. K3020 Fayette County, Pennsylvania; An Economic Survey. S670 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — FULTON CO. Soil Survey, Fulton County, Pennsylvania. C4090 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — GREENE CO. Pioneer History of Greene County, Pennsylvania. E2340 (ASU) Waynesburg, Prosperous and Beautiful, a Souvenir Pictorial Story of the Biggest and Best Little City in Pennsylvania. . . . H5280 Soil Survey of Greene County, Pennsylvania. P2090 APP. COUNTIES — PA. - HUNTINGDON CO. Soil Survey, Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania. H5260 Index to History of Northumberland, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Centre, Union, Columbia, Juniata, and Clinton Counties, Pennsylvania. L3370 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — PA. — INDIANA CO. Soil Survey of Indiana County, Pennsylvania. B8700 An Economic Survey of Indiana County, Pennsylvania. S640 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — JUNIATA CO. Index to History of Northumberland, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Centre, Union, Columbia, Juniata, and Clinton Counties, Pennsylvania. L3370 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — PA. — JUNIATA CO. Juniata Memories: Legends Collected in Central Pennsylvania. S3120 APP. COUNTIES - PA. - LACKAWANNA CO. Overall Economic Development Program for the Counties of Carbon, Lackawanna, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike, Schuylkill, Wayne, in the Northeastern Pennsylvania Economic Development District. P1820 (ASU) �SUBJECT AFP^-APP. APP. COUNTIES — PA. — LUZERNE CO. Overall Economic Development Program for the Counties of Carbon, Lackawanna, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike, Schuylkill, Wayne, in the Northeastern Pennsylvania Economic Development District. PI 820 (ASU) "A History of Land Subsistence and Its Consequences Caused by the Mining of Anthracite Coal in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania." R2870 APP. COUNTIES — PA. - LYCOMING CO. Soil Survey, Lycoming County, Pennsylvania. S7120 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — MCKEAN CO. A Community Attack on Chronic Unemployment: Hazleton, Pennsylvania, a Case Study. F700 APP. COUNTIES - PA. — MERCER CO. Soil Survey of Mercer County, Pennsylvania. D1600 Soil Survey, Mercer County, Pennsylvania. G4060 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — MIFFLIN CO. Index to History of Northumberland, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Centre, Union, Columbia, Juniata, and Clinton Counties, Pennsylvania. L3370 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — PA. - MONROE CO. Overall Economic Development Program for the Counties of Carbon, Lackawanna, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike, Schuylkill, Wayne, in the Northeastern Pennsylvania Economic Development District. PI 820 (ASU) Capability of Local Government in the Stroudsburg Area, Monroe County. PI 850 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES - PA. — MONTGOMERY CO. History of Montgomery County with the Schuylkill Valley: Containing Sketches of all the Townships, Boroughs and Villages, in Said Limits, from the Earliest Period to the Present Time. With an Account of the Indians, the Swedes, and Other Early Settlers, and the Local Events of the Revolution: Besides Notices of the Progress of Population, Improvements, and Manufactures. B8230 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES - PA. — MONTOUR CO. Soil Survey, Montour and Northumberland Counties, Pennsylvania. B90 APP. COUNTIES — PA. - NORTHUMBERLAND CO. Soil Survey, Montour and Northumberland Counties, Pennsylvania. B90 Wills and Administrations of Northumberland County. F1160 Early Assessment Records: Union County and Northumberland County. L3360 (ASU) Index to History of Northumberland, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Centre, Union, Columbia, Juniata, and Clinton Counties, Pennsylvania. L3370 (ASU) An Economic Survey of Northumberland County, Pennsylvania. S650 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — PENDLETON CO. The Igneous Rocks of Pendleton County, West Virginia. G380 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — PA. - PENNSYLVANIA CO. Index to History of Northumberland, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Centre, Union, Columbia, Juniata, and Clinton Counties, Pennsylvania. L3370 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — PA. — PIKE CO. Overall Economic Development Program for the Counties of Carbon, Lackawanna, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike, Schuylkill, Wayne, in the Northeastern Pennsylvania Economic Development District. PI 820 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — PA. — POTTER CO. Soil Survey, Potter County Pennsylvania. 62530 "An Economic Analysis of Idle Farm Land, Potter County, Pennsylvania, 1953." J530 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — SCHUYLKILL CO. Overall Economic Development Program for the Counties of Carbon, Lackawanna, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike, Schuylkill, Wayne, in the Northeastern Pennsylvania Economic Development District. PI 820 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — PA. — SNYDER CO. Probate and Orphans Court Records of Snyder County, Pennsylvania. F1150 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — SULLIVAN CO. The Economic Structure of Sullivan County, Pennsylvania. 0190 (ASU) "Equating Timber and Wildlife Values and Returns to the Farm Resource Base in Sullivan County, Pennsylvania." G200 "Equating Timber and Wildlife Values and Returns to the Farm Resources Base in Sullivan County, Pennsylvania." H3970 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — TIOGA CO. Soil Survey of Tioga County, Pennsylvania. H4610 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — UNION CO. Soil Survey, Union County, Pennsylvania. B100 Early Assessment Records: Union County and Northumberland County. L3360 (ASU) Index to History of Northumberland, Huntingdon, Mifflin, Centre, Union, Columbia, Juniata, and Clinton Counties, Pennsylvania. L3370 (ASU) Tombstone Inscriptions of Union County, Pennsylvania. L3380 (ASU) Union County, Pennsylvania, 1865-1965. L3390 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — PA. — VENANGO CO. An Economic Survey of Venango County, Pennsylvania. S660 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — WASHINGTON CO. History of the Mount Prospect Graveyard and Cemetery, in Mount Pleasant Township, Washington County, Pennsylvania. W5300 APP. COUNTIES — PA. - WAYNE CO. Overall Economic Development Program for the Counties of Carbon, Lackawanna, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike, Schuylkill, Wayne, in the Northeastern Pennsylvania Economic Development District. PI 820 (ASU) Soil Survey of Wayne County, Pennsylvania. S3430 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — WESTMORELAND CO. Soil Survey, Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania. T500 APP. COUNTIES — PA. — WYOMING CO. Soil Survey of Wyoming County, Pennsylvania. H4620 APP. COUNTIES — S. C. — ANDERSON CO. Survey of Unemployment Compensation Beneficiaries in Anderson, Greenville, Spartanburg Counties, South Carolina. C4940 APP. COUNTIES — S. C. — CHEROKEE CO. Soil Survey of Cherokee County, South Carolina. D3230 Soil Survey, Cherokee County, South Carolina. J2670 APP. COUNTIES - S. C. - GREENVILLE CO. Survey of Unemployment Compensation Beneficiaries in Anderson, Greenville, Spartanburg Counties, South Carolina. C4940 Greenville County, Economic and Social. G4870 Greenville County, Economic and Social. G4880 "The Scope of Religious Education in the Secondary Schools of Greenville County, South Carolina." H460 24 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY An Analysis of School District Organization in Greenville County, South Carolina. M8550 The Kingdom of the Happy Land. P890 (ASU LMC) "Teachers Attitudes Toward Their Profession in Greenville County, South Carolina." T570 APP. COUNTIES — S. C. — OCONEE CO. Soil Survey, Oconee County, South Carolina. B9600 "Educational Development of Oconee County, South Carolina." El 880 Soil Survey of Oconee County, South Carolina. M2060 "An Economic Survey of Oconee County." W8880 APP. COUNTIES — S. C. — PICKENS CO. It Happened in Pickens County. M1310 (ASU BC) Soil Survey, Pickens County, South Carolina. B9610 Farm Business Study of the Six Mile Area of Pickens County, 1940. K2120 (ASU) Soil Survey, Pickens County, South Carolina. S2570 APP. COUNTIES — S. C. — SPARTANBURG CO. Soil Survey, Spartanburg County, South Carolina. C510 Survey of Unemployment Compensation Beneficiaries in Anderson, Greenville, Spartanburg Counties, South Carolina. C4940 History of Spartanburg County: Embracing an Account of Many Important Events, and Biographical Sketches of Statesmen, Divines and Other Public Men. L340 (ASU BC) Soil Survey of Spartanburg County, South Carolina. L790 Soil Survey of the Campobello Area, South Carolina. M3020 APP. COUNTIES — SOURCES Consolidated Bibliography of County Histories in Fifty States in 1961, Consolidated 1935-1961. P2340 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES - SOUTHEASTERN STATES Statistical Atlas of Southern Counties Listing and Analysis of Socio-economic Indices of 1104 Southern Counties. J1330 (ASU LMC MHC BC) APP. COUNTIES — TENN. P4720 Tennessee County Inventory. T980 (ETSU) T1370 Population and Labor Force Characteristics of Tennessee Counties. T1800 Crosstie Industry Facts for the Tennessee Valley Counties. T5280 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — ANDERSON CO. The Children of the South. A2310 Geological Report: Coal Creek Mining and Manufacturing Company of Tennessee. B6190 Petitions of Anderson County Tennessee. C9940 (ASU) Coal Creek Rebellion. F1770 (ASU) "An Educational Survey of Coal Creek Community, Anderson County, Tennessee." H2990 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Anderson County. H5800 H5980 Clinton, Tennessee: A Tentative Description and Analysis of the School Desegregation Crisis. H6470 "A Study of School Transportation, Anderson County, Tennessee." 1950 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — ANDERSON CO. A Report of Student Internships in Resource Development, & Legal Services Development. 010 Soil Survey, Morris Area, Tennessee. R4230 "A History of Anderson County, Tennessee." SI 670 Private Acts of Anderson County, 1801-1956. T1570 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Anderson County, Tennessee. T5570 One Hundred Years: A Story of the First Baptist Church, Clinton, Tennessee. W2000 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — BLEDSOE CO. B3760 B3900 B3990 "An Educational and Economic Survey of Bledsoe County, Tennessee." B7060 Educational, Economic and Community Survey, Bledsoe County. B7070 A Report on Coal Lands Lying in Bledsoe County. G4800 Sequatchie Valley, a Historical Sketch. H5170 The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. N580 (ETSU) Sequatchie: A Story of the Southern Cumberlands. R540 (ASU) "A History of Bledsoe County, Tennessee: 1807-1957." R3350 "Pikeville, Market Center of the Upper Sequatchie Valley." SI 430 "Inventory of Bledsoe County Records." T1840 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Bledsoe County. T5580 Soil Survey of the Pikeville Area, Tennessee. W6130 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — BLOUNT CO. "The Social and Economic History of Maryville since 1890." B1920 B3770 History of Blount County, Tennessee, From War Trail to Landing Strip, 1795-1955. B9130 (ASU ETSU BC) Soil Survey, Blount County, Tennessee. El 470 E2270 "A Study of School Transportation, Blount County, Tennessee." H2330 "A Study of the Physical Plants of Blount County High Schools." H4160 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: . Blount County. H5810 History of the Chilhowee Baptist Association. H7020 "An Educational, Economic, and Community Survey of Blount County, Tennessee." H7540 An Economic Survey of Blount County, Tennessee, a Study of Resources, and Industrial Potentials. H8720 "Social Survey of Blount County, Tennessee." M3940 "A Geographical Survey of Blount County, Tennessee." R2560 Report of the Survey of the Schools of Blount County, Tennessee, for School Year, 1934-1935. T1130 (ETSU) "Inventory of Blount County Records." T1850 SUBJECT "The Achievement of Selected Economically Deprived Secondary School Male Athletes as Related to Non-athletes in Blount County, Tennessee, Schools." W7220 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — BRADLEY CO. B3780 B3960 Guest's Guide; Points of Interest in Cleveland. B8790 Bradley County, Tennessee. C4970 City and County with a Future: Cleveland, Bradley County, Tennessee. C4980 Red Clay and Rattlesnake Springs: A History of the Cherokee Indians of Bradley County, Tennessee. C7530 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Soil Survey, Bradley County, Tennessee F2470 "A Study of School Transportation, Bradley County, Tennessee." HI 420 An Album of Historical Memories. Chatata-Tasso, Bradley County, Tennessee, 1830-1961. H2190 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Bradley County. H5820 History of the Rebellion in Bradley County, East Tennessee. H8520 "History of the Development of Negro Public Schools in Bradley County, Tennessee, 1931-1951." M3580 "Church Organization in Bradley County, Tennessee, in 1950." ' P2860 "An Educational Study of Bradley County, Tennessee." R3830 Historical Cemetery Records of Bradley County, Tennessee. R3840 (ETSU) "A History of Bradley County, Tennessee, to 1861." S4190 Geology, Mineral Resources, and Ground Water of the Cleveland Area, Tennessee. S9710 (ETSU) Bradley County Schools Survey Report. T1080 Health and Sanitation Needs and Resources, Bradley County, Tennessee. T9400 Centennial of the First Presbyterian Church, United States, in Cleveland, Tennessee, 1837-1937. W9110 A History of Bradley County. W9120 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — CAMPBELL CO. C561 "An Administrative and Educational Survey of the Schools of Campbell County, Tennessee." H3370 "The Development of Public Education in Campbell County, Tennessee." R2240 The Land of the Lake: A History of Campbell County, Tennessee. R2250 A History of Jellico, Tennessee, Containing Historical Information on Campbell County, Tennessee and Whitley County, Kentucky. S3330 "An Economic, Social and Educational Survey of Campbell County, Tennessee." S4690 "Job Retraining under the Area Development Act: The Campbell, Claiborne Counties (Tennessee) Case." S5420 Campbell County School Survey. T1090 A Study of the Community of La Follette, Tenn. T2050 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — CARTER CO. "An Overview of Special Education Services in the Elizabethton City School with Emphasis on the Homebound Program." B2310 (ETSU) 25 APP.—APP. B3790 B3860 B4010 C1661 "A Study of the Language Arts Program in Grade One of the Carter County School System with Some Suggestions for the Improvement of the Program." C2050 (ETSU) "A Study to Present the Status of Industrial Arts in the Five White Carter County, Tennessee, High Schools." C4540 (ETSU) "An Analysis of the Industrial Potential of Carter County, Tennessee." C9180 (ETSU) Early History of Carter County. E90 "A Study of the Title I Reading Program During the 1966-68 School Years in Carter County, Tennessee." El 850 (ETSU) E2330 (ETSU) "A Survey of Special Education Services in Washington, Carter and Sullivan Counties, Tennessee." G4010 "A Survey of the Flowering Plants and Ferns on the Forge Hill, Carter County, Tennessee." G4290 (ETSU) "A Study of the Program of Vocational Rehabilitation in Carter County, Tennessee." G4300 "A Study of the Physical Education Programs of the High Schools in Carter County, Tennessee." H2150 (ETSU) "Team Teaching at Douglas School, Elizabethton, Carter County, Tennessee." H3310 (ETSU) "The Social and Economic Effects Produced upon Small Towns by Rapid Industrialization." H6740 "A Survey of ESEA Title 1 Equipment and Its Extended Usage in Carter County, Tennessee." J2400 (ETSU) "Carter County's Greatest Need in the Homebound Program of Services for Exceptional Children, 1952-54." K2660 (ETSU) "A Study of Serum Protein Variation in Peromyscus Maniculatus Nubiterrae Rhoads at Six Attitudinal Habitats on Roan Mountain, Carter County, Tennessee, and Mitchell County, North Carolina." M880 (ETSU) Early History of Carter County, 1760-1861. M5160 (ASU ETSU LMC) "An Educational Survey of Carter County, Tennessee." M7460 "A Simplified Library Program for the Elementary Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." M8320 ' (ETSU) "A History of the Iron Industry in Carter County to 1860." N270 (ETSU) "A Survey of the Vascular Plants of the Sinking Creek Area of Carter County, Tennessee." PI 240 (ETSU) "A Sampling of the Folklore of Carter County, Tennessee." P2220 "An Analysis of Faculty and Administrative Attitudes Toward Teacher Corps Interns in Carter County, Tennessee." R1430 (ETSU) "A Proposed Health Instruction Program for Upper Elementary Grades Adaptable to Carter County." R1730 (ETSU) Soil Survey, Carter County, Tennessee. R4220 History of the Thirteenth Regiment, Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry, U. S. A., Including a Narrative of the Bridge Burning: The Carter County Rebellion, and the Loyalty, Heroism and Suffering of the Union Men and Women of Carter and Johnson Counties, Tennessee, During the Civil War. SI460 (ASU LMC) �APR.—APR. APR. COUNTIES — TENN. — CARTER CO. "A Study of Debt History in Carter County, Tennessee, 1892-1952." S2380 "The Use of Locational Analysis in the Determination of School Sites: A Case Example, Carter County, Tennessee." S7310 (ETSU) "What Citizens of Carter County Know about Their Schools." S7700 (ETSU) "The Influence of Community Pressure Groups on School Principals in Carter County." S7840 (ETSU) "Determining the Most Effective Method by Which the Children in Each of Three Groups in the First Grade at South Side School, Carter County, Tennessee, Learn to Recognize Words." T470 (ETSU) "A Tentative Health Instruction Program for the Secondary Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." T480 (ETSU) "Inventory of Carter County Records." T1860 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Carter County. T5590 Industrial Site Survey of Carter County, Sullivan County, and Washington County. U4160 "A Comparison of Sources and Expenditures of the Funds Raised by the Schools and Organizations in Carter County with the School Budget of 1960-61." W6550 (ETSU) "A Survey of Co-curricular Programs in the Five High Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." W7440 (ETSU) "An Analysis of the Sources and Expenditures of Internal Funds in the High Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." Y280 (ETSU) APR. COUNTIES — TENN. — CLAIBORNE CO. Soil Survey, Claiborne County, Tennessee. A5560 (ASU) "A Study of the Development of Special Education in Claiborne County." B200 (ETSU) "Appraisal of Vocational Education in Agriculture in Claiborne County by Business and Professional Leaders." B6460 C9420 "The Study of the Four High Schools in Claiborne County, Tennessee." D1010 Minutes of Davis Creek Church, 1897-1907. El 100 A Doctor's Pilgrimage. HI 070 The Changing Economy of Claiborne County, Tennessee. H2580 The Surrender of Cumberland Gap. Ml 350 "The Agricultural Needs of Claiborne County, Tennessee." N1500 "Job Retraining under the Area Development Act: The Campbell, Claiborne Counties (Tennessee) Case." S5420 Just the Little Story of Cumberland Gap. V450 APR. COUNTIES — TENN. — CLAY CO. "Farm Taxation and County Government in Overton, Clay and Pickett Counties, Tennessee." P3930 "Historical Sketches of Clay County, Tennessee." S7550 APR. COUNTIES — TENN. — COCKE CO. Soil Survey, Cocke County, Tennessee. B2650 C5401 Newport. G2240 "Cocke County Ballads and Songs." H3650 (ASU) "A History of the Secondary Schools of Cocke County, Tennessee." K2810 SUBJECT Over the Misty Blue Hills: The Story of Cocke County, Tennessee. O200 "Negro Education in Cocke County." R180 S3860 Geology and Barite Deposits of the Del Rio District, Cocke County, Tennessee. T1280 (ETSU) Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Cocke County. T5600 "A Study of the Ability of Cocke County to Support Its Schools." V670 APR. COUNTIES - TENN. — COFFEE CO. B3800 B3840 History of Coffee County, Tennessee. E2430 The Excavation and Interpretation of the Old Stone Fort, Coffee County, Tennessee. F310 (ASU) Soil Survey, Coffee County, Tennessee. L3660 Soil Survey of Coffee County, Tennessee. M2030 Coffee County from Arrowheads to Rockets: A History of Coffee County, Tennessee. M3590 Coffee County from Arrowheads to Rockets; a History of Coffee County, Tennessee. M3810 Coffee County: From Arrowheads to Rockets. A History of Coffee County, Tennessee. M3820 (ETSU) "Inventory of Coffee County Records." T1870 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Coffee County. T5610 APR. COUNTIES - TENN. - CUMBERLAND CO. Significant Changes in Agriculture of Cumberland County, Tennessee. A1870 Significant Changes in Agriculture of Cumberland County, Tennessee. A1880 Local Leadership in Rural Communities of Cumberland County, Tennessee. B5360 Neighborhoods and Communities of Cumberland County, Tennessee. B5370 A Brief History of the First Congregational Church, Crossville, Tennessee, 1887-1962. B6850 Cumberland County's First Hundred Years. B8340 (LMC) Crossville. C7150 History of Pleasant Hill; a History of Pleasant Hill Academy and Who's Who of Alumni. D2680 (BC) "Economic Set-up of the Cumberland Homesteads, Crossville, Tennessee." F1450 Tales of the Civil War Era. H3290 Soil Survey, Cumberland County, Tennessee. H7800 Cumberland County's First Hundred Years. K3210 (ASU ETSU LMC BC) "Physiography of the Grassy Cove District, Cumberland County, Tennessee." L360 (LMC) Social Relationships and Institutions in Seven Rural Communities. United States Farm Security Administration Social Research Report no. 18. L3420 Standards of Living of the Residents of Seven Rural Resettlement Communities. L3440 "An Analysis of the New Deal Subsistence Homesteads Program in Cumberland County, Tennessee." M7210 The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. N580 (ETSU) "Inventory of Cumberland County Records." T1880 26 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Cumberland County. T5620 Ground Water Resources and Geology of Cumberland County, Tennessee. W7340 (LMC) APR. COUNTIES — TENN. — DEKALB CO. B3810 History of DeKalb County, Tennessee. H490 History of DeKalb County, Tennessee. H500 (ASU BC) Love's Valley. L3650 "Name Index to (Hole's) History of DeKalb County, Tennessee." M3290 Soil Survey: DeKalb County, Tennessee. M6440 "Inventory of DeKalb County Records." TWO APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — FENTRESS CO. B3820 B3940 B3950 Seventh Census of the United States, 1850: Fentress County, Tennessee, Free Population Schedules. C1390 (ASU) True Stories of Jamestown and Its Environs. H510 Davy Crockett and Others in Fentress County Who Have Given the County a Prominent Place in History. H6400 (ETSU BC) History of Fentress County, Tennessee, the Old Home of Mark Twain's Ancestors. H6410 Mark Twain's Obedstown and Knobs of Tennessee; a History of Jamestown and Fentress County, Tennessee. H6420 One Hundred Years in the Cumberland Mountains along the Continental Line. H6430 (ETSU ASU) "The Labor Struggle at Wilder, Tennessee." P2280 (ASU) Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Fentress County. T5630 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — FRANKLIN CO. B3830 Seventh Census of the United States, 1850: Franklin County, Tennessee, Free Population Schedules. C1400 (ASU) "History of Private Educational Institutions of Franklin County, Tennessee." F1060 Soil Survey, Franklin County, Tennessee F2480 "Rural Land Use in Franklin County, Tennessee." G630 Confederate Action in Franklin County, Tennessee. HI 580 "Sewanee a Unique Community." H5460 "A History of Higher Education in Franklin County, Tennessee." H8390 "A History of St. Andrew's School." K740 The German-Swiss in Franklin County, Tennessee: A Study of the Significance of Cultural Considerations in Farming Enterprises. K2990 (ASU BC) "Churvallic's Chronicle of Franklin County, Tennessee." Ml 830 The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. N580 (ETSU) "An Economic, Educational, and Social Survey of Franklin County, Tennessee." R570 (ASU) "A Brief History of Franklin County, Tennessee." R1840 Focus on Franklin County. R3460 "Inventory of Franklin County Records." T1900 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — FRANKLIN CO. Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Franklin County, Tennessee. T5640 "Development of the Health Program for Negroes in Franklin County/ Tennessee from 1940-1953." W5820 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — GRAINGER CO. 63170 Soil Survey, Grainger County, Tennessee. H7810 **A Study of the School Transportation Problem in Grainger County, Tennessee." J2700 Tenn. Grainger Co., Marriage Bonds and Licenses. K810 Soil Survey of Grainger County, Tennessee. M2050 "A Study of the Reorganization of the Attendance Centers of the Grainger County School System." N830 O320 Grainger County Schools Survey Report. T1100 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Grainger County. T5650 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — GREENE CO. Neighbor against Neighbor, Brother against Brother; Greene County in the Civil War. H3850 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — GREENE CO. Kirchen Buch (Church Book) Register, 1815-1828. St. James Lutheran Church, Greene County, Tennessee. B8600 Soil Survey, Greene County, Tennessee. El 150 F3630 G3720 (ETSU) The Economy of Greeneville, Tennessee; a Study of the Information and Data Related to the Greeneville, Tennessee, Economic Community. H6730 "The Status of Public Relations Activities in the Secondary Schools of Greene County, Tennessee." M8440 P70 "Geographic Factors in the Land Use of Green County, Tennessee." P390 Greene County, Tennessee: Early Marriage Bonds, 1782-1820. P2380 Greene County Cemeteries, from Earliest Dates to 1970-1971. R1640 (ASU ETSU) "A Study of Parent-child Relationships in Greene County, Tennessee." R1720 (ETSU) A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of Greene County, Tennessee. T2130 (ETSU) Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Greene County, Tennessee. T5660 Greeneville's Government; a Study of the Organization and Administration of the Government of Greeneville, Tennessee. U4110 APP. COUNTIES - TENN. — GRUNDY CO. Grundy County, Tennessee, Relief in a Coal Mining Community. A1850 "Public Welfare and Related Problems in Grundy County, Tennessee." A2180 Sketch of Beersheba Springs: and: Chick am uga Trace. B3840 "An Educational Survey of the Elementary Schools of Grundy County, Tennessee." M240 "Development of the Coal Industry of Grundy County, Tennessee." M620 SUBJECT The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. N580 (ETSU) "Agricultural and Social Aspects of the Swiss Settlement in Grundy County, Tennessee." N600 "Inventory of Grundy County Records." T1910 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — HAMBLEN CO. Soil Survey, Hamblen County, Tennessee. A10 (ASU) History of Morristown, 1787-1936. B6890 Diary of Kate Livingston, 1859-1868. C140 The Herbert Walters Story. H5420 "Migration Patterns of Residents in a High In-Migration County, Hamblen County, Tennessee." H7610 "A Political History of Morristown and Hamblen County, Tennessee." PI 100 Historic Hamblen, 1870-1970. R4210 "The Relationship between Reading Capacity and Reading Achievement of One Hundred and Twenty-three Third Grade Children of Morrison and Hamblen County, Tennessee." S4940 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Hamblen County, Tennessee. T5670 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — HAMILTON CO. Hamilton County Confederate Soldiers. A4740 The History of Hamilton County and Chattanooga, Tennessee. A4760 (ETSU BC ASU) A4980 Guide Book to Lookout Mountain and a Brief Account of Battles Fought near Chattanooga, Tennessee. B580 "An Analysis of Curriculum Offerings, Changes and Trends in Five Selected Hamilton County High Schools." B610 (ETSU) In Retrospect: Reminiscencies (sic) and Observations of a Hamilton County, Tennessee, Retired Teacher. B2580 B3850 C2630 The Centenary of Sts. Peter and Paul's Parish, Chattanooga, Tenn. The Story of the First One Hundred Years of the Catholic Church in Hamilton County. C3540 "The Negroes of Chattanooga, Tennessee." C7830 The Hamilton County Course of Study. H1100 (ETSU) Directory of Churches, Missions, and Religious Institutions of Tennessee, no. 33. Hamilton County. H5760 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Hamilton County, Tennessee. H5830 "Civil War Anecdotes and Legends of Chattanooga." N710 The Chickamauga and Chattanooga Campaign and Battle-fields. A Chronological Historic Guide, August 16-November 25, 1863. N2870 Chattanooga and Hamilton County, Tennessee. O20 Chattanooga, Tennessee; Hamilton County, and Lookout Mountain. An Epitome of Chattanooga from Her Early Days Down to the Present; Hamilton County, Its Soil, Climate, Area, Population, Wealth, etc. PI 70 P570 Signal Mountain and Walden's Ridge. P600 27 APP.—APP. History of Summertown, Walden's Ridge, Tennessee. P610 So Firm a Foundation. P640 Sequatchie: A Story of the Southern Cumberlands. R540 (ASU) Soil Survey, Hamilton County, Tennessee. R3100 "Recreational Habits of Rural Youth in Selected Communities of Hamilton County, Tennessee." S990 Hamilton County, Economic and Social: A Laboratory Study in the Department of Agricultural Economics Under the Direction of Professor C. E. Allred. S6910 A Report of the Survey of the Management and Finances of the Government of Hamilton County. T2160 (ETSU) Chattanooga, Its History and Growth. W300 The Chickamauga Dam and Its Environs. W310 This is Chattanooga. W320 Historic City, Chattanooga; Containing Views and Descriptive Matter of Historic Points of Interest, Scenery, Pictures of Old and New Buildings, Leading Men, etc., All Artistically and Pleasingly Intermingled. W2160 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — HANCOCK CO. "The Melungeons of Newman's Ridge." B1440 (ETSU ASU) Report. H1410 (ETSU) "A Study of Public School Finance in Hancock County, Tennessee." L2920 "A Study of Pupil Transportation in Hancock, Tennessee." W6510 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — HAWKINS CO. A Sermon, Delivered on September 8th, 1813. . . A2290 "The Melungeons of Newman's Ridge." B1440 (ETSU ASU) "A History of Education in Hawkins County with Special Reference to Rock Hill School." C7250 "A Study of Seven School Communities of Hawkins County, Tennessee." D1110 "What the Patrons of Hawkins County Schools Think about Their Schools." D4320 (ETSU) F1090 "A Study of Reorganization of Attendance Centers in Hawkins County, Tennessee." J1940 "A Guidance Program for the Schools of Hawkins County." M3240 The Fiftieth Anniversary of the Rogersville Synodical College. P190 "A Study of School Transportation, Hawkins County, Tennessee." R170 Stratigraphic Section at Lee Valley, Hawkins County, Tennessee. R3400 (ETSU) "Written Board of Education Policies for Hawkins County, Tennessee." S5270 (ETSU) "A Study of a Possible Plan for Further School Consolidation in Hawkins County." S6620 (ETSU) "A Study of High Schools in Hawkins County, Tennessee." V80 W7920 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — JACKSON CO. "Early History of Jackson County, Tennessee." 03360 "History of the Development of Education prior to 1900 in Jackson County, Tennessee." H300 �APP.—APP. APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — JACKSON CO. "An Educational Economic, and Community Survey .of Jackson County, Tennessee." 0950 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Tennessee. R3560 Soil Survey of Jackson County, Tennessee. R3570 "History of Educational Development in Jackson County, Tennessee, 1800 to 1950." S4550 APP. COUNTIES - TENN. — JEFFERSON CO. An Educational Study of Jefferson County, Tennessee. C1650 "The Zinc Industry of Jefferson County, Tennessee." C7750 "Secession and Civil War in Jefferson County, Tennessee, 1860-1865." K2200 (ETSU) Historical Records of East Tennessee. Jefferson County, Dandridge Edition. 2 vols. Ml 480 "A History of Education in Jefferson County, Tennessee." M2950 Soil Survey, Jefferson County, Tennessee. M6630 Jefferson County Survey Report. T1120 The Romance of a Sesquicentennial, The Dumplin Creek Baptist Church of Christ, Jefferson County, Tennessee, Organized 1797. T8910 (BC) Shunem Church and Cemetery Speak: A Living Memorial to Those Who Sleep Here, 1824-1965. W8610 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — JOHNSON CO. "The Natural Vegetation of Johnson County, Tennessee, Past and Present." B1110 (ETSU) B3790 B3860 B4010 Story of Captain Jesse Cox of Johnson Co., Tennessee. C5720 "A Survey of the Guidance Services Available in the Elementary Schools of Johnson County, Tennessee." C8040 (ETSU) "Effect of Consolidation on Johnson County School, Johnson City, Tennessee." G330 (ETSU) The Donnelly-Barry-Butler Families and Their Kin-folks of Johnson Co., Tennessee. N290 Leonard Shoun and his Wife Barbara Slemp Shoun of Johnson Co., Tennessee. N300 The McQueen Family of Johnson Co., Tennessee. N310 Wills Family of Johnson County, Tennessee. N320 Soil Survey, Johnson County, Tennessee. 0270 (BC ASU) History of the Thirteenth Regiment, Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry, U. S. A., Including a Narrative of the Bridge Burning: The Carter County Rebellion, and the Loyalty, Heroism and Suffering of the Union Men and Women of Carter and Johnson Counties, Tennessee, During the Civil War. SI460 (ASU LMC) "A Study of the Program of Pupil Transportation in Johnson County, Tennessee." S7680 (ETSU) Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Johnson County, Tennessee. T5680 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — KNOX CO. "The Office of Knox County Sheriff: An Administrative Study." B660 "Politics of Innovation." B670 "The Cost of Administering Criminal Justice in Memphis and Knoxville, Tennessee." B2810 SUBJECT He That Serveth; Twenty-five Years' Adventures in Christian Ministry, George Creswell and Second Church. B2900 B3870 Recollections of the East Tennessee Campaign, Battle of Campbell Station, 16th Nov., 1863: Siege of Knoxville, 17th Nov.-5th Dec., 1863. B6420 Brief Historical Sketch of the Village of Bearden. C8740 Knox County, Tenn., Marriage Records. 0380 (ETSU) A Social Study of the Colored Populatipn of Knoxville, Tennessee. D1100 "Impact of World War II on Juvenile Delinquency in Knox County, Tennessee." D1380 "The Net Direct Economic Effect of the University of Tennessee on the City of Knoxville and on Knox County Resulting from the Expansion of the Knoxville Campus since 1962." D1560 The French Broad-Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. El 50 (ASU BC) "A History of the First Baptist Church of Knoxville, Tennessee." El 230 "Available Material in Knox County for Enriching the Teaching of Tennessee History." F190 (ETSU) Gemini. G1840 Bench and Bar of Knox County, Tennessee. G3580 (BC) "A Study of Underachieving Academically Talented Students in a Knox County School," G4420 Community Historical Sketches in Knox County, Tennessee: Corryton — Harbison's Cross Roads — Smith wood. H5230 Historic Treasure Spots of Knox County, Tennessee. H5240 (ETSU BC) The John Adair Section of Knox County, Tennessee. H5250 "The History of Transportation Advertising, 1850-1956, and a Study of Its Importance in Knoxville, Tennessee." H5550 H5710 Directory of Churches, Missions, and Religious Institutions of Tennessee, no. 47. Knox County. H5770 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Knox County. H5840 Transcription of the County Archives of Tennessee: Minutes of the County Court of Knox County (Book No. 0") 1792-95. H5910 (ASU) "The Status and Problems of the Ministry in Knox County." H8320 The Knox County Missionary Baptists 1786-1945. J1880 K2860 Governments in Knox County. L210 (ETSU) Some Sketches from My Life, Written for My 80th Birthday, May 1, 1910. L840 "Federal Centralization versus Local Values: A Case Study of Federal-Local Relations in the Knoxville-Knox County Community Action Committee." L3480 Knoxville-Knox County Consolidation and the County and City School Systems. M510 Proposed Metropolitan Government Charter for Knoxville and Knox County, Tennessee, 1959. M5220 28 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Knox County Economic Opportunity Council Anti-Poverty Arts and Crafts. M9080 0330 O470 Thomas Hope of Tennessee, 1757-1820, House Carpenter and Joiner. PI 20 History of the First Presbyterian Church in Knoxville, Tennessee. P200 Personal Recollections of the Occupation of East Tennessee and the Defense of Knoxville. P3300 "The History and Development of Education in Knox County, Tennessee." P4120 Diary of a Sit-in. P4750 (WCU ETSU) History of Lebanon Presbyterian Church, "In the Fork," Five Miles East of Knoxville. R270 Knoxville, Past, Present and Future. R1420 "A History of Municipal Government in Knoxville since 1911." R2050 Soil Survey, Knox County, Tennessee. R3110 The French Broad-Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3940 (LMC BC) The French Broad-Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3950 (ETSU) Standard History of Knoxville, Tennessee, with Full Outline of the Natural Advantages, Early Settlement, Territorial Government, Indian Troubles and General and Particular History of the City Down to the Present Time. R4280 "Relation of Land Base Quality to the Agricultural Economy of Knox County, Tennessee." R4320 Historical Forts and Houses in Knoxville and Nearby Vicinity. R4450 "The Reading Interests of Students as Revealed in a Study of an Individualized Reading Program at Pond Gap School, Knoxville, Tennessee." S850 Divided Loyalties: Fort Sanders and the Civil War in East Tennessee. S2110 (BCETSU) Centennial Celebration of Island Home Baptist Church, Knoxville, Tennessee, October 2, 1960 - December 11, 1960. S3080 "The Public Career of Andrew Jackson Graves." S6140 "The Economic Status of Knox County Teachers." S6530 "Marble Deposits and Marble Industry of the Knoxville Area." T870 A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of the Government of Knox County, Tennessee. T2140 (ETSU) "The Marble Industry of the Knoxville Area." W640 Abstract of Wills, 1792-1835. W1630 Tombstone Inscriptions and Death Records, Calvary Cemetery, Knoxville, Tennessee, 1869-1967. W1640 (ETSU) Art Work of Knoxville, with Sketch of Knoxville. W5530 Memoirs. F2420 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — LOUDON CO. B3930 Beloved Landmarks of Loudon County, Tennessee. D560 (BC) Soil Survey, Loudon County, Tennessee. El 480 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Loudon County. H5850 "Inventory of Loudon County Records." T1920 �SUBJECT APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APR. COUNTIES — TENN. — LOUDON CO. Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Loudon County, Tennessee. T5690 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — MCMINN CO. A5300 Soil Survey, McMinn County, Tennessee. B80 "A Study of McMinn County High School as Determined by Its Graduates." B3050 B3910 Marriage Records of McMinn County, Tennessee, 1820-1870. B5990 (ASU BC) Population Schedule of U. S. Census of 1850 for McMinn County, Tennessee. B6020 (ASU) Wills and Estate Records of McMinn County, Tennessee, 1820-1870. B6030 (ASU BC) "The McMinn County, Tennessee, Election of August 1, 1946." B6410 (ASU) E40 "A Study of Teacher and Parent Opinion of McMinn County High School, Athens, Tennessee." G4590 "A Study of the Practices and Techniques Used by Principals and Teachers in the McMinn County Schools to Improve School Attendance." H2590 "A Study of the School Buildings of McMinn County." H8060 "A History of Education in McMinn County, Tennessee." P4090 Recollections of Hearsays of Athens, Fifty Years and Beyond. S2370 "Inventory of McMinn County Records." T1930 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of McMinn County, Tennessee. T5700 A Guidance Program for McMinn County High School. W2300 APP. COUNTIES - TENN. — MACON CO. "Folklore of Macon County, Tennessee." B900 B3890 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — MARION CO. B3760 B3900 B3990 My Life and Travels. B6340 (ASU) Soil Survey, Marion County, Tennessee. El 490 "A Study of Certain Phases of the Educational and Economic Conditions of Marion County, Tennessee." G370 Sequatchie Valley, a Historical Sketch. H5170 "A History of Marion County." L2630 Public Administration Study: Marion County, Tennessee. M3210 M3230 Sequatchie: A Story of the Southern Cumberlands. R540 (ASU) S5590 "Inventory of Marion County Records." T1940 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Marion County, Tennessee. T5710 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — MEIGS CO. Rhea and Meigs Counties (Tennessee) in the Confederate War. A1680 (ASU BC) B3920 B3970 Sequatchie: A Story of the Southern Cumberlands. R540 (ASU) Soil Survey of Meigs County, Tennessee. S9570 "Inventory of Meigs County Records." T1950 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Meigs County, Tennessee. T5720 Soil Survey of Meigs County, Tenn. W970 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — MONROE CO. Monroe County Records, 1820-1870. B6000 Monroe County, Tennessee: Records, 1820-1870. B6010 (ASU BC) History of Sweetwater Valley. L1770 "Early Days in Monroe County, Tennessee." R590 "An Educational and Economic Survey of Monroe County, Tennessee." S6550 "Local Ability to Support Education in Monroe County, Tennessee." S7750 Forest Conditions in Monroe County, Tennessee. T4590 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Monroe County, Tennessee. T5730 "The Sequent Occupance of Tellico Plains, Tennessee." V50 "The Development of Education in Monroe County, Tennessee." V480 An Economic Survey of Monroe County, Conducted by the Bureau of Business Research, College of Business Administration, Penn. State Univ. in Cooperation with Pocono Mountains Chamber of Commerce, Stroudsburg, Pa. W850 History of the First Presbyterian Church, Sweetwater, Tennessee, 1860-1960. Y240 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — MORGAN CO. "German and Swiss Colonization in Morgan County, Tennessee." C7160 (ASU) A History of Morgan County, Tennessee. F3280 (ASU BC) "A Study of Preparatory to Cooperative Development of Board of Education Policies for Morgan County, Tennessee." H8220 "A Geographical Survey of Morgan County, Tennessee." J2570 Deer Lodge, Tennessee, Its Little-Known History. S6440 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Morgan County, Tennessee. T5740 "A Study of Secondary Schools of Morgan County." W7450 Wartburg: Dream and Reality of the New Germany in Tennessee. W9820 "A Study of School Transportation, Morgan Co., Tenn." Z180 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — OVERTON CO. An Economic Analysis of Farming in Overton County, Tennessee. A1830 (ETSU) Social Factors Associated with Land Class in Overton County, Tennessee. A1890 Soil Survey of Overton County, Tennessee. A5880 B3820 B3940 B3950 Geology and Oil Possibilities of the Northern Part of Overton County, Tennessee, and of Adjoining Parts of Clay, Pickett and Fentress Counties. B9490 (ETSU) 29 APP<-APP. "Songs and Ballads Sung in Overton County, Tennessee a Collection." C8310 A History of the First Methodist Church in Livingston, Tennessee, Established 1836. El 510 Overton County Address of Albert V. Good pasture Delivered at Livingston, Tennessee, July 4, 1876. G2590 Overton County Address of Albert V. Goodpasture Delivered at Livingston, Tennessee, July 4, 1876. G2600 "The Development of a Plan for Parent Education for the Speech Handicapped Children in Overton County, Tennessee." G2760 "A Study of Rural Cooperative Organizations in Overton County, Tennessee." H3460 "Fifty Years Ago, a History of Overton County, Tennessee, Around the Year 1850." M6360 "Farm Taxation and County Government in Overton, Clay and Pickett Counties, Tennessee." P3930 "Standard of Living and Migration of 136 Farm Families in Overton County, Tennessee." S8910 "A History of Livingston Academy from 1909 through 1947." W5280 Tennessee Genealogical Records: Overton County. W5770 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — TENN. - OVERTON, TENN. "An Economic Analysis of Farming in Overton County, Tennessee." A5340 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — PICKETT CO. B3820 B3940 B3950 Seventy Years in the Cumberlands. H6920 History of Pickett Co., Tenn. H7940 Pioneer Families of Pickett County, Tennessee. H7950 Geology of Pickett Co., Tenn. J1070 "Pupil Transportation in Pickett County, Tennessee." M3590 "An Analysis of the Possibilities for Local Support of Education in Pickett County, Tennessee." M6270 "Farm Taxation and County Government in Overton, Clay and Pickett Counties, Tennessee." P3930 "An Educational and Economic Survey of Pickett County, Tennessee." S310 "A Social and Economic Survey of Pickett County." S4460 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. - POLK CO. Ducktown Back in Rant's Time. B1120 (BCASU WCU ETSU) B3780 B3960 "Development of Education in Polk County, Tennessee." B4480 Autobiography and Sermons. C1950 "J. D. Clemmer's Scrapbooks, 1884-1934." C4930 "The Good Government League and Polk County Politics, 1946-1965." L1740 "A Brief History of the First Baptist Church (Ocoee Baptist Church), Ben ton, Tennessee, 1836-1959." L2480 "The Ocoee Lodge no. 212, F & A. M., Benton, Tennessee." L2490 "Some Aspects of Polk County Politics." L2500 �APP.—APP. APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — POLK CO. Echoes from the Foothills. L2930 Sketches of Polk County History. P900 (ASU WCU LMC) Studies in Polk County History. P3360 (ASU BC) "A Study of Pupil Transportation in Polk County, Tennessee." S1810 S8810 (ETSU) "Inventory of Polk County Records." T1960 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Polk County, Tennessee. T5750 A Confederate History of Polk County, Tennessee, 1860-1866. W6390 "A History of Polk County." W6960 Scrapbook History of Polk County, Tennessee. W9100 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — PUTNAM CO. "A History of the Library Resources of Putnam County, Tennessee." B3180 Recollections of a Long Life. G4260 "A History and Educational Survey of Putnam County, Tennessee." H3470 Soil Survey, Putnam County, Tennessee. J130 A History of Putnam County. M370 "An Analysis of Putnam County's Ability to Support Education Based on a Study and Comparison of Assessed Value to Real Value of Property." N860 Soil Survey of Putnam County, Tennessee, W220 Cookeville in Retrospect. W5850 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — RHEA CO. Rhea and Meigs Counties (Tennessee) in the Confederate War. A1680 (ASU BC) B3920 B3970 Records of Rhea: A Condensed County History. C960 (ASU BC) Old Grandview: Grandview Normal Institute, Grandview, Tennessee, 1884-1919: A History. G3210 "The Development of Education in Rhea County, Tennessee." G4990 Soil Survey, Rhea County, Tennessee. H3390 The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. N580 (ETSU) Sequatchie: A Story of the Southern Cumberlands. R540 (ASU) R1790 Spring City High School, 1912-1962, Golden Anniversary Celebration, May 12, 1962. S6360 "Inventory of Rhea County Records." T1970 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Rhea County. T5760 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — ROANE CO. "A Follow-up Study of Graduates of Roane County High School, 1946-55." A2540 A Church Called Bethel. B910 "Fort Southwest Point, Tennessee: The Development of a Frontier Post, 1792-1807." B920 "A Study of School Transportation, Roane County, Tennessee." B3610 B3980 SUBJECT Historical Review, Rockwood's Centennial Year, 1868-1968. B8780 "History of Roane County, Tennessee, 1860-1870." F2450 Tennessee Records of Roane County Marriage Records, 1801-1838. H5900 (ETSU) "The Development of Education in Roane County, Tennessee." L80 Roane County, Tennessee: Abstracts of Estate Book "A" 1801-1824. M450 (ASU) "Rockwood: A Prototype of the New South." M7360 "Land Utilization in Roane County, Tennessee." P450 "A History of Roane County to 1860." P2820 Scenes and Information about Rockwood, Tennessee, in the Heart of the Great Tennessee Valley Development. S2040 "Rural Leadership in Roane County, Tennessee." S4880 "Rural Leadership in Roane County, Tennessee." S7480 (ASU) Soil Survey, Roane County, Tennessee. S9440 "Inventory of Roane County Records." T1980 Pioneers of Roane County, Tennessee, 1801-1830. T8400 (ETSU) T9890 The History of Roane County, Tennessee, 1801-1870. W2690 The History of Roane County, Tennessee, 1801-1870. W2700 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) "The Development of a Statement of Written Policies for the Roane County Tennessee Board of Education." W6670 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. - SCOTT CO. "Geographic Factors Influencing the Development of Scott County, Tennessee." B8630 "A Study of Scott County, Tennessee, and Oneida Independent School District Finances." C9100 "Educational, Economic and Community Survey of Scott County, Tennessee." PI 630 "What the Eighth Grade Patrons of Scott County Think about Their Schools." R3200 County Scott and Its Mountain Folk. S390 (ASU LMC WCU BC) "A History of Education in Scott County, Tennessee." S2070 Samuel Roberts: A Welsh Colonizer in Civil War Tennessee. S2850 (ASU) "A Study of Pupil Transportation in Scott County, Tennessee." S8160 "Big South Fork, Cumberland River (Kentucky-Tennessee), Interagency Field Task Group Report." U220 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. - SEQUATCHIE CO. B3760 B3900 B3990 Sequatchie Valley, a Historical Sketch. H5170 Sequatchie County: History and Development. L1100 "The Sequatchie Valley, Tennessee, a Study in Land Utilization." M3770 The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. N580 (ETSU) Sequatchie: A Story of the Southern Cumberlands. R540 (ASU) 30 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "Inventory of Sequatchie County Records." T1990 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — SEYIER CO. The White-Caps: A History of the Organization in Sevier County. C9240 The White-Caps: A History of the Organization in Sevier County. C9250 The White-Caps: A History of the Organization in Sevier County. C9260 Facts about Sevier County. D3720 Descendants of East Tennessee Pioneers. Ell 90 (ASU) Gatlinburg, Gateway to the Great Smokies. F2230 "Handicrafts in Sevier County, Tennessee." H6180 (ASU) Sevier County, Tennessee. M2160 History of Sevier County, Tennessee. M4300 "A Study of Living Conditions in the Pittman Center Community, 1934-1935." M4400 Soil Survey, Sevier County, Tennessee. 0280 Gatlinburg and the Great Smokies. P4970 "A Study of Financing a Program for Education in Sevier County, Tennessee." S4370 A Proposed Plan for Development: Sevier County, Tennessee. T1690 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Sevier County. T5770 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — SMITH CO. B4000 Smith County History. B5670 Handbook of Smith County. B8620 The County of Smith. G2340 "Inventory of Smith County Records." T2000 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — SULLIVAN CO. Tennessee Soldiers in the Revolution: A Roster of Soldiers Living During the Revolutionary War in the Counties of Washington and Sullivan. A1630 (ETSU) Effects of Industrial Development on Rural Life in Sullivan County, Tennessee. A1840 "The History of Educational Development in Sullivan County, Tennessee." A2320 "Local History Stories for the Third Grade Washington and Sullivan Counties, Tennessee." B1180 (ETSU) Population Schedule of the United States Census of 1850 for Sullivan County, Tennessee. B8610 (ETSU) "Changes in Social and Economic Status of the People in Sullivan County for a Thirty Year Period." C3390 (ASU) Back Home. Kingsport, Tennessee. C4470 (BC ASU) "Joseph Ketron and His Kingsley Seminary, Sullivan County, Tennessee." F3690 (ASU) "A Survey of Special Education Services in Washington, Carter and Sullivan Counties, Tennessee." G4010 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Sullivan County. H5870 Summary of Special Legislation Relating to the Government of Sullivan County. H5890 "Educational Facilities and Economic Development of Bristol, 1930-1950." H6510 "The Social and Economic Effects Produced upon Small Towns by Rapid Industrialization." H7650 �SUBJECT APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. COUNTIES — TENN. - SULLIVAN CO. "What Citizens of Sullivan County Know about Their Schools." K2290 Soil Survey, Sullivan County, Tennessee. M4370 The New Bethel Sesquicentennial 1782-1932. N660 "City-county Separation in Tennessee, a Case Study of Kingsport and Sullivan County." N970 "A Follow-up Study of Attitudes of Sullivan County High School Seniors toward the Church." P360 Kingsport, City of Industries, Schools, Churches and Homes. P3080 Personal and Professional Reminiscences of an Old Lawyer. P3160 Historical Sketches of the Holston Valleys. P4440 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Story of Rotherwood, from the Autobiography of Rev. Frederick A. Ross. R3790 Memoirs. S4750 (ETSU) Historic Sullivan: A History of Sullivan County, Tennessee, with Brief Biographies of the Makers of History. T650 (ASU ETSU BC) Historic Sullivan: A History of Sullivan County, Tennessee, With Brief Biographies of the Makers of History. T660 (ASU) Historic Sullivan: A History of Sullivan County, Tennessee, With Brief Biographies of the Makers of History. T670 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Sullivan County. T5780 "A Survey of Library Services in the County Schools of Sullivan County, Tennessee." T7840 (ETSU) Industrial Site Survey of Carter County, Sullivan County, and Washington County. U4160 Projections and Economic Base Analysis: Bristol-Kingsport Metropolitan Area Including the City of Bristol, Virginia, and the Counties of Washington, Virginia, and Sullivan, Tennessee. V820 "Diagnosis and Remediation of Reading and Personality Problems of a Second Level First Grade at Valley Pike School, Sullivan County, Tennessee." W7540 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — TAZEWELL CO. "A Study of Absenteeism in the Tazewell County One Room Negro Elementary Schools." H6630 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — UNICOI CO. The Wonders of the Unakas in Unicoi County. A1280 (ETSU ASU LMC) "An Educational History of Unicoi County, Tennessee." B1280 B3790 B3860 B4010 "A Program for Developing Mental and Emotional Health in Third-grade Children at Love Street School, Erwin, Tennessee." B4990 (ETSU) "The Distribution and Relative Abundance of Some Immature Aquatic Insects in Red Fork Creek, Unicoi County, Tennessee." C5810 (ETSU) "Written Board of Education Policies for Unicoi County, Tennessee." E2370 (ETSU) "Small Mammals of Washington and Unicoi Counties, Tennessee." G1390 (ETSU) The Valley of the Long Hunters. M4160 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) "School Transportation Costs in Unicoi County. A Comparison of Publicly-owned and Privately-owned Systems." M5790 (ETSU) "The Opinions of Certain Groups Toward Teaching the Bible in Unicoi County High School." N2910 (ETSU) "A Vegetational Analysis of the Rattlesnake Ridge Area of Unaka Mountain, Unicoi County, Tennessee." P1130 (ETSU) "Unicoi County Court: 1876-1918." P4110 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Deposits of Bumpass Cove, Unicoi and Washington Counties, Tennessee. R3390 (ETSU) Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Unicoi County. T5810 "An Analysis of the Homebound Program for Exceptional Children in Unicoi County." T8260 (ETSU) "An Educational Survey of Unicoi County, Tennessee." T8440 Overall Economic Development Program for Unicoi County, Tennessee. U120 (ETSU) "A Survey of Reading Achievement of First Grade Pupils in Unicoi County." W8020 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES - TENN. — UNION CO. In the Shadow of Big Bald: About the Appalachians and Their People. A1230 (ETSU) "The Diagnosis and Remediation of Comprehensive Skills of a Sixth-grade Class at Rock Creek School in Erwin, Tennessee." B230 (ETSU) S9130 "A Geographic Appraisal of Union County, Tennessee." T8300 APP. COUNTIES - TENN. - VAN BUREN CO. B4020 The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. N580 (ETSU) "Inventory of Van Buren County Records." T2010 APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — WARREN CO. B4020 B4030 My Grandfather's Diary of the War. C4350 "A Historical Survey of Education in Warren County, Tennessee." G4360 This Is My Story. G4450 Early History of Warren County. H480 (ASU BC ETSU) History of Mt. Zion Methodist Episcopal Church 4, South of Mount Zion, Warren County, Tenn., 1809-1930. H5470 Soil Survey, Warren County, Tennessee. J140 Warren County, Its Organization, Scenery, Resources and Representative Men. K1930 M3320 (ASU) "A Survey to Determine the Need of Trade and Industrial Education in Warren County, Tennessee." M4250 The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. N580 (ETSU) P3580 The Life of John H. Savage: Citizen, Soldier, Lawyer, Congressman. S540 (LMC) "Inventory of Warren County Records." T2020 The Civil War Diary of Capt. J. J. Womack. W8430 Fletch Woodward, His Fights with Those Bad, Bad Town Boys. W8970 31 APP.—APP. APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — WASHINGTON CO. Tennessee Soldiers in the Revolution: A Roster of Soldiers Living During the Revolutionary War in the Counties of Washington and Sullivan. A1630 (ETSU) "An Evaluation of the Physical Education Programs in the High Schools in the Washington County School System." A2330 (ETSU) "History of the Schools of Johnson City, Tennessee, 1868-1950." A4550 (ETSU) "Local History Stories for the Third Grade Washington and Sullivan Counties, Tennessee." B1180 (ETSU) "Some Phases of the Social and Economic History of Washington County, Tennessee, 1865-1917." B6220 "Some Phases of the Social and Economic History of Washington County, Tennessee, 1865-1917." B6230 (ETSU) "Washington County Court: The Government of a Tennessee Frontier Community." B7470 "The Attitudes of a Selected Group of Community Leaders Concerning Consolidation of Five Rural Elementary Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." B8330 (ETSU) "A Survey of the Reading Interests of Sixth-grade Pupils in Washington County, Tennessee." C3980 (ETSU) "A Study of Health Instruction in Selected High Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." D900 (ETSU) "A Proposed Curriculum for Consolidated High Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." E10 (ETSU) Soil Survey, Washington County, Tennessee. El 500 "A Transitional English Program for Crockett High School, Washington County, Tennessee." F620 (ETSU) "A Survey of Selected Characteristics of the Washington County, Tennessee, School Teacher." F910 (ETSU) "Washington County Court, 1796-1836." F920 (ETSU) "Some Phases of the Social and Economic History of Jonesboro, Tennessee, prior to the Civil War." F960 "Job Opportunities for High School Graduates in the Manufacturing Industries in Washington County, Tennessee." F3620 (ETSU) "Small Mammals of Washington and Unicoi Counties, Tennessee." G1390 (ETSU) Marriage Record of Washington County, Tennessee, 1787-1840. G3190 (ETSU) Marriage Records of Washington County, Tennessee, 1787-1840. G3200 (ASU) "A Survey of Special Education Services in Washington, Carter and Sullivan Counties, Tennessee." G4010 "A Nutrition Survey of Some Eleventh Grade Students in Washington County, Tennessee." H410 (ETSU) "Long-lots in Washington County, Tennessee, with Reference to Past and Present Land-holding Shapes." H1230 (ETSU) Directory of Churches, Missions, and Religious Institutions of Tennessee, no. 90. Washington County. H5780 Annual Report ... for Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1944-. J1370 (ETSU) Code. J1390 (ETSU) �APP.-APP. APP. COUNTIES - TENN. — WASHINGTON CO. The Code of the City of Johnson City, Tennessee: The Chart and the General Ordinances of the City, Published by Order of the Board of Commissioners. J1400 (ETSU) Map of Johnson City, Washington County, Tennessee. J1420 (ETSU) Newsletter. J1430 (ETSU) Report. J1590 (ETSU) "Problems of Beginning Teachers in Washington County, Tennessee." K370 (ETSU) "The Enriched Curriculum as a Means of Meeting the Emotional and Social Needs of First Grade Children in Washington County." K1800 (ETSU) "Some Problems Concerning the Relations of Administrators and Beginning Teachers in the Washington County School System, 1955-1956." K1820 (ETSU) "Some Factors Affecting School Attendance as a Family Problem, as Revealed by a Comparison of Two Groups of Families in Washington County, Tennessee, 1951-1952." L350 (ETSU) "A Distributive Education Program for Washington County, Tennessee, High Schools Based on an Occupational Survey of the County." L590 (ETSU) "An Analysis of Particulate Pollution in Johnson City and Rural Washington County, Tennessee." L1400 (ETSU) Washington County, Tennessee, Records. M680 (ETSU ASU) Washington County, Tennessee, Records, Transcribed by Mary Hardin McCown. Vol. 1, Washington County Lists of Taxables, 1778-1801, ed. Nancy E. Jones Stickley and Inez Burns. M690 "Human Resources Available to the Schools of Washington County, Tennessee." M2020 (ETSU) The Rural Land Use of Washington County, Tennessee. M2970 "A Comparison of Socio-economic Status and Art Interest of Two Sixth Grade Groups in Washington County, Tennessee." M5550 (ETSU) "Some Factors Affecting Retardation in the Six High Schools of Washington County." M6580 (ETSU) "A Study of Some Differentiating Characteristics of Dropouts and Graduates of Lamar and Jonesboro High Schools." P1650 (ETSU) "The Factors Affecting Absenteeism in the Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Grades at Barnes Elementary School, Washington County, Tennessee." P2360 (ETSU) "A Comparative Study of the Relationship Between ACT Composite Scores and GPA of Washington County Students at East Tennessee State University, 1965-66." P3940 (ETSU) "A Role Definition of Secondary School Assistant Principals in Washington County, Virginia." R2880 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Deposits of Bumpass Cove, Unicoi and Washington Counties, Tennessee. R3390 (ETSU) "Trends and Needs of the Washington County, Tennessee, Schools, 1948-1966." S2790 (ETSU) "A Curriculum in Agricultural Education for Two Consolidated High Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." S4220 (ETSU) SUBJECT "A Comparative Study of Twenty-five Children Who Attended Project Head Start and Twenty-five Children Who Did Not: Paired at the First-grade Level in the Jonesboro Elementary School, Jonesboro, Tennessee, 1965-1966." S4290 (ETSU) Washington County, Tennessee, Marriages and Wills. S4640 (ETSU) Reminiscences of an Old-Timer. S5050 "The Status of Eighth Grade Social Science in Washington County, Tennessee, 1960-61." S7640 (ETSU) Washington County, Term., 1830 Federal Census. S7900 (ASU) Washington County Survey Report. T1140 (ETSU) "Inventory of Washington County Records." T2030 A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of the Government of Washington County, Tennessee. T2150 (ETSU) Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Washington County, Tennessee. T5790 "The History of the First Baptist Church of Jonesboro, Tennessee." T7860 (ETSU) Industrial Site Survey of Carter County, Sullivan County, and Washington County. U4160 "An Ecological Study of Some Small Mammals of Horse Cove, Washington County, Tennessee." W6610 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — TENN. — WHITE CO. B4020 B4040 Freemasonry in Pioneer Times, White County. C6260 "An Educational, Economic and Community Survey of White County, Tennessee." F2440 "A Survey of the Causes of Absences in the Public School System of White County and Sparta, Tennessee." G2350 The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. N580 (ETSU) "Economic History of White County, Tennessee." P4100 History of White County. SI 500 S5920 "Inventory of White County Records." T2040 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of White County. T5800 "Legends and Stories of White County, Tennessee." W6460 APP. COUNTIES — VA. Our County Origins. HI 210 (FC) Personal Income Estimates for Virginia Counties and Cities, 1955. L270 Dates of Origin of Virginia Counties and Municipalities. W2250 APP. COUNTIES - VA. - ALBEMARLE CO. Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia. A410 (ASU) Pursuits of War: The People of Charlottesville and Albemarle County, Virginia, in the Second World War. A970 (ASU) Soils of the Shenandoah River Terrace: Revision of Certain Soils in the Albemarle Area, Virginia. B2980 Evidence of Indian Occupancy in Albemarle County, Virginia. B9340 (BC) Folk-songs of Roanoke and the Albemarle. C3300 (ASU) 32 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Soil Survey, Albemarle County, Virginia. D1940 An Economic and Social Survey of Albemarle County. G740 M2750 (ASU) The Albemarle of Other Days. R550 (LMC ASU) Albemarle County in Virginia: Giving Some Account of What It Was by Nature, of What It Was Made by Man, and of Some of the Men Who Made It. W8800 APP. COUNTIES — VA. - ALLEGHANY CO. Allegheny County, Virginia: Its Resources and Industries. C8080 (BC) A Centennial History of Allegheny County, Virginia. M8040 (BC) A Centennial History of Allegheny County, Virginia. M8050 (ASU) An Economic and Social Survey of Allegheny County. W290 (ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — AMHERST CO. Virginia Wills Before 1799: A Complete Abstroct Register of All Nomes Mentioned in Over Six Hundred Recorded Wills. C4910 (ETSU) Occurrence and Origin of the Titanium Deposits of Nelson and Amherst Counties, Virginia. R3800 Amherst County, Virginia, in the Revolution: Including Extracts from the "Lost Order Book", 1773-1782. S9530 (ASU) Marriage Records of Amherst County, Virginia, 1815-1821, and Subscription for Building St. Mark's Church, Amherst Co., Virginia. S9540 (ASU) Marriage Bonds and Other Marriage Records of Amherst County, Virginia, 1763-1800. S9550 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — AUGUSTA CO. Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia. A5480 (ASU) Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia, Extracted from the Original Court Records of Augusta County, 1745-1800. A5490 (ASU) First Marriage Records of Augusta County, Virginia, 1785-1813. A5500 (ASU) Early History of Staunton and Beverley Manor in Augusta County, Virginia. A5510 (ASU BC) An Economic and Social Survey of Augusta County. C2110 (ASU BC) The James Stewart Family of Early Augusta County, Virginia, and Descendants, 1740-1960. D2130 (ASU) D2510 (ASU) Augusta County, Virginia, in the History of the U. S. D3950 (BC) moo Settlers by the Long Grey Trail, Some Pioneers to Old Augusta County, Virginia, and Their Descendants, of the Family of Harrison and Allied Lines. H3070 (ASU BC) "Augusta County, Virginia: A Study of Patterns." H7960 (LMC) "Augusta County, Virginia: A Study of Patterns." H7970 (ASU) Soil Survey of Augusta County, Virginia. J2850 Manganese Deposits of the Lyndhurst-Vesuvius District, Augusta and Rockbridge Counties, Virginia. K2760 Economic Land Classification of Augusta Co., Virginia. P690 History of Augusta County, Virginia. P2490 (ASU) Augusta Parish, Virginia, 1738-1780. R4250 (ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY SUBJECT APP. COUNTIES — VA. - AUGUSTA CO. Manganese deposits of the Lyndhurst-Vesuvius district, Augusta & Rockbridge Co., Va., 1943. Botetourt County, Virginia, 1850 Census. J690 The Descendants of John Little of Botetourt and Rockbridge Counties, Virginia. L4150 Economic Land Classification of Botetourt Co., Virginia. P700 Industrial Sites and Economic Data, Botetourt County, Virginia. V780 Early Marriages, Wills and Some Revolutionary War Records, Botetourt County, Va. W9250 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — BRADFORD CO. Sketches and Recollections of Lynchburg, by the Oldest Inhabitant. CIO (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — BUCHANAN CO. The Man from Buchanan. B8810 Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 Geology and Coal Resources of Buchanan Co., Va. V950 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — CARROLL CO. Carroll County, Virginia, 1850 Census. A1070 Carroll County, Virginia, 1860 Census. A1080 Carroll County, Virginia, 1870 Census. A1090 Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 New River Tithables, 1770-73. K510 Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. K520 Economic Land Classification of Carroll County, Virginia. P710 Soil Survey, Carroll County, Virginia. T8040 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — CLARKE CO. Clarke County, 1836-1936. C3940 (ASU) History of Clarke County, Virginia, and Its Connection with the War between the States, with Illustrations of Colonial Homes and of Confederate Officers. G2330 (BC ASU LMC) Frederick Parrish, Virginia, 1744-1780. M4760 (BC) History of the Lower Shenandoah Valley: Counties of Frederick, Berkeley, Jefferson, and Clarke. N1490 (ASU BC) Economic Land Classification of Clarke Co., Va. P720 An Economic and Social Survey of Clarke County. W900 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — CRAIG CO. Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — CULPEPER CO. Soil Survey, Culpeper County, Virginia. C5730 Confederate History of Culpeper County. C240 Genealogical and Historical Notes on Culpeper County, Virginia. G3650 (ASU) Economic Land Classification of Culpeper Co., Va. P730 A History of St. Mark's Parish, Culpeper County, Va.7 With Notes of Old Churches and Old Families and Illustrations of the Manners and Customs of the Olden Time. S4150 (ASU) The Knights of the Golden Horseshoe from the History of St. Mark's Parish. S4160 APP. COUNTIES - VA. — DICKENSON CO. "Meet Virginia's Baby"; a Brief Pictorial History of Dickenson County. D2100 (BC ASU) The Geology and Coal Resources of Dickenson County, Virginia. G1340 (ETSU) Annals of Augusta County, Virginia, 1726-1871. W20 Annals of Augusta County, Virginia, with Reminiscences and a Diary of the War, 1861-1865, and a Chapter on Reconstruction. W30 (LMC BC ASU) The Tinkling Spring, Headwater of Freedom: A Study of the Church and Her People, 1732-1952. W7320 (ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES - VA. — BARBOUR CO. Soil Survey of Barbour and Upshur Counties, West Virginia. L690 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — BATH CO. "An Inspection of Standardized Test Results in the Schools of Bath County, Virginia." G140 (ETSU) The Valley Road. 1770 (ASU BC FC) A Brief History of Bath County, Virginia. M60 (ASU) Historical Sketches of Virginia, Hot Springs, Warm Sulphur Springs and Bath County. M90 (BC) Annals of Bath County, Virginia. M8020 (BC) Annals of Bath County, Virginia. M8030 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — BEDFORD CO. Our Kin. A230 An Economic and Social Survey of Bedford Co., Va. A480 (ASU) Cumberland parish, Lunenburg County, Virginia, 1746-1816. Vestry book, 1746-1816. B2770 (ASU) Virginia Wills Before 1799: A Complete Abstract Register of All Names Mentioned in Over Six Hundred Recorded Wills. C4910 (ETSU) Marriage Bonds of Bedford County, Virginia 1755-1800. D1810 (ASU FC) Methodism in Bedford County; a Study Made by William B. Jones with Recommendations by C. Ralph Arthur. J2660 (FC) "A Study Designed for the Attitudes of the Negro Teachers of Bedford County, Virginia Toward In-Service Teacher Education." M3140 History of Bedford County, Virginia. P270 (FC) Classification of Land Ownership in Bedford Co., Virginia. P680 Abstracts of Bedford County, Virginia Wills, Inventories and Accounts 1754-1787. W5900 (FC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — BLAND CO. History of Bland County (Virginia). B4570 (ASU BC) Industrial Survey, Bland County, Virginia. H8240 New River Tithables, 1770-73. K510 Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. K520 Soil Survey, Bland County, Virginia. P3640 Manganese deposits of the Flat Top & Round Mtn district, Bland & Giles Co., Va., 1944. U3240 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — BOTETOURT CO. Botetourt County, Virginia, 1820 Census. A1060 Botetourt County, Virginia, 1820 Census. B1560 An Economic and Social Survey of Botetourt County." C5600 William Cross of Botetourt County, Virginia and His Descendants, 1733-1932. C9080 33 APP.—APP. Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 M4970 Dickenson County in War Time; a Community History. S9150 Folk Games from Frying Pan Creek in Dickenson County, Virginia. S9160 Meet Virginia's Baby. S9190 Meet Virginia's Baby: A Brief Pictorial History of Dickenson County, Virginia, from Its Formation in 1880 to 1955, with Stress on Pioneer Background. S9200 (ASU LMC BC) Some Sandy Basin Characters. S9250 Tall Tales of the Devils Apron. S9270 (LMC BC FC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — DICKENSON CO. A Short History of Extreme Southwest Virginia. A530 (ASU LMC) APP. COUNTIES - VA. - DICKENSON CO. The Geology and Coal Resources of Dickinson Co., Va. V970 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — FAUQUIER Fauquier County, Virginia, Tombstone Inscriptions. B480 (ASU) Northern Virginia Heritage; a Pictorial Compilation of the Historic Sites and Homes in the Counties of Arlington, Fairfax, Loudoun, Fauquier, Prince William and Stafford, and the Cities of Alexandria and Fredericksburg, by Eleanor Lee Templeman and Nan Netherton. T860 (BC) Early Fauquier County, Virginia, Marriage Bonds, 1759-1854. C3250 (ASU) Fauquier County Va., 1759-1959. F350 (ASU) Water Powered Mills of Fauquier County Virginia. M6400 (ASU) Soil Survey, Fauquier County, Virginia. P2420 Boyhood Memories of Fauquier. S4950 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — FLOYD CO. Floyd County, Virginia, 1840 Census. All 00 Floyd County, Virginia, 1850 Census. A1110 Geology and Mineral Resources of Floyd County of the Blue Ridge Upland, Southwestern Virginia. D2340 (ETSU) Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. K520 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — FRANKLIN CO. Franklin County, Virginia, 1820 Census. All 20 Cumberland parish, Lunenburg County, Virginia, 1746-1816. Vestry book, 1746-1816. B2770 (ASU) 1180 (FC) An Old Virginia Court: Being a Transcript of the Records of the First Court of Franklin County, Virginia, 1786-1789, with Biographies of the Justices and Stories of Famous Cases. V730 (ASU ETSU) Franklin County, Virginia, a History. 'W7720 (ASU BC FC) Marriage Bonds of Franklin County, Virginia, 1786-1858, Transcribed from the Original Records. W7740 (ASU BC) Pioneer Families of Franklin County, Virginia. W7750 (ASU BC FC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. - FREDERICK CO. Frederick County, Virginia, Marriages, 1771-1825. D990 (ASU ETSU) Soil Survey of Frederick County, Virginia. D2180 �APP.—APP. APP. COUNTIES — VA. — FREDERICK CO. Hopewell Friends History, 1734-1934, Frederick County, Virginia: Records of Hopewell Monthly Meetings and Meetings Reporting to Hopewell. J2200 (ASU) Abstracts of Wills, Inventories, and Administrations Accounts of Frederick County, Virginia. K2370 History of the Lower Shenandoah Valley: Counties of Frederick, Berkeley, Jefferson, and Clarke. N1490 (ASU BC) An Economic and Social Survey of Frederick County. P2840 (ASU LMC) Civil War Battles in Winchester and Frederick County, Virginia, 1861-1865. W7570 (BC ASU LMC) Diaries, Letters and Recollections of the War Between the States. W7580 Gravestone Inscriptions: From 61 Graveyards in Frederick County and the Counties That Were Once a Part of Frederick County and Includes the Inscriptions from the "Old Lutheran and German Reform Graves" in Mt. Hebron Cemetery. W7590 (ASU) 2200 Gravestone Inscriptions from Winchester and Frederick County, Virginia (Death Dates Range from 1700's to Early 1900's). W7600 (ASU) Souvenir. W7610 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — GILES CO. B4050 Giles County, 1806-1956, a Brief History. F3350 A Givens-Hall Family History from Pre-Revolutionary Times to 1970. . . G1930 Giles County, 1806-1956. G2440 Listen to the Mockingbird. H7680 Listen to the Mockingbird; The Life and Times of a Pioneer Virginia Family. H7690 Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 New River Tithables, 1770-73. K510 Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. K520 Marble Prospects in Giles County, Virginia, with a section on Petrography of Marbles by Arthur A. Pegan. M4240 Edward Morgan 1751-1884, Pioneer Minister in Southwest, Virginia. M7490 An Economic and Social Survey of Giles County. S5250 Manganese deposits of the Flat Top & Round Mtn district, Bland & Giles Co., Va., 1944. U3240 Marble Prospects in Giles Co., Va. VI000 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — GRAYSON CO. Grayson County, Virginia, Census of 1820, 1830, 1840, 1850. All 30 Grayson County Deed Books 1, 2, 3, 4. All 40 Index to Grayson County Deed Books 1-9, Grantee. All 50 Index to Grayson County Deed Books 1-9, Grantor. All 60 Personal Property Tax Lists, Grayson County. All 90 Soil Survey of Grayson County, Virginia. D1950 Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 New River Tithables, 1770-73. K510 Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. K520 SUBJECT Pioneer Settlers of Grayson County, Virginia. N2940 (ASU) Economic Land Classification of Grayson Co., Va. P740 Study of the Organization and Management of Farmers in Grayson County, Va. V560 A List of Lands and Lots Returned as Delinquent, in Grayson County, Va. V690 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — GREENE CO. Economic Land Classification of Greene Co., Va. P750 APP. COUNTIES — VA. - HANCOCK CO. History of Hancock Co., Va. and W. Va. W2470 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — HARRISONBURG CO. Men of Mark and Representative Citizens of Harrisonburg and Rockingham County, Virginia. W1810 (ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. —, HIGHLAND CO. 1850 Census of Highland County, Virginia. M4190 A Handbook of Highland County, and a Supplement to Pendleton and Highland History. M8060 A History of Highland County, Virginia. M8070 (ASU BC) A History of Highland County, Virginia. M8080 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — LEE CO. A Short History of Extreme Southwest Virginia. A530 (ASU LMC) Early Records of Lee County, Virginia. C2130 Tombstone Inscriptions of Lee County, Virginia. C2140 (BC) The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-bearing Portion of Lee County, Virginia. G1350 (LMC ETSU) "A Study for a Guidance Program at Jonesville High School, Jonesville, Virginia." H3500 (ETSU) Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 1730 Soil Survey, Lee County, Virginia. J2890 Geology and Oil Resources of the Jonesville District, Lee County, Virginia. M5960 Southwest Virginia: Lee, Scott, Wise Counties, Summary of Resources. T3500 (ASU BC) Southwest Virginia, Lee, Scott, Wise Counties; Summary of Resources. T3510 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — LEWIS CO. H6030 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — LOUDOUN CO. Soil Survey of the Leesburg, Virginia, Area. C1770 Virginia Wills Before 1799: A Complete Abstract Register of All Names Mentioned in Over Six Hundred Recorded Wills. C4910 (ETSU) History and Comprehensive Description of Loudoun County, Virginia. H4110 (ASU BC) Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney; Late of Lincoln, Loudoun Co., Va. J390 Loudoun Co., Virginia, Marriage bonds, 1762-1850. J750 (ASU) Ground-water Supplies in Shale and Sandstone in Fairfax, Loudoun, and Prince William Counties, Virginia. J2150 Loudoun County and the Civil War: A History and Guide. L3600 Legends of Loudoun Valley. N870 (ASU) Loudoun Valley Legends. N880 (BC) Economic Land Classification of Loudoun Co., Va. P760 P3210 34 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Soil Survey, Loudoun County, Virginia. P3650 Loudoun County, Virginia, Past and Present. S250 (ASU) Northern Virginia Heritage; a Pictorial Compilation of the Historic Sites and Homes in the Counties of Arlington, Fairfax, Loudoun, Fauquier, Prince William and Stafford, and the Cities of Alexandria and Fredericksburg, by Eleanor Lee Templeman and Nan Netherton. T860 (BC) Geology of the Leesburg Quadrangle, Virginia. T8800 (ETSU) Legends of Loudoun: An Account of the History and Homes of a Border County of Virginia's Northern Neck. W6560 (ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES - VA. - MADISON CO. History of the Hebron Lutheran Church, Madison Co., Va. H7890 (BC) The Proceedings of a Special Conference Held in Madison County, Virginia, in the Lutheran Congregation of Said County, on the 14th Day of September, 1817, and the Subsequent Days. L4030 (ASU) A History of Madison County, Virginia. Y330 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. - MONTGOMERY CO. Montgomery County, Virginia, 1820 and 1830 Census. All 70 B4050 The Montgomery County Story, 1776-1957. C9360 (ASU) Listen to the Mockingbird. H7680 Listen to the Mockingbird; The Life and Times of a Pioneer Virginia Family. H7690 Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 New River Tithables, 1770-73. K510 Births in Court Records of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1853-1871. L3860 Indian Massacres in Montgomery County, 1775-1776; Drapers Meadow Massacre Retold. Also, Fort Vause and Its Traditions. PI 670 1810 Montgomery County Census. R1510 Montgomery County, Virginia Circa 1790. snoo A Brief of Wills and Marriages in Montgomery and Fincastle Counties, 1773-1831. W9230 A Brief of Wills and Marriages in Montgomery and Fincastle Counties, 1773-1831. W9240 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — NELSON CO. Colonial History of Nelson County, 1734-1807. C5620 (ASU) Occurrence and Origin of the Titanium Deposits of Nelson and Amherst Counties, Virginia. R3800 APP. COUNTIES — VA. - PAGE CO. Old Homes of Page County, Virginia. K1580 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — PATRICK CO. Marriages of Patrick County, 1791-1850. A430 Patrick County, Virginia Census, 1820, 1830, 1840, 1850. All 80 Cumberland parish, Lunenburg County, Virginia, 1746-1816. Vestry book, 1746-1816. B2770 (ASU) An Economic and Social Survey of Patrick County. C6680 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. - PULASKI CO. Pulaski County, Virginia, 1840 Census. A1200 Early History of Snowville. A1790 B4050 A Way of Life in Virginia at the Turn of the Century. F250 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. COUNTIES — VA. — PULASKI CO. Economic Land Classification of Pulaski County. Gil 90 Listen to the Mockingbird. H7680 Listen to the Mockingbird; The Life and Times of a Pioneer Virginia Family. H7690 Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 New River Tithables, 1770-73. K510 Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. K520 Edward Morgan 1751-1884, Pioneer Minister in Southwest, Virginia. M7490 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — RAPPAHANNOCK CO. Soil Survey, Rappahannock County, Virginia. C1710 Wills of Rappahannock Co., Va., 1656-1692. S9560 (ASU BC) The History of the Town of Washington, Virginia, "The First Washington of All." B130 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — ROANOKE CO. B4050 Fort Lewis: A Community in Transition. H7440 (FC) Fort Lewis: A Community in Transition. H7450 Fort Lewis: A Community in Transition. H7460 History of Roanoke Co. J10 (BC) R2610 An Economic and Social Survey of Roanoke County. S7130 Roanoke, Story of County and City. W9690 (ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — ROCKBRIDGE CO. Virginia Wills Before 1799: A Complete Abstract Register of All Names Mentioned in Over Six Hundred Recorded Wills. C4910 (ETSU) Clifton Forge, Virginia: Scenic, Busy, Friendly. C7580 (FC) A History of Methodism in Rockbridge County, Virginia. C9810 (BC) Standards of Living in Six Virginia Counties. D640 A Curiosity in Chancery. D660 The Reverend Samuel Houston. D2310 (BC) Soil Survey of Rockbridge County, Virginia. J2900 Manganese Deposits of the Lyndhurst-Vesuvius District, Augusta and Rockbridge Counties, Virginia. K2760 The Descendants of John Little of Botetourt and Rockbridge Counties, Virginia. L4150 Historical Significance of Rockbridge County, Virginia. M460 (BC) A History of Rockbridge County, Virginia. M8110 (ASUBCWCU) Rockbridge County, Virginia. T8890 Manganese deposits of the Lyndhurst-Vesuvius district, Augusta & Rockbridge Co., Va., 1943. U3230 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — ROCKINGHAM CO. Civil War Action in Rockingham County, Virginia, 1861-1865. R3370 (ASU LMC) Atlas of Rockingham County, Virginia. S3200 (ASU) A History of the Town of Dayton, Virginia. S3760 (ASU BC) Old Tenth Legion Marriages; Marriages in Rockingham Co., Va. from 1778 to 1816. S7990 SUBJECT Tenth Legion Tithables, Rockingham Division, Rockingham County, Virginia, Tithables for 1792. S8010 Old Houses in Rockingham County, 1750-1850. T7610 (ASU WCU) A History of Rockingham County, Virginia. W1780 (ASU BC) Men of Mark and Representative Citizens of Harrisonburg and Rockingham County, Virginia. W1810 (ASU BC) Virginia Valley Records: Genealogical and Historical Materials of Rockingham County, Virginia, and Related Regions. W1860 (ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — RUSSELL CO. A Short History of Extreme Southwest Virginia. A530 (ASU LMC) Russell County, Virginia Personal Property and Land Tax List . . . A980 The Seventh Population Census of the United States for Russell County, Virginia, 1850. B790 (BC ASU) Castle's Woods 1769-1799, Frontier Virginia Settlement. H250 Castle's Woods: Frontier Virginia Settlement, 1779-1799. H260 Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 Soil Survey, Russell County, Virginia. 0100 (BC) Russell County. P4150 Elk Garden Tales. P4160 Russell County, Virginia's Bluegrass Empire. P4180 (ASU) Russell Co., Va. Census of 1820. S9230 An Economic and Social Survey of Russell County. T300 (BC) V550 Russell Co. in Retrospect. W240 (BC) Outline of the Geology and Mineral Resources of Russell County, Virginia. W8950 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — SCOTT CO. Encomium for Scott County, Virginia. A500 A Short History of Extreme Southwest Virginia. A530 (ASU LMC) History of Scott County, Virginia. A580 (LMC FC ASU BC) History of Scott County, Virginia. A590 Scott County, Virginia, Census, 1820 and 1830. A1210 The Early Grove Gas Field, Scott and Washington Counties, Virginia. A5710 (ETSU) Scott County, Virginia: U. S. Census, 1850. B780 (BC ASU) Oil and Gas Possibilities at Early Grove, Scott County, Virginia. B9520 (ETSU) "A Study of the Problems of Sixth Grade Students in Selected Schools of Scott County, Virginia." D400 The Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise County and the Coal-bearing Portion of Scott County, Virginia. E670 (ETSU ASU) Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 1730 Soil Survey, Scott County, Virginia. J2920 Southwest Virginia: Lee, Scott, Wise Counties, Summary of Resources. T3500 (ASU BC) Southwest Virginia, Lee, Scott, Wise Counties; Summary of Resources. T3510 Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise Co. and Coal Bearing Portions of Scott Co., Va. with a Chapter on the Forest of Wise Co. V980 35 APP.—APP. APP. COUNTIES — VA. - SHENANDOAH CO. Shenandoah County, Virginia, Marriage Bonds, 1772-1850. A5080 (ASU ETSU) Ground Water in the Ordovician Rocks near Woodstock, Virginia. H660 A Brief History of New Market and Vicinity. The Battle of New Market Centennial, May 15, 1864-1964. H5340 (ASU) Economic Land Classification of Shenandoah County, Va. P770 S7650 A History of Shenandoah County, Virginia. W1790 (ASU BC) A History of Shenandoah County, Virginia (1969) W1800 APP. COUNTIES — VA. - SMYTH CO. B4050 H2110 Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 Soil Survey, Smyth County, Virginia. J2930 Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. K520 Economic Land Classification of Smyth Co., Va. P780 Smyth County Families and History. P4320 Handbook of Smyth County, Virginia. S2620 Smyth County History and Traditions. W7240 (ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — TAZEWELL CO. History of the Settlement and Indian Wars of Tazewell County, Virginia. B3530 (FC ASU) History of the Settlement and Indian Wars of Tazewell County, Va. with added material compiled by J. Allen Neal. B3540 The Captives of Abb's Valley. B7151 The Captives of Abb's Valley, a Legend of Frontier Life. B7152 (ASU) Annals of Tazewell County, Virginia from 1800 to 1922. H2400 (BC ASU) The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-bearing Portion of Tazewell County, Virginia. H2510 (ETSU) Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. K520 Memoirs of Burkes Garden and Tazewell County. L2580 History of Tazewell County and Southwest Virginia 1748-1920. PI 690 (ASU ETSU LMC) Soil Survey, Tazewell County, Virginia. P3660 Archives of the Pioneers of Tazewell County. SI 080 The Forests of Tazewell County, Virginia. S1210 Industrial Sites and Economic Data. V770 (BC) The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-Bearing Portion of Tazewell Co., Va. V960 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — WARREN CO. An Economic and Social Survey of Warren County. H520 (ASU) "School Desegregation in Warren County, Virginia, During 1958-1960; A Study in the Mobilization of Restraints." L2050 An Economic and Social Survey of Warren Co. V1240 (BC ASU) �SUBJECT APR.—APR. APP. COUNTIES - VA. - WARREN CO. Observance, Battle of Front Royal Virginia, May 19-20, 1962. W920 (LMC) APP. COUNTIES — VA. — WASHINGTON CO. A Short History of Extreme Southwest Virginia. A530 (ASU LMC) The Early Grove Gas Field, Scott and Washington Counties, Virginia. A5710 (ETSU) Ancestry, Life and Family of Col. William Edmiston of Washington County. C5710 "An Evaluation of the Elementary School Libraries in Washington County, Virginia." C6510 (ETSU) "Merger of Local Government: Case Study, Washington County and Bristol, Virginia, 1971." C9830 (ETSU) An Economic and Social Survey of Washington County. D3830 (ASU BC) Virginia Colonial Abstracts Vol. XXXIV, Washington County Marriage Register, 1782-1820. F1420 Emory and Henry's Contribution to the Development of Democracy. F3010 "The Design and Preparation of a Proposal for Federal Aid for the Education of Children from Low Income Families in Damascus Elementary School, Washington County, Virginia." H5380 (ETSU) Publications of the Historical Society of Washington County, Virginia. H5960 Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 79 Families of Washington County. J2840 Soil Survey, Washington County, Virginia. J2940 High on a Windy Hill. M520 (ASU) "A Comparative Study of Twenty Business Trainees of the Gate City, Virginia, MDTA Program with Twenty Business Graduates of the Washington County, Virginia, Technical School." S6460 (ETSU) History of Southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870. S9060 (ASU BC ETSU) History of Southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870. S9070 (ASU LMC FC ETSU) History of Southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870. S9080 (ASU ETSU) Projections and Economic Base Analysis: Bristol-Kingsport Metropolitan Area Including the City of Bristol, Virginia, and the Counties of Washington, Virginia, and Sullivan, Tennessee. V820 Publications. W1070 (ASU LMC ETSU) "The Reading Diagnosis and Remediation of Five Groups of Eighth Grade Students at John S. Battle High School in Washington County, Virginia." W9000 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — VA. - WISE CO. A Short History of Extreme Southwest Virginia. A530 (ASU LMC) The Story of Wise County, Virginia. A540 (BC ASU) Wise County Geography Supplement. A570 (BC) When the Trains Came to Norton, Wise County, in Old Virginia in 1891. A5330 (BC ASU) Community Relationships. B9260 (BC) The Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise County and the Coal-bearing Portion of Scott County, Virginia. E670 (ETSU ASU) "A Descriptive Study of Patients Accepted for Service During a Three-month Period at Psychiatric Service Clinic in Norton, Virginia." G530 Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 A Narrative History of Wise County, Virginia. J1310 (LMC ASU) An Economic and Social Survey of Wise County. K790 (ASU BC) The Life and Times of a Mountaineer Game Warden. O740 Soil Survey, Wise County, Virginia. P2210 Southwest Virginia: Lee, Scott, Wise Counties, Summary of Resources. T3500 (ASU BC) Southwest Virginia, Lee, Scott, Wise Counties; Summary of Resources. T3510 Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise Co. and Coal Bearing Portions of Scott Co., Va. with a Chapter on the Forest of Wise Co. V980 APP. COUNTIES — VA. — WYTHE CO. Wythe County, Virginia, Census, 1810, 1820, 1830, 1840. A1220 A Baumgardner Family in America. B2110 B4050 The Copenhaver Family of Wythe County. C1030 Standards of Living in Six Virginfa Counties. D640 The Lutheran Church in Virginia, 1717-1962. El 420 . (FC) Sermons and Essays. F1590 Pioneers of the Virginia Bluegrass (And Their Descendants). G2830 H2110 Industrial Survey. Blacksburg, Va. H8230 St. John's Evangelical Lutheran Church, Wythe County, Virginia, Its Pastors and Their Records 1800-1924. . K460 New River Tithables, 1770-73. K510 Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. K520 Sanders Saga. M530 Southwest Virginia Historical Records, Census of 1810, Wytheville, Wythe County edition. Ml 490 Economic and Social Aspects of Negro Slavery in Wythe County, Virginia, 1790-1860. M9210 Economic Land Classification of Wythe Co., Va. P790 Wythe County Chapters. P4330 (ASU) 1800 Tax Lists and Abstracts of Deeds (1796-1800) of Wythe County, Virginia. SI 090 Historical Facts About Churches of Wythe County. W5790 The Iron Industry of Wythe County from 1792. W5800 (ASU BC) Virginia Germans. W9810 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — BARBOUR CO. Soil Survey, Barbour County, West Virginia. B3440 Oil and Gas Report on Barbour and Upshur Counties, West Virginia. H3600 (ETSU) The History of Barbour County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Exploration and Settlement to the Present Time. M4510 (ASU ETSU) Barbour and Upshur Counties and Western Portion of Randolph County. R1260 (ASU ETSU) The Learning Experiences of Youth Groups: A Study of 4-H Clubs in Barbour County, West Virginia. S3790 36 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Barbour and Upshur Counties. . . . W3640 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — BERKELEY CO. Alee's History of Martensburg and Berkeley Company, West Virginia. A1310 Ground-water Features of Berkeley and Jefferson Counties, West Virginia. B3560 (ETSU) Berkeley County, U. S. A.: A Bicentennial History of a Virginia and West Virginia County, 1772-1972. D2810 (ASU BC) Soil Survey, Berkeley County, West Virginia. G2770 Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties. G4280 (ETSU) Marriage Records of Berkeley County, Virginia, for the Period of 1781-1854, Located at Berkeley County Court House, Martinsburg, West Virginia. K440 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties, West Virginia. L720 Health, Welfare, and Housing Needs of the Aged in Berkeley County, West Virginia. SI 320 Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties. W3740 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — BOONE CO. Soil Survey of Boone County, West Virginia. L700 "A Survey of Boone County (West Virginia) School Buildings." S350 Boone County Household Survey. W3490 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — BRAXTON CO. Braxton County, Virginia (Now West Virginia) Marriage Book 1. A5390 (ASU) Industrial and Commercial Potentials and Site and Project Analysis in Braxton, Clay and Nicholas Counties, West Virginia. D1930 Oil and Gas Report on Braxton and Clay Counties, West Virginia. H3610 (ETSU) Braxton and Clay Counties. H4700 (ASU) Soil Survey of Braxton and Clay Counties, West Virginia. L710 History of Braxton County and Central West Virginia. S9320 (ASU BC) Plant Life of Braxton County, Number 8 Plant Ecology. W9740 (ASU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — BROOKE CO. History of the Pan-handle. N820 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — CABELL CO. Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. K3180 (ETSU ASU) Soil Survey of the Huntington Area, West Virginia. L800 Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. W3660 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — CALHOUN CO. Wirt, Roane and Calhoun Counties. H4720 (ETSU) Wirt, Roane and Calhoun Counties. W3930 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — CLAY CO. Industrial and Commercial Potentials and Site and Project Analysis in Braxton, Clay and Nicholas Counties, West Virginia. D1930 Oil and Gas Report on Braxton and Clay Counties, West Virginia. H3610 (ETSU) Braxton and Clay Counties. H4700 (ASU) Soil Survey of Braxton and Clay Counties, West Virginia. L710 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — DODDRIDGE CO. Ooddridge County, Virginia (Now West Virginia) Marriage Book 1: Being a Record of the First Marriage in That County Created in 1845 from Parts of Tyler, Harrison, Lewis, and Ritchie Counties. A5400 (ASU) The Incentive Approach to State School Administration: Change in Two Pilot Centers, Mason County, West Virginia, and Doddridge County, West Virginia, 1959-60. B3640 Oil and Gas Report and Map of Doddridge and Harrison Counties, West Virginia. H3550 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Doddridge and Harrison Counties, West Virginia. W3800 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — FAYETTE CO. "A Study of Homeschool Contacts and Attitudes toward Participation in Lincoln School, Kingsport, Tennessee." A600 (ETSU) Rural Development Problems and Prospects in Fayette, Raleigh, and Summers Counties, West Virginia. A4640 Survey for Library Development in Fayette and Raleigh Counties, West Virginia. B8370 (BC) History of Oak Hill, West Virginia. D2900 Fayette County. H4710 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Fayette County, West Virginia. K1630 History of Fayette County, West Virginia. P2310 (ASU) Fayette County. W3700 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — GILMER CO. Oil and Gas Report and Map of Lewis and Gilmer Counties, West Virginia. H3560 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Lewis and Gilmer Counties, West Virginia. L740 "Some Employment Opportunities of the Vocational Agriculture Trainees of Gilmer County." M4020 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — GRANT CO. History of Grant and Hardy Counties, West Virginia. J2810 (ASU) Soil Survey of Grant and Mineral Counties, West Virginia. P2640 Mineral and Grant Counties. R1290 (ASU ETSU) Mineral and Grant Counties. W3780 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — GREENBRIER CO. "Land Use in Greenbrier County, West Virginia." W5110 (BC) Greenbrier Pioneers and Their Homes. D1420 Soil Survey, Greenbrier County, West Virginia. G2780 G3690 The Journal of the Greenbrier Historical Society. G3700 (ASU) Greenbrier County. P4530 (LMC ETSU) Soil Survey, Greenbrier County, West Virginia. V580 Greenbrier County. W3720 (ETSU) School-community Improvement, a Report of the Greenbrier County Program. W7360 (ASU WCU) APP. COUNTIES - W. VA. - HAMPSHIRE CO. History of Hampshire County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present. M4520 History of Hampshire County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present. M4530 (ASU) Capon Valley. P4850 (BC) SUBJECT Early Records, Hampshire County Virginia, Now West Virginia, Including at the Start Most of Known Va. Aside from Augusta District. SI 30 (BC ASU) Hampshire and Hardy Counties. T8670 (ETSU) Hampshire and Hardy Counties. W3730 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Hampshire County, West Virginia. W6420 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — HANCOCK CO. History of the Pan-handle. N820 (BC) History of Hancock Co., Va. and W. Va. W2470 (BC) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — HARDY CO. History of Grant and Hardy Counties, West Virginia. J2810 (ASU) History of Hardy County of the Borderland. M6820 (ASU BC) Hampshire and Hardy Counties. T8670 (ETSU) Hampshire and Hardy Counties. W3730 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Hardy and Pendleton Counties, West Virginia. W6430 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — HARRISON CO. The Shawnee Trail Program: An Historical Pageant Presented at Clarksburg, W. Va., June 13, and 15, 1923. C6240 (BC) History of Harrison County, West Virginia. D970 (BC ASU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Doddridge and Harrison Counties, West Virginia. H3550 (ETSU) History of Harrison County. H3960 (ASU) "Social and Economic Implications of Strip Mining in Harrison County, W. Va." H5440 "Analysis and Projection of Population and School Enrollment in Harrison County." H6340 Ground-water Resources of Harrison County, West Virginia. N20 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Doddridge and Harrison Counties, West Virginia. W3800 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — JACKSON CO. "Current and Future Needs for Vocational Education in Jackson County, West Virginia." C9770 Soil Survey, Jackson and Mason Counties, West Virginia. G2790 "Effects of Urbanization on Vocational Agriculture in Jackson County, West Virginia." K1690 History of First Settlers of Cow Run. K2480 Washington's Woods: A History of Ravenswood and Jackson County, West Virginia. M7090 (ASU) The Slaughter of the PfostGreen Family of Jackson County, West Virginia. M7940 (ASU) Oil and Gas Report on Jackson, Mason, and Putnam Counties, West Virginia. 0940 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — JEFFERSON CO. The Story of Smithfield, Jefferson County, West Virginia. B1900 Ground-water Features of Berkeley and Jefferson Counties, West Virginia. B3560 (ETSU) A History of Jefferson County, West Virginia. B9360 (ASU BC) Historic Harpers Ferry in Jefferson Co., W. Va. F20 (BC) Military Operations in Jefferson County, Virginia and West Virginia, 1861-1865. F200 Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties. G4280 (ETSU) Soil Survey, Jefferson County, West Virginia. H3490 37 APP.--APP. Military Operations in Jefferson Co., Virginia and West Virginia, 1961-65. J490 (ASU) Soil Survey of Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties, West Virginia. L720 M5490 Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties. W3740 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — KANAWHA CO. Status of the Aging in Kanawha County. A2560 The Characteristics and Attitudes of Juvenile Delinquents of Kanawha County, West Virginia. A2590 Action for Appalachian Youth: A Demonstration Program for Kanawha County Youth under the Auspices and Direction of the President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Crime. C3370 (ASU) The Kanawha Spectator. D1630 Water Resources of Kanawha County, West Virginia. D2830 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report on Kanawha County, West Virginia. H3620 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Kanawha County, West Virginia. L730 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — LEWIS CO. Oil and Gas Report and Map of Lewis and Gilmer Counties, West Virginia. H3560 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Lewis and Gilmer Counties, West Virginia. L740 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — LINCOLN CO. Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. K3180 (ETSU ASU) Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. W3660 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — LOGAN CO. "A Study of the Status of the Elementary Principal of Logan County, West Virginia." C8320 Soil Survey of Logan and Mingo Counties, West Virginia. L750 "History of Education in Logan County, West Virginia." M1050 The Logan Coal Field of West Virginia: A Brief History. T8470 (ASU ETSU WCU) Environmental Study of Logan, McDowell, and Mingo Counties, West Virginia and Pike County, Kentucky. U2680 (ASU) Logan and Mingo County. W3760 (BC) "Development of the Bituminous Coal Mining Industry in Logan County, West Virginia." W5400 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — MCDOWELL CO. McDowell County, West Virginia, Library Survey. B8360 (BC) "History of Education in McDowell County, West Virginia." F3310 Wyoming and McDowell Counties. H4730 (ETSU) Soil Survey of McDowell and Wyoming Counties, West Virginia. L760 "Chief Causes of Non-attendance in the Schools of McDowell County, West Virginia." M8170 Environmental Study of Logan, McDowell, and Mingo Counties, West Virginia and Pike County, Kentucky. U2680 (ASU) Wyoming and McDowell Counties. W3940 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — MARION CO. "Superstitions about Food and Health among Negro Girls in Elementary and Secondary Schools in Marion County, West Virginia." B4600 Marion County in the Making. F60 (BC) �APR.—APP. APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. - MARION CO. Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. H3580 (ETSU) "History of Education of Marion County, West Virginia." H5570 Now and Long Ago, a History of the Marion County Area. L3610 (ASU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. W3820 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — MARSHALL CO. Soil Survey, Marshall County, West Virginia. B3450 Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. H3570 (ETSU) History of the Pan-handle. N820 (BC) History of Marshall County, from Forest to Hill. A Story of the Early Settlement and Development of Marshall County, W. Va., with Incidents of Early Life and Roster of Soldiers of the Several Wars, with Other Matters of Interest. P3970 (BC ASU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. W3810 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — MASON CO. The Incentive Approach to State School Administration: Change in Two Pilot Centers, Mason County, West Virginia, and Doddridge County, West Virginia, 1959-60. B3640 "A Proposed Program of Public Relations for the Schools of Mason County, West Virginia." D2320 Soil Survey, Jackson and Mason Counties, West Virginia. G2790 Soil Survey of the Point Pleasant, West Virginia, Area. L810 Pioneers of Mason County, West Virginia. M970 Oil and Gas Report on Jackson, Mason, and Putnam Counties, West Virginia. O940 (ETSU) Ground Water in Mason and Putnam Counties, West Virginia. W7050 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — MERCER CO. Soil Survey of Mercer County, West Virginia. G2300 The Story of Mercer County. M640 (BC ASU) Mercer, Monroe, and Summers Counties. R1280 (ASU ETSU) Mercer, Monroe, and Summers Counties. W3770 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — MINERAL CO. Soil Survey of Grant and Mineral Counties, West Virginia. P2640 Mineral and Grant Counties. R1290 (ASU ETSU) Mineral and Grant Counties. W3780 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — MINGO CO. "A Case Study of Mingo County Economic Opportunity Commission: The Use of Title II of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 in a Rural County in West Virginia." B1300 Soil Survey of Logan and Mingo Counties, West Virginia. L750 "They'll Cut Off Your Project": A Mingo County Chronicle. P2230 (ASU MHC WCU WWC) Environmental Study of Logan, McDowell, and Mingo Counties, West Virginia and Pike County, Kentucky. U2680 (ASU) ARA Field Report, Opportunities for Economic Development in Mingo County, W. Va. U2690 Logan and Mingo County. W3760 (BC) SUBJECT APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — MONONGALIA CO. "An Investigation of Some Needs for Expansion of Vocational Education in Monongalia, Preston and Taylor Counties, West Virginia." H3020 "Some Aspects of the Coal Mining Industry in Monongalia County, West Virginia." B5640 Ground-water Resources of Monongalia County, West Virginia. C1280 (ETSU) The Monongalia Story, a Bicentennial History. C7400 Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. H3580 (ETSU) The 175th Anniversary of the Formation of Monongalia County, West Virginia, and Other Relative Historical Data. M6480 (ASU) "A Survey of the Attitudes of Women in Monongalia County, West Virginia, toward the Use of Contraceptives." S9720 Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. W3820 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. - MONROE CO. Soil Survey, Monroe County, West Virginia. G2800 Soil Survey of Monroe County, West Virginia. K1650 A History of Monroe County, W. Va. M8090 (BC) Mercer, Monroe, and Summers Counties. R1280 (ASU ETSU) Mercer, Monroe, and Summers Counties. W3770 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — MORGAN CO. Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties. G4280 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties, West Virginia. L720 Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties. W3740 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — NICHOLAS CO. History of Nicholas County, West Virginia. B7430 (ASU BC) Industrial and Commercial Potentials and Site and Project Analysis in Braxton, Clay and Nicholas Counties, West Virginia. D1930 Archeological Survey of Nicholas County, West Virginia. M2250 (ASU) Economic Utilization of Marginal Lands in Nicholas and Webster Counties, West Virginia. PI 540 Soil Survey of Nicholas County, West Virginia. P2650 Nicholas County. R1300 (ASU ETSU) Forest-Land Utilization in Nicholas and Webster Co., W. Va. W2460 Nicholas County. W3790 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — OHIO CO. Occurrence and Availability of Ground Water in Ohio County, West Virginia. R3330 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — PARKERSBURG CO. Soil Survey of the Parkersburg Area, West Virginia. M4920 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — PENDLETON CO. The Hammers and Allied Families. B5050 (BC) A History of Franklin, the County Seat of Pendleton County, West Virginia. B5060 (BC) Twixt North and South. C250 (ASU) A History of Pendleton County, W. Va. M8100 (ASU BC) Pendleton County. T8680 (ETSU) Pendleton County. W3840 (BC) 38 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Soil Survey of Hardy and Pendleton Counties, West Virginia. W6430 APP. COUNTIES - W. VA. — PLEASANTS CO. Pleasants County, West Virginia, Register of Deaths, 1853— 1873. A5410 (ASU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood, and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. H3590 (ETSU) A Proposed Regional Library for Wood, Pleasants, Tyler, and Wetzel Counties. M5710 County Reports and Maps. W3690 (BC) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. W3830 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES - W. VA. — POCAHONTAS CO. The McNeel Family Records: Descendants of Pioneer John McNeel and Martha Davis of Pocahontas County, West Virginia, 1765-1967. E830 (ASU) Pocahontas County Cooking Yesterday and Today. E850 Tales of Pocahontas County. M2380 Pocahontas County. P4550 (ETSU) Historical Sketches of Pocahontas County, West Virginia. P4630 (BC ASU) Pocahontas County. W3850 (BC) Soil Survey of Pocahontas County, West Virginia. W6440 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — PRESTON CO. Community Schools in Action. C4220 (ASU) "An Investigation of Some Needs for Expansion of Vocational Education in Monongalia, Preston and Taylor Counties, West Virginia." H3020 A Survey of Attitudes and Opinions of Preston County Voters. H6360 Soil Survey of Preston County, West Virginia. L770 Vocational Agricultural Instruction for Adult Farmer Classes in Preston County. L2730 Soil Survey, Preston County, West Virginia. P820 Christopher Call's Family of Preston County, West Virginia 1741-1973. S3740 History of Preston County (West Virginia). W6210 (ASU) History of Preston County (West Virginia). W6220 (ASU BC) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — PUTNAM CO. Biological and Archaeological Analysis of Bones from a 17th Century Indian Village (46 PU 31), Putnam County, West Virginia. G4810 (ASU) Oil and Gas Report on Jackson, Mason, and Putnam Counties, West Virginia. 0940 (ETSU) Ground Water in Mason and Putnam Counties, West Virginia. W7050 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — RALEIGH CO. "A Study of Homeschool Contacts and Attitudes toward Participation in Lincoln School, Kingsport, Tennessee." A600 (ETSU) Rural Development Problems and Prospects in Fayette, Raleigh, and Summers Counties, West Virginia. A4640 Survey for Library Development in Fayette and Raleigh Counties, West Virginia. B8370 (BC) "Cost of Operating the Schools in Raleigh County, West Virginia, from 1940-50." C8360 Soil Survey of Raleigh County, West Virginia. L780 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — RANDOLPH CO. A History of Randolph County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. B5580 (BC) The Blackwater Chronicle; A Narrative of an Expedition into the Land of Canaan. K750 (BC ASU) Soil Survey, Tucker County, Part of Northern Randolph County, West Virginia. L3540 The History of Randolph County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present, Embracing Records of All the Leading Families, Reminiscences and Traditions. M4540 (ASU) The Sinks of Gandy Creek. P4270 (ASU BC WCU) Barbour and Upshur Counties and Western Portion of Randolph County. R1260 (ASU ETSU) The Cheat Mountain Coal Field of Randolph County, West Virginia. R1270 (ASU ETSU) Randolph County. R1310 (ASU ETSU) Virginia Illustrated: Containing a Visit to the Virginian Canaan, and the Adventures of Porte Crayon and His Cousins. S8110 (ASU BC) Randolph County. W3860 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Randolph County, West Virginia. W6450 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — RITCHIE CO. Ritchie County, Virginia (now West Virginia) Marriages 1843 — 1853: Minister's Returns — With Notes on the Ancestry and Birth Place of Some of the Earliest Settlers. A5420 (ASU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood, and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. H3590 (ETSU) County Reports and Maps. W3690 (BC) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. W3830 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. - ROANE CO. History of Roane County, West Virginia, from the Time of Its Exploration to A. D. 1927. B4250 (ASU BC) A Social and Economic Survey of the Spencer Soil Conservation Area. C7540 Wirt, Roane and Calhoun Counties. H4720 (ETSU) Soil Survey of the Spencer, West Virginia, Area. L820 Wirt, Roane and Calhoun Counties. W3930 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — SUMMERS CO. Rural Development Problems and Prospects in Fayette, Raleigh, and Summers Counties, West Virginia. A4640 Soil Survey of Summers County, West Virginia. K1660 History of Summers County from the Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. M5780 (ASU) Mercer, Monroe, and Summers Counties. R1280 (ASU ETSU) Mercer, Monroe, and Summers Counties. W3770 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — TAYLOR CO. "An Investigation of Some Needs for Expansion of Vocationql Education in Monongalia, Preston and Taylor Counties, West Virginia." H3020 Oil and Gas Report\and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. H3580 (ETSU) The Need for a New Perspective of the School Plant and School Organization in Taylor County. H6350 SUBJECT Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. W3820 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES - W. VA. — TUCKER CO. History of Tucker County, West Virginia. FIDO (LMC ASU BC) An Economic Profile of Tucker County, .West Virginia. L3490 (ASU) Soil Survey, Tucker County, Part of Northern Randolph County, West Virginia. L3540 History of Tucker County, West Virginia. M4490 History of Tucker County, West Virginia, from the Earliest Explorations and Settlements to the Present Time: With Biographical Sketches of More Than Two Hundred and Fifty of the Leading Men, and a Full Appendix of Official and Electional History. Also, an Account of the Rivers, Forests and Caves of the County. M4550 (ASU) Soil Survey of Tucker County, West Virginia. P2660 Tucker County. R1320 (ASU LMC ETSU) Blackwater Country. S4860 (ASU WCU MHC BC) Tucker County. W3910 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. - TYLER CO. Tyler County, Virginia (Now West Virginia) Marriages, 1815 — 1852. A5430 (ASU) "The Educational Development of Tyler County, West Virginia." C5310 Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. H3570 (ETSU) A Proposed Regional Library for Wood, Pleasants, Tyler, and Wetzel Counties. M5710 Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. W3810 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — UPSHUR CO. Soil Survey of Upshur County, West Virginia. G4100 Oil and Gas Report on Barbour and Upshur Counties, West Virginia. H3600 (ETSU) Upshur Brothers of the Blue and the Gray. H7230 (ASU) Soil Survey of Barbour and Upshur Counties, West Virginia. L690 Barbour and Upshur Counties and Western Portion of Randolph County. R1260 (ASU ETSU) Overall Economic Development Program for Upshur County, West Virginia. U4180 Barbour and Upshur Counties. . . . W3640 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — WAYNE CO. A Short History of the Wayne Methodist Church. B3470 Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. K3180 (ETSU ASU) Soil Survey of the Huntington Area, West Virginia. L800 The Impact of Water Resources Development upon Local Rural Communities: Adjustment Factors to Rapid Change. N80 History of Wayne County, West Virginia. T630 (ASU) Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. W3660 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — WEBSTER CO. Annals of Webster County, West Virginia. M5990 Soil Survey of Webster County, West Virginia. M6710 Economic Utilization of Marginal Lands in Nicholas and Webster Counties, West Virginia. PI 540 39 APP.-APP. Forest-Land Utilization in Nicholas and Webster Co., W. Va. W2460 APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — WETZEL CO. Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. H3570 (ETSU) History of Wetzel County, West Virginia. Ml 280 (BC) A Proposed Regional Library for Wood, Pleasants, Tyler, and Wetzel Counties. M5710 Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. W3810 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — WIRT CO. Soil Survey, Wood and Wirt Counties, West Virginia. El 870 Wirt, Roane and Calhoun Counties. H4720 (ETSU) Warning in Appalachia: A Study of Wirt County, West Virginia. R1110 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Wirt, Roane and Calhoun Counties. W3930 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — WOOD CO. The Story of Washington Bottom, Wood County, West Virginia. B2510 (BC) Soil Survey, Wood and Wirt Counties, West Virginia. El 870 Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood, and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. H3590 (ETSU) A Proposed Regional Library for Wood, Pleasants, Tyler, and Wetzel Counties. M5710 County Reports and Maps. W3690 (BC) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. W3830 (ETSU) A Symposium on the Sandhill Deep Well, Wood County, West Virginia. W8960 (ETSU) APP. COUNTIES — W. VA. — WYOMING CO. Reference Book of Wyoming County History. B5800 (ASU BC LMC) "A History of Education in Wyoming County, West Virginia." C7040 Wyoming and McDowell Counties. H4730 (ETSU) Soil Survey of McDowell and Wyoming Counties, West Virginia. L760 "Excess Levies and School Bond Issues in Wyoming County (West Virginia) from 1933-1951." M7570 "A Study of Students Dropping Out of Wyoming County, West Virginia, High Schools for the 1950-51 School Term." S7250 Wyoming and McDowell Counties. W3940 (ETSU) Wyoming County on the Alert: A Socio-Economic Survey by Wyoming County Advisory Committee for Library Service and West Virginia Library Commission. W9890 APP. CULTURE People's Cultural Heritage in Appalachia. W2950 This Proud Land. W3040 APP. — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled Parts of North America, in 1796 and 1797. B350 The Unsettled Parts of North America in 1796 and 1797. B360 Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled Parts of North America in 1796 and 1797. B370 Reisen durch die Vereinigten Staaten und Ober-Canada. B6820 Travels in the New South: A Bibliography. C4620 �APP.-APf. APP. — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL Travels in the Old South: A Bibliography. C4630 Discovering the Appalachians: What to Look for from the Past in the Present along America's Eastern Frontier. C6670 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU LMC WWC UNCA BC) Five Years in the Alleghenies. C9090 (ASU BC) A Southerner Discovers the South. D180 (ASU BC FC) Highlights and Travels of a Southern Highlander. 04170 (ASU) Journal. F70 (LMC ETSU ASU) Roaming the Eastern Mountains. F140 (ASU BC) Seeing the Sunny South. F150 (ASU LMC BC) Journal of Jos. W. Fawcett. F390 (ASU) Excursion through the Slave States, from Washington on the Potomac to the Frontier of Mexico; with Sketches of Popular Manners and Geological Notices. F430 (ASU LMC) These are our Lives; as Told by the People and Written by Members of the Federal Writers' Project of the Works Progress Administration in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Georgia. F440 (FC ASU) Our Native Land: Or, Glances at American Scenery and Places, with Sketches of Life and Adventure. F710 (ASU) Bubbling Waters. F1070 (ASU LMC BC) The Poetry of Traveling in the United States. G1680 (LMC BC) My Southern Friends. G1770 (BC WCU) G4680 Skylines and Horizons. H5T60 (ASU LMC BC) Letters from North America Written During a Tour in the United States and Canada. H6200 A Winter in the West. H6240 A Photographic Documentary of the Blue Ridge Mountains. J480 (LMC) Highways and Byways of the South. J1580 (BC LMC) The Blue Ridge Parkway Guide. L3470 (LMC ASU) The Southern Poor-white from Lubberland to Tobacco Road. M1690 (ASU) The Southern Poor-white from Lubberland to Tobacco Road. M1700 (LMC) Retrospect of Western Travel. M3800 Frederick Law Olmsted: A Critic of the Old South. M6260 A Thousand-Mile Walk to the Gulf. M8470 Wilderness Adventure. P30 (ASU) Journey into America. PI 410 (WCU) Southern Accent: From Uncle Remus to Oak Ridge. P3370 (LMC WWC BC) A Narrative of the Visit to the American Churches, by the Deputation from the Congregational Union of England and Wales. R1010 The Discoveries of John Lederer. R2330 (ASU LMC) Where Time Stood Still: A Portrait of Appalachia. R2710 (ASU UNCA BC WCU MHC ETSU FC LMC WWC) Sketches of History, Life, and Manners in the United States. By a Traveller. R4150 SUBJECT Travels in the Confederation, 1783-1784. SI 060 (ASU) A Short Description of the Tennessee Government, or The Territory of the United States South of the River Ohio, to Accompany and Explain a Map of That Country. S4500 (BC ASU) The Old South Illustrated. S8060 (ASU BC) The Tennessee Valley Region: Important Features and Recent Trends. T5330 Trade and Travel Around the Southern Appalachians Before 1830. T9520 (ASU LMC) On Horseback: A Tour in Virginia, North Carolina and Tennessee. With Notes of Travel in Mexico and California. W860 (BC) On Horseback: A Tour in Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee. With Notes of Travel in Mexico and California. W870 (ASU WCU LMC) APP. — EARLY EXPLORATION Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled Parts of North America, in 1796 and 1797. B350 The Unsettled Parts of North America in 1796 and 1797. B360 Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled Parts of North America in 1796 and 1797. B370 Logan. The Last of the Race of Shikellemus, Chief of the Cayuga Nation. A Dramatic Piece. To Which Is Added, the Dialogue of the Backwoodsman and the Dandy, First Recited at the Buffaloe Seminary. July the 1st 1821. D2650 (ASU BC) A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor; with an Account of the Lead and Copper Deposits in Wisconsin; of the Gold Region in the Cherokee Country: and Sketches of Popular Manners. F410 A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor; with an Account of the Lead and Copper Deposits in Wisconsin; of the Gold Region in the Cherokee Country: and Sketches of Popular Manners. F420 Letters from North America Written During a Tour in the United States and Canada. H6200 A Topographical Description of the Western Territory of North America. 170 A Topographical Description of the Western Territory of North America. 180 (LMC ETSU BC) A Topographical Description of the Western Territory of North America. 190 (LMC) The Appalachian Indian Frontier: The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J240 Indians of the Southern Colonial Frontier; The Edmond (Edmund) Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J250 The Transylvania Colony. L1910 (BC ASU) Lost Heritage. S510 (LMC) Lieutenant Henry Timberiake's Memoirs 1756-1765. W6830 APP. — EARLY EXPLORATIONS Travels in the New South: A Bibliography. C4620 Travels in the Old South: A Bibliography. C4630 Journal. F70 (LMC ETSU ASU) The Great South: A Record of Journeys. K2250 (LMC) 40 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Great South: A Record of Journeys in Louisiana, Texas, the Indian Territory, Missouri, Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia, and Maryland. K2260 (ASU BC) APP. — FEDERAL PROGRAMS AND AID The Industrialization of Southern Rural Areas: A Study of Industry and Federal Assistance in Small Towns with Recommendations for Future Policy. A180 "A Study of Effect of Government Aid and Other Factors on the Economic Development of Three Selected Areas in Georgia." A340 Appalachian Alabama: Development Plan — 1970. A870 (ASU) Health Development Plan — 1969, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Alabama. A930 (ASU) Health Development Plan — 1970, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties. A940 (ASU) Regional Health Demonstration Project, Phase 2, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Ala. A950 (ASU) The Appalachian Regional Development Bill. S3, Sen. Randolph; H.R. 4, Rep. Fallen. A2130 (UNCA) An Analysis of the Vista Program and Appalachian Volunteers, Inc. A2190 A2650 (ASU MHC LMC) Papers. A3050 Appalachian Regional Commission. A3100 (ETSU MHC ASU) Meeting, May 8, 1961, the White House. A3160 A3370 (ASU) Annual Report. A3550 Appalachia: A Report, 1964. A3560 (LMC ASU WCU ETSU) Appalachia: An Economic Report — 1970. Trends in Employment, Income and Population. A3570 (ASU) The Appalachian Experiment, 1965-1970. A3620 (ASU) Appalachian North Carolina Youth Development Project, Final Report. A3640 (ASU) At Transition: Executive Director's Semiannual Administrative and Economic Report, July 1-December 31, 1968. A3680 (ASU) "Measurement of the Economic Impact of Public Investment of Regional Economic Growth in Appalachia." B3220 Experiment in Regional Federalism: Implementation of the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 in Georgia, North Carolina, and Tennessee. a 300 Status of West Virginia in the Economic Opportunity Program under Public Law 88-452. Cl 310 A Poverty Program and the Public Schools. C2260 An Evaluation of the Appalachian Volunteers. C5870 (BC) Status of West Virginia in the Economic Opportunity Program Under Public Law 88-452. C8540 C8810 (ASU WCU BC) "Coordination of Anti-poverty Programs in Chattanooga." D1250 A Decade of Action for Progress in Kentucky. E520 (ASU) Program 60, 1960-70; a Decade of Action for Progress in Eastern Kentucky. E530 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. — FEDERAL PROGRAMS AND AID "A Study of the Title I Reading Program During the 1966-68 School Years in Carter County, Tennessee." E1850 (ETSU) A Guide to Resources for Anti-poverty Programs: A Selected Bibliography. F500 (ASU) "Public Policy for Depressed Areas with Special Reference to North Carolina." F1630 "The Appalachian Experiment: Growth or Development." F3730 "Impact of a Federal Grant-in-aid Program on an Economically Depressed, Rural State: A Case Study of Mental Health Programs in West Virginia." G1050 The Economic Needs of Neighborhood Youth Corps Enrollees. Final Report. G2540 G4780 "An Analysis and Evaluation of the OEO National Antipoverty Planning Proces's." H930 A Review of the Appalachian Regional Commission Program. HI 690 (ASU) "The Design and Preparation of a Proposal for Federal Aid for the Education of Children from Low Income Families in Damascus Elementary School, Washington County, Virginia." H5380 (ETSU) "Federal Payments in Lieu of Taxation with Emphasis on the Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority." H7650 War on Poverty. H8300 I860 Action Programs for Eastern Kentucky: Final Report of the Kentucky Flood Rehabilitation Study. K1060 (BC ASU) Federal Aid in Kentucky. K1190 Community Action in Appalachia: An Appraisal of the "War on Poverty" in a Rural Setting of Southeastern Kentucky. K1380 Government Against Poverty. K1680 "Governmental Assistance to Industrial Development in West Virginia." K1870 Scouting the War on Poverty: Social Reform Politics in the Kennedy Administration. K2740 "A Study of the Blue Ridge Job Corps Center." L830 (ETSU) • Federal Aid to Depressed Areas — An Evaluation of the Area Redevelopment Association. L2010 (BC) The Great Society's Poor Law, a New Approach to Poverty. L2020 Programs in Aid of the Poor. L2030 Programs in Aid of the Poor for the 1970's. L2040 "An Administrative History of Public Programs for Dependent Children in North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, 1900-1942." L2740 "Centralization-decentralization in a Context of Intergovernmental .Relations: A Study of Selected Federal Projects in Appalachia." Ml 010 "The Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965." M2900 "The State Development Planning Process: Implementation of the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 in West Virginia." P850 "An Analysis of the Effects of Federal Farm Programs on Incomes of Appalachian Farmers." PI 000 SUBJECT "An Analysis of the Effects of Federal Farm * Programs on Incomes of Appalachian Farmers." PI 040 (LMC) Pennsylvania Appalachian Development Plan. PI870 (ASU WCU) Pennsylvania Appalachian Development Plan: Revision for 1970. PI 880 (ASU) "The Relation of the Hot Lunch Program to the Progress of Pupils in the Deep Water School, West Virginia." P2030 "They'll Cut Off Your Project": A Mingo County Chronicle. P2230 (ASU MHC WCU WWC) Appalachia. P4340 (ASU) "Public Information and the Community Action Programs of the War on Poverty: The First Three Years." R3320 The Appalachian Regional Development Program. R3900 (ASU) Regional Planning: The Appalachian Experience. R3910 (ASU WCU WWC LMC) "The Appalachian Regional Commission: Selected Aspects of Institutions and Processes and Their Relationship to Natural and Human Resources Development." S40 Report on the School Sponsored Program, Appalachian Area. S550 Preparation of Plans and Specifications for Pollution Abatement Activities in Cherry Creek Watershed, Maryland. S3850 (ASU) "An Overview of Federal Programs and Their Impacts on Appalachia." S7690 Tennessee Appalachian Development Plan, 1969-1970. T1600 (ASU) Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1965-; Rationale and Model for Application in Tennessee. T1770 Report on First Year's Activities in the Appalachian Development Program. T1780 (LMC) Is the Tennessee Valley Favored in Federal Expenditures? T2970 (BC) "Southern Appalachian State Newspapers' Treatment of the Antipoverty and Appalachia Acts." T8020 "Why Aid Doesn't Help: Organizing for Community Economic Development in Central Appalachia." T9690 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. U1670 Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1967. U1680 Consideration of H. R. 11946. Report to Accompany H. Res. 861, Aug. 20, 1964. U1960 Appalachian-Regional Development Act of 1964. Hearings before the Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Appalachian Regional Development of the Committee on Public Works on H. R. 11065 and H. R. 11066, May 5-June 11, 1964, to Provide Public Works and Economic Development Programs and the Planning and Coordination Needed to Assist in the Development of the Appalachian Region. U1970 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964: Report to Accompany H. R. 11946, July 31, 1964. U1980 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965: Report to Accompany S. 3, February 17, 1965. U1990 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964. Report Together with Minority Views to Accompany S. 2782, Aug. 13, 1964. U2000 41 APP.—APP. Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964. Hearings on S. 2782, a Bill to Provide Public Works and Economic Development Programs and the Planning Coordination Needed to Assist in the Development of the Appalachian Region, June 22-26, 1964. U2010 Section-by-section Analysis of H. R. 11065 and H. R.. 11066: Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964 as Submitted in Draft to the Committee, April 29, 1964. U2020 Proposed Appropriation for Appalachian Regional Commission, Fiscal Year 1965. Sept. 29, 1964. U2030 War on Poverty: The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. A Compilation of Materials Relevant to S. 2642, Prepared for the Select Subcommittee, July 23, 1964. U2040 Authorizing Printing of Additional Copies of Hearings by Committee on Public Works on Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. -Report from Committee on House Administration to Accompany H. Res. 724. June 2, 1966. U2050 Authorizing Printing of Additional Copies of Committee Print 1 of Committee on Public Works on Section-by-section Analysis of H. R. 4, Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, and Difference between H. R. 4 (89th Cong.), and H. R. 11946 (88th Cong.) as Reported to House of Representatives and S. 2782 (88th Cong.) as Passed by Senate. Report from Committee on House Administration to Accompany H. Res. 722. June 2, 1966. U2060 Supplemental Estimates of Appropriations for Various Agencies for Fiscal Year 1965 to Finance Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Mar. 15, 1965. U2070 Examination of the War on Poverty Program. Hearings before the Subcommittee on the War on Poverty Program, April 12-30, 1965. U2100 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965: Report to Accompany S. 3. U2110 (ETSU) Highlights of Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, Mar. 10, 1965. U2120 Section-by-section Analysis of H. R. 4: Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, and Differences between H. R. 4 (89th Congress) and H. R. 11946 (88th Congress), as Reported to the House of Representatives, and S. 2782 (88th Congress) as Passed by the Senate. U2130 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Hearings on H. R. 4 and S. 3, February 3-5, 1965. U2140 Authorizing Printing for Use of Committee on Public Works of Additional Copies of Its Hearings on Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 (S.3). Report from Committee on Rules and Administration to Accompany S. Res. 208. Feb. 16, 1966. U2150 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Hearings on S. 3, January 19 and 21, 1965. U2170 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965: Report, Together with Individual Views, to Accompany S. 3, January 27, 1965. U2180 Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1965, Communication from President of United States Transmitting Recommendation that Congress Extend Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Jan. 23, 1967. U2190 Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1967. Conference Report to Accompany S. 602. Sept. 26, 1967. U2200 �SUBJECT APP.—APP. APP. FEDERAL PROGRAMS AND AID Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1967, and Amendments to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965. U2210 Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1967. Hearings on H. R. 4446 and Related Bills, May 9-July 12, 1967. U2220 (ASU ETSU) Revising and Extending Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, and Amending Title 5 to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965. Report Together with Supplemental Views, to Accompany S. 602. April 6, 1967. U2260 Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1967 Hearings on S. 602, Jan. 24-Feb. 3, 1967. U2270 (ASU) Appalachian and Regional Action Planning Commissions. Report. U2310 Independent Offices and Department of Housing and Urban Development Appropriations for Fiscal Year 1970. U2320 Regional Economic Development Legislation. Extension and Revision of Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, as Amended, and of Titles 1-5 of Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965, as Amended. U2370 Public Works Acceleration Act. Public Works and Economic Development Act, Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Conference Report to Accompany S. 575, June 2, 1971. U2380 Public Works Acceleration Act. Public Works and Economic Development Act, and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions Report with Minority and supplemental Views, 92d Congress, 1st session, on H. R. 5376, March 29, 1971. U2390 Public Works and Economic Development Act and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Report to Accompany H. R. 9922, July 21, 1971. U2400 Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1971. Hearings on H. R. 5376 and Related Bills, March 15-17, 1971. U2410 Public Works Acceleration Act. Public Works and Economic Development Act, and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Conference Report to Accompany S. 575, June 1, 1971. U2420 Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1971. Report Together with Individual Views to Accompany S. 575, March 9, 1971. U2450 Public Works and Economic Development Act and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Report to Accompany S. 2317, July 20, 1971. U2460 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1971. Hearings on S. 575, February 8-10, 1971. U2480 Economic Development, Project Activity Supplement. U2700 VISTA Services Urban Ghetto, Rural America, Appalachia, Migrant Worker, American Indian, Mentally Handicapped, Job Corps. U3780 War on Poverty Projects, March 31, 1965. U3790 War on Poverty Projects, April 30, 1965. U3800 American Imprints Inventory. U4090 Guide to civilian organizations . . . U4100 Federal Grants-in-Aid; a Comprehensive Analysis of Federal Grants-in-Aid to All the States, with a Detailed Analysis of Programs in Effect in Each City and County of Virginia. V710 (BC) VISTA: Challenge in Poverty. W5910 APP. — FEDERAL PROGRAMS AND AID — COOPERATIVE ASSOCIATIONS Two Supply Cooperatives Serving Low-income Farmers: A Preliminary Analysis in Appalachia. B310 APP. — FEDERAL PROGRAMS AND AID — TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY ... A Compilation of the More Important Congressional Acts, Treaties, Presidential Messages, Judicial Decisions, and Official Reports and Documents Having to do with the Control, Conservation, and Utilization of Water Resources. T5090 APP. — HISTORY A3410 (ASU) Oral History for the Local Historical Society, American Assoc. for State and Local History. B2070 Appalachian People's History Book. C9220 (ASU FC WCU ETSU) An Appalachian Reader. D3240 (WCU MHC FC BC ASU) The Appalachian South: An Historical Bibliography. D3250 An Outline History of Appalachian America. D3270 (BC ASU) The Underside of American History: Other Readings Since 1865. F3140 The South in American History. H5090 (LMC FC) Stories of the South, Old and New. H5180 (ASU BC WWC) 1160 (ASU) Drums Along the Antietam. S930 (MHC ASU) John Wesley North and the Reform Frontier. S7580 "Lincoln's Carpetbagger, J. W. North." S7590 T20 The Blount Journal, 1790-1796: The Proceedings of Government Over the Territory of the United States of America, South of the River Ohio. T7620 (ASU) Blue Ridge Country. T7900 (FC WWC ETSU BC ASU) Blue Ridge Country. T7910 (ASU WCU LMC) T9160 (BC) Letter from the Secretary of War in reply to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 23d ultimo, respecting the interference of any officer or agent of the Government with the Cherokee Indians in the formation of a government for the regulation of their own internal affairs. U4040 Huntington (West Virginia) Through Seventy Five Years. W470 The Journal of Major George Washington. W1080 The Log Cabin in America: From Pioneer Days to the Present. W2880 (ASU WCU BC) APP. — HISTORY — SOURCES A Guide for Field Workers in Folklore. G2360 (BC ASU) APP. — KY. Appalachian Regional Commission. A3060 (ASU MHC) APP. — LABOR FORCE General Agreement Between the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Tennessee Valley Trades and Labor Council. T2830 Development of Salary Policy Employee Panel (Documentation). T6790 42 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Documentation of TVA Apprenticeship Program. T6800 The Labor Force Characteristics of Women in Low-Income Rural Areas of the South. T7630 Bituminous Coal Mining: Labor Market Developments. U1210 APP. MOUNTAINEERS A2170 (ASU BC) A2790 (ASU) APP. MTNS. A2800 A2830 (ETSU BC) Appalachian Wilderness. B2330 The Appalachians. B6960 (ASU WCU LMC MHC FC WWC ETSU BC FC UNCA) The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. C640 (ASU ETSU WWC BC) The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. C650 (LMC MHC WCU FC) The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. C660 Exploring the Mountains of North Carolina. Cl 250 (MHC) The Southern Appalachian Heritage. C2041 My Appalachia: A Reminiscence. C2380 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU WCU FC WWC BC UNCA) Discovering the Appalachians: What to Look for from the Past in the Present along America's Eastern Frontier. C6670 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU LMC WWC UNCA BC) Culture in the South. C7760 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Mass Meeting Study of the Appalachian South. C7870 Appalachian Volunteer Reader. D3260 (BC) An Outline History of Appalachian America. D3270 (BC ASU) The Appalachian Mountain Log Book. El 200 Roaming the Eastern Mountains. F140 (ASU BC) Provinical America, 1690-1740. G3740 The Gatherers: The Gospel among the Highlanders. G4610 (ASU LMC) The Southern Appalachians. H3880 The Southern Appalachians. H3890 (ASU BC) Folk-songs from the Southern Highlands. H4790 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Songs Sung in the Southern Appalachians. H4800 (BC) Still More Ballads and Folk-songs from the Southern Highlands. H4810 The First West. H4820 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU BC) "Southern Mountain Folk Songs for American Schools." H6440 (ASU) Marthy Lou's Kiverlid. H8780 "Marthy Lou's Kiverlid," a Sketch of Mountain Life. H8790 (ASU) "Marthy Lou's Kiverlid," a Sketch of Mountain Life. H8800 (ASU) Look to the Mountain Top. 110 Easy to Follow Directions on How to Get Lost in the Land of the Sky. J580 (WCU) Appalachian Rivers. J1610 Stream Sculpture on the Atlantic Slope: A Study in the Evolution of Appalachian Rivers. J1630 (ASU LMC ETSU) Topography and Geology of the Southern Appalachians. K560 Our Southern Highlanders. K1490 (ETSU BC ASU.). �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. MTNS. Our Southern Highlanders: Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. K1500 (BC ASU) Our Southern Highlanders: Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. K1510 (ASU WCU LMC) Our Southern Highlanders: Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. K1520 (ASU) Our Southern Highlanders: A Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of Life Among the Mountaineers. K1530 (WWC) Our Southern Highlanders: A Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. K1540 (FC) A Way of Life, Our Home in the Southern Appalachians. K2520 (BC ETSU) Adventures in the Wilds of the United States and British American Provinces. L550 (LMC) Letters from the Allegheny Mountains. L560 (LMC ASU BC) The Relation of the Southern Appalachian Mountains to Inland Water Navigation. LI650 (BC ASU) The Relation of the Southern Appalachian Mountains to the Development of Water Power. LI 660 (ASU BC) L2770 (ASU MHC) Clasping Hands with Generations Past. L2960 Standards of Living in Four Southern Appalachian Mountain Counties. Farm Security Administration Social Research Report, no. 10. L3430 (LMC ASU BC) "Self-concepts of Appalachian Children: A Comparative Study of Economically Poor and Economically Disadvantaged Children Using the Piers-Harris Self-concept Inventory." L3510 (LMC ASU) "Inside Down Under Australia and New Zealand Development Characteristics Compared to West Virginia as a Part of the Appalachian Highlands, U. S. A." L3920 Official Data on Western North Carolina's 223 Highest Mountain Peaks. M770 (WCU) The Southern Poor-white from Lubberland to Tobacco Road. M1690 (ASU) The Southern Poor-white from Lubberland to Tobacco Road. Ml 700 (LMC) Berryman Brown of Roanoke County, Virginia and Clinton Dade and Ozark Counties, Missouri. M3720 Over the Blue Wall. M4290 (BC ASU LMC ETSU WCU) The Spirit of the Mountains. M5440 (ASU BC WCU) "The Appalachia of Wilma Dykeman's Fiction." M7340 N2790 (MHC ASU) American Regionalism. 0240 Southern Regions of the United States. O250 (BC LMC MHC WWC) The Way of the South: Toward the Regional Balance of America. 0260 (ASU LMC BC) A Journey in the Back Country. 0580 (ASU LMC) A Journey in the Back Country. 0590 (LMC) A Journey in the Back Country. 0600 (BC LMC) A Catalogue of the South. 01040 (ASU) SUBJECT My Mountains, My People. P410 (ASU WWC UNCA) Mountain Bred. P420 (ASU LMC MHC WCU WWC) Roaming the Mountains with John Parris. P430 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU WWC) These Storied Mountains. P440 (ASU ETSU MHC WCU WWC) Life and Labor in the Old South. P2690 (LMC BC FC) Rural Southern Appalachia and Mass Society, and Overview. P2780 (ASU LMC) Appalachian Wilderness: The Great Smoky Mountains. P3600 (UNCA BC ASU WCU ETSU) Appalachian Wilderness: The Great Smoky Mountains. P3610 (ASU BC) The Southern Appalachian Region: Hitherto Untold Stories. R1770 (ASU LMC) Sense of Discovery: The Mountain. R2700 (ASU LMC BC WCU) Where Time Stood Still: A Portrait of Appalachia. R2710 (ASU UNCA BC WCU MHC ETSU FC LMC WWC) Sense of Discovery: The Mountain. R3060 (ASU LMC WCU BC) The Hill Billies. R4110 (ASUBC) Blue Ridge Breezes. R4120 (LMC FC WCU BC) Blue Ridge Breezes. R4130 (ASU BC) "A Strange Land and Peculiar People: The Discovery of Appalachia, 1870-1920." S2250 (ASU LMC) The South Old and New. S3580 (BC) The Mountaineer, A New Edition. S6110 Echoes of a Passing Era (Down Memories Lane). S7030 (LMC BC) Regionalism and Beyond: Essays of Randall Stewart. S7340 (ASU) Mainstreams of Mountain Thought; Attitudes of Selected Figures in the Heart of the Appalachian South. T730 (ASU) The Highlanders of the South. T8330 (ASU ETSU BC LMC) Appalachia: The Mountains, the Place, and the People. T8920 (ASU LMC MHC BC ETSU) A World of Green Hills: Observation of Nature and Human Nature in the Blue Ridge. T8980 (ASU LMC BC) Appalachian Data Book. U160 (UNCA) Message From the President of the United States Transmitting a Report of the Secretary of Agriculture in Relation to the Forests, Rivers, and Mountains of the Southern Appalachian Region. U2510 (UNCA ASU ETSU) Appalachia — Rebirth of a Region. U2900 (ETSU) Highland Heritage: The Southern Mountains and the Nation. W5380 The Heart of the Alleghenies: Or, Western North Carolina. Comprising Its Topography, History, Resources, People, Narratives, Incidents, and Pictures of Travel, Adventures in Hunting and Fishing and Legends of Its Wildernesses. Z40 (ASU LMC WCU BC ETSU) APP. MTNS. — ALA. Man on a Mountain. B1290 (BC) Geography of the Great Appalachian Valley of Alabama. G2090 (BC ASU) APP. MTNS. — ALTITUDE Dictionary of Altitude in the U. S. G260 APP. MTNS. — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL C8050 43 APP.—APP. Camping Around the Appalachian Mountains. C8470 (ASU) Southern Appalachian Region. 1880 Appalachia Meets the Potomac. 1900 Travels to the West of the Allegheny Mountains. M5330 (ASU BC) "Westerners at Home: Comments of French and British Travelers on life in the West, 1800-1840." P110 The Great Smokies and the Blue Ridge: The Story of the Southern Appalachians. PI500 (WCU ASU LMC ETSU MHC WWC) APP. MTNS. — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL — EARLY TRAVELLERS The History of Travel Into Virginia Britania (1612). S7730 (ASU) APP. MTNS. — EARLY TRAVELLERS ACCOUNTS Final Report of the United States De Soto Expedition Commission. S9480 APP. MTNS. — GA. Highlights of the Economy of the Georgia Mountains Area. G1010 (BCASU) "An Experimental and Field Study of North Georgia Mountaineers." J2440 (ASU) Factors Influencing Recent Industrial Growth in Northeastern Georgia. N2820 (ASU) Highlights of the Economy of the Georgia Mountains Area. W5510 APP. MTNS. — HISTORY Gone Are the Days: An Illustrated History of the Old South. K130 (MHC) APP. MTNS. — KY. Geography of the Mountains of Eastern Kentucky. D960 (BC ASU) The Feuds in the Cumberland Mountains. H7630 Yearbook. K1320 The Land of Saddle-bags: A Study of the Mountain People of Appalachia. R130 (BC ASU ETSU WWC) The Land of Saddle-bags: A Study of the Mountain People of Appalachia. R140 (LMC MHC WCU) Saddlebag Folk: The Way of Life in the Kentucky Mountains. R160 (BC ASU LMC ETSU) APP. MTNS. — ME. The Length and Breadth of Maine. A5450 APP. MTNS. — MT. MITCHELL Mount Mitchell and Dr. Elisha Mitchell. W2040 APP. MTNS. — N. C. Our Carolina Highlanders. B6370 (ASU WCU) Measurements of the Black Mountains. C5070 Mitchell's Peak and Dr. Mitchell. C8420 (ASU LMC) Measurements of Points in North Carolina and Tennessee. G5000 Notes on the Geography of the Mountain District of Western North Carolina. G5010 A Preliminary Check-list of the Ligneous Flora of the Highland Region, North Carolina. H2050 (ASU) Southern Appalachian Highlanders of Western North Carolina. H7240 The Southern Highlands Mountain Resources Management Plan. N2480 "Folklore of the North Carolina Mountaineers." P240 APP. MTNS. — OHIO A Plan for Development of Ohio Appalachia. H8530 (ASU) �APP^APP. APP. MTNS. - RECREATION AND TOURISM Camping Around the Appalachian Mountains. C8470 (ASU) APP. MTNS. — S. C. A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina. L3070 (LMC BC) A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina: From the Earliest Periods to the Close of the War of Independence. L3080 (ASU WCU LMC) APP. MTNS. — SOUTHERN A Photographic Documentary of the Blue Ridge Mountains. J480 (LMC) APP. MTNS. — TENN. Measurements of Points in North Carolina and Tennessee. G5000 K2920 APP. MTNS. — UNAKA MTNS. In the Shadow of Big Bald: About the Appalachians and Their People. A1230 (ETSU) The Wonders of the Unakas in Unicoi County. A1280 (ETSU ASU LMC) APP. MTNS. — VA. G4770 The Shenandoah Valley and Virginia, 1861 to 1865: A War Study. K620 (ASU BC) APP. MTNS. — VT. — WHITE MTNS. A Bibliography of the White Mountain. B3020 APP. MTNS. — W. VA. "West Virginia's Appalachia Participation." S6160 APP. — N. C. Appalachian Regional Commission. A3070 (ASU MHC) APP. — N. Y. New York State Appalachian Development Plan; A Twenty Year Plan for the Fourteen Counties of the New York Appalachian Region. N700 APP. — OHIO Ohio Appalachia Regional Community Study. P2590 (ASU) APP. PEOPLE A2170 (ASU BC) A Search for Appalachian People. A5600 Appalachians Speak Up. B3350 (BC) Resources and People in East Kentucky: Problems and Potentials of a Lagging Economy. B5790 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Annihilating the Hillbilly: The Appalachians' Struggle with America's Institutions. B6350 Our Carolina Highlanders. B6370 (ASU WCU) "The Mountain People of the South: A Sociological Study." B7130 (WCU) "The Evolution of Southern Appalachian Culture as Evidenced in Folklore." B8850 (ETSU) "A Classification of Mountain Whites." C930 The Southern Appalachian Heritage. C2041 "The Southern Poor Whites 1800-1869, with Particular Reference to Kentucky and Tennessee." C6490 (ASU) The Southern Highlands: An Inquiry into Their Needs, and Qualifications Desired in Church, Educational, and Social Service Workers in the Mountain Country. C7960 (BC ASU) The Mountain People in Eastern Kentucky. D2110 "A Population Study of the Appalachian Members of the Freshman Class at Morehead (Kentucky) State University, 1967-1968." D3090 Our Land Too. D3890 (ASU BC WCU) The Appalachian Mountain Log Book. El 200 "South Appalachian Mississippian." F610 (WCU BC) SUBJECT Grandfather's Land: We Are Mountain People. F1310 (WCU) The Gatherers: The Gospel among the Highlanders. G4610 (ASU LMC) Southern Forests and Southern People. HI 650 (LMC) Mountain People, Mountain Crafts. H7320 (ASU) H7880 Poverty, Rural Poverty and Minority Groups Living in Rural Poverty, an Annotated Bibliography. 1870 Hillbilly Women. K20 (ASU BC UNCA) Our Southern Highlanders. K1490 (ETSU BC ASU) Our Southern Highlanders: Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. K1500 (BC ASU) Our Southern Highlanders: Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. K1510 (ASU WCU LMC) Our Southern Highlanders: Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. K1520 (ASU) Our Southern Highlanders: A Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of Life Among the Mountaineers. K1530 (WWC) Our Southern Highlanders: A Narrative of Adventure in the Southern Appalachians and a Study of the Life Among the Mountaineers. K1540 (FC) "Southern White Laborers in Chicago's West Side." K1940 (ASU) A Way of Life, Our Home in the Southern Appalachians. K2520 (BC ETSU) "A Rorschach Comparison of Adult Male Personality in Big Cove, Cherokee, North Carolina, and 'Henry's Branch', Kentucky." K3440 Adventures in the Wilds of the United States and British American Provinces. L550 (LMC) Letters from the Allegheny Mountains. L560 (LMC ASU BC) People of Coal Town. L600 (ASU BC WWC WCU) People of Coal Town. L610 (LMC) "The Southern Mountaineer in Fiction." L2220 (ASU) L2770 (ASU MHC) Clasping Hands with Generations Past. L2960 "Self-concepts of Appalachian Children: A Comparative Study of Economically Poor and Economically Disadvantaged Children Using the Piers-Harris Self-concept Inventory." L3510 (LMC ASU) "Inside Down Under Australia and New Zealand Development Characteristics Compared to West Virginia as a Part of the Appalachian Highlands, U. S. A." L3920 Nativism in Kentucky in 1860. Ml 37* (ASU) The Southern Poor-white from Lubberland to . Tobacco Road. Ml 690 (ASU) The Southern Poor-white from Lubberland to Tobacco Road. Ml 700 (LMC) Berryman Brown of Roanoke County, Virginia and Clinton Dade and Ozark Counties, Missouri. M3720 List of References on the Mountain Whites. M5260 The Frontier Mind: A Cultural Analysis of the Kentucky Frontiersman. M6830 (ASU BC ETSU UNCA) 44 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Frontier Mind. M6840 (ASU WCU) The Frontier Mind: A Cultural Analysis of the Kentucky Frontiersman. M6850 Southern Character Sketches. M7190 (ASU WCU) "Aesthetic Attitudes and Values of Selected Appalachian Youths." M7800 Down to Earth-People of Appalachia. M9100 The Influence of the Physiographic Features of Western North Carolina on the Settlement and Development of the Region. N1400 (ASU) Dry Ridge: Some of Its History, Some of Its People. P2830 (LMC ASU) The Southern Highlanders of America. P3670 (BC ASU) The Hill Billies. R4110 (ASU BC) "A Strange Land and Peculiar People: The Discovery of Appalachia, 1870-1920." S2250 (ASU LMC) Cabins in the Laurel. S2810 (ASU MHC LMC WCU ETSU WWC BC FC UNCA) Cabins in the Laurel. S2820 (FC ASU) Hollow Folk. S2940 (BC LMC ETSU WWC) Hollow Folk. S2950 (ASU) Down by the Riverside. S4440 The Men of the Mountains: The Story of the Southern Mountaineer and His Kin of the Piedmont. With an Account of Some of the Agencies of Progress among Them. S5970 (ASU ETSU LMC) The Mountaineer, A New Edition. 56110 Mainstreams of Mountain Thought; Attitudes of Selected Figures in the Heart of the Appalachian South. T730 (ASU) Blue Ridge Country. T7900 (FC WWC ETSU BC ASU) Blue Ridge Country. T7910 (ASU WCU LMC) The Highlanders of the South. T8330 (ASU ETSU BC LMC) Appalachia: The Mountains, the Place, and the People. T8920 (ASU LMC MHC BC ETSU) A World of Green Hills: Observation of Nature and Human Nature in the Blue Ridge. T8980 . (ASU LMC BC) The Appalachian Photographs of Doris Ulmann. Remembrance by John Jacob Niles. U40 (ASU LMC ETSU FC MHC WCU WWCBC) References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians. U2520 VI320 (BC) A Right Good People. W940 (ASU) Pioneers of Destiny: The Romance of the Appalachian People. W1930 (LMC BC) Students in Appalachia. W1970 (ETSU) Yesterday's People: Life in Contemporary Appalachia. W2490 (UNCA ASU WCU MHC LMC ETSU WWC FC BC) Romantic Appalachia; Or Poverty Pays If You Aren't Poor. W2980 Sketches of Our Mountain Pioneers. W3080 (BC) The Older West Virginian. W3270 Highland Heritage: The Southern Mountains and the Nation. W5380 The Southern Mountaineers. W7520 (ASU ETSU MHC WWC BC) The Southern Mountaineers. W7530 (ASU LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. PEOPLE The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky. W8540 "The Kentucky Mountaineer: A Study of Four Counties in Southeastern Kentucky." W8550 (ASU) The Older Appalachians of the South. W9400 Virginia Germans. W9810 Wartburg: Dream and Reality of the New Germany in Tennessee. W9820 The Heart of the Alleghenies: Or, Western North Carolina. Comprising Its Topography, History, Resources, People, Narratives, Incidents, and Pictures of Travel, Adventures in Hunting and Fishing and Legends of Its Wildernesses. Z40 (ASU LMC WCU BC ETSU) Zirkle Family in America, Germany to America. Z130 APP. PEOPLE - CHILDREN Children of Appalachia. S3270 (ASU ETSU MHC BC) APP. PEOPLE — 6A. "An Experimental and Field Study of North Georgia Mountaineers." J2440 (ASU) APP. PEOPLE — KY. History Records of Harlan County, Kentucky, People. B9070 (BC) The Kentucky Highlanders from a Native Mountaineers Viewpoint. C6140 (BC ASU) Employment Problems of the Eastern Kentucky Mountain People. F1990 The Southern Mountaineer. F2890 The Mountain People of Kentucky. An Account of Present Conditions with the Attitude of the People toward Improvement. HI 490 (ASU BC) An Experimental Study of the East Kentucky Mountaineers: A Study in Heredity and Environment. H5680 (ETSU BC ASU) "The Settlement of the Kentucky Appalachian Highlands." M480 (ASU BC) Life Among the Hills and Mountains of Kentucky. T8080 (ASU BC) APP. PEOPLE — N. C. Interdisciplinary Cultural Heritage Program. B8640 (WCU) Southern Appalachian Highlanders of Western North Carolina. H7240 APP. PEOPLE — VA. "The Mountain People of Virginia: Their Nature and Their Needs." D160 (ASU) "The Mountain People of Virginia: Their Nature and Their Needs." D170 (ASU) The Southern Mountaineer. F2890 P1080 APP. PEOPLE — W. VA. Teacher's Manual for West Virginia: The State and Its People. R1980 West Virginia: The State and Its People. R1990 (ASU) APP. REGIONAL COMMISSION The Appalachian Regional Commission, Educational Advisory Committee Interim Report. A1690 A2650 (ASU MHC LMC) Code. A3710 (WCU ASU) Current Regional Reports. A3720 Guidelines for Funding Appalachian Projects, Development Districts, and Research. A3740 (ASU) Guidelines for Funding Appalachian Projects, Development Districts and Research. A3750 (ASU) SUBJECT New Directions: Executive Director's Semi-annual Report, January 1-June 30, 1971. A3770 Report. A3800 (ETSU ASU WCU BC) Summary Report. A3850 (ASU) Appalachian — Education for Tomorrow. A3910 (ASU) Interim Report. A3930 (ASU LMC BC) Experiment in Regional Federalism: Implementation of the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 in Georgia, North Carolina, and Tennessee. C1300 C8810 (ASU WCU BC) A Review of the Appalachian Regional Commission Program. HI 690 (ASU) 1100 (ASU) 1110 (ASU) 1120 (ASU) 1130 (ASU) Guidelines for an Appalachian Airport System. M2980 Catalog of ARC Section 302B Research and Demonstration Projects. 0310 (ASU) Appalachia. P4340 (ASU) Program Budgeting for Planners; A Case Study of Appalachia With Projections Through 1985. R4040 "The Appalachian Regional Commission: Selected Aspects of Institutions and Processes and Their Relationship to Natural and Human Resources Development." S40 A Report to the Area-Redevelopment Administration; U. S. Department of Commerce on a Model for an Appalachian Regional Commission. S9790 Tennessee Appalachian Development Plan, 1969-1970. T1600 (ASU) Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1965-; Rationale and Model for Application in Tennessee. T1770 Report on First Year's Activities in the Appalachian Development Program. T1780 (LMC) "Southern Appalachian State Newspapers' Treatment of the Antipoverty and Appalachia Acts." T8020 Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1967. U1650 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. U1670 Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1967. U1680 Consideration of H. R. 11946. Report to Accompany H. Res. 861, Aug. 20, 1964. U1960 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964. Hearings before the Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Appalachian Regional Development of the Committee on Public Works on H. R. 11065 and H. R. 11066, May 5-June 11, 1964, to Provide Public Works and Economic Development Programs and the Planning and Coordination Needed to Assist in the Development of the Appalachian Region. U1970 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964: Report to Accompany H. R. 11946, July 31, 1964. U1980 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965: Report to Accompany S. 3, February 17, 1965. U1990 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964. Report Together with Minority Views to Accompany S. 2782, Aug. 13, 1964. U2000 45 APP,—APP. Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964. Hearings on S. 2782, a Bill to Provide Public Works and Economic Development Programs and the Planning Coordination Needed to Assist in the Development of the Appalachian Region, June 22-26, 1964. U2010 Section-by-section Analysis of H. R. 11065 and H. R. 11066: Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1964 as Submitted in Draft to the Committee, April 29, 1964. U2020 Proposed Appropriation for Appalachian Regional Commission, Fiscal Year 1965. Sept. 29, 1964. U2030 War on Poverty: The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. A Compilation of Materials Relevant to S. 2642, Prepared for the Select Subcommittee, July 23, 1964. U2040 Authorizing Printing of Additional Copies of Hearings by Committee on Public Works on Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Report from Committee on House Administration to Accompany H. Res. 724. June 2, 1966. U2050 Authorizing Printing of Additional Copies of Committee Print 1 of Committee on Public Works on Section-by-section Analysis of H. R. 4, Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, and Difference between H. R. 4 (89th Cong.), and H. R. 11946 (88th Cong.) as Reported to House of Representatives and S. 2782 (88th Cong.) as Passed by Senate. Report from Committee on House Administration to Accompany H. Res. 722. June 2, 1966. U2060 Supplemental Estimates of Appropriations for Various Agencies for Fiscal Year 1965 to Finance Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Mar. 15, 1965. U2070 Examination of the War on Poverty Program. Hearings before the Subcommittee on the War on Poverty Program, April 12-30, 1965. U2100 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965: Report to Accompany S. 3. U2110 (ETSU) Highlights of Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, Mar. 10, 1965. U2120 Section-by-section Analysis of H. R. 4: Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, and Differences between H. R. 4 (89th Congress) and H. R. 11946 (88th Congress), as Reported to the House of Representatives, and S. 2782 (88th Congress) as Passed by the Senate. U2130 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Hearings on H. R. 4 and S. 3, February 3-5, 1965. U2140 Authorizing Printing for Use of Committee on Public Works of Additional Copies of Its Hearings on Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 (S.3). Report from Committee on Rules and Administration to Accompany S. Res. 208. Feb. 16, 1966. U2150 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Hearings on S. 3, January 19 and 21, 1965. U2170 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965: Report, Together with individual Views, to Accompany S. 3, January 27, 1965. U2180 Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1965, Communication from President of United States Transmitting Recommendation that Congress Extend Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Jan. 23, 1967. U2190 Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1967. Conference Report to Accompany S. 602. Sept. 26, 1967. U2200 �APR.—APP. APP. REGIONAL COMMISSION Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1967, and Amendments to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965. U2210 Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1967. Hearings on H. R. 4446 and Related Bills, May 9-July 12, 1967. U2220 (ASU ETSU) Nomination of Joe W. Fleming II to be Federal Co-chairman of the Appalachian Regional Commission Hearing, Feb. 7, 1967. U2240 Nomination of Meriwether Lewis Clark Tyler to be Alternate Federal Co-chairman of the Appalachian Regional Commission. Hearing, March 21, 1968. U2250 Revising and Extending Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, and Amending Title 5 to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965. Report Together with Supplemental Views, to Accompany S. 602. April 6, 1967. U2260 Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1967 Hearings on S. 602, Jan. 24-Feb. 3, 1967. U2270 (ASU) Appalachian and Regional Action Planning Commissions. Report. U2310 Nominations of Federal Cochairmen of Regional Economic Development Commissions. Hearing on Nominations of John B. Waters, Jr., to be Federal Cochairman of the Appalachian Regional Commission, W. Donald Brewer to be Federal Cochairman of the Four Corners Regional Commission, G. Fred Steele to be Federal Cochairman of the Coastal Plains Regional Commission, Stewart Lamprey to be Federal Cochairman of the New England Regional Commission, and E. L. Stewart to be Federal Cochairman of the Ozarks Regional Commission, March 25, 1969. U2350 Nomination of Orville H. Lerch for Alternative Cochairman, Appalachian Regional Commission. Hearing, July 15, 1969. U2360 Regional Economic Development Legislation. Extension and Revision of Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, as Amended, and of Titles 1-5 of Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965, as Amended. U2370 Public Works Acceleration Act. Public Works and Economic Development Act, Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Conference Report to Accompany S. 575, June 2, 1971. U2380 Public Works Acceleration Act. Public Works and Economic Development Act, and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions Report with Minority and supplemental Views, 92d Congress, 1st session, on H. R. 5376, March 29, 1971. U2390 Public Works and Economic Development Act and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Report to Accompany H. R. 9922, July 21, 1971. U2400 Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1971. Hearings on H. R. 5376 and Related Bills, March 15-17, 1971. U2410 Public Works Acceleration Act. Public Works and Economic Development Act, and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Conference Report to Accompany S. 575, June 1, 1971. U2420 Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1971. Report Together with Individual Views to Accompany S. 575, March 9, 1971. U2450 SUBJECT Public Works and Economic Development Act and Appalachian Regional Development Act Extensions. Report to Accompany S. 2317, July 20, 1971. U2460 Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1971. Hearings on S. 575, February 8-10, 1971. U2480 Economic Development, Project Activity Supplement. U2700 Highway Program Shows Limited Progress toward Increasing Accessibility to and through Appalachia-. Report to the Congress on the Appalachian Regional Commission by the Comptroller General of the United States. U3060 Appalachian Region as Designated by the Appalachian Regional Commission, 1965. U3090 Examination of the War on Poverty Program. U3440 Poverty in the United States. U3450 An act to provide public work and economic development programs and the planning and coordination needed to assist in development of the Appalachian Region. U3460 An act to provide public work & economic development programs & the planning & coordination needed to assist in development of the App. Region. U3470 H. R. 10090, Act Making Appropriations for Public Works for Water and Power Development, Including Corps of Engineers, Civil, Bureau of Reclamation, Bonneville Power Administration, and Other Power Agencies of Department of Interior, Appalachian Regional Commission, Federal Power Commission, Tennessee Valley Authority, Atomic Energy Commission, and Related Independent Agencies and Commissions for Fiscal Year 1972, and for Other Purposes. U3510 H. R. 15586, Act Making Appropriations for Public Works for Water and Power Development, Including Corps of Engineers — Civil, Bureau of Reclamation, Bonneville Power Administration, and Other Power Agencies of the Department of Interior, Appalachian Regional Development Programs, Federal Power Commission, Tennessee Valley Authority, Atomic Energy Commission, and Related Independent Agencies and Commissions for Fiscal Year 1973, and for Other Purposes. Approved August 25, 1972. U3520 S. 3, Act to Provide Public Works and Economic Development Programs and Planning and Coordination Needed to Assist in Development of Appalachian Region. Approved Mar. 9, 1965. U3530 (ETSU) S. 602, Act to Revise and extend Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, and to Amend Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965. Approved October 11, 1967. U3550 S. 2317, Act to Extend Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965 and Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Approved Aug. 5, 1971. U3560 (ETSU) Should the Federal Government Establish a National Program of Public Work for the Unemployed? Selected Excerpts and References Relating to the National College Debate Topic, 1964-65. U3610 A Nation Aroused, 1st Annual Report. U3760 Poverty Program Information, as of January 1, 1966. U3770 War on Poverty Projects, March 31, 1965. U3790 War on Poverty Projects, April 30, 1965. . U3800 46 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Strengthening Labor's Role in the War on Poverty: Labor Leadership for Community Action in Appalachia. Report of CAP 66-9205 to the Office of E. O. U3810 Strengthening labor's role in the War on Poverty: labor leadership training for community action in Appalachia; a report of CAP 66-9205 to the Office of Economic Opportunity, by Frederick A. Zeller, Project Director; Robert W. Miller, Associate Project Director. U3820 Recreation Potential in the Appalachian Highlands: A Market Analysis. U4220 (ASU) APP. TRAIL Walking in the Clouds. A380 (ETSU ASU) The Appalachian Trail. A4120 The Appalachian Trail: A Mountain Footpath — A National Scenic Trail. A4130 (LMC ETSU) The Appalachian Trail. A4140 (ETSU) The Appalachian Trail: A Footpath Through the Wilderness for More Than 2,000 Miles from Katahdin in Maine to Springer Mountain in Georgia. A4150 (ASU) The Appalachian Trail: A Mountain Footpath, a National Scenic Trail. A4160 (ASU) Appalachian Trail Conference, Undertaking the Appalachian Trail (A Mountain Foot-path from Maine to Georgia. . . . A4170 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Central and Southwestern Virginia. A4180 (BC LMC ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia. A4190 (LMC BC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia. A4200 (ASU BC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia. A4210 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians. A4250 (ASU BC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians. A4260 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians. A4270 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and the Great Smokies. A4280 (LMC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina: Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies. A4290 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies. A4300 (ETSU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies. A4310 (ASU) Guide to the Southern Appalachians. The Appalachian Trail from Virginia-Tennessee Line to Mt. Oglethorpe, Ga. A4320 (ASU BC) Plans for an Appalachian Trail Lean-to. . . A4330 (ASU) Suggestions for Appalachian Trail Users. A4340 Suggestions for Appalachian Trail Users. A4350 Suggestions for Appalachian Trail Users. A4360 Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. A4370 (ASU) Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. A4380 Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. A4390 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY APP. TRAIL Trail Manual for Appalachian Trail. A4400 Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. A4410 Arnold Guyot's Notes on the Geography of the Mountain District of Western North Carolina. A5740 Campfires Along the Appalachian Trail. B650 (ASU LMC WCU BC) The Appalachian Trail. F1200 (BC ASU FC WWC ETSU MHC) Appalachian Hiker: Adventure of a Lifetime. G520 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) G4650 G4660 G4670 G4680 G4690 G4700 G4710 G4720 G4730 G4740 G4750 G4760 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Pennsylvania: From the Maryland Line to the Delaware Water Gap—222.4 Miles. K1860 (ETSU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in New York and New Jersey. N680 (ASU) Guide to Paths in the Blue Ridge: The Appalachian Trail and Side Trails in Southern Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. P3820 (ASU) Guide to Paths in the Blue Ridge: The Appalachian Trail and Side Trails in Southern Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. P3830 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail and Side Trails in the Shenandoah National Park. P3840 (ETSU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail: From the Susquehanna River to the Shenandoah National Park. P3850 (WCU ETSU LMC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Central and Southwestern Virginia. P3860 Guide to the Appalachian Trail: Susquehanna River to the Shenandoah National Park. P3870 Guide to Trails in the Shenandoah National Park: The Appalachian Trail and Side Trails. P3880 Hiking, Camping, Mountaineering and Trailclearing Equipment. P3890 (ASU) The Appalachian Trail; Wilderness on the Doorstep. S9300 (ASU) The Appalachian Trail: Wilderness on the Doorstep. S9310 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU FC WWC UNCA BC) The Appalachian Trail. Hearing on S. 622, September 16, 1965. U2160 (LMC) Nationwide System of Trails. Hearings before the Committee on S. 827, March 15 and 16, 1967. U2230 (LMC) APP. TRAIL — ME. Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Maine. . . A4220 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Maine; the Route of the Appalachian Trail in Maine. . . A4230 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Maine. . . A4240 APP. — VA. Appalachian Regional Commisiioji. A3090 (ASU MHC) APP. — VOLUNTEERS Papers. A3050 SUBJECT APPALACHIA REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT ACT "The State Development Planning Process: Implementation of the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 in West Virginia." P850 APPALACHIAN REGIONAL COMMISSION The Appalachian Regional Development Program. R3900 (ASU) ARCHAEOLOGIST — TENN. Ten Years of the Tennessee Archaeologist: Selected Subjects. T930 (ETSU) ARCHAEOLOGY The Mound Builders. A1820 (BC) A Bibliography of Kentucky Archaeology. B5810 "The Pisgah Culture and Its Place in the Prehistory of the Southern Appalachians." D2090 (ASU WWC WCU) Hiwassee Island, an Archaeological Account of Four Tennessee Indian Peoples. L2270 (ETSU ASU WCU LMC BC) Tribes That Slumber: Indians of the Tennessee Region. L2300 (ETSU) An Archeological Survey of Rickwick Basin in the Adjacent Portions of the States of Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee. W2070 The Adena People, no. 2. W2080 (MHC) An Archaeological Survey of Guntersville Basin on the Tennessee River in Northern Alabama. W2090 (LMC BC) An Archaeological Survey of the Norris Basin in Eastern Tennessee. W2100 (BC) Indian Knoll. W2110 The Prehistoric Men of Kentucky. Y220 (BC) ARCHAEOLOGY — APP. Prehistoric Races of the United States of America. F2330 (ASU) Archaeology of Eastern United States. G4190 (WCU) Annual Report of the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1879-80. U380 Anthropological Papers. U390 (BC) Bulletin. U400 (WCU) Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1883-84. U410 (ASU) Index to Bulletins 1-100 of the Bureau of American Ethnology; with index to Contributions to North American ethnology. U420 (WCU) Reports. U430 (BC) Seventh annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1885-86. U440 (ASU) ARCHAEOLOGY — GA. The Cherokee Nation: Fort Mountain, Vann House, Chester Inns, New Echota. A1550 (ASU BC) Short Contributions to the Geology, Geography, and Archaeology of Georgia. G920 (ETSU) the Paleozoic Group: The Geology of Ten Counties of Northwestern Georgia. G1020 (BC ASU) P2550 ARCHAEOLOGY — MD. Cetothere Skeletons from the Miocene Choptank Formation of Maryland and Virginia. K610 (ETSU) ARCHAEOLOGY — N. C. Certain Mounds in Haywood County, North Carolina. H5140 (ASU) **A« Archaeological Survey of Trontylvania County, North Carolina." H6490 (WCU) 47 APR.—ARCHEOLOGY ARCHAEOLOGY - TENN. Pre-historic Man in Tennessee. The Problem Solved. A Centennial Booklet. B4650 "Archaeological Investigations in the Tims Ford Reservation, Tennessee, 1966." F300 (ETSU) The Excavation and Interpretation of the Old Stone Fort, Coffee County, Tennessee. F310 (ASU) Excavations in Nickajack Reservoir: Season I. F320 (ETSU) The Old Stone Fort: Exploring an Archaeological Mystery. F330 (ASU LMC BC) Archaeological Investigations in the Tellico Reservoir: Interim Report, 1970. G2110 (ASU ETSU) Cherokee and Earlier Remains on Upper Tennessee River. H2610 (BC LMC) Explorations of the Aboriginal Remains of Tennessee. J2420 (ASU BC) Annotations Pertaining to Prehistoric Research in Tennessee. L2240 Eva, an Archaic Site. L2250 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) The First Tennesseans; an Interpretation of Tennessee Prehistory. L2260 The Prehistory of the Chickamauga Basin in Tennessee, a Preview. L2280 Tribes That Slumber: Indian Times in the Tennessee Region. L2290 (ASU LMC WCU MHC BC) Aboriginal Sites on Tennessee River. M7080 T920 (ETSU) The Antiquities of Tennessee and the Adjacent States, and the State of Aboriginal Society in the Scale of Civilization Represented by Them. T8460 (LMC ASU) ARCHAEOLOGY - VA. Evidence of Indian Occupancy in Albemarle County, Virginia. B9340 (BC) An Archaeological Survey of Southwest Virginia. H6560 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Cetothere Skeletons from the Miocene Choptank Formation of Maryland and Virginia. K610 (ETSU) ARCHAEOLOGY — W. VA. Second Preliminary Report: The St. Albans Site, Kanawha County, West Virginia, 1964-1968. B7540 (ASU) A Guide to the Common Fossils Plants of W. Va. G1640 Plant Fossils of West Virginia. G1650 (BC ETSU) West Virginia Geology, Archaeology, and Pedology: A Bibliography and Index. G1660 (BC ETSU) Biological and Archaeological Analysis of Bones from a 17th Century Indian Village (46 PU 31), Putnam County, West Virginia. G4810 (ASU) Archaeological Excavations on Virginius Island, Harpers Ferry National Historic Park, 1966-1968. HI 570 Archeological Survey of the Rowlesburg Reservoir Area, West Virginia. J720 (ASU) Selected Archeological and Historical Sites in West Virginia; Preliminary Plan for Development. W5170 ARCHEOLOGY COPENA: A Tennessee Valley Middle Woodland Culture. W670 ARCHEOLOGY — APP. The Mound-Builders; a Reconstruction of the Life of a Prehistoric American Race, through Exploration and Interpretation of Their Earth Mounds, Their Burials, and Their Cultural Remains. S3050 �ARCHEOLOGY—ARTS ARCHEOLOGY — APP. "The Cherokees Probably Mound Builders." T7780 ARCHEOLOGY — GA. Exploration of the Etowah Site in Georgia. M7370 (ASU) ARCHEOLOGY — KY. Conceptions of Kentucky Prehistory: A Case Study in the History of Archeology. SI 220 (ASU BC) ARCHEOLOGY — N. C. Peachtree Mound and Village Site, Cherokee County, North Carolina. $2000 (ASU LMC UNCA) ARCHEOLOGY — TENN. Archaeological Investigations in the Tellico Reservoir, Tennessee, 1967-1968: An Interim Report. S230 (ASU) ARCHEOLOGY — W. VA. Archeological Survey of Nicholas County, West Virginia. M2250 (ASU) Excavation of the Murad Mound, Kanawha County, West Virginia, and an Analysis of Kanawha Valley Mounds. M2260 (ASU) Introduction to West Virginia Archeology. M2270 (ASU) Introduction to West Virginia Archeology. M2280 Part 1: The Living Flora of West Virginia. Part 2: The Fossil Flora of West Virginia. M6100 (ETSU) Moundsville's Mammoth Mound. N1450 P4280 (ETSU) The Mound-Builders; a Reconstruction of the Life of a Prehistoric American Race, through Exploration and Interpretation of Their Earth Mounds, Their Burials, and Their Cultural Remains. $3050 ARCHITECTURE — APP. Wilderness Homes. K720 ARCHITECTURE — KY. Kentucky's Covered Bridges. B6330 ARCHITECTURE — VA. Architecture in Virginia: An Official Guide to Four Centuries of Building in the Old Dominion. 0710 (ASU) ARCHITECTURE — W. VA. Covered Bridges of West Virginia, Past and Present. A5620 (ASU BC) ARCHIVES Guide to Civil War Records in the N. C. State Archives. N2590 Guide to Private Manuscript Collections in the North Carolina State Archives. N2600 (ASU) ART From the Appalachians: A Portfolio of Drawings and Paintings. C1530 (ASU BC) The Collectors: Dr. Claribel and Miss Etta Cone. P3400 (ASU) Rexrode Art: Sketches from the Hills of West Virginia. R1630 (ASU) ART — APP. "Aesthetic Attitudes and Values of Selected Appalachian Youths." M7800 ARTS AND CRAFTS A2750 Shuttlecraft Book of American Handweaving. A5460 (BC) American Patchwork Quilts. B70 (ASU) The Art of Hooked-rug Making. B1880 (LMC) The Art of Blacksmithing. B2290 (ASU) The Moravian Potters in North Carolina. B4290 (LMC) American Folk Painting. B4330 (ASU) SUBJECT The Story of a Homespun Web. B4780 (BC) Kentucky Coverlets. B5660 (BC) Homespun Handicrafts. B5710 (BC) The Wooden Tower. C2510 The Magic of Spinning. C2940 (ASU WCU) Basketry. C4020 (ASU WCU) Common Clay. C7980 (LMC ASU WCU) Encouraging American Craftsmen. C7990 (WCU LMC ASU) Encouraging American Handcrafts: What Role in Economic Development? C8000 (LMC) Pottery Workshop: A Study in the Making of Pottery from Idea to Finished Form. C8010 (WCU) "Glass Production Processes of the Kanawha Valley Area." C8070 (ASU) The Dye-Pot. D680 A Handweaver's Pattern Book. D1290 (ASU BC) A Handweaver's Source Book; A Selection of 224 Patterns from the Laura M. Allen Collection. 01300 Pennsylvania German Home Weaving. D1310 Artisans of the Appalachians. D4040 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC BC) Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands: With an Account of the Rural Handicraft Movement in the United States and Suggestions for the Wider Use of Handicrafts in Adult Education and in Recreation. E560 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC) References on the Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands. El 000 (BC) References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians. El 010 References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians. E1020 (BC ETSU LMC ASU) Handspinning: Art and Technique. F90 (LMC) Old Patchwork Quilts and the Women Who Made Them. F1040 (BC) The Story of the Penland Weavers. F1880 (ASU BC) Pattern in the Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States. G2080 (ASU BC WCU LMC FC) Complete Guide to Hand Spinning, Teasing, Carding, Spinning. G3280 (ASU) Patchwork for Beginners. G3660 (ASU) The Romance of the Patchwork Quilt in America: In Three Parts. H590 (ASU BC) Mountain People, Mountain Crafts. H7320 (ASU) The Standard Book of Quilt Making and Collecting. 130 (ASU BC) Weaving as a Hobby. 140 (BC ASU) Loom-fixing and Weaving; A Book for All Who Are Interested in Such Matters. 11010 Indian Basketry. J340 Vegetable Dyeing: 151 Color Recipes for Dyeing Yarns and Fabrics with Natural Materials. LI 880 (ASU) One Hundred and One Patchwork Patterns: Quilt Name Stories, Cutting Designs, Material Suggestions, Yardage Estimates, Definite Instructions for Every Step of Quilt Making. Ml 880 (ASU WCU BC) The Knox County Economic Opportunity Council Anti-Poverty Arts and Crafts. M9080 48 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Inkle. N390 Potential Earning Power of Southern Mountaineer Handicraft. N1020 (BC) Artistry in Quilts. N2470 (ASU) Potential Earning Power of Southern Mountaineer Handicrafts. N2990 A Book of Handwoven Coverlits. 060 (BC) 0680 (ASU) Catalog. P1720 (ETSU) Seat Weaving. P2250 American Quilts and Coverlets; A History of a Charming Native Art. P2390 How to Make Whirligigs and Whimmy Diddles and Other American Folkcraft Objects. P2450 Dictionary of Weaves; a Collection of All Weaves from Four to Nine Harness. P3770 (BC) American Potters and Pottery. R230 (BC) Mountain Artisans: An Exhibit of Patchwork and Quilting, Appalachia. R1820 (BC) The Shenandoah Pottery. R1890 (ASU BC) Dyes from Plants. R3170 (ASU) America's Quilts and Coverlets. S70 (ASU) America's Quilts and Coverlets. S80 (ASU) American Folk Toys: 85 American Folk Toys and How to Make Them. SI 000 (ASU) Old Fashioned Quilts. S2060 The Origins and Characteristics of Folk Art in West Virginia. S2450 Introducing Quilting. S3180 (ASU) Arts and Crafts of the Shenandoah Valley. S4610 (ASU BC FC) Confrontation with the Arts: The Arts in Education — What? For Whom? How? A Symposium Held at Western Carolina University, March 6-7, 1969. S5230 (ASU WCU) Vanishing Crafts and Their Craftsmen. S6940 (ASU) A Weavin' Woman. S7110 (LMC) Apple and Doughhead Dollmaking: Clothes Patterns Included. T520 (WCU) Crafts in the Southern Highlands. W1980 Quilts: Their Story and How to Make Them. W2130 (ASU) Quilts: Their Story and How to Make Them. W2140 (BC) How to Make Cornhusk Dolls. W2810 Foot-Power Loom Weaving. W9300 (BC) Foot-Power Loom Weaving. W9310 (BC) How to Weave Linens. W9320 (BC) A Study of North Appalachian Indian Pottery. W9360 (LMC BC) ARTS AND CRAFTS — APP. C2040 (ASU) C8350 (WCU ASU) Mountain Homespun. G2610 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC The Southern Mountains, a Collection of Drawings. H6970 (ASU BC) A Handbook and Resource Guide for New Craft Groups. H8040 The Mountain Artisans Quilting Book. L2060 (BC ASU LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY ARTS AND CRAFTS — APP. Four-Harness Huck. N380 The Arts Workshop of Rural America: A Study of the Rural Arts Program of the Agricultural Extension Service. P630 (LMC) Home Industries and Domestic Weavings. W5100 ARTS AND CRAFTS — CARVING Whittling and Woodcarving. T160 (ASU) ARTS AND CRAFTS — CHEROKEE The Golden Book of Indian Crafts and Lore. H8380 (MHC) Arts and Crafts of the Cherokee. L1600 (UNCA ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) . . . Decorative Art and Basketry of the Cherokee. S6100 (ASU) ARTS AND CRAFTS — GA. "Georgia Jug Makers: A History of Southern Folk Pottery." B9190 ARTS AND CRAFTS — GUILDS Crafts in the Southern Highlands. S5750 (BC ASU) Crafts in the Southern Highlands. S5760 ARTS AND CRAFTS — INDIAN Sun Circles and Human Hands: The Southeastern Indians Art and Industries. F3830 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States. H6890 Handbook of Aboriginal American Antiquities. H6900 (LMC) ARTS AND CRARS — KY. The Development of Kentucky's Handicraft Industry. E2380 ARTS AND CRAFTS — N. C. Traditional Pottery in North Carolina by Bob Conway. C6810 The Arts and Crafts in North Carolina, 1699-1840. C8380 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Jugtown Pottery: History and Design. C8600 (ASU LMC MHC BC) The Silversmiths of North Carolina. C9980 (ASU) The Arts in North Carolina, 1967. N1660 (LMC) North Carolina Museum of History, Raleigh. N2010 (ASU) ARTS AND CRAFTS — TENN. "Art Handbook for Elementary Teachers of Elizabethton City Schools, Elizabethton, Tennessee." C9900 (ETSU) KIOSK. T9260 (ETSU) "The Planning of Art Facilities for Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." W7030 (ETSU) ARTS AND CRAFTS — VA. The Silversmiths of Virginia. C9990 (FC BC) KIOSK. T9260 (ETSU) ARTS AND CRAFTS — W. VA. Economic Impact of the Mountain State Art and Craft Fair, Ripley, West Virginia, 1964. H50 Mountain Heritage. M4410 Mountain Heritage, Mountain State Art and Craft Fair Cedar Lakes. M4420 "The Revival of the Folk Arts in West Virginia." R420 (ASU LMC) ARTS — APP. Discovery, Expression, Communication: An Arts Approach to the Problems of Appalachia. F510 ARTS — CRAFTS "Handicrafts in Sevier County, Tennessee." H6180 (ASU) BANKING — N. C. "The History of Banking in Watauga County, North Carolina." E20 (ASU) SUBJECT "The History of Banking in Watauga County, North Carolina." E20 (ASU) BANKS AND BANKING Pioneers of Old Frontiers. B7270 (ETSU) "A Study of Commercial Banking in Two Economically Depressed Cities: Youngstown, Ohio, and Wheeling, West Virginia, 1951-1967." N1010 North Carolina County Data. W10 BANKS AND BANKING — TENN. "History of the Hamilton National Bank of Knoxville." C2930 BIBLIOGRAPHIES Guide to Manuscripts and Archives in the West Virginia Collection. W4620 (ASU ETSU BC) Jesse and Jane Stuart: A Bibliography. W8730 Jesse Stuart: A Bibliography. W8740 (WCU BC) Jesse Stuart; a Bibliography for May, 1960-May, 1965. W8750 (BC) BIBLIOGRAPHIES — N. C. Guide to the Manuscripts in the Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina. W9190 (LMC) BIBLIOGRAPHY Some Tennessee Rarities. A1640 (ASU) Tennessee Books: A Preliminary Guide. A1650 (LMC) A2760 (BC) A2860 (ASU ETSU LMC MHC WWC BC) Resources of the Appalachian Library and Culture Center, an Annotated Listing of Books, Recordings and Other Media. A3240 Literature List, June, 1972. A3310 (ASU BC) A3400 (BC ETSU ASU) A Bibliography of Research Studies Produced with Appalachian Regional Development Program Funds. A3690 A Select Bibliography on High Risk Education for Appalachian Youth: Programs and Practices. A3820 The American Indian: A Bibliography. A4071 An Indexed Bibliography of the Tennessee Valley Authority. B2020 1924 Works of Fiction by Southern Appalachian Authors, Or with Southern Appalachian Settings: Mountain Fiction from Addington to Zugsmith. B3080 (ASU-MHC ETSU BC) Farm Migration, 1940-1945: An Annotated Bibliography. B3180 B3490 (BC) B3500 (ASU) Mine Drainage Abstracts, a Bibliography. B4270 (ASU) The Southern Mountaineer in Literature, an Annotated Bibliography. B5040 (ETSU ASU LMC BC FC UNCA) Bibliography of Georgia Authors, 1949-1965. B5320 (BC ASU) A Bibliography of Kentucky Archaeology. B5810 West Virginia Authors: A Bio-bibliography. B6480 West Virginia Authors: A Bibliography. B6490 (BC) North Carolina Fiction, 1958-1971: An Annotated Bibliography. B6720 (ASU) A Descriptive Bibliography of West Virginia Ornithology. B6900 (BC) A Bibliography of Dissertations in Geography, 1901-1969. B7460 (LMC) 49 ARTS—BIBLIOGRAPHY Kentucky Authors, a History of Kentucky Literature. B7480 (ASU BC) The George Pullen Jackson Collection of Southern Hymnody: A Bibliography. C280 (BC) Southern Literary Culture: A Bibliography of Master's and Doctor's Theses. Cl 120 (ASU LMC) Bibliography of Virginia History Since 1865. C1190 (BCFC) John Griswold White Collection. C4990 Resources of the Appalachian Library and Culture Center: An Annotated Listing of Books. C5000 (WCU ASU) Mine Drainage Abstracts: A Bibliography. C5200 (ASU) Bibliography of Tennessee Geology, Soils, Drainage, Forestry, etc. with Subject Index. C5440 (LMC ETSU) A Bibliography of Kentucky History. C5770 (ASU LMC) An Index of State Geological Survey Publications Issued in Series. C7380 (LMC) 1973-1974 Bibliography of the Appalachian South: Books, Records, Pamphlets, Magazines, and Films. C7880 (ASU ETSU) A Selection of Books, Magazines and Records on the Appalachian South. C7900 (MHC ASU) Annotated Bibliography of Georgia Geology Through 1959. C8500 (ETSU) Sociological Aspects of Poverty, a Bibliography. C9380 The Southeast in Early Maps with an Annotated Check List of Printed and Manuscript Regional and Local Maps of Southeastern North America during the Colonial Period. C9470 (ASU LMC) List of Books and Related Materials About Virginia for use of Schools. C9490 Andrew Johnson, 1808-1875. Chronology-Documents-Bibliographical Aids. D2200 (ASU) Regimental Publications and Personal Narratives of the Civil War. A Checklist. D2970 (LMC) A Little More Light on Andrew Johnson. D4010 "An Annotated Bibliography of Books by Southwest Virginia Authors." D4120 (ETSU ASU) Southern Appalachian Books: An Annotated, Selected Bibliography. D4280 (WWC BC) Subject Index to Films Available at the Audio-Visual Center. E380 (ETSU) Catalog of Films and Filmstrips, by Subject (and) by Title. E410 (ETSU) Catalog of films, by Subject <and) by Title. E420 (ETSU) Catalog of Filmstrips, by Subject (and) by Title. E430 (ETSU) Resources: Recordings and Cassettes. E440 (ETSU) Film Catalog. E450 (ETSU) Bibliography; the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. E490 References on the Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands. El 000 (BC) References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians. El 010 References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians. El 020 (BC ETSU LMC ASU) A Bibliography of Appalachian Children's and Young People's Books. El 170 Andrew Johnson, President of the United States: His Life and Speeches. F2340 (ASU) �BIBLIOGRAPHY—BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY A Bibliography for the T.V.A. Program. F2990 Surface Mined Areas: Control and Reclamation of Environmental Damage; a Bibliography. F3090 (ASU) A Guide to Manuscripts relating to the American Indian in the library of the American Philosophical Society. F3190 (ASU MHC) A Revised Bibliography of Strip Mine Reclamation. F3840 (ASU) The Papers of Andrew Johnson. G3100 A Bibliography of North American Folklore and Folksong. H4010 (ASU WWC) Bibliography for the Study of American Folk Songs with Many Titles from Other Lands. H4780 Annotated Bibliography on Slope Stability of Strip Mine Soil Banks. H6250 (ASU) Bibliography of Maryland Water Resources Data. H8180 Bibliography of Clark Co., Kentucky. J830 Bibliography of Elliott Co., Ky. J840 Bibliography of Floyd Co., Ky. J850 Bibliography of Knox Co., Ky. J860 Bibliography of Lawrence Co., Ky. J870 Bibliography of Licking River Valley in Ky. J880 Bibliography of Madison Co., Ky. J890 Bibliography of Menifee Co., Ky. J900 Bibliography of Powell Co., Ky. J910 Bibliography of Pulaski Co., Ky. J920 Bibliography of the Big Sandy Valley. J930 Bibliography of the Cumberland River Valley. J940 A Bibliography of the Mineral Resources of Kentucky. J950 Bibliography of the Green River Valley. J1120 Thomas Wolfe: A Checklist. J1670 (ASU) Of Time and Thomas Wolfe: A Bibliography with a Character Index of His Works. J1680 (ASU UNCA) Southern Fiction Prior to 1860: An Attempt at a First Hand Bibliography. J1820 (ASU) Southern Fiction Prior to I860: An Attempt at a First-hand Bibliography. J1830 (MHC) North Carolina Fiction, 1734-1957: An Annotated Bibliography. J2210 (ASU MHC) Bibliography of Coal in Kentucky. K1410 Folksingers and Folksongs in America: A Handbook of Biography, Bibliography, and Discography. L890 (ASU WWC BC) L2770 (ASU MHC) American Folk Songs and Folklore: A Regional Bibliography. L3110 Bibliography of the Virginia Indians. M320 (FC) A Bibliography for the Great Smoky Mountains. M730 List of References on the Mountain Whites. M5260 Bibliography of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. M5280 A List of Magazines, Journals, Small Presses, Newspapers, etc. of Interest to Students of Appalachia. M5820 SUBJECT Published Works of Cratis Williams. M5840 (ASU BC) M6140 Daniel Boone. M6160 (ASU BC ETSU) The Coal Industry in America: A Bibliography and Guide to Studies. M8610 (ASU BC) Index to the Press of the Kanawha Valley, 1855-1865. M8620 (BC) Index to West Virginiana. M8630 (ASU BC) The Southern Mountaineer: A Bibliography and Guide to Studies. M8650 (ASU BC) Strip Mining, an Annotated Bibliography. M8660 (ASU BC) N90 (ASU) Bibliography on Appalachia: A Guide to Studies Dealing with Appalachia in General and Including Rural and Urban Working Class Attitudes Toward Change. N420 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU MHC) Bibliography on Appalachia: A Guide to Studies Dealing with Appalachia in General and Including Rural and Urban Working Class Attitudes Toward Change. N430 (ASU) The American Indian: A Bibliography. N1580 A Cumulative Author and Subject Index Covering Material in N. C. Publications. . . . N2430 (ASU UNCA) Guide to Private Manuscript Collections in the North Carolina State Archives. N2600 (ASU) Books on the Southern Mountain Area That Contain Certain Religions or Sections on Religion, 1947-55. N2900 (BC) Appalachia's People, Problems, Alternatives. PI970 (BC ASU) Appalachia's People, Problems, Alternatives; an Introductory Social Science Reader. PI980 (BC ASU) Consolidated Bibliography of County Histories in Fifty States in 1961, Consolidated 1935-1961. P2340 (ASU) North Carolina County Histories: A Bibliography. P3980 (MHC) North Carolina County Histories: A Bibliography. P3990 (ASU) North Carolina Fiction 1734-1957: An Annotated Bibliography. P4000 (ASU MHC) North Carolina: A Students' Guide to Localized History. P4020 (LMC WCU) A Selective Music Bibliography from the Period 1663-1763. P4800 (LMC) The George Pullen Jackson Collection of Southern Hymnody: A Bibliography. R1600 4 * A Bibliographic Center in the West Virginia Region: An Analysis of Present Needs and Future Directions." R1690 (ASU) Forests and Forestry in West Virginia, a Bibliography. R1700 Kentucky Literature 1784-1963. R2170 (BC) Annotated Geological Bibliography of Virginia. R2890 (ETSU) Andrew Jackson, 1767-1845: Chronology, Documents, Bibliographical Aids. S2510 W. Va. Civil War Literature. S2670 Guide to the Study of West Virginia History. S3000 West Virginia Civil War Literature; An Annotated Bibliography. S3040 A Bibliography of the Zoology of Tennessee and Tennessee Valley Region. S3! 90 (ASU BC) Tennessee History, a Bibliography. S5070 (ASU) 50 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY North Carolina Local History: A Select Bibliography. S7200 (ASU) A Bibliography for the TVA Program. T2340 (ASU BC LMC) A Bibliography for the TVA Program. T2350 (ASU) A Bibliography for the TVA Program. T2360 (LMC) Benefit-Cost Analysis for Water Resource Projects: A Selected Annotated Bibliography. T5100 Benefit-Cost Analysis for Water Resource Projects; a Selected Annotated Bibliography. T5110 . . . A Bibliography of the Tennessee Valley Authority. T5880 A Bibliography for the TVA Program. T5890 Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. T5920 Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. T5940 Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. T5950 . . . An Indexed Bibliography of the Tennessee Valley Authority, Compiled by Harry C. Bauer, Technical Librarian. T5980 . . . A Selected List of Books, Theses, and Pamphlets on TVA, Compiled by Ernest I. Miller, Reference Librarian. T6020 . . . A Selected List of Books and Pamphlets on TVA. January 1, 1945. T6030 . . . A Selected List of Books, Theses, and Pamphlets on TVA. T6040 . . . A Selected List of Books, Theses, and Pamphlets on TVA. T6050 The TVA Program; a Bibliography of Selected Readings, Prepared by the Training and Educational Relations Staff of the Personnel Dept. and the Staff of the Technical Library. T6060 The TVA Program; a Bibliography of Selected Readings, Compiled by Bernard L. Foy, Technical Librarian. T6070 The TVA Program; a Bibliography of Selected Readings, Compiled by Bernard L. Foy, Technical Librarian. T6080 TVA, Symbol of Valley Resource Development; a Digest and Selected Bibliography of Information. T6090 TVA as a Symbol of Resource Development in Many Countries; a Digest and Selected Bibliography of Information. T6100 Analytical Index of Chemical Engineering Publications Patents and Reports. T6120 A Bibliography for the TVA Program. T6890 Flood Damage Prevention; An Indexed Bibliography. T6900 The Kentucky Novel. T8240 (ASU) Official Publications of the Colony and State of North Carolina, 1749-1939, a Bibliography. T8430 (ASU LMC) Poverty in the U. S. During the Sixties, a Bibliography. T8860 (BC) An Annotated Bibliography of Water Resource Papers Pertaining to West Virginia. T9570 VI100 (LMC) A Bibliography of Virginia, Part 1. VI180 A List of Books and Other Sources of Information Regarding Coal and Coal Products. W70 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY John Eston Cooke: A Critical Biography. W420 A Selective Bibliography of Writings on Poverty in the United States. W1030 "The Paradox of the Mountains: A Study of the Influences on Thomas Wolfe." W2440 (LMC) Short Title Check-list of West Virginia State Publications. 1947/48-. W3340 (ETSU) West Virginia Graduate Research Studies in Education, 1894-1965: A Bibliographical Listing. W6050 (ETSU) A Selected Bibliography: The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction. W6480 (ASU MHC) American Fiction, 1774-1850: A ... Bibliography. W9470 (BC) Preliminary Checklist for Abingdon, 1807-1876. W9860 The Nantucket Pine Moth: A Literature Review. Y70 (WCU) BIBLIOGRAPHY - APP. Directory. C7950 (ASU) The Appalachian South: An Historical Bibliography. D3250 Bibliography for Appalachian Studies. K1710 Resources for the Study of Appalachia: A Bibliography. M8220 From Bishop Percy (1765) to John Jacob Miles (1974): 340 Books of Ballads and Songs in the Berea College Collection. P2150 (BC ASU) Mountain Fiction From Addington to Zugsmith: 924 Works of Fiction by Southern Appalachian Authors, Or With Southern Appalachian Settings. P2160 A Shelf List of More than 760 Works of Fiction. P2170 BIBLIOGRAPHY - APP. MTNS. The Southern Highlands: A selected Bibliography. C850 BIBLIOGRAPHY — COAL Annotated Bibliography on Industrial Concentration and Firm Diversification in the Bitumonous Coal Industry with Special Reference to the Southeastern United States, 1950-1970. G1270 BIBLIOGRAPHY — KY. Historical Collections of Kentucky. C6010 BIBLIOGRAPHY — N. C. Supplement to Annotated Bibliography of Burke County Resource Materials, 1969. B8650 (ASU) Bibliography of North Carolina Geology, Mineralogy, and Geography, with a List of Maps. L390 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) A Bibliography of North Carolina, 1589-1955. T8420 (LMC UNCA ASU) Guide to the manuscript collections in the archives of the N. C. Historical Commission. W9180 (LMC) BIBLIOGRAPHY — PNEUMOCONIOSIS "A literature Survey of the Effects and Controls of Pneumoconiosis." C100 BIBLIOGRAPHY — TENN. "A Bibliographical Checklist of Knoxville and Memphis Imprints, 1867-1876 with an Introductory Essay on the Knoxville and Memphis Press." B890 Annotated Bibliography of the Geology of Tennessee Through December, 1950. W7130 (ETSU) Annotated Bibliography of the Geology of Tennessee, January, 1951, Through December, 1960. W7140 (ETSU) SUBJECT BIBLIOGRAPHY - W. VA. A Bibliography of West Virginia. D1060 West Virginia Geology, Archaeology, and Pedology: A Bibliography and Index. G1660 (BC ETSU) Bibliography and Index of West Virginia Geology and Natural Resources to July 1, 1937. L3870 (ETSU) West Virginia Imprints, 1790-1863. N1460 BIG SANDY RIVER The Big Sandy Valley: A History of the People and Country from the Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. El 890 (ASU) Bibliography of the Big Sandy Valley. J930 The Big Sandy Valley: A Regional History Prior to the Year 1850. J960 (ASU BC) The Big Sandy Valley: A Regional History Prior to the Year 1850. J970 (MHC) P90 Big Sandy. T7890 (ASU BC) Bulletin. Surface and Water Supply of Va. New, Big Sandy, and Tenn. River Basins, 1942-1950. V750 (BC) BIOGRAPHY Daniel Boone, Pioneer of Kentucky. A30 (ASU) Daniel Boone, Pioneer of Kentucky. A40 (ETSU) Daniel Boone, the Pioneer of Kentucky. A50 (ASU BC) David Crockett: His Life and Adventures. A60 (ASU ETSU) Heroes of the Alamo: Accounts and Documents. A260 (ETSU) Thomas Wolfe, Carolina Student: A Brief Biography. A360 (ASU WCU) Thomas Wolfe: Carolina Student; A Brief Biography. A370 (ASU WCU) Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia. A410 (ASU) Pen and Politics: The Autobiography of a Working Writer. A1370 (ASU) Tom Dooley. A1410 (ASU LMC) Thomas A. R. Nelson of East Tennessee. A1450 (ASU LMC BC) John L. Lewis: An Unauthorized Biography. A1470 (WCU BC) History of the Campaign of General T. J. (Stonewall) Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia from Nov. 4, 1861, to June 17, 1862. A1480 (ASU) Crockett's Life. A1510 (ETSU) David Crockett; Scout, Small Boy, Pilgrim, Mountaineer, Soldier, Bearhunter, and Congressman, Defender of the Alamo. A1520 (BC) Memoirs of J. Sidna Allen, Being a True Narrative of His Life and Early Manhood, the History of the Allen Family, What Happened at Hillsville and His Life at the Penitentiary. A1560 (LMC ASU) Philip Pendelton Cooke. A1580 (BC) Dropped Stitches in Tennessee History. A1770 (ASU BC) Notable Men of Tennessee: Personal and Genealogical with Portraits. A1780 (ASU) Lewis Wetzel: Indian Fighter. The Life and Times of a Frontier Hero. A1810 (ASU BC) West Virginia: Stories and Biographies. A2060 Sergeant York: Reluctant Hero. A2520 (ETSU) "Willis Duke Weatherford: An Interpretation of His Work in Race Relations, 1906-1946." A2630 (ASU BC) 51 BIBLIOGRAPHY—BIOGRAPHY Early Life and Letters of General Thomas J. Jackson, "Stonewall" Jackson. A4860 (ASU) Thomas Jefferson and Education in a Republic. A4970 (ETSU) Journal and Letters. A5060 (ASU BC WWC) A Methodist Saint. A5070 (ASU) Biographical History of North Carolina from Colonial Times to the Present. A5100 (WWC) Bob and Alf Taylor: Their Lives and Lectures. The Story of Senator Robert Love Taylor and Governor Alfred Alexander Taylor. Followed by the Most Famous of Their Lectures and Speeches, Including "The Fiddle and the Bow" and "Yankee Doodle" and "Dixie". A5470 (BC) You Are Greater Than You Know. A5550 (BC) A Biography of Thomas Wolfe. A5570 (ASU WCU) Daniel Boone. A5700 (ETSU BC) Idle Comments. A5730 Nancy Hanks, the Destined Mother of a President: The Factual Story of a Pioneer Family as Revealed in an Exhaustive Study of Ancestral History. BIO (ASU) Life and Speeches of President Andrew Johnson. Embracing His Early History, Political Career, Speeches, Proclamations, etc. With a Sketch of the Secession Movement, and His Course in Relation Thereto; Also His Policy as President of the United States. B50 The Autobiography of Waldron Bailey. B390 (ASU LMC BC) "Maryland's Reaction to Andrew Johnson, 1865-1868." B450 Daniel Boone. B500 (ASU FC ETSU UNCA BC) Daniel Boone. B510 (ASU WCU) Daniel Boone. B520 (ASU MH) Fighting Frontiersman, the Life of Daniel Boone. B530 Fighting Frontiersman, the Life of Daniel Boone. B540 (ASU BC) Master of the Wilderness: Daniel Boone. B550 Men of Affairs in Knoxville. B620 Party Leaders: Sketches of Thomas Jefferson, Alex'r Hamilton, Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, John Randolph, of Roanoke, Including Notices of Many Other Distinguished American Statesmen. B710 (ASU) Red Trails and White. B770 (BC) Back to the Mountains, Autobiography. B950 (BC) Abraham Lincoln, Kentucky Mountaineer: An Address Delivered before the Faculty and Students of Berea College, Berea, Kentucky, Thursday, March 8, 1923. B1570 (ASU BC) The Autobiography of William E. Barton. B1580 (BC) Cherokee Messenger. B1790 (ASU) Cherokee Messenger. B1800 (BC ASU WCU) The Life of Andrew Jackson. B1830 The Life of Andrew Jackson. B1840 The Life of Andrew Jackson. B1850 "Andrew Johnson and the Patronage." B2090 "Inconsistent Men of Principle: Future Liberal Republicans and the Johnson Administration." B2100 �BIOGRAPHY—BIOGRAPHY BIOGRAPHY The Critical Year: A Study of Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction. B2260 The Critical Year: A Study of Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction. B2270 The Critical Year: A Study of Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction. B2280 Davy Crockett. B2320 (ETSU) "The Life and Times of Isaac Shelby." B2380 "Life and Literary Contributions of Luther Foster Addington, a Southwest Virginia Writer and Educator. B2910 Jennie Wiley, Pioneer: The True Story of a Virginia Frontier Heroine. B3000 (ASU) "Andrew Johnson, Governor of Tennessee, 1853-1857." B3040 "The Post-presidential Career of Andrew Johnson." B3480 B3760 B3770 B3780 B3790 B3800 B3810 B3820 B3840 B3850 B3860 B3870 B3880 B3890 B3900 B3910 B3920 B3930 B3940 B3950 B3960 B3970 B3980 B3990 B4000 B4010 B4020 B4030 B4040 Davy Crockett, Frontier Hero; the Truth as He Told It, the Legend as Friends Built It. B4490 Religion in Shoes. B4540 (BC) Gift from the Hills. B4880 (ASU LMC) James W. Davis, North Carolina Surgeon. B4890 (ASU BC MHC) Mountain Doctor. B4900 (ASU BC WCU LMC MHC WWC) The Border Boy. B4991 The Border Boy and How He Became the Great Pioneer of the West; a Life of Daniel Boone. B5000 (BC) Daniel Boone, and the Hunters of Kentucky. B5010 (ASU) Daniel Boone, and the Hunters of Kentucky. B5020 (LMC) Daniel Boone, and the Hunters of Kentucky. B5030 (ETSU) Home Reminiscences of John Randolph, of Roanoke. B5650 (ASU) Simon Girty, the White Savage. B5940 (ASU) Andrew Johnson: A Life in Pursuit of the Right Course, 1808-1875. The Seventeenth President of the United States. B6120 (ASU) Border Fights and Fighters. B6240 (BC) My Life and Travels. B6340 (ASU) Thomas Wolfe B6800 (ASU WCU) SUBJECT Nisi Prius. B6990 (ASU BC) Daniel Boone: The Opening of the Wilderness. B7240 (ASU BC) Blanford Barnard Dougherty, a Man to Match His Mountains. B7350 (ASU) Daniel Boone and the Wilderness Road. B7570 (ASU BC) Daniel Boone and the Wilderness-Road. B7580 (ETSU) Life of General Houston, 1793-1863. B7590 The Life of Morris Purdy Shawkey. B8240 (ASU BC) History of Andrew Jackson: Pioneer, Patriot, Soldier, Politician, President. B8320 (ASU) The Man from Buchanan. B8810 This Was My Valley. B8980 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) Old Jube: A Biography of Jubat A. Early from West Point in the 1830's to the Battles of Chancellorsville, Lynchburg, Winchester, and a Wealth of Other Data on the Civil War. B9370 History of the Girty's Being a Concise Account of the Girty Brothers. B9420 (BC) Martha Berry: The Sunday Lady of Possum Trot. B9550 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Martha Berry: The Sunday Lady of Possum Trot. B9560 (LMC) Joshua William Caldwell. A Memorial Volume, Containing His Biography, Writings and Addresses. C120 Diary of Kate Livingston, 1859-1868. C140 Donald McElroy, Scotch Irishman. C220 (ASU BC) Daniel Morgan, Ranger of the Revolution. C310 (BC) David Lowry Swain, Governor and University President. C430 (ASU WCU LMC) Governor Vance: A Life for Young People. C440 (ASU WCU WWC) Governor Vance, a Life for Young People. C450 (LMC) The Life and Work of John Charles Campbell, September 15, 1868-May 2, 1919. C840 (WWC BC) My Beloved Zebulon. The correspondence of Zebulon Baird Vance and Harriett Neivell Espy. C1090 (ASU) The Life and Times of C. G. Memmings. C1160 (ETSU) The Saint of the Wilderness. C1430 (ASU) "Administrations of John Sevier." C1660 Autobiography of Peter Cartwright, the Backwoods Preacher. C1810 (BC) Mary N. Murfree. C1890 (ASU) "The Administration of Governor Andrew Johnson 1853-1857." C1960 The Genesis of Lincoln: Truth is Stranger than Fiction. C2080 (LMC) Truth is Stranger than Fiction: Or, the True Genesis of a Wonderful Man. C2090 (ASU) The Public Career of David Crockett. C2150 Dark Hills to Westward: The Saga of Jennie Wiley. C2200 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) The High Cost of Writing. C2370 (BC) C2640 "The Struggle between President Johnson and the Congress over Reconstruction." C2660 Stonewall Jackson. C2780 (ASU) 52 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Early Biography, Travels and Adventures of Rev. James Champlin, Who Was Born Blind; with a Description of the Different Countries through Which He Has Traveled in America, and of the Different Institutions, etc., Visited by Him; Also an Appendix, Which Contains Extracts from Addresses Delivered by Him upon Several Occasions. C2840 Just a Country Lawyer; a Biography of Senator Sam Ervin. C4210 (ASU BC) Cherokee Chief: The Life of John Ross. C4380 (LMC ETSU) The Life of Cassius Marcellus Clay. Memoirs, Writings, and Speeches, Showing His Conduct in the Overthrow of American Slavery, the Salvation of the Union, and the Restoration of the Autonomy of the States. C4750 (MHC BC) Rock of Chickamauga, the Life of General George H. Thomas. C4850 (ASU) Selections from the Speeches and Writings of Hon. Thomas L. Clingman, of North Carolina. With Additions and Explanatory Notes. C5080 (ASU BC) Wilderness Road. C5140 (ASU) Wilderness Road. C5150 (BC) The Life and Adventures of.Wilburn Waters, the Famous Hunter and Trapper of White Top Mountain. C5230 (BC) Wilburn Waters History 1812-1879. C5240 Sequoya. C5350 (WCU ETSU BC) Sequoya. C5360 (ASU) Simon Kenton. C5390 (ASU) Johnny Park Talks of Thomas Wolfe. C5430 (ASU LMC) Abraham Lincoln: A North Carolinian. C5530 (ASU) The Eugenics of President Abraham Lincoln: His German-Scotch Ancestry Irrefutably Established from Recently Discovered Documents. C5540 (ASU) Story of Captain Jesse Cox of Johnson Co., Tennessee. C5720 As I See It. C6530 (ASU) Fire from the Flint: The Amazing Careers of Thomas Dixon. C6860 (BC ASU) Thomas Dixon: His Books and His Career. C6870 The Family and Early Life of Stonewall Jackson. C6900 (ASU) Stonewall Jackson. C7000 (ASU BC) Stonewall Jackson and the Old Stonewall Brigade. C7010 (ASU BC) "Isaac Shelby, 1750-1796." C7030 Simon Kenton, the Scout: A Tale of Frontier Life During the Revolution. C7390 (BC) A Mountain Trail: To the Schoolroom, the Editor's Chair, the Lawyer's Office, and the Governorship of West Virginia. C7570 (ASU BC) William G. Brownlow, Fighting Parson of the Southern Highlands. C7810 (ASU WCU BC) William G. Brownlow. Fighting Parson of the Southern Highlands. C7820 (ETSU) Sergeant York and His People. C8110 (WWC ETSU BC) Wheels on the Mountains. C8340 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Mitchell's Peak and Dr. Mitchell. C8420 (ASU LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY BIOGRAPHY An Account of Col. Crockett's Tour to the North and Down East, in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-four. His Object Being to Examine the Grand Manufacturing Establishments of the Country; and Also to Find Out the Condition of Its Literature and Morals, the Extent of Its Commerce, and the Practical Operation of "The Experiment." Written by Himself. C8860 An Account of Col. Crockett's Tour to the North and Down East, in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-four. His Object Being to Examine the Grand Manufacturing Establishment of the Country; and Also to Find Out the Condition of Its Literature and Morals, the Extent of Its Commerce, and the Practical Operation of "The Experiment." Written by Himself. C8870 An Account of Col. Crockett's Tour to the North and Down East, in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-four. His Objective Being to Examine the Grand Manufacturing Establishments of the Country; and Also to Find Out the Condition of Its Literature and Morals, the Extent of Its Commerce, and the Practical Operation of "The Experiment." Written by Himself. C8880 The Adventures of Davy Crockett: Told Mostly by Himself. C8890 (ASU) The Adventures of Davy Crockett, Told Mostly by Himself. C8900 The Autobiography of David Crockett. C8910 (ETSU) The Autobiography of David Crockett. C8920 The Crockett Almanacks. Nashville Series, 1835-1838. C8930 The Crockett Tavern and Pioneer Museum. C8940 Davy Crockett's Own Story as Written by Himself; the Autobiography of America's Great Folk Hero. C8950 Life of Col. Crockett, Written by Himself. C8960 (ETSU) Life of David Crockett. C8970 (ETSU) Life of David Crockett. C8980 (ETSU) Life of David Crockett, the Original Humorist and Irrepressible Backwoodsman: Comprising His Early History; His Bear Hunting and Other Adventures. His Services in the Creek War. His Electioneering Speeches and Career in Congress. With His Triumphal Tour Through the Northern States, and Services in the Texas War. To Which Is Added an Account of His Glorious Death at the Alamo while Fighting in Defence of Texan Independence. C8990 (ASU) Life of David Crockett, the Original Humorist and Irrepressible Backwoodsman, Comprising His Early History. His Bear Hunting and Other Adventures, His Services in the Creek War. His Electioneering Speeches and Career in Congress. With His Triumphal Tour Through the Northern States and Services in the Texan War. To Which Is Added an Account of His Glorious Death at the Alamo while Fighting in Defence of Texan Independence. C9000 (ASU BC) SUBJECT Life of David Crockett, the Original Humorist and Irrepressible Backwoodsman: Comprising His Early History; His Bear Hunting and Other Adventures; His Services in the Creek War; His Electioneering Speeches and Career in Congress with His Triumphal Tour Through the Northern States, and Services in the Texan War. To Which Is Added an Account of His Glorious Death at the Alamo while Fighting in Defence of Texan Independence. . . C9010 (ASU) A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee. C9020 (ASU) A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee. C9030 (ASU MHC) A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee. C9040 A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett, Written by Himself. C9050 (ETSU) The Real Book about Daniel Boone. C9790 (BC) Thomas Wolfe: October Recollections. D200 (ASU) Daniel Boone. D460 (MHC ETSU UNCA) Daniel Boone. D470 (ASU) The Man Who Moved a Mountain. D620 (ASU FC BC) Jeb Stuart, the Last Cavalier. D870 (ASU) They Called Him Stonewall: A Life of Lt. General T. J. Jackson, C. S. A. D880 (ASU BC) Chronicle of the Cavaliers: A Life of the Virginia Novelist, Dr. William A. Caruthers. D950 (WCU ASU) The Mountain Preacher. D1070 (BC) Legacy of Love. D1130 Shepherd Monroe Dugger: A Critical Biography. D1370 (LMC ASU) Wilderness Wife: The Story of Rebecca Bryan Boone. D1620 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Push the Button: The Chronicle of a Professor's Wife. D2020 (ASU) The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States; a History. D2030 The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States; a History. D2040 Andrew Johnson, 1808-1875. Chronology-Documents-Bibliographical Aids. D2200 (ASU) The Reverend Samuel Houston. D2310 (BC) "Some Phases of the Congressional Career of Andrew Johnson." D2630 Pardon and Amnesty under Lincoln and Johnson; the Restoration of the Confederates to Their Rights and Privileges, 1861-1898. D3030 Davy Crockett: American Comic Legend. D3060 (ASU) Life of Zebulon B. Vance. D3160 (ASU LMC BC) Pioneer Life in Kentucky, 1785-1800. D3210 (ASU ETSU BC) Pioneer Life in Kentucky, a Series of Reminiscential Letters from Daniel Drake . . . to His Children. D3220 (ASU) A Winner on Satin's Doorstep. D3370 (BC) John Sevier: Pioneer of the Old Southwest. D3450 John Sevier: Pioneer of the Old Southwest. D3460 John Sevier: Pioneer of the Old Southwest. D3470 (ASU LMC BC) 53 BIOGRAPHY—BIOGRAPHY Life of S. Miller Willis D3960 (BC) A Little More Light on Andrew Johnson. D4010 John Filson, the First Historian of Kentucky: An Account of His Life and Writings. D4100 (LMC) Prophet of Plenty: The First Ninety Years of W. D. Weatherford. D4250 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU FC WWC BC) Seeds of Southern Change: The Life of Will Alexander. D4270 (WWC WCU MHC ETSU) E80 (ETSU) John Ross and the Cherokee Indians. E580 (ASU) John Ross and the Cherokee Indians. E590 (ASU) John Ross and the Cherokee Indians. E600 (ASU BC) Harriette Arrow. E770 (BC) The Life of Rev. David Brainerd, Chiefly Extracted from His Diary, Somewhat Abridged, Embracing, in the Chronological Order, Brainerds Public Journal. E1070 (LMC) Thirty-eight years in the Parsonage: The Fruitful Career of the Reverend Opie Eldridge in the Methodist Ministry of Rural and Urban West Virginia-Perceptively Recounted by His Wife and Fellow Worker. El 580 (ASU) Sam Houston. El 730 The Life and Times of Col. Daniel Boone, Hunter, Soldier, and Pioneer. El 780 (ETSU BC FC ASU WCU LM'C) The Life and Times of Col. Daniel Boone, the Hunter of Kentucky, with Sketches of His Contemporaries: Narrative of St. Clair's Defeat. Mrs. Merrill's Adventures, etc. El 790 (ASU BC) Life of Colonel David Crockett: Comprising His Adventures as Backwoodsman and Hunter; His Services as Soldier and Scout in the Creek War; His Electioneering Canvasses; His Career as Congressman; His Tour through the Northern States; and His Services and Death in the Texan War of Independence. To Which Are Added, Sketches of General Sam Houston, General Santa Anna, Rezin P. and Colonel James Bowie. El 800 (ASU) "Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey of East Tennessee: A Career of Public Service." E2260 "David Crockett: An Interpretation." E2350 Nolichucky Jack. F130 (ASU LMC ETSU) The Man on Horseback; a Story of Life Among W. Va. Hills. F220 (BC) The Saga of the Country Doctor Among the W. Va. Hills. F230 (BC) Old Bill Williams, Mountain Man. F380 (ASU) Autobiography of John G. Fee, Berea, Kentucky. F520 (ASU BC) Country Life in Georgia in the Days of My Youth. F570 Mother Jones, the Miners' Angel: A Portrait. F740 (ASU MHC) The Adventures of Colonel Daniel Boone, formerly a Hunter: Containing a Narrative of the Wars of Kentucky, with the Discovery, Purchase, and Settlement of Kentucky, and the Piankashaw Council, 1784, and Territory of North American Indians, and the Rights Land in Kentucky. F850 (BC ASU LMC) Kentucky and the Adventures of Col. Daniel Boone. F890 Thomas Wolfe as I Knew Him, and Other Essays. F1210 (BC ASU UNCA WCU) �BIOGRAPHY—BIOGRAPHY BIOGRAPHY The Origin, Rise and Downfall of the State of Franklin under Her First and Only Governor, John Sevier. FT 320 Campaigns of the Army of Northern Virginia, Including the Jackson Valley Campaign, 1861-1865. F1490 (ASU) Biographical Memoir of Daniel Boone, the First Settler of Kentucky: Interspersed with Incidents in the Early Annals of the Country. F1560 (ASU BC) Biographical Memoir of Daniel Boone, the First Settler of Kentucky: Interspersed with Incidents in the Early Annals of the Country. F1570 (ETSU WCU) The Life and Adventures of Daniel Boone, the First Settler of Kentucky. F1580 (ETSU) Biographical Genealogies of the Virginia-Kentucky Floyd Families, with Notes of Some Collateral Branches. F1640 (ASU) The Alderson story; my Life as a Political Prisoner. F1650 A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee. F1730 Sketches of North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrative of the Principles of a Portion of Her Early Settlers. F1790 (ASU LMC) Sketches of North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrative of the Principles of a Portion of Her Early Settlers. F1800 (MHC BC) Sketches of Virginia Historical and Biographical. F1820 Sketches of Virginia Historical and Biographical. F1830 Sketches of Virginia: Historical and Biographical, First Series. F1840 (LMC UNCA) Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman. F1860 Davy Crockett. F1870 (ETSU) This is My Story: This is My Song. F1900 (BC) Sequoyah. F2080 (BC UNCA WCU ETSU) Sequoyah. F2090 (ASU) Sequoyah. F2100 (ASU LMC) Impeached: The President Who Almost Lost His Job. F2260 Se-quo-yah; the American Cadmus and Modern Moses. A Complete Biography of the Greatest of Redmen, around Whose Wonderful Life Has Been Woven the Manners, Customs and Beliefs of the Early Cherokees, Together with a Recital of Their Wrongs and Wonderful Progress toward Civilization. F2280 Se-quo-yah; the American Cadmus and Modern Moses. A Complete Biography of the Greatest of Redmen, around Whose Wonderful Life Has Been Woven the Manners, Customs and Beliefs of the Early Cherokees, Together with a Recital of their Wrongs and Wonderful Progress toward Civilization. F2290 Se-quo-yah; the American Cadmus and Modern Moses. A Complete Biography of the Greatest of Redmen, around Whose Wonderful Life Has Been Woven the Manners, Customs and Beliefs of the Early Cherokees, Together with a Recital of Their Wrongs and Wonderful Progress toward Civilization. F2300 Andrew Johnson, President of the United State*: His Life and Speeches. F2340 (ASU) Capt. John Fowler of Virginia and Kentucky; Patriot, Soldier, Pioneer, Statesman, Land Baron, and Civic Leader. F2430 (BC) SUBJECT The Crockett Family and Connecting Lines. F3240 Davy Crockett and the Crockett Family. F3250 Notable Southern Families. The Doak Family. F3260 Sam Houston, the Great Designer. F3340 For the Mountains, an Autobiography. F3570 (ASU LMC BC) The Pioneer: A Biography. F3590 (BC) Tennessee Centennial Poem. A Synopsis of the History of Tennessee from Its Earliest Settlement on Watauga to the Present Time, with Short Biographies of Her Most Prominent Men. F3610 (ASU) Strange Experience: The Autobiography of a Hexenmeister. G240 (LMC) A Grain of Mustard. G310 Green Power, the Successful Way of A. G. Gaston. G560 "Fact and Fiction in the Early Biographies of David Crockett." G580 The Yankee from Tennessee. G1090 (ASU ETSU BC) A Little Better Than Plumb: The Biography of a House. G1380 (BC ASU ETSU) I Went to Pit College. G1590 The Advance-Guard of Western Civilization. G1730 John Sevier as a Commonwealth-builder. A Sequel to The Rear-guard of the Revolution. G1750 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Gemini. G1840 G2620 (ASU BC) My Mother's Story. G2750 (BC) Rachel Jackson: Tennessee Girl. G2920 (BC LMC ETSU) The Papers of Andrew Johnson. G3100 The Faith of Billy Graham. G3150 (WCU) The Quotable Billy Graham. G3160 (WCU) The Great Iron Wheel: Or, Republicanism Backwards and Christianity Reversed. G3310 (ASU) One Woman's Life. The Stoppings of Faith. Edna Gray's Story. G3330 (ASU BC) Aunt Molly Jackson Memorial Issue. G3490 Defender of the Constitution: Andrew Johnson. G3600 Sparks from a Blackleg. G3620 When I Was a Boy. G3850 (ASU) Sam Houston with the Cherokees, 1829-1833. G3990 (ASU WCU MHC) Revolutionary Service of Col. John Walker & Family and Memoirs of Hon. Felix Walker. G4160 (BC) Recollections of a Long Life. G4260 The Gospel of the Lilies. G4620 (BC) Daniel Boone. G4890 (ASU BC) The Blue Hen's Chick: A Life in Context. G4960 (WCU) Daniel Boone. Some Facts and Incidents Not Hitherto Published. His Ten or Twelve Years' Residence in Kanawha County, Near Charleston, West Virginia. H340 (ASU BC) Autobiography of "Old Claib Jones." H370 "Cry Aloud and Spare Not; the Formative Y«or$ of Brownlow's WHIG, 1839-1841." H530 54 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Andrew Johnson: Military Governor of Tennessee. H600 (BC ASU) Andrew Johnson: Military Governor of Tennessee. H610 (BC ASU) Autobiography of "Old Claib Jones." H720 "Andrew Johnson, the Radicals, and the Negro, 1865-1866." H970 A Doctor's Pilgrimage. HI 070 Life of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States. HI 160 Aunt Bet, the Story of a Long Life: A Memoir of Elizabeth S. W. Taylor. HI340 (ASU BC LMC) Hill-Billy Bill; a Biography of Hon. J. Will Taylor of Tennessee. HI 660 (BC) Lawyer's Lawyer; the Life of John W. Davis. HI 750 (ASU BC) H2110 Abraham Lincoln and the Cumberland Gap. H2250 (ASU ETSU) Witness to an Epoch: Personal Inventory of the Experiences and Impressions of a Man of Varied Interests. H2300 (LMC) My Book and Heart. H2730 (ASU BC) My Son. H2740 (ASU BC) The Life of Daniel Boone, the Founder of the State of Kentucky. H3190 (ASU) Life of Daniel Boone, the Great Western Hunter and Pioneer, Comprising an Account of His Early History, His Daring and Remarkable Career as the First Settler of Kentucky. To Which is Added His Autobiography Complete as Dictated by Himself. H3200 (WCU BC ETSU) Life of Daniel Boone, the Great Western Hunter and Pioneer, Comprising an Account of His Early History, His Daring and Remarkable Career as the First Settler of Kentucky. To Which Is Added His Autobiography Complete as Dictated by Himself. H3210 (ASU BC ETSU) "Ananias Davisson: Southern Tune Book Compiler (1780-1857)." H3230 Stories of Hatfield, the Pioneer. H3430 Stories of Hatfield, the Pioneer; embracing a detailed account of His Experience in the Wilderness of East Tennessee, Kentucky, and Southern Indiana. H3440 (BC) The Hatfields. H3450 (ASU) Junaluska at the Battle of Horse Shoe Bend: True Story of the Cherokee Chief. H3710 (LMC) Adventures of Daniel Boone, the Kentucky Rifleman. H3720 (BC) "Andrew Johnson's Reputation: A Study of Changing Interpretations." H3990 Bill Haywood's Book: The Autobiography of William D. Haywood. H4080 (ASU WCU) Andrew Jackson and Early Tennessee History. H4330 Boone of the Wilderness: A Tale of Pioneer Adventures and Achievement in "The Dark and Bloody Ground." H4460 (ASU BC) Stonewall Jackson and the Amerkon Civil War. H4480 (ASU BC) "Nolichucky Jack." (Gov. John Sevier.) Lecture of Wm. A. Henderson, to the Board of Trade of the City of Knoxville, January 7th, 1873. H4560 Appalachian Shepherd: A Story of Religion in tK« Southern Appalachians. H4590 (BC ASU LMC ETSU FC WWC) H4940 (BC ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY BIOGRAPHY Struggle in the Coal Fields. The Autobiography of Fred Mooney, Secretary-Treasurer, District 17, United Mine Workers of America. H5070 (ASU) Dr. J. G. Ramsey. Autobiography and Letters. H5080 (ASU LMC) Tales of a Frontier Preacher. H5330 Daniel Boone: The Pioneer of Kentucky. H5400 Life and Adventures of Daniel Boone, the Pioneer of Kentucky. H5410 (ASU BC) The Herbert Walters Story. H5420 Nancy Hanks, the Story of Abe Lincoln's Mother. H6040 In Quiet Ways: George H. Mead, the Man and the Company. H6210 (LMC) Andrew Jackson and North Carolina Politics. H6330 (LMC) Davy Crockett and Others in Fentress County Who Have Given the County a Prominent Place in History. H6400 (ETSU BC) Morgan and His Raiders: A Biography of the Confederate General. H6530 Thomas Wolfe. H6760 (ASU UNCA) Three Modes of Modern Southern Fiction: Ellen Glasgow, William Faulkner, Thomas Wolfe. H6770 (ASU MHC) The World of Thomas Wolfe. H6780 (ASU WCU MHC UNCA) Pen and Politics, the Autobiography of a Working Writer. H6790 The Unwanted Boy: The Autobiography of Governor Ben W. Hooper. H7040 (ASU BC) Boone's Wilderness Road. H7870 (ETSU BC) Whom the Lord Loveth; the Story of James A. Huff. H8000 (BC) The Memoirs of Cordell Hull. H8190 (ASU) Sketches of Western North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrating Principally the Revolutionary Period of Mecklenburg, Rowan, Lincoln, and Adjoining Counties. H8420 (ASU BC WCU) Sketches of Western North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrating Principally the Revolutionary Period of Mecklenburg, Rowan, Lincoln and Adjoining Counties, Accompanied with Miscellaneous Information, Much of It Never Before Published. H8430 (ASU LMC ETSU) "Gentlemen, I ain't a-goin'." H8660 1170 A Biographical Sketch on the Life of the Late Captain Michael Cresap. J210 Six Feet Six, the Heroic Story of Sam Houston. J300 (ASU) The Raven, a Biography of Sam Houston. J360 Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney; Late of Lincoln, Loudoun Co., Va. J390 Life and Public Services of General Andrew Jackson. J650 The Boone Narrative. J980 (LMC) Daniel Boone in Kentucky. J1010 The Violent Years. J1260 (BC) Speeches of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. J1280 Speeches of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. J1290 (ASU) SUBJECT An Honorable Titan: A Biographical Study of Adolph S. Ochs. J1750 Randolph of Roanoke: A Political Fantastic. J1760 (ASU) John Henry: Track Down a Negro Legend. J1780 Autobiography of "Old Claib Jones." J2390 Life of Andrew Johnson; Seventeenth President of the United States. J2410 Autobiography of Mother Jones. J2500 (BC LMC ASU WCU MHC) Thoughts of Mother Jones: Compiled from Her Writings and Speeches. J2510 (WCU) My Colorful Days. J2530 Uncle Sandy. J2580 (ASU) Simon Girty, the Outlaw. J2610 The Road I Came. J2730 Cecil Sharp: His Life and Work. K230 (BC ASU LMC) Biographical Record of Daniel and Mary (Jackson) Williams — Early Kentucky Pioneers, 1752-1898. K590 (ASU) Simon Kenton: His Life and Period. K890 (ASU) Parson of the Hills. K1790 "Return Jonathan Meigs, Cherokee Indian Agent, 1801-1823." K2070 Jinny and Jim. K2150 (ASU) The Wild Rose of Cherokee, or Nancy Ward, "The Pocahontas of the West." A Story of the Early Exploration, Occupancy, and Settlement of the State of Tennessee. A Romance Founded on and Interwoven With History. K2270 (LMC BC) The Wild Rose of Cherokee: Or, Nancy Ward, "The Pocahontas of the West", a Story of the Early Exploration, Occupancy and Settlement of the State of Tennessee. A Romance, Founded on and Interwoven with History. K2280 (BC ASU) Dr. William George Bagby: A Study of Virginia Literature 1850-1880. K2310 Dr. George William Bagby: A Study of Virginia Literature, 1850-1880. K2320 (ASU) They Tried to Crucify Me; or, the Smokescreen of the Cumberlands. L430 "Blanford Barnard Dougherty: Mountain Educator." L490 (ASU) Blanford Barnard Dougherty, Mountain Educator. L500 (ASU) Some Sketches from My Life, Written for My 80th Birthday, May 1, 1910. L840 Folksingers and Folksongs in America: A Handbook of Biography, Bibliography, and Discography. L890 (ASU WWC BC) LI 220 The Autobiography of Joseph LeConte. LI270 (BC ASU LMC) My Appalachia: Pipestem State Park Today and Yesterday. LI370 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) Memoir of the Rev. Jesse Lee. With Extracts From His Journals. LI 380 (ASU FC) "Jesse Stuart: Kentucky's Chronicler-poet." LI 690 Experiences of a Circuit Rider. LI 870 The Journals of David E. Lilienthal. L2440 Ralph McGill, Editor and Publisher. L3100 (ASU) 55 BIOGRAPHY—BIOGRAPHY Andrew Johnson: President on Trial. L3120 (MHC ASU BC) Love's Valley. L3650 A Diary with Reminiscences of the War and Refugee Life in the Shenandoah Valley, 1860-1865. Ml 110 (ASU LMC) Thomas Wolfe. Ml270 (ASU WCU UNCA) Daniel Boone. Ml 670 (ETSU) Belonging: A Nostalgic Look at Appalachia. Ml 840 (LMC) Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction. Ml 940 (ASU) Simon Kenton as Soldier, Scout, and Citizen: An Address Delivered Wednesday, August 19, 1936 at the Blue Licks Battlefield State Park, Robertson County, Kentucky on the Occasion of the Celebration of the Battle of the Blue Licks and Commemoration of the Centenary of the Death of General Simon Kenton. Ml 970 The Great Wildcatter. M2870 (ASU BC) Ralph McGill, Reporter. M3500 Ralph McGill, Reporter. M3600 A Minister in the Tennessee Valley for Sixty Seven Years. M3640 Daniel Boone. M3750 (ASU) James Harrod of Kentucky. M3980 (ASU) Daniel Boone: Wilderness Trailblazer. M4010 (ASU ETSU) William Blount. M4180 (BC ETSU) Major General Thomas Maley Harris, A Member of the Military Commission That Tried the President Abraham Lincoln Assassination Conspirators, and Roster of the 10th West Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment, 1861-1865. M4200 (ASU BC) General James Robertson, Father of Tennessee. M4360 (ETSU ASU) Daniel Boone in North Carolina. M4450 (ASU LMC WCU BC) On the Trail of Daniel Boone in North Carolina. M4460 (ASU) History of Tucker County, West Virginia, from the Earliest Explorations and Settlements to the Present Time: With Biographical Sketches of More Than Two Hundred and Fifty of the Leading Men, and a Full Appendix of Official and Electional History. Also, an Account of the Rivers, Forests and Caves of the County. M4550 (ASU) R. A. Sentelle, Educator, Preacher, Public Servant. M4900 (LMC) Eliza Ross; or, Illustrated Guide of Lookout Mountain. M4910 Life and Adventures of Lewis Wetzel. M5290 (BC) Man from the Valley: Memoirs of a 20th-century Virginian. M5620 (ASU) The Age of Hate: Andrew Johnson and the Radicals. M6120 (ASU) Daniel Boone. M6160 (ASU BC ETSU) Jonathan Hager, Founder of Hagerstown, Maryland. M6230 "A Study of the Life and Works of Jesse Stuart." M6250 (ASU) Diary of a Geological Tour by Dr. Elisha Mitchell in 1827 and 1828. M6300 (ASU BC LMC) Struggle in the Coal Fields: The Autobiography of Fred Mooney. M6720 (ASU BC WCU) John Fox, Jr.: Personal and Family Letters and Papers. M7110 �BIOGRAPHY—BIOGRAPHY BIOGRAPHY Daniel Boone. M7330 Edward Morgan 1751-1884, Pioneer Minister in Southwest, Virginia. M7490 A History and Genealogy of the Family of Col. Morgan the First White Settler of the State of West Virginia. M7530 (ASU) The Real David Crockett: A Short, Authentic, Illustrated, History of Tennessee's Famous Hunter, Frontiersman, Soldier, Legislator, Statesman, Patriot, and Hero of the Alamo, Colonel David Crockett. M7930 The Story of Daniel Boone. M8130 (ASU BC) Thomas Wolfe. M8540 (ASU UNCA) Angel of Appalachia: Martha Berry. M9280 (ASU MHC) The ZoUie Tree. M9310 (BC) Andrew Johnson: Congress and Reconstruction. N100 Leonard Shoun and his Wife Barbara Slemp Shoun of Johnson Co., Tennessee. N300 "The Life and Works of Lamar Stringfield, 1897-1959." N480 (ASU WCU) Memories. N1270 (BC) N2460 (LMC) The Marble Man's Wife, Thomas Wolfe's Mother. N2880 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Thomas Wolfe, a Biography. N2930 (BC ASU WCU UNCA) The Forgotten Pioneer: The Life of Davy Crockett. N2980 (ASU ETSU) Bishop on Horseback. N3040 (BC) "Doctor Thomas Walker (1715-1794): Explorer, Physician, Surveyor, and Planter of Virginia and Kentucky." N3050 (BC) Thomas, Rock of Chickamauga. 0190 (ASU) Agee. 0450 (WCU) O690 "Andrew Johnson's Veto of the First Reconstruction Act." O860 Dr. John McLeod Oxford, 1841-1928; A Sketch of His Life. O1030 (ASU) Thomas Hope of Tennessee, 1757-1820, House Carpenter and Joiner. P120 Charles Egbert Craddock. P340 (ASU) Turnpikes and Dirt Roads. P380 P470 Autobiography of Mother Jones. P520 (ASU) ' Biography of James Patton. P830 Life of Lucius B. Compton. P970 John Howard Payne to His Countrymen. P1120 (WCU) "Life of John Sevier." P2190 My Head's High From Proudness. P2270 (ASU) Memoir of John Howe Peyton, in the Sketches of His Contemporaries, Together with Some of His Public and Private Letters, etc., Also a Sketch of Ann M. Peyton. P2500 (ASU) Martha Berry. P2530 Samuel Davies: Apostle of Dissent in Colonial Virginia. P2930 (ASU) The Collectors: Dr. Claribel and Miss Etta Cone. P3400 (ASU) SUBJECT Trial of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, before the Senate of the United States, on Impeachment by the House of Representatives for High Crimes and Misdemeanors. P3570 Benjamin Hawkins, Indian Agent. P3910 Thomas Wolfe, a Bibliography. P4420 (BC ASU) Without Script or Purse: Or, The Mountain Evangelist. P4640 (BC) George Washington and Winchester, Virginia 1748-1758; A Decade of Preparation for Responsibilities to Come. Q70 (ASU) "An Inquiry into the Life of Jesse Stuart as Related to His Literary Development and a Critical Study of His Works." R210 (ASU) Autobiography and Letters. R260 (ASU BC) The Story of My Life: Or, More Than a Half Century as I Have Lived It and Seen It Lived. R440 (BC LMC) "The Life and Career of General James Robertson." R480 Life and Times of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States. R700 The Courageous Commoner, a Biography of Andrew Johnson. R930 (BC) "The Ross-Watie Conflict: Factionalism in the Cherokee Nation, 1839-1865." R1060 My Life Story. R1070 (BC) A Country Doctor Goes to Town. R1200 (ASU) George Washington Harris. R2190 (BC) William Gilmore Simms. R2280 (BC) Bob Taylor and the Agrarian Revolt in Tennessee. R3230 Daniel Boone. R3610 (BC) How to Be Successful. R3740 "Jesse Stuart: Pioneer Writer of the Kentucky Hills." R3750 (ASU) Story of Rotherwood, from the Autobiography of Rev. Frederick A. Ross. R3790 Davy Crockett. R4010 (ETSU BC) Davy Crockett. R4020 (ASU) Andrew Johnson — Presidential Scapegoat. R4160 (BC) Thomas Wolfe; a Collection of Critical Essays. R4180 (UNCA) Thomas Wolfe: The Weather of His Youth. R4190 (UNCA ASU WCU BC) Francis Asbury. R4240 (ASU WWC BC) John Ross, Chief of an Eagle Race. R4330 (ASU) "William Holland Thomas, White Chief of the North Carolina Cherokees." R4380 Thomas Wolfe. R4530 (UNCA) Life and Public Service of Andrew Johnson. S530 The Life of John H. Savage: Citizen, Soldier, Lawyer, Congressman. S540 (LMC) Four Men of the Curnberlands: Big Ed Hall, Devil John Wright, Dr. M. B. Taylor, Bad Talt Hall. S680 (ASU BC) The Life of Daniel Boone in Picture and Story. S760 Cathedrals in the Wilderness. S860 (BC) 56 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY A Memoir of Hugh Lawson White, Judge of the Supreme Court of Tennessee, Member of the Senate of the United States, Etc., Etc. SI440 (ASU BC) Frederick Henry Koch: Pioneer Playmaker. A Brief Biography. SI 780 (LMC) In Lincoln's Footsteps; the Life of Andrew Johnson. S2020 Daniel Boone, Pioneer. S2120 (ASU) "The Autobiography of David Crockett: An Annotated Edition." S2140 (ASU) David Crockett, the Man and the Legend. 52150 (ASU ETSU BC) Yankee Thunder: The Legendary Life of Davy Crockett. S2260 (ASU ETSU) Andrew Jackson, 1767-1845: Chronology, Documents, Bibliographical Aids. S2510 Samuel Roberts: A Welsh Colonizer in Civil War Tennessee. S2850 (ASU) Zebulon Vance, Tarheel Spokesman. S3100 (ASU) Zebulon Vance, Tarheel Spokesman. S3110 (LMC) John Uri Lloyd: His Life and Works, 1849-1936. S3440 S3860 Sergeant York, His Own Life Story and War Diary. S3870 (ASU ETSU LMC) Sergeant York, Last of the Long Hunters. S3880 (ASU BC) Lion of White Hall: The Life of Cassius M. Clay. S4400 (MHC) Down by the Riverside. S4440 The Daniel Boone Story. S4540 (BC) Nathan Goff, Jr., a Biography: With Some Account of Guy Despard Goff and Brazilla Carroll Reece. S4710 (ASU) Memoirs. S4750 (ETSU) "Emerson Etheridge as a Candidate in the Tennessee Gubernatorial Election of 1867." S5060 Charles Lewis Cocke, Founder of Hollins College. S5200 Daniel Boone. S6010 "Elizabeth M. Roberts: A Biographical and Critical Study." S6050 (ASU) A Man in His Time. S6290 (ASU) Biographies of Southwest Virginians. S6310 Davy Crockett. S6320 Davy Crockett. S6330 (WWC) Spurrier With the Wildcats and Moonshiners. S6390 (ASU BC) A Rough Road in a Good Land. S6580 (ASU) A Colorful Career of a Miraculous Mountaineer: A Glimpse into the Life of a Remarkable Character. S6700 (ASU) The First President Johnson: The Three Lives of the Seventeenth President of the United States of America. S6770 Anvil of Adversity: Biography of Furniture Pioneer. S7140 (ASU WCU BC) Danie! Boone, Boy Hunter. S7160 (ETSU) Daniel Boone, Boy Hunter. S7170 (ASU) A Touch of Charisma; a History of the 4-H Club Program in West Virginia. S7240 The Biography of Eld. Barton Warren Stone, Written by Himself. S7510 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY BIOGRAPHY The Life of Jacob Grader. S7970 (BC) Andrew Johnson; a Study in Courage. S8170 (ASU) Beyond Dark Hills: A Personal Story. S8260 (ASU LMC) Beyond Dark Hills: A Personal Story. S8270 (ETSU WCU) God's Oddling: The Story of Mick Stuart, My Father. S8350 (ASU MHC WCU ETSU BC) S8620 The Thread That Runs So True. S8670 (ASU MHC LMC WCU WWC BC) The Thread That Runs So True. S8680 (ETSU UNCA) To Teach, to Love. S8700 (ASU MHC WWC UNCA ETSU BC) The Year of My Rebirth. S8720 (ASU ETSU BC) Rimfire, His Life Story and Selections From His Own Writings. A Study of the Typical Mountaineer, Eli (Rimfire) Hamrick. S8920 (ASU BC) Recollections of an Old Man. Seventy Years in Dixie. S8950 Borderland Confederate. S9000 Richard D. B. Sutherland; An Early Leader of Education in Sandy Basin. S9220 Jemima, Daughter of Daniel Boone. S9340 The First Rebel; Being a Lost Chapter of Our History on a True Narrative of America's First Uprising Against English Military Authority and An Account of the First Fighting Between Armed Colonists and British Regulars. Together with a Biography of Colonel James Smith. . . S9460 (BC) The Rebel Raider, a Life of John Hunt Morgan. S9700 (BC ASU) Benjamin Logan, Kentucky Frontiersman. T40 (WCU BC) Rebecca Latimer Felton, Nine Stormy Decades. T110 (ASU) Kentucky Pioneer Women. Columbian Poems and Prose Sketches. T150 (BC) Andrew Johnson — Not Guilty. T210 Life and Career of Senator Robert Love Taylor (Our Bob) by His Three Surviving Brothers. T580 (ASU) "The Public Career of Joseph Alexander Mabry." T590 Memorial Addresses Delivered in the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States. T740 (ASU) John Sevier, Citizen, Soldier, Legislator, Governor, Statesman. T850 (ETSU) Medicine in Buncombe County Down to 1885, Historical and Biographical Sketches. T880 Commission Book, 1796-1801. T1490 (ASU ETSU) General Turner Ashby, the Centaur of the South: A Military Sketch. T7760 (ASU) The Sun Shines Bright. T7960 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) The Traipsin' Woman. T7970 (ASU WWC BC) The First President Johnson: The Three Lives of the Seventeenth President of the United States of America. T7990 (ASU) Jeb Stuart. T8090 Daniel Boone. T8490 (ETSU BC) Daniel Boone. T8500 (ASU) Frances Asbury, the Prophet of the Long Road. T8730 (ASU) The Heart of Asbury's Journal. T8740 SUBJECT John Fox, Jr. T8770 Biography of the State Officers and Members of the General Assembly of North Carolina, 1893, Other Interesting Facts. T8840 (ASU LMC) Colonel "Davey" Crockett. T8960 Davy Crockett: Hero of the Alamo. T9060 (ETSU) Richard Hickman Menefee. T9090 (BC) William Gilmore Simms. T9240 (ASU) Zeb Vance: Champion of Personal Freedom. T9640 (ASU WCU UNCA) Thomas Wolfe. T9750 (ASU WCU UNCA) Life of General John Sevier. T9790 (ASU) My Beloved Zebulon; the Correspondence of Zeoulon B. Vance and Harriett Newell Espy. VI00 Papers. VI10 (ASU LMC) Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman: The Green Woods Were His Portion. V390 (ASU WCU LMC MHC) "Robert Jefferson Breckinridge as an Educational Administrator." V460 (ETSU) "Andrew Johnson and the National Union Movement." W140 Terence V. Powderly, "Labor Mayor", Workingmen's Politics in Scranton, Pennsylvania, 1870-1884. W360 John Eston Cooke: A Critical Biography. W420 The Enigma of Thomas Wolfe: Biographical and Critical Selections. W570 (ASU WCU) Thomas Wolfe: An Introduction and Interpretation. W630 (UNCA ASU WCU BC) My Grandfather, My Grandchildren, and Me: An Autobiography of Charles W. Wampler. W700 (ASU) Andrew Jackson, Symbol for an Age. W750 (ASU) Lincoln's Parentage Childhood. W960 The Life and Labors of Archibald McLean. W990 (BC) A Country Doctor in the South Mountains. W1000 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Six nights in a Block house. W1520 (BC) Men of Mark and Representative Citizens of Harrisonburg and Rockingham County, Virginia. W1810 (ASU BC) Sidney Lanier at Rockingham Springs. W1840 (BC) Mount Mitchell and Dr. Elisha Mitchell. W2040 Benjamin Helm Bristow, Border State Politician. W2060 (BC) Alvin C. York, Young Marksman. W2190 (ETSU) Shadows on the Wall: The Life and Works of Howard Weeden. W2220 (BC) Twenty Years on Horseback. W2240 (BC) The Weiser Family. W2400 "Andrew Johnson, Senator from Tennessee, 1857-1862." W2770 Labor's Defiant Lady: The Story of Mother Jones. W2850 (ASU) Robert Rharin: Biography of a Mountain Abolitionist. W2970 (LMC) The Ballad of Tom Dula: The Documented Story Behind the Murder of Laura Foster and the Trials and Execution of Tom Dula. W3030 (ASU BC) Alexander Campbell and Natural Religion. W3100 (BC) W4870 (ASU) 57 BIOGRAPHY—BIOGRAPHY Doctor Woman of the Cumberlands: The Autobiography of May Cravath Wharton, M. D. W5020 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Doctor Woman of the Cumberlands; the Autobiography of May Cravath Wharton, M. D. W5030 (LMC WCU) Thomas Wolfe and His Family. W5040 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) White Squaw: The True Story of Jennie Wiley. W5050 (ASU ETSU) White Squaw: The True Story of Jennie Wiley. W5060 (MHC) Historical Sketches of North Carolina from 1584 to 1851. W5130 (ASU LMC) Historical Sketches of North Carolina from 1584 to 1851 Compiled from Original Records, Official Documents, and Traditional Statements, with Biographical Sketches of Her Distinguished Statesmen, Jurists, Lawyers, Soldiers, Divines, etc. W5140 (LMC BC) Reminiscences and Memoirs of North Carolina and Eminent North Carolinians. W5150 (UNCA BC ASU) A History of the Life of Amos Owens, the Noted Blockader, of Cherry Mountain, North Carolina. W5520 (LMC) Daniel Boone: Wilderness Scout. W5580 (ETSU ASU BC) Daniel Boone; Wilderness Scout. W5590 (BC) Daniel Boone, Wilderness Scout. W5600 (ETSU) Daniel Boone: Wilderness Scout. The Life Story and True Adventure of the Great Hunter, Long Knife, Who First Blazed the Wilderness Trail Through the Indians Country to Kentucky. W5610 (ASU) Sam Davis, Hero of the Confederacy, 1842-1863, Coleman's Scouts. W5760 David Lilienthal, Public Servant in a Power Age. W5830 (BC) Life and Times of Judge Caleb Wallace, Some Time a Justice of the Court of Appeals of the State of Ky. W5870 (BC) Daniel Boone: Taming the Wilds. W6280 (BC) John Sevier, Son of Tennessee. W6300 (ETSU) John Sevier, Son of Tennessee. W6310 (LMC) "Davis and Elkins of West Virginia: Businessmen in Politics." W6620 William Tatham, Wataugan. W6850 (ETSU ASU WCU BC) A History of Windy Cove Church, Millboro Springs, Virginia, 1929-1949. W7660 (ASU) Andrew Johnson, Plebian and Patriot. W7830 (ASU) Mine Eyes Have Seen: A Woman Doctor's Saga. W7970 (WWC BC) The Life of a Man: A Biography of John R. Brinkley. W8480 (ASU) So Sure of Life. W8650 (BC) Fletch Woodward, His Fights with Those Bad, Bad Town Boys. W8970 They Have Topped the Mountain. W9160 (ASU) The Shepherd of the Hills. W9410 (ASU) William Blount, 1749-1800. W9490 (ETSU) Devil John Wright of the Cumberlands. W9560 (BC) Isaac Shelby Kentucky's First Governor and Hero of Three Wars. W9780 Boyhood Days in Southwest Virginia. W9900 (BC) The Confederacy and Zeb Vance. Y80 (ASU WCU UNCA) �BIOGRAPHY—BOTANY BIOGRAPHY Sergeant York: His Own Life Story and War Diary. Y130 (LMC BC) Autobiography of a Pioneer: Or, The Nativity, Experience, Travels, and Ministerial Labors of Rev. Jacob Young, with Incidents, Observations, and Reflections. Y260 (BC) BIOGRAPHY — GA. Historical Collections of Georgia: Containing the Most Interesting Facts, Traditions, Biographical Sketches, Anecdotes, etc., Relating to Its History and Antiquities, from Its First Settlement to the Present Time. W5410 (ASU BC) BIOGRAPHY — N. C. 100 Years, 100 Men: 1871-1971. C8830 (ASU) Tar Heels Track the Century: Andrew Johnson, Z. B. Vance, M. W. Ransom, C. B. Aycock, O. Henry, J. B. Duke, W. H. Page, F. M. Simmons, Josephus Daniels, Thomas Wolfe. E900 (WCU ETSU ASU) Builders of the Old North State: Selected Sketches. H4060 (LMC) The Tribe of Jacob: The Descendants of the Reverend Jacob Weaver of Reems Creek, North Carolina, 1786-1868, and Elizabeth Siler Weaver. W2010 BIOGRAPHY — VA. Men and Events: Chapters of Virginia History. G2670 (LMC) My Life's History. K450 My Memoirs and Autobiography. K501 vino (BO BIOLOGY Appalachian Wilderness. B2330 Follow the Butterfly Stream. B5910 (ASU) Military and Genealogical Records of the Famous Indian Woman; Nancy Ward. . . . B9090 Sense of Discovery: The Mountain. R2700 (ASU LMC BC WCU) Sense of Discovery: The Mountain. R3060 (ASU LMC WCU BC) BIOLOGY — APP. Studies of the Codling Moth in the Central Appalachian Region. B6920 The Litter Arthropod Community in a Southern Appalachian Hardwood Forest: Numbers, Biomass and Mineral Element Content. G1850 Geomorphology and Forest Ecology of the Mountain Region in the Central Appalachians. H90 The Discoveries of John Lederer. R2330 (ASU LMC) The Effects of Acid Mine Drainage on Aquatic Insects. R2630 (ASU) North With the Spring: A Naturalist's Record of a 17,000 Mile Journey With the North-American Spring. T800 (ASU LMC) BIOLOGY — N. C. Carolina Landscape Plants. H540 (LMC) Amphibians and Reptiles of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. H8160 (UNCA ASU LMC WCU BC) Hidden Valley of the Smokies. H8690 Hidden Valley of the Smokies: With a Naturalist in the Great Smoky Mountains. H8700 (ASU LMC MHC WWC BC WCU -ETSU) "An Ecological Survey of Flat Rock Mountain." S3600 (ASU) A Manual of the Fresh-Water Algae in North Carolina. W5740 (LMC) SUBJECT BIOLOGY — N. C. — WATAUGA CO. A Survey of Monogenetic Trematodes from the Gills of Salmo Gairdneri, Salverinus Fontinalis, and Salmo Trutta in Watauga County, North Carolina. A4620 BIOLOGY — TENN. "The Distribution and Relative Abundance of Some Immature Aquatic Insects in Red Fork Creek, Unicoi County, Tennessee." C5810 (ETSU) "Small Mammals of Washington and Unicoi Counties, Tennessee." G1390 (ETSU) Amphibians and Reptiles of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. H8160 (UNCA ASU LMC WCU BC) "A Study of Serum Protein Variation in Peromyscus Maniculatus Nubiterrae Rhoads at Six Attitudinal Habitats on Roan Mountain, Carter County, Tennessee, and Mitchell County, North Carolina." M880 (ETSU) "Distribution of Tardigrades on Roan Mountain, Tennessee - North Carolina." N510 A Bibliography of the Zoology of Tennessee and Tennessee Valley Region. S3! 90 (ASU BC) Annual Report of the State Entomologist and Plant Pathologist. T940 (ETSU) BIRTH CONTROL Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians. B2550 (BC ASU) "Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians." B2560 Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians. B2570 (LMC) The Bedroom of the Poor. B6880 Appalachian Fertility Decline: A Demographic and Sociological Analysis. D1660 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC UNCA) Fertility Data for the Southern Appalachian Region. D1670 "Human Fertility in the Southern Appalachian Region: Some Demographic and Sociological Aspects." D1680 (ASU) Too Many People, Too Little Love. D4300 Changing Patterns of Fertility in Tennessee, 1960-1970. El 940 "A Survey of the Attitudes of Women in Monongalia County, West Virginia, toward the Use of Contraceptives." S9720 BIRTH CONTROL — APP. "Mothers of the South: A Population Study of Native White Women of Childbearing Age of the Southeast." H240 BIRTH CONTROL — KY. "Metropolitan Dominance and the Diffusion of Human Fertility Patterns, Kentucky, 1939-65." K3340 Projected Kentucky Population Growth by Age, Sex, and Color Groups: 1960 to 1970. K3350 BIRTH CONTROL — TENN. "Exploratory Study of the Views toward Birth Control Services." C7100 BLUE RIDGE MOUNTAINS The Mountain Angels: Trials of the Mountaineers of the Blue Ridge and Shenandoah Valley. B2410 (BC ASU LMC) "Fan-like Features and Related Periglacial Phenomena of the Southern Blue Ridge." M5310 (WCU) BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY The Blue Ridge Parkway: Accommodations and Services. B4800 (ETSU) B4810 58 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Blue Ridge Parkway. J2220 (BC ASU LMC WCU WWC FC ETSU) "The Blue Ridge Parkway: Origins and Early Development." J2230 J2820 (ETSU LMC) "The Campaign for a National Park in Western North Carolina, 1885-1940." L540 (WCU) Pigeon Cove and Vicinity. LI 820 The Blue Ridge Parkway Guide. L3470 (LMC ASU) The Blue Ridge Parkway Guide. L3520 (BC LMC ASU WCU) North Wilkesboro, Wilkes County, N. C.: Key to the Blue Ridge Parkway. N2800 (ASU LMC) The Collectors: Dr. Claribel and Miss Etta Cone. P3400 (ASU) Camper's and Hiker's Guide to the Blue Ridge Parkway. R3240 (ASU LMC ETSU FC WCU BC) BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY - VA. The Blue Ridge: Man and Nature in Shenandoah National Park and Blue Ridge Parkway. W6260 (WCU LMC) BOOK — W. VA. West Virginia Imprints, 1790-1863. N1460 BOTANY Shade Trees for North Carolina. A5140 (ASU LMC) Identifying Southern Forest Types on Aerial Photographs. A5780 (WCU) "The Natural Vegetation of Johnson County, Tennessee, Past and Present." B1110 (ETSU) Diary of a Journey through the Carolines, Georgia, and Florida, 1765-66. B1700 (ASU BC) Travels. B1710 (LMC) The Travels of William Bertram. B1720 (WCU) The Travels of William Bertram. B1730 (ASU) Travels through North Carolina and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida. B1740 (ASU) Deterioration of Chestnut in the Southern Appalachians. B2130 Appalachian Wilderness. B2330 Flowering Trees and Shrubs. B3680 The Natural History of North Carolina. B6600 (ASU BC LMC) The Appalachians. B6960 (ASU WCU LMC MHC FC WWC ETSU BC FC UNCA) The Life of the Mountains. B6970 (BC) C2000 (ETSU UNCA BC) "A Survey of the Vascular Plants of the Sinking Creek Area of Carter County, Tennessee." P1240 (ETSU) Sense of Discovery: The Mountain. R2700 (ASU LMC BC WCU) Sense of Discovery: The Mountain. R3060 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Dyes from Plants. R3170 (ASU) Lost Heritage. S510 (LMC) William Bertram's Venture into the Cherokee Country, 1775. S7010 (LMC WCU) The Nature! Gordens of North Corolino, with Keys end Descriptions of the Herboceous Wild Flowers Found Therein. W2640 (ASU WWC) The Noturol Gordens of North Corolino, with Keys end Descriptions of the Herboceous Wild Flowers Found Therein. W2650 (ASU ETSU LMC) The Remorkoble Flora of the Great Smoky Mountains. W2660 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY BOTANY Flowers of the Mountain Country. 1975 Deals with Some of the More Representative of Both Conspicuous and Inconspicuous Types. W2780 Plant Life of Braxton County, Number 8 Plant Ecology. W9740 (ASU) BOTANY — APP. Tennessee Valley Wildlife: An Outlook for the Year 2000. E1920 "A Geographic Approach to a Vegetation Problem: The Case of the Southern Appalachian Grassy Balds." G1060 (BC ASU) 'Vegetation of the Grassy Balds of the Great Smoky Mountains." G1300 Flowers of the South, Native and Exotic. G3840 (ASU BC) Wild Flowers of the Alleghenies. H2490 (BC) Manna: Foods of the Frontier. H2850 (ASU WCU) American Medicinal Barks. H4640 (ASU) Plants of the Caloosa Experimental Range. H5540 (WCU) The Distributional History of the Biota of the Southern Appalachians. H6940 Ginseng, Its Cultivation, Harvesting, Marketing and Market Value: With a Short Account of Its History and Botany. K70 (WWC) The Old Naturalist's Notebook: Wild Flowers of the Appalachian. L670 (UNCA ASU) A Southern Garden: A Handbook for the Middle South. L900 (ASU) The Discoveries of John Lederer. LI 280 (LMC) The Discoveries of John Lederer, in Three Several Marches From Virginia, to the West of Carolina, and Other Parts of the Continent: Begun in March 1669, and Ended in September 1670. L1290 (ASU FC BC) The Discoveries of John Lederer, with Unpublished Letters By and About Lederer to Governor John Winthrop, Jr. L1300 (ASU WCU ETSU) Memoirs of Burkes Garden and Tazewell County. L2580 Silvical Characteristics of Sweetgum. M3790 (WCU) Travels to the West of the Allegheny Mountains . M5330 (ASU BC) Decorative Plants of Appalachia: A Source of Income. N530 (ASU ETSU LMC) Wilderness Adventure. P30 (ASU) The Discoveries of John Lederer. R2330 (ASU LMC) Ferns in the Southeastern States. Descriptions of the Fern Plants Growing Naturally in the States South of the Virginia-Kentucky State Line and East of the Mississippi River. S4300 (ASU BC) Manual of the Southeastern Flora; Being Descriptions of the Seed Plants Growing in Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Eastern Louisiana, Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. S4310 Common Seed Plants of the Mid-Appalachian Region. S7820 (ASU BC) Trees, Shrubs, and Woody Vines of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. S8870 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) Trees, Shrubs, and Woody Vines of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. S8880 North With the Spring: A Naturalist's Record of a 17,000 Mile Journey With the North-American Spring. T800 (ASU LMC) SUBJECT Rhododendrons in America. V440 (ASU) Trees and Shrubs for the Southeast. W6000 (BC) Ferns of Ky; with Full-page Etchings and Wood Cuts. W6950 (BC) BOTANY — GA. Ferns of Georgia. M2550 (LMC) BOTANY — KY. John Filson, the First Historian of Kentucky: An Account of His Life and Writings. D4100 (LMC) A Guide to the Wildflowers and Ferns of Kentucky. W5000 (ASU ETSU WCU BC WWC) Trees and Shrubs of Kentucky. W5010 (BC) BOTANY — N. C. "Twenty-five Common Mosses of Watauga County, North Carolina." B140 (ASU) The Grasses of North Carolina. B4740 (ASU BC LMC WWC) The Boletaceae of North Carolina. C5650 (ASU WWC) The Trees of North Carolina. C5660 (ASU) Botany: Containing a Catalogue of the Indigenous and Naturalized Plants of the State. C9910 (LMC ASU) The Shrubs and Woody Vines of North Carolina. C9920 (LMC) A Preliminary Check-list of the Ligneous Flora of the Highland Region, North Carolina. H2050 (ASU) North Carolina Drug Plants of Commercial Value. H2130 (ASU LMC UNCA) Poisonous Plants of North Carolina. H2140 (LMC) Mushrooms of the Great Smokies: A Field Guide to Some Mushrooms and Their Relatives. H5050 (ASU WHC LMC UNCA BC WWC) "The Hepatic Flora of Watauga County, North Carolina." H5220 (ASU) Hidden Valley of the Smokies. H8690 Hidden Valley of the Smokies: With a Naturalist in the Great Smoky Mountains. H8700 (ASU LMC MHC WWC BC WCU ETSU) The Flora of North Carolina from Ranunculaceae to Salviniaceae. H8770 (LMC) Wild Flowers of North Carolina. J3020 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) The Flora of North Carolina from Ranunculaceae to Salviniaceae. J3390 (ASU) A New Voyage to Carolina. L1000 (LMC ETSU) A New Voyage to Carolina. L1010 (UNCA) "Vascular Flora of the Sim's Pond Area." L2890 (ASU) Drug Plants of Western North Carolina. M2740 (WCU ASU) An Appalachian Valley. M3840 (ASU) An Appalachian Valley. M3840 (ASU) "The Phytoecology of Boone Fork Sphagnum Bog." M7350 (ASU) Silvical Characteristics of Bitternut Hickory. N540 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of the Commercial Hickories. N550 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Mockernut Hickory. N560 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Shagbark Hickory. N570 (WCU) The Shrubs and Woody Vines of North Carolina. N1970 (ASU) Atlas of the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas. RIO (LMC WWC) Guide to the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas, with Distribution in the Southeastern States. R20 (LMC WWC) 59 BOTANY—BOTANY Manual of the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas. R30 (ETSU LMC WWC) "An Ecological Survey of Flat Rock Mountain." S3600 (ASU) A Manual of the Fresh-Water Algae in North Carolina. W5740 (LMC) BOTANY — S. C. Wild Flowers in South Carolina. B1910 (ASU LMC) Atlas of the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas. RIO (LMC WWC) Guide to the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas, with Distribution in the Southeastern States. R20 (LMC WWC) Manual of the Vascular Flora of the Carolinas. R30 (ETSU LMC WWC) Botanical Gardening in Greenville. S300 (BC ASU) BOTANY — TENN. List of Tennessee Certified Nurseries Collectors of Native Wild Plants and Nursery Dealers for the Season 1967-1968. B7680 (LMC) The Flora of Tennessee and a Philosophy of Botany, Respectfully Dedicated to the Citizens of Tennessee. G600 The Medicinal Plants of Tennessee Exhibiting Their Commercial Value, with an Analytical Key, Descriptions in Aid of Their Recognition, and Notes Relating to Their Distribution, Time and Mode of Collection, and Preparation for the Drug Market. G610 The Tennessee Flora: With Special Reference to the Flora of Nashville. Phaenogams and Vascular Crytogams. G620 "A Survey of the Flowering Plants and Ferns on the Forge Hill, Carter County, Tennessee." G4290 (ETSU) Dr. Augustin Gattinger: The Pioneer Botanist of Tennessee. H940 Some Mushrooms of Eastern Tennessee. I. Amanitas. H5060 (ASU) The Grasses of Tennessee: Including Cereals and Forage Plants. K1900 (BC ASU LMC) "A Vegetational Analysis of the Rattlesnake Ridge Area of Unaka Mountain, Unicoi County, Tennessee." P1130 (ETSU) Summer Key to Tennessee Trees. S2220 (ASU LMC BC) Ferns of Tennessee, with the Fern Allies Excluded. S2460 (WWC) Annual Report of the State Entomologist and Plant Pathologist. T940 (ETSU) "Some Tennessee Trees — a Simple, Illustrated Key." T1070 BOTANY — VA. Pilgrim at Tinker Creek. D2400 (BC ASU) Pilgrim at Tinker Creek. D2410 (ASU) John Banister and His Natural History of Virginia, 1678-1692. E2420 (LMC) BOTANY — W. VA. A History of Botany in West Virginia. B5470 (ASU ETSU WCU BC) West Virginia Trees. B6870 (ASU WCU) Plant Life of West Virginia. C7420 (ETSU) Vegetation of West Virginia. C7440 (ASU LMC BC) A Compilation of the Edible Wild Plants of W. Va. G1630 A Guide to the Common Fossils Plants of W. Va. G1640 Plant Fossils of West Virginia. G1650 (BC ETSU) West Virginia Geology, Archaeology, and Pedology: A Bibliography and Index. G1660 (BC ETSU) �BOTANY—CHRISTMAS BOTANY — W. VA. Spring Flora of Virginia. H3300 (ASU BC LMC) Part 1: The Living Flora of West Virginia. Part 2: The Fossil Flora of West Virginia. M6100 (ETSU) Flora of West Virginia. S7830 (ASU) CAMPING Suggestions as to Outfit for Tramping and Camping. A3290 On Wandering Wheels, Through Roadside Camps from Maine to Georgia in an Old Sedan Car. G2730 Pleasure Packing, How to Backpack in Comfort. W8630 CAMPING — APP. Camping and Woodcraft: A Handbook for Vacation Campers and for Travelers in the Wilderness. K1460 (ASU) CATAWBA RIVER "An Archaeological Survey of the Upper Catawba River Valley." K390 "An Archaeological Survey of the Upper Catawba River Valley." K400 CAVES AND CAVERNS Geology of Luray Caverns, Virginia. H80 (ETSU FC) CAVES AND CAVERNS — APP. Celebrated American Caverns. H7550 Celebrated American Caverns, Especially Mammoth, Wyandot, and Luray. H7560 CAVES AND CAVERNS — KY. Mammoth Cave of Kentucky . . . with an Account of Colossal Cave. H7570 Letcher County's Pine Mountain Caves. J730 (BC) Geology of the Mammoth Cave National Park Area. Rev. by Preston McGrain. Kentucky Geological Survey Series 10, Special publication 7. Revision of Series 9, Special publication 2. L2910 (ETSU ASU) Caverns of Virginia. Ml 540 (LMC) CAVES AND CAVERNS — PA. Penn's Grandest Cavern: The History, Legends and Description of Penn's Cave in Centre County, Pennsylvania. S3140 CAVES AND CAVERNS — TENN. Caves of Tennessee. B1450 CAVES AND CAVERNS — VA. Exploring the Endless Caverns of New Market, Virginia. A5260 (LMC) The Flint Ridge Cave System, Mammoth Cave National Park, Kentucky. C2580 (ASU BC) The Endless Caverns of the Shenandoah Valley. R1150 (BC) CAVES AND CAVERNS — W. VA. Caverns of West Virginia. D710 (ETSU) The Sinks of Gandy Creek. P4270 (ASU BC WCU) CHATTAHOOCHEE RIVER Tourism Development in the Chattahoochee-Flint Area. K430 CHEOAH RIVER Floods on Cheoah River and Tributary Creeks in Vicinity of Robbinsville, North Carolina. T6990 CHEROKEE LEGENDS Younger Brother, a Cherokee Indian Tale. S3575 (ETSU) CHILD REARING "Structural Analysis of Mothers' Attitudes toward Child Rearing in Four Communities in Appalachia." N1310 SUBJECT CHILD WELFARE Girl in the Rural Family. M5950 (ASU BC) Child Welfare in Kentucky: An Inquiry. N130 (ASU BC) CHILD WELFARE — APP. From Mountain Cabin to Cotton Mill. C610 Health and Nutrition in Disadvantaged Children. C1700 Wages of Neglect. C5910 (ASU) The Child That Toileth Not: The Story of a Government Investigation. D1320 (ASU BC) Appalachia's Children: The Challenge of Mental Health. L3400 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC MHC WWC BC) "Self-concepts of Appalachian Children: A Comparative Study of Economically Poor and Economically Disadvantaged Children Using the Piers-Harris Self-concept Inventory." L3510 (LMC ASU) "Structural Analysis of Mothers' Attitudes toward Child Rearing in Four Communities in Appalachia." N1310 Roots of Fertility. P3340 Report on the School Sponsored Program, Appalachian Area. S550 "Experimental Preschool Intervention in the Appalachian Home." W6940 CHILD WELFARE — GA. . . . Maternity and Infant Care in a Mountain County in Georgia. S6750 (BC) Bureau publication No. 120 Steete, Glenn. Maternity and infant care in a mountain county in Georgia. U1600 CHILD WELFARE — KY. Rural Child Care Project, 1968-1969 Research Evaluation. A4530 Rural Child Care Project, 1969-1970 Research Evaluation. Final Report. A4540 "A Report of a Summer Internship at Buckhorn Children's Center, Buckhorn, Kentucky." A4680 (ASU) Child Welfare in Kentucky. C5110 (ASU) "Child-rearing Practices in Mountain Country, Kentucky." H4770 (LMC) "An Administrative History of Public Programs for Dependent Children in North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, 1900-1942." L2740 The Nutrition and Care of Children in a Mountain County of Kentucky. R3000 Children of Appalachia. S3270 (ASU ETSU MHC BC) The Nutrition and Care of Children in a Mountain County in Kentucky. U1610 This Happened in the Hills of Kentucky. VI300 (ASU LMC) CHILD WELFARE - N. C. Rural Children in Selected Counties of North Carolina. B6180 (ASU BC LMC) "An Administrative History of Public Programs for Dependent Children in North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, 1900-1942." L2740 CHILD WELFARE — TENN. "An Administrative History of Public Programs for Dependent Children in North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, 1900-1942." L2740 "Development of Adoption Practices in East Tennessee." M8430 60 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "A Study of Parent-child Relationships in Greene County, Tennessee." R1720 (ETSU) "Community Concept of Juvenile Court Function in Knox County, Tennessee." S3460 Report to the Governor and Members of the General Assembly (81st) State of Tennessee. T960 (ETSU) Report to Honorable Frank G. Clement, Governor, and Members of the 80th General Assembly, State of Tennessee. T970 (ETSU) Tennessee's Children and Youth. T1760 (ETSU) CHILD WELFARE — VA. "An Administrative History of Public Programs for Dependent Children in North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, 1900-1942." L2740 CHILD WELFARE - W. VA. Our Troubled Children. K110 The Welfare of Children in Bituminous Coal Mining Communities in West Virginia. Ml 530 (ASU) The 1965 Head Start Psychological Screening Program; Final Report on the Data Analysis Conducted Under a Contract Between the West Virginia Office of Economic Opportunity and West Virginia University. S810 (ASU) Opportunities for Improving Administration of Federal Program of Aid to Educationally Deprived Children in West Virginia, Office of Education, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. U3070 CHILDREN AND YOUTH Youth Action and Youth Issues in Appalachia: A Report. A3980 (ASU) This Happened in the Hills of Kentucky. VI300 (ASU LMC) CHILDREN AND YOUTH — KY. Dropouts and Jobs: The Report of the Kentucky Conference on Youth, August 22-23, 1963. K1000 Youth Education and the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964: Some Indications of Need for Broad-based School and Community Action Programs for Kentucky Youth with Implications for Federal Assistance Programs. K1100 CHILDREN AND YOUTH — N. C. — 4-H CLUBS Memories of 4-H. H2600 (ASU) CHILDREN AND YOUTH — TENN. Tennessee's Children and Youth. T1760 (ETSU) CHILDREN AND YOUTH - VA. Virginia Rural Youth Adjustments. G410 The Youth of the Old Dominion. H7100 (ASU) CHILDREN AND YOUTH — W. VA. Our Troubled Children. K110 CHILDREN AND YOUTH — W. VA. — COAL CAMPS Youth Recreation in the Coal Mining Towns of West Virginia. H6590 CHRISTMAS CUSTOMS Once Upon a Christmas. B8190 Ten Christmas Carols from the Southern Appalachian Mountains. Nil30 (ASU BC) Ancient English Christmas Carols. R2200 (FC) American Folk Songs for Christmas. SI 700 (ASU) CHRISTMAS CUSTOMS — APP. The Southern Christmas Book: The Full Story from Earliest Times to Present. People, Customs, Conviviality, Carols, Cooking. K150 (MHC) Colonial Holiday Treats, Special Recipes. S2690 (ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY CHRISTMAS CUSTOMS — TENN. Christmas at Grinder's Switch. PI 230 (LMC) CHRISTMAS CUSTOMS — VA. Christmas in the Mountains, Southwest Virginia Christmas Customs and Their Origins. D1040 (ASU BC FC) CIVIL WAR Political Reconstruction in Tennessee. A1430 Political Reconstruction in Tennessee. A1440 (BC ASU) Rhea and Meigs Counties (Tennessee) in the Confederate War. A1680 (ASU BC) The Stonewall Brigade Band. B6590 (ASU BC) Annals of Augusta County, Virginia, with Reminiscences and a Diary of the War, 1861-1865, and a Chapter on Reconstruction. W30 (LMC BC ASU) Harpers Ferry, Prize of War. W2540 (ASU) The Civil War Diary of Capt. J. J. Womack. W8430 One of Jackson's Foot Cavalry: His Experience and What He Saw During the War, 1861-1865, Including a History of "F Company," Richmond, Va., 21st Regiment Virginia Infantry, Second Brigade, Jackson's Division, Second Corps. W9290 (ASU) Tennessee in the War, 1861-1865: List of Military Organizations and Officers from Tennessee (Confederate and Union). W9480 (BC) Of Stars and Bars. W9760 (BC) The Confederacy and Zeb Vance. Y80 (ASU WCU UNCA) CIVIL WAR — ALA. Arbitrary Arrests in the South: Or, Scenes From the Experiences of an Alabama Unionist. T7650 (WCU) The Free State of Winston: A History of Winston County, Alabama. T8340 (ASU) CIVIL WAR — APP. B1990 The Army of the Cumberland. C4140 A History of the Eleventh New Hampshire Regiment, Volunteer Infantry in the Rebellion War, 1861-65. . . Chapter V-VII. C5570 Army of the Heartland: The Army of Tennessee, 1861-1862. C6660 (LMC ASU) Through the South with a Union Soldier. D1870 Regimental Publications and Personal Narratives of the Civil War. A Checklist. D2970 (LMC) The Secession Movement, 1860-1861. D3840 The Secession Movement, 1860-1861. 03850 The Secession Movement, 1860-1861. 03860 The Seccession Movement, 1860-1861. 03870 Confederate Military History: A Library of Confederate States History. E2290 (ASU) Manual of Instruction for the Volunteers and Militia of the Confederate States. G1600 (LMC) Among the Pines: Or, South in Secession-time. 61740 (WCU MHC) The Little Fork Rangers: A Sketch of Company **D," Fourth Virginia Cavalry. H140 (ASU) The Diary of a Confederate Soldier: James E. Hall. H760 (ASU) Stonewall Jackson and the American Civil War. H4480 (ASU BC) Bethel to Sharpsbury. H5360 (ASU LMC) A Narrative of Service With the Third Wisconsin Infantry. H5610 (ASU) SUBJECT The Army of Tennessee: A Military History. H7200 (ASU) Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. H7210 Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. H7211 Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. H7212 Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. H7213 Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. H7214 Narrative of Military Operations, Directed, During the Late War Between the States. J205G (ASU) The Campaigns of Lieut.-Gen. N. B. Forrest, and of Forrest's Cavalry. J2740 (ASU) Norman Holt: A Story of the Army of the Cumberland. K2240 (BC ASU) History of the Fifteenth Pennsylvania Volunteer Cavalry: Which Was Recruited and Known as the Anderson Cavalry in the Rebellion of 1861-1865. K2630 (LMC) Bedford Forrest and His Critter Company. L4120 (ASU) The Life and Campaigns of Major General J. E. B. Stuart, Commander of the Calvary of the Army of Northern Virginia. M390 History of the Thirty-fifth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862-1865. M4060 History of the Thirty-sixth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862-1865. M4070 (ASU) Sparks from the Camp Fire: Or, Tales of the Old Veterans, A Photograph of Our Old Life. M8010 (LMC) A Small Boy's Recollections of the Civil War (War Between the States) R3130 (ASU) A Small Boy's Recollections of the Civil War. R3140 The Winning of the West. R3700 (ASU) The Olive Branch of Peace and Good Will to Men: Anti-war History of the Brethren and Mennonites, the Peace People of the South, During the Civil War, 1861-1865. S440 (ASU) From Chattanooga to Petersburg Under Generals Grant and Butler: A Contribution to the History of the War, and a Personal Vindication. S5170 (ASU) Disloyalty in the Confederacy. T350 (BC LMC) History of the 112th Regiment of Illinois Volunteer Infantry, in the Great War of the Rebellion, 1862-1865. T8140 (ASU) History of the Army of the Cumberland, Its Organization, Campaigns, and Battles; Written at the Request of Maj.-Gen. George H. Thomas, Chiefly from his Private Military Journal and Official and Other Documents Furnished by Him. V300 Stoneman's Last Raid. V360 Stoneman's Last Raid. V370 (ASU LMC WCU) Western North Carolina Since the Civil War. V380 (ASU WWC ETSU) CIVIL WAR - APP. - GUERILLA WARFARE The Confederate Horsemen. K2730 CIVIL WAR — APP. MTNS. The Debt of Our Country to the American Highlanders During the War. R4510 Jeb Stuart. T8090 61 CHRISTMAS-CIVIL CIVIL WAR — APP. — RAIDERS Spies of the Confederacy. B560 Morgan and His Raiders: A Biography of the Confederate General. H6530 The Confederate Horsemen. K2730 CIVIL WAR — BATTLEFIELDS — GA. Dedication of the Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park, September 18-20, 1895. Report of the Joint Committee to Represent the Congress at the Dedication of the ... B6080 (ASU) The National Military Park, Chickamauga-Chattanooga. An Historical Guide. B6090 CIVIL WAR — BATTLEFIELDS — TENN. Dedication of the Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park, September 18-20, 1895. Report of the Joint Committee to Represent the Congress at the Dedication of the ... B6080 (ASU) The National Military Park, Chickamauga-Chattanooga. An Historical Guide. B6090 CIVIL WAR — BATTLEFIELDS — TENN. AND GA. The National Military Park, Chickamauga-Chattanooga: An Historical Guide, with Maps and Illustrations. B6100 (ASU BC) CIVIL WAR — CAMPAIGNS AND BATTLES — CHATTANOOGA Report of a Board of Army Officers upon the Claim of Maj. Gen. William Farrar Smith, U. S. V., That He, and Not General Rosecrans, Originated the Plan for the Relief of Chattanooga in October, 1863. B6950 (ASU) CIVIL WAR — CAMPAIGNS AND BATTLES — CHATTANOOGA AND CHICKAMAUGA Chattanooga and Chickamauga, Reprint of Gen. H. V. Boynton's Letters to the Cincinnati Commercial Gazette, August, 1888. B6070 (ASU BC) CIVIL WAR — CAMPAIGNS AND BATTLES — CHICKAMAUGA Rock of Chickamauga, the Life of General George H. Thomas. C4850 (ASU) Thomas, Rock of Chickamauga. 0190 (ASU) CIVIL WAR - CAMPAIGNS AND BATTLES SHENANDOAH VALLEY Conquest of a Valley. B6570 CIVIL WAR — CAMPAIGNS AND BATTLES — SHENANDOAH VALLEY CAMPAIGN History of the Campaign of General T. J. (Stonewall) Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia from Nov. 4, 1861, to June 17, 1862. A1480 (ASU) CIVIL WAR — COLEMAN SCOUTS AND OTHER RAIDERS Stoneman's Last Raid. V360 Stoneman's Last Raid. V370 (ASU LMC WCU) CIVIL WAR — GA. Guide to Chattanooga, Lookout Mountain and Chickamauga National Military Park. F600 The Truth about Chickamauga. G3050 (ASU) K830 Battles of Chattanooga and Vicinity. L4090 Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park with Narratives of the Battles of Chickamauga, Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. L4100 **The Ordeal of Command: Bragg before Chickamauga." M2540 �CIVIL—CIVIL CIVIL WAR — GA. The Chickamauga and Chattanooga Campaign and Battle-fields. A Chronological Historic Guide, August 16-November 25, 1863. N2870 0670 Wild Train; the Story of Andrews Raiders. 0720 The Civil War Battles of Chickamauga and Chattanooga. R3490 Chickamauga and Chattanooga Battlefields; Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park, Georgia-Tennessee. S8960 Chickamauga: Bloody Battle in the West. T9610 (ASU MHC) CIVIL WAR — GA. — BATTLEFIELDS Pennsylvania at Chickamauga and Chattanooga: Ceremonies at the Dedication of the Monuments Erected by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to Mark the Positions of the Pennsylvania Commands Engaged in the Battles. S4090 (ASU) CIVIL WAR — GA. — RAIDERS The Andrews Raid; or, The Great Locomotive Chase, April 12, 1862. E2090 CIVIL WAR — GA. — RAIDS Daring and Suffering: A History of the Andrews Railroad Raid into Georgia in 1862. P3140 (ASU WCU) The Great Locomotive Chase: A History of the Andrews Railroad into Georgia in 1862. P3150 (ETSU) CIVIL WAR — HISTORY Making a State, Formation of West Virginia. SI 940 CIVIL WAR — KY. Kentuckians, C. S. A. B2530 (ASU) The Civil War and Readjustment in Kentucky. C7780 (BC) Josie M. Davidson, Her Life and Work, by Herself. D670 (BC) Old Cane Springs; a Story of the War Between the States in Madison County, Kentucky. D3020 (BC) No More Muffled Hoofbeats. R2600 (ASU) The Borderland in the Civil War. S4570 Cumberland Gap. S7180 The Wild Riders of the First Kentucky Cavalry. A History of the Regiment in the First Great War of the Rebellion. 1861-1865. T280 (ASU) CIVIL WAR — KY. — RAIDERS The Patriots and Guerrillas of East Tennessee and Kentucky. The Suffering of the Patriots. Also the Experience of the Author as an Officer in the Union Army. Including Sketches of Noted Guerrillas and Distinguished Patriots. B6510 CIVIL WAR — N. C. The Civil War in North Carolina. B1460 (UNCA ASU LMC) Caldwell County, North Carolina in the Great War of 1861-1865. C4650 Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War, 1861-65. C4660 (LMC) The Catawba Soldier of the Civil War. A Sketch of Every Soldier from Catawba County, North Carolina, with the Photograph, Biographical Sketch, and Reminiscence of Many of Them, Together with a sketch of Catawba County from 1860 to 1911. H270 (ASU) Reminiscences of Caldwell County, N. C., in the Great War of 1861-65. H2530 Echoes of Happy Valley: Letters and Diaries, Family Life in the South, Civil War History. H5190 (ASU LMC BC) SUBJECT "The Forgotten Sons: North Carolinans in the Union Army." H5210 (ASU) Index to Moore's Roster of North Carolina Troops in the War Between the States. H5740 (ASU) Hendersonville in Civil War Times. H8100 Battle of Asheville. M720 (ASU LMC UNCA) North Carolina Troops, 1861-1865, a Roster. M2990 (ASU LMC) Keepers of Memories: Biographical Sketches of Confederate Widows Living in North Carolina, 1961-1965, Plus Other Related Features. M3390 (MHC) Roster of North Carolina Troops: In the War Between the States. M7320 (LMC) Guide to Civil War Records in the N. C. State Archives. N2590 Alexander County's Confederates. P3110 The Raid, East Tennessee, Western N. Carolina, Southwest Virginia. R330 (ASU) The Secession Movement in North Carolina. S3770 (LMC) Recollections of a Confederate Staff Officer. S5530 (LMC) Front Rank. T9620 (LMC) Zeb Vance: Champion of Personal Freedom. T9640 (ASU WCU UNCA) Special Schedules Enumerating Union Veterans and Widows of Union Veterans of the Civil War, North Carolina. U840 (ASU) My Beloved Zebulon; the Correspondence of Zebulon B. Vance and Harriett Newell Espy. VI00 Papers. VI10 (ASU LMC) CIVIL WAR - RAIDERS Thee Bold Cavaliers. Morgan's 2nd Kentucky Cavalry Raiders. B7080 History of Morgan's Cavalry. D3780 History of Morgan's Cavalry. D3790 History of Morgan's Cavalry. D3800 On Jordan's Stormy Banks: A Novel of Sam Davis, the Confederate Scout. R4080 Yankee Cavalrymen: Through the Civil War with the Ninth Pennsylvania Cavalry. R4090 Morgan and His Captors. SI 890 (ASU) The Rebel Raider, a Life of John Hunt Morgan. S9700 (BC ASU) CIVIL WAR — RAIDERS — TENN. Story of Sam Davis. R3680 CIVIL WAR — RAIDS Wild Train: The Story of the Andrews Raiders. O730 (ASU ETSU) CIVIL WAR - S. C. B1980 South Carolina Goes to War, 1860-1865. C2550 (ASU) Sixteenth South Carolina Regiment, CSA, From Greenville, S. C. T610 (ASU) CIVIL WAR — TENN. The Attack upon and Defense of Fort Sanders, Knoxville, Tennessee, November 29, 1863. A4700 (ASU) Hamilton County Confederate Soldiers. A4740 Guide Book to Lookout Mountain and a Brief Account of Battles Fought near Chattanooga, Tennessee. B580 62 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Dedication of the Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Park. Address of Gen. Wm. B. Bate, One of the Speakers Appointed by the Secretary of War for the Above Occasion, Delivered on September 20, 1895. B1890 The Testimony of a Refugee from East Tennessee. B5120 (ASU) Recollections of the East Tennessee Campaign, Battle of Campbell Station, 16th Nov., 1863: Siege of Knoxville, 17th Nov.-5th Dec., 1863. B6420 Report of a Board of Army Officers upon the Claim of Maj. Gen. William Farrar Smith, U. S. V., That He, and Not General Rosecrans, Originated the Plan for the Relief of Chattanooga in October, 1863. B6950 (ASU) Sketches of the Rise, Progress, and Decline of Secession: with a Narrative of Personal Adventure among the Rebels. B7530 (ASU) Fiddles in the Cumberlands. B9020 (ASU BC) The Attitude of Tennesseans toward the Union. C780 (BC ASU) Tennessee and the Union, 1847-1861. C790 "Tennessee's Attitude toward Secession." C800 History of the First Regiment of Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry in the Great War of the Rebellion: With the Armies of the Ohio and Cumberland, under Generals Morgan, Rosecrans, Thomas, Stanley and Wilson, 1862-1865. C1760 (LMC) My Grandfather's Diary of the War. C4350 "Tennessee: A Reluctant Seceder, 1847-1861." C4460 Story of Captain Jesse Cox of Johnson Co., Tennessee. C5720 Storming of the Gateway: Chattanooga, 1863. D3170 (WCU BC ASU) The Andrews Raid; or, The Great Locomotive Chase, April 12, 1862. E2090 Account of the Fund for the Relief of East Tennessee; with a Complete List of Contributors. E2390 Guide to Chattanooga, Lookout Mountain and Chickamauga National Military Park. F600 The Secession and Reconstruction of Tennessee. F720 (ASU LMC) The Chattanooga Campaign, with Especial Reference to Wisconsin's Participation Therein. F1300 (ASU BC) The Truth about Chickamauga. G3050 (ASU) Andrew Johnson: Military Governor of Tennessee. H600 (BC ASU) Andrew Johnson: Military Governor of Tennessee. H610 (BC ASU) Confederate Action in Franklin County, Tennessee. HI 580 Tales of the Civil War Era. H3290 Neighbor against Neighbor, Brother against Brother; Greene County in the Civil War. H3850 "The Tennessee Conservatives and Secession, 1847-61." H4750 Tennessee's War: 1861-1865, Described by Participants, H7220 (BC ASU) "Political Activities of the Republican Party in the State of Tennessee, 1860-1870." H7760 The Loyal Mountaineers of Tennessee. H8280 (ASU BC LMC) History of the Rebellion in Bradley County, East Tennessee. H8520 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY CIVIL WAR — TENN. The Battle of Fort Sanders. An Address Delivered November 28th, 1814 ... at the Unveiling and Dedication of the Monument Erected by the Knoxville Chapter, United Daughters of the Confederacy, to the Memory of the Confederate Soldiers Who Lost Their Lives during the Siege of Knoxville, Tennessee, November 29, 1863. K820 "Secession and Civil War in Jefferson County, Tennessee, 1860-1865." K2200 (ETSU) "Sectionalism in East Tennessee, 1796 to 1861." L50 Vanquished Volunteers: East Tennessee Sectionalism From Statehood to Secession. L60 (LMC ETSU BC) Some Sketches from My Life, Written for My 80th Birthday, May 1, 1910. L840 The Military Annals of Tennessee: Confederate. First Series. Embracing a Review of Military Operations with Regimental Histories and Memorial Rolls Compiled from Original and Official Sources. L2570 (LMC) Battles of Chattanooga and Vicinity. L4090 Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park with Narratives of the Battles of Chickamauga, Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. L4100 The Surrender of Cumberland Gap. Ml 350 Chattanooga and Her Battlefields. Ml 650 "The Ordeal of Command: Bragg before Chickamauga." M2540 "Civil War Anecdotes and Legends of Chattanooga." N710 The Chickamauga and Chattanooga Campaign and Battle-fields. A Chronological Historic Guide, August 16-November 25, 1863. N2870 0670 P470 "The Secession Movement in Tennessee." P510 Unionism and Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1860-1869. P840 (ASU WCU) Personal Recollections of the Occupation of East Tennessee and the Defense of Knoxville. P3300 "The Republican Party in East Tennessee, 1865-1900." Q130 The Battle of Kingsport. R320 (ASU ETSU) The Raid, East Tennessee, Western N. Carolina, Southwest Virginia. R330 (ASU) The Vicksburg Campaign, and the Battles about Chattanooga under the Command of General U. S. Grant in 1862-63; an Historical Review. R1140 East Tennessee in the War of the Rebellion. And Read at the Stated Meeting of December 3, 1902. R1170 (ASU) With Thomas in Tennessee. R3220 The Civil War Battles of Chickamauga and Chattanooga. R3490 Story of Sam Davis. R3680 History of the Thirteenth Regiment, Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry, U. S. A., Including a Narrative of the Bridge Burning: The Carter County Rebellion, and the Loyalty, Heroism and Suffering of the Union Men and Women of Carter and Johnson Counties, Tennessee, During the Civil War. SI460 (ASU LMC) Samuel Roberts: A Welsh Colonizer in Civil War Tennessee. S2850 (ASU) SUBJECT Report of the Proceedings. S5370 (LMC) Cumberland Gap. S7180 East Tennessee, Chickamauga, Chattanooga. S7350 (ASU) Chickamauga and Chattanooga Battlefields; Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park, Georgia-Tennessee. S8960 Mission Ridge and Lookout Mountain, With Pictures of Life in Camp and Field. T450 (ASU) Relief for East Tennessee. T640 (BC) East Tennessee and the Civil War. T820 (ASU) East Tennessee and the Civil War. T830 (ETSU) East Tennessee and the Civil War. T840 (ASU ETSU) Tennesseans in the Civil War: A Military History of Confederate and Union Units with Available Rosters of Personnel. T950 (ASU) Chickamauga: Bloody Battle in the West. T9610 (ASU MHC) Lookout, the Story of a Mountain. W340 (LMC BC) "Co. Aytch," Maury Grays, First Tennessee Regiment: Or, A Side Show of the Big Show. W1470 (ASU) "Unconventional Warfare in East Tennessee, 1861-1865." W5200 Sam Davis, Hero of the Confederacy, 1842-1863, Coleman's Scouts. W5760 War Memoranda: Cheat River to the Tennessee, 1861-1862. W5920 (BC) A Confederate History of Polk County, Tennessee, 1860-1866. W6390 CIVIL WAR - TENN. - BATTLEFIELDS Pennsylvania at Chickamauga and Chattanooga: Ceremonies at the Dedication of the Monuments Erected by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to Mark the Positions of the Pennsylvania Commands Engaged in the Battles. S4090 (ASU) CIVIL WAR — TENN. — FT. SANDERS Divided Loyalties: Fort Sanders and the Civil War in East Tennessee. S2110 (BCETSU) CIVIL WAR - TENN. - RAIDERS When Yesterday Was Today. B4610 The Patriots and Guerrillas of East Tennessee and Kentucky. The Suffering of the Patriots. Also the Experience of the Author as an Officer in the Union Army. Including Sketches of Noted Guerrillas and Distinguished Patriots. B6510 "Special Warfare in Middle Tennessee and Surrounding Areas, 1861-62." D150 Thrilling Adventures of Daniel Ellis, the Great Union Guide of East Tennessee, for a Period of Nearly Four Years During the Great Southern Rebellion. El750 (ASU LMC BC) Thrilling Adventures of Daniel Ellis, the Great Union Guide of East Tennessee, for a Period of Nearly Four Years during the Great Southern Rebellion. Written by Himself. Containing a Short Biography of the Author. El 760 Full Many a Name; the Story of Sam Davis, Scout and Spy, C. S. A. F3080 Champ Ferguson: A Sketch of the War in East Tennessee Detailing Some of the Awful Murders on the Border and Describing One of the Leading Spirits of the Rebellion. H390 Champ Ferguson, Confederate Guerilla. SI 900 63 CIVIL-CIVIL CIVIL WAR — TENN. — RAIDS "The Coleman Scouts." P3120 CIVIL WAR — VA. "The Civil War in Western Virginia: The Decisive Campaigns of 1861." B4970 Conquest of a Valley. B6570 Old Jube: A Biography of Jubat A. Early from West Point in the 1830's to the Battles of Chancellorsville, Lynchburg, Winchester, and a Wealth of Other Data on the Civil War. B9370 Confederate History of Culpeper County. C240 Stonewall Jackson. C2780 (ASU) Stonewall Jackson. C7000 (ASU BC) Stonewall Jackson and the Old Stonewall Brigade. C7010 (ASU BC) The V. M. I. New Market Cadets. Biographical Sketches of All Members of the Virginia Military Institute Corps of Cadets Who Fought in The Battle of New Market, May 15, 1864. C8030 (ASU) The Montgomery County Story, 1776-1957. C9360 (ASU) Jeb Stuart, the Last Cavalier. D870 (ASU) They Called Him Stonewall: A Life of Lt. General T. J. Jackson, C. S. A. D880 (ASU BC) Campaign of 1864 in the Valley of Virginia and the Expedition to Lynchburg. D4030 The Political History of Virginia During the Reconstruction. E720 Military Operations in Jefferson County, Virginia and West Virginia, 1861-1865. F200 Campaigns of the Army of Northern Virginia, Including the Jackson Valley Campaign, 1861-1865. F1490 (ASU) Fredericksburg, Virginia. Its Homes and History, the Battlefields and the Rappahannock Valley. G2650 The Little Fork Rangers: A Sketch of Company "D," Fourth Virginia Cavalry. H140 (ASU) Four Valiant Years in the Lower Shenandoah Valley 1861-1865. H400 (ASU) The Rending of Virginia; a History. H700 (BC) The Two Virginias: Gensis of Old and New; a Romance of American History; State Sovereignty, Phantom of a Stupendous Folly. H710 (BC) H3120 (ASU) A Brief History of New Market and Vicinity. The Battle of New Market Centennial, May 15, 1864-1964. H5340 (ASU) Life and Campaigns of George B. McClellan, Major-General U. S. Army. H5510 (ASU) The Shenandoah Valley and Virginia, 1861 to 1865: A War Study. K620 (ASU BC) History of the Fifteenth Pennsylvania Volunteer Cavalry: Which Was Recruited and Known as the Anderson Cavalry in the Rebellion of 1861-1865. K2630 (LMC) Loudoun County and the Civil War: A History and Guide. L3600 ' Sketch of Captain Thompson McAllister, Co. A, 27th Virginia Regiment. M50 (ASU) Report on the Organization and Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac: To Which Is Added an Account of the Campaign in Western Virginia, with Plans of Battlefields. M380 (ETSU) �CIVIL—COAL CIVIL WAR — VA. A Diary with Reminiscences of the War and Refugee Life in the Shenandoah Valley, 1860-1865. Mil 10 (ASULMC) Virginia's Attitude Toward Slavery and Secession. ^ M8570 (FC LMC) Cole's Cavalry: or, Three Years in the Saddle in the Shenandoah Valley. N730 (ASU) Turnpikes and Dirt Roads. P380 A Narrative of the Campaign in the Valley of the Shenandoah in 1861. P800 (ASU) The Shenandoah in 1864. P3480 (BC) The Raid, East Tennessee, Western N. Carolina, Southwest Virginia. R330 (ASU) The Vicksburg Campaign, and the Battles about Chattanooga under the Command of General U. S. Grant in 1862-63; an Historical Review. R1140 Civil War Action in Rockingham County, Virginia, 1861-1865. R3370 (ASU LMC) Sheridan in the Shenandoah: Jubal Early's Nemesis. S6410 (ASU) Borderland Confederate. S9000 General Turner Ashby, the Centaur of the South: A Military Sketch. T7760 (ASU) Jeb Stuart. T8090 The New Market Campaign, May, 1864. T9770 (ASU) Observance, Battle of Front Royal Virginia, May 19-20, 1962. W920 (LMC) War Memoranda: Cheat River to the Tennessee, 1861-1862. W5920 (BC) An Inside View of the Formation of the State of West Virginia, with Character Sketches of the Pioneers in that Movement. W6370 (BC) Civil War Battles in Winchester and Frederick County, Virginia, 1861-1865. W7570 (BC ASU LMC) Diaries, Letters and Recollections of the War Between the States. W7580 The Military History of the Virginia Military Institute from 1839 to 1865. W7880 (ASU) CIVIL WAR — VA. — SHENANDOAH VALLEY Early Life and Letters of General Thomas J. Jackson, "Stonewall" Jackson. A4860 (ASU) CIVIL WAR — W. VA. The Strange Story of Harper's Ferry, with Legends of the Surrounding Country. B1520 (BC) The Guns of Harpers Ferry. B7390 (ASU BC) Twixt North and South. C250 (ASU) "A House Divided: A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia During the Civil War." C9860 A House Divided: A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia. C9870 (WCU ETSU ASU BC) Berkeley County, U. S. A.: A Bicentennial History of a Virginia and West Virginia County, 1772-1972. D2810 (ASU BC) Historic Harpers Ferry in Jefferson Co., W. Va. F20 (BC) Military Operations in Jefferson County, Virginia and West Virginia, 1861-1865. F200 Dear Annie: A Collection of Letters, 1860-1886. F3640 (ASU) The Rending of Virginia; a History. H700 (BC) SUBJECT The Two Virginias: Gensis of Old and New; a Romance of American History; State Sovereignty, Phantom of a Stupendous Folly. H710 (BC) Archaeological Excavations on Virginius Island, Harpers Ferry National Historic Park, 19660968. HI 570 Upshur Brothers of the Blue and the Gray. H7230 (ASU) Military Operations in Jefferson Co., Virginia and West Virginia, 1961-65. J490 (ASU) Thunder at Harper's Ferry. K570 (ASU) Loyal W. Va. from 1861 to 1865. L420 The Geology of Watoga and Droop Mountain Battlefield State Parks, West Virginia. L3910 (ETSU) Major General Thomas Maley Harris, A Member of the Military Commission That Tried the President Abraham Lincoln Assassination Conspirators, and Roster of the 10th West Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment, 1861-1865. M4200 (ASU BC) A Banner in the Hills-. West Virginia's Statehood. M7140 (ASU BC WCU) "West Virginia and the Civil War, 1861-1863." M7150 Harper's Ferry in Pictures. R2690 (ASU WCU) W. Va. Civil War Literature. S2670 West Virginia Civil War Literature. S3030 Battle of Point Pleasant . . . S3640 The Borderland in the Civil War. S4570 Borderland Confederate. S9000 War Memoranda: Cheat River to the Tennessee, 1861-1862. W5920 (BC) An Inside View of the Formation of the State of West Virginia, with Character Sketches of the Pioneers in that Movement. W6370 (BC) The Battle of Rich Mountain. Z100 (ASU BC) R. E. Lee's Cheat Mountain Campaign. Z110 (ASU) CLINCH RIVER Frontier Forts along the Clinch, Powell and Holston. HI 130 (BC) Clinch-Powell Valley; Summary of Resources. T2420 Floods on Clinch River, in Vicinity of Clinton, Tennessee. T7000 COAL INDUSTRY Work, Safety, and Life Style Among Southern Appalachian Coal Miners: A Survey of the Men of Standard Mines. A1970 (ASU) AC Bulletin. A2880 AC) experimental 30-day coal consumption forecast. December 1948-April 1949. A2890 Analysis of Potential Market for ACI Coals in the Production of Gas and Coke. A2900 Coal-weather Forecast. A2910 Design Trends in Boiler Installations in the Pulp & Paper Industry of the South. A2920 Forecast. A2930 Fuel Engineering Data. A2940 Fuels and Hydro Power Used in the Production of Electricity for Public Use in the United States (1933 through 1936). A2950 Heating Season Weather, 1948-49 Heating Season. A2960 64 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY How to Compare the Heating Values and Costs of Coal, Fuel Oil and Gas. A2970 Industrial Coal-burning Equipment. A2980 Miscellaneous Publications. A2990 Residential Heating, Equipment, and Fuel Consumption; Study and Comparison by States, 1940 and 1948. A3000 Southern High-volatile Coals. A3010 Proceedings of the Fuel Engineering Conference A3020 Proceedings: General Index of Fuel Engineering Conferences, First Through Twenty-sixth, 1934-1940. A3030 Bituminous Coal Wages, Profits and Productivity. B40 Picking Poverty's Pocket. B1150 Coal and Coal Mining in West Virginia. B1200 The Negro in the Bituminous Coal Mining Industry. B1400 (WCU BC MHC) "A Study of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory and Its Use in Identification of Acceptable Mine Foremen." B2870 Report of the Economic Growth of Oak Hill, Correlated With the History of King Coal-Fayette County's First Major Industry. B3010 Conspiracy in Coal. B3360 B3490 (BC) The Molly Maguires. B3690 (ASU WCU BC) Mine Drainage Abstracts, a Bibliography. B4270 (ASU) "The Econometric Forecasting of National Rail Car Requirements for Bituminous Coal." B5410 Survey of Opportunities to Stimulate Coal Utilization. B5510 Special Report on an Evaluation of Mine Scaling. B6250 (ASU) Underground Riches: The Story of Mining. B8310 (ASU) Medical Care in Selected Areas of the Appalachian Bituminous Coal Fields. B8500 "A Literature Survey of the Effects and Controls of Pneumoconiosis." C100 Night Comes to the Cumberlands: Biography of a Depressed Area. C2230 (ASU MHC WCU ETSU FC UNCA) Night Comes to the Cumberlands: A Biography of a Depressed Area. C2240 (LMC) "The Demand for Coal for Power Generation in the Tennessee Valley and the Impact of Changing Demand Patterns on a Supplying Coal Field." C3360 Waste Disposal Costs at Two Coal Mines in Kentucky and Alabama. D240 "Earnings, Health, Safety, and Welfare of Bituminous Coal Miners Since the Encouragement of Mechanization by the United Mine Workers of America." D610 "A Study of Fatal Roof Fall Accidents in Bituminous Coal Mines." D3110 (LMC) "A Study of the Literature on Accidents in Coal Mines of the United States with Comparisons of the Records in Other Coal-producing Countries." D3640 "Government in an Eastern Kentucky Coal Field County." D3690 (ASU) "A Validation Study of a Psychological Test Battery for Selection of Joy Ripper-type Continuous Miner Operators." D4090 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY COAL INDUSTRY Coal Through the Ages. E610 (BC) "Economic Consequences of the Seven-hour Day and Wage Changes in the Bituminous Coal Industry." F1220 Wage Rates and Working Time in the Bituminous Coal Industry, 1912-1922. F1230 (BC) Seventy Years in the Coal Mines. F3050 (BC) "Industrial Retardation and Economic Growth: A Case Study of Secular and Structural Change in the United States, 1920-1960." F3430 The Pioneer: A Biography. F3590 (BC) "Coal Mining Safety: National Solutions in the Progressive Period." G3090 Only a Miner: Studies in Recorded Coal Mining Songs. G3500 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) "Recorded American Coal Mining Songs." G3510 Coal and Coal Mines. G3760 (BC) Coal and Coal Mines. G3770 (ASU) "The Economic Effects of Collective Bargaining in Bituminous Coal Mining." G3860 "The United Mine Workers of America and the Non-Union Coal Fields." H5620 Slope Stability of Coal Strip Mine Spoil Banks. H6260 (ASU) Research, Education and Mine Personnel Safety in W. Va. H6550 (BC) Coal Mine Health and Safety; the Case of West Virginia. MHO (BC) Coal Mining Health and Safety in West Virginia. Ml 20 The Resources of the Coal Field of the Upper Kanawha, with a Sketch of the Iron Belt of Virginia, Setting Forth Some of Their Markets and Means of Development. M4470 (ASU) "Economics of the Southern Smokeless Coals." M5150 "The United Mine Workers: A Study of How Trade Union Policy Relates to Technological Change." M6000 M6140 M6150 (BC) Postwar Changes in the Export Markets for American Coal: A Study in the Industry Response to Variations in Foreign Demand. M6210 (ASU) Theory and Practice of Mine Ventilation. M6610 Struggle in the Coal Fields: The Autobiography of Fred Mooney. M6720 (ASU BC WCU) "Attitude of Coal Miners toward Union and Coal Industry." M7730 (ASU) The Plight of the Bituminous Coal Miner. M7790 (ASU BC) History of Coal Mining in Laurel County, Kentucky, 1920-1944. M8160 "An Evaluation of the Pension Plans in the Anthracite Coal Industry." M8450 The Coal Industry in America: A Bibliography and Guide to Studies. M8610 (ASU BC) Papers and Proceedings. N160 Anthracite: An Instance of Natural Resource Monopoly. N350 (ASU LMC) The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. N580 (ETSU) SUBJECT The Story of American Coals. N980 (BC) The Coal Miner's Struggle in Eastern Kentucky. N3020 (ASU) Peabody Atlas. P1140 (BC) "The Growth and Overdevelopment of the Kentucky Coal Industry, 1912-1929." PI 210 (ASU) Operation Scarlift, the After-Effects of Over 100 Years of Coal Mining In Pennsylvania and Current Programs to Combat Them. PI 800 The Rock Dust Remedy for Coal Mine Explosions; An Open Letter to the Operators in the 27th Bituminous District of Pennsylvania. P2810 The Population and Employment Outlook for the Anthracite Region of Pennsylvania. R1560 The Coal Trade, a Compendium of Valuable Information Relative to Coal Production, Prices, Transportation, etc., at Home and Abroad. S580 (BC) Cloud by Day: The Story of Coal and Coke People. S2830 (ASU LMC BC) Mobility of Chemical Workers in a Coal Mining Area. S5450 Coal, The Curse and the Key: Overall Economic Development Program for the Southern West Virginia Economic Development District. S5890 "A Sociological Analysis of Ecology, Structure and Processes in a Virginia Coal Mining Community." S8080 Facts About the Two Armed Marches on Logan. S9400 (ASU BC) Hours and earnings in anthracite and bituminous coal mining. U1390 Mining and Mineral Operations in the United States; a Visitor's Guide. U1480 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969. Report Together with Minority, Supplemental, and Separate Views from the Committee to Accompany H. R. 13950, October 13, 1969. U2280 Legislative History: Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act. U2290 Coal Mine Health and Safety. Hearings before the Subcommittee on H. R. 4047, H. R. 4295, and H. R. 7976, March 4-May 1, 1969. U2300 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969. Report from the Committee Together with Individual Views to Accompany S. 2917, September 17, 1969. U2330 Coal Mine Health and Safety. Hearings before the Subcommittee on S. 355, S. 467, S. 1094, S. 1178, S. 1300, and S. 1907, February 27-May 2, 1969. U2340 A List of Books and Other Sources of Information Regarding Coal and Coal Products. W70 Labor Revolt in Alabama: The Great Strike of 1894. W770 (WCU BC) "The Economics of the Transportation of Ohio Coal." W890 W. Va. Coal Facts, 1971. W3250 Proceedings. W3260 (BC) Work Stoppages and the Grievance Procedure in the Appalachian Coal Industry. W4690 (ASU) Work Stoppages and the Grievance Procedure in the Appalachian Coal Industry. W4710 (ASU) Newsletter. W4945 (BC) 65 COAL—COAL Systematic Jointing in Western Part of Anthracite Region of Eastern Pennsylvania. W8510 COAL INDUSTRY — ALA. The Story of Coal and Iron in Alabama. A4650 (ASU) Report on the Coal Measures of the Plateau Region of Alabama. M230 (BC) Report on the Calaba Coal Field. S6400 Report on the Plateau Coal Field of Alabama. T6590 Report on the Reserves of Coal in a Part of the Worrier Coal Field of Alabama. T6600 COAL INDUSTRY — APP. Fighting for Survival: The Bootleg Coal Industry. A350 (ASU) The Economic Impact of Public Policy on the Appalachian Coal Industry and the Regional Economy. A3730 (ASU) Manpower Report for the Appalachian Coal Industry. A3760 (ASU) Medical-Hospital Problems in the Bituminous Coal Mining Areas. B8510 Froth Floatation Washability Data of Various Appalachian Coals Using Timed Release Analysis Technique. C2570 Report on the Mining Methods and Appliances Used in Anthracite Coal Fields. C2850 (BC) C5170 (BC) Practical Kinks for Coal Mining Men. C5180 (BC) Successful Solutions to Everyday Coal Mining Problems. C5190 (BC) C5210 (BC) "Collective Bargaining in the Bituminous Coal Industry." C5380 (ASU) History of the Consolidated Coal Company. C6790 Survey of Sulfur Reduction in Appalachian Coals by Stage Crushing. D1920 "Habitat-economy-society, a Frame of Reference Applied to Southern Appalachian Coal Country." Gil 30 Those Black Diamond Men: A Tale of the Anthrax Valley. Gil 40 (BCASU) Annotated Bibliography on Industrial Concentration and Firm Diversification in the Bitumonous Coal Industry with Special Reference to the Southeastern United States, 1950-1970. Gl-270 "The Coal Buying Policies: Effects on Prices and Method of Mining in Supplying States." H3150 "The Coal Miner's Insurrections, 1891-1892." H8740 (ASU) "A "New Deal" for Soft Coal: The Attempted Revitalization of the Bituminous Coal Industry under the New Deal." J1840 "Bituminous Coal Strip Mines; Some Financing Considerations." K580 Look at Mine-timber Market in the Appalachian Bituminous Coal Region. K2930 "The Price of Coal: A Study of the Policies of the National Coal Board." L3300 Miner's Wages and the Cost of Coal: An Inquiry into the Wages System in the Bituminous Coal Industry. L3790 **The Competitive Position of Bituminous Coal in the Utility Markets of the Northeast." L3800 Coal and Unionism: A History of the American Coal Miners Unions. Ml 120 (BCASU) �COAL—COAL COAL INDUSTRY — APP. The Coal Regions of America. Ml 360 "The Decline of Anthracite, 1913-1955." M5320 Trees Above the Coal Below. N3000 Demonstration of Safety Plugging of Oil Wells Penetrating Appalachian Coal Mines. R1480 "The Economics of the Coal Industry." R2370 "Union Economic Politics and Union Discipline in the Bituminous Wage Dispute of 1949-1950." R4030 (ASU) A History of the Coal Miners of the United States. R4140 (BC) "United States Bituminous Coal Markets — Trends Since 1920, and Prospects to 1975." S10 Facts about Strip Mining. S560 Benefit/Cost Approach to Decision Making: The Dilemma with Coal Production. S970 (ASU) Statement on Benefit/Cost Evaluation of Strip Mining in Appalachia. S980 (ASU) The Issues Related to Surface Mining; a Summary Review, with Selected Readings. S3300 (WCU) S8050 Statistics of Coal. The Geographical and Geological Distribution of Mineral Combustibles or Fossils Fuel, Including, Also, Notices and Localities of the Various Mineral Bituminous Substances, Employed in Arts and Manufactures...Embracing, From Official Reports of the Great Coal-Producing Countries, the Respective Amounts of Their Production, Consumption and Commercial Distribution, in All Parts of the World; Together With Their Prices, Tariffs, Duties and International Regulations... T710 (BC) Comparison of Coal-Fired and Nuclear Power Plants for the TVA System. T6620 Petroleum and Coal; the Keys to the Future. T7740 (BC) "Coal Country: The Rise of the Southern Smokeless Coal Industry and Its Effect on Area Development." T7980 Black Diamonds. T8000 (ASU) Significant Trends in the West Virginia Coal Industry, 1900-1957. T8230 (ASU) Strip Mining for Coal. T8870 (BC) Bituminous Coal Mining: Labor Market Developments. U1210 List of publications, Bureau of Mines. U1430 List of publications, Bureau of Mines. U1440 List of publications, Bureau of Mines. U1450 Miners' Circular. U1460 Miners' Circular. U1470 A medical survey of the bituminous-coal industry. U1620 Conditions in the Coal Fields of Penn., W. Va., and Ohio. U1760 Unemployment problems. U1800 Hearings before the Special Subcommittee on Coal Research on Establishment of Research and Development Program or the Coal Industry. U1940 Study of the Strip and Surface Mining in Appalachia; an Interim Report to the Appalachian Regional Commission. U2820 (BC) SUBJECT Surface Mining and our Environment; a Special Report to the Nation. U2830 (BC) A Medical Survey of the Bituminous-coal Industry. U2850 (LMC) One Sunset a Week, the Story of a Coal Miner . V510 (ASU) The Kentucky Mountains, Transportation and Commerce, 1750-1911: A Study in the Economic History of a Coal Field. V530 (ASU WCU BC) The Northern Appalachian Coal Field. W5340 Levels. Coal Analyses. W5460 (ETSU) "Development and Operation of the Welfare and Retirement Fund in the Bituminous Coal Industry." W5620 The American Miners Association: A Record of the Origin of Coal Miners' Unions in the United States. W5970 (ASU) The Miners' Case and the Public Interest: A Documented Chronology. W5980 Preventing Fatal Explosions in Coal Mines: A Study of Recent Major Disasters in the United States as Accompaniments of Technological Change. W5990 "Disorganization and Delinquency in Three Coal Communities." W6860 (ASU) Current and Proposed Regulations and Legislation on Air Pollution Concerning the Appalachian Coal Industry. W7190 "Problems in the Anthracite Industry with Special Reference to Marketing." Z10 "The Coal Miner in a Large Scale, Highly Mechanized, Highly Integrated Bituminous Coal Mining Plant." Z20 COAL INDUSTRY — APP. MTNS. Manual of Coal and Its Topography. LI 890 COAL INDUSTRY — FOLK SONGS Coal Dust on the Fiddle: Songs and Stories of the Bituminous Industry. K3050 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Minstrels of the Mine Patch: Songs and Stories of the Anthracite Industry. K3060 (ASU LMC MHC BC) COAL INDUSTRY — KY. A Study of the Eastern Industrial Coal Market. B5500 Geology of the Big Stone Gap Coal Field of Virginia and Kentucky. C760 (BC) Night Comes to the Cumberlands: A Biography of a Depressed Area. C2220 (WWC BC FC) "The Influence of Coal in the Big Sandy Valley." C3230 (ASU) Coal Workers' Pneumoconiosis: Workmen's Compensation Treatment and Its Prevention in Kentucky. C3550 (ASU) The Shame That Is Kentucky's! The Story of the Harlan Mine War. C7610 (ASU) Geology and Coal Resources of the Cannel City Quadrangle, Kentucky. E2020 "Twentieth Century Development of the Coal Mining Industry in Eastern Kentucky and Its Influence upon the Political Behavior of This Area." F3420 (ASU) Coals of the North Fork of the Ky. River in Perry and Portions of Breathitt & Knott Co. Ky. H6150 "External Diseconomies of Bituminous Coal Surface Mining — A Case Study of Eastern Kentucky, 1960-1967." H7590 Coal Deposits of Pike County, Kentucky. H8370 1740 66 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY A Bibliography of the Mineral Resources of Kentucky. J950 The Coal Industry in Kentucky. J990 The Coal Industry in Kentucky. J1000 Economic Data on Eastern Kentucky Coal Fields. K910 Annual Report, 1885-1919. K1110 Directory of Kentucky Mineral Operators. K1120 Strip Mining in Kentucky. KU30 (BCASU) Strip Mining. K1290 Coal Mining Reference Book. K1300 Proceedings. K1310 Bibliography of Coal in Kentucky. K1410 Silver Fleece, a Tale of the Swift Mines of Old Kentucky. K1890 (LMC BC) Economic Data on Eastern Kentucky Coal Field. LI 260 The Superfluous People of Hazard, Kentucky. PI 220 "Social Effects of the Mining Industry in Eastern Kentucky." S400 (ASU) "A Study of Woodworking Industry of the Eastern Mountains and Coal Field Region of Kentucky." SI 330 Application of Current Utilization Research to the Kentucky Coal Industry. S5930 The Economic Viability of the Small Underground Coal Mine S5940 Coal Resources of the Russell Fork Basin in Kentucky and Virginia. S7540 The Incomparable Don Chafin. S9410 (BCASU) "Bloody" Harlan, 1931-1938; an Appalachian Coal County in the Thirties. T170 "Coal and Conflict: The U.M.W.A. in Harlan County, 1931-1939." T690 (BC ASU) Coal Reserves in Portions of Butler, Edmonson, Grayson, Muhlenberg, Ohio, and Warren Counties, Kentucky. T2430 The Coal Fields of Perry Co., Ky. V60 COAL INDUSTRY — LABOR FORCE Labor Costs in the Bituminous Coal Industry. N740 COAL INDUSTRY — MD. The Best-dressed Miners: Life and Labor in the Maryland Coal Region, 1835-1910. H3270 (ASU) "The Coal Miners of Western Maryland." H3280 COAL INDUSTRY — OHIO Coal Reserves of the Pittsburgh (No. 8) Bed in Belmont County, Ohio. B3310 (ASU) Economic Geology of the Summerfield and Woodsfield Quadrangles, Ohio, with Descriptions of Coal and Other Mineral Resources, Except Oil and Gas. C6320 Stratigraphy of the Bituminous Coal Field of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia. W5470 COAL INDUSTRY — PA. The Molly Maguires. The Origin, Growth, and Character of the Organization. D2010 (ASU WCU) Buried Black Treasure: The Story of Pennsylvania Anthracite. F760 (ASU) "Bituminous Coal Open Pit Mining in Clarion County, Pennsylvania." J180 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY COAL INDUSTRY — PA. "Measuring Productivity in Coal Mining: A Case Study of Multiple Input Measurement at the County Level in Pennsylvania." J310 "The Use and Interchangeability of Fuels in Pennsylvania." J470 Lament for the Molly Maquires. L2080 Coal in Pennsylvania, Recent Developments and Prospects. PI 830 Bituminous Coal Fields in Pennsylvania. PI 840 "A History of Land Subsistence and Its Consequences Caused by the Mining of Anthracite Coal in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania." R2870 Anthracite Coal Communities. R3070 (BC) "A Quantitative Description and Analysis of the Growth of the Pennsylvania Anthracite Coal Industry, 1820 to 1865." S780 The Economic Importance of the Coal Industry to Pennsylvania. S910 Stratigraphy of the Bituminous Coal Field of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia. W5470 "Social Legislation for the Protection of Coal Miners in Pennsylvania." Z90 COAL INDUSTRY — TECHNOLOGY "A Recursive Programing Model of Resource Allocation and Technological Change in the United States Bituminous Coal Industry." T10 COAL INDUSTRY — TENN. Geological Report: Coal Creek Mining and Manufacturing Company of Tennessee. B6190 Coals in the Area between Bon Air and Cliffy, Tennessee. B9460 Coal Losses of Tennessee. F1850 (ETSU) The Northern Tennessee Coal Field. 62140 (ETSU) "Tennessee Coal Mining and Marketing Trends." H8570 (ETSU) The Coal Industry of Tennessee. L4010 (ETSU) The Coal Reserves of Tennessee. L4020 (ETSU) "Development of the Coal Industry of Grundy County, Tennessee." M620 Study on the Coal Industry. T1460 (ASU) COAL INDUSTRY — TENN. — EDUCATION "Training for Coal Miners in Cooperation with the Public Schools of Tennessee." B180 COAL INDUSTRY — VA. Geology of the Big Stone Gap Coal Field of Virginia and Kentucky. C760 (BC) The Valley Coal Fields of Virginia. C770 (ETSU) "The Changing Economic Position of Southwest Virginia as Affected by the Coal Industry." C1450 (ETSU) Coal: Southwest Virginia's Source of Misery. C7850 The Geology and Coal Resources of Dickenson County, Virginia. G1340 (ETSU) The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-bearing Portion of Lee County, Virginia. G1350 (LMC ETSU) The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-bearing Portion of Tazewell County, Virginia. H2510 (ETSU) New River Cripple Creek Mineral Region of Virginia. M940 SUBJECT The Resources of the Coal Field of the Upper Kanawha, with a Sketch of the Iron Belt of Virginia, Setting Forth Some of Their Markets and Means of Development. M4480 Coal, Southwest Virginia's Source of Misery. O760 (ASU) Coal Resources of the Russell Fork Basin in Kentucky and Virginia. S7540 S8040 (ASU) Geology and Coal Resources of Buchanan Co., Va. V950 The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-Bearing Portion of Tazewell Co., Va. V960 Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise Co. and Coal Bearing Portions of Scott Co., Va. with a Chapter on the Forest of Wise Co. V980 COAL INDUSTRY — W. VA. "A History of the Labor Movement in West Virginia." A2610 The Pittston Mentality: Manslaughter on Buffalo Creek. B3380 "Some Aspects of the Coal Mining Industry in Monongalia County, West Virginia." B5640 The Myles Job Mine — A Study of Benefits and Costs of Surface Mining for Coal in Northern West Virginia. B6780 Coal Company Scrip. C210 (ASU) Character of Coal in the Thomas Bed near Harrison, West Virginia. C750 The Smokeless Coal Fields of West Virginia. C1010 (LMC) History of West Virginia Coal Industry. C6550 (ASU BC) "The Mine War on Cabin Creek and Paint Creek, West Virginia, in 1912-1913." C8590 (ASU) West Virginia's Buffalo Creek Flood: A Study of the Hydrology and Engineering Geology. D720 Coals and Coke of W. Va.; a Handbook of the Coals and Cokes of the Great Kanawha, New River, Flat Top, and Adjacent Coal Districts in W. Va. El 210 (BC) The Igneous Rocks of Pendleton County, West Virginia. G380 (ETSU) "Cultural and Historical Geography of Mining Settlements in the Pocahontas Coal Fields of Southern West Virginia, 1880 to 1930." G1620 Coal and Coal Mining in West Virginia. H3510 (ASU BC ETSU) "The Pattern of Settlements in the Southern and Middle Anthracite Region of Pennsylvania." K220 "The Negro Miner in West Virginia." LI 30 The New-Kanawha River and the Mind War of West Virginia. M630 (BC) The Welfare of Children in Bituminous Coal Mining Communities in West Virginia. Ml 530 (ASU) "Coal Consolidation: Profile of the Fairmont Field of Northern West Virginia, 1852-1903." M4090 Paint Creek Miner. P660 The Cheat Mountain Coal Field of Randolph County, West Virginia. R1270 (ASU ETSU) Some Churches of Coal Mining Communities of West Virginia. R2010 The Story of Glen Rogers, W. Va. SI 050 (BC) Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. S5020 "Grievance Settlement in Coal Mining." S5440 67 COAL—COAL New Small Business in a Redevelopment Coal Area in West Virginia. S7330 The Changing Markets for West Virginia Coal 1951-1963. T8200 The Logan Coal Field of West Virginia: A Brief History. T8470 (ASU ETSU WCU) W. Va. Coal Fields. U1750 Characteristics of Minable Coals of West Virginia. W3670 (ETSU) "Development of the Bituminous Coal Mining Industry in Logan County, West Virginia." W5400 Levels Above Tide. True Meridians. Report on Coal. W5450 (ETSU) Stratigraphy of the Bituminous Coal Field of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia. W5470 Supplementary Coal Report. W5480 (ETSU) COAL INDUSTRY - W. VA. — ANTHRACITE The Smokeless Coal Fields of West Virginia: A Brief History. T140 (BC ETSU ASU WCU) COAL INDUSTRY — W. VA. — LABOR FORCE "A Survey of Labor Requirements in Northern West Virginia Coal Mines in 1957." B7960 COAL MARKET "Anthracite Coal: A Study in Advanced Industrial Decline." B680 A Study of the Eastern Industrial Coal Market. B5500 Survey of Opportunities to Stimulate Coal Utilization. B5510 Coal: Energy and Crisis. C2680 From Mine to Market: The History of Coal Transportation on the Norfolk and Western Railway. L220 (ASU BC) "The Norfolk and Western Railroad, 1881-1896: A Study in Coal Transportation." L230 COAL MARKET — APP. "Bituminous Coal Strip Mines; Some Financing Considerations." K580 Black Land, the Way of Life in the Coal Fields. K3030 "The Price of Coal: A Study of the Policies of the National Coal Board." L3300 Miner's Wages and the Cost of Coal: An Inquiry into the Wages System in the Bituminous Coal Industry. L3790 "The Competitive Position of Bituminous Coal in the Utility Markets of the Northeast." L3800 "Problems in the Anthracite Industry with Special Reference to Marketing." Z10 COAL MARKET — KY. Economic Data on Eastern Kentucky Coal Fields. K910 Annual Report, 1885-1919. K1110 Coal Mining Reference Book. K1300 Proceedings. K1310 COAL MARKET — PA. Buried Black Treasure: The Story of Pennsylvania Anthracite. F760 (ASU) "Measuring Productivity in Coal Mining: A Case Study of Multiple Input Measurement at the County Level in Pennsylvania." J310 COAL MARKET — W. VA. "Coal Consolidation: Profile of the Fairmont Field of Northern West Virginia, 1852-1903." M4080 COAL MINES AND MINERS Death in the Dark. A420 (BC ASU) �SUBJECT COAL—COAL COAL MINES AND MINERS "Factors Affecting Social Participation in Coal Communities." A800 (ASU) Grundy County, Tennessee; Relief in a Coal Mining Community. A1850 Work, Safety, and Life Style Among Southern Appalachian Coal Miners. A Survey of the Men of Standard Mines. A1930 Work, Safety, and Life Style Among Southern Appalachian Coal Miners: A Survey of the Men of Standard Mines. A1970 (ASU) The Kentucky Miner's Struggle: The Record of a Year of Lawless Violence. The Only Complete Picture of Events Briefly Told. A2090 (ASU) Life in a West Virginia Coal Field. A2100 Coal Mine Modernization Year Book. A2160 Facts about the Bituminous Coal Industry. A4450 The Abram Creek-Stony River Coal Field, Northeastern West Virginia. A5230 Geology and Mineral Resources of Part of the Cumberland Gap Coal Field, Kentucky. A5240 (ASU) A Key to Mine Ventilation. A5360 (BC) "The Anthracite Mine Workers, 1869-1897: A Functional Approach to Labor History." A5520 (ASU) The Strip Mining of America: An Analysis of Surface Coal Mining and the Environment. A5590 (ASU) "The Economics of Strip Coal Mining." A5820 (ASU) Bituminous Coal Wages, Profits and Productivity. B40 "Training for Coal Miners in Cooperation with the Public Schools of Tennessee." B180 "Anthracite Coal: A Study in Advanced Industrial Decline." B680 "The Southern Appalachian Coal Community: An Explorative Study." B820 (ASU) Coal and Coal Mining in West Virginia. B1200 The Negro in the Bituminous Coal Mining Industry. B1400 (WCU BC MHC) "A Study of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory and Its Use in Identification of Acceptable Mine Foremen." B2870 Coal Reserves of the Pittsburgh (No. 8) Bed in' Belmont County, Ohio. B3310 (ASU) The Hurricane Creek Massacre: An Inquiry into the Circumstances Surrounding the Deaths of Thirty-eight Men in a Coal Mine Explosion. B3370 (ASU BC LMC WCU MHC) Camerton Slope, a Story of Mining Life. B4240 (ASU BC) Special Report on an Evaluation of Mine Scaling. B6250 (ASU) "A Survey of Labor Requirements in Northern West Virginia Coal Mines in 1957." B7960 Underground Riches: The Story of Mining. B8310 (ASU) Character of Coal in the Thomas Bed near Harrison, West Virginia. C750 The Smokeless Coal Fields of West Virginia. C1010 (LMC) Report on the Mining Methods and Appliances Used in Anthracite Coal Fields. C2850 (BC) Practical Kinks for Coal Mining Men. C5180 (BC) Successful Solutions to Everyday Coal Mining Problems. C5190 (BC) Men and Coal. C5790 (ASU BC) Men and Coal. C5800 (MHC WCU) History of the Consolidated Coal Company. C6790 Coal: Southwest Virginia's Source of Misery. C7850 "Earnings, Health, Safety, and Welfare of Bituminous Coal Miners Since the Encouragement of Mechanization by the United Mine Workers of America." D610 Notable Mine Disasters of Fayette County, West Virginia. D2880 (BC) "The Public School in the Mining Community." D3100 "A Study of Fatal Roof Fall Accidents in Bituminous Coal Mines." D3110 (LMC) "A Study of the Literature on Accidents in Coal Mines of the United States with Comparisons of the Records in Other Coal-producing Countries." D3640 "A Validation Study of a Psychological Test Battery for Selection of Joy Ripper-type Continuous Miner Operators." D4090 Coal Through the Ages. E610 (BC) Geology and Coal Resources of the Cannel City Quadrangle, Kentucky. E2020 Moth.er Jones, the Miners' Angel: A Portrait. F740 (ASU MHC) "Economic Consequences of the Seven-hour Day and Wage Changes in the Bituminous Coal Industry." F1220 Wage Rates and Working Time in the Bituminous Coal Industry, 1912-1922. F1230 (BC) Coal Creek Rebellion. F1770 (ASU) Seventy Years in the Coal Mines. F3050 (BC) "Segregation Patterns in a Coal Camp." F3220 (ASU) "Industrial Retardation and Economic Growth: A Case Study of Secular and Structural Change in the United States, 1920-1960." F3430 "Coal Mining Safety: National Solutions in the Progressive Period." G3090 Coal and Coal Mines. G3760 (BC) Coal and Coal Mines. G3770 (ASU) The Road from West Virginia. H2120 (ASU BC LMC) "A New Deal for Harlan: The Roosevelt Labor Policies in a Kentucky Coal Field, 1931-1939." H5120 (BC) "The United Mine Workers of America and the Non-Union Coal Fields." H5620 Annotated Bibliography on Slope Stability of Strip Mine Soil Banks. H6250 (ASU) "The Coal Miner's Insurrections, 1891-1892." H8740 (ASU) "The Pattern of Settlements in the Southern and Middle Anthracite Region of Pennsylvania." K220 People of Coal Town. L600 (ASU BC WWC WCU) 'People of Coal Town. L610 (LMC) "Social Behavior under Conditions of Extreme Stress: A Study of Miners Entrapped by a Coal Mine Disaster." L3820 The Coal Reserves of Tennessee. L4020 (ETSU) Coal Mine Health and Safety; the Case of West Virginia. MHO (BC) Coal Mining Health and Safety in West Virginia. Ml 20 68 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "A Study of the Factors Influencing Job-satisfaction among Factory Workers of Clarksburg, West Virginia, and Coal Miners of Morgantown, West Virginia." M4720 "Economics of the Southern Smokeless Coals." M5150 "Characteristics of Mining and Nonmining Psychiatric Patients." M5630 M6140 Handbook of Pollution Control Costs in Mine Drainage Management. M6470 Theory and Practice of Mine Ventilation. M6610 "Attitude of Coal Miners toward Union and Coal Industry." M7730 (ASU) The Plight of the Bituminous Coal Miner. M7790 (ASU BC) "The Coal Camp: A Pattern of Limited Community Life." M7860 (ASU) History of Coal Mining in Laurel County, Kentucky, 1920-1944. M8160 Papers and Proceedings. N160 The Story of American Coals. N980 (BC) Peabody Atlas. P1140 (BC) "Anxiety in Coal Miners." R1680 Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. S5010 (ASU BC) "A Recursive Programing Model of Resource Allocation and Technological Change in the United States Bituminous Coal Industry." T10 The Smokeless Coal Fields of West Virginia: A Brief History. T140 (BC ETSU ASU WCU) Hours and earnings in anthracite and bituminous coal mining. U1390 Story about Fighting Mine Fires in Abandoned Coal Workings, Mine Fire Control Project in Appalachia. U1490 Coal deposits of Pike Co., Ky. U3120 A List of Books and Other Sources of Information Regarding Coal and Coal Products. W70 Labor Revolt in Alabama: The Great Strike of 1894. W770 (WCU BC) Labor Baron, a Portrait of John L. Lewis. W2170 (BC) Labor's Defiant Lady: The Story of Mother Jones. W2850 (ASU) W. Va. Coal Facts, 1971. W3250 Proceedings. W3260 (BC) Fayette County. W3700 (ETSU) Newsletter. W4945 (BC) COAL MINES AND MINERS — ALA. Waste Disposal Costs at Two Coal Mines in Kentucky and Alabama. D240 Report on the Plateau Coal Field of Alabama. T6590 COAL MINES AND MINERS — APP. Fighting for Survival: The Bootleg Coal Industry. A350 (ASU) Coal: Energy and Crisis. C2680 Schools in the Bituminous Coal Regions of the Appalachian Mountains. D1610 Those Black Diamond Men: A Tale of the Anthrax Valley. Gil 40 (BCASU) "The Economic Effects of Collective Bargaining in Bituminous Coal Mining." G3860 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY COAL MINES AND MINERS — APP. "The Coal Buying Policies: Effects on Prices and Method of Mining in Supplying States." H3150 "A "New Deal" for Soft Coah The Attempted Revitalization of the Bituminous Coal Industry under the New Deal." J1840 Autobiography of Mother Jones. J2500 (BC LMC ASU WCU MHC) Thoughts of Mother Jones: Compiled from Her Writings and Speeches. J2510 (WCU) "Bituminous Coal Strip Mines; Some Financing Considerations." K580 An Analysis of Appalachian State Coal Mine Health and Safety and Workmen's Compensation Programs: Recommendations for Improvement. K880 (ASU) Look at Mine-timber Market in the Appalachian Bituminous Coal Region. K2930 Black Land, the Way of Life in the Coal Fields. K3030 Pneumoconiosis in Appalachian Bituminous Coal Miners. LI 40 (ASU) Lament for the Molly Maquires. L2080 "Occupational Roles and Family Roles: A Study of Coal Mining Families in the Southern Appalachians." L2150 "Coal Miners and Religion." L2950 Men in Crisis: A Study of a Mine Disaster. L3810 Legal Problems of Coal Mine Reclamation: Study in Maryland, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia. M3930 (BC) "The Decline of Anthracite, 1913-1955." M5320 "The Economics of the Coal Industry." R2370 "Union Economic Politics and Union Discipline in the Bituminous Wage Dispute of 1949-1950." R4030 (ASU) A History of the Coal Miners of the United States. R4140 (BC) An Appraisal of Coal Strip Mining. T2270 (BC) "Coal Country: The Rise of the Southern Smokeless Coal Industry and Its Effect on Area Development." T7980 Black Diamonds. T8000 (ASU) Significant Trends in the West Virginia Coal Industry, 1900-1957. T8230 (ASU) Story of Operation Backfill, Mine Subsidence Project in Appalachia. U1500 A medical survey of the bituminous-coal industry. U1620 Consumer Protection and Environmental Health Service U2750 One Sunset a Week, the Story of a Coal Miner . V510 (ASU) The Northern Appalachian Coal Field. W5340 Levels. Coal Analyses. W5460 (ETSU) "Development and Operation of the Welfare and Retirement Fund in the Bituminous Coal Industry." W5620 The American Miners Association: A Record of the Origin of Coal Miners' Unions in the United States. W5970 (ASU) The Miners' Case and the Public Interest: A Documented Chronology. W5980 SUBJECT Preventing Fatal Explosions in Coal Mines: A Study of Recent Major Disasters in the United States as Accompaniments of Technological Change. W5990 "Disorganization and Delinquency in Three Coal Communities." W6860 (ASU) "Problems in the Anthracite Industry with Special Reference to Marketing." Z10 "The Coal Miner in a Large Scale, Highly Mechanized, Highly Integrated Bituminous Coal Mining Plant." Z20 COAL MINES AND MINERS — KY. "The Influence of Coal in the Big Sandy Valley." C3230 (ASU) Coal Workers' Pneumoconiosis: Workmen's Compensation Treatment and it's Prevention in Kentucky. C3550 (ASU) Waste Disposal Costs at Two Coal Mines in Kentucky and Alabama. D240 D2840 "Twentieth Century Development of the Coal Mining Industry in Eastern Kentucky and Its Influence upon the Political Behavior of This Area." F3420 (ASU) "External Diseconomies of Bituminous Coal Surface Mining — A Case Study of Eastern Kentucky, 1960-1967." H7590 Coal Deposits of Pike County, Kentucky. H8370 Bibliography of the Big Sandy Valley. J930 The Coal Industry in Kentucky. J990 The Coal Industry in Kentucky. J1000 Economic Data on Eastern Kentucky Coal Fields. K910 Annual Report, 1885-1919. Kino Directory of Kentucky Mineral Operators. K1120 Strip Mining in Kentucky. K1130 (BCASU) Coal Mining Reference Book. K1300 Proceedings. K1310 Bibliography of Coal in Kentucky. K1410 Silver Fleece, a Tale of the Swift Mines of Old Kentucky. K1890 (LMC BC) Economic Data on Eastern Kentucky Coal Field. LI 260 Harlan Miners Speak: Report on Terrorism in the Kentucky Coal Fields. N140 (ASU BC) Harlan Miners Speak: Report on Terrorism in the Kentucky Coal Fields. N150 (ASU LMC WCU) The Coal Miner's Struggle in Eastern Kentucky. N3020 (ASU) The Superfluous People of Hazard, Kentucky. PI 220 "Social Effects of the Mining Industry in Eastern Kentucky." S400 (ASU) Coal Reserves in Portions of Butler, Edmonson, Grayson, Muhlenberg, Ohio, and Warren Counties, Kentucky. T2430 Hell in Harlan. T8760 (WCU) The Coal Fields of Perry Co., Ky. V60 COAL MINES AND MINERS — MD. The Best-dressed Miners: Life and Labor in the Maryland Coal Region, 1835-1910. H3270 (ASU) "The Coal Miners of Western Maryland." H3280 COAL MINES AND MINERS — PA. The Molly Maguires. The Origin, Growth, and Character of the Organization. D2010 (ASU WCU) 69 COAL—COAL Buried Black Treasure: The Story of Pennsylvania Anthracite. F760 (ASU) "Bituminous Coal Open Pit Mining in Clarion County, Pennsylvania." J180 "Measuring Productivity in Coal Mining: A Case Study of Multiple Input Measurement at the County Level in Pennsylvania." J310 Black Rock: Mining Folklore of the Pennsylvania Dutch. K3040 (ASU) The Molly Maguires and the Detectives. P3030 Cloud by Day: The Story of Coal and Coke People. S2830 (ASU LMC BC) "Social Legislation for the Protection of Coal Miners in Pennsylvania." Z90 COAL MINES AND MINERS — TENN. The Northern Tennessee Coal Field. G2140 (ETSU) "Tennessee Coal Mining and Marketing Trends." H8570 (ETSU) The Coal Industry of Tennessee. L4010 (ETSU) Study on the Coal Industry. T1460 (ASU) COAL MINES AND MINERS — VA. The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-bearing Portion of Tazewell County, Virginia. H2510 (ETSU) The Resources of the Coal Field of the Upper Kanawha, with a Sketch of the Iron Belt of Virginia, Setting Forth Some of Their Markets and Means of Development. M4480 Coal, Southwest Virginia's Source of Misery. 0760 (ASU) The Geology and Coal Resources of Dickenson Co., Va. V970 COAL MINES AND MINERS — VA. AND KY. Geology of the Big Stone Gap Coal Field of Virginia and Kentucky. C760 (BC) COAL MINES AND MINERS — W. VA. The Myles Job Mine — A Study of Benefits and Costs of Surface Mining for Coal in Northern West Virginia. B6780 Coals and Coke of W. Va.; a Handbook of the Coals and Cokes of the Great Kanawha, New River, Flat Top, and Adjacent Coal Districts in W. Va. El 210 (BC) "Cultural and Historical Geography of Mining Settlements in the Pocahontas Coal Fields of Southern West Virginia, 1880 to 1930." G1620 Coal and Coal Mining in West Virginia. H3510 (ASU BC ETSU) John Henry: An American Legend. K350 "The Negro Miner in West Virginia." LI 30 Civil War in West Virginia: A Story of the Industrial Conflict in the Coal Mines. L380 (ASU BC) "Coal Consolidation: Profile of the Fairmont Field of Northern West Virginia, 1852-1903." M4080 Paint Creek Miner. P660 Coaltown Revisited: An Appalachian Notebook. P2330 (ASU LMC ETSU WCU WWC BC) The Story of Glen Rogers, W. Va. SI 050 (BC) Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. S5020 Climate, Weather and Coal Mine Explosions; with a Meteorological Review of the Farmington Disaster. W2230 "Development of the Bituminous Coal Mining Industry in Logan County, West Virginia." W5400 �COAL—COLLEGES COAL MINES AND MINERS — W. VA. **A Cross-Validation Study of a Mining Foreman Selection He Devised from the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory." W6230 COAL MINES AND MINING Questions and Answers for American Mine Examinations. T340 (BC) COAL MINES AND MINING — APP. P3200 COAL MINES — MINERS Coal Company Scrip. C210 (ASU) COAL MINING The Potomac and Roaring Creek Coal Fields in West Virginia. W2260 COAL MINING AND MINERS Wage Chronology: Bituminous Coal Mines, 1933/66-. U1410 Bulletin 1. U1420 COAL MINING — PA. A Description of the George Korson Folklore Archive. C7460 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES ELOJO (The Eye). A1920 (ASU) The Story of Montreat from Its Beginning, 1897-1947. A2340 (ASU WCU LMC) B4340 (ASU) Blanford Barnard Dougherty, a Man to Match His Mountains. B7350 (ASU) A Report of Student Internships in Resource Development, & Legal Services Development. O10 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — ALA. — BIRMINGHAM SOUTHERN COLLEGE A History of Birmingham-Southern College, 1856-1931. P2290 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — APP. Survey of Environmental Education Programs in Colleges and Universities in the Appalachian Region. A3860 (ASU) 4 * The Student Population in the Institutions of Higher Education in the Southern Appalachian Region, 1933-1958." B9530 (BETSU) The Future of the Church and Independent Schools in our Southern Highlands. C630 (ASU) Southern Highland Schools Maintained by Denominational and Independent Agencies. C860 (ASU) How to Pay for College, a Complete Guide to Scholarships, Loans and Self-help Opportunities in the Appalachian South. C7860 (MHC ASU BC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — APP. — FRONTIER Washington College: A Study of an Attempt to Provide Higher Education in Eastern Tennessee. C1420 (ETSU BC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — BOONE — APPALACHIAN STATE UNIV. "A Comparative Analysis of Student Teaching Programs in the Elementary Schools at Appalachian State Teachers College." B4640 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — GA. — BERRY COLLEGE Martha Berry: The Sunday Lady of Possum Trot. B9550 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Martha Berry: The Sunday Lady of Possum Trot. B9560 (LMC) Angel of Appalachia: Martha Berry. M9280 (ASU MHC) Martha Berry. P2530 S5770 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — KY. — ALICE LLOYD COLLEGE Stay on, Stranger: An Extraordinary Story of the Kentucky Mountains. D4110 (ASU LMC WWC BC) SUBJECT COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — KY. — BEREA COLLEGE "Willis Duke Weatherford: An Interpretation of His Work in Race Relations, 1906-1946." A2630 (ASU BC) Berea College, Kentucky, An Interesting History. B3060 (ASU) "Educational Values of the Berea College Labor Program." B4910 (ASU) The Impact of Berea College on Student Characteristics. B4920 (BC) Oration before Students and Historical Class of Berea College, Berea, Ky., Oct. 16, 1895. C4770 (BC) Prophet of Plenty: The First Ninety Years of W. D. Weatherford. D4250 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU FC WWC BC) Berea College, Ky. F50 Autobiography of John G. Fee, Berea, Kentucky. F520 (ASU BC) Berea College from Servitude to Service, Being the Old South Lectures on the History and Work of the Negro. F3560 (BC) For the Mountains, an Autobiography. F3570 (ASU LMC BC) Cooking with Hougen. H7370 (ASU) Look No Further. H7380 (ASU) More Hougen Favorites. H7390 (ASU) Berea College: The Telescope and the Spade. H8710 (ASU) The Forgotten Region. Ml 990 (BC) Flickering Light. M7470 (BC WWC) The Fruit of This Tree: The Story of a Great American College and Its Contribution to the Education of a Changing World. M7480 (ASU BC) Berea's First Century, 1855-1955. PI 510 (ASU LMC) Nurses in Time. PI 520 Memoirs of Berea. R2090 (BC) A Charge to Keep; Narratives and Episodes Devoted to the Women Who Helped Build a Place for Worship and for Learning on the Berea Ridge. R2290 (BC) Birth of Berea College; a Story of Providence. R3500 (BC ASU) Birth of Berea College: A Story of Providence. R3510 (MHC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — KY. — CUMBERLAND COLLEGE T9140 (BC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — KY. — EASTERN KENTUCKY STATE COLLEGE Five Decades of Progress: Eastern Kentucky State College, 1906-1957. Eastern Kentucky. D2990 (ASU) Five Decades of Progress. K1210 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — KY. — HIGHLAND COLLEGE Edward O. Guerrant: Apostle to the Southern Highlanders. M40 (LMC BC ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — KY. — MOREHEAD STATE UNIV. "A Population Study of the Appalachian Members of the Freshman Class at Morehead (Kentucky) State University, 1967-1968." D3090 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES - KY. - STUART ROBINSON COLLEGE Edward O. Guerrant: Apostle to the Southern Highlanders. M40 (LMC BC ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — KY. — WITHERSPOON COLLEGE Buckhorn: The Story of a Christian Enterprise on Squabble Creek in the Mountains of Kentucky. B8250 (BC) 70 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Edward O. Guerrant: Apostle to the Southern Highlanders. M40 (LMC BC ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. A2810 (ASU) A3370 (ASU) Appalachian North Carolina Youth Development Project, Final Report. A3640 (ASU) The Asheville Archive, College of the City of Asheville, N. C. N1780 Educational Guide: Technical Institutes/Community Colleges. N1910 (LMC) R1830 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — APPALACHIAN STATE UNIV. "A Study of the Needs for an Audio-Visual Education Center at Appalachian State Teachers College." B8270 (ASU) "An Examination of the Leisure Activities and Recreational Interests of Students, and Available Equipment and Facilities at Appalachian State Teachers College." C580 (ASU) "Extent of Sexual Knowledge, Accumulation of Sexual Information, and Sex Education Attitudes of Undergraduate Students at Appalachian State University." C5090 (ASU) "A Study of the Applied Psychology Classes for Sophomores and Juniors at Appalachian State Teachers College." D1120 (ASU) "A Study to Identify Some Personality Characteristics of Freshmen Academic Underachievers at Appalachian State University." D1790 (ASU) A Comprehensive Study of the Academic Characteristics and Success Patterns of North Carolina Community College Transfer Students and Native Students of Appalachian State University. E700 "A Survey of the Study Habits of the Freshman Class of 1959-1960 at Appalachian State Teachers College." H7080 (ASU) "The Effect of the Physical Activity Program on the Strength Development of Freshmen at Appalachian State Teachers College." J610 (ASU) "A Study of Reasons Why Freshmen Drop Out of Appalachian State Teachers College." J1270 (ASU) "Treatment of Pupil Misbehavior by Textbooks Used in Undergraduate Education Courses at Appalachian State Teachers College." J2790 (ASU) "A Historical Study of the Relationship Between the Watauga Democrat and Appalachian State Teachers College." K90 (ASU) K1740 (ASU) "Blanford Barnard Dougherty: Mountain Educator." L490 (ASU) Blanford Barnard Dougherty, Mountain Educator. L500 (ASU) "A Critical Study of the Physical Education Undergraduate Curriculum at Appalachian State Teachers College." L3930 (ASU) "A Survey of Recreational Music Activities Available to the General College Student in Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Tennessee." M4340 (ASU) Faculty Publications. N1540 (BC ASU LMC ETSU) Folk Arts Workshop. N1550 (ASU) Singing Light. N1560 College Bulletin. N1570 (ASU) Dedication: B. B. Dougherty Administration Building. N1590 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — APPALACHIAN STATE UNIV. Institutional Self-study for the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools. N1600 (ASU) President's Annual Report to the Board of Trustees for the Year Ending June 30, 1969. N1610 (ASU) A Proposal for the Institution of Programs Leading to the Bachelor of Arts and the Bachelor of Science Degrees Not Requiring Professional Preparation for Teaching at Appalachian State Teachers College. N1630 (ASU) A Self-evaluation Report Submitted to the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education. N1640 (ASU) A Self Study Report Submitted to the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools. N1650 (ASU) "An Evaluation of the Library Proficiencies of Freshmen at Appalachian State Teachers College, 1953-54." 01020 (ASU) R1460 (ASU) "Problem Analysis Study of Selected Freshmen Students at Appalachian State Teachers College." R3540 (ASU) "A Comparative Study of Certain Personality Traits Between Female Physical Education Majors and Non-Majors at Appalachian State University." T7640 (ASU) V570 (ASU) "A Comparative Study of Changes in Selected Personality Variables in Guidance and Counseling Majors as Compared with Reading Majors at Appalachian State University, 1967-68 Academic Year." V600 (ASU) "A Study of the Freshmen Placement Tests Given at Appalachian State Teachers College as a Basis for Determining Their Effective Use as a Screening Device." W4990 (ASU) "A Comparative Study of Tendencies and Motivational Factors of Students from Various Academic Departments Who Vandalize Library Materials at Appalachian State University." W6570 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — APPALACHIAN STATE UNIV. — WATAUGA CO. The Impact of Appalachain State University on the Economy of Watauga County. El 600 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — ASHEVILLE-BUNCOMBE TECHNICAL INSTITUTE A Five Year Follow-up Study of Graduates of Asheville-Buncombe Technical Institute, 1966-67 through 1970-71. J1690 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — BLACK MOUNTAIN COLLEGE "Willis Duke Weatherford: An Interpretation of His Work in Race Relations, 1906-1946." A2630 (ASU BC) "Theory and Practice in the Black Mountain Poets Duncan, Olson, and Creeley." D600 (WCU) The Black Mountain Book. D1350 Black Mountain: An Exploration in Community. D3650 (ASU WWC BC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — BLUE RIDGE TECH. "An Investigation of Instructors' and Students' Philosophy of Education with Student Evaluations of Instructors at Blue Ridge Technical Institute During the First Year of Operation." B5570 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — CATAWBA COLLEGE History of Catawba College, Formerly Located ot Newton, Now at Salisbury, N. C. LI 830 (ASU) SUBJECT COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — COMMUNITY COLLEGES A Comprehensive Study of the Academic Characteristics and Success Patterns of North Carolina Community College Transfer Students and Native Students of Appalachian State University. E700 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — CONCORDIA COLLEGE History of Concordia College, Conover, North Carolina. V1330 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES - N. C. CULLOWHEE STATE NORMAL SCHOOL The Spirit of Western North Carolina: A Pageant. B4190 (WCU LMC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — GARDNER-WEBB COLLEGE Lengthened Shadows: A History of Gardner-Webb College, 1907-1956. D1590 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — LEES-MCRAE COLLEGE Report on Its Institutional Self-study for the Commission on Colleges and Universities, Southern Association, 1962-63. LI 480 (LMC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — MARS HILL COLLEGE Outlines of History of French Broad Association and Mars Hill College ... 1807 to 1907. A2220 From These Stones: Mars Hill College, 1856-1968. M2080 (LMC WCU WWC) From These Stones: Mars Hill College, the First Hundred Years. M2090 (ASU WCU BC) CRISIS: Addresses Delivered at the Spring Symposium, Mars Hill College, 1967, 1968. U70 (WCU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — N. C. — UNIV. OF NORTH CAROLINA AT ASHEVILLE 160 (BC UNCA) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES - N. C. — WESTERN CAROLINA UNIV. The History of Western Carolina College: The Progress of an Idea. B4160 (BC ASU LMC WCU) The Superior and Gifted Student Project at Cullowhee, Western Carolina College. B4300 (WCU) The Legal Problems of the Appalachian Area in the Immediate Region of Western North Carolina. B5530 (LMC) The Cullowhee Conference on Training in Biomathematics: An International Conference Held at Western Carolina College, Cullowhee, North Carolina, August 14-18, 1961. C6460 (WCU) "A Curriculum Analysis of the Undergraduate Professional Preparation Program in Health and Physical Education at Western Carolina University." H8500 (WCU) Report to State Evaluation Committee on Western Carolina University by the Visitation Committee Oct. 1821, 1964. N1990 (ASU WCU) A Faculty Handbook of Western Carolina University. N2700 (WCU) A Report on Studies and Investigations Dealing with a Prospective Expanded Program of Service by Western Carolina Univ. N2720 (WCU) Teacher Education Programs: A Self-study Report to Division of Professional Services, State Department of Public Instruction. N2730 (WCU ASU) Views. N2740 (ASU WCU) College Preparatory Program for Visually Impaired Students: A Cooperative Program Between the North Carolina Commission for the Blind and Western Carolina University. N2750 (WCU) Institutional Self Study Report, 1963. N2760 (WCU) 71 COLLEGES—COLLEGES Teacher Education Report to National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education. N2770 (WCU) Horizon 1980: Report of the Special Committee "Which Way From Here" Appointed by President Paul A. Reid, Sept. 3, 1965. N2780 (WCU) "A Follow-up of the Fifth Year Graduates of the Department of Administration and School Personnel." S9330 (WCU) Address by Secretary of Commerce Luther H. Hodges, Prepared for Delivery at Western Carolina College Commencement, Cullowhee, North Carolina, May 24, 1964. U2730 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — PA. A Description of the George Korson Folklore Archive. C7460 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES - PA. PITTSBURG COLLEGE I Went to Pit College. G1590 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — S. C. — FURMAN COLLEGE The Furman Bulletin, New Series. F4000 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — S. C. — FURMAN UNIV. Furman University, a History. D220 (WCU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES - TENN. A Study of the Work of the Land-Grant Colleges in the Tennessee Valley Area in Cooperation with the Tennessee Valley Authority. B800 "A Proposed Central Supply, Storage, and Technicians' Work Area for the Industrial Education Department of East Tennessee State University." B3400 (ETSU) "An Analysis of the Relationship Between the Anxiety Level and the Academic Performance of Freshmen at East Tennessee State University for the Year 1965." R3860 (ETSU) "A Follow-up of Industrial Arts Graduates of East Tennessee State College from 1930 to 1953." S2630 (ETSU) "A Survey of Comprehension Weaknesses of 417 East Tennessee State University Freshmen." S3280 (ETSU) "The Economic Impact of the University of Tennessee upon Metropolitan Knoxville." S4810 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — CARSON-NEWMAN COLLEGE An Educational Study of Jefferson County, Tennessee. Cl 650 "A History of Carson-Newman College." H910 (WCU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — CUMBERLAND UNIV. History of Cumberland University, 1842-1935. B5280 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — EAST TENN. UNIV. O490 (ETSU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — EAST TENNESSEE STATE, KINGSPORT UNIV. CENTER "An Assessment of Why Part-time Under-graduates Are Enrolled at the Kingsport University Center." G3340 (ETSU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIV. B7900 (ETSU) History of the East Tennessee State College. B8830 (ETSU) East Tennessee State University Football Statistics, 1920-1970. B8840 (ETSU) The Buccaneer, 1937-. El 70 Bulletin. El 80 (ETSU) Scrap Book. E190 (ETSU) �COLLEGES—COLLEGES COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIV. Teacher Preparation Programs, East Tennessee State College. E210 (ETSU) Alumni Quarterly. E220 (ETSU) Master Booklist. E230 (ETSU) The Dean Says. E240 (ETSU) Report. E250 (ETSU) Manual on Thesis Writing. E260 (ETSU) Abstracts of Theses Done at East Tennessee State College, Graduate School, by Candidates for the Master of Arts Degree during 1950-. E270 (ETSU) Complete List of Master's Theses in the Graduate School . . . For Degrees Awarded, Through August I960-. E280 Complete List of Master's Theses in the Graduate School . . . For Degrees Awarded, Through August I960-. E290 (ETSU) Audio-visual Materials at East Tennessee State College in the Teaching Aids Laboratory: Films, Filmstrips, Disc Recordings, Tape Recordings, Framed Pictures. E300 (ETSU) Educational Films and Filmstrips; East Tennessee State College Collection. . . . E310 (ETSU) Library handbook. . . . E320 (ETSU) Report. E330 (ETSU) Bulletin. E340 (ETSU) The Role and Scope of East Tennessee State University, a Report Submitted to the Tennessee Higher Education Commission, June 1968. E360 (ETSU) The ETSU Journalist. E390 (ETSU) East Tennessee State University Track and Field School Records, Together with ETSU Field Records for College Meets. E400 (ETSU) Newsletter. E460 (ETSU) "A Proposed Master of Arts in Teaching Program for East Tennessee State University." F3650 (ETSU) Research in the Language Arts at East Tennessee State College. 61330 (ETSU) "Professional Characteristics of the Master's Degree Graduates of East Tennessee State University." H3350 (ETSU) "An Analysis of Occupational Conditions in Selected Shops and Laboratories at East Tennessee State University." H3680 (ETSU) "A Proposed Course in Ceramics for the Fine Arts Department of East Tennessee State College." H3980 (ETSU) "A Follow-up Study of Graduates in Industrial Technology at East Tennessee State University, 1962 Through 1967." H8820 (ETSU) Curriculum for the Observation and Practice School. J1350 (ETSU) "A Study of the Effect of Participation in Athletics on the Grades of Students at East Tennessee State College." M7920 (ETSU) "A Study of Noise Levels at the College of Health Building in East Tennessee State University." P2680 (ETSU) Curriculum Improvement Conference. T1310 (ETSU) Instructional Leadership Conference, June 25-July 13, 1951. T1320 (ETSU) SUBJECT Curriculum for the Observation and Practice School. T1330 (ETSU) Bulletin. T1340 (ETSU) The Role and Scope of East Tennessee State University. T1350 (ETSU) T1360 (ETSU) East Tennessee University 1840-1879. T2200 W1380 (ETSU) "An Analysis and Basis for Curriculum Revision Concerning the Drafting Program at East Tennessee State University." W5880 (ETSU) W5940 (ETSU) "A Study of Cooperative Education in Relation to the Industrial Technology Program of East Tennessee State University." W7020 (ETSU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIV., KINGSPORT CENTER "A Projection for the Future Needs and Potentials of the Kingsport Center of East Tennessee State University." P3050 (ETSU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIV. LIBRARY "A Program of Visual Instruction for Use in Teaching the Location of Major Resources in the East Tennessee State University Library." L1030 (ETSU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — KINGSLEY SEMINARY "Joseph Ketron and His Kingsley Seminary, Sullivan County, Tennessee." F3690 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES - TENN. LINCOLN MEMORIAL UNIV. Abraham Lincoln and the Cumberland Gap. H2250 (ASU ETSU) A Boy Finds a College. K2140 The Livinq Memorial to Lincoln. L2530 Lincoln Memorial University. "Sine Qua Non." Why It Is, Why It Should Be, Why It Must Be, Why It Is America's Hope. L2551 (BC) The Living Memorial to Lincoln. L2552 (BC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES - TENN. MARYVILLE COLLEGE Maryville College: A History of 150 Years, 1819-1969. L3020 (ETSU WWC ASU) A Century of Maryville College, 1819-1919, a Story of Altruism. W7490 (ASU BC) Chronicles of Maryville College: A Story of Altruism. W7500 (ASU ETSU BC) Isaac Anderson, Founder and First President of Maryville College. W7510 (BC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — ROGERSVILLE SYNODICAL COLLEGE The Fiftieth Anniversary of the Rogersville Synodical College. PI90 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — SHARP COLLEGE Dr. Z. C. Graves and the Mary Sharp College, 1850-1896. M3850 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — TENNESSEE WESLEYAN COLLEGE A History of Tennessee Wesleyan College. M3730 A History of Tennessee Wesleyan College, 1857-1957. M3740 (WCU ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — UNIV. OF CHATTANOOGA The University of Chattanooga: Sixty Years. G2970 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) 72 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — TENN. — UNIV. OF TENNESSEE "The Net Direct Economic Effect of the University of Tennessee on the City of Knoxville and on Knox County Resulting from the Expansion of the Knoxville Campus since 1962." D1560 Blount College and East Tennessee College, 1794-1840: The First Predecessors of the University of Tennessee. F1700 (ETSU) East Tennessee University, 1840-1879, Predecessor of the University of Tennessee. F1710 (ASU) Calvin Morgan McClung Historical Collection. L4040 Blount College and the Univ. of Tennessee. S410 (ASU BC ETSU) The University of Tennessee Sesqui-Centennial, 1794-1944. T2170 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — UNIV. OF VIRGINIA Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia. A410 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — VA. Announcement. E2060 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — VA. — BLUEFIELD STATE COLLEGE Follow-up Study of MDTA E. and D. Project at Bluefield State College. H6290 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — VA. — EMORY AND HENRY COLLEGE Emory and Henry's Contribution to the Development of Democracy. F3010 The History of the Emory and Henry College Library, 1839-1954. 0840 Increase in Excellence, a History of Emory and Henry College. S7190 (ASU BC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — VA. — FERRUM COLLEGE "A History of Ferrum College — The First Fifty Years, 1913-1963." A5840 (ASU) Address by Secretary of Commerce Luther H. Hodges, Prepared for Delivery at 50th Anniversary Observance, Ferrum Junior College, Ferrum, Virginia, May 15, 1964. U2720 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — VA. — HOLLINS COLLEGE Hollins College; an Illustrated History. N990 Charles Lewis Cocke, Founder of Hoilins College. S5200 Hollins College, 1842-1942; an Historical Sketch, Being an Account of the Principal Developments in the One-Hundred-Year History of Hollins College. V610 (BC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — VA. — MARTHA WASHINGTON COLLEGE Three Quarters of a Century at Martha Washington College. C9880 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — VA. — ROANOKE COLLEGE Songs and Fantasies. B5490 The First Hundred Years of Roanoke College, 1842-1952. El 430 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — VA. — UNIV. OF VA. Songs of the University of Virginia. W7070 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — VA. — UNIV. OF VIRGINIA Pursuits of War: The People of Charlottesville and Albemarle County, Virginia, in the Second World War. A970 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — VA. — VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE The V. M. I. New Market Cadets. Biographical Sketches of All Members of the Virginia Military Institute Corps of Cadets Who Fought in The Battle of New Market, May 15, 1864. C8030 (ASU) Official Register, 1910-1911. VI120 (ASU) The Military History of the Virginia Military Institute from 1839 to 1865. W7880 (ASU) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — VA. — VIRGINIA* POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTE AND STATE UNIV. The First 100 Years: A History of Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. K2620 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — W. VA. Approaches to University Extension Work with the Rural Disadvantaged: Description and Analysis of a Pilot Effort. M5970 P4830 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — W. VA. — DAVIS AND ELKINS COLLEGE D750 (BC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES - W. VA. — MARSHALL COLLEGE The Life of Morris Purdy Shawkey. B8240 (ASU BC) One Hundred Years of Marshall College. M3420 (BC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — W. VA. — MORRIS HARVEY COLLEGE Where there is Faith; The Morris Harvey College Story, 1888-1970. K3190 .COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — W. VA. SALEM COLLEGE The Light of the Hills: A History of Salem College. B5260 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — W. VA. — SHEPHERD COLLEGE A History of Shepherd College, Shepherdstown, West Virginia. S4210 (ASU BC) COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — W. VA. — WEST VIRGINIA UNIV. "West Virginia Higher Education Long-range Enrollment and Operating Budget Projections." D3970 "Worker Education in West Virginia: A Study in Union-University Cooperation." R3670 (ASU) "Food Habits of a Sample of University High School Students." W5660 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — W. VA. — WEST VIRGINIA WESLEY AN COLLEGE West Virginia Wesleyan College, First 50 Years, 1890-1940. H3640 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — W. VA. — WHEELING COLLEGE Selected Archeological and Historical Sites in West Virginia; Preliminary Plan for Development. W5170 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES — WESTERN CAROLINA UNIV. "The Attitudes of Freshmen Female Students Toward Physical Education at Western Carolina University." B7830 (WCU) COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT Suggestion for Planning and Zoning in Appalachia. S5410 City Manager Government in Kingsport. S7520 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT — W. VA. Guiding Principles for Rural Development in West Virginia. S7290 COMMUNITY PLANNING A Selective Description of a Knox County Mountain Neighborhood. C40 SUBJECT Changes in the Rural Southern Appalachian Community. P2720 (ASU) Change in Rural Appalachia: Implications for Action Programs. P2750 (FC LMC WCU ETSU ASU BC) COMMUNITY PLANNING AND ORGANIZATION "Conservation Projects by Community Organizations in Tennessee and Other Southeastern States." B300 A Study of Potential State and Local Programs to Stimulate Low- and Moderate-income Housing Construction in Ohio Appalachia. Supplement. B1930 (ASU) A Framework for Community Economic Planning Based on the Integration of an Input-output Model and a Linear Programming Model. B1960 The Community Development Process: The Rediscovery of Local Initiative. B3550 "Geographic Factors Influencing the Development of Scott County, Tennessee." B8630 C3530 (BC) Comprehensive City Plan, Roanoke. C4180 "The Development of a Management Evaluation System for Community Action Agencies." C7340 Region Building: Community Development Lessons from the Tennessee Valley. D40 (ASU) Community Analysis and Program Planning, Big Caney Valley, Kentucky. M5940 Guidance in a Rural-lndust. Comm., Harlan Co., a Ky. Coal Mining District, Plans. W720 An Evaluation of the Impact of the Community Action Program Upon Poverty Conditions in McDowell Co. W4580 Design for Action, Community Problem Solving in Disadvantaged Communities. W8700 COMMUNITY PLANNING AND ORGANIZATION — APP. Tennessee Valley Country: Rural Government in the Hill Country of Alabama. B5600 "The Community Action Movement in North Carolina." F1620 (LMC) Regional Development and Planning: A Reader. F3320 (ASU) Community Action in Appalachia: An Appraisal of the "War on Poverty" in a Rural Setting of Southeastern Kentucky. K1380 "The Development of a Community Water Supply to Serve a Rural Area of Southern Appalachia." L2640 (ETSU) Problems of Community Action in Appalachia. Z70 COMMUNITY PLANNING AND ORGANIZATION — KY. Communication and Mountain Development: A Summary Report Two East Kentucky Studies. B5780 Non-federal Aid for Community Development Projects in Kentucky. G480 Commonwealth and Community: The Kentucky Program of State Assistance for Community Improvement. K1010 Harlan County, Existing Land Use Analysis. Harlan-Harlan County Major Thoroughfare Plan. K1150 COMMUNITY PLANNING AND ORGANIZATION N.C. Code. B5430 (ASU) Land Development Plan. B5440 (BC ASU) Land Development Plan. B5450 73 COLLEGES—COMMUNITY Planning for Flood Damage Prevention at Clyde, N. C. C5160 (LMC) Prelude to Planning in Buncombe County, North Carolina. C6230 (WWC) Master Plan for Recreation and Parks: Jackson County, North Carolina. G300 (WCU) Land Use Plan, Haywood County, N. C. H4020 (LMC) A Study of the Hendersonville Central Business District. H4580 (LMC) "Community Resources of Tryon, North Carolina." H6960 (WCU) Community Facilities Plan. Brevard, N. C. N1980 COMMUNITY PLANNING AND ORGANIZATION — PA. A Community Organizes for Action: A Case Study of the Mon-Yough Region in Pennsylvania. A5770 COMMUNITY PLANNING AND ORGANIZATION — TENN. Better Farming Practices through Rural Community Organization. B5330 Better Homemaking Practices through Rural Community Organization. B5340 Local Leadership in Rural Communities of Cumberland County, Tennessee. B5360 Neighborhoods and Communities of Cumberland County, Tennessee. B5370 Selective Participation of Farmers and Their Wives in Rural Organization. B5380 Educational, Economic and Community Survey, Bledsoe County. B7070 "An Analysis of the Industrial Potential of Carter County, Tennessee." C9180 (ETSU) Report. H1410 (ETSU) "A Study of Rural Cooperative Organizations in Overton County, Tennessee." H3460 "The Lenoir City Company, and Attempt in Community Development." H3770 Johnson City, Tennessee, Population and Economic Base Study. H5390 Kingsport, the Planned Industrial City. K2550 (ETSU) Kingsport, Tennessee, a Modern American City — Developed through Industry. K2560 (LMC ETSU) Kingsport, the Planned Industrial City. K2570 (ETSU ASU) "Federal Centralization versus Local Values: A Case Study of Federal-Local Relations in the Knoxville-Knox County Community Action Committee." L3480 COMMUNITY PLANNING AND ORGANIZATION — VA. Community Relationships. B9260 (BC) COMMUNITY PLANNING AND ORGANIZATION — W. VA. Survey of Governmental and Voluntary Health, Welfare and Recreation Services in Greater Kanawha Valley. (Community Services Report.) C4170 Professional Overall Economic Development for Fayette Co., West Virginia. F400 COMMUNITY PLANNING — APP. Modernization and Diffusion of Innovations in a Rural Appalachia County; General Systems Analysis. S3710 (BC) COMMUNITY PLANNING — KY. The Superfluous People of Hazard, Kentucky. PI 220 �COMMUNITY—COOKERY COMMUNITY PLANNING — KY. — BEREA Land Use Plan for the City of Berea, Ky. B3120 (BC) Public Improvements for the City of Berea, Ky. B3130 (BC) COMMUNITY PLANNING — N. C. Community Facilities Plan: Brevard, N. C. N2020 Community Facilities Plan and Public Improvements Program: Glen Alpine, North Carolina. N2030 (WCU) Community Facilities Plan & Public Improvements Program: Valdese, North Carolina. N2040 (WCU) Land Development Plan for Black Mountain, N. C. N2050 (WCU) Land Development Plan: Boone, North Carolina. N2060 (WCU ASU) Land Development Plan: Burnsville, N. C. N2070 (WCU) Land Potential Study: Madison County, North Carolina. N2080 (WCU) Land Potential Study & Land Development Plan: Wilkes County, North Carolina. N2090 (ASU WCU) Land Use Survey & Analysis and Land Development Plan: Glen Alpine, North Carolina. N2100 (WCU) Land Use Survey and Analysis and Land Development Plan: Valdese, North Carolina. N2110 (WCU) Neighborhood Analysis: Brevard, N. C. N2120 (LMC WCU ASU) Neighborhood Analysis: Valdese, North Carolina. N2130 (ASU WCU) Public Facilities Plan: Wilkes County, North Carolina. N2170 (ASU WCU) Watauga County Land Development Plan. N2180 (ASU) Zoning Ordinance: Boone, N. C. N2190 (LMC ASU) Zoning Ordinance of the W. Kerr Scott Reservoir Area, Wilkes County, N. C. N2200 (ASU) Zoning Ordinance: Wilkes County, North Carolina. N2210 (ASU WCU) "Community Appearance Commissions in North Carolina." S3! 70 (ASU) Western North Carolina Associated Communities. S3610 (WCU) Population and Economy: Sylva, N. C. S9750 (LMC) Today and Tomorrow, Murphy, North Carolina. W4930 (LMC) COMMUNITY PLANNING — TENN. "A Study of Two Areas for Future Supermarket Location in Johnson City, Tennessee." P670 (ETSU) Decatur Story. S2680 Flood Problems and Their Solution Through Urban Planning Programs. $3360 Johnson City Transportation Study: Major Route Plan. Traffic Operation Study and Parking Study. T1220 (ETSU) Flood Problems and Their Solution Through Urban Planning Programs. T1630 Local Planning in Tennessee, 1956-57. T1640 Policy Conclusions, Problems and Opportunities. T1670 Historic District Plan: Jonesborough, Tennessee. T1750 COMMUNITY PLANNING — W. VA. Elk Garden, West Virginia: A Reconnaissance Survey of a Problem Town. P3710 CONSERVATION Soil Survey, Hamblen County, Tennessee. A10 (ASU) A2640 (ASU) A2670 (ASU) Annual Report. A3260 SUBJECT Voices from Earth, a Collection of Writings on Environment. A4500 (ASU) "The Economics of Strip Coal Mining." A5820 (ASU) Surface Mining — Extent and Economic Importance, Impact on Natural Resources, and Proposals for Reclamation of Mined-lands: Proceedings. C6440 (ASU) Proceedings. F1780 (WCU) Surface Mined Areas: Control and Reclamation of Environmental Damage; a Bibliography. F3090 (ASU) Denudation and Erosion in the Southern Appalachian Region and the Monongahela Basin. G2130 (ASU ETSU) Natural Resource Special Districts in Appalachia: Review of Enabling Laws. HI 330 Conservation of Wildlife and Forests in Tennessee. H4120 (ETSU BC) Conservation of Wildlife and Forests in Tennessee. H4130 Slope Stability of Coal Strip Mine Spoil Banks. H6260 (ASU) J2770 The Earthman Story, Starring Shenandoah Skyline. LI 80 (BC ASU MHC) The Diligent Destroyers. LI090 (ASU WCU) Footprints in the Soil and Reflections on the Water: Conservation in West Virginia. O570 (ASU) "Community Appearance Commissions in North Carolina." S3! 70 (ASU) The Issues Related to Surface Mining; a Summary Review, with Selected Readings. S3300 (WCU) CONSERVATION — APP. Conservation: An American Story of Conflict and Accomplishment. C8240 Hunting and Conservation: The Book of the Boone and Crockett Club. G4310 (ETSU) Conservation Fight from Theodore Roosevelt to the Tennessee Valley Authority. K2330 CONSERVATION — KY. The Long-legged House. B3260 (ASU MHC WCU BC) The Unforseen Wilderness: An Essay on Kentucky's Red River Gorge. B3300 (ASU BC LMC) Influences of Strip Mining on the Hydrologic Environment of Parts of Beaver Creek Basin, Kentucky, 1955-59. C5930 (BC) CONSERVATION — N. C. "A Ecological Survey of Flat Rock Mountain." S3600 (ASU) CONSERVATION — PA. Conservation Law and Administration: A Case Study of Law and Resource Use in Pennsylvania. SI 170 CONSERVATION — TENN. "Conservation Projects by Community Organizations in Tennessee and Other Southeastern States." B300 The First Exposition of Conservation and its Builders; an Official History of the National Conservation Exposition, Held at Knoxville, Tenn. in 1913 and of its Forerunner, the Appalachian Expositions of 1910-1911, Embracing a Review of the Conservation Movement in the U. S. from its Inception the Present Time. G2550 Rescued Earth, a Study of the Public Administration of Natural Resources in Tennessee. G3820 (ASU LMC ETSU) "A Study of Glass and Paper Recycling in Johnson City, Tennessee." G4860 (ETSU) 74 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY COOKERY Kirsty's Secrets: A Yearly Round of Scottish Fare. A1380 (ASU) Kentucky Living Cookbook. Bicentennial Edition. A4580 () Rebecca Boone Cook Book. B1250 (ASU) Cherokee Cooklore: Preparing Cherokee Foods. C3870 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) To Make My Bread. C3890 Cumberland Cook Book. N1520 Colonial Kitchen Herbs and Remedies: Garden and Kitchen Secrets from Early America. S2700 (ASU LMC) Pioneer Comforts and Kitchen Remedies. Old Timey Highland Secrets from the Blue Ridge and Great Smoky Mountains. S2730 (MHC ASU BC WCU) Pioneer Cookbook, Favorite Campfire and Kitchen Recipes from Early America. S2740 (ASU BC) Southern Appalachian Mountain Cookbook: Rare Time-tested Recipes from the Blue Ridge and Great Smoky Mountains. S2770 (ASU LMC BC) Shenandoah Valley Cooking; Recipes and Kitchen Lore. S4630 (FC) Favorite Recipes of the John C. Campbell Folk School. T8750 (BC WCU ASU) Cooking Favorites of Brucetown. W8460 (ASU) Old-time Recipes from the Nu-Wray Inn, Burnsville, N. C. W9350 (LMC) COOKERY — APP. Mountain Makin's in the Smokies: A Cookbook. G3430 (LMC) Manna: Foods of the Frontier. H2850 (ASU WCU) H5520 Cooking with Hougen. H7370 (ASU) Look No Further. H7380 (ASU) More Hougen Favorites. H7390 (ASU) Smoky Mountain Magic; a Superb View of Treasured Recipes. J2830 (LMC) Favorite Recipes. M2640 Queen of Appalachia Cook Book. P3230 Granny's Hillbilly Cookbook. R4470 (ASU BC) Tennessee Cookbook, More Than 300 Tasty Tennessee Recipes. R4540 (ASU) Colonial Holiday Treats, Special Recipes. S2690 (ASU BC) Colonial Treasure Cookbook. S2710 (ASU) Hillbilly Cookin1 by the Tates. T290 (ASU) COOKERY — APP. MTNS. Old Timey Recipes. C6690 (ASU LMC BC) Old Timey Recipes. C6700 (WCU BC) Old Timey Recipes. C6710 (LMC) COOKERY - GA. Boilin* n Bakin' in Boogar Hollow. H850 (BC ASU) COOKERY — GREAT SMOKY MOUNTAINS Smoky Mountain Magic; a Superb View of Treasured Recipes. J2830 (LMC) COOKERY — KY. What's Cooking in Kentucky? H3920 (ASU BC WCU) COOKERY - N. C. Good Victuals from the Mountains. H6980 The Webster Cookbook. R1800 Good Cooking in Asheville. T9370 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY COOKERY — TENN. Helen Exum's Chattanooga Cook Book. E2460 (ASU) Favorite Recipes: A Collection of Favorite Recipes of Home Demonstration Club Women of Washington County. W1060 (ETSU) COOKERY — VA. Jonesville Cook Book. J2690 COOKERY — W. VA. Pocahontas County Cooking Yesterday and Today. E850 () Adventures in Good Living. H8330 (ASU BC) COOSA RIVER The Coosa River Valley from DeSoto to Hydroelectric Power. R1660 (ASU) Report on Coosa River System, Georgia-Alabama. U3900 COUNCIL OF THE SOUTHERN MTNS. Seeking a People Partnership: Eleven Speeches. A5830 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) Mass Meeting Study of the Appalachian South. C7870 CRAFTS Highland Highlights. S5765 (BC) CRIME A Winner on Satin's Doorstep. D3370 (BC) Dead and Gone: Classic Crimes of North Carolina. W2530 (LMC BC) CRIME -KY. The Hanging of "Bad Tom" Smith and the Events Leading to his Hanging. H3860 (BC) Delinquency in Kentucky. K990 They Tried to Crucify Me; or, the Smokescreen of the Cumberlands. L430 My Own Story: An Account of the Conditions in Kentucky Leading to the Assassination of William Goobel, Who Was Declared Governor of the State, and My Indictment and Conviction on the Charge of Complicity in His Murder. P4060 (ASU) CRIME - N. C. Tom Dooley. A1410 (ASU LMC) "Community Correlates of Crime and Law Enforcement Activities in Northwestern North Carolina." H6160 (ASU) CRIME - N. C., WESTERN Toward a Safer Society: Five Year Proposal. N2830 (ASU LMC) CRIME — TENN. The White-Caps: A History of the Organization in Sevier County. C9240 The White-Caps: A History of the Organization in Sevier County. C9250 The White-Caps: A History of the Organization in Sevier County. C9260 CRIME — VA. Was Rev. J. R. Moffett Murdered? Clark vs. Commonwealth, D. M. No. 43Z, from the Corporation Court of the City of Danville. C4490 (ASU) The Courthouse Tragedy at Hillsville, Va. G320 (ASU) "Gentlemen, I ain't a-goin'." H8660 The Allen Outlaws: A Complete History of Their Lives and Exploits, Concluding with the Hillsville Courthouse Tragedy. J320 (ASU BC) Crimes, Criminals and Characters of the Cumberlands and Southwest Virginia. S8900 T9250 (BC) CRIME — W. VA. The Characteristics and Attitudes of Juvenile Delinquents of Kanawha County. A2550 SUBJECT The Characteristics and Attitudes of Juvenile Delinquents of Kanawha County, West Virginia. A2590 The Alderson story; my Life as a Political Prisoner. F1650 CULLASAJA RIVER Floods on Little Tennessee River, Cullasaja River, and Cartoogechave Creek in Vicinity of Franklin, North Carolina. T7090 CUMBERLAND RIVER Steamboatin' on the Cumberland. D3120 (BC ASU ETSU) Bibliography of the Cumberland River Valley. J940 The Cumberland. Ml 90 (LMC) The Cumberland Plateau in Tennessee. M4140 "Two Resettlement Communities on the Cumberland Plateau." M6600 Adventures along the Cumberland. O160 (BC) On the Watauga and the Cumberland. S5300 (LMC) Stream Pollution Control In The Upper Cumberland River Basin, 1965. T1230 The Lower Cumberland Region: A Study of Its Population, Economic Base and Potential. T2100 (ETSU) The Upper Cumberland Economy. T2110 (ETSU) Stream Pollution Control in the Upper Cumberland River Basin, 1964. T2120 (ETSU) . . . Report on the Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas. Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting Report Entitled "The Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas" . . . T3380 "Big South Fork, Cumberland River (Kentucky-Tennessee), Interagency Field Task Group Report." U220 Big South Fork, Cumberland River, Kentucky and Tennessee. U230 (ETSU) Big South Fork, Cumberland River, Kentucky and Tennessee. U240 DAIRY INDUSTRY — APP. Cheesemaking Brings Prosperity to Farmers of Southern Mountains. D2600 (ASU) DAIRY INDUSTRY — N. C. An Economic Adjustment Study of Dairy Farms in Western North Carolina. D2780 (LMC) DAIRY INDUSTRY — TENN. "Economic Levels of Forage and Grain Production on Dairy Farms in East Tennessee." S4520 DAVIDSON RIVER Floods on French Broad and Davidson Rivers and King, Nicholson, and Tucker Creeks in Vicinity of Brevard, North Carolina. T7030 DEMOGRAPHY "Appalachian Fertility Levels and the Role of Interpersonal Relations." B160 Characteristics of the United States Population by Farm and Nonfarm Origin. B2240 Recent Population Trends in the United States with Emphasis on Rural Areas. B2250 Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians. B2550 (BC ASU) "Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians." B2560 75 COOKERY—DEMOGRAPHY Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians. B2570 (LMC) Mobility of Rural Population. B2600 People and Resources in Eastern Kentucky. B2610 Rural People in the City: A Study of the Socio-economic Status of 297 Families in Lexington, Kentucky. B2620 Urban Adjustments of Rural Migrants. B2630 Number of Inhabitants of the Southern Appalachians, 1900-1957. B2680 Farm Population: Net Migration from the Rural Farm Population, 1940-1950. B5720 Net Migration of the Population, 1950-1960 by Age, Sex and Color. B5730 The Bedroom of the Poor. B6880 The Changing Kentucky Population: A Summary of Population Data for Counties. B7170 Rural Population Changes in Five Kentucky Mountain Districts, 1943-1946. B7200 Southern Appalachian Population Change, 1960-1970: A First Look at the 1970 Census. B7220 (BC) Comparative Economic Growth Measures — Population and Personal Income Estimates for Tennessee Counties, 1950 Through 1962. C7590 Appalachian Fertility Decline: A Demographic and Sociological Analysis. D1660 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC UNCA) Fertility Data for the Southern Appalachian Region. D1670 "Human Fertility in the Southern Appalachian Region: Some Demographic and Sociological Aspects." D1680 (ASU) Selected Demographic Studies, Knox Co., Ky. E800 Changing Patterns of Fertility in Tennessee, 1960-1970. El 940 "The Drain of Talent out of Kentucky." H2790 Johnson City, Tennessee, Population and Economic Base Study. H5390 Rural Population Density in the Southern Appalachians. M3350 (ASU) The Appalachian Region: A Preliminary Analysis of Economic and Population Trends in an Eleven State Problem Area. M3860 (BC) Fertility Rates and Migration of Kentucky's Population, 1920-1940. O1060 (ASU) "Occupance Formation Concept: A Case Study of the Asheville Basin." PI 990 (LMC) "Comparative Study of Related Health Fertility Attitudes and Behavior of Families Residing in a Poverty Area." S6190 Tennessee Manpower: Current Trend and Future Projections. T1200 Census of Population: 1960. The Eighteenth Decennial Census of the United States. U460 Fifteenth Census of the United States: 1930. U470 (BC) "The Sequent Occupance of Tellico Plains, Tennessee." V50 North Carolina, a Demographic Profile. Z140 (ASU LMC) DEMOGRAPHY — ALA. Income and Population in Alabama. H3750 (ASU) �DEMOGRAPHY—DEVELOPMENT DEMOGRAPHY — APP. Basic Population Data for the Southern Appalachians by State, Economic Area, and Metropolitan Area. B7160 "An Analysis of the Spatial Structure of Manufacturing in the Appalachian Region Between 1950-1960." F3740 (ASU) The Appalachian Region: A Preliminary Analysis of Economic and Population Trends in an Eleven State Problem Area. G4440 "Mothers of the South: A Population Study of Native White Women of Childbearing Age of the Southeast." H240 Basic Population Data for the Southern Appalachians. K1420 Selected Rural Counties in Appalachia. U860 Human Geography of the South: A Study in Regional Resources and Human Adequacy. V90 (ASU LMC WWC MHC) DEMOGRAPHY — KY. "Household and Family Composition in Selected Rural Areas of Eleven Kentucky Counties." B5950 Health and Demography in Kentucky. F2000 (LMC BC) Population Growth in Kentucky, 1820-1960. H5530 "Metropolitan Dominance and the Diffusion of Human Fertility Patterns, Kentucky, 1939-65." K3340 Projected Kentucky Population Growth by Age, Sex, and Color Groups: 1960 to 1970. K3350 Migration Within Kentucky. M3990 Mobility and Fertility Rates of Rural Families in Johnson County, Kentucky, 1918-1941. S6020 DEMOGRAPHY — N. C. 1980 Population Projections for North Carolina Counties, with 1950, 1960 and 1970 Population by Age Groups. P2240 Population Schedules, North Carolina. U610 (ASU) DEMOGRAPHY — RURAL "An Economic Analysis of Fertility Differentials Among Rural Farm Communities in United States in 1960." A2250 DEMOGRAPHY - TENN. Migration and Level of Living in the Tennessee Valley. F1680 Population Changes in Tennessee since 1930. LI 940 DEMOGRAPHY — VA. Exploring Virginia's Human Resources. H8120 (ASU BC) DEMOGRAPHY — W. VA. West Virginia and Her Population. M8240 Selected Demographic Aspects of the West Virginia Economy, 1950-1975: Estimates and Projections of Migration and Population. P4880 (ETSU BC) DEPRESSION, THE Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A730 (BC ASU WCU) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A740 (ETSU) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A750 (WCU) "Social and Economic Conditions in Jackson County During the Depression." A780 (WCU) DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL Hitch Hiking Along the Holston River from 1792-1962. W8600 DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL — KY. Cumberland Falls, Kentucky. N1360 SUBJECT DESEGREGATION The Children of the South. A2310 DEVELOPMENT Seeking More Effective Means to Overcome Poverty: Proceedings. A2680 (ASU LMC) The Emerging Pattern of Appalachian Regional Development. A2720 Appalachian Highlands Recreation Study, Phase I, Inventory and Analysis. A3630 (ASU) A Bibliography of Research Studies Produced with Appalachian Regional Development Program Funds. A3690 Capitalizing on New Development Opportunities along the Baltimore-Cincinnati Appalachian Development Highway: A Staff Recommendation. A3700 (ASU) State and Regional Development Plans in Appalachia. A3830 (ASU) The Possibilities of a Maple Sugar Industry in Western North Carolina. A5130 (ASU LMC) "The Regional Growth Points in Economic Development; A Comparison of West Virginia and West Pakistan." B2660 Economic Development in the Ohio River Valley Region. B6280 Statewide Development Planning for West Virginia — A Prospectus for Implementation Under Provisions of Section 701 of the Housing Act of 1954. D4140 A Decade of Action for Progress in Kentucky. E520 (ASU) Program 60, 1960-70; a Decade of Action for Progress in Eastern Kentucky. E530 (BC) Annual Report for 1964. E540 "The Effects of Environment on Public Planning: The Case of Appalachian Planning in Tennessee." G470 (LMC) The Development Index for 60 Counties in Central Appalachia. G2890 (ASU BC) Proceedings. G2980 (ASU BC) An Urban Development Program for the Big Sandy Area. S6260 (ASU) Federal Grants-in-Aid; a Comprehensive Analysis of Federal Grants-in-Aid to All the States, with a Detailed Analysis of Programs in Effect in Each City and County of Virginia. V710 (BC) DEVELOPMENT - APP. Preliminary Analysis for Development of Central Appalachia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia. A3780 C1180 Report. C6370 Education for Economic Development — The South's Education and Employment Prospects for the Future. C7970 "Local Government Social Overhead Expenditures and Economic Growth in the Appalachian Region." D2450 Regional Development and Planning: A Reader. F3320 (ASU) "The Appalachian Experiment: Growth or Development." F3730 Exurban Development in Selected Areas of the Appalachian Mountains. J1790 Private Outdoor Recreation Enterprises in Rural Appalachia. J1800 76 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "Measuring and Analyzing the Impact of Employment Generation Benefits of a Public Water Resource Development Project in Appalachia." K2050 A Preliminary Analysis for an Economic Development Plan for the Appalachian Region. L2860 Appalachian Development: The Long-run View. M5370 (LMC) Appalachian Future,, the Economic Challenge. M5380 Joint Reports. N240 Appalachia: A Case Study of Regional Business Development. 0430 "The State Development Planning Process: Implementation of the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 in West Virginia." P850 Institute of Regional Development of the Southeast. T2210 Rural Recreation Enterprises for Profit: An Aid to Rural Areas Development. U2550 Regional Economic Development in the United States. U2710 Appalachia — Rebirth of a Region. U2900 (ETSU) DEVELOPMENT — APP. — N. C. Updated Investment Guidelines for North Carolina Appalachian Region 1971 to 1975, and A Plan for Public Investment in Appalachian North Carolina, Fiscal 1971. A3880 DEVELOPMENT — APP. — N. Y. Abstract of the New York State Appalachian Program: A Development Plan. A3530 A Report on the Identification of Areas of Potential Growth in the Appalachian Region of New York State and a General Development Philosophy for the Region. A3810 DEVELOPMENT — GA. Developing Georgia, a Statistical Study. G900 Tourism. Development in the Chattahoochee-Flint Area. K430 DEVELOPMENT — KY. Communication and Mountain Development: A Summary Report Two East Kentucky Studies. B5780 Non-federal Aid for Community Development Projects in Kentucky. G480 "Economic Development of Areas Contiguous to Multipurpose Reservoirs: The Kentucky-Tennessee Experience." H2220 (BC) DEVELOPMENT — N. C. Overall Economic Development Program for Avery County. A5790 (LMC) "The Economic Impact of Recreation Resort Development on the Local Economy: A Case Study of Avery County, North Carolina." R3580 (LMC) DEVELOPMENT — OHIO A Plan for Development of Ohio Appalachia. H8530 (ASU) DEVELOPMENT — OHIO — APP. REGION A Development Program for the Ohio Valley Region. 0380 DEVELOPMENT — PA. Preliminary Over-all Economic Development Program for the North-western Pennsylvania Redevelopment Area. K300 Overall Economic Development Program for the Counties of Carbon, Lackawanna, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike, Schuylkill, Wayne, in the Northeastern Pennsylvania Economic Development District. PI 820 (ASU) Pennsylvania Appalachian Development Plan. P1870 (ASU WCU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY DEVELOPMENT — PA. Pennsylvania Appalachian Development Plan: Revision for 1970. PI 880 (ASU) A Rationale for Public Investment in Appalachia Pennsylvania: An Interim Statement. PI 890 DEVELOPMENT — TENN. E780 (ASU) Report. H1410 (ETSU) "Economic Development of Areas Contiguous to Multipurpose Reservoirs: The Kentucky-Tennessee Experience." H2220 (BC) "The Lenoir City Company, an Attempt in Community Development." H3770 Tennessee Appalachian Development Plan, 1969-1970. T1600 (ASU) Comprehensive Plan for Development: Kentucky Reservoir Region. T1610 X(ETSU) Melton Hill Reservoir, Comprehensive Plan for Land Use Development. T1650 A Proposed Plan for Development: Sevier County, Tennessee. T1690 Appalachian Regional Development Act, 1965-; Rationale and Model for Application in Tennessee. T1770 Report on First Year's Activities in the Appalachian Development Program. T1780 (LMC) Overall Economic Development Program for Unicoi County, Tennessee. U120 (ETSU) A Technical Assistance Program for the Upper Cumberlands of Tennessee. W170 DEVELOPMENT — VA. Development Potentials For Kentucky Counties With Related Statistics F3770 "Shifts in Land Use in the Appalachian Region of Virginia." O550 (LMC ASU) DEVELOPMENT — VA. — SOUTHWEST Southwest Virginia and Shenandoah Valley. An Inquiry into the Causes of the Rapid Growth and Wonderful Development of Southwest Virginia and Shenandoah Valley, with a History of the Norfolk and Western and Shenandoah Valley Railroads. B7650 (ASU BC FC) DEVELOPMENT — W. VA. Semi-Centennial History of West Virginia. With Special Articles on Development and Resources. C300 (ASU ETSU BC) "The Transformation of the Tug and Guyandot Valleys: Economic Development and Social Change in West Virginia, 1888-1921." C9390 Professional Overall Economic Development for Fayette Co., West Virginia. F400 West Virginia Housing. A Consultant's Report to the Governor's Task Force on Housing and the West Virginia State Development Plan. G30 The Contributions of Local Subsidies to the Economic Development of West Virginia, 1956-1966. H330 (ASU) Economic Stability and Growth Potential, Fairmont, W. Va. H2230 Overall Economic Development Program. L2120 "Inside Down Under Australia and New Zealand Development Characteristics Compared to West Virginia as a Part of the Appalachian Highlands, U. S. A." L3920 Stimulating Regional Economic Development. An Interindustry Analysis of West Virginia Economy. M5400 SUBJECT A Development Program for the Ohio Valley Region. O380 "The State Development Planning Process: Implementation of the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 in West Virginia." P850 P4700 (BC) ARA Field Report, Opportunities for Economic Development in Mingo County, W. Va. U2690 Overall Economic Development Program for Upshur County, West Virginia. U4180 Functional Program Planning for the State of W. Va. W3370 Experimental Rural Area Program. W3430 State Legislation Governing Planning and Land — Use Control and the Value of Planning and Controls in Fostering Highway Detection and Economic Development with Particular Reference to W. Va. and Bordering States. W4550 Professional Development Lectures. W4590 (ASU) Man and His Community, A 100th Anniversary Symposium. W4640 Information Series. W4650 Public Affairs Series. W4660 Research Report. W4670 Research Series. W4680 (BC) Bulletin Series. W4740 Conference Papers Series. W4750 (BC) Information Series. W4760 (BC) Public Affairs Series. W4770 (BC) Public Affairs Series. W4780 Research Report. W4790 (BC) Research Series. W4800 West Virginia Business Dev. Opportunities. W4810 Economic Development in West Virginia. Z60 DIALECTS Word-lists from the South. A2120 (ASU) Dictionary of Americanisms. A glossary of Words and Phrases Usually Regarded as Peculiar to the United States. B1550 (ASU) "Study of a Dialect Employed by the People of the Kentucky Mountains and Presented through a Group of Original Short Stories." B5760 (ASU) Proverbs, and How to Collect Them. B7850 (ASU) A Method for Collecting Dialect. Cl 990 (ASU) "Mountain Dialect in North Georgia." C5840 (ETSU ASU) The Mountain Preacher. D1070 (BC) "A Lexicographical Study of the Vocabulary of Greenup County, Kentucky, Set Forth in Jesse Stuart's "Beyond Dark Hills"." D2210 (ASU) Bits of Mountain Speech Gathered Between 1910 and 1965 along the Mountains Bordering North Carolina and Tennessee. F970 (ASU) Language and Culture. G2100 (ASU BC) Word-book of Virginia Folk-speech. G3520 (ASU LMC BC) Word-book of Virginia Folk-speech. G3530 (ETSU) Mountain Speech in the Great Smokies. H770 (BC) 77 DEVELOPMENT-DOE Sayings from Old Smoky, Some Traditional Phrases, Expressions, and Sentences Heard in the Great Smoky Mountains and Nearby Areas: An Introduction to a Southern Mountain Dialect. H800 (ASU BC LMC MHC) Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. H810 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. H820 (ETSU) Dialect Tales. M1210 (BC ASU ETSU) Folk-etymology, a Dictionary of Verbal Corruptions or Words Perverted in Form or Meaning by False Derivation or Mistaken Analogy. P100 (ASU) "Bituminous Coal Mining Vocabulary of the Eastern United States: A Pilot Study in the Collecting of Geographically Distributed Occupational Vocabulary." P4390 "A Dialect Survey of the Appalachian Region." Q10 (LMC ASU) A Dialect Survey of the Appalachian Region. 020 (BC) English Archaisms in Pennsylvania German. R1020 (ASU) Popular Folk Dictionary of Ozarks Talk. T8030 (ASU) The Dialect of the Southern Highlands. W2330 (BC) Instructions to Collectors of Dialect. W7230 (ASU) DIALECTS — APP. "Southern Appalachian Non-standard Speech in Conflict with the Standard English of the Classroom." B280 (ETSU) A Survey of Speech Education in Selected North Carolina High Schools. El 250 (ASU) The Phonetics of Great Smoky Mountain Speech. G790 (ASU ETSU) The Phonetics of Great Smoky Mountain Speech. H780 The Word-Book of a Backwoodsman. N360 The Idiom of the People. S2350 (ASU BC) DIALECTS — APP. - VA. A Glossary of Virginia Words. N1250 (ASU) DIALECTS — KY. Parlance of Kentucky Backwoods. C3740 (BC) DIALECTS — MTNS. — N. C. Tarheel Talk: An Historical Study of the English Language in North Carolina to 1860. El550 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU) DIALECTS — N. C. "The Dialect of the Southern Highlander as Recorded in North Carolina Novels." E980 (ASU) DISASTERS Shinnston tornado. F1020 DISASTERS - N. C. Watauga County Reception and Care Plan. N1720 (ASU) Jackson County: Operational Survival Plan. N1790 (WCU) DISASTERS - VA. "Debris Avalanching as a Natural Hazard in the Southern Appalachians: A Case Study of the Davis Creek Watershed, Virginia." K3370 (ETSU) DISASTERS — W. VA. Death at Buffalo Creek: The 1972 West Virginia Flood Disaster. N2970 (BC LMC ASU) Buffalo Creek (W. Va.) Disaster, 1972. Hearings before the Subcommittee. 2 pts. U2430 Climate, Weather and Coal Mine Explosions; with a Meteorological Review of the Farmington Disaster. W2230 DOE RIVER Floods on Watauga and Doe Rivers in Vicinity of Elizabethton, Tennessee. T2760 �DRAMA—ECONOMIC DRAMA Agee on Film: Five Film Scripts. A640 (BC ASU) Agee on Film: Reviews and Comments. A650 (ASU) Among the Highlanders Yesterday and Today. (A PAGEANT OF Western North Carolina.) B4150 (ASU WCU) The Spirit of Western North Carolina: A Pageant. B4190 (WCU LMC) Roseanna McCoy: Final Screenplay. C5940 Hunger: A Tragedy of North Carolina Farm Folk. D120 Lords and Lovers, and Other Dramas. D300 (ASU BC) The Mortal Gods, and Other Plays. D310 (UNCA WCU) Semiranis, and Other Plays. D330 (BC) Look Homeward, Angel: A Play Based on the Novel by Thomas Wolfe. F3410 (ASU BC) Mountain Pageant of Historic Tableaux and Symbolic Figures: The Story of a People Lost in the Appalachians for Nearly Two Hundred Years. G1220 (LMC) Wilderness Road; a Parable for Modern Times. G3630 Wilderness Road: A Symphonic Outdoor Drama. G3640 (WCU BC ASU) Thickety Bush: A Drama in Three Acts. H5100 (WCU WWC) Moonshine; a One Act Play. H7090 (BC) Scrapbooks, 1954- . H7180 (ASU) Hell-bent for Heaven, a Play in Three Acts. H8070 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Ruint; a Folk Comedy in Four Acts. H8080 Unto These Hills: A Drama of the Cherokee. H8460 (ASU MHC ETSU) Kentucky Mountain Fantasies: Three Short Plays for an Appalachian Theatre. Ml 760 (ASU BC) Kentucky Mountain Fantasies: Three Short Plays for an Appalachian Theatre. M1770 (LMC) All the Way Home. M8180 (ASU BC) Folk Ballads for Young Actors. NT 080 (ASU BC) Folk Carols for Young Actors. N1090 (ASU) P70 The Wander Weed. PI 490 Appalachia, My Sorrow: A Play for Voice. P1750 (ASU) Melungeons: The Vanishing Colony of Newman's Ridge. P4500 (ETSU) Dark of the Moon. R2100 (ASU WCU) Dark of the Moon. R2110 (ASU) Dark of the Moon. R2120 (LMC MHC) Dark of the Moon. R2130 (ETSU) Frederick Henry Koch: Pioneer Playmaker. A Brief Biography. SI 780 (LMC) S7630 The Hill Between; a Folk Play in Three Acts. VI340 Moonshine and Honeysuckle; a Play in Three Acts. VI350 Sun-up,- a Play in Three Acts. VI360 (ETSU ASU) Sun-up: A Play in Three Acts. VI370 (ASU LMC) Mannerhouse, a Play in a Prologue and Three Acts. W8210 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Mountains: A Play in One Act. The Mountains: A Drama in Three Acts and a Prologue. W8220 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC MHC BC UNCA) SUBJECT Somebody, a Play in 4 Acts. W8760 (BC) DRAMA — CHEROKEE Cherokee Dance and Drama. S6090 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) DRAMA — KY. The Theatre in Early Kentucky, 1790-1820. H5490 (BC) DRAMA — N. C. Unto These Hills: A Drama of the Cherokee People. C3650 (WCU ASU) Carolina Folk-Plays. K2950 (ASU BC) Carolina Folk-plays. K2960 (LMC) DULCIMER Four and Twenty Songs for the Mountain Dulcimer. M2520 (ASU BC) The Dulcimer Book, Being a Book about the Three-stringed Appalachian Dulcimer, Including Some Ways of Tuning and Playing: Some Recollections in Its Local History in Perry and Knott Counties, Kentucky. Some Observations on the Probable Origins of the Instrument in the Old Countries of Europe: And with Words and Music for Some Sixteen Songs from the Ritchie Family of Kentucky. R2430 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) The Dulcimer Book, Being a Book about the Three-stringed Appalachian Dulcimer, Including Some Ways of Tuning and Playing: Some Recollections in Its Local History in Perry and Knott Counties, Kentucky. Some Observations on the Probable Origins of the Instrument in the Old Countries of Europe: With Plentiful Photographic Illustrations and Drawings. And with Words and Music for Some Sixteen Songs from the Ritchie Family of Kentucky. R2440 (ASU) DULCIMERS Making an Appalachian Dulcimer. B290 (LMC BC) The Hammered Dulcimer — How to Make and Play It. M6330 The Mountain Dulcimer. M6340 Teach Yourself Appalachian Dulcimer. PI 270 The Plucked Dulcimer of the Southern Mountains. P4910 (ASU BC) The Plucked Dulcimer and How to Play It. P4920 (WCU ASU BC) The Plucked Dulcimer and How to Play It. P4930 (ASU LMC MHC) A bibliography of hammered and plucked (Appalachian or mountain) dulcimers and related instruments. U3620 Appalachian Dulcimer Plans. W540 ECONOMIC CONDITION — COAL CAMPS Wage Rates and Working Time in the Bituminous Coal Industry, 1912-1922. F1230 (BC) ECONOMIC CONDITIONS Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A730 (BC ASU WCU) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A740 (ETSU) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A750 (WCU) "Social and Economic Conditions in Jackson County During the Depression." A780 (WCU) Seeking More Effective Means to Overcome Poverty: Proceedings. A2680 (ASU LMC) "Migration and Economic Opportunity in Tennessee Counties, 1940-1950." B2420 Development Opportunities in Kentucky: Final Report. B6270 "Association of Selected Socio-economic Characteristics with Net Migration from Three Kentucky Economic Areas, 1920-1950." B6440 78 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY An Economic and Social Survey of Botetourt County." C5600 "Socioeconomic Characteristics of Young Farmers Enrolled in Vocational Agriculture Classes in West Virginia." Ml 500 "Economics of the Southern Smokeless Coals." M5150 "The Decline of Anthracite, 1913-1955." M5320 Postwar Changes in the Export Markets for American Coal: A Study in the Industry Response to Variations in Foreign Demand. M6210 (ASU) The Economic Impact of TVA. M7230 A Review of the Literature Pertaining to Appalachia; Stressing Attitudes to Social Change and Religious and Educational Orientations; A Working Paper for the Boards of Christian Education of the United Presbyterian Church in the U. S. N450 (BC) Economic Development of the Upper French Broad Area: Summary of Needs and Opportunities, Resources, the Regional Economy. N2690 (ASU) Resources of the Southern Fields and Forests, Medical, Economical, and Agricultural. Being Also a Medical Botany of the Confederate States. P3590 (LMC BC) Education, Migration and Economic Life Chances of Male Entrants to the Labor Force from a Low Income Rural Area. SI 240 (ASU) Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. U2490 Proceedings. W3260 (BC) Utilizing a College's Resources to Provide Technical Assistance to Business Firms in Southern West Virginia: A Report on the Concord College Center for Economic Action, July 1, 1963, Through June 30, 1966. W3290 An Economic Atlas for West Virginia. W3350 Economic Profiles of West Virginia Counties. W3360 West Virginia Economic Outlook, 1967-1972. W3380 W. Va. Redevelopment Plan for Webster County. W3400 West Virginia Economic Outlook 1965-1966. W3410 The West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey: Its Accomplishments and Outlook. W3920 (ETSU) W4460 Population and economy of Andrews, N. C. W4910 Population and economy of Henderson County. W4920 (LMC) ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — ALA. The Present and Projected Agricultural Economy of the Appalachian Region of Alabama. B4440 (ASU) Income and Population in Alabama. H3750 (ASU) Opportunities for and Limitations of Social and Economic Adjustments in an Alabama Rural County. Nil 90 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS AND POLICIES — KY. The Structure of the Kentucky Economy. An Input-output Study. B1230 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — APP. Factors Associated with the Adjustment of Families in Three Low-Income Counties of North Carolina. A460 (ASU) "Factors Associated with the Adjustment of Families in Three Low Income Counties of North Carolina." A470 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — APP. An Economic and Social Survey of Bedford Co., Va. A480 (ASU) The Present and Projected Agricultural Economy of the Appalachian Region of Alabama. A860 (ASU) The Appalachian Regional Development Bill. S3, Sen. Randolph; H.R. 4, Rep. Fallon. A2130 (UNCA) A2660 (BC) A2681 A2682 (ASU) A2683 (ASU) A2790 (ASU) A3120 (ETSU) Meeting, May 8, 1961, the White House. A3160 Report of the Appalachian Institute Committee to the Conference of Appalachian Governors and the President's Appalachian Regional Commission. A3200 (BC ASU) Appalachia: A Report, 1964. A3560 (LMC ASU WCU ETSU) Appalachia: An Economic Report— 1970. Trends in Employment, Income and Population. A3570 (ASU) Appalachia — An Economic Report: Trends in Employment, Income and Population. A3580 (WCU ASU ETSU) Appalachia — An Economic Report: Trends in Employment, Income and Population. Supplement. A3590 (ASU) Appalachian Data Book. A3600 (ASU ETSU BC) Appalachian Data Book. A3610 (MHC BC ETSU ASU) The Appalachian Region: A Statistical Appendix of Comparative Socioeconomic Indicators. A3650 (MHC ASU) The Economic Impact of Public Policy on the Appalachian Coal Industry and the Regional Economy. A3730 (ASU) A Summary Economic Report: Appalachian Region. A3840 (ASU) Employment and Underemployment of Rural People in the Appalachian Area. A4630 Picking Poverty's Pocket. B1150 A Bibliographic Guide to the Economic Regions of the United States. B3210 "Measurement of the Economic Impact of Public Investment of Regional Economic Growth in Appalachia." B3220 Economic Subregions of the United States. B5100 History of Letcher Co., Ky., Its Political and Economic Growth and Development. B5740 Voices from the Mountain. C1210 (ASU) Poverty and Affluence in Appalachia. an 90 "The Relation of Level of Living to Selected Additional Characteristics of Central Appalachia Rural Families." C2920 (ASU) Migrants, Sharecroppers, Mountaineers. C5890 (BC ASU) An Economic Survey of the Appalachian Region, with Special Reference to Agriculture. C6100 (ETSU WCU LMC ASU) Methods for Estimating Income Payments in Counties; a Technical Supplement to County Income Estimates for Seven Southeastern States. C7300 Education for Economic Development — The South's Education and Employment Prospects for the Future. C7970 "Local Government Social Overhead Expenditures and Economic Growth in the Appalachian Region." D2450 SUBJECT Our Land Too. D3890 (ASU BC WCU) A Profile and Economic Impact Analysis of Four Cumberland Gap Counties. El 390 Apprenticeship and Economic Change. F120 The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey. F2010 Economic Base Study and Survey of Basic Services. F2210 "An Input-output Model Incorporating Impact Analysis to Evaluate the Resources and Economy of a Rural Appalachian Community." G220 "Association of Selected Economic Factors with Net Migration Rates in the Southern Appalachian Region, 1935-1937." G870 "Habitat-economy-society, a Frame of Reference Applied to Southern Appalachian Coal Country." Gil 30 Underemployment Concept, Way to Measure Need for Economic Development in Appalachia. G1260 Appalachia in Transition. G2150 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU FC BC) Development and Application of a Level-of-living Scale for White, Open Country Families, Both Farm and Non-farm in the Southeast. G2190 The Economic Needs of Neighborhood Youth Corps Enrollees. Final Report. G2540 Proceedings. G2980 (ASU BC) Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. G3370 The Appalachian Region: A Preliminary Analysis of Economic and Population Trends in an Eleven State Problem Area. G4440 "Economic Development of Areas Contiguous to Multipurpose Reservoirs: The Kentucky-Tennessee Experience." H2220 (BC) "Migration, Mobility and Social Participation." J1230 Appalachia: Problems and Solutions. J1240 (ASU) Mountain Families in Poverty. J1600 Hillbilly Women. K20 (ASU BC UNCA) How People Get Power: Organizing Oppressed Communities Get Action. K40 (WCU ASU) State Planning and Economic Development in the South. LI 850 "Economic Development in Appalachia." LI 990 (BC ASU) A Planner's Reference Guide Relating to Socioeconomic Factors Within Appalachia as Applied to Public Education. L2620 (ETSU) Project Economic Study of the Ohio River Basin. L2800 A Preliminary Analysis for an Economic Development Plan for the Appalachian Region. L2860 Standards of Living in Four Southern Appalachian Mountain Counties. Farm Security Administration Social Research Report, no. 10. L3430 (LMC ASU BC) "Self-concepts of Appalachian Children: A Comparative Study of Economically Poor and Economically Disadvantaged Children Using the Piers-Harris Self-concept Inventory." L3510 (LMC ASU) The Geographic Basis of American Economic Life. M310 (ASU) 79 ECONOMIC—ECONOMIC Income and Employment in the Southeast: A Study of Cyclical Behavior. Ml 440 (ASU BC) The South in Continuity and Change. M1910 (BC FC) The Appalachian Region: A Preliminary Analysis of Economic and Population Trends in an Eleven State Problem Area. M3860 (BC) Appalachian Development: The Long-run View. M5370 (LMC) Appalachian Future, the Economic Challenge. M5380 Stimulating Regional Economic Development with an Input-Output Model. M5390 Pockets of Hope: Studies of Land and People. M8690 Down to Earth-People of Appalachia. M9100 Business and Economic Problems in Appalachia. M9150 (ASU LMC) The Political Economy of Appalachia; A Case Study in Regional Integration. N780 (BC WWC ASU ETSU MHC WCU) N2920 Potential Earning Power of Southern Mountaineer Handicrafts. N2990 Appalachia: A Case Study of Regional Business Development. O430 "An Analysis of the Effects of Federal Farm Programs on Incomes of Appalachian Farmers." PI 040 (LMC) Towards Solving the Low-income Problem of Small Farmers in the Appalachian Area. PI 060 (LMC) Appalachian Regional Data Book, 1964. P3190 Family Income and Related Characteristics Among Low-Income Counties and States. R40 "The Economics of the Coal Industry." R2370 Some Postwar Rural Trends in Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia. R3080 "United States Bituminous Coal Markets — Trends Since 1920, and Prospects to 1975." S10 "Transport Improvement and the Appalachian Barrier: A Case Study in Economic Innovation." S50 (ASU) An Economic Survey of Indiana County, Pennsylvania. S640 What's Next? SI 720 (ASU) Poverty as a Public Issue. SI 800 (BC) The Southern Appalachian Region; A Survey. S5670 (BC ASU UNCA FC) The Southern Appalachian Region. S5680 (ASU ETSU FC LMC MHC WCU WWC BC) "A Definition of the Economic Subregions of Appalachia Using Factor Analysis." S6270 Recollections of an Old Man. Seventy Years in Dixie. S8950 The Hollow. S9110 (WWC ASU LMC ETSU BC) Navigation and Economic Growth: Tennessee River Experience; a Report. T3100 Report. T4220 Social and Economic Characteristics of Six Tennessee Valley Reservoir Areas. T4330 (BC) The Tennessee Valley Region: Highlights of Growth and Change; Historical Perspectives, Recent Trends. T5200 The Tennessee Valley Region: Important Features and Recent Trends. T5330 �SUBJECT ECONOMIC—ECONOMIC ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — APP. "Why Aid Doesn't Help: Organizing for Community Economic Development in Central Appalachia." T9690 Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. U360 (ASU) Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. U370 Regional Economic Development in the United States. U2710 Economic Development Acts: Pt. 1, Public Law 90-103, Title 1, Appalachian Regional Development Act Amendments of 1967, Title 2, Amendments to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965. Pt. 1, Section-by-section Analysis of Title 1, Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1967, Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965, as Amended, Pt. 3, Section-by-section Analysis of Title 2 Amendments to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965, Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965, as Amended. U3480 Economic Development Programs under the Jurisdiction of the Committee of Public Works, Pt. 1, 1971 Amendments to Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965 and Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. Pt. 2, Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965, as Amended. Pt. 3, Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 as Amended, December, 1971, 92nd Congress. U3490 H. R. 8947, Act Making Appropriations for Public Works for Water and Power Development, Including Corps of Engineers — Civil, Bureau of Reclamation, Bonneville Power Administration and Other Power Agencies of the Department of Interior, Appalachian Regional Development Programs, Federal Power Commission, Tennessee Valley Authority, Atomic Energy Commission, and Related Independent Agencies and Commissions for Fiscal Year Ending June 30, 1974, and for Other Purposes. Approved August 16, 1973. U3500 Recreation Potential in the Appalachian Highlands: A Market Analysis. U4220 (ASU) Planning for the South, an Inquiry into the Economics of Regionalism. V420 (ASU) Projections and Economic Base Analysis: Bristol-Kingsport Metropolitan Area Including the City of Bristol, Virginia, and the Counties of Washington, Virginia, and Sullivan, Tennessee. V820 "The Structure and Polarization of Economic Activity in the Appalachian Region." VI280 (LMC) West Virginia — An Economic Profile. W480 Appalachia in the Sixties: Decade of Reawakening. W550 (ASU LMC WWC WCU MHC ETSU BC UNCA) An Economic Survey of Clinton Co., Pa. W840 An Economic Survey of Monroe County, Conducted by the Bureau of Business Research, College of Business Administration, Penn. State Univ. in Cooperation with Pocono Mountains Chamber of Commerce, Stroudsburg, Pa. W850 "The Economics of the Transportation of Ohio Coal." W890 An Economic and Social Survey of Clarke County. W900 The Economics of Poverty, an American Paradox. W2350 Retail Trading Areas in W. Va. W3230 W. Va. Personal Income and Retail Sales by Counties, 1948-1965. W3240 W. Va. Coal Facts, 1971. W3250 Geology and Economic Resources of the Ohio River Valley in West Virginia. W3710 (ETSU) The Condition and Prospects of the West Virginia Economy. W4000 Status of West Virginia in the Economic Opportunity Program under Public Law 88-452. W4010 West Virginia: Economic Profile. W4100 The economy of Haywood County. W4900 "Reservoir Impacts on Economic Activity, Land Use and Land Values in Appalachia." W5220 "Socio-cultural Factors and Economic Development in West Central Appalachia." W6060 "Economic Aspects of Surface Subsidence Resulting from Underground Mineral Exploitation." Z190 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — APP. — COLONIALISM Anthracite: An Instance of Natural Resource Monopoly. N350 (ASU LMC) ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — APP. - TENN. An Economic Analysis of Farming in Overton County, Tennessee. A1830 (ETSU) ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — ASHEVILLE A Population and Economic Analysis of the Asheville Metropolitan Area and the Western North Carolina That It Serves. A5210 (BC) ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — COAL CAMPS "Economic Consequences of the Seven-hour Day and Wage Changes in the Bituminous Coal Industry." F1220 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — COAL INDUSTRY "Industrial Retardation and Economic Growth: A Case Study of Secular and Structural Change in the United States, 1920-1960." F3430 "The Coal Buying Policies: Effects on Prices and Method of Mining in Supplying States." H3150 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — GA. "A Study of Effect of Government Aid and Other Factors on the Economic Development of Three Selected Areas in Georgia." A340 The Economic Development of the Northeast Georgia Commission Area Through Use of Forest Products and Water Resources. B7120 (ASU ETSU) Highlights of the Economy of the Georgia Mountains Area. G1010 (BC ASU) "Some Economic Aspects of the Changes in Towns County Agriculture during the Period, 1934-1950." L280 Statistics of the State of Georgia. W5420 (BC) Highlights of the Economy of the Georgia Mountains Area. W5510 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS - KY. Resources and People in East Kentucky: Problems and Potentials of a Lagging Economy. B5790 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) "Sociocultural Differences among Three Areas in Kentucky." B6110 "The Influence of Coal in the Big Sandy Valley." C3230 (ASU) Capital Resources in the Central Appalachian Region. C3560 (ASU ETSU) Poverty, Politics, and Health Care: An Appalachian Experience. C8060 (ASU) APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Population Estimates for Kentucky Counties and Economic Area, July 1, 1958. D250 (ASU) "The State Employment Service in Appalachian Kentucky." El 160 Kentucky Employment Trends from 1951 to 1963 with Projections to 1965-1975. F3780 Kentucky Employment Trends from 1951 to 1963, with Projections to 1965-75. F3790 "The Economic History of Boyd County, Kentucky." Gil 60 (ASU) "The Economic History of Knox County." H7600 Economic Data on Eastern Kentucky Coal Fields. K910 Eastern Kentucky Economic Atlas. K1070 Population-Economic Study, Harlan-Harlan County, Kentucky. K1170 Development Potentials for Kentucky Counties with Related Statistics. K1360 (ASU) "Development of Procedures for Quantifying and Assessing the Economic Well-being of Rural Areas." K2710 A Survey of Low-Cost Housing in Carter County, Kentucky. L2850 (ASU) Family Incomes and Land Utilization in Knott County, Kentucky. N900 Family Incomes and Land Utilization in Knott County, Kentucky. N910 Farm Management and Family Incomes in Eastern Kentucky. N920 N2920 "The Growth and Overdevelopment of the Kentucky Coal Industry, 1912-1929." PI 210 (ASU) In the East Kentucky Hills. Q160 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC) Economic Impact of Secondary Road Improvements. S8150 Life Among the Hills and Mountains of Kentucky. T8080 (ASU BC) "The Social and Economic Structure of Kentucky Agriculture, 1850-1860." T9470 "The Economic and Cultural Development of Eastern Kentucky from 1900 to the Present." W1540 (ASU) ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — KY. — COAL INDUSTRY "External Diseconomies of Bituminous Coal Surface Mining — A Case Study of Eastern Kentucky, 1960-1967." H7590 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — N. C. Overall Economic Development Program for Avery County. A5790 (LMC) B8390 (BC) The Population and Economy of Boone, North Carolina. C3600 (LMC ASU) Travel Industry in North Carolina. An Economic Survey. C7320 An Economic Adjustment Study of Dairy Farms in Western North Carolina. D2780 (LMC) E780 (ASU) Economy of Western North Carolina. HI 040 The Economy of Western North Carolina. HI 270 (LMC UNCA) Investment Guidelines for the North Carolina Appalachian Region. HI280 (WCU WWC ASU) Investment Guidelines for the North Carolina Appalachian Region. H1290 (WWC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — N. C. Manpower Education in the North Carolina Appalachian Region. HI 300 (ASU WWC LMC) Manpower Education in the North Carolina Appalachian Region. H1310 (LMC ASU WWC) North Carolina: An Economic and Social Profile. H6070 (LMC BC) North Carolina, Economic and Social. H6080 (WWC LMC BC UNCA) Blue Ridge: An Appalachian Community in Transition. K180 (ASU WCU FC ETSU BC) Report of the Geographical Survey of North Carolina: Physical Geography, Resume, Economical Geology. K1670 (LMC ASU) A Study of Farm Families and Their Level of Living Income Patterns in Watauga County, North Carolina. M250 (ASU) Buncombe County, Economic and Social. M8190 Buncombe County: Economic and Social. M8200 (ASU BC LMC) Personal Income Statistics for North Carolina Counties, 1949-1959. N2140 Population and Economy: Marshall, N.C. N2150 (ASU WCU) Population and Economy: Valdese, North Carolina. N2160 (WCU) The Dimensions of Poverty in North Carolina. N2300 (ASU) Altitudes in North Carolina. N2310 (ASU LMC WCU) Biennial Report of the State Geologist: 1919-1920. N2330 (ASU LMC) North Carolina Manual 1874-19. N2560 (ASU LMC) Buncombe County-. Economic and Social. N2670 (ASU) Rutherford County: Economic and Social. P4590 (ASU) Change in Agricultural and Economic Trends in North Carolina; Information by Area Development Associations and Counties. S7530 U4150 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS - N. Y. Economic Study of Land Utilization in Schuyler County, N. Y. D410 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — OHIO "Economic Inventory and Value Added Estimates of the Natural Resources of a Watershed Region Located in the Appalachian Highland Area of Ohio." D3630 "Analysis of Costs and Benefits from Commuting for Employment among Core and Satellite Communities in the Appalachian Region of Ohio." E2360 "A Study of Commercial Banking in Two Economically Depressed Cities: Youngstown, Ohio, and Wheeling, West Virginia, 1951-1967." N1010 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — PA. "A Study of the Need for Curricular Changes in Secondary Schools in an Economically Distressed Area of Pennsylvania." B9170 "A Preliminary Economic Evaluation of the Corey Creek Watershed." D50 The Economic Structure of Sullivan County, Pennsylvania. G190 (ASU) A Regional Economic Study of Cameron County, Pennsylvania. G2050 (ASU) Readings in Pennsylvania Economic Growth. G2310 "Labor Market Adjustments in a Depressed Area." G2740 SUBJECT "An Economic Analysis of Idle Farm Land, Potter County, Pennsylvania, 1953." J530 "Minimum Wages in Pennsylvania." K530 The Potential for Human Resources and Economic Growth in a Declining Local Community; A Socioeconomic Study of the Johnstown, Penn. Economy. L2000 "Measurement of Personal Wealth in Centre County, Pennsylvania." Ml 600 An Economic Background for Regional Planning in the Anthracite Counties. PI 860 An Economic Survey of Northumberland County, Pennsylvania. S650 An Economic Survey of Venango County, Pennsylvania. S660 Fayette County, Pennsylvania; An Economic Survey. S670 "The Economic Structure and Growth of the Pennsylvania Economy: 1956-1966." S4510 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — S. C. Selected South Carolina Economic Data. C6500 Greenville County, Economic and Social. G4870 Greenville County, Economic and Social. G4880 "An Economic Survey of Oconee County." W8880 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — TENN. "The Social and Economic History of Maryville since 1890." B1920 "Some Phases of the Social and Economic History of Washington County, Tennessee, 1865-1917.". B6220 "Some Phases of the Social and Economic History of Washington County, Tennessee, 1865-1917." B6230 (ETSU) "An Educational and Economic Survey of Bledsoe County, Tennessee." B7060 Educational, Economic and Community Survey, Bledsoe County. B7070 Dimensions of Change in East Tennessee, Tennessee, the South, and the Nation: A Comparative Analysis. B7310 (ASU ETSU LMC WCU) Measurements of Poverty in East Tennessee. B7320 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) "Geographic Factors Influencing the Development of Scott County, Tennessee." B8630 "The Identification and Evaluation of Factors Affecting Economic Growth in the Tennessee Valley Region, 1950-1960." C3340 "Changes in Social and Economic Status of the People in Sullivan County for a Thirty Year Period." C3390 (ASU) Comparative Economic Growth Measures — Population and Personal Income Estimates for Tennessee Counties, 1950 Through 1962. C7590 "Social and Economic History of Kingsport before 1908." C7840 (ETSU) "A Study of the Reading Abilities of the Economically Deprived Students in the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Grades at Stratton Elementary School." D2520 (ETSU) "Factors Influencing the Development of the Broadway Shopping Center at Knoxville, Tennessee." D2710 Minimum Land Requirements for Specified Levels of Farm Income in the Eastern Highland Rim of Tennessee. E30 E780 (ASU) 81 ECONOMIC—ECONOMIC Social and Economic Trends in Tennessee and Their Implications for Education. F2530 (ETSU) The Spatial Structure of Economic Development in the Tennessee Valley. F3330 (BC) "A Study of Certain Phases of the Educational and Economic Conditions of Marion County, Tennessee." G370 The City of Knoxville, Tennessee and Vicinity and Their Resources. G3060 The Economy of Metropolitan Knoxville. A Study Focused on the Economic Base and Potentials of Knoxville and Knox County. HI 260 (ETSU) The Changing Economy of Claiborne County, Tennessee. H2580 Adjustments of Rural Resources Use and Characteristics to Economic Growth. H4490 (ASU) "Economic Progress and Resource Adjustments of Rural Households is the Upper East Tennessee Valley." H4500 (ASU) Johnson City, Tennessee, Population and Economic Base Study. H5390 "Educational Facilities and Economic Development of Bristol, 1930-1950." H6510 "Educational Facilities and Economic Development of Bristol, 1930-1950." H6520 (ETSU) The Economy of Greeneville, Tennessee; a Study of the Information and Data Related to the Greeneville, Tennessee, Economic Community. H6730 "An Educational, Economic, and Community Survey of Blount County, Tennessee." H7540 The TVA and Economic Security in the South. H7660 (ASU WCU LMC) An Economic Survey of Blount County, Tennessee, a Study of Resources and Industrial Potentials. H8720 Annual Report ... for Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1944-. J1380 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee: Population and Economic Base Study. J1490 (ETSU) "An Economic and Educational Survey of Rogersville Community." L3210 "The Tennessee Political System: The Relationship of the Socioeconomic Environment to Political Processes and Policy Outputs." M870 Human Resources in the Economy of the Upper French Broad Area. M4310 (LMC) "Socio-Economic Readjustment of Farm Families Displaced by the TVA Land Purchase in the Norris Area." Ml 000 "The First Hundred Days of the New Deal in Upper East Tennessee." O210 (ETSU) "Economic History of White County, Tennessee." P4100 "An Economic, Educational, and Social Survey of Franklin County, Tennessee." R570 (ASU) "Relation of Land Base Quality to the Agricultural Economy of Knox County, Tennessee." R4320 The Economic Geography of Tennessee. SI 600 "A Study of Debt History in Carter County, Tennessee, 1892-1952." S2380 "The Social, Economic, Cultural, Religious and Family Educational Backgrounds of Recent Dropouts from Bristol, Tennessee, High School." S4340 (ETSU) �ECONOMIC—ECONOMIC ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — TENN. "An Economic, Social and Educational Survey of Campbell County, Tennessee." S4690 "The Economic Status of Knox County Teachers." S6530 "An Educational and Economic Survey of Monroe County, Tennessee." S6550 Hamilton County, Economic and Social: A Laboratory Study in the Department of Agricultural Economics Under the Direction of Professor C. E. Allred. S6910 "Standard of Living and Migration of 136 Farm Families in Overton County, Tennessee." S8910 Tennessee — Its Resources and Economy — The Tennessee Economy — Vol. I. T1210 An Economic Survey of the Tri-Counties Region of Upper East Tennessee. T1620 (ETSU) Southeast Tennessee Region Profile and Policies. T2090 The Lower Cumberland Region: A Study of Its Population, Economic Base and Potential. T2100 (ETSU) The Upper Cumberland Economy. T2110 (ETSU) Summary of Resources. T3550 Problems and Suggested Programs for Low-Income Farmers with Special Reference to the Tennessee Valley. T4510 Overall Economic Development Program for Unicoi County, Tennessee. U120 (ETSU) Tennessee: Its Growth and Progress. W5570 (BC) The Incidence of Poverty — Social and Economic Conditions in Tennessee. W6600 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY TVA: The First Twenty Years. A Staff Report. T3790 (ASU WCU LMC) Defense Expansion in the Tennessee Valley Region. T5820 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — VA. Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. B7620 (BC FC) Institutional History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century: An Inquiry into the Religious, Moral, Educational, Legal, Military, and Political Condition of the People Based on Original and Contemporaneous Records. B7630 (ETSU) "The Changing Economic Position of Southwest Virginia as Affected by the Coal Industry." C1450 (ETSU) An Economic and Social Survey of Augusta County. C2110 (ASU BC) An Economic and Social Survey of Patrick County. C6680 (BC) Standards of Living in Six Virginia Counties. D640 The Rise and Fall of Alderson, West Virginia. D2590 (ASU BC) An Economic and Social Survey of Washington County. D3830 (ASU BC) An Economic and Social Survey of Albemarle County. G740 Economic Land Classification of Pulaski County. Gil 90 An Economic and Social Survey of Warren County. H520 (ASU) An Economic and Social Survey of Wise County. K790 (ASU BC) Economic and Social Aspects of Negro Slavery in Wythe County, Virginia, 1790-1860. M9210 An Economic and Social Survey of Frederick County. P2840 (ASU LMC) SUBJECT "A Study of the Economically and Educationally Deprived Students of Bristol, Virginia, Junior High School." Q120 (ETSU) An Economic and Social Survey of Giles County. S5250 An Economic and Social Survey of Roanoke County. S7130 An Economic and Social Survey of Russell County. T300 (BC) Lebanon, A Virginia Community. T310 An Economic and Social Survey of Virginia Counties. U4120 (FC) V550 Industrial Sites and Economic Data. V770 (BC) Industrial Sites and Economic Data, Botetourt County, Virginia. V780 Economic Data. V810 (BC) V850 (BC) Virginia, Economic and Civic. VN60 (BC) Report. VI170 (BC) Travel in Virginia, Its Economic Significance. VI200 An Economic and Social Survey of Warren Co. VI240 (BC ASU) An Economic and Social Survey of Allegheny County. W290 (ASU BC) ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — W. VA. Centennial Field Trip. A5290 (ETSU) Coal and Coal Mining in West Virginia. B1200 "The Regional Growth Points in Economic Development; A Comparison of West Virginia and West Pakistan." B2660 Report of the Economic Growth of Oak Hill, Correlated With the History of King Coal-Fayette County's First Major Industry. B3010 "An Input-output Analysis of the Upper South Branch Valley of West Virginia." B3630 "Productive Capacity and Economic Growth in West Virginia." B7090 Status of West Virginia in the Economic Opportunity Program under Public Law 88-452. Cl 310 Economic Structure of West Virginia. C2560 The Structure of the West Virginia Economy, 1965: A Preliminary Report. C3020 (LMC) A Forecast of the Economy of West Virginia and the Effect on Certain Operations of the Chesapeake and Potomac Telephone Company of West Virginia, 1961-1970. C3770 "A Regional Linear Programming Model of the West Virginia Economy." C5370 Proceedings. C6400 A Social and Economic Survey of the Spencer Soil Conservation Area. C7540 "The Transformation of the Tug and Guyandot Valleys: Economic Development and Social Change in West Virginia, 1888-1921." C9390 Annual Report for 1964. E540 Some Effects of Price and Income Support Programs on Marginal Farms. E2320 Economic Impact of the Mountain State Art and Craft Fair, Ripley, West Virginia, 1964. H50 The Contributions of Local Subsidies to the Economic Development of West Virginia, 1956-1966. H330 (ASU) 82 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Development of an Economic/Environmental Plan for Dents Run Watershed, West Virginia. H950 (ASU) Economic Stability and Growth Potential, Fairmont, W. Va. H2230 "Social and Economic Implications of Strip Mining in Harrison County, W. Va." H5440 Overall Economic Development Program. L2120 Personal Income in West Virginia Counties by Type and Magnitude, 1960-1963: A Pilot Study. L2410 (ASU) L3740 The Geology of Watoga and Droop Mountain Battlefield State Parks, West Virginia. L3910 (ETSU) West Virginia Budgeting: Problems and Possibilities. M5180 Stimulating Regional Economic Development. An Interindustry Analysis of West Virginia Economy. M5400 The Structure of the West Virginia Economy in 1975, a Preliminary Forecast. M5410 Approaches to University Extension Work with the Rural Disadvantaged: Description and Analysis of a Pilot Effort. M5970 "A Comparison of the Personal and Economic Characteristics of the Mobile and Immobile." M6040 "Mass Media Use Patterns and Interests Among West Virginia Rural Non-farm Families of Low Socio-economic Status." M8530 "A Study of Commercial Banking in Two Economically Depressed Cities: Youngs town, Ohio, and Wheeling, West Virginia, 1951-1967." N1010 Towards Solving the Low-Income Problem of Small Farmers in the Appalachian Area. P1010 Selected Demographic Aspects of the West Virginia Economy, 1950-1975: Estimates and Projections of Migration and Population. P4880 (ETSU BC) Warning in Appalachia: A Study of Wirt County, West Virginia. Rl 110 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) "The Relationship Between the Structure of the Transportation Network and the Economic Development of West Virginia." S2170 S3690 (UNCA) A Case Study of Six Central West Virginia Counties of the Interrelationships of Factors Leading to Persistence of Low Incomes and Unemployment with Corrective Suggestions. S7460 Opportunities for Economic Development in Mingo County, West Virginia. U190 ARA Field Report, Opportunities for Economic Development in Mingo County, W. Va. U2690 Overall Economic Development Program for Upshur County, West Virginia. U4180 W4440 W4450 Business and Economic Studies. W4490 (BC) Economic Development Series, no. 1. W4520 (BC) An Informal Series Covering Agric. Econ., in Its Broadest Sense. W4530 Economic Development in West Virginia. Z60 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS — W. VA. — TUCKER CO. An Economic Profile of Tucker County, West Virginia. L3490 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY ECONOMIC MODELS A Demonstration Program in Rural Housing: An Area-wide Housing Organization in the Northwest Local Development District. A4880 A Decade of Action for Progress in Kentucky. E520 (ASU) Program 60, 1960-70; a Decade of Action for Progress in Eastern Kentucky. E530 (BC) Annual Report for 1964. E540 ECONOMIC MODELS — APP. Appalachia, Rebirth of a Nation. B3170 "An Input-output Model Incorporating Impact Analysis to Evaluate the Resources and Economy of a Rural Appalachian Community." G220 ECONOMIC MODELS - KY. "An Application of the Leontief Regional Model: An Input-output Analysis for Eastern Kentucky." B490 ECONOMIC MODELS — W. VA. "Transportation and Trade Areas; Analysis of Morgantown, Fairmont, and Clarksburg." S330 (ASU) ECONOMIC PROBLEMS — APP. "Related Aspects of the Social and Economic Problems, Cultural Transitions and Educational System of Rural Appalachia: An Analysis Based on the Concept of Scale." R2220 (BC) EDUCATION Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia. A410 (ASU) "Kentucky State Aid and the Educationally Disadvantaged Child." A1390 "A Study of the Effect of Participation in Football on the Grades of Students at Bristol, Tennessee, High School." A1420 (ETSU) "A History and Development of Education in Wilkes County, North Carolina." A1660 The Children of the South. A2310 Federal Programs for Young Children. A3890 (ASU ETSU) Status of Secondary Vocational Education in Appalachia. A3950 (ASU LMC) The Appalachian School. . . A4040 The Appalachian School Department of Fireside Industries. A4050 Appalachian School Summer Camp. A4060 "Student Involvement in the Policies of a Junior High School Library — An Experiment." B340 (ETSU) The Story of the McGuffeys. R4270 (ASU BC) Education, Migration and Economic Life Chances of Male Entrants to the Labor Force from a Low Income Rural Area. SI 240 (ASU) Bulletin. U3830 Bulletin. W3420 (BC) An Administrative Survey of the Public Schools of Boone County, West Va. W4360 (BC) Pilot Project, App. Center, W. Va. Univ., Youhger Youth Science Camp, Aug. 2-7, 1964. W4540 Seminar and Conference Reports and Proceedings Series. W4600 (ASU) Journal of Education. W4860 "The Reading Diagnosis and Remediation of Five Groups of Eighth Grade Students at John S. Battle High School in Washington County, Virginia." W9000 (ETSU) SUBJECT "History and Partial Evaluation of In-service Education in Harlan County, Kentucky." W9070 "A Comparative Study of the Achievement in Science of the Fifth and Sixth Grade Pupils in Bristol, Tennessee, Schools, 1953-57." W9090 (ETSU) "A Study of School Transportation, Morgan Co., Tenn." Z180 EDUCATION — ALA. Public Education in Alabama. A900 (ASU) "A Study of the Progress of Negro Education in Saint Clair County, Alabama." C1750 "A Study of Administrative and Supervisory Practices of Principals in the Public School System of Jefferson County, Alabama." C5520 "What Progress in Health Has Been Made among the Negro Youths of the Elementary School Age for the Past Ten Years in Talladega County, Alabama." C9500 School at Speedwell. El 120 Speedwell Sketches. El 130 (ASU BC) "Factors Contributing to the Educational Development of the Negro Schools in the Jefferson County (Alabama) School System, 1945-51." G1950 "A Study of the Causes of Drop-outs and Irregular Attendance among Boys in the Four Negro High Schools of Talledega County, Alabama." G2040 "A Comparative Study of School Dropouts from 1945-50 in Holt Junior High School and Jaylorville Junior High School, Tuscaloosa County, Alabama." H2210 "The Status of the Negro Teachers in Blount, Cullman, DeKalb, and Marshall Counties, Alabama 1952-53." J2260 "Factors Affecting the Health and Educational Growth of Elementary Pupils in Three Selected Schools of Jefferson County, Alabama." Ml 920 "A Historical Analysis of Student Drop-outs in the Negro Schools for Bibb County, Alabama." M4620 "A Study of the Changes in the Educational Levels of the Negro Teachers in Jefferson County, Alabama, 1930-50." M6280 "The Educational Progress of the Negro Schools in Cherokee County, Alabama, from 1930-1950." S6640 EDUCATION - APP. Cooperative Action on the Educational Problems of Appalachia. A190 Research for Better Schools: A Federal Projects Workshop for Educational Programs in Tennessee and Appalachia. A200 Directions for Educational Development in Appalachia; Report of an Educational Needs and Feasibility Study Involving the Appalachian Areas of Six States. A2710 (ASU) Quality education for Appalachia: A prospectus proposing the establishment of a regional educational laboratory. A2730 (FC) A2770 (ASU) Quality Education for Appalachia: A Prospectus Proposing the Establishment of a Regional Education Laboratory. A2780 (FC) A Select Bibliography on High Risk Education for Appalachian Youth: Programs and Practices. A3820 ECONOMIC—EDUCATION Survey of Environmental Education Programs in Colleges and Universities in the Appalachian Region. A3860 (ASU) Appalachian — Education for Tomorrow. A3910 (ASU) Preliminary Report. A3940 Summary and Recommendations to the Appalachian Regional Commission: Report I. A3960 (ASU) Characteristics of High School Seniors as Related to Subsequent College Attendance. B150 "Southern Appalachian Non-standard Speech in Conflict with the Standard English of the Classroom." B280 (ETSU) "From Existence to Essence; A Conceptual Model for an Appalachian Studies Curriculum." B3340 Compensatory Education for Cultural Deprivation. B4760 Annihilating the Hillbilly: The Appalachians' Struggle with America's Institutions. B6350 The Future of the Church and Independent Schools in our Southern Highlands. C630 (ASU) Directions for Education Development in Appalachia: Report of an Educational Need and Feasibility Study Involving the Appalachian Areas of Six States. C810 (BCASU) Adjustment to Rural Industrial Change with Special Reference to Mountain Areas. C820 Southern Highland Schools Maintained by Denominational and Independent Agencies. C860 (ASU) The Double Head Academy. C2600 (BC) Dead End School. C5860 (ASU) "Study of Industrial Arts Education in Public Secondary Schools of the Southern Appalachian Region." C5970 Proceedings. C6480 (ASU) How to Pay for College, a Complete Guide to Scholarships, Loans and Self-help Opportunities in the Appalachian South. C7860 (MHC ASU BC) Age-grade School Progress of Farm and Nonfarm Youth: '. C8130 "The Curriculum of the Senior High School: A Survey of Offerings, Changes and Current Trends in the Southern Appalachian Region." C8230 Appalachian People's History Book. C9220 (ASU FC WCU ETSU) Universal Education in the South. D10 (WWC BC) "Public School Enrollment Prediction for the Southern Appalachian Region." D1740 Impacts of Educational Change Efforts in Appalachia. D2910 (ETSU) An Appalachian Reader. D3240 (WCU MHC FC BC ASU) Appalachian Volunteer Reader. D3260 (BC) "A Study of Public School Finance in the Southern Appalachian Region." D4310 E920 Appalachia, Education for Tomorrow. E930 The Status of Secondary Vocational Education in Appalachia. E940 E2100 "The Professional Status of Teachers in the Southern Appalachian Region." E2400 Discovery, Expression, Communication: An Arts Approach to the Problems of Appalachia. F510 �EDUCATION—EDUCATION EDUCATION - APP. A Statistical Study of the Public Schools of the Southern Appalachian Mountains. F3540 (ASU BC) Education in the Southern Mountains. G640 (ASU BC) Good References on Educational Problems of the Southern Highlands. G650 "Health, Education, and Income as Correlates of Demand for Hospital Care in the Southern Mountains." G1100 Appalachian Students and Guidance. H1670 (ASU BC WCU MHC ETSU) The Road from West Virginia. H2120 (ASU BC LMC) Schoolhouses in the Foothills. H2370 Hooky Cop Saga: Frustrations and Rewards of an Attendance Officer in Appalachia. H3260 (ASU BC) The Educational Needs of Appalachia. H6580 "School Ain't No Way . . ." Appalachian Consciousness. 120 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) "A Preliminary Edition of a Reading Test For Use With Disadvantaged Children in the Primary Grades of the Southern Appalachian Region." J2300 (ETSU) "High-interest, Low-vocabulary Original Prose and Poetry for Teenagers in Southern Appalachia." K1610 (ETSU) Settlement Institutions in Southern Appalachia. K3130 "A Study of the Academic Achievement of Kindergarten and Non-kindergarten Children in a Rural School in Appalachia." L1310 (ETSU) Technical-Vocational Education and the Community College. LI 610 Children of the Cumberland. L2100 (BC ASU LMC WCU WWC) Children of the Cumberland. L2110 (ASU) A Planner's Reference Guide Relating to Socioeconomic Factors Within Appalachia as Applied to Public Education. L2620 (ETSU) Teachers in Appalachia. L2810 (ASU ETSU MHC) "The Social and Educational Aspects of the Tennessee Valley Authority." M2630 Dropout Proneness in Appalachia. M6180 (ASU) Dropout Proneness in Appalachia. M6190 (ETSU) Analysis of Attitudes Relative to Education in the Appalachian Region. N40 (ASU ETSU) The Mountains Are Moving. Sixth NEA National Conference on Human Rights in Education. Equality of Educational Opportunity for Children of Appalachia. N190 (ASU) Conference Report: Equality of Educational Opportunity for Children of Appalachia. N230 (ASU) A Review of the Literature Pertaining to Appalachia; Stressing Attitudes to Social Change and Religious and Educational Orientations; A Working Paper for the Boards of Christian Education of the United Presbyterian Church in the U. S. N450 (BC) Appalachian Schools — A Case of Consistency. O360 (ASU) "A Study of the Factors Affecting the Holding Power of High Schools in a Certain Mountainous Rural County." 0890 Appalachia: Realities of Deprivation. P60 Q40 Education in Appalachia as Depicted in Major Periodicals. R290 SUBJECT "Related Aspects of the Social and Economic Problems, Cultural Transitions and Educational System of Rural Appalachia: An Analysis Based on the Concept of Scale." R2220 (BC) Southern Mountain Schools Maintained by Denominational and Independent Agencies. R4400 (LMC) Adult Education, a part of a Total Educational Program. A Description of the Educational and Training Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority. SI 560 Adult Education, a Part of a Total Educational Program. A Description of the Educational and Training Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority. SI 570 (ASU) With Reference to Appalachia. SI 590 (ASU) "An Analysis and Evaluation of High School Sociology as Taught in Southern Appalachia." SI 840 (ETSU) Southern Schools: Progress and Problems. S5710 (WWC) Educational Conditions in the Southern Appalachians. S5720 Report on Appalachian Culture Preschool Curriculum Project. S6600 (ASU) "An Assessment of the Characteristics, Education, and Training of Public School Superintendents in Southern Appalachia and in West Virginia." T490 Bulletin. U1190 (BC) Bulletin. U1200 (BC) "A Survey of the Church and Independent Schools and Colleges of the Southern Appalachians." W500 Allegheny, Ashe, Watauga Planning Project for Handicapped Children, ESEA Title III. W1360 (WCU) "A Study of the Cooperative Vocational Education Program at Boones Creek High School." W1430 (ETSU) Teacher Education in Service. W1890 (BC) Educational Opportunities in the Appalachian Mountains. W1900 (ASU LMC WWC BC) The Goals of Higher Education. W1910 (BC) Students in Appalachia. W1970 (ETSU) My Country School Diary. W2120 (BC) A Guidance Program for McMinn County High School. W2300 "School Failure in Relation to Delinquency, Scott County, Tennessee." W3090 Look into These Hills. W3190 Utilizing a College's Resources to Provide Technical Assistance to Business Firms in Southern West Virginia: A Report on the Concord College Center for Economic Action, July 1, 1963, Through June 30, 1966. W3290 "A History of Livingston Academy from 1909 through 1947." W5280 "Experimental Preschool Intervention in the Appalachian Home." W6940 The Need for Guidance Programs in Privately Supported Mountain Schools. W8560 (BC) Education in Depressed Areas. W9170 A Critical Analysis of the Developmental Tasks of an Upper-elementary Class in Area 2 of the Greenville County-city School System and the Patterns of Direction Attempted for Better Group Action. Y50 (ASU) 84 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY EDUCATION — APP. — COAL CAMPS Schools in the Bituminous Coal Regions of the Appalachian Mountains. D1610 EDUCATION — APP. MIGRANTS E2450 (ASU) EDUCATION — APPALACHIAN STUDIES Appalachia, Resource Unit. O540 (ASU) EDUCATION — CHEROKEE NATION TSVLVKI SQCLVLV: A Cherokee Spelling Book. B9450 EDUCATION — COAL CAMP "The Public School in the Mining Community." D3100 EDUCATION — GA. "History of Education in Gordon County, Georgia." B2930 "A Study of Voluntary Withdrawals from McHenry and Five Feeder Schools in Floyd County, Georgia." Gil 80 "A Study of the Relationship Existing Between Amount of Education Completed by White and Negro Head of Households in Floyd County." H4240 "An Investigation of Elementary Guidance in Pickens County." K700 (ASU) "Improving School Attendance in Six White Elementary Schools in Polk County, Georgia." M7680 History of the Public Schools of White County, Georgia 1870 Thru 1938. S3450 (BC) EDUCATION — INDIANS Textbooks and the American Indian. H4760 (MHC) EDUCATION — KY. Final Report. A2820 "A Report of a Summer Internship at Buckhorn Children's Center, Buckhorn, Kentucky." A4680 (ASU) "History of Education of Magoffin County, Kentucky." B220 "The Kentucky Council on Public Higher Education." B1190 Report, 1953-1957. B3110 (BCETSU) "Teenage Dating Behavior in Two Eastern Kentucky High Schools." B4730 Sociocultural Differences Among Three Areas in Kentucky, as Determinants of Educational .and Occupational Aspirants and Expectations of Rural Youth. B5090 (BC) "History of Education in Jackson County, Kentucky." C1230 "Music in Four Kentucky Mountain Settlement Schools." C2820 (LMC BC) "An Evaluation of the Community Service or Continuing Education Project: Developing and Stimulating Recreation in Six Counties of Eastern Kentucky." C2910 Proceedings. C6480 (ASU) "A Study of Pupil Withdrawal in Ten Secondary Schools of Floyd, Knott, Letcher, and Pike Counties through the School Year of 1932-33." C7190 "History of Education in Pike County Kentucky." C8750 "Economic Education in Kentucky Public Secondary Schools." C9200 "The Public School in the Mining Community." D3100 Stay on, Stranger: An Extraordinary Story of the Kentucky Mountains. D4110 (ASU LMC WWC BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY EDUCATION — KY. "History of Education of Lawrence County, Kentucky." El 590 "History of Education of Floyd County, Kentucky." F3120 "History of Education in Owsley County, Kentucky." 610 (BC) Notes from the History of Education in Owsley County. G20 "A History of Religious Education in the Kentucky Mountains." G4230 (ASU) Out of Time and Tide: The Evolution of Education in Kentucky (the Beginnings Through the 1930's). HI 20 (ETSU) Early School Leaders in Kentucky. HI 30 "Tales of the Mountains" A Complete Directory of the Eastern Kentucky Coalfields with Extracts from the Geological Reports, Forestry, Oil Development, Education, Superstitions, and Religion of the Mountains. H730 Harlan County Schools Have Problems. H2310 (ASU) Emphasizing Values in Five Kentucky Schools. H3180 (ASU) "The History of Education of Boyd County, Kentucky." J200 "A Proposed Certification Plan for Kentucky Teachers Through Credentials, a Complete Investigation and a Comprehensive Examination in Major Fields." J800 (LMC BC) "Environmental School Sanitation of an Eastern Kentucky County." J2650 Dropouts and Jobs: The Report of the Kentucky Conference on Youth, August 22-23, 1963. K1000 K1040 (ETSU ASU) Educational Attainment of the Adult Population in the Forty-four County Appalachian Region of Kentucky. K1080 (ASU) History of Education in Kentucky. K1090 (ETSU ASU) Youth Education and the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964: Some Indications of Need for Broad-based School and Community Action Programs for Kentucky Youth with Implications for Federal Assistance Programs. K1100 Five Decades of Progress. K1210 Moonlight School Courses of Study. K1270 "School Attendance in Harlan County, Kentucky, 1948-1954." L2940 "History of Education in Harlan County, Kentucky." M840 The Gates Open Slowly: A History of Education in Kentucky. M2560 (BC LMC) "A Method of Measuring the Financial Ability of Kentucky School Districts to Support an Educational Program." M6090 Carter County, Kentucky; A Study of an Unconscionable Combination of Politics and Education. N180 "History of Education in Rockcastle, Kentucky." N2840 (BC) P3020 Bulletin of the Bureau of School Service, Vol. XX, no. 2. P4820 "History of Education in Carter County, Kentucky." 050 "History of Education in Letcher County, Kentucky." R190 SUBJECT "History of Education in Breathitt County, Kentucky." R1960 "History of Education in Letcher County, Kentucky." R3660 "History of Education in Owsley County, Kentucky." S20 Moonlight Schools for the Emancipation of Adult Illiterates. S7270 (BC) "History of Education in Laurel County, Kentucky." T600 A Study of Private Secondary Schools in Southeastern Kentucky. W650 Some Appalachian Short Stories: A Bibliography. W1590 Teacher Education in Service. W1890 (BC) The Educational Attainment and Future Plans of Kentucky Rural Youths. Y160 Information on School Dropouts. Y170 The Rural School Dropout: A Ten-Year Follow-Up Study of Eastern Kentucky Youth. Y200 "History of Education in Wayne County, Kentucky." Y250 EDUCATION — KY. — APP. COUNTIES Evidence of Inequality of Educational Opportunity in Kentucky Mountain Counties. B3100 (BC) EDUCATION - KY. — SETTLEMENT SCHOOLS "Social Value of Settlement Schools in the Kentucky Mountains." J460 (ASU) EDUCATION — N. C. "The Utilization of Community Resources in the Elementary Public Schools of Jackson County." A810 (WCU) A3370 (ASU) Appalachian North Carolina Youth Development Project, Final Report. A3640 (ASU) Extracts from the Diary of Benjamin Elberfield Atkins: A Teacher of the Old School, 1848-1909. A5320 (LMC) "A Study of the Causative Factors for Reading RETARDATION IN THE Eighth Grade in the Parkway School." B1350 (ASU) "The Growth and Development of Education in Watauga County." B3720 (ASU) The History of Western Carolina College: The Progress of an Idea. B4160 (BC ASU LMC WCU) The Superior and Gifted Student Project at Cullowhee, Western Carolina College. B4300 (WCU) "A Comparative Analysis of Student Teaching Programs in the Elementary Schools at Appalachian State Teachers College." B4640 (ASU) B4820 "An Investigation of Instructors' and Students' Philosophy of Education with Student Evaluations of Instructors at Blue Ridge Technical Institute During the First Year of Operation." B5570 (ASU) "The Attitudes of Freshmen Female Students Toward Physical Education at Western Carolina University." B7830 (WCU) "A Study of the Music Education Program of Watauga County." B7980 (ASU) "An Inquiry into Present Practices in Guidance in Transylvania County High Schools." B8170 (ASU) "A Survey of the Reading Materials Found in the Homes of the Fourth and Seventh Grade Students of the Elementary Demonstration School, Boone, North Carolina." B8280 (ASU) 85 EDUCATION—EDUCATION The Thought at Midnight: The Story of the Asheville Normal. C500 (LMC) "A Survey of the Guidance Programs in North Carolina Junior Colleges." C4370 (ASU) "A History of Traphill Institute, Wilkes County, North Carolina." C4440 (ASU) "A History of Mountain View School, Wilkes County, North Carolina." C4450 (ASU) "A Study of the Mill Schools of North Carolina." C6850 "Developing a Core Plan in the Seventh and Eighth Grades at Candler Elementary School." C6940 (WCU) The Beginnings of Public Education in North Carolina: A Documentary History, 1790-1840. C7070 (LMC BC) North Carolina Schools and Academies, 1790-1840: A Documentary History. C7080 (LMC WWC) "Locating and Providing for Murphy High School's Bright Pupils." C7620 (WCU) "A Study of the Applied Psychology Classes for Sophomores and Juniors at Appalachian State Teachers College." D1120 (ASU) "A Study of Visually-handicapped Children in the Eighth Grade of Boone High School." D1160 (ASU) "A Study to Identify Some Personality Characteristics of Freshmen Academic Underachievers at Appalachian State University." D1790 (ASU) Higher Education in North Carolina before I860. A Reflection Book. D3280 (LMC) "The Growth of a Community Centered Curriculum at Wilkes Central High School, 1952-1960." D3820 (ASU) A Comprehensive Study of the Academic Characteristics and Success Patterns of North Carolina Community College Transfer Students and Native Students of Appalachian State University. E700 A Survey of Speech Education in Selected North Carolina High Schools. El 250 (ASU) "Eliminations from the Class of 1950 in the Marion High School." El 610 (ASU) "Dealing with Problem Children in the Mabel Elementary School." El 860 (ASU) "A Study of School Leavers at the Patterson School for Boys, Caldwell County, North Carolina." F900 (ASU) "A Critical Study of Negro Education in Cleveland County, North Carolina, from 1944 to 1954." F2250 (ASU) "A Survey of Public Education in Watauga County, North Carolina." G2120 (ASU) Church-state Relationships in Education in North Carolina since 1776. G2220 (LMC) "The Background, Education, and Experience of Teachers in Rutherford County, N. C." H3840 "A Survey of the Study Habits of the Freshman Class of 1959-1960 at Appalachian State Teachers College." H7080 (ASU) "A History of Yancey Collegiate Institute." H8440 (ASU) "Educational Development of Ashe County." H8640 "Study of Factors Causing Potential Drop-outs to Remain in the Mitchell County, North Carolina, High Schools." 1810 �EDUCATION-EDUCATION EDUCATION — N. C. *4A History of Negro Education in Wilkes County, North Carolina." 1820 A Five Year Follow-up Study of Graduates of Asheville-Buncombe Technical Institute, 1966-67 through 1970-71. J1690 (ASU) "A Study of the Changing Role of the Music Specialist in the North Carolina Elementary Schools, 1950-1957." K2060 (ASU) "A Study of the Motor Ability of a Selected Number of Boys at the Appalachian Elementary School During the 1959-1960 School Year." K2840 (ASU) "A Study of the Educational Facilities of the Public Schools of Alexander County, North Carolina." LI 800 "An Analysis of the Types of Retardation in the Elementary Departments of Five Negro Union Schools in Rural Cleveland County." L3200 "The County Farm Life Schools of North Carolina." Ml 930 (ASU) Education in Buncombe County, 1793-1965. M5900 Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Her Unique Penland School. M7620 (ASU BC ETSU FC WCU WWC) Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Unique Penland School. M7630 "A Study of the Factors Influencing the Election of Home Economics at Clyde A. Erwin High School." M7650 (WCU) A Program for the Improvement of Instruction in Spelling in the High Schools of Rutherford County. N520 (ASU) Higher Education in North Carolina, 1969-71: Report. N1710 (LMCASU) Jackson County Public Schools, 1853-1954. N2230 (WCU) Report: Education in North Carolina, Today and Tomorrow. N2610 (LMC BC) College Preparatory Program for Visually Impaired Students: A Cooperative Program Between the North Carolina Commission for the Blind and Western Carolina University. N2750 (WCU) "Community Use of School Resources in Cherokee County, North Carolina, as Compared with a National Trend." O900 Catalog. P1720 (ETSU) Public School Education in Buncombe County, 1935-1969. R2640 (WCU) "The Growth and Development of Education in Caldwell County." S800 (ASU) "An Investigation of the Arithmetical Disabilities of Beginning Ninth Grade Pupils in Appalachian High School." S3590 (ASU) Confrontation with the Arts: The Arts in Education — What? For Whom? How? A Symposium Held at Western Carolina University, March 6-7, 1969. S5230 (ASU WCU) "The History of Patterson School, Caldwell County, North Carolina." S6000 (ASU) "The Development of Secondary Education in Watauga County, North Carolina." S6560 "A Follow-up of the Fifth Year Graduates of the Department of Administration and School Personnel." S9330 (WCU) "The Drop-Out Problem in Harris High School, Spruce Pine, North Carolina." T8050 (ASU) SUBJECT "A Survey of Educational Facilities in Cherokee County, North Carolina." T8060 (ASU) "Education in Swain County, North Carolina." T8100 Swain County: Early History and Educational Development. T8110 (ASU WCU LMC) "The Development of Negro Education in Rutherford County, North Carolina." T9510 "A Comparative Study of Changes in Selected Personality Variables in Guidance and Counseling Majors as Compared with Reading Majors at Appalachian State University, 1967-68 Academic Year." V600 (ASU) Identifying and Organizing for Individual Needs: An Evaluation. W6270 (WCU ASU) "A Study in Student Perceptions of the Person(s) Who Is Performing the Counseling Function at Watauga High School." W8420 (ASU) "The Educational Development of Avery County." W8850 (ASU) "A History of Richmond Hill Law School." W9150 EDUCATION — N. C. — BURKE CO. Interdisciplinary Cultural Heritage Program. B8640 (WCU) EDUCATION — OHIO A Study of Ohio Appalachian and Non-Appalachian Public Secondary School Teacher's Attitudes Towards Selected Aspects of Training and Experience. H4350 EDUCATION — PA. Educational Attainment among Pennsylvania Rural Youth. B8200 "A Study of the Need for Curricular Changes in Secondary Schools in an Economically Distressed Area of Pennsylvania." B9170 "Socioeconomic Factors Which May Affect Part Time Farmer Education in Butler County, Pennsylvania." L3310 EDUCATION — PRESCHOOL The Appalachia Preschool Education: A Home-oriented Approach. A2690 The Appalachia Preschool Education Program. A2700 Evaluation Report: Early Childhood Education Program, 1969-1970 Field Test. A2740 Federal Programs for Young Children. A3890 (ASU ETSU) Programs for Infants and Young Children. A3900 (ASU ETSU) Early Childhood Education for Appalachia. A3920 (ASU) EDUCATION — S. C. "A Study of Special Services in the Schools of Greenville County, South Carolina." B1500 Human Gold from Southern Hills, Not a Novel But a Romance of Facts. C350 (BC) "An Enrollment Projection for the Estes Elementary School, Anderson, S. C." C5740 (WCU) A History of Reidville Private High Schools, Reidville, South Carolina. El 620 (ASU) "Educational Development of Oconee County, South Carolina." El 880 "The Scope of Religious Education in the Secondary Schools of Greenville County, South Carolina." H460 An Analysis of School District Organization in Greenville County, South Carolina. M8550 "Teachers Attitudes Toward Their Profession in Greenville County, South Carolina." T570 Schools for a Growing Democracy. T8720 (ETSU) 86 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "A Study of Relevant Community Resources for Elementary Classes (Grade 4-6) in Walhalla, S. C" W7290 (WCU) "The Extracurricular Activities of Teachers of Greenville County, South Carolina." W9440 EDUCATION — TENN. Research for Better Schools: A Federal Projects Workshop for Educational Programs in Tennessee and Appalachia. A200 "The Effort and Ability of Grainger County to Support Its Schools." A250 (ASU) "A Study of Homeschool Contacts and Attitudes toward Participation in Lincoln School, Kingsport, Tennessee." A600 (ETSU) "Disciplinary Beliefs and Practices of Selected East Tennessee High School Principals." A840 "A Study of the Effect of Participation in Co-curricular Activities on Grades of Male Students at Science Hill High School." A1300 (ETSU) "Vocational Preferences of Eighth Grade Students at Ross N. Robinson Junior High School, Kingsport, TENNESSEE, A1540 (ETSU) "The History of Educational Development in Sullivan County, Tennessee." A2320 "An Evaluation of the Physical Education Programs in the High Schools in the Washington County School System." A2330 (ETSU) "A Follow-up Study of Graduates of Roane County High School, 1946-55." A2540 "History of the Schools of Johnson City, Tennessee, 1868-1950." A4550 (ETSU) "Training for Coal Miners in Cooperation with the Public Schools of Tennessee." B180 "A Study of the Development of Special Education in Claiborne County." B200 (ETSU) "The Diagnosis and Remediation of Comprehensive Skills of a Sixth-grade Class at Rock Creek School in Erwin, Tennessee." B230 (ETSU) "An Analysis of Curriculum Offerings, Changes and Trends in Five Selected Hamilton County High Schools." B610 (ETSU) "Local History Stories for the Third Grade Washington and Sullivan Counties, Tennessee." B1180 (ETSU) "An Educational History of Unicoi County, Tennessee." B1280 "The Establishment of a Remedial Reading Program at Columbus Powell Elementary School, Johnson City, Tennessee, School Year, 1966-1967." B1340 (ETSU) "A Study of the Intramural Sports Program in George W. Vance Junior High School, Bristol, Tennessee." B1770 (ETSU) "An Overview of Special Education Services in the Eiizabethton City School with Emphasis on the Homebound Program." B2310 (ETSU) In Retrospect: Reminiscencies (sic) and Observations of a Hamilton County, Tennessee, Retired Teacher. B2580 "A Study of McMinn County High School as Determined by Its Graduates." B3050 "A Proposed Central Supply, Storage, and Technicians' Work Area for the Industrial Education Department of East Tennessee State University." B3400 (ETSU) "A Study of School Transportation, Roane County, Tennessee." B3610 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY EDUCATION — TENN. "A Contract Plan of Teaching Fifth Grade at Jefferson Elementary School in Kingsport, Tennessee." B4320 (ETSU) "Development of Education in Polk County, Tennessee." B4480 "A Survey of the Elementary School Libraries in Washington County, Tennessee." B4560 (ETSU) "A Program for Developing Mental and Emotional Health in Third-grade Children at Love Street School, Erwin, Tennessee." B4990 (ETSU) "The Development of a Prediction Equation for Geometry at Holston Valley High School, Bristol, Tennessee." B5690 (ETSU) "A Study of the Trends and Guidelines of Inservice Education Programs in the Carter County Public School System, Carter County, Tennessee." B6300 (ETSU) "Appraisal of Vocational Education in Agriculture in Claiborne County by Business and Professional Leaders." B6460 "An Investigation of the Readability of Textbooks Used in the Intermediate Grades in the Elizabethton, Tennessee, School System." B6670 (ETSU) Course of Study for Elementary Schools, Bristol, Tennessee, Grades 1-6. B6700 New Course of Study; A Teachers Guide for the Elementary Schools of Bristol, Tennessee . . . B6710 (ETSU) "An Investigation of the Administrative Duties and Responsibilities of Selected Assistant Principals in Upper East Tennessee." B6840 (ETSU) "An Educational and Economic Survey of Bledsoe County, Tennessee." B7060 "A Seventh Grade Homeroom Guidance Experiment at Elizabethton Junior High School, Elizabethton, Tennessee." B7330 (ETSU) "History of Boone's Creek School, 1851-1958." B7710 "The Applicability of the Industrial Arts Curriculum Project, Construction to the New Junior High Schools in Johnson City." B7720 (ETSU) "The Attitudes of a Selected Group of Community Leaders Concerning Consolidation of Five Rural Elementary Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." B8330 (ETSU) "A Study of the Media Center in the Individualized Instructional Program of Jefferson Elementary School in Kingsport, Tennessee." B8580 (ETSU) "The Predictive Value of the Metropolitan Readiness Tests for First Grade Achievement for Selected Groups of Children in the Johnson City, Tennessee, Public Schools." B9270 (ETSU) "An Individualized Reading Program for Students in Grades 4-7 at Hayter's Gap Elementary School, Fall 1970." C700 (ETSU) "An Investigation of the Exceptional Child in the Negro Secondary Schools of East Tennessee." C1860 "A Study of the Language Arts Program in Grade One of the Carter County School System with Some Suggestions for the Improvement of the Program." C2050 (ETSU) "A Survey of the Occupational Information Needs of the Ninth Graders of the Elizabethton High School, Elizabethton, Tennessee." C2790 (ETSU) "Differences between Negro and Caucasian Students at John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport/ Tennessee." C2810 (ETSU) SUBJECT "A Follow-up Study of Twenty-four Dropouts and Twenty-four High School Graduates: Paired at the Seventh Grade Level, North Junior High School, Johnson City, Tennessee, 1953-1962." C3910 (ETSU) "A Survey of the Reading Interests of Sixth-grade Pupils in Washington County, Tennessee." C3980 (ETSU) "A Study of the Reactions of a Representative Group of Students toward Guidance Received While Attending Bristol, Tennessee, High School, 1958-59." C4260 (ETSU) Echo in My Soul. C4530 (BC) "A Study to Present the Status of Industrial Arts in the Five White Carter County, Tennessee, High Schools." C4540 (ETSU) "Variance in the Theory and Practice of Attendance Workers in Selected East Tennessee Systems." C5320 "A Comparison of Intelligence in Students with Mixed and Lateral Dominance in Johnson City Vocational Schools." C5460 (ETSU) "A Comparison of Intelligence in Students with Mixed and Lateral Dominance in Johnson City Vocational Schools." C5460 (ETSU) "A History of Education in Hawkins County with Special Reference to Rock Hill School." C7250 "An Evaluation of the Remedial Speech Program in the Johnson City Schools." C7330 (ETSU) "A Proposed Social Studies Curriculum for the Schools of Johnson City, Tennessee." C7560 (ETSU) "A Survey of the Guidance Services Available in the Elementary Schools of Johnson County, Tennessee." C8040 (ETSU) "A Study of the Word Recognition Abilities in the Fourth and Sixth Grades of Douglass School, 1957-58, in Kingsport, Tennessee." C8150 (ETSU) "A Study of Scott County, Tennessee, and Oneida Independent School District Finances." C9100 "Educational and Vocational Choices of the 1960 Graduates of Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." C9210 (ETSU) "A Comparative Analysis of Three Evaluation Procedures Used with Kindergarten Pupils at Southside Elementary School, Johnson City, Tennessee." C9230 (ETSU) "A Descriptive Study of the Science Fair at Robinson Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee, and in Orange County, Florida, for 1960-1962." C9780 (ETSU) "Some Types of County and City Library Services to Schools in Tennessee." C9890 (ETSU) "Art Handbook for Elementary Teachers of Elizabethton City Schools, Elizabethton, Tennessee." C9900 (ETSU) "A Study of Health Instruction in Selected High Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." D900 (ETSU) "A Study of the Vocational Guidance Now Provided to Non-college Bound Students in East Tennessee High Schools." D920 "The Study of the Four High Schools in Claiborne County, Tennessee." D1010 "A Study of Seven School Communities of Hawkins County, Tennessee." D1110 "Problem of the Public School Principals in East Tennessee." D1170 (ETSU) "A Proposed Nongraded Primary Organization for Central School: Bristol, Tennessee." D1750 (ETSU) 87 EDUCATION—EDUCATION "The Qualifications and Instructional Program of 100 Elementary Geography Teachers in Northeast Tennessee." D2460 "A Study of the Reading Abilities of the Economically Deprived Students in the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Grades at Stratton Elementary School." D2520 (ETSU) History of Pleasant Hill; a History of Pleasant Hill Academy and Who's Who of Alumni. D2680 (BC) "Public Education in Tennessee during the Reconstruction Period." D4060 "What the Patrons of Hawkins County Schools Think about Their Schools." D4320 (ETSU) "The Effect of Team Teaching on Academic Achievement, John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." D4330 (ETSU) "A Proposed Curriculum for Consolidated High Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." E10 (ETSU) Research Bulletin. E70 (ETSU) Teacher Preparation Programs. E200 (ETSU) Teacher Preparation Programs, East Tennessee State College. E210 (ETSU) Audio-visual Materials at East Tennessee State College in the Teaching Aids Laboratory: Films, Filmstrips, Disc Recordings, Tape Recordings, Framed Pictures. E300 (ETSU) Report. E330 (ETSU) The Role and Scope of East Tennessee State University, a Report Submitted to the Tennessee Higher Education Commission, June 1968. E360 (ETSU) "An Analysis of Educational Qualifications and Methods of Selection of School Board Members in the First Congressional District of Tennessee." E820 (ETSU) "The Reading Habits of 200 Adults in Kingsport, Tennessee." E990 "An Assessment of Needs and Guidelines for Development of an Industrial Ceramics Program." El 440 (ETSU) Helping Our Children Grow. E1560 (ETSU) "The Personal Characteristics, Social Background, and Academic Achievements of Forty Non-Promoted Pupils at Kennburg School." El 690 (ETSU) "A Proposed Course of Study in Electronics for Johnson City Vocational School's Evening Program." El 840 (ETSU) "A Study of the Title I Reading Program During the 1966-68 School Years in Carter County, Tennessee." E1850 (ETSU) "A Comparison of Certain Factors Related to Dropouts and Potential Dropouts in South Junior High School." E2280 (ETSU) E2330 (ETSU) "Written Board of Education Policies for Unicoi County, Tennessee." E2370 (ETSU) "A Transitional English Program for Crockett High School, Washington County, Tennessee." F620 (ETSU) "A Survey of Selected Characteristics of the Washington County, Tennessee, School Teacher." F910 (ETSU) "History of Private Educational Institutions of Franklin County, Tennessee." F1060 "Enriching the Curriculum of South Side School, Johnson City, Tennessee, by Parent Participation." F1910 (ETSU) �EDUCATION—EDUCATION EDUCATION — TENN. Social and Economic Trends in Tennessee and Their Implications for Education. F2530 (ETSU) "A Study of Vocational Education at the Elizabethton, Tennessee, Area Vocational-Technical School." F2950 (ETSU) "A Program of Library Instruction for the Ninth Grade Pupils at Jonesboro High School." F3030 (ETSU) "A Critical Analysis of the Counselor's Role in Blountville Junior High School." F3110 (ETSU) F3630 "A Proposed Master of Arts in Teaching Program for East Tennessee State University." F3650 (ETSU) A Study of the Physical Education Problems as Found In Negro Schools in East Tennessee." F3710 "Effect of Consolidation on Johnson County School, Johnson City, Tennessee." G330 (ETSU) "A Study of Certain Phases of the Educational and Economic Conditions of Marion County, Tennessee." 6370 "An Investigation of the Factors Causing Absenteeism at Blountville High School." 62270 (ETSU) "A Survey of the Causes of Absences in the Public School System of White County and Sparta, Tennessee." 62350 "The Development of a Plan for Parent Education for the Speech Handicapped Children in Overton County, Tennessee." 62760 Old Grandview: Grandview Normal Institute, Grandview, Tennessee, 1884-1919: A History. 63210 "An Assessment of Why Part-time Under-graduates Are Enrolled at the Kingsport University Center." 63340 (ETSU) 63720 (ETSU) "An Inservice Program to Promote the Use of the John S. Battle High School Media Center Based on a Study of Faculty Attitudes Toward the Use of Instructional Materials and the Media Services Rendered." 63960 (ETSU) "A Historical Survey of Education in Warren County, Tennessee." 64360 "A Study of Special Classes for Educable Mentally Handicapped Children." 64400 (ETSU) "A Proposed Method of Instruction Based on the British Infant and Primary Schools for First and Second Year Students at East Side Elementary School." 64410 (ETSU) "A Study of Underachieving Academically Talented Students in a Knox County School." 64420 "A Study of Teacher and Parent Opinion of McMinn County High School, Athens, Tennessee." 64590 "An Identification of Social-personal Problems in Two Selected Junior High Schools: Implications for Guidance Services." 64820 "The Development of Education in Rhea County, Tennessee." 64990 "History of the Development of Education prior to 1900 in Jackson County, Tennessee." H300 "A Nutrition Survey of Some Eleventh Grade Students in Washington County, Tennessee." H410 (ETSU) "An Improved Language Arts Program for a Selected Third Grade at Thomas Jefferson School, Kingsport, Tennessee." H650 (ETSU) The Hamilton County Course of Study. H1100 (ETSU) SUBJECT "Proposed Curriculum for Sequential Concept Development in Language Arts for Upper East Tennessee Exemplary Kindergarten Project." HI 380 (ETSU) "A Study of the Physical Education Programs of the High Schools in Carter County, Tennessee." H2150 (ETSU) "A Study of a Group of Drop-outs of the Greenville High School." H2520 "A Study of the Practices and Techniques Used by Principals and Teachers in the McMinn County Schools to Improve School Attendance." H2590 Education for an Age of Power: The TVA Poses a Problem. H3170 (ASU) "Team Teaching at Douglas School, Elizabethton, Carter County, Tennessee." H3310 (ETSU) "Professional Characteristics of the Master's Degree Graduates of East Tennessee State University." H3350 (ETSU) "An Administrative and Educational Survey of the Schools of Campbell County, Tennessee." H3370 "A History and Educational Survey of Putnam County, Tennessee." H3470 "A Study of an Enriched Language Arts Program for Third Grade Students at Fairmont School." H3690 (ETSU) "A Survey of Reading Readiness and Reading Achievement of City Kindergarten and Non-kindergarten Children in the First Grades in Elizabethton, Tennessee." H3780 (ETSU) "A Proposed Course in Ceramics for the Fine Arts Department of East Tennessee State College." H3980 (ETSU) "A Study of the Physical Plants of Blount County High Schools." H4160 "The Use of Inquiry Learning in Teaching Early Tennessee History." H5010 (ETSU) "The Diagnosis and Remediation of Difficulties in Arithmetical Skills of a Seventh-grade Class at Rock Creek School in Erwin, Tennessee." H5270 (ETSU) "Significant Factors Influencing Quality and Success of Supervised Farming Programs of Vocational Agriculture Students in Seven Schools of East Tennessee." H5650 H6020 Clinton, Tennessee: A Tentative Description and Analysis of the School Desegregation Crisis. H6470 "A Survey of the Qualification of Some Teachers of the Educable Mentally Retarded in East Tennessee." H6480 (ETSU) "Educational Facilities and Economic Development of Bristol, 1930-1950." H6510 "Educational Facilities and Economic Development of Bristol, 1930-1950." H6520 (ETSU) "A Study of Absenteeism in the Tazewell County One Room Negro Elementary Schools." H6630 The Struggle for a State System of Public Schools in Tennessee, 1903-1936. H6910 (ETSU) "A Five-year Study of an Educable Mentally Retarded Class in Keystone School, Johnson City, Tennessee." H7430 (ETSU) "A Language Arts Program for a Fourth Grade of Culturally Deprived Pupils." H7500 (ETSU) "An Educational, Economic, and Community Survey of Blount County, Tennessee." H7540 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "A Study of the Use of Student Library Assistants in the Secondary Schools of East Tennessee." H7620 H7770 (ETSU) "A Study of the School Buildings of McMinn County." H8060 "A Study of Preparatory to Cooperative Development of Board of Education Policies for Morgan County, Tennessee." H8220 "Learning Opportunities in Science in Six Public Schools in Upper East Tennessee." H8340 (ETSU) "A History of Higher Education in Franklin County, Tennessee." H8390 "Trends in the Social Studies in Eighty Tennessee High Schools, 1931-1952." H8550 "An Evaluation of the Changes in Reading Achievement Effected by a Federal Project in the Bristol, Tennessee, Elementary Schools." H8830 (ETSU) "A Study of Some Problems of Eighth Grade Students of John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." 1840 (ETSU) "A Study of School Transportation, Anderson County, Tennessee." 1950 "A Study of the Procedures Used for the Recruitment, Selection, and Assignment of Professional Personnel in Six Selected East Tennessee School Systems." J330 (ETSU) Educational and Vocational Goals of Rural Youth and Their Parents in Tennessee. J540 (ASU) "The History of Watauga Academy of Butler, Tennessee." J630 (ASU) "A Multilevel Approach to Reading for One Section of a Sixth Grade Class in Keystone Elementary School Year, 1965-1966." J680 (ETSU) Curriculum for the Observation and Practice School. J1350 (ETSU) The Wataugan Annual. J1360 (ETSU) Evaluation Report, North Junior High School, Johnson City, Tennessee. J1450 (ETSU) Manual for Receiving and Processing Instructional Materials. J1470 (ETSU) To the Top with the Toppers; the History of Science Hill High School Football, 1920-1970, with Official Team and Individual Statistics. J1550 (ETSU) Evaluative Study of South Junior High School, Johnson City, Tennessee; Completed by the Visiting Committee March 15-18, 1965. . . J1560 (ETSU) Evaluative Study Made in Science Hill High School, Johnson City, Tennessee . . . March 4-8, 1951. J1570 (ETSU) "A Survey of the Problems of Freshmen Student Nurses at Memorial Hospital and a Proposed Guidance Program." J1650 (ETSU) "A Study of Reorganization of Attendance Centers in Hawkins County, Tennessee." J1940 "A Study of the Drop-outs from the Bristol, Tennessee, School Systems in Grades 8-12 from 1946 to 1951." J1950 "A Survey of ESEA Title 1 Equipment and Its Extended Usage in Carter County, Tennessee." J2400 (ETSU) Evaluative Study; Made in Jonesboro High School, Jonesboro, Tennessee . . . Completed by the Visiting Committee April 8-11, 1957. . . J2680 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY EDUCATION - TENN. "A Study of the School Transportation Problem in Grainger County, Tennessee." J2700 "A Survey of Programs Offered for the Academically Talented Students at Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, Tennessee, and the Resulting Implications for the School Library." K210 (ETSU) "Problems of Beginning Teachers in Washington County, Tennessee." K370 (ETSU) "A History of St. Andrew's School." K740 "An Analysis of the Relationship of Religious Commitment and Alienation Among High School Students of Bristol, Tennessee." K1620 (ETSU) "The Enriched Curriculum as a Means of Meeting the Emotional and Social Needs of First Grade Children in Washington County." K1800 (ETSU) "Some Problems Concerning the Relations of Administrators and Beginning Teachers in the Washington County School System, 1955-1956." K1820 (ETSU) "What Citizens of Sullivan County Know about Their Schools." K2290 "Flexible Scheduling in Secondary Schools." K2530 (ETSU) New Dimensions in Mathematics for the Elementary Schools in Kingsport, Tennessee. K2540 (ETSU) "Carter County's Greatest Need in the Homebound Program of Services for Exceptional Children, 1952-54." K2660 (ETSU) "A History of the Secondary Schools of Cocke County, Tennessee." K2810 K2890 (ETSU) The Other Children: A Seatwork Activities Bulletin. K2910 (ETSU) "A Study of the Use of Periodicals Received by the Dobyns-Bennett Senior High School Materials Center, Kingsport, Tennessee." K3110 (ETSU) "An Experimental Study of the Effect of an Individualized Reading Program on Third, Fourth, and Fifth Grade Students in the Thomas Jefferson School, Kingsport, Tennessee." K3170 (ETSU) "A Guidance Program for Elizabethton High School." L30 (ETSU) "A Survey of Physical Education Programs for Educable Mentally Retarded Students in Tennessee Public Elementary Schools." L40 (ETSU) "The Development of Education in Roane County, Tennessee." L80 "Some Factors Affecting School Attendance as a Family Problem, as Revealed by a Comparison of Two Groups of Families in Washington County, Tennessee, 1951-1952." L350 (ETSU) "A Distributive Education Program for Washington County, Tennessee, High Schools Based on an Occupational Survey of the County." L590 (ETSU) "Flexible Scheduling in Secondary Schools." L960 (ETSU) "Development of a Comprehension Skills Program for the Primary Educable Mentally Retarded Class in Kingsport, Tennessee." L1470 (ETSU) "A Study of the Working Relationships of the Agriculture Extension Service and the Vocational Agriculture Program in East Tennessee." LI 750 "The Status of Geography Teaching in the Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." L2140 (ETSU) SUBJECT "A Study to Determine the Major Causes of Withdrawal from Science Hill High School During the 1965-1966 School Year." L2820 (ETSU) "A Comparison of Tennessee's Revenue Potential, Utilization, Tax Burden, and Educational Effort with Selected States." L2870 (ETSU) "A Study of Public School Finance in Hancock County, Tennessee." L2920 Echoes from the Foothills. L2930 "An Economic and Educational Survey of Rogersville Community." L3210 "A History of the Webb School of Knoxville, Tennessee." L3560 "A Survey of Guidance Activities in the Public Secondary Schools of Tennessee." L3620 (ETSU) "The Reactions of the Students of the Jonesboro, Tennessee, Middle School to Newbery Book Award Winners." L3720 (ETSU) "An Educational Survey of the Elementary Schools of Grundy County, Tennessee." M240 Knoxville-Knox County Consolidation and the County and City School Systems. M510 "A Survey of Industrial Arts Students at Dobyns-Bennett High School, 1950-1955." M590 (ETSU) "A Study of the Status of Rural Teachers in East Tennessee." M980 (ETSU) "A Comparative Analysis of the Results of thd Kraus-Weber Test for Minimum Muscular Fitness in Four of the Elementary Schools of Johnson City, Tennessee." Ml 290 "A'Follow-up Study of the 1959-1963 Graduates of Langston High School, Johnson City, Tennessee." M1890 (ETSU) "Human Resources Available to the Schools of Washington County, Tennessee." M2020 (ETSU) "A Follow-up Study of the Physics Students at Science Hill High School from 1944-1955." M2470 (ETSU) "A Study of the Effect of Individualization on Achievement in Language Arts at North Side Elementary School." M2850 (ETSU) "A History of Education in Jefferson County, Tennessee." M2950 Public Administration Study: Marion County, Tennessee. M3210 "A Guidance Program for the Schools of Hawkins County." M3240 A Golden Book of the History and Tradition of Bristol, Tennessee, High School, 1915-1965. M3450 (ETSU) "History of the Development of Negro Public Schools in Bradley County, Tennessee, 1931-1951." M3580 "Pupil Transportation in Pickett County, Tennessee." M3590 "A Team Teaching Approach to Reading in the Fourth Grade at Dickson Elementary School in Kingsport, Tennessee, 1964-1965." M3760 (ETSU) Dr. Z. C. Graves and the Mary Sharp College, 1850-1896. M3850 "A Survey of the Training and Experience of Secondary Principals in Five Upper East Tennessee Counties." M3960 (ETSU) "A Study of Problems of Junior High School Students of Johnson City, Tennessee." M4220. (ETSU) "A Study of Living Conditions in the Pittman Center Community, 1934-1935." M4400 89 EDUCATION—EDUCATION Higher Education in Tennessee. M5140 (ETSU) "An Individualized Reading Program for a Fifth Grade Group of Students at Andrew Johnson School, Kingsport, Tennessee." M5420 (ETSU) "A Comparison of Socio-economic Status and Art Interest of Two Sixth Grade Groups in Washington County, Tennessee." M5550 (ETSU) "School Transportation Costs in Unicoi County: A Comparison of Publicly-owned and Privately-owned Systems." M5790 (ETSU) "An Investigation of the Reading Interest of the Junior High School Students in Greenville, Tennessee." M6070 "A Search for a Meaningful Program in Mathematics for the Slow Learner in the Seventh Grade in the Bristol, Tennessee, City Schools." M6200 (ETSU) "An Analysis of the Possibilities for Local Support of Education in Pickett County, Tennessee." M6270 "An Analysis of the Errors in Word Recognition Made by Pupils of One Section Each of the Second Through Sixth Grades of Lynn Avenue School, 1956-57, in Elizabethton, Tennessee." M6380 (ETSU) "An Experimental Program in Grouping for Third Grade at Fairmont School, Johnson City, Tennessee." M6430 (ETSU) "Some Factors Affecting Retardation in the Six High Schools of Washington County." M6580 (ETSU) "The Effects of a Physical Education Program on the Motor Skills of Selected Severely Retarded Children in Johnson City, Tennessee." M7120 (ETSU) "A Program of Folk Songs Used to Enrich and Implement the Social Studies Program in Grades Four, Five and Six at North Side School, Johnson City, Tennessee." M7380 (ETSU) "An Educational Survey of Carter County, Tennessee." M7460 Staub School. A Brief History of Its First Fifty Years' Service to the Community. M7610 "A Study of Ninth-grade Science Students in Phase Two at John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee, 1967-1968." M7690 (ETSU) The Itakha Annual. M7990 (ETSU) "A Proposed Individualized Primary Mathematics Program for Holston Heights Elementary School, Bristol, Tennessee." M8290 (ETSU) "A Simplified Library Program for the Elementary Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." M8320 (ETSU) "The Status of Public Relations Activities in the Secondary Schools of Greene County, Tennessee." M8440 "Materials for Teaching Social Studies in a Selected Fifth Grade at Asbury School, Johnson City, Tennessee, 1956-57." M9090 (ETSU) Schoolhouse in the Foothills. M9110 (ASU BC ETSU WWC) "What the Patrons of the Elementary School of Bristol, Tennessee, Think About Their Schools." M9300 (ETSU) "A Study of the Reorganization of the Attendance Centers of the Grainger County School System." N830 "An Analysis of Putnam County's Ability to Support Education Based on a Study and Comparison of Assessed Value to Real Value of Property." N860 �EDUCATION—EDUCATION EDUCATION — TENN. "The Opinions of Certain Groups Toward Teaching the Bible in Unicoi County High School." N2910 (ETSU) "An Improved Language Arts Program for a Selected Third Grade at Henry Johnson School in Johnson City, Tennessee." 0830 (ETSU) "A Comparison of Parents and Teachers Viewpoints Relative to Teacher Competencies in Johnson City, Tennessee." 0980 The Fiftieth Anniversary of the Rogersville Synodical College. PI 90 "Teaching Exceptional Children in the Fifth Grade of Lincoln Elementary School — Kingsport, Tennessee." P350 (ETSU) "Teacher Education in Tennessee." P480 (ETSU) "A Study of the Physical Education Program at the Junior High School, Johnson City, Tennessee." PlllO (ETSU) "A Speech Improvement Program in Kindergarten of the Johnson City, Tennessee, Public School System." PI 560 (ETSU) "Educational, Economic and Community Survey of Scott County, Tennessee." PI 630 "A Study of Some Differentiating Characteristics of Dropouts and Graduates of Lamar and Jonesboro High Schools." P1650 (ETSU) "The Factors Affecting Absenteeism in the Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Grades at Barnes Elementary School, Washington County, Tennessee." P2360 (ETSU) "The Attitudes of Students and Parents Toward the Division of Morristown, Tenn., High School." P2600 (ETSU) "A Program for Mentally Retarded, Elizabethton City Schools." P2890 (ETSU) "A Study of Academic Achievement of Band Students and Non-band Students, Blountville High School (1964-1967)." P3070 (ETSU) "A Comparative Study of the Relationship Between ACT Composite Scores and GPA of Washington County Students at East Tennessee State University, 1965-66." P3940 (ETSU) "A History of Education in McMinn County, Tennessee." P4090 "The History and Development of Education in Knox County, Tennessee." P4120 "Coordination of Physical Education and Community Recreation in Ashe, Avery, and Watauga Counties." Q170 (ASU) "A Study of School Transportation, Hawkins County, Tennessee." R170 "Negro Education in Cocke County." R180 "Guidance in the Selection of Elective Courses for the Students of Tennessee High School." R520 (ETSU) "An Economic, Educational, and Social Survey of Franklin County, Tennessee." R570 (ASU) "Business Education in the Kingsport Area High Schools: An Evaluation of Their Business Graduates." R1030 (ETSU) "An Analysis of Faculty and Administrative Attitudes Toward Teacher Corps Interns in Carter County, Tennessee." R1430 (ETSU) "A Proposed Health Instruction Program for Upper Elementary Grades Adaptable to Carter County." R1730 (ETSU) SUBJECT "A Reading Improvement Program Developed by a Classroom Teacher for a Selected Seventh-grade Group at Elizabethton Junior High School." R1850 (ETSU) "The Development of Public Education in Campbell County, Tennessee." R2240 "A Role Definition of Secondary School Assistant Principals in Washington County, Virginia." R2880 (ETSU) "What the Eighth Grade Patrons of Scott County Think about Their Schools." R3200 "Specific Techniques Used to Improve the Reading of Three Groups of Children in the Eighth Grade at Robinson Jr. High School in Kingsport, Tennessee." R3210 (ETSU) Light from Many Candles: A History of Pioneer Women in Education in Tennessee. R3550 (ETSU) "A Survey of Vocabulary Weaknesses of 417 Freshmen at East Tennessee State University." R3710 (ETSU) "An Educational Study of Bradley County, Tennessee." R3830 "An Analysis of the Relationship Between the Anxiety Level and the Academic Performance of Freshmen at East Tennessee State University for the Year 1965." R3860 (ETSU) "The Reading Interests of Students as Revealed in a Study of an Individualized Reading Program at Pond Gap School, Knoxville, Tennessee." S850 "Socio-economic Status of Teachers in Kingsport, Tennessee, 1968-1969." S1530 (ETSU) "A Study of the Attitudes Toward Modern Mathematics of Secondary Mathematics Teachers in Upper East Tennessee." S1550 (ETSU) Adult Education, a part of a Total Educational Program. A Description of the Educational and Training Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority. SI 560 Adult Education, a Part of a Total Educational Program. A Description of the Educational and Training Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority. S1570 (ASU) Elementary Education in Two Communities of the Tennessee Valley: A Description of the Wilson Dam and Gilbertsville Schools. SI 580 (ETSU) "A Study of Pupil Transportation in Polk County, Tennessee." S1810 "A History of Education in Scott County, Tennessee." S2070 "The History and Educational Influence of Douglas School, Elizabethton, Tennessee, 1900-1965." S2550 (ETSU) "A Follow-up of Industrial Arts Graduates of East Tennessee State College from 1930 to 1953." S2630 (ETSU) "Trends and Needs of the Washington County, Tennessee, Schools, 1948-1966." S2790 (ETSU) "A Survey of Comprehension Weaknesses of 417 East Tennessee State University Freshmen." S3280 (ETSU) "A Curriculum in Agricultural Education for Two Consolidated High Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." S4220 (ETSU) "A Comparative Study of Twenty-five Children Who Attended Project Head Start and Twenty-five Children Who Did Not: Paired at the First-grade Level in the Jonesboro Elementary School, Jonesboro, Tennessee, 1965-1966." S4290 (ETSU) 90 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "The Social, Economic, Cultural, Religious and Family Educational Backgrounds of Recent Dropouts from Bristol, Tennessee, High School." S4340 (ETSU) "A Study of Financing a Program for Education in Sevier County, Tennessee." S4370 "History of Educational Development in Jackson County, Tennessee, 1800 to 1950." S4550 "An Accounting Study of the Educational Progress of Knoxville Negro Pupils Over a Sixteen-year Period." S4590 "An Economic, Social and Educational Survey of Campbell County, Tennessee." S4690 "The Teaching of French, Grades 3-6, Lincoln School, Kingsport, Tennessee, 1965-1966." S4930 (ETSU) "The Relationship between Reading Capacity and Reading Achievement of One Hundred and Twenty-three Third Grade Children of Morrison and Hamblen County, Tennessee." S4940 Level of Education and Estimated Rate of School Dropout in the Tennessee Valley. S5110 (ASU) "Diagnosis and Remediation of Difficulties in Arithmetic in Fifth Grade at West Side School, Elizabethton, Tennessee, 1956-57." S5240 (ETSU) "Written Board of Education Policies for Hawkins County, Tennessee." S5270 (ETSU) Evaluation of the East Ridge High School, Chattanooga, Tennessee; Completed by the visiting Committee March 5-9, 1962. . . . S5690 Evaluative study made in Chattanooga High School, Chattanooga, Tennessee; completed by Visiting Committee March 12-16, 1950. S5700 "A Study of Readiness Needs of the First Grade Children at Henry Johnson School, 1952-1953." S6430 (ETSU) "An Educational and Economic Survey of Monroe County, Tennessee." $6550 "A Study of a Possible Plan for Further School Consolidation in Hawkins County." S6620 (ETSU) "A Study of Twenty Superior Students at Ketron High School." S6630 (ETSU) "The Use of Locational Analysis in the Determination of School Sites: A Case Example, Carter County, Tennessee." S7310 (ETSU) "The Status of Eighth Grade Social Science in Washington County, Tennessee, 1960-61." S7640 (ETSU) "What Citizens of Carter County Know about Their Schools." 57700 (ETSU) "Local Ability to Support Education in Monroe County, Tennessee." S7750 "The Influence of Community Pressure Groups on School Principals in Carter County." S7840 (ETSU) "A Study of Pupil Transportation in Scott County, Tennessee." S8160 "Determining the Most Effective Method by Which the Children in Each of Three Groups in the First Grade at South Side School, Carter County, Tennessee, Learn to Recognize Words." T470 (ETSU) "A Tentative Health Instruction Program for the Secondary Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." T480 (ETSU) "A Survey of Innovative Practices in East Tennessee Secondary Schools." T550 (ETSU) "A Study of the Factors Which Might Affect Achievements in Reading in the First Grade of Anderson School, Bristol, Tennessee." T750 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY SUBJECT EDUCATION — TENN. "The Development of a Middle School Program for the Morristown City School System, Morristown, Tennessee." T760 (ETSU) Campbell County School Survey. T1090 Grainger County Schools Survey Report. "A Study of Selected Fifth Grade Children in Lincoln School, Kingsport, Tennessee." W1460 (ETSU) "The Library in the Literature Program at Daniel Boone High School, Washington County, Tennessee." W1530 (ETSU) Development of the Tennessee State Educational Organization, 1796-1929. W5550 (ETSU BC) "A Comparative Study of the Science Achievement of Fifth and Sixth Grades in Bristol, Tennessee, 1958-1962." W5780 (ETSU) "An Analysis of Problems of Eighth and Ninth Grade Students in the Junior High School of Johnson City, Tennessee." W6110 (ETSU) "Language Experience Approach to Remedial Reading: Fourth Grade, Dunbar School, 1965-66." W6200 (ETSU) "A Comparison of Sources and Expenditures of the Funds Raised by the Schools and Organizations in Carter County with the School Budget of 1960-61." W6550 (ETSU) "A Study of Pupil Achievement in the Nongraded John F. Hay Elementary School in Morristown, Tennessee." W6680 (ETSU) "A Study of Cooperative Education in Relation to the Industrial Technology Program of East Tennessee State University." W7020 (ETSU) "The Planning of Art Facilities for Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." W7030 (ETSU) "The Achievement of Selected Economically Deprived Secondary School Male Athletes as Related to Non-athletes in Blount County, Tennessee, Schools." W7220 (ETSU) "A Survey of Co-curricular Programs in the Five High Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." W7440 (ETSU) "A Study of Secondary Schools of Morgan County." W7450 A Century of Maryville College, 1819-1919, a Story of Altruism. W7490 (ASU BC) "Diagnosis and Remediation of Reading and Personality Problems of a Second Level First Grade at Valley Pike School, Sullivan County, Tennessee." W7540 "A Survey of Reading Achievement of First Grade Pupils in Unicoi County." W8020 (ETSU) "The Determination of a Predition Equation for Algebra I at Elizabethton High School Utilizing Selected Variables." W8580 (ETSU) "A Study of the Mathematics Background of 2250 Dropouts from Tennessee High Schools, 1965-1966." W9430 (ETSU) "An Analysis of the Sources and Expenditures of Internal Funds in the High Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." Y280 (ETSU) EDUCATION — TENN. - WASHINGTON CO. — ACADEMY Washington College: A Study of an Attempt to Provide Higher Education in Eastern Tennessee. C1420 (ETSU BC) EDUCATION — VA. Thomas Jefferson and Education in a Republic. A4970 (ETSU) The Church, the State, and Education in Virginia. B2820 (MHC) Vocational and Educational Goals of Rural Youth in Virginia. B4220 Highlights of Vocational and Educational Goals of Rural Youth in Virginia. B4850 "Guidelines for the Cooperating Teachers in Bristol, Virginia, High School." B5480 (ETSU) moo A Guide for Developing and Evaluating Language Arts Courses of Study, Grades 1-12. T1110 (ETSU) Jefferson County Survey Report. T1120 Report of the Survey of the Schools of Blount County, Tennessee, for School Year, 1934-1935. T1130 (ETSU) Washington County Survey Report. T1140 (ETSU) Curriculum Improvement Conference. T1310 (ETSU) Curriculum for the Observation and Practice School. T1330 (ETSU) Public Education in Tennessee, Grades 1-12: A Report to the Education Survey Subcommittee. T1430 Directory of Member Schools. T1810 (ETSU) Highlander Folk School Audio Collection. T2070 (ETSU) Highlander Folk School Manuscript Records Collection, 1932-1966. T2080 (LMC) "A Study of the Effects of the Elementary-Secondary Education Act of 1965 Upon Education at Greendale Elementary School." T7680 (ETSU) "An Analysis of the Homebound Program for Exceptional Children in Unicoi County." T8260 (ETSU) "An Educational Survey of Unicoi County, Tennessee." T8440 "An Analysis of the Continuing Consultant Program and the Development of a Profile of Schools in the Tennessee Appalachia Educational Cooperative." T8810 D-Days at Dayton: Reflections on the Scopes Trial. T8900 (ASU BC) "The Driving Habits and Experiences of One Hundred Graduates of Tennessee High School, Bristol." T9430 (ETSU) "A Study of High Schools in Hawkins County, Tennessee." V80 "Robert Jefferson Breckinridge as an Educational Administrator." V460 (ETSU) "The Development of Education in Monroe County, Tennessee." V480 "A Study of the Ability of Cocke County to Support Its Schools." V670 "Characteristics of School Board Members of Selected Upper East Tennessee School Districts." W260 (ETSU) Torchlights to the Cherokee: The Brainerd Mission. W350 (ASU ETSU BC) "An Educational Survey of Grundy County, Tennessee." W450 "A Proposal for the Two-Dimensional Design Course at Virginia Interment College, Bristol, Virginia." W760 (ETSU) Bulletin. W1040 (BC) School Board Policies. W1050 (ETSU) "A Study of the Cooperative Vocational Education Program at Booties Creek High School." W1430 (ETSU) 91 EDUCATION—EDUCATION "A Study of a Small School in the Mountains of Virginia." B5820 "An Evaluation of the Elementary School Libraries in Washington County, Virginia." C6510 (ETSU) List of Books and Related Materials About Virginia for use of Schools. C9490 Three Quarters of a Century at Martha Washington College. C9880 (ASU) Hornbook of Virginia History. D130 "A Study of the Problems of Sixth Grade Students in Selected Schools of Scott County, Virginia." D400 "The Role of the Bristol, Virginia, Elementary School Principals in Classroom Visitation." El 630 (ETSU) Announcement. E2060 (ASU) "A Discriminative Study of Trends and Innovations: Modern Educational Concepts and Their Application to the Norton, Virginia, City Schools." F810 (ETSU) "Evaluation of Reading in the Bristol, Virginia, Schools with a Suggested Corrective Program." F3230 (ETSU) A Study of Library Services in Some Southwest Virginia Schools." F3720 (ETSU) "An Inspection of Standardized Test Results in the Schools of Bath County, Virginia." G140 (ETSU) "A Comparison of Special Characteristics of College Bound Seniors and Non-college Seniors from Virginia High School, Bristol, Virginia." H830 (ETSU) "A Study for a Guidance Program at Jonesville High School, Jonesville, Virginia." H3500 (ETSU) A History of Education in Virginia. H4260 (ETSU FC) A Curriculum Study in a Mountain District. H4530 (ASU ETSU BC) "The Third-grade Social Studies Program in Bristol, Virginia, 1969-70." K2680 (ETSU) "A Study Designed for the Attitudes of the Negro Teachers of Bedford County, Virginia Toward In-Service Teacher Education." M3140 "An Evaluation of the Impact of the Vocational Education Act of 1963 on Agricultural Education in the Blue Ridge Area of Southwestern Virginia." N950 (ETSU) "A Study of the Factors Affecting the Holding Power of High Schools in a Certain Mountainous Rural County." 0890 "Those Who Enroll for Vocational Agriculture in West Virginia, Considering Certain Scholastic Achievements and Some Background Factors." P960 PI 080 The Schools of Winchester, Virginia. Q80 "A Study of the Economically and Educationally Deprived Students of Bristol, Virginia, Junior High School." Q120 (ETSU) Charles Lewis Cocke, Founder of Hollins College. S5200 Richard D. B. Sutherland; An Early Leader of Education in Sandy Basin. S9220 "A Consultative Conference in Science for Elementary Teachers in Bristol, Virginia, 1955-56." V70 (ETSU) Hollins College, 1842-1942; an Historical Sketch, Being an Account of the Principal Developments in the One-Hundred-Year History of Hollins College. V610 (BC) �EDUCATION—EDUCATION EDUCATION — VA. Virginia: A Geographical and Political Summary, Embracing a Description of the State, Its Geology, Soils, Minerals and Climate; Its Animal and Vegetable Productions; Manufacturing and Commercial Facilities; Religious and Educational Advantages; Internal Improvements, and Form of Government. WOO (BC) The Military History of the Virginia Military Institute from 1839 to 1865. W7880 (ASU) EDUCATION — VA. — TECHNICAL "A Comparative Study of Twenty Business Trainees of the Gate City, Virginia, MDTA Program with Twenty Business Graduates of the Washington County, Virginia, Technical School." S6460 (ETSU) EDUCATION — W. VA. "Leisure Time Interests and Activities of Girls in High School." A2270 Handbook of Appalachian Materials. A2300 **The Pattern and Nature of the Informal and Formal Institutional Contacts Participated in by Residents of New Hill." B1270 The Incentive Approach to State School Administration: Change in Two Pilot Centers, Mason County, West Virginia, and Doddridge County, West Virginia, 1959-60. B3640 "Superstitions about Food and Health among Negro Girls in Elementary and Secondary Schools in Marion County, West Virginia." B4600 "The Status of the Secondary School Principal of West Virginia During the Years 1935-36." B5220 "A Survey of the Status of the Retired School Teacher in West Virginia." B7670 "Legislative Politics and the Public Schools in West Virginia, 1933-1958: A Twenty-five Year History." C1900 (ASU BC) Education in Anttal West Virginia, 1910-1975. C3000 (ASU) Community Schools in Action. C4220 (ASU) "Attitudes toward Education and the Schools in a Rural Industrialized County." C5010 "The Educational Development of Tyler County, West Virginia." C5310 "Food Habits of a Selected Group of Pupils in the Wellsbury High School, West Virginia." C6920 "A History of Education in Wyoming County, West Virginia." C7040 "A Study of the Status of the Elementary Principal of Logan County, West Virginia." C8320 "Cost of Operating the Schools in Raleigh County, West Virginia, from 1940-50." C8360 "Current and Future Needs for Vocational Education in Jackson County, West Virginia." C9770 "Problem Survey of the Elementary and High School at Crum, West Virginia." D1360 "A Proposed Program of Public Relations for the Schools of Mason County, West Virginia." D2320 "Adult Basic Education: A Study of the Backgrounds, Characteristics, Aspirations, and Attitudes of Undereducated Adults in West Virginia." D2530 "West Virginia Higher Education Long-range Enrollment and Operating Budget Projections." D3970 "The Status of School Board Members of West Virginia." D4080 SUBJECT E950 "History of Education in McDowell County, West Virginia." F3310 "The Leisure Time Activities and Interests of the Boys of Spencer High School." H280 "History of Education of Marion County, West Virginia." H5570 "Analysis and Projection of Population and School Enrollment in Harrison County." H6340 The Need for a New Perspective of the School Plant and School Organization in Taylor County. H6350 "A Proposed Course of Study for General Shop in the John Sevier Junior High School." H6370 (ETSU). Research, Education and Mine Personnel Safety in W. Va. H6550 (BC) "Editorial Attitudes of West Virginia Newspapers toward School and Education." K1830 Vocational Agricultural Instruction for Adult Farmer Classes in Preston County. L2730 "A Survey of Withdrawals from Mullins High School in 1954-1958." L3410 "An Analysis of Achievement, Motivational, and Perceptual Variables Between High School Seniors Who Do and Do Not Attend College." Ml 30 "History of Education in Logan County, West Virginia." Ml 050 "Socioeconomic Characteristics of Young Farmers Enrolled in Vocational Agriculture Classes in West Virginia." Ml 500 In West Virginia, It Is Working: One Teacher Education Center in Action. M2690 (WCU BC ASU) "A Study of the Status of the Elementary School Principal of West Virginia." M5110 "A Survey of the Public Relations Programs of West Virginia High Schools." M5590 "Community Uses of Public School Buildings in West Virginia." M6570 "Excess Levies and School Bond Issues in Wyoming County (West Virginia) from 1933-1951." M7570 "Chief Causes of Non-attendance in the Schools of McDowell County, West Virginia." M8170 West Virginia Conference to Explore Ways in which Space Science and Technology Might be Applied to the Development of West Virginia's Industry and Educational Institutions, 1964. N10 "A Follow-up of 1952 Graduates of Logan High School, Logan, West Virginia." 0850 "The Relation of the Hot Lunch Program to the Progress of Pupils in the Deep Water School, West Virginia." P2030 Improving County School Systems in West Virginia, The School Bond Issues and Its Management. P2760 The School Law of West Virginia. P4040 (ASU) Educational Renaissance in Appalachia; an Evaluation. P4940 Development of Tele-lecture and Associated Media Systems for the Improvement of Nursing Education in West Virginia. P4950 92 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Project Era: A Three Year Study of a Follow Through Program. A Longitudinal Study of the Monongalia County Follow Through Program. P4960 "Factors Influencing Social Status, Social Participation in the Elementary School of Crum, West Virginia." R200 "A Survey of Boone County (West Virginia) School Buildings." S350 The 1965 Head Start Psychological Screening Program; Final Report on the Data Analysis Conducted Under a Contract Between the West Virginia Office of Economic Opportunity and West Virginia University. S810 (ASU) "Why Pupils Drop Out of School Before Finishing the Grades in the Rural Schools of West Virginia." S2160 The Learning Experiences of Youth Groups: A Study of 4-H Clubs in Barbour County, West Virginia. S3790 Rural Industrialization: A Case Study in Educational Values and Attitudes. S3810 (ASU) A History of Shepherd College, Shepherdstown, West Virginia. S4210 (ASU BC) History of Summersville Normal School, Summersville, West Virginia, 1893-1914. S4530 (ASU) "A Study of Students Dropping Out of Wyoming County, West Virginia, High Schools for the 1950-51 School Term." S7250 The Effects of School Bus Transportation upon the Achievement of Students in Calhoun County, High School. S8820 Public Higher Education in West Virginia. S9120 (ASU) "An Assessment of the Characteristics, Education, and Training of Public School Superintendents in Southern Appalachia and in West Virginia." T490 Training Program for Auxiliary Health and Education Personnel in Nine Counties of Southern West Virginia. T9150 (ASU) Opportunities for Improving Administration of Federal Program of Aid to Educationally Deprived Children in West Virginia, Office of Education, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. U3070 Biennial Report. W3540 (ETSU) History of Education in West Virginia. W3550 (ASU) Year Book. W3620 (ETSU) The School Law of West Virginia. W4130 (BC) The School Law of West Virginia. W4140 (BC) School Laws of West Virginia. W4150 (ETSU) The School Law of West Va. and Opinions of the Attorney-General and Decisions of the State Superintendent of Free Schools. W4160 (BC) A Survey of the Educational Programs of the West Virginia Public Schools. W4170 (BC) A Survey of the Educational Programs of the W. Va. Public Schools. W4180 A Digest of a Report of a Survey of Public Education in the State of West Virginia. W4190 (BC) A New Plan for the Allocation of State Aid for Schools; Report by the Joint Committee on Gov. and Finance and the Commission on Interstate Cooperation. W4200 A Study of State Institutions of Higher Education. W4210 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY EDUCATION — W. VA. Survey of Education in West Virginia. W4310 (ETSU) Reference Manual of Occupational Information Materials. W4320 A Catalog of Educational Change in West Virginia. W4330 (BC) History of Education in West Virginia. W4340 (BC) The History of Education in W. Va. W4350 (BC) Superintendent of Free Schools Biennial Report of the State Superintendent of Free Schools of West Va. W4370 Biennial Report of the State Superintendent of Free Schools of West Virginia. W4430 (ETSU) The History of Education in West Va. W4470 (BC) Publications of the Faculty and Staff, West Va. University, 1960-1969. W4500 (BC) Annual Report of the Board of Governors ... 1st — July 1, 1972/Oct. 1, 1932. W4510 (BC) Approaches to University Extension Work with the Rural Disadvantaged: Description and Analysis of a Pilot Effort. W4730 (ASU) West Virginia Graduate Research Studies in Education, 1894-1965: A Bibliographical Listing. W6050 (ETSU) School-community Improvement, a Report of the Greenbrier County Program. W7360 (ASU WCU) EDUCATION — W. VA. — HISTORY A History of Education in West Virginia, from Early Colonial Times to 1949. A2000 (ASU) ELECTIONS — APP. "Presidential Voting Patterns in Appalachia: An Analysis of the Relationship Between Turnout, Partisan Change, and Selected Socioeconomic Variables." R2520 ELECTIONS — KY. "Population Trends and Other Factors Influencing the Voting Habits of the Cumberland Valley Region of Southeast Kentucky." R1210 Presidential Politics in Kentucky, 1824-1948: A Compilation of Election Statistics and an Analysis of Political Behavior. S2230 (LMC) ELECTRIC POWER Fuels and Hydro Power Used in the Production of Electricity for Public Use in the United States (1933 through 1936). A2950 "Struggle for Power: The Relations between the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Private Power Industry, 1933-1939. B2990 All Down the Valley. B3620 (BC ASU WCU LMC) "Municipal Ownership of Public Utilities in Chattanooga, Tennessee." B7940 "The Demand for Coal for Power Generation in the Tennessee Valley and the Impact of Changing Demand Patterns on a Supplying Coal Field." C3360 "Some Factors That Have Influenced the Location of the Electric Power Plants in the Greater Pittsburgh Area." C4040 Power Supply in the Development of the Region. C4230 Sparks at the Grassroots; Municipal Distribution of TVA Electricity in Tennessee. H6090 Sparks at the Grassroots, Municipal Distributions of TVA Electricity in Tennessee. H6100 (ASU WCU LMC BC) "Prelude to TVA: The Wadsworth-Kahn Bill, 1919-1921." P3550 SUBJECT The Tennessee Valley Authority: A Case Study in the Economics of Multiple Purpose Stream Planning. R470 (ASU BC UNCA) "An Economic Analysis of Competition Between the Tennessee Valley Authority and Private Power." SI 880 Proceedings. S5650 Annual Report of the Distributors of TVA Power, 1937-Date. T2260 The Cherokee Project, a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Cherokee Project. T2400 The Colbert Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Four-Unit Plant. T2440 Comparison of Coal-Fired and Nuclear Power Plants for the TVA System. T2450 The Douglas Project; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Douglas Project. T2540 . . . Drawings for the Chickamauga Project. . . . T2550 Electrical Demonstration Branch Electricity in Dairying. T2580 Municipalities (Electric Departments Only) and Cooperatives Purchasing Power from Tennessee Valley Authority. Financial Statements for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1940; a Report from the Comptroller to the Directors of Tennessee Valley Authority. T3060 The Paradise Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Two-Unit Plant. T3160 Power Annual Report. I960-. T3240 ... A Technical Review of the Chickamauga Project . . . T3610 ... A Technical Review of the Morris Project. T3640 ... A Technical Review of the Wheeler Project. T3660 The Tellico Project of the TVA. T3670 TVA Electricity Rates, A Statement of Facts. T3770 TVA's Influence on Electric Rates. T3830 TVA Power, 1966. T3850 TVA's Influence on Electric Rates. T3950 The Upper Holston Projects: Watauga, South Holston, Boone, and Fort Patrick Henry; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Initial Operations, and Costs of Four Hydro Projects in the Holston Basin at the Eastern Tip of Tennessee. T4040 Pumps and Plumbing for the Farmstead. T4210 . . . Statistical Bulletin no. 1. T4270 Drawings for the Boone Project by Tennessee Valley Authority, Divisions of Engineering and Construction. T6270 Drawings for the Fontana Project. T6300 Drawings for the Fort Loudoun Project by the Tennessee Valley Authority, Divisions of Engineering and Construction. T6310 Drawings for the Hiwassee Project. T6320 Drawings for the Johnsonville Steam Plant. T6330 Drawings for the Ocoee no. 3 Project. T6350 93 EDUCATION—ELECTRIC Drawings for the Watauga and Wilbur Projects. T6380 Engineering Data. T6420 The Kingston Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations. T6500 Transmission System of Tennessee Valley Authority. T6560 Electricity Sales Statistics, Monthly Report no. 1. T6570 Industrial Development in the TVA Area During 1962. T6580 Report on the Plateau Coal Field of Alabama. T6590 Report on the Reserves of Coal in a Part of the Worrier Coal Field of Alabama. T6600 Electricity and Your Farm; a Manual for Instruction on the Practical Uses and Application of Electricity in Rural Areas. T6610 Comparison of Coal-Fired and Nuclear Power Plants for the TVA System. T6620 Rate Reductions by the Distributors of TVA Power. T6640 Rate Reductions by the Distributors of TVA Power. T6650 TWA Power. 1953-. T6660 TVA Power and Taxes. T6670 Industrial Development in the TVA Area, 1955-Date. T6690 Electricity Sales Statistics. T6700 All-Electric Schools ... in the Tennessee Valley. T6720 Underground Residential Distribution. T7570 Necessity for a Load Building Program. W2900 Problems on a Large Power System with Large Generating Units. W2910 David Lilienthal, Public Servant in a Power Age. W5830 (BC) "An Economic Evaluation of the Power Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority." W6920 History of the Georgia Power Company; 1855-1956. W9530 (BC) ELECTRIC POWER — APP. To Bankers Trust Company and F.N.B. Close, Trustees; Trust Deed. A3430 Profitable Boat Manufacturing Opportunities in Virginia. Introductory Report to Boat Manufacturers. A3460 Safety Hand Book. A3470 United States of America, on the Relation of Oscar L. Chapman, Secretary of the Interior, Petitioner v. Federal Power Commission, Virginia Electric and Power Company, et al. Virginia REA Association, et al. On Writs of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. Brief for Appalachian Electric Power Company, Intervenor. A3490 Report. A3510 Public Organization of Electric Power: Conditions, Policies, and Program. B2030 The Relation of the Southern Appalachian Mountains to the Development of Water Power. LI 660 (ASU BC) The Hiwassee Valley Projects. T2880 How Cheap Electricity Pays Its Way. TVA. T2890 �ELECTRIC-EMPLOYMENT ELECTRIC POWER - APR. . . . Hydraulic Data Activities of the Tennessee Valley Authority . . . T2900 . . . Investment of the Tennessee Valley Authority in Wilson, Morris, and Wheeler Projects. Letter from the Chairman of the Board of the Tennessee Valley Authority Transmitting a Report on the Investment and the Allocation of the Investment of the Authority in the Wilson, Morris, and Wheeler-Projects, Pursuant to Section 14 of the Tennessee Valley Authority Act of 1933 ... T2960 Municipal and Cooperative Distributors of TVA Power; Annual Report. T3050 Morris Dam . . . T3120 . . . The Morris Project, A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Tennessee Valley Authority's First Water Control Project . . . T3130 Survey of Electrical Appliances in the Homes and Farms of the TVA Area. T3570 Land Acquisition in TVA. An Analysis of TVA Land Acquisition, Land Management, and Family Relocation Procedures as They Could Relate to the Missouri Valley Development. Statements Presented Before the Select Subcommittee on Real Property Acquisition of the Committee on Public Works. T5150 Boone Project, Hydraulic Model Studies. T5520 Fontana Project Hydraulic Model Studies. T5540 Tennessee and Cumberland Valiey Reservoirs Level Storage Tables and Profile Storage Charts. T5560 The Colbert Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Four-Unit Plant. T6240 ELECTRIC POWER — N. C. The Dissent of Commissioner Thomas R. Eller, Jr., in the Nantahala Power and Light Company Transfer Case. E1640 (WCU) Directory of Electric Agencies Serving Rural North Carolina. N2530 (LMC) ELECTRIC POWER — TENN. Electricity on Farms and in Rural Homes in the East Tennessee Valley. B5350 Should We Have More TVA's? D230 "A Study of the Influence of Certain Personal and Other Factors on the Number of Observed Unsafe Acts and Injuries Sustained by Employees of Kingsport Power Company." L2590 (ETSU) "A Study of Factors Related to the Entrophication of Boone Reservoir, Tennessee." L3640 (ETSU) Towers of Power Back Industrial Opportunities in Tennessee, First Public Power State. T1740 God's Valley: People and Power Along the Tennessee River. W5840 (ASU WWC BC) ELECTRIC POWER — VA. Hydro-electric Power in the Southwest of Virginia. A3440 Order of Business for Real Estate and Rights of Way. A3450 Appalachian Power Company and the American Electric Power System. A3520 ELECTRIC POWER - VA. — REUSENS STATION The Story of the Reusens hydro-electric station, tracing its development over a thirty-year period 1903-1931. A3480 ELECTRIC POWER — W. VA. Order of Business for Real Estate and Rights of Way. A3450 SUBJECT When Men and Mountains Meet. A3500 ELK RIVER Elk River Watershed; Summary of Resources. T2590 Floods on Elk River and Norris Creek, in Vicinity of Fayetteville, Tennessee. T7010 Floods on Elk River in Vicinity of Fayetteville, Tennessee. T7020 EMIGRATION Ireland and the American Emigration, 1850-1900. S1140 (ASU) EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT Manpower Study of Appalachian Alabama. A960 A2682 (ASU) A2683 (ASU) Appalachia — An Economic Report: Trends in Employment, Income and Population. A3580 (WCU ASU ETSU) Appalachia — An Economic Report: Trends in Employment, Income and Population. Supplement. A3590 (ASU) Growth in Employment by County, 1940-1950 and 1950-1960. A5090 In Aid of the Unemployed. B2490 Labor Force Participation in the Pittsburgh Standard Metropolitan Area. B3320 Labor Supply and Farm Production on Eastern Kentucky Farms. B5270 Resources and People in East Kentucky: Problems and Potentials of a Lagging Economy. B5790 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Rural Underemployment and Land Use in a Marginal Agricultural Area of West Virginia. B6150 The Changing Kentucky Population: A Summary of Population Data for Counties. B7170 Employment Problems of the Eastern Kentucky Mountain People. F1990 Manpower Education in the North Carolina Appalachian Region. HI 320 (ASU) "The Efficacy of the Labor Migration with Special Emphasis on Depressed Areas." M4710 Employment Opportunities and Usable Agricultural Skills in Non-Farm Agricultural Occupations in Appalachia. M7410 Migration into and out of Depressed Areas. M8460 State Population, Net Migration, Labor Force and Industry Employment Trends to 1975. N250 P4720 Education, Migration and Economic Life Chances of Male Entrants to the Labor Force from a Low Income Rural Area. SI 240 (ASU) Career Placement and Economic Life Chances of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. SI 250 (ASU) Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. S5010 (ASU BC) Employment, Unemployment, and Low Incomes in Appalachia. U2590 EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT — APP. A2681 Manpower Report for the Appalachian Coal Industry. A3760 (ASU) Employment and Underemployment of Rural People in the Appalachian Area. A4630 The Southern Highlands, an Inquiry into their Needs, and Qualifications Desired in Service Workers in the Mountain Country. C6360 Report of Social Welfare Manpower Project for Appalachia, July 15, 1969 to August 31, 1970. C7890 (ASU BC) 94 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Southern Highlands: An Inquiry into Their Needs, and Qualifications Desired in Church, Educational, and Social Service Workers in the Mountain Country. C7960 (BC ASU) "Regional Labor Markets and Migration: An Analysis of Gross Migration in the United States, 1955-1960." F10 Growth and Labor Characteristics of Manufacturing Industries. F1600 Employment «n Appalachia: Trends and Prospects. F3750 (ASU) Employment, Unemployment, and Low Incomes in Appalachia. F3760 (LMC ASU) Migration and Changes in the Quality of the Labor Force. G670 (ETSU) Underemployment Concept, Way to Measure Need for Economic Development in Appalachia. G1260 Report of a Social Welfare Manpower Project for Appalachia, July 15, 1969 to August 31, 1990. H6300 (BC ASU) "Measuring and Analyzing the Impact of Employment Generation Benefits of a Public Water Resource Development Project in Appalachia." K2050 A Report of the Findings of a Demonstration Retraining Project for Long Term Unemployed Persons in a Rural Appalachian Mountain Area. M3150 (ASU) Economic Redevelopment Research: Population, Labor Force and Unemployment in Chronically Depressed Areas. SI 730 Problems of Underemployed Rural People. T4520 Differentials in Farm Income and Employment in the Tennessee Valley Region Counties. T5180 Manufacturing Employment in the Tennessee Valley Region. T5300 The Labor Force Characteristics of Women in Low-Income Rural Areas of the South. T7630 Family Characteristics of the Long-term Unemployed: A Report on a Study of Claimants under the Temporary Extended Unemployment Compensation Program, 1961-1962. U1180 Causes of Unemployment in Coal and Other Specified Industries. Report Pursuant to S. Res. 274 with Supplemental View of Mr. Taft. U1930 Manpower Development in Appalachia: An Approach to Unemployment. Z80 (UNCA ASU LMC ETSU) EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT — KY. Application for Community Organizing Program in the Four Counties of the Upper Kentucky River Area Development Council. A3040 Structure of Employment in the Area Development Districts of Kentucky, 1960-1970: Analysis and Implications. C1500 Population Estimates for Kentucky Counties and Economic Area, July 1, 1958. D250 (ASU) "The State Employment Service in Appalachian Kentucky." El 160 Kentucky Employment Trends from 1951 to 1963 with Projections to 1965-1975. F3780 Kentucky Employment Trends from 1951 to 1963, with Projections to 1965-75. F3790 Rural Manpower in Eastern Kentucky: A Study of Under-Employment among Rural Workers in Economic Area Eight. G170 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT — KY. Utilization of Rural Manpower in Eastern Kentucky. G180 Sugar Creek Resettlement Area, Leslie County, Kentucky. A Report of a Conference on Planned Relocation, New Housing and Local Employment in Eastern Kenucky, 1966. G1040 Utilization of Rural Manpower in Eastern Kentucky. K950 Dropouts and Jobs: The Report of the Kentucky Conference on Youth, August 22-23, 1963. K1000 Analysis of Manufacturing Employment Trends in Kentucky Counties, 1960-64, and Their Economic Significance. K1340 Analysis of Occupational Trends in Kentucky from 1950 to 1960, with Projections to 1975. K1350 EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT — MD. Employment and Underemployment in Rural People: Low Income Groups in Arkansas, Maryland, and West Virginia. LI 860 Occupational Outlook for Washington County. M3890 EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT — N. C. Papers. C6410 Area Manpower Review: Asheville Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area — Buncombe County. N2240 (ASU WWC) Smaller Communities Program: Manpower Resources Report — Avery County. N2250 (WCU) Measuring Unemployment in Small Rural Labor Areas: Report on a Household Survey Conducted in Allegheny County, N. C., 1969. N2260 EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT — OHIO "The Occupational Adaptation of a Selected Group of Eastern Kentuckians in Southern Ohio." C9190 "Analysis of Costs and Benefits from Commuting for Employment among Core and Satellite Communities in the Appalachian Region of Ohio." E2360 Employment, Income and Resources of Rural Families of Southeastern Ohio. S7230 EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT — PA. Available for Work: The Pennsylvania Unemployment Compensation Interpretation. B7550 A Community Attack on Chronic Unemployment: Hazleton, Pennsylvania, a Case Study. F700 "Labor Market Adjustments in a Depressed Area." G2740 "The Non-attainment of Adolescents' Occupational Aspirations: A Longitudinal Study of Rural Pennsylvania Males." K3450 Employment Trends in the Pittsburgh Metropolitan Area. P3180 Availability for Employment of Rural People in the .Upper Monongahela Valley. P3700 The Population and Employment Outlook for the Anthracite Region of Pennsylvania. R1560 EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT - S. C. Survey of Unemployment Compensation Beneficiaries in Anderson, Greenville, Spartanburg Counties, South Carolina. C4940 EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT — TENN. Manpower and Employment Trends in Tennessee. E650 "Job Opportunities for High School Graduates in the Manufacturing Industries in Washington County, Tennessee." F3620 (ETSU) SUBJECT A Study of the Chattanooga Labor Market Area. Til 70 (ETSU) Population and Labor Force Characteristics of Tennessee Counties. Til 80 Tennessee Employment Statistics, 1939-1964. Til 90 Tennessee Manpower: Current Trend and Future Projections. T1200 Migration and Industrial Development in Tennessee. T1420 Population, Labor Force, and Employment Projections and Interpretations. T1680 Population and Labor Force Characteristics of Tennessee Counties. T1800 EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT — VA. Redevelopment Manpower Report for the Norton-Big Stone Gap Area. V890 (ASU) EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT — W. VA. A5690 Job Development for the Hard-to-employ. F680 (ETSU) "A Case Study of the Effects of Automation on Employment in a West Virginia Continuous Process Industry." F930 Employment Changes in West Virginia, 1948-1958. F1250 (ASU) The Unemployed in West Virginia. G680 (ASU) The Labor Force in West Virginia — A Study of Its Growth and Characteristics. H1440 Employment Security in West Virginia. H3940 Employment and Underemployment in Rural People: Low Income Groups in Arkansas, Maryland, and West Virginia. LI 860 "The Problems of Unemployment in a Depressed Area." M3490 "Some Employment Opportunities of the Vocational Agriculture Trainees of Gilmer County." M4020 Employment and Underemployment of Rural People in the Upper Monongahela Valley, West Virginia. M5230 "Occupational Status and Reasons for Leaving the State of West Virginia." P3100 A Case Study of Six Central West Virginia Counties of the Interrelationships of Factors Leading to Persistence of Low Incomes and Unemployment with Corrective Suggestions. S7460 ENGINEERING Development of the Tennessee River Waterway. B4710 E2000 The Douglas Project; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Douglas Project. T2540 . . . Drawings for the Chickamauga Project. . . . T2550 . . . Drawings for the Guntersville Project. . . . T2560 Engineering Geology and Mineral Resources of the Tennessee Valley Authority Region. T2600 . . . Engineering Geology of the Tennessee River System. . . . T2610 Facts About Major TVA Dams. T2640 Facts About TVA Steam Plants. T2670 The Fontana Project: A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Fontana Project. T2770 (WCU) 95 EMPLOYMENT—ENGINEERING The Fort Loudoun Project; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Fort Loudoun Project. T2820 General Outline of Chemical Engineering Activities. T2840 The Guntersville Project. A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Guntersville Project . . . T2860 (BC) . . . Investment of the Tennessee Valley Authority in Wilson, Norris, and Wheeler Projects. Letter from the Chairman of the Board of the Tennessee Valley Authority Transmitting a Report on the Investment and the Allocation of the Investment of the Authority in the Wilson, Norris, and Wheeler-Projects, Pursuant to Section 14 of the Tennessee Valley Authority Act of 1933 ... T2960 The Johnsonville Steam Plant; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Six-Unit Plant. T2980 . . . The Norris Project, A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Tennessee Valley Authority's First Water Control Project . . . T3130 Surveying, Mapping and Related Engineering. T3580 . . . The Wheeler Project, A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Wheeler Project . . . T4090 Engineering Data. T5240 Measurements of the Structural Behavior at Fontana Dam. T5250 Measurements of the Structural Behavior of Norris and Hiwassee Dams. T5260 The Colbert Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Four-Unit Plant. T6240 Construction Plant for TVA Projects. T6250 Drawings for the Boone Project by Tennessee Valley Authority, Divisions of Engineering and Construction. T6270 Drawings for the Chatuge and Nottely Projects by the Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Departments. T6280 Drawings for the Cherokee Project by the Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Departments. T6290 Drawings for the Fontana Project. T6300 Drawings for the Fort Loudoun Project by the Tennessee Valley Authority, Divisions of Engineering and Construction. T6310 Drawings for the Hiwassee Project. T6320 Drawings for the Johnsonville Steam Plant. T6330 Drawings for the Kentucky Project. T6340 Drawings for the Ocoee no. 3 Project. T6350 Drawings for the South Holston Project. T6370 Drawings for the Watauga and Wilbur Projects. T6380 Drawings for the Watts Bar Project. T6390 . . . Drawings for the Wheeler Project . . . T6400 Engineering Data. T6410 �ENGINEERING—ETHNIC Measurements of the Structural Behavior at Fontana Dam. T6440 Measurements of the Structural Behavior of Morris and Hiwassee Dams. T6450 . . . Plans and Specifications for the Morris Dam .. T6470 Plans and Specifications for the Morris Dam. T6480 The Bull Run Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial One-Unit Plant. T6490 The Melton Hill Project; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Initial Operations, and Costs. T6510 The Paradise Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Two-Unit Plant. T6520 Research in the Fields of Civil Engineering, Mechanical Engineering, Instrumentation. 1965/66-. T6530 TVA and Engineering: Electrical, Civil, Mechanical, Chemical, Architectural, Nuclear, Fuels. T6860 Hydraulic Model Investigations of Lock Filling and Emptying Systems. T7410 Maps and Surveys. T7450 ENGINEERING — APP. Draft Paper Discussing the Background of the Problems in Appalachia. C6450 Engineering and the Future of Appalachia. K160 Analytical Index of Chemical Engineering Publications Patents and Reports. T6120 Preparation of Research and Engineering Reports. T6210 Drawings for the Appalachian Project. T6260 ENGINEERING — VA. Bulletin. VI150 (BC) ENGLISH Scotch-Irish and English Proverbs and Sayings of the West Branch Valley of Central Pennsylvania. S3150 (ASU) ENVIRONMENT Voices from Earth, a Collection of Writings on Environment. A4500 (ASU) ENVIRONMENT — TENN. "The Effects of Environment on Public Planning: The Case of Appalachian Planning in Tennessee." G470 (LMC) ETHNIC GROUP — VA. White, Red, and Black: The Seventeenth-century Virginian. C8570 (ETSU) ETHNIC GROUPS The Melungeons (Their Origin and Kin). B760 (ASU LMC WCU FC BC) British Family Names: Their Origin and Meaning with Lists of Scandinavian, Frisian, Anglo-Saxon and Mormon Mames. B1060 (ASU) "The Melungeons of Newman's Ridge." B1440 (ETSU ASU) Documents, Chiefly Unpublished, Relating to the Huguenot Emigration to Virginia and to the Settlement at Manakintown, with an Appendix of Genealogies, Presenting Data of the Fontaine, Maury, Dupuy, Trabue, Marys, Chastain, Cooke, and Other Families. B6770 (ASU) Race Elements in the White Population of North Carolina. C6750 (ASU BC) SUBJECT A Historical Account of the Settlements of Scotch Highlanders in America Prior to the Peace of 1783: Together with Notices of Highland Regiments and Biographical Sketches. M2010 (ASU) The Highland Scots of North Carolina. M5240 (LMC BC) The Highland Scots of North Carolina, 1732-1776. M5250 (ASU LMC WWC) The German Settlers in Lincoln County and Western North Carolina. N1240 (LMC) The Colony Bernstadt in Laurel County, Kentucky. S920 The Scotch-Irish in History as Master Builders of Empires, States, Churches, Schools and Civilization. S2500 (ASU BC) Scotch-Irish and English Proverbs and Sayings of the West Branch Valley of Central Pennsylvania. S3150 (ASU) Charn Cuimhne to Our Scots of North Carolina. S4650 (ASU) North Carolina Palatine-Germans (Futch Family). S4660 (ASU) Memorials of the Huguenot's in America, with Special Reference to Their Emigration to Pennsylvania. S6590 (ASU) Pennsylvania German Pioneers: A Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808. S7790 (ASU) Pennsylvania German Pioneers: A Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808. S7800 (ASU) Poor Whites of the South. W4950 ETHNIC GROUPS — ALA. — GERMAN The German Settlement in Cullman County, Alabama: An Agricultural Island in the Cotton Belt. K2980 (BC) ETHNIC GROUPS — APP. Ethnology in Folklore. G2450 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS — APP. — IRISH Scotch and Irish Seeds in American Soil: The Early History of the Scotch and Irish Churches, and Their Relations to the Presbyterian Church of America. C8450 (BC) ETHNIC GROUPS — APP. — SCOTCH Scotch and Irish Seeds in American Soil: The Early History of the Scotch and Irish Churches, and Their Relations to the Presbyterian Church of America. C8450 (BC) ETHNIC GROUPS — APP. — SCOTCH-IRISH Mountain Spirits, a Chronicle of Corn Whiskey from King James Ulster Plantation to America's Appalachians and the Moonshine Life. D20 (BC ASU) The Scotch-Irish: Or, the Scot in North Britain, North Ireland, and North America. HI 520 (ASU BC) The Scotch-Irish: Or, The Scot in North Britain, North Ireland, and North America. HI 530 (ASU BC) ETHNIC GROUPS - DUTCH Surnames in the United States Census of 1790; an Analysis of National Origins of the Population. A2110 The Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America. F1280 (ASU) A Collection of Upwards of Thirty Thousand Names of German, Swiss, Dutch, French, and Other Immigrants in Pennsylvania from 1727 to 1776. R4300 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS — ENGLISH Emigrants from England, 1773-1776. F2370 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS — FRENCH The French Blood in America. F2240 (ASU) 96 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY A Collection of Upwards of Thirty Thousand Names of German, Swiss, Dutch, French, and Other Immigrants in Pennsylvania from 1727 to 1776. R4300 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS — FRENCH HUGUENOT Huguenot Pedigrees. L660 (ASU) Family Names of Huguenot Refugees to America. LI 060 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS — GERMAN German Element in the United States. F370 German New River Settlement, Virginia. H4270 (ASU FC) "The German Swiss Settlers at Gruetli, Tennessee." J150 (ASU) Early Eighteenth Century Palatine Emigration: A British Government Redemptioner Project to Manufacture Naval Stores. K2820 (ASU) The German and Swiss Settlements of Colonial Pennsylvania: A Study of the So-called Pennsylvania Dutch. K3380 (ASU) History of Daniel's Evangelical Lutheran & Reformed Churches, Lincoln Co., N. C. NT 200 A Collection of Upwards of Thirty Thousand Names of German, Swiss, Dutch, French, and Other Immigrants in Pennsylvania from 1727 to 1776. R4300 (ASU) History of the German Element in Virginia. SI 180 The Pennsylvania Germans of the Shenandoah Valley. S4620 (ASU) Lists of Germans From the Palatinate Who Came to England in 1709. T9270 (ASU) Virginia's First German Colony. V350 (ASU FC) German Element of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. W1740 (BC) The German Element of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. W1750 (ASU) Gravestone Inscriptions: From 61 Graveyards in Frederick County and the Counties That Were Once a Part of Frederick County and Includes the Inscriptions from the "Old Lutheran and German Reform Graves" in Mt. Hebron Cemetery. W7590 (ASU) Virginia Germans. W9810 Wartburg: Dream and Reality of the New Germany in Tennessee. W9820 Zirkle Family in America, Germany to America. Z130 ETHNIC GROUPS - GERMAN — SWISS The German-Swiss in Franklin County, Tennessee: A Study of the Significance of Cultural Considerations in Farming Enterprises. K2990 (ASU BC) ETHNIC GROUPS — GERMANS Surnames in the United States Census of 1790; an Analysis of National Origins of the Population. A2110 History of the German Settlements and of the Lutheran Church in North and South Carolina, from the Earliest Period of the Colonization of the Dutch, German and Swiss Settlers to the Close of the First Half of the Recent Century. B3200 (ASU) Emigrants From the Palatinate to the American Colonies in the 18th Century. K3200 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS — IRISH Surnames in the United States Census of 1790; an Analysis of National Origins of the Population. A2110 A History of the Irish Settlers in North America, from the Earliest Period to the Census of 1850. Ml 450 (ASU) �SUBJECT APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY ETHNIC GROUPS - IRISH A Guide to Irish Surnames. M2130 (ASU) More Irish Families. M2140 (ASU) Supplement to Irish Families. M2150 (ASU) Corpus Genealogiarum Hiberniae. 0140 (ASU) The Irish in America: Immigration, Land, Probate, Administrations, Birth, Marriage, and Burial Records of the Irish in America in and about the Eighteenth Century. 0150 (ASU) Ireland and the American Emigration, 1850-1900. S1140 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS - N. C - ITALIAN The Waldenses of Burke County. C8560 (ASU WCU LMC) ETHNIC GROUPS — NEGROES Free Negro Labor and Property Holding in Virginia, 1830-1860. J160 (ETSU) "A History of the Development of Schools for Negroes in Walker County, Georgia." J170 ETHNIC GROUPS — PA. "They Walk These Hills: A Study of Social Solidarity among the Racially-mixed People of the Ramapo Mountains." C5590 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS — SCOTCH-IRISH Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia. A5480 (ASU) Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia, Extracted from the Original Court Records of Augusta County, 1745-1800. A5490 (ASU) Scotch Irish Pioneers in Ulster and America. B5170 (ASU) Donald McElroy, Scotch Irishman. C220 (ASU BC) Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia. C2740 (BC ASU) Chronicles of Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia. C2750 Scotch-Irish Settlers in the Valley of Virginia. C3960 (BC) Ulster Emigration to Colonial America, 1718-1775. D2240 (ASU) The Scotch-Irish in America. F1920 The Scotch-Irish in America. F1930 (ASU) The Scotch-Irish in Northern Ireland and in the American Colonies. G2030 (ASU) The Scotch-Irish: A Social History. L2400 (ASU BC) ETHNIC GROUPS — SCOTCH-IRISH — PA. Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania. D2870 The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania. D3880 ETHNIC GROUPS — SCOTS The Clans, Septs and Regiments of the Scottish Highlands. A330 (ASU) Emigrants from Scotland to America, 1774-1775. C410 (ASU) Old Scottish Customs, Local and General. G4980 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS — SWISS How the Swiss Farmers Operate on the Cumberland Plateau. A1860 Lists of Swiss Emigrants in the Eighteenth Century to the American Colonies. F360 (ASU) "The German Swiss Settlers at Gruetli, Tennessee." J150 (ASU) The German and Swiss Settlements of Colonial Pennsylvania: A Study of the So-called Pennsylvania Dutch. • K3380 (ASU) "Agricultural and Social Aspects of the Swiss Settlement in Grundy County, Tennessee." N600 A Collection of Upwards of Thirty Thousand Names of German, Swiss, Dutch, French, and Other Immigrants in Pennsylvania from 1727 to 1776. R4300 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS — TENN. Briefe aus den Vereinigten Staaten von Nord-amerika in die Heimath, mit besonderer Rucksicht auf deutsche Auswanderer. B2080 "German and Swiss Colonization in Morgan County, Tennessee." C7160 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS — WELSH Surnames in the United States Census of 1790; an Analysis of National Origins of the Population. A2110 Welsh Settlement of Pennsylvania. B7450 (ASU) Merion in the Welsh Tract, With Sketches of the Townships of Haverford and Padner. G2170 (ASU) The Cymry of 76: Or, Welshmen and Their Descendants of the American Revolution. J2270 (ASU) ETHNIC GROUPS — WELSH - PA. Welsh Founders of Pennsylvania. G2180 (ASU) FAIRS AND FESTIVALS Premium List and Prospectus. A3110 (LMC) FAMILIES AND FAMILY LIFE Characteristics of Families on Small Farms. B2000 "Needs and Interests in Family Relationships of a Selected Group of West Virginia Eighth and Ninth Grade Pupils, 1948-1949." B7020 The Farm Family in a Kentucky Mountain Neighborhood. B7190 Legacy of Love. on 30 Southern Appalachian Migration. D1410 Living Conditions and Population Migration in Four Appalachian Counties. D2790 W* Live with the Wheel Chair. E860 (ASU) Report of a Workshop on the Southern Mountaineer in Cincinnati. G4210 (ASU) Rural Social Organization of Frederick County, Maryland. G4250 Socio-cultural Adaptation of Newcomers to Cities in the Piedmont Industrial Crescent. G4850 Family Ties, Migration, and Transitional Adjustment of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. SI 260 Research Design, Field Work Procedures, and Data Collection Problems in a Follow-Up Study of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. SI 280 A Profile of the Appalachian Family. W2480 FAMILIES AND FAMILY LIFE — APP. "Analysis of the Values and Value Systems Reported by Students, The General Public, and Educators in a Selected Appalachian Public School District." "The Relation of Level of Living to Selected Additional Characteristics of Central Appalachia Rural Families." C2920 (ASU) Church and Family in Modern Rural Appalachia. C4860 (ASU) From the Freedom of the Mountains to the Hurly-burly City. C6050 Our Changing Rural Society — Perspectives and Trends. C7350 "Alienation Among Low-income People in Appalachia." C9170 (LMC ASU) 97 ETHNIC—FAMILIES Appalachian Fertility Deline: A Demographic and Sociological Analysis. D1660 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC UNCA) Fertility Data for the Southern Appalachian Region. D1670 "Human Fertility in the Southern Appalachian Region: Some Demographic and Sociological Aspects." D1680 (ASU) The Longest Mile. G710 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU FC BC WWC) "Possum Ridge Farmers: A Study in Cultural Change." H6120 (ASU) Low-income Life Styles. 1930 "Occupational Roles and Family Roles: A Study of Coal Mining Families in the Southern Appalachians." L2150 Clasping Hands with Generations Past. L2960 "Structural Analysis of Mothers' Attitudes toward Child Rearing in Four Communities in Appalachia." N1310 West Virginians in Their Own State and In Cleveland, Ohio. P2800 (ASU) "A Comparative Analysis of the Felt Need Pattern of the Personality Structure in Rural Appalachia and Suburban America." S3400 (ETSU) The Girl in the Rural Family. T9740 (ASU) FAMILIES AND FAMILY LIFE — CHEROKEE "Behavioral Premises in the Culture of Conservative Eastern Cherokee Indians." G3260 (ASU) FAMILIES AND FAMILY LIFE — KY. "Household and Family Composition in Selected Rural Areas of Eleven Kentucky Counties." B5950 The Family Group in a Kentucky Mountain Farming Community. B7180 "A Population Study of the Appalachian Members of the Freshman Class at Morehead (Kentucky) State University, 1967-1968." D3090 "Patterns of Response to Rural Medical Practice and Rural Life in Eastern Kentucky." E2030 The Integration of Locality Groups in an Eastern Kentucky County. • HI 550 "Child-rearing Practices in Mountain Country, Kentucky." H4770 (LMC) An Experimental Study of the East Kentucky Mountaineers: A Study in Heredity and Environment. H5680 (ETSU BC ASU) Participation in Organized Activities in Selected Kentucky Localities. K250 "A comparison of Some Aspects of Family Life Between Two Areas of Leslie Co., Kentucky." QUO Attitudes Toward Rural Migration and Family Life in Johnson and Robertson Counties, Kentucky, 1941. W6690 FAMILIES AND FAMILY LIFE — N. C. "Social Interaction and Kinship in Big Cove Community, Cherokee, N. C." D1020 (ASU) "Social .Interaction and Kinship in Big Cove Community, Cherokee, N. C." D1030 (ASU) "Social Organization and Community Solidarity in Painttown, Cherokee, North Carolina." G280 (ETSU ASU) "A Cultural Study of a Mountain Community in Western North Carolina." H3240 (ASU) "A Cultural Study of Mountain Community in Western North Carolina." H3250 (ASU) �FAMILIES—FICTION FAMILIES AND FAMILY LIFE - N. C. Characteristics of Households in Areas Served by the W. A. M. Y. N2290 (ASU) FAMILIES AND FAMILY LIFE - TENN. "The Personal Characteristics, Social Background, and Academic Achievements of Forty Non-Promoted Pupils at Kennburg School." E1690 (ETSU) FAMILIES AND FAMILY LIFE - W. VA. "Segration Patterns in a Coal Camp." F3220 (ASU) "French Creek Community." L2600 (ASU) FAMILIES — FAMILY LIFE "Social Structural Factors Influencing the Urbanization of Appalachian Hill Emigrants in an Urban Ghetto." H2090 FAMILY LIFE — TENN. "A Study of Parent-child Relationships in Greene County, Tennessee." R1720 (ETSU) FERTILITY "Comparative Study of Related Health Fertility Attitudes and Behavior of Families Residing in a Poverty Area." 56190 FEUDS Pioneers of Eastern Kentucky, Their Feuds and Settlements. C2180 (ASU) Breathitt: A Guide to the Feud Country. F460 The Mountain Massacre. P210 (ASU) Four Men of the Cumberlands: Big Ed Hall, Devil John Wright, Dr. M. B. Taylor, Bad Talt Hall. S680 (ASU BC) "Recollections of Breathitt." T9350 (BC) Banjo and Pistols, a Tale of the Blue Ridge. W8640 (ASU BC) Boone Logan's Letters to the Sentinel-Democrat (Mount Sterling, Kentucky) Pertaining to the Rowan County Feud and Other Matters. Y300 (BC) FEUDS — APP. The Pine Ridge Feud. E2300 FEUDS — KY. The Crucible, A Tale of the Kentucky Feuds. B9140 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Stories of the Kentucky Feuds. C5250 Stories of Kentucky Feuds. C5260 (ASU LMC) Roseanna McCoy: Final Screenplay. C5940 The Hatfield-McCoy Feud Reader. D2890 (ASU BC) "Two Famous Kentucky Feuds and Their Causes." H2860 "Two Famous Kentucky Feuds and Their Causes." H3000 (ASU) "Two Famous Kentucky Feuds and Their Causes." H3010 (ASU) The Hatfields. H3450 (ASU) The True Story of the Hatfield and McCoy Feud. H3480 (BC) The Hanging of "Bad Tom" Smith and the Events Leading to his Hanging. H3860 (BC) The Feuds in the Cumberland Mountains. H7630 The Hatfields and the McCoys. J2620 (BC ASU LMC WCU WWC) The Hatfield-McCoy Feud. LI 040 The Hatfield-McCoy Vendetta. LI 050 "The Rise of Education and the Decline of Feudal Tendencies in the Tug River Valley of West Virginia and Kentucky in Relation to the Hatfield and McCoy Feud." M780 (ASU) Kentucky's Famous Feuds and Tragedies. M9230 SUBJECT History of the Feuds of the Mountain Parts of Eastern Kentucky, Lives of Noah and John Reynolds. R1710 (ASU LMC BC) The Devil's Brigade: The Story of the Hatfield-McCoy Feud. S6280 (ASU WCU BC) The True Facts about the Famous Hatfield-McCoy Feud. S9430 (ASU BC) A History of the Feud Between the Hill and Evans Parties of Garrard County, Ky. T8190 (ASU BC) FEUDS - VA. Memoirs of J. Sidna Allen, Being a True Narrative of His Life and Early Manhood, the History of the Allen Family, What Happened at Hillsville and His Life at the Penitentiary. A1560 (LMC ASU) The Inside Story of the World Famous Courtroom Tragedy. C7060 (BC) The Courthouse Tragedy at Hillsville, Va. G320 (ASU) "Gentlemen, I ain't a-goin1." H8660 The Allen Outlaws: A Complete History of Their Lives and Exploits, Concluding with the Hillsville Courthouse Tragedy. J320 (ASU BC) The Allen Gang. R1670 (LMC BC ASU) T9250 (BC) FICTION Moonshine: Being Appalachia's Arabian Nights. A70 (ASU LMC) The Leaf Against the Sky. A610 (ASU WCU BC) The Collected Short Prose of James Agee. A670 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) A Death in the Family. A680 (ETSU BC WWC ASU) A Death in the Family. A690 (WCU) Four Early Stories. A700 (ETSU BC) The Morning Watch. A760 (BC ASU WCU) American Nabob. A1360 (BC) The Road to Carolina. A1491 (WWC BC) Aftermath; The Bride of the Mistletoe; A Cathedral Singer; The Choir Invisible; The Doctor's Christmas Eve. . . ; The Emblems of Fidelity; Flute and Violin, and Other Kentucky Tales and Romances; The Heroine in Bronze; A Kentucky Cardinal; The Kentucky Warbler; The Landmark; The Last Christmas Tree; The Mettle of the Pasture; The Reign of Law: A Tale of the Hemp Fields; and Summer in Arcady: A Tale of Nature. A1570 The White Feather. A1600 (BC ASU) Beyond Desire. A2370 (ASU) Death in the Woods and Other Stories. A2390 Kit Brandon: A Portrait. A2420 (ASU ETSU BC) Kill l,Kill 2. A2480 (BC ASU) Sharp-Eye; or the Scout's Revenge. A2570 The Potters O'Skunk Hollow. A2620 (BC ASU) This Day and Time. A4720 (ASU) This Day and Time. A4730 (BC ETSU ASU) 'Mongst the Hills of Kentucky. A4810 (ASU) Aunt Melissa's Memory Jug-. Original Folk Stories. A4850 (BC) The Dollmaker. A4900 (ETSU BC ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC) Hunter's Horn. A4920 (BC ASU ETSU WCU LMC MHC WWC) 98 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Kentucky Trace: A Novel of the American Revolution. A4930 Mountain Path. A4940 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU UNCA BC LMC) Heart of the Blue Ridge. B400 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Heart of the Blue Ridge. B410 (ETSU) June Gold. B420 (WCU) When the Cock Crows. B430 (WCU) The Circle's End. B440 The Master of L'Etrange B590 Cis Martin: Or, The Furriners in the Tennessee Mountains. B640 (ASU BC) Alas Lucinda! B720 The Long Way Through. B860 (BC) The End of the Day. B960 (ASU) The Little Hills. B980 The Little Hills. B990 (ASU) I Took My Love to the Country. B1020 (ASU) In the Virginias, Stories and Sketches. B1050 (ASU BC WCU) The Ferry Maid of the Chattahoochee: A story for Girls. B1240 (ASU) Time Lay Asleep. B1260 (BC) Behind the Blue Ridge: A Homely Narrative. B1410 (BC ASU) Behind the Blue Ridge. A Homely Narrative. . . B1411 (ASU) Big Laurel. B1540 (BC ASU LMC) A Hero in Homespun. A Tale of the Loyal South. B1590 (BC ASU) A Hero in Homespun. A Tale of the Loyal South. B1600 Life in the Hills of Kentucky. B1610 (ASU ETSU LMC BC) Pine Knot. B1620 (BC) Pine Knot. A Story of Kentucky Life. B1630 (ASU) Sim Galloway's Daughter. B1640 (BC) Sim Galloway's Daughter-in-Law. B1650 A Tale of the Cumberland Mountains. The Wind-up of the Big Meetin* on No Business. B1660 (BCASU) The Truth about the Trouble at Roundstone. B1670 Truth about the Trouble at Roundstone. B1680 (BC ASU) Wind-up of the Big Meetin' on No Business. B1690 (BC) After the Goat Man. B2371 The Oracle of Moccasin Bend: A Story of Lookout Mountain. B2520 (ASU BC) Strange Lady. B2670 (BC) Sunday Shoes. B2710 (BCASU) Floreen: Or the Story of Mitchell. B2720 Fish on the Steeple. B2760 (ASU) The Bride of the Wilderness. B2940 (BC) Ella Barnwell. B2950 (BC) The Phantom of the Forest: A Tale of the Dark and Bloody Ground. B2960 (ASU BC) One-string Fiddle. B3230 (LMC) The Memory of Old Jack. B3270 . (ASU) �SUBJECT APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FICTION A Place on Earth. B3280 (ASU LMC BC) A Place on Earth. B3290 (ASU WCU) The Gentle Insurrection, and Other Stories. B3410 (LMC) Joe, A Civil War Novel of the Blue Ridge. B3710 Blue Moon Over Cashier's Valley. B3750 The Hawks of Hawk Hollow. B4080 (BC) The Hawks of Hawk Hollow. B4090 The Path to Snowbird Mountain. B4130 (ETSU) Act of Darkness. B4230 (ASU) Mixed Harvest. B4370 (ASU BC) Of Men and a Mighty Mountain. B4380 (ASU WCU BC) Riders of the Flood. B4390 (ASU BC) Sawdust in Your Eyes. B4400 (ASU WCU BC) Shadows Slant North. B4690 (ASU) Alexandriana. B4870 (ASU BC WCU LMC) Jack Crews. B5070 The Bleeding Hills of West Virginia. B5080 (BC ASU) Tennessee Outpost. B5200 Black Blood in Kentucky. B5210 (BC) Trail to Oklahoma. B5400 (ASU) Andrew Trayton: A Novel of Modern Life. B5550 (ASU) His Friend Miss McFairlane. B5560 (BC ASU) All the Dark Places. B5590 (BC ASU) Tall in the Sight of God. B5680 (ASU LMC BC) Drums. B5870 (MHC) Drums. B5880 (LMC ETSU) Long Hunt. B5890 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) Marching On. B5900 (ASU BC ETSU WWC) The Call of the Mountains. B6060 (BC) The Three-Headed Angel. B6160 (ASU BC) Sketches from Old Virginia. B6170 (BC) Daughter of the Stars. B6580 An Earthy Paragon. B6730 (ASU) Bound in Shallows. B6740 A Broken Bondage. B7340 Mary Gordon Duffee's Sketches of Alabama. B7420 Below the James, a Plantation Sketch. B7660 (ASU) 1860-1865. A Romance of the Valley of Virginia. B7770 (ASU BC) The Batle Cry. B8000 (ASU BC LMC) The Call of the Cumberlands. B8010 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Code of the Mountains. B8020 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Destiny. B8030 (ASU BC) Flight to the Hills. B8040 (ASU BC) Hazard of the Hills. B8050 (ASU) Iron Will. B8060 (ASU BC) The Key to Yesterday. B8070 (ASU BC) Marked Men. Mountain Justice: A Tale of the Cumberlands. B8090 (ASU LMC BC) A Pagan of the Hills. B8100 (BC) A Pagan of the Hills. B8110 (ASU) The Portal of Dreams. B8120 The Roof Tree. B8130 (LMC BC ASU) The Rouge's Badge. B8140 The Tempering. B8150 (ASU BC) When "Bear Cat" Went Dry. B8160 (ASU WCU BC) Valley of Power. B8290 (LMC WCU BC ASU) Long Discovery. B8560 To the Bright and Shining Sun. B8660 (ASU LMC BC) The Minstrel of the Mountains. B8820 (BC) Everywhere I Roam. B8860 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Four Lives of Mundy Tolliver. B8870 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Rooster Crows for Day. B8880 (ETSU) In Connection with The De Willoughby Claim. B8910 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Jarl's Daughter: and Other Novelettes. B8920 (ASU ETSU) Louisiana. B8930 (ASU BC) Louisiana. The Pretty Sister of Jose'. B8940 (ASU LMC WCU) Surly Tim, and Other Stories. B8950 (ASU BC) Surly Tim, and Other Stories. B8960 (WCU BC) Surly Tim, and Other Stories. B8970 (ASU LMC ETSU) Gap o' the Mountains. B8990 Still Water. B9230 (ASU) The Delectable Mountains. B9240 (LMC ASU) Satan's Rock. B9250 (LMC BC) Goose Creek Folks: A Story of the Kentucky Mountains. B9320 (ETSU BC) The Summer of the Swans. B9540 Tale of the Elk. B9640 The Butterfly. C30 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) There Was Time. C110 The Balance Wheel. C180 (ASU BC) The Balance Wheel. C190 (WCU) There Was a Time. C200 (ASU BC) Unto the Hills. A story of the Blue Ridge Mountains. C330 Saul. C340 (ASU) June of the Hills: The Junaluska Prize Novel, a Story of the Southern Mountains with Lake Junaluska, N. C, as the Center of Action. C360 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Survival. C570 (BC) Swing Old Adam. C690 Cloud-walking. C710 (ASU WWC BC) Cloud-walking. C720 (LMC ETSU WCU BC) Folks Do Get Born. C730 (BC) Tales from the Cloud Walking Country. C740 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) 99 FICTION-FICTION Big End of the Horn. C1020 (LMC) On Skidd's Branch, a Tale of the Kentucky Mountains. C1080 (ASU BC) Look to the Mountain. C1100 (LMC) The Saint of the Wilderness. C1430 (ASU) Peanut. C1540 The Boy Scouts in the Blue Ridge: Or Marooned Among the Moonshiners. C1690 (ASU LMC BC) North Carolina Sketches: Phases of Life Where the Galax Grows. C1720 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Knights of the Golden Horse-shoe: A Traditionary Tale of the Cocked Hat Gentry in the Old Dominion. C1870 (WCU ETSU BC) The Knights of the Horseshoe. C1880 Otha. C2010 (ASU BC) Sapphira and the Slave Girl. C2060 (ASU ETSU) The Senator from Slaughter County. C2250 (ASU BC) The Wooden Tower. C2510 The Breed and the Pasture. C2770 (ASU) The Eagle's Mate. C2950 (ASU LMC BC) The Eagle's Mate. C2960 Mountain Madness. C2970 (ASU BC) Mountain Madness. C2980 The Under Trail. C2990 Clue of the Faded Dress. C3030 (ASU BC) Eagle Cliff. C3040 (WWC ASU) Glen Hazard. C3050 (ASU LMC BC) The Happy Mountain. C3060 (ASU BC) The Happy Mountain. C3070 (LMC WCU ETSU WWC) Homeplace. C3080 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU WWC) Mystery of the Broken Key. C3090 (WWC) Rogue's March. C3100 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Weather Tree. C3110 (ETSU ASU WCU LMC BC) The Weather Tree. C3120 (WWC) Wild Cat Ridge. C3130 (LMC BC) Wild Cat Ridge. C3140 Clue of the Faded Dress. C3150 Eagle Cliff. C3160 Flood in Glen Hazard. C3170 (ASU) Girls of Glen Hazard. C3180 Marsh Island Mystery. C3190 Mystery of the Missing Car. C3200 Rogues on Red Hill. C3210 Timber Train. C3220 Dagon. C3260 (ASU LMC) The Gaudy Place. C3270 (ASU) The Inkling. C3280 (ASU LMC) It Is Time, Lord. C3290 (ASU) Scott Burton in the Blue Ridge. C3810 �FICTION—FICTION FICTION The Crossing. C4100 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Crossing. C4110 (WCU) Sourwood Tales: Stories. C4310 (ASU) Captain Paul, the Kentucky Moonshiner; or, the Boy Spy of the Mountains. C4340 The Strength of the Hills: A Story of Andrew Jackson, and of the Pioneers of Tennessee. C4390 (LMC WWC BC) The Strangers Were There: Selected Stories. C4830 (BC) One-Fourth of Kentucky. Eleven Stories on the Mountains. C5120 * (BCASU) Bypaths in Dixie: Folk Tales of the South. C5410 (ASU BC) The Master of the Hills: A Tale of the Georgia Mountains. C5420 (ASU BC) The Glass House, a Novel. C5490 (BC ASU) A Son of the Mountains. C5630 The Common Problem. C5820 Free Forester: A Novel of Pioneer Kentucky. C6080 (ASU LMC WCU BC) A Moonshiner's Folly, and Other Stories. C6250 (BC) The Man Thou Gavest. C6270 (ASU BC) The Shield of Silence. C6280 (ASU BC) A Son of the Hills. C6290 (ASU WCU BC) The Mountain Murder. C6560 (ASU BC) The Power and the Glory. C6950 (BC) Fairfax: Or, the Master of Greenway Court. A Chronicle of the Valley of the Shenandoah. C6960 (BC ASU) The Last of the Foresters: Of Humors on the Border. A Story of the Old Virginia Frontier. C6970 (ASU BC) Leather Stocking and Silk. C6980 (BC) Mohun: Or, The Last Days of Lee and His Paladins. Final Memoirs of a Staff Officer Serving in Virginia. C6990 (ASU WCU BC) C7020 (ASU WCU BC) Farewell the Hills: A Novel of the Eastern Cherokees. C7520 (ASU LMC) An American Story-book. Short Stories from Studies of Life in Southwestern Pennsylvania. C8090 (ASU) Southwestern Pennsylvania in Song and Story. C8100 The Legionaries; a Story of the Great Raid. C8200 A Mockingbird Sang at Chickamauga: A Tale of Embattled Chattanooga. C8270 (ASU WCU WWC) Peace at Bowling Green. C8280 (ASU BC) Reunion at Chattanooga. C8290 The Singing Hills. C8410 (ASU WCU BC) Smoke on the Mountain. C8460 (LMC) Second Awakening. C8550 (BC) In Beaver Cove and Elsewhere. C8790 (ASU BC) The Entwined Lives of Miss Gabrielle Austin, Daughter of the Late Rev. Ellis C. Austin, and of Redmond, the Outlaw Leader of the North Carolina "Moonshiners". C8840 (BC) Spurrier with the Wildcats and Moonshiners. C9370 (ASU BC) Marmaduke of Tennessee. C9480 (ASU BC) SUBJECT The Affair at the Boat Landing. C9510 (ASU BC) The Bancock Murder Case. C9520 The Cane-patch Mystery. .C9530 (ASU BC) Death at "the Bottoms." C9540 Death Haunts the Dark Lane. C9550 (ASU) Death Rides a Sorrel Horse. C9560 (ASU BC) Death Visits the Apple Hole. C9570 (ASU) The Great Yant Mystery. C9580 The Hunter is the Hunted. C9590 (ASU BC) The Killer Watches the Manhunt. C9600 The Manse at Barren Rocks. C9610 (ASU BC) Murder at Deer Lick. *C9620 (BC) Murder at the Schoolhouse. C9630 Murder Before Midnight. C9640 (ASU BC) Murder Without Weapons. C9650 (ASU BC) One Man Must Die. C9660 (ASU BC) Singing Mountains. C9670 (ASU BC) Skeleton in the Closet. C9680 (ASU BC) Strait is the Gait. C9690 The Strange Death of Manny Square. C9700 (BC) Strange Return. C9710 (ASU BC) Who Killed Pretty Becky Low? C9720 (ASU BC) Swing Your Mountain Gal, Sketches of Life in the Southern Highlands. C9950 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) The Hickory Grew Tall. C9970 The Trail of the Gray Dragoon. D100 (ASU) The West Virginian. DUO (BC) The Girl in Checks: Or, The Mystery of the Mountain Cabin. D140 (ASU BC) Call Home the Heart. D260 (ASU BC) From My Highest Hill; Carolina Mountain Folks. D270 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Highland Annals. D280 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU UNCA BC) Innocent Bigamy, and Other Stories. D290 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Spotted Hawk. D340 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) A Stone Came Rolling. D350 (ASU BC WCU LMC) A Stone Came Rolling. D360 The Melting of Molly. D730 (ASU) Over Paradise Ridge: A Romance. D740 (ASU BC) Beulah Land. D1000 (ASU BC WCU) Kent Hampden. Dll 80 (BCASU) Silhouettes of American Life. D1200 (ETSU ASU) Silhouettes of American Life. D1210 (ASU BC ETSU) Waiting for the Verdict. D1220 Separated by Mountains. D1230 (ASU) Three Steps. D1340 (BC ASU) Dunbar's Cove. D1450 (ASU WCU BC) Dunbar's Cove. D1460 (ASU) 100 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Insolent Breed. D1470 (ASU BC) Walk Through the Valley. D1480 (ASU BC) Skull Mountain. D1500 Juny: Or, Only One Girl's Story. A Romance of the Society Crust — Upper and Under. D1720 (ASU) The Wilderness Brigade. D1780 Ludlow on the Kanawha. D1840 (ASU BC) Deliverance. D2150 (ASU WCU) Deliverance. D2160 (ASU) Reuben Dalton, Preacher: A Sequel to "The Story of Marthy." D2260 The Story of Marthy. D2270 The Black Hood. D2550 (ASU) The Clansman: An Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan. D2560 (ASU) The Traitor: A Story of the Fall of the Invisible Empire. D2570 (ASU) The Traitor: A Story of the Fall of the Invisible Empire. D2580 (ETSU) Rosy. D2700 Flames of the Blue Ridge. D2980 (ASU LMC BC) Adventures of a Young Man. D3070 (ASU) Adventures of a Young Man. D3080 The Great Yant Mystery. D3410 A Taste for Violence. D3420 At the Foot of No-man. D3490 (BC) Cinch, and Other Stories: Tales of Tennessee. D3500 (ASU ETSU BC) Harum-scarum Joe. D3510 (ASU) The Heart of Old Hickory and Other Stories of Tennessee. D3520 (ASU BC) The Heart of Old Hickory, and Other Stories of Tennessee. D3530 (ETSU WWC BC ASU) Hero-chums. D3540 (ASU BC) The Island of Beautiful Things: A Romance of the South. D3550 (ASU BC) A Moonshiner's Son. D3560 (ASU) A Moonshiner's Son. D3570 (WCU LMC BC) Rare Old Chums. D3580 (ASU BC) The Sunny Side of the Cumberland: A Story of the Mountains. D3590 (ETSU BC) The Valley Path. D3600 (ASU BC) The Balsam Groves of the Grandfather Mountain: A Tale of the Western North Carolina Mountains. Together with information relating to the section and its hotels, also a table showing the height of important mountains, etc. D3730 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Balsam Groves of the Grandfather Mountain. D3740 The Heart of Happy Hollow. D3900 Samanthy Billins of Hangin' Dog. D3910 The Prophet of Little Cane Creek. D4150 The Prophet of Little Cane Creek. D4160 (WCU) • Before I Sleep. D4180 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FICTION Look to This Day. D4230 (ASU LMC MHC WWC ETSU) Return the Innocent Earth. D4260 (ASU WWC MHC ETSU BC) The Tall Woman. D4290 (ASU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC) Timothy Corn Stories; as Told by Uncle Dave Arnold of Knobley Farm. E660 Earthenware, a Group of Stories. E880 (ASU) Red, White and Black: Twelve Stories of the South. E890 (ASU BC) Tales of the Blue Ridge. E970 (LMC ASU BC) The Marbeau Cousins. E1040 (ASU BC) Two Runaways, and Other Stories. El 050 (ASU BC) The Log Meeting-house, and the Mcllhanys. El 060 (ASU) Camp Venture; a Story of the Virginia Mountains. E1270 (ETSU ASU) Irene of the Mountains; a Romance of old Virgina. El 280 (ASU BC) A Man of Honor. E1290 (ASU BC) The Journey of August King. El 320 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Land Breakers. El 330 (ASU BC) The Land Breakers. E1340 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Lion on the Hearth. El 350 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Move Over, Mountain. El 360 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Road. E1370 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Time of Drums: A Novel. E1380 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) Echoes from the Hills, A Novel. El460 (ETSU BC) Wendy's Halloween Ride: Witch Shadows. E1540 (LMC) The Durket Sperret. El 700 (ASU) An Incident, and Other Happenings. El 710 (WCU BC) Jerry, a Novel. El 720 (LMC BC) The Last Trail. E1770 Logan the Mingo; a Story of the Frontier. El 810 Kentucky Stories. El 820 Tang of the South Stories. El 830 A Girl of the Blue Ridge. E2120 (ASU) The Girl of the Blue Ridge. E2130 (BC ASU LMC) The Mountain Girl. E2140 (ASU LMC BC) When the Gates Lift up Their Heads: A Story of the Seventies. E2150 (ASU) Tennessee Mountaineers in Type: A Collection of Stories. E2240 (ASU BC) Nolichucky Jack. F130 (ASU LMC ETSU) Power: A Novel. F270 (ASU BC) The Tall Hunter. F280 (ASU BC) Laurel, a Novel. F550 (ASU) Christopher Laird. F580 Stormy Present. F770 (ASU BC) A Cry of Angels. F820 (ASU) The Forest Cavalier: A Romance of America's First Frontier and of Bacon's Rebellion. F1400 (ASU BC) While Rivers Flow. F1440 (ASU BC) SUBJECT I'll Walk to the Mountain. F1940 (ASU) The Liberation of Lord Byron Jones. F1950 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Mountains of Gilead, a Novel. F1960 (BC ASU ETSU) Burn Forever. F1970 (ASU BC) Trail of Tears. F2150 (WCU BC) God in the Straw Pen, a Novel. F2160 (ASU WCU BC) Stone Dougherty. F2180 (BC) Blue-grass and Rhododendron: Out-doors in Old Kentucky. F2540 (ASU BC) Blue-grass and Rhododendron: Out-doors in Old Kentucky. F2550 (LMC) Christmas Eve on Lonesome. F2560 (WWC) Christmas Eve on Lonesome and Other Stories. F2570 (BC ASU WCU LMC ETSU) Christmas Eve on Lonesome, "Hell-fer-sartin," and Other Stories. F2580 (MHC BC) Crittenden: A Kentucky Story of Love and War. F2590 (ASU WCU LMC BMC BC) A Cumberland Vendetta. F2600 A Cumberland Vendetta: A Novel. F2610 (ASU) A Cumberland Vendetta and Other Stories. F2620 (ETSU BC) A Cumberland Vendetta, and Other Stories. F2630 (WCU) Erskine Dale, Pioneer. F2640 (ASU LMC ETSU) The Heart of the Hills. F2650 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) "Hell-fer-sartain" and Other Stories. F2660 (LMC ETSU BC) Hell for Sartain and Other Stories. F2670 (ASU) "Hell for Sartain" and Other Stories. F2680 (ASU) "Hell fer Sartain" and Other Stories. F2690 (ASU) In Happy Valley. F2700 (ASU LMC ETSU) The Kentuckians. F2710 The Kentuckians: A Knight of the Cumberland. F2720 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU) The Kentuckians: A Knight of the Cumberland. F2730 (WWC) A Knight of the Cumberland. F2740 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Kentuckians: A Novel. F2750 (WCU BC) The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. F2760 (WCU UNCA BC) The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. F2770 (LMC) The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. F2780 (MHC) The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. F2790 The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. F2800 (ASU) The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. F2810 (ASU ETSU) A Mountain Europe. F2820 A Mountain Europa. F2830 A Mountain Europa. F2840 (ASU BC) A Mountain Europa. A Cumberland Vendetta. The Last Stetson. F2850 (WCU ETSU MHC BC) A Mountain Europa. A Cumberland Vendetta. The Last Stetson. F2860 (LMC) A Mountain Europa. A Cumberland Vendetta. The Last Stetson. F2870 (LMC) A Purple Rhododendron and Other Stories. F2880 (ASU ETSU BC) The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. F2900 101 FICTION-FICTION The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. F2910 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. F2920 (WCU) The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. F2930 (ETSU) The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. F2940 (WCU) In the Path of the Storm. F3070 (ASU BC LMC) Ballad of Calamity Creek. F3360 (ASU BC) The Glass Window; a Story of the Kentucky Mountains. F3890 The Glass Window: A Story of the Quare Woman. F3900 (ASU LMC BC) The Lonesome Road. F3910 (WWC) Lonesome Road. F3920 The Lonesome Road. F3930 (ASU LMC) Mothering on Perilous. F3940 (ASU BC) Mothering on Perilous. F3950 The Quare Women. F3960 (BC WWC) Quare Women. F3970 The Quare Women: A Story of the Kentucky Mountains. F3980 (ASU LMC BC) Sight to the Blind: A Story. F3990 (ASU LMC BC) Tomorrow Achieved, a Novel. F4010 (ASU BC) Hill Man. G510 (BC) Shenandoah; or The Horizon's Bar. A Story of the War. G730 The Only Nancy. A Tale of the Kentucky Mountains. G850 The Cumberland Rifles. 61070 (ASU BC) Franklin, America's "Lost State." G1080 (ASU ETSU) The Yankee from Tennessee. G1090 (ASU ETSU BC) The Light on the H5IS: A Romance of the Southern Mountains. G1200 (BC ASU LMC) Mammy's Reminiscences, and Other Sketches. G1210 (ASU BC) Old Andy, the Moonshiner. G1230 (LMC ASU BC) Uncle Sam. G1240 (ASU BC LMC) Harbin's Ridge. G1370 (BC ASU WCU LMC WWC) 40 Acres and No Mule. G1400 (ETSU BC) 40 Acres and No Mule. G1410 (ASU WWC) The Believers. 61420 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) The Enduring Hills. 61430 (BC ASU WCU LMC WWC) The Enduring Hills. 61440 (WCU) The Great Adventure: A Novel. 61450 (BC ASU ETSU) Hannah Fowler. 61460 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Kentuckians. 61470 (BC ASU WCU MHC LMC) The Land Beyond the Mountains. 61480 (BC ASU WCU) Miss Willie. 61490 (BC) Miss Willie. 61500 (BC WWC) Miss Willie. 61510 (LMC) The Plum Thicket. 61520 Run Me a River. 61530 (BC ASU ETSU) �FICTION—FICTION FICTION Savanna. G1540 (ASU BC WCU) Six-Horse Hitch: A Novel. G1560 (ASU BC) Tara's Healing. G1570 (ASU WWC BC) Tara's Healing. G1580 Beyond the Biuegrass; A Kentucky Novel. G1610 Bugles at the Border, G1670 (ASU WCU BC) A Mountain-White Heroine. G1760 On the Border. G178Q (ASU WCU BC) All Cats Are Gray. G1900 (BC ASU LMC) The Devil Takes a Hill Town. G1910 (ASU BC) The Doctor's Pills Are Stardust. G1920 (ASU BC) Barren Ground. G1970 Barren Ground. G1980 (MHC) Barren Ground. G1990 (ASU) The Battle-ground. G2000 (ETSU) The Battle-ground. G2010 (ASU) Vein of Iron. G2020 (ASU MHC ETSU) The Lily of Carlisle: a Story of the Days of Cromwell and Blake. The Parson of the S. Fork; a Story of W. Va. Hills. G2280 The Forest of the South. G2690 (ASU BC WWC) Green Centuries. G2700 Green Centuries. G2710 (WCU BC) Dark Moon of March. G2990 (ASU BC) Mountain Born. G3000 (WWC BC ASU) Mountain Born. G3010 (ASU) Old Hell. G3020 (ASU WCU BC) Old Hell. G3030 Stories of the Foot-hills. G3140 (ASU) A Kentucky Chronicle. 03360 And Scatter the Proud. G3590 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Honeysuckle HilS; a Hillbilly Makes the Grade. G3610 The Blind Brother: A Story of the Pennsylvania Coal Mines. G3750 (ASU BC) Nance; a Story of Kentucky Feuds. G3830 A Little Leaven. G4050 (WCU ASU) The Barefoot Man. G4500 (ASU WCU MHC BC) A Dream of Kings. G451Q (LMC WWC BC ASU) Fools' Parade. G4520 (ASU LMC) The Night of the Hunter, G4530 (ASU WCU BC) Shadow of My Brother. G4540 (WCU BC ASU) A Tree Full of Stars. G4550 Twelve Tales of Suspense and the Supernatural. G4560 (LMC BC) The Voices of Glory. G4570 (BC ASU WCU LMC) The Watchman. G4580 The Last Valley. H20 (BC ASU LMC MHC) Look Away, Look Away: A Novel. H30 (ASU WCU) SUBJECT A Mountain Exile: The Story of a Kentucky Feud. HI 80 Up Creek and Down Creek. H640 (WCU LMC BC) Daughter of the Elm. A Tale of Western Virginia Before the War. H670 Daughter of the Elm: A Tale of Western Virginia before the War. H680 (LMC BC) Daughter of the Elm: A Tale of Western Virginia before the War. H690 (ASU) The Harpe's Head. H740 (BC) Tales of the Border. H750 (WCU BC) Give Us This Valley. H1000 (BC ASU) Give Us This Valley. H1010 The Parson's Proxy. Hll 70 (BC) Zeb Harkins. HI 190 Fifty Roads to Town, a Novel. HI 350 (ASU BC) The Homecoming: A Novel about Spencer's Mountain. HI360 (BC FC ASU LMC WWC ETSU) Menace on the Mountain. HI 430 (BC ASU LMC WCU) The Gods and One. HI590 (ASU BC) The Hills Step Lightly. HI600 (ASU ETSU BC) Look Back with Love: A Recollection of the Blue Ridge. H1610 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU FC WWC BC) Roseanna McCoy. H1620 (BC ASU) Thursday April. HI630 (WCU ASU) Thursday April. HI 640 Rites of Summer. HI700 (ASU BC) Abner Daniel. HI 760 (ASU) Abner Daniel. HI 770 Ann Boyd. HI 780 (ETSU) Ann Boyd. HI 790 Ann Boyd: A Novel. HI800 (ASU BC) The Cottage of Delight: A Novel. H1810 (ASU BC) The Desired Woman. HI 820 The Desired Woman. HI 830 (ASU BC) The Divine Event. HI840 (ASU BC) Dixie Hart. HI 850 (ASU BC) The Georgians: A Novel. HI 860 (ASU BC) Gilbert Neal: A Novel. HI 870 (ASU BC) The Hills of Refuge: A Novel. HI 880 (ASU BC) The Inner Law: A Novel. HI890 (ASU ETSU BC) Jane Dawson: A Novel. HI 900 (ASU) The New Clarion. HI 920 The New Clarion. HI 930 (ASU BC) Northern Georgia Sketches. HI 940 (ASU WCU LMC) Northern Georgia Sketches. H1950 (ETSU) Paul Rundel: A Novel. HI 960 (ASU BC) Pole Baker. HI 970 Pole Baker: A Novel. HI980 (ASU LMC BC) 102 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Redemption of Kenneth Gait. HI 990 (BC) The Redemption of Kenneth Gait. H2000 Second Choice. H2010 (ASU BC) Second Choice. H2020 (ETSU) The Triumph: A Novel. H2030 (ASU BC) Westerfelt. H2040 Dan Georgen of the Divided House. H2380 (ASU LMC) Hearthstones, a Novel of the Roanoke River Country in North Carolina. H2630 (WCU) Janey Jeems. H2640 (ASU WCU BC) A Circuit Rider's Widow. H2660 (ASU WCU BC) A Circuit Rider's Wife. H2670 (ASU BC LMC WCU) The Co-citizens. H2680 (ASU BC) Eve's Second Husband. H2690 (ASU) Flapper Anne. H2700 (ASU) The Happy Pilgrimage. H2710 (ASU BC) In Search of a Husband. H2720 (ASU) The Recording Angel. H2750 (ASU BC) Sunlight Patch. H2760 (BC) High Times and Hard Times: Sketches and Tales. H2800 (ASU BC) Sut Lovingood. H2820 (ASU) Sut Lovingood. Yarns Spun by a "Nat'ral Born Durn'd Fool." Warped and Wove for Public Wear. H2830 (ASU BC ETSU) Sut Lovingood's Yarns. H2840 (ASU WWC) Balaam and His Master, and Other Sketches and Stories. H2940 (WCU) Mingo. H2960 (WCU) Mingo and Other Sketches. H2970 (WWC) Mingo and Other Sketches in Black and White. H2980 (WCU) Social Types in Southern Prose Fiction. H3040 A Son of the Old Dominion. H3050 The Fear and the Guilt. H3090 Heat Lightening. H3100 (ASU) The Mating Call. H3110 Patterns of Wolf pen. H3400 The Hawk's Done Gone. H3660 The Hawk's Done Gone And Other Stories. H3670 (ASU BC WCU LMC WWC) Moonshine Strategy, and Other Stories. H3740 (BC) The Bellamy Case. H3800 (ASU) The Hidden Women. H3810 (BC) The Winning Clue. H3820 (ASU BC) Borderland Echoes, a W. Va. Story. H3950 (BC ASU) The Lattiner Legend. H4280 (LMC BC) Daisy's Fanny. H4360 (BC) Nitchey Tilley. H4390 Nitchey Tilley, a Novel. H4400 (ASU BC) A Long, Long Day for November. H4550 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FICTION Deep River. H4660 (ASU BC) King's Mountain. H4740 (ASU BC) True to the Old Flag: A Tale of the American War of Independence. H4870 (ASU) The Limestone Tree. H4900 (ASU WCU BC) Mountain Blood, a Novel. H4910 (ASU BC) Tol'able David. H4920 (BC) Hills, Hollers and Hickory Flats. H5110 (BC) Angel. H5150 (ASU ETSU BC) Stories of the South, Old and New. H5180 (ASU BC WWC) The White Rocks; or The Robbers Den; a Tragedy of the Mountains. H5350 (BC) The Master of the Red Buck and the Bay Doe: A Story of Whig and Tory Warfare in North Carolina in 1781-83. H5500 (LMC) My Rappahannock Storybook. H6060 (BC ASU) Lindy Loyd, a Tale of the Mountains. H6280 (BC ASU) The Dark Mountains. H6310 (BC) A Walk to the River. H6320 (WCU) Rose Mather. H6880 Azure-Lure: A Romance of the Mountains. H6950 Some Adventures of Capt. Simon Suggs. H7060 (ASU) Lonesome Valley. H7250 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) The Blue Balloon, a Tale of the Shenandoah Valley. H7270 The Pike. H7340 (LMC BC WCU) The Way Out, a Story of the Cumberland Today. H7400 (ASU BC) A Handful of Stars! H7470 (ASU MHC BC) Pleasure Piece. H7480 (ASU BC) Before the Sun Goes Down. H7580 (ASU) Payne Hollow. H7820 The Claybrooks. H7920 (ASU WCU BC) In All Its Glory. H8020 Aunt Zone's Web. H8050 (ASU LMC) Missa Appalachia. H8480 The Mountains Redeemed; the Romance of the Mountains, a True Story of Life and Love in Southwest Virginia, Interwoven with an Exposition of her Mountain Life and the Weird Religion of the Mountains, Embracing Scores of Humorous, Ridiculous, Laughable, and Tragic Stories, Episodes, and Incidents and the Religious, Moral, Educational, Industrial and Political Redemption of the Mountains. H8560 Yesterday's Rain. H8680 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Chimney Rock Anthology. 150 Light as the Morning. 1790 (ETSU BC ASU) Milbry. 1800 (LMC BC) Gold in the Blue Ridge: The True Story of the Beale Treasure. 1850 (ASU LMC) The Mountain. J190 (LMC BC) Delilah's Mountain. J280 (ETSU ASU WCU BC) SUBJECT The Little Seeds of Christmas and Other Stories. J710 (WWC) Kentucky Days. J760 (ETSU) Melee; or Woman in Command. J780 (BC) Georgina's Service Stars. J1980 (WCU) In League with Israel; a Tale of the Chattanooga Conference. J1990 The Little Colonel's Knight Comes Riding. J2000 (ASU BC) Audrey. J2070 (ASU BC WCU ETSU) Cease Firing. J2080 (ASU WWC BC) The Great Valley. J2090 (ASU BC) Hagar. J2100 (WCU) Hunting Shirt. J2110 (BC ASU WWC ETSU) Lewis Rand. J2120 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) The Long Roll. J2130 (ASU WWC) Sir Mortimer, a Novel. J2140 (ASU BC) Mr. Absalom Billingslea, and Other Georgia Folk. J2160 (WCU) The Secret Shot, or the Rivals of Misty Mount, A Romance of the Old North State. J2190 Chattanooga. J2240 A Buried Land, a Novel. J2460 (BC ASU LMC WCU ETSU) An Exile. J2470 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) Forest of the Night. J2480 (BC ASU LMC ETSU) The Innocent. J2490 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Shirley. J2550 The Ghost of the Gugan. J2970 (BC) The Gallant Mrs. Stonewall: A Novel Based on the Lives of General and Mrs. Stonewall Jackson. K120 (MHC) Highland Mills. K320 Yankee Revenooer. K340 (ASU LMC) Kildares of Storm. K630 The Mansion House. K640 (ASU BC) Mixed Company. K650 Horse-shoe Robinson. K760 (WCU ASU) Horse-shoe Robinson: A Tale of the Tory Ascendency. K770 (ETSU) Horse-shoe Robinson: A Tale of the Tory Ascendency in South Carolina, in 1780. K780 (MHC BC) The Trail of the Three Notched Road. K1600 (BC) The Prodigal Judge. K1720 (BC ASU LMC WCU) Mountain Stories. K1880 Norman Holt: A Story of the Army of the Cumberland. K2240 (BC ASU) Cabin in the Valley. K2390 Forgotten Valleys. K2400 A New Home — Who'll Follow? or, Glimpses at Western Life. K2640 Where the Star Still Shines. K2650 (LMC) A Young Volunteer With Old Hickory. K2750 (ASU BC) Little Benders. K2870 (BC ASU WCU) 103 FICTION—FICTION The Cabin in the Cotton. K3250 (ASU BC) Darker Grows the Valley. K3260 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Mountain Singer. K3270 (BC ASU) My Heart's in the Hills. K3280 (ASU BC) The Rider on the Bronze Horse. K3290 The Smouldering Fire. K3300 Summer Gold. K3310 (BC) Their Ancient Grudge. K3320 (ASU ETSU BC) Three Brothers and Seven Daddies. K3330 (ASU LMC BC) The Brown Mountain Lights. L90 (ASU LMC) Along Came the Other Girl; a Story of Love and Adventure in Pre-Revolutionary Virginia. L200 Night March. L250 (ASU BC WCU) No Bugles Tonight. L260 (ASU) Hill-billy. L370 (ASU BC) Tiger-lilies: A Novel. L520 (ASU) Tiger-lilies: A Novel. L530 (ASU ETSU) Rider on the Mountains. L570 Shoot for a Mule. L580 The Twelfth Juror. L640 (BC ASU) Our Cousin Veronica; or, Scenes and Adventurers over the Blue Ridge. L680 Walk a Rocky Road. L910 (LMC) Leonora, A Tale of the Great Smokies. LI 020 The Hatfield-McCoy Feud. LI 040 Big Nick: The Story of a Remarkable Black Bear. LI 080 (ASU BC) A Virginia Feud: The Story of a Mountain Lassie. LI340 (ASU BC) Stoke of Brier Hill. LI 490 (BC) The Moonshine War. L1810 (LMC) When Men Grew Tall: Or, The Story of Andrew Jackson. L2070 (ASU) Cry to the Hills. L2090 (BC LMC ASU) New Hope; or, The Rescue. A Tale of the Great Kanawha. L2190 (ASU) Young Kate; or, The Rescue. A Tale of the Great Kanawha. L2200 The Great Forest. L2470 (LMC) Reaching for Reality. L2510 (BC) The First Shearing. L2550 (ASU) Heathen Valley. L2680 (ASU LMC WCU) Slowly, By Thy Hand Unfurled. L2690 (ASU) The Sorrows of Frederick: A Play. L2700 (ASU) A Maid of the Kentucky Hills. L2780 (ASU) Stones for Bread. L2790 (BC) Felix Moses, the Beloved Jew of Stringtown on the Pike. Illustrated by J. Augustus Knapp. L2970 (ASU BC) Our Willie: A Folklore Story of the Gunpowder Creek and Hills, Boone County, Kentucky. L2980 (ASU WCU) Red Head. L2990 (BC ASU WCU LMC ETSU) �FICTION-FICTION FICTION Stringtown on the Pike: A Tale of Northernmost Kentucky. L3000 (BC LMC ETSU ASU WCU) Warwick of the Knobs: A Story of Stringtown County, Kentucky. L3010 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU) L3220 Georgia Scenes. 13320 (ASU) Georgia Scenes: Characters, Incidents, etc., in the First Half Century of the Republic. L3330 (ASU) Georgia Scenes: Characters, Incidents, etc., in the First Half Century of the Republic. L3340 (ASU) Tennessee Sketches. L3450 (ASU ETSU BC) L3550 To Make My Bread. L3960 (ASU BC) The Law of Hemlock Mountain. L4000 (BC ASU) The Long Night L4130 (ASU) The Velvet Horn. L4140 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Romance of the Cumberlands. M20 (LMC BC ASU) Planting the Wilderness: Or, The Pioneer Boys: A Story of Frontier Life. Ml 70 (BC) Other Fires: The Story of Tsali. Ml 80 (WWC BC) Appalachian Gothic. M270 (ASU) Child of God. M280 (ASU) The Orchard Keeper. M290 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Outer Dark. M300 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Burkett's Lock. M410 (ASU) Jean Montioth. M420 (ASU) Oblivion: An Episode. M430 (ETSU BC) Bone and Striffen. M440 (ASU) Big as Life. M800 (LMC BC ASU) The Secret Doorways. M810 Black Top. Ml020 (WCU BC ASU) On Silver Creek Knob. M1021 (BC) Strength of the Hills. M1030 (BC) The Red Debt. Ml 130 (BC) Dialect Tales. M1210 (BC ASU ETSU) Juletty: A Story of Old Kentucky. Ml 300 (ASU BC) Journey Proud. Ml 460 (ASU) For Which the First Was Made. Ml 510 Judith of the Cumberlands. Ml 560 (ASU) The Sword in the Mountains. M1570 (ASU BC) The Sword in the Mountains. Ml 580 The Wiving of Lance Cleaverage. Ml 590 (BC) In Kentucky with Daniel Boone. Ml 730 (ASU) Tall Tales of the Kentucky Mountains. M1780 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Captain Jack, the Scout: Or, the Indian Wars about Old Fort Duquesne, an Historical Novel. Ml 950 (ASU BC) Old Fort Duquesne: Or, Captain Jack, the Scout. An Historical Novel with Copious Notes. Ml 960 (ASU) "The Southern Highlands in Prose Fiction." M2100 (ASU WCU) Tyrone of Kentucky. M2200 (WCU) SUBJECT Journey Cake. M2220 (BC) Juba's New Moon. M2230 (ASU WCU BC) "Glory" of the Hills. M2350 (BC) The Last Forest; Tales of the Allegheny Woods. M2370 Storm Center. M2510 (BC) Hushed Were the Hills. M2570 (ASU LMC ETSU MHC WCU BC) The Scout of the Buckongehanon: An Historical Romance of the Western Virginia Border, 1764-1782. M2580 (ASU WCU BC) Bijou, A Novel. M2650 Cassandra Singing: A Novel, M2660 (ASU BC) Fiction Into Film: A Walk in the Spring Rain. M2710 (ASU) Weep for the Dawn. M2770 (ASU WCU BC) The Holcombes. A Story of Virginia Homelife. M2790 (ASU BC) Sons of Vengeance. M2960 (BC ASU) The Crowning Event and Other Stories. M3070 (ASU) A Mountain Code and Other Stories. M3080 (ASU) Kentucky Kate; or, The Moonshiners' League. M3110 The Coming of Rain. M3260 (WCU ETSU BC) That Far Paradise. M3270 (BC) Kentucky Jane. M3280 Vestige of Valor. M3310 (BC) Sequoyah: Leader of the Cherokees. M3340 (ASU LMC BC) Old Hickory's Prisoner: A Tale of the Second War for Independence. M3400 (ASU) Christy. M3410 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU WCU WWC BC) In Old Kentucky. M3430 (ETSU BC ASU) Julia Gwynn. M3470 (WCU BC) Little Squire Jim. M3480 (ETSU BC) Hang My Wreath. M4050 (ASU) Jonathan Fish and His Neighbors. M4560 (BC) Cousin to Human. M4610 (ASU) On Indian Trails with Daniel Boone. M4780 (ETSU) On Indian Trails with Daniel Boone. M4790 (ETSU) The Story of Andrew Jackson. M4800 (ASU BC) The Story of Davy Crockett. M4810 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) The Parson's Mountaineers. M4940 (BC) The Valley People. M4950 (BC) Call of the Mountain. M4980 (ASU) Will West. M5200 Bethel. M5500 (ASU BC LMC) Daintie's Cruel Rivals. M5510 (BC) Lynette's Wedding. M5520 (BC) The Pearl and the Ruby. M5530 (BC) Lamb in His Bosom. M5560 (ASU WWC) Lamb in His Bosom. M5570 (ASU) The Red Swan's Neck: A Tale of the North Carolina Mountains. M5580 104 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Edge of the Woods. M5650 (ASU) Tenants of the House. M5660 (WCU BC) After the Glory. M5680 (ASU BC ETSU) Hawk in the Wind. M5690 (ASU BC) Horns of Capricorn. M5700 (BC ETSU WCU WWC) Sharon. M5720 (ASU) Slow Dies the Thunder. M5730 (ASU BC ETSU) The Sound of Chariots: A Novel of John Sevier and the State of Franklin. M5740 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) Splendor of Eagles. M5750 Be Ye Begger or King. Love in the Backwoods. M6350 (BC) Deep Channel. M6490 (ASU) In Calvert's Valley. M6500 Linda. M6510 (ASU BC) The Poet, Miss Kate and I. M6520 (ASU BC) The Sowing of Alderson Cree. M6530 (ASU BC) Uncle Sam of Freedom Ridge. M6540 (BC) Up Eel River. M6550 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Long Meadows. M6620 (ASU) Blacktop. M6880 (ASU) The Girl of the Listening Heart. M6920 Laborers Together. M6980 Ordered Steps. M7000 Silver Creek's Camp Jolly. M7010 (ASU) Strength of the Hills. M7030 (ASU) These, My People. M7040 Like a River Flowing. M7180 (ASU) The Bishop of Cottontown: A Story of the Southern Cotton Mills. M7250 (ASU BC) Hearts of Hickory: A Story of Andrew Jackson and the War of 1812. M7260 (ASU BC WCU) Hearts of Hickory: A Story of Andrew Jackson and the War of 1812. M7270 (ETSU) Jack Ballington, Forester. M7280 (ASU) A Summer Hymnal, a Romance of Tennessee. M7300 (ASU BC ETSU) Rain on the Just. M7420 (ASU) Again the River. M7670 (ASU LMC) First Blood. M7740 (BC) Stephen. M7760 (ASU) Opie Read, American Humorist, 1852-1939. M7830 (BC WCU) Chilhowee Boys. M7950 (ASU) Land of the Laurel: A Story of the Alleghanies. M8120 (ASU BC ETSU) Winning or Losing? A Story of the West Virginia Hills. M8150 (BC) The Rock Was Free. M8260 The Shadow of the Potrock. M8270 Push Boat. M8300 (ASU) The Boy from Hollow Hut. M8560 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FICTION Almetta of Gabriel's Run. M8710 (BC) The Amulet: A Novel. M8720 (ASU BC) The Bushwhackers, and Other Stories. M8730 (ASU BC LMC) The Bushwhackers, and Other Stories. M8740 (ASU ETSU) The Despot of Broomsedge Cove. M8750 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) Down the Ravine, a Story. M8760 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) The Frontiersmen. M8770 (ASU BC WCU) His Vanished Star. M8780 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) In the Clouds, a Story. M8790 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) In the "Stranger People's" Country: A Novel. M8800 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) In the Tennessee Mountains. M8810 (LMC) In the Tennessee Mountains. M8820 (ASU BC) In the Tennessee Mountains. M8830 (ASU BC) In the Tennessee Mountains. M8840 (LMC) In the Tennessee Mountains. M8850 (ASU LMC) In the Tennessee Mountains. M8860 (ETSU LMC) In the Tennessee Mountains. M8870 (WCU) In the Tennessee Mountains. M8880 (LMC MHC) The Juggler. M8890 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) The Mystery of Witch-Face Mountain and Other Stories. M8900 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) The Mystery of Witch-Face Mountain, and Other Stories. M8910 (WCU) The Ordeal: A Mountain Romance of Tennessee. M8920 (ASU BC ETSU) The Phantoms of the Foot-bridge, and Other Stories. M8930 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) The Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains. M8940 (ASU BC) The Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains. M8950 (ASU BC LMC WCU) The Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains. M8960 (ETSU WCU WWC) The Raid of the Guerilla, and Other Stories. M8970 (ASU WWC) The Raid of the Guerilla, and Other Stories. M8980 (ETSU WCU) A Spectre of Power. M8990 (ASU BC WCU) The Storm Centre: A Novel. M9000 (ASU LMC) The Story of Keedon Bluffs. M9010 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) The Story of Old Fort Loudon. M9020 (ASU BC) The Story of Old Fort Loudon. M9030 (WCU) Where the Battle Was Fought: A Novel. M9040 (ASU) The Windfall. M9050 (ASU BC) The Young Mountaineers: Short Stories. M9060 (ASU BC WCU ETSU) Black Fury. M9200 (BC) Backwoods Teacher. N500 (ASU) The Cavalier of Tennessee. N940 (ASU BC) Send Me An Angel. Nil 40 (ASU) Woman with a Sword: The Biographical Novel of Anna Ella Carroll of Maryland. N1290 (ASU BC WCU) The Lure of the Hills: A Tale of Life in the Mountains of Kentucky. N1390 (BCASU) Divine Right's Trip: A Folktale. N1420 (ASU) FICTION-FICTION SUBJECT Chattooga Griffin. N1440 (LMC BC ASU) All the Kingdoms of Earth, a Novel. N1480 (BC ASU WCU) The Days of Daniel Boone. N2850 (ETSU) The Days of Daniel Boone: A Romance of the "Dark and Bloody Ground". N2860 (LMC ASU BC) Aunt Jane of Kentucky. O40 (ASU) Aunt Jane of Kentucky. O50 (WCU) The Land of Long Ago. O70 (BC WCU ASU) To Love and to Cherish. 080 (BC) Sally Ann's Experience. O90 (ASU BC) Ginsey Kreider. OHO (ASU) The Anxious Seat. 0130 (BC) Moonshine. 0290 Hand in Hand Through the Happy Valley. O300 Winespring Mountain. O340 (BC ASU) Death on the Mountain. 0350 At Top of Tobin. O610 (BC LMC) Mountain Magic for Rosy. 0820 Home Is Where the Heart Is. P20 With Sun in Our Blood. P40 (ASU) Red Rock: A Chronicle of Reconstruction. P50 (ASU) A Maid of the Mountains. P80 Mountain Mating. P280 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Two Boys in the Blue Ridge. P310 (ASU) The Mountaineer Detective. A Thrilling Tale of the Moonshiners. P620 (ASU) "Har Lampkins"; A Narrative of Mountain Life, On the Borders of the Two Virginians. P810 Short Stories and Legends of the Mountains. P930 Christmas at Grinder's Switch. PI 230 (LMC) The Double Standard. PI 280 Up Country. A Story of the Vanguard. PI 430 (ASU) Annie Laurie and Azalea. PI 440 Azalea's Silver Web. PI 450 Azalea: The Story of a Girl in the Blue Ridge Mountains. PI 460 (ASU WCU) A Mountain Woman. PI 470 (ASU) Tibb's Flooders. PI 530 Alabama Sketches. PI 550 (ASU) Witch in the Mill. PI 580 (ASU LMC FC) Red Belts. PI 660 (ASU WCU BC) Corona of the Nantahalas, A Romance. PI 680 The History of Rome Hanks and Kindred Matters. PI 740 (ASU) The Young Mrs. Blennerhasset: A Novel of Early Days in West Virginia. P2010 My Head's High From Proudness. P2270 (ASU) Rain on the Mountain. P2470 Blennerhassett: Or, The Degrees of Fate. A Romance Founded Upon Events in American History. P2850 (ASU WCU WWC BC) 105 The Witch of Turner's Bald.* P2900 (ASU) The Daughter of the Smokies. P2910 (ASU) How Old Man Corn Held Possession. P3220 The Trouble at Pinelands: A Detective Story. P3270 "A Tale of the Ragged Mountains" in The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe. P3280 (ASU ETSU) Beautiful Upon the Mountains, the Story of a Kentucky Missionary. P3290 (ASU) Paul Judson: A Story of the Kentucky Mountains. P3390 The Cudgel. P3450 Agaiost Human Nature. P3490 (BC ASU) Dally. P3500 (BC ASU) In- Buncombe County. P3510 (BC ASU LMC WCU) The Red-bridge Neighborhood, A Novel. P3520 (LMC BC) The Common Problem. P3690 The Complete Works of C. Henry. P3720 Dwellers in the Hills. P3780 The Mountain Schoolteacher. P3790 (ASU BC) Uncle Abner, Master of Mysteries. P3800 (ASU BC) North Carolina Fiction 1734-1957: An Annotated Bibliography. P4000 (ASU MHC) In the Shadow of the Cumberlands; a Story of Kentucky Mountain Life. P4070 Elk Garden Tales. P4160 Land of Canaan. Plain Tales from the Mountains of West Virginia. P4250 (ETSU BC) Land of Canaan: plain Tales from the Mountains of West Virginia. P4260 (ASU) The Slate-picker: Story of a Boy's Life in the Coal Mines. P4300 (WCU BC) Paths of Glory. P4430 Dear Teacher. P4470 (BC) Laming. P4480 My Lady Lee. P4490 (BC) The Double Man. P4810 John Gamp: Or, Coves and Cliffs of the Cumberlands. P4870 (LMC BC) April Is the Crudest Month. 0150 (BC) Visiting the Sin: A Tale of Mountain Life in Kentucky and Tennessee. R690 (BC ASU) The Captain's Romance, or, Tales of the Backwoods. R720 (ASU BC) The Jucklins: A Novel. R730 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) Odd Folks. R740 (BC ASU WCU) Old Lim Jucklin. R750 (ETSU) The Starbucks: A New Novel. R760 (ASU BC) A Tennessee Judge: A Novel. R770 (ASU ETSU) The Waters of Caney Fork: A Romance of Tennessee. R780 (ASU ETSU) The Wives of the Prophet: A Novel. R790 (ASU) Partisan Rate; or, A Stirring Story of the Battle of Mill Springs. R910 �FICTION-FICTION FICTION Better a Dinner of Herbs. R950 (ASU) The Hawk and the Sun. R970 The Morningside of the Hill. R1090 (BC) A Whimsical Collection. R1190 Remembrance Way. R1350 (ASU) "Old Limber": Or, The Tale of the Taylors. R1930 (ASU) A Mountain Idyll. R1950 (WCU BC ASU) Tallulah and Jocassee, or, Romances of Southern Landscape, and Other Tales. R2030 Snakes and the Devil. R2140 From Cedar Mountain: A Collection of Stories from the Large American Novel, Cedar Mountain. R2160 (ASU) The Grandfathers. R2180 The Road to Wildcat: A Tale of Southern Mountaineering. R2360 (BC ASU LMC) Tanis, the Sang-Digger. R2570 The Mountain Journey. R2720 (ASU) Black Is My Truelove's Hair. R2730 (ASU LMC ETSU WCU BC) A Buried Treasure. R2740 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU) The Great Meadow. R2750 (ASU LMC ETSU BC WWC) The Haunted Mirror. R2760 The Haunted Mirror; Stories. R2770 He Sent Forth a Raven. R2780 (ASU) He Sent Forth a Raven. R2790 (ETSU) My Heart and My Flesh, a Novel. R2800 (ASU ETSU WCU) Not by Strange Gods; Stories. R2810 The Time of Man. R2830 (ETSU LMC WCU WWC BC) The Time of Man, a Novel. R2840 (WCU) The Time of Man, a Novel. R2850 (ASU) The Man from Smiling Pass: Or, The Honorable Abe Blount. R3250 (ASU BC) "Smiles," a Rose of the Cumberlands. R3260 (ASU WCU BC) Smiling Pass: Being a Further Account of the Career of "Smiles," a Rose of the Cumberlands. R3270 (ASU) Daniel Boone: Or, The Pioneers of Kentucky. R3300 (BC) Daddy's Pearl and Other Stories. R3420 (BC) How Jack Went to College. R3430 (BC) Biny's Choice. R3440 (BC) Sarepty's Schoolin1; the Tale of a Mountain Maid Who Hungered for Knowledge. R3450 (BC) Adventures of Elder Triptolemus Tub. R3470 (WCU) Birthright. R3530 (ASU) Impassioned Foothills. R3640 Love's Tapestry. R3650 Jackson Mahaffey, a Novel. R3850 (ASU) Black Earth. R4060 (ASU) Stormy Road. R4070 Bright Angel Trail. R4100 (ASU) SUBJECT A Quaker Scout. R4290 Paths of Glory: A Simple Tale of a Faring Bride, Elizabeth, Sister of Patrick Henry. R4350 (ASU) Snakes and the Devil. R4360 (LMC) A Pagan of the Alleghanies. R4480 (ASU BC) Told in the Hills. R4490 The Lost Country: A Novel. S200 (ASU BC) These Are My People. S260 (ASU) The Wheel of Earth. S280 (ASU WCU BC) The Wizard's Child. S290 (ASU WCU LMC) Hill-bred Barton's Code, a Western Story. S320 (ASU BC) Tenn. Boy. S570 (BC ASU) Cradle Valley. S620 (BC ASU) Brick Without Straw, a Story of Kentucky Mountain Life. S630 (ASU BC) Let the Spring Come. S940 (ETSU BC ASU) Betty Zone, Heroine of Fort Henry. S1010 (ASU) The Selfish and the Strong. SI 200 Witch Perkins. SI 390 (BC) Hillbilly Doctor. SI 750 (ASU BC) Never No More, a Novel. SI 760 (ASU WCU BC) Red Clay Country. SI 790 (ASU) Fight Night on a Sweet Saturday, a Novel. SI 950 (ASU WCU BC) Know Nothing. SI960 (ASU WCU) O Beulah Land, a Novel. SI970 (ASU LMC WCU) O Beulah Land. SI 980 (WWC) Gold or Guilt. S2800 (ASU) Hacey Miller: A Novel. S2890 (BC LMC ASU) Stand like Men. S2900 (BC) The Way to Fort Pillow: A Novel. S2910 (LMC ASU BC WCU ETSU) Daisy's Fanny. S2920 Charlemont: Or, the Pride of the Village. A Tale of Kentucky. S3470 (ASU) Charlemont: Or, The Pride of the Village, a Tale of Kentucky. S3480 (ETSU) Guy Rivers: A Tale of Georgia. S3490 Guy Rivers: A Tale of Georgia. S3500 (ASU BC) Guy Rivers: A Tale of Georgia. S3510 (ASU ETSU) The Scout: Or, The Black Riders of Congaree. S3520 (ASU WCU ETSU) Voltmeier, or The Mountain Men: A Tale of the Old North State. S3530 (ASU) The Wigwam and the Cabin. S3540 (ASU) The Wigwam and the Cabin. Life in America. S3550 (WCU LMC) Woodcraft: Or, Hawks About the Dovecote A Story of the South at the Close of the Revolution. S3560 (ASU WCU ETSU) The Writings of William Gilmore Simms, Centennial Edition. S3570 (ASU) Memo, to Timothy Sheldon. S3680 (ASU) King Coal. S3700 (ETSU) 106 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Disturb Not Our Dreams. S3890 (ASU BC) 0 Careless Love. S3900 (ASU) Hawk's Nest. S3920 (BC ASU) Heaven Came So Near. S3930 (ASU LMC BC) Hill Doctor. S3940 (ASU WCU BC) Hill Lawyer. S3950 (BC LMC) Hill Lawyer. S3960 (ASU) 1 Will Lift Up Mine Eyes. S3970 (BC ASU) I Will Lift Up Mine Eyes. S3980 (LMC) River Rising! S3990 (ASU LMC) Becky Landers; Frontier Warrior. S4030 (BC) Silent Scott, Frontier Scout. S4070 Silent Scott, Frontier Scout. S4080 (WWC BC) Drought, and Other North Carolina Yarns. S4560 (LMC ASU) The Mountaineers: Or, Bottled Sunshine for Blue Mondays. S4850 (ASU BC) Call of the Big Eastatoe. S4890 (LMC ASU) A Tar-Heel Baron. S4900 (ASU WCU BC) A Tar-Heel Baron. S4910 (ASU) The Lost Children of the Alleghenies. S5150 (ASU) A Multitude of Men. S5160 (BC) Fisher's River Scenes, Reproduced from the Original. S5290 (LMC WCU ASU BC) Fallen Pride; or the Mountain Girl's Love. S5900 (BC) The Prince of Darkness, a Romance of the Blue Ridge. S5910 The Sheriff of the Beech Fork: A Story of Kentucky. S5980 (ASU BC) The Old Mill on the Withrose. S5990 (BC) Junaluskie, the Cherokee; a Story of the War. S6180 Toppy and the Circuit Rider. S6350 This Time Next Year. S6480 (ASU BC) Fred Fearnot in West Virginia. S6540 Ghost Stories from the Southern Mountains. S6570 (ASU) The Old Wilderness Road: An American Journey. S6830 (WCU BC ETSU) The Story of Daniel Boone. S6860 (ASU BC) They Had a Glory. S7210 (ASU BC) Rainbow Road. S7220 (ASU BC) River of Earth. S7400 (BC ASU UNCA) River of Earth. S7410 (LMC ETSU) River of Earth. S7420 (WCU) Sentimental Calendar, Being Twelve Funny Stories. S7450 (ASU WCU) Years of Harvest, Poems and Tales from the Smoky Foothills, 1924-1964. S7500 (BC LMC WCU) S7630 Eoneguski, or the Cherokee Chief: A Tale of Past Wars, by an American. S7770 Eoneguski: Or, the Cherokee Chief (1839). S7780 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) With Boone on the Frontier, or The Pioneer Boys of Old Kentucky. S7810 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FICTION Pride of Possession. S7860 (ASU) Droner's Gold. S7870 Bright Metal. S7910 (ASU LMC ETSU) The Sound Wagon. S7920 (ASU) The Store. S7930 (ASU) Teeftallow. S7940 (ASU WCU ETSU) Unfinished Cathedral. S7950 (ASU) The Starlight of the Hills; A Romance of the Kentucky Mountains. S8090 Behind the Great Smokies. S8100 (ASU) Passerman's Hollow. S8190 (BC ASU) Yellowhawk. S8210 (BC ASU) Clearing in the Sky and Other Stories. S8280 (ETSU ASU) Come Back to the Farm. S8290 (ASU LMC MHC WCU ETSU FC BC) Come, Gentle Spring. S8300 (ASU LMC MHC WCU ETSU BC UNCA) Come to My Tomorrowland. S8310 (LMC ASU WCU MHC ETSU BC) Daughter of the Legend. S8320 (ASU MHC LMC WCU WWC ETSU BC UNCA) Foretaste of Glory. S8340 (ASU WCU BC) The Good Spirit of Laurel Ridge. S8360 (ASU ETSU BC) Head o1 W-Hollow. S8380 (ASU) Head o' W-Hollow. S8390 (WCU ETSU) Hie to the Hunters. S8400 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) A Jesse Stuart Harvest. S8430 (FC BC ASU) A Jesse Stuart Reader: Stories and Poems. S8440 (ASU WCU BC ETSU) Men of the Mountains. S8490 (ASU WWC BC) Mongrel Mettle, the Autobiography of a Dog. $8500 (LMC WCU UNCA ETSU BC) Mr. Gallion's School. S8510 (ASU WCU MHC LMC WWC ETSU BC UNCA) My Land Has a Voice. S8520 (ASU MHC WCU LMC WWC ETSU FC UNCA) Plowshare in Heaven: Stories. S8550 (ASU WCU MHC WWC ETSU BC) The Rightful Owner. S8580 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Rightful Owner. S8590 (WCU) Save Every Lamb. $8600 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU BC) Tales from the Plum Grove Hills. S8630 (ASU FC ETSU) Taps for Private Tussie. $8640 (ETSU BC) Taps for Private Tussie. S8650 (ASU WCU LMC MHC UNCA) 32 Votes before Breakfast: Politics at the Grass Roots, as Seen in Short Stories. $8660 (ASU BC) Tim, a Story. S8690 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) Trees of Heaven. S8710 (ASU WCU WWC ETSU BC) Kentucky Story, a Collection of Short Stories. S9030 (ASU BC) Tall Tales of the Devils Apron. S9270 (LMC BC FC) My Kentucky Cousins. S9760 (ASU BC) Carolina Humor: Sketches. T50 (ASU) Bloody Ground: A Cycle of the Southern Hills. T260 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) SUBJECT Some Trust in Chariots. T270 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) The Singing Hills. T7850 (ASU) Brave Heart Elizabeth; a Story of the Ohio Frontier. T8120 (ASU BC) At Love's Extremes. T8270 (BC) Stories of the Cherokee Hills. T8280 (BC WCU) Oic-? Science Fiction. T8350 (ASU) The Witch's Castle. T8390 (ASU) My "Budie" and I. T8410 (ASU) Barbara's Vagaries. T8560 (WCU BC) Bonny Kate. A Novel. T8580 (ASU) His Victory. T8590 The Land of the Sky; or Adventures in Mountain By-Ways. T8600 "The Land of the Sky": Or, Adventures in Mountain By-Ways. T8610 (LMC) The Land of the Sky: Or, Adventures in Mountain By-Ways. T8620 (LMC) "The Land of the Sky": Or, Adventures in Mountain Byways. T8630 A Little Maid of Arcady. T8640 A Summer Idyl. T8650 Bricks Without Straw: A Novel. T9010 (WCU BC ETSU) A Fool's Errand, by One of the Fools: The Famous Romance of American History. T9020 (WCU BC) A Fool's Errand: A Novel of the South During Reconstruction. T9030 (WWC) The Invisible Empire: A Concise Review of the Epoch, With Many Thrilling Personal Narratives and Startling Facts of Life at the South, Never Before Narrated for the General Reader, All Fully Authenticated. T9040 (WCU) A Royal Gentleman: A Novel. T9050 (WCU) Katy of Catoctin: Or, The Chain-Breakers, a National Romance. T9070 (ASU WCU BC WCU) In the Nantahalas: A Novel. T9100 (LMC BC ASU WCU) Tanis, the Sang-Digger. T9440 (ASU) Virginia of Virginia: A Story. T9450 (LMC) Cudjo's Cave. T9490 (ASU ETSU) Legion of the Lost Mine,- Stories of the Cumberland. T9500 The Partisan Leader. T9580 The Partisan Leader. T9650 (ASU) The Partisan Leader. T9660 (ETSU) Son of the Valley. T9720 (ASU ETSU) Stories and Verse of West Virginia. T9780 Acres of Beauty. T9860 Voyage; an Anthology of Selected Stories by Mary Lavin, Rhys Davies, James Hanley and Others. V20 The Captive Witch. V210 (ASU) Our Country Then: Tales of Our First Frontier. V260 (ASU) The Trembling Earth. V270 (ASU) The Shadow of Hampton Mead. V340 107 FICTION—FICTION This Green Thicket World. V660 (ASU) Wiley Buck and Other Stories. W130 (LMC) Beckoning Ridge. W190 (ASU) Tennessee Tales. W280 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Cave. W980 (ETSU BC) The Green Arch. W1020 Hang My Wreath. W2020 Mountain Feud. W2590 (ASU MHC BC) Mystery at Bear Paw Gap. W2600 (ASU) The South Fork Rangers. W2610 (MHC) The Specter of Bear Paw Gap. W2620 (WCU BC) Who Fears the Devil? W2630 (LMC) Rain on the Mountain. W2860 (BC) Appalachian Dawn. W3020 (ASU LMC WCU) Time Was. W3060 (ASU LMC) Gentlemen, Hushi W5180 (BC ETSU) Kentucky Stand. W5190 (ASU LMC ETSU WCU BC) Mark Ellis, or Unsolved Problems: A Story for the Present Day. W5240 (ASU) The Rural School Teacher: Or, A Double West Virginia Love Story. W5330 (BC) Mr. G. Strings Along. W6160 (LMC) Sim Greene and Tom the Tinker's Men. W6190 (BC) Cale. W6340 (ASU) Hostile Valley. W6400 (ASU) G.reenbones. W6880 (ASU) Walk Egypt. W6890 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Saint Elmo, a Novel. W7080 (ASU) A Speckled Bird. W7090 (ASU) Our Bed Is Green. W7160 The Grandfather and the Globe. W7180 (ASU LMC WWC BC) The Hill Billy Kid. W7210 (BC) Fidelity Folks. W7250 (WWC) The Valley of Time. W7270 (LMC) The Happy Years. W7420 The Nine Brides and Granny Hite. W7430 (ASU BC) The Lost Trail: A Story of the Kentucky Mountains. W7550 (BC) Diomed: The Life, Travels, and Observations of a Dog. W7900 (ASU) Look Homeward, Angel; a Story of the Buried Life. W8140 (MHC BC UNCA) Look Homeward, Angel: A Story of the Buried Life. W8150 (WWC) Look Homeward, Angel: A Story of the Buried Life. W8160 (WCU) Look Homeward, Angel: A Story of the Buried Life. W8170 (WCU) Look Homeward, Angel: A Story of the Buried Life. W8180 (LMC WCU MHC ETSU) The Lost Boy. W8190 (BC) �FICTION—FICTION FICTION Of Time and the River: A Legend of Man's Hunger in His Youth. W8240 (ASU WCU BC UNCA WWC) Of Time and the River: A Legend of Man's Hunger in His Youth. W8250 (ETSU) You Can't Go Home Again. W8390 (ASU WWC WCU ETSU BC UNCA) Love in the Mists. W8450 For the Major: A Novelette. W9030 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Horace Chase. W9040 (ASU WCU BC) Horace Chase. W9050 (ETSU) Rodman the Keeper: Southern Sketches. W9060 (WCU ASU) In the Valley of the Shadows. W9080 (BC) Youngblood Hawke. W9330 (ASU ETSU BC) Hungry Hollow. W9370 (BC) Christmas at Thunder Gap. W9450 (BC) Home to the Hills. W9540 Home to the Hills. W9550 Bundle of Troubles, and Other Tarheel Tales. W9600 (WWC ASU LMC) The Gate Is Down; A Novel of The Alabama Hills. Y40 Brave Interval. Y60 (BC) Stories from the Hills, 1971. Y90 (LMC) The Trapper's Last Shot. Y310 Wolf at the Door. Y320 (ASU) The Summer Soldier. Z160 (ETSU) Bitter Sweet, A Mountain Story. 2600 (LMC) FICTION — APP. Mountain Fiction From Addington to Zugsmith: 924 Works of Fiction by Southern Appalachian Authors, Or With Southern Appalachian Settings. P2160 A Shelf List of More than 760 Works of Fiction. P2170 Deep in the Hearts of Men. W520 (BC) The Woodcarver of Olympus. W530 (ASU) FICTION — APP. MTNS. Yours for the Asking. A20 (ASU BC) FICTION — JUVENILE The Little Fiddler of Laurel Cove. A520 (ASU BC) Sugar in the Gourd. A550 Tip Off to Win. A560 (BC) My Rose Valley. A5580 (ASU) Geraldine the Sightseeing Cow. B850 (ASU LMC BC) The Witch and Cinderella, The Boom-cat Kid and other stories. B970 (ASU) Some Snow for Christmas. B2730 (BC ASU) Mountain Boy. B2830 (LMC) Snow. B2840 (ASU) The Two Worlds of Davy Blount. B2850 (ASU BC) Yaller-Eye. B2860 Caleb's Luck. B2880 B3660 (BC ASU) Trouble on Old Smoky. B4630 (ETSU) SUBJECT How Davy Crockett Got a Bearskin Coat. B4680 (ETSU) Renfroe's Christmas. B8410 Beanie. Cl 510 (ASU WWC BC) The Christmas Kitten. C1520 (MHC) The Picnic Bear. C1550 (ASU) Runaway Pony. C1560 (ASU MHC BC) Tough Enough. C1570 (ASU MHC WWC BC) Tough Enough and Sassy. C1580 (ASU LMC BC) Tough Enough's Indians. C1590 (ASU LMC ETSU) Tough Enough's Pony. C1600 (ASU MHC LMC BC) Tough Enough's Trip. C1610 (ASU MHC LMC BC) Tough Enough's Trip. C1620 (WWC) Barrie and Daughter. C2270 Barrie and Daughter. C2280 (ASU ETSU) The Best-loved Doll. C2290 (ETSU) A Certain Small Shepherd. C2300 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) Contrary Jenkins. C2320 (ASU MHC ETSU BC) Did You Carry the Flag Today, Charley? C2330 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU WWC BC) The Far-off Land. C2340 (LMC WCU ASU) Happy Little Family. C2350 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Higgins and the Great Big Scare. C2360 (ETSU) A Pocketful of Cricket. C2390 (ASU WWC LMC WCU ETSU) Saturday Cousins. C2400 (ASU LMC BC) Saturday Cousins. C2410 (ETSU) Schoolhouse in the Woods. C2420 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Schoolroom in the Parlor. C2430 . (ASU LMC WCU) Schoolroom in the Parlor. C2440 (ETSU) Susan Cornish. C2450 (WCU ETSU BC) Susan Cornish. C2460 (ASU LMC) Time for Lisa. C2470 Tree of Freedom. C2480 (ASU LMC BC) Tree of Freedom. C2490 (ETSU) Up and Down the River. C2500 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Bear Weather. C2670 (BC ASU) Freeman. C2690 (ASU LMC BC) John Henry McCoy. C2700 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Roy in the Mountains. C4200 (ASU) The Champion of Sourwood Mountain. C4270 (LMC BC ASU) Goodbye Kate. C4280 (ASU BC) A Long Row to Hoe. C4290 (ASU B'C) . The Mooneyed Hound. C4300 (BC ASU) Lazar and Boone Stop Strip Mining Bully to Save Apple Valley and Buttermilk Creek. C4510 (ASU) Where the Lilies Bloom. C4840 (BC ASU) Down Tumbledown Mountain. C5270 (LMC) Old Whirlwind. C5280 (ETSU) This Snake is Good. C7280 (ASU) 108 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Johnnie Mountain. C8390 (WWC) Big Doin's on Razorback Ridge. C8610 (ETSU ASU) Down Down the Mountain. C8620 (ASU MHC BC) Johnny and His Mule. C8630 (ETSU ASU) Beneath the Hill. C9850 Howard McPhlinn. A Story for Boys. D2250 The Court-martial of Daniel Boone: A Novel. E750 (ASU BC) A Bibliography of Appalachian Children's and Young People's Books. El 170 The Secret of the Simple Code. F340 Cynthia of Bee Tree Hollow. F2490 (ETSU ASU) Lona of Hollybrush Creek. F2500 (ASU) Mountain Girl. F2510 (ETSU BC ASU) Mountain Girl Comes Home. F2520 (ASU BC) The Moon of the Bears. G860 (ETSU) The Whispering Fairy: Constructive Stories for Children. G1250 (LMC) Sal-o-quah; or, Boy-life Among the Cherokees. G2900 . . . Sal-o-quah; or, Boy-life Among the Cherokees. G2910 Sweet Opossum Valley. G2930 (ASU WWC BC) Those Plummer Children. G2940 (ETSU) I Want to Be Coal Miner. G3710 Angeline Doin' Society. G3910 (BC) Angeline Hittin' on High. G3920 (BC) Angeline of the Hill Country. G3930 (ASU WCU BC) Angeline Steppin' Out. G3940 (BC) Big Sky. G4950 (WCU WWC BC) The Here to Yonder Girl. H630 (ASU BC) The Hillbillys, a Book for Children. H2340 (ASU) Malinda of the Blue Ridge. H2390 (ASU LMC) Smoke on Old Thunderhead. H2780 (ASU BC LMC) The Boy Troopers Among the Wild Mountaineers. H3900 (BC) Dan'l Boone Kissed Me. H6930 (ASU) Pink Puppy. H7000 (ASU) The History Limb. H7830 (BC ASU) Lost on Hawk Mountain. J1850 (ASU) Big Log Mountain. J3030 (LMC ASU) Children of the Great Smoky Mountains. J3040 (WCU ETSU) Children of the Great Smoky Mountains. J3050 (ASU LMC MHC) Eben and the Rattlesnake. J3070 (ETSU) Here Comes Mary Ellen. J3080 (ETSU) Holidays in No-End Hollow. J3090 Holidays in No-End Hollow. J3100 (BC ETSU) Honey Jane. J3110 (ETSU) House in No-End Hollow. J3120 (ETSU WWC ASU) Hurrah for Jerry Jake. J3130 (ETSU) It happened in No-End Hollow. J3140 �SUBJECT APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FICTION — JUVENILE Jerry Jake Carries On. J3150 (ETSU ASU) Jumping Johnny Outwits Skedaddle. J3160 Lester and His Hound Pup. J3170 (ASU LMC) Lizzie. J3180 (ETSU ASU) Luck for Little Lihu. J3190 (ETSU ASU) Lucky Penny. J3200 (ETSU ASU) The Mail Wagon Mystery. J3210 (ASU WWC ETSU) New Boy in School. J3220 (LMC MHC WCU ASU) A New Home for Billy. J3230 (LMC ASU) The Other Side of the Mountain. J3240 (ASU LMC WCU) Peter Pocket and His Pickle Pup. J3260 (ETSU) Sammy. J3270 (ETSU ASU) Smoky Mountain Sampler: Stories. J3280 (ASU LMC MHC) Step Along and Jerry Jake. J3290 (ETSU ASU) Surprise for Perky Pup. J3300 Surprise for Peter Pocket. J3310 (ASU LMC) Tales from Near-side and Far. J3320 Tale of a Pig. J3330 (LMC ASU) Then Came Mr. Billy Barker. J3340 (ASU LMC WCU) Toby Has a Dog. J3350 (ETSU) Use Your Head, Hildy. J3360 (ASU LMC ETSU) Winds a Blowing. J3370 (ASU LMC) You're Sure Silly, Billy. J3380 (ASU) Cherokee Boy. K1750 (ASU BC) Escape to Witch Mountain. K1760 (ASU) The Forgotten Door. K1770 With Daniel Boone on the Caroliny Trail. K1780 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Snakehunter. K2190 (ASU LMC) Up the Big Mountain. K2940 Blue Ridge Billy. L1780 (ASU LMC MHC BC WCU ETSU) Coal Camp Girl. LI790 (WCU ETSU BC) Gertrude's Pocket. M5460 (ASU BC LMC ETSU) Hoagie's Rifle-Gun. M5470 (ASU BC LMC) As by Fire. M6860 (ASU) Autumn on Breezy Hill. M6870 (ASU) Dan and Jack Find a Pal. M6890 (ASU) Doctor Happy. M6900 (ASU) Eyes Unto the Hills. M6910 (ASU) The Healing Hills. M6930 (ASU) The Jolly J's Have a Reunion. M6940 (ASU) The Jolly J's Make Decisions. M6950 (ASU) The Jolly J's of Silver Creek. M6960 (ASU) Joy Shop Stories. M6970 (ASU) On Silver Creek Knob. M6990 (ASU BC) Spring on Breezy Hill. M7020 (ASU) The Touch of Polly Tucker. M7050 (ASU) The Triplets Go to Camp. M7060 "Selected Children's Fiction with a Contemporary Setting in the Mountains of Kentucky and North Carolina." M7880 (ASU) The Boy Spies at the Defense of Fort Henry, a Story of Wheeling Creek in 1777. 0910 (ASU BC) Hannah of Kentucky, a Story of the Wilderness Road. 0920 (ASU BC) Let's Be Early Settlers with Daniel Boone. PI80 (ASU ETSU) Davy Crockett, Young Rifleman. P330 (ETSU) Snifty. P4510 Jud. R660 (ASU) Up from Appalachia. R670 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU) The Only Nancy. R3150 (LMC ASU) Journey Cake, Ho! S600 (ASU) Zuska of the Burning Hills. S1630 (BC ASU) A Sight of Everything. S5280 (ASU) Stories of W. Va. for Boys & Girls. S5560 The Secret of Fiery Gorge. S6760 (ASU) Daniel Boone's Echo. S6780 (ASU BC) The Far Frontier. S6790 (BC) Flaming Arrows. S6800 (WCU BC) John Sevier, Boy Pioneer. S6810 (BC) The Lone Hunt. S6820 (BC) Over-Mountain Boy. S6840 The Perilous Road. S6850 Tomahawks and Trouble. S6870 (BC) Triple Trouble for Hound Dog Zip. S6880 Wilderness Journey. S6890 (ASU WCU BC) Winter Danger. S6900 (WCU BC) Witch of the Cumberlands. $7040 Moccasin Tracks. S7880 (ASU) Andy Finds a Way. S8230 (ASU BC) The Beatinest Boy. S8250 (ASU LMC ETSU WWC WCU MHC) Dawn of Remembered Spring. S8330 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU) Huey, the Engineer. $8420 Old Ben. S8530 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) A Penny's Worth of Character. S8540 (ASU LMC MHC WCU ETSU BC) Red Mule. S8560 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU BC) A Ride with Huey, the Engineer. S8570 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Stories by Jesse Stuart. S8610 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Scouting with Daniel Boone. T8830 (ASU LMC BC) Cherokee. T9120 (LMC BC WCU MHC) Highpockets. T9710 (ASU) The Fiddler of High Lonesome. T9730 (LMC ASU WCU) Gena of the Appalachians. W490 (BC ASU ETSU) Betsy Dowdy's Ride. W2180 Battle at Bear Paw Gap. W2500 (ASU) 109 FICTION-FLOODS Battle for King's Mountain. W2510 (ASU LMC) Clash on the Catawba. W2520 (ASU) Lights over Skeleton Ridge. W2570 The Master of Scare Hollow. W2580 (ASU WCU BC) Danger down River. W3010 (ASU LMC) This Boy Cody. W7370 (ASU ETSU) This Boy Cody and His Friends. W7380 (ASU ETSU) Tip of the Toe. W8010 (LMC) FICTION — JUVENILE — CIVIL WAR The Rock of Chickamauga: A Story of the Western Crisis. A1940 (ASU BC) The Sword of Antietam: A Story of the Nation's Crisis. A1950 (ASU) FICTION — JUVENILE — KY. The Young Trailers: A Story of Early Kentucky. A1960 (ASU WCU BC) FICTION — KY. Oldfield: A Kentucky Tale of the Last Century. B1000 (ASU BC WCU) "Tales of the Mountains" A Complete Directory of the Eastern Kentucky Coalfields with Extracts from the Geological Reports, Forestry, Oil Development, Education, Superstitions, and Religion of the Mountains. H730 FICTION — N. C. The Carolinians. B1510 (ASU WWC) "The Dialect of the Southern Highlander as Recorded in North Carolina Novels." E980 (ASU) FICTION — WILDLIFE - ELK Appalachian Elk. B2540 (ASU) FIRE PROTECTION — N. C. Organization of Co-operative Forest Fire Protective Areas in North Carolina. H6850 (ASU) FLOODS AND FLOOD CONTROL The Pittston Mentality: Manslaughter on Buffalo Creek. B3380 West Virginia's Buffalo Creek Flood: A Study of the Hydrology and Engineering Geology. D720 A Disastrous Flood, a True and Fascinating Story. G3780 (ASU LMC) Action Programs for Eastern Kentucky: Final Report of the Kentucky Flood Rehabilitation Study. K1060 (BCASU) Planning for Flood Damage Prevention. M7200 The Floods of July 1916: How the Southern Railway Organization Met an Emergency. S5850 (ASU LMC) Chattanooga Flood Control Problem. T2380 Floods on the Tuckaseigee River and Deep Creek in Vicinity of Bryson City, North Carolina. T2750 Operation of TVA Reservoirs, Annual 1963. T3140 Preliminary Report: Floods on Scott Creek in Vicinity of Sylva, North Carolina. T3250 A Program for Reducing the National Flood Damage Potential. T3270 Program for Reducing the National Flood Damage Potential. T3280 TVA Flood Control. T3810 TVA Flood Control; New Concepts. T3820 TVA; A River Controlled. T3870 TVA Tames the River. T3890 To Keep the Water in the Rivers and the Soil on the Land . . . T3990 �FLOODS—FOLK FLOODS AND FLOOD CONTROL . . . Value of Flood Height Reduction from TVA Reservoirs to the Alluvial Valley of the Lower Mississippi River . . . T4070 Drawings for the Kentucky Project. T6340 Flood Damage Prevention; An Indexed Bibliography. T6900 Boone Project Hydraulic Model Studies. T6920 . . . Flood Control for Upper French Broad River and Tributaries; a Preliminary Report. T6930 Flood of August 24-25, 1961: Upper French Broad River Basin. T6940 Flood on Piney River, November 18-19, 1957, in Vicinity of Spring City, Tennessee. T6950 Floods of March 1963 in Tennessee River Basin. T6960 Floods on Beaver Creek, in Vicinity of Bristol, Virginia-Tennessee. T6970 Floods on Brush Creek in Vicinity of Johnson City, Tennessee. T6980 Floods on Cheoah River and Tributary Creeks in Vicinity of Robbinsville, North Carolina. T6990 Floods on Clinch River, in Vicinity of Clinton, Tennessee. T7000 Floods on Elk River and Norris Creek, in Vicinity of Fayetteville, Tennessee. T7010 Floods on Elk River in Vicinity of Fayetteville, Tennessee. T7020 Floods on French Broad and Davidson Rivers and King, Nicholson, and Tucker Creeks in Vicinity of Brevard, North Carolina. T7030 Floods on French Broad and Swannanoa Rivers, in Vicinity of Asheville, North Carolina. T7040 Floods on French Broad River and Spring Creek in Vicinity of Hot Springs, North Carolina. T7050 Floods on French Broad River in the Vicinity of Marshall, N. C. T7060 Floods on Hiwassee River, Valley River, and Peachtree Creek in Vicinity of Murphy, N C. T7070 Floods on Little Pigeon and West Fork Little Pigeon in the Vicinity of Sevierville, Tenn. T7080 Floods on Little Tennessee River, Cullasaja River, and Cartoogechave Creek in Vicinity of Franklin, North Carolina. T7090 Floods on Nolichucky River and North and South Indian Creeks in Vicinity of Erwin, Tennessee. T7100 Floods on North Chickamauga, Mountain, and Lookout Creeks, in Vicinity of Chattanooga, Tennessee. T7110 Floods on North Toe River and Beaver and Grassy Creeks in Vicinity of Spruce Pine, North Carolina. T7120 Floods on Oconaluftee and Tuckaseigee Rivers and Soco Creek in Vicinity of Cherokee, North Carolina. T7130 Floods on Oostanaula Creek, in Vicinity of Athens, Tennessee. T7140 Floods on Oostanaula Creek in Vicinity of Athens, Tenn. T7150 Floods on Powell River and South Fork Powell River in Vicinity of Big Stone Gap, Virginia. T7160 Floods on Powell River and South Fork Powell River in Vicinity of Big Stone Gap, Virginia. T7170 SUBJECT Floods on Reedy Creek in Vicinity of Kingsport, Tennessee. T7180 Floods on Richland Creek and Tributary Streams in Vicinity of Waynesville and Hazelwood, North Carolina. T7190 Floods on Rock Creek, West Fork and North Fork, in Vicinity of Tullahoma, Tennessee. T7200 Floods on South Mouse Creek in Vicinity of Cleveland, Tennessee. T7210 Floods on Streams in Vicinity of Newport, Tennessee. T7220 Floods on Streams in Vicinity of Paris, Tennessee. T7230 Floods on Swannanoa River and Beetree Creek in Vicinity of Swannanoa, North Carolina. T7240 Floods on Swannanoa River and Flat Creek in Vicinity of Black Mountain and Montreat, North Carolina. T7250 Floods on Tennessee River and Battle Creek, in Vicinity of South Pittsburg and Richard City, Tennessee. T7260 Floods on the Tennessee River and Cypress and Cox Creeks in Vicinity of Florence, Alabama. T7270 Floods on Tennessee River in Vicinity of Tri-Counties Alabama (Lawrence, Limestone, Morgan.) T7280 Floods on Tennessee River, Little Tennessee River, and Town and Muddy Creeks in Vicinity of Lenoir City, Tennessee. T7290 Floods on Toccoa-Ocoee River and Fighttngtown Creek, in Vicinity of McCaysville, Ga. — Copperhill, Tenn. T7300 Floods on Valley River, Tatham Creek, and Junaluska Creek in Vicinity of Andrews, North Carolina. T7310 Floods on Yellow Creek in Vicinity of Burnsville, Mississippi. T7320 Hydraulic Model Investigations of Lock Filling and Emptying Systems. T7410 Reforestation and Erosion Control Influences Upon the Hydrology of the Pine Tree Branch Watershed 1941 to 1960. T7500 Floods in Youghiogheny and Kiskiminetas River Basins, Pennsylvania and Maryland, Frequency and Magnitude. U3140 The Tennessee River Basin. U3870 FLOODS AND FLOOD CONTROL - APP. The Floods of March, 1936, Part 3, Potomac, James, and Upper Ohio Rivers. G4470 Floods of Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, January-February, 1937. G4480 The Ohio River Basin. 1890 Flood Problems and Management in the Tennessee River Basin. T2730 Floods and Flood Control. T2740 Floods on Watauga and Doe Rivers in Vicinity of Elizabethton, Tennessee. T2760 Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. T5920 Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. T5930 Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. T5940 Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. T5950 110 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. T5960 Drainage Modifications in Southeastern Ohio and Adjacent Parts of West Virginia and Kentucky. T8660 FLOODS AND FLOOD CONTROL — KY. Flood of July 5, 1939, in Eastern Kentucky. SI 070 FLOODS AND FLOOD CONTROL - N. C. Flood Damage Prevention in North Carolina. H4250 (LMC) Floods on Small Streams in North Carolina: Probable Magnitude and Frequency. H5630 (LMC) FLOODS AND FLOOD CONTROL — PA. "The Allegheny-Monongahela Flood Control Program and Its Benefits to Metropolitan Pittsburgh." W7330 FLOODS AND FLOOD CONTROL — TENN. Floods in Tennessee; Magnitude and Frequency. J620 Planning for Flood Damage Prevention. L2390 Flood Problems and Their Solution Through Urban Planning Programs. S3360 Flood Problems and Their Solution Through Urban Planning Programs. T1630 . . . The Chickamauga Project, a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Chickamauga Project. . . . T2410 Flood on Piney River, November 18-19, 1957 in the Vicinity of Spring City, Tenn. T5530 FLOODS AND FLOOD CONTROL — VA. "Debris Avalanching as a Natural Hazard in the Southern Appalachians: A Case Study of the Davis Creek Watershed, Virginia." K3370 (ETSU) FLOODS AND FLOOD CONTROL — W. VA. Disaster on Buffalo Creek, 1972; Report of the Citizen's Commission Investigation. C4160 (BC ASU WCU) Flood of August 4-5, 1943, in Central West Virginia, with a Summary of Flood Stages and Discharges in West Virginia. E2160 (ASU) The Ohio Valley Flood of March-April, 1913, Including Comparisons with Some Earlier Floods. H7290 Death at Buffalo Creek: The 1972 West Virginia Flood Disaster. N2970 (BC LMC ASU) FLOODS — APP. Cost Study of Pumping Versus Flowing Oil Production from Appalachian Waterfloods. R3970 FLOODS — W. VA. Relation of Geology to Drainage, Floods, and Landslides in the Petersburg Area, West Virginia. S8030 (ETSU) FOLK ART How to Make Whirligigs and Whimmy Diddles and Other American Folkcraft Objects. P2450 America's Folk Art. P3410 (ASU) American Folk Toys: 85 American Folk Toys and How to Make Them. S1000 (ASU) The Origins and Characteristics of Folk Art in West Virginia. S2450 Arts and Crafts of the Shenandoah Valley. 54610 (ASU BC FC) Vanishing Crafts and Their Craftsmen. S6940 (ASU) Apple and Doughhead Dollmaking: Clothes Patterns Included. T520 (WCU) FOLK ART — PA. Sketches and Chronicles: The Reflections of a Nineteenth Century Pennsylvania German Folk Artist. M5910 (FC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FOLK ART — VA. Folk Art in Stone, Southwest Virginia. W9790 (ASU ETSU BC) Virginia Fraktur. Penmanship as Folk Art. W9800 FOLK ART — W. VA. "The Revival of the Folk Arts in West Virginia." R420 (ASU LMC) FOLK ARTS American Folk Painting. B4330 (ASU) Pattern in the Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States. G2080 (ASU BC WCU LMC FC) Vegetable Dyeing: 151 Color Recipes for Dyeing Yarns and Fabrics with Natural Materials. LI 880 (ASU) FOLK ARTS — APP. "Chairmaking in Appalachia: A Study in Style and Creative Imagination in American Folk Art." J2520 (ASU) FOLK CUSTOMS Early Ballads, Illustrative of History, Traditions, and Customs: Also Ballads and Songs of the Peasantry of England, Taken Down from Oral Recitation and Transcribed from Private Manuscripts, Rare Broadsides, and Scarce Publications. B2800 (ASU) Reminiscences and Traditions of Western North Carolina. D700 Folk Dances of Tennessee; Folk Customs and Old Play Party Games of the Caney Fork Valley. Mil 90 (ASU) FOLK DANCE — CHEROKEE Cherokee Dance and Drama. S6090 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) FOLK DANCES Favorite Folk Dance Tunes. B3070 (ASU BC) The Games of Children, Their Origin and History. B3390 (ASU) The American Play-party Song. B5610 (ASU) Handy Square-Dance Book. C7230 (WCU ASU) The Folk Dance Book for Elementary Schools, Class Room, Playground, and Gymnasium. C8510 (BC) And Promenade All. El 400 Smoky Mountain Square Dances. H4630 (ASU) Folk Dances of Tennessee; Folk Customs and Old Play Party Games of the Caney Fork Valley. Ml 190 (ASU) Swing Your Partners: A Guide to Modern Country Dancing. M2680 Kentucky Mountain Square Dancing Running Set. M4350 (ASU) Everybody Square Dances: In the Southern Appalachians: The Story of Folk Dancing and Mountain Music as Enjoyed by Natives and Visitors in the Southern Highlands. M8510 (ASU WCU) Kentucky Mountain Square Dancing. N70 (ASU BC LMC) Folk Arts Workshop. N1550 (ASU) Dances of Our Pioneers. R4460 (ASU BC) The Country Dance Book. S2280 (ASU BC) Circle Left! Folk Play of the Kentucky Mountains. S3840 (ASU LMC BC) The Appalachian Square Dance. S4680 (ASU MHC LMC WCU BC) Folk Games from Frying Pan Creek in Dickenson County, Virginia. S9160 Folk Dancing in America. W180 (BC) English Folk Song and Dance. W6580 Sing and Dance: Folk Songs and Dances Including American Play-party Games. W7280 (BC) SUBJECT FOLK DANCES — APP. Bascom Lamar Lunsford, "Minstrel of the Appalachians." His Ballads and His Folk Songs, His Mountain Square Dancing. G1810 (ASU UNCA WCU LMC WWC MHC) Folk Dancing. K3160 (FC ASU) It's Fun to Square Dance: Southern Appalachian Calls and Figures. L3980 FOLK DANCES — KY. A Gatherin1; Ky. Lore of Mt. Music, Songs, and Dances. K2830 Renfro Valley; Then and Now. LI 60 FOLK LIFE The Scamps of Bucksnort: Memories of a Nineteenth-century Childhood in Rural Tennessee. PI 40 (ASU) Manners, Customs, and Observances: Their Origins and Signification. wno (ASU) FOLK MEDICINE Medicine in Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. B4660 Southern Home Remedies. C3920 (BC ASU) Herbs: Their Culture and Uses. C4700 (LMC) Old Timey Recipes. C6690 (ASU LMC BC) Old Timey Recipes. C6700 (WCU BC) Old Timey Recipes. C6710 (LMC) The Medicinal Plants of Tennessee Exhibiting Their Commercial Value, with an Analytical Key, Descriptions in Aid of Their Recognition, and Notes Relating to Their Distribution, Time and Mode of Collection, and Preparation for the Drug Market. G610 North Carolina Drug Plants of Commercial Value. H2130 (ASU LMC UNCA) Ginseng and Other Medicinal Plants; a Book of Valuable Information for Growers as well as Collectors of Medicinal Roots, Barks, Leaves, etc. H2160 Southern Home Remedies. H2650 (ASU LMC) Index of Plants of North Carolina With Reputed Medicinal Uses. J230 (WWC) Colonial Kitchen Herbs and Remedies: Garden and Kitchen Secrets from Early America. S2700 (ASU LMC) Pioneer Beauty Secrets: Old and New Cosmetics from the Kitchen, Garden and Insect Control. S2720 (ASU LMC) Pioneer Comforts and Kitchen Remedies. Old Timey Highland Secrets from the Blue Ridge and Great Smoky Mountains. S2730 (MHC ASU BC WCU) An Occult Remedy Manuscript from Pendleton County, West Virginia, S7300 The Folk-lore of Plants. T7720 (ASU) Kentucky Superstitions. T7790 (ASU BC) Grannies's Remedies. T8010 (ASU) Natural and Folk Remedies. W40 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Nature's Pantry; TOO Wild Edible Plants Alphabetically Listed, Each with Full Description, Food Preparation and Folk Medicinal Properties. W7170 (BC) FOLK MEDICINE — APP. American Medicinal Barks. H4640 (ASU) American Medicinal Leaves and Herbs. H4650 (ASU) Ginseng, Its Cultivation, Harvesting, Marketing and Market Value: With a Short Account of Its History and Botany. K70 (WWC) 111 FOLK-FOLK Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. K3230 (BC) A Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. K3240 (ASU ETSU LMC) FOLK MEDICINE - CHEROKEE Notebook of a Cherokee Shaman. K2000 (WCU ETSU UNCA ASU) The Cherokee Physician . . . As Given by Richard Foreman. M2830 The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees. M6790 (WCU ASU) The Swimmer Manuscript, Cherokee Sacred Formulas and Medicinal Prescriptions. M6800 (ETSU) FOLK MEDICINE — N. C. Drug Plants of Western North Carolina. M2740 (WCU ASU) Medicine in Buncombe County Down to 1885, Historical and Biographical Sketches. T880 FOLK MUSIC The Old-time Fiddler's Repertory: 245 Traditional Tunes. C3950 (ASU BC) FOLK SCHOOLS B4770 (BC) The First 40 Years: John C. Campbell Folk School. M2440 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Her Unique Penland School. M7620 (ASU BC ETSU FC WCU WWC) Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Unique Penland School. M7630 FOLK SCHOOLS — HIGHLANDER Unearthing Seeds of Fire: The Idea of Highlander. A390 Annual Report. H5300 The Story of an Educational Center for Working People. H5310 FOLK SCHOOLS — J. C. CAMPBELL The John C. Campbell Folk School, 1925-1952. B7490 FOLK SCHOOLS - PENLAND The Story of the Penland Weavers. F1880 (ASU BC) FOLK SCHOOLS — TENN. Or We'll All Hang Separately: The Highlander Idea. B4700 (LMC WWC ETSU BC) Echo in My Soul. C4530 (BC) Highlander Folk School Audio Collection. T2070 (ETSU) Highlander Folk School Manuscript Records Collection, 1932-1966. T2080 (LMC) FOLK SONG Letters on Scottish Ballads from Professor Child to William Walter. C3840 (ASU) FOLK SONGS Anglo-American Folksong Style. A140 (ASU BC) Death in the Dark. A420 (BC ASU) A History of the Musical Careers of Dewitt "Snuffy" Jenkins, Banjoist, and Homer "Pappy" Sherrill, Fiddler. A790 (LMC) The Ballad Book. A1750 (BC) The Story of American Folk Song. A2200 (ASU BC) Songs of Freedom. A3330 Old English Ballads and Folk Songs. A4660 Songs from the Carolina Hills. A4670 "The Melodic and Rhythmic Characteristics of the Traditional Ballad Variants Found in the Southern Appalachians." A4690 (ASU) A Century of Ballads. A5270 (ASU) �FOLK-FOLK FOLK SONGS English Folk-songs Collected, Arranged, and Provided with Symphonies and Accompaniments for the Pianoforte. B1470 (ASU) Hill Country Tunes: Instrumental Folk Music of Southwestern Pennsylvania. B2150 (IMC) Early Ballads, Illustrative of History, Traditions, and Customs: Also Ballads and Songs of the Peasantry of England, Taken Down from Oral Recitation and Transcribed from Private Manuscripts, Rare Broadsides, and Scarce Publications. B2800 (ASU) Singa Hipsy Doodle, and Other Folk Songs of West Virginia. B4980 (ASU ETSU BC) Songs along the Mahantongo: Pennsylvania Dutch Folk-songs. B6050 (ASU) Singing Carr and Other Song-ballads of the Cumberlands. B6210 (ASU BC) The Ballad Mongers: Rise of the Modern Folk Song. B6310 (BC) The Folk-carol of England. B6560 (BC) The Traditional Tunes of the Child Ballads. B6830 (ASU BC) Gleanings of Scarce Old Ballads, With Explanatory Notes. B7920 (ASU) The Minstrel of the Mountains. B8820 (BC) The Technique and Variation in an American Fiddle Tune. B8890 Collection of Folklore: Folksongs. B9290 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Collection of Folklore: Folksongs II. B9300 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) ETSU Collection of Folklore; Folksongs. B9310 (LMC) Folk Songs of Central West Virginia. B9330 (ASU WCU LMC BC) East Tennessee and Western Virginia Mountain Ballads (The Last Stand of American Pioneer Civilization). C370 (ASU BC) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians, Comprising 122 Songs and Ballads, and 323 Tunes. C830 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Folk-songs of Roanoke and the Albemarle. C3300 (ASU) American Folk Tales and Songs, and Other Examples of English-American Tradition as Preserved in the Appalachian Mountains and Elsewhere in the United States. C3400 (ASU WCU LMC BC) American Folk Tales and Songs, and Other Examples of English-American Tradition as Preserved in the Appalachian Mountains and Elsewhere in the United States. C3410 (WWC) Hullabaloo, and Other Singing Folk Games. C3430 (WCU WWC BC) Old Songs and Singing Games. C3470 (ASU WCU BC) Old Songs and Singing Games. C3480 (LMC) Singing Games and Playparty Games. C3490 (ASU MHC BC) The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. C3820 (ASU) The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. C3830 (BC) The British Traditional Ballad in North America. C5500 (ASU FC) C5920 (ETSU ASU LMC BC) Folksongs of the Southern United States. C6130 (ASU WCU MHC LMC WWC BC FC) Songs of All Time. C7240 (WCU) Songs of All Time. C7910 (ASU ETSU LMC BC) Southwestern Pennsylvania in Song and Story. C8100 Folk-songs of the South. C8160 (ETSU BC FC) SUBJECT Folk-songs of the South. C8170 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU) "Songs and Ballads Sung in Overton County, Tennessee a Collection." C8310 "Ballad Characteristics in Modern Popular Country Music." C8580 (ETSU) Traditional Tales of the English and Scottish Peasantry. C9730 Traditional Tales of the English and Scottish Peasantry, Vol. I. C9740 Traditional Tales of the English and Scottish Peasantry, Vol. II. C9750 Folksongs of Virginia. D760 (ASU) Folk-songs of Virginia, a Descriptive Index and Classification of Material. D770 (ASU LMC FC BC) Folk-songs of Virginia, a Descriptive Index and Classification of Material. D780 (ETSU) More Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected with the Cooperation of Members of the Virginia Folklore Society. D790 (ASU FC BC LMC) Traditional Ballads of Virginia. D800 Traditional Ballads of Virginia. D801 (ASU) Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected Under the Auspices of the Virginia Folk-lore Society. D810 (LMC FC BC) Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected Under the Auspices of the Virginia Folklore Society. D820 (WCU ETSU ASU) A Valley and a Song; the Story of the Shenandoah River. Dll 50 (BCASU) The Oxford Book of Carols. D1520 (LMC) The American Folk Scene; Dimensions of the Folksong Revival. D1910 (BC) The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina. D3810 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC WWC ETSU) Anthology of American Folk Music. D4020 (ASU BC) Folklore on the American Land. El970 (ASU BC MHC) The HodgePodge Book, An Almanac of American Folklore. El 980 F80 (ASU) Folk-songs, Chanteys and Singing Games. F210 (ASU LMC BC) John Henry and His Hammer. F560 F1690 (ASU BC WCU WWC LMC ETSU FC) Scraps of Songs and Southern Scenes: A Collection of Humorous and Pathetic Poems and Descriptive Sketches of Plantation Life in the Backwoods of Georgia. F1760 (ASU) A Literary History of the Popular Ballad. F2400 (BC ASU) Mountain Ballads. F3210 (BC) Ballads of the Kentucky Highland. F4020 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Face of Folk Music. G90 (ASU) "The Heritage and Folk Music of Cades Cove, Tennessee." G230 (LMC) West Virginia Lyrics. G1870 (ASU) Songs of Hill and MOUNTAIN Folk, Ballads, Historical Songs, Folk Songs. G2060 (BC ASU) Folksongs and Their Makers. G2070 (ASU MHC BC) Aunt Molly Jackson Memorial Issue. G3490 112 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Only a Miner: Studies in Recorded Coal Mining Songs. G3500 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) "Recorded American Coal Mining Songs." G3510 "An Edited Collection of Beech Mountain Folksongs." G3680 (ETSU) American Folksongs of Protest. G3880 Old English Ballads. G4900 (BC) Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. H810 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. H820 (ETSU) The Book of British Ballads. H890 (BC) American Folk Legend. HUSO Middletown Valley in Song and Story. HI 740 (BC) "Ananias Davisson: Southern Tune Book Compiler (1780-1857)." H3230 "Cocke County Ballads and Songs." H3650 (ASU) A Bibliography of North American Folklore and Folksong. H4010 (ASU WWC) Bundle of Troubles, and Other Tarheel Tales. H4600 Bibliography for the Study of American Folk Songs with Many Titles from Other Lands. H4780 Folk-songs from the Southern Highlands. H4790 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Songs Sung in the Southern Appalachians. H4800 (BC) Still More Ballads and Folk-songs from the Southern Highlands. H4810 "Southern Mountain Folk Songs for American Schools." H6440 (ASU) Sing to Me of Heaven: A Study of Folk and Early American Materials in Three Old Harp Books. H7170 (ASU BC) Sweet Rivers of Song: A Book of Traditional Songs From the Southern Appalachian Mountain Region. J370 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Tuning and Playing the Appalachian Dulcimer. J570 (WCU) Popular British Ballads, Ancient and Modern. J1930 Peddler's Pack. J3250 (ETSU ASU) Tale of a Pig. J3330 (LMC ASU) "The Carter Family: A Reflection of Changes in Society." K10 (WCU) Cecil Sharp: His Life and Work. K230 (BC ASU LMC) K1850 (ETSU) Country and Bluegrass Dobro. K2220 (WCU) A Folk Song Chapbook. K2580 (LMC) Hi! Ho! The Rattlin* Hog and other Folk Songs for Group Singing. L450 The Swapping Boy. L460 (ASU) Jim Along, Josie; a Collection of Folk Songs and Singing Games for Young Children. L470 (ASU) American Balladry from British Broadsides: A Guide for Students and Collectors of Traditional Song. L920 (BC ASU) Native American Balladry, a Descriptive Study and a Bibliographical Syllabus. L930 (FC) The Ballad Book. L1130 (ASU) L2830 (BC ASU ETSU) A Peddlar's Pack of Ballads and Songs. L3090 (ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FOLK SONGS Hard Hitting Songs for Hard Hit People: American Folk Songs of the Depression and the Labor Movement of the 1930's. L3140 (BC ASU MHC LMC) American Ballads and Folk Songs. L3160 (LMC BC FC) American Ballads and Folk Songs. L3170 (WCU ASU) Folk Song U. S. A., the 111 Best American Ballads. L3180 (WCU FC ASU) Our Singing Country: A Second Volume of American Ballads and Folk Songs. L3190 (WCU BC) Folk Songs on Records. L3950 (ASU) 30 and 1 Folksongs from the Southern Mountains. L3990 (ASU BC) Ancient Ballads and Songs, Chiefly from Tradition, Manuscripts, and Scarce Works. L4060 (ASU) Hillbilly Records and Tune Transcriptions. M990 Some Child Ballads on Hillbilly Records. Ml 000 Folk Dances of Tennessee; Folk Customs and Old Play Party Games of the Caney Fork Valley. Ml 190 (ASU) Songs of the Old Camp Ground. Ml220 (BC ASU) Melodies and Mountaineers. M2240 (ASU) Four and Twenty Songs for the Mountain Dulcimer. M2520 (ASU BC) A New Book of Old Ballads. M2840 Country Music U. S. A.: A Fifty-year History. M2910 (FC ASU) Songs and Ballads of the Southern People, 1861-1865. M7130 (ASU) "A Program of Folk Songs Used to Enrich and Implement the Social Studies Program in Grades Four, Five and Six at North Side School, Johnson City, Tennessee." M7380 (ETSU) Living with Ballads. M8480 (ASU FC) Ballads, Folk Songs and Folk Tales from West Virginia. M9170 (ASU BC) "The Life and Works of Lamar Stringfield, 1897-1959." N480 (ASU WCU) An Introduction to Folk Music in the United States. N620 (BC) Games and Songs of American Children, Collected and Compared. N760 (ASU BC) A Book of Old Ballads. N840 (BC) A Book of Old Ballads. N850 The Ballad Book. N1030 (ASU BC FC LMC MHC) The Ballad Book. N1040 (ASU ETSU) The Ballad Book. N1050 (ASU WCU) Ballads, Carols, and Tragic Legends from the Southern Appalachian Mountains. Ml060 (ASU ETSU LMC) Ballads, Lovesongs, and Tragic Legends from the Southern Appalachian Mountains. N1070 (ASU) Folk Ballads for Young Actors. N1080 (ASU BC) Folk Carols for Young Actors. N1090 (ASU) More Songs of the Hill-folk: Ten Ballads and Tragic Legends from Kentucky, Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Georgia. Nil00 (ASU ETSU) Seven Kentucky Mountain Tunes. N1110 (BC) Songs of the Hill-folk: Twelve Ballads from Kentucky, Virginia, and North Carolina. N1120 (ASU BC ETSU LMC). SUBJECT Ten Christmas Carols from the Southern Appalachian Mountains. Nil30 (ASU BC) The Guitar Songbook. N1260 The Lady Angeline: A Lay of the Appalachians. N1300 (BC) Folk Arts Workshop. N1550 (ASU) Mountain Songs of North Carolina. N3030 Something to Sing About. O460 (BC) The Bothy Songs & Ballads of Aberdeen, Banff & Moray, Angus and the Mearns. O770 (ASU) Ramblin' Boy, and Other Songs. PI 090 (ASU) A Selective Music Bibliography from the Period 1663-1763. P4800 (LMC) The Foggy Dew; More English Folk Songs from the Hammond and Gardiner Manuscripts. P4890 (ASU) Go Tell Aunt Rhody. Q30 (ASU) Grass Roots Harmony. R120 (LMC) Mountain Ballads for Social Singing. R150 (BC) Gordon Ballads. R920 (ASU) "The Cyclone of Rye Cove: The Event, the Folklore, the Song." R1040 (ETSU) American Mountain Songs. R2060 (ETSU BC ASU) American Mountain Songs. R2070 (ASU ETSU WCU BC) Ancient English Christmas Carols. R2200 (FC) A Singer and Her Songs. R2230 (BC) Apple Seeds and Soda Straws: Some Love Charms and Legends. R2400 (ASU) Celebration of Life, Her Songs, Her Poems. R2410 (ASU) Celebration of Life: Her Songs, Her Poems. R2420 (LMC) The Dulcimer Book, Being a Book about the Three-stringed Appalachian Dulcimer, Including Some Ways of Tuning and Playing: Some Recollections in Its Local History in Perry and Knott Counties, Kentucky. Some Observations on the Probable Origins of the Instrument in the Old Countries of Europe: And with Words and Music for Some Sixteen Songs from the Ritchie Family of Kentucky. R2430 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) The Dulcimer Book, Being a Book about the Three-stringed Appalachian Dulcimer, Including Some Ways of Tuning and Playing: Some Recollections in Its Local History in Perry and Knott Counties, Kentucky. Some Observations on the Probable Origins of the Instrument in the Old Countries of Europe: With Plentiful Photographic Illustrations and Drawings. And with Words and Music for Some Sixteen Songs from the Ritchie Family of Kentucky. R2440 (ASU) Folk Songs of the Southern Appalachian As Sung by Jean Ritchie. R2450 (WWC) Folk Songs of the Southern Appalachians; As Sung by Jean Ritchie. R2460 (LMC WWC ETSU) A Garland of Mountain Song: Songs from the Repertoire of the Ritchie Family of Viper, Kentucky. R2470 (ASU WWC) The Folksongs of Virginia. R3780 (FC) The American Songbag. S270 (FC) A Song Catcher in Southern Mountains: American Folk Songs of British Ancestry. S730 (ASU WCU ETSU WWC BC) A Song Catcher in Southern Mountains: American Folk Songs of British Ancestry. S740 (ASU LMC ETSU) 113 FOLK-FOLK English Song Book. S1410 The Incomplete Folksinger. SI 690 American Folk Songs for Christmas. SI 700 (ASU) American-English Folk Songs, Collected in the Southern Appalachians. S2270 (ASU) Eighty English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. S2300 (WCU ASU BC ETSU) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. S2320 (ASU WWC FC) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. S2330 (ETSU) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. S2340 (ASU WCU LMC MHC) Nursery Songs from the Appalachian Mountains. S2360 (ASU BC LMC) British Ballads in the Cumberland Mountains. S2580 A Syllabus of Kentucky Folk-Songs. S2590 Folk Songs of the Blue Ridge Mountains: 50 Traditional Songs as Sung by the People of the Blue Ridge Mountains Country. S2640 (ASU ETSU LMC MHC WCU BC) The Country Music Story: A Picture History of Country and Western Music. S2780 (ASU WCU) The Music Lover's Handbook. S3290 (ASU) Beginning the Folk Guitar, an Instructional Manual. S3380 (ASU) Folk Blues: 110 American Folk Blues. S3390 (ASU) American Anthology of Old-world Ballads. S4980 (ASU) South Carolina Ballads: With a Study of the Traditional Ballad Today. S4990 (ASU BC) The Traditional Ballad and Its South Carolina Survivals. S5000 (LMC) S5520 (ASU) Read 'Em and Weep: The Songs You Forgot to Remember. S5950 (ASU) The Cherokee in Romance, Tragedy, and Song in the Great Smokies. S8020 (ETSU) S9580 Folk-style Autoharp; an Instruction Method for Playing the Autoharp and Accompanying Folk Songs. T360 (ASU) Ballad Makin' in the Mountains of Kentucky. T7880 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Devil's Ditties, Being Stories of the Kentucky Mountain People, Told by Jean Thomas, With the Songs They Sing. T7920 (ASU BC) The Singin' Fiddler of Lost Hope Hollow. T7930 (LMC ASU ETSU BC) The Singin' Gatherin': Tunes From the Southern Appalachians. T7940 (UNCA BC ETSU ASU) The Singin' Gatherin': Tunes From the Southern Appalachians. T7950 (LMC BC) The Sun Shines Bright. T7960 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Folk Music in America. VI80 The Songs of Doc Watson. W1510 (ASU WCU) The Ballad Tree, a Study of British and American Ballads, Their Folklore, Verse and Music, Together with Sixty Traditional Ballads and Their Tunes. W2710 (BC) Southern Mountain Folk Traditions: And the Folksong "Stars" Syndrome. W2990 (ASU LMC) The W. Va. Centennial Book of One Hundred Songs: 1863-1963; Patriotic Songs, Folk Songs, and Hymns. W3220 (BC) �FOLK—FOLKLORE FOLK SONGS New Race of Song Sparrows from the Appalachian Region. W4960 Mountain Songs of North Carolina. W4970 (BC) Smoky Mountain Ballads. W4980 The Billy Edd Wheeler Song Book. W5070 (WWC) Anglo-American Folksong Scholarship Since 1898. W6250 (BC) English Folk Song and Dance. W6580 Lonesome Tune, Folk Songs from the Kentucky Mountains. W9870 (ASU BC) Twenty Kentucky Mountain Songs. W9880 (ASU BC) Pennsylvania Spirituals. Y100 (ASU) FOLK SONGS — APP. Vagabond Songs and Ballads of Scotland. F1980 (ASU) Bascom Lamar Lunsford, "Minstrel of the Appalachians." His Ballads and His Folk Songs, His Mountain Square Dancing. G1810 (ASU UNCA WCU LMC WWC MHC) Hillbilly Ballads. H2450 Ballad Books and Ballad Men: Raids and Rescues in Britain, America, and the Scandinavian North Since 1800. H8670 (ASU BC) Songs of the Workers to Fan the Flames of Discontent. 1750 (ASU) Wake and Sing: A Miniature Anthology of the Music of Appalachian America. J380 (WWC BC ASU) Tuning and Playing the Appalachian Dulcimer. J550 (ASU LMC) Tuning and Playing the Appalachian Dulcimer. J560 (BC) Songs from the Hills. J2320 (WCU) Peculiarities of the Appalachian Mountaineers: A Summary of Legends, Traditions, Signs, and Superstitions That Are Almost Forgotten. J2540 (BC ASU LMC WCU ETSU MHC) "Folk Songs of Watauga." K3000 Coal Dust on the Fiddle: Songs and Stories of the Bituminous Industry. K3050 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Minstrels of the Mine Patch: Songs and Stories of the Anthracite Industry. K3060 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Appalachian Fiddle. K3140 Folksingers and Folksongs in America. L880 (BC) Folksingers and Folksongs in America: A Handbook of Biography, Bibliography, and Discography. L890 (ASU WWC BC) The Ballad Book. L1140 (WCU) American Folk Songs and Folklore: A Regional Bibliography. L3110 The Folk Songs of North America, in the English Language. Melodies and guitar chords transcribed by Peggy Seeger with one-hundred piano arrangements by Maty as Seiber and Don Banks. Illustrated by Michael Leonard. Editorial assistant Shirley Collins. L3130 (WCU ASU) Adventures of a Ballad Hunter. . L3150 . (ASU BC) A Collection of Highland Vocal Airs. Ml 160 (ASU) Beech Mountain Folk-Songs and Ballads. M4260 From Bishop Percy (1765) to John Jacob Niles (1974): 340 Books of Ballads and Songs in the Berea College Collection. P2150 (BCASU) Jean Ritchie's Swapping Song Book. R2480 (ASU WCU) SUBJECT Singing Family of the Cumberlands. R2490 (ASU MHC WWC BC) Singing Family of the Cumberlands. R2500 (ASU WCU LMC) The Swapping Song Book. R2510 (BC ASU LMC) Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. S2290 (ASU BC) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians, Comprising 273 Songs and Ballads with 968 Tunes, Including 39 Tunes Contributed by Olive Dame Campbell. S2310 (ASU) Twenty-Five Great Folk Songs. W5090 (BC) Kentucky Mountain Folk-Songs. W5160 Sing and Dance: Folk Songs and Dances Including American Play-party Games. W7280 (BC) Folklore in the English and Scottish Ballads. W7560 (ASU FC) English and Scottish Popular Ballads. W7930 (BC) FOLK SONGS — BRITISH Gleanings of Scotch, English, and Irish: Scarce Old Ballads, Chiefly Tragical and Historical. Many of Them Connected with the Localities of Aberdeenshire. B7930 (ASU) FOLK SONGS — CHEROKEE Walk in Your Soul: Love Incantations of the Oklahoma Cherokees. K2030 (LMC) FOLK SONGS — ENGLISH A History of English Balladry, and Other Studies. B7840 (ASU) FOLK SONGS — KY. Kentucky Mountain Melodies. J770 A Gatherin'; Ky. Lore of Mt. Music, Songs, and Dances. K2830 Renfro Valley; Then and Now. LI 60 Folk-songs of the Kentucky Mountains. Ml 520 (ASU WCU BC) Twenty-five Kentucky Folk Ballads. S8990 (BC) "Ballads and Songs of Eastern Kentucky." W6470 FOLK SONGS — PA. Two Penny Ballads and Four Dollar Whiskey. A Pennsylvania Folklore Miscellany. G2370 Pennsylvania Songs and Legends. K3070 FOLK SONGS — RELIGIOUS "Folk-hymns of the Southland." S5080 (WCU) S9580 FOLK SONGS — S. C. Folk Song in South Carolina. J2780 (WCU) FOLK SONGS — SCOTTISH Ancient Ballads and Songs of the North of Scotland. B7910 (ASU) FOLK SONGS — TENN. "A Collection of Ballads and Songs from East Tennessee." A2280 (LMC) Folk Dances of Tennessee; Old Play Party Games of the Caney Fork Valley. M1200 (BC ASU) Bulletin. T1380 (ETSU) FOLK SONGS — W. VA. Traditional Ballads and Folk-songs Mainly from West Virginia. C8180 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The West Virginia Centennial Book of One Hundred Songs, 1863-1963; Patriotic Songs, Folk Songs and Hymns. G100 Paint Creek Miner. P660 FOLK TALES — N. C. High Lands. R1760 (ASU LMC WCU) FOLK TALES — TENN. Governor Bob Taylor's Tales. R1920 114 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FOLK TALES — W. VA. John Henry: An American Legend. K350 FOLKLIFE The Southern Appalachian Heritage. C2041 Survivals in Belief Among the Celts. H4470 From Laurel Hill to Siler's Bog. T7600 (ETSU) The Foxfire Book: Hog Dressing; Log Cabin Building; Mountain Crafts and Foods; Planting by the Signs; Snake Lore, Hunting Tales, Faith Healing; Moonshining; and Other Affairs of Plain Living. W6020 (FC ASU BC) Foxfire 2: Ghost Stories, Spring Wild Plant Foods, Spinning and Weaving, Midwifing, Burial Customs, Corn Shuckin's, Wagon Making and More Affairs of Plain Living. W6030 (FCASUBC) Foxfire 3: Animal Care, Banjos and Dulcimers, Hide Tanning, Summer and Fall Wildplant Foods, Butter Churns, Ginseng, and Still More Affairs of Plain Living. W6040 (ASU) America's Vanishing Folkways. W7200 (MHC) The Smoke Hole and Its People. W9750 (BC) FOLKLIFE — KY. In the East Kentucky Hills. Q160 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC) FOLKLORE Appalachia Revisited: How People Lived Fifty Years Ago. A400 (ETSU BC ASU WCU FC LMC) Witch, Warlock, and Magician: Historical Sketches of Magic and Witchcraft in England and, Scotland. A490 (ASU) Indian Stories of Virginia's Last Frontier. A510 Tom Dooley. A1410 (ASU LMC) West Virginia: Stories and Biographies. A2060 Aunt Melissa's Memory Jug: Original Folk Stories. A4850 (BC) The Devil in Britain and America. A5280 (ASU) "An Empirical Study of the Application of the Folk-urban Typology to the Classification of Social Systems." A5540 (ASU) Along the Ridges. B380 (ASU LMC) "Folklore of Macon County, Tennessee." B900 I Hear America Singing. B1320 (BC) The Folk-lore Manual. B1820 (ASU) Early Ballads, Illustrative of History, Traditions, and Customs: Also Ballads and Songs of the Peasantry of England, Taken Down from Oral Recitation and Transcribed from Private Manuscripts, Rare Broadsides, and Scarce Publications. B2800 (ASU) "Superstitions about Food and Health among Negro Girls in Elementary and Secondary Schools in Marion County, West Virginia." B4600 The Voice of the Folk: Folklore and American Literary Theory. B4840 (FC) Singa Hipsy Doodle, and Other Folk Songs of West Virginia. B4980 (ASU ETSU BC) The Counting-Out Rhymes of Children: Their Antiquity, Origin, and Wide Distribution, A Study in Folk-lore. B5190 (ASU) A Treasury of American Folklore: Stories, Ballads, and Traditions of the People. B5620 (ASU FC) A Treasury of Southern Folklore: Stories, Ballads, Traditions and Folkways. . B5630 (WWC BC FC ETSU WCU) The Mystery of the Wizard Clip. B7030 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FOLKLORE Hill Doctor, Tells in Story and Ballads, Tales of the Appalachians. B7750 Proverbs, and How to Collect Them. B7850 (ASU) "The Evolution of Southern Appalachian Culture as Evidenced in Folklore." B8850 (ETSU) Collection of Folklore: Folksongs. B9290 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Collection of Folklore: Folksongs II. B9300 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) ETSU Collection of Folklore; Folksongs. B9310 (LMC) Country Style: An Anthology of Hillbilly Humor. B9630 (LMC) Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. C680 Cloud-walking. C710 (ASU WWC BC) Cloud-walking. C720 (LMC ETSU WCU BC) Tales from the Cloud Walking Country. C740 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) The Southern Appalachian Heritage. C2041 Popular Rhymes of Scotland. C2800 (ASU) John Henry, a Folklore Study. C3310 John Henry: A Folklore Study. C3320 American Folk Tales and Songs, and Other Examples of English-American Tradition as Preserved in the Appalachian Mountains and Elsewhere in the United States. C3400 (ASU WCU LMC BC) American Folk Tales and Songs, and Other Examples of English-American Tradition as Preserved in the Appalachian Mountains and Elsewhere in the United States. C3410 (WWC) Grandfather Tales: American-English Folk Tales. C3420 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC FC) Jack and the Three Sillies. C3440 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) The Jack Tales. C3450 (ASU LMC MHC WWC WCU ETSU BC) The Jack Tales. C3460 Wicked John and the Devil. C3500 (WCU BC) The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. C3820 (ASU) The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. C3830 (BC) Letters on Scottish Ballads from Professor Child to William Walter. C3840 (ASU) Ring-tailed Roarers: Tall Tales of the American Frontier, 1830-60. C3900 (ASU) Blue Ridge Facts and Legends. C4360 (ASU LMC) Uncle Bud Long: The Birth of a Kentucky Folk Legend. C4670 (ASU) Proverb, Proverbial Phrases and Proverbial Comparisons in the Writings of Jesse Stuart. C4690 John Griswold White Collection. C4990 Bypaths in Dixie: Folk Tales of the South. C5410 (ASU BC) The British Traditional Ballad in North America. C5500 (ASU FC) A Description of the George Korson Folklore Archive. C7460 (ASU) The Whang Doddle; Folk Tales from the Carolines. C7690 (BC) An Introduction to Folk-lore. C8190 (ASU) Tall Tales from the High Hills, and Other Stories. C8640 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) Witchcraft in North Carolina. C9120 (LMC) SUBJECT Traditional Tales of the English and Scottish Peasantry. C9730 Traditional Tales of the English and Scottish Peasantry, Vol. I. C9740 Traditional Tales of the English and Scottish Peasantry, Vol. II. C9750 Swing Your Mountain Gal, Sketches of Life in the Southern Highlands. C9950 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) Reminiscences and Traditions of Western North Carolina. D700 Folksongs of Virginia. D760 (ASU) Folk-songs of Virginia, a Descriptive Index and Classification of Material. D770 (ASU LMC FC BC) Folk-songs of Virginia, a Descriptive Index and Classification of Material. D780 (ETSU) More Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected with the Cooperation of Members of the Virginia Folklore Society. D790 (ASU FC BC LMC) Traditional Ballads of Virginia. D800 Traditional Ballads of Virginia. D801 (ASU) Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected Under the Auspices of the Virginia Folk-lore Society. D810 (LMC FC BC) Traditional Ballads of Virginia: Collected Under the Auspices of the Virginia Folklore Society. D820 (WCU ETSU ASU) 'Pon my Honor, Hit's the Truth; Tall Tales from the Mountains. D1050 (BC) Bloody Ground. D1400 (ASU LMC BC) A Treasury of American Superstition. D1770 America in Legend: Folklore from the Colonial Period to the Present. D3040 (FC) Davy Crockett: American Comic Legend. D3060 (ASU) The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina. D3810 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC WWC ETSU) Carolina Mountain Breezes. E630 (ASU) Tales of the Blue Ridge. E970 (LMC ASU BC) Gravel in My Shoe. E1090 (ASU WCU LHC MHC ETSU BC) Wendy's Halloween Ride: Witch Shadows. El 540 (LMC) Folklore on the American Land. E1970 (ASU BC MHC) The HodgePodge Book, An Almanac of American Folklore. El 980 The Nonsense Book of Riddles, Rhymes, Tongue Twisters, Puzzles and Jokes from American Folklore. El 990 (ASU BC) Old Bill Williams, Mountain Man. F380 (ASU) John Henry and His Hammer. F560 That's Why They Call It ... the Names and Lore of the Great Smokies. F1000 (WCU ETSU BC ASU) That's Why They Call It ... the Names and Lore of the Great Smokies. F1010 (ASU LMC) F2960 (ASU ETSU BC) F2970 (ASU WWC MHC ETSU BC FC) F2980 (WWC ASU BC FC) "The Heritage and Folk Music of Cades Cove, Tennessee." G230 (LMC) The Courthouse Tragedy at Hillsville, Va. G320 (ASU) West Virginia Lyrics. G1870 (ASU) A Guide for Field Workers in Folklore. G2360 (BC ASU) 115 FOLKLORE—FOLKLORE Essays on the Superstitions of the Higlanders of Scotland. G3220 Highland Folk Ways. G3250 (ASU) Word-book of Virginia Folk-speech. G3520 (ASU LMC BC) Word-book of Virginia Folk-speech. G3530 (ETSU) The Blue Hen's Chick: A Life in Context. G4960 (WCU) Old Scottish Customs, Local and General. G4980 (ASU) Mountain Speech in the Great Smokies. H770 (BC) Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. H810 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. H820 (ETSU) American Folk Legend. HI 450 Middletown Valley in Song and Story. HI 740 (BC) The Devil's Tramping Ground, and Other North Carolina Mystery Stories. H2070 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Tar Heel Ghosts. H2080 (ASU BC LMC MHC ETSU) Times Gone By. H2420 High Times and Hard Times: Sketches and Tales. H2800 (ASU BC) Sut Lovingood. H2820 (ASU) Sut Lovingood. Yarns Spun by a "Nat'ral Born Durn'd Fool." Warped and Wove for Public Wear. H2830 (ASU BC ETSU) Sut Lovingood's Yarns. H2840 (ASU WWC) Highland Halloween. H4000 (LMC) A Bibliography of North American Folklore and Folksong. H4010 (ASU WWC) Survivals in Belief Among the Celts. H4470 Bundle of Troubles, and Other Tarheel Tales. H4600 The Proverbs of Scotland. H5690 (ASU) Down a Dusty Road. H7640 (BC ASU) Aunt Zone's Web. H8050 (ASU LMC) Walking Bear of Silvermine Mountain. J810 How and Why: Stories in Carolina Folklore. J1710 (WCU) Witches and Demons in History and Folklore. J1740 (LMC) John Henry: Track Down a Negro Legend. J1780 Welsh Legends and Folk-Tales. J2330 (ASU) The Complete Peddler's Pack: Games, Songs, Rhymes, and Riddles from Mountain Folklore. J3060 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU FC) Peddler's Pack. J3250 (ETSU ASU) Folklore of the Teeth. K170 (ASU) Moonshine: Its History and Folklore. K600 (BC ASU LMC WCU MHC) K1220 (ASU ETSU BC) K1850 (ETSU) American Balladry from British Broadsides: A Guide for Students and Collectors of Traditional Song. L920 (BC ASU) Native American Balladry, a Descriptive Study and a Bibliographical Syllabus. L930 (FC) A Guide for Collectors of Oral Traditions. LI 150 God Had a Dog: Folklore of the Dog. L1160 (ASU) How the People Sang the Mountains Up: How and Why Stories. LI 170 (ASU) �FOLKLORE—FOLKLORE FOLKLORE The Rainbow Book of American Folk Tales and Legends. L1180 (ASUFC) Virginia Ghosts. L1410 (FC ASU BC) Legends of the Ohio Valley. M2180 (BC ASU) Let's Set a Spell. M2880 (ASU) Tall Tales from Old Smoky. M4210 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) "A Study of Folklore in Watauga County, North Carolina." M5600 (LMC) News from Pigeon Roost. M5640 (ASU) Published Works of Gratis Williams. M5840 (ASU BC) "Investigation of the Regional English of Unicoi County, Tennessee." M6020 Up Eel River. M6550 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Pioneer Superstitions; Old-timey Signs and Sayings. M7170 (ASU BC) Southern Character Sketches. M7190 (ASU WCU) Stories My Father Told Us. M7510 (ASU) Ghost Tales of the Uwharries. M7520 (ASU WCU) Folklore of the Blue Ridge Mountains and Early Settlers. M7870 Salt O'Life. M9130 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Ballads, Folk Songs and Folk Tales from West Virginia. M9170 (ASU BC) Green Hills of Magic, West Virginia Folk Tales from Europe. M9180 (ASU BC LMC WCU) The Telltale Lilac Bush, and Other West Virginia Ghost Tales. M9190 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) Lower Piedmont Country. N1210 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) Folk Arts Workshop. N1550 (ASU) N2270 (BC ASU ETSU MHC) The Scamps of Bucksnort: Memories of a Nineteenth-century Childhood in Rural Tennessee. P140 (ASU) My Mountains, My People. P410 (ASU WWC UNCA) Roaming the Mountains with John Parris. P430 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU WWC) These Storied Mountains. P440 (ASU ETSU MHC WCU WWC) "A Sampling of the Folklore of Carter County, Tennessee." P2220 Barefoot in Boogar Hollow; Yesterday's Sayings to Live by Today. P4080 (BC LMC ASU) Funeral Customs, Their Origin and Development. P4840 (ASU) Hills, Hollers and Hickory Flats. R70 Bygone Beliefs, Being a Series of Excursions in the Byways of Thought. R890 (ASU) Gordon Ballads. R920 (ASU) "The Cyclone of Rye Cove: The Event, the Folklore, the Song." R1040 (ETSU) Tales from Cabin Creek. R1390 (ASU) "Sketches and Legends of Upper East Tennessee." R1780 (LMC ASU) "Old Limber": Or, The Tale of the Taylors. R1930 (ASU) Apple Seeds and Soda Straws: Some Love Charms and Legends. R2400 (ASU) Celebration of Life, Her Songs, Her Poems. R2410 (ASU) SUBJECT Celebration of Life: Her Songs, Her Poems. R2420 (LMC) The Tales and Songs of the.Couch Family. R2900 Folk Tales of the Southern Mountains. R2910 (ASU MHC) I Bought Me a Dog, and Other Folktales from the Southern Mountains. R2920 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Nippy and the Yankee Doodle, and More Folk Tales from the Southern Mountains. R2930 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Old Greasybeard: Tales from the Cumberland Gap. R2940 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC WWC MHC BC FC) Sang Branch Settler, Folksongs and Tales of a Kentucky Mountain Family. R2950 (ASU) South from Hell-fer-Sartin: Kentucky Mountain Folk Tales. R2960 (ASU WCU MHC BC) South from Hell-fer-Sartin: Kentucky Mountain Folk Tales. R2970 (LMC MHC ETSU WWC) South from Hell-fer-Sartin: Kentucky Mountain Folk Tales. R2980 (ETSU) Up Cutshin and Down Greasy: Folkways of a Kentucky Family. R2990 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC UNCA) Told in the Hills. R4490 Stories of W. Va. for Boys and Girls. S500 Wildflowers of Kentucky. S2130 (BC) Juniata Memories: Legends Collected in Central Pennsylvania. S3120 More Allegheny Episodes: Legends and Traditions, Old and New. S3130 Myths & Legends of Our Own Land. S4020 (ASU) Drought, and Other North Carolina Yarns. S4560 (LMC ASU) The Mountaineers: Or, Bottled Sunshine for Blue Mondays. S4850 (ASU BC) Stories of W. Va. for Boys & Girls. S5560 S5730 (ASU BC) Ghost Stories from the Southern Mountains. S6570 (ASU) History of the Cherokee Indians and Their Legends and Folk Lore. S6680 (ASU LMC) Echoes From the Hills: Tall Tales From Tennessee. S7020 (LMC BC) Years of Harvest, Poems and Tales from the Smoky Foothills, 1924-1964. S7500 (BC LMC WCU) The Cherokee in Romance, Tragedy, and Song in the Great Smokies. S8020 (ETSU) Folk Games from Frying Pan Creek in Dickenson County, Virginia. S9160 Tall Tales of the Devils Apron. S9270 (LMC BC FC) Carolina Humor: Sketches. T50 (ASU) Dictionary of American Folklore. T100 (ASU) A Collection of Irish Riddles. T380 (FC) From Laurel Hill to Siler's Bog. T7600 (ETSU) The Folk-lore of Plants. T7720 (ASU) Kentucky Superstitions. T7790 (ASU BC) Big Sandy. T7890 (ASU BC) Blue Ridge Country. T7900 (FC WWC ETSU BC ASU) Blue Ridge Country. T7910 (ASU WCU LMC) Devil's Ditties, Being Stories of the Kentucky Mountain People, Told by Jean Thomas, With the Songs They Sing. T7920 (ASU BC) 116 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY A Treasury of American Folk Humor; a Rare Collection of Laughter, Tall Tales, Jests and Other Gems of Merriment of the American People. T8570 (FC) Pioneer Proverbs; Wit and Wisdom From Early America. T9830 American Folk Legends; a Symposium. U10 (FC) Folklore of the North American Indians. U30 (LMC) U4210 (ASU LMC) Bert Vincent's Strolling, Being Sort of a Side-Glance at the Little Odds and Ends of Life in These Parts: V630 The Best Stories of Bert Vincent, ed. Willard Yarbrough. V640 More of the Best Stories of Bert Vincent. V650 Manners, Customs, and Observances: Their Origins and Signification. WHO (ASU) Tennessee Tales. W280 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) West of Suez. W510 (ASU BC) A Right Good People. W940 (ASU) W3630 (BC) New Race of Song Sparrows from the Appalachian Region. W4960 The Foxfire Book: Hog Dressing; Log Cabin Building; Mountain Crafts and Foods; Planting by the Signs; Snake Lore, Hunting Tales, Faith Healing; Moonshining; and Other Affairs of Plain Living. W6020 (FC ASU BC) Foxfire 2: Ghost Stories, Spring Wild Plant Foods, Spinning and Weaving, Midwifing, Burial Customs, Corn Shuckin's, Wagon Making and More Affairs of Plain Living. W6030 (FC ASU BC) Foxfire 3: Animal Care, Banjos and Dulcimers, Hide Tanning, Summer and Fall Wildplant Foods, Butter Churns, Ginseng, and Still More Affairs of Plain Living. W6040 (ASU) All Good Times. W7800 (BC) Hit Haint the Fish. W7810 (LMCBC) South Carolina Folk Tales: Stories of Animals and Supernatural Beings. W9640 (LMC) God Bless the Devil. W9660 (BC) The Bulltown Country. W9730 (ASU BC) The Smoke Hole and Its People. W9750 (BC) Buying the Wind: Regional Folklore in the United States. 3050 (ASU WWC LMC BC) FOLKLORE — ALA. Horse and Buggy Days on Hatchet Creek. G450 (ASU BC) FOLKLORE — APP. Ethnology in Folklore. G2450 (ASU) Riddles from the Cumberland Valley. G4970 (ASU) Peculiarities of the Appalachian Mountaineers: A Summary of Legends, Traditions, Signs, and Superstitions That Are Almost Forgotten. J2540 (BC ASU LMC WCU ETSU MHC) Jack and Jill Go Up a Hill. J2800 (ASU) The Origins of Popular Superstitions and Customs. K2850 (ASU) American Folk Songs and Folklore: A Regional Bibliography. L3110 Beech Mountain Folk-Songs and Ballads. M4260 Recollections of Hearsays of Athens, Fifty Years and Beyond. S2370 T20 �FOLKLORE — APP. "The Folklore of the Cumber-lands as Reflected in the Writings of Jesse Stuart." W1090 Folklore in the English and Scottish Ballads. W7560 (ASU FC) FOLKLORE — CHEROKEE Chronicles of Wolf town: Social Documents of the North Carolina Cherokees, 1850-1862. K1960 (WCU ASU) Friends of Thunder, Folktales of the Oklahoma Cherokees. K1980 (ASU) Run Toward the Nightland: Magic of the Oklahoma Cherokees. K2010 (LMC MHC) FOLKLORE — GA. Boilin' n Bakin' in Boogar Hollow. H850 (BC ASU) Uncle Sandy. J2580 (ASU) A Treasury of Georgia Folk-lore. K1950 (BC ASU MHC ETSU) Historical Collections of Georgia: Containing the Most Interesting Facts, Traditions, Biographical Sketches, Anecdotes, etc., Relating to Its History and Antiquities, from Its First Settlement to the Present Time. W5410 (ASU BC) FOLKLORE — INDIAN Indian Stories of Virginia's Last Frontier. A510 FOLKLORE — KY. Folk Ways and Customs of Old Kentucky. C6060 (ASU BC) Clever Country: Kentucky Mountain Trails. G290 (LMC BC) "Tales of the Mountains" A Complete Directory of the Eastern Kentucky Coalfields with Extracts from the Geological Reports, Forestry, Oil Development, Education, Superstitions, and Religion of the Mountains. H730 A Go therm'; Ky. Lore of Mt. Music, Songs, and Dances. K2830 Folklore of the Mammoth Cave Region. W7260 (BC) FOLKLORE — N. C. Gateway to North Carolina Folklore. C5920 (ETSU ASU LMC BC) North Carolina Mountain Folklore and Miscellany. C7180 (MHC ASU LMC BC) Grandfather's Tales of North Carolina History. C8650 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC UNCA) Home on the Yadkin. F660 (ASU BC) How and Why Stories in Carolina Folklore. J1720 (LMC) The Brown Mountain Lights. L90 (ASU LMC) Great Smoky Mountain Stories and Sun over Ol* Starlin. M4850 (LMC WCU) Mountain Yarns, Legends, and Lore. M8500 (ASU LMC) Folklore Studies in Honor of Arthur Palmer Hudson. N2280 (ASU LMC) "Folklore of the North Carolina Mountaineers." P240 Hemlock Twigs and Balsam Sprigs. P250 (ASU) Mountain Bred. P420 (ASU LMC MHC WCU WWC) Cherokee Indian Lore and Smoky Mountain Stories. S3340 (ASU BC) Cherokee Indian Lore and Smoky Mountains Stories. S3350 (ETSU) FOLKLORE — PA. Two Penny Ballads and Four Dollar Whiskey: A Pennsylvania Folklore Miscellany. G2370 Pennsylvania Songs and Legends. K3070 Scotch-Irish and English Proverbs and Sayings of the West Branch Valley of Central Pennsylvania. S3150 (ASU) FOLKLORE—FORESTRY SUBJECT APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY South Mountain Sketches, Folk Tales, and Legends Collected in the Mountains of Southern Pennsylvania. S3160 (ASU) The Pennsylvania Germans of the Shenandoah Valley. S4620 (ASU) FOLKLORE — TENN. "A Collection of Ballads and Songs from East Tennessee." A2280 (LMC) "Folklore in White County, Tennessee." D2940 Governor Bob Taylor's Tales. R1920 Bulletin. T1380 (ETSU) FOLKLORE — VA. Sugar in the Gourd. A550 Legends of Virginia. Cl 170 (LMC) The Pennsylvania Germans of the Shenandoah Valley. S4620 (ASU) Legends of the Skyline Drive and the Great Valley of Virginia. W7000 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Legends of the Skyline Drive and the Great Valley of Va. W7010 (BC) FOLKLORE — W. VA. Moccasin Tracks, and Other Imprints. D2730 (BC) Moccasin Tracks and Other Imprints. D2740 (ASU) Timothy Corn Stories; as Told by Uncle Dave Arnold of Knobley Farm. E660 John Henry: An American Legend. K350 The Burning Springs, and Other Tales of the Little Kanawha. LI 360 (ASU BC) My Appalachia: Pipestem State Park Today and Yesterday. LI370 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) Tales and Lore of the Mountaineer. P4620 (BC) West Virginia, Her Land, Her People, Her Traditions, Her Resources. R4200 (BC) FOLKS SONGS — APP. Favorite Mountain Ballads and Old Time Songs. K2130 FOLKSONGS — VA. The Folksongs of Virginia: A Checklist of the WPA Holdings, Alderman Library University of Virginia. V1230 (ETSU ASU LMC) FOLKTALES Go Tell Aunt Rhody. Q30 (ASU) From Laurel Hill to Siler's Bog. T7600 (ETSU) American Folk Legends; a Symposium. U10 (FC) U4210 (ASU LMC) The Ballad Tree, a Study of British and American Ballads, Their Folklore, Verse and Music, Together with Sixty Traditional Ballads and Their Tunes. W2710 (BC) "Legends and Stories of White County, Tennessee." W6460 All Good Times. W7800 (BC) Hit Haint the Fish. W7810 (LMC BC) South Carolina Folk Tales: Stories of Animals and Supernatural Beings. W9640 (LMC) God Bless the Devil. W9660 (BC) The Bulltown Country. W9730 (ASU BC) FOLKTALES - TENN. Bulletin. T1380 (ETSU) 117 FOLKWAYS Appalachia Revisited: How People Lived Fifty Years Ago. A400 (ETSU BC ASU WCU FC LMC) In the Shadow of Big Bald: About the Appalachians and Their People. A1230 (ETSU) F2970 (ASU WWC MHC ETSU BC FC) F2980 (WWC ASU BC FC) "The Heritage and Folk Music of Cades Cove, Tennessee." G230 (LMC) Highland Folk Ways. G3250 (ASU) "A Cultural Study of a Mountain Community in Western North Carolina." H3240 (ASU) "A Cultural Study of Mountain Community in Western North Carolina." H3250 (ASU) Highland Halloween. H4000 (LMC) The Complete Peddler's Pack: Games, Songs, Rhymes, and Riddles from Mountain Folklore. J3060 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU FC) Moonshine: Its History and Folklore. K600 (BC ASU LMC WCU MHC) Walker Fox Hounds. W440 (BC) America's Vanishing Folkways. W7200 (MHC) FOLKWAYS — APP. Peculiarities of the Appalachian Mountaineers: A Summary of Legends, Traditions, Signs, and Superstitions That Are Almost Forgotten. J2540 (BC ASU LMC WCU ETSU MHC) FOLKWAYS — GA. F2960 (ASU ETSU BC) Uncle Sandy. J2580 (ASU) FOLKWAYS — KY. A Gatherin'; Ky. Lore of Mt. Music, Songs, and Dances. K2830 FOLKWAYS — N. C. Times Gone By. H2420 A Brief History of Macon County, North Carolina. S4430 FOLKWAYS — TENN. Bulletin. T1380 (ETSU) FOLKWAYS — W. VA. West Virginia, Her Land, Her People, Her Traditions, Her Resources. R4200 (BC) FOREST AND FOREST PRODUCTS "A Cost Analysis of Methods of Salvaging Logging Residue in Appalachia." T8930 A Scenic Guide to the Monogahela National Forest. W2430 (LMC ASU WCU BC) FORESTRY Forest Fires and Area Burned, State and Private Lands, Tennessee Valley, 1934-1958. A5030 Biltmore Forest: The Property of Mr. George W. Vanderbilt, and Account of its Treatment, and the Results of the First Year's Work. P2970 (LMC UNCA ASU) Resources of the Southern Fields and Forests, Medical, Economical, and Agricultural. Being Also a Medical Botany of the Confederate States. P3590 (LMC BC) A forest industry processing and marketing complex for eastern Kentucky. U180 (BC) FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS "Marketing of Lumber Produced by Sawmills in Pennsylvania." A1800 Government Land Acquisition: A Summary of Land Acquisition by Federal, State and Local Governments up to 1964. A2140 (LMC) �FORESTRY—FORESTRY FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS "The Geography of Christmas Tree Production and Marketing in Anglo-America: With Special Attention to Twelve Counties in Western Pennsylvania." A2460 A Method of Appraising Pine Sawtimber in South Carolina. A2470 (WCU) Appalachian Oak in Fine Furniture. A3170 (ASU) Official Grading Rules for Eastern Hemlock Lumber: Conforming to American Lumber Standards Effective November 10, 1950. A3180 Appalachia's Forest Resources: Timber. A3670 Shade Trees for North Carolina. A5140 (ASU LMC) Identifying Southern Forest Types on Aerial Photographs. A5780 (WCU) The Southern Appalachian Forests. A5850 (ASU BC LMC ETSU) Appalachian Scale Shelter. B1360 Effect of Competition on Survival and Height Growth of Red Oak Seedlings. B2440 (WCU) Seed Production in Southern Appalachian Oak Stands. B2450 Yield of Unthinned Yellow-poplar. B2460 (WCU) Lessons in Appalachian Forestry. B2970 Selected Opportunities for Wood Industries Development in West Virginia Through Application of Forest Products Laboratory Research. B3330 Forestry and Wood Industries. B6860 (ETSU) Lumbering on the Cumberland: A Romance Taken from Life. B7010 (BC) The Economic Development of the Northeast Georgia Commission Area Through Use of Forest Products and Water Resources. B7120 (ASU ETSU) Publications of the Southeastern Forest Station, 1921-1958. B7230 (WCU) Value Growth of Pine Pulpwood on the George Walton Experimental Forest. C3350 (WCU) Tumult on the Mountains: Lumbering in West Virginia, 1770-1920. C4710 (ASU LMC WCU MHC BC) Silvical Characteristics of Slash Pine. C7200 (WCU) The Comp'ny: The Story of the Surry, Sussex and Southampton Railway and the Surry Lumber Company. C8850 (ASU LMC BC) Air-drying Practices in Central Appalachians. C9820 Trees of the South. G3550 (ASU BC) Conservation of Wildlife and Forests in Tennessee. H4120 (ETSU BC) Conservation of Wildlife and Forests in Tennessee. H4130 In Quiet Ways: George H. Mead, the Man and the Company. H6210 (LMC) Proceedings of Second Annual Convention of the North Carolina Forestry Association Held at Raleigh, North Carolina, February 21, 1912. H6860 (ASU) "The Effect of Basal Wounding By Forest Fires on the Diameter Growth of Some Southern Appalachian Hardwoods." J590 Erosion Control on Logging Roads in the Appalachians. K2970 (ASU LMC) Products from Hickory Bolts. LI 630 (WCU) Evaluation of Timber Development Organization. M1080 (ASU WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Sweetgum. M3790 (WCU) SUBJECT Hydraulic Spray Applications of Insecticides for the Control of Slash Pine Cone and Seed Insects. M5120 (WCU) M5190 (ASU) Silvical Characteristics of Bitternut Hickory. N540 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of the Commercial Hickories. N550 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Mockernut Hickory. N560 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Shagbark Hickory. N570 (WCU) American Heartwood. PI 400 (WCU) Breaking New Ground. P2980 (LMC BC) Timber Trees and Forests of North Carolina. P2990 (UNCA ASU WCU LMC) Gifford Pinchot: Private and Public Forester. P3040 (WCU LMC) The Biltmore Story: Recollections of the Beginning of Forestry in the United States. S880 (ASU WCU BC) Issues by the U. S. Southern Forest Experiment Station in cooperation with the Southern Pulpwood Conservation Association. S5820 (WCU) Stamper Tract Prescribed Burn. T510 (WCU) Forest Products Industry Notes, no. 1. T2790 (BC) The Changing Sawmill Industry; a Status Report on 58 Circular Sawmills in the Tennessee Valley, 1950-1960. T4610 Fish and Wildlife in the Tennessee Valley. T4670 Forest Inventory Statistics for Whitfield County, Georgia. T4730 Forest Resources and Industries in the Tennessee Valley. T4740 (ETSU) Forest Resources of the Beech River Watershed. T4750 Forest Resource Trends in the Tennessee Valley. T4970 Operations Guide for TVA Forest Nurseries. T5000 Quality-Control in Circular Sawmill Operation . . . T5020 Report: A Record of Activities and Accomplishments. T5040 Influences of Reforestation and Erosion Control Upon the Hydrology of the Pine Tree Branch Watershed 1941 to 1950. T5550 Forest Cover Improvement Influences Upon Hydrologic Characteristics of White Hollow Watershed, 1935-1958. T7340 Influences of Reforestation and Erosion Control Upon the Hydrology of the Pine Tree Branch Watershed 1941 to 1950. T7430 Reforestation and Erosion Control Influences Upon the Hydrology of the Pine Tree Branch Watershed 1941 to 1960. T7500 Growth of Appalachian Hardwoods as Affected by Site and Residual Stand Density. T9310 Printing as Senate Document Information Relative to the Timber Resources and National Forests of West Virginia. Report from the committee on Rules and Administration to Accompany S. Res. 137, June 14, 1961. U1950 Nantahala National Forest, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina. U2920 (WCU) National Forests of the Southern Appalachians. U2930 National Forests of the Southern Appalachians. Help Banish Fire from our Appalachian Forests. U2940 Special Forest Products for Profit, Self-Help Suggestions for Rural Areas Development. U2980 118 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Timber in North Carolina. U2990 (WCU) Watauga Lake recreation areas, Cherokee National Forest, Tennessee. U3000 Annual Report and Program. U3020 (BC) Annual Report and Program. U3040 Joyce Kilmer Memorial Forest in the Nantahala National Forest. U3050 The Southern Appalachian Forest. U3370 The Forest Products Marketing Laboratory at Princeton, West Virginia, Research Facility of the Northeastern Forest Experiment Station. U3750 Forest Survey Release. U3980 Improvements at Coweeta. U3990 Research Information Digest; Recent Publications of the Southeastern Forest Experiment Station. U4000 1963 Research at the Southeastern Forest Experiment Station. U4010 (WCU) Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise Co. and Coal Bearing Portions of Scott Co., Va. with a Chapter on the Forest of Wise Co. V980 Method for Determining Public Fire Control Expenditures for Private Lands. VI310 Technique for Hand Planting of Forest Trees on Southern Appalachians. W160 Forest-Land Utilization in Nicholas and Webster Co., W. Va. W2460 W3140 (ETSU) Common Forest Trees of West Virginia: How to Know Them. W3570 (ASU) Forest Trees of West Virginia. W3580 The Nantucket Pine Moth: A Literature Review. Y70 (WCU) FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — ALA. Pine Pulpmill Possibilities, North Alabama. T4840 FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — APP. Cubic-foot Volume Tables for Yellow-poplar in the South Appalachians. B2430 Farm Woodland Management in Southern Appalachians, 8-Year Summary. C880 Forest Service Log Grades for Southern Pine. C890 (WCU) A Guide to Grading Features in Southern Pine Logs and Trees. C900 (WCU) Ten Years of Experimental Farm Woodland Management in the Southern Appalachians. C910 (WCU) Tree Grades Give Accurate Estimate of Second-Growth Yellow Poplar Values. C920 (WCU) C2020 (ETSU) Trees of the Southeastern States, Including Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, and Northern Florida. C5670 (ASU BC) Construction-grade Plywood from Grade 3 Appalachian Oak. C8330 Profits from Pruning Appalachian White Pine. C9440 Intensive Cleaning Increases Sapling Growth and Browse Production in Southern Appalachians. D1730 Site Index Curves for Natural Stands of White Pine in the Southern Appalachians. D2930 Evaluating Appalachian Woods for Highway Posts. D3200 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — APP. "The Economic Problems of Forestry in the Appalachian Region." D3670 The Economic Problems of Forestry in the Appalachian Region. D3680 (ASU LMC BC) Insects Affecting Seed Production of Slash and Longleaf Pines: Their Identification and Biological Annotation. E640 (WCU) The Southern Appalachian Forest Reserve. El 740 F2130 Chestnut Oak in the Southern Appalachians. F2320 (ASU) Timber Growing and Logging Practice in the Southern Appalachian Region. F3580 (BC ASU) Forced Air Drying of Southern Pine Lumber. G70 (WCU) Physical Suitability of Appalachian Hardwood Sawlogs for Sawed Timbers. G440 The Litter Arthropod Community in a Southern Appalachian Hardwood Forest: Numbers, Biomass and Mineral Element Content. G1850 Denudation and Erosion in the Southern Appalachian Region and the Monongehela Basin. G2130 (ASU ETSU) Characteristics of Factory-grade Hardwood Logs Delivered to Appalachian Sawmills. G2290 Chestnut Blight in the Southern Appalachians. G3300 White Oak in the Southern Appalachians. G3480 (ASU) Operations Guide for TVA Forest Nurseries. G4080 Geomorphology and Forest Ecology of the Mountain Region in the Central Appalachians. H90 "The Location Decision for Primary Wood-using Industries in the Northern Appalachians." H200 Location Decision for Wood-using Industries in Northern Appalachians. H210 Waning Hardwood Supply and the Appalachian Forests. H920 A Revised Shortleaf Pine Bibliography. HI 470 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Southern Red Oak. HI 480 (WCU) Southern Forests and Southern People. HI 650 (LMC) Spacing-environmental Relationships in a Slash Pine Plantation. H2480 (WCU) Rainfall Interception by Hardwood Forest Litter in Southern Appalachians. H4410 (WCU) Decay in Merchantable Oak, Yellow Poplar, and Basswood in the Appalachian Region. H4880 Grading and Measuring Hickory Trees, Logs, and Products. H4950 (WCU) Diseases in Southeastern Forest Nurseries and Their Control. H6170 (WCU) This Fascinating Lumber Business. H7190 (ASU) Fertilization of Young Slash Pine in a Cultivated Plantation. H8110 (WCU) The Anthracite Forest Region, a Problem Area. 1760 (ASU) Timber Stand Improvement in the Southern Appalachian Region. J600 Look at Mine-timber Market in the Appalachian Bituminous Coal Region. K2930 The Economic Development of the Furniture Industry of the South and Its Future Dependence Upon Forestry. K3080 (LMC) SUBJECT The Olustee Arboretum Performance of 67 Species of Forest Trees. K3150 (WCU) Wind Directions for Prescribed Burning in Southeastern United States. K3360 (WCU) Appalachian Hardwoods for Pallets, Laboratory Evaluation. K3430 Marketing West Virginia Lumber to Manufacturers in Other States. L2540 Silvical Characteristics of Shumard Oak. L3580 (WCU) "Industrial Organization of the Appalachian Hardwood Lumber Using Industry." L41TO Regeneration After Clearcutting in the Southern Appalachians. Ml 390 (LMC) Regeneration in Southern Appalachian Oak Stands. Ml 400 A Guide to Forestry Activities in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee. M4390 (ETSU LMC) Tree Planting in the Central Piedmont, and Southern Appalachian Region. U. S. Department of Agriculture Farmers' Bulletin, no. 1994. M6130 (WCU) N210 Trees Above the Coal Below. N3000 Early Survival and Growth of Planted Northern Red Oak in Southern Appalachians. 0630 Practical Forestry in the Southern Appalachians. P4520 P4700 (BC) Silvical Characteristics of Yellow-poplar. R1490 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of White Basswood. R1500 (WCU) The Romance of Appalachian Hardwood Lumber: 1890 — Fifty Years of Service — 1940. R2550 (BC ASU WCU LMC) Heart Rots of Appalachian Hardwoods. R3890 Birth of Forestry in America, Biltmore Forest School, 1898-1913. S890 (ASU) Exploratory Studies on Chemical Control of Unwanted Hardwoods in Southern Appalachians. S4240 "Variation in Wood Specific Gravity of Yellow-poplar (Liriodendron tulipifera L.) and Its Relationship to Environmental Conditions in the Southern Appalachians." S4260 (LMC) A White Pine Provenance Study in the Southern Appalachians. S4270 (WCU) White Pine Provenance Study in the Southern Appalachians. S4280 (ASU) Cubic-foot Volume Table and Point-sampling Factors for White Pine Plantations in Southern Appalachians. S4320 Epicormic Branching on 8 Species of Appalachian Hardwoods. S4730 Cumulated Index for Proceedings of the Society of American Foresters, Volumes 1-11, May 1905-1916. Forestry Quarterly, Volumes 1-14. S5360 (ASU) Nails and Spikes in Hickory. S7090 (WCU) Circular Slide Rule for Calculating Wood Moisture Content. T220 (WCU) A Comparison of Increment Core Sampling Methods For Estimating Tree Specific Gravity. T230 (WCU) Wood Density Surveys of the Minor Species of Yellow Pine in the Eastern United States: Pt. I — Spruce Pine (Pinus Glabra Walt.). T250 (WCU) 119 FORESTRY—FORESTRY Evaluation of Forestry Opportunities on Farms in the Beech River Watershed. T2620 Forests and Human Welfare. T2800 Forestry Bulletin, no. 1. T2810 (BC) Initial Forest Management in the Tennessee Valley. T2930 Plant Trees — Grow Jobs; Reforest 7 States in 7 Years. T3230 (ASU) Annual Report, 1963. T4600 Comparative Data for Additional Hardwood Pulp and Paper Mills in the Tennessee Valley. T4620 Comparative Results of Circular Sawmill Surveys in the Tennessee Valley, 1950 and 1955. T4630 Development of Forests — Fish — Wildlife in the Tennessee Valley. T4650 Evaluation of Forestry Opportunities on Farms in the Beech River Watershed. T4660 (ETSU) Hardwood-Logging Methods and Costs in the Tennessee Valley. T4770 Hardwood Utilization Centers: Their Potential for the Tennessee Valley. T4780 (ASU) Influence of Woodland and Owner Characteristics of Forest Management. T4790 Laminated Lumber From Low-Grade Hardwoods by the Continuous Glue Press Process. T4800 Operations Manual for TVA Forest Nurseries. T4830 Private Forest Management in the Tennessee Valley. T4850 Publications Available for General Distribution. T4860 Status of the Forest Resource in the Tennessee Valley — 1950. T4870 TVA and Forestry. T4890 TVA and Forestry. T4900 TVA and Forestry. T4910 Twenty Years of Fire Records for State and Private Forest Lands in the Tennessee Valley. T4920 Why Invest in Forest Land? Some Forest Owners Give Their Answers. T4930 Annual Report. T4940 Design and Operation of Open-Tank Timber Treating Plants. T4950 Farm Forestry Planning Through Linear Programming. T4960 Guide to Selection of Superior Loblolly, Shortleaf and Virginia Pine in the Tennessee Valley. T4980 Inventorying Forest Properties; Suggested Standard Procedure and Specifications for Use in the Tennessee Valley. T4990 Private Forest Management Trends in the Tennessee Valley. T5010 Reforestation Estimates for the Tennessee Valley. T5030 Sawmill Facts; First Step Toward Good Management. T5050 A Survey of Pulpwood Dealers in the Tennessee Valley . . . T5060 TVA Fish and Game Activities. T5070 Utilizing Pine Sawmill Residue for Pulp Chips. T5080 �FORESTRY—FORESTRY FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — APP. Crosstie Industry Facts for the Tennessee Valley Counties. T5280 Statistical Summary of Forest-Products Industries in the Tennessee Valley. T5290 An Appraisal of Methods for Salvaging Small Sawmill Residues in the Southeast. T8780 (WCU) Appraisal of Early Reproduction After Cutting in Northern Appalachian Hardwood Stands. T9290 Diameter Increase in Second-Growth Appalachian Hardwood Stands, Comparison of Species. T9300 Regeneration of Central Appalachian Hardwoods with Emphasis on the Effects of Site Quality and Harvesting Practice. T9320 Reproduction 7 Years After Seed-Tree Harvest Cutting in Appalachian Hardwoods. T9330 What Happens to Living Cull Trees Left After Heavy Cutting in Mixed Hardwood Stands? T9340 Report of the Secretary of Agriculture on the Southern Appalachian and White Mountain Watersheds. Commercial Importance, Area, Condition, Advisability of the Purchase for National Forests, and Probable Cost. U2540 (BC) Purchase of Land under the Weeks Law in the Southern Appalachian and White Mountains. U2960 Purchase of Land under the Weeks Law in the Southern Appalachian and White Mountains. U2970 Measures for Stand Improvement in Southern Appalachian Forests with List of Selected References. U3010 Southern Appalachian White Pine Plantations, Site, Volume, and Yield. V620 (WCU) Costs and Returns for Hardwood Lumber Production in Appalachian Region of Kentucky and Ohio. W5260 FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — GA. Forest Inventory Statistics for Fannin County, Georgia. T4680 Forest Inventory Statistics for Towns County, Georgia. T4700 Forest Inventory Statistics for Union County, Georgia. T4710 Forest Inventory Statistics for Walker County, Georgia. T4720 North Georgia Forest Industry Outlook. T4820 FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — KY. Forestry in the Economic Life of Knott County, Kentucky. C8430 **Tales of the Mountains" A Complete Directory of the Eastern Kentucky Coalfields with Extracts from the Geological Reports, Forestry, Oil Development, Education, Superstitions, and Religion of the Mountains. H730 A Look at Kentucky's Lumber Industry. H4960 (BC) Sawmill Practices and Problems in Appalachian Hill Country of Ohio and Kentucky. M350 Value Added by Sawmilling in Appalachian Hill Country of Ohio and Kentucky. M360 A Forest Industry Processing and Marketing Complex for Eastern Kentucky. Ml 090 (LMC) Progress Report on a Study of Forest Conditions in Kentucky. U2950 (BC) Strip Mining Reclamation in Appalachia. U3030 FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — N. C. The Trees of North Carolina. C5660 (ASU) SUBJECT The Woods and Timbers of North Carolina. H440 (ASU LMC) Woods and Timbers of North Carolina. H450 (BC) Common Forest Trees of North Carolina: How to Know Them. A Pocket Manual. H6820 (LMC) Common Forest Trees of North Carolina: How to Know Them. A Pocket Manual. H6830 (LMC ASU) Forest Conditions in Western North Carolina. H6840 (ASU WCU LMC UNCA) Organization of Co-operative Forest Fire Protective Areas in North Carolina. H6850 (ASU) Silvical Characteristics of Cherrybark Oak. L3570 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Swamp Chestnut Oak. L3590 (WCU) N200 (WCU) Common Forest Trees of North Carolina, How to Know Them. N1930 (ASU UNCA) Sawmills and Lumber Production for 26 Counties in Western North Carolina, 1959. N1960 Report of the State Geologist and Director. 1891-92 - 1923-24. N2340 (ASU UNCA) North Carolina Lands: Ownership, Use, and Management of Forest and Related Lands. P3470 (ASU LMC BC WCU UNCA) Report on an Examination of a Forest Tract in Western North Carolina. R1050 (ASU LMC) Tests on Direct Seeding of Oak in Piedmont and Southern Appalachians of North Carolina. S4250 (WCU) Forest Inventory Statistics for Buncombe County, North Carolina. T2780 A Demonstration of Watershed Protective Logging, Mars Hill Municipal Watershed, Madison County, North Carolina. T4640 Report on an Examination of a Forest Tract in Western North Carolina. U2530 Growing Christmas Trees in North Carolina. W5720 (WCU) FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — OHIO Ten Years of Strip-mine Forestation Research in Ohio. F1050 Sawmill Practices and Problems in Appalachian Hill Country of Ohio and Kentucky. M350 Value Added by Sawmilling in Appalachian Hill Country of Ohio and Kentucky. M360 Forestry Accomplishments in Southeastern Ohio under the U. S. Agricultural Conservation Program, 1957-64. M5060 FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — PA. "Marketing Forest Products in Pennsylvania; a study of Marketing Practices and Pricing Processes at the Farm level for Forest Products in Pennsylvania 1949-1951." C1630 The Timber Resources of Pennsylvania. F640 (ASU) "Pennsylvania Markets for Primary Forest Products." F3060 "Equating Timber and Wildlife Values and Returns to the Farm Resource Base in Sullivan County, Pennsylvania." G200 "Equating Timber and Wildlife Values and Returns to the Farm Resources Base in Sullivan County, Pennsylvania." H3970 Opportunities for Forest-Based Industries in Pennsylvania: A Manual for the Development of Pennsylvania's Wood Using Industries. H7160 "An Analysis of the Christmas Tree Industry in Pennsylvania." K2690 120 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Forestry Returns Evaluated for Uneven-aged Management in Two Appalachian Wood lots. M340 "Forest Products Marketing from Public Lands in Pennsylvania." S1130 "Promotion of the Recreational Use of State Forests, with Special Reference to Pennsylvania." SI 480 FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — APP. Suitability of Appalachian Woods for Sanitary Tissue and Toweling. F2140 FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — TENN. Tennessee Timber Trees. B270 "Wood Production Investment Opportunities on the Cumberland Plateau in Tennessee: A Regional Economic Analysis." B460 Preliminary Study of Forest Conditions in Tennessee. H880 (ETSU) Common Forest Trees of Tennessee: How to Know Them, a Pocket Manual. J2280 (LMC) "Radial Growth and Wood Density of White Pine in Relation to Coal-Derived Environmental Pollutants." L870 Changing Sawmill Industry; a Status Report on 58 Circular Sawmills in the Tennessee Valley, 1950-60. LI 620 Common Forest Trees of Tennessee, How to Know Them; a Pocket Manual. M2700 The Economics of Using Low-Quality Hardwoods for Producing Charcoal in Tennessee. M3700 Harvesting Pine Pulpwood in the Tennessee Valley. S1040 Initial Forest Management in the Tennessee Valley. SI 770 Summer Key to Tennessee Trees. S2220 (ASU LMC BC) Forest Trees and Forest Facts of Tennessee. T1060 (ETSU) "Some Tennessee Trees — a Simple, Illustrated Key." T1070 The Horseshoe Properties Forest Management Demonstration. T1240 Tennessee Resources — Agriculture, Forestry, and Minerals. T1720 (ETSU) Forest Conditions in Monroe County, Tennessee. T4590 Forest Inventory Statistics — Holston River Tributary Area, East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia. T4690 Forest Industries in Appalachian Counties of Tennessee. V410 FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — VA. Virginia Forest Resources and Industries. C8440 (LMC) Forest Recreation: Estimated and Predictions in the North River Area, George Washington National Forest, Virginia. C9960 Common Forest Trees of Virginia: A Pocket Manual Describing Their Most Important Characteristics. J2290 (BC LMC) Virginia's Timber, 1966. K2780 (LMC) The Forests of the Valley Coal Fields of Virginia. PI 570 The Forests of Tazewell County, Virginia. S1210 Forest Inventory Statistics — Holston River Tributary Area, East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia. T4690 Bulletin. V900 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FORESTRY AND FOREST PRODUCTS — W. VA. Call of the Mountains. B2640 (BC ASU) Freight Rates of West Virginia Wood Products. C950 (ASU) C6220 The Timber Resources of West Virginia. F630 (ASU) Tree Diameter, Poor Indicator of Age in West Virginia Hardwoods. Gil 50 A Manual of West Virginia's Wood-using Industries, with Directory. G3110 (ASU) An Analysis of Some Selected Characteristics of Cabin Vacationists in West Virginia State Parks and Forests in 1961. H40 (ASU) The Manufacture of Hardwood Dimension Stock in West Virginia, a Feasibility Study. H60 (ASU) Prospects and Problems for the Manufacture of Laminated Timber in West Virginia. HI 030 The Effect of Workmen's Compensation on the Logging and Sawmilling Industries in the Northeast. H6380 Fifty Year History of the Monongahela National Forest. Ml 870 Timber Inventory and Wood Manufacturing Opportunities in the Northern and Central West Virginia Region. M6460 Haven in the Hardwood: The History of Pickens, West Virginia. N460 (ASU) Marketing of Lumber Through Retail Outlets in W. Va. N470 Forests and Forestry in West Virginia, a Bibliography. R1700 FORESTS AND FORESTRY Early Reproduction After Seed-tree Harvest Cuttings in Appalachian Hardwoods. W2790 Seasonal Moisture Fluctuations in Four Species of Pocqsin Vegetation. W2800 (WCU) FORESTS AND FORESTRY PRODUCTS The Relation of Growth to Stand Density in Natural Loblolly Pine Stands. W2820 (WCU) Silvical Characteristics of Loblolly Pine. W2830 (WCU) FORESTS, NATIONAL Whose Woods These Are: The Story of the National Forests. F3490 (MHC) The Forest Service and Appalachia. K30 (ASU) FORESTS — NATURAL A Scenic Guide to the Monongahela National Forest. W2430 (LMC ASU WCU BC) 4-H CLUBS A Touch of Charisma; a History of the 4-H Club Program in West Virginia. S7240 FRENCH BROAD RIVER The French Broad. D4210 (WWC BC) The French Broad. D4220 (ASU ETSU WCU LMC MHC BC) E780 (ASU) Human Resources in the Economy of the Upper French Broad Area. M4310 (LMC) Economic Development of the Upper French Broad Area: Summary of Needs and Opportunities, Resources, the Regional Economy. N2690 (ASU) Economic Development of the Upper French Broad Area by North Carolina State and the Tennessee Valley Authority. T2570 (LMC) . . . Flood Control for Upper French Broad River and Tributaries; a Preliminary Report. T6930 SUBJECT Flood of August 24-25, 1961: Upper French Broad River Basin. T6940 Floods on French Broad and Davidson Rivers and King, Nicholson, and Tucker Creeks in Vicinity of Brevard, North Carolina. T7030 Floods on French Broad and Swannanoa Rivers, in Vicinity of Asheville, North Carolina. T7040 Floods on French Broad River and Spring Creek in Vicinity of Hot Springs, North Carolina. T7050 Floods on French Broad River in the Vicinity of Marshall, N. C. T7060 FRENCH HUGUENOTS Memorials of the Huguenot's in America, with Special Reference to Their Emigration to Pennsylvania. S6590 (ASU) FRENCH-BROAD RIVER The French-Broad Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3940 (LMC BC) The French Broad-Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3950 (ETSU) FRONTIER AND PIONEER LFFE — APP. The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732. C8520 (WCU BC) FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE Daniel Boone, Pioneer of Kentucky. A30 (ASU) Daniel Boone, Pioneer of Kentucky. A40 (ETSU) Daniel Boone, the Pioneer of Kentucky. A50 (ASU BC) David Crockett: His Life and Adventures. A60 (ASU ETSU) From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee. A80 (WWC BC) From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee: A Study in Frontier Democracy. A90 (ASU LMC) Three Virginia Frontiers. A100 (ETSU BC) Three Virginia Frontiers. A110 (ASU WCU) Western Lands and the American Revolution. A120 Western Lands and the American Revolution. A130 (FC BC ASU) Land Entry Book, Wilkes County, North Carolina, 1778-1781. A160 (ASU) Heroes of the Alamo: Accounts and Documents. A260 (ETSU) The Story of Wise County, Virginia. A540 (BC ASU) New Governments West of the Alleghenies Before 1780. A1010 (BC) John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier. A1040 John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier: A Study of Indian Relations, War, Trade, and Land Problems in the Southern Wilderness, 1754-1775. A1050 (ASU BC FC WCU) The Overmountain Men: Early Tennessee History, 1760-1780. A1260 (BC ETSU) The Overmountain Men: Early Tennessee History, 1760-1795. A1270 (ASU LMC FC) Lewis Wetzel: Indian Fighter. The Life and Times of a Frontier Hero. A1810 (ASU BC) The First Explorations of the Trans-Allegheny Region by the Virginians, 1650-1674. A1990 (ASU BC) The Ocoee District, South East Tennessee in the United States of America, Especially the Hundred Thousand Acres, and the Gold Region, with a Sketch of the Character of the People Who Inhabit East Tennessee Generally. A2450 The Appalachian Indian Frontier. The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. A5310 (ASU BC WCU LMC ETSU) 121 FORESTRY—FRONTIER Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia. A5480 (ASU) Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia, Extracted from the Original Court Records of Augusta County, 1745-1800. A5490 (ASU) Daniel Boone. A5700 (ETSU BC) The Ohio Company of Virginia and the Westward Movement, 1748-1792. B330 (BC) Daniel Boone. B500 (ASU FC ETSU UNCA BC) Daniel Boone. B510 (ASU WCU) Daniel Boone. B520 (ASU MH) Fighting Frontiersman, the Life of Daniel Boone. B530 Fighting Frontiersman, the Life of Daniel Boone. B540 (ASU BC) Master of the Wilderness: Daniel Boone. B550 "Fort Southwest Point, Tennessee: The Development of a Frontier Post, 1792-1807." B920 Valley of Democracy: The Frontier Versus the Plantation in the Ohio Valley, 1755-1818. B1370 (BC) The Peopling of Virginia. B2350 (ASU) The Peopling of Virginia. B2360 (FC) Jennie Wiley, Pioneer: The True Story of a Virginia Frontier Heroine. B3000 (ASU) Davy Crockett, Frontier Hero; the Truth as He Told It, the Legend as Friends Built It. B4490 Scotch Irish Pioneers in Ulster and America. B5170 (ASU) Georgia's Last Frontier: The Development of Carroll County. B5310 (ASU LMC BC) Border Fights and Fighters. B6240 (BC) Virginia Settlers and English Adventurers: Abstracts of Wills, 1484-1798, and Legal Proceedings, Relating to Early Virginia Families. B6620 (ASU) The Captives of Abb's Valley. B7151 The Captives of Abb's Valley, a Legend of Frontier Life. B7152 (ASU) Daniel Boone: The Opening of the Wilderness. B7240 (ASU BC) Pioneers of Old Frontiers. B7270 (ETSU) Early Maps of the Ohio Valley. B7290 (BC) Daniel Boone and the Wilderness Road. B7580 (ETSU) Heritage of the Trans-Allegheny Pioneers: Or, Resources of Central West Virginia. B7640 (ASU BC) Sketches of Tennessee's Pioneer Baptist Preachers. B9000 (WCU) The Upper Tennessee. C970 (BC) North Carolina Land Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791. C1800 (ETSU BC ASU) The Appalachian Frontier: America's First Surge Westward. C1820 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC UNCA) The Southern Frontier. C1830 (WCU) Famous Frontiersmen, Pioneers and Scouts: The Vanguards of American Civilization. C2170 (BC) Dark Hills to Westward: The Saga of Jennie Wiley. C2200 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Simon Kenton, the Scout: A Tale of Frontier Life During the Revolution. C7390 (BC) �FRONTIER—FRONTIER FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE The Log Meeting-house, and the Mcllhanys. El 060 (ASU) The Life and Times of Col. Daniel Boone, Hunter, Soldier, and Pioneer. El 780 (ETSU BC FC ASU WCU LMC) "David Crockett: An Interpretation." E2350 Old Bill Williams, Mountain Man. F380 (ASU) The Adventures of Colonel Daniel Boone, formerly a Hunter: Containing a Narrative of the Wars of Kentucky, with the Discovery, Purchase, and Settlement of Kentucky, and the Piankashaw Council, 1784, and Territory of North American Indians, and the Rights Land in Kentucky. F850 (BC ASU LMC) The Discovery, Settlement, and Present State of Kentucky. F880 (ASU) Kentucky and the Adventures of Col. Daniel Boone. F890 Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman. F1860 Davy Crockett. F1870 (ETSU) Wilderness Road; a Parable for Modern Times. G3630 Wilderness Road: A Symphonic Outdoor Drama. G3640 (WCU BC ASU) Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. H350 (ASU) Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. . . . H360 (ETSU) Trans-Allegheny Pioneers: Historical Sketches of the First White Settlements West of the Alleghenies 1784 and After. Wonderful Experiences of Hardships and Heroism of Those Who First Braved the Dangers of the Inhospitable Wilderness, and the Savage Tribes That Then Inhabited It. H380 (ASU BC) Autobiography of "Old Claib Jones." H720 The Life of Daniel Boone, the Founder of the State of Kentucky. H3190 (ASU) Life of Daniel Boone, the Great Western Hunter and Pioneer, Comprising an Account of His Early History, His Daring and Remarkable Career as the First Settler of Kentucky. To Which is Added His Autobiography Complete as Dictated by Himself. H3200 (WCU BC ETSU) Life of Daniel Boone, the Great Western Hunter and Pioneer, Comprising an Account of His Early History, His Daring and Remarkable Career as the First Settler of Kentucky. To Which Is Added His Autobiography Complete as Dictated by Himself. H3210 (ASU BC ETSU) Stories of Hatfield, the Pioneer. H3430 Stories of Hatfield, the Pioneer; embracing a detailed account of His Experience in the Wilderness of East Tennessee, Kentucky, and Southern Indiana. H3440 (BC) Adventures of Daniel Boone, the Kentucky Rifleman. H3720 (BC) Borderland Echoes, a W. Va. Story. H3950 (BC ASU) The First West. H4820 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU BC) Daniel Boone: The Pioneer of Kentucky. H5400 Life and Adventures of Daniel Boone, the Pioneer of Kentucky. H5410 (ASU BC) Boone's Wilderness Road. H7870 (ETSU BC) Six Feet Six, the Heroic Story of Sam Houston. J300 (ASU) The Raven, a Biography of Sam Houston. J360 The Frontier Camp Meeting. J1320 (WWC) SUBJECT Kegley's Virginia Frontier: The Beginning of the Southwest. The Roanoke of Colonial Days, 1740-1783. K470 (ASU ETSU FC BC) LI 220 Cumberland Gap and Trails West. M200 (BC) Sketches of Western Adventure: Containing an Account of the Most Interesting Incidents Connected with the Settlement of the West, from 1755 to 1794. M470 (ETSU BC) Travels in the American Colonies. M5090 (ASU BC) Life and Adventures of Lewis Wetzel. M5290 (BC) Protestants and Pioneers; Individualism and Conformity on the American Frontier. M6370 Folklore of the Blue Ridge Mountains and Early Settlers. M7870 The Story of Daniel Boone. M8130 (ASU BC) Some Early Emigrants to America, Also, Early Emigrants to America from Liverpool, abstracted by Reginal Sharpe France. N930 (ASU) The Forgotten Pioneer: The Life of Davy Crockett. N2980 (ASU ETSU) "Doctor Thomas Walker (1715-1794): Explorer, Physician, Surveyor, and Planter of Virginia and Kentucky." N3050 (BC) A History of the United States Indian Factory System, 1795-1822. PI 200 Frontier Mission: A History of Religion West of the Southern Appalachians to 1861. P3740 (BC WWC) Pioneer Presbyterianism in Tennessee; Addresses Delivered at the Tennessee Exposition on Presbyterian Day, Oct. 28, 1897. P4310 (ASU) Cathedrals in the Wilderness. S860 (BC) Daniel Boone, Pioneer. S2120 (ASU) The Daniel Boone Story. S4540 (BC) The Wilderness Road: a Description of the Routes of Travel by Which the Pioneers and Early Settlers First Came to Kentucky. S6120 (ASU FC LMC BC) Daniel Boone, Boy Hunter. S7160 (ETSU) Daniel Boone, Boy Hunter. S7170 (ASU) A Sketch of the Cherokee and Choctaw Indians. S8740 Meet Virginia's Baby: A Brief Pictorial History of Dickenson County, Virginia, from Its Formation in 1880 to 1955, with Stress on Pioneer Background. S9200 (ASU LMC BC) Jemima, Daughter of Daniel Boone. S9340 , Religion in Colonial America. S9630 (MHC FC) Religion in the Development of American Culture, 1795-1840. S9640 (ASU) Benjamin Logan, Kentucky Frontiersman. T40 (WCU BC) Daniel Boone. T8490 (ETSU BC) Daniel Boone. T8500 (ASU) Withers Chronicles of Border Warfare. T8540 A Company of Heroes. V220 Forth to the Wilderness: The First American Frontier, 1754-1774. V240 (ASU) Men of the Western Waters; a Second Look at the First Americans. V250 Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman: The Green Woods Were His Portion. V390 (ASU WCU LMC MHC) 122 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Log Cabin in America: From Pioneer Days to the Present. W2880 (ASU WCU BC) Sketches of Our Mountain Pioneers. W3080 (BC) Daniel Boone: Wilderness Scout. W5580 (ETSU ASU BC) Daniel Boone; Wilderness Scout. W5590 (BC) Daniel Boone, Wilderness Scout. W5600 (ETSU) Daniel Boone: Wilderness Scout. The Life Story and True Adventure of the Great Hunter, Long Knife, Who First Blazed the Wilderness Trail Through the Indian Country to Kentucky. W5610 (ASU) Daniel Boone: Taming the Wilds. W6280 (BC) John Sevier, Son of Tennessee. W6300 (ETSU) John Sevier, Son of Tennessee. W6310 (LMC) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6790 FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — ALA. Early Settlers of Alabama. S480 (ASU BC) FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — APP. The Rampaging Frontier: Manners and Humors of Pioneer Days in the South and Middle West. C4590 (ASU) The Rampaging Frontier: Manners and Humors of Pioneer Days in the South and Middle West. C4600 (WWC) The Life and Adventures of Wilburn Waters, the Famous Hunter and Trapper of White Top Mountain. C5230 (BC) Wilburn Waters History 1812-1879. C5240 The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732. C8530 (ASU LMC FC) The Dixie Frontier, a Social History of the Southern Frontier from the First Transmontane Beginnings to the Civil War. D2080 (ASU MHC) The Frontiersmen. E760 The Life and Times of Col. Daniel Boone, the Hunter of Kentucky, with Sketches of His Contemporaries: Narrative of St. Clair's Defeat. Mrs. Merrill's Adventures, etc. El 790 (ASU BC) Life of Colonel David Crockett: Comprising His Adventures as Backwoodsman and Hunter; His Services as Soldier and Scout in the Creek War; His Electioneering Canvasses; His Career as Congressman; His Tour through the Northern States; and His Services and Death in the Texan War of Independence. To Which Are Added, Sketches of General Sam Houston, General Santa Anna, Rezin P. and Colonel James Bowie. El 800 (ASU) Woman on the American Frontier. F2460 The Colonial Cavalier: Or, Southern Life Before the Revolution. G2640 (LMC) The Wilderness Trail: Or, The Ventures and Adventures of the Pennsylvania Traders on the Allegheny Path, with Some New Annals of the Old West, and the Records of Some Strong Men and Some Bad Ones. HI 540 (ASU BC) The Conquest of the Old Southwest: The Romantic Story of the Early Pioneers into Virginia, the Carolines, Tennessee, and Kentucky, 1740-1790. H4420 (ASU WCU LMC BC) H4940 (BC ASU) Tales of a Frontier Preacher. H5330 The Appalachian Indian Frontier: The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J240 Indians of the Southern Colonial Frontier; The Edmond (Edmund) Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J250 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — APP. The Violent Years. J1260 (BC) Simon Girty, the Outlaw. J2610 Colonial and Revolutionary History of Upper South Carolina, Embracing for the Most Part the Primitive and Colonial History of the Territory Comprising the Original County of Spartanburg with a General Review of the Entire Military Operations in the Upper Portion of South Carolina and Portions of North Carolina. L320 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Colonial and Revolutionary History of Upper South Carolina. L330 (LMC) Cherokees and Pioneers. M220 (ASU LMC) The American Indian Frontier. M2110 (ASU) The Mitchell-Doak Group. M6320 The Influence of the Physiographic Features of Western North Carolina on the Settlement and Development of the Region. NT 400 (ASU) Daughters of the Country: The Women of the Fur Traders and Mountain Men. 0660 (WCU) History of the American Frontier, 1763-1893. PI 070 (ASU BC) The Allegheny Frontier: West Virginia Beginnings, 1730-1830. R1970 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU MHC WWC BC FC UNCA) "Frontier West Virginia: Some Aspects of Its Political, Social, and Economic Development." R2000 (ASU) The Winning of the Wesf. R3700 (ASU) In the Ranks of Old Hickory, When with the Western Riflemen in Defense Against from Within and Without, Young and Old of All Degrees United Under Andrew Jackson to Make the Republic's Borders Safe. S30 (ETSU ASU BC) The Scotch-Irish in History as Master Builders of Empires, States, Churches, Schools and Civilization. S2500 (ASU BC) Pioneers of the Old Southwest. S4040 (LMC) Pioneers of the Old Southwest: A Chronicle of the Dark and Bloody Ground. S4050 (ASU) Pioneers of the Old Southwest: A Chronicle of the Dark and Bloody Ground. S4060 (ETSU) Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607-1776. S4410 (ASU) Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607-1776. S4420 (ASU) Documentary History of Dunmore's War, 1774. T8510 Frontier Defense on Upper Ohio, 1777-1778. T8520 Revolution on the Upper Ohio, 1775-1777. T8530 Conquering the Wilderness: Or, New Pictorial History of the Life and Times of the Pioneer Heroes and Heroines of America. T9380 (ASU BC) Trade and Travel Around the Southern Appalachians Before 1830. T9520 (ASU LMC) The Frontier in American History. T9800 (MHC) The Frontier in American History. T9810 (ASU) Rise of the New West, 1819-1829. T9820 The Voice of the Old Frontier. VI0 Backwoods America. W7110 (ASU LMC BC) The Westward Movement. W7790 (BC) SUBJECT The Westward Movement: A Book of Readings on Our Changing Frontiers. W8000 (ASU) FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — GA. Sketches of Some of the First Settlers of Upper Georgia, of the Cherokees, and the Author. G1700 (ASU BC LMC) Sketches of Some of the First Settlers of Upper Georgia, of the Cherokees, and the Author. G1710 (ETSU) FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE - KY. Daniel Boone and the Wilderness Road. B7570 (ASU BC) Family History Records of Dr. Thomas Walker, First Explorer of Kentucky. B9040 Pioneers of Eastern Kentucky, Their Feuds and Settlements. C2180 (ASU) Kentucky; The Pioneer State of the West. C3750 A History of Kentucky. C4550 (ASU BC) Simon Kenton, Kentucky Scout. C4610 (BC) Wilderness Road. C5140 (ASU) Wilderness Road. C5150 (BC) Eastern Kentucky Papers: The Founding of Harmon's Station, with an Account of the Indian Captivity of Mrs. Jennie Wiley and the Exploration and Settlement of the Big Sandy Valley in the Virginia's and Kentucky. To Which Is Affixed a Brief Account of the Connelley Family and Some of Its Collateral and Related Families in America. C6640 (ASU) The Founding of Harmon's Station and the Wiley Captivity. C6650 (BC ASU) History of Pioneer Kentucky. C7700 (LMC BC ASU) Pioneer Life in Kentucky, 1785-1800. D3210 (ASU ETSU BC) Pioneer Life in Kentucky, a Series of Reminiscential Letters from Daniel Drake . . . to His Children. D3220 (ASU) The Discovery and Settlement of Kentucky. F860 (LMC ETSU BC) The Discovery, Settlement, and Present State of Kentucky. F870 (UNCA) Biographical Memoir of Daniel Boone, the First Settler of Kentucky: Interspersed with Incidents in the Early Annals of the Country. F1560 (ASU BC) Biographical Memoir of Daniel Boone, the First Settler of Kentucky: Interspersed with Incidents in the Early Annals of the Country. F1570 (ETSU WCU) The Life and Adventures of Daniel Boone, the First Settler of Kentucky. F1580 (ETSU) Boone's Wilderness Road. H5320 Autobiography of "Old Claib Jones." J2390 Biographical Record of Daniel and Mary (Jackson) Williams — Early Kentucky Pioneers, 1752-1898. K590 (ASU) Pioneer Families of Eastern and Southeastern Kentucky. K3100 (ASU BC) The Cumberland. M190 (LMC) "The Settlement of the Kentucky Appalachian Highlands." M480 (ASU BC) James Harrod of Kentucky. M3980 (ASU) The Frontier Mind: A Cultural Analysis of the Kentucky Frontiersman. M6830 (ASU BC ETSU UNCA) The Frontier Mind. M6840 (ASU WCU) The Frontier Mind: A Cultural Analysis of the Kentucky Frontiersman. M6850 Pioneer Families of Clay County, Kentucky. M7600 (ASU BC) 123 FRONTIER—FRONTIER Adventures along the Cumberland. 0160 (BC) Boonesborough: Its Founding, Pioneer Struggles, Indian Experiences, Transylvania Days and Revolutionary Annals. R340 (BC ASU LMC) Boonesborough: Its Founding, Pioneer Struggles, Indian Experiences, Transylvania Days and Revolutionary Annals. R350 (ASU WCU ETSU) Petitions of the Early Inhabitants of Kentucky to the General Assembly of Virginia, 1769. R3160 Kentucky's Last Frontier. S700 (MHC BC) Kentucky's Last Frontier. S710 (ASU LMC) Kentucky: A Pioneer Commonwealth. S2190 (LMC BC ASU) Kentucky: A Pioneer Commonwealth. S2200 (WWC) Kentucky; a Pioneer Commonwealth. S2210 Kentucky Pioneer Women. Columbian Poems and Prose Sketches. T150 (BC) FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — KY. AND TENN. Flowering of the Cumberland. A4910 (FC BC UNCA WWC ASU WCU LMC MHC) FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — MD. Western Maryland Pioneers: Marriages, Early Settlers, Births and Deaths with Location. C2870 (ASU) FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — N. C. The Settlement of North Carolina. C470 (ASU BC) The Carolina Indian Frontier. C7470 (ASU WCU) Colonial North Carolina in the Eighteenth Century: A Study in Historical Geography. M5130 (UNCA LMC) Carolina Cradle: Settlement of the Northwest Carolina Frontier, 1747-1762. R310 (BC LMC ASU) Early Settlement of Western North Carolina. S5490 FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — PA. A Journal of a Surveying Trip into Western Pennsylvania under Andrew Ellicott in the Year 1795. B8570 (BC) Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783. Together with a Review of the State of Society and Manners of the First Settlers of the Western Country. With a memoir of the author by his daughter, Narcissa Doddridge. Republished. D2660 (ASU BC FC) Notes on the Settlements and Indian of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783, Inclusive. D2670 (ETSU BC) The German and Swiss Settlements of Colonial Pennsylvania: A Study of the So-called Pennsylvania Dutch. K3380 (ASU) FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — TENN. The Attack upon and Defense of Fort Sanders, Knoxville, Tennessee, November 29, 1863. A4700 (ASU) Old Tales Retold: Or, Perils and Adventures of Tennessee Pioneers. B5250 (ASU LMC BC) "Washington County Court: The Government of a Tennessee Frontier Community." B7470 History of Blount County, Tennessee, From War Trail to Landing Strip, 1795-1955. B9130 (ASU ETSU BC) "Isaac Shelby, 1750-1796." C7030 "Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin Historian." D910 Descendants of East Tennessee Pioneers. El 190 (ASU) A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee. F1730 Make Way for the Great. F2170 (ETSU BC) �FRONTIER—6A. FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — TENN. The Backward Trail; Stories of the Indians and Tennessee Pioneers. H470 Tennessee, a History, 1673-1932. H1060 (LMC) Frontier Forts along the Clinch, Powell and Holston. HI 130 (BC) The First American Frontier: Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee from Its Earliest Settlement up to the Year 1796. H4040 (LMC) The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee, up to the First Settlements Therein by the White People in the Year 1768. H4050 (ASU ETSU BC) Pioneer Families of Pickett County, Tennessee. H7950 Historic Fort Loudoun. K680 Historic Fort Loudoun. K690 The Cumberland. M190 (LMC) Signal Mountain and Walden's Ridge. P600 "Early North Carolina Migrations into the Tennessee Country, 1768-1782: A Study in Historical Demography." P990 Davy Crockett. R4010 (ETSU BC) Davy Crockett. R4020 (ASU) Pioneers of Roane County, Tennessee, 1801-1830. T8400 (ETSU) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6780 (ASU MHC BC) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6800 (LMC WCU ETSU ASU) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6810 (ETSU) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6820 FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — TENN. AND KY. Seedtime on the Cumberland. A4950 (ETSU FC ASU WCU BC LMC MHC WWC) FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE — VA. Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. B7620 (BC FC) Frontiers Along the Upper Roanoke River, 1740-1776. C4920 The Life and Adventures of Wilburn Waters, Early History of Southwest Virginia. C5220 Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783. Together with a Review of the State of Society and Manners of the First Settlers of the Western Country. With a memoir of the author by his daughter, Narcissa Doddridge. Republished. D2660 (ASU BC FC) Notes on the Settlements and Indian of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783, Inclusive. D2670 (ETSU BC) Old Virginia and Her Neighbours. F1290 (ASU MHC) Capt. John Fowler of Virginia and Kentucky; Patriot, Soldier, Pioneer, Statesman, Land Baron, and Civic Leader. F2430 (BC) Fauquier during the Proprietorship: A Chronicle of the Colonization and Organization of a Northern Neck County. G4390 (ASU) Castle's Woods 1769-1799, Frontier Virginia Settlement. H250 Castle's Woods: Frontier Virginia Settlement, 1779-1799. H260 Historical Sketches of Southwest Virginia. H5950 The Blackwater Chronicle; A Narrative of an Expedition into the Land of Canaan. K750 (BC ASU) SUBJECT The Virginia Frontier, 1754-1763. K3010 (ASU BC) Pioneer Settlers of Grayson County, Virginia. N2940 (ASU) The Adventures of My Grandfather. P2480 (ASU) Massanutten, Settled by the Pennsylvania Pilgrim, 1726: The First White Settlement in the Shenandoah Valley. S7980 (ASU BC) Memoir of Indian Wars, and Other Occurrences. S8730 (ASU) List of the Colonial Soldiers of Virginia. V1190 (ASU) FRONTIER AND PIONEER LIFE - W. VA. Annals of Blackwater and the Land of Canaan, 1746-1880. B7380 (ASU BC) Simon Kenton, Kentucky Scout. C4610 (BC) West Virginia Reader, Stories of Early Days. C6610 (ASU ETSU) George Michael Bedingen A Kentucky Pioneer. D80 (ASU) Heritage of a Pioneer, Being the Story of William (English Bill Doddridge) Dodrill and His Wife, Rebecca (Lewis) Dougherty, Their Family, the Times in Which They Lived, and a Genealogy. D2720 (ASU) The Trail of the Dead Years. . . D3660 The McNeel Family Records: Descendants of Pioneer John McNeel and Martha Davis of Pocahontas County, West Virginia, 1765-1967. E830 (ASU) Pioneer West Virginia. H8090 (ASU) Simon Kenton: His Life and Period. K890 (ASU) Pioneers of Mason County, West Virginia. M970 The Border Settlements of Northwestern Virginia from 1768-1795. M2590 (BC) West Virginia Surnames, the Pioneers. M6390 (ASU) "Helvetia, West Virginia: A Study of Pioneer Development and Community Survival in Appalachia." P490 "Helvetia, West Virginia: A Study of Pioneer Development and Community Survival in the Appalachia." P500 Chronicles of Border Warfare; or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Va., and . . . . W7940 (BC) Chronicles of Border Warfare; or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Virginia, and of the Indian Wars and Massacres, in That Section of the State. W7950 (ASU ETSU WCU BC) Chronicles of Border Warfare: or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Virginia, and of the Indian Wars and Massacres, in That Section of the State. W7960 (ASU UNCA) FRUIT INDUSTRY Annual Report. A2840 Apple Handling and Packing in the Appalachian Area. B9210 "The Nature of Competition among Apple Processors in the Appalachian Area." E2310 FRUIT INDUSTRY — APP. Elements of Success in Marketing Appalachian Apples. G4320 "Farm-level Demand Analysis of the Appalachian Fresh Apple Industry." M5920 Costs of Marketing Appalachian Apples. P3950 Transportation of Apples in the Appalachian Belt, 1952-53. S5260 124 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY FRUIT INDUSTRY — N. C. Blueberries, Production Guide for North Carolina. B6930 (LMC) Smoky Mountain Wines. M2820 (ASU) Production, Marketing, and Prices of North Carolina Apples, 1947-1963. P550 (LMC) FRUIT INDUSTRY — TENN. "The Strawberry Industry of the Hilly and Mountainous Regions of Tennessee." H5450 (ASU) FRUIT INDUSTRY — W. VA. "Market Structure Analysis of the West Virginia Peach Industry." Z30 FURNITURE The Story of Two Chairs. SI 360 (BC) FURNITURE INDUSTRY Appalachian Oak in Fine Furniture. A3170 (ASU) The Economic Development of the Furniture Industry of the South and Its Future Dependence Upon Forestry. K3080 (LMC) Anvil of Adversity: Biography of Furniture Pioneer. S7140 (ASU WCU BC) Furniture Industry Expansion in the Tennessee Valley. T4760 "Early History of the North Carolina Furniture Industry, 1880-1921." T7800 FURNITURE INDUSTRY — APP. Prospects and Problems for the Manufacture of Laminated Timber in West Virginia. HI 030 "Industrial Organization of the Appalachian Hardwood Lumber Using Industry." L4110 FURNITURE INDUSTRY — N. C. Sixty Years of Progress in the Making of Fine Furniture, 1903-1963. D3440 (ASU LMC) GA. — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL Scraps of Songs and Southern Scenes: A Collection of Humorous and Pathetic Poems and Descriptive Sketches of Plantation Life in the Backwoods of Georgia. F1760 (ASU) Georgia: A Guide to Its Towns and Countryside. G880 (MHC) GA. — HISTORY Who Discovered America? The Amazing Story of Madoc. A4800 The History of Bartow County, Formerly Cass. Cl 150 (ASU) The Hills of Habersham. C4050 (ASU LMC BC) The Hills of Habersham. C4060 Auraria: The Story of a Georgia Gold-Mining Town. C7770 (ASU BC) A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia. C7790 (ASU) A Short History of Georgia. C7800 (LMC BC ASU) The History of Bartow County, Formerly Cass. C9800 (BC ASU) Country Life in Georgia in the Days of My Youth. F570 The Paleozoic Group: The Geology of Ten Counties of Northwestern Georgia. G1020 (BC ASU) Sketches of Some of the First Settlers of Upper Georgia, of the Cherokees, and the Author. G1700 (ASU BC LMC) Sketches of Some of the First Settlers of Upper Georgia, of the Cherokees, and the Author. G1710 (ETSU) The History of Cherokee County. M3300 (BC) Wild Train: The Story of the Andrews Raiders. 0730 (ASU ETSU) The Coosa River Valley from DeSoto to Hydroelectric Power. R1660 (ASU) Sketches of Rabun County History, 1819-1948. R2390 (BC ASU LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY GA. - HISTORY History of Walker Co., Ga. S450 (ASU BC) History of Walker County, Georgia. S460 (ASU) History of Murray County. S3210 History of Murray County. S3220 (ASU) Georgia and the Union in 1850. S3230 (MHC) The Story of Georgia and the Georgia People, 1732 to 1860. S4700 (ASU FC BC) A Rough Road in a Good Land. S6580 (ASU) History of Pickens Co. T320 (ASU) Opinion of the Supreme Court of the U. S. at the Jan. Term, 1832. U4030 The Annals of Upper Georgia Centered in Gilmer County. W740 (ASU LMC) Yesterday in the Hills. W1450 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Historical Collections of Georgia: Containing the Most Interesting Facts, Traditions, Biographical Sketches, Anecdotes, etc., Relating to Its History and Antiquities, from Its First Settlement to the Present Time. W5410 (ASU BC) Statistics of the State of Georgia. W5420 (BC) 1805 Georgia Land Lottery. W8670 (ASU BC) Springplace: Moravian Mission and the War Family of the Cherokee Nation. W9500 (MHC) History of the Georgia Power Company; 1855-1956. W9530 (BC) GAMES The Games of Children, Their Origin and History. B3390 (ASU) The Counting-Out Rhymes of Children: Their Antiquity, Origin, and Wide Distribution, A Study in Folk-lore. B5190 (ASU) The American Play-party Song. B5610 (ASU) East Tennessee State University Football Statistics, 1920-1970. B8840 (ETSU) Popular Rhymes of Scotland. C2800 (ASU) Hullabaloo, and Other Singing Folk Games. C3430 (WCU WWC BC) Old Songs and Singing Games. C3470 (ASU WCU BC) Old Songs and Singing Games. C3480 (LMC) Singing Games and Playparty Games. C3490 (ASU MHC BC) Games of the North American Indians. 24th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute. C9400 (LMC) And Promenade All. El 400 Folk-songs, Chanteys and Singing Games. F210 (ASU LMC BC) Folk Dances of Tennessee; Folk Customs and Old Play Party Games of the Coney Fork Valley. Ml 190 (ASU) Folk Dances of Tennessee; Old Play Party Games of the Caney Fork Valley. Ml200 (BC ASU) Games and Songs of American Children, Collected and Compared. N760 (ASU BC) Circle Left! Folk Play of the Kentucky Mountains. S3840 (ASU LMC BC) Folk Games from Frying Pan Creek in Dickenson County, Virginia. $9160 The Witchery of Archery. T8290 (ASU) GENEALOGY Montgomery County, Virginia, 1820 and 1830 Census. All 70 SUBJECT Peter Angle, 1754-1968, and Related Families: Wills, Lee, Mooreman. A2530 Wiseman Family. C3240 (LMC) The German Allied Troops in the North American War of Independence, 1776-1783. El 220 (ASU) Fairbairn's Book of Crests of the Families of Great Britain and Ireland. F40 (ASU) The Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America. F1280 (ASU) The Hagey Families in America and the Dulaney Family. H220 In Search of British Ancestry. H1110 They Went Thataway. H1240 Founding in America of the Hamrick (Hamerick) Family by Hans George Hamerick in the Year 1731 at the Port of Philadelphia, Pa. HI 400 (ASU) Ohio Valley Genealogies, Relating Chiefly to Families in Harrison, Belmont and Jefferson Counties, Ohio, and Washington, Westmoreland, and Fayette Counties, Pennsylvania. HI 510 (ASU BC) The Atlantic Migration, 1607-1860: A History of the Continuing Settlement of the United States. HI 680 (ASU) Kerfoot, Kearfoot and Allied Families in America. K330 McNair, McNear, and McNeir Genealogies. M2340 (ASU) A History and Genealogy of the Family of Col. Morgan the First White Settler of the State of West Virginia. M7530 (ASU) N2350 John R. Rohrbach (Rohrabaugh) 1728-1821: Descendants and Marriage Connections. R3730 (ASU) The Scherer Family of Montgomery County, Illinois. S380 (ASU) Links That Bind. SI 370 (ASU) The Harris Genealogy. SI 540 (ASU) The Squires of Springfield. S6380 (ASU) My Grandfather, My Grandchildren, and Me: An Autobiography of Charles W. Wampler. W700 (ASU) Lincoln's Parentage Childhood. W960 Genealogical Gleanings in England: Abstracts of Wills Relating to Early American Families, with Genealogical Notes and Pedigrees Constructed from the Wills and from Other Records. W1420 (ASU) Virginia Valley Records. W1710 Virginia Valley Records: Genealogical and Historical Materials of Rockingham County, Virginia, and Related Regions. W1860 (ASU BC) The Tribe of Jacob: The Descendants of the Reverend Jacob Weaver of Reems Creek, North Carolina, 1786-1868, and Elizabeth Siler Weaver. W2010 The Big Wells Family. W2740 (BC) One Branch of the Woodses. W8820 The Woods-McAfee Memorial containing an account of John Woods and James McAfee of Ireland and Their Descendants in America. W8830 Zirkle Family in America, Germany to America. Z130 GENEALOGY— W. VA. Genealogy of Thomas Hall, His Children and Grandchildren. H900 (ASU) 125 GA.-GENEALOGY GENEALOGY — ALA. Old Speedwell Families. El 110 Early Settlers of Alabama. S480 (ASU BC) Genealogy of the Tankersley Family in the United States. T180 (ASU) GENEALOGY — ALA. — SOURCES A880 (ASU) Alabama Census Returns, 1820: And an Abstract of Federal Census of Alabama, 1830. A890 (ASU) First Marriage Records, 1838-1850, Barbour County, Alabama. F1660 (ASU) Marriage Records, 1850, Barbour County, Alabama. F1670 (ASU) Revolutionary Soldiers in Alabama: Being a List of Names, Compiled from Authentic Sources, of Soldiers of the American Revolution, Who Resided in the State of Alabama. O990 (ASU) Early Settlers of Alabama. $3750 GENEALOGY - APP. Genealogy of the Deckard Family. D1570 A Genealogical Cross Index of the Four Volumes of the Genealogical Dictionary of James Savage. D2060 (ASU) The Furches Folks. F3870 (ASU) A Genealogical Resume of "The Furches Folks." F3880 (ASU) The Hamrick Generation, Being a Genealogy of the Hamrick Family. J2600 (ASU) History of Henry McWhorter Family of New Jersey and West Virginia. M2600 (ASU) The Moss Family: William Paul Moss, Thaddeus Augustus Moss, Amanda Holden Moss, Howell Moss, Crestus Howell Moss, Henry Moss, Their Families and Progenitors. M8280 (ASU) The McKnight Families and Their Descendants: Also the Wallace and Alexander Families. PI 170 (ASU) The McKnight Family and Their Descendants, Also the Wallaces, Alexander and English Families. P1180 (ASU) David Rawson Ancestors and Descendants. $5460 (ASU) Lists of Germans From the Palatinate Who Came to England in 1709. T9270 (ASU) Trogdon Family History. T9420 (ASU) The Tuley Family Memoirs; an Historical, Biographical and Genealogical Story of the Tuleys and the Floyd Family Connection in Virginia, Kentucky, and Indiana. T9700 Revolutionary pensioners; a transcript of the pension list of the United States for 1813. U3910 (ASU) The Pension List of 1818-1819. U4050 Pensioners of Revolutionary War Struck off the roll; with an added index to States. U4060 (ASU) Revolutionary Pensioners of 1818. U4070 Wilder and Some Connecting (Especially Some Ware) Families in Southeast United States of America. W6170 Historical Genealogy of the Woodsons and Their Connections. W8870 Descendants of Robert and John Poage. W8890 GENEALOGY — APP. — SOURCES Hessian Soldiers in the American Revolution: Records of Their Marriages and Baptisms of Children in America Performed by the Rev. G. C. Coster, 1776-1783, Chaplain of Two Hessian Regiments. D2190 (ASU) �GENEALOGY—GENEALOGY GENEALOGY — APP. — SOURCES Colonial Families of the Southern States of America: A History and Genealogy of Colonial Families Who Settled in the Colonies Prior to the Revolution. H2200 (ASU) Huguenot Pedigrees. L660 (ASU) Look Back Into Your Mighty Ancestors. LI 640 List of Emigrants to America from Liverpool, 1697-1707. Transcribed by Elizabeth French. L2900 (ASU) SLOINNANCE SAEDEAL IR SALL: Irish Names and Surnames. W9340 (ASU) GENEALOGY — CHEROKEE Military and Genealogical Records of the Famous Indian Woman; Nancy Ward. . . . B9090 Old Cherokee Families: "Old Families and Their Genealogy" . . . with a Comprehensive Index. H5430 Old Cherokee Families: Old Families and Their Genealogy. S6690 (WCU MHC) GENEALOGY — GA. Georgia's Roster of the Revolution. G890 (ASU) David Morgan (ca. 1779-1857) and His Descendants. M7560 History of Walker County, Georgia. S460 (ASU) Genealogy of the Tankersley Family in the United States. T180 (ASU) Index to the 1830 Census of Georgia. U660 (ASU) GENEALOGY — GA. — SOURCES A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia. C7790 (ASU) Historical Collections of the Georgia Chapters. D480 (ASU) Wilkes County. D650 (ASU) G930 (ASU) The Third and Fourth or 1820 and 1821 Land Lotteries of Georgia. G940 (ASU) Index to United States Census of Georgia for 1820. G950 (ASU) Century of Columbia County, Georgia, Wills, 1790-1890. G970 (ASU) Columbia County, Georgia, Early Court Records. G980 (ASU) Columbia County, Georgia: Early Marriage Records. G990 (ASU) 600 Revolutionary Soldiers Living in Georgia in 1827-8. H7520 (ASU) Habersham County, Georgia, Genealogical Records. K2100 (ASU) Rabun County, Georgia, Records. K2110 (ASU) Index to the Headright and Bounty Grants of Georgia, 1759-1909. L3830 (ASU) The Second or 1807 Land Lottery of Georgia. L3840 (ASU) Roster of Revolutionary Soldiers in Georgia. M210 (ASU) Hall County, Georgia, 1819-1839, Marriages. M2490 (ASU) Tombstone Inscriptions of Hall County, Georgia. M2500 (ASU) Marriage Record "A", Floyd County, Georgia, 1834-1848. M3120 (ASU) R1550 (ASU) 1832 Cherokee Land Lottery: Index to Revolutionary Soldiers, Their Widows and Orphans Who Were Fortunate Drawers. R2150 (ASU WCU) History of Walker Co., Ga. S450 (ASU BC) SUBJECT The Cherokee Land Lottery. S4820 (LMC ETSU ASU BC) The Cherokee Land Lottery. S4830 (ETSU) The Cherokee Land Lottery, Containing a Numerical List of the Names of the Fortunate Drawers in Said Lottery, With an Engraved Map of Each District. S4840 (ASU WCU BC) Genealogical History of Original Murray County. W5650 GENEALOGY — KY. The Brashear Story: A Family History, Containing a Partial Account of a Family That Has Been in America for Well over Three Hundred Years. B30 (BC) Record of the Coe Family and Descendants from 1596-1856. C5470 (BC) Larsh Creech and Joseph Wynn Family Tree. D15TO (BC) The Meechor Engle Family History and Genealogy. E2010 (BC) Biographical Genealogies of the Virginia-Kentucky Floyd Families, with Notes of Some Collateral Branches. F1640 (ASU) History of the Fuson Family. F4040 (BC) Historic Families of Kentucky, with Special Reference to Stocks Immediately Derived from the Valley of Virginia. G3670 (ASU MHC BC) Johnson County, Kentucky: A History of the County, and Genealogy of Its People up to the Year 1927. H860 (ASU BC) The Hatfields. H3450 (ASU) Genealogy of Hollon and Related Families. H6500 Genealogy of Hollon and Related Families. H6700 Genealogy of Holion and Related Families: Early Settlers of Eastern Ky. and Their Descendants. H6710 Descendants of Isham Lane. Lino Irvins, Doaks, Logans and McCampbells of Virginia and Kentucky. M7810 "General" John Norwood and Related Lines. N2890 (ASU) The Bastins of Casey, Lincoln, and Pulaski County, Kentucky. R80 (BC) The Blacks of Casey and Pulaski County, Kentucky, and of Kansas. R90 (BC) The Carmans of Casey County, Kentucky. R100 The Ragles of Pennsylvania, Virginia, Kentucky, and Kansas. R110 The History of the Pepper Family in America and Allied Lines. R650 Mountain Kinsmen Ride; a Story of the James Family. S720 History of the Family Snyder (Schneider) (Snider). S5310 The Boone Family; a Genealogical History of the Descendants of George and Mary Boone Who Came to America in 1717, Containing Many Unpublished Bits of Early Kentucky History. . . . S6340 (ASU) Genealogy of the Tankersley Family in the United States. T180 (ASU) The A. K. Wilson Family: Abraham Key Wilson and Mary Jane Wilson, Their Descendants and Their Ancestors. W7410 (BC) 126 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY GENEALOGY — KY. — SOURCES Kentucky Records. Early Wills and Marriages Copied from Court House Records by Regents, Historians and the State Historian. Old Bible Records and Tombstone Inscriptions. Records from Barren, Bath, Bourbon Counties. A4570 (BC ASU) William Bollard: A Genealogical Record of His Descendants in Monroe County. B870 (BC) Estill County, Kentucky, Record of Abstracts of Pension Papers of Revolutionary Soldiers, War of 1812 and Indian Wars. . . . B9050 Hensley Family Records and Allied Families. B9060 United States Census of Bell County, Kentucky, 1880: Which are Family Bible Records as Given the Census Taker on That Date. B9100 (BC) United States Census of Bell Co., Ky., 1890. B9110 Kentucky Marriages, 1797-1865. C5020 (BC) Notes on Kentucky Veterans of the War of 1812. C5030 (BC) "Second Census" of Kentucky, 1800: A Private Compiled and Published Enumeration of Tax Payers Appearing in the 79 Manuscript Volumes Extant of Tax Lists of the 42 Counties of Kentucky in Existence in 1800. C5040 (ASU BC) George Michael Bedinger: A Kentucky Pioneer. D80 (ASU) Historic Sketches of the Edwards and Todd Families and Their Descendants, 1523-1895. E1030 (ASU) Polish Pioneers of Virginia and Kentucky with Notes on Genealogy of the Sadowski Family. H310 (BC) Kentucky Soldiers of the War of 1812. K900 (ASU) K960 Kentucky Marriages, 1797-1865. K1260 (ASU BC) Abstract of Early Kentucky Wills and Inventories, Copied From Original and Recorded Wills and Inventories. K2360 (BC ASU) Early Families of Eastern and Southeastern Kentucky and Their Descendants. K3090 (ASU) Pioneer Families of Eastern and Southeastern Kentucky. K3100 (ASU BC) Kentucky Pioneer and Court Records: Abstracts of Early Wills, Deeds, and Marriages from Court Houses and Records of Old Bibles, Churches, Grave Yards and Cemeteries. M30 (ASU) Genealogies of the Lewis and Kindred Families. M70 Surname Index to the 1850 Federal Population Census of Kentucky. Ml 240 Surname Index to the 1850 Federal Population Census of Kentucky. Ml 250 The McKees of Virginia and Kentucky. Ml 820 M5030 (ASU) Pioneer Families of Clay County, Kentucky. M7600 (ASU BC) Kentucky in the War of 1812. Q190 (ASU MHC) Talley's Kentucky Papers. T80 (BC) Talley's Northeastern Kentucky Papers. T90 Kentucky Soldiers of the War of 1812. W6150 GENEALOGY — MD. The Douglas Register, Being a Detailed Record of Births, Marriages, and Deaths, Together with Other Interesting Notes, as Kept by the Rev. William Douglas from 1750 to 1797; an Index of Goochland Wills Notes on the French-Huguenot Refugees Who Lived in Manakin-town. D3150 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY GENEALOGY — MD. Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: Maryland. U530 (ASU) A Census of Pensioners for Revolutionary or Military Services, with Their Names, Ages, and Places of Residence, as Returned by the Marshals of the Several Judicial Districts, under the Act for Taking the Sixth Census in 1840. U680 (ASU) GENEALOGY — MD. - SOURCES Western Maryland Pioneers: Marriages, Early Settlers, Births and Deaths with Location. C2870 (ASU) Index of Maryland Colonial Wills, 1634-1777, in the Hall of Records, Annapolis, Maryland. M2800 (ASU) Magruder's Maryland Colonial Abstracts: Wills, Accounts and Inventories, 1772-1777. M2810 (ASU) An Index of the Source Records of Maryland: Genealogical, Bibliographical, Historical. P560 (ASU) GENEALOGY — N. C. The Hortons of Western North Carolina. B1210 () A History of William Taylor and Sarah Jones and their Descendants. B7780 (UNCA) The Genealogy of James Caldwell and his Descendants, 1750-1968: With the Intermarried Families of Campbell, Drum, Grice, Jones, Reep, Setzer, Styles, and Williams. C170 (ASU) Rev. John Craig, 1709-1774, his Descendants and Allied Families. C8400 () North Carolina Genealogical Reference: Research Guide for All Genealogists Both Amateur and Professional. D3380 (ASU LMC) Happy Valley, History and Genealogy. H5200 (ASU) Our Kin. H6270 David Morgan (ca. 1779-1857) and His Descendants. M7560 Smothers from Yadkin Valley to Pigeon River: Smothers and Agner Families. P920 (ASU) The Brays of Fisher River. R1000 (ASU) Charn Cuimhne to Our Scots of North Carolina. S4650 (ASU) North Carolina Palatine-Germans (Futch Family). S4660 (ASU) The Family of Hoge — Genealogy. T9900 Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: North Carolina. U540 (ASU) Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: North Carolina. U550 (LMC) Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States taken in the Year 1790: North Carolina. U560 (ASU UNCA) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U620 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U630 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U640 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U670 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U690 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U720 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U790 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U800 (ASU) Index to the 1880 Population Schedules, North Carolina. U810 (ASU) SUBJECT Population Schedules, North Carolina. U820 (ASU) Eastern Band of Cherokees of North Carolina. U830 (WCU) Special Schedules Enumerating Union Veterans and Widows of Union Veterans of the Civil War, North Carolina. U840 (ASU) History of Watauga County: A Souvenir of Watauga Centennial. W5680 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU) GENEALOGY - N. C. - SOURCES Deed Book B-l Wilkes County, North Carolina. A150 Adams, Caruthers, Clancy, Neely and Townsend Descendants Composing the Adams, Legerton, Wakefield, Brockmann and Other Twentieth Century Families of the Carolinas. B6790 (BC) The Genealogy of Marion-Davis Families. B8400 (ASU) Marriage Bonds of Tryon and Lincoln Counties, North Carolina. B9570 Marriage Bonds of Tryon and Lincoln Counties, North Carolina. B9580 (ASU) Marriage Bonds of Tryon and Lincoln Counties, North Carolina. B9590 1850 Census: Wilkes County, North Carolina. C3570 (ASU) North and South Carolina Marriage Records. C4900 The Descendants of Claiborne Howard, Soldier of the American Revolution. C6840 (ASU) Rutherford County, North Carolina, Abstracts of Wills, 1779-1822. D890 (ASU) Buncombe County, North Carolina, Grantee Deed Index. D2370 Buncombe County, North Carolina, Grantor Deed Index. D2380 Will Books, Wilkes County, North Carolina. G770 Abstracts of Deeds, Rutherford County, North Carolina, Volumes A-D. G3570 Public Officials of Rutherford County, N. C. 1779-1934: With Introductory Sketches of Origin and Development of Various County Offices, and Public and Local Laws Governing Same. G4150 (ASU BC) The Land of Wilkes. H3930 (ASU WCU LMC BC) "The Forgotten Sons: North Carolinans in the Union Army." H5210 (ASU) Index to North Carolina Wills, 1663-1900. J1960 (ASU) The North Carolinian . . . A Quarterly Journal of Genealogy and History. J1970 (ASU) North Carolina Census Records, 1784-1900. Ml 640 North Carolina Troops, 1861-1865, a Roster. M2990 (ASU LMC) Records of Emigrants from England and Scotland to North Carolina, 1774-1775. N810 (ASU) Watauga County Records: Bonds, Court Records, Estates Records, Land Records, Military and Pension Records, Tax and Fiscal Records and Wills. N1900 (ASU) N2400 (ASU) Abstract of North Carolina Wills, Compiled from Original and Recorded Wills in the Office of the Secretary of State by J. Bryan Grimes, Secretary of State. N2540 (ASU BC) North Carolina Wills and Inventories, Copied from Original and Recorded Wills and Inventories in the Office of the Secretary of State by J. Bryan Grimes. N2570 (ASU) An Abstract of North Carolina Wills from about 1760 to about 1800. O510 (BC ASU) 127 GENEALOGY—GENEALOGY An Abstract of North Carolina Wills from about 1760 to about 1800. O520 (BC ASU) Carolina Cradle: Settlement of the Northwest Carolina Frontier, 1747-1762. R310 (BC LMC ASU) Index and Digest to Hathaway's North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, with Genealogical Notes and Annotations. R600 (ASU) Index and Digest to Hathaway's North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register. R610 (ASU) The Lost Tribes of North Carolina. Where Did They Come from? Where Did They Go? R620 (ASU) Ray's Index and Digest to Hathaway's North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register. R630 State Census of North Carolina 1784-1787. R1340 R4430 (ASU) Daniel Boone Wagon Train. W5670 (ASU) GENEALOGY — PA. Pennsylvania Genealogies: Chiefly Scotch Irish and German. El 310 (ASU) An Index to the Will Books and Interstate Records of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, 1729-1850, with an Historical Sketch and Classified Bibliography. F3800 (ASU) Genealogy of the Mickley Family of America. M5350 Rohrback Genealogy. R3600 Umberger Family Chart. U50 The Umberger (Umbarger) Family Chart. U60 Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: Pennsylvania. U570 (ASU) GENEALOGY — PA. — SOURCES Names of Foreigners Who Took the Oath of Allegiance to the Province and State of Pennsylvania, 1727. 1775, with the Foreign Arrivals, 1786-1808. El 300 (ASU) Historic Background and Annals of the Swiss and German Pioneer Settlers of Southeastern Pennsylvania, and of Their Remote Ancestors from the Middle of the Dark Ages down to the Time of the Revolutionary War. E2220 (ASU) Central Pennsylvania Marriages, 1700-1896. FIT 30 (ASU) Central Pennsylvania Marriages, 1700-1896. F1140 (ASU) Probate and Orphans Court Records of Snyder County, Pennsylvania. F1150 Wills and Administrations of Northumberland County. F1160 William Penn and the Dutch Quaker Migration to Pennsylvania. H8200 (ASU) Persons Naturalized in the Province in Pennsylvania, 1740-1773. L2650 (ASU) Record of Pennsylvania Marriages, Prior to 1810. L2660 (ASU) Record of Pennsylvania Marriages, Prior to 1810. L2670 (ASU) Early Assessment Records: Union County and Northumberland County. L3360 (ASU) Tombstone Inscriptions of Union County, Pennsylvania. L3380 (ASU) Immigration of the Irish Quakers into Pennsylvania 1682-1750: With Their Early History in Ireland. M9250 (ASU) Irish Quaker Arrivals to Pennsylvania, 1682-1750: List of Certificates of Removal from Ireland, Received at the Monthly Meetings of Friends in Pennsylvania, 1682-1750. M9260 (ASU) �GENEALOGY—GENEALOGY GENEALOGY — PA. - SOURCES Muster Rolls of the Pennsylvania Volunteers in the War of 1812-1814. P1790 (ASU) Record of Indentures of Individuals Bound Out As Apprentices, Servants and of German and other Redemptioneers in the Office of the Mayor of Philadelphia. P2540 R830 (ASU) The Pennsylvania Germans of the Shenandoah Valley. $4620 (ASU) Names of Persons Who Took the Oath of Allegiance to the State of Pennsylvania between the Years 1788 and 1789 with a History of the "Test Laws" of Pennsylvania. W4820 (ASU) History of the Mount Prospect Graveyard and Cemetery, in Mount Pleasant Township, Washington County, Pennsylvania. W5300 GENEALOGY — S. C. The Sineath Family and Affiliated Family Lineages. B2040 (ASU) Hunting Your Ancestors in South Carolina: A Guide for Amateur Genealogists. F3130 (ASU) The Huguenots of Colonial South Carolina. H5660 (ASU) 1880 Census of Horry County, South Carolina. H7260 (ASU) Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: South Carolina. U590 (ASU) Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: South Carolina. U600 (ASU LMC) GENEALOGY - S. C. - SOURCES North and South Carolina Marriage Records. C4900 Bridging the Gap. A Guide to Early Greenville, South Carolina. E620 (ASU) Indexes to the Country Wills of South Carolina. H7510 (ASU) A Compilation of the Original Lists of Protestant Immigrants to South Carolina, 1763-1773. R1580 (ASU) Copy of the Original Index Book, Showing the Revolutionary Claims Filed in South Carolina Between August, 20, 1783, and August 31, 1786. R1590 (ASU) GENEALOGY — SOURCES Land Entry Book, Wilkes County, North Carolina, 1778-1781. A160 (ASU) Deed Book A-l Wilkes County, North Carolina. A170 Tennessee Records. A240 (ASU) The Clans, Septs and Regiments of the Scottish Highlands. A330 (ASU) Marriages of Patrick County, 1791-1850. A430 Russell County, Virginia Personal Property and Land Tax List . . . A980 Carroll County, Virginia, 1850 Census. A1070 Carroll County, Virginia, 1870 Census. A1090 Floyd County, Virginia, 1840 Census. A1100 Franklin County, Virginia, 1820 Census. A1120 Grayson County, Virginia, Census of 1820, 1830, 1840, 1850. All 30 Grayson County Deed Books 1, 2, 3, 4. All 40 Index to Grayson County Deed Books 1-9, Grantee. All 50 Index to Grayson County Deed Books 1-9, Grantor. All 60 SUBJECT Patrick County, Virginia Census, 1820, 1830, 1840, 1850. All 80 Personal Property Tax Lists, Grayson County. A1190 Pulaski County, Virginia, 1840 Census. A1200 Scott County, Virginia, Census, 1820 and 1830. A1210 Wythe County, Virginia, Census, 1810, 1820, 1830, 1840. A1220 Notable Men of Tennessee: Personal and Genealogical with Portraits. A1780 (ASU) The Allred Family in America. A1900 (ASU) A2070 (ASU) Surnames in the United States Census of 1790; an Analysis of National Origins of the Population. A2110 Notable Southern Families. A4770 (ASU ETSU) The Sevier Family. A4780 (BC) Shenandoah County, Virginia, Marriage Bonds, 1772-1850. A5080 (ASU ETSU) Doddridge County, Virginia (Now West Virginia) Marriage Book 1: Being a Record of the First Marriage in That County Created in 1845 from Parts of Tyler, Harrison, Lewis, and Ritchie Counties. A5400 (ASU) Pleasants County, West Virginia, Register of Deaths, 1853— 1873. A5410 (ASU) Ritchie County, Virginia (now West Virginia) Marriages 1843 — 1853: Minister's Returns — With Notes on the Ancestry and Birth Place of Some of the Earliest Settlers. A5420 (ASU) Tyler County, Virginia (Now West Virginia) Marriages, 1815— 1852. A5430 (ASU) First Marriage Records of Augusta County, Virginia, 1785-1813. A5500 (ASU) History of the Huguenot Emigration to America. B470 (FC) First Settlers of South Carolina, 1670-1680. B700 (ASU) The Dickenson Families of England and America. B740 Scott County, Virginia: U. S. Census, 1850. B780 (BC ASU) The Seventh Population Census of the United States for Russell County, Virginia, 1850. B790 (BC ASU) The Planters of the Commonwealth. A Study of the Emigrants and Emigration in Colonial Times. To Which Are Added Lists of Passengers to Boston and to the Bay Colony: The Ships Which Brought Them, Their English Homes and the Places of Their Settlement in Massachusetts, 1620-1640. B930 (ASU) Topographical Dictionary of 2885 English Emigrants to New England, 1620-1650. B940 (ASU) British Family Names: Their Origin and Meaning with Lists of Scandinavian, Frisian, Anglo-Saxon and Norman Names. B1060 (ASU) A Dictionary of English and Welsh Surnames, with Special American Instances. B1130 (ASU) Family Names and Their Story. B1140 (ASU) Kentuckians, C. S. A. B2530 (ASU) History of the German Settlements and of the Lutheran Church in North and South Carolina, from the Earliest Period of the Colonization of the Dutch, German and Swiss Settlers to the Close of the First Half of the Recent Century. B3200 (ASU) Colonial Surry. B4940 (ASU BC) Historical Southern Families. B4950 (ASU) 128 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Southside Virginia Families. B4960 (ASU) Marriage Notices, 1785-1794, for the Whole United States, Copied from the Massachusetts Centinel and the Columbian Centinel. B5160 (ASU) Immigrants to New England, 1700-1775. B5180 (ASU) Bristol and America, a Record of the First Settlers in the Colonies of North America, 1654-1685, Including the Names with Places of Origin of More than 10,000 Servants to Foreign Plantations Who Sailed from the Port of Bristol to Virginia, Maryland, and Other Parts of the Atlantic Coast, and Also to the West Indies from 1654 to 1685. B6680 (ASU) Memorial Records of Josh Bell County, Kentucky (Adjoining Historical Cumberland Gap, Tennessee), Family Bible Records Given to the United States Census Taken in 1870. B9080 (BC) History of Blount County, Tennessee, From War Trail to Landing Strip, 1795-1955. B9130 (ASU ETSU BC) Emigrants from Scotland to America, 1774-1775. C410 (ASU) Tracing Your Ancestors. C420 (ASU) C2620 Checklist of Historical Records Survey Publications: Bibliography of Research Projects Reports. C3850 (ASU) A General Index to a Census of Pensioners for the Revolutionary or Military Service 1840. C4080 (ASU) American Marriage Records before 1699. C4890 (ASU) Crozier's General Armory: A Registry of American Families Entitled to Coat Armor. C9270 (ASU) A Key to Southern Pedigrees, Being a Comprehensive Guide to the Colonial Ancestry of Families in the States of Virginia, Maryland, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, West Virginia and Alabama. C9300 (ASU) American Prisoners of the Revolution. D70 (ASU) D540 The Handy Book for Genealogists. E2410 (ASU) A History of Surnames of the British Isles: A Concise Account of the Origin, Evolution, Etymology, and Legal Status. E2440 (ASU) Lists of Swiss Emigrants in the Eighteenth Century to the American Colonies. F360 (ASU) German Element in the United States. F370 The French Blood in America. F2240 (ASU) Emigrants from England, 1773-1776. F2370 (ASU) A List of Emigrant Ministers to America, 1690-1811. F2380 (ASU) Lost Links: New Recordings of Old Data from Many States. F3040 (ASU) An Introduction to the Use of the Public Records. G110 (ASU) G790 Wills and Where to Find Them. G1170 (ASU) Naturalizations of Foreign Protestants in the American and West Indian Colonies, (Pursuant to Statute 13 George 2, c. 7). G1880 (ASU) The Scotch-Irish in Northern Ireland and in the American Colonies. G2030 (ASU) A List of Some American Genealogies Which Have Been Printed in Book Form. G2160 (ASU) Merion in the Welsh Tract, With Sketches of the Townships of Haverford and Padner. G2170 (ASU) �SUBJECT APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY GENEALOGY — SOURCES Tracing your Civil War Ancestor. G4370 (ASU) Homes of Family Names in Great Britain. G4930 (ASU) In Search of Scottish Ancestry HI 120 (ASU) Surnames of the United Kingdom: A Concise Etymological Dictionary. H3060 (ASU) H4170 First Census of Kentucky, 1790. H4320 (ASU BC UNCA) Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army During the War of the Revolution, April, 1775 to December, 1783. H4340 (ASU) Encyclopedia of American Quaker genealogy. H5640 (ASU) The Original Lists of Persons of Quality, Emigrants, Religious Exiles, Political Rebels, Serving Men Sold for a Term of Years, Apprentices, Children Stolen, Maidens Pressed, and Others, Who Went from Great Britain to the American Plantations, 1600-1700. H7360 (ASU BC) 1140 1150 1160 (ASU) Genealogy As Pastime and Profession. J260 (ASU) Index to Genealogical Periodicals. J270 (ASU) Lineage Book of the National Society of Daughters of American Colonists. J640 The Cymry of 76: Or, Welshmen and Their Descendants of the American Revolution. J2270 (ASU) Your Family Tree. J2720 (ASU) A List of Emigrants from England to America, 1718-1759. K80 (ASU) A Bibliography of Ship Passenger Lists, 1538-1825: Being a Guide to Published Lists of Early Immigrants to North America. L290 (ASU) Family Names of Huguenot Refugees to America. L1060 (ASU) L2760 English Surnames. An Essay on Family Nomenclature, Historical, Etymological, and Humorous. L3730 (ASU) The Welcome Claimants Proved, Disproved and Doubtful with an Account of Their Descendants. M890 (ASU) A History of the Irish Settlers in North America, from the Earliest Period to the Census of 1850. Ml 450 (ASU) A Guide to Irish Surnames. M2130 (ASU) More Irish Families. M2140 (ASU) Supplement to Irish Families. M2150 (ASU) Special Report on Surnames in Ireland. Together with Varieties and Synonyms of Surnames and Christian Names in Ireland. M4230 (ASU) M4820 Abstracts of the Wills of the State of South Carolina, 1740-1760. M7070 (ASU) Roster of North Carolina Troops: In the War Between the States. M7320 (LMC) Folklore of the Blue Ridge Mountains and Early Settlers. M7870 Quaker Arrivals at Philadelphia, 1682-1750: Being a List of Certificates of Removal Received at Philadelphia Monthly Meeting of Friends. M9270 (ASU) Maryland Revolutionary Records: Data Obtained from 3,050 Pension Claims and Bounty Land Applications, Including 1,000 Marriages of Maryland Soldiers and a List of 1,200 Proved Services of Soldiers and Patriots of Other States. N770 (ASU) Some Early Emigrants to America, Also, Early Emigrants to America from Liverpool, abstracted by Reginal Sharpe France. N930 (ASU) State Census of North Carolina, 1784-1787. N1880 (ASU) State Census of North Carolina, 1784-1787. Ml 890 (ASU) Abstract of North Carolina Wills, Compiled from Original and Recorded Wills in the Office of the Secretary of State by J. Bryan Grimes. N2550 (ASU BC) Corpus Genealogiarum Hiberniae. 0140 (ASU) The Irish in America: Immigration, Land, Probate, Administrations, Birth, Marriage, and Burial Records of the Irish in America in and about the Eighteenth Century. 0150 (ASU) PI 910 PI 920 P1930 PI 940 Known Military Dead During the American Revolutionary War, 1775-1783. P2350 (ASU) Greene County, Tennessee: Early Marriage Bonds, 1782-1820. P2380 P3580 Revolutionary Soldiers in Kentucky, Containing a Roll of the Officers of Virginia Line Who Received Land Bounties: A Roll of the Revolutionary Pensioners in Kentucky. A List of the Illinois Regiment Who Served Under George Rogers Clark in the Northwest Campaign, Also a Roster of the Virginia Navy. Q210 (ASU BC) R1440 Greene County Cemeteries, from Earliest Dates to 1970-1971. R1640 (ASU ETSU) A Collection of Upwards of Thirty Thousand Names of German, Swiss, Dutch, French, and Other Immigrants in Pennsylvania from 1727 to 1776. R4300 (ASU) Records of the Revolutionary War. S60 (ASU) Pioneer Blood. SI 70 (ASU) Archives of the Pioneers of Tazewell County. SI 080 1800 Tax Lists and Abstracts of Deeds (1796-1800) of Wythe County, Virginia. SI 090 Montgomery County, Virginia Circa 1790. snoo Ireland and the American Emigration, 1850-1900. SI 140 (ASU) Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684. S2840 (ASU) American Colonists in English Records: A Guide to Direct References in Authentic Records, Passenger Lists Not in "Hotten". S2980 (ASU) True and Authentic Register of Persons Still Living, by God's Grace, Who in the Year 1709, under the Wonderful Providence of the Lord, Journeyed from Germany to America or New World, and There Seek Their Piece of Bread at Various Places, Reported with Joy to All Admirers, Especially to Their Families and Close Friends. S3410 (ASU) The Early Settlers of Maryland: An Index to Names of Immigrants Compiled from Records of Land Patents, 1633-1680, in the Hall of Records, Annapolis, Maryland. S4100 (ASU) 129 GENEALOGY—GENEALOGY A History of St. Mark's Parish, Culpeper County, Va., With Notes of Old Churches and Old Families and Illustrations of the Manners and Customs of the Olden Time. S4150 (ASU) Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607-1776. S4410 (ASU) Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607-1776. S4420 (ASU) White Servitude in Colonial South Carolina. S5090 (ASU) Memorials of the Huguenot's in America, with Special Reference to Their Emigration to Pennsylvania. S6590 (ASU) Pennsylvania German Pioneers: A Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808. S7790 (ASU) Pennsylvania German Pioneers: A Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808. S7800 (ASU) Rejected or Suspended Applications for Revolutionary War Pensions. U2840 (ASU) The Abridged Compendium of American Genealogy: First Families of America, a Genealogical Encyclopedia of the United States. VI250 (ASU) Immigrant Ancestors: A List of 2,500 Immigrants to America Before 1750. V1260 (ASU) Immigrants to America Before 1750: An Alphabetical List of Immigrants to the Colonies Before 1750, Compiled from Official and Other Records. VI270 (ASU) Tombstone Inscriptions and Death Records, Calvary Cemetery, Knoxville, Tennessee, 1869-1967. W1640 (ETSU) Abstracts of the Old Ninety-Six and Abbeville District Wills and Bonds, as on File in the Abbeville, South Carolina, Courthouse. Y290 (ASU) GENEALOGY - SOURCES — APP. Draper Families in America. A2260 (ASU) GENEALOGY — SOURCES — GA. Columbia County, Georgia, Early Court Records. B600 (ASU) GENEALOGY — SOURCES — N. C. The Annals of Haywood County, North Carolina: Historical, Sociological, Bibliographical, and Genealogical. A1700 (ASU WCU BC) Abstract of Pensions of North Carolina Soldiers of the Revolution, War of 1812, and Indian Wars. B9030 (ASU) GENEALOGY — SOURCES — PA. Welsh Founders of Pennsylvania. G2180 (ASU) GENEALOGY — SOURCES — TENN. Tennessee Soldiers in the Revolution: A Roster of Soldiers Living During the Revolutionary War in the Counties of Washington and Sullivan. A1630 (ETSU) GENEALOGY — TENN. Ayres Kin and Kin to Kin. A5860 The Family Chronicle and Kinship Book of Maclin, Clack, Cocke, Carter, Taylor, Cross, Gordon and Other Related American Lineages. B5240 (ASU ETSU) Bowens of Virginia and Tennessee; Descendants of John Bowen and Lily Mclllhaney. G3070 Marriage Record of Washington County, Tennessee, 1787-1840. G3190 (ETSU) Marriage Records of Washington County, Tennessee, 1787-1840. G3200 (ASU) "The Settlement Pattern of Upper East Tennessee." H3910 (ETSU) �GENEALOGY—GENEALOGY GENEALOGY — TENN. Tennessee Records of Roane County Marriage Records, 1801-1838. H5900 (ETSU) The Massengills, Massengales and Variants 1472-1931. M4100 The Donnelly-Barry-Butler Families and Their Kin-folks of Johnson Co., Tennessee. N290 Leonard Shoun and his Wife Barbara Slemp Shoun of Johnson Co., Tennessee. N300 The McQueen Family of Johnson Co., Tennessee. N310 Wills Family of Johnson County, Tennessee. N320 Neel-Dickson Genealogy. N370 Historical Sketches of Campbell, Pilcher and Kindred Families. P2960 Tennessee Cousins: A History of Tennessee People. R640 (BC ASU WCU) Sevier Family History, with the Collected Letters of Gen. John Sevier, First Governor of Tennessee and 28 Collateral Family Lineages. S2030 (ASU ETSU MHC BC) Guide to the Use of Genealogical Materials in the Tenn. State Library and Archives. T1830 United States census 1850 for Knox County, Tennessee. U520 1830 Census, Tennessee. U650 (ASU ETSU) Coffee County, Tennessee, 1850 Census. U700 (ETSU) Fentress County, Tennessee, Free Population Schedules. U710 (ASU) Population Schedule of the U. S. Census of 1850 (Seventh Census) for McMinn County, Tennessee. U730 (ASU) Population Schedule of the United States Census of 1850 (Seventh Census) for Warren County, Tennessee. U740 (ETSU) Tennessee Population Schedule of the United States Census of 1850, Meigs County. U770 (ASU) United States Census 1850 for Knox County, Tennessee. U780 (ETSU) Tennessee Genealogical Records: Overton County. W5770 (BC) Know Your Ancestors: A Guide to Genealogical Research. W6520 (ASU) GENEALOGY — TENN. - SOURCES Marriage Records of McMinn County, Tennessee, 1820-1870. B5990 (ASU BC) Monroe County Records, 1820-1870. B6000 Monroe County, Tennessee: Records, 1820-1870. B6010 (ASU BC) Population Schedule of U. S. Census of 1850 for McMinn County, Tennessee. B6020 (ASU) Wills and Estate Records of McMinn County, Tennessee, 1820-1870. B6030 (ASU BC) Abstracts of Death and Obituary Notices Gathered from Herald-Tribune, Jonesboro, Tennessee. B9160 (ETSU) C561 Seventh Census of the United States, 1850: Fentress County, Tennessee, Free Population Schedules. C1390 (ASU) Seventh Census of the United States, 1850: Franklin County, Tennessee, Free Population Schedules. C1400 (ASU) C1661 SUBJECT Carter of Tennessee, Including the Taylors: Descendants of Colonel John Carter of Tennessee. C1670 (ETSU) C5401 Population Schedule of the U. S. Census of 1850 (Seventh Census) for Sevier County, Tennessee. C8690 (ETSU BC) Tennessee Marriage Records. C8700 (ETSU) Early East Tennessee Tax Lists. C9930 (ASU) D. C. Armond Family in America. D370 Knox County, Tenn., Marriage Records. D380 (ETSU) Benton County, Tennessee, Marriages, 1832-1957. D570 (ASU) East Tennessee Kinsman. 01330 Index to Marriages 1792-1900. El 00 Marriages 1795-1865. E110 Marriages 1796-1837. El 20 Marriages 1796-1850. El 30 "The Connection" in East Tennessee. El 180 (ASU BC) Descendants of East Tennessee Pioneers. El 190 (ASU) The Crockett Family and Connecting Lines. F3240 Davy Crockett and the Crockett Family. F3250 Notable Southern Families. The Doak Family. F3260 Tombstone Inscriptions and Death Records, Calvary. Macedonia Cemetery, Knoxville, Tennessee, 1851-1967. Baptismal Records, 1846-1870, Immaculate Conception Church, Knoxville, Tennessee. G3080 (ETSU) G3170 Duck River Valley in Tennessee and Its Pioneers. J220 (ASU) History and Genealogy, Dudley, 1406-1956 and Me Wane, 1796-1956. K490 . . . History (and) Genealogy, Kegley, 1760-1959 and Grubb, 1743-1959. K500 Tenn. Grainger Co., Marriage Bonds and Licenses. K810 The Military Annals of Tennessee: Confederate. First Series. Embracing a Review of Military Operations with Regimental Histories and Memorial Rolls Compiled from Original and Official Sources. L2570 (LMC) Washington County, Tennessee, Records. M680 (ETSU ASU) Washington County, Tennessee, Records, Transcribed by Mary Hardin McCown. Vol. 1, Washington County Lists of Taxables, 1778-1801, ed. Nancy E. Jones Stickley and Inez Burns. M690 Sevier County, Tennessee. M2160 M3230 M3320 (ASU) R1790 Historical Cemetery Records of Bradley County, Tennessee. R3840 (ETSU) 1830 Census, East Tennessee. S3750 Washington County, Tennessee, Marriages and Wills. S4640 (ETSU) Washington County, Tenn., 1830 Federal Census. S7900 (ASU) T1370 Pioneers of Roane County, Tennessee, 1801-1830. T8400 (ETSU) Whitfield History and Genealogy of Tennessee. W5730 (ASU) 130 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY GENEALOGY — VA. Our Kin. A230 Links With the Past. A1000 Botetourt County, Virginia, 1820 Census. A1060 Floyd County, Virginia, 1850 Census. A1110 Skillern Family History and Genealogy. A4510 Archer and Silvester Families. A4560 Braxton County, Virginia (Now West Virginia) Marriage Book 1. A5390 (ASU) March of the Sages. B750 A Baumgardner Family in America. B2110 Known Descendants of Edward Blakemore, Junior, of Lancaster Co. Virginia. B4550 Shenandoah Valley Pioneers and Their Descendants: A History of Frederick County, Virginia, from Its Formation in 1738 to 1908. C1780 (ASU BC) Kettenring Family. C2160 Records of the Myers, Hays and Mordecai Families, 1707-1913. C5580 Ancestry, Life and Family of Col. William Edmiston of Washington County. C5710 The Robert Coleman Family, from Virginia to Texas, 1652-1965. C5750 (ASU) The Cornett Family. C7550 Virginia Heraldica, Being a Registry of Virginia Gentry Entitled to Coat Armor with Genealogical Notes of the Families. C9330 (ASU) Dickerson and Walden Families. D2120 (ASU) The James Stewart Family of Early Augusta County, Virginia, and Descendants, 1740-1960. D2130 (ASU) Old Oxford and Her Families. D2300 Genealogical Serendipity. D2820 Twelve Generations of Parleys. F170 Biographical Genealogies of the Virginia-Kentucky Floyd Families, with Notes of Some Collateral Branches. F1640 (ASU) Foulke Family, one branch descended from James Ffookes. F2390 Capt. John Fowler of Virginia and Kentucky; Patriot, Soldier, Pioneer, Statesman, Land Baron, and Civic Leader. F2430 (BC) Crabtrees of Southwest Virginia. F3440 Our Garst Family in America. G500 The Groseclose Family History. G2820 Pioneers of the Virginia Bluegrass (And Their Descendants). G2830 Bowens of Virginia and Tennessee; Descendants of John Bowen and Lily Mclllhaney. G3070 The McGavock Family. A Genealogical History of James McGavock and His Descendants from 1760-1903. G3410 (ASU) McGavock Family, a Genealogical History of James McGavock and his Descendants, 1760-1903. G3420 Genealogical and Historical Notes on Culpepper County, Virginia. G3650 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY GENEALOGY — VA. Historic Families of Kentucky, with Special Reference to Stocks Immediately Derived from the Valley of Virginia. G3670 (ASU MHC BC) Historical Register of Virginians in the Revolution. G5020 (ASU) A History of Damascus. H840 Harmon Genealogy (Southern Branch), with Biographical Sketches, 1700-1924. H2410 Lindamood Family History. H2550 Settlers by the Long Grey Trail, Some Pioneers to Old Augusta County, Virginia, and Their Descendants, of the Family of Harrison and Allied Lines. H3070 (ASU BC) Virginia Genealogies: A Genealogy of the Glassed Family of Scotland and Virginia, Also of the Families of Ball, Brown, Bryan, Conway, Daniel, Ewell, Holladay, Lewis, Littlepage, Nioncure, Peyton, Robinson, Scott, Taylor, Wallace and Others of Virginia and Maryland. H3830 (ASU) German New River Settlement, Virginia. H4270 (ASU FC) Lynch Families of the Southern States. H5590 Genealogy of Matthias Hoffer (Huffard) and his Descendants in the United States of America. H6230 Genealogy of Matthias Hoffer (Huffard) and his Descendants in the United States of America. H6231 Holmes Family History. H6870 Hopkins of Virginia and Related Families. H7120 Leftwich-Turner Families of Virginia and Their Connections. H7130 Listen to the Mockingbird. H7680 Listen to the Mockingbird; The Life and Times of a Pioneer Virginia Family. H7690 History of the Descendants of John Hottel. H7910 Huddleston Family Tables. H7930 Pittsylvania County, Virginia Abstracts of Wills, 1768-1800. H8140 Supplement to the History of the Dodson-Dotson Family of Southwest Virginia. L3850 (ASU) Gordon Kinship. Ml 50 Marriage Records of Kanawha County, West Virginia 1816-1850. M490 The Massengills, Massengales and Variants 1472-1931. M4100 The Ferns and Fern Allies of Virginia. M4120 (LMC) 1850 Census of Highland County, Virginia. M4190 The Descendants of Capt. Thomas Carter. M5880 David Morgan (ca. 1779-1857) and His Descendants. M7560 Irvins, Doaks, Logans and McCampbells of Virginia and Kentucky. M7810 The Beaver Pond Neals of Virginia. N280 Neel-Dickson Genealogy. N370 The First Virginia Nuckolls and Kindred. N2950 Woods Wallace, Cousin Clues. P2400 Descendants of Samuel Bachman and wife Rachel Owen. P2710 SUBJECT Seven Pierce Families. P2870 Blacks and Other Families. P3680 (ASU) Smyth County Families and History. P4320 Wythe County Chapters. P4330 (ASU) P4380 Allied Families of Read, Corbin, Luttrell, Bywaters. Starting from Culpeper County, Virginia, Their Descendants Are Now Planted in Every State Westward to the Pacific. My Wife's Kin. P4650 (ASU) This An' That. P4680 The Ragles of Pennsylvania, Virginia, Kentucky, and Kansas. R110 1810 Montgomery County Census. R1510 Emera Altizer and His Descendants. R3090 McChesneys of Virginia. SI 150 Pioneers and Their Coat of Arms of Floyd County: Genealogies of Prominent Early Settlers of the Blue Ridge Plateau of Virginia. S2650 (ASU FC) A History of Bristol Parish, Va.; With Genealogies of Families Connected Therewith, and Historical Illustrations. S4140 (ASU BC) Descendants of Samuel Miller, John Detrick, John and Mary Snell of Rockingham County, Virginia. S4600 From the Alps to the Appalachians (Neff Families). S4740 David Rawson: Ancestors and Descendants, 1636-1974. S5470 Peter Stephens and Some of his Descendants, 1690-1935. S6960 Stephens Family Genealogies. S6970 Genealogy of the Tankersley Family in the United States. T180 (ASU) Virginia Wills and Administrations, 1632-1800: An Index of Wills Recorded in Local Courts of Virginia, 1632-1800, and of Administrations of Estates Shown by Inventories of the Estates of Intestates Recorded in Will (and Other) Books of Local Courts, 1632-1800. T8950 (ASU BC) Southwest Virginia Families. T9280 The Letters and Times of the Tylers. T9920 (ASU) Umberger Family Chart. U50 The Umberger (Umbarger) Family Chart. U60 Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: Records of the State Enumerations, 1782 to 1785, Virginia. U580 (ASU LMC) The Seventh Population Census of the U. S. for Russell County, Va., 1850. U750 The Seventh Population Census of the United States for Russell County, Virginia, 1850. U760 Partial History of the Vaught Family. V470 The McClanahans. W5430 The Bradfords of Virginia in the Revolutionary War, and Their Kin. W5540 (ASU) Willis Family of Virginia. W6990 Michael Miller Family. W7670 The Wine Family in America, Section 3. W7680 131 GENEALOGY-GENEALOGY Christian Wine Family. W7690 Wise's Digested Index and Genealogical Guide to Bishop Meade's Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia. W7890 Some of Our Families Ancestors and the Genealogy of Some of Their Descendants. W8570 A Brief of Wills and Marriages in Montgomery and Fincastle Counties, 1773-1831. W9230 A Brief of Wills and Marriages in Montgomery and Fincastle Counties, 1773-1831. W9240 Early Marriages, Wills and Some Revolutionary War Records, Botetourt County, Va. W9250 Wyatt Family Records. W9840 Wyatt Family. W9850 GENEALOGY — VA. — SOURCES History of Five Southern Families. A990 Carroll County, Virginia, 1860 Census. A1080 Early Southwest Virginia Families. A1760 Fauquier County, Virginia, Tombstone Inscriptions. B480 (ASU) The Ball Family of Southwest Virginia: A Genealogy of Some of the Descendants of Moses Ball of Fairfax County. B810 (ASU) Botetourt County, Virginia, 1820 Census. B1560 Lunenburg County, Virginia wills, 1746-1825. B2790 (ASU) James and Rachel Holmes Scott. B2890 The Irvines and Their Kin. B5920 Virginia Settlers and English Adventurers: Abstracts of Wills, 1484-1798, and Legal Proceedings, Relating to Early Virginia Families. B6620 (ASU) Documents, Chiefly Unpublished, Relating to the Huguenot Emigration to Virginia and to the Settlement at Manakintown, with an Appendix of Genealogies, Presenting Data of the Fontaine, Maury, Dupuy, Trabue, Marys, Chastain, Cooke, and Other Families. B6770 (ASU) Virginia Genealogies: A Trial List of Printed Books and Pamphlets. B7410 (ASU) Revolutionary War Records: Vol. I, Virginia. B7690 Revolutionary War Records: Vol. I, Virginia. Virginia Army and Navy Forces with Bounty Land Warrants for Virginia Military Scrip: From Federal and State Archives. B7700 (ASU) Virginia Soldiers of 1776. B8590 Virginia Genealogies and County Records. B9120 A History of Our Cain Family of Virginia, Alabama and Tennessee. C50 (FC) Confederate History of Culpeper County. C240 The Copenhaver Family of Wythe County. C1030 The Descendants of Joseph Samson Hounshell and Mandana Hedrick. C1040 The Hounshell Family of Southwest Virginia. C1050 Rosenbaum Family. C1060 Rosenbaum-Rosenbalm Family of Southwest Virginia. C1070 Shenandoah Valley Pioneers and Their Descendants: A History of Frederick County, Virginia, from Its Formation in 1738 to 1908. C1790 (ASU ETSU) �GENEALOGY—GENEALOGY GENEALOGY — VA. - SOURCES Personal Names in Hening's "Statutes at Large of Virginia" and Shepherd's Continuation. C1940 (ASU) Early Records of Lee County, Virginia. C2130 Tombstone Inscriptions of Lee County, Virginia. C2140 (BC) Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia. C2740 (BC ASU) Chronicles of Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia. C2750 Early Fauquier County, Virginia, Marriage Bonds, 1759-1854. C3250 (ASU) Scotch-Irish Settlers in the Valley of Virginia. C3960 (BC) Virginia Wills Before 1799: A Complete Abstract Register of All Names Mentioned in Over Six Hundred Recorded Wills. C4910 (ETSU) Genealogy of the Cloyd, Basye and Tapp Families in America. C5130 C6070 Index to 1810 Virginia Census. C8760 Early Virginia Marriages. C9280 (ASU) Early Virginia Marriages. C9290 (ASU) Virginia Colonial Militia, 1651-1776. C9310 Virginia Colonial Militia, 1651-1776. C9320 (ASU) The Montgomery County Story, 1776-1957. C9360 (ASU) The Darsts of Virginia: A Chronicle of Ten Generations in the Old Dominion. D420 The Darter-Tarter Family. D430 Roster of the Virginia Daughters of the American Revolution. D510 Frederick County, Virginia, Marriages, 1771-1825. D990 (ASU ETSU) Marriage Bonds of Bedford County, Virginia 1755-1800. D1810 (ASU FC) Virginia Revolutionary Pension Applications. D2960 Campbell Chronicles and Family Sketches, Embracing the History of Campbell County, Virginia, 1782-1926. E60 (ASU BC) List of the Colonial Soldiers of Virginia. E710 (ASU) The Revolution in Virginia. E730 (LMC FC) Marriage Records, 1749-1840, Cumberland County, Virginia*. El 680 (ASU) moo Virginia Colonial Abstracts Vol. XXXIV, Washington County Marriage Register, 1782-1820. • FT 420 Virginia Tax Payers, 1782-87: Other Than Those Published by the United States Census Bureau. F2360 (ASU) A Givens-Hall Family History from Pre-Revolutionary Times to 1970. . . G1930 The Durst and Darst Families of America, with Discussions of Some Forty Related Families. G1960 Life of Jefferson Dillard Goodpasture with Genealogy of the Family of James Goodpasture by his Sons. G2580 Early Virginia Immigrants, 1623-1666. G3900 (ASU FC) Polish Pioneers of Virginia and Kentucky with Notes on Genealogy of the Sadowski Family. H310 (BC) Virginia Ancestors and Adventurers. H1250 H2110 SUBJECT Hennen's Choice: A Compilation of the Descendents of Matthew Hennen (1752-1839). H4680 (ASU) Encyclopedia of American Quaker Genealogy. H4830 1180 (FC) Loudoun Co., Virginia, Marriage bonds, 1762-1850. J750 (ASU) William Johnston of Isle of Wight County, Virginia, and His Descendants, 1648-1964: A Genealogical Study of One Branch of the Family in the South. J2010 (ASU) 79 Families of Washington County. J2840 History and Genealogy, Dudley, 1406-1956 and Me Wane, 1796-1956. K490 . . . History (and) Genealogy, Kegley, 1760-1959 and Grubb, 1743-1959. K500 New River Tithables, 1770-73. K510 Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. K520 Strasburg, Virginia and the Keister Family. K540 Burk(e) Family of Southwest Virginia in Valley. K660 Betsy's Descendants. The Descendants of Thomas Jefferson Duff and his wife Ann Elizabeth (Betsy) Spraker Ketron. K670 Abstracts of Wills, Inventories, and Administrations Accounts of Frederick County, Virginia. K2370 Old Sherry, Portrait of a Virginia Family (Wysors). K2720 Births in Court Records of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1853-1871. L3860 Genealogies of the Lewis and Kindred Families. M70 Virginia Militia in the Revolutionary War: McAllister's Data. Ml 00 (ASU) High on a Windy Hill. M520 (ASU) Sanders Saga. M530 Who Am I? A Brief Sketch of the McConnell and Related Families in Southwest Virginia. M540 (ASU) Journals of the Council of the State of Virginia. Ml 680 Some Virginia Families Being Genealogies of the Kinney, Stribling, Trout, Mcllhany, Milton, Rogers, Tate, Snickers, Taylor, McCormick, and other Families of Virginia. Ml 710 ' (ASU) The McKees of Virginia and Kentucky. Ml 820 M3330 The Massengills, Massengales and Variants 1472-1931. M4110 Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia. M4750 Old Churches, Ministers, and Families of Virginia. M4770 (ASU) Supplement to 1810 Census of Virginia. S1110 The Knights of the Golden Horseshoe from the History of St. Mark's Parish. S4160 The Pennsylvania Germans of the Shenandoah Valley. S4620 (ASU) Some Emigrants to Virginia. S6510 (ASU) Some Emigrants to Virginia. S6520 (ASU) Old Tenth Legion Marriages; Marriages in Rockingham Co., Va. from 1778 to 1816. S7990 ' Russell Co., Va. Census of 1820. S9230 132 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Early Osbornes and Alleys, With Notes on Allied Families. S9350 (BC) Amherst County, Virginia, in the Revolution: Including Extracts from the "Lost Order Book", 1773-1782. S9530 (ASU) Marriage Records of Amherst County, Virginia, 1815-1821, and Subscription for Building St. Mark's Church, Amherst Co., Virginia. S9540 (ASU) Marriage Bonds and Other Marriage Records of Amherst County, Virginia, 1763-1800. S9550 (ASU) Wills of Rappahannock Co., Va., 1656-1692. S9560 (ASU BC) List of the Colonial Soldiers of Virginia. VI190 (ASU) Abstracts of Bedford County, Virginia Wills, Inventories and Accounts 1754-1787. W5900 (FC) The Tinkling Spring, Headwater of Freedom: A Study of the Church and Her People, 1732-1952. W7320 (ASU BC) Virginia Revolutionary Land Bounty Warrants. W7460 Catalogue of Revolutionary Soldiers and Sailors of the Commonwealth of Va.; to Whom Land Bounty Warrants were Granted. . . . . W7470 (BC) Catalogue of Revolutionary Soldiers and Sailors of the Commonwealth of Virginia to Whom Land Bounty Warrants Were Granted by Virginia for Military Services in the War for Independence. W7480 (ASU) Gravestone Inscriptions: From 61 Graveyards in Frederick County and the Counties That Were Once a Part of Frederick County and Includes the Inscriptions from the "Old Lutheran and German Reform Graves" in Mt. Hebron Cemetery. W7590 (ASU) 2200 Gravestone Inscriptions from Winchester and Frederick County, Virginia (Death Dates Range from 1700's to Early 1900's). W7600 (ASU) Marriage Bonds of Franklin County, Virginia, 1786-1858, Transcribed from the Original Records. W7740 (ASU BC) Pioneer Families of Franklin County, Virginia. W7750 (ASU BC FC) GENEALOGY — W. VA. Heritage of a Pioneer, Being the Story of William (English Bill Doddridge) Dodrill and His Wife, Rebecca (Lewis) Dougherty, Their Family, the Times in Which They Lived, and a Genealogy. D2720 (ASU) The Trail of the Dead Years. . . 03660 Holt-Bennett Family History. E50 (ASU) The Parr Family: Allied Families — Holden, Hutchinson, Moore, Jolly, Franks, Sheets, et al. F1460 (ASU) Marriage Records of Kanawha County, West Virginia 1816-1850. M490 Genealogy of the Musick Family and Some Kindred Lines. M9160 Capon Valley. P4850 (BC) History of the Cross Creek Graveyard and Cross Creek Cemetery. Originally compiled in 1894 by James Simpson, revised and prepared for publication by Alvin D. White. S3620 History of the Cross Creek Graveyard and Cross Creek Cemetery. S3630 Christopher Call's Family of Preston County, West Virginia 1741-1973. S3740 David Rawsort: Ancestors and Descendants, 1636-1974. S5470 Trimble Families of America. T9360 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY GENEALOGY — W. VA. — SOURCES The Hammers and Allied Families. B5050 (BC) The McNeel Family Records: Descendants of Pioneer John McNeel and Martha Davis of Pocahontas County, West Virginia, 1765-1967. E830 (ASU) West Virginia Estate Settlements (1753-1850). J2170 (ASU) Marriage Records of Berkeley County, Virginia, for the Period of 1781-1854, Located at Berkeley County Court House, Martinsburg, West Virginia. K440 (ETSU) The Soldiery of West Virginia in the French and Indian War, Lord Dunmore's War, The Whiskey Insurrection, The Second War with England, The War with Mexico, and Addenda Relating to West Virginians in the Civil War. L2370 (ASU) Genealogical History of the Descendants of Machir of Scotland. M2610 (ASU) The Somerville Family and Descendants, 1789-1963. M2620 (ASU) West Virginia Surnames, the Pioneers. M6390 (ASU) 0480 (ASU) West Virginia Revolutionary Ancestors Whose Services Were Non-military and Whose Names, Therefore, Do Not Appear in Revolutionary Indexes of Soldiers and Sailors. R870 (ASU) GEOGRAPHY A Bibliography of Dissertations in Geography, 1901-1969. B7460 (LMC) A Cartographic Summary of United States Census Data, 1930, Tennessee Valley and Surrounding Area by Land Classification Section, Land Planning and Housing Division, Tennessee Valley Authority. T5840 The Potomac and Roaring Creek Coal Fields in West Virginia. W2260 How They Began — The Story of North Carolina County, Town, and Other Place Names. W9610 (ASU) History and Geography of Yancey County. Y20 The Economic Geography of Watauga County, North Carolina. Y110 (ASU) "North Carolina: A Geographic Study." Y120 (LMC) GEOGRAPHY — ALA. Geography of the Great Appalachian Valley of Alabama. G2090 (BC ASU) Atlas of Alabama. L2520 GEOGRAPHY - APP. The Southeast in Early Maps with an Annotated Check List of Printed and Manuscript Regional and Local Maps of Southeastern North America during the Colonial Period. C9470 (ASU LMC) Studies of Appalachian Geology: Centra! and Southern. F1170 (ASU LMC ETSU) Dictionary of Altitude in the U. S. G260 "A Geographic Approach to a Vegetation Problem: The Case of the Southern Appalachian Grassy Balds." G1060 (BC ASU) Appalachian Mountain Elevations. R900 (ASU LMC ETSU WCU) Ice Storms in the Southern Appalachian Mountains. R1810 American History and Its Geographic Conditions. S1850 (BC) American History and Its Geographic Conditions. SI860 (ASU MHC) Potassium-Argon Geochronology of the Brevard Fault, Southern Appalachians. S7570 SUBJECT North With the Spring: A Naturalist's Record of a 17,000 Mile Journey With the North-American Spring. T800 (ASU LMC) Surveying, Mapping and Related Engineering. T3580 Atlas of the Tennessee Valley Region. T5830 The Three Major Physical Divisions of the Upper Tennessee Basin. T5870 How Topographic Maps are Made. T7380 How Topographic Maps Are Made. T7390 Arnold Guyot, First to Measure the Peaks of the Appalachians. U2880 (BC) Appalachian Region as Designated by the Appalachian Regional Commission, 1965. U3090 GEOGRAPHY — APP. MTNS. Appalachian Tectonics. C4640 (ASU ETSU LMC WCU) GEOGRAPHY — BOUNDARIES Four Steps West. S240 (ETSU ASU) GEOGRAPHY — CHEROKEE NATION Map of the Cherokee County, 1837. D1530 GEOGRAPHY — GA. "Geographic Analysis of Single Dwelling Settlement in Northeast Georgia." B5110 (LMC BC ASU) C5050 Short Contributions to the Geology, Geography, and Archaeology of Georgia. G920 (ETSU) Stratigraphy, Structure, Mineral Resources of the Mineral Bluff Quadrangle, Georgia. H8630 (ETSU) GEOGRAPHY — KY. The Geography of the Kentucky Knobs. B9200 (BC) Geography of the Mountains of Eastern Kentucky. D960 (BC ASU) Abraham Lincoln and the Cumberland Gap. H2250 (ASU ETSU) Eastern Kentucky Economic Atlas. K1070 GEOGRAPHY — MD. The Fry and Jefferson Map of Virginia and Maryland. F3600 (FC) An Outline of the Maryland Boundary Disputes and Related Events. M7900 (ASU) GEOGRAPHY — N. C. Caldwell County, North Carolina Geography Supplement. A2490 (ASU) The Influences of Geography Upon Early North Carolina. C460 (ASU LMC WWC) Measurements of the Black Mountains. C5070 North Carolina in Maps. C9460 (ASU WCU) Report of the Geographical Survey of North Carolina: Physical Geography, Resume, Economical Geology. K1670 (LMC ASU) Bibliography of North Carolina Geology, Mineralogy, and Geography, with a List of Maps. L390 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) North Carolina Geography: A Study of How We Live in North Carolina. L1710 (LMC ASU) Atlas of North Carolina. L3350 (ASU LMC UNCA) "The Asheville Basin of North Carolina: A Study in Highland Agricultural Land Use." L3690 (LMC ASU) The Influence of the Physiographic Features of Western North Carolina on the Settlement and Development of the Region. N1400 (ASU) . . . Altitudes in North Carolina, comp. by the North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey. N2320 (ASU UNCA) 133 GENEALOGY-GEOGRAPHY Maps of North Carolina Congressional Districts, 1789-1960, and State Senatorial Districts and Apportionment of State Representatives, 1776-1960. S340 (BC WWC) A New Geography of North Carolina. S2390 (ASU LMC BC UNCA) History and Geography of Yancey County. T790 (ASU) Soil Maps. Cleveland County, Caldwell County, and Lincoln County. U3340 Soil Surveys Allegheny County, Gaston County, Transylvania County. U3360 "The Climatology of the Southern Blue Ridge Mountains." W5320 (LMC) GEOGRAPHY - N. C. - GAZETTEER The North Carolina Gazetteer. P4010 (BC ASU LMC MHC UNCA) GEOGRAPHY - N. C., WESTERN Arnold Guyot's Notes on the Geography of the Mountain District of Western NortK Carolina. A5740 GEOGRAPHY - OHIO 0400 GEOGRAPHY - PA. "The Economic Geography of the State Industry in Eastern Pennsylvania." C1260 "A Geographical Analysis of the Rail Freight Shipments of Pennsylvania." G1110 GEOGRAPHY — TENN. Hand-Book to the Sequatchie Valley. B5830 "Geographic Factors Influencing the Development of Scott County, Tennessee." B8630 "Oak Ridge, Tennessee: A Geographic Study." C1910 "The Valley of East Tennessee: The Adjustment of Industry to Natural Environment." C1920 (LMC) C9420 "The Qualifications and Instructional Program of 100 Elementary Geography Teachers in Northeast Tennessee." D2460 "The Boones Creek Community, Some Geographical Aspects." E2070 (ETSU) "Geographic Factors Influencing the Manufactural Industries of Upper East Tennessee." E2080 (LMC) Geologic Map of Tennessee. H2060 (ETSU) Abraham Lincoln and the Cumberland Gap. H2250 (ASU ETSU) "A Geographical Survey of Knoxville, Tennessee." H8810 "Physiography of the Grassy Cove District, Cumberland County, Tennessee." L360 (LMC) A Brief Geography of Tennessee. L860 (ASU) "The Influence of Geography on the Growth of Chattanooga Industries." LI 420 **The Status of Geography Teaching in the Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." L2140 (ETSU) Eastin Morris' Tennessee Gazetteer, 1834, and Matthew Rhea's Map of the State of Tennessee, 1832. M7770 (ASU) The Tennessee Gazetteer, or Topographical Dictionary: Containing a Description of the Several Counties, Towns, Etc. M7780 (ASU BC) "Geographic Factors in the Land Use of Green County, Tennessee." P390 "A Geographical Survey of Blount County, Tennessee." R2560 The Economic Geography of Tennessee. SI 600 Division of Geology Bulletin. T1020 �GEOGRAPHY—GEOLOGY GEOGRAPHY — TENN. "A Geographic Appraisal of Union County, Tennessee." T8300 "The Resources of the Cumberland Plateau as Exemplified by Cumberland County, Tennessee: A Geographic Analysis." W2050 GEOGRAPHY — VA. Wise County Geography Supplement. A570 (BC) The Earthquake History of Virginia, 1900-1970. B5140 The Fry and Jefferson Map of Virginia and Maryland. F3600 (PC) The Earthquake History of Virginia, 1774 to 1900. H7140 History of Saltville, Virginia. K870 The Fairfax Line, a Profile in History and Geography. M7890 (ASU) Wappatomaka: A Survey of the History and Geography of the South Branch Valley. M7910 (ASU) N260 Virginia: A Geographical and Political Summary, Embracing a Description of the State, Its Geology, Soils, Minerals and Climate; Its Animal and Vegetable Productions; Manufacturing and Commercial Facilities; Religious and Educational Advantages; Internal Improvements, and Form of Government. WOO (BC) GEOGRAPHY — VA. - ROCKINGHAM CO. Atlas of Rockingham County, Virginia. S3200 (ASU) GEOGRAPHY — W. VA. A Gazetteer of West Virginia. G270 (BC ASU) "Cultural and Historical Geography of Mining Settlements in the Pocahontas Coal Fields of Southern West Virginia, 1880 to 1930." G1620 The Geography of West Virginia. K840 West Va. Place Names. K850 The Fairfax Line, a Profile in History and Geography. M7890 (ASU) An Outline of the Maryland Boundary Disputes and Related Events. M7900 (ASU) Wappatomaka: A Survey of the History and Geography of the South Branch Valley. M7910 (ASU) O400 Indexed County and Railroad Pocket Map and Shipper's Guide of West Virginia. R390 (BC) West Virginia: A Book of Geography, History, and Industry. S2530 (WCU) Climate, Weather and Coal Mine Explosions; with a Meteorological Review of the Farmington Disaster. W2230 W4380 (BC) GEOLOGY Report. A910 (BC) The Chattanooga Black Shale, a Possible Future Source of Uranium. AT 320 (ETSU) Geology and Water Resources of Garrett County. A2230 (ETSU) Bulletin. A3! 30 (ASU ETSU LMC) The Abram Creek-Stony River Coal Field, Northeastern West Virginia. A5230 Geology and Mineral Resources of Part of the Cumberland Gap Coal Field, Kentucky. A5240 (ASU) Deposits of Brown Iron Ores (Brown Hematite) in Western North Carolina. B2170 (ASU LMC WCU UNCA) The Appalachians. B6960 (ASU WCU LMC MHC FC WWC ETSU BC FC UNCA) SUBJECT The Life of the Mountains. B6970 (BC) B8380 Asheville Folio, North Carolina — Tennessee. U3100 (WCU) Geology of Big Stone Gap. U3150 The Potomac and Roaring Creek Coal Fields in West Virginia. W2260 Barbour and Upshur Counties. . . . W3640 (ETSU) Bulletin. W3650 (ETSU) Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. W3660 (ETSU) County Report, no. 1. 1911. W3680 (ETSU) County Reports and Maps. W3690 (BC) Fayette County. W3700 (ETSU) Geology and Economic Resources of the Ohio River Valley in West Virginia. W3710 (ETSU) Greenbrier County. W3720 (ETSU) Hampshire and Hardy Counties. W3730 (ETSU) Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties. W3740 (ETSU) Log of Appalachian Geological Society Field Trip. W3750 (ETSU) Logan and Mingo County. W3760 (BC) Mercer, Monroe, and Summers Counties. W3770 (ETSU) Mineral and Grant Counties. W3780 (ETSU) Nicholas County. W3790 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Doddridge and Harrison Counties, West Virginia. W3800 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. W3810 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. W3820 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. W3830 (ETSU) Pendleton County. W3840 (BC) Pocahontas County. W3850 (BC) Randolph County. W3860 (ETSU) Report of Investigations. W3870 (ETSU) Reports. W3880 (ETSU) Salt Brines of West Virginia. W3890 (ETSU) State Park Series. Bulletin. W3900 (ETSU) Tucker County. W3910 (ETSU) The West Virginia Geological and Economic Survey: Its Accomplishments and Outlook. W3920 (ETSU) Wirt, Roane and Calhoun Counties. W3930 (ETSU) Wyoming and McDowell Counties. W3940 (ETSU) Lower Pennsylvanian Species of Mariopteris, Eremopteris, Diplothmema, and Aneimities from the Appalachian Region. W5370 Cambrian System of West Virginia. With Comments on Older Rocks and Ingneous Dikes. W8920 (ETSU) Devonian System of West Virginia. W8930 (ETSU) Ordovician System of West Virginia. W8940 (ETSU) Outline of the Geology and Mineral Resources of Russell County, Virginia. W8950 (ETSU) 134 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Distribution of Minor Elements in Coals of Appalachian Region. Z150 GEOLOGY — ALA. A4080 (ETSU) Iron Ore in the Red Mountain Formation in Greasy Cove, Alabama. B8420 Preliminary Report on the Red Iron Ores of East Tennessee, Northeast Alabama, and Northwest Georgia. B8430 Availability of Ground Water in Talladega County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. C2520 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Cherokee County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. C2530 (ETSU) Ground-water Resources of Etowah County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. C2540 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Morgan County, Alabama. D2750 (ETSU) Interim Report on the Geology and Groundwater Resources of Morgan County, Alabama. D2770 (ETSU) Stratigraphy and Structure of Outcropping Pre-Selma Coastal Plain Beds of Fayette and Lamar Counties, Alabama. D3400 (ASU) Stratigraphy and Uranium Content of the Chattanooga Shale in Northeastern Alabama, Northwestern Georgia, and Eastern Tennessee. G2210 Surface Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama. H2240 (ETSU) . . . Natural Resources of the Tenn. Valley Region in Alabama. H2540 (BC) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Colbert County, Alabama. H2870 (ETSU) interim Report on Ground-water Study in Colbert County, Alabama. H2880 (ETSU) Springs in Colbert and Lauderdale Counties, Alabama. H2890 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Lawrence County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. H3030 (ETSU) Physiography of the Chattanooga District in Tenn., Georgia, and Ala. 1899. H3870 Physical Divisions of Northern Alabama. J2180 (ETSU) An Inventory of Human and Physical Resources of Cherokee, Dekalb, Jackson, and Marshall Counties, Alabama. K1590 (ASU) Atlas of Alabama. L2520 Report on the Coal Measures of the Plateau Region of Alabama. M230 (BC) General Geology and Ground-water Resources of Limestone County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. M2170 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Madison County, Alabama. M2890 (ETSU) Stratigraphy of the Chickamauga Supergroup in Its Type Area. M5480 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. M5760 (ETSU) Ground-water in the Vicinity of Bryce State Hospital, Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. M5770 (ETSU) Ground-water Resources and Geology of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. PI 030 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Franklin County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. P1150 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY GEOLOGY - ALA. Building Sandstones of Northern Alabama. P1710 (ETSU) Iron Making in Alabama. P2700 (ASU) Surface Water in Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. P2880 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Resources of Clay County, with Special Reference to the Graphite Industry. P4770 (ETSU) Geology and Coal Resources of the Northeast Part of the Coosa Coal Field, St. Clair County, Alabama. R3930 (ETSU) Report on the Calaba Coal Field. S6400 Geology and Ground-Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama: An Interim Report. W820 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama. W830 (ETSU) GEOLOGY — APP. Appalachian Basin Ordovician Symposium: Papers Read at the Meeting of the Pittsburgh Geological Society at Pittsburgh, Pa., May 16, 1947, and Published in the Bulletin of the American Assn. of Petroleum Geologists, Aug. 1948. A2850 (BC) Fall Meeting of the Appalachian Geological Society and the Pittsburgh Geological Society with the Cooperation of the West Virginia Geological Survey, October 11-12, 1957, at Blackwater Falls State Park: Log of Field Trip. A3T40 (ETSU) Silurian Stratigraphy: Central Appalachian Basin. A3150 (ASU) Appalachian Structures: Origin, Evolution and Possible Potential for New Exploration Frontiers. A4090 An Index of State Geological Survey Publications Issued in Series. C7380 (LMC) Studies of Appalachian Geology: Central and Southern. F1170 (ASU LMC ETSU) Uranium in the Appalachian Mobile Belt. G50 (LMC) Dictionary of Altitude in the U. S. G260 The Geology and Coal Resources of Dickenson County, Virginia. G1340 (ETSU) Reconnaissance of Some Gold and Tin Deposits of the Southern Appalachians. G3290 Geomorphology and Forest Ecology of the Mountain Region in the Central Appalachians. H90 Geology of Oil and Gas. H3520 (ETSU) Appalachian Connate Water. H4290 (ETSU) Raw Materials for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Alabama and Georgia. H6610 Shales for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Kentucky and Tennessee. H6620 Photogeologic Techniques Applied to the Mapping of Rock Joints. H7410 (ETSU) Mercury and Other Trace Elements in Sphalerite and Wallrocks from Central Kentucky, Tennessee, and Appalachian Zinc Districts. J2250 Topography and Geology of the Southern Appalachians. K560 Morphologic and Systematic Relationships of Some Middle Ordovician Ostracoda. K3120 (ETSU) Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. K3180 (ETSU ASU) "Fan-like Features and Related Periglacial Phenomena of the Southern Blue Ridge." M5310 (WCU) SUBJECT 0790 Tectonics and Cambrianordovician Stratigraphy in the Central Appalachians of Pennsylvania. P3170 (ETSU) Appalachian Mountain Elevations. R900 (ASU LMC ETSU WCU) Ice Storms in the Southern Appalachian Mountains. R1810 The Texture of Mississippian, Upper Devonian, and Lower Pennsylvanian Sandstones in the Appalachian Basin. R2530 The Texture of Paleozoic Sandstones and Sandy Limestones in the Appalachian Basin. R2540 The Tectonics of the Appalachians. R3410 (LMC ETSU WWC) Origin of the Copper Deposits of the Ducktown Type in the Southern Appalachian Region. R3810 (ETSU ASU) Rotary Coring of Appalachian Area Oil-producing Formations with Mud or Air. R3990 Electrical and Hydraulic Flow Properties of Appalachian Petroleum Reservoir Rocks. 5610 Densities and Porosities of Core Samples from Wells in Appalachian Oilfields. S4130 Potassium-Argon Geochronology of the Brevard Fault, Southern Appalachians. S7570 S8790 (ETSU WWC ASU) S8800 (ASU ETSU UNCA) North With the Spring: A Naturalist's Record of a 17,000 Mile Journey With the North-American Spring. T800 (ASU LMC) Engineering Geology and Mineral Resources of the Tennessee Valley Authority Region. T2600 Arnold Guyot, First to Measure the Peaks of the Appalachians. U2880 (BC) The Mechanics of Appalachian Structure. W6970 The Northern Appalachians. W6980 (BC) GEOLOGY — APP. MTNS. Appalachian Tectonics. C4640 (ASU ETSU LMC WCU) Manual of Coal and Its Topography. LI 890 GEOLOGY - GA. Georgia's Fabulous Treasure Hoards: A Compendium for Rockhounds, Prospectors, and Various Seekers of Gold, Silver, Diamonds, etc., with Known and Historic Locations, . . . A2500 (MHC) Geology of the Tate Quadrangle. B2200 (ETSU) Preliminary Report on the Red Iron Ores of East Tennessee, Northeast Alabama, and Northwest Georgia. B8430 Annotated Bibliography of Georgia Geology Through 1959. C8500 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Catoosa County, Georgia. C8710 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Paleozoic Rock Area, Chattooga County, Georgia. C8720 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Walker County, Georgia. C8730 (ETSU) Geology of the Crystalline Rocks of Georgia. C8770 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Dade County, Georgia. C9070 (ETSU) The Romance of Georgia Marble. D90 (ASU BC) Publications on the Geology and Mineral Resources of Georgia. G910 (ETSU) Short Contributions to the Geology, Geography, and Archaeology of Georgia. G920 (ETSU) 135 GEOLOGY—GEOLOGY The Paleozoic Group: The Geology of Ten Counties of Northwestern Georgia. G1020 (BC ASU) Stratigraphy and Uranium Content of the Chattanooga Shale in Northeastern Alabama, Northwestern Georgia, and Eastern Tennessee. G2210 Field Excursion: Stone Mountain — Lithonia District. G3270 (ETSU) Physiography of the Chattanooga District in Tenn., Georgia, and Ala. 1899. H3870 Geology of the Stone Mountain-Lithonia District, Georgia. H5000 (ETSU) Forsterite Olivine Deposits of North Carolina and Georgia. H8400 (ETSU WCU) Field Excursion: Ocoee Metasediments: North Central Georgia and Southeast Tennessee. H8610 (ETSU) The Geology and Mineralogy of Graves Mountain, Georgia. H8620 (ETSU) Stratigraphy, Structure, Mineral Resources of the Mineral Bluff Quadrangle, Georgia. H8630 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Deposits of the Cartersville District, Georgia. K1700 Stratigraphy of the Chickamauga Supergroup in Its Type Area. M5480 (ETSU) Subsurface "Basement" Rocks of Georgia. M6110 (ETSU ASU) Geology and Mineral Resources of the Dalton Quadrangle, Georgia-Tennessee. M8680 (ASU ETSU) Field Excursion: The Georgia Marble District. P4050 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Resources of the Northwest Quarter of the Cohutta Mountain Quadrangle. S220 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Crystalline Rocks, Dawson County, Georgia. S2010 (ASU ETSU) The Geology of the Sand Lookout Mountain Area, Northwest Georgia. S8970 (ETSU) The Bauxite Deposits of Floyd, Bartow, and Polk Counties of Northwest Georgia. W5630 GEOLOGY — GA., NORTHERN Zonation of the Middle^, and Upper Ordovician Strata in Northwestern Georgia. A1500 (ETSU) GEOLOGY — KY. Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Paintsville Area, Kentucky. B630 (ASU) The Unforseen Wilderness: An Essay on Kentucky's Red River Gorge. B3300 (ASU BC LMC) The Geography of the Kentucky Knobs. B9200 (BC) Geology of the Big Stone Gap Coal Field of Virginia and Kentucky. C760 (BC) The Fire Clays and Fire Clay Industries of the Olive Hill and Ashland Districts of Northeastern Kentucky. C8780 (BC) Geography of the Mountains of Eastern Kentucky. D960 (BC ASU) Geologic-Map of the Adult Quadrangle, Northeastern Kentucky. D1710 Age of Bedford Shale, Berea Sandstone, and Sunbury Shale in the Appalachian and Michigan Basins, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan. D2050 Peridotite of Elliott County, Kentucky. D2420 Geology and Coal Resources of the Cannel City Quadrangle, Kentucky. E2020 The Genealogy about Mills Springs, Monticello Quadrangle, Kentucky. F3020 (BC) �GEOLOGY—GEOtOGY GEOLOGY — KY. Regional Subsurface Stratigraphy of the Cambrian and Ordovician in Kentucky and Vicinity. F3200 (ETSU) Geological Map of the Balkan Quadrangle, Bell and Harlan Counties, Kentucky. F3450 (BC) Ancient Life in Kentucky: A Brief Presentation of the Paleontological Succession in Kentucky Coupled with a Systematic Outline of the Archaeology of the Commonwealth. F3850 (ASU BC) Ancient Life in Kentucky: A Brief Presentation of the Paleontological Succession in Kentucky Coupled with a Systematic Outline of the Archaeology of the Commonwealth. F3860 (WCU MHC BC) Itinerary: Some Stratigraphic and Structural Features of the Middlesboro Basin. G830 (ETSU) Selected Features of the Kentucky Fluorspar District and the Berkley Dam Site. G840 (ETSU) **Tales of the Mountains" A Complete Directory of the Eastern Kentucky Coalfields with Extracts from the Geological Reports, Forestry, Oil Development, Education, Superstitions, and Religion of the Mountains. H730 Stratigraphy and Paleoecology of the Saluda Formation (Cincinnation) in Indiana, Ohio, and Kentucky. H3420 (ETSU) Coals of the North Fork of the Ky. River in Perry and Portions of Breathitt & Knott Co. Ky. H6150 The Anthracite Forest Region, a Problem Area. 1760 (ASU) Geology and Coal of Stinking Creek. J1020 The Geology and Mineral Resources of Kentucky: A Brief Description of the Physiography, Stratigraphy, Area) and Structural Geology, and Mineral Resources of Each of the Counties Comprising the Commonwealth. J1030 (ETSU) Geology of a New Oil Pool in Casey Co., Ky. J1040 Geology of Clark Co., Ky. J1050 Geology of Cumberland Co., Kentucky. J1070 Geology of Powell Co., Ky. J1080 Geology of the Area Around Powell Co., Ky. J1090 Geology of the Glencairn and Pine Ridge Faults. J1100 Geology of the Goose Creek Dome. J1110 Geology of the Meadow Anticline. J1130 Geology of the Mica Dome in Clark Co., Ky. J1140 Geology of the Nimtonville Dome in Casey Co., Ky. J1150 . . . Geological Map of Kentucky. Presented in Colors, Showing Oil, Gas, Coal, Fluorspar, and Asphalt Fields; and Other Mineral Resources and Geologic Data Including Faults, Folds, Sections, Elevations, and Physiographic Divisions of the Commonweal th. K1250 Soil Survey of Garrard County, Kentucky. Kf640 Geologic Map of the Maulden Quadrangle, Southeastern Kentucky. LI 390 The Pleistocene of Northern Kentucky, a Regional Reconnaissance Study of the Physical Effects of Glaciation Within the Commonwealth. L1980 (ETSU) Geology of the Mammoth Cave National Park Area. Rev. by Preston McGrain. Kentucky Geological Survey Series 10, Special publication 7. Revision of Series 9, Special publication 2. L2910 (ETSU ASU) Geologic Map of the Sardis Quadrangle, Northwestern Kentucky. Ml 230 (BC) SUBJECT Some Old Chester Problems — Correlations Along the Eastern Belt of Outcrop. M1330 (ETSU) Geologic Map of Part of the Rose Hill Quadrangle, Harlan County, Kentucky. M4380 (ASU) The Menifee Gas Field and the Ragland Oil Field, Kentucky. M8580 Reconnaissance of Oil and Gas Fields in Wayne and McCreary Counties, Kentucky. M8590 Geology of the Bedford Shale and Berea Sandstone in the Appalachian Basin. P2000 Economic Geology of the Kenova Quadrangle, Kentucky, Ohio, and West Virginia. P2510 Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Prestonburg Quadrangle, Kentucky. P4600 The Silurian Formations of East-central Kentucky and Adjacent Ohio. R1620 (ETSU) Geologic Map of the Jenkins West Quadrangle, Kentucky-Virginia. R1900 Geologic Map of the Whitesburg Quadrangle, Kentucky-Virginia, and Part of the Flat Gap Quadrangle, Letcher County, Ky. R1910 The Irvine Oil Field, Estill County, Kentucky. S2480 Geologic Map of the Stanford Quadrangle, Boyle and Lincoln Counties, Kentucky. S2520 Geologic Map of the Evarts Quadrangle and Part of the Hubbard Springs Quadrangle, Southeastern Kentucky and Virginia. T770 (BC) Oil Shales of Kentucky. T7710 Coal deposits of Pike Co., Ky. U3120 Geology and Mineral Resources of part of the Cumberland Gap coal field, Ky., 1906. U3170 Geology and ground water resources in the Paintsville area, Ky. 1955, Surface water of the U. S. 1953; Cumberland and Tenn. River Basin. U3420 Geologic Map of the McKee Quadrangle, Jackson and Owsley Counties, Ky. W2310 (BC) Geological Map of Paint Lick Quadrangle. W2320 (BC) Geology and Oil and Gas Possibilities of Upper Mississippian Rocks of Southwestern Virginia, Southern West Virginia, and Eastern Kentucky. W7060 (ASU) GEOLOGY — MD. Brachipoda of the Keyser Limestone (Silurian-Devonian) of Maryland and Adjacent Areas. B5700 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Allegany County, Maryland. B7610 Microtectonics Along the Western Edge of the Blue Ridge, Maryland and Virginia. C5100 (LMC) Structure of Devonian Strata along Allegheny Front from Corriganville, Maryland, to Spruce Knob, West Virginia. D1830 (ETSU) Cetothere Skeletons from the Miocene Choptank Formation of Maryland and Virginia. K610 (ETSU) The Physical Features of Washington County, M3910 (ETSU) Eocene Stratigraphy and Foraminifera of the Aquia Formation. S3060 (ETSU) GEOLOGY — N. C. General Features of the Brown Hematite Ores of Western North Carolina. B2180 (ASU) General Features of the Magnetite Ores of Western North Carolina and Eastern Tennessee. B2190 (UNCA ASU) 136 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Kaolins of North Carolina. B2210 (WCU) Magnetic Iron Ores of East Tennessee and Western North Carolina. B2220 (UNCA) An Introduction to the Topography, Geology, and Mineral Resources of North Carolina. B6750 (ETSU) Geology of the Blowing Rock Quadrangle, N. C. B7790 Geology of the Grandfather Mountain Window and vicinity, North Carolina and Tennessee. B7800 (ASU) Geology of the Linville Quadrangle, North Carolina-Tennessee: A Preliminary Report. B7810 (LMC) Mineral Resources of the Grandfather Mountain Window and Vicinity, North Carolina. B7820 (ASU) The Story of the Geologic Making of North Carolina. B7890 (LMC UNCA) Feldspar Deposits of the Bryson City District, North Carolina. C390 (ASU WCU) Mineral Localities of North Carolina. C6520 (ASU) Botany: Containing a Catalogue of the Indigenous and Naturalized Plants of the State. C9910 (LMC ASU) The Shrubs and Woody Vines of North Carolina. C9920 (LMC) Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Murphy Area, North Carolina. D2760 (WCU) The Mineral Industry in North Carolina from 1918-1923. D3290 (LMC) The Geomorphic History of the New Kanawha River System. F3300 (ETSU) Surface Water Supply of the New-Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, and North Carolina. G4490 Measurements of Points in North Carolina and Tennessee. G5000 Geology of the Eastern Great Smoky Mountains, North Carolina and Tennessee. HI60 (LMC ASU) Preliminary Report on Corundum Deposits in the Buck Creek Peridotite, Clay County, North Carolina. HI 70 (ASU) In the Coal and Iron Counties of North Carolina. H420 (LMC WCU) In the Coal and Iron Counties of North Carolina. H430 (BC ASU) Forsterite Olivine Deposits of North Carolina and Georgia. H8400 (ETSU WCU) Hallo/site Deposits of Western North Carolina. H8410 (ETSU WCU) Tin Resources of the King's Mountain District, North Carolina and South Carolina. K550 Bibliography of North Carolina Geology, Mineralogy, and Geography, with a List of Maps. L390 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) The Geology and Ore Deposits of the Virgilina District of Virginia and North Carolina. L400 (ETSU ASU) The Gold Hill Mining District of North Carolina. L410 (LMC ETSU) "Geology of the Bat Cave and Fuitland Quadrangles and the Origin of the Henderson Gneiss, Western North Carolina." LI 720 Corundum and the Basic Magnesian Rocks of Western North Carolina. L2210 (WCU) Limestones and Marls of North Carolina. L3630 (ASU LMC WCU) Reconnaissance of the Ground-water Resources in the Waynesville Area, North Carolina. M3380 (LMC WCU) Diary of a Geological Tour by Dr. Elisha Mitchell in 1827 and 1828. M6300 (ASU BC LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY GEOLOGY — N. C. Chromite Deposits of North Carolina: Geology and Mining. N1920 Altitudes in North Carolina. N2310 ' (ASU LMC WCU) . . . Altitudes in North Carolina, comp. by the North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey. ' N2320 (ASU UNCA) Biennial Report of the State Geologist: 1919-1920. N2330 (ASU LMC) Report of the State Geologist and Director. 1891-92 - 1923-24. N2340 (ASU UNCA) Mica Deposits of the Franklin-Sylva District, North Carolina. 0640 (ASU WCU ETSU) Pegmatites of the Cashiers and Zirconia Districts, North Carolina. 0650 (ETSU ASU) 0790 Geology and Mineral Resources of the Hot Springs Window, Madison County, North Carolina. 0800 (ASU WCU ETSU) Residual Kaolin Deposits of the Spruce Pine District, North Carolina. P260 (ETSU) A Memoir of the Rev. Elisha Mitchell, D. D., Late Professor of Chemistry, Mineralogy and Geology in the University of North Carolina: Together with the Tributes of Respect to His Memory, by Various Public Meetings and Literary Associations, and the Addresses Delivered at the Re-interment of His Remains. P2570 (ASU LMC) Geology of the Linville Falls Quadrangle, North Carolina. R1100 (ASU) North Carolina: Its Geology and Mineral Resources. S8760 (LMC WWC ETSU UNCA) Pyrophyllite Deposits in North Carolina. S8770 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water of the Morganton Area, North Carolina. S9090 (WCU) "Gold Mining in North Carolina: 1799-1860." S9290 (WCU) The Magnetic Iron Ore of East Tennessee and Western North Carolina. Til 50 Geology of the Spruce Pine District: Avery, Mitchell, and Yancey Counties, North Carolina. U3130 (ASU) Cranberry Folio, North Carolina — Tennessee. U3130 (WCU) Greenville Folio, Tennessee — North Carolina. U3200 (WCU) Knoxville Folio, Tennessee — North Carolina. U3220 (WCU) Mount Mitchell Folio, North Carolina — Tennessee. U3260 (WCU) Nantahala Folio, North Carolina — Tennessee. U3270 (WCU) Pisgah Folio, North Carolina — South Carolina. U3300 (WCU) Roan Mountain Folio, Tennessee — North Carolina. U3330 (WCU) Soil Survey of the Mt. Mitchell Area. U3350 GEOLOGY — OHIO Economic Geology of the Summerfield and Woodsfield Quadrangles, Ohio, with Descriptions of Coal apd Other Mineral Resources, Except Oil and Gas. C6320 Structure of the Berea Oil Sand in the Summerfield Quadrangle, Guernsey, Noble, and Monroe Counties, Ohio. C6330 Age of Bedford Shale, Berea Sandstone, and Sunbury Shale in the Appalachian and Michigan Basins, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan. D2050 SUBJECT Geology of Oil and Gas Fields in Steubenville, Burgettstown, and Claysville Quadrangles, Ohio, W. Va., and Pa. G4340 G4350 Stratigraphy and Paleoecology of the Saluda Formation (Cincinnation) in Indiana, Ohio, and Kentucky. H3420 (ETSU) Economic Geology of the Kenova Quadrangle,, Kentucky, Ohio, and West Virginia. P2510 Stratigraphy of the Bituminous Coal Field of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia. W5470 GEOLOGY — PA. Age of Bedford Shale, Berea Sandstone, and Sunbury Shale in the Appalachian and Michigan Basins, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan. D2050 Geology of Oil and Gas Fields in Steubenville, Burgettstown, and Claysville Quadrangles, Ohio, W. Va., and Pa. G4340 Geologic Map of Southwest Pennsylvania. PI 900 Tectonics and Cambrianordovician Stratigraphy in the Central Appalachians of Pennsylvania. P3170 (ETSU) Laboratory Investigation of In Situ Combustion Process for Recovering Pennsylvania Grade Crude Oil. S7100 Stratigraphy of the Bituminous Coal Field of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia. W5470 GEOLOGY — S. C. Tin Resources of the King's Mountain District, North Carolina and South Carolina. K550 Pisgah Folio, North Carolina — South Carolina. U3300 (WCU) GEOLOGY - TENN. General Features of the Magnetite Ores of Western North Carolina and Eastern Tennessee. B2190 (UNCA ASU) Magnetic Iron Ores of East Tennessee and Western North Carolina. B2220 (UNCA) Summary of the Mineral Resources of Tennessee. B5540 (ETSU) Geological Report: Coal Creek Mining and Manufacturing Company of Tennessee. B6190 Stratigraphy of the Mascot-Jefferson City Zinc District, Tennessee. B6610 Geology of the Linville Quadrangle, North Carolina-Tennessee: A Preliminary Report. B7810 (LMC) The Red Iron Ores of East Tennessee. B8440 (BC) Coals in the Area between Bon Air and Clifty, Tennessee. B9460 Geology and Mineral Resources of the Crossville Quadrangle, Tennessee. B9480 (ETSU) Geology and Oil Possibilities of the Northern Part of Overton County, Tennessee, and of Adjoining Parts of Clay, Pickett and Fentress Counties. B9490 (ETSU) Bibliography of Tennessee Geology, Soils, Drainage, Forestry, etc. with Subject Index. C5440 (LMC ETSU) Geology and Ore Deposits of the Ducktown Mining District, Tennessee. El 960 (ASU BC) Stratigraphy and Uranium Content of the Chattanooga Shale in Northeastern Alabama, Northwestern Georgia, and Eastern Tennessee. G2210 Measurements of Points in North Carolina and Tennessee. G5000 Geology of the Eastern Great Smoky Mountains, North Carolina and Tennessee. HI 60 (LMC ASU) 137 GEOLOGY—GEOLOGY Geology of the Richardson Cove and Jones Cove Quadrangles, Tennessee. HI 220 (LMC) Geologic Map of Tennessee. H2060 (ETSU) Physiography of the Chattanooga District in Tenn., Georgia, and Ala. 1899. H3870 Limestone and Dolomite Resources of Tennessee. H5040 (ETSU) Ceramic Evaluation of Clays and Shales of East Tennessee. H6600 (ETSU) Field Excursion: Ocoee Metasediments: North Central Georgia and Southeast Tennessee. H8610 (ETSU) Geology of Pickett Co., Tenn. J1070 Techniques Used in Mine-water Problems of the East Tennessee Zinc District. K860 (ASU) Tennessee: Its Agricultural and Mineral Wealth, With an Appendix Showing the Extent, Value and Accessibility of its Ores, With Analyses of the Same. K1920 (ASU LMC) Geology and Manganese Deposits of Northeastern Tennessee. K2410 (ETSU) Geology of Northeasternmost Tennessee with a Section on the bescription of the Basement Rocks by Warren Hamilton. K2420 (ETSU) Geology of the Central Great Smoky Mountains, Tennessee. K2430 (ASU LMC) Geology of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, Tennessee and North Carolina. K2450 (ETSU) The Coal Industry of Tennessee. L4010 (ETSU) Tuscaloosa Formation in Tennessee. M3190 (ETSU) Stratigraphy of the Chickamauga Supergroup in Its Type Area. M5480 (ETSU) Mineral Resources of the Waynesboro Quadrangle, Tennessee. M6220 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Resources of the Dalton Quadrangle, Georgia-Tennessee. M8680 (ASU ETSU) The Southern Tennessee Coal Field Included in Bledsoe, Cumberland, Franklin, Grundy, Rhea, Sequatchie, Van Buren, Warren, and White Counties. N580 (ETSU) Geology of the Western Great Smoky Mountains, Tennessee. N630 (ASU LMC) Middle Ordovician Rocks of the Tellico-Sevier Belt, Eastern Tennessee. N640 Geology of the Mascot-Jefferson City Zinc District, Tennessee. O220 (ETSU) Geology of the Buffalo Mountain-Cherokee Mountain Area, Northeastern Tennessee. O780 (ETSU ASU) Oil and Gas Report on Jackson, Mason, and Putnam Counties, West Virginia. O940 (ETSU) PI 60 (ETSU) Lower Middle! Ordovician of Southwest Virginia and Northeast Tennessee. P4760 (ETSU) Upper Cambrian Trilobite Faunas of Northeastern Tennessee. R500 (LMC) Manganese Resources of East Tennessee. R1380 (ETSU) Geologic Map of East Tennessee. R3380 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Deposits of Bumpass Cove, Unicoi and Washington Counties, Tennessee. R3390 (ETSU) Stratigraphic Section at Lee Valley, Hawkins County, Tennessee. R3400 (ETSU) Soil Survey of Jackson County, Tennessee. R3570 The Elements of the Geology of Tennessee. S90 (ASU LMC BC) �GEOLOGY—GEOLOGY GEOLOGY — TENN. Geological Reconnaissance of the State, Tennessee. S100 (ASU) Geology of Tennessee. S110 (ETSU) Zinc Deposits of East Tennessee. SI 640 (LMC) The Phosphate Resources of Tennessee. S5030 (ETSU) The Cumberland Plateau Overthrust and Geology of the Crab Orchard Mountains Area, Tennessee. S6720 (ETSU) Pennsylvanian Rocks of the Southern Appalachians. S6730 (ETSU) Manganese Deposits of East Tennessee. S7660 Soil Survey of Meigs County, Tennessee. S9570 Geology, Mineral Resources, and Ground Water of the Cleveland Area, Tennessee. S9710 (ETSU) Division of Geology Bulletin. T1020 The Magnetic Iron Ore of East Tennessee and Western North Carolina. Til 50 Administrative Report of State Geological Survey, 1910-1923-1924. T1250 (ETSU) Bulletin. T1260 (ETSU) Geologic Maps and Mineral Resources Summary. T1270 (ETSU) Geology and Barite Deposits of the Del Rio District, Cocke County, Tennessee. T1280 (ETSU) Knoxville and Vicinity, Tennessee. 1953. T3000 Cranberry Folio, North Carolina — Tennessee. U3130 (WCU) Geology & ore deposits of the Ducktown mining district, Tenn., 1926. U3180 Greenville Folio, Tennessee — North Carolina. U3200 (WCU) Knoxville Folio, Tennessee — North Carolina. U3220 (WCU) Mount Mitchell Folio, North Carolina — Tennessee. U3260 (WCU) Nantahala Folio, North Carolina — Tennessee. U3270 (WCU) Roan Mountain Folio, Tennessee — North Carolina. U3330 (WCU) Annotated Bibliography of the Geology of Tennessee Through December, 1950. W7130 (ETSU) Annotated Bibliography of the Geology of Tennessee, January, 1951, Through December, 1960. W7140 (ETSU) Guidebook to Geology Along Tennessee Highways. W7150 (ETSU) Ground Water Resources and Geology of Cumberland County, Tennessee. W7340 (LMC) GEOLOGY — TENN., EAST Preliminary Report on the Red Iron Ores of East Tennessee, Northeast Alabama, and Northwest Georgia. B8430 GEOLOGY — VA. Geology of the Lexington Quadrangle, Virginia. B3510 (ETSU ASU) The Earthquake History of Virginia, 1900-1970. B5140 Resources of South-west Virginia, Showing the Mineral Deposits of Iron, Coal, Zinc, Copper and Lead. Also, the Staples of the Various Counties, Methods of Transportation Access, etc. B5840 (ASU BC) Southwest Virginia and Contiguous Territory: Mineral Resources and Railway Facilities, Statistics, Information, Markets for Coke, Fuel, Ores, etc. B5850 (BC) SUBJECT Geology of the Clinchport Quadrangle, Virginia. B6500 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Resources of the Lynchburg Quadrangle, Virginia. B7440 (ETSU) Fensters in the Cumberland Overthrust Block in Southwestern Virginia. B9470 (ETSU) Geology of the Appalachian Valley in Virginia. B9500 (ETSU ASU) Geologic Map of the Appalachian Valley of Virginia with Explanatory Text. B9510 (ETSU) Geology of the Big Stone Gap Coal Field of Virginia and Kentucky. C760 (BC) The Valley Coal Fields of Virginia. C770 (ETSU) Sedimentary Studies in the Middle River Drainage Basin of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. C1480 (ASU) Microtectonics Along the Western Edge of the Blue Ridge, Maryland and Virginia. C5100 (LMC) Geology of the Draper Mountain Area, Virginia. C7110 (ETSU) The Geology of the Region Between Roanoke and Winchester in the Appalachian Valley of Western Virginia. C7120 Journal of a Tour through the United States and Canada, Made during the Years 1937-38. D440 Bits of History and Legends Around and About the Natural Bridge of Virginia, 1730-1950. D1080 (ASU) Bits of History and Legends around and about the Natural Bridge of Virginia from 1730-1950. D1090 (BC) Geology and Mineral Resources of Floyd County of the Blue Ridge Upland, Southwestern Virginia. D2340 (ETSU) Geology and Virginia. D2350 (ETSU) Virginia Mineral Localities. D2360 (ETSU) The Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise County and the Coal-bearing Portion of Scott County, Virginia. E670 (ETSU ASU) The Geomorphic History of the New Kanawha River System. F3300 (ETSU) The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-bearing Portion of Lee County, Virginia. G1350 (LMC ETSU) G4770 Geology of Luray Caverns, Virginia. H80 (ETSU FC) Intrenched Meanders of the North Fork of the Shenandoah River, Virginia. HI 00 Ground Water in the Ordovician Rocks near Woodstock, Virginia. H660 The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-bearing Portion of Tazewell County, Virginia. H2510 (ETSU) Possibilities for Manganese Ore on Certain Undeveloped Tracts in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia. H5130 The Earthquake History of Virginia, 1774 to 1900. H7140 Oil and Gas Wells Drilled in Southwestern Virginia before 1950. H7900 (ASU) Ground-water Supplies in Shale and Sandstone in Fairfax, Loudoun, and Prince William Counties, Virginia. J2150 Cetothere Skeletons from the Miocene Choptank Formation of Maryland and Virginia. K610 (ETSU) Geology of the Elkton Area, Virginia. K2440 Manganese Deposits of the Elkton Area, Virginia. K2460 138 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Manganese Deposits of the Lyndhurst-Vesuvius District, Augusta and Rockbridge Counties, Virginia. K2760 Manganese Deposits of the Sweet Springs District, West Virginia and Virginia. L70 The Geology and Ore Deposits of the Virgilina District of Virginia and North Carolina. L400 (ETSU ASU) Caverns of Virginia. Ml 540 (LMC) Triassic Formations of the Danville Basin. M5300 (ETSU) N260 Lower Middle Ordovician of Southwest Virginia and Northeast Tennessee. P4760 (ETSU) The Endless Caverns of the Shenandoah Valley. R1150 (BC) The Natural Bridge of Virginia and Its Environs. R1160 Annotated Geological Bibliography of Virginia. R2890 (ETSU) Occurrence and Origin of the Titanium Deposits of Nelson and Amherst Counties, Virginia. R3800 Manganese and Quartzite Deposits in the Lick Mountain Region of Wythe Co. S6710 Phosphate Deposits in Southwestern Virginia. S7670 Geologic Map of the Evarts Quadrangle and Part of the Hubbard Springs Quadrangle, Southeastern Kentucky and Virginia. T770 (BC) Geology of the Leesburg Quadrangle, Virginia. T8800 (ETSU) The Natural Bridge and Its Historical Surroundings. T8880 (ASU FC BC) Manganese deposits of the Lyndhurst-Vesuvius district, Augusta & Rockbridge Co., Va., 1943. U3230 Manganese deposits of the Flat Top & Round Mtn district, Bland & Giles Co., Va., 1944. U3240 Oil & gas wells drilled in southwest Va., before 1950. U3280 Possibilities for Manganese ore or certain undeveloped tracks in Shenandoah Valley, Va., 1918. U3310 Virginia: A Geographical and Political Summary, Embracing a Description of the State, Its Geology, Soils, Minerals and Climate; Its Animal and Vegetable Productions; Manufacturing and Commercial Facilities; Religious and Educational Advantages,Internal Improvements, and Form of Government. WOO (BC) Bulletin. V910 The Clay and Shales of Va. West of the Blue Ridge. V920 Fensters in the Cumberland Over Thrust in Southwest Va. V940 Geology and Coal Resources of Buchanan Co., Va. V950 The Geology and Coal Resources of the Coal-Bearing Portion of Tazewell Co., Va. V960 The Geology and Coal Resources of Dickenson Co., Va. V970 Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise Co. and Coal Bearing Portions of Scott Co., Va. with a Chapter on the Forest of Wise Co. V980 Guidebook, Field Conference of Pennsylvania Geologists, Virginia — 1938. V990 (ETSU) Reprint Series. VI020 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY GEOLOGY — VA. Geology and Oil and Gas Possibilities of Upper Mississippian Rocks of Southwestern Virginia, Southern West Virginia, and Eastern Kentucky. W7060 (ASU) GEOLOGY — VA. - WILLIAMSVILLE QUADRANGLE Geology of the Williamsville Quadrangle, Virginia. B3520 (ETSU) GEOLOGY — W. VA. Sandstones of West Virginia. A4610 (ETSU) Centennial Field Trip. A5290 (ETSU) Coal and Coal Mining in West Virginia. B1200 Wood County Deep Well. Well Log, Sample, and Core Description. B2160 (ETSU) Ground-water Features of Berkeley and Jefferson Counties, West Virginia. B3560 (ETSU) Second Preliminary Report: The St. Albans Site, Kanawha County, West Virginia, 1964-1968. B7540 (ASU) Annual Field Trip of the Appalachian and Pittsburgh Geological Societies in the Great Valley in West Virginia. B8530 (ETSU) Soil Survey of the Middlebourne Area, West Virginia. C60 Soil Survey of the Wheeling Area, West Virginia. C70 Character of Coal in the Thomas Bed near Harrison, West Virginia. C750 Grand Appalachian Field Excursion. C7130 (BC) Caverns of West Virginia. D710 (ETSU) West Virginia's Buffalo Creek Flood: A Study of the Hydrology and Engineering Geology. D720 Stratigraphy of Onesquethaw Stage of Devonian in West Virginia and Bordering States. D1820 (ETSU) Structure of Devonian Strata along Allegheny Front from Corriganville, Maryland, to Spruce Knob, West Virginia. D1830 (ETSU) Water Resources of Kanawha County, West Virginia. D2830 (ETSU) Surface Water Supply of West Virginia. E2170 (ETSU) Publications of West Virginia Geological Survey. E2190 (ASU) A Subsurface Study of the Greenbrier Limestone in West Virginia. F1610 (ETSU ASU) The Geomorphic History of the New Kanawha River System. F3300 (ETSU) A Gazetteer of West Virginia. G270 (BC ASU) The Igneous Rocks of Pendleton County, West Virginia. G380 (ETSU) Iron Ores, Salt and Sandstones. G4270 (ETSU) Geology of Oil and Gas Fields in Steubenville, Burgettstown, and Claysville Quadrangles, Ohio, W. Va., and Pa. G4340 Surface Water Supply of the New-Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, and North Carolina. G4490 Oil and Gas Report and Map of Doddridge and Harrison Counties, West Virginia. H3550 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Lewis and Gilmer Counties, West Virginia. H3560 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. H3570 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. H3580 (ETSU) SUBJECT Oil and Gas Report on Braxton and Clay Counties, West Virginia. H3610 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report on Kanawha County, West Virginia. H3620 (ETSU) West Virginia's Oil and Gas Lubricants and Fuels. H3630 (ETSU) Germanium in Coals of West Virginia. H4140 (ETSU) Permeability, Porosity, Oil, and Water Content of Natural Gas Reservoirs, Kanawha-Jackson and Campbells Creek Oriskany Fields. H4150 (ETSU) Braxton and Clay Counties. H4700 (ASU) Wirt, Roane and Calhoun Counties. H4720 (ETSU) Wyoming and McDowell Counties. H4730 (ETSU) Photogeologic Techniques Applied to the Mapping of Rock Joints. H7410 (ETSU) Spectrographic Chemical Analysis. H8470 (ETSU) Earth Science, A Handbook on the Geology of West Virginia. J400 Soil Survey of Fayette County, West Virginia. K1630 Soil Survey of Monroe County, West Virginia. K1650 Soil Survey of Summers County, West Virginia. K1660 Manganese Deposits of the Sweet Springs District, West Virginia and Virginia. L70 Bibliography and Index of West Virginia Geology and Natural Resources to July 1, 1937. L3870 (ETSU) The Geology of Cacapon State Park, West Virginia. L3880 (ETSU) The Geology of Hawks Nest State Park, West Virginia. L3890 (ETSU) The Geology of Lost River State Park, West Virginia. L3900 (ETSU) The Geology of Watoga and Droop Mountain Battlefield State Parks, West Virginia. L3910 (ETSU) Clays of West Virginia. M950 (ETSU) Limestones of West Virginia. M960 (ASU ETSU) Dolomite Zone at Base of Greenbrier Limestone (Big Lime). M3520 (ETSU) Petrology and Correlation of Deep-well Sections in West Virginia and Adjacent States. M3530 (ETSU) Well-sample Records. M3570 (ETSU) Part 1: The Living Flora of West Virginia. Part 2: The Fossil Flora of West Virginia. M6100 (ETSU) Economic Geology of the Kenova Quadrangle, Kentucky, Ohio, and West Virginia. P2510 P4280 (ETSU) Greenbrier County. P4530 (LMC ETSU) Pocahontas County. P4550 (ETSU) Salt Brines of West Virginia. P4560 (ETSU) Springs of West Virginia. P4570 (ETSU) Barbour and Upshur Counties and Western Portion of Randolph County. R1260 (ASU ETSU) Mercer, Monroe, and Summers Counties. R1280 (ASU ETSU) Mineral and Grant Counties. R1290 (ASU ETSU) Nicholas County. R1300 (ASU ETSU) Randolph County. R1310 (ASU ETSU) Tucker County. R1320 (ASU LMC ETSU) 139 GEOLOGY—GREAT A Pressure Chamber for the Impregnation of Porous Rock Specimens. R1520 (ETSU) A Simple Technique for the Determination of Weight Per Cent of Calcite and Dolomite in Carbonate Rocks. R1530 (ETSU) Relation of Geology to Drainage, Floods, and Landslides in the Petersburg Area, West Virginia. S8030 (ETSU) High-alumina Clays of West Virginia. T120 (ETSU) Hampshire and Hardy Counties. T8670 (ETSU) Pendleton County. T8680 (ETSU) Deep-well Records. T9670 (ETSU) Summarized Records of Deep Wells. T9680 (ETSU) Levels Above Tide. True Meridians. Report on Coal. W5450 (ETSU) Levels. Coal Analyses. W5460 (ETSU) Stratigraphy of the Bituminous Coal Field of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia. W5470 Supplementary Coal Report. W5480 (ETSU) Geology and Oil and Gas Possibilities of Upper Mississippian Rocks of Southwestern Virginia, Southern West Virginia, and Eastern Kentucky. W7060 (ASU) GEORGIA — HISTORY Official History of Catoosa County, Georgia, 1853-1953. Ml 070 (ASU LMC BC) GERMANS The German Settlers in Lincoln County and Western North Carolina. N1240 (LMC) Pennsylvania German Pioneers: A Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808. S7790 (ASU) Pennsylvania German Pioneers: A Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808. S7800 (ASU) GERMANS — PA. The Pennsylvania Germans of the Shenandoah Valley. S4620 (ASU) GERMANS (PALATINE) North Carolina Palatine-Germans (Futch Family). S4660 (ASU) GLASS INDUSTRY — W. VA. The Pressed and Blown Glassware Industry. S4180 (ASU) GRANDFATHER MOUNTAIN "An Avifaunal Strip Census on Grandfather Mountain." A1460 (ASU) GRANTS AND RECORDS — TENN. North Carolina Land Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791. C1800 (ETSU BC ASU) GREAT SMOKY MOUNTAINS Walking in the Clouds. A380 (ETSU ASU) Mt. LeConte. A440 (LMC ETSU) Mt. LeConte. A450 (WCU ASU) Land of High Horizons. B5770 (ASU WCU LMC BC ETSU) The Village of Five Lives: The Fontana of the Great Smoky Mountains. B5960 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Smoky Mountain Country. C320 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Birth of a National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains: An Unprecedented Crusade which Created, as a Gift of the People, the Nation's Most Popular Park. C520 (ASU ETSU WCU MHC WWC BC) �GREAT—HANDICRAFTS GREAT SMOKY MOUNTAINS Birth of a National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains; an Unprecedented Crusade Which Created, as a Gift of the People, the Nation's Most Popular Park. C530 Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. C540 (LMC WCU ETSU) Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. C550 (ASU LMC WCU WWC BC) Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. C560 (ETSU BC) Wild Flowers of the Great Smokies and Surrounding Area, a Pictorial Guide. C2120 (ASU UNCA) Song of Life in the Smokies. C7670 (LMC) Song of Life in the Smokies: Stories of Mine Own People and Sketches of Life as It Was Lived in the Mountains Before the Park Took Over. C7680 (ETSU) Great Smokies: Wonderland for Boys and Girls. D2230 (ASU) That's Why They Call It ... the Names and Lore of the Great Smokies. F1000 (WCU ETSU BC ASU) That's Why They Call It ... the Names and Lore of the Great Smokies. F1010 (ASU LMC) The Cherokee and His Smoky Mountain Legends. F1340 (ASU ETSU BC) Jessie's Children. F2120 (LMC) Gatlinburg, Gateway to the Great Smokies. F2230 Strangers in High Places: The Story of the Great Smoky Mountains. F3470 (ASU WCU LMC MHC FC ETSU BC) Hunting and Fishing in the Great Smokies. G550 (BC UNCA ASU WCU LMC) The Phonetics of Great Smoky Mountain Speech. G790 (ASU ETSU) 'Vegetation of the Grassy Balds of the Great Smoky Mountains." G1300 G3450 (ASU) G4640 (ASU) Geology of the Eastern Great Smoky Mountains, North Carolina and Tennessee. H160 (LMC ASU) The Phonetics of Great Smoky Mountain Speech. H780 Sayings from Old Smoky, Some Traditional Phrases, Expressions, and Sentences Heard in the Great Smoky Mountains and Nearby Areas: An Introduction to a Southern Mountain Dialect. H800 (ASU BC LMC MHC) Twenty Years of Hunting and Fishing in the Great Smoky Mountains. H3850 Smoky Mountain Square Dances. H4630 (ASU) Mushrooms of the Great Smokies: A Field Guide to Some Mushrooms and Their Relatives. H5050 (ASU WHC LMC UNCA BC WWC) Your National Parks: Great Smoky Mountains. H7790 (ETSU) Amphibians and Reptiles of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. H8160 (UNCA ASU LMC WCU BC) Twenty Years of Hunting and Fishing in the Great Smoky Mountains. H8360 "Regional English of the Former Inhabitants of Cades Cove in the Great Smoky Mountains." J2450 The Complete Peddler's Pack: Garfles, Songs, Rhymes, and Riddles from Mountain Folklore. J3060 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU FC) Geology of the Central Great Smoky Mountains, Tennessee. K2430 (ASU LMC) Geology of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, Tennessee and North Carolina. K2450 (ETSU) L300 (UNCA ASU) SUBJECT "The Campaign for a National Park in Western North Carolina, 1885-1940." L540 (WCU) Mammals of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. L2710 (WCU WWC ASU LMC) Mammals of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. L2720 (BC) A Bibliography for the Great Smoky Mountains. M730 A Brief History of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park Movement in North Carolina. M740 Guide to the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. M760 (WCU) Fishing in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park and Adjacent Waters. M3090 The Lure of the Great Smokies. M4030 The Lure of the Great Smokies. M4040 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU WWC BC) Tall Tales from Old Smoky. M4210 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) Valhalla in the Smokies. M4580 (ETSU ASU BC) Great Smoky Mountain Stories and Sun over Ol' Starlin. M4850 (LMC WCU) Hiker's Guide to the Smokies. M9070 (ASU LMC WCU) Appalachian Wilderness: The Great Smoky Mountains. P3600 (UNCA BC ASU WCU ETSU) Appalachian Wilderness: The Great Smoky Mountains. P3610 (ASU BC) Gatlinburg and the Great Smokies. P4970 The Great Smoky Mountains National Park. R560 (ASU) In the Arms of the Mountain: An Intimate Journal of the Great Smokies. S1710 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Great Smoky Mountains National Park, North Carolina and Tennessee. S8840 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU) Trees, Shrubs, and Woody Vines of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. S8870 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) Trees, Shrubs, and Woody Vines of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. S8880 A National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains. S9380 Joint Legislative Committee Report on the Great Smoky Mountains and Other Areas for a National or State Park. T1400 The Great Smoky Mountains. T8360 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) The Great Smoky Mountains. T8370 (WCU LMC BC ETSU) The Great Smoky Mountains. T8380 (ETSU) Cherokee Landmarks Around the Great Smokies. W6100 (LMC) GREAT SMOKY MOUNTAINS — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL Roamin' with the Roamin' Men of the Smoky Mountains. O30 (ASU LMC BC) GREAT SMOKY MOUNTAINS NATIONAL PARK N2790 (MHC ASU) GREEN RIVER Bibliography of the Green River Valley. J1120 GUNS — KENTUCKY RIFLES Thoughts on the Kentucky Rifle in its Golden Age. K2210 (ASU) GUNS — KY. RIFLES Recreating the Kentucky Rifle. B7990 (ASU BC) 140 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY GUNS — LONG RIFLES — KY. The Kentucky Rifle: A Study of the Origin and Development of a Purely American Type of Firearm, Together with Accurate Historical Data Concerning Early Colonial Gunsmiths and Profusely Illustrated with Photographic Reproduction of Their Finest Work. D2430 (LMC BC) The Kentucky Rifle. D2440 (ASU MHC BC) GUNS — LONGRIFLES Longrifles of North Carolina. B4280 (ASU LMC BC) Recreating the Kentucky Rifle. B7990 (ASU BC) The Pennsylvania-Kentucky Rifle. K240 (BC LMC ASU) GUYANDOT RIVER "The Transformation of the Tug and Guyandot Valleys: Economic Development and Social Change in West Virginia, 1888-1921." C9390 HANDICRAFTS Natural Dyes and Home Dyeing. A620 (BC ASU WCU) A2750 "Some Recent Contributions of the Cherokee Indians of North Carolina to the Crafts of the Southern Highlands." A4820 (ASU ETSU) Shuttlecraft Book of American Handweaving. A5460 (BC) American Patchwork Quilts. B70 (ASU) The Art of Hooked-rug Making. B1880 (LMC) The Moravian Potters in North Carolina. B4290 (LMC) Kentucky Coverlets. B5660 (BC) Homespun Handicrafts. B5710 (BC) The Magic of Spinning. C2940 (ASU WCU) Basketry. C4020 (ASU WCU) Common Clay. C7980 (LMC ASU WCU) Encouraging American Craftsmen. C7990 (WCU LMC ASU) Encouraging American Handcrafts: What Role in Economic Development? C8000 (LMC) Pottery Workshop: A Study in the Making of Pottery from Idea to Finished Form. C8010 (WCU) "Glass Production Processes of the Kanawha Valley Area." C8070 (ASU) The Dye-Pot. D680 A Handweaver's Pattern Book. D1290 (ASU BC) A Handweaver's Source Book; A Selection of 224 Patterns from the Laura M. Allen Collection. D1300 Pennsylvania German Home Weaving. D1310 Artisans of the Appalachians. D4040 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC BC) Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands: With an Account of the Rural Handicraft Movement in the United States and Suggestions for the Wider Use of Handicrafts in Adult Education and in Recreation. E560 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC) References on the Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands. El 000 (BC) References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians. El 010 References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians. E1020 (BC ETSU LMC ASU) Handspinning: Art and Technique. F90 (LMC) Old Patchwork Quilts and the Women Who Made Them. F1040 (BC) The Story of the Penland Weavers. F1880 (ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY HANDICRAFTS Pattern in the Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States. G2080 (ASU BC WCU LMC FC) Complete Guide to Hand Spinning, Teasing, Carding, Spinning. G3280 (ASU) Patchwork for Beginners. G3660 (ASU) The Romance of the Patchwork Quilt in America: In Three Parts. H590 (ASU BC) Mountain People, Mountain Crafts. H7320 (ASU) The Standard Book of Quilt Making and Collecting. 130 (ASU BC) Weaving as a Hobby. 140 (BC ASU) Loom-fixing and Weaving; A Book for All Who Are Interested in Such Matters. 11010 Indian Basketry. J340 One Hundred and One Patchwork Patterns: Quilt Name Stories, Cutting Designs, Material Suggestions, Yardage Estimates, Definite Instructions for Every Step of Quilt Making. M1880 (ASU WCU BC) Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Her Unique Penland School. M7620 (ASU BC ETSU FC WCU WWC) The Knox County Economic Opportunity Council Anti-Poverty Arts and Crafts. M9080 Inkle. N390 Potential Earning Power of Southern Mountaineer Handicraft. N1020 (BC) Artistry in Quilts. N2470 (ASU) Potential Earning Power of Southern Mountaineer Handicrafts. N2990 A Book of Handwoven Coverlits. 060 (BC) 0680 (ASU) Catalog. P1720 (ETSU) Seat Weaving. P2250 American Quilts and Coverlets; A History of a Charming Native Art. P2390 How to Make Whirligigs and Whimmy Diddles and Other American Folkcraft Objects. P2450 Dictionary of Weaves; a Collection of All Weaves from Four to Nine Harness. P3770 (BC) American Potters and Pottery. R230 (BC) Mountain Artisans: An Exhibit of Patchwork and Quilting, Appalachia. R1820 (BC) The Shenandoah Pottery. R1890 (ASU BC) Dyes from Plants. R3170 (ASU) America's Quiits and Coverlets. S70 (ASU) America's Quilts and Coverlets. S80 (ASU) Old Fashioned Quilts. S2060 The Origins and Characteristics of Folk Art in West Virginia. S2450 Introducing Quilting. S3180 (ASU) Arts and Crafts of the Shenandoah Valley. S4610 (ASU BC FC) Confrontation with the Arts: The Arts in Education — What? For Whom? How? A Symposium Held at Western Carolina University, March 6-7, 1969. S5230 (ASU WCU) Crafts in the Southern Highlands. S5750 (BC ASU) Crafts in the Southern Highlands. S5760 HANDICRAFTS-HEALTH SUBJECT Vanishing Crafts and Their Craftsmen. S6940 (ASU) A Weavin' Woman. S7110 (LMC) Whittling and Woodcarving. T160 (ASU) Apple and Doughhead Doll ma king: Clothes Patterns Included. T520 (WCU) Crafts in the Southern Highlands. W1980 HANDICRAFTS — APP. C8350 (WCU ASU) Mountain Homespun. G2610 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC WWC) A Handbook and Resource Guide for New Craft Groups. H8040 "Chairmaking in Appalachia: A Study in Style and Creative Imagination in American Folk Art." J2520 (ASU) Four-Harness Huck. N380 The Golden Age of Homespun. V400 (ASU) Home Industries and Domestic Weavings. W5100 HANDICRAFTS — CHEROKEE . . . Decorative Art and Basketry of the Cherokee. S6100 (ASU) HANDICRAFTS — GA. "Georgia Jug Makers: A History of Southern Folk Pottery." B9190 The Foxfire Book: Hog Dressing; Log Cabin Building; Mountain Crafts and Foods; Planting by the Signs; Snake Lore, Hunting Tales, Faith Healing; Moonshining; and Other Affairs of Plain Living. W6020 (FC ASU BC) Foxfire 2: Ghost Stories, Spring Wild Plant Foods, Spinning and Weaving, Midwifing, Burial Customs, Corn Shuckin's, Wagon Making and More Affairs of Plain Living. W6030 (FC ASU BC) Foxfire 3: Animal Care, Banjos and Dulcimers, Hide Tanning, Summer and Fall Wildplant Foods, Butter Churns, Ginseng, and Still More Affairs of Plain Living. W6040 (ASU) HANDICRAFTS — INDIAN Sun Circles and Human Hands: The Southeastern Indians Art and Industries. F3830 (ASU MHC WCU BC) HANDICRAFTS — KY. The Development of Kentucky's Handicraft Industry. E2380 HANDICRAFTS — N. C. The Arts and Crafts in North Carolina, 1699-1840. C8380 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Jugtown Pottery: History and Design. C8600 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Unique Penland School. M7630 North Carolina Museum of History, Raleigh. N2010 (ASU) HANDICRAFTS — TENN. "Handicrafts in Sevier County, Tennessee." H6180 (ASU) HANDICRAFTS — W. VA. Economic Impact of the Mountain State Art and Craft Fair, Ripley, West Virginia, 1964. H50 Mountain Heritage. M4410 Mountain Heritage, Mountain State Art and Craft Fair Cedar Lakes. M4420 "The Revival of the Folk Arts in West Virginia." R420 (ASU LMC) HEALTH "Tuberculosis in Eastern Kentucky." A820 (ASU) Health Development Plan — 1969, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Alabama. A930 (ASU) 141 Health Development Plan — 1970, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties. A940 (ASU) Regional Health Demonstration Project, Phase 2, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Ala. A950 (ASU) A2770 (ASU) Immunization Cooperation in Southwest Virginia. B60 Wide Neighborhoods: A Story of the Frontier Nursing Service. B6450 (ASU BC LMC MHC WCU WWC) "A Literature Survey of the Effects and Controls of Pneumoconiosis." C100 Health and Nutrition in Disadvantaged Children. a 700 Southern Home Remedies. C3920 (BC ASU) Coal Mine Health and Safety; the Case of West Virginia. MHO (BC) Coal Mining Health and Safety in West Virginia. Ml 20 Resources of the Southern Fields and Forests, Medical, Economical, and Agricultural. Being Also a Medical Botany of the Confederate States. P3590 (LMC BC) "Anxiety in Coal Miners." R1680 The Nutrition and Care of Children in a Mountain County of Kentucky. R3000 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969. Report Together with Minority, Supplemental, and Separate Views from the Committee to Accompany H. R. 13950, October 13, 1969. U2280 Legislative History: Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act. U2290 Coal Mine Health and Safety. Hearings before the Subcommittee on H. R. 4047, H. R. 4295, and H. R. 7976, March 4-May 1, 1969. U2300 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969. Report from the Committee Together with Individual Views to Accompany S. 2917, September 17, 1969. U2330 Coal Mine Health and Safety. Hearings before the Subcommittee on S. 355, S. 467, S. 1094, S. 1178, S. 1300, and S. 1907, February 27-May 2, 1969. U2340 Malaria Control on Impounded Water. U3880 HEALTH — APP. A2770 (ASU) Report to the Appalachian Regional Commission. A3970 (ASU) A Model Rural Non-profit Health Care System. A4000 (ASU) C4150 (WCU) Health Care Services and Facilities in the Southern Appalachian Region. C7930 (BC) Health Careers in the Appalachian South. C7940 (BC) Bubbling Waters. F1070 (ASU LMC BC) "Health, Education, and Income as Correlates of Demand for Hospital Care in the Southern Mountains." 01100 Health and Health Services in the Southern Appalachians, a Source Book. HI 090 (ASU ETSU) Southern Home Remedies. H2650 (AASU LMC) The Case Against Hunger: A Demand for a National Policy. H6670 An Analysis of Appalachian State Coal Mine Health and Safety and Workmen's Compensation Programs: Recommendations for Improvement. K880 (ASU) �HEALTH—HEALTH HEALTH — APP. Pneumoconiosis in Appalachian Bituminous Coal Miners. LI 40 (ASU) "Severity of Malocclusion Found in Children of Appalachian Heritage Compared with Children of Non-Appalachian Heritage." M3250 Appalachian Regional Hospitals. N1430 Appalachia: Realities of Deprivation. P60 Nurses on Horseback. P3530 (ASU ETSU LMC BC WWC) We Made Peace with Polio. R3310 (ASU) R4310 (ASU BC) S3860 Society and Health in a Mountain Community. A Working Paper. S4720 (ASU) Health Development Plan — 1970. S5570 (ASU) Health & Health Service in the Southern Appalachians, a Source Book. S5660 "Comparative Study of Related Health Fertility Attitudes and Behavior of Families Residing in a Poverty Area." S6190 Patterns of Adaptation in a Changing Mountain Community; Stress and Health. S7060 (BC) Trachoma in Eastern Kentucky. S8780 . . . Community Health and Safety Series no. 1. T5340 Malaria and Its Control in the Tennessee Valley. T5360 Malaria and Its Control in the Tennessee Valley. T5370 Malaria Control: 1. How the Community Can Help. An Office of War Information Reprint of the Tennessee Valley Authority Booklet. T5380 Malaria, the Story of an Individual Problem and a Community Problem. T5400 Prediction of Stream Reaeration Rates. T5410 Quality of Water in Chickamauga Reservoir. T5420 Report. T5430 Significant Developments in TVA's Malaria Control Program Through 1947. T5440 Surface Water Quality in the Chestuee Creek Watershed. T5480 TVA; the Health of a Region. T5500 Annual Report. 1969/70-. T6540 Report to Council of the Southern Mountains on Health Care Services and Facilities in the Southern Appalachian Region. T9850 (ETSU) A medical survey of the bituminous-coal industry. U1620 Consumer Protection and Environmental Health Service U2750 A Medical Survey of the Bituminous-coal Industry. U2850 (LMC) Allegheny, Ashe, Watauga Planning Project for Handicapped Children, ESEA Title III. W1360 (WCU) Newsletter. W4945 (BC) Doctor Woman of the Cumberlands: The Autobiography of May Cravath Wharton, M. D. W5020 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Doctor Woman of the Cumberlands; the Autobiography of May Cravath Wharton, M. D. W5030 (LMC WCU) Frontier Nurse: Mary Breckenridge. W6290 (ASU LMC BC) SUBJECT "Income and Health in Remote Rural Areas: A Study of Four Hundred Families in Leslie County, Kentucky." W6350 Mine Eyes Have Seen: A Woman Doctor's Saga. W7970 (WWC BC) HEALTH — APP. — COAL FIELDS Medical Care in Selected Areas of the Appalachian Bituminous Coal Fields. B8500 Medical-Hospital Problems in the Bituminous Coal Mining Areas. B8510 HEALTH — APP. — HOSPITALS Evolution of a Model Rural Non-profit Health Care System, 1963-1973. A3990 (ASU) HEALTH - CHEROKEE The Cherokee Physician . . . As Given by Richard Foreman. M2830 HEALTH — COAL CAMPS "Earnings, Health, Safety, and Welfare of Bituminous Coal Miners Since the Encouragement of Mechanization by the United Mine Workers of America." D610 HEALTH EDUCATION Health Development Plan — 1969, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Alabama. A930 (ASU) Health Development Plan — 1970, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties. A940 (ASU) Regional Health Demonstration Project, Phase 2, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone Counties, Ala. A950 (ASU) Immunization Cooperation in Southwest Virginia. B60 HEALTH EDUCATION — GA. Use of Health Care Services and Enrollment in Voluntary Health Insurance in Habersham County, Georgia, 1957. B2690 HEALTH — GA. Use of Health Care Services and Enrollment in Voluntary Health Insurance in Habersham County, Georgia, 1957. B2690 Basic Health Needs and Resources in the Upper Hiwassee Development Association Area. S5880 (WCU) . . . Maternity and Infant Care in a Mountain County in Georgia. S6750 (BC) Bureau publication No. 120 Steete, Glenn. Maternity and infant care 5n a mountain county in Georgia. U1600 U4230 HEALTH — KY. Coal Workers' Pneumoconisosis: Workmen's Compensation Treatment and Its Prevention in Kentucky. C3550 (ASU) Trends in the Number and Distribution of Medical Doctors in Kentucky. C4010 Child Welfare in Kentucky. C5110 (ASU) Poverty, Politics, and Health Care: An Appalachian Experience. C8060 (ASU) "Patterns of Response to Rural Medical Practice and Rural Life in Eastern Kentucky." E2030 Health and Demography in Kentucky. F2000 (LMC BC) Quarterly Bulletin. F3500 (ASU BC) Thirty Years Onward. Frontier N. S., 1925-1955. F3510 (BC ASU) Today, Yesterday and Tomorrow. F3520 (BC) "Environmental School Sanitation of an Eastern Kentucky County." J2650 "A Study of the Opinions of the Various Classes of People Toward Pike County's Medical Facilities." J2960 142 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Rural Family Health in a Selected County in Kentucky. M4000 Nurses in Time. PI 520 Annual Report. P2920 (BC) "A Cultural Comparison of Schizophrenia in Mountain Rural and Metropolitan Kentucky." Q140 Southeastern Kentucky Regional Health Demonstration Project. S5610 (ASU) Southeastern Kentucky Regional Health Demonstration Project. S5620 (ASU) Health Development Plan for Year, 1968-69. S5630 (ASU) Southeastern Kentucky Regional Health Demonstration Project. Health Development Plan for Year 1969-70. S5640 (ASU) Trachoma in Eastern Kentucky. S8780 The Nutrition and Care of Children in a Mountain County in Kentucky. U1610 Income and Health in Remote Rural Areas; a Study of 400 Families in Leslie County, Ky. W6360 (BC) The Frontier Nursing Service. W7780 (BC) HEALTH — MIDWIVES Folks Do Get Born. C730 (BC) HEALTH — N. C. Acceptance of Voluntary Health Insurance in Four Rural Communities of Haywood County, North Carolina. H3790 Asheville, Western North Carolina, Nature's Trundle-Bed of Recuperation for Tourist and Health-beds. H4370 Miracle in the Mountains. K140 (ASU LMC MHC WCU WWC FC BC) "Social Change, Adaptive Problems, and Health in a Mountain Community." K190 (LMC ASU) Biennial report. N1690 (ASU LMC) A History of the North Carolina State Board of Health, 1877-1925. N1700 (LMC) Watauga County Reception and Care Plan. N1720 (ASU) Jackson County: Operational Survival Plan. N1790 (WCU) Biennial Report, N2580 (LMC) A Country Doctor Goes to Town. R1200 (ASU) Miracle in the Hills. S4230 (ASU WCU LMC WWC BC) Medicine in Buncombe County Down to 1885, Historical and Biographical Sketches. T880 Rates study for water supply and sewage disposal at Cherokee Indian Agency, Cherokee, North Carolina. U1250 Report on water and sewerage facilities at Cherokee and Soco Valley, North Carolina. U1260 A Country Doctor in the South Mountains. W1000 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Rutherford County and Its Hospital. W1010 (BC) HEALTH — OHIO — APP. REGION Ohio Appalachia Health Development Plan, 1970. O440 (ASU) HEALTH — SPAS The Mineral Springs of Virginia. B8760 The Mineral Springs of Western Virginia: with Remarks on Their Use, and The Diseases to Which They are Applicable. B8770 The Valley Road. 1770 (ASU BC FC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY HEALTH — SPAS Historical Sketches of Virginia, Hot Springs, Warm Sulphur Springs and Bath County. M90 (BC) HEALTH SPAS — APP. Bubbling Waters. F1070 (ASU LMC BC) HEALTH SPAS — VA. The Springs of Virginia: Life, Love and Death at the Waters, 1775-1900. R1470 (ASU FC) HEALTH SPAS — W. VA. The White Sulfur Springs: The Traditions, History, and Social Life of the Greenbriar, White Sulfur Springs. M610 (ASU BC) White Sulphur Springs, a Brief History. T700 (ASU) HEALTH — TENN. "A Study of Health Instruction in Selected High Schools in Washington County, Tennessee." D900 (ETSU) The Medicinal Plants of Tennessee Exhibiting Their Commercial Value, with an Analytical Key, Descriptions in Aid of Their Recognition, and Notes Relating to Their Distribution, Time and Mode of Collection, and Preparation for the Drug Market. G610 A Doctor's Pilgrimage. H1070 "A Survey of the Problems of Freshmen Student Nurses at Memorial Hospital and a Proposed Guidance Program." J1650 (ETSU) The Knoxville Area Diet Manual. K2900 (ETSU) "A Proposed Health Instruction Program for Upper Elementary Grades Adaptable to Carter County." R1730 (ETSU) Basic Health Needs and Resources in the Upper Hiwassee Development Association Area. S5880 (WCU) **A Tentative Health Instruction Program for the Secondary Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." T480 (ETSU) Health and Sanitation Needs and Resources, Bradley County, Tennessee. T9400 "Development of the Health Program for Negroes in Franklin County, Tennessee from 1940-1953." W5820 HEALTH — TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY Malaria Control in the Tennessee Valley. T5390 HEALTH - VA. Medicine in Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. B4660 The Mineral Springs of Virginia. B8760 The Mineral Springs of Western Virginia: with Remarks on Their Use, and The Diseases to Which They are Applicable. B8770 A Country Doctor Goes to Town. R1200 (ASU) Hollow Folk. S2940 (BC LMC ETSU WWC) Hollow Folk. S2950 (ASU) HEALTH — W. VA. A Half-Century of Nursing in West Virginia: The History of the West Virginia State Nurses' Association 1907-1957. B5230 (ASU) The Annals of Pharmacy in West Virginia. C6880 (ASU) "Food Habits of a Selected Group of Pupils in the Wellsbury High School, West Virginia." C6920 The Saga of the Country Doctor Among the W. Va. Hills. F230 (BC) Health, Welfare, and Housing Needs of the Aged in Berkeley County, West Virginia. SI 320 Training Program for Auxiliary Health and Education Personnel in Nine Counties of Southern West Virginia. T9150 (ASU) SUBJECT Early Teachers in W. Va. Univ. School of Medicine, 1869-1922. V330 Report. W3560 (BC) "Food Habits of a Sample of University High School Students." W5660 "Food Habits of the Pupils in Monongahela and Dunbar (West Virginia) High School Whose Parents are Engaged in Coal Mining." W6500 HIGHWAYS C1180 Evaluating Appalachian Woods for Highway Posts. D3200 Highway Accessibility Study for the Appalachian Development Highway System. P4400 Highway Transportation and Appalachian Development: The Impact and Costs of the Appalachian Development Highway System P4410 (ETSU LMS ASU) Economic Impact of Secondary Road Improvements. S8150 Johnson City Transportation Study: Major Route Plan. Traffic Operation Study and Parking Study. T1220 (ETSU) Study on Automobile Junk Yard and Highway Beautification 1964; A Final Report. T1450 HIGHWAYS — APP. The Appalachian Thruway Study. R4420 "The Economic Effects of the Original Section of the Pennsylvania Turnpike on Adjacent Areas." S2560 Appalachian Highway Corridor D-E Impact Study. Final Report. S9140 Highway Program Shows Limited Progress toward Increasing Accessibility to and through Appalachia: Report to the Congress on the Appalachian Regional Commission by the Comptroller General of the United States. U3060 HIGHWAYS — APP. DEVELOPMENT HIGHWAY SYSTEM "A Plan Formulation Methodology for the Appalachian Development Highway System." MHO HIGHWAYS — GA. A Preliminary Major Highway Plan, A Part of the Georgia Mountains Region Development Program. T9130 HIGHWAYS — KY. Boone's Wilderness Road. H5320 Remarks by Lawrence Jones, Deputy Federal Highway Administrator. U1570 HIGHWAYS — PA. The Impact of Interchange Development on the Economy of Clinton County. G210 HIGHWAYS — TENN. Tenn. Historical Markers. T1510 HIGHWAYS — VA. New Roads in Old Virginia. R3920 (LMC) VI050 (BC) HIGHWAYS — W. VA. The Impact of Highway Beautification on the Outdoor Advertising Industry in West Virginia. C1680 "The Economic Impact of Highway Beautification on the Outdoor Advertising Industry in West Virginia." S9280 Public Facility Location Determinations and Impact of New Highway Investment on Accessibility Changes in a Specified Subregion of W. Va. V310 Annual Report. W4400 (BC) 143 HEALTH—HIKING General Highway Maps. W4410 (BC) West Virginia Historic and Scenic Highway Markers. W4420 (BC) "Cost Estimating Model for Identifying Gross Dollar Needs for West Virginia Highways." W5810 HIKING Mt. LeConte. A440 (LMC ETSU) Mt. LeConte. A450 (WCU ASU) A2640 (ASU) A2670 (ASU) Annual Report. A3260 Suggestions as to Outfit for Tramping and Camping. A3290 The Appalachian Trail. A4120 The Appalachian Trail: A Mountain Footpath — A National Scenic Trail. A4130 (LMC ETSU) The Appalachian Trail. A4140 (ETSU) The Appalachian Trail: A Footpath Through the Wilderness for More Than 2,000 Miles from Katahdin in Maine to Springer Mountain in Georgia. A4150 (ASU) The Appalachian Trail: A Mountain Footpath, a National Scenic Trail. A4160 (ASU) Appalachian Trail Conference, Undertaking the Appalachian Trail (A Mountain Foot-path from Maine to Georgia. . . . A4170 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Central and Southwestern Virginia. A4180 (BC LMC ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia. A4190 (LMC BC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia. A4200 (ASU BC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Great Smokies, the Nantahalas, and Georgia. A4210 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Maine. . . A4220 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Maine; the Route of the Appalachian Trail in Maine. . . A4230 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Maine. . . A4240 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians. A4250 (ASU BC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians. A4260 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in the Southern Appalachians. A4270 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and the Great Smokies. A4280 (LMC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina: Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies. A4290 Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies. A4300 (ETSU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Tennessee and North Carolina, Cherokee, Pisgah, and Great Smokies. A4310 (ASU) Guide to the Southern Appalachians. The Appalachian Trail from Virginia-Tennessee Line to Mt. Oglethorpe, Ga. A4320 (ASU BC) Plans for an Appalachian Trail Lean-to. . . A4330 (ASU) Suggestions for Appalachian Trail Users. A4340 Suggestions for Appalachian Trail Users. A4350 �HIKING—HOUSING HIKING Suggestions for Appalachian Trail Users. A4360 Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. A4370 (ASU) Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. A4380 Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. A4390 (ASU) Trail Manual for Appalachian Trail. A4400 Trail Manual for the Appalachian Trail. A4410 Campfires Along the Appalachian Trail. B650 (ASU LMC WCU BC) The Blue Ridge Boys; Narrations of Early Actual Mountain Experiences and Humorous Anecdotes of the Shenandoah National Park Section. B2400 (BC) C1000 (BC) Outdoors in the Cumberlands. C9450 (BC) Jessie's Children. F2120 (LMC) Appalachian Hiker: Adventure of a Lifetime. G520 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) G4650 G4660 G4670 G4680 G4690 G4700 04710 G4720 G4730 G4740 G4750 G4760 Hiker's Guide to the Smokies. M9070 (ASU LMC WCU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in New York and New Jersey. N680 (ASU) Roamin' with the Roamin* Men of the Smoky Mountains. 030 (ASU LMC BC) Guide to Paths in the Blue Ridge: The Appalachian Trail and Side Trails in Southern Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. P3820 (ASU) Guide to Paths in the Blue Ridge: The Appalachian Trail and Side Trails in Southern Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. P3830 (ASU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail and Side Trails in the Shenandoah National Park. P3840 (ETSU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail: From the Susquehanna River to the Shenandoah National Park. P3850 (WCU ETSU LMC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Central and Southwestern Virginia. P3860 Guide to the Appalachian Trail: Susquehanna River to the Shenandoah National Park. P3870 Guide to Trails in the Shenandoah National Park: The Appalachian Trail and Side Trails. P3880 Hiking, Camping, Mountaineering and Trailclearing Equipment. P3890 (ASU) The Backpacker. A Pocket-size Manual Which Deals with All Aspects of Backpacking. Covers Equipment, Food, Getting Organized for Your Trip, and Takes the Reader on a Sample Trip Through the Mountains. S140 Hiker's Guide. S5430 (ASU) The Appalachian Trail: Wilderness on the Doorstep. S9310 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU FC WWC UNCA BC) HISTORIC HOMES Historic Homes of the South-west Mountains, Virginia. M4730 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) SUBJECT HISTORIC HOMES — N. C. The Early Architecture of North Carolina: A Pictorial Survey. J2030 (ASU MHC LMC) Sketches of Early Watauga. Ml 340 (ASU) HISTORIC HOMES — TENN. Landmarks of Tennessee History. A1290 Historical Forts and Houses in Knoxville and Nearby Vicinity. R4450 HISTORIC HOMES — VA. Colonial History of Nelson County, 1734-1807. C5620 (ASU) Old Virginia Houses. F240 (FC) Fredericksburg, Virginia. Its Homes and History, the Battlefields and the Rappahanrock Valley. G2650 Old Homes of Page County, Virginia. K1580 Architecture in Virginia: An Official Guide to Four Centuries of Building in the Old Dominion. 0710 (ASU) The Story of One Hundred Old Homes in Winchester, Virginia. 090 Old Houses in Rockingham County, 1750-1850. T7610 (ASU WCU) State Historical Markers of Virginia. V720 Legends of Loudoun: An Account of the History and Homes of a Border County of Virginia's Northern Neck. W6560 (ASU BC) HISTORIC HOMES — W. VA. Greenbrier Pioneers and Their Homes. D1420 Lewisburg Landmarks. D1430 (ASU BC) Pioneers and Their Homes on Upper Kanawha. 01440 (ASU BC) Our House. E840 (ASU) The Washington Homes of Jefferson County, West Virginia. F30 (WCU) HISTORY West of Suez. W510 (ASU BC) Freedom on the Mountains. W2930 People's Cultural Heritage in Appalachia. W2950 Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America. W8860 HISTORY — ALA. History of Marion County, Alabama. M3220 HISTORY — CIVIL WAR The End of an Era. W7910 (BC) HISTORY — KY. Family History Records of Dr. Thomas Walker, First Explorer of Kentucky. B9040 HISTORY — MD. Copy of a Correspondence Between Governor Thomas, of Maryland, and Governor Tazewell, of Virginia, in Relation to the Unsettled Divisional Boundary Lines Between the Two States. M3920 (ASU) HISTORY — N. C., WESTERN Regional Sketches. N2710 (WCU) HISTORY — VA. Copy of a Correspondence Between Governor Thomas, of Maryland, and Governor Tazewell, of Virginia, in Relation to the Unsettled Divisional Boundary Lines Between the Two States. M3920 (ASU) V1100 (LMC) HISTORY — W. VA. "The Negro in West Virginia Before 1900." S2610 144 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY HIWASSEE RIVER Economic Base Study and Survey of Basic Services for the Hiwassee River Watershed Development Association. F2220 (BC) Lower Hiwassee Valley; Summary of Resources. T3020 Floods on Hiwassee River, Valley River, and Peachtree Creek in Vicinity of Murphy, N C. T7070 HOLSTON RIVER Report of the Conference, 2D Kingsport, Tennessee, 1962. C6390 Frontier Forts along the Clinch, Powell and Holston. HI 130 (BC) Historical Sketches of the Holston Valleys. P4440 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) The French-Broad Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3940 (LMC BC) The French Broad-Holston Country. A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3950 (ETSU) Kingsport, Tennessee: Historical Map of Long Island of the Holston. S6300 Forest Inventory Statistics — Holston River Tributary Area, East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia. T4690 Hitch Hiking Along the Holston River from 1792-1962. W8600 HOME ECONOMICS — APP. Appalachian Resource Development Project, Submitted to the Kellogg Foundation. K1390 HOME ECONOMICS — KY. I860 HOME ECONOMICS — W. VA. Adventures in Good Living. H8330 (ASU BC) HOSPITALS — APP. Appalachian Regional Hospitals. N1430 HOUSING "Tuberculosis in Eastern Kentucky." A820 (ASU) A Study of Potential State and Local Programs to Stimulate Low- and Moderate-income Housing Construction in Ohio Appalachia. Supplement. B1930 (ASU) Status of Rural Housing in the United States. B4120 Sugar Creek Resettlement Area, Leslie County, Kentucky. A Report of a Conference on Planned Relocation, New Housing and Local Employment in Eastern Kenucky, 1966. G1040 The Rural Land Classification Program; a Summary of Techniques and Uses Submitted by G. Donald Hudson, Chief, Land Classification Section, Division of Land Planning and Housing, Tennessee Valley Authority. T5860 Homes for Mountaineers. W4020 Homes for Mountaineers. W4030 HOUSING - APP. H7490 A Summary of a Study of Potential State and Local Programs to Stimulate Low and Moderate-income Housing Construction in Ohio Appalachia. 0370 (ASU) Quality of Rural and Urban Housing in the Appalachian Region. PI 050 (LMC) Selected Rural Counties in Appalachia. U850 Appalachian Housing Assistance. U2760 HOUSING — GA. "Geographic Analysis of Single Dwelling Settlement in Northeast Georgia." B5110 (LMC BC ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY HOUSING — KY. Recent Home Construction in Two Appalachian Counties. F790 A Survey of Low-Cost Housing in Carter County, Kentucky. L2850 (ASU) Kentucky Housing Fund: A Housing Proposal for the Commonwealth of Kentucky. Prospectus and Final Report to the Appalachian Regional Commission. U4190 HOUSING — N. C. A Demonstration Program in Rural Housing: An Area-wide Housing Organization in the Northwest Local Development District. A4880 Tri-county Housing: A Multi-county Response to Housing Problems. A4890 HOUSING — PA. Housing Conditions in Rural Pennsylvania. W7760 HOUSING — TENN. The Tennessee River Valley; a Case Study. G3320 Houses at Morris, Tennessee; a Review of Costs. T5850 HOUSING — W. VA. West Virginia Housing. A Consultant's Report to the Governor's Task Force on Housing and the West Virginia State Development Plan. G30 H7490 West Virginia Housing, Considerations for Planning and Programming. Ml 860 Economic Analysis and Feasibility Study of Proposed Transient Facilities at East River Mountain, Mercer County, West Virginia. R810 Health, Welfare, and Housing Needs of the Aged in Berkeley County, West Virginia. SI 320 West Virginia Housing Development Fund: A Housing Proposal for the State of West Virginia. Prospectus and Final Report. U4200 HUMOR Kentucky Mayor: The Humor and Philosophy of John Edwin Garner. C2610 (BC) Ring-tailed Roarers: Tall Tales of the American Frontier, 1830-60. C3900 (ASU) Gunpowder Creek Philosophy. C4800 (BC) The Adventures of Davy Crockett: Told Mostly by Himself. C8890 (ASU) The Adventures of Davy Crockett, Told Mostly by Himself. C8900 Davy Crockett's Own Story as Written by Himself; the Autobiography of America's Great Folk Hero. C8950 Life of David Crockett, the Original Humorist and Irrepressible Backwoodsman, Comprising His Early History: His Bear Hunting and Other Adventures, His Services in the Creek War. His Electioneering Speeches and Career in Congress. With His Triumphal Tour Through the Northern States and Services in the Texan War. To Which Is Added an Account of His Glorious Death at the Alamo while Fighting in Defence of Texan Independence. C9000 (ASU BC) The Sayings of Davy Crockett in His Own Language. C9060 (ASU) 'Pon my Honor, Hit's the Truth; Tall Tales from the Mountains. D1050 (BC) The Mountain Preacher. D1070 (BC) Davy Crockett: American Comic Legend. D3060 (ASU) Tales of the Blue Ridge. E970 (LMC ASU BC) Gravel in My Shoe. E1090 (ASU WCU LHC MHC ETSU BC) SUBJECT School at Speedwell. El 120 Speedwell Sketches. Ell30 (ASU BC) The Nonsense Book of Riddles, Rhymes, Tongue Twisters, Puzzles and Jokes from American Folklore. El 990 (ASU BC) Scraps of Songs and Southern Scenes: A Collection of Humorous and Pathetic Poems and Descriptive Sketches of Plantation Life in the Backwoods of Georgia. F1760 (ASU) Autobiography of "Old Claib Jones." H720 High Times and Hard Times: Sketches and Tales. H2800 (ASU BC) Sut Lovingood. H2820 (ASU) Sut Lovingood. Yarns Spun by a "Nat'ral Born Durn'd Fool." Warped and Wove for Public Wear. H2830 (ASU BC ETSU) Sut Lovingood's Yarns. H2840 (ASU WWC) Limericks and Lyrics from My Rhododendron Thicket. H4230 (ASU) Some Adventures of Capt. Simon Suggs. H7060 (ASU) Aunt Zone's Web. H8050 (ASU LMC) Southeastern Broadsides Before 1877. H8290 (ASU) Laughter and Tears in the Mountains. L3780 (ASU BC) Humor among These Hills. R530 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) Born of the Mountains. R1740 (ASU WCU LMC) George Washington Harris. R2190 (BC) Nippy and the Yankee Doodle, and More Folk Tales from the Southern Mountains. R2930 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Old Greasybeard: Tales from the Cumberland Gap. R2940 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC WWC MHC BC FC) Sang Branch Settler, Folksongs and Tales of a Kentucky Mountain Family. R2950 (ASU) American Humor: Study of the National Character. R4000 (MHC) Pioneer Proverbs: Wit and Wisdom from Early America. S2750 (ASU WCU) Bill Arp (pseud.) So Called, a Side Show of the Southern Side of the Civil War. S4470 (ASU) Bill Arp: From the Uncivil War to Date, 1861-1903. S4480 (ASU) The Mountaineers: Or, Bottled Sunshine for Blue Mondays. S4850 (ASU BC) Fisher's River Scenes, Reproduced from the Original. S5290 (LMC WCU ASU BC) Senator Sam Ervin's Best Stories. S6950 (WCU BC ASU) Nubbins From Fodderstack Ridge. S6980 (ASU) Echoes From the Hills: Tall Tales From Tennessee. S7020 (LMC BC) Way Down Yonder on Troublesome Creek: Appalachian Riddles and Rustics. S7430 (BC ASU) Sentimental Calendar, Being Twelve Funny Stories. S7450 (ASU WCU) Tall Tales of the Devils Apron. S9270 (LMC BC FC) Carolina Humor: Sketches. T50 (ASU) Fisher's River Scenes. T60 (ASU) Fisher's River (North Carolina) Scenes and Characters by MSkitt Who Was Raised Thar." T70 (ETSU BC) 145 HOUSING—INCOME A Treasury of American Folk Humor; a Rare Collection of Laughter, Tall Tales, Jests and Other Gems of Merriment of the American People. T8570 (FC) Tennessee Tales. W280 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Incidents and Anecdotes. W5270 (LMC) Historical Collections of Georgia: Containing the Most Interesting Facts, Traditions, Biographical Sketches, Anecdotes, etc., Relating to Its History and Antiquities, from Its First Settlement to the Present Time. W5410 (ASU BC) All Good Times. W7800 (BC) Hit Haint the Fish. W7810 (LMC BC) HUMOR — APP. Chuckles to Brighten the Day. K480 Frankly Speaking: A Concoction of Humorous, Serious, and Satirical Verses. W60 (ASU) HUMOR — GA. Bill Arp's Peace Papers. S4490 (ASU) HUMOR - MTN. Wiley Buck and Other Stories. W130 (LMC) HYMNS And They All Sang Halleluiah, Plainfolk Camp-meeting Religion, 1800-1845. B7560 (ASU) The George Pullen Jackson Collection of Southern Hymnody: A Bibliography. C280 (BC) "The Singing School and Shape Note Tradition: Residuals in 20th Century American Hymnody." C3590 (WCU) West Virginia Gems: Songs for the Revival and Social Prayer Meeting. D2280 "The Music of American Revivalism." D3180 (WCU) "The Sacred Harp Tradition of the South: Its Origin and Evolution. El 650 (WCU) "Shape Note Hymnody in the Shenandoah Valley, 1816-1860." E2230 (WCU) James D. Vaughan, Music Publisher, Lawrenceberg, Tennessee, 1912-1964. F1470 (WCU) The West Virginia Centennial Book of One Hundred Songs, 1863-1963; Patriotic Songs, Folk Songs and Hymns. G100 "A Study of the Gospel Song." G2320 (WCU) Cherokee Hymns. G3980 (ASU) The Musical Million: A Study and Analysis of the Periodical Promoting Music Reading through Shape Notes in North America from 1870 to 1914. H870 (WCU) "Ananias Davisson: Southern Tune Book Compiler (1780-1857)." H3230 Sing to Me of Heaven: A Study of Folk and Early American Materials in Three Old Harp Books. H7170 (ASU BC) The George Pullen Jackson Collection of Southern Hymnody: A Bibliography. R1600 The Southern Harmony. W400 (WCU) The Southern Harmony Songbook . . . . W410 (BC) The Sacred Harp. W5310 (WCU ASU) INCOME A2681 A2682 (ASU) A2683 (ASU) Labor in the Industrial South: A Survey of Wages and Living Conditions in Three Major Industries of the New Industrial South. B3150 (LMC) �INCOME—INDIANS INCOME Kentucky Income Payments by Counties, 1939, 1947, 1950 and 1951, M9330 Career Placement and Economic Life Chances of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. S1250 (ASU) Hours and earnings in anthracite and bituminous coal mining. U1390 Employment, Unemployment, and Low Incomes in Appalachia. U2590 INCOME — ALA. Personal Income in Alabama Counties since 1939. H3760 (ASU) Area Wage Survey: The Birmingham, Alabama, Metropolitan Area. U1320 Area Wage Survey: The Huntsville, Alabama, metropolitan area. U1360 INCOME — APP. Income and Wages in the South. H4300 (IMC) Standards of Living in Four Southern Appalachian Mountain Counties. Farm Security Administration Social Research Report, no. 10. L3430 (LMC ASU BC) Miner's Wages and the Cost of Coal: An Inquiry into the Wages System in the Bituminous Coal Industry. L3790 Income and Employment in the Southeast: A Study of Cyclical Behavior. Ml440 (ASU BC) Differentials in Farm Income and Employment in the Tennessee Valley Region Counties. T5180 Wage Chronology: Bituminous Coal Mines, 1933/66-. U1410 Standards of Living in Four Southern Appalachian Mountain Counties. U2560 (BC) "Income and Health in Remote Rural Areas: A Study of Four Hundred Families in Leslie County, Kentucky." W6350 INCOME — GA. Area Wage Survey: The Chattanooga, Tennessee-Georgia, Metropolitan Area. U1340 INCOME — KY. "Distribution of Income Payments to Individuals in Kentucky Counties by Amount, by Type, and by Size: 1950." J1860 Income in Kentucky: County Distributions by Amount, by Type, and by Size. J1870 (LMC BC) Income and Health in Remote Rural Areas; a Study of 400 Families in Leslie County, Ky. W6360 (BC) INCOME — KY. — APP. REGION Kentucky Personal Income, 1961. S370 INCOME — MD. Employment and Underemployment in Rural People: Low Income Groups in Arkansas, Maryland, and West Virginia. LI 860 INCOME — N. C. Personal Income Statistics for North Carolina Counties, 1949-1959. N2140 "A Comparative Analysis of Per Capita Income and Related Factors in North Carolina Counties and the United States for Selected Years From 1939 to 1954." T9530 INCOME — OHIO — APP. COUNTIES Employment, Income and Resources of Rural Families of Southeastern Ohio. S7230 INCOME — PA. "Measurement of Personal Wealth in Centre County, Pennsylvania." Ml 600 Area Wage Survey: The Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, Metropolitan Area. U1370 SUBJECT Area Wage Survey: The Scranton, Pennsylvania, Metropolitan Area. U1380 INCOME — S. C. Area Wage Survey: The Greenville> South Carolina, Metropolitan Area. U1350 INCOME — TENN. Income Differences of Rural People in the Upper East Tennessee Valley. H4510 (ASU) Resources and Incomes of Rural Upper East Tennessee People, a Progress Report of a Study of the Economic Status and Opportunities of Rural People. H4520 (ASU BC) Standards of Living of the Residents of Seven Rural Resettlement Communities. L3440 Income Levels in the Upper Tennessee Valley: A Comparative Analysis. T4470 Problems and Suggested Programs for Low-Income Farmers with Special Reference to the Tennessee Valley. T4510 Area Wage Survey: The Chattanooga, Tennessee-Georgia, Metropolitan Area. U1340 INCOME — VA. Personal Income Estimates for Virginia Counties and Cities, 1955. L270 Personal income estimates for Virginia counties and cities, 1957 and 1958, by John Littlepage Lancaster. VI220 (BC) INCOME — W. VA. Employment and Underemployment in Rural People: Low Income Groups in Arkansas, Maryland, and West Virginia. LI 860 Personal Income in West Virginia Counties by Type and Magnitude, 1960-1963: A Pilot Study. L2410 (ASU) L3740 Towards Solving the Low-Income Problem of Small Farmers in the Appalachian Area. P1010 A Case Study of Six Central West Virginia Counties of the Interrelationships of Factors Leading to Persistence of Low Incomes and Unemployment with Corrective Suggestions. S7460 Area Wage Survey: The Charleston, West Virginia, Metropolitan Area. U1330 INDIAN — LEGENDS John Rattling-Gourd of Big Cove: A Collection of Cherokee Indian Legends. B2740 (ASU WCU LMC WWC) The Path to Snowbird Mountain. B4130 (ETSU) A Legend of Oconaluftee. B6650 (ASU) Indian Legends and Poems. C1200 (ASU) Ocona of the Cherokee Hills. C7140 (ASU LMC MHC) The Story of Lake Junaluska. C9340 (BC) The Cherokee and His Smoky Mountain Legends. F1340 (ASU ETSU BC) Indian Story and Song from North America. F1510 (FC) The Backward Trail; Stories of the Indians and Tennessee Pioneers. H470 Legends and Lore, Southern Indians, Flowers, Holidays. H2270 (ASU) Origin of the Brown Mountain Light in North Carolina. M3160 (ASU) Chilhowee, a Legend of the Great Smoky Mountains. M4500 (LMC BC) Cherokee Animal Tales. M6740 (ASU) Myths of the Cherokee. M6750 (ASU LMC) 146 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Myths of the Cherokee. M6760 (ASU BC WCU) Myths of the Cherokee. M6770 (ASU ETSU WWC) Myths of the Cherokee and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokee. M6780 (ASU LMC) The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees. M6790 (WCU ASU) Cherokee Indian Lore and Smoky Mountain Stories. S3340 (ASU BC) Cherokee Indian Lore and Smoky Mountains Stories. S3350 (ETSU) The Indian's Curse; a Legend of the Cherokees. S5510 (UNCA ASU) Princess Aracoma, Beautiful Story of the Comely Daughter of Chief Cornstalk, Great Sachem of the Shawnee Tribe of Indians Who Was Born Near Point Pleasant, Married a "Pale-face", Migrated to the Guyan Valley and There Met a Tragic Fate at the Hands of the White Man. S9420 (ASU) INDIAN LEGENDS — CHEROKEE Indian Tales of North America: An Anthology for the Adult Reader. C5510 (ASU) Forgotten Trails. G3790 Cherokee Legends and Myths: Appendix to "Junaluska." H3700 (LMC) INDIAN WARS List of the Colonial Soldiers of Virginia. V1190 (ASU) INDIANS — ALLEGHENY Indian Blood. O620 (ASU) INDIANS — APP. The American Indian: A Bibliography. A4071 () The Southern Indians: The Story of the Civilized Tribes Before Removal. C7710 (ASU WCU BC) The Southern Indians: The Story of the Civilized Tribes Before Removal. C7720 (LMC) The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732. C8520 (WCU BC) The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732. C8530 (ASU LMC FC) N90 (ASU) Early History of the Creek Indians and Their Neighbor. S9470 (LMC) A Study of North Appalachian Indian Pottery. W9360 (LMC BC) INDIANS — APP. REGION The Appalachian Indian Frontier. The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. A5310 (ASU BC WCU LMC ETSU) INDIANS — CAPTIVES Red Trails and White. B770 (BC) Jennie Wiley, Pioneer: The True Story of a Virginia Frontier Heroine. B3000 (ASU) The Captives of Abb's Valley. B7151 The Captives of Abb's Valley, a Legend of Frontier Life. B7152 (ASU) Dark Hills to Westward: The Saga of Jennie Wiley. C2200 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC) Eastern Kentucky Papers: The Founding of Harmon's Station, with an Account of the Indian Captivity of Mrs. Jennie Wiley and the Exploration and Settlement of the Big Sandy Valley in the Virginia's and Kentucky. To Which Is Affixed a Brief Account of the Connelley Family and Some of Its Collateral and Related Families in America. C6640 (ASU) The Founding of Harmon's Station and the Wiley Captivity. C6650 (BC ASU) Escape From Indian Captivity. The Story of Mary Draper Ingles and Son Thomas Ingles. S6740 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY INDIANS — CAPTIVES The Kinnan Massacre. S8930 (ASU BC) Held Captive by Indians: Selected Narratives, 1642-1836. VI60 (ASU MHC) White Squaw: The True Story of Jennie Wiley. W5050 (ASU ETSU) White Squaw: The True Story of Jennie Wiley. W5060 (MHC) INDIANS - CATAWBA Adair's History of the American Indians. A270 (BC FC ASU LMC) Adair's History of the American Indians. A280 (WCU) History of the American Indians. A290 (ETSU) The History of the American Indians: Particularly Those Nations Adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida. . . A300 (LMC) John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier. A1040 John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier: A Study of Indian Relations, War, Trade, and Land Problems in the Southern Wilderness, 1754-1775. A1050 (ASU BC FC WCU) American Indians Dispossessed: Fraud in Land Cessions Forced Upon the Tribes. B4860 (ASU) The Catawba Indians: The People of the River. B7100 (ASU) Indians of the Southeast: Then and Now. B9220 (BC) Games of the North American Indians. 24th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute. C9400 (LMC) Indians of North America. D3480 (ASU) An Essay towards an Indian Bibliography: Being a Catalog of Books Relating to the History, Antiquities, Languages, Customs, Religion, Wars, Literature, and Origin of the American Indians, in the Library of Thomas W. Field. F800 (LMC BC) Indian Story and Song from North America. F1510 (FC) A Guide to Manuscripts relating to the American Indian in the library of the American Philosophical Society. F3190 (ASU MHC) Southeastern Indians: Life Portraits: A Catalogue of Pictures, 1564-1860. F3820 (MHC BC) Sun Circles and Human Hands: The Southeastern Indians Art and Industries. F3830 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Textbooks and the American Indian. H4760 (MHC) The Book of Indians. H6660 (ASU MHC) Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States. H6890 The Catawba Nation. H7980 (LMC) The Appalachian Indian Frontier: The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J240 Indians of the Southern Colonial Frontier; The Edmond (Edmund) Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J250 Traditions of the North American Indians. J2380 (LMC) Red Carolinians. M6050 (ASU BC WCU) Red Carolinians. M6060 (LMC) The Aboriginal Population of America North of Mexico. M6730 Indian Trails of the Southeast. M9240 (ASU FC LMC) North Carolina Indians. R370 (WCU) The North Carolina Indians. R380 (ASU LMC BC) The American Indian in North Carolina. R2310 (WCU) SUBJECT The American Indian in North Carolina. R2320 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU UNCA BC) Indians in North Carolina. S5600 (ASU WCU MHC BC UNCA) Catawba Texts. S6080 (LMC BC) INDIANS - CATAWHA Cry of the Thunderbird: The American Indian's Own Story. HI 080 (MHC) INDIANS — CAYUGA Logan. The Last of the Race of Shikellemus, Chief of the Cayuga Nation. A Dramatic Piece. To Which Is Added, the Dialogue of the Backwoodsman and the Dandy, First Recited at the Buffaloe Seminary. July the 1st 1821. D2650 (ASU BC) INDIANS — CHEROKEE Adair's History of the American Indians. A270 (BC FC ASU LMC) Adair's History of the American Indians. A280 (WCU) History of the American Indians. A290 (ETSU) The History of the American Indians: Particularly Those Nations Adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida. . . A300 (LMC) John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier. A1040 John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier: A Study of Indian Relations, War, Trade, and Land Problems in the Southern Wilderness, 1754-1775. A1050 (ASU BC FC WCU) The Cherokee Nation: Fort Mountain, Vann House, Chester Inns, New Echota. A1550 (ASU BC) The Annals of Haywood County, North Carolina: Historical, Sociological, Bibliographical, and Genealogical. A1700 (ASU WCU BC) Memoir of Catherine Brown, a Christian Indian of the Cherokee Nation. A2350 (ASU BC) Memoir of Catharine Brown, a Christian Indian of the Cherokee Nation. A2360 A Description of Hiwassee Old Town. A2440 "Some Recent Contributions of the Cherokee Indians of North Carolina to the Crafts of the Southern Highlands." A4820 (ASU ETSU) Stories from an Indian Cave: The Cherokee Cave Builders. B190 (ASU ETSU WCU) Cherokee Messenger. B1790 (ASU) Cherokee Messenger. B1800 (BC ASU WCU) Cherokee Messenger. B1810 (ASU) Land of the North Carolina Cherokees. B2010 (ASU MHC ETSU) Only the Names Remain: The Cherokees and the Trail of Tears. B2300 (ASU BC WCU ETSU) John Rattling-Gourd of Big Cove: A Collection of Cherokee Indian Legends. B2740 (ASU WCU LMC WWC) "Protestant Missionaries to the American Indians, 1789 to 1862." B3160 The Path to Snowbird Mountain. B4130 (ETSU) Tell Them They Lie. B4140 (ASU LMC) The Cherokee: Indians of the Mountains. B4720 (ASU BC WCU LMC) American Indians Dispossessed: Fraud in Land Cessions Forced Upon the Tribes. B4860 (ASU) A Legend of Oconaluftee. B6650 (ASU) The Cherokee Indians and Those Who Came After, Notes for a History of Cherokee County, North Carolina, 1835-1860. B7000 (ASU) Old Frontiers: The Story of the Cherokee Indians from Earliest Times to the Date of their Removal to the West, 1838. B7250 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) 147 INDIANS—INDIANS Old Frontiers: The Story of the Cherokee Indians from Earliest Times to the Date of Their Removal to the West, 1838. B7260 Military and Genealogical Records of the Famous Indian Woman; Nancy Ward. . . . B9090 Indians of the Southeast: Then and Now. B9220 (BC) TSVLVKI SQCLVLV: A Cherokee Spelling Book. B9450 My Friends, the Cherokees. C1140 (MHC) Indian Legends and Poems. C1200 (ASU) C3630 (ASU) Oconaluftee Indian Village. C3640 (ASU) These Are My People. C3660 Constitution and Laws of the Cherokee Nation. C3680 (ASU) C3710 (ASU) C3720 (ASU) C3730 (MHC ASU) Cherokee Cooklore: Preparing Cherokee Foods. C3870 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) Cherokee Words with Pictures. C3880 (ASU LMC BC) To Make My Bread/ C3890 Cherokee Chief: The Life of John Ross. C4380 (LMC ETSU) Sequoya. C5350 (WCU ETSU BC) Sequoya. C5360 (ASU) Ocona of the Cherokee Hills. C7140 (ASU LMC MHC) The Carolina Indian Frontier. C7470 (ASU WCU) The Cherokee Frontier: Conflict and Survival, 1740-62. C7480 (LMC WCU BC UNA ASU UNCA) The Cherokee Frontier; Conflict and Survival, 1740-62. C7490 (WCU) The Cherokee Frontier: Conflict and Survival, 1740-62. C7500 (ASU) Red Clay and Rattlesnake Springs: A History of the Cherokee Indians of Bradley County, Tennessee. C7530 (ASU LMC MHC BC) The Southern Indians: The Story of the Civilized Tribes Before Removal. C7710 (ASU WCU BC) The Southern Indians: The Story of the Civilized Tribes Before Removal. C7720 (LMC) Story of the Cherokee Indians, and the Trail of Tears, Battle of Cabin Creek, Alloting of Lands: Personal Interviews of Famous People. C9140 (MHC WCU) "Missionary Activities among the Cherokee Indians, 1757-1838." C9150 Games of the North American Indians. 24th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute. C9400 (LMC) "Social Interaction and Kinship in Big Cove Community, Cherokee, N. C." D1020 (ASU) "Social Interaction and Kinship in Big Cove Community, Cherokee, N. C." D1030 (ASU) Map of the Cherokee County, 1837. D1530 "The Indian Boundary Line in the Southern District of British North America, 1763-1779." D1890 The Indian Boundary in the Southern Colonies, 1763-1775. D2000 (ASU WCU LMC BC) "The Judicial History of the Cherokee Nation from 1721 to 1835." D2220 Eastern Band of Cherokees in North Carolina. D2860 �INDIANS—INDIANS INDIANS — CHEROKEE Indians of North America. D3480 (ASU) Romance of the Siamese twins, a Thrilling Story of a Cherokee Indian Family. D3750 The War Trails of the Blue Ridge, Containing an Authentic Description of the Battle of King's Mountain, the Incidents Leading up to and the Echoes of the Aftermath of This Epochal Engagement, and Other Stories Whose Scenes Are Laid in the Blue Ridge. D3760 (BC ASU LMC) Bibliography; the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. E490 E500 (ASU) E510 (ASU) "A History of the Cherokee Indians, 1763-1776." E570 (ASU) John Ross and the Cherokee Indians. E580 (ASU) John Ross and the Cherokee Indians. E590 (ASU) John Ross and the Cherokee Indians. E600 (ASU BC) Social Anthropology of North American Tribes. El 240 A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor; with an Account of the Lead and Copper Deposits in Wisconsin; of the Gold Region in the Cherokee Country: and Sketches of Popular Manners. F410 A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor; with an Account of the Lead and Copper Deposits in Wisconsin; of the Gold Region in the Cherokee Country: and Sketches of Popular Manners. F420 An Essay towards an Indian Bibliography: Being a Catalog of Books Relating to the History, Antiquities, Languages, Customs, Religion, Wars, Literature, and Origin of the American Indians, in the Library of Thomas W. Field. F800 (LMC BC) The Removal of the Cherokee Nation: Manifest Destiny or National Dishonor? F840 (WCU UNCA FC) The Cherokee. F1330 (BC) The Cherokee and His Smoky Mountain Legends. F1340 (ASU ETSU BC) The Cherokees, 1540-1937. F1350 (ASU UNCA) The Cherokees. F1360 The Cherokee Removal, 1838: An Entire Indian Nation Is Forced Out of Its Homeland. F1430 (ASU BC WCU ETSU) Sketch of the Life of Elder Humphrey, Baptist Missionary to the Cherokee Indians. F1480 Indian Story and Song from North America. F1510 (FC) Indian Women Chiefs. F2020 (MHC ASU) Indians Abroad, 1493-1938. F2030 The Five Civilized Tribes. F2040 (WCU BC) The Five Civilized Tribes. F2050 The Five Civilized Tribes. F2060 Indian Removal: The Emigration of the Five Civilized Tribes of Indians. F2070 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Sequoyah. F2080 (BC UNCA WCU ETSU) Sequoyah. F2090 (ASU) Sequoyah. F2100 (ASU LMC) Reminiscences of Travel in Cherokee Lands. An Address Delivered before the Ladies' Missionary Society of the Ithaca, New York, Congregational Church, 1898. F2270 SUBJECT Se-quo-yah; the American Cadmus and Modern Moses. A Complete Biography of the Greatest of Redmen, around Whose Wonderful Life Has Been Woven the Manners, Customs and Beliefs of the Early Cherokees, Together with a Recital of Their Wrongs and Wonderful Progress toward Civilization. F2280 Se-quo-yah; the American Cadmus and Modern Moses. A Complete Biography of the Greatest of Redmen, around Whose Wonderful Life Has Been Woven the Manners, Customs and Beliefs of the Early Cherokees, Together with a Recital of their Wrongs and Wonderful Progress toward Civilization. F2290 Se-quo-yah; the American Cadmus and Modern Moses. A Complete Biography of the Greatest of Redmen, around Whose Wonderful Life Has Been Woven the Manners, Customs and Beliefs of the Early Cherokees, Together with a Recital of Their Wrongs and Wonderful Progress toward Civilization. F2300 Story of the Cherokee Bible. An Address, with Additional and Explanatory Notes, Delivered before the Meeting of the Ladies' Missionary Society of the First Congregational Church, Ithaca, N. Y., Feb. 5, 1897. F2310 A Guide to Manuscripts relating to the American Indian in the library of the American Philosophical Society. F3190 (ASU MHC) Southeastern Indians: Life Portraits: A Catalogue of Pictures, 1564-1860. F3820 (MHC BC) Sun Circles and Human Hands: The Southeastern Indians Art and Industries. F3830 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Priest and Warriors: Social Structures for Cherokee Politics in the 18th Century. G720 (ASU ETSU BC) The Eastern Cherokees. G1320 Sketches of Some of the First Settlers of Upper Georgia, of the Cherokees, and the Author. G1700 (ASU BC LMC) Sketches of Some of the First Settlers of Upper Georgia, of the Cherokees, and the Author. G1710 (ETSU) Forgotten Trails. G3790 "Change in Attitude toward the Indian As the Frontier Line Advanced." G3950 Cherokee Hymns. G3980 (ASU) Sam Houston with the Cherokees, 1829-1833. G3990 (ASU WCU MHC) Starr's History of the Cherokee Indians. G4000 (BC ASU) Indians of Today. G4070 (MHC) The Backward Trail; Stories of the Indians and Tennessee Pioneers. H470 Fort Loudoun on the Little Tennessee. HI 050 (ASU) Cry of the Thunderbird: The American Indian's Own Story. H1080 (MHC) An Album of Historical Memories. Chatata-Tasso, Bradley County, Tennessee, 1830-1961. H2190 Legends and Lore, Southern Indians, Flowers, Holidays. H2270 (ASU) Cherokee and Earlier Remains on Upper Tennessee River. H2610 (BC LMC) Cave Spring and Van's Valley. H2930 (LMC) Map of the Cherokee Territory. H3130 Cherokee Legends and Myths: Appendix to "Junaluska." H3700 (LMC) 148 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Junaluska at the Battle of Horse Shoe Bend: True Story of the Cherokee Chief. H3710 (LMC) Textbooks and the American Indian. H4760 (MHC) Old Cherokee Families: "Old Families and Their Genealogy" . . . with a Comprehensive Index. H5430 "The Tribal Voice of a People in Transition." H6570 The Book of Indians. H6660 (ASU MHC) Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States. H6890 Expansion and American Indian Policy, 1783-1812. H7280 The Golden Book of Indian Crafts and Lore. H8380 (MHC) George Hunter's Map of the Cherokee Country and the Paths Thereto in 1730. H8450 (WCU) Unto These Hills: A Drama of the Cherokee. H8460 (ASU MHC ETSU) Look to the Mountain Top. no 1190 (WCU) Cherokees. 1980 (MHC) The Appalachian Indian Frontier: The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J240 Indians of the Southern Colonial Frontier; The Edmond (Edmund) Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J250 Indian Basketry. J340 Traditions of the North American Indians. J2380 (LMC) Historic Fort Loudoun. K680 Historic Fort Loudoun. K690 The Cherokees of the Smoky Mountains. K1470 (WCU ASU) The Cherokees of the Smoky Mountains: A Little Band That Has Stood Against the White Tide for Three Hundred Years. K1480 (ASU MHC UNCA) The Wahnenauhi Manuscripts: Historical Sketches of the Cherokees, Together with Some of Their Customs, Traditions, and Superstitions. K1810 (WCU) Chronicles of Wolftown: Social Documents of the North Carolina Cherokees, 1850-1862. K1960 (WCU ASU) Eastern Cherokee Folktales: Reconstructed from the Field Notes of Frans M. Olbrechts. K1970 (WCU ASU) Friends of Thunder, Folktales of the Oklahoma Cherokees. K1980 (ASU) New Echota Letters: Contributions of Samuel A. Worcester to the Cherokee Phoenix. K1990 (WCU LMC MHC ASU) Notebook of a Cherokee Shaman. K2000 (WCU ETSU UNCA ASU) Run Toward the Nightland: Magic of the Oklahoma Cherokees. K2010 (LMC MHC) The Shadow of the Sequoyah: Social Documents of the Cherokees, 1862-1964. K2020 (BC ASU WCU LMC ETSU) Walk in Your Soul: Love Incantations of the Oklahoma Cherokees. K2030 (LMC) "Return Jonathan Meigs, Cherokee Indian Agent, 1801-1823." K2070 The Wild Rose of Cherokee, or Nancy Ward, "The Pocahontas of the West." A Story of the Early Exploration, Occupancy, and Settlement of the State of Tennessee. A Romance Founded on and Interwoven With History. K2270 (LMC BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY INDIANS - CHEROKEE The Wild Rose of Cherokee: Or, Nancy Ward, "The Pocahontas of the West", a Story of the Early Exploration, Occupancy and Settlement of the State of Tennessee. A Romance, Founded on and Interwoven with History. K2280 (BC ASU) A Study of Judicial Procedures on the Cherokee Indian Reservation. K2670 (LMC ASU) The "Principal People", I960: A Study of Cultural and Social Groups of the Eastern Cherokee. K3420 (WCU) History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of That Country, Together with the Present State Thereof, and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled Through Several Nations of Indians, Giving a Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc., Etc. L970 (LMC MHC BC) History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of that Country, Together with the Present State Thereof, and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled through Several Nations of Indians, Giving a Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc., Etc. L980 (UNCA) History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of That Country, Together with the Present State Thereof and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled Through Several Nations of Indians, Giving Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc. L990 (WWC ASU) A New Voyage to Carolina. L1000 (LMC ETSU) A New Voyage to Carolina. LI 010 (UNCA) Annotations Pertaining to Prehistoric Research in Tennessee. L2240 American State Papers. Indian Affairs. L3750 Indian Legends. L4050 (LMC) Other Fires: The Story of Tsali. Ml 80 (WWC BC) Cherokees and Pioneers. M220 (ASU LMC) History of Baptist Indian Missions: Embracing Remarks of the Former and Present Condition of the Aboriginal Tribes. Their Settlement Within the Indian Territory, and Their Future Prospects. M790 (WCU) Documents Relating to Indian Affairs, 1754-1756. M1260 (LMC) The Keowee River and Cherokee Background. Ml 320 (BC) Cherokee and Creek Indians. Returns a Property Left in Tennessee and Georgia, 1838. M1470 Memoirs, Official and Personal; with Sketches of Travels among the Northern and Southern Indians; Embracing a War Excursion, and Descriptions of Scenes along the Western Borders. M1850 The American Indian Frontier. M2110 (ASU) The Cherokee Physician . . . As Given by Richard Foreman. M2830 Cherokees of the Old South: A People in Transition. M2920 (UNCA ASU WCU LMC BC ETSU) The Early Nineteenth Century Missionaries in the Cherokee Country. M2930 "A Social History of the Eastern Cherokee Indians from the Revolution to the Removal." M2940 (WCU ASU) "Imperial Regulation of American Indian Affairs 1763-1774." M3460 M5020 (ASU) SUBJECT Bibliography of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. M5280 Red Carolinians. M6050 (ASU BC WCU) Red Carolinians. M6060 (LMC) The American Indian on the New Trail: The Red Man of the United States and the Christian Gospel. M6410 (ASU) The Aboriginal Population of America North of Mexico. M6730 Cherokee Animal Tales. M6740 (ASU) Myths of the Cherokee. M6750 (ASU LMC) Myths of the Cherokee. M6760 (ASU BC WCU) Myths of the Cherokee. M6770 (ASU ETSU WWC) Myths of the Cherokee and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokee. M6780 (ASU LMC) The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees. M6790 (WCU ASU) The Swimmer Manuscript, Cherokee Sacred Formulas and Medicinal Prescriptions. M6800 (ETSU) Indian Trails of the Southeast. M9240 (ASU FC LMC) The American Indian: A Bibliography. N1580 Southern Indians in the American Revolution. O230 (ASU) The Cherokee Story. P400 (UNCA ASU WCU ETSU) John Howard Payne to His Countrymen. PI 120 (WCU) A History of the United States Indian Factory System, 1795-1822. PI 200 Red Men of Fire, a History of the Cherokee Indians. P1610 (LMC MHC) Benjamin Hawkins, Indian Agent. P3910 American Indian Policy in the Formative Years, the Indian Trade and Intercourse Acts, 1780-1834. P4780 (BC ASU) North Carolina Indians. R370 (WCU) The North Carolina Indians. R380 (ASU LMC BC) "The Ross-Watie Conflict: Factionalism in the Cherokee Nation, 1839-1865." R1060 A Law of Blood: The Primitive Law of the Cherokee Nation. R1410 (LMC BC UNCA) Cherokee and Creek. R1750 (ASU LMC) The American Indian in North Carolina. R2310 (WCU) The American Indian in North Carolina. R2320 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU UNCA BC) Indian Territory. R3880 (ASU) "The Cherokee Nation of Indians." Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1883-84. R4170 (UNCA ASU) John Ross, Chief of an Eagle Race. R4330 (ASU) "William Holland Thomas, White Chief of the North Carolina Cherokees." R4380 In the Ranks of Old Hickory, When with the Western Riflemen in Defense Against from Within and Without, Young and Old of All Degrees United Under Andrew Jackson to Make the Republic's Borders Safe. 530 (ETSU ASU BC) Select Speeches of John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania (1818-1828). S1930 (ASU) Peachtree Mound and Village Site, Cherokee County, North Carolina. S2000 (ASU LMC UNCA) 149 INDIANS-INDIANS Cherokee Fun and Learn Book Play and Color as You Learn About the Cherokee Indian People. S2420 (ASU) The Cherokees, Past and Present: An Authentic Guide of the Cherokee People. S2430 (ASU BC WWC) The British Administration of the Southern Indians, 1756-1783. S2490 Cherokee Indian Lore and Smoky Mountain Stories. S3340 (ASU BC) Cherokee Indian Lore and Smoky Mountains Stories. S3350 (ETSU) Younger Brother, a Cherokee Indian Tale. S3575 (ETSU) The Story of the Cherokees. S5210 The Indian's Curse; a Legend of the Cherokees. S5510 (UNCA ASU) Indians in North Carolina. S5600 (ASU WCU MHC BC UNCA) S5790 (ASU) Cherokee Dance and Drama. S6090 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) A Faithful History of the Cherokee Tribe of Indians from the Period of Our First Intercourse with Them, Down to the Present Time. The Reasons and Considerations Which Produced a Separation of the Tribe at an Early Period; Organizing a Nation East and a Nation West of the Mississippi River. With a Full Exposition of the Causes Which Led to Their Subsequent Division into Three Parties, and Involved Them in Their Present Deplorable Condition, and of the Nature and Extent of Their Present Claims. S6490 The Cherokee Nation. S6610 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Cherokees "West," 1794-1839. S6650 Early History of the Cherokees: Embracing Aboriginal Customs, Religion, Laws, Folklore and Civilization. S6660 History of the Cherokee Indians. S6670 (ASU BC ETSU WCU) History of the Cherokee Indians and Their Legends and Folk Lore. S6680 (ASU LMC) Old Cherokee Families: Old Families and Their Genealogy. S6690 (WCU MHC) William Bertram's Venture into the Cherokee Country, 1775. S7010 (LMC WCU) Eoneguski, or the Cherokee Chief: A Tale of Past Wars, by an American. S7770 Eoneguski: Or, the Cherokee Chief (1839). S7780 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) A Sketch of the Cherokee and Choctaw Indians. S8740 The Indians of the Southeastern United States. S9490 (BC) The Indians of the Southeastern United States. S9500 (ASU) The Indians of the Southeastern United States. S9510 (LMC WCU) The Indian Tribes of North America. S9520 (FC) Papers. S9770 (ETSU WCU BC) The Cherokees and the Great Smoky Mountains. T620 (LMC) Cherokee Collection. T2060 (LMC WCU ETSU) Explanation of the Fund Held in Trust By the United States For the North Carolina Cherokees. T8070 (ASU) Lieut. Henry Timberlake's Memoirs, 1756-1765. T8690 (BC ETSU) Lieut. Henry Timberlake's Memoirs, 1756-1765, With Annotation, Introduction and Index. T8700 (ASU WCU LMC) Memoirs, 1756-1765. T8710 (ETSU ASU WCU) T9190 �INDIANS—INDIANS INDIANS — CHEROKEE Look to the Mountaintop. U20 Folklore of the North American Indians. U30 (LMC) Cherokee Legends and the Trail of Tears. U80 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) Legends of the Ancient Cherokee. U90 The Story of the Cherokee People. U100 (ASU LMC MHC BC) The Story of the Cherokee People. U110 (WCU) Eastern Band of Cherokees of North Carolina. U830 (WCU) Census Roll, 1835, of the Cherokee Indians East of the Mississippi. U1220 (ETSU) Rates study for water supply and sewage disposal at Cherokee Indian Agency, Cherokee, North Carolina. U1250 Report on water and sewerage facilities at Cherokee and Soco Valley, North Carolina. U1260 Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81: Cherokee Reserves, 1828-1850. U1270 (WCU) Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81: Cherokee Emigration, 1828-1854. U1280 (WCU) Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81: Cherokee Agency (East), 1824-36. U1290 (WCU) Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81: Southern Superintendency, 1851-1856. U1300 (WCU) Records of the Cherokee Indian Agency in Tennessee, 1801-1835. U1310 (WCU) Indians, Cherokees. U1660 Speeches on the Passage of the Bill for the Removal of the Indians, Delivered in the Congress of the U. S., April and May, 1830. U1820 (ETSU) Cherokee Indians. U1830 The Eastern Cherokees: A Census of the Cherokee Nation in North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia in 1851. U2770 Opinion of the Supreme Court of the U. S. at the Jan. Term, 1832. U4030 Letter from the Secretary of War in reply to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 23d ultimo, respecting the interference of any officer or agent of the Government with the Cherokee Indians in the formation of a government for the regulation of their own internal affairs. U4040 The Earth Speaks. U4130 (ASU) Held Captive by Indians: Selected Narratives, 1642-1836. VI60 (ASU MHC) Indian Oratory: Famous Speeches by Noted Indian Chief-tains. V190 (L'AC) Disinherited: The Lost Birthright of the American Indian. V230 .SUMHCUNCA) Cry of the Eagle: History and Legends of the Cherokee Indians and Their Buried Treasures. W50 (ASU WCU BC) Indian Battles, Murders, Sieges and Forays in the South-west. W230 Torchlights to the Cherokee: The Brainerd Mission. W350 (ASU ETSU BC) A Political History of the Cherokee Nation, 1838-1907. W780 (ASU LMC) Cherokee Landmarks Around the Great Smokies. W6100 (LMC) Cherokee Tragedy: The Story of the Ridge Family and the Decimation of a People. W6330 (ASU WCU LMC BC UNCA) SUBJECT Lieutenant Henry Timberlake's Memoirs 1756-1765. W6830 Report of Mr. Wood's Visit to the Choctaw and Cherokee Missions, 1855. W8500 The Cherokees. W8900 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU UNCA BC) The Cherokees. W8910 (ASU LMC) Red Clay Council Ground, 1832-1838; Last Capital of the Cherokee Nation East of the Mississippi River. W9130 Red Clay in History. W9140 Springplace: Moravian Mission and the War Family of the Cherokee Nation. W9500 (MHC) INDIANS - CHEROKEE - BIBLE Cherokee Indian New Testament. S1920 (LMC ASU) INDIANS - CHEROKEE - EASTERN The Eastern Cherokees: A Census of the Cherokee Nation in North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia in 1851. S3320 (BC ASU) INDIANS — CHEROKEE — GOVERNMENT RELATIONS Imperial Management of Indian Affairs in the South 1756-1775. A1030 "The Relations of the Cherokee Indians with the English in America Prior to 1763." B7950 (ASU) C3670 (ASU) Memorial of the Cherokee Indians Residing in North Carolina. Paying the Payment of Their Claims, Agreeably to the 8th and 12th Articles of the Treaty of 1835. C3690 (ASU) Reply of the Southern Cherokees to the Memorial of Certain Delegates from the Cherokee Nation. Together with the Message of John Ross, Ex-chief of the Cherokees, and Proceedings of the Council of the "Loyal Cherokees," Relative to the Alliance with the So-called Confederate States. C3700 "Benjamin Hawkins, Indian Agent from 1796-1817." C5480 Auraria-. The Story of a Georgia Gold-Mining Town. C7770 (ASU BC) Eastern Cherokees of North Carolina; a Collection of Eight Reports and Memorials. E480 "Government Patronage of Indian Missions." El 140 "A History, of the Cherokee Indians of the Tennessee Region from 1783-1794." F3550 (ASU) "Indian Affairs in the Southern Department, 1763-1785." G1890 "The Southern Indians as a Factor in the Relations of Spain and the U. S., 1783-1795." H5020 "Return Jonathan Meigs, Cherokee Indian Agent, 1801-1823." K2070 Memoirs, Official and Personal; with Sketches of Travels among the Northern and Southern Indians; Embracing a War Excursion, and Descriptions of Scenes along the Western Borders. Ml 850 "Imperial Regulation of American Indian Affairs 1763-1774." M3460 Cherokee Lands, Report. N2360 The Cherokee Indians, with Special Reference to Th<mr Relations with the United States Government. P290 (ETSU ASU WCU LMC) "Relations of the United States Government with the Cherokee Tribe." P300 150 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Seeds of Extinction: Jeffersonian Philanthropy and the American Indian. S2600 (MHC) T9190 Look to the Mountaintop. U20 Disinherited: The Lost Birthright of the American Indian. V230 (WCU ETSU MHC UNCA) INDIANS — CHEROKEE - HISTORY Cherokee Landmarks Around the Great Smokies. W6100 (LMC) INDIANS - CHEROKEE - LAND TREATIES "James Robertson: Frontiersman." B570 INDIANS — CHEROKEE - LANGUAGE AND PRINTING Cherokee Bible. A2080 (ASU) INDIANS — CHEROKEE — LAWS Compiled Laws of the Cherokee Nation, Published by Authority of the General Council. A310 Compiled Laws of the Cherokee Nation, Published by Authority of the General Council. A320 "The Development of Law and Legal Institutions among the Cherokees." B880 INDIANS — CHEROKEE - LEGENDS History of the Cherokee Indians and Their Legends and Folk Lore. • S6680 (ASU LMC) Cry of the Eagle: History and Legends of the Cherokee Indians and Their Buried Treasures. W50 (ASU WCU BC) INDIANS — CHEROKEE — LITERATURE The Cherokee in Romance, Tragedy, and Song in the Great Smokies. S8020 (ETSU) INDIANS — CHEROKEE - MISSIONS History of the Moravian Missions Among Southern Indian Tribes of the United States. SI230 (BC UNCA) INDIANS — CHEROKEE — N. C. Unto These Hills: A Drama of the Cherokee People. C3650 (WCU ASU) Tribal Enrollment of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians, Cherokee, North Carolina. T8130 (LMC WCU) INDIANS — CHEROKEE — POLITICS Cherokee Cavaliers: Forty Years of Cherokee History as Told in the Correspondence of the Ridge — Watie — Boudinot Family. D60 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Priest and Warriors: Social Structures for Cherokee Politics in the 18th Century. G720 (ASU ETSU BC) "Behavioral Premises in the Culture of Conservative Eastern Cherokee Indians." G3260 (ASU) INDIANS — CHEROKEE — PREHISTORIC The Cherokees in Pre-Columbian Times. T7770 (BC LMC) "The Cherokees Probably Mound Builders." T7780 INDIANS - CHEROKEE - REMOVAL Yunini's Story of the Trail of Tears. B1490 (ETSU) The Removal of the Cherokee Indians from Georgia. L3970 (ASU LMC BC) INDIANS — CHEROKEES Cherokees at the Crossroads. G4840 (ASU BC WCU LMC WWC ETSU) INDIANS — CHEROKEES — N. C. The Cherokees of North Carolina. G1310 INDIANS — CHOCTAW A Sketch of the Cherokee and Choctaw Indians. S8740 INDIANS — COLONIAL GOVERNMENT The British Administration of the Southern Indians, 1756-1783. S2490 INDIANS — CREEK John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier. A1040 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY INDIANS - CREEK John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier: A Study of Indian Relations/ War, Trade, and Land Problems in the Southern Wilderness, 1754-1775. A1050 (ASU BC FC WCU) American Indians Dispossessed: Fraud in Land Cessions Forced Upon the Tribes. B4860 (ASU) Battle of Horseshoe Bend in Tallapoosa County, Alabama, March 27, 1814. B6390 (BC) Indians of the Southeast: Then and Now. B9220 (BC) The Creek Frontier, 1540-1783. C7510 (ASU BC) The Southern Indians: The Story of the Civilized Tribes Before Removal. C7710 (ASU WCU BC) The Southern Indians: The Story of the Civilized Tribes Before Removal. C7720 (LMC) Laws of the Creek Nation. C8660 (ASU) Cherokee and Creek Indians. Returns a Property Left in Tennessee and Georgia, 1838. Ml 470 The Aboriginal Population of America North of , Mexico. M6730 Indian Trails of the Southeast. M9240 (ASU FC LMC) Cherokee and Creek. R1750 (ASU LMC) INDIANS — GA. Report. U1640 INDIANS — LEGENDS Indian Stories of Virginia's Last Frontier. A510 Look to the Mountain Top. no The Tuscaroras: Mythology, Medicine, Culture. J1730 (ASU LMC) Indian Legends. L4050 (LMC) Cherokee Legends and the Trail of Tears. U80 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) Legends of the Ancient Cherokee. U90 The Earth Speaks. U4130 (ASU) INDIANS — MIGRATION Tribal Migrations East of the Mississippi. B9350 (ASU BC) INDIANS — MINGO History of the Battle of Point Pleasant. L2340 (BC ASU) INDIANS — MOHAWK Held Captive by Indians: Selected Narratives, 1642-1836. VI60 (ASU MHC) INDIANS — N. C. The Carolina Indian Frontier. C7470 (ASU WCU) Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763. LI 330 (ASU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) Indians of North Carolina. U1230 (ASU) Indians of North Carolina. U1240 (ASU) INDIANS — N. C. — CATAWBA Catawba Frontier, 1775-1781: Memories of Pensioners. LI 120 (ASUBC) INDIANS — OTTAWA History of the Battle of Point Pleasant. L2340 (BC ASU) INDIANS — POLITICS "A History of the Cherokee Indians, 1763-1776." E570 (ASU) INDIANS - PREHISTORY Evidence of Indian Occupancy in Aibemarle County, Virginia. B9340 (BC) INDIANS — S. C. The Carolina Indian Frontier. C7470 (ASU WCU) SUBJECT INDIANS - SHAWNEE The Shawnee Trail Program: An Historical Pageant Presented at Clarksburg, W. Va., June 13, and 15, 1923. C6240 (BC) Games of the North American Indians. 24th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute. C9400 (LMC) Indians of North America. D3480 (ASU) An Essay towards an Indian Bibliography: Being a Catalog of Books Relating to the History, Antiquities, Languages, Customs, Religion, Wars, Literature, and Origin of the American Indians, in the Library of Thomas W. Field. F800 (LMC BC) Indian Story and Song from North America. F1510 (FC) A Guide to Manuscripts relating to the American Indian in the library of the American Philosophical Society. F3190 (ASU MHC) Southeastern Indians: Life Portraits: A Catalogue of Pictures, 1564-1860. F3820 (MHC BC) Sun Circles and Human Hands: The Southeastern Indians Art and Industries. F3830 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Cry of the Thunderbird: The American Indian's Own Story. H1080 (MHC) Textbooks and the American Indian. H4760 (MHC) The Book of Indians. H6660 (ASU MHC) Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States. H6890 The Appalachian Indian Frontier: The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J240 Indians of the Southern Colonial Frontier; The Edmond (Edmund) Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J250 Traditions of the North American Indians. J2380 (LMC) History of the Battle of Point Pleasant. L2340 (BC ASU) The Aboriginal Population of America North of Mexico. M6730 Held Captive by Indians: Selected Narratives, 1642-1836. VI60 (ASU MHC) INDIANS — SOUTHERN Southern Indians in the American Revolution. O230 (ASU) INDIANS — TENN. Explorations of the Aboriginal Remains of Tennessee. J2420 (ASU BC) Tribes That Slumber: Indian Times in the Tennessee Region. L2290 (ASU LMC WCU MHC BC) INDIANS — TENN. — PREHISTORY The Antiquities of Tennessee and the Adjacent States, and the State of Aboriginal Society in the Scale of Civilization Represented by Them. T8460 (LMC ASU) INDIANS — TUSCARORA An Essay towards an Indian Bibliography: Being a Catalog of Books Relating to the History, Antiquities, Languages, Customs, Religion, Wars, Literature, and Origin of the American Indians, in the Library of Thomas W. Field. F800 (LMC BC) Indian Story and Song from North America. F1510 (FC) A Guide to Manuscripts relating to the American Indian in the library of the American Philosophical Society. F3190 (ASU MHC) Southeastern Indians: Life Portraits: A Catalogue of Pictures, 1564-1860. F3820 (MHC BC) Sun Circles and Human Hands: The Southeastern Indians Art and Industries. F3830 (ASU MHC WCU BC) 151 INDIANS—INDUSTRY Cry of the Thunderbird: The American Indian's Own Story. H1080 (MHC) Textbooks and the American Indian. H4760 (MHC) The Book of Indians. H6660 (ASU MHC) Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States. H6890 The Appalachian Indian Frontier: The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J240 Indians of the Southern Colonial Frontier; The Edmond (Edmund) Atkin Report and Plan of 1755. J250 Traditions of the North American Indians. J2380 (LMC) INDIANS — TUSCARORAS The Tuscaroras: Mythology, Medicine, Culture. J1730 (ASU LMC) INDIANS — VA. History of the Settlement and Indian Wars of Tazewell County, Virginia. B3530 (FC ASU) History of the Settlement and Indian Wars of Tazewell County, Va. with added material compiled by J. Allen Neal. B3540 Bibliography of the Virginia Indians. M320 (FC) Indians in Seventeenth Century Virginia. M330 (ASU) INDIANS — WARS Indian Wars In North Carolina, 1663-1763. LI 330 (ASU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) The Sword of the Republic: The United States Army on the Frontier, 1783-1846. P4790 (ASU) In the Ranks of Old Hickory, When with the Western Riflemen in Defense Against from Within and Without, Young and Old of All Degrees United Under Andrew Jackson to Make the Republic's Borders Safe. S30 (ETSU ASU BC) Memoir of Indian Wars, and Other Occurrences. S8730 (ASU) Documentary History of Dunmore's War, 1774. T8510 Frontier Defense on Upper Ohio, 1777-1778. T8520 Revolution on the Upper Ohio, 1775-1777. T8530 Withers Chronicles of Border Warfare. T8540 Lieutenant Henry Timberlake's Memoirs 1756-1765. W6830 Chronicles of Border Warfare; or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Va., and . . . . W7940 (BC) Chronicles of Border Warfare; or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Virginia, and of the Indian Wars and Massacres, in That Section of the State. W7950 (ASU ETSU WCU BC) Chronicles of Border Warfare: or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Virginia, and of the Indian Wars and Massacres, in That Section of the State. W7960 (ASU UNCA) INDIANS — WARS — TENN. Historic Fort Loudoun. K680 Historic Fort Loudoun. K690 INDUSTRY Industrial Water Supplies of the Tennessee Valley Region. T7420 Information Sources for Locating Industrial Prospects. U210 INDUSTRY — ALA. Report of Industrial Survey of Florence, Alabama, and Muscle Shoals District. L3050 (ASU) �INDUSTRY—INDUSTRY INDUSTRY — ALA. Muscle Shoals: A Plan for the Use of the United States Properties on the Tennessee River by Private Industry for the Manufacture of Fertilizers and Other Useful Products. M9140 (BC) Area Wage Survey: The Birmingham, Alabama, Metropolitan Area. U1320 Area Wage Survey: The Huntsville, Alabama, metropolitan area. U1360 INDUSTRY — APP. The Industrialization of Southern Rural Areas: A Study of Industry and Federal Assistance in Small Towns with Recommendations for Future Policy. A180 A2660 (BC) Labor in the Industrial South: A Survey of Wages and Living Conditions in Three Major Industries of the New Industrial South. B3150 (LMC) Adjustment to Rural Industrial Change with Special Reference to Mountain Areas. C820 Industrial Location Research Studies. F110 (ASU WCU) Growth and Labor Characteristics of Manufacturing Industries. F1600 "The Appalachian Experiment: Growth or Development." F3730 "The Location Decision for Primary Wood-using Industries in the Northern Appalachians." H200 Location Decision for Wood-using Industries in Northern Appalachians. H210 "The Short-run Supply of Industrial Labour in Four Rural Areas of the Southeast, 1949-1964." H6050 1120 (ASU) Statement of Conditions 1930. 1220 The Economic Development of the Furniture Industry of the South and Its Future Dependence Upon Forestry. K3080 (LMC) Business and Economic Problems in Appalachia. M9150 (ASU LMC) State Population, Net Migration, Labor Force and Industry Employment Trends to 1975. N250 Potential Earning Power of Southern Mountaineer Handicrafts. N2990 The Machine Age in the Hills. R3870 (ASU LMC BC WWC ETSU) Tenn. Valley Land and Its Changing Use. SI 50 The Spatial Concentration of Industry in Appalachia: An Analysis of the Potential for Import Substitution. S490 (ASU ETSU) Modernization and Diffusion of Innovations in a Rural Appalachia County; General Systems Analysis. S3710 (BC) Industrial Development in the TVA Area During 1965. T2920 River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3420 TVA River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3880 Report of the Project on Research in Agriculture and Industrial Development in the Tennessee Valley Region. T4300 Local Government Services and Industrial Development in the Southeast. T5190 Manufacturing Employment in the Tennessee Valley Region. T5300 Manufacturing Structure and Change in the Tennessee Valley Region, 1959-1963. T5310 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Hamblen County, Tennessee. T5670 SUBJECT Industrial Development in the TVA Area During 1962. T6580 Industrial Development in the TVA Area. 1958-. T6710 Water Used by Appalachian Manufacturers, 1964. U1580 Water used by Appalachian Manufacturers, 1964. U1590 Recreation Potential in the Appalachian Highlands: A Market Analysis. U4220 (ASU) "The Industrial Development Policy of the Tennessee Valley Authority for the Period 1933-1950." W6590 Manuf. Cost and the Comp. Advantage of U. S. Regions. W8470 INDUSTRY - APP. — OIL AND GAS Geology of Oil and Gas. H3520 (ETSU) Catalog of Oil and Gas Wells in Well Sample Repository on August 1, 1959. LI 950 INDUSTRY — ATOMIC — TENN. "Oak Ridge, Tennessee: A Geographic Study." C1910 INDUSTRY — GA. Factors Influencing Recent Industrial Growth in Northeastern Georgia. N2820 (ASU) Area Wage Survey: The Chattanooga, Tennessee-Georgia, Metropolitan Area. U1340 Highlights of the Economy of the Georgia Mountains Area. W5510 INDUSTRY — GA. — MINERAL Field Excursion: Ocoee Metasediments: North Central Georgia and Southeast Tennessee. H8610 (ETSU) INDUSTRY — KY. The Structure of the Kentucky Economy: An Input-output Study. B1230 "Tales of the Mountains" A Complete Directory of the Eastern Kentucky Coalfields with Extracts from the Geological Reports, Forestry, Oil Development, Education, Superstitions, and Religion of the Mountains. H730 Industrial Resources, Hazard, Kentucky. H4090 1230 1240 1250 1260 1270 1280 1290 1300 1310 1320 1330 1340 1350 1360 1370 1380 1390 1400 1410 1420 1430 1440 1450 1460 1470 1480 1490 1500 1510 1520 1530 1540 1550 1560 1570 1580 1590 1600 1610 152 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY 1620 1630 1640 1660 1670 1680 1690 1700 1710 1720 Industrial Resources: Northern Kentucky. K1020 (ASU) Resources for Industry. K1030 (ASU) Analysis of Manufacturing Employment Trends in Kentucky Counties, 1960-64, and Their Economic Significance. K1340 Analysis of Occupational Trends in Kentucky from 1950 to 1960, with Projections to 1975. K1350 Development Potentials for Kentucky Counties with Related Statistics. K1360 (ASU) Industrial Resources, Prestonburg, Kentucky. P4460 Life Among the Hills and Mountains of Kentucky. T8080 (ASU BC) INDUSTRY — KY. - LUMBER A Look at Kentucky's Lumber Industry. H4960 (BC) INDUSTRY — KY. — OIL AND GAS One More River to Cross. G820 (BC) "Tales of the Mountains" A Complete Directory of the Eastern Kentucky Coalfields with Extracts from the Geological Reports, Forestry, Oil Development, Education, Superstitions, and Religion of the Mountains. H730 1740 Natural Gas in Eastern Ky. J1170 Oil Domes of Ashland. J1180 The Rose Hill Oil Pool. J1210 INDUSTRY — LOCATION Annotated Bibliography on Industrial Concentration and Firm Diversification in the Bitumonous Coal Industry with Special Reference to the Southeastern United States, 1950-1970. G1270 INDUSTRY — LOCATION — TENN. Wings Over Kingsport, No. 2: Tennessee's Planned City & Its Industries as Viewed from the Sky in 1938 and 1963. A1980 (ETSU) "A Brief Survey of Industrial Plants in Kingsport, Tennessee, with Emphasis on the Geographic Location of the Industrial Worker." B7860 (ETSU) INDUSTRY — LUMBER — VA. The Golden Anniversary Dinner, February 24, 1940, in Honor of William McClellan Ritter, Founder of W. M. Ritter Lumber Company. B2780 (WCU) INDUSTRY - N. C. The Possibilities of a Maple Sugar Industry in Western North Carolina. A5130 (ASU LMC) The Industrial Development Program of North Carolina, 1954 to 1962, with Projections to 1970. B4450 Digest of Information About Transylvania County, North Carolina, Containing Information of General Interest to Commercial and Industrial Businesses. M5010 (WCU) Contemporary Industrial Processes. N1730 (LMC) Directory of Services Available to Industry from the State of North Carolina. N1800 (UNCA) Sawmills and Lumber Production for 26 Counties in Western North Carolina, 1959. N1960 The Mining Industry in North Carolina. N2220 (ASU UNCA ETSU LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY INDUSTRY — N. C. "Early History of the North Carolina Furniture Industry, 1880-1921." T7800 From the Cotton Field to the Cotton Mill: A Study of the Industrial Transition in North Carolina. T8180 (LMC) Industrial Water Use in North Carolina. W430 Growing Christmas Trees in North Carolina. W5720 (WCU) INDUSTRY — N. C. — APP. N1530 (LMC ASU UNCA) INDUSTRY — OHIO "The Location and Distribution of the Glass Industry of Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia." W2290 INDUSTRY — OHIO — OIL AND GAS Geology of Oil and Gas Fields in Steubenville, Burgettstown, and Claysville Quadrangles, Ohio, W. Va., and Pa. G4340 G4350 INDUSTRY — OIL AND GAS — OHIO Structure of the Berea Oil Sand in the Summerfield Quadrangle, Guernsey, Noble, and Monroe Counties, Ohio. C6330 INDUSTRY — OIL AND GAS — PA. "The Economics of Oil Refining in the Pennsylvania Area." B1750 The Great Oildarado; the Gaudy and Turbulent Years of the First Oil Rush: Pennsylvania, 1859-1880. D2850 INDUSTRY — PA. "An Analysis of the Industrial Potential of Johnstown, Pennsylvania." H1730 1200 "An Analysis of the Christmas Tree Industry in Pennsylvania." K2690 "Basic Industrial Resources of the Altoona, Pennsylvania, Area." S5040 Area Wage Survey: The Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, Metropolitan Area. U1370 Area Wage Survey: The Scranton, Pennsylvania, Metropolitan Area. U1380 Steeltown, an Industrial Case History of the Conflict between Progress and Security. W250 "The Location and Distribution of the Glass Industry of Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia." W2290 INDUSTRY - PA. — DAIRY "Analysis of the Market Structure of the Fluid Milk Industry in Pennsylvania." D1850 INDUSTRY — PA. — OIL AND GAS "Application of Unitization to the Pennsylvania Crude Oil Industry." D2290 The Wonder of the Nineteenth Century, Rock Oil in Pennsylvania and Elsewhere. G130 (ASU) Geology of Oil and Gas Fields in Steubenville, Burgettstown, and Claysville Quadrangles, Ohio, W. Va., and Pa. G4340 "The Use and Interchangeability of Fuels in Pennsylvania." J470 INDUSTRY — S. C. 1210 Area Wage Survey: The Greenville, South Carolina, Metropolitan Area. U1350 INDUSTRY — TENN. Effects of Industrial Development on Rural Life in Sullivan County, Tennessee. A1840 "A Brief Survey of Industrial Plants in Kingsport, Tennessee with Emphasis on the Geographic Location of the Industrial Worker." B7870 SUBJECT "The Valley of East Tennessee: The Adjustment of Industry to Natural Environment." Cl 920 (LMC) Chattanooga, Industrial Center of the South. C3520 "History of the Knoxville Iron Company." C4500 "An Analysis of the Industrial Potential of Carter County, Tennessee." C9180 (ETSU) "Geographic Factors Influencing the Manufactural Industries of Upper East Tennessee." E2080 (LMC) "Industrial Parks in East Tennessee: Characteristics and Effectiveness in Attracting Manufacturing." G2470 Souvenir History of Knoxville. G2560 (BC) Souvenir History of Knoxville, the Marble City and Great Jobbing Market. Its Importance as a Manufacturing Center. . . . G2570 G3460 Men and Vision: The Secret of Yesterday's Success, the Formula for Tomorrow's. A Brief History of the Chattanooga Medicine Company. G4630 (ETSU) Kingsport, Tennessee — a Modern American City Developed through Industry. HI 50 "The Social and Economic Effects Produced upon Small Towns by Rapid Industrialization." H6740 Knoxville: Commercial and Industrial Survey of Knoxville, Tennessee. H7330 "The Social and Economic Effects Produced upon Small Towns by Rapid Industrialization." H7650 An Economic Survey of Biount County, Tennessee, a Study of Resources and Industrial Potentials. H8720 Migration and Industrial Development in Tennessee. H8730 The City of Bristol, Virginia-Tennessee, Its Interests and Industries; Compiled under the Auspices of the Board of Trade. Also a Series of Comprehensive Sketches of Representative Business Enterprises. 1990 Industrial Advantages of the Johnson City Area. J1340 (ETSU) Knoxville as an Iron Center. K1910 "The Chattanooga Region as a Plant Site for the Nylon Industry." K2090 (ETSU) Kingsport, the Planned Industrial City. K2550 (ETSU) Kingsport, Tennessee, a Modern American City — Developed through Industry. K2560 (LMC ETSU) Kingsport, the Planned Industrial City. K2570 (ETSU ASU) "An Industrial and Commercial History of the Tri-cities in Tennessee." LI 070 "The Influence of Geography on the Growth of Chattanooga Industries." LI 420 Kingsport: A Romance of Industry. L3290 (BC ASU ETSU) 0320 P570 Migration and Industrial Development in Tennessee. T1420 Towers of Power Back Industrial Opportunities in Tennessee, First Public Power State. T1740 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Anderson County, Tennessee. T5570 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Bledsoe County. T5580 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Carter County. T5590 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Cocke County. T5600 153 INDUSTRY—INDUSTRY Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Coffee County. T5610 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Cumberland County. T5620 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Fentress County. T5630 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Franklin County, Tennessee. T5640 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Grainger County. T5650 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Greene County, Tennessee. T5660 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Johnson County, Tennessee. T5680 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Loudon County, Tennessee. T5690 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of McMinn County, Tennessee. T5700 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Marion County, Tennessee. T5710 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Meigs County, Tennessee. T5720 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Monroe County, Tennessee. T5730 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Morgan County, Tennessee. T5740 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Polk County, Tennessee. T5750 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Rhea County. T5760 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Sevier County. T5770 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Sullivan County. T5780 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Washington County, Tennessee. T5790 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of White County. T5800 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Unicoi County. T5810 Defense Expansion in the Tennessee Valley Region. T5820 Area Wage Survey: The Chattanooga, Tennessee-Georgia, Metropolitan Area. U1340 Industrial Site Survey of Carter County, Sullivan County, and Washington County. U4160 "The Marble Industry of the Knoxville Area." W640 W1390 (ETSU) Tennessee: Its Growth and Progress. W5570 (BC) Industrial Resources of Tennessee. W5750 (ETSU) INDUSTRY — TENN. — MINERAL Field Excursion: Ocoee Metasediments: North Central Georgia and Southeast Tennessee. H8610 (ETSU) INDUSTRY — TENN. — OIL AND GAS Geology and Oil Possibilities of the Northern Part of Overton County, Tennessee, and of Adjoining Parts of Clay, Pickett and Fentress Counties. B9490 (ETSU) INDUSTRY — TENN. — PUBLISHING CO. Kingsport Book of Type Faces. K2510 (ETSU) INDUSTRY — VA. Allegheny County, Virginia: Its Resources and Industries. C8080 (BC) Industrial Survey, Bland County, Virginia. H8240 Industrial Survey, Wytheville, Virginia. H8250 (ASU) 1730 Lynchburg in Old Virginia, the City of Industry and Opportunity. L4080 (ASU) �INDUSTRY—KENTUCKY INDUSTRY — VA. N1410 Industrial Sites and Economic Data. V770 (BC) Industrial Sites and Economic Data, Botetourt County, Virginia. V780 Manufacturing Plants in Va. Established Since 1940, Listed by Counties and Independent Cities. V790 Economic Data. V810 (BC) INDUSTRY — VA. — GAS AND OIL The Early Grove Gas Field, Scott and Washington Counties, Virginia. A5710 (ETSU) INDUSTRY — VA. — OIL AND GAS Oil and Gas Possibilities at Early Grove, Scott County, Virginia. B9520 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Wells Drilled in Southwestern Virginia before 1950. H7900 (ASU) INDUSTRY — W. VA. Call of the Mountains. B2640 (BC ASU) The Impact of Highway Beautification on the Outdoor Advertising Industry in West Virginia. C1680 Industrial and Commercial Potentials and Site and Project Analysis in Braxton, Clay and Nicholas Counties, West Virginia. D1930 West Virginia: Its Farms and Forest, Mines and Oil Wells, with a Glimpse of Its Scenery, a Photograph of Its Population, and an Exhibit of Its Industrial Statistics. D2690 (BC) "A Case Study of the Effects of Automation on Employment in a West Virginia Continuous Process Industry." F930 Employment Changes in West Virginia, 1948-1958. F1250 (ASU) Grant's West Virginia Illustrated. G3230 Current and Proposed Regulations and Legislation on Water Pollution Concerning Appalachian Industries. H6540 "Compulsory and Flexible Retirement Policies and Practices; An Analysis of West Virginia Industrial Patterns." J1640 "Water Data for Industrial Site Development, Monongahela Valley, West Virginia." K360 "Governmental Assistance to Industrial Development in West Virginia." K1870 "Characteristics of Mobile Workers in a Rural Industrialized Community." K2600 "Types, Quantities and Destinations of West Virginia's Manufactured Exports, an Exploratory Study." L850 "A Study of the Factors Influencing Job-satisfaction among Factory Workers of Clarksburg, West Virginia, and Coal Miners of Morgantown, West Virginia." M4720 West Virginia Conference to Explore Ways in which Space Science and Technology Might be Applied to the Development of West Virginia's Industry and Educational Institutions, 1964. N10 Thomas, West Virginia: History, Progress, and Development, 1906. N3010 (ASU) How to Be Successful. R3740 West Virginia and the Captains of Industry: State Politics and the Origins of Modern Appalachia, 1880-1913. SI 620 West Virginia: A Book of Geography, History, and Industry. S2530 (WCU) SUBJECT West Virginia, in History, Life, Literature and Industry. S2540 S3690 (UNCA) Rural Industrialization: A Case Study in Educational Values and Attitudes. S3810 (ASU) Nathan Goff, Jr., a Biography: With Some Account of Guy Despard Goff and Brazilla Carroll Reece. S4710 (ASU) Factors Influencing Plant Location in West Virginia, 1945-1956. T8210 Labor Market Areas for Manufacturing Plants in West Virginia. T8220 Area Wage Survey. The Charleston, West Virginia, Metropolitan Area. U1330 "The Location and Distribution of the Glass Industry of Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia." W2290 West Virginia Manufacturing Directory, 1962. W3390 (BC) W4380 (BC) "The Resources and Industries of the New River Drainage Basin in West Virginia." W7990 INDUSTRY — W. VA. — CHEMICALS Spectrographic Chemical Analysis. H8470 (ETSU) INDUSTRY — W. VA. — GLASS "Glass Production Processes of the Kanawha Valley Area." C8070 (ASU) "A Study of the Effects of Foreign Imports on the Hand-blown and Hand-pressed Glass Industry in the United States, Especially in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia from 1948-1958." H4690 INDUSTRY — W. VA. — LUMBER The Comp'ny: The Story of the Surry, Sussex and Southampton Railway and the Surry Lumber Company. C8850 (ASU LMC BC) INDUSTRY — W. VA. — OIL AND GAS The Newburg of West Virginia. C1240 The Igneous Rocks of Pendleton County, West Virginia. G380 (ETSU) Geology of Oil and Gas Fields in Steubenville, Burgettstown, and Claysville Quadrangles, Ohio, W. Va., and Pa. G4340 Oil and Gas in Southern West Virginia. H3530 (ETSU) Oil and Gas in West Virginia. H3540 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Doddridge and Harrison Counties, West Virginia. H3550 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Lewis and Gilmer Counties, West Virginia. H3560 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. H3570 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. H3580 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood, and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. H3590 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report on Barbour and Upshur Counties, West Virginia. H3600 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report on Braxton and Clay Counties, West Virginia. H3610 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report on Kanawha County, West Virginia. H3620 (ETSU) West Virginia's Oil and Gas Lubricants and Fuels. H3630 (ETSU) Permeability, Porosity, Oil, and Water Content of Natural Gas Reservoirs, Kanawha-Jackson and Campbells Creek Oriskany Fields. H4150 (ETSU) 154 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY INTEGRATION — W. VA. "Integration in West Virginia Since 1954." J1920 (ASU) INTELLIGENCE AND APTITUDE — APP. "A Comparative Study of the Relationship Between ACT Composite Scores and GPA of Washington County Students at East Tennessee State University, 1965-66." P3940 (ETSU) IRISH Corpus Genealogiarum Hiberniae. 0140 (ASU) The Irish in America: Immigration, Land, Probate, Administrations, Birth, Marriage, and Burial Records of the Irish in America in and about the Eighteenth Century. 0150 (ASU) Ireland and the American Emigration, 1850-1900. SI 140 (ASU) IRON INDUSTRY - ALA. The Story of Coal and Iron in Alabama. A4650 (ASU) JAMES RIVER Industrial Limestones and Dolomites in Va.: James River District West of the Blue Ridge. E910 The Floods of March, 1936, Part 3, Potomac, James, and Upper Ohio Rivers. G4470 JUVENILE DELINQUENCY Delinquency in Kentucky. K990 JUVENILE DELINQUENCY — APP. Rural Youth in Crises: Facts, Myths, and Social Change. B8480 Helping Youth: A Study of Six Community Organization Programs. G4430 JUVENILE DELINQUENCY — N. C. The Use of Hostile Verbs by Male Committed Youthful Offenders. P2040 (ASU) JUVENILE DELINQUENCY — TENN. "Impact of World War II on Juvenile Delinquency in Knox County, Tennessee." D1380 "The Use of the Case Method in the Study of Juvenile Delinquency in Johnson City." H230 (ETSU) "Community Concept of Juvenile Court Function in Knox County, Tennessee." S3460 Report to the Governor and Members of the General Assembly (81st) State of Tennessee. T960 (ETSU) Report to Honorable Frank G. Clement, Governor, and Members of the 80th General Assembly, State of Tennessee. T970 (ETSU) JUVENILE DELINQUENCY — W. VA. The Characteristics and Attitudes of Juvenile Delinquents of Kanawha County. A2550 Action for Appalachian Youth: A Demonstration Program for Kanawha County Youth under the Auspices and Direction of the President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Crime. C3370 (ASU) Our Troubled Children. K110 JUVENILE DELINQUINCY — W. VA. The Characteristics and Attitudes of Juvenile Delinquents of Kanawha County, West Virginia. A2590 KANAWHA RIVER Pioneers and Their Homes on Upper Kanawha. D1440 (ASU BC) The Geomorphic History of the New Kanawha River System. F3300 (ETSU) Surface Water Supply of the New-Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, and North Carolina. G4490 Kanawha River: Comprehensive Basin Study. K100 (ASU) The New-Kanawha River and the Mind War of West Virginia. M630 (BC) KENTUCKY RIVER P90 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY KENTUCKY RIVER . . . The Kentucky River Navigation. V540 KEOWEE RIVER The Keowee River and Cherokee Background. Ml 320 (BC) KY. — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL Peter Pilgrim: Or, A Rambler's Recollections. B4100 (ASU) The Slave States of America. B8260 My Old Kentucky Home. B9400 (BC) History of Cavelier de LaSalle, 1643-1687; Explorations in the Valleys of the Ohio, Illinois and Mississippi, taken from his Letters, Reports to King Louis XIV, also the Reports of Several of his Associates, Official Acts and Contemporaneous Documents, C3800 Kentucky: Land of Contrast. C4580 (LMC ASU WCU BC UNCA) Kentucky: A Pictorial History. C5780 (ASU) Unto the Hills; Glimpses of Berea's Outdoors. C7600 Kentucky through Thick and Thin. El 450 Kentucky: A Guide to the Blue Grass State. F470 Jenny Wiley Country. H580 Kentucky and Tennessee, Twin Centers of Interest. H2260 (ASU BC) Down a Dusty Road. H7640 (BC ASU) From the Prairies to the Mountains; Memories Especially of Illinois and Eastern Kentucky. H8310 Stories of Hatfield the Pioneer ... His Experiences in the Wilderness of East Tennessee, Kentucky and South Indiana. 1830 A Tour Downstream. J1220 Comin' Through the Gap. P2460 Kentucky on the March. S770 (ASU BC) The Kentucky Story. V280 W5210 (BC) KY. — EARLY EXPLORATION First Explorations of Kentucky Doctor Thomas Walker's Journal, of an Exploration of Kentucky in 1750, Being the First Record of a White Man's Visit to the Interior of that Territory . . . Also Colonel Christopher Gist's Journal, of a Tour through Ohio and Kentucky in 1751. .. J2060 The Wilderness Road. K2160 (BC WCU WWC ETSU) The Wilderness Road. K2170 The Wilderness Road. K2180 (ASU LMC) A Description of Kentucky in North America: To Which Are Prefixed Miscellaneous Observations Respecting the United States. T8990 (ASU LMC) The Western Country in 1793: Reports on Kentucky and Virginia. T9000 (ASU BC ETSU) Journal of an Exploration in the Spring of the Year 1750. W380 Kentucky's First House; the Journal of Dr. Thomas Walker. W390 KY. — HISTORY Daniel Boone, Pioneer of Kentucky. A30 (ASU) Daniel Boone, Pioneer of Kentucky. A40 (ETSU) Daniel Boone, the Pioneer of Kentucky. A50 (ASU BC) The History of Kentucky, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. A5020 (BC WCU) Fighting Frontiersman, the Life of Daniel Boone. B530 SUBJECT Fighting Frontiersman, the Life of Daniel Boone. B540 (ASU BC) Master of the Wilderness: Daniel Boone. B550 Kentucky: A History of the State. B1970 The Unfolding of a Century. B2750 History of Greenup County, Kentucky. B3580 (BC) A Supplementary Edition of a History of Greenup County. B3590 (ASU BC) Dark and Bloodied Ground. B5150 (ASU) The Patriots and Guerrillas of East Tennessee and Kentucky. The Suffering of the Patriots. Also the Experience of the Author as an Officer in the Union Army. Including Sketches of Noted Guerrillas and Distinguished Patriots. B6510 Of Bolder Men (A History of Leslie County). B6540 (BC) In the Foothills of the Cumberland; a History of Eastern Kentucky. B7150 (BC) Daniel Boone and the Wilderness Road. B7580 (ETSU) History Records of Harlan County, Kentucky, People. B9070 (BC) A History of the Commonwealth of Kentucky. B9410 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) Kentucky; The Pioneer State of the West. C3750 A History of Kentucky. C4550 (ASU BC) Kentucky: Land of Contrast. C4580 (LMC ASU WCU BC UNCA) The Meaning of the Past for the Future. C4760 (BC) A Bibliography of Kentucky History. C5770 (ASU LMC) Historical Collections of Kentucky. C6010 Eastern Kentucky Papers: The Founding of Harmon's Station, with an Account of the Indian Captivity of Mrs. Jennie Wiley and the Exploration and Settlement of the Big Sandy Valley in the Virginia's and Kentucky. To Which Is Affixed a Brief Account of the Connelley Family and Some of Its Collateral and Related Families in America. C6640 (ASU) The Founding of Harmon's Station and the Wiley Captivity. C6650 (BC ASU) History of Pioneer Kentucky. C7700 (LMC BC ASU) The Civil War and Readjustment in Kentucky. C7780 (BC) The Real Book about Daniel Boone. C9790 (BC) History of Perry County, Ky. D490 History of Perry County, Kentucky. D500 (BC) History of Knox County, Kentucky (1674-1941). D1580 (BC) Wilderness Wife: The Story of Rebecca Bryan Boone. D1620 (ASU MHC WCU BC) John Filson, the First Historian of Kentucky: An Account of His Life and Writings. D4100 (LMC) The Border States: Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia. D4190 (BC ASU LMC WWC ETSU) Glimpses of Historical Wayne County, Kentucky. E960 (ASU BC) The Big Sandy Valley: A History of the People and Country from the Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. El 890 (ASU) Breathitt: A Guide to the Feud Country. . F460 The Discovery and Settlement of Kentucky. F860 (LMC ETSU BC) The Discovery, Settlement, and Present State of Kentucky. F870 (UNCA) 155 KENTUCKY—KY. The Discovery, Settlement, and Present State of Kentucky. F880 (ASU) History of Bell County, Kentucky. F4030 (BC) Notes from the History of Education in Owsley County. G20 Clever Country: Kentucky Mountain Trails. G290 (LMC BC) Newspaper History of a Town: A History of Danville, Kentucky. G4200 (ASU) Autobiography of "Old Claib Jones." H370 The Hatfields. H3450 (ASU) The True Story of the Hatfield and McCoy Feud. H3480 (BC) The Transylvania Company and the Founding of Henderson, Ky. H4450 (ASU) Boone of the Wilderness: A Tale of Pioneer Adventures and Achievement in "The Dark and Bloody Ground." H4460 (ASU BC) The Theatre in Early Kentucky, 1790-1820. H5490 (BC) H5700 "The Economic History of Knox County." H7600 The Big Sandy Valley: A Regional History Prior to the Year 1850. J960 (ASU BC) The Big Sandy Valley: A Regional History Prior to the Year 1850. J970 (MHC) The Boone Narrative. J980 (LMC) Daniel Boone in Kentucky. J1010 A Century of Wayne County, Kentucky, 1800-1900. J1300 (ASU BC) First Explorations of Kentucky Doctor Thomas Walker's Journal, of an Exploration of Kentucky in 1750, Being the First Record of a White Man's Visit to the Interior of that Territory . . . Also Colonel Christopher Gist's Journal, of a Tour through Ohio and Kentucky in 1751. .. J2060 Biographical Record of Daniel and Mary (Jackson) Williams — Early Kentucky Pioneers, 1752-1898. K590 (ASU) Historical Sketches of Lancaster and Garrard County, 1796-1924. K2610 Sketches of Western Adventure: Containing an Account of the Most Interesting Incidents Connected with the Settlement of the West, from 1755 to 1794. M470 (ETSU BC) Old Kentucky Country. M2190 (ASU LMC WWC BC UNCA) The History of Kentucky. M3440 (MHC BC) Harlan County, Kentucky. M5360 (BC) An Address in Commemoration of the First Settlement of Kentucky. M7390 The Story of Daniel Boone. M8130 (ASU BC) "Doctor Thomas Walker (1715-1794): Explorer, Physician, Surveyor, and Planter of Virginia and Kentucky." N3050 (BC) My Own Story: An Account of the Conditions in Kentucky Leading to the Assassination of William Goobel, Who Was Declared Governor of the State, and My Indictment and Conviction on the Charge of Complicity in His Murder. P4060 (ASU) The Wilderness Road to Kentucky. P4900 The Life and Times of Hon. Humphrey Marshall. Q200 (LMC BC MHC) A History of Bath County, Kentucky. R2020 (BC) �KY.—LABOR KY. — HISTORY No More Muffled Hoofbeats. R2600 (ASU) Petitions of the Early Inhabitants of Kentucky to the General Assembly of Virginia, 1769. R3160 Historic Floyd, 1890-1950. S690 Kentucky on the March. S770 (ASU BC) Flood of July 5, 1939, in Eastern Kentucky. SI 070 S1910 Kentucky: A Pioneer Commonwealth. S2190 (LMC BC ASU) Kentucky: A Pioneer Commonwealth. S2200 (WWC) Kentucky; a Pioneer Commonwealth. S2210 A History of Jellico, Tennessee, Containing Historical Information on Campbell County, Tennessee and Whitley County, Kentucky. S3330 The Daniel Boone Story. S4540 (BC) Selections from Morgan County History: Sesquicentennial Volume. S6420 (ASU) Talley's Kentucky Papers. T80 (BC) Talley's Northeastern Kentucky Papers. T90 The Register of the Kentucky Historical Society. T200 (BC) The Wild Riders of the First Kentucky Cavalry. A History of the Regiment in the First Great War of the Rebellion. 1861-1865. T280 (ASU) A History of Pulaski Co., Kentucky. T810 Big Sandy. T7890 (ASU BC) Kentucky Tradition. T8250 (ASU) A History of Pulaski County, Kentucky. T8550 A Description of Kentucky in North America: To Which Are Prefixed Miscellaneous Observations Respecting the United States. T8990 (ASU LMC) The Western Country in 1793: Reports on Kentucky and Virginia. T9000 (ASU BC ETSU) The Kentucky Story. V280 Kentucky's First House; the Journal of Dr. Thomas Walker. W390 Kentucky Resolutions of 1798. W810 (BC) The men, women, events, institutions, and lore of Casey Co., Kentucky. W1490 (BC) The Partisan Spirit: Kentucky Politics, 1779-1792. W1500 (WWC BC) Chronicles of a Kentucky Settlement. W1610 (BC) A Short History of Paintsville and Johnson County. W2720 (ASU BC) History of Cumberland County. W2750 (ASU BC) Kentucky Soldiers of the War of 1812. W6150 History of Ravenna, Kentucky. W6910 (BC) Early and Modern History of Wolfe County. W8035 (ASU BC) Heroes of the War of 1812 for Whom Kentucky Counties are Named. W8620 Heroes of the War of 1812 for Whom Kentucky Counties are Named; W8840 (BC) Isaac Shelby Kentucky's First Governor and Hero of Three Wars. W9780 KY. — HISTORY — ORAL The Saga of Coe Ridge: A Study in Oral History. M6560 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU WWC) SUBJECT KY. — RECREATION AND TOURISM Comin' Through the Gap. P2460 KY. RIVERS The Kentucky. C4560 (WWC WCU UNCA) The Kentucky. C4570 (ASU UNCA BC) A Kentucky Riverlands Development Program. G570 LABOR FORCE The Effects of Migration of the Labor Force. W9830 LABOR FORCE — APP. Migration and Changes in the Quality of the Labor Force. G670 (ETSU) State Population, Net Migration, Labor Force and Industry Employment Trends to 1975. N250 LABOR FORCE — COAL INDUSTRY The Best-dressed Miners: Life and Labor in the Maryland Coal Region, 1835-1910. H3270 (ASU) LABOR FORCE - TENN. Labor Supply Survey of Bristol, Virginia-Tennessee. V860 (ETSU) LABOR FORCE — VA. Labor Supply Survey of Bristol, Virginia-Tennessee. V860 (ETSU) Labor Supply Survey of New River Valley. V870 (ASU) Labor Supply Survey of Northern Shenandoah Valley. V880 (ASU) Redevelopment Manpower Report for the Norton-Big Stone Gap Area. V890 (ASU) LABOR MARKET — TENN. A Study of the Chattanooga Labor Market Area. T1170 (ETSU) LABOR RELATIONS Labor Relations in the Fairmont, West Virginia, Bituminous Coal Field. El 950 (ASU) "The Economic Effects of Collective Bargaining in Bituminous Coal Mining." G3860 "Cooperation-conflict in Labor Management: A Study of Contrasting Cases (Women's Garment Industry and Bituminous Coal Industry)." H110 Work Stoppages and the Grievance Procedure in the Appalachian Coal Industry. W4700 LABOR RELATIONS — ALA. Labor Revolt in Alabama: The Great Strike of 1894. W770 (WCU BC) LABOR RELATIONS — APP. American Folksongs of Protest. G3880 TVA Labor Relations Policy at Work; Successful Cooperation Between Public Power and Organized Labor in the Public Interest. K2350 Articles of Agreement . . . Negotiated December 5, 1950. Revisions Through February 4, 1955. T2290 TVA Labor Relations, 1933-1953. T6870 LABOR RELATIONS — N. C. "The Textile Strikes in Marion, North Carolina, 1929: A Challenge to the New South." H6450 (ETSU) LABOR RELATIONS — TENN. Labor and TVA; Collective Bargaining Under Government Operation of a Public Utility and an Analysis of the Benefits to All the People of the Integrated Development of a River Basin. T1560 Articles of Agreement Between the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Salary Policy Employee Panel. Negotiated December 5, 1950. T2280 156 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY LABOR RELATIONS — TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY Tennessee Valley Authority Program: The Role of the States and Their Political Subdivisions. T5320 LABOR RELATIONS — W. VA. "The West Virginia Labor Federation and the West Virginia Legislature, 1957-1961." B8350 "The Labor Movement in West Virginia, 1900-1948." P3730 LABOR UNIONS Thoughts of Mother Jones; Compiled from her Writings and Speeches. A5810 The Molly Maguires. B6810 (ASU WCU) Men and Coal. C5790 (ASU BC) F80 (ASU) Mother Jones, the Miners' Angel: A Portrait. F740 (ASU MHC) The Corrupt Kingdom: The Rise and Fall of the United Mine Workers. F1030 "Economic Consequences of the Seven-hour Day and Wage Changes in the Bituminous Coal Industry." F1220 Wage Rates and Working Time in the Bituminous Coal Industry, 1912-1922. F1230 (BC) I Went to Pit College. G1590 H2320 Bill Haywood's Book: The Autobiography of William D. Haywood. H4080 (ASU WCU) Struggle in the Coal Fields. The Autobiography of Fred Mooney, Secretary-Treasurer, District 17, United Mine Workers of America. H5070 (ASU) "The United Mine Workers of America and the Non-Union Coal Fields." H5620 Death and the Mines: Rebellion and Murder in the United Mine Workers. H8260 (ASU BC LMC WCU) "The United Mine Workers: A Study of How Trade Union Policy Relates to Technological Change." M6000 Struggle in the Coal Fields: The Autobiography of Fred Mooney. M6720 (ASU BC WCU) "Attitude of Coal Miners toward Union and Coal Industry." M7730 (ASU) The Coal Miner's Struggle in Eastern Kentucky. N3020 (ASU) Autobiography of Mother Jones. P520 (ASU) "The Labor Struggle at Wilder, Tennessee." P2280 (ASU) The Kingsport Strike. P2440 (ASU LMC BC) "A Study of the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund." SI 400 Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. S5010 (ASU BC) "Grievance Settlement in Coal Mining." S5440 Facts About the Two Armed Marches on Logan. S9400 (ASU BC) The Incomparable Don Chafin. S9410 (BC ASU) "Bloody" Harlan, 1931-1938; an Appalachian Coal County in the Thirties. T170 LABOR UNIONS - APP. The Kentucky Miner's Struggle: The Record of a Year of Lawless Violence. The Only Complete Picture of Events Briefly Told. A2090 (ASU) "A History of the Labor Movement in West Virginia." A2610 Proceedings, October 12-14, 1964. A4110 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY LABOR UNIONS — APP. "Strikes in the Southern West Virginia Coal Fields, 1912-1922." B1040 (ASU) B4750 (BC) Labor's Untold Story. B6040 (ASU) "Collective Bargaining in the Bituminous Coal Industry." C5380 (ASU) Men and Coal. C5800 (MHC WCU) The Molly Maguires. The Origin, Growth, and Character of the Organization. D2010 (ASU WCU) "The Economic Effects of Collective Bargaining in Bituminous Coal Mining." G3860 "Cooperation-conflict in Labor Management: A Study of Contrasting Cases (Women's Garment Industry and Bituminous Coal Industry)." H110 "The Coal Miner's Insurrections, 1891-1892." H8740 (ASU) Autobiography of Mother Jones. J2500 (BC LMC ASU WCU MHC) Thoughts of Mother Jones: Compiled from Her Writings and Speeches. J2510 (WCU) "A Study of a Labor Unions of the Textile Industry in the Southern Appalachian Piedmont." K2230 (ETSU) Bloodletting in Appalachia: The Story of West Virginia's Four Major Mine Wars and Other Thrilling Incidents of Its Coal Fields. LI350 (ASU WCU LMC BC MHC) Lament for the Molly Maquires. L2080 Hard Hitting Songs for Hard Hit People: American Folk Songs of the Depression and the Labor Movement of the 1930's. L3140 (BC ASU MHC LMC) "Union Economic Politics and Union Discipline in the Bituminous Wage Dispute of 1949-1950." R4030 (ASU) "An Analysis of Federative Patterns in Social Organization with a Field Study of the Council of Southern Mountain Workers." S1510 (BC) S5520 (ASU) "Coal and Conflict: The U.M.W.A. in Harlan County, 1931-1939." T690 (BC ASU) The Logan Coal Field of West Virginia: A Brief History. T8470 (ASU ETSU WCU) Hell in Harlan. T8760 (WCU) Labor Baron, a Portrait of John L. Lewis. W2170 (BC) The American Miners Association: A Record of the Origin of Coal Miners' Unions in the United States. W5970 (ASU) The Miners' Case and the Public Interest: A Documented Chronology. W5980 LABOR UNIONS — KY. The Shame That Is Kentucky's! The Story of the Harlan Mine War. C7610 (ASU) 02840 "A New Deal for Harlan: The Roosevelt Labor Policies in a Kentucky Coal Field, 1931-1939." H5120 (BC) LABOR UNIONS — N. C. Welfare Work in Mill Villages, the Story of Extra-mill Activities in North Carolina. H4990 (WWC) "The Textile Strikes in Marion, North Carolina, 1929: A Challenge to the New South." H6450 (ETSU) Millhand and Preachers, a Study of Gastonia. P3560 (MHC) LABOR UNIONS — PA. The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region. C5760 (WCU ASU) SUBJECT LABOR UNIONS - TENN. "The Negro and Organized Labor as Voting Blocs in Tennessee, 1960-1964." D2070 LABOR UNIONS — UMW "The Anthracite Mine Workers, 1869-1897: A Functional Approach to Labor History." A5520 (ASU) From the Molly Maguires to the United Mine Workers: The Social Ecology of an Industrial Union, 1869-1997. A5530 (WCU BC) LABOR UNIONS — W. VA. The Socialist and Labor Star, Huntington, West Virginia, 1912-1915. C7370 (ASU BC) "The Mine War on Cabin Creek and Paint Creek, West Virginia, in 1912-1913." C8590 (ASU) Labor Relations in the Fairmont, West Virginia, Bituminous Coal Field. El 950 (ASU) From Humble Beginnings; West Virginia State Federation of Labor, 1903-1957. H2770 (BC) Civil War in West Virginia: A Story of the Industrial Conflict in the Coal Mines. L380 (ASU BC) "The Labor Movement in West Virginia, 1900-1948." P3730 "Worker Education in West Virginia: A Study in Union-University Cooperation." R3670 (ASU) LAND CLASSIFICATION AND USE Land Use Plan for the City of Berea, Ky. B3120 (BC) Land Development Plan. B5450 Land Use Plan, Haywood County, N. C. H4020 (LMC) The Diligent Destroyers. LI090 (ASU WCU) LAND CLASSIFICATION AND USE — KY. Land Utilization in Laurel County, Kentucky. C4820 (BC) Existing Land Use Analysis, Leslie County, Kentucky. K1140 Harlan County, Existing Land Use Analysis. Harlan-Harlan County Major Thoroughfare Plan. K1150 Pikeville, Kentucky, Neighborhood Analysis. K1160 LAND CLASSIFICATION AND USE — N. C. Land-use in Clay County. H7050 (LMC) LAND CLASSIFICATION AND USE - N. Y. Economic Study of Land Utilization in Schuyler County, N. Y. D410 Economic Study of Land Utilization in Chautauqua County, New York. J2750 Economic Study of Land Utilization in Otsego County, New York. J2760 LAND CLASSIFICATION AND USE — TENN. Minimum Land Requirements for Specified Levels of Farm Income in the Eastern Highland Rim of Tennessee. E30 "Rural Land Use in Franklin County, Tennessee." G630 Land Use Analysis. J1510 (ETSU) Land Use Plan. J1520 (ETSU) LAND CLASSIFICATION AND USE — VA. Economic Land Classification of Pulaski County. Gil 90 LAND CLASSIFICATION AND USE - W. VA. Rural Underemployment and Land Use in a Marginal Agricultural Area of West Virginia. B6150 LAND GRANTS AND LOTTERIES - GA. Index to the Headright and Bounty Grants of Georgia, 1759-1909. L3830 (ASU) The Second or 1807 Land Lottery of Georgia. L3840 (ASU) 157 LABOR—LAND LAND GRANTS AND RECORDS Two Years of Harriman, Tennessee. Established by the East Tennessee Land Company, February 26, 1890. El 60 (ASU BC) L2760 Cavaliers and Pioneers: Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants, 1623-1666. N2960 (ASU) LAND GRANTS AND RECORDS - GA. The Third and Fourth or 1820 and 1821 Land Lotteries of Georgia. G940 (ASU) Genealogical History of Original Murray County. W5650 1805 Georgia Land Lottery. W8670 (ASU BC) LAND GRANTS AND RECORDS — INDIANS "James Robertson: Frontiersman." B570 LAND GRANTS AND RECORDS — KY. The Transylvania Company and the Founding of Henderson, Ky. H4450 (ASU) The Kentucky Land Grants: A Systematic Index to the Land Grants Recorded in the State Land Office at Frankfort, Kentucky, 1782-1924. J1160 (ASU) Old Kentucky Entries and Deeds. A Complex Index to All of the Earliest Land Entries, Military Warrants, Deeds and Wills of the Commonwealth of Kentucky. J1190 (ASU MHC) A Calendar of the Warrants for Land in Kentucky Granted for Service in the French and Indian War. K1280 (BC ASU) LAND GRANTS AND RECORDS - N. C. Land Entry Book, Wilkes County, North Carolina, 1778-1781. A160 (ASU) Deed Book A-l Wilkes County, North Carolina. A170 Buncombe County, North Carolina, Grantee Deed Index. D2370 Buncombe County, North Carolina, Grantor Deed Index. D2380 Abstracts of Deeds, Rutherford County, North Carolina, Volumes A-D. G3570 The History of Land Titles in Western North Carolina: With Supplement. S4360 (ASU LMC WCU UNCA) LAND GRANTS AND RECORDS - TENN. Rugby, Tennessee, Being Some Account of the Settlement Founded on the Cumberland Plateau by the Board of Aid to Land Ownership, Ltd. H8130 (LMC BC) LAND GRANTS AND RECORDS — VA. Abstract of Land Grant Surveys, 1761-1791. K310 (ASU) Virginia Revolutionary Land Bounty Warrants. W7460 Catalogue of Revolutionary Soldiers and Sailors of the Commonwealth of Va.; to Whom Land Bounty Warrants were Granted. . . . W7470 (BC) Catalogue of Revolutionary Soldiers and Sailors of the Commonwealth of Virginia to Whom Land Bounty Warrants Were Granted by Virginia for Military Services in the War for Independence. W7480 (ASU) LAND GRANTS AND RECORDS — W. VA. Indexes to Land Grants in West Virginia. S3660 (ASU) LAND GRANTS — N. C. L2750 (WCU ASU) LAND GRANTS - TENN. L2750 (WCU ASU) LAND LOTTERIES L2760 1805 Georgia Land Lottery. W8670 (ASU BC) LAND LOTTERIES - GA. The Third and Fourth or 1820 and 1821 Land Lotteries of Georgia. G940 (ASU) �LAND—LAND LAND LOTTERIES — N. C. L2750 (WCU ASU) LAND LOTTERIES — TENN. "long-lots in Washington County, Tennessee, with Reference to Past and Present Land-holding Shapes." HI 230 (ETSU) L2750 (WCU ASU) LAND OWNERSHIP Social Factors Associated with Land Class in Overton County, Tennessee. A1890 Government Land Acquisition: A Summary of Land Acquisition by Federal, State and Local Governments up to 1964. A2140 (LMC) "James Robertson: Frontiersman." B570 Rights-of-Way for Removal of Natural Resources From West Virginia Land: An Examination of Existing Applicable Law and of Possible Changes Therein. B7300 (ASU) General James Robertson, Father of Tennessee. M4360 (ETSU ASU) Home and Farm Ownership. N1740 (LMC) Cavaliers and Pioneers: Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants, 1623-1666. N2960 (ASU) Classification of Land Ownership in Bedford Co., Virginia. P680 LAND OWNERSHIP — APP. The Southern Appalachian Forests. A5850 (ASU BC LMC ETSU) The Transylvania Colony. L1910 (BC ASU) Biography of James Patton. P830 Influence of Woodland and Owner Characteristics of Forest Management. T4790 Purchase of Land under the Weeks Law in the Southern Appalachian and White Mountains. U2960 Purchase of Land under the Weeks Law in the Southern Appalachian and White Mountains. U2970 LAND OWNERSHIP — APPALACHIAN POWER CO. Order of Business for Real Estate and Rights of Way. A3450 LAND OWNERSHIP — COLONIALISM — APP. A4470 (ASU) LAND OWNERSHIP — GA. Cherokee and Creek Indians. Returns a Property Left in Tennessee and Georgia, 1838. Ml 470 LAND OWNERSHIP — GOVT. Managing 10,000 Miles of Shoreline. C670 LAND OWNERSHIP — KY. The Kentucky Land Grants: A Systematic Index to the Land Grants Recorded in the State Land Office at Frankfort, Kentucky, 1782-1924. J1160 (ASU) Old Kentucky Entries and Deeds. A Complex Index to All of the Earliest Land Entries, Military Warrants, Deeds and Wills of the Commonwealth of Kentucky. J1190 (ASU MHC) A Calendar of the Warrants for Land in Kentucky Granted for Service in the French and Indian War. K1280 (BCASU) Appalachian Kentucky, an Exploited Region. L440 (ETSU) Petitions of the early Inhabitants of Kentucky to the General Assembly of Virginia, 1769. R3160 LAND OWNERSHIP — LEGATION United States of America, on the Relation of Oscar L. Chapman, Secretary of the Interior, Petitioner v. Federal Power Commission, Virginia Electric and Power Company, et al. Virginia REA Association, et al. On Writs of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. Brief for Appalachian Electric Power Company, Intervenor. A3490 SUBJECT LAND OWNERSHIP — LOTTERIES 1832 Cherokee Land Lottery: Index to Revolutionary Soldiers, Their Widows and Orphans Who Were Fortunate Drawers. R2150 (ASU WCU) The Cherokee Land Lottery. S4820 (LMC ETSU ASU BC) The Cherokee Land Lottery. S4830 (ETSU) The Cherokee Land Lottery, Containing a Numerical List of the Names of the Fortunate Drawers in Said Lottery, With an Engraved Map of Each District. S4840 (ASU WCU BC) LAND OWNERSHIP — N. C. Deed Book B-l Wilkes County, North Carolina. A150 Land Entry Book, Wilkes County, North Carolina, 1778-1781. A160 (ASU) Deed Book A-l Wilkes County, North Carolina. A170 C3670 (ASU) Cherokee Lands, Report. N2360 North Carolina Lands: Ownership, Use, and Management of Forest and Related Lands. P3470 (ASU LMC BC WCU UNCA) The History of Land Titles in Western North Carolina: With Supplement. S4360 (ASU LMC WCU UNCA) LAND OWNERSHIP — TENN. North Carolina Land Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791. C1800 (ETSU BC ASU) Two Years of Harriman, Tennessee. Established by the East Tennessee Land Company, February 26, 1890. El 60 (ASU BC) "Long-lots in Washington County, Tennessee, with Reference to Past and Present Land-holding Shapes." H1230 (ETSU) "The Settlement Pattern of Upper East Tennessee." H3910 (ETSU) Rugby, Tennessee, Being Some Account of the Settlement Founded on the Cumberland Plateau by the Board of Aid to Land Ownership, Ltd. H8130 (LMC BC) Cherokee and Creek Indians. Returns a Property Left in Tennessee and Georgia, 1838. Ml 470 LAND OWNERSHIP - VA. Virginia Baron: The Story of Thomas, 6th Lord Fairfax. B7400 (ASU BC) Washington's Western Lands. C6910 (ASU) Free Negro Labor and Property Holding in Virginia, 1830-1860. J160 (ETSU) LAND OWNERSHIP — W. VA. Indexes to Land Grants in West Virginia. S3660 (ASU) Surveying Rural Property Boundary Lines in West Virginia: A Guide For Surveyors, Attorneys, Landowners, and Others. S3730 (LMC) LAND USE A2870 Land Development Plan. B5440 (BC ASU) The Rural Land Use of Washington County, Tennessee. M2970 "Shifts in Land Use in the Appalachian Region of Virginia." O550 (LMC ASU) Footprints in the Soil and Reflections on the Water: Conservation in West Virginia. O570 (ASU) "Land Utilization in Roane County, Tennessee." P450 Economic Land Classification of Clarke Co., Va. P720 Tenn. Valley Land and Its Changing Use. S5400 LAND USE — APP. Conservation: An American Story of Conflict and Accomplishment. C8240 158 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Planning a Tourist Recreation Region for the Age of Leisure. Printed by Planning and Land Use Education Program, Appalachian State Univ., 1974. N890 (ASU) "Socio-Economic Readjustment of Farm Families Displaced by the TVA Land Purchase in the Norris Area." Ml 000 Tenn. Valley Land and Its Changing Use. SI 50 An Inventory of Land and Its Use in the Tennessee Valley. S5100 Fifty Inches of Rain. A Story of Land and Water Conservation. T2700 (BC) The Land Between the Lakes; A Demonstration in Recreation Resource Development; Revised Concept Statement. T3010 Recreational Development of the Southern Highlands Region; A Study of the Use and Control of Scenic and Recreational Resources. T4290 (LMC) The Scenic Resources of the Tennessee Valley; A Descriptive and Pictorial Inventory. T4310 Land Acquisition in TVA. An Analysis of TVA Land Acquisition, Land Management, and Family Relocation Procedures as They Could Relate to the Missouri Valley Development. Statements Presented Before the Select Subcommittee on Real Property Acquisition of the Committee on Public Works. T5150 Atlas of the Tennessee Valley Region. T5830 Inundation & erosion in the Appalachian region. U3210 "Reservoir Impacts on Economic Activity, Land Use and Land Values in Appalachia." W5220 "Economic Aspects of Surface Subsidence Resulting from Underground Mineral Exploitation." Z190 LAND USE — KY. "Land Use in Powell County, Kentucky." D1900 Family Incomes and Land Utilization in Knott County, Kentucky. N900 Family Incomes and Land Utilization in Knott County, Kentucky. N910 LAND USE — N. C. "The Asheville Basin of North Carolina: A Study in Highland Agricultural Land Use." L3690 (LMC ASU) Planning a Tourist Recreation Region for the Age of Leisure. Printed by Planning and Land Use Education Program, Appalachian State Univ., 1974. N890 (ASU) Proceedings of the Third Annual Workshop on the Third Annual Workshop on the Planning and Utilization of Leisure Resources, March 18-19. N1620 (ASU) Community Facilities Plan & Public Improvements Program: Valdese, North Carolina. N2040 (WCU) Land Development Plan for Black Mountain, N. C. N2050 (WCU) Land Development Plan: Boone, North Carolina. N2060 (WCU ASU) Land Development Plan: Burnsville, N. C. N2070 (WCU) Land Potential Study: Madison County, North Carolina. N2080 (WCU) Land Potential Study & Land Development Plan: Wilkes County, North Carolina. N2090 (ASU WCU) Land Use Survey and Analysis and Land Development Plan: Valdese, North Carolina. N2110 (WCU) Watauga County Land Development Plan. N2180 (ASU) Zoning Ordinance: Boone, N. C. N2190 (LMC ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY LAND USE — N. C. Zoning Ordinance of the W. Kerr Scott Reservoir Area, Wilkes County, N. C. N2200 (ASU) Zoning Ordinance: Wilkes County, North Carolina. N2210 (ASU WCU) The Southern Highlands Mountain Resources Management Plan. N2480 LAND USE -PA. Operation Scarlift, the After-Effects of Over 100 Years of Coal Mining In Pennsylvania and Current Programs to Combat Them. PI 800 Conservation Law and Administration: A Case Study of Law and Resource Use in Pennsylvania. S1170 LAND USE — TENN. "The Sequatchie Valley, Tennessee, a Study in Land Utilization." M3770 "Geographic Factors in the Land Use of Green County, Tennessee." P390 Melton Hill Reservoir, Comprehensive Plan for Land Use Development. T1650 Reservoir Shore Line Development in Tennessee; a Study of Problems and Opportunities. T1700 Multiple-Use of Morris Watershed. T4810 Pickwick Landing Dam on the Tennessee River. T6460 LAND USE — VA. Economic Land Classification of Augusta Co., Virginia. P690 Economic Land Classification of Botetourt Co., Virginia. P700 Economic Land Classification of Culpeper Co., Va. P730 Economic Land Classification of Grayson Co., Va. P740 Economic Land Classification of Greene Co., Va. P750 Economic Land Classification of Loudoun Co., Va. P760 Economic Land Classification of Shenandoah County, Va. P770 Economic Land Classification of Smyth Co., Va. P780 Economic Land Classification of Wythe Co., Va. P790 LAND USE - W. VA. "Land Use in Greenbriar County, West Virginia." W5110 (BC) LAW — APP. . . . Injunctions in Cases Involving Acts of Congress. Letter from the Chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority Transmitting, in Response to Senate Resolution no. 82, Certain Information Concerning Injunctions or Judgments Issued or Rendered by Federal Courts Since March 4, 1933, in Cases Involving Acts of Congress. . . . T2940 Current and Proposed Regulations and Legislation on Air Pollution Concerning the Appalachian Coal Industry. W7190 LAW ENFORCEMENT The Incomparable Don Chafin. S9410 (BC ASU) LAW ENFORCEMENT — APP. W5350 (BC) LAW ENFORCEMENT - TENN. "The Office of Knox County Sheriff: An Administrative Study." B660 LAW — KY. Richard Hickman Menefee. T9090 (BC) Life and Times of Judge Caleb Wallace, Some Time a Justice of the Court of Appeals of the State of Ky. W5870 (BC) SUBJECT LAW — PA. "Social Legislation for the Protection of Coal Miners in Pennsylvania." Z90 LAW — TENN. Personal and Professional Reminiscences of an Old Lawyer. P3160 History of Codification in Tennessee. W6750 (ETSU) LAW — TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY . . . A Compilation of the More Important Congressional Acts, Treaties, Presidential Messages, Judicial Decisions, and Official Reports and Documents Having to do with the Control, Conservation, and Utilization of Water Resources. T5090 Congressional Hearings, Reports, and Documents Relating to TVA. 1933-. T5910 LAW — VA. An Old Virginia Court: Being a Transcript of the Records of the First Court of Franklin County, Virginia, 1786-1789, with Biographies of the Justices and Stories of Famous Cases. V730 (ASU ETSU) LAW — W. VA. Acts of the Legislature of West Virginia at Its First Session, Commencing June 20th, 1863. W4120 (BC) The School Law of West Virginia. W4130 (BC) The School Law of West Virginia. W4140 (BC) School Laws of West Virginia. W4150 (ETSU) The School Law of West Va. and Opinions of the Attorney-General and Decisions of the State Superintendent of Free Schools. W4160 (BC) LAWS Constitution and Laws of the Cherokee Nation. C3680 (ASU) LAWS — APP. Natural Resource Special Districts in Appalachia: Review of Enabling Laws. HI 330 LAWS — CHEROKEE "The Judicial History of the Cherokee Nation from 1721 to 1835." D2220 L940 A Law of Blood: The Primitive Law of the Cherokee Nation. R1410 (LMC BC UNCA) LAWS — KY. Nisi Prius. B6990 (ASU BC) Kentucky Law on Water. C4790 Lawyer's Lawyer; the Life of John W. Davis. HI 750 (ASU BC) The County Courts in Antebellum Kentucky. 1940 (BC WWC) LAWS — MD. Maryland Water Law: Water Laws and Legal Principles Affecting the Use of Water in Maryland. G120 LAWS - N. C. "Community Correlates of Crime and Law Enforcement Activities in Northwestern North Carolina." H6160 (ASU) North Carolina County Legislation Index: A Complete Listing of the Local or Special Acts Passed by the General Assembly for Each County, 1669-1961. N2440 (LMC) LAWS - RECONSTRUCTION - KU KLUX KLAN Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. H7210 Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. H7211 Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. H7212 159 LAND—LEGAL Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. H7213 Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan, 1866-1871. H7214 LAWS — TENN. "Washington County Court, 1796-1836." F920 (ETSU) Six Days or Forever? Tennessee v. John Thomas Scopes. G1830 (ASU BC) Bench and Bar of Knox County, Tennessee. G3580 (BC) Private Acts of Anderson County, 1801-1956. T1570 "An Attitudinal Study of Sunday Closing Laws in Johnson City, Tennessee: A Contribution to the "Interest-group" (Conflict) Model of Law." T7830 (ETSU) LAWS — TENN. — EVOLUTION Center of the Storm: Memoirs of John T. Scopes. R1340 (ASU WCU) The World's Most Famous Court Trial, Tennessee Evolution Case: A Complete Stenographic Report of the Famous Court Test of the Tennessee Anti-evolution Act, at Dayton, July 10 to 21, 1925, Including Speeches and Arguments of Attorneys. R1350 (ASU BC) LAWS — VA. The Compacts of Virginia. C6800 (FC) The Inside Story of the World Famous Courtroom Tragedy. C7060 (BC) Virginia Court Records in Southwestern Pennsylvania. Records of the District of West Augusta and Ohio and Yohogania Counties, Virginia, 1775-1780. C9350 A Curiosity in Chancery. D660 The Code of Virginia: With the Declaration of Independence and Constitution of the U. S.: And the Declaration of Rights and Constitution of Virginia. V1090 (LMC) LAWS — W. VA. The Lawmaking Process in West Virginia: A Study in Legislative Ethics. C5560 (LMC) Issues of Constitutional Revision in West Virginia. D930 West Virginia State and Local Government. D940 (ETSU BC) LEGAL SERVICE - KY. They Tried to Crucify Me; or, the Smokescreen of the Cumberland*. L430 LEGAL SERVICES Appalachian Research and Defense Fund Public Interest Report. A4010 B4750 (BC) Rights-of-Way for Removal of Natural Resources From West Virginia Land: An Examination of Existing Applicable Law and of Possible Changes Therein. B7300 (ASU) A Survey of the Legal Environment of Knox County, Kentucky. C2590 The Traipsin1 Woman. T7970 (ASU WWC BC) LEGAL SERVICES — APP. Papers and Proceedings of Appalachian Legal Services Conference, Knoxville, Tenn., July 24-26, 1969. A3230 (BC) The Legal Problems of the Appalachian Area in the Immediate Region of Western North Carolina. B5530 (LMC) Directory. C7950 (ASU) The Legal Status of the Tenant Farmer in the Southeast. M3040 (LMC) �LEGAL-LITERATURE LEGAL SERVICES — APP. Legal Problems of Coal Mine Reclamation: Study in Maryland, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia. M3930 (BC) LEGAL SERVICES - CHEROKEE A Study of Judicial Procedures on the Cherokee Indian Reservation. K2670 (LMC ASU) LEGAL SERVICES — N. C. North Carolina County Legislation Index: A Complete Listing of the Local or Special Acts Passed by the General Assembly for Each County, 1669-1961. N2440 (LMC) LEGAL SERVICES — OHIO Comparative State Strip Mining and Reclamation Laws. 0390 LEGAL SERVICES — PA. Available for Work: The Pennsylvania Unemployment Compensation Interpretation. B7550 Conservation Law and Administration: A Case Study of Law and Resource Use in Pennsylvania. SI 170 LEGAL SERVICES — TENN. Sketches of the Bench and Bar of Tennessee. C130 (ASU) "Unicoi County Court: 1876-1918." P4110 (ETSU) "Community Concept of Juvenile Court Function in Knox County, Tennessee." $3460 LEGAL SERVICES - VA. P4690 LEGAL SERVICES - W. VA. "The West Virginia Labor Federation and the West Virginia Legislature, 1957-1961." B8350 The Lawmaking Process in West Virginia: A Study in Legislative Ethics. C5560 (LMC) The Recollections of Fifty Years of West Virginia. M600 (BC ASU) LIBRARIES A2760 (BC) "Student Involvement in the Policies of a Junior High School Library — An Experiment." B340 (ETSU) Library Services in West Virginia, Present and Proposed. B4670 (ASU) "A History of the Library Resources of Putnam County, Tennessee." B8180 Libraries in North Carolina. N2450 (WWC) The Development of a Bibliographic Center in the West Virginia Region: Final Report, 1966. W4610 (ASU) Guide to Manuscripts and Archives in the West Virginia Collection. W4620 (ASU ETSU BC) LIBRARIES — ALA. "A Survey of the Library Facilities in the Negro Schools of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama." D2540 "A Survey of School Library Facilities and Services in Four Selected High Schools in Jefferson County, Alabama." W6410 LIBRARIES - APP. Resources of the Appalachian Library and Culture Center, an Annotated Listing of Books, Recordings and Other Media. A3240 Libraries of the South — A Report on Developments, 1930-1935. B1160 The Library in the TVA Adult Education Program. C2880 (ETSU) County Library Service in the South. W7390 (BC) LIBRARIES — GA. "Initiating the Rural Library Program in Towns and Union Counties, Georgia." L3710 LIBRARIES — KY. "Book Extension Services in Eastern Kentucky." B2230 (ASU) SUBJECT From Bishop Percy (1765) to John Jacob Niles (1974): 340 Books of Ballads and Songs in the Berea College Collection. P2150 (BC ASU) Mountain Fiction From Addington to Zugsmith: 924 Works of Fiction by Southern Appalachian Authors, Or With Southern Appalachian Settings. P2160 A Shelf List of More than 760 Works of Fiction. P2170 "A Plan for Regional Library Development in Eastern Kentucky." P3920 Kentucky Public Library Inventory and Projected Needs. S6240 LIBRARIES — N. C. A Survey of the Public Libraries of Asheville and Buncombe County, North Carolina. C2730 (LMC ETSU ASU) "A History of the Public Library in Murphy, N. C." C6930 The Asheville Archive, College of the City of Asheville, N. C. N1780 "An Evaluation of the Library Proficiencies of Freshmen at Appalachian State Teachers College, 1953-54." 01020 (ASU) S5780 (MHC) Union List of Periodicals in Libraries of Western North Carolina Library Association. W4880 (ASU) Union List of Periodicals in Libraries of Western North Carolina. W4890 (LMC) "A Comparative Study of Tendencies and Motivational Factors of Students from Various Academic Departments Who Vandalize Library Materials at Appalachian State University." W6570 (ASU) Guide to the Manuscripts in the Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina. W9190 (LMC) LIBRARIES — PA. A Description of the George Korson Folklore Archine. C7460 (ASU) LIBRARIES - TENN. "A Study of Book Losses During the Period 1965-1969 in the Dobyns-Bennett High School Materials Center, Kingsport, Tennessee." B2920 (ETSU) "A Survey of the Elementary School Libraries in Washington County, Tennessee." B4560 (ETSU) "Some Types of County and City Library Services to Schools in Tennessee." C9890 (ETSU) Library handbook. . . . E320 (ETSU) "Available Material in Knox County for Enriching the Teaching of Tennessee History." F190 (ETSU) "A Program of Library Instruction for the Ninth Grade Pupils at Jonesboro High School." F3030 (ETSU) Guide to Depositories of Manuscript Collection in Tennessee. H5790 (ETSU) List of Tennessee Imprints, 1793-1840, in Tennessee Libraries. H5880 (ETSU) "A Study of the Use of Student Library Assistants in the Secondary Schools of East Tennessee." H7620 "A Program of Visual Instruction for Use in Teaching the Location of Major Resources in the East Tennessee State University Library." L1030 (ETSU) Calvin Morgan McClung Historical Collection. L4040 "A Simplified Library Program for the Elementary Schools of Carter County, Tennessee." M8320 (ETSU) 160 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Public Library Service Study: Final Report. T1440 T1590 (ETSU) University of Tennessee Library Lectures. T2240 (ASU) . . . A Bibliography of the Tennessee Valley Authority. T5880 A Bibliography for the TVA Program. T5890 . . . A Chronology of the Tennessee Valley Authority. T5900 "A Survey of Library Services in the County Schools of Sullivan County, Tennessee." T7840 (ETSU) LIBRARIES — VA. "An Evaluation of the Elementary School Libraries in Washington County, Virginia." C6510 (ETSU) A Study of Library Services in Some Southwest Virginia Schools." F3720 (ETSU) LIBRARIES — W. VA. McDowell County, West Virginia, Library Survey. B8360 (BC) Survey for Library Development in Fayette and Raleigh Counties, West Virginia. B8370 (BC) A Proposed Regional Library for Wood, Pleasants, Tyler, and Wetzel Counties. M5710 W4220 (ETSU) Wyoming County on the Alert: A Socio-Economic Survey by Wyoming County Advisory Committee for Library Service and West Virginia Library Commission. W9890 LICKING RIVER Bibliography of Licking River Valley in Ky. J880 Interim Study report on Upper Licking River Basin, Kentucky. U290 (BC) LITERATURE Thomas Wolfe, Carolina Student: A Brief Biography. A360 (ASU WCU) Thomas Wolfe: Carolina Student; A Brief Biography. A370 (ASU WCU) Encomium for Scott County, Virginia. A500 Agee on Film: Five Film Scripts. A640 (BC ASU) Agee on Film: Reviews and Comments. A650 (ASU) The Collected Poems of James Agee. A660 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Collected Short Prose of James Agee. A670 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) A Death in the Family. A680 (ETSU BC WWC ASU) A Death in the Family. A690 (WCU) Four Early Stories. A700 (ETSU BC) Letters of James Agee to Father Flye. A710 (BC ETSU ASU) Letters of James Agee to Father Flye. A720 The Morning Watch. A760 (BC ASU WCU) Permit Me Voyage. A770 (ETSU) Philip Pendelton Cooke. A1580 (BC) The Buck Fever Papers. A2380 (ASU) Death in the Woods and Other Stories. A2390 Hello Towns. A2400 (ASU) Hello Towns. A2410 (LMC ASU) Kit Brandon: A Portrait. A2420 (ASU ETSU BC) Letters; Selected and Edited with an Introduction and Notes by Howard Mumford Jones, in association with Walter B. Rideout. A2430 (BC ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY LITERATURE The Dollmaker. A4900 (ETSU BC ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC) A Biography of Thomas Wolfe. A5570 (ASU WCU) The Autobiography of Waldron Bailey. B390 (ASU LMC BC) Voices from Vale and Hill. B730 (BC) A Barbecue Toast. B840 (ASU) Southern Writers: Biographical and Critical. B1780 John Esten Cooke, Virginian. B2390 , "Life and Literary Contributions of Luther Foster Addington, a Southwest Virginia Writer and Educator. B2910 1924 Works of Fiction by Southern Appalachian Authors, Or with Southern Appalachian Settings: Mountain Fiction from Addington to Zugsmith. B3080 (ASU MHC ETSU BC) Afterglow: A Collection of Short Stories and Poems. B4360 (ASU BC) "Jesse Stuart and His Work: A Critical Study." B4460 (ASU BC) Jesse Stuart: His Life and Works. B4470 (ASU BC) Native American Humor (1800-1900). B4500 (MHC BC) Stray Leaves from the Hillside. B4590 The Voice of the Folk: Folklore and American Literary Theory. B4840 (FC) The Southern Mountaineer in Literature, an Annotated Bibliography. B5040 (ETSU ASU LMC BC FC UNCA) "Study of a Dialect Employed by the People of the Kentucky Mountains and Presented through a Group of Original Short Stories." B5760 (ASU) West Virginia Authors: A Bibliography. B6490 (BC) Thomas Wolfe B6800 (ASU WCU) After the Good Gay Times: Asheville — Summer of '35; A Season with F. Scott Fitzgerald. B9430 Country Style: An Anthology of Hillbilly Humor. B9630 (LMC) Sketches of the Bench and Bar of Tennessee. C130 (ASU) Elizabeth Madox Roberts, American Novelist. C590 (BC) Southern Literary Culture: A Bibliography of Master's and Doctor's Theses. C1120 (ASU LMC) Mountain Lyrics and Sketches. C1370 (WCU) Mary N. Murfree. C1890 (ASU) Fugitive Lyrics of John Heiskell Booton. C1980 The Southern Appalachian Heritage. C2041 The High Cost of Writing. C2370 (BC) The Wooden Tower. C2510 A World of Books. C2720 (BC) The Lost World of Thomas Wolfe, Thomas Wolfe Home. C2830 (LMC MHC ASU) Carolina Country Reader. C2900 (WCU) "The Social and Economic Aspects of the Novels of Jesse Stuart." C3330 (ASU) Lazar and Boone Stop Strip Mining Bully to Save Apple Valley and Buttermilk Creek. C4510 (ASU) Jesse Stuart's Kentucky. C4680 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) Proverb, Proverbial Phrases and Proverbial Comparisons in the Writings of Jesse Stuart. C4690 SUBJECT Southern Season. C4730 (ASU) Clinard Looks Back, a Compilation of Short Stories Covering Early Days in Hickory. C5060 (ASU LMC) Johnny Park Talks of Thomas Wolfe. C5430 (ASU LMC) "A Study of the Black Mountain Poets." C6150 (WCU) Best of Hillbilly: A Prize Collection of 100-proof Writings from Jim Comstock's West Virginia Hillbilly. C6300 (ASU MHC WCU LMC BC) Thomas Dixon: His Books and His Career. C6870 , An American Story-book. Short Stories from Studies of Life in Southwestern Pennsylvania. C8090 (ASU) Southwestern Pennsylvania in Song and Story. C8100 Hunger: A Tragedy of North Carolina Farm Folk. D120 Thomas Wolfe: October Recollections. D200 (ASU) Chronicle of the Cavaliers: A Life of the Virginia Novelist, Dr. William A. Caruthers. D950 (WCU ASU) 'Pon my Honor, Hit's the Truth; Tall Tales from the Mountains. D1050 (BC) Silhouettes of American Life. D1200 (ETSU ASU) Silhouettes of American Life. D1210 (ASU BC ETSU) Waiting for the Verdict. D1220 Shepherd Monroe Dugger: A Critical Biography. D1370 (LMC ASU) "A Lexicographical Study of the Vocabulary of Greenup County, Kentucky, Set Forth in Jesse Stuart's "Beyond Dark Hills"." D2210 (ASU) Dipped in Sky; a Study of Percy MacKaye's "Kentucky Mountain Cycle." D2800 (BC) Davy Crockett: American Comic Legend. D3060 (ASU) Dubose Heyward: The Southern as Artist. D4050 John Filson, the First Historian of Kentucky: An Account of His Life and Writings. D4100 (LMC) Harriette Arnow. E770 (BC) A Bibliography of Appalachian Children's and Young People's Books. El 170 El 570 John Henry and His Hammer. F560 Springboard to Optimism Versus Majoring in the Minors: A Dozen Books in One. F670 (ASU) Thomas Wolfe: Three Decades of Criticism. F780 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Thomas Wolfe as I Knew Him, and Other Essays. F1210 (BC ASU UNCA WCU) Provincial Types in American Fiction. F1270 (ASU) Jesse Stuart. F2350 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Look Homeward, Angel: A Play Based on the Novel by Thomas Wolfe. F3410 (ASU BC) F3460 (ASU BC) Southern Life in Southern Literature. F3810 G1000 (MHC) Thomas Wolfe and the Glass of Time. G1030 (ETSU ASU) Around Our House. G1360 (BC) A Little Better Than Plumb: The Biography of a House. G1380 (BC ASU ETSU) Stories of the Foot-hills. G3140 (ASU) The Portable Sherwood Anderson. G3970 Essays on North Carolina History. G4120 (ASU LMC) 161 LITERATURE-LITERATURE Look Back with Love: A Recollection of the Blue Ridge. H1610 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU FC WWC BC) Middletown Valley in Song and Story. HI 740 (BC) My Book and Heart. H2730 (ASU BC) High Times and Hard Times: Sketches and Tales. H2800 (ASU BC) The Lovingood Papers. H2810 Sut Lovingood. H2820 (ASU) Sut Lovingood. Yarns Spun by a "Nat'ral Born Durn'd Fool." Warped and Wove for Public Wear. H2830 (ASU BC ETSU) Sut Lovingood's Yarns. H2840 (ASU WWC) "Charles Egbert Craddock as an Interpreter of Mountain Life." H2900 "Charles Egbert Craddock as an Interpreter of Mountain Life." H2910 (ASU) "The Southern Mountaineer in American Fiction, 1824-1910." H2920 (ASU ETSU) Balaam and His Master, and Other Sketches and Stories. H2940 (WCU) Joel Chandler Harris, Editor and Essayist: Miscellaneous Literary, Political and Social Writings. H2950 (WCU) The Frontier in American Literature. H4100 My Rappahannock Storybook. H6060 (BC ASU) The Ballad of Tall Tom Wolfe. H6190 (ASU) History of Fentress County, Tennessee, the Old Home of Mark Twain's Ancestors. H6410 Mark Twain's Obedstown and Knobs of Tennessee; a History of Jamestown and Fentress County, Tennessee. H6420 Bulletin of the Virginia State Library: Index to Mrs. Cabell's "Sketches and Recollections of Lynchburg." H6460 (ASU) A History of Southern Literature. H6640 Thomas Wolfe. H6760 (ASU UNCA) Three Modes of Modern Southern Fiction: Ellen Glasgow, William Faulkner, Thomas Wolfe. H6770 (ASU MHC) The World of Thomas Wolfe. H6780 (ASU WCU MHC UNCA) Some Adventures of Capt. Simon Suggs. H7060 (ASU) Chimney Rock Anthology. ISO "Elements of Local Color in the Prose Fiction of Jesse Stuart." J740 (ASU) Kentucky Days. J760 (ETSU) Walking Bear of Silvermine Mountain. J810 Thomas Wolfe: A Checklist. J1670 (ASU) Of Time and Thomas Wolfe: A Bibliography with a Character Index of His Works. J1680 (ASU UNCA) Southern Fiction Prior to I860: An Attempt at a First Hand Bibliography. J1820 (ASU) Southern Fiction Prior to I860: An Attempt at a First-hand Bibliography. J1830 (MHC) The Art of Thomas Wolfe. J1890 (ASU WCU) Thomas Wolfe: A Critical Study. J1900 (ASU WCU BC) North Carolina Fiction, 1734-1957: An Annotated Bibliography. J2210 (ASU MHC) �LITERATURE—LITERATURE LITERATURE The Window of Memory: The Literary Career of Thomas Wolfe. K800 (BC UNCA ASU WCU) K1440 The Centennial Edition of the Works of Sidney Lanier. L510 (MHC) "The Literary Career of Jesse Stuart." L1230 (ASU) "Jesse Stuart: Kentucky's Chronicler-poet." LI 690 "The Southern Mountaineer in Fiction." L2220 (ASU) Cheap and Contented Labor; the Picture of a Southern Mill Town in 1929. L2230 Fiction Fights the Civil War: An Unfinished Chapter in the Literary History of the American People. L2880 (ASU) "The Reactions of the Students of the Jonesboro, Tennessee, Middle School to Newbery Book Award Winners." L3720 (ETSU) Laughter and Tears in the Mountains. L3780 (ASU BC) Tom Wolfe's "Dixieland." M830 (ASU WCU) Dialect Tales. M1210 (BC ASU ETSU) Thomas Wolfe. M1270 (ASU WCU UNCA) Belonging: A Nostalgic Look at Appalachia. M1840 (LMC) "The Southern Highlands in Prose Fiction." M2100 (ASU WCU) Rediscoveries: Informal Essays in Which Well-known Novelists Rediscover Neglected Works of Fiction by One of Their Favorite Authors. M2670 (ASU) Human Migration: A Guide to Migration Literature in English, 1955-1962. M3000 Southern Literature from 1579-1895. M3100 Tall Tales from Old Smoky. M4210 (ASU LMC BC ETSU) Kentucky Moonshine. M4440 "North Georgia Life in the Fiction of Will N. Harben." M5080 Sketches of Life in North Carolina. M5340 "A Study of the Life and Works of Jesse Stuart." M6250 (ASU) "An Intimate Study of Mary Noailles Murfree, Charles Egbert Craddock." M6810 (ASU) John Fox, Jr.: Personal and Family Letters and Papers. M7110 Southern Character Sketches. M7190 (ASU WCU) "The Appalachia of Wilma Dykeman's Fiction." M7340 Stories My Father Told Us. M7510 (ASU) Opie Read, American Humorist, 1852-1939. M7830 (BC WCU) "Selected Children's Fiction with a Contemporary Setting in the Mountains of Kentucky and North Carolina." M7880 (ASU) Thomas Wolfe. M8540 (ASU UNCA) Salt O'Life. M9130 (ASU BC LMC WCU) The Marble Man's Wife, Thomas Wolfe's Mother. N2880 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Thomas Wolfe, a Biography. N2930 (BC ASU WCU UNCA) Agee. O450 (WCU) "A Study and Contrast of the Kentucky Mountaineer and the Bluegrass Aristocrat in the Works of John Fox, Jr." O880 (ASU) Charles Egbert Craddock. P340 (ASU) SUBJECT Queer Books. PI290 (ASU LMC) The Dark Hills of Jesse Stuart: A Consideration of Symbolism and Vision in the Novels of Jesse Stuart. P1770 (LMC) Reflections of Jesse Stuart on a Land of Many Moods. P2200 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Thomas Wolfe at Washington Square. P3440 (WCU ASU) "They Are a Curious and Most Native Stock." The Southern Mountaineer in the Short-story." P3630 (ASU) North Carolina Fiction 1734-1957: An Annotated Bibliography. P4000 (ASU MHC) Thomas Wolfe, a Bibliography. P4420 (BC ASU) "The Southern Poor White in Fiction." P4860 "An Inquiry into the Life of Jesse Stuart as Related to His Literary Development and a Critical Study of His Works." R210 (ASU) Randolph-Macon Prose and Verse, a Collection of Undergraduate Writings. R430 (ASU) Without Shelter: The Early Career of Ellen Glasgow. R490 (ASU) Thomas Wolfe: Memoir of a Friendship. R710 (ASU WCU UNCA) "An Examination of the Negro Character in Selected Fiction by White East Tennessee Writers." R850 (ETSU) The Merrill Studies in Look Homeward, Angel. R1220 (ASU WCU) Thomas Wolfe's Albatross: Race and Nationality in America. R1230 (BC ASU WCU UNCA) Thomas Wolfe and the Glass of Time. R1240 (ETSU ASU WCU BC) Charles Egbert Craddock and die Amerikanische Short Story. R1370 Born of the Mountains. R1740 (ASU WCU LMC) The Southern Appalachian Region: Hitherto Untold Stories. R1770 (ASU LMC) "Sketches and Legends of Upper East Tennessee." R1780 (LMC ASU) Tallulah and Jocassee, or, Romances of Southern Landscape, and Other Tales. R2030 Kentucky Literature 1784-1963. R2170 (BC) George Washington Harris. R2190 (BC) William Gilmore Simms. R2280 (BC) Sketches of Rabun County History, 1819-1948. R2390 (BC ASU LMC) "Jesse Stuart: Pioneer Writer of the Kentucky Hills." R3750 (ASU) Herald to Chaos: The Novels of Elizabeth Madox Roberts. R4050 (ASU BC) Thomas Wolfe; a Collection of Critical Essays. R4180 (UNCA) Thomas Wolfe: The Weather of His Youth. R4190 (UNCA ASU WCU BC) The Story of the McGuffeys. R4270 (ASU BC) Told in the Hills. R4490 Thomas Wolfe. R4530 (UNCA) West Virginia, in History, Life, Literature and Industry. S2540 West Virginia Civil War Literature. S3030 Celluloid Muse: A Critical Study of James Agee. S3310 The Folk of Southern Fiction. S3830 (ASU) Thomas Wolfe: Ulysses and Narcissus. S5340 (ASU) 162 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY North Carolina Writers. S6030 (LMC) North Carolina Writers. S6040 (LMC) "Elizabeth M. Roberts: A Biographical and Critical Study." S6050 (ASU) Regionalism and Beyond: Essays of Randall Stewart. S7340 (ASU) "The Hillfolk Tradition and Images of the Hillfolk in American Fiction Since 1926." S7560 (LMC BC) The Cherokee in Romance, Tragedy, and Song in the Great Smokies. S8020 (ETSU) The Land beyond the River. S8460 (LMC MHC WCU ETSU BC) "Jesse Stuart and the Short Story." T370 (ASU) Lectures and Best Literary Productions of Bob Taylor. T460 (ASU) "The Short Stories of Jesse Stuart." T540 (ASU) Echoes: Centennial and Other Notable Speeches, Lectures, and Stories. T720 (ASU) The Kentucky Novel. T8240 (ASU) A Treasury of American Folk Humor; a Rare Collection of Laughter, Tall Tales, Jests and Other Gems of Merriment of the American People. T8570 (FC) John Fox, Jr. T8770 Kentucky in American Letters, 1784-1912. T9080 (ASU BC) T9140 (BC) William Gilmore Simms. T9240 (ASU) "Charles Egbert Craddock and the Southern Mountains and Mountaineers." T9480 (ASU) Thomas Wolfe. T9750 (ASU WCU UNCA) T9870 Bert Vincent's Strolling, Being Sort of a Side-Glance at the Little Odds and Ends of Life in These Parts. V630 The Best Stories of Bert Vincent, ed. Willard Yarbrough. V640 More of the Best Stories of Bert Vincent. V650 W1380 (ETSU) Thomas Wolfe's Characters: Portraits from Life. W1440 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) The Shenandoah Valley in History and Literature. W1830 (ASU) Wind Before Rain. W1990 (ASU LMC BC) "The Paradox of the Mountains: A Study of the Influences on Thomas Wolfe." W2440 (LMC) Poor Whites of the South. W4950 Smoky Mountain Ballads. W4980 Thomas Wolfe and His Family. W5040 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Incidents and Anecdotes. W5270 (LMC) From the Mountain. W5440 (ASU BC) W5930 (BC) A Selected Bibliography: The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction. W6480 (ASU MHC) "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction." W6490 (ASU MHC ETSU WWC BC) "James Still: An Inquiry into the Intrinsic Value of the Works of a Regional Writer." W7700 (LMC) Thomas Wolfe's Letters to His Mother. W8040 (ASU WCU) The Correspondence of Thomas Wolfe and Homer Andrew Watt. W8050 (UNCA ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY LITERATURE The Face of a Nation: Poetical Passages from the Writings of Thomas Wolfe. W8060 (ASU WCU BC ETSU) From Death to Morning. W8070 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC UNCA ETSU) The Hills Beyond. W8080 (WWC) The Hills Beyond. W8090 (ASU WCU MHC ETSU BC) The Hills Beyond. W8100 (UNCA ASU) Letters. W8110 (UNCA) The Letters of Thomas Wolfe. W8120 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Letters of Thomas Wolfe to His Mother. W8130 (UNCA ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Lost Boy. W8190 (BC) The Lost World of Thomas Wolfe. W8200 (ASU WCU ETSU BC UNCA) The Notebooks of Thomas Wolfe. W8230 (UNCA BC WCU ETSU ASU) Of Time and the River: A Legend of Man's Hunger in His Youth. W8240 (ASU WCU BC UNCA WWC) Of Time and the River: A Legend of Man's Hunger in His Youth. W8250 (ETSU) The Portable Thomas Wolfe. W8260 (WCU ETSU) Short Novels. W8270 (UNCA ASU WCU WWC ETSU) The Story of a Novel. W8300 (ASU WCU ETSU BC UNCA) The Thomas Wolfe Reader. W8310 (ASU WCU WWC ETSU BC UNCA) Thomas Wolfe's Letters to His Mother, Julia Elizabeth Wolfe. W8320 (UNCA ASU BC) Thomas Wolfe's Purdue Speech: Writing and Living. W8330 (ASU ETSU BC UNCA) To Rupert Brooke. W8340 (ASU) The Web and the Rock. W8350 (UNCA ASU WCU BC) The Web and the Rock. W8360 (WWC ETSU) A Western Journal: A Daily Log of the Great Parks Trip, June 20-July 1, 1928. W8370 (UNCA ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Years of Wandering in Many Lands and Cities. W8380 (ASU BC) You Can't Go Home Again. W8390 (ASU WWC WCU ETSU BC UNCA) The Correspondence of Thomas Wolfe and Homer Andrew Watt. W8400 (ASU WCU ETSU) LITERATURE — ALA. Mary Gordon Duffee's Sketches of Alabama. B7420 LITERATURE — APP. Hill Doctor, Tells in Story and Ballads, Tales of the Appalachians. B7750 The Literary Tradition of the Southern Mountaineer, 1824-1900. C5950 (ETSU ASU) Nineteenth Century Fiction of the Southern Appalachians. C5960 Descriptive List of Novels and Tales Dealing with American Country Life. 64330 Literary Profiles of the Southern States: A Manual for Schools and Clubs. H2280 (ASU) William Gilmore Simms: Realistic Romancer. J410 "High-interest, Low-vocabulary Original Prose and Poetry for Teenagers in Southern Appalachia." K1610 (ETSU) "The Regionalist Movement in the Cumberland." LI 680 (ASU) SUBJECT Great Smoky Mountain Stories and Sun over Ol' Starlin. M4850 (LMC WCU) Mountain Fiction From Addington to Zugsmith: 924 Works of Fiction by Southern Appalachian Authors, Or With Southern Appalachian Settings. P2160 A Shelf List of More than 760 Works of Fiction. P2170 Federal Writer's Project. Historical Records Survey. "Folk Elements in the Fiction of James Still." W270 (ASU) Tennessee Tales. W280 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Enigma of Thomas Wolfe: Biographical and Critical Selections. W570 (ASU WCU) Literary North Carolina. W580 (ASU BC) North Carolina in the Short Story. W610 (LMC BC) Thomas Wolfe: An Introduction and Interpretation. W630 (UNCA ASU WCU BC) With Pen and Camera Thru the "Land of the Sky": Western North Carolina and the Asheville Plateau. W790 (ASU) "The Library in the Literature Program at Daniel Boone High School, Washington County, Tennessee." W1530 (ETSU) Some Appalachian Short Stories: A Bibliography. W1590 LITERATURE — CHEROKEE Cherokee Indian Lore and Smoky Mountain Stories. S3340 (ASU BC) Cherokee Indian Lore and Smoky Mountains Stories. S3350 (ETSU) LITERATURE — JUVENILE Stories from an Indian Cave: The Cherokee Cave Builders. B190 (ASU ETSU WCU) Grandfather Tales: American-English Folk Tales. C3420 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC FC) Jack and the Three Sillies. C3440 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) The Jack Tales. C3450 (ASU LMC MHC WWC WCU ETSU BC) The Jack Tales. C3460 Wicked John and the Devil. C3500 (WCU BC) "An Analysis of the Social Life and Customs of the Southern Appalachians as Reflected in Selected Children's Books." D2610 (ASU) "An Analysis of the Social Life and Customs of the Southern Appalachians as Reflected in Selected Children's Books." D2620 (ASU) Easter Story. El 530 (LMC) Daniel Boone. M3750 (ASU) Sissy, She's Coming Sunday. M4150 Cain. M4630 Call of the Hills. M4640 Child of the Hills. M4650 Echoes from the Hills. M4660 Epic of Creation. M4670 Philosophy of the Hills. M4680 Ramble in the Hills. M4690 The Return to the Hills. M4700 Go Tell Aunt Rhody. Q30 (ASU) 163 LITERATURE—LIVESTOCK Sense of Discovery: The Mountain. R2700 (ASU LMC BC WCU) Sense of Discovery: The Mountain. R3060 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Stories of W. Va. for Boys and Girls. S500 Way Down Yonder on Troublesome Creek: Appalachian Riddles and Rustics. S7430 (BC ASU) LITERATURE — KY. Kentucky Authors, a History of Kentucky Literature. B7480 (ASU BC) LITERATURE — N. C. North Carolina Fiction, 1958-1971: An Annotated Bibliography. B6720 (ASU) "The Dialect of the Southern Highlander as Recorded in North Carolina Novels." E980 (ASU) Literary and Historical Activities of North Carolina, 1900-1905. N2390 (LMC WWC ASU) Regional Sketches. N2710 (WCU) The Pen and Plate Club of Asheville, North Carolina. 1904-1929. PI 640 (ASU) The North Carolina Miscellany. W590 (LMC ASU) Short Stories from the Old North State. W620 (ASU LMC WWC) LITERATURE — VA. Anthology '67. B6690 Legends of Virginia. C1170 (LMC) "An Annotated Bibliography of Books by Southwest Virginia Authors." D4120 (ETSU ASU) Dr. William George Bagby: A Study of Virginian Literature 1850-1880. K2310 Dr. George William Bagby: A Study of Virginia Literature, 1850-1880. K2320 (ASU) VI070 (BC) LITERATURE — W. VA. West Virginia Authors: A Bio-bibliography. B6480 LITERATURE — W. VA. - EDUCATIONAL Handbook of Appalachian Materials. A2300 LITTLE PIGEON RIVER Floods on Little Pigeon and West Fork Little Pigeon in the Vicinity of Sevierville, Tenn. T7080 LITTLE SANDY RIVER Ohio River Basin, Grayson reservoir, Little Sandy River, Kentucky design memorandum no. 3A preliminary master plan. U300 (BC) LITTLE TENNESSEE RIVER Fort Loudoun on the Little Tennessee. HI 050 (ASU) Floods on Little Tennessee River, Cullosaja River, and Cartoogechave Creek in Vicinity of Franklin, North Carolina. T7090 Floods on Tennessee River, Little Tennessee River, and Town and Muddy Creeks in Vicinity of Lenoir City, Tennessee. T7290 Upper Little Tennessee River Region: Summary of Resources. T9880 (WWC) LIVESTOCK Family Chicken Flock for Appalachia. U140 LIVESTOCK — APP. Relative Merits of Producing Creep-fed, Feeder, and Lot-Fattened Clones in the Appalachian Region. M500 LIVESTOCK INDUSTRY Wintering Beef Cattle in the Appalachian Region. B4350 LIVESTOCK INDUSTRY — APP. Livestock Auction Markets in the Appalachian Area: Methods and Facilities. B6400 �LIVESTOCK—MAXIMS LIVESTOCK INDUSTRY — APP. "Economic Factors Affecting Cattle Prices at Appalachian Auctions." J1810 Electric Poultry Equipment for the Farm. T4190 Electricity and Your Farm; a Manual for Instruction on the Practical Uses and Application of Electricity in Rural Areas. T6610 LIVESTOCK INDUSTRY — KY. Changes in the Market Movement of Kentucky Livestock. G2460 LIVESTOCK INDUSTRY — N. C. Pastures and Grazing Systems for the Mountains of the Mountains of North Carolina. B9150 (LMC) "Some Geographical Aspects of the Poultry Processing Industry in North Carolina." F1890 (ASU) A Survey of Beef Productioa Patterns in the Mountains and Piedmont of North Carolina. P2180 (LMC) LIVESTOCK INDUSTRY — TENN. "An Interpretation of the Distribution of Crops and Livestock in East Tennessee as Reported by the 1950 Census." S1420 (ETSU) LOCAL GOVERNMENT — ALA. Tennessee Valley Country: Rural Government in the Hill Country of Alabama. B5600 LOCAL GOVERNMENT — W. VA. West Virginia State and Local Government. D940 (ETSU BC) LOST RIVER The Geology of Lost River State Park, West Virginia. L3900 (ETSU) MANPOWER — APP. Manpower Development in Appalachia: An Approach to Unemployment. Z80 (UNCA ASU LMC ETSU) MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES Water Use by Appalachian Manufacturers, 1964. B6550 MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES — ALA. Industrial Alabama, a Directory of Manufacturers. A920 (ASU) MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES — APP. "An Analysis of the Spatial Structure of Manufacturing in the Appalachian Region Between 1950-1960." F3740 (ASU) "Employment Opportunities and Training Needs for Technicians in the Metalworking Manufacturing Industries of the Central Ohio Valley with Projections through 1975." LI 500 MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES — GA. G960 MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES — KNOXVILLE "Manufacturing in the West Central Knoxville Area." D2950 MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES — KY. Utilization of Rural Manpower in Eastern Kentucky. G180 MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES — MD. Directory of Maryland Manufacturers. M3870 MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES — RECREATION — BOATS Profitable Boat Manufacturing Opportunities in Virginia. Introductory Report to Boat Manufacturers. A3460 MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES — TENN. "Job Opportunities for High School Graduates in the Manufacturing Industries in Washington County, Tennessee." F3620 (ETSU) M3180 "Geographic Factors Affecting Manufacturers of Durable Goods in Johnson City, Tennessee." M6030 (ETSU) MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES — W. VA. "Types, Quantities and Destinations of West Virginia's Manufactured Exports, an Exploratory Study." L850 SUBJECT Factors Influencing Plant Location in West Virginia, 1945-1956. T8210 Labor Market Areas for Manufacturing Plants in West Virginia. T8220 West Virginia Manufacturing Directory, 1962. W3390 (BC) MARKETING Harvesting Pine Pulpwood in the Tennessee Valley. SI 040 "A Cost Analysis of Methods of Salvaging Logging Residue in Appalachia." T8930 MARKETING — APP. Elements of Success in Marketing Appalachian Apples. G4320 MARKETING — APP. MTNS. C2030 MARKETING — CHRISTMAS TREES "The Geography of Chris-tmas Tree Production and Marketing in Anglo-America: With Special Attention to Twelve Counties in Western Pennsylvania." A2460 MARKETING — COAL "Anthracite Coal: A Study in Advanced Industrial Decline." B680 "The Demand for Coal for Power Generation in the Tennessee Valley and the Impact of Changing Demand Patterns on a Supplying Coal Field." C3360 "Twentieth Century Development of the Coal Mining Industry in Eastern Kentucky and Its Influence upon the Political Behavior of This Area." F3420 (ASU) "Industrial Retardation and Economic Growth: A Case Study of Secular and Structural Change in the United States, 1920-1960." F3430 "The Coal Buying Policies: Effects on Prices and Method of Mining in Supplying States." H3150 Statistics of Coal. The Geographical and Geological Distribution of Mineral Combustibles or Fossils. Fuel, Including, Also, Notices and Localities of the Various Mineral Bituminous Substances, Employed in Arts and Manufactures...Embracing, From Official Reports of the Great Coal-Producing Countries, the Respective Amounts of Their Production, Consumption and Commercial Distribution, in All Parts of the World; Together With Their Prices, Tariffs, Duties and International Regulations... T710 (BC) MARKETING — CRAFTS A2750 MARKETING — LUMBER "Marketing of Lumber Produced by Sawmills in Pennsylvania." ' A1800 Official Grading Rules for Eastern Hemlock Lumber: Conforming to American Lumber Standards Effective November 10, 1950. A3180* MARKETING — PA. "Application of Unitization to the Pennsylvania Crude Oil Industry." D2290 "Pennsylvania Markets for Primary Forest Products." F3060 "Forest Products Marketing from Public Lands in Pennsylvania." SI 130 "A Study of Buyers on the Allegheny County Farmer's Market, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 1946." S6450 MARKETING — TENN. "Pikeville, Market Center of the Upper Sequatchie Valley." SI 430 MARKETING — TENN. — COAL INDUSTRY "Tennessee Coal Mining and Marketing Trends." H8570 (ETSU) 164 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY MARKETING - W. VA. Marketing of Lumber Through Retail Outlets in W. Va. N470 The Changing Markets for West Virginia Coal 1951-1963. T8200 MASS MEDIA Film Catalog. E370 (ETSU) Subject Index to Films Available at the Audio-Visual Center. E380 (ETSU) Catalog of Films and Filmstrips, by Subject (and) by Title. E410 (ETSU) Catalog of films, by Subject (and) by Title. E420 (ETSU) Catalog of Filmstrips, by Subject (and) by Title. E430 (ETSU) Resources: Recordings and Cassettes. E440 (ETSU) Film Catalog. E450 (ETSU) MASS MEDIA — EDUCATIONAL — APP. Appalbrochure, 1971. A4480 (ASU) Appalbrochure, 1974. • A4490 (ASU ETSU) MASS MURDERS The Pittston Mentality: Manslaughter on Buffalo Creek. B3380 Disaster on Buffalo Creek, 1972; Report of the Citizen's Commission Investigation. C4160 (BC ASU WCU) H2320 The Kinnan Massacre. S8930 (ASU BC) MASS MURDERS — KY. The Coal Miner's Struggle in Eastern Kentucky. N3020 (ASU) MASS MURDERS — VA. The Mountain Massacre. P210 (ASU) MASS MURDERS — W. VA. "The Mine War on Cabin Creek and Paint Creek, West Virginia, in 1912-1913." C8590 (ASU) West Virginia's Buffalo Creek Flood: A Study of the Hydrology and Engineering Geology. D720 Civil War in West Virginia: A Story of the Industrial Conflict in the Coal Mines. L380 (ASU BC) Bloodletting in Appalachia: The Story of West Virginia's Four Major Mine Wars and Other Thrilling Incidents of Its Coal Fields. LI 350 (ASU WCU LMC BC MHC) The Slaughter of the PfostGreen Family of Jackson County, West Virginia. M7940 (ASU) Death at Buffalo Creek: The 1972 West Virginia Flood Disaster. N2970 (BC LMC ASU) Paint Creek Miner. P660 MAXIMS Proverb, Proverbial Phrases and Proverbial Comparisons in the Writings of Jesse Stuart. C4690 The Sayings of Davy Crockett in His Own Language. C9060 (ASU) Lays of Life from the Southern Appalachians. D3190 (ASU LMC) The Philosophy of a Partriarch. F260 (ASU BC) Springboard to Optimism Versus Majoring in the Minors: A Dozen Books in One. F670 (ASU) ' Sermons and Essays. F1590 Mountain Speech in the Great Smokies. H770 (BC) Sayings from Old Smoky, Some Traditional Phrases, Expressions, and Sentences Heard in the Great Smoky Mountains and Nearby Areas: An Introduction to a Southern Mountain Dialect. H800 (ASU BC LMC MHC) Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. H810 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY MAXIMS Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. H820 (ETSU) The Proverbs of Scotland. H5690 (ASU) Aunt Zone's Web. H8050 (ASU LMC) Southeastern Broadsides Before 1877. H8290 (ASU) Barefoot in Boogar Hollow; Yesterday's Saying's to Live by Today. P4080 (BC LMC ASU) Hills, Hollers and Hickory Flats. R70 Born of the Mountains. R1740 (ASU WCU LMC) How to Be Successful. R3740 Pioneer Proverbs: Wit and Wisdom from Early America. S2750 (ASU WCU) Pioneer Superstitions: Old-timey Signs and Sayings. S2760 (ASU LMC WCU) More Allegheny Episodes: Legends and Traditions, Old and New. S3130 Scotch-Irish and English Proverbs and Sayings of the West Branch Valley of Central Pennsylvania. S3150 (ASU) Bill Arp (pseud.) So Called, a Side Show of the Southern Side of the Civil War. S4470 (ASU) Bill Arp: From the Uncivil War to Date, 1861-1903. $4480 (ASU) Bill Arp's Peace Papers. S4490 (ASU) Nubbins From Fodderstack Ridge. S6980 (ASU) Kentucky Superstitions. T7790 (ASU BC) Grannies's Remedies. T8010 (ASU) Popular Folk Dictionary of Ozarks Talk. T8030 (ASU) Pioneer Proverbs; Wit and Wisdom From Early America. T9830 Incidents and Anecdotes. W5270 (LMC) All Good Times. W7800 (BC) Hit Haint the Fish. W7810 (LMC BC) MD. — HISTORY Inventory of the County and Town Archives of Maryland. H5720 (ASU) Jonathan Hager, Founder of Hagerstown, Maryland. M6230 An Outline of the Maryland Boundary Disputes and Related Events. M7900 (ASU) History of Allegany County, Maryland. T7870 (ASU) The History of Washington County, Maryland, from the Earliest Settlements to the Present Time, Including a History of Hagerstown. W6870 (ASU) MD. — HISTORY — WESTERN REGION History of Western Maryland. S830 (ETSU) History of Western Maryland: Being a History of Frederick, Montgomery, Carroll, Washington, Allegany, and Garrett Counties from the Earliest Period to the Present Day. Including Biographical Sketches of Their Representative Men. $840 (ASU) MEDIA Fiction Into Film: A Walk in the Spring Rain. M2710 (ASU) MEDIA — W. VA. "An Historical Study of the Growth of Commercial Television in West Virginia." M2120 "Mass Media Use Patterns and Interests Among West Virginia Rural Non-farm Families of Low Socio-economic Status." M8530 SUBJECT MEDICINAL PLANTS Index of Plants of North Carolina With Reputed Medicinal Uses. J230 (WWC) Nature's Pantry; 100 Wild Edible Plants Alphabetically Listed, Each with Full Description, Food Preparation and Folk Medicinal Properties. W7170 (BC) MEDICINAL PLANTS AND HERBS Drug Plants of Western North Carolina. M2740 (WCU ASU) MEDICINAL PLANTS — APP. Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. K3230 (BC) A Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. K3240 (ASU ETSU LMC) MELUNGEONS The Melungeons (Their Origin and Kin). B760 (ASU LMC WCU FC BC) "The Melungeons of Newman's Ridge." B1440 (ETSU ASU) Melungeons: The Vanishing Colony of Newman's Ridge. P4500 (ETSU) MENTAL HEALTH M5070 A Selective Bibliography of Writings on Poverty in the United States. U3650 Mental Health in Appalachia: Problems and Prospects in the Central Highlands. U3660 (LMC) Mental Health in Appalachia. A Report of a Conference in Bethesda, Md., July 13-14, 1964. U3670 Mental Health in Appalachia, Problems and Prospects in the Central Highlands. U3890 MENTAL HEALTH — APP. Appalachia's Children: The Challenge of Mental Health. L3400 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC MHC WWC BC) "Characteristics of Mining and Nonmining Psychiatric Patients." M5630 MENTAL HEALTH — KY. "A Cultural Comparison of Schizophrenia in Mountain Rural and Metropolitan Kentucky." 0140 MENTAL HEALTH - VA. "A Descriptive Study of Patients Accepted for Service During a Three-month Period at Psychiatric Service Clinic in Norton, Virginia." G530 MENTAL HEALTH — W. VA. "Impact of a Federal Grant-in-aid Program on an Economically Depressed, Rural State: A Case Study of Mental Health Programs in West Virginia." G1050 METAL WORKING INDUSTRIES The Resources of the Coal Field of the Upper Kanawha, with a Sketch of the Iron Belt of Virginia, Setting Forth Some of Their Markets and Means of Development. M4480 Principio to Wheeling. M4590 (BC) METAL WORKING INDUSTRIES — APP. A History of Production in the Iron and Steel Industry in the Southern Appalachian States. D2640 METAL WORKING INDUSTRIES — N. C. The Silversmiths of North Carolina. C9980 (ASU) METAL WORKING INDUSTRIES — OHIO "Employment Opportunities and Training Needs for Technicians in the Metalworking Manufacturing Industries of the Central Ohio Valley with Projections through 1975." LI 500 METAL WORKING INDUSTRIES — TENN. "A History of the Iron Industry in Carter County to 1860." N270 (ETSU) METAL WORKING INDUSTRIES — VA. The Silversmiths of Virginia. C9990 (FC BC) 165 MAXIMS—MIGRATION METAL WORKING INDUSTRY Iron Ore in the Red Mountain Formation in Greasy Cove, Alabama. B8420 Preliminary Report on the Red Iron Ores of East Tennessee, Northeast Alabama, and Northwest Georgia. B8430 "History of the Knoxville Iron Company." C4500 The Pioneer: A Biography. F3590 (BC) The Resources of the Coal Field of the Upper Kanawha, with a Sketch of the Iron Belt of Virginia, Setting Forth Some of Their Markets and Means of Development. M4470 (ASU) METAL WORKING INDUSTRY — ALA. — IRON Iron Ore Outcrops of the Red Mountain Formation in Northeast Alabama. B8450 (ETSU) Iron Ores, Fuels, and Fluxes of the Birmingham District, Alabama. B8460 Russellville Brown Iron Ore District, Franklin County, Alabama. B8470 (ETSU) METAL WORKING INDUSTRY — KY. Red River Iron Works. J1200 METAL WORKING INDUSTRY - PA. Pennsylvania's Iron and Steel Industry. B3730 (ASU) Pennsylvania Iron Manufacture in the Eighteenth Century. B3740 Life in the Iron Mills: Or, The Korl Woman. D1190 (ASU) METAL WORKING INDUSTRY — TENN. "History of the Tennessee Coal, Iron, and Railroad Company, 1852-1907." F3700 "The Development of the Iron Industry in East Tennessee." H5030 (ASU) Knoxville as an Iron Center. K1910 METAL WORKING INDUSTRY — TENN. — IRON The Red Iron Ores of East Tennessee. B8440 (BC) METAL WORKING INDUSTRY — VA. Virginia Iron Manufacture In the Slave Era. B7600 MIGRATION The Industrialization of Southern Rural Areas: A Study of Industry and Federal Assistance in Small Towns with Recommendations for Future Policy. A180 "Southern Whites in Detroit." A830 "A Follow-up Study of Graduates of Roane County High School, 1946-55." A2540 Growth in Employment by County, 1940-1950 and 1950-1960. A5090 In the Midst of Plenty: The Poor in America. B120 (BC) Migration of Farm People: An Annotated Bibliography, 1946-1960. B1010 "Migration and Economic Opportunity in Tennessee Counties, 1940-1950." B2420 Mobility of Rural Population. B2600 Rural People in the City: A Study of the Socio-economic Status of 297 Families in Lexington, Kentucky. B2620 Urban Adjustments of Rural Migrants. B2630 Farm Migration, 1940-1945: An Annotated Bibliography. B3180 Farm Population: Net Migration from the Rural Farm Population, 1940-1950. B5720 Net Migration of the Population, 1950-1960 by Age, Sex and Color. B5730 �SUBJECT MIGRATION—MIGRATION MIGRATION Detroit's Southern Whites and the Store Front Church. B5860 Rural Population Changes in Five Kentucky Mountain Districts, 1943-1946. B7200 Southern Appalachian Population Change, 1960-1970: A First Look at the 1970 Census. B7220 (BC) "The Migration of Workers from Tennessee to Michigan." B7970 (ASU) Net Migration for Southern Counties, 1940-1950 and 1950-1960. B8540 Probability Projections of Rates of Net Migration for Southern Counties and Other Applications of Markov Chains. B8550 From Mountain Cabin to Cotton Mill. C61Q Report of a Workshop on the Southern Mountaineer in Cincinnati, April 29, 1954. C4120 (ASU BC) Selected Population and Agricultural Statistics for Tennessee Counties. C4870 (ASU) Children of Crisis. C5850 (WCU ASU) The South Goes North. C5900 (ASU BC) From the Freedom of the Mountains to the Hurly-burly City. C6050 "Population Migration in the State of Tennessee." C6120 Southern Appalachian Migrant on Public Aid in Cook County. C6820 (ASU) A Study of Families from the Southern Appalachian Region Receiving Public Assistance. C6830 (ASU) Our Changing Rural Society — Perspectives and Trends. C7350 "The Occupational Adaptation of a Selected Group of Eastern Kentuckians in Southern Ohio." C9190 "Religious Concerns of Southern Appalachian Migrants in a North Central City." C9760 Southern Appalachian Migration. D1410 Is Out-migration from Appalachia Declining? D1690 (ASU) The Population of Kentucky: Changes in the Number of Inhabitants, 1950-1960. D1700 Ulster Emigration to Colonial America, 1718-1775. D2240 (ASU) "Farm-nonfarm Migration in the Southeast: A Costs-returns Analysis." D2330 living Conditions and Population Migration in Four Appalachian Counties. D2790 Manpower and Employment Trends in Tennessee. E650 Selected Demographic Studies, Knox Co., Ky. E800 E2450 (ASU) Up Here and Down Home: Appalachians in Cities. F2410 (ASU) "Recent Migration into Chicago." F3150 Recent Migration into Chicago. F3160 Uptown: Poor Whites in Chicago. G1860 (ASU BC) Adolescent Behavior in Urban Areas: A Bibliographic Review and Discussion of the Literature. 62850 Understanding Children of Poverty. G2860 (WCU BC) Report of a Workshop on the Southern Mountaineer in Cincinnati. G4210 (ASU) Socio-cultural Adaptation of Newcomers to Cities in the Piedmont Industrial Crescent. G4850 "Drain of Talent out of Georgia and South Carolina." HI 560 (ASU) "Social Structural Factors Influencing the Urbanization of Appalachian Hill Emigrants in an Urban Ghetto." H2090 "Social and Cultural Links in the Urban and Occupational Adjustment of Southern Appalachian Migrants." H2430 "The Drain of Talent out of Kentucky." H2790 Urban Adjustments of Rural Migrants: A Study of 297 Families in Lexington, Kentucky, 1942. H4310 "Possum Ridge Farmers: A Study in Cultural Change." H6120 (ASU) "Migration Patterns of Residents in a High In-Migration County, Hamblen County, Tennessee." H7610 Exploring Virginia's Human Resources. H8120 (ASU BC) Soil: Its Influence on the History of the United States, with Special Reference to Migration and the Scientific Study of Local History. H8170 (ASU) Migration and Industrial Development in Tennessee. H8730 "Migration, Mobility and Social Participation." J1230 Poverty Programs and Social Mobility. K290 Farm Population Changes in Eastern Kentucky. K930 Tables Showing Components of Population Change and Percent Due to Net Migration for State Economic Areas, Metropolitan Areas, and Counties, Southern Appalachians, 1950-1960. K940 Basic Population Data for the Southern Appalachians. K1420 "Effects of Urbanization on Vocational Agriculture in Jackson County, West Virginia." K1690 "Southern White Laborers in Chicago's West Side." K1940 (ASU) ''Characteristics of Mobile Workers in a Rural Industrialized Community." K2600 The People of Tennessee: A Study of Population Trends. K2880 (BC ASU WCU) Appalachians in Cleveland. K3400 (LMC ASU) The Drain of Talent Out of the Virginias. L110 A Further Note on the Drain of Talent Out of the Virginias. LI 20 Population Changes in Tennessee since 1930. LI 940 Human Migration: A Guide to Migration Literature in English, 1955-1962. M3000 Subsequent Movement of Kentucky Hill Families Relocated as Farm Laborers in Ohio. M3050 (ASU) The Appalachian Region: A Preliminary Analysis of Economic and Population Trends in an Eleven State Problem Area. M3860 (BC) "The Efficacy of the Labor Migration with Special Emphasis on Depressed Areas." M4710 "A Comparison of the Personal and Economic Characteristics of the Mobile and Immobile." M6040 Migration into and out of Depressed Areas. M8460 State Population, Net Migration, Labor Force and Industry Employment Trends to 1975. N250 166 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Fertility Rates and Migration of Kentucky's Population, 1920-1940. 01060 (ASU) Migration and Occupational Adjustment of West Virginians in the City. P2770 Selected Social and Sociopsychological Characteristics of West Virginians in Their Own State and in Cleveland, Ohio. P2790 (ETSU) "Occupational Status and Reasons for Leaving the State of West Virginia." P3100 When Cultures Meet. P3620 (BC ASU) Selected Demographic Aspects of the West Virginia Economy, 1950-1975: Estimates and Projections of Migration and Population. P4880 (ETSU BC) R1860 "Immigrants from the Appalachian Region to the City of Columbus, Ohio: A Case Study." R2210 (BC) The Southern Appalachian Migrant. R3690 A Human Relations Study — The Southern White In-Migrant. S950 Education, Migration and Economic Life Chances of Male Entrants to the Labor Force from a Low Income Rural Area. SI 240 (ASU) Career Placement and Economic Life Chances of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. S1250 (ASU) Family Ties, Migration, and Transitional Adjustment of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. SI 260 Mountain Families in Transition: A Case Study of Appalachian Migration. SI 270 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) Research Design, Field Work Procedures, and Data Collection Problems in a Follow-Up Study of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. SI 280 Social Structure of the Contact Situation, Rural Appalachia and Urban America. SI 290 Sociocultural Origins and Migration Patterns of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. S1310 The Cleveland Southern In-Migrant Study; an Overview. S2440 "A Comparative Analysis of the Felt Need Pattern of the Personality Structure in Rural Appalachia and Suburban America." S3400 (ETSU) "Migration and Adjustment Experiences of Rural Migrant Workers in Indianapolis." S4580 Movement of Labor Between Farm and Non Farm Sectors and Multiple Jobholding by Farm Operators in the Tennessee Valley. S5120 Mobility of Chemical Workers in a Coal Mining Area. S5450 "Migration from Kentucky: A Study of Intervening Opportunities." S8070 (ASU) "Standard of Living and Migration of 136 Farm Families in Overton County, Tennessee." S8910 Population and Labor Force Characteristics of Tennessee Counties. T1800 The Effects of Migration of the Labor Force. W9830 MIGRATION — APP. "Regional Labor Markets and Migration: An Analysis of Gross Migration in the United States, 1955-1960." F10 Economic Effects of Internal Migration: An Exploratory Study, Substantive Report. F1240 Migration and Changes in the Quality of the Labor Force. G670 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY MIGRATION — APP. "Association of Selected Economic Factors with Net Migration Rates in the Southern Appalachian Region, 1935-1937." G870 The Appalachian Region: A Preliminary Analysis of Economic and Population Trends in an Eleven State Problem Area. G4440 "The Drain of Talent Out of North Carolina and Tennessee." M3010 (ASU) The Myth of the Appalachian Brain Drain: A Case Study of West Virginia. R680 (BC ASU WCU) Living Conditions and Population Migration in Four Appalachian Counties. U2500 (BC) Internal Migration in the United States 1958 to 1964: A List of References. W6080 "Socio-economic Status and Formal Social Participation of Rural Migrant Families in Pittsburgh." W7650 MIGRATION — KY. An Urban Development Program for the Big Sandy Area. A3870 "Association of Selected Socio-economic Characteristics with Net Migration from Three Kentucky Economic Areas, 1920-1950." B6440 Population Estimates for Kentucky Counties and Economic Area, July 1, 1958. D250 (ASU) Population Growth in Kentucky, 1820-1960. H5530 Migration Within Kentucky. M3990 Natural Increase and Migration of Kentucky's Population, 1920-1935. O1070 (ASU) "Population Trends and Other Factors Influencing the Voting Habits of the Cumberland Valley Region of Southeast Kentucky." R1210 Mobility and Fertility Rates of Rural Families in Johnson County, Kentucky, 1918-1941. S6020 Attitudes Toward Rural Migration and Family Life in Johnson and Robertson Counties, Kentucky, 1941. W6690 MIGRATION — OHIO "Analysis of Costs and Benefits from Commuting for Employment among Core and Satellite Communities in the Appalachian Region of Ohio." E2360 MIGRATION — PA. "Socio-economic Status and Formal Social Participation of Rural Migrant Families in Pittsburgh." W7650 MIGRATION — PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS "Social-psychological Adjustment of Kentucky Mountain Migrants in Urbanized Industrial Areas of Southern Ohio." S1740 (ASU) MIGRATION — TENN. Migration and Level of Living in the Tennessee Valley. F1680 "Mobility and Economic Progress in the Tennessee Valley Region: 1957-65." LI 840 "Socio-Economic Readjustment of Farm Families Displaced by the TVA Land Purchase in the Norris Area." Ml 000 Migration and Industrial Development in Tennessee. T1420 Population, Labor Force, and Employment Projections and Interpretations. T1680 MIGRATION — W. VA. The West Virginia Handbook and Immigrant's Guide. D1540 SUBJECT "Patterns of Development and Net Migration, 1960-1970: A Study of West Virginia Counties." D1760 Economic Effects of Internal Migration: An Exploratory Study, Substantive Report. F1240 Employment Changes in West Virginia, 1948-1958. F1250 (ASU) Population Changes in West Virginia 1900-1950. S3800 MINE DISASTERS "Social Behavior under Conditions of Extreme Stress: A Study of Miners Entrapped by a Coal Mine Disaster." L3820 The Rock Dust Remedy for Coal Mine Explosions; An Open Letter to the Operators in the 27th Bituminous District of Pennsylvania. P2810 Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. S5010 (ASU BC) MINE DISASTERS — APP. Men in Crisis: A Study of a Mine Disaster. L3810 Preventing Fatal Explosions in Coal Mines: A Study of Recent Major Disasters in the United States as Accompaniments of Technological Change. W5990 MINE INDUSTRY Wyoming and McDowell Counties. W3940 (ETSU) MINE SAFETY Work, Safety, and Life Style Among Southern Appalachian Coal Miners. A Survey of the Men of Standard Mines. A1930 Work, Safety, and Life Style Among Southern Appalachian Coal Miners: A Survey of the Men of Standard Mines. A1970 (ASU) A Key to Mine Ventilation. A5360 , (BC) Conspiracy in Coal. B3360 The Hurricane Creek Massacre; An Inquiry into the Circumstances Surrounding the Deaths of Thirty-eight Men in a Coal Mine Explosion. B3370 (ASU BC LMC WCU MHC) Report on the Mining Methods and Appliances Used in Anthracite Coal Fields. C2850 (BC) Coal Workers' Pneumoconisosis: Workmen's Compensation Treatment and It's Prevention in Kentucky. C3550 (ASU) Successful Solutions to Everyday Coal Mining Problems. C5190 (BC) "Earnings, Health, Safety, and Welfare of Bituminous Coal Miners Since the Encouragement of Mechanization by the United Mine Workers of America." D610 Notable Mine Disasters of Fayette County, Wesf Virginia. D2880 (BC) "A Study of Fatal Roof Fall Accidents in Bituminous Coal Mines." D3110 (LMC) "A Study of the Literature on Accidents in Coal Mines of the United States with Comparisons of the Records in Other Coal-producing Countries." D3640 "A Validation Study of a Psychological Test Battery for Selection of Joy Ripper-type Continuous Miner Operators." D4090 "Economic Consequences of the Seven-hour Day and Wage Changes in the Bituminous Coal Industry." F1220 Wage Rates and Working Time in the Bituminous Coal Industry, 1912-1922.: F1230 (BC) "Twentieth Century Development of the Coal Mining Industry in Eastern Kentucky and Its Influence upon the Political Behavior of This Area." F3420 (ASU) 167 MIGRATION—MINE "Coal Mining Safety: National Solutions in the Progressive Period." G3090 Research, Education and Mine Personnel Safety in W. Va. H6550 (BC) Coal Mine Health and Safety; the Case of West Virginia. Ml 10 (BC) Coal Mining Health and Safety in West Virginia. Ml 20 Theory and Practice of Mine Ventilation. M6610 Papers and Proceedings. N160 Demonstration of Safety Plugging of Oil Wells Penetrating Appalachian Coal Mines. R1480 "A Recursive Programing Model of Resource Allocation and Technological Change in the United States Bituminous Coal Industry." T10 Questions and Answers for American Mine Examinations. T340 (BC) Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969. Report Together with Minority, Supplemental, and Separate Views from the Committee to Accompany H. R. 13950, October 13, 1969. U2280 Legislative History: Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act. U2290 Coal Mine Health and Safety. Hearings before the Subcommittee on H. R. 4047, H. R. 4295, and H. R. 7976, March 4-May 1, 1969. U2300 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969. Report from the Committee Together with Individual Views to Accompany S. 2917, September 17, 1969. U2330 Coal Mine Health and-Safety. Hearings before the Subcommittee on S. 355, S. 467, S. 1094, S. 1178, S. 1300, and S. 1907, February 27-May 2, 1969. U2340 MINE SAFETY - APP. An Analysis of Appalachian State Coal Mine Health and Safety and Workmen's Compensation Programs: Recommendations for Improvement. K880 (ASU) MINE WARS The Kentucky Miner's Struggle: The Record of a Year of Lawless Violence. The Only Complete Picture of Events Briefly Told. A2090 (ASU) "A History of the Labor Movement in West Virginia." A2610 From the Molly Maguires to the United Mine Workers: The Social Ecology of an Industrial Union, 1869-1997. A5530 (WCU BC) Thoughts of Mother Jones; Compiled from her Writings and Speeches. A5810 The Molly Maguires. B3690 (ASU WCU BC) B4750 (BC) Labor's Untold Story. B6040 (ASU) The Molly Maguires. B6810 (ASU WCU) Notable Mine Disasters of Fayette County, West Virginia. D2880 (BC) Mother Jones, the Miners' Angel: A Portrait. F740 (ASU MHC) Coal Creek Rebellion. F1770 (ASU) "Cooperation-conflict in Labor Management: A Study of Contrasting Cases (Women's Garment Industry and Bituminous Coal Industry)." H110 H2320 �MINE-MINERAL MINE WARS Struggle in the Coal Fields. The Autobiography of Fred Mooney, Secretary-Treasurer, District 17, United Mine Workers of America. H5070 (ASU) Autobiography of Mother Jones. P520 (ASU) Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. S5010 (ASU BC) Facts About the Two Armed Marches on Logan. S9400 (ASU BC) The Incomparable Don Chafin. S9410 (BC ASU) "Bloody" Harlan, 1931-1938; an Appalachian Coal County in the Thirties. T170 MINE WARS — APP. "The Coal Miner's Insurrections, 1891-1892." H8740 (ASU) S5520 (ASU) The Logan Coal Field of West Virginia: A Brief History. T8470 (ASU ETSU WCU) MINE WARS — KY. The Shame That Is Kentucky's! The Story of the Harlan Mine War. C7610 (ASU) Harlan Miners Speak: Report on Terrorism in the Kentucky Coal Fields. N140 (ASU BC) Harian Miners Speak: Report on Terrorism in the Kentucky Coal Fields. N150 (ASU LMC WCU) "Coal and Conflict: The U.M.W.A. in Harlan County, 1931-1939." T690 (BC ASU) Hell in Harlan. T8760 (WCU) MINE WARS — PA. The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region. C5760 (WCU ASU) The Molly Maguires and the Detectives. P3030 MINE WARS - TENN. "The Labor Struggle at Wilder, Tennessee." P2280 (ASU) MINE WARS — W. VA. "Strikes in the Southern West Virginia Coal Fields, 1912-1922." B1040 (ASU) "The Mine War on Cabin Creek and Paint Creek, West Virginia, in 1912-1913." C8590 (ASU) Labor Relations in the Fairmont, West Virginia, Bituminous Coal Field. ET950 (ASU) Civil War in West Virginia: A Story of the Industrial Conflict in the Coal Mines. L380 (ASU BC) Bloodletting in Appalachia: The Story of West Virginia's Four Major Mine Wars and Other Thrilling Incidents of Its Coal Fields. L1350 (ASU WCU LMC BC MHC) The New-Kanawha River and the Mine War of West Virginia. M630 (BC) Paint Creek Miner. P660 "The Labor Movement in West Virginia, 1900-1948." P3730 MINERAL TVA's Coal-Buying Program. T3940 MINERAL RESOURCES Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. A850 Report. A910 (BC) Deposits of Brown Iron Ores (Brown Hematite) in Western North Carolina. B2170 (ASU LMC WCU UNCA) "A Study of the Cranberry Ore Belt." B5750 (ASU) Preliminary Report on the Red Iron Ores of East Tennessee, Northeast Alabama, and Northwest Georgia. B8430 The Red Iron Ores of East Tennessee. B8440 (BC) SUBJECT Russellville Brown Iron Ore District, Franklin County, Alabama. B8470 (ETSU) The Carolina Gold Rush. R2660 (ASU MHC ETSU) North Carolina: Its Geology and Mineral Resources. S8760 (LMC WWC ETSU UNCA) Mineral Resources of the Appalachian Region: A Compilation of Information on the Mineral Resources, Mineral Industry, and Geology of the Appalachian Region. U3250 (ASU LMC ETSU) Cabell, Wayne and Lincoln Counties. W3660 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Doddridge and Harrison Counties, West Virginia. W3800 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. W3810 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. W3820 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. W3830 (ETSU) Pendleton County. W3840 (BC) Randolph County. W3860 (ETSU) Wyoming and McDowell Counties. W3940 (ETSU) Outline of the Geoiogy and Mineral Resources of Russell County, Virginia. W8950 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — ALA. Iron Ore in the Red Mountain Formation in Greasy Cove, Alabama. B8420 Iron Ore Outcrops of the Red Mountain Formation in Northeast Alabama. B8450 (ETSU) Iron Ores, Fuels, and Fluxes of the Birmingham District, Alabama. B8460 Stratigraphy and Uranium Content of the Chattanooga Shale in Northeastern Alabama, Northwestern Georgia, and Eastern Tennessee. G2210 Raw Materials for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Alabama and Georgia. H6610 Report on the Coal Measures of the Plateau Region of Alabama. M230 (BC) Building Sandstones of Northern Alabama. P1710 (ETSU) Iron Making in Alabama. P2700 (ASU) Geology and Mineral Resources of Clay County, with Special Reference to the Graphite Industry. P4770 (ETSU) Report on Stone Hill Copper Mines and Works, Cleburne County, Alabama. R3960 (ASU) MINERAL RESOURCES — ALA. — COAL Geology and Coal Resources of the Northeast Part of the Coosa Coal Field, St. Clair County, Alabama. R3930 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — ALA. — COPPER Resource and Beneficiation Studies of Copperbearing Pyrite Ore, Pyriton, Clay County, Alabama. L240 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — ALA. — GOLD The Gold Log Mine, Talladega County, Alabama. B1870 MINERAL RESOURCES — ALA. — TALC The Talc Deposits of Talledega County, Alabama. M2320 (BC ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES - APP. Survey of Sulfur Reduction in Appalachian Coals by Stage Crushing. 01920 Uranium in the Appalachian Mobile Belt. G50 (LMC) Reconnaissance of Some Gold and Tin Deposits of the Southern Appalachians. G3290 168 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Mercury and Other Trace Elements in Sphalerite and Wallrocks from Central Kentucky, Tennessee, and Appalachian Zinc Districts. J2250 The Ore Knob Copper Deposit, North Carolina, and Other Massive Suifide Deposits of the Appalachians. K2590 (LMC) The Coal Regions of America. Ml 360 Origin of the Copper Deposits of the Ducktown Type in the Southern Appalachian Region. R3810 (ETSU ASU) Proceedings. S9780 (ASU BC) Engineering Geology and Mineral Resources of the Tennessee Valley Authority Region. T2600 Agglomeration of Phosphate Fines for Furnace Use. T6110 Origin of the Cooper Deposits of the Ducktown Type in the Southern Appalachian Region. U2800 (ASU) Greenbrier County. W3720 (ETSU) Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties. W3740 (ETSU) The Northern Appalachian Coal Field. W5340 Appalachian Mineral and Gem Trails. Z50 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Distribution of Minor Elements in Coals of Appalachian Region. Z150 MINERAL RESOURCES — APP. — GOLD Gold Mining in North Carolina and Adjacent South Appalachian Regions. N1160 (ASU WCU LMC) MINERAL RESOURCES — COPPER Copper Deposits of the Appalachian States. W2210 MINERAL RESOURCES — COPPER — TENN. Geology & ore deposits of the Ducktown mining district, Tenn., 1926. U3180 MINERAL RESOURCES — GA. Georgia's Fabulous Treasure Hoards: A Compendium for Rockhounds, Prospectors, and Various Seekers of Gold, Silver, Diamonds, etc., with Known and Historic Locations, . . . A2500 (MHC) Geology of the Tate Quadrangle. B2200 (ETSU) The Romance of Georgia Marble. D90 (ASU BC) Publications on the Geology and Mineral Resources of Georgia. G910 (ETSU) Stratigraphy and Uranium Content of the Chattanooga Shale in Northeastern Alabama, Northwestern Georgia, and Eastern Tennessee. G2210 Raw Materials for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Alabama and Georgia. H6610 Forsterite Olivine Deposits of North Carolina and Georgia. H8400 (ETSU WCU) Exploration for Mineral Deposits in Habersham County, Georgia. H8580 Exploration for Mineral Deposits in Habersham County, Georgia. H8590 (LMC) Exploration for Mineral Deposits in White County, Georgia. H8600 (LMC) The Geology and Mineralogy of Graves Mountain, Georgia. H8620 (ETSU) Stratigraphy, Structure, Mineral Resources of the Mineral Bluff Quadrangle, Georgia. H8630 (ETSU) Geoiogy and Mineral Deposits of the Cartersville District, Georgia. K1700 Geology and Mineral Resources of the Dalton Quadrangle, Georgia-Tennessee. M8680 (ASU ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY MINERAL RESOURCES — GA. Geology and Mineral Resources of the Northwest Quarter of the Cohutta Mountain Quadrangle. S220 (ETSU) The Georgia Mountains: A View of Its Resources, Problems, and Potentials. S1120 (ASU LMC) The Geology of the Sand Lookout Mountain Area, Northwest Georgia. S8970 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — GA. — BAUXITE The Bauxite Deposits of Floyd, Bartow, and Polk Counties of Northwest Georgia. W5630 MINERAL RESOURCES — GA. — GOLD Auraria: The Story of a Georgia Gold-Mining Town. C7770 (ASU BC) MINERAL RESOURCES — KY. The Fire Clays and Fire Clay Industries of the Olive Hill and Ashland Districts of Northeastern Kentucky. C8780 (BC) Peridotite of Elliott County, Kentucky. D2420 Lost Silver Mines and Buried Treasures of Kentucky. H4860 (BC) Coals of the North Fork of the Ky. River in Perry and Portions of Breathitt & Knott Co. Ky. H6150 Shales for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Kentucky and Tennessee. H6620 Coal Deposits of Pike County, Kentucky. H8370 A Bibliography of the Mineral Resources of Kentucky. J950 Red River Iron Works. J1200 Directory of Kentucky Mineral Operators. K1120 . . . Geological Map of Kentucky. Presented in Colors, Showing Oil, Gas, Coal, Fluorspar, and Asphalt Fields; and Other Mineral Resources and Geologic Data Including Faults, Folds, Sections, Elevations, and Physiographic Divisions of the Commonwealth. K1250 Geology of the Bedford Shale and Berea Sandstone in the Appalachian Basin. . P2000 Coal Resources of the Russell Fork Basin in Kentucky and Virginia. S7540 Geology and Mineral Resources of part of the Cumberland Gap coal field, Ky., 1906. U3170 MINERAL RESOURCES — MD. Brachipoda of the Keyser Limestone (Silurian-Devonian) of Maryland and Adjacent Areas. B5700 (ETSU) Allegheny County. M3900 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — N. C. General Features of the Brown Hematite Ores of Western North Carolina. B2180 (ASU) General Features of the Magnetite Ores of Western North Carolina and Eastern Tennessee. B2190 (UNCA ASU) An Introduction to the Topography, Geology, and Mineral Resources of North Carolina. B6750 (ETSU) Feldspar Deposits of the Bryson City District, North Carolina. C390 (ASU WCU) Mineral Localities of North Carolina. C6520 (ASU) The Mineral Industry in North Carolina from 1916M923. D3290 (LMC) El 910 Bechtler's Gold. F3180 The Minerals and Mineral Localities of North Carolina. G800 (ASU) SUBJECT In the Coal and Iron Counties of North Carolina. H420 (LMC WCU) In the Coal and Iron Counties of North Carolina. H430 (BC ASU) Forsterite Olivine Deposits of North Carolina and Georgia. H8400 (ETSU WCU) Halloysite Deposits of Western North Carolina. H8410 (ETSU WCU) History of the Gems Found in North Carolina. K3410 (LMC) Bibliography of North Carolina Geology, Mineralogy, and Geography, with a List of Maps. L390 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) The Geology and Ore Deposits of the Virgilina District of Virginia and North Carolina. L400 (ETSU ASU) Quartz Crystal Deposits of Southwestern Virginia and Western North Carolina. M5170 A Directory of the Principal Mineral Producers of North Carolina. N1940 (ASU ETSU) The Mining Industry in North Carolina. N2220 (ASU UNCA ETSU LMC) Altitudes in North Carolina. N2310 (ASU LMC WCU) Biennial Report of the State Geologist: 1919-1920. N2330 (ASU LMC) Residual Kaolin Deposits of the Spruce Pine District, North Carolina. P260 (ETSU) Zircon, Monazite and Other Minerals Used in Production of Chemical Compounds Employed in the Manufacture of Lighting Apparatus. P4190 (LM£) Talc and Pyrophyllite Deposits in North Carolina. P4200 (ASU) Corundum and the Peridotites of Western North Carolina. P4220 (ASU WCU LMC) The Tin Deposits of the Carolines. P4230 (WCU) Clay Deposits and Clay Industry in North Carolina, a Preliminary Report. R2300 (WCU) Pyrophyllite Deposits in North Carolina. S8770 (ETSU) "Gold Mining in North Carolina: 1799-1860." S9290 (WCU) MINERAL RESOURCES — N. C. — CHROMITE Chromite Deposits of North Carolina: Geology and Mining. N1920 MINERAL RESOURCES - N. C. - COPPER The Ore Knob Copper Deposit, North Carolina, and Other Massive Sulfide Deposits of the Appalachians. K2590 (LMC) MINERAL RESOURCES — N. C. — CORUNDUM Corundum and the Basic Magnesian Rocks of Western North Carolina. L2210 (WCU) MINERAL RESOURCES — N. C. — GOLD The Gold Hill Mining District of North Carolina. L410 (LMC ETSU) Gold Deposits of North Carolina. Nil 50 (LMC) The Burke County Gold Rush. P3540 (LMC) MINERAL RESOURCES — N. C. — IRON ORE . . . Iron Ores of North Carolina; A Preliminary Report. Nil70 (ASU UNCA) MINERAL RESOURCES — N. C. - LIMESTONE • Limestones and Marls of North Carolina. L3630 (ASU LMC WCU) MINERAL RESOURCES — N. C. - MICA Mica Deposits of the Blue Ridge in North Carolina. LI 920 (LMC) MINERAL RESOURCES — N. C. — MONAZITE Monazite, and Monazite Deposits in North Carolina. Nil 80 (WCU) MINERAL RESOURCES — N. C. — TIN Tin Resources of the King's Mountain District, North Carolina and South Carolina. K550 169 MINERAL—MINERAL MINERAL RESOURCES — OHIO Economic Geology of the Summerfield and Woodsfield Quadrangles, Ohio, with Descriptions of Coal and Other Mineral Resources, Except Oil and Gas. C6320 MINERAL RESOURCES — OIL Cable-tool Coring with Oil-base Mud in Appalachian Oilfields. W2870 MINERAL RESOURCES — PA. "The Economic Geography of the State Industry in Eastern Pennsylvania." Cl 260 Bituminous Coal Fields in Pennsylvania. PI 840 MINERAL RESOURCES — S. C. — TIN Tin Resources of the King's Mountain District, North Carolina and South Carolina. K550 MINERAL RESOURCES — SALT Salt Brines of West Virginia. W3890 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — TENN. The Chattanooga Black Shale, a Possible Future Source of Uranium. A1320 (ETSU) Outline Introduction to the Mineral Resources of Tennessee. A5250 (ETSU) General Features of the Magnetite Ores of Western North Carolina and Eastern Tennessee. B2190 (UNCA ASU) Summary of the Mineral Resources of Tennessee. B5540 (ETSU) Stratigraphy of the Mascot-Jefferson City Zinc District, Tennessee. B6610 Geology and Mineral Resources of the Crossville Quadrangle, Tennessee. B9480 (ETSU) Geology and Ore Deposits of the Ducktown Mining District, Tennessee. El 960 (ASU BC) Coal Losses of Tennessee. F1850 (ETSU) The Northern Tennessee Coal Field. G2140 (ETSU) Stratigraphy and Uranium Content of the Chattanooga Shale in Northeastern Alabama, Northwestern Georgia, and Eastern Tennessee. G2210 Marble Deposits of East Tennessee: Occurrence and Distribution. G2680 (LMC) "The Development of the Iron Industry in East Tennessee." H5030 (ASU) Limestone and Dolomite Resources of Tennessee. H5040 (ETSU) Ceramic Evaluation of Clays and Shales of East Tennessee. H6600 (ETSU) Shales for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Kentucky and Tennessee. H6620 Knoxville as an Iron Center. K1910 Tennessee: Its Agricultural and Mineral Wealth, With an Appendix Showing the Extent, Value and Accessibility of its Ores, With Analyses of the Same. K1920 (ASU LMC) Mineral Resources of the Waynesboro Quadrangle, Tennessee. M6220 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Resources of the Dalton Quadrangle, Georgia-Tennessee. M8680 (ASU ETSU) Manganese Resources of East Tennessee. R1380 (ETSU) Geology and Mineral Deposits of Bumpass Cove, Unicoi and Washington Counties, Tennessee. R3390 (ETSU) Zinc Deposits of East Tennessee. SI 640 (LMC) The Phosphate Resources of Tennessee. S5030 (ETSU) Manganese Deposits of East Tennessee. S7660 �MINERAL—MINING MINERAL RESOURCES — TENN. Geology, Mineral Resources, and Ground Water of the Cleveland Area, Tennessee. S9710 (ETSU) "Marble Deposits and Marble Industry of the Knoxville Area." T870 T910 (LMC) Mineral and Agricultural Resources of the Portion of Tennessee Along the Cincinnati Southern and Knoxville and Ohio Railroads. T1010 (ASU) Division of Geology Bulletin. T1020 Geologic Maps and Mineral Resources Summary. T1270 (ETSU) Report on Mineral Resources of Tenn. T1290 Tennessee Resources — Agriculture, Forestry, and Minerals. T1720 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — TENN. — COAL The Coal Reserves of Tennessee. L4020 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — TENN. — COPPER The Deposits of Copper — Ores at Ducktown Tenn. K710 MINERAL RESOURCES — TENN. — JEFFERSON CO. "The Zinc Industry of Jefferson County, Tennessee." C7750 MINERAL RESOURCES — TENN. — MANGANESE Geology and Manganese Deposits of Northeastern Tennessee. K2410 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — TENN. — ZINC Techniques Used in Mine-water Problems of the East Tennessee Zinc District. K860 (ASU) MINERAL RESOURCES — TITANIUM — VA. Titanium deposits of Nelson and Amherst Co., in Va. U3390 MINERAL RESOURCES — VA. The Cement Resources of Virginia, West of the Blue Ridge. B1860 (ASU) Resources of South-west Virginia, Showing the Mineral Deposits of Iron, Coal, Zinc, Copper and Lead. Also, the Staples of the Various Counties, Methods of Transportation Access, etc. B5840 (ASU BC) Southwest Virginia and Contiguous Territory: Mineral Resources and Railway Facilities, Statistics, Information, Markets for Coke, Fuel, Ores, etc. B5850 (BC) Geology and Mineral Resources of the Lynchburg Quadrangle, Virginia. B7440 (ETSU) Virginia Iron Manufacture In the Slave Era. B7600 Geology and Mineral Resources of Floyd County of the Blue Ridge Upland, Southwestern Virginia. D2340 (ETSU) Virginia Mineral Localities. D2360 (ETSU) The Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise County and the Coal-bearing Portion of Scott County, Virginia. E670 (ETSU ASU) Industrial Limestones and Dolomites in Va.: James River District West of the Blue Ridge. E910 Possibilities for Manganese Ore on Certain Undeveloped Tracts in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia. H5130 The Geology and Ore Deposits of the Virgilina District of Virginia and North Carolina. L400 (ETSU ASU) Directory of the Mineral Industry in Virginia, 1966. LI 960 The Mineral Wealth of Virginia Tributary to the Lines of the Norfolk and Western and Shenandoah Valley Railroad Companies. M930 (BC) SUBJECT New River Cripple Creek Mineral Region of Virginia. M940 Outline of the Mineral Resources of Virginia. M1550 (LMC) Marble Prospects in Giles County, Virginia, with a section on Petrography of Marbles by Arthur A. Pegan. M4240 The Resources of the Coal Field of the Upper Kanawha, with a Sketch of the Iron Belt of Virginia, Setting Forth Some of Their Markets and Means of Development. M4470 (ASU) Quartz Crystal Deposits of Southwestern Virginia and Western North Carolina. M5170 Triassic Formations of the Danville Basin. M5300 (ETSU) Report. M8340 Manganese and Quartzite Deposits in the Lick Mountain Region of Wythe Co. S6710 Coal Resources of the Russell Fork Basin in Kentucky and Virginia. S7540 Phosphate Deposits in Southwestern Virginia. S7670 Bulletin. V830 (BC) The Clay and Shales of Va. West of the Blue Ridge. V920 Marble Prospects in Giles Co., Va. VI000 Zinc and Lead Region of Southwestern Va. VI030 V1130 (BC) . . . Mineral Resources of Virginia. W1560 (LMC) MINERAL RESOURCES - VA. — IRON The Iron Industry of Wythe County from 1792. W5800 (ASU BC) MINERAL RESOURCES — VA. — MANGANESE Manganese Deposits of the Elkton Area, Virginia. K2460 Manganese Deposits of the Sweet Springs District, West Virginia and Virginia. L70 MINERAL RESOURCES - W. VA. Some Low-alumina Quartizitic Sandstones in West Virginia: A Preliminary Report. C3620 (ETSU) A Subsurface Study of the Greenbrier Limestone in West Virginia. F1610 (ETSU ASU) Iron Ores, Salt and Sandstones. G4270 (ETSU) Germanium in Coals of West Virginia. H4140 (ETSU) Lithification of Sandstones in West Virginia. H4180 (ETSU) "Coal Consolidation: Profile of the Fairmont Field of Northern West Virginia, 1852-1903." M4090 The Resources of the Coal Field of the Upper Kanawha, with a Sketch of the Iron Belt of Virginia, Setting Forth Some of Their Markets and Means of Development. M4470 (ASU) Salt Brines of West Virginia. P4560 (ETSU) The Cheat Mountain Coal Field of Randolph County, West Virginia. R1270 (ASU ETSU) Resources of the Upper South Branch Valley, West Virginia. S6470 High-alumina Clays of West Virginia. T120 (ETSU) Fayette County. W3700 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — W. VA. — COAL Levels Above Tide. True Meridians. Report on Coal. W5450 (ETSU) Supplementary Coal Report. W5480 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — W. VA. — LIMESTONE Dolomite Zone at Base of Greenbrier Limestone (Big Lime). M3520 (ETSU) 170 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Possibility of Shaft Mining of Greenbrier Limestone. M3540 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — W. VA. — MANGANESE Manganese Deposits of the Sweet Springs District, West Virginia and Virginia. L70 MINERAL RESOURCES — W. VA. — ROCK SALT Rock Salt Deposits of West Virginia. M3550 (ETSU) MINERAL RESOURCES — W. VA. — SULPHATE Sulphate Minerals in West Virginia. M3560 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRIES — ALA. — GRAPHITE Geology and Mineral Resources of Clay County, with Special Reference to the Graphite Industry. P4770 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRIES — ALA. — SANDSTONE Building Sandstones of Northern Alabama. P1710 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRIES — APP. — COPPER Origin of the Copper Deposits of the Ducktown Type in the Southern Appalachian Region. R3810 (ETSU ASU) MINING INDUSTRIES — COPPER — SOUTHERN APP. Origin of Copper deposits S. Appal. Region. U3290 MINING INDUSTRIES — GA. — MARBLE Geology of the Tate Quadrangle. B2200 (ETSU) The Romance of Georgia Marble. D90 (ASU BC) MINING INDUSTRIES — KY. — SHALE AND SANDSTONE Geology of the Bedford Shale and Berea Sandstone in the Appalachian Basin. P2000 MINING INDUSTRIES — N. C. The Mineral Industry in North Carolina from 1918-1923. D3290 (LMC) Zircon, Monazite and Other Minerals Used in Production of Chemical Compounds Employed in the Manufacture of Lighting Apparatus. P4190 (LMC) Corundum and the Peridotites of Western North Carolina. P4220 (ASU WCU LMC) The Tin Deposits of the Carolines. P4230 (WCU) MINING INDUSTRIES - N. C. - CLAY Clay Deposits and Clay Industry in North Carolina, a Preliminary Report. R2300 (WCU) MINING INDUSTRIES — N. C. — GOLD The Carolina Gold Rush. R2660 (ASU MHC ETSU) "Gold Mining in North Carolina: 1799-1860." S9290 (WCU) MINING INDUSTRIES — N. C. — IRON ORE Deposits of Brown Iron Ores (Brown Hematite) in Western North Carolina. B2170 (ASU LMC WCU UNCA) General Features of the Brown Hematite Ores of Western North Carolina. B2180 (ASU) MINING INDUSTRIES - N. C. - KAOLIN The Kaolins of North Carolina. B2210 (WCU) Residual Kaolin Deposits of the Spruce Pine District, North Carolina. P260 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRIES — N. C. — MAGNETITE General Features of the Magnetite Ores of Western North Carolina and Eastern Tennessee. B2190 (UNCA ASU) MINING INDUSTRIES — N. C. — PYROPHYLLITE Pyrophyllite Deposits in North Carolina. S8770 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRIES — N. C. — QUARTZ Quartz Crystal Deposits of Southwestern Virginia and Western North Carolina. M5170 MINING INDUSTRIES — N. C. — TALC Talc and Pyrophyllite Deposits in North Carolina. P4200 (ASU) MINING INDUSTRIES — TENN. — MANGANESE Manganese Resources of East Tennessee. R1380 (ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY MINING INDUSTRIES - TENN. — MANGANESE Manganese Deposits of East Tennessee. S7660 MINING INDUSTRIES - TENN. — MARBLE Marble Deposits of East Tennessee: Occurrence and Distribution. G2680 (LMC) MINING INDUSTRIES — TENN. — PHOSPHATE The Phosphate Resources of Tennessee. S5030 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRIES — TENN. — ZINC Zinc Deposits of East Tennessee. SI 640 (LMC) MINING INDUSTRIES - VA. — PHOSPHATE Phosphate Deposits in Southwestern Virginia. S7670 MINING INDUSTRIES - VA. — QUARTZ Quartz Crystal Deposits of Southwestern Virginia and Western North Carolina. M5170 Manganese and Quartzite Deposits in the Lick Mountain Region of Wythe Co. S6710 MINING INDUSTRIES — W. VA. A Pressure Chamber for the Impregnation of Porous Rock Specimens. R1520 (ETSU) A Simple Technique for the Determination of Weight Per Cent of Calcite and Dolomite in Carbonate Rocks. R1530 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRIES — W. VA. — CLAYS High-alumina Clays of West Virginia. T120 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRIES — W. VA. - LIMESTONE A Subsurface Study of the Greenbrier Limestone in West Virginia. F1610 (ETSU ASU) MINING INDUSTRIES — W. VA. — SALT Salt Brines of West Virginia. P4560 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRY Mineral Resources of the Appalachian Region: A Compilation of Information on the Mineral Resources, Mineral Industry, and Geology of the Appalachian Region. U3250 (ASU LMC ETSU) Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia. U3430 (ASU) Labor Baron, a Portrait of John L. Lewis. W2170 (BC) Proceedings. W4240 MINING INDUSTRY — ALA. — COPPER Report on Stone Hill Copper Mines and Works, Cleburne County, Alabama. R3960 (ASU) MINING INDUSTRY — ALA. - IRON Iron Making in Alabama. P2700 (ASU) MINING INDUSTRY — APP. Copper Deposits of the Appalachian States. W2210 "Economic Aspects of Surface Subsidence Resulting from Underground Mineral Exploitation." Z190 MINING INDUSTRY — APP. - COPPER O790 Origin of the Copper Deposits of the Ducktown Type in the Southern Appalachian Region. U2800 (ASU) MINING INDUSTRY — APP. - GEMS Appalachian Mineral and Gem Trails. Z50 (ASU WCU LMC BC) MINING INDUSTRY — APP. — SANDSTONE Age of Bedford Shale, Berea Sandstone, and Sunbury Shale in the Appalachian and Michigan Basins, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan. D2050 MINING INDUSTRY — APP. — SHALE Age of Bedford Shale, Berea Sandstone, and Sunbury Shale in the Appalachian and Michigan Basins, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan. D2050 Stratigraphy and Uranium Content of the Chattanooga Shale in Northeastern Alabama, Northwestern Georgia, and Eastern Tennessee. G2210 SUBJECT MINING INDUSTRY - APP. - URANIUM Uranium in the Appalachian Mobile Belt. G50 (LMC) Stratigraphy and Uranium Content of the Chattanooga Shale in Northeastern Alabama, Northwestern Georgia, and Eastern Tennessee. G2210 MINING INDUSTRY — COAL The Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise County and the Coal-bearing Portion of Scott County, Virginia. E670 (ETSU ASU) MINING INDUSTRY — GA. Exploration for Mineral Deposits in Habersham County, Georgia. H8580 Exploration for Mineral Deposits in White County, Georgia. H8600 (LMC) MINING INDUSTRY — GA. — GOLD Auraria: The Story of a Georgia Gold-Mining Town. C7770 (ASU BC) MINING INDUSTRY — GA. — OLIVINE Forsterite Olivine Deposits of North Carolina and Georgia. H8400 (ETSU WCU) MINING INDUSTRY — GA. - TALC Geology and Mineral Resources of the Northwest Quarter of the Cohutta Mountain Quadrangle. S220 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRY — IRON — VA. The Resources of the Coal Field of the Upper Kanawha, with a Sketch of the Iron Belt of Virginia, Setting Forth Some of Their Markets and Means of Development. M4480 MINING INDUSTRY — KY. — COAL Geology and Coal Resources of the Cannel City Quadrangle, Kentucky. E2020 MINING INDUSTRY — KY. — SHALE Shales for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Kentucky and Tennessee. H6620 MINING INDUSTRY — MARBLE Field Excursion: The Georgia Marble District. P4050 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRY - MD. - LIMESTONE Brachipoda of the Keyser Limestone (Silurian-Devonian) of Maryland and Adjacent Areas. B5700 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRY — N. C. The Minerals and Mineral Localities of North Carolina. G800 (ASU) Preliminary Report on Corundum Deposits in the Buck Creek Peridotite, Clay County, North Carolina. H170 (ASU) The Mining Industry in North Carolina. N2220 (ASU UNCA ETSU LMC) MINING INDUSTRY - N. C. - COAL In the Coal and Iron Counties of North Carolina. H420 (LMC WCU) In the Coal and Iron Counties of North Carolina. H430 (BC ASU) MINING INDUSTRY - N. C. - COPPER 0790 MINING INDUSTRY — N. C. — FELDSPAR Feldspar Deposits of the Bryson City District, North Carolina. C390 (ASU WCU) MINING INDUSTRY - N. C. - GEMS El 910 MINING INDUSTRY — N. C. — GOLD Bechtler's Gold. F3180 MINING INDUSTRY — N. C. — HALLOYSITE Halloysite Deposits of Western North Carolina. H8410 (ETSU WCU) MINING INDUSTRY — N. C. - IRON In the Coal and Iron Counties of North Carolina. H420 (LMC WCU) In the Coal and Iron Counties of North Carolina. H430 (BC ASU) MINING INDUSTRY — N. C. — IRON ORE "A Study of the Cranberry Ore Belt." B5750 (ASU) 171 MINING-MINING MINING INDUSTRY — N. C. — MICA Mica Deposits of the Franklin-Sylva District, North Carolina. O640 (ASU WCU ETSU) MINING INDUSTRY — N. C. — OLIVINE Forsterite Olivine Deposits of North Carolina and Georgia. H8400 (ETSU WCU) MINING INDUSTRY — N. C. — PEGMATITES Pegmatites of the Cashiers and Zirconia Districts, North Carolina. O650 (ETSU ASU) MINING INDUSTRY — PA. — SLATE "The Economic Geography of the State Industry in Eastern Pennsylvania." C1260 MINING INDUSTRY — TALC Talc Deposits of the Murphy Marble Belt. V290 (WCU) MINING INDUSTRY — TENN. — CLAY Ceramic Evaluation of Clays and Shales of East Tennessee. H6600 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRY — TENN. - COPPER Geology and Ore Deposits of the Ducktown Mining District, Tennessee. El 960 (ASU BC) MINING INDUSTRY — TENN. - DOLOMITE Limestone and Dolomite Resources of Tennessee. H5040 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRY — TENN. — LIMESTONE Limestone and Dolomite Resources of Tennessee. H5040 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRY — TENN. — SHALE Ceramic Evaluation of Clays and Shales of East Tennessee. H6600 (ETSU) Shales for Lightweight Aggregate in Appalachian Region, Kentucky and Tennessee. H6620 MINING INDUSTRY — TENN. — ZINC Stratigraphy of the Mascot-Jefferson City Zinc District, Tennessee. B6610 "The Zinc Industry of Jefferson County, Tennessee." C7750 Geology of the Mascot-Jefferson City Zinc District, Tennessee. O220 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRY — VA. — COAL Coal, Southwest Virginia's Source of Misery. 0760 (ASU) MINING INDUSTRY — VA. — COKE AND COAL Southwest Virginia and Contiguous Territory: Mineral Resources and Railway Facilities, Statistics, Information, Markets for Coke, Fuel, Ores, etc. B5850 (BC) MINING INDUSTRY — VA. — DOLOMITES Industrial Limestones and Dolomites in Va.: James River District West of the Blue Ridge. E910 MINING INDUSTRY — VA. — IRON The Iron Industry of Wythe County from 1792. W5800 (ASU BC) MINING INDUSTRY — VA. — IRON, COAL, ZINC, COPPER AND LEAD Resources of South-west Virginia, Showing the Mineral Deposits of Iron, Coal, Zinc, Copper and Lead. Also, the Staples of the Various Counties, Methods of Transportation Access, etc. B5840 (ASU BC) MINING INDUSTRY — VA. — LEAD Zinc and Lead Region of Southwestern Va. VI030 Lead and Zinc Deposits in Virginia. W1550 MINING INDUSTRY — VA. - LIMESTONES Industrial Limestones and Dolomites in Va.: James River District West of the Blue Ridge. E910 MINING INDUSTRY — VA. - MARBLE Marble Prospects in Giles Co., Va. VI000 MINING INDUSTRY — VA. — ZINC Zinc and Lead Region of Southwestern Va. VI030 Lead and Zinc Deposits in Virginia. W1550 �MINING—MISSIONS MINING INDUSTRY — W. VA. - IRON AND STEEL Principio to Wheeling. M4590 (BC) MINING INDUSTRY — W. VA. — IRON, SALE AND SANDSTONE Iron Ores, Salt and Sandstones. G4270 (ETSU) MINING INDUSTRY _ W. VA — SANDSTONE Some Low-alumina Quartizitic Sandstones in West Virginia: A Preliminary Report. C3620 (ETSU) Lithification of Sandstones in West Virginia. H4180 (ETSU) MINING INTERESTS — TENN. — MARBLE "Marble Deposits and Marble Industry of the Knoxville Area." T870 MINING INUDSTRY — VA. — MANGANESE Possibilities for Manganese Ore on Certain Undeveloped Tracts in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia. H5130 MINING RESOURCES — APP. — GOLD Reconnaissance of Some Gold and Tin Deposits of the Southern Appalachians. G3290 MINING RESOURCES — APP. — TIN Reconnaissance of Some Gold and Tin Deposits of the Southern Appalachians. G3290 MINING — ROCK SALT Rock Salt Deposits of West Virginia. M3550 (ETSU) MISSION AND MISSIONARIES — ALA. Angels in the Mountains. S7720 MISSION SCHOOLS History of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. A1350 (ASU) The West Virginia Hills: A Study of the Work of the Presbyterian Church in the United States in the Synod of West Virginia. A1670 (ASU) Minutes, 1834-1852. A2150 (WCU) Memoir of Catherine Brown, a Christian Indian of the Cherokee Nation. A2350 (ASU BC) Memoir of Catharine Brown, a Christian Indian of the Cherokee Nation. A2360 Appalachian Mountain Community Center under the Auspices of the Protestant Episcopal Church. . . A3300 The Appalachian School. . . A4040 The Appalachian School Department of Fireside Industries. A4050 Appalachian School Summer Camp. A4060 "Protestant Missionaries to the American Indians, 1789 to 1862." B3160 Buckhorn: The Story of a Christian Enterprise on Squabble Creek in the Mountains of Kentucky. B8250 (BC) Future of the Church and Independent Schools in Our Southern Highlands. C620 (BC) The Future of the Church and Independent Schools in our Southern Highlands. C630 (ASU) Southern Highland Schools Maintained by Denominational and Independent Agencies. C860 (ASU) Southern Mountain Schools Maintained by Denominational and Independent Agencies. C870 The Double Head Academy. C2600 (BC) "Music in Four Kentucky Mountain Settlement Schools." C2820 (LMC BC) Directory of Appalachian Mission Enterprises. C6190 (BC) Stuart Robinson School and Its Work. C7220 (BC) Stay on, Stranger: An Extraordinary Story of the Kentucky Mountains. D4110 (ASU LMC WWC BC) SUBJECT Announcement. E2060 (ASU) Berea College, Ky. F50 A Mountain School: A Study Made by the Southern Woman's Educational Alliance and Kennarock Training School. H3410 (WWC BC) Religion in the Highlands: Native Churches and Missionary Enterprises in the Southern Appalachian Area. H7030 (WWC ASU BC) Edward O. Guerrant: Apostle to the Southern Highlanders. M40 (LMC BC ASU) Faith Victorious in the Kentucky Mountains. M550 (BC) Faith Victorious in the Kentucky Mountains. M560 Hitherto and Henceforth in the Kentucky Mountains. M570 (BC) The Pauline Ministry in the Kentucky Mountains: Or, A Brief Account of the Kentucky Mountain Holiness Association. M580 (ASU LMC BC) History of Baptist Indian Missions: Embracing Remarks of the Former and Present Condition of the Aboriginal Tribes. Their Settlement Within the Indian Territory, and Their Future Prospects. M790 (WCU) The Forgotten Region. Ml 990 (BC) "Unfinished Tasks" of the Southern Presbyterian church. M2290 The Gates Open Slowly: A History of Education in Kentucky. M2560 (BC LMC) M5020 (ASU) The American Indian on the New Trail: The Red Man of the United States and the Christian Gospel. M6410 (ASU) "A History of the Early Baptist Missions Among the Five Civilized Tribes." M6420 (WCU) The South To-day. M7220 (LMC) At Our Own Door: A Study of Home Missions with Special Reference to the South and West. M7840 (BC LMC) The Romance of Home Missions. M7850 (ASU LMC) M8360 "Them Missionary Women;" or Work in the Southern Mountains. M9290 0690 Call of the Home Land; A Study of Home Missions. P2560 Findings of the Pine Mountain Guidance Institute. P3000 (BC) Pine Mountain Bulletin. P3010 (BC) The Southern Highlanders of America. P3670 (BC ASU) Without Script or Purse: Or, The Mountain Evangelist. P4640 (BC) A Sketch of Missionary Life at Valle Crucis in Western North Carolina, 1842-1862. S4010 (LMC) Torchlights to the Cherokee: The Brainerd Mission. W350 (ASU ETSU BC) In the Land of Mudholes and Mountains; a Story of Three Years' Missionary Work in the Cumberland Mountains. W2340 (BC) Springplace: Moravian Mission and the War Family of the Cherokee Nation. W9500 (MHC) MISSION SCHOOLS — APP. Heroine of the Missionary Enterprize. E810 (BC) The Church's Mission to the Mountaineers of the South. H8150 172 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Settlement Institutions in Southern Appalachia. K3130 Home Mission Investments. L630 (LMC) Southern Mountain Schools Maintained by Denominational and Independent Agencies. R4400 (LMC) Experiences in Mountain Mission Work. S4970 (ASU WWC) Presbyterian Missions in the Southern United States. T8150 (LMC) MISSION SCHOOLS — GA. The Rabun Industrial School and Mountain Extension Work Among the Mountain Whites. R2380 MISSION SCHOOLS — N. C. Mission Work among the Mountain Whites in Asheville Presbytery, North Carolina. C940 (BC) Miracle in the Mountains. K140 (ASU LMC MHC WCU WWC FC BC) Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Her Unique Penland School. M7620 (ASU BC ETSU FC WCU WWC) Gift from the Hills: Miss Lucy Morgan's Story of Unique Penland School. M7630 0930 Miracle in the Hills. S4230 (ASU WCU LMC WWC BC) MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES Minutes, 1834-1852. A2150 (WCU) Memoir of Catherine Brown, a Christian Indian of the Cherokee Nation. A2350 (ASU BC) Memoir of Catharine Brown, a Christian Indian of the Cherokee Nation. A2360 Appalachian Mountain Community Center under the Auspices of the Protestant Episcopal Church. . . A3300 Cherokee Messenger. B1790 (ASU) Cherokee Messenger. B1800 (BC ASU WCU) "Protestant Missionaries to the American Indians, 1789 to 1862." B3160 Utopia in the Hills. Story of Valeria Home. B5300 Buckhorn: The Story of a Christian Enterprise.on Squabble Creek in the Mountains of Kentucky. B8250 (BC) Future of the Church and Independent Schools in Our Southern Highlands. C620 (BC) Southern Mountain Schools Maintained by Denominational and Independent Agencies. C870 Keepers of the Poor. C1340 (ASU LMC) Proceedings: A United Approach to Fulfilling the Church's Mission in Appalachia. C6210 (ASU WCU) Stuart Robinson School and Its Work. C7220 (BC) "Government Patronage of Indian Missions." El 140 Story of the Cherokee Bible. An Address, with Additional and Explanatory Notes, Delivered before the Meeting of the Ladies' Missionary Society of the First Congregational Church, Ithaca, N. Y., Feb. 5, 1897. F2310 The Gatherers: The Gospel among the Highlanders. G4610 (ASU LMC) The Gospel of the Lilies. G4620 (BC) Ministry to the Southern Mountaineer. HI 200 The Mountain People of Kentucky. An Account of Present Conditions with the Attitude of the People toward Improvement. HI 490 (ASU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES A Mountain School: A Study Made by the Southern Woman's Educational Alliance and Kennarock Training School. H3410 (WWC BC) Religion in the Highlands: Native Churches and Missionary Enterprises in the Southern Appalachian Area. H7030 (WWC ASU BC) Faith Victorious in the Kentucky Mountains. M550 (BC) Faith Victorious in the Kentucky Mountains. M560 Hitherto and Henceforth in the Kentucky Mountains. M570 (BC) The Pauline Ministry in the Kentucky Mountains: Or, A Brief Account of the Kentucky Mountain Holiness Association. M580 (ASU LMC BC) History of Baptist Indian Missions: Embracing Remarks of the Former and Present Condition of the Aboriginal Tribes. Their Settlement Within the Indian Territory, and Their Future Prospects. M790 (WCU) The Forgotten Region. Ml 990 (BC) "Unfinished Tasks" of the Southern Presbyterian Church. M2290 The Early Nineteenth Century Missionaries in the Cherokee Country. M2930 "A History of the Early Baptist Missions Among the Five Civilized Tribes." M6420 (WCU) The South To-day. M7220 (LMC) At Our Own Door: A Study of Home Missions with Special Reference to the South and West. M7840 (BC LMC) The Romance of Home Missions. M7850 (ASU LMC) **Them Missionary Women;" or Work in the Southern Mountains. M9290 Call of the Home Land; A Study of Home Missions. P2560 The Southern Highlanders of America. P3670 (BC ASU) Without Script or Purse: Or, The Mountain Evangelist. P4640 (BC) A Sketch of Missionary Life at Valle Crucis in Western North Carolina, 1842-1862. S4010 (LMC) Torchlights to the Cherokee: The Brainerd Mission. W350 (ASU ETSU BC) In the Land of Mudholes and Mountains; a Story of Three Years' Missionary Work in the Cumberland Mountains. W2340 (BC) Report of Mr. Wood's Visit to the Choctaw and Cherokee Missions, 1855. W8500 MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES — APP. Directory of Appalachian Mission Enterprises. C6190 (BC) Highways and Byways of Appalachia: A Study of the Work of the Synod of Appalachia of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. C8370 (ASU LMC BC) The Protestant Church as a Social Institution. D3130 Christian Reconstruction in the South. D3140 Unfinished Business of the Presbyterian Church in America. E550 (ASU) Heroine of the Missionary Enterprise. E810 (BC) The Life of Rev. David Brainerd, Chiefly Extracted from His Diary, Somewhat Abridged, Embracing, in the Chronological Order, Brainerds Public Journal. El 070 (LMC) Bringing in the Sheaves; Gleanings from Harvest Fields in Ohio, Ky., and W. Va. F530 SUBJECT The Church's Distinctive Challenge in Southern Appalachia. Gil 20 (BC) The Church's Mission to the Mountaineers of the South. H8150 Home Mission Investments. L630 (LMC) Life of Lucius B. Compton. P970 Experiences in Mountain Mission Work. S4970 (ASU WWC) Presbyterian Missions in the Southern United States. T8150 (LMC) Presbyterians in the South. T8160 (WWC BC) The Life and Labors of Archibald McLean. W990 (BC) A Round Robin, the Southern Highlands and Highlanders. W5290 (BC) A Century of Faith. W5360 (BC) MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES — CHEROKEE Reminiscences of Travel in Cherokee Lands. An Address Delivered before the Ladies' Missionary Society of the Ithaca, New York, Congregational Church, 1898. F2270 Elias Boudinot, Cherokee, and His America. G60 (ASU BC UNCA) MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES — CHEROKEE NATION "Missionary Activities among the Cherokee Indians, 1757-1838." C9150 MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES — GA. Sketch of the Life of Elder Humphrey, Baptist Missionary to the Cherokee Indians. F1480 The Moravians in Georgia, 1735-1740. F3370 (ASU) M5020 (ASU) MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES — KY. F3270 (BC) "A History of Religious Education in the Kentucky Mountains." G4230 (ASU) MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES — N. C. Mission Work among the Mountain Whites in Asheville Presbytery, North Carolina. C940 (BC) William West Skiles: A Sketch of Missionary Life at Valle Crucis in Western North Carolina, 1842-1862. C7210 (ASU WCU BC) The Story of a Mountain Missionary: Rev. James Floyd Fletcher, 1858-1946. F1500 (ASU) A History of the Ashe County, North Carolina, and New River, Virginia, Baptist Associations. F1530 (ASU) Records of the Moravians in North Carolina. F3380 (ASU LMC MHC) Annual Report. M6240 (LMC) 0930 MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES - TENN. Sketch of the Life of Elder Humphrey, Baptist Missionary to the Cherokee Indians. F1480 MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES — VA. Mission. F3100 (ASU LMC BC) MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES - W. VA. Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. $5020 MISSISSIPPI RIVER . . . Value of Flood Height Reduction from TVA Reservoirs to the Alluvial Valley of the Lower Mississippi River ... T4070 MOLLY MAGUIRES The Molly Maguires. B3690 (ASU WCU BC) MONONGAHELA RIVER The Monongahela. B4260 (BC) 173 MISSIONS-MTN. Denudation and Erosion in the Southern Appalachian Region and the Monongehela Basin. G2130 (ASU ETSU) Employment and Underemployment of Rural People in the Upper Monongahela Valley, West Virginia. M5230 Handbook of Pollution Control Costs in Mine Drainage Management. M6470 Water Pollution Control In the Monongahela River Basin. PI 810 Availability for Employment of Rural People in the Upper Monongahela Valley. P3700 Priority Determination Procedure for the Selection of Pollution Abatement Projects in the Monongahela River Basin. R2590 (ASU) "The Allegheny-Monongahela Flood Control Program and Its Benefits to Metropolitan Pittsburgh." W7330 MOONSHINE — APP. Mountain Spirits, a Chronicle of Corn Whiskey from King James Ulster Plantation to America's Appalachians and the Moonshine Life. 020 (BC ASU) MOONSHINING Moonshine: Being Appalachia's Arabian Nights. A70 (ASU LMC) The 20,000,000,000 a Year Racket of Bootleggers and Liquor-stamp Counterfeiters in Several Southeastern States Is Here Detailed by One of the Men Who Broke It Up. A4590 No Place for Revenuers. A4600 (BC LMC) After the Mountaineers. A5370 (BC) Mac Day, Crusader; A Story of the Fight for Americanism. B8800 (BC) The Second Oldest Profession: An Informal History of Moonshining in America. Cl 440 (ASU BC) Spurrier with the Wildcats and Moonshiners. C9370 (ASU BC) Moonshine: Its History and Folklore. K600 (BC ASU LMC WCU MHC) Spurrier With the Wildcats and Moonshiners. S6390 (ASU BC) A History of the Life of Amos Owens, the Noted Blockader, of Cherry Mountain, North Carolina. W5520 (LMC) MOONSHINING — APP. The Incredible Moonshine Menace. L2420 (ASU) Moonshine: Public Enemy. L2430 (ASU) MOONSHINING - N. C. Prohibition in North Carolina, 1715-1945. W5700 (LMC) MOONSHINING — VA. The Life and Times of a Mountaineer Game Warden. 0740 MOUNTAINEERING Roamin' with the Roamin' Men of the Smoky Mountains. 030 (ASU LMC BC) MTN. PEOPLE My Southern Friends. G1770 (BC WCU) **A Study and Contrast of the Kentucky Mountaineer and the Bluegrass Aristocrat in the Works of John Fox, Jr." O880 (ASU) MTN. PEOPLE — ALA. Angels in the Mountains. S7720 MTN. PEOPLE — GA. The Foxfire Book: Hog Dressing; Log Cabin Building; Mountain Crafts and Foods; Planting by the Signs; Snake Lore, Hunting Tales, Faith Healing; Moonshining; and Other Affairs of Plain Living. W6020 (FC ASU BC) �MTN.-MUSIC MTN. PEOPLE — GA. Foxfire 2: Ghost Stories, Spring Wild Plant Foods, Spinning and Weaving, Midwifing, Burial Customs, Corn Shuckin's, Wagon Making and More Affairs of Plain Living. W6030 (FC ASU BC) Foxfire 3: Animal Care, Banjos and Dulcimers, Hide Tanning, Summer and Fall Wildplant Foods, Butter Churns, Ginseng, and Still More Affairs of Plain Living. W6040 (ASU) MTN. PEOPLE - VA. The Blue Ridge: Man and Nature in Shenandoah National Park and Blue Ridge Parkway. W6260 (WCU LMC) MUSIC Country-Western Music and the Urban Hillbilly. W6240 (ASU) Playing Lead Dulcimer. W6320 (ASU) MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Anglo-American Folksong Style. A140 (ASU BC) Death in the Dark. A420 (BC ASU) A History of the Musical Careers of Dewitt "Snuffy" Jenkins, Banjoist, and Homer "Pappy" Sherrill, Fiddler. A790 (LMC) The Ballad Book. A1750 (BC) The Story of American Folk Song. A2200 (ASU BC) "A Collection of Ballads and Songs from East Tennessee." A2280 (LMC) Songs of Freedom. A3330 Old English Ballads and Folk Songs. A4660 Songs from the Carolina Hills. A4670 "The Melodic and Rhythmic Characteristics of the Traditional Ballad Variants Found in the Southern Appalachians." A4690 (ASU) A Century of Ballads. A5270 (ASU) Making an Appalachian Dulcimer. B290 (LMC BC) English Folk-songs Collected, Arranged, and Provided with Symphonies and Accompaniments for the Pianoforte. B1470 (ASU) Hill Country Tunes: Instrumental Folk Music of Southwestern Pennsylvania. B2150 (LMC) The Sweet Songster, a Collection of the Most Popular and Approved Songs, Hymns and Ballads. B3650 (ASU BC WCU) B4830 (ETSU) Singa Hipsy Doodle, and Other Folk Songs of West Virginia. B4980 (ASU ETSU BC) Singing Carr and Other Song-ballads of the Cumberlands. B6210 (ASU BC) The Ballad Mongers: Rise of the Modern Folk Song. B6310 (BC) The Folk-carol of England. B6560 (BC) The Stonewall Brigade Band. B6590 (ASU BC) The Traditional Tunes of the Child Ballads. B6830 (ASU BC) The Encyclopedia of Country and Western Music. B7280 (WCU) A History of English Balladry, and Other Studies. B7840 (ASU) Ancient Ballads and Songs of the North of Scotland. B7910 (ASU) "A Study of the Music Education Program of Watauga County." B7980 (ASU) The Minstrel of the Mountains. B8820 (BC) The Technique and Variation in an American Fiddle Tune. B8890 SUBJECT The George Pullen Jackson Collection of Southern Hymnody: A Bibliography. C280 (BC) East Tennessee and Western Virginia Mountain Ballads (The Last Stand of American Pioneer Civilization). C370 (ASU BC) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians, Comprising 122 Songs and Ballads, and 323 Tunes. C830 (ASU LMC WWC BC) "The Singing School and Shape Note Tradition: Residuals in 20th Century American Hymnody." C3590 (WCU) The Old-time Fiddler's Repertory: 245 Traditional Tunes. C3950 (ASU BC) "Ballad Characteristics in Modern Popular Country Music." C8580 (ETSU) The American Folk Scene; Dimensions of the Folksong Revival. D1910 (BC) "The Music of American Revivalism." 03180 (WCU) Anthology of American Folk Music. D4020 (ASU BC) "Shape Note Hymnody in the Shenandoah Valley, 1816-1860." E2230 (WCU) James D. Vaughan, Music Publisher, Lawrenceberg, Tennessee, 1912-1964. F1470 (WCU) F1690 (ASU BC WCU WWC LMC ETSU FC) A Literary History of the Popular Ballad. F2400 (BC ASU) Ballads of the Kentucky Highland. F4020 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) The Face of Folk Music. G90 (ASU) A History and Encyclopedia of Country, Western, and Gospel Music. G810 (ASU) Songs of Hill and MOUNTAIN Folk, Ballads, Historical Songs, Folk Songs. G2060 (BC ASU) Folksongs and Their Makers. G2070 (ASU MHC BC) Only a Miner: Studies in Recorded Coal Mining Songs. G3500 (ASU LMC MHC WCU BC) "Recorded American Coal Mining Songs." G3510 "An Edited Collection of Beech Mountain Folksongs." G.3680 (ETSU) Hillbilly Ballads. H2450 "Ananias Davisson: Southern Tune Book Compiler (1780-1857)." H3230 Sing to Me of Heaven: A Study of Folk and Early American Materials in Three Old Harp Books. H7170 (ASU BC) Another Sheaf of White Spirituals. J40 (ASU LMC) Down-east Spirituals, and Others: Three Hundred Songs Supplementary to the Author's Spiritual Folk-songs of Early America. J50 (ASU) Spiritual Folk-songs of Early America: Two Hundred and Fifty Tunes and Texts with an Introduction and Notes. J60 (ASU) Spiritual Folk-songs of Early America: Two Hundred and Fifty Tunes and Texts with an Introduction and Notes. J70 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Story of The Sacred Harp, 1844-1944, a Book of Religious Folk Songs as an American Institution. J80 (LMC WCU MHC BC ASU) White and Negro Spirituals, Their Life Span and Kinship, Tracing 200 Years of Untrammeled Song Making and Singing Among Our Country Folk, with 116 Songs as Sung by Both Races. J90 (ASU BC) White Spirituals in the Southern Uplands. J100 174 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY White Spirituals in the Southern Uplands: The Story of the Fascola Folk, Their Songs, Singings, and "Buckwheat Notes". J110 (ASU BC WCU ETSU LMC MHC) White Spirituals in the Southern Uplands: The Story of the Fasola Folk, Their Songs, Singings, and "Buckwheat Notes". J120 (ETSU WWC) Sweet Rivers of Song: A Book of Traditional Songs From the Southern Appalachian Mountain Region. J370 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Wake and Sing: A Miniature Anthology of the Music of Appalachian America. J380 (WWC BC ASU) Tuning and Playing the Appalachian Dulcimer. J550 (ASU LMC) Tuning and Playing the Appalachian Dulcimer. J560 (BC) Tuning and Playing the Appalachian Dulcimer. J570 (WCU) Kentucky Mountain Melodies. J770 Popular British Ballads, Ancient and Modern. J1930 Songs from the Hills. J2320 (WCU) "The Carter Family: A Reflection of Changes in Society." K10 (WCU) Cecil Sharp: His Life and Work. K230 (BC ASU LMC) K1220 (ASU ETSU BC) "A Study of the Changing Role of the Music Specialist in the North Carolina Elementary Schools, 1950-1957." K2060 (ASU) Country and Bluegrass Dobro. K2220 (WCU) A Folk Song Chapbook. K2580 (LMC) Folksingers and Folksongs in America. L880 (BC) L2830 (BC ASU ETSU) A Peddlar's Pack of Ballads and Songs. L3090 (ASU BC) The Folk Songs of North America, in the English Language. Melodies and guitar chords transcribed by Peggy Seeger with one-hundred piano arrangements by Matyas Seiber and Don Banks. Illustrated by Michael Leonard. Editorial assistant Shirley Collins. L3130 (WCU ASU) The Social Harp. Ml 040 (ASU BC) Melodies and Mountaineers. M2240 (ASU) Four and Twenty Songs for the Mountain Dulcimer. M2520 (ASU BC) Country Music U. S. A.: A Fifty-year History. M2910 (FC ASU) Beech Mountain Folk-Songs and Ballads. M4260 "A Survey of Recreational Music Activities Available to the General College Student in Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Tennessee." M4340 (ASU) The Hammered Dulcimer — How to Make and Play It. M6330 The Mountain Dulcimer. M6340 You're Only Human Once. M7160 (ASU) "The Life and Works of Lamar Stringfield, 1897-1959." N480 (ASU WCU) An Introduction to Folk Music in the United States. N620 (BC) The Ballad Book. N1030 (ASU BC FC LMC MHC) The Ballad Book. N1040 (ASU ETSU) The Ballad Book. N1050 (ASU WCU) Ballads, Carols, and Tragic Legends from the Southern Appalachian Mountains. N1060 (ASU ETSU LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Ballads, Lovesongs, and Tragic Legends from the Southern Appalachian Mountains. N1070 (ASU) More Songs of the Hill-folk: Ten Ballads and Tragic Legends from Kentucky, Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Georgia. Nil00 (ASU ETSU) Seven Kentucky Mountain Tunes. N1110 (BC) Songs of the Hill-folk: Twelve Ballads from Kentucky, Virginia, and North Carolina. N1120 (ASU BCETSU LMC) Ten Christmas Carols from the Southern Appalachian Mountains. Nil30 (ASU BC) The Guitar Songbook. Ml 260 Mountain Songs of North Carolina. N3030 Something to Sing About. 0460 (BC) 0500 Teach Yourself Appalachian Dulcimer. PI 270 "A Study of Academic Achievement of Band Students and Non-band Students, Blountville High School (1964-1967)." P3070 (ETSU) A Selective Music Bibliography from the Period 1663-1763. P4800 (LMC) The Foggy Dew; More English Folk Songs from the Hammond and Gardiner Manuscripts. P4890 (ASU) The Plucked Dulcimer of the Southern Mountains. P4910 (ASU BC) The Plucked Dulcimer and How to Play It. P4920 (WCU ASU BC) The Plucked Dulcimer and How to Play It. P4930 (ASU LMC MHC) Go Tell Aunt Rhody. 030 (ASU) Grass Roots Harmony. R120 (LMC) Mountain Ballads for Social Singing. R150 (BC) American Mountain Songs. R2060 (ETSU BC ASU) American Mountain Songs. R2070 (ASU ETSU WCU BC) The Dulcimer Book, Being a Book about the Three-stringed Appalachian Dulcimer, Including Some Ways of Tuning and Playing: Some Recollections in Its Local History in Perry and Knott Counties, Kentucky. Some Observations on the Probable Origins of the Instrument in the Old Countries of Europe: And with Words and Music for Some Sixteen Songs from the Ritchie Family of Kentucky. R2430 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) The Dulcimer Book, Being a Book about the Three-stringed Appalachian Dulcimer, Including Some Ways of Tuning and Playing: Some Recollections in Its Local History in Perry and Knott Counties, Kentucky. Some Observations on the Probable Origins of the Instrument in the Old Countries of Europe: With Plentiful Photographic Illustrations and Drawings. And with Words and Music for Some Sixteen Songs from the Ritchie Family of Kentucky. R2440 (ASU) Folk Songs of the Southern Appalachian As Sung by Jean Ritchie. R2450 (WWC) Folk Songs of the Southern Appalachians; As Sung by Jean Ritchie. R2460 (LMC WWC ETSU) A Garland of Mountain Song: Songs from the Repertoire of the Ritchie Family of Viper, Kentucky. R2470 (ASU WWC) Jean Ritchie's Swapping Song Book. R2480 (ASU WCU) Singing Family of the Cumberlands. R2490 (ASU MHC WWC BC) Singing Family of the Cumberlands. R2500 (ASU WCU LMC) The Swapping Song Book. R2510 (BC ASU LMC) SUBJECT Old-time Mountain Banjo: An Instruction Method for Playing the Old-time Five-string Mountain Banjo Based on the Styles of Traditional Banjo-pickers. R3760 (WCU ASU BC) The American Songbag. S270 (FC) A Song Catcher in Southern Mountains: American Folk Songs of British Ancestry. S730 (ASU WCU ETSU WWC BC) A Song Catcher in Southern Mountains: American Folk Songs of British Ancestry. S740 (ASU LMC ETSU) English Song Book. SI 410 Earl Scruggs and the 5-string Banjo. SI490 (WCU BC) How to Play the 5-String Banjo: A Manual for Beginners. SI 680 (ASU LMC) The Incomplete Folksinger. SI 690 American-English Folk Songs, Collected in the Southern Appalachians. S2270 (ASU) Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. S2290 (ASU BC) Eighty English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. S2300 (WCU ASU BC ETSU) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians, Comprising 273 Songs and Ballads with 968 Tunes, Including 39 Tunes Contributed by Olive Dame Campbell. S2310 (ASU) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. S2320 (ASU WWC FC) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. S2330 (ETSU) English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. S2340 (ASU WCU LMC MHC) Nursery Songs from the Appalachian Mountains. S2360 (ASU BC LMC) British Ballads in the Cumberland Mountains. S2580 A Syllabus of Kentucky Folk-Songs. S2590 Folk Songs of the Blue Ridge Mountains: 50 Traditional Songs as Sung by the People of the Blue Ridge Mountains Country. S2640 (ASU ETSU LMC MHC WCU BC) The Country Music Story: A Picture History of Country and Western Music. S2780 (ASU WCU) The Music Lover's Handbook. $3290 (ASU) Beginning the Folk Guitar, an Instructional Manual. S3380 (ASU) Folk Blues: 110 American Folk Blues. S3390 (ASU) American Anthology of Old-world Ballads. S4980 (ASU) South Carolina Ballads: With a Study of the Traditional Ballad Today. S4990 (ASU BC) The Traditional Ballad and Its South Carolina Survivals. S5000 (LMC) Twenty-five Kentucky Folk Ballads. S8990 (BC) Folk-style Autoharp; an Instruction Method for Playing the Autoharp and Accompanying Folk Songs. T360 (ASU) The Fiddle Book: The Comprehensive Book on American Folk Music, Fiddlin, and Fiddle Styles Including More Than 150 Traditional Fiddle Tunes Compiled From Country Fiddlers. T7690 (ASU) Ballad Makin' in the Mountains of Kentucky. T7880 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) The Singin' Gatherin': Tunes From the Southern Appalachians. T7940 (UNCA BC ETSU ASU) The Singin' Gatherin1: Tunes From the Southern Appalachians. T7950 (LMC BC) 175 MUSIC—MUSIC The Sun Shines Bright. T7960 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Check-list of Recorded Songs. U3580 A bibliography of hammered and plucked (Appalachian or mountain) dulcimers and related instruments. U3620 Folk Music in America. VI80 The Folksongs of Virginia: A Checklist of the WPA Holdings, Alderman Library University of Virginia. V1230 (ETSU ASU LMC) The Southern Harmony. W400 (WCU) The Southern Harmony Songbook . . . . W410 (BC) The Songs of Doc Watson. W1510 (ASU WCU) "A Suggested Plan for Developing a More Effective Community Music Program in Johnson City." W2200 (ETSU) The Golden Song Book. W2890 (BC) Southern Mountain Folk Traditions: And the Folksong "Stars" Syndrome. W2990 (ASU LMC) "The Songs of the Mountaineers." W3110 (ASU) The W. Va. Centennial Book of One Hundred Songs: 1863-1963; Patriotic Songs, Folk Songs, and Hymns. W3220 (BC) Mountain Songs of North Carolina. W4970 (BC) The Billy Edd Wheeler Song Book. W5070 (WWC) Kentucky Mountain Folk-Songs. W5160 The Sacred Harp. W5310 (WCU ASU) Anglo-American Folksong Scholarship Since 1898. W6250 (BC) Pennsylvania Spirituals. Y100 (ASU) MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS — APP. "The Sacred Harp Tradition of the South: Its Origin and Evolution. El 650 (WCU) Vagabond Songs and Ballads of Scotland. F1980 (ASU) The Musical Million: A Study and Analysis of the Periodical Promoting Music Reading through Shape Notes in North America from 1870 to 1914. H870 (WCU) "Southern Mountain Folk Songs for American Schools." H6440 (ASU) Ballad Books and Ballad Men: Raids and Rescues in Britain, America, and the Scandinavian North Since 1800. H8670 (ASU BC) Favorite Mountain Ballads and Old Time Songs. K2130 Appalachian Fiddle. K3140 Appalachian Dulcimer Plans. W540 New Race of Song Sparrows from the Appalachian Region. W4960 Twenty-Five Great Folk Songs. W5090 (BC) Folklore in the English and Scottish Ballads. W7560 (ASU FC) MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS — KY. A Gatherin'; Ky. Lore of Mt. Music, Songs, and Dances. K2830 MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS - TENN. "The Symphony Orchestra of Kingsport, Tennessee." W7400 (ETSU) MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS — VA. A Brief History of the Musical Movement or Stream, Which was Started in Mountain Valley (Now Singers Glen, Va.) in the Early Part of the Nineteenth Century by Joseph Funk. F1380 (ASU FC) �N.-N. N. C. - DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL North Carolina Sketches and Places. A1610 (ASU) These Friendly Mountains. B7880 (ASU) The Slave States of America. B8260 This Was My Valley. B8980 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) Smoky Mountain Country. C320 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Shopping Round the Mountains. C380 Glimpses of a Land of Beauty. C400 Exploring the Mountains of North Carolina. C1250 (MHC) C1320 (ASU) The Best from Almar Farm in Western North Carolina. C1360 (LMC ASU) C6030 (LMC) Mountain Scenery: The Scenery of the Mountains of Western North Carolina and Western South Carolina. C6090 (ASU WCU) Exploring the Mountains of North Carolina. C7450 (ASU LMC SCU WCU) Song of Life in the Smokies. C7670 (LMC) Song of Life in the Smokies: Stories of Mine Own People and Sketches of Life as It Was Lived in the Mountains Before the Park Took Over. C7680 (ETSU) Tar Meets. D190 (LMC BC) Reminiscences and Traditions of Western North Carolina. D700 Land of Waterfalls: A Portfolio of Exclusive Lithographs Suitable for Framing. D1860 (WCU) The War Trails of the Blue Ridge, Containing an Authentic Description of the Battle of King's Mountain, the Incidents Leading up to and the Echoes of the Aftermath of This Epochal Engagement, and Other Stories Whose Scenes Are Laid in the Blue Ridge. D3760 (BC ASU LMC) Carolina Mountain Breezes. E630 (ASU) . . . North Carolina, a Guide to the Old North State. R50 (WWC ASU UNCA) Sketches of North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrative of the Principles of a Portion of Her Early Settlers. F1790 (ASU LMC) Sketches of North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrative of the Principles of a Portion of Her Early Settlers. F1800 (MHC BC) Down Home. G2250 (ASU) Azure-lure, a Romance of the Mountains: Souvenir of Ashevilie and Western North Carolina. G3350 (ASU BC WCU LMC WWC UNCA) "The Land of the Sky." G3470 Western North Carolina Sketches. G4180 (ASU BC WCU LMC MHC) Notes on the Geography of the Mountain District of Western North Carolina. G5010 Souvenir Views of the Beautiful Blowing Rock Region. H2180 Five Months in the Old North State. H6720 (ASU BC) The World of My Childhood. 1970 (ASU LMC) Outdoor Recreation Potential Appraisal. J30 (WCU) Easy to Follow Directions on How to Get Lost in the Land of the Sky. J580 (WCU) L300 (UNCA ASU) A New Voyage to Carolina. L1000 (LMC ETSU) SUBJECT A New Voyage to Carolina. LI 010 (UNCA) Lindsey's Guidebook to Western North Carolina. L2560 An Appalachian Valley. M3840 (ASU) An Appalachian Valley. M3840 (ASU) Ashevilie, in Land of the Sky. M4740 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) Land o1 the Sky; History, Stories, Sketches. M4870 (ASU BC LMC WCU UNCA) Digest of Information About Transylvania County, North Carolina, Containing Information of General Interest to Commercial and Industrial Businesses. M5010 (WCU) The Carolina Mountains. M7710 (ASU BC LMC MHC WCU WWC) The Carolina Mountains. M7720 (UNCA) Scenic Western North Carolina, a Vacation Guide to the Highlands. M8520 (ASU) A Sketch of North Carolina. N1830 (ASU LMC) North Carolina: A Good Place to Live. . . . N1950 (UNCA) N2790 (MHC ASU) Journey into America. PI 410 (WCU) Western North Carolina Facts, Figures, Photographs. P4210 (LMC WCU) High Lands. R1760 (ASU LMC WCU) The Face of North Carolina. R2670 (ASU LMC UNCA) The Goodliest Land — North Carolina. R2680 (ASU LMC) Souvenir of Ashevilie or the Sky-land. S590 (ASU WCU BC) North Carolina: A Description by Counties. S2400 (LMC) Tar on My Heels, a Press Agent's Notebook. S2410 (ASU LMC BC) Sixty-four Selected Views of Western North Carolina, "The Land of the Sky, America's Beauty Spot". S5810 (ASU) Camping on Mount Mitchell, Information Regarding Good Places for Summer Camps in United States Forests in North Carolina. S5830 (ASU) The Land of the Sky, Western North Carolina. S5860 (LMC) North Carolina by North Carolinians: A Photographic Exhibition Sponsored By the North Carolina Arts Council: The People, Places and Things of One State as Seen by the People Who Know It Best — Those Who Live Here. S6370 (LMC) Great Smoky Mountains National Park, North Carolina and Tennessee. S8840 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU) The Heart of the Alleghenies: Or, Western North Carolina. Comprising Its Topography, History, Resources, People, Narratives, Incidents, and Pictures of Travel, Adventures in Hunting and Fishing and Legends of Its Wildernesses. Z40 (ASU LMC WCU BC ETSU) N. C. — EARLY EXPLORATION The Natural History of North Carolina. B6600 (ASU BC LMC) History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of That Country, Together with the Present State Thereof, and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled Through Several Nations of Indians, Giving a Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc., Etc. L970 (LMC MHC BC) History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of that Country, Together with the Present State Thereof, and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled through Several Nations of Indians, Giving a Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc., Etc. L980 (UNCA) 176 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of That Country, Together with the Present State Thereof and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled Through Several Nations of Indians, Giving Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc. L990 (WWC ASU) The Discoveries of John Lederer. LI 280 (LMC) The Discoveries of John Lederer, in Three Several Marches From Virginia, to the West of Carolina, and Other Parts of the Continent: Begun in March 1669, and Ended in September 1670. L1290 (ASU FC BC) The Discoveries of John Lederer, with Unpublished Letters By and About Lederer to Governor John Winthrop, Jr. LI 300 (ASU WCU ETSU) Early Settlement of Western North Carolina. S5490 N. C. — HISTORY A1730 A History of Watauga County, North Carolina. With Sketches of Prominent Families. A4990 (ASU LMC) Western North Carolina: A History (from 1730 to 1913). A5000 (BC ASU UNCA WCU LMC WWC) Western North Carolina; a History, 1730-1913. A5010 (ETSU ASU LMC) History of North Carolina. A5110 (BC LMC ASU) History of North Carolina. A5120 (WWC UNCA) The Cherokee Indians and Those Who Came After, Notes for a History of Cherokee County, North Carolina, 1835-1860. B7000 (ASU) Histories of the Dividing Line Betwixt Virginia and North Carolina. B9620 (BC FC) Governor Vance: A Life for Young People. C440 (ASU WCU WWC) Governor Vance, a Life for Young People. C450 (LMC) Sketches of Burke County. C480 (ASU) Sketches of Burke County. C490 C1320 (ASU) North Carolina from Its Glorious Past to the Present. C1350 (ASU) North Carolina Land Grants in Tennessee, ' 1778-1791. Cl800 (ETSU BC ASU) The Genesis of Lincoln: Truth is Stranger than Fiction. C2080 (LMC) Truth is Stranger than Fiction: Or, the True Genesis of a Wonderful Man. C2090 (ASU) Clay County, 1861-1961; Commemorating the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Creating of Clay County, North Carolina. C4780 History of North Carolina. C6720 (LMC) Makers of North Carolina History. C6730 (LMC) North Carolina: Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, 1584-1925. C6740 (UNCA BC LMC) Race Elements in the White Population of North Carolina. C6750 (ASU BC) Revolutionary Leaders of North Carolina. C6760 (ASU LMC) Revolutionary Leaders of North Carolina. C6770 (WWC) History of Avery County, North Carolina. C7170 (ASU LMC WCU BC) "Appalachian North Carolina: A Political Study, 1860-1889." C7740 Foot Prints on The Sands of Time, A History of South-western Virginia and North-western North Carolina. C8140 (ASU LMC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY N. C. — HISTORY North Carolina Governors, 1585-1958: Brief Sketches. C8300 (LMC BC) Grandfather's Tales of North Carolina History. C8650 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC UNCA) North Carolina Newspapers before 1790. C8820 (LMC) 100 Years, 100 Men: 1871-1971. C8830 (ASU) Historical Sketches of Wilkes County. C9130 (ASU) Tar Heels. D190 (LMC BC) The Border States: Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia. D4190 (BC ASU LMC WWC ETSU) Home on the Yadkin. F660 (ASU BC) Sketches of North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrative of the Principles of a Portion of Her Early Settlers. F1790 (ASU LMC) Sketches of North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrative of the Principles of a Portion of Her Early Settlers. F1800 (MHC BC) Our Heritage, the People of Cherokee County, North Carolina, 1540-1955. F3170 (ASU WCU BC) Preachers, Pedagogues and Politicians: The Evolution Controversy in North Carolina, 1920-1927. 6590 (WCU WWC) Will Books, Wilkes County, North Carolina. G770 G3120 (ASU LMC) A History of Dillsboro, North Carolina. G3390 (WCU) Essays on North Carolina History. G4120 (ASU LMC) History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, North Carolina, 1730-1936. 64130 (ASU BC WCU) History of Rutherford County, 1937-1951. 64140 (WCU LMC BC) Public Officials of Rutherford County, N. C. 1779-1934: With Introductory Sketches of Origin and Development of Various County Offices, and Public and Local Laws Governing Same. 64150 (ASU BC) Western North Carolina Sketches. 64180 (ASU BC WCU LMC MHC) History of North Carolina. H3730 (LMC MHC) Builders of the Old North State: Selected Sketches. H4060 (LMC) North Carolina: The Old North State and the New. H4440 (UNCA LMC) "The Forgotten Sons: North Carolinans in the Union Army." H5210 (ASU) Young People's History of North Carolina. H5370 (LMC WWC) The Historical Records of North Carolina. H5730 (ASU LMC BC) Introduction to the County Records of North Carolina, Including the General Introduction to the Historical Records of North Carolina. H5750 (ASU) H6010 (MHC) History of Surry County, or, Annals of Northwest North Carolina. H6680 (LMC ASU WCU BC) History of Surry County, or, Annals of Northwest North Carolina. H6690 Southern Appalachian Highlanders of Western North Carolina. H7240 Panorama of Progress: Jackson County Centennial. H7780 Sketches of Western North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrating Principally the Revolutionary Period of Mecklenburg, Rowan, Lincoln, and Adjoining Counties. H8420 (ASU BC WCU) SUBJECT Sketches of Western North Carolina, Historical and Biographical, Illustrating Principally the Revolutionary Period of Mecklenburg, Rowan, Lincoln and Adjoining Counties, Accompanied with Miscellaneous Information, Much of It Never Before Published. H8430 (ASU LMC ETSU) For History's Sake: The Preservation and Publication of North Carolina History, 1663-1903. J2340 (BC LMC ASU MHC) North Carolina's Local Records Program. J2350 (ASU) History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of That Country, Together with the Present State Thereof, and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled Through Several Nations of Indians, Giving a Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc., Etc. L970 (LMC MHC BC) History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of that Country, Together with the Present State Thereof, and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled through Several Nations of Indians, Giving a Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc., Etc. L980 (UNCA) History of North Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of That Country, Together with the Present State Thereof and a Journal of a Thousand Miles Traveled Through Several Nations of Indians, Giving Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, Etc. L990 (WWC ASU) A Guide to the Study and Reading of North Carolina History. LI 520 (LMC) A Guide to the Study and Reading of North Carolina History. LI530 (UNCA ASU) A Guide to the Study and Reading of North Carolina History. LI 540 (LMC) History of North Carolina. L1550 (BC LMC UNCA) North Carolina History Told by Contemporaries. L1560 (BC LMC WWC) North Carolina, the History of a Southern State. LI570 (UNCA WWC) North Carolina, the History of a Southern State. LI 580 (BC FC ASU LMC) In the Red Hills: A Story of the Carolina Country. M260 (ASU) The Early History of Haywood County. M4830 (LMC WCU) Historical Sketch of Flat Rock. M5040 (ASU) An Historical Sketch of Flat Rock . . . M5050 (ASU) Fading Hi-lights Relating to the Birth and Growth of the Swannanoa Valley in Western North Carolina, 1845-1960. M6310 (ASU) History of North Carolina: From the Earliest Discoveries to the Present Time. M7310 (LMC) Western North Carolina: A History. M8210 (ASU) The Influence of the Physiographic Features of Western North Carolina on the Settlement and Development of the Region. Ml 400 (ASU) The Formation of the North Carolina Counties, 1663-1943. N1840 (WWC) Guide to North Carolina Historical Highway Markers. N1850 (ASU) The North Carolina Census of Wilkes County, 1787. N1860 (ASU) State Census of North Carolina, 1784-1787. N1880 (ASU) State Census of North Carolina, 1784-1787. Ml 890 (ASU) 177 N.—N. Watauga County Records: Bonds, Court Records, Estates Records, Land Records, Military and Pension Records, Tax and Fiscal Records and Wills. N1900 (ASU) N2380 (ASU UNCA) Literary and Historical Activities of North Carolina, 1900-1905. N2390 (LMC WWC ASU) N2400 (ASU) N2410 N2460 (LMC) North Carolina Manual 1874-19. N2560 (ASU LMC) Guide to Civil War Records in the N. C. State Archives. N2590 50 Years Ago Around Saluda, N. C. P10 PI 50 (WCU) Buncombe to Mecklenburg: Speculation Lands. P860 A Condensed History of Flat Rock (the Little Charleston of the Mountains). P880 (ASU WCU LMC) The Story of Henderson County. P940 (ASU WCU LMC) The Story of Henderson County. P950 Historical and Literary Activities in North Carolina, 1900-1905. PI 590 (LMC) The Pen and Plate Club of Asheville, North Carolina. 1904-1929. PI 640 (ASU) Dry Ridge: Some of Its History, Some of Its People. P2830 (LMC ASU) Alexander County's Confederates. P3110 Prologue: a History of Alexander County, North Carolina. P3130 Polk County Centennial: Souvenir Historical Booklet. P3350 Sketches of Early Watauga. P3460 North Carolina County Histories: A Bibliography. P3980 (MHC) North Carolina County Histories: A Bibliography. P3990 (ASU) North Carolina: A Students' Guide to Localized History. P4020 (LMC WCU) A History of Catawba County. P4360 Postmarks: A History of Henderson County, North Carolina, 1787-1968. R580 (BC ASU ETSU LMC) Ray's Index and Digest to Hathaway's North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register. R630 An Illustrated History of Yadkin County, 1850-1965. R4440 (ASU) Annals of Lincoln County, North Carolina: Containing Interesting and Authentic Facts of Lincoln County History through the Years 1749 to 1937. S2960 (ASU) Zebulon Vance, Tarheel Spokesman. S3100 (ASU) Zebulon Vance, Tarheel Spokesman. S3110 (LMC) Historical Sketches of Churches in the Diocese of Western North Carolina Episcopal Church. S3370 (LMC WCU BC) A History of Buncombe County, North Carolina. S5500 (ASU WCU LMC BC) North Carolina Local History: A Select Bibliography. S7200 (ASU) Notes on the History of Western North Carolina. S7440 (WCU) Discovering Mitchell County. T780 History and Geography of Yancey County. T790 (ASU) Medicine in Buncombe County Down to 1885, Historical and Biographical Sketches. T880 �N.—NATURAL N. C. — HISTORY Swain County: Early History and Educational Development. T8110 (ASU WCU LMC) History of Allegheny County. T8320 A Bibliography of North Carolina, 1589-1955. T8420 (LMC UNCA ASU) Official Publications of the Colony and State of North Carolina, 1749-1939, a Bibliography. T8430 (ASU LMC) 1861-1961, Transylvania County Centennial: Historical Souvenir Program. T9170 Western North Carolina Since the Civil War. V380 (ASU WWC ETSU) Sketches of the Pioneers in Burke County History. W690 "A Historical Study of the ET&WNC Narrow Gauge Railroad." W730 (ASU) With Pen and Camera Thro the "Land of the Sky": Western North Carolina and the Asheville Plateau. W790 (ASU) The Waldenses of Valdese. W1580 (LMC WCU) Facts and Events of the Watts Family. W1600 (ASU) North Carolina Roads and Their Builders. W1870 (ASU LMC) The Living Past of Cleveland County, a History. W1950 (ASU) Fifty-eight Years in Asheville. W2030 (UNCA) . . . Church and State in North Carolina. W2270 (BC) The Religious Development in the Province of North Carolina. W2280 (LMC WWC UNCA) The Ballad of Tom Dula: The Documented Story Behind the Murder of Laura Foster and the Trials and Execution of Tom Dula. W3030 (ASU BC) W4870 (ASU) Historical Sketches of North Carolina, from 1584 to 1851. W5120 (UNCA) Historical Sketches of North Carolina from 1584 to 1851. W5130 (ASU LMC) Historical Sketches of North Carolina from 1584 to 1851 Compiled from Original Records, Official Documents, and Traditional Statements, with Biographical Sketches of Her Distinguished Statesmen, Jurists, Lawyers, Soldiers, Divines, etc. W5140 (LMC BC) Reminiscences and Memoirs of North Carolina and Eminent North Carolinians. W5150 (UNCA BC ASU) A History of Alexander County, North Carolina. W5640 Daniel Boone Wagon Train. W5670 (ASU) History of Watauga County: A Souvenir of Watauga Centennial. W5680 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU) Local History — How to Find and Write It. W5690 (ASU) The North Carolina Historical Almanack, Being a Collection of Notable Events That Have Befallen People and Places in Our Great State. W6070 (ASU BC) The History of North Carolina. W6930 (ASU LMC BC) The Carolina Backcountry on the Eve of the Revolution: The Journal and Other Writings of Charles Woodmason, Anglican Itinerant. W8780 (ASU LMC BC) History and Geography of Yancey County. Y20 N. C. — HISTORY — CHEROKEE E500 (ASU) N. C. — HISTORY — HAYWOOD CO. The Annals of Haywood County, North Carolina: Historical, Sociological-, Bibliographical, and Genealogical. ' . A1700 (ASU WCU BC) N. C. — HISTORY — STORIES North Carolina History Stories. A1720 (LMC MHC) SUBJECT N. C. — HISTORY — WESTERN COUNTIES Random Thoughts and the Musings of a Mountaineer. A1740 (BC ASU WCU LMC ETSU) N. C. — RECREATION AND TOURISM Oconaluftee Indian Village. C3640 (ASU) C3720 (ASU) Camping on Mount Mitchell, Information Regarding Good Places for Summer Camps in United States Forests in North Carolina. S5830 (ASU) The Land of the Sky, Western North Carolina. S5860 (LMC) N. C. RIVERS Canoeing White Water: A Guide Book to the Rivers of Virginia and Eastern West Virginia, The Great Smoky Mountain Area. C1740 (LMC) NANTAHALA RIVER The Dissent of Commissioner Thomas R. Eller, Jr., in the Nantahala Power and Light Company Transfer Case. El 640 (WCU) NATIONAL RESOURCES — KY. Natural Resources of Kentucky. K1050 (ETSU ASU) NATURAL HISTORY Spring Notes From Tennessee. T8970 (LMC BC) NATURAL RESOURCES Soil Survey: Dawson, Lumpkin, and White Counties, Georgia. A850 Report. A910 (BC) Appalachian Basin Ordovician Symposium: Papers Read at the Meeting of the Pittsburgh Geological Society at Pittsburgh, Pa., May 16, 1947, and Published in the Bulletin of the American Assn. of Petroleum Geologists, Aug. 1948. A2850 (BC) People and Resources in Eastern Kentucky. B2610 The Life of the Mountains. B6970 (BC) Smoky Mountain Country. C320 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Geologic Bulletin no. 1-10. T7360 Pocahontas County. W3850 (BC) Resources of West Virginia. W4300 (BC) W4460 NATURAL RESOURCES — ALA. . . . Natural Resources of the Tenn. Valley Region in Alabama. H2540 (BC) Report on the Plateau Coal Field of Alabama. T6590 Report on the Reserves of Coal in a Part of the Worrier Coal Field of Alabama. T6600 NATURAL RESOURCES — APP. Voices from Earth, a Collection of Writings on Environment. A4500 (ASU) Rich Land, Poor Land; A Study of Waste in the Natural Resources of America. C3510 "An Input-output Model Incorporating Impact Analysis to Evaluate the Resources and Economy of a Rural Appalachian Community." G220 Natural Resource Special Districts in Appalachia: Review of Enabling Laws. HI 330 Appalachian Resource Development Project, Submitted to the Kellogg Foundation. K1390 Anthracite: An Instance of Natural Resource Monopoly. N350 (ASU LMC) Summary of Resources Tributary Area Development Program. T3560 178 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Recreational Development of the Southern Highlands Region; A Study of the Use and Control of Scenic and Recreational Resources. T4290 (LMC) The Scenic Resources of the Tennessee Valley; A Descriptive and Pictorial Inventory. T4310 Fish and Wildlife, Valuable Natural Resources. T5270 TVA as a Symbol of Resource Development in Many Countries. T6910 Southern Highlands Mountain Resources Management Plan, Vols. I and II. T9390 Message From the President of the United States Transmitting a Report of the Secretary of Agriculture in Relation to the Forests, Rivers, and Mountains of the Southern Appalachian Region. U2510 (UNCA ASU ETSU) Development of Water Resources in Appalachia. U2670 (ASU) NATURAL RESOURCES — GA. The Georgia Mountains: A View of Its Resources, Problems, and Potentials. SI 120 (ASU LMC) NATURAL RESOURCES — KY. Geology and Mineral Resources of Part of the Cumberland Gap Coal Field, Kentucky. A5240 (ASU) Resources for Industry. K1030 (ASU) K1450 (ETSU ASU) Appalachian Kentucky, an Exploited Region. L440 (ETSU) Management of Kentucky Natural Resources. LI 900 Life Among the Hills and Mountains of Kentucky. T8080 (ASU BC) NATURAL RESOURCES — N. C. The Possibilities of a Maple Sugar Industry in Western North Carolina. A5130 (ASU LMC) "Community Resources of Tryon, North Carolina." H6960 (WCU) North Carolina: Resources, Advantages, and Opportunities. N1750 (LMC ASU) Chromite Deposits of North Carolina: Geology and Mining. N1920 The Mining Industry in North Carolina. N2220 (ASU UNCA ETSU LMC) Report of the State Geologist and Director. 1891-92 - 1923-24. N2340 (ASU UNCA) The Southern Highlands Mountain Resources Management Plan. N2480 N2500 N2650 (ASU UNCA) Ecological Effects of Hot Water Discharge by an Electric Power Generating Plant. N2660 (ASU UNCA) Economic Development of the Upper French Broad Area: Summary of Needs and Opportunities, Resources, the Regional Economy. N2690 (ASU) NATURAL RESOURCES — N. Y. — APP. REGION The Appalachian Region of New York State: An Atlas of Natural and Cultural Resources. N690 (ETSU) NATURAL RESOURCES - OHIO "Economic Inventory and Value Added Estimates of the Natural Resources of a Watershed Region Located in the Appalachian Highland Area of Ohio." NATURA1 RESOURCES — PA. "The Economics of Oil Refining in the Pennsylvania Area." B1750 "Basic Industrial Resources of the Altoona, Pennsylvania, Area." S5040 NATURAL RESOURCES — S. C. South Carolina's Natural Resources: A Study in Public Administration. L650 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY NATURAL RESOURCES — TENN. Outline Introduction to the Mineral Resources of Tennessee. A5250 (ETSU) The City of Knoxville, Tennessee and Vicinity and Their Resources. G3060 Rescued Earth, a Study of the Public Administration of Natural Resources in Tennessee. G3820 (ASU LMC ETSU) Adjustments of Rural Resources Use and Characteristics to Economic Growth. H4490 (ASU) "Economic Progress and Resource Adjustments of Rural Households is the Upper East Tennessee Valley." H4500 (ASU) Resources and Incomes of Rural Upper East Tennessee People, a Progress Report of a Study of the Economic Status and Opportunities of Rural People. H4520 (ASU BC) An Economic Survey of Blount County, Tennessee, a Study of Resources and Industrial Potentials. H8720 Geology of the Mascot-Jefferson City Zinc District, Tennessee. 0220 (ETSU) Soil and Sky; the Development and Use of Tennessee Valley Resources. S470 Tennessee — Its Resources and Economy — The Tennessee Economy — Vol. I. T1210 Resource Inventory and Analysis of Tennessee Appalachia. T1710 (ETSU) Tennessee Resources — Agriculture, Forestry, and Minerals. T1720 (ETSU) Clinch-Powell Valley; Summary of Resources. T2420 Sequatchie Valley; Summary of Resources. T3470 Summary of Resources. T3550 Upper Little Tennessee River Region: Summary of Resources. T9880 (WWC) NATURAL RESOURCES — TVA LAKES Applications of the Common Mooring: Fundamental Principles in the Utilization of Resources. A630 NATURAL RESOURCES - VA. The Early Grove Gas Field, Scott and Washington Counties, Virginia. A5710 (ETSU) The Cement Resources of Virginia, West of the Blue Ridge. B1860 (ASU) Allegheny County, Virginia: Its Resources and Industries. C8080 (BC) Southwest Virginia: Lee, Scott, Wise Counties, Summary of Resources. T3500 (ASU BC) Virginia: A Geographical and Political Summary, Embracing a Description of the State, Its Geology, Soils, Minerals and Climate; Its Animal and Vegetable Productions; Manufacturing and Commercial Facilities; Religious and Educational Advantages; Internal Improvements, and Form of Government. WOO (BC) NATURAL RESOURCES — W. VA. The Abram Creek-Stony River Coal Field, Northeastern West Virginia. A5230 Coal and Coal Mining in West Virginia. B1200 "Productive Capacity and Economic Growth in West Virginia." B7090 Rights-of-Way for Removal of Natural Resources From West Virginia Land: An Examination of Existing Applicable Law and of Possible Changes Therein. B7300 (ASU) NATURAL—NEGROES SUBJECT West Virginia: Its Farms and Forest, Mines and Oil Wells, with a Glimpse of Its Scenery, a Photograph of Its Population, and an Exhibit of Its Industrial Statistics. D2690 (BC) Grant's West Virginia Illustrated. G3230 Bibliography and Index of West Virginia Geology and Natural Resources to July 1, 1937. L3870 (ETSU) Footprints in the Soil and Reflections on the Water: Conservation in West Virginia. 0570 (ASU) West Virginia, Her Land, Her People, Her Traditions, Her Resources. R4200 (BC) Resources of the Upper South Branch Valley, West Virginia. S6470 The Mountain State. S9010 Natural Resources of West Virginia, the Mountain State. U2790 (ASU) Natural Resources of West Virginia, the Mountain State. U2860 Resources of West Virginia. W3180 "The Resources and Industries of the New River Drainage Basin in West Virginia." W7990 NATURAL RESOURCES — W. VA. REGIONAL Semi-Centennial History of West Virginia. With Special Articles on Development and Resources. C300 (ASU ETSU BC) NAUGLE, JOHN MARK Virginia Tax Payers, 1782-87: Other Than Those Published by the United States Census Bureau. F2360 (ASU) NAVIGATION River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3440 NEGROES "What Progress in Health Has Been Made among the Negro Youths of the Elementary School Age for the Past Ten Years in Talladega County, Alabama." C9500 "The Development of Negro Education in Rutherford County, North Carolina." T9510 W3200 (ETSU) A Survey of Negroes Employed by the State of West Virginia. W4080 NEGROES — ALA. "A Study of the Progress of Negro Education in Saint Clair County, Alabama." C1750 "A Survey of the Library Facilities in the Negro Schools of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama." D2540 "Factors Contributing to the Educational Development of the Negro Schools in the Jefferson County (Alabama) School System, 1945-51." G1950 "A Study of the Causes of Drop-outs and Irregular Attendance among Boys in the Four Negro High Schools of Talledega County, Alabama." G2040 "The Status of the Negro Teachers in Blount, Cullman, DeKalb, and Marshall Counties, Alabama 1952-53." J2260 "A Historical Analysis of Student Drop-outs in the Negro Schools for Bibb County, Alabama." M4620 **The Educational Progress of the Negro Schools in Cherokee County, Alabama, from 1930-1°50." S6640 Arbitrary Arrests in the South: Or, Scenes From the Experiences of an Alabama Unionist. T7650 (WCU) NEGROES — APP. My Life and Travels. B6340 (ASU) 179 Ought American Slavery to be Perpetuated? A Debate between Rev. W. G. Brownlow and Rev. A. Pryne. Held at Philadelphia, September, 1858. B7520 (ASU BC) Berea College from Servitude to Service, Being the Old South Lectures on the History and Work of the Negro. F3560 (BC) "Negro Life in a Rural Community." K2380 Facilitative and Inhibitive Factors in Training Program Recruitment Among Rural Negroes. M3360 NEGROES — GA. "A Study of the Relationship Existing Between Amount of Education Completed by White and Negro Head of Households in Floyd County." H4240 "A History of the Development of Schools for Negroes in Walker County, Georgia." J170 NEGROES — KY. Kentucky's Black Heritage. K980 (BC ETSU) The Saga of Coe Ridge: A Study in Oral History. M6560 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU WWC) NEGROES — N. C. "A Critical Study of Negro Education in Cleveland County, North Carolina, from 1944 to 1954." F2250 (ASU) "Negro Life in Watauga County." H7310 (ASU) "A History of Negro Education in Wilkes County, North Carolina." 1820 The Negro in North Carolina, 1876-1894. L3060 (LMC) "An Analysis of the Types of Retardation in the Elementary Departments of Fine Negro Union Schools in Rural Cleveland County." L3200 NEGROES — TENN. "The Negro in East Tennessee." B210 (ASU) Three Generations: The Story of a Colored Family of Eastern Tennessee. C1110 (ASU LMC BC) "An Investigation of the Exceptional Child in the Negro Secondary Schools of East Tennessee." C1860 "Differences between Negro and Caucasian Students at John Sevier Junior High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." C2810 (ETSU) "The Negroes of Chattanooga, Tennessee." C7830 A Social Study of the Colored Population of Knoxville, Tennessee. D1100 "The Negro and Organized Labor as Voting Blocs in Tennessee, 1960-1964." D2070 The Emancipator. El 900 (ASU) A Study of the Physical Education Problems as Found In Negro Schools in East Tennessee." F3710 Gemini. G1840 "History of the Development of Negro Public Schools in Bradley County, Tennessee, 1931-1951." M3580 The Negro in Tennessee, 1790-1865. P650 (LMC) "Negro Education in Cocke County." R180 "An Examination of the Negro Character in Selected Fiction by White East Tennessee Writers." R850 (ETSU) "An Accounting Study of the Educational Progress of Knoxville Negro Pupils Over a Sixteen-year Period." S4590 Letters from the Slave States. S7470 �NEGROES—OHIO NEGROES — TENN. "Development of the Health Program for Negroes in Franklin County, Tennessee from 1940-1953." W5820 Knoxville Negro. W7100 NEGROES — VA. Virginia Iron Manufacture In the Slave Era. B7600 Carry Me Back: Slavery and Servitude in Seventeenth Century Virginia. C7270 (MHC FC ASU) Free Negro Labor and Property Holding in Virginia, 1830-1860. J160 (ETSU) "School Desegregation in Warren County, Virginia, During 1958-1960; A Study in the Mobilization of Restraints." L2050 "A Study Designed for the Attitudes of the Negro Teachers of Bedford County, Virginia Toward In-Service Teacher Education." M3140 Economic and Social Aspects of Negro Slavery in Wythe County, Virginia, 1790-1860. M9210 The Free Negro in Virginia, 1619-1865. R4370 (ETSU FC) NEGROES - W. VA. Report of C. F. Hopson, M. D., Director, Bureau of Negro Welfare and Statistics of the State of West Virginia to Governor Clarence W. Meadows, 1945-46. H7150 (ASU) John Henry: Track Down a Negro Legend. J1780 "Integration in West Virginia Since 1954." J1920 (ASU) "The Negro Miner in West Virginia." LI 30 "The Negro in West Virginia Before 1900." S2610 "Contacts of Negroes and Whites in Morgantown." W6380 NEW RIVER "Land Utilization in the New and Watauga River Basins of North Carolina." B3700 (LMC) "Industrial Waste and Human Sewage Pollution within the New River Drainage Basin of Watauga County." C1490 (ASU) The Geomorphic History of the New Kanawha River System. F3300 (ETSU) Surface Water Supply of the New-Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, and North Carolina. G4490 German New River Settlement, Virginia. H4270 (ASU FC) Lovely Mount Tavern: The Birth of a City, and Something of the Early New River Settlers. H7700 A History of Middle New River Settlements and Contiguous Territory. J2020 (ASU FC) Kanawha River: Comprehensive Basin Study. K100 (ASU) The New-Kanawha River and the Mind War of West Virginia. M630 (BC) New River Cripple Creek Mineral Region of Virginia. M940 Bulletin. Surface and Water Supply of Va. New, Big Sandy, and Tenn. River Basins, 1942-1950. V750 (BC) New River Basin Comprehensive Water Resources Plan. V840 "The Resources and Industries of the New River Drainage Basin in West Virginia." W7990 NEWSPAPERS Pen and Politics: The Autobiography of a Working Writer. A1370 (ASU) The Buck Fever Papers. A2380 (ASU) SUBJECT "Dan Tompkins: Mountain Editor." A5610 (WCU) Gunpowder Creek Philosophy. C4800 (BC) Best of Hillbilly: A Prize Collection of 100-proof Writings from Jim Comstock's West Virginia Hillbilly. C6300 (ASU MHC WCU LMC BC) The Socialist and Labor Star, Huntington, West Virginia, 1912-1915. C7370 (ASU BC) Observations from a Peak in Lumpkitv. Or, the Writings of W. Ba. Townsend, Editor, The Dahlonega Nugget. D1490 (ASU) The Kanawha Spectator. D1630 The ETSU Journalist. E390 (ETSU) Newsletter. E460 (ETSU) Southeastern Broadsides Before 1877. H8290 (ASU) Ralph McGill, Editor and Publisher. L3100 (ASU) M2730 Ralph McGill, Reporter. M3500 Ralph McGill, Reporter. M3600 News from Pigeon Roost. M5640 (ASU) A List of Magazines, Journals, Small Presses, Newspapers, etc. of Interest to Students of Appalachia. M5820 Index to the Press of the Kanawha Valley, 1855-1865. M8620 (BC) Editors Make War: Southern Newspapers in the Secession Crisis. R1650 Religious News Press in Appalachia, 1971. A Directory of News Periodicals of ... all Members of the Commission on Religion in Appalachia. . . S4120 (ASU BC) Bill Arp (pseud.) So Called, a Side Show of the Southern Side of the Civil War. S4470 (ASU) Bill Arp: From the Uncivil War to Date, 1861-1903. S4480 (ASU) Bill Arp's Peace Papers. S4490 (ASU) A Man in His Time. S6290 (ASU) "The Public Career of Joseph Alexander Mabry." T590 "Southern Appalachian State Newspapers' Treatment of the Antipoverty and Appalachia Acts." T8020 Observations from a Peak in Lumpkin. T9110 (BCASU) Bert Vincent's Strolling, Being Sort of a Side-Glance at the Little Odds and Ends of Life in These Parts. V630 The Best Stories of Bert Vincent, ed. Willard Yarbrough. V640 More of the Best Stories of Bert Vincent. V650 NEWSPAPERS — APP. Catalogue, Southern Newspaper Library. . . . S5800 NEWSPAPERS — CHEROKEE C3710 (ASU) New Echota Letters: Contributions of Samuel A. Worcester to the Cherokee Phoenix. K1990 (WCU LMC MHC ASU) NEWSPAPERS - KY. Newspaper History of a Town: A History of Danville, Kentucky. G4200 (ASU) "Survey and Sociological Study of 25 Weekly Newspapers in Eastern Kentucky." W660 (ASU) NEWSPAPERS — N. C. North Carolina Newspapers before 1790. C8820 (LMC) 180 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Union List of North Carolina Newspapers, 1751-1900. J2360 (LMC) My Affair with a Weekly. J2640 (ASU LMC MHC BC) "A Historical Study of the Relationship Between the Watauga Democrat and Appalachian State Teachers College." K90 (ASU) NEWSPAPERS — TENN. Ah Honorable Titan: A Biographical Study of Adolph S. Ochs. J1750 "A History of Knoxville Journalism." M4170 NEWSPAPERS — VA. A Checklist of Southwest Virginia Newspapers, 1800-1974. J1660 NEWSPAPERS — W. VA. "Editorial Attitudes of West Virginia Newspapers toward School and Education." K1830 NOLICHUCKY RIVER Floods on Nolichucky River and North and South Indian Creeks in Vicinity of Erwin, Tennessee. T7100 NORTH CAROLINA RIVER High and Low Flows and Flow Duration at Stream Gages in North Carolina in Tennessee River Basin. T7370 NORTH CHICKAMAUGA RIVER Floods on North Chickamauga, Mountain, and Lookout Creeks, in Vicinity of Chattanooga, Tennessee. T7110 NORTH TOE RIVER Floods on North Toe River and Beaver and Grassy Creeks in Vicinity of Spruce Pine, North Carolina. T7120 NURSING Quarterly Bulletin. F3500 (ASU BC) Thirty Years Onward. Frontier N. S., 1925-1955. F3510 (BC ASU) Today, Yesterday and Tomorrow. F3520 (BC) Development of Tele-lecture and Associated Media Systems for the Improvement of Nursing Education in West Virginia. P4950 NURSING — APP. Frontier Nurse: Mary Breckenridge. W6290 (ASU LMC BC) NURSING — KY. The Frontier Nursing Service. W7780 (BC) NURSING — W. VA. A Half-Century of Nursing in West Virginia: The History of the West Virginia State Nurses' Association 1907-1957. B5230 (ASU) NUTRITION "Tuberculosis in Eastern Kentucky." A820 (ASU) "Food Habits of a Selected Group of Pupils in the Wellsbury High School, West Virginia." C6920 NUTRITION — TENN. "A Nutrition Survey of Some Eleventh Grade Students in Washington County, Tennessee." H410 (ETSU) OCCUPATIONAL VOCABULARY "Bituminous Coal Mining Vocabulary of the Eastern United States-. A Pilot Study in the Collecting of Geographically Distributed Occupational Vocabulary." P4390 OCONALUFTEE RIVER Floods on Oconaluftee and Tuckaseigee Rivers and Soco Creek in Vicinity of Cherokee, North Carolina. T7130 OHIO RIVER "The Economic Aspects of the Water Pollution Abatement Program in the Ohio River Valley." B6260 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY OHIO RIVER Economic Development in the Ohio River Valley Region. B6280 Early Maps of the Ohio Valley. B7290 (BC) Sycamore Shores. F1080 (ASU) The Floods of March, 1936, Part 3, Potomac, James, and Upper Ohio Rivers. G4470 Floods of Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, January-February, 1937. G4480 The Ohio Valley Flood of March-April, 1913, Including Comparisons with Some Earlier Floods. H7290 The Ohio River Basin. 1890 Ground-water Conditions along the Ohio Valley at Parkersburg, West Virginia. J520 (ETSU) A Tour Downstream. J1220 Project Economic Study of the Ohio River Basin. L2800 Blennerhassett Island in Romance and Tragedy; the Authentic Story of Blennerhassett Island, with the Burr Episode Entwined about it; the Romance and Mystery of the Blannerhassetts; Burr under Footlights and Shadows; Tragedy of Theodosia Burr. L3770 Locust Bloom. M3970 (BC) A Development Program for the Ohio Valley Region. O380 0400 Ohio River Basin: Comprehensive Survey, Main Report. 0410 (ASU) 0420 OIL AND GAS INDUSTRIES — APP. Demonstration of Safety Plugging of Oil Wells Penetrating Appalachian Coal Mines. R1480 Cost Study of Pumping Versus Flowing Oil Production from Appalachian Waterfloods. R3970 Lithologic Descriptions of Appalachian Area Oil-producing Formations. R3980 Rotary Coring of Appalachian Area Oil-producing Formations with Mud or Air. R3990 Electrical and Hydraulic Flow Properties of Appalachian Petroleum Reservoir Rocks. S610 Densities and Porosities of Core Samples from Wells in Appalachian Oilfields. S4130 OIL AND GAS INDUSTRIES — KY. Blazer and Ashland Oil; a Study in Management. M4130 The Menifee Gas Field and the Ragland Oil Field, Kentucky. M8580 Reconnaissance of Oil and Gas Fields in Wayne and McCreary Counties, Kentucky. M8590 P90 The Exception; The Story of the Ashland Oil and Refining Co. ST450 The Irvine Oil Field, Estill County, Kentucky. S2480 OIL AND GAS INDUSTRIES — OHIO "Taxation and Assessment of Coal, Gas and Oil with Special Reference to Western Pennsylvania, Eastern Ohio and Northern West Virginia." R1940 OIL AND GAS INDUSTRIES — PA. Pennsylvania's Oil Industry. M5610 , "Taxation and Assessment of Coal, Gas and Oil with Special Reference to Western Pennsylvania, Eastern Ohio and Northern West Virginia." R1940 OHIO—PA. SUBJECT Laboratory Investigation of In Situ Combustion Process for Recovering Pennsylvania Grade Crude Oil. S7100 OIL AND GAS INDUSTRIES - VA. Geology and Oil Resources of the Jonesville District, Lee County, Virginia. M5960 Geology and Mineral Resources of Wise Co. and Coal Bearing Portions of Scott Co., Va. with a Chapter on the Forest of Wise Co. V980 Oil and Gas Possibilities at Early Grove, in Scott Co., Va. VI010 OIL AND GAS INDUSTRIES — W. VA. The Great Wildcatter. M2870 (ASU BC) Petrology and Correlation of Deep-well Sections in West Virginia and Adjacent States. M3530 (ETSU) Physical and Chemical Properties of Natural Gas of West Virginia. P4540 (ETSU) "Taxation and Assessment of Coal, Gas and Oil with Special Reference to Western Pennsylvania, Eastern Ohio and Northern West Virginia." R1940 OIL AND GAS INDUSTRY Oil and Gas Report and Map of Pleasants, Wood and Ritchie Counties, West Virginia. W3830 (ETSU) Pendleton County. W3840 (BC) Pocahontas County. W3850 (BC) OIL AND GAS INDUSTRY - APP. Petroleum and Coal; the Keys to the Future. T7740 (BC) OIL AND GAS INDUSTRY — KY. Oil Shales of Kentucky. T7710 Geology and Oil and Gas Possibilities of Upper Mississippian Rocks of Southwestern Virginia, Southern West Virginia, and Eastern Kentucky. W7060 (ASU) OIL AND GAS INDUSTRY — VA. Oil & gas wells drilled in southwest Va., before 1950. U3280 Geology and Oil and Gas Possibilities of Upper Mississippian Rocks of Southwestern Virginia, Southern West Virginia, and Eastern Kentucky. W7060 (ASU) OIL AND GAS INDUSTRY — W. VA. History of the Oil and Gas Industry in West Virginia. T7730 (ASU BC) Deep-well Records. T9670 (ETSU) Summarized Records of Deep Wells. T9680 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Doddridge and Harrison Counties, West Virginia. W3800 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Marshall, Wetzel, and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. W3810 (ETSU) Oil and Gas Report and Map of Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties, West Virginia. W3820 (ETSU) Geology and Oil and Gas Possibilities of Upper Mississippian Rocks of Southwestern Virginia, Southern West Virginia, and Eastern Kentucky. W7060 (ASU) ORNITHOLOGY "An Avifauna! Strip Census on Grandfather Mountain." A1460 (ASU) A4520 (BC) A Descriptive Bibliography of West Virginia Ornithology. B6900 (BC) Birds of the South: Permanent and Winter Birds Commonly Found in Gardens, Fields, and Woods. G3540 (ASU BC'UNCA) 181 Birds of West Virginia, Their Economic Value and Aesthetic Beauty. J2040 (ASU) Our Southern Birds. M5430 (ASU BC) Birds of North Carolina. P1380 (WWC) Birds of North Carolina. PI 390 (ASU WWC) Notes on the Birds of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. S8850 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA BC) Notes on the Birds of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. S8860 (UNCA) Spring Notes From Tennessee. T8970 (LMC BC) Birds of West Virginia. W4390 (BC) ORNITHOLOGY — APP. Birds of Southern Appalachians. C2760 ORNITHOLOGY — GA. Birds of Georgia: A Preliminary Check-list and Bibliography of Georgia Ornithology. G3730 (ASU) ORNITHOLOGY — KY. Kentucky Birds: A Finding Guide. B1100 (ASU) K970 (ASU WCU) ORNITHOLOGY — N. C. List of the Birds of Buncombe County, North Carolina. C80 (ASU LMC) Ornithology of North Carolina: A List of the Birds of N. C. with Notes on Each Species. S5220 (LMC) Birds of the Smokies. S8830 (LMC) ORNITHOLOGY — N. C, WESTERN The Mammals and Summer Birds of Western North Carolina. 0120 ORNITHOLOGY - TENN. A Distributional List of the Birds of Tennessee. G250 Birds of Knox County. H7730 Birds of the Smokies. S8830 (LMC) ORNITHOLOGY — VA. The Birds of Virginia. B240 (ASU) ORNITHOLOGY - W. VA. List of the Birds Found in West Virginia. B6910 PA. - DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL Pen Pictures of Early Western Pennsylvania. H2560 (ASU) Waynesburg, Prosperous and Beautiful, a Souvenir Pictorial Story of the Biggest and Best Little City in Pennsylvania. . . . H5280 A Traveler's Guide to Historic Western Pennsylvania. M8490 (ASU) The Monongahela of Old: Or, Historical Sketches of South-Western Pennsylvania to the Year 1800. V520 (ASU) PA. — HISTORY Index to Hungerford and Ellis' History of Susquehanna and Juniatc Valleys. C2860 (ASU) Southwestern Pennsylvania in Song and Story. C8100 Historic Background and Annals of the Swiss and German Pioneer Settlers of Southeastern Pennsylvania, and of Their Remote Ancestors from the Middle of the Dark Ages down to the Time of the Revolutionary War. E2220 (ASU) Early Western Pennsylvania Politics. F650 Drums Along the Antietam. S930 (MHC ASU) More Allegheny Episodes: Legends and Traditions, Old and New. 53130 �PA.—PARKS PA. — HISTORY South Mountain Sketches, Folk Tales, and Legends Collected in the Mountains of Southern Pennsylvania. S3160 (ASU) The Monongahela of Old: Or, Historical Sketches of South-Western Pennsylvania to the Year 1800. Y520 (ASU) Names of Persons Who Took the Oath of Allegiance to the State of Pennsylvania between the Years 1888 and 1789 with a History of the "Test Laws" of Pennsylvania. W4820 (ASU) PARKS, NATIONAL The Appalachian National Parks; an Analysis of Work Accomplished, November 1899 up to Aug. 30, 1901. A3340 Southern Pictures and Pencilings: Official Organ of the Appalachian National Park Association. A3350 The Life of the Mountains. B6970 (BC) Birth of a National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains: An Unprecedented Crusade which Created, as a Gift of the People, the Nation's Most Popular Park. C520 (ASU ETSU WCU MHC WWC BC) Birth of a National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains; an Unprecedented Crusade Which Created, as a Gift of the People, the Nation's Most Popular Park. C530 Song of Life in the Smokies. C7670 (LMC) Song of Life in the Smokies: Stories of Mine Own People and Sketches of Life as It Was Lived in the Mountains Before the Park Took Over. C7680 (ETSU) Jessie's Children. F2120 (LMC) G3450 (ASU) Romance of the National Parks. J350 (ASU) "Regional English of the Former Inhabitants of Cades Cove in the Great Smoky Mountains." J2450 Scenic and Historic Old Virginia and Eastern National Parks. K2790 (WCU) The Earthman Story, Starring Shenandoah Skyline. L180 (BC ASU MHC) L300 (UNCA ASU) "The Campaign for a National Park in Western North Carolina, 1885-1940." L540 (WCU) Pigeon Cove and Vicinity. LI 820 The Blue Ridge Parkway Guide. L3520 (BC LMC ASU WCU) The Lure of the Great Smokies. M4030 The Lure of the Great Smokies. M4040 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU WWC BC) Appalachian Wilderness: The Great Smoky Mountains. P3600 (UNCA BC ASU WCU ETSU) Appalachian Wilderness: The Great Smoky Mountains. P3610 (ASU BC) A National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains. S9380 Joint Legislative Committee Report on the Great Smoky Mountains and Other Areas for a National or State Park. T1400 Preliminary report of investigations upon forest of Southern Appalachian region. U1860 The Timber Resources of W. Va. U1880 Printing as Senate Document Information Relative to the Timber Resources and National Forests of West Virginia. Report from the committee on Rules and Administration to Accompany S. Res. 137, June 14, 1961. U1950 SUBJECT Establishment of Mount Rogers National Recreation Area in Virginia. U2080 Establishment of Spruce Knob-Seneca Rocks National Recreation Area in West Virginia. Report from the Committee to Accompany H. R. 10330, August 31, 1965. U2090 Shenandoah and Other National Parks; Letter from Sec'y of Interior Transmitting Information as to Boundaries and Areas of Shenandoah and Other National Parks. U2890 S. 7, Act to Provide for the Establishment of Spruce Knob-Seneca Rocks National Recreation Area in West Virginia, and for Other Purposes. Approved September 28, 1965. U3540 Appalachian National Scenic Trail. U3690 Great Smoky Mountains, Everglades, Mammoth Cave: With Hot Springs, Platt, Virgin Islands, Abraham Lincoln Birthplace. W8490 (ETSU BC) Great Smoky Mountains National Park: Statement of Jas. B. Wright. W9420 (LMC) PARKS, NATIONAL — APP. Final Report of the Southern Appalachian National Park Commission to the Secretary of the Interior, June 30, 1931. U4020 (ASU) PARKS, NATIONAL — APPALACHIA Our Country's National Parks. M5000 (ASU) Our National Parks. R3620 (ASU LMC BC) PARKS, NATIONAL — CHICKAMAUGA AND CHATTANOOGA MILITARY O670 PARKS, NATIONAL — CHICKAMAUGA AND CHATTANOOGA NATIONAL MILITARY PARK Chickamauga and Chattanooga Battlefields; Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park, Georgia-Tennessee. S8960 PARKS, NATIONAL — CIVIL WAR — TENN. Eliza Ross; or, Illustrated Guide'of Lookout Mountain. M4910 PARKS, NATIONAL - CUMBERLAND GAP A Profile and Economic Impact Analysis of Four Cumberland Gap Counties. El 390 PARKS, NATIONAL — GA. K830 Chickamauga-Chattanooga National Military Park. Tennessee. Georgia. U3700 PARKS, NATIONAL — GREAT SMOKY MOUNTAINS Walking in the Clouds. A380 (ETSU ASU) Land of High Horizons. B5770 (ASU WCU LMC BC ETSU) Great Smokies: Wonderland for Boys and Girls. D2230 (ASU) Strangers in High Places: The Story of the Great Smoky Mountains. F3470 (ASU WCU LMC MHC FC ETSU BC) Your National Parks: Great Smoky Mountains. H7790 (ETSU) Amphibians and Reptiles of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. H8160 (UNCA ASU LMC WCU BC) A Bibliography for the Great Smoky Mountains. M730 A Brief History of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park Movement in North Carolina. M740 Guide to the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. M760 (WCU) Fishing in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park and Adjacent Waters. M3090 182 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Complete Report (of the Commission Created to Establish a National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains) Submitted to Governor Clyde R. Hoey, Dec. 31, 1939. N2490 (LMC WCU) The Great Smoky Mountains National Park. R560 (ASU) "History of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park." S5330 The Smokies Guide. S6990 (BC ASU WCU) The Smokies Guide. S7000 (LMC) Great Smoky Mountains National Park, North Carolina and Tennessee. S8840 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU) Trees, Shrubs, and Woody Vines of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. S8870 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) Trees, Shrubs, and Woody Vines of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. S8880 The Great Smoky Mountains. T8360 (ASU WCU LMC WWC UNCA) The Great Smoky Mountains. T8370 (WCU LMC BC ETSU) The Great Smoky Mountains. T8380 (ETSU) PARKS, NATIONAL — KENNESAW MOUNTAIN BATTLEFIELD The Road Past Kennesaw: The Atlanta Campaign of 1864. M2330 PARKS, NATIONAL — KY. The Allegheny Parkway, West Virginia, Virginia, Kentucky: Report to the Congress of the U. S. U3680 PARKS, NATIONAL — MAMMOTH CAVE NATIONAL PARK The Flint Ridge Cave System, Mammoth Cave National Park, Kentucky. C2580 (ASU BC) PARKS, NATIONAL — MAMMOUTH CAVE Geology of the Mammoth Cave National Park Area. Rev. by Preston McGrain. Kentucky Geological Survey Series 10, Special publication 7. Revision of Series 9, Special publication 2. L2910 (ETSU ASU) PARKS, NATIONAL — N. C. Mammals of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. L2710 (WCU WWC ASU LMC) Mammals of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. L2720 (BC) Chickamauga-Chattanooga National Military Park. Tennessee. Georgia. U3700 Great Smoky Mountains National Park. North Carolina-Tennessee. The Land and its People. U3720 Great Smoky Mountains National Park. North Carolina-Tennessee. The Land and its People. U3730 PARKS, NATIONAL — S. C. K2500 PARKS, NATIONAL — SHENANDOAH The Blue Ridge Boys; Narrations of Early Actual Mountain Experiences and Humorous Anecdotes of the Shenandoah National Park Section. B2400 (BC) The Shenandoah National Park Travelogue; an Official Illustrated Guide Book for the First Great Nat'l Park of the East. H5560 Skyland: The Heart of the Shenandoah National Park. P3420 (FC BC ASU WCU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail and Side Trails in the Shenandoah National Park. P3840 (ETSU) Guide to the Appalachian Trail: Susquehanna River to the Shenandoah National Park. P3870 Guide to Trails in the Shenandoah National Park: The Appalachian Trail and Side Trails. P3880 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY PARKS, NATIONAL — SHENANDOAH The Blue Ridge: Man and Nature in Shenandoah National Park and Blue Ridge Parkway. W6260 (WCU LMC) PARKS, NATIONAL — TENN. Landmarks of Tennessee History. A1290 Mammals of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. L2710 (WCU WWC ASU LMC) Mammals of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. L2720 (BC) Great Smoky Mountains National Park. North Carolina-Tennessee. The Land and its People. U3720 Great Smoky Mountains National Park. North Carolina-Tennessee. The Land and its People. U3730 PARKS, NATIONAL — TENN. AND 6A. The National Military Park, Chickamauga-Chattanooga: An Historical Guide, with Maps and Illustrations. B6100 (ASU BC) PARKS, NATIONAL — VA. The Allegheny Parkway, West Virginia, Virginia, Kentucky: Report to the Congress of the U. S. U3680 Feasibility Study for Development of a New River Gorge National Parkway Virginia and West Virginia. U3710 PARKS, NATIONAL — W. VA. The Allegheny Parkway, West Virginia, Virginia, Kentucky: Report to the Congress of the U. S. U3680 Feasibility Study for Development of a New River Gorge National Parkway Virginia and West Virginia. U3710 PENSIONS The Effect of Workmen's Compensation on the Logging and Sawmilling Industries in the Northeast. H6380 PENSIONS — N. C. Workmen's Compensation in North Carolina, 1929-1940. K380 (LMC) PERIODICALS A2640 (ASU) A2650 (ASU MHC LMC) A2670 (ASU) A2770 (ASU) A2800 A2810 (ASU) A2830 (ETSU BC) AC Bulletin. A2880 Forecast. A2930 A3! 20 (ETSU) Bulletin. A3!30 (ASU ETSU LMC) A3! 90 (ETSU ASU BC) A3210 A3220 (ASU ETSU BC) A3250 (BC) Appalachia. A3270 Appalachia Bulletin. A3280 Literature List, June, 1972. A3310 (ASU BC) Pamphlets. A3320 (ASU BC) A3360 (ASU BC) A3380 (ASU ETSU BC) A3390 A3400 (BC ETSU ASU) A3420 Current Regional Reports. A3720 Newsletter. A4020 (BC) A4030 (ASU ETSU BC) A4070 (ASU ETSU MHC BC) Twigs. A4100 (ASU) PARKS—PERIODICALS SUBJECT A4420 Newsletter. B3090 B4340 B4770 (ASU) (BC ASU) (ASU) (BC) B5460 (BC) Publications of the Southeastern Forest Station, 1921-1958. B7230 (WCU) The 1916 Pictorial Story of Haywood County. C1330 (WCU) C2000 (ETSU UNCA BC) C3530 (BC) C5170 (BC) C5210 (BC) Best of Hillbilly: A Prize Collection of 100-proof Writings from Jim Comstock's West Virginia Hillbilly. C6300 (ASU MHC WCU LMC BC) The Socialist and Labor Star, Huntington, West Virginia, 1912-1915. ' C7370 (ASU BC) An Index of State Geological Survey Publications Issued in Series. C7380 (LMC) C9410 (BC) D520 (ASU) D750 (BC) Observations from a Peak in Lumpkin: Or, the Writings of W. Ba. Townsend, Editor, The Dahlonega Nugget. D1490 (ASU) The Kanawha Spectator. D1630 D2480 (ETSU) D2490 (ASU) Research Bulletin. E70 (ETSU) Publications. . . . El40 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Bulletin. E180 (ETSU) Scrap Book. E190 (ETSU) Alumni Quarterly. E220 (ETSU) Master Booklist. E230 (ETSU) The Dean Says. E240 (ETSU) Educational Films and Filmstrips; East Tennessee State College Collection. . . . E310 (ETSU) Bulletin. E340 (ETSU) The ETSU Journalist. E390 (ETSU) Newsletter. E460 E680 E690 E920 (ETSU) (ETSU) El 570 The Emancipator. El 900 (ASU) Proceedings. F1780 (WCU) F2960 (ASU ETSU BC) F3460 (ASU BC) Quarterly Bulletin. F3500 (ASU BC) The Furman Bulletin, New Series. F4000 G1000 (MHC) Checklist of Southern Periodicals to 1861. G1720 (LMC) "Cry Aloud and Spare Not; the Formative Years of Brownlow's WHIG, 1839-1841." H530 The Lovingood Papers. H2810 Historical Sketches of Southwest Virginia. H5950 160 (BC UNCA) 1740 Index to Genealogical Periodicals. J270 (ASU) J2770 Circular. No. 1-. K920 K960 Travel in Kentucky. K1200 K1220 Proceedings. K1310 K1330 K1440 K1850 (ETSU) "A Study of the Use of Periodicals Received by the Dobyns-Bennett Senior High School Materials Center, Kingsport, Tennessee." K3110 (ETSU) The Blue Ridge Parkway Guide. L3470 (LMC ASU) The Blue Ridge Parkway Guide. L3520 (BC LMC ASU WCU) M2730 M2750 (ASU) A List of Magazines, Journals, Small Presses, Newspapers, etc. of Interest to Students of Appalachia. M5820 M6150 (BC) Bulletin of Applied Linguistics. M7400 M8350 M8360 M8370 (ASU ETSU MHC BC) M8380 (ASU BC ETSU) M8390 M8400 M8410 M8420 N790 (ASU) N800 (ASU BC ETSU) Faculty Publications. N1540 (BC ASU LMC ETSU) College Bulletin. N1570 (ASU) N2270 (BC ASU ETSU MHC) N2350 N2400 (ASU) N2410 N2420 (BC ASU) A Cumulative Author and Subject Index Covering Material in N. C. Publications. . . . N2430 (ASU UNCA) Our Mountain Work. N2520 North Carolina Manual 1874-19. N2560 (ASU LMC) 0490 (ETSU) 0500 O750 A Catalogue of the South. 01040 (ASU) PI 960 (ASU BC) Appalachia's People, Problems, Alternatives. PI 970 (BC ASU) Appalachia's People, Problems, Alternatives; an Introductory Social Science Reader. PI 980 (BCASU) Pine Mountain Bulletin. P3010 (BC) P3020 Bay Leaves. P3330 (ASU) Studies in Polk County History. P3360 (ASU BC) P3900 (BC) Education in Appalachia as Depicted in Major Periodicals. R290 Magazine of History — Biography. R410 R840 (ASU) R1570 (ASU) Journal. R2620 (BC ETSU) Proceedings of the Rockbridge Historical Society. R3360 (BC ASU) Religious News Press in Appalachia, 1971. A Directory of News Periodicals of ... all Members of the Commission on Religion in Appalachia. . . S4120 (ASU BC) Proceedings. S5650 S5730 (ASU BC) Highland Highlights. S5765 S5770 S5780 183 (ASU ETSU BC) (BC) (MHC) �PERIODICALS—POETRY PERIODICALS S8810 (ETSU) T20 Bulletin, no. 1-. T890 (BC) Rural Research Series. Monograph no. 1-. T900 Annual Report of the State Entomologist and Plant Pathologist. TWO (ETSU) T1790 Drirectory of Member Schools. T1810 (ETSU) Tennessee Blue Book. T1820 (LMC) . . . Chemical Engineering Report, no. 1. T2390 Forestry Bulletin, no. 1. T2810 (BC) Financial Statements for the Fiscal Years Ended June 20, 1938-Date. 14250 Municipalities (Electric Departments Only) and Cooperatives, Purchasing Power from Tennessee Valley Authority. Financial Statements for the Fiscal Years Ended June 30, 1938-Date. T4260 Chemical Engineering Bulletins. T6130 Chemical Engineering Reports. T6140 T9140 (BC) T9160 (BC) T9870 Annual Report and Program. U3020 (BC) V430 V570 (ASU) Bulletin. V680 (BC) Bulletin. V830 (BC) Bulletin. V900 (BC) vino (BC) VII30 (BC) Bulletin. V1150 (BC) The University of Virginia Record . . . . VI210 (BC) VI320 (BC) W1380 (ETSU) W1390 (ETSU) Community Planning Newsletter. W3280 W3300 (BC) W3630 (BC) West Virginia Heritage. W4040 (ASU BC) W4050 (BC) W4070 (UNCA ETSU) W4250 (BC) Business and Economic Studies. W4490 (BC) W4630 (ETSU BC ASU) From the Mountain. W5440 (ASU BC) W5930 (BC) PERIODICALS — APP. Readings About Appalachia: A Guide to Pamphlets and Periodicals. K50 PERIODICALS — N. C. Union List of North Carolina Newspapers, 1751-1900. J2360 (LMC) Union List of Periodicals in Libraries of Western North Carolina Library Association. W4880 (ASU) Union List of Periodicals in Libraries of Western North Carolina. W4890 (LMC) PERIODICALS — VA. A Checklist of Southwest Virginia Newspapers, 1800-1974. J1660 PIGEON RIVER Planning for Flood Damage Prevention at Clyde, N. C C5160 (LMC) N2650 (ASU UNCA) SUBJECT Ecological Effects of Hot Water Discharge by an Electric Power Generating Plant. N2660 (ASU UNCA) Smothers from Yadkin Valley to Pigeon River: Smothers and Agner Families. P920 (ASU) POETRY The Collected Poems of James Agee. A660 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) Permit Me Voyage. A770 (ETSU) Wedding of the Waters. A2240 (BC) A3420 The Grace of the Bough. A5630 (ASU BC) Green of a Hundred Springs. A5640 (ASU BC) Love-vine. A5650 (ASU BC) Meadow-rue. A5660 (ASU BC) No Stranger to the Earth. A5670 (ASU BC) With Thorn and Stone. A5680 (ASU BC) Laments of an Egotist. B830 Trammel Fork Creek. B1220 (BC) I Hear America Singing. B1320 (BC) Sunset Views: A Book of Verses. B1330 (ASU) The Mountain Pine. B1430 (BC) Kentucky, Yesterday and Today. B2050 (LMC BC) Listening Hills. B2060 (BC) From the Heart. B2470 Men "Pro and Con." B2480 Echoes from the Cumberlands, Being Made from His Poems Written During the Last Thirty Years. B3460 (ASU BC) Level Paths: New Songs by the Layman. B4170 (WCU ASU) Lyrics of a Layman. B4180 (WCU) Afterglow: A Collection of Short Stories and Poems. B4360 (ASU BC) Of Life and Love and Things. B4510 (ASU BC) Stray Leaves from the Hillside. B4590 Whispering Pines. B5290 (ASU) Old Christmas, and Other Kentucky Tales in Verse. B6200 (BC) Kentucky Harvest. B6320 (BC LMC) Mountain State Gleanings. B6470 (BC) I Sing of Appalachia: Poems. B6520 (ASU BC) The Mountain Muse: Comprising the Adventures of Daniel Boone. And, The Power of Virtuous and Refined Beauty. B7760 (ASU BC) Blue Ridge Magic and Other Poems. C90 (ASU) Mountain Lyrics and Sketches. C1370 (WCU) Fugitive Lyrics of John Heiskell Booton. C1980 Come Along. C2310 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Wooden Tower. C2510 Lines and Points. C2710 (BC) The Whistling Wind and Other Poems. C3010 (BC) The Simple Things and Other Poems. C3580 (LMC) The Mountain Bard: A Series of Original Poems. C3970 (BC) 184 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Rouse with the Dawn. C4030 (ASU) Back Home. Kingsport, Tennessee. C4470 (BC ASU) The Mountaineers, and Other Poems. C4520 (BC) Southern Season. C4730 (ASU) Poems for Her. C4740 Kinfolks: Kentucky Mountain Rhymes. C5300 (ASU BC) The Hill Way Home: Poems from the Appalachian Highlands, Including "A House in the Country, II." C5610 (LMC BC) Cumberland Gap, and Other Poems. C5680 (BC) My Land — My People. C5690 (BC) Kentucky Cargo. C5700 (BC) The Land of the Sky, an Idyl. C5830 (LMC ASU) A Song of the Alleghenies. C5980 Plenteous Heritage. C6020 (BC) The Bubble. C6110 "A Study of the Black Mountain Poets." C6150 (WCU) Froissart Ballads, and Other Poems. C7050 (BC) Poems From a Land of Hills. C7090 (ASU LMC) Barefoot in the Smokies. C7630 (LMC) Lamp in the Cabin: Poems of the Smokies. C7640 (BC) Poems of Paradise. C7650 (BC) Poems of the Smokies. C7660 (LMC) Poverty Poems. C8210 (BC) Path, Flower, and Other Verses. D320 (ASU BC) "Theory and Practice in the Black Mountain Poets Duncan, Olson, and Creeley." D600 (WCU) The Kingdom Gained and Other Poems. D980 (BC) The Girl of Luna's Creek. D1390 (BC) A Rosary of the Ridges. D1980 (ASU) Buckdancer's Choice: Poems by James Dickey. D2140 (ASU) Poems, 1957-1967. D2170 (ASU) Smiles and Tears. D2920 (ASU) Lays of Life from the Southern Appalachians. D3190 (ASU LMC) Appalachia, My Land. D3430 Foothills: Poems. D3980 (BC) E690 Mountain Laurel. El 930 (LMC ETSU BC) Wanetka, and Other Poems. E2200 (ASU) The Philosophy of a Partriarch. F260 (ASU BC) Springboard to Optimism Versus Majoring in the Minors: A Dozen Books in One. F670 (ASU) F3460 (ASU BC) Tennessee Centennial Poem. A Synopsis of the History of Tennessee from Its Earliest Settlement on Watauga to the Present Time, with Short Biographies of Her Most Prominent Men. F3610 (ASU) The Angel in the Cloud: With Memoir and Portrait of the Author, and Additional Poems. F3660 (ASU) The Angel in the Cloud. F3670 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY POETRY I Chant the Mountains. F4050 (BC) Just from Kentucky. F4060 (BC) The Pinnacle and Other Kentucky Mountain Poems. F4070 (ASU BC) The Strange Shape. F4080 (BC) This is My Country. A Book of Poetry. G150 (ASU) For All the Lost and Lonely. G340 (LMC ASU WCU) Sketchbook from Hell. G350 (WCU) When Men and Mountains Meet. G360 (WCU LMC MHC ASU) Unto the Hills. G2200 (ASU) Cabin Fever. G2230 Mountain Dooryards. G2500 (ASU LMC MHC BC) The Whistle and the Wind. G2510 (ASU LMC MHC BC) My Sunrise. H560 (BC) Three Score Years and Ten. H570 (ETSU) Abel Anders. HI 460 (BC) Songs of the Woods Poet. H2100 (ASU BC) Slow Creek. H2440 (ASU) Rhymes of a Mountaineer. H2460 (ASU) Rhymes of a Mountaineer; the Best of Roy Lee Harmon. H2470 (BC) Hill Saga. H2500 Limericks and Lyrics from My Rhododendron Thicket. H4230 (ASU) Lonesome Water. H4380 (BC) Windsongs. H4540 (ASU) The Ballad of Tall Tom Wolfe. H6190 (ASU) H7880 Songs of the Cumberlands. H7990 (BC) My Poetry Book. H8010 (ASU) Come Up the Valley: Ballads and Poems. H8210 (ASU BC WWC) Down in West Virginia and Other Poems. H8510 Chimney Rock Anthology. ISO Back Home and Other Poems. Being a Collection of Poems. J420 (LMC) Occoneechee, the Maid of the Mystic Lake. J430 (ASU WCU) Occoneechee, the Maid of the Mystic Lake. J440 (UNCA LMC) Mountain Rhythms: Or, Poems of a Mountaineer. J670 (ASU) My Kentucky; Plain Verse of a Mountain Man from Old Kentucky. J790 (BC) A Man and a Woman and God. J2980 (BC) Take Time to Stroll. J2990 Tears and Laughter and Other Poems. J30QO This Way Lies Peace. J3010 Songs of the Open Air and Other Poems. K730 (BC) Haiku and Tanka. LI 460 (ASU) Echoes from the Foothills. L2930 On a High Hill. L3500 (ASU) The Tempter's Harvest. M700 SUBJECT Till the Frost. M710 The Tempter's Harvest. M850 Till the Frost. M860 (ASU BC) The Gobbler of God: A Poem of the Southern Appalachians. Ml 750 (LMC WCU BC) Plumed Depths. M1810 The Bronze Hunter. M2210 Melodies and Mountaineers. M2240 (ASU) From a Dark Mountain, Lyrics from the Production of Louise McNeill's Premiere Reading. M2390 (ASU) Gauley Mountain. M2400 (ASU LMC BC) Mountain White. M2410 Paradox Hill from Appalachia to Lunar Shore. M2420 (ASU) Green Autumn. M2860 (BC) Locust Bloom. M3970 (BC) Kentucky Moonshine. M4440 Chilhowee, a Legend of the Great Smoky Mountains. M4500 (LMC BC) Mountain Echoes, a Book of Poetic Reflections. M4570 (ASU) Halfway Up the Sky. M5100 Strains from a Dulcimore. M5450 (BC) As Once I Passed This Way. M5540 The Wind Southerly. M5670 Copperhead Cane, Poems. M5800 (ASU BC) Dialogue with a Dead Man. M5810 (ASU BC) The More Things Change, the More They Stay the Same. M5830 (ASU BC LMC) The Hills and Home. M5930 (ASU) Versatile Verse. M7430 (ASU) Zirconia Poems. M7660 (LMC) The Selected Poetry and Prose of John T. Napier. N60 (ASU BC) The Lady Angelina: A Lay of the Appalachians. Ml 300 (BC) Lincoln and Twenty Other Poems. Ml 320 (BC) Tip Sams of Kentucky. N1330 (BC) Tip Sams Again. N1330 (BC) The Valleys of Parnassus; A Selection From the Poetry of J. T. Cotton Noe. N1350 Cumberland Fails, Kentucky. N1360 A Time for Poetry: An Anthology. N2510 (LMC) The Quiet Hills. 0180 (BC) A Collection of Poems. O870 Fruitful Year. P220 (ETSU) The Backwoodsman. P980 Castle Gates (a Book of Poems) Through Which the Knowing Ones Are Admitted into Some of My Castles in Spain. PI 300 (ASU) Early Harvest: The First Experimental Poems of a Self-taught Farm Boy. PI 310 (ASU) Fifty Acres, and Other Poems. PI 320 (ASU) My Fingers and My Toes. PI 330 (ASU LMC) 185 POETRY—POETRY Pearson's Poems. PI 340 (ASU) Plowed Ground, Humorous and Dialect Poems. P1350 (ASU) Selected Poems. P1360 (ASU LMC) April Poems. PI 760 Scenes from a Southern Road. P1780 (LMC ASU) Tomorrow's People, a Storm in Harlan, Kentucky. P2410 (LMC) Poems From the Hills, 1971. P3250 (ASU BC) P3310 P3320 Bay Leaves. P3330 (ASU) Clinch Mountain Gems. P4130 Country Voices. P4140 Exploring with Verses. P4170 (LMC) The Unfortunate Mountain Girl: A Collection of Miscellanies in Prose and Verse. P4240 (LMC) Sing. O Mountaineer! P4610 (BC ASU LMC) A Bit O' Sunshine. P4660 This An1 That. P4680 The Tree in the Far Pasture. R60 (ASU) Hills, Hollers and Hickory Flats. R70 Randolph-Macon Prose and Verse, a Collection of Undergraduate Writings. R430 (ASU) Humor among These Hills. R530 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) The Wagoner of the Alleghanies: A Poem of the Days of Seventy-six. R800 (BC) Tapestry of Time. R820 The Call of the Smokies. R860 (BC LMC WCU) Gordon Ballads. R920 (ASU) Ballad of the Bones. R940 Bow Down in Jericho. R960 The Season of Flesh. R980 (LMCBC) A Song of Joy, and Other Poems. R990 Songs of the Hills. R1080 (ASU) The Green Bough. R1120 (BC) Lyrics of Life and the Great Outdoors. R1130 (BC) R1860 Spirit Happy. R2340 Celebration of Life, Her Songs, Her Poems. R2410 (ASU) Celebration of Life: Her Songs, Her Poems. R2420 (LMC) Song in the Meadow: Poems. R2820 (ASU) Tellico Blue. S750 (BC) SI 610 (BC) The Banner Floats on and Other Poems. S1650 (ASU) Noon Shouts. SI 660 (ASU) Hungering for the Hills and Other Poems. S2970 Fire on the Mountain. S3240 (ASU WCU) Night Is Always Kind. S3250 (ASU WCU) Red Leaf Carols. S3260 (ASU WCU LMC) Backside of Heaven: Selected Verse From Bystander in the Smoky Mountain Times. S5540 (WCU BC UNCA) �POETRY—POLITICS POETRY Falling Sky. S5550 (WCU) The Feudalist. S6060 (BC) River Island. S6070 (BC) The Untoward Hills. S7260 (BC) Hounds on the Mountain. S7360 (ETSU BC) Hounds on the Mountain. S7370 (ASU) Hounds on the Mountain. S7380 (WWC) On Troublesome Creek. S7390 (ASU UNCA) Years of Harvest, Poems and Tales from the Smoky Foothills, 1924-1964. S7500 (BC LMC WCU) Eyes of the Mole. S8180 (BC) A Year's Harvest. S8200 (BC) Album of Destiny. S8220 (LMC WCU ETSU) Autumn Lovesong: A Celebration of Love's Fulfillment. S8240 (ETSU ASU) Dawn of Remembered Spring. S8330 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU) Harvest of Youth. S8370 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) Hold April: New Poems. S8410 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) A Jesse Stuart Harvest. S8430 (FC BC ASU) A Jesse Stuart Reader: Stories and Poems. S8440 (ASU WCU BC ETSU) Kentucky Is My Land. Poems. S8450 (ASU ETSU BC) Man with a Bull-tongue Plow. S8470 (ASU WCU BC UNCA) Man With a Bull-tongue Plow. S8480 (WCU ETSU ASU) Someone Else; Sixteen Poems About Other Children. S9040 Poisoned Ivy. S9100 In Lonesome Cove. S9170 (ASU) In Lonesome Cove: Poems from TVA-land. S9180 (ASU) The Sunken Star. S9260 (BC) Kentucky Pioneer Women. Columbian Poems and Prose Sketches. T150 (BC) T1790 Echoes from the Kentucky Hills. T7810 The Blue Ridge Parkway: A Poem. T8790 (WCU) T8850 (BC) The Crystal Prison. T9200 (BC) The Silver Chain. T9210 (BC) Thorns and Thistledown. T9220 (BC) Wind in the Reed. T9230 (BC) Stories and Verse of West Virginia. T9780 Cat Claws and Tree Bark. T9840 (ASU) The Brown Thrush; Anthology of Verse by Negro Students, Talladega College, Tougaloo College. VI380 (BC) Frankly Speaking: A Concoction of Humorous, Serious, and Satirical Verses. W60 (ASU) Looking Back. W560 (BC) North Carolina Poetry. W600 (LMC BC) Vale of Shenandoah and Other Poems. W680 (ASU) A Paraphrase of Seven Days. W910 (BC) SUBJECT Hill Country Poems. W2150 (ASU LMC BC) Clods of Southern Earth. W2920 (BC) O Mountaineers! A Collection of Poems. W2940 (ASU BC) The Road Is Rocky: A Collection of Poems. W2960 (LMC BC) A Time for Anger: Poems Selected from. . . . W3000 (ASU LMC) Up Ego! W3070 (ASU) For Crossing Wide Waters. W4830 (BC) Give a Man Courage. W4840 (BC) Song of a Woods Colt: Poetry. W5080 (LMC ASU MHC BC) Blues and Roots, Rue and Bluets: A Garland for the Appalachians. W6640 (ASU LMC BC) An Ear in Bertram's Tree: Selected Poems, 1957-1967. W6650 (LMC BC) The Loco Logodaedalist in Situ: Selected Poems, 1968-70. W6660 (LMC) W7640 (BC) Crest on the Wave. W8030 (BC) A Stone, a Leaf, a Door: Poems. W8280 (ETSU) A Stone, a Leaf, a Door: Poems by Thomas Wolfe. W8290 (UNCA ASU WCU BC) Lichen Tufts, from the Alleghanies. W9380 (BC) Thoughts from the Hills. Y140 Found Objects. Z170 (BC) POETRY — GA. Stone Mountain: Or, the Lay of the Gray Minstrel. An Epic Poem in Twenty-four Parts, Commemorative of the South's Confederate, Pre-Historic, Colonial, Revolutionary, and World War Days, to Which Are Added a Number of Other Poems, Patriotic, Humorous, and Occasional, Besides a Few Prose Selections. K2800 (ASU) POETRY — N. C. Stories and Poems From the Old North State. LI 240 (LMC) POLITICS — APP. "Appalachian North Carolina: A Political Study, 1860-1889." C7740 Authentic History of Ku Klux Klan, 1865-1877. D1240 (LMC) "Local Government Social Overhead Expenditures and Economic Growth in the Appalachian Region." D2450 The Secession Movement, 1860-1861. D3840 The Secession Movement, 1860-1861. D3850 The Secession Movement, 1860-1861. D3860 The Seccession Movement, 1860-1861. D3870 "Political Attitudes of the Poor — An Inquiry into Their Position on a Liberal-Conservative Continuum." El 520 Politics in the Border States. F590 (UNCA ASU) Why the Solid South? or, Reconstruction and its Results. H4890 (ASU) "Political Socialization in Appalachia: An Inquiry into the Process of Political Learning in an American Sub-Culture." H5670 How People Get Power: Organizing Oppressed Communities Get Action. K40 (WCU ASU) Who Speaks for Appalachia 1972? K60 (ASU) 186 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "The Regionalist Movement in the Cumberland." LI 680 (ASU) The Political Economy of Appalachia; A Case Study in Regional Integration. N780 (BC WWC ASU ETSU MHC WCU) The Union League of America: Political Activities in Tennessee, the Carolines, and Virginia, 1865-1870. 01010 "Presidential Voting Patterns in Appalachia: An Analysis of the Relationship Between Turnout, Partisan Change, and Selected Socioeconomic Variables." R2520 John Wesley North and the Reform Frontier. S7580 "Lincoln's Carpetbagger, J. W. North." S7590 The Blount Journal, 1790-1796: The Proceedings of Government Over the Territory of the United States of America, South of the River Ohio. T7620 (ASU) POLITICS — APP. — REPUBLICANISM "Mountain Republicanism, 1876-1900." Ml 900 POLITICS — CHEROKEE Cherokee Tragedy: The Story of the Ridge Family and the Decimation of a People. W6330 (ASU WCU LMC BC UNCA) POLITICS — CIVIL WAR — VA. Virginia's Attitude Toward Slavery and Secession. M8570 (FC LMC) POLITICS — GA. "A Description of Government in Gordon, Clark and Paulding Counties, Georgia." R3520 Rebecca Latimer Felton, Nine Stormy Decades. T110 (ASU) Government in Georgia. U480 (LMC) POLITICS — KY. "The Mountains and the Blue Grass: A Comparative Study of County Officials in Kentucky." B8300 A Survey of the Legal Environment of Knox County, Kentucky. C2590 Kentucky Mayor: The Humor and Philosophy of John Edwin Garner. C2610 (BC) "Political Behavior in Breathitt, Knott, Perry and Leslie Counties, Kentucky." C5990 Poverty, Politics, and Health Care: An Appalachian Experience. C8060 (ASU) Josie M. Davidson, Her Life and Work, by Herself. D670 (BC) "Government in an Eastern Kentucky Coal Field County." D3690 (ASU) "Twentieth Century Development of the Coal Mining Industry in Eastern Kentucky and Its Influence upon the Political Behavior of This Area." F3420 (ASU) "A New Deal for Harlan: The Roosevelt Labor Policies in a Kentucky Coal Field, 1931-1939." H5120 (BC) "Factors Influencing Political Behavior in Bell, Clay, Knox, and Whitley Counties." J450 (ASU) Kentucky Politics. J820 (ASU BC) Articles of Impeachment Against John A. Duff, Surveyor of Perry Co. K1230 Hearings Held at Pikeville. K1240 Nativism in Kentucky in 1860. Ml 370 (ASU) The Life and Times of Hon. Humphrey Marshall. Q200 (LMC BC MHC) "Population Trends and Other Factors Influencing the Voting Habits of the Cumberland Valley Region of Southeast Kentucky." R1210 "Kentucky Politics and Society: 1919-1932." S2080 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY POLITICS — KY. Presidential Politics in Kentucky, 1824-1948: A Compilation of Election Statistics and an Analysis of Political Behavior. S2230 (LMC) Lion of White Hall: The Life of Cassius M. Clay. S4400 (MHC) "The Public Career of Andrew Jackson Graves." S6140 "Bloody" Harlan, 1931-1938; an Appalachian Coal County in the Thirties. T170 Government in Kentucky. U490 (LMC) The Partisan Spirit: Kentucky Politics, 1779-1792. W1500 (WWC BC) Benjamin Helm Bristow, Border State Politician. W2060 (BC) POLITICS — N. C. Selections from the Speeches and Writings of Hon. Thomas L. Clingman, of North Carolina. With Additions and Explanatory Notes. C5080 (ASU BC) "Appalachian North Carolina: A Political Study, 1860-1889." C7740 North Carolina Governors, 1585-1958: Brief Sketches. C8300 (LMC BC) Historical Facts Concerning Buncombe County Government. D2390 (WCU LMC) Life of Zebulon B. Vance. D3160 (ASU LMC BC) North Carolina Politics: An Introduction. F1410 (LMC) "Public Policy for Depressed Areas with Special Reference to North Carolina." F1630 Preachers, Pedagogues and Politicians: The Evolution Controversy in North Carolina, 1920-1927. G590 (WCU WWC) Jeffersonian Democracy in North Carolina, 1789-1816. G1800 (LMC) Party Politics in North Carolina, 1835-1960. HI 140 (LMC) Andrew Jackson and North Carolina Politics. H6330 (LMC) Handbook of Watauga County. Ill90 (ASU LMC) This is Our Town: Boone, N. C. LI200 (LMC ASU) State Reconstruction Studies. N1760 (LMC ASU) County Government in North Carolina. N2680 (WWC ASU LMC) "Political Leadership and Social Structure in a Rural County." R1870 (ASU) "The Republican Party of North Carolina: 1900 to 1916." R3630 Maps of North Carolina Congressional Districts, 1789-1960, and State Senatorial Districts and Apportionment of State Representatives, 1776-1960. S340 (BC WWC) Zebulon Vance, Tarheel Spokesman. S3100 (ASU) Zebulon Vance, Tarheel Spokesman. S3110 (LMC) The Secession Movement in North Carolina. S3770 (LMC) Biography of the State Officers and Members of the General Assembly of North Carolina, 1893, Other Interesting Facts. T8840 (ASU LMC) Zeb Vance: Champion of Personal Freedom. T9640 (ASU WCU UNCA) Government in North Carolina. U500 (LMC) Memorial addresses on the life and character of Zebulon Baird Vance. U1840 (UNCA) Statue of Zebulon Baird Vance, Erected Statuary Hall of the United States Capitol by the State of North Carolina. U1910 (ASU WCU) SUBJECT My Beloved Zebulon; the Correspondence of Zebulon B. Vance and Harriett Newell Espy. VI00 Papers. VI10 (ASU LMC) Repeal of Civil Service Law. Speech of Hon. Zebulon B. Vance of North Carolina, Delivered in the United States Senate, Wednesday, March 31, 1886. VI20 (ASU) The Scattered Nation. VI30 (ASU WCU) The Tariff and the Farmers: Speech of Hon. Z. B. Vance, of North Carolina, on the McKinley Tariff Bill in the Senate of the United States, 1890. County Government and Administration in North Carolina. W80 (LMC BC) Federalism in North Carolina. W120 (LMC) The People Govern North Carolina. W950 (WWC) POLITICS — N. C. — BOUNDARY DISPUTES North Carolina Boundary Disputes Involving Her Southern Line. S3820 (ASU LMC) POLITICS — PA. Early Western Pennsylvania Politics. F650 Capability of Local Government in the Stroudsburg Area, Monroe County. PI 850 (ASU) POLITICS — S. C. The Life and Times of C. G. Memmings. Cl 160 (ETSU) Sectionalism and Representation in South Carolina. S820 (ASU BC) POLITICS — TENN. Political Reconstruction in Tennessee. A1430 Political Reconstruction in Tennessee. A1440 (BC ASU) Life and Speeches of President Andrew Johnson. Embracing His Early History, Political Career, Speeches, Proclamations, etc. With a Sketch of the Secession Movement, and His Course in Relation Thereto; Also His Policy as President of the United States. B50 "James Robertson: Frontiersman." B570 "The Office of Knox County Sheriff: An Administrative Study." B660 "Politics of Innovation." B670 "The Socialist Party in West Virginia from 1898 to 1920: A Study In Working Class Radicalism." B1170 The Carpet-bagger in Tennessee. B1760 The Life of Andrew Jackson. B1830 The Life of Andrew Jackson. B1840 The Life of Andrew Jackson. B1850 "The Cost of Administering Criminal Justice in Memphis and Knoxville, Tennessee." B2810 "Andrew Johnson, Governor of Tennessee, 1853-1857." B3040 B3760 B3770 B3780 B3790 B3800 B3810 B3820 B3840 B3850 B3860 B3870 B3880 B3900 B3910 187 POLITICS—POLITICS B3920 B3930 B3940 B3950 B3960 B3970 B3980 B3990 B4000 B4010 B4020 B4030 B4040 "The McMinn County, Tennessee, Election of August 1, 1946." B6410 (ASU) "Washington County Court: The Government of a Tennessee Frontier Community." B7470 The Great Iron Wheel Examined: Or, Its False Spokes Extracted, and an Exhibition of Elder Graves, Its Builder. B7500 (ASU) "The Financing of Reconstruction in Tennessee." B9280 The Duck's Back: A Report on Certain Phases of the Socialistic Experiments Conducted by the Federal Government in Tennessee Valley. C160 (BC) The Attitude of Tennesseans toward the Union. -. C780 (BC ASU) Tennessee and the Union, 1847-1861. C790 "Tennessee's Attitude toward Secession." C800 "Administrations of John Sevier." C1660 "The Administration of Governor Andrew Johnson 1853-1857." C1960 The Public Career of David Crockett. C2150 "Tennessee: A Reluctant Seceder, 1847-1861." C4460 Petitions of Anderson County Tennessee. C9940 (ASU) The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States; a History. D2030 The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States; a History. D2040 "Some Phases of the Congressional Career of Andrew Johnson." D2630 "An Analysis of Educational Qualifications and Methods of Selection of School Board Members in the First Congressional District of Tennessee." E820 (ETSU) "Written Board of Education Policies for Unicoi County, Tennessee." E2370 (ETSU) Account of the Fund for the Relief of East Tennessee; with a Complete List of Contributors. E2390 The Secession and Reconstruction of Tennessee. . F720 (ASU LMC) The Origin, Rise and Downfall of the State of Franklin under Her First and Only Governor, John Sevier. F1320 Intergovernment Relations in the Tennessee Valley. G2720 The Great Iron Wheel: Or, Republicanism Backwards and Christianity Reversed. G3310 (ASU) Bench and Bar of Knox County, Tennessee. G3580 (BC) Government in Tennessee. G3810 (BC LMC) Old Times in Tennessee, with Historical, Personal, and Political Scraps and Sketches. G4790 (ASU) "Cry Aloud and Spare Not; the Formative Years of Brownlow's WHIG, 1839-1841." H530 �POLITICS—POLITICS POLITICS - TENN. Andrew Johnson: Military Governor of Tennessee. H600 (BC ASU) Andrew Johnson: Military Governor of Tennessee. H610 (BC ASU) "Andrew Johnson, the Radicals, and the Negro, 1865-1866." H970 Hill-Billy Bill; a Biography of Hon. J. Will Taylor of Tennessee. HI 660 (BC) "Andrew Johnson's Reputation: A Study of Changing Interpretations." H3990 The Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee, from Its Earliest Settlement up to the Year 1796: Including the Boundaries of the State. H4030 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) The First American Frontier: Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee from Its Earliest Settlement up to the Year 1796. H4040 (LMC) The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee, up to the First Settlements Therein by the White People in the Year 1768. H4050 (ASU ETSU BC) "The Tennessee Conservatives and Secession, 1847-61." H4750 Structure of County Government in Tennessee. H6800 The Unwanted Boy. The Autobiography of Governor Ben W. Hooper. H7040 (ASU BC) "Political Activities of the Republican Party in the State of Tennessee, 1860-1870." H7760 1170 Prohibition and Politics: Turbulent Decades in Tennessee, 1885-1920. I960 (ASU LMC) Life of Andrew Johnson; Seventeenth President of the United States. J2410 Legislative History of Muscle Shoals. K2340 "Sectionalism in East Tennessee, 1796 to 1861." L50 Vanquished Volunteers: East Tennessee Sectionalism From Statehood to Secession. L60 (LMC ETSU BC) Governments in Knox County. L210 (ETSU) A Survey of Social Services in the Greater Kingsport Area. L1210 (ETSU) "The Good Government League and Polk County Politics, 1946-1965." LI 740 "Some Aspects of Polk County Politics." L2500 "The Politics of Legislative Reapportionment in Tennessee, 1962." L3040 "The Tennessee Political System: The Relationship of the Socioeconomic Environment to Political Processes and Policy Outputs." M870 Unionism and Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1860-1869. P840 (ASU WCU) "The Republican Party in East Tennessee, 1865-1900." Q130 Governor Bob Taylor's Tales. R1920 "Old Limber": Or, The Tale of the Taylors. R1930 (ASU) Bob Taylor and the Agrarian Revolt in Tennessee. R3230 "County Government in Tennessee." S3650 (BC) "Emerson Etheridge as a Candidate in the Tennessee Gubernatorial Election of 1867." S5060 "A Study of Local Sources of Local Government Agencies in Twenty-three Selected Tennessee Counties." S7760 SUBJECT Lectures and Best Literary Productions of Bob Taylor. T460 (ASU) Echoes: Centennial and Other Notable Speeches, Lectures, and Stories. T720 (ASU) Memorial Addresses Delivered in the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States. T740 (ASU) House Journal, 1861-62, of the First Session of the Thirty-Fourth General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, Which Convened at Nashville, on the First Monday in October, A. D. 1861, and Adjourned in Memphis, March 20, 1862. T1410 (ASU) Messages of the Governors of Tennessee. T1470 (ASU) Commission Book, 1796-1801. T1490 (ASU ETSU) The Blount Journal, 1790-1796. T1500 Three Pioneer Tennessee Documents: Donelson's Journal, Cumberland Compact, Minutes of Cumberland Court. T1530 (ASU) A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of Greene County, Tennessee. T2130 (ETSU) A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of the Government of Knox County, Tennessee. T2140 (ETSU) A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of the Government of Washington County, Tennessee. T2150 (ETSU) A Report of the Survey of the Management and Finances of the Government of Hamilton County. T2160 (ETSU) The Blount Journal, 1790-1796: The Proceedings of Government Over the Territory of the United States of America, South of the River Ohio. T7620 (ASU) The First President Johnson: The Three Lives of the Seventeenth President of the United States of America. T7990 (ASU) Walter P. Brownlow. U1890 Robert Love Taylor. U1900 Memorial Services Held in the House of Representatives of the United States, Together with Remarks Presented in Eulogy of James Willis Taylor, Late Representative from Tennessee. U1920 (ASU) "Andrew Johnson and the National Union Movement." W140 Andrew Johnson, Plebian and Patriot. W7830 (ASU) POLITICS — TENN. — RECONSTRUCTION "Some Social and Economic Phases of Reconstruction in East Tennessee, 1864-1869." C600 Disunion and Restoration in Tennessee.... N330 Disunion and Restoration in Tennessee.... N340 POLITICS — VA. County Government in Virginia. B8520 The Man from Buchanan. B8810 A Curiosity in Chancery. D660 The Political History of Virginia During the Reconstruction. E720 Separation of Church and State in Virginia; A Study in the Development of the Revolution. E740 Randolph of Roanoke: A Political Fantastic. J1760 (ASU) Political History of Appalachian Virginia 1776-1927. PI700 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC) 188 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Government in Virginia. U510 (LMC) Road to Revolution; Virginia's Rebels from Bacon to Jefferson, 1676-1776. W880 POLITICS — W. VA. The Makers of West Virginia and Their Work. A2020 "The Granger and Populist Movements in West Virginia, 1873-1914." B1380 The West Virginia State Grange: The First Century, 1873-1973. B1390 "Legislative Politics and the Public Schools in West Virginia, 1933-1958: A Twenty-five Year History." C1900 (ASU BC) The Lawmaking Process in West Virginia: A Study in Legislative Ethics. C5560 (LMC) Pa and Ma and Mister Kennedy. C6310 (ASU BC) Uncle Amos, Politician. C6570 (ASU BC) "A House Divided: A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia During the Civil War." C9860 A House Divided: A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia. C9870 (WCU ETSU ASU BC) Issues of Constitutional Revision in West Virginia. D930 West Virginia State and Local Government. D940 (ETSU BC) The Primary that Made a President: West Virginia, 1960. E2110 (ASU) The History and Government of West Virginia. F290 (BC) The Alderson Story; my Life as a Political Prisoner. F1650 The West Virginia Establishment. H2350 (ASU) A Survey of Attitudes and Opinions of Preston County Voters. H6360 "West Virginia Politics: A Socio-Cultural Analysis of Political Participation." J1770 West Virginia and its Government. LI 90 Loyal W. Va. from 1861 to 1865. L420 "The West Virginia Statehouse Democratic Machine; Structure, Function and Process." L480 "The Temperance Movement in West Virginia." L3030 • West Virginia Governors. M7590 Forty Years Mountain Politics, 1930-1970. P2260 (ASU LMC MHC WCU) Coaltown Revisited: An Appalachian Notebook. P2330 (ASU LMC ETSU WCU WWC BC) West Virginia and the Captains of Industry: State Politics and the Origins of Modern Appalachia, 1880-1913. SI 620 W3160 (ETSU ASU) Debates and Proceedings. W3310 (BC) State Papers and Public Addresses. W3950 State papers and public addresses of Clarence Watson Meadows. W3960 State Papers and Public Addresses of Homer Adams Holt, Twentieth Governor of West Virginia, January 18, 1937 to January 13, 1941. W3970 State Papers and Public Addresses of Okey L. Patterson, E. Rosalind Carroll Funk. W3980 State Papers and Public Addresses of William C. Marland, Twenty-Fourth Governor of the State of West Virginia, 1953-1957. W3990 Manual of the state of West Virginia. W4290 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY POLITICS — W. VA. An Inside View of the Formation of the State of West Virginia, with Character Sketches of the Pioneers in that Movement. W6370 (BC) "Davis and Elkins of West Virginia: Businessmen in Politics." W6620 POLLUTION Proceedings. A4440 Waste Disposal Costs at Two Coal Mines in Kentucky and Alabama. D240 POLLUTION — APP. Full-Scale Study of Dispersion of Stack Gases; a Summary Report. T5350 Current and Proposed Regulations and Legislation on Air Pollution Concerning the Appalachian Coal Industry. W7190 POLLUTION - APP. — COAL INDUSTRY Survey of Sulfur Reduction in Appalachian Coals by Stage Crushing. D1920 POLLUTION — KY. The Long-legged House. B3260 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Management of Kentucky Natural Resources. L1900 POLLUTION — N. C. An Emission Survey and Ambient Air Quality Data of Buncombe, Haywood, Henderson Counties and the City of Asheville. R1330 (WCU) POLLUTION - TENN. "An Analysis of Particulate Pollution in Johnson City and Rural Washington County, Tennessee." L1400 (ETSU) "A Determination of Ambient Air Concentrations of Sulfur Dioxide in Elizabethton, Tennessee." M2480 (ETSU) POLLUTION — W. VA. Kanawha Valley Air Pollution Study. U3640 POPULATION A2681 A2682 (ASU) A2683 (ASU) Appalachia — An Economic Report: Trends in Employment, Income and Population. A3580 (WCU ASU ETSU) Appalachia — An Economic Report: Trends in Employment, Income and Population. Supplement. A3590 (ASU) Appalachian Data Book. A3600 (ASU ETSU BC) Appalachian Data Book. A3610 (MHC BC ETSU ASU) A Population and Economic Analysis of the Asheville Metropolitan Area and the Western North Carolina That It Serves. A5210 (BC) "Appalachian Fertility Levels and the Role of Interpersonal Relations." B160 Characteristics of the United States Population by Farm and Nonfarm Origin. B2240 Recent Population Trends in the United States with Emphasis on Rural Areas. B2250 The Peopling of Virginia. B2350 (ASU) The Peopling of Virginia. B2360 (FC) People and Resources in Eastern Kentucky. B2610 Number of Inhabitants of the Southern Appalachians, 1900-1957. B2680 Changes in Tennessee Agriculture by Counties, 1954-64. B5420 Farm Population: Net Migration from the Rural Farm Population, 1940-1950. B5720 SUBJECT Net Migration of the Population, 1950-1960 by Age, Sex and Color. B5730 "Household and Family Composition in Selected Rural Areas of Eleven Kentucky Counties." B5950 The Bedroom of the Poor. B6880 Basic Population Data for the Southern Appalachians by State, Economic Area, and Metropolitan Area. B7160 The Changing Kentucky Population: A Summary of Population Data for Counties. B7170 Rural Population Changes in Five Kentucky Mountain Districts, 1943-1946. B7200 Southern Appalachian Population Change, 1960-1970: A First Look at the 1970 Census. B7220 (BC) Appalachian Fertility Decline: A Demographic and Sociological Analysis. D1660 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC UNCA) Fertility Data for the Southern Appalachian Region. D1670 "Human Fertility in the Southern Appalachian Region: Some Demographic and Sociological Aspects." D1680 (ASU) The Population of Kentucky: Changes in the Number of Inhabitants, 1950-1960. D1700 "A Population Study of the Appalachian Members of the Freshman Class at Morehead (Kentucky) State University, 1967-1968." D3090 Selected Demographic Studies, Knox Co., Ky. E800 Changing Patterns of Fertility in Tennessee, 1960-1970. El 940 Johnson City, Tennessee, Population and Economic Base Study. H5390 Rural Population Density in the Southern Appalachians. M3350 (ASU) The Appalachian Region: A Preliminary Analysis of Economic and Population Trends in an Eleven State Problem Area. M3860 (BC) Fertility Rates and Migration of Kentucky's Population, 1920-1940. 01060 (ASU) "Occupance Formation Concept: A Case Study of the Asheville Basin." P1990 (LMC) P4720 The Population and Employment Outlook for the Anthracite Region of Pennsylvania. R1560 Economic Redevelopment Research: Population, Labor Force and Unemployment in Chronically Depressed Areas. SI 730 "Comparative Study of Related Health Fertility Attitudes and Behavior of Families Residing in a Poverty Area." S6190 "A Survey of the Attitudes of Women in Monongalia County, West Virginia, toward the Use of Contraceptives." S9720 Tennessee Manpower: Current Trend and Future Projections. T1200 Census of Population: 1960. The Eighteenth Decennial Census of the United States. U460 Fifteenth Census of the United States: 1930. U470 (BC) POPULATION — ALA. Income and Population in Alabama. H3750 (ASU) POPULATION — APP. Our Changing Rural Society — Perspectives and Trends. C7350 189 POLITICS—POPULATION The Appalachian Region: A Preliminary Analysis of Economic and Population Trends in an Eleven State Problem Area. 64440 "Mothers of the South: A Population Study of Native White Women of Childbearing Age of the Southeast." H240 Exurban Development in Selected Areas of the Appalachian Mountains. J1790 Basic Population Data for the Southern Appalachians. K1420 Warning in Appalachia: A Study of Wirt County, West Virginia. R1110 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Selected Rural Counties in Appalachia. U850 Selected Rural Counties in Appalachia. U860 POPULATION — FERTILITY DIFFERENTIALS "An Economic Analysis of Fertility Differentials Among Rural Farm Communities in United States in 1960." A2250 Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians. B2550 (BC ASU) "Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians." B2560 Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians. B2570 (LMC) POPULATION - GA. Index to the 1830 Census of Georgia. U660 (ASU) POPULATION — INDIANS — CHEROKEE Tribal Enrollment of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians, Cherokee, North Carolina. T8130 (LMC WCU) POPULATION — KY. An Urban Development Program for the Big Sandy Area. A3870 Population Estimates for Kentucky Counties and Economic Area, July 1, 1958. D250 (ASU) "The Drain of Talent out of Kentucky." H2790 Population Growth in Kentucky, 1820-1960. H5530 Farm Population Changes in Eastern Kentucky. K930 Tables Showing Components of Population Change and Percent Due to Net Migration for State Economic Areas, Metropolitan Areas, and Counties, Southern Appalachians, 1950-1960. K940 Utilization of Rural Manpower in Eastern Kentucky. K950 Resources for Industry. K1030 (ASU) Population-Economic Study, Harlan-Harlan County, Kentucky. K1170 "Metropolitan Dominance and the Diffusion of Human Fertility Patterns, Kentucky, 1939-65." K3340 Projected Kentucky Population Growth by Age, Sex, and Color Groups: 1960 to 1970. K3350 Natural Increase and Migration of Kentucky's Population, 1920-1935. 01070 (ASU) Neighborhood Standing and Population Changes in Johnson and Robertson Counties. 01080 The Superfluous People of Hazard, Kentucky. P1220 "Population Trends and Other Factors Influencing the Voting Habits of the Cumberland Valley Region of Southeast Kentucky." R1210 Ohio River Valley Population: Trends and Projections, 1930-1970. S7850 �POPULATION—POVERTY POPULATION — MD. Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: Maryland. U530 (ASU) A Census of Pensioners for Revolutionary or Military Services, with Their Names, Ages, and Places of Residence, as Returned by the Marshals of the Several Judicial Districts, under the Act for Taking the Sixth Census in 1840. U680 (ASU) POPULATION — N. C. The Population and Economy of Boone, North Carolina. C3600 (LMC ASU) Race Elements in the White Population of North Carolina. C6750 (ASU BC) Population and Economy: Marshall, N.C. N2150 (ASU WCU) Population and Economy. Valdese, North Carolina. N2160 (WCU) 1980 Population Projections for North Carolina Counties, with 1950, 1960 and 1970 Population by Age Groups. P2240 Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: North Carolina. U540 (ASU) Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: North Carolina. U550 (LMC) Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States taken in the Year 1790: North Carolina. U560 (ASU UNCA) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U610 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U620 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U630 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U640 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U670 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U690 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U720 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U790 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U800 (ASU) Index to the 1880 Population Schedules, North Carolina. U810 (ASU) Population Schedules, North Carolina. U820 (ASU) Eastern Band of Cherokees of North Carolina. U830 (WCU) Special Schedules Enumerating Union Veterans and Widows of Union Veterans of the Civil War, North Carolina. U840 (ASU) POPULATION — PA. Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: Pennsylvania. U570 (ASU) POPULATION — S. C. Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: South Carolina. U590 (ASU) Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: South Carolina. U600 (ASU LMC) POPULATION — TENN. Population Schedule of U. S. Census of 1850 for McMinn County, Tennessee. B6020 (ASU) Population Schedule of the United States Census of 1850 for Sullivan County, Tennessee. B8610 (ETSU) Selected Population and Agricultural Statistics for Tennessee Counties. C4870 (ASU) SUBJECT "Population Migration in the State of Tennessee." C6120 Comparative Economic Growth Measures —<Population and Personal Income Estimates for Tennessee Counties, 1950 Through 1962. C7590 Johnson City, Tennessee: Population and Economic Base Study. J1490 (ETSU) Neighborhood Analyses. J1530 (ETSU) The People of Tennessee: A Study of Population Trends. K2880 (BC ASU WCU) Population Changes in Tennessee since 1930. LI 940 Human Resources in the Economy of the Upper French Broad Area. M4310 (LMC) Population and Labor Force Characteristics of Tennessee Counties. Til 80 Population, Labor Force, and Employment Projections and Interpretations. T1680 Population and Labor Force Characteristics of Tennessee Counties. T1800 The Lower Cumberland Region: A Study of Its Population, Economic Base and Potential. T2100 (ETSU) United States census 1850 for Knox County, Tennessee. U520 1830 Census, Tennessee. U650 (ASU ETSU) Coffee County, Tennessee, 1850 Census. U700 (ETSU) Fentress County, Tennessee, Free Population Schedules. U710 (ASU) Population Schedule of the U. S. Census of 1850 (Seventh Census) for McMinn County, Tennessee. U730 (ASU) Population Schedule of the United States Census of 1850 (Seventh Census) for Warren County, Tennessee. U740 (ETSU) Tennessee Population Schedule of the United States Census of 1850, Meigs County. U770 (ASU) United States Census 1850 for Knox County, Tennessee. U780 (ETSU) POPULATION — VA. Index to 1810 Virginia Census. C8760 Exploring Virginia's Human Resources. H8120 (ASU BC) Personal Income Estimates for Virginia Counties and Cities, 1955. L270 Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: Records of the State Enumerations, 1782 to 1785, Virginia. U580 (ASU LMC) The Seventh Population Census of the U. S. for Russell County, Va., 1850. U750 The Seventh Population Census of the United States for Russell County, Virginia, 1850. U760 POPULATION — W. VA. West Virginia: Its Farms and Forest, Mines and Oil Wells, with a Glimpse of Its Scenery, a Photograph of Its Population, and an Exhibit of Its Industrial Statistics. D2690 (BC) "The Pattern of Settlements in the Southern and Middle Anthracite Region of Pennsylvania." K220 West Virginia and Her Population. M8240 Population Changes in West Virginia 1900-1950. S3800 POTOMAC RIVER The Floods of March, 1936, Part 3, Potomac, James, and Upper Ohio Rivers. G4470 The Potomac. G4940 (FC) 190 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Appalachia Meets the Potomac. 1900 Potomac River Basin Directory. 1910 The Potomac Naturalist: The Natural History of the Headwaters of the Historic Potomac. S4870 (ASU BC) Potomac River Basin Report: Summary. U310 The Nation's River. Official Report on the Potomac from the Department, with Recommendations for Action by the Federal Interdepartmental Task Force on the Potomac. U2780 Potomac Valley, Model of Scenic and Recreational Values: A Preliminary Report of the Joint Federal-State Planning Team on Landscape and Recreation, Potomac Valley. U2810 POTTERY The Moravian Potters in North Carolina. B4290 (LMC) Common Clay. C7980 (LMC ASU WCU) Pottery Workshop: A Study in the Making of Pottery from Idea to Finished Form. C8010 (WCU) The Fire Clays and Fire Clay Industries of the Olive Hill and Ashland Districts of Northeastern Kentucky. C8780 (BC) Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands.- With an Account of the Rural Handicraft Movement in the United States and Suggestions for the Wider Use of Handicrafts in Adult Education and in Recreation. E560 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC) "An Assessment of Needs and Guidelines for Development of an Industrial Ceramics Program." El 440 (ETSU) Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States. H6890 American Potters and Pottery. R230 (BC) The Shenandoah Pottery. R1890 (ASU BC) Clay Deposits and Clay Industry in North Carolina, a Preliminary Report. R2300 (WCU) POTTERY — GA. "Georgia Jug Makers: A History of Southern Folk Pottery." B9190 POTTERY — N. C. Traditional Pottery in North Carolina by Bob Conway. C6810 POVERTY Factors Associated with the Adjustment of Families in Three Low-Income Counties of North Carolina. A460 (ASU) "Factors Associated with the Adjustment of Families in Three Low Income Counties of North Carolina." A470 "Tuberculosis in Eastern Kentucky." A820 (ASU) "Kentucky State Aid and the Educationally Disadvantaged Child." A1390 Grundy County, Tennessee, Relief in a Coal Mining Community. A1850 "Public Welfare and Related Problems in Grundy County, Tennessee." A2180 Seeking More Effective Means to Overcome Poverty: Proceedings. A2680 (ASU LMC) In the Midst of Plenty: The Poor in America. B120 (BC) "A Case Study of Mingo County Economic Opportunity Commission: The Use of Title II of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 in a Rural County in West Virginia." B1300 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY POVERTY The Future of American Poverty, Some Basic Issues in Evaluating Alternative Anti-poverty Measures. B3240 Poverty in Areas of the United States. B4060 White Americans in Rural Poverty. B4070 (ASU) "Toward a Theory of Training People for the War on Poverty — A Qualitative Comparative Study of Three Antipoverty Training Centers." B4530 Health and Nutrition in Disadvantaged Children. C1700 Night Comes to the Cumberlands: Biography of a Depressed Area. C2230 (ASU MHC WCU ETSU FC UNCA) Night Comes to the Cumberlands: A Biography of a Depressed Area. C2240 (LMC) Sociological Aspects of Poverty, a Bibliography. C9380 "The Depressed Area Controversy; A Study in the Politics of American Business." D690 (ASU) Living Conditions and Population Migration in Four Appalachian Counties. D2790 A Winner on Satin's Doorstep. D3370 (BC) Too Many People, Too Little Love. D4300 "Political Attitudes of the Poor — An Inquiry into Their Position on a Liberal-Conservative Continuum." El 520 Employment, Unemployment, and Low Incomes in Appalachia. F3760 (LMC ASU) The Great Society's Poor Law, a New Approach to Poverty. L2020 "The Efficacy of the Labor Migration with Special Emphasis on Depressed Areas." M4710 Appalachia: Realities of Deprivation. P60 "The Relation of the Hot Lunch Program to the Progress of Pupils in the Deep Water School, West Virginia." P2030 Poverty Amid Plenty: The American Paradox. P4350 (MHC) Blaming the Victim. R4500 (WCU BC ASU) "The Culture of Poverty — A Study of the Value-orientation Preferences of the Chronically Impoverished" S1030 Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. S5010 (ASU BC) "Southern Appalachian State Newspapers' Treatment of the Antipoverty and Appalachia Acts." T8020 Poverty in the U. S. During the Sixties, a Bibliography. T8860 (BC) Examination of the War on Poverty Program. U3440 Poverty in the United States. U3450 The people left behind; a report by the President's National Advisory Commission on Rural Poverty. U3630 A Selective Bibliography of Writings on Poverty in the United States. U3650 War on Poverty Projects, March 31, 1965. U3790 War on Poverty Projects, April 30, 1965. U3800 Rural Poverty in the United States. U3850 A Selective Bibliography of Writings on Poverty in the United States. W1030 The Economics of Poverty, an American Paradox. W2350 SUBJECT "Characteristics of Low Income Rural Families Related to Expenditure and Consumption Patterns: An Analysis of Rural Poverty for Public Program Purposes." W2410 The Story of Why and How the Leah Weiss Relief Kitchen Became a Landmark in Cincinnati. W2420 (BC) Poverty Amid Affluence: Papers. W4560 (ETSU WCU BC) An Evaluation of the Impact of the Community Action Program Upon Poverty Conditions in McDowell Co. W4580 The Landscape of Rural Poverty: Corn Bread and Creek Water. W7120 (BC) Design for Action, Community Problem Solving in Disadvantaged Communities. W8700 Papers. W9220 POVERTY — APP. Poverty and Affluence in Appalachia. C2190 Growing Up Poor: An Over-view and Analysis of Child-rearing and Family Life Patterns Associated with Poverty. C3860 Summary. C6350 Poverty and Deprivation in the United States: The Plight of Two-fifths of a Nation. C6380 Poverty in Plenty. C6430 Poverty Poems. C8210 (BC) Breakthrough to the Great Society. C8250 E2100 A Guide to Resources for Anti-poverty Programs: A Selected Bibliography. F500 (ASU) Poverty in America. F690 Poverty and Affluence. F1260 "Health, Education, and Income as Correlates of Demand for Hospital Care in the Southern Mountains." Gil 00 The American Serfs. G2480 (ASU) The American Serfs. G2490 (WCU) Understanding Children of Poverty. G2860 (WCU BC) The Other America: Poverty in the United States. H2620 (MHC BC) The Case Against Hunger: A Demand for a National Policy. H6670 War on Poverty. H8300 Low-income Life Styles. 1930 Mountain Families in Poverty. J1600 "A Preliminary Edition of a Reading Test For Use With Disadvantaged Children in the Primary Grades of the Southern Appalachian Region." J2300 (ETSU) My Colorful Days. J2530 Seeking More Effective Means to Overcome Poverty. K200 (ASU) Poverty Programs and Social Mobility. K290 Government Against Poverty. K1680 Poverty and Deprivation in the United States. K1840 Scouting the War on Poverty: Social Reform Politics in the Kennedy Administration. K2740 Federal Aid to Depressed Areas — An Evaluation of the Area Redevelopment Association. L2010 (BC) Programs in Aid of the Poor. L2030 191 POVERTY—POVERTY Programs in Aid of the Poor for the 1970's. L2040 Poverty — Its Roots and the Future. L3940 The Geographic Basis of American Economic Life. M310 (ASU) Poverty in the Affluent Society. M4990 A Summary of a Study of Potential State and Local Programs to Stimulate Low and Moderate-income Housing Construction in Ohio Appalachia. 0370 (ASU) Roots of Fertility. P3340 "Public Information and the Community Action Programs of the War on Poverty: The First Three Years." R3320 Poverty as a Public Issue. SI 800 (BC) "Training the Poor: A Benefit-cost Analysis of Vocational Instruction in the United States Antipoverty Program." S2050 Hungry Children: Special Report. S5870 (ETSU) Poverty in the Nonmetropolitan South. T7820 (WWC) Romantic Appalachia; Or Poverty Pays If You Aren't Poor. W2980 VISTA: Challenge in Poverty. W5910 POVERTY — KY. Night Comes to the Cumberlands: A Biography of a Depressed Area. C2220 (WWC BC FC) Poverty, Politics, and Health Care: An Appalachian Experience. C8060 (ASU) "Factors That Influence Young Couples to Stay on the Farm in Adair County, Kentucky: Some Social and Economic Factors That Influence Young Couples to Stay on the Farm in a Low-income County in Kentucky." HI 710 Poverty, Rural Poverty and Minority Groups Living in Rural Poverty, an Annotated Bibliography. 1870 Federal Aid in Kentucky. K1190 Community Action in Appalachia: An Appraisal of the "War on Poverty" in a Rural Setting of Southeastern Kentucky. K1380 Forms and Scope of Poverty in Kentucky. R300 POVERTY — N. C. The Dimensions of Poverty in North Carolina. B6980 The Dimensions of Poverty in North Carolina. N2300 (ASU) POVERTY — PA. The Low-Income Farmer in a Changing Society. F1540 POVERTY — RURAL Economic Provisions for Old Age of Rural Families in Five Southern States. B170 POVERTY - TENN. Measurements of Poverty in East Tennessee. B7320 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) "Coordination of Anti-poverty Programs in Chattanooga." D1250 Migration and Level of Living in the Tennessee Valley. F1680 "The Design and Preparation of a Proposal for Federal Aid for the Education of Children from Low Income Families in Damascus Elementary School, Washington County, Virginia." H5380 (ETSU) "The Farmers Home Administration and Agricultural Poverty in Tennessee." M6450 The Incidence of Poverty — Social and Economic Conditions in Tennessee. W6600 �POVERTY—RECREATION POVERTY — VA. The Challenge: Motivating the Poor. F730 Virginia's Marginal Population — A Study in Rural Poverty. 0420 (BC) POVERTY — W. VA. Approaches to University Extension Work with the Rural Disadvantaged: Description and Analysis of a Pilot Effort. M5970 "A Comparison of the Personal and Economic Characteristics of the Mobile and Immobile." M6040 POWELL RIVER Frontier Forts along the Clinch, Powell and Holston. HI 130 (BC) Clinch-Powell Valley; Summary of Resources. T2420 PROVERBS Pioneer Proverbs; Wit and Wisdom From Early America. T9830 PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS — MIGRATION "A Comparative Analysis of the Felt Need Pattern of the Personality Structure in Rural Appalachia and Suburban America." S3400 (ETSU) PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS - POVERTY "A Comparative Analysis of the Felt Need Pattern of the Personality Structure in Rural Appalachia and Suburban America." S3400 (ETSU) PUBLIC HEALTH — APP. R4310 (ASU BC) PUBLIC HEALTH — N. C. Biennial report. N1690 (ASU LMC) A History of the North Carolina State Board of Health, 1877-1925. N1700 (LMC) PUBLIC — N. C. Biennial Report. N2580 (LMC) PUBLIC SCHOOLS Standards for Schoolhouse Construction Approved by the State Board of Education. W3320 (ETSU) PUBLIC WELFARE Grundy County, Tennessee, Relief in a Coal Mining Community. A1850 "Public Welfare and Related Problems in Grundy County, Tennessee." A2180 Southern Appalachian Migrant on Public Aid in Cook County. C6820 (ASU) A Study of Families from the Southern Appalachian Region Receiving Public Assistance. C6830 (ASU) Welfare Work in Mill Villages, the Story of Extra-mill Activities in North Carolina. H4990 (WWC) Muscle Shoals and the Public Welfare. O960 PUBLIC WELFARE - APP. Low-income Life Styles. 1930 PUBLIC WELFARE — KY. I860 PUBLIC WELFARE — N. C. Research and Regional Welfare. C5640 (ASU) D2500 (UNCA) "Public Policy for Depressed Areas with Special Reference to North Carolina." F1630 PUBLIC WELFARE — W. VA. Digest of Programs Containing Federal Funds in W. Va. W3530 PUBLIC WORKS Public Improvements for the City of Berea, Ky. B3130 (BC) The North Carolina Chain Gang: A Study of County Convict Road Work. S6920 (LMC) The North Carolina Chain Gang: A Study of County Convict Road Work. S6930 (WWC) SUBJECT QUILTING American Patchwork Quilts. B70 (ASU) Kentucky Coverlets. B5660 (BC) Old Patchwork Quilts and the Women Who Made Them. F1040 (BC) Patchwork for Beginners. G3660 (ASU) The Romance of the Patchwork Quilt in America: In Three Parts. H590 (ASU BC) The Standard Book of Quilt Making and Collecting. 130 (ASU BC) The Mountain Artisans Quilting Book. L2060 (BC ASU LMC) One Hundred and One Patchwork Patterns: Quilt Name Stories, Cutting Designs, Material Suggestions, Yardage Estimates, Definite Instructions for Every Step of Quilt Making. Ml880 (ASU WCU BC) North Carolina Museum of History, Raleigh. N2010 (ASU) Artistry in Quilts. N2470 (ASU) O680 (ASU) American Quilts and Coverlets; A History of a Charming Native Art. P2390 Mountain Artisans: An Exhibit of Patchwork and Quilting, Appalachia. R1820 (BC) America's Quilts and Coverlets. S70 (ASU) America's Quilts and Coverlets. S80 (ASU) Old Fashioned Quilts. S2060 Introducing Quilting. S3180 (ASU) Quilts: Their Story and How to Make Them. W2130 (ASU) Quilts: Their Story and How to Make Them. W2140 (BC) RACE RELATIONS The Children of the South. A2310 The Negro in the Bituminous Coal Mining Industry. B1400 (WCU BC MHC) Neither Black nor White. D4240 (ASU WWC ETSU BC) RACE RELATIONS — ALA. "A Study of the Progress of Negro Education in Saint Clair County, Alabama." C1750 "Factors Contributing to the Educational Development of the Negro Schools in the Jefferson County (Alabama) School System, 1945-51." G1950 "A Study of the Causes of Drop-outs and Irregular Attendance among Boys in the Four Negro High Schools of Talledega County, Alabama." G2040 **A Study of the Changes in the Educational Levels of the Negro Teachers in Jefferson County, Alabama, 1930-50." M6280 RACE RELATIONS - APP. Authentic History of Ku Klux Klan, 1865-1877. D1240 (LMC) Berea College from Servitude to Service, Being the Old South Lectures on the History and Work of the Negro. F3560 (BC) "Negro Life in a Rural Community." K2380 RACE RELATIONS — KY. Kentucky's Black Heritage. K980 (BC ETSU) RACE RELATIONS — N. C. "A History of Negro Education in Wilkes County, North Carolina." 1820 The Negro in North Carolina, 1876-1894. L3060 (LMC) 192 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "An Analysis of the Types of Retardation in the Elementary Departments of Fine Negro Union Schools in Rural Cleveland County." 13200 Equal Protection of the Laws in North Carolina. U1630 (LMC) RACE RELATIONS — TENN. "The Negro in East Tennessee." B210 (ASU) Three Generations: The Story of a Colored Family of Eastern Tennessee. Cl 110 (ASU LMC BC) Echo in My Soul. C4530 (BC) The Emancipator. El 900 (ASU) Gemini. G1840 Clinton, Tennessee: A Tentative Description and Analysis of the School Desegregation Crisis. H6470 Diary of a Sit-in. P4750 (WCU ETSU) RACE RELATIONS - VA. "School Desegregation in Warren County, Virginia, During 1958-1960; A Study in the Mobilization of Restraints." L2050 RACE RELATIONS — W. VA. "Segration Patterns in a Coal Camp." F3220 (ASU) "The Negro Miner in West Virginia." LI 30 "The Negro in West Virginia Before 1900." S2610 RAPPAHANNOCK RIVER My Rappahannock Storybook. H6060 (BC ASU) Fredericksburg, Virginia. Its Homes and History, the Battlefields and the Rappahanrock Valley. G2650 READING "The Reading Habits of 200 Adults in Kingsport, Tennessee." E990 RECLAMATION A Revised Bibliography of Strip Mine Reclamation. F3840 (ASU) Operation Scarlift, the After-Effects of Over 100 Years of Coal Mining In Pennsylvania and Current Programs to Combat Them. PI 800 RECLAMATION — KY. Surface Mining and Reclamation in Kentucky. K1180 Strip Mining. K1290 RECLAMATION — OHIO Comparative State Strip Mining and Reclamation Laws. O390 RECREATION Applications of the Common Mooring: Fundamental Principles in the Utilization of Resources. A630 "A Study of the Effect of Participation in Football on the Grades of Students at Bristol, Tennessee, High School." A1420 (ETSU) "Leisure Time Interests and Activities of Girls in High School." A2270 "An Evaluation of the Physical Education Programs in the High Schools in the Washington County School System." A2330 (ETSU) "An Examination of the Leisure Activities and Recreational Interests of Students, and Available Equipment and Facilities at Appalachian State Teachers College." C580 (ASU) Managing 10,000 Miles of Shoreline. C670 "An Evaluation of the Community Service or Continuing Education Project: Developing and Stimulating Recreation in Six Counties of Eastern Kentucky." C2910 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY RECREATION The Effect of Modern Dance Upon Strength and Flexibility in Selected College Students. P2610 (ASU) "Coordination of Physical Education and Community Recreation in Ashe, Avery, and Watauga Counties." Q170 (ASU) "Recreational Habits of Rural Youth in Selected Communities of Hamilton County, Tennessee." S990 Extent of Recreation Development and Use of TVA Lakes and Actual Lake Frontage Property. T2630 Fish and Fishing, Fort Loudoun Reservoir. T2720 The Witchery of Archery. T8290 (ASU) RECREATION AND TOURISM The Appalachian National Parks; an Analysfe of Work Accomplished, November 1899 up to Aug. 30,1901. A3340 Southern Pictures and Pencilings: Official Organ of the Appalachian National Park Association. A3350 Appalachian Highlands Recreation Study, Phase I, Inventory and Analysis. A3630 (ASU) "A Study of the Intramural Sports Program in George W. Vance Junior High School, Bristol, Tennessee." B1770 (ETSU) The Travel Industry in North Carolina. B2370 (LMC) Income Opportunities for Rural Families from Outdoor Recreation Enterprises. B4110 C1000 (BC) Canoeing White Water: A Guide Book to the Rivers of Virginia and Eastern West Virginia, The Great Smoky Mountain Area. C1740 (LMC) Games of the North American Indians. 24th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute. C9400 (LMC) Hiker's Guide. S5430 (ASU) Outdoor Recreation for a Growing Nation; TVA's Experience With Man-Made Reservoirs. T3150 Recreation Areas on TVA Lakes. T3320 Recreation Areas on TVA Lakes. . . . Recreation Development of the Tennessee River System. T3340 Recreation & Tourism Develop. Through Federal Programs. U200 Watauga Lake recreation areas, Cherokee National Forest, Tennessee. U3000 Report, V. 2: Ten Rivers in America's Future. U3860 W. Va. in color. W3210 (BC) Wonderful West Virginia. W3590 State Park Series. Bulletin. W3900 (ETSU) West Virginia Highway Markers, Historic, Prehistoric, Scenic, Geologic. W4060 (ASU) Scenery: "Land of the Sky." W4940 (BC) RECREATION AND TOURISM — ALA. Stars Fell on Alabama. C1290 (BC) Tourist and Recreation Potential: Lewis Smith Lake (Cullman, Walker and Winston Counties, Alabama). U1540 (LMC) RECREATION AND TOURISM — APR. The Southern Highlands, an Inquiry into their Needs, and Qualifications Desired in Service Workers in the Mountain Country. C6360 SUBJECT D2490 (ASU) Roaming the Eastern Mountains. F140 (ASU BC) Seeing the Sunny South. F150 (ASU LMC BC) Bubbling Waters. F1070 (ASU LMC BC) "Economic Development of Areas Contiguous to Multipurpose Reservoirs: The Kentucky-Tennessee Experience." H2220 (BC) Romance of the National Parks. J350 (ASU) Private Outdoor Recreation Enterprises in Rural Appalachia. J1800 Camping and Woodcraft: A Handbook for Vacation Campers and for Travelers in the Wilderness. K1460 (ASU) Recreation as an Industry in Appalachia. Ml 20 (ASU WCU) Planning a Tourist Recreation Region for the Age of Leisure. Printed by Planning and Land Use Education Program, Appalachian State Univ., 1974. N890 (ASU) Tennessee Valley, a Recreation Domain. N1230 Recreation Impact on Southern Appalachian Campgrounds and Picnic Sites. R2350 (WCU) Tenn. Valley Land and Its Changing Use. SI 50 A Geographical Analysis of Selected Ski Resorts in the Southeastern United States. T2190 (ASU) The Land Between the Lakes; A Demonstration in Recreation Resource Development; Revised Concept Statement. T3010 Non-Urban Outdoor Recreation, an Analysis of Its Functions, Forms, and Types of Areas. T3110 Recreational Development of the Southern Highlands Region, A Study of the Use and Control of Scenic and Recreational Resources. T3350 (ASU) Recreational Development of the Southern Highlands Region; A Study of the Use and Control of Scenic and Recreational Resources. T4290 (LMC) Social and Economic Characteristics of Six Tennessee Valley Reservoir Areas. T4330 (BC) Recreation Maps — Tennessee Valley Lakes. T7490 A Report on Outdoor Recreation Demand, Supply, and Needs in Appalachia. U1510 National parks in southern Appalachian Mountains. U1710 Appalachian Mountains. U1850 Preliminary report of investigations upon forest of Southern Appalachian region. U1860 Rural Recreation Enterprises for Profit: An Aid to Rural Areas Development. U2550 Potomac Valley, Model of Scenic and Recreational Values: A Preliminary Report of the Joint Federal-State Planning Team on Landscape and Recreation, Potomac Valley. U2810 Recreation Potential in the Appalachian Highlands: A Market Analysis. U4220 (ASU) RECREATION AND TOURISM — GA. Highlights of the Economy of the Georgia Mountains Area. G1010 (BC ASU) The Georgia Travel Industry, 1960-1963. K410 A Study of Out-of-State Requests for Travel Information from the State of Georgia. K420 Tourism Development in the Chattahoochee-Flint Area. K430 193 RECREATION—RECREATION The Georgia Mountains: A View of Its Resources, Problems, and Potentials. SI 120 (ASU LMC) Highlights of the Economy of the Georgia Mountains Area. W5510 RECREATION AND TOURISM — KY. Tourist and Recreation Facility Survey of Nine Counties in Southeastern Kentucky. H6810 Travel in Kentucky. K1200 Kentucky Tourist Preferences. K1370 Tour. & Recreation Potential E. Ky. U1520 Kentucky: A Guide to the Bluegrass State. W9590 (ASU LMC) RECREATION AND TOURISM — MD. Blue Ridge Voyages: One and Two Day River Cruises. Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia. C7360 (LMC) RECREATION AND TOURISM — N. C. The Village of Five Lives: The Fontana of the Great Smoky Mountains. B5960 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Glimpses of a Land of Beauty. C400 Exploring the Mountains of North Carolina. C1250 (MHC) C6030 (LMC) Travel Industry in North Carolina. An Economic Survey. C7320 Master Plan for Recreation and Parks: Jackson County, North Carolina. G300 (WCU) Souvenir Views of the Beautiful Blowing Rock Region. H2180 Outdoor Recreation Potential Appraisal. J30 (WCU) The Lenoir-Blowing Rock Wonderland. LI 760 (ASU) Valhalla in the Smokies. M4580 (ETSU ASU BC) Scenic Western North Carolina, a Vacation Guide to the Highlands. M8520 (ASU) Planning a Tourist Recreation Region for the Age of Leisure. Printed by Planning and Land Use Education Program, Appalachian State Univ., 1974. N890 (ASU) Proceedings of the Third Annual Workshop on the Third Annual Workshop on the Planning and Utilization of Leisure Resources, March 18-19. N1620 (ASU) Road Maps and Tour Book of Western North Carolina. N2370 (BC ASU LMC) Pearson's Falls Glen: Its Story, Its Flora, Its Birds. PI 420 (WWC) Western North Carolina Facts, Figures, Photographs. P4210 (LMC WCU) "The Economic Impact of Recreation Resort Development on the Local Economy: A Case Study of Avery County, North Carolina." R3580 (LMC) Tourist and Recreation Potential: Western North Carolina. U1560 North Carolina, a Guide to the Ola1 North State. W9620 (ASU) The North Carolina Guide. W9630 (ASU) RECREATION AND TOURISM - PA. Blue Ridge Voyages: One and Two Day River Cruises. Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia. C7360 (LMC) A Traveler's Guide to Historic Western Pennsylvania. M8490 (ASU) "Promotion of the Recreational Use of State Forests, with Special Reference to Pennsylvania." SI 480 �RECREATION—REGIONAL RECREATION AND TOURISM — S. C. South Carolina: A Guide to the Palmetto State. W9650 (ASU BC) RECREATION AND TOURISM - TENN. Estimating Tennessee's Tourist Business. C7290 (ASU) Tourists and the Travel Service and Transportation Business in Tennessee, 1948 to 1961, Inclusive, an Economic Analysis. C7310 C9420 Outdoors in the Cumberlands. C9450 (BC) D2480 (ETSU) The Story of Gatlinburg. 64040 G4640 (ASU) "Diversions in East Tennessee, 1920-25." G4830 (ETSU) People's Shorelines. Address before Tennessee Public Power Association, Nashville, Tennessee, April 15-18, 1958. H7740 Planning for Recreation Use of Impounded Waters — TVA Experience. H7750 Chattanooga. J290 Valhalla in the Smokies. M4580 (ETSU ASU BC) Eliza Ross; or, Illustrated Guide of Lookout Mountain. M4910 "Resources for Physical Recreation in the Tennessee Valley Authority Region." M4960 "A Study of the Effect of Participation in Athletics on the Grades of Students at East Tennessee State College." M7920 (ETSU) Multiple-use on Morris Watershed. N1510 Recreation Grows Up in the Tennessee Valley. O560 Tourist and Recreation Potential: Upper Cumberland Lakes Area of Tennessee (Clay, Dekalb, Jackson, Overton, Pickett, Smith, and Warren Counties). U1550 An Appraisal of Potentials for Outdoor Recreational Development in Fort Worth. U3920 Tennessee, a Guide to the State. W9670 (ASU) Tennessee: A Guide to the State. W9680 (ASU LMC) RECREATION AND TOURISM — VA. Blue Ridge Voyages: One and Two Day River Cruises. Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia. C7360 (LMC) Bits of History and Legends Around and About the Natural Bridge of Virginia, 1730-1950. D1080 (ASU) Bits of History and Legends around and about the Natural Bridge of Virginia from 1730-1950. D1090 (BC) D2480 (ETSU) N260 The Shenandoah and Its Byways. S7150 (ASU BC) The Natural Bridge and Its Historical Surroundings. T8880 (ASU FC BC) Establishment of Mount Rogers National Recreation Area in Virginia. U2080 Va's Common Wealth, a Study at Va.'s Outdoor Recreation Resources. V1140 Travel in Virginia, Its Economic Significance. VI200 Scenic and Historical Guide to the Shenandoah Valley. W1680 Scenic and Historical Guide to the Shenandoah Valley: A Handbook of Useful Information for Tourists and Students. W1820 (WCU) Roanoke, Story of County and City. W9690 (ASU BC) Virginia: A Guide to the Old Dominion. W9700 (BC) SUBJECT Virginia: A Guide to the Old Dominion. W9710 (ASU) Virginia: The Old Dominion in Pictures. W9720 (BC) RECREATION AND TOURISM - W. VA. Blue Ridge Voyages: One and Two Day River Cruises. Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia. C7360 (LMC) An Analysis of Some Selected Characteristics of Cabin Vacationists in West Virginia State Parks and Forests in 1961. H40 (ASU) West Virginia Travel and Tourism Study — The Potential Market. H70 Youth Recreation in the Coal Mining Towns of West Virginia. H6590 Huntington's Park System and Recreational Facilities. H8490 "West Virginia's Program of State Publicity." 11020 Outdoor Recreation Potential in West Virginia's Eastern Panhandle. M7820 West Virginia Travel and Tourism Study: An Evaluation. S960 Tourist and Recreation Potential: Eastern Panhandle Area, West Virginia (Grant, Hardy, Hampshire, Mineral, and Morgan Counties). U1530 Establishment of Spruce Knob-Seneca Rocks National Recreation Area in West Virginia. Report from the Committee to Accompany H. R. 10330, August 31, 1965. U2090 S. 7, Act to Provide for the Establishment of Spruce Knob-Seneca Rocks National Recreation Area in West Virginia, and for Other Purposes. Approved September 28, 1965. U3540 West Virginia: A Guide to the Mountain State. W9770 (ASU BC WWC ETSU) RECREATION AND TRAVEL — N. C. Proceedings. F1780 (WCU) RECREATION — APP. Annual Report, 1958 and 1959. T5220 Fish and Wildlife, Valuable Natural Resources. T5270 RECREATION — N. C. The Red Strings Baseball Team of Yadkin County, N. C, 1896-1902. D4000 RECREATION — TENN. East Tennessee State University Basketball Press Guide. --. E350 (ETSU) East Tennessee State University Track and Field School Records, Together with ETSU Field Records for College Meets. E400 (ETSU) RECREATION — TOURISM — TENN. Guide to the Summer Resorts and Watering Places of East Tennessee. E470 RECREATION - W. VA. Wild Water West Virginia: A Paddler's Guide to the White Water Rivers of the Mountain State. B9180 (ASU BC) "The Leisure Time Activities and Interests of the Boys of Spencer High School." H280 RED RIVER The Unforseen Wilderness: An Essay on Kentucky's Red River Gorge. B3300 (ASU BC LMC) Fishes of the Red River Drainage, Eastern Kentucky. B6360 RED RIVERS Red River Iron Works. J1200 194 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT . . . The Wheeler Project, A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Wheeler Project . . . T4090 Major Freight Terminals on the Tennessee River Waterway. T7440 REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT — ALA. The Guntersville Project. A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Guntersville Project . . . T2860 (BC) REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT — APP. "Why Aid Doesn't Help: Organizing for Community Economic Development in Central Appalachia." T9690 REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT — KY. Development Potentials for Kentucky Counties with Related Statistics. K1360 (ASU) New Towns for the Appalachian Regions: A Case Study Located in Eastern Kentucky. K1400 REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT - N. C. E780 (ASU) U4150 REGIONAL PLANNING "A Study of Effect of Government Aid and Other Factors on the Economic Development of Three Selected Areas in Georgia." A340 A2660 (BC) The Emerging Pattern of Appalachian Regional Development. A2720 Appalachian Highlands Recreation Study, Phase I, Inventory and Analysis. A3630 (ASU) A Bibliography of Research Studies Produced with Appalachian Regional Development Program Funds. A3690 Capitalizing on New Development Opportunities along the Baltimore-Cincinnati Appalachian Development Highway: A Staff Recommendation. A3700 (ASU) State and Regional Development Plans in Appalachia. A3830 (ASU) Rural Development Problems and Prospects in Fayette, Raleigh, and Summers Counties, West Virginia. A4640 Community Action for Social Redevelopment in Asheville and Buncombe County. A5200 (WWC) The Industrial Development Program of North Carolina, 1954 to 1962, with Projections to 1970. B4450 Region Building: Community Development Lessons from the Tennessee Valley. D40 (ASU) Annual Report for 1964. E540 New York State Appalachian Development Plan; A Twenty Year Plan for the Fourteen Counties of the New York Appalachian Region. N700 The Political Economy of Appalachia; A Case Study in Regional Integration. N780 (BC WWC ASU ETSU MHC WCU) The Spatial Concentration of Industry in Appalachia: An Analysis of the Potential for Import Substitution. S490 (ASU ETSU) Suggestion for Planning and Zoning in Appalachia. S5410 Charleston, W. Va.: Dept. of Planning, Commerce, Research Div. W4230 Horizon Committee on Capital and Finance — Capital and Finance for Development. W4260 Horizon Committee on Human Resources. The Development of W. Va.'s Human Resources. W4270 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY REGIONAL PLANNING Horizon Committee on Natural Resources. The Development of W. Va.'s Natural Resources. W4280 REGIONAL PLANNING — ALA. Appalachian Alabama: Development Plan — 1970. A870 (ASU) REGIONAL PLANNING — APP. A2771 (ASU) Appalachian Research Reports. A3660 (ASU WCU) Preliminary Analysis for Development of Central Appalachia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia. A3780 Summary. C6350 Report. C6370 Papers. C6470 (ASU) "The Depressed Area Controversy; A Study in the Politics of American Business." D690 (ASU) "Local Government Social Overhead Expenditures and Economic Growth in the Appalachian Region." D2450 Regional Development and Planning: A Reader. F3320 (ASU) "The Effects of Environment on Public Planning: The Case of Appalachian Planning in Tennessee." G470 (LMC) Underemployment Concept, Way to Measure Need for Economic Development in Appalachia. G1260 The Development Index for 60 Counties in Central Appalachia. G2890 (ASU BC) Proceedings. G2980 (ASU BC) Seeking More Effective Means to Overcome Poverty. K200 (ASU) "Measuring and Analyzing the Impact of Employment Generation Benefits of a Public Water Resource Development Project in Appalachia." K2050 State Planning and Economic Development in the South. LI 850 Joint Reports. N240 Appalachia: A Case Study of Regional Business Development. 0430 "The State Development Planning Process: Implementation of the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 in West Virginia." P850 Guidelines for an Appalachian Airport System. P2050 (ASU WCU) Program Budgeting for Planners; A Case Study of Appalachia With Projections Through 1985. R4040 "The Appalachian Regional Commission: Selected Aspects of Institutions and Processes and Their Relationship to Natural and Human Resources Development." S40 Economic Redevelopment Research: Population, Labor Force and Unemployment in Chronically Depressed Areas. SI 730 "George W. Norris and the Concept of a Planned Region." S4350 A Model for Sequencing Public Investment Programs and Allocating Multiprogram Benefits. S6250 Southern Highlands Mountain Resources Management Plan, Vols. I and II. T9390 Planning for the South, an Inquiry into the Economics of Regionalism. V420 (ASU) SUBJECT REGIONAL PLANNING — APP. - N. C. Updated Investment Guidelines for North Carolina Appalachian Region 1971 to 1975, and A Plan for Public Investment in Appalachian North Carolina, Fiscal 1971. A3880 REGIONAL PLANNING - APP. — N. Y. Abstract of the New York State Appalachian Program: A Development Plan. A3530 A Report on the Identification of Areas of Potential Growth in the Appalachian Region of New York State and a General Development Philosophy for the Region. A3810 REGIONAL PLANNING — GA. The Economic Development of the Northeast Georgia Commission Area Through Use of Forest Products and Water Resources. B7120 (ASU ETSU) A Preliminary Major Highway Plan, A Part of the Georgia Mountains Region Development Program. T9130 REGIONAL PLANNING — KY. "An Application of the Leontief Regional Model: An Input-output Analysis for Eastern Kentucky." B490 Communication and Mountain Development: A Summary Report Two East Kentucky Studies. B5780 Proceedings. The Planning Concept. C6420 A Decade of Action for Progress in Kentucky. E520 (ASU) Commonwealth of Kentucky Planning Inventory. S6210 Commonwealth of Kentucky Program Planning Communication & Coordination (P2C2): A Preliminary System Design. S6220 Goals, Objectives, and Policies. S6230 Kentucky Public Library Inventory and Projected Needs. S6240 An Urban Development Program for the Big Sandy Area. S6260 (ASU) REGIONAL PLANNING — N. C. Overall Economic Development Program for Avery County. A5790 (LMC) Water Resource Needs for Selected Development Corridors in Appalachian North Carolina. N2630 (ASU) Today and Tomorrow, Murphy, North Carolina. W4930 (LMC) REGIONAL PLANNING — PA. Preliminary Over-all Economic Development Program for the North-western Pennsylvania Redevelopment Area. K300 An Economic Background for Regional Planning in the Anthracite Counties. PI 860 A Rationale for Public Investment in Appalachia Pennsylvania: An Interim Statement. PI 890 REGIONAL PLANNING — TENN. Report. H1410 (ETSU) Johnson City Shopping Center District Regulations. J1480 (ETSU) Johnson City, Tennessee: Population and Economic Base Study. J1490 (ETSU) Johnson City's Community Facilities. J1500 (ETSU) Land Use Analysis. J1510 (ETSU) Land Use Plan. J1520 (ETSU) Neighborhood Analyses. J1530 (ETSU) Subdivision Regulations of Johnson City Regional Planning Commission. J1540 (ETSU) Organization for Watershed Planning in the Public Interest. L3760 195 REGIONAL—RELIGION Soil and Sky; the Development and Use of Tennessee Valley Resources. S470 Tennessee Appalachian Development Plan, 1969-1970. T1600 (ASU) Policy Conclusions, Problems and Opportunities. T1670 REGIONAL PLANNING — VA. Development Potentials For Kentucky Counties With Related Statistics F3770 REGIONAL PLANNING — W. VA. "A Regional Linear Programming Model of the West Virginia Economy." C5370 Status of West Virginia in the Economic Opportunity Program Under Public Law 88-452. C8540 C8810 (ASU WCU BC) "The Transformation of the Tug and Guyandot Valleys: Economic Development and Social Change in West Virginia, 1888-1921." C9390 "Patterns of Development and Net Migration, 1960-1970: A Study of West Virginia Counties." D1760 Statewide Development Planning for West Virginia — A Prospectus for Implementation Under Provisions of Section 701 of the Housing Act of 1954. D4140 Program 60, 1960-70; a Decade of Action for Progress in Eastern Kentucky. E530 (BC) Professional Overall Economic Development for Fayette Co., West Virginia. F400 West Virginia Housing. A Consultant's Report to the Governor's Task Force on Housing and the West Virginia State Development Plan. G30 Economic Stability and Growth Potential, Fairmont, W. Va. H2230 "Governmental Assistance to Industrial Development in West Virginia." K1870 "The State Development Planning Process: Implementation of the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 in West Virginia." P850 Coal, The Curse and the Key: Overall Economic Development Program for the Southern West Virginia Economic Development District. S5890 Guiding Principles for Rural Development in West Virginia. S7290 Economic Development in West Virginia. Z60 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. "The Status and Problems of the Ministry in Knox County." H8320 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES Religion in Shoes. B4540 (BC) The Great Revival, 1787-1805: The Origins of the Southern Evangelical Mind. B5130 (ASU BC) "Religious Concerns of Southern Appalachian Migrants in a North Central City." C9760 "The Music of American Revivalism." D3180 (WCU) H5980 "Unfinished Tasks" of the Southern Presbyterian church. M2290 0480 (ASU) Frontier Mission: A History of Religion West of the Southern Appalachians to 1861. P3740 (BC WWC) Torchlights to the Cherokee: The Brainerd Mission. W350 (ASU ETSU BC) History of the Church of the Redeemer, Shelby, N. C, 1858-1958. W460 �RELIGION—RELIGION RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES Life and Religion in Southern Appalachia, an Interpretation of Selected Data from the Southern Appalachian Studies. W1920 (ASU MHC WCU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) Religion in the Appalachian Mountains: A Symposium. W1940 (ASU BC) One Hundred Years: A Story of the First Baptist Church, Clinton, Tennessee. W2000 Twenty Years on Horseback. W2240 (BC) . . . Church and State in North Carolina. W2270 (BC) The Religious Development in the Province of North Carolina. W2280 (LMC WWC UNCA) In the Land of Mudholes and Mountains; a Story of Three Years' Missionary Work in the Cumberland Mountains. W2340 (BC) Alexander Campbell and Natural Religion. W3100 (BC) Hills of Home. W7730 Shunem Church and Cemetery Speak: A Living Memorial to Those Who Sleep Here, 1824-1965. W8610 Culture and Personality Aspects of the Pentecostal Holiness Religion. W8690 (ASU) A History of the Presbytery of Winchester (Synod of Virginia): Its Rise and Growth, Ecclesiastical Relations, Institutions, Agencies, Churches and Ministers, 1719-1945. W8980 (ASU BC) Centennial of the First Presbyterian Church, United States, in Cleveland, Tennessee, 1837-1937. W9110 The Shepherd of the Hills. W9410 (ASU) Springplace: Moravian Mission and the War Family of the Cherokee Nation. W9500 (MHC) Pennsylvania Spirituals. Y100 (ASU) History of the First Presbyterian Church, Sweetwater, Tennessee, 1860-1960. Y240 Autobiography of a Pioneer: Or, The Nativity, Experience, Travels, and Ministerial Labors of Rev. Jacob Young, with Incidents, Observations, and Reflections. Y260 (BC) A Baptist Looks Back: The Origin and Early History of Roan Mountain Baptist Association, Now Mitchell Baptist Association. Y270 (ASU WCU LMC BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — ALABAMA — CUMBERLAND PRESBYTERIAN Historical Contributions. C9430 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. A5440 (BC) Church Life in the Rural South: A Study of the Opportunity of Protestantism Based Upon Data From Seventy Counties. B7740 (ASU BC) The Failure and the Hope: Essays of Southern Churchmen. C980 (WCU ASU BC) Up to Our Steeples in Politics. C990 (WCU BC) The Small Sects in America. C4420 (ASU) The Small Sects in America. C4430 Church and Family in Modern Rural Appalachia. C4860 (ASU) The Great Revival in the West, 1797-1805. C4950 The Great Revival in the West, 1797-1805. C4960 (ASU) The Thrones of the Apostles, a Study of the Pentecostal Phenomena. C5550 (BC) CORA: Our Christian Commitment in Appalachia. C6180 SUBJECT Directory of Appalachian Mission Enterprises. C6190 (BC) Proceedings: A United Approach to Fulfilling the Church's Mission in Appalachia. C6210 (ASU WCU) The Mountain Preacher. D1070 (BC) The Protestant Church as a Social Institution. D3130 Christian Reconstruction in the South. D3140 Life of S. Miller Willis D3960 (BC) A Church Census of the 134 Churches in the City of Knoxville, Tennessee as of Date January 31, 1925. E870 A List of Emigrant Ministers to America, 1690-1811. F2380 (ASU) How Churches Fight Poverty, 60 Successful Local * Projects. G3890 (ASU LMC WCU) Memoirs of the Life and Gospel Labours of Stephen Grellet. G4030 (ASU) The Gatherers: The Gospel among the Highlanders. G4610 (ASU LMC) The Gospel of the Lilies. G4620 (BC) "Sectarianism and Social Participation: A Study of the Relationship between Religious Attitudes and Involvement in Voluntary Organizations in Seventy-two Churches in the Southern Appalachian Mountains." H3220 (LMC) Appalachian Shepherd: A Story of Religion in the Southern Appalachians. H4590 (BC ASU LMC ETSU FC WWC) Tales of a Frontier Preacher. H5330 Southern Churches in Crisis. H5480 (WCU WWC) Religion in the Highlands: Native Churches and Missionary Enterprises in the Southern Appalachian Area. H7030 (WWC ASU BC) The Church's Mission to the Mountaineers of the South. H8150 "Religious Beliefs and Social Status: A Study of the Relationships between Religious -Beliefs and Social Status Levels in Sixty-one Churches of the Southern Appalachian Mountains." J20 (ASU) The Frontier Camp Meeting. J1320 (WWC) The Commission on Religion in Appalachia, Inc.; a Case Study. J1620 (BC ASU) Sermons, Wise and Witty: By Rev. Sam P. Jones, the Mountain Evangelist. J2590 (ASU) "Religiosity as Related to Social Factors and Modes of Social Institutional Behavior in the Southern Appalachian Region." K2040 (LMC ASU) "Fundamentalism and Selected Social Factors in the Southern Appalachian Region." L170 (ASU) "Coal Miners and Religion." L2950 Protestants and Pioneers; Individualism and Conformity on the American Frontier. M6370 "A History of the Early Baptist Missions Among the Five Civilized Tribes." M6420 (WCU) A Comparison of Religious Groupings in Appalachia. N440 (ASU) A Review of the Literature Pertaining to Appalachia; Stressing Attitudes to Social Change and Religious and Educational Orientations; A Working Paper for the Boards of Christian Education of the United Presbyterian Church in the U. S. N450 (BC) 196 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Books on the Southern Mountain Area That Contain Certain Religions or Sections on Religion, 1947-55. N2900 (BC) Life of Lucius B. Compton. P970 The Presbyterian Church in the Old Southwest, 1778-1838. P3750 (BC LMC) Religious Strife on the Southern Frontier. P3760 (ASU LMC BC) Without Script or Purse: Or, The Mountain Evangelist. P4640 (BC) Atlas of the Church in Appalachia, Administrative Units and Boundaries. Q180 (ASU) R1450 (BC) Cane Ridge Meeting-house. To Which Is Appended the Autobiography of B. W. Stone and a Sketch of David Purviance. R3480 (BC ASU) The Art of the American Folk Preacher. R3770 (BC) Cathedrals in the Wilderness. S860 (BC) Anvil to the Pulpit. S2090 (BC) Religion in the Development of American Culture, 1795-1840. S9640 (ASU) Revivalism in America. S9650 Voices from Cane Ridge. T8310 (BC) V430 The Southern Mountaineers. W7520 (ASU ETSU MHC WWC BC) The Southern Mountaineers. W7530 (ASU LMC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — BAPTIST "The Rhetoric of Immediacy: Baptist and Methodist Preaching on the Trans-Appalachian Frontier. B9440 (ASU BC) "Social Factors Affecting Selected Southern Baptist Churches in the Southern Appalachian Region of the United States." D1550 (WCU ASU) Authority and Power in the Free Church Tradition: A Social Case Study of the American Baptist Convention. H3080 Oak and Laurel. W7980 (ASU BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — BAPTISTS Encylopedia of Southern Baptists. C8220 (ASU) The Baptists, a Collection of Source Material, General Introduction by Shirley Jackson Chase. Religion on the American Frontier, 1783-1840. S9590 (ASU BC) A Century of Faith. W5360 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — CATHOLICISM Catholicity in the Carolines and Georgia: Leaves of Its History. O170 (BC ASU WCU LMC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — CHURCH OF CHRIST Churches and Church Membership in the United States ("Series B," Nos. 1-4; "Series C," Nos. 32-35, 37-38, 40-43.) N170 The Biography of Eld. Barton Warren Stone, Written by Himself. S7510 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — CIRCUIT RIDERS The Dramatic Story of Early American Methodism. M3950 (ASU) Francis Asbury. R4240 (ASU WWC BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — COLONIAL PERIOD Religion in Colonial America. S9630 (MHC FC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - APP. — CONGREGATIONAL A Narrative of the Visit to the American Churches, by the Deputation from the Congregational Union of England and Wales. R1010 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — CUMBERLAND PRESBYTERIAN Cumberland: The Story of a Name. G660 (BC) Sparks from a Backlog. G3620 History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. Ml 170 (ASU BC) History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. Ml 180 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. CUMBERLAND PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH The Old Log House, a History and Defense of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. B4520 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - APP. DISCIPLES OF CHRIST Religion Follows the Frontier; a History of the Disciples of Christ. G490 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. METHODISM Personal Memoirs. B5930 (BC) The Journals and Letters of Francis Asbury. C4400 Highlights and Travels of a Southern Highlander. D4170 (ASU) The Circuit Rider Dismounts: A Social History of Southern Methodism, 1865-1900. F160 (ASU BC) A Pocket Full of Change: Methodist Ministries in the New Appalachia. J2630 Memoir of the Rev. Jesse Lee. With Extracts From His Journals. LI 380 (ASU FC) Experiences of a Circuit Rider. LI 870 The Dramatic Story of Early American Methodism. M3950 (ASU) Will Makes a Way. N1380 (BC) Francis Asbury. R4240 (ASU WWC BC) Methodism in American History. S9600 (BC FC) The Methodists, a Collection of Source Materials. Religion on the American Frontier, 1783-1840. S9610 (ASU) Frances Asbury, the Prophet of the Long Road. T8730 (ASU) The Heart of Asbury's Journal. T8740 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — METHODIST "The Rhetoric of Immediacy: Baptist and Methodist Preaching on the Trans-Appalachian Frontier. B9440 (ASU BC) The Log Meeting-house, and the Mcllhanys. El 060 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. METHODISTS Bishop on Horseback. N3040 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — MISSIONS The Church's Distinctive Challenge in Southern Appalachia. Gil 20 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — MORAVIAN A Brief History of the Moravian Church. S210 (ASU) History of the Moravian Missions Among Southern Indian Tribes of the United States. S1230 (BC UNCA) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. MORAVIAN CHURCH History of the Moravian Church: The Renewed Unites Fratrum, 1722-1957. HI 150 (ASU) SUBJECT RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — PRESBYTERIAN Mission Work among the Mountain Whites in Asheville Presbytery, North Carolina. C940 (BC) Unfinished Business of the Presbyterian Church in America. E550 (ASU) The Appalachian Presbyterian: Some Rural-Urban Differences, a Preliminary Report. N410 (ASU BC MHC) Call of the Home Land; A Study of Home Missions. P2560 Experiences in Mountain Mission Work. S4970 (ASU WWC) The Presbyterians, a Collection of Source Materials. Religion on the American Frontier, 1783-1840. S9620 (ASU BC) Presbyterian Missions in the Southern United States. T8150 (LMC) Presbyterians in the South. T8160 (WWC BC) Life of Elder John Smith. W6630 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH Highways and Byways of Appalachia: A Study of the Work of the Synod of Appalachia of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. C8370 (ASU LMC BC) Scotch and Irish Seeds in American Soil: The Early History of the Scotch and Irish Churches, and Their Relations to the Presbyterian Church of America. C8450 (BC) Origin and Doctrines of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. C8800 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL The Church in the Confederate States: A History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States. C3780 (LMC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - APP. — PROTESTANTISM Southern White Protestantism in the Twentieth Century. B320 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - APP. — QUAKER The Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America. F1280 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. — REVIVALS And They All Sang Hallelujah, Plainfolk Camp-meeting Religion, 1800-1845. B7560 (ASU) Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals. D590 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — APP. SNAKE HANDLERS Snake Handlers: God-Fearers? or, Fanatics? PI 620 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - APP. — SNAKE HANDLING CULTS Tests of Faith. H6650 (ASU BC) They Shall Take Up Serpents: Psychology of the Southern Snake-handling Cult. L10 (BC ASU WCU WWC) They Shall Take Up Serpents: Psychology of the Southern Snake-handling Cult. L20 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — CHEROKEE C3730 (MHC ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - CHEROKEE NATION "Missionary Activities among the Cherokee Indians, 1757-1838." C9150 Elias Boudinot, Cherokee, and His America. G60 (ASU BC UNCA) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — CUMBERLAND - PRESBYTERIAN A People Called Cumberland Presbyterians. B1480 (BC ASU) 197 RELIGION-RELIGION RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — GA. Religion and the State in Georgia in the Eighteenth Century. S7960 (WCU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — GA. — BAPTIST Seventy Years in Clarksville Baptist Church. C4070 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES— GA. — MORAVIANS The Moravians in Georgia, 1735-1740. F3370 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — KY. "The Interrelationships of Organized Religion and Certain Other Community Subsystems in Five Selected Counties of Kentucky with Implications for Educational Administration." B2340 History of Garrard County, Kentucky, and Its Churches. C260 (BC) A Story of Four Churches and Reminiscences of Poosey Ridge in Madison County, Kentucky. C270 (BC) "Sect Religion and Social Change in an Isolated Rural Community of Southern Appalachia, with Case Story, "Fruit of the Land"." C5290 (ASU) "A History of Religious Education in the Kentucky Mountains." G4230 (ASU) Religious Organization in Kentucky. K260 Rural Churches in Kentucky, 1947. K270 Faith Victorious in the Kentucky Mountains. M550 (BC) Faith Victorious in the Kentucky Mountains. M560 Hitherto and Henceforth in the Kentucky Mountains. M570 (BC) The Pauline Ministry in the Kentucky Mountains: Or, A Brief Account of the Kentucky Mountain Holiness Association. M580 (ASU LMC BC) A Charge to Keep; Narratives and Episodes Devoted to the Women Who Helped Build a Place for Worship and for Learning on the Berea Ridge. R2290 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - KY. BAPTIST A Lighthouse in the Wilderness. G540 (BC) "The Traveling Church": An Account of the Baptist Exodus from Virginia to Kentucky in 1781, under the Leadership of Rev. Lewis Craig and Copt. William Ellis. R360 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — KY. — CHRISTIAN CHURCH The Disciples in Kentucky. F2200 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — KY. — HOLINESS CHURCH T9410 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — KY. — METHODISM History of the First Methodist Church Prestonsburg, Ky. M4600 History of Methodism in Montgomery County. S520 (ASU) Methodism in Jackson and Breathitt County, Kentucky. S6170 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — KY. — METHODIST A History of Methodism in Kentucky. A4870 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — KY. — METHODIST EPISCOPAL K1330 Western Cavaliers, Embracing the History of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Kentucky from 1832 to 1844. R880 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — KY. — PRESBYTERIAN Stuart Robinson School and Its Work. C7220 (BC) �RELIGION—RELIGION RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — KY. — PRESBYTERIAN An Historical Sketch of Springfield Presbyterian Church, Bath County, Kentucky. S360 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — KY. — PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH F3270 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — METHODISM — CIRCUIT RIDERS Francis Asbury in North Carolina. A5040 (ASU) Journal of Rev. Francis Asbury, Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church. A5050 (BC) Journal and Letters. A5060 (ASU BC WWC) A Methodist Saint. A5070 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — METHODIST EPISCOPAL History of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. A1350 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES METHODIST-EPISCOPAL CHURCH — W. VA. The West Virginia Pulpit of the Methodist-Episcopal Church. A5380 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — MIGRANTS Detroit's Southern Whites and the Store Front Church. B5860 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — MIGRANTS — CHURCH OF THE ADVENT Ministry to the Southern Mountaineer, HI 200 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. Early Days: All Souls' Church and Biltmore Village. B5970 Fishers of Men: A Charge to the Clergy of the Jurisdiction of Asheville, by the Bishop of North Carolina. C3790 (WCU) "Beginnings: A History of the Founding of Churches in Transylvania County, 1795-1865." 6700 (WCU) Church-state Relationships in Education in North Carolina since 1776. G2220 (LMC) Parson of the Hills. K1790 The Goodly Heritage: A History of St. Phillips Church of Brevard, N. C., and of St. Pauls in the Diocese of Western Carolina. M910 (WCU BC) Annual Report. M6240 (LMC) The Country Church in North Carolina: A Study of the Country Church of North Carolina in Relation to the Material Progress of the State. O810 (ASU WCU LMC WWC) Millhand and Preachers, a Study of Gastonia. P3560 (MHC) Historical Sketch of Grace Church, Morganton, North Carolina. S7620 (ASU) "The History of Lutheran Elementary Education in Catawba County." T30 North Carolina Disciples of Christ. W800 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — BAPTIST History of the First Baptist Church of Kings Mountain, N. C. B4310 The First Baptist Church at Boone, North Carolina: A History. El 260 (ASU LMC) The Story of a Mountain Missionary: Rev. James Floyd Fletcher, 1858-1946. F1500 (ASU) A History of the Ashe County, North Carolina, and New River, Virginia, Baptist Associations. F1530 (ASU) The First Baptist Church of Forest City, N. C. F2110 (BC) Abstract of Reddies River Church Membership. G4020 SUBJECT History of First Baptist Church of Shelby, North Carolina. HI 390 Minutes and Records, Feb., 1917-Dec. 25, 1960. H4570 (WCU) Historical Address . . . in Celebration of the Founding of Beaver Creek Baptist Church, Wilkes County. M2430 Tuckaseigee Minutes, 1829-1857. N1670 (WCU) "A Baptist People and the Events Leading to the Formation of the Three Forks Association." PI 730 (ASU) P3240 Minutes. Three Fork Baptist Church, 1790-1895. T8450 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — BAPTISTS Outlines of History of French Broad Association and Mars Hill College . . . 1807 to 1907. A2220 A History of North Carolina Baptists, 1727-1932. H8030 (LMC) Day Book, Sept., 1907-Aug. 24, 1909. R2260 (WCU) Minutes, 1909-1931. R2270 (WCU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — CATHOLIC C2100 (LMC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - N. C. CATHOLICISM The Trials of a Mind in the Progress to Catholicism: A Letter to His Old Friends. 11000 (LMC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - N. C. EPISCOPAL Early Sketch of St. John in the Wilderness and Flat Rock, North Carolina. A1910 (ASU) William West Skiles: A Sketch of Missionary Life at Valle Crucis in Western North Carolina, 1842-1862. C7210 (ASU WCU BC) Pictorial History of the Episcopal Church in North Carolina, 1701-1964. D3930 (LMC) Calvary Church Episcopal, where City and County Meet to Worship God; A Historical Sketch of Calvary Episcopal Church. J660 St. James Episcopal Church: Book of Memory, 1843-1950. P910 (ASU) SI 60 SI 90 Historical Sketches of Churches in the Diocese of Western North Carolina Episcopal Church. S3370 (LMC WCU BC) A Sketch of Missionary Life at Valle Crucis in Western North Carolina, 1842-1862. S4010 (LMC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — EPISCOPAL CHURCH Lives of the Bishops of North Carolina from the Establishment of the Episcopate in that State down to the Division of the Diocese. H4070 (LMC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - N. C. — LUTHERAN History of Daniel's Evangelical Lutheran & Reformed Churches, Lincoln Co., N. C. Ml 200 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - N. C. METHODISM Early Methodism in the Carolinas. C3930 (ASU BC) Methodism in Western North Carolina. C4410 (ASU WCU LMC MHC) Centennial History of Pleasant Grove Methodist Church, 1838-1938. G4110 (ASU BC) G4170 (BC) Little Church of the Valley (Moss Baptist Church), in the Shadow of the Potrock. M8250 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — METHODIST The Story of Lake Junaluska. C9340 (BC) 198 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — METHODIST EPISCOPAL Journal of the Western North Carolina Annual Conference . . . 1890-. M5210 (WCU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — MORAVIAN CHURCH Records of the Moravians in North Carolina. HI 180 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — MORAVIANS Records of the Moravians in North Carolina. F3380 (ASU LMC MHC) The Road to Salem. F3390 (ASU LMC) Some Moravian Heroes. F3400 (ASU) The Moravians in North Carolina. R1360 (ASU LMC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — PRESBYTERIAN The Story of Montreat from Its Beginning, 1897-1947. A2340 (ASU WCU LMC) History of the Presbyterian Churches at Quaker Meadows and Morganton, from the Year 1780 to 1913. A5720 A Spire in the Mountains: The Story of 176 Years of a Church and a Town Growing Together, 1794-1969. B4430 (ASU ETSU UNCA) F1110 If Ye Know These Things: The Presbyterian Task in North Carolina. H7010 (LMC) Recollections and Observations During a Ministry in the North Carolina Conference, Methodist Episcopal Church, South, of Forty-three Years. Ml10 (ASU) Our Mountain Work. N2520 O930 "A Study of the Needs, Growth, and Development of the Presbyterian Church of Boone, N. C." P230 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — PRESBYTERIAN AND REFORMED The Historical Foundation and Its Treasures. S6150 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH The First Presbyterian Church, Asheville, North Carolina, 1794-1951. M750 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH Appalachian Mountain Community Center under the Auspices of the Protestant Episcopal Church. . . A3300 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — N. C. — QUAKERISM I Have Called You Friends: The Story of Quakerism in North Carolina. A2580 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — OHIO METHODIST Keepers of the Poor. C1340 (ASU LMC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — PA. Participation in the Rural Church. H7350 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — PA. — METHODISM Methodism in Western Pennsylvania, 1784-1968. S4380 (ASU) The Story of Methodism in the Pittsburgh Region. S4390 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — PA. — PALATINE Palatine Church Visitations, 1609. G780 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — PRESBYTERIAN — APP. A Search for Appalachian People. A5600 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH Edward O. Guerrant: Apostle to the Southern Highlanders. M40 (LMC BC ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — QUAKER CHURCH A History of Lynchburg's Pioneer Quakers and Their Meeting House, 1754-1936. B7110 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — S. C. — METHODISM Early Methodism in the Carolinas. C3930 (ASU BC) The History of Methodism in South Carolina. S3090 (ASU BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. Fire in the Hills, the Story of Parson Frakes and the Henderson Settlement. FIT 90 (ASU LMC BC) Directory of Churches, Missions, and Religious Institutions of Tennessee, no. 33. Hamilton County. H5760 Directory of Churches, Missions, and Religious Institutions of Tennessee, no. 47. Knox County. H5770 Directory of Churches, Missions, and Religious Institutions of Tennessee, no. 90. Washington County. H5780 Whom the Lord Loveth; the Story of James A. Huff. H8000 (BC) "An Analysis of the Relationship of Religious Commitment and Alienation Among High School Students of Bristol, Tennessee." K1620 (ETSU) History of Forestdale Evangelical United Brethren Church. Ml 060 "The Rural Church and Organized Community Activity, a Study of Church-community Relations in Two East Tennessee Communities." M4430 "A Follow-up Study of Attitudes of Sullivan County High School Seniors toward the Church." P360 "Church Organization in Bradley County, Tennessee, in 1950." P2860 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. — BAPTIST "The Nolichucky Baptist Association of East Tennessee, 1828-1871." B7050 (ETSU) Sketches of Tennessee's Pioneer Baptist Preachers. B9000 (WCU) Lest We Forget. D3770 (BC) F1090 History of Meridian Baptist Church. Old Sevierville Pike, Knoxville, Tennessee: Church Directory and Church Roll in Celebration of the Seventy-sixth Anniversary. HI 020 History of the Chilhowee Baptist Association. H7020 "A Brief History of the First Baptist Church (Ocoee Baptist Church), Benton, Tennessee, 1836-1959." L2480 "The Influence of the Baptist Church on Knoxville Government." P2580 Centennial Celebration of Island Home Baptist Church, Knoxville, Tennessee, October 2, 1960- December 11, 1960. S3080 "The History of the First Baptist Church of Jonesboro, Tennessee." T7860 (ETSU) The Romance of a Sesquicentennial, The Dumplin Creek Baptist Church of Christ, Jefferson County, Tennessee, Organized 1797. T8910 (BC) The Baptists of Tennessee. W6710 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. — BAPTISTS "The Baptists of Tennessee: With Particular Attention to the Primitive Baptist of East Tennessee." E1080 (LMC) SUBJECT "A History of the First Baptist Church of Knoxville, Tennessee." E1230 History of the Baptists of Tennessee. H290 (WCU) The Knox County Missionary Baptists 1786-1945. J1880 Early Tennessee Baptists, 1769-1832. T680 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - TENN. — CAMP MEETINGS Songs of the Old Camp Ground. Ml 220 (BCASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - TENN. CATHOLIC The Centenary of St. Peter and St. Paul's Parish; Chattanooga, Tennessee. The Story of the First 100 Years of the Catholic Church in Hamilton County. F1390 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. — CATHOLIC CHURCH The Centenary of Sts. Peter and Paul's Parish, Chattanooga, Tenn. The Story of the First One Hundred Years of the Catholic Church in Hamilton County. C3540 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. CHRISTIAN CHURCH 100th Anniversary History and Directory, 1871-1971, First Christian Church, Johnson City, Tennessee. M650 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH A Brief History of the First Congregational Church, Crossville, Tennessee, 1887-1962. B6850 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN., EASTERN The Great Iron Wheel Examined: Or, Its False Spokes Extracted, and an Exhibition of Elder Graves, Its Builder. B7500 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. — EPISCOPAL Historical Discourse of St. John's Church, Knoxville, Tennessee. H8270 SI 80 A History of 100 Years of St. Johns Episcopal Church in Knoxville, Tenn. S2100 Christ Church, Episcopal, Rugby, Tennessee, a Short History. W5950 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. JEFFERSON CO. "A Study of the Development of Organized Religion in Jefferson County, Tennessee (1785-1950)." C5450 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. — LUTHERAN Kirchen Buch (Church Book) Register, 1815-1828. St. James Lutheran Church, Greene County, Tennessee. B8600 History of The Lutheran Church in Virginia and East Tennessee. C1970 (ASU BC FC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. — METHODISM He That Serveth; Twenty-five Years' Adventures in Christian Ministry, George Creswell and Second Church. B2900 A History of Mars Hill Presbyterian Church, Athens, Tenn. 1823-1973. B5980 (ASU) A History of the First Methodist Church in Livingston, Tennessee, Established 1836. El 510 A Minister in the Tennessee Valley. M3610 (BC) Church Street Methodists, Children of Francis Asbury: A History of Church Street Methodist Church. Knoxville, Tennessee, 1816-1947. M3620 Methodism in Holston. M3630 199 RELIGION—RELIGION A Minister in the Tennessee Valley for Sixty Seven Years. M3640 A Century of Service: The Story of First Methodist Church, Morristown, Tennessee, 1852-1952. M7980 (ETSU) The Circuit Rider and Those Who Followed. Sketches of Methodist Churches Organized before 1860 in the Chattanooga Area with Special Reference to Centenary. PI 160 The Story of My Life: Or, More Than a Half Century as I Have Lived It and Seen It Lived. R440 (BC LMC) Reminiscences and Sketches. S4450 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. — METHODIST C2630 Early Biography, Travels and Adventures of Rev. James Champlin, Who Was Born Blind; with a Description of the Different Countries through Which He Has Traveled in America, and of the Different Institutions, etc., Visited by Him; Also an Appendix, Which Contains Extracts from Addresses Delivered by Him upon Several Occasions. C2840 Directory of First Methodist Church, November 1, 1950. . . J1440 (ETSU) M3500 From Sunrise to Sunset, Reminiscence of Bristol, Tennessee. R2080 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - TENN. METHODIST EPISCOPAL The Great Iron Wheel: Or, Republicanism Backwards and Christianity Reversed. G3310 (ASU) History of Mt. Zion Methodist Episcopal Church 4, South of Mount Zion, Warren County, Tenn., 1809-1930. H5470 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - TENN. PRESBYTERIAN History of the First Presbyterian Church of Chattanooga. A4750 Memorial of the Rev. James Park. B20 A Church Called Bethel. B910 The History of New Providence Church, Maryville, Tennessee. B1530 Her Walls before Thee Stand: History of the Second Presbyterian Church, 1818-1968. B6660 Helps to the Study of Presbyterianism. . . . B7510 C2640 C2650 William G. Brownlow, Fighting Parson of the Southern Highlands. C7810 (ASU WCU BC) William G. Brownlow: Fighting Parson of the Southern Highlands. C7820 (ETSU) E2270 "The Reaction of Presbyterian Ministers in the Knoxville Area to Specific Questions Concerning Ministerial Counseling." G4380 "A History of the First Presbyterian Church of Jonesboro, Tennessee." H3340 (ETSU) A History of Concord Presbyterian Church, Concord, Tennessee. H3360 H6990 History of the First Presbyterian Church in Knoxville, Tennessee. M2300 History of New Providence Presbyterian Church, Maryville, Tennessee, 1786-1921. M2530 (ETSU) History and Times of Mars Hill Presbyterian Church, 1823-1923. N50 The New Bethel Sesquicentennial 1782-1932. N660 �RELIGION—RELIGION RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. — PRESBYTERIAN 0470 History of the First Presbyterian Church in Knoxvilie, Tennessee. P200 Pioneer Presbyterianism in Tennessee; Addresses Delivered at the Tennessee Exposition on Presbyterian Day, Oct. 28, 1897. P4310 (ASU) History of Lebanon Presbyterian Church, "In the Fork," Five Miles East of Knoxvilie. R270 Seventy-Five Years: Shannondale Presbyterian Church, Knoxvilie, Tennessee, 1886-1961. $2240 "The History of the First Presbyterian Church of Bristol, Tennessee." V150 (ETSU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — TENN. — PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. Ml 100 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. Cumberland Parish, Lunenburg County, Virginia, 1746-1816. Vestry book, 1746-1816. B2770 (ASU) The Church, the State, and Education in Virginia. B2820 (MHC) Parish Lines, Diocese of Southwestern Virginia. C5400 (ETSU) Sermons and Essays. F1590 The Virginia Rural Church and Related Influences, 1900-1950. G400 M3330 Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia. M4750 Frederick Parrish, Virginia, 1744-1780. M4760 (BC) Old Churches, Ministers, and Families of Virginia. M4770 (ASU) The Churches of Winchester, Virginia: A Brief History of Those Established Prior to 1825. 060 Marriage Records of Amherst County, Virginia, 1815-1821, and Subscription for Building St. Mark's Church, Amherst Co., Virginia. S9540 (ASU) History of the Augusta Church, from 1737 to 1900. V200 (ASU) Wise's Digested Index and Genealogical Guide to Bishop Meade's Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia. W7890 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. — BAPTIST History of Long Branch Baptist Church, Fauquier County, Virginia. G2840 Regular Primitive Baptist Washington District Association. S9210 The Struggle for Religious Freedom in Virginia by the Baptists. T7750 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. — BAPTISTS The Baptists of Virginia, 1699-1926. R4520 (BC) History of the Rise and Progress of the Baptists in Virginia. S1870 (LMC BC) Virginia Baptist Ministers, Fourth Series. T530 (LMC) Virginia Baptist Ministers. T560 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. BAPTISTS, PRIMITIVE Sand Lick Primitive Baptist Church; The First Hundred Years, 1837-1937. S9240 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. — LUTHERAN History of The Lutheran Church in Virginia and East Tennessee. C1970 (ASU BC FC) History of the Hebron Lutheran Church, Madison Co., Va. H7890 SUBJECT The Proceedings of a Special Conference Held in Madison County, Virginia, in the Lutheran Congregation of Said County, on the 14th Day of September, 1817, and the Subsequent Days. L4030 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. — LUTHERAN CHURCH This Heritage. El 410 The Lutheran Church in Virginia, 1717-1962. El 420 (FC) St. John's Evangelical Lutheran Church, Wythe County, Virginia, Its Pastors and Their Records 1800-1924. K460 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. — MENNONITE History of Mennonites in Virginia. B7730 (ASU BC FC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. — METHODISM Story of the Life of Robert Sayers Sheffey. B1080 (BC) A History of Methodism in Rockbridge County, Virginia. C9810 (BC) The Reverend Samuel Houston. D2310 (BC) H6030 Methodism in Bedford County; a Study Made by William B. Jones with Recommendations by C. Ralph Arthur. J2660 (FC) His New Creation; a History of Greene Memorial Methodist Church (1859-1959), from Methodism's Earliest Days in the Roanoke Valley. R1610 (FC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. — METHODIST The Man Who Moved a Mountain. D620 (ASU FC BC) Edward Morgan 1751-1884, Pioneer Minister in Southwest, Virginia. M7490 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. — METHODIST EPISCOPAL Foot-prints of an Itinerant. G80 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. — PRESBYTERIAN The Planting of the Presbyterian Church in Northern Virginia, Prior to the Organization of Winchester Presbytery, December 4, 1794. G3130 (ASU BC LMC) Presbyterian Churches of Roanoke, Virginia. H6220 (ASU BC) The First Presbyterian Church, Staunton, Virginia. H6390 (ASU BC) Samuel Davies: Apostle of Dissent in Colonial Virginia. P2930 (ASU) Historical Sketch of Sinking Spring Presbyterian Church of Abingdon, Virginia. S7070 The Lexington Presbytery Heritage. W7300 (BC) The Tinkling Spring, Headwater of Freedom: A Study of the Church and Her People, 1732-1952. W7320 (ASU BC) A History of Windy Cove Church, Millboro Springs, Virginia, 1929-1949. W7660 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. — PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL Mission. F3100 (ASU LMC BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - VA. QUAKERS Encyclopedia of American Quaker Genealogy. H4830 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — VA. — SOCIETY OF FRIENDS Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney; Late of Lincoln, Loudoun Co., Va. J390 (BC) 200 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Hopewell Friends History, 1734-1934, Frederick County, Virginia: Records of Hopewell Monthly Meetings and Meetings Reporting to Hopewell. J2200 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — W. VA. Autobiography of Peter Cartwright, the Backwoods Preacher. C1810 (BC) The White Pole Meeting House, Hillsboro, West Virginia. J1700 (ASU BC) "The Temperance Movement in West Virginia." L3030 Religion in an Appalachian State. P2740 Some Churches of Coal Mining Communities of West Virginia. R2010 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES - W. VA. — BAPTIST Diamond Jubilee. Fifth Avenue Baptist Church. F830 Souvenir of the 125th Anniversary of the Greenbriar Baptist Church (1781-1906), Alderson, West Virginia. M7550 (ASU) A Charge to Keep; History of the First Baptist Church of Kenova, West Virginia. M7750 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — W. VA. — CHRISTIAN CHURCH Morgantown Disciples: A History of the First Christian Church of Morgantown, West Virginia. C7410 (ASU) The Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) in West Virginia. C8490 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — W. VA. — JEWS West Virginia Jewry: Origins and History, 1850-1958. S3070 (ASU LMC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — W. VA. JUDAISM One Hundred Years: An Anthology — Charleston Jewry. M5270 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — W. VA. — METHODISM The Methodist Temple of Beckley, West Virginia: A History of Seventy-five Years of Active Organization, 1891-1966. A2210 (ASU) Through the Years: A History of Methodism in Kingwood, West Virginia. B2590 (ASU) A Brief History of the Athens Methodist Church (1848-1942). B2700 A Short History of the Wayne Methodist Church. B3470 Christ Church Methodist, a Historical Sketch, 1804-1961. C6890 (ASU) Thirty-eight years in the Parsonage: The Fruitful Career of the Reverend Opie Eldridge in the Methodist Ministry of Rural and Urban West Virginia-Perceptively Recounted by His Wife and Fellow Worker. El 580 (ASU) One Hundred Years of Methodism, the History of St. John's Methodist Church, New Martinsville, W. Va. F1370 A History of the First Methodist Church. G2260 History of Methodism in the South Branch Valley. H320 History of Methodism in the South Branch Valley. H990 (BC) H6000 M3170 Holston Methodism. From Its Origin to the Present Time. P4580 (BC ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — W. VA. — METHODISTS The First Methodist Episcopal Church, Huntington, West Virginia. N670 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — W. VA. — PRESBYTERIAN The West Virginia Hills: A Study of the Work of the Presbyterian Church in the United States in the Synod of West Virginia. A1670 (ASU) The Presbyterian Church at Philippi, West Virginia. G3240 History of the Presbytery of Kanawha, 1895-1956. M8000 (ASU) French Creek Presbyterian Church: A Memorial to the 150 Years of Service of the French Creek Presbyterian Church. P3060 (ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — W. VA. — PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL A History and Record of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Diocese of West Virginia. P2300 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — W. VA. — REVIVALS West Virginia Gems: Songs for the Revival and Social Prayer Meeting. D2280 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — W. VA. — SEVENTH DAY BAPTISTS A History of Seventh Day Baptist in West Virginia Including the Woodbridgetown and Salemvilie Churches in Pennsylvania and the Shrewbury Church in New Jersey. R400 (BC) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES — W. VA. — UNITED BRETHREN IN CHRIST Rise and Progress of the Church of the United Brethren in Christ of West Virginia. H4840 The Rise and Progress of the United Brethren in Christ in West Virginia. H4850 (BC ASU) RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS EDUCATION — S. C. "The Scope of Religious Education in the Secondary Schools of Greenville County, South Carolina." H460 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BODIES A History of the Presbyterian Church in Winchester, Virginia, 1780-1949. W8990 (BC) RERECLAMATION Surface Mined Areas: Control and Reclamation of Environmental Damage; a Bibliography. F3090 (ASU) RESORTS — APP. Recreation Potential in the Appalachian Highlands: A Market Analysis. U4220 (ASU) RESORTS — TENN. Whittle Springs Hotel and Golf and Country Club. W6900 RESORTS — VA. The Springs of Virginia: Life, Love and Death at the Waters, 1775-1900. R1470 (ASU FC) Va's Common Wealth, a Study at Va.'s Outdoor Recreation Resources. VI140 REVENUERS The 20,000,000,000 a Year Racket of Bootleggers and Liquor-stamp Counterfeiters in Several Southeastern States Is Here Detailed by One of the Men Who Broke It Up. A4590 No Place for Revenuers. A4600 (BC LMC) After the Mountaineers*. A5370 (BC) Mac Day, Crusader; A Story of the Fight for Americanism. B8800 (BC) Spurrier With the Wildcats and Moonshiners. S6390 (ASU BC) RIVERS Appalachian Rivers. J1610 Stream Sculpture on the Atlantic Slope: A Study in the Evolution of Appalachian Rivers. J1630 (ASU LMC ETSU) The Relation of the Southern Appalachian Mountains to Inland Water Navigation. LI650 (BC ASU) M5190 (ASU) • SUBJECT RIVERS - ALLEGHENY The Allegheny. W1620 (BC) "The Allegheny-Monongahela Flood Control Program and Its Benefits to Metropolitan Pittsburgh." . W7330 RIVERS — BIG SANDY The Big Sandy Valley: A History of the People and Country from the Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. El 890 (ASU) Bibliography of the Big Sandy Valley. J930 The Big Sandy Valley: A Regional History Prior to the Year 1850. J960 (ASU BC) The Big Sandy Valley: A Regional History Prior to the Year 1850. J970 (MHC) P90 Big Sandy. T7890 (ASU BC) Bulletin. Surface and Water Supply of Va. New, Big Sandy, and Tenn. River Basins, 1942-1950. V750 (BC) RIVERS — CATAWBA "An Archaeological Survey of the Upper Catawba River Valley." K390 "An Archaeological Survey of the Upper Catawba River Valley." K400 RIVERS — CHATTAHOOCHEE Tourism Development in the Chattahoochee-Flint Area. K430 RIVERS — CHEOAH Floods on Cheoah River and Tributary Creeks in Vicinity of Robbinsville, North Carolina. T6990 RIVERS — CLINCH Frontier Forts along the Clinch, Powell and Holston. HI 130 (BC) Clinch-Powell Valley; Summary of Resources. T2420 Floods on Clinch River, in Vicinity of Clinton, Tennessee. T7000 RIVERS — COOSA The Coosa River Valley from DeSoto to Hydroelectric Power. R1660 (ASU) Report on Coosa River System, Georgia-Alabama. U3900 RIVERS — CULLASAJA Floods on Little Tennessee River, Cullasaja River, and Cartoogechave Creek in Vicinity of Franklin, North Carolina. T7090 RIVERS —'CUMBERLAND Steamboatin* on the Cumberland. D3120 (BC ASU ETSU) Bibliography of the Cumberland River Valley. J940 The Cumberland. Ml 90 (LMC) The Cumberland Plateau in Tennessee. M4140 "Two Resettlement Communities on the Cumberland Plateau." M6600 Adventures along the Cumberland. O160 (BC) On the Watauga and the Cumberland. S5300 (LMC) Stream Pollution Control In The Upper Cumberland River Basin, 1965. T1230 The Lower Cumberland Region: A Study of Its Population, Economic Base and Potential. T2100 (ETSU) The Upper Cumberland Economy. T2110 (ETSU) Stream Pollution Control in the Upper Cumberland River Basin, 1964. T2120 (ETSU) 201 RELIGION—RIVERS . . . Report on the Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas. Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting Report Entitled "The Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas" . . . T3380 "Big South Fork, Cumberland River (Kentucky-Tennessee), Interagency Field Task Group Report." U220 Big South Fork, Cumberland River, Kentucky and Tennessee. U230 (ETSU) Big South Fork, Cumberland River, Kentucky and Tennessee. U240 RIVERS - DAVIDSON Floods on French Broad and Davidson Rivers and King, Nicholson, and Tucker Creeks in Vicinity of Brevard, North Carolina. T7030 RIVERS — DOE Floods on Watauga and Doe Rivers in Vicinity of Elizabethton, Tennessee. T2760 RIVERS — ELK Elk River Watershed; Summary of Resources. T2590 Floods on Elk River and Norris Creek, in Vicinity of Fayetteville, Tennessee. T7010 Floods on Elk River in Vicinity of Fayetteville, Tennessee. T7020 RIVERS — FRENCH BROAD The French Broad. D4210 (WWC BC) The French Broad. D4220 (ASU ETSU WCU LMC MHC BC) E780 (ASU) Human Resources in the Economy of the Upper French Broad Area. M4310 (LMC) Economic Development of the Upper French Broad Area: Summary of Needs and Opportunities, Resources, the Regional Ecpnomy. N2690 (ASU) Economic Development of the Upper French Broad Area by North Carolina State and the Tennessee Valley Authority. T2570 (LMC) . . . Flood Control for Upper French Broad River and Tributaries; a Preliminary Report. T6930 Floods on French Broad and Davidson Rivers and King, Nicholson, and Tucker Creeks in Vicinity of Brevard, North Carolina. T7030 Floods on French Broad and Swannanoa Rivers, in Vicinity of Asheville, North Carolina. T7040 Floods on French Broad River and Spring Creek in Vicinity of Hot Springs, North Carolina. T7050 Floods on French Broad River in the Vicinity of Marshall, N. C. T7060 RIVERS — FRENCH-BROAD The French-Broad Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3940 (LMC BC) The French Broad-Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3950 (ETSU) RIVERS — GREEN Bibliography of the Green River Valley. J1120 RIVERS — GUYANDOT "The Transformation of the Tug and Guyandot Valleys: Economic Development and Social Change in West Virginia, 1888-1921." C9390 RIVERS - HIWASSEE Economic Base Study and Survey of Basic Services for the Hiwassee River Watershed Development Association. F2220 (BC) �RIVERS—RIVERS RIVERS — HIWASSEE Lower Hiwassee Valley; Summary of Resources. T3020 Floods on Hiwassee River, Valley River, and Peachtree Creek in Vicinity of Murphy, N C. T7070 RIVERS — HOLSTON Report of the Conference, 2D Kingsport, Tennessee, 1962. C6390 Frontier Forts along the Clinch, Powell and Holston. HUSO (BC) Historical Sketches of the Holston Valleys. P4440 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) The French Broad-Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3940 (LMC BC) The French Broad-Holston County: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3950 (ETSU) Kingsport, Tennessee: Historical Map of Long Island of the Holston. $6300 Forest Inventory Statistics — Holston River Tributary Area, East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia. T4690 Hitch Hiking Along the Holston River from 1792-1962. W8600 RIVERS — JAMES Industrial Limestones and Dolomites in Va.: James River District West of the Blue Ridge. E910 The Floods of March, 1936, Part 3, Potomac, James, and Upper Ohio Rivers. G4470 RIVERS — KANAWHA Pioneers and Their Homes on Upper Kanawha. D1440 (ASU BC) The Geomorphic History of the New Kanawha River System. F3300 (ETSU) Surface Water Supply of the New-Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, and North Carolina. G4490 Kanawha River: Comprehensive Basin Study. K100 (ASU) The New-Kanawha River and the Mind War of West Virginia. M630 (BC) RIVERS — KENTUCKY P90 . . . The Kentucky River Navigation. V540 RIVERS — KEOWEE The Keowee River and Cherokee Background. Ml 320 (BC) RIVERS — KY. The Kentucky. C4560 (WWC WCU UNCA) The Kentucky. C4570 (ASU UNCA BC) A Kentucky Riverlands Development Program. G570 RIVERS — LICKING Bibliography of Licking River Valley in Ky. J880 Interim Study Report on Upper Licking River Basin, Kentucky. U290 (BC) RIVERS — LITTLE PIGEON Floods on Little Pigeon and West Fork Little Pigeon in the Vicinity of Sevierville, Tenn. T7080 RIVERS — LITTLE SANDY Ohio River Basin, Grayson Reservoir, Little Sandy River, Kentucky design memorandum no. 3A preliminary master plan. U300 (BC) RIVERS — LITTLE TENNESSEE Fort Loudoun on the Little Tennessee. HI 050 (ASU) Floods on Little Tennessee River, Cullasaja River, and Cartoogechave Creek in Vicinity of Franklin, North Carolina. T7090 Floods on Tennessee River, Little Tennessee River, and Town and Muddy Creeks in Vicinity of Lenoir City, Tennessee. T7290 SUBJECT Upper Little Tennessee River Region: Summary of Resources. T9880 (WWC) RIVERS — LOST The Geology of Lost River State Park, West Virginia. L3900 (ETSU) RIVERS — MISSISSIPPI . . . Value of Flood Height Reduction from TVA Reservoirs to the Alluvial Valley of the Lower Mississippi River . . . T4070 RIVERS — MONONGAHELA The Monongahela. B4260 (BC) Denudation and Erosion in the Southern Appalachian Region and the Monongehela Basin. G2130 (ASU ETSU) Employment and Underemployment of Rural People in the Upper Monongahela Valley, West Virginia. M5230 Handbook of Pollution Control Costs in Mine Drainage Management. M6470 Water Pollution Control In the Monongahela River Basin. P1810 Availability for Employment of Rural People in the Upper Monongahela Valley. P3700 Priority Determination Procedure for the Selection of Pollution Abatement Projects in the Monongahela River Basin. R2590 (ASU) "The Allegheny-Monongahela Flood Control Program and Its Benefits to Metropolitan Pittsburgh." W7330 RIVERS — N. C. Canoeing White Water: A Guide Book to the Rivers of Virginia and Eastern West Virginia, The Great Smoky Mountain Area. C1740 (LMC) RIVERS — N. C. — FRENCH BROAD Flood of August 24-25, 1961: Upper French Broad River Basin. T6940 RIVERS — NANTAHALA The Dissent of Commissioner Thomas R. Eller, Jr., in the Nantahala Power and Light Company Transfer Case. E1640 (WCU) RIVERS — NEW "Land Utilization in the New and Watauga River Basins of North Carolina." B3700 (LMC) "Industrial Waste and Human Sewage Pollution within the New River Drainage Basin of Watauga County." C1490 (ASU) The Geomorphic History of the New Kanawha River System. F3300 (ETSU) Surface Water Supply of the New-Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, and North Carolina. G4490 German New River Settlement, Virginia. H4270 (ASU FC) Lovely Mount Tavern: The Birth of a City, and Something of the Early New River Settlers. H7700 A History of Middle New River Settlements and Contiguous Territory. J2020 (ASU FC) Kanawha River: Comprehensive Basin Study. K100 (ASU) The New-Kanawha River and the Mind War of West Virginia. M630 (BC) New River Cripple Creek Mineral Region of Virginia. M940 Bulletin. Surface and Water Supply of Va. New, Big Sandy, and Tenn. River Basins, 1942-1950. V750 (BC) New River Basin Comprehensive Water Resources Plan. V840 202 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "The Resources and Industries of the New River Drainage Basin in West Virginia." W7990 RIVERS — NOLICHUCKY Floods on Nolichucky River and North and South Indian Creeks in Vicinity of Erwin, Tennessee. T7100 RIVERS — NORTH CAROLINA High and Low Flows and Flow Duration at Stream Gages in North Carolina in Tennessee River Basin. T7370 RIVERS — NORTH CHICKAMAUGA Floods on North Chickamauga, Mountain, and Lookout Creeks, in Vicinity of Chattanooga, Tennessee. T7110 RIVERS — NORTH TOE Floods on North Toe River and Beaver and Grassy Creeks in Vicinity of Spruce Pine, North Carolina. T7120 RIVERS — OCONALUFTEE Floods on Oconaluftee and Tuckaseigee Rivers and Soco Creek in Vicinity of Cherokee, North Carolina. T7130 RIVERS — OHIO "The Economic Aspects of the Water Pollution Abatement Program in the Ohio River Valley." B6260 Economic Development in the Ohio River Valley Region. B6280 Early Maps of the Ohio Valley. B7290 (BC) Sycamore Shores. F1080 (ASU) The Floods of March, 1936, Part 3, Potomac, James, and Upper Ohio Rivers. G4470 Floods of Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, January-February, 1937. G4480 The Ohio Valley Flood of March-April, 1913, Including Comparisons with Some Earlier Floods. H7290 The Ohio River Basin. 1890 Ground-water Conditions along the Ohio Valley at Parkersburg, West Virginia. J520 (ETSU) A Tour Downstream. J1220 Project Economic Study of the Ohio River Basin. L2800 Blennerhassett Island in Romance and Tragedy; the Authentic Story of Blennerhassett Island, with the Burr Episode Entwined about it; the Romance and Mystery of the Blannerhassetts; Burr under Footlights and Shadows; Tragedy of Theodosia Burr. L3770 Locust Bloom. M3970 (BC) A Development Program for the Ohio Valley Region. 0380 0400 Ohio River Basin: Comprehensive Survey, Main Report. O410 (ASU) O420 RIVERS — PIGEON Planning for Flood Damage Prevention at Clyde, N. C. C5160 (LMC) N2650 (ASU UNCA) Ecological Effects of Hot Water Discharge by an Electric Power Generating Plant. N2660 (ASU UNCA) Smothers from Yadkin Valley to Pigeon River-. Smothers and Agner Families. P920 (ASU) RIVERS — POTOMAC The Floods of March, 1936, Part 3, Potomac, James, and Upper Ohio Rivers. G4470 The Potomac. G4940 (FC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY RIVERS — POTOMAC Appalachia Meets the Potomac. 1900 Potomac River Basin Directory. 1910 The Potomac Naturalist: The Natural History of the Headwaters of the Historic Potomac. S4870 (ASU BC) Potomac River Basin Report: Summary. U310 The Nation's River. Official Report on the Potomac from the Department, with Recommendations for Action by the Federal Interdepartmental Task Force on the Potomac. U2780 Potomac Valley, Model of Scenic and Recreational Values: A Preliminary Report of the Joint Federal-State Planning Team on Landscape and Recreation, Potomac Valley. U2810 RIVERS — POWELL Frontier Forts along the Clinch, Powell and Holston. HI 130 (BC) Clinch-Powell Valley; Summary of Resources. T2420 RIVERS — RAPPAHANNOCK My Rappahannock Storybook. H6060 (BC ASU) RIVERS — RAPPAHANROCK Fredericksburg, Virginia. Its Homes and History, the Battlefields and the Rappahanrock Valley. G2650 RIVERS - RED The Unforseen Wilderness: An Essay on Kentucky's Red River Gorge. B3300 (ASU BC LMC) Fishes of the Red River Drainage, Eastern Kentucky. B6360 Red River Iron Works. J1200 RIVERS - ROCKFISH Old Bethesda at the Head of Rockfish. B9380 (LMC) RIVERS — SAVAGE Taming the Savage River. T130 (ASU BC) RIVERS — SHENANDOAH Sedimentary Studies in the Middle River Drainage Basin of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. C1480 (ASU) The Shenandoah. D1140 (ASUBCFC) A Valley and a Song; the Story of the Shenandoah River. D1150 (BCASU) In the Picturesque Shenandoah Valley. G2660 (ASU BC) The Wonderful Shenandoah Valley. G3400 Intrenched Meanders of the North Fork of the Shenandoah River, Virginia. moo To the Shenandoah and Beyond: The Chronicle of a Leisurely Journey through the Uplands of Virginia and Tennessee, Sketching Their Scenery, Noting Their Legends, Portraying Social and Material Progress, and Explaining Routes of Travel. 1780 RIVERS - SWANNANOA Floods on French Broad and Swannanoa Rivers, in Vicinity of Asheville, North Carolina. T7040 Floods on Swannanoa River and Beetree Creek in Vicinity of Swannanoa, North Carolina. T7240 Floods on Swannanoa River and Flat Creek in Vicinity of Black Mountain and Montreat, North Carolina. T7250 RIVERS — TENN. A History of Navigation on the Tennessee River System: An Interpretation of the Economic Influence of This River System on the Tennessee Valley. A1490 Development of the Tennessee River Waterway. B4710 SUBJECT The Upper Tennessee. C970 (BC) The Tennessee. Rivers of America. D630 (ASU WCU LMC MHC UNCA BC) "Tennessee River Navigation; Government and Private Enterprise Since 1932." D3620 The Tennessee River Valley; a Case Study. G3320 "The Agricultural, Cooperative and Rural Electrification Activities of the Tennessee Valley Authority, and the Work of the Farm Credit Administration in the Tennessee River Basin." H6110 The Taming of the Tennessee: Continued Study Units in Geographic Backgrounds. L1510 Surveys of the Tennessee River. M3200 Aboriginal Sites on Tennessee River. M7080 Muscle Shoals: A Plan for the Use of the United States Properties on the Tennessee River by Private Industry for the Manufacture of Fertilizers and Other Useful Products. M9140 (BC) The Tennessee River Basin. U3870 RIVERS — TENNESSEE R1540 One River — Seven States: TVA-State Relations in the Development of the Tennessee River. R2860 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The French-Broad Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3940 (LMC BC) The French Broad-Holston County: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3950 (ETSU) The Tennessee River Gorge, Its Scenic Preservation; a Report to the 1961 General Assembly. T1730 One River, Seven States. T2220 Atlas Finding List of the Tennessee Valley Region. The Tennessee Valley Area and Adjacent Districts in Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Illinois, Kentucky, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia and West Virginia. T2300 Atlas of the Tennessee Valley Region, pt. 1. T2310 Chattanooga Flood Control Problem. T2380 . . . Engineering Geology of the Tennessee River System. . . . T2610 Flood Problems and Management in the Tennessee River Basin. T2730 A History of Navigation of the Tennessee River System; an Interpretation of the Economic Influence of this River System on the Tennessee Valley. Message From the President of the United States Transmitting a Survey Entitled UA History of Navigation on the Tennessee River and Its Tributaries." T2870 (BC ASU) Navigation and Economic Growth: Tennessee River Experience; a Report. T3100 Pickwick Landing Dam on the Tennessee River. Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Departments. T3200 . . . Report on the Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas. Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting Report Entitled "The Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas" . . . T3380 Report to the Congress on the Unified Development of the Tennessee River System. " T3400 <ASU) . River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3430 203 RIVERS—RIVERS River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3450 Tennessee River Navigation. T3690 The Tennessee River Navigation System; History, Development, and Operation. T3700 The Tennessee River Waterway. T3710 TVA and the River. T3750 Cheaper Transportation via the Tennessee River. T4170 Major Freight Terminals on the Tennessee River Waterway. T5120 Navigation Charts, Tennessee River Waterway, Paducah, Kentucky to Knoxville, Tennessee; Showing Underwater Conditions, Navigation Channels and Aids and Adjacent Shore Planimetry. T5130 The Tennessee River Navigation System: History, Development, and Operation. T5140 The Tennessee Valley Region: Important Features and Recent Trends. T5330 Stream Sanitation in the Tennessee Valley. T5450 Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. T5460 Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. T5470 Pickwick Landing Dam on the Tennessee River. T6460 Floods of March 1963 in Tennessee River Basin. T6960 Floods on Tennessee River and Battle Creek, in Vicinity of South Pittsburg and Richard City, Tennessee. T7260 Floods on the Tennessee River and Cypress and Cox Creeks in Vicinity of Florence, Alabama. T7270 Floods on Tennessee River in Vicinity of Tri-Counties Alabama (Lawrence, Limestone, Morgan.) T7280 Floods on Tennessee River, Little Tennessee River, and Town and Muddy Creeks in Vicinity of Lenoir City, Tennessee. T7290 Floods on Toccoa-Ocoee River and Fightingtown Creek, in Vicinity of McCaysville, Ga. — Copperhill, Tenn. T7300 Report on Review of Allocations of Costs of the Multiple-Purpose Water Control System in the Tennessee River Basin, as Determined by the Tennessee Valley Authority and Approved by the President Under the Provisions of the TVA Act of 1933 as Amended. U2910 God's Valley: People and Power Along the Tennessee River. W5840 (ASU WWC BC) Dawn of Tennessee Valley and Tennessee History. W6720 (ASU LMC BC) RIVERS — TUCKASEEGEE Planning for Flood Damage Prevention at Clyde, N. C. C5160 (LMC) RIVERS — TUCKASEIGEE Tuckaseigee Minutes, 1829-1857. N1670 (WCU) Floods on the Tuckaseigee River and Deep Creek in Vicinity of Bryson City, North Carolina. T2750 Floods on Oconaluftee and Tuckaseigee Rivers and Soco Creek in Vicinity of Cherokee, North Carolina. T7130 RIVERS — TUG "The Transformation of the Tug and Guyandot Valleys: Economic Development and Social Change in West Virginia, 1888-1921." C9390 �RIVERS—SCOTCH RIVERS — TUG "The Rise of Education and the Decline of Feudal Tendencies in the Tug River Valley of West Virginia and Kentucky in Relation to the Hatfield and McCoy Feud." M780 (ASU) RIVERS - UPPER DUCK Upper Duck River Valley; Summary of Resources. T4020 RIVERS — VA. Canoeing White Water: A Guide Book to the Rivers of Virginia and Eastern West Virginia, The Great Smoky Mountain Area. C1740 (LMC) Bulletin. Surface and Water Supply of Va. New, Big Sandy, and Tenn. River Basins, 1942-1950. V750 (BC) RIVERS — VALLEY Floods on Hiwassee River, Valley River, and Peachtree Creek in Vicinity of Murphy, N C. T7070 RIVERS — W. VA. Canoeing White Water: A Guide Book to the Rivers of Virginia and Eastern West Virginia, The Great Smoky Mountain Area. C1740 (LMC) Indexed County and Railroad Pocket Map and Shipper's Guide of West Virginia. R390 (BC) RIVERS — WATAUGA "Land Utilization in the New and Watauga River Basins of North Carolina." B3700 (LMC) The Watauga River Basin: A Survey of Existing Pollution in the Watauga River Basin Together with Recommended Classification of Its Waters, 1960-1962. N2640 (ASU) On the Watauga and the Cumberland. S5300 (LMC) Floods on Watauga and Doe Rivers in Vicinity of Elizabethton, Tennesse'e. T2760 RIVERS — WEST FORD 1920 RIVERS — YADKIN Smothers from Yadkin Valley to Pigeon River: Smothers and Agner Families. P920 (ASU) ROADS C1180 Highway Accessibility Study for the Appalachian Development Highway System. P4400 Highway Transportation and Appalachian Development: The Impact and Costs of the Appalachian Development Highway System P4410 (ETSU LMS ASU) The North Carolina Chain Gang: A Study of County Convict Road Work. S6920 (LMC) The North Carolina Chain Gang: A Study of County Convict Road Work. S6930 (WWC) North Carolina Roads and Their Builders. W1870 (ASU LMC) ROADS - APP. New Roads in Old Virginia. R3920 (LMC) The Appalachian Thruway Study. R4420 "The Economic Effects of the Original Section of the Pennsylvania Turnpike on Adjacent Areas." S2560 Economic Impact of Secondary Road Improvements. S8150 ROADS — APP. DEVELOPMENT HIGHWAY SYSTEM "A Plan Formulation Methodology for the Appalachian Development Highway System." Ml 40 ROADS — KY. Old Roads in Kentucky. B7040 (ASU BC) Boone's Wilderness Road. H7870 (ETSU BC) ROADS — LOGGING Configuration of Appalachian Logging Roads. B2120 SUBJECT Erosion Control on Logging Roads in the Appalachians. K2970 (ASU LMC) ROADS — N. C. The War Trails of the Blue Ridge, Containing an Authentic Description of the Battle of King's Mountain, the Incidents Leading up to and the Echoes of the Aftermath of This Epochal Engagement, and Other Stories Whose Scenes Are Laid in the Blue Ridge. D3760 (BC ASU LMC) Road Maps and Tour Book of Western North Carolina. N2370 (BC ASU LMC) ROADS — THE WILDERNESS Daniel Boone and the Wilderness Road. B7570 (ASU BC) Daniel Boone and the Wilderness Road. B7580 (ETSU) ROADS — TURNPIKES The Valley Turnpike, Winchester to Staunton, and Other Roads. W1850 (ASU BC) ROADS — VA. Braddock's Road Through the Virginia Colony. H7420 (ASU) ROADS — WESTWARD MOVEMENT Cumberland Gap and Trails West. M200 (BC) ROADS, WILDERNESS The Wilderness Road to Kentucky. P4900 The Wilderness Road: a Description of the Routes of Travel by Which the Pioneers and Early Settlers First Came to Kentucky. S6120 (ASU FC LMC BC) ROANOKE RIVER Frontiers Along the Upper Roanoke River, 1740-1776. C4920 ROCKFISH RIVER Old Bethesda at the Head of Rockfish. B9380 (LMC) ROOTS AND HERBS Natural Dyes and Home Dyeing. A620 (BC ASU WCU) Medicine in Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. B4660 Herbs: Their Culture and Uses. C4700 (LMC) The Dye-Pot. D680 The Medicinal Plants of Tennessee Exhibiting Their Commercial Value, with an Analytical Key, Descriptions in Aid of Their Recognition, and Notes Relating to Their Distribution, Time and Mode of Collection, and Preparation for the Drug Market. G610 North Carolina Drug Plants of Commercial Value. H2130 (ASU LMC UNCA) Ginseng and Other Medicinal Plants; a Book of Valuable Information for Growers as well as Collectors of Medicinal Roots, Barks, Leaves, etc. H2160 Index of Plants of North Carolina With Reputed Medicinal Uses. J230 (WWC) Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. K3230 (BC) A Guide to Medicinal Plants of Appalachia. K3240 (ASU ETSU LMC) Vegetable Dyeing: 151 Color Recipes for Dyeing Yarns and Fabrics with Natural Materials. L1880 (ASU) Dyes from Plants. R3170 (ASU) Colonial Kitchen Herbs and Remedies: Garden and Kitchen Secrets from Early America. S2700 (ASU LMC) Pioneer Comforts and Kitchen Remedies. Old Timey Highland Secrets from the Blue Ridge and Great Smoky Mountains. S2730 (MHC ASU BC WCU) Grannies's Remedies. T8010 (ASU) ROOTS AND HERBS — APP. Southern Home Remedies. H2650 (AASU LMC) American Medicinal Leaves and Herbs. H4650 (ASU) 204 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Ginseng, Its Cultivation, Harvesting, Marketing and Market Value: With a Short Account of Its History and Botany. K70 (WWC) Drug Plants of Western North Carolina. M2740 (WCU ASU) RURAL DEVELOPMENT Development Opportunities in Kentucky: Final Report. B6270 S. C. - DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL The History of Travelers Rest. G2520 (ASU) A New Voyage to Carolina. LI000 (LMC ETSU) A New Voyage to Carolina. L1010 (UNCA) S. C. — HISTORY Historical Collections of South Carolina. C1470 (ASU) Bridging the Gap. A Guide to Early Greenville, South Carolina. E620 (ASU) • . Colonial and Revolutionary History of Upper South Carolina, Embracing for the Most Part the Primitive and Colonial History of the Territory Comprising the Original County of Spartanburg with a General Review of the Entire Military Operations in the Upper Portion of South Carolina and Portions of North Carolina. L320 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Colonial and Revolutionary History of Upper South Carolina. L330 (LMC) History of Spartanburg County: Embracing an Account of Many Important Events, and Biographical Sketches of Statesmen, Divines and Other Public Men. L340 (ASU BC) A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina. L3070 (LMC BC) A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina: From the Earliest Periods to the Close of the War of Independence. L3080 (ASU WCU LMC) In the Red Hills: A Story of the Carolina Country. M260 (ASU) A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of the Proprietary Government by the Revolution of 1719. R2580 (ASU) The History of Methodism in South Carolina. S3090 (ASU BC) SAVAGE RIVER Taming the Savage River. T130 (ASU BC) SCHOOL ATTENDANCE "Eliminations from the Class of 1950 in the Marion High School." El 610 (ASU) SCOTCH-IRISH Surnames in the United States Census of 1790; an Analysis of National Origins of the Population. A2110 Chronicles of Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia. C2750 Scotch-Irish Settlers in the Valley of Virginia. C3960 (BC) Ulster Emigration to Colonial America, 1718-1775. D2240 (ASU) The Scotch-Irish in Northern Ireland and in the American Colonies. G2030 (ASU) The Scotch-Irish: Or, the Scot in North Britain, North Ireland, and North America. HI 520 (ASU BC) The Scotch-Irish: Or, The Scot in North Britain, North Ireland, and North America. HI 530 (ASU BC) Scotch-Irish and English Proverbs and Sayings of the West Branch Valley of Central Pennsylvania. S3150 (ASU) SCOTCH-IRISH — APP. The Scotch-Irish in America. F1920 The Scotch-Irish in America. F1930 (ASU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY SCOTCH-IRISH - APR. The Scotch-Irish in History as Master Builders of Empires, States, Churches, Schools and Civilization. S2500 (ASU BC) SCOTS Surnames in the United States Census of 1790; an Analysis of National Origins of the Population. A2110 A Historical Account of the Settlements of Scotch Highlanders in America Prior to the Peace of 1783: Together with Notices of Highland Regiments and Biographical Sketches. M2010 (ASU) The Highland Scots of North Carolina. M5240 (LMC BC) The Highland Scots of North Carolina, 1732-1776. M5250 (ASU LMC WWC) Cham Cuimhne to Our Scots of North Carolina. S4650 (ASU) SHENANDOAH RIVER Sedimentary Studies in the Middle River Drainage Basin of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. C1480 (ASU) The ohenanaoah. D1140 (ASUBCFC) A Valley and a Song; the Story of the Shenandoah River. D1150 (BCASU) In the Picturesque Shenandoah Valley. G2660 (ASU BC) The Wonderful Shenandoah Valley. G3400 Intrenched Meanders of the North Fork of the Shenandoah River, Virginia. moo To the Shenandoah and Beyond: The Chronicle of a Leisurely Journey through the Uplands of Virginia and Tennessee, Sketching Their Scenery, Noting Their Legends, Portraying Social and Material Progress, and Explaining Routes of Travel. 1780 SHENANDOAH VALLEY — HISTORY - CIVIL WAR History of the Campaign of General T. J. (Stonewall) Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia from Nov. 4, 1861, to June 17, 1862. A1480 (ASU) SOCIAL CONDITIONS — N. C. Rutherford County: Economic and Social. P4590 (ASU) SOCIAL INSURANCE "An Evaluation of the Pension Plans in the Anthracite Coal Industry." M8450 SOCIAL INSURANCE — APP. An Analysis of Appalachian State Coal Mine Health and Safety and Workmen's Compensation Programs: Recommendations for Improvement. K880 (ASU) SOCIAL INSURANCE — COAL INDUSTRY "Development and Operation of the Welfare and Retirement Fund in the Bituminous Coal Industry." W5620 SOCIAL INSURANCE — W. VA. "A Study of the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund." SI 400 SOCIAL LIFE AND CUSTOMS Pioneers of Destiny: The Romance of the Appalachian People. W1930 (LMC BC) "Characteristics of Low Income Rural Families Related to Expenditure and Consumption Patterns: An Analysis of Rural Poverty for Public Program Purposes." W2410 The Story of Why and How the Leah Weiss Relief Kitchen Became a Landmark in Cincinnati. W2420 (BC) A Profile of the Appalachian Family. W2480 The Kingdom of Madison, a Southern Mountain Fastness and Its People. W2560 (ASU LMC WWC WCU MHC BC) Boyhood Days in Southwest Virginia. W9900 (BC) SCOTCH—SOCIAL SUBJECT Aging Patterns in a Rural and an Urban Area of Kentucky. Y150 Leisure-Time Activities of Older Persons in Selected Rural and Urban Areas of Kentucky. Y180 Older Rural Americans: A Sociological Perspective. Y190 (BC) Socio-Economic Problems of Older Persons in Casey County, Kentucky. Y210 SOCIAL LIFE AND CUSTOMS — PA. Life in the Iron Mills: Or, The Korl Woman. D1190 (ASU) SOCIAL PROBLEMS Seven Lean Years. W9010 (BC) SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS Appalachia Revisited: How People Lived Fifty Years Ago. A400 (ETSU BC ASU WCU FC LMC) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A730 (BC ASU WCU) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A740 (ETSU) Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. A750 (WCU) "Social and Economic Conditions in Jackson County During the Depression." A780 (WCU) "Factors Affecting Social Participation in Coal Communities." A800 (ASU) "Kentucky State Aid and the Educationally Disadvantaged Child." A1390 Social Factors Associated with Land Class in Overton County, Tennessee. A1890 Life in a West Virginia Coal Field. A2100 "The Southern Appalachian Coal Community: An Explorative Study." B820 (ASU) "The Social and Economic History of Maryville since 1890." B1920 "The Interrelationships of Organized Religion and Certain Other Community Subsystems in Five Selected Counties of Kentucky with Implications for Educational Administration." B2340 In Retrospect: Reminiscencies (sic) and Observations of a Hamilton County, Tennessee, Retired Teacher. B2580 Appalachians Speak Up. B3350 (BC) Camerton Slope, a Story of Mining Life. B4240 (ASU BC) Sociocultural Differences Among Three Areas in Kentucky, as Determinants of Educational and Occupational Aspirants and Expectations of Rural Youth. B5090 (BC) "Association of Selected Socio-economic Characteristics with Net Migration from Three Kentucky Economic Areas, 1920-1950." B6440 Factors Related to Changes in Social Participation in a Pennsylvania Rural Community. B8220 "The Evolution of Southern Appalachian Culture as Evidenced in Folklore." B8850 (ETSU) "The Mountain People of Virginia: Their Nature and Their Needs." D170 (ASU) "Social Structural Factors Influencing the Urbanization of Appalachian Hill Emigrants in an Urban Ghetto." H2090 "The Enriched Curriculum as a Means of Meeting the Emotional and Social Needs of First Grade Children in Washington County." K1800 (ETSU) Social Relationships and Institutions in Seven Rural Communities. United States Farm Security Administration Social Research Report no. 18. L3420 "Socioeconomic Characteristics of Young Farmers Enrolled in Vocational Agriculture Classes in West Virginia." Ml 500 The Southern Poor-White from Lubberland to Tobacco Road. Ml 690 (ASU) The Southern Poor-white from Lubberland to Tobacco Road. Ml 700 (LMC) The South in Continuity and Change. Ml 910 (BC FC) Sketches of Life in North Carolina. M5340 The Spirit of the Mountains. M5440 (ASU BC WCU) "Three Appalachian Communities: Cultural Differentials as They Affect Levels of Living and Population Pressure." M6590 (ASU) A Review of the Literature Pertaining to Appalachia; Stressing Attitudes to Social Change and Religious and Educational Orientations; A Working Paper for the Boards of Christian Education of the United Presbyterian Church in the U. S. N450 (BC) "Educational, Economic and Community Survey of Scott County, Tennessee." PI 630 Changes in the Rural Southern Appalachian Community. P2720 (ASU) Change in Rural Appalachia: Implications for Action Programs. P2750 (FC LMC WCU ETSU ASU BC) Rural Southern Appalachia and Mass Society, and Overview. P2780 (ASU LMC) An Economic and Social Survey of Frederick County. P2840 (ASU LMC) "Immigrants from the Appalachian Region to the City of Columbus, Ohio: A Case Study." R2210 (BC) Mountain Families in Transition: A Case Study of Appalachian Migration. S1270 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) Sociocultural Origins and Migration Patterns of Young Men from Eastern Kentucky. SI 310 "Social-psychological Adjustment of Kentucky Mountain Migrants in Urbanized Industrial Areas of Southern Ohio." SI 740 (ASU) "Kentucky Politics and Society: 1919-1932." S2080 (BC) Cabins in the Laurel. S2810 (ASU MHC LMC WCU ETSU WWC BC FC UNCA) Cabins in the Laurel. S2820 (FC ASU) Hollow Folk. S2940 (BC LMC ETSU WWC) Hollow Folk. S2950 (ASU) "An Economic, Social and Educational Survey of Campbell County, Tennessee." $4690 Hamilton County, Economic and Social: A Laboratory Study in the Department of Agricultural Economics Under the Direction of Professor C. E. Alfred. S6910 Shiloh: A Mountain Community. S7050 (ASU ETSU FC LMC UNCA WCU WWCBC) Patterns of Adaptation in a Changing Mountain Community; Stress and Health. S7060 (BC) Fisher's River Scenes. T60 (ASU) An Economic and Social Survey of Russell County. T300 (BC) Lebanon, A Virginia Community. T310 205 �SOCIAL—SOCIAL SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS The Traipsin1 Woman. T7970 (ASU WWC BC) Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. U2490 Manners, Customs, and Observances: Their Origins and Signification. WHO (ASU) A Profile of Community Problems: Watauga, Avery, Mitchell, Yancey Counties. W710 An Economic and Social Survey of Clarke County. W900 The Silent Riders. W1570 (BC) Life and Religion in Southern Appalachia, an Interpretation of Selected Data from the Southern Appalachian Studies. W1920 (ASU MHC WCU LMC ETSU WWC BC UNCA) Pioneers of Destiny: The Romance of the Appalachian People. W1930 (LMC BC) "Characteristics of Low Income Rural Families Related to Expenditure and Consumption Patterns: An Analysis of Rural Poverty for Public Program Purposes." W2410 A Profile of the Appalachian Family. W2480 The Kingdom of Madison, a Southern Mountain Fastness and Its People. W2560 (ASU LMC WWC WCU MHC BC) Culture on the Moving Frontier. W9460 (ASU) Hawkers and Walkers in Early America: Strolling Peddlers, Preachers, Lawyers, Doctors, Players and Others, from the Beginning to the Civil War. W9520 (ASU) The Smoke Hole and Its People. W9750 (BC) Socio-Economic Problems of Older Persons in Casey County, Kentucky. Y210 SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — ALA. "The Social Backgrounds of Scientists and Engineers in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, and Huntsville, Alabama." D4130 Lower Piedmont Country. N1210 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) Possum Trot, Rural Community, South. N1220 (ASU BC WCU) SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — APP. Factors Associated with the Adjustment of Families in Three Low-Income Counties of North Carolina. A460 (ASU) "Factors Associated with the Adjustment of Families in Three Low Income Counties of North Carolina." A470 An Economic and Social Survey of Bedford Co., Va. A480 (ASU) A2790 (ASU) Appalachian Data Book. A3600 (ASU ETSU BC) Appalachian Data Book. A3610 (MHC BC ETSU ASU) The Appalachian Region: A Statistical Appendix of Comparative Socioeconomic Indicators. . A3650 (MHC ASU) "An Empirical Study of the Application of the Folk-urban Typology to the Classification of Social Systems." A5540 (ASU) "The Mountain People of the South: A Sociological Study." B7130 (WCU) "Analysis of the Values and Value Systems Reported by Students, The General Public, and Educators in a Selected Appalachian Public School District." B9390 Voices from the Mountain. Cl 210 (ASU) The Southern Appalachian Heritage. C2041 SUBJECT "The Relation of Level of Living to Selected Additional Characteristics of Central Appalachia Rural Families." C2920 (ASU) The Rampaging Frontier: Manners and Humors of Pioneer Days in the South and Middle West. C4590 (ASU) The Rampaging Frontier: Manners and Humors of Pioneer Days in the South and Middle West. C4600 (WWC) Children of Crisis. C5850 (WCU ASU) Farewell to the South. C5880 (ASU WCU) Report of Social Welfare Manpower Project for Appalachia, July 15, 1969 to August 31, 1970. C7890 (ASU BC) Five Years in the Alleghenies. C9090 (ASU BC) "Alienation Among Low-income People in Appalachia." C9170 (LMC ASU) Swing Your Mountain Gal, Sketches of Life in the Southern Highlands. C9950 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) "Some Correlates of Alienation Among Southern Appalachians." D450 (ASU) The Mountain Preacher. D1070 (BC) "Social Factors Affecting Selected Southern Baptist Churches in the Southern Appalachian Region of the United States." Dl550 (WCU ASU) The Dixie Frontier, a Social History of the Southern Frontier from the First Transmontane Beginnings to the Civil War. D2080 (ASU MHC) "An Analysis of the Social Life and Customs of the Southern Appalachians as Reflected in Selected Children's Books." D2610 (ASU) "An Analysis of the Social Life and Customs of • the Southern Appalachians as Reflected in Selected Children's Books." D2620 (ASU) The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey. F2010 The Southern Mountaineer. F2890 The Longest Mile. G710 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU FC BC WWC) ' "Habitat-economy-society, a Frame of Reference Applied to Southern Appalachian Coal Country." Gil 30 Appalachia in Transition. G2150 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU FC BC) Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. G3370 "Social and Cultural Links in the Urban and Occupational Adjustment of Southern Appalachian Migrants." H2430 "Sectarianism and Social Participation: A Study of the Relationship between Religious Attitudes and Involvement in Voluntary Organizations in Seventy-two Churches in the Southern Appalachian Mountains." H3220 (LMC) "Political Socialization in Appalachia: An Inquiry into the Process of Political Learning in an American Sub-Culture." H5670 "Possum Ridge Farmers: A Study in Cultural Change." H6120 (ASU) "Migration, Mobility and Social Participation." J1230 My Colorful Days. J2530 "The Carter Family: A Reflection of Changes in Society." K10 (WCU) Hillbilly Women. K20 (ASU BC UNCA) How People Get Power: Organizing Oppressed Communities Get Action. K40 (WCU ASU) 206 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Poverty Programs and Social Mobility. K290 "Religiosity as Related to Social Factors and Modes of Social Institutional Behavior in the Southern Appalachian Region." K2040 (LMC ASU) Black Land, the Way of Life in the Coal Fields. K3030 "Fundamentalism and Selected Social Factors in the Southern Appalachian Region." L170 (ASU) People of Coal Town. L600 (ASU BC WWC WCU) People of Coal Town. L610 (LMC) Children of the Cumberland. L2100 (BC ASU LMC WCU WWC) Children of the Cumberland. L2110 (ASU) A Planner's Reference Guide Relating to Socioeconomic Factors Within Appalachia as Applied to Public Education. L2620 (ETSU) Clasping Hands with Generations Past. L2960 "Social Behavior under Conditions of Extreme Stress: A Study of Miners Entrapped by a Coal Mine Disaster." L3820 "The Social and Educational Aspects of the Tennessee Valley Authority." M2630 Experience-worlds of Mountain People: Institutional Efficiency in Appalachian Village and Hinterland Communities. M4320 (ETSU WWC BC) Experience-worlds of Mountain People: Institutional Efficiency in Appalachian Village and Hinterland Communities. M4330 (ASU) Girl in the Rural Family. M5950 (ASU BC) A Thousand-Mile Walk to the Gulf. M8470 The Rural Society in Transition. N590 (ASU) Little Smoky Ridge: The Natural History of a Southern Appalachian Neighborhood. PI 250 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU WWC FC UNCA) "Some Aspects of Culture Change in A Mountain Neighborhood of East Tennessee." P1260 (ASU) West Virginians in Their Own State and In Cleveland, Ohio. P2800 (ASU) Roots of Fertility. P3340 When Cultures Meet. P3620 (BC ASU) "Related Aspects of the Social and Economic Problems, Cultural Transitions and Educational System of Rural Appalachia: An Analysis Based on the Concept of Scale." R2220 (BC) Blue Ridge Breezes. R4120 (LMC FC WCU BC) Blue Ridge Breezes. R4130 (ASU BC) A Human Relations Study — The Southern White In-Migrant. S950 "The Culture of Poverty — A Study of the Value-orientation Preferences of the Chronically Impoverished." SI 030 Social Structure of the Contact Situation, Rural Appalachia and Urban America. SI 290 Sociocultural Factors in the Career. Aspirations and Plans of Rural Kentucky High School Seniors. SI 300 Background in Tennessee. SI 380 (ASU) "An Analysis of Federative Patterns in Social Organization with a Field Study of the Council of Southern Mountain Workers." S1510 (BC) The Cleveland Southern In-Migrant Study; an Overview. S2440 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — APP. The Development of Attitudes. S2930 Society and Health in a Mountain Community: A Working Paper. S4720 (ASU) The Southern Appalachian Region; A Survey. S5670 (BC ASU UNCA FC) The Southern Appalachian Region. S5680 (ASU ETSU FC LMC MHC WCU WWC BC) "The Relationship of the Economic Production of Farmers of the Southern Appalachian Region to Certain Social Factors." S6200 (ASU) "An Overview of Federal Programs and Their Impacts on Appalachia." S7690 Recollections of an Old Man. Seventy Years in Dixie. S8950 The Hollow. S9110 (WWC ASU LMC ETSU BC) From Laurel Hill to Siler's Bog. T7600 (ETSU) Life Among the Hills and Mountains of Kentucky. T8080 (ASU BC) The Highlanders of the South. T8330 (ASU ETSU BC LMC) Appalachia: The Mountains, the Place, and the People. T8920 (ASU LMC MHC BC ETSU) Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. U360 (ASU) Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. U370 Standards of Living in Four Southern Appalachian Mountain Counties. U2560 (BC) Appalachia in the Sixties: Decade of Reawakening. W550 (ASU LMC WWC WCU MHC ETSU BC UNCA) Yesterday's People: Life in Contemporary Appalachia. W2490 (UNCA ASU WCU MHC LMC ETSU WWC FC BC) Doctor Woman of the Cumberlands: The Autobiography of May Cravath Wharton, M. D. W5020 (ASU LMC WWC BC) Doctor Woman of the Cumberlands; the Autobiography of May Cravath Wharton, M. D. W5030 (LMC WCU) Highland Heritage: The Southern Mountains and the Nation. W5380 "Socio-cultural Factors and Economic Development in West Central Appalachia." W6060 "Disorganization and Delinquency in Three Coal Communities." W6860 (ASU) The Southern Mountaineers. W7520 (ASU ETSU MHC WWC BC) The Southern Mountaineers. W7530 (ASU LMC) SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — CHEROKEE Social Anthropology of North American Tribes. El 240 SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — COAL CAMPS The Plight of the Bituminous Coal Miner. M7790 (ASU BC) "The Coal Camp: A Pattern of Limited Community Life." M7860 (ASU) Anthracite Coal Communities. R3070 (BC) SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — GA. "An Experimental and Field Study of North Georgia Mountaineers." J2440 (ASU) Statistics of the State of Georgia. W5420 (BC) SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — KY. "Teenage Dating Behavior in Two Eastern Kentucky High Schools." B4730 SUBJECT "Sociocultural Differences among Three Areas in Kentucky." B6110 "The Social Organization of an Isolated Kentucky Mountain Neighborhood." B7210 (ASU) A Selective Description of a Knox County Mountain Neighborhood. C40 Informal Social Participation in Five Kentucky Counties. C3990 "Sect Religion and Social Change in an Isolated Rural Community of Southern Appalachia, with Case Story, "Fruit of the Land"." C5290 (ASU) Bloody Ground. D1400 (ASU LMC BC) The Mountain People in Eastern Kentucky. D2110 A Winner on Satin's Doorstep. D3370 (BC) Stinking Creek. F750 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU WWC BC FC UNCA) The Mountain People of Kentucky. An Account of Present Conditions with the Attitude of the People toward Improvement. HI490 (ASU BC) The Integration of Locality Groups in an Eastern Kentucky County. HI 550 An Experimental Study of the East Kentucky Mountaineers: A Study in Heredity and Environment. H5680 (ETSU BC ASU) Participation in Organized Activities in Selected Kentucky Localities. K250 "A Rorschach Comparison of Adult Male Personality in Big Cove, Cherokee, North Carolina, and "Henry's Branch', Kentucky." K3440 Community and Neighborhood Groupings in Knott County, Kentucky. O1050 Neighborhood Standing and Population Changes in Johnson and Robertson Counties. 01080 Elites and Change in the Kentucky Mountains. P3260 (ASU MHC WCU BC) "A Comparison of Some Aspects of Family Life Between Two Areas of Leslie Co., Kentucky." QUO In the East Kentucky Hills. Q160 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC) The Land of Saddle-bags: A Study of the Mountain People of Appalachia. R130 (BC ASU ETSU WWC) The Land of Saddle-bags: A Study of the Mountain People of Appalachia. R140 (LMC MHC WCU) Saddlebag Folk: The Way of Life in the Kentucky Mountains. R160 (BC ASU LMC ETSU) "Social Effects of the Mining Industry in Eastern Kentucky." S400 (ASU) Children of Appalachia. S3270 (ASU ETSU MHC BC) The Social Dimensions of Kentucky Counties: Data and Rankings of the State's 120 Counties on Each of 81 Characteristics. S9360 The Singin' Gatherin': Tunes From the Southern Appalachians. T7940 (UNCA BC ETSU ASU) The Singin' Gatherin': Tunes From the Southern Appalachians. T7950 (LMC BC) "The Social and Economic Structure of Kentucky Agriculture, 1850-1860." T9470 "The Economic and Cultural Development of Eastern Kentucky from 1900 to the Present." W1540 (ASU) SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — MD. Rural Social Organization of Frederick County, Maryland. G4250 207 SOCIAL—SOCIAL SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS - N. C. Along the Ridges. B380 (ASU LMC) B8390 (BC) "Weaverton — A Study of Culture and Personality in a Southern Mill Town." C3380 Reminiscences and Traditions of Western North Carolina. D700 "Social Organization and Community Solidarity in Painttown, Cherokee, North Carolina." G280 (ETSU ASU) Socio-cultural Adaptation of Newcomers to Cities in the Piedmont Industrial Crescent. G4850 "A Cultural Study of a Mountain Community in Western North Carolina." H3240 (ASU) "A Cultural Study of Mountain Community in Western North Carolina." H3250 (ASU) North Carolina: An Economic and Social Profile. H6070 (LMC BC) North Carolina, Economic and Social. H6080 (WWC LMC BC UNCA) Blue Ridge: An Appalachian Community in Transition. K180 (ASU WCU FC ETSU BC) "Social Change, Adaptive Problems, and Health in a Mountain Community." K190 (LMC ASU) "A Rorschach Comparison of Adult Male Personality in Big Cove, Cherokee, North Carolina, and "Henry's Branch', Kentucky." K3440 Buncombe County, Economic and Social. M8190 Buncombe County: Economic and Social. M8200 (ASU BC LMC) Characteristics of Households in Areas Served by the W. A. M. Y. N2290 (ASU) North Carolina Manual 1874-19. N2560 (ASU LMC) Buncombe County: Economic and Social. N2670 (ASU) High Lands. R1760 (ASU LMC WCU) / "Political Leadership and Social Structure in a Rural County." R1870 (ASU) The Hills o' Ca'liny. S5960 (ASU LMC) Fisher's River (North Carolina) Scenes and Characters by "Skitt Who Was Raised Thar." T70 (ETSU BC) SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — N. C. — WESTERN COUNTIES Community Life in Western North Carolina. S5840 (ASU) SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — PA. Formal Participation Patterns in a Central Pennsylvania Rural Community. B8210 "They Walk These Hills: A Study of Social Solidarity among the Racially-mixed People of the Ramapo Mountains." C5590 (ASU) Social Stratification in a Pennsylvania Rural Community. D3940 Forces Influencing Rural Life. J1250 Steeltown, an Industrial Case History of the Conflict between Progress and Security. W250 SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — S. C. Greenville County, Economic and Social. G4870 Greenville County, Economic and Social. G4880 Social Problems of South Carolina. W6540 (LMC) SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS - TENN. "Some Phases of the Social and Economic History of Washington County, Tennessee, 1865-1917." B6220 �SOCIAL—SPEECH SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — TENN. "Some Phases of the Social and Economic History of Washington County, Tennessee, 1865-1917." B6230 (ETSU) Dimensions of Change in East Tennessee, Tennessee, the South, and the Nation: A Comparative Analysis. B7310 (ASU ETSU LMC WCU) "Changes in Social and Economic Status of the People in Sullivan County for a Thirty Year Period." C3390 (ASU) The Tennessee Yeomen, 1840-1860. C4320 (ASU ETSU) The Tennessee Yeomen, 1840-1860. C4330 (LMC) "Social and Economic History of Kingsport before 1908." C7840 (ETSU) Land of Hope: The Way of Life in the Tennessee Valley. C8260 (WWC ASU) "Formative Years of Johnson City, Tennessee, 1885-1890: A Social History." D210 (ETSU) A Social Study of the Colored Population of Knoxville, Tennessee. D1100 "The Social Backgrounds of Scientists and Engineers in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, and Huntsville, Alabama." D4130 "The Personal Characteristics, Social Background, and Academic Achievements of Forty Non-Promoted Pupils at Kennburg School." E1690 (ETSU) Social and Economic Trends in Tennessee and Their Implications for Education. F2530 (ETSU) "Sewanee a Unique Community." H5460 "The Social and Economic Effects Produced upon Small Towns by Rapid Industrialization." H7650 "The Tennessee Political System: The Relationship of the Socioeconomic Environment to Political Processes and Policy Outputs." M870 "Social Survey of Blount County, Tennessee." M3940 Neighbor and Kin: Life in a Tennessee Ridge Community. M4280 (ASU WCU LMC BC WWC FC UNCA) "A Study of Living Conditions in the Pittman Center Community, 1934-1935." M4400 "The Rural Church and Organized Community Activity, a Study of Church-community Relations in Two East Tennessee Communities." M4430 "Two Resettlement Communities on the Cumberland Plateau." M6600 "Socio-Economic Readjustment of Farm Families Displaced by the TVA Land Purchase in the Norris Area." N1000 0330 "Some Aspects of Culture Change in A Mountain Neighborhood of East Tennessee." P1260 (ASU) "An Economic, Educational, and Social Survey of Franklin County, Tennessee." R570 (ASU) "The Social, Economic, Cultural, Religious and Family Educational Backgrounds of Recent Dropouts from Bristol, Tennessee, High School." S4340 (ETSU) "Rural Leadership in Roane County, Tennessee." S4880 S5350 "Rural Leadership in Roane County, Tennessee." S7480 (ASU) "A Study of Local Sources of Local Government Agencies in Twenty-three Selected Tennessee Counties." S7760 SUBJECT The Incidence of Poverty — Social and Economic Conditions in Tennessee. W6600 SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — VA. Institutional History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century: An Inquiry into the Religious, Moral, Educational, Legal, Military, and Political Condition of the People Based on Original and Contemporaneous Records. B7630 (ETSU) An Economic and Social Survey of Augusta County. C2110 (ASU BC) An Economic and Social Survey of Botetourt County." C5600 An Economic and Social Survey of Patrick County. C6680 (BC) "The Mountain People of Virginia: Their Nature and Their Needs." D160 (ASU) An Economic and Social Survey of Washington County. D3830 (ASU BC) A Social Study of the Blacksburg Community. 0390 (ASU) An Economic and Social Survey of Albemarle County. G740 An Economic and Social Survey of Warren County. H520 (ASU) "Augusta County, Virginia: A Study of Patterns." H7960 (LMC) "Augusta County, Virginia: A Study of Patterns." H7970 (ASU) An Economic and Social Survey of Wise County. K790 (ASU BC) The Springs of Virginia: Life, Love and Death at the Waters, 1775-1900. R1470 (ASU FC) An Economic and Social Survey of Giles County. S5250 An Economic and Social Survey of Roanoke County. S7130 "A Sociological Analysis of Ecology, Structure and Processes in a Virginia Coal Mining Community." S8080 An Economic and Social Survey of Virginia Counties. U4120 (FC) Virginia, Economic and Civic. VI160 (BC) An Economic and Social Survey of Warren Co. V1240 (BC ASU) An Economic and Social Survey of Allegheny County. W290 (ASU BC) SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — W. VA. Work, Safety, and Life Style Among Southern Appalachian Coal Miners: A Survey of the Men of Standard Mines. A1970 (ASU) Salesman of Appalachia. A4960 "The Pattern and Nature of the Informal and Formal Institutional Contacts Participated in by Residents of New Hill." B1270 "Needs and Interests in Family Relationships of a Selected Group of West Virginia Eighth and Ninth Grade Pupils, 1948-1949." B7020 A Social and Economic Survey of the Spencer Soil Conservation Area. C7540 "The Status of School Board Members of West Virginia." D4080 Daybreak on Cranberry Ridge. F540 (ASU) "Segration Patterns in a Coal Camp." F3220 (ASU) "Cultural and Historical Geography of Mining Settlements in the Pocahontas Coal Fields of Southern West Virginia, 1880 to 1930." G1620 "Social and Economic Implications of Strip Mining in Harrison County, W. Va." H5440 208 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "French Creek Community." L2600 (ASU) "The Temperance Movement in West Virginia." L3030 "Community Uses of Public School Buildings in West Virginia." M6570 "Mass Media Use Patterns and Interests Among West Virginia Rural Non-farm Families of Low Socio-economic Status." M8530 Community Size and Social Attributes in West Virginia. P2730 (WCU ASU) Migration and Occupational Adjustment of West Virginians in the City. P2770 "Factors Influencing Social Status, Social Participation in the Elementary School of Crum, West Virginia." R200 County Study Data Book: Measures of Social Change in West Virginia. S3780 SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS — W. VA. — COAL CAMPS Human Crisis in the Kingdom of Coal. S5020 SOCIAL STRUCTURE — CONDITIONS Coal Company Scrip. C210 (ASU) SOCIAL STRUCTURE — CONDITIONS - APP. Migrants, Sharecroppers, Mountaineers. C5890 (BC ASU) SOCIAL STRUCTURES AND CONDITIONS Child Welfare in Kentucky: An Inquiry. N130 (ASU BC) Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. U340 (ETSU ASU BC) Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians. U350 (ASU ETSU WCU WWC) Hawkers and Walkers in Early America: Strolling Peddlers, Preachers, Lawyers, Doctors, Players, and Others, from the Beginning to the Civil War. W9510 SOCIAL STRUCTURES AND CONDITIONS INDIANS — CHEROKEE Priest and Warriors: Social Structures for Cherokee Politics in the 18th Century. G720 (ASU ETSU BC) SOCIAL STRUCTURES AND CONDITIONS — TENN. "The First Hundred Days of the New Deal in Upper East Tennessee." O210 (ETSU) SPEECH — APP. Hillbilly Dictionary, and Enlightening Collection of Mountain Expressions. W1880 (ASU) SPEECH — MTN. Word-lists from the South. A2120 (ASU) "Southern Appalachian Non-standard Speech in Conflict with the Standard English of the Classroom." B280 (ETSU) Dictionary of Americanisms. A Glossary of Words and Phrases Usually Regarded as Peculiar to the United States. B1550 (ASU) A Method for Collecting Dialect. C1990 (ASU) "Mountain Dialect in North Georgia." C5840 (ETSU ASU) "A Lexicographical Study of the Vocabulary of Greenup County, Kentucky, Set Forth in Jesse Stuart's "Beyond Dark Hills"." D2210 (ASU) "The Dialect of the Southern Highlander as Recorded in North Carolina Novels." E980 (ASU) Bits of Mountain Speech Gathered Between 1910 and 1965 along the Mountains Bordering North Carolina and Tennessee. F970 (ASU) Word-book of Virginia Folk-speech. G3520 (ASU LMC BC) Word-book of Virginia Folk-speech. G3530 (ETSU) Mountain Speech in the Great Smokies. H770 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY SPEECH, MTN. Sayings from Old Smoky, Some Traditional Phrases, Expressions, and Sentences Heard in the Great Smoky Mountains and Nearby Areas: An Introduction to a Southern Mountain Dialect. H800 (ASU BC IMC MHC) Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. H810 (BC ASU WCU LMC MHC) Smoky Mountain Folks and Their Lore. H820 (ETSU) "High-interest, Low-vocabulary Original Prose and Poetry for Teenagers in Southern Appalachia." K1610 (ETSU) Published Works of Gratis Williams. M5840 (ASU BC) "Investigation of the Regional English of Unicoi County, Tennessee." M6020 The Word-Book of a Backwoodsman. N360 A Glossary of Virginia Words. N1250 (ASU) Folk-etymology, a Dictionary of Verbal Corruptions or Words Perverted in Form or Meaning by False Derivation or Mistaken Analogy. P100 (ASU) Southern Accent: From Uncle Remus to Oak Ridge. P3370 (LMC WWC BC) "A Dialect Survey of the Appalachian Region." Q10 (LMC ASU) A Dialect Survey of the Appalachian Region. 020 (BC) English Archaisms in Pennsylvania German. R1020 (ASU) The Idiom of the People. S2350 (ASU BC) Development and Learning of Language and Speech: A Brief Synopsis. T7590 (ETSU) Popular Folk Dictionary of Ozarks Talk. T8030 (ASU) Instructions to Collectors of Dialect. W7230 (ASU) A List of Words from Tennessee. W8520 (ASU) Vocabulary Change; a Study of Variation in Regional Words in Eight of the Southern States. W8530 (BC) A Word-List from Virginia and North Carolina. W8710 (ASU) Rustic Speech and Folklore. W9390 (ASU) SPEECH, MTN. — APP. The Phonetics of Great Smoky Mountain Speech. 0790 (ASU ETSU) Language and Culture. G2100 (ASU BC) The Phonetics of Great Smoky Mountain Speech. H780 "Regional English of the Former Inhabitants of Cades Cove in the Great Smoky Mountains." J2450 SPEECH, MTN. — KY. Parlance of Kentucky Backwoods. C3740 (BC) SPEECH, MTN. — N. C. A Survey of Speech Education in Selected North Carolina High Schools. E1250 (ASU) Tarheel Talk: An Historical Study of the English Language in North Carolina to 1860. E1550 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU) STATE GOVERNMENT - W. VA. West Virginia State and Local Government. D940 (ETSU BC) STRIP MINING The Strip Mining of America: An Analysis of Surface Coal Mining and the Environment. A5590 (ASU) "The Economics of Strip Coal Mining." A5820 (ASU) Night Comes to the Cumberlands: Biography of a Depressed Area. C2230 (ASU MHC WCU ETSU FC UNCA) Lazar and Boone Stop Strip Mining Bully to Save Apple Valley and Buttermilk Creek. C4510 (ASU) SUBJECT Annotated Bibliography on Slope Stability of Strip Mine Soil Banks. H6250 (ASU) Slope Stability of Coal Strip Mine Soil Banks. H6260 (ASU) Strip Mining, an Annotated Bibliography. M8660 (ASU BC) The Issues Related to Surface Mining; a Summary Review, with Selected Readings. S3300 (WCU) STRIP MINING - APP. Strip Mining in Appalachia. C6200 Surface Mining — Extent and Economic Importance, Impact on Natural Resources, and Proposals for Reclamation of Mined-lands: Proceedings. C6440 (ASU) We Will Stop the Bulldozers. C7920 A Revised Bibliography of Strip Mine Reclamation. F3840 (ASU) "Bituminous Coal Strip Mines; Some Financing Considerations." K580 Strip Mining and the Three E's. M7240 (ASU) Facts about Strip Mining. S560 Benefit/Cost Approach to Decision Making: The Dilemma with Coal Production. S970 (ASU) Statement on Benefit/Cost Evaluation of Strip Mining in Appalachia. S980 (ASU) An Appraisal of Coal Strip Mining. T2270 (BC) Strip Mining for Coal. T8870 (BC) Study of the Strip and Surface Mining in Appalachia; an Interim Report to the Appalachian Regional Commission. U2820 (BC) Surface Mining and our Environment; a Special Report to the Nation. U2830 (BC) STRIP MINING — KY. The Long-legged House. B3260 (ASU MHC WCU BC) Influences of Strip Mining on the Hydrologic Environment of Parts of Beaver Creek Basin, Kentucky, 1955-59. C5930 (BC) Proceedings. The Planning Concept. C6420 "External Diseconomies of Bituminous Coal Surface Mining — A Case Study of Eastern Kentucky, 1960-1967." H7590 Strip Mining in Kentucky. K1130 (BCASU) Surface Mining and Reclamation in Kentucky. K1180 Strip Mining. K1290 Description of the Physical Environment and of Strip-mining Operations in Parts of the Beaver Creek Basin, Kentucky. M9220 Strip Mining Reclamation in Appalachia. U3030 "Study of Thought Relating to Strip Mining in the Commonwealth of Kentucky." W2730 STRIP MINING - OHIO Comparative State Strip Mining and Reclamation Laws. STRIP MINING — VA. S8040 (ASU) STRIP MINING - W. VA. Current and Proposed Regulations and Legislation on Water Pollution Concerning Appalachian Industries. H6540 STRIP-MINING Night Comes to the Cumberlands: A Biography of a Depressed Area. C2240 (LMC) My Appalachia: A Reminiscence. C2380 (ASU LMC MHC ETSU WCU FC WWCBCUNCA) 209 SPEECH—SUPERSTITIONS Beneath the Hill. C9850 Surface Mined Areas: Control and Reclamation of Environmental Damage; a Bibliography. F3090 (ASU) STRIP-MINING — APP. My Land is Dying. C2210 (ASU MHC LMC WCU ETSU BC) Night Comes to the Cumberlands: A Biography of a Depressed Area. C2220 (WWC BC FC) S8050 STRIP-MINING — OHIO Ten Years of Strip-mine Forestation Research in Ohio. F1050 SUPERSTITION Witchcraft in North Carolina. C9120 (LMC) Wendy's Halloween Ride: Witch Shadows. El 540 (LMC) How and Why: Stories in Carolina Folklore. J1710 (WCU) How and Why Stories in Carolina Folklore. J1720 (LMC) Folklore of the Teeth. K170 (ASU) SUPERSTITIONS Witch, Warlock, and Magician: Historical Sketches of Magic and Witchcraft in England and Scotland. A490 (ASU) The Devil in Britain and America. A5280 (ASU) "Superstitions about Food and Health among Negro Girls in Elementary and Secondary Schools in Marion County, West Virginia." B4600 Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. C680 A Treasury of American Superstition. D1770 The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina. D3810 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC WWC ETSU) Gravel in My Shoe. E1090 (ASU WCU LHC MHC ETSU BC) Essays on the Superstitions of the Highlanders of Scotland. G3220 Tar Heel Ghosts. H2080 (ASU BC LMC MHC ETSU) Highland Halloween. H4000 (LMC) Survivals in Belief Among the Celts. H4470 Bundle of Troubles, and Other Tarheel Tales. H4600 Witches and Demons in History and Folklore. J1740 (LMC) Virginia Ghosts. LI 410 (FC ASU BC) Weathergoose-wool. Ml 800 (ASU LMC BC) An Epitome of the Superstitions of the Highlanders of Scotland. M2000 Origin of the Brown Mountain Light in North Carolina. M3160 (ASU) Pioneer Superstitions; Old-timey Signs and Sayings. M7170 (ASU BC) Ghost Tales of the Uwharries. M7520 (ASU WCU) The Telltale Lilac Bush, and Other West Virginia Ghost Tales. M9190 (ASU BC ETSU LMC WCU) Witches' Potions and Spells. PI 020 (ASU) Ghosts of the Carolinas. R3010 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Ghosts of the Carolinas. R3020 (ASU) An Illustrated Guide to Ghosts and Mysterious Occurrences in the Old North State. R3030 (ASU LMC) This Haunted Land. R3040 (ASU MHC BC) This Haunted Land. R3050 (LMC) �SUPERSTITIONS—TENN. SUPERSTITIONS Pioneer Superstitions: Old-timey Signs and Sayings. S2760 (ASU LMC WCU) Ghost Stories from the Southern Mountains. S6570 (ASU) An Occult Remedy Manuscript from Pendleton County, West Virginia. S7300 Tall Tales of the Devils Apron. S9270 (LMC BC FC) Kentucky Superstitions. T7790 (ASU BC) The Witchery of Archery. T8290 (ASU) The Foxfire Book: Hog Dressing; Log Cabin Building; Mountain Crafts and Foods; Planting by the Signs; Snake Lore, Hunting Tales, Faith Healing; Moonshining; and Other Affairs of Plain Living. W6020 (FC ASU BC) Foxfire 3: Animal Care, Banjos and Dulcimers, Hide Tanning, Summer and Fall Wildplant Foods, Butter Churns, Ginseng, and Still More Affairs of Plain Living. W6040 (ASU) SUPERSTITIONS — APP. "A Geographic Approach to a Vegetation Problem: The Case of the Southern Appalachian Grassy Balds." G1060 (BC ASU) Peculiarities of the Appalachian Mountaineers: A Summary of Legends, Traditions, Signs, and Superstitions That Are Almost Forgotten. J2540 (BC ASU LMC WCU ETSU MHC) The Origins of Popular Superstitions and Customs. K2850 (ASU) Ghost Stories and Legends of the Mountains. P870 SUPERSTITIONS — GA. Foxfire 2: Ghost Stories, Spring Wild Plant Foods, Spinning and Weaving, Midwifing, Burial Customs, Corn Shuckin's, Wagon Making and More Affairs of Plain Living. W6030 (FC ASU BC) SUPERSTITIONS — N. C. The Shape of Fear, and Other Ghostly Tales. PI 480 (WCU) SUPERSTITIONS — W. VA. The Mystery of the Wizard Clip. B7030 (ASU) SWANNANOA RIVER Floods on French Broad and Swannanoa Rivers, in Vicinity of Asheville, North Carolina. T7040 Floods on Swannanoa River and Beetree Creek in Vicinity of Swannanoa, North Carolina. T7240 Floods on Swannanoa River and Flat Creek in Vicinity of Black Mountain and Montreat, North Carolina. T7250 SWISS The Colony Bernstadt in Laurel County, Kentucky. S920 TAXATION TVA Power and Taxes. T6680 TAXATION — APP. The Impact of State and Local Taxes in North Carolina and the Southeastern States. C1220 (LMC) TAXATION — KY. "Second Census" of Kentucky, 1800: A Private Compiled and Published Enumeration of Tax Payers Appearing in the 79 Manuscript Volumes Extant of Tax Lists of the 42 Counties of Kentucky in Existence in 1800. C5040 (ASU BC) "A Method of Measuring the Financial Ability of Kentucky School Districts to Support an Educational Program." M6090 TAXATION — N. C. The Impact of State and Local Taxes in North Carolina and the Southeastern States. C1220 (LMC) Studies in Taxation. N1770 (LMC) TAXATION — TENN. Early East Tennessee Tax Lists. C9930 (ASU) SUBJECT "A Study of Public School Finance in Hancock County, Tennessee." L2920 "An Analysis of Putnam County's Ability to Support Education Based on a Study and Comparison of Assessed Value to Real Value of Property." N860 "Farm Taxation and County Government in Overton, Clay and Pickett Counties, Tennessee." P3930 A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of Greene County, Tennessee. T2130 (ETSU) A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of the Government of Knox County, Tennessee. T2140 (ETSU) A Report of the Survey of the Finances and Management of the Government of Washington County, Tennessee. T2150 (ETSU) A Report of the Survey of the Management and Finances of the Government of Hamilton County. T2160 (ETSU) TAXATION — TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY . . . Payments in Lieu of Taxes, a Selected List of References, January 2, 1946. T5990 TAXATION — VA. Virginia Tax Payers, 1782-87: Other Than Those Published by the United States Census Bureau. F2360 (ASU) Tax List of Montgomery County, Virginia, 1782. K520 Tenth Legion Tithables, Rockingham Division, Rockingham County, Virginia, Tithables for 1792. S8010 TAXATION — W. VA. The Tax Problem in West Virginia. N220 Biennial Report. W4480 (BC) TENN. — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL Peter Pilgrim: Or, A Rambler's Recollections. B4100 (ASU) Hand-Book to the Sequatchie Valley. B5830 The Slave States of America. B8260 Handbook of Smith County. B8620 Guest's Guide; Points of Interest in Cleveland. B8790 Tennessee Hill Folk. C4480 (ASU MHC LMC WCU ETSU BC) Song of Life in the Smokies. C7670 (LMC) Song of Life in the Smokies: Stories of Mine Own People and Sketches of Life as It Was Lived in the Mountains Before the Park Took Over. C7680 (ETSU) C8050 Guide to the Summer Resorts and Watering Places of East Tennessee. E470 Tennessee: A Guide to the State. F480 The Story of Gatlinburg. G4040 G4640 (ASU) Kentucky and Tennessee, Twin Centers of Interest. H2260 (ASU BC) Tennessee and Virginia, the Mountain Empire. H2290 (ETSU) Songs of the Cumberlands. H7990 (BC) To the Shenandoah and Beyond: The Chronicle of a Leisurely Journey through the Uplands of Virginia and Tennessee, Sketching Their Scenery, Noting Their Legends, Portraying Social and Material Progress, and Explaining Routes of Travel. 1780 Stories of Hatfield the Pioneer . . . His Experiences in the Wilderness of East Tennessee, Kentucky and South Indiana. 1830 210 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Chattanooga. J290 A Short Description of the Tennessee Government, or The Territory of the United States South of the River Ohio, to Accompany and Explain a Map of That Country. S4500 (BC ASU) A Brief Historical Statistical and Descriptive Review of East Tennessee, United States of America: Developing Its Immense Agricultural, Mining and Manufacturing Advantages, with Remarks to Emigrants. Accompanied with a Map & Lithographed Sketch of a Tennessee Farm, Mansion House, and Buildings. S4800 On the Watauga and the Cumberland. S5300 (LMC) Great Smoky Mountains National Park, North Carolina and Tennessee. S8840 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU) Tennessee: A Guide to the State. T1030 (MHC) The Tennessee Scene. T1050 The Valley of East Tennessee. Til 60 Atlas of the Tennessee Valley Region, pt. 1. T2310 Spring Notes From Tennessee. T8970 (LMC BC) Bert Vincent's Strolling, Being Sort of a Side-Glance at the Little Odds and Ends of Life in These Parts. V630 The Best Stories of Bert Vincent, ed. Willard Yarbrough. V640 More of the Best Stories of Bert Vincent. V650 TENN. — EARLY EXPLORATION The Ocoee District, South East Tennessee in the United States of America, Especially the Hundred Thousand Acres, and the Gold Region, with a Sketch of the Character of the People Who Inhabit East Tennessee Generally. A2450 The Wilderness Road. K2160 (BC WCU WWC ETSU) The Wilderness Road. K2170 The Wilderness Road. K2180 (ASU LMC) The Valley of the Long Hunters. M4160 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) "Early North Carolina Migrations into the Tennessee Country, 1768-1782: A Study in Historical Demography." P990 Early Travels in the Tennessee County, 1540-1800. W6730 (ETSU) Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 1540-1800: With Introductions, Annotations and Index. W6740 (ASU LMC BC) TENN. — GEOLOGY T910 (LMC) TENN. — HISTORIC HOMES The Blount Mansion, Built 1792. B4790 TENN. - HISTORY David Crockett: His Life and Adventures. A60 (ASU ETSU) From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee. A80 (WWC BC) From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee: A Study in Frontier Democracy. A90 (ASU LMC) Tennessee Records. A240 (ASU) State of Franklin. A1020 One Heroic Hour at Kings Mountain. A1240 (BC LMC ASU) One Heroic Hour at Kings Mountain, October 7, 1780. A1250 The Overmountain Men: Early Tennessee History, 1760-1780. A1260 (BC ETSU) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY TENN. — HISTORY The Over-mountain Men: Early Tennessee History, 1760-1795. A1270 (ASU LMC FC) Landmarks of Tennessee History. A1290 A History of Navigation on the Tennessee River System: An Interpretation of the Economic Influence of This River System on the Tennessee Valley. A1490 Dropped Stitches in Tennessee History. A1770 (ASU BC) The Ocoee District, South East Tennessee in the United States of America, Especially the Hundred Thousand Acres, and the Gold Region, with a Sketch of the Character of the People Who Inhabit East Tennessee Generally. A2450 The History of Hamilton County and Chattanooga, Tennessee. A4760 (ETSU BC ASU) Who Discovered America? The Amazing Story of Madoc. A4800 Life and Speeches of President Andrew Johnson. Embracing His Early History, Political Career, Speeches, Proclamations, etc. With a Sketch of the Secession Movement, and His Course in Relation Thereto; Also His Policy as President of the United States. B50 "James Robertson: Frontiersman." B570 Lost State of Franklin. B1030 (ETSU) Ducktown Back in Raht's Time. B1120 (BC ASU WCU ETSU) "Local History Stories for the Third Grade Washington and Sullivan Counties, Tennessee." B1180 (ETSU) The Carpet-bagger in Tennessee. B1760 "Andrew Johnson and the Patronage." B2090 "Inconsistent Men of Principle: Future Liberal Republicans and the Johnson Administration." B2100 "The Life and Times of Isaac Shelby." B2380 Sketch of Beersheba Springs: and: Chickamuga Trace. B3030 "The Post-presidential Career of Andrew Johnson." B3480 "Development of Railroad Transportation in East Tennessee during the Reconstruction Period." B3600 When Yesterday Was Today. B4610 Life As It Is: Or, Matters and Things in General. B6430 (ASU BC ETSU) The Patriots and Guerrillas of East Tennessee and Kentucky. The Suffering of the Patriots. Also the Experience of the Author as an Officer in the Union Army. Including Sketches of Noted Guerrillas and Distinguished Patriots. B6510 Sketches of the Rise, Progress, and Decline of Secession: with a Narrative of Personal Adventure among the Rebels. B7530 (ASU) Life of General Houston, 1793-1863. B7590 Cumberland County's First Hundred Years. B8340 (LMC) Handbook of Smith County. B8620 Historical Review, Rockwood's Centennial Year, 1868-1968. B8780 The Over Mountain Men: Some Passages from a Page of Neglected History. B9010 Fiddles in the Cumberlands. B9020 (ASU BC) TENN.-TENN. SUBJECT "Some Social and Economic Phases of Reconstruction in East Tennessee, 1864-1869." C600 Records of Rhea: A Condensed County History. C960 (ASU BC) Three Generations: The Story of a Colored Family of Eastern Tennessee. C1110 (ASU LMC BC) Seventh Census of the United States, 1850: Fentress County, Tennessee, Free Population Schedules. C1390 (ASU) Seventh Census of the United States, 1850: Franklin County, Tennessee, Free Population Schedules. C1400 (ASU) History of Tennessee. C1410 "Administrations of John Sevier." C1660 North Carolina Land Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791. C1800 (ETSU BC ASU) Autobiography and Sermons. C1950 The Tennessee Yeomen, 1840-1860. C4320 (ASU ETSU) The Tennessee Yeomen, 1840-1860. C4330 (LMC) "A Study of the Development of Organized Religion in Jefferson County, Tennessee (1785-1950)." C5450 C6170 Red Clay and Rattlesnake Springs: A History of the Cherokee Indians of Bradley County, Tennessee. C7530 (ASU LMC MHC BC) Arrows to Atoms, The Story of East Tennessee. C8670 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) Brief Historical Sketch of the Village of Bearden. C8740 C9420 "Formative Years of Johnson City, Tennessee, 1885-1890: A Social History." D210 (ETSU) Beloved Landmarks of Loudon County, Tennessee. D560 (BC) "Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin Historian." D910 John Sevier: Pioneer of the Old Southwest. D3450 John Sevier: Pioneer of the Old Southwest. D3460 John Sevier: Pioneer of the Old Southwest. D3470 (ASU LMC BC) Facts about Sevier County. D3720 The Border States: Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia. D4190 (BC ASU LMC WWC ETSU) E40 E80 (ETSU) Early History of Carter County. E90 Index to Marriages 1792-1900. El 00 Publications. . . . El 40 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The French Broad-Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. El50 (ASU BC) E680 (ETSU) "The Connection" in East Tennessee. El 180 (ASU BC) Thrilling Adventures of Daniel Ellis, the Great Union Guide of East Tennessee, for a Period of Nearly Four Years During the Great Southern Rebellion. El750 (ASU LMC BC) Thrilling Adventures of Daniel Ellis, the Great Union Guide of East Tennessee, for a Period of Nearly Four Years during the Great Southern Rebellion. Written by Himself. Containing a Short Biography of the Author. El 760 Resources and Enterprises of Upper East Tennessee: Johnson City, Jonesboro, Greenville, Rogersville, Morristown, Watauga, Tennessee. Franklin, Territory South of the Ohio. E2040 (ETSU) 211 A Brief History of Johnson City, Tennessee. E2250 (ETSU) "Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey of East Tennessee: A Career of Public Service." E2260 History of Coffee County, Tennessee. E2430 "Available Material in Knox County for Enriching the Teaching of Tennessee History." F190 (ETSU) Jonesborough: The First Century of Tennessee's First Town. F980 (ETSU ASU BC) Jonesborough: The First Century of Tennessee's First Town. F990 (ASU) "Economic Set-up of the Cumberland Homesteads, Crossville, Tennessee." F1450 The Founding of Knoxville. F1720 (ETSU) Sectionalism and Internal Improvements in Tennessee, 1796-1845. F1740 (WWC ASU) Tennessee; a Short History (by) Stanley J. Folmsbee, Robert E. Corlew and Enloch L. Mitchell. F1750 (LMC ASU BC) Make Way for the Great. F2170 (ETSU BC) Memoirs. F2420 A History of Morgan County, Tennessee. F3280 (ASU BC) The Advance-Guard of Western Civilization. G1730 John Sevier as a Commonwealth-builder. A Sequel to The Rear-guard of the Revolution. G1750 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Rear-guard of the Revolution. G1790 (BC LMC) The County of Smith. G2340 G2620 (ASU BC) This Is My Story. G4450 Old Times in Tennessee, with Historical, Personal, and Political Scraps and Sketches. G4790 (ASU) "Diversions in East Tennessee, 1920-25." G4830 (ETSU) Early History of Warren County. H480 (ASU BC ETSU) History of DeKalb County, Tennessee. H490 History of DeKalb County, Tennessee. H500 (ASU BC) True Stories of Jamestown and Its Environs. H510 Fort Loudoun on the Little Tennessee. HI 050 (ASU) Tennessee, a History, 1673-1932. HI 060 (LMC) Frontier Forts along the Clinch, Powell and Holston. HI 130 (BC) An Album of Historical Memories. Chatata-Tasso, Bradley County, Tennessee, 1830-1961. H2190 Tennessee and Virginia, the Mountain Empire. H2290 (ETSU) Witness to an Epoch: Personal Inventory of the Experiences and Impressions of a Man of Varied Interests. H2300 (LMC) "A History and Educational Survey of Putnam County, Tennessee." H3470 The Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee, from Its Earliest Settlement up to the Year 1796: Including the Boundaries of the State. H4030 (ASU WCU LMC MHC BC) The First American Frontier: Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee from Its Earliest Settlement up to the Year 1796. H4040 (LMC) The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee, up to the First Settlements Therein by the White People in the Year 1768. H4050 (ASU ETSU BC) Andrew Jackson and Early Tennessee History. H4330 �TtNN^—TcNN. TENN. — HISTORY "Nolichucky Jack." (Gov. John Sevier.) Lecture of Wm. A. Henderson, to the Board of Trade of the City of Knoxville, January 7th, 1873. H4560 William Tatham and the Culture of Tobacco: Including a Facsimile Reprint of an Historical and Practical Essay on the Culture and Commerce of Tobacco by William Tatham. H4930 "The Use of Inquiry Learning in Teaching Early Tennessee History." H5010 (ETSU) Dr. J. G. Ramsey: Autobiography and Letters. H5080 (ASU LMC) Sequatchie Valley, a Historical Sketch. H5170 Community Historical Sketches in Knox County, Tennessee: Corryton — Harbison's Cross Roads — Smithwood. H5230 Historic Treasure Spots of Knox County, Tennessee. H5240 (ETSU BC) The John Adair Section of Knox County, Tennessee. H5250 The Herbert Walters Story. H5420 Guide to Depositories of Manuscript Collection in Tennessee. H5790 (ETSU) Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Anderson County. H5800 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Blount County. H5810 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Bradley County. H5820 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Hamilton County, Tennessee. H5830 Inventory of the Count/ Archives of Tennessee: Knox County. H5840 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Loudon County. H5850 Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee. H5860 (ETSU) Inventory of the County Archives of Tennessee: Sullivan County. H5870 Summary of Special Legislation Relating to the Government of Sullivan County. H5890 Tennessee Records of Roane County Marriage Records, 1801-1838. H5900 (ETSU) Transcription of the County Archives of Tennessee: Minutes of the County Court of Knox County (Book No. 0") 1792-95. H5910 (ASU) History of Fentress County, Tennessee, the Old Home of Mark Twain's Ancestors. H6410 One Hundred Years in the Cumberland Mountains along the Continental Line. H6430 (ETSU ASU) Seventy Years in the Cumberlands. H6920 The Army of Tennessee: A Military History. H7200 (ASU) History of Pickett Co., Tenn. H7940 1170 Prohibition and Politics: Turbulent Decades in Tennessee, 1885-1920. I960 (ASU LMC) "The German Swiss Settlers at Gruetli, Tennessee." J150 (ASU) Duck River Valley in Tennessee and Its Pioneers. J220 (ASU) Historic Fort Loudoun. K680 Historic Fort Loudoun. K690 "A History of St. Andrew's School." K740 SUBJECT Warren County, Its Organization, Scenery, Resources and Representative Men. K1930 The Wild Rose of Cherokee, or Nancy Ward, "The Pocahontas of the West." A Story of the Early Exploration, Occupancy, and Settlement of the State of Tennessee. A Romance Founded on and Interwoven With History. K2270 (LMC BC) The Wild Rose of Cherokee: Or, Nancy Ward, "The Pocahontas of the West", a Story of the Early Exploration, Occupancy and Settlement of the State of Tennessee. A Romance, Founded on and Interwoven with History. K2280 (BC ASU) Cumberland County's First Hundred Years. K3210 (ASU ETSU LMC BC) Vanquished Volunteers: East Tennessee Sectionalism From Statehood to Secession. L60 (LMC ETSU BC) History of Sweetwater Valley. LI 770 "A Brief History of the First Baptist Church (Ocoee Baptist Church), Benton, Tennessee, 1836-1959." L2480 Love's Valley. L3650 Double Destiny: The Story of Bristol, Tennessee-Virginia. L3670 (LMC ETSU) Double Destiny: The Story of Bristol, Tennessee-Virginia. L3680 (ASU) Calvin Morgan McClung Historical Collection. L4040 More Landmarks of Tennessee History. Ml60 (ASU LMC) Brief Chronological History of Johnson City, Tennessee and Three Suggested Historical Tours of the Johnson City Area. M660 (BC LMC ETSU ASU) The Surrender of Cumberland Gap. Ml 350 A History of Tennessee from 1663 to 1905. Ml 410 (ASU BC) A History of Tennessee from 1663 to 1930. Ml 420 (ASU) Standard History of Chattanooga, Tennessee, with Full Outline of the Early Settlement, Pioneer Life, Indian History and General and Particular History of the City to the Close of the Year 1910. Ml 660 "Name Index to (Hole's) History of DeKalb County, Tennessee." M3290 Coffee County: From Arrowheads to Rockets. A History of Coffee County, Tennessee. M3820 (ETSU) William Blount. M4180 (BC ETSU) History of Sevier County, Tennessee. M4300 Eliza Ross; or, Illustrated Guide of Lookout Mountain. M4910 The Mitchell-Doak Group. M6320 "Fifty Years Ago, a History of Overton County, Tennessee, Around the Year 1850." M6360 Morristown Centennial, 1855-1955. M7960 Centennial Souvenir Program, 1855-1955: An Historical Pageant of Davy Crockett's Home Town, "Arrows to Atoms." M7970 (ETSU) "Civil War Anecdotes and Legends of Chattanooga." N710 Chattanooga and Hamilton County, Tennessee. 020 Over the Misty Blue Hills-. The Story of Cocke County, Tennessee. O200 "The First Hundred Days of the New Deal in Upper East Tennessee." 0210 (ETSU) O320 O330 212 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY "An Educational Economic, and Community Survey of Jackson County, Tennessee." 0950 Thomas Hope of Tennessee, 1757-1820, House Carpenter and Joiner. P120 The Story of Tennessee. P370 (LMC) History of Tennessee: The Making of a State. P2520 (ASU LMC BC) "A History of Roane County to 1860." P2820 Personal Recollections of the Occupation of East Tennessee and the Defense of Knoxville. P3300 Studies in Polk County History. P3360 (ASU BC) Historical Sketches of the Holston Valleys. P4440 (ASU WCU LMC ETSU BC) P4730 Diary of a Sit-in. P4750 (WCU ETSU) The Annals of Tennessee to the End of the Eighteenth Century. Comprising Its Settlement, as the Watauga Association, from 1769 to 1777. A Part of North Carolina, from 1777 to 1784: The State of Franklin, from 1784-1788. A Part of North Carolina, from 1788-1790: The Territory of the U. States, South of the Ohio, from 1790 to 1796. The State of Tennessee, from 1796 to 1800. R240 (ASU BC) The Annals of Tennessee to the End of the Eighteenth Century: Comprising Its Settlement, as the Watauga Association, from 1769 to 1777. A Part of North Carolina, from 1777 to 1784: The State of Franklin, from 1784-1788. A Part of North Carolina, from 1788-1790: The Territory of the U. States, South of the Ohio, from 1790 to 1796. The State of Tennessee, from 1796 to 1800. R250 (ASU LMC WCU) Autobiography and Letters. R260 (ASUBC) "The Life and Career of General James Robertson." R480 "Early Days in Monroe County, Tennessee." R590 Tennessee Cousins: A History of Tennessee People. R640 (BC ASU WCU) Life and Times of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States. R700 The Courageous Commoner, a Biography of Andrew Johnson. R930 (BC) Center of the Storm: Memoirs of John T. Scopes. R1340 (ASU WCU) The World's Most Famous Court Trial, Tennessee Evolution Case: A Complete Stenographic Report of the Famous Court Test of the Tennessee Anti-evolution Act, at Dayton, July 10 to 21, 1925, Including Speeches and Arguments of Attorneys. R1350 (ASU BC) "A Brief History of Franklin County, Tennessee." R1840 "A History of Bledsoe County, Tennessee: 1807-1957." R3350 Focus on Franklin County. R3460 Story of R otherwood, from the Autobiography of Rev. Frederick A. Ross. R3790 History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and His Trial by the Senate, for High Crimes and Misdemeanors in Office, 1868. R3820 (ASU) On Jordan's Stormy Banks: A Novel of Sam Davis, the Confederate Scout. R4080 Yankee Cavalrymen: Through the Civil War with the Ninth Pennsylvania Cavalry. R4090 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY TENN. - HISTORY Standard History of Knoxville, Tennessee, with Full Outline of the Natural Advantages, Early Settlement, Territorial Government, Indian Troubles and General and Particular History of the City Down to the Present Time. R4280 Historical Forts and Houses in Knoxville and Nearby Vicinity. R4450 "An Educational and Economic Survey of Pickett County, Tennessee." S310 County Scott and Its Mountain Folk. S390 (ASU LMC WCU BC) Life and Public Service of Andrew Johnson. S530 The Life of John H. Savage: Citizen, Soldier, Lawyer, Congressman. S540 (LMC) Background in Tennessee. SI 380 (ASU) A Memoir of Hugh Lawson White, Judge of the Supreme Court of Tennessee, Member of the Senate of the United States, Etc., Etc. SI 440 (ASU BC) History of White County. SI 500 Tennessee Printers, 1791-1945: A Review of Printing History from Roulstone's First Press to Printers of the Present. SI 520 (ASU BC) "A History of Anderson County, Tennessee." SI 670 Champ Ferguson, Confederate Guerilla. SI 900 Recollections of Hearsays of Athens, Fifty Years and Beyond. S2370 Andrew Jackson, 1767-1845: Chronology, Documents, Bibliographical Aids. S2510 Decatur Story. S2680 A History of Jellico, Tennessee, Containing Historical Information on Campbell County, Tennessee and Whitley County, Kentucky. S3330 1830 Census, East Tennessee. S3750 "A History of Bradley County, Tennessee, to 1861." 54190 Reminiscences and Sketches. S4450 (ASU) "A Social and Economic Survey of Pickett County." S4460 A Brief Historical Statistical and Descriptive Review of East Tennessee, United States of America: Developing Its Immense Agricultural, Mining and Manufacturing Advantages, with Remarks to Emigrants. Accompanied with a Map & Lithographed Sketch of a Tennessee Farm, Mansion House, and Buildings. S4800 Reminiscences of an Old-Timer. S5050 Tennessee History, a Bibliography. S5070 (ASU) S5590 S5920 The First President Johnson: The Three Lives of the Seventeenth President of the United States of America. S6770 "Historical Sketches of Clay County, Tennessee." S7550 John Wesley North and the Reform Frontier. S7580 Andrew Johnson; a Study in Courage. S8170 (ASU) S8810 (ETSU) Recollections of an Old Man. Seventy Years in Dixie. S8950 S9130 Andrew Johnson — Not Guilty. T210 SUBJECT Historic Sullivan: A History of Sullivan County, Tennessee, with Brief Biographies of the Makers of History. T650 (ASU ETSU BC) Historic Sullivan: A History of Sullivan County, Tennessee, With Brief Biographies of the Makers of History. T660 (ASU) Historic Sullivan: A History of Sullivan County, Tennessee, With Brief Biographies of the Makers of History. T670 East Tennessee and the Civil War. T820 (ASU) East Tennessee and the Civil War. T830 (ETSU) East Tennessee and the Civil War. T840 (ASU ETSU) John Sevier, Citizen, Soldier, Legislator, Governor, Statesman. T850 (ETSU) Tennesseans in the Civil War: A Military History of Confederate and Union Units with Available Rosters of Personnel. T950 (ASU) Bradley County Schools Survey Report. T1080 The Valley of East Tennessee. Til 60 House Journal, 1861-62, of the First Session of the Thirty-Fourth General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, Which Convened at Nashville, on the First Monday in October, A. D. 1861, and Adjourned in Memphis, March 20, 1862. T1410 (ASU) Messages of the Governors of Tennessee. T1470 (ASU) Commission Book, 1796-1801. T1490 (ASU ETSU) The Blount Journal, 1790-1796. T1500 Tenn. Historical Markers. T1510 Tennessee Old and New. Sesquicentennial. 1796-1946. T1520 (ASU LMC) Three Pioneer Tennessee Documents: Donelson's Journal, Cumberland Compact, Minutes of Cumberland Court. T1530 (ASU) Landmarks of Tennessee History. T1540 T1550 Historic District Plan: Jonesborough, Tennessee. T1750 "Inventory of Bledsoe County Records." T1840 "Inventory of Blount County Records." T1850 "Inventory of Carter County Records." T1860 "Inventory of Coffee County Records." T1870 "Inventory of Cumberland County Records." T1880 "Inventory of DeKalb County Records." T1890 "Inventory of Franklin County Records." T1900 "Inventory of Grundy County Records." T1910 "Inventory of Loudon County Records." T1920 "Inventory of McMinn County Records." T1930 "Inventory of Marion County Records." T1940 "Inventory of Meigs County Records." T1950 "Inventory of Polk County Records." T1960 "Inventory of Rhea County Records." T1970 "Inventory of Roane County Records." T1980 "Inventory of Sequatchie County Records." T1990 "Inventory of Smith County Records." T2000 "Inventory of Van Buren County Records." T2010 213 TENN.-TENN. "Inventory of Warren County Records." T2020 "Inventory of Washington County Records." T2030 "Inventory of White County Records." T2040 The University of Tennessee Sesqui-Centennial, 1794-1944. T2170 (ASU) The Blount Journal, 1790-1796: The Proceedings of Government Over the Territory of the United States of America, South of the River Ohio. T7620 (ASU) Pioneers of Roane County, Tennessee, 1801-1830. T8400 (ETSU) D-Days at Dayton: Reflections on the Scopes Trial. T8900 (ASU BC) Life of General John Sevier. T9790 (ASU) "Andrew Johnson and the National Union Movement." W140 Indian Battles, Murders, Sieges and Forays in the South-west. W230 Chattanooga, Its History and Growth. W300 The Chickamauga Dam and Its Environs. W310 This is Chattanooga. W320 Lookout, the Story of a Mountain. W340 (LMC BC) Torchlights to the Cherokee: The Brainerd Mission. W350 (ASU ETSU BC) "The Marble Industry of the Knoxville Area." W640 "A Historical Study of the ET&WNC Narrow Gauge Railroad." W730 (ASU) Andrew Jackson, Symbol for an Age. W750 (ASU) Watauga: "The Dangerous Example." The Story of Sycamore Shoals. W1370 (ETSU) "Co. Aytch," Maury Grays, First Tennessee Regiment: Or, A Side Show of the Big Show. W1470 (ASU) Historic City, Chattanooga; Containing Views and Descriptive Matter of Historic Points of Interest, Scenery, Pictures of Old and New Buildings, Leading Men, etc., All Artistically and Pleasingly Intermingled. W2160 The History of Roane County, Tennessee, 1801-1870. W2690 The History of Roane County, Tennessee, 1801-1870. W2700 (ASU LMC ETSU BC) "Andrew Johnson, Senator from Tennessee, 1857-1862." W2770 Tennessee: Its Growth and Progress. W5570 (BC) John Sevier, Son of Tennessee. W6300 (ETSU) John Sevier, Son of Tennessee. W6310 (LMC) "Legends and Stories of White County, Tennessee." W6460 Dawn of Tennessee Valley and Tennessee History. W6720 (ASU LMC BC) Early Travels in the Tennessee County, 1540-1800. W6730 (ETSU) Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 1540-1800: With Introductions, Annotations and Index. W6740 (ASU LMC BC) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6780 (ASU MHC BC) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6790 History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6800 (LMC WCU ETSU ASU) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6810 (ETSU) �TENN.-TENNESSEE TENN. — HISTORY History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6820 Tennessee During the Revolutionary War. W6840 (ASU BC) William Tatham, Wataugan. W6850 (ETSU ASU WCU BC) Calendar of the Tennessee and King's Mountain Papers of the Draper Collection of Manuscripts. W7850 (LMC) W7920 McMinnville at a Milestone, 1810-1960. A Momenta of the Sesquicentennial Year of McMinnville, Tennessee, 1960, 1958. W8440 (ASU ETSU BC) Drifting Down Holston River Way, 1756-1966. W8590 (BC) "Legislative Control of the Tennessee Valley Authority." W8770 Scrapbook History of Polk County, Tennessee. W9100 Centennial of the First Presbyterian Church, United States, in Cleveland, Tennessee, 1837-1937. W9110 A History of Bradley County. W9120 (ETSU) Red Clay Council Ground, 1832-1838; Last Capital of the Cherokee Nation East of the Mississippi River. W9130 Red Clay in History. W9140 William Blount, 1749-1800. W9490 (ETSU) Wartburg: Dream and Reality of the New Germany in Tennessee. W9820 History of the First Presbyterian Church, Sweetwater, Tennessee, 1860-1960. Y240 TENN. — HISTORY — CIVIL WAR Guide Book to Lookout Mountain and a Brief Account of Battles Fought near Chattanooga, Tennessee. B580 TENN. — HISTORY — EARLY TRAVEL ACCOUNTS History Excursions into Tennessee, Its Early Heritage. S7490 (LMC) TENN. - HISTORY — EVOLUTION TRIAL The Scopes Trial: The State of Tennessee v. John Thomas Scopes. SI 990 (ASU) TENN. — HISTORY — FRANKLIN, STATE OF "The Life and Times of Isaac Shelby." B2380 TENN. — HISTORY — WATAUGA ASSOCIATION Tennessee: The Dangerous Example; Watauga to 1849. C150 (BC) TENN. — LABOR FORCE Population and Labor Force Characteristics of Tennessee Counties. Til 80 Tennessee Employment Statistics, 1939-1964. Til 90 Tennessee Manpower: Current Trend and Future Projections. T1200 Manufacturing Employment in the Tennessee Valley Region. T5300 TENN. RIVER A History of Navigation on the Tennessee River System: An Interpretation of the Economic Influence of This River System on the Tennessee Valley. A1490 The Upper Tennessee. C970 (BC) The Taming of the Tennessee: Continued Study Units in Geographic Backgrounds. 11510 Surveys of the Tennessee River. M3200 Aboriginal Sites on Tennessee River. M7080 SUBJECT Muscle Shoals: A Plan for the Use of the United States Properties on the Tennessee River by Private Industry for the Manufacture of Fertilizers and Other Useful Products. M9140 (BC) The Tennessee River Basin. U3870 TENN. RIVERS Development of the Tennessee River Waterway. B4710 The Tennessee. Rivers of America. D630 (ASU WCU LMC MHC UNCA BC) "Tennessee River Navigation; Government and Private Enterprise Since 1932." D3620 The Tennessee River Valley; a Case Study. G3320 "The Agricultural, Cooperative and Rural Electrification Activities of the Tennessee Valley Authority, and the Work of the Farm Credit Administration in the Tennessee River Basin." H6110 TENNESSEE RIVER R1540 One River — Seven States: TVA-State Relations in the Development of the Tennessee River. R2860 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The French-Broad Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3940 (LMC BC) The French Broad-Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. R3950 (ETSU) The Tennessee River Gorge, Its Scenic Preservation; a Report to the 1961 General Assembly. T1730 One River, Seven States. T2220 Atlas Finding List of the Tennessee Valley Region. The Tennessee Valley Area and Adjacent Districts in Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Illinois, Kentucky, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia and West Virginia. T2300 Atlas of the Tennessee Valley Region, pt. 1. T2310 Chattanooga Flood Control Problem. T2380 . . . Engineering Geology of the Tennessee River System. . . . T2610 Flood Problems and Management in the Tennessee River Basin. T2730 A History of Navigation of the Tennessee River System; an Interpretation of the Economic Influence of this River System on the Tennessee Valley. Message From the President of the United States Transmitting a Survey Entitled U A History of Navigation on the Tennessee River and Its Tributaries." T2870 (BC ASU) Navigation and Economic Growth: Tennessee River Experience; a Report. T3100 Pickwick Landing Dam on the Tennessee River. Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Departments. T3200 . . . Report on the Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas. Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting Report Entitled "The Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas" . . . T3380 Report to the Congress on the Unified Development of the Tennessee River System. T3400 (ASU) River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3430 River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3450 Tennessee River Navigation. T3690 214 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Tennessee River Navigation System; History, Development, and Operation. T3700 The Tennessee River Waterway. T3710 TVA and the River. T3750 Cheaper Transportation via the Tennessee River. T4170 Major Freight Terminals on the Tennessee River Waterway. T5120 Navigation Charts, Tennessee River Waterway, Paducah, Kentucky to Knoxville, Tennessee; Showing Underwater Conditions, Navigation Channels and Aids and Adjacent Shore Planimetry. T5130 The Tennessee River Navigation System: History, Development, and Operation. T5140 The Tennessee Valley Region: Important Features and Recent Trends. T5330 Stream Sanitation in the Tennessee Valley. T5450 Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. T5460 Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. T5470 Pickwick Landing Dam on the Tennessee River. T6460 Floods of March 1963 in Tennessee River Basin. T6960 Floods on Tennessee River and Battle Creek, in Vicinity of South Pittsburg and Richard City, Tennessee. T7260 Floods on the Tennessee River and Cypress and Cox Creeks in Vicinity of Florence, Alabama. T7270 Floods on Tennessee River in Vicinity of Tri-Counties Alabama (Lawrence, Limestone, Morgan.) T7280 Floods on Tennessee River, Little Tennessee River, and Town and Muddy Creeks in Vicinity of Lenoir City, Tennessee. T7290 Floods on Toccoa-Ocoee River and Fightingtown Creek, in Vicinity of McCaysville, Ga. — Cooperhill, Tenn. T7300 Report on Review of Allocations of Costs of the Multiple-Purpose Water Control System in the Tennessee River Basin, as Determined by the Tennessee Valley Authority and Approved by the President Under the Provisions of the TVA Act of 1933 as Amended. U2910 God's Valley: People and Power Along the Tennessee River. W5840 (ASU WWC BC) Dawn of Tennessee Valley and Tennessee History. W6720 (ASU LMC BC) TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY Applications of the Common Mooring: Fundamental Principles in the Utilization of Resources. A630 Owners and Tenants of Small Farms in the Life of a Selected Community: A Cultural Analysis. A1330 Forest Fires and Area Burned, State and Private Lands, Tennessee Valley, 1934-1958. A5030 Experiment in Management: Personnel Decentralization in the Tennessee Valley Authority. A5750 Experiment in Management: Personnel Decentralization in the Tennessee Valley Authority. A5760 (ASU LMC) A Study of the Work of the Land-Grant Colleges in the Tennessee Valley Area in Cooperation with the Tennessee Valley Authority. B800 �SUBJECT APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY An Indexed Bibliography of the Tennessee Valley Authority. B2020 Public Organization of Electric Power: Conditions, Policies, and Program. B2030 "Struggle for Power: The Relations between the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Private Power Industry, 1933-1939. B2990 All Down the Valley. B3620 (BC ASU WCU LMC) A Watershed Development Program for the TVA. B4420 Electricity on Farms and in Rural Homes in the East Tennessee Valley. B5350 Tennessee Valley Country: Rural Government in the Hill Country of Alabama. B5600 "Family Removal of the Tennessee Valley." B7360 The Duck's Back: A Report on Certain Phases of the Socialistic Experiments Conducted by the Federal Government in Tennessee Valley. C160 (BC) Managing 10,000 Miles of Shoreline. C670 The Upper Tennessee. C970 (BC) Personnel Policy in a Public Agency: The TVA Experience. C1930 The Library in the TVA Adult Education Program. C2880 (ETSU) "The Identification and Evaluation of Factors Affecting Economic Growth in the Tennessee Valley Region, 1950-1960." C3340 "The Demand for Coal for Power Generation in the Tennessee Valley and the Impact of Changing Demand Patterns on a Supplying Coal Field." C3360 Rich Land, Poor Land; A Study of Waste in the Natural Resources of America. C3510 "TVA — A Critique of a Regional Plan." C4130 Power Supply in the Development of the Region. C4230 The TVA: An Approach to the Development of a Region. C4240 (ASU WWC BC) The TVA: An Approach to the Development of a Region. C4250 The Facts About Muscle Shoals. C4720 (LMC) Uncle Sam's Billion-dollar Baby, a Taxpayer Looks at the TVA. C6000 (ASU UNCA) Estimating Tennessee's Tourist Business. C7290 (ASU) Land of Hope: The Way of Life in the Tennessee Valley. C8260 (WWC ASU) Region Building: Community Development Lessons from the Tennessee Valley. D40 (ASU) Should We Have More TVA's? D230 High Dams and Slack Water: TVA Rebuilds a River. D3610 (ASU WCU LMC BC) "Tennessee River Navigation; Government and Private Enterprise Since 1932." D3620 The Valley and Its People, a Portrait of TVA. D3710 (ASU LMC BC) Upon Its Own Resources: Conservation and State Administration. D4070 E790 (ASU LMC WCU BC UNCA) Tennessee Valley Wildlife: An Outlook for the Year 2000. El 920 Fish and Fishing in TVA Impoundments. E2210 Excavations in Nickajack Reservoir: Season I. F320 (ETSU) T. V. A. Lessons for International Application. F940 The T. V. A. Lessons for International Application. F950 A Bibliography for the T.V.A. Program. F2990 The TVA Program: A Bibliography. F3000 The Spatial Structure of Economic Development in the Tennessee Valley. F3330 (BC) "The Tennessee Valley Authority and Its Relation to Private Enterprise." G40 Archaeological Investigations in the Tellico Reservoir: Interim Report, 1970. 02110 (ASU ETSU) Intergovernment Relations in the Tennessee Valley. G2720 "An Analysis of the Tennessee Valley Authority." G2810 The Tennessee River Valley; a Case Study. G3320 An Analysis of the Real Cost of TVA Power. Original and Supplemental Reports. G3560 Rescued Earth, a Study of the Public Administration of Natural Resources in Tennessee. G3820 (ASU LMC ETSU) Operations Guide for TVA Forest Nurseries. G4080 Story of TVA. G4910 The Story of TVA. G4920 "The Tennessee Valley Authority: An Examination of Its Historical Background and of Some of the Major Controversies in Which It Has Been Involved." H550 "Economic Development of Areas Contiguous to Multipurpose Reservoirs: The Kentucky-Tennessee Experience." H2220 (BC) . . . Natural Resources of the Tenn. Valley Region in Alabama. H2540 (BC) Education for an Age of Power: The TVA Poses a Problem. H3170 (ASU) Sparks at the Grassroots; Municipal Distribution of TVA Electricity in Tennessee. H6090 Sparks at the Grassroots, Municipal Distributions of TVA Electricity in Tennessee. H6100 (ASU WCU LMC BC) "The Agricultural, Cooperative and Rural Electrification Activities of the Tennessee Valley Authority, and the Work of the Farm Credit Administration in the Tennessee River Basin." H6110 The Tennessee Valley Authority: A National Experiment in Regionalism. H6130 (LMC BC) The Tennessee Valley Authority: A National Experiment in Regionalism. H6140 (ASU) "Tennessee Valley Authority Legislation." H7300 "TVA, a Study in Policy Formation." H7530 "Federal Payments in Lieu of Taxation with Emphasis on the Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority." H7650 The TVA and Economic Security in the South. H7660 (ASU WCU LMC) Authority in the TVA Land. H7670 (ASU LMC BC) People's Shorelines. Address before Tennessee Public Power Association, Nashville, Tennessee, April 15-18, 1958. H7740 Planning for Recreation Use of Impounded Waters — TVA Experience. H7750 Origins of the TVA; the Muscle Shoals Controversy, 1920-1932. H7840 215 TENNESSEE—TENNESSEE Origins of the TVA; The Muscle Shoals Controversy, 1920-1932. H7850 (ASU LMC WCU) Origins of the TVA; the Muscle Shoals Controversy, 1920-1932. H7860 TVA, Adventure in Planning. H8750 TVA, Adventure in Planning. H8760 Floods in Tennessee; Magnitude and Frequency. J620 A Foreigner Looks at the TVA. K1730 (BC ASU WWC) Conservation Fight from Theodore Roosevelt to the Tennessee Valley Authority. K2330 Legislative History of Muscle Shoals. K2340 TVA Labor Relations Policy at Work; Successful Cooperation Between Public Power and Organized Labor in the Public Interest. K2350 "Influence of Reservoir Projects on Land Values." K3220 Budget Administration in the Tennessee Valley Authority. K3390 The Building of TVA, an Illustrated History. K3460 (ASU WCU LMC BC) "Tennessee Valley Authority 1933 to I960: An Investigation of Progress." LI 00 "The Impact of TVA on Agriculture." LI 320 The Taming of the Tennessee: Continued Study Units in Geographic Backgrounds. L1510 Two Hundred Years at Muscle Shoals Being an Authentic History of Colbert County, 1700-1900. LI 590 Changing Sawmill Industry; a Status Report on 58 Circular Sawmills in the Tennessee Valley, 1950-60. LI 620 "Mobility and Economic Progress in the Tennessee Valley Region: 1957-65." LI 840 Planning for Flood Damage Prevention. L2390 The Journals of David E. Lilienthal. L2440 TVA: Democracy on the March. L2450 (BC WCU LMC MHC) TVA: Democracy on the March. L2460 (ASU MHC WWC BC UNCA) "An Evaluation of the Tennessee Valley Authority Manpower Training and Development Demonstration Project." L3530 (ASU BC) "A Study of Factors Related to the Entrophication of Boone Reservoir, Tennessee." L3640 (ETSU) Organization for Watershed Planning in the Public Interest. L3760 TVA and the Power Fight. M920 (LMC BC) Morgan vs. Lilienthal: The Feud within the TVA. M1610 "TVA and the Power Fight, 1933-1939." Ml 620 "The Social and Educational Aspects of the Tennessee Valley Authority." M2630 "Senator Kenneth D. McKellar and the Tennessee Valley Authority, 1933-1944." M3060 "The Sequatchie Valley, Tennessee, a Study in Land Utilization." M3770 The First Twenty Years. M3780 Effectiveness of Apprentice Training in the Tennessee Valley Authority. M3830 "Resources for Physical Recreation in the Tennessee Valley Authority Region." M4960 The Economic Impact of TVA. M7230 �TENNESSEE—TENNESSEE TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY Log of the TVA. M7440 The Making of the TVA. M7450 Finding His World: The Story of Arthur E. Morgan. M7640 Valley of Vision: The TVA Years. M8700 (ASU BC) Muscle Shoals: A Plan for the Use of the United States Properties on the Tennessee River by Private Industry for the Manufacture of Fertilizers and Other Useful Products. M9140 (BC) Financial and Operating Characteristics of the Municipal and Cooperative Distributors of T.V.A. Power. N650 "Socio-Economic Readjustment of Farm Families Displaced by the TVA Land Purchase in the Morris Area." N1000 Tennessee Valley, a Recreation Domain. N1230 Muscle Shoals and the Public Welfare. 0960 The Tennessee Valley Authority. O970 Tennessee Valley Authority's Bull Run Steam Plant. PI 30 Big Dam Foolishness; the Problem of Modern Flood Control and Water Storage. P2370 "Prelude to TVA: The Wadsworth-Kahn Bill, 1919-1921." P3550 The Tennessee Valley Authority, a Study in Public Administration. P4670 (BC ASU WCU) The Tennessee Valley Authority: A Case Study in the Economics of Multiple Purpose Stream Planning. R470 (ASU BC UNCA) R1540 The Coosa River Valley from DeSoto to Hydroelectric Power. R1660 (ASU) One River — Seven States: TVA-State Relations in the Development of the Tennessee River. R2860 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The TVA Idea. R4340 (BC) Tenn. Valley Land and Its Changing Use. SI 50 Soil and Sky; the Development and Use of Tennessee Valley Resources. S470 Harvesting Pine Pulpwood in the Tennessee Valley. SI 040 Adult Education, a Part of a Total Educational Program. A Description of the Educational and Training Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority. SI 560 Adult Education, a Part of a Total Educational Program. A Description of the Educational and Training Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority. SI 570 (ASU) Elementary Education in Two Communities of the Tennessee Valley: A Description of the Wilson Dam and Gilbertsville Schools. S1580 (ETSU) Initial Forest Management in the Tennessee Valley. SI 770 TVA and the Grass Roots. SI 820 (WWC BC) TVA and the Grass Roots: A Study in the Sociology of Formal of Organization. SI830 (ASU LMC MHC UNCA) "An Economic Analysis of Competition Between the Tennessee Valley Authority and Private Power." SI 880 Scenes and Information about Rockwood, Tennessee, in the Heart of the Great Tennessee Valley Development. S2040 SUBJECT "What Lessons India Can Learn from the Tennessee Valley Authority." S2180 Decatur Story. S2680 A Bibliography of the Zoology of Tennessee and Tennessee Valley Region. S3! 90 (ASU BC) Flood Problems and Their Solution Through Urban Planning Programs. S3360 "George W. Morris and the Concept of a Planned Region." S4350 The Politics of Conservation. S4670 Financial Control System of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Revised ed. Federal Fiscal Series. Study no. 1. S5390 "Agricultural Changes in the TVA Area, 1930-1945." S7740 "Tennessee Municipalities and TVA Power." S9660 Tennessee Fishing Waters, Featuring TVA Lakes. T1040 A Report to the President of the United States on the Tennessee Valley Authority, October 8, 1953. T1480 Labor and TVA; Collective Bargaining Under Government Operation of a Public Utility and an Analysis of the Benefits to All the People of the Integrated Development of a River Basin. T1560 A Plan for Development-Nicka Jack Reservoir Area. T1660 (ASU LMC) Reservoir Shore Line Development in Tennessee,- a Study of Problems and Opportunities. T1700 The Tennessee River Gorge, Its Scenic Preservation; a Report to the 1961 General Assembly. T1730 Towers of Power Back Industrial Opportunities in Tennessee, First Public Power State. T1740 One River, Seven States. T2220 Valley of Tomorrow, the TVA and Agriculture. T2230 Annual Report. 1935-. T2250 (ASU WCU LMC BC) Annual Report of the Distributors of TVA Power, 1937-Date. T2260 An Appraisal of Coal Strip Mining. T2270 (BC) Articles of Agreement Between the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Salary Policy Employee Panel. Negotiated December 5, 1950. T2280 Articles of Agreement . . . Negotiated December 5, 1950. Revisions Through February 4, 1955. T2290 Atlas Finding List of the Tennessee Valley Region. The Tennessee Valley Area and Adjacent Districts in Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Illinois, Kentucky, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia and West Virginia. T2300 Atlas of the Tennessee Valley Region, pt. 1. T2310 Basic Data on TVA and Its Revenue Bond Financing. T2320 (ASU) Bear Creek Watershed, Summary of Resources. T2330 A Bibliography for the TVA Program. T2340 (ASU BC LMC) A Bibliography for the TVA Program. T2350 (ASU) A Bibliography for the TVA Program. T2360 (LMC) 216 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY The Bull Run Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial One-Unit Plant. T2370 Chattanooga Flood Control Problem. T2380 . . . Chemical Engineering Report, no. 1. T2390 The Cherokee Project, a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Cherokee Project. T2400 . . . The Chickamauga Project, a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Chickamauga Project. . . . T2410 The Colbert Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Four-Unit Plant. T2440 Comparison of Coal-Fired and Nuclear Power Plants for the TVA System. T2450 . . . A Compilation of the More Important Congressional Acts, Treaties, Presidential Messages, Judicial Decisions, and Official Reports and Documents Having to do with the Control Conservation, and Utilization of Water Resources. T2460 . . . Communication from Tennessee Valley Authority. T2470 Concrete Production and Control, Tennessee Valley Authority Projects. T2480 The Cost of Distributing Power, Knoxville, Tennessee. T2490 . . . County Government and Administration in the Tennessee Valley States. T2500 Design of TVA Projects. T2510 Development of the Tennessee Valley. T2520 The Development of the Tennessee Valley. T2530 The Douglas Project; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Douglas Project. T2540 . . . Drawings for the Chickamauga Project. . . . T2550 . . . Drawings for the Guntersville Project. . . . T2560 Economic Development of the Upper French Broad Area by North Carolina State and the Tennessee Valley Authority. T2570 (LMC) Electrical Demonstration Branch Electricity in Dairying. T2580 Elk River Watershed; Summary of Resources. T2590 Engineering Geology and Mineral Resources of the Tennessee Valley Authority Region. T2600 . . . Engineering Geology of the Tennessee River System. . . . T2610 Extent of Recreation Development and Use of TVA Lakes and Actual Lake Frontage Property. T2630 Facts About Major TVA Dams. T2640 Facts About TVA Operations. T2650 Facts About TVA Operations. T2660 Facts About TVA Steam Plants. T2670 Fertilizer Science and the American Farmer — the Research and Education Programs of the Tennessee Valley Authority. T2680 Fertilizer Science and the American Farmer — the Research and Education Programs of the Tennessee Valley Authority. T2690 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY Fifty Inches of Rain. A Story of Land and Water Conservation. T2700 (BC) . . . Financial Statements. . . . T2710 Flood Problems and Management in the Tennessee River Basin. T2730 Floods and Flood Control. T2740 Floods on the Tuckaseigee River and Deep Creek in Vicinity of Bryson City, North Carolina. T2750 Floods on Watauga and Doe Rivers in Vicinity of Elizabethton, Tennessee. T2760 Forest Inventory Statistics for Buncombe County, North Carolina. T2780 Forest Products Industry Notes, no. 1. T2790 (BC) Forests and Human Welfare. T2800 Forestry Bulletin, no. 1. T2810 (BC) The Fort Loudoun Project; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Fort Loudoun Project. T2820 General Agreement Between the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Tennessee Valley Trades and Labor Council. T2830 General Outline of Chemical Engineering Activities. T2840 Geology and Foundation Treatment, Tennessee Valley Authority Projects. T2850 (ETSU) The Guntersville Project. A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Guntersville Project . . . T2860 (BC) A History of Navigation of the Tennessee River System; an Interpretation of the Economic Influence of this River System on the Tennessee Valley. Message From the President of the United States Transmitting a Survey Entitled "A History of Navigation on the Tennessee River and Its Tributaries." T2870 (BC ASU) The Hiwassee Valley Projects. T2880 How Cheap Electricity Pays Its Way. TVA. T2890 . . . Hydraulic Data Activities of the Tennessee Valley Authority . . . T2900 Hydrology of Small Watersheds in Relation to Various Crop Covers and Soil Characteristics. A Pictorial Brochure. Cooperative Research Project in Western North Carolina. T2910 Industrial Development in the TVA Area During 1965. T2920 Initial Forest Management in the Tennessee Valley. T2930 . . . Injunctions in Cases Involving Acts of Congress. Letter from the Chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority Transmitting, in Response to Senate Resolution no. 82, Certain Information Concerning Injunctions or Judgments Issued or Rendered by Federal Courts Since March 4, 1933, in Cases Involving Acts of Congress. . . . T2940 Interterritorial Freight Rate Problem of the United States. T2950 SUBJECT . . . Investment of the Tennessee Valley Authority in Wilson, Norris, and Wheeler Projects. Letter from the Chairman of the Board of the Tennessee Valley Authority Transmitting a Report on the Investment and the Allocation of the Investment of the Authority in the Wilson, Norris, and Wheeler-Projects, Pursuant to Section 14 of the Tennessee Valley Authority Act of 1933 ... T2960 Is the Tennessee Valley Favored in Federal Expenditures? T2970 (BC) The Johnsonville Steam Plant; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Six-Unit Plant. T2980 The Kentucky Project; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction and Initial Operations of the Kentucky Project. T2990 Knoxville and Vicinity, Tennessee. 1953. T3000 Lower Hiwassee Valley; Summary of Resources. T3020 Management Services Report, no. 1-. T3030 The Melton Hill Project; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Initial Operations, and Costs. T3040 Municipal and Cooperative Distributors of TVA Power; Annual Report. T3050 Municipalities (Electric Departments Only) and Cooperatives Purchasing Power from Tennessee Valley Authority. Financial Statements for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1940; a Report from the Comptroller to the Directors of Tennessee Valley Authority. T3060 Nature's Constant Gift, a Report on the Water Resource of the Tennessee Valley. T3070 (BC ASU) Nature's Constant Gift; a Report on the Water Resource of the Tennessee Valley. T3080 Nature's Constant Gift; a Report on the Water Resource of the Tennessee Valley. T3090 Navigation and Economic Growth: Tennessee River Experience; a Report. T3100 Non-Urban Outdoor Recreation, an Analysis of Its Functions, Forms, and Types of Areas. T3110 Norris Dam . . . T3120 . . . The Norris Project, A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Tennessee Valley Authority's First Water Control Project . . . T3130 Operation of TVA Reservoirs, Annual 1963. T3140 Outdoor Recreation for a Growing Nation; TVA's Experience With Man-Made Reservoirs. T3150 The Paradise Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Two-Unit Plant. T3160 Parker Branch; an Experiment in Appalachian Agriculture, 1953-1962. T3170 Parker Branch Research Watershed; Project Report, 1953-1962. T3180 Personnel Administration in TVA; the Experience of 14 Years. T3190 Pickwick Landing Dam on the Tennessee River. Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Departments. T3200 . . . The Pickwick Landing Project, a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Pickwick Landing Project . . . T3210 217 TENNESSEE-TENNESSEE . . . Plant Nutrient Losses in the Tennessee River System. T3220 Plant Trees — Grow Jobs; Reforest 7 States in 7 Years. T3230 (ASU) Power Annual Report. I960-. T3240 Preliminary Report: Floods on Scott Creek in Vicinity of Sylva, North Carolina. T3250 Profile of a Region; Some Characteristics and General Trends, Tennessee Valley States. T3260 A Program for Reducing the National Flood Damage Potential. T3270 Program for Reducing the National Flood Damage Potential. T3280 Progress in Seven States. TVA Now. T3290 Progress in the Valley, TVA, 1947. T3300 A Quality Environment in the Tennessee Valley. T3310 Recreation Areas on TVA Lakes. T3320 Recreation Areas on TVA Lakes. T3330 . . . Recreation Development of the Tennessee River System. T3340 Recreational Development of the Southern Highlands Region, A Study of the Use and Control of Scenic and Recreational Resources. T3350 (ASU) . . . Regionalized Freight Rates: Barrier to National Productiveness. Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting a Report of the Tennessee Valley Authority Entitled "Regionalized Freight Rates: Barrier to National Productiveness". . . T3360 Report. T3370 . . . Report on the Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas. Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting Report Entitled "The Physiographic, Economic, and Other Relationships Between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers and Between Their Drainage Areas" . . . T3380 Report on Scientific Research Projects. T3390 Report to the Congress on the Unified Development of the Tennessee River System. T3400 (ASU) Report to the Nation from the Tennessee Valley Authority on Its First Twenty-Five Years. T3410 River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3420 River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3430 River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3440 River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3450 Sequatchie Valley; Summary of Resources. T3470 Short History of the Tennessee Valley Authority, 1933-1963. T3480 Soil . . . People, and Fertilizer Technology. T3490 Southwest Virginia, Lee, Scott, Wise Counties; Summary of Resources. T3510 . . . Statistical Bulletin no. 1-. T3520 �TENNESSEE—TENNESSEE TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY A Study of Methods Used in Measurement and Analysis of Sediment Loads in Streams. Planned and Conducted Jointly by Tennessee Valley Authority, Corps of Engineers, Department of Agriculture, Geological Survey, Bureau of Reclamation, Indian Service, and Iowa Institute of Hydraulic Research. Report no. 1-. T3530 A Study of Methods Used in Measurement and Analysis of Sediment Loads in Streams, Planned and Conducted Jointly by Tennessee Valley Authority. T3540 Survey of Electrical Appliances in the Homes and Farms of the TVA Area. T3570 Systematic Farm Planning in Relation to Water Resources at Parker Branch Pilot Tributary Watershed. T3590 . . . Technical Report no. 1. T3600 . . . A Technical Review of the Chickamauga Project . . . T3610 . . . A Technical Review of the Guntersville Project. T3620 . . . A Technical Review of the Hiwassee Project . T3630 . . . A Technical Review of the Morris Project. T3640 . . . A Technical Review of the Pickwick Landing Project . . . T3650 . . . A Technical Review of the Wheeler Project. T3660 The Tellico Project of the TVA. T3670 Tennessee River History. T3680 Tennessee River Navigation. T3690 The Tennessee River Navigation System; History, Development, and Operation. T3700 The Tennessee River Waterway. T3710 The Tennessee Valley Authority. T3720 Tennessee Valley Authority. T3730 Tennessee Valley Authority, 1933-1937. T3740 TVA and the River. T3750 TVA dams; the Twenty Major Dams Built by the Tennessee Valley Authority and Wilson Dam. T3760 TVA Electricity Rates, A Statement of Facts. T3770 Tennessee Valley Authority Facts Book; Norris, Wheeler and Wilson Projects . . . T3780 TVA: The First Twenty Years. A Staff Report. T3790 (ASU WCU LMC) TVA: The First Twenty Years; A Staff Report. T3800 (UNCA) TVA Flood Control. T3810 TVA Flood Control; New Concepts. T3820 TVA's Influence on Electric Rates. T3830 TVA — a National Asset. T3840 TVA Power, 1966. T3850 TVA Power — 1963/64. T3860 TVA; A River Controlled. T3870 TVA River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3880 TVA Tames the River. T3890 TVA Today, 1965. T3900 SUBJECT TVA 25th Anniversary; Progress Thru Resource Development, A Report to the Nation from the Tennessee Valley Authority on Its First Twenty-Five Years, 1933-1958. T3910 TVA, Its Work and Accomplishments. T3920 TVA, The Valley of Light, 1933-1963. T3930 TVA's Coal-Buying Program. T3940 TVA's Influence on Electric Rates. T3950 General Agreement . . . and Supplementary Schedules. T3960 Tennessee Valley Authority Act, May 18, 1933 with Amendments. T3961 The Tennessee Valley Region; Population Changes, 1950-1955. T3970 Tennessee Valley Resources,- Their Development and Use. T3980 To Keep the Water in the Rivers and the Soil on the Land . . . T3990 Tributary Area Development Activities; Selected List of Reports and Publications. 1963. T4000 Tributary Area Development in the Tennessee Valley. T4010 Upper Duck River Valley; Summary of Resources. T4020 Upper Hiwassee Valley: Summary of Resources. T4030 The Upper Holston Projects: Watauga, South Holston, Boone, and Fort Patrick Henry; a Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Initial Operations, and Costs of Four Hydro Projects in the Holston Basin at the Eastern Tip of Tennessee. T4040 The Valley is Paying off, TVA 1949. T4050 Valley With a Future, TVA in the Sixties. T4060 . . . Value of Flood Height Reduction from TVA Reservoirs to the Alluvial Valley of the Lower Mississippi River . . . T4070 . . . The Wheeler Project, A Comprehensive Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, and Initial Operations of the Wheeler Project . . . T4090 Working With Areas of Special Need, With Examples From the Beech River Watershed. T4100 Working with Areas of Special Need, with Examples from the Beech River Watershed. T4110 Working with TVA. T4120 The Yellow Creek Port Project. T4130 Census of Agriculture for the 125 Tennessee Valley Watershed Counties. T4140 Teamwork: the Cooperative Program of the Tennessee Valley Trades and Labor Council and the Tennessee Valley Authority. T4150 Goals of the Cooperative Program. T4160 Cheaper Transportation via the Tennessee River. T4170 Commerce Series. T4180 Electric Poultry Equipment for the Farm. T4190 . . . The Initial Phase of Public-Use Terminal Development at Chattanooga, Tennessee. T4200 Pumps and Plumbing for the Farmstead. T4210 Report. T4220 Rural Electrification; Lessons for Boys' Groups. T4230 218 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . Supplemental Phases of the Interterritorial Freight Rate Problem of the United States. T4240 Financial Statements for the Fiscal Years Ended June 20, 1938-Date. T4250 Municipalities (Electric Departments Only) and Cooperatives, Purchasing Power from Tennessee Valley Authority. Financial Statements for the Fiscal Years Ended June 30, 1938-Date. T4260 . . . Statistical Bulletin no. 1. T4270 County Government and Administration in the Tennessee Valley States. T4280 Recreational Development of the Southern Highlands Region; A Study of the Use and Control of Scenic and Recreational Resources. T4290 (LMC) Report of the Project on Research in Agriculture and Industrial Development in the Tennessee Valley Region. T4300 TVA Demountable Houses for Defense Workers; a Report. T4320 Social and Economic Characteristics of Six Tennessee Valley Reservoir Areas. T4330 (BC) Fertilizer Trends. T4340 Southern Bulk Blending Conference, Jan. 21-23, 1963. T4350 Bulk-Blending — An Innovation in Fertilizer Marketing. T4360 Changing Agricultural of the Tennessee Valley. T4370 Do Fertilizer Education and Services Pay? T4380 Fertilizer Summary Data. T4390 Fertilizer Summary Data. T4400 Fertilizer, One Key to Better Land Use. Summary of Distributor Demonstration Program for TVA Fertilizers, Fiscal Year 1955. T4410 Fertilizer Trends. T4420 Fertilizer Trends; the Scope of TVA's Fertilizer Activities. T4430 Fertilizer Trends; the Scope of TVA's Fertilizer Activities. T4440 Fertilizer Trends; the Scope of TVA's Fertilizer Activities. T4450 Food at the Grass Roots; the Nation's Stake in Soil Minerals. T4460 Income Levels in the Upper Tennessee Valley: A Comparative Analysis. T4470 Interpreting Results of Irrigation Experiments; a Progress Report. T4480 The Occurrence of Drought in the Tennessee Valley. T4490 Plant Nutrient Consumption by States and Geographic Areas. T4500 Problems and Suggested Programs for Low-Income Farmers with Special Reference to the Tennessee Valley. T4510 Problems of Underemployed Rural People. T4520 Progress Through Cooperative Research on Fertilizer Evaluations; a Report of TVA Soils and Fertilizer Research Branch for the Period July 1957 Through June 1960. T4530 Report. T4540 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY Research Contributes to More Efficient Use of Fertilizers. A Report of Progress of the Soils and Fertilizers, Fertilizer Research Branch. T4550 Test-Demonstration Farms and the Spread of Improved Farm Practices in Southwest Virginia. T4560 U. S. Plant Nutrient Consumption. T4570 Use of Linear Programming Technique to Compute Least-Cost Bulk-Blended Fertilizers. T4580 Annual Report, 1963. T4600 The Changing Sawmill Industry; a Status Report on 58 Circular Sawmills in the Tennessee Valley, 1950-1960. T4610 Comparative Data for Additional Hardwood Pulp and Paper Mills in the Tennessee Valley. T4620 Comparative Results of Circular Sawmill Surveys in the Tennessee Valley, 1950 and 1955. T4630 A Demonstration of Watershed Protective Logging, Mars Hill Municipal Watershed, Madison County, North Carolina. T4640 Development of Forests — Fish — Wildlife in the Tennessee Valley. T4650 Evaluation of Forestry Opportunities on Farms in the Beech River Watershed. T4660 (ETSU) Fish and Wildlife in the Tennessee Valley. T4670 Forest Inventory Statistics for Fannin County, Georgia. T4680 Forest Inventory Statistics — Holston River Tributary Area, East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia. T4690 Forest Inventory Statistics for Towns County, Georgia. T4700 Forest Inventory Statistics for Union County, Georgia. T4710 Forest Inventory Statistics for Walker County, Georgia. T4720 Forest Inventory Statistics for Whitfield County, Georgia. T4730 Forest Resources and Industries in the Tennessee Valley. T4740 (ETSU) Forest Resources of the Beech River Watershed. T4750 Furniture Industry Expansion in the Tennessee Valley. T4760 Hardwood-Logging Methods and Costs in the Tennessee Valley. T4770 Hardwood Utilization Centers: Their Potential for the Tennessee Valley. T4780 (ASU) Influence of Woodland and Owner Characteristics of Forest Management. T4790 Laminated Lumber From Low-Grade Hardwoods by the Continuous Glue Press Process. T4800 Multiple-Use of Norris Watershed. T4810 North Georgia Forest Industry Outlook. T4820 Operations Manual for TVA Forest Nurseries. T4830 Pine Pulpmill Possibilities, North Alabama. T4840 Private Forest Management in the Tennessee Valley. T4850 Publications Available for General Distribution. T4860 SUBJECT Status of the Forest Resource in the Tennessee Valley—1950. T4870 TVA and Forestry. T4890 TVA and Forestry. T4900 TVA and Forestry. T4910 Twenty Years of Fire Records for State and Private Forest Lands in the Tennessee Valley. T4920 Why Invest in Forest Land? Some Forest Owners Give Their Answers. T4930 Annual Report. T4940 Design and Operation of Open-Tank Timber Treating Plants. T4950 Farm Forestry Planning Through Linear Programming. T4960 Forest Resource Trends in the Tennessee Valley. T4970 Guide to Selection of Superior Loblolly, Shortleaf and Virginia Pine in the Tennessee Valley. T4980 Inventorying Forest Properties; Suggested Standard Procedure and Specifications for Use in the Tennessee Valley. T4990 Operations Guide for TVA Forest Nurseries. T5000 Private Forest Management Trends in the Tennessee Valley. T5010 Quality-Control in Circular Sawmill Operation . . . T5020 Reforestation Estimates for the Tennessee Valley. T5030 Report: A Record of Activities and Accomplishments. T5040 Sawmill Facts,- First Step Toward Good Management. T5050 A Survey of Pulpwood Dealers in the Tennessee Valley . . . T5060 TVA Fish and Game Activities. T5070 Utilizing Pine Sawmill Residue for Pulp Chips. T5080 . . . A Compilation of the More Important Congressional Acts, Treaties, Presidential Messages, Judicial Decisions, and Official Reports and Documents Having to do with the Control, Conservation, and Utilization of Water Resources. T5090 Benefit-Cost Analysis for Water Resource Projects; a Selected Annotated Bibliography. T5110 Major Freight Terminals on the Tennessee River Waterway. T5120 Navigation Charts, Tennessee River Waterway, Paducah, Kentucky to Knoxville, Tennessee; Showing Underwater Conditions, Navigation Channels and Aids and Adjacent Shore Planimetry. T5130 The Tennessee River Navigation System: History, Development, and Operation. T5140 Land Acquisition in TVA. An Analysis of TVA Land Acquisition, Land Management, and Family Relocation Procedures as They Could Relate to the Missouri Valley Development. Statements Presented Before the Select Subcommittee on Real Property Acquisition of the Committee on Public Works. T5150 The Barge Grain Case — Its Significance to the Tennessee Valley and the Southeast. T5160 Comparative Data on Farm Income and Employment, 1929-51. T5170 Local Government Services and Industrial Development in the Southeast. T5190 219 TENNESSEE—TENNESSEE The Tennessee Valley Region: Highlights of Growth and Change; Historical Perspectives, Recent Trends. T5200 The Image of Asheville. T5210 (LMC) Annual Report, 1958 and 1959. T5220 Public Grounds Maintenance Handbook. T5230 Engineering Data. T5240 Measurements of the Structural Behavior at Fontana Dam. T5250 Measurements of the Structural Behavior of Norris and Hiwassee Dams. T5260 Crosstie Industry Facts for the Tennessee Valley Counties. T5280 Statistical Summary of Forest-Products Industries in the Tennessee Valley. T5290 Manufacturing Employment in the Tennessee Valley Region. T5300 Manufacturing Structure and Change in the Tennessee Valley Region, 1959-1963. T5310 Tennessee Valley Authority Program: The Role of the States and Their Political Subdivisions. T5320 The Tennessee Valley Region: Important Features and Recent Trends. T5330 . . . Community Health and Safety Series no. 1. T5340 Full-Scale Study of Dispersion of Stack Gases; a Summary Report. T5350 Malaria and Its Control in the Tennessee Valley. T5360 Malaria and Its Control in the Tennessee Valley. T5370 Malaria Control: 1. How the Community Can Help. An Office of War Information Reprint of the Tennessee Valley Authority Booklet. T5380 Malaria Control in the Tennessee Valley. T5390 Malaria, the Story of an Individual Problem and a Community Problem. T5400 Prediction of Stream Reaeration Rates. T5410 Quality of Water in Chickamauga Reservoir. T5420 Report. T5430 Significant Developments in TVA's Malaria Control Program Through 1947. T5440 Stream Sanitation in the Tennessee Valley. T5450 Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. T5460 Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. T5470 Surface Water Quality in the Chestuee Creek Watershed. T5480 Surface Water Quality in the Chestuee Creek Watershed. T5490 TVA; the Health of a Region. T5500 Vector Control and Water Resource Development — The Experience of TVA. T5510 Boone Project, Hydraulic Model Studies. T5520 Fontana Project Hydraulic Model Studies. T5540 Influences of Reforestation and Erosion Control Upon the Hydrology of the Pine Tree Branch Watershed 1941 to 1950. T5550 Tennessee and Cumberland Valley Reservoirs Level Storage Tables and Profile Storage Charts. T5560 �TENNESSEE—TENNESSEE TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Anderson County, Tennessee. T5570 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Bledsoe County. T5580 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Carter County. T5590 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Cocke County. T5600 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Coffee County. T5610 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Cumberland County. T5620 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Fentress County. T5630 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Franklin County, Tennessee. T5640 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Grainger County. T5650 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Greene County, Tennessee. T5660 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Hamblen County, Tennessee. T5670 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Johnson County, Tennessee. T5680 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Loudon County, Tennessee. T5690 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of McMinn County, Tennessee. T5700 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Marion County, Tennessee. T5710 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Meigs County, Tennessee. T5720 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Monroe County, Tennessee. T5730 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Morgan County, Tennessee. T5740 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Polk County, Tennessee. T5750 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Rhea County. T5760 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Sevier County. T5770 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Sullivan County. T5780 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Unicoi County. T5810 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of Washington County, Tennessee. T5790 Agricultural-Industrial Survey of White County. T5800 Defense Expansion in the Tennessee Valley Region. T5820 Atlas of the Tennessee Valley Region. T5830 A Cartographic Summary of United States Census Data, 1930, Tennessee Valley and Surrounding Area by Land Classification Section, Land Planning and Housing Division, Tennessee Valley Authority. T5840 Houses at Morris, Tennessee; a Review of Costs. T5850 The Rural Land Classification Program; a Summary of Techniques and Uses Submitted by G. Donald Hudson, Chief, Land Classification Section, Division of Land Planning and Housing, Tennessee Valley Authority. T5860 The Three Major Physical Divisions of the Upper Tennessee Basin. T5870 . . . A Bibliography of the Tennessee Valley Authorityi .. T5880 A Bibliography for the TVA Program. T5890 SUBJECT ... A Chronology of the Tennessee Valley Authority. T5900 Congressional Hearings, Reports, and Documents Relating to TVA. 1933-. T5910 Flood Damage Prevention; an Indexed Bibliography. T5960 . . . Government Corporations, a Selected List of References, September 15, 1945. T5970 . . . An Indexed Bibliography of the Tennessee Valley Authority, Compiled by Harry C. Bauer, Technical Librarian. T5980 . . . Payments in Lieu of Taxes, a Selected List of References, January 2, 1946. T5990 Personnel Administration in TVA; a Selected List of References. T6000 . . . Regional Authority Developments, a Selected List of References, Including Legislative Bills Introduced in Congress, 1933-1945. T6010 ... A Selected List of Books, Theses, and Pamphlets on TVA, Compiled by Ernest I. Miller, Reference Librarian. T6020 . . . A Selected List of Books and Pamphlets on TVA. January 1, 1945. T6030 . . . A Selected List of Books, Theses, and Pamphlets on TVA. T6040 ... A Selected List of Books, Theses, and Pamphlets on TVA. T6050 The TVA Program; a Bibliography of Selected Readings, Prepared by the Training and Educational Relations Staff of the Personnel Dept. and the Staff of the Technical Library. T6060 The TVA Program; a Bibliography of Selected Readings, Compiled by Bernard L. Foy, Technical Librarian. T6070 The TVA Program; a Bibliography of Selected Readings, Compiled by Bernard L. Foy, Technical Librarian. T6080 TVA, Symbol of Valley Resource Development; a Digest and Selected Bibliography of Information. T6090 TVA as a Symbol of Resource Development in Many Countries; a Digest and Selected Bibliography of Information. T6100 Agglomeration of Phosphate Fines for Furnace Use. T6110 Analytical Index of Chemical Engineering Publications Patents and Reports. T6120 Chemical Engineering Bulletins. T6130 Chemical Engineering Reports. T6140 Development of Processes for Production of Calcium Metaphosphate Fertilizer. T6150 Development of Processes for Production of Concentrated Superphosphate. T6160 Development of Processes for Production of Fused Tricalcium Phosphate. T6170 Development of Processes and Equipment for Production of Phosphoric Acid. T6180 General Outline of Chemical Engineering Activities. T6190 Phosphorus; Properties of the Element and Some of Its Compounds. T6200 Preparation of Research and Engineering Reports. T6210 Production of Elemental Phosphorus by the Electric — Furnace Method. T6220 220 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY TVA Chemical Plant and National Defense. T6230 The Colbert Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Four-Unit Plant. T6240 Construction Plant for TVA Projects. T6250 Drawings for the Appalachian Project. T6260 Drawings for the Boone Project by Tennessee Valley Authority, Divisions of Engineering and Construction. T6270 Drawings for the Chatuge and Nottely Projects by the Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Departments. T6280 Drawings for the Cherokee Project by the Tennessee Valley Authority, Engineering and Construction Departments. T6290 Drawings for the Fontana Project. T6300 Drawings for the Fort Loudoun Project by the Tennessee Valley Authority, Divisions of Engineering and Construction. T6310 Drawings for the Hiwassee Project. T6320 Drawings for the Johnsonville Steam Plant. T6330 Drawings for the Kentucky Project. T6340 Drawings for the Ocoee no. 3 Project. T6350 . . . Drawings for the Pickwick Landing Project . . T6360 Drawings for the South Holston Project. T6370 Drawings for the Watauga and Wilbur Projects. T6380 Drawings for the Watts Bar Project. T6390 . . . Drawings for the Wheeler Project . . . T6400 Engineering Data. T6410 Engineering Data. T6420 Instructions for Scale Checking Aerial Photographs. T6430 Measurements of the Structural Behavior at Fontana Dam. T6440 Measurements of the Structural Behavior of Morris and Hiwassee Dams. T6450 Pickwick Landing Dam on the Tennessee River. T6460 . . . Plans and Specifications for the Morris Dam .. T6470 Plans and Specifications for the Morris Dam. T6480 The Bull Run Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial One-Unit Plant. T6490 The Kingston Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations. T6500 The Melton Hill Project; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Initial Operations, and Costs. T6510 The Paradise Steam Plant; a Report on the Planning, Design, Construction, Costs, and First Power Operations of the Initial Two-Unit Plant. T6520 Research in the Fields of Civil Engineering, Mechanical Engineering, Instrumentation. 1965/66-. T6530 Annual Report. 1969/70-. T6540 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY Transmission System of Tennessee Valley Authority. T6560 Electricity Sales Statistics, Monthly Report no. 1. T6570 Industrial Development in the TVA Area During 1962. T6580 Report on the Plateau Coal Field of Alabama. T6590 Report on the Reserves of Coal in a Part of the Worrier Coal Field of Alabama. T6600 Electricity and Your Farm; a Manual for Instruction on the Practical Uses and Application of Electricity in Rural Areas. T6610 Comparison of Coal-Fired and Nuclear Power Plants for the TVA System. T6620 Fire Protection Manual. T6630 Rate Reductions by the Distributors of TVA Power. T6640 Rate Reductions by the Distributors of TVA Power. T6650 TWA Power. 1953-. T6660 TVA Power and Taxes. T6670 TVA Power and Taxes. T6680 Industrial Development in the TVA Area, 1955-Date. T6690 Electricity Sales Statistics. T6700 Industrial Development in the TVA Area. 1958-. T6710 File Audit Handbook. T6730 File Operation Handbook. T6740 Records Management in TVA. T6750 Records Retention and Disposal Handbook. T6760 Secretarial Handbook. T6770 Administration and Standards of Apprenticeship of the Tennessee Valley Authority. T6780 Development of Salary Policy Employee Panel (Documentation). T6790 Documentation of TVA Apprenticeship Program. T6800 Effectiveness of Apprentice Training in TVA. T6810 Group Participation in Personnel Administration in the Tennessee Valley Authority. T6820 Management Guide for Handling Grievances of Employees, Represented by the Salary Policy Employee Panel. T6830 Report. T6840 TVA Employment Policy and Methods for Salary Policy Jobs. T6850 TVA and Engineering: Electrical, Civil, Mechanical, Chemical, Architectural, Nuclear, Fuels. T6860 TVA Labor Relations, 1933-1953. T6870 Valley of Opportunity; Tennessee Valley Authority, 1963-1964. T6880 A Bibliography for the TVA Program. T6890 TVA as a Symbol of Resource Development in Many Countries. T6910 Boone Project Hydraulic Model Studies. T6920 . . . Flood Control for Upper French Broad River and Tributaries; a Preliminary Report. T6930 SUBJECT Flood on Piney River, November 18-19, 1957, in Vicinity of Spring City, Tennessee. T6950 Floods of March 1963 in Tennessee River Basin. T6960 Floods on Beaver Creek, in Vicinity of Bristol, Virginia-Tennessee. T6970 Floods on Brush Creek in Vicinity of Johnson City, Tennessee. T6980 Floods on Cheoah River and Tributary Creeks in Vicinity of Robbinsville, North Carolina. T6990 Floods on Clinch River, in Vicinity of Clinton, Tennessee. T7000 Floods on Elk River and Norris Creek, in Vicinity of Fayetteville, Tennessee. T7010 Floods on Elk River in Vicinity of Fayetteville, Tennessee. T7020 Floods on French Broad and Davidson Rivers and King, Nicholson, and Tucker Creeks in Vicinity of Brevard, North Carolina. T7030 Floods on French Broad and Swannanoa Rivers, in Vicinity of Asheville, North Carolina. T7040 Floods on French Broad River and Spring Creek in Vicinity of Hot Springs, North Carolina. T7050 Floods on French Broad River in the Vicinity of Marshall, N. C. T7060 Floods on Hiwassee River, Valley River, and Peachtree Creek in Vicinity of Murphy, N.C. T7070 Floods on Little Pigeon and West Fork Little Pigeon in the Vicinity of Sevierville, Tenn. T7080 Floods on Little Tennessee River, Cullasaja River, and Cartoogechave Creek in Vicinity of Franklin, North Carolina. T7090 Floods on Nolichucky River and North and South Indian Creeks in Vicinity of Erwin, Tennessee. T7100 Floods on North Chickamauga, Mountain, and Lookout Creeks, in Vicinity of Chattanooga, Tennessee. T7110 Floods on North Toe River and Beaver and Grassy Creeks in Vicinity of Spruce Pine, North Carolina. T7120 Floods on Oconaluftee and Tuckaseigee Rivers and Soco Creek in Vicinity of Cherokee, North Carolina. T7130 Floods on Oostanaula Creek, in Vicinity of Athens, Tennessee. T7140 Floods on Oostanaula Creek in Vicinity of Athens, Tenn. T7150 Floods on Powell River and South Fork Powell River in Vicinity of Big Stone Gap, Virginia. T7160 Floods on Powell River and South Fork Powell River in Vicinity of Big Stone Gap, Virginia. T7170 Floods on Reedy Creek in Vicinity of Kingsport, Tennessee. T7180 Floods on Richland Creek and Tributary Streams in Vicinity of Waynesville and Hazelwood, North Carolina. T7190 Floods on Rock Creek, West Fork and North Fork, in Vicinity of Tullahoma, Tennessee. T7200 Floods on South Mouse Creek in Vicinity of Cleveland, Tennessee. T7210 Floods on Streams in Vicinity of Newport, Tennessee. T7220 Floods on Streams in Vicinity of Paris, Tennessee. T7230 221 TENNESSEE—TENNESSEE Floods on Swannanoa River and Beetree Creek in Vicinity of Swannanoa, North Carolina. T7240 Floods on Swannanoa River and Flat Creek in Vicinity of Black Mountain and Montreat, North Carolina. T7250 Floods on Tennessee River and Battle Creek, in Vicinity of South Pittsburg and Richard City, Tennessee. T7260 Floods on the Tennessee River and Cypress and Cox Creeks in Vicinity of Florence, Alabama. T7270 Floods on Tennessee River in Vicinity of Tri-Counties Alabama (Lawrence, Limestone, Morgan.) T7280 Floods on Tennessee River, Little Tennessee River, and Town and Muddy Creeks in Vicinity of Lenoir City, Tennessee. T7290 Floods on Toccoa-Ocoee River and Fightingtown Creek, in Vicinity of McCaysville, Ga. — Copperhill, Tenn. T7300 Floods on Valley River, Tatham Creek, and Junaluska Creek in Vicinity of Andrews, North Carolina. T7310 Floods on Yellow Creek in Vicinity of Burnsville, Mississippi. T7320 Geologic Bulletin no. 1-10. T7360 How Topographic Maps are Made. T7380 How Topographic Maps Are Made. T7390 . . . Hydraulic Data Activities of the Tennessee Valley Authority . . . T7400 Industrial Water Supplies of the Tennessee Valley Region. T7420 Maps and Surveys. T7450 Navigation Charts Tennessee River Reservoirs: Paducah, Kentucky to Knoxville, Tennessee, Showing Underwater Conditions, Navigation Channels and Aids and Adjacent Shore Planimetry. T7470 Precipitation in Tennessee River Basin Annual. T7480 Recreation Maps — Tennessee Valley Lakes. T7490 Reforestation and Erosion Control Influences Upon the Hydrology of the Pine Tree Branch Watershed 1941 to 1960. T7500 Report on Initial Phases, Chestuee Watershed Project. T7510 . . . Technical Monography . . . no. 1. T7520 An Analysis of the Parker Branch Watershed Project, 1953 Through 1959: A Progress Report. T7540 Bear Creek Watershed; Summary of Resources. T7550 Clinch-Powell Valley; Summary of Resources. T7560 Answers to Questions That Are Frequently Asked About TVA. T7580 "Kenneth D. McKellar and the Politics of the Tennessee Valley Authority, 1941-1946." T7700 Economics of Watershed Planning Sponsored by the Southeast Land Tenure Research Committee, the Farm Foundation, and the Tennessee Valley Authority. T8820 Report on Apprentice Training Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority. U450 Tennessee Valley Authority Financing. U1690 Tennessee Valley Authority. U1700 �TENNESSEE—TRANSPORTATION TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY Investigation of the Tennessee Valley Authority. U1720 Investigation of the TVA. U1730 Labor-Management Relations in TVA. U1740 Amending the TVA Act. U1770 Revenue Bond Financing by TVA. U1780 Tennessee Valley Authority Financing. U1790 Water Resources Activities in the United States. U1810 Report on Review of Allocations of Costs of the Multiple-Purpose Water Control System in the Tennessee River Basin, as Determined by the Tennessee Valley Authority and Approved by the President Under the Provisions of the TVA Act of 1933 as Amended. U2910 Report on the Audit of Tennessee Valley Authority. U3080 Tennessee Valley Authority Act: Public no. 17-73d Congress, 1st Session (H. R. 5081) May 18, 1933, 48 Stat. 58 ... as Amended by Public Resolution, no. 88-76th Congress, 3d Session (H. J. Res. 544) June 26, 1940. U3570 Valley Authorities. U3600 Scientific Information Activities of Federal Agencies: Tennessee Valley Authority. U3740 Muscle Shoals Development Message from the President of the U. S. Transmitting a Request for Legislation to Create a Tennessee Valley Authority. U3840 The Tennessee River Basin. U3870 Malaria Control on Impounded Water. U3880 "The Tennessee Valley Authority: Administrative Development of the Last Two Decades, 1940-1960," V590 TVA Revenue Bond Financing Presented by the Board of Directors, Tennessee Valley Authority. VI290 Method for Determining Public Fire Control Expenditures for Private Lands. VI310 TVA Power System. W100 The Chickamauga Dam and Its Environs. W310 "The TVA Tributary Area Development Program." W2670 The TVA Tributary Area Development Program. W2680 (LMC BC) Valley of Tomorrow: The TVA and Agriculture. W2840 (ASU LMC WCU ETSU BC) Necessity for a Load Building Program. W2900 Problems on a Large Power System with Large Generating Units. W2910 America's Greatest Dam, Muscle Shoals, Alabama: Description and Pictorial Illustration of Muscle Shoals. W4815 (ASU) David Lilienthal, Public Servant in a Power Age. W5830 (BC) God's Valley: People and Power Along the Tennessee River. W5840 (ASU WWC BC) Waterfowl on the Tennessee River Impoundments. W5960 "The Industrial Development Policy of the Tennessee Valley Authority for the Period 1933-1950." W6590 "An Economic Evaluation of the Power Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority." W6920 "The Genesis of TVA." W7710 SUBJECT "Legislative Control of the Tennessee Valley Authority." W8770 Power Transmission. W8790 Muscle Shoals, Ala.: 1972 Proceedings. W9200 (BC) Muscle Shoals, Ala.: Proceedings. W9210 TEXTILE INDUSTRY From Mountain Cabin to Cotton Mill. C610 Some Southern Cotton Mill Workers and Their Villages. R1880 (WWC ASU) From the Cotton Field to the Cotton Mill: A Study of the Industrial Transition in North Carolina. T8180 (LMC) TEXTILE INDUSTRY AND WORKERS Faces We See. B1420 (ASU BC LMC) Labor in the Southern Cotton Mills. B4620 The Child That Toileth Not: The Story of a Government Investigation. D1320 (ASU BC) Human Relations in the Industrial Southeast, a Study of the Textile Industry. G1690 (BC) The Road from West Virginia. H2120 (ASU BC LMC) Passing of the Mill Village. H4980 Southern Mill Hills, a Study of Social and Economic Forces in Certain Textile Mill Villages. Mil50 (ASU WWC) Millways of Kent. M7700 TEXTILE INDUSTRY AND WORKERS - APP. Highland Mills. K320 "A Study of a Labor Unions of the Textile Industry in the Southern Appalachian Piedmont." K2230 (ETSU) The Cotton Textile Industry of the Southern Appalachian Piedmont. LI 700 (BC ASU ETSU) Cheap and Contented Labor; the Picture of a Southern Mill Town in 1929. L2230 TEXTILE INDUSTRY AND WORKERS — N. C. "Weaverton — A Study of Culture and Personality in a Southern Mill Town." C3380 "A Study of the Mill Schools of North Carolina." C6850 A Study of Water Pollution Control in the Textile Industry of North Carolina. G3180 (LMC) Welfare Work in Mill Villages, the Story of Extra-mill Activities in North Carolina. H4990 (WWC) H5290 (ASU) "The Textile Strikes in Marion, North Carolina, 1929: A Challenge to the New South." H6450 (ETSU) Millhand and Preachers, a Study of Gastonia. P3560 (MHC) TEXTILE INDUSTRY — N. C. The County of Gaston: Two Centuries of a North Carolina Region. C7260 (LMC ASU BC) TEXTILE INDUSTRY — TENN. W1390 (ETSU) TOBACCO William Tatham and the Culture of Tobacco: Including a Facsimile Reprint of an Historical and Practical Essay on the Culture and Commerce of Tobacco by William Tatham. H4930 TOURIST INDUSTRY Scenery: "Land of the Sky." W4940 (BC) TOURIST INDUSTRY — APP. A Geographical Analysis of Selected Ski Resorts in the Southeastern United States. T2190 (ASU) TOURIST INDUSTRY — GA. The Georgia Travel Industry, 1960-1963. K410 222 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY A Study of Out-of-State Requests for Travel Information from the State of Georgia. K420 Tourism Development in the Chattahoochee-Flint Area. K430 TOURIST INDUSTRY — KY. Travel in Kentucky. K1200 Kentucky Tourist Preferences. K1370 TOURIST INDUSTRY — N. C. The Lenoir-Blowing Rock Wonderland. LI 760 (ASU) TOURIST INDUSTRY - TENN. Eliza Ross; or, Illustrated Guide of Lookout Mountain. M4910 TOURISTS AND TOURISM Hitch Hiking Along the Holston River from 1792-1962. W8600 TRANSPORTATION Economic Impact of Secondary Road Improvements. S8150 Interterritorial Freight Rate Problem of the United States. T2950 . . . Regionalized Freight Rates: Barrier to National Productiveness. Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting a Report of the Tennessee Valley Authority Entitled "Regionalized Freight Rates: Barrier to National Productiveness". . . T3360 River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3440 Tennessee River Navigation. T3690 The Tennessee River Navigation System; History, Development, and Operation. T3700 The Tennessee River Waterway. T3710 TVA River Traffic and Industrial Growth. T3880 Major Freight Terminals on the Tennessee River Waterway. T7440 TRANSPORTATION — APP. Guidelines for an Appalachian Airport System. M2980 "Transportation Investment and Depressed Regions: The Case of Appalachia." M8670 (ASU LMC) Guidelines for an Appalachian Airport System. P2050 (ASU WCU) "Transport Improvement and the Appalachian Barrier: A Case Study in Economic Innovation." S50 (ASU) "The Relationship Between the Structure of the Transportation Network and the Economic Development of West Virginia." S2170 Transportation of Apples in the Appalachian Belt, 1952-53. S5260 Appalachian Airports. Hearing on Development of Regional Airports for Purpose of Improving Transportation and Passenger Safety, March 2, 1971. U2440 TRANSPORTATION — APP. EXPLORATION A Journal of a Surveying Trip into Western Pennsylvania under Andrew Ellicott in the Year 1795. B8570 (BC) C9420 The Transylvania Colony. L1910 (BC ASU) TRANSPORTATION — APP. — RAILROADS From Trail to Railway through the Appalachians. B6630 (ASU BC LMC) From Trail to Railway through the Appalachians. B6640 (ETSU MHC) The Life and Times of C. G. Memmings. C1160 (ETSU) History of the Louisville and Nashville Railroad. K2700 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY TRANSPORTATION - APP. - RAILROADS The Lima Shays on the Greenbrier, Cheat and Elk Railroad Co. N400 (ASU) ' Extra South. R1400 (ASU) The Railroads of the South, 1865-1900: A Study in Finance and Control. S7710 (LMC BC) Crosstie Industry Facts for the Tennessee Valley Counties. T5280 TRANSPORTATION - APP. SETTLEMENT Boonesborough: Its Founding, Pioneer Struggles, Indian Experiences, Transylvania Days and Revolutionary Annals. R340 (BC ASU LMC) Boonesborough: Its Founding, Pioneer Struggles, Indian Experiences, Transylvania Days and Revolutionary Annals. R350 (ASU WCU ETSU) Watauga: "The Dangerous Example." The Story of Sycamore Shoals. W1370 (ETSU) TRANSPORTATION — APP. SETTLEMENTS Daniel Boone, Pioneer of Kentucky. A30 (ASU) Daniel Boone, Pioneer of Kentucky. A40 (ETSU) Daniel Boone, the Pioneer of Kentucky. A50 (ASU BC) David Crockett: His Life and Adventures. A60 (ASU ETSU) From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee. A80 (WWC BC) From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee: A Study in Frontier Democracy. A90 (ASU LMC) Three Virginia Frontiers. A100 (ETSU BC) Three Virginia Frontiers. A110 (ASU WCU) New Governments West of the Alleghenies Before 1780. A1010 (BC) State of Franklin. A1020 John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier: A Study of Indian Relations, War, Trade, and Land Problems in the Southern Wilderness, 1754-1775. A1050 (ASU BC FC WCU) The Overmountain Men: Early Tennessee History, 1760-1780. A1260 (BC ETSU) The Overmountain Men: Early Tennessee History, 1760-1795. A1270 (ASU LMC FC) The First Explorations of the Trans-Allegheny Region by the Virginians, 1650-1674. A1990 (ASU BC) The Ohio Company of Virginia and the Westward Movement, 1748-1792. B330 (BC) The Peopling of Virginia. B2350 (ASU) The Peopling of Virginia. B2360 (FC) Welsh Settlement of Pennsylvania. B7450 (ASU) Heritage of the Trans-Allegheny Pioneers: Or, Resources of Central West Virginia. B7640 (ASU BC) "The Rhetoric of Immediacy: Baptist and Methodist Preaching on the Trans-Appalachian Frontier. B9440 (ASUBC) The Appalachian Frontier: America's First Surge Westward. C1820 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC UNCA) The Southern Frontier. Cl 830 (WCU) Pioneers of Eastern Kentucky, Their Feuds and Settlements. C2180 (ASU) "Isaac Shelby, 1750-1796." C7030 Virginia Court Records in Southwestern Pennsylvania. Records of the District of West Augusta and Ohio and Yohogania Counties, Virginia, 1775-1780. C9350 SUBJECT "Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin Historian." D910 History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia: Embracing an Account of the Various Expeditions in the West, Previous to 1795. Also, Biographical Sketches of Distinguished Actors in Our Border Wars. D1640 (ASU BC) History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia: Embracing an Account of the Various Expeditions in the West Previous to 1795. Also, Biographical Sketches of Co. Ebenezer Zone. . . and other Distinguished Actors in our Border Wars. D1650 (ASU LMC FC) The Indian Boundary in the Southern Colonies, 1763-1775. D2000 (ASU WCU LMC BC) The Dixie Frontier, a Social History of the Southern Frontier from the First Transmontane Beginnings to the Civil War. D2080 (ASU MHC) The Log Meeting-house, and the Mcllhanys. El 060 (ASU) Resources and Enterprises of Upper East Tennessee: Johnson City, Jonesboro, Greenville, Rogersville, Morristown, Watauga, Tennessee. Franklin, Territory South of the Ohio. E2040 (ETSU) Provinical America, 1690-1740. G3740 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. H350 (ASU) Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. . . . H360 (ETSU) Trans-Allegheny Pioneers: Historical Sketches of the First White Settlements West of the Alleghenies 1784 and After. Wonderful Experiences of Hardships and Heroism of Those Who First Braved the Dangers of the Inhospitable Wilderness, and the Savage Tribes That Then Inhabited It. H380 (ASU BC) The Conquest of the Old Southwest: The Romantic Story of the Early Pioneers into Virginia, the Carolinas, Tennessee, and Kentucky, 1740-1790. H4420 (ASU WCU LMC BC) William Tatham and the Culture of Tobacco: Including a Facsimile Reprint of an Historical and Practical Essay on the Culture and Commerce of Tobacco by William Tatham. H4930 Early Eighteenth Century Palatine Emigration: A British Government Redemptioner Project to Manufacture Naval Stores. K2820 • (ASU) The Virginia Frontier, 1754-1763. K3010 (ASU BC) Emigrants From the Palatinate to the American Colonies in the 18th Century. K3200 (ASU) The Border Settlements of Northwestern Virginia from 1768-1795. M2590 (BC) Over the Blue Wall. M4290 (BC ASU LMC ETSU WCU) Frontier Mission: A History of Religion West of the Southern Appalachians to 1861. P3740 (BC WWC) The Winning of the West. R3700 (ASU) Six nights in a Block house. W1520 (BC) Chronicles of a Kentucky Settlement. W1610 (BC) The Bowmans, a Pioneering Family in Virginia, Kentucky and the Northwest Territory. W1730 (ASU BC) Early Travels in the Tennessee County, 1540-1800. W6730 (ETSU) Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 1540-1800: With Introductions, Annotations and Index. W6740 (ASU LMC BC) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6780 (ASU MHC BC) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6790 223 TRANSPORTATION—TRANSPORTATION History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6800 (LMC WCU ETSU ASU) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6810 (ETSU) History of the Lost State of Franklin. W6820 TRANSPORTATION — APP. SETTLEMENTS — PA. Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783. Together with a Review of the State of Society and Manners of the First Settlers of the Western Country. With a memoir of the author by his daughter, Narcissa Doddridge. Republished. D2660 (ASU BC FC) Notes on the Settlements and Indian of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783, Inclusive. D2670 (ETSU BC) TRANSPORTATION — APP. SETTLEMENTS TENN, C2650 Early History of Carter County. E90 Two Years of Harriman, Tennessee. Established by the East Tennessee Land Company, February 26, 1890. El 60 (ASU BC) "The Settlement Pattern of Upper East Tennessee." H3910 (ETSU) The First American Frontier: Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee from Its Earliest Settlement up to the Year 1796. H4040 (LMC) The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee, up to the First Settlements Therein by the White People in the Year 1768. H4050 (ASU ETSU BC) TRANSPORTATION — APP. SETTLEMENTS — VA. Virginia Baron: The Story of Thomas, 6th Lord Fairfax. B7400 (ASU BC) Frederick County, Virginia, Marriages, 1771-1825. D990 (ASU ETSU) Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783. Together with a Review of the State of Society and Manners of the First Settlers of the Western Country. With a memoir of the author by his daughter, Narcissa Doddridge. Republished. D2660 (ASU BC FC) Notes on the Settlements and Indian of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783, Inclusive. D2670 (ETSU BC) Virginia Beyond the Blue Ridge; a Pictorial Survey of Western Virginia. G3040 (ASU) Braddock's Road Through the Virginia Colony. H7420 (ASU) James Patton and the Appalachian Colonists. J1910 (ASU) TRANSPORTATION - GA. — RAILROADS Wild Train; the Story of Andrews Raiders. 0720 Daring and Suffering: A History of the Andrews Railroad Raid into Georgia in 1862. P3140 (ASU WCU) The Great Locomotive Chase: A History of the Andrews Railroad into Georgia in 1862. P3150 (ETSU) TRANSPORTATION — KY. The Kentucky Mountains, Transportation and Commerce, 1750-1911: A Study in the Economic History of a Coal Field. V530 (ASU WCU BC) TRANSPORTATION — KY. - RAILROADS Ghost Railroads of Kentucky. S8980 (BC) TRANSPORTATION — N. C. — RAILROADS Some Facts Concerning the Appalachian and Western North Carolina Railroad. A4460 (ASU) Crossties Over Saluda. G1280 Crossties through Carolina. G1290 (ASU LMC MHC) "A Historical Study of the ET&WNC Narrow Gauge Railroad." W730 (ASU) �SUBJECT TRANSPORTATION—UNITED TRANSPORTATION - N. C - RAILROADS Scenery: "Land of the Sky." W4940 (BC) TRANSPORTATION - N. C. - ROADS North Carolina Roads and Their Builders. W1870 (ASU LMC) TRANSPORTATION - OHIO "The Economics of the Transportation of Ohio Coal." W890 TRANSPORTATION — PA. - RAILROADS "The Econometric Forecasting of National Rail Car Requirements for Bituminous Coal." B5410 "A Geographical Analysis of the Rail Freight Shipments of Pennsylvania." G1110 TRANSPORTATION — RAILROADS John Henry, a Folklore Study. C3310 John Henry: A Folklore Study. C3320 Views of Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad Scenery. C3760 (BC) Blue Ridge Trolley. The Hagerstown and Frederick Railway. H3330 (ASU) Peabody Atlas. PI 140 (BC) Slow Train to Yesterday, a Last Glance at the Local. R3120 (ASU LMC BC) "The Economic Position of Railroad Commuter Service in the Pittsburgh District —- Its History, Present and Future. SI 190 Seasoning and Preservative Treatment of Hickory Crossties. T240 (WCU) Mineral and Agricultural Resources of the Portion of Tennessee Along the Cincinnati Southern and Knoxville and Ohio Railroads. T1010 (ASU) TRANSPORTATION — RAILROADS - APP. Tweetsie, the Blue Ridge Sidewinder. S870 (ASU LMC BC) TRANSPORTATION — RIVERS . . . Supplemental Phases of the Interterritorial Freight Rate Problem of the United States. T4240 TRANSPORTATION — SCHOOL BUSES The Effects of School Bus Transportation upon the Achievement of Students in Calhoun County, High School. S8820 TRANSPORTATION — TENN. Tourists and the Travel Service and Transportation Business in Tennessee, 1948 to 1961, Inclusive, an Economic Analysis. C7310 "The History of Transportation Advertising, 1850-1956, and a Study of Its Importance in Knoxville, Tennessee." H5550 "A Study of School Transportation, Hawkins County, Tennessee." R170 "A Study of Pupil Transportation in Hancock, Tennessee." W6510 TRANSPORTATION — TENN. — RAILROADS "Development of Railroad Transportation in East Tennessee during the Reconstruction Period." B3600 Guide to the Summer Resorts and Watering Places of East Tennessee. E470 "History of the Tennessee Coal, Iron, and Railroad Company, 1852-1907." F3700 "A Historical Study of the ET&WNC Narrow Gauge Railroad." W730 (ASU) TRANSPORTATION — TENN. - RIVERS . . . The Initial Phase of Public-Use Terminal Development at Chattanooga, Tennessee. T4200 TRANSPORTATION — TENN. — SCHOOL BUS "A Study of School Transportation, Roane County, Tennessee." B3610 "A Study of School Transportation, Morgan Co., Tenn." Z180 TRANSPORTATION — TENN. — SCHOOL BUSES "A Study of School Transportation, Bradley County, Tennessee." H1420 "A Study of School Transportation, Blount County, Tennessee." H2330 "A Study of School Transportation, Anderson County, Tennessee." 1950 "A Study of the School Transportation Problem in Grainger County, Tennessee." J2700 "Pupil Transportation in Pickett County, Tennessee." M3590 "A Study of Pupil Transportation in Polk County, Tennessee." S1810 "A Study of the Program of Pupil Transportation in Johnson County, Tennessee." S7680 (ETSU) TRANSPORTATION — VA. N1410 TRANSPORTATION — VA. — RAILROADS When the Trains Came to Norton, Wise County, in Old Virginia in 1891. A5330 (BC ASU) Southwest Virginia and Contiguous Territory: Mineral Resources and Railway Facilities, Statistics, Information, Markets for Coke, Fuel, Ores, etc. B5850 (BC) From Mine to Market: The History of Coal Transportation on the Norfolk and Western Railway. L220 (ASU BC) "The Norfolk and Western Railroad, 1881-1896: A Study in Coal Transportation." L230 The Mineral Wealth of Virginia Tributary to the Lines of the Norfolk and Western and Shenandoah Valley Railroad Companies. M930 (BC) Claudius Crozet: His Story of the Four Tunnels in the Blue Ridge Region of Virginia. N490 (BC) TRANSPORTATION — VA. — ROADS The Valley Turnpike, Winchester to Staunton, and Other Roads. W1850 (ASU BC) TRANSPORTATION — W. VA. Wheels on the Mountains. C8340 (ASU LMC WCU BC) "Types, Quantities and Destinations of West Virginia's Manufactured Exports, an Exploratory Study." L850 Indexed County and Railroad Pocket Map and Shipper's Guide of West Virginia. R390 (BC) "Transportation and Trade Areas; Analysis of Morgantown, Fairmont, and Clarksburg." S330 (ASU) TRANSPORTATION — W. VA. — AIR Twenty Feet from Glory: From the Land of Ford to the Land of Canaan. G2630 (ASU BC) TRANSPORTATION — W. VA. — RAILROADS Your Train Ride through History: An Authentic History of the Town of Cass and the Great Lumber Empire Which Gave Rise to Your Ride on the Cass Scenic Railroad. B4410 (ASU BC) Freight Rates of West Virginia Wood Products. C950 (ASU) The Comp'ny: The Story of the Surry, Sussex and Southampton Railway and the Surry Lumber Company. C8850 (ASU LMC BC) TRANSPORTATION — W. VA. - SCHOOL BUSES "Pupil Transportation in W. Va., 1934-55." S9730 TUCKASEEGEE RIVER Planning for Flood Damage Prevention at Clyde, N. C. C5160 (LMC) TUCKASEIGEE RIVER Tuckaseigee Minutes, 1829-1857. N1670 (WCU) 224 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Floods on the Tuckaseigee River and Deep Creek in Vicinity of Bryson City, North Carolina. T2750 Floods on Oconaluftee and Tuckaseigee Rivers and Soco Creek in Vicinity of Cherokee, North Carolina. T7130 TUG RIVER "The Transformation of the Tug and Guyandot Valleys: Economic Development and Social Change in West Virginia, 1888-1921." C9390 "The Rise of Education and the Decline of Feudal Tendencies in the Tug River Valley of West Virginia and Kentucky in Relation to the Hatfield and McCoy Feud." M780 (ASU) UNITED MINE WORKERS Men and Coal. C5790 (ASU BC) Men and Coal. C5800 (MHC WCU) "The United Mine Workers: A Study of How Trade Union Policy Relates to Technological Change." M6000 "Attitude of Coal Miners toward Union and Coal Industry." M7730 (ASU) Coaltown Revisited: An Appalachian Notebook. P2330 (ASU LMC ETSU WCU WWC BC) UNITED MINE WORKERS OF AMERICA The Kentucky Miner's Struggle: The Record of a Year of Lawless Violence. The Only Complete Picture of Events Briefly Told. A2090 (ASU) Labor's Untold Story. B6040 (ASU) The Corrupt Kingdom: The Rise and Fall of the United Mine Workers. FT 030 "Economic Consequences of the Seven-hour Day and Wage Changes in the Bituminous Coal Industry." F1220 Wage Rates and Working Time in the Bituminous Coal Industry, 1912-1922. F1230 (BC) Coal Creek Rebellion. F1770 (ASU) "Coal Mining Safety: National Solutions in the Progressive Period." G3090 "The Economic Effects of Collective Bargaining in Bituminous Coal Mining." G3860 H2320 Struggle in the Coal Fields. The Autobiography of Fred Mooney, Secretary-Treasurer, District 17, United Mine Workers of America. H5070 (ASU) "The United Mine Workers of America and the Non-Union Coal Fields." H5620 Death and the Mines: Rebellion and Murder in the United Mine Workers. H8260 (ASU BC LMC WCU) Autobiography of Mother Jones. J2500 (BC LMC ASU WCU MHC) Thoughts of Mother Jones: Compiled from Her Writings and Speeches. J2510 (WCU) Hearings Held at Pikeville. K1240 Coal and Unionism: A History of the American Coal Miners Unions. Mil 20 (BCASU) "A Study of the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund." SI 400 "Coal and Conflict: The U.M.W.A. in Harlan County, 1931-1939." T690 (BC ASU) Hell in Harlan. T8760 (WCU) The American Miners Association: A Record of the Origin of Coal Miners' Unions in the United States. W5970 (ASU) The Miners' Case and the Public Interest: A Documented Chronology. W5980 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY UPPER DUCK RIVER Upper Duck River Valley; Summary of Resources. T4020 VA. — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL Travels of a Frenchman in Maryland and Virginia with a Description of Philadelphia and Baltimore, in 1791; Or, Travels in the Interior of the United States, to Bath, Winchester, in the Valley of the Shenandoah, etc., During the Summer of 1791. B2140 Reise sr. Hoheit des Herzogs Bernhard zu Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach durch Nord-Amerika in den Jahren 1825 und 1826. B3190 The Discovery of New Brittaine. B4580 (ASU BC) The Mineral. Springs of Virginia. B8760 The Mineral Springs of Western Virginia: with Remarks on Their Use, and The Diseases to Which They are Applicable. B8770 Travels in America. The Poetry of Pope. Two Lectures Delivered to the Leeds Mechanics' Institution and Literary Society, December 5th and 6th, 1850. C1270 My Recollections of Rocktown, Now Known as Harrisonburg. C1460 (ASUBC) Clifton Forge, Virginia. C1640 It Happened around Staunton in Virginia. C4880 (ASU) Clifton Forge, Virginia: Scenic, Busy, Friendly. C7580 (FC) C8050 Journal of a Tour through the United States and Canada, Made during the Years 1937-38. D440 Bits of History and Legends Around and About the Natural Bridge of Virginia, 1730-1950. D1080 (ASU) Bits of History and Legends around and about the Natural Bridge of Virginia from 1730-1950. D1090 (BC) Virginia: A Guide to the Old Dominion. F490 Sketches of Virginia. F1810 Sketches of Virginia Historical and Biographical. F1820 Sketches of Virginia Historical and Biographical. F1830 Sketches of Virginia: Historical and Biographical, First Series. F1840 (LMCUNCA) What Is It About Virginia? F3290 Virginia. F3480 (ASU) In the Picturesque Shenandoah Valley. G2660 (ASU BC) Virginia at Mid-century. G2870 (FC BC) Virginia in our Century. G2880 (BCFC) Virginia Beyond the Blue Ridge; a Pictorial Survey of Western Virginia. G3040 (ASU) The Wonderful Shenandoah Valley. G3400 G4650 Twelve Virginia Counties Where Western Migration Began. G5030 Tennessee and Virginia, the Mountain Empire. H2290 (ETSU) History and Comprehensive Description of Loudoun County, Virginia. H4110 (ASU BC) To the Shenandoah and Beyond: The Chronicle of a Leisurely Journey through the Uplands of Virginia and Tennessee, Sketching Their Scenery, Noting Their Legends, Portraying Social and Material Progress, and Explaining Routes of Travel. 1780 SUBJECT A Photographic Documentary of the Blue Ridge Mountains. J480 (LMC) Notes on the State of Virginia. J500 (ASU) Notes on the State of Virginia. J510 (FC) The Present State of Virginia; from Whence Is Inferred a Short View of Maryland and North Carolina. J2370 (FC) Scenic and Historic Old Virginia and Eastern National Parks. K2790 (WCU) Historical Sketches of Virginia. M80 A Virginian Village, and Other Papers: Together with Some Autobiographical Notes. N30 (WCU) Letters Descriptive of the Virginia Springs: the Roads Leading Thereto and the Doings Thereat. N960 PI 080 The Virginia Tourist. Sketches of the Springs and Mountains of Virginia: Containing an Exposition of Fields for the Tourist in Virginia, Natural Beauties and Wonders of the State: Also Accounts of Its Mineral Springs. And a Medical Guide to the Use of the Waters, Etc., Etc. P3380 (ASU BC) Handbook of Smyth County, Virginia. S2620 S4110 (ASU) Virginia Illustrated: Containing a Visit to the Virginian Canaan, and the Adventures of Porte Crayon and His Cousins. S8110 (ASUBC) Virginia: A Geographical and Political Summary, Embracing a Description of the State, Its Geology, Soils, Minerals and Climate; Its Animal and Vegetable Productions; Manufacturing and Commercial Facilities; Religious and Educational Advantages; Internal Improvements, and Form of Government. V700 (BC) Virginia. V740 (BC) V1040 A Bird's Eye View of the Shenandoah Valley with Map. W1650 VA. — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL SHENANDOAH VALLEY The Shenandoah and Its Byways. S7150 (ASU BC) VA. — EARLY EXPLORATION The Discovery of New Brittaine. B4580 (ASU BC) James Patton and the Appalachian Colonists. J1910 (ASU) A History of Middle New River Settlements and Contiguous Territory. J2020 (ASU FC) The Blackwater Chronicle; A Narrative of an Expedition into the Land of Canaan. K750 (BCASU) The Discoveries of John Lederer. L1280 (LMC) The Discoveries of John Lederer, in Three Several Marches From Virginia, to the West of Carolina, and Other Parts of the Continent: Begun in March 1669, and Ended in September 1670, LI 290 (ASU FC BC) The Discoveries of John Lederer, with Unpublished Letters By and About Lederer to Governor John Winthrop, Jr. LI 300 (ASU WCU ETSU) P4380 The Western Country in 1793: Reports on Kentucky and Virginia. T9000 (ASU BC ETSU) Doctor Walker's Diary of Exploration, 1750; with Will Subjoined. W370 (BC) Journal of an Exploration in the Spring of the Year 1750. W380 225 UPPER—VA. VA. - GENEALOGY — SOURCES William Cross of Botetourt County, Virginia and His Descendants, 1733-1932. C9080 VA. — GEOGRAPHY Virginia Place Names: Derivations, Historical Uses. HI 720 (ASU BC FC) Old Place Names. P2020 VA. — HISTORY Three Virginia Frontiers. A100 (ETSU BC) Three Virginia Frontiers. A110 (ASU WCU) Western Lands and the American Revolution. A120 Western Lands and the American Revolution. A130 (FC BCASU) A Short History of Extreme Southwest Virginia. A530 (ASU LMC) The Story of Wise County, Virginia. A540 (BC ASU) History of Scott County, Virginia. A580 (LMC FC ASU BC) History of Scott County, Virginia. A590 History of the Campaign of General T. J. (Stonewall) Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia from Nov. 4, 1861, to June 17, 1862. A1480 (ASU) Early History of Snowville. A1790 The First Explorations of the Trans-Allegheny Region by the Virginians, 1650-1674. A1990 (ASU BC) Sectionalism in Virginia from 1776-1861. A2030 Virginia, the Old Dominion. A2510 (FC BC) Early History of Staunton and Beverley Manor in Augusta County, Virginia. A5510 (ASU BC) History of Bland County (Virginia). B4570 (ASU BC) The Discovery of New Brittaine. B4580 (ASU BC) Gleanings of Virginia History. B5390 Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. B7620 (BC FC) Southwest Virginia and Shenandoah Valley. An Inquiry into the Causes of the Rapid Growth and Wonderful Development of Southwest Virginia and Shenandoah Valley, with a History of the Norfolk and Western and Shenandoah Valley Railroads. B7650 (ASU BC FC) Histories of the Dividing Line Betwixt Virginia and North Carolina. B9620 (BCFC) Bibliography of Virginia History Since 1865. C1190 (BCFC) Clifton Forge, Virginia. C1640 Clarke County, 1836-1936. C3940 (ASU) The Life and Adventures of Wilburn Waters, Early History of Southwest Virginia. C5220 The Compacts of Virginia. C6800 (FC) Stonewall Jackson. C7000 (ASUBC) Stonewall Jackson and the Old Stonewall Brigade. C7010 (ASU BC) Carry Me Back: Slavery and Servitude in Seventeenth Century Virginia. C7270 (MHC FC ASU) * History of Shenandoah Valley. C8020 Foot Prints on The Sands of Time, A History of South-western Virginia and North-western North Carolina. C8140 (ASU LMC) White, Red, and Black: The Seventeenth-century Virginian. C8570 (ETSU) Index to 1810 Virginia Census. C8760 �VA.—VA. VA. — HISTORY Early Virginia Marriages. C9280 (ASU) Early Virginia Marriages. C9290 (ASU) Virginia Colonial Militia, 1651-1776. C9310 Virginia Colonial Militia, 1651-1776. C9320 (ASU) Virginia Heraldica, Being a Registry of Virginia Gentry Entitled to Coat Armor with Genealogical Notes of the Families. C9330 (ASU) Virginia Court Records in Southwestern Pennsylvania. Records of the District of West Augusta and Ohio and Yohogania Counties, Virginia, 1775-1780. C9350 The Montgomery County Story, 1776-1957. C9360 (ASU) List of Books and Related Materials About Virginia for Use of Schools. C9490 Virginia, The New Dominion. D30 (FC BC) Hornbook of Virginia History. D130 Frederick County, Virginia, Marriages, 1771-1825. 0990 (ASU ETSU) Bits of History and Legends Around and About the Natural Bridge of Virginia, 1730-1950. 01080 (ASU) Bits of History and Legends around and about the Natural Bridge of Virginia from 1730-1950. D1090 (BC) The Shenandoah. 01140 (ASUBCFC) A Valley and a Song; the Story of the Shenandoah River. 01150 (BCASU) History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia: Embracing an Account of the Various Expeditions in the West, Previous to 1795. Also, Biographical Sketches of Distinguished Actors in Our Border Wars. 01640 (ASU BC) History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia: Embracing an Account of the Various Expeditions in the West Previous to 1795. Also, Biographical Sketches of Co. Ebenezer Zone. . . and other Distinguished Actors in our Border Wars. 01650 (ASU LMC FC) Augusta County, Virginia, in the History of the U. S. 03950 (BC) The Border States: Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia. 04190 (BC ASU LMC WWC ETSU) A Way of Life in Virginia at the Turn of the Century. F250 Fauquier County Va., 1759-1959. F350 (ASU) Old Virginia and Her Neighbours. F1290 (ASU MHC) Sketches of Virginia. F1810 Sketches of Virginia Historical and Biographical. F1820 Sketches of Virginia Historical and Biographical. F1830 Sketches of Virginia: Historical and Biographical, First Series. F1840 (LMC UNCA) What Is It About Virginia? F3290 Giles County, 1806-1956, a Brief History. F3350 Giles County, 1806-1956. G2440 Fredericksburg, Virginia. Its Homes and History, the Battlefields and the Rappahanrock Valley. G2650 In the Picturesque Shenandoah Valley. G2660 (ASU BC) Men and Events: Chapters of Virginia History. G2670 (LMC) SUBJECT Virginia Beyond the Blue Ridge; a Pictorial Survey of Western Virginia. G3040 (ASU) Genealogical and Historical Notes on Culpeper County, Virginia. G3650 (ASU) Winchester, Virginia, and Its Beginnings, 1743-1814: From Its Founding by Colonel James Wood to the Close of the Life of His Son, Brigadier General and Governor James Wood. With the Publication for the first Time of Valuable Manuscripts, relics of their long Tenure of Public offices. G3800 (ASU BC) Twelve Virginia Counties Where Western Migration Began. G5030 The Rending of Virginia; a History. H700 (BC) The Two Virginias: Genesis of Old and New; a Romance of American History; State Sovereignty, Phantom of a Stupendous Folly. H710 (BC) A History of Damascus. H840 Historic and Heroic Lynchburg. H980 (ASU) Virginia Place Names*. Derivations, Historical Uses. H1720 (ASU BC FC) Tennessee and Virginia, the Mountain Empire. H2290 (ETSU) Annals of Tazewell County, Virginia from 1800 to 1922. H2400 (BC ASU) The Valley of Virginia in the American Revolution, 1763-1789. H3160 (ASU BC FC) History and Comprehensive Description of Loudoun County, Virginia. H4110 (ASU BC) Dr. Thomas Walker and The Loyal Company of Virginia. H4430 Historical Sketches of Southwest Virginia. H5950 Bulletin of the Virginia State Library: Index to Mrs. Cabell's "Sketches and Recollections of Lynchburg." H6460 (ASU) An Archaeological Survey of Southwest Virginia. H6560 (ASU WCU ETSU BC) The Earthquake History of Virginia, 1774 to 1900. H7140 Fort Lewis: A Community in Transition. H7450 Fort Lewis: A Community in Transition. H7460 Listen to the Mockingbird. H7680 Listen to the Mockingbird; The Life and Times of a Pioneer Virginia Family. H7690 Lovely Mount Tavern: The Birth of a City, and Something of the Early New River Settlers. H7700 Historical Collections of Virginia . . . H7710 Historical Collections of Virginia. H7720 A Narrative History of Wise County, Virginia. J1310 (LMC ASU) James Patton and the Appalachian Colonists. J1910 (ASU) A History of Middle New River Settlements and Contiguous Territory. J2020 (ASU FC) The Present State of Virginia; from Whence Is Inferred a Short View of Maryland and North Carolina. J2370 (FC) Kegley's Virginia Frontier: The Beginning of the Southwest. The Roanoke of Colonial Days, 1740-1783. K470 (ASU ETSU FC BC) History of Saltville, Virginia. K870 A History of the Valley of Virginia. K1550 (ASU BC) History of the Valley of Virginia. K1560 226 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY History of the Valley of Virginia. K1570 Scenic and Historic Old Virginia and Eastern National Parks. K2790 (WCU) The Virginia Frontier, 1754^1763. K3010 (ASU BC) Double Destiny: The Story of Bristol, Tennessee-Virginia. L3670 (LMC ETSU) Double Destiny: The Story of Bristol, Tennessee-Virginia. L3680 (ASU) The Washington Randophs and Their Friends: Extracts from the Diary of a Lady of Old Virginia, Selected and Edited by T. M. M10 (ASU) A Brief History of Bath County, Virginia. M60 (ASU) Historical Sketches of Virginia. M80 Southwest Virginia Historical Records, Census of 1810, Wytheville, Wythe County edition. Ml 490 The Border Settlements of Northwestern Virginia from 1768-1795. M2590 (BC) M2750 (ASU) History of Virginia, for the Use of Schools. M2780 (LMC) Historic Homes of the South-west Mountains, Virginia. M4730 (ASU BC ETSU LMC) M4970 Man from the Valley: Memoirs of a 20th-century Virginian. M5620 (ASU) The Fairfax Line, a Profile in History and Geography. M7890 (ASU) Wappatomaka: A Survey of the History and Geography of the South Branch Valley. M7910 (ASU) Annals of Bath County, Virginia. M8020 (BC) Annals of Bath County, Virginia. M8030 (ASU) A Centennial History of Allegheny County, Virginia. M8040 (BC) A Centennial History of Allegheny County, Virginia. M8050 (ASU) A Handbook of Highland County, and a Supplement to Pendleton and Highland History. M8060 A History of Highland County, Virginia. M8070 (ASU BC) A History of Highland County, Virginia. M8Q80 (ASU) History of the Lower Shenandoah Valley: Counties of Frederick, Berkeley, Jefferson, and Clarke. N1490 (ASU BC) "Doctor Thomas Walker (1715-1794): Explorer, Physician, Surveyor, and Planter of Virginia and Kentucky." N3050 (BC) History of Bedford County, Virginia. P270 (FC) PI 080 Old Place Names. P2020 Memoir of John Howe Peyton, in the Sketches of His Contemporaries, Together with Some of His Public and Private Letters, etc., Also a Sketch of Ann M. Peyton. P2500 (ASU) P3210 The Virginia Tourist. Sketches of the Springs and Mountains of Virginia: Containing an Exposition of Fields for the Tourist in Virginia, Natural Beauties and Wonders of the State: Also Accounts of Its Mineral Springs. And a Medical Guide to the Use of the Waters, Etc., Etc. P3380 (ASU BC) Russell County, Virginia's Bluegrass Empire. P4180 (ASU) P4380 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY VA. — HISTORY George Washington and Winchester, Virginia 1748-1758; A Decade of Preparation for Responsibilities to Come. Q70 (ASU) The Albemarle of Other Days. R550 (LMC ASU) What I Know about Winchester: Recollections of William Greenway Russell, 1800-1891. R4410 (ASU BC) SI 20 Early Records, Hampshire County Virginia, Now West Virginia, Including at the Start Most of Known Va. Aside from Augusta District. S130 (BC ASU) Loudoun County, Virginia, Past and Present. S250 (ASU) Drums Along the Antietam. S930 (MHC ASU) History of the German Element in Virginia. SI 180 Handbook of Smyth County, Virginia. S2620 A History of the Town of Dayton, Virginia. S3760 (ASU BC) A History of Bristol Parish, Va.; With Genealogies of Families Connected Therewith, and Historical Illustrations. S4140 (ASU BC) Addresses of Famous Southwestern Virginians. S4200 Boyhood Memories of Fauquier. S4950 (ASU) The Story of Virginia's First Century. S6500 (LMC) Escape From Indian Captivity. The Story of Mary Draper Ingles and Son Thomas Ingles. S6740 Massanutten, Settled by the Pennsylvania Pilgrim, 1726: The First White Settlement in the Shenandoah Valley. S7980 (ASU BC) Old Tenth Legion Marriages; Marriages in Rockingham Co., Va. from 1778 to 1816. S7990 Recollections of an Old Man. Seventy Years in Dixie. S8950 Annals of Southwest Virginia, 1769-1800. S9050 (ASU BC FC ETSU) History of Southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870. S9060 (ASU BC ETSU) History of Southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870. S9070 (ASU LMC FC ETSU) History of Southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870. S9080 (ASU ETSU) Dickenson County in War Time; a Community History. S9150 Meet Virginia's Baby. S9190 Meet Virginia's Baby: A Brief Pictorial History of Dickenson County, Virginia, from Its Formation in 1880 to 1955, with Stress on Pioneer Background. S9200 (ASU LMC BC) Regular Primitive Baptist Washington District Association. S9210 Some Sandy Basin Characters. S9250 Amherst County, Virginia, in the Revolution: Including Extracts from the "Lost Order Book", 1773-1782. S9530 (ASU) Northern Virginia Heritage; a Pictorial Compilation of the Historic Sites and Homes in the Counties of Arlington, Fairfax, Loudoun, Fauquier, Prince William and Stafford, and the Cities of Alexandria and Fredericksburg, by Eleanor Lee Templeman and Nan Netherton. I860 (BC) Documentary History of Dunmore's War, 1774. T8510 Withers Chronicles of Border Warfare. T8540 Rockbridge County, Virginia. T8890 SUBJECT Hallowed Heritage: The Life of Virginia. T8940 (FC BC) The Western Country in 1793: Reports on Kentucky and Virginia. T9000 (ASU BC ETSU) The Valley of Shenandoah; Or, Memoirs of the Graysons. T9590 The Valley of Shenandoah: Or, Memoirs of the Graysons. T9600 (ASU ETSU WWC) Men of Mark in Virginia. T9910 The Letters and Times of the Tylers. T9920 (ASU) Virginia's First German Colony. V350 (ASU FC) Virginia: A Geographical and Political Summary, Embracing a Description of the State, Its Geology, Soils, Minerals and Climate; Its Animal and Vegetable Productions; Manufacturing and Commercial Facilities; Religious and Educational Advantages; Internal Improvements, and Form of Government. V700 (BC) State Historical Markers of Virginia. V720 An Old Virginia Court: Being a Transcript of the Records of the First Court of Franklin County, Virginia, 1786-1789, with Biographies of the Justices and Stories of Famous Cases. V730 (ASU ETSU) A Hornbook of Virginia History. V760 (ASU) VI040 VI060 V1070 (BC) VlllO (BC) Annals of Augusta County, Virginia, 1726-1871. W20 Annals of Augusta County, Virginia, with Reminiscences and a Diary of the War, 1861-1865, and a Chapter on Reconstruction. W30 (LMC BC ASU) Russell Co. in Retrospect. W240 (BC) Observance, Battle of Front Royal Virginia, May 19-20, 1962. W920 (LMC) Facts and Fiction in Virginia History. W1660 Scenic and Historical Guide to the Shenandoah Valley. W1680 Twenty-Five Chapters on the Shenandoah Valley. W1700 (BC) Virginia Valley Records. W1710 German Element of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. W1740 (BC) The German Element of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. W1750 (ASU) A History of Rockingham County, Virginia. W1780 (ASU BC) A History of Shenandoah County, Virginia. W1790 (ASU BC) A History of Shenandoah County, Virginia (1969) W1800 Scenic and Historical Guide to the Shenandoah Valley: A Handbook of Useful Information for Tourists and Students. W1820 (WCU) The Shenandoah Valley in History and Literature. W1830 (ASU) Virginia Valley Records: Genealogical and Historical Materials of Rockingham County, Virginia, and Related Regions. W1860 (ASU BC) History of Hancock Co., Va. and W. Va. W2470 (BC) Papa's Diary. W5560 (BC) Historical Facts About Churches of Wythe County. W5790 Abstracts of Bedford County, Virginia Wills, Inventories and Accounts 1754-1787. W5900 (FC) 227 VA^-VA. Legends of Loudoun: An Account of the History and Homes of a Border County of Virginia's Northern Neck. W6560 (ASU BC) Smythe County History and Traditions. W7240 (ASU BC) Diaries, Letters and Recollections of the War Between the States. W7580 Gravestone Inscriptions: From 61 Graveyards in Frederick County and the Counties That Were Once a Part of Frederick County and Includes the Inscriptions from the "Old Lutheran and German Reform Graves" in Mt. Hebron Cemetery. W7590 (ASU) 2200 Gravestone Inscriptions from Winchester and Frederick County, Virginia (Death Dates Range from 1700's to Early 1900's). W7600 (ASU) Souvenir. W7610 (ASU) Annual Papers. W7620 (ASU) Franklin County, Virginia, a History. W7720 (ASU BC FC) Albemarle County in Virginia: Giving Some Account of What It Was by Nature, of What It Was Made by Man, and of Some of the Men Who Made It. W8800 A History of the Presbytery of Winchester (Synod of Virginia): Its Rise and Growth, Ecclesiastical Relations, Institutions, Agencies, Churches and Ministers, 1719-1945. W8980 (ASU BC) A History of the Presbyterian Church in Winchester, Virginia, 1780-1949. W8990 (BC) Our Mountain Men: Their Early Court Records in Southwest Virginia. W9270 (BC) One of Jackson's Foot Cavalry: His Experience and What He Saw During the War, 1861-1865, Including a History of "F Company," Richmond, Va., 21st Regiment Virginia Infantry, Second Brigade, Jackson's Division, Second Corps. W9290 (ASU) Virginia Germans. W9810 A History of Madison County, Virginia. Y330 (BC) VA. - HISTORY - APP. COUNTIES Political History of Appalachian Virginia 1776-1927. PI 700 (ASU WCU ETSU LMC) VA. - HISTORY — COLONIAL PERIOD Fauquier during the Proprietorship: A Chronicle of the Colonization and Organization of a Northern Neck County. G4390 (ASU) The Transition in Virginia from Colony to Commonwealth. Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, No. 96. L2610 (LMC) VA. — HISTORY, WESTERN REGION History of Tazewell County and Southwest Virginia 1748-1920. PI 690 (ASU ETSU LMC) VA. — LABOR FORCE Exploring Virginia's Human Resources. H8120 (ASU BC) VA. — POLITICS Notes on the State of Virginia. J500 (ASU) Notes on the State of Virginia. J510 (FC) VA. - RECREATION AND TOURISM The Virginia Tourist. Sketches of the Springs and Mountains of Virginia: Containing an Exposition of Fields for the Tourist in Virginia, Natural Beauties and Wonders of the State: Also Accounts of Its Mineral Springs. And a Medical Guide to the Use of the Waters, Etc., Etc. P3380 (ASU BC) Guide to the Appalachian Trail in Central and Southwestern Virginia. P3860 �SUBJECT VA.—W. VA. RIVER Bulletin. Surface and Water Supply of Va. New, Big Sandy, and Tenn. River Basins/ 1942-1950. V750 (BC) VA. RIVERS Canoeing White Water: A Guide Book to the Rivers of Virginia and Eastern West Virginia, The Great Smoky Mountain Area. C1740 (LMC) VALLEY RIVER Floods on Hiwassee River, Valley River, and Peachtree Creek in Vicinity of Murphy, N C. T7070 VISTA VOLUNTEERS An Analysis of the Vista Program and Appalachian Volunteers, Inc. A2190 VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND RETRAINING Status of Secondary Vocational Education in Appalachia. A3950 (ASU LMC) Vocational and Educational Goals of Rural Youth in Virginia. B4220 "The Non-attainment of Adolescents' Occupational Aspirations: A Longitudinal Study of Rural Pennsylvania Males." K3450 Vocational Rehabilitation Needs and Resources in Eastern Kentucky. S7890 VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND RETRAINING — APP. "Study of Industrial Arts Education in Public Secondary Schools of the Southern Appalachian Region." C5970 Proceedings. C6480 (ASU) Apprenticeship and Economic Change. F120 Retraining the Work Force, an Analysis of Current Experience. H7070 Statement of Conditions 1930. 1220 "Employment Opportunities and Training Needs for Technicians in the Metalworking Manufacturing Industries of the Central Ohio Valley with Projections through 1975." LI 500 Technical-Vocational Education and the Community College. L1610 A Report of the Findings of a Demonstration Retraining Project for Long Term Unemployed Persons in a Rural Appalachian Mountain Area. M3150 (ASU) "Training the Poor: A Benefit-cost Analysis of Vocational Instruction in the United States Antipoverty Program." $2050 VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND RETRAINING — N. C. Manpower Education in the North Carolina Appalachian Region. H1320 (ASU) VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND RETRAINING — TENN. "A Comparison of Intelligence in Students with Mixed and Lateral Dominance in Johnson City Vocational Schools." C5460 (ETSU) "Educational and Vocational Choices of the 1960 Graduates of Dobyns-Bennett High School, Kingsport, Tennessee." C9210 (ETSU) "A Study of the Vocational Guidance Now Provided to Non-college Bound Students in East Tennessee High Schools." D920 "An Assessment of Needs and Guidelines for Development of an Industrial Ceramics Program." El 440 (ETSU) "A Proposed Course of Study in Electronics for Johnson City Vocational School's Evening Program." E1840 (ETSU) "A Study of Vocational Education at the Elizabethton, Tennessee, Area Vocational-Technical School." F2950 (ETSU) "A Study of the Program of Vocational Rehabilitation in Carter County, Tennessee." G4300 "Development of a Course in Fractions for Johnson City Vocational School." H4970 (ETSU) Educational and Vocational Goals of Rural Youth and Their Parents in Tennessee. J540 (ASU) "A Study of the Blue Ridge Job Corps Center." L830 (ETSU) "A Study of the Working Relationships of the Agriculture Extension Service and the Vocational Agriculture Program in East Tennessee." LI 750 "An Evaluation of the Tennessee Valley Authority Manpower Training and Development Demonstration Project." L3530 (ASU BC) "A Survey to Determine the Need of Trade and Industrial Education in Warren County, Tennessee." M4250 "Job Retraining under the Area Development Act: The Campbell, Claiborne Counties (Tennessee) Case." S5420 Report on Apprentice Training Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority. U450 A Technical Assistance Program for the Upper Cumberlands of Tennessee. W170 VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND RETRAINING — VA. Highlights of Vocational and Educational Goals of Rural Youth in Virginia. B4850 "An Evaluation of the Impact of the Vocational Education Act of 1963 on Agricultural Education in the Blue Ridge Area of Southwestern Virginia." N950 (ETSU) VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND RETRAINING — W. VA. "Current and Future Needs for Vocational Education in Jackson County, West Virginia." C9770 Job Development for the Hard-to-employ. F680 (ETSU) "Employer Reaction to Retraining in the Clarksburg, West Virginia Labor Market Area." H620 "An Investigation of Some Needs for Expansion of Vocational Education in Monongalia, Preston and Taylor Counties, West Virginia." H3020 Outcomes of Vocational Retraining in West Virginia. P3430 VOCATIONAL TRAINING — TENN. "A Comparison of Intelligence in Students with Mixed and Lateral Dominance in Johnson City Vocational Schools." C5460 (ETSU) W. VA. — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL When Men and Mountains Meet. A3500 History of Cavelier de LaSalle, 1643-1687; Explorations in the Valleys of the Ohio, Illinois and Mississippi, taken from his Letters, Reports to King Louis XIV, also the Reports of Several of his Associates, Official Acts and Contemporaneous Documents, C3800 Grant's West Virginia Illustrated. 63230 An Analysis of Some Selected Characteristics of Cabin Vacationists in West Virginia State Parks and Forests in 1961. H40 (ASU) West Virginia Travel and Tourism Study — The Potential Market. H70 228 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Fayette County. H4710 (ETSU) "West Virginia's Program of State Publicity." 11020 Locust Bloom. M3970 (BC) From Baltimore to Charleston. S790 Blackwater Country. S4860 (ASU WCU MHC BC) White Sulphur Springs, a Brief History. T700 (ASU) W. VA. — HISTORIC HOMES The Washingtons and Their Colonial Homes in W. Va. T8480 (BC) W. VA. — HISTORY Alee's History of Martensburg and Berkeley Company, West Virginia. A1310 A History of West Virginia. . . A2010 (BC WCU) The Makers of West Virginia and Their Work. A2020 Sectionalism in Virginia from 1776-1861. A2030 West Virginia, the Mountain State. A2040 (ASU ETSU BC) West Virginia, the Mountain State. A2050 (ASU WCU ETSU) West Virginia: Stories and Biographies. A2060 "A History of the Labor Movement in West Virginia." A2610 Salesman of Appalachia. A4960 "The Socialist Party in West Virginia from 1898 to 1920: A Study in Working Class Radicalism." B1170 The Story of Smithfield, Jefferson County, West Virginia. B1900 The Story of Washington Bottom, Wood County, West Virginia. B2510 (BC) Call of the Mountains. B2640 (BC ASU) History of Roane County, West Virginia, from the Time of Its Exploration to A. D. 1927. B4250 (ASU BC) A History of Franklin, the County Seat of Pendleton County, West Virginia. B5060 (BC) A History of Randolph County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. B5580 (BC) Reference Book of Wyoming County History. B5800 (ASU BC LMC) Annals of Blackwater and the Land of Canaan, 1746-1880. B7380 (ASU BC) History of Nicholas County, West Virginia. B7430 (ASU BC) A History of Jefferson County, West Virginia. B9360 (ASU BC) Twixt North and South. C250 (ASU) History of West Virginia: Old and New, in One Volume. C290 (LMC BC) Semi-Centennial History of West Virginia. With Special Articles on Development and Resources. C300 (ASU ETSU BC) The Thirty-fifth State: Documentary History of Virginia. C6160 (ASU LMC BC) Beacon Lights of West Virginia History. C6540 (BC) West Virginia: Brief History of the Mountain State. C6580 (ASU BC) The West Virginia Encyclopedia. C6590 (LMC BC) West Virginia History. C6600 West Virginia Reader, Stories of Early Days. C6610 (ASU ETSU) West Virginia, Yesterday and Today. C6620 (BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY W. VA. — HISTORY West Virginia, Yesterday and Today. C6630 (ASU) The Monongalia Story, a Bicentennial History. C7400 A Mountain Trail: To the Schoolroom, the Editor's Chair, the Lawyer's Office, and the Governorship of West Virginia. C7570 (ASU BC) Wheels on the Mountains. C8340 (ASU LMC WCU BC) "A House Divided: A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia During the Civil War." C9860 A House Divided: A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia. C9870 (WCU ETSU ASU BC) History of Harrison County, West Virginia. D970 (BC ASU) A Bibliography of West Virginia. D1060 Greenbrier Pioneers and Their Homes. D1420 Lewisburg Landmarks. D1430 (ASU BC) Pioneers and Their Homes on Upper Kanawha. D1440 (ASU BC) The West Virginia Handbook and Immigrant's Guide. D1540 Heritage of a Pioneer, Being the Story of William (English Bill Doddridge) Dodrill and His Wife, Rebecca (Lewis) Dougherty, Their Family, the Times in Which They Lived, and a Genealogy. D2720 (ASU) Moccasin Tracks, and Other Imprints. D2730 (BC) Moccasin Tracks and Other Imprints. D2740 (ASU) History of Oak Hill, West Virginia. D2900 The Trail of the Dead Years. . . D3660 Historic Harpers Ferry in Jefferson Co., W. Va. F20 (BC) Marion County in the Making. F60 (BC) History of Tucker County, West Virginia. F100 (LMC ASU BC) The History and Government of West Virginia. F290 (BC) History of Worthington, West Virginia, and Surrounding Communities. F2190 (ASU) The Geomorphic History of the New Kanawha River System. F3300 (ETSU) Twenty Feet from Glory: From the Land of Ford to the Land of Canaan. G2630 (ASU BC) G3690 When I Was a Boy. G3850 (ASU) Daniel Boone. Some Facts and Incidents Not Hitherto Published. His Ten or Twelve Years' Residence in Kanawha County, Near Charleston, West Virginia. H340 (ASU BC) The Rending of Virginia; a History. H700 (BC) The Two Virginias: Genesis of Old and New; a Romance of American History; State Sovereignty, Phantom of a Stupendous Folly. H710 (BC) Archaeological Excavations on Virginius Island, Harpers Ferry National Historic Park, 1966-1968. HI 570 History of Harrison County. H3960 (ASU) Fayette County. H4710 (ETSU) The White Rocks; or The Robbers Den; a Tragedy of the Mountains. H5350 (BC) Historical Records Survey of County Archives of West Virginia. H5920 SUBJECT A Check List of West Virginia Imprints, 1791-1830. H5930 (ETSU BC) W. Va. Co. Formations and Boundary Changes. H5940 (BC) Upshur Brothers of the Blue and the Gray. H7230 (ASU) Pioneer West Virginia. H8090 (ASU) "West Virginia's Program of State Publicity." 11020 A Biographical Sketch on the Life of the Late Captain Michael Cresap. J210 The Violent Years. J1260 (BC) History of Grant and Hardy Counties, West Virginia. J2810 (ASU) Thunder at Harper's Ferry. K570 (ASU) History of First Settlers of Cow Run. K2480 West Virginia and its Government. LI 90 First Biennial Report of the Department of Archives and History of the State of West Virginia. L2310 (ASU) History and Government of West Virginia. L2320 (ASU) History and Government of West Virginia. L2330 (WCU) History of the Battle of Point Pleasant. L2340 (BC ASU) History of West Virginia L2350 (BC ASU) How West Virginia was Made. Proceedings of the First Convention of the People of North-western Virginia at Wheeling, May 13, 14 and 15, 1861, and the Journal of the Second Convention of the People of Northwestern Virginia at Wheeling, which Assembled, June llth 1861. L2360 (ASU) Third Biennial Report of the Department of Archives and History of the State of West Virginia. L2380 (ASU) The Recollections of Fifty Years of West Virginia. M600 (BC ASU) The Disruption of Virginia. M1630 (BC ASU ETSU) Legends of the Ohio Valley. M2180 (BC ASU) Tales of Pocahontas County. M2380 The Border Settlements of Northwestern Virginia from 1768-1795. M2590 (BC) History of Tucker County, West Virginia. M4490 The History of Barbour County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Exploration and Settlement to the Present Time. M4510 (ASU ETSU) History of Hampshire County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present. M4520 History of Hampshire County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present. M4530 (ASU) The History of Randolph County, West Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlement to the Present, Embracing Records of All the Leading Families, Reminiscences and Traditions. M4540 (ASU) History of Tucker County, West Virginia, from the Earliest Explorations and Settlements to the Present Time: With Biographical Sketches of More Than Two Hundred and Fifty of the Leading Men, and a Full Appendix of Official and Electional History. Also, an Account of the Rivers, Forests and Caves of the County. M4550 (ASU) Life and Adventures of Lewis Wetzel. M5290 (BC) M5490 History of Summers County from the Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. M5780 (ASU) 229 Annals of Webster County, West Virginia. M5990 West Virginia and Its People. M6010 West Virginia Surnames, the Pioneers. M6390 (ASU) The 175th Anniversary of the Formation of Monongalia County, West Virginia, and Other Relative Historical Data. M6480 (ASU) History of Hardy County of the Borderland. M6820 (ASU BC) Washington's Woods: A History of Ravenswood and Jackson County, West Virginia. M7090 (ASU) A Banner in the Hills: West Virginia's Statehood. M7140 (ASU BC WCU) "West Virginia and the Civil War, 1861-1863." M7150 The Fairfax Line, a Profile in History and Geography. M7890 (ASU) An Outline of the Maryland Boundary Disputes and Related Events. M7900 (ASU) Wappatomaka: A Survey of the History and Geography of the South Branch Valley. M7910 (ASU) A History of Pendleton County, W. Va. M8100 (ASU BC) History of Davis and Canaan Valley. M8310 (ASU) Virginia's Attitude Toward Slavery and Secession. M8570 (FC LMC) Index to West Virginiana. M8630 (ASU BC) Myers* History of West Virginia. M9320 (BC) Thomas, West Virginia: History, Progress, and Development, 1906. N3010 (ASU) Easton-Avery Community History, 1963. 01000 (ASU) "Helvetia, West Virginia: A Study of Pioneer Development and Community Survival in the Appalachia." P500 History of Fayette County, West Virginia. P2310 (ASU) "The Labor Movement in West Virginia, 1900-1948." P3730 Teacher's Manual for West Virginia: The State and Its People. R1980 West Virginia: The State and Its People. R1990 (ASU) "Frontier West Virginia: Some Aspects of Its Political, Social, and Economic Development." R2000 (ASU) West Virginia, Her Land, Her People, Her Traditions, Her Resources. R4200 (BC) Address to the People of West Virginia: Shewing That Slavery Is Injurious to the Public Welfare, and That It May Be Gradually Abolished, Without Detriment to the Rights and Interests of Slaveholders. R4260 (ASU BC) Early Records, Hampshire County Virginia, Now West Virginia, Including at the Start Most of Known Va. Aside from Augusta District. S130 (BC ASU) Stories of W. Va. for Boys and Girls. S500 Making a State, Formation of West Virginia. SI 940 West Virginia: A Book of Geography, History, and Industry. S2530 (WCU) West Virginia, in History, Life, Literature and Industry. S2540 Milestones of West Virginia History...Some Events of Importance in the Development of the Mountain State. S2660 Guide to the Study of West Virginia History. S3000 Guide to the Study of West Virginia History. S3010 (BC) �W.—WARS W. VA. — HISTORY Milestones of West Virginia History: Some Events of Importance in the Development of the Mountain State. S3020 (ASU) West Virginia Civil War Literature. S3030 West Virginia Jewry: Origins and History, 1850-1958. S3070 (ASU LMC) History of the Cross Creek Graveyard and Cross Creek Cemetery. S3630 Indexes to Land Grants in West Virginia. S3660 (ASU) Making a State; Formation of West Virginia, Including Maps, Illustrations, Plats, Grants and the Acts of the Virginia Assembly and the Legislature of West Virginia Creating the Counties. S3670 (BC) Nathan Goff, Jr., a Biography: With Some Account of Guy Despard Goff and Brazilla Carroll Reece. S4710 (ASU) Stories of W. Va. for Boys & Girls. S5560 The Kinnan Massacre. S8930 (ASU BC) West Virginia in the Civil War. S8940 (ASU BC) Borderland Confederate. S9000 The Mountain State. S9010 Pages from the Past. S9020 (BC) History of Braxton County and Central West Virginia. S9320 (ASU BC) Proud Heritage of West Virginia. S9740 History of Wayne County, West Virginia. T630 (ASU) The Washingtons and Their Colonial Homes in W. Va. T8480 (BC) West Virginia, the Centennial of Statehood, 1863-1963. U3590 (ETSU) Historic Homes of Northern Virginia and the Eastern Panhandle of West Virginia. W1770 (ASU) History of Hancock Co., Va. and W. Va. W2470 (BC) Biennial Report. W3330 (BC) Short Title Check-list of West Virginia State Publications. 1947/48-. W3340 (ETSU) History of Education in West Virginia. W3550 (ASU) State Papers and Public Addresses. W3950 State papers and public addresses of Clarence Watson Meadows. W3960 State Papers and Public Addresses of Homer Adams Holt, Twentieth Governor of West Virginia, January 18, 1937 to January 13, 1941. W3970 State Papers and Public Addresses of Okey L. Patterson, E. Rosalind Carroll Funk. W3980 State Papers and Public Addresses of William C. Marland, Twenty-Fourth Governor of the State of West Virginia, 1953-1957. W3990 West Virginia Highway Markers, Historic, Prehistoric, Scenic, Geologic. W4060 (ASU) W4070 (UNCA ETSU) W4090 (BC) Report of the Archives of the Division of Documents. W4570 (BC) Selected Archeological and Historical Sites in West Virginia; Preliminary Plan for Development. W5170 History of Preston County (West Virginia). W6210 (ASU) SUBJECT History of Preston County (West Virginia). W6220 (ASU BC) An Inside View of the Formation of the State of West Virginia, with Character Sketches of the Pioneers in that Movement. W6370 (BC) Chronicles of Border Warfare; or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Va., and . . . . W7940 (BC) Chronicles of Border Warfare; or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Virginia, and of the Indian Wars and Massacres, in That Section of the State. W7950 (ASU ETSU WCU BC) Chronicles of Border Warfare: or, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of Northwestern Virginia, and of the Indian Wars and Massacres, in That Section of the State. W7960 (ASU UNCA) Acts of the Legislature of West Virginia at Its First Session, Commencing June 20th, 1863. W4120 (BC) W. VA. — HISTORY — CIVIL WAR West Virginia Civil War Literature; An Annotated Bibliography. S3040 W. VA. — LABOR FORCE Labor Market Areas for Manufacturing Plants in West Virginia. T8220 Manpower Requirement of Training Needs. W3440 A Study of the Manpower Resources of Braxton, Clay, Lewis, Nicholas, Upshur, and Webster Counties. W3450 W. Va. Labor Force. W3460 West Virginia Labor Force. W3470 Work Force, Employment, Unemployment, 1958. W3480 Labor Supply Survey. W3500 Personal and Economic Characteristics of the Insured Unemployed. W3510 West Central West Virginia Area Manpower Requirements Survey to 1972. W3520 W4110 (BC) W. VA. — POLITICS A Mountain Trail: To the Schoolroom, the Editor's Chair, the Lawyer's Office, and the Governorship of West Virginia. C7570 (ASU BC) W. VA. — RECREATION AND TOURISM From Baltimore to Charleston. S790 W. VA. — RESORTS White Sulphur Springs, a Brief History. T700 (ASU) W. VA. RIVER Indexed County and Railroad Pocket Map and Shipper's Guide of West Virginia. R390 (BC) W. VA. RIVERS Canoeing White Water: A Guide Book to the Rivers of Virginia and Eastern West Virginia, The Great Smoky Mountain Area. C1740 (LMC) WAGES AND SALARIES — PA. "Minimum Wages in Pennsylvania." K530 WAGES AND SALARIES — W. VA. Wage Differentials in West Virginia. G690 WAGES — APP. Miner's Wages and the Cost of Coal: An Inquiry into the Wages System in the Bituminous Coal Industry. L3790 WAR — WORLD WAR 1 Sergeant York, His Own Life Story and War Diary. S3870 (ASU ETSU LMC) Sergeant York, Last of the Long Hunters. S3880 (ASU RC) 230 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY WARS — APP. The Winning of the West. R3700 (ASU) WARS — COLONIAL Yearbook of the Society of Colonial Wars in the Commonwealth of Kentucky. S5380 (ETSU) WARS — FRENCH Lieut. Henry Timberlake's Memoirs, 1756-1765. T8690 (BC ETSU) Lieut. Henry Timberlake's Memoirs, 1756-1765, With Annotation, Introduction and Index. T8700 (ASU WCU LMC) Memoirs, 1756-1765. T8710 (ETSU ASU WCU) WARS — INDIAN "Fort Southwest Point, Tennessee: The Development of a Frontier Post, 1792-1807." B920 Abstract of Pensions of North Carolina Soldiers of the Revolution, War of 1812, and Indian Wars. B9030 (ASU) Estill County, Kentucky, Record of Abstracts of Pension Papers of Revolutionary Soldiers, War of 1812 and Indian Wars. . . . B9050 Kentucky Pioneers and Their Descendants. D580 (ASU BC) History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia: Embracing an Account of the Various Expeditions in the West, Previous to 1795. Also, Biographical Sketches of Distinguished Actors in Our Border Wars. D1640 (ASU BC) History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia: Embracing an Account of the Various Expeditions in the West Previous to 1795. Also, Biographical Sketches of Co. Ebenezer Zone. . . and other Distinguished Actors in our Border Wars. D1650 (ASU LMC FC) Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783. Together with a Review of the State of Society and Manners of the First Settlers of the Western Country. With a memoir of the author by his daughter, Narcissa Doddridge. Republished. D2660 (ASU BC FC) Notes on the Settlements and Indian of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania from 1763 to 1783, Inclusive. D2670 (ETSU BC) Border Wars of the West. F3530 (BC) Fort Loudoun on the Little Tennessee. H1050 (ASU) Annals of Tazewell County, Virginia from 1800 to 1922. H2400 (BC ASU) The Winning of the West. R3700 (ASU) In the Ranks of Old Hickory, When with the Western Riflemen in Defense Against from Within and Without, Young and Old of All Degrees United Under Andrew Jackson to Make the Republic's Borders Safe. S30 (ETSU ASU BC) Lieut. Henry Timberlake's Memoirs, 1756-1765. T8690 (BCETSU) Lieut. Henry Timberlake's Memoirs, 1756-1765, With Annotation, Introduction and Index. T8700 (ASU WCU LMC) Memoirs, 1756-1765. T8710 (ETSU ASU WCU) WARS — INDIANS History of the Battle of Point Pleasant. L2340 (BC ASU) Memoir of Indian Wars, and Other Occurrences. S8730 (ASU) WARS — VA. Virginia War Agencies Selective Draft and Volunteers. D830 Virginia War History in Newspaper Clippings. D840 Virginia War Letters and Diaries and Editorials. D850 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY WARS — VA. Virginians of Distinguished Service in World War. D860 WARS — VA. — INDIAN History of the Settlement and Indian Wars of Tazewell County, Virginia. B3530 (PC ASU) History of the Settlement and Indian Wars of Tazewell County, Va. with added material compiled by J. Allen Neal. B3540 WARS — W. VA. The Soldiery of West Virginia in the French and Indian War, Lord Dunmore's War, The Whiskey Insurrection, The Second War with England, The War with Mexico, and Addenda Relating to West Virginians in the Civil War. L2370 (ASU) WARS — W A R OF 1812 Notes on Kentucky Veterans of the War of 1812. C5030 (BC) A Journal Containing an Accurate and Interesting Account of the Hardships, Suffering, Battles, Defeat, and Captivity of Those Heroic Kentucky Volunteers and Regulars, Commanded by General Winchester, in the Years 1812-13. Also, Two Narratives by Men That Were Wounded in the Battles on the River Raisen, and Taken Captive by the Indians. D390 (ASU BC) Junaluska at the Battle of Horse Shoe Bend: True Story of the Cherokee Chief. H3710 (LMC) Kentucky Soldiers of the War of 1812. K900 (ASU) Kentucky Soldiers of the War of 1812. W6150 Heroes of the War of 1812 for Whom Kentucky Counties are Named. W8840 (BC) WARS — WAR OF 1812 — N. C. Frustrated Patriots: North Carolina and the War of 1812. L1730 (MHC) WARS — WAR OF 1812 — TENN. Soldiers of the War of 1812 Buried in Tennessee. M670 (ASU) WARS — WORLD WAR 1 Sergeant York and His People. C8110 (WWCETSUBC) Virginians of Distinguished Service in World War. D860 K2860 Dickenson County in War Time; a Community History. S9150 W7920 Sergeant York: His Own Life Story and War Diary. Y130 (LMC BC) WARS — WORLD WAR 2 Pursuits of War: The People of Charlottesville and Albemarle County, Virginia, in the Second World War. A970 (ASU) A Rural Community in Time of War: The Valley Community in Rabun County, Georgia. A1340 (BC) Sergeant York: Reluctant Hero. A2520 (ETSU) Crossville. C7150 "Impact of World War II on Juvenile Delinquency in Knox County, Tennessee." D1380 Selective Service in North Carolina in World War II. K2470 (LMC) WATAUGA RIVER "Land Utilization in the New and Watauga River Basins of North Carolina." B3700 (LMC) The Watauga River Basin: A Survey of Existing Pollution in the Watauga River Basin Together with Recommended Classification of Its Waters, 1960-1962. N2640 (ASU) On the Watauga and the Cumberland. S5300 (LMC) SUBJECT Floods on Watauga and Doe Rivers in Vicinity of Elizabethton, Tennessee. T2760 WATER POLLUTION Message from the President of the United States Transmitting the Appalachian Regional Commission's Report, Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia, Pursuant to the Provisions of Section 302 (b) of the Appalachian Regional Development Act. A210 (ASU) Evaluation of Pollution Abatement Techniques Applicable to Lost Creek and Brown's Creek Watershed, West Virginia. A220 (ASU) A Program for Simulation of Acid Mine Drainage in a River Basin. A3790 (ASU) Proceedings. A4440 Stream Quality in Appalachia as Related to Coal-mine Drainage, 1965. B3570 (LMC BC ASU) Stream Quality in Appalachia as Related to Coal-mine Drainage. B3571 Effects of Surface Mining on Fish and Wildlife in Appalachia, Special Report. B4930 "The Economic Aspects of the Water Pollution Abatement Program in the Ohio River Valley." B6260 Sedimentary Studies in the Middle River Drainage Basin of the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. C1480 (ASU) "Industrial Waste and Human Sewage Pollution within the New River Drainage Basin of Watauga County." C1490 (ASU) Mine Drainage Abstracts: A Bibliography. C5200 (ASU) "Macroinvertebrate Community Structure as an Indicator of Acid Mine Pollution." D2470 E2000 Determination of Estimated Mean Mine Water, Quantity and Quality from Imperfect Data and Historical Records. E2050 (ASU) M6140 Handbook of Pollution Control Costs in Mine Drainage Management. M6470 Water Pollution Control In the Monongahela River Basin. P1810 The Effects of Acid Mine Drainage on Aquatic Insects. R2630 (ASU) WATER POLLUTION — APP. Acid Mine Drainage in Appalachia. A3540 (ASU BC) Froth Floatation Washability Data of Various Appalachian Coals Using Timed Release Analysis Technique. C2570 1100 (ASU) 1110 (ASU) 1120 (ASU) 1130 (ASU) The Ohio River Basin. 1890 Legal Problems of Coal Mine Reclamation: Study in Maryland, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia. M3930 (BC) Prediction of Stream Reaeration Rates. T5410 Quality of Water in Chickamauga Reservoir. T5420 Stream Sanitation in the Tennessee Valley. T5450 Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. T5460 Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. T5470 Surface Water Quality in the Chestuee Creek Watershed. T5480 231 WARS—WATER Surface Water Quality in the Chestuee Creek Watershed. T5490 Drainage Modifications in Southeastern Ohio and Adjacent Parts of West Virginia and Kentucky. T8660 WATER POLLUTION — KY. Kentucky Law on Water. C4790 Influences of Strip Mining on the Hydrologic Environment of Parts of Beaver Creek Basin, Kentucky, 1955-59. C5930 (BC) Proceedings. The Planning Concept. C6420 Public and Industrial Water Supplies of the Jackson Purchase Region, Kentucky. P4290 WATER POLLUTION — MD. Maryland Water Law: Water Laws and Legal Principles Affecting the Use of Water in Maryland. G120 Western Maryland Mine Drainage Survey, 1962-65. H7110 Preparation of Plans and Specifications for Pollution Abatement Activities in Cherry Creek Watershed, Maryland. S3850 (ASU) WATER POLLUTION — N. C. A Study of Water Pollution Control in the Textile Industry of North Carolina. G3180 (LMC) The Watauga River Basin: A Survey of Existing Pollution in the Watauga River Basin Together with Recommended Classification of Its Waters, 1960-1962. N2640 (ASU) N2650 (ASU UNCA) Ecological Effects of Hot Water Discharge by an Electric Power Generating Plant. N2660 (ASU UNCA) Summary of Data on Chemical Quality of Streams of North Carolina, 1943-67: Quality of Surface Waters of North Carolina. W6140 (LMC) WATER POLLUTION — OHIO Ohio River Basin: Comprehensive Survey, Main Report. 0410 (ASU) WATER POLLUTION — PA. Drainage Evolution in the Appalachians of Pennsylvania. T8170 (ETSU) WATER POLLUTION — TENN. Report of the Conference, 2D Kingsport, Tennessee, 1962. C6390 "Fish Fauna Diversity as an Indication of Pollution Stress in Streams." H5600 (ETSU) Techniques Used in Mine-water Problems of the East Tennessee Zinc District. K860 (ASU) "Mercury Pollution in Fish in Boone Reservoir, Tennessee." M5980 (ETSU) Stream Pollution Control In The Upper Cumberland River Basin, 1965. T1230 Stream Pollution Control in the Upper Cumberland River Basin, 1964. T2120 (ETSU) WATER POLLUTION — VA. Report of the Conference, 2D Kingsport, Tennessee, 1962. C6390 WATER POLLUTION — W. VA. Fluvial Sediment in the Salem Fork Watershed, West Virginia. F1550 Current and Proposed Regulations and Legislation on Water Pollution Concerning Appalachian Industries. H6540 Ground-water Conditions along the Ohio Valley at Parkersburg, West Virginia. J520 (ETSU) �WATER—WATER WATER POLLUTION - W. VA. Priority Determination Procedure for the Selection of Pollution Abatement Projects in the Monongahela River Basin. R2590 (ASU) WATER POWER — TENN. Organization for Watershed Planning in the Public Interest. L3760 WATER RESOURCES "A Watershed Development Program for the TVA. B4420 Water Use by Appalachian Manufacturers, 1964. B6550 The Economic Development of the Northeast Georgia Commission Area Through Use of Forest Products and Water Resources. B7120 (ASU ETSU) Ground-water Resources of Monongalia County, West Virginia. C1280 (ETSU) Maryland's Role in Water Resources Development: A Study. £8480 Irrigation Arrangements in Buncombe County, North County, North Carolina; a Report of an Irrigation Survey in Buncombe County, Conducted in the Summer of 1962. M3650 (LMC) M5190 (ASU) Ohio River Basin: Comprehensive Survey, Main Report. O410 (ASU) Surface Water in Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. P2880 (ETSU) Ground Water in Marshall County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. S430 (ASU ETSU) Bear Creek Watershed, Summary of Resources. T2330 Tennessee River History. T3680 Tennessee River Navigation. T3690 The Tennessee River Navigation System; History, Development, and Operation. T3700 The Tennessee River Waterway. T3710 TVA Dams; the Twenty Major Dams Built by the Tennessee Valley Authority and Wilson Dam. T3760 TVA 25th Anniversary; Progress Thru Resource Development, A Report to the Nation from the Tennessee Valley Authority on Its First Twenty-Five Years, 1933-1958. T3910 Upper Duck River Valley; Summary of Resources. T4020 Upper Hiwassee Valley: Summary of Resources. T4030 Working With Areas of Special Need, With Examples From the Beech River Watershed. T4100 The Yellow Creek Port Project. T4130 . . . Hydraulic Data Activities of the Tennessee Valley Authority . . . T7400 Industrial Water Supplies of the Tennessee Valley Region. T7420 Influences of Reforestation and Erosion Control Upon the Hydrology of the Pine Tree Branch Watershed 1941 to 1950. T7430 Maps and Surveys. T7450 Report on Initial Phases, Chestuee Watershed Project. T7510 Water supply paper, no. 1. U3400 The Ohio River Basin Except the Cumberland and Tennessee River Basins. U3410 SUBJECT H. R. 10090, Act Making Appropriations for Public Works for Water and Power Development, Including Corps of Engineers, Civil, Bureau of Reclamation, Bonnevilie Power Administration, and Other Power Agencies of Department of Interior, Appalachian Regional Commission, Federal Power Commission, Tennessee Valley Authority, Atomic Energy Commission, and Related Independent Agencies and Commissions for Fiscal Year 1972, and for Other Purposes. U3510 H. R. 15586, Act Making Appropriations for Public Works for Water and Power Development, Including Corps of Engineers — Civil, Bureau of Reclamation, Bonnevilie Power Administration, and Other Power Agencies of the Department of Interior, Appalachian Regional Development Programs, Federal Power Commission, Tennessee Valley Authority, Atomic Energy Commission, and Related Independent Agencies and Commissions for Fiscal Year 1973, and for Other Purposes. Approved August 25, 1972. U3520 Report, V. 2: Ten Rivers in America's Future. U3860 A Design for a W. Va. Water Resources Plan. W3610 Summary of Data on Temperature of Streams in North Carolina, 1943-67: Quality of Surface Waters of North Carolina. W8720 (LMC) A Symposium on the Sandhill Deep Well, Wood County, West Virginia. W8960 (ETSU) WATER RESOURCES — ALA. Availability of Ground Water in Talladega County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. C2520 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Cherokee County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. C2530 (ETSU) Ground-water Resources of Etowah County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. C2540 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Morgan County, Alabama. D2750 (ETSU) Interim Report on the Geology and Groundwater Resources of Morgan County, Alabama. D2770 (ETSU) Surface Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama. H2240 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Colbert County, Alabama. H2870 (ETSU) Interim Report on Ground-water Study in Colbert County, Alabama. H2880 (ETSU) Springs in Colbert and Lauderdale Counties, Alabama. H2890 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Lawrence County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. H3030 (ETSU) Report of Industrial Survey of Florence, Alabama, and Muscle Shoals District. L3050 (ASU) General Geology and Ground-water Resources of Limestone County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. M2170 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Madison County, Alabama. M2890 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. M5760 (ETSU) Ground-water in the Vicinity of Bryce State Hospital, Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. M5770 (ETSU) Ground-water Resources and Geology of Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. PI 030 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Franklin County, Alabama: A Reconnaissance. P1150 (ETSU) 232 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Water Supply of the Birmingham Area, Alabama. R3340 Gound-water Levels in Madison County, Alabama, July 1956 to July 1959. S420 (ETSU) Watershed Work plan. U3950 Ground Water in the Vicinity of Bryce Hospital, Negro Colony, Tuscaloosa County, Alabama. W150 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama: An Interim Report. W820 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-Water Resources of Calhoun County, Alabama. W830 (ETSU) WATER RESOURCES — APP. Appalachian Water: Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, and Florida. B8900 (LMC) Papers. C6470 (ASU) Appalachian Connate Water. H4290 (ETSU) Rainfall Interception by Hardwood Forest Litter in Southern Appalachians. H4410 (WCU) The Ohio River Basin. 1890 Appalachia Meets the Potomac. 1900 Potomac River Basin Directory. 1910 Kanawha River: Comprehensive Basin Study. K100 (ASU) "Measuring and Analyzing the Impact of Employment Generation Benefits of a Public Water Resource Development Project in Appalachia." K2050 The Relation of the Southern Appalachian Mountains to Inland Water Navigation. L1650 (BC ASU) The Relation of the Southern Appalachian Mountains to the Development of Water Power. LI 660 (ASU BC) "The Development of a Community Water Supply to Serve a Rural Area of Southern Appalachia." L2640 (ETSU) North Carolina Water Plan Progress Report, Chapter 44; the Appalachian Region in North Carolina. N2000 (ASU) Deforestation Effects on Soil Moisture, Streamflow, and Water Balance in Central Appalachians. P580 Hydrography of the Southern Appalachian Region. P4370 Water Resources of the Appalachian Region, Pa. to Ala. SI 020 Atlas Finding List of the Tennessee Valley Region. The Tennessee Valley Area and Adjacent Districts in Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Illinois, Kentucky, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia and West Virginia. T2300 Elk River Watershed; Summary of Resources. T2590 Fifty Inches of Rain. A Story of Land and Water Conservation. T2700 (BC) Hydrology of Small Watersheds in Relation to Various Crop Covers and Soil Characteristics. A Pictorial Brochure. Cooperative Research Project in Western North Carolina. T2910 Nature's Constant Gift, a Report on the Water Resource of the Tennessee Valley. T3070 (BC ASU) Nature's Constant Gift; a Report on the Water Resource of the Tennessee Valley. T3080 �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY WATER RESOURCES — APP. Nature's Constant Gift; a Report on the Water Resource of the Tennessee Valley. T3090 Recreation Areas on TVA Lakes. T3320 Summary of Resources Tributary Area Development Program. T3560 Systematic Farm Planning in Relation to Water Resources at Parker Branch Pilot Tributary Watershed. T3590 Tributary Area Development Activities; Selected List of Reports and Publications. 1963. T4000 Tributary Area Development in the Tennessee Valley. T4010 Working with Areas of Special Need, with Examples from the Beech River Watershed. T4110 Social and Economic Characteristics of Six Tennessee Valley Reservoir Areas. T4330 (BC) The Occurrence of Drought in the Tennessee Valley. T4490 Evaluation of Forestry Opportunities on Farms in the Beech River Watershed. T4660 (ETSU) Benefit-Cost Analysis for Water Resource Projects: A Selected Annotated Bibliography. T5100 Benefit-Cost Analysis for Water Resource Projects; a Selected Annotated Bibliography. T5110 Major Freight Terminals on the Tennessee River Waterway. T5120 Navigation Charts, Tennessee River Waterway, Paducah, Kentucky to Knoxville, Tennessee; Showing Underwater Conditions, Navigation Channels and Aids and Adjacent Shore Planimetry. T5130 The Tennessee River Navigation System: History, Development, and Operation. T5140 Annual Report, 1958 and 1959. T5220 Quality of Water in Chickamauga Reservoir. T5420 Stream Sanitation in the Tennessee Valley. T5450 Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. T5460 •Studies of the Pollution of the Tennessee River System. T5470 . Surface Water Quality in the Chestuee Creek Watershed. T5490 Vector Control and Water Resource Development — The Experience of TVA. T5510 Flood on Piney River, November 18-19, 1957 in the Vicinity of Spring City, Tenn. T5530 Forest Cover Improvement Influences Upon Hydrologic Characteristics of White Hollow Watershed, 1935-1958. T7340 High and Low Flows and Flow Duration at Stream Gages in North Carolina in Tennessee River Basin. T7370 Major Freight Terminals on the Tennessee River Waterway. T7440 Navigation Charts: Tennessee River. T7460 Navigation Charts Tennessee River Reservoirs: Paducah, Kentucky to KnoxviHe, Tennessee, Showing Underwater Conditions, Navigation Channels and Aids and Adjacent Shore Planimetry. T7470 Precipitation in Tennessee River Basin Annual. T7480 SUBJECT An Analysis of the Parker Branch Watershed Project, 1953 Through 1959: A Progress Report. T7540 Bear Creek Watershed; Summary of Resources. T7550 Clinch-Powell Valley; Summary of Resources. T7560 Drainage Modifications in Southeastern Ohio and Adjacent Parts of West Virginia and Kentucky. T8660 Economics of Watershed Planning Sponsored by the Southeast Land Tenure Research Committee, the Farm Foundation, and the Tennessee Valley Authority. T8820 Big South Fork, Cumberland River, Kentucky and Tennessee. U230 (ETSU) Dev. of Water Resources in Appalachia. U250 Development of Water Resources in Appalachia: Report of the Secretary of the Army. U260 Ohio River Basin, Grayson Reservoir, Little Sandy River, Kentucky design memorandum no. 3A preliminary master plan. U300 (BC) Water Resources Dev. by the U. S. Army Corps of Engineers. U320 Water used by Appalachian Manufacturers, 1964. U1590 Report of the Secretary of Agriculture on the Southern Appalachian and White Mountain Watersheds. Commercial Importance, Area, Condition, Advisability of the Purchase for National Forests, and Probable Cost. U2540 (BC) Development of Water Resources in Appalachia. U2670 (ASU) H. R. 8947, Act Making Appropriations for Public Works for Water and Power Development, Including Corps of Engineers — Civil, Bureau of Reclamation, Bonneville Power Administration and Other Power Agencies of the Department of Interior, Appalachian Regional Development Programs, Federal Power Commission, Tennessee Valley Authority, Atomic Energy Commission, and Related Independent Agencies and Commissions for Fiscal Year Ending June 30, 1974, and for Other Purposes. Approved August 16, 1973. U3500 Minutes of the Meeting. W1400 (ETSU LMC) Minutes of the Meeting. W1410 (ETSU) WATER RESOURCES — GA. Geology and Ground-water Resources of Catoosa County, Georgia. C8710 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Paleozoic Rock Area, Chattooga County, Georgia. C8720 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Walker County, Georgia. C8730 (ETSU) Geology and Ground-water Resources of. Dade County, Georgia. C9070 (ETSU) Economic Base Study and Survey of Basic Services for the Hiwassee River Watershed Development Association. F2220 (BC) The Georgia Mountains: A View of Its Resources, Problems, and Potentials. SI 120 (ASU LMC) Geology and Ground-water Resources of Crystalline Rocks, Dawson County, Georgia. S2010 (ASU ETSU) Optimum Farm Organizations and Area Production Patterns for the Upper Hiwassee Watershed Area. W7870 WATER RESOURCES — KENTUCKY Interim Study report on Upper Licking River Basin, Kentucky. U290 (BC) 233 WATER-WATER WATER RESOURCES — KY. Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Paintsville Area, Kentucky. B630 (ASU) Resources for Industry. K1030 (ASU) K1430 Public and Industrial Water Supplies of the Jackson Purchase Region, Kentucky. P4290 Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Prestonburg Quadrangle, Kentucky. P4600 Flood of July 5, 1939, in Eastern Kentucky. SI 070 Chemical character of surface waters of Kentucky, 1949-1951. U3110 Geology and ground water resources in the Paintsville area, Ky. 1955, Surface water of the U. S. 1953; Cumberland and Tenn. River Basin. U3420 WATER RESOURCES — MD. Maryland Water Law: Water Laws and Legal Principles Affecting the Use of Water in Maryland. G120 Bibliography of Maryland Water Resources Data. H8180 Allegany County. M3900 (ETSU) The Water Resources of Allegany and Washington Counties. S4170 (ETSU) WATER RESOURCES — N. C. Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Murphy Area, North Carolina. D2760 (WCU) Surface Water Supply of the New-Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, and North Carolina. G4490 Reconnaissance of the Ground-water Resources in the Waynesville Area, North Carolina. M3380 (LMC WCU) Irrigation Arrangements in Henderson County, North Carolina; a Report of an Irrigation Survey in Henderson County, Conducted in the Summer of 1962. M3660 (LMC) Irrigation Arrangements in Transylvania County, North Carolina; a Report of an Irrigation Survey in Transylvania County, Conducted in the Summer of 1962. M3670 (LMC) North Carolina Water Plan Progress Report, Chapter 44; the Appalachian Region in North Carolina. N2000 (ASU) Water Resource Needs for Selected Development Corridors in Appalachian North Carolina. N2630 (ASU) N2650 (ASU UNCA) Ecological Effects of Hot Water Discharge by an Electric Power Generating Plant. N2660 (ASU UNCA) Economic Development of the Upper French Broad Area: Summary of Needs and Opportunities, Resources, the Regional Economy. N2690 (ASU) Papers on the Waterpower in North Carolina, a Preliminary Report. S9390 (LMC) A Demonstration of Watershed Protective Logging, Mars Hill Municipal Watershed, Madison County, North Carolina. T4640 Flood plain information Lenoir, North Carolina; Lower Creek, Blair Fork, Long Branch. U270 Flood plain information, Morganton, North Carolina. U280 Geology & ground water resources in the Paintsville Area, Ky., 1955. U3160 Industrial Water Use in North Carolina. W430 Summary of Data on Chemical Quality of Streams of North Carolina, 1943-67: Quality of Surface Waters of North Carolina. W6140 (LMC) �WATER—WILDLIFE WATER RESOURCES — OHIO "Economic Inventory and Value Added Estimates of the Natural Resources of a Watershed Region Located in the Appalachian Highland Area of Ohio." D3630 Water Resources of the Wheeling-Steubenville Area, West Virginia and Ohio. S4960 WATER RESOURCES — PA. "A Preliminary Economic Evaluation of the Corey Creek Watershed." D50 Drainage Evolution in the Appalachians of Pennsylvania. T8170 (ETSU) WATER RESOURCES — S. C. Watershed Work Plan . . . Eighteen Mile Creek Watershed, Pickens and Anderson Counties, South Carolina. U3960 WATER RESOURCES — TENN. Legislative History of Muscle Shoals. K2340 Water Resources of Tennessee: Being A Compilation of Existing Data Pertaining to the Surface Waters of Tennessee and Their Utilization. K2490 (LMC) "A Study of Factors Related to the Entrophication of Boone Reservoir, Tennessee." L3640 (ETSU) Ground-water Resources of the Cumberland Plateau in Tennessee. N720 (BC) Geology, Mineral Resources, and Ground Water of the Cleveland Area, Tennessee. S9710 (ETSU) Interagency Report on Water Resource Activities in Tennessee. moo Tennessee's Water Resources and Related Lands. T1580 Comprehensive Plan for Development: Kentucky Reservoir Region. T1610 (ETSU) A Plan for Development-Nicka Jack Reservoir Area. T1660 (ASU LMC) Reservoir Shore Line Development in Tennessee; a Study of Problems and Opportunities. T1700 Clinch-Powell Valley; Summary of Resources. T2420 Upper Little Tennessee River Region: Summary of Resources. T9880 (WWC) Surface water of the U. S. 1953; Cumberland and Tenn. River Basin. U3310 (U) Geology and ground water resources in the Paintsville area, Ky. 1955, Surface water of the U. S. 1953; Cumberland and Tenn. River Basin. U3420 Ground Water Resources and Geology of Cumberland County, Tennessee. W7340 (LMC) Summary of Ground Water Data for Tennessee, Through May 1971. W7350 (LMC) WATER RESOURCES — VA. Springs of Virginia. C6040 Ground Water in the Ordovician Rocks near Woodstock, Virginia. H660 Ground-water Supplies in Shale and Sandstone in Fairfax, Loudoun, and Prince William Counties, Virginia. J2150 Water Resources of Virginia. Ml 740 Bulletin. Surface and Water Supply of Va. New, Big Sandy, and Tenn. River Basins, 1942-1950. V750 (BC) New River Basin Comprehensive Water Resources Plan. V840 SUBJECT WATER RESOURCES — W. VA. Wood County Deep Well. Well Log, Sample, and Core Description. B2160 (ETSU) Wild Water West Virginia: A Paddler's Guide to the White Water Rivers of the Mountain State. B9180 (ASU BC) Water Resources of Kanawha County, West Virginia. D2830 (ETSU) Surface Water Supply of West Virginia. E2170 (ETSU) Fluvial Sediment in the Salem Fork Watershed, West Virginia. F1550 Surface Water Supply of the New-Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, and North Carolina. G4490 Development of an Economic/Environmental Plan for Dents Run Watershed, West Virginia. H950 (ASU) Ground-water Conditions along the Ohio Valley at Parkersburg, West Virginia. J520 (ETSU) "Water Data for Industrial Site Development, Monongahela Valley, West Virginia." K360 Ground-water Resources of Harrison County, West Virginia. N20 (ETSU) The Impact of Water Resources Development upon Local Rural Communities: Adjustment Factors to Rapid Change. N80 Footprints in the Soil and Reflections on the Water: Conservation in West Virginia. O570 (ASU) Springs of West Virginia. P4570 (ETSU) Occurrence and Availability of Ground Water in Ohio County, West Virginia. R3330 (ETSU) Water Resources of the Wheeling-Steubenville Area, West Virginia and Ohio. S4960 An Annotated Bibliography of Water Resource Papers Pertaining to West Virginia. T9570 Watershed Work Plan; Mill Creek Watershed, Jackson and Roane Counties, West Virginia. U3970 (ASU) Ground Water in Mason and Putnam Counties, West Virginia. W7050 (ETSU) WEAVING Shuttlecraft Book of American Handweaving. A5460 (BC) The Story of a Homespun Web. B4780 (BC) Kentucky Coverlets. B5660 (BC) Homespun Handicrafts. B5710 (BC) A Handweaver's Pattern Book. D1290 (ASU BC) A Handweaver's Source Book; A Selection of 224 Patterns from the Laura M. Allen Collection. D1300 Pennsylvania German Home Weaving. D1310 Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands: With an Account of the Rural Handicraft Movement in the United States and Suggestions for the Wider Use of Handicrafts in Adult Education and in Recreation. E560 (ASU WCU LMC MHC WWC ETSU BC) The Story of the Penland Weavers. F1880 (ASU BC) Marthy Lou's Kiverlid. H8780 "Marthy Lou's Kiverlid," a Sketch of Mountain Life. H8790 (ASU) "Marthy Lou's Kiverlid," a Sketch of Mountain Life. H8800 (ASU) Weaving as a Hobby. 140 (BC ASU) Loom-fixing and Weaving; A Book for All Who Are Interested in Such Matters. 11010 234 APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY Four-Harness Huck. N380 Inkle. N390 A Book of Handwoven Coverlits. O60 (BC) Dictionary of Weaves; a Collection of All Weaves from Four to Nine Harness. P3770 (BC) A Weavin' Woman. S7110 (LMC) WEAVING — APP. Mountain Homespun. G2610 (ASU WCU LMC MHC ETSU BC WWC) The Golden Age of Homespun. V400 (ASU) Home Industries and Domestic Weavings. W5100 WELL DRILLING — W. VA. Well-sample Records. M3570 (ETSU) WEST FORD RIVER 1920 WEST VIRGINIA — DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL — PERIODICALS Wonderful West Virginia. W3600 (ETSU ASU) WILDFLOWERS Flowering Trees and Shrubs. B3680 List of Tennessee Certified Nurseries Collectors of Native Wild Plants and Nursery Dealers for the Season 1967-1968. B7680 (LMC) Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. C540 (LMC WCU ETSU) Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. C550 (ASU LMC WCU WWC BC) Great Smoky Mountains Wildflowers. C560 (ETSU BC) Wild Flowers of the Great Smokies and Surrounding Area, a Pictorial Guide. C2120 (ASU UNCA) Wildflowers of Kentucky. S2130 (BC) WILDFLOWERS — APP. Wild Flowers of the Alleghenies. H2490 (BC) Ferns of Ky; with Full-page Etchings and Wood Cuts. W6950 (BC) WILDFLOWERS — APP. MTNS. The Old Naturalist's Notebook: Wild Flowers of the Appalachian. L670 (UNCA ASU) Wildflowers in Color. S8890 (ASU ETSU UNCA) WILDFLOWERS — KY. A Guide to the Wildflowers and Ferns of Kentucky. W5000 (ASU ETSU WCU BC WWC) WILDFLOWERS — N. C. "The Hepatic Flora of Watauga County, North Carolina." H5220 (ASU) Wild Flowers of North Carolina. J3020 (ASU LMC WWC ETSU) The Flora of North Carolina from Ranunculaceae to Salviniaceae. J3390 (ASU) WILDFLOWERS — TENN. Tennessee Wildflowers. S9370 WILDFLOWERS - W. VA. Spring Wild Flowers. C7430 (BC) WILDLIFE Effects of Surface Mining on Fish and Wildlife in Appalachia, Special Report. B4930 The Appalachians. B6960 (ASU WCU LMC MHC FC WWC ETSU BC FC UNCA) The Life of the Mountains. B6970 (BC) Fish and Fishing in TVA Impoundments. E2210 Hunting and Fishing in the Great Smokies. G550 (BC UNCA ASU WCU LMC) Conservation of Wildlife and Forests in Tennessee. H4120 (ETSU BC) �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM BIBLIOGRAPHY WILDLIFE Conservation of Wildlife and Forests in Tennessee. H4130 "Fish Fauna Diversity as an Indication of Pollution Stress in Streams." H5600 (ETSU) J2770 Mammals of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. L2710 (WCU WWC ASU LMC) Mammals of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. L2720 (BC) Fishing in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park and Adjacent Waters. M3090 "Mercury Pollution in Fish in Boone Reservoir, Tennessee." M5980 (ETSU) The Life and Times of a Mountaineer Game Warden. 0740 Fish and Fishing, Fort Loudoun Reservoir. T2720 Forest Reservations and Protection of Game Committee. U1870 WILDLIFE — APP. Tennessee Valley Wildlife: An Outlook for the Year 2000. El 920 Hunting and Conservation: The Book of the Boone and Crockett Club. G4310 (ETSU) Atlas of Southern Forest Game. H960 (ASU) Twenty Years of Hunting and Fishing in the Great Smoky Mountains. H3850 Twenty Years of Hunting and Fishing in the Great Smoky Mountains. H8360 "A Historical Study of the European Wild Boar in North Carolina." J2560 (ASU) Big Nick: The Story of a Remarkable Black Bear. L1080 (ASU BC) Wilderness Adventure. P30 (ASU) Annual Report, 1963. T4600 Development of Forests — Fish — Wildlife in the Tennessee Valley. T4650 Fish and Wildlife in the Tennessee Valley. T4670 Annual Report. T4940 Farm Forestry Planning Through Linear Programming. T4960 Fish and Wildlife, Valuable Natural Resources. T5270 WILDLIFE — KY. Amphibians and Reptiles of Kentucky. B1090 (BC ASU LMC WCU) Fishes of the Red River Drainage, Eastern Kentucky. B6360 K970 (ASU WCU) What Kentuckians Ought to Know about the State Game and Fish Commission . . . . W90 (BC) WILDLIFE — N. C. Our Wildlife Neighbors: Important Game Mammals, Fur Bearers, Upland Game Birds and Fish of North Carolina. B1070 (LMC) A Catalog of the Inland Fishing Waters in North Carolina. F1120 (LMC) The Fishes of North Carolina. S4780 (LMC) North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey. The Fishes of North Carolina. $4790 Tar Heel Wildlife. W6180 (LMC) WILDLIFE — N. C., WESTERN The Mammals and Summer Birds of Western North Carolina. 0120 SUBJECT WILDLIFE — PA. "Equating Timber and Wildlife Values and Returns to the Farm Resource Base in Sullivan County, Pennsylvania." G200 "Equating Timber and Wildlife Values and Returns to the Farm Resources Base in Sullivan County, Pennsylvania." H3970 WILDLIFE — TENN. The Flora of Tennessee and a Philosophy of Botany, Respectfully Dedicated to the Citizens of Tennessee. G600 TVA Lakes as a Fishery and Wildlife Asset. M5890 Multiple-use on Norris Watershed. N1510 Statewide Wildlife Survey of Tennessee, a Study of the Land, Wildlife, Farmer, Hunter and Trapper; Final Report of Work Accomplished with Federal Aid to Wildlife Restoration Funds Under Pittmon-Robertson Project no. W-16-R. SI 160 Amphibians and Reptiles of Tennessee. T1390 (ASU) An Appraisal of Potentials for Outdoor Recreational Development in Fort Worth. U3920 As the Indians Left It: The Story of the Chattanooga Audubon Society and Its Elise Chapin Wildlife Sanctuary. W330 (ASU MHC) Waterfowl on the Tennessee River Impoundments. W5960 "An Ecological Study of Some Small Mammals of Horse Cove, Washington County, Tennessee." W6610 (ETSU) WILDLIFE — VA. Pilgrim at Tinker Creek. D2400 (BC ASU) Pilgrim at Tinker Creek. D2410 (ASU) The Blue Ridge: Man and Nature in Shenandoah National Park and Blue Ridge Parkway. W6260 (WCU LMC) WOODWORKING INDUSTRIES — APP. "Industrial Organization of the Appalachian Hardwood Lumber Using Industry." L4110 WOODWORKING INDUSTRIES — N. C. Seasoning and Preservative Treatment of Hickory Crossties. T240 (WCU) WOODWORKING INDUSTRIES — W. VA. A Manual of West Virginia's Wood-using Industries, with Directory. G3110 (ASU) WOODWORKING INDUSTRY — APP. This Fascinating Lumber Business. H7190 (ASU) "Chairmaking in Appalachia: A Study in Style and Creative Imagination in American Folk Art." J2520 (ASU) WOODWORKING INDUSTRY — KY. "A Study of Woodworking Industry of the Eastern Mountains and Coal Field Region of Kentucky." SI 330 WOODWORKING INDUSTRY - MARKETING Marketing West Virginia Lumber to Manufacturers in Other States. L2540 WOODWORKING INDUSTRY — PA. Opportunities for Forest-Based Industries in Pennsylvania: A Manual for the Development of Pennsylvania's Wood Using Industries. H7160 WOODWORKING INDUSTRY — TENN. Changing Sawmill Industry; a Status Report on 58 Circular Sawmills in the Tennessee Valley, 1950-60. LI 620 WOODWORKING INDUSTRY — W. VA. The Effect of Workmen's Compensation on the Logging and Sawmilling Industries in the Northeast. H6380 235 WILDLIFE—YADKIN WYSOR, PAUL S. Characteristics of Factory-grade Hardwood Logs Delivered to Appalachian Sawmills. G2290 YADKIN RIVER Smothers from Yadkin Valley to Pigeon River: Smothers and Agner Families. P920 (ASU) �This page intentionally left blank �FILMOGRAPHY OF SOUTHERN APPALACHIA (including Videotapes) Compiled by Dr. Robert J. Higgs Department of English East Tennessee State University with the assistance of Nick Smith and Katherine Honour �This page intentionally left blank �Introduction The purpose of this work is to make available information on a variety of films and video tapes on Appalachian studies. This filmography is by no means complete, but it can be of value to the Appalachian researcher as a starting point. Subjects covered include history, music, folklore, arts and crafts, religion, festivals, and the environment. The material is divided into three sections: I) A collection of 16mm movies and documentaries listed in alphabetical order. Each listing is provided with information concerning length, color or black and white, a description, awards when given, and distributor. An addendum of 16mm films by source brings the filmography up to date of publication and follows the earlier alphabetical listing. II) A complete listing of all film distributors with their addresses. Ill) A section on video tapes with name and address of distributors at the end of each listing. No attempt has been made to evaluate the quality of the films and video tapes either in terms of technique or content. �This page intentionally left blank �I—16mm Films 1. All the Way Home B&W 103min 16mm 1963 A father dies in an auto accident—but life goes on. The somber theme is handled with restraint and awareness in a story laid in Knoxville, Tennessee in 1915 as seen through the eyes of a boy—from his first bewilderment through a final realization. Poignant blend of nostalgia and sorrow. Based on the novel by James Agee, A Death in the Family. Distributor—Films Incorporated 2. The American Square Dance B&W 11min 16mm 1947 Relates the Square Dance to social dancing, teaches the positions of the dancers in relation to the calls, and defines terms. Includes the swing, allemande, grand right and left, promenade, promenade the outside ring, right and left through and back, two ladies chain and back, four hands up and half around, and do-si-do. Distributor—Coronet Instructional Films 3. Andrew Jackson B&W 18min 16mm 1951 Portrays major events in the life of Andrew Jackson, the symbol of the common man. Depicts experiences of his boyhood, military career, and presidential years. Distributor—Encyclopaedia Britannica Educational Corporation 4. Andrew Johnson B&W 48min 16mm 1966 Discusses the man who opposed the secession of his own State of Tennessee and was the lone southerner to remain in the United States Senate. From the Profiles in Courage series. Distributor—IQ Films 5. Appalachia: Rich Land, Poor People B&W 59min 16mm 1969 "Discusses the poverty and problems of Appalachia, explaining that the land is rich with coal, yet its residents are denied adequate food, housing, and medical care." Distributor—Indiana Univ. A-V Center 6. Applachian Adventure Color 22min 16mm Details man's use of rocks for vast construction projects such as highways and flood control reservations. Shows how men and machines, working day and night, accomplish these gigantic tasks. Includes scenes of famous old buildings and landmarks built out of rock. Distributor—Modern Talking Picture Service 7. Appalachian Genesis Color SOmin 16mm 1970 "Youth of Appalachia talking about coal mining, education, health facilities, recreation, job opportunities, and politics." Distributor—Appalshop 8. Appalachian Genesis Color 30min 16mm 1971 Appalachian Youth discuss coal mining, the educational system, job opportunities, recreation, health facilities, politics and poverty in this documentary; hailed as one of the most comprehensive statements on Appalachian youth today. Contracted by the Appalachian Regional Commission, this film touches all the vital issues in Appalachia today. Awards: University of Tennessee Film Festival Distributor—Appalshop 9. Appalachian Heritage Color 51min 16mm 1968 Documents the severe economic and social depression of Appalachia fed by illiteracy, cultural isolation, exploitation, and the destruction of the land by coal companies. Shows the conditions which have forced two million mountain people to leave their land for the core areas of the industrial cities of the north and examines the relationship of the migration to the urban crisis. Distributor—Embassy Picture Corporation 10. Appalachian Highlands, The 14min 16mm 1967 Pictures the Appalachian Highlands which stretch from northeastern Canada to southern Alabama and are characterized by an extensive mountain system. Describes the revitalization of the region's resources—traditionally used for light manufacturing, cash crop farming and mining. Through conservation, public works projects and new industry. Shows the impact of this growth on the people and the economy. From the North American regions series No. 2. Distributor—Coronet Films 11. Appalachian Music Color 20min 16mm Features the balladeering of John Jacob Niles, whose style harks back to that of the folk singer of early American colonial days and Elizabethan England. Explains that Niles has spent most of his life treading the back roads of America, gathering the folk songs of whites and blacks and has also written songs himself which capture the folk idiom of America. From the Music of America Series. Distributor—Great Plains Instructional TV Library 12. Appalachian Spring B&W 32min 16mm 1959 A ballet interpretation of a folk tale about the wedding day of a young couple living in the Appalachian wilderness during the pioneer period in America. Distributor—Rembrandt Film Library 13. Appalachian Trail B&W 11min 16mm 1951 Released for public educational use through U.S. Office of Education, 1952. 14. Appalachian Woodcrafters, The Color 13min 16mm 1970 Shows artisans of the Appalachian region of southeastern United States in their homes and workshops, working with their families and apprentices as they create their handicrafts. Features chairs, bowls, clocks, guns, dulcimers, and inlaid wood panel pictures. Concentrates on the artist's pride and respect each has for his work. Distributor—Herbert Kline 15. Arrow and the Bow, the: Andrew Johnson B&W 20min 16mm 1964 Adapted from the 1953 Cavalcade of America TV program. Dramatizes the formative years of Andrew Johnson, when as an illiterate tailor's apprentice he meets his future wife, Eliza McCardle, who teaches him to read and write. Distributors—Teaching Film Custodians 16. Ballad of Parker Branch Color SOmin 16mm 1963 "Gives an account of a ten-year experiment in Appalachian agriculture and its results in terms of farm incomes and resource conservation." Distributor—Tennessee Valley Authority 17. Before the Mountain Was Moved Color 59min 16mm 1970 Shows poor Appalachian land owners fighting to obtain a law controlling strip-mining, a process which has damaged their houses and farms, and desecrated the beauty of their mountains. Portrays their struggle within themselves and with the outside forces that oppose them. Distributor—U.S. National A.V. Center 18. A Better West Virginia B&W 9min 16mm 1937 Shows WPA projects in West Virginia, including construction of an airport at Clarksburg, improvement of fish hatcheries, and relief and restoration work after flood of 1936. Distributor—U.S. Work Projects Administration 19. Beyond These Hills Color 13min 16mm 1967 A government documentary on poverty and cultural life in Avery County, North Carolina. Distributor—Office of Economic Opportunity 20. Birth of the Grand Ole Opry B&W 6min 1964 Re-enacts the first radio broadcast on Nov. 28, 1925 of the Grand Ole Opry. Distributor—Don G. Cummings 21. Buffalo Creek 1972: An Act of God? B&W 30 min February 26, 1972: A giant coal waste dam at the head of Logan Creek, West Virginia, burst, sweeping 130 million gallons of water down the crowded valley of Buffalo Creek. Aftermath: 124 people dead, 4,000 homeless; and the coal company responsible for the deadly dam shrugged its shoulders and called the massacre "an act of God." The resulting documentary covers the destruction and clean-up, interviews with survivors, the people's hearings, wildcat strikes in the Logan County mines, the demonstration at the Pittston Coal Company stockholders meeting, and an interview with the president of Pittston. "... footage of the survivors, intercut with callous statements from the governor of West Virginia and coal executives, is a powerful piece of muckraking on film." Maureen Orth—Newsweek Distributor—Appalshop 22. Candlemaking (3rd Ed.) Color 7min 1970 Uses an original folk ballad and photographs to tell of the hard work required to make a home on the frontier of pioneer America, and the process of making handdipped candles. Distributor—Barr Films 23. The Captive B&W 28min This film is about Herb Honnaker, who represents the thousands of coal miners who were displaced by the machine. He goes from part-time job to made-work programs to the city and back to part-time jobs trying to support a family. Produced by the National Council of Churches of Christ. Narrated by Jack Weller of the Presbyterian Church. Distributor—Council of Southern Mountains �24. Catfish Man of the Woods Color 25min 1974 This film is a portrait of Clarence Gray, a fifth generation herb doctor whom people call Catfish Man of the Woods. He sells a mixture of roots and herbs called "bitters" for all types of ailments from rheumatism to heart trouble and which is acclaimed for its ability to make one lose weight. He is outspoken about his philosophy of life and comments freely about sex, religion, and the way of the woods. Distributor—Appalshop 25. Chairmaker Color 20min 1974 Dewey Thompson is an 80 year old chairmaker who does everything by hand, he even chops down the tree. The film is about his simple lifestyle—getting up at 3 a.m. and whittling on his chairs until 10 p.m. A rough hewn rocking chair takes form under his experienced hands and well worn knife during the course of the film. Distributor—Appalshop 26. Chimney Rock Park—In the Land of the Sky Color 14min 1959 Pictures the scenic beauty of Chimney Rock Park near Ashville, North Carolina. Shows scenes of Hickory Nut Falls and Gorge, Needles Eye and Lake Lure. Distributor—Chimney Rock Park Service 27. Christmas in Appalachia B&W 29min 1965 Shows the meager holiday season Appalachia has, but the fact that poverty prevails year round is emphasized. Pictures the misery and discouragement of adults, the scant prospects of education for the children and the hovels and shacks that serve as homes. Distributor—Carousel Films, Incorporated 28. Clinton and the Law Color 60min 1965 Shows the attempts of white citizen's councils to prevent the school officials of Clinton, Tennessee. Presents Kaspar of Washington, D.C., organizing opposition to the school board decision. (CBS) Distributor—AFL-CIO 29. Clinton and the Law: A Study in Desegregation B&W 54min 1957 Reports on desegregation in Clinton, Tennessee, and on the community's reaction to the attack on Rev. Turner by a small group of anti-integration ists. Distributor—Contemporary McGraw-Hill Text Films 30. Coal Miner: Frank Jackson B&W 12min 1971 Frank Jackson has been a coal miner since he was fifteen years old. In this portrait Jackson is seen in and around the mines, and through his words one understands what it's like to have spent a lifetime working in a hole in the ground. The music is Jean Ritchie's famous song, "Blue Diamond Mines," sung by Mike Kline. "After listening to him talk about his years in the mines, you're not likely to forget the craggy face or mountain dialect or simple decency of Frank Jackson." Gary Arnold: The Washington Post Awards: Museum of Modern Art, Robert Flaherty Film Seminar 1973, Janus Theater, Temple University Anthropological and Documentary Film Conference. Distributor—Appalshop 31. Come to the Fair Color 19min 1973 The scene is the Mountain State Art and Craft Fair held June 30-July 4, 1972, at Cedar Lakes, West Virginia. Mountain arts and crafts are made and exhibited by local artists and craftsmen. Distributor—Doug Britton 32. Coon Branch Mountain B&W 13min 1971 "The story of the people in a small community of McDowell County, West Virginia, in their fight for a better educational system and a school bus for their children." Distributor—Appalshop 33. Daniel Boone B&W 18min 1950 Studies the personality, traits, and experiences of the wilderness scout Daniel Boone. Portrays Boone's youth, his activities in the French and Indian and Revolutionary Wars, his pioneering adventures in Kentucky and his final settlement in Missouri. Distributor—Encyclopaedia Britannica Educational Corporation 34. Daniel Boone in America's Story B&W 16min 1968 Traces the life of Daniel Boone from North Carolina to Missouri. Shows his involvement with the settling of Kentucky. Distributor—Coronet Films 35. Davy Crockett—King of the Wild Frontier Color 93min 1967 Presents the story of Davy Crockett. Distributor—Walt Disney Productions 36. Davy Crockett, Indian Scout Color 71min A thrill packed film on the early westward movement and Davy Crockett. Distributor—Associated Instructional Materials 37. Depressed Area USA Color 14min 1961 Shows economic and educational problems of Appalachia. Emphasizes the effects of automation and strip-mining on employment and the exhaustion of farmland. Discuss federal aid and relief projects. Filmed in Clay County, Kentucky. Distributor—Columbia Broadcasting System 38. Echoes From the Hills Color 51min 1970 Presents a picture of lifestyle and overall culture in Northern Georgia. Distributor—WQXI-TV 39. End of an Old Song B&W 26min Mountaineer Dillard Chandler is featured in this film about folk music of the North Carolina Mountains. Although he is illiterate. Chandler sings from memory the mountain songs his father taught him. His ballads, as well as others performed by his friends, provide a musical history of the area. Distributor—Macmillan 40. Explore Kentucky Color 15min Follows a family on a vacation in Kentucky State parks. Distributor—Modern Talking Picture Series 41. The Feathered Warrior Color 20min 1973 The illegal sport of game cock fighting is documented in this film in which a fighter explains how he has managed to win over 65% of his fights—as he says, "not a very bad record." A slow motion close-up sequence during a fight shows the sweeping motion of the birds as each attempts to cut to victory. Awards: Honorable Mention—Sinking Creek Film Celebration 1974 Distributor—Appalshop 42. A Feud in the Kentucky Hills B&W 15min 1912 (silent) Presents the story of a feud between two Kentucky families, and the sacrifice by a young man of his own life to save those of his brother and girlfriend. Distributor—Biograph Company 43. Five Days in Moorefield Color 29min 1972 Film portrait of a small town in the 1970's which focuses on its struggle to survive in a largely urban society. Interviews with the townspeople present differing ideas on the traditional values and morality of this small community. Distributor—Reader's Digest Foundation and WITF-TV 44. Fixin' to Tell About Jack Color 25min 1974 Master of the art of storytelling, Ray Hicks is a mountain farmer with a genius for telling traditional folktales or "Jack Tales" each with specific detail and histories that have been passed on from generation to generation. In this film he tells the tales to a group of children in the traditional style. Distributor—Appalshop 45. Folk Artist of the Blue Ridge Color 17min 1973 A study of the paintings of Harriet Turner showing changing seasons in the Virginia Mountains. Includes folk music and poetry. Distributor—Colonial Williamsburg, Incorporated 46. Foxfire Color 21min A film depicting the work of Eliot Wigginton and his folk studies group in Rabun Gap, Georgia. Scenes are shown of the Georgia mountain people at work during their daily lives. Distributor—Contemporary McGraw-Hill Films 47. Frontier Women B&W 36min (silent) 1923 Tells the story of the Watauga Settlement in 1780. The men were at King's Mountain fighting Major Ferguson and the British when traders brought tales of an Indian attack. The women, however, refused to recall their men and carried on alone. Distributor—Yale University Press Film Service 48. Geography of the Middle Atlantic States Color 11min 1953 Surveys the Middle Atlantic States of New York, New Jersey. Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and West Virginia. Includes scenes of the people, cities, key industries, and vast transportation networks of this densely populated area. Distributor—Cornet Films 49. Grandfather of the Blue Ridge Color 15min 1960 A film of Grandfather Mountain and the area attractions about it. Distributor—Hugh Morton 50. Greene Valley Grandparents B&W lOmin Greene Valley Grandparents is a documentary about retired mechanics, truck drivers, farmers, and housewives who work with the mentally retarded �children at Greene Valley Developmental Center. The film follows grandparents dressing, feeding, and playing with their children. Since the program began in 1970, the children have begun to respond to their surroundings through the love of their foster grandparents. Throughout the film grandparents comment on what the program means to them and to the children. Awards: Cine Golden Eagle Certificate, Chris Bronze Medal Distributor—Judy Paiser and Gill Farris 51. The Heart'O the Hills B&W 100min 1919 (silent) Story of a Kentucky mountain girl who saves her mother's land from land sharks, becomes a night rider, avenges her father's death, and eventually marries her sweetheart. Distributor—First National Exhibitors Circuit 52. The High Lonesome Sound B&W 30min 1963 "The many kinds of music enjoyed by the mountain people of eastern Kentucky, help them hold their lives and traditions together." Distributor—Brandon Films 53. Hiking the Appalachian Trail B&W 12min A hike by four scouts from Davenport Gap to Newfound Gap in Tennessee. From the World Outdoors Series, No. 11. Distributor—Tennessee Game and Fish Commission 54. Holy Ghost People B&W 53min 1968 A report on the religious fervor of a small Pentecostal congregation in West Virginia whose fundamentalist philosophy encourages the Biblical teaching of speaking in tongues and handling serpents. Distributors—Contemporary Films/McGraw-Hill 55. If elected... Color 56min 1972 Describes a state senate race in West Virginia focusing on candidate Wairren R. McGraw. Filmed along the campaign trail, the movie concentrates on the candidate's problems, frustrations, and exhausting pace in his attempt to unseat an incumbent in the state legislature. Distributor—Wayne Ewing 56. The Inheritance B&W 58min An excellent, moving film which documents the historic struggles of America's working men and women to win the right of collective bargaining with management and to establish unions. The film covers labor history from the first great strikes of this century through contemporary labor struggles. The theme song is "Freedom Doesn't Come Like a Bird on a Wing," and it is used throughout the film to stress that "Every generation has to win it again." Distributor—Council off the Southern Mountains 57. Inherit the Wind B&W 127min 1960 The film deals with a version of the famous Scopes Trial at Dayton, Tennessee in the Twenties. Highlights of this film are the great performances of Spencer Tracy as the fictionalized Clarence Darrow and of Frederic March as the fictionalized William Jennings Bryan. Based on the play by Robert E. Lee and Jerome Lawrence. Distributor—United Artists/16 58. In the Good Old Fashion Way Color 30min 1973 The Old Regular Baptist Church is the oldest and one of the most unique churches in the mountains. This film shows the spirit and the faith of the people of this church, and the impact their religion has on their lives. Widespread only among mountain people, this religion is uniquely a product of the Appalachian culture. This film attempts to capture the feeling of the religion by following the people through various services and ceremonies while they explain their church as they see it. Distributor—Appalshop 59. In Ya Blood B&W 2Omin 1971 The Appalshop's first dramatic film follows its main character. Randy, as he makes the difficult decision faced by all Appalachian youth—whether to stay in Appalachia or leave in search of a "better life." Randy's problem takes him into the coal mines of Eastern Kentucky where he decides to stay and work rather than to leave the regipn and go on to college. Distributor—Appalshop 60. Judge Wooten and Coon-on-a-Log B&W 10min 1970 A Fourth of July coon-on-a-log contest serves as the background for this film portrait of Leslie County Kentucky's Judge George Wooten. His attitude typifies the easy-going mountaineer as he discusses life in the mountains through subjects ranging from tourism to moonshine. Distributor—Appalshop 61. Kentucky Feud, The B&W 30min 1913 (silent) A drama in which a wife who is falsely accused of unfaithfulness leaves home, taking her little girl with her. She leaves the child in the care of Kentucky mountaineers after she joins a traveling opera company. Distributor—Warner Brothers '52. Kentucky Pioneers B&W 11min 1941 Follows pioneer families along Wilderness Road to Kentucky. Shows their schools, recreation and everyday tasks such as weaving, soap-making, cooking, carpentry, and candle-making. Distributor—Encyclopaedia Britannica Educational Corporation 63. Kentucky Pioneers Color 26min 1969 Explains why the pioneers moved out to settle the frontier wilderness. Shows the type of community that existed among the pioneers and some of the hardships they endured. Distributors—Encyclopaedia Britannica Educational Corporation 64. Kentucky Rifle Color 7min 1970 Discusses the pioneer's search for a new home on the frontier, explains the importance of his rifle, and describes the loading and firing sequence. Distributor—Barr Films 65. The Kingdom Come School Color 20min 1973 The film follows the 22 pupils and their teacher Harding (son as they work and play together during a typical day at the Kingdom Come School in Eastern Kentucky. The school has survived the years and the threat of consolidation because of the contemporary teaching methods employed by this teacher and the enthusiastic attitude of the pupils. Distributor—Appalshop 66. Knoxville Where Lakes and Mountains Meet B&W 20min 1959 Depicts Knoxville, the Great Smoky Mountains National Park and points of interest around Knoxville. Distributor—Knoxville Tennessee Chamber of Commerce 67. Life in a Coal-Mining Town Color 11min 1956 "Describes the small coal-mining town of David, Kentucky, and shows typical activities of a miner and his family." Distributor—Coronet Instructional Films 68. Life, Liberty and the Pursuit off Coal Color 52min 1973 Narrated by ABC news correspondent Jim Kincaid, the film explores the economic and power politics of the coal industry and how they pervade the state of West Virginia and affect the lives of the people. Distributor—ABC News and Xerox Films 69. Line Fork Falls and Caves B&W 10min 1970 One of Appalshop's earlif3St films, this film takes the crew into one of the local scenic spots to visit the caves and waterfalls of Line Fork, Kentucky. Once inside the cave the film depends largely on the soundtrack to explain the happenings inside. After losing their way more than once, the crew finally finds their way back out into the sunlight, and happily films themselves during their first try at making movies. Distributor—Appalshop 70. Linda and Billy Ray from Appalachia Color 15min 1970 "Portrays the difficulties that an Appalachian family encounters in adapting to city living when lack of job opportunities forces them to move to Cincinnati." Distributor—Encyclopaedia Britannica 71. Lonesome Valleys of Kentucky This is a study of the mining communities of Eastern Kentucky and the people who no longer have a place in the system. Produced by WH AS-TV in Louisville, Kentucky. Distributor—Council off the Southern Mountains 72. Look Up and Live Color 29min 1968 A film crew goes into the mountains of southwest Virginia and eastern Kentucky—"hard-core" Appalachia—and interviews a cross-section of local people who are victims of exploitation and are working for social, economic and political change. Issues dealt with are strip-mining, the coal industry, colonialism and welfare reform. Distributor—CBS News 73. The Mill stone Sewing Center Color 10min 1972 This documents the highly successful OEO project, the Millstone Sewing Center, during its most productive period. Before the film was finished, however, the center's funds were cut, a point that is made in the titles, not in the body of the film. The film speaks clearly, the value of the center comes across in the works of the seamstresses, who explain what the work and the center has meant to them. "The New Left never produced a documentary with content as radically instructive as The Millstone Sewing Center" Gary Arnold—Washington Post Distributor—Appalshop 74. Morgan Sorghum Color 12min 1974 This film covers three craftsmen that were featured at the Morgan County (Kentucky) Sorghum Festival, a knifemaker. a broommaker, and a woman �who spins her own yarn on a spinning wheel. It details their work the n follows them to the fair where their work is displayed. Distributor—Appalshop 87. Ravaged Earth Color (no time given) Shows the rape of the land caused by Appalachian strip-mining. Distributor—NBC-TV 75. Mountain Farmer B&W 8min 1974 Lee Banks practices "What I guess you'd call old-time farming," tilling the soil with his horse and wooden plow, and using methods barely different from his ancestors. The film is a tribute to a true mountaineer—a strong independent man who finds joy in his work and harmony with the land. Distributor—Appalshop 88. The Ravaged Earth Color 27min 1970 Describes the strip-mined lands of Appalachia. Features Stewart Udall with a commentary on strip-mining. Distributor—NBC Educational Enterprises. 76. The Mountaineer's Honor B&W 15min 1909 (silent) A story of love and honor in the Kentucky Hills. Distributor—Biograph Company 77. The Mountains Are Smoking Color 27min 1962 A feature on the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Distributor—CCM Films, Inc. 78. Music Fair Color 20min 1973 Film depicts the First Annual Appalachian People's Music Fair held in High Knob, Va. on September 12 and 13, 1970. Five musical segments of jug band, bluegrass, blues, and two special numbers—a strip-mining epic and the tragicomic "Ballad of Big Josie"—are shown. Distributor—Appalshop 79. Music Makers of the Blue Ridge B&W 48min 19Q6 Studies life in the eastern mountains by examining folk music and dance. Includes scenes of isolated areas in western North Carolina. Visits the friends of folksinger B a scorn L. Lunsford. Distributor—Indiana University A-V Center 80. Nature's Way Color 20min 1974 Many mountaineers still care for their own ailments with the help of herbs, home remedies, and Indian folklore: midwives are still in popular demand. This film shows several people as they explain their cures and remedies, and covers a midwife as she assists in the delivery of twins. "Every young person should be exposed to the beauty of birth and I know of no better or more moving presentation." Herb Kohl, author—Open Classroom Awards: Honorable mention—Sinking Creek Film Celebration, 1974 Distributor—Appalshop 81. The Newcomers B&W 25min This film tells the story of migrant families from the Southern Appalachians to Cincinnati, Ohio. It explores their background—the economy, religion, and cultural patterns—and follows them as they try to find jobs and housing in the city. Produced by the Board of Missions of the Methodist Church and directed by George Stoney. 82. Ohio River Color 14min 1967 Relates the history of the settlement of cities along the Ohio River and shows the steel, chemical, aluminum, and atomic enorgy plants that exist in the area today. Emphasizes efforts being made to solve problems of water pollution, flood control, and increasing traffic. Distributor—Coronet Instructional Films 83. People of the Cumberland B&W 18min 1937 This film is a study of the Highlander Folk School at Monteagle Tennessee. Also portrayed are the people of the land about the school. Commentary is done by Erskine Caldwell and Davil Wolff. Distributor—Brandon Films 84. Pioneer Journey Across the Appalachians Color and B&W 14min 1956 "A North Carolina family journeys westward across the Appalachians before the Revolutionary War." Distributor—Coronet Instructional Films 85. Poverty in Rural America B&W 281/2min 1965 Explores the causes of poverty in rural areas such as th»3 Appalachian Region, the Deep South and the Southwest. It also show:? examples of communities which have taken successful attempts to solve their problems. Projects at Buckhorn and Red Bird Valley in Kentucky and Hyters Gap in Virginia are visited. Distributor—U.S. Department of Agriculture 86. The Ramsey Trade Fair Color 20min 1974 In Ramsey, a small community in the coalfields of Southwestern Virginia, people gather every Wednesday to do their trading. This film is a close look at the loving art of trading, and at the traders themselves. Ramsey Day is more of a social event than a business venture, people come to n \eet with each other, to hear music and preaching, and sometimes to buy, sefl, and trade. Distributor—Appalshop 89. Sergeant York B&W 13min 1941 A film based on hero Alvin York of World War I. How he came back to his hills, spurning the adulation of his nation. Distributor—Brandon Films 90. Southern Highlands Attractions Color 25min 1965 Follows a family vacation through North Carolina, Virginia, and Tennessee. Features Barter Theater, Clingman's Dome, and Chimney Rock. Distributor—Southern Highlands Attractions Association 91. Spring Comes to Vintroux A film story of a pilot project in. community development by county extension agents, children and adults in a by-passed West Virginia community in the Kanawha Valley. It tells the story of establishing the project, progressive accomplishments and the spontaneous response of families that live in the project area. Produced by C. Gregor Van Camp, assisted by Foster Mullenax. both from West Virginia University and by Joseph Tonkin, Federal Extension Service, Washington, D.C. Distributor—Council of the Southern Mountains 02. Strip Mine Trip Color 12min 1962 "Shows fifteen miles of Kentucky land that has been devastated by strip mining. Includes the comments of mine operators and citizens about the stripping operations." Distributor—Churchill Films 93. Stripmining in Appalachia B&W 25min 1973 A film about Appalachia's most controversial problem. Stripmining in Appalachia speaks with the voices of and for the powerless little man caught up in the jaws of a cancerous industrial process. The film speaks of the beauty of the mountains, the humanity of the people, and the attitudes of the stripmine operators. Aerial photography is used to enhance a local biologist's scientific explanation of what Stripmining does to the land. Distributor—Appalshop 94. The Stripping of Appalachia Color 30min This, is an excellent film by a British firm which shows the strip mining of the British land company, the American Association, in Claiborne and Campbell Counties in Tennessee. "I think the film is good to educate people about strip mining with," said Elmer Rasnick, chairman of Citizens for Social and Economic Justice. "It has all points of view. They go from the people directly affected, to the mine site with the operator, and finally to England to talk with the landowners. I doubt if many of the people right there in Tennessee knew that the company that was doing all the stripping was from England ... just letting the people know that is reason enough to show the film all around." Distributor—Council of the Southern Mountains 95. The Struggle of Coon Branch Mountain B&W 13min 1972 In their efforts to better their children's education, the residents of this small West Virginia community find themselves face to face with an unfeeling and bureaucratic political structure. The film follows their fight for better roads and schools through the first community meeting, a march on the governors' office, to a partial victory and determination to continue their struggle. Distributor—Appalshop 96. Tennessee Holiday Color 30min Visits Tennessee and features the Cherokees, TV A, Oak Ridge and Cumberland Gap. Distributor—Modern Talking Picture Service 97. Tennessee River Color 14min 1971 A survey of TV A and what it has meant to the river valley. Distributor—BFA Educational Media 98. They Shall Take Up Serpents Color 17min 1972 A film done by two East Tennessee State University professors on a snakehandling cult in Newport, Tennessee. This group is the same one which was reported in the national media when two of its leaders died of strychnine poisoning. One of these two men is the film's main commentator. Distributor—ETSU 99. This World is Not My Home B&W 30min This film is a portrait of 78 year old Nimrod Workman, a retired coal miner and singer who writes and performs songs and traditional ballads. Nimrod reminisces about his life as a miner in the film, and also sings traditional Appalachian songs. Distributor—Appalshop �100. Thomas Wolfe: Ghost Come Back Again B&W 29min Dr. Herman Harvey, professor at University of South Carolina, considers the relation between Wolfe's life and work. He uses a dramatization from Look Homeward Angel to illustrate the autobiographical nature of the work. Distributor—University of South Carolina 101. Thunder Road B&W 92min 1958 A Korean war hero returns to help his father in the moonshine business. He is pressured by Federal agents, a rival racketeer, and a clinging girlfriend. Distributor—United Artist/16 102. Tobacco Road B&W 84min 16mm 1947 The film version of Erskine Caldwell's novel. The story of a hill family in Georgia during the 1930's. Directed by John Ford. Distributor—Brandon Films 103. Todd: Growing Up in Appalachia Color 14min 1971 Story of Todd, a boy of a poor Appalachian family who finds a purse full of food stamps. Reveals Todd's character by showing his actions upon seeing the owner's name in the purse. From the Many Americans Series. Distributor—Learning Corporation of America 104. Tomorrow's People Color 25min 1973 This is a presentation of mountain music—a sight and sound experience of mountain culture without narration. A visual montage of old time photographs accompanies the dulcimer sequence, while the central portion of the film turns loose to the banjo and fiddle to render "Fox Chase" by Coy Morton. The film ends with a rousing square dance in a one room schoolhouse high on a mountaintop. Distributor—Appalshop 105. Tradition Color 20min 1974 Moonshining is regarded as one of the strongest traditions in the mountains. Though the number steadily decreases, there are still mountaineers who "had rather make moonshine than go on welfare." In this film, a moonshiner tells what it's like to have been "sent up" four times for making liquor, while IRS agents relate tales of tracking down stills and arresting moonshiners. Awards: Sinking Creek Film Celebration Honorable Mention 1974 Distributor—Appalshop 106. Trail of Tears B&W 100min This film is a study of the removal of the Cherokee Indians from their mountain homeland in North Carolina, Tennessee and Georgia under the direction of Andrew Jackson. This film is narrated by Johnny Cash. Distributor—NET Film Service 107. Trail of the Lonesome Pine Color 102min 1936 Two feuding families in the primitive mountains of Virginia find their way of life threatened by the construction of a railroad. A moving and uncompromising climax concludes this film which is notable as the first outdoor film made in color. Distributor—Universal/16 108. UMWA 1970: A House Divided B&W 15min 1971 This portrait of W.A. (Tony) Boyle, filmed two years before the rank and file UMW rejected him, records his speech at a Miners' rally. Intercut with scenes of dissident miners, the film contrasts Boyle's statements with those of the anti-Boyle faction to expose the weaknesses of the union under Boyle's leadership. "A first rate film that captures the real spirit of rank and file coal miners fighting to clean up their union. It's the kind of film only people who lived with that struggle day in and day out could have made." Don Stillman, Director of Publications UNITED MINE WORKERS OF AMERICA 109. Valley of Darkness Color 18min 1970 Presents the employment problems of young West Virginia men who must work in the mines and risk black lung and cave-ins. Also shows the conflict between attempting to raise the children out of the coal camps and economic pressures brought to bear by the coal companies. Distributor—NBC-TV 110. A Walk in the Spring Rain Color 100min The story of a woman—the wife of a New York City professor, on sabbatical in the Tennessee mountains. She meets and falls in love with a giant of a country man. The film deals with the growth and maturing of their love amid the background of the Great Smoky Mountains. Ingrid Bergman and Anthony Quinn play the lead roles in this film—shot on location in Knoxville, Tennessee. Distributor-Swank Motion Pictures, Inc. 111. West Virginia, Land for Relaxation Color 14min 1962 Portrays a trip through West Virginia, showing scenic, recreational, and historic features. Distributor—Ellis Dungan Productions 112. Whitesburg Epic B&W 10min 1970 This film made in the spring of 1970, is a series of interviews on the streets of Whitesburg. Opinions on the war in Vietnam, Kent State, college unrest the draft, and recreation are voiced by the residents of this small eastern Kentucky town. One of the Appalshop's earliest films, it speaks clearly about the problems faced by young people in Appalachia in the early seventies. Distributor—Appalshop 113. The Wilderness Road B&W 23min 1953 Follows Daniel Boone and other pioneers who carved out the wilderness road from North Carolina to Kentucky. Describes their explorations, fight for independence, and settlement of the frontier country. Distributor—Virginia Department of Education 114. Woodrow Cornett: Letcher County Butcher B&W 10min 1970 The film follows Woodrow Cornett as he goes through the intricate process of butchering a hog. Narrated by Frank Majority, with harmonica and humor, by Ashland Fouts, it is a portrait of a man and his work, and a look at the mountain custom of hog butchering performed by a master at the craft. "WOODROW CORNETT: LETCHER CO. BUTCHER is a simply fascinating ten minute picture, the first one the workshop made, telling how one man makes a living butchering hogs and steer... I cannot convey in words how interesting this film is, made even more so by the harmonica musical background, performed by one old timer, Ashland Fouts, that gives to this documentary much meaning." Awards: Sinking Creek Film Celebration 1972, UT Film Festival, Robert Flaherty Film Seminar 1973. D. W. Griffith Film Festival, Temple University Anthropological and Documentary Film Conference, Museum of Modern Art Yale Film Society Distributor—Appalshop 115. Young'uns Color 25min 1968 Examines the effects of rural poverty on a 16 year old boy. Paul Tabier, and his fatherless family. Their day to day struggles in Ohio's Appalachian area are eased by their deep religious convictions and their love of the land. Distributor—Films, Inc. Additional Films (16mm) The following films are in addition to the list of 16 mm films provided above: Appalachian State University Library 1. Appalachian Trail B&W 16mm 16min 1975 General film dealing with the geographical, social, and economic history of this area. Primary emphasis on historical background. 2. Basket Builder Color 16mm 12min 1974 Blue Ridge Films 3. Camping in the Smokies Color 29min 16mm Produced by Ford Motor Company 4. Everlasting Hills Color 26min 16mm The NNCDA is an organization of civic-minded North Carolinians from an eleven-county area of Northwest North Carolina. This film depicts advance- �10 ment in agriculture, industry, travel, recreation, and community development. Produced by Reynolds Tobacco Co. tion, and the complete lack of adaptation of the school program to the local situation. 5. Foxfire Color 26min 16mm 1973 Shows how a young teacher and his formerly disillusioned class wrote and created, as an integral part of English curriculum, a popular magazine dealing with ways of life and crafts of pioneer America still surviving in Appalachia. Produced by Appalshop. 2. Audubon Color 58min 16mm Traces the travels of John J. Audubon (1785-1851) who classified birds in America and Europe. Recounts Audubon's warning that many species of birds would become extinct when the forest was cut, and that he foresaw the depletion of wild bison in America. 6. In the Good Old-fashioned Way Color 20 min 16mm 1973 The old Regular Baptist Church is the oldest in the mountains. This film shows the spirit and faith of the people of this church, and the impact their religion has on their lives. Widespread only among mountain people, this religion in uniquely a product of the Appalachian culture. This film attempts to capture the feeling through various services and ceremonies while they explain their church as they see it. Produced by Appalshop. 3. Flatboatmen of the Frontier (Ohio Valley Farmers: 1790-1820) B&W 11 min 16mm Shows that the early settlers of the Ohio Valley were "farmer boatmen" through their dependence on the soil for livelihood and on the rivers for transportation. Includes the valley agricultural economy, frontier homes, and domestic activities, flatboat building and loading, the trip down-river to market frontier personalities, speech, and music. 7. Moonshine (Or Tradition) Color 20 min 16mm 1974 In this film, a moonshiner tells what it's like to have been sent up four times for making liquor while IRS agents relate tales of tracking down stills and arresting moonshiners. 4. Geography of the Southern States Color 11 min 16mm Depicts the basic geographic elements of climate and soil in the southern states, as related to the human activities of history, invention, change, new methods, and new attitudes. 8. Singing on the Mountain B&W 12 min 16mm 1958 Shows the actual singing on the mountain festival held in July of each year and preserves early Anglo-Saxon folk arts. Produced by Hugh Morton. 5. Hunger in America Color 51 min 16mm Presents evidence that 10,000,000 Americans go to bed hungry every night from "gut hunger" accompanied by malnutrition and starvation and not simply an unsatisfied appetite for delightful or exotic foods. Visits poor people in four areas: Spanish Americans in Texas, sharecroppers in Virginia, Navajo Indians in Arizona, and Negroes in Alabama. 9. Tennessee Tweetsie B&W 7min 16mm A ride on Watauga County's famed Tweetsie Railroad is the topic of this film. The Tweetsie station, detailed shots of the train and the Indian attack are included. 10. Variety Vacationland Color 15min 16mm Depicts scenes in North Carolina that have value to tourists and natives from the standpoint of history and interest. East Tennessee State University Instructional Materials Center All films made by Thomas G. Burton and Jack Schrader. 1. Alex Stewart: Cooper Color 13min 16mm 1973 Demonstration of constructing a churn by mountain craftsman Alex Stewart, from near Sneedville, Tennessee; commentary on use of nonpowered tools and skills handed down in his family in making wooden containers such as buckets, barrels, etc. 2. Buna and Bertha Color 13min 16mm 1973 Performance of and commentary on Anglo-American ballads and songs by 86- and 92-year old mountain women. Buna Hicks of Beech Creek and Bertha Baird of Rominger in western North Carolina. 3. Edd Presnell: Dulcimer Maker Color 6min 16mm 1973 Demonstration of and commentary on constructing a dulcimer by mountain craftsman Edd Presnell, a native of Watauga County, North Carolina, who learned his craft from his father-in-law; brief performance on finished dulcimer by Mr. Presnell's wife Nettie. 4. A Film about Ray Hicks Color 19min 16mm 1974 Audio-visual portrait of mountain man Ray Hicks of Beech Mountain, North Carolina—his close ties to the land and his heritage; shows him and his family gathering herbs, reaping buckwheat, etc.. living a century-old way of life at the same time modern influences begin to affect his children. 5. Gandy Dancers Color 14min 16mm 1973 Presentation of "gandy dancers," members of a railroad work crew laying crossties, spiking rails, and aligning track, synchronizing movements by traditional worksongs and chants, all of which have been made obsolete through mechanization. 6. "Ott" Blair: Sled Maker Color 5min 16mm 1973 Demonstration of and commentary on the mountain craft of building wooden farm sleds by Ott Blair, a native of Heaton, North Carolina; commentary includes his first selling of sleds and his attitudes toward economic self-sufficiency. 7. 'They Shall Take up Serpents" Color 17min 16mm 1972 Documentary of religious service of the Holiness Church of God in Jesus Name, of Newport, Tennessee, in which serpents are handled and poison drunk; one participant is bitten and taken to the home of the assistant pastor, where the latter explains the congregation's beliefs. Indiana University Audio Visual Center 1. And So They Live B&W 26min 16mm Documents the tragic poverty of families in the southern mountains, the poor land, the lack of proper diet, inadequate housing, absence of sanita- 6. Kentucky Pioneers B&W 11 min 16mm Follows two pioneer families along the difficult and dangerous Wilderness Road to the Kentucky frontier fort at Harrold's Station. Describes the hardships encountered in establishing a new home in the wilderness and recalls the courage and faith that helped overcome these hardships. Reenacts such representative activities as weaving, soap-making, cooking, candle-making, carpentry, cabin construction, schooling, and square dancing. 7. Kentucky Pioneers Color 26min 16mm Presents the dangers and hardships encountered by a pioneer family settling in new territory as well as the sacrifices they had to make. Describes cooperation within and among families. Shows an Indian raid, a cabin being built, religious observations, and community gatherings. 8. Leaving Home Blues Color 51 min 16mm Interviews various high school students, parents, school administrators, and farmers to examine the characteristics and problems of rural migration to urban areas, focusing on North Carolina, Nebraska, and Texas. Emphasizes that the lack of employment opportunities in rural communities forces high school students to leave the area after graduation and stresses that the young people neither want to leave home and family nor have the needed skills to work in urban areas. 9. Preventing Coal Pneumoconiosis Through Engineering Controls Color 20min 16mm Discusses the 1969 Coal Health and Safety Act and examines the research the United States Bureau of Mines is undertaking to try to control coal pneumoconiosis. Points out that this disease is the "killer of coal miners" and shows how tiny particles of coal collects in miners' lungs to prevent proper breathing. 10. The Ravaged Earth Color 24min 16mm Utilizes interviews with Stewart Udall to point out the dangers and senselessness of strip mining—environmental waste, health damage, and property damage. Places the blame on man's irresponsibility, the inadequacy of regulatory legislation, and the power of the mining companies. Shows scenes of Appalachian land that has been permanently destroyed. 11. TVA and the Nation Color 20min 16mm Portrays the development of the Tennessee Valley and describes the benefits accruing to the people of this valley and the entire nation from TVA. Conditions in the valley before TVA are pictured and the actions needed to raise the area's economy to that of the other regions of the nation are described. The various changes that took place in the valley are enumerated in detail. United Artists 1. The Night of the Hunter B&W 90min 1955 A film about a psychopathic backwoods preacher in West Virginia who marries the widow of a bank robber in order to discover where the robber had hidden $10,000. Since the robber has told no one but his two small children, ages four and nine, where the money is, his widow is no help to the clerical lunatic. He murders her and then persecutes the children until he drives them forth into the world. The movie depicts the children's nightmarish flight. It is based on the novel by Davis Grubb, was directed by �11 Charles Laughton and stars Robert Mitchum, Shelly Winters and Miss Lillian Gish. Kentucky, demonstrates the steps in the making of a basket basically using only a piece of white oak timber and a pocket knife. University of California Extension Media Center 5. Kentucky Heritage in Jesse Stuart's Writing Color 30min 16mm An exploration of portions of a Kentucky author's works reveal the use of traditional speech, crafts, beliefs, and customs as a basis for the regional author's art. The special emphasis is literary. 1. How to Make Sorghum Molasses 20min 16mm Step by step, visual study of some central West Virginia farmers making sorghum molasses, with short essay. 2. All Hand Work 15min 16mm Portrait of West Virginia musician and craftsman Jenes Cottrell. Western Kentucky University Division of Media Services 1. Traditional Quilting Color 30min 16mm A program showing the patchwork quilt as an art form and as a skill being revived in Kentucky. It makes use of samples of artistic quilting gathered from homes in western Kentucky and from the Kentucky Museum. Traditional Kentucky quitters appear on the show. 2. Traditional Hand Tools Color 30min 16mm A film describing some of the simple hand tools used by Kentucky pioneers. The film also reminds the viewer of the special skills and special lore that went with a pioneer economy. Old-time workmen demonstrate the broad ax and frow, and a modern collector demonstrates some items from his collection. 3. Long Rifle in Revival Color 30min 16mm A program exploring some of the history of the "Kentucky" rifle. It then turns to the contemporary phenomenon of revival of the manufacture and use of this historic weapon. Gunsmiths and marksmen demonstrate the loading and firing operations. 4. Basketmaking Color 15min 16mm A disappearing folk art is preserved for posterity in this unique presentation of the skilled handiwork of an elderly woman. Mrs. Frannie Alvey of Wax, 6. Folk Housing in Kentucky Color 30min 16mm This discussion of some of the principal types of traditional structures found in southwestern Kentucky also has illustrations of houses and barns following basic folk architectural plans. Most of the above films from Western Kentucky University are also available in video tape quadraplex, video tape 3/4" cassette, and video tape 11I" EIAJ(B&W). West Virginia University, Office of University Relations 1. Hey, Look at Me Color 12min 16mm Shows West Virginia children participating in an experimental Head Start program in which they use inexpensive movie cameras to learn about the world around them. 2. Only a Beginning B&W 29min 16mm Depicts the history of West Virginia University and in the process tells much about life in West Virginia from 1862 to 1967 when the 100th anniversary of WVU was observed. West Virginia University—Carl Fleischauer Box 3216 Sabraton Sta., Morgantown, WV 26505 1. John Mitchel Hickman B&W 17min 16mm A portrait of a bluegrass banjo player from Kentucky, residing in Columbus, Ohio, trying to find self-expression and a living wage from his music. �II—Film Distributors (16mm) ABC News and Xerox Films 1330 Avenue of the Americas New York. NY 10019 Ellis Dungan Productions 16 Box 726 Wheeling. WV 26003 Southern Highlands Attractions Association P. 0. Box 839 Wilmington. NC 28401 AFL-CIO Education Department 815 Sixteenth St., N.W. Washington, DC 20006 East Tennessee State University Instructional Materials Center Johnson City, TN 37601 Swank Motion Pictures, Inc. 201 S. Jefferson Ave. St. Louis, MO 63166 Appalachian State University Library—Appalachian Collection Boone, NC 28607 Embassy Pictures Corporation 1301 Avenue of the Americas New York. NY 10019 Teaching Films Custodians 25 W. 43rd St. New York, NY 10036 Appalshop P. 0. Box 332 Whitesburg, KY41858 Encyclopedia Britannica Educational Corporation 425 N. Michigan Ave. Chicago, IL 60601 Barr Films P. 0. Box 7-C 1029 N. Allen Ave. Pasadena, CA 91104 Films Incorporated 277 Pharr Rd.. N.E. Atlanta. GA 30305 Tennessee Game and Fish Commission Box 9400 White's Creek Pike Nashville. TN 37220 BFA Educational Media 2211 Michigan Ave. Santa Monica, CA 90404 Biograph Company First National Exhibitors Circuit Madison Project Weston Woods Studios Weston, CT 06880 P.O. Box 109 Canaan, NY 12029 Great Plains Instructional TV Library University of Nebraska Lincoln. NB 68504 Brandon Films 200 West 57th St. New York, NY 10019 Indiana University Audio Visual Center Bloomington. IN 47401 Carousel Films 1501 Broadway New York, NY 10036 IQ Films 689 Fifth Ave. New York. NY 10022 CBS News 383 Madison Ave. New York, NY 10017 Herbert Kline—Madison Project Weston Woods Studios Weston, CT 06880 Chimney Rock Park Service Chimney Rock NC 28720 Knoxville Chamber of Commerce 704 Gay Street. S.W. Knoxville, TN 37901 Churchill Films 662 N. Robertson Blvd. Los Angeles. CA 90^ o9 Colonial Williamsburg, Inc. Film Distribution Center Goodwin Building. Box C Williamsburg, VA 23185 Contemporary/McGraw-Hill Films 1221 Avenue of the Americas New York. NY 10020 Coronet Films 65 E. South Water St. Chicago. IL 60601 Council of the Southern Mountains Bookstore C.P.O. 2307 Berea. KY 40403 Crowed, Collier Macmillan, Inc. 866 Third Ave. New York. NY 10022 Walt Disney Productions Educational Film Division 500 S. Buena Vista Ave. Burbank, CA91503 Don G. Cummings—Madison Project Scientific Development Corporation 379 Main Street Watertown, MA 02172 Tennessee Valley Authority New Sprangle Building Knoxville. TN 37901 United Artists Sixteen 729 Seventh Ave. New York. NY 10019 U.S. Department of Agriculture Photography Division Office of Information Washington. DC 20250 United States National Audio-Visual Center National Archives and Records Service Washington. DC 20408 Learning Corporation of America 711 Fifth Ave. New York, NY 10022 Macmillan Publishing Company, Inc. 866 Third Ave. New York. NY 10022 Modern Talking Picture Service 1212 Avenue of the Americas New York. NY 10020 U.S. Office of Education Department of Health, Education and Welfare Rockville.MD 20852 United States Works Progress Administration Madison Project Weston Woods Studios Weston. CT 06880 Universal Sixteen 445 Park Ave. New York, NY 10022 University of California Extension Media Center 2223 Fulton St. Berkeley, CA 94720 University of South Carolina Columbia. SC 29208 Hugh Morton Linville, NC 28646 Virginia Department of Education Film Production Service 523 Main Street Richmond, VA 23216 NBC Educational Enterprises and NBC-TV 30 Rockefeller Plaza New York, NY 10020 Warner Brothers Sixteen 666 Fifth Avenue New York. NY 10019 NET Film Service 10 Columbus Circle New York, NY 10019 West Virginia University University Relations Communications Building Morgantown, WV 26506 Office of Economic Opportunity Madison Project Weston Woods Studios Weston, CT 06880 Western Kentucky University Division of Media Services Academic Complex Bowling Green, Kentucky 42101 Reader's Digest Association, Inc. Pleasantville, NY 10570 WQXI-TV Atlanta. G A 30301 Rembrandt Film Library 267 W. 25th St. New York. NY 10001 Yale University Press Film Service New Haven. CT 06520 12 �111—Videotapes A. Appalachian State University B. Broadside TV 1. Appalachian Paradox 60min A tape of Harry Caudill's address at Tennessee Technological University. A wide-ranging analysis of the economy, failures and possibilities in Central Appalachia. Caudill is author of Night Comes to the Cumberlands and My Land Is Dying, and is an attorney in Letcher County, Kentucky. General Tapes 1. Appalachian Workshop B&W GOmin A tape from a Highlander workshop with Jim Branscome, Florence Reece, George Tucker and others discussing the history and culture of the region. Tucker and Mrs. Reece sing several songs. 2. Bays Mountain Park—Introductory Tour 30min Produced by the Bays Mountain Park Environmental Education Center in Kingsport, Tennessee, under the sponsorship of the Appalachian Regional Commission. An overview and tour showing the facilities of the Bays Mountain Park, from its nature trails to its animals and planetarium. 2. Black Midwife and Nurse B&W SOmin Aunt Minnie Conley of Carter County is a ninety-six year old lady who talks of her service to the mountain community delivering babies and offering other health services such as pre and post natal care. She talks of other health practices in her days as a midwife. 3. Cave Dwellers and Hill People 30min Dave O'Neil of Scott County, Virginia, talks of mountain people who lived in caves and ridges, the melungeons, how he met John Fox, where the true Lonesome Pine is. 3. The Blackly School Situation B&W 27min A woman of Let cher County, Kentucky, talks about the struggle to rebuild a local school afte • it was destroyed by fire. The film is a picture of education given by a native of Eastern Kentucky. 4. Dave O'Neil and Kate Sturgill SOmin Talk of what life was like early in the century. Kate sings songs she wrote about growing up. From Scott County. Virginia. 4. Brookside Strike B&W 60min Hearings of inquiry into this extended strike at Evarts, Kentucky, set the scene along with interviews with people in the area to define the issues around the struggle* for representation by the United Mine Workers union. 5. The Foxfire Project 60min The founder of the Foxfire project in Rabun Gap, Georgia, and editor of the Foxfire book, Eliot Wiggenton, explains his project to the Appalachian Workshop at East Tennessee State University, accompanied by one of the Rabun Gap students. 5. Cherokee-Choc :taw Blood, and Damned English Too B&W 30min Hop Watts of Putaam County, Tennessee, left the mountains to ride boxcars with the Wood y Guthrie's of the 30's. He talks of his travels, of life in the mountains, and i^iis views on racism, government, and education. 6. Food Co-op B&W 30min A study of three community groups in the Tri-Cities of East Tennessee who have formed small grocery co-ops. They describe their co-ops and talk about their development. 6. History of Country Music Approximately 8 one hour tapes A special series of eight tapes of Broadside SW Virginia from the Clinch Valley College seminar conducted by Helen Lewis and Joe Smiddy. Explores in depth traditional forms, ballads and other aspects of country music with such artists as Janette Carter, Ralph Stanley, Guy Caravan, John Boyd and others. 7. Garbage: The Johnson City Situation B&W 43min 1976 This is a documentary of area landfills including state and local officials, rural community residents of the proposed landfill site, and people living near a sanitary landfil' in a neighboring county. It represents an effort to document the problems; surrounding the disposal of solid waste. 7. The Land of Conspiracy 30min Warren Wright, past director of the Council of the Southern Mountains and one of the region's most articulate grass roots spokesmen, talks of the land conspiracy in Appalachia, and how the education of a professional class in Appalachia contributed to that conspiracy. 8. Hard Rowto Hoe D&W 47min 1976 This is a documentary anout the changing farm situation in East Tennessee. Because of the low margin of profit in small farming in East Tennessee and the increasing land values, East Tennessee is rapidly losing its farms. A look is taken at four different types of farmers and their farms. 8. Living and Learning in Appalachia—Jesse Stuart 60min One of Appalachia's most noted authors talks, in an address at Tennessee Technological University, of his life in the mountains. 9. Marian*Coal Miners' Strike B&W This tape documents the oarly stages of the Harlan miners' strike supported by the new leadership of UMW president, Arnold Miller. 9. Open Season on Game Wardens 30min Dave O'Neil shares some more Scott County stories on law enforcement, game wardens, the prosecution of people for killing robins for food in the depression, feuds and violence. 10. A Harlan Miner Speaks B&W SOmin A union organizer of the famous "Bloody Harlan" struggle during the 1920's and 1930's recalls i ncidents and his life during that period. 10. Songs for Children SOmin Jack Wright and John McCutcheon sing traditional tunes, Guthrie tunes and other songs for children at Dungannon Elementary School in Southwest Virginia. 11. Hazel Dickens Sings B&W 30min One of the mountain's fine musicians sings some of her well-known songs and hymns. 12. The Hyder Mine Disaster B&W 20min The famous explosion at the Hyder Mine of the Finley Coal Company killed all but one man—A.T. Collins. He talks of the explosion, how he survived it, and then makes a brief and moving statement about life in the mines. 11. To Look Over the Land and Take Care of It SOmin If the mountains have a living folk hero, it is Uncle Dan Gibson of Knott County, Kentucky, who, at the age of 86, took his gun and stood on top of his mountain to successfully resist strip miners. His act was one nucleus that formed the Appalachian Group to Save the Lane and People—one of the strongest anti-stripping groups in the mountains. He talks of his experiences and the Appalachian Group while sitting on the front porch of his home and cradling his old 30-30 carbine for gentle emphasis. 13. I would Have Gone Back B&W SOmin Thousands of young men face' charges of desertion from military service. The reasons stem as often frcm the complexities of mountain people as ttiey do from the complexities of military processes. Eddie Caudhill of Ft. Gay, West Virginia, tells of hijj own all too familiar journey from an E-5 wounded purple heart veteran of Vietnam to a deserter facing charges by the Army after confusion over medical treatment and red tape. 12. The Union Struggle GOmin An edited overview of early union history in the mountains as told by the people who were involved. The tape includes some of the material from the Tillman Cadle, and Florence Reece tapes, along with tapes from Cabin Creek, West Virginia, including Mrs. Miller, the mother of Arnold Miller, Miners for Democracy candidate against Tony Boyle. 14. International Special Olympic Games B&W 2Omin A delegation from Southwest Virginia is featured at the Fourth International Special Olympic Games on the campus of Central Michigan University at Mt Pleasant, Michigan. The participants representing all fifty states and eight foreign countries are all mentally impaired and some are also phy sically handicapped. The games, which are sponsored by the Joseph P. Keniiedy, Jr., foundation, include swimming, track and field events, gym- Appalachian State University Library—Appalachian Collection Boone, NC 28607 13 �14 nasties, wheel chair events, and bowling. Interviews with Susan 55t. James and Tom Lucas point out the spirit and enthusiasm of hundreds of volunteer celebrities from around the world. 15. In These Hills B&W 30min A brief view of mountain people and issues. 16. James Dickey—Readings B&W 30min The noted author-poet reads some of his work and speaks during an appearance at the Virginia Highlands Festival in Abingdon, Virginia. 17. Jesse Stuart—Living and Learning in Appalachia. B&iW 60min An address by the writer at Tennessee Technological University. 18. Land Use—Mt. Rodgers Recreation Area B&W 30rnin Development of additional national forest lands and a new lake by the U.S. Forest Service threatens residents of traditional mountain communities with loss of their land and way of life. 19. Little Men and Big Machines B&W GOmin Politics in Appalachia—an address by Harry Caudill at East Tennessee State University's Appalachian Workshop. 20. Midwife Nurse B&W 30min A tape of a proposal by Kingsport, Tennessee, to have 81 clinic with trained midwife nurses. 21. A Mountain Has No Seed B&W 27min A farmer of the Cumberland Mountains in Tennessee gives a statement about strip-mining and the destruction it has wrought. 22. Movin' on to Washington B&W 32min 1975 Broadside TV went to Washington, D.C., with 3,000 coal miners and 700 trucks from Wise, Virginia, in protest of strip mining legislation that would establish more stringent requirements for reclamation. 23. The New America Color 25min 1974 Doug Anderson and Dan McCrimmon. poets travelling with Artrain, spend some time in the Tri-Cities area of Tennessee conducting workshops in the writing of poetry. This tape shows them picking the guitar, singing and reading their own poetry as they meet with young people and help them with writing their own poetry. 24. Nimrod, Sarah and Jack B&W 30min A fine informal collection of mountain music old and new. 25. Strip Mining in Germany B&W 30min This tape shows strip mining and reclamation practices in Germany. Included are interviews with local people and strip miners (English dubbed over). This is an old copy with somewhat unstable edits but important content. 26. To Raise the Dead and Bury the Living—Strip Mining B&W 60min This tape deals with the problem of strip mining in the mountains as told by the people of the mountains. Scenes of stripping and the words of mountain residents are mixed with the testimony taped from the People's Trial on Strip Mining held in Wise. Virginia. Some of the people on the tape are Uncle Dan Gibson, Bessie Smith, Arden Franklin, Warren Wright. Mark Shepard, and excerpts from a meeting with mountain people and TV A staff on the problem of stripping and land reclamation. 27. Tobacco Cutting B&W 30min C. L. Perkins of Washington County. Tennessee, talks about the growth of tobacco, what to look for when it is ready to cut. He demonstrates cutting, and shows how to hang tobacco for the curing process. 28. Tour of Historic Jonesboro B&W 53min 1974 Paul Fink, local historian, conducts a tour of Jonesboro, former capital of the lost state of Franklin and oldest town in Tennessee. He speaks of the architecture and historical significance of various public buildings, homes and churches. 29. Which Side Are You On? B&W 30min Florence and Dan Reese fought to unionize the coal fields in the 193C)'s. They talk of their experiences, and Florence sings some of her own songs, including the famous "Which Side Are You On?" which she wrote to explain the union struggle. 30. TheWobblies B&W 60mm Utah Phillips, singer and member of the still active IWW, proves that neither Wobblies nor a Joe Hill song can ever die and talks of IWW history between songs. II. SAVES Tapes (Southern Appalachian Video Ethnography Series): This series of videotapes includes documentaries dealing with various aspects of Southern mountain culture. Code numbers are given for those that have been catalogued by the system of the Human Relations Area Files. These tapes are available through Broadside TV. 1. Apple Butter Making (NN5/252/1) B&W 18 min 1975 Apple butter making is a traditional food preservation activity in the Southern Appalachians during the fall. This tape shows the process from the peeling of the apples to the canning of the finished product. The individuals shown are family members and neighbors of Phyllis Scalf, the videomaker. 2. Blue Ridge Folklife B&W 1975 BOmin This event features old-time string bands and blues from the Piedmont and mountain sections of Virginia. Among the musicians participating were Uncle Homer Walker of Narrows. Virginia, and Daniel Womack. a bluesguitarist from the Virginia mountains. Uncle Homer's performance on the banjo is a rare example of traditional black banjo playing. 3. Broom-Maker (NN5/391/1) B&W 30 min 1974 This videotape of John Sizemore, a traditional mountain broom-maker, was recorded at an annual community festival held near Greeneville, Greene County. Tennessee. Aside from providing a clear view of the steps involved in the assembly of a short-handled mountain broom, John Sizemore's lively conversational style adds to the appeal of this tape. 4 Dreadful Memories (NN5/468/1) B&W 32min 1972 Sara Gunning and Tilman Caudle recount songs and stories of the struggle for unionization in the Harlan coal mines during the 1930's. 5. Ernest East (NN5/533/1) B&W 33min 1974 During the summer months, fiddle contests are held at many towns in the Blue Ridge counties of Virginia and North Carolina in the Southern Appalachians. One string band that has taken more than its share of prizes is headed up by Ernest East, a mill worker and fiddler from Pine Ridge, Surry County, North Carolina. 6. Fiddlin'Powers Family (NN5/533/4) B&W 58min 1974 Fiddlin' Powers and family, a mountain string band from Dungannon, Scon County, Virginia, were among the first Southern Appalachian folk musicians to make commercial recordings in the 1920's. On this tape, three of Fiddlin' Powers' daughters and a son-in-law perform on mandolin, guitar, banjoguitar and autoharp, and discuss their family's musical tradition and instrumental styles with interviewer, George Reynolds. 7. Frank Duff. Farrier (NN5/326/1) B&W 30min 1973 Aside from illustrating the complete process of shoeing a horse, this tape also provides insight into a traditional craft that has survived in modern times as an adjunct to a popular form of recreation, horseback riding. 8. Ghost Stories—Kathryn Tucker Windham (NN1/538/1) B&W 20min 1974 Kathryn Tucker Windham of Selma, Alabama, is a former newspaper woman and author of several children's books dealing with Deep South ghost lore. Included are several short tales: "The Waverly Ghost" Waverly. Mississippi, "The Jumbo (Alabama) Ghost Light." and "The Ghost Collie." 9. Grandpa Jones at the A. P. Carter Store (NN5/545/2) B&W 50min 1975 The veteran country music performer. Grandpa Jones, his wife, Ramona, and their son. Mark, along with a young neighbor. Larry Lowe, perform before an enthusiastic audience at a community music center established by Janette Carter Kelly, daughter of Sarah and the late A. P. Carter. Along with songs, instrumental numbers and comedy routines. Grandpa performs a "bell dance" that indicates the early ties between professional country music and vaudeville. Members of the audience step-dance during instrumentals. 10. Home Crafts Day (NN5/545/1) B&W 25min 1974 Old-Timers' celebrations and crafts festivals are held in many Southern Appalachian communities, especially during the autumn, and they serve as a focal point for people interested in traditional music, dancing, crafts and subsistence techniques. This tape includes a variety of musical genres, ranging from folk revival topical songs to bluegrass and old-time banjo picking; clog dancing; demonstrations of apple cider pressing and sled-making; also interviews with a weaver and a corn shuck doll maker. 11. Instrument Maker (NN5/534/1) B&W 30min 1973 Mr. Blaine Green of Washington County. Tennessee is an old time fiddler and self-taught instrument maker who has produced a number of fiddles, guitars, and dulcimers. This tape includes discussion and exhibition of Mr. Green's instruments, along with several performances with local musicians. 12. Marshall Ward (NN5/538/1) B&W 53min 1973 Marshall Ward is a retired school teacher who is able to trace the storytelling tradition in his mountain family back to his great-grandparents' generation. Marshall Ward tells a Jack tale, a children's tale with a startling ending, a ghost tale and an "Irishman" or numbskull tale. He also provides information concerning his family background and his career as a storyteller. �15 13. Meadows of Dan Folk Festival (NN5/545/1) B&W 34 min 1974 This tape features the highlights of a folk festival sponsored by the'fturitan Club, at the Meadows of Dan School. Among the performers are Eunice McAlexander, a ballad singer from Meadows of Dan, Virginia, and Taylor and Stella Kimble from Laurel Fork, Virginia, who appear on the SAVES tape "Taylor and Stella Kimble." 14. Mike Seeger at the A. P. Carter Store B&W SOmin 1976 Mike Seeger, brother of Pete Seeger, has a long standing reputation in oldtime music. A former member of the New Lost City Ramblers, he is now traveling to universities and colleges and giving other performances like the one at the A. P. Carter Store. During these performances Mike shows the variety of instruments and styles that make up old-time music and also the humor that keeps the music alive. 15. The Morris Brothers at the A. P. Carter Store (NN5/545/5) B&W SOmin 1975 Dave and John Morris of Ivydale, West Virginia, have been actively promoting mountain music as performers and festival organizers during the past decade. At a recent appearance at Janette Carter Kelly's community music center, they presented a lively program of traditional and modern songs, and several fiddle tunes which drew members of the audience out onto the floor to step-dance. 16. Mountain Weaver (NN5/286/1) B&W 28min 1973 Taft Greer of Mountain City. Johnson County, Tennessee, is a weaver of traditional mountain coverlets whose grandmother was mentioned in Allen H. Eaton's Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands. On this tape, he discusses and exhibits various materials involved in the steps leading up to setting up the loom, and also demonstrates the actual weaving process. 17. News from Pigeon Roost: Harvey Miller (NN5/18/2) B&W 52min 1975 Harvey J. Miller is a self-taught writer and sympathetic observer of life in the mountains of western North Carolina. Recently Eliot Wigginton compiled the best of Miller's articles in a special issue of Foxfire magazine. This tape, apart from its value as a general introduction to mountain folk culture, can be fruitfully employed in anthropology and folklore courses to illustrate the interaction between interviewer and informant in a field situation. 18. Nimrod Workman (NN5/18/1) B&W 49min 1973 Nimrod Workman is a 79 year old former coal miner from Mingo County, West Virginia, and one of the most remarkable performers in the Southern Appalachian region. In addition to performing traditional songs and ballads, he is also a song writer who adapts old and modern tunes to convey his own ideas and feelings about life in the mountains. In this tape he moves from anecdotes to songs and back again without any sense of self-consciousness or artificiality. Topics covered include coal-mining, the union struggle, black lung, herb gathering and the Hatfie Id-McCoy feud. 19. Parking Lot Pickin'and Fiddlin'Around B&W 55min 1975 Most work on fiddlers' conventions deals with the competition aspects that occur onstage and only briefly deals with the activities in campsites and parking lots. This tape deals solely with the spontaneous music and people that make up the heart of the large scale conventions. 20. Ralph Stanley Memorial Blue Grass Festival (NN5/545/3a-h) B&W 1974 In 1970, Ralph Stanley established an annual festival at his family's homestead in southwestern Virginia, dedicated to the memory of his late brother and singing partner. Carter. The fourth annual festival included many outstanding figures in the bluegrass field. Included in this series of tapes are: Ralph Stanley (NN5/545/3a) Bill Monroe (NN5/545/36) Don Reno & Bill Harrell (NN5/545/3c) Country Gentlemen/Bill Clifton (NN5/545/3d) Goins Brothers with Red Rector/James Monroe/Blue Denim (NN5/545/3e) Bluegrass Alliance/Jones Brothers (NN5/545/30 Bluegrass Tarheels/AI Wood/Sloane Family/McClain Family (NN5/545/eg) Marshall Dutton and the Good Timers/Lee Allen/Glenn Roberts and the Rolling Firestones (NN5/545/3h) 21. Renfro Valley (NN5/545/4) B&W 1974 In 1974, Mac Wiseman's bluegrass festival at Renfro Valley, Kentucky, was combined with a fiddle contest supported by prominent traditionalists in the commercial country music field and the Tennessee Valley Old Time Fiddlers Association. Mike Seeger was called upon to lead workshops including a number of well known early country music performers. Tapes in this series include: Mike Seeger and Lonnie Glosson (NN5/545/4a) Cliff Carlisle/Henry Gilbert (NN5/545/4b) Chubby Wise and Mac Wiseman (NN5/545/4c) Country Gentlemen (NN5/545/4d) Bluegrass Drifters/Outdoor Plumbing Company (NN5/545/4e) 22. Roosevelt Presnell/Herb Gatherer B&W 55min 1975 Roosevelt Presnell is a farmer from Beech Creek, North Carolina, who has gathered, bought and sold herbs for over fifty years. This video tape traces Mr. Presnell's life history and focuses on his vast knowledge of herbs and their gathering. The tape demonstrates the gathering of herbs in the field and their preparation for sale and use. Some herbs featured are black cohash, spignet and ginseng. 23. Taft Greer: Weaving the Wall of Jericho B&W SOmin 1975 This tape deals with the life of Taft Greer and his weaving. Besides giving his life history, it explains the whole process of dying wool from walnuts and herbs to weaving it into a bedspread to selling the finished product. Some of Taft's work is on exhibit at the Smithsonian Institute and his reputation is nationwide. 24. Taylor and Stella Kimble (NN5/533/3) B&W 32min 1974 Taylor and Stella Kimble of Laurel Fork in Carroll County, Virginia, were both born into music-loving families in 1892. Like many other old-time musicians, Taylor and Stella gave up their music for many years, but took it up again during the nation-wide revival of traditional string band and fiddle music that began to emerge in the early sixties. Since then, they have made numerous appearances at fiddle contests and folk festivals in Virginia and North Carolina. 25. "They Shall Take up Serpents" (NN5/787/788/1a) B&W 49min Fire and Serpent Handlers (NNS/787/788/ 1b) B&W 53min 1973 The handling of poisonous serpents is one of the most spectacular and controversial forms of religious expression to be found in the Pentecostal Churches of the Southern mountains. In 1973, the deaths of several members of the Church of God in Jesus' Name during its services brought about a confrontation with Tennessee courts and law enforcement agencies, and an influx of network newspeople gained the church instant national notoriety. The first tape in this series includes an interview with the assistant preacher of the church who provides a detailed insider's view of its belief system, segments of actual services, and a brief interview with a judge involved with the case. The second tape begins with further excerpts from services, including fire handling and concludes with a panel discussion with several ministers in Bluff City, Tennessee. 26. Third Annual Jonesboro Storytelling Festival B&W 1975 The Jonesboro Storytelling festival of 1975 features veteran storyteller Ray Hicks of Sugar Grove, North Carolina, and Doc McConnell of Rogersville, Tennessee. In addition to the traditional Jack tales, Ray tells of his first encounter with a witch, and Doc discusses various aspects of traditional mountain life. 27. Tommy Jarrell (IMN5/533/2) B&W 32min 1974 Tommy Jarrell who was born about the turn of this century in Round Peak, North Carolina, was influenced by his father, Ben Jarrell, one of the finest fiddlers in the Blue Ridge Area, and a master claw-hammer banjo player, Charlie Lowe. Although this tape is primarily devoted to Tommy's fiddling, he is also a vigorous singer. Broadside TV has all tapes in 1/2 inch reel to reel or 3/4 inch format. Contact Broadside about tapes listed and others in production, using code number when given. Broadside TV Elm and Mil lard Johnson City, TN 37601 Phone:926-8191 C. East Tennessee State University, Department of English 1. Gathering of the Clans: Scottish Games B&W 30min 2. Marshall Ward: Jack Tale (Jack and the Heifer Hide) B&W 30min 3. Marshall Ward: Jack Tale (Continuation) B&W 30min 4. Ralph Nelson: Log Hewing B&W SOmin 5. Ray Hicks: Herbs B&W 3Omin 6. Ray Hicks: Cradle Reaping B&W 30min 7. Stanley Hicks: Still Operation B&W 30min 8. Ray Hicks: Jack Tale; Marshall Ward; Riving Boards. Splitting Rails B&W 30min �16 D. WSJK-TV, East Tennessee State University, East Tennessee State University—Department of English Johnson City, TN 37601 1. Appalachian Area Crafts Color 30min A combination of three films by Professors Thomas G. Burton and Jack Schrader that feature Alex Stuart, Ott Blair and Edd Presnell. 2. Appalachian Museum Color 30min An interview conducted by Professor Thomas G. Burton with John Rice Erwin, director of the Museum of Appalachia in Morris, Tennessee. The old fashioned ways of making shingles and molasses are shown. 3. The Appalachians B&W 30min An interview with Gratis Williams. 4. A Film About Ray Hicks B&W 30min Made by Professors Thomas G. Burton and Jack Schrader, it tells about the life of a mountain man who specializes in herbs, cradle reaping and Jack tales. 5. Interviews with Fred Wolfe B&W 30min Professor David McClellan interviews Fred Wolfe, brother of writer Thomas Wolfe. 6. Interview with Jesse Stuart B&W 30min This interview is conducted by Professors Ambrose Manning, Robert J. Higgs, and John Tallent. 7. John Fox. Jr. Color 30min Professor Virginia David interviews Miss Glissee Martin, former postmistress and friend of novelist John Fox and his family. Miss Martin talks about Mr. Fox who wrote Trail of the Lonesome Pine and The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. 8. Kentucky Heritage B&W 30min Three programs: a. Basketmaking b. Long Rifle in Revival c. Traditional Hand Tools. 9. Interview with Mrs. Sherwood Anderson Color 30min A discussion about Mrs. Anderson's husband, Sherwood Anderson, conducted by Professors Robert J. Higgs and Virginia David. It includes a tour of the Anderson country home, Ripshin, twenty miles from Marion, Virginia. 10. Tipton-Haynes Historical Farm B&W 30min A guided tour through the buildings of the farm with information about its different owners and the events of historical importance which occurred there. It is located at Johnson City, Tennessee. These 10 two-inch video tapes are in the permanent library of WSJK-TV. For borrowing contact: Mr. Jerry Ruetz WSJK-TV. East Tennessee State University Johnson City, TN 37601 E. West Virginia University, Station WWVU-TV Morgantown, WV 26506 1. The West Virginia State Folk Festival 60min A musical variety show from Glenville festival, featuring performances by older residents of the area. 2. Volcano 30min A descriptive documentary about an old West Virginia oil field, one last working "continuous wire" oil well, and the 86 year old man who keeps it going. The above two programs on videocassettes were produced by WWVU-TV and are distributed in non-broadcast form by: The Public Television Library 475 L'Enfant Plaza SW Washington. DC 20024 �ABOUT CHARLOTTE TANKSLEY ROSS is also known as has 4poo is a "Legend Lady.w at the Folklife Festival. In 1969^ as Librarian. In 1976^ Charlotte of Southern is co-author of From Mj Grandmother Unto Me with Clarinda. Carl Tyler. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bibliography of Southern Appalachia Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region, Southern--Bibliography--Union lists Catalogs, Union--Appalachian Region, Southern Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ross, Charlotte T. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Description An account of the resource <span>This monograph represents a massive effort to assemble printed works of regional materials held by Appalachian Consortium members at various institutions in the Appalachia region during the mid-1970s. The five libraries contributing to the effort formed a committee to formalize and catalogue their research which resulted in the 13,000 entry bibliographic compendium which had grown from a small, local record of several hundred entries. The material was selectively annotated by Charlotte T. Ross, as well as cross referenced with other sources by members of the library committee. At the time of its publication, this work represented the largest bibliography on the Southern Appalachian Region.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1wBgaruHT0TlGLqZVGnXN17AYfqe0Vde">Download EPub</a><br /><br /><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642130/bibliography-of-southern-appalachia/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Bibliographies E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1970s Appalachia Bibliography books film video https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/ceee5fc52dfa98a9d8681503e82e3408.pdf 25422c3741e42b15a2404b403d7f1f84 PDF Text Text �A Southern Appalachian Reader �This page intentionally left blank �A Southern Appalachian Reader Edited by Nellie McNeil and Joyce Squibb Associate Editor: Rita Quillen Appalachian Consortium Press, Boone, North Carolina 28608 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1988 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4210-9 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4212-3 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Appalachian Consortium Press Boone, North Carolina The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit educational organization comprised of institutions and agencies located in the Southern Highlands. Founded in 1971, the initial objectives were to perpetuate, preserve, and promote the heritage of Southern Appalachia. Today the scope and diversity of the Consortium's objectives and activities have extended far beyond those upon which it was founded. Yet today it remains committed to one guiding principle-an improved quality of life for the people of the Southern Highlands. Members of the Consortium are volunteers who plan and execute projects which primarily serve 156 mountain counties in seven states. They serve on eight standing committees (administration, editorial board, folklife, museum, regional collections, regional cooperation and development, regional education, and regional health services) which meet at various member locations throughout the service region. The administrative office of the Appalachian Consortium may be reached at (828) 262-2064 or (888) 557-8163. Objectives of the Appalachian Consortium are: *Preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia *Protecting the mountain environment *Publishing manuscripts about the region *Improving educational opportunities for area students and teachers * Conducting scientific, social, and economic research * Promoting a positive image of Appalachia *Encouraging regional cooperation The members of the Appalachian Consortium are: * Appalachian State University *Blue Ridge Parkway *East Tennessee State University * Mission Children's Hospital *Lees-McRae College *Lincoln Memorial University *Mars Hill College *North Carolina Division of Archives and History *Southern Highlands Craft Guild *Department of Museum Program & Studies-Tusculum College *The University of Virginia's College at Wise *U.S. Forest Service *Warren Wilson College *Western Carolina University �This page intentionally left blank �To Jack Higgs, our revered literature professor at East Tennessee State University, goes credit for this anthology. The contagion he, Tom Burton, and professors like them, created in their courses by introducing us to Appalachian literature caused us to design classes of our own. Then when we complained about the lack of a suitable text, Dr. Higgs responded, "Write one." His continued encouragement carried us to publication. The Center for Appalachian Studies and Services and its director, Richard Blaustein, made publication possible. We thank our editors, Rita Quillen and Mayrelee Newman, and our copy editor, Dale Winship. We also thank Roberta Herrin, chair of the Appalachian Consortium publications committee, its members, and Jane Shook, Assistant Director for the Press, for their helpful support. We thank Cindy Francisco who provided clerical assistance and Linda Fanslow and the late Clara Bennett who aided us in our research. We send special thanks to Don Squibb, Joyce's husband, for going out for pizza. �This page intentionally left blank �TABLE OF CONTENTS Table Of Contents xv Illustrations & Photos Introduction Horace Kephart, Who Are the Mountaineers? xvii xix I. THE PAST CHAPTER 1 Oral Tradition... 3 Ballad of Claude Allen Richard Chase, Cat 'n Mouse Alice Marriott, Tsali of the Cherokees Gratis Williams, Dialect and Speech 5 8 16 26 Jean Ritchie, From Singing Family of the Cumberlands 35 Carter Family Song, Single Girl, Married Girl 55 Ballad of John Henry 57 George Washington Harris, Old Skissism's Middle Boy 59 Composition Topics 66 Activities 66 ix �x Table of Contents CHAPTER 2 Local Color and Realistic Tradition . . . 69 Mary Noailles Murfree, The Star in the Valley John Fox, Jr., From A Cumberland Vendetta Anne Armstrong, From This Day and Time Mildred Haun, From The Hawk's Done Gone James Still, From River of Earth Jesse Stuart, From Daughter of the Legend Composition Topics Activities 71 94 120 136 155 162 174 174 CHAPTERS Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past . . . 175 Thomas Wolfe, The Brother James R. Stokely, Molly Mooneyham James Agee, From A Death in the Family Lee Smith, Saint Paul Lou Crabtree, Homer-Snake Eliot Wigginton, Ginseng fromFoxfire3 Bernard Stallard, The Writing Spider 176 189 194 209 226 236 245 Ed Cabbell, Appalachia: An Old Man's Dream Deferred Jim Wayne Miller, Beginning, Ending Jeff Daniel Marion, Ebbing & Flowing Spring Fred Chappell, My Grandmother Washes Her Vessels Marilou Awiakta, Where Mountain and Atom Meet Composition Topics Activities 247 252 254 257 262 264 264 �TABLE OF CONTENTS xi H. THE PRESENT CHAPTER 4 How America Came to the Mountains ... 269 Alan Cheuse, Tripping the Lights Fantastic Victor Depta,TVA 271 .277 Marilou Awiakta, Genesis 279 JohnEhle, FromTheRoad .. 283 Myles Horton, Building Democracy in the Mountains . Composition Topics Activities ... 298 310 310 CHAPTERS Moving Mountains: The Struggle of the Coal Industry... 313 Don West, Harlan Portraits Nine Pound Hammer Harry Caudill, The Mountain, the Miner, and the Lord ... Ron Short, From South of the Mountain George Ella Lyon, Stripped 315 318 320 337 347 Lee Howard, The Last Unmined Vein 349 . Ed win Hoffman, Strippers, No! 352 Richard Hague, In the Woods Beyond the Coalfields 375 Composition Topics Activities 378 378 �xii Table of Contents CHAPTER 6 The Change Hits Home... 379 Jesse Stuart, Split Cherry Tree Fred Chappell, Firewater Wilma Dykeman, From Return the Innocent Earth Jim Wayne Miller, The Brier Losing Touch With His Traditions Katherine Stripling Byer, Wide Open, These Gates Composition Topics Activities 381 397 402 418 421 423 423 CHAPTER 7 Appalachian Emigration ... 425 Robert Morgan, Bean Money Bobbie Ann Mason, Nancy Culpepper Jim Wayne Miller, Turn Your Radio On Borden Deal, Antaeus Jo Carson, My Brother Estes Gurney Norman, A Correspondence Robert Perm Warren, Sitting on Farm Lawn on Sunday Afternoon Lisa Alther, From Kinflicks Composition Topics Activities 427 431 449 452 465 468 476 479 485 485 �TABLE OF CONTENTS xiii CHAPTERS The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing ... 487 Wendell Berry, The Strangers Herman Hascal Giles, Man of the Land Judy Odom, The Killing Jar Rita Quillen, The Good Life James Still, Heritage Composition Topics Activities 489 492 500 514 517 519 519 Acknowledgments Suggested Bibliography 523 527 �This page intentionally left blank �ILLUSTRATIONS xv Illustrations & Photos Cover illustration by Kenneth Murray 1. Courtesy of Archives of Appalachia, East Tennessee State University 2. Illustration by Sharon Squibb 3. Courtesy of Archives of Appalachia, East Tennessee State Univesity 4. Illustration by Harrison Cady, courtesy of Art and Architecture Gallery, University of Tennessee 5. Photograph by Joe Clark 6. Courtesy of Tennessee Eastman Company 7. Photograph by Eddie Le Sueur 8. Photograph by Eddie Le Sueur 9. Courtesy of Archives of Appalachia, East Tennessee State University 10. Photograph by Chris Jones 11. Photograph by Chris Jones �This page intentionally left blank �INTRODUCTION xvii Introduction Over the past decade, the study of Appalachian literature has blossomed with workshops, conferences, and summer institutes for teachers cropping up throughout the region. Many educators in Appalachia seem eager to introduce their students to the literary heritage of Appalachia. One problem, however, has prevented teachers from instituting full-fledged Appalachian literature courses, particularly at the high school level. The problem has been lack of a textbook. We hope A Southern Appalachian Reader will fill that void. This book is divided into two sections. Section I focuses on the past and moves from the oral tradition of ballads and storytelling to "local color" and modern realism that focused national attention on Appalachia. Pieces by contemporary writers like Lee Smith and Jim Wayne Miller are included and show the strong tendency to cast a backward glance, to reminisce. Section II deals with the present and shows the impact regional institutions such as the Tennessee Valley Authority, the Appalachian Regional Commission and the Highlander Research Center have had on Appalachia. Chapter Seven explores the phenomenon of Appalachian emigration: the flight of mountain people to large urban areas in search of a better life. Finally, this collection ends on the road home. A strong sense of belonging to a place, to its land and its people, is the focus of the last selections. All of Section II challenges �xviii Introduction students to think about the result of rapid change in the life of the individual and on regional culture as a whole. For most students, this will serve as a comprehensive introduction to the Appalachian region's history and literature. We have included as many writers as possible to give some overview of the richness of the region's past. Most of all, this textbook is intended to help students value the region's heritage and traditions. This appreciation will help students, whether they are native Appalachians or not, to gain a deeper understanding of themselves and the forces that shape regional life. The study of literature often makes people think about themselves. Regional literature, particularly, makes a person even more conscious of behavior, beliefs, and other life patterns. As the poet and scholar Dr. Jim Wayne Miller says: We should be concerned with teaching the history and culture of our different regions not for the past's sake, but for the sake of the present and future.... Such view counters the rootless uniformity of popular culture with the realization of rooted diversity. Each student should finish this book with increased knowledge and understanding not only of the literature, but also of himself and his family. By including discussion questions, composition topics, suggestions for out-of-class activities, and lists of additional materials, we hope to inspire students toward self-knowledge. As a person comes to value himself, he or she values others—another aim of this book. The Appalachian region is broad and rapidly changing. The startling demands of the future will be met more effectively by those with a strong sense of history and a sense of responsibility to the land and its people. We hope A Southern Appalachian Reader will be a starting point for deeper study and will encourage the student's lifelong interest in and concern for one of America's most fascinating regions. The Editors �HORACE KEPHART xix HORACE KEPHART (1862-1931) Horace Kephart came from Pennsylvania to the Southern Appalachian Mountains in 1904. He was an avid naturalist who played an important role in the founding of the Great Smoky Mountain National Park and the Appalachian Trail. His published works include: Camping and Woodcraft, Camping, The Camper's Manual, and Our Southern Highlanders. During the more than sixty years since Our Southern Highlanders was published, it has been recognized as one of the most important studies of Appalachians. Few other books on this subject are more widely known or cited. It is the source for the following selection. Who Are The Mountaineers? The Southern Appalachian Mountains happen to be parceled out among eight different States, and for that reason they are seldom considered as a geographical unit. In the same way their inhabitants are thought of as Kentucky mountaineers or Carolina mountaineers, and so on, but not often as a body of Appalachian mountaineers. And yet these inhabitants are as distinct an ethnographic group as the mountains themselves are a geographic group. The mountaineers are homogeneous so far as speech and �xx Who Are The Mountaineers? manners and experiences and ideals can make them. In the aggregate they are nearly twice as numerous and cover twice as much territory as any one of the States among which they have been distributed; but in each of these States they occupy only the backyard, and generally take back seats in the councils of the commonwealth. They have been fenced off from each other by political boundaries and have no such coherence among themselves as would come from common leadership or a sense of common origin and mutual dependence. And they are people without annals. Back of their grandfathers they have neither screed nor hearsay. "Borned in the kentry and ain't never been out o' hit11 is all that most of them can say for themselves. Here and there one will assert, "My foreparents war principally Scotch," or "Us Bumgyarners [Baumgartners] was Dutch," but such traditions of a far-back foreign origin are uncommon. Who are these southern mountaineers? Whence came they? What is the secret of their belatedness and isolation?... The first frontiersmen of the Appalachians were those Swiss and Palatine Germans who began flocking into Pennsylvania about 1682. They settled westward of the Quakers in the fertile limestone belts at the foot of the Blue Ridge and the Alleghanies. Here they formed the Quakers' buffer against the Indians, and, for some time, theirs were the westernmost settlements of British subjects in America. These Germans were of the Reformed or Lutheran faith. They were strongly democratic in a social sense, and detested slavery. They were model farmers and many of them were skilled workmen at trades. Shortly after the tide of German immigration set into Pennsylvania, another and quite different class of foreigners began to arrive in this province, attracted hither by the same lodestones that drew the Germans, namely, democratic institutions and religious liberty. These newcomers were the ScotchIrish, or Ulstermen of Ireland. When James I., in 1607, confiscated the estates of the native Irish in six counties of Ulster, he planted them with Scotch and �HORACE KEPHART xxi English Presbyterians. These outsiders came to be known as Scotch-Irish, because they were chiefly of Scotch blood and had settled in Ireland. The native Irish, to whom they were alien both by blood and by religion, detested them as usurpers, and fought them many a bloody battle. In time, as their leases in Ulster began to expire, the ScotchIrish themselves came in conflict with the Crown, by whom they were persecuted and evicted. Then the Ulstermen began immigrating in large numbers to Pennsylvania. As Froude says, "In the two years that followed the Antrim evictions, thirty thousand Protestants left Ulster for a land where there was no legal robbery, and where those who sowed the seed could reap the harvest." So it was that these people became, in their turn, our westernmost frontiersmen, taking up land just outside the German settlements. Immediately they began to clash with the Indians, and there followed a long series of border wars, waged with extreme ferocity, in which sometimes it is hard to say which side was most to blame. One thing, however, is certain: if any race was ordained to exterminate the Indians that race was the Scotch-Irish. They were a brave but hot-headed folk, as might be expected of a people who for a century had been planted amid hostile Hibernians. Justin Winsor describes them as having "all that excitable character which goes with a keen-minded adherence to original sin, total depravity, predestination, and election," and as seeing "no use in an Indian but to be a target for their bullets." They were quick-witted as well as quicktempered, rather visionary, imperious and aggressive. Being by tradition and habit a border people, the ScotchIrish pushed to the extreme western fringe of settlement amid the AUeghanies West of the Susquehanna, however, the land was so rocky and poor that even the Scotch shied at it, and so when eastern Pennsylvania became crowded, the overflow of settlers passed not westward but southwestward, along the Cumberland Valley, into Western Maryland, and then into the Shenandoah and �xxii Who Are The Mountaineers? those other long, narrow, parallel valleys of western Virginia. This western region still lay unoccupied and scarcely known by the Virginians themselves. Its fertile lands were discovered by Pennsylvania Dutchmen. The first house in western Virginia was erected by one of them, Joist Hite, and he established a colony of his people near the future site of Winchester. A majority of those who settled in the eastern part of the Shenandoah Valley were Pennsylvania Dutch, while the Scotch-Irish, following in their train, pushed a little to the west of them and occupied more exposed positions. There were representatives of other races along the border: English, Irish, French Huguenots, and so on; but everywhere the Scotch-Irish and Germans predominated. And the southwestward movement, once started, never stopped. So there went on a gradual but sure progress of northern peoples across the Potomac, up the Staunton, the Dan, the Yadkin, until the western piedmont and foot-hill region of Carolina was similarly settled, chiefly by Pennsylvanians. The archivist of North Carolina, the late William L. Saunders, Secretary of State, said in one of his historical sketches that "to Lancaster and York counties, in Pennsylvania, North Carolina owes more of her population than to any other known part of the world.11 He called attention to the interesting fact that when the North Carolina boys of Scotch-Irish and Pennsylvania Dutch descent followed Lee into Pennsylvania in the Gettysburg campaign, they were returning to the homes of their ancestors, by precisely the same route that those ancestors had taken in going south. Among those who made the long trek from Pennsylvania southward in the eighteenth century, were Daniel Boone and the ancestors of David Crockett, Samuel Houston, John C. Calhoun, "Stonewall" Jackson, and Abraham Lincoln. Boone and the Lincolns, although English themselves, had been neighbors in Berks County, one of the most German parts of all eastern Pennsylvania. So the western piedmont and the mountains were settled neither by Cavaliers nor by poor whites, but by a radically dis- �HORACE KEPHART xxiii tinct and even antagonistic people who are appropriately called the Roundheads of the South. These Roundheads had little or nothing to do with slavery, detested the state church, loathed tithes, and distrusted all authority save that of conspicuous merit and natural justice. The first characteristic that these pioneers developed was an intense individualism. The strong and even violent independence that made them forsake all the comforts of civilization and prefer the wild freedom of the border was fanned at times into turbulence and riot; but it blazed forth at a happy time for this country when our liberties were imperilled. Daniel Boone first appears in history when, from his new home on the Yadkin, he crossed the Blue Ridge and the Unakas into that part of western Carolina which is now eastern Tennessee. He was exploring the Watauga region as early as 1760. Both British and French Indian traders and soldiers had been in this region before him, but had left few marks of their wanderings. In 1761 a party of hunters from Pennsylvania and contiguous counties of Virginia, piloted by Boone, began to use this region as a hunting-ground, on account of the great abundance of game. From them, and especially from Boone, the fame of its attractions spread to the settlements on the eastern slope of the mountains, and in the winter of 1768-69 the first permanent occupation of eastern Tennessee was made by a few families from North Carolina. About this time there broke out in Carolina a struggle between the independent settlers of the piedmont and the rich trading and official class of the coast. The former rose in bodies under the name of Regulators and a battle followed in which they were defeated. To escape from the persecution of the aristocracy, many of the Regulators and their friends crossed the Appalachian Mountains and built their cabins in the Watauga region. Here, in 1772, there was established by these "rebels" the first republic in America, based upon a written constitution "the first ever adopted by a community of American-born freemen." Of these pioneers in "The Winning of the West," Theodore Roosevelt says: "As in western Virginia the first set- �xxiv Who Are The Mountaineers? tiers came, for the most part, from Pennsylvania, so, in turn, in what was then western North Carolina, and is now eastern Tennessee, the first settlers came mainly from Virginia, and indeed, in great part, from this same Pennsylvania stock." Boone first visited Kentucky, on a hunting trip, in 1769. Six years later he began to colonize it, in flat defiance of the British government, and in the face of a menacing proclamation from the royal governor of North Carolina. On the Kentucky River, three days after the battle of Lexington, the flag of the new colony of Transylvania was run up on his fort at Boonesborough. It was not until the following August that these "rebels of Kentuck" heard of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, and celebrated it with shrill warwhoops around a bonfire in the center of their stockade. Such was the stuff of which the Appalachian frontiersmen were made. They were the first Americans to cut loose entirely from the seaboard and fall back upon their own resources. They were the first to establish governments of their own, in defiance of king and aristocracy. Says John Fiske: Jefferson is often called the father of modern American democracy; in a certain sense the Shenandoah Valley and adjacent Appalachian regions may be called its cradle. In that rude frontier society, life assumed many new aspects, old customs were forgotten, old distinctions abolished, social equality acquired even more importance than unchecked individualism. The notions, sometimes crude and noxious, sometimes just and wholesome, which characterized Jeffersonian democracy, flourished greatly on the frontier and have thence been propagated eastward through the older communities, affecting their legislation and their politics more or less according to frequency of contact and intercourse. Massachusetts, relatively remote and relatively ancient, has been perhaps least affected by this group of ideas, but all parts of the United States have felt its influence powerfully. This phase of democracy, which is destined to continue so long as frontier life retains any importance, can nowhere be so well studied in its beginnings as among the �HORACE KEPHART xxv Presbyterian population of the Appalachian region in the 18th century. During the Revolution, the Appalachian frontier was held by a double line of the men whom we have been considering: one line east of the mountains, and the other west of them. The mountain region itself remained almost uninhabited by whites, because the pioneers who crossed it were seeking better hunting grounds and farmsteads than the mountains afforded. It was not until the buffalo and elk and beaver had been driven out of Tennessee and Kentucky, and those rolling savannahs were being fenced and tilled, that much attention was given to the mountains proper. Then small companies of hunters and trappers from both east and west began to move into the highlands and settle there. These explorers, pushing outward from the cross-mountain trails in every direction, found many interesting things that had been overlooked in the scurry of migration westward. They discovered fair river valleys and rich coves, adapted to tillage, which soon attracted settlers of a better class; and so, gradually, the mountain solitudes began to echo with the ring of axes and the lowing of herds. By 1830 about a million permanent settlers occupied the southern Appalachians. Naturally, most of them came from adjoining regions—from the foot of the Blue Ridge on one side and from the foot of the Unakas or of the Cumberlands on the other, and hence they were chiefly of the same frontier stock that we have been describing. No colonies of farmers from a distance ever have been imported into the mountains, down to our own day. Deterioration of the mountain people began as soon as population began to press upon the limits of subsistence. At first, naturally, the best people among the mountaineers were attracted to the best lands. But the number and extent of such valleys was narrowly limited. The United States topographers report that in Appalachia, as a whole, the mountain slopes oc- �xxvi Who Are The Mountaineers? cupy 90 percent of the total area, and that 85 percent of the land has a steeper slope than one foot in five. So, as the years passed, a larger and larger proportion of the highlanders was forced back along the creek branches and up along the steep hillsides to "scrabble" for a living. It will be asked, Why did not this overplus do as other crowded Americans did: move west? First, because they were so immured in the mountains, so utterly cut off from communication with the outer world, that they did not know anything about the opportunities offered new settlers in far-away lands. Moving "west" to them would have meant merely going a few days' wagon-travel down into the lowlands of Kentucky or Tennessee, which already were thickly settled by a people of very different social class. Here they could not hope to be anything but tenants or menials, ruled over by proprietors or bosses—and they would die rather than endure such treatment. As for the new lands of the farther West, there was scarce a peasant in Ireland or in Scandinavia but knew more about them than did the southern mountaineers. Second, because they were passionately attached to their homes and kindred, to their own old-fashioned ways. The mountaineer shrinks from lowland society as he does from the water and the climate of such regions. He is never at ease until back with his home-folks, foot-loose and free. Third, because there was nothing in his environment to arouse ambition. The hard, hopeless life of the mountain farm, sustained only by a meager and ill-cooked diet, begat laziness and shiftless unconcern. Finally, the poverty of the hillside farmers and branchwater people was so extreme that they could not gather funds to emigrate with. There were no industries to which a man might turn and earn ready money, no markets in which he could sell a surplus from the farm. So, while the transmontane settlers grew rapidly in wealth and culture, their kinsfolk back in the mountains either stood still or retrograded, and the contrast was due not nearly so �HORACE KEPHART xxvii much to any difference of capacity as to a law of Nature that dooms an isolated and impoverished people to deterioration. So the southern highlanders languished in isolation, sunk in a Rip Van Winkle sleep, until aroused by the thunder-crash of the Civil War. Let John Fox tell the extraordinary result of that awakening.— The American mountaineer was discovered, I say, at the beginning of the war, when the Confederate leaders were counting on the presumption that Mason and Dixon's Line was the dividing line between the North and South, and formed, therefore, the plan of marching an army from Wheeling, in West Virginia, to some point on the Lakes, and thus dissevering the North at one blow. The plan seemed so feasible that it is said to have materially aided the sale of Confederate bonds in England. But when Captain Garnett, a West Point graduate, started to carry it out, he got no farther than Harper's Ferry. When he struck the mountains, he struck enemies who shot at his men from ambush, cut down bridges before him, carried the news of his march to the Federals, and Garnett himself fell with a bullet from a mountaineer's squirrel rifle at Harper's Ferry. Then the South began to realize what a long, lean, powerful arm of the Union it was that the southern mountaineer stretched through its very vitals; for that arm helped hold Kentucky in the Union by giving preponderance to the Union sympathizers in the Blue-grass; it kept the east Tennesseans loyal to the man; it made West Virginia, as the phrase goes, 'secede from secession'; it drew out a horde of one hundred thousand volunteers, when Lincoln called for troops, depleting Jackson County, Kentucky, for instance, of every male under sixty years of age and over fifteen; and it raised a hostile barrier between the armies of the coast and the armies of the Mississippi. The North has never realized, perhaps, what it owes for its victory to this non-slaveholding southern mountaineer. It may be added that no other part of our country suffered �xxviii Who Are The Mountaineers? longer or more severely from the aftermath of war. Throughout that struggle the mountain region was a nest for bushwhackers and bandits that preyed upon the aged and defenseless who were left at home, and thus there was left an evil legacy of neighborhood wrongs and private grudges. Most of the mountain counties had incurred the bitter hostility of their own States by standing loyal to the Union. After Appomattox they were cast back into a worse isolation than they had ever known. Left, then, to their own devices, unchecked by any stronger arm, inflamed by a multitude of personal wrongs, habituated to the shedding of human blood, contemptuous of State laws that did not reach them, enraged by Federal acts that impugned, as they thought, an inalienable right of man, it was inevitable that this fiery and vindictive race should fall speedily into warring among themselves. Old scores were now to be wiped out in a reign of terror. The open combat of bannered war was turned into the secret ferocity of family feuds. But the mountaineers of today are faced with a mighty change. The feud epoch has ceased throughout the greater part of Appalachia. A new era dawns. Everywhere the highways of civilization are pushing into remote mountain fastnesses. Vast enterprises are being installed. The timber and the minerals are being garnered. The mighty waterpower that has been running to waste since these mountains rose from the primal sea is now about to be harnessed in the service of man. Along with this economic revolution will come, inevitably, good schools, newspapers, a finer and more liberal social life. The highlander, at last, is to be caught up in the current of human progress. Who Are the Mountaineers? 1. Who were the first frontiersmen to settle in Appalachia? Where did they settle? �HORACE KEPHART xxix 2. Who were the Scotch-Irish? What was their reason for coming to America? 3. What qualities did the Scotch-Irish possess that made them successful settlers in Appalachia? �xxx Who Are The Mountaineers? Mo. 1 �This page intentionally left blank �PARTI The Past �This page intentionally left blank �CHAPTER 1 Oral Tradition Appalachian literature is founded on oral tradition. Ballads and storytelling came to these mountains with the first settlers, were passed down from generation to generation, and today are more popular than ever. Ballads, one of the earliest forms of poetry, date back to the Middle Ages. A ballad is simply a story in song. The ballad draws from many sources: legend and folklore, local and national history, and from the singer's own community. Although some ballads are humorous, most tend to be tragic and tell stories of war, destruction, lost love, or supernatural occurrences. "The Ballad of Claude Allen" depicts a tragedy of everyday life. Although many folklorists had collected ballads, A.P. Carter of Southwest Virginia was the first to record them commercially. This "hillbilly" music, as it is often called has become the foundation of the country music industry. Like music, story telling has a rich literary tradition in the mountains of Appalachia. The practice of passing down family stories is apparent in the selection by Jean Ritchie. Sut �Lovingoods's Yarns by George Washington Harris come from the oral tradition and are highly crafted pieces of fiction. �CLAUDE ALLEN 5 BALLAD OF CLAUDE ALLEN This ballad tells the story of the execution of Claude Allen and his father Floyd in HiUsville, Virginia, in 1913. Claude was attending the trial of his father, who had been charged for assaulting a deputy and sentenced to a year in prison. When Floyd's lawyer rose to ask for a retrial, the judge consented. At that time Claude went up to speak to his father. Within minutes many people, including Claude, Floyd, and his brother Sidna, began firing their guns. It was not clear who had fired the first shot. The sheriff, prosecuting attorney, and judge were all killed. Both Floyd and Claude were tried and sentenced to die in the electric chair. Before the execution, Claude was presented a gold medal by the women of Virginia inscribed: "For bravery in defending his father." Note: This tune is that of the song commonly known as "Wayfaring Stranger." High up on yonder's lovely mountain Claude Allen lays beneath the clay; No more we hear his words of mercy Or see his face till Judgment Day. �6 Oral Tradition Claude U fa- J Al- len and his j nj '!.' ^ i r J ther Have met their fa- r r ' / r \<LjD last; Their friends are j f T' G- end- ed And hope J their glad tal their dear old doom trou- ble's IJLJLJ ^ : J j I J. souls are at now at \. Claude Allen and his dear old father Have met their fatal doom at last; Their friends are glad their trouble's ended And hope their souls are now at rest. 2. Poor Claude was young and very handsome And still had hopes until the end That he might in some way or other Escape his death at the Richmond's pen. 3. But the governor, being so hard-hearted, Not caring what his friends might say, He finally took his sweet life from him; In the cold ground his body lay. 4. Claude's mother's tears were gently flowing, All for the one she loved so dear. It seemed no one could tell her troubles; It seemed no one could tell but her. rest. �CLAUDE ALLEN 7 5. Poor Claude, he had a pretty sweetheart; She mourns the loss of the one she loved. She hopes to meet beyond the river, A fair young face in heaven above. 6. Now, all young men, from this take warning; Be careful how you go astray, Or you might be like poor Claude Allen And have this awful debt to pay. The Ballad of Claude Allen 1. As you read this ballad, with whom do you sympathize? How do the words of the song influence your feelings? 2. Find a clue in the song that shows how the people of Virginia felt about the execution of Claude and Floyd. �8 Oral Tradition RICHARD CHASE (1904-1988) Born in North Alabama near Huntsville, Richard Chase received his B. A. from Antioch College in 1929. He lectured on folklore and told tales in schools, colleges, and universities throughout the United States. He founded an Appalachian craft industry and conducted folk art workshops. He edited a number of collections of folk songs and folk tales for publication. Among these are the "Jack Tales" for which he is best known. These tales, many of which probably came from northwestern Europe, have been handed down orally from generation to generation, and have undergone many variations over the years. This story may remind readers of other tales about witches and haunted houses. Cat 'n Mouse One time the boys' daddy decided he'd give 'em a hundred dollars a-piece and let 7em go out by themselves to see what would they do with it. Told 'em to be gone one year and then to come back so he could see which one of 'em made the best out of his money. Well, the three of 'em set out together down the big road. Then Will says, "Now, when we come to where the road forks �RICHARD CHASE 9 three ways, we'll separate. There ain't no use in us goin' all together." So when they came to a crossroad, they stopped and talked awhile, and directly Will called Tom off to one side and they went to whisperin', then they both came over to Jack and thro wed him down and took every cent of his money, divided it, and left Jack a-layin' there. Will took one side-road and Tom took the other'n. Jack got his senses back pretty soon and set there a little while tryin' to study what to do. Then he decided he'd go on and see what luck he might have, so he walked out in the middle of the crossroads and throwed his hat up in the air. Whichever road it landed in, he was goin' to go that way. Well, his hat landed in the road straight ahead, so he took it and on he went. Hit was an old road, not traveled much, and pretty soon Jack landed 'way out in a lonesome wilder-ness of a place. Went on, went on; the road pretty nearly covered up with grass and briars, and directly he came to a fine-lookin' white house out there. Jack could see signs of somebody livin' there and he had to have some place to stay the night. He hated to holler 'cause he was so ragged and dirty, but he 'lowed there wasn't nothin' like tryin', so he hollered hello and waited awhile. Nobody came out, so he went to the door and pulled the doorbell. The door opened and a big cat came out. Jack didn't know what to think of that. The cat sat there looking at him and there didn't no person come to the door, so Jack hollered again, "Who keeps the house?" "Cat 'n mouse," says the cat. "Law me!" says Jack. "I've done got to a country where cats can talk." "Yes," the cat told him, "there's an old witch out here. She got all my family but me and my sister. She witched her into a cat, then to a mouse, and me into a cat. She'll try to witch me into a mouse tonight." Then Jack looked and saw a mouse creep out one side the door, says, "Well, is there anything I can do to keep the old witch from botherin' ye?" �10 Oral Tradition "Probably might be," says the cat. "You can help me, but my sister, she'll stay a mouse. There can't be nothin' done for ye, once she gets you into a mouse. You stay here by the door tonight and kill any kind of big varmints you see and if 11 keep the witch off." Well, Jack got him a big club and got before the door, and when it got plumb thick dark all sorts of bears and painters and big wild animals came up the steps and Jack 'uld knock 'em and beat 'em with his club, kept on fightin' all night. Next mornin' that cat came out and it was a little bigger, looked a little bit like a girl. "Now tonight," she says, "the old witch'll send middle-size varmints. You see can you keep them off, too." Jack picked around that day and got what berries and such he could find to eat, cut him a middle-size club and when it commenced gettin'dark he got by the door again. Then all kinds of pizen snakes and wildcats and weasels and boomers and ground hogs came and tried to get in. Jack hit at 'em with his club and knocked 'em off the porch and kept on a-givin' it to 'em till daylight. Then the door opened and that girl came out. She was pretty near the right size that time, but she still had some signs of a cat's claws and whiskers and ears. She says to Jack, "You done fine last night, Jack. Now tonight she'll send all sorts of little varmints. You'll have a time of it, I expect." So Jack eat a few blackberries and huckleberries that day and whittled him out some paddles and swatters and took up his stand by the door when night came; and all sorts of pizen scorpions and insects and spiders and hornets and big ants came up and tried to cross the door sill, but Jack went to work with his swatters and his paddles and it was a sight in the world how he went after 'em. He thought there'd be a pile of dead things there when it got daylight, but when it got light enough for him to see, there wasn't a thing there on the porch. Then the door opened and there stood the prettiest girl you ever looked at. "You did real well, Jack," she says. "You come on in the �RICHARD CHASE 11 house now and Til fix ye somethin' to eat." She baked Jack some cornbread and fixed him some coffee, and while he was eatin', she says to him, "Now, you won't have nothin' to contend with tonight but the old witch herself. You got shet of all the plagues she had. Now, when she comes in you be sure and not let her do anything in the world for ye. I'll hide, and you and the old witch can go to it. You remember now, if you let her do one thing for ye, shell witch us both into cats." So that night that girl went and hid somewhere, and Jack he found him a needle and some thread, pulled up 'fore the fire and went to patchin' his old raggedy coat. It wasn't long till a little ugly wrinkled-up woman came hobblin' in the door, looked like she was about a hundred years old. Her nose and her chin was so long they hung down a-wobblin'. She got a chair and pulled up close to Jack, says, "Howdy do, Jack." "Howdy do, ma'm." "Let me do that for ye, Jack. It looks awkward seein' a man try to patch." "No," says Jack, "I'll do my own patchin'." The old witch looked sort of out-done, but Jack kept right on, and directly he got up to fix him a little supper. Got some meal and a pan and started mixin' bread." "Let me do that for ye, Jack. I never did like to see a man try to make bread." "No," says Jack, "I can fix bread all right." Then he went to the fire, raked him out some coals and set the skillet over 'em. Then he cut some meat and started it to fry in'. "Let me 'tend the meat for ye, Jack. I never saw anything so awkward as a man tryin' to cook." "No, thank you, ma'm," says Jack, "I don't want you messin' with my meat. Ill tend it myself." Well, when Jack turned around to get his bread that old witch got hold of the knife and went to turn Jack's meat over. There was an old flesh fork a-hangin' there, big old fork they used to cook meat on. Jack grabbed that up and ran at the old �12 Oral Tradition woman with it, hooked her and rammed her right on in the fire. He held her down between the backlog and the forestick and such a crackin' and a poppin' and a fryin'and a singein' you never heard. Jack kept her there until she burnt up. Then there stood that girl just a-laughin', says, "You sure got her then, Jack. There'll be no more witchery done around here." So she fixed Jack a nice supper and the next mornin' when they went out that place was just full of fine livestock—chickens and hogs and sheep and cattle and horses—and the road was cleared out and the crops all standin' in the fields. That girl says to Jack, "Ever7thing here belongs to you now, Jack, for killin' that witch." "You too?" says Jack. "Well," she says, "yes; if you say so." 'Til sure say so," says Jack; "you're the main part of the property." So they went and got two fine horses and hitched 'em up to the surrey, and went to the store and got Jack a new suit of clothes and then found 'em a preacher and got married. Jack he went to work about the place tendin' to his crops and his livestock, and that young woman she cooked and did the washin' and the milkin' and churnin' and all; and then Jack got to studyin' how the year was about up. So he told the girl about how he and Will and Tom had started out, and said they'd better fix up pretty soon to go back to see his daddy. So they got ready and pulled out with the team and buggy one mornin'. Jack had got his old clothes and throwed 'em in under the seat. That girl had a pet fox and they took it along too. They came in sight of Jack's house and he said to her, "You wait here a minute. I want to see what all's done happened while I been gone, see if Will and Tom got back yet." Then he put on his raggedy old clothes, put that fox under his arm and went on to the house. His father saw him comin' and came out to the gate, says, "Hello, Jack. Glad to see ye. You look like you must not 'a had �RICHARD CHASE 13 any luck; I see you got the same suit of clothes." "Will and Tom come?" Jack asked him. "Yes, they got in early this mornin'. They got new clothes and both of them married nice-lookin' women. You wait here, Jack, and let me go get you one of my suits of clothes so youll have somethin' better to wear when you come in.tf "No," Jack told him, Til just go ahead like I am." So he went into the house, and when Will and Tom saw him in his same ragged overhalls and coat, they com-menced laughin' and makin' fun of Mm; and their wives they slipped around and pinned dishrags to his coat-tails. Jack didn't pay no mind. He talked to his daddy and his mother awhile. Ever' now and then he'd squeeze down on that fox and it 'uld say, "Gold enough But none for you." Will and Tom they couldn't understand that. Then directly Jack went on back where he'd left his wife. He got his good new suit of clothes on again and then him and his wife drove the surrey on down to the gate. Hitched the horse and Jack took the pet fox under his arm. Will looked out and saw 'em, says, "Who's that?" Tom came and looked. "Ain't nobody we know. It's rich folks. What you reckon they want?" Their wives, they came and peeked around the door. And about that time Jack's mother looked out the window, and says, "That's Jack." "No!" says Will "Why, that can't be Jack." "Yes, it is, too," says Tom. "It is Jack, and look what a pretty fine-dressed woman he's got." "Law me!" says Will's wife, "hit'll not do for her to see the way I am." And she ran and hid under the bed. Then Tom gave his wife a shove, says, "You run hide somewhere quick. Don't let her see you in that old cotton dress." And she jumped off the porch and crawled in under the house. Jack brought his wife on in and made her known to his daddy and his mother, and Will and Tom just stood around. Fin'ly Jack's wife said to 'em, "I thought Jack told me you �14 Oral Tradition boys was married. Where's your wives at?" "Mine's under the bed," says Will. "She can come out if she wants to." She crawled out from under the bed, had feathers and dust in her hair. Then Jack's woman asked if the other'n was home, and Tom's wife she scrambled out from under the floor with her hair full of trash and dirt all over her. Jack's wife spoke nice to 'em, and they all talked awhile. Jack squeezed down on that fox directly and it said, "Gold enough But none for you. And by that time Will and Tom knowed what it meant. Well, Jack took his daddy and his mother back with him and his wife, and they was all independent rich. Will and Tom never did do much good. And Jack and his wife and his folks they lived happy. Cat 'n Mouse 1. What happenings in this story remind you of tales you've read or heard before? 2. What advice did the cat give Jack before he met the witch? Did Jack follow the advice? What was the result? 3. The uncommon events in fairy tales often satisfy our own dreams and desires. Is this true in the story "Cat n' Mouse"? Explain. 4. According to Gratis Williams, mountain dialect often contains words with the final g left off, as in goin', working and doin'. Find words in the story which fit this pattern. �RICHARD CHASE No. 2 15 �16 Oral Tradition TSALI(? -1840) Not all the Cherokee Indians marched the infamous Trail of Tears, the forced relocation to camps in Oklahoma that left 3,000 Cherokee dead. Some escaped from the soldiers and hid in the Great Smoky Mountains. A middle-aged Indian named Tsali, also called Charley by the white men, was one of them. According to legend, because of Tsali's resistance, he was finally executed and buried in an unmarked grave along with all his family except for one son. The soldiers spared his youngest son, who joined the nearly 1,000 other Cherokee refugees in the mountains. This legend has been preserved. Tsali's remaining son told his daughter, Norah Roper, who then told the story of her grandfather's refusal to abandon his homeland to Alice Marriott. Her book American Indian Mythology includes the story. Tsali of the Cherokees In the time when their troubles began , the ordinary Cherokees did not at first understand that anything was really wrong. They knew that their tribal chiefs traveled back and forth to the white man's place called Washington more often l ln the time when their troubles began, m the 1830's. �ALICE MARRIOTT 17 than they used to do. They knew that when the chiefs came back from that place there were quarrels in the tribal council. Up in the hills and the back country, where Ant Keetoowah— the true Cherokees—lived, word of the changes came more slowly than the changes themselves came to the valley Cherokees. Many of the hill people never left their farm lands, and those who did went only to the nearest trading post and back. Few travelers ever came into the uplands, where the mists of the Smokies shut out the encroaching world. So, when the news came that some of the chiefs of the Cherokees had touched the pen, and put their names or their marks on a paper, and agreed by doing so that this was no longer Cherokee country, the Ani Keetoowah could not believe what they heard. Surely, they said to each other, this news must be false. No Cherokee—not even a mixed-blood—would sign away his own and his people's lands. But that was what the chiefs had done. Then the word came that the chiefs were even more divided among themselves, and that not all of them had touched the pen. Some were not willing to move away to the new lands across the Mississippi, and settle in the hills around Fort Gibson, Oklahoma. "Perhaps we should hang on," the Ani Keetoowah said to one another. "Perhaps we will not ha veto go away after all." They waited and hoped, although they knew in their hearts that hope is the cruelest curse on mankind. One of the leaders of the Ani Keetoowah was Tsali. The white men had trouble pronouncing his name, so they called him "Charley," or "Dutch." Tsali was a full-blood, and so were his wife and their family. They were of the oldest Keetoowah Cherokee blood, and would never have let themselves be shamed by having half-breed relatives. Tsali and his four sons worked two hillsides and the valley between them, in the southern part of the hill country. Tsali and his wife and their youngest son lived in a log house at the head of the hollow. The others had their own homes, spread out along the hillsides. They grew corn and beans, a few �18 Oral Tradition English peas, squashes and pumpkins, tobacco and cotton, and even a little sugar cane and indigo. Tsali's wife kept chickens in a fenced run away from the house. The women gathered wild hemp and spun it; they spun the cotton, and the wool from their sheep. Then they wove the thread into cloth, and sometimes in winter when their few cattle and the sheep had been cared for and the chickens fed and there was not much else to do, the men helped at the looms which they had built themselves. The women did all the cutting and the making of garments for the whole family. Tsali and his family were not worldly rich, in the way that the chiefs and some of the Cherokees of the valley towns were rich. They had hardly seen white man's metal money in their lives. But Tsali's people never lacked for food, or good clothing, or safe shelter. The missionaries seldom came into the uplands then. Tsali took his sons and their wives, and his own wife, to the great dance ground where the seven Keetoowah villages gathered each month at the time of the full moon. There they danced their prayers in time to the beating of the women's terrapin-shell2 leg rattles, around and around the mound of packed white ashes on top of which bloomed the eternal fire that was the life of all the Cherokees. The occasional missionaries fussed over the children. They gave them white men's names, so that by Tsali's time everyone had an Indian name and an English one. The Cherokees listened to the missionaries politely, for the missionaries were great gossips, and the Cherokees heard their news and ignored the rest of their words. "You will have to go soon," said one white preacher to Tsali. "There's no hope this time. The lands have all been sold and the Georgia troopers are moving in. You'll have to go west." "We'll never leave," Tsali answered. "This is our land and we belong to it. Who could take it from us—who would want it? It's hard even for us to farm here, and we're used to hill terrapin shell, turtle shell �ALICE MARRIOTT 19 farming. The white men wouldn't want to come here—they'll want the lands in the valleys, if the lowland people will give them up. They want these hills more than any other land," the missionary said. He sounded almost threatening. "Don't you see, you poor ignorant Indian? They are finding gold—gold, man, gold—downstream in the lower Keetoowah country. That means that the source of the gold is in the headwaters of the rivers that flow from here down into the valleys. I've seen gold dust in those streams myself." "Gold?" asked Tsali. "You mean this yellow stuff?" And he took a buckskin pouch out of the pouch that hung from his sash, and opened it. At the sight of the yellow dust the pouch contained the missionary seemed to go a little crazy. "That's it!" he cried. "Where did you get it? How did you find it? You'll be rich if you can get more." "We find it in the rivers, as you said," Tsali replied. "We gather what we need to take to the trader. I have this now because I'm going down to the valley in a few days, to get my wife some ribbons to trim her new dress." "Show me where you got it," the missionary begged. "We can all be rich. I'll protect you from the other white men, if you'll make me your partner." "No, I think I'd better not," said Tsali thoughtfully. "My sons are my partners, as I was my father's. We do not need another partner, and as long as we have our old squirrel guns, we do not need to be protected. Thank you, but you can go on. We are better off as we are." The missionary coaxed and threatened, but Tsali stood firm. In the end, the white man went away without any gold except a pinch that Tsali gave him, because the missionary seemed to value the yellow dust even more than the trader did. Then it was time to go to the trading post. When Tsali came in the store, the trader said to him, "Well, Chief, glad to see you. I hear you're a rich man these days." "I've always been a rich man," Tsali answered. "I have my family and we all have our good health. We have land to farm, �20 Oral Tradition houses to live in, food on our tables, and enough clothes. Most of all, we have the love in our hearts for each other and our friends. Indeed, you are right. We are very rich." "That's one way of looking at it," said the trader, "but it isn't what I was thinking about. From what I hear, there's gold on your land, you've got a gold mine." "A gold man?" repeated Tsali. "I never heard of a gold man." "No!" shouted the trader. "A gold mine, I said. A place where you can go and pick up gold." "Oh, that!" Tsali exclaimed. "Yes, we have some places like that on our land. Here's some of the yellow dust we find there." And he opened the pouch to show the trader. The trader had seen pinches of Tsali's gold dust before, and taken it in trade without saying much about it. Now he went as crazy as the missionary. "Don't tell anybody else about this, Charley," he whispered, leaning over the counter."We'll just keep it to ourselves. I'll help you work it out, and I'll keep the white men away. We'll all be rich." "Thank you," said Tsali, "but I don't believe I want to be rich that way. I just want enough of this stuff to trade you for ribbons and sugar." "Oh, all right," answered the trader sulkily, "have it your way. But don't blame me if you are sorry afterwards." "I won't blame anybody," said Tsali, and bought his ribbon. A month later, when the Georgia militia came riding up in the valley to Tsali's house, the missionary and the trader were with them. The men all stopped in front of the house, and Tsali's wife came out into the dogtrot, the open-ended passage that divided the two halves of the house and made a cool breezeway where the family sat in warm weather. She spoke to the men. "Won't you come in and sit down?" "Where's the old man?" the militia captain asked. "Why, he's working out in the fields," said Amanda. "Sit down and have a cool drink of water while I send the boy for him." �ALICE MARRIOTT 21 "Send the boy quickly," the captain ordered. "We'll wait in our saddles and not trouble to get down." "All right, if you'd rather not," Amanda said. "Do you mind telling me why you're here?" "We're here to put you off this place," said the captain. "Haven't you heard? This isn't Cherokee land any more; the chiefs signed it over to the government and now if s open for settlement. One or the other of these two gentlemen will probably claim it." "They can't do that!" Amanda protested. "It's our land— nobody else's. The chiefs had no right to sign it away. My husband's father worked this place, and his father before him. This is our home. This is where we belong." "No more," said the captain. "You belong in the removal camps down by the river, with the rest of the Indians. They're going to start shipping the Cherokees west tomorrow morning." Amanda sat down on the bench in the dogtrot, with her legs trembling under her. "All of us?" she asked. "Every one of you." "Let me call my son and send him for his daddy," Amanda said. "Hurry up!" Amanda went into the house, calling to the boy, who was just fourteen and had been standing, listening, behind the door. She gave him his father's old squirrel gun, and he sneaked his own blowgun and darts and slid out the back of the house. Amanda went back to the dogtrot and sat and waited. She sat there and waited, while the missionary, the trader, and the captain quarreled about which of their wives should cook in her kitchen. She let them quarrel and hoped her men were all right. Tsali and his older sons were working the overhill corn field, when the boy came panting up, and told them what had happened. "Is your mother all right?" Tsali asked. "She was when I left," the boy answered. "We'll hide in the woods till they're gone," Tsali told his �22 Oral Tradition older sons. "If they find us, they'll have to kill us to put us off this land." 'What about the women?" the oldest son asked. "They'll be all right," Tsali answered. "Your mother's a quick-thinking woman; she'll take care of them. If we can hide in the caves by the river till dark, we'll go back then and get them." They slipped away into the woods, downhill to the river, taking the boy with them, although he offered to go back and tell the white men he couldn't find his father. All afternoon Amanda waited. Her daughters-in-law saw the strange men and horses in front of the big house and came to join her. At dusk, the captain gave up and ordered his men to make camp in the front yard. "We'll wait here until the men came back," he said. With the white men camped all around the house, the women went into the kitchen and barred all the doors. It was a long time before the campfires made from the fence pickets ceased to blaze and began to smolder. It was a longer time until the women heard it—a scratch on the back door, so soft and so light that it would have embarrassed a mouse. Amanda slid back the bar, and Tsali and his sons slipped into the darkened room. There was just enough moonlight for them to make out each other's shapes. "We came to get you," Tsali said. "Come quickly. Leave everything except your knives. Don't wait a minute." Amanda and her daughters-in-law always wore their knives at their belts, so they were ready. One at a time, Tsali last, the whole family crept out of their home and escaped into the woods. In the morning, when the white men stretched and scratched and woke, the Ani Keetoowoh were gone. It was spring, and the weather was warm, but the rain fell and soaked the Cherokees. They had brought no food, and they dared not fire a gun. One of the daughters-in-law was pregnant, and her time was close. Amanda was stiff and crippled with rheumatism. They gathered wild greens, for it was too �ALICE MARRIOTT 23 early for berries or plums, and the men and boy trapped small animals and birds in string snares the women made by pulling out their hair and twisting it. Day by day, for four weeks, the starving family listened to white men beating through the woods. The Cherokees were tired and cold and hungry, but they were silent. They even began to hope that in time the white men would go away and the Indians would be safe. It was not to be. One trooper brought his dog, and the dog caught the human scent. So the dog, with his man behind him, came sniffing into the cave and Tsali and his family were caught before the men could pick up their loaded guns. The militiaman shouted, and other white men came thudding through the woods. They tied the Cherokee men's hands behind them and bound them all together along a rope. The militiamen pushed Tsali and his sons through the woods. The women followed, weeping. At last they were back at their own house, but they would not have recognized it. The troopers had plundered the garden, and trampled the plants they didn't eat. The door from the kitchen into the dogtrot hung askew, and the door to the main room had been wrenched off its hinges. Clothes and bedding lay in filthy piles around the yard. What the militiamen could not use, they ruined. "Oh, my garden!11 cried Amanda, and when she saw the scattered feathers, "Oh, my little hens!" "What are you going to do with us?" Tsali demanded. "Take you down to the river. The last boat is loading today. There's still time to get you on it and out of here." "I—will—not—go," Tsali said quietly. "You—nor you— nor you— nobody can make me go." "Our orders are to take all the Cherokees. If any resist, shoot them." "Shoot me, then!" cried Tsali. The captain raised his rifle. "Stop!" Amanda screamed. She stepped over beside her husband. "If you shoot, shoot us both," she ordered. "Our lives have been one life since we were no older than our boy here. I �24 Oral Tradition don't want to go on living without my husband. And I cannot leave our home any more than he can. Shoot us both." The four sons stepped forward. "We will die with our parents," the oldest one said. "Take our wives to the boat, if that is the only place they can be safe, but we stay here." He turned to his wife and the other young women. "That is my order as your husband," Tsalfs son said. "You must go away to the west, and make new lives for yourselves while you are still young enough to do so." The wives sobbed, and held out their arms, but the husbands turned their backs on the women. "We will stay with our parents," all the young men said. The young boy, too, stood with his brothers, beside his father. "Let this boy go," Tsali said to the white men. "He is so young. A man grows, and plants his seed, and his seed goes on. This is my seed. I planted it. My older sons and I have had our chances. They will leave children, and their names will never be forgotten. But this boy is too young. His seed has not ripened for planting yet. Let him go to care for his sisters on the way to the west." "Very well," said the captain. "He can't do much harm if he does live." He turned to the two militiamen. "Take the boy and the young women away," he ordered. "Keep them going till they come to the boats, and load them on board." The young women and the boy, stunned and silenced, were driven down the road before they could say good-by, nor would the troopers let them look back. Behind them, as they started on the long main road, they heard the sound of the shots. �ALICE MARRIOTT 25 Tsali 1. In what ways do the values of Tsali differ from those of the men who want his land? 2. Does Tsali fit your concept of a hero? Explain. 3. The conflict between the white man and the Indian is an age-old one. What are some of the basic causes of this conflict as illustrated in the story of Tsali? 4. The word seed is used symbolically at the end of this story. Discuss its meaning. 5. Is there evil in this story? Is there good? Are they presented implicitly or explicitly? �26 Oral Tradition GRATIS WILLIAMS (1911-1985) Gratis Williams was a noted folklorist. He grew up in Big Sandy Valley in Kentucky. Williams attended Cumberland College in Williamsburg, Kentucky. He received his bachelor's and master's degrees from the University of Kentucky and his doctorate from New York University. He taught at Appalachian State University where he became dean of the graduate school and where in 1974 he served as Acting Chancellor. His writings include scholarly works on the Southern mountaineer and Appalachian speech. The following was taken from a presentation he was invited to make describing the many characteristics of the dialect of the Southern Appalachian region. Dialect and Speech Begin, began, begun, for the mountaineer is begin, begin, begin or once in a while begin, begun, begun. This is a fairly easy thing to remember: the mountaineer has a prejudice against any past tense in which the middle vowel in standard English has become an a. Also, he does not bother his head in any way with fine distinctions in the use of such verbs as sit, set; lie, lay; rise, raise. Do you recall how your English teachers beat your heads �GRATIS WILLIAMS 27 just trying to help you get those things straight and made you so self-conscious that you had to put on the brakes while you figured out whether to say "sit" or "set"? The mountaineer doesn't have that trouble; he is very economical. He says "set" every time. He never says "sit," a putting-on-the-dog kind of word. He wouldn't say "sat" at all. It's "set" every time. To him, "lie" means to bear false witness, and except for that, he uses "lay" every time. The sun will "rise," and one can have a "risin," a bealing or a boil, on him. In other instances, one uses a form of "raise," as "He raised up." Perhaps that's enough about verbs, except that once in a while one will be astonished to hear a strange verb form that he has never heard before, like "skunt" for "skinned" or "juked" for "ducked." Here is a line from a song: "He beat his breast and away he sworn." An old woman might say she "shot" the door, but more often one would hear "shet." The mountain person also says "tuck" for "took" and "shuck" for "shook," as "He tuck it outside and shuck it." However, in mountain speech most double "o's" are pure. You can find vittles in a dictionary. It's a perfectly good word, and the mountaineer pronounces it correctly. It means food and is spelled victuals and pronounced vittles, the only pronunciation allowed for it. There's nothing wrong with the mountaineer's use of fetch, also a perfectly good word. And poke, of course, Chaucer used. Everybody knows the expression "pig in a poke," though most people that use it don't really know what it means. Poke is a Middle English word which means bag. If one has a polysyllabic word for a name, then, in the hill country he might have it reduced to one syllable or two. "Ebenezer" might become "Eb" or "Ebby"; "Cassandra" might be shortened to "Cassie"; or "Martelia" might become "Teal." In the word sergeant we still preserve the old fashioned pronunciation of that e before the r. We still say "sargent." The old fashioned mountaineer, when he got around to using the word eternal, said etarnal In time he dropped the first syllable and said 'tarnal. Tarnation has to do with damnation, and is a �28 Oral Tradition mild curse word. It would be used only in a polite situation, for when the mountaineer is in the right situation and wants to curse he has a magnificent vocabulary. He knows how to put things together. Scurillity, obscenity, and oaths he can weave together in an almost poetic discharge. But he has to be in just the right mood and in a real rage to do that. In polite society he'd use such words as tarnation or tarnations. Double negatives are used for emphasis, as Shakespeare did, and the Bible does. Therefore, the more you want to make a thing positive the more negatives you use. That's the way the mountaineers do it. That's the way it should have remained. The English teachers became bothered by negatives and started applying mathematics. They began talking about one negative's cancelling out another. "She don't never mean to do nothing, nohow, no time, no way about it." Now can one be more positive? I believe there are six negatives in a row in that sentence. I've already referred to the mountaineer's fondness for the Middle English preposition a-. He's fond of prepositions generally and the more of them he can put into a sentence the more accurately he believes he is saying what he means. Prepositional clusters in mountain speech are magnificent. They are handled so skillfully that they sometimes sound like one word. Unless you are really listening you don't notice them. You have heard fur to (for to). "Fur to make a rabbit pie, you've got first fur to catch a rabbit." Once, when I was a little boy, my mother was making pies one Saturday morning. I wanted one of those pies but she told me, "No, these pies are for company." I waited until she was busy in the kitchen, which joined the dining room. She had set the pies on the window ledge in the dining room to cool before putting them in the safe, a kind of cupboard, kept in the corner, which had metal doors and sides with perforations in the metal for ventilation. But the holes were so small that insects couldn't get in. We had no refrigeration then. We had a big dining room table with an ornately flowered oil cloth cover that came almost to the floor all the way around. When I found my mother preoc- �GRATIS WILLIAMS 29 cupied in the kitchen, I stole one of those pies and crept far back under the table to eat it. I was doing quite well with it when I heard my mother walk across the floor. All I could see were her shoes. She walked over to the window ledge. There was this very dramatic silence. I was holding my breath. My mother was not making a sound. In a moment, she lifted the corner of that tablecloth slowly, and peeked under it. With her face upside down, she said, "You come on up out from back down in under there, or I'll wear every bit of hide from off n your back." Let me repeat exactly what she said. "You come on up out from back down in under there. I'll wear every bit of hide from off from up on your back." One couldn't be more precise than that. But a long time ago we were told that we don't need all of those prepositions. You have to listen for them. They almost come out as one word. I want now to tell the beginning of a folktale, "The Fox and the Bumblebee." One'st they's a fox 'at 'lowed one mornin' he'd walk down to the mouth of the creek to the store. He had to have him a quarterlampal, an' a plug o' chawin backer, and he 'lowed by gonnies he might buy 'im a can of sammons if the price uz right. And whilst he uz a-sankerin along, a-thankin about first one thang and then t'other, he seed one of these here big yaller stripedy bellied bummel bees a-smoulin over a flare blossom 'at uz a-growin on a mornin glory vine on one of the postes thar by the side of the big road. So's'n he snuck up right easy like and rech out and snabbed him and popped him into a poke he had with'm, and then went on. Ditn't git stung nary time. D'reckly, he come to this here house 'at as a-standin acrosst the branch. He walked right down ferninst the door and hollerd "hello." A womern come and stuck her head out and said, "Whaf d you have, mister?" The fox says, "How about me a-leavin this here poke here whilst I go on down to the mouth of the creek to the store? I've got to git me a quart of lampal and a plug of chawin backer and I 'lowed by gonnies might buy me a can of sammons if the price is right." The womern said, "Why, come right in, if you can git in. I been aaimin to reddin up this here old place fer mighten nigh a �30 Oral Tradition week, but a body can't never git around to a-doin nothin, don't 'pear like. Jist putt it down yan side of the farplace, if you can find room fer it" Well, the fox he walked over and putt the poke down. Then, he looked at the womern right straight like, and says to her, says, "Now, don't you be a-openin that there poke whilst I'm gone." And then he went on. Well, agin he's out o' sight and sound of the house, the womern says, "Now, I jist wonder whaf s in that there poke? Aye gonnies, I'll see." So's'n she walked over and picked up the poke, ontied the strang, onwropped it, flipped the poke open, and the bee, o' course flew out, but her old rooster 'at jist happent to be a-standin there tuck out atter it. But, the dang thang got away. She tied the strang back, jist like it was, best she could ricollect, putt the poke back down, hooved it up a little in the middle so's'n hifd look like hit hatn't been teched, and went on about her work. Atter a while the fox comes back. He walks over and picks up the poke, onties the strang, onwrops it, but the bummel bee o' course is gone. He says, "Whur's my bummel bee?" The womern says, 'Why, I jist ontied the strang and opened the poke, and the bummel bee flew out. My old rooster jist happent to be a-standin there tuck out atter it, but the dang thang got away. 'Then," says the fox, "the rooster is mine." So's'n he ketched the rooster and popped him into the poke and then he went on. You know the story, I suppose. It is one of those aroundand-around stories. The fox goes from one house to another, repeating the same kind of deal. It's incorrect in America to add a t as in onest, but old fashioned Americans do. Onest and twicet are not restricted to the mountains. One hears them in the Midwest also. Aye in "aye gonnies11 means yes. Connies, a mild oath, might have something to do with what belongs to God, but is perhaps a dialectical pronunciation of "guineas," which were British gold pieces. I used to hear my father say that. The mountaineer will �GRATIS WILLIAMS 31 also say "by Jacks," which might mean "by Jackson" for Andrew Jackson, a great hero of the mountain folk, who still swear by him. According to records, many mountaineers continued to vote for Andrew Jackson for President for a generation after he died because they refused to vote for anybody else. "By gollies" may perhaps mean "by God," but I don't know. The go suggests God. Gollies might mean "God's laws." I've forgotten what gollies means, if I have ever known. "Gosh" means "God's wash," God's bath water, I believe. Outsiders say we'uns. I have never heard the mountaineers use the terms we'uns, you'uns, and his'un, and I've listened carefully. The outsider coming to the mountains will hear you'uns and our'n, and he'll go back home absolutely convinced that he heard them say we'uns, too, but I don't believe I have ever heard one say it. I always insist that they don't say it, but sometimes people will say to me, "Oh, you just haven't been listening. I know some who say it." I ask them to listen for it again and the next time they hear it to write it down and send me a note about it. I've received no notes. I believe people just think they have heard it. The syllabicated plural, as in ghostes and posies, was common in Middle English. One finds it in Chaucer's works. Third person present tense verbs are also syllabicated sometimes, as in "He boastes too much," or "She roastes chicken over a open far." The speech I was using in the story, incidentally, is the finest speech that a semi-literate or illiterate grandmother might use in telling her little grandson a story. That speech as delivered is spoken by perhaps not more than one million of the eight or nine million Appalachians still living in Appalachia. But everybody of Appalachian origin will have, unless they have worked very hard to improve their speech, some of the characteristics of the speech in the story I have told you. And that's to put the speech in the story in perspective so you won't think all mountain folks speak that way. Younguns, right out of Anglosaxon, means children. It's an Anglosaxon word that means "young ones." But it's not quite �32 Oral Tradition the same as "we'uns" and "you'uns." Let's assume that "we'uns" is sometimes heard. Fve never heard it used but let's assume it is. What does it mean? It means "we ones." Is there anything grammatically wrong with that? No. It's just for emphasis. "You'uns," exactly the same, means "you ones." "Your'n" means "your own." It's an idiomatic use. "Their'n," meaning "their own/1 is another. "You all" is not typical mountain speech. It's an interloper, an intruder, from outside. It's the kind of thing that self-conscious Southerners will drawl in order to call attention to themselves as Southerners, for Southerners are proud of their speech. Mountaineers are ashamed of theirs. "Sallet" is used for salad throughout the mountains but I believe it is heard elsewhere in the country, too. You probably hear it more often here. In the mountains it doesn't mean the same as salad. One might hear a mountain person talk about the salad and the sallet. He has two different things in mind. Sallet is greens he gathers in the garden and cooks. I remember my greatgrandfather, who died when I was 21. He used very old fashioned English, and as far as I know he was completely illiterate, but he would say "s'l" and "s'e" and "sas'I," and "sas'e," meaning "says I" and "says he." He died at the age of 93. His speech went away back almost to the time of Daniel Boone, who would have used these expressions, too. Mountain folk use weak forms of some verbs that remain strong verbs in standard English. Seed is one of them. They will say see, seed, seed, or seen. They have retained the Anglosaxon concept of the verb learn. In Anglosaxon, learn meant "to learn" or "to teach" either. So to the man who lives in the hills, "to teach" means simply to hold a school. He says teached instead of taught, but learn has to do with the act of learning. A mountaineer might say of a teacher, "We don't want him back in this community no more. He teached the poorest school I can remember. He didn't learn the younguns a thing." The mountain people have simply retained the old speech because they have been isolated. They have retained what appears to have been general among the Scotch-Irish at the time �GRATIS WILLIAMS 33 of the American Revolution. Some of these Scotch-Irish moved to other places and they carried their speech with them. One could go into the Ozarks, for example, and hear the same kind of speech we have here. One could go into Southern Indiana, where communities have retained their Scotch-Irish descendants, and hear the same kind of speech, or Ohio, or Illinois, or Missouri, even upstate New York. Wherever they went they carried their speech with them. "Again" is used as an adverbial conjunctive. That's the way it was in Middle English times. We had a man at Appalachian State University who worked for us a long time, a fine professor who used that all the time and never was aware that it was a mountain usage. One could hardly tell that he had a mountain origin, really. But he retained this and was not aware of it. It's interesting, too, that the mountain person seems to think again is two words, that gain is a noun and the object of the preposition a. He thinks this is a noun, I suspect, although he doesn't use the word as a noun. Hell say, "Well, he done it, and I said something to him, and then he done it again. I didn't want no trouble with him, but then he done it another gam, and I let him have it right between the eyes." He will say, "He done it again, and again, and then another gam." While I was in Kentucky last weekend I heard that. The mountaineer senses again as an adverbial conjunction, but it has long since ceased to be used as that in standard English. Did you notice in the story of the bumblebee that the teller of the story wanted to explain the obvious to you? "The bummel bee, of course, was gone." This reflects the literal mind of the mountaineer. With all of his good qualities, he is also literal minded. The Bible means just exactly what it says, not one word more. The mountain preacher must preach exactly from that Bible. If he has an argument to make, he marshals his arguments by quoting chapter and verse. Anything he says away from the Bible is thought of as "not Godly." He retains literal notions of politics, too. Politically, he tends to be just what his pappy was and he doesn't want to change. General- �34 Oral Tradition ly, he has not learned how to be abstract. Since he works from facts only, he seems unable to engage in abstractions. He doesn't understand courts of law that deal with civil issues. In fact, he doesn't trust the courts at all. He thinks the courts are instruments that provide for the manipulation of his affairs by his enemies. Typically, he would rather solve his own problems. Dialect and Speech 1. How is the mountaineer economical with verbs? 2. Suggest examples of polysyllabic names that are shortened in the way Ebenezer and Cassandra are. 3. What was the original purpose of double negatives? �JEAN RITCHIE 35 JEAN RITCHIE (1922- ) Jean Ritchie was born the fourteenth child in a family of singers and storytellers in Viper, Kentucky. After graduating from the University of Kentucky with a degree in social work, she went to New York to work in the Henry Street Settlement School. There she sang her way into the hearts of the settlement residents and met foMorists Alan Lomax and Burl Ives, who gave her opportunities to perform and record. These opportunities lead to her worldwide fame as a dulcimer player. In 1952 she received a Fulbright Scholarship to study folklore in the British Isles. She was one of the seven to make up the original board of directors of the Newport Folk Festival. Since the publication of her book Singing Family of the Cumberlands in 1955, she has continued to write, perform, and record. In this excerpt from that book, she writes about her parents' meeting and marriage and the influence of singing and storytelling in the Ritchie family. From Singing Family of the Cumberland^ Oftentimes we would pester Dad to tell us about how he had met up with Mom, and how they had courted and so on. Children are so curious about such things. But he would never �36 Oral Tradition want to talk about that to us, and always told us to hush—it wasn't none of our business. He wouldn't get mad when we asked him, but just acted like it shamed him, and he would look sideways at Mom and give a little dry laugh and go out and study the weather. It was the evening of their golden wedding anniversary that we finally got all the facts out of Mom and Dad. A soft June evening. The whole community had been in and out of our place that day, paying honor to them. We had cooked for weeks to be able to accommodate everybody with chicken and dumplings with all the trimmings, and it sure had been a big day. All the people brought presents, too. Dad had several gold tie-clasps and watch-chains, Mom had golden haircombs, earrings, and all kinds of jewelry, and there were stacks of gold-trimmed trays, dishes, flower vases, and knickknacks, all over the place. Best of all her presents Mom loved the one she got from Dad—a gold wedding band. After all these years! 'I reckon that settles it. I'm really married/ she said. Finally toward evening everybody went home, and we were resting ourselves with hot tea around the table. Dad had gone off to take a nap after the hard day. The ring must have given Mom nerve, for after a while she went off into their room and came back with a letter. 'I want all you children to see your Pa's letter/ she smiled. 'It's his first one he ever wrote to me. Handle it careful, it's old and crackly. Hard to read, too, yellow and fady, but you can tell what a pretty hand to write he was then. See how even the strokes of it, and the lovely curlicues! He was allus the best scribe in the countryside about, anybody will tell you that.' Miss Abigail Hall Dwarf, Kentucky, June the 23,93 Viper, Ky. Unknown Friend, A friend of yours, Miss Sallie Hall, says that you said you wanted some pretty boy to write to you. I guess you was just �JEAN RITCHIE 37 joking if you said that to Sallie, but nevertheless I take the liberty of addressing you, asking you to pardon me for my boldness. You need not think I am good looking by me writing, for I am not. Some of the boys has told me you are a nice pretty girl and of course I would love to see you, for I think we could be friends, don't you? I will give you a brief description of myself so you may judge what I look like. I am a young man 23 years of age, height 5 ft. 10 in. weight 150#, fair complexion, black eyes, light hair and stooped shouldered. If you axcept me as a correspondent I Think we could have some real good fun writing to each other, and very likely our correspondence would lead to something more serious. There is nothing that gives me more pleasure than receiving nice letters from the girls except being honored with the company of the writer. I have several correspondents who are strangers to me but we are interested in each others letters and if you answer this favorable I think I can interest you next time. If you should care to see my picture I will send you one with pleasure if you will send me yours. (After I send mine). Waiting anxiously for a favorable reply, I remain Your Unknown Friend, Balis Ritchie Dwarf, Ky. Dad came stomping to complain that he couldn't sleep for the noise we were making, and, of course, he saw what it was we were all exclaiming over. 'Abbie, what you a-doing?' He looked sheepish. But we wouldn't hush, and we asked them all manner of questions. Pretty soon they got to having such a good time recollecting that they well forgot we were there in the room. Mom began musing out loud. 'This'ns the very first love �38 Oral Tradition letter I ever got, and then next week he come to see me. Lordie, Balis, do you remember when's the first time you laid eyes on me? It's a pure wonder you would have me after that, but I didn't take to you much neither that first sight we had of one another! Tap and all of us were in the field above the house one day in July. It was nigh dinnertime, and we'uz a working hard to get our round hoed out when here come Betton, my baby sister, just a-cutting through the stalks. She couldn't get good breath, she had run so fast. Pap grabbed at her, scared to death. He thought Mam was sick or something. "There's a stranger home," she was just grinning and jumping up and down and acting so feisty. "He's the properest thing. Says he's a schoolteacher. From over in Knott he comes." '"Well what's he wanting here?" Pap wondered. Pap was a good man. He looked off toward the house and fanned himself with his old flop hat. At last he struck his hoe into the ground and started off down the hill. "Dinnertime anyway. Guess maybe I ought to be seeing what he needs of us." 'Betton hollered, "Hunh, he ain't a-wanting to see you. He's come to spark Abbie. He says, 'Does Miss Abigail Hall live here?'" She was a-mocking his voice. "And when I said yes, he lit right down off n his hoss and come in, said howdy to Mammy Sally, said he guessed he'd wait till Abigail got in home." Betton, she tore out through the corn, and I threw the hoe after her. '"Hush you scamp. You don't have to holler so loud and act so crazy. Wait'll I catch up with you, little feisty-britches!" 'Boys, I hated to go in home worse'n I ever hated to do anything. I was the messiest, dirtiest, poorest-looking critter you ever did see. Barefooted, old brown calico dress all tore and faded, old, black, dirty man's hat with holes in it big enough to throw a cat through. Sweat a-streaming down to my toes, and cornfield dust all over me. And the other girls and Philip 'uz all a-teasing the life out of me cler down the hill, having them a big time. Then to cap it all Mammy Sally run out into the side �JEAN RITCHIE 39 yard and commenced blowing the living daylights out of the old dinner-horn. Musta blowed it ten or fifteen times fore she run out of breath. Any other time we'd a-thought the house was afire or something, but today I knew it was just her way of teasing me, too. 'Well, I got down to the back gate, and I couldn't stand the thoughts of saying howdy to him and me looking thataway, so I slipped around the backside of the house. Thinks I, I'll just slip in the back room and change my clothes, put on some shoes, and make Betton bring me the washpan back there. Sailed around the corner of the house, and there he was adrying his hands on the towel, and a-grinning like he knew I'd come thataway. Mammy Sally had set him up in the back room to wash and get ready for dinner. Boys, I wisht then I could sink plum through the earth. I wheeled and tuck back around the house. I was so hot and sunburnt and mad that I couldn't see straight. I thought I never would get over it, him a-catching me like that, and him so proper. I stomped into the kitchen, and I just felt like laying them all out east and west. 'Mam whispered, "Well, lassie, wait till you see what a proper man has come to see you!" 'I was about to bust out crying then, and I hollered, "I've done and seen him! Mary-Ann or Rhodie can have him for all I care too. I think he's the ugliest thing I ever saw in my life and I'm not going to pay any attention to him." 'So I just washed my face and hands and that's all. Come to the table barefooted and in my ragged dress. Couldn't think of a solitary thing to say to that feller. He kept looking at me and grinning, and I kept on looking at the vittles on my plate. Mammy Sally and Pap and t'others seemed like they had a good time talking to him and listening to him tell, but I couldn't open my mouth to save me. It's a pure wonder he ever looked at me again. 'He came back to see me though. Kept right on till we got so we could talk to one another, and somewhere in during that year we got to talking about marrying. So, we'uz promised. I was sixteen and him twenty-three. That winter he had to study �40 Oral Tradition for his teaching certificate, and couldn't come over much, and then, too, it was a long trip through the mountains from Knott County in the winter weather. In wintertime at home we generally had school for a few months, and I went steady that year. He seemed so much smarter than me! 'I was in what you'd call about the sixth or seventh grade nowadays, somewhere along there. But it was a hard matter to keep my mind on book learning, so it didn't make much difference to me what grade I was in. I'd set with my eyes on the snowy hills and dream about my wedding day. What it would be like, how long off and how close up it seemed, and what kind of cloth Pap would bring me for my dress. To this day I can't work sums and fractions because my mind just wasn't on the lessons that year. Tears like I wanted to study and learn, but I couldn't somehow, to do any good. 'About the only thing I did learn that whole winter was, I remember, one day some of us girls were a-walking together at recess and Mary Jane Combs got to singing at a little song. Foolish little thing, but I got struck on the words and that evening I walked home with her and made her sing it over until I learnt it. After that I sung it around the house so much that Mammy Sally threatened to whup me if I didn't hush. It was "Somebody.1" l.Some- Some- Some- bo- bo- bo- dy's dy's dy's tall fond hair Some- bo- dy's eyes are, too. and and is hand- some, true ve- 2.1 ry black and �JEAN RITCHIE 41 Somebody's tall and handsome, Somebody's fond and true, Somebody's hair is very black and Somebody's eyes are, too. I love somebody fondly, I love somebody true, I love somebody with all of my heart And somebody loves me too. Somebody came to see me, Somebody came last nightSomebody ask me to be his bride Of course I said all right. I am somebody's darling, I am somebody's pride, And the day is not far distance When I'll be somebody's bride. Somebody's tall and handsome, Somebody's fond and true, Somebody's hair is very dark, Somebody's eyes are, too. 'That's pretty. I remember it well, mighty well,' said Dad. 'Seems like I heard it, "Somebody's eyes are blue," though.' Dad has brown eyes. Mom looked flustered at that, and dropped her eyes to her lap. You could hardly hear what she said when she spoke. She was all smiling. 'It is supposed to be thataway. But I changed it a little/ she said. We all stayed quiet and by and by she remembered some more. 'On the day we got married I rose up before day and crossed over the river down yonder at the shoal to where the rhododendron was blooming there at the foot of the mountain. Seems like it always did grow the tallest and bloom the biggest whitest blossoms right there. I had got a notion to carry flowers �42 Oral Tradition at my wedding, and I had been spying on the rhododendron for several days. I gathered my arms full of them and waded back over and started to getting ready. I had to iron my dress, taking care not to scorch it, it was so white. Dad got the goods at the store. It was thin white goods with little ribs in it—now I forget what we called it—and I made the dress myself, in the pattern they made dresses then, with long puff sleeves and a high neck and full gathered skirt. 'The morning passed away so quick, and before I knew it Balis was there, and we were standing up together in the yard, getting married. Uncle Ira Combs married us—I asked for him special. Dad had on a new suit, and I thought I was sure getting a pretty man. They combed my hair and fastened it with combs, and carrying the flowers made me feel pretty and fine. 'The old custom is to stay the first night at her father's house, have a party and the wedding breakfast and so on, then to go the next day to his father's house, for the infare. I remember we got up early that first morning of our married life, and we saddled the horses before the rooster crowed and were on the way to Clear Creek before the sun rose. That's thirty mile easy. See if you catch folks today setting out to ride thirty mile one day's trip on a nag! Only way we had though, and it was a high good day we had for going. The sun was shining and it was right warm and windy. My traveling dress was black sateen with white collar and cuffs, and I wore that and rode side-saddle. That was a funny time that trip. Doe Ritchie they call him now, Sam his name is, he took a notion to go along with us to the infare, and he's allus a right jokey kind of feller. Going across the Duane Mountain he got to showing off what a good rider he was, turned himself around right backards on the old mare and went whooping and hollering, making that nag just gallop along. Come to a bunch of cattle lying in the road, and he says, "Watch me ride right through them cows and not touch a one!" He rode in amongst them, but he couldn't see so well, him setting backards, and as he was twisting around trying to keep the mare from stepping on a cow, a little black yearling raised up right quick just as the horse went �JEAN RITCHIE 43 over it. Hit the horse in the belly and she reared and Sam went flying off on his head. Didn't have a thing to catch onto, the way he was sitting. Swear we liked to have died laughing at him, soon as we found out he wasn't hurt much. 'Well, we pulled in about dinnertime, and they's all waiting for us. I reckon all of Clear Creek was there to see us ride in, and to take our infare with us. The dinner was sitting on the table ready. Chicken and dumplings and turkey and dressing, fresh-killed pork, squirrel, cakes and pies and garden truck. We all sat down to eat and we didn't get up from that table until near dark, and then as I recollect it we wound up with dancing and gaming and singing all night till clear daybreak. Wasn't that a time!' Dad broke out laughing with his own memories. 'We'd not been married but a day or two when they took a notion to shivaree us. Lordie mercy, seemed like they'uz a hundred people come in on us, but we got to naming them after that and it was just ten or fifteen boys and girls around on the Creek. But they were a-meaning business and I guess they'd shore have rid me on a rail, hadn't been for Mam getting so vexed and getting ahead of them. 'We were staying at my Mam's then, Granny Katty's, until we could move out to ourselves. Abbie and Katty had just finished washing the supper dishes. We had been somewheres that day, and had a right late supper. Katty was complaining because it was so dark and she had to burn up so much coaloil to light our supper and their kitchen work afterwards. As I recall, it was one of the black dark nights when you couldn't see hand fore your face, no moon, and clouds kivering the stars up solid. I sot on the porch awhile until I heard them come out of the kitchen and I got up to go in where they were at, and when my eyes hit that light I commenced batting my eyelids, couldn't see a mortal thing. Little old oil lamp didn't give off much light, you know, but that thick night had really settled in my eyes and even that much light fixed me up so I couldn't see for a minute. 'Whilst I was blinking in the doorway there, the women- �44 Oral Tradition folks got awful still and Abbie said, "Katty, do you hear something?" "Why yes, I do hear like people whispering and giggling. I thought it was Balis a-humming to himself but yander he stands on the doorsill." 'Bout that time a man's voice hollered out, loud as a thunderclap, "All right, Balis, come on out now you and Abbie! We come to get you!" 'Didn't take Mam no time to get it sized up. "Them scalawags. They're a-coming in now for to shivaree you young uns. Confound their hides! You'd think they'd be dacent enough to wait a week, anyways. Run, Abbie, you and Balis, you-all can slip out the front way and run off down in the bottom there and hide. I'll tell them rascals you'uns went to Hindman this morning early. Hurry!" 'She pushed the both of us out into the night and shot the door soft, and me and Abbie here lit out down through the bottom, a-stumbling and a-falling along in gyarden truck. By that time my eyes had give it up; I might just as well been stone blind. Abbie, too. We couldn't see a natural blessed thing, but we finally barked our shins on a log I knew to be close to the road. Behind that log, betwixt it and the palings, was a sort of a sink place with bresh and trees growing round it. We hid in thar and boys, that was a master hiding place. Not too fur away from the house but that we could hear them talk, and with the lamp shining out the doors we could see them all wandering around, all in a puzzlement as to where we had got to. One said he knew we were thar, said he heard Abbie talking to Katty in the kitchen. Katty said he was just teched in the head, hearing booger voices. Her dry, deep voice sounded out plain as day. '"Sarch about, sarch about, if you won't take my word for it!" she'd say, and she sounded mad. She let out to give them a piece of her mind then, and all the time me and Abbie was killing ourselves laughing out there in the dark. '"O, now Katty, all we was aiming to do was to catch them home and get you to let us run some sets. Call them out now. �JEAN RITCHIE 45 Do, Katty. Tell them we won't bother them, just run a set or two, play Boston and Charlie around a little and then go home. What do you say now?" '"Ef'n you so much as offer to lay a hand on them young uns, I'll make you wish you hadn't. Long as you agree to be civil, though, I reckon you're welcome to stay and pop your heels together some. But only for as long as you stay civil." 'They all give their solemn promise not to do any thing mean to us, and she stepped out on the porch and hollered us out. They all just whooped and hollered when we come in, and they giggled and joshed us around, made sly remarks to one another for a while. Katty and Abbie flew around setting out candles and lamps and carrying the chairs out into the kitchen. We scrooched the beds back against the wall and in no time atall we were all a-stepping Charlie. Folks passing by in the road heard that good music, and they'd come by in to see why there was dancing at Katty Ritchie's and they not told about it. The ones that came in after the play got sot in its numbers stood around the wall and watched and holp us clap and sing the words. Charlie's neat, and Charlie's sweet And Charlie he's a dandy, Charlie he's the very lad That stole my striped candy. Very lively 0 I «? Flirt 4 * 1 Char- J lie's J. neat 3 and 1 U mi «y J Char- HH 1n •* Char- J lie's L* ml J lie J he's . a 1 J dan- _^ dy, C ml J. sweet, stole my strip- ed 1 i rnfc«««™™« 1 1 Char- F mi J^i r^-r-il J ,141 ve- ry lad that ] And can- dy. lie he's the �46 Oral Tradition Over the river to feed my sheep And over the river, Charlie, Over the river to feed my sheep And to measure up by barley. My pretty little pink, I once did think I never could do without you, Since I lost all hopes of you I care very little about you. Over the river to feed my sheep And over the river Charlie, Over the river to feed my sheep And to measure up my barley. Don't want your wheat, don't want your cheat, And neither do I want your barley, But I'll take a little of the best you got To bake a cake for Charlie. Over the river to feed my sheep And over the river, Charlie, Over the river to feed my sheep And to measure up my barley. 'Well, 'peared like the longer we gamed, the more folks we gyarnered in. And Granny Katty, she begun to get into the sperrit of things—she allus did love merriment—and she fotch out her gingerbread stackcake that she had baked for Sunday. After I begged her awhile, she even let us drink a little bit of the elderberry wine that I had holpen her make, and she got to feeling better and better. Now, if there was anything your Granny Katty was hard against, it was making a fool out of yourself over likker, so she was keeping a lookout wherever a knot of boys gathered up to see that no corn was circulating. Once when she was passing by the only window in the house— they didn't have may windows to speak of back then, just a little hole about a foot square, face high in the hall betwixt the �JEAN RITCHIE 47 front room and the kitchen—well she passed by and she thought she heard some chaps talking out thar, so she peeped out, and sure enough, there in under the pear tree was four or five of them speaking lowly among themselves. Granny knew by the way they acted that they were up to something, so she strained her ears and she heard them a-making it up to "git Balis out and fix him up proper." Meaning to ride me on a rail, and Lord knows what else. 'Granny Katty she just sailed in to the kitchen fireplace, and grabbed her up a shovel full of firecoals, run to that window, reared back, and let them red-hot cinders fly right at the middle of that knot of boys. She was a-letting fly with her tongue, too, and wasn't nobody alive could do that better'n her. /H YOU low-down villifying varmints! Ain't got the sense you'uz born with! Git from here and don't go showing your face-and-eyes on my place another time this night, any one of you! Scannle and shame!" 'Boys, them fellers never knew what hit them. They yipped and bettered and lit out in all directions, knocking the f irecoals out of their hair. Thar were fellers a-leaping the palings all around the house thar for a few minutes. 'Then Granny and the rest of us had the best laugh about it. They all got the p'int that Katty meant no foolery, though. She made it plain that she had something worse to do to the next bunch that got to sneaking out under pear trees and scheming meanness. Then someone yelled: '"O, the Devil take the pear tree! Les all go to Boston! Circle up!" 'That was the last of the shivareeing that night. Abbie and me they made be the head couple, and there were so many people scrouged into the circle that it got midnight on us fore we finished up with Boston. Good-bye girls I'm goin to Boston, Good-bye girls I'm goin to Boston, Good-bye girls I'm goin to Boston, Ear-lye in the morning. �48 Oral Tradition Strong dance beat,-not too fast l.Good- bye, girls, good- bye, girls, I'm goin1 to Bos- goin1 I'm goin' to Bos- ton; ton, ear- lye in to Bos- ton; good- bye, girls, I'm the morn- in1. Won't we look. pret- ty in the ball- room? Won't we look. pret- ty in the ball- room? Won't we look pret- ty in the ball- room morn- in'? Saddle up girls and les go with them, Saddle up girls and les go with them, Saddle up girls and les go with them, Ear-lye in the morning. Out of the way, you'll get run over, Out of the way, you'll get run over, Out of the way, you'll get run over, Ear-lye in the morning. Rights and lefts will make it better, ear- lye in the �JEAN RITCHIE 49 Rights and lefts will make it better, Rights and lefts will make it better, Ear-lye in the morning Won't we look pretty in the ballroom? Won't we look pretty in the ballroom? Won't we look pretty in the ballroom Ear-lye in the morning? Johnnie, Johnnie, goin to tell your Pappy, Johnnie, Johnnie, goin to tell your Pappy, Johnnie, Johnnie, goin to tell your Pappy Ear-lye in the morning. Won't we look pretty in the ballroom? Won't we look pretty in the ballroom? Won't we look pretty in the ballroom Ear-lye in the morning? 'I well remember one song was sung that night. You know how at plays they'll all drap down on the floor when they're given out with games, and begin to sing, one after another? Well, when they asked John S. Combs to sing, he sung one that had for a long time been a favorite of mine, and I learnt it all from him, after that. Fore he started his song, he said he aimed to sing a pretty love song, since he reckoned that would be most to mine and Abbie's liking right now. That made everybody laugh and all the girls turn rosy in the face. You know what song it is I'm talking about; that one that starts out, "I've been a foreign lander, full seven long years or more." I've been a foreign lander, full seven long years and more; Among the bold commanders, where the thundering cannons roar. I've conquered all my enemies, both all on land and sea; It is my dearest duel, your beauty has conquered me. �50 Oral Tradition I've se- mong been ven the a for- long years bold com- ing can- con- quered all my e- ne- mies, is my dear- est du- el, your eign land- and more, mand- nons both ers roar. er where full the I've all on land and seaf it beau- ty has con- quered me. If I should build a ship my love, without the wood of tree, That ship would burst asunder if I prove false to thee. If ever I prove false my love, the elements will turn, The fire will freeze to ice, my love, the sea will rage and burn. Don't you remember Queen Ellen, all in her flowery reign, As she walked out of her paradise, to cleanse the golden chain? Her beauty and behavior, none with her could compare, But you my dearest darling, are more divinely fair. I wish I was a turtledove, just fluttering from my nest; Fd sing so clear in the morning, with the dew all on my breast; �JEAN RITCHIE 51 So sweetly would be the music, so doleful and sad the tune, I'd sing so clear in the morning in the beautiful month of June. I wish I was ten thousand mile, all on some lonesome shore, Or among the rocky mountains, where the wild beasts howl and roar. The lark, the lilly owl, the eagle, and the little swallow too, I would give them all, my dearest love, if I was married to you. 'Lordie, now ain't it quare how things will come back to you so plain like that! I hain't thought of that shivaree night in many a long year now, and still and all it's like it just now happened. Fifty year ago, fifty year, little doney-gal. What do you think of that? 'Thirteen out of fourteen young tins all raised up grown, all good girls and boys, all turned out like we hoped they would, and better, only none of the girls growed to be as pretty as their ma, and I guess I'm better-looking than any of the boys! 'I recollect now even to the end of that there party. Granny Katty said one more song, or game, whichever we would choose. Well, you know a game can allus outlast a song, don't matter how many verses a song has. We'uz all feeling lovey anyhow after all the sweet singing, so we played a kissing game, and Granny she fined in. Fact of the matter I believe she was the one that led off "Maria." I wonder where Maria's gone, I wonder where Maria's gone, I wonder where Maria's gone, Ear-lye in the morning. Guess she's gone where I can't go, Guess she's gone where I can't go, Guess she's gone where I can't go, Ear-lye in the morning. �52 Oral Tradition Yonder she comes and howdy-do! Yonder she comes and howdy-do! Yonder she comes and howdy-do! Take a sweet kiss and pass on through! Very fast I.I ri- won- der where Mar- a's gone, ear- lye in the I morn— won- i- a's gone, I der where Ma- won- der where Ma- i- a's gone, ing. Then they finally all left out, and Katty flaxed about like the Devil was atter her, blowing out lights east and west to save waste. Did you think that night—thirteen young uns raised up grown! Reckon we done our share for this old world, Abbie. Reckon we ought to be thankful to the good Lord that we're still alive after fifty years to tell the tale.f/ �JEAN RITCHIE 53 Singing Family of the Cumberlands 1. What was the occasion that prompted the children to find out about Mom and Dad's courtship? 2. Describe Abbie's first meeting with Balis. 3. When Abbie and Balis were married, they were given an infare and a shivaree. An infare is a wedding supper, and a shivaree is a mock serenade with kettles, pots, and horns. What marriage customs do we have today that may have evolved from these two customs? 4. According to Gratis Williams' essay on mountain speech in Chapter 1, mountaineers have their own dialect just as New Englanders, Southerners, and many others have. Find dialectical expressions in this story which vary from standard English. �54 Oral Tradition Mo. 3 - �CARTER FAMILY SONG 55 THE CARTER FAMILY In July of 1927 the Carter Family of Maces Springs, Virginia—A.P., his wife Sara, and her cousin Maybelle, who was married to A.P/s brother—journeyed to Bristol on the Tennessee-Virginia line to meet Ralph Peer, Victor Records' country music scout. Here are Sara's words about that day. "We made three records. 'Single Girl, Married Girl7 tipped it off." Single Girl, Married Girl Single girl, single girl, she's going dressed so fine, Oh, she's going dressed so fine; Married girl, married girl, she wears just any kind. Oh, she wears just any kind. Single girl, single girl, she goes to the store and buys, Oh, she goes to the store and buys; Married girl, married girl, she rocks the cradle and cries, Oh, she rocks the cradle and cries. Single girl, single girl, she's going where she please; Oh, she's going where she please; �56 Oral Tradition Married girl, married girl, baby on her knee, Oh, baby on her knee. Single Girl, Married Girl 1. Do you agree with the message of this song? Explain. 2. Could the song apply to boys as well as girls? Why or why not? 3. What advantages do married girls have that the song fails to point out? �JOHN HENRY 57 JOHN HENRY This is one of the most popular American folk songs. It tells of the legendary steel-driving man who died with a hammer in his hand. John Henry went upon the mountain His hammer was striking fire. But the mountain was too tall, John Henry was too small So he laid down his hammer and he died, Lord, Lord, Laid down his hammer and he died. John Henry went into the tunnel Had his captain by his side. The last words that John Henry said: Bring me a cool drink of water 'fore I die, Lord, Lord, Cool drink of water 'fore I die. John Henry had a little woman And her name was Polly Ann John Henry took sick and he had to go to bed Polly drove steel like a man, Lord, Lord, Polly drove steel like a man. �58 Oral Tradition Talk about John Henry as much as you please Say and do all that you can. There never was born in the United States Never such a steel-driving man, Lord, Lord, Never such a steel-driving man, Lord, Lord, John Henry told his captain: I want to go to bed. Lord, fix me a pallet, I want to lay down, Got a mighty roaring in my head, Lord, Lord, Mighty roaring in my head. They took John Henry to the graveyard And they buried him under the sand. Now every locomotive comes a-roaring by Says: Yonder lies a steel-driving man, Lord, Lord, Yonder lies a steel-driving man. "John Henry" 1. John Henry is referred to as a steel-driving man. What does this mean? 2. What was John Henrys job? When he went upon the mountain, what did he do with his hammer? 3. What does this song say about dedication? Is this the main idea of the song? Be able to defend your answer with proof from the song. �GEORGE WASHINGTON HARRIS 59 GEORGE WASHINGTON HARRIS (1814-1869) Born in Pennsylvania, George Washington Harris moved to Knoxville, Tennessee, at the age of five. After limited schooling, he was apprenticed to a jeweler. Then he became captain of the first regularly-scheduled steamboat out of Knoxville while he also advertised himself as "a craftsman in the metals generally." Later he became a railroad conductor. In 1867, Harris published his Sut Lovingood's Yarns, narrated by an unpolished but good-natured Tennessee mountaineer. Comic, sometimes bawdy, and full of dialect, these yarns spring from a tradition in mountain storytelling, "the big lie," an exaggeration designed to make the listener laugh. But Harris was more than a comedy writer. His stories poke fun at society's most respected institutions—marriage, the church, and the government. Sut Lovingood is not above exposing human nature's dark or weak side with his antics. By making us laugh at ourselves and our society, Harris attempts to instruct as well as entertain. "Old Skissim's Middle Boy," which follows, is about a devilish trick Sut played when he was a young boy. Old Skissim's Middle Boy When I war a littil over half grown, hed sprouted my tail feathers, an' wer beginnin tu crow, thar wer a livin in the neigh- �60 Oral Tradition borhood a dredful fat, mean, lazy boy, 'bout my age. He wer the middil son ove a ole lark, name Skissim. He tinkered ontu ole clocks, an7 spinin wheels, et lye hominy, an7 exhortid at meetin fur a livin, while this middil boy ove hisen, did the sleepin fur the hole famurly. He cud beat a hog an' a hungry dorg eatin, an' then beat his eatin wif his sleepin, es bad es his eatin beat the eatin ove a rat, arter bein shut in a church, ur a snake in a jug wif no mouf tu hit. They waked him tu eat, an' then hed tu wake him agin tu make him quit eatin; waked him tu go tu the spring, an' waked him tu start back agin; waked him tu say his prayers, an' waked him tu stop sayin 'em. In fac they wer allers a-wakin him, an' he wer allers a-goin tu sleep agin. Ole Skissim waked 'im wif a waggin whip, an' a buckshot in the cracker, what he toted apupus. His mam waked him wif the tea-kittU an' scaldin warter. Bof the buck-shot cracker an' the warter los tar vartu et las, an' they jis' gin him over tu onaindin sleepin, an' onmitigated hardness ove hed. Charley Dickins's son, the fat boy, mout been es ni kin tu him es a secund cuzzin, ef his mam wer a pow'ful wakeful 'oman. I hedn't foun' out then, sartinly, that I wer a natrl born durnd fool. I sorter suspishioned hit, but still hed hopes. So I wer fool enuf tu think I wer smart enuff tu break him frum snoozin all the time, so I lay wake ove nites fur a week, fixin the way tu du hit; an' that minds me tu tell yu what I thinks ove plannin an' studdyin: hit am ginerly no count. All pends, et las' on what yu dus an' how yu kerries yursef at the moment ove ackshun. Sarcumstances turn about pow'ful fas', an' all yu kin du is tu think jis' es fas es they kin turn, an' jis' es they turn, an' ef yu du this, I'm durned ef yu don't git out sumhow. Long studyin am like preparin a supply ove warter intu a wum hole barril, tu put out fire: when the fire dus cum, durn'd ef yu don't hev tu hustil roun pow'ful fas', an' git more warter, fur that's nun in the barril. But es I wer a-tellin yu, I studied out at las' a plan what I thort wud wake the devil; an' I sot in tu kerrin hit out. The ole man Skissim an' his wife went tu a nite meetin, and tuck the ballance ove his ur rather her brats—a feller shu'd allers �GEORGE WASHINGTON HARRIS 61 be pow'ful keerful in speakin on that pint. I'se allers hearn that hit tuck a mons'us wise brat to know hits daddy, an' I thinks hit takes a wiser daddy tu know his own brats. Dad never wud speak sartin bout eny ove our famerly but me, an7 he counted fur that by sayin I wer by a long shot tu cussed a fool tu belong tu enybody else, so I am a Lovingood. My long laigs sumtimes sorter bothers me, but then mam tuck a pow'ful skeer et a sanhill crane a-sittin on a peel'd well-pole, an she out-run her shadder thuty yards in cumin half a mile. I speck I owes my laigs an' speed tu that sarcumstance an7 not tu eny fraud on mam's part. Well, they went tu nite meetin an' lef him in the kitchin fas' asleep, belevin tu fine him right thar when they cum back: but they wer mistaken'd that pop, fur when they cum they foun the widest awake boy ever born'd in that ur eny uther house, ur outen doors either, an' es tu bein rite thar he warn't by a durn'd site; he wer here, thar, an' every whar, et the same time, an' ef he hed any apertite fur vittils jis' then, he didn't hang out his sign, that I cud see. They lef him sittin ontu a split-bottom cheer, plum asleep all over, even tu his ole hat. I tuck about thuty foot ove clothes line, an' tied him tu the cheer by his neck, body, an' arms, levin his laigs loose. He looked sorter like the Lion in the spellinbook, when the rat wer a-cuttin a fish net off ove him. That wern't a skeer'd rat, wer he? I hed him safe now tu practize on, an' I sot in tu duin hit, sorter this way: I painted his face the culler ove a nigger coalburner, scept a white ring roun his eyes; an' frum the corners ove his mouf, sorter downards, slouchwise, I lef a white strip. Hit make his mouf look sorter like ontu a hoss track an' ni ontu es big. He wer a fine picter tu study, ef your mind wer fond ove skeery things. He look't savidge es a sot steel trap, baited wif asnick, an wer jis' fit fur tresun, straterjim, an' tu spile things. Tu this day, when I dreams ove the devil, dad, Passun Bullin, an' uther orful oppressive things, that infunel boy, es he look't that nite, am durnd intermitly mix't wif the hole ove em. I speck he's dead 'is the reason ove hit. I screw'd ontu each ove his years a par ove iron hanvices, �62 Oral Tradition what his dad squeezed ole clocks, an' crac't warnuts wif, an' they hung down like over-grow'd year-rings; I tied a gridiron tu wun ankil, an' a par ove fire-tongs tu tuther; I pour'd a bottil ove groun red-pepper down his back, onder his shut; I turn'd loose a pint ove June-bugs, what I kotch apupus, into his buzzum, an' buttoned em up; I tied a baskit full ove fire crakers tu the cheer back, tu his har, an' tu his wrists; I button'd up a big grey-whisker'd aggravated ole rat, tied wif a string intu the slack ove his britches; tuther aind ove the string wer fas' ontu his gallus button, an the rat, like all the res' ove that tribe, imejuntly sot in cuttin his way out; but owin tu his parvarse nater ur the darkness ove the place, he sot in tu cuttin the wrong way; he wer a workin towards the back-bone, an' furder frum the britches, every cut. I learnt this fac' frum the cheer risin frum the flure, an' falUn agin jis' tu rise imejuntly a littil higher, an' sum souns, a mixtry ove snort, snore, grunt, an' groan, which he wer beginin tu isoo tolabil fas, an' gettin louder every bounce ove the cheer, an' becumin more like ontu a howl every pop. In the beginin ove his oneasines he dream'd ove wagin whip, nex' he dream'd ove a tea-kittil es big es a still, an lots ove bilin warter, an' nex he drempt ove bof ove 'em; an' now he wer a dreamin that the tea-kittil wer a steam ingine, a drivin the waggin whip, an' a cottin gin wif red hot saws fifteen hundred licks a minit, an' that he wer in the cottin hopper. I now thot hit ni ontu the proper time tu tetch the crackers, so es tu hev everything bar hits shar in the kontemplated cummin waknin. An' I did hit. The fust handful ur so gwine off help'd, wif the industry ove that energetic ole rat, the sarchin ove the red pepper, an' the permiskus scratchin roun ove the bugs, tu begin tu wake him sorter gradually, a littil faster nor light bread rises, an' a littil slower then a yeathquake wakes weazels. A few hundred more gwine off, still hevin the rat, pepper, an' insex tu back em, got him wide enuf awake tu bleve that he wer threatened wif sum orful pussonal calamerty, what wanted pow'ful quick work on his part tu dodge. He wer awake now all over, even tu his durnd ole hat, an' he show'd hit in es meny ways es a cat dus, lock'd up in a empty room wif �GEORGE WASHINGTON HARRIS 63 a strange an' interprisin big dorg. He grabbed the fire shovil, an' bounc'd half bent (the cheer kep him frum straitin up) all over that kitchen, a strikin overhanded, onder-handed, up-handed, down-handed, an' lefhanded, at every 'spishus shadder he seed. He fit by the light ove ten million sparks; he wer es active as a smut-mercheen in full blast, an' every grain ove wheat a spark. An' he wer a hollerin everything anybody ever did holler in dredful tribulashun ove spirit, even tu, "Now I lay me down tu sleep," an' "Gloree." When I'se in trubbil, skeer, ur tormint, I dus but wun thing, an' that's onresistabil, onekeled, an' durn'd fas' runnin, an' I jis' keeps at hit till I gits cumfort. Now his big idear onder nise an' varigated hurtin wer tu fite, an' keep on a-fitin, ontil peace ove mine cum. I never seed sich keryins on in all my born'd days. He made more fuss, hit more licks at more things, wer in more places, an' in more shapes, in a shorter time, then eny mortal auctioneer cud tell ef he hed es meny tungs es a baskit full ove buckils. Every now an' then he'd gin his head a vishus, vigrus shake, an' the han-vices wud hit him fore an' arter, till his skull rattiled like ontu a ole gourd. The ole Skisskn an' his tribe cum home frum meetin, an' hearin the onyeathly riot, thort sumbody hed opened a dorggery in thar kitchen an' that a neighborhood fite were gwine on, an' every feller's dorg along. They rushed in tu drive out the crowd, an' capter the whisky, an' a durnder more misfortinit mistake never wer make by a man, 'oman, an' a string ove fifteen brats, since ole Bill Shivers went fur a runnin threshin-meesheen tu smash hit, thinkin hit wer a big musickbox. The ole hoss hisse'f imejuntly cum in contack wif a holesum knock down, what calm'd him intu sumthin mons'us like sleep, fur about a minit. Now a heap ove things ken happen in a minit, purtickerly ef thar's sumbody who hes sot his hole soul tu the bisiness ove makin em happen. Hit wer so in that kitchen. Agin the ole feller cum tu, the ole 'oman wer knocked hed fust intu the meal-barril, whar she wer breathin more meal nur air, an' she wer snortin hit up over the aidges ove the barril like hit wer �64 Oral Tradition a fountin playin corn meal. The ol'est gal wer sturn fus' in a soap-kittil, an' she wor a-makin suds outen sum ove hit. The nex' wun wer laingthwise belly down in the pot corner. The biggest boy wer whar the back-log orter been, ontu his all fours a-scratchin up all the embers an' ashes, a-tryin tu cum out frum thar. Anuther cub, in a jackid wif a wun inch tail, wer knocked plum thru the tin intu the safe amung the cold vitils an' things. A littil gal, doll baby an' all, wer on the top shelf ove cup-board, amung the delf, a-screamin like a little steam whistil. The neighbors wer a-getherin in roun the nise an' rumpus, an' not a durn'd wun hed the least idear ove what wer wrong, sceptin ove me. I onderstood hit all, durn'd fool es I is. Tu 'scape frum bein 'spishioned, I sot in tu cuttin the cheer loose es I got chances, an' a-keepin outen the range ove that flyin fire shovil, fur hit wer still spreadin hurtin an' mischief on a perpetul moshun plan. Everybody hit totch fell, an' everything hit cum agin got grief. The tin bucicits look'd like drunk men's hats. Pails hed lef thar hoops, an' the delf war was in scrimpshuns. When he got divorced from the cheer, I tho't he'd sorter simmer down. But no sir! He got wus, an' did his work faster an' better; he wer as crazy as a bed-bug, an' as savidge as a maddorg. I seed a-cummin, a ole widder, what wer a pow'ful pius turn'd pusson, in the same church wif ole Skissim, an' she wer the news-kerrier gineral ove the neighborhood. Folks sed that they hed a religus feelin fur each uther, what led tu meny lovef eas, wif nobody at em but tharsefs, an' wer bof doin mouns'ous well, considerin the thorn in the flesh. Sez she— "Oh, my soul! Du tell me what hes happened! Oh lordy massy!" sed I, "hits a-happenin yet!" a-lookin orful solemn in the moonshine. Sez I, "I'll tell yu, es I knows yu won't speak ove it; fur ef hit gits out, hit mout make the pepil sorter think hard ove Mister Skissim. He cum home frum meetin plum crazy, talkin about the seventh cumandment, an' he's sot intu murderin hes folks wif a crowbar. He hes dun got his wife an' six ove the brats: thar a-lyin in thar es cold es krout; an' he's hot �GEORGE WASHINGTON HARRIS 65 arter the rest ove em; sez he's in a hurry tu git thru, es he hes yu tu kill an' salt down afore day. Now I know by that he's turn'd durned fool." She never sed a word, but put out fur Squir Haley's, an' swore her life agin ole Skissim, an' tuck out a warrint fur him a-chargin murder, arson, blasfemy, fleabottomry an' rape. Hit skeer'd ole Skissim ontil he run away. By the time I got dun inlitenin the widder, that ar onquinchable boy hed the kitchen all tu hissef. Everybody wer feard tu go ni the door. Now yu cudent guess in ten year what he then went an' did. He jis' made a piller outen the cheer, an' sot intu sleepin agin. Ef ever I'se call'd on tu stop his sleepin eny more agin, I'll try a muskit an' sixteen buckshot, at jis' about ten steps. Old Skissim's Middle Boy 1. The author uses many details and comparisons in describing Skissim's lazy boy. Find examples of his most vivid description. 2. What words of wisdom does Sut offer regarding the advantage of thinking fast? 3. Describe the trick Sut played on the lazy boy. Was he able to cure him of his laziness? 4. What did Sut tell the pious widow that resulted in her taking out a warrant for old Skissim's arrest? 5. Define dialect and discuss its importance to the humor in Harris' writing. �66 COMPOSITION TOPICS 1. You will notice that a ballad is a story told in verse that is usually meant to be sung. Write a ballad about a modern hero, a sudden disaster, or a recent crime. 2. Three selections in this chapter "Tsali of the Cherokees," "Cat 'n Mouse," and "The Ballad of Claude Allen" were told in story or song before they were written. Talk to your parents, grandparents, and neighbors about an interesting event that they have heard about or experienced. Turn this into a story. ACTIVITIES Compile a family scrapbook. Throughout this study of Southern Appalachian literature as you complete the activities, you will be creating your own book. When you finish the study, you will have written your own story. Many of you will have Appalachian stories. But because of America's great cultural diversity, many of your stories will reflect different ethnic origins. Regardless of your individual heritage, you will be proud of your book. Begin with a family tree. (See sample family tree on page 68.) Here you have a picture of your ancestors, those people who have helped make you what you are today. They will be the characters in your book. Write a character sketch of your parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents whom you have known. Names and dates hardly tell the story of the real people that they are. As you interview each, you will likely hear some stories about events in each person's life. Make these stories a part of the character sketch. It's all right to get help from family members. Write �67 about the following items with as much detail as you can find: 1. Physical description 2. Personality 3. Ethnic origin 4. Date and place of birth 5. Address and description of the house where this person grew up 6. Name and description of the community where this person grew up 7. Education 8. Church affiliation 9. Jobs 10. Political party 11. What this person enjoys doing 12. Health—mental and physical 13. Major accomplishments—what the person is proud of in his life 14. Valuable advice for getting along in life Now illustrate each character sketch with a photograph of the person. Also find old photographs of each person at a younger age and include them. �MY FAMILY TREE �69 CHAPTER 2 Local Color & the Realistic Tradition "Local color" means that the writer uses specific details about a locale—the native speech, dress, customs, music, and religious practices—in his works. No other group of writers has had a more profound influence on Appalachian literature than the original "local color" authors Mary Noailles Murfree and John Fox, Jr. As several scholars point out, these early writers have influenced the literature of the region right up to the present day. Most importantly, their stories shaped an image of Appalachia for the rest of America. In The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction, Gratis Williams says that the publication in 1884 of Mary Noailles Murfree's book In the Tennessee Mountains "marks the time at which the Southern mountain people had become recognized as a people possessing their own idiosyncrasies, and not to be confused with other southern types." Henry Shapiro carries this idea even further in his bookAppalachia on Our Mind. He points out that the local color writers have had a long-range effect on the image of Appalachia, People like Murfree and Fox published their works �70 in the new, nationally circulated magazines The Atlantic Monthly, Harper's and Lippincott's. The Civil War also heightened awareness of regional differences. The war correspondents at the front served as the first local colorists. During the last three decades of the nineteenth century, the American public developed a taste for reading about the unusual, the exotic. Appalachia seemed unusual and exotic. Shapiro maintains that the early local color writers created the idea of Appalachia by presenting a consistent picture of it as a backward place inhabited by strange people. In other words, Appalachia was different from the rest of America. Murfree and Fox use this idea of the "otherness" of Appalachia in several works. For example, "The Star in the Valley," the selection in this chapter by Murfree, focuses on an outsider's perceptions of the region and on the clash in values that this outsider brings to a remote mountain community. Three writers in this section—Haun, Armstrong, and Still—produced works in the Realistic tradition in American literature. This tradition grew out of local color. The realists, wishing to record life as it is, refrain from philosophical interpretations of their stories. Free of romantic prettiness, realistic writing emphasizes truthful treatment of the place, the people, and the events in a story and lets us see life cut to the bone. The characters in these stories by Haun, Armstrong, and Still reveal themselves to the reader and give insight into their feelings, motives, and personalities. Because they differ from the sometimes superficial and theatrical characters created by the local colorists, they present a less romantic stereotype. �MARY NOAILLES MURFREE 71 MARYNOAILLESMURFREE (1850-1922) Mary NoaiUes Murfree, born into an aristocratic family in Middle Tennessee, came to know mountain people and their ways from spending summers visiting Beersheba resort in the Cumberland Mountains. Because it seemed improper for a young lady of her social standing to write stories, she first published her work, including the piece here from the collection In the Tennessee Mountains, under the pseudonym Charles Egbert Craddock. She was educated at the Nashville Female Academy and the Chegary Institute in Philadelphia. The University of the South awarded her a honorary Doctor of Letters in 1922. In this story, Reginald Chevis visits a mountain community and meets a poor, uneducated girl, Celia Shaw. She intervenes in a feud and prevents bloodshed. Her heroism and high principles earn her the respect and admiration of Chevis, but only disdain from her own people. The Star in the Valley He first saw it in the twilight of a clear October evening. As the earliest planet sprang into the sky, an answering gleam shone red amid the glooms in the valley. A star too it seemed. And later, when the myriads of the fairer, whiter lights of a �72 Local Color and Realistic Tradition moonless night were all athrob in the great concave vault bending to the hills, there was something very impressive in that solitary star of earth, changeless and motionless beneath the ever-changing skies. Chevis never tired of looking at it. Somehow it broke the spell that draws all eyes heavenward on starry nights. He often strolled with his cigar at dusk down to the verge of the crag, and sat for hours gazing at it and vaguely speculating about it. That spark seemed to have kindled all the soul and imagination within him, although he knew well enough its prosaic source, for he had once questioned the gawky mountaineer whose services he had secured as guide through the forest solitudes during this hunting expedition. "That thar spark in the valley?" Hi Bates had replied, removing the pipe from his lips and emitting a cloud of strong tobacco smoke. "'Tain't nuthin' but the light of Jerry Shaw's house, 'bout haffen mile from the foot of the mounting. Ye pass that thar house when ye goes on the Christel road, what leads down the mounting off the Back-bone. That's Jerry Shaw's house,—thaf s what it is. He's a blacksmith, an' he kin shoe a horse toler'ble well when he ain't drunk, ez he mos'ly is." "Perhaps that is the light from the forge," suggested Chevis. "That thar forge ain't run more'n half the day, let 'lone o' nights. I hev never hearn tell on Jerry Shaw a-workin' o' nights,—nor in the daytime nuther, ef he kin get shet of it. No sech no 'count critter 'twixt hyar an' the Settlemint." So spake Chevis's astronomer. Seeing the star even through the prosaic lens of stern reality did not detract from its poetic aspect. Chevis never failed to watch for it. The first faint glinting in the azure evening sky sent his eyes to that red reflection suddenly aglow in the valley; even when the mists rose above it and hid it from him, he gazed at the spot where it had disappeared, feeling a calm satisfaction to know that it was still shining beneath the cloud curtain. He encouraged himself in this bit of sentimentality. These unique eventide effects seemed a fitting sequel to the picturesque day, passed in hunting deer, with horn and hounds, through the gorgeous autumnal forest; �MARY NOAILLES MURFREE 73 or perchance in the more exciting sport in some rocky gorge with a bear at bay and the frenzied pack around him; or in the idyllic pleasures of birdshooting with a thoroughly-trained dog; and coming back in the crimson sunset to a well-appointed tent and a smoking supper of venison or wild turkey,—the trophies of his skill. The vague dreaminess of his cigar and the charm of that bright bit of color in the night-shrouded valley added a sort of romantic zest to that keen susceptibility of impressions which Reginald Chevis considered eminently characteristic of a highly wrought mind and nature. He said nothing of his fancies, however, to his fellow sportsman, Ned Varney, nor to the mountaineer. Infinite as was the difference between these two in mind and cultivation, his observation of both had convinced him that they were alike incapable of appreciating and comprehending his delicate and dainty musings. Varney was essentially a man of this world; his mental and moral conclusions had been adopted in a calm, mercantile spirit, as giving the best return for the outlay, and the market was not liable to fluctuations. And the mountaineer could go no further than the prosaic fact of the light in Jerry Shaw's house. Thus Reginald Chevis was wont to sit in contemplative silence on the crag until his cigar was burnt out, and afterward to lie awake deep in the night, listening to the majestic lyric welling up from the thousand nocturnal voices of these mountain wilds. During the day, in place of the red light a gauzy little curl of smoke was barely visible, the only sign or suggestion of human habitation to be seen from the crag in all the many miles of long, narrow valley and parallel tiers of ranges. Sometimes Chevis and Varney caught sight of it from lower down on the mountain side, whence was faintly distinguishable the little log-house and certain vague lines marking a rectangular inclosure; near at hand, too, the forge, silent and smokeless. But it did not immediately occur to either of them to theorize concerning its inmates and their lives in this lonely place; for a time, not even to the speculative Chevis. As to Varney, he gave his whole mind to the matter in hand,—his gun, his dog, his �74 Local Color and Realistic Tradition game,—and Ms note-book was as systematic and as romantic as the ledger at home. It might be accounted an event in the history of that log-hut when Reginald Chevis, after riding past it eighty yards or so, chanced one day to meet a country girl walking toward the house. She did not look up, and he caught only an indistinct glimpse of her face. She spoke to him, however, as she went by, which is the invariable custom with the inhabitants of the sequestered nooks among the encompassing mountains, whether meeting stranger or acquaintance. He lifted his hat in return, with that punctilious courtesy which he made a point of according to persons of low degree. In another moment she had passed down the narrow sandy road, overhung with gigantic trees, and, at a deft, even pace, hardly slackened as she traversed the great log extending across the rushing stream, she made her way up the opposite hill, and disappeared gradually over its brow. The expression of her face, half-seen though it was, had attracted his attention. He rode slowly along, meditating. "Did she go into Shaw's house, just around the curve of the road?" he wondered. "Is she Shaw's daughter, or some visiting neighbor?" That night he looked with a new interest at the red star, set like a jewel in the floating mists of the valley. "Do you know," he asked of Hi Bates, when the three men were seated, after supper, around the camp-fire, which sent lurid tongues of flame and a thousand bright sparks leaping high in the darkness, and illumined the vistas of the woods on every side, save where the sudden crag jutted over the valley,— "Do you know whether Jerry Shaw has a daughter,—a young girl?" "Ye-es,tf drawled Hi Bates, disparagingly, "he hev." A pause ensued. The star in the valley was blotted from sight; the rising mists had crept to the verge of the crag; nay, in the undergrowth fringing the mountain's brink, there were softly clinging white wreaths. "Is she pretty?" asked Chevis. �MARY NOAILLES MURFREE 75 "Waal, no she ain't," said Hi Bates, decisively. "She's a pore, no 'count critter." Then he added, as if he were afraid of being misapprehended, "Not ez thar is any harm in the gal, ye onderstand. She's a mighty good, soft-spoken, quiet sort o' gal, but she's a pore, white-faced, slim little critter. She looks like she hain't got no sort'n grit in her. She makes me think o' one them slim little slips o' willow every time nor I sees her. She hain't got long ter live, I reckon," he concluded, dismally. Reginald Chevis asked him no more questions about Jerry Shaw's daughter. Not long afterward, when Chevis was hunting through the deep woods about the base of the mountain near the Christel road, his horse happened to cast a shoe. He congratulated himself upon his proximity to the forge, for there was a possibility that the blacksmith might be at work; according to the account which Hi Bates had given of Jerry Shaw's habits, there were half a dozen chances against it. But the shop was at no great distance and he set out to find his way back to the Christel road, guided by sundry well-known landmarks on the mountain side: certain great crags hanging above the tree-tops, showing in grander sublimity through the thinning foliage, or beetling bare and grim; a dismantled and deserted hovel, the red-berried vines twining amongst the rotting logs; the full flow of a tumultuous stream making its last leap down a precipice eighty feet high, with yeasty, maddening waves below and a rainbowcrowned crystal sheet above. And here again the curves of the woodland road. As the sound of the falling water grew softer and softer in the distance, till it was hardly more than a drowsy murmur, the faint vibrations of a far-off anvil rang upon the air. Welcome indeed to Chevis, for however enticing might be the long rambles through the redolent October woods with dog and gun, he had no mind to tramp up the mountain to his tent, five miles distant, leading the resisting horse all the way. The afternoon was so clear and so still that the metallic sound penetrated far through the quiet forest. At every curve of the road he expected to see the log-cabin with its rail fence, and beyond the low-hanging chestnut-tree, half its branches resting �76 Local Color and Realistic Tradition upon the roof of the little shanty of a blacksmith's shop. After many windings a sharp turn brought him full upon the humble dwelling, with its background of primeval woods and the purpling splendors of the western hills. The chickens were going to roost in a stunted cedar-tree just without the door; an incredibly old man, feeble and bent sat dozing in the lingering sunshine on the porch; a girl, with a pail on her head, was crossing the road and going down a declivity toward a spring which bubbled up in a cleft of the gigantic rocks that were piled one above another, rising to a great height. A mingled breath of cool, dripping water, sweet-scented fern, and pungent mint greeted him as he passed it. He did not see the girl's face, for she had left the road before he went by, but he recognized the slight figure, with that graceful poise acquired by the prosaic habit of carrying weights upon the head, and its lithe, swaying beauty reminded him of the mountaineer's comparison,—a slip of willow. And now, under the chestnut-tree, in anxious converse with Jerry Shaw, who came out hammer in hand from the anvil, concerning the shoe to be put on Strathspey's left fore-foot, and the problematic damage sustained since the accident. Chevis's own theory occupied some minutes in expounding, and so absorbed his attention that he did not observe, until the horse was fairly under the blacksmith's hands, that, despite Jerry Shaw's unaccustomed industry, this was by no means a red-letter day in his habitual dissipation. He trembled for Strathspey, but it was too late now to interfere. Jerry Shaw was in that stage of drunkenness which is greatly accented by an elaborate affectation of sobriety. His desire that Chevis should consider him perfectly sober was abundantly manifest in his rigidly steady gait, the preternatural gravity in his bloodshot eyes, his sparingness of speech, and the earnestness with which he enunciated the acquiescent formulae which had constituted his share of the conversation. Now and then, controlling his faculties by a great effort, he looked hard at Chevis to discover what doubts might be expressed in his face concerning the genuineness of this staid deportment; and Chevis presently found it best to af- �MARY NOAILLES MURFREE 77 feet too. Believing that the blacksmith's histrionic attempts in the role of sober artisan were occupying his attention more than the paring of Strathspey's hoof, which he held between his knees on his leather apron, while the horse danced an animated measure on the other three feet, Chevis assumed an appearance of indifference, and strolled away into the shop. He looked about him, carelessly, at the horseshoes hanging on a rod in the rude aperture that served as a window, at the wagon-tires, the plowshares, the glowing fire of the forge. The air within was unpleasantly close, and he soon found himself again in the door-way. "Can I get some water here?11 he asked, as Jerry Shaw reentered, and began hammering vigorously at the shoe destined for Strathspey. The resonant music ceased for a moment. The solemn, drunken eyes were slowly turned upon the visitor, and the elaborate affectation of sobriety was again obtrusively apparent in the blacksmith's manner. He rolled up more closely the bluechecked homespun sleeve from his corded hammer-arm, twitched nervously at the single suspender that supported his copper-colored jeans trousers, readjusted his leather apron hanging about his neck, and, casting upon Chevis another glance, replete with a challenging gravity, fell to work upon the anvil, every heavy and well-directed blow telling with the precision of machinery. The question had hardly been heard before forgotten. At the next interval, when he was going out to fit the horse, Chevis repeated his request. "Water, did ye say?" asked Jerry Shaw, looking at him with narrowing eyelids, as if to shut out all other contemplation that he might grapple with this problem. "Thai's no fraish water hyar, but ye kin go yander ter the house an ax fur some; or," he added, shading his eyes from the sunlight with his broad, blackened hand, and looking at the huge wall of stone beyond the road, "ye kin go down yander ter the spring, an7 ax that thar gal fur a drink." Chevis took his way, in the last rays of sunshine, across the �78 Local Color and Realistic Tradition road and down the declivity in the direction indicated by the blacksmith. A cool gray shadow fell upon him from the heights of the great rocks, as he neared them; the narrow path leading from the road grew dank and moist, and presently his feet were sunk in the still green and odorous water-loving weeds, the clumps of fern, and the pungent mint. He did not notice the soft verdure; he did not even see the beautiful vines that hung from earth-filled niches among the rocks, and lent to their forbidding aspect something of a smiling grace; their picturesque grouping, where they had fallen apart to show this sparkling fountain of bright up-springing water, was all lost upon his artistic perceptions. His eyes were fixed on the girl standing beside the spring, her pail filled, but waiting, with a calm, expectant look on her face, as she saw him approaching. No creature could have been more coarsely habited: a green cotton dress, faded to the faintest hue; rough shoes, just visible beneath her skirts; a dappled gray and brown calico sun-bonnet, thrown aside on a moss-grown boulder near at hand. But it seemed as if the wild nature about her had been generous to this being toward whom life and fortune had played the niggard. There were opaline lights in her dreamy eyes which one sees nowhere save in sunset clouds that brood above dark hills; the golden sunbeams, all faded from the landscape, had left a perpetual reflection in her bronze hair; there was a subtle affinity between her and other pliant, swaying, graceful young things, waving in the mountain breezes, fed by the rain and dew. She was hardly more human to Chevis than certain lissome little woodland flowers, the very name of which he did not know, pure white, star-shaped, with a faint green line threading though each of the five delicate petals; he had seen them embellishing the banks of lonely pools, or growing in dank, marshy places in the middle of the unfrequented road, where perhaps it had been mended in a primitive way with a few rotting rails. "May I trouble you to give me some water?" asked Chevis, prosaically enough. She neither smiled nor replied. She took the gourd from the pail, dipped it into the lucent �MARY NOAILLES MURFREE 79 depths of the spring, handed it to him, and stood awaiting its return when he should have finished. The cool, delicious water was drained, and he gave the gourd back. "I am much obliged," he said. "Ye're welcome," she replied, in a slow, singing monotone. Had the autumn winds taught her voice that melancholy cadence? Chevis would have liked to hear her speak again, but the gulf between his station and hers—so undreamed of by her (for the differences of caste are absolutely unknown to the independent mountaineers), so patent to him—could be bridged by few ideas. They had so little in common that for a moment he could think of nothing to say. His cogitation suggested only the inquiry, "Do you live here?" indicating the little house on the other side of the road. "Yes," she chanted in the same monotone, "I lives hyar." She turned to lift the brimming pail. Chevis spoke again: "Do you always stay at home? Do you never go anywhere?" Her eyes rested upon him, with a slight surprise looking out from among their changing lights. "No," she said, after a pause; "I hev no call to go nowhar ez I knows on." She placed the pail on her head, took the dappled sun-bonnet in her hand, and went along the path with the assured, steady gait and the graceful backward poise of the figure that precluded the possibility of spilling a drop from the vessel. He had been touched in a romantic way by the sweet beauty of this little woodland flower. It seemed hard that so perfect a thing of its kind should be wasted here, unseen by more appreciative eyes than those of bird, or rabbit, or the equally uncultured human beings about her; and it gave him a baffling sense of the mysterious injustice of life to reflect upon the difference in her lot and that of others of her age in higher spheres. He went thoughtfully through the closing shadows to the shop, mounted the re-shod Strathspey, and rode along the rugged ascent of the mountain, gravely pondering on worldly inequalities. He saw her often afterward, although he spoke to her again �80 Local Color and Realistic Tradition but once. He sometimes stopped as he came and went on the Christel road, and sat chatting with the old man, her grandfather, on the porch, sunshiny days, or lounged in the barn-like door of Jerry Shaw's shop talking to the half-drunken blacksmith. He piqued himself on the readiness with which he became interested in these people, entered into their thoughts and feelings, obtained a comprehensive idea of the machinery of life in this wilderness,—more complicated than one could readily believe, looking upon the changeless face of the wide, unpopulated expanse of mountain ranges stretching so far beneath that infinite sky. They appealed to him from the basis of their common humanity, he thought, and the pleasure of watching the development of the common human attributes in this peculiar and primitive state of society never palled upon him. He regarded with contempt Varney's frivolous displeasure and annoyance because of Hi Bates's utter insensibility to the difference in their social position, and the necessity of either acquiescing in the supposititious equality or dispensing with the invaluable services of the proud and independent mountaineer; because of the patois of the untutored people, to hear which, Varney was wont to declare, set his teeth on edge; because of their narrow prejudices, their mental poverty, their idle shiftlessness, their uncouth dress and appearance. Chevis flattered himself that he entertained a broader view. He had not even a subacute idea that he looked upon these people and their inner life only as picturesque bits of the mental and moral landscape; that it was an aesthetic and theoretical pleasure their contemplation afforded him; that he was as far as ever from the basis of common humanity. Sometimes while he talked to the old man on the sunlit p orch, the "slip o' willow" sat in the door-way, listening too, but never speaking. Sometimes he would find her with her father at the forge, her fair, ethereal face illumined with an alien and fluctuating brilliancy, shining and fading as the breath of the fire rose and fell. He came to remember that face so well that in a sorry sketch-book where nothing else was finished, there were several laborious pages lighted up with a faint reflection �MARY NOAILLES MURFREE 81 of its beauty. But he was as much interested perhaps, though less poetically, in that massive figure, the idle blacksmith. He looked at it all from an ideal point of view. The star in the valley was only a brilliant, set in the night landscape, and suggested a unique and pleasing experience. How should he imagine what luminous and wistful eyes were turned upward to where another star burned,—the light of his campfire on the crag; what pathetic, beautiful eyes had learned to watch and wait for that red gleam high on the mountain's brow,—hardly below the stars in heaven it seemed! How could he dream of the strange, vague, unreasoning trouble with which his idle comings and goings had clouded that young life, a trouble as strange, as vague, as vast, as the limitless sky above her. She understood him as little. As she sat in the open doorway, with the flare of the fire behind her, and gazed at the red light shining on the crag, she had no idea of the heights of worldly differences that divided them, more insurmountable than precipices and flying chutes of mountain torrents, and chasms and fissures of the wild ravine: she knew nothing of the life he had left, and of its rigorous artificialities and gradations of wealth and estimation. And with a heart full of pitiable unrealities she looked up at the glittering simulacrum of a star on the crag, while he gazed down on the ideal star in the valley. The weeks had worn deep into November. Chevis and Varney were thinking of going home; indeed, they talked of breaking camp day after to-morrow, and saying a long adieu to wood and mountain and stream. They had had an abundance of good sport and a surfeit of roughing it. They would go back to town and town avocations invigorated by their holiday, and taking with them a fresh and exhilarating recollection of the forest life left so far behind. It was near dusk, on a dull, cold evening, when Chevis dismounted before the door of the blacksmith's little log-cabin. The chestnut-tree hung desolate and bare on the eaves of the forge; the stream rushed by in swift gray whirlpools under a �82 Local Color and Realistic Tradition sullen gray sky; the gigantic wall of broken rocks loomed gloomy and sinister on the opposite side of the road,—not so much as a withered leaf of all their vines clung to their rugged surfaces. The mountains had changed color: the nearest ranges were black with the myriads of the grim black branches of denuded forest; far away they stretched in parallel lines, rising tier above tier, and showing numberless gradations of a dreary, neutral tint, which grew ever fainter in the distance, till merged in the uniform tone of the sombre sky. Indoors it was certainly more cheerful. A hickory fire dispensed alike warmth and light. The musical whir of a spinningwheel added its unique charm. From the rafters depended numberless strings of bright red pepper-pods and ears of popcorn; hanks of woolen and cotton yarn; bunches of medicinal herbs; brown gourds and little bags of seeds. On rude shelves against the wall were ranged cooking utensils, drinking vessels, etc., all distinguished by that scrupulous cleanliness which is a marked feature of the poor hovels of these mountaineers, and in striking contrast to the poor hovels of lowlanders. The rushbottomed chairs, drawn in a semicircle before the rough, ill-adjusted stones which did duty as hearth, were occupied by several men, who seemed to be making the blacksmith a prolonged visit; various members of the family were humbly seated on sundry inverted domestic articles, such as wash-tubs, and splint-baskets made of white oak. There was circulating among Jerry Shaw's friends a flat bottle, facetiously denominated "tickler," readily emptied, but as readily replenished from a keg in the corner. Like the widow's cruse of oil, that keg was miraculously never empty. The fact of a still near by in the wild ravine might suggest a reason for its perennial flow. It was a good strong article of apple-brandy, and its effects were beginning to be distinctly visible. Truly the ethereal woodland flower seemed strangely incongruous with these brutal and uncouth conditions of her life, as she stood at a little distance from this group, spinning at her wheel. Chevis felt a sudden sharp pain of pity for her when he glanced toward her; the next instant he had forgotten it in his �MARY NOMLLES MURFREE 83 interest in her work. It was altogether at variance with the ideas which he had hitherto entertained concerning that humble handicraft. There came across him a vague recollection from his city life that the peasant girls of art galleries and of the lyric stage were wont to sit at the wheel. "But perhaps they were spinning flax," he reflected. This spinning was a matter of walking back and forth with smooth, measured steps and graceful, undulatory motion; a matter, too, of much pretty gesticulation,—the thread in one hand, the other regulating the whirl of the wheel. He thought he had never seen attitudes so charmJerry Shaw hastened to abdicate and offer one of the rushbottomed chairs with the eager hospitality characteristic of these mountaineers,—a hospitality that meets a stranger on the threshold of every hut, presses upon him, ungrudgingly, its best, and follows him on his departure with protestations of regret out to the rickety fence. Chevis was more or less known to all of the visitors, and after a little, under the sense of familiarity and the impetus of the apple-brandy, the talk flowed on as freely as before his entrance. It was wilder and more antagonistic to his principles and prejudices than anything he had hitherto heard among these people, and he looked on and listened, interested in this new development of a phase of life which he had thought he had sounded from its lowest note to the top of its compass. He was glad to remain; the scene had impressed his cultivated perceptions as an interior by Teniers might have done, and the vehemence and lawlessness of the conversation and the threats of violence had little reality for him; if he thought about the subject under discussion at all, it was with a reassuring conviction that before the plans could be carried out the already intoxicated mountaineers would be helplessly drunk. Nevertheless, he glanced ever and anon at the young girl, loath that she should hear it, lest its virulent, angry bitterness should startle her. She was evidently listening, too, but her fair face was as calm and untroubled as one of the pure white faces of those flower-stars of his early stay in the mountains. �84 Local Color and Realistic Tradition "Them Peels ought n't ter be let live!11 exclaimed Elijah Burr, a gigantic fellow, arrayed in brown jeans, with the accompaniments of knife, powder-horn, etc., usual with the hunters of the range; his gun stood, with those of the other guests, against the wall in a corner of the room. "They ought n't ter be let live, an7 Fd top all three of 'em fur the skin an' horns of a deer." "That thar is a true word," assented Jerry Shaw. "They oughter be run down an' kilt,—all three o' them Peels." Chevis could not forbear a question. Always on the alert to add to his stock of knowledge of men and minds, always analyzing his own inner life and the inner life of those about him, he said, turning to his intoxicated host, "Who are the Peels, Mr. Shaw,—if I may ask?" "Who air the Peels?" repeated Jerry Shaw, making a point of seizing the question. "They air the meanest men in these hyar mountings. Ye might hunt from Copperhead Ridge ter Clinch River, an' the whole spread o' the valley, an' never hear tell o' no sech no 'count critters." "They ought n't ter be let live!" again urged Elijah Burr. "No man ez treats his wife like that dad-burned scoundrel Ike Peel do oughter be let live. That thar woman is my sister an' Jerry Shaw's cousin,—an' I shot him down in his own door year afore las'. I shot him ter kill; but somehow 'nother I war that shaky, an' the cussed gun hung fire a-fust, an' that thar pore wife o' his'n screamed an' hollered so, that I never done nuthin' arter all but lay him up for four month an' better for that thar pore critter ter nuss. He'll see a mighty differ nex' time I gits my chance. An' 't ain't fur off,11 he added threateningly. "Wouldn't it be better to persuade her to leave him?" suggested Chavis pacifically, without, however, any wild idea of playing peacemaker between fire and tow. Burr growled a fierce oath, and then was silent. A slow fellow on the opposite side of the fireplace explained: "Thai's whar all the trouble kem from. She wouldn't leave him, fur all he treated her awful. She said ez how he were mighty good to her when he warn't drunk. So 'Lijah shot him." This way of cutting the Gordian knot of domestic difficul- �MARY NOAILLES MURFREE 85 ties might prove efficacious but for the shakiness induced by the thrill of fraternal sentiment, the infusion of apple-brandy, the protest of the bone of contention, and the hanging fire of the treacherous gun. Elijah Burr could remember no other failure of aim for twenty years. "He won't git shet of me that easy again!" Burr declared, with another pull at the flat tickler. "But ef it hed n't hev been fur what happened last week, I mought hev let him off fur awhile," he continued, evidently actuated by some curiously distorted sense of duty in the premises. "I oughter hev kilt him afore. But now the cussed critter is a gone coon. Dadburn the whole tribe!" Chevis was desirous of knowing what had happened last week. He did not, however, feel justified in asking more questions. But apple-brandy is a potent tongue-loosener, and the unwonted communicativeness of the stolid and silent mountaineers attested its strength in this regard. Jerry Shaw, without inquiry, enlightened him. "Ye see," he said, turning to Chevis, "'Lijah he thought ez how ef he could git that fool woman ter come to his house, he could shoot Ike fur his meanness 'thout botherin' of her, an' things would all git easy agin. Waal, he went thar one day when all them Peels, the whole lay-out, war gone down ter the Settlemint ter hear the rider preach, an' he jes' run away with two of the brats,—the littlest ones, ye onderstand,—a-thinkin' he mought tole her off from Ike that thar way. We hearn ez how the pore critter war nigh on ter distracted 'bout 'em, but Ike never let her come arter 'em. Leastways, she never kem. Las' week Ike kem fur 'em hisself,—him an' them two cussed brothers o' his'n. All 'Lijah's folks war out'n the way; him an' his boys war off a-huntin', an' his wife hed gone down ter the spring, a haffen mile an' better, a-washin' clothes; nobody war ter the house 'ceptin' them two chillen' o' Ike's. An' Ike an' his brothers jes' tuk the chillen away, an' set fire ter the house; an' time 'Lijah's wife got thar, 't war nuthin' but a pile o' ashes. So we've determinated ter go up yander ter Laurel Notch, twenty mile along the ridge of the mounting, ter-night, an' wipe out �86 Local Color and Realistic Tradition them Peels,—'kase they air a-goin' ter move away. That thar wife o' Ike's, what made all the trouble, hev fretted an' fretted at Ike till he hev determinated ter break up an' wagon across the range ter Kaintucky, whar his uncle lives in the hills thar. Dee hev gin his cornsent to go jes' ter pleasure her, 'kase she air mos' crazed ter git Ike away war 'Lijah can't kill him. Ike's brothers is a-goin', too. I hearn ez how they'll make a start at noon ter-morrer." "They'll never start ter Kaintucky ter-morrer," said Burr grimly. "They'll git off, afore that, fur hell, stiddier Kaintucky. I hev been a-tryin' ter make out ter shoot that thar man ever sence that gal war married ter him, seven year ago,—seven year an' better. But what with her a-foolin' round, an' a-talkin', an' a-goin' on like she war distracted—she run right 'twixt him an' the muzzle of my gun wunst, or I would hev hed him that time fur sure—an' somehow 'nother that critter makes me so shaky with her ways of goin' on that I feel like I hain't got good sense, an' can't git no good aim at nuthin'. Nex' time, though, thar'll be a differ. She ain't a-goin' ter Kaintucky along of him ter be beat fur nuthin' when he's drunk." It was a pitiable picture presented to Chevis's open-eyed imagination,—this woman standing for years between the two men she loved: holding back her brother from his vengeance of her wrongs by that subtle influence that shook his aim; and going into exile with her brute of a husband when that influence had waned and failed, and her wrongs were supplemented by deep and irreparable injuries to her brother. And the curious moral attitude of the man: the strong fraternal feeling that alternately nerved and weakened his revengeful hand. "We air goin' thar 'bout two o'clock ternight," said Jerry Shaw, "and wipe out all three o' them Peels,—Ike an' his two brothers." "They oughtn't ter be let live," reiterated Elijah Burr, moodily. Did he speak to his faintly stirring conscience, or to a woeful premonition of his sister's grief? "They'll all three be stiff an' stark afore daybreak," resumed Jerry Shaw. "We air all kin ter 'Lijah, an' we air goin' ter holp �MARY NOAILLES MURFREE 87 him top off them Peels. Thai's ten of us an' three o' them, an' we won't hev no trouble 'bout it. An' we'll bring that pore critter, Ike's wife, an' her chillen hyar ter stay. She's welcome ter live along of us till 'Lijah kin fix some sort'n place fur her an' the little chillen, Thar won't be no trouble a-gittin rid of the men folks, ez thar is ten of us an' three o' them, an' we air goin' ter take 'em in the night." There was a protest from an unexpected quarter. The whir of the spinning-wheel was abruptly silenced. "I don't see no sense," said Celia Shaw, her singing monotone vibrating in the sudden lull,—"I don't see no sense in shootin' folks down like they were nuthin' better nor bear, nor deer, nor suthin' wild. I don't see no sense in it. An' I never did see none." There was an astonished pause. "Shet up, Cely! Shet up!" exclaimed Jerry Shaw, in mingled anger and surprise. "Them folks ain't no better nor bear, nor sech. The hain't got no right ter live,—them Peels." "No, that they hain't!" said Burr. "They is powerful no 'count critters, I know," replied the little woodland flower, the firelight bright in her opaline eyes and on the flakes of burnished gold gleaming in the dark masses of her hair. "They is always a-hangin' round the still an' a-gittin' drunk; but I don't see no sense in a-huntin' 'em down an' akillin' 'em off. 'Pears ter me like they air better nor the dumb ones. I don't see no sense in shootin' 'em." "Shet up, Cely! Shet up!" reiterated Shaw. Celia said no more. Reginald Chevis was pleased with this indication of her sensibility; the other women—her mother and grandmother—had heard the whole recital with the utmost indifference, as they sat by the fire monotonously carding cotton. She was beyond her station in sentiment, he thought. However, he was disposed to recant this favorable estimate of her higher nature when, twice afterward, she stopped her work, and, filling the bottle from the keg, pressed it upon her father, despite her unfavorable criticism of the hangers-on of stills. Nay, she insisted. "Drink some more," she said. "Ye hain't got half enough yit." Had the girl no pity for the already drunken crea- �88 Local Color and Realistic Tradition ture? She seemed systematically trying to make him even more helpless than he was. He had fallen into a deep sleep before Chevis left the house, and the bottle was circulating among the other men with a rapidity that boded little harm to the unconscious Ike Peel and his brothers at Laurel Notch, twenty miles away. As Chevis mounted Strathspey he saw the horses of Jerry Shaw/s friends standing partly within and partly without the blacksmith's shop. They would stand there all night, he thought. It was darker when he commenced the ascent of the mountain than he had anticipated. And what was this driving against his face,— rain? No, it was snow. He had not started a moment too soon. But Strathspey, by reason of frequent travel, knew every foot of the way, and perhaps there would only be a flurry. And so he went on steadily up and up the wild, winding road among the great, bare, black trees and the grim heights and chasms. The snow fell fast,—so fast and so silently, before he was half-way to the summit he had lost the vague companionship of the sound of his horse's hoofs, now muffled in the thick carpet so suddenly flung upon the ground. Still the snow fell, and when he had reached the montain's brow the ground was deeply covered, and the whole aspect of the scene was strange. But though obscured by the fast-flying flakes, he knew that down in the bosom of the white valley there glittered still that changeless star. "Still spinning, I suppose," he said to himself, as he looked toward it and thought of the interior of the log-cabin below. And then he turned into the tent to enjoy his cigar, his aesthetic reveries, and a bottle of wine. But the wheel was no longer awhirl. Both music and the musician were gone. Toiling along the snow-filled mountain ways; struggling with the fierce gusts of wind as they buffeted and hindered her, and fluttered derisively among her thin, worn, old garments; shivering as the driving flakes came full into the pale, calm face, and fell in heavier and heavier wreaths upon the dappled calico sun-bonnet; threading her way through unfrequented woodland paths, that she might shorten �MARY NOAILLES MURFREE 89 the distance; now deftly on the verge of a precipice, whence a false step of those coarse, rough shoes would fling her into unimaginable abysses below; now on the sides of steep ravines, falling sometimes with the treacherous, sliding snow, but never faltering; tearing her hands on the shrubs and vines she clutched to help her forward, and bruised and bleeding, but still going on; trembling more than with the cold, but never turning back, when a sudden noise in the terrible loneliness of the sheeted woods suggested the close proximity of a wild beast, or perhaps, to her ignorant, superstitious mind, a supernatural presence,—thus she journeyed on her errand of deliverance. Her fluttering breath came and went in quick gasps; her failing limbs wearily dragged through the deep drifts; the cruel winds untiringly lashed her; the snow soaked through the faded green cotton dress to the chilled white skin,—it seemed even to the dull blood coursing feebly through her freezing veins. But she had small thought for herself during those long, slow hours of endurance and painful effort. Her pale lips moved now and then with muttered speculations: how the time went by; whether they had discovered her absence at home; and whether the fleeter horsemen were even now ploughing their way through the longer, winding mountain road. Her only hope was to outstrip their speed. Her prayer— this untaught being!—she had no prayer, except perhaps her life, the life she was so ready to imperil. She had no high, cultivated sensibilities to sustain her. There was no instinct stirring within her that might have nerved her to save her father's, or her brother's, or a benefactor's life. She held the creatures that she would have died to warn in low estimation, and spoke of them with reprobation and contempt. She had known no religious training, holding up forever the sublimest ideal. The measureless mountain wilds were not more infinite to her than that great mystery. Perhaps, without any philosophy, she stood upon the basis of a common humanity. When the silent horsemen, sobered by the chill night air and the cold snow, made their cautious approach to the little porch of Ike Peel's log-hut at Laurel Notch, there was a thrill of dis- �90 Local Color and Realistic Tradition mayed surprise among them to discover the door standing half open, the house empty of its scanty furniture and goods, its owners fled, and the very dogs disappeared; only, on the rough stones before the dying fire, Celia Shaw, falling asleep and waking by fitful starts. "Jerry Shaw swore ez how he would hev shot that thar gal o' his'n,—that thar Cely," Hi Bates said to Chevis and Varney the next day, when he recounted the incident, "only he didn't think she hed her right mind; a-walkin' through this hyar deep snow full fifteen mile,—it's fifteen mile by the short cut ter Laurel Notch,—ter git Ike Peel's folks of f 'fore 'Lijah an' her dad could come up an' settle Ike an' his brothers. Leastways, 'Lijah an' the t'others, fur Jerry hed got so drunk he could n't go; he war dead asleep till ter-day, when they kem back a-f otchin' the gal with 'em. That thar Cely Shaw never did look ter me like she hed good sense, no how. Always looked like she war queer an' teched in the head." There was a furtive gleam of speculation on the dull face of the mountaineer when his two listeners broke into enthusiastic commendation of the girl's high heroism and courage. The man of ledgers swore that he had never heard of anything so fine, and that he himself would walk through fifteen miles of snow and midnight wilderness for the honor of shaking hands with her. There was that keen thrill about their hearts sometimes felt in crowded theatres, responsive to the cleverly simulated heroism of the boards; or in listening to a poet's mid-air song; or in looking upon some grand and ennobling phase of life translated on a great painter's canvas. Hi Bates thought that perhaps they too were a little "teched in the head." There had fallen upon Chevis a sense of deep humiliation. Celia Shaw had heard no more of the momentous conversation than he; a wide contrast was suggested. He began to have a glimmering perception that despite all his culture, his sensibility, his yearnings toward humanity, he was not so high a thing in the scale of being; that he had placed a false estimate upon himself. He had looked down on her with a mingled pity �MARY NOAILLES MURFREE 91 for her dense ignorance, her coarse surroundings, her low station, and a dilettante's delight in picturesque effects, and with no recognition of the moral splendors of that star in the valley. A realization, too, was upon him that fine feelings are of most avail as the motive power of fine deeds. He and his friend went down together to the little log-cabin. There had been only jeers and taunts and reproaches for Celia Shaw from her own people. These she had expected, and she had stolidly borne them. But she listened to the fine speeches of the city-bred men with a vague wonderment on her flowerlike face,—whiter than ever to-day. "It was a splendid—a noble thing to do," said Varney, warmly. "I shall never forget it," said Chevis, "it will always be like a sermon to me." There was something more that Reginald Chevis never forgot: the look on her face as he turned and left her forever; for he was on his way back to his former life, so far removed from her and all her ideas and imaginings. He pondered long upon that look in her inscrutable eyes,—was it suffering, some keen pang of despair?—as he rode down and down the valley, all unconscious of the heart-break he left behind him. He thought of it often afterward; he never penetrated its mystery. He heard of her only once again. On the eve of a famous day, when visiting the outposts of a gallant corps, Reginald Chevis happened to recognize in one of the pickets the gawky mountaineer who had been his guide through those autumnal woods so far away. Hi Bates was afterward sought out and honored with an interview in the general's tent; for the accidental encounter had evoked many pleasant reminiscences in Chevis's mind, and among other questions he wished to ask was what had become of Jerry Shaw's daughter. "She's dead,—long ago," answered Hi Bates. "She died afore the winter war over the year ez ye war a-huntin' thar. She never hed good sense ter my way o' thinkin', nohow, an' one night she run away, an' walked 'bout fifteen mile through a big snow-storm. Some say it settled on her chist. Anyhow, she jes' �92 Local Color and Realistic Tradition sorter fell away like afterward, an' never held up her head good no more. She always war a slim little critter, an' looked like she war teched in the head." There are many things that suffer unheeded in those mountains: the birds that freeze on the trees; the wounded deer that leaves its cruel kind to die alone; the despairing, flying fox with its pursuing train of savage dogs and men. And the jutting crag whence had shone the camp-fire she had so often watched— her star, set forever—looked far over the valley beneath, where in one of those sad little rural graveyards she had been laid so long ago. But Reginald Chevis has never forgotten her. Whenever he sees the earliest star spring into the evening sky, he remembers the answering red gleam of that star in the valley. �MARY NOAILLES MURFREE 93 The Star in the Valley 1. What was the star in the valley which Reginald Chevis saw? Does the word star take on new meaning as the story progresses? 2. What is Jerry Shaw's relationship to the Peels? How does he feel about them? What plans does he make to upset Celia? 3. When Chevis learns of Celia Shaw's death, he feels a sense of humiliation. What has he come to realize about himself and about the girl? 4. Find the following words in the story. Write the sentence containing each work. Guess its meaning from the context. Look it up in the dictionary to see if your definition is correct. Write a sentence of your own using each word. acquiescent aperture affinity cogitation ethereal eminent idyllic inscrutable opaline prosaic �94 Local Color and Realistic Tradition JOHN FOX, JR. (1862-1919) John Fox, Jr., born a Kentuckian, later lived in Big Stone Gap, Virginia. He graduated from Harvard University and became a writer and lecturer. After President Theodore Roosevelt attended one of his presentations, he invited Fox to the White House to read stories and sing mountain songs. He is best known for his novels The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come and The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. These novels and other works depict the lives of mountaineers in southwest Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and West Virginia. While recounting the bitter feud between the Stetsons and the Lewallens in this excerpt from A Cumberland Vendetta, he also reflects the universal theme of brotherly love. From A Cumberland Vendetta Just where young Stetson stood, the mountains racing along each bank of the Cumberland had sent out against each other, by mutual impulse, two great spurs. At the river's brink they stopped sheer, with crests uplifted, as though some hand at the last moment had hurled them apart, and had led the water through the breach to keep them at peace. To-day the crags look seamed by thwarted passion; and, sullen with firs, they made symbols of the human hate about the base of each. �JOHN FOX, JR. 95 When the feud began, no one knew. Even the original cause was forgotten. Both families had come as friends from Virginia long ago, and had lived as enemies nearly half a century. There was hostility before the war, but, until then, little bloodshed. Through the hatred of change characteristic of the mountaineer the world over, the Lewallens were for the Union. The Stetsons owned a few slaves, and they fought for them. Peace found both still neighbors and worse foes. The war armed them, and brought back an ancestral contempt for human life; it left them a heritage of lawlessness that for mutual protection made necessary the very means used by their feudal forefathers; personal hatred supplanted its dead issues, and with them the war went on. The Stetsons had a good strain of Anglo-Saxon blood, and owned valley-lands; the Lewallens kept store, and made "moonshine"; so kindred and debtors and kindred and tenants were arrayed with one or the other leader, and gradually the retainers of both settled on one or the other side of the river. In time of hostility the Cumberland came to be the boundary between life and death for the dwellers on each shore. It was feudalism born again. Above one of the spurs each family had its home: the Stetsons, under the seared face of Thunderstruck Knob; the Lewallens, just beneath the wooded rim of Wolfs Head. The eaves and chimney of each cabin were faintly visible from the porch of the other. The first light touched the house of the Stetsons; the last, the Lewallen cabin. So there were times when the one could not turn to the sunrise nor the other to the sunset but with a curse in his heart; for his eyes must fall on the home of his enemy. For years there had been peace. The death of Rome Stetson's father from ambush, and the fight in the court-house square, had forced it. After that fight only four were left—old Jasper Lewallen, and young Jasper, the boy Rome, and his uncle, Rufe Stetson. Then Rufe fled to the West, and the Stetsons were helpless. For three years no word was heard of him, but the hatred burned in the heart of Rome's mother, and was traced deep in her grim old face while she patiently waited the �96 Local Color and Realistic Tradition day of retribution. It smouldered, too, in the hearts of the women of both clans who had lost husbands or sons or lovers; and the friends and kin of each had little to do with one another, and met and passed with watchful eyes. Indeed, it would take so little to turn peace to war that the wonder was that peace had lived so long. Now trouble was at hand. Rufe Stetson had come back at last, a few months since, and had quietly opened store at the county-seat, Hazlan—a little town five miles up the river, where Troubled Fork runs seething into the Cumberland—a point of neutrality for the factions, and consequently a battleground. Old Jasper's store was at the other end of the town, and the old man had never been known to brook competition. He had driven three men from Hazlan during the last term of peace for this offence, and everybody knew that the fourth must leave or fight. Already Rufe Stetson had been warned not to appear outside his door after dusk. Once or twice his wife had seen skulking shadows under the trees across the road, and a tremor of anticipation ran along both banks of the Cumberland.... All were smoking and silent. Several spoke from the shadows as Rome stepped on the porch, and Rufe Stetson faced him a moment in the doorway, and laughed. "Seem kinder s'prised?" he said, with a searching look. "Wasn't lookin' for me? I reckon I'll s'prise sev'ral ef I hev goodluck." The subtlety of this sent a chuckle of appreciation through the porch, but Rome passed in without answer. Isom lay on his bed within the circle of light, and his face in the brilliant glow was white, and his eyes shone feverishly. "Rome," he said, excitedly, "Uncle Rufe's hyeh, 'n' they laywayed him, 'n'—" He paused abruptly. His mother came in, and at her call the mountaineers trooped through the covered porch, and sat down to supper in the kitchen. They ate hastily and in silence, the mother attending their wants, and Rome helping her. The meal finished, they drew their chairs �JOHN FOX, JR. 97 about the fire. Pipes were lighted, and Rufe Stetson rose and closed the door. "Thai's no use harryin' the boy," he said; "I reckon he'll be too puny to take a hand." The mother stopped clearing the table, and sat on the rock hearth close to the fire, her withered lips shut tight about a lighted pipe, and her sunken eyes glowing like the coal of fire in its black bowl. Now and then she would stretch her knotted hands nervously into the flames or knit them about her knees, looking closely at the heavy faces about her, which had lightened a little with expectancy. Rufe Stetson stood before the blaze, his hands clasped behind him, and his huge figure bent in reflection. At intervals he would look with half-shut eyes at Rome, who sat with troubled face outside the firelight. Across the knees of Steve Marcum, the best marksman in the mountains, lay the barrel of a new Winchester. Old Sam Day, Ruf e's father-in-law and counsellor to the Stetsons for a score of years, sat as if asleep on the opposite side of the fireplace from the old mother, with his big square head pressed down between his misshapen shoulders. "The time hev come, Rome." Rufe spoke between the puffs of his pipe, and Rome's heart quickened, for every eye was upon him. "Thai's goin' to be trouble now. I hear as how young Jasper hev been talkin' purty tall about ye—'lowin' as how ye air afeard o' him." Rome felt his mother's burning look. He did not turn towards her nor Rufe, but his face grew sullen, and his voice was low and harsh. "I reckon he'll find out about that when the time comes," he said, quietly—too quietly, for the old mother stirred uneasily, and significant glances went from eye to eye. Rufe did not look up from the floor. He had been told about Rome's peculiar conduct, and, while the reason for it was beyond guessing, he knew the temper of the boy and how to kindle it. He had thrust a thorn in a tender spot, and he let it rankle. How sorely it did rankle he little knew. The voice of the woman across the river was still in Rome's ears. Nothing cuts the mountaineer to the quick like the name of coward. It �98 Local Color and Realistic Tradition stung him like the lash of an oxwhip then; it smarted all the way across the river and up the mountain. Young Jasper had been charging him broadcast with cowardice, and Jasper's people no doubt believed it. Perhaps his own did—his uncle, his mother. The bare chance of such a humiliation set up an inward rage. He wondered how he could ever have been such a fool as to think of peace. The woman's gossip had swept kindly impulses from his heart with a fresh tide of bitterness, and, helpless now against its current, he sullenly gave way, and let his passions loose to drift with it. "Whar d' ye git the guns, Rufe?" Steve was testing the action of the Winchester with a kindling look, as the click of the locks struck softly through the silence. "Jackson; 'way up in Breathitt, at the end of the new road." "No wonder y'u've been gone so long." "I had to wait thar fer the guns, 'n' I had to travel atter dark comin' back, 'n' lay out'n the bresh by day. Hit's full eighty mile up thar." "Air ye shore nobody seed ye?" The question was from a Marcum, who had come in late, and several laughed. Rufe threw back his dusty coat, which was ripped through the lapel by a bullet. "They seed me well 'nough fer that," he said, grimly, and then he looked towards Rome, who thought of old Jasper, and gave back a gleam of fierce sympathy. There were several nods of approval along with the laugh that followed. It was a surprise—so little consideration of an escape so narrow—from Rufe; for, as old Gabe said, Rufe was big and good-natured, and was not thought fit for leadership. But there was a change in him when he came back from the West. He was quieter; he laughed less. No one spoke of the difference; it was too vague; but every one felt it, and it had an effect. His flight had made many uneasy, but his return, for that reason, brought a stancher fealty from these; and this was evident now. All eyes were upon him, and all tongues, even old Sam's waited now for his to speak. "Whut we've got to do, we've got to do mighty quick," he �JOHN FOX, JR. 99 began, at last. 'Things air changing I seed it over thar in Breathitt. The soldiers 'n' that scar-faced Jellico preacher hev broke up the fightin' over thar, 'n' if we don't watch out, they'll be a-doin' it hyeh, when we start our leetle frolic. We hain't got no time to fool. Old Jas knows this as well as me, 'n' thar's goin' to be mighty leetle chance for 'em to layway 'n' pick us off from the bresh. Thar's goin' to be fa'r fightin' f er once, thank the Lord. They bushwhacked us durin' the war, 'n' they've laywayed us 'n' shot us to pieces ever sence; but now, of God A'mighty's willin', the thing's a-goin' to be settled one way or t'other at last, I reckon." He stopped a moment to think. The men's breathing could be heard, so quiet was the room, and Rufe went on telling in detail, slowly, as if to himself, the wrongs the Lewallens had done his people. When he came to old Jasper his voice was low, and his manner was quieter than ever. "Now old Jas have got to the p'int whar he says as how nobody in the county kin undersell him 'n' stay hyeh. Old Jas druv Bond Vickers out'n the mount'ins fer tryin' hit. He druv Jess Hale away; 'n' them two air our kin." The big mountaineer turned then, and knocked the ashes from his pipe. His eyes grew a little brighter, and his nostrils spread, but with a sweep of his arm he added, still quietly: "¥' aU know whut he's done." The gesture lighted memories of personal wrongs in every breast; he had tossed a firebrand among fagots, and an angry light began to burn from the eyes that watched him. "Ye know, too, that he thinks he has played the same game with me; but ye don't know, I reckon, that he had ole Jim Stover 'n' that mis'able Eli Crump a-hidin' in the bushes to shoot me"—again he grasped the torn lapel; "that a body warned me to git away from Hazlan; 'n' the night I left home they come thar to kill me, 'n' s'arched the house, 'n' skeered Mollie 'n'the leetle gal 'most to death." The mountaineer's self-control was lost suddenly in a furious oath. The men did know, but in fresh anger they leaned forward in their chairs, and twisted about with smothered cur- �100 Local Color and Realistic Tradition ses. The old woman had stopped smoking, and was rocking her body to and fro. Her lips were drawn in upon her toothless gums, and her pipe was clinched against her sunken breast. The head of the old mountaineer was lifted, and his eyes were open and shining fiercely. "I hear as how he says I'm gone fer good. Well, I have been kinder easy-goin', hatin' to fight, but sence the day I seed Rome's dad thar dead in his blood, I hev had jes one thing I wanted to do. Thar wasn't no use stayin' hyeh; I seed that. Rome thar was too leetle, and they was too many fer me. I knowed it was easier to git a new start out West, 'n' when I come back to the mount'ins, hit was to do jes—whut—I'm— going—to—do—now." He wheeled suddenly upon Rome, with one huge hand lifted. Under it the old woman's voice rose in a sudden wail: "Yes; 'n' I want to see it done befoh I die. I hain't hyeh fer long, but I hain't goin' to leave as long as ole Jas is hyeh, 'n' I want ye all to know it. Ole Jas hev got to go fust. You hear me, Rome? I'm a-talkin' to you, boy; I'm a-talkin' to you. Hit's yo time now!" The frenzied chant raised Rome from his chair. Rufe himself took up the spirit of it, and his voice was above all caution. "Yes, Rome! They killed him, boy. They sneaked on him, 'n' shot him to pieces from the bushes. Yes; hit's yo' time now! Look hyeh, boys!" He reached above the fireplace and took down an old rifle—his brother's—which the old mother had suffered no one to touch. He held it before the fire, pointing to two crosses made near the flash-pan. "Thai's one fer ole Jim Lewallen! Thai's one fer ole Jas! He got Jim, but ole Jas got him, 'n' that's his cross thar yit! Whar's yo' gun, Rome? Shame on ye, boy!" The wild-eyed old woman was before him. She had divined Rufe's purpose, and was already at his side, with Rome's Winchester in one hand and a clasp-knife in the other. Every man was on his feet; the door was open, and the boy Isom was at the threshold, his eyes blazing from his white face. Rome had strode forward. �JOHN FOX, JR. 101 "Yes, boy; now's the time, right hyeh before us all!" The mother had the knife outstretched. Rome took it, and the scratch of the point on the hard steel went twice through the stillness—"one more fer the young un;" the voice was the old mother's—then twice again. The moon was sinking when Rome stood in the door alone. The tramp of horses was growing fainter down the mountain. The trees were swaying in the wind below him, and he could just see the gray cliffs on the other shore. The morning seemed far away; it made him dizzy looking back to it through the tumult of the day. Somewhere in the haze was the vision of a girl's white face—white with distress for him. Her father and her brother he had sworn to kill. He had made a cross for each, and each cross was an oath. He closed the door; and then he gave way, and sat down with his head in both hands. The noises in the kitchen ceased. The fire died away, and the chill air gathered about him. When he rose, the restless eyes of the boy were upon him from the shadows. It was court-day in Hazlan, but so early in the morning nothing was astir in the town that hinted of its life on such a day. But for the ring of a blacksmith's anvil on the quiet air, and the fact that nowhere was a church-spire visible, a stranger would have thought that the peace of Sabbath overlay a village of God-fearing people. A burly figure lounged in the porch of a rickety house, and yawned under swinging sign, the rude letters of which promised "private entertainment" for the traveller unlucky enough to pass that way. In the one long, narrow main street, closely flanked by log and framed houses, nothing else human was in sight. Out from this street, and in an empty square, stood the one brick building in the place, the courthouse, brick without, brick within; unfinished, unpencilled, unpainted; panes out of the windows, a shutter off here and there, or swinging drunkenly on one hinge; the door wide open, as though there was no privacy within—a poor structure, with the look of a good man gone shiftless, and fast going wrong. �102 Local Color and Realistic Tradition Soon two or three lank brown figures appeared from each direction on foot; then a horseman or two, and by-and-by mountaineers came in groups, on horse and on foot. In time the side alleys and the court-house square were filled with horses and mules, and even steers. The mountaineers crowded the narrow street: idling from side to side; squatting for a bargain on the wooden sidewalks; grouping on the porch of the rickety hotel, and on the court-house steps; loitering in and out of the one store in sight. Out in the street several stood about a horse, looking at his teeth, holding his eyes to the sun, punching his ribs, twisting his tail; while the phlegmatic owner sat astride the submissive beast, and spoke short answers to rare questions. Everybody talked politics, the crop failure, or the last fight at the seat of some private war; but nobody spoke of a Lewallen or a Stetson unless he knew his listener's heart, and said it in a whisper. For nobody knew when the powder would flash, or who had taken sides, or that a careless word might not array him with one or the other faction. A motley throng it was—in brown or gray homespun, with trousers in cowhide boots, and slouched hats with brims curved according to temperament, but with striking figures in it: the patriarch with long, white hair, shorn even with the base of the neck, and bearded only at the throat—a justice of the peace, and the sage of his district; a little mountaineer with curling black hair and beard, and dark, fine features; a grizzled giant with a head rugged enough to have been carelessly chipped from stone; a bragging candidate claiming everybody's notice; a square-shouldered fellow surging through the crowd like a stranger; an open-faced, devil-maycare young gallant on fire with moonshine; a skulking figure with brutish mouth and shifting eyes. Indeed, every figure seemed distinct; for, living apart from his neighbor, and troubling the law but little in small matters of dispute, the mountaineer preserves independence, and keeps the edges of his individuality unworn. Apparently there was not a woman in town. Those that lived there kept housed, and the fact was significant. Still, it was close to noon, and yet not a Stetson or a �JOHN FOX, JR. 103 Lewallen had been seen. The stores of Rufe and old Jasper were at the extremities of the town, and the crowd did not move those ways. It waited in the centre, and whetted impatience by sly trips in twos and threes to stables or side alleys for "mountain dew." Now and then the sheriff, a little man with a mighty voice, would appear on the court-house steps, and summon a witness to court, where a frightened judge gave instructions to a frightened jury. But few went, unless called; for the interest was outside: every man in the streets knew that a storm was nigh, and was waiting to see it burst. Noon passed. A hoarse bell and a whining hound had announced dinner in the hotel. The guests were coming again into the streets. Eyes were brighter, faces a little more flushed, and the "moonshine" was passed more openly. Both ways the crowd watched closely. The quiet at each end of the street was ominous, and the delay could last but little longer. The lookers-on themselves were getting quarrelsome. The vent must come soon, or among them there would be trouble. "Thar comes Jas Lewallen!" At last. A dozen voices spoke at once. A horseman had appeared far down the street from the Lewallen end. The clouds broke from about the sun, and a dozen men knew the horse that bore him; for the gray was prancing the street sidewise, and throwing the sunlight from his flanks. Nobody followed, and the crowd was puzzled. Young Jasper carried a Winchester across his saddle-bow, and, swaying with the action of his horse, came on. "What air he about?" "He's a plumb idgit" "He mus' be crazy." "He's drunk!" The wonder ceased. Young Jasper was reeling. Two or three Stetsons slipped from the crowd, and there was a galloping of hoofs the other way. Another horseman appeared from the Lewallen end, riding hastily. The new-comer's errand was to call Jasper back. But the young dare-devil was close to the crowd, and was swinging a bottle over his head. "Come back hyeh, Jas! Comehyeh!" The new-comer was �104 Local Color and Realistic Tradition shouting afar off while he galloped. Horses were being untethered from the side-alleys. Several more Lewallen riders came in sight. They could see the gray shining in the sunlight amid the crowd, and the man sent after him halted at a safe distance, gesticulating; and they, too, spurred forward. "Hello boys!" young Jasper was calling out, as he swayed from side to side, the people everywhere giving him way. "Fun to-day, by—! fun to-day! Who'll hev a drink! Hyeh's hell to the Stetsons, whar some of 'em'll be 'fore night!" With a swagger he lifted the bottle to his lips, and, stopping short, let it fall untouched to the ground. He had straightened in his saddle, and was looking up the street. With a deep curse he threw the Winchester to his shoulder, fired, and before his yell died on his lips horse and rider were away like a shaft of light. The crowd melted like magic from the street. The Stetsons, chiefly on foot, did not return the fire, but halted up the street, as if parleying. Young Jasper joined his party, and they, too, stood still a moment, puzzled by the irresolution of the other side. "Watch out! they're gittin' round ye! Run for the courthouse, ye fools!—ye, run!" The voice came in a loud yell from somewhere down the street, and its warning was just in time. A wreath of smoke came about a corner of the house far down the street, and young Jasper yelled, and dashed up a side-alley with his followers. A moment later judge, jury, witnesses, and sheriff were flying down the court-house steps at the point of Lewallen guns; the Lewallen horses, led by the gray, were snorting through the streets; their riders, barricaded in the forsaken court-house, were puffing a stream of fire and smoke from every window of court-room below and juryroom above. The streets were a bedlam. The Stetsons were yelling with triumph. The Lewallens were divided, and Rufe placed three Stetsons with Winchesters on each side of the court-house, and kept them firing. Rome, pale and stern, hid his force between the square and the Lewallen store. He was none too quick. The rest were coming on, led by old Jasper. It was reckless, riding �JOHN FOX, JR. 105 that way right into death; but the old man believed young Jasper's life at stake, and the men behind asked no questions when old Jasper led them. The horse's hoofs beat the dirt street like the crescendo of thunder. The fierce old man's hat was gone, and his mane-like hair was shaking in the wind. Louder—and still the Stetsons were quiet—quiet too long. The wily old man saw the trap, and, with a yell, whirled the column up an alley, each man flattening over his saddle. From every window, from behind every corner and tree, smoke belched from the mouth of a Winchester. Two horses went down; one screamed; the other struggled to his feet, and limped away with an empty saddle. One of the fallen men sprang into safety behind a house, and one lay still, with his arms stretched out and his face in the dust. From behind the barn, house, and fence the Lewallens gave back a scattering fire; but the Stetsons crept closer, and were plainly in greater numbers. Old Jasper was being surrounded, and he mounted again, and all, followed by a chorus of bullets and triumphant yells, fled for a wooded slope in the rear of the court-house. A dozen Lewallens were prisoners, and must give up or starve. There was savage joy in the Stetson crowd, and many-footed rumor went all ways that night. Despite sickness and Rome's strict order, Isom had ridden down to the mill. Standing in the doorway, he and old Gabe saw up the river, where the water broke into the foam over the ford, a riderless gray horse plunging across. Later it neighed at a gate under Wolf's Head, and Martha Lewallen ran out to meet it. Across under Thunderstruck Knob that night the old Stetson mother listened to Isom's story of the fight with ghastly joy in her death-marked face. All night the court-house was guarded and on guard. At one corner of the square Rufe Stetson, with a few men, sat on watch in old Sam Day's cabin—the fortress of the town, built for such a purpose, and used for it many times before. The prisoners, too, were alert, and no Stetson ventured into the open square, for the moon was high; an exposure anywhere �106 Local Color and Realistic Tradition was noted instantly by the whistle of a rifle-ball, and the mountaineer takes few risks except under stress of drink or passion. Rome Stetson had placed pickets about the town wherever surprise was possible. All night he patrolled the streets to keep his men in such readiness as he could for the attack that the Lewallens would surely make to rescue their living friends and to avenge the dead ones. But the triumph was too great and unexpected. Two Braytons were dead; several more were prisoners with young Jasper in the court-house; and drinking began. As the night deepened without attack, the Stetsons drank more, and grew reckless. A dance was started. Music and "moonshine" were given to every man who bore a Winchester. The night was broken with drunken yells, the random discharge of firearms, and the monotone of heavy feet. The two leaders were helpless, the inaction of the Lewallens puzzled them. Chafed with anxiety, they kept their eyes on the courthouse or on the thicket of gloom where their enemies lay. But the woods were as quiet as the pall of shadows over them. Once Rome, making his rounds, saw a figure crawling through a field of corn. It looked like Crump's, but before he could fire the man rolled like a ball down the bushy bank to the river. An instant later some object went swiftly past a side-street—somebody on horseback. A picket fired an alarm. The horse kept on, and Rome threw his rifle on a patch of moonlight. When the object flashed through, his finger was numbed at the trigger. In the moonlight the horse looked gray, and the rider seated sidewise. A bullet from the court-house clipped his hatbrim as he ran recklessly across the street to where Steve Marcum stood in the dark behind old Sam's cabin. "Jim Hale '11 git him as he goes up the road," said Steve, calmly—and then with hot impatience, "Why the hell don't he shoot?" Rome started forward in the moonlight, and Steve caught his arm. Two bullets hissed from the court-house, and he fell back. A shot sounded from the bushes far away from the road. �JOHN FOX, JR. 107 The horse kept on, and splashed into Troubled Fork, and Steve swore bitterly. "Hit ain't Jim. Hit's that mis'able Bud Vickers; he's been astandin' guard out'n the bushes 'stid o' the road. That was a spy, I tell ye, 'n' the coward let him in and let him out. They'll know now we're all drunk! Whut's the matter?" Rome's mouth was half open. He looked white and sick, and Steve thought he had been hit, but he took off his hat. "Purty close!" he said, with a laugh, pointing at the bullet-hole through the brim. Steve, unsuspicious, went on: "Hit was a spy, I tell ye. Bud was afeard to stan' in the road, 'n' I'm goin' out thar 'n' twist his damned neck. We've got 'em, Rome! I tell ye, we've got 'em! Ef we kin git through this night, and git the boys sober in the morning, we've got 'em shore!" The night did pass in safety, darkness wore away without attack, and morning broke on the town in its drunken stupor. Then the curious silence of the Lewallens was explained. The rumor came that old Jasper was dead, and it went broadcast. Later, friends coming to the edge of the town for the bodies of the dead Lewallens confirmed it. A random ball had passed through old Lewallen's body in the wild flight for the woods. During the night he had spent his last breath in a curse against the man that fired it. Then each Stetson, waked from his drunken sleep, drank again when he heard of the death. The day bade fair to be like the night, and again the anxiety of the leaders was edged with fear. Old Jasper dead and young Jasper a prisoner, the chance was near to end the feud. There would be no Lewallen left to lead their enemies. But, again, they were well-nigh helpless. Already they had barely enough men to guard their prisoners. Of the Marcums, Steve alone was able to handle a Winchester. Outside the sounds of the carousal were in the air and growing louder. In a little while, if the Lewallens but knew it, escape would be easy and the Stetsons could be driven from the town. "Oh, they know it," said Steve. "They'll be a-whoopin' �108 Local Color and Realistic Tradition down out o' them woods purty soon, 'n' we're goin' to ketch hell. Fd like to know mighty well who that spy was last night. That cussed Bud Vickers says it was a ha'nt, on a white hoss, with long hair flyin' in the wind, 'n' that he shot plumb through it. I jus' wish I'd a had a chance at it" Still, noon came again without trouble, and the imprisoned Lewallens had been twenty-four hours without food. Their ammunition was getting scarce. The firing was less frequent, but the watch was as close as ever. Twice a Winchester had sounded a signal of distress. All knew that a response must come soon; and come it did. A picket, watching the river road, saw young Jasper's horse coming along the dark bushes far up the river, and brought the news to the group standing behind old Sam's cabin. The gray galloped into sight, and, skirting the woods, came straight for the town—with a woman on his back. The stirrup of a man's saddle dangled on one side, and the woman's bonnet had fallen from her head. Some one challenged her. "Stop, I tell ye! Don't ye go near that court-house! Stop, I tell ye! I'll shoot! Stop!" Rome ran from the cabin with a revolver in each hand. A drunken mountaineer was raising a Winchester to his shoulder. Springing from the back of the gray at the courthouse steps was Martha Lewallen. "I'll kill the fust man that lifts his finger to hurt the gal," Rome said, knocking the drunken man's gun in the air. "We hain't fightin' women!" It was too late to oppose her, and the crowd stood helplessly watching. No one dared approach, and, shielding with her body the space of the opening door, she threw the sack of food within. Then she stood a moment talking and, turning, climbed to her saddle. The gray was spotted with foam, and showed the red of his nostrils with every breath as, with face flushed and eyes straight before her, she rode slowly towards the crowd. What she was about! Rome stood rigid, his forgotten pistols hanging at each side; the mouth of the drunken mountaineer was open with stupid wonder; the rest fell apart �JOHN FOX, JR. 109 as she came around the corner of the cabin and, through the space given, rode slowly, her skirt almost brushing Rome, looking neither to the right nor to the left; and when she had gone quite through them all, she wheeled and rode, still slowly, through the open fields towards the woods which sheltered the Lewallens, while the crowd stood in bewildered silence looking after her. Yells of laughter came from the old courthouse. Some of the Stetsons laughed, too; some swore, a few grumbled; but there was not one who was not stirred by the superb daring of the girl, though she had used it only to show her contempt. "Rome, you're a fool; though, fer a fac', we can't shoot a woman; 'n' anyways I ruther shoot her than the hoss. But lemme tell ye, thar was more'n than sump'n to eat in that bag! They air up to some dodge." Ruf e Stetson had watched the incident through a port-hole of the cabin, and his tone was at once jesting and anxious. "That grub won't last more'n one day, I reckon," said the drunken mountaineer. "We'll watch out fer the gal nex' time. We're boun' to git 'em one time or t' other." "She rid through us to find out how many of us wasn't dead drunk," said Steve Marcum, still watching the girl as she rode on towards the woods; f"n' I'm a-thinkin' they'll be down on us purty soon now, 'n' I reckon we'll have to run fer it. Look thar, boys!" The girl had stopped at the edge of the woods; facing the town, she waved her bonnet high above her head. "Well, whut in the—" he said, with slow emphasis, and then he leaped from the door with a yell. The bonnet was a signal to the beleaguered Lewallens. The rear door of the court-house had been quietly opened, and the prisoners were out in a body and scrambling over the fence before the pickets could give an alarm. The sudden yells, the crack of Winchesters, startled even the revellers; and all who could, headed by Rome and Steve Marcum, sprang into the square, and started in pursuit. But the Lewallens had got far ahead, and were running in zigzag lines to dodge the balls flying after them. Half-way to the �110 Local Color and Realistic Tradition woods was a gully of red clay, and into this the fleetest leaped, and turned instantly to cover their comrades. The Winchesters began to rattle from the woods, and bullets came like rain from everywhere. "T-h-up! T-h-up! T-h-up!" there were three of them—the peculiar soft, dull messages of hot lead to living flesh. A Stetson went down; another stumbled; Rufe Stetson, climbing the fence, caught at his breast with an oath, and fell back. Rome and Steve dropped for safety to the ground. Every other Stetson turned in a panic, and every Lewallen in the gully leaped from it, and ran under the Lewallen fire for shelter in the woods. The escape was over. "That was a purty neat trick," said Steve, wiping a red streak from his cheek. "Nex' time she tries that, she'll git herself into trouble." At nightfall the wounded leader and the dead one were carried up the mountain, each to his own home; and there was mourning far into the night on one bank of the Cumberland, and, serious though Ruf e Stetson's wound was, exultation on the other. But in it Rome could take but little part. There had been no fault to find with him in the fight. But a reaction had set in when he saw the girl flash in the moonlight past the sights of his Winchester, and her face that day had again loosed within him a flood of feeling that drove the lust for revenge from his veins. Even now, while he sat in his own cabin, his thoughts were across the river where Martha, broken at last, sat at her death vigils. He knew what her daring ride that day had cost her, with old Jasper dead out there in the woods; and as she passed him he had grown suddenly humbled, shamed. He grew heartsick now as he thought of it all; and the sight of his mother on her bed in the corner, close to death as she was, filled him with bitterness. There was no help for him. He was alone now, pitted against young Jasper alone. On one bed lay his uncle—nigh to death. There was a grim figure in the corner, the implacable spirit of hate and revenge. His rifle was against the wall. If there was any joy for him in old Jasper's death, it was that his hand had not caused it, and yet—God help him!— �JOHN FOX, JR. Ill there was the other cross, the other oath. The star and the crescent were swinging above Wolfs Head, and in the dark hour that breaks into dawn a cavalcade of Lewallens forded the Cumberland, and galloped along the Stetson shore. At the head rode young Jasper, and Crump the spy. Swift changes had followed the court-house fight. In spite of the death of Ruf e Stetson from his wound, and several other Stetsons from ambush, the Lewallens had lost ground. Old Jasper's store had fallen into the hands of the creditors—"furriners"—for debts, and it was said his homestead must follow. In a private war a leader must be more than leader. He must feed and often clothe his followers, and young Jasper had not the means to carry on the feud. The famine had made corn dear. He could feed neither man nor horse, and the hired feudsmen fell away, leaving the Lewallens and the Braytons and their close kin to battle alone. So Jasper avoided open combat and resorted to ambush and surprise; and, knowing in some way every move made by the Stetsons, with great daring and success. It was whispered, too, that he no longer cared who owned what he might want for himself. Several dark deeds were traced to him. In a little while he was a terror to good citizens, and finally old Gabe asked aid of the governor. Soldiers from the settlements were looked for any day, and both factions knew it. At the least this would delay the war, and young Jasper had got ready for a last fight which was close at hand. Half a mile on the riders swerved into a wooded slope. There they hid their horses in the brush, and climbed the spur stealthily. The naked woods showed the cup-like shape of the mountains there—a basin from which radiated upward wooded ravines, edged with ribs of rock. In this basin the Stetsons were encamped. The smoke of a fire was visible in the dim morning light, and the Lewallens scattered to surround the camp. The effort was vain. A picket saw the creeping figures; his gun echoed a warning from rock to rock, and with �112 Local Color and Realistic Tradition yells the Lewallens ran forward. Rome sprang from sleep near the fire, bareheaded, rifle in hand, his body plain against a huge rock, and the bullets hissed and spat about him as he leaped this way and that, firing as he sprang, and shouting for his men. Steve Marcum alone answered. Some, startled from sleep, had fled in panic; some had run deeper into the woods for shelter. And bidding Steve save himself, Rome turned up the mountain, running from tree to tree, and dropped unhurt behind a fallen chestnut. Other Stetsons, too, had turned, and answering bullets began to whistle to the enemy. But they were widely separated and ignorant of one another's position, and the Lewallens drove them one by one to new hiding-places, scattering them more. To his right Rome saw Steve Marcum speed like a shadow up through a little open space, but he feared to move. Several Lewallens had recognized him, and were watching him alone. He could not even fire; at the least exposure there was a chorus of bullets about his ears. In a moment they began to come obliquely from each side; the Lewallens were getting around him. In a moment more death was sure there, and once again he darted up the mountain. The bullets sang after him like maddened bees. He felt one cut his hat and another sting his left arm, but he raced up, up, till the firing grew fainter as he climbed, and ceased an instant altogether. Then, still farther below, came a sudden crash of reports. Stetsons were pursuing the men who were after him, but he could not join them. The Lewallens were scattered everywhere between him and his own men, and a descent might lead him to the muzzle of an enemy's Winchester. So he climbed over a ledge of rock and lay there, peeping through a crevice between two bowlders, gaining his breath. The firing was far below him now, and was sharp. Evidently his pursuers were too busy defending themselves to think further of him, and he began to plan how he should get back to his friends. But he kept hidden, and, searching the cliffs below him for a sheltered descent, he saw something like a slouched hat just over a log, scarcely fifty feet below him. Presently the hat was lifted a few inches; a figure rose cautiously and climbed �JOHN FOX, JR. 113 towards the ledge, shielding itself behind rock and tree. Very quietly Rome crawled back to the face of the cliff behind him, and crouched behind a rock with his cocked rifle across his knees. The man must climb over the ledge; there would be a bare, level floor of rock between them—the Lewallen would be at his mercy—and Rome, with straining ears, waited. There was a foot-fall on the other side of the ledge; a soft clink of metal against stone. The Lewallen was climbing slowly—slowly. Rome could hear his heavy breathing. A grimy hand slipped over the sharp comb of the ledge; another appeared, clinched about a Winchester—then the slouched hat, and under it the dark, crafty face of young Jasper. Rome sat like the stone before him, with a half-smile on his lips. Jasper peered about with the sly caution of a fox, and his face grew puzzled and chagrined as he looked at the cliffs above him. "Stopthar!" He was drawing himself over the ledge, and the low, stern voice startled him, as a knife might have done, thrust suddenly from the empty air at his breast. Rome rose upright against the cliff, with his resolute face against the stock of Winchester. "Drap that gun!11 The order was given along Stetson's barrel, and the weapon was dropped, the steel ringing on the stone floor. Rome lowered his gun to the hollow of his arm, and the two young leaders faced each other for the first time in the life of either. "Seem kinder s'prised to see me," said the Stetson, grimly. "Hev ye got a pistol?" Young Jasper glared at him in helpless ferocity. "Naw!" "Knife?" He drew a long-bladed penknife from his pocket, and tossed it at Rome's feet. "Jes' move over thar, will ye?" The Lewallen took his stand against the cliff, Rome picked up the fallen rifle, and leaned it against the ledge. "Now, Jas Lewallen, thar's nobody left in this leetle trouble 'cept you 'n' me, 'n' ef one of us was dead, I reckon t'other could �114 Local Color and Realistic Tradition live hyeh, 'n' thar'd be peace in these mountains. I thought o' that when I had ye at the end o' this Winchester. I reckon you would 'a' shot me dead ef I had poked my head over a rock as keerless as you." That is just what he would have done, and Jasper did not answer.fTve swore to kill ye, too," added Rome, tapping his gun; Tve got a cross fer ye hyeh." The Lewallen was no coward. Outcry or resistance was useless. The Stetson meant to taunt him, to make death more bitter; for Jasper expected death, and he sullenly waited for it against the cliff. "You've been banterin' me a long time now, 'lowin' as how ye air the better man o' the two; 'n' I've got a notion o' givin' ye a chance to prove yer tall talk. Hit's not our way to kill a man in cold blood, 'n' I don't want to kill ye anyways ef I kin he'p it. Seem s'prised ag'in. Reckon ye don't believe me? I don't wonder when I think o' my own dad, 'n' all the meanness yo' folks have done mine; but I've got a good reason fer not Idllin' ye—ef I kin he'p it. Y'u don't know what it is, 'n' y'u'll never know; but I'll give ye a chance now fer yer life ef y'u'll sw'ar on a stack o' Bibles as high as that tree thar that y'u'll leave these mount'ins ef I whoops ye, 'a nuver come back ag'in as long as you live. /'// leave, ef ye whoops me. Now, whut do ye say? Will ye sw'ar!" "I reckon I will, seein' as I've got to," was the surly answer. But Jasper's face was dark with suspicion, and Rome studied it keenly. The Lewallens once had been men whose word was good, but he did not like Jasper's look. "I reckon I'll trust ye," he said, at last, more through confidence in his own strength than faith in his enemy; for Jasper whipped would be as much at his mercy as he was now. So Rome threw off his coat, and began winding his homespun suspenders about his waist. Watching him closely, Jasper did the same. The firing below had ceased. A flock of mountain vultures was sailing in great circles over the thick woods. Two eagles swept straight from the rim of the sun above Wolf's Head, beating over a turbulent sea of mist for the cliffs, scarcely fifty yards �JOHN FOX, JR. 115 above the ledge, where a pine-tree grew between two rocks. At the instant of lighting, they wheeled away, each with a warning scream to the other. A figure lying flat behind the pine had frightened them, and now a face peeped to one side, flushed with eagerness over the coming fight. Both were ready now, and the Lewallen grew suddenly white as Rome turned again and reached down for the guns. "I reckon I'll put 'em a lettle furder out o' the way," he said, kicking the knife over the cliff; and, standing on a stone, he thrust them into a crevice high above his head. "Now, Jas, we'll fight this gredge out, as our grandads have done afore us." Lewallen and Stetson were man to man at last. Suspicion was gone now, and a short, brutal laugh came from the cliff. "I'll fight ye! Oh, by God, I'll fight ye!" The ring of the voice struck an answering gleam from Rome's gray eyes, and the two sprang for each other. It was like the struggle of primeval men who had not yet learned even the use of clubs. For an instant both stood close, like two wild beasts crouched for a spring, and circling about to get at each other's throats, with mouths set, eyes watching eyes, and hands twitching nervously. Young Jasper leaped first, and the Stetson, wary of closing with him, shrank back. There were a few, quick, heavy blows, and the Lewallen was beaten away with blood at his lips. Then each knew the advantage of the other. The Stetson's reach was longer; the Lewallen was shorter and heavier, and again he closed in. Again Rome sent out his long arm. A turn of Jasper's head let the heavy fist pass over his shoulder. The force of the blow drove Rome forward; the two clinched, and Jasper's arms tightened about Stetson's waist. With a quick grasp for breath Rome loosed his hold, and, bending his enemy's head back with one hand, rained blow after blow in his face with the other. One terrible stroke on the jaw, and Jasper's arms were loosed; the two fell apart, the one stunned, the other breathless. One dazed moment only, and for a third time the Lewallen came on. Rome had been fighting a man; now he faced a demon. Jasper's brows stood out �116 Local Color and Realistic Tradition like bristles, and the eyes under them were red and fierce like a mad bull's. Again Rome's blows fell, but again the Lewallen reached him, and this time he got his face under the Stetson's chin, and the heavy fist fell upon the back of his head, and upon his neck, as upon wood and leather. Again Rome had to gasp for breath, and again the two were fiercely locked—their corded arms as tense as serpents. Around and around they whirled, straining, tripping, breaking the silence only with deep, quick breaths and the stamping of feet, Jasper firm on the rock, and Rome's agility saving him from being lifted in the air and tossed from the cliff. There was no pause for rest. It was a struggle to the end, and a quick one; and under the stress of excitement the figure at the pine-tree had risen to his knees— jumping even to his feet in plain view, when the short, strong arms of the Lewallen began at last to draw Rome closer still, and to bend him backward. The Stetson was giving way at last. The Lewallen's vindictive face grew blacker, and his white teeth showed between his snarling lips as he fastened one leg behind his enemy's, and, with chin against his shoulder, bent him slowly, slowly back. The two breathed in short, painful gasps; their swollen muscles trembled under the strain as with ague. Back—back—the Stetson was falling; he seemed almost down, when—the trick was an old one—whirling with the quickness of light, he fell heavily on his opponent, and caught him by the throat with both hands. "'Nough?" he asked, hoarsely. It was the first word uttered. The only answer was a fierce struggle. Rome felt the Lewallen's teeth sinking in his arm, and his fingers tightened like twisting steel, till Jasper caught his breath as though strangling to death. "'Nough?" asked the hoarse voice again. No answer; tighter clinched the fingers. The Lewallen shook his head feebly; his purple face paled suddenly as Rome loosed his hold, and his lips moved in a whisper. "'Nough!" Rome rose dizzily to one knee. Jasper turned, gasping, and lay with his face to the rock. For a while both were quiet, Rome, �JOHN FOX, JR. 117 panting with open mouth and white with exhaustion, looking down now and then at the Lewallen, whose face was turned away with shame. The sun was blazing above Wolf's Head now, and the stillness about them lay unbroken on the woods below. "I've whooped ye, Jas," Rome said, at last; "I whooped ye in a fa'r fight, 'n' I've got nothin' now to say 'bout yer tall talk, 'n' I reckon you hevn't nuther. Now, hit's understood, hain't it, that /u'll leave these mount'ins? "Y'u kin go West," he continued, as the Lewallen did not answer. "Uncle Rufe used to say thar's a good deal to do out thar, 'n' nobody axes questions. Thar's nobody left hyeh but you 'n' me, but these mount'ins was never big 'nough fer one Lewallen 'n' one Stetson, 'n' you've got to go. I reckon ye won't believe me, but I'm glad I didn't hev to kill ye. But you've promised to go, now, 'n' I'll take yer word fer it." He turned his face, and the Lewallen, knowing it from the sound of his voice, sprang to his feet. "Oh—!" A wild curse burst from Rome's lips, and both leaped for the guns. The Lewallen had the start of a few feet, and Rome, lamed in the fight, stumbled and fell. Before he could rise Jasper had whirled, with one of the Winchesters above his head and his face aflame with fury. Asking no mercy, Rome hid his fae with one arm and waited, stricken faint all at once, and numb. One report struck his ears, muffled, whip-like. A dull wonder came to him that the Lewallen could have missed at such close range, and he waited for another. Some one shouted—a shrill halloo. A loud laugh followed; a light seemed breaking before Rome's eyes, and he lifted his head. Jasper was on his face again, motionless; and Steve Marcum's tall figure was climbing over a bowlder towards him. "That was the best fight I've seed in my time, by God" he said coolly, "'n', Rome, y'u air the biggest fool this side o' the settlements, I reckon. I had dead aim on him, 'n' I was jest athinkin' hit was a purty good thing fer you that ole long-nosed Jim Stover chased me up hyeh, when, damn me, ef that boy up �118 Local Color and Realistic Tradition thar didn't let his ole gun loose. I'd a-got Jas myself ef he hadn't been so all-fired quick o' trigger." Up at the root of the pine-tree Isom stood motionless, with his long rifle in one hand and a little cloud of smoke breaking above his white face. When Rome looked up he started down without a word. Steve swung himself over the ledge. "I heerd the shootin'," said the boy, "up thar at the cave, 'n' I couldn't stay thar. I knowed ye could whoop him, Rome, 'n' I seed Steve, too, but I was afeard—" Then he saw the body. His tongue stopped, his face shrivelled, and Steve, hanging with one hand to the ledge, watched him curiously. "Rome," said the boy, in a quick whisper, "is he daid?" "Come on!" said Steve, roughly. "They'll be up hyeh atter us in a minute. Leave Jas's gun thar, 'n' send that boy back home." That day the troops came—young Blue Grass Kentuckians. That night, within the circle of their camp-fires, a last defiance was cast in the teeth of law and order. Flames rose within the old court-house, and before midnight the moonlight fell on four black walls. That night, too, the news of young Jasper's fate was carried to the death-bed of Rome's mother, and before day the old woman passed in peace. That day Stetsons and Lewallens disbanded. The Lewallens had no leader; the Stetsons, no enemies to fight. Some hid, some left the mountains, some gave themselves up for trial. Upon Rome Stetson the burden fell. Against him the law was set. A price was put on his, head, his house was burned—a last act of Lewallen hate—and Rome was homeless, the last of his race, and an outlaw. �JOHN FOX, JR. 119 A Cumberland Vendetta 1. Compare the backgrounds, families, and occupations of the Stetsons and Lewallens. 2. What was the main reason that Rufe Stetson wanted vengeance upon the Lewallens? What had Ruf e Stetson done that angered Jasper Lewallen? 3. Explain the symbolism of the cross as it is used in this selection. 4. Discuss the following quotation as it applies to this story: "Love is a passion which kindles honor into noble acts." �120 Local Color and Realistic Tradition ANNE W.ARMSTRONG (1872-1958) Anne W. Armstrong was born in Michigan but moved to Knoxville, Tennessee, when she was a child. She was a successful businesswoman who published articles and two novels, The Seas of God (1915) and This Day and Time (1930). As an assistant manager for industrial relations at Eastman Kodak, she became the first woman to lecture at the Harvard School of Business. Mrs. Armstrong retired to Sullivan County, Tennessee, in the 1920's where she lived until the building of South Holston Dam forced her to move. She died at the Barter Inn in Abingdon, Virginia. She knew William Faulkner and Sherwood Anderson and was a friend of Thomas Wolfe. In the manner of the realistic writer, Anne Armstrong presents a slice of life showing Ivy Ingolsby, a strong and independent woman from This Day and Time, talking with her neighbors about everyday life. From This Day and Time The river glittered and flashed in the morning sun. A light breeze blew through the open doors, bringing the fresh pungent fragrance of the pines to mingle with appetizing smells issuing more and more strongly from the lean-to. Ivy, bustling about, busy with a dozen things, kept exclaiming to herself: �ANNE ARMSTRONG 121 "Did ever a body see sech a pretty day?" She had had no word from Shirley. No doubt Mr. Pemberton was better.... Almost before she knew it, the birthday party had grown to its present proportions. Besides Mrs. Philips, she had asked Bertha Jane Dillard. "Of course, Bertha Jane, she's dry. She don't never have much o' nothin' to say. But, pore little old thing, she don't never git to go nowheres sence her mammy's gone, her sech a sight o' work to do!" After Bertha Jane, it had occurred to her to ask Short, just back from the mines. Then Molly Diggs, happening along on the way to the store, she had asked Molly. And in the midst of her preparations on Saturday morning, who should appear but Luke, his teeth gleaming, the color coming and going in his bronzed cheeks, Luke holding up a pair of squirrels he had shot. Luke had said: "Ivy, I brung ye a mess o' squirrels fer to-morrow." And there had been nothing to do but ask him. Well, there would be plenty for everybody. Molly was the first to arrive, in a dark-blue calico, sprigged with white. Ivy herself, not wishing to outshine her guests, fearful also lest with so much cooking she might drop something on her, had resisted the temptation to wear her silk dress and had put on a plain green linen that Shirley had given her. "Law, Molly, hain't hit the nicest!" she exclaimed delightedly at sight of the bright new tin cake-pan Molly had brought as a birthday remembrance for Old Mag. Molly helped her move the table from the lean-to into the front of the cabin and to spread the white table-cloth that Shirley had given her. "I believe, Molly, hit belongs jest a leetle mite the fur way." Molly leaned over, examining the table-cloth with her staring, red-rimmed eyes. "Why, laws a mercy, Ivy, them's roses a-runnin' along hit!" She ran her red bony hand over the satiny damask, picking up a corner of the cloth to smell of it. "An' good as new, fer the world," Ivy said, flying back and forth to the step-stove, so that nothing should burn. "Hain't more 'an two or three broke places, an' them darned nice." She �122 Local Color and Realistic Tradition had gathered a cluster of wild lilies, arranging them in a glass fruit-jar. "I 'ull have me a flower-pot fer the dinner-table, same as Shirley allays done." She placed the jar in the center of the table. "Hain't no flowers on earth prettier 'an these here leopard-spot lilies!" Lifting the cover from a frying-pan, she pierced with her fork one piece after another of the frying ground-hog, while Molly sniffed pleasurably. "Whistle-pig, Molly! Parbiled hit first, same as I done the squirrels. Gid, he went plumb to the mountain fer hit. Law, Molly, hain't hit nice? Jest so tender! Falls to pieces ef you teches hit!" Ivy began to cut corn from the cob now, standing at the shelf that ran along the outside of the little back porch. Molly, her mouth full of snuff, pared the potatoes, stopping from time to time to step to the edge of the porch and spit. "Mis' Byrd's a-goin' to have another baby, hain't she?" Molly said, suddenly dropping her voice to a whisper and bringing her burning eyes close to Ivy's. "Law, yes, an' hit 'ull be a girl this time, her a-stickin' out in front so fur. When hit's a boy, they carries 'em all around more." Molly resumed her paring, but soon started whispering again. "Ivy, had you heern about Pernie Botts? Pernie, she kilt her baby, a-stompin' on hit." Ivy drew back and stared. "Forevermore!" "Pernie were in the bed an' she felt the baby a-comin', so she jumped up an' down right hard on the floor. She busted hit's skull." "The Lord have mercy!" Ivy screamed. "Pernie, she mashed hit's face till you couldn't tell hit were nothin' human." "Law, Molly, I hain't never heern nothin' to beat hit in all the days o' my life!" "Well, Shell, he bigged Pernie, an' Shell, he denied her when Pernie 'lowed they orter marry." "Don't make no difference—I don't see how no woman alivin' kin kill a little baby, hit hem, an' them so sweet!" They were still pursuing the subject when a noise warned �ANNE ARMSTRONG 123 them that Enoch was returning. Ivy had sent him for extra chairs and dishes. He was coming down the path, a big basket in one hand, a bucket in the other, followed in single file by Adam and Simon Peter, each carrying a splint-bottom chair on top of his head, with Enoch's little dog bouncing in and out of the procession, barking and nipping at two half-grown hounds that had followed the Philips boys. "Mis' Philips sent ye some sweet milk," Enoch announced breathlessly. "A gallon ef hit's a drap!—Now, don't you boys nasty your clothes. Hit's a right smart spell afore dinner." She was setting the table a few moments later when Enoch announced that Short Dillard and Bertha Jane were approaching. Ivy ran to the gate. "Forevermore! Why, Short, you're awalkin' good, hain't ye?—Bertha Jane—" but she stopped short. It was the first time she had seen the girl since her mother's death in the early spring. "Law, honey, how are ye?" "Well enough, I reckon," Bertha Jane murmured huskily. Her short ill-fitting dress hung on her loosely, its vivid pink intensifying the pallor of her small childish face. Smiling shyly, she held out a bunch of marigolds and zinnias mixed with some sprays of sweet fennel. "I didn't have nothin' else. Reckon hit 'ulldo?" "Law, honey, ye couldn't a brung nothin' on earth no nicer! Look, Molly, this here flower-pot Bertha Jane brung fer Mag's birthday." Short, a heavy-set youth, whose broad amiable face was still bleached from his weeks in the hospital, and who was walking with a stick, limping heavily, now proffered the tin bucket he was carrying. His father had found a bee-tree and taken sixty pounds of honey from it. "Land o' livin'—sixty pounds! Well, I thank ye terrible, Short, you an' your pap, both.—Now, Bertha Jane, you jest set here an' rest. No, there hain't a earthly thing fer ye to do; Molly's a-helpin' me, an' looks like you're kinder out o' breath.—What do you reckon ails ye, Bertha Jane?" �124 Local Color and Realistic Tradition Bertha Jane smiled faintly. "Hit's the tubercles, I reckon." "Do you reckon—? Are you a-spittin' blood?" Bertha Jane nodded. "An' Mammy, she had 'em." "Law, yes, hit were the tubercles kilt your mammy, I reckon. They're ketchin', folks says—law, me!' Ivy rejoined Molly in the lean-to. "Uncle Abel," Molly whispered, with a snicker, "he's bound to git ye—a-sendin' honey!" Ivy held up a warning finger. "Don't ye name hit, Molly, afore Short an' Bertha Jane, him their daddy!" All at once a furious barking and yelping was heard. A big bony mongrel belonging to Luke had dashed into the yard, starting a fight with the other dogs, as Luke himself appeared from one direction, and from another Gid was seen, coming down the ridge, twirling two chairs above his head, with Nova, a blaze of red, mincing along the road, a few steps behind him. Ivy, Molly, and Bertha Jane had all run to the door. "Hain't her dress pretty?" Bertha Jane murmured, gazing wistfully at Nova, almost at the gate now, carrying a vanity case, her red organdie dress standing out crisp and dazzling. "Yourn is a heap prettier," Ivy whispered. "I never did like no red dress!" "Good God A'mighty!" Gid shouted, imitating Andy Weaver's familiar sniffle, as he peeped over the heads in the doorway. "Ton my honor! Why, what in the world?" He set the chairs down inside the cabin with a loud clatter; then, striking an attitude, surveyed the already loaded table while the others stood around to admire his foolery. "Ivy, are ye a-aimin' to give me an' Novy a infare as fine as this here?" The word "infare" set everyone shrieking. Jokes were cracked and a rough and tumble frolic started, even Short, though handicapped by his artificial leg, to which he was not yet accustomed, entering into the boisterous fun. In the midst of the hubbub someone reported that Old Mag and Mrs. Philips were coming. Yes, there they were! Old Mag, her bare head high in the hot noonday sun, stalking along a lit- �ANNE ARMSTRONG 125 tie in advance of Mrs. Phillips. "Don't Mag look nice!" burst from Ivy, as the two women drew nearer, Old Mag in a new dress of lavender gingham, barred with white. Ivy took a china bowl decorated with roses from the chest of drawers, holding it up for the others to see. "Seems like a berry-bowl allays comes in handy." She forced Mag into a chair. "Well, I do know!" Mag panted, glancing at the festive table. "Ivy, ef you hain't the beatin'est woman!" She was smiling broadly, but in her embarassment took down her wisp of hair, holding the hairpins in her mouth, then coiled it up again. Nova had brought a small silk handkerchief, her mother a red-bordered face-towel; and Luke drew forth a paper bag of stick candy from one pocket, two oranges from another. The berry-bowl, the cake-pan, Bertha Jane's bouquet—all the gifts were showered at once into Mag's capacious lap. Old Mag took up one thing after another, handling the gifts tremblingly. She tried to speak. It was no use. Her head dropped to her breast. "Ef she hain't a-blubberin'!" Mrs. Philips's keen black eyes were filled at once with amusement and a little concern. The others had backed away, but Mrs. Philips placed her hand on Mag's shoulder "Law, Mag, you must git your countenance! Ivy's done hit to please ye!" Mag lifted her head. The tears were streaming down her furrowed, weather-beaten face. She raised her hand helplessly, the big-knuckled, seamed, and coarsened hand of one who has done much outdoor work, trying fumblingly to wipe her wet face with the back of it. "I hain't never done nothin' to deserve sech as this!" "Law, Mag"—Ivy had found her voice—"there hain't no kinder person a-livin'! There hain't no free-hearteder—to what ye've got!" Mag shook her head. "I hain't no good woman!" She looked around from one to the other, humbly, heartbrokenly. Her dull, cavernous eyes blinded with tears, she reached down, trying to pull up her skirt, weighted with the birthday gifts. �126 Local Color and Realistic Tradition In a flash Gid recovered himself. Picking up the small square of silk, Nova's gift, he forced it into his mother's big clumsy hand. "Here, use this, old lady, an' no more bawlin', without ye want me to lick hell outen ye!" Old Mag burst out laughing, the others, in sudden relief, all joining in. Luke insisted now that they should follow the usual custom. "Come, folks, we must put Mag under the table, so she won't stop a-growin'!" There was a wild scramble, Old Mag, by no means feeble, pushing them off, and everyone roaring with laughter. Finally Mag's gaunt frame was stretched out on the floor, Ivy jerking down the skirt of her dress, disarrayed in the tussle, and skrieking at the same time that the others should save her table, which was rocking back and forth, threatening to crash any instant. "Well, you-all kin set down," Ivy announced at last. "I reckon the last one o' ye is starved to death." Everyone continued, however, to stand around awkwardly. Mag and Mrs. Philips and Molly all sought the front porch to spit again. Nova opened the vanity case to dab her face once more. "Mag, you set here," Ivy broke the hush that had fallen, indicating a chair at the top of the table, facing the front door, "an' Gid to the side o' ye. Mis' Philips, you set yander, opposite Mag. The balance kin set where they likes." Mrs. Philips and Old Mag both stroked the white cloth. "Law, Ivy, hain't it nice!" Both of them, as Molly had done, picked up the corner of the cloth and smelled of it. Fresh fun was created when Nova, showing her dimples, slipped into the chair on the other side of Gid from his mother. General joking was resumed now and dishes that were on the table began to be circulated. Rosy with heat, dripping with perspiration, Ivy bustled back and forth to the lean-to, passing food that the table had no space to hold and urging her guests to help themselves liberally. "Law, I don't want nobody to be in no ways bashful!" �ANNE ARMSTRONG 127 She was conscious of a vague sense of relief. Here, among her own people, there was no strain for fear she might do or say the wrong thing, something that would betray her poor rough upbringing in Rocky Hollow. And how proud she was! She saw the room, almost as though she stood outside of it, as a picture she would hold in her mind unforgettably—her two high tightly stuffed beds, like fat pincushions, shining out, each from its corner, in the freshly washed bed-spreads, the bunches of herbs hanging from the rafters, Uncle Jake's clock on the chimney-shelf, the table extending almost from door to door, beautiful in the white cloth Shirley had given her, with the jar of wild lilies, with the gay flowers Bertha Jane had brought, resplendent with brightcolored jellies and pickles—then, everyone in clean Sabbath attire, and vivid patches where Nova and Bertha Jane sat in their scarlet and pink dresses—a living picture that glowed softly in the tempered light, that threw off enchanting odors, odors of steaming food mingled with the slightly suffocating sweet of the lilies, with the aromatic scent of the fennel in Bertha Jane's bouquet.... Oh, if only Jim should step in now! The big platter of string-beans and potatoes boiled with bacon soon needed replenishing. Mounds of soda-biscuits, toppling pyramids of corn-bread, dishes of fried corn and fried cabbage, fried squirrels, the fried whistle-pig, bowls of gravy, of stewed tomatoes, of raw onions—all melted away until Enoch and Adam and Simon Peter, who were stationed about the table, eyeing it hungrily as they waved their green branches to keep the flies away, began to look at each other in consternation. But still Ivy plied her guests with fresh food and drink. "Bertha Jane, have ye another glass o' sweet milk.—Law, Mag, your coffee's plumb cold—let me pour ye some hot.—Luke, ye hain't a-settin' back a'ready? Why, you hain't hardly began!— Molly, try them spiced beets. They're fine, they hain't a mite stringy.—Law, Gid, you an' Novy is lovesick, I reckon—youall ain't eatin' a bite!—Mis' Philips, help yourself to the honey, an', Short, would ye pass the cheese?—Hain't none o' ye tasted the jelly—there's apple an' plum an' blackberry/1 �128 Local Color and Realistic Tradition The lean days of spring were over, almost forgotten. Now, in the day of plenty, folks could eat to repletion, gorge themselves joyfully. "Ivy, everything's grand!11 Mag helped herself for the third time to fried cabbage. "Lord a' mercy, I'm a-eatin' a sight—fer me!—F ve had a right smart o' indigestion here lately, an' I don't kmow what on earth's a-causin' hit." But although the whole meal was praised, nothing else called forth such enthusiasm as the whistle-pig. Everyone agreed that no other wild meat could compare with it, unless perhaps coon—everyone except Short Dillard. "Law, people, ef you wants somethin' good, hit's mush-rats! Hain't no eatin' on earth 'ull tech young mush-rats!" "A heap o' folks thinks polecat is mighty good eatin',11 Old Mag added to the discussion, "but phew! a polecat, hit allays tastes to me like hit smells." The noise of eating at length began to subside, the clatter and click of dishes and cutlery grew gradually fainter. The river could be heard once again, a dull murmur. Everyone was sitting back to rest, before starting on the pies and cake, for which they had made their plates ready, when a warning "Hello!" told them that Doke Odum was descending from the road. "In the name o' God, hain't you folks done eatin'? Why, the cows is a-comin' home!" Doke's overalls—one patch laid upon another, innumerable shades of faded blue—for once were clean. He was freshly shaven and a pale bluish rim around the edge of his black bushy hair showed that it had been recently trimmed. "No, thank ye, Molly, jest keep your seat—I've had my dinner." Standing at the foot of the table, his battered hat in his hand, Doke's eyes roved over it with good-humored envy. The table was somewhat disordered now, the cloth splattered with gravy and spotted with coffee, but it was still abundantly supplied with tempting dishes, while the blackberry and apple pies and the coconut cake were only starting to be passed. Molly finally prevailed upon Doke to take her chair, and soon he was completely at home. "Mis' Philips, retch me that �ANNE ARMSTRONG 129 spoon o' yourn, ef you're done with hit. Hain't no need to nasty up another.—Short, I heern the company give ye seventy-five dollars. By God, anybody where wants 'em kin have both o' my legs—fer that!" "There's some of 'em said I orter git a right smart more,11 Short explained, after the laughter had died down, "but I couldn't find out nothin' fer certain. They made me sign some papers, an' I asked 'em to read the papers to me, so I could tell what I were a-signin'. But they said they never had no time. One of them fellers in the office, he said: 'You're a nice bird! Think we want to rob a pore miner?' That there's jest the way he spoke hit There's the very words he used. Then I asked the doctor ef any more money were a-comin' to me, but, boys, he shet me up proper! Well, sir, there's the shortest-spoken man ever I seed—I don't bar none! Short as piecrust." Bertha Jane leaned forward when her brother had finished, her small pallid face dyed crimson. "Short," she said, smiling shyly and clearing her throat, "ef he gits two hundred, he's agoin' to git us a parlor set." "The Lord have mercy!" Old Mag and Ivy shouted in unison. "A parlor-set!" By the time Ivy sat down she was too tired to eat. She lingered over her plate, resting, trying to swallow a few bites. The others were moving about, yawning, stretching themselves, belching unashamedly, patting their full stomachs. Molly and Mrs. Philips at length started washing the dishes. Luke and Doke had taken up their stand in the shade of the corn-crib, where they could hail any passer-by, leaning against it, with Short seated on a bank near by, all three of them whittling lazily. All at once, Ivy remembered the tooth-brush which she had placed conspicuously on top of the chest of drawers. One day, some weeks before, when she was complaining of toothache, a woman from town, spending the day at the Pemberton cottage, had recommended the use of a tooth-brush. Ivy had answered, a trifle resentfully: "Birch twigs, to chew 'em, is way yonder �130 Local Color and Realistic Tradition better to clean a body's teeth." But now she called out: "Don't you-all want to use my tooth-brush? A tooth-brush is way yonder better 'an birch twigs to clean a body's teeth." She was showing the brush to Gid and Nova, who had come inside from the porch—"Hain't hit a nice un? I paid a quarter fer hit"—when Luke announced softly from the doorway, smiling and raising his eyebrows: "Ivy, there's a stranger come to see ye!" A stranger! Suddenly Ivy felt weak and dizzy. Her heart seemed to be missing beats. She looked out the door, the others craning their necks. No, it was not Jim. "What's his business?" she asked dully. "I couldn't tell ye. He asked ef this were where Mistress Ivy Ingoldsby lived. But I reckon he's a-settin' out," Luke added, in his gentle drawling voice, a gleam of mischief in his soft dark eyes. "He's a-wearin' flowers in his hat." Gid emitted a snort. The stranger was standing against the paling fence, outside the gate. Turning as Ivy came towards him, he eyed her with unconcealed curiosity. A tall raw-boned man, he wore a newlooking suit of clothes and a broad-brimmed black hat with two or three short-stemmed zinnias thrust through the band. "Is this Mistress Ivy Ingoldsby?" he inquired in a deep rumbling voice, looking Ivy boldly in the eye. "Yes, sir." "My name's Yancy I'm a widdy man, a grass-widdy man. I live yon side the mountain, in Shady Valley." Ivy held the gate open. "Won't ye come in, sir?" "I kin state my business with ye here." He eyed her again unhurryingly. "Ef ever I saw ye afore, I don't know hit—but I've heern tell o' ye." "Ye say ye have?" "Big Bill Byrd—me an' him worked togither, loggin'—Bill, he were allays a-braggin' on ye." "Won't ye come in, sir, an' have ye a cheer?" The man glanced towards the cabin suspiciously. "Hit's best to see ye to yourself.—I'm a-huntin' me a wife—Bill, he �ANNE ARMSTRONG 131 'lowed you was the workin'est woman ever he seen." "I hain't no lazy-bones," Ivy admitted, with an embarrassed laugh. "My woman, she died on me, hit were two years back. I got me another, but this here last un—well, she were a powerful hand to waste, an' I tell ye what's the truth, a woman kin throw out more by the window with a spoon 'an a man kin throw in at the door with a shovel." "Law, yes." "Looked like me an' her couldn't make it." He spat, waiting for some time before he resumed: "Me an' her's parted. Well," he said explosively after another long pause, "seems like I wasn't much satisfied with her nohow. I 'lowed I 'ud git me a woman this time where hain't a-gittin' up in years. How old are ye, Ivy?" he asked abruptly. "I were twenty-six last May." He studied Ivy's neat, vigorous figure in the green linen dress appraisingly for a moment or so. "You're stout, hain't ye?" "Law, I hain't in no ways weakly," Ivy laughed nervously. "Bill Byrd, he said you was savin', an' kep everything nice." "Law, I hain't no nasty woman!" "Four o' my children is married, but I've got five little fellers, an' a man cain't do no good a-lookin' atter hisself an' young uns." "Law, no." Ivy had dropped her eyes again. "I hain't no hard man to fix fer, more 'n I wants biscuits fer my breakfast. There's fellers where's satisfied with nothin' on'y beans an' corn-bread. But I wants my wheat bread, me, of a mornin'." "Yes, sir." "I hain't no braggart, nobody cain't put no name o' braggart on me, but I've got me a good house." "Law, I reckon," Ivy breathed, more and more embarrassed. "I don't want no house so fine a man cain't spit in hit, but I've got me a good sound house, two rooms. I put me some new oak boards on the roof here lately an' hit don't hardly leak a �132 Local Color and Realistic Tradition drap." He spat again, deliberately. Tve got me a good gang o' chickens—I've got several, forty or fifty, I reckon, an7 I've got two nice fat shotes where 7ull be plenty large to kill afore Thanksgivin'." The stranger looked around him. "Ivy, ye hain't got ary pig to your name, have ye?" "Law, no, sir,—shotes is so expensive, to buy 'em, this day an time, an' I never did keep me no sow." Tve got two cows, or did have. I sold one day afore yesterday, but I kep' the best un, her fresh, an7 the milk jest a-pourin'." Ivy caught a titter from the cabin. The stranger came nearer, bringing his red hatchet-shaped face with its prominent nose close to hers. "1'ull buy ye a dress, an' a new pair o' slippers." Ivy drew back. "Thank ye, but I've got plenty clothes." The stranger gave a short laugh. He looked at her with astonishment. "You say ye have—? Well, I reckon ye wouldn't mind to get a new outfit, nohow." He stood a long time now, looking down reflectively at the river, off at the mountains. "Well, Ivy, I thought I 'ud come to see ye. I think you'd suit me, an' we orter marry." "Law, mister," Ivy burst forth now, her cheeks flaming, "I've got a man—me an' him hain't never been divorced!" The stranger nodded. "I know ye hain't got ye no divorce, Ivy." He drew out a thick roll of bills. "I come prepared to git ye one." "Thank ye, an' I wouldn't doubt hit, sir, you 'ud make a good man fer some woman where's a-wantin' to marry, but I'm a-makin' hit by myself, a-makin' hit good, an' atter the man I had, the way he done me—law, I don't want no man on earth! But won't ye come in, sir, an' rest yourself? Won't ye have some dinner?" The stranger put the roll of bills back into his pocket. "We've done et, but you've come a fer piece, sir, an' I know I kin find ye a bite o' somethin', ef hit hain't no more 'an a snack." "Well," the stranger said at last, thoughtfully, and looking off into the distance again, "well, I reckon there hain't but one thing fer me to do." He dropped his head, letting it hang for a �ANNE ARMSTRONG 133 moment or so, then threw it back with a jerk. "Well, good-day to ye. Ef you should change your mind, ef you should take a notion to write, my name's Jack Yancy, Shady Post Office. I think you 'ud suit me tollable well. Well, good-day. I 'ull be agoin' along. I 'ull be travelin' back over the mountain." He climbed the path to the road, pausing at the corn-crib to remove his hat and wipe his forehead. "Hit's a warm day, gentlemen, sort o' close like." "That were old big-mouth Jack Yancy," Mag exclaimed, as soon as the stranger was out of ear-shot, "nobody but him; useter live somewhars over around Popular Tree, an' so ill nobody on earth cain't live with him." "Jack Yancy," Doke nodded, "that's him! Kilt his woman, the first un, a-kickin' her in the belly when she were in the family way." "Hesh your mouth, Doke!" Ivy said. "'My name's Yancy/" Gid started rumbling. "'I'm a widdy man, a grass-widdy man. Ivy, I think you 'ud suit me good. We orter marry.'" Everyone was roaring with laughter by this time, and Ivy began to repeat what the stranger had said to her: "Them was the very words he said. That there's jest the way he spoke hit." �134 Local Color and Realistic Tradition This Day and Time 1. What do you learn about Ivy Ingoldsby and her friends as you read about the birthday party at Ivy's house? 2. Describe the custom which Ivy and the others perform at Old Mag's party. 3. Why does Jack Yancy come to Ivy's house and what does he offer her? Do you think she was tempted by this offer? Explain. 4. Jack Yancy makes a very straightforward proposal to Ivy. Is this the kind of proposal you would make or like to receive? Explain. �No, 4 ANNE ARMSTRONG 135 �136 Local Color and Realistic Tradition MILDRED HAUN (1911-1966) A native of Hamblen County, Tennessee, Mildred Haun grew up in the Hoot Owl District of Cocke County. She lived there in the Smoky Mountains until she moved to Franklin, Tennessee, where she attended high school and prepared for college. At Vanderbilt, she studied with the famous Southern poets John Crowe Ransom and Donald Davidson. After completing her M.A. at Vanderbilt, she studied for a year at the University of Iowa. For subject matter, Haun always returned to what she knew best—the people in Cocke County. Her stories focus on the hardship and cruelty of life in her region. Her collection of stories The Hawk's Done Gone was published in 1941. It is the only book she published in her lifetime. These searing stories arise from a dark and fascinating world where superstition and the supernatural are dominant forces. In the title story from The Hawk's Done Gone the narrator stands helpless while her husband and son yield her priceless heirlooms to an antique collector. To her, each piece represents her life. As she sees these reminders carried away, she is powerless. We see her slowly losing her grip on life and reality, and giving in to despair. �MILDRED HAUN 137 From The Hawk's Done Gone I wonder why Ad and Linus never tried to sell me off to them hunters for old things. I would be a sight for somebody to look at. Big and motley and rough-looking. Old and still strong for my age. I miss the things they have sold. These newfangled things are weak. They make me feel weak too. But I ought not to be setting here nursing this old Bible. I ought to get out and pick some sallet for supper. The Bible is about the only thing I have left, though. I thought I couldn't thole it when Ad and Linus first started selling off my stuff. I hate them folks that come around hunting for things to put in the Smoky Mountain Museum. And I nigh hate Linus for letting them have my things. Linus is Ad's youngest boy by his first old woman and he has been spoiled rotten. Ad is the one that spoiled him too. Ad has turned everything over to him and let him run it to suit hisself—my own stuff too. William Wayne was the only one of them antique hunters that was decent. Him and that painted-up woman he called Miss Robinson come together. I recollect that first day when they come. I was bent over the tub washing. Miss Robinson, she strutted up like she thought she was something on a stick, all dyked out in a purple silk dress and spike-heeled shoes. The first thing she did was to commence complaining about having to walk through the mud. Miss Robinson's old hawk eyes seed everything I had. She got around Linus and got nigh everything I wanted to keep. She picked out the things she wanted. Looked at both of my corded bedsteads. One of them wasn't in very good shape, she said, and she didn't know whether she would take it or not. I felt like giving her a piece of my mind. And I did flare up a little. I looked at her straight and I said, "Who said anything about you taking either one of them? Them is the first bedsteads my pa ever made—made them for him and Ma to start housekeeping on. I was born in this one hyear and all my youngons were born in it." �138 Local Color and Realistic Tradition I recollect the way I said it to her. I recollect the way William Wayne looked—almost like the soldier boy looked at me that day—that first day. William Wayne had brown eyes—big brown eyes that smiled as much as his mouth did. He put me in mind of the soldier, smiling all the time and talking so gentle. But Charles would be old by now. Old enough to be dead. He was older than me back then. I was just fifteen year old and he was a full-grown man. At least he was old enough to be out fighting the Yankees. At first I thought William Wayne might be Charles's boy maybe. But then I knowed Charles wouldn't ever have any other boy. William Wayne had pity for me and he hated to take my bedsteads away. It didn't matter who had pity, though, for Linus and Miss Robinson made the bargain. The very next day Miss Robinson would send a wagon up here with two brought-on bedsteads, pretty ones, she said, to swop for my two wild-cherry ones. And nigh all my quilts too. That huzzy said she would take all the pretty ones. Said some of them were mighty dirty but she could have them cleaned. My "Harp of Columbia." Of course, Miss Robinson's hawk eyes got set on it the very first thing. The one I was piecing on when Charles come. I was setting in here in the big house piecing on it when I heard the soldiers walk up into the yard—setting here in the old hickory rocking chair with Ma's red-and-tan checked homespun shawl around my shoulders. I kept it in my hand when I started to get the water for them. I held it all the time while Charles went to the spring. He looked at the quilt when he come back. "What's that you are making there?" he asked. He took hold of it and fingered it like it was a piece of gold. "I never could handle them little squares and three-cornered pieces with my big fingers," he said. And his hands were big. But I knowed right then I wasn't afeard of Charles. I could tell from the way he kept looking at me he thought I was pretty too. He didn't tell me till all the other soldiers went over in the horse lot to catch up Old Kate. He didn't come right out plain and tell me then. "I'll bet your name is Edith—or �MILDRED HAUN 139 Mary one." "Huh uh—Mary's just part of it." "Mine is Charles—Charles Williams. What is the rest of yours?" "Hit's Dorthula—Mary Dorthula White." "It's pretty too." In that deep voice. He kept feeling of the quilt. And looking at me. "Does that little red blanket on your shoulders keep you warm?" That "Harp of Columbia" quilt was the one I always held in my lap and worked on when anybody come to see me during the while Joe was growing inside me. I told Joe about using it to hide him. Joe thought a heap of that quilt. I think it was the prettiest one I ever made. With Joe's stitches on it My stitches—short and straight. And Joe's over there in the corner—long and crooked. Miss Robinson didn't take notice of them, I reckon. But somebody took Joe's stitches out, I know, before they hung it up for folks to look at. Nobody else would care. But I would rather had the hair pulled out of my head than had Joe's stitches pulled out of that quilt. The way he looked up at me with them eyes he had—Charles's eyes—and begged me to let him quilt. I couldn't help but let him do it. "And you won't pull mine out, will you, Ma?" I promised him his stitches never would be pulled out. That night, after Miss Robinson and William Wayne left, while Ad and Linus were both out of the room, I set there on the bed and run my fingers over Joe's stitches. I reckon they wouldn't be counted pretty stitches by anyone else. I felt like getting inside the feather tick and being took off too. I couldn't sleep that night. I laid awake and squeezed that quilt in my hand. It was lucky for me the next day. Ruby Arwood was called to straw and I had to be over there with Ruby all day. When I come in that night it seemed more different from home than ever. Nearly all my things gone—spinning wheel, warping bars and everthing. Even my big bone knitting needles, and my tatting shuttle that I made for myself. I didn't give up then and I am not going to give up now. Dona Fawver will be dying �140 Local Color and Realistic Tradition pretty soon and Dona couldn't stand for anybody to lay her out save me. I ought to go see her today. I couldn't help but see the bedsteads the first thing when I come in the room that evening. There was that big old brass bed, all scarred up, setting over there in the corner, and that little old rickety bent up green one in front of the window. Both of them had the rods so scarred up they looked like they had been through the war. No telling who had used them. No telling what kind of old dirty folks had been sleeping in them. But Linus was setting in there bragging about them being so pretty. New stuff, he said, brought-on stuff. One of them was worth a dozen home-made things, he said. I didn't look at them any more than I had to. I went on and got supper. When I turned the beds down I seed they had some big old dirty-looking gray blankets on them. I felt of them. They weren't even wool—just plain cotton. They were somebody else's old things too. I would rather sleep on the floor than to sleep on them old pads with cotton all wadded up in them. Ad and Linus said they were what all folks used that weren't old fogies. But I ought to be hunting the guineas' nestes. And I promised Mollie McGregor my receipt for corn relish. It didn't seem right with them bedsteads in the room. And my little green and gold mug gone. It was my ma's mug. I used to think it so pretty. The time I had the measles Ma let me drink water out of it. I got thirsty every few minutes till Ma caught on and took to bringing it in the dipper. I used to get down and rub my hands over it. That was after Charles drunk out of it. I fixed Charles some peach brandy in it. And some wild-cherry wine one night. Charles liked that wine. I had it hid out in the yard under that rock. I dug a hole there and had it in it. The Rebels never did one time think about looking there. Charles got spoiled to it, and he wanted wild-cherry wine every time he would come back. "In that green pitcher with gold houses on it," he would say. "In that pitcher lined with gold." I let him have wine too. It seemed like it made his brown �MILDRED HAUN 141 eyes sparkle more. Charles had dark eyes, and hair all combed back slick as ice. He was tall—big and tall. That was what made me take to him. I felt stronger when I was close to him. When he handed me the dipper his hand touched mine and it made me feel strong. His hands were big, but they weren't rough. They didn't have any big old knotty veins showing under the skin. They had nigh the strength of Letitia Edes's. Sometimes I thought Charles would mash me, the way he held me. I was fixing to scour that second time when Miss Robinson come hunting for what she called antiques. I had sandrock beat up and scattered all over the floor and I had the water nigh hot enough to commence. What little furniture I had left was out in the yard. Miss Robinson's eye took to the trundle bed. She said she would give Linus a dollar for it. Said she guessed she could pay a dollar even if it was a mighty old and wore-looking. It made me hurt inside when I seed Miss Robinson hand Linus the money. My eyes and nose stung like they had pepper in them. Seemed like my heart was trying to swell up and bust. It was the bed Grandma had slept on when she was little. Then Ma, and then me, on up till I was fifteen year old. Joe slept on it all his life up till I married Ad. Them little horses' heads cut out on the head and foot. I couldn't bear to watch them tote it out to the wagon. That little old bed seemed like it was just as much a part of me as my own right hand. Ma used to pull it out from under her own bed and tuck me in. "Good night, Mary Dorthula. Goodnight. Sleep tight. All right." I would lay there and look out the window. Lay there and watch the witches make tea. Lay there good and warm and think about princes that would come riding by someday. It was the trundle bed that me and the soldier boy piled down on—Joe's pa. I loved Charles, and I don't care what other f olkses have said about me because I had Joe before I married Ad. I wonder if the Yankees killed him. He said he would come back as soon as the war was over. One of my own �142 Local Color and Realistic Tradition brothers might have killed him, there's not any telling. I wonder how Charles would look with his eyes shut and all the color gone out of his face. And not able to talk. I don't want to see him that way. I wonder how he would think I looked that way. He talked about the color in my cheeks. Charles wasn't like the other Rebels. I don't hold any grudgment against him for what he did. It wasn't anybody's fault but mine. There is not any fault to it—I love Charles. He made the rest of the Rebels not take Old Kate, the only horse left here on the place. And he make them shut up their mouths when they went to talking blackgyuardish in front of me and trying to jest me. Charles was gentle. His voice was deep as a well, and everthing he said come from down in him. It didn't sound so hollow like it come from the roof of his mouth. Somehow or nother I didn't feel afeared of the Rebels with Charles in the bunch. Even if I was here by myself. It was the day that Belle Wisecarver lay a corpse and Aunt Cindy—Aunt Cindy was staying with me while both my brothers were away fighting the Rebels—she went over to Wisecarvers' that evening and said she would be needed that night. She said if any soldiers should happen to come by, for me to let them have whatever they wanted. It was along about sundown when the soldiers come. I was setting all scrooched up in that hickory rocking chair with Ma's red-and-tan checked homespun shawl throwed around my shoulders. Sewing on my "Harp of Columbia" quilt. I had got to the curve of the harp and I couldn't make the curve without puckering the thing to save my life. Them three-cornered pieces wouldn't fit together. I had just said to myself that I was going to put it up and go after the cow. Just as I started to fold it up I heard a big commotion out in the front yard. It sounded like a bunch of cattle coming up. "Hales' blamed old cattle out again," I said to myself and raised up to look out. Instead of it being cattle, it was men—soldier men. They were already on the porch. Seeing them made me feel like I was being stuck all over with pins. I stood there by the side of the chair and looked like �MILDRED HAUN 143 a scared deer, I guess. I didn't even offer to move. They come right on in the door. And the man with the red mustache, he said, "We want some fresh water." I held the quilt in my hands and went out on the back porch after the bucket. "I'll go to the spring and get fresh water," I turned around and said. That was when I first took note of Charles. 'Til go. Give me the bucket." He took the bucket out of my hand. "Where is it?" "Hit's right over there under that oak tree." "Here, you hold the dipper." The other Rebels searched around in the house while Charles went to the spring. They wanted to take them two hams out of the smokehouse. Charles got back in time to stop them from that. "Just leave them where they are," he said in that voice. All the other soldiers must have been afeared of Charles. They all minded what he said for them to do. Then the soldier men went over there and looked at Old Kate. Held open her mouth, looked at her feet, and everything. Some of them thought they ought to take her; some thought she wasn't worth taking. Charles stood and talked to me during the while. He run his hand through my hair and said it was the softest hair he ever seed. I've always took good care of my hair ever since then. Charles seemed to forget all the other men, and he stayed there on the back porch with me. He kept on looking at my hair. I ought to get it combed now. "Little Red Ridinghood wore a shawl like that," Charles said. That shawl come in handy to wrap Joe up in too. Directly the other Rebels come out of the barn lot and one of them was setting up on Old Kate. They had the bridle and everything. Well, Charles went out there and pulled that man off. He opened the gate and turned Old Kate back into the lot. Hung the bridle up there on the post just like he was at home. That was another thing I liked about Charles. He did everything easy—just like a red bird. It wasn't any trouble for him to move around from one place to another. I didn't know anybody could ever be that big without being gawlky. �144 Local Color and Realistic Tradition Charles went on away with the rest of the soldiers. I stood on the edge of the porch and watched him out of sight. I could tell from the way he kept looking around that he would come back to see me. He asked me out there on the back porch who I lived with. "Aunt Cindy/11 told him. "Aunt Cindy stays here with me while the boys are away fighting the Rebels. But she has gone over to Wisecarvers' because Belle is dead." "Is she coming back tonight?" "Shell be needed to set up with the corpse." "Are you afraid?" "I'm not afraid of you." I don't know what made me give him an answer like that. I reckon it was just because I wanted to. It was a little after dark when Charles come back that night and there were a few stars shining in the sky. I went to bed just as it got good dark. Before I fixed the bed I went out on the porch and looked up the Lead Hill to see if I could see Charles coming. I listened but I couldn't hear a sign of anything. So I pulled out the trundle bed and crawled in. I was still sleeping in the trundle bed then. I was a-laying there. The stars were coming out pretty thick by now. The bull frogs were just beginning to holler so I knowed it was as dark as it would be. I laid there waiting. I just had a feeling. Directly it come. "Mary Dorthula," and then, "Hello." "Come on in, Charles." I knowed in reason it was Charles. "I slipped off. The others were asleep." When he talked in the dark his voice sounded like a hen clucking to her little chickens. Charles kept on coming back. Aunt Cindy didn't say anything against it. For nine straight nights he come back. The Rebels stayed in the mountains that long, hunting for folkses that were hiding out to keep from joining either one of the sides. Folkses like the ones that dodged and went over into old Kentuck. That was one reason I never have told anybody who Joe's pa was. Charles being a Rebel and both of my brothers �MILDRED HAUN 145 Yankees. Folks around would have hated Joe sure enough. Joe wasn't like other bastards. But I reckon it was a good thing he died or got killed when he did. I was never ashamed of having Joe before I got married. He favored his pa. At least he had his eyes and pert nigh his voice—and his protecting ways. Always tried to save me from something. Like the mammy hen saying, "Hide in the weeds. Til fight the hawk." Charles would have come back and married me if it had been so he could. That last night, he told me he would come the next night if they didn't march on. Said if they did march on he would come back soon as the war was over, or as soon as it was so he could come. I kept looking for him and kept high hopes for seven whole years. But he ain't come yet. That is the reason I can't help but believe he was killed by the Yankees. He loved me. And he would have come back if something hadn't happened to him. He said he would, said I was the sweetest girl he ever seed. Told me that night it was getting a little coolish and I had a fire. The fire shined against his face and I could see it in the dark. He said he liked my yellow curly hair and blue eyes. But I liked Charles's brown hair and eyes and his dark skin better. His skin was dark as a piece of fresh sod. I liked to run my hands over it. It was just natural dark. It wasn't made that way by the sun. Charles wouldn't have said he was coming back if he hadn't been aiming on doing it. He didn't talk with just his tongue. Charles said he liked that trundle bed. "It lays so good." Every night he would sleep with me till nigh daylight. Then I would wake him up and he would go back. "I'll be back." He told me that every night. He told me that the ninth night he was here too. And I laid awake all night the next night waiting for him to holler, "Mary Dorthula, hello." I liked to hear him holler that. Like an old hen calling to her little chickens, "Come on here now, so the hawk won't get you." I never did get to go anywhere with Charles, to any poke suppers or anything like that. We had to be sneaking as �146 Local Color and Realistic Tradition 'possums for fear the other Rebels would catch on. Maybe they did. Maybe that is the reason he never did come back. But the third night he come he set out there on the edge of my bed and told me stories, ones he had read, he said. The one about Bob and Julia. Robert loved Julia. "Just like I love you." And I couldn't help but cry when Robert got killed and didn't get to marry Julia. But I didn't want Charles to see me cry. That was the night I had a fire. It was the first real cold night we had had that fall and I built a fire late that evening. When dark come I pulled the trundle bed out in front of the fireplace and laid down on it. It was a dark night and cold too. I didn't know whether he would come or not that night. Directly, the frogs begun to holler. I looked out the window and I couldn't see but two stars anywhere. Just two stars in the sky, it was so dark and cold. "MaryDorthula. Hello." "Come on in, Charles." "It's warm in here." "I'm proud you come." "I like the firelight. I can see your eyes." "Set down, Charles." "This trundle bed. It is soft." Charles set down on the edge of the bed with his face toward me and his knees upon the bed. And told me them stories. I listened—"And Rob loved Julia just like—well, he liked curly hair." And he said speeches to me. Poems, he called them. I watched his face in the firelight. His mouth said, "Whom there was none to praise and very few to love." And his eyes looked at me and I knowed what he meant. But he just didn't come out plain and say it. I liked it that way. Charles tried to sing some too. But he couldn't sing as well as he talked. I don't believe he knowed much to sing. "The Yankee run, The Yankee flew, The Yankee tore His shirttail in two." Charles wouldn't have ever run from anybody or anything. �MILDRED HAUN 147 The next night was cold too. It was dark as pitch again. I didn't lay down. I set by the fire and played the accordion and sung. I didn't hear him come through the cow-field gate that night. There he stood in the doorway before I knowed it. I was just singing away: "Then to the wars, to the wars he did go To see whether he could forget his love or no. For seven long years he served unto his king And in seven more years was returning home again." Of course, I had been singing that over and over ever since it got good dark. I wanted to be sure and be singing it when he come. Well, Charles, he stood there in the door. He looked like he didn't know whether to run out the door or jump up into the air. We looked at one another. "Mary Dorthula." "I didn't mean to be singing that." "Sing it again." Charles set there on the trundle bed by the side of me and made me sing it over and over till he learned it. "Just one more time, and then I'll know it." And he didn't tell me till the last night that he had been standing out there at the door ever since good dark listening to me sing that over and over. That was the time he made me talk all night. "As soon as you tell me one more story I'll go to sleep." But I knowed he wouldn't. I didn't want him to. Just some little old hant tales was all I knowed. I told them till away up into the night, after the fire had died down and it was so dark you couldn't see across the room. Charles would hold his breath sometimes. He liked the tale about the woman making fire at midnight in that old house. And the one about the man going to give his daughter to the boy who could find water on his place. "I'm not sleepy." I could tell he liked for me to talk. He set a heap a store by me. And I set a heap a store by him, and by the trundle bed on account of him. It was cold when the fire died out. "I'll have to get another quilt," I said. "Where was the one you were making on?" �148 Local Color and Realistic Tradition 'Til soon have it pieced." But it wasn't soon. And now. What is wrong with my eyes? No. The sun has just gone down behind Letitia Edes Mountain. It was about this time of evening when the soldiers come marching up. Time to go milk. "We want a drink of water. . . .Little Red Ridinghood. . .The squares are so little." Of course Ad and Linus didn't think about things like that when Miss Robinson come along. The trundle bed was just a trundle bed to them. Ad knowed Joe had slept on it up till he was a great big hulk of a boy. But that didn't bother Ad any more than a flea bite. It made me feel numb all over when I seed what Linus was doing. I went back in the kitchen and hid my face in my coattail till Ad and Linus come back from carrying it out to the wagon. I could tell them the place would never be the same without it. That trundle bed had been a part of every speck of bliss I had ever had. All the time Ad and Linus were selling off my old stuff they were cutting logs so they could build that fine new house. A fine new house—that was all they could talk about. I heard it till the words jumped up and down in the middle of my head and fit with one another. Ad and Linus talked about it more than Barshia had back when he had it on his mind. I never did believe they would get it built till I seed them put the top on it. They fooled me one time. They finally got all the logs sawed and hauled. They took them up to Jim Heath's sawmill and swopped them for planks—thin planks made out of pine. Not good oak like the logs they cut and took up there. I stood it all right while they were building on the house. I just didn't watch them much. They set it up right in front of my log house. Right in front of it. It covered all the pretty level part of the yard. But the house was plumb out on the edge of the bank. That made it look like a chicken coop on top of a mole hill. I tried to keep my mind off it as much as I could while they were building it. It didn't take them any time to put it up—just two days. Little old light thing. It will just about topple over �MILDRED HAUN 149 if ever the wind comes up the hollow. I won't much care. What is that I hear? Sounds like the wind blowing. I wish it would and blow it over. Cattle? Hales' cattle? Them soldier boys. That is it. Til go. . . here, you hold the dipper." Like a hen saying, "Let me kill the bee before you swallow it" Both days that they worked on the house a big crowd of menfoiks come to help. And a big crowd of womenfolks come in to help me with the cooking. I was proud to see them come. I listened to them talk instead of watching the menfolks work on the house. I like to hear womenfolks talk. After hearing Charles talk all other menfolks sound harsh and hateful. The womenfolks talked about everything them two days. They were honest. They didn't wish harm to anybody. Seems like I can hear them now: Granny, they say Penelope Courtney is going to need you again soon—you'll have to start a new life with the new house—the men are working like ticks in a tar bucket—"I'll be back." Granny, what happened to the little green and gold pitcher you had?—Have you heard about Arwoods' cow adying?—Sue Ella says her hens are not laying to do any good, must be bewitched—"I slipped off."—Have you heard that new song about the flying man's baby that got killed?—Do you like your new bedsteads better than your old ones?—Did you know that Brocks and Whetsels are at outs again?—What do you pack your clean clothes away in now?—"They were all asleep."—I've been sending milk and butter over to the Arwoods—Like a hen saying, "Come on out of the weeds now, the hawk's done gone."—How much did you get for your ma's three-cornered cupboard?—Wonder who will give Arwoods a calf to bring up in place of the cow that died?—Are you getting so new-fangled you aren't going to spin any more?—I seed the Smoky Mountain folks pass with your ash hopper—Hit's a pity Joe is not here—Wonder what ever become of Wilbur?— What ever become of that butter dish Joe used to cry for the knobs off of?—"Ma, break me off them marbles, will you?"— "This trundle bed it lays so good." I listened to them all day. They meant well. But, of course, �150 Local Color and Realistic Tradition they didn't know everything. I would hate not to ever see any of them again. Ruby Arwood will be having a baby soon and then Penelope. Dona Fawver will be dying soon too. And I will have to lay Dona out. And Teelie Edes—I want to see if she has got any witch marks on her. No telling how long I will have to stay in this world. I will have to go on doctoring till I learn somebody else how to take my place. But it is time to put supper on now, and I meant to pick a mess of sallet. I wish I had some gumption in me. This old new-fangled chair—not like the hickory rocker I was setting in. 'Tm not sleepy." Then the menfolks tore my house down. They got me moved into the new house and Ad and Linus norrated it around they were going to tear the old one down. A big bunch of men come in one day and they set to work on it. The womenfolks come back again too. I don't believe I could have tholed it if they hadn't. They seemed like they understood more that day. They didn't make any name of my old things being gone. They sung funny songs and told tales and laughed all the time both of the days they were here. Them asking me riddles and things sort of kept my mind off the house being torn down. Imah Baines sung one of the songs I learned Charles—the one that Charles said he liked next best: "Come, rede us fathers, come rede us mothers, The Yankee tore his shirttail in two." "Just sing it one more time. I'll know it then." Grandma had been born in that house. Pa was born there. Ma was carried over the door sill and swept the walls down with a sage-grass broom. Charles said when he come back he wanted to live up here at the end of the hollow in that house forever. "And slop the hogs and things....Just put that ham back.. .Raise hogs and boys." Them things didn't matter to Ad and Linus. They tore it down a log at a time. They had a job of it too. The logs were big. I managed to stay as busy as I could. And I kept cotton in my ears part of the time to keep from hearing them tear the logs �MILDRED HAUN 151 apart. I couldn't help but hear when they pushed over the stick chimney. I used to hold Joe's hand and we would stand and watch the smoke come twirling out of it. Joe would stand as still as a froze snake and watch it. MWe help make the sky, don't we, Ma?" Ad and the men had a big time when they found some notes that Tiny Brock had wrote to Joe at school. Joe had stuck them in a chink there in the wall. Linus read them out loud to all them old men. "Hello, Dern Sweetheart," they all started off. There wasn't e'er a time he didn't put in the word "dern." That meant Tiny was his secret sweetheart. He didn't want Miss Omie to know it, and he didn't want anyone else to know it. But their sparking wasn't dern at all, of course. It is hard to keep a fire smothered—the blaze will always show. Charles never did call me his dern sweetheart. But I was. He had to keep it a secret or the other Rebels wouldn't have let him come. And he never did write to me. Never had any chance to. But the way he said my name, "Mary Dorthula. Hello." And the way he looked at me and didn't say anything. Words don't mean much anyhow. You're safe as long as you stay under my wing. The men all laughed at Joe's little notes when they heard them. They pitched them out on the ground and piled logs on top of them. They found a little speech too. One Joe had hid there. His teacher cut it out of something and give it to him to learn and say. He used to say it over to me. "The spider wove his silvery web until his work was done." Hit was pretty. And Joe's voice sounded almost like Charles's did when he said speeches. I'll fight the hawk, Mary Dorthula. Joe had hid that speech in the chink and it had slipped back furder than he aimed for it to. They pitched it out on the ground. They pitched everything on the ground. Joe loved the old house. I told him one day what Charles said about the house that first day when he seed it. "It is just made to fit into the shape of this hollow. No other house would look right here. It will be here when I come back... .It will always be here... .I'll be back." �152 Local Color and Realistic Tradition Tm proud you come." This old new-fangled chair. Cheap. It is enough to break a body's neck. It is getting dusk outside. Time to have milking done. It will soon be dark. Time for Charles and Joe to come in from loafing at the store. The last evening the men worked on the house, all the womenfolks went home and left me here by myself. Ad hollered for me to fetch some water. I took that old tin bucket. Water don't taste good out of it like it did out of my staved bucket—the one they sold. I took the tin bucket and went. As I started down the steps I seed they had the house about tore down—just hadn't moved the sills yet. I sort of hoped they would let the sills stay there. I had heard Grandpa talk about them sills. The best that could be made, he said. It took six men to lift one of them. They had stayed solid even if Ad hadn't patched the roof, and the rain had come right on through. I feared Grandpa would rise up out of his grave when the sills were moved. Charles said there wasn't any such material as that nowadays. "They'll be here always. I'll be here always. Hogs and boys." I'll bet the old sow is hungry. It is dark outside. It gets dark soon in the fall of the year this way. I like long nights. I wouldn't want to be in a place where there never come any night. I tried not to look at the pile of logs. When I got over to the spring something made me look back. I seed that big pile of logs there to be burnt. Somehow or nother, thinking about it took nigh all the strength I had in me. I set down there on the bank of the branch. I set down without thinking. I don't know how long I set there. Then I heard Ad yelling, "What in the hell are you doing? You'd be a good one to send after water if the devil's guts were on fire." "Here, you hold the dipper." I was numb all over. I had to try two or three times before I could even drag myself up. I finally managed to pick the bucket up and start. Listen. Yeah, that is him. The cow-field gate. Opening. Shut. Ad and Linus. It is time. Loafing at the store all day. And his shirt not patched. "Mary Dorthula. Hello." "I'm �MILDRED HAUN 153 proud you come." "Little Red Ridinghood." When I got to the house with the water I seed Ad and Linus take hold of the last sill. They couldn't budge it. Nigh all the men had to help. I was holding the bucket for Old Man Arwood to get him a drink. That strength in Charles's hands. And when I seed them lift that sill up and lay it over out of the way, something went wrong with me. I don't know what it was. But I went weak all over. And that bucket fell out of my hand. "You hold the dipper. I'll take the bucket.11 It hit the ground kerwhollop. I sort of went blank there for a short span. I hear something on the porch. Them back. And supper not ready. I am a little chilly. The fire. I guess I had better punch it. My neck—it is so limber. This chair. "Just one more time and then I'll know it." But I come back to myself before anybody took note of it, I think. Old Man Arwood said he would take the bucket back to the spring. Til go. Where is it?" "Right there under that tree." "Here, you hold the dipper." I reckon the men just thought I was awkward and dropped the bucket. I believe Ad sort of noticed me. I don't know though. There are two stars. Just two in the sky. It is dark tonight. And cold. And I didn't get his overalls patched. Them frogs. They know it is time. I will punch up the fire. I'm tired of this chair anyhow—lets my head fall over like I've got the limber neck. "MaryDorthula. Hello." "Come on in... .I'll soon have it done." "I slipped off... that little red blanket...the others were sleeping." "I'm proud you come.. .1 didn't mean to be singing." "Again.. .But if I touch you—" "This trundle bed, Charles, it lays so good." �154 Local Color and Realistic Tradition The Hawk's Done Gone 1. What did Mary Dorthula White's possessions mean to the antique hunters? To Ad and Linus? To Mary Dorthula? 2. What was Mary Dorthula's biggest concern related to the loss of her "Harp of Columbia" quilt? 3. In what ways were Wayne Williams, the antiquer, and Charles, the Rebel soldier, similar? �JAMES STILL 155 JAMES STILL (1906- ) James Still, who was born in Double Creek, Alabama, has been called "the psalmist of the mountains." A 1929 graduate of Lincoln Memorial University, Still earned an M. A. at Vanderbilt University in 1930. He has lived since 1939 in an old log house on Dead Mare Branch near the Hindman Settlement School in Kentucky. Before devoting himself to writing full time, Mr. Still was the librarian at the settlement school. He also taught for ten years at Morehead State University. He has published poetry, short stories, books for children, and novels. His short stories have been anthologized in such collections as the Best American Short Stories and the O. Henry Memorial Prize Stories. Mr. Still is also a frequent commentator on National Public Radio. When James Still turned 80 on July 16,1986, the Hindman Settlement School threw a party to honor the man and his work. Several hundred people gathered from all over to pay tribute to one of the Appalachian region's finest authors. When his novel River of Earth was published 46 years ago, Time magazine called it a "work of art." It won the Southern Authors award. Still in print, the book continues to attract readers and critical acclaim. This excerpt shows why. �156 Local Color and Realistic Tradition From River of Earth The mines on Little Car closed in March. Winter had been mild, the snows scant and frost-thin upon the ground. Robins stayed the season through, and sapsuckers came early to drill the black birch beside our house. Though Father had worked in the mines, we did not live in the camps. He owned the scrap of land our house stood upon, a garden patch, and the black birch that was the only tree on all the barren slope above Blackjack. There were three of us children running barefoot over the puncheon floors, and since the year's beginning Mother carried a fourth balanced on one hip as she worked over the rusty stove in the shedroom. There were eight in the family to cook for. Two of Father's cousins, Harl and Tibb Logan, came with the closing of the mines and did not go away. "It's all we can do to keep bread in the children's mouths," Mother told Father. "Even if they are your blood kin, we can't feed them much longer." Mother knew the strings of shucky beans dried in the fall would not last until a new garden could be raised. A half-dozen soup bones and some meat rinds were left in the smokehouse; skippers had got into a pork shoulder during the unnaturally warm December, and it had to be thrown away. Mother ate just enough for the baby, picking at her food and chewing it in little bites. Father ate sparingly, cleaning his plate of every crumb. His face was almost as thin as Mother's. Harl and Tibb fed well, and grumblingly, upon beans and corn pone. They kicked each other under the table, carrying on a secret joke from day to day, and grimacing at us as they ate. We were pained, and felt foolish because we could not join in their laughter. "You'll have to ask them to go," Mother told Father. "These lazy louts are taking food out of the baby's mouth. What we have won't last forever." Father did not speak for a long time; then he said simply: "I can't turn my kin out." He would say no more. Mother began to feed us between meals, putting less on the table. They would chuckle without saying anything. Sometimes one of them would make a clucking noise in his throat, but none of us laughed, not even �JAMES STILL 157 Euly. We would look at Father, his chin drooped over his shirt collar, his eyes lowered. And Fletch's face would be as grave as Father's. Only the baby's face would become bird-eyed and bright. When Uncle Samp, Father's great-uncle, came for a couple of days and stayed on after the week-end was over, Mother spoke sternly to Father. Father became angry and stamped his foot on the floor. "As long as we've got a crust, it'll never be said I turned my folks from my door," he said. We children were frightened. We had never seen Father storm like this, or heard him raise his voice at Mother. Father was so angry he took his rifle-gun and went off into the woods for the day, bringing in four squirrels for supper. He had barked them, firing at the tree trunk beside the animals' heads, and bringing them down without a wound. Uncle Samp was a large man. His skin was soft and white, with small pink veins webbing his cheeks and nose. There were no powder burns on his face and hands, and no coal dust ground into the heavy wrinkles of his neck. He had a thin gray mustache, over a hand-span in length, wrapped like a loose cord around his ears. He vowed it had not been trimmed in thirty years. It put a spell on us all, Father's cousins included. We looked at the mustache and felt an itching uneasiness. That night at the table Harl and Tibb ate squirrel's breasts and laughed, winking at each other as they brushed up brown gravy on pieces of corn pone. Uncle Samp told us what this good eating put him in mind of, and he bellowed, his laughter coming deep out of him. The rio lamp trembled on the table. We laughed, watching his face redden with every gust, watching the mustache hang miraculously over his ears. Suddenly my brother Fletch began to cry over his plate. His shins had been kicked under the table. Mother's face paled, her eyes becoming hard and dark. She gave the baby to Father and took Fletch into another room. We ate quietly during the rest of the meal, Father looking sternly down the table. After supper Mother and Father took a lamp and went out to the smokehouse. We followed, finding them bent over the �158 Local Color and Realistic Tradition meat box. Father dug into the salt with a plow blade, Mother holding the light above him. He uncovered three curled rinds of pork. We stayed in the smokehouse a long time, feeling contented and together. The room was large, and we jumped around like savages and swung head-down from the rafters. Father crawled around on his hands and knees with the baby on his back. Mother sat on a sack of black walnuts and watched us. "Hit's the first time we've been alone in two months," she said. "If we lived in here, there wouldn't be room for anybody else. And it would be healthier than that leaky shack we stay in." Father kept crawling with the baby, kicking up his feet like a spoiled nag. Fletch hurt his leg again. He gritted his teeth and showed us the purple spot where he had been kicked. Father rubbed the bruise and made it feel better. 'Their hearts are black as Satan," Mother said. "I'd rather live in this smokehouse than stay down there with them. A big house draws kinfolks like a horse draws nitflies." It was late when we went to the house. The sky was overcast and starless. During the night, rain came suddenly, draining through the rotten shingles. Father got up in the dark and pushed the beds about. He bumped against the footboard and wakened me. I heard Uncle Samp snoring in the next room. They were mightily tickled about something. They laughed in long, choking spasms. The sound came to me as though afar off, and I reckon they had their heads under the covers so as not to waken Uncle Samp. I listened and wondered how it was possible to laugh with all the dark and rain. Morning was bright and rain-fresh. The sharp sunlight fell slantwise upon the worn limestone earth of the hills, and our house squatted weathered and dark on the bald slope. Yellowbellied sapsuckers drilled their oblong holes in the black birch by the house, now leafing from tight-curled buds. Fletch and I had climbed into the tree before breakfast, and when Mother called us we were hungry for our boiled wheat. We were alone at the table, Harl and Tibb having left at daylight for Blackjack. They had left without their breakfast, �JAMES STILL 159 and this haste seemed strange to Mother. "This is the first meal they've missed," she said. Uncle Samp slept on in the next room, his head buried under a quilt to keep the light out of his face. Mother fed the baby at her breast, standing by Father at the table. We ate our wheat without sugar, and when we had finished, Mother said to Father: "We have enough bran for three more pans of bread. If the children eat it by themselves, it might last a week. It won't last us all more than three meals. Your kin will have to go today." Father put his spoon down with a clatter. "My folks eat when we eat," he said, "and as long as we eat." The corners of his mouth were drawn tight into his face. His eyes burned, but there was no anger in them. 'Til get some meal at the store," he said. Mother leaned against the wall, clutching the baby. Her voice was like ice. "They won't let you have it on credit. You've tried before. We've got to live small. We've got to start over again, hand to mouth, the way we began." She laid her hand upon the air, marking the words with nervous fingers. "We've got to tie ourselves up in such a knot nobody else can get in." Father got his hat and stalked to the door. "We've got to do hit today," she called. But Father was gone, out of the house and over the hill toward Blackjack. Mother put the baby in the empty wood box while she washed dishes. Euly helped her, clearing the table and setting out a bowl of boiled wheat for Uncle Samp. I went outside with Fletch, and we were driving the sapsuckers from the birch when Uncle Samp shouted in the house. His voice crashed through the wall, pouring between the seamy timbers in raw blasts of anger. Fletch was up in the tree, near the tiptop, so I ran ahead of him into the shedroom. Mother stood in the middle of the floor listening. Baby Green jumped up and down in the wood box. Euly ran behind the stove. I ran into the room where Uncle Samp was and saw him stride from the looking glass to the bed. His mouth was slack. A low growl flowed out of him. He stopped when he saw me, �160 Local Color and Realistic Tradition drawing himself up in his wrath. Then I saw his face, and I was frightened. I was suddenly paralyzed with fear. His face was fiery, the red web of veins straining in his flesh, and his mustache, which had been cut off within an inch of his lips, sticking out like two small gray horns. He rushed upon me, caught me up in his arms, and flung me against the wall. I fell upon the floor, breathless, not uttering a sound. Mother was beside me in a moment, her hands weak and palsied as she lifted me. I was only frightened, and not hurt. Mother cried a little, making a dry sniffling sound through her nose; then she got up and walked outside and around the house. Uncle Samp was not in sight. She came back and gave Fletch the key to the smokehouse. "We're going to move up there,11 she said. "Go unlock the door." I helped Euly carry the baby out in the wood box. We set him on the shady side of the woodpile. We began to move the furniture, putting the smaller things in the smokehouse, but leaving the chairs, beds, and tables on the ground halfway between. The stove was heaviest of all, and still hot. The rusty legs broke off on one side, and the other two bent under it. We managed to slide it into the yard. Mother carried the clock and the rio lamp to the smokehouse. The clock rattled with four pennies Fletch kept inside it. After everything had been taken out we waited in the backyard while Mother went around the house again, looking off the hill. Uncle Samp was nowhere in sight, and neither Harl nor Tibb could be seen. Then she went inside alone. She stayed a long time. We could hear her moving across the floor. When she came out and closed the door there was a haze of smoke behind her, blue and smelling of burnt wood. In a moment we saw the flames through the back window. The rooms were lighted up, and fire ran up the walls, eating into the old timbers. It climbed to the ceiling, burst through the roof, and ate the rotten shingles like leaves. Fletch and I watched the sapsuckers fly in noisy haste from the black birch, and he began to cry hoarsely as the young leaves wilted and hung limp from scorched twigs. The birch trunk steamed in the heat. �JAMES STILL 161 When the flames were highest, leaping through the charred rafters, a gun fired repeatedly in the valley. Someone there had noticed the smoke and was arousing the folk along Little Carr Creek. When they arrived, the walls had fallen in, and Mother stood among the scattered furnishings, her face calm and triumphant. River of Earth 1. In this selection Mother and Father both feel a sense of responsibility to family. Why is this a source of conflict in the household? 2. At one point Mother says to Father, "We've got to tie ourselves up in such a knot nobody else can get in." What does she mean by this statement? 3. What event prompted Mother to move to the smokehouse? Was this move a solution to her problems? �162 Local Color and Realistic Tradition JESSE STUART (1907-1984) Jesse Stuart was born in W-Hollow, a farm near Riverton, Kentucky, and attended a one-room country school which he later used as the setting for some of his stories. He worked to put himself through Lincoln Memorial University in Tennessee, where James Still and Don West were among his classmates. He studied for one year at Vanderbuilt University. There he wrote his autobiography which he later published as Beyond Dark Hills. Stuart taught school, which included stints at the American University in Cairo, Egypt, and at the University of Nevada. He also farmed, worked in industry, and served in the Navy. During 1962 and 1963, he served as a specialist abroad for the Bureau of Education and Cultural Affairs. Jesse Stuart received many honors and awards in all areas of writing. He appeared on the American literary scene in 1934 with Man With a Bull-Tongue Plow. His poetry, short stories, and juvenile fiction were very popular and appeared frequently in magazines and literary journals. In 1943, his short story collection Men of the Mountains won the Academy of Arts and Sciences Award, and the novel Taps for Private Tussle received the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Award. The National Education Association selected The Thread That Runs So True as the best book of 1949. Stuart also received the Academy of American Poets Award in 1961. Kentucky �JESSE STUART 163 honored him with the designation of Poet Laureate in 1954. This excerpt from Daughter of the Legend is about a young couple at a worship service where faith is tested. From Daughter of the Legend We've got a river to cross and a mountain to climb," Deutsia said. f!We go over to the Clinch right here." She led the way along the narrow footpath toward the river. "How do we cross?" I asked. "Boat?" Deutsia laughed at my words. "Ill show you." On the bank of the Clinch we stood where a tall sycamore had uprooted and had fallen across two-thirds of the width of this mountain river. We walked over the body of a giant tree that had often served as a bridge. I could tell by the way the bark was worn. We grabbed the bushy leafless top branches of the tree and held to a branch above us, then walked on as far as I thought it safe for two people to walk. "Sit on this limb, pull off your shoes and roll your pant legs up," she said. Deutsia started taking off her oxfords. I rolled my pants until they were tight around my legs. "Can you hold your shoes and mine?" she asked me. "I think so," I said. I held the four shoes by the strings. "Now keep your hand on my shoulder." I laid my hand on her shoulder as she lifted her dress and stepped down from the sycamore top into the water. "Step where I do," she said. "Be careful." When I put my foot where she had just put hers, it went down on a rock. And I followed her, stepping where she stepped. She was keeping her dress dry, but her hair was dragging the water behind her. When we reached the river bank, Deutsia shook the water �164 Local Color and Realistic Tradition from her hair and we sat on a rock and put our shoes back on. "Come," Deutsia said gleefully, taking my hand. I followed her up a path beneath the pines, around and over the rocks, under the bright-leafed maples, the brown-leafed white oaks and red-leafed gums. "I want my pipe and a good smoke," I said when we reached the top where the wind chilled the sweat on our faces. "Isn't it wonderful up here?11 Deutsia said. I struck a match to light my pipe but the wind erased the flame. "Too much wind up here. I can't light my pipe." "We'll fix that" With her back to the wind she spread her dress, making it a barrier against the wind so I could light my pipe. "You know how to do everything," I said. She smiled. We hurried over the wind-swept rocks where scrawny seedling pine needles stuck our legs and huckleberry vines, sawbriars and greenbriars pulled at our shoelaces. Then we came to a ridge road where we looked at the setting sun, large as a spread umbrella and the color of a hot red hollyhock. "We'll make it on time," she said. In less than ten minutes we came to a pine grove where dry pine needles crunched beneath our feet and where within the dense grove we could hear singing. Our road made a sharp turn and we came directly upon a gathering of people, sitting on split-log benches. The pines had been cut away, except for a few on which lanterns hung, and around the cleared enclosure that was the churchhouse were thick walls of the thickly studded trees. By the time we had walked down to sit on a bench, the singing had begun. We were in an outdoors churchhouse. By the lantern light I could see many of the faces that I'd noticed around the courthouse. I also saw many strange faces. Two of the boys played a snappy tune on their guitars, almost like a fast square dance tune, while the people that faced us, and many of the congregation sitting on the benches, sang �JESSE STUART 165 "Feasting on the Mountain." In front of the choir the preacher stood with a rough handmade table before him, his hand upon his opened Bible. Down beside him were the wire cages like the ones Yd seen at the shacks on Sanctuary Mountain. "What church is this?" I whispered to Deutsia. "Holiness Faith Healers." "What's in that cage up there?" "Rattlesnakes." "Why do they have rattlesnakes?" "Wait a minute and you'll see." As we whispered I saw eyes stare at us, telling us without saying a word to quit whispering in church. I wondered, too, if they also meant me to take my arm from around Deutsia, but I looked around and other men were sitting close to their girls with their arms around them. Before the song was finished a fat woman in front of us jumped up, clapping her hands above her head, shouting, "Glory to God! Glory to God! We'll feast on the mountain up there!" And she pointed toward the sky when she said "up there." She danced a tune on the pine needles and shouted while they finished the song. "Glory to God, Sister Witherspoon," the preacher said, as the choir sat down on their log seats that were just a little higher than ours. "We'll feast on the mountain up there! Glory to God!" Sister Witherspoon sat down, her body jerking and her hands a-quiver, her face covered with drops of sweat that shone brightly in the lantern light. The preacher stood at the table before us, dressed in his faded clean-washed overalls and blue work shirt with his sleeves rolled to his elbows and his shirt collar unbuttoned. There was a beard on his face and his hair was uncombed. When he opened his mouth he showed two rows of discolored front teeth. He was a tall man but bent over like a windwhipped oak on the mountaintop, and his eyes looked down at us like a hawk's eyes when they look over a flock of chick- �166 Local Color and Realistic Tradition ens. 'Til take my text," he said, "from the sixteenth chapter and the eighteenth verse of St. Mark." He bent over his opened Bible and began to read, stumbling slowly over the words as a barefoot boy stumbles over rocks when he first pulls off his shoes in the spring. n/ They shall take up serpents; and if they drink any deadly thing, it shall not hurt them; they shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover/" "That's the Word, folks," he said, his long black mustache working up and down as he spoke. "That's the Gospel for ye. And soon as we have another song, I'll give ye the message that God told me to give ye." The choir rose from their log seats, the young men with the guitars looked at each other, one nodded a signal to the other and then there was a fast plucking of strings, a wild outburst of many-tongued discordant voices singing, "I'll be a Holiness until I Die." I knew that this was a dance tune, for my feet began to move, to pat on the pine needles, and I looked about me and other feet were doing the same. "Glory, glory," the preacher shouted, looking upward toward the pine-needle ceiling. "Won't we all be Holiness until we die? Until we reach that Heaven in the sky?" "You bet we will, Brother Dusty," yelled a dark-complexioned man with a deep booming voice like a mountain wind surging down into a hollow. "You bet we will, Brother Dusty! I'm saved and sanctified and I can't sin no more, Brother Dusty!" And he clapped his big fire-shovel hands and twitched his mouth, wiggling the horns of his black mustache as his feet patted the tune on the pine needles. After a few pats with his feet, he let out a yell. "Whoopee! Glory to God! Sing children! Sing! Glory be to God, we'll all be Holiness till we die! We'll all be Holiness when we reach that Heaven in the sky! Glory! Glory! Glory be to God! Glory be to God!" he was shouting in a big voice like the wind, high above the voices in the choir. "Glory be, brothers! Glory be, sisters! Glory be to the God that �JESSE STUART 167 gives us power to heal the sick and the afflicted, that gives us the power to handle the serpents and if we are right with God, they won't bite us! Blessed be the name of the Sweet Jesus that gives us power to handle fire and won't let it burn us! Send us the Light, Sweet Jesus!" "Amen, Brother Cliff," Preacher Dusty said to the big man, who was standing now, jerking as I'd never seen a man jerk before. "The serpents and the fire will test you, Brother Cliff," a tall woman screamed as she arose from her seat. She waved her hands into the air above her tousled hair. "If you ain't right with Jesus, the serpent will send his fangs into ye and turn loose his venom and the flame will wither yer flesh...scorch and burn it...Ah, the Devil is in ye when the serpent will fang ye and the flames scorch ye...Ah, it's the sign that ye ain't right with Jesus!" She danced a tune, her head thrown back, her face toward the pine-bough ceiling. Her eyes were closed, her mouth was open and she mumbled words that I couldn't understand. Now Brother Dusty was walking between the rows of seated people, looking straight ahead at something I couldn't see. His hands were spread before him and he, too, was mumbling words I couldn't understand. "What are they saying?" I asked Deutsia. I had to shout to get my words above the singing and the mumbling of many people. "They are talking in the Unknown Tongue," she said. "Can you understand them?" "No." "Listen, young man," a big man with a red beardy face said to me in a loud voice. "I belong to the real Unknown Tongues. And I've been a-sittin' here a-tryin' to make out what they're a-sayin' and the only word that they have said that I can understand is 'sweet tater/ I come here tonight a-thinkin' they would talk in the language of my Church! But they're aspeakin' a tongue only the Devil in his hell can understand!" Before he had finished saying these words the big woman, �168 Local Color and Realistic Tradition with her eyes closed, sprawled on the ground, her body jerking and her lips and eyelids twitching. There she lay before Deutsia and me, her dress high upon her body showing her big legs, her cotton bloomers and her red outing petticoat. She stared vacantly toward her Heaven in the sky as she mumbled her unknown words. "Speak to Jesus, Sister HalMe," a woman said, sitting on the seat above her. "Tell Him that you love Him. Thank Him for the magic power to heal! Speak to Him tonight as you've never spoken to Him before and help Him fight the mean old Devil to a finish on this night. Tell Him to he'p bind the Devil's hands, to he'p us shet his filthy mouth, and chain him in the endless pit fer eternity." And she jumped up and started running in circles, shouting "Glory to Sweet Jesus" as she ran. Maybe she started the others; I don't know. It seemed that everybody arose from his seat but Deutsia and me. People—men, women and boys— grabbed each other and started swinging as I'd seen them swing in figure eight of an old square dance. But the dancers never piled upon the floor and kicked and moaned and said words no one could understand as these people did. Amid the singing and the wild confusion of people going around and around, stumbling over the women and men on the ground with pine needles in their hair and sticking to their clothes, many young couples still sat on the benches with their arms about each other, kissing. Small children held babies in their laps while their mothers and fathers shouted and rolled. I saw little girls and little boys run madly through the crowd, stepping on men's hands and women's tangled hair, screaming as they went. They were afraid of all this confusion. Once I saw a small boy run out screaming into the dark pine woods, his hands high in the air, his heels touching his rump as he ran. Brother Dusty tried to preach by shouting his words and waving his big gnarled hands to get his God-given message to his congregation above the din and roar of the rolling, kicking and quivering people. I could hear a few of Brother Dusty's �JESSE STUART 169 words. "Hell is nineteen miles straight, straight under the ground," I heard him scream as he pointed down to the ground. I looked above me and insects were swarming around the smoky-globed lanterns. High on this mountain the insects, too, had found the Light and the lantern warmth as well. I've been to many a church in the mountains, I thought, as I looked beneath the split wooden log we were sitting on to see what was a holding it up, but I have never seen anything like this. As I was touching the rough oak posts that had been placed in auger holes in the bottom of the logs we sat on, I heard a scream among the people and wild screams among the tenorvoiced children. I got up and saw Brother Dusty with a big rattler around his neck. He was patting the rattlers head while it flicked out its tongue to catch and listen to the sound of the confusion, a greater sound of voices than a rattler ever hears when left alone free to roam his mountain world among the rocks and wild huckleberry vines. Brother Dusty turned this way and that to show the rattler to all the people. From where we sat, I could see the rattler's tail a-quiver on the ground beneath us. "Sweet Jesus gives me the power," Brother Dusty said. "There ain't no Devil in this man. Not nary bit o' th' Devil in this flesh. Saved and sanctified and can't sin any more. They shall take up serpents. Ain't this the fulfillment, folks? Ain't it? Oh for that home among the stars where the angels sing and play their guitars!" "Amen, Brother Dusty." I wondered if only Brother Dusty would handle a rattlesnake, fondle it and coddle it and let it listen to his congregation, let it wrap itself about his neck as if it were a necktie. This giant rattler must have been heavy about his neck, it looked him in the eyes with its cold, hard lidless eyes and put wild fears into the small children who looked up at it. But the rattler didn't scare Brother Dusty. All eyes of the shouting people turned toward him, but not the eyes of the people lying on the floor jerking. Their eyes were closed and their jerks came easier. Many had jerked until they could move no more and �170 Local Color and Realistic Tradition they lay on the pine-needle floor lifeless and exhausted, with drool running from the corners of their mouths. "That's closer than I want to get to a rattlesnake," I said to Deutsia. When I said these words to her, I looked at her soft faircomplexioned face, her blue eyes that focused the rattler around Brother Dusty's neck, and wondered if her religion was this snake religion. I could never attend this church with her if we married, I thought. I would never trust a rattlesnake. Too many had almost got me in the timber woods. There were fangs of the mountain rattler embedded in my boots. When I turned my face from her to look over the congregation again, I saw something that made me want to run to the pine woods as Fd seen the small boy run. I saw many men and women, with rattlesnakes around their necks and in their arms. And they were fondling them with no more fear than I would have had if Fd handled a piece of rope. "These're Sweet Jesus' children," Brother Dusty said. "There ain't no part of the Devil in 'em. Not a chip from the Devil's tree o' sin in 'em. Not a drop of the Devil's blood! Yes, we've had people bitten by the serpent but the serpent knows the ones that's got the Devil in 'em. He knows the facts, people, for he can smell th' Devil in a man a mile away, and he can taste the Devil in' em when he bites!" I wondered if these little children had the Devil in them as they ran screaming when their mothers and fathers came out among the congregation with these vicious, rusty-looking rattlers around their necks and in their arms. Many women held the snakes to their bosoms. Women came from their trances and took up the snakes. The wire-caged doors were all opened now, and Fd never seen as many rattlers in one place. Now I knew why Fd seen the snakes in cages at the shacks on Sanctuary Mountain. These people that came to this church on this night and brought their snakes had kept them in cages so they wouldn't go to sleep. For this was October, a time when rattlers should be in their winter beds. �JESSE STUART 171 There was so much to see. I turned my eyes toward the table that Brother Dusty had used for a pulpit, and saw women who didn't have rattlers to prove their faith standing with flaming pine torches, holding the flames to their hands, the rich heavy smelly pine smoke going up in dark heavy spirals toward their faces. "The flame can't sear this flesh," one screamed, but I knew the flame was searing her flesh, the way she twitched. "I know I'm a child of Sweet Jesus," a fair-haired woman screamed. "When the flame don't burn, it is the sign!" "I feel the fire within," another screamed, "but not this worldly fire from the torch that can't sear the flesh because God won't burn His children!" The children didn't fear the flames; they feared the ugly writhing snakes. They would gather close to watch these women stick the flames to their hands. With one hand these women held the pine torch and applied the flame to the other hand. That evening was something I would never forget. While I sat watching the women apply the torches to their flesh, I saw Brother Dusty with his rattler still around his neck. His big hand was playing with its head, and his big fingers were fingering its lips. I took my arm from around Deutsia to use if the rattler came too near, for I was afraid. "What's the matter, young man?" Brother Dusty said as he stood before me with his rattlesnake too near for my comfort. "Don't get that rattler close to me." "Be saved tonight, young man," he said. "It's the Devil in you. You're possessed with seedy, vile sin." "Keep back that rattler," I warned him again. "What about you, honey?" the woman said to Deustia. Deustia didn't answer her, but with her soft hand she stroked the rattler's head. "That snake acts as if it knows you," I said to her. I got up from the seat and began to back away. "It won't bite," she said. "They ain't no Devil in this pretty girl," Brother Dusty said. "Let's go, Deutsia," I said, pulling her by the hand. "Let's �172 Local Color and Realistic Tradition clear out of here!" Deutsia and I turned to walk back the way we came. "I don't belong in this church," Deutsia said in a whisper as we started back to the rear. Tm glad you don't." We faced a crowd of people standing at the rear. Many had their hands and faces bandaged. "I don't belong to any church," she said. "What's wrong with these people, anyway?" I asked. "Burnt hands and bitten by rattlesnakes," she said. "They had Devil in 'em." "What's all this crowd doing back here?" I asked in a low tone. "They come to watch what goes on," she said. "They don't belong." "Look to your left," I whispered. Deutsia turned her head to look. "See what I see?" "Yes." There stood Fern Hailston and Ben Dewberry among the crowd of onlookers. They were smiling as they watched the crowd of worshipers. Then I saw them looking at us, but when Ben saw me looking at them he quickly turned his head as if he didn't see me. I knew he was ashamed of me. "Gee, I'm glad to get out of here," I said. We were out in the pine woods now, where darkness hovered over the earth like a black brooding hen. "How did you like this church?" she asked me. "I've never seen anything like it." "This is the last revival meeting before the rattlesnakes go to sleep. That's why I wanted you to see it." "Wonder how Ben and Fern got up here?" I asked. "I don't know," Deutsia said. "Miss Fern ought to be a good mountain climber." "I didn't worry so much about climbing the mountain," I said. "It's the getting down." "We'll get down the mountain easier than we got up," Deut- �JESSE STUART 173 sia said "We can do anything together." "I feel strong with you," Deutsia said, "and I need you. I need you always." We started down the mountain toward the curving ribbon of river. Down we went, away from the wind, the stars and moon. Daughter of the Legend I From what point of view is this story told? In what ways does point of view contribute to the effect of this story? 2. What does the word literal mean? Would you say the worshipers in the story interpret the Bible literally? Support your answer with examples. 3. What is the setting of the story? Does it help make the story believable? �174 COMPOSITION TOPICS 1. In "The Star in the Valley11 and in the excerpt from A Cumberland Vendetta, heroic characters are willing to die for their principles. Which of these characters do you most admire? Write a composition supporting your choice. 2. Listen to the conversation around you. Notice both slang expressions and regional pronunciation such as those found in some of the stories you have just read. Write a short narrative with dialogue using expressions you have heard. ACTIVITIES You have read about heroes in this section. Even though they sometimes appear as ordinary people, most families have heroes. Write about someone in your family who is a hero. Tell who he or she is, his or her relationship to you, and what the person did that is heroic. Tell the hero's story in a narrative to make it more interesting. You may want to illustrate this story with photographs or your own drawings. You have also read stories in this section about family loyalties. Write about a time a member of your family helped another person or about a time you helped some family member. �175 CHAPTER 3 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past One important aspect of Appalachian writing has been reminiscing by looking back and recording the past. As Chapter 3 will show, this trend continues in the works of contemporary Appalachian writers. All these selections are about memory. The memory may be personal—a visit with an old friend or a talk with a grandmother. Or it may be a more general reminiscence such as finding ginseng in the woods or enjoying country life. By sifting through these memories, writers find materials that make good stories and poems and that help readers find value in themselves and their heritage. �176 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past THOMAS WOLFE (1900-1938) Thomas Wolfe left his birthplace, Asheville, North Carolina, at fifteen to enroll at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where he edited the college magazine and wrote a one-act play. He received his M. A. degree from Harvard and later taught English at New York University. In 1930 he received a Guggenheim Fellowship. Although Wolfe was a prolific writer, he published only two novels, Look Homeward Angel, and Of Time and the River, before his untimely death in 1938. You Can't Go Home Again and The Web and the Rock were published posthumously. In all his novels Wolfe himself is the central character, thinly disguised, first as Eugene Gant and later as George Webber. In this excerpt from The Hills Beyond, a collection of Wolfe's shorter writings, Eugene Gant returns to his boyhood home to recapture his childhood, only to find that the lost boy has gone forever. The Brother "This is King's Highway," the man said. And then Eugene looked and saw that it was just a street. There were some big new buildings, a large hotel, some restaurants and "bar-grill" places of the modern kind, the livid �THOMAS WOLFE 177 monotone of neon lights, the ceaseless traffic of motor cars— all this was new, but it was just a street. And he knew that it had always been just a street, and nothing more—but somehow—well, he stood there looking at it, wondering what else he had expected to find. The man kept looking at him with inquiry in his eyes, and Eugene asked him if the Fair had not been out this way. "Sure, the Fair was out beyond here," the man said. "Out where the park is now. But this street you're looking for— don't you remember the name of it or nothing?" the man said. Eugene said he thought the name of the street was Edgemont, but that he wasn't sure. Anyhow it was something like that. And he said the house was on the corner of that street and of another street. The man said" "What was that other street?" Eugene said he did not know, but that King's Highway was a block or so away, and that an interurban line ran past about a half a block from where he once had lived. "What line was this?" the man said, and stared at him. "The interurban line," Eugene said. Then the man stared at him again, and finally, "I don't know no interurban line," he said. Eugene said it was a line that ran behind some houses, and that there were board fences there and grass beside the tracks. But somehow he could not say that it was summer in those days and that you could smell the ties, a wooden, tarry smell, and feel a kind of absence in the afternoon after the car had gone. He only said the interurban line was back behind somewhere between the backyards of some houses and some old board fences, and that King's Highway was a block or two away. He did not say that King's Highway had not been a street in those days but a kind of road that wound from magic out of some dim and haunted land, and that along the way it had got mixed in with Tom the Piper's son, with hot cross buns, with all the light that came and went, and with coming down through Indiana in the morning, and the smell of engine �178 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past smoke, the Union Station, and most of all with voices lost and far and long ago that said "King's Highway." He did not say these things about King's Highway because he looked about him and saw what King's Highway was. All he could say was that the street was near King's Highway, and was on the corner, and that the interurban trolley line was close to there. He said it was a stone house, and that there were stone steps before it, and a strip of grass. He said he thought the house had had a turret at one corner, he could not be sure. The man looked at him again, and said, "This is King's Highway, but I never heard of any street like that." Eugene left him then, and went on till he found the place. And so at last he turned into the street, finding the place where the two corners met, the huddled block, the turret, and the steps, and paused a moment, looking back, as if the street were Time. For a moment he stood there, waiting—for a word, and for a door to open, for the child to come. He waited, but no words were spoken; no one came. Yet all of it was just as it had always been, except that the steps were lower, the porch less high, the strip of grass less wide, than he had thought. All the rest of it was as he had known it would be. A graystone front, three-storied, with a slant slate roof, the side red brick and windowed, still with the old arched entrance in the center for the doctor's use. There was a tree in front, and a lamp post; and behind and to the side, more trees than he had known there would be. And all the slatey turret gables, all the slatey window gables, going into points, and the two arched windows, in strong stone, in the front room. It was all so strong, so solid, and so ugly—and all so enduring and so good, the way he had remembered it, except he did not smell the tar, the hot and caulky dryness of the old cracked ties, the boards of backyard fences and the coarse and sultry grass, and absence in the afternoon when the street car had gone, and the twins, sharp-visaged in their sailor suits, pumping with furious shrillness on tricycles up and down before the �THOMAS WOLFE 179 house, and the feel of the hot afternoon, and the sense that everyone was absent at the Fair. Except for this, it all was just the same; except for this and for King's Highway, which was now a street; except for this, and for the child that did not come. It was a hot day. Darkness had come. The heat rose up and hung and sweltered like a sodden blanket in St. Louis. It was wet heat, and one knew that there would be no relief or coolness in the night. And when one tried to think of the time when the heat would go away, one said: "It cannot last. It's bound to go away," as we always say it in America. But one did not believe it when he said it. The heat soaked down and men sweltered in it: the faces of the people were pale and greasy with the heat. And in their faces was a patient wretchedness, and one felt the kind of desolation that one feels at the end of a hot day in a great city in America—when one's home is far away, across the continent, and he thinks of all that distance, all that heat, and feels, "Oh God! but it's a big country!" And he feels nothing but absence, absence, and the desolation of America, the loneliness and sadness of the high, hot skies, and evening coming on across the Middle West, across the sweltering and heat-sunken land, across all the lonely little towns, the farms, the fields, the oven swelter of Ohio, Kansas, Iowa, and Indiana at the close of day, and voices, casual in the heat, voices at the little stations, quiet, casual, somehow faded into that enormous vacancy and weariness of heat, of space, and of the immense, the sorrowful, the most high and awful skies. Then he hears the engine and the wheel again, the wailing whistle and the bell, the sound of shifting in the sweltering yard, and walks the street, and walks the street, beneath the clusters of hard lights, and by the people with sagged faces, and is drowned in desolation and in no belief. He feels the way one feels when one comes back, and knows that he should not have come, and when he sees that, after all, King's Highway is—a street; and St. Louis—the enchanted name—a big, hot, common town upon the river, �180 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past sweltering in wet, dreary heat, and not quite South, and nothing else enough to make it better. It had not been like this before. He could remember how it would get hot, and how good the heat was, and how he would lie out in the backyard on an airing mattress, and how the mattress would get hot and dry and smell like a hot mattress full of sun, and how the sun would make him want to sleep, and how, sometimes, he would go down into the basement to feel coolness, and how the cellar smelled as cellars always smell—a cool, stale smell, the smell of cobwebs and of grimy bottles. And he could remember, when you opened the door upstairs, the smell of the cellar would come up to you— cool, musty, stale and dank and dark—and how the thought of the dark cellar always filled him with a kind of numb excitement, a kind of visceral expectancy. He could remember how it got hot in the afternoons, and how he would feel a sense of absence and vague sadness in the afternoons, when everyone had gone away. The house would seem so lonely, and sometimes he would sit inside, on the second step of the hall stairs, and listen to the sound of silence and of absence in the afternoon. He could smell the oil upon the floor and on the stairs, and see the sliding doors with their brown varnish and the beady chains across the door, and thrust his hands among the beady chains, and gather them together in his arms, and let them clash, and swish with light beady swishings all around him. He could feel darkness, absence, varnished darkness, and stained light within the house, through the stained glass of the window on the stairs, through the small stained glasses by the door, stained light and absence, silence and the smell of floor oil and vague sadness in the house on a hot mid-afternoon. And all these things themselves would have a kind of life: would seem to wait attentively, to be most living and most still. He would sit there and listen. He could hear the girl next door practice her piano lessons in the afternoon, and hear the street car coming by between the backyard fences, half a block away, and smell the dry and sultry smell of backyard fences, �THOMAS WOLFE 181 the smell of coarse hot grasses by the car tracks in the afternoon, the smell of tar, of dry caulked ties, the smell of bright worn flanges, and feel the loneliness of backyards in the afternoon and the sense of absence when the car was gone. Then he would long for evening and return, the slant of light, and feet along the street, the sharp-faced twins in sailor suits upon their tricycles, the smell of supper and the sound of voices in the house again, and Grover coming from the Fair. That is how it was when he came into the street, and found the place where the two corners met, and turned at last to see if Time was there. He passed the house; some lights were burning, the door was open, and a woman sat upon the porch. And presently he turned, came back, and stopped before the house again. The corner light fell blank upon the house. He stood looking at it, and put his foot upon the step. Then he said to the woman who was sitting on the porch: 'This house—excuse me—but could you tell me, please, who lives here in this house?" He knew his words were strange and hollow, and he had not said what he wished to say. She stared at him a moment, puzzled. Then she said: "I live here. Who are you looking for?" He said, "Why, I am looking for—" And then he stopped, because he knew he could not tell her what it was that he was looking for. "There used to be a house—" he said. The woman was now staring at him hard. He said, "I think I used to live here." She said nothing. In a moment he continued, "I used to live here in this house," he said, "when I was a little boy." She was silent, looking at him, then she said: "Oh. Are you sure this was the house? Do you remember the address?" "I have forgotten the address," he said, "but it was Edgemont Street, and it was on the corner. And I know this is the house." �182 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past "This isn't Edgemont Street," the woman said. "The name is Bates." "Well, then, they changed the name of the street," he said, "but this is the same house. It hasn't changed." She was silent a moment, then she nodded: "Yes. They did change the name of the street. I remember when I was a child they called it something else," she said. "But that was a long time ago. When was it that you lived here?" "In 1904." Again she was silent, looking at him.. Then presently: "Oh. That was the year of the Fair. You were here then?" "Yes." He now spoke rapidly, with more confidence. "My mother had the house, and we were here for seven months. And the house belonged to Dr. Packer," he went on. "We rented it from him." "Yes," the woman said, and nodded, "this was Dr. Packer's house. He's dead now, he's been dead for many years. But this was the Packer house, all right." "That entrance on the side," he said, "where the steps go up, that was for Dr. Packer's patients. That was the entrance to his office." "Oh," the woman said, "I didn't know that. I've often wondered what it was. I didn't know what it was for." "And this big room in front here," he continued, "that was the office. And there were sliding doors, and next to it, a kind of alcove for his patients—" "Yes, the alcove is still there, only all of it has been made into one room now—and I never knew just what the alcove was for." "And there were sliding doors on this side, too, that opened on the hall—and a stairway going up upon this side. And halfway up the stairway, at the landing, a little window of colored glass—and across the sliding doors here in the hall, a kind of curtain made of strings of beads." She nodded, smiling. "Yes, it's just the same—we still have the sliding doors and the stained glass window on the stairs. There's no bead curtain any more," she said, "but I remember �THOMAS WOLFE 183 when people had them. I know what you mean." "When we were here," he said, "we used the doctor's office for a parlor—except later on—the last month or two—and then we used it for a bedroom." "It is a bedroom now," she said. "I run the house—I rent rooms—all of the rooms upstairs are rented—but I have two brothers and they sleep in this front room." Both of them were silent for a moment, then Eugene said, "My brother stayed there too." "In the front room?" the woman said. He answered, "Yes." She paused, then said: "Won't you come in? I don't believe it's changed much. Would you like to see?" He thanked her and said he would, and he went up the steps. She opened the screen door to let him in. Inside it was just the same—the stairs, the hallway, the sliding doors, the window of stained glass upon the stairs. And all of it was just the same, except for absence, the stained light of absence in the afternoon, and the child who once had sat there, waiting on the stairs. It was all the same except that as a child he had sat there feeling things were Somewhere—and now he knew. He had sat there feeling that a vast and sultry river was somewhere—and now he knew! He had sat there wondering what King's Highway was, where it began, and where it ended—now he knew! He had sat there haunted by the magic word "downtown"— now he knew!—and by the street car, after it had gone—and by all things that came and went and came again, like the cloud shadows passing in a wood, that never could be captured. And he felt that if he could only sit there on the stairs once more, in solitude and absence in the afternoon, he would be able to get it back again. Then he would be able to remember all that he had seen and been—the brief sum of himself, the universe of his four years, with all the light of Time upon it— that universe which was so short to measure, and yet so far, so endless, to remember. Then would he be able to see his own small face again, pooled in the dark mirror of the hall, and peer �184 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past once more into the grave eyes of the child that he had been, and discover there in his quiet three-years' self the lone integrity of "I," knowing: "Here is the House, and here House listening; here is Absence, Absence in the afternoon; and here in this House, this Absence, is my core, my kernel—here am I!" But as he thought it, he knew that even if he could sit here alone and get it back again, it would be gone as soon as seized, just as it had been then—first coming like the vast and drowsy rumors of the distant and enchanted Fair, then fading like cloud shadows on a hill, going like faces in a dream—coming, going, coming, possessed and held but never captured, like lost voices in the mountains long ago—and like the dark eyes and quiet face of the dark, lost boy, his brother, who, in the mysterious rhythms of his life and work, used to come into this house, then go, and then return again. The woman took Eugene back into the house and through the hall. He told her of the pantry, told where it was and pointed to the place, but now it was no longer there. And he told her of the backyard, and the old board fence around the yard. But the old board fence was gone. And he told her of the carriage house, and told her it was painted red. But now there was a small garage. And the backyard was still there, but smaller than he thought, and now there was a tree. "I did not know there was a tree," he said. "I do not remember any tree." "Perhaps it was not there," she said. "A tree could grow in thirty years." And then they came back through the house again and paused at the sliding doors. "And could I see this room?" he said. She slid the doors back. They slid open smoothly, with a rolling heaviness, as they used to do. And then he saw the room again. It was the same. There was a window at the side, the two arched windows at the front, the alcove and the sliding doors, the fireplace with the tiles of mottled green, the mantel of dark mission wood, the mantel posts, a dresser and a bed, just where the dresser and the bed had been so long ago. �THOMAS WOLFE 185 "Is this the room?" the woman said. "It hadn't changed?" He told her that it was the same. "And your brother slept here where my brothers sleep?" "This is his room," he said. They were silent. He turned to go, and said, "Well, thank you. I appreciate your showing me." She said that she was glad and that it was no trouble, "and when you see your family, you can tell them that you saw the house," she said. "My name is Mrs. Bell. You can tell your mother that a Mrs. Bell has the house now. And when you see your brother, you can tell him that you saw the room he slept in, and that you found it just the same." He told her then that his brother was dead. The woman was silent for a moment. Then she looked at him and said: "He died here, didn't he? In this room?" He told that it was so. "Well, then," she said, "I knew it. I don't know how. But when you told me he was here, I knew it." He said nothing. In a moment the woman said, "What did he die of?" "Typhoid." She looked shocked and troubled, and said involuntarily, "My two brothers—" "That was a long time ago," he said. "I don't think you need to worry now." "Oh, I wasn't thinking about that," she said. "It was just hearing that a little boy—your brother—was—was in this room that my two brothers sleep in now—" "Well, maybe I shouldn't have told you then. But he was a good boy—and if you'd known him you wouldn't mind." She said nothing, and he added quickly: "Besides, he didn't stay here long. This wasn't really his room—but the night he came back with my sister he was so sick—they didn't move him." "Oh," the woman said, "I see." And then: "Are you going to tell your mother you were here?" "I don't think so." �186 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past "I—I wonder how she feels about this room." H I don't know. She never speaks of it." "Oh... .How old was he?" "He was twelve." "You must have been pretty young yourself." "I was not quite four." "And—you just wanted to see the room, didn't you? That's why you came back." "Yes." "Well—"indefinitely—"I guess you've seen it now." "Yes, thank you." "I guess you don't remember much about him, do you? I shouldn't think you would." "No, not much." The years dropped off like fallen leaves: the face came back again—the soft dark oval, the dark eyes, the soft brown berry on the neck, the raven hair, all bending down, approaching— the whole appearing to him ghost-wise, intent and instant. "Now say it—Groverl" "Gova." "No—not Gova—Groverl.. .Say it!" "Gova." "Ah-h—you didn't say it. You said Gova. Grover—now say it!" "Gova." "Look, I tell you what I'll do if you say it right. Would you like to go down to King's Highway? Would you like Grover to set you up? All right, then. If you say Grover and say it right, I'll take you to King's Highway and set you up to ice cream. Now say it right—Groverl" "Gova." "Ah-h, you-u. Old Tongue-Tie, that's what you are... .Well, come on, then I'll set you up anyway." It all came back, and faded, and was lost again. Eugene turned to go, and thanked the woman and said good-bye. "Well, then, good-bye," the woman said, and they shook �THOMAS WOLFE 187 hands. "I'm glad if I could show you. I'm glad if—" She did not finish, and at length she said: "Well, then, that was a long time ago. You'll find everything changed now, I guess. It's all built up around here now—and way out beyond here, out beyond where the Fair Grounds used to be. I guess you'll find it changed." They had nothing more to say. They just stood there for a moment on the steps, and then shook hands once more. "Well, good-bye." And again he was in the street, and found the place where the corners met, and for the last time turned to see where Time had gone. And he knew he would never come again, and that lost magic would not come again. Lost now was all of it—the street, the heat, King's Highway, and Tom the Piper's son, all mixed in with the vast and drowsy murmur of the Fair, and with the sense of absence in the afternoon, and the house that waited, and the child that dreamed. And out of the enchanted wood, that thicket of man's memory, Eugene knew that the dark eye and the quiet face of his friend and brother—poor child, life's stranger, and life's exile, lost like all of us, a cipher in blind mazes, long ago—the lost boy was gone forever, and would not return. �188 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past The Brother 1. Eugene seems to have trouble communicating with the man from whom he asks directions. Why do you think this is so? 2. What sensory imagery (smell, touch, sound, etc.) does the author use to capture Eugene's childhood memories? 3. When Eugene found the house he was looking for, what expectations did he probably have? Were his expectations fulfilled? Why or why not? 4. What clues to Eugene's past can be found through his return? �JAMES R. STOKELY 189 JAMES R. STOKELY, JR. (1913-1977) James Stokely was born in Newport, Tennessee, and graduated from the University of Tennessee at Knoxville. He and his wife Wilma Dykeman, a noted writer of both fiction and non-fiction, co-authored a number of books and articles. Their book Neither Black nor White received a Sidney Hillman Foundation award. His poem "Molly Mooneyham" is about a mountain woman who has lived long enough to see the old mountain life transformed into the jet age. We come to admire her perspective, as she delivers a monologue of reminiscences. Molly Mooneyham It's been a hard life, Lord knows, But I've craved every minute of it. I only had a snatch of schooling And a sniff of this world's gold But I wrestled with thirteen sisters and brothers And now a whole slew of my own blood Has fetched younguns of their own We're a sight when we all get together! We tell tales that were never told. �190 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past I don't go for these new-fangled washing motors; Til stick to my black pot and battling stick Till I die. They work out the dirt. Twice a week I've had lines full of shirts and pants I made myself, and the wind stirring beneath the sun Was the best drying machine in the world. Fd see rainbows in all the colored aprons And the overalls were wind-filled balloons Stretching from the clutch of our wire Toward Rube McBee's pigpen over the hill. Lord God, I was born wagging my tongue! I never needed a swig of the devil's sauce To loosen the joints and juices of my old frame. There's nothing like big chunks of green timber To make the pot boil, and I always rinse three times After beating the batch on the white oak log. Is there any smell better than fresh clean clothes Packed in a hand-woven basket Or bread rising from one's own oven? Beats a wild plum thicket in April Or burning leaves in November. What else goes on around these parts? Plenty for them that has the rise-up-and-reach. After the rheumatiz and the high blood struck me I still work my garden in the cool of dawn; I kneel to scratch the dark rocky loam Down in the corn and sweet 'tater patch With 'Tucky Wonders running all over the place And moon-eyed melons peeking out from the vines. I've sent everyone of my younguns Through Cataloochee High, and four to college. Lord God, I never had one yet to balk! Three of 'em are now teaching in Sky City And the youngest is training down at Cape Kennedy. He's got a bead on the stars, digging in deep, A-rooting where the acorns are, I vow. �JAMES R. STOKELY What a living pleasure it is to know Your own flesh is climbing the big bean stalk! I'm afeared of gas and power-driven gadgets; Til stick to my single-bit axe and crosscut saw Till the Old Master tells me it's time. I like to have my feet on Catalooch earth And my eyes on the hinges of heaven. I love to tell the old, old story; I sometimes slip down inside myself a long spell Brooding over the miseries of this old world Then rise up to shout in open meeting When they start singing "Beulah Land," "Amazing Grace" or "In the Cross" Be my glory ever! Rest beyond the river! Glory! Glory! Glory! Glory! We need grief in our hearts for each other. Son, are you saved? In Jesus-name? Are you giving the Big No to hell? There's nobody takes after life more than I do; I like to cram hickory sticks in my cook stove And brown up a batch of bisquits To mix with homemade sausage and gravy, And I never set a meal, in the fiercest snow, Without a dish of Limbertwig or Sourjohn jelly. I aim to get up at sun's first-glance When roosters are crowing and clawing the ground, Put in a full gee-haw at being a woman, Then sink back to the old feathertick at black dark When pullets have flown to the highest limb. Sometimes I dream of my man, Mitch Mooneyham, And how he ran the wrong way When the red oak was falling But I'm raring to go when the fire-ball peeps up And lay hold of a new-born situation. 191 �192 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past I canned over seven hundred jars last summer, Beans, beets, squash, 'maters, blackberries, corn, And dried twenty bushels of Pippins and Winesaps. I've never taken a pill in all my life And I've lasted eighty-three year Come Saturday week. Lord, what I wouldn't give for another round! I'd like another chance to do my dance. Say you live near Smoky Town? Well, now, I've never seen the sights there, Don't know about these here plays and op'rys, But I've heard the meadow lark sing And cocked an ear or two, I vow, When guineas cackled in the hillside clover And old Catalooch Creek chuckled to itself As it wandered down to meet the big river. I've never viewed a picture museum But I haven't missed a sunset yet Nor a thunderstorm either, for that matter. Many's the time I've laid up at noon After churning the cream to a buttery pulp And watched a fern unfold by the springhouse door. Lord! Lord! It's been a hello-come to! I never had a cookie jar of greenbacks to hoard And I never haunted the cage of a bank in Smoky Town But I claimed gold for my own in daffodils, Dandelions, muscadines, peaches and pears, Not to mention pheasants and bushy-tailed squirrels And, say, did you ever spy forsythia in full bloom Or sip clear cold water out of a speckled gourd? I never had a doctor to catch my babies; I just shared with Granny Haun and my man The miracle of creation. He died a month before Timothy was born. I've been forty years a widow But in each sparkling eye was his shadow. �JAMES R. STOKELY 193 I loved to watch their crinkly little faces Tune up and squall—Lord be!— And then I liked it when they took my breast And grew quiet, like something far and lost And never been on this earth before. Molly Mooneyham 1 Why wasn't Molly Mooneyham interested in a new-fangled washing machine? What would she have missed if she had had one? 2. Discuss the following lines: "I only had a snatch of schooling and a sniff of this world's gold." "He's got a bead on the stars, digging in deep, a-rooting where the acorns are,Ivow.ff Td like another chance to do my dance." What do they tell you about Molly? 3. What is Molly Mooneyham's attitude toward picture museums, banks, and doctors? Is her world limited? �194 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past JAMES AGEE (1909-1955) Knoxville native James Agee turned out a substantial body of work in his forty-six years. While at Harvard, he published his first book, a poetry collection entitled Permit Me Voyage, which was selected by the Yale Series for Younger Poets in 1934. After college, Agee worked for Time and Nation. As a staff writer for Fortune Magazine, he spent a summer living with a family of Alabama sharecroppers, an experience that resulted in his book Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. Agee, also a film critic and noted screen writer, wrote the scripts forFace-to-Face and The African Queen. The next selection is from his Pulitzer Prize-winning novel, A Death in the Family, published after his death in 1957. It is a moving, poignant story of a youngboy's visit to his great-greatgrandmother. From A Death in the Family After dinner the babies and all the children except Rufus were laid out on the beds to take their naps, and his mother thought he ought to lie down too, but his father said no, why did he need to, so he was allowed to stay up. He stayed out on the porch with the men. They were so full up and sleepy they �JAMES AGEE 195 hardly even tried to talk, and he was so full up and sleepy that he could hardly see or hear, but half dozing between his father's knees in the thin shade, trying to keep his eyes open, he could just hear the mild, lazy rumbling of their voices, and the more talkative voices of the women back in the kitchen, talking more easily, but keeping their voices low, not to wake the children, and the rattling of the dishes they were doing, and now and then their walking here or there along the floor; and mused with half-closed eyes which went in and out of focus with sleepiness, upon the slow twinkling of the millions of heavy leaves on the trees and the slow flashing of the blades of corn, and nearer at hand, the hens dabbing in the pocked dirt yard and the ragged edge of the porch floor, and everything hung dreaming in a shining silver haze, and a long, low hill of blue silver shut off everything against a blue-white sky, and he leaned back against his father's chest and he could hear his heart pumping and his stomach growling and he could feel the hard knees against his sides, and the next thing he knew his eyes opened and he was looking up into his mother's face and he was lying on a bed and she was saying it was time to wake up because they were going on a call and see his great-greatgrandmother and she would most specially want to see him because he was her oldest great-great-grandchild. And he and his father and mother and Catherine got in the front seat and his Granpa Follet and Aunt Jessie and her baby and Jim Wilson and Ettie Lou and Aunt Sadie and her baby got in the back seat and Uncle Ralph stood on the running board because he was sure he could remember the way and that was all there was room for, and they started off very carefully down the lane, so nobody would be jolted, and even before they got out to the road his mother asked his father to stop a minute, and she insisted on taking Ettie Lou with them in front, to make a little more room in the back, and after she insisted for a while, they gave in, and then they all got started again, and his father guided the auto so very carefully across the deep ruts into the road, the other way from LaFollette as Ralph told him to ("Yeah, I know," his father said, "I remember that much �196 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past anyhow.")/ that they were hardly joggled at all, and his mother commented on how very nicely and carefully his father always drove when he didn't just forget and go too fast, and his father blushed, and after a few minutes his mother began to look uneasy, as if she had to go to the bathroom but didn't want to say anything about it, and after a few minutes more she said, "Jay, I'm awfully sorry but now I really think you are forgetting." "Forgetting what?" he said. "I mean a little too fast, dear," she said. "Good road along here," he said. "Got to make time while the road's good." He slowed down a little. "Way I remember it," he said, "there's some stretches you can't hardly ever get a mule through, we're coming to, ain't they, Ralph?" "Oh mercy," his mother said. "We are just raggin you," he said. "They're not all that bad. But all the same we better make time while we can." And he sped up a little. After another two or three miles Uncle Ralph said, "Now around this bend you run through a branch and you turn up sharp to the right," and they ran through the branch and turned into a sandy woods road and his father went a little slower and a cool breeze flowed through them and his mother said how lovely this shade was after that terrible hot sun, wasn't it, and all the older people murmured that it sure was, and almost immediately they broke out of the woods and ran through two miles of burned country with stumps and sometimes whole tree trunks sticking up out of it sharp and cruel, and blackberry and honeysuckle all over the place, and a hill and its shadow ahead. And when they came within the shadow of the hill, Uncle Ralph said in a low voice, "Now you get to the hill, start along the base of it to your left till you see your second right and then you take that," but when they got there, there was only the road to the left and none to the right and his father took it and nobody said anything, and after a minute Uncle Ralph said, "Reckon they wasn't much too choose from there, was they?" and laughed unhappily. "That's right,11 his father said, and smiled. �JAMES AGEE 197 "Reckon my memory ain't so sharp as I bragged/1 Ralph said. "You're doin fine," his father said, and his mother said so too. "I could a swore they was a road both ways there," Ralph said, "but it was nigh on twenty years since I was out here." Why for goodness sake, his mother said, then she certainly thought he had a wonderful memory. "How long since you were here, Jay?" He did not say anything. "Jay?" Tm a-studyin it," he said. "There's your turn," Ralph said suddenly, and they had to back the auto to turn into it. They began a long, slow, winding climb, and Rufus half heard and scarcely understood their disjointed talking. His father had not been there in nearly thirteen years; the last time was just before he came to Knoxville. He was always her favorite, Ralph said. Yes, his grandfather said, he reckoned that was a fact, she always seemed to take a shine to Jay. His father said quietly that he always did take a shine to her. It turned out he was the last of those in the auto who had seen her. They asked how she was, as if it had been within a month or two. He said she was failing lots of ways, specially getting around, her rheumatism was pretty bad, but in the mind she was bright as a dollar, course that wasn't saying how they might find her by now, poor old soul; no use saying. Nope, Uncle Ralph said, that was a fact; time sure did fly, didn't it; seemed like before you knew it, this year was last year. She had never yet seen Jay's children, or Ralph's, or Jessie's or Sadie's, it was sure going to be a treat for her. A treat and a surprise. Yes it sure would be that, his father said, always supposing she could still recognize them. Mightn't she even have died? his mother wanted to know. Oh no, all the Follets said they'd have heard for sure if she'd died. Matter of fact they had heard she had failed a good bit. Sometimes her memory slipped up and she got confused, poor old soul. His mother said well she should think so, poor old lady. She asked, care- �198 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past fully, if she was taken good care of. Oh, yes, they said. That she was. Sadie's practically giving her life to her. That was Grandpa Follet's oldest sister and young Sadie was named for her. Lived right with her tending to her wants, day and night. Well, isn't that just wonderful, his mother said. Wasn't anybody else could do it, they agreed with each other. All married and gone, and she wouldn't come live with any of them, they all offered, over and over, but she wouldn't leave her home. I raised my family here, she said, I lived here all my life from fourteen years on and I aim to die here, that must be a good thirty-five, most, a good near forty year ago, Grampaw died. Goodness sake, his mother said, and she was an old old woman then! His father said soberly, "She's a hundred and three years old. Hundred and three or hundred and four. She never could remember for sure which. But she knows she wasn't born later than eighteen-twelve. And she always reckoned it might of been eighteen-eleven.11 "Great heavens, Jay! Do you mean that?" He just nodded, and kept his eyes on the road. "Just imagine that, Rufus," she said. "Just think of that!" "She's an old, old lady," his father said gravely; and Ralph gravely and proudly concurred. "The things she must have seen!" Mary said, quietly. "Indians. Wild animals." Jay laughed. "I mean man-eaters, Jay. Bears, and wildcats—terrible things." "There were cats back in these mountains, Mary—we called em painters, that's the same as a panther—they were around here still when I was a boy. And there is still bear, they claim." "Gracious Jay, did you ever see one? A panther?" "Saw one'd been shot." "Goodness," Mary said. "A mean-looking varmint." "I know," she said. "I mean, I bet he was. I just can't get over—why she's almost as old as the country, Jay." "Oh, no," he laughed. "Ain't nobody that old. Why I read somewhere, that just these mountains here are the oldest..." "Dear, I meant the nation," she said. "The United States, I �JAMES AGEE 199 mean. Why let me see, why it was hardly as old as I am when she was born.11 They all calculated for a moment.''Not even as old/1 she said triumphantly. "By golly," his father said. "I never thought of it like that." He shook his head. "By golly," he said, "that's a fact." "Abraham Lincoln was just two years old," she murmured. "Maybe three," she said grudgingly. "Just try to imagine that, Rufus," she said after a moment. "Over a hundred years." But she could see that he couldn't comprehend it. "You know what she is?" she said, "she's Granpa Follet's grandmother*" "That's a fact, Rufus," his grandfather said from the back seat, and Rufus looked around, able to believe it but not to imagine it, and the old man smiled and winked. "Woulda never believed you'd hear me call nobody 'Granmaw,' now would you?" "No sir," Rufus said. "Well, yer goana," his grandfather said, "quick's I see her." Ralph was beginning to mutter and to look worried and finally his brother said, "What's eaten ye, Ralph? Lost the way?" And Ralph said he didn't know for sure as he had lost it exactly, no, he wouldn't swear to that yet, but by golly he was damned if he was sure this was hit anymore, all the same. "Oh dear, Ralph, how too bad" Mary said, "but don't you mind. Maybe we'll find it. I mean maybe soon you'll recognize landmarks and set us all straight again." But his father, looking dark and painfully patient, just slowed the auto down and then came to a stop in a shady place. "Maybe we better figure it out right now," he said. "Nothin round hyer I know," Ralph said, miserably. "What I mean, maybe we ought to start back while we still know the way back. Try it another Sunday." "Oh, Jay." "I hate to but we got to get back in town tonight, don't forget. We could try it another Sunday. Make an early start." But the upshot of it was that they decided to keep on ahead awhile, anyway. They descended into a long, narrow valley through the woods of which they could only occasionally see the dark �200 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past ridges and the road kept bearing in a direction Ralph was almost sure was wrong, and they found a cabin, barely even cut out of the woods, they commented later, hardly even a corn patch, big as an ordinary barnyard; but the people there, very glum and watchful, said they had never even heard of her; and after a long while the valley opened out a little and Ralph began to think that perhaps he recognized it, only it sure didn't look like itself if it was it, and all of a sudden a curve opened into half-forested meadow and there were glimpses of a gray house through swinging vistas of saplings and Ralph said, "By golly," and again, "By golly, that is hit That's hit all right. Only we come on it from behind!" And his father began to be sure too, and the house grew larger, and they swung around where they could see the front of it, and his father and his Uncle Ralph and his Grandfather all said, "Why sure enough," and sure enough it was: and, "There she is," and there she was: it was a great, square-logged gray cabin closed by a breezeway, with a frame second floor, and an enormous oak plunging from the packed dirt in front of it, and a great iron ring, the rim of a wagon wheel, hung by a chain from a branch of the oak which had drunk the chains into itself, and in the shade of the oak, which was as big as the whole corn patch they had seen, an old woman was standing up from a kitchen chair as they swung slowly in onto the dirt and under the edge of the shade, and another old woman continued to sit very still in her chair. The younger of the two old women was Great Aunt Sadie, and she knew them the minute she laid eyes on them and came right on up to the side of the auto before they could even get out. "Lord God," she said in a low, hard voice, and she put her hands on the edge of the auto and just looked from one to the other of them. Her hands were long and narrow and as big as a man's and every knuckle was swollen and split. She had hard black eyes, and there was a dim purple splash all over the left side of her face. She looked at them so sharply and silently from one to another that Rufus thought she must be mad at them, and then she began to shake her head back and forth. "Lord God," she said again. "Howdy, John Henry," she said. �JAMES AGEE 201 "Howdy, Sadie," his grandfather said. "Howdy, Aunt Sadie," his father and his Aunt Sadie said. "Howdy, Jay," she said, looking sternly at his father, "howdy, Ralph," and she looked sternly at Ralph. "Reckon you must be Jess, and yore Sadie. Howdy, Sadie." "This is Mary, Aunt Sadie," his father said. "Mary, this is Aunt Sadie." Tm proud to know you," the old woman said, looking very hard at his mother. "I figured it must be you," she said, just as his mother said, Tm awfully glad to know you too." "And this is Rufus and Catherine and Ralph's Jim-Wilson and Ettie Lou and Jessie's Charlie after his daddy and Sadie's Jessie after her Granma and her Aunt Jessie," his father said. "Well, Lord God," the old woman said. "Well, file on out." "How's Granmaw?" his father asked, in a low voice, without moving yet to get out. "Good as we got any right to expect," she said, "but don't feel put out if she don't know none-a-yews. She mought and she mought not. Half the time she don't even know me." Ralph shook his head and clucked his tongue. "Pore old soul," he said, looking at the ground. His father let out a slow breath, puffing his cheeks. "So if I was you-all I'd come up on her kind of easy," the old woman said. "Bin a coon's age since she seen so many folks at onct. Me either. Mought skeer her if ye all come a whoopin up at her in a flock." "Sure," his father said. "Ayy," his mother whispered. His father turned and looked back. "Whyn't you go see her the first, Paw?" he said very low. "Yore the eldest." "Tain't me she wants to see," Grandfather Follet said, "Hit's the younguns ud tickle her most." "Reckon that's the truth, if she can take notice," the old woman said. "She shore like to cracked her heels when she heared yore boy was born," she said to Jay, "Mary or no Mary. Proud as Lucifer. Cause that was the first," she told Mary. "Yes, I know," Mary said. "Fifth generation, that made." �202 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past "Did you get her postcard, Jay?" "What postcard?" "Why no," Mary said. "She tole me what to write on one a them postcards and put hit in the mail to both a yews so I done it. Didn't ye never get it?" Jay shook his head. "First I ever heard tell of it," he said. "Well I shore done give hit to the mail. Ought to remember. Cause I went all the way into Polly to buy it and all the way in again to put it in the mail." "We never did get it," Jay said. "What street did you send it, Aunt Sadie?" Mary asked. "Because we moved not long be..." "Never sent it to no street," the old woman said. "Never knowed I needed to, Jay working for the post office." "Why, I quit working for the post office a long time back, Aunt Sadie. Even before that." "Well I reckon that's how come then. Cause I just sent hit to Tost Office, Cristobal, Canal Zone, Panama/ and I spelt hit right,too. C-r-i..." "Oh," Mary said. "Aw," Jay said. "Why, Aunt Sadie, I thought you'd a known. We been living in Knoxvul since pert near two years before Rufus was born." She looked at him keenly and angrily, raising her hands slowly from the edge of the auto, and brought them down so hard that Rufus jumped. Then she nodded, several times, and still she did not say anything. At last she spoke, coldly, "Well, they might as well just put me out to grass," she said. "Lay me down and give me both barls threw the head." "Why, Aunt Sadie," Mary said gently, but nobody paid any attention. After a moment the old woman went on solemnly, staring hard into Jay's eyes: "I knowed that like I know my own name and it plumb slipped my mind." "Oh what a shame," Mary said sympathetically. "Hit ain't shame I feel," the old woman said, "hit's sick in �JAMES AGEE 203 the stummick." "Oh I didn't m..." "Right hyer!" and she slapped her hand hard against her stomach and laid her hand back on the edge of the auto. "If I git like that too," she said to Jay, "then who's agonna look out ferher?" "Aw, tain't so bad, Aunt Sadie," Jay said. "Everybody slips up nown then. Do it myself an I ain't half yer age. And you just ought see Mary." "Gracious, yes," Mary said. "I'm just a perfect scatterbrain." The old woman looked briefly at Mary and then looked back at Jay. "Hit ain't the only time," she said, "not by a long chalk. Twarn't three days ago I..." she stopped. "Takin on about yer troubles ain't never holp nobody," she said. "You just set hyer a minute." She turned and walked over to the older woman and leaned deep over against her ear and said quite loudly, but not quite shouting, "Granmaw, ye got company." And they watched the old woman's pale eyes, which had been on them all this time in the light shadow of the sunbonnet, not changing, rarely ever blinking, to see whether they would change now, and they did not change at all, she didn't even move her head or her mouth. "Ye hear me, Granmaw?" The old woman opened and shut her sunken mouth, but not as if she were saying anything. "Hit's Jay and his wife and younguns, come up from Knoxvul to see you," she called, and they saw the hands crawl in her lap and the face turned towards the younger woman and they could hear a thin, dry crackling, no words. "She can't talk any more," Jay said, almost in a whisper. "Oh no," Mary said. But Sadie turned to them and her hard eyes were bright. "She knows ye," she said quietly. "Come on over." And they climbed slowly and shyly out onto the swept ground. "I'll tell her about the rest a yuns in a minute," Sadie said. "Don't want to mix her up," Ralph explained, and they all nodded. It seemed to Rufus like a long walk over to the old woman �204 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past because they were all moving so carefully and shyly; it was almost like church. "Don't holler," Aunt Sadie was advising his parents, "hit only skeers her. Just talk loud and plain right up next her ear." "I know," his mother said. "My mother is very deaf, too." "Yeah," his father said. And he bent down close against her ear. "Granmaw?" he called, and he drew a little away, where she could see him, while his wife and his children looked on, each holding one of the mother's hands. She looked straight into his eyes and her eyes and her face never changed, a look as if she were gazing at some small point at a great distance, with complete but idle intensity, as if what she was watching was no concern of hers. His father leaned forward again and gently kissed her on the mouth, and drew back again where she could see him well, and smiled a little, anxiously. Her face restored itself from his kiss like grass that has been lightly stepped on; her eyes did not alter. Her skin looked like brownmarbled stone over which water has worked for so long that it is as smooth and blind as soap. He leaned to her ear again. Tm Jay," he said. "John Henry's boy." Her hands crawled in her skirts: every white bone and black vein showed through the brown-splotched skin; the wrinkled knuckles were like pouches; she wore a red rubber guard ahead of her wedding ring. Her mouth opened and shut and they heard her low, dry croaking, but her eyes did not change. They were bright in their thin shadow, but they were as impersonally bright as two perfectly shaped eyes of glass. "I figure she know you," Sadie said quietly. "She can't talk, can she?" Jay said, and now that he was not looking at her, it was as if they were talking over a stump. "Times she can," Sadie said. "Times she can't. Ain't only so seldom call for talk, reckon she loses the hang of it. But I figger she knows ye and I am tickled she does." His father looked all around him in the shade and he looked sad, and unsure, and then he looked at him. "Come here, Rufus," he said. "Go to him," his mother whispered for some reason, and �JAMES AGEE 205 she pushed his hand gently as she let it go. "Just call her Granmaw," his father said quietly. "Get right up by her ear like you do to Granmaw Lynch and say, 'Granmaw, I'm Rufus/" He walked over to her as quietly as if she were asleep, feeling strange to be by himself, and stood on tiptoe beside her and looked down into her sunbonnet towards her ear. Her temple was deeply sunken as if a hammer had struck it and frail as a fledgling's belly. Her skin was crosshatched with the razorfine slashes of innumerable square wrinkles and yet every slash was like smooth stone; her ear was just a fallen intricate flap with a small gold ring in it; her smell was faint yet very powerful, and she smelled like new mushrooms and old spices and sweat, like his fingernail when it was coming off. "Granmaw, I'm Rufus," he said carefully, and yellow-white hair stirred beside his ear. He could feel coldness breathing from her cheek. "Come out where she can see you," his father said, and he drew back and stood still further on tiptoe and leaned across her, where she could see. Tm Rufus," he said, smiling, and suddenly her eyes darted a little and looked straight into his, but they did not in any way change their expression. They were just colors: seen close as this, there was color through a dot at the middle, dim as blue-black oil, and then a circle of blue so pale it was almost white, that looked like glass, smashed into a thousand dimly sparkling pieces, smashed and infinitely old and patient, and then a ring of dark blue, so fine and sharp no needle could have drawn it, and then a clotted yellow full of tiny squiggles of blood, and then a wrong-side furl of red-bronze, and little black lashes. Vague light sparkled in the crackled blue of the eye like some kind of remote ancestor's anger, and the sadness of time dwelt in the bluebreathing, oily center, lost and alone and far away, deeper than the deepest well. His father was saying something, but he did not hear and now he spoke again, careful to be patient, and Rufus heard, "Tell her Tm Jay's boy.' Say, I'm Jay's boy Rufus.'" �206 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past And again he leaned into the cold fragrant cavern next her ear and said, Tm Jay's boy Rufus," and he could feel her face turn towards him. "Now kiss her," his father said, and he drew out of the shadow of her bonnet and leaned far over and again entered the shadow and kissed her paper mouth, and the mouth opened, and the cold sweet breath of rotting and of spice broke from her with the dry croaking, and he felt the hands take him by the shoulders like knives and forks of ice through his clothes. She drew him closer and looked at him almost glaring, she was so filled with grave intensity. She seemed to be sucking on her lower lip and her eyes filled with light, and then, as abruptly as if the two different faces had been joined without transition in a strip of moving-picture film, she was not serious any more but smiling so hard that her chin and her nose almost touched and her deep little eyes giggled for joy. And again the croaking gurgle came, making shapes which were surely words but incomprehensible words, and she held him even more tightly by the shoulders, and looked at him even more keenly and incredulously with her giggling, all but hidden eyes, and smiled and smiled, and cocked her head to one side, and with sudden love he kissed her again. And he could hear his mother's voice say, "Jay," almost whispering, and his father say, "Let her be," in a quick, soft, angry voice, and when at length they gently disengaged her hands, and he was at a little distance, he could see that there was water crawling along the dust from under her chair, and his father and his Aunt Sadie looked gentle and sad and dignified, and his mother was trying not to show that she was crying, and the old lady sat there aware only that something had been taken from her, but growing quickly calm, and nobody said anything about it. �JAMES AGEE 207 A Death in the Family 1. From what point of view is this story told? How might the account of the family visit have been different if it had been told from the great-great-grandmother's point of view? 2. How does Aunt Sadie react to the surprise visit? 3. What evidence is there that Sadie is out of touch with the family but that the family is strongly linked? 4. In what ways might Rufus' trip with his family to visit his aging great-great-grandmother be compared to a trip back into the past? �208 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past 5 �LEE SMITH 209 LEE SMITH (1945- ) Currently a faculty member at North Carolina State University in Raleigh, Lee Smith was born and reared in Grundy, a small town in the coal-mining region of southwest Virginia. She sets much of her work in towns suggested by her memories of Grundy. Although she began writing as a child, her English teachers at St. Catherine's School in Richmond where she attended high school influenced her to choose writing as a career. She went to HoUins College because it had a strong writing program. While there, she realized that writing is all she ever wanted to do. She has published six novels: The Last Day the Dogbushes Bloomed (1968), Something in the Wind (1971)t Fancy Strut (1973), Black Mountain Breakdown (1981), Oral History (1983), and Family Linen (1985). She also has a collection of stories called Cakewalk. Her work has twice earned the O. Henry Award for short fiction. This short story from Cakewalk explores one of her major themes—the changing family and community in an Appalachian Mountain setting. Saint Paul It all started so far back—way before my daddy died, or �210 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past Danny, and before I got myself in trouble as they say—when I was still playing jacks and paper dolls and skipping rocks in that still place at the bend of Dawson's Creek, back when I was a little girl in our house, which looked just exactly like all the others in the bottom where we lived, and the Honeycutts lived on the hill. Mr. Honeycutt owned the mine, Consolidated Coal Inc., where my daddy and the other men worked, and he owned our house too because we rented it from the company, only I didn't know that then. All I knew was that the Honeycutts' house was different from all of ours, big and white and crazy-looking, with towers that poked up all over the place, and porches that stuck right out where you never thought a porch out to be, and woodwork all over it like lace on a wedding dress. It sat a good ways back from the road, with a stone wall around the yard, and in the summertime these red rambler roses grew all over the wall. The Honeycutts had lots of grass, too, and a man they hired to come and cut it, and big old shade trees, one of which had a rope swing hanging down from it that I liked to swing on better than anything. The Honeycutts used to let me swing whenever I wanted to, whether Marlene was out in the yard or not. But usually she was, and so we swang on that swing, or played in a lean-to we made out back in the woods behind the garden, or else we played with her dolls—and Marlene had dolls from all over the world, like a little doll with slanty eyes from China and a doll from Holland with wooden shoes. I can't even remember what we all we did. Now this is Marlene Honeycutt, who was exactly four days apart from me in age, and we were best friends. We stuck our fingers with needles and mixed our blood to prove it. Marlene's mother, Mrs. Honeycutt, wore high-heel shoes every day of the week. But she let Marlene and Paul play with the rest of us, from the time we were all big enough to cross the road—if you could ever get Paul to play, that is. Mostly we never could. Marlene had long curly yellow hair and freckles and a smile that showed all of her teeth. Paul had yellow hair too, but his was light-colored and thin and flyaway, like a dan- �LEE SMITH 211 delion going to seed, and it seemed like he never smiled. He wasn't mean or anything, just serious—Paul was serious all the time. He stared hard at everything with these big old blue eyes of his that always looked soft, somehow, the way cow eyes do. Buddy Lipscomb and Merle Rainey and the other boys in the bottom used to tease him and be real mean to him, like one time they tied him up to a tree and left him there all afternoon, and another time I remember Buddy acted like Paul had said something bad about him, and he knocked him down on the mine road and Paul's head bled like crazy when it hit a rock. Only Paul never said a word about it to anybody, never told on Buddy whose daddy would have whipped him good if he knew, and of course Paul never had said anything to Buddy Lipscomb in the first place, anyway. So after a while all the boys just left him alone, since he wouldn't fight back, and Paul stayed pretty much to himself as I recall. He used to lay up there in their yard on a hammock all summer long, reading big old books. Marlene and I went back and forth, all around the yard, playing—she had a poodle puppy then—but we didn't pay Paul any more mind than we would have if he had been a book himself. One time Mr. Honeycutt bought him the fanciest bike you ever saw, but Paul didn't ride it at all and it just sat up there in the shed. I would have died to have a bike like that but I never did ask to ride, not one time. I wouldn't have asked for the world. I stayed clear of Paul, like all the rest of the kids from the bottom. Paul was a genius, Marlene said. I didn't know about that, but we were all glad when the Honeycutts sent him off to school because he never did anything in the schoolroom anyway but make a hundred and draw plans of buildings and airplanes and machines, mumbling numbers to himself. At lunchtime he used to eat all alone on the back steps or have a big discussion with Mr. Boling, a fat little man from Wheeling, which was the closest big town, who came three days a week to teach advanced math and science. Mr. Boling smelled funny and blinked his eyes a lot. Paul talked to Mr. Boling in a real high voice, and waved his hands in the air. Lord! I was glad �212 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past when Paul was gone. And what I want you to understand here is that I never thought about Paul for one minute after he left. I was too busy at home, which I have not even said one word about so far. Of course our house was not like the Honeycutts'—they had tall dark rooms and thick rugs, and it smelled like furniture polish all the time. We had five rooms—mine and Danny's, Mamma and Daddy's, the kitchen and the front room and the bathroom, if that counts—and it smelled like whatever we were having for supper that night. We had a nice green living room suite in the front room with see-through plastic on it so it would last, and linoleum on the floors, and yellow flowers on the wallpaper in the room where I stayed with Danny. At least the flowers used to be yellow. I don't remember my daddy much before he got hurt, except that he was a big man with a loud laugh and a real pretty singing voice. The first Christmas after the accident, I recall that Mrs. Honeycutt sent us a whole baked ham, but my mama wouldn't touch a bite! and Daddy just laid in a recliner chair back in the kitchen, near the stove, from then until the time he died. It seemed to me like he shrank up before he died. Now my mamma, who was a worrier from the word go anyway, really started in worrying then, even though the company said we could stay in the house as long as we wanted, and we had Daddy's insurance money too from the union. But Mama used to sit in the front room shriveling up Kleenex and saying "Lord! Lord!" in that way she had. This left me to do the cooking and washing and the taking care of Danny, which I did. I didn't mind that either—he was always the sweetest child. Danny had brown eyes like Daddy's, and a happy disposition as they say. I took him everyplace with me. I was glad to have him along. I remember one time we all took him swimming, the summer after Daddy died. Marlene went, and my first cousins Ruthie and Loretta, and Buddy and Merle and a whole bunch of us. We used to go in that hole at the bend of Da wson's Creek, where the water came off the rocks in a big rush and then it got �LEE SMITH 213 real deep and you could swing out on a rope right over the deepest part. I can still see Danny swinging through the air on that long rope, how he went swooping out through the sun and then the shade in his little red bathing suit, and came up squealing to beat the band. He could swim real good for his age. Marlene and I laid out on a big flat rock and listened to her radio and watched him. We listened to Elvis Presley, who was just catching on then. I had a two-piece bathing suit and I was already getting breasts, ahead of Marlene who was still flat as a pancake, and I was feeling so good laying there in the sun that when Paul showed up all of a sudden on the bank—he was home from school for the summer—I sat up and hollered at him. "Hey, Paul," I said—I think I waved—"come on and go swimming with us." But Paul said he had some things to do. Only he didn't leave for a while. He stood right there on the bank and watched us for a long time before he left. Danny was swinging out on the rope and Merle kept splashing water on Marlene and me. I guess I remember this whole day so good because of what happened three years later, when Danny drowned. Not in Da wson's Creek but out on the lake where he had gone fishing with some bigger boys from Ajax. This was when Danny was eleven and I was turning sixteen. I cried my eyes out, of course—it was like Danny had been my baby, in a way, and as I said he was always so sweet. But if I thought my mama was bad before, it was nothing compared to the way she got then. She laid in the bed for three weeks solid, until the nurse from the County Health came in and gave her glucose in her veins. She wouldn't do a thing. Now here I am trying to go to high school, remember, and take care of Mama too. Finally she got up, but she wasn't the same after that. I remember she had this calendar she had gotten from the hardware store in Ajax, and it was up over the kitchen sink to hide a hole in the wall where a pipe or something used to go— anyway, we had this pretty calendar from the hardware store with a big full-color picture of four baby deer on it, drinking �214 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past out of a spring. Now Mama got a thing about those deer. "Billie Jean,H she used to tell me, "I wish you would look at that little deer to the right, there. I wish you'd just look in his eyes. Don't they look like Danny's eyes, honey? Don't they?" Then she started saying, "Danny has come back from the grave, Billie Jean, to be with us right here and now. He is looking out at me through those deer eyes, I can feel it every time I come in the kitchen, and when I walk back and forth, I tell you, his eyes just follow me wherever I go." Now a person can only take so much of that, and I got to the point where I didn't know whether I was coming or going. Finally I thought OK, Billie Jean, you've got two choices: you can either moon around here and go crazy too, or else you can go out and have some fun. So I went. This is when I got wild, I'll make no bones about it, but I'll tell you one thing: there is only so much to do on a date in a place like that where the movie over in Ajax didn't change but once a week, and I was not the only one that did it, either. I was real pretty, though— I looked like an Indian, people said I took after my daddy that way—and when you're real pretty, everybody just naturally notices what you do, and there is always somebody going to start something about you behind your back. Oh, I did it all! First I started wearing makeup, then I started smoking cigarettes, then I used to take a drink of liquor if one of the boys just happened to bring it along, then I started letting them feel of my breasts when they kissed me goodnight. I didn't give a damn, either! I wanted them to touch me like they did. Well, Billie Jean, you've got to do something, is what I thought. Marlene used to ask me questions about all of it—where I went and what I did—since the Honeycutts wouldn't let her date anybody, thinking, I guess, that she was too good for all of the boys in the bottom, and I told her everything. I used to go over to her house to spend the night and we made pizza from a mix and smoked cigarettes out the window, so her mother wouldn't find out. Except she did, finally, and after that Marlene couldn't see me anymore except in school and then she went away, too, her senior year, like Paul had. �LEE SMITH 215 Now, Paul—I never set eyes on him but once or twice in all those years. One summer I was kissing a boy from Ajax, Cord Parsons I think it was, in a glider on my front porch and all of a sudden I heard somebody clear their throat and say my name in the funniest voice, and when I looked up there was Paul not fifteen feet from where we sat. Paul had gotten tall and skinny, I guess he must have been in college by then. I didn't know how long he'd been standing there before he said my name. Cord Parsons stood right up and said, "Now you listen here,1' but by that time, Paul was gone. He had faded right off in the dark. This was the same summer he went off hitchhiking for one solid month without a dime in his pockets in order to "find himself," according to his father, who got drunk at the 4th of July company picnic and told some men about it. He said Paul had taken a vow of silence and it was all a bunch of foolishness and he said he wished Paul would get a decent job. Mrs. Honeycutt left the picnic by herself, she was so mad at her husband I guess, and she lost about fifteen pounds that month worrying before Paul finally came home. They talked it all up and down the bottom, how Paul had gone off hitchhiking and made his mother lose so much weight, but I didn't see him again myself until one time late that August, when I was walking up the road to the company store where the P.O. is, to mail some bills for Mama, and I saw Paul sitting out in the middle of the Honeycutts' yard cross-legged, staring straight up at the sun. "Hi, Paul," I said, but he didn't move a muscle and I don't think he even knew I was there. So I hurried right on by—Marlene had gotten stuck up by then, whenever she was home, and we weren't friends anymore and it always made me sad to see those roses on their wall. At the P.O. I told Mr. Looney, the postmaster, about Paul sitting out in the yard, and Mr. Looney said that in his opinion Paul had always had a screw loose someplace, anyway. He said he knew about cross-legged sitting, though—that was meditating, he said, like religion. He said he guessed Paul was going to turn into a saint next, ha ha! Mr. Looney winked at me. He was a smart man who could have �216 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past really gone places, everybody said, if he hadn't stayed home for twenty years to take care of his mother. Which was not what I planned to do! So when Jimmy Bell Dean, Jr. started asking me out when I was a senior, I was tickled to deatli—first because I guess I was flattered, him being so much older and a doctor's son, and then because he was so good-looking, a big blond boy like Troy Donahue in A Summer Place, which I had seen two or three times. Everybody said we made the cutest couple, which we did. Johnny Bell took me to motels outside of Wheeling for the weekend, where we spent all day in those big beds and then drank bourbon and Coke in the bars that night, and I didn't give a damn what anybody thought. I was in love! I even hoped I'd get pregnant so Johnny Bell would have to marry me, but when I did, he wouldn't. I remember when I told him I was pregnant: we were sitting up on the ridge in his red Chevrolet one winter day after he had picked me up from school, just splitting a beer and looking out at all the mountains, which had snow on them as I recall, and smoke was coming out of all the chimneys everywhere, and I had on this electric blue mohair sweater he had given me not one week before, under my coat—well, I told him, and Johnny Bell liked to have choked on his beer, so I told him again, and he put his head down on the steering wheel for a while and then he said he'd take me over to Wheeling for a rabbit test, and if I was telling the truth, we'd get rid of it. He said somebody like me wasn't going to force him into anything. "Take me home, Johnny Bell," I said, and I slammed that door as hard as I could when I got out. And then I went ahead and had the baby in spite of them all. In spite of Dr. Johnny Bell, Sr., coming over to see my mama, wearing a hat, and saying his son would accept no responsibility, and in spite of the principal making me quit school when I started to show. Mrs. Lucas gave me a waitress job at the Ben Franklin Cafe, over in Ajax, and I remember I had gone back to the kitchen to get some french fries when my water broke. So Mrs. Lucas drove me to the hospital in Ajax herself, and I still had my �LEE SMITH 217 waitress smock on. Listen: I have not ever regretted it, not for one minute, having that baby. Now this is Betsy, who has been one of the biggest joys of my life, and she has children of her own today. A baby is a baby, is the way I see it, and they're all made exactly the same way, and the amount of paperwork involved—or not involved—does not amount to a Mil of beans. Anyway I had Betsy, who was the prettiest little child right from the start. And one day when Betsy was not but three weeks old, the funniest thing happened. I went out to get the mail and there was this white envelope in the box. Typed, with no return address. I took it in the house and opened it up, and it had six onehundred dollar bills, folded up in a sheet of plain white paper. Not a word on that sheet! When I showed all this to Mama, she liked to have died. She dropped a pan right in the floor as I recall. "Well, I guess it's from the Deans,11 she finally said, and said if it was, then I was going to throw every bit of it straight in the fire. "Now, Billie Jean," my mama said, but I went right over to the phone and called up Dr. Dean at his office. Not in, they said. I told them who I was and said it was an emergency, and of course he came to the phone right away. "Certainly not!" Dr. Dean said when I asked him if he or Johnny Bell had sent me that money in the mail. "As far as we are concerned, young lady, any connection we have had with you is at an end." "Well, that suits me just fine!" I said, and hung up on him. That money came in handy, too—I called it the mystery money—and we lived on it until Betsy was three or four months old and I went back to work for Mrs. Lucas at the cafe, and then when she retired, I took over as manager of it. It was long hours, but I didn't mind it, the pay was OK and the people were nice, and I had Betsy to come home to every night. I couldn't for the life of me remember exactly why it was that I used to like to run around so much. As for Mama, she had perked up considerably having Betsy around, to the point of �218 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past her being almost a normal person again. It was about two years later that I married Loyd Raymond, a druggist in Ajax who came in the cafe for about thirty cups of coffee every day for a month and a half before he ever got up nerve to ask me out. Loyd was shy but he was sweet, and he was just crazy about Betsy: he used to play hide and seek with her out in the yard, just like a kid. He used to get down in the woodpile and then jump out. We built a new brick home around the bend from the bottom where we had lived all those years, and we had another baby, Loyd Junior, and my mama lived with us until she died. So I was married to Loyd Raymond for eighteen years in all, and I couldn't complain of a thing. Loyd was an easy man to get along with, and a good man, and I have to say it—he was just crazy about me, too. If he knew I wanted something, he'd go right out and get it before I even opened my mouth. We were both of us funny that way—a lot of times we'd be thinking the same thing, and then we'd say it out loud together. Loyd bought me a diamond dinner ring for our tenth anniversary, and every summer we went to Myrtle Beach. I never looked at another man while he was alive, even though Loyd himself wasn't much to look at—but he was one good man to live with, I'll say that. It was such an awful shame when he died so young, but a bad heart runs in his family, and after I got over the shock of it I went back to the community college and got my CPA license, and turned what used to be the den into my office. So I have made a decent living, and the kids turned out good if I do say so myself, and I can't say I spent much time thinking about the Honeycutts even though I passed their house at least two times a day, coming or going to the P.O. up at the store, or maybe over to Ajax. I did go by there right after Mr. Honeycutt died, to tell Mrs. Honeycutt I was sorry and to take her some potato salad, because I believe in letting bygones be bygones and she was a good woman in her way. "Thank you so much, Billie Jean," she said in this wavery voice, and she said how cute Loyd Junior was. I had brought him along, too. I asked after Marlene and she said Marlene had �LEE SMITH 219 been married previously, and then divorced, but that now she had remarried and seemed quite happy. Mrs. Honeycutt's voice went up and down on the "happy," and tears welled up in her eyes. She was all bent over in one of those big ugly armchairs that I used to think were so beautiful—now, you can give me French Provincial any day!—and I could see that she herself was not long for this world either. So then I asked after Paul, too, just to be polite, and Mrs. Honeycutt said that Paul was a professor of philosophy and religion at one of those big famous Eastern universities—I forget which one she said, but you would have heard of it. She said Paul had never married much to her dismay, and so she had no grandchildren at all since Marlene had never had any children, either. Then she started to cry again. "There's one of the books Paul wrote," she said, pointing to a big thick book lying there on the coffee table with all the sympathy cards and little figurines and things she kept around. "But you can't read it," she said. I picked it up. "Why can't I read it?" I asked. "Well, I mean you wouldn't want to" Mrs. Honeycutt said, and she smiled for the first time since I had been there. "It's all about the nature of God as different people have thought of it through the ages, or at least that's what it says in the introduction, but you couldn't prove it by me. I tell you, it's dry as a bone." I laughed and put the book down on the coffee table. "Paul always was a brain," I said. "He certainly was!" Mrs. Honeycutt said. "He..." but then I guess she forgot what she was going to say next because she let her voice trail off into thin air and just sat there, staring through me like I had already left. So I did, and as soon as we got in the car, Loyd Junior said he was glad to get out of there. He said that house gave him the creeps. I was not surprised when Betsy came home from work about a month later with the news that Mrs. Honeycutt had passed away in her sleep, and I went over there again, to see if I could help, when I heard that Marlene had come home to �220 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past clean out the house. "Oh, Billy Jean!" Marlene said when she opened the door and saw me standing there. "Look at you! You're just the same, I'm so glad to see you, oh look at your she said, and hugged me, and for a minute it was almost like it had been before we smoked those cigarettes out the window and she had to go off to school. Almost. But I was a widow with a grown daughter and a nice big son and a business of my own by then and Til admit it—I have filled out some, you might say. And I've got these streaks of gray in my hair that I won't let Neva at the Clip 'N Curl touch up—"I earned that gray hair!" I tell her, "and you just let it alone!"—and anyway I guess I look a good ten years older than Marlene. Marlene had spent a lot of those years—you can always tell it—holding onto her looks, and she was as thin as a rail with her hair all frizzed out in one of those fashionable new hairdos they wear now. Marlene looked like a model out of Cosmopolitan magazine, and every piece of jewelry she had on was solid gold. She smoked a lot, though, and picked at things with her nails. "Can I help you with the house?" I asked, and she said maybe I could help her supervise it, but the company had hired a bunch of women for her and they were already packing everything up. And they were, too—you never saw so much carrying on and packing in your life. So we just sat down in the middle of it all and had us a long heart-to-heart, and that was when Marlene said the strangest thing: "You know," she told me, and then she laughed and said, "Well, you don't know, I know you don't, how much I envied you when we were teenagers." "Oh, come on Marlene," I said, but Marlene swore that it was true. "I wanted to be just like you, I even wanted to look just like you, and I wanted to do everything you did. I was just so bored with my life..." and she went on about how her boredom had gotten her into her first impossible marriage, which is what she called it, but she said that now at least she was getting her feet on the ground, and again I had that funny feeling that she had �LEE SMITH 221 somehow gotten years and years younger than me—but then she dropped the bombshell. "I'll tell you something else you never knew," she said. By then we had found two little green glasses and we were drinking some sherry wine. "My brother, Paul, was always in love with you, too. We were both kind of in love with you, if you know what I mean, only I believe Paul was really in love and he never got over you, either." "Why Paul never even asked me out!" I said, and she said it was probably because I used to be so wild and all, and Paul knew he couldn't compete. But she said she always thought he wouldn't have loved me, either, if I hadn't been so wild, and I said this was all hogwash in my opinion, and then we got to giggling and giggling and finally we went upstairs to see how the women were coming along in the linen closets and the cedar closet and the bedrooms. They were almost through. Everything was stripped and your voice echoed out in all the rooms. Except for one—Paul's—because Marlene said Paul had asked expressly that she leave it alone since he was coming back here to spend the fall semester and write another book before they sold the house, and so the women had not been in there at all. Now this is something I would not ordinarily have done, I'll admit it, but I was so confounded by what Marlene had just told me, and I had drunk that sherry wine—anyway, I went in Paul's room and—I'll come right out and say it—snooped around, while Marlene was down in the front hall writing all those women a check. At first I found exactly what you'd think—books and books, lots of stuff like chemistry sets and little old scale model kits of buildings, like cathedrals for instance, instead of airplanes which you would normally expect to find in what had been a boy's room, only of course that boy was Paul. But then in a closet, on a shelf with a lot of other boxes holding collections of various sorts, I saw this fancy wooden box with initials carved in the top, BJL, and those were my initials, you know, before I married. Mine! Well, I didn't have much time. I could hear Marlene's voice and the women's �222 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past voices in the downstairs hall, all of them going up like voices do when people are saying goodbye. But I opened the box anyway—I would have died if I hadn't opened it—and sure enough, it was full of things about me, such as that red velvet bow I used to wear in my hair, and my initial ankle chain I lost the year I was fourteen, pictures the Honeycutts had taken of us all in their front yard, and weird little dried-up flowers and stuff like that. All of a sudden I felt like I was going to get sick to my stomach. Also I heard the door close down there in the front hall, so I took one picture out of the box, to keep—Marlene and me and Paul by the rope swing, grinning into the sun—and then I closed the box back tight and shoved it to the back of the shelf. It made me sick, as I said. In fact my heart was beating so bad I thought I was going to have a cardiac arrest, which I did not. In fact I hugged Marlene goodbye, and told her how good it was to see her—this was true—and I drove straight home and never said a word to anybody, not even my first cousin Ruthie who is divorced and lives next door now, about what Marlene had said or what I'd seen. But I did stick that picture of us three children up in the corner of the mirror of my bedroom, don't ask me why. I wasn't about to put it in a frame or anything, like I keep all the pictures of Loyd and Betsy and Loyd Junior and so on, but I stuck it up there in my mirror just the same, while I went on about my life. I started to date a little bit, just for companionship primarily, and also I made some money that year on a piece of land I'd bought earlier, and so that summer I took the kids to Disney World even though I thought Betsy was too old to enjoy it—but you're not ever too old for Disney World, as we found out. We all had a fine time. I never thought for a minute, all during that summer, about what I must have known, some place deep down inside of me, what I was going to do when Paul Honeycutt came back to live in their house that fall. I wasn't even nervous knocking on the door. This was early September, marigolds still blooming, overgrown, along the walk. Nobody came and I knocked again. I knew he was �LEE SMITH 223 in there, and sure enough, after another minute or so, he opened the door just a crack. H Yes?tf he said. Then he said, "Billie Jean?" His voice still went up at the end. "It's me, all right," I said. "Aren't you going to open up and let me in?" and so he did, and in I went. Age had been good for Paul Honeycutt, I saw right away, like it sometimes is for a man. He was still tall, still skinny, and his blond flyaway hair had thinned to a kind of adorable fuzz around his ears. Anyway, it struck me as adorable right then. He had big thick glasses, which looked good. The glasses seemed to hold his features in the right place on his face. Paul Honeycutt looked exactly like what he was, a brainy professor who didn't have anybody to take care of him. And this was obvious, too, by the shape the house was in—dusty, and what little furniture was left was mostly covered up with old white cloths. It looked spooky. "Now you know me and you know I have never believed in beating around the bush," I told him, and I took off my red cardigan sweater and dropped it over a wingchair and went straight up to him and put my arms around his waist. "I know everything!" I said. "I know how you sent me that money right after I had Betsy, and I know how you have felt about me all my life. So don't try to deny it, Paul Honeycutt, I knowl And I'll tell you something else"—I was holding him so close that I could hear his heart just beating like a bird batting around inside of his chest—"we are not old people right now, either one of us, and it's never too late to make up for lost time." But Paul Honeycutt pushed me away. Shoved me so hard I turned my ankle, almost fell. "No," he said. "No, Billie Jean, you don't understand—" and he fluttered his hands in the air, back and forth, like he used to do when he talked about math with Mr. Boling, back in school. He acted like he was scared to death, like a man who has seen a ghost. "It wasn't you, it wasn't ever really you, it was the idea of you, which made possible the necessary—" and he went on, and then I started noticing some other things about him that I hadn't seen at first when I came �224 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past in, how his eyes rolled back and forth, and he wore his pants so high, and the corners of his mouth jerked when he talked. "I couldn't possibly," he said. "I could never actually—ft But I had heard enough. "Well;11 said. "OK. If you're so dumb you'd rather have the idea of me than the real me in the flesh, as they say, then you can keep it. Goodbye!" I said, and walked right out and slammed the door. My ankle hurt but I kept walking even when I remembered my sweater I wasn't about to go back and get it, I'll tell you that! So I left my sweater in that house, and it's there to this day, only he's probably put it up in a wooden box or something, in his room. Who knows? And I don't care. I've got my own business to think about and also I am considering marrying this Preston P. Diggers, who I met at a CPA convention in Wheeling, and who has got serious intentions, it looks like, in my direction. He's a real nice man. I'd have to be a fool not to snap him up when he pops the question, which I am sure he will. As for Paul Honeycutt, poor thing, he never went back to the university, or wrote his book, and so they never sold the house and he's still there. He doesn't come out except to walk to the company store for groceries, I hear, and his hair is wild and white and he talks to himself on the road as he goes. My grandchildren, Betsy's girls, run when they see him coming, that's a fact. All the children do. Its been six or seven years since he came back. But here's a funny thing: as much as I love Preston Diggers, which I do, I have never yet taken down that little picture of Marlene and Paul and me which I stuck up in the corner of the mirror so long ago. And sometimes late at night when I'm brushing my hair before I go to bed, or I get up early and look in the mirror before it gets really light outside, you know, when the bedroom is still fuzzy gray, why it seems to me that Paul Honeycutt is looking right out at me from his little-boy face, staring straight into my eyes, and I know what my mama, bless her heart, meant about my little brother Danny and that deer—and all of it strikes me, for a minute, as so sad. �LEE SMITH 225 Saint Paul 1. How do Paul's differences separate him from others? 2. Throughout the story, Billie Jean suffers many hardships. What qualities does she possess that enable her to endure? 3. Find examples of Billie Jean's family loyalty. 4. At the end of the story Billie Jean is convinced that Paul loves her, but he shoves her away. What does Paul mean when he says, "It wasn't you, it was the idea of you.. . ft ? �226 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past LOU CRABTREE (1913- ) Lou Crabtree left Abingdon, Virginia, her birthplace, only long enough to earn a degree from Radford University and to study drama at the American Academy of Dramatic Arts in New York. She taught school for thirty-six years to children, teen-agers, adults, and foreigners learning English. She is also a farmer. She has had stories published in many literary magazines. In 1984 the Barter Theatre toured "Calling on Lou,11 a dramatic presentation of her poems and short stories. In 1984 Louisiana State University Press published her first collection of stories, Sweet Hollow. This story from Sweet Hollow, told by a child, creates sympathy for Homer, Old Marth's blacksnake. Homer-Snake Old Marth claimed all the blacksnakes were hers. She tongue-lashed the roving Murray boys, who went into people's barns and caught snakes and took them by their tails and cracked them like whips. This cracking broke the body of the snake and sometimes snapped off its head. It was terrible to see the Murray boys wring a snake around a few times, then give a �LOU CRABTREE 227 jerk and off snap the head. Old Marth lived in her cabin next to our cabin down in the hollow of the river hills. She pinned her gray hair with long wire hairpins. I watched her stick the wire hairpins into her hair with little flicks of the wrist. It hurt her head, I thought. Only when she was bothered did her hair escape the pins and fall in gray wisps about her face. Bud, my brother younger than I a few years, thought it his mission in life to trail me, to spy, and to report on me to Maw. Some things Bud would tell but not many. Only things on me. Bud said I told everything I knew. Maw said it, too. Because of this, Bud never let me trek over the hills with him. He said, "She just can't keep from talking. She talks all along the trace. If you talk, you don't get to know anything." Old Marth leaned down close to Bud. "Blacksnakes are best of friends. Come down to my house and I'll show you Homer-snake." I had seen Homer-snake many times. Bud had, too. Homer had lived for years back of Old Marth's house in the corner of the outside rock chimney. A hole was visible, where for warmth Homer crawled in the winter. I once asked Old Marth, "Did Homer-snake dig his hole by himself?" Old Marth replied, "I expect it is a once frog hole." What Old Marth told Bud next was not news to Bud or to me. We had both seen it a million times. "Homer-snake likes milk to drink. I put out milk for him in his saucer every day. Best of all he likes cream, which I don't give him but ever once in a while. He might get too fat to go in his hole." Old Marth laughed, then fiercelike advanced close to Bud. "Don't you ever come to be tormenting blacksnakes. I'll be wastin' my breath if you come to be like them rovin' Murray boys. Come to my house soon and get better acquainted with my Homer-snake." Old Marth wouldn't have liked what Bud was carrying around in his pocket. I asked him what the small white rocks were that looked like they were rolled in salt. �228 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past "Blacksnake eggs. I found them under a rock up the ridge." Old Marth was always asking me to go home with her to spend the night. She never asked Bud. He tried to devil me behind Old Marth's back. "How would you like to turn down your bed covers and there would be Old Homer all curled up warming your bed?" Then I accused Bud of being jealous, and we got into one of our many spats until Maw moved in, saying, "Old Marth just don't like boys. She is suspecting on account of them Murray boys." Bud never was known to give up. He used to slink around the house as I was leaving, and peep around the corner, and hiss, "Don't sit down on Homer-snake." Behind Old Marth's house and up a little rocky path was her vegetable garden. To one side was her little barn where she kept her cow, some hens, and a red rooster. The rooster did not like Homer and gave him many a good flogging. He raked Homer with his spurs until Homer fled from the barn, leaving the rooster and hens alone. Nevertheless, on the sly, Homer would steal into the barn where he unhinged his jaws and swallowed whole one of the hen's nice eggs. Then off he would sneak, toward the rocky path, where he knocked and banged himself against the rocks until the prongs on his ribs crushed the shell of the egg. Once I saw Homer with a huge knot along his body, and I rushed to Old Marth, alarmed. Old Marth answered in a knowing way. "Most likely an egg. Could be a mouse or a baby rabbit. Homer-snake is having his dinner." Once the Murray boys were out "rogueing"—knocking off apples and stealing eggs. Homer was in the warm hen's nest where the hen had just laid a nice egg. Homer liked the warmth and was nestling down and warming himself before swallowing the egg, which was sort of an ordeal for him. A rude hand, reaching into the nest, and pulling out Homer, let go quickly. Even the Murray boys didn't like surprises like Homer. "Homer is my protection," cackled Old Marth as the Mur- �LOU CRABTREE 229 ray boys skirted her place, skulking about carrying an old sack they put their loot into. Old Marth guessed that the Murray boys were out to get Homer. Twice they were almost successful. Homer loved to climb trees. There were young birds and other delights. He played hide and seek up in the sycamore tree down by the little springhouse. He climbed to the very tiptop and out of his snake eyes viewed the world. I liked to watch him hang like a string and swing in the sycamore tree. On this particular day, Old Homer had left the sycamore and was up in the tree that had the squirrel's nest. It had once been a crow's nest, but the squirrels had taken over for the summer. In the winter they had a fine home in a hole just below the crow's nest. Homer liked young squirrels almost as much as young rabbits. The Murray boys almost got Homer that time. They spotted him up in the tree that had the squirrel's nest. Climbing a tree was nothing to the Murray boys. They could climb to the top of any tree in the Hollow. Homer-snake was in a predicament. The leanest of the Murrays was coming right on up the tree with no problem. Homer couldn't see Old Marth anywhere. It would be too late in a minute. A rough hand would be reaching for him. There were some small limbs, too small to hold the weight of a boy, and farther on, still smaller limbs that just possibly could hold up a snake. Out crawled Old Homer and with great care coiled himself round and round the smallest ones. The Murray boy was plain mad. The limb would not hold up his weight. He ventured out as far as he could and leaned out and down and stretched his arm toward Homer. "Shake him loose. Shake hard." Round and round the tree looking up, calling louder and louder, went the rest of the boys until the red rooster brought together his pack of hens and they all set to cackling, which caused the hogs to trot around the pen, grunting. Just in time, out of the house, like a whirlwind, came Old Marth. The Mur- �230 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past ray boys knew to make themselves scarce and they hightailed it, except the one caught up in the tree who tried to skin down fast. Old Marth got hold of his hair and yanked him about, and when he left, he left a piece of his shirt with Old Marth. Laughter floated backwards as the Murray boys hightailed it, putting distance between them and Old Marth's screeching. "Rogues! Torments! Thieves!" So Homer was saved this first time. Another time, the Murray boys were watching Old Marth's house and knew she was away. They were walking around looking at the roots she had tied up to the rafters of her porch. They had been down to the hogpen and down to the springhouse and had drunk out of the gourd. They spied Homer, who was coming from the garden. He barely got halfway in his door when one of the Murrays got him by the tail, straining and tugging to pull him out. What they did not know was that no one, not anyone, can pull a snake out of his hole, once he gets part way in. The snake swells up and spreads his scales and each scale has a tiny muscle. The snake may be pulled into two parts, but he will never be moved. The Murray boys did not give up easy as they pulled and tugged. "Pull harder. Yank him outa there. Homer was about to come apart when he felt footsteps coming along on the ground. Old Marth, home early, came upon the scene and chased off the Murrays with a tongue-lashing they would remember. Homer-snake was saved the second time, but there was to be a third. In the late summer, Homer got a new skin. He molted. He had a bad case of lassitude. Then his whole body was itching so he could not rest. His lips began to split and his eyes turned milky. He made trip after trip up into the garden, ate a big bunch of snails and bugs, and lazed back down over the rocky path. One day there was his old skin beside the path in the rocks. Of course he knew all along what he was doing and just how to do it. He rubbed and rubbed himself against the rocks until his old skin loosened and he rolled it off wrong side out. Just �LOUCRABTREE 231 like Bud shed his clothes. Old Marth found the skin and tied it with several others to the rafters of her porch. When the wind rattled them, they scared me, but not Homer's enemies, the Murrays. Old Marth said to Bud after Homer shed his skin, "I will make you acquainted with the new Homer. Don't you like him? Ain't he handsome? Like a new gun barrel, he is." With his new skin, Homer was so shiny and new, I think Bud almost liked him. Homer looked "spit shined," like Paw said about his shoes from his old army days. Homer got along real well with the cow. She ignored him and never got ruffled if she came upon him suddenly. Homer only had to watch her feet. She did not care where she stepped. Four feet were a lot to watch and one day Homer got careless. One of the cow's feet came down hard on about three inches of Homer's tail. When Homer looked back, the end of his tail was broken off and sticking out of the mud in the cow's track. His beautiful tail. So for the rest of his life he went about trailing his blunted tail, and after a while he didn't seem to miss it. Bud said, "I can always tell if it is Homer trailing through the sands and dust. Among the squiggles you can see where his old stepped-on tail went." Down in the springhouse Old Homer guarded the milk crocks. He would curl around a crock like giving it a good hugging. Old Marth had to keep the lids weighted down with heavy rocks so Homer wouldn't knock the covers off and get in the milk. Looking back, behind the springhouse, was a swath of daisies with bunches of red clover marked here and there, winding all the way to the top of the ridge. This swath was Homer-snake's special place. He liked to lie and rest and cool off among the daisies. He played all the way to the top of the ridge, got tired and slept, had lunch along the way, slithered down when he chose, spending the whole of a summer's day to arrive back home in the cool of the evening. The daisies gave Homer-snake a nice feeling. The Murray boys were Homer's end. This was the third �232 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past encounter. "All things have an end." Maw said later. Maw sent me down to Old Marth's place to swap some quilt pieces. Going to her house was all right if I could locate Homer. Sitting on Homer or having him swing down from a rafter and touch me on the shoulder never got any less upsetting. But something bad was waiting for us all that day at Old Marth's place. Homer was fat and lazy and full of cream. "I'll put in a spoon of jelly for you, Homer." Old Marth put the jelly in Homer-snakes's saucer and went on her way. She was going over the hill to visit and take a sample of the jelly. Homer loved the jelly. Then I know he began feeling lonely. Loneliness led to carelessness. He failed to notice that everything was too quiet. The birds were quiet like the Murray boys were in the vicinity. The chickens were quiet like a hawk was circling. Homer decided to slip past the rooster and go into the barn to rest. The Murray boys were out "funning" all day over the hills. They were stirring up bees' nests beside the trace and getting people stung. They were running the cows so they wouldn't let their milk down. The were riding the steers and tormenting the bull. They saw Old Marth going over the ridge and grinned at each other and jammed down their old hats over their ears and hitched up their britches. Preparing themselves. Preparing to steal eggs out of the hens' nests, they went into the barn. Bud saw it all and told Maw. Maw said to me, "There is such a thing as keeping your mouth shut." Bud was watching the Murray boys that day. He had trailed them and watched from the far edge of the woods on the top of the hiH. Bud was always watching. I saw him in the plum grove. He was no partner in what happened. The Murray boys went into the barn with their everlasting sack, stayed a few minutes, rushed out toward the hogpen, pitched the sack, and whatever was in it, over to the hogs. Then �LOU CRABTREE 233 they laughed and shouted and hightailed it. I saw it. Bud saw it. I ran to tell Maw. "They threw the sack and Homer in it into the hog pen. The hogs will eat up Homer." I was running, screaming wild, and blubbering. I was so excited with telling the tale that I had not had time to feel sorry for Homer. The hogpen was one place Homer never fooled around. Even Homer knew that hogs ate up blacksnakes. Bud had come up. "How are you going to keep her from blabbing?" Bud thought he was the world's best at keeping his mouth shut. He gloried in keeping secrets. I wanted to talk about what I saw, and I wanted to bring it up ever afterwards and keep asking questions. There was so much to wonder about. "She will tell her guts," Bud said. "Let Homer bide," was what Maw had said to me and meant it. I could tell for her mouth was a straight line across. Old Marth came home, missed Homer, and looked everywhere. Bud and I stood around and watched her. Her eyes were on the ground looking for some sign, trying to find a trail. I mooned around and was about sick seeing Old Marth with her graying hair stringing and wisping about her face. Until one day, Old Marth said, "If Homer were alive, he would show up. I know when to give up hopes. I resign myself." Determined not to let anything slip about Homer, for a while, it helped to clap both hands over my mouth when questions began popping in my head. I didn't want ever to be the first one to tell about Homer being eaten by the—I must not say it now. Maw kept saying, "Let it bide a while." Old Marth came back to our house to churn. Her hair like a cap was pinned up with long hairpins. Maw required neat hair around the butter, for a hair found in the butter made a bad tale up and down the Hollow. I kept holding both hands over my mouth to keep from tell- �234 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past ing until one day Old Marth noticed and said, "You are acting funny." Turning to Maw, she said, "The child is sick. Goes around all the time about to vommick holding her hands over her mouth. Just might be she is wormy and needs a dose." I wasn't sick. Maw knew it. Bud knew it. Days went by, to a day when I went down for a look in the hogpen. The hogs grunted, pointed their ears, and looked up at me with their little pig eyes close together. There under the slop trough I saw it. The proof I was not seeking. I saw a piece of old sack. I screamed what the whole world already knew. "They threw the sack and Homer in it into the hogpen. The hogs ate up Old Homer." I leaned against the pen and I retched until I spit up. I was really sick. The hogs saw it. Bud did, too, for he was in the plum grove, spying as usual. I started running, jumped some puddles, got tired, and came to stop where some daisies covered with dust were beside the road. I began feeling nice. The daisies were nice. Old Marth's place behind me was nice. Up overhead the fleecy sheep clouds stood stock still to become masses of daisies. Over to the left was a patch of red-sky clover. Then the sheep clouds moved together and formed a maze and across the sky was a swath of daisies. Just like the swath Homer had traveled up the trace to the top of the ridge. I was delighted and looked a long while. I know I saw it. There placed in the maze of daisies he loved so well was Homer-snake. He stood upright on the end of his blunt tail and looking over the daisies, he laughed at me. I laughed and went home. Maw's kitchen was nice with smells of sassafras tea, spicewood, gingerroot, milk cheeseing, and cold mint water fresh from the spring. Bud came in the door, reporting on me. "Maw, I saw her. She has been down to Old Marth's hogpen." "Whatever for, child?" Maw didn't expect an answer, and I had already turned my back on Bud. I felt something new in my life. The day was �LOU CRABTREE 235 coming soon when I could handle Bud. Maw refers to it as patience. Patience was something Bud did not have. Bud hung around, waiting on me to start talking and telling everything. I sat until Bud gave up and left, then I told Maw, "I saw Old Homer-snake among the daisies in the sky. He stood up on his blunt tail and laughed at me." Maw left her dough-making with flour up to her elbows, she took my head in both hands. "Precious. You saw what you hoped for, for Homer. Homer-snake is all right. You are all right. Find your little pan. You can come help me make up this bread." Homer-Snake 1. Two conflicts are evident in this story, Old Marth's conflict with the Murray boys and Bud's conflict with his sister. Discuss the resolution of these conflicts at the end of the story. 2. What factual knowledge about black snakes do you gain as you read "Homer-Snake"? 3. Describe the three attempts the Murray boys made to capture Homer. 4. At the end of the story, how does the young girl join Old Marth to show her affection for Homer-Snake? 5. Are you satisfied with the ending of the story? How might you have changed the ending if you had written it? �236 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past ELIOT WIGGINTON (1942- ) A lichen which glows in the woods of Southern Appalachia on dark nights, Foxfire is also the name given to the publications of Eliot Wigginton and his students in Rabun Gap, Georgia. Wigginton and his students learn and record the heritage of the Appalachian region. After graduating from Cornell University in 1966, with an A.B. in English and an M.A.T., the idealistic Wigginton began to teach students, who were more interested in pranks than in English. One day in desperation, he walked into the class and asked, "How would you like to throw away the text and start a magazine?" This began Foxfire, a magazine which now has subscribers in all fifty states and a dozen foreign countries. Nine books by the same name record the heritage of the Appalachian region. Wigginton's students turned to collecting hunting tales and ghost stories and recording folkways such as how to plant by the signs, kill hogs, make soap, build log cabins, and gather medicinal plants like ginseng. Ginseng, which grows wild in the mountains, is known for its healing powers. Because the roots bring a high price, it provides a cash crop for mountain people who know where they can find a patch of "sang." One of Wigginton's students, Marie MeUinger, published �ELIOT WIGGINTON 237 the following piece of research on the gathering of this native plant. Ginseng From the Himalayas to the Blue Ridge, and for as long a time as distance, ginseng has been a favored medicine. The American ginseng (Panax quinquefolium) is very similar to its Asiatic relative. It has a stiff stalk holding two leaves, each leaf five-divided like fingers on a hand, and vaguely resembling those of the horse chestnut. A small umbel of insignificant yellow-green flowers is followed by red berries. It takes two years to come up from seed, and if a plant has been injured, it might not send up a stalk until the following year. It is slow-growing and long-lived if left alone. The aromatic roots are the part used for medicine, although occasionally tea has been made from the leaves. It was once found in rich bottom lands from Canada to Florida. William Gillespie wrote, "It is most common in beech woods." Another writer said, "It grows mainly in well-drained upland hardwoods, mixed stands of maple, basswood, butternut, and rock elm, or on the shady side of deep gullies where there is a transition in timber and vegetation mixes." William Bartram, traveling near Keowee, South Carolina, wrote, "It appears plentifully on the north exposure of the hill, growing out of the rich, mellow, humid earth, amongst the stones or fragments of rocks." Associated plants have been listed as maidenhair fern (Adiantum), baneberry (Actaea), spikenard (Aralia mcemosa), blue cohosh (Caulophyllum), yellow ladyslipper (Cypripedium), and the "little brother of the ginseng," the goldenseal (Hydrastis canadensis). Our native ginseng first came to the attention of Europeans when Father Joseph Lafitau, who had been a missionary in China, recognized the similar American plant growing near a Mohawk village in Canada. He set up ovens and had the Mohawks gather and cure ginseng for the Chinese market. By �238 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past 1717, it was being bought from as far away as Green Bay, Wisconsin, by the Fox Indians, and shipped to Hongkong via France. In 1784, the Empress of China sailed for Macao with a load of ginseng to exchange for tea, ginger, silk, and camphor. Also in 1784, George Washington wrote, "In passing through the mountains, I met a number of persons and pack horses going over the mountain with ginseng.1' In 1793, Andre' Michaux wrote that ginseng was the only product of Kentucky that could be transported overland to Philadelphia. By 1798, John Drayton of South Carolina said, "It is so much sought after by the Cherokees for trade it is by no means as plentiful as it used to be in this state." Ginseng gathering had begun to be a way of life for many pioneers. A man could go "sang hunting" and return with a fortune; or in those perilous times, might never return at all. The early colonists not only gathered ginseng for sale, but used it in tea to encourage the appetite or strengthen the digestion, especially of elderly persons or puny children. Ginseng plus black cherry and y eUo wroot made a potent tonic, especially with the addition of some home made whiskey. An early herbal suggested gathering ginseng root and steeping it with chamomile flowers for fainting females. Colonel Byrd, in his History of the Dividing Line, wrote, "To help cure fatigue, I used to chew a root of ginseng as I walked along. This kept up my spirits. It gives an uncommon warmth and vigor to the blood. It cheers the heart of a man that has a bad wife, and makes him look down with great composure upon the crosses of the world. It will make old age amiable by rendering it lively, cheerful, and good humored." Many early settlers dug ginseng root for their own use and never thought of selling it. By 1800, several patent medicines on the market featured "seng," or "sang-tone." Dr. McMasters of Michigan wrote, "Ginseng is a mild, non-poisonous plant, well adapted to domestic as well as professional uses. In this respect, it may be classed with such herbs as boneset, oxbalm, rhubarb, and dandelion. The medical qualities are known to be a mild tonic, stimulant, nervine, and stomachic. It is especially a remedy for �ELIOT WIGGINTON 239 ills incident to old age." With some domestic sale, as well as a continuing foreign market, "sanging" became a business in the rich deciduous forests of the American heartland, and on the slopes of the Catskills, the Poconos, the Alleghenies, and the Appalachians. It was inevitable that some would try to cash in on such a profitable and easy crop by cultivating it. Thus there was a craze for ginseng gardens from 1889 through 1905, with centers in Amberg, Wisconsin; and Chardon, Ohio. Later New York state and then Michigan became the centers of ginseng production. Ginseng was planted in beds shaded by lath slats, or under wire covered by fast growing annual vines. But growers found it took seven years to produce roots large enough to market, and then the roots lacked the quality of those gathered in the wild. Garden plants were subject to a variety of wilts, blights, and rots, and a whole garden could be decimated in a week. But even though they were a gamble, ginseng gardens continued to appeal to many who wished to make an easy fortune. However, the most money continued to be in gathering wild ginseng. Around 1922, someone wrote, "Grandma B. took out the back seat of her Model T and filled it with ginseng and sold the load for $1,100. They dried the roots on shelves behind the stove." As ginseng disappeared in more settled parts of the country, sang hunting in the Appalachians continued. Maurice Brooks wrote that it was one of the few crops that could be sold for cash with which to pay taxes or buy a new gun or hound dog. The sang hunter would go off into the mountains or woodlands with his special sang-hoe made of rigid steel with a narrow blade. The average-sized wild roots weighed up to six ounces when dug, and an expert sanger could grub out two pounds in a day. As they dried, usually from the cabin rafters, it took five pounds of fresh root for each pound of cured or marketable root. The conservative sanger only dug roots in the fall of the year and carefully replanted the seeds, or the rhizome extension called a "quill," or "bud." To keep ginseng from being com- �240 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past pletely killed out in an area, some sangers would carry seeds and plant them in other suitable locales. There were, however, those greedy individuals who gathered sang at any time of the year, and did not hesitate to rob a neighbor's patch. Sang hunters would try to find out where their competitors had success, and in turn would keep their own finds a secret. By 1913, Horace Kephart, in Our Southern Highlands, wrote that ginseng had been exterminated in all but the wildest regions. After the War in Korea ruined most Oriental ginseng lands, the sale of ginseng roots reached a new peak, the price rising to $35.00 a pound for wild roots. Sangers scoured the country for roots, and dealers made and lost fortunes on ginseng sales. The price is still high, and while some ginseng is being brought to dealers from Illinois, Missouri, West Virginia, and Kentucky, the bulk now comes from North Carolina, Tennessee, and Georgia.... Buck Carver claims that there are lots of places back in the woods where people have set out berries, and then either moved away or forgotten about them. They're there now for anyone to find. "Lord, there's patches of it planted back in them woods that people have planted in unsuspecting places [and never gone back to]. "Nearly everyone hunts on north ground in dark coves, you know, and lots of times a feller plants it back, he'll plant it on south ground. That's how come it's in Laney Cove there on Kelly's Creek. "In 1937, we was making whiskey up there at the east end of them cliffs in what was called 'Stillhouse Cove/ and I come down there one day to see about the beer and see how near ready to run it was, and I dug several roots and got a good pocket of berries, and I went right through the Gap—Stillhouse Cove Gap—between Kelly's Creek and Mud Creek and down in the head of Laney Cove there—some good dark rich earth there, and walnuts growing in that earth too. So I crawled off in down below the road and reached up and transplanted them roots that I dug up and planted out that bunch of berries. And �ELIOT WIGGINTON 241 I checked on it pretty good there for several years, and it was coming along fine. And then I forgot it. "About twelve years ago, I was making liquor over on Kelly's Creek and stumbled onto the durn stuff walking out the road one day. And I thought, 'Well, good God Almighty, what in the world are you a'doing here?' Big old stalk, you know. Big ball of red berries. And another step, another big one or two. And,'Oh, yeah. Heck, yeah. I remember now. I planted you here!' "So I dug a root or two—I didn't try to dig it for market [but] I ought to have—and I forgot it again then. "About three or four years ago, one of my wife's son-inlaws said something about that patch of sang over there—did I know it was there. I says, 'I ought to know its there. I planted the durn stuff. And I went over there that fall to dig some of it and put in my garden here, and some feller had been in there just ahead of us and he'd dug all the big pretty sang they was there that he could find. And there'd be the tops down on the ground, and big balls of berries. He'd never planted the durn berries back. "Well, sir, that made me so durn mad I couldn't hardly see. I gathered every durn berry, and went to digging the little sttif f then. Dug every durn thing I could find and brought it on over here and transplanted it in the garden. "But now it don't all come up every year. I went back over there for two or three falls and found more. You can't get it all. I don't care how much—that Raven Rock Mountain there has been sanged to death as far back as I can remember. When I was eight years old, I went to digging sang on that mountain, and I've dug it off and on ever since, and they's still some there that ain't been found. I went up there this faU for a little while one day and found several roots and brought them and the berries in here and planted them in that garden." "The biggest one I ever found," said Lawton Brooks, "was a five-prong bunch. Had the biggest root on it that I ever saw on one. [The plant] was at least up to my waist. I was �242 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past a'standing, and I didn't know too much about it then. My wife's brother, he knows it, and he was letting me help him look for some. And he was digging it. He gave me a top to go by, and I was a'looking at the top and then a'looking to see if I could see anything like it. There ain't nothing else like it if you ever get used to it. Now I can find it. I can spot it just anywhere. Anyway, I was standing there, and there was a big old wad of berries as big as my fist there, a'sticking right up by my side, and I commenced hollering for him, and he come up there and said that was the biggest bunch he ever seen. So he dug it for me. I let him get it out. He was afeared I'd break it. So he dug it for me and I took it down there to the store, and that old man gave me a dollar and a half for it. Now that one root would bring a man ten or fifteen dollars because it's about sixty-five dollars a pound this year. It's higher than it's been a'being. "Now as good a patch as ever I got into was that one that I found over in North Carolina. I got about forty-eight dollars worth that I dug and I wasn't over two hours. That's as good a patch of wild as ever I found in one place, and I didn't cover no territory. I didn't dig any further than from here to that filling station out yonder [about a hundred yards]. I just went backwards and forwards across the holler for a little piece, and I went up next to where the cliff was, and then I looked back down and I'd missed some and I went up, found some, and I went back down, and I come out. There might have been more below than there was above, but I ain't been back. But hadn't a'been nobody there in years digging no sang there. They'd a'been sure—they couldn't a kept from digging a whole lot in there. And I ain't been back. That's the reason I been wanting to go back so bad now. If I could get back in that place over there now and take my time and spend a couple of days over there, I could get a pile of that blasted stuff 'cause I know some places over there—them old hollers I used to hunt in when I was an old boy and lived there—I hunted in there all the time. I know where them old hollers is. I could get in there and I could find some ginseng. �ELIOT WIGGINTON 243 "I like to hunt it, myself. It's interesting. You get to hunting for it, it's interesting, boys. You just take a liking to it. Same way by bee hunting. I like to bee hunt. I ain't got no use for them when I find them, but I just like to find the bee trees. I know where four or five bee trees is now. But I wouldn't be stung for all of them. I'm afraid of them cussed things. They run me crazy! "But that sang's turning yellow right now. The berries are ripe right now on it. I ain't felt like it or I'd be going. Right now's the best time. Yes, sir. The berries are red as they can be. There's people in the woods today somewhereV nother hunting it like the devil right now, I'll bet you. I've talked to several said they've been out. They go and camp out—stay a week at a time back in the woods and just do nothing but get up every morning and start again. Hunt a new territory every time. But I can't climb the mountains like I used to or I'd be right out there with them. I get out of breath too quick. But if I had the air, I'd be right out there with them, climbing around them rough places." If ginseng is getting scarcer in the mountains, and it seems to be, it still hasn't diminished the number of people who hunt for it. They all have their stories—and their dreams. As Wallace Moore said, "One day I dug a big haverpoke full out of each of my beds and then didn't dig at all. Boy, that's a pretty sight to see where it's out like that. Or run into it. Walk up and see big wads of berries just scattered all over the side of the hill and in the holler. Well, I reckon it's about every sang hunter's dream—everybody that's ever dug the sang or fools around with it any—is always a'looking for a patch where he can dig maybe two, three hours, three, four hours, or a half a day in one patch. Everybody you see: 'Boy, if I could just find a patch where I could dig a half a day, I'd be all right!' "But them patches are scattered." �244 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past Ginseng 1. What medicinal qualities does ginseng have? 2. Why has the price of ginseng risen? 3. Explain how a new patch of ginseng is started. 4. The natural resources of Appalachia are its wealth. What are the most important natural resources in your area? �BERNARD STALLARD 245 BERNARD STALLARD (1921-1986) Bernard Stallard taught in high schools and colleges in Kentucky and Florida and then spent several years as a social worker. At age 16 he published a poem about the Appalachians. While at Lincoln Memorial University, he was the first winner of the Ross Carter Memorial Award given for creative writing. His work also appeared in Reveille, an anthology published by Barnes and Noble. In 1978 Stallard was elected a fellow by The International Academy of Poets, Cambridge, England. In addition to publishing articles and poetry in various periodicals, Stallard published a book of two hundred sonnets entitled Appalachian Summer. The collection was praised by Jesse Stuart, Kentucky's Poet Laureate. In 1977 Stallard wrote an outdoor drama, Cumberland Gap, and presented it to Lincoln Memorial University. The drama is as yet unproduced, but it inspired a verse narrative The Witch of Cumberland Gap. Sensitively homespun, Stallard's work has a simplicity native to the rugged life it describes. "The Writing Spider" describes one of hundreds of old superstitions. �246 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past The Writing Spider The spider had hung out his wicked snare Up in a corner, near the cellar door, And my small brother told me to beware, That dreadful evil might be well in store: "Don't ever let that spider see your teeth, "Cause if you do," he cautioned anxiously, "Within a week or so you'll have a wreath Laid on your coffin that says R.I.P.! That spider is a writing spider there And, on his web, he'll write out all your name. So, you just smile at him if you don't care And you'll just die, and I won't be to blame!" Long following that warning, darkly stressed, I passed the cellar with my lips compressed. Writing Spider 1. What superstition related to spiders do you find in this poem? 2. What does R.I.P. mean? 3 What does the poem suggest about the power of superstition and the impressionablility of a child? �EDCABBELL 247 EDWARD CABBELL (1946- ) Writing poetry is just one of many interests of Ed Cabbell. This native of the West Virginia coalfields has been a pioneer in studying the experience of blacks in the Appalachian region. After graduation from Concord College in West Virginia, Cabbell became the first black to receive an advanced degree in Appalachian studies at Appalachian State University. His master's thesis Blacks in Appalachia was published in 1985 by the University of Kentucky, co-edited by Cabbell and William H. Turner. He created the John Henry Memorial Foundation, which focuses interest on the contributions of blacks to the life of the region. This poem reflects an old man's condensed memories of life in the mountains, a world that is now lost to him. Appalachia: An Old Man's Dream Deferred As I ride the mountain curves That make one mile ten And my going greets my coming I reminisce my past days In the mountains of Appalachia. I recall my five day weeks �248 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past Among the diamonds— That glisten and reflect The sweat of my brow And make me proud Of my aches and pains And silicosis and black lung And John L. Lewis and the pension. I recall my buddies And slate falls and explosions And union dues and company doctors And script money and company stores And friendly coal camp houses Where smoke spirals from chimneys And meets the tipple dust Causing an excess that returns upon us, my wife and kids and other families, Causing us to cuss and fuss and scrub with lye soap In zinc tubs filled with hydrant water Boiled in the big tea kettle on the cook stove That stands near the kitchen cabinet and breakfast set. I recall the Saturday night balls Or fights and brawls And women and liquor and cards And fish fries and barbeques And wiener roasts and excursions And ball games— All kinds of Saturday fun That ends in Sunday School and Church And occasional revivals And preachers and deacons And brothers and sisters And prayers and collection plates And rallies and homecomings. I recall the bare beauty of stripped mountains That belch black diamonds �EDCABBELL And choke as we crawl inside To retrieve what is left Leaving a gully that fills With leeched water For children to swim and drown every summer. I recall the shanties And the houses of bosses And homes of superintendents And spring rains, and fall winds And winter snows and summer sunshines That bring new faces to the hills every year And Christmas and Easter And the Fourth of July And fishing and hunting seasons And walks in the mountains And P.T. A. meetings and lodge meetings And trips to the county seat And funerals and birthdays And other memories that practically Bring to me tears. But as I ride the curves of my homeland I must view my dreams For she is empty and dried and dismal And her misery hangs heavy in the air of her discontent I reach out to touch her but find her vanished— An old man's dream deferred. 249 �250 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past Appalachia: An Old Man's Dream Deferred 1. What was the speaker's occupation? 2. The poet paints certain scenes of his life, calls up certain memories, simply by making lists of things. What are some of the memories "listed" in the poem? 3. What feelings are expressed in the last six lines? 4. Do you think the poet is expressing overly romantic or sentimental attitudes in his remembrances of the Appalachia of the past? Why or why not? �JIM WAYNE MILLER 251 JIM WAYNE MILLER (1936- ) A native of western North Carolina, Jim Wayne Miller earned his undergraduate degree at Berea College in Kentucky. He continued his studies at Vanderbilt and received his Ph.D. in both German and American literature in 1965. While at Vanderbilt, Miller studied under Fugitive poet Donald Davidson. At present, Dr. Miller is a professor of German language and literature at Western Kentucky University. His stature and reputation as a poet have grown steadily since his first volume of poetry, Copperhead Cane, was published in 1964. His other collections are Dialogue With A Dead Man, The Mountains Have Come Closer, Vein of Words, and Nostalgia for 70. He received the Thomas Wolfe Award in 1985 for The Mountains Have Come Closer. �252 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past Beginning, Ending Once he said his earliest recollection was of waking on a cold winter morning in their cabin on Newfound Creek and hearing his father picking Tom Dooley on a banjo while meat fried on the stove and his mother ground morning coffee on the little mill. That early recollection was of hunger— for the fried meat and biscuit, and hunger too for the old songs picked on a curly-walnut banjo. A part of him never went back any further than that morning of fried meat, coffee, and a ballad. For in his darkest moods—the time a hailstorm cut his burley tobacco to shreds in half an hour—he'd go back to the music he'd given up for months, take his guitar down, walk out somewhere, and try to sing and play the misery out of his soul. When he worked in the woods timbering, or sawmilled, plowed all day or worked at road construction, his hands hard as shoe leather, he'd swear he was no more than broad back and heavy arms inside a sweat-soaked shirt. But when he sang and played, sometimes he grew as light as air, and now and then he thought he could remember the Scottish border, the Ulster linen trade, a county fair where drummers from the ships signed up people for the colonies. He could see something moving through the flesh of generations, playing like light on always moving water. He saw himself in the cheekbone of his father. He looked out of his daughter's eyes, glimpsed himself in the gait of his growing boys. �JIM WAYNE MILLER 253 Once in September, puzzled by coming so wide awake so long before day, he stepped out into a morning soft on his face as spiderwebs, full of a dream of some boy himself waking to fried meat and biscuit, leaving home in warm September darkness for a far-off school. He started out thinking ridge-to-ridge, thinking he lived nowhere but in his skin. Thinking ocean-to-ocean now, he wasn't sure where he began, where he would ever end. Beginning, Ending 1. What effect does music have on the poet? 2. In the fifth stanza the poet talks of stepping out into the morning soft as a spider web. What image does this bring to mind? 3. Although the poet is not sure where he will begin and end, the poem links him to beginning and ending generations. Find evidence of this. �254 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past JEFF DANIEL MARION (1940- ) In 1975, Jeff Daniel Marion founded The Small Farm, a little magazine that featured poetry, criticism, and reviews by those who shared Marion's sense of place. Only twelve issues were published. The Small Farm and Marion's own works Out in the Country, Back Home (1976) and Tight Lines (1981) have earned him recognition as Appalachia's official Pastoral Poet. His poetry offers keen observations and powerful imagery. It paints memorable portraits of the land and people in his east Tennessee home. Marion earned his undergraduate and graduate degrees in English at the University of Tennessee and has continued his studies at the University of Southern Mississippi and the University of Alabama. He is an associate professor at CarsonNewman College in Jefferson City, Tennessee, and editor and publisher of Mill Springs Press in New Market, Tennessee. �JEFF DANIEL MARION Ebbing & Flowing Spring Coming back you almost expect to find the dipper gourd hung there by the latch. Matilda always kept it hidden inside the white-washed shed, now a springhouse of the cool darkness & two rusting milk cans. "Dip and drink," she'd say, "It's best when the water is rising." A coldness slowly cradled in the mottled gourd. Hourly some secret clock spilled its time in water, rising momentarily only to ebb back into trickle. You waited while Matilda's stories flowed back, seeds & seasons, names & signs, almanac of all her days. How her great-great grandfather claimed this land, gift of a Cherokee chief who called it "spring of many risings." Moons & years & generations & now Matilda alone. You listen. It's a quiet beginning but before you know it the water's up & around you flowing by. You reach for the dipper thaf s gone, then remember to use your hands as a cup for the cold that aches & lingers. 255 �256 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past This is what you have come for. Drink. Ebbing & Flowing Spring 1. The image of water is found throughout this poem. Find words that relate to water. The word drink is used twice. Could it refer to drinking memories as well as water? What are some of the memories the poet mentions? 2. How does the title "Ebbing & Flowing Spring" relate to the main idea of the poem? �FRED CHAPPELL 257 FRED CHAPPELL (1936- ) Fred Chappell has received praise, recognition, and critical acclaim, especially since the prestigious BolUnger Prize for Poetry was awarded to him in 1984 for his collection Midquest. A graduate of Duke University, Chappell was born in Canton, North Carolina, to a family in the furniture business. He is a prolific writer with poetry, short stories, novels, reviews, and essays to his credit. His publications include his latest novel I Am One of You Forever and most recent book of poetry Source. Other titles by Chappell include Moments of Light (short stories) and The World Between The Eyes and The Castle Tsingal (poetry). He currently teaches at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. My Grandmother Washes Her Vessels In the white-washed medical-smelling milkhouse She wrestled clanging steel; grumbled and trembled, Hoisting the twenty-gallon cans to the ledge Of the spring-run (six by three, a concrete grave Of slow water). Before she toppled them in— Dented armored soldiers booming in pain— She stopped to rest, brushing a streak of damp �258 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past Hair back, white as underbark. She sighed. "I ain't strong enough no more to heft these things. I could now and then wish for a man Or two.. .Or maybe not. More trouble, likely, Than what their rations will get them to do." The August six-o'clock sunlight struck a wry Oblong on the north wall. Yellow light entering This bone-white milkhouse recharged itself white, Seeped pristine into the dozen strainer cloths Drying overhead. "Don't you like men?" Her hand hid the corner of her childlike grin Where she'd dropped her upper plate and left a gap. "Depends on the use you want them for," she said. "Some things they're good at, some they oughtn't touch." "Wasn't Grandaddy a good carpenter?" She nodded absentminded. "He was fine. Built churches, houses, barns in seven counties. Built the old trout hatchery on Balsam... Here. Give me a hand." We lifted down Gently a can and held it till it drowned. Gushed out of its headless neck a musky clabber Whitening water like a bedsheet ghost. I thought, Here spills the soldier's spirit out; If I could drink a sip I'd know excitements He has known; travails, battles, tourneys, A short life fluttering with pennants. She grabbed �FREDCHAPPELL A frazzly long-handled brush and scrubbed his innards Out. Dun flakes of dried milk floated up, Streamed drainward. In his trachea water sucked Obscenely, graying like a storm-sky. "You never told me how you met." She straightened, Rubbed the base of her spine with a dripping hand. "Can't recollect. Some things, you know, just seem To go clear from your mind. Probably He spotted me at prayer meeting, or it could Have been a barn-raising. That was the way We did things then. Not like now, with the men All hours cavorting up and down in cars." Again she smiled. I might have sworn she winked. "But what do you remember?" "Oh, lots of things. About all an old woman is good for Is remembering....But getting married to Frank Wasn't the beginning of my life. Fd taught school up Greasy Branch since I Was seventeen. And I took the first census Ever in Madison County. You can't see It now, but there was a flock of young men come Knocking on my door. If I'd a mind I could have danced six nights of the week." We tugged and cleaned can out, upended it To dry on the worn oak ledge, and pushed the other Belching in. Slowly it filled and sank. "Of course, it wasn't hard to pick Frank out, The straightest-standing man I ever saw. 259 �260 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past Had a waxed moustache and a chestnut mare. Before I'd give my say I made him cut That moustache off. I didn't relish kissing A briar patch. He laughed when I said that, Went home and shaved....It wasn't the picking and saying That caused me ponder, though. Getting married— In church—in front of people—for good and all: It makes you pause. Here I was twenty-eight, Strong and healthy, not one day sick since I Was born. What cause would I have to be waiting On a man?" Suddenly she sat on the spring-run edge And stared bewildered at empty air, murmuring. "I never said this to a soul, I don't Know why.. .1 told my papa, 'Please hitch me The buggy Sunday noon. I can drive Myself to my own wedding.' That's what I did, I drove myself. A clear June day as cool As April, and I came to where we used to ford Laurel River a little above Coleman's mill, And I stopped the horse and I thought and thought. If I cross this river I won't turn back. I'll join To that blue-eyed man as long as I've got breath. There won't be nothing I can feel alone About again. My heart came to my throat. I suppose I must have wept. And then I heard A yellowhammer in a willow tree Just singing out, ringing like a dance-fiddle Over the gurgly river-sound, just singing To make the whole world hush to listen to him. And then my tears stopped dropping down, and I touched Nellie with the whip, and we crossed over." �FREDCHAPPELL 261 My Grandmother Washes Her Vessels 1. Who is the person asking questions in this poem? 2. Personification is a figurative device in which human qualities are given to something nonhuman. Find examples of personification in the first few stanzas of this poem. 3. Find evidence of the grandmother's self-reliance and independent spirit. 4. In the grandmother's recollections she shows a hesitancy towards getting married. Why is this so? Why does she finally "cross the river"? �262 Contemporary Authors Search for a Usable Past MARILOU AWIAKTA (1936- ) Marilou Awiakta, a seventh-generation Appalachian with Cherokee heritage, was born in Knoxville, Tennessee. At the age of nine she moved to Oak Ridge but returned to Knoxville to attend the University of Tennessee. After graduation, with a degree in French and English, she worked as a teacher and translator. Her articles, poetry, and fiction appear regularly in national magazines and have won many state and regional prizes, including the Jesse Hill Ford Award for Poetry in 1972. �MARILOU AWIAKTA 263 Where Mountain and Atom Meet Ancient haze lies on the mountain smoke-blue, strange and still a presence that eludes the mind and moves through a deeper kind of knowing. It is nature's breath and more— an aura from the great I Am that gathers to its own spirits that have gone before. Deep below the valley waters eerie and hid from view the atom splits without a sound its only trace a fine blue glow rising from the fissioned whole and at its core power that commands the will quiet that strikes the soul, "Be still and know.. .1 Am." Where Mountain and Atom Meet 1. The phrase "I Am" is used twice in the poem. To what does it refer in each stanza? 2. Compare and contrast the mountain and the atom. Can you find similarities in two things so vastly different in size? �264 COMPOSITION TOPICS 1. Like the writers in this section who cast a backward glance into their pasts, look back into your own life and select a treasured or unforgettable memory. Write a composition describing the experience in detail to show why it was important to you. You may want to include this paper in your family scrapbook. 2. Write a composition about the characters in the literary selections that you have read who search for their pasts. Explain what they find in their pasts that helps them understand themselves. ACTIVITIES The chapters you now add to your book will tell about customs and traditions in your family. If your family sings, collect lyrics to their songs. List any family members who play instruments and the name of the instrument. Make this the music history of your family. Illustrate with photographs. Families are sometimes known for their good cooks. Collect your favorite recipes from the cooks in your family and record them here. Families also celebrate together. Select two family holidays and write about them answering the following questions: 1. What is the holiday celebration? 2. Who attends? Name them. 3. Where do you celebrate? �265 4. What do you eat and drink? 5. What do you do? 6. Describe any special decoration. 7. If the celebration has changed during your lifetime, describe the change and what caused it. For example, when you were younger you may have cut down a Christmas tree on your grandfather's farm. Now that your grandfather is no longer living or now that you live in the city, you may buy an artificial one which you use each year. �This page intentionally left blank �PART II The Present �This page intentionally left blank �269 CHAPTER 4 How America Came to the Mountains The remainder of this book will focus on the present. We will examine some contemporary writings that reflect the concerns of the Appalachian community and its writers today. The Twentieth Century has brought tremendous change to the region. Educational reform, an expanded highway system, better health care, and a higher standard of living have improved the lives of most people in the mountains. Various governmental and private institutions have provided funds and expertise for these visible improvements. Chapter Four directs attention to the impact these institutions have had on Appalachian life and to the reaction of some writers to this change. The title for this chapter comes from a poem by Jim Wayne Miller in The Mountains Have Come Closer. He explains how shocking it was when mainstream America roared into the mountains bringing manufactured goods, bulldozers, �270 highways, fancy cars, singing commercials, and designer jeans. He uses satire to point out how mountain life has seemed to change quickly. Actually, the winds of change had been blowing for some time. Perhaps the most significant agent of change in the region has been the Tennessee Valley Authority. This governmental agency came to the Tennessee Valley to build a series of dams, control flooding, make the Tennessee River navigable for most of its six hundred miles, manufacture nitrates for explosives and fertilizer, reforest marginal land, conserve soil, provide for agricultural and industrial development, and supply hydroelectric power. Primarily, TVA opened the way for the industrialization of the South. With cheap electricity available, northern factories began to move to the South and to employ local people. People accustomed to subsistence farming, barter, and a single cash crop began to earn regular incomes. Specifically, TVA led to the establishment of Oak Ridge as the home of the Manhattan Project and the atom bomb. These actions have affected practically every person in the region. The Appalachian Regional Commission, another governmental organization, has also had an impact on Appalachia. Acting as a regional advocate in the Congress, the ARC has administered millions of federal dollars for highways, water and sewer services, vocational training, and schools in Appalachia. One important non-governmental institution, the Highlander Research Center in New Market, Tennessee, is discussed in this chapter. It represents another kind of force that has influenced modern life in Appalachia. This is the force unleashed in the individual and community when a desire for change leads to action. Leadership training at the Highlander Folk School gave some Appalachian people the skills to think and analyze and the courage to act. Myles Horton, its founder, and other leaders have trained many working-class adults to take responsibility for their lives and circumstances. �ALANCHEUSE ALAN CHEUSE (1940- 271 ) Alan Cheuse was born in New Jersey and has been a writerin-residence at the University of Tennessee, the University of the South, and the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor. He is also on the summer faculty at Bennington College in Vermont. Cheuse, who received his Ph.D. from Rutgers University in comparative literature, has published one novel which is based on the life of American journalist John Reed. The stories and articles of Cheuse, including the one presented here, have been published in numerous periodicals and literary magazines. He also reviews books for the National Public Radio program AH Things Considered. This piece, written in celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Tennessee Valley Authority, describes how a federally crafted program built a network of dams which brought light to a dark valley of Appalachia. Tripping The Lights Fantastic It is near the end of a Sunday in spring, and Fve driven up here into the foothills of the Cumberlands to watch a small river valley fill up with night. Evening comes earlier in the tailwaters of the Norris Dam than it does to the city of Knoxville, �272 How America Came to the Mountains say, thirty miles south, but already the street lamps have flashed on there, anticipating the darkness this little valley already knows quite well. Here you have only to glance upstream at the large blackened wall of cement that straddles the valley and then look down again directly and you'll feel as though you've lost minutes, not seconds, of fleeting light. My eyes flit back and forth in search of fishermen, back and forth, back and forth. There's one. There's another, his slicker dark against waters already nearly blending with the color of the dam, the bleak wall with its striations of white where fog tears off from big cottony bunches above the rim and slips down its face. A light drizzle sifts onto the watcher and the waters, the fishermen and the trees, lovely straight stands of pine and walnut, darkening leaves, needles, bark. Blackness brims up now from the river bed as though sky and water had become inverted and the sun had slipped away beyond the nether shore and rolled along behind the rocks and trees. The fishermen have drowned in darkness, even the river has drowned, and the space between where I stand and what I remember of the other shore becomes an unbroken stretch of obscurity. The fog has disappeared, and I am surrounded by darkness. A city boy born and bred, I find it amazing that people could spend half their lives in such blackness as this. The wind quiets down. I can hear at last the faint hum of the power station and remember that there is, in fact, light abundant for the valley dwellers now. Fifty years ago this month the region began to come out of the dark. After long discussions with forester-conservationist Gifford Pinchot, for whom a river was a single unit from its tributaries until it emptied into the sea, after an immersion in the progressive vision of the senator from the Great Plains, George W. Morris of Nebraska, and aided by delegates from the 40,910-squaremile watershed of the Tennessee River, President Franklin D. Roosevelt in the spring of 1933 urged Congress to create the Tennessee Valley Authority. In fact, though no plaque marks the place, Roosevelt stood �ALANCHEUSE 273 on this same bank of the upper Clinch River in the autumn of 1932, having, at Morris' suggestion, stopped here on a drive up to Washington from his retreat in Warm Springs, Georgia, just after he won the presidential election. Here he looked upon the waters and said, "Let there be dams," and there was and still is light, light abundant, light overflowing, flooding the Tennessee Valley as only the river once did. And he returned, accompanied by Eleanor Roosevelt, to witness the construction of the dam named after Norris, several years later. He may have noticed that his wife, against all warnings, took a ride in the cable car strung between the two bluffs that was the simple laborer's way of hauling himself to the upper stories of the newly rising dam.... In 1929 Major General Lytle Brown, as head of the Corps of Engineers, produced a 732-page survey of the Tennessee Valley entitled Tennessee River and Its Tributaries. After that, advocates of a development plan for the region that would integrate navigation, flood control, hydroelectric power production, soil conservation, fertilizer production, and forestry came armed with all the basic information they needed to launch the project. With the election of Roosevelt, whose mandate was to improve the depressed social and economic conditions of the staggering nation, they finally had the political power they needed. Before Christmas of 1932, Roosevelt made his stopover at Cove's Creek on the Clinch River, one of the main tributaries of the Tennessee. He was convinced that the United States was ripe for development that tied together industry and agriculture and flood prevention and was persuaded that the Tennessee watershed, rich in potential but miserably underdeveloped, would be the best place to institute a model of such planning. The poor, ill-clad, ill-housed, ill-fed tenant farmer population of Tennessee knew little of such ventures. Waking by lamplight; farming with crude implements and methods not only outmoded but destructive; living on a diet that treated them as badly as they treated the soil; suffering primitive sanitary conditions; because of their lack of electricity, of �274 How America Came to the Mountains phonographs and radios or both, estranged from the mainstream of American society; badly educated; shivering in winter; sweltering in summer; attacked by parasites; plagued by malaria—this was the plight of the famous men (and women) James Agee asked us to praise, the "some there be which have no memorial," as he put it in his epochal book about tenant farmer life in the South. The landowners were not much better off, enjoying the certainties of the primitive Baptist religion handed down over generations and filling their relative isolation with traditional music, song, and dance, but paying for their independence and cultural solitude by enduring without assistance rain, flood, drought, erosion, and pestilence that seemed sometimes as fierce as any out of biblical times.... The water was rising. And so was the first of the TVA dams. And more than two dozen more dams would rise before the TVA had completed its network of flood control and hydroelectric production sites. Two dozen dams, including the majestic 480-foot Fontana Dam in the wild woods of the Great Smoky Mountains just east of the Tennessee-North Carolina border—massive Fontana, hidden in the wilderness like some ruin out of Toltec or Mayan civilization. The names of the rivers that bear these dams like modern bracelets on the arms of uncivilized beauties—the Powell, the Holston, the Nolichucky, the French Broad, the Little Tennessee, the Hiwassee—the names of the dams themselves that grew upon these tributaries and then along the course of the Tennessee itself westward to Paducah the Watauga, Douglas, Cherokee, Fort Loudoun, Calderwood, Cheoah, Santeelah, Hiwassee, Chatuge, Blue Ridge, Ocoee, and Chickamauga, Watts Bar, Guntersville, Wheeler, Wilson, and others,—these names make up a litany half Indian, half Blue Grass. What is it about a high dam that, unlike even the tallest of skyscrapers, makes a person wonder about the prowess of modern architecture and engineering? Perhaps because a skyscraper stops nothing but air and a dam holds back the possibility of floods of biblical proportion, be- �ALANCHEUSE 275 cause a dam can generate power to brighten entire valleys where once only lamplight held back dark. Tripping the Lights Fantastic 1. In what ways other than in the production of electricity did TVA benefit the areas it supplied? 2. What promise had Roosevelt made to the people before his election to the presidency? Did his support of TVA help carry out this promise? �No. 6 ALANCHEUSE 276 �VICTOR DEPTA 277 VICTOR M.DEPTA (1939- ) Victor Depta, associate professor of English at the University of Tennessee at Martin, is a native of West Virginia. He received a B.A. degree from Marshall University in his home state before earning his M. A. degree from San Francisco State College and his Ph.D. from Ohio University. After nearly twenty-five years away from Appalachia and after schooling in and out of the region, he claims to be a "proletarian hillbilly." Besides poems in numerous magazines, he also has two books of poetry, The Creek and The House. This poem "TVA" looks back and suggests that the past now lies buried under the flood waters created by that agency. �278 How America Came to the Mountains TVA Do you know, I said to Charlene, in Tarpon Springs aunt Ruby and uncle Lucke are grocery bags? Death eats out of them and litters them on the shore. They sit there all day knowing they're retired. Really. If my face weren't a lunch bag I could tell them that they ought to come home no matter if their children do say How wonderful mommy and daddy are sitting down here in Florida like hydropathic mummies. Maybe I could put a hand over their mouths and eyes and tell them I remember their warming a pillow in front of the fireplace for me and giving me a bed, tell them I still need them. I mean what am I going to do about getting married. I need some advice. But maybe they know something I don't, maybe they're sick of it, may be nothing real is worth coming home to. By the time they got here everything would already be buried, probably under a water skier. TVA 1. Is this poem happy or gloomy. Why? 2. The poet uses metaphors to describe Aunt Ruby, Uncle Lucke, and the speaker in the poem. Explain the metaphors. �MARILOU AWIAKTA 279 MARILOUAWIAKTA(1936- ) Marilou Awiakta, a seventh-generation Appalachian with Cherokee heritage, was born in Knoxville, Tennessee. At the age of nine she moved to Oak Ridge but returned to Knoxville to attend the University of Tennessee. After graduation, with a degree in French and English, she worked as a teacher and translator. Her articles, poetry, and fiction appear in Ms. and Southern Exposure magazines. She has won many state and regional prizes, including the Jesse Hill Ford Award for Poetry in 1972. The United States Information Agency chose two of her books for its 1986 Global Tour of American Writers. This poem from Abiding Appalachia: Where Mountain and Atom Meet focuses on the change in the city of Oak Ridge, Tennessee, as the "atomic city" developed out of a rural landscape. �280 How America Came to the Mountains Genesis Settlers sowed their seed. Then their sons took the plow and in their turn grew old. And the mountains abided, steeped in mist. But in the deep was a quickening of light, a freshening of wind... And in 1942, as fall leaves embered down toward winter, New ground was turned near Black Oak Ridge. The natives pricked their ears. These descendants of old pioneers Lifted their heads to scent the wind— A frontier was a borning. Many had to pack up hearth and home and go. But others joined the energy that flowed toward Black Oak Ridge as to a great magnetic power: Thousands of people streamed in. Bulldozers scraped and moved the earth. Factories rose in valleys like Bear Creek and houses in droves sprang up among the trees and strung out in the lees of ridges. A great city soon lay concealed among the hills. Why it had come no one knew. But its energy was a strong and constant hum, a new vibration, changing rhythms everywhere... It charged the air in Knoxville, where we lived and when I saw my parents lift their heads, I lifted my head too, for even at seven I knew something was stirring in our blood, something that for years had drawn the family along frontiers from Virginia to West Virginia, on to Kentucky and Tennessee. And now, a few miles away, we had a new frontier. Daddy went first, in '43—leaving at dawn, coming home at dark and saying nothing of his work except, "It's at Y-12, in Bear Creek Valley." �M ARILOU AWIAKTA 281 The mystery deepened. The hum grew stronger. And I longed to go. Oak Ridge had a magic sound— They said bulldozers could take down a hill before your eyes and houses sized by alphabet came precut and boxed, like blocks, so builders could put up hundreds at a time. And they made walks of boards and streets of dirt (mud, if it rained) and a chain-link fence around it all to keep the secret. But the woods sounded best to me. My mind went to them right away... to wade in creeks and rest in cool deep shadows, watching light sift through the trees and hoping Little Deer might come. In the Smokies I'd often felt him near and I knew he'd roam the foothills too. Woods were best. And if the frontier grew too strange my mountains would abide unchanged, old and wise and comforting. So I kept listening to the hum, and longing... Mother said we'd go someday, in the fullness of time And when I was nine the fullness came, exploding in a mushroom cloud that shook the earth. �282 How America Came to the Mountains Genesis 1. In the phrase "a frontier a-borning," to what does frontier refer? This word is used several times in the poem. Does the meaning change any with each use? Explain. 2. Referring to the great city Oak Ridge, the poet writes, "But its energy was a strong and constant hum, a new vibration changing rhythms everywhere.11 Discuss the ways that rhythms everywhere have changed since we split the atom. 3. In the midst of aU the change, what remains constant according to the poet? Do you agree? Is there really anything that remains constant? �JOHNEHLE 283 JOHN EHLE (1925 - ) Born in Asheville, North Carolina, and educated at the University of North Carolina, John Ehle has been an assistant professor in the Communications Center of his alma mater and a visiting professor at New York University. He has served as a special assistant to the governor of North Carolina and as a board member of the Governor's School and the Creative Arts Foundation in his native state. The author of both novels and biographies, he is also the author of twenty-six plays in an NBC series American Adventure, broadcast by Radio Free Europe, Voice of America, and the Armed Forces Network. The following excerpt from his novel The Road describes Weatherby Wright, Chief Engineer of the North Carolina Railroad Company, who is committed to extending the tracks over Sow Mountain. The story gives us insight into the dangers for those who first built roads through rough mountain terrain. From The Road The winter, which had started early this year, became warm in mid-December, the official start of winter itself. The crevices lost the pools of snow they had protected, and the earth released much of the water it had held and became soggy �284 How America Came to the Mountains and treacherous to men working the fills and tunnel. A few small flowers began to bloom near the office at Henry Station. Weatherby, on the second Friday in December, had hoped to awaken early. He wanted to go down to Henry Station with Cumberland and talk with an official from Raleigh who was coming in on the train, but he got delayed at the tunnel with one thing and another; then just as the two of them were ready to leave, word came from Babcock Station that the east fill on Long Bridge had started to creep. Weatherby told Cumberland to go ahead to Henry, that he would detour by way of Babcock and study that situation, and join him later. He had gone about a mile or a mile and a half into the woods when a mountain boy came running after him. "They had a wounded man happen," he called as he approached. "Up at the tunnels they blasted a man." "Not Moses?" "No. I don't know just who, but they want you." Weatherby found a dry rock and sat down. He put his elbows on his knees and leaned forward, frowning at the dripping, drooling earth. The mountain boy crouched nearby, staring at him quizzically. "You put your shirt on backwards this morning, didn't you, boy?" Weatherby said kindly. "It was dark when I come to wash and dress." He saw three men down on the mountain a ways, walking along with a mule. The boy said,"What do you aim to do?" "I don't know yet," Weatherby said. "I have several critical things to do all at the same time." He took out his pipe and filled it. "Was the man bad hurt?" "His back was busted." "Is the doctor there?" "No, sir, he's not found yet." "What do they think I can do for him?" The boy scrouged up his face. "Whenever anything happens, they allus send for you. The hurt man asked for you, too." "Well, I'm glad he did. Did the other men stop work?" �JOHNEHLE 285 "Yes, sir, while Esau mashed the holes at the heading." "What are those three men doing down there, do you know?" "That's them telegraph men aworking." "They were working near the Gap yesterday. They have wire all over this mountain, and for what effect?" "Yes, sir," the boy said. He crouched there, content to be near Weatherby, for he liked him and was honored to be with him. They sat there for a while, Weatherby smoking his pipe. "Well, see here, boy," he said. "We have one fill creeping, and one wounded man, and one Raleigh official, each at a different station. Tell you what, you go on back to the tunnel and tell Babcock to handle the situation there and to keep the men at work." "Yes, sir." Td better go see about this fill. We could lose Long Bridge." The boy left, and Weatherby went on down the trail. As he approached a spot high over Mud Cut, his foot slipped and he fell. He grabbed a laurel trunk, but his hand failed to hold onto it, and he fell into a ten-foot ravine. It wasn't a dangerous fall, but he knew even as he landed that he had injured himself. He lay there murmuring, exasperated with his poor fortune. He moved his right hand. It wasn't broken. He tried the other hand. That one was all right, too. He tried his right foot. He could move it. He tried his left foot. He couldn't move it at all. He propped himself up on his elbows and saw with relief that there was no blood on his pants or on the ground. He looked around for pieces of wood that he might make leg splints from, and pulled himself across the ground toward a clump of laurel. He felt around under the laurel bushes, but found nothing usable there. Of course, they would find him, he knew that. Those mountain boys were certain to find him. "Hey, you," he called suddenly. "Hey, up there," he called. Those three telegraph �286 How America Came to the Mountains men might still be about somewhere. He cupped his hands to his mouth and shouted at the top of his voice. HHey! Hey! Music man, come down here!11 He called many times, for well over an hour, before he began to admit to himself that nobody had sent out a search party to find him, that no one at the camp knew he was even lost. And they might not know for a day or so. He looked down at his broken leg. There was blood there now, staining the snow. He had matches in his pocket, but there were no dry twigs, so he was in for a cold night of it, he supposed, and he might as well do what he could to make the most of it. If he tried to walk, he would only rupture his leg all the more. He began dragging himself to the edge of the ledge. Sometimes the mountain held pleasant surprises, as well as unpleasant ones. He pulled himself along, letting the left leg dangle behind him. He came to the edge of the ravine and saw below him a further drop of perhaps ten feet to another rock ledge; below that was yet another drop of ten feet to a place where the mountain's shoulder rolled more gradually downward. He took hold of a laurel trunk and leaned over the edge of the ledge as far as he could. It appeared that there was a cave under there, or some indentation which would at least help protect him from the weather. There was no way to get down there, except that one birch sapling might bend far enough to lower him to it. The maneuver was risky, but he did need to find shelter. He took hold of the sapling and began to inch out onto it. The sapling bent evenly as he lent his weight to it. He moved out a hand at a time. He dropped, landing on his good leg and falling forward, cushioning the blow. He lay there, breathing deeply. He looked behind him and saw the cave. At once he crawled toward it, inching his way along, his hands almost frozen by the snow. He could see beyond the dark mouth of the cave a dry spot where he could lie. The cave went quite a �JOHNEHLE 287 way into the ground beyond its narrow opening, and there was no beast inside, not that he could see. Everything was hospitable. He pulled himself through the opening onto the dry floor and crept farther into the cave before he flopped on his belly and lay there listening to his heart and to his own breathing. The rock felt warm after the hours of lying on the wet ground. It was all right; he would be safe here until they found him. The gang foremen at Babcock Station hadn't waited for Weatherby. When they saw that the embankment was still creeping, they put all their gangs to work throwing up a rock wall to hold it, and sent an emergency message to each of the other two stations, asking for convicts to help out. The messages left the impression that Weatherby was requesting the men, so each camp sent a gang of men under guard. About 250 men in all were put to work. Everybody was worried about the Long Bridge, of course, and nobody had time to wonder where Weatherby was. During the day the telegraph men walked their line and that night they began testing their signal. To everyone's surprise at the Tunnel Station, especially the director of the Western North Carolina Telegraph Company, the signal worked very well. When the clerk tapped the key, there did come a response. He tapped the signal for Babcock Station and was answered immediately; he tapped the signal for Henry Station and was answered, though somewhat less clearly. "Send a message to Weatherby at Babcock," Babcock suggested. The message was tapped out slowly by the clerk, who was no better at telegraphy than he needed to be, and who was surrounded by talking spectators, all of them excited. In response came a few random noises, then the steady beat of the machine. The clerk followed it all as best he could. "Weatherby's not there," he said. "Ask them how Long Bridge is," one of the men said. The clerk began tapping out that question, but was interrupted by the clacking keys. The clerk wrote something out, �288 How America Came to the Mountains then studied over what he had written. "Says it's not creeping," he said. "I don't know what that means." ft l know what it means/1 Babcock said. "Ask him where Weatherbyis." The clerk prepared to do so, but others of the group were more concerned about the bridge and wanted more information about that, so the clerk tapped out questions they originated, and Babcock retreated from the stuffy room and stood in the yard, confident that at any moment Weatherby would appear. A guard came out of the office. "They say they're getting tired at the bridge." "Are they going to be able to hold it?" Babcock said. "They're going to build the wall through the night." The guard swaggered toward the flophouse. There was quiet in the camp, except for the sound of water falling on the mountain. A wolf howled, then another. The pack was roaming tonight. The hungry pack was no doubt following every track that promised food, every footprint, every drop of blood on the ground. Where was Weatherby? Babcock wondered. There was no need to worry about him, because he never needed concern from others; of all men, he was the most self-sufficient. Babcock didn't mean to worry about him, but he couldn't help wondering about not being able to locate him. Men began pouring out of the office building. "The damn contraption broke," they said. Babcock went inside and watched the clerk fiddling with the instrument. Plover was helpless and despondent. He had known a few minutes of high exultation while the telegraph worked; he knew correspondingly low dejection now that it did not. "It's only the warm weather that bothers it," he said. "It's unseasonable to be so warm in December." "You might check the line between here and Babcock. I'll walk part way with you," Babcock said. "I'll wait till morning." "Can you get Henry Station?" Babcock asked the clerk. �JOHNEHLE 289 'The line goes first to Babcock, so if that's out, there's no way to go down the mountain. Something's wrong between here and Babcock.1' "Maybe the wolves are eating it," Babcock said. "You work your tail off," Plover said, "and you keep having troubles along the way." Abruptly the telegraph line began to crackle, and Plover jumped up in glee. "Ay, God, it works, it works agin!" It was a message for Weatherby. The clerk replied that Weatherby was not at the Tunnel Station. A second message began. "Where is he?" That was all it said before the signal stopped and the line went dead again. Perhaps some misadventure had befallen Weatherby, but the very thought made Babcock feel inadequate. It was inconsiderate to think that Weatherby would need help at all. If Weatherby were ever to need help, Babcock thought, he would plan the occasion so carefully that the help would be on its way before he needed it. The idea struck him as being funny and he had to laugh, and when a guard asked him what was the matter, he said, "I was only thinking something might have happened to Weatherby," which he realized didn't explain his laughter at an well. He sat down at Cumberland's desk and began to fidget with the inkwell. A mountain boy came to the door with a cup of coffee. "Come and set," Babock said. The boy did so, and Babcock said, "In this soggy mush, you think it's too late to trail a man that went out of here this midmorning?" "Might be." "I think it might be, too." He could send out a search party, but it was a mark against a man to be lost, or to have others say he was lost. "Where's Mr. Weatherby at tonight?" the boy asked. "I don't know yet," Babcock said. He didn't want to take charge, that was it. He didn't want the responsibility falling on him. He wanted to do what he was told to do; that was all �290 How America Came to the Mountains he could confidently control, could manuever through. He was not a man of new actions, but a repeater of old ones. He was making a road, which was innovative, but he was not himself an innovator, and he just didn't know what to do. Cumberland got back to the Tunnel Station early next morning. He had been down at Henry, he said, waiting for Weatherby. When he found out that Weatherby wasn't at the Tunnel Station and had never reached Babcock, either, he immediately called in the mountain boys who stayed there, about fourteen of them, and told them Weatherby was missing. "Can you find him?" he asked. "We'll find him," one of them said simply. "We'll find him, if he's out there," one boy said. Weatherby had slept fitfully, his dreams filled with throbbing and troubled with the touch of a hand which kept moving over his injured leg. At one time in his delirium he had caught the hand and pushed it away, and for a time there had been nothing touching him at all. He lay on his belly on the floor, his body aching from the rock bed, and from the cold, and from the wound, and from his fears, which were more acute now than before, He had never before considered his own death, but he knew the mountain world well enough to know he was caught in one of its conspiracies. Just as a spiderweb traps an insect or a laurel slick traps a wanderer, there were nets and traps for the mountain man, too. In his mind was the thought, cyclically recurring, that the mountain knew he was there and had planned all this. He was himself a maker of plans, and he could recognize a plan made by another; he could identify facets of the plan that had fallen into place, and he supposed other facets would fall into place, that the plan was not fully revealed yet. He knew this was not one of the uncomplicated sort of plans that Babcock would make, or the privately oriented plan Moses would make, or the adventure-conscious plan Esau would make; this was an im- �JOHNEHLE 291 personal, intricate, complete plan, founded on a natural sense of balance and justice. It was more like a plan he would make. Lie still, he told himself, and save your strength. Lie still. If you struggle, youll only be the silly insect in the web. He saw the first sunlight filter into the cave. His teeth were chattering, and he suffered painful chills and streaks of fire in his body, but he lay still. All night he had heard the hollow tone of the wolf howls, which had become closer and closer until they were nearby, even at the cave's entrance. Why had the wolves not come into the cave? he wondered. Wolves knew the mountain, every cranny of it. What did they know about the cave that had kept them out of it? He concentrated on himself and asked if he should continue to lie on his belly or if he should try to turn onto his back or side. It was difficult through the pangs of pain to keep his mind on any one subject; an idea seemed to him to be slippery, like the hand he had grasped in the night. If he were to turn onto his back, he could see the entrance of the cave, and maybe, conceivably, there would be somebody pass that way. There was small likelihood of this, but it was a hope, anyway. He took hold of his injured leg and moved it. A fierce pain went through him. He moved it again, turned it ever so slightly, watching the leg, trying to see where it was broken and how best to hold it. He turned it again, until he was lying on his back. His eyes were tightly closed now, and he let the pain course through him until at last the pain was only a throb. He realized there were tears on his face. A man crying, he thought. "You have my leg, don't you, woman?" he said to the mountain. "You have my leg in your jaw." No, he thought, she has me, all of me in her open mouth, and she will eat me alive if she can. Since Mud Cut she had waited so quietly, he thought, ignoring the work on bridges, tunnels, cuts, embankments, camps; then with one single move she crippled it all. The light grew brighter. It was another clear day. He �292 How America Came to the Mountains looked up at the ceiling of the cave and saw the light as it vibrated and was shadowed by the moving branches near the opening. How strangely they move, he thought, not quite like shadows of branches at all. He glanced toward the cave opening and saw the snakes, moving as if in rhythm to a tune. They were crawling on the rock entryway, and it was their shadows he had seen. His gaze trailed along the ceiling and walls of the cave; here and there in the walls he saw other snakes, not moving now, merely lying asleep. They were the color of the rocks, and he could scarcely make them out. They were denned-in rattlers, lying in this cranny and that one, here and there, lying on the rocks all around, responding to the temperature changes around them. He wanted to cry out, but he didn't dare utter a sound. If he was in the mouth of the mountain, he thought, then the tongue of the mouth was awakening now. The sun was rising and more and more light and warmth would come into this place; the snakes would awaken, the membrane of the walls would awaken, the threads of the web would awaken. He lay there helpless and watched as the light increased, saw the membrane of the walls moving, first slowly as the light began filtering inside, then more actively. He felt no pain in his leg now. His mind was clear. Nothing complicated the one idea he had at this time, the snakes and the necessity of survival. Even if he could move quickly, the snakes would strike him many times before he could reach the narrow lips of the cave opening. Death would take him when the mountain decided, he thought grimly, when she was hungry for him. He couldn't even hope for mercy. There was no way to discuss anything with her or negotiate any compromise. What could he say to the walls of the mouth that would devour him? Mildred, he thought. Please God, keep her away from even knowing of this. Anna, the thought; what if she were to find me? She would crawl through that narrow opening to me, and �JOHNEHLE 293 only then, looking back at the sunlight, would she see the snakes on the walls. Too late. Too late. He saw her coming. "No," he told her. "Go away. Go away. Anna, go away." Suddenly she was gone, and he realized she hadn't been there at all. He saw a hand on the rock just outside the opening. "Mildred," he said, rising to his elbows, aware that the snakes were moving more vigorously, now that he was talking. "Go away, Mildred." The hand on the stone was not a hand at aU. He lay back, gasping. He saw Mildred in the stone ceiling of the cave, coming toward him, walking in a white dress down a dark road. The mountain boys didn't work as a team. It was simply that now and then one or two of them would go out with a dog. They walked into the woods, and the woods seemed to absorb them. Soon after they had left the Tunnel Station, Cumberland would lose sight of them, then would notice a movement near a rock and realize a boy was there, standing, looking, listening, sensing. The boy would go on a ways, always appearing to be unconcerned, unhurried. He was asking more than he was saying; he was wondering more than he was deciding; he was waiting to be accepted into the natural way of things. When he was part of the way things were, the mountain would perhaps reveal to him the secrets it held. Even though the mountain boys didn't go out together, by mid-afternoon five of them were crouching silently before the opening of the same cave. Their dogs were quiet, too. There was no sound, for the boys didn't talk to each other. They watched the entrance of the cave and listened to the man inside, who was talking. They didn't listen to what he said particularly. He was talking sometimes to his wife, at other times to other people. He was talking only in his delirium, they realized. The boys didn't call for help. There was no need here for �294 How America Came to the Mountains more people. Better for the guards and convicts, and others of unfeeling natures, to stay away now. Such men had their methods, which were to blast and dig. Those ways wouldn't do here. This wasn't a challenge of power, nor of mind, but of temperament. It required that one first know the feeling of what he was dealing with. The boys could see the snakes. There was no way into the cave except to crawl by them. The opening of the cave was less than four feet high and four feet wide. The cave itself widened into a room, but not a large room, and even that was lined with snakes. A sixth mountain boy arrived and, without a word, crouched nearby and waited. The man inside the cave began to call. They could make out what he said. "Help," he said, over and over. Probably he didn't know they were there. It was as well he didn't know for he might do something suddenly, might try to force the trap, which would only make it close on him all the more. One boy—his name was Dozen, for he had been the twelfth child in his family—crept closer to the opening of the cave. He began to sway, so that his shadow moved against the floor and walls of the cave. Later he began to hum to himself. He was humming a hymn, as if to keep himself company. The man inside the cave grew quiet. Maybe he saw the shadow or heard the hymn; maybe it simply penetrated his confusion and he was trying to determine what it was. Dozen, swaying, humming, moved close to the mouth of the cave. Another boy crept close, too, and quietly, ever so quietly, began to sway and to hum the same tune. The music was soft and very slow. A third boy began to whistle the tune, then the other began humming or whistling. Sometimes a boy would stop for a while, then he would start again. Nobody gave directions; they did as they felt like doing, all of them watching the mouth of the cave. Not a sound inside the cave. Crouching, Dozen moved to the very mouth of the cave. �JOHN EHLE 295 He swayed slowly and hummed more loudly, and as if in reply the snakes began to move, those near the cave entrance first, then the snakes farther back, swaying gently as they clung to the walls and ceiling of the cave, until all the snakes were moving, the walls were swaying to the movement of the boy. Dozen crawled into the mouth of the cave, humming, the boys behind him swaying and humming and whistling gently, watching the mouth of the cave. Somebody far off in the woods shouted, but the boys didn't answer and not even one dog moved, as Dozen moved farther into the cave, humming. Dozen touched Weatherby's foot. He moved forward until he was lying beside him. He waited until Weatherby saw him. Weatherby started to speak, but Dozen shook his head slightly, ever so slightly. Weatherby was trembling all over and his teeth were chattering, and Dozen motioned toward the entrance to the cave. He took Weatherby's hand and arm and began to turn him in the cave. His body contracted in pain, so Dozen waited until he saw the blood on the floor, then moved first the injured leg, then moved Weatherby around so that his head was closer to the entrance of the cave. Dozen was on all fours now and was close to the top of the cave; the snakes were moving back and forth, brushing against him. He dragged Weatherby toward the entrance of the cave. He could see the mountain boys outside crouching, swaying, humming, and from far off he heard the bothersome noise of a man shouting. That could be the disaster to all this. More quickly he pulled the body toward the entrance of the cave, where the snakes were swaying across the entry way. He reached the entry way and crept through, leaving the body just inside; he crept free of the cave and fell forward on his face on the ground and lay there, breathing deeply, gasping. Another boy reached past the snakes, grasped Weatherby's hand, and began to pull his shoulders through the hole in the rock. When Weatherby's head was outside the cave, his delirious eyes stared blankly at them. There was no sudden movement even yet, no abrupt sound, except of the stranger shouting as he came toward them through the woods, �296 How America Came to the Mountains too close, too close. Hush, they thought; what sort of fool was it that shouted in the woods? Weatherby's waist was through, the snakes weaved over his body. Slowly the boys pulled his legs through; they pulled him out onto the rock and two other mountain boys crept close to the entryway of the cave and hummed the tune, swaying more and more slowly, growing quieter, until finally the snakes stopped weaving on the walls and were still. Dozen rose from the ground. "His leg is broke, is it?" he said. "Splint two rifles," a boy said. "That man that's shouting, go tell him to shut his damn mouth," Dozen said. A boy left to find the man. Weatherby dazedly looked up at them. "Is he going to be crazy?" a boy asked. "Likely to be," Dozen said. "You shouldn't a gone in there, Dozen." Dozen grinned. It was so, he knew. "He don't appear to see us," a boy said. "When he comes to, he'll be as mean as old man Bentz was when he spent the night with snakes. He never got over it." "Maybe, maybe," Dozen said. The man who had been shouting was the guard Blackie, and he came to where they were and began to give them instructions. He said to make a litter. They said nothing to him, but they finished the splinting of the leg, then one of the boys picked Weatherby up by his sound leg and one of his arms and draped him over his own shoulders. He moved past Blackie and walked up the sloshy path past where the dogs were. "I said make a litter," Blackie said. The boys went on up the path, ignoring him. The sun set beyond the mountain. The slope where the cave was shadowed early. There was no movement inside now, except that a snake crawled to the warm place on the rock where the man had been and coiled there. The wolves began to howl. Their lonely sound came into �JOHNEHLE 297 the cave; the echo filled the cave as they came closer to the place. One wolf moved to the mouth of the cave. There was a growl, then a yapping fierce challenge from the doorway, and a snake struck. The wolf backed away, showing his teeth, snarling. The wolf turned and went back up the path by which he had come and disappeared quickly and silently. He had seen that the man was gone. The Road 1. Why did it take so long for the road crew to discover that Weatherby was missing? 2. In fiction you learn about characters through the author's description. You can also understand characters through what they do and what others say about them. Using any of the above methods, find out what you can about Weatherby. 3. Explain the mountain boys' decision not to get help with the dangerous situation. 4. Personification is the attribution of human characteristics to inanimate objects. Find an example of personification of the mountain in this story. �298 How America Came to the Mountains MYLES MORTON (1905- ) The following interview appeared in Sojourners, April, 1986. Many years ago Horton recognized that nothing will change in Appalachia "until we change—until we throw off dependence and act for ourselves." With Appalachian roots that go as far back as the Watauga Settlement, Horton grew up aware of the contradiction of Appalachia's richness and its poverty. This awareness led him to see the need for empowering the powerless in Appalachia. Consequently, in 1932 in the mountains west of Chattanooga, Horton founded the Highlander Folk School on the principle that poor, working-class adults could learn to change their lives. In the years since then, his primary aim at Highlander was to teach people how to think and how to analyze. Such teaching, begun in the days before unions were commonplace, produced early union leaders. In the 1950s Horton turned the emphasis of his workshops to civil rights. Because of Highlander's devotion to change, a governor of Georgia called it a "cancerous growth spreading throughout the entire South." The state of Tennessee closed it down, confiscated its property, and sold it at auction. The Ku Klux Klan beat up its staff and burned the buildings. Highlander is still controversial to some. Nevertheless, Highlander, now located near Knoxville, Tennessee, has survived to celebrate its 50th anniversary and �MYLES MORTON 299 still follows Morton's philosophy: "We believe in people keeping a lot of their old customs and adding new ones." Building Democracy in the Mountains SOJOURNERS: In 1932 you started what was then called the Highlander Folk School What was the dream for it? MYLES MORTON: We were interested in building a democratic society and were going to use education as one of the means to changing society. We were openly out to change society and have what we called a second American revolution that would be an economic democracy as well as a political democracy. The purpose of Highlander has always been the same: to try to contribute toward a genuine democratic society through radical social, economic, political, and cultural change in this country. One of the things that we felt was very important was to have a new type of labor movement, because at that time the American labor movement was at a very low ebb. We advocated that there should be a democratic, industrial-type union, and we hoped to get people in the mountains interested in unions and cooperatives and things of that kind as one of the means of building a democratic society. So that was a specific statement of purpose that more or less outlined the program of the school. What do you mean when you talk about education? I'm not sure it's what people usually associate with that word. Several years ago I was speaking at an alternative school conference. One of the people explained that Highlander was not a school in the sense of a college or any other kind of school because we didn't have classes, we didn't have credits, we didn't have this, that, and the other thing, and that we built on people's experiences instead of teaching them things they �300 How America Came to the Mountains needed to know. And that's true. Highlander is not a school. But it is educational in the traditional meaning of the word "educate," which is to draw out instead of to pour in. We think people become educated by analyzing their experience and learning from other people's experience, rather than saying there's a certain body of knowledge that we need to give them. The philosophy of Highlander fits in well with the notion of a gospel that is good news to the poor and gives liberty to the captives. You're absolutely right. We decided not to try to deal with all of society. We tried to carve out a segment of society to deal with that we thought was the most important—the poor, the working people, and the minorities. If you say religion is to be judged by the way it treats the poor, then Highlander would qualify as religious. But we do that primarily out of an analysis of society. We want to bring about a fundamental change in society, and we think it has to come from the bottom up—it can't come from the top down. Anything that's given to people can be taken away. So we try to help people struggle to gain their own freedom. One of the things that people always say about Highlander is that back in the '30s, '40s, '50s and even into the '60s, it was one of the few places in the South where black and white people could get together as equals and get to know each other in a new way. Well, there was a Catholic school down in Mobile, Alabama, that quietly, off the record so to speak, had some black and white people. They tried to keep it kind of quiet, for good reasons. They would have been run out of town if they hadn't. Then there were other places where people would quietly get together. But Highlander was the place where people knew you could openly have social equality, and they knew it because Highlander brought down the wrath of the opposition. And since we were the only place that was attacked at that time for �MYLES MORTON 301 doing it, we were practically the only place that was known. That opened up the opportunity for us to work with black people and was well worth all the harassment and trouble. Now all this was taking place before the civil rights movement. It wasn't framed as a civil rights issue because we put it all together on the basis of having a strong union, a democratic union, a union that could stand up and fight the bosses and get some benefits. And we said, "It doesn't matter whether you like it or not. You've got to take the women in. You've got to get old and young together. You've got to get everybody working together in a democratic set-up, or you won't have any strength." That was the angle we used. So the groundwork was laid, and although we weren't dealing with civil rights on a daily basis, a lot of black people and white people whom we worked with later became leaders of the civil rights movement. How did what started as an economic struggle during the Depression evolve into a civil rights movement? We finally came to the conclusion that we couldn't go any further in terms of economic, political, or cultural changes until we dealt head-on with this business of racism. We'd get so far, and then racism would be used against us. So in the early 1950s, around 1952 or '53—before the Supreme Court decision on Brown vs. Board of Education—we decided that we were going to have to consciously concentrate on dealing with the public aspects of segregation. That's when we came to the policy of saying to black people: "OK, we'll work with you. You decide what to do, and we'll be supportive. We think that's the most important single thing we can do now, because we can't move on peace, we can't move on economic issues, we can't move on social life or anything else, until we crack that." Then we started trying to pull together people who would talk about racism, both white and black, and the basis for this was our old trade union people. You see, to the labor people we added black people who, for economic reasons, were freed of influence from whites— �302 How America Came to the Mountains preachers from black churches, beauticians, morticians, and other business people who only worked with other black people. A few people in education were involved, along with private people, black and white, who were more independent. But the basis for this was the labor people. I understand that one of the first things to come from that work was the citizenship schools. How did that come about? I guess that's what you'd call one of the Highlander success stories. Our policy has always been not to go out and do anything anywhere unless we have students who start something and then ask us to come and help. The citizenship school program is a typical example of that. A fellow named Esau Jenkins had come to a workshop at Highlander, and he was trying to get people registered to vote in Johns Island, South Carolina, when he asked if we could help. After doing some real analyzing and thinking about the situation, we came up with a very simple idea that the black people there called the citizenship school. It was what most people would caU a literacy school. The law required blacks to read a part of the U.S. Constitution before they could register, and so it ruled out illiterates. If you had a certain amount of property or wealth, and you were white, you didn't have to be able to read to vote. But if you were black, you did. So our program was really a way to help people get to be citizens. That's why they called it citizenship school. Out of that program grew a lot of leadership for the civil rights movement. Some people credit the citizenship school program for being one of the bases of the civil rights movement. It was simply black people teaching black people in a system of adult education based on what's called popular education now, especially in Latin America. It was based on the fact that if you know just a little bit more than the people you're teaching, you are closer to them and you can help them. You don't need to have expertise to do it, but you have to respect the people you're dealing with. �MYLES MORTON 303 That program spread, and later on Martin Luther King, Jr. asked me if I would work out an educational program for SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference), which didn't have an educational program. After spending a month or so thinking about it and visiting some of their programs, I came to the conclusion that the citizenship school program was ideal for them. They accepted the program, and that became the official program of SCLC. It became a big program, but it started out in the back of a little co-op which we'd helped set up. Was it during the period of involvement with the civil rights movement that Highlander really faced enormous persecution? If you're not facing some kind of resistance from the people in power, then you must be a traitor to your cause. So you can be sure that if you're accepted by people who are struggling, then you're going to be harassed by people who want to keep the status quo. So in a way it's a measure of your involvement. What form did that harassment take for you? Well, I've had ribs broken and my skull fractured. I've still got a crack in it. I had teeth knocked out, collarbone broken, arms slashed, but all of it short of death. Now, I had to go to jail like everybody else, but that was no problem—you got a little rest. So on a personal level you had to take punishment. One thing a lot of white people don't understand is that we have a certain advantage in the fact that we are white. They'd beat me senseless. But they'd kill a black person. They didn't quite dare kill me. That would have been embarrassing. In fact there were instructions in writing by the FBI to the officers in Mississippi when I was there not to kill me. There weren't any such instructions not to kill black people. As far as Highlander itself was concerned, they tried every way in the world to harass us. They tried to have vigilantes come and run us off and try to burn the place, but our neighbors protected us. Then they had a state investigation to try to �304 How America Came to the Mountains put us out of business, and that didn't work. Senator James Eastland's Internal Security Subcommittee came, but that didn't work. Finally they raided the school and set up a case over a two-year period during which they bribed local people to testify; but even after all that, most of them got mixed up and said the wrong things. They finally found a technical way of getting us by charging us with selling liquor without a license for having a cooler of beer with a collection cup beside it. The one thing we pleaded guilty to was the one thing they were concerned about—running an integrated place. We very proudly said we'd been doing that for years and were going to continue to do it. And it was that issue that got us in trouble. And you were raising a family during the worst of those times? Yeah, I was raising two kids. My wife died when my kids were 10 and 12. All their childhood lives, they lived in this period of harassment during which I had to send them to a neighbor's house when we'd be attacked. And they used to hear all this hate stuff on television and radio and from preachers and read about it in the paper. So they grew up knowing all about that, and they'd just kind of bear with it. My daughter was going to a local school, and the teacher would say, "Comrade Charis, will you read?" And then the teachers would say, "Well, you better get back out there with those little nigger kids you live with." So the kids didn't have an easy time, but it was more than made up for by their growing up knowing wonderful people. They knew Rosa Parks just like family. That's important because, as you said, when you take certain stands about how you're going to live your life, you can expect the things you experienced at Highlander. People may not fear that for themselves, but they fear that for their families. I was asked at one of the state investigations of Highlander if I felt like I had some obligations to live a more normal life and �MYLES MORTON 305 assume my responsibility as a parent for my children. I was also asked what kind of heritage did I think I was leaving them. I said I thought I was leaving them the best heritage that I could. I thought it was important to leave them a heritage that they wouldn't be ashamed of. I thought that was much more important than playing Little League baseball with them or doing some of the things that the investigators thought were part of a parent's duty. So I don't feel that you neglect your kids when you do something that they can be proud of. I'm happier now that my kids are not ashamed of Highlander, not ashamed of me, and not sorry about their own lives, than I would be if I'd left them conventional sorts of memories and money and things of that sort. And they're better off. One thing that is pretty unique about Highlander over the whole span of the last 54 years is the role of culture, especially music, in the education and agitation work that's been done here. Even before Highlander started, I was making notes on some ideas that I'd like to see incorporated into it. One of them was the use of culture, music, and drama as a way of saying things that you can't say otherwise. You can say things in music and in dance and drama and poetry that are not exactly the rational step-by-step sort of things. I always conceived of that being important. "We Shall Overcome" was just one of the many songs that were brought to Highlander. It came from Charleston, South Carolina, where the American Tobacco workers were on strike. Like a lot of people, they made up songs based on their hymns. And they brought to Highlander a pretty rough-hewn song they'd made up. With my wife Zilphia's encouragement, that song grew. It had something to it that people just kept singing it. When Martin Luther King, Jr. heard it, he said, "This has got to be the hymn of the civil rights movement." Zilphia collected such songs and put out music books that spread all over the South and were used during the civil rights movement and the �306 How America Came to the Mountains labor period. There's a story that one of the verses for "We Shall Overcome " came into being much later at Highlander. There was a black Baptist church youth choir from Montgomery, Alabama, and Septima Clark, a black woman on our staff, had made arrangements for them to come up. While they were eating and looking at a film, there was a raid. People came in with guns and demanded that they put on the lights. But nobody would put on the lights. The people had flashlights and showed their guns and kept demanding that they turn the movie off and put on the lights. No one knew whether they were vigilantes or the law. It turned out that they were deputies and people who'd been deputized for this raid. Soon the kids started singing "We Shall Overcome," and they added that verse "We are not afraid." And Septima said it just infuriated those people, the whites, to have these black kids sing, "We are not afraid." I have only one musical credit in the world. I can't play or sing, but as we were making up verses for songs, like we always do, I had a feeling that there was a lot of uncritical thinking going on about some of the hard issues of civil rights. I was trying to think up a verse that would say that we have to keep searching for the truth and not just assume that we have it. So I finally said, "I haven't been able to figure out any line that fits this idea, but maybe somebody else can help. It's the search for truth that will make us free, not the struggle." So they immediately started singing, "The truth will make us free," and I said, "No, no, that's not what I mean," but it was too late. From that night on, "the truth will make us free" has been a part of that song. And that's the only contribution from my musical career. You said there was a shift at Highlander from working primarily on labor issues to working more on racial and civil rights issues. But then here was another shift when the Highlander Center again became very much identified with Appalachia. �MYLES MORTON 307 Well, first of all, we started out working in Appalachia, and worked here for the first four or five years, and that established the idea that we were Appalachia-based. And then in the '60s, after working on racism and civil rights issues, we switched and started back to working on Appalachia, as part of the Poor People's Campaign. One of the reasons we concentrated on Appalachia was we thought there was a possibility of building that alliance among all the groups of poor people. If we were going to be part of that coalition, we would do it as part of Appalachia. About four years ago, we decided we'd gone as far as we should go in working on Appalachia, and we announced that we would open up the workshops to folks in the Deep South again. In the South we're working on some basic civil rights issues through cultural programs, voter registration, and our work with the Federation of Southern Co-ops in Alabama. Here in Appalachia, the women's movement is important right now. Women are beginning to make demands and make some headway, and women miners are getting organized. A lot of that work is connected with people at Highlander. You said that at Highlander fundamental social change is the objective and that at different times Highlander may work on toxic wastes or union rights or civil rights. How does your work on the specific issues, some of which you may win and others you may lose, relate to the larger objective? I think there are two things involved. One is that what results in a revolution is a culmination of a lot of things that have their fruition at a certain time. But the revolution is being built all along. What you do is build little cells of decency, little cells of democracy, little experiences of people making decisions for themselves, little philosophical discussions about civil rights and human rights. All of those get built into what's going to �308 How America Came to the Mountains happen later on. So you're really building for the revolution when you do something to develop local leadership. You get some satisfaction out of seeing steps as you go along, even though you don't get all the way. Then, if you're around long enough, you see things like the industrial union movement, the civil rights movement, the antiwar movement, and other movements that seem to get something done. So you know people can do things. A lot of people today have never seen anything succeed. I've seen things succeed. I know people can do things. I've seen the complete labor movement restructured; I've seen the civil rights movement. I know people can make changes. They're not making them now, but they're building things. The time is not being wasted. But it's not being fully occupied either. The purpose of Highlander is not to solve problems but to use problems and crises as the basis for educating people about a democratic society. To make them want more, and make them understand they can do more. I think you need to challenge people. I think you stretch them as far as you can. I think you have expectations that you share with them and you give them help. I feel very strongly that people have the capacity to go further. You've got to deal with people's self-interest, some say. Well, I agree with that, but their interests are much broader than most people think. Their personal interest includes a willingness to struggle, a love for their country, a love for humanity. Those are personal interests too. It isn't just feeding your belly and getting some clothes on and getting a little security. Those are personal interests, they're valid and they're important. But these other things are personal interests too. And you can challenge people, you can build with people on those things. And if you don't, it seems to me you're minimizing the humanity of people. �MYLES MORTON 309 Building Democracy in the Mountains 1. What are the fundamental goals of Highlander Folk School? 2. How does Horton believe that people learn? 3. What were the citizenship schools, and how did they demonstrate Horton's philosophy? �310 COMPOSITION TOPICS 1. In your library read about the Tennessee Valley Authority or the atomic bomb and decide what aspects of it will make a good report. After you have narrowed your topic, write a paper using at least three resources on your topic. 2. The pieces in the chapter you have read show America coming to the mountains. Is this progress? Write an essay defending your opinion. ACTIVITIES It is likely that your parents and grandparents have experienced empowering changes in their lives. Interview these family members to find out about such changes, write about these changes in narrative form, and include them in your book. Ask about the time the parent or grandparent first got electricity in his house. Be sure to ask how he felt about it. Ask about changing from farming to working in a factory or a store. Be sure to include feelings about the change. Find out about the first woman in your family who worked outside the home. Include family reactions and the woman's reaction to her work. Ask about the first automobile in the family. If possible, include an illustration of it. Find out about the first labor-saving devices: washing machine, sewing machine, vacuum cleaner, power lawn mower, tractor, refrigerator, etc. �311 Contrast your school with your grandparents' and parents' schools. �This page intentionally left blank �313 CHAPTER 5 Moving Mountains: The Struggle of the Coal Industry Many people, both inside and outside the Appalachian region, have a negative view of the coal industry. This is easy to understand. In the early days of the industry, no attempts to protect miners existed. No one had ever heard of environmental protection. Consequently, the only news from the coal industry was the bad news of explosions and cave-ins that killed many men. Photographs of abandoned stripmines that scarred the land and polluted the streams accompanied the news. People soon noticed also that despite this abundant natural resource and its profitability, the region and its people remained dismally poor. The standard of living in the coal-producing sections of Appalachia was among the lowest in the nation. The highways, schools, and health care facilities were substandard. All the money from coal was going somewhere else. But finally as Myles Horton, a writer in Part n, had hoped, the power of the people—and truth and fairness—brought change. �314 Edwin Hoffman's article in this chapter details some of the long struggle that led to changes in the laws. Labor unions, political activists, some lawmakers and community leaders in coal mining areas worked together toward a common goal. Stringent health and safety regulations now exist for mine operation, and the government spends a large sum of money to help enforce these laws. After 1977 the federal government has required that coal operators restore mined land to its original contour. This means that the used land has to be reclaimed and made productive. The coal industry has become more responsible in recent years, but it is still struggling. Its efforts to improve working conditions and reduce accidents and illness among miners have achieved respectable success. Nevertheless coal mining is still one of the most dangerous occupations in the United States. Competition from foreign coal has hurt the industry and caused loss of sales and jobs. Some small coal companies have responded to this economic difficulty by avoiding their obligations to workers, the land, and the community. All in all, the coal industry has made tremendous strides in the past twenty years. Many of the larger companies are now spending much money to educate the public about the industry's efforts to improve itself. Coal Appreciation Week, children's poster contests on safety, a public schools program featuring coal company engineers and tours of active and reclaimed mines are new to the coal fields. They are designed to show the industry's contribution to life in the region. �DON WEST 315 DON WEST (1907- ) A mountaineer and native of Georgia, Don West has been a minister, teacher, labor organizer, and poet. His first book of poems, Clods of Southern Earth, has sold more copies than any other book of poetry in America except for Walt Whitman's Leaves of Grass. In 1964, West founded the Appalachian Southern Folklore Center in Pipestem, West Virginia, which helps local people understand their cultural heritage. His poem "Harlan Portraits" says beauty is a stranger in the coal camps. Harlan Portraits I've seen the beauty in Harlan, In the trailing arbutus, The dogfennel and pennyroyal In the fence corners, The forest dressed In a foliage of Rattleweed and ditney. I've seen beauty when Gray winter strokes his beard �316 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry With boy-white fingers, And trees are skeletons Of summer's glory... But beauty Never visits the coal diggers. They live in the coal camps— Dirty shanties, Stinking privies, Grunting pigs, And slop buckets... Gaunt-eyed women With dull hopeless faces Cook soggy wheat biscuits. Tall gaunt men Eat soggy bread And fat meat, Gulp down black coffee, Work all day— Digging, digging, Everlastingly digging. Grime and dirt And digging In their dreams they dig And smell unpleasant Odors. For beauty Is a stranger To the coal camps... �DON WEST 317 Harlan Portraits 1. A metaphor is a direct comparison between two unlike things. Find the metaphors in the first stanza of the poem. 2. Why is beauty a stranger to the coal camps? Is it possible for any place to be completely devoid of beauty as the poet suggests? �318 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry Nine Pound Hammer This is a Kentucky coal-mining song long associated with Merle Travis. The Monroe Brothers version is used as an "answer-back," with the tenor echoing each line and singing along on the last. It's a long way to Harlan and a long way to Hazard Just to get a little booze, just to get a little booze. Oh, the nine pound hammer killed John Henry Ain't gonna kill me, ain't gonna kill me. There ain't one hammer down in this tunnel That can ring like mine, that can ring like mine. Rings like silver, shines like gold Rings like silver, shines like gold. Buddy when I'm gone, won't you make my tombstone Out of number nine coal, out of number nine coal. I'm going on the mountain, just to see my baby And I ain't coming back, no I ain't coming back. �319 Moving Mountains: Straggle of the Coal Industry Nine Pound Hammer 1. Find evidence in the song of the speaker's attitude toward his work. What does the reference to size suggest? 2. This song contains an allusion to a popular ballad you have previously read. Locate the allusion and explain it. �320 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry HARRY M.CAUDILL (1922- ) Except for time spent in the military service and at the University of Kentucky where he earned his law degree, Harry M. Caudill has lived his entire life in Whitesburg, Kentucky. Although he has published several books and articles, his first book, Night Comes to the Cumberlands: A Biography of a Depressed Area, has received the most attention. Published in 1963, this description of his native region helped establish legislation which has poured millions of dollars into the Appalachian "poverty pockets" Caudill described. This short story "The Mountain, the Miner and the Lord" from a book by the same name introduces us to Sam Hawkins, a black miner working to give his daughter the education he never had. The Mountain, the Miner and the Lord Sam Hawkins was enormous and coal black, with immense chest and shoulders and broad, work-thickened hands. When he told me this story he was about seventy-five, and time and arthritis had slowed him to an uncertain shuffle. But his eyes were still wonderfully alert, and in their dark depths there glowed immeasurable woe and much wisdom. It was late November in the bleak depression year of 1932 �HARRY CAUDILL 321 in the coal town of Fleming, Kentucky. The leaves had long since fallen from the few scrub beeches and oaks on the dark hills, and now gray, gloomy clouds hung near their rocky crests. Cold rain beat relentlessly against the tarpaper roofs and weatherboarded walls of scores of identical houses, and a pall of smoke, grime, and grit from the chimneys blanketed the narrow streets and sidewalks. Elsewhere a few well-to-do people had begun to think of Christmas, but in Fleming—and in countless other Appalachian mining communities—people only thought of survival. The industrial crisis that had closed mills and factories had brought most mines to a complete shutdown and the others to a two- or three-day work week. Tens of thousands of miners were without jobs. Currency had disappeared as if recalled to the mints, and company scrip—redeemable only at company commissaries—was the medium of exchange. All the banks in the county (and most of those in adjoining counties as well) had folded, taking with them the savings of miners, merchants, and coal operators. The fear that lay in the valleys was more suffocating than the smoke-laden fog. Sam Hawkins was forty-eight and had one child, Margaret. The girl was nineteen, big-boned and strapping like her father. Sam's wife had died in July after an appendectomy. The doctors in the shabby, hopelessly overcrowded little company hospital had done all they could for her, but in those days before antibiotics there was little chance to save her. Sam was with her at the end and, numb with grief and loss, he had ridden with her body in a company hearse driven by a company undertaker to a company graveyard. Sadie's last words to Sam had been desperate: "Sam, honey, Margaret won't ever git to go to college! She'll be pore and helpless as we is!" But Sam had not despaired. In the face of incredible odds he had sent his "little girl" off to Kentucky State College for Negroes at Frankfort when the fall term began in September. When she kissed him good-bye and climbed aboard a train, she carried all her possessions in a cardboard box. Wrapped in a �322 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry handkerchief in her cheap little purse were fifteen one-dollar bills which Sam had gotten from an accommodating white politician in the county seat. For them Sam had exchanged fifteen dollars in scrip and three days of farm labor. When Sam and Sadie had come up from Selma, Alabama, to the booming Kentucky coalfield they expected to find a little happiness for themselves. In the coal towns blacks were "damn niggers," and occasional lynchings kept black coal diggers cowed and quiescent. But life was far better, even so, than any they had known in Alabama. As long as the boom lasted they ate well and had enough clothes, and the company house was warm, dry, and neatly painted. Their daughter was a delight to both of them and they had vowed to educate her. She would go to college and would some day teach school. She would know how to do things they had never dreamed of for themselves—she would read and write. They nurtured a dream to "make somebody" out of their daughter, to see her and their grandchildren slip beyond the cruel oppression of poverty, insecurity, and endless toil. Some things were encouraging in this respect. When the coal corporations constructed new towns in Letcher County they had built houses, stores, streets, hospitals, water systems, and schoolhouses—for white children. Several years passed before classrooms were opened for black children, and then only grade schools were provided, but it was a beginning. In that time and place a high school education was a luxury many communities could not afford to provide. In the struggle to build secondary schools the black children and their parents were forgotten and a stern state law prevented integrated classrooms. As Margaret made her way up through Fleming Colored Graded School her parents watched her progress with a pleasure that was tempered by a growing anxiety. Unless a high school could be built soon, their daughter's education would terminate abruptly in her fourteenth year. Sam commenced working on this problem and, as he phrased it, "The Lord blessed me, he shorely did!" One summer day Sam rode a train fifteen miles down the �HARRY CAUDILL 323 river to Whitesburg, the shabby little county seat, and, hat in hand, he entered the office of the county attorney. He believed the official's condescension covered a kindly heart and told him his worries. He asked the lawyer to draft a petition to the fiscal court and board of education. The instrument, as pecked out by the attorney on an ancient Underwood, "humbly and respectfully" requested the building of a high school for "colored students" who had "completed the course of studies required for an eighth grade diploma." Sam left the crumbling brick courthouse apprehensive at the thought of the immense task he had undertaken. In the next few weeks he collected the signatures of Negroes—or more generally their marks, for few could write. Then, when virtually all blacks in Fleming and other nearby towns had marked the paper, he submitted it to white miners, housewives, merchants, and company officials. Most signed, with sly winks and nods to their fellows, though not a few refused because they did not believe in "educating niggers." Some said bluntly that taxes for white schools were burdensome enough without the extra expense of "nigger schools." But the list of scrawls and X's grew steadily longer. One day Sam and a black preacher enlisted the aid of another white official, a one-armed former coal miner, and laid their tattered document before the eight tobacco-chewing justices of the peace who made up the fiscal court. Two members insulted them for their pains, but others were more sympathetic. A year and a half later, the county board of education, the fiscal court, and the school officials for the independent district in the town of Jenkins reached an agreement: a high school would be built in Jenkins and administered as a part of the town's system, but the county would contribute annually to its support. Black children from both school districts would attend it. When the news came, Sam and Sadie felt a glow of pleasure greater than either would ever know again. Sam believed the Lord had done it and said so to all who mentioned his achievement. But before the first stone was laid in the building's foun- �324 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry dation Margaret had brought home her grade school diploma. She would have to repeat her last year's work while the carpenters built her high school and administrators struggled to find, somewhere, a black faculty. It was a foregone conclusion that whites would not teach in such an institution. Fifteen hundred blacks celebrated the opening of their new citadel of learning with a barbecue and home-brewed beer. The preachers prayed long and fervent prayers of thanksgiving. Sam was lauded as the man "who had a vision,11 and the white school men patted him on his back and congratulated him. That was on a spring day in 1928 when the world was rosy. Margaret got her high school diploma four years later after the sky had fallen, when most men's hopes were as cold as the slate that towered in vast heaps above the coal camps. She read the ornately inscribed certificate to her beaming mother exactly one month before the white undertaker screwed down the pine coffinlid above Sadie's face. Now as he trudged along the rain-drenched street in the last light of the dying day Sam sagged beneath a new burden. As he turned and mounted the three wooden steps to his door he carried the only food he possessed: a wedge of cheese and a five-cent box of soda crackers. The fire in the grate had dimmed to a mere handful of glowing coals that responded slowly when he knocked out the ashes and added lumps of fresh fuel. He drew a letter from his pocket and stared at the lines that ran boldly across the white sheet. Sam could not tell one letter from another, but Amos Bryant, the postmaster, had read the brief note to him, and the disconsolate man still remembered every word. There was no escaping them nor what they portended for his child and for his own worth as a man: Dear Papa, I miss you and Mama more than I can ever say. Both of you were always so good to me. My school work is very good and my grades are fine. I really like school a lot. �HARRY CAUDILL 325 It looks like I will have to quit school, though, in a few days. My money is all gone and the little work I get is just enough to buy food. Unless you can manage to send me ten dollars I will have to come back home. It will break my heart but I know it will hurt you far more. Maybe that would be best after all, though, because then I could be of some comfort to you in these sad times. Your loving daughter, Margaret Sam's only money lay on the mantlepiece—fifteen cents in the brass scrip of Elk Horn Coal. It was Thursday night and no work for his section of the mine was posted on the board by the payroll window before Monday. A miner was paid on a piece-work basis—thirty-one cents per ton for drilling, blasting, and loading the coal into cars. The company hired a man to undercut the coal at the face, and the miner did the rest. The miner provided his own tools and smithing and the carbide for his lamp. He had to pay the company for the explosives he used. If he was lucky he would net two dollars in eight to ten hours—two dollars in scrip. And if he didn't like the terms he could bring out his tools and starve. Since there was no alternative, the men hung on to the awful jobs, and miners and company together had settled down into abject ruin. Ten dollars was a fortune wholly beyond Sam's reach. He could not borrow, because there was no one with money to lend, and if someone possessed a bit of cash, would he be so improvident as to lend it to a penniless black coal miner? Sam groaned in despair. The droning rain sluiced against the windows and wooden walls. The wind whirled soot down the chimney and howled about the eaves. Suddenly a new sound emerged from the turbulent night as heavy feet walked across the porch. Knuckles rapped against the door and when Sam, glad to have any visitor, yelled, "Come in," the door swung back to admit a blueuniformed company policeman. The spectacle of the officer, his raincoat dripping puddles on the pine floor, sent a new wave of dread along Sam's spine. �326 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry He had violated no statutes, but a few days earlier he had talked to a representative of the United Mine Workers of America about the possibility of organizing a local. Company spies were everywhere and such "ingratitude" was cause enough to evict an offending miner from company property. And where could a man go on such a night as this? The policeman looked about the room with its simple furniture, the framed snapshot of Sadie, and the crochet work with which she had tried to bring some beauty to the graceless place. He licked his lips and stared at Sam with pale, uncertain eyes. "Sam," he said, "the superintendent asked me to stop and tell you that he has a chance for you to make some real money. Yes, some real good money! One of the sections has mined out too much coal and a big pillar is taking weight. The men in that section are afraid of a general roof fall, so they won't go into the place. The super says you are the best coal loader in the camp, and you can work all night if you want to. The weight is pushing the coal out from the pillar, and you won't have to do a thing but shovel. A man can load an awful lot of coal between now and daylight." He paused, then added, "The engineers say they are pretty sure the top will hold for another twenty-four hours or longer and, anyway, an experienced miner like you, Sam, can generally tell when the fall is coming in time to get out to a safe place." To the policeman's amazement the black giant rolled his eyes heavenward and with utter sincerity murmured, "Thank ye, Lord!" Sam put on his work clothes—long cotton underwear, faded bib overalls, blue denim shirt and jacket, knee-high rubber boots, and a soft miner's cap with a carbide lamp attached to the front. He pumped a half gallon of fresh water into the bottom section of his aluminum dinner bucket and dropped the bit of cheese and handful of crackers onto the food tray. A few moments later he reached the office of the mine superintendent. The superintendent leaned back in a creaking oak swivel chair and explained how a foreman had permitted a little too much coal to be removed in Section 4-B Right. "A �HARRY CAUDILL 327 squeeze is coming, Sam, and the whole territory is going to be lost in a day or two. There is a lot of fine Elkhorn No. 3 there, and if we don't get it tonight we never will, because the whole mountain is going to set down on it." He cleared his throat. "The track is laid up to the face of the coal. It will squeeze out as fast as you can load it and push it away. We can set all the cars for you that you can possibly load. There is no night shift, but we will leave the fan running, and there is no reason why you can't work all night in there by yourself." He toyed with a paper clip and tapped Section 4-B Right on the mine map that lay before him. "We will pay you thirtyone cents a ton and that is straight pay. No deductions for anything. You'll not need to do any blasting and the only tool you'll need is a shovel. There is a man-car waiting at the drift mouth to take you to the face." Sam left the warm room and strode through the icy drizzle a hundred and fifty yards to the drift mouth—a huge, arched hole framed with concrete where steel rails reflected the glaring rays of a battery of electric bulbs as they curved into the black shaft. As Sam approached the opening, water rushed in torrents down the denuded slopes, and the tortured mountain, hard-pressed from within and without, loomed immense and terrifying. Just inside the tunnel Sam climbed into an empty car and slouched low against the wooden side. Propelled by an electric locomotive the car hurtled along the heading. Every six feet black locust timbers held up a sawed eight-by-eight white oak "collar" to secure the roof. Two miles from the portal the little train slowed and turned sharply to the right, then sped along for a couple of minutes longer. After another turn to the right it whined to a halt and Sam straightened up to look along the shaft of light from the locomotive that poked like a yellow finger into the darkness. Where the track turned off into the working place, a long line of empty cars waited on their rusty steel wheels, each loading about 4,000 pounds when filled and "rounded over." From them the rails stretched to the face of the "pillar," a huge rectangle of glittering coal forty feet wide and at least eight feet �328 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry thick. The seam rose from the smooth slate floor straight up and seven feet to the sandstone roof. About its base lay a twofoot ruffle of loose coal, and as Sam filled his lamp with a fresh charge of carbide and turned up the flame to its utmost the roof creaked and groaned and new lumps pushed outward onto the floor. Here and there small slabs of slate had splintered upward out of the floor under pressure from the descending shaft of coal. He lifted out his dinner bucket and set it and his pick against the "rib" or wall a dozen yards back. He put his shovel in an "empty" and pushed the car to a spot within easy shoveling distance. Then the motorman said, "So long, Sam, and good luck," and sent the locomotive careening down the track.> Sam set three white props before he began shoveling, driving hickory cap wedges across the top of each of the eight-inch timbers until it was tightly seated. Ten times as much oak would not protect him from the sandstone ledge that sagged above his head, but the props would serve as barometers by which he could gauge the mounting pressure. As the coal pillar yielded, the oak would splinter and shred, crying in protest until it broke. He picked up the shovel and with a fervent "Be with me, Lord" pushed it along the slate until the broad scoop was filled, then lifted it and dropped sixteen pounds of Elk Horn No. 3 coal onto the wooden bottom of the car. The clatter sent echoes reverberating along the dark shafts and brought a faint whisper of the original sound back to him a few seconds later. Rhythmically, steadily, the shovel rose and fell, the black heap rising moment by moment until it lay glittering and uniform along the entire length of the seven-foot car. Despite the cool clamminess of the air the ventilation fan pushed in to him, Sam's forehead beaded with sweat and when he dropped the shovel to push the loaded car onto the side track he laid aside his jacket. He pulled a brass disk from his pocket and hung it on the "check horn" at the front of the car. The "check" was marked with his number, 67, and would tell the weighman at the tipple that Sam Hawkins had loaded the coal. The workmen had no "check-weighman" at the scale house and �HARRY CAUDILL 329 Sam could only pray for honest weights. He put his shoulder against another empty and brought it to the face. When he picked up the shovel, the coal he had carried away had already been replaced by new lumps from the breaking face. For hours the shovel ascended and descended, interrupted only by forays for new cars. After a while Sam lost all track of the number he had loaded. Sometimes he put fresh carbide in his lamp or paused for a drink of water from his bucket. He commenced work at a quarter past eight, and four and a half hours later his pocket watch told him it was time to eat the cheese and crackers. The morsels were gone in a half-dozen bites, and after resting his arms and back for a few minutes, he returned to the coal. This was no night for ease. The words of his girl's letter as brought to him by the droning voice of the postmaster sounded endlessly in his ears, restoring strength to arms that began to ache with fatigue. Once as he pushed an empty into position he wiped the sweat from his face with a gritty hand and murmured, "We goin' to do it, Sadie! We goin' to do it after all!" A little after five Sam heard the rattle of the man-trip in the main tunnel, followed by the lights and voices of approaching miners. The day's work in 4-C Right was about to begin, and Sam, after laying the last lump on another car, straightened his back and leaned against his shovel. His legs, arms, and shoulders throbbed with great weariness, and his belly rumbled with hunger. His water bucket was empty and his sweat-soaked clothing clung to his gritty flesh. As he stared at the bobbing lamps he trembled and his head sagged against his chest, but the presence of other creatures after the loneliness of the night was wonderfully welcome. Words of greeting gathered in his throat but died unspoken. Suddenly the lights stopped as the men gazed thunderstruck with astonishment at him and his long line of loaded cars. A derisive laugh came from a lanky white man in front as he squatted on his haunches sixty feet away at the entrance to the short tunnel that led to Sam's doomed pillar. "You crazy nigger," he called, "don't you know you're goin' �330 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry to git mashed flat as a bean bug in there? The reg'lar shift quit that whole place yisterd'y and the comp'ny pulled out all its equipment!" Laughter rich with scorn tittered along the line of lights. Then as the men shuffled away over the uneven floor one of them muttered, "Man alive, that nigger shore does love to load coal!" When they were gone Sam looked for the hundredth time at the props. Long ago the bark had loosened and long splinters stood out from the wood. He laid a palm against one of them and felt it vibrate like a tightened banjo string. Suddenly with a low hum a long filament the thickness of a match detached itself from the surface and hung by splinters from roof to floor. A bushel of coal rolled out to his shoe and a slate shard reared up like a tiny soldier out of the tortured floor. "It's time to quit," Sam muttered as he carried his dinner pail, jacket, and shovel into the safety of the tunnel. He leaned his shoulders against the "coal rib" for a brief rest before walking to the main tunnel for a ride to the outside. But Sam's work-stiffened joints were not soon to enjoy the rest they had earned. As he whispered a good southern-style prayer of gratitude that the perilous night was safely past, a new light approached and the voice of Henry Johnson, a mine foreman, inquired solicitously, "Is that you, Sam? I sure am glad to see you safe and sound." He whistled with incredulity, "God damn! Did you load all these cars by yourself?" Sam emitted a hoarse croak. "Well, me and the Lord together," he replied. "He held up the top." The foreman counted the cars, seventeen of them, and then came back to stand before the miner. After a moment of reflection he walked down to the end of the track where Sam had toiled the night away. He held his lamp in his hand to inspect the props and pecked with a pick handle against the roof. It sounded solid, but grains of sand from the "working" top dusted downward against his upturned face. He whistled again, this time reflectively. "Sam," he opined, "you did all right for yourself last night. You made some money and I know you need it. You're a good �HARRY CAUDILL 331 worker and you don't scare easy. This top is coming, no doubt about it, but not for a while, in my opinion." He put a chew of tobacco between his teeth, chewed, and spat out ambeer. Then in confidential tones, "Sam, what about another shift? If you feel up to it, I can send your dinner bucket out to the commissary and get it filled and have some more empties shoved in here and you can shovel all day. The superintendent sure will appreciate it if you decide to do it, but after all, you know the danger and you must use your own best judgment about it." Sam drew in a long breath and let it out slowly. He thought of his weariness, of the shredding timbers, and of the popping sandstone. Then he thought of Sadie and Margaret, and rose to his feet. "Git me some grub and some empty cars," he said, as he picked up his shovel. The day passed with infinite slowness. The clerk at the commissary who packed his dinner bucket was generous, but Sam did not linger long over his food. Yearning for some hot coffee, he washed his meal down with a long draught of fresh water. He prudently saved back half the food for "dinner time" about eleven. If all went well—and the top held—he should see daylight again by four o'clock that afternoon. The food brought a flow of new strength, and for a couple of hours the shovel worked at its old tempo. But gradually the muscular arms and legs turned clumsy and heavy. The pain of weariness advanced in him until it gripped like a gray blanket from crown to toe. As the hours dragged by, a longing for sleep crept into every nerve and sinew, and the cars filled at an ever slower rate. He struggled to stay alert to the danger above his head—the danger that relentlessly reduced the props to columns of splinters and sent cupfuls of sand sluicing across the undiminished heap of coal at his feet. When he heard the miners returning from 4-C Right, he laid his shovel on top of the last car and strained with all his remaining strength to sent it along the tracks. As it gathered momentum a red haze swam before his eyes and he staggered to keep up as the car rolled down the tunnel. Forty yards away he put on his jacket and drank the last of his water. He sat down and �332 Moving Mountains: Straggle of the Coal Industry pushed his back against a coal car. "I'll rest jist a minute or two before headin' for the outside,1 f he thought as he closed his eyes. Sam dozed but his sleep was ended by a roar of cataclysmic proportions, an ocean of rending, crashing sound that hurled him down the tunnel like a puppet. The thick layer of sandstone had broken in the mined-out area behind the pillar and, crushing the pillar like a squeezed plum, sent a giant wave of coal rolling before it. From floor to roof the shaft filled with the tumbling lumps. Behind an impenetrable cloud gritty dust the avalanche finally halted twenty feet inside the tunnel, while the fall echoed and reechoed like dying thunder to the farthest corners of the mine. When he left the man-trip and walked around the path to the bathhouse he blinked at the sun which was clipping the top of a western ridge. After twenty hours in the recesses of 4-B Right, the pale glinting rays brought tears to his reddened eyes. When soap and water had washed away the dirt and sweat and eased some of the misery from his flesh, he put on clean garments and went to the commissary. The babble of voices in the showers and later at the food counters came to him as if from a great distance and he scarcely heard the friendly raillery of the miners. Sam was too tired to think of anything but sleep tonight and the mailing of a money order to his girl tomorrow. He carried home a small bag of groceries and sat by the fire for a long time with a cup of hot coffee in his hand. The heat soothed him and as he relaxed he felt better than he had for months. He fried potatoes and bacon for his supper and "at the edge of dark" went to bed. As he pulled up the patchwork quilt Sadie had made especially to cover his huge frame he murmured again, as he had the night before, "Thank ye, Lord!" When the payroll window opened the next morning Sam was there to claim his wages. The paymaster called the scale house to check the weights of the cars and as he talked he made penciled notes on a pad. When he left the phone, he went into the commissary to determine how much Sam owed the company store. He came back and smiled at Sam through the steel �HARRY CAUDILL 333 latticework. "Sam, you're in good shape. A few more breaks like night before last and you could afford to quit." He extended the note pad so the miner could see the totally unintelligible markings and, with the point of his pencil moving down the column, continued, "You loaded twenty-eight cars, averaging a little over two tons each, for a total of fifty-eight and a quarter tons. That comes to $18.06. But you owe the store a little and that will have to be deducted." He named a few trifling purchases, including $.23 for Sam's lunch on the day before. "Your store debt is $3.98, and that leaves you a balance due of $14.08." Sam let out his breath with deep satisfaction. That was more money than he had possessed in many months and Margaret was saved, for the moment at least. But suddenly his eyes widened with chagrin as the paymaster's hand deposited his earnings on the worn board—a fistful of brass scrip. His strength drained away and a groan escaped him. "Ah no, no sir, not scrip! Not this time! The policeman say 'real money/and this time scrip won't do. Itjistwon'tdo!" And he pushed the brass tokens back through the window. "If I don't git real U.S. money my little girl will jist have to quit school and I can't stand that, no sir!" and Sam, who had not quailed before the sinking mountain, now sobbed aloud. The paymaster frowned. "You know we've got no money to pay out wages," he snapped. "Scrip is the best the company can do." Then he softened and added, "I'm sorry, Sam. I really am." Sam stood in the pale autumn sunlight stunned and helpless, his tongue following his broad lips. But before utter ruin enveloped him, he was rescued—at least after a fashion. Another white man, "Mr. Tom" Haymond, the general manager, strode out of his office and approached the window. He asked the paymaster what the trouble was and listened to his explanation and to Sam's renewed plea for cash. He reflected for a long moment, his eyes going from the scrip to Sam's face and back again to the brass tokens. At last he nodded toward the door and said, "Let him in." Sam followed �334 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry the "big boss" into his office and took the chair Haymond indicated. They stared at one another in silence for a moment. "Sam/1 the executive began, "the company is grateful to you for what you did, but the company is practically broke, and that is the truth." He looked at the ceiling. "We have no money for anything except the most urgent mortgage debts. But I know you love that girl and I honor you for it." Another pause ensued. "I'll tell you what we'll do, if it's agreeable to you. If you can see your way clear to discount your wages from $14.08 in scrip to $11.00 in cash I'll pay it out of the little that's left in our emergency fund." Sam sprang up and grasped the big boss's hand in wholehearted confirmation of the deal. Haymond turned the dials on the door of a safe and drew out of a slender envelope two greenbacks—a ten and a one. A few moments later Amos Bryant sold Sam a money order in the sum of ten dollars payable to Miss Margaret Hawkins. The postmaster sold him a stamped envelope for five cents and addressed it as Sam directed. When the envelope with its precious contents fell into the mail slot Sam walked out with sixty-five cents in his pocket. The day warmed and was sunny and pleasant. Sam felt good again, and hopeful. And for a time things improved generally and he was almost happy. A little more work became available and, with the passing months and the coming of the New Deal, wages rose somewhat. The miners organized a local union and working conditions improved. Sam was able to send Margaret money from time to time and the girl found a job that provided a little cash in addition to her food. Haymond and the superintendent favored Sam with extra work now and then. Both congratulated him when Margaret came home with her bachelor's degree in the spring of 1936. She stayed with her father for a year and taught English at the black high school. Then night crashed down as black as coal dust. In the summer of 1937 she was stricken with meningitis and died in the same hospital where Sadie had told Sam �HARRY CAUDILL 335 good-bye. Sam did not die with his daughter, nor did he wholly survive her death. He came and went and worked, a figure of immense dignity and integrity, a staunch figure in his church. But he lived the rest of his days with a grief he could not shed, and the old flame of aspiration was never rekindled. With the years the thick seam of coal in the ridges about Fleming played out, as did Sam and a whole generation of miners. More than a decade has passed since he was buried in the little cemetery next to Sadie and Margaret, and the ancient coal-camp house where he lived so many lonely years now stands silent and empty. The desegregation decision of the Supreme Court closed the doors of the school he worked to build, and vandals reduced it to a shattered wreck. Sam had put little white markers at the graves of his wife and daughter but no one ever got around to marking his own. Perhaps a coal shovel thrust in the earth like a bayoneted rifle over the bones of a fallen hero would be appropriate for such a man. �336 Moving Mountains: Straggle of the Coal Industry The Mountain, the Miner, and the Lord 1. What were the chief difficulties which Sam had to overcome to achieve his goal of educating Margaret? 2. What is scrip? Why did Sam react so angrily to being paid in scrip? Why was the company short of cash? 3. At the end of the story, Sam is referred to as a fallen hero. Did his community recognize him as a hero? Does he fit the traditional concept of a hero? Why or why not? 4. Find the following words in the story. Write the sentence containing each word. Define it from context. Look it up in the dictionary to see if your definition is correct. Write a sentence of your own using each word. accommodating apprehensive cataclysmic condescension incredulity fiscal integrity ornately quiescent solicitous �RON SHORT 337 RON SHORT (1945- ) Singer, actor, and playwright, Ron Short has encouraged deeper understanding and improvement of the quality of life in his native southwest Virginia. A graduate of Clinch Valley College in Wise, Virginia, Short has devoted himself to public service, first as an employee of the Appalachian Regional Commission, later in community health programs, with the Federal Agency on Aging, and as administrator of the Highlander Research Center. At present, he is a creative director for Roadside Theatre. June Appal has recorded his songs in an album Cities of Gold. The Roadside Theatre production Pretty Polly is based on his story. He sings and acts in his plays South of the Mountain and Leaving Egypt, Roadside productions that have toured America and Europe for the last 15 years. This excerpt from South of the Mountain lets us listen to a mountain family talk about change. Eb, Mabel, and Thad enjoy their Chrysler, but they watch other progress and question its value. From South of the Mountain (Song: "Wedding Bell Waltz") 11 Thad and Mabel" Mabel: Mommy didn't much want me to get married. �338 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry Said I was too young, but I thank mostly she jist didn't want me to leave home, I wuz a big help to her. But, the first minute I laid eyes on Thad, I knowed he wuz gonna be the man I married. Eb: When Thad and Mabel first got married they didn't have nothin'. They lived with us, me and Ma and Pa. By that time all my brothers and sisters wuz married, wouldn't nobody home except me. But there ain't no way two families can live under the same roof. I don't care how good you git along, it ain't the natural thang to do. But he didn't have no job and no money. He wuz twenty and she wuz fifteen and they didn't know nothin. Mabel: I wuz a Dutton fore I got married.... Eb: Her Daddy wuz from over round Skeetrock. He wouldn't from around the South of the Mountain. Mabel: I wuz born in a coal camp over in Kentucky. Mommy's first husband died in the war, W.W.I, he didn't die in battle, he died of diptheria in Georgia somewhere. Mommy married Daddy and then they moved into Pike County, Kentucky, and Daddy went to work in the coal mines. Lotta people wuz going to work in the coal mines. That coal camp wuz jist about the most exciting place in the whole world, but Daddy couldn't stand it, and that last man that got killed in the mines my Daddy rode out with the body and that's the last time he ever went in. He said there had to be a better way to make a living, so we packed our few thangs in a sled and come back over the mountains. Thad: Atter we got married, I tried to find work. Worked on the N.Y.A. and W.P.A. fer a little while but them jobs didn't last long. �RON SHORT 339 Mabel: I uz twelve year old when Daddy died. Mommy already had a job cause Daddy had been sick all summer before he died. Now, it was hard fer a woman to get a job. It wuz some kind of relief program. She made 94 cents a day sewing clothes fer people on welfare and you know, her a widow with six youngins she couldn't git one stitch of them clothes fer her own family. But my people wuz proud people, I guess is what you'd call it, cause we never let on if we didn't have something or nother and that wuz alright cause nobody knowed nothing about it. I didn't know till I started school, that ever' body didn't live like we did. There wuz very few that wuz different, but them that were wuz cruel. I don't know how you can have a dozen youngins and ten of em are pore and two ain't but them two can make the other ten feel bad. What I thought was the best eating in the world was an egg and a piece of corn bread fer lunch, but you know I'd go up in the hills behind the school and hide and eat that cornbread cause they'd make fun of you fer eating cornbread and not branging biscuits. But, to me, that was the best eatin' ever wuz. That was better than anythang I coulda took to school. Hit wouldn't bother me a bit in the world now, but it did then. Thad: I shunned the coal mines as long as I could. I always kinda dreaded gettin started in 'em. I jist didn't like the idea of goin underground. I guess I'd been walkin round on top of it too long. But, thaf s all the work there wuz around, ceptin farming and I knowed where that would get you. Mabel: In the coal camp they was houses on each side of the holler and the houses wuz connected. Thad: One great big row of houses on one side Mabel: and one great big row of houses on the other, �340 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry Thad: all under one roof. Mabel: There wuz no seperation between the buildings, Thad: jist walls. Eb: It saved the coal company money by not having to have walls and a roof fer each house. Jist one big long house. Thad: One side wuz called the Titanic Mabel: and one wuz called Noah's Ark. Thad: Right down at the end of all them houses wuz a big company store. Mabel: There wouldn't no hospital but they wuz a doctor's office. Thad: All furnished by the company, Eb: but they got ever cent of it back. Cause they wouldn't let you git ahead. Thad: The coal company furnished the housing, electricity, they had the commissary for the food, but they took it out a yore pay, Eb: and they paid you so little hit wouldn't much more than a labor camp. Mabel: You talk about a raggedy, black bunch a youngins from fightin' through that coal camp from one end to the other in the coal dust in the summertime and all the mud in the wintertime. From hand to mouth, they jist lived. Thad: They'd go to the store each day and buy what they �RON SHORT 341 could draw in scrip fer that day's work. Mabel: Then they'd go back the next day. They'd buy a pound a soup beans and cook 'em Thad: and go the next day Mabel: cause the man had to work the next day fer to get some more scrip. Eb: I've heerd people say they'd rather do anythang than hoe corn Thad& Mabel: So that's what they done. Eb: It wuz hard to tell when they wuz working and when they wouldn't. Mabel: But people follered it and lived with it right on up. Thad: Up to that time, in the mountains people had never been that close to where people wuz a makin' some money. Eb: They wouldn't but one man that I remember everbody kinda talked about as having any money and that wuz old man Henry Whitt. He had got shell shocked in the Army, during Worlds War One, I reckon, and he drawed a pension. Seemed to me like it wuz about thirty dollars a month and that wuz total disability. But Henry kept a bull. Wouldn't many people had enuff money where they could afford to buy a bull, and when you took your cow down there to Henry, I mean to his bull, that'd cost you a dollar, that is if she got with calf, otherwise it didn't cost you nothin'. But, they wouldn't many people that had that kinda steady income. �342 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry Mabel: We started kinda fixing the house up, him with regular income. Linoleum, curtains, a new couch, thangs like that. He wuz making good money, but it wuz hard work. Thad: They wuz somethin funny bout the whole thang right there from the start, best I could figure. They needed all this coal to generate all this power but I have shot many a cut coal with a breast auger. That wuz a drill where there was no power whatsoever. You cranked her by hand. You'd drill, shoot and load your own coal for a dollar a car, nothin' fer the rock and you handled as much rock as coal. You didn't use nothin' but a pick and a shovel, sweat and muscle. Eb: When Thad first started working in them mines tole me he figgered he'd jist git a little money ahead and git out, but he never did seem to git money ahead. Mabel: Till we got the refrigerator you couldn't keep nothin' fresh. We'd keep milk and butter in the root cellar but in the summer it wouldn't keep long. You had to can or pickle ever thang you raised. You couldn't keep leftovers, you eat 'em or they wuz fed to the animals. We'd never had ice. After we got the refrigerator, we'd jist make ice water cause it wuz so good. I made ice cream for the kids. Used to you could buy this mix from the store and make ice cream in the ice trays. That refrigerator shore made thangs a lot easier. Thad: We used carbide lights then. It was a pretty rough go. Eb: Hits a wonder they hadn't been a lot more men killed than there wuz. Said sometimes the roof wuz so low you couldn't even take a drink settin up. �RON SHORT 343 Thad: Lots a times you had to lay down on you side so you could tilt yore head back. But that smoke from the dynamite wuz worse, that stuff d make you so sick. Eb: There wouldn't enough air in the mines to push it out. Thad: Give you a headache to where lots of times you'd have to come out jist fer the like of air. No dust control, coal miners eat the dust. You couldn't see yore hand before you or nothin' else with all that dust. Eb: I don't know why it didn't kill a feller in thirty days. Mabel: With a electric stove you can cook a meal in half the time it takes on a woodstove. When we got ours there was a special deal where you got a electric mixer too. I always liked to bake and this made it so much easier you wouldn't believe it. They come out with cake mixes that most cases was better than cakes baked from scratch. Canned biscuits too. We didn' like 'em too much, but, I bought 'em ever now and then. Eb: First car in our family, I reckon he bought it. Thad: It was a Chrysler, which jist about put us in the pore house, deeper than we wuz. I give $75 fer it. That wuz the most money I'd ever had. Eb: Hit wuz worth maybe 75 cents. Thad: Yeah, I'd been better off without that Chrysler. Mabel: I've seed him come in with his clothes froze stiff on his body where he'd worked in them water holes, got wet, then come outside. Then, when he could git a ride, ride home in the back of a truck in the middle of winter. I've seen him come in, �344 Moving Mountains: Straggle of the Coal Industry where I could have cried he looked so pitiful But even still it was better than not having a job at all. You had to make it one way or another. But I always vowed if ever there was anyway that I could get him out of them mines that I was going to do it. Thad: Shore it wuz dangerous, everybody knowed that. I've seen it fall and I've had it to fall around me. I wuz loadin' one day and looked up and seen the shimmer on the top. I started to run and a big slab come down and the coal car caught it. That wuz all that kept it from ketching me. You constantly lived with that It wuz jist a way of life. You didn't question it. They wouldn't no other work around. Tried not to thank that much about it. You didn't run out asking fer help. A job wuz all you asked fer. I got ulcers though and never could git rid of 'em long as I wuz in the mines. Kept a vomiting and vomiting, couldn't eat nothin. Atter John L. and the union come in we got medical benefits so went over to see this doctor in Harlan. He took some Xrays and run a bunch a tests on me and he tole me, "Go hunt you a job outta them mines. You git out of 'em and stay out of 'em, if you want to live." (SONG) Eb: I never did marry. Lived at home all my life. I coulda married, I reckon, but never did. I stayed here with Ma till she died. Seemed kinda funny atter all them years, not having nobody to nag at me, tell me what to do. I used to hide out in the hayloft and read. I'd go off fer the barn like I's going to work and come dinner she'd blow the steer horn fer me to come home. I'd come to the house and eat, then go back and read. Wouldn't nothin fer me to do. We hadn't tended a big crop in years. Even put the "bakker" lotment into soil �RON SHORT 345 bank. Hell, if they pay me not to grow it, I won't. Chickens and a garden's all we had, but she acted like we's still raising crops and clearing new ground. She knowed we wouldn't but she jist couldn't stop. I don't reckon she couldn't remember not having somethin to do. It ain't what you got, it's how much money it's worth. Well I don't reckon I can live like that. I never have and I ain't gonna start now. The rest of 'em has gone off someplace or other. I'm the only one left here, so I guess I can do what I want to. I don't want to go back and I don't want to go on neither. I guess I'm stuck in between. Least ways, I know where I'm at. (SONG) Thad: Ma and Eb set there on the creek and they didn't have nothing but it never seemed to bother 'em fer one minute. Atter Ma died Eb jist lived in his own world. Me and my family moved off into a real different world. I've thought about it and thought about it, whether they could a done any better or was jist willing to settle fer what they had. Mabel: They's a difference in needin' and wantin'. It's harder to want thangs and not have 'em. If you've never tasted steak you're not any poorer fer not having it, but if you go out ever day and watch these other people eating steak you're gonna begin wandering atter while what it would be like to try some yourself. Then when you begin to want stuff like that and can't afford it, that is pore. When you have to do without the thangs you want, then you are pore. Thad: But Ma and Eb wuz happy. I know that. They wuz home. I never tried to live up to nobody �346 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry else's standards. I took what money I made and tried to do what I thought was best for my family. I got ahead a dime at a time. But I never thought I'd have to leave my home. Whenever I had to go off fer work, I never intended to stay. Of course when I wuz a young man hit was a big adventure but then it got to be a necessity of life. I reckon, it wuz always temporary in my mind. There's some people who has roots I reckon and there's some people who don't. I never did want to live no place else cept in the mountains. But I've come to believe everbody needs a place to come home to. But I don't know as you can always find home the way you left it. It seems instead of coming back home you carry a little more of it away with you each time you leave, till finally they ain't nothing to come home to no more. There's things we loose and there's thangs we learn, living in the times we all grow up in. (SONG) South of the Mountain 1. Mabel, Thad, and Eb describe many changes through dialogue. What are some of the biggest changes taking place? Have these changes improved the quality of their lives? 2. Discuss Mabel's ideas about "needin' and wantin'" given at the end of the selection. How do Mabel and Thad differ from Ma and Eb in their "needin' and wantin"? �GEORGE ELLA LYON 347 GEORGE ELLA LYON (1949 - ) George Ella Lyon was born and reared in Harlan, Kentucky. She earned her B.A. from Centre College and her Ph.D. from Indiana University where her studies concentrated on Virginia Wolfe. Her poetry has appeared in various literary journals. She has published one play, Braids, and a chapbook, Mountain. Her first children's book, Father Time and the Day Boxes, was published by Bradbury Press in 1985. She teaches at the University of Kentucky. This poem speaks out against the indignity of strip mining. �348 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry Stripped I was humming "Mist on the Mountain" and shelling peas I was figuring board feet I was carting off stones and quilting lettuce and thinking about a baby growing ripe inside I was voting I was lifting pain out by the roots, the bread indoors breathing beneath a thin towel, when a D-10 came and rolled me off the front porch. Stripped 1. Does this poem depict the destructive nature of strip mining in a realistic way? Explain. 2. Should the last two lines be interpreted literally or figuratively? 3. Why do you think the poet devotes more of the poem to what she was doing when the bulldozer came than she does to what the bulldozer was doing? �LEE HOWARD 349 LEE HOWARD (1952- ) Lee Howard is a narrative poet and short story writer from eastern Kentucky. She earned both her B. A. and M. A. degrees from George Washington University. She has published in Southern Exposure, Mother Earth News, and Laurel Review. A collection of narrative poems, The Last Unmined Vein, gives voice to the working people and evokes their sense of place. In the following poem the speaker tells why he won't sell the mineral rights to his land. �350 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry The Last Unmined Vein Now my daddy and me we used to dig a little coal out of that vein across the bottom Just a pick and shovel and what could be wheelbarrowed out of there was all that was took and didn't hurt nothing and kept a fire real good and that's it but that ain't what they got in mind They wanting to make steel in Ohio, turn on the lights in New York City and heat houses in Detroit Shoot—I don't know a soul in the whole state of Michigan but that ain't really it It ain't my business what they do with it but this farm and everything that's in it is plenty my concern The Last Unmined Vein 1. To whom does the pronoun they refer to in this poem? 2. What is the son's individual concern? Is this a selfish concern? Explain �7 LEE HOWARD 351 �352 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry EDWIN HOFFMAN (1918- ) Born in New York and educated at City University and Columbia, Edwin Hoffman has taught history in South Carolina and West Virginia. A contributor to history journals, he has also published three books. In them he claims to present "narrated dramatic episodes in which groups of Americans struggled for justice and a better life...." This chapter from Fighting Mountaineers chronicles the resistance to strip-mining by residents of eastern Kentucky. Strippers, No! How citizens of the eastern Kentucky coal fields resisted the depredations of the strip miners in the protest-filled sixties (1965). An elderly woman in a little frame house at the head of Sassafras Creek heard the din of a big bulldozer as it bit into soil nearby. The woman, Mrs. Bige Ritchie, hastened to her porch and called out to the operator of the machine, "Don't go there. There's a graveyard there." The man on the tractor climbed down and went to look. He came back to assure Mrs. Ritchie that he would not disturb the family plot. But then a second man arrived, concerned about the delay. When told of the �EDWIN HOFFMAN 353 graveyard ahead, he said, Til be damned if I won't take it through there!" He climbed up to the seat of the bulldozer and proceeded to tear up the little burial ground. Moments later, a small coffin was turned up and shoved over the hillside. Mrs. Ritchie watched the coffin of her infant son roll down the slope. Strip mining had reached her land. She felt powerless in the face of the power that the bulldozer represented. So did her fellow mountain people in 1960 in impoverished Knott County, Kentucky. Much of Appalachia was then the land of the rural poor. The very name, Appalachia, had become a synonym for unrelenting poverty. Coal towns were dying, and the region was becoming depopulated by a steady exodus to the industrial cities of the Midwest. Those left behind in the hills and hollows of the more remote counties were largely a dispirited people, despairing of effecting improvement in their lives. Poorest of all Appalachians were those who lived in the Cumberland Highlands of eastern Kentucky. Fewer than half the families had an income of as much as three thousand dollars a year. Less than four percent had incomes of ten thousand dollars or more. Unemployment was double the national average, and almost one third of the people were receiving public assistance. Mechanization of deep mining, the competition of strip mining, and the increased use of oil and natural gas had greatly reduced the demand for coal miners. By the sixties the United Mine Workers of America had lost most of its Kentucky membership to unemployment and nonunion mines. Agriculture no longer offered meaningful opportunities in the steeply sloped and often depleted lands of the Cumberland Highlands. With "coal or dole" the normal choices, and coal jobs so few, half the population of Knott and surrounding counties had fled the worsening poverty. Most of those left behind were the elderly and others least able or inclined to compete for the jobs in the auto, rubber, and steel industries to the north. By 1964 Washington had "discovered" Appalachia and its Kentucky highlands. President Johnson announced the "War �354 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry on Poverty11—community-action programs, VISTA workers, and Appalachian Volunteers, food stamps, free school lunches, jobless-father programs, retraining programs, and more. Unfortunately, the War on Poverty served only to create the illusion of solving problems; it generated no new industries or new jobs in the region. People became increasingly dependent on welfare programs and on the local politicians who controlled the doling out of the federal millions. In addition to the badly sagging economy and the acute poverty of the people, they had to contend with the voracious monster that had risen in their midst—strip mining. Mountains that had made the people feel rich in beauty if not in income were assaulted with giant bulldozers, augers, power shovels, and dynamite. Sometimes the ridge tops were sheared off to reach the coal seams, with the "spoil" of dirt, rock, and uprooted trees pushed over the mountainsides. Sometimes steep "highwalls" were cut on the slopes, creating cliffs up to ninety feet high through which the augers drilled laterally into the exposed coal seams. The power shovels and the huge coal trucks moved along the "bench," as the wide area scraped out below the highwall was called, to load the coal and carry it off the mountain face. This ravaging of the land was accompanied by the constant blasts that loosened the coal, the screech of steel against the embedded mineral, and the roar of the powerful engines. When the mammoth trucks carried their loads over the crumbled mountain roads, the reverberations could be sensed in all the homes along the way, and were a raucous reminder of the gouging of a once lovely environment. Even when the last gashing and scarring were done, when the strippers had torn away the last of the coal, the streams still ran yellow and turgid with the acid outwash of the devastated land, and each rain brought fresh mudslides to the valley floors. The companies never called these activities strip mining. Their euphemism was "surface mining," and they spoke of "developing" the land. Ten thousand or more acres of eastern Kentucky highlands were stripped away each year, with none of the wealth going �EDWIN HOFFMAN 355 to those who lived upon the land. Many years before, the ancestors of these mountain folk had been persuaded to sign socalled broad-form deeds, by which they gave up mineral rights on their land, usually for fifty cents per acre. These deeds gave the new owners of the minerals in the subsoil freedom to remove coal deposits even though the mining destroyed the surface of the land. A1953 court decision stated that the owner of the surface of the land need not be compensated for damages to it since a ruling in favor of those living on the land would cause undue hardship to the coal companies. A1960 decision held that, as long as the surface property was not damaged maliciously, the strip-mining companies could not be penalized even if boulders from their operations fell on homes below the mined land. Nor did the law require any significant reclamation of the stripped mountains, and most cuts were made on slopes so steep that the token reclamation efforts were usually washed away. The companies laying waste to the land were usually subsidiaries of such supercorporations as United States Steel, Bethlehem Steel, Ford Motor, and International Harvester. But even when the mining companies were Kentucky owned, they based their mining practices not on the well-being of the region but on the demand for cheap coal by the Tennessee Valley Authority. The TVA, which had been created in New Deal days to revive the economy and uplift the people of the vast Tennessee River watershed principally by the generation of inexpensive hydroelectric power, was now producing more power from coal than water. By the sixties most coal mined in eastern Kentucky was bought by TVA. Its pricing policies made deep mining far less profitable than strip mining, and it showed little concern for the havoc this mining was doing to the coalfields. Appalachia had long been a quasi-colony of the wealthier parts of America, whose investors greatly profited from the coal and timber of its mountainsides. Now, ironically, the biggest exploiter of the land and the people had become the quasi-public Tennessee Valley Authority. The acceleration of strip mining that came with exception- �356 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry ally large TVA contracts in 1965 ignited in the mountain people resentment that had been smoldering for years. When the bulldozers that were decapitating the whole ridge above Clear Creek in Knott County reached the land of a marine serving in Vietnam, his stepfather, the elderly carpenter and coffin maker Dan Gibson, hastened to the top of Honey Gap to stop the strippers. He sat down before the machines with a loaded rifle across his knee and told their drivers that they had no right to strip a man's land while he was overseas fighting for his country. They decided not to defy Dan Gibson and his .22caliber gun. The coal company then swore out a warrant charging him with breach of the peace and threatening with a deadly weapon. When a group of state and county police arrested him, he gave himself up peaceably. The next day the bulldozers were confronted by a large group of mostly grayhaired men and women, some armed, who stood and sat at the property line. Again the strippers were temporarily frustrated, and the people of Clear Creek were encouraged to make further efforts to save their land. In the Clear Creek district, there was a "community-action" organization which had been recently formed to encourage popular participation in the War on Poverty. Following the appearance of the bulldozers, the organization became the nucleus of a people's war on strip mining. Some eighty worried and agitated landowners met at the Knott County courthouse in Hindman on June 1,1965, to plan resistance. They heard reports that the coal companies were issuing rifles to their machine operators and truck drivers to fight off the landowners. Noting that Dan Gibson and his neighbors had faced the strippers with guns and that one woman had stopped strippers with a pistol while her husband was away on jury duty, some mountaineers proposed resorting to armed resistance to defend their property. Others urged that the group learn from the civil rights movement and use such nonviolent tactics as sit-ins and lie-ins to stop the ruination of their land. Perhaps, they could get results if they sat in at the governor's mansion in Frankfort or on the blue-grass lawns of the coal operators' �EDWIN HOFFMAN 357 estates in central Kentucky. Upon noting that the state agencies and some professors at the University of Kentucky spoke of planting elderberry bushes on the stripped, bare land, someone suggested sarcastically that the university could make eastern Kentucky a second Garden of Eden by turning strippers loose and then covering all the hills with the bushes. Perhaps the devastation could be hidden beneath a coating of elderberry jam. A week later an even larger group of citizens, drawn from Knott, Letcher, and Perry counties, met in Hindman. Most of the one hundred and twenty-five participants were small landowners, and some were also teachers, merchants, farmers, or coal miners. The inspirational leader of the group was the patriarchal Dan Gibson. To shouts of approval he declared, "We are dead certain not going to let them come on our land and tear it up. We will do whatever it takes to stop the strip miners.11 They agreed to found a new organization, the Appalachian Group to Save the Land and the People (AGSLP). A Knott County high school teacher, Leroy Martin, was elected chairman. Co-chairmen were high school principal Eldon Davidson from Letcher County and Commonwealth Attorney Tolbert Combs from Perry County. At the early AGSLP meetings the sentiment for militant protest was high. People who had never spoken at meetings as well as those accustomed to public speaking rose to voice their anger. The members heard from Mrs. Susan Ritchie of Clear Creek how she and her family had been "just sitting here watching for the hill to come off of us." In the middle of one night they were forced to flee their home when they heard a mud slide begin at the top of the nearby mountain where stripping had been done. Others at the meeting told of a one-armed coal miner who came home from a training program of the War on Poverty to find his home buried beneath a great landslide. How could people expect to continue living in eastern Kentucky, speakers asked, if earth and debris might come down at any moment and cover up the gardens, crop fields, lawns, graveyards, and everything else? �358 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry Leroy Martin told why he had joined the movement and was willing to lead it. "I am a schoolteacher. I got a loan and remodeled my house, and now they are coming around back of it and, as far as the laws are concerned at the present time, we can't even collect damages. They can dump trees and rocks down on us and push our house on into the creek, and the only way we can collect damages in this state is to let the creek fill up and the water get up and flood us. I live way up the hill and I don't think I will ever be flooded." He charged that "they have got all these laws set up for the operators against the man who owns the land, and we don't have a chance, we don't have a chance." Eldon Davidson added that the land agents of the coal companies "are among the most hated men in eastern Kentucky. They go ahead and buy the timber for a pittance and make tremendous profit off of it because the people know they must sell. They know it's going to be covered up if they don't sell. Then they make it worse by bragging how they cheated these poor people who sold their timber to them." Most eloquent at the early meetings of the AGSLP was an attorney, Harry Caudill. He already enjoyed a national reputation as the "mountain muckraker." His writings and speeches decried strip mining and other ways in which his neighbors were being exploited. To him the towering highwalls cut by strip mining near his Letcher County home could be compared to "monstrous yellow serpents" looping themselves around the mountains. "We have to decide," he told his fellow members, "to work for life or death. There is no longer any time to discuss, ponder, and confer. Eastern Kentucky has come down to the moment in history when people are going to decide whether to live in eastern Kentucky as free men or be driven out of here as a bunch of dispossessed paupers." He went on to say that the coal companies were "going to rip this country apart and take all the wealth," and that his fellow mountaineers were "being pauperized by a barbarous process that would not be tolerated in any truly civilized corner of this globe." The Appalachian Group to Save the Land and the People �EDWIN HOFFMAN 359 set itself five immediate goals. It would raise funds to enable Homer Ritchie to sue a coal company whose stripping activities had left his home covered with mud and trees when what seemed like an entire mountainside had slid onto it a few days before. It would also raise money to carry a suit to the Supreme Court of the United States, if necessary, to test the validity of the old broad-form deed. It would collect signatures on petitions to the governor requesting immediate enforcement of strip-mining laws already on the books, and it would send petitions and telegrams to President Johnson asking for federal action. Finally, it would organize a big motorcade to the state capital to seek relief from the governor and the legislature. Attorney Caudill filed suit for Homer Ritchie in the Knott County Circuit Court. He argued that the coal companies gave up their right to harm and destroy surface improvements without payment when over many years they had silently allowed the landowners to make improvements on the leased lands. The equity of the surface owners was being violated even if the law was not, he noted, and he asked the court to declare the surface owners' lands off limits to the operators on the ground that the broad-form deeds signed years ago should not apply to strip and auger mining. The coal operators were not idle in opposition. Prior to the Ritchie suit they had succeeded in getting the Knott County court to enjoin nineteen landowners from interfering with operations which residents claimed were causing debris to wash down upon their property. The restraining order was to be enforced by the state police, and the operators won permission to arm employees as protection against irate landowners. The operators also circulated rumors that the aroused citizens were "radicals" and "communists." Lawyer Caudill was a special target of their disfavor. They accused him of being against stripping for the money he would make as champion of the cause. To this charge Caudill replied, "If I were after the money, I would be on their side. That's where all the money is." Friends warned him of threats against his life, but he continued to be outspoken. �360 Moving Mountains: Straggle of the Coal Industry Also candid and unsparing was a little weekly newspaper in his home town, the Whitesburg Mountain Eagle. The coal industry saw it as a scandal sheet filled with lies, but most mountain people viewed it as a forthright paper that published news and editorials most other newspapers feared to print. The Mountain Eagle called the stripping crisis more important to the state than the Vietnam war, and it labeled TVA "a disgrace to the nation" in its "insane quest for cheap coal." An editorial on June 10 quoted a middle-aged woman, who feared not only the burial of her mountain home but the violence of the strippers. "I pray to God every day," she said, "that my man will let them take our land and our home and not try to stop them. I'm even afraid for him to go to court." The strip-mine firms, she went on, "have hired the worst gun thugs in Eastern Kentucky to make us give them our land. They will help kill us if we don't. What can we do? They've got the courts and the state police and the killers on their side." The editorial then quoted another mountain woman who spoke in the same vein. "The men in this country are all scared to death. They know that if they do anything our homes will be dynamited or they will be stopped on the road some night and shot to death." The mountain folk were apprehensive, but many were not "scared to death" of resisting the strippers. When the Appalachian Group to Save the Land and the People held its second meeting on June 16 in the gymnasium of Carr Creek High School, one hundred and seventy men and women showed up. They quickly decided to organize a protest caravan of cars to the state capital. Harry Caudill announced that he had spoken to Governor Edward Breathitt and had secured his promise to meet with them. The meeting proceeded to plan ways to get hundreds of concerned eastern Kentuckians to Frankfort. AGSLP would canvass the hollows of four counties for more people to join the "march." Trucks with loudspeakers would go through the towns recruiting for the motorcade. A special effort would be made to get local politicians to join the march, in the expectation that the governor would be impressed and the charge of "communist" could �EDWIN HOFFMAN 361 be most easily refuted. After the organizing got under way the governor became fearful. He called Henry Caudill and said, 'Tm afraid these people will scare my girls. They are not used to mountain people." Caudill assured him that the governor's secretaries had nothing to fear from the demonstrators. Early Tuesday morning, June 22, the caravan began the one hundred and eighty-mile trip to Frankfort. The sign-bedecked old cars and beat-up trucks, cleaned up for the occasion, carried almost two hundred mountaineers. Some had never before left the Cumberland Highlands. The protesters wore the best clothes they had. Some of the men wore suits and ties, and some women had on store-bought dresses. Other men wore short-sleeved shirts with denim pants, or overalls, and some women had on well-worn homemade dresses. At the capital they picketed with spirit. They chanted slogans and carried signs as they waited to see Governor Breathitt. Dan Gibson's placard read, "ELDERBERRY BUSHES! HOW STUPID CAN PEOPLE GET?" One poster declared, "PEACEFUL, YES. COMPLACENT, NO! NO! NO!" Another said "STRIPPING IS DESTRUCTION." Despite his promise to see them, the governor put them off with the excuse that he was too busy. When New York Times reporter Ben Franklin persuaded him to see a delegation of the mountain people, however, fourteen filed into his office. Half were the politicians who had joined the movement, invariably of the older generation since the younger officeholders would not risk antagonizing the coal companies. The delegation included a county judge, two Commonwealth attorneys, and a state senator. Also among the fourteen were Leroy Martin, Eldon Davidson, Dan Gibson, and Harry Caudill. The group presented the governor with a six-page letter asking him to act promptly since the tempo of stripping was accelerating. "The ruin of the whole region can be accomplished in another decade unless it is stopped now," the letter warned. A special session of the Commonwealth's legislature was declared to be urgently needed to enact a law prohibiting strip mining on any mountainous terrain where restoration of the soil could not be �362 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry accomplished in a reasonable time. The law should stipulate that stripping be permitted only upon the written permission of the owner of the surface of the land. Herman Ritchie, a self-taught TV repairman with the words, "TROUBLESOME CREEK ELECTRONICS" displayed in red letters on the back of his gritty work shirt, told the governor that his wife and two children "had to get out or be killed when they started rolling rocks on the house, splitting the trees up behind us on the slope—one rock rolled right up to the front porch." William R. Smith, Knott County banker and candidate for Congress, said that strip mining was going to wreck his home and the county. Mud would congest the creeks and cause flooding two or three times a year. Governor Breathitt looked at Smith as if he and the whole delegation were grossly exaggerating, and other speakers seemed to be equally ineffective. Then the group brought in Mrs. Bige Ritchie. The governor said, "Auntie, I want you to sit here at my desk and tell me anything you want to say." The old woman told him how the strip miners had come and dug up the family graveyard, pitched the coffin of her child over the hill, and bulldozed the coal out. She said she thought her heart would break when she saw that little casket roll down the slope. The governor changed his demeanor after hearing her, and became much more concerned about the plight of the mountain people. After meeting with the delegation, Governor Breathitt spoke in the Health Department auditorium to all the protestors. He told them he was now deeply concerned about what he had heard that day. He promised that the current law would be effectively enforced, and a strong effort would be made to get a better national or interstate policy to regulate strip mining. Since his stand would depend on how well the current law could be expected to work, he would have "a top level, fact-finding group" from in and out of state government "do an objective, hard, fact-finding job" to determine this. If the study showed the present law to be inadequate, he would recommend to the next legislature one that could do the job. �EDWIN HOFFMAN 363 The only applause the unsmiling mountaineers gave him was for his last statement. When the governor finished speaking, his natural resources commissioner presided over a heated discussion between the state's mining officials and the protesters. The commissioner was roundly booed when he claimed to have made efforts to regulate stripping in Knott County. Gurney Norman, a Hazard newspaper reporter, rose to tell him, "I don't think anyone has respect for what you are doing because they don't have respect for the law as it stands." Norman asked repeatedly for information on specific law violations by strippers, but got no direct replies. At day's end most mountaineers left Frankfort angrier than when they had come, but Harry Caudill was encouraged. "I think it is the first time that the state administration has heard the voice of the people," he told the reporters covering the protest. "Up until today, they've heard the voice of the coal operators and an occasional garden club member and editorial writer. This is the beginning of a mass voice of the people.11 Nor was the voice of the coal operators muted at that time. While the governor was meeting with the victims of the strip mining, a three-day symposium on "surface mining" had begun in the nearby city of Lexington. This state-sponsored meeting was attended largely by leaders of the strip-mining industry who spoke as if their activities were an unmixed blessing to the state. They professed to reclaim the land, with the head of the Kentucky Oak Mining Company lashing out at critics of its Knott County mining for taking "isolated cases of irresponsibility" and making it appear that this was the pattern of the industry. The Louisville Courier-Journal, the state's leading newspaper, described the gathering as "a defense meeting of the stripping industry," a parade of speakers "allegedly concerned with conservation" who made strip mining sound "as cute and pretty as an outing of nature lovers." Federal officials at the symposium, the newspaper added, talked of stripping and reclamation as though it were "a droll and delightful way of planting trees." The state commissioner of natural resour- �364 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry ces also saw no evil. He claimed that the law was being strictly enforced. "If anyone knows of any violation of the law anywhere, let him come forward,11 he urged. "We will take action at once and punish all offenders, big and small." Perhaps most self-serving of all was Aubrey Wagner, chairman of the board of the Tennessee Valley Authority, the largest consumer of coal in the world and the primary customer of the coal operators at the meeting. "Strip mining, while it is going on, looks like the devil," he admitted, "but what comes out of it has done wonders for this area. If you look at what those mountains were doing before this stripping, they were just growing trees that were not being harvested." Now there are hundreds of miles of haul roads and mountain cuts on the Kentucky landscape. They constituted a new resource, giving access for fire control and future recreational purposes. Wagner added that stripping was the only way to get at much of Kentucky's coal, that it was safer than deep mining, and it could lower power costs to consumers. While he said not a word about the devastation inflicted on mountain home owners, he did say that TVA might require "scientific conservation practices" in the future, and he favored a federal stripmine law that would have other states do as much for reclamation as Kentucky required. At this industry-dominated symposium, the handful of mountaineers who had come from the demonstration in Frankfort were almost inundated by the tide of the industry and government apologists. But the protesters had already influenced Edward Breathitt. When the governor spoke, he held out the promise of reform. He would call upon the legislature to outlaw strip mining, he said, "if erosion, flooding, and pollution are the inevitable consequences of such mining." He warned the operators that, unless honest reclamation was begun in a hurry, "an outraged public" would demand prohibition of the industry. "We don't intend," he cautioned, "to permit this industry or any other industry to destroy the beauty of Kentucky's countryside or the usefulness of its earth for future generations." �EDWIN HOFFMAN 365 A week later the mountain people realized another benefit from their caravan to the capital when the governor paid a surprise visit to some stripping operations in Knott and Perry counties. He had never before seen the ravages of strip mining and was deeply moved. He talked to some affected landowners, picking homes at random. Mrs. Claudia Hall of Clear Creek told him, "Everyone around here feels the same way as we do. The people around here are getting touchy about it." Frank Fugate, an old Regulator Baptist preacher, made it clear to the governor just how "touchy" they could get if their homes were jeopardized by the operators. "Whenever they came on me," he said, "I put 'em off. We didn't want to go to violence, but I knew we were ready for it." At the end of his dusty tour, the governor announced that he would act at once to relieve the problems of the landowners. Fully convinced of the gravity of their problem, he would ask the attorney general to intervene on the side of the mountaineers in the court case testing the broad-form deeds, and he would be willing to go to the United States Supreme Court if necessary to get a favorable ruling. He would also confer with the TVA officials to persuade them to pay strip-mining operators an additional twenty cents per ton for reclamation efforts. He condemned the TVA for making high profits "at the expense of ruined hillsides, poisoned streams, dead woodlands, devastated farms, breeding grounds for mosquitoes, and eradicated wildlife." Concurring with the criticisms of those who had demonstrated, he said, "I am not referring to the present, half-hearted attempts to get fruit trees or elderberry bushes or pine seedlings to grow in the thin, acid soil left at the mining sites." A week later Governor Breathitt came back for a second visit to the coalfields. He was met at a road-building ceremony in Isom in Letcher County by pickets from the Appalachian Group to Save the Land and the People. They carried "SAVE OUR LAND" signs so that he would know that the people would not be satisfied with mere words of sympathy. The Mountain Eagle observed that the downtrodden mountain �366 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry whites were learning something from the Blacks in the civil rights movement—that you could expect nothing if you suffer in silence. In late July the governor followed through on another promise when the state asked the Knott County court to prohibit strip or auger mining "where such operation results in peril to members of the public, its streams, roads, and other public property." During the following months the movement continued its protests and organizing. Money for a legal defense fund was raised at meetings in run-down schools and churches, often from the sale of honey, eggs, and cakes. One hundred Letcher County residents formed a branch of AGSLP. Their president, Lundy Adams, warned that he was a peaceful man, "but a man can be pushed just so far." Some mountaineers may not have been so peaceful. Dynamite blasts went off in the hills, blowing up mining machinery. One night a half million dollars' worth of equipment was destroyed. On another night someone hid in the bushes and wounded the driver of a bulldozer with a shotgun blast. It was never learned who committed these acts of violence. The spokesmen for the operators implied that the protesters were to blame, while AGSLP said that the explosions were set off by company personnel, using the old dodge of blowing up worn-out machinery to collect the insurance on it. Harry Caudill was especially active in behalf of the cause. Speaking of one local stripper, the Virginia Coal and Iron Company, which Caudill said made higher profits in 1964 than any other American company, he remarked, "We don't want to put them out of business. We would like to civilize them." He sharply contrasted such wealth with the poverty of the people. Seven thousand people in Perry County, he noted, drew food stamps. At the head of Lott's Creek, he pointed out, "hundreds of thousands of dollars' worth of illegally large coal trucks loaded with millions of dollars' worth of untaxed coal pass a two hundred-dollar schoolhouse." But it was neither Harry Caudill nor the leaders of the Appalachian group, but a gray-haired widow up a Clear Creek �EDWIN HOFFMAN 367 hollow who became the best symbol and voice of the movement to resist the strip mining. When Mrs. OUie Combs—the Widow Combs, as she came to be known throughout Kentucky and even to readers of the New York Times—repeatedly halted the stripping above her little cabin by lying down in front of a big yellow bulldozer and was hauled off to jail for her resistance, the cause of the mountain folk became real to many people who had been unmoved by the statistics and rhetoric on the rape of the mountains. The confrontation was a consequence of a partial victory won by the protest movement in the fall of 1965. The state announced that somewhat stricter regulations would go into effect on December 18, regulations that would outlaw strip mining on slopes steeper than 33 degrees. Operators hastened to mine the steep slopes as much as possible before the deadline. The Caperton Coal Company's equipment began biting into the ridge above the tiny home of Mrs. Combs and her family. An early member of AGSLP, she was sixty-one, very recently widowed, and living with five sons, who ranged in age from thirteen to twenty-seven. The Combses' four-room wooden cabin, with its typical old washing machine and wringer on the porch, lay squeezed between a one-lane dirt road and a steep, wooded hillside. That little house represented the family's life savings, and Mrs. Combs was determined that no avalanche of rocks, dirt, and trees would fall upon it. The coal company promised her that they would only bulldoze out a road above her to reach coal past her property, and it would compensate her for any damages done to her property, but she had no faith in a stripper's word. It was late November when Mrs. Combs first heard the throaty growl of a bulldozer on the ridge above her home. She sat in her rocking chair before the sulfurous coal fire in her little fireplace, listening for the machine to come close to her land. When it did, she put on her frayed jacket and well-worn heavy shoes, picked up her walking stick, and set out for the ridge top. There she lay down in front of the great blade of the bulldozer and sharply told the driver that he had better not try �368 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry to strip her land. He stopped the machine, and the company quickly secured an injunction from the county court forbidding interference with its operations. This did not faze Mrs. Combs. She again lay down before the bulldozer. On two successive days she was arrested, the second time with two of her sons. At the time of her later arrest, Bill Strode, a photographer from the Louisville Courier-Journal, followed her up the ridge to photograph her defiance. He had an opportunity to witness her exceptional courage. "I don't bother nobody,11 she told the bulldozer operator, "but you come into our homes.11 After stopping the machine she built herself a fire of twigs so that she might weather the elements as long as necessary while she blocked the way. Soon Sheriff Oliver Hylton, a deputy, and two state troopers arrived and ordered the widow and her sons to leave. "You promised me you wouldn't come back up here," the sheriff said. "No, I didn't," she replied. She then turned to William "Buck" Caperton, the head of the strip-mining company, who had joined them. "I told you to get out and stay out." "I've never been stopped yet," he told her. "I've not either," was her sharp reply. Caperton remarked that he was doing nothing "contrary to the law." "But it's contrary to me," Mrs. Combs retorted. "Well, you can't please everybody," he said. "We are going through." "Just go off and leave us alone," Mrs. Combs said. "We live hard." After another hour, seeing that she would not budge, Sheriff Hylton arrested her and her sons. With the sheriff taking her by the legs and a state trooper holding her under the arms, they carried her limp body down the slope to a police car. It was then that the sheriff ordered the news photographer to stop taking pictures. Strode refused. He was arrested on a "John Doe" warrant for trespassing. The sheriff tried to seize �EDWIN HOFFMAN 369 his camera. The two men struggled for it, the strap broke, and Strode was able to beat the sheriff to the fallen camera and keep it. A few moments later, he removed the film, put it into the finger of his glove, and hid the glove inside his trousers. All those arrested were taken to the county jail. The Combses were soon let out on bail, and the charges were dropped against Strode. A day later photographs and a vivid story told Kentuckians of the "Widow vs. Bulldozer" and asked "Has Mrs. Combs Beaten Strip Miners?" Back home on the morning following her most recent arrest, Mrs. Combs again heard the rumble of the bulldozer. She trudged out to do battle again, with the newsman right behind her. This time the coal company had armed guards on the ridge, but she walked right past them to await the machine. The guards threatened and cursed the photographer as he snapped pictures, and then they threw rocks at him. The bulldozer never came. Mrs. Combs left to go with her two sons to the courthouse in Hazard to stand trial for contempt of court. Outside the building William Sturgill, president of the coal company that held a controlling interest in Caperton Coal, declared that he was ready for a showdown. He would not be deterred by barriers thrown up by protesting landowners, for the company had the law on its side. The Combses had a brief trial before the Knott County Police Court. Mrs. Combs sat quietly on one side of the dimly lit courtroom, serene, yet firm in her determination. Had she done anything "violent" or "mean" while protesting, her lawyer asked. "No sir," she replied. "I didn't even think of it." "Have you ever been in trouble?" he asked. Tve never been in trouble. Never been in jail." she said. "I just want to live out my life in my hollow and be left alone. I don't want to see my home ruined. It's all I got left." The mine company's lawyer told the judge, "We don't want to keep bringing in people for contempt. I don't know if these people know what a restraining order is." "There would be no trouble," the Combses' lawyer snapped �370 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry back, "if you would take these nefarious machines off those mountains and silently steal away.11 The judge found Mrs. Combs and her two sons guilty. He imposed no fine on them but sentenced each to twenty hours in jail. The Caperton attorney reminded the judge that this sentence would run into Thanksgiving Day and urged a two-day delay. The Combses' lawyer added that Mrs. Combs had a paralytic son back home. The judge was adamant. They would go to jail immediately. Widow Combs accepted confinement as serenely as she had her trial. When Thanksgiving Day came, she and the other inmates were served an early dinner of chicken and dumplings. When the Combses were released, their return home was a joyous occasion. Some fifty friends and neighbors met them at the head of the hollow. Mrs. Combs laughed and then she cried. Neighbors brought food in pots and dishes for a second Thanksgiving dinner. After eating she wrapped her head in a brightly colored scarf and made her way up the ridge where the stripping had been attempted. This was a symbolic journey. She would not have to fear rearrest, for the judge had ordered Caperton Coal to cease its activities on the slope above her cabin. On the following day Governor Breathitt told the press, "I want the Widow Combs and all other Kentuckians whose home and farms are threatened with destruction to know I am on their side." He added, "I urge and expect all citizens of Kentucky to obey the law." The governor accused the operators of "provoking and causing these disturbances" and urged them to "desist from further insistence on their pound of flesh" until the proper scope of the broad-form mineral-rights deeds was decided in the courts. If the courts disagreed with his position in support of the landowners, he would seek new legislation protecting them from the strippers. Meanwhile, he appointed a special counsel to plead the mountaineers' case, and he ordered the state police not to aid in the arrest of protesters unless he told them to do so. A day later he issued an emergency order temporarily prohibiting almost all steep-slope mining. �EDWIN HOFFMAN 371 Progress in resistance was also being made in the courts. The suit of Leroy Martin, argued by Harry Caudill and a government attorney, met with preliminary success. Instead of throwing out the case, as had previously been the custom, the Knott County circuit judge agreed to consider whether the owner of the surface land continued to have rights despite their having been signed away in broad-form deeds fifty or more years ago. In the case of the Martin property, an illiterate mountaineer and his wife had signed away their rights with marks of "X" in 1903. Strip mining, of course, was unheard of then, and Caudill argued that it could not have been imagined that huge machines would devastate the land. The operators' reply to the suit was essentially that a contract had been agreed to, and it was still binding. On January 4, 1966, Governor Breathitt addressed the opening session of the Kentucky General Assembly. He urged the lawmakers to give top priority to the control of strip mining and to civil rights. The present mining law, he noted, was ineffective in protecting the people and their land. Kentucky should be "second to none" in its concern for the earth, just as "Kentucky is second to no state in the richness of it.tf That same day a bill to do what the governor proposed was introduced into the legislature. It would eliminate the rugged contours left by customary stripping practices and so lessen landslides and scarring of the mountains. The bill called for terraced back fills to be created in "bench-type" operations. Dirt and rock removed was to be piled back on the bench instead of being pushed over the mountainside. The state would be empowered to disapprove stripping where the operation was a hazard to homes, schools, churches, cemeteries, commercial buildings, public roads, streams, and lakes. Operators could not deposit debris outside the mining area or place it where erosion might move it outside the area. Battle lines quickly formed. The coal companies attacked the bill in costly newspaper and radio advertisements and were evidently raising a large fund to defeat it. The anti-stripping movement replied by charging that the coal and railroad com- �372 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry panies were raising huge sums to influence the lawmakers. The companies strongly denied the allegations of the protesters. Implications that the companies were raising money for bribery were called "the worst blow yet." Despite the industries' money and influence, the anti-stripping forces prevailed. In an unusual move, Governor Breathitt made a personal appearance on the floor of the lower house to persuade the legislators to pass the bill. By January 27 it passed both houses by overwhelming votes. The new law would take effect in June. The coal operators moaned that it would put them out of business. A second anti-strip mining bill remained under consideration. This one proposed to amend the broad-form deeds to make them inapplicable to strip mining. Mrs. Combs was one of the witnesses who testified for the bill. As she sat on a folding chair with her hands on her lap and spoke movingly for the change, she so impressed the legislators and the press that the bill became known as the "Widow Combs bill." However, this time the coal interest and their allies in the steel, railroad, chemical, and oil industries prevailed. The bill was tabled on March 2, and two attempts to revive it were unsuccessful. Even though the "Widow Combs biU" failed to pass, the newly enacted restrictions on strip-mining procedures appeared to be a significant victory for the Appalachian Group to Save the Land and the People, and for the Bige Ritchies and Ollie Combses who had taken on roles so uncommon for mountain women. The test of a law is its enforcement, however, and the 1966 law was simply not enforced in a manner that would end the raping of the mountains. Kentucky soon got a new governor who lacked the zeal that Edward Breathitt had acquired in the last months of his term of office. The courts also disappointed mountain protesters. The circuit court ruled in the Martin case that the broad-form deeds were legal, that the strip mining could continue, and that the coal companies must make fair payment for any damages done to surface property. Both sides appealed the ruling. Briefs supporting the appeal of Leroy Martin were filed by the Sierra �EDWIN HOFFMAN 373 Club and the Kentucky Civil Liberties Union, as well as by AGSLP and the state of Kentucky. The Kentucky Court of Appeals was not persuaded. On June 21,1968, it sustained every argument of the strippers. They were free to mine land without the owner's consent, and they did not have to pay that owner for any damages done to the surface of the land. While the Martin case was going through the courts, some mountaineers warred on the operators with guerrilla tactics. In the summer of 1967 a $50,000 diesel-powered shovel of the Kentucky Oak Mining Company, the defendant in Martin's suit, was blown up one night at a Knott County strip mine. Then $300,000 worth of machinery of the Tar Heel Coal Company was dynamited on Lost Creek. So many bullets were fired at this operation that some company bulldozers were equipped with armor plate. These violent protests may have been the last, frustration-filled acts of the now dispirited mountaineers. For by 1967 there was an erosion of leadership. Leroy Martin and Eldon Davidson left Knott County for better jobs. Mrs. Combs changed her mind and let the coal company pay her a small sum to strip her land. The Appalachian Group to Save the Land and the People disbanded, and more and more of the mountains were lost to the bulldozers, augers, and other huge, noisy earthmovers. The recent ravages of the strip miners could best be seen above the cabin of the Widow Combs—now a raw hillside, an ugly highwall, and dirt spilled down below it. Only Harry Caudill remained as a spokesman for the cause, to chronicle the dying of the Cumberland Highlands and to keep alive the conservationist spirit. Strippers, No! 1. Could you call the conflict between the mountaineers and the strippers a struggle between right and wrong? Or did both groups have legitimate reasons for what they were doing? �374 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry 2. When Governor Breathitt finally visited Knott County and Perry County, what was his reaction to what he saw? What were the results of his visit? 3. Of the protesters you have read about in this section, which one impressed you most? Give reasons. 4. Define the following terms as they are used in the context of this selection: dole, high wall, broad-form deed, reclamation, restraining order. �RICHARD HAGUE 375 RICHARD HAGUE (1947- ) Poet Richard Hague, born and reared in Steubenville, Ohio, now makes his home in Cincinnati. Educated at Xavier University in Cincinnati, he received his B.S. and his M.A. in English in 1972. He began teaching in 1969 at what is now Purcell Marion High School, where he is Chairman of the English Department. He has taught at Edgecliff College and Xavier University and was the 1984 Writer-in-Residence at the Kentucky Institute for Arts in Education at the University of Louisville. Hague is the author of three collections of poetry: Crossings, A Week of Nights Down River, and Ripening, for which he received the Co-Poet of the Year award by the Ohio Poetry Day Association. He has served several times on the staff of the Appalachian Writers Workshop at the Hindman Settlement School and in 1985 presented a poetry lecture series on public access cable for the Arts and Humanities Resource Center in Cincinnati. The following poem from Ripening is one of many Hague has written about his feelings about the coal mining life. �376 Moving Mountains: Struggle of the Coal Industry In the Woods Beyond the Coalfields I have come here to forget the red god of my fathers and the furnace of his meaning. But the breeze is westerly today, hauls Ohio's sin here. Far across these Seven Ranges float smoke and coalspill, which to this summers common wounds upon the hillside, field, and pond apply no healing poultice. The large, warm woman of the air who once nursed blighted fox and split-branched tree, who once spilled health like splashed weeds up and down these hollows, hobbles now, hammered in the darkness of old mines. I will not find her here, but I cannot go away. In a dream that stalks me like my doom, I fall through all the daylight of these woods, and stumble upstream toward the mine, where the rotting bodies of my fathers slip like nightmares from black slag. �RICHARD HAGUE 377 In the Woods Beyond the Coalfields 1. What has the poet "come here to forget?" 2. Discuss the dream in the last stanza and its possible interpretation. �378 COMPOSITION TOPICS 1, Look around you for any personal injustice or controversial public issue which you might protest. In a composition state the problem; then give your point of view and defend it with reasons. 2. The selections in this chapter show the effects of coal mining on the people. Choose the selection which most clearly illustrates the conflict. Make up a name and address of a coal company and write a letter to its president. Clearly state the conflict and suggest a solution that wiU consider the needs of the people and the needs of the company. ACTIVITIES Add to your book an account of any member of your family who felt injustice and did something about it. Write the military history of the people on your family tree who have served in the armed forces. Include the following: 1. Name, rank, serial number, and branch of service 2. Dates of service 3. Was it war time or peace time? Name the war. 4. To what states and countries did the service take your family member? 5. What was his or her job in the service? 6. Was he or she in a major battle? Tell about it. 7. Illustrate with a photograph of the person in uniform. �379 CHAPTER 6 The Change Hits Home: The Challenge to Tradition and Values The same questions asked about the southern United States may be asked of Appalachia. Is Appalachia extinct? Have television, new industry, federal programs, emigration, and immigration blended the region with the rest of America? Is it now rich, industrialized, cosmopolitan, and, consequently, indistinguishable in the American mainstream? Or, as some scholars contend, has America become what Appalachia once was? A November 2,1986, New York Times article quotes John Gaventa of the Highlander Center as saying: "Instead of modernizing the mountaineer. .. we are now mountainizing the moderns. The mainstream of America is joining us.11 The largely rural culture of Southern Appalachia has now run head-on into the fast-paced, high-tech life of the 1980s. The old ways—the values, religious beliefs and practices, and the very pace of everyday life—are being chal- �380 lenged. Older people remembering the Appalachia of earlier times are keenly aware of this rapid change. It can be argued that this pressure to change, this homogenizing of America into one landscape of malls, fastfood restaurants and highways, is the impetus for most of the writing in Appalachia today. All of the selections in this second section are, finally, about change and how we cope with it. �JESSE STUART 381 JESSE STUART (19074984) Jesse Stuart was born in W-Hollow, a farm near Riverton, Kentucky, and attended a one-room country school which he later used as the setting for some of his stories. He worked to put himself through Lincoln Memorial University in Tennessee, where James Still and Don West were among his classmates. He studied for one year at Vanderbilt University, although he did not complete his master's degree. There he wrote his autobiography, which he later published as Beyond Dark Hills. Stuart taught school, including stints at the American University in Cairo, Egypt, and at the University of Nevada. He also farmed, worked in industry, and served in the Navy. During 1962 and 1963, he was the American specialist abroad for the Bureau of Education and Cultural Affairs. Jesse Stuart received many honors and awards in all areas of writing. He burst on the American literary scene in 1934 with Man With A Bull-Tongue Plow. His poetry, short stories, and juvenile fiction were very popular and appeared frequently in magazines and literary journals. His short story collection Men of the Mountains won the Academy of Arts and Sciences Award, and the novel Taps for Private Tussle received the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Award in 1943. The National Education Association selected The Thread That Runs So True as the best book of 1949. Stuart also received �382 The Change Hits Home the Academy of American Poets Award in 1961. Kentucky honored him with the designation of Poet Laureate in 1954. "Split Cherry Tree" is about changes in education and how education changes the lives of people. Split Cherry Tree "I don't mind staying after school," I says to Professor Herbert, "but I'd rather you'd whip me with a switch and let me go home early. Pa will whip me anyway for getting home two hours late." "You are too big to whip," says Professor Herbert, "and I have to punish you for climbing up in that cherry tree. You boys knew better than that! The other five boys have paid their dollar each. You have been the only one who has not helped pay for the tree. Can't you borrow a dollar?" "I can't," I says. "I'll have to take the punishment. I wish it would be quicker punishment. I wouldn't mind." Professor Herbert stood and looked at me. He was a big man. He wore a gray suit of clothes. The suit matched his gray hair. "You don't know my father," I says to Professor Herbert. "He might be called a little old-fashioned. He makes us mind him until we're twenty-one years old. He believes if you spare the rod you spoil the child. I'll never be able to make him understand about the cherry tree. I'm the first of my people to go to high school." "You must take the punishment," says Professor Herbert. "You must stay two hours after school today and two hours after school tomorrow. I am allowing you twenty-five cents an hour. That is good money for a high school student. You can sweep the schoolhouse floor, wash the blackboards, and clean windows. I'll pay the dollar for you." I couldn't ask Professor Herbert to loan me a dollar. He never offered to loan it to me. I had to stay and help the janitor and work out my fine at a quarter an hour. �STUART 383 I thought as I swept the floor, "What will Pa do to me? What lie can I tell him when I go home? Why did we ever climb that cherry tree and break it down for anyway? Why did we run crazy over the hills away from the crowd? Why did we do all of this? Six of us climbed up in a little cherry tree after one little lizard! Why did the tree split and fall with us? It should have been a stronger tree! Why did Eif Crabtree just happen to be below us plowing and catch us in his cherry tree? Why wasn't he a better man than to charge us six dollars for the tree?11 It was six o'clock when I left the schoolhouse. I had six miles to walk home. It would be after seven when I got home. I had all my work to do when I got home. It took Pa and me both to do the work. Seven cows to milk. Nineteen head of cattle to feed, four mules, twenty-five hogs, firewood and stovewood to cut, and water to draw from the well. He would be doing it when I got home. He would be mad and wondering what was keeping me! I hurried home. I would run under the dark, leafless trees. I would walk fast uphill. I would run down the hill. The ground was freezing. I had to hurry. I had to run. I reached the long ridge that led to our cow pasture. I ran along this ridge. The wind dried the sweat on my face. I ran across the pasture to the house. I threw down my books in the chipyard. I ran to the barn to spread fodder on the ground for the cattle. I didn't take time to change my clean school clothes for my old work clothes. I ran out to the barn. I saw Pa spreading fodder on the ground to the cattle. That was my job. I ran up to the fence. I says, "Leave that for me, Pa. HI do it. I'm just a little late." "I see you are," says Pa. He turned and looked at me. His eyes danced fire. "What in th' world has kept you so? Why ain't you been here to help me with this work? Make a gentleman out'n one boy in th' family and this is what you get! Send you to high school and you get too onery fer th' buzzards to smell!" I never said anything. I didn't want to tell why I was late �384 The Change Hits Home from school. Pa stopped scattering the bundles of fodder. He looked at me. He says, "Why are you gettin' in here this time o' night? You tell me or I'll take a hickory withe to you right here on th' spot!" I says, "I had to stay after school." I couldn't lie to Pa. He'd go to school and find out why I had to stay. If I lied to him it would be too bad for me. "Why did you haf to stay atter school?" says Pa. I says, "Our biology class went on a field trip today. Six of us boys broke down a cherry tree. We had to give a dollar apiece to pay for the tree. I didn't have the dollar. Professor Herbert is making me work out my dollar. He gives me twenty-five cents an hour. I had to stay in this afternoon. I'll have to stay in tomorrow afternoon!" "Are you telling me th' truth?" says Pa. "I'm telling you the truth," I says. "Go and see for yourself." "That's jist what I'll do in th' morning, says Pa. "Jist whose cherrytree did you break down?" "Eif Crabtree's cherry tree!" "What was you doin' clear out in Eif Crabtree's place?" says Pa. "He lives four miles from th' county high school. Don't they teach you no books at that high school? Do they jist let you get out and gad over th' hillsides? If thaf s all they do I'll keep you at home, Dave. I've got work here fer you to do!" "Pa," I says, "spring is just getting here. We take a subject in school where we have to have bugs, snakes, flowers, lizards, frogs, and plants. It is biology. It was a pretty day today. We went out to find a few of these. Six of us boys saw a lizard at the same time sunning on a cherry tree. We all went up the tree to get it. We broke the tree down. It split at the forks. Eif Crabtree was plowing down below us. He ran up the hill and got our names. The other boys gave their dollar apiece. I didn't have mine. Professor Herbert put mine in for me. I have to work it out at school." "Poor man's son, huh," says Pa. "I'll attend to that myself in th' mornin'. I'll take keer o' 'im. He ain't from this county nohow. I'll go down there in th' mornin' and see 'im. Lettin' �JESSE STUART 385 you leave your books and gallivant all over th' hills. What kind of a school is it nohow! Didn't do that, my son, when I's a little shaver in school. All fared alike, too." "Pa, please don't go down there," I says, "just let me have fifty cents to pay the rest of my fine! I don't want you to go down there! I don't want you to start anything with Professor Herbert!" "Ashamed of your old Pap are you, Dave," says Pa, "atter th' way I've worked to raise you! Tryin' to send you to school so you can make a better livin' than I've made. "I'll straighten this thing out myself! I'll take keer o' Professor Herbert myself! He ain't got no right to keep you and let the other boys off jist because they've got th' money! I'm a poor man. A bullet will go in a professor same as it will any man. It will go in a rich man same as it will a poor man. Now you get into this work before I take one o' these withes and cut the shirt off'n your back!" I thought once I'd run through the woods above the barn just as hard as I could go. I thought I'd leave high school and home forever! Pa could not catch me! I'd get away! I couldn't go back to school with him. He'd have a gun and maybe he'd shoot Professor Herbert. It was hard to tell what he would do. I could tell Pa that school had changed in the hills from the way it was when he was a boy, but he wouldn't understand. I could tell him we studied frogs, birds, snakes, lizards, flowers, insects. But Pa wouldn't understand. If I did run away from home it wouldn't matter to Pa. He would see Professor Herbert anyway. He would think that high school and Professor Herbert had run me away from home. There was no need to run away. I'd just have to stay, finish foddering the cattle, and go to school with Pa the next morning. I would take a bundle of fodder, remove the hickory withe band from around it, and scatter it on rocks, clumps of green briers, and brush so the cattle wouldn't tramp it under their feet. I would lean it up against the oak trees and the rocks in the pasture just above our pigpen on the hill. The fodder was cold and frosty where it had set out in the stacks. I would carry �386 The Change Hits Home bundles of the fodder from the stack until I had spread out a bundle for each steer. Pa went to the barn to feed the mules and throw corn in the pen to the hogs. The moon shone bright in the cold March sky. I finished my work by moonlight. Professor Herbert really didn't know how much work I had to do at home. If he had known he would not have kept me after school. He would have loaned me a dollar to have paid my part on the cherry tree. He had never lived in the hills. He didn't know the way the hill boys had to work so that they could go to school. Now he was teaching in a county high school where all the boys who attended were from hill farms. After Fd finished doing my work I went to the house and ate my supper. Pa and Mom had eaten. My supper was getting cold. I heard Pa and Mom talking in the front room. Pa was telling Mom about me staying in after school. "I had to do all th' milkin' tonight, chop th' wood myself. It's too hard on me atter I've turned ground all day. I'm goin' to take a day off tomorrow and see if I can't remedy things a little. I'll go down to that high school tomorrow. I won't be a very good scholar f er Professor Herbert nohow. He won't keep me in atter school. I'll take a different kind of lesson down there and make 'im acquainted with it" "Now, Luster," says Mom, you jist stay away from there. Don't cause a lot o' trouble. You can be jailed fer a trick like that. You'll get th' Law atter you. You'll just go down there and show off and plague your own boy Dave to death in front o'allth' scholars!" "Plague or no plague," says Pa, "he don't take into consideration what all I have to do here, does he? I'll show 'im it ain't right to keep one boy in and let the rest go scot-free. My boy is good as th' rest, ain't he? A bullet will make a hole in a schoolteacher same as it will anybody else. He can't do me that way and get by with it. I'll plug 'im first. I aim to go down there bright and early in the mornin' and get all this straight! I aim to see about bug larnin' and this runnin' all over God's creation huntin' snakes, lizards, and frogs. Ransackin' th' �JESSE STUART 387 country and goin' through cherry orchards and breakin' th' trees down atter lizards! Old Eif Crabtree ought to a-poured th' hot lead to 'em instead o' chargin' six dollars f er th' tree! He ought to a-got old Herbert th' first one!" I ate my supper. I slipped upstairs and lit the lamp. I tried to forget the whole thing. I studied plane geometry. Then I studied my biology lesson. I could hardly study for thinking about Pa. "He'll go to school with me in the morning. He'll take a gun for Professor Herbert! What will Professor Herbert think of me! I'll tell him when Pa leaves that I couldn't help it. But Pa might shoot him. I hate to go with Pa. Maybe he'll cool off about it tonight and not go in the morning." Pa got up at four o'clock. He built a fire in the stove. Then he built a fire in the fireplace. He got Mom up to get breakfast. Then he got me up to help feed and milk. By the time we had our work done at the barn, Mom had breakfast ready for us. We ate our breakfast. Daylight came and we could see the bare oak trees covered white with frost. The hills were white with frost. A cold wind was blowing. The sky was clear. The sun would soon come out and melt the frost. The afternoon would be warm with sunshine and the frozen ground would thaw. There would be mud on the hills again. Muddy water would then run down the little ditches on the hills. "Now, Dave," says Pa, "let's get ready fer school. I aim to go with you this mornin' and look into bug larnin', frog larnin', lizard and snake larnin', and breakin' down cherry trees! I don't like no sicha foolish way o' larnin' myself!" Pa hadn't forgot. I'd have to take him to school with me. He would take me to school with him. We were going early. I was glad we were going early. If Pa pulled a gun on Professor Herbert there wouldn't be so many of my classmates there to see him. I knew that Pa wouldn't be at home in the high school. He wore overalls, big boots, a blue shirt and a sheepskin coat, and a slouched black hat gone to seed at the top. He put his gun in its holster. We started trudging toward the high school across the hill. �388 The Change Hits Home It was early when we got to the county high school. Professor Herbert had just got there. I just thought as we walked up the steps into the schoolhouse, "Maybe Pa will find out Professor Herbert is a good man. He just doesn't know him. Just like I felt toward the Lambert boys across the hill. I didn't like them until I'd seen them and talked to them. After I went to school with them and talked to them, I liked them and we were friends. It's a lot in knowing the other fellow." "You're th' Professor here, ain't you!" says Pa. "Yes," says Professor Herbert, "and you are Dave's father." "Yes," says Pa, pulling out his gun and laying it on the seat in Professor Herbert's office. Professor Herbert's eyes got big behind his black-rimmed glasses when he saw Pa's gun. Color came into his pale cheeks. "Jist a few things about this school I want to know," says Pa. Tmtryin'to make a scholar out'n Dave. He's the only one out'n eleven youngins I've sent to high school. Here he comes in late and leaves me all the work to do! He said you's all out bug huntin' yesterday and broke a cherry tree down. He had to stay two hours atter school yesterday and work out money to pay for that cherry tree! Is that right?" "Wwwwy," says Professor Herbert," I guess it is." He looked at Pa's gun. "Well," says Pa, "this ain't no high school. It's a bug school, a lizard school, a snake school! It ain't no school nohow!" "Why did you bring that gun?" says Professor Herbert to Pa. "You see that little hole," says Pa as he picked up the long blue forty-four and put his finger on the end of the barrel, "a bullet can come out'n that hole that will kill a schoolteacher same as it will any other man. It will kill a rich man same as a poor man. It will kill a man. But atter I come in and saw you, I kno w'd I wouldn't need it. This maul of mine could do you up in a few minutes." Pa stood there, big, hard, brown-skinned, and mighty, beside of Professor Herbert. I didn't know Pa was so much bigger and harder. I'd never seen Pa in a schoolhouse before. I'd �JESSE STUART 389 seen Professor Herbert. He always looked big before to me. He didn't look big standing beside of Pa. "I was only doing my duty, Mr. Sexton/1 says Professor Herbert, "and following the course of study the state provided us with." "Course o' study," says Pa, "what study, bug study? Varmint study? Takin' youngins to th' woods. Boys and girls all out there together a-gallivantin' in the brush and kicking up their heels and their poor old Ma's and Pa's at home a-slavin' to keep 'em in school and give 'em a education! You know that's dangerous, too, puttin' a lot o' boys and girls out together like that!" Students were coming into the schoolhouse now. Professor Herbert says, "Close the door, Dave, so others won't hear. I walked over and closed the door. I was shaking like a leaf in the wind. I thought Pa was going to hit Professor Herbert every minute. He was doing all the talking. His face was getting red. The red color was coming through the brown, weather-beaten skin on Pa's face. "I was right with these students," says Professor Herbert. "I know what they got into and what they didn't. I didn't send one of the other teachers with them on this field trip. I went myself. Yes, I took the boys and girls together. Why not?" "It jist don't look good to me," says Pa, "a-takin' all this swarm of youngins out to pillage th' whole deestrict. Breaking' down cherry trees. Keeping' boys in atter school." "What else could I have done with Dave, Mr. Sexton?" says Professor Herbert. "The boys didn't have any business all climbing that cherry tree after one lizard. One boy could have gone up in the tree and got it. The farmer charged us six dollars. It was a little steep, I think, but we had it to pay. Must I make five boys pay and let your boy off? He said he didn't have the dollar and couldn't get it. So I put it in for him. I'm letting him work it out. He's not working for me. He's working for the school!" "I jist don't know what you could a-done with 'im," says �390 The Change Hits Home Pa, "only a-larruped 1m with a withe! That's what he needed!" "He's too big to whip," says Professor Herbert, pointing at me. "He's a man in size." "He's not too big fer me to whip," says Pa. "They ain't too big until they're over twenty-one! It jist didn't look fair to me! Work one and let th' rest out because they got th' money. I don't see what bugs has got to do with a high school! It don't look good to me nohow!" Pa picked up his gun and put it back in its holster. The red color left Professor Herbert's face. He talked more to Pa. Pa softened a little. It looked funny to see Pa in the high school building. It was the first time he'd ever been there. "We were not only hunting snakes, toads, flowers, butterflies, lizards," says Professor Herbert, "but, Mr. Sexton, I was hunting dry timothy grass to put in an incubator and raise some protozoa.' "I don't know what that is," says Pa. "Th' incubator is th' new-fangled way o' cheatin' th' hens and raisin' chickens. I ain't so sure about th' breed o' chickens you mentioned." "You've heard of germs, Mr. Sexton, haven't you?" says Professor Herbert. "Jist call me Luster, if you don't mind," says Pa, very casual like. "All right, Luster, you've heard of germs, haven't you?" "Yes," says Pa, "but I don't believe in germs. I'm sixty-five years old and I ain't seen one yet!" "You can't see them with your naked eye," says Professor Herbert. "Just keep that gun in the holster and stay with me in the high school today. I have a few things I want to show you. That scum on your teeth has germs in it." "What," says Pa, "you mean to tell me I've got germs on my teeth!" "Yes," says Professor Herbert. "The same kind as we might be able to find in a living black snake if we dissect it!" "I don't mean to dispute your word," says Pa, "but I don't believe it. I don't believe I have germs on my teeth!" "Stay with me today and I'll show you. I want to take you �JESSE STUART 391 through the school anyway! School has changed a lot in the hills since you went to school. I don't guess we had high schools in this county when you went to school!" ''No," says Pa, "jist readin', writin', and ciphering We didn't have all this bug larnin', frog larnin', and findin' germs on your teeth and in the middle o' black snakes! Th' world's changin'." "It is," says Professor Herbert, "and we hope all for the better. Boys like your own there are going to help change it. He's your boy. He knows all of what Fve told you. You stay with me today." Til shore stay with you," says Pa. "I want to see th' germs off'n my teeth. I jist want to see a germ. I've never seen one in my life. 'Seein' is believin',' Pap allus told me." Pa walked out of the office with Professor Herbert. I just hoped Professor Herbert didn't have Pa arrested for pulling his gun. Pa's gun has always been a friend to him when he goes to settle disputes. The bell rang. School took up. I saw the students when they marched in the schoolhouse look at Pa. They would grin and punch each other. Pa just stood and watched them pass in at the schoolhouse door. Two long lines marched in the house. The boys and girls were clean and well dressed. Pa stood over in the schoolyard under a leafless elm, in his sheepskin coat, his big boots laced in front with buckskin, and his heavy socks stuck above his boot tops. Pa's overalls legs were baggy and wrinkled between his coat and boot tops. His blue work shirt showed at the collar. His big black hat showed his graystreaked black hair. His face was hard and weather-tanned to the color of a ripe fodder blade. His hands were big and gnarled like the roots of the elm tree he stood beside. When I went to my first class I saw Pa and Professor Herbert going around over the schoolhouse. I was in my geometry class when Pa and Professor Herbert came in the room. We were explaining our propositions on the blackboard. Professor Herbert and Pa just quietly came in and sat down for a while. I heard Fred Wurts whisper to Glenn Armstrong, "Who is that old man? Lord, he's a rough-looking scamp." Glenn �392 The Change Hits Home whispered back, ft l think he's Dave's Pap.11 The students in geometry looked at Pa. They must have wondered what he was doing in school. Before the class was over, Pa and Professor Herbert got up and went out. I saw them together down on the playground. Professor Herbert was explaining to Pa. I could see the prints of Pa's gun under his coat when he'd walk around. At noon in the high school cafeteria Pa and Professor Herbert sat together at the little table where Professor Herbert always ate by himself. They ate together. The students watched the way Pa ate. He ate with his knife instead of his fork. A lot of the students felt sorry for me after they found out he was my father. They didn't have to feel sorry for me. I wasn't ashamed of Pa after I found out he wasn't going to shoot Professor Herbert. I was glad they had made friends. I wasn't ashamed of Pa. I wouldn't be as long as he behaved. He would find out about the high school as I had found out about the Lambert boys across the hill. In the afternoon when we went to biology Pa was in the class. He was sitting on one of the high stools beside the microscope. We went ahead with our work just as if Pa wasn't in the class. I saw Pa take his knife and scrape tartar from one of his teeth. Professor Herbert put it on the lens and adjusted the microscope for Pa. He adjusted it and worked awhile. Then he says: "Now Luster, look! Put your eye right down to the light. Squint the other eye!" Pa put his head down and did as Professor Herbert said. "I see 'im,H says Pa. "Who'd a ever thought that? Right on a body's teeth! Right in a body's mouth. You're right certain they ain't fake to this, Professor Herbert?" "No, Luster," says Professor Herbert. "It's there. That's the germ. Germs live in a world we cannot see with the naked eye. We must use the microscope. There are millions of them in our bodies. Some are harmful. Others are helpful." Pa holds his face down and looks through the microscope. We stop and watch Pa. He sits upon the tall stool. His knees are against the table. His legs are long. His coat slips up be- �JESSE STUART 393 hind when he bends over. The handle of his gun shows. Professor Herbert pulls his coat down quickly. "Oh, yes," says Pa. He gets up and pulls his coat down. Pa's face gets a little red. He knows about his gun and he knows he doesn't have any use for it in high school. "We have a big black snake over here we caught yesterday," says Professor Herbert. "We'll chloroform him and dissect him and show you he has germs in his body, too." "Don't do it," says Pa. "'I believe you. I jist don't want to see you kill the black snake. I never kill one. They are good mousers and a lot o' help to us on the farm. I like black snakes. I jist hate to see people kill 'em. I don't allow 'em killed on my place." The students looked at Pa. They seemed to like him better after he said that. Pa with a gun in his pocket but a tender heart beneath his ribs for snakes, but not for man! Pa won't whip a mule at home. He won't whip his cattle. "Man can defend hisself," says Pa, "but cattle and mules can't. We have the drop on 'em. Ain't nothin' to a man that'll beat a good pullin' mule. He ain't got th' right kind o' a heart!" Professor Herbert took Pa through the laboratory. He showed him the different kinds of work we were doing. He showed him our equipment. They stood and talked while we worked. Then they walked out together. They talked louder when they got out in the hall. When our biology class was over I walked out of the room. It was our last class for the day. I would have to take my broom and sweep two hours to finish paying for the split cherry tree. I just wondered if Pa would want me to stay. He was standing in the hallway watching the students march out. He looked lost among us. He looked like a leaf turned brown on the tree among the treetop filled with growing leaves. I got my broom and started to sweep. Professor Herbert walked up and says, "I'm going to let you do that some other time. You can go home with your father. He is waiting out there." I laid my broom down, got my books, and went down the �394 The Change Hits Home steps. Pa says, "Ain't you got two hours o' sweepin' yet to do?" I says, "Professor Herbert said I could do it some other time. He said for me to go home with you." "No," says Pa. "You are goin' to do as he says. He's a good man. School has changed from my day and time. I'm a dead leaf, Dave. I'm behind. I don't belong here. If he'll let me I'll get a broom and we'll both sweep one hour. That pays your debt. I'll hep you pay it. I'll ast 'im and see if he won't let me hep you." "I'm going to cancel the debt," says Professor Herbert. "I just wanted you to understand, Luster." "I understand," says Pa, "and since I understand, he must pay for his debt fer th' tree and I'm going to hep 'im." "Don't do that," says Professor Herbert. "It's aU on me." "We don't do things like that," says Pa, "we're just and honest people. We don't want somethin' fer nothin'. Professor Herbert, you're wrong now and I'm right. You'll haf to listen to me. I've larned a lot from you. My boy must go on. Th' world has left me. It changed while I've raised my family and plowed th'hills. I'm a just and honest man. I don't skip debts. I ain't larned 'em to do that. I ain't got much larnin' myself but I do know right from wrong atter I see through a thing." Professor Herbert went home. Pa and I stayed and swept one hour. It looked funny to see Pa use a broom. He never used one at home. Mom used the broom. Pa used the plow. Pa did hard work. Pa says, "I can't sweep. Durned if I can. Look at th' streaks o' dirt I leave on th' floor! Seems like no work a-taH fer me. Brooms is too light 'r somethin'. I'll jist do th' best I can, Dave. I've been wrong about th' school." I says, "Did you know Professor Herbert can get a warrant out for you for bringing your pistol to school and showing it in his office! They can railroad6 you for that!" "That's all made right," says Pa. "I've made that right. Professor Herbert ain't goin' to take it to court. He likes me. I like'im. We jist had to get together. He had the remedies. He �JESSE STUART 395 showed me. You must go on to school. I am as strong a man as ever come out'n th' hills fer my years and th' hard work I've done. But I'm behind, Dave. I'm a little man. Your hands will be softer than mine. Your clothes will be better. You'll allus look cleaner than your old Pap. Jist remember, Dave, to pay your debts and be honest. Jist be kind to animals and don't bother th' snakes. Thaf s all I got agin th' school. Puttin' black snakes to sleep and cuttin' 'em open." It was late when we got home. Stars were in the sky. The moon was up. The ground was frozen. Pa took his time going home. I couldn't run like I did the night before. It was ten o'clock before we got the work finished, our suppers eaten. Pa sat before the fire and told Mom he was going to take her and show her a germ sometime. Mom hadn't seen one either. Pa told her about the high school and the fine man Professor Herbert was. He told Mom about the strange school across the hill and how different it was from the school in their day and time. Notes 'withe: a slender branch maul: a heavy hammer used especially for driving wedges or piles; here Pa means his hand. pillage: to take or destroy property by open violence; to take unlawfully. timothy grass: a fodder grass with long, cylindrical spikes. 5 protozoa: one-celled microscopic animals. 6 railroad: slang, to have someone imprisoned on false charges or without a fair trial. 2 �396 The Change Hits Home Split Cherry Tree 1. How do Pa and Professor Herbert differ in their method of resolving conflict? 2. What is Dave's major worry in regard to his offense? 3. How does Pa's attitude toward Dave's punishment change after Pa's visit to school? 4. What basic truths about people are revealed in this story? �FRED CHAPPELL 397 FRED CHAPPELL (1936- ) Fred Chappell has received praise, recognition, and critical acclaim, especially since the prestigious Bollinger Prize for Poetry was awarded to him in 1984 for his collection Midcjuest. A graduate of Duke University, Chappell was born in Canton, North Carolina, to a family in the furniture business. He is a prolific writer with poetry, short stories, novels, reviews, and essays to his credit. His publications include his latest novel, I Am One of You Forever, and his most recent book of poetry, Source. Other titles by Chappell include Moments of Light (short stories), The World Between The Eyes, and The Castle Tsingal (poetry). He currently teaches at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. "Firewater" tells the story of a local historical celebration. Firewater Beneath the hairy hams hung from the hooks Virgil Campbell talked in his grocery store: "I just got back from the hundredth anniversary Of Clay County. I have kinfolks that way, They asked me out to see the spectacle. �398 The Change Hits Home The local politicians—just to give you A notion—were calling themselves town fathers. So then I know something's bound to happen. If I had fathered a town I wouldn't brag About Hayesville. I mean, there's a matter of pride. "First off, the usual stuff. Speeches crammed To the gullet with lies; sorghum-judging, Jam-judging, cake-judging, quilt-judging; ribbons Handed out to the grandmaws and the livestock. And then the square dance contest. (I got to say The Hiawassee Stompers can flat out clog some...) I was rolling with it right along, Had me a laugh and a sip or two ... J.T., They had them a beauty queen. That gal was healthy, I'm here to tell you, and ought to season out As comfortable as a split rail fence And keep as many varmints off your ground... Maybe my taste is running sophisticated, I've lived too long in the wicked city of Pigeon Fork. "The main attraction, besides the knife- and fist-fights, Was the Clay County Hundredth Grand Parade, Celebrating their most famous products. —Now what's Clay County famous for?" "Moonshine," My father said. "And everybody knows it, But who'd've thought they'd parade it on the street? Damn if they didn't. They went up Standing Indian And told Big Mama to build a model still And put it on a wagon and ride with it. Ten years they've been trying to prosecute That woman for running shine, and out of the blue They come up hat in hand to ask her sweetly To waltz it down Main Street in broad daylight. �FRED CHAPPELL 399 "And she said Yes. The notion had to tickle her Once they got past her mean suspiciousness. So there she was. I saw her. Swear to Jesus. Sitting in a rocking chair on a wagon By the cooker, and the copper worm Strung down behind her, and smoke just boiling out Pretty as you please. A cat would've by God laughed. Big Mama weighs close onto three hundred pounds, But the HayesviHe Beauty Queen didn't sit prouder. She gave a special wave to the deputy sheriff. Grinning grinning grinning like she'd stole The courthouse weathervane. Rocking and grinning and rocking. "Behind her came the Briar Hill Bluegrass Band On another wagon pulled by a one-eyed mule. That's what I thought, the way he drew to the left. But then he'd pull the other way; and began To kind of hop and stagger. At last he gave a lurch And lay down in the traces and went to sleep. Somebody hollered out, 'That mule's drunk!' Sure enough he was. Drunk as an owl, Just from breathing the smoke that was pouring out From Big Mama's model still. The music stopped. "Because they'd caught her at last. After all those years... But what are they going to do? They'd invite her; They begged her to do her stuff, and so she did. Here came the deputy. 'You're under arrest/ He said—but smiling so the crowd would think It was part of the act. Big Mama's boys stood up— Wearing phony beards, barefoot with beat-up hats, Just like the hillbillies in the funny papers— And threw down on the deputy three shotguns. Whether they were loaded I don't know. He didn't know. Except Big Mama's bunch Nobody knew. Fire don't flame as red �400 The Change Hits Home As that man's face. He waved them along, smiling Till his jaw hurt. It'll take a month to relax That smile away. They drove on around the square, Getting their money's worth, leaving behind That passed-out mule for the deputy to have fun with. And went on home, back to the rocks and laurels." "Okay," my father said, "it's good to know The eternal verities still hold their own, That poverty and whiskey and scratch-ankle farming Still prop the mountains up." "But it ain't that way," The old man said. "Big Mama's quit running corn, Except for home use. Ain't no profit in it, With the price of sugar up and the appetite down. Growing these Merry Widow cigarettes, That's where they make their money." "Kind of a shame, Tradition dying away. The funny papers Will come to be all anybody knows." "It ain't that bad. I know one high-grade still Still making. If you'd care to have a snort." "Why not?" my father said. "Time keeps grumbling on. Let's drink us a drink: here at the end of the world." �FRED CHAPPELL 401 Firewater 1. This is a poem in the storytelling tradition. For what reason, besides entertainment, does the poet tell the story about Big Mama and the mule? 2. What does the father mean when he says, "it's good to know the eternal verities still hold their own?11 3. What kind of changes is Chappell exploring here? 4. What images of Appalachian people are in the "funny papers11? Name and discuss some cartoons, books, and television shows that depict mountain people. �402 The Change Hits Home WILMA DYKEMAN (1920 - ) Wilma Dykeman, born in Asheville, North Carolina, is the wife of the late James R. Stokely, Jr., another distinguished Appalachian author included in this anthology. Together they wrote three books, one of which is Neither Black nor White, a winner of the Hillman Award for Best Book of the Year on world peace, race relations, or civil liberties. She has also written two books with her son, Jim Stokely. A graduate of Northwestern University, Dykeman has been a Guggenheim Scholar and a senior fellow of the National Endowment for the Humanities. Her awards include the Thomas Wolfe Memorial Trophy, the Tennessee Conservation Writer of the Year Award, and a special award from the Chicago Friends of American Writers. She is a popular lecturer and workshop leader as well as a regular columnist for the Knoxville News-Sentinel In 1980 she was appointed Tennessee State Historian. Her credits include fifteen books, numerous magazine articles, and book reviews. The following excerpt from her novel Return the Innocent Earth shows the Clayburn family's commitment to family, God, law, and money. �WILMADYKEMAN 403 From Return the Innocent Earth The Clayburns believed. They believed in the brick house. Home, foursquare against the storms that swept down from the mountains in summer, high and cool under the slow lingering burn of summer sun. Secured by deeds and taxes, paint and repairs and sweat. Durable, permanent brick. They believed in the white clapboard church. It sat on a hill flanked by a cemetery on one side and a grove of poplars on the other. In the cemetery time vanished. Tall, imposing shafts of chiseled granite coexisted with crumbling homemade headstones. Shallow letters gradually eroded under rain and freeze and thaw and a green beard of moss. The stones recorded death and spoke of life: "She Is Gone But Not Forgotten." "We Shall Meet On That Beautiful Shore.11 For all their certainty of heaven and simplicity of statement they revealed anxious fears and sorrows. In the tangled weeds and vines around the stones small chipmunks hid and insects ticked noisily on autumn afternoons. They believed in the concrete courthouse. At Churchill's core, it filled a ragged square of trampled grass. Its windows were blinded by years' accumulation of dust and grime and smoke. Inside, the rooms were saturated with stale smells of human bodies and old paper. On the once-varnished shelves rested documents of boundaries, ownership, wedlock, inheritance, as well as murder, theft, and countless variations of petty and monumental evil brought to judgment. The records, written in long hard-backed ledgers, accumulated in piles as thick as layers of sediment built up during the slow geologic passage of time. Their glossy red spines, faded to match the number of years they had lodged there, indicated the era of each legal stratum. On the second floor stood the judge's bench and jury's box and public seats and spittoons of the county courtroom. On the top floor rested the county jail. The bars across its windows gave the building a top-heavy appearance of grandeur masked, of majesty hoodwinked. �404 The Change Hits Home They believed in the rock-veneered bank. Solidly it fronted on Churchill's fickle main street which alternated between such extremes as a suck of mud or a wallow of dust. The bank's doors opened and shut more regularly than clockwork. The men in high collars who sat behind its desks and stood behind its counter-windows appeared as imperturbable as the fixed countenances of G. Washington and A. Hamilton on the paper they handled each day. These were the boundaries of Clayburn belief, translated into wood and solidified into mortar. Family. God. Law. Money. And these translated into the big slippery words: love, purpose, order, security. I try to understand how the lightness of their faith was also error, why it did not create for my children Lee and Ellie a world less destructive and corrupt. Was their vision as limited as mine is? Family as refuge. God as scorekeeper. Law as vengeance. Money as life. They believed in the words and in the institutions. And from that belief they drew strength. I grew up surrounded by this strength. It was as familiar as the drone of my family's voice in the yard on a summer evening, as unselfconscious as my Aunt Nettie Sue's anthems at Easter and Christmas, as unquestioned as the slightly tarnished badges of the county sheriff, as tangible as safety deposit vaults. I could receive the strength, but it was not my father's strength because I could not also receive his belief. That is an anchor each one puts down for himself. Is there anyone who grew up in the mountains, the South, America, as I knew them, who did not experience a crisis of belief? Perhaps so. It is not easy to question in the midst of total acceptance. It is not easy to strike through the thorn bushes when the highway has been cleared and smoothed by so many ahead. By the time I was growing up, the Clayburns no longer lived on the farm, no longer attended the little white church. They had moved into Churchill and its First Baptist Church. (Many of the factory workers attended the Second Baptist, a �WILMADYKEMAN 405 frame structure on the opposite side of town. At the Open Door Baptist Church, in what was called Jaybird, Delia and most of the black population of Churchill worshiped. As for the farm hands, they erected a Clayburn Primitive Baptist Chapel on Grindstone Creek, six miles from town, where they shouted and washed each other's feet and "came to glory." Farther away, near the head of the creek, nestled the one-room Grindstone Hard Shell Baptist Tabernacle, where during long summer services certain mountain men and women handled copperheads and rattlesnakes to prove their trust in all-watchful Heavenly Father.) The Clayburns had joined with the Montgomerys in enlarging the First Baptist building and giving it the permanence of brick. (The Clayburns set great store by brick—neat and orderly, without the unexpected shapes and jagged edges of stone or the weathering and decay of wood.) It was there I heard my first Bach, disguised as a hymn, and my first poetry, disguised as Solomon's description of the church as a bride. Church defined the boundaries of our lives: culture and entertainment and therapy as well as religion. Above all, reality of the world's evil and possibility of heaven's existence were etched deep in my consciousness there. Week after week the stylus moved, biting deeper, whether or not I listened, whether or not I accepted, simply repeating until it buried the message within me. How could I ever have told Teena, with her cool Episcopalianism, her midwestern practicality, what it was like to be a small boy on Sunday morning in Churchill? How can I ever convey it to Deborah, with her experience of the disciplined intellect and the raw horror? Yet if they do not understand this, they know nothing. (Teena said to me, just after Lee was born, when I was ready to leave Clayburn-Durant—then talked with Aunt Lottie and considered the responsibility of having a son and being a son— and stayed: "You Southern boys really are tied up in knots, aren't you?" Teena smiled so that her words did not bite but merely stung. "Carrying that burden of family and salvation �406 The Change Hits Home and God knows what else around with you, like a tortoise with its precious shell—") Sunday morning was Puritan in its outer sternness and pagan in the abundance of its inner physical sensations: the smell of starch and toilet water and oiled benches and fraying hymnals, the throb of an organ swelling off-key on the bass notes, the radiant mystery of stained glass, the whisper and tinkle of the collection plates' passage through the congregation. Above all, Sunday morning was the music—sad, sentimental, militant, tightening your throat and chest for all the loss or glory of the work!—and it was the minister's voice, angry or pleading, moving or awesome, cultivated or half-wild, but onto something no one present could dismiss or disprove. We might dislike, but we could not escape. Sunday was a day to ponder on our immortal souls and feast on fried chicken. "Blessed assurance, Jesus is mine, oh what a foretaste of glory divine...." Afterward the melting delicacy of golden corn pudding. "Onward Christian soldiers, marching as to war...." The sweet rise and fall of the rhythm, the pulse-pounding beat of the march, the primitive blood and beauty, the sincere, solemn faces upturned briefly with all the hint of rapture they would ever know: such memory—even in the boiler-room pressure of today, even in this world which seems as far removed as the Pre-Cambrian age or the time of the great fern forests—mellows my attitudes, touches me to unaccustomed pity for those who could believe so faithfully, as well as for those who cannot believe at all. There was another dimension to the belief. Revivals came in mid-summer during seasons of parching drought or drenching flood, when the land, like the people, lay ready for either renewal or rescue. Again, in my present world of young George Hodges and instant answers from the machine, of knowledgeable Bonita Fredericks and stylish conformities, of inter-office memos and board meetings and daily decisions for sixty-four plants and people ranging from Madison Avenue �WILMADYKEMAN 407 admen selling Clayburn-Durant's image on t.v. screens to Mexican wetbacks in the Rio Grande valley harvesting fruit for our cam—in this world the residue of long-ago revivals seems thoroughly submerged. And yet— One of those summer meetings brought my first personal knowledge of my cousin Stull. In mid-August that year the brown canvas tent spread wide like a shallow, muddy pool in one of Alexander Montgomery's empty fields at the edge of Churchill. Pungent odor of the canvas mingled with the smell of fresh pine lumber from one of Colonel Wakel/s sawmills that was used to build row after row of benches. Around the outer edges of the tent, dry stalks of weeds and Queen Anne's lace and fading purple thistles persisted like a stubble of beard. On the bare plank platform in front of the banked seats stood a small home organ and a lectern. This established the domain of Kincaid and Truesdale, musician and evangelist of "world-wide fame." For two weeks in the August heat they sang and shouted and exhorted and pleaded and it seemed to me that the town and everyone I knew was forever changed. Great-uncle Whit Ransom, tears streaming down his florid face, took an oath to give up strong drink for the rest of his natural life. Old Sledge Hartwick, overcome by the spirit, vowed to the singing, watchful congregation that no matter how hot his blacksmith's shop became or how heavy the hammer he would never use curse words again, be damned if he would. Memphis Gibson and two of her girls cried at the mourner's bench and promised repentance of their carnal ways. (I overheard Uncle Cal tell some men the following day that he bet there were a raft of good male citizens hated to hear that promise made, even for a little while. I wondered what he meant.) And cautious Alexander Montgomery wrote a check for one thousand dollars to launch the final love-offering for Brother Truesdale. Of all the moments or events which startled and stirred us during those emotion-laden days, however, none equaled for �408 The Change Hits Home me the sight of my cousin Stull Clayburn walking to the front, grasping the outstretched hand of Mooney C. Truesdale, committing his life to God and accepting the Holy Spirit. That night at home in bed I tried to remember what the Reverend Truesdale had said. Random sentences lodged in my mind like driftwood scattered from the waves of warning, threat, and strange angry love that had washed over the congregation before him. Oh, let the wind blow, brother. Let the wind howl and the rivers rise and a flood of lamb-purified blood descend into our withered church-baked hearts Some say: Brother Truesdale, I've got my own religion. Yes, my brother, but do you have God's religion? Folks don't like to hear the truth about their corruption and their devilment. But I'm not preaching folks' way. I'm preaching the Lord's way. God be praised! That's the rocky trail I'vefollered since that day I was ploughing in the hillside fields and the Lord called on me to lay down the plough handles and take up the sword for Him. "Lord," I said, "I may be a poor old worthless varmint, but if you're a-wanting me I'm all yours, bone and shank and head and hand," and that's the way it's been and the Lord has blessed me beyond all deserving. Oh, you say, Brother Truesdale, I don't have time to work for the Lord God Almighty. I've got to run my store and see after my mill. I've got to tend my tobacco fields and feed my white-face heifers. Oh dear brother, the mercy of the Lord God be upon you. God hates a proud look. God hates an owner's grasp. You're just a steward and tender of His earth. And if you can't humble yourself you're headed for brimstone where the fire is never quenched and the worm is never fed. Your time here is short as a borrower's memory, no matter how young you be. The days of the little babe at its mother's teat are brief as candles. Too soon the hour of wrath will come upon us like a rending storm. That's why I'm a-pleading with you now, this breath; accept the Lord; be baptized in the flow. I want to see an old-time sin-killing Holy-Ghost revival. I �WILMADYKEMAN 409 came here on fire with the Lord and Fm not a cinder yet. Well burn out the proud flesh in our secret hearts. Let the agnostics and the atheists, the haughty doubters, have their little day on earth. The gathering of the believers and the faithful, the saved and the chosen, will be in heaven. It will come for eternity. It's the gift of God; you have only to reach out with your own pitiful little mortal hand and accept— tonight, now, this minute. You may never live to return back to this old tent tomorrow night. You're making your eternal choice—for heaven or hell. Don't O, brother or sister, don't disinherit yourself forever from the love of God. I did not want hell. Was I a haughty doubter? I did not mean to be. I wanted love. I wanted to be the faithful and the chosen. I wanted eternity. And heaven. Yet I sat on the plank bench with my feet anchored in sawdust and I could not move. Then I saw Stull. Stull walking down the aisle, a serious young man (and I still a child), wearing a watch fob like my father. He was sweating lightly so that his face and forehead shone in the flickering light. His shoes squeaked slightly with every other step but no one heard or paid attention in the midst of the rapturous singing. There is a fountain filled with blood Drawn from Emmanuel's veins, And sinners plunged beneath that flood Lose all their guilty stains Lose all their guilty stains The vision of a fountain flowing with the warm sticky scarlet of fresh blood made me shudder. Stull looked straight ahead. The congregation stirred as everyone craned to see him. All of the adult Clayburns and most of the children above infancy, including my brother �410 The Change Hits Home Monty, had professed faith and joined the church long since. At that moment, only Stull and I did not belong, only we had not washed away our guilty stains, and it appeared that very soon I would be the only one left in that wretched condition. StulTs father and mother sat on the seats just in front of ours, and when my mother leaned forward and patted them on the shoulder they turned to smile radiantly. I saw tears glistening in Aunt Nora's eyes. If my mother had been crying I would not have been surprised, for she laughed and cried easily. Aunt Nora, however, was another matter. She did not yield often to any display of her inner feelings. Her tears, brimming like iridescent bubbles ready to break, confirmed for me the solemnity and importance of the moment. I looked back at Stull. Preacher Truesdale had stepped down from the platform onto the grass and sawdust, laid a long shirt-sleeved arm around Stull's shoulders. He held up his other hand for a pause in the music. His shirt was wet, sticking to his skin, outlining the undershirt he wore. His voice was hoarse and triumphant. "Our fine young brother Stull Clayburn comes to God tonight. Let us all rejoice. Oh, there will be gladness among the angels in heaven this night." I could feel the surrounding waves of emotion rolling over me. I tried to see Stull again but he was kneeling now. Suddenly I felt my mother's hand in mine and a strong squeeze. I looked up into her face. She was gazing at me with a question. A hope. And a longing. My chest tightened with love for her. But I could not go down the aisle. I could not join. On the way home my mother spoke to my father but I knew she was addressing me. "Little old Stull! I know how Nora and Josh must feel tonight to know that he's accepted the Lord." There was a short silence. My father spoke quietly, almost to himself. "Stull has a good head on his shoulders. He's a smart boy." "That shows you," Mama nodded, "no one is smart enough not to need the Lord's saving grace." "Why don't you get saved, Jon?" Monty piped up from the �WILMA DYKEM AN 411 seat beside me. He had been a loyal Baptist for two years already. "Don't push Jon, Monty," Mama said. "He'll know when he's ready. The Lord works in mysterious ways—" She reached back and patted me on the knee. But I knew she was glad that Monty had asked, had reminded me, had prodded. Alone in bed with my guilt that night I wondered about the awesome experience all of those around me had had, which I had not yet known. "There is a fountain filled with blood...." The sound of old Number Seven, the midnight train from Chicago to Charleston, came up to me from the tracks through Churchill at the bottom of our hill. The engineer played a long tattoo with his whistle. Mike O'Leary! He was famous from the Great Lakes to the Atlantic seaboard for his spit-and-polish engine, gleaming black with bright brass bell and hand-holds, and the voice he gave to that resonant whistle. "Whoo—oo—oo, whoo—oo—oo—oo, who...." The clear lingering call, with each note falling pure and separate as drops of rain, seemed a cry of such distilled loneliness, echoing from the valley into the hills, that it brought me a sad, self-conscious comfort. The next day I could hardly wait to see Stull. My father had put Monty and me to work for the last two summers in the Riverbend Farm fields picking tomatoes. I was eight years old and Monty was ten and all the men told us that since we didn't have so far to stoop our backs didn't ache the same way theirs did from the picking. Maybe not. But during the first days each season I didn't see how anyone's back could ache more than mine. But then I learned how to give to the bends, how to rest on one knee at an especially heavy vine. The ground yielded hot and soft under our bare feet. At noon Stull brought a fresh supply of water for the pickers. As he drew up at the end of the field under the shallow shade of a row of sycamore trees that grew along the riverbank, I left my row without waiting for anyone to tell me to help with �412 The Change Hits Home the water-kegs and ran toward Stull. In his work clothes, squinting against the midday glare, he didn't appear much different from the way he had every other morning that summer. "I hope you get these kegs unloaded as quick as you can," he was saying to old Orvil Gosnell, the field foreman, as I came up panting and breathless. "I've got to get home to dinner so I can take Uncle Jonathan to Jackson City this afternoon." I could tell by the way Orvil Gosnell spat a wad of tobacco juice into the bushes that he didn't like the way Stull spoke. He banged the kegs onto the ground. "Stull, I want to ride back with you," I blurted out. The idea had just come to me. Tve got to go home. I'm feeling sick to my stomach." My cousin looked at me. The expression on his face did not change a fraction. I turned to Orvil Gosnell. "My mother would want me to come home. She always worries the worst way if our stomachs are upset." "That's true," the old man spat again, remembering I suppose all the paraphernalia of separate water jugs and dippers and straw sunhats that my brother and I had brought to the fields. "You go on home." As Stull and I bounced away, I looked over at him. He did not speak. For all I could tell, the miracle of the night before at the Kincaid-Truesdale meeting might never occurred. "I was at the revival last night," I said. He did not look around. "That man can really talk." I clutched at the door handle. It was hot from sitting in the sun and I let loose quickly. "But you were saved," I said. "That's right." When he did not go on I tried to. "You professed your sins and your faith and you accepted the Lord Jesus Christ." He was looking at me now—back at the road and then at me. Was I breaking some unwritten code, committing some unforgivable breach? Was Stull's testimony, his act of faith, beyond all explanation or statement or discussion? But the �WILMA DYKEMAN 413 guilt throbbing through those hymns, the loneliness wailing through Number Seven's whistle, remained inside me from the night before, and I had to try to know; I had to know. "Stull," I swallowed dry spit and began again. "Stuli, how does it feel?" His gray-blue eyes—the no-color of the hazy summer sky—stared at me. "How does what feel?" "The change. The change inside you. Knowing that you've accepted God's love, and eternity and heaven—" "You trying to make fun of me?" He was scowling. I could feel the blood flushing my neck and face. "Oh no, Stull. I just want to know how it is to believe—" He stopped scowling. I saw that he was convinced of my sincerity and, simultaneously, of my stupidity. I grew even redder. I wanted to stay silent but I went on talking. "You and I were the only ones in the family who hadn't made professions. I would—if I could," I went ahead lamely. The car hit a ragged chughole and we bounced on the hard narrow seats. Stull put in the clutch and shifted to second gear. "That's what I wanted to ask you about this morning," I made a last weak effort, "how it is —" "How what is?" I did not know what else to say. We turned from the farm road onto the county highway. I had begun to suspect that there were no chariots of glory to envelop our spirits, only cars that rattled on errands for our business. "Mama and Daddy, they'd like it if I went down to Preacher Truesdale,too—" This time he answered me. "Why don't you go then?" "I don't know." And that was a completely honest statement. "It's the smartest thing," Stull said. I looked out of the window at the dusty road straight ahead. "You know you believe in God," he went on more easily. "After all, even if He isn't there it hasn't done any harm." I nodded. But I was not satisfied. �414 The Change Hits Home f! So I say, might as well join on up. The church can do good for you, too.11 He winked at me in a camaraderie we had never shared before. We did not share it now. I sat huddled on the seat with my hands beneath my legs, legs weak as if from a long sickness. We were nearly home. At our driveway Stull paused and I crawled out of the car. Before he continued on to the adjoining driveway, his own, he leaned out the window and said, "Don't think so much, kid. Go on and join. It'll make you feel better. I'm glad I did.11 He didn't often say "kid,11 a holdover from his college past. Any other time but this I would have been flattered to have him address me so. When I told my mother I had come home from the tomato fields because of an upset stomach, it was no longer a total untruth. Everything seemed upset at that moment. My mother's reaction to any suggestion of sickness satisfied the sufferer totally. Her concern sufficed for the situation and made it easy for everyone else to take a calm and reassuring outlook. My mother's personal catalogue of illnesses permitted no minor ailments. A runny nose heralded pneumonia; a single pain in the region of the abdomen became a symptom of appendicitis. Of my stomach disorder she gasped, "It's the season for— for typhoid!" And her blue eyes widened in alarm as she telephoned my father at his office. After talking with him she grew calmer. She brought me baking soda in a glass of water and put me to bed. It felt strange to be in bed at midday. My mother had drawn the shades against the noonday light and the room took on a golden cavelike glow. From a sewing nook down the hall came the clean smell of fresh smooth cloth. I knew that Serena's daughter was ironing there. The familiar thought and smell comforted me. But I knew the code I had broken with Stull. Even then I knew, although I could not have put it into words. We (especially we boys, we men) were not supposed to discuss the innerness of life. We were supposed to observe true division of Sunday from Monday. We were splintered into a half-dozen �WILMADYKEMAN 415 fragments and our maturity was measured not by trying to make the parts into a whole but by juggling the pieces cleverly, separately, so that no one saw the empty spaces. That night, the last night of the great revival, I stayed at home. My mother brought me salted chicken broth in one of her white Haviland consomme cups. The gold band around its edge gave the broth a slightly metallic flavor as I sipped. I swallowed its delicacy slowly. It reminded me of times when my stomach really had been churning and this salty golden juice had soothed and nourished me back to normal. Remembering made me sad, made me feel older in a way that I did not want to feel. From that August day forward I never discussed any but matters temporal with Stull. And I remained acutely aware of the embarrassment most Clayburns felt in confronting or discussing the creative, spiritual, moral, sexual, intangible forces of their lives. Yet those older ones—my grandmother, my father, my uncles—believed. And who am I to judge their belief? Shall I judge them against their descendants, against my friends, against all those lukewarm bodies who do not believe or disbelieve—who have only arrangements, conveniences, patchworks for their lives? When Teena died there were letters, condolences, murmured conversations. Those who knew us assumed that this would be my trough of the wave, my time for asking why and who and seeking some reconciliation between the master plan and the daily drone. Lee and Ellie had their questions, too. But I was arrogant, maybe even apathetic, not to say that they were really my questions, also. It was not Teena's death but Deborah's life that led me to think less about Clayburn-Durant problems and more about belief. There is power, power, wonder-working power In the precious blood of the Lamb. �416 The Change Hits Home Was the blood that drenched Deborah's life precious? My memories and questions weave into nets. At this moment I find less need to understand my cousin Stull's power than to appreciate my father Jonathan's strength. Return the Innocent Earth 1. Jon, the speaker in this selection, says that the Clayburns believed in Family, God, Law, and Money. What concrete examples are given which more specifically illustrate these words? 2. What sensations does Jon associate with Sunday morning? 3. Discuss Jon's inner conflicts with regard to religion. 4. What lesson does Jon learn from his cousin Stull? �WILMADYKEMAN Mo. 8 417 �418 The Change Hits Home JIM WAYNE MILLER (1936- ) A native of western North Carolina, Jim Wayne Miller earned his undergraduate degree at Berea College in Kentucky. He continued his studies at Vanderbilt University and received his Ph.D. in both German and American literature in 1965. While at Vanderbilt, Miller studied under Fugitive poet Donald Davidson. At present, Dr. Miller is a professor of German language and literature at Western Kentucky University. His stature and reputation as a poet have grown steadily since his first volume of poetry, Copperhead Cane, was published in 1964. His other collections are Dialogue With A Dead Man, The Mountains Have Come Closer (for which he received the Thomas Wolfe Literary Award in 1985), Vein of Words, and Nostalgia for 70. 'The Brier Losing Touch With His Traditions" is about a craftsman who tries to please the public by being authentic. But he also pleases himself by being himself. The Brier Losing Touch With His Traditions Once he was a chairmaker. People up north discovered him. They said he was "an authentic mountain craftsman." �JIM WAYNE MILLER People came and made pictures of him working, wrote him up in the newspapers. He got famous. Got a lot of orders for his chairs. When he moved up to Cincinnati so he could be closer to his market (besides, a lot of his people lived there now) he found out he was a Brier. And when his customers found out he was using an electric lathe and power drill just to keep up with all the orders, they said he was losing touch with his traditions. His orders fell off something awful. He figured it had been a bad mistake to let the magazine people take those pictures of him with his power tools, clean-shaven, wearing a flowered sport shirt and drip-dry pants. So he moved back down to east Kentucky. Had himself a brochure printed up with a picture of him using his hand lathe, bearded, barefoot, in faded overalls. Then when folks would come from the magazines, he'd get rid of them before suppertime so he could put on his shoes, his flowered sport shirt and double-knit pants, and open a can of beer and watch the six-thirty news on tv out of New York and Washington. He had to have some time to be himself. 419 �420 The Change Hits Home The Brier Losing Touch With His Traditions 1. What does the term "authentic mountain craftsman" suggest in this poem? 2. Discuss the irony in the chairmaker's attempt to please his customers. 3. Has the Brier lost touch with his traditions, as the title implies? �KATHERINE STRIPLING BYER 421 KATHRYN STRIPLING BYER (1944 - ) Kathryn Stripling Byer of Cullowhee, North Carolina, received her Master of Fine Arts degree from the University of North Carolina at Greensboro where she studied with Fred Chappell. Her poems have appeared in numerous magazines, journals, and anthologies. Her first book of poetry, The Girl In the Midst of the Harvest, which opens with the poem reprinted here, was published by Texas Tech Press as part of the Associated Writing Programs competition. Among flyer's honors are the Academy of American Poets Prize in 1968, the Anne Sexton Poetry Prize for 1978, and a North Carolina Artist's Fellowship for 1986. Wide Open, These Gates Going down the road feeling good, I snap my fingers. Hear, Hear! At an auction my father bid sixty-five dollars for a fat Hampshire pig just by rubbing his nose. When my grandfather scattered his seed to the four corners, corn stood up tall as his hat brim. My grandmother's sheets flapped like bells on the line. Crabbed youth, crab apple, crepe myrtle, I mumble �422 The Change Hits Home as I shuffle downhill, my crabbed youth behind me like gnats singing. I've come a long way from what's been described as a mean and starved corner of backwoods America. That has a ring to it. Rhythm, like my grandmother's hands in the bread dough. Her food made the boards creak, my grandfather mellow. He had a wild temper when he was a young man. Most folks talk too much, he'd say, aiming slow spit at a dung beetle. He never mumbled. Sometimes he talked nonsense to roosters and fierce setting hens. My nonsense coos like a dove. Goodbye swallowtails cruising the pigpen. Goodbye apple dumplings. Goodbye little turkeys my grandmother fed with her fingers. Big Belle was a nanny goat. Holler "Halloo" after sundown and all the cows come home. Some words are gates swinging wide open, and I walk on through one more summer that like this road's going down easy. The gnats sing, and I'm going to sing. One of these days I'll be gone. Wide Open, These Gates 1. Characterize the grandmother and grandfather in the poem. Although there is little real information, how do you imagine them? 2. The first line is a play on a song title "Coin' down that road feelin' bad." Find words and images that have to do with singing and music. 3. The last stanza has several goodbyes in it. To what is the poet really saying farewell? Does she seem sad about it? 4. Why do you think the poet chose to begin a collection with this poem? �423 COMPOSITION TOPICS 1. Compare/contrast city life and country life. 2. Write a narrative about someone you know who has gone far away to work or to go to school. Describe their experience—their feelings, problems, what they learned. 3. Write an essay about your dreams and plans. ACTIVITIES The chapter you now add to your book will tell more about your family. Families frequently have heirlooms, prized possessions which they pass on from one generation to the next. An heirloom may be a watch, a gun, furniture, or the old iron skillet your grandmother used. Write about two of these heirlooms. Give the history and description of each and include photographs or drawings. Families also have important documents such as land grants, wills, and marriage licenses. Photocopy a family document to include in this chapter of your family scrapbook. �This page intentionally left blank �425 CHAPTER 7 Appalachian Emigration: Looking for Work, Longing for Home During and after World War II there was a tremendous exodus from the Appalachian region to the industrial centers of the North. Significant numbers of mountain people moved to such cities as Dayton, Ohio; Chicago, Illinois; and Detroit, Michigan. They left looking for work and a better life. At that time the Appalachian region could offer only lowpaying jobs in coal mining, lumbering, or farming. The factories of the North promised good money, better schools, and excitement. Still, many were disappointed with life far away from friends and family. They found themselves in a strange world, sometimes even cruel, where people made fun of their ways and their talk. People in these cities labeled them as "Briers," "Sams" (Southern Appalachian Mountaineers), and "Hillbillies." Harriette Arnow/s novel The Dollmaker, which has been �426 made into a television movie starring Jane Fonda, is the most famous treatment of Appalachian emigration. As the central character Gertie Nevels moves from the mountains to the industrial North and struggles to achieve her place there, she symbolizes the pioneer spirit of former times. Yet Gertie, in spite of her will to survive, becomes a victim. She is caught up in a force over which she has no control: the lure of industry. As a resident of a housing slum in Detroit, she becomes a displaced person in a foreign land where she dreams of her Kentucky hills. In the 1960s when more opportunities opened up in Appalachia and the population in the mountains began to grow, this emigration began reversing. New highways, water systems, and industrial parks had opened the region to more businesses. Manufacturers and retailers gave people more diversified opportunities to live and work in the area. There is another, more compelling reason for the reversal in this trend. People in Appalachia have always felt a strong tie to their families. They want the whole clan in one place. They also feel a strong attachment to the land. The selections in Chapter 7 are about leaving and coming home. The pull of kinship and the longing for mountain sights are powerful motifs for these writers. �ROBERT MORGAN 427 ROBERT MORGAN (1944- ) Robert Morgan was born in Henderson, North Carolina, and grew up near Zirconia on a farm which had been in his family since 1840. After studying science and math at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, he switched to English and graduated with honors in writing. While working on his MFA at UNCGreensboro, he was influenced by Fred Chappell, who is also included in this anthology. Since 1965 he has published over three hundred poems in journals and popular magazines. In addition, he has published six collections of poetry—Zirconia Poems, The Voice in the Crosshairs, Red Owl, Land Diving, Groundwork, and Trunk & Thicket, The National Endowment for the Arts has awarded him two fellowships. Although Robert Morgan has taught creative writing at Salem College and is now at Cornell University, he has also painted houses and worked at odd jobs to support his family. This poem concerns a boy's dream of leaving the hard life of the farm to find an easier one. �428 Appalachian Emigration Bean Money Back from the market late with a watermelon and his bib-pocket full of cash my father shoved a fist of back-pay for the summer at me, the yield from digging holes and tying strings, lugging hampers in the rain with heat rash, stings and blisters. In my room I'd sit with dirty feet and sweat-ripe skin on the sheets and unwad the damp bills to press in stacks like pages of a ledger of the hot days, the green and gray ink more lasting than sunburn or calluses, and telling of my labor with a one-eye lit pyramid. I collated and banded the leaves in bundles and counted out the coins like next year's seeds into the old tobacco pouch. That consecrated metal was an abstract drawn off the soil and sweat and cast into a jewelry of value. I meant those struck emblems to act as compact fuel, like nuclear pellets, to power my long excursion out of the sun and beyond the ridges, and put them all in a paper box above the closet door to trade later; the young summers become signs to be translated again into paper, ink and paper, in the cool timeless leisure I saw while washing my feet on the back steps and spitting melon seeds into the cricket-haunted dark. �ROBERT MORGAN 429 Bean Money 1. Why does the boy consider his summer wages "consecrated metal" that are "cast into a jewelry of value"? 2. What does the boy plan to do with his money? 3. What valuable lessons can a young person learn from earning and saving his own money? �ROBERT MORGAN No. 9 430 �BOBBIE ANN MASON BOBBIE ANN MASON (1941 - 431 ) Bobbie Ann Mason, who grew up near Paducah, Kentucky, writes about characters and settings that are no longer rural yet are not suburban. She captures transition, both the old and new mingling. She is the author of Nabokov's Garden, The Girl Sleuth, and Shiloh, a collection of short stories. This story, first published in The New Yorker before being included in Shiloh, depicts Nancy Cleveland living the life of a modern, middle-class woman in Philadelphia. She feels a strong identity with the women of her family back home. Although she leaves her childhood home in Kentucky to go to school and afterwards to live in the Northeast, she returns when her aging Granny must go to a nursing home. Family photographs which tie her to past generations lure her home. Nancy Culpepper When Nancy received her parents' letter saying they were moving her grandmother to a nursing home, she said to her husband, "I really should go help them out. And I've got to save Granny's photographs. They might get lost." Jack did not try to discourage her, and she left for Kentucky soon after the letter came. �432 Appalachian Emigration Nancy has been vaguely wanting to move to Kentucky, and she has persuaded Jack to think about relocating his photography business. They live in the country, near a small town an hour's drive from Philadelphia. Their son, Robert, who is eight, has fits when they talk about moving. He does not want to leave his room or his playmates. Once, he asked, "What about our chickens?" "They have chickens in Kentucky," Nancy explained. "Don't worry. We're not going yet." Later he asked, "But what about the fish in the pond?" "I don't know," said Nancy. "I guess we'll have to rent a UHaul." When Nancy arrives at her parents' farm in western Kentucky, her mother says, "Your daddy and me's both got inner ear and nerves. And we couldn't lift Granny, or anything, if we had to all of a sudden." "The flu settled in my ears," Daddy says, cocking his head at an angle. "Mine's still popping," says Mother. In a few days they plan to move Granny, and they will return to their own house, which they have been renting out. For nine years, they have lived next door, in Granny's house, in order to care for her. There Mother has had to cook on an ancient gas range, with her mother-in-law hovering over her, supervising. Granny used only lye soap on dishes, and it was five years before Nancy's mother defied her and bought some Joy. By then, Granny was confined to her bed, crippled with arthritis. Now she is ninety-three. "You didn't have to come back," Daddy says to Nancy at the dinner table. "We could manage." "I want to help you move," Nancy says. "And I want to make sure Granny's pictures don't get lost. Nobody cares about them but me, and I'm afraid someone will throw them away." Nancy wants to find out if Granny has a picture of a greatgreat-aunt named Nancy Culpepper. No one in the family seems to know anything about her, but Nancy is excited by the �BOBBIE ANN MASON 433 thought of an ancestor with the same name as hers. Since she found out about her, Nancy has been going by her maiden name, but she has given up trying to explain this to her mother, who persists in addressing letters to "Mr. and Mrs. Jack Cleveland." "There's some pictures hid behind Granny's closet wall," Daddy tells Nancy. "When we hooked up the coal-oil stove through the fireplace a few years ago, they got walled in." "That's ridiculous! Why would you do that?" "They were in the way." He stands up and puts on his cap, preparing to go out to feed his calves. "Will Granny care if I tear the wall down?" Nancy asks, joking. Daddy laughs, acting as though he understood, but Nancy knows he is pretending. He seems tired, and his billed cap looks absurdly small perched on his head. When Nancy and Jack were married, years ago, in Massachusetts, Nancy did not want her parents to come to the wedding. She urged them not to make the long trip. "It's no big deal," she told them on the telephone. "It'll last ten minutes. We're not even going on a honeymoon right away, because we both have exams Monday." Nancy was in graduate school, and Jack was finishing his B.A. For almost a year they had been renting a large old house on a lake. The house had a field-rock fireplace with a heartshaped stone centered above the mantel. Jack, who was studying design, thought the heart was tasteless, and he covered it with a Peter Max poster. At the ceremony, Jack's dog, Grover, was present, and instead of organ music, a stereo played Sgt. Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Band. It was 1967. Nancy was astonished by the minister's white robe and his beard and by the fact that he chain-smoked. The preachers she remembered from childhood would have called him a heathen, she thought. Most of the wedding pictures, taken by a friend of Jack's, turned out to be trick photography—blurred faces and double �434 Appalachian Emigration exposures. The party afterward lasted all night. Jack blew up two hundred balloons and kept the fire going. They drank too much wine-and-TUp punch. Guests went in and out, popping balloons with cigarettes, taking walks by the lake. Everyone was looking for the northern lights, which were supposed to be visible that evening. Holding on to Jack, Nancy searched the murky sky, feeling that the two of them were lone travelers on the edge of some outer-space adventure. At the same time, she kept thinking of her parents at home, probably watching Gunsmoke. "I saw them once," Jack said. "They were fantastic." "What was it like?" "Shower curtains." "Really? That's amazing." "Luminescent shower curtains." Tm shivering," Nancy said. The sky was blank. "Let's go in. It's too cloudy anyway. Someday we'll see them. I promise." Someone had taken down the poster above the fireplace and put up the picture of Sgt. Pepper—the cutout that came with the album. Sgt. Pepper overlooked the room like a stern father. "What's the matter?" a man asked Nancy. He was Dr. Doyle, her American History 1861-1865 professor. "This is your wedding. Loosen up." He burst a balloon and Nancy jumped. When someone offered her a joint, she refused, then wondered why. The house was filled with strangers, and the Beatles album played over and over. Jack and Nancy danced, hugging each other in a slow two-step that was all wrong for the music. They drifted past the wedding presents, lined up on a table Jack had fashioned from a door—hand-dipped candles, a silver roach clip, Joy of Cooking, signed pottery in nonfunctional shapes. Nancy wondered what her parents had eaten for supper. Possibly fried steak, two kinds of peas, biscuits, blackberry pie. The music shifted and the songs merged �BOBBIE ANN MASON 435 together; Jack and Nancy kept dancing. "There aren't any stopping places," Nancy said. She was crying. "Songs used to have stopping places in between." "Let's just keep on dancing," Jack said. Nancy was thinking of the blackberry bushes at the farm in Kentucky, which spread so wildly they had to be burned down every few years. They grew on the banks of the creek, which in summer shrank to still, small occasional pools. After a while Nancy realized that Jack was talking to her. He was explaining how he could predict exactly when the last, dying chord on the album was about to end. "Listen," he said. ''There. Right there." Nancy's parents had met Jack a few months before the wedding, during spring break, when Jack and Nancy stopped in Kentucky on their way to Denver to see an old friend of Jack's. The visit involved some elaborate lies about their sleeping arrangements on the trip. At the supper table, Mother and Daddy passed bowls of food self-consciously. The table was set with some napkins left over from Christmas. The vegetables were soaked in bacon grease, and Jack took small helpings. Nancy sat rigidly, watching every movement, like a cat stationed near a bird feeder. Mother had gathered poke, because it was spring, and she said to Jack, "I bet you don't eat poke salet up there." "It's weeds," said Nancy. "I've never heard of it," Jack said. He hesitated, then took a small serving. "It's poison if it gets too big," Daddy said. He turned to Nancy's mother. "I think you picked this too big. You're going to poison us all." "He's teasing," Nancy said. "The berries is what's poison," said Mother, laughing. "Wouldn't that be something? They'll say up there I tried to poison your boyfriend the minute I met him!" Everyone laughed. Jack's face was red. He was wearing an embroidered shirt. Nancy watched him trim the fat from �436 Appalachian Emigration his ham as precisely as if he were using an X-Acto knife on mat board. "How's Granny?" Nancy asked. Her grandmother was then living alone in her own house. "Tolerable well," said Daddy. "We'll go to see her," Jack said. "Nancy told me all about her." "She cooks her egg in her oats to keep from washing an extry dish," Mother said. Nancy played with her food. She was looking at the pink dining room wall and the plastic flowers in the window. On the afternoon Jack and Nancy first met, he took her to a junk shop, where he bought a stained-glass window for his bathroom. Nancy would never have thought of going to a junk shop. It would not have occurred to her to put a stained-glass window in a bathroom. "What do you aim to be when you graduate?" Daddy asked Jack abruptly, staring at him. Jack's hair looked oddly like an Irish setter's ears, Nancy thought suddenly. "Won't you have to go in the army?" Mother asked. "Ill apply for an assistantship if my grades are good enough," Jack said. "Anything to avoid the draft." Nancy's father was leaning into his plate, as though he were concentrating deeply on each bite. He makes good grades," Nancy said. "Nancy always made all A's," Daddy said to Jack. "We gave her a dollar for ever' one," said Mother. "She kept us broke." "In graduate school they don't give A's," said Nancy. "They just give S's and U's." Jack wadded up his napkin. Then Mother served fried pies with white sauce. "Nancy always loved these better than anything," she said. After supper, Nancy showed Jack the farm. As they walked through the fields, Nancy felt that he was seeing peaceful landscapes—arrangements of picturesque cows, an old red barn. She had never thought of the place this way before; it �BOBBIE ANN MASON 437 reminded her of prints in a dime store. While her mother washes the dishes, Nancy takes Granny's dinner to her, and sits in a rocking chair while Granny eats in bed. The food is on an old TV-dinner tray. The compartments hold chicken and dressing, mashed potatoes, field peas, green beans, and vinegar slaw. The servings are tiny—six green beans, a spoonful of peas. Granny's teeth no longer fit, and she has to bite sideways, like a cat. She wears the lower teeth only during meals, but she will not get new ones. She says it would be wasteful to be buried with a new three-hundred-dollar set of teeth. In between bites, Granny guzzles iced tea from a Kentucky Lakes mug. "That slaw don't have enough sugar in it," she says. "It makes my mouth draw up." She smacks her lips. Nancy says, "I've heard the food is really good at the Orchard Acres Rest Home." Granny does not reply for a moment. She is working on a chicken gristle, which causes her teeth to clatter. Then she says, "I ain't going nowhere." "Mother and Daddy are moving back into their house. You don't want to stay here by yourself, do you?" Nancy's voice sounds hollow to her. "I'll be all right. I can do for myself." When Granny swallows, it sounds like water spilling from a bucket into a cistern. After Nancy's parents moved in, they covered Granny's old cistern, but Nancy still remembers drawing the bucket up from below. The chains made a sound like crying. Granny pushes her food with a piece of bread, cleaning her tray. "I can do a little cooking," she says. "I can sweep." "Try this boiled custard, Granny. I made it just for you. Just the way you used to make it." "It ain't yaller enough," says Granny, tasting the custard. "Store-bought eggs." When she finishes, she removes her lower teeth and sloshes them in a plastic tumbler on the bedside table. Nancy looks �438 Appalachian Emigration away. On the wall are Nancy's high school graduation photograph and a picture of Jesus. Nancy looks sassy; her graduation hat resembles a tilted lid. Jesus has a halo, set at about the same angle. Now Nancy ventures a question about the pictures hidden behind the closet wall. At first Granny is puzzled. Then she seems to remember. M They/re behind the stovepipe," she says. Grimacing with pain, she stretches her legs out slowly, and then, holding her head, she sinks back into her pillows and draws the quilt over her shoulders. "Ill look for them one of these days—when I am able." Jack photographs weeds twigs,pond reflections,silhouettes of Robert against the sun with his arms flung out like a scarecrow's. Sometimes he works in the evenings in his studio at home, drinking tequila sunrises and composing bizarre still lifes with light bulbs, wine bottles, Tinker Toys, Lucite cubes. He makes arrangements of gourds look like breasts. On the day Nancy tried to explain to Jack about her need to save Granny's pictures, a hailstorm interrupted her. It was the only hailstorm she had ever seen in the North, and she had forgotten all about them. Granny always said a hailstorm meant that God was cleaning out his icebox. Nancy stood against a white Masonite wall mounted with a new series of photographs and looked out the window at tulips being smashed. The ice pellets littered the ground like shattered glass. Then, as suddenly as it had arrived, the hailstorm was over. "Pictures didn't use to be so common," Nancy said. Jack's trash can was stuffed with rejected prints, and Robert's face was crumpled on top. "I want to keep Granny's pictures as reminders." "If you think that will solve anything," said Jack, squinting at a negative he was holding against the light. "I want to see if she has one of Nancy Culpepper." "That's you." "There was another one. She was a great-great-aunt or �BOBBIE ANN MASON 439 "There was another one. She was a great-great-aunt or something, on my daddy's side. She had the same name as mine." "There's another one of you?" Jacksaid with mock disbelief. Tm a reincarnation," she said, playing along. "There's nobody else like you. You're one of a kind." Nancy turned away and stared deliberately at Jack's pictures, which were held up by clear-headed pushpins, like translucent eyes dotting the wall. She examined them one by one, moving methodically down the row—stumps, puffballs, tree roots, close-ups of cat feet. Nancy first learned about her ancestor on a summer Sunday a few years before, when she took her grandmother to visit the Culpepper graveyard, beside an oak grove off the Paducah highway. The old oaks had spread their limbs until they shaded the entire cemetery, and the tombstones poked through weeds like freak mushrooms. Nancy wandered among the graves, while Granny stayed beside her husband's gravestone. It had her own name on it too, with a blank space for the date. Nancy told Jack afterward that when she saw the stone marked "NANCY CULPEPPER, 1833-1905," she did a double take. "It was like time-lapse photography," she said. "I mean, I was standing there looking into the past and the future at the same time. It was weird." "She wasn't kin to me, but she lived down the road," Granny explained to Nancy. "She was your granddaddy's aunt." "Did she look like me?" Nancy asked. "I don't know. She was real old." Granny touched the stone, puzzled. "I can't figure why she wasn't buried with her husband's people," she said. On Saturday, Nancy helps her parents move some of their furniture to the house next door. It is only a short walk, but when the truck is loaded they all ride in it, Nancy sitting between her parents. The truck's muffler sounds like thunder, and they drive without speaking. Daddy backs up to the porch. The paint on the house is peeling, and the latch of the storm �440 Appalachian Emigration door is broken. Daddy pulls at the door impatiently, saying, H I sure wish I could burn down these old houses and retire to Arizona.11 For as long as Nancy can remember, her father has been sending away for literature on Arizona. Her mother says, "We'll never go anywhere. We've got our dress tail on a bedpost." "What does that mean?" asks Nancy, in surprise. "Use to, if a storm was coming, people would put a bedpost on a child's dress tail, to keep him from blowing away. In other words, we're tied down." "That's funny. I never heard of that." "I guess you think we're just ignorant." Mother says. "The way we talk." "No, I don't." Daddy props the door open, and Nancy helps him ease a mattress over the threshold. Mother apologizes for not being able to lift anything. 'Tin in your way," she says, stepping off the porch into a dead canna bed. Nancy stacks boxes in her old room. It seems smaller than she remembered, and the tenants have scarred the woodwork. Mentally, she refurnishes the room—the bed by the window, the desk opposite. The first time Jack came to Kentucky he slept here, while Nancy slept on the couch in the living room. Now Nancy recalls the next day, as they headed west, with Jack accusing her of being dishonest, foolishly trying to protect her parents. "You let them think you're such a goody-goody, the ideal daughter," he said. "I bet you wouldn't tell them if you made less than an A." Nancy's father comes in and runs his hand across the ceiling, gathering up strings of dust. Tugging at a loose piece of door facing, he says to Nancy, "Never trust renters. They won't take care of a place." "What will you do with Granny's house?" "Nothing. Not as long as she's living." "Will you rent it out then?" "No. I won't go through that again." He removes his cap �BOBBIE ANN MASON 441 and smooths his hair, then puts the cap back on. Leaning against the wall, he talks about the high cost of the nursing home. "I never thought it would come to this," he says. "I wouldn't do it if there was any other way." "You don't have any choice,11 says Nancy. "The government will pay you to break up your family," he says. "If I get like your granny, I want you just to take me out in the woods and shoot me." "She told me she wasn't going," Nancy says. "They've got a big recreation room for the ones that can get around," Daddy says. "They've even got disco dancing." When Daddy laughs, his voice catches, and he has to clear his throat Nancy laughs with him. "I can just see Granny disco dancing. Are you sure you want me to shoot you? That place sounds like fun." They go outside, where Nancy's mother is cleaning out a patch of weed-choked perennials. "I planted these iris the year we moved," she says. "They're pretty," says Nancy. "I haven't seen that color up North." Mother stands up and shakes her foot awake. "I sure hope y'all can move down here," she says. "If s a shame you have to be so far away. Robert grows so fast I don't know him." "We might someday. I don't know if we can." "Looks like Jack could make good money if he set up a studio in town. Nowadays people want fancy pictures." "Even the school pictures cost a fortune," Daddy says. "Jack wants to free-lance for publications," says Nancy. "And there aren't any here. There's not even a camera shop within fifty miles." "But people want pictures," Mother says. "They've gone back to decorating living rooms with family pictures. In antique frames." Daddy smokes a cigarette on the porch, while Nancy circles the house. A beetle has infested the oak trees, causing clusters of leaves to turn brown. Nancy stands on the concrete lid of an old cistern and watches crows fly across a cornfield. In the �442 Appalachian Emigration distance a series of towers slings power lines across a flat sea of soybeans. Her mother is talking about Granny. Nancy thinks of Granny on the telephone, the day of her wedding, innocently asking, "What are you going to cook for your wedding breakfast?" Later, seized with laughter, Nancy told Jack what Granny had said. "I almost said to her, 'We usually don't eat breakfast, we sleep so late!/H Jack was busy blowing up balloons. When he didn't laugh, Nancy said, "Isn't that hilarious? She's really out of the nineteenth century." "You don't have to make me breakfast," said Jack. "In her time, it meant something really big," Nancy said helplessly. "Don't you see?" Now Nancy's mother is saying, "The way she has to have that milk of magnesia every night, when I know good and well she don't need it. She thinks she can't live without it." "What's wrong with her?" asks Nancy. "She thinks she's got a knot in her bowels. But ain't nothing wrong with her but that head-swimming and arthritis." Mother jerks a long morning glory vine out of the marigolds. "Hardening of the arteries is what makes her head swim," she says. "We better get back and see about her," Daddy says, but he does not get up immediately. The crows are racing above the power lines. Later, Nancy spreads a Texaco map of the United States out on Granny's quilt. "I want to show you where I live," she says. "Philadelphia's nearly a thousand miles from here." "Reach me my specs," says Granny, as she struggles to sit up. "How did you get here?" "Flew. Daddy picked me up at the airport in Paducah." "Did you come by the bypass or through town?" "The bypass," says Nancy. Nancy shows her where Pennsylvania is on the map. "I flew from Philadelphia to Louisville to Paducah. There's California. That's where Robert was born." �BOBBIE ANN MASON 443 "I haven't seen a geography since I was twenty years old," Granny says. She studies the map, running her fingers over it as though she were caressing fine material. "Law, I didn't know where Floridy was. It's way down there." Tve been to Florida," Nancy says. Granny lies back, holding her head as if it were a delicate china bowl. In a moment she says, "Tell your mamma to thaw me up some of them strawberries I picked." "When were you out picking strawberries, Granny?" "They're in the freezer of my refrigerator. Back in the back. In a little milk carton." Granny removes her glasses and waves them in the air. "Larry was going to come and play with me, but he couldn't come," Robert says to Nancy on the telephone that evening. "He had a stomachache." "That's too bad. What did you do today?" "We went to Taco Bell and then we went to the woods so Daddy could take pictures of Indian pipes." "What are those?" "I don't know. Daddy knows." "We didn't find any," Jack says on the extension. "I think it's the wrong time of year. How's Kentucky?" Nancy tells Jack about helping her parents move. "My bed is gone, so tonight I'll have to sleep on a couch in the hallway," she says. "It's really dreary here in this old house. Everything looks so bare." "How's your grandmother?" "The same. She's dead set against that rest home, but what can they do?" "Do you still want to move down there?" Jack asks. "I don't know." "I know how we could take the chickens to Kentucky," says Robert in an excited burst. "How?" "We could give them sleeping pills and then put them in the trunk so they'd be quiet." �444 Appalachian Emigration 'That sounds gruesome,11 Jack says. Nancy tells Robert not to think about moving. There is static on the line. Nancy has trouble hearing Jack. "We're your family too," he is saying. "I didn't mean to abandon you," she says. "Have you seen the pictures yet?" "No. Fm working up to that." "Nancy Culpepper, the original?" "You bet," says Nancy, a little too quickly. She hears Robert hang up. "Is Robert O.K.?" she asks through the static. "Oh, sure." "He doesn't think I moved without him?" "He'll be all right." "He didn't tell me good-bye." "Don't worry," says Jack. "She's been after me about those strawberries till I could wring her neck," says Mother as she and Nancy are getting ready for bed. "She's talking about some strawberries she put up in nineteen seventy-one. I've told her and told her that she eat them strawberries back then, but won't nothing do but for her to have them strawberries." "Give her some others," Nancy says. "She'd know the difference. She don't miss a thing when it comes to what's hers. But sometimes she's just as liable to forget her name." Mother is trembling, and then she is crying. Nancy pats her mother's hair, which is gray and wiry and sticks out in sprigs. Wiping her eyes, Mother says, "All the kinfolks will talk. 'Look what they done to her, poor helpless thing/ It'll probably kill her, to move her to that place." "When you move back home you can get all your antiques out of the barn," Nancy says. "You'll be in your own house again. Won't that be nice?" Mother doesn't answer. She takes some sheets and quilts from a closet and hands them to Nancy. "That couch lays good," she says. �BOBBIE ANN MASON 445 When Nancy wakes up, the covers are on the floor, and for a moment she does not remember where she is. Her digital watch says 2:43. Then it tells the date. In the darkness she has no sense of distance, and it seems to her that the red numerals could be the size of a billboard, only seen from far away. Jack has told her that this kind of insomnia is a sign of depression, while the other kind—inability to fall asleep at bedtime—is a sign of anxiety. Nancy always thought he had it backward, but now she thinks he may be right. A flicker of distant sheet lightning exposes the bleak walls with the suddenness of a flashbulb. The angles of the hall seem unfamiliar, and the narrow couch makes Nancy feel small and alone. When Jack and Robert come to Kentucky with her, they all sleep in the living room, and in the early morning Nancy's parents pass through to get to the bathroom. "We're just one big happy family,ft Daddy announces, to disguise his embarrassment when he awakens them. Now, for some reason, Nancy recalls Jack's strange still lifes, and she thinks of the black irises and the polished skulls of cattle suspended in the skies of O'Keeffe paintings. The irises are like thunderheads. The night they were married, Nancy and Jack collapsed into bed, falling asleep immediately, their heads swirling. The party was still going on, and friends from New York were staying over. Nancy woke up the next day saying her new name, and feeling that once again, in another way, she had betrayed her parents. "The one time they really thought they knew what I was doing, they didn't at all," she told Jack, who was barely awake. The visitors had gone out for the Sunday newspapers, and they brought back doughnuts. They had doughnuts and wine for breakfast. Someone made coffee later. In the morning, a slow rain blackens the fallen oak branches in the yard. In Granny's room the curtains are gray with shadows. Nancy places an old photograph album in Granny's lap. Silently, Granny turns pages of blank-faced babies in long white dresses like wedding gowns. Nancy's father is a boy in a sailor suit. Men and women in pictures the color of cafe' au �446 Appalachian Emigration kit stand around picnic tables. The immense trees in these settings are shaggy and dark. Granny cannot find Nancy Culpepper in the album. Quickly, she flips past a picture of her husband. Then she almost giggles as she points to a girl. "That's me." "I wouldn't have recognized you, Granny." "Why, it looks just like me." Granny strokes the picture, as though she were trying to feel the dress. "That was my favorite dress," she says. "It was brown poplin, with grosgrain ribbon and self-covered buttons. Thirty-two of them. And all those tucks. It took me three weeks to work up that dress." Nancy points to the pictures one by one, asking Granny to identify them. Granny does not notice Nancy writing the names in a notebook. Aunt Sass, Uncle Joe, Dove and Pear Culpepper, Hortense Culpepper. "Hort Culpepper went to Texas," says Granny. "She had TB." "Tell me about that," Nancy urges her. "There wasn't anything to tell. She got homesick for her mammy's cooking." Granny closes the album and falls back against her pillows, saying, "All those people are gone." While Granny sleeps, Nancy gets a flashlight and opens the closet. The inside is crammed with the accumulation of decades—yellowed newspapers, boxes of greeting cards, bags of string, and worn-out stockings. Granny's best dress, a blue bonded knit she has hardly worn, is in plastic wrapping. Nancy pushes the clothing aside and examines the wall. To her right, a metal pipe runs vertically through the closet. Backing up against the dresses, Nancy shines the light on the corner and discovers a large framed picture wedged behind the pipe. By tugging at the frame, she is able to work it gradually through the narrow space between the wall and the pipe. In the picture a man and woman, whose features are sharp and clear, are sitting expectantly on a brocaded love seat. Nancy imagines that this is a wedding portrait. In the living room, a TV evangelist is urging viewers to call him, toll free. Mother turns the TV off when Nancy appears �BOBBIE ANN MASON 447 with the picture, and Daddy stands up and helps her hold it near a window. "I think that's Uncle John!" he says excitedly. "He was my favorite uncle." "They're none of my people," says Mother, studying the picture through her bifocals. "He died when I was little, but I think that's him," says Daddy. "Him and Aunt Lucy Culpepper." "Who was she?" Nancy asks. "Uncle John's wife." "I figured that," says Nancy impatiently. "But who was she?" "I don't know." He is still looking at the picture, running his fingers over the man's face. Back in Granny's room, Nancy pulls the string that turns on the ceiling light, so that Granny can examine the picture. Granny shakes her head slowly. "I never saw them folks before in all my life." Mother comes in with a dish of strawberries. "Did I pick these?" Granny asks. "No. You eat yours about ten years ago," Mother says. Granny puts in her teeth and eats the strawberries in slurps, missing her mouth twice. "Let me see them people again," she says, waving her spoon. Her teeth make the sound of a baby rattle. "Nancy Hollins," says Granny. "She was a Culpepper." "That's Nancy Culpepper?" cries Nancy. "That's not Nancy Culpepper," Mother says. "That woman's got a rat in her hair. They wasn't in style back when Nancy Culpepper was alive." Granny's face is flushed and she is breathing heavily. "She was a real little-bitty old thing," she says in a high, squeaky voice. "She never would talk. Everybody thought she was curious. Plumb curious." "Are you sure it's her?" Nancy says. "If I'm not mistaken." "She don't remember," Mother says to Nancy. "Her mind �448 Appalachian Emigration gets confused." Granny removes her teeth and lies back, her bones grinding. Her chest heaves with exhaustion. Nancy sits down in the rocking chair, and as she rocks back and forth she searches the photograph, exploring the features of the young woman, who is wearing an embroidered white dress, and the young man, in a curly beard that starts below his chin, framing his face like a ruffle. The woman looks frightened—of the camera perhaps— but nevertheless her deep-set eyes sparkle like shards of glass. This young woman would be glad to dance to "Lucy in the Sky with Diamonds" on her wedding day, Nancy thinks. The man seems bewildered, as if he did not know what to expect, marrying a woman who has her eyes fixed on something so far away. Nancy Culpepper 1. Both Nancy and her husband, a photographer, have an interest in pictures. Why, then, does Nancy have to explain her need to save Granny's pictures? Why does she have this need? 2. This story contrasts Nancy's present life with that of the past. How are they different? 3. How did Nancy react when she saw the stone marked "Nancy Culpepper, 1833-1905"? 4. This story does not have the usual conflict which is present in many short stories; instead it subordinates conflict to revelation of character. What do you learn about Nancy Culpepper? �JIM WAYNE MILLER 449 JIM WAYNE MILLER (1936- ) A native of western North Carolina, Jim Wayne Miller earned his undergraduate degree at Berea College in Kentucky. He continued his studies at Vanderbilt and received his Ph.D in both German and American literature in 1965. While at Vanderbilt, Miller studied under Fugitive poet Donald Davidson. At present, Dr. Miller is a professor of German language and literature at Western Kentucky University. His stature and reputation as a poet have grown steadily since his first volume of poetry, Copperhead Cane, was published in 1964. His other collections are Dialogue With A Dead Man, The Mountains Have Come Closer, Vein of Words, and Nostalgia for 70. He received the Thomas Wolfe Award in 1985 for The Mountains Have Come Closer. "Turn Your Radio On" is about a kind of homesickness common to those who emigrated to northern cities. �450 Appalachian Emigration Turn Your Radio On I He couldn't hear his own thoughts in the city that never slept. Like a voice on a far-off radio station, his thoughts rose and fell in a storm of static. The city's rush and roar even poured through his dreams, boiling up like a waterfall. Asleep or waking, he tried to keep a sense of direction south. Lying awake in the smoky carbon darkness of northern nights facing east, he kept a knowledge, like a book under his pillow, that the mountains lay to his right, beyond the mills and warehouses. But sometimes he'd come awake in darkness and find the room had turned in the slow current of his sleep. He would not rest again until he'd righted the room, and sleep was drifting away from the waterfall's roar toward the quietness of mountains. But he never drifted home before he woke. He felt so stilled inside, a breathing silence. It was as if his thoughts had been a friend, a buddy who went everywhere with him. Now he turned and found that old companion hadn't followed him here. n Sometimes he'd sit for hours looking through a shoebox of family photographs: his grandfather leading a pair of Walker foxhounds; the old man atop a boulder in the Bearwallow holding his squirrel gun like a walking stick, or on the porch �JIM WAYNE MILLER 451 with his grandmother, both of them sitting in split-bottom chairs. Weathered and home-made like the chairs they sat in, and like the house and barn, so comfortably in place, they looked like one another. Something about the way they sat spoke to him through his own thoughts all the way from the mountains, like a powerful transmitter: this place belongs to us, their faces said, and we belong to it. When it's time, we come out on this porch and take our ease, and talk, as naturally as treefrogs in the poplars sing toward dark. Turn Your Radio On 1. The poet compares the sound of the city to a waterfall. Is this a valid comparison? Explain. 2. Discuss the line in the fourth stanza "It was as if his thoughts had been a friend...." 3 In what way are the mountains like a powerful transmitter to someone who lives in the city? 4. Have you ever been separated from your home and family like the person in the poem? What did you miss most during this separation? �452 Appalachian Emigration BORDEN DEAL (1922-1984) Born in northeastern Mississippi, Borden Deal spent his youth working in a circus, on a showboat, and in the Civilian Conservation Corps. Following Navy service, he earned a B. A. from the University of Alabama. He was a correspondent for Associated Films and a radio copywriter before becoming a full-time writer in 1955. He won a Guggenhiem Fellowship in 1957. His short stories are anthologized in Best American Short Stones of 1949 and 1962 and in several textbooks. More than 100 of his short stories have appeared in popular and literary magazines. Translated into more than twenty languages, his stories have been adapted for film, stage, and radio. He also published fourteen novels, some under the pseudonym Lee Borden. "Antaeus" was a Greek god whose strength came from keeping his feet solidly on the earth. This is a story about T.J., a southern farm boy removed to a northern industrial city, who comes to realize that he must leave the city and find a place where he can dig his toes into the soil. Antaeus This was during the wartime, when lots of people were coming North for jobs in factories and war industries, when �BORDEN DEAL 453 people moved around a lot more than they do now, and sometimes kids were thrown into new groups and new lives that were completely different from anything they had ever known before. I remember this one kid, T.J. his name was, from somewhere down South, whose family moved into our building during that time. They'd come North with everything they owned piled into the back seat of an old-model sedan that you wouldn't expect could make the trip, with T.J. and his three younger sisters riding shakingly on top of the load of junk. Our building was just like all the others there with families crowded into a few rooms, and I guess there were twenty-five or thirty kids about my age in that one building. Of course, there were a few of us who formed a gang and ran together all the time after school, and I was the one who brought T.J. in and started the whole thing. The building right next door to us was a factory where they made walking dolls. It was a low building with a flat, tarred roof that had a parapet all around it about head-high, and we'd found out a long time before that no one, not even the watchman, paid any attention to the roof because it was higher than any of the other buildings around. So my gang used the roof as a headquarters. We could get up there by crossing over to the fire escape from our own roof on a plank and then going on up. It was a secret place for us, where nobody else could go without our permission. I remember the day I first took T.J. up there to meet the gang. He was a stocky, robust kid with a shock of white hair, nothing sissy about him except his voice; he talked in this slow, gentle voice like you never heard before. He talked different from any of us and you noticed it right away. But I liked him anyway, so I told him to come on up. We climbed up over the parapet and dropped down on the roof. The rest of the gang were already there. "Hi," I said. I jerked my thumb at T.J. "He just moved into the building yesterday." He just stood there, not scared or anything, just looking, like the first time you see somebody you're not sure you're �454 Appalachian Emigration going to like. "Hi," Blackie said. "Where are you from?" "Marion County," T.J. said. We laughed. "Marion County?" I said. "Where's that?" He looked at me for a moment like I was a stranger, too. "It's in Alabama," he said, like I ought to know where it was. "What's your name?" Charley said. "T.J.,11 he said, looking back at him. He had pale blue eyes that looked washed-out, but he looked directly at Charley, waiting for his reaction. He'll be all right, I thought. No sissy in him, except that voice. Who ever talked like that? "T.J.," Blackie said. "That's just initials. What's your real name? Nobody in the world has just initials.11 "I do," he said. "And they're T.J. That's all the name I got." His voice was resolute with the knowledge of his Tightness, and for a moment no one had anything to say. T.J. looked around at the rooftop and down at the black tar under his feet. "Down yonder where I come from," he said, "we played out in the woods. Don't you-all have no woods around here?" "Naw," Blackie said. "There's a park a few blocks over, but it's full of kids and cops and old women. You can't do a thing." T.J. kept looking at the tar under his feet. "You mean you ain't got no fields to raise nothing in?—no watermelons or nothing?" "Naw," I said scornfully. "What do you want to grow something for? The folks can buy everything they need at the store." He looked at me again with that strange unknowing look. "In Marion County," he said, "I had my own acre of cotton and my own acre of corn. It was mine to plant and make ever' year." He sounded like it was something to be proud of, and in some obscure way it made the rest of us angry. Blackie said, "Who'd want to have their own acre of cotton and corn? That's just work. What can you do with an acre of cotton and corn?" T.J. looked at him. "Well, you get part of the bale of fen your acre," he said seriously. "And I fed my acre of corn to my calf." We didn't really know what he was talking about, so we were more puzzled than angry; otherwise, I guess, we'd have �BORDENDEAL 455 chased him off the roof and wouldn't let him be a part of our gang. But he was strange and different, and we were all attracted by his stolid sense of lightness and belonging, maybe by the strange softness of his voice contrasting our own tones of speech into harshness. He moved his foot against the black tar. "We could make our own field right here," he said softly, thoughtfully. "Come spring we could raise us what we want to—watermelons and garden truck and no telling what all." "You'd have to be a good farmer to make these tar roofs grow any watermelons," I said. We all laughed. But T.J. looked serious. "We could haul us some dirt up here," he said. "And spread it out even and water it, and before you know it, we'd have us a crop in here." He looked at us intently. "Wouldn't that be fun?" They wouldn't let us," Blackie said quickly. "I thought you said this was you-all's roof," T.J. said to me. "That you-all could do anything you wanted to up here." "They've never bothered us," I said. I felt the idea beginning to catch fire in me. It was a big idea, and it took a while for it to sink in; but the more I thought about it, the better I liked it. "Say," I said to the gang. "He might have something there. Just make us a regular roof garden, with flowers and grass and trees and everything. And all ours, too," I said. "We wouldn't let anybody up here except the ones we wanted to." "It'd take a while to grow trees," T.J. said quickly, but we weren't paying any attention to him. They were all talking about it suddenly, all excited with the idea after I'd put it in a way they could catch hold of it. Only rich people had roof gardens, we knew, and the idea of our own private domain excited them. "We could bring it up in sacks and boxes," Blackie said. "We'd have to do it while the folks weren't paying any attention to us, for we'd have to come up to the roof of our building and then cross over with it." "Where could we get the dirt?" somebody said worriedly. "Out of those vacant lots over close to school," Blackie said. �456 Appalachian Emigration "Nobody'd notice if we scraped it up." I slapped TJ. on the shoulder. "Man, you had a wonderful idea," I said, and everybody grinned at him, remembering that he had started it. "Our own private roof garden." He grinned back. "It'll be ourn," he said. "All ourn." Then he looked thoughtful again. "Maybe I can lay my hands on some cotton seed, too. You think we could raise us some cotton?" We'd started big projects before at one time or another, like any gang of kids, but they'd always petered out for lack of organization and direction. But this one didn't; somehow or other T.J. kept it going all though the winter months. He kept talking about the watermelons and cotton we'd raise, come spring, and when even that wouldn't work, he'd switch around to my idea of flowers and grass and trees, though he was always honest enough to add that it'd take a while to get any trees started. He always had it on his mind and he'd mention it in school, getting them lined up to carry dirt that afternoon, saying in a casual way that he reckoned a few more weeks ought to see the job through. Our little area of private earth grew slowly. TJ. was smart enough to start in one corner of the building, heaping up the carried earth two or three feet thick so that we had an immediate result to look at, to contemplate with awe. Some of the evenings T.J. alone was carrying earth up to the building, the rest of the gang distracted by other enterprises or interests, but T.J. kept plugging along on his own, and eventually we'd all come back to him again and then our own little acre would grow more rapidly. He was careful about the kind of dirt he'd let us carry up there, and more than once dumped a sandy load over the parapet into the areaway below because it wasn't good enough. He found out the kinds of earth in all the vacant lots for blocks around. He'd pick it up and feel it and smell it, frozen though it was sometimes, and then he'd say it was good growing soil or it wasn't worth anything, and we'd have to go �BORDENDEAL 457 on to somewhere else. Thinking about it now, I don't see how he kept us at it. It was hard work, lugging paper sacks and boxes of dirt all the way up the stairs of our own building, keeping out of the way of the grownups so they wouldn't catch on to what we were doing. They probably wouldn't have cared, for they didn't pay much attention to us, but we wanted to keep it a secret anyway. Then we had to go through the trap door to our roof, teeter over a plank to the fire escape, then climb two or three stories to the parapet and drop them down onto the roof. All that for a small pile of earth that sometimes didn't seem worth the effort. But T.J. kept the vision bright within us, his words shrewd and calculated toward the fulfillment of his dream; and he worked harder than any of us. He seemed driven toward a goal that we couldn't see, a particular point in time that would be definitely marked by signs and wonders that only he could see. The laborious earth just lay there during the cold months, inert and lifeless, the clods lumpy and cold under our feet when we walked over it. But one day it rained, and afterwards there was a softness in the air, and the earth was live and giving again with moisture and warmth. That evening T.J. smelled the air, his nostrils dilating with the odor of the earth under his feet. "It's spring," he said, and there was a gladness rising in his voice that filled us all with the same feeling. HIt's mighty late for it, but it's spring. I'd just about decided it wasn't never gonna get here at all." We were all sniffing at the air, too, trying to smell it the way that T.J. did, and I can still remember the sweet odor of earth under our feet. It was the first time in my life that spring and spring earth had meant anything to me. I looked at T.J. then, knowing in a faint way the hunger within him through the toilsome winter months, knowing the dream that lay behind his plan. He was a new Antaeus preparing his own bed of strength. "Planting time," he said. "We'll have to find some seed." "What do we do?" Blackie said. "How do we do it?" "First we'll have to break up the clods," T.J. said. "That �458 Appalachian Emigration won't be hard to do. Then we plant the seeds, and after a while they come up. Then you got a crop." He frowned. "But you ain't got it raised yet. You got to tend it and hoe it and take care of it, and all the time it's growing and growing, while you're awake and while you're asleep. Then you lay it by when it's growed and let ripen, and then you got you a crop." "There's those wholesale seed houses over on Sixth," I said. "We could probably swipe some grass seed over there." T.J. looked at the earth. "You-all seem mighty set on raising some grass," he said. "I ain't never put no effort into that. I spent all my life trying not to raise grass." "But it's pretty," Blackie said. "We could play on it and take sunbaths on it. Like having our own lawn. Lots of people got lawns." "Well," T.J. said. He looked at the rest of us, hesitant for the first time. He kept on looking at us for a moment. "I did have it in mind to raise some corn and vegetables. But we'll plant grass." He was smart. He know where to give in. And I don't suppose it made any difference to him, really. He just wanted to grow something, even if it was grass. "Of course," he said, "I do think we ought to plant a row of watermelons. They'd be mighty nice to eat while we was alaying on that grass." We all laughed. "All right," I said. "We'll plant us a row of watermelons." Things went very quickly then. Perhaps half the roof was covered with earth, the half that wasn't broken by ventilators, and we swiped pocketfuls of grass seed from the open bins in the wholesale seed house, mingling among the buyers on Saturdays and during the school lunch hour. T.J. showed us how to prepare the earth, breaking up the clods and smoothing it and sowing the grass seed. It looked rich and black now with moisture, receiving of the seed, and it seemed that the grass sprang up overnight, pale green in the early spring. We couldn't keep from looking at it, unable to believe that we had created this delicate growth. We looked at T.J. with un- �BORDENDEAL 459 derstanding now, knowing the fulfillment of the plan he had carried along within his mind. We had worked without full understanding of the task, but he had known all the time. We found that we couldn't walk or play on the delicate blades, as we had expected to, but we didn't mind. It was enough just to look at it, to realize that it was the work of our own hands, and each evening the whole gang was there, trying to measure the growth that had been achieved that day. One time a foot was placed on the plot of ground, one time only, Blackie stepping onto it with sudden bravado. Then he looked at the crushed blades and there was shame in his face. He did not do it again. This was his grass, too, and not to be desecrated. No one said anything, for it was not necessary. T.J. had reserved a small section for watermelons, and he was still trying to find some seed for it. The wholesale house didn't have any watermelon seeds, and we didn't know where we could lay our hands on them. T.J. shaped the earth into mounds, ready to receive them, three mounds lying in a straight line along the edge of the grass plot. We had just about decided that we'd have to buy the seeds if we were to get them. It was a violation of our principles, but we were anxious to get the watermelons started. Somewhere or other, T.J. got his hands on a seed catalog and brought it one evening to our roof garden. "We can order them now," he said, showing us the catalog. "Look!" We all crowded around, looking at the fat, green watermelons pictured in full color on the pages. Some of them were split open, showing the red, tempting meat, making our mouths water. "Now we got to scrape up some seed money," T.J. said, looking at us. "I got a quarter. How much you-all got?" We made up a couple of dollars among us and T.J. nodded his head. "Thaf 11 be more than enough. Now we got to decide what kind to get. I think them Kleckley Sweets. What do youall think?" He was going into esoteric matters beyond our reach. We �460 Appalachian Emigration hadn't even known there were different kinds of watermelons. So we just nodded our heads and agreed that yes, we thought the Kleckley Sweets too. Til order them tonight," T.J. said. "We ought to have them in a few days." "What are you boys doing up here?" an adult voice said behind us. It startled us, for no one had ever come up here before in all the time we had been using the roof of the factory. We jerked around and saw three men standing near the trap door at the other end of the roof. They weren't policemen or night watchmen, but three men in plump business suits, looking at us. They walked toward us. "What are you boys doing up here?" the one in the middle said again. We stood still, guilt heavy among us, levied by the tone of voice, and looked at the three strangers. The men stared at the grass flourishing behind us. "What's this?" the man said. "How did this get up here?" "Sure is growing good, ain't it?" T.J. said conversationally. "We planted it." The men kept looking at the grass as if they didn't believe it. It was a thick carpet over the earth now, a patch of deep greenness startling in the sterile industrial surroundings. "Yes, sir," T.J. said proudly. "We toted that earth up here and planted that grass." He fluttered the seed catalog. "And we're just fixing to plant us some watermelon." The man looked at him then, his eyes strange and faraway. "What do you mean, putting this on the roof of my building?" he said. "Do you want to go to jail?" T.J. looked shaken. The rest of us were silent, frightened by the authority of his voice. We had grown up aware of adult authority, of policemen and night watchmen and teachers, and this man sounded like all the others. But it was a new thing to T.J. "Well, you wasn't using the roof," T.J. said. He paused a moment and added shrewdly, "So we just thought to pretty it �BORDENDEAL 461 up a little bit." "And sag it so Fd have to rebuild it," the man said sharply. He started turning away, saying to another man beside him, "See that all that junk is shoveled off by tomorrow." "Yes, sir," the man said. T.J. started forward. "You can't do that," he said. "We toted it up here, and it's our earth. We planted it and raised it and toted it up here." The man stared at him coldly. "But it's my building," he said. "It's to be shoveled off tomorrow." "It's our earth," T.J. said desperately. "You ain't got no right!" The men walked on without listening and descended clumsily through the trapdoor. T.J. stood looking after them, his body tense with anger, until they had disappeared. They wouldn't even argue with him, wouldn't let him defend his earth-rights. He turned to us. "We won't let 'em do it," he said fiercely. "We'll stay up here all day tomorrow and the day after that, and we won't let 'em do it." We just looked at him. We knew there was no stopping it. He saw it in our faces, and his face wavered for a moment before he gripped it into determination. "They ain't got no right," he said. "It's our earth. It's our land. Can't nobody touch a man's own land." We kept looking at him, listening to the words but knowing that it was no use. The adult world had descended on us even in our richest dream, and we knew there was no calculating the adult world, no fighting it, no winning against it. We started moving slowly toward the parapet and the fire escape, avoiding a last look at the green beauty of the earth that T.J. had planted for us, had planted deeply in our minds as well as in our experience. We filed slowly over the edge and down the steps to the plank, T.J. coming last, and all of us could feel the weight of his grief behind us. "Wait a minute," he said suddenly, his voice harsh with the effort of calling. �462 Appalachian Emigration We stopped and turned, held by the tone of his voice, and looked up at him standing above us on the fire escape. H We can't stop them?11 he said, looking down at us, his face strange in the dusky light. "There ain't no way to stop 'em?" "No/11 Blackie said with finality. "They own the building." We stood still for a moment, looking up at T.J., caught into inaction by the decision working in his face. He stared back at us, and his face was pale and mean in the poor light, with a bald nakedness in his skin like cripples have sometimes. "They ain't gonna touch my earth," he said fiercely. "They ain't gonna lay a hand on it! Come on." He turned around and started up the fire escape again, almost running against the effort of climbing. We followed more slowly, not knowing what he intended. By the time we reached him, he had seized a board and thrust it into the soil, scooping it up and flinging it over the parapet into the areaway below. He straightened and looked at us. "They can't touch it," he said. "I won't let 'em lay a dirty hand on it!" We saw it then. He stooped to his labor again and we followed, the gusts of his anger moving in frenzied labor among us as we scattered along the edge of earth, scooping it and throwing it over the parapet, destroying with anger the growth we had nurtured with such tender care. The soil carried so laboriously upward to the light and the sun cascaded swiftly into the dark areaway, the green blades of grass crumpled and twisted in the falling. It took less time than you would think; the task of destruction is infinitely easier than that of creation. We stopped at the end, leaving only a scattering of loose soil, and when it was finally over, a stillness stood among the group and over the factory building. We looked down at the bare sterility of black tar, felt the harsh texture of it under the soles of our shoes, and the anger had gone out of us, leaving only a sore aching in our minds like overstretched muscles. T.J. stood for a moment, his breathing slowing from anger and effort, caught into the same contemplation of destruction �BORDENDEAL 463 as all of us. He stooped slowly, finally, and picked up a lonely blade of grass left trampled under our feet and put it between his teeth, tasting it, sucking the greeness out of it into his mouth. Then he started walking toward the fire escape, moving before any of us were ready to move, and disappeared over the edge. We followed him, but he was already halfway down to the ground, going on past the board where we crossed over, climbing down into the areaway. We saw the last section swing down with his weight, and then he stood on the concrete below us, looking at the small pile of anonymous earth scattered by our throwing. Then he walked across the place where we could see him and disappeared toward the street without glancing back, without looking up to see us watching him. They did not find him for two weeks. Then the Nashville police caught him just outside the Nashville freight yards. He was walking along the railroad track, still heading South, still heading home. As for us, who had no remembered home to call us, none of us ever again climbed the escapeway to the roof. Antaeus 1. What is the major conflict in this story? 2. What qualities did TJ. have that enabled him to have his way with the boys? 3. How did the boys get the grass seed they needed? The watermelon seed? 4. In Greek mythology Hercules wrestled the giant Antaeus, son of earth. If the giant touched the earth, he was invincible; therefore, Hercules had to strangle him in the air. In what ways is TJ. like Antaeus? �464 Appalachian Emigration No. 10 �JO CARSON 465 JO CARSON (1946- ) Jo Carson, a lifelong resident of Johnson City, Tennessee, brings voices from her region to life in her poetry and plays. A graduate of East Tennessee State University, she is associated with the Road Company, a small theatre group based in Johnson City as both a writer and as an actress. She is a visiting commentator on National Public Radio's program All Things Considered, and performs many of her "People Pieces" for audiences all across America. �466 Appalachian Emigration People Pieces: My Brother Estes My brother Estes and his cousin Ray left here for California the minute the two of them together had enough money to buy a car. They were leaving the god-forsaken mountains. They were gonna' make some money, gonna' find them California wives. Well, they did, both of them. I gotta' admit they done right well. But I got a phone call from Estes just two days ago. He's pushing into his fifties now and you know, he wants to bring his California wife and come back home. All this time, he's called me his hick sister, but I knew my chance was coming cause the mountains speak the loudest to a person in his middle age and no matter where he is or what he's done, he begins to think of them as home. You know what I told Estes? I told him to come on back and try it, but not to get his hopes too high cause he don't talk right anymore. �JO CARSON 467 Brother Estes 1. Brother Estes' sister observes that Estes does not talk right any more. What other changes might you expect to find in someone who has left Appalachia and moved to California? 2. Why does Estes want to return to the mountains? 3. Discuss the poet's statement that "the mountains speak loudest to a person in middle age." �468 Appalachian Emigration GURNEY NORMAN (1937- ) Gurney Norman's first novel, Divine Rights' Trip, was originally published in The ]Nhole Earth Catalog, a Californiabased publication which he helped edit. The novel tells the story of a young man in the Sixties searching for himself and some inner peace, which he finds only on returning to his home in Kentucky. The novel, no doubt, portrays some of Norman's own life. A native of eastern Kentucky, he graduated from the University of Kentucky before going off to Stanford University in California to study with the great short story writer Frank O'Connor. His credits include an oral narrative recorded for June Appal records and a short story collection Kinfolks. Norman currently teaches creative writing at the University of Kentucky and conducts summer workshops around the region. One of the major consciousness-raisers in his native region, Gurney Norman has consistently urged other Appalachian authors to write what they know best. He was instrumental in the formation of the Southern Appalachian Writer's Cooperative. "A Correspondence" is told in letters exchanged between a mountain woman and her brother. �GURNEY NORMAN 469 A Correspondence from Kinfolks Dear Brother Luther, I know you will be surprised to hear from me it's been so long. How I found you was yet living and where, was Wilgus Collier is from there, who came to rent my upstairs apartment, a nice young traveling man. He says he grew up within a mile of where your daughter lives in Knott County, that his aunt is her neighbor and for you to tell her hello. I call it the Lord's miracle that He sent Wilgus Collier to my house a messenger of the only good news I have had in many years. I pray to Him this will reach you and that you will answer and we will be in touch with one another again. So it's been many years since we were all at home together hasn't it dear Brother? I often think of those old days and wish I was back at home with my loved ones instead of sitting in this lonesome place by myself. Did you know I lived in Phoenix? I have lived here eleven years. My husband Troy bought this house with two apartments and one other with three apartments and moved us here in 1954 when he retired and for my asthma. Then the next year he died of heart trouble and Blight's disease so I have a mighty load to carry by myself. Troy had a boy and girl by his first marriage but they have forgot their old stepmother, and I never had children of my own as you perhaps know. It is lonesome in Phoenix and I breathe with difficulty, and my tenants are the only ones I see and they are not always friendly except Wilgus Collier, a nice young traveling man who the Lord sent to me and put me in touch with you again and oh I hope how soon we can be together again dear Brother, like we were so many years ago when we lived on Cowan Creek. Join me in thanks to God and write soon. Your loving sister, Mrs. Drucilla Cornett Toliver Sweet Sister, Could not believe your letter at first. I thought it was �470 Appalachian Emigration another trick to torment me. I read it, read it again, then had daughter Cleo read it to me to be sure it was true. A big surprise, to think for years I have a sister living after all. Yes, many years have gone under the bridge since we were all at home together and so happy. Now everything is down to a final proposition it appears like. I have the gout and cataracts. My wife Naomi died two years ago. My younguns are scattered here and yon, except daughter Blanche who died and son Romulus who lost his mind. I live first with one then the other, but mostly daughter Cleo, the others don't want me much. Bad business to be amongst ungrateful children. Arizona. A mighty fine place I hear. Your man done good by you to leave you so well off. I seen Goldwater on television one night, speaking right from Phoenix. He strikes me as a scoundrel but it showed pictures of Arizona country, the desert and the sunset on some mountains so peaceful and quiet, it sure looked like where I want to be. And I hope how soon we can be together sweet sister, to keep each other company in these terrible times. Your brother Luther Cornett, Age 79 how old are you by now? Dear Brother, I am 72. I have asthma and atherites, bursitis and awful high blood pressure. My fingers hurts now to write this letter and I hope you will be able to read it. But you have a nice hand write, Brother. You always was a good scholar at Little Engle School. I remember walking to school with you boys, and the way it set back against the hillside, the front end of it on stilts high enough to play under, and the way the willows and the sycamores leaned out over Engle Creek, and wading the creek and the Big Rock we played on that had mint growing around it. I remember an Easter egg hunt at the school. And the fight you had with Enoch Singleton. I know I have forgot a lot of old times but I do remember that school very well and hope to see it when I get back to dear Kentucky. �GURNEY NORMAN 471 Which should not be too long now. My houses are not fancy but they are buying up property right and left here and I have buyers galore to pick from. But I want to get a good price so we can afford ourselves a nice place together somewhere there in Knott County. Do you hear of any places for sale in the Carr Fork section? Who owns the old homeplace now? Maybe we could buy it back and live there again and be like we used to be so many years ago. I look forward to meeting your Cleo and all your grandchildren. You are so lucky to have grandchildren. I never did even have children but I guess I told you that. Until I learned you were yet living I cried myself to sleep every night with only Jesus for my comfort. But now he has sent me you, and soon we will be re-united in His love, sweet Brother. In His Holy Name, Drucilla Toliver Sweet Sister, So much racket going on here I can't hardly think what to write. It is this way all the time in this house, no peace and quiet. Cleo won't control her younguns. They all promised me my own room before I moved in, but then never give me one, it was all a lure and a trap. I turn the television up full blast to drown them out. After a while you don't hear a loud television but it is still a poor substitute for true quiet like you all must have out west. The '27 flood got Engle School. A flood can come and get the rest of this place for all I care. Kentucky is all tore up and gone, Sister. Soon they'll flood CanFork and that whole section, including the old homeplace, the government's doing it. You are fortunate to have your property. I used to have property on Hardburly Mountain, two hundred acres, with a good stand of white pine plus a well, dwelling house, barn and good-sized garden. But the strip miners got it all. I lawed the sons of bitches but couldn't do no good. So here I am stuck at Cleo's house, crowded up, no privacy, she can't cook, younguns gone wild, not enough heat, �472 Appalachian Emigration and they read my mail before I get it. (You be careful what you say!) Count your blessings in Arizona, sister, none in Kentucky to count. And keep your property, I'll be out there before long to help you run it and well get along good for ever more. Your loving brother, Luther Dear Brother, You would not like Arizona. It is not green and cool here like Kentucky, and Phoenix is difficult of living. I can't tell you too much about Phoenix except that Carson Avenue is a terrible place. I've only seen the downtown part once, in 1956 when the Presbyterians took me down and back one day for a good deed, but it wasn't much then and I doubt that it's any better now. I want to pick blackberries again, and gather chestnuts and see the laurel when it blooms. I never see anything on Carson Avenue except the motorcycle gang go by. Taxes are awful and the heat and when you call the water company it takes a month to come, and you can't see television because of this sarcastic neighbor Mr. Ortiz who pranks with the electricity. So I'll be home in a month or two, soon as I settle up my business. You look for us a place to buy. Get it in the country, pick us out a cove off one of those cool hollows and have laurel on it if you can. It would be good to live close to Carr Creek or Troublesome, or maybe even over on North Fork River. I'm not much of a fisherman you always were and I can cook fish. It would be handy if we could buy us a good house already built. But if you feel up to it, and some of your children would help, I'd like to buy a hillside with good timber on it and we could have us a house built out of our own wood, to suit us, and cheaper too. Wouldn't that be something? I'd like to be on the road to see people go by, nice Kentucky neighbors and kinfoiks. Last Sunday I was sitting on my porch and a motorcycle man yelled an ugly thing at me and upset me terrible. And I didn't exactly admire you using bad language in your last letter, Brother. That indicates you might not be saved, �GURNEY NORMAN 473 but I pray you are, but if you aren't tell me the truth about it. Sister Drucilla Drucilla, Don't come to Kentucky. I tell you this is a terrible place. The union has pulled out. No work anywhere. They're gouging the hillsides down, stripping and auguring. Ledford Pope's house got totally carried off by a mudslide. The streams are fouled, not a fish this side of Buckhorn Lake, not even any water to speak of except at flood time when there's more than anybody wants. The young folks have mostly moved to Ohio and Indiana to work, and them that's left have no respect for old people, they'd never help us build a house even if we had something to build it out of. Kentucky's timber has been gone since you have. Coal trucks make more racket than motorcycles, and there's no air fit to breathe for the slate dumps burning. Sure no place for asthma sufferers. I've seen the pictures of Arizona, and read about it. It sounds like all the old folks in the country are retiring out there but me. Damn such business as that, I'm on my way soon as I can accumulate the trainfare. If you've got some extra to send me for expenses I'd be grateful to you, and make it up to you once I got there. I'll rent two apartments from you myself, I want me some room to stretch in. And don't worry about getting downtown. Me and you will take right off the first thing and see all the sights and visit all the retired people in Phoenix and go to shows and ride buses and sit around the swimming pools drinking ice tea. Sorry for the bad words. Yes, I'm saved. I was a terrible rip-roarer most of my life, but 12 years ago I seen the light and give up all bad habits except cussing. I'm ready to give that up too but see no way to go about it till I get somewhere where there ain't so much to cuss about. Your brother, Luther Brother, I'm not going to live in Arizona. That's all there is to it. �474 Appalachian Emigration You don't understand how it is here. Why do you not want me to come home? Are you making up all those bad tales on Kentucky, just to keep me from coming? I don't understand your attitude. A man that would cuss his sister would lie to her too, and the Bible admonishes against oaths and lies. I don't want to boss you but I'll not be bossed myself, and I absolutely will not stay in Arizona. Drucilla Toliver Sister, You say you don't understand my attitude. Well I don't understand a sister that would have two fancy houses and yet turn out a suffering brother to suffer at the hands of mean children and a bad location. You talk like such a Christian. I say do unto others as you want them to do unto you and you're the one with two houses. I didn't cuss you. And I just wonder who is lying to who, for I have seen the pictures of Arizona and read of everybody moving there to retire and be happy. It sounds like you're all out there together plotting to keep me out. Well you won't get away with it and I have one question to ask: have you been getting secret letters from Cleo on the side? It wouldn't surprise me. Luther Cornett Brother, I still refuse to stay in Arizona, in spite of your insults, and I suggest you read The Beatitudes. Drucilla Cornett Toliver Sister, You and Cleo think you can lure and trap me into staying in Kentucky but you are wrong. Luther Cornett Luther, You have turned out strange is all I can say, unmindful of �GURNEY NORMAN 475 the needs of others, and if you continue to curse me we might as well forget the whole business. Drucilla Cornett Toliver Drucilla, I have not cussed you but I am about to get around to it. And Cleo and Emmit and Polly and Sarah and R.C. and Little Charles too if they all don't hush their racket. If you don't agree to my coming there then you are right, we might as well forget the whole thing for I absolutely refuse to stay in such a goddamn hell-hole as this. Luther Cornett Dear Luther, Satan moves your tongue and I won't listen, or agree to stay here another week. Drucilla Toliver Dear Drucilla, Then we just as well forget the whole thing. Mr. Luther O. Cornett Luther, Suit yourself. Mrs. Drucilla Toliver A Correspondence 1. What does Drucilla remember and love about life in Knott County? 2. What is the reality of living in Knott County for Luther? 3. There is an old saying, "The grass is greener on the other side of the fence." Explain this saying as it relates to Luther and Drucilla. �476 Appalachian Emigration ROBERT PENN WARREN (1905- ) Born in Guthrie, Kentucky, Robert Penn Warren graduated in 1925 from Vanderbilt University, where he was a member of the Fugitive group of poets. He was strongly influenced by his professors, John Crowe Ransom and Donald Davidson. His studies continued at the University of California, at Yale, and at Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar. Critic, novelist, short story writer, poet, editor, biographer, and dramatist, he is the only writer ever to receive the Pulitzer Prize for both fiction (All the King's Men, 1946) and poetry (Promises, 1957). He is one of the founders of Southern Review, co-author of several college literature textbooks, and a former professor of English and drama. Probably best known for his eight novels, Robert Penn Warren, now in his eighties and living in Connecticut, continues to write and receive high honors. In 1985, he was named by Congress as the nation's first Poet Laureate. The title of Poet Laureate is a British tradition dating back hundreds of years. Although the American appointment is much shorter than the British, which is for a lifetime, the purpose is the same: to acknowledge the importance of the poet in a civilized society. Everyone agrees that Robert Penn Warren is the natural choice for this first-time prestigious honor. �ROBERT PENN WARREN 477 Sitting on Farm Lawn on Sunday Afternoon The old, the young—they sit. And the baby on its blanket Blows a crystalline Bubble to float, then burst Into air's nothingness. Under the maples they sit, As the limpid year uncoils With a motion like motionlessness, While only a few maple leaves Are crisping toward yellow And not too much rust yet Streaks the far blades of corn. The big white bulldog dozes In a patch of private shade. The afternoon muses onward, Past work, past week, past season, Past all the years gone by, And delicate feminine fingers, Deft and ivory-white, And fingers steely, or knobbed In the gnarl of arthritis, conspire To untangle the snarl of years Which are their past, and the past Of kin who in dark now hide, �478 Appalachian Emigration Yet sometimes seem to stare forth With critical, loving gaze, Or deeper in darkness weep At wisdom they learned too late. Is all wisdom learned too late? The baby laUs to itself, For it does not yet know all The tales and contortions of Time. Nor do I, who sit here alone, In another place, and hour. Sitting On Farm Lawn on Sunday Afternoon 1. What event might have inspired this poem? 2. Discuss the line "Is all wisdom learned too late?" 3. Why does the gathering of several generations of family make us think about change? about time? �LISAALTHER 479 LISA ALTHER (1944- ) Born to a surgeon and a former English teacher in Kingsport, Tennessee, an industrial city in the heart of Appalachia, Lisa Alther best knows Appalachia caught between the old ways and the new ways of Middle America, both of which she satirizes. Educated at Wellesley College, she was an editorial assistant at Atheneum Publishers before Knopf published her first novel Kinflicks in 1976. Since then, she has published two other novels and continues to contribute articles and stories to national magazines. This excerpt from Kinflicks concerns the protagonist's search for identity. She returns to the cabin of her grandfather, remembering his words and trying to understand her life and the forces that have shaped her. From Kinflicks She tooted the horn gently in the old tattoo her family had always used to indicate to the Cloyds that it was Babcocks going past to the cabin, not vandals and thieves. She drove on for another mile down the ever-narrowing dirt track through a woods of oak and sycamore and sassafras, redbud, poplar, and dogwood—a woods so different in composition from that �480 Appalachian Emigration behind Ira's house in Vermont, with its birch and ash and sugar maples, its dozen varieties of evergreen. Stopping in front of the aluminum gate, she got out and unlocked the chain and drove the Jeep through. She descended the hill into the kudzu-lined bowl which housed the cabin and the pond. The cabin, built of chinked logs and covered by a dull green tin roof, had a patchwork history of occupation. It had been built around 1800 by the original settler of the farm— one of the motley breed of horse thieves and adventurers and deserters who had crossed the Blue Ridge Mountains, fleeing the civilized coastal regions of Virginia and North Carolina for the mountainous backwoods of Kentucky and Tennessee and southwest Virginia. By the time her grandfather, Mr. Zed, eluded his destiny as a coal miner and bought the farm, the cabin had been deserted for decades. Mr. Zed rebuilt the cabin and lived there with his wife and his small daughter, Ginny's mother, while his pseudo-antebellum mansion was under construction. When Ginny's mother and father were first married, they lived in the cabin. Ginny herself had been born there. Shortly after Jim's birth, her grandparents had traded her parents the mansion for the cabin. After her grandmother's death, Mr. Zed had spent the rest of his life in virtual seclusion at the cabin, trying to figure out how to undo what he had spent his lifetime doing—founding Hullsport and establishing the factory. Hence the kudzu. The kudzu vines served a double purpose: First, they held up the red clay sides of the bowl, which were always threatening to collapse into the pond; and secondly, they were an experiment with far-reaching implications in the deranged mind of the aging Mr. Zed. Kudzu was being highly touted at the time by the agricultural extension agents as the wonder vine of the century. Not only did its tenacious roots fix nitrogen in depleted soils; not only did the highprotein foliage make nutritious cattle fodder, but the plant spread so voraciously that only a few starter plants were required to take over an entire hillside. It was to explore this promise that Ginny's grandfather, his �LISAALTHER 481 scramble of long white hair whipping in the breeze, had carefully placed plants all around the bowl. In no time at all, every object in sight had been swallowed up—bushes, rocks, trees, fences, an old tobacco shed, rusted equipment parts. The vines were six feet deep in spots. Her grandfather had spent most of his twilight years, when his peers were engaged in shuffleboard tournaments at Sun City, Arizona, hacking away with a machete as the kudzu threatened to engulf his front lawn. But he hacked without malice, because he saw kudzu as his secret weapon. He would plant it, under cover of the night, at selected spots around the factory and the town. The vines would silently take hold and begin their stealthy spread. Before Hullsporters were even aware of their existence, the grasping tendrils would choke out all life in the Model City. The site would be returned to Nature. Word got around town to humor the old man as he crept around furtively planting, and scowling at the smokestacks and holding tanks, and shaking his fist at the encroaching superhighways and shopping malls and housing developments. "Senile," they would say, shaking their heads sadly. "Mr. Zed's done gone mental." To Ginny, when she would walk up to visit him, he would shake his wild crop of tangled hair and say plaintively, "I never should of left Sow Gap, honey. I was a miner's son. I had no bidness tryin to be nothin else. Lord God, I done made a mess. Virginia, honey, don't you never try to be what you ain't." "But what am I?" she'd ask him, reviewing her history of being born in a farm cabin in Virginia with a rural southern mother and an industrialist father from Boston, and with refugees from the coal mines for grandparents; growing up in a fake antebellum mansion in a factory town in the New South with a dairy farm out her back door; being christened "Virginia" by her mother in a burst of geographic chauvinism, and "Babcock" by her father, which name emblazoned the walls of a hall at Harvard. Being a human melting pot, to what one god—social or economic or geographic—was she to direct her scattered allegiances? How she had envied her friends at �482 Appalachian Emigration public meetings who could stand up and belt out a belligerent version of "Dixie"; on such occasions Ginny herself had sometimes remained seated, sometimes stood but not sung, sometimes sung halfheartedly. Ginny had decided to put the issue of scattered allegiances behind her and start out fresh when she left Hullsport for Boston. And what had she done since? She'd married a Yankee businessman whose parents were Vermont farmers; she'd taken a hippy army deserter as a lover, if that was the right term for Hawk's relationship to her; she'd been living a surburban life in a small town in Vermont. Given her chance at transcendence, she'd merely re-created the muddle of loyalties she'd left Hullsport to escape. She got out of the Jeep, lugging her pack and some groceries, and stumbled over dark green kudzu vines all the way to the cabin. The vines had taken over the stone steps and were partway up the log sides of the cabin. Someone hadn't been performing Mr. Zed's former duties with the machete. Stepping firmly on the vines that covered the steps, Ginny wrenched open the front door, walked in, and began opening shutters. There were veils of cobwebs in the corners and a layer of dust over all horizontal surfaces. Otherwise, the place was relatively neat and inhabitable. She threw the switch on the fuse box, and the various motors in the cabin—the pump, the refrigerator, the hot water heater—started humming on cue. After putting away the groceries in the small kitchen, cheery with its red gingham curtains and hooked rugs, she took a mop and knocked down the spiderwebs and dusted the dark wideplank floors. The last time she'd been here, a few months before her grandfather's death, her cousin Raymond had arrived for a visit. Raymond was tall and painfully thin with black bags under his eyes and hollows under his cheekbones. His coloring was almost albino, like a crayfish from an underground stream. He talked very little, mostly sat hunched over wheezing. Black lung from the mines, her grandfather explained �USAALTHER 483 later. "I'll tell you the truth, Raymond," Mr. Zed said, shaking his bushy white head angrily, "I declare, I rue the day I left Sow Gap!" "You're plumb crazy iffen you do," Raymond gasped. "Sow Gap like to have killed me. Can't do nothin no more cept sit around tryin to breathe." "Hullsport is worse than them mines ever was," Mr. Zed insisted. "The air's ever bit as foul, and you can't fish the Crockett no more." "Hit beats the hell out of them slag heaps up at Sow Gap. I bet you done forgot what hit's like in the pits, Zed. When the pumps don't work and you're stoopin over in a four-foot crawl space with water to your knees hot-wirin a 440 cable with maskin tape?" "You know what that damn fool Yankee son-in-law of mine is makin at that factory, Raymond? Bombs, that's what. Roof falls is nothin compared to that. It's these Yankee Episcopalians—hell/ they're gonna kill us all." Ginny had returned to Miss Head in Boston the next week more intent than ever on a career as a scholar, so that she need have nothing more to do with either slag heaps or holding tanks. But then she had met Eddie Holzer. Ginny took her grandfather's machete from over the huge stone fireplace. She went outside and hacked away at the kudzu, tearing it one vine at a time off the cabin and severing it at ground level with a rhythmic sweep of her arm, like Ira's practice golf swings. Gradually she chopped a no-man's land of several feet around the cabin. She was imagining as she swung what it would feel like to live in a rain forest in the Amazon Basin: If your perseverance flagged even briefly, you would disappear in the encroaching undergrowth. Soon she was splattered with pale green kudzu blood. The summer sun was hot; it hung midway between its noon position and the rim of the red clay bowl on the far side of the pond. It would set that evening behind the very spot on the ridge where Mr. Zed was buried, his headstone now swallowed up by the kudzu. �484 Appalachian Emigration Ginny walked down to the pond, stepping carefully through the tangled vines, whose relatives she had just executed. A layer of chartreuse scum covered at least a third of the pond surface. She threw off her peasant dress, unlaced her boots, and walked into the water, sinking up to her ankles in the squish on the pond bottom. Farther out, scum clinging to her pubic hair, she lowered herself into the water and began a stately breast stroke, sweeping scum out of her path as she went. Kinflicks 1. Discuss Mr. Zed's statement "don't you never try to be what you ain't.11 2. Why is Ginny confused about herself? 3. What does Ginny's chopping of the kudzu vine symbolize? What does her swim in the pond symbolize? �485 COMPOSITION TOPICS 1. Write a theme contrasting city and country life. Do you think the different lifestyles are reflected in the people? 2. Write an essay about your dreams and plans for the future. Do you plan to remain in the area where you now live, or do you intend to move away? ACTIVITIES People follow jobs. Consequently, in the 1940s and 1950s many people moved away from Appalachia. Then twenty or thirty years later, as job opportunities in the Appalachian region increased, many returned. Because many new people without Appalachian roots think this is a good place to live, they also have moved to the Appalachian region. (See next page.) �486 On this map of the United States mark places your parents have lived because of their parents' jobs or their own jobs. Mark places your mother has lived with an M and where your father has lived with an F. Write your name on places where you have lived. �487 CHAPTER 8 Roots and Wings; The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing When Alex Haley published Roots, his family's history, the American public reacted enthusiastically. Millions of copies of the book were sold, and a television mini-series based on the book drew the largest viewing audience on record. Suddenly, as everyone tried to find out about his own roots, genealogy, the study of one's ancestry, became the rage. But the search for roots has long been a predominant theme in Appalachian literature. All of us want to belong somewhere. We need to feel connected to each other, to the community, and to our surroundings. The fast pace of modern life disorients and isolates us from other people, even from our own families. Modern transportation with interstate highways, airplanes, cars, buses, and trains is a mixed blessing. It could be argued that our constant mobility is responsible for our sense of separation from each other and from our communities. Throughout this book, we have seen Appalachian writers explore their personal histories. Their ties with a �488 place and its people help them to define who they are. At the heart of this sense of place lies love of the land. Responsibility and concern for the land are primary themes in the selections in this chapter. �WENDELL BERRY 489 WENDELL BERRY (1934 - ) Wendell Berry of Port Royal, Kentucky, is a teacher, writer, and farmer. He currently teaches English at his alma mater, the University of Kentucky. But farming and writing about farming are his primary occupations. In his study of American culture and agriculture, The Unsettling of America (1977), Berry speaks eloquently of the state of the farm in America today and offers his vision of what might be done to foster responsible stewardship of the nation's land and resources. One of the nation's finest essayists, he gathered his published pieces in Recollected Essays (1981). Wendell Berry's major contribution to the Appalachian literature is his verse. He has published many books of poetry including Farming: A Handbook, The Country of Marriage, The Broken Ground, and Openings. �490 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing The Strangers The voices of travelers on the hill road at dusk, calling down to me: "Where are we? Where does this road go?" They have followed the ways by which the country is forgot. For them, places have changed into their names, and vanished. The names rustle in the foliage by the roadside, furtive as sparrows. My mind shifts for whereabouts. Have I found them in a country they have lost? Are they lost in a country I have found? How can they learn where they are from me, who have found myself here after an expense of history and labor six generations long? How will they understand my speech that holds this to be its place and is conversant with its trees and stones. We are lost to each other. I think of changes that have come without vision or skill, a new world made by the collision of particles. Their blanched faces peer from their height, waiting an answer I know too well to speak. I speak the words they do not know. I stand Hke an Indian before the alien ships. �WENDELL BERRY 491 The Strangers 1. What are some of the changes mentioned in the poem? 2. Explain the comparison of the poet facing the strangers to an Indian standing before alien ships. �492 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing HERMAN HASCAL GILES (1922- ) With a high school diploma earned in Big Stone Gap, Virginia, his birthplace, Herman Giles began his journalistic career as a sports writer for The Kingsport Times. He wrote, edited, managed and published newspapers in Nashville and Louisville before retiring in 1980 as president and publisher of The Bristol Newspapers. He now devotes his time to writing fiction. He has published over two hundred short stories and novels in popular magazines. One novel, Kansas Trail, has also been published in England and Norway. Man of the Land The wagon with its muddy wheels and unpainted frame creaked toward the scattered buildings of Boone Gap, the lazy high-hipped mule choosing the road without signal from the massive, black-haired man or the faded little woman who sat at his side on the wagon seat. Mirtle Castle raised her pointed chin from the cup of her hand and looked at the man beside her. "Fight, fight, fight!" she scorned, angry because they were here. "That's all you're good for, Mort. And us with rich land goin' to waste." Mort Castle chewed his corncob pipe to the corner of his �HERMAN HASCAL GILES 493 wide mouth and answered around the stem, "Tonight we'll have twenty-thiry dollars, dependin' on who I can find that's got faith in Rob Scalf whuppin, me." Mirtie let the conversation end in that way. She hoped Rob Scalf would whale the daylights out of him. When they reached Jake Neel's General Store, Mort drew back on the reins, threw down the foot brake, and he and Mirtie climbed from the wagon. "I can whup anything that walks, crawls, or flies," Mort Castle boasted to the loungers around the store. "And if you want to make yourself a few extra pennies, bet on me against Rob Scalf tonight." While Mort looked around the faces to find one who denied his claim so he could place his bet, Mirtie slipped into the store. "Howdy-do, Mirtie," Jake Neel greeted, peering intently from under his horn-rimmed spectacles. "Are you a-wantin' to buy somethin'?" Mirtie pushed her shawl down around her shoulders and let her hair spill light into the dingy gloom of the store. "I reckon not, Jake." Jake casually said, "You could buy lots of things with the money your land would bring." "I could that, Jake." she replied. "I could get all the dishes you got, and some new furniture." "You could even buy that house across the street there." Mirtie's eyes drank in the neatness of white clapboards and green palings. There was grass in the yard and evergreens at each corner of the building. "It's a nice house,11 she said. "And it's for sale," Jake beamed. "Now if you'd set a reasonable price on your farm, I know a feller who'd take it." "That feller's name is Jake Neel," Mirtie laughed. "We've argued about this before, time and again, Jake. But this time I'm sayin' maybe I'll sell." "It's awful growed up," Jake said cautiously. "Feller can't walk over it for briars and locust sprouts." From that approach Jake started making offers, and Mirtie shook her head at the first few ventures on Jake's sliding scale. �494 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing "Give me a week to think it over, Jake," she concluded at last. "That ain't what I come for. Mort's fightin' Rob Scalf tonight and I want to bet you Rob will whip him." Mirtie said it all in one breath as if she wanted to rush through a task distasteful to her. Jake hid his surprise. Without looking at her, he mused thoughtfully: "One day somebody's goin' to break Mort's neck." "Sometimes," Mirtie replied, "I wish they would. I could maybe cure him from a broke neck, but I ain't ever saw a man with Mort's trouble cured." "Mort has got a lot of wrong idees," Jake agreed solemnly. "I recollect when he was a young man and strong as an ox. All he ever talked about was fightin' John L. Sullivan and them fellers. 'Cause he never got to do that, Mort decided he wouldn't do nothin'. Mort is a man of the land and a man of the land has got to take his livin' from it. It's a shame with all that boundry your pa left you goin' to waste, too." "Do you think Rob Scalf can whup him?" Mirtie asked as a reminder of her bet. Jake went around the counter. "I'll bet you ten against five Mort whups Rob." Mirtie dumped the contents of her carpet bag on the counter. There were only four dollars and seventy-three cents when she counted the small change, but Jake let the bet stand as it was. Mort Castle's bouts had become as regular as a Saturday bath in Boone Gap, so everything was in order when Mirtie arrived at the big beech tree back of the town hall. Old men with beards, mothers with babies in their arms, and boys too young to be in the army formed a restless circle. Squire Bell wood, official refree, limped toward Mirtie with a bundle of rags. His spindly legs were so cramped from rheumatism that he could do little but stand aside and wait for somebody to fall and then declare the man left standing the winner. "Thought you'd never get here, Mirtie," Squire Bellwood �HERMAN HASC AL GILES 495 wheezed. "Mort's mighty anxious to git started, but he won't let nobody wrap Rob's hands but you. I already got Mort's hands kivered." Mirtie knew a few scraps of gingham left over from making dresses was little protection for a man's hands. Mort wouldn't fight without it, though. He said all fighters did it that way. "You're a fine lookin' boy in that uniform, Rob," Mirtie said. "The army put some meat on your bones." "Thanks, Mrs. Castle," Rob Scalf grinned. "I allow your old man's hankerin' to take a little meat off my bones." Mirtie finished with one of Rob's hands and started on the other. "How long you home for, Rob?" she asked. "Ten days. Then I reckon I'll be crossin' over." Mirtie said, "If you see my boys Fred and Jack, tell 'em howdy." "I'll tell 'em I whupped their old man," Rob called after her as she moved away. Squire Bellwood hobbled forward, and motioned to Mort and Rob. They met in the center of the improved ring and shook hands. "Rob," Squire Bellwood asked loudly, "have you any dislike for this man you're goin' to fight?" Rob Scalf said, "No." "Mort Castle, have you any dislike for Rob?" Mort shook his head that he had none. "As the law of this here town, I say it's a fair and legal fight all for fun," Squire Bellwood declared. "If either of you git kilt, it ain't nobody's fault. Now, light into it!" Ten minutes later, Mort Castle was still trying to hit Rob Scalf. The tall, lithe soldier was no longer the clumsy farmer's boy who'd always walked like a plow and a team of horses were in front of him. He smashed Mort's nose, blackened his eyes, and cut his lips. Mort made that last desperate charge which had carried down many mountain fighters. But Rob lifted a fist from his knee and flattened it on Mort's chin, and Mort went down and lay quiet. �496 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing It was sundown by the time Mort and Mirtie drove out of Boone Gap. Mort had his pipe clenched tightly between his teeth, staring morosely at the mule's hoofs. "You bet against me," Mort said presently. "Yes," Mirtie replied softly. "I knowed if you lost we wouldn't have much to eat on until one of the boys sent us some money. I'd rather save their money for them." "A woman ought to stand by her man." At their door, Mort halted the wagon and let Mirtie out. He drove on and stabled the mule. When he came back he didn't say anything. Next day, still silent, he took his rifle and went into the woods, brooding. Mirtie was glad to see Enoch Redsoe, the mailman, pushing his way through the dry sedge below the house. Mirtie did not fear bad news from her boys; she'd know when something happened to Fred and Jack. Something faster than mails would tell her — something she could feel inside herself. Enoch handed Mirtie a thin, small envelope. The letter was the kind that came from overseas. The news in Fred's letter was so good she wanted to keep it to herself for awhile. "Ma, I've rode a plane over enemy country forty-five times. When I make fifty trips I can come home. I ought to be there in a few months or so..." Mirtie was still sitting by the window when Mort came home. He started to walk by her like she wasn't there. "Fred's comin' home," Mirtie said quietly. Mort stopped in his tracks, one big hobnailed shoe reaching for another step. For a moment he stood there, then he walked to the corner and put his rifle down. Without turning around he said: "Is — is Fred all right, Mirtie?" "He ain't shot up none," Mirtie answered. She handed Mort the letter and he came close to the lamp on the window sill and read it standing up. Afterwards, Mort sat in his hickory-bottom rocking chair near the fireplace and lit his pipe. Mirtie knew he missed his boys, though he usually tried to act like he didn't know they �HERMAN H ASC AL GILES 497 were gone. "Fred's goin' to be hurt when he gets home," Mirtie broke the stillness. "He's goin' to be hurt deep." Mort replied proudly, "Fred can take care of hisself. He's a fightin' man. His pa's a fightin' man." "His pa's a coward," Mirtie exclaimed, a touch of color rising in her cheeks. "When we was married you was aimin' to clear this land and make it a good farm. Once you started it, but one of them carnivals came to town and you spent the week fightin' in a show with a carnival man." "I made thirty dollars," Mort defended stubbornly. "It's easy to win fights if that's your callin'," Mirtie affirmed. "It takes an honest-to-goodness man to whup the land. The land whupped you, Mort. That's why I'm selling it." Mort took his pipe from his mouth and stared at her. "Sellin' it!" he roared. "So Jake Neel has finally talked you into it!" Mirtie's eyes flashed as she swung her gaze to Mort's ruddy face. "I'm doin' it for Fred and Jack. They say they're buildin' a new world. They are changin' for the better. I'm going to take the money I git from this place and buy 'em a nice house in Boone Gap!" Little knots of muscle bunched along the rim of Mort's jaw and he ground his pipe stem between his teeth. It seemed an eternity before he spoke again. "Mirtie," he said at last, a gentleness in his voice which reminded her of his youth, "Don't sell this land!" "It's no good to us, Mort." Mirtie moved hurriedly away from the window and into the bedroom. Before she went to sleep, she saw Mort walk over to the window to stare out at the dark hills. Later, a rosy glow against the window startled Mirtie awake. Still in her nightgown and barefooted, she rushed to the window and looked out on a raging field of fire. Spiny locust sprouts down past the hollow road were being gulped away by the hungry blaze. The sedge brush below the house was already gone. In its place was a field of black stubble which left a smell pleasant to Mirtie's nose. �498 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing At the far edge of the field she saw Mort's husky figure. He had the mule hitched to the bull-tongue plow which her father had stored in the smoke-house before he died. Mort had the check lines looped behind his neck so he could use both hands on the plow handles. Furrows of fresh, gray earth were being made by his plow and Mirtie could hear his deep booming voice above the crackle of the flames around him. Mirtie slipped into her clothes and ran into the field. She crept around to the left where Mort couldn't see her. She could hear what he was saying now. "Fire to a farmer is like steel knucks to a fighter," Mort roared at the straining mule. "This here land ain't for sale." Mort yelled. "Time spring gits here, corn will be a-sproutin' in the field. We are a f ightin' family, mule. I can whup anything that walks, flies or crawls. And by Godfrey, I can whup the land!" Man of the Land 1. After the fight, Mort tells Mirtie that a woman ought to stand by her man. Has she failed to do this? Explain. 2. Mirtie appears to be blessed with woman's intuition. Find evidence of this. 3. Mort is a man who loves to fight. How does Mirtie turn this love to a better advantage? 4. What prompts Mort to go out and "whup the land?" �No. 11 HERMAN HASC AL GILES 499 �500 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing JUDY ODOM (1942- ) Judy Odom grew up in Birmingham, Alabama, and lives in Johnson City, Tennessee, where she teaches English at Science Hill High School. She earned her B. A. degree from Birmingham Southern College; she was elected to Phi Beta Kappa there. She received her M.A. degree from Emory University. During the summer of 1983 she participated in the Bennington College Writing Program in Vermont. In 1985 she received a Stokely Fellowship at the University of Tennessee. Her publications include short stories in Crescent Review, Homewords, Now and Then, and Mountain Laurel Her short stories won the 1986 and 1987 Sherwood Anderson Awards. The Killing Jar When you first become a father, you feel so strong. I've got a son myself. I know. Matt's fourteen now; it won't be long till he's a man. He gets embarrassed if I talk about it, but I can still remember how he looked the minute he was born. I was Nancy's labor coach; I went through the delivery with her. I did my best to ease her through the pain. I cried, you know. I couldn't help it. If you'd been there, you'd understand. Matthew looked so little and so fragile. I could've crushed his bones to powder between my index �JUDYODOM 501 finger and my thumb. But helpless as he was, the first real breath he drew, he used it for a roaring challenge to the world. You should've seen him kick his legs and wave his arms around—like he could take life on and whip it there and then. I knew he had defeats ahead of him, and troubles; no father can protect his son from those. But I swore I'd try to see that Matthew held on to his fighting spirit. I promised myself I'd train him up a champion, win or lose. The best I could, I've kept that promise, although God knows it's been hard sometimes. It can get so complicated, raising children. Other parents, they don't warn you. They just sit back and grin and wait for you to find out on your own. I don't mean baby problems like the times they cry all night because they're teething or they've got the colic. Times like that can leave you worthless as a burnt-out light bulb for a little while, but they don't overload the power circuits in your soul. To get through teething or the colic, all you need's endurance. You walk the baby and you hold him warm against your stomach, and you use the simple medicines the doctor gives you for that simple kind of pain. Later on, the remedies don't come so easy. Later on, you have to watch him hurting and admit you don't know what the hell to do. Just like last fall, when Matt first started high school. The kind of thing that happened then—that's what I mean. Ever since he was a little kid, he's lived for basketball. He played in the City Park and Recreation League from fourth grade on. So when he got to high school, naturally, he went out for the Bteam. That's what they call the freshman-sophomore squad. Well, it's a big school, and there's lots of competition.. Matt didn't make the team. The only thing he'd say to me was, "I don't want to talk about it" I tried to put my arm around his shoulders, but he dodged me and went charging upstairs to his room and shut the door. All I could do was stand there thinking how I'd like to wring that B-team coach's neck and then slam dunk his head. 'Course, you know I didn't do it. Nancy calmed me down. "It's Matt's problem. It's not yours," she said. "He'll handle it �502 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing okay." And she was right. He handled it. He handled it just fine. They needed a student manager for the varsity, and Matt decided he'd take on the job. He helped out all season during practice, and sometimes he worked the Scoreboard at the games. He got to travel with the team. "It's not as good as playing, Dad," he told me. "But I'm picking up some pointers from Coach Proctor and the guys. I'll try out again when I'm a sophomore. Coach says he bets I make it in another year." Matt sure learned grace and style from somewhere. I wish I could take credit for it, but I can't. He figured out a way to lose and still come out a winner, and he did it on his own. I think he knows I would've tried to help him if he'd asked me. I hope he understands how proud I am he found the right direction all alone. He's still too young to notice that his independence makes me feel a little sad and lonesome. I don't mind the sadness, though; it's natural. It's a natural thing. Every bullet needs a rifle to propel it toward its target; every rocket has to have its launching pad. If a father serves his proper function, he's bound to end up getting left behind. I had to read this poem once in high school. I don't remember who it was that wrote it, and I don't remember what it's called. But this poet, he compared two lovers to a compass— the kind of compass that you draw with in geometry. He said the woman was the fixed foot; she stays steady in the center and helps the man to keep his circle true. English never was my favorite subject, but that damn poem hit me hard. I'd just started dating Nancy, and I realized we could be like that if we stayed together. Even then, I knew I could depend on Nancy to anchor me and hold my circle firm. I see now it's the same with sons and fathers. A father has to do that same thing for his son. He has to stay in one place, hardly moving, while his son goes out to form a brand new circle and create his own design. A compass doesn't work unless its halves are joined together, but they have to stretch out separate from each other, too. Unless the son's allowed to reach his proper distance from �JUDYODOM 503 the father, he can't accomplish anything. That's why I should've let the boy alone about that business with the bug collection. Usually, I don't interfere in school work; that's a rule. Matt's a smart kid. Maybe too smart. I guess he takes that after Nancy. He gets his blonde hair and his stubbornness from me. He likes history and English best, though learning anything comes easy for him. He wants to be a TV newsman like Dan Rather is—at least, that's what he's saying now. I don't discourage him. I know it's good to have your dreams. Soon as he meets a girl and wants to start a famiiy, he'll turn practical. I did. 'Most everybody does. Sometimes I wonder if he reads too much. He's reading every minute he's awake, if he's not playing basketball. All that reading—that's what makes him ask so many questions. He worries about stuff that shouldn't matter to a boy his age— the kind of stuff nobody can do anything about. These days, it's children over there in Ethiopia. Last month, it was the Nazis and the way they slaughtered Jews. Matthew sees a wrong, he wants to right it. There's a lot about this life he doesn't understand. Relax and have yourself a good time, boy, I want to tell him. Don't fret away your heat and brightness because you can't bring summer to a frozen world. To tell the truth, I wouldn't change him, though. That ferocious energy he's got—it's like the lightning. You tremble at the power of it, and you fear the danger, but you can't help thinking that it's beautiful. You wish it could last longer than it does. The minute he walked in that afternoon, I knew he was all fired up over something. He didn't even say hello or ask what I was doing home. He threw his books down on the kitchen counter, then he grabbed an apple and a glass of milk and headed for his room. It was Friday, and I guess I had spring fever. On my way to work that morning, I'd noticed the forsythia in Mrs. Martin's yard next door. The sight of all those little yellow flowers made �504 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing me restless for some reason. The branches curved so graceful, they made me think of how the line arcs out from my new casting rod. I closed up the body shop at noon and came on home. We own this piece of land on Bear Claw Mountain. It's nothing fancy, just a rundown cabin and five acres by the lake. My daddy bought it in the forties for the taxes; he left it to me when he died five years ago. I thought we'd drive up there and stay the weekend. Nancy said she'd skip her gourmet cooking class on Saturday and come along. We had the car all packed. Then Matt came in, about as cheerful as a winter rain. I told Nancy he could pick some other day to hide out in his room and stare at shadows. I wanted us to sit together in the sunshine and smell the wind and maybe hook a trout. He'd feel better once he saw the new grass sprouting and the new leaves shining red on all the maple trees. So, I went upstairs to get him. I knocked, but when he didn't answer, I opened his door and walked on in. He was slouched down in his big chair, listening to his Walkman. That's why he didn't hear me knocking—he had those headphones on. His eyes were closed and he was tapping out the rhythm of the music on the chair arm. It must've been a real fast song. For a minute, I stood looking at him. I was so close, he musf ve felt that I was there. "Hey, buddy." I touched him on the shoulder. "Let's go fishing." He slipped off the headphones. I could hear the music. It sounded far away and strange, but still it was familiar. A few more seconds, and I might have recognized the tune. "What?" he asked me. He punched a button and the music stopped. "What did you say?" "Let's go fishing," I repeated. "I thought we'd go up to Bear Claw. Spend the night, you know. Maybe stay through Sunday if the fishing's good." "Okay. Sure." He shrugged his shoulders like he didn't care one way or the other, but I saw the beginning of a smile. "Maybe I can catch some bugs up there. We have to do this bug collection for biology," he said. "I don't like it, but I guess I have �JUDYODOM 505 to do it if I want to keep an A. Maybe I'll punch holes in the jar lids. If I do that, the bugs won't die." The smile was getting bigger; it was spreading to his eyes. "Good. That's fine," I told him, thinking everything was settled. "Well, get the lead out, boy," I grinned. "Your mother's waiting. Put some clothes in your backpack and get your butt out to the car." He stood up like a spring uncoiling. Six more months, and hell be taller than I am. Nobody talked much on the drive to Bear Claw. Nancy— she's a quiet woman; she likes looking out the window at the trees and fields and houses rushing by. Matt just sprawled across the back seat and plugged into his Walkman. Glancing at him in the rearview mirror, I could almost see the music wrap itself around him like a blanket—or a cocoon. Before long, though, the highway got so twisted and so narrow, I couldn't look at anything except the road. At least he didn't take his Walkman fishing. He put it on the kitchen table in the cabin while he rummaged through the cabinets for some empty jars. He found a couple and he brought those with us, but he left the Walkman there. Maybe he remembered from the last trip. Spring or winter—any season—the mountain wraps you in a music of its own. We didn't catch a single fish that evening. We didn't try. Matt hadn't even brought his rod and reel down to the lake. We just sat there quiet and watched the daylight fade. Once, I pointed out a dragonfly. Matt nodded, but he didn't make a move to chase it. I didn't press him to. There wasn't any wind to speak of, not enough to ruffle up the water. You could see the sky and clouds and trees reflected in the lake. Tossing in a hook and sinker would've been like throwing rocks straight at a mirror. I half believed the lake would shatter into pieces if I did. All afternoon, my casting rod stayed propped against a tree stump, next to Matt's two empty jars. Before the sun was hardly down, we saw the first star shining. By then, the pines across the lake had blurred into a wall �506 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing of dark blue shadows, so we collected all our gear and climbed back up the hill. Nights turn chilly on the mountain, even in the springtime. I was glad to have my family warm inside the cabin, with the smell of coffee brewing and supper cooking on the stove. The next morning, Matt and I were at the lake again by seven. Mist was rising off the water, and the dew soaked through my tennis shoes. Within an hour, I had hooked three trout and one fine catfish, and Matt had captured half a dozen bugs. He brought them to me for inspection; I could barely see them for the grass and twigs he'd stuffed inside the jar. "What's that for?" I asked him, but I knew already. "Food," he said. "They have to eat. They need some food." He set the jar down slow and careful on the ground between us and locked his hands around his knees. Somewhere behind us in the woods, a bird was singing. I wish I could've told Matt what it was. My daddy knew the call of every wild thing on the mountain; he'd have named that bird by listening to its song. He tried to teach me, but I never bothered learning. It didn't seem important at the time. I picked the jar up off the grass and held it balanced in my palm. "That's a pretty one right there." I pointed at a little pale green insect that was darting back and forth inside the jar and slamming up against the glass. It had a narrow, rod-shaped body and long, transparent wings. Flying free, it would've been real graceful; it would've danced across the air. "You giving these guys one last meal before the execution?" I asked, knowing that it was a cruel thing to say. "You have to kill them, don't you? Pin them on a board and write their scientific names and everything?" I set the jar back on the ground. Matt wouldn't look at me. I didn't blame him. He pulled up a wad of grass and flung it scattering against the wind. "Yeah," he nodded finally. "That's right. I have to kill them. Mrs. Burke said use a killing jar." "A killing jar?" I repeated it like some fool kid who's got a lesson he can't quite understand.. "What the hell's a killing jar?" "You put your insects in an air-tight jar," Matt said. "No �JUDYODOM 507 holes in the lid. You soak a cotton ball in polish remover—like Mom puts on her fingernails, you know?'1 He didn't wait for me to answer; he went right on explaining. He wasn't even talking to me, really. He just had to get it said. "And then you drop the cotton in the jar and screw the lid on. That's it," he said. "That's what you do. She says it only takes a second. The poison's quick. There's poison in the fumes. It's painless—so Mrs. Burke says." Matthew's voice rasped like a file on metal. "I'm not sure I can do it, Daddy. I don't think I can." "Why not?" I was losing patience with him. Nobody normal—boy or man—would give one holy damn about a bug. "They don't last but a season anyway," I argued. "If they don't get snapped up by a bird or some old bullfrog, they freeze to death the first cold spell." I flicked my wrist and watched the motion ripple through my fishing rod. The line hummed out across the water and splashed into the patch of sunlight I was aiming for. Matt had his lower lip poked out that stubborn way he does sometimes. "I know that," he growled. "I know they don't live long. They're not supposed to. I mean—you know—it's the food chain. A bird kills insects 'cause he needs the food. Then something bigger comes along—a cat or something—and he eats the bird. That's all right. It's sort of neat, you know?" "Matt, if they're dead, they're dead," I tried to reason with him. "Whoever kills them—you or some damn bird—it doesn't—" "I don't like killing for no reason," he insisted. "It's a bad thing, Daddy. Animals don't do it. I won't either. I don't care if I fail biology." He grabbed the jar and held it tight in both his hands. Before I had the time to say another word, he opened it and turned it upside down. Quick as lightning, every bug he had was gone. The little green one leaped straight up, it seemed like. I watched it dancing till the sun got in my eyes. "I don't understand you, boy," I said and reeled my line in. I didn't feel like fishing any more. "Your school work—that's the most important thing there is. A good grade's worth 50,000 �508 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing bugs." Matt wouldn't answer. He jumped to his feet and stalked off by himself. I figured he'd come back when he got hungry, so I didn't try to stop him. I stared out at the water and let him walk away. About noon, I started for the cabin. Sure enough, I met him halfway up the hill. He said he'd walked the shore full circle. That must be close to seven miles. He told me about a water snake he'd seen, and a mother rabbit with two babies. We didn't mention bugs again. Matt helped me clean the fish like always. I was surprised he did. Nancy fried the trout in cornmeal, and we put the catfish in the freezer for another day. We use every fish I catch. My daddy taught me that much, anyhow. After we finished eating, Matt and Nancy decided they'd hike to the top of Bear Claw. At the summit, there's a meadow, and it's beautiful in spring—wild flowers growing everywhere and long grass rippling in the wind. Any place you look, there's other mountains. You're standing at the center of a magic circle, protected by a solid ring of dark blue flames. If I had the cash, I'd buy that land tomorrow and build myself a house up there. I told Matt and Nancy to go on without me, that I'd rather take a nap than make the climb. Nancy raised her eyebrows— she knows how I am about that meadow—but she didn't question me. She just hustled Matt on out the door. I stood on the back porch till the pine trees closed around them. Matt was whistling; I could hear him for a long time after they were out of sight. With my family gone, the cabin felt too empty. I tried to sleep, but couldn't, so I strolled down to the lake again. Matt's empty jars were lying in the grass right where he'd left them. I stretched out on the ground and propped my chin up in my hands. Then I saw the ladybug in front of my left elbow. She was balanced on a grass blade like a diver on a diving board. "'Ladybug, ladybug,/ Fly away home.'" Whispering to her like a kid, I sat up slowly and felt around until my right hand �JUDYODOM 509 touched a jar. Her wings didn't even flutter; she didn't pay me any mind. "'Your house is on fire/ Your children all gone/111 finished up the rhyme and waited, but she didn't move. "Well," I said a little louder, "you've had your warning, ladybug." I flicked the grass blade with my finger and sent her diving into glass. That whole long afternoon, I roamed the lake shore like a big game hunter, using one jar for a trap and the other for a cage. I collected two big shiny dark green beetles and a dragonfly, several ants of different sizes and one fat black and yellow bumblebee. The catch that made me proudest took a lot of skill and quickness. In the stream that feeds into the lake, I came across a bunch of Jesus bugs. Daddy used to call them that because they walk on water. I know it's sacrilegious, but I've never heard them called by any other name. Well, they skim along so fast, it's hard to trap one. You think you've got it in your jar, but then you blink one time and zip! It's gone. Finally, I had to wade out in the stream up to my knees. Mountain water's liquid ice in springtime. I squished back to the cabin and changed into dry socks and pants and shoes. I put on a heavy sweater, too. Then I dragged a rocking chair out on the front porch, so I could sit in comfort and watch the sun go down. I was feeling warm again, and happy 'cause I'd solved Matt's problem. Thanks to me, my boy could satisfy his conscience and his teacher both. Soon as he and Nancy came back from the meadow, I'd explain. Matt and I could work together. We'd do this project as a team. Smiling to myself, I rocked a little faster in my rocking chair. I'd tell him that I'd trap the bugs he needed. I would operate the killing jar. Once the bugs were dead, it shouldn't bother Matt to classify them. He could pin each carcass to the board and label each one with its fancy scientific name. When Matt was eight years old, we won the Cub Scout Racer Derby. We built a model racing car out of a block of wood they gave us and a regulation set of wheels. I still remember how we cheered and how Matt hugged me when �510 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing our car rolled in first across the finish line. These days, there's not much left that we can build together. Matt's at the age when young men start to do their building on their own. Every boy has got to make himself a place that he can live in. My daddy had to watch me do it, and it's my turn now to watch my son. I have to stand aside and see the walls get higher, and hope to find a door somewhere thaf s open to me every now and then. I looked at my watch, but it was hard to read the numbers. Where the hell had Matt and Nancy got to, anyway? They both knew better than to try and feel their way down Bear Claw in the dark. The sky had turned soft purple like it does clear evenings after sundown, just before the light's completely gone. All the birds had settled for the night and stopped their singing. Every leaf and branch and blade of grass was resting, absolutely still. The land stretched out around me, hushed and waiting. I realized I had stopped rocking; I was waiting, too. Then I heard Matt's whistle, and footsteps padding down the slope. "Ben? Hey, Ben—where are you?" It was Nancy calling. I went inside to build a fire. Matt didn't act real pleased about my plan when I explained it to him after supper. He just frowned and shrugged and said he guessed it was okay. Until bedtime, he sat by the fire and read some book he'd brought along and listened to his Walkman. He didn't say another word except good night. Next day, I didn't fish—I hunted. Matt had said he needed thirty different bugs. By two o'clock, I'd captured thirty-five and filled three empty jars. Nancy found a praying mantis on the back door screen. We gave him a fourth jar to himself. I didn't know but what he fed on other insects, and I didn't want to see my day's work disappear. We didn't have the right equipment with us at the cabin; we'd have to make the killing jar when we got back to town. I decided that I'd do it fast—that very night—and get it over with. By three o'clock, we'd packed the car and started home. �JUDYODOM 511 Matt had the four jars lined up on the seat beside him. I told him to be sure and grab them if I had to stop or swerve real sudden. You never know what's going to happen on that narrow mountain road. Stores are open here in town from one till six on Sunday, so I went by K-Mart. Matt stayed in the car with Nancy; he said anything I bought would do. I picked out two small cork bulletin boards for him to mount the insects on. Then I found a pack of little self-stick labels and a plastic box of pins. Matt would have to get some books on classifying insects from the library at school. At home, we set the jars on the kitchen counter until we could unload the car. I put the K-Mart sack down on the table and told Matt he could carry in his backpack and the suitcase while I brought in the cooler and the box of food we hadn't used. Sharing out the work that way, it didn't take us long. Nancy found the cotton balls and the polish remover for me, and an empty jar with no holes in the lid. I thought she looked a little bit uneasy when she brought them in. And sure enough, she didn't like it either. "Ben, you can't do that in here," she said. "Not in my kitchen." Her face was turning red. I said okay and hugged her. Then I took everything into the den. The praying mantis can go first, I thought, 'cause he's so big and ugly. Being careful not to give him space enough to make a jump for freedom, I transferred him into the killing jar. I soaked some cotton with the polish remover. The alcohol evaporating made my fingers cold. I loosened the top of the jar and raised it just a little to push the cotton in. Mrs. Burke sure spoke the truth when she told Matt it wouldn't take a minute. I forced myself to be a man and watch, and it was over in a breath or two. But that was long enough to show me Mrs. Burke had lied about one thing. She'd said the killing jar was painless. Well, it wasn't. In those few seconds, I saw agony. Dear Lord, I thought. Matt was right. I should've listened to him. This is killing for no reason. A good grade's nothing �512 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing but a letter on a piece of paper. It's not worth one creature's suffering. H Matt!ft I yelled real loud. "Come on in here and help me, boy." He's a good kid, used to doing what his daddy tells him, even if he disagrees. Sooner than I had expected, he was standing in the door. "Come on, son," I grinned. "Let's take these jars out in the yard." He raised his eyebrows at me just like Nancy, but he did what I said. Outside, we knelt down in the grass together. "I killed your praying mantis, son," I said. Tm sorry." Matt looked at me like I was crazy. He still didn't understand. I laughed and shook his arm the way I do some mornings when he won't wake up for school. "Well, get the lead out, boy," I told him. "We can't turn these guys loose until you open up the jars." "Thanks, Daddy. Thanks a lot," he said. Smiling as bright as sunrise, he offered me a jar. And, quicker than it takes to tell it, we released our prisoners in the grass. We walked back to the house together and we climbed the porch steps side by side. Then Matt stopped and held the screen door open for me. I looked at him and smiled; he gave a little bow. "Thank you, Matthew." I said it formal, like it was some kind of password. He nodded once and let me walk on in. The Killing Jar 1. This story is told from the father's point of view. What attitudes and emotions might have been revealed if the son had told the story? 2. The father feels pride in his son. Find evidence of this in the story. 3. What does the father do to establish a bond of �JUDYODOM 513 understanding with his son? What prompts the father to do what he does? 4. Explain the following statement: "If a father serves his proper function, he is bound to end up getting left behind." 5. What other title might be appropriate for this story? �514 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing RITA QUILLEN (1954- ) Rita Quillen, a fifth-generation Appalachian, has lived her entire life in Hiltons, Virginia. She attended Mountain Empire Community College before earning a B.S. and an M. A. in English from East Tennessee State University. Her master's thesis examined four other Appalachian poets included in this anthology—Jeff Daniel Marion, Fred Chappell, Robert Morgan, and Jim Wayne Miller. She also completed a bibliography of Appalachian poets which was published in The Appalachian Journal. A chapbook of her poetry, October Dusk, has been published by Seven Buffaloes Press. "The Good Life" is a bittersweet look at life on the farm. Although it is a trying life, lacking in some modern comforts, the speaker decides that leaving would be impossible. The last line "I cannot leave; I cannot go away" is a line from James Still's poem "Heritage," echoing his sentiment of an attachment to a place that is too powerful to overcome. �RTTAQUILLEN 515 The Good Life (for Fred Chappell) Tobacco teepees stand desolate after the massacre. Weary sunflowers look like women in yellow bonnets nodding in the last hot dose of August sun. Across the field my husband works with bare back and arms splitting and stacking oak and hickory, building a fort against the winter he already hears in the trees. This sad but noble scene is not the whole story. The horse cut his leg on a John Deere mowing machine. The bull died with a fever caught on the road. Tomatoes rot in piles; weeds choke the roses. This trip is not all that divine. My shadow is not my partner in the row. It has a more modern mind, longing for dishwashers garbage disposal sidewalks for Bandolino shoes. �516 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing But the daydreams will pass like the summer. Five generations of headstones, protecting their interests, huddle silently in the field by the big oak. They do not have to speak. I already know: I cannot leave; I cannot go away. The Good Life 1. What does "the good life" mean to you? 2. Explain the line "My shadow is not my partner in the row." 3. Locate the metaphors and the similes in the poem, and comment on their aptness for the context. 4. What reason does the poet give for her inability to leave the land? Do you understand this reason? �JAMES STILL 517 JAMES STILL (1906 - ) James Still, who was born in Double Creek, Alabama, has been called "the psalmist of the mountains." A 1929 graduate of Lincoln Memorial University, Still earned an M.A. at Vanderbilt University in 1930. He has lived since 1939 in an old log house on Dead Mare Branch near the Hindman Settlement School in Kentucky. Before devoting himself to writing fuU time, Mr. Still was the librarian at the settlement school, and he also taught for ten years at Morehead State University. He has published poetry, short stories, books for children, and novels. His short stories have been anthologized in such collections as the Best American Short Stones and the 0. Henry Memorial Prize Stories. Mr. Still is also a frequent comentator on National Public Radio. When James Still turned 80 on July 16,1980, the Hindman Settlement School threw a party to honor the man and his work. Several hundred people gathered from all over the country to pay tribute to one of the Appalachian region's finest authors. "Heritage" expresses a great love for the mountains and an unbreakable bond with them. �518 The Sense of Place in Appalachian Writing Heritage I shall not leave these prisoning hills Though they topple their barren heads to level earth And the forests slide uprooted out of the sky. Though the waters of Troublesome, of Trace Fork, Of Sand Lick rise in a single body to glean the valleys, To drown lush pennyroyal, to unravel rail fences; Though the sun-ball breaks the ridges into dust And burns its strength into the blistered rock I cannot leave. I cannot go away. Being of these hills, being one with the fox Stealing into the shadows, one with the new-born foal, The lumbering ox drawing green beech logs to mill, One with the destined feet of man climbing and descending, And one with death rising to bloom again, I cannot go. Being of these hills, I cannot pass beyond. Heritage 1. Most people desire to leave something which imprisons them. The speaker in this poem says he cannot leave. Do you understand his reason? Explain. 2. Describe the poet's feelings of oneness with nature. �519 COMPOSITION TOPICS 1. Think of a time in your life when you have witnessed or experienced an incident that showed commitment to an idea, a person, or a place as the selections in this chapter do. Write a narrative about the incident. You may use your imagination to improve or embellish the story. 2. As the poets in this chapter have done, describe in poetry or prose a place you love. Use sensory imagery to make the description vivid. ACTIVITIES In a few years you will leave your parents and begin you own home. When you have your own home, what are some family traditions that you want to continue? What are some family values that you also want to make a part of your home? When you begin your home, what will you leave behind? Your book now contains your family in the past and as it has changed through the years. Because you represent your family's continuity, you are the major character in your book. End your book with your autobiography. Be sure to include: 1. Birth date and place 2. Name and reason your parents selected your name 3. Parents'names 4. Names of brothers and sisters �520 5. Schools attended 6. Places lived and reason you lived there 7. Person or persons who have influenced you 8. Memorable experiences including your earliest memory 9. Important friendships 10. Jobs you've had 11. Plans for the future �This page intentionally left blank �This page intentionally left blank �ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 523 Acknowledgments Grateful acknowledgement is made to the following for permission to reprint previously published material: James Agee. From A Death in the Family, pp. 214-227, by James Agee. Copyright © 1957 by the James Agee Trust. Copyright renewed © 1985 by Mia Agee. Reprinted by permission of Grosset & Dunlap, Inc. LisaAlther. From Kinflicks. Copyright © 1975 by Lisa Alther. Reprinted by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. Clarence Ashley. "Ballad of Claude Allen," written and sung by Clarence Ashley on Folkways Records FA/2355 NYC. Wendell Berry. 'The Strangers" from The Country Of Marriage. Copyright© 1972 by Wendell Berry. Reprinted by permission of Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, Inc. Kathryn Stripling Byer. "Wide Open, These Gates" from The Girl in the Midst of Harvest. Copyright © 1986. Reprinted by permission of Texas Tech University Press. Edward Cabbell. "Appalachia: An Old Man's Dream Deferred" from Now and Then, Vol. 3, No. 1, Winter, 1986. East Tennessee State University. Reprinted by permission of the author and Now and Then. Jo Carson. "People Pieces: My Brother Estes" from The Appalachian Journal, 1983. Copyright © 1983 Appalachian Journal. Reprinted by permission of the publisher. A. P. Carter. "Single Girl, Married Girl." Copyright © 1927 by Peer International Corporation. Copyright renewed. All rights reserved. Used by permission. �524 Acknowledgements Harry Caudill. 'The Mountain, the Miner, and the Lord." Copyright © 1980 by the University Press of Kentucky. Reprinted by permission of the publisher. Fred Chappell. "Firewater" from Midquest. Reprinted by permission of Louisiana State University Press. "My Grandmother Washes Her Vessels" from River, Copyright © 1975. Reprinted by permission of Louisiana State University Press. Richard Chase. "Cat 'n Mouse" from The Jack Tales, by Richard Chase, Copyright © 1943 and Copyright renewed © 1971 by Richard Chase. Reprinted by permission of Houghton Mifflin Company. Alan Cheuse. 'Tripping the Lights Fantastic" from the Boston Globe Magazine May 29,1983. Reprinted by kind permission of the author. Lou V. Crabtree. "Homer Snake" from Sweet Hollow, Copyright © 1984. Reprinted by permission of Lousiana State University Press. Borden Deal. "Antaeus" Copyright © 1961 by Southern Methodist University Press. Used by permission of the Borden Deal Family. Victor Depta. "TVA" from Laurel Review, Vol. 15, Winter, 1981, p. 52. Used by permission of West Virginia Wesleyan College. Wilma Dykeman. "Chapter 5, pp. 151-162" from Return The Innocent Earth. Copyright © 1973 by Wilma Dykeman. Reprinted by permission of Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, Publishers. John Ehle. "Chapter 13, pp. 173-186" from The Road. Copyright © 1967 by John Ehle. Reprinted by permission of Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc. Herman Hascal Giles. "Man of the Land" from The Watauga Review, Vol. 2, No. 1,1968. Reprinted by kind permission of the author. Richard Hague. "In the Woods Beyond the Coalfields" from Ripening. Reprinted by permission of the Ohio State University Press, copyright © 1984. Mildred Haun. Prom The Hawk's Done Gone. Copyright © 1968 by Mildred Haun. Reprinted by permission of Vanderbilt University Press. Edwin Hoffman. "Strippers, No!" from The Fighting Mountaineers. Copyright © 1979 by Edwin D. Hoffman. Reprinted by permission of Houghton Mifflin Company. Myles Horton. Interview with Sojourners. Reprinted by permission of Sojourners, Box 29272, Washington, D.C. 20017 Lee Howard. 'The Last Unmined Vein" from The Unmined Vein. Copyright © 1980 by Lee Howard and Anemone Press. Reprinted by permission of author and publisher. Horace Kephart. Condensed with permission of Macmillan Publishing Company from Our Southern Highlanders by Horace Kephart. Copyright © 1922 �ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 525 by Macmillan Publishing Company, renewed 1950 by Laura M. Kephart. George Ella Lyon. "Stripped" from Appalachian Journal. Copyright © 1981. Reprinted by permission of the author and the Appalachian Journal. Jeff Daniel Marion. "Ebbing and Flowing Spring." Reprinted by kind permission of the author. Alice Marriott. 'Tsali of the Cherokees" by Norah Roper as told to Alice Marriott from American Indian Mythology by Alice Marriott and Carol K. Rachlin. Copyright © 1968 by Alice Marriott and Carol K. Rachlin. Reprinted by permission of Harper & Row Publishers, Inc. Bobbie Ann Mason. "Nancy Culpepper" (pp. 179-195) from Shiloh and Other Stories. Appeared originally in New Yorker. Copyright © 1982 by Bobbie Ann Mason. Reprinted by permission of Harper & Row Publishers, Inc. Jim Wayne Miller. "The Brier Losing Touch With His Traditions" and 'Turn Your Radio On" from The Mountains Have Come Closer. Copyright © 1980 by Appalachian Consortium Press. "Beginning, Ending" from The Small Farm, Vol. 11 and 12. All reprinted by kind permission of the author. Robert Morgan. "Bean Money" from Groundwork. Reprinted by permission of Gnomon Press, copyright © 1979. Gurney Norman. "A Correspondence" from Kinfolks, The Wilgus Stories. Copyright © 1977 by Gurney Norman. Reprinted by permission of Gnomon Press. Judy Odom. 'The Killing Jar." Reprinted by kind permission of the author. Rita Quillen. 'The Good Life." Copyright © 1984 Appalachian Journal. All rights reserved. Reprinted by kind permission of the author and Appalachian Journal. Jean Ritchie. From Singing Family of the Cumberlands by Jean Ritchie. Geordie Music Publishing Company. 7A Locust Ave., Port Washington, NY 11050. Ron Short. From South of the Mountain, Act II. Copyright © 1985 Roadside Theater / Appalshop. Reprinted by kind permission of the author and Roadside Theater. Lee Smith. "Saint Paul" from Cakewalk. Copyright © 1981 by Lee Smith. Reprinted by permission of The Putnam Publishing Group. Bernard Stallard. "The Writing Spider" from Appalachian Summer. Copyright © 1967. Reprinted by kind permission of the author. James Still. "Heritage," Copyright © by James Still, and excerpt from River of Earth.Copyright © University Press of Kentucky. Reprinted by kind permission of the author. James Stokely. "Molly Mooneyham" from The Small Farm, Vol. 7-8, 1978. �526 Acknowledgements East Tennessee Printing Company. Reprinted by kind permission of Wilma Dykeman Stokely and the publisher. Jesse Stuart. From Daughter of the Legend and "Split Cherry Tree." Reprinted by permission of the Jesse Stuart Foundation. Marilou Bonham Thompson. "Genesis" and "Where Mountain and Atom Meet" from Abiding Appalachia, Where Mountain and Atom Meet. Copyright © 1980 by Marilou Bonham Thompson. Reprinted by permission of St. Luke's Press. Merle Travis. "Nine Pound Hammer." Copyright © 1947 by American Music, Inc. Copyright renewed and assigned to Unichappell Music, Inc., and Elvis Presley Music. All rights administered by Unichappell Music, Inc. International copyright secured. All rights reserved. Used by permission. Robert Penn Warren. "Sitting on a Farm Lawn on a Sunday Afternoon" from Rumors Verified: Poems 1979-1980. Reprinted by permission of Random House, Inc., and Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. Don West. "Harlan Portraits" from In a Land of Plenty. Reprinted by kind permission of the author. Eliot Wigginton, ed. From Foxfire 3. Copyright © 1973,1974 by The Foxfire Fund, Inc. Reprinted by permission of Doubleday & Company, Inc. Cratis Williams. "Dialect and Speech." Used by permission of the Center for Appalachian Studies at Appalachian State University, Boone, NC. Thomas Wolfe. "Part IV: The Brother" (pp. 29-38) from The Hills Beyond. Copyright © 1935, 1936, 1937, 1939, and 1941 by Maxwell Perkins as executor. Reprinted by permission of Harper & Row Publishers, Inc. �BIBLIOGRAPHY 527 Suggested Bibliography AUDIOVISUAL MATERIALS Agee. Academy A ward nominee documentary on life of James Agee. 16mm aud videotape. James Agee Film Project Library, Box 315, Franklin Lakes, NJ 07417. Appalachian Writers. 30 min. films on Fred Chappell, Jeff Daniel Marion, Jim Wayne Miller, James Still. Children's Museum of Oak Ridge, Regional Appalachian Center, Education Division, 461 West Outer Drive, Oak Ridge, TN 37830. Cassette tape: James Goode." Coalmining Families" Coalmining in the Cumberland, Feb. 1984. Children's Museum of Oak Ridge, Regional Appalachian Center, Education Division, 461 West Outer Drive, Oak Ridge, TN 37830. The Electric Valley (portrait of TVA) on videotape or 16mm. James Agee Film Project Library, Box 315, Franklin Lakes, NJ 07417. I Have A Place. Poetry of Jim Wayne Miller. 28 min. videocassette. Western Kentucky University, Media Resources Center, Bowling Green, KY 42101. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Arnow, Harriette. The Dollmaker. Macmillan Publishing Company, 1954. Arnow, Harriette. Seedtime on the Cumberland, 1960. Lexington; Reprinted by the University Press of Kentucky, 1983. Blair, Walter. Native American Humor. Scranton, PA: Chandler Publishing Co., 1960. �528 Bibliography Burton, Thomas. Some Ballad Folks. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1978. Carawan, Guy and Candy. Voices from the Mountains: Life and Struggk in the Appalachian South. Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1982. Caudill, Harry. Night Comes to the Cumberknds. Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., Inc., 1962. Egerton,John. Generations: An American Family. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1983. Eller, Ronald. Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers: Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1930. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1982. Fox, John, Jr. The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. Dunlap,l931. New York: Grosset & Fox, John, Jr. The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. 1908. Lexington: Reprinted by the University Press of Kentucky, 1984. Gaventa, John. Power and Powerkssness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1980. Goode, James B. Poets of Darkness. Jackson, Miss.: University Press of Mississippi, 1981. Green, Archie. Only a Miner: Studies in Recorded Coal-Mining Songs. Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1972. Higgs Robert J., and Manning, Ambrose, eds. Voices from the Hills: Sekcted Readings of Southern Appalachia. New York: Fredrick Ungar Publishing Co. in cooperation with Appalachian Consortium Press, 1975. High, Ellesa Clay. Past Titan Rock: Journey Into an Appalachian Valley. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1984. Hornbuckle, Jim, and French, Lawrence, eds. The Cherokee Perspective: Written by Eastern Cherokees. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1981. Irwin, John Rice. Musical Instruments of the Southern Appalachian Mountains. Norris, TN: Museum of Appalachia Press, 1979. Jolley, Harley E. Blue Ridge Parkway: The First Fifty Years. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1985. Joyce, Jane Wilson. The Quilt Poems. New Market, TN: Mill Springs Press, 1984. Lyon, George Ella. Mountain. Hartford, CT: Andrew Mountain Press, 1983. Marion, Jeff Daniel. Out in the Country, Back Home.Wwston-Salem,NC: The Jackpine Press, 1976. McCarthy, Cormac. The Orchard Keeper. New York: Random House, 1965. �BIBLIOGRAPHY 529 Miles, Emma Bell. The Spirit of 'the Mountains. 1905. Knoxville, TN: Reprinted by the University of Tennessee Press, 1975. Miller, Jim Wayne, ed. I Have a Place. Pippa Passes, KY: Alice Lloyd College, 1981. Miller, Jim Wayne. Reading, Writing, and Region: A Checklist, Purchase Guide and Directory for School and Communities Libraries. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1980. Montell, William Lynwood. The Saga of Coe Ridge: A Study in Oral History. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1970. Murray, Ken. A Portrait of Appalachia. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1985. Norman, Gurney. Divine Rights Trip: AFoffctofe.NewYork: Dial Press, 1972. Page, Linda, and Wigginton, Eliot, eds. Aunt Arie: A Foxfire Portrait. New York: E.P. Dutton, Inc., 1983. Roberts, Elizabeth Madox. The Time of Man. 1926. Lexington: Reprinted by the University of Kentucky Press, 1982. Shapiro, Henry. Appalachia on Our Mind. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1978. Slone, Verna Mae. What My Heart Wants To Tett. Washington, D.C.: New Republic Books, 1979. Smith, Lee. Oral History. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1983. Walls, David, and Stephenson, John. Appalachia in the Sixties. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1972. Weller, Jack. Yesterday's People: Life in Contemporary Appalachia. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1965. West, John Foster. This Proud Land: The Blue Ridge Mountains. Photographs by Bruce Roberts. Charlotte, NC: McNally and Loften, 1974. West, John Foster. Time Was. Random House, 1965. Re-issued Boone, NC: Folkways Press (Drawer 1834), 1977. Whisnant, David. All That is Native is Fine: The Politics of Culture in an American Region.. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1983. Whisnant, David. Modernizing the Mountaineer. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1980. Wolfe, Thomas. You Can't Go Home Again. New York: Harper & Row Publishers, Inc., Perennial Library Edition, 1973. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Southern Appalachian Reader Description An account of the resource <span>This anthology of Appalachian literature is designed for high school students, containing fiction, non-fiction, poetry, drama, ballads, and examples of mountain speech and song.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1CbH-qxFIDZrwj0eYbaAWNqgJ3k4ofmqn" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642109/a-southern-appalachian-reader" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource American literature--Appalachian Region, Southern Appalachian Region, Southern--Literary collections Young adult literature, American--Appalachian Region, Southern Mountain life--Literary collections Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource McNeil, Nellie Squibb, Joyce Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988 Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Appalachian ballads Jim Wayne Miller Lee Smith literature oral traditions https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/21590601c7602863c245e838e46c1d0d.pdf 23db45688728d3d35b21e0667cf0b9b3 PDF Text Text ���UI ��JO mm «tw ����IN THE OF . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv The of - I. . . . . .1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .7 The E. II. M. The M. and .................. 9 - of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .33 and in Eller . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 of on In . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 to Sir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 III. of ...............111 in - . . . . . . . . . 113 �Table The Big . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 . . . . . . . . . 161 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 IV. ............... the .....................211 Our . . . . . . . . . . 229 Jr. . . . . . . . . . . . 251 and ........ of Defense . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 The in - TV A ....... of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .295 V. the N. 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The the the prob- of the or culture. the a in the A world. as to the to of the to of the as of the of the ad™ as �2 Colonialism in Modern America Lack of adequate capital and programs to stimulate growth result in a lagging regional economy. There are too many people for the resources. Lack of incentives for investment and lack of skilled labor place the area in a poor competitive position. These explanations lead to programs to improve transportation, supply inducements for development, facilitate migration, provide technicians and agents who will encourage modernization and bring in more industries. The perspective which we select examines the process through which dominant outside industrial interests establish control, exploit the region, and maintain their domination and subjugation of the region. Appalachia is a good example of colonial domination by outside interests. Its history also demonstrates the concerted efforts of the exploiters to label their work "progress" and to blame any of the obvious problems it causes on the ignorance or deficiencies of the Appalachian people. We believe that there are peoples all over the world who have experienced this sort of "development" and consequently live in conditions similar to those found in the mountains. Thus, they can easily identify with the process described in this book as the colonization of Appalachia. Just as exploitation is not new, the attempt to understand and explain that process as Colonialism is also not new. Richard Drake in his comments on regional historiography (Jack and Clio in Appalachia. Appalachian Notes, Volume 4, No. 1, 1976, pp. 4-6) traces the use of the Colonialism interpretation to writers in the Labor Movement in the 1890's and the Populist Movement. In the 1930's in the midst of labor unrest in the region, such writers as Theodore Dreiser and Malcolm Ross focused on the outside ownership and exploitation of the area (Malcolm H. Ross, Machine Age in the Hills, New York: Macmillan, 1933, and National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners, Harlan Miners Speak: Report on Terrorism in the Kentucky Coal Fields, New York: Harcourt Brace, 1932). Drake saw the colonial interpretation continued through the reform movements which arose in the 30's and crystallized in such leaders �Introduction 3 and organizations as Don West, Myles Morton, and the Highlander Folk School. The value of the Internal Colonialism Model lies in its ability to bring into focus issues of decision-making and control of everyday life that tend to be ignored in the analysis of area problems and consequently in public policy formulation. The other models describe many of the problems and conditions that are the result of domination and exploitation, but they fail to address these things as causal factors. As social scientists, we are seeking causes rather than descriptions (or justifications). Although we attempt to cover the Appalachian area and show that the exploitation takes many forms—from coal mining in West Virginia to tourism in North Carolina, from TVA development in Tennessee to educational development in Kentucky —there is a greater emphasis on the development of coal resources in Central Appalachia. Part of this is because the picture is so much clearer and the process more blatant in the coalfields. Partly it is due to the location of the editors. We feel that the colonial process can be used to explain many areas and situations throughout America where technological, industrial society has controlled the resources and people. We do not claim that we have presented the last word or that further analysis is not needed. We simply feel that this collection of articles presents a more realistic picture of Appalachia and its problems than can be garnered through the other perspectives. Some may reject this type of analysis as producing despair and depression since the "enemies" or causes of the problems are seen as giant, multinational corporations in league with irresponsible government bureaucracies which are almost unbeatable forces. We regret this unintended result but feel it better to know the real source of the ailment than to waste effort treating the symptoms. There are frustrations and limitations in the use of the Colonialism Model. We may be guilty of stretching some of the analogies to compare the region with colonies dominated by another country. A very real difference is the ability of the dominated country to eventually throw the invaders out. Even in fantasy, if Appalachia could put up fences, take over resources, and operate them by the people of the area, one ques- �4 Colonialism in Modern America tions whether it is better to be dominated by homegrown enterprises than by New York or Philadelphia based corporations? Some of the younger scholars of the area who grew up using and documenting the Colonial Model are beginning to suggest that we need more sophisticated means to better understand the types of economic and political systems which place certain geographic regions or social classes in situations of dependency and powerlessness. The conditions found in the region are seen by these scholars as products of an advanced industrial, capitalist system. The articles by David Walls and Tom Plaut represent this new thrust to develop improved analytical approaches out of the Colonial Model. The way we define problems determines how we think about solutions. The Colonial Model implies that solutions to Appalachian problems lie in the radical restructuring of society with a redistribution of resources to the poor and powerless. But we need more research on how this can be done. How can structural change come about to develop a just society? We need a model which explains and examines the relation between economic power, political power, and cultural systems, how they change and how people's perceptions of their situation are formed and changed. Can political power be used to control economic power? We hope this exploration of one model can cause the development of a more precise theory which will lead to more understanding and solutions to the problems associated with living in a colony. We have divided this anthology into five sections. The first deals with a delineation of the Colonial Model and its application to Appalachian history and experience. The second section explains how the great wealth of the natural resources within the region came into the hands of "outsiders," men and corporations from places like Pittsburgh, New York, and London. Although coal is the resource most often used to demonstrate the process of resources theft, other profitbearing enterprises such as timber, cotton, and tourism have left their tragic mark on the people and the land. We have sought articles which would reflect the great breadth of the resources extraction process. Section III documents the ways in which outside interests �Introduction 5 sought to establish their enterprises in the region and the lengths to which they went to politically disarm and culturally discredit those who opposed them. The story told is not so much one of outright deception and swindles (although there were plenty of them) as it is a subtle and deadly process by which a people were convinced of their own worthlessness and thus, in many cases, gave up efforts to defend themselves and their ways of life. Section IV shows how the region has become increasingly vulnerable to the cultural and economic definitions, interests, and developmental whims of the larger society. It covers a wide range of activity from media, education, and music, to industrial domination of the political process and the Federal domination of the planning process. The final section is devoted to extending and improving the Colonial Model with an eye to having scholarly analysis lead to proposals for corrective social action. We are very grateful to the many contributors who so generously gave permission to use their articles, to the Appalachian Consortium Press who agreed to publish the collection, to Borden Mace who patiently encouraged us to complete the project, and to Don Anderson, Ron Eller, Tom Plaut, and staff at Mars Hill College who assisted with the final selection and organization. We wish to thank Ron Heise, who began the arduous task of editing, Eve Tackett, Susie Jones, Reva Shelton, and Wilma Coates, who provided the secretarial skills. The coeditors Don Askins and Linda Johnson completed the selecting, editing and organizing. Helen Matthews Lewis The River Farm Dungannon, Virginia ��HI sji SJf JO sf pUl 3I|J jo *W 3JB 3lp JO JOJ ai{i jo 9sn pui ^ 3tp f 0 dip JO B SB aip oj 1H1 "• ��by M. and E. Is a great In an of in of g reat poverty, In an has an in and a the to of of and of in a of to the In the of an a a the on the of a of the greedy Or is nf the M, is a & Is a nf in Ed is an in the at of �10 Colonialism in Modern America it just a ease of a region or area being "behind the times"? Before attempting to analyze the causes of these conditions, we will give a brief history and description of that portion of Appalachia which we are considering. Inside Central Appalachia That part of Appalachia with which we are concerned is the portion of the Allegheny-Cumberland mountains in which bituminous coal mining developed. Portions of southwest Virginia, eastern Kentucky, and southern West Virginia form this area and are referred to by the Appalachian Regional Commission as Central Appalachia. The area was late being settled. Until the Revolution it was an area to pass through or skirt around. The area was inaccessible and offered few advantages to the farmer in comparison with the fertile fields of the Blue Grass. It was covered by extensive forests, the soil was poor, and there was little level land. Those seeking good farming went into the Blue Grass, the Tennessee valleys, or the West. There was a period of virtual isolation (80-100 years) in the 19th century. The early settlers and their families developed a way of life based upon subsistence agriculture and a social organization based upon kinship. It was a sparsely populated area of small landowners with isolated and dispersed settlements up and down the streams, since the bottom lands provided the only acreage suitable for intensive use. The land was rugged, the soil thin and unproductive, and the slope so steep as to justify the phrase "perpendicular corn fields." The traditional mountain culture which developed in this period has been described by John C. Campbell (1921), Horace Kephart (1913), and more recently by Jack Weller (1965) and Leonard Roberts (1959). Many changes occurred in the late 1800's and early 1900's with the coming of lumbering, railroads, and coal mining to the area. The first load of coal was shipped from southwest Virginia in 1892 and from Harlan County, Kentucky, in 1911. There were large and rapid population increases in the coal mining counties. The population of Wise County, Virginia, rose from 9,400 in 1890 to 47,000 in 1920. Individuals and families �The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case 11 migrated to the coal counties from the nearby farm counties of Kentucky, Virginia, and Tennessee. Some foreign born people were recruited into the coal fields, and Negroes from the South were contracted as laborers. To house and serve these workers and their families, the mining companies, lumbering interests, and railroads built "encampments" for the newcomers. These "camps" or "colliery towns'' were complete with company owned houses, stores, theaters, clinics, hospitals, churches, and schools. In addition to modifying the traditional residency patterns of the local population, a new class of people came to the area with the large coal companies. Chemists, engineers, doctors, and managers were brought into the area as representatives of urban culture. Most of them lived in the commercial and political centers which grew up at rail centers, courthouses, and trading villages. All of these changes resulted in a new system of social stratification hitherto unknown in the traditional mountain society. Until World War II three different social systems existed side by side in the coal fields of the Southern Appalachians: (1) the original rural mountain settlements, characterized by a pattern of isolated residence and subsistence farming; (2) the coal camps, primarily composed of homogeneous work groups which were socially segregated and economically dependent upon a single extractive industry; and (3) the middle class towns, which were socially and economically tied to eastern urban centers (Lewis 1969). After World War II, rapid and far-reaching changes occurred in the coal fields. Mechanization of the mines reduced the camp population to at least one-half the original. Between 1950 and 1960 there was a 62 percent drop in mining employment in the eastern Kentucky coal fields and a population loss during the 1950's equal to 41 percent of the 1950 population (Brown 1962). The 1960's showed a continuation of the outmigration from the area (Brown 1970). Despite the tremendous out-migration from the area, the rapid technological changes in a one-industry area left a large number of unemployed miners and destitute families. Along with mechanization the companies began either selling the coal camps' housing to individual miners or destroying the camps. Not only was there a decline in workers and camp population but the ownership of automobiles also made it �12 Colonialism in Modern America possible for the workers to commute to work. Despite the decline in mining employment, coal production has remained high and has boomed in the 1970's. This, however, has not altered some of the basic problems of poverty, unemployment, poor health, and meager education. In order to analyze the nature of the Appalachian problems, we will review two models which have been used to describe and explain the social conditions of the region. In an attempt to understand some social phenomena, social scientists often construct models of that phenomena. By constructing a model, we are able to evaluate better the framework used by a particular researcher and compare one model with another. Thus, after surveying a number of competing models of some phenomena, we may conclude that one model better explains or predicts that in which we are interested. Or we may be able to combine one model with another so that our understanding is increased. Models may be constructed in a number of ways. We do not have the space here to review strategies for model construction, but we can say something about types of models. Models may be general or specific, working or non-working. General models apply to a wider range of phenomena than do specific models. For example, the model of the atom shows a general configuration of atomic structure and does not apply to any one atom; on the other hand, a model of a Rolls-Royce automobile applies only to that specific automobile. A working model replicates the action of that which it represents, and it operates on the same principles or "laws," thereby helping us to explain or understand the process of interrelationships among the various parts that make up the model. Like a photograph, the non-working model "freezes" the action which it represents. The dimensions of models can be combined so as to produce a general working or non-working model, or a specific working or non-working model. If we are to evaluate the merit or effectiveness of a model, we must look for a model that is both general (explains more than just one thing and refers to a class of phenomena) and working (operates in accordance with the principles ruling that which it represents). In the remainder of this chapter we will review two models of Appalachia to determine what value they �The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case 13 have in helping us understand the questions we posed earlier. These models have not always been overtly formulated by persons writing about Appalachia. We have taken the liberty of formulating two models; The Culture of Poverty and the Colonialism models, which are representative of dominant perspectives held by those interpreting Appalachia. Perhaps the most widely assumed model applied to Appalachia is the Culture of Poverty model. Valentine (1968) describes this model as a "Difference" or "Deficiency" model. This model involves describing the sub-culture of the Southern Appalachians and comparing it with the Greater Society. The accounts describe the customs, values, and style of life in a socio-historical tradition. A number of studies have assumed such a model (Weller 1965; Pearsall 1959, 1966; Stephenson 1968; Ford 1965; Ball 1968; Lewis 1968). These studies vary in the degree to which they emphasize the traits as "positive" or "functional" adaptations or as "pathological," disorganized, defeating value systems (Ball 1968). Some emphasize the subcultural traits as obsolete as indicated by such terms as "Yesterday's People" (Weller 1965), "Contemporary Ancestors" (Williams 1966), or "Arrested Frontier Culture" (Cressey 1953). Lesser (1970) finds that most sub-cultural descriptions emphasize only the dramatic and destructive traits of Appalachia (e.g., traditionalism, fatalism) and emphasize the Appalachian people as passive and apathetic carriers of their culture. Henighan (1970), in comparing Weller and Stephenson, finds that Stephenson emphasizes a more "positive" view of Appalachian values. Stephenson (1968) uses the term "contentment" as contrasted to Weller's (1965) term "fatalism." In an insightful essay, Roach and Gursslin (1967) evaluate the usefulness of the Culture of Poverty model. They suggest that much of the confusion about the culture of poverty is not with the notion of poverty but with the idea of culture. Most researchers begin with the assumption that such a sub-culture exists and then proceed to fill in its description. But culture is more than just description; culture refers to a set of normative patterns that emerge through a group's coping with its environment. Furthermore, the content of this culture must be transmitted from one generation to another. Much of the descriptive material about Appalachia has emphasized a somewhat stilted �14 Colonialism in Modern America rudimentary set of normative regulations with little concern for the content of what is transmitted from one generation to another. The assumption is that middle-class or dominant American values are not transmitted in Appalachia. A more pointed comment on the Culture of Poverty model concerns the purpose served by the model. "If the purpose is explanation, what is to be explained: group life, personality processes, deviant behavior, the origins of poverty, or the perpetuation of poverty?'' (Roach and Gursslin 1967, 386). If we are concerned with the causes of poverty, we must view it differently than if we are concerned with the effects of poverty. In the former case, we are concerned with the factors which led to those behaviors described as belonging to those in the culture of poverty. In the latter case, we want to know how these behaviors are transmitted from one generation to another. Description answers neither of these questions. There is little question about poverty in Appalachia. If we use income as a criterion, we find that the area of Appalachia which we are dealing with has a mean income of less than onehalf that of the remainder of the United States. If we use health as a factor, we find that only five of the 60 counties have infant mortality rates lower than the national average; in 34 counties the rate is 20 percent higher than the national rate. The tuberculosis rates in some parts of the area are 10 times the national average. And in 25 percent of the counties there are fewer than 30 physicians per 100,000, as compared with 139 per 100,000 in the United States as a whole. If we use education as a criterion, we find educational attainment is significantly lower than the remainder of the United States. Seventy percent of the adult population have completed fewer than eight years of schooling. If we turn our attention to housing, we find that the rate of construction is only two-thirds that of the national average, and only 33 percent of the housing is sound and is equipped with plumbing. Thus, by almost any standard, the level of living in this area is sub-standard, i.e., at the poverty level. None of the studies using the Culture of Poverty model tell us why these conditions prevail. And none of these studies inform us why these conditions cause certain values, norms, or behaviors among the people. One could dismiss all of this as nothing but academic folly if it were not for the fact that those �The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case 15 persons and agencies concerned with relieving the above conditions often accept the Culture of Poverty model. They focus on the values of the Appalachian and say that these must be changed. This is almost like saying that one needs to stop the bleeding when an artery is severed. However, the application of a band-aid to such a wound disregards the cause of the bleeding in very much the same way that programs designed to change values often disregard the roots of such values. We do not advocate discarding the Culture of Poverty model when such models (1) make clear what it is they are studying, (2) are concerned with both cause and perpetuation, and (3) do not confuse description with analysis. An alternative approach to the Culture of Poverty model is the Colonialism model. This model has also been called the Exploitation model (Valentine 1968). Lesser (1970) and other so-called radical critics of the Culture of Poverty model follow this approach. Lesser states: "Essentially, their [Culture of Poverty proponents] argument is that the under-development of the region is a function of Appalachian character rather than the exploitative conditions institutionalized in the region/' With the Exploitation model, however, one describes the Appalachians as a subsociety structurally alienated and lacking resources because of processes of the total economic political system. Those who control the resources preserve their advantages by discrimination. The people are not essentially passive; but these "subcultural" traits of fatalism, passivity, etc. are adjustive techniques of the powerless. They are ways by which people protect their way of life from new economic models and the concomitant alien culture. Lewis and Knipe (1970) emphasize certain of these values among Appalachians as reactions to powerlessness; they describe the socio-economic situation as "peasant-like." There has been a growing interest in using this model to describe the social and economic conditions of the Southern Appalachians and to declare the region a Colonial Empire. Harry M. Caudill, in Night Comes to the Cumberlands, calls the Appalachians "the last unchallenged stronghold of Western colonialism." This is not a new claim. C. Vann Woodward (1951) characterizes the whole South as a colony suffering from absentee ownership and economic exploitation. Woodward �16 Colonialism in Modern America places the Southern Appalachian colonialism in this context: As the 19th Century drew to a close and the new century progressed through the first decade, the penetration of the South and the Southern Appalachians was begun by Northeastern capital and is continuing at an accelerated rate. The Morgans, Mellons, the Rockefellers sent their agents to take charge of the region's railroads, mines, coke furnaces and financial corporations. (Woodward 1951) A systematic account of colonialism has been undertaken by Blauner (1969). In reference to the American Negro he makes a distinction between classical colonialism and internal colonialism. The basic difference between these two is that in classical colonialism the colonizer moves in from outside, whereas in internal colonialism the colonizer brings in those colonized. He defines classical colonialism as *'domination over a geographically external political unit, most often inhabited by people of a different race and culture; when this domination is political and economic, the colony exists subordinate to and dependent upon the mother country" (1968, 395). Blauner further distinguishes colonization as a process and colonialism as a system of relationships that exist between those dominating and those in a subordinate position. It is the process of oppression rather than differences in political and economic structure which is most important. Blauner suggests four components of the colonization complex. First, colonization begins with a forced, involuntary entry. Those in the dominant position are not invited guests. Second, the impact on culture and social organization is greater than we would expect through cultural contact and acculturation. There follows, soon after the entry of the colonizer, rather rapid modifications in values, orientation, and the way of life of the colonized. Third, colonization involves a relationship by which members of the colonized group tend to be administered by representatives of the dominant group. And fourth, there exists a condition of racism, "a principle of social domination by which a group, seen as inferior or different in terms of alleged biological characteristics, is exploited, controlled and oppressed socially and psychically by a superordinate group" (1969, 396). �The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case 17 If these relationships characterize the colonization process, what accounts for the colonized being colonized? Blauner suggests that the main source of domination comes from technological superiority. Those being colonized have resources, natural or human, which are useful to the colonizer. If these resources can be harnessed, the technological superiority of the colonizer is further enhanced, thereby increasing the degree of superiority. Thus the resources of the colonized perpetuate the colonization process. The Colonialism model shows somewhat more promise when applied to the Appalachian situation than the Culture of Poverty model. Blauner makes it clear what he is studying^ domination. He accounts for the cause and perpetuation of the condition, and because he is concerned with processes he goes beyond mere description. The question now is what information do we have to substantiate the applicability of this model in the Appalachian case. If the model "fits," we should be able to show how colonialism came to the mountains, how it is perpetuated, and, finally, what consequences it has had upon the local culture. Colonialism and Country Folks We have already touched upon the beginnings of coal mining in the Southern Appalachians. When the outside colonizers came to the Appalachians in the latter part of the 19th century, they found a society approximating an Asian or African country in its economic foundations. The outside speculators bought land, mineral, and timber rights from illiterate, simple mountain farmers. One important consequence of mining was that it did not open up the mountains. The isolation of the area went beyond just physical isolation; it now included social isolation. The inability of the indigenous population to cope with those representatives of the coal industry and the many fraudulent land deals that were made with the local people stand as bold evidence of antagonistic relationships.1 A survival of this early relationship is found in the "broad form" deeds that have been supported by the Kentucky courts. These deeds included "all minerals and metallic substances and �18 Colonialism in Modern America all combinations of the same," and they give the unconditional right to remove them by any method "deemed necessary or convenient." This stipulation has allowed companies to strip or surface mine land in the face of strong opposition by the land owners who had sold only the "mineral rights" many years before. The state has used the broad form deeds to support positive legal action against landowners who have attempted to block mining operations. Several cases have made the news in the past few years. Widow Combs placed her body in front of the dozers and ended up in the Knott County jail. Conspiracy charges were brought against Appalachia Volunteers and Southern Conference Education Fund workers who helped Jink Ray and other local landowners successfully stop stripping operations. Although many writers on Appalachia speak of the outside control of the wealth, the degree and extent to which this is true has been only slightly and sporadically documented. There are no systematic, thorough studies of the land and mineral ownership of the region. This "oversight" itself might be considered "evidence" of the protection which is provided colonizers. Even the Appalachian Regional Commission, after a number of years of data collection and analysis of various aspects of Appalachian poverty and economic potential, has only lately turned its attention to the Central Appalachian area, first with a study of capital resource and a proposed study of land and mineral ownership and taxation (Appalachian Regional Commission 1969). One must go to the "radical" student or "movement" publications or to the Bureau of Mines statistics to find any studies or documentation of such things as coal production. Kirby (1969), in a study of the tax records of eleven major coal producing counties in eastern Kentucky, found that 31 people and corporations owned four-fifths of east Kentucky's coal. It is estimated that 70 to 80 percent of the southwest Virginia minerals is owned by four or five large corporations. And David Walls (1969, 15) lists seven firms which produce one-third of the coal in Central Appalachia. More interesting is the fact that many of these "independent" companies are linked in corporate structures. One study (Barkan and Lloyd 1970) for a two-county area in southwest Virginia found a tightly linked chain of railroad men, industrialists, and financiers who own and benefit from the timber �The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case 19 and mineral wealth of the area. Diehl (1970) has traced some of the interconnections of ownership in eastern Kentucky and West Virginia. These connections extend in some cases beyond the borders of America to such places as South Africa and to such diversified industries as electronic equipment, chemicals, oil, banks, and auto manufacturers. The absorption of coal companies by fuel and energy industries reflects the major changes in dominant industries in the United States in general. The early coal companies were controlled by shipping and railroads; later they were dominated by the steel and automobile manufacturers. Beginning in the 1960's and the "Energy Era," fuel and electrical powers began their present domination. Another indication of outside control of the area is seen by looking at taxation and economic development. David Brooks talks of the role of the coal industry in regional development.2 He points to the limited ability of mining to provide economic development in a region. Unlike manufacturing or industries in which materials are fabricated or value is added through a production process, mining processes add little value and do little to stimulate other types of economic activities. Since mining is immobile, fixed in space, and limited to its one product, and since the work is arduous and dangerous, it must develop means of attracting or controlling labor. It is advantageous for coal mining to operate in isolation without competing companies. The characteristics of mining lead to a oneindustry area with labor tied to the one industry and little development outside the extraction of the minerals. This also leaves no development when the minerals are gone (McKelvey 1968). Without intervention, mining itself tends to develop certain exploitative or colonial characteristics. Resources generated by coal mining for the local area are meager. In other industries surplus is used for capital investments, which creates new corporations, associations, and other businesses, and develops a middle-stratum of technicians and specialists. This does not happen with coal mining. Except for wages paid to workers and local taxes paid to the area, coal mining offers little. At one time large numbers were �20 Colonialism in Modern America employed in the mines of the area. In 1932 there were 705,000 miners; in 1940 there were 439,000 miners; and today there are only 132,000 miners (Coal Data Book 1968). The mechanization of coal mining and the resulting decline in mining employment in the Southern Appalachians in the 1950's resulted in a wholesale migration from the area and a high degree of unemployment which continues into the 1970's. In Virginia there are still 8,862 miners in a six-county area. Coal mining is still the main source of employment, accounting for approximately one third of the total labor force. The coal companies paid $56,361,577 in wages in 1968. During the same year, the area produced 36,865,703 tons of coal which, if valued at $4.50 a ton, would total $165,956,000 (Virginia Department of Labor and Industry 1968). The total taxes paid to the area are not known. But one can draw some conclusions from the records of one company. This company in 1967 employed 448 men and mined approximately 2,500,000 tons of coal in four mines. Wages, if all the men worked full time, would have been approximately $3,240,000; royalties to the corporation owning the mineral rights to the land @$.142 per ton would amount to $360,000; and 40 cents a ton to the United Mine Workers' Health and Welfare Fund would amount to $1,000,000. The landholding company and the mining company paid $207,533 in county taxes in 1968. This amount represents taxes on land under development, land not under development, buildings, and equipment. In addition to the four mines, land was leased for stripping, augering, and several truck mine operations. The total outlay for wages, royalties, and taxes was $3,807,533. The value of the coal at $4.50 per ton was $11,128,000. This leaves a difference of $7,320,467. The amount of taxes paid, although small in comparison to gross income, represents 13.5 percent of the tax income for the county in which the company has its operations. Despite their resources, the coal mining counties generate a smaller proportion of the total revenue than the counties in the rest of the Appalachian area. The corporation having the mineral rights mentioned above is probably the most profitable in America. According to its 1968 Annual Report it netted 64 percent of gross and paid dividends of 40 cents out of each dollar received (Penn Virginia Corporation Annual Report, 1968). Harry Caudill (1968) reports the same corporation as netting 61 percent of gross and �The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case 21 paying 45 cents on each dollar received in 1964. He compares it with General Motors which reported a profit of 10.2 cents from each dollar received and paid a dividend of five cents. Caudill claims that this corporation is characteristic of other mineral-owning corporations in the area. Depletion and depreciation allowances give coal companies a very favorable position. Depletion for coal mined is based on the cost of the mineral properties and estimated recoverable tonnage. In some cases the depletion allowances is greater than the taxes on the minerals and the land. Although the original purchases of most of the mineral lands were made before 1900 at 30 cents to $1.00 an acre, the depletion is figured on the last price paid. When lands change hands, even through a subsidiary, the new cost is the basis for the depletion. This is figured as the percentage of the cost of the land which is mined during the year. Kirby (1969) points out that this is an incentive to sell. An acre bought for 50 cents can be sold in a year of mining for $5,000, thereby increasing the cost depletion allowance considerably. Another concession to coal companies is the tax on mine equipment and machinery. In Virginia they are taxed at only 10 percent of their value, while the equipment of all others, belonging either to individuals and/or businesses, is taxed at approximately one-third of its value. Here also, resale to subsidiaries can make this even lower for coal companies. A leasing company can sell a $100,000 machine to a mining company which it controls for $10,000; then the mining company will pay tax on 10 percent of that or $1,000. Caudill (1966) reports a similar situation in Kentucky. Through resale to subsidiaries, mining machinery worth $75,000 is valued at $3,000; taxes are less than a miner pays on the automobile which he drives to work to operate the machine. Blizzard (1966) reports taxes low in West Virginia because of the influence of the coal industry. West Virginia has a gross sales tax regardless of profit or loss, but coal companies do not pay on sales made at out-of-state markets, thus excluding most of the coal sales. Machinery and supplies used for coal mining are also exempt from sales tax. In line with the general tendency of colonists to be exploitive, we find that public spiritedness on the part of coal operations is rare in the area. Coal companies in Virginia are �22 Colonialism in Modern America suing the counties, claiming that assessing 'land under development" at a differential rate is in fact a form of severence tax on mined coal which is unconstitutional. Most of the remarks concerning civic responsibility made by coal company representatives sound like turn-of-the-century rugged capitalism. When asked about decaying coal camps, burning slag heaps, or disabled and unemployed miners, coal company executives are heard to say that they have no responsibility to the area or the people. Their responsibility is to mine coal as cheaply and efficiently as possible and to make a profit for the company and the stockholders. They provide employment and housing when needed and get food stores when necessary to hold employees; they continue these as long as they are necessary to keep workers or are profitable to the company. Even one of the most public-spirited executives of a large mining company said that the decision to begin strip mining was made because it was "the logical thing, cost wise" (Trillin 1969). This same executive has been quoted in the Mountain Eagle and with great candor in the NET film Rich Lands, Poor People: "If there is something wrong with what we are doing in Eastern Kentucky, then there is something wrong with the country." The condition of racism associated with the Colonialism model is well illustrated in Appalachia. Memmi (1967) points out that it is not only the colonizers but the colonized who go into businesses that engage in this practice. In the region one finds that the smaller independent coal operators are even more conservative in their political and economic ideology than the outsiders. The Independent Coal Leader claims to represent the small operators; its contents reflect a general negative evaluation of the local population who are unemployed. It has also taken rather dramatic stands against any individual or organization attempting to question the coal industry and its practices. Most of these small operators are dependent upon the larger companies for leases or money for equipment or coal sales facilities. A number of local millionnaires have emerged in the area through strip mining, the selling of equipment, and truck mining. It is interesting to observe how many of these persons make their money and then retire to Florida. Perhaps Florida serves as the "homeland" for the native who joins the colonists. The natives who become colonizers of their own people must protect themselves by giving an even more disparaging �The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case 23 evaluation of the people than the outsider. While the outsider may become interested in the ways of the natives—collecting quilts, mountain folk tales, and music—and speak with appreciation about mountain culture, the native exploiter is more likely to denigrate his own, to speak of laziness and "sorriness," or to speak negatively of a "certain class" of people, especially those on welfare or those who are unemployed. The native colonizers recount stories of the untrustworthiness and unreliability of their workers. Since these small operators often pay even less than minimum wages, they find themselves in competition with welfare programs. This is not a new pattern. General John Daniel Imboden was one of the earliest "developers" of the area. In 1880 he bought 47,000 acres of mineral lands in Wise County, Virginia. Later, he bought 21,000 acres for only 35 cents an acre for "certain gentlemen of large means" who were officials of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad (Henson 1965). A list of property made in May, 1880, reveals that Imboden and his son owned one-sixth interest in over 100,000 acres in Wise County. Imboden purchased land, built the railroad into the coal fields, and later was a lobbyist in North Carolina for the coal interests. After a stint at the state capital in Raleigh he wrote about the elegant people he was meeting. He said he told them about Wise County and "how nice it was. . . and interested them so much that when our road is built they are coming out to see for themselves. They think it must be delightful to see and mingle with such primitive people" (Henson, 7). One test to determine whether colonization exists is to see whether the colonists utilize the same services they provide for the colonized. The colonizers generally distrust such services in Appalachia, especially local doctors and local hospitals. Local medical personnel are mistrusted because they provide services for miners or country people and therefore inadequate service for they, too, are opportunists or exploiters. A local hospital administrator resents the fact that members of the local board travel 100-300 miles eastward to see "good doctors" or obtain "good medical services" because the "coal camp doctors" are not as good. Other local services and professionals who stay in the area are denigrated. The opinion is that they are no good or they would go elsewhere. Fannon (1963), in "Dying Colonialism," an essay about the native's attitude toward available medical �24 Colonialism in Modern America services, points to the native's distrust of local medicine, and sees it as an agent of the colonists. Perhaps the judgment is true. The fantastically poor medical service provided in the early days of coal camps in the Appalachians has been documented (Boone 1947). Today, coal company doctors often refuse to admit the existence of pneumoconiosis or "black lung," and one company doctor was elected to the Virginia House of Delegates and succeeded in getting the disease removed from the Workman's Compensation. Company doctors are said by many miners to be reluctant to report injuries or to diagnose pneumoconiosis in order to protect the company's insurance rates. But they are likely to diagnose it when the person is seeking employment in order to keep the company from "getting stuck" with an already disabled miner. To continue with examples of conformity between the realities of Appalachian life and the Colonialism model would be pointless. It cannot be disputed that the coal interests came into the region "uninvited," that cultural patterns changed as a result of this intrusion, and that the area is controlled by representatives of the industry. The fact that racism exists to perpetuate this pattern has been illustrated. Since these conditions exist, it would appear that any recommendations for change should take these factors into consideration. Changing the values of Appalachians will not change the system of colonialism nor will knowledge of the situation. Both Radcliffe-Brown and Malinowski suggest that we must know something about those who were to benefit from Western colonialism (Harris 1968, 514-567). But they are careful not to question the motives of the British colonizers. Unfortunately, much ethnography has been carried out under colonial conditions; and, in a way, the anthropologist has become as much a colonizer as those having economic and political interests in an area. We tend to study those who resist the least, and colonized peoples are powerless to resist our intrusion into their culture. While the anthropologist often becomes the native's advocate, he may not wish to upset those conditions which enable him to continue his research. "Moderation, compromise and civil service decorum are the ethical bases for the aspiring 'practical anthropologist' " (Malinowski 1945, 161). �The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case 25 Future Prospects In looking at the two models we find differences in responses to the conditions in Appalachia. Those who follow the deficiency or difference approach (the Culture of Poverty model) work to help and change people. Their object is to change the values of the poor and assimilate them into the middle class or the "greater" culture. Various programs of social work, education, and psychiatry are designed to change attitudes, to motivate, and to assimilate. Those who follow the exploitation or colonialism model emphasize the need to change the structure of society. They advocate the redistribution of goods and resources to give power to the poor. If colonized peoples always rebel, then we must wait and see what happens in Appalachia. Blauner (1967) attributes the revolt of Blacks in America to their colonized position, and Moore (1970) uses the same model to explain the rebellion of Mexican-Americans. Tom Gish, editor of the Mountain Eagle in Whitesburg, Kentucky, talks about colonialism, outside exploitation of the wealth, and the various government programs for amelioration. Although outside corporations still exploit the resources, he feels that the period of blatant colonial control and local domination is past. The coal companies can continue to mine the minerals through control over a few politicians, state courts and lawyers, and they can control labor through collusion with the United Mine Workers. In the meantime, they can ignore and leave behind the many social problems resulting from technological change: illness, injury, powerlessness, and deprivation. These will be handled, along with polluted streams and devastated land, by federal government programs. The early war on poverty programs tried to create political action; such action was frightening to the local power structure and to the corporate interests. These programs have been co-opted or dropped. The focus is now on economic development, assistance, and control. Regional offices of Health, Education and Welfare, of Labor, of the U.S. Corps of Engineers, of the Office of Economic Opportunity, of the Departments of Agriculture and Interior funnel in programs of "assistance" through regional economic planning and development organizations. Gish finds these regional organizations developing more and more like the Office of Indian Affairs, i.e. to control the natives. Perhaps this type of action is a latter stage of colonialism in which those who are left-over, �26 Colonialism in Modern America the land and the people, are now wards of the government, living on an Appalachian Reservation. NOTES ^Warren Wright, Burdine, Kentucky, has researched early titles and land transfers in parts of eastern Kentucky. He finds many cases of fraudulent and illegal leases and ownership. ^David Brooks, former chief economist, Bureau of Mines, in talks to the Appalachian Seminar, Clinch Valley College, January 1970. �The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case 27 REFERENCES CITED Appalachian Regional Commission 1968 Research Report No. 8, Preliminary Analysis for Development of Central Appalachia. Washington, D.C. 1969 Research Report No. 9, Appendix C, Capital Resources in the Central Appalachian Region. Cheechi and Co., Washington, D.C. Ball, Richard A. 1968 "A Poverty Case; The Analgesic Subculture of the Southern Appalachians" American Sociological Review, 33:6 (December), 885-895 Barkam, Barry and R. Baldwin Lloyd 1970 "Picking Poverty's Pocket" Article One, 1, 2 (May), 21-29 Blauner, Robert 1969 "Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt" Social Problems (Spring), Vol. 16, No. 4, 1969, 393-408 Blizzard, William C. 1966 "West Virginia Wonderland" Appalachian South (Summer) Boone, Joel T. 1947 A Medical Survey of the Bituminous Coal Industry Washington, D.C.: United States Department of Interior Brown, James S. 1962 Eastern Kentucky Resource Development Project, Lexington, University of Kentucky 1970 First Look at the 1970 Census Mountain Life and Work (JulyAugust), 4-8 �28 Colonialism in Modern America Campbell, John C. 1921 The Southern Highlander and His Homeland New York: Russell Sage Foundation Caudill, Harry 1962 Night Comes to the Cumberland^ Boston: Little, Brown & Co. 1966 "Poverty and Affluence in Appalachia: How Absentee Ownership in an Extremely Rich Land Produced a Remarkable Poor People" Appalachian South Pipestem, West Virginia (Spring) 1968 "Appalachia: The Dismal Land" In Jeremy Larner and Irving Howe, ed., Views From the Left New York: William Morrow, 264-273 Cressey, Paul F. 1949 "Social Disorganization and Reorganization in Harlan County, Kentucky" American Sociological Review, XIV, 3 (June), 389-394 Diehl, Richard 1970 "Appalachia Energy Elite: A Wing of Imperialism?" People's Appalachia (March) 1970 "How International Energy Elite Rules" People's Appalachia (April-May) Fanon, Frantz 1967 A Dying Colonialism New York: Grove Ford, Thomas R. 1965 "The Effects of Prevailing Values and Beliefs on the Perpetuation of Poverty in Rural Areas" Problems of Chronically Depressed Rural Areas North Carolina University: Agriculture Policy Institute 1965 "Value Orientations of a Culture of Poverty: The Southern Appalachian Case" Working with low-income families, American Home Economics Association, Washington, D.C. Harris, Marvin 1968 The Rise of Anthropological Theory New York: Thomas Y. Crowell �The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case 29 Henigham, Richard 1970 Remarks at People's Appalachian Research Collective Conference Huntington, West Virginia Henson, Edward L. 1965 General Imboden and the Economic Development of Wise County 1880-81 Historical Society of Southwest Virginia (February 6-8) Kephart, Horace 1913 Our Southern Highlanders New York: MacMillan Kirby, Richard 1969 "Kentucky Coal: Owners, Taxes, Profits: A Study in Representations Without Taxation" Appalachian Lookout 1,6 (October), 19-27 Knipe, Edward E. and Lewis, Helen M. 1969 "The Impact of Coal Mining on the Traditional Mountain SubCulture: A Case of Peasantry Gained and Peasantry Lost" A paper read at the annual meeting of the Southern Anthropological Society, New Orleans, Louisiana Lesser, Roger 1970 "Culture: Toward Tomorrow's People" People's Appalachia, No. 1 (March) Lewis, Helen M. 1968 "Subcultures of the Southern Appalachians" The Virginia Geographer 3,1 (Spring), 2-3 McKelvey, V. E. 1968 "Appalachia: Problems and Opportunities" Mineral Resources of the Appalachian Region, Geological Survey Professional Paper 580, Washington, D.C. Malinowski, B. 1945 The Dynamics of Culture Chicago: An Inquiry Into Race Relations in Africa, P. Kaberry, ed., New Haven: Yale University Press Memmi, Albert 1965 The Colonizer and the Colonized Boston: Beacon �30 Colonialism in Modern America Moore, Joan W. 1970 "Colonialism: The Case of the Mexican-Americans" Social Problems 71,4 (Spring), 463-472 National Coal Association 1968 Bituminous Coal Facts Washington, D.C. 1968 Coal Data Book Washington, D.C. Pearsall, Marion 1959 Little Smokey Ridge Alabama Press 1966 University of Alabama: University of "Communicating With the Educationally Deprived" Mountain Life and Work (Spring), 3-11 Penn Virginia Corporation 1968 Penn Virginia Corporation Annual Report Roach, Jack L. and Gursslin, Orville R. 1967 "An Evaluation of the Concept 'Culture of Poverty5 " Social Forces 45,3 (March), 383-392 Roberts, Leonard W. 1959 Up Cutshin and Down Greasy Lexington: University of Kentucky Stephenson, John B. 1968 Shiloh: A Mountain Community Kentucky Lexington: University of Trillin, Calvin 1969 "U.S. Journal: Kentucky, the Logical Thing, Costwise" New Yorker (December 27), 33-36 Valentine, Charles A. 1968 Culture and Poverty Chicago: University of Chicago Press Virginia Department of Labor and Industry 1968 Annual Report �The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case 31 Walls, David 1968-69 Research Bulletins - issues of Appalachian Lookout Prestonsburg, Kentucky Weller, Jack 1965 Yesterday's People Lexington: University of Kentucky Williams, Jonathan 1966 "The Southern (June), 47-66 Appalachians" Craft Woodward, C. Vann 1951 Origins of the New South University Press Horizons, X-XVI, 3 Baton Rouge, Louisana: State ����33 II: of of the of by as it has is the in in of the the A of in at the as a and the points to the in the and the in and development. ag- of the in of left out of due to the in the for the He of a and es by the in "The in of by on for the life is a the the be of in a to Sir of of the is the of the lie the of the in of the of the Si in "The the U.S. is for the has the of He the and out the for in a re- of to in �m �IN AT A D. Kller ern and the off of our most a set the of the of the as the As to a to the the to the for the and and the of the in of the as Jr., and of the and in as a the in for of the in a as "a the by a of in at fit a of ffe is tit at has for alfor the a a of the at fit of of �36 Colonialism in Modern America the process of American historical growth. To the urban middleclass readers of Cosmopolitan, Harper's, and Atlantic Monthly, the apparent persistence of pioneer-like conditions in the mountains seemed to reflect not merely the normal patterns of rural life but "an earlier phase of American development preserved, like a mammoth in ice."3 Because metaphor was more interesting than reality, the Appalachian present came to be linked with the American past, and eventually the analogy was accepted as fact. By the turn of the century, according to historian Henry Shapiro, the idea that Appalachia was "a discrete ethnic and cultural unit within but not of America" had become a convention of the popular mind.4 For Americans of the Progressive period who had witnessed the passing of the western frontier, Appalachia became "the frontier we have left within," and the mountaineers were "our contemporary ancestors."5 Succeeding generations have periodically rediscovered and reinterpreted the region in the context of their own day, but the static image has remained the standard perception of mountain life. In 1913, for example, Horace Kephart found "our Southern highlanders. . .still thinking essentially the same thoughts, still living in much the same fashion as did their ancestors in the days of Daniel Boone. The progress of mankind from that age to this," he claimed, "is no heritage of theirs."6 James Watt Raine traveled the "land of saddlebags" in 1924 and again in 1942, and a decade later North Callahan made a similar journey into what he believed was the "happy" but "static society" of the Smoky Mountain country.7 With the outbreak of the war on poverty in the 1960's, the mountaineers became simply "Yesterday's People"—part of that "other America" of which Michael Harrington wrote.8 More recently, the rise of the new ethnicity and the counterculture movement have brought attention to the mountain people as just plain "down home folk," and a flourishing minor industry has developed to fabricate such oddities as dulcimers, quilts, log cabins and "Maw's Moonshine Hunie." Of late we have also seen the introduction of courses in Appalachian studies and the proliferation of symposia aimed at diagnosing the "unique" qualities of mountain life. But this revival of interest has done little to alter our traditional views. According to one well known student of the region, Appalachia can still be seen "as a vanishing frontier and its people as frontiersmen, suspended and isolated, while the rest of the country moves across the twentieth century. "^ Marooned on an island �Industrialization and Social Change 37 of hills, the mountaineer has seemed shut off from the forces which have shaped the modern world. He has lived, we are told, in a land "Where Time Stood Still."10 Arnold Toynbee may have offered the most callous assertion of this view when he suggested that the mountain people of the South were little better than barbarians. "They have relapsed into illiteracy and witchcraft/' he wrote. "They suffer from poverty, squalor, and ill health. They are the American counterparts of the latter-day white barbarians of the Old World —Rifis, Albanians, Kurds, Pathans, and Hairy Ainus." But whereas these latter seemed to be the belated survivals of an ancient barbarism, "the Appalachians/' Toynbee argued, "present the melancholy spectacle of a people who have acquired civilization and then lost it."11 Cast in the static role, mountain people have thus rarely appeared as conscious actors on the stage of American history, and almost never on center stage. They are acknowledged to exist somewhere in the background, as subjects to be acted upon, but not as people participating within the historical drama itself. As a result, our efforts to explain and deal with the social problems of the region have focused not on economic and political realities in the area as they evolved over time, but on the supposed inadequacies of a pathological culture which is seen to have poorly equipped mountain people for life in the modern industrial world. Having overlooked elements of movement and change that have tied the mountains to the rest of the American experience, we have blamed the mountaineers for their own distress, rather than the forces which have caused it.12 Blaming the victim, of course, is not a uniquely American phenomenon. Rather it is a misreading that takes international form. French intellectuals talk about the Alps, and Spanish intellectuals talk about the Pyrenees in much the same simple if condescending way that urban Americans talk about Appalachia.13 Indeed, all over the world the terms applied to rural people by urban people have implied either contempt and condescension, or—and this is the opposite of the same attitude— a romantic admiration for the simple, hardy virtues of rural life.14 Since the Southern mountains were among the most rural areas of eastern America, the Appalachian people have suffered exceedingly from this type of urban provincialism. �38 Colonialism in Modern America Ironically, it was during the same years that the static image was emerging as the dominant literary view that a revolution of dynamic proportions was shaking the very foundations of the mountain social order. In Appalachia, as in the rest of the country, the decades from 1880 to 1930 were years of transition and change. What had been in 1860 only the quiet backcountry of the Old South became by the turn of the century a new frontier for expanding industrial capitalism. The coming of railroads, the building of towns and villages, and the general expansion of industrial employment greatly altered the traditional patterns of mountain life and called forth certain adjustments, responses, and defenses on the part of the mountaineers. This transformation varied in scope and speed, but by the end of the 1920's few residents of the region were left untouched by the industrial age. The effects of this transition were large. For one thing, mountain agriculture went into serious decline. While the size of the average mountain farm was about 187 acres in the 1880's, by 1930 the average Appalachian farm contained only 76 acres, and in some counties the average was as low as 47 acres.15 This decline was universal throughout the region but was most pronounced in the coal fields and other areas of intense economic growth. Significantly, while the total number of farms increased during these years, the total amount of land in farms actually decreased almost twenty percent as a result of the purchase of farm properties by timber and mining companies and for inclusion in national forests and parks.16 Farm productivity and income also changed. While farm production had been the major (and usually the sole) source of income in 1880, by 1930 most mountain farms had become part-time units of production, and the major source of income had shifted to non-agricultural employment—mining, logging, carpentry, and other forms of public work.17 In Knott County, Kentucky, for example, the income per farm from farming in 1930 averaged only $215, while the income per farm from non-farm enterprises averaged over $342.18 In 1880 the mountains had been a major producer of swine in the South, but by 1930 swine production in the region had declined to only 39 percent of its former level.19 Such data suggests that the traditional image of the pre-industrial mountain farm must be altered, and that the small, marginal farm usually associated with �Industrialization and Social Change 39 the stereotyped picture of Appalachia was in fact a product of industrialization—that is, a more recent development not associated with the purported isolation of the region. Along with the decline of agriculture came subtle changes in demographic relationships as well. Whereas mountain society in the 1880's had been characterized by a diffuse pattern of open-country agricultural settlements located primarily in the fertile valleys and plateaus, by the turn of the century the population had begun to shift into non-agricultural areas and to concentrate around centers of industrial growth. Between 1900 and 1930, the urban population of the region increased four-fold and the rural non-farm population almost two-fold, while the farm population itself increased by only five percent.20 A few of the burgeoning urban centers were destined to be temporary communities, such as the big timber towns of Sunburst and Ravensford in the Great Smoky Mountains, but most were permanent structures which had a lasting impact upon mountain life. It is important to point out, moreover, that the majority of these new industrial communities were company towns. In fact, over six hundred company towns were constructed in the Southern mountains during this period, and in the coal fields they outnumbered independent incorporated towns more than five to one.21 This rising urban population provided a base for the emergence of a more modern political system in the mountains, one increasingly dominated by corporate interests and businessminded politicians. Where the traditional political order had relied largely on kinship, personal contacts, and a broad-based party structure, after the turn of the century the level of citizen participation declined, and the average farmer or laborer became isolated from the political process. As early as the 1890's, industrialists such as Stephan B. Elkins in West Virginia and H. Clay Evans in Tennessee had begun to gain control of the political organizations in the mountains and to turn the powers of state and local government toward the expansion of commerce and the exploitation of the region's natural resources.22 As a result, there emerged in Appalachia a contracted political system based upon an economic hierarchy—those who controlled the jobs also controlled the political system, and those who controlled the political system used their power to exploit the region's natural wealth for their own personal gain. This loss of �40 Colonialism in Modern America local political control naturally distressed many mountain people and plunged the region into prolonged industrial violence and social strife.*3 Behind this transition in political culture lay the integration of the region into the national economy and the subordination of local interests to those of outside corporations. Nowhere was this process more evident than in the concentration of large amounts of mountain land in the hands of absentee owners. Beginning in the 1870's, Northern speculators and outside businessmen carved out huge domains in the rich timberlands and mineral regions of Appalachia. By 1910 outlanders controlled not only the best stands of hardwood timber and the thickest seams of coal but a large percentage of the surface land in the region as well. For example, in that portion of western North Carolina which later became the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, over 75 percent of the land came under the control of thirteen corporations, and one timber company alone owned over a third of the total acreage.24 The situation was even worse in the coal fields. According to the West Virginia State Board of Agriculture in 1900, outside capitalists owned 90 percent of the coal in Mingo County, 90 percent of the coal in Wayne County, and 60 percent of that in Boone and McDowell Counties.25 Today, absentee corporations control more than half the total land area in the nine southernmost counties of that state.26 The immediate effect of this concentration of land holding was to dislodge a large part of the region's population from their ancestral homes. A few former landowners managed to remain on the land as sharecroppers or tenant farmers, and occasionally a family continued to Hve temporarily on the old homeplace, paying rent to absentee landlords.27 But a great number of the displaced mountaineers migrated to the mill villages and mining towns where they joined the ever-growing ranks of the new industrial working class. In the Cumberland Plateau, less than a third of those employed in 1930 remained in agriculture. The rest had moved to the mines or into service related jobs.28 Uprooted from their traditional way of life, some individuals were unable to reestablish permanent community ties, and they became wanderers drifting from mill to mill, from company house to company house, in search of higher pay or better living conditions. Most dreamed initially of returning to the land after a few years of public work, but the rising land values which ac- �Industrialization and Social Change 41 companied industrial development soon pushed land ownership beyond the reach of the average miner or mill hand. Caught up in the social complex of the new industrial communities, many mountaineers found themselves unable to escape their condition of powerlessness and dependency. By coming to a coal mining town, the miner had exchanged the independence and somewhat precarious self-sufficiency of the family farm for subordination to the coal company and dependence upon a wage income. He lived in a company house; he worked in a company mine; and he purchased his groceries and other commodities from the company store. He sent his children to the company school and patronized the company doctor and the company church. The company deducted rent, school, medical and other fees from his monthly wage, and under the prevailing system of scrip, he occasionally ended the month without cash income. He had no voice in community affairs or working conditions, and he was dependent upon the benevolence of the employer to maintain his rate of pay. Socially, if not physically, the working class mountaineer was more isolated in his new situation than he had been on the family farm, for industrialization introduced rigid class distinctions into the highland culture.29 Traditional status distinctions had always existed, but there were few economic differences within the rural population. With the coming of the industrial age, however, the dichotomy between employer and employed became overt. In the company town the miners lived in small dwellings in the hollow near the tipple, but mine superintendents often built palatial structures high on the hillside overlooking the town. 30 Surrounded by elegant trees and well-kept grounds, these homes clearly defined the operator's social rank. In some communities the railroad track literally divided the town in two, separating the more substantial residences of the managing class from the miners' shacks. The social gap between the classes increased, moreover, as managers and professional personnel developed life styles and formal institutions different from those of the working class. By 1930, therefore, most mountaineers whether they remained on the farm or migrated to the mill villages, timber towns, or coal camps, had become socially integrated within the new industrial system, and economically dependent upon it as �42 Colonialism in Modern America well. To say the least, this dependence was not on their own terms—that is to say, it was not a product of mountain culture but of the same political and economic forces that were shaping the rest of the nation and the western world. The rise of industrial capitalism brought to Appalachia a period of rapid growth and social change which those who hold to the static image have chosen to ignore. The brief prosperity brought on by the bonanza that was capitalism broadened the mountaineer's economic horizon. It aroused aspirations, envies, and hopes. But the industrial wonders of the age promised more than they in fact delivered, for the profits taken from the rich natural resources of the region flowed out of the mountains with little return to the mountain people themselves. For a relative handful of owners and managers the new order yielded riches unimaginable a few decades before; for thousands of mountaineers it brought a life of struggle, hardship, and despair. Considered from this perspective, the persistent poverty of Appalachia has not resulted from the lack of modernization. Rather, it has come from the particular kind of modernization that unfolded in the years from 1880 to 1930. Earlier in this paper I quoted at length from Arnold Toynbee. I would like to end with a quotation from a native mountaineer who found another kind of barbarism at work in the Southern mountains. Writing in The Hills Beyond, Thomas Wolfe lamented the tragic changes that had come over his beloved homeland in the years after Reconstruction. "The great mountain slopes and forests of the section," he wrote, "had been ruinously detimbered; the farm-soil on the hillsides had eroded and washed down; high up, upon the hills, one saw the raw scars of old mica pits, the dump heaps of deserted mines. . . It was evident that a huge compulsive greed had been at work: the whole region had been sucked and gutted, milked dry, denuded of its rich primeval treasures; something blind and ruthless had been here, grasped and gone. The blind scars on the hills, the denuded slopes, the empty mica pits were what was left. . . . Something had come into the wilderness, and left the barren land. "31 �Industrialization and Social Change 43 NOTES author is indebted to the Rockefeller Foundation for research support on this subject. ^See Henry David Shapiro, "A Strange Land and Peculiar People: The Discovery of Appalachia, 1870-1920*' (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Rutgers University, 1966), pp. 250 ff., and Gratis Dearl Williams, "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1961), pp. 1605 ff. 3 Henry David Shapiro, "Introduction" to John C. Campbell, The Southern Highlander and His Homeland (Lexington, 1969), p. xxvi. ^"Shapiro, "A Strange Land and Peculiar People," p. v;see Shapiro's forthcoming monograph Appalachia on Our Mind: The Southern Mountains and Mountaineers in the American Consciousness, 1870-1920 (Chapel Hill, 1977). ^Woodrow Wilson, "Our Last Frontier," Berea Quarterly, Vol. 4, No. 2 (May, 1899), 5; William Goodell Frost, "Our Contemporary Ancestors in the Southern Mountains, "Atlantic Mo nthly, 83 (March, 1899), 311. ^Horace Kephart, Our Southern Highlanders (New York, 1913), p. 211. 7 Jarnes Watt Raine, The Land of Saddle-Bags (New York, 1924); James Watt Raine, Saddlebag Folk (Evanston, 1942); North Callahan, Smoky Mountain Country (Boston, 1952), p. 74. °Jack E. Weller, Yesterday's People: Life in Contemporary Appalacchia (Lexington 1965). ^Gratis Dearl Williams, "Heritage of Appalachia," address to the Southern Appalachian Regional Conference (May 13, 1974) reprinted in The Future of Appalachia (Boone, 1975), p. 128. �44 Colonialism in Modern America and Nancy Roberts, Where Time Stood Still: A Portrait of Appalachia (Boone, 1975), p. 128. 11 Arnold Toynbee, A Study of History (New York, 1947), II, 312. l^See Dwight Billings, "Culture and Poverty in Appalachia: A Theoretical Discussion and Empirical Analysis," Social Forces, 53 (December, 1974), 315-23; Stephen L. Fisher, "Folk Culture or Folk Tale: Prevailing Assumptions About the Appalachian Personality" (unpublished paper delivered at the Appalachian Symposium in honor of Gratis D. Williams, Appalachian State University, Boone, N.C., April, 1976); David S. Walls, "Three Models in Search of Appalachian Development: Critique and Synthesis" (unpublished paper, May, 1976, College of Social Professions, University of Kentucky, Lexington). 1* Roland Barthes, Mythologies, translated by Annette Lavers (New York, 1972), pp. 74-76. 14 Robert Redfield, Peasant Society and Culture (New York, 1960), p. 38. .S. Department of Interior, Census Office, The Tenth Census: 1880, Agricultural Statistics, Vol. Ill; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930: Agriculture-. The Southern States, Vol. 2, Part 2. *"U.S. Department of Agriculture, Miscellaneous Publication No. 205, Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians (Washington, D.C., 1935), p. 16; Lewis Cecil Gray, "Economic Conditions and Tendencies in the Southern Appalachians as Indicated by the Cooperative Survey," Mountain Life and Work, Vol. 9, No. 2 (July, 1933), 9. *'U.S. Department of Agriculture, Publ. No. 205, Economic and Social Conditions, pp. 3, 16. y, "Economic Conditions in the Southern Appalachians," p. 10; see also W. D. Nicholls, "A Research Approach to the Problems of Appalachia," Mountain Life and Work, Vol. 7, No. 10 (January, 1932), 5-8 and U.S. Department of Agriculture, Publ. No. 205, Economic and Social Conditions, pp. 41-57. 1°U.S. Department of Interior, Census Office, The Tenth Census: �Industrialization and Social Change 45 1880, Agricultural Statistics, Vol. Ill; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930: Agriculture: The Southern States, Vol. 2, Part 2. , "Economic Conditions in the Southern Appalachians," p. 8; U.S. Department of Agriculture, Publ. No. 205, Economic and Social Conditions, pp. 120-121. . Congress, Senate, Report of the United States Coal Commission, Sen. Doc. 195, 68th Cong. 2d. sess., 1925, Table 14, p. 1467; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census of the United States, 1910: Population, Vols. II and III. 2^See John Alexander Williams, "The New Dominion and the Old: Antebellum and Statehood Politics as the Background of West Virginia's 'Bourbon Democracy/ " West Virginia History, 33 (July, 1972), 322; Gordon Bartiett McKinney, "Mountain Republicanism, 1876-1900" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Northwestern University, 1971), p. 170. 23 See Gordon B. McKinney, "Industrialization and Violence in Appalachia in the 1800's" (unpublished paper delivered at the Appalachian Symposium in Honor of Gratis D. Williams, Appalachian State University, Boone, N.C., April, 1976). "North Carolina Portion of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, Showing Individual Ownership," Western Carolina University, Archives, Hunter Library. Virginia, State Board of Agriculture, Fifth Biennial Report of the West Virginia State Board of Agriculture for the Years 1899 and 1900 (1900), p. 371. D. Miller, "Absentees Dominate Land Ownership," in Who Owns West Virginia? reprinted from the Herald-Advertiser and the HeraldDispatch (Huntington, 1974), pp. 1-3. 2' James Lane Allen, "Mountain Passes of the Cumberlands," Harper's Magazine, 81 (September, 1890), 575; Herbert Francis Sherwood, "Our Racist Drama," North American Review, 216 (October, 1922), 494; Campbell, The Southern Highlander, pp. 87, 314. ™U.S. Department of Agriculture, Publ. No. 205, Economic and Social Conditions, p. 3. �46 Colonialism in Modern America Edward E. Knipe and Helen M. Lewis, "The Impact of Coal Mining on the Traditional Mountain Subculture," in J. Kenneth Moreland, ed., The Not So Solid South: Anthropological Studies in a Regional Subculture (Athens, Georgia, 1971), p. 28. H. Gollenwater, "Cultural and Historical Geography of Mining Settlements in the Pocahontas Coal Field of Southern West Virginia, 1880 to 1930" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Tennessee, 1972), p. 87; R. H. Lyman, "Coal Mining at Holden, West Virginia," The Engineering and Mining Journal, LII (December 15, 1906), 1171. 31 Thomas Wolfe, The Hills Beyond (New York, 1941), pp. 236-237. �by Rev. Jack It be at six to the The of me an ago 1P*OUP sponsoring their if in all to of six in the in a we In of the so Ever}7 in a on did I doing. "We to us, you," the Its to is the to us us we is we to us to be we get we too. it is for us, get to go Ate. 2 if Jw Is a a/ tie at He for i» /or �48 Colonialism in Modern America I suspect that America has several such colonies within her borders. Appalachia is its most prominent one. A colony, as I understand it, is a group of people with land and resources which are owned and/or controlled by persons other than themselves, and whose resources and productive capacities are used for the advantage of those who control them. Appalachia is simply our American example of how we use colonization powers in the economic realm all over the world. We strip an area and its people of their wealth under the guise of "developing" them, saying all the time of course that without this development look where they'd be. Yet in essence, we are robbing them of their wealth, impoverishing their people, controlling their economy, politics and people, meanwhile growing rich and powerful in the process. Minerals, Timber & Recreation Appalachia is indeed such a colony—a mineral colony, if you will—providing the energy to run the generators, steel mills, power plants, air conditioners, and can openers for an affluent nation while remaining poor itself. Appalachia is also a timber colony, a recreation colony, and an oil and gas colony. In Central Appalachia, coal is king. There are estimates that over one trillion dollars worth of this black gold has been mined from east Kentucky alone. But in this area, according to the 1960 census (the last one for which these figures are calculated), 6 of the 10 poorest counties in America lie. Perry County, where I live, the fifth highest coal-producing county in the state, can afford to pay only 14 percent of its public school bill. Letcher County, the third highest coal producer, can afford barely over 8 percent of its costs for the education of her children. Based on the 1970 census, in Pike County, the highest Kentucky mountain coal producer, the per capita income is little more than 40 percent of the national per capita, and other mountain counties range from that high point to 18 percent of the national per capita. �Appalachia: America s Mineral Colony 49 And, lest we think that coal makes everybody poor, note that Pikeville, Kentucky, a town of fewer than 5,000 people in the heart of the coal fields, has 38 millionaires living within its limits. Other county-seat coal towns have their share of the wealthy also. The Cadillacs and Continentals and Imperials are common vehicles in the mountains—along with the pickups and the refugees from the junk piles that are the vehicles of the common folk. What has happened in this spiny backbone of Eastern America, that while everyone else has shared the wealth of production, mountain people have been exiles from the American dream? How is it possible that this rugged land and its people have been by-passed, even though they exist within 600 miles of the giant industrial complexes of the North and Mid-West and are so directly connected with their productive capacities? Reduced to Ruin Answer: Appalachia is a colony which America has exploited. It is used, stripped of her wealth, raped and reamed and reduced to ruin, while those who gain their wealth from her invest their profits elsewhere and live elsewhere. Let's look at some of the factors involved. First, Appalachia lost the resources which might have made her rich. Before the turn of the century, giant hardwoods up to six and eight feet in diameter covered the hillsides. Timber agents from the cities were sent to purchase this rich resource to feed the voracious maw of an expanding economy. At this time, when ours was generally a money economy, the Appalachian person still lived in a barter society. He grew what he needed; he made what he needed; he traded for what he needed. So, when timber agents came to buy the trees on his mountains, he was offered 25 to 50 cents a tree for them, trees which on the present market would be worth several thousands of dollars. Perhaps he had a whole mountain side of them—1,000 or more, worth $500 maybe—more money than he had ever seen at one time, and more than he thought he'd ever need. He sold the trees, even helped get them out and floated down the river. The wealth that might have served his own economy went �50 Colonialism in Modern America instead to make someone else rich. Many fortunes were made in timber in Appalachia, and several large foundations now spread their beneficence back to the region in small amounts for its impoverished people. Granted, our economy runs on the basis of getting the best bargain you can. The Appalachian man wanted a bargain, too, as did those who bought the timber. The advantage lay with the outsider. He alone knew what the trees were worth and what money was all about, while the mountain man often did not. The same thing happened with the coal. Five to seven mineable seams of coal underlie much of Central Appalachia. The mountain people who owned the land and minerals did not use the coal. They did not know how much was there or how to get it out. They did not know what it was worth. When coal and land agents came to buy the coal, offering fifty cents to five dollars an acre for it, again the mountain man, who was probably poor and hurting for some ready cash, quickly sold it. Besides, he was a farmer using the surface of the land for his living, and when he was assured that he could keep the surface, that all he was selling was something underneath, he made the bargain. Again, that which might have made the people in the mountains rich now belonged to someone else. He sold for no more than five dollars an acre coal which was really worth a thousand dollars or more! What is more, he also lost the control of those surface rights. For years he paid taxes on that land surface only to find that mineral rights take precedence over surface rights, and strip mining 70 years after the deed was signed proved this fact. He found, too, that oil and gas prospectors could rip up his land, or that pipes could be laid over it. Thus, the mountaineer lost control of all his property. Out-Of-State Control I have some figures for Kentucky. The great majority of Kentucky's coal, over one million acres of it, is owned by out-ofstate companies. These are land companies, oil, steel, railroads, gas producers, utilities and other corporate giants with stockholders and commitments all over the world—Kennecott Copper, National Steel, Bethlehem Steel, Occidental Petroleum, Con- �Appalachia: A merica rs Mineral Colony 51 tinental Oil, Norfolk and Western Railroad. The director of the Area Development District where I live (Hazard, Kentucky) has often told me that no development is possible for our area until the coal industry is willing to relinquish some of its rights and powers in land ownership and control. The coal companies and the industry, by its very nature, discouraged education of its people at the very time when across America the drive for universal education came into its own. So, when mines shut down and those men tried to find work elsewhere, no one would have them. Educational attainment levels among adults in Appalachia are four years below the national average—another toll exacted from Appalachians people. Harry Caudill, author of Night Comes to the Cumberland, tells of the annual contributions of the Penn-Virginia Coal Company to a Philadelphia art museum. Philadelphians no doubt pride themselves on having such a fine beneficent citizen-company in their midst. But why doesn't this company do something for the communities and people and area from which their wealth came? It was this company which, according again to Mr. Caudill, returned some 60 percent profit to its stockholders a few years ago. Come visit the community in Kentucky sometime which bears the name and stamp of this company, and see if you would like to live there! Mine Unsafely Beyond these brief remarks is the long, brutal tale of mine unsafety: the playing with death by companies anxious for coal, and the playing of politics with the federal laws and regulations and inspectors. Even the United Mine Workers union has its history of betrayal and promises broken. Coal is an industry with a black past, and everything it touches seems to be blackened. The third factor to consider is the neglect of government in Appalachia. It is almost as if this were a forgotten area of the states involved, or as if these people and this land and this society were of some lower form of life different from the rest and not deserving of the same level of services which the rest of the states get. It was not until the year 1956 that the state of Kentucky assumed responsibility for the education of her children in the �52 Colonialism in Modern America mountains. Previous to that time, churches and other outside groups provided the education for them. When I moved to east Kentucky in 1965, for nearly 700,000 people living in those mountains there was not a single psychiatrist, psychologist, or psychiatric social worker. It didn't mean that our people had no mental illness—only that they toughed it out. Nor was there any work with retarded children, youth or adults, in spite of the fact that our retardation rate is over double the national rate. Hospital beds were less available than elsewhere. There is one doctor across the nation for every 630 people. In the area of Hazard seven years ago, there was one doctor for every 10,000 people, and the administrator of the Appalachian Hospital called it a "medical disaster area." In terms of roads, again neglect. In this year, 1973, there is not yet one major modern highway across Southern Appalachia, while across the Rockies, which are real mountains in comparison, there are many. Little Federal Help Even the federal government shows a picture of neglect. Fewer dollars per capita flow into Appalachia for education, welfare, construction of public facilities, and recreation than into other areas across the nation. Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), the federal agency whose mandate it is to bring to life the valley of the Tennessee River, has for years felt that in doing so it had the right to destroy other valleys in Appalachia in order to get coal for cheap power to its people and industries. The worst offenders in eastern Kentucky in terms of the wholesale destruction of the land and people and streams have been the companies supplying TVA power plants, companies supposedly hewing to the line of their reclamation policies. Just last May, Senator Fred Harris came to visit eastern Kentucky strip mines, to meet with people, and to hold a hearing. One of the environment control and reclamation men from �Appalachia: America's Mineral Colony 53 TVA was there. He read a fine statement of how TVA had such high standards for land reclamation. Senator Harris exploded. "No man has the right to do to another man what I have seen today. But what is worse, I find that an agency of our own government is doing it," he said. Perhaps it is not right to say that government at all levels has also exploited the mountains and their people. But, it is right to say that government has allowed this exploitation, encouraged it, and approved it. And no agency of government has lifted its voice to change it. The record of the Corps of Engineers in the mountains is not bright in their dealings with people needing to be relocated because of dams. People have been offered a low sum for their property by the Corps and then told if they think it is not enough to take the matter to court. Most mountain families, too poor and inexperienced to hire a lawyer and go into courts, take the route of accepting the low offer. The fourth factor is the worst for us: The church has exploited, too. In Appalachia, as elsewhere in the world, the church has pretty much put its stamp of approval on the "status quo" of exploitation. At one of our Orientation Seminars for new pastors, Harry Caudill said: "You church people put schools all through this area. Rich folk in Pittsburgh and New York reached down in their pockets to make schools for our children, yet daily these children looked out their windows and saw the wealth which was leaving here in those coal cars, but nobody ever asked why. And out of those schools came some of the most reactionary and socially insensitive leaders we have in the mountains today." Harry Caudill is caustic sometimes. Maybe he was judging yesterday by today's sensitivities. But there is much truth to what he says. The church and its leaders have seldom been among those who have stood up to be counted against exploitation. The people in the church have not been the seers and the prophets, in spite of the Gospel in their hearts. A leader in a southeast Kentucky housing group told a group of Orientation pastors that she no longer attended church. She said: "If I could ever find a people there who cared as much for the people around them as they did for the Kings of Israel I might go back." �54 Colonialism in Modern America I don't want to overdraw this. There are churchmen in the mountains, lay and clergy, who are at the forefront of the struggle for justice in the hills, but mostly we are a pretty quiet and peaceable group who do not ripple the waters much. Jim Branscome a Berea college graduate, former director of "SOK," an anti-strip mine group, and now at Highlander Center, says that he feels one of the worst things about the Appalachian institutional church and its colleges is that they remove what anger there is in the souls of those they capture. "Our colleges and churches," he says, "are in the business to contribute to the preservation of society without opposing it, without training their people to place a question mark alongside everything that society does, thus blaspheming both education and Christ. They have contributed to one of the most fundamental dilemmas of modern civilization: It is without the preserving aspects of opposition." As the church, we must hear what this young man is saying to us. The charge that can be laid most at the door of the church is cultural imperialism. We have come into Appalachia and have tried to make its people into patterns made by the rest of the country. For example, the Presbyterians have a series of churches across the region with a Madison Avenue architect's idea of what a mountain church should look like—log cathedrals with stained glass and organs that match the culture about as well as evening dresses and high-heeled shoes. Rather than affirm the mountain person for what he was, we looked down at him and tried to make him something else closer to our own expectations for ourselves. On occasion I receive letters from people across the nation, asking if it isn't about time now to quit these many government programs with high expenditures in Appalachia. After all, we've done them long enough. Since the region does not seem to respond, let's spread our American charity somewhere else. Let's make it clear, however, that these federal dollars spent in Appalachia are not charity! They are justice—belated justice at that—giving back to this region a tiny portion of the wealth it has produced for our country. And, lest we think it to be such munificence (that word means just a whole lot), remember that �Appalachia: America s Mineral Colony 55 the expenditures of the Appalachian Regional Commission in the 13-state area which contains over 18 million people in the first 7 years of its existence have totalled less than we spent in Viet Nam in one month at the height of the war. The church must keep our nation's "feet to the fire" about Appalachia. Somehow we must cry aloud for justice, and do justice, and teach justice in our midst. Somehow we must help each other kick off the paternalism that so easily besets the church. Somehow we must do all we can to empower Appalachian people themselves, so they can have a piece of the decisions about their own destiny. There must be a new burst of energy by the church for the health of the Region. Jack Weller, author of Yesterday's People: Life in Contemporary Appalachia, is minister at large for the Presbyterian Church, Transylvania Presbytery. He lives in Hazard, Kentucky. �This page intentionally left blank �THE IMPACT OF RECREATIONAL DEVELOPMENT ON PIONEER LIFE STYLES IN SOUTHERN APPALACHIA by the pioneer as of it for to of a the the is life on is of of & or we is of the At the of by the in the it is life life first or we to the is has to the we are by the in a to the to to to of life as a on in the a is is an is of the the in Iff iwtf we for tbff the 23 at �58 Colonialism in Modern America tion that effective preservation of the Appalachian pioneer life style must demand a human continuance, a cultural transfer from parent to child, automatically excluding those who would become mountaineers by purchasing second homes or retirement homes within the Appalachian region. And though we applaud the efforts of those who would preserve Appalachia by making records of the ballads and the folklore, by creating craft centers for the teaching of spinning, weaving, needlecraft, and woodwork, we must distinguish clearly between cultural repositories and living cultures. Who the original pioneers were in the Southern Appalachian realm is not absolutely known, for ancient peoples had been in the area long before the Cherokees came. But the Cherokees likely pioneered in introducing a different and more advanced existence. They were probably the first farmers, though they were still highly dependent on hunting and gathering. A new pioneer element came in the form of the European hunter and trapper, closely followed by the permanent home-building, subsistence-seeking English farmers (along with some Scotch, Irish, French, and Germans), who with their more extensive clearing and cultivation of the land came in conflict with the land-use practices of the natives who were still highly dependent on hunting for their subsistence. There was much in the Appalachians to appeal to the European pioneers. Some alluvial bottomland was to be found in almost every valley, and the soils there were deep and fertile. The slopes were covered with some of the world's best hardwood forests which sheltered a variety of game and provided, in addition to the needed timber, supplies of fruits, nuts, berries, and medicinal herbs. Sparkling clear streams fed by an abundance of permanent springs provided excellent fishing. Small pockets of iron ore were widespread, along with constantly available wood for charcoal, and the multiplicity of forges and furnaces is reflected in names of communities throughout the region. (Graham's Forge and Laurel Bloomery are two nearby southwest Virginia examples.) And the almost complete isolation from the main paths of movement in the Mountain South demanded a high degree of self-reliance, whether in meeting economic needs or in maintaining effective social and political control. The European life style established in the latter part of the �The Impact of Recreational Development On Pioneer Life Styles 59 18th century, like that of the Cherokee whom the Europeans replaced, represented a remarkably good adaptation to the natural environment in which they both lived. Though there were excesses in pioneer land use, such as clearing slopes of timber which was not effectively usable for agriculture or removing trees for fuel which would now be worth small fortunes as cabinet woods (they were weeds to them,for there was no existing market), there was established an essential ecological balance between man and the land which was maintained fairly effectively up until the early part of the present century. And though the population growth was constant, the high birth rates were largely offset by a high death rate and by an outmigration which has increased greatly in this century. Life in the Southern Appalachians remained so unchanged and unchanging up to the present century that Cecil Sharp, an English folklorist visiting the region in 1917, suggested that a fence should be built around the whole province to keep outside influences from altering the culture. Mr. Sharp's concern was timely, for already other pioneers were at work, and this work would alter the landscape in profound ways, undermining in the process the economic framework by which the mountain people lived. These were the corporate-based coal mining and lumbering operations which brought the first easy means of access to the region, the branch railroad lines, designed to remove the rich extractive products found in abundance. And while the overall impact of these operations has left and is leaving this land in a deplorable state, much has already been written about these developments; consequently, we wish to focus our attention on what is a more present danger to mountain life and culture, a danger which has the possibility of becoming even more totally destructive. The new pioneer in the mountains is the developer of tourist and recreational facilities, and of the more modern invaders, he appears to have the most disturbing influence on the traditional way of life. Like the exploiter of coal and timber, this multifaced monster is also corporate in nature with controlling interests based largely ouside the mountain. And like the earlier invaders, he paints a glowing picture of the economic progress he will bring to the areas affected. The unrevealed story is the fact that the long-range economic benefits (which may still be substantial) go to local business interests associated more or less directly with him. For the majority of the people the �60 Colonialism in Modern America economic impacts are more negative than positive. During the major building period construction jobs become available; but after facilities are completed, more or less permanent jobs (often seasonal) are available as clerks, waiters and waitresses, cooks, and maintenance personnel.1 Total employment by recreational developments is never large and wages are low, lower generally than in other economic activities, and lower here than in other parts of the country. Locals not associated with the developments often seek to improve their income by selling farm produce to slightly expanded local markets; and others may start turning out local craft items such as quilts, bedspreads, and a variety of toys and trinkets. The primary direct economic impact is and has been to introduce a job orientation no longer directly associated with the land and to shift the local economy farther away from the self-sustaining pattern of the past. This effect in itself is not bad except that it serves to undermine the spirit of independence so long characteristic of the mountain people and places them in a position of almost perpetual subordination to the outside dominated financial manipulators, more firmly cementing the status of inferiority imposed upon mountain people by the rest of the nation. The imposition of a more complete money economy with mass produced products available has led to the abandonment of many crafts and traditions followed in the past.2 The water-turned grist mills have all but disappeared, and local farmers no longer try to meet basic food needs from the farm. The wooden churn, a standard household item a generation ago (for then all farm households supplied their own butter), is an item of value now only in the antique shops. Most home orchards have been allowed to deteriorate or disappear, and even the family garden is often limited to the more basic items. The introduction of improved communications and effective advertising has created a town-centered social focus to replace farm or hamlet oriented activities of the earlier period. In the past each rural community regularly held barn dances, quilting bees, corn huskings, molasses makings, and numerous other activiteis which served as strong human-based social outlets. Now, the lure of the town with its theaters, sports activities, and overabundance of tourist traps draws locals as well as visitors into the city limits. To suggest that all of this was caused by the recreational developer would obviously be to stretch a point, but the leisure-time activities which are development centered have helped shift the interests of natives away from the home, farm, and local community. Locals who got together to �The Impact of Recreational Development On Pioneer Life Styles 61 pitch horeshoes now spend their weekends around the town. Far more profound than the creation of alternative economic outlets for mountain people or Appalachian life styles has been the alteration of the human mix caused by recreation complex developers. Tourism of the earlier period in Appalachia generally demanded little land, most of which was in the towns or on the town margins. Those of the more recent period demand vast acreages, incorporating second home developments into new major recreational complexes with ski slopes, golf courses, fishing streams, swimming pools, hiking and saddle trails, and even such unmountaineer-like attractions as racquet clubs. Some examples of new North Carolina developments were reported in January, 1973, by the Asheville Citizen* Included were the "un-city" development of Connestee Falls (Realtec Incorporated) encompassing 3,900 acres, with sales to date of over 13 million dollars; Wolf Laurel, a 6,000-acre resort featuring a central core of authentic rebuilt native log cabins and including in addition to homes and homesites, a rustic inn, a golf course, an excellent restaurant, and ski slopes; and Arrowhead Hideaways on Flattop Mountain, a 1,000-acre development just begun in 1972. Research into the control of major tourist and recreational complex developments tells something about where the profits go. In the writer's home country of Watauga and Avery counties in North Carolina, the massive Beech Mountain and Land Harbor developments are controlled by the Carolina-Caribbean Corporation with home offices in Miami. Peter Barnes and Larry Casalino in a book entitled Who Owns the Land have found among the major developers the names of DuPont, Continental Oil, General Electric, IT&T, Standard Oil, Gulf Oil, CBS, Eastman Kodak, and Firestone.4 And the number of land purchases seems to be growing geometrically with each year. One corporation, the General Development Corporation, is reported to control more than 200,000 acres of land (slightly less than an average-sized Virginia county). And most disturbing to a native Appalachian is the fact that the area of most rapid takeover is the relatively unspoiled and most culturally distinctive parts of the mountain South. Purchasing operations are economic blitzkriegs. Buyers from these large corporations move into rural mountain areas and suddenly offer prices for land which unsuspecting natives find difficult to refuse. The prices offered �62 Colonialism in Modern America are in truth inflated in comparison to the value of the land in its traditional subsistence or semi-subsistence farm use (which, for most, form the base of their understanding of land values). Many sell; then they find that land values overall have gone up radically, so they either must give up their former way and become menials for the developer or, as is often the case, they leave the community altogether. Even those who are determined to retain their land find that its value has become so inflated that it is no longer practical to use it for farming, so either they become developers themselves or they sell to the developer.5 The effect on the human population over recent years has been to replace the natives with "new" mountaineers—mountaineers without a real attachment to the land whose demands or expectations have tended to be in conflict with rather than in harmony with the mountain habitat. Their automobiles, motorcycles, and the service vehicles required to meet their more elaborate demands clog the mountain roads and disturb the rural quiet with the roar of their engines. Their ski slopes have cut huge slashes in the natural cover of the most attractive mountains, and the most appealing trails and associated vistas suddenly become off-limits to the people who have always lived here. In fairness to the private recreation-residential developers, they see their role as that of making more effective use of land that had little economic value before, not realizing that through their massive developments they are working to destroy most of the characteristics of appeal in the mountain setting. Their cluttering of the landscape with broad highways, ski slopes, parking lots, shopping centers, right-of-ways for the likes of Tweetsie, and buildings ranging from Swiss chalets to pink fairy-tale castles, is making the physical landscape no longer alluring. Those elements of the mountain culture which provided the human appeal are often retained only as museum pieces in settlement schools or as show-place remnants such as in Cades Cove, Tennessee. And once gone, Appalachian culture cannot be recreated even by the most gargantuan human efforts. It might be noted that the federal and state governments have paralleled the private developer and often have cooperated with him in the onslaught against the mountain man and his culture. Cooperation between the Appalachian Regional Commission and the state of West Virginia removed several thousand acres of the most beautiful part of West Virginia from private control and created the multi-million dollar Pipestem recreation complex. The result �The Impact of Recreational Development On Pioneer Life Styles 63 is a lodge and combination of tourist cabins which the average West Virginian, certainly one native to the Pipestem area, could not possibly afford to use; and moreover, according to Don West, a native of Pipestem, the concession to operate the complex did not remain in the hands of West Virginians but was given to a Chicago firm. In 1931, Margaret Hitch ("Life in a Blue Ridge Hollow") noted that the development of the Shenandoah National Park had resulted in a displacement (against their will) of the local people, forcing them to move elsewhere! She commented that 4 'within another decade a new era will have begun and the day of the Blue Ridge mountaineer will have passed."6 We might note that more than a decade has passed since her prophecy was made and the mountaineer is still around, but the forces which are seemingly seeking the eradication of him and his culture push relentlessly forward. The development of the Mt. Rogers National Recreational Area represents another giant stride toward that end. In addition to the hundreds of thousands of acres involved in the original purchase, it was recently announced that the Forest Service intends to purchase an additional 23,000 or so acres. In physical and human terms it means the removal from private hands of parts of three of the most attractive mountain valleys in southwest Virginia, converting them into a complex which would greatly exceed that of the Pipestem development noted above. And as in the case of Pipestem, no preference will be given to local or even Virginia concerns in the granting of concessions to operate within the area. In this case the government goes the private developer one better in that the land desired can be condemned at prices representing only a fraction of its worth for recreational purposes and even less than fair value in terms of present use.7 It is inappropriate to suggest that the land-purchasing agents for government-owned recreational developments are intentionally being unethical or dishonest. What does appear to be the case is that they are attempting to purchase land at what might have been a fair price at the time the original land purchases were made for the National Recreation Area several years ago. Prices of all Appalachian land have increased tremendously since that time, and if the land must be claimed, the price should reflect the going rate at the time it is sold. Perhaps more appropriately, �64 Colonialism in Modern America the seller should be paid enough to assure his acquiring of living conditions equal to those he is forced to give up. Unless this is assured, the Forest Service or those representing it are not dealing ethically or honestly with the people. One of the more compelling arguments which could be used by those who would develop Appalachia as a major recreational center for the nation is the concept that land should be used in such a way as to provide the maximum benefit for the greatest number of people for the longest period of time. And certainly the displacement of a few hundred people by the recently proposed Mt. Rogers acquisition or even the displacement of the few thousands (or perhaps ten thousands) by recreation complexes throughout the mountain South is much overshadowed by the growing millions who use the region for rest and relaxation. However, there are other principles involved which have been dear to the hearts of Americans from the beginning of the nation: the principles encompassing the rights of the individual to own land and to the pursuit of happiness. These individual rights are on trial now more than at any time in American history, and in reality it is not the question of the greatest benefit to the greatest number of people. For the recreational complexes that are now being created are luxury complexes which only a privileged few (the 15 to 20 percent who own the bulk of the nation's wealth) can really afford to enjoy. And if the individual rights of the masses continue to be violated for the benefit of these privileged few, then the whole principle of individual freedom is in question. With regard more specifically to the culture impacts of the recreational developments in Appalachia, the more profound tragedy is that the last and most appealing islands of pioneer Elizabethan culture in the world have become the victims of that most infectious of American diseases, so-called "progress." There are still others who would suggest that the recreation developers are in reality doing more to preserve pioneer life in Southern Appalachia than the natives themselves by taking land which is subject to overcrowding and poor use by the natives and putting it to more productive use. They point out that pioneer styles are preserved in the rustic external structure of the second homes or vacation cabins, in the replica rail fences and water wheels, and in the much promoted mountain music festivals. But �The Impact of Recreational Development On Pioneer Life Styles 65 when one goes beneath the surface, the life style of the secondhome or summer-home owner is not a life style resembling in any way that of the mountaineer he replaces (notwithstanding the frequent exhortations of roadside advertisers for those passing through to become "mountaineers" by buying lots on English Mountain). His "cabin" with the rustic exterior of the earlier mountain home will be equipped with every appliance, including electric heat. And though he may wear the battered hat and overalls of the much caricatured mountain man, he would be hard pressed to hand tool a baby crib or cut his grass with a scythe. Nor would his wife be likely to know how to card or spin or hand weave a piece of cloth from the homespun. And philosophically the gap becomes broader, for generally the newcomer (outlander) is material oriented and accustomed to manipulating man and the land for profit; on the other hand, the mountain life style, though not shiftless as many would suggest, focuses primarily on meeting the basic human needs of food, clothing, and shelter. The new mountaineer must constantly be doing something, from moving the rocks in his rock garden to replacing the natural foliage with that of his choosing (often clashing horribly with the natural landscape), much to the amusement of the native who without benefit of training in meditation can spend hours on end in contemplative observation of the wonders of nature around him. It is probably true that most mountain people are fatalistic, particularly with regard to the natural events which affect their lives, and death is and has been viewed simply as a natural occurrence, even the death that he sees occurring around him. The Appalachian mountaineer is a product of a cultural heritage which is Elizabethan in origin but which has been modified by the human and physical environment in which he has lived for so long. This is reflected in his speech, his folklore, his ballads, his attitudes toward man and the land, and the harmonious relationship that exists between him and the natural setting he occupies. To assume that he could remain an unchanged element in the mountain setting with communicative inroads penetrating the region on all fronts is not realistic, and no one native to the mountains would want it to be that way. However, it is of major concern and within the realm of possibility that certain desirable Appalachian traits be retained by keeping those born Appalachian as the dominant element within the mountain �66 Colonialism in Modern America region. Also, by developing and encouraging among them (or us—for I am one of them) a pride in their heritage, something of their rich past may be retained or even strengthened. Though many assume, perhaps correctly, that it is too late to protect Appalachian culture from the devastation wrought by massive recreational developments, there is still some hope that at least important remnants of Appalachian culture may be preserved. However, the very nature of the native's personality seems to work against it. It would appear that effective local and regional land planning would be the best avenue, but the highly independent mountain people see this as a socialistic invasion of their individual rights, not recognizing that the basic purpose of planning and zoning would be to protect them against those who have exploited them in the past and will likely continue to do so in the future. From the perspective of the native looking at his native land, the following are offered as possible approaches to the problems we have noted. (1) More extensive wilderness areas should be set aside with the absolute exclusion of developmental enterprises while at the same time assuring those peoples living within such areas the right of continued occupation. (2) Regional and local planning agencies, in establishing zoning ordinances, should seek to assure that conditional use permits be required for all major recreational, commercial, and industrial developments. Public hearings for any such proposed development should be required. (Exclusion might include family or individually operated shops, service stations, home businesses, etc.) (3) Zoning regulations should be established which would require all developments to be cleared by a responsible environmental protection agency. This is particularly needed in all areas of massive minerals exploitation, massive industrial development, massive housing developments, and in many types of recreation developments (such as in areas where ski slopes are planned). (4) Zoning regulations should be established which would �The Impact of Recreational Development On Pioneer Life Styles 67 protect good farmland against the economic developer seeking to follow the path of lowest cost. (5) Lot size limitations should be established in all areas being developed. This action would work against the messy clustering of business establishments in narrow valleys and along roads which can handle only limited traffic. (6) Rigid controls over size and placement of billboards, glaring roadside lights, and other manifold roadside promotion devices should be established. (7) There should be a reappraisal of priorities for land use in the entire Appalachian region, with serious consideration given to development of legal devices which would provide protection of the native population against the multiple onslaughts of corporate interests. First in order would be the provision of a publicly supported legal aid system to counter that which corporations are able to employ. Such a provision is desperately needed now by those whose property is being condemned by the Forest Service in the Mt. Rogers National Recreation Area, for they do not have financial resources to fight the actions in the courts. (8) There should be legal provisions against the replacement of scenic mountain roads with "drive through" super highways directed toward benefitting the outside visitor. (9) Broadly, a more conscious effort should be made to protect and preserve the rights of the individual against the desires of big business and big government whose primary aim with regard to the Appalachians appears to have been the making of its natural beauty and resources more effectively exploitable by interests which come from outside, and who, by comparison with the natives, can afford to pay well for services provided. �68 Colonialism in Modern America NOTES *At a recent hearing relative to acquisition of additional land for park development by the Forest Service, people in the Helton Creek area adjacent to the Mt. Rogers National Recreational Area asked an official what economic benefits would come to the local people by an expansion of the area. After pondering the question a moment he replied, "Well, the campers coming in are going to want quite a bit of wood for their campfires." ^There have been a number of efforts to revive the traditional crafts, but craftsmanship gained earlier by a youngster at the foot of a craftsman father cannot be regained just because a market develops. Crafts schools have been established, but these are seen regionally as museums of the past rather than as vocational institutions where young men and women can develop economically valuable skills. There are a few true craftsmen operating in the tradition of the past, but these make up a very insignificant part of the total Southern Appalachian population. ^ Nancy Brower, "Recreational, Residential Developments Had a Big Year," Asheville Citizen, January 28, 1973. ^Peter Barnes and Larry Casalino, Who Owns the Land? Center for Rural Studies, Berkeley, California, 1972. ^There are numerous examples of tourist-recreational-residential impacts. The writer's sister bought 100 acres of land overlooking Boone, N.C. in the 1950's for $7,000.00 and sold 80 acres of it three years later for $10,000.00. The DuPont Corporation which now controls the 80 acres is selling homesites for $5,000.00 and up. The 20 acres still in the former owner's control is now valued at more than $80,000.00. Alfred McNeill, who lives well outside the Boone-Blowing Rock focus of development, reported in the summer of 1973 that his rough mountain land had gone up in sale value from less than $100 an acre in 1960 to a present value of more than $1,000 an acre. Like many others he would prefer to continue to farm but now is beginning to wonder how long he can continue in the face �The Impact of Recreational Development On Pioneer Life Styles 69 of increasing land values and associated increases in taxes. "Margaret Hitch, "Life in a Blue Ridge Hollow," Journal of Geography, Vol. XXX, November 1931, 308-322. 'The largest number of people to be displaced will be in the Helton Creek area of Smyth County. The writer recently visited the community and talked with a number of the local residents whose land is being sought. Some have already sold at what would appear to be less than fair market value, and far less than what they will have to pay for comparable living situations, and certainly only a fraction of the real value of the land in the light of the recreational development now planned. Charles Blevins owns 8l/2 acres, much of it good bottom land, and has a good frame house on it along with a number of other outbuildings. The small farm provides essentially all his food needs and a head or two of cattle for sale. The price offered by the Forest Service was $7,300, which would appear to be about one-third replacement value, discounting, of course, the esthetic worth of the mountain setting. There is a fish pond on the place for which Mr. Blevins had recently been offered $12,000. Mr. Blevins also reported that he had sold one acre of hill land within the last year for $1,000. In talking with others in the valley it would appear that the going rate offered by the Mt. Rogers land appraisers is around $200 an acre. There are few acres anywhere within the developing Appalachians with land values less than $1,000 an acre. �This page intentionally left blank �1973 Sir of 56 Sir O, it is To it is a to it a /or Act II, As a are no of the as the The In the of the of Ltd., a is the for of the are are "strip the and deof the are to fif us it of a in of the in May 16, 1) on �72 Colonialism in Modern America The American Association, Ltd. controls about 65,000 acres—over one hundred square miles—of coal-rich land in the Appalachian Mountains of Kentucky and Tennessee. This region is famous for a sad paradox: human misery and abject poverty atop and amidst some of the world's most abundant mineral deposits. The explanation is regrettably simple. Appalachia is a colony. The people there do not own the wealth. Large outside corporations like the American Association do. And the prime, almost exclusive, concern of these corporations has been to exploit the region at the lowest possible cost to themselves. Most of your company's holdings—about 50,000 acres—lie in the isolated "Clear Fork Valley" in Claiborne, Campbell, and Bell counties. Clear Fork is one of the most populated remaining valleys in the coal areas of Central Appalachia, with about 500700 households in the communities of Fonde, Pruden, Hamblintown, Clairfield, Buffalo, and Straight Creek. Your company owns perhaps 85 percent of the valley there. In this remote valley, the American Association has displayed corporate profitseeking at its worst. It has permitted wanton and destructive "strip mining''—mining by blasting and scraping away the surface instead of tunneling into a coal deposit. Once-beautiful mountains are now scarred and gouged; foliage is razed; streams are clogged and filled with acid and filth; the inhabitants are endangered by landslides, floods, and polluted water. The difference between what strip mining is doing to the land in Appalachia and what B-52 bombers have done to the land in Southeast Asia is one of degree, not of kind. And while carting away over 2.2 million tons of coal per year, leaving the region that much poorer, and in ruin, the American Association and the companies to which it leases have virtually ignored the needs of the residents there. They have avoided their fair share of the local tax burden. They have presided over the destruction of job opportunities. They have even blocked the efforts of the local citizens to better their own lot. Idealism and good intentions—spiced, albeit, with a goodly dose of empire and profits—propelled your firm into Appalachia in the early 1890's. Backed by capital from Britain's Baring Brothers, the American Association founded a town called Middlesboro (after a British counterpart) in the state of Ken- �Ralph Nader Letter 13 tucky and set out to make it the booming iron and coal capital of the southern United States. The venture was to strike a bold new phase in British enterprise and in Anglo-American relations. "This is but a transfer of British business to American soil/' proclaimed American Association founder Alexander Arthur on November 11, 1890, to visiting dignitaries in the newly-resplendent Middlesboro Hall. He went on: I would say that America needs this place and our Anglo-American money, experience and push. Our mines, ovens, furnaces and works you have seen; these comprise our plant. We have also the sinews of body and of money and stand ready, clean-cut, and vigorous, for a generation of progress and success in manufacture, arts, and sciences. Come and join hands with us in the great enterprise which is worthy of the noblest efforts of us all, native or foreign born though we may be. [emphasis supplied] But misfortune, greed, and highly questionable dealings soon shipwrecked the hoped-for "noblest efforts." The financial panic of 1893 dried up the venture's British backing; Middlesboro was sold at auction, and 80,000 acres of mountain and valley land were mortgaged to the Central Trust Co. of New York for $1,500,000. Then a strange thing happened. The Central Trust filed to recover on the mortgage in 1894, and one J. H. Bartlett was appointed Special Commissioner to conduct the sale. Mr. Bartlett let the property go for but $25,000—about thirty cents per acre. The buyer was, of all people, an agent of the American Association, Ltd., a newly-formed corporation with essentially the same membership as the American Association, Inc. Shortly thereafter, Mr. J. H. Bartlett became General Manager of American Association, Inc. The American Association, Inc. said later that the land had been worth well over one-half million dollars at the time of the sale. This strange transaction did not go unnoticed. Creditors of the American Association, Ltd. sued the new American Association, Inc. in Claiborne County for "fraud/ 1 claiming it had "paid nothing for said property." But the records of this suit went up in flames with the Claiborne County Courthouse. And researchers could find no trace of the suit at the Bell County Courthouse. �74 Colonialism in Modern America The Association had acquired its Appalachian Coal empire through means its founder Mr. Arthur and you might not wish to label a "transfer of British business to American soil." Most records of the era are either missing or else were burned with the county courthouse. But the region is alive with tales of how American Association agents tricked, threatened, or forced uneducated mountain people into giving up their valuable coal land for fifty cents to a dollar an acre. Said one mountaineer recently: The American Association said the land was worthless and that they would give my daddy a dollar an acre and we could live on the land and pay rent and they would pay the taxes. We didn't know it but we were standing barely 4' from a seam of coal when the American Association was talking to us. Local residents say that when the property records burned with the Courthouse, the American Association used the chance to claim property that wasn't theirs. At first, self-interest bound the American Association, and the coal operators to which it leases, to a sort of uneasy truce with the people of the region. The companies needed men to dig the coal out of the large deep mines. So they had to provide these men and their families with a pkce to live and at least a minimal level of human services. Usually this level was indeed minimal. The miners and their families lived often in indecent conditions and worked in hazard-trap mines. And they were virtual serfs to the companies that employed them and owned everything around them^their home, their credit at the company store, health care and recreation in the company town, even "justice" at the company-controlled courthouse. In the 1930's your company, along with others, tried to keep these miners from joining a union that could stand up for their rights. Yet, despite all this, the need for able, willing bodies to mine the coal made the American Association and its cohorts show some concern for the region and its people. But the cord that had kept this uneasy truce together has broken. Mining coal no longer requires people. In fact, people just get in the way. Your company has expressed the desire to rid the area of residents. It will no longer repair homes, and it �Ralph Nader Letter 75 plans to tear them down in the near future. Yet there is little other housing or even property on which to build housing. Depopulation has replaced paternalism as official corporate policy. "The people would be better off, and we would be better off, if they would be off our land," said Mr. Alvaredo E, Funk, the American Association's General Manager in Middlesboro, Kentucky. It began in the 1950's, when a coal market slump forced many coal operators to close down. Medium-sized independent operators, like those that lease much American Association land, were especially affected. Employment in the region dropped sharply. In 1952 there were 1,230 coal mining jobs in Claiborne County; but in 1958 there were but 282. Your company made no effort to provide other sources of employment for the men thrown out of work. Since the 1950's, the market for coal has revived. More than revived. It is positively bullish. But bullish for the American Association and other coal owners and operators, not for the people of the region where you get the coal. Automation and strip mining have cut drastically the need for miners. At the single large deep mine left on your property, that of Consolidation Coal, 350 men with modern machinery turn out about as much coal as 1,500 men produced at nine mines in 1948. And men are even more dispensable in strip mining. In Claiborne County alone, 200 men can now blast and bulldoze out almost as much coal as 1,500 deep-miners could dig in 1948. Today with the need for local labor gone, a sort of undeclared warfare has broken loose. The companies to whom you lease are making an unchecked assault upon the land, and in consequence, on its people. Is it hyperbole to compare your company's presence in Appalachia to a war zone? Consider the evidence. 1. Environmental Destruction Irresponsible strip mining on your lands in Tennessee �76 Colonialism in Modern America harkens dismally of the laying-waste-to-the-land strategies of bygone generals. As you know, a strip miner literally blasts away the sides or top of a mountain. He then bulldozes the debris over the side, and shovels out the coal. The process is fast, cheap, and destructive in the extreme. Landslides block roads and railways, destroy homes and farmlands, and imperil human beings. The blasting alone has cracked the frames and foundations of homes. Streams, choked with silt and debris, flood at the slightest rainfall, leaving harmful deposits on scarce fertile soils. Acid ancj mineral substances pollute the water and endanger the area's water supply. "We are afraid to go to sleep when it rains. We just stay up all night," says one Tennessee resident whose property these floods have ruined. In the Clear Fork Valley, some people must boil their water and add chlorine to it to make it safe to drink. And the Campbell County Highway Department has had to spend thousands of dollars clearing a single road after continual landslides. Is this the experience of people in peace or in war? Your company, the American Association, currently hosts more strip mining operations than does any other landowner in Tennessee. On your Claiborne County property alone, strippers laid waste to about 3,000 acres before the State passed a law in 1967 requiring that the land be restored. Since then, 1,400 more acres on your land have been stripped, and the reclamation is questionable at best, despite the new law. 2. Tax Evasion While their mineral wealth is literally carted out from under them, the people of this region pay, in measurable and immeasurable ways, for this destruction. State and local governments have to clear the roads after landslides and both roads and bridges after illegally overweight coal trucks have beaten them apart. The people pay for this through taxes and through their own efforts to undo the damage to their homes and property. Yet not only do they get little or nothing, not even jobs, in return, but your company also avoids its duty to pay taxes to meet the costs of local government. �Ralph Nader Letter 77 In the United States, local governments depend mainly on property taxes. Especially in Appalachia, where coal is the major form of property wealth, owners like the American Association are expected to pay their share. But it hasn't worked out that way in Claiborne County. Your 44,000 coal-laden acres there represent 17 percent of the county's land area and perhaps 90 percent of the county's coal reserves. Yet in 1970 your property taxes provided only 3 percent of the county's property tax revenue. That year your company claimed to the State Board of Equalization—the board of appeals—that 40,000 acres of its coal-rich land were worth but five dollars per acre. Yet in that one year alone you garnered more in royalty payments from the mining companies to which you lease. Complaints by local citizens led the Tennessee Board of Equalization to require that coal properties be assessed more accurately. But the figures your General Manager Mr. Funk then supplied the state were dubious at best. Local citizens charged that Mr. Funk's suspicious figures gave your company an almost one million dollar underassessment. The State Board seems to have borne out these claims when it tripled values Mr. Funk reported for properties now leased to Consolidation Coal. Still, the strip mines on your land are greatly underassessed and undertaxed. Two companies mining your land under lease appear to have escaped taxation altogether, while others seem to have kept all their mining equipment off the tax rolls. As late as 1972 your coal-rich Claiborne County lands that were not being mined were still assessed at only $25 an acre, less than the least expensive farm land in the county. 3. Housing As the major employer in the Clear Fork Valley, and as owner of most of the land, the American Association once provided most of the housing as well. But now that it no longer needs the people, it seeks to get rid of them. It is your company's declared policy to tear down its houses in the valley and not to build new ones. The houses your company still rents, it won't repair. Nor will it compensate tenants who make their own repairs. And the leases it grants are usually for only thirty days, if it grants a lease at all. And the tenant may be evicted �78 Colonialism in Modern America without cause or reason. "I've seen barns in better shape. . . .Why, I've worked farms where people wouldn't keep their animals in barns the shape of these houses," one tenant said recently. Meanwhile, strip mining destroys those homes and the land on which they rest. Residents count forty-two houses that have been stripped away in the small Rock Creek Hollow alone. And your company has turned its back on both the immediate distress and the long-run needs of people whose homes are thus destroyed. In 1955 on American Association property, water broke through an old "slag" pile, surged down and destroyed the community of Valley Creek. Two children were killed. Your company offered meager compensation. Just last year your company did not take preventive action when a landslide from a strip mine on your land threatened homes and lives in the community of Buffalo Hollow until local citizens hired an attorney and Granada Television filmed the slide for broadcast in Britain. Even the belated efforts you have taken—which have had little success—are of small comfort to people who have had to evacuate homes on your property before the invading army of bulldozing strip miners. Or to residents such as Lewis Lowe, who now faces perennial flooding along Clear Fork Creek. Or to the people endangered or blocked in by the landslides on such places as Duff Road. Your manager, Mr. Funk, stated in "The Stripping of Appalachia," a Granada television documentary: "We're ploughing back our share into the development of Appalachia." Ploughing, indeed, there is aplenty. But apparently the only "development" is on a minor part of your holdings in Cumberland Gap across the giant Cumberland Mountain from Clear Fork Valley. Here one finds a new Holiday Inn for tourists, and here a marina and golf course are planned, as your May 19, 1971, Statement to Shareholders puts it "to attract the wealthier citizens of Pineville and Middlesboro." What of the less wealthy residents of your 50,000 or more acres in the isolated Clear Fork Valley? They could move elsewhere, one might reply. After all, your Statement to Shareholders the following year applauds your contribution to the local housing supply. "We have continued," �Ralph Nader Letter 79 it says, "our policy of building houses on plots of land owned by us. . . ." But these too are across the Cumberland Mountains. In the isolated valley, housing is scarce because your company owns most of the land and is tearing down its houses. There are very few "ekewheres" for people who wish to remain on the land where they and their parents were raised. And jobs and living conditions in the distant cities are very uncertain. 4. Preventing Local Self-Help To keep the area under tight control, the American Association has blocked the efforts of local citizens to help themselves, to provide for their own jobs and housing. These people have formed a community development organization, the Model Valley Development Council, to better the lot of the valley and its residents. Several years ago, when the Council approached your company to buy land for a small factory, your company would consent to sell or lease only a single small tract. It was covered with slag and refuse from an old mine, and the Association would let it go only if the local people themselves cleaned up the shameful mess. In 1972 the American Association refused to sell or lease land for the people to build homes. Last autumn, American Association General Manager Funk would not consider making just one-half acre available for the community to build a health clinic. Since then (and after wide showing of the Granada T.V. documentary) Mr. Funk has suggested you might lease—but not sell—some land. But the people are still waiting. Meanwhile your company won't even let them cut trees for wood to repair their homes. The mere control of so much of this area's land and wealth sets your company athwart any growth or local self help there. The county government is reluctant to provide services like sewers and roads because the population is sparse—sparse largely because of American Association policy. Lack of these services in turn keeps new builders away. And potential industries shun the almost total dependence on your company that setting up in the region would involve. Your company won't help these people. And it won't let them help themselves. �80 Colonialism in Modern America The American Association's seventy-year occupation of this forgotten portion of Tennessee has resulted, then, in what? Surveys in the valley have shown unemployment at about 30 percent. About 20 percent of the households live on less than $1,000 per year; another 20 percent make less than $2,000. ($9,400 per year was the average family income in this country in 1969.) Homes are being destroyed and land and water are being ruined. Prospects for employment are grim. Prospects generally are grim, with your company looking ahead to 25-30 more years of strip mining and then timber cutting after that. Does this picture suggest the presence of a responsible citizen or of a greedy aggressor? And what will the picture be in twenty-five more years?—not in the small portion of your land north of Cumberland Mountain where you are building playspots for the rich, but in the depressed Clear Creek Valley where most of your holdings lie? The bloom indeed has faded from the hopes your countrymen held for the American Association venture in Kentucky and Tennessee. How different the response of two English people viewing the enterprise at the outset and now. Visiting the area of 1891, Sir James Kitson, then-President of the British Iron and Steel Institute, could boast: I think we all, as Englishmen, rejoiced to see a town which was being developed with so much sagacity, so much judgment and energy; that was being developed under English auspices and with British capital. Eighty years later your countrymen were holding their heads a bit lower. After watching the Granada television documentary on your holdings in Clear Fork Valley, a Middlesex, England, woman felt impelled to write a small local Tennessee newspaper: I write to tell you how ashamed I am that an English-owned company can so indiscriminately cause so much havoc to a small community. . . .My feelings after watching a recent television programme on the subject were ones of total horror. You must realize that I am an English woman of absolutely no importance, but nevertheless, would like �Ralph Nader Letter 81 to use the good offices of your newspaper to apologize for the desecration caused by an English company, on land in a country that has always had very close ties with my own. . . . It is true that the American Association is just one small part of your nearly L220m ($500,000,000) secrecy-enshrouded corporate empire, of which Investor's Chronicle magazine said: "What is quite unknown is how the empire is controlled, how the various companies relate to each other." This empire spans from Australia and Thailand to Canada and the West Indies and includes pursuits so diverse as racetracks, rubber plantations, and equipment for hairdressing salons. But the policies of the American Association spell the fate of the people and culture of the Clear Fork Valley. And they are now causing embarrassment to people of your own country. You have shown charitable instincts in many ways. You have served as officer or director of six hospitals. In 1953 you were on the Executive Council of the Lord Mayor's National Flood and Tempest Distress Fund. Until 1948 you were VicePresident of the League of Mercy. Now you can apply this same sense of responsibility to the corporate realm. What can you do? Such steps as the following, which you could set in motion at once, could begin to change your company from a hostile aggressor to a more responsible constructive citizen. 1. First, and most important, you should personally visit the region, for at least several days, to see firsthand what your company's policies have done. You should meet with local residents to hear their views and to discuss your company's past actions and plans for the future. 2. Your company should inventory and begin to correct the damage strip mining on its land has done. Especially urgent is the need to correct damage to homes, farms, roads, and water supplies. �82 Colonialism in Modern America 3. You should require all companies to whom the American Association leases to restore carefully and completely the property on which they mine and to repair any damage they do to the people or the region. 4. You should also require these companies to cooperate fully with tax officials and to provide them with the information necessary to set fair and equitable property tax assessments. Such information should include lease agreements, royalty rates, and survey and estimates of coal reserves. 5. As a symbol of your desire to compensate the people of the region for the valuable land your agents tricked or threatened their forebears into selling, you should donate some of your 50,000-odd acres for community development. 6. You should keep in good repair the housing you rent to local people. And you should extend to them fair and adequate lease protection. 7. You should stop refusing to sell land to local groups seeking to build industry or housing. 8. You should instruct your General Manager, Mr. Alverado E. Funk, to negotiate with local citizen groups a fair and equitable compensation for all the property taxes which the American Association has avoided in the past. 9. You should, in the future, consult with these citizen groups about changes in your company's policies in the area. Such steps will help get your company out of its social red ink in Appalachia. But what of the many other companies you control? Are they too laying waste forgotten corners of the world? There is a larger lesson to be learned from your destructive Appalachian venture. It is simply to apply to social problems on the corporate level the old adage "To foresee is to forestall." It would be a signal act of corporate foresight and responsibility for you to set up now a special committee to monitor the social impact of all the businesses you control. This committee should comprise both people from within your enterprises and repre- �Ralph Nader Letter 83 sentatives of outside groups who speak for important social concerns. It should have the full authority of your office and should report directly to you. "Come and join hands with us in the great enterprise which is worthy of the noblest efforts of us all" proclaimed the sanguine founder of the American Association, Alexander Arthur. While the standard since then has fallen miserably, it is not too late to hoist it up again. In fact, the decline, like adversity, could be sweet. It could occasion an ascent to a truly higher standard of corporate action and accountability. Will you exert your "noblest efforts" to that end? Or will your neglect be the occasion of a mobilized citizenry recovering their future through resurgent legal and political action? Sincerely, Ralph Nader �This page intentionally left blank �THE FOREST SERVICE AND APPALACHIA by SI has of has Is an by In the on the of oil, to and the a hut the the of of of the in (TV A) a In or of are the U.S. of the /I Georgia Kentucky North Carolina North Carolina 1,153 962 706 Nantahala 753 (c) % SI ff n» last in has «»rf the in �Colonialism in Modern America 86 State National Forest Acreage Square Miles Tennessee Virginia Virginia West Virginia Cherokee * 614,107 George Washington * * 1,003,874 J ef ferson * * * 621,473 Monongahela 831,329 960 1,615 971 1,299 TOTALS 8,419 5,388,598 This is an area larger than the states of Connecticut, Delaware, and Rhode Island combined! On the local level, the amount of national forest land in many counties in the Southern mountains is staggering. Within the Appalachian areas of West Virginia, Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, North Carolina, and Georgia, there are 37 counties in which the Forest Service owns over 20 percent of the land. In 14 of these counties, more than 40 percent of the land is in national forests: State County Acreage Georgia Georgia Georgia Georgia Kentucky North Carolina North Carolina North Carolina Tennessee Tennessee Virginia Virginia Virginia West Virginia Rabun Fannin Union Towns McCreary Macon Graham Clay Polk Unicoi Bath Craig Allegheny Pocahontas 235,520 262,160 197,760 106,240 267,520 330,880 184,960 136,320 278,400 118,400 345,600 215,040 285,440 603,520 NF Acreage 143,580 106,602 95,593 56,559 154,288 149,369 111,065 59,975 150,870 52,049 171,996 115,051 138,070 285,474 % NF 61% 42% 48% 54% 58% 45% 60% 44% 54% 44% 50% 54% 48% 47% From the point of view of the U.S. Forest Service, its concentration of land ownership in the Southern Appalachians is *Includes 327 acres in North Carolina. """Includes 100,386 acres in West Virginia. ** "Includes 961 acres in Kentucky and 18,245 in West Virginia. �The Forest Service and Appalachia 87 highly desirable; it is, in fact, something it has been working toward for a long time. Its basic strategy in the Southern mountains is set out in its official publication, Guide for Managing the National Forests in the Appalachians. The guide states in part: The concept of the Appalachian Greenbelt is possible because of the unique physiographic characteristics of the area. It is a mountainous green oasis in the Eastern United States from which flows a continuous supply of renewable resources and which provides the large surrounding population with a place to recreate in a natural setting. . . .Summer mountain temperatures are generally 10° lower than the adjacent plains. This factor makes the mountains a highly desirable retreat for city dwellers and other nearby residents. * As this statement makes clear, the national forests are seen by the Forest Service as a resource to be used primarily by the "large surrounding population" of "city dwellers and nearby residents." This includes, of course, the urban population of the Eastern Seaboard. No one can argue that residents of the Eastern cities probably need to "recreate in a natural setting" from time to time. But it is also necessary to remember that there are some 10 million people living in the so-called "Appalachian Greenbelt!" What about us? Well, we're pretty much out of luck, according to the Guide for Managing the National Forests in the Appalachians: Population losses within the Greenbelt can be attributed to the fact that this area can only sustain a limited number of people year-round. Many of the narrow mountain valleys are unsuitable for industrial complexes. Plans for economic development must recognize the limitations of the area so that over-emphasis on the wrong type of activities does not occur. The Forest Service is obviously not looking after anyone's interest except its own here. To write off industrial development for Appalachia because of its "narrow mountain valleys" is like saying that Pittsburgh can't support industry because of its many residential neighborhoods. In fact, Appalachia is for many reasons—raw material, electric power, access to population centers, �88 Colonialism in Modern America transportation, labor force—well suited for industrial growth. By ignoring the facts, the Forest Service is actively undermining the efforts of the ten million people who live in the mountains for economic, political and social self-development. But the Forest Service is not reacting to the needs of Appalachian people in its planning for Appalachia. As the Guide for Managing the National Forests in the Appalachians makes clear, it is motivated by a very different perspective: Pressures on the forest resources and environment within this mountain region come from many users. As long as population growth continues, pressure for products and services from the National Forest lands will grow. Unless definite limits are set for the protection of the environment and use of the resources within the Greenbelt, population pressure will bring about their impairment and eventual destruction. . . .This influence area for the Greenbelt stretches far outside National Forest boundaries. Total planning must consider the overall emphasis area. The problem with this comment is that the population pressure the Forest Service is talking about comes from outside the mountains. After all, population is not growing in Appalachia; the mountains have been losing folks steadily for years. This attitude makes as much sense (especially since the Forest Service is actively encouraging people to use the national forests) as saying that an Indian reservation is threatened by overcrowding because large numbers of tourists want to visit and camp there. The emphasis of the Forest Service on the needs of people outside the Southern mountains has, on occasion, been the root of conflict with local Appalachians. One incident is worth noting as an example of the extremes these conflicts sometimes reach. As reported by the Atlanta Constitution: Vernon McCall was "the weakest one in the community" of Balsam Grove, a village in the heart of Pisgah National Forest. Vernon, according to Mrs. Leonard Griffin, "is a sick boy. He has epilepsy and he's disabled." On February 22, men of the U.S. Forest Service broke �The Forest Service and Appalachia 89 into Vernon's trailer house, dragged out a bed and a few other belongings, and then dug a hole with a bulldozer, rammed his home, his lean-to, his pig pen and his little barn into it and buried the whole thing. Having erased every trace of his home, they planted pine seedlings over it. ... The Forest Service claimed the government owned the land, not Vernon, and they had been trying to get him off it since 1968. But the community lawyer said no legal action had been taken to evict Vernon, and local authorities proceeded to charge Forest Ranger Dan W. Hile with willful injury to personal property. . . . Meantime Vernon, who is 40, has rented a new trailer, and scratches out a living on welfare and what he can make picking and selling ivy. And the seedlings the Forest Service planted over his old trailer have died. What makes all of this so intolerable is that the people of Appalachia are the ones who actually pay for these national forests. Anyone who knows the area is familiar with the irony of high taxes on the one hand and low public services on the other—a situation common to many Southern mountain counties. It has often been noted that in the coal counties this is partly the result of the undertaxation of coal lands. What has not been recognized is that in counties with national forest lands the tax-exempt status of these lands has undermined the tax base and increased the tax burden on local property owners. The following report examines the effects which the national forests in Appalachia have had on the ability of mountain counties to govern and finance themselves. Federal Lands and County Finances One of the direct and measurable effects of national forest holdings in Appalachia is the loss of local property tax revenue. At the end of 1972, Forest Service holdings totaled 5,388,598 acres in Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, and West Virginia. Being Federal property, these lands are exempt from state, county, and city/town taxes. While it is difficult to estimate the exact extent of the tax loss, it is probable �90 Colonialism in Modern America that, based on average values for land and effective tax rates in the counties involved, the Appalachian national forests cost local governments nearly $10 million a year in lost tax revenuesrevenues that would go to support schools, roads, health programs, welfare, and other public services. This tax loss has not often been recognized—partly because the Forest Service in its intensive public relations campaigns emphasizes the financial gain to counties from national forest lands. This type of publicity never mentions the fact that these lands are tax exempt; or that they had previously been on county tax digests; or the amount of revenue lost to counties when the lands passed from private to Federal ownership. But the fact is that in 1972 the total Forest Service payments to Appalachian counties were only $734,641.08—less than 14 cents an acre and well under 10 percent of what the property taxes alone would have been if the land were still in private hands. The small sums that are paid by the Forest Service to local counties come from its so-called "25% Fund," authorized by the 1911 Weeks Act. This act, in effect, authorized the national forest system by providing for the Federal government to purchase lands necessary to protect the flow of navigable streams, including their watersheds. The 13th Section of the Weeks Act (36 Stat. 961-963) provides: Twenty-five per centum of all moneys received during any fiscal year from each national forest into which lands acquired under this Act may be divided shall be paid, at the end of such year, by the Secretary of the Treasury to the State in which such national forest is situated, to be expended as the State legislature may prescribe for the benefit of the public schools and public roads of the counties in which such national forest is situated.^ The income from national forests comes mostly from the sale of timber "on the stump," although a certain amount also comes from other fees and from special permits such as those for mining and recreational areas. Unlike the national forests of the Western United States, which produce valuable old-growth sawtimber, the Appalachian national forests have in the past produced trees suitable only for pulpwood. As any mountain landowner will tell you, selling pulpwood on the stump is no way to �The Forest Service and Appalachia 91 bring in money. If cut selectively, mountain land will make five to ten cords of pulpwood per acre; if clearcut, it will make ten to twenty cords. The going price for Forest Service pulpwood on the stump in Appalachia is about $2.00 a cord. Selectively cut land can be logged again in about ten years; clearcut land, in about thirty. Thus, on an average yearly basis, the "income" from an acre of national forest land in the Southern mountains is between 66 cents and $2.00. Aside from the low revenue which this gives to counties, the problem with this system is that it makes "25% Fund" payments—on which counties must depend to help finance roads and schools—completely dependent on an arbitrary factor: how much wood the forest service decides to cut that year. This produces a not-so-subtle pressure on local government to approve the high rates of timber-cutting the forest service would like to set and locally-hated practices such as clearcutting. For example, during the recent struggle over proposed Forest Service clearcutting in the Cohutta Mountains in Fannin County, Georgia —one of the proposed areas in the Eastern Omnibus Wilderness Bill—petitions were circulated which read: We cannot afford the loss of revenues that are presently being returned to our county governments by the Forest Service from timber sales. We do not wish to retire our forests from production when we know that the local people will have to pick up the additional tax load; neither do we want the added tax to discourage local population growth, because this is already a problem for our rural areas." In fact, since timber-cutting revenues in any national forest are lumped together each year before distributing to counties, Fannin County would have received 14.4 percent (its proportionate share of Chattahoochee national forest acreage) of 25 percent (the Weeks Act formula) of whatever income clearcutting the Cohuttas produced—3.6 cents of every dollar of timber cut! Because the "25% Fund" payments are based on revenue from timber cutting, payments per acre vary widely from state to state and even among national forests within the same state. In Georgia, the Chattahoochee National Forest, which is located within the Appalachian area of the state, made payments to �92 Colonialism in Modern America counties of 26.7 cents per acre in 1972. Counties in Georgia's Ocoee National Forest, however, which lies in the state's pulpwood belt, were paid $1.39 per acre—more than five times what the Appalachian counties received. Payments vary even more widely from state to state. In 1972, average payments were 41 cents in Georgia (this includes the high payment received for the Ocoee National Forest); 21 cents in North Carolina; 17 cents in Kentucky; 15 cents in Tennessee; 5 cents in Virginia; and 11 cents in West Virginia. By comparison, the average payment per acre was $1.03 in California; $2.16 in Louisiana; $1.40 in Mississippi, $2.12 in Oregon; $1.01 in South Carolina; $1.23 in Texas; and $0.95 in Washington. The average payment per acre for all national forests in all states was 58 cents. The average payment per acre for all Appalachian national forests was 13.5 cents, less than one fourth the national average! Two other ways of looking at this situation help make clear just how discriminatory it is: (1) If counties in Appalachia had received "25% Fund" payments at the national average rate of 58 cents/acre, they would have received $3,125,868 instead of $734,641. (2) If all the revenue produced by the National Forests was divided among counties on the basis of their proportionate share of National Forest acreage, the Appalachian counties would have received $12,503,472 in 1972—seventeen times what they actually got. Another way of trying to evaluate the fairness or unfairness as well of the constitutionality of the way in which national forest revenue is distributed is to look at it in terms of payment per person to affected counties. After all, "25% Fund" payments were earmarked by the Weeks Act for support of roads and schools, the two items which usually make up the bulk of a rural county's budget. Since the national forest funds are Federal payments, it stands to reason that they should be distributed on an equitable basis. In the 37 Appalachian counties which have 20 percent or �The Forest Service and Appalachia 93 more of their area in national forests, payments per person in 1972 ranged from a low of 9 cents per person (Smyth County, Virginia) to a high of $5.01 per person (Rabun County, Georgia). The average figure was 93 cents per person. Compare this with payments per person made in Western counties with similar populations. These figures ranged from a low of $101.14 per person (Curry County, Oregon) to a high of $437.53 per person (Skamonia County, Washington). It doesn't take much imagination to see what Federal subsidies of this size could mean to education in revenue-starved Appalachian counties. A further problem caused by the fact that national forest payments depend on timber-cutting revenue is that counties are not able to predict the amount of revenue they will receive in any year. For example, in 1969, during the period of greatest clear-cutting in the Monongahela National Forest, counties received 25.9 cents. In Pocahontas County, West Virginia, this meant that income from national forests in the county dropped from $73,050 in 1969 to $33,931 in 1972, a loss of $39,119. For a county with a population of 8,640, this is a tremendous revenue loss. As rates per acre dropped between 1969 and 1972, other counties experienced similar losses. Throughout the Appalachian region, despite the fact that national forest acreage increased 3 percent in the three years from 1969 to 1972, the amount received from the Forest Service decreased $159,070. Of all regions in the country, Appalachia is one of those which can least afford this type of revenue loss. The loss of this amount of revenue may not seem significant to some people who are used to urban budgets. But it is important to realize that—partly because of the lack of growth due to lack of land—the Appalachian counties in which the national forests are concentrated are among the smallest and poorest counties in the nation. According to 1970 census data, the average population of the fourteen Appalachian counties with over 40 percent national forest land is less than 9,000. Their average rate of poverty in 1970 was 29.2 percent—more than twice the average for the United States as a whole. Not one of these counties had a poverty rate less than the national average. In the thirty years prior to 1970, these counties combined lost 13.2 percent of their population, and only one of the fourteen gained population in this period. �94 Colonialism in Modern America These counties are affected not only by revenue loss, lack of public services, high poverty incidence and outmigration rates, but—to add insult to injury—by local property taxes that are significantly higher than those in counties without national forest lands. Looking again at the fourteen counties with over 40 percent of their land held by the Forest Service, the effective tax rate* for these counties is on the average 15 percent higher than the average effective tax rate for the state.** This situation is especially apparent in Tennessee and Georgia. Polk County, Tennessee, for example, with 54 percent of its land held by the Forest Service, has an effective tax rate of $1.38 per $100 compared to a state average rate of $0.90. Of 75 Tennessee counties with single tax rates, Polk County has the fifth highest rate. In Georgia, Fannin County, which is 42 percent national forest land, has the highest tax rate of all counties in the state—higher than the non-municipal rates of Fulton (Atlanta), Muscogee (Columbus), Bibb (Macon), Richmond (Augusta), or Chatham (Savannah) counties. This situation has not gone unnoticed politically. The Commissioner of Roads and Revenues of Fannin County has made a summary statement of local attitudes toward the problem: Fannin County does realize a good many benefits in ways that encourage people to live here, but must also tolerate some serious circumstances. . . .The U.S. Forest Service now owns some 106,000 acres of land within Fannin County and this deprives the county of approximately $150,000 per year in tax revenue. A large portion of this land has progressively been acquired from private land owners who had formerly been paying taxes. This process has resulted in a steady undermining of our tax base. This example, combined with the tax rate we pay in Fannin County, creates a constant hardship on a lot of * "Effective tax rate" figures combine millage rates with assessment rates to reach a figure which can be compared with others on a tax rate per $100 of true property value basis. **In fact, the actual tax rates for these counties exceed comparable rates for rural counties by more than 15 percent, since the state figures include urban and metropolitan counties. �The Forest Service and Appalachia 95 our people who still own a fair amount of taxable property. Every time a piece of property falls into the hands of the Forest Service, the tax revenue formerly received from it is gone for good, and the remaining property owners must share this loss in revenue. . . .They purchase private land as it becomes available with our Federal tax money, and use it, in fact, to undermine the local tax sources where our local revenue must come from to support our local government. . . . We can no longer ignore the seriousness of these problems. There must be some compatible adjustment when land is acquired and results in a revenue loss.^ Responding editorially to the above remarks, one of the local newspapers, The Blue Ridge Summit-Post, wrote: The increase in taxes will no doubt place a great deal of strain on the working man's pocketbook. . . .Our tax rate in the past has been in no way below average standards, yet we, as a county, have profited little from the revenue obtained from it. We see as one of the reasons for our county's tax problem that great land speculator and wild real estate dealer, The Forest Service. We feel that the state and Federal governments should find a means of returning some of the revenue on this untaxed land to the county, where it belongs. Federal preservation of forest land is a good thing; we believe in some land control; but taxes are taxes, and Fannin County is having to strain the wrong pay check. Our residents work hard for their living, and carrying the load for the Forest Service is not helping the situation. We suggest some type of revenue return to the county on the part of its greatest landholder, The Forest Service.8 The Politics of National Forests The U.S. Forest Service itself has at different times taken different positions on the effect its policies have on local counties. Its usual position is that the "25% Fund" payments are a tremendous benefit to local governments. Their public relations �96 Colonialism in Modern America campaign to convince local, state, and national political figures has been so effective that a preliminary draft of The Last Stand: The Nader Study Group Report on the Forest Service stated: They [local residents] also receive generous public service benefits from National Forest timber cutting. To compensate counties containing National Forest land for their small amount of taxable property, the federal government pays them 25 percent of the receipts from National Forest timber sales within their bounds to support construction of public schools and roads.^ To term the token payments which the Forest Service makes to local counties "generous public service benefits" is, to say the least, not particularly accurate (the statement has been deleted from the final report); but the example does show the tremendous extent to which Forest Service public relations has been effective. At other times, the Forest Service has downplayed the "25% Fund" and emphasized other benefits from National Forests. One Forest Service spokesperson has stated: Without any doubt, the many other contributions to the economic development of the Appalachian Region made by the National Forests far outweigh the 25% return to the counties. It is not practical to place a monetary value on many of these contributions. I refer to such things as: -Recreation use plus hunting and fishing. . . .In a National Survey of Fishing and Hunting by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service in 1965, they placed an economic value on a fishing man-day of $5.60 and a hunting man-day of $6.03. It would be higher today. So, you can see that this item alone would exceed the value of the 25% fund which is used only on schools and roads in the counties having National Forest lands. --Watershed protection benefitting local areas as well as down stream flood protection. -Employment of people maintaining and administering National Forests plus those employed to harvest timber which we have grown, etc. -Construction and maintenance of roads and �The Forest Service and Appalachia 97 bridges which would otherwise have to be maintained by the counties or state. ® The inaccuracies in this statement are highly misleading. The "economic value" of fishing and hunting involves money spent at local stores which is useful, but not to be confused with county income from taxes which is spent on education, health, and welfare. Clear cutting on national forest lands has destroyed many watersheds and increased hazards of flooding. Forest service employees are paid out of money appropriated from the Federal budget, which comes from taxes paid by local residents. No one is "employed" by the Forest Service to harvest timber; the wood is sold on the stump to woodcutters and timber companies. Most of the timber on national forest lands was not "grown" by the Forest Service; it was there when the land was acquired from private landowners. Few of the clearcut areas in the Appalachians have even been reforested. Nationally, the Forest Service is 733,000 acres behind on reforesting clearcut lands.11 As for road maintenance, this year alone the Forest Service closed 60 miles of roads in the Chattahoochee National Forest out of a total of 1,392. And the damage done to county and state roads by overloaded trucks carrying timber from the national forests is a direct cost to local government and a hazard and inconvenience to local residents. The fact is that other benefits do not "outweigh the 25% return to the counties"; they do not begin to compensate for the loss of tax revenue. In fact, the Public Land Law Review Commission in its 1970 report to the President and Congress concluded: While benefits are national, the geographical distribution of the Federal lands makes their burdens regional and local, and, in general, Federal ownership of public lands provides no distinguishable benefits to state and local governments in lieu of the benefits they would receive if the lands were privately owned. The Forest Service has also argued on occasion that one third of the United States is owned by the Federal government and that it would be impossible to make payments for all these lands. But there is a difference between many of the western national forests which have always been public lands and the �98 Colonialism in Modern America national forests in Appalachia, which have been bought up since the passage of the Weeks Act in 1911. Before 1911, none of the land now in the Appalachian national forests was owned by the Federal government; all of it was owned privately and was subject to local property taxes. The acquisition over the past 62 years of so much Appalachian land by the Forest Service has meant an increasing destruction of local tax digests, especially in those 37 Appalachian counties where between 20 percent and 61 percent of the land has passed into Federal hands. It is clear that the national forests are not contributing nearly as much as the Forest Service claims to the economic growth of the counties where they are located. The evidence suggests that the opposite is true. The loss of tax revenue has produced a scarcity of public services, including education and health care. The control of so much land by the government has artificially driven prices up for mountain land. Because of the demands for summer homes, recreational development, and land speculation, farming is no longer economically possible in many places. These conditions have helped encourage many young people to leave the area and have prevented many who have left from coming back. Whatever benefits the Appalachian national forests provide to the nation as a whole, for the residents of mountain counties they mean higher taxes and decreased public services. In effect, the people of Appalachia are being taxed to provide recreation and relaxation for people from other wealthier areas. No one can deny that there is a national need for recreation; but that does not make it right that mountain people should have their taxes raised and their public services cut back so that well-to-do tourists can enjoy themselves at no cost. There are several Federal precedents which strongly suggest that the Forest Service's way of doing business in Appalachia is neither desirable nor necessary. A startling comparison comes when we contrast payments made to counties by the Forest Service with those made by the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA). In 1972, for example, TVA paid $252,766 to Polk County, Tennessee, in lieu of taxes on the 3,418 acres it owns in the county—$66.05 an acre. The Forest Service paid the county $22,612 for 150,870 acres-15 cents an acre. To put it a little differently, the Forest Service owns 44 times as much land in Polk County as TVA; but TVA paid the county 11 times as much! �The Forest Service and Appalachia 99 TVA's responsibility to counties where it has operations, however, is very different from the Forest Service. The Tennessee Valley Authority Act provides: TVA's payments to the respective states shall not be less than the higher of (1) the average of state, county, municipal and district property tax levied by them on purchased power property and on the portion of TVA land allocated for power use for the last two years such properly was in private ownership or (2) $10,000. TVA pays directly to counties amounts equivalent to the former county and district taxes derived from power properties purchased as such by TVA and from reservoir lands allocable to power. . . .These direct payments to counties fully replace tax losses which result from the transfer of such properties to public ownership [ed. emphasis] .1* The TVA Act is not the only Federal precedent for the principle of full income replacement to counties. Public Law 81-874, commonly known as the "impacted areas" program, provides under Section 2, "Reduction in Local Revenue by Reason of Acquisition of Real Property by the United States": A school district may be eligible if (1) the property was acquired by transfer and not by exchange since 1938; (2) the assessed valuation of such property represents 10% or more of the assessed valuation of all realty in the district at time or times of transfer; and (3) the acquisition has imposed on the school district a substantial and continuing financial burden. Maximum entitlement is the product of the applicant's current expense tax rate applied to the estimated assessed valuation of the Federal property (exclusive of improvements since transfer date).14 In fiscal 1969, a total of 106 school districts in the United States received Federal tax replacement payments under this provision. The total paid to these districts was over $3Vz million. It is obvious that it is way past time for the U.S. Government and the Forest Service to begin full compensation to Appalachian counties for tax losses caused by national forest holdings and perhaps to compensate these counties for their �100 Colonialism in Modern America losses in past years as well. This has been recognized by two recent studies. The Last Stand: The Nader Study Group Report on the U.S. Forest Service states as one of its final recommendations: To reduce local pressure on the Forest Service and members of Congress to increase National Forest timber cutting, Congress should abolish the practice of returning 25 percent of timber sales receipts to the counties in which the timber is cut. It should replace these payments with the more equitable and dependable federal aid to impacted areas (now granted to states containing nontaxable Defense Department property) to all counties embracing National Forest land, regardless of the amount of timber cutting.* ^ A much stronger statement has been made by the Public Land Law Review Commission. In its official report, One Third of the Nation's Land, the Commission states: The legislative history of the acts providing for the sharing of receipts from forest products and oil and gas, as well as other leasable minerals, clearly reflects that the payments to the states and local governments were intended as compensation for the fact that the lands in question would no longer be available for private ownership and property taxation. . . .Since the ad valorem tax system has been the foundation for the financing of programs providing municipal services, the Commission believes that all landowners must share in payment for these services. This should not exclude the Federal government as landowner, except where the federally owned land is being used for facilities, such as in the case of post offices, to furnish services to all the people throughout the country . . . .If the national interest dictates that lands should be retained in Federal ownership, it is the obligation of the United States to make certain that the burden of that policy is spread among all the people of the United States and is not borne only by those states and governments in whose area the land is located. Therefore, the Federal Government should make payments to compensate state and local governments for the tax immunity of Federal lands. . . .We find further that any attempt to tie �The Forest Service and Appalachia 101 payments to states and local governments to receipts generated from the sale or use of public lands or their resources causes an undue emphasis to be given in program planning to the receipts that may be generated. " There are a number of other Forest Service practices which often conflict with local needs. One is the charging of fees to use recreational areas in the national forests. These fees range from $1.00 to $3.00 a day, or $10.00 for a "Golden Eagle" passport which allows entry to certain areas for a year. These fees may seem reasonable to tourists, but they are out of reach for most poor families. As a result, local residents are often not able to afford recreational facilities built by the Forest Service in their own counties. One North Georgia mountaineer, commenting on the Forest Service's plan to build campsites in the Cohutta Wildlife Refuge, one of the few wilderness areas left in the Eastern United States, said: There's a lot of old mountain people beside me who aren't going to take kindly to the idea of getting a permit to go onto land they call home.*' Many Southern mountain residents are also concerned by the rate at which the Forest Service is still acquiring land. A recent example of this process occurred in 1971 in Bland County, Virginia, in the Jefferson National Forest. One Virginia resident and forestry student who has been in close touch with the situation wrote: Consolidation Coal Company owned 46,000 acres of land in the county, containing relatively small amounts of semi-anthracite coal. Consol sold the land (finding the coal too poor to be profitably mined), amounting to one fifth of the county, to the U.S. Forest Service, which has incorporated it into the Jefferson National Forest. Combined with the county land already controlled by the Forest Service, it will put nearly a quarter of the county's real estate under government ownership. Large opposition to the land sale was expressed by Bland County residents. By the government owning one-quarter of the county, local revenues will be severely hurt. When Consolidation Coal owned the land last year, the com- �102 Colonialism in Modern America pany, a subsidiary of Continental Oil, paid just 14 cents an acre in taxes, amounting to a total of $6,800. The Forest Service pays no taxes, but will pay a small compensation of $3,600—or just eight cents an acre. The $3,200 loss, opponents say, could destroy the Bland County budget, which has had severe fiscal problems for some time. Most of the biggest supporters of the land sale were nonresidents and outside agencies, including various sportsmen^ clubs. The Bland County Board of Supervisors voted against the land deal twice last year. But a new Board of Supervisors has now voted in favor of the sale, yielding to the heavy pressure by outside groups. So now the land is destined for tourist and recreational development by the Forest Service. Just how this will benefit the residencts of Bland County, only time will tell.18 Appalachian working people are also critical of the ways in which timber sales are conducted. These sales are carried out by sealed bid. However, the Forest Service requires the posting of a cash "bid bond" with each bid. On a recent sale in which the minimum bid permitted was $2,297, the required bid bond was $300, a hard amount for self-employed woodcutters to come by. "Performance bonds," sometimes in the total amount of the contract price, are also required. These rules have the effect of making it extremely difficult for the small independent woodcutter to bid successfully on Forest Service timber. The contracts thus go more often than not to the large timber corporations. Of the Forest Service practices, none is more deeply resented than their use of condemnation proceedings to acquire homes and farms for national forests. Because of past abuses of its condemnation powers, the Forest Service's power to condemn land for National Forests was removed by Congress in 1964. This power is retained, however, in the case of national recreation areas. The pending Eastern Omnibus Wilderness Act (S.316) would restore condemnation powers to the Forest Service in the proposed Eastern Wilderness areas. One develop- �The Forest Service and Appalachia 103 ing national recreation area is located in the Jefferson National Forest in Southwest Virginia. One organizer who has been working with local residents to save their homes and farms from condemnation has written: The Mt, Rogers National Recreation Area, as defined by Congress in 1966, covers 154,000 acres in five counties of southwest Virginia. These counties are: Washington, Smyth, Gray son, Carroll and Wythe. The National Recreation Area (the Forest Service's equivalent to a National Park) is to be developed to accommodate, by present plans, an estimated five million tourists a year by 1990. To do this, the Forest Service has begun acquiring lands for campgrounds, livery stables, lakes, ski slopes and other recreation facilities. Some of the land has been openly bought from residents who, according to the Forest Service, are "willing sellers.'* While the Forest Service claims that condemnation proceedings are necessary to acquire land efficiently, many residents resent this practice and point out abuses of it. The central issue, as many local residents see it, is not simply whether or not there should be a National Recreation Area, but rather the fact that the people are having no say in the plans and developments of their communities and homes. ^ This lack of local input into Forest Service planning is a complaint heard frequently in Appalachian counties where the national forests are found. Traditionally, the Forest Service has carried out its plans without consulting local government or citizens. Lately, in response to public pressure from many sources, it has taken to holding 'listening posts" at which local residents are asked to present their opinions. These ' 'listening posts," however, have generally been held after the Forest Service had already prepared written plans of action for the areas in question. There is also evidence that the hearings are not taken into serious consideration. At a recent hearing in North Georgia, over 90 percent of the witnesses spoke against Forest Service proposals. These proposals would have included clear-cutting vast areas of the Cohutta Wildlife Refuge, despite the fact that this �104 Colonialism in Modern America area has been proposed as a Wilderness Area in the Eastern Omnibus Wilderness Bill. Yet, when a transcript of the hearing was requested, the Forest Service replied that it did not plan to transcribe the tape they had made of the hearing. It is difficult to see how a hearing could be a legitimate part of a public planning process when the only record of it is a tape recording in a Forest Service office. This type of practice led one county official to react in a letter to the Forest Service: After attending your meeting at Etowah on the Hiwassee Unit, I came away with the feeling that the Forest Service has already drawn up a tentative plan. If this is the case, I think in the interest of saving time and effort, the Forest Service should present their plan and then have hearings before it is adopted. . . .The U.S. Forest Service [has] never attempted to work with local government on future plans for U.S. Forest Service lands within their political subdivision. Conclusions It is evident that Appalachian people are bearing an unfair share of the cost of maintaining a national forest system and are getting very few of the benefits. If the national forests in the Southern mountains are to benefit Appalachians as well as other Americans, some changes in Forest Service policy must be made. The following are recommendations which, based on the facts set out in this study, are necessary to achieve this goal. (1) The Forest Service should make payments in lieu of taxes to all counties in Appalachia (and elsewhere) where national forest lands are located. These payments should be equal to the amount of ad valorem tax these lands would produce if privately owned. (2) Until such a system is adopted, all income from the national forests should be redistributed to the counties in which these lands are located in proportion to the share which each county has of the national total. Such a system would provide each county in Appalachia with national forests approximately sixteen times its current payment. It would also remedy the gross inequalities in distribution of national forest revenues �The Forest Service and Appalachia 105 which now exist among different national forests and states. The present system is a gross violation of the equal protection provisions of the U.S. Constitution and should definitely be challenged in the courts. (3) To avoid destruction of county economic bases, a limit should be set on the amount of land the Forest Service is permitted to own in any given county. (4) Admission to Forest Service recreational areas should be free to residents of counties where these areas are located. (5) The Forest Service should be required to hold public hearings before closing any national forest roads and to show cause before taking action. Procedures should be established through which local citizens, without undue difficulty or expense, can stop such proposed Forest Service actions where they are definitely not in the interest of the local community. (6) Any Forest Service plans for land acquisition, recreational development, road construction, logging, subcontracting, mining, land swaps, special use permits, and other uses of the national forests should be subject to the prior approval of an elected county committee. (7) The Forest Service should be absolutely prohibited from using condemnation proceedings to acquire any owneroccupied farms or homes in national forests, wilderness areas or national recreation areas. Where such lands have been acquired by condemnation, they should be returned without cost to the previous owners. (8) Timber tracts should be bid off in small enough lots so that small independent woodcutters can compete. Bid bonds should be abolished and a different system established to guarantee performance that would not discriminate against individual woodcutters. It should be required that 50 percent of all national forest timber be sold to independent woodcutters, cooperatives, or small wood companies which are located in the county where the boundary of timber is located. This will help reduce abuse of the current bid system by the giant timber corporations. �106 Colonialism in Modern America (9) Where the process of removing national forest timber damages county or state roads, the Forest Service should be required to pay for their maintenance and repair. (10) Clearcutting, a process which destroys timber, land and water resources, should be totally prohibited on national forest lands. (11) County and town governments should have the right to acquire national forest lands through eminent domain proceedings to build public facilities such as schools and hospitals. The situation as it now exists in the Southern mountains violates the letter, and certainly the spirit, of equal protection laws. It is grossly unfair that the financial burden of providing recreation for the Eastern United States should fall so heavily on some of the poorest citizens in the country, yet this is exactly what is happening. It is ridiculous to spend millions for campsites in communities which lack funds for schools, hospitals, health care, transportation, water systems, sewage disposal, and housing; yet this is what is happening. A number of Appalachian writers have suggested that the Federal government sees Appalachia mainly as a support area for the Eastern Seaboard, providing coal, minerals, electricity, timber and recreation to people outside the mountains. It is possible that in the minds of some economic and political planners, such as the Forest Service officials who wrote the Guide for Managing the National Forests in the Appalachians, the Southern mountains exist in the future as one vast Federal holding to be harvested by the coal corporations, the energy conglomerates, the timber and tourist industries. Mountain people are living on top of some of the greatest natural resources in the United States. History teaches that when poor and working people stand in the way of harvesting such resources, they and their interests will usually be moved aside. On the other hand, the national forest lands in Appalachia could become a real resource to mountain people by providing jobs, land for public facilities, and the revenue for badly needed service programs. Even more, these lands, which have been taken from Appalachian people, could some day be returned to them to live and work on: lands which their grandparents �The Forest Service and Appalachia 107 settled and cleared and which their children are being forced to leave. �108 Colonialism in Modern America NOTES *Guide for Managing the National Forests in the Appalachians, pages 7, 33. 2 Guide, page 8. $ Guide, pages 7, 8. ^The Atlanta Constitution, May 12, 1971. *The Principal Laws Relating to the Establishment of the National Forests and to Other Forest Service Activities, page 45. "Undated petition beginning "We, the undersigned are against S.316, H.R. 1758, Wilderness Study Act H.R. 2420 and such Eastern Wilderness bills. . . .," author's possession. 7 Blue Ridge Summit-Post, Blue Ridge, Georgia, October 11, 1972. 8 Ibid. ^The Last Stand: Service, pages V-l 3. The Nader Study Group Report on the Forest * ^Letter from W. W. Huber, Chief, Division of Information and Education, Southeast Region, U.S. Forest Service, dated January 18, 1971. ll The Last Stand, pages III-9. Third of the Nation's Land: A Report to the President and to The Congress by the Public Land Law Review Commission, page 238. 13 "TVA Power: Payments in Lieu of Taxes," TVA Information Office, Knoxville, Tennessee, November, 1972. �The Forest Service and Appalachia 109 14 "Administration of Public Laws 81-874 and 81-815: Nineteenth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Education," Office of Education, U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Washington, D.C., June 30, 1969. 15 The Last Stand, pages VI-37. 16 One Third of the Nation's Land, pages 4, 236, 238. l^U.S. Forest Service "Listening Post" on Cohutta Mountains Unit, Chatsworth, Georgia, August 1, 1972. 18 Letter from Dave Tice dated January 22, 1973. 1 ^Letter from Dave Tice dated February, 1973. 2®The McCaysville Citizen, McCaysville, Georgia, September 23, 1971. ����Ill 111: The five the the and set up son and the in the In the of Sue the life the and the and and it in the of to the velopers in by Theft" He the the the of and the the use of the of in "The at of be- the of in "The Big of the the of to in "Property, powerlessness. the cure to the of of control. in the by He to to to se- Rag" by de- by in to the of for the the life in in and to for the to the the to ��IN or AT BIG MY by or and has of or Dix is an in "the unIn reof it—"neo-colonialism," to the to nt tbe to at the A Asso is a of on Reis A at in an tbe is a in in tbe a of tbe at is fit St. �114 Colonialism in Modern America the two most resistant aspects of traditional mountain culture, the family structure and religion, to see in what ways they resisted or adapted to the process or how they were used as instruments of colonial domination. Central Appalachia—which is made up of eastern Kentucky, southern West Virginia, southwestern Virginia and northeast Tennessee—was the most isolated part of the Southern mountains. Except for a few outposts, the area was not settled until after the Revolutionary War. Mrs. John C. Campbell describes the area and its early settlement and characterizes the people living in the mountains as descendants of colonial English, Scotch-Irish, and German stock, "the advance guard of the great migration to the west who were seeking land, liberty, game." Many settled and remained in the area from the pure chance of a ''broken axle" but more stayed from choice. The population spread back up among creek and branch, wherever a little bottom land was to be found, fresh game or new springs of clear water. Traditions brought from lands across the sea blended with customs and prejudices bred by the frontier existence and were maintained during a relatively long period of isolation following the original settlement. (Campbell 1925, 9-13) Whether mountain culture should be properly described as a culture transmitted unchanged from the founders or an adaptive culture which developed in response to the isolated mountain conditions, descriptions do convince us that there was in the area at that time a society and culture different from the mainstream American way of life and certainly different from that of the outsiders who came into the mountains with industrialization. Since the outsider noted peculiarities, emphasized differences, and described the oddities, it is very hard to find reliable and clear descriptions of early family structure or religion in the mountains. Raines (1924,X) in his book The Land of Saddlebags states that uwhile the rest of the nation has grown far from our revolutionary ancestors, the Mountain People have been marooned on an island of mountains, and have remained very much the same as they were at that time." �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia 115 A sociologist visiting the hills of Kentucky in 1898 (Vincent 1898) describes a society based upon hunting and subsistence agriculture and a social organization based upon kinship. There were isolated mountain families living up coves and hollows with strong ties of kinship built upon three or more generations of intermarriage. Brown (1952) describes the traditional mountain family structure as a ' 'family group/' conjugal families living in family kin groups which formed small neighborhoods. The kin relations were extensive and complex, and neighborhoods acted as mutual aid societies. The groups were isolated, stable, self-sustaining, localized groups. Although the family was described as strongly patriarchal with a highly differentiated division of labor between men and women, there were many family cooperative activities in work, recreation, and visiting. Men and women had to substitute for each other; and both needed to be strong, resourceful, and selfsufficient. Women's work was an integral part of the total operation, and although her work was hard, it was also hard for everyone in the family. There was an equalitarian simplicity in the terms used by husband and wife: "the woman" and "the man"; or "my woman" and "my man." It was a life which stressed both independence and cooperation. The family and also the individuals had to be self-sufficient and independent and must not depend on others for help; one must be prepared to manage somehow by himself, but when he could, he helped. To be a good neighbor on a friendly, equal basis, "accommodating," was very important. Visitors to the mountain home frequently remarked on the lavish hospitality, generosity, uncompetitiveness, openness, directness, and simplicity of the mountain people. They were described as free from self-consciousness, dignified, quiet, reticent, and courteous. The early church was characterized by writers as separatist, immersionist, hardshell, strongly Calvinistic, anti-missionary; the people were literal interpreters of the Bible, rejecting infant baptism and placing emphasis on experience. Vincent found theological discussions popular in the family,and he felt these satisfied the appetite for metaphysics and offered opportunity for intellectual exercise and discipline (1898, 18). The church or meeting house served as a gathering place; �116 Colonialism in Modern America the monthly or less frequent meetings were an opportunity for sociability and a time to hear a preacher and have funerals preached. It served more as an occasional gathering place than an ongoing organization, although in the ' 'settlements" the church served through monthly business meetings the function of a civil court, sanctioning the behavior of the members and disciplining those who fought with neighbors, abused their brothers, used rough language, or retailed ardent spirits (Henson 1972). There was little church machinery; and the mountain values of simplicity, equalitarianism, and democracy were reflected in the ceremonies of footwashing and laying on of hands. The insistence on untrained ministers who were given special authority only through the spirit also reflected an antielitest bias in mountain society. Services were informal, congregations could sing down the preacher, people could wander in and out of services, but every preacher was given a chance to preach. Rhythm and eloquence and emotional ecstasy were admired and encouraged in the preacher. This emotional extravagance has been thought by some to be contradictory to the portrait of the stolid, impassive, dignified mountain man; but perhaps this unselfconscious ability to display emotion was in keeping with an unsophisticated, straightforward approach to life. Mrs. Condon (1962, 88) reports that the Presbyterian church grew slowly in Harlan County because people thought the members were distant, cool, and unfriendly. Though the area experienced gradual alterations between its settlement and the turn of the century, the biggest changes for the area came about 1890 as a result of the railroad, lumbering and coal mining, and the missionaries. Mrs. Campbell writes that at the turn of the century "suddenly the retarded frontier was rediscovered by two classes: those who saw the natural resources and sought them regardless of the interests of the natural owners; and those who with missionary zeal rushed in to educate and reform" (1925, 9). Mrs. Campbell, herself one of the missionaries, points to the "natural" alliance of exploiters and missionaries who came together to the hills. John Fox, Jr., a writer of romantic novels and a member of a coal-developing family which came into the mountains at the turn of the century, supports this natural alliance: The railroad comes first as an element of civiliza- �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia 117 tion, but unless the church and the school in the ratio of several schools to each church quickly follow, the railroad does the mountaineer little else than great harm. Even with the aid of these three, the standards of conduct of the outer world are reared slowly. A painful process of evolution has been the history of every little mountaintown that survived the remarkable mushroom growth which, within the year of 1889-90, ran from Pennsylvania to Alabama along both bases of the Cumberland. (1901, 209-10) The process of colonization as it occurred in the Central Appalachians generally followed these stages: 1. Gaining entry: invasion and securing of the area or resources 2. Establishment of control: removal of opposition and resistance to prevent expulsion of invaders 3. Education and conversion of the natives: change the values and social system of the colonized 4. Maintenance of control: tion political and social domina- THE FIRST STAGE: Gaining Entry The invasion was well planned and well executed almost before the natives knew what had happened. A well-trained force of lawyers, surveyors, geologists, and land buyers came into the mountains and millions of acres of mineral and virgin timber lands passed into the hands of development companies at from 30 cents to one dollar an acre. Even Franklin Delano Roosevelt, just out of Harvard, abstracted titles and surveys in Harlan County for his uncle, Warren Delano (Condon 1962). Vanderbilts, Fishes, and other big financiers from the Northeast visited the mountains to help secure mineral rights and building rights and make arrangements for the railroads. Thomas Nelson Page of Richmond, Virginia, in a speech to the Daughters of the American Revolution in 1910 urging them to give money for missionaries in the mountains, describes the coming of the �118 Colonialism in Modern America exploiters: When the outer world has reached them, it has mainly been to trade upon their ignorance and rob them of what should have been their wealth. There are lands which were bought of them for a few dollas an acre, which are bonded now as many thousands, and the justification for such legalized robbery at the hands of predatory wealth is that which is as old as Cyrus—that is was of more use to the taker than to the lawful holder. It is small wonder that they are suspicious as to the advances of civilization where the advance couriers are the land agent and the coal prospector—little wonder that, when evictors come under color of ancient patents to drive them from the lands which their fathers have held for generations, they should break out in feuds and violences. (66-67) In the early days there were few to criticize the methods. In 1924 Raines describes the situation as follows: The mountain people are suffering from the ruthless exploitation of large financial interests. These foreign juggernauts may have secured their coal and timber lands for a song, but taking money from those that have no special use for it is not a fatal damage. The deadly sin is the thrusting of a ferocious and devouring social system upon an unprepared and defenseless people. (236) Others interpreted the invasion as something akin to manifest destiny: "It is a region of vast resources that has been blocked out of the wild by a great people and held in trust, as it were, for the modern capitalist to develop and utilize. Its people are beginning to see the dawn of a new day" (MLW, 1-1-1925, 2-3). In the process of entry, both the missionaries and the industrialists were amazed by what they found. They sought to understand and to categorize the mountain people and culture. Letters were sent home, reports were sent to church boards, and newspaper articles were written about the development. Picturesque stories appeared in magazines. Some were horrified at the illiteracy, the lack of schools and medical facilities, and the �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia 119 limited diet; they were appalled by the lack of roads, the isolation, the lack of conveniences, and the hard life of the women; they were intrigued by the songs, beautiful weaving, quaint language, marriage and funeral customs, and unorganized church meetings; they were admiring of their courage, honesty, directness, and lack of sophistication. But always the mountain people were compared with "back home": the educated and professional middle-class, the urban homes and situations from which they came. The biography of one of the early missionaries, Rev. Murdoch of Buckhorn, relates his first trip home after seeing the mountains (May 1946): His heart and mind bursting with things to tell his Brooklyn friends. They were jotted down on a folded piece of paper. A kind of vivid moving picture of the crowded months since he left them. There was the mother who watched over her son to keep him from using profanity while shoeing his horse; children chewing tobacco, other children going barefooted in the snow; the rich veins of coal laid bare along the creeks, destitute families in rickety cabins, burial without ministers, whole districts without schools, the silent forest at the head of Squabble Creek, the flowers and birds along the trails, the character sketches of some of the people he had met in his travels. Such terms as arrested development, retarded frontier, remnant, a distinct relic, a peculiar people, survivals, ancestors, backward, and limited outlook were commonly used. Mrs. Campbell writes that a conventional world was charmed with its picturesqueness and startled by its illiteracy and disregard for law. "It could not understand how people could at once be a feudist and man of integrity and responsibility in his neighborhood. How they could be illiterate, yet have a real and deep culture. Personal experiences led to undiscriminating generalizations on the 'finest of Anglo-Saxon blood' and the 'off-shoots of degenerate refugees and criminals/ No people have ever played more completely the mixed role of villain and neglected hero in the public eye" (1925). John Fox, Jr. played a large part in stereotyping the moun- �120 Colonialism in Modern America tain culture for the outside world and justifying the imposition of power and control over a native people. He, like most of the newcomers, was both admiring and denigrating. He describes the Southern mountaineer as truthful, honest, courageous, hospitable, peaceable, and a man of law—yet known for his moonshining, his land-thieving, and his feuds. But he goes on to blame the Civil War, the revenue service, and the "system of land laws that sometimes makes it necessary for the mountaineer of Kentucky and Virginia to practically steal his own home" for making the mountaineer a "criminal" (1901, 209). The invasion brought in the outsider and opened up the mountain culture to view, and the mountaineer became aware of himself as different. He began to compare himself with the newcomer and learned to judge himself as inferior. Jean Ritchie (1955) describes the development of the schools and its effect on her family: The settlement schools and the railroad began to bring the ways of the world to us in a kind of steady trickle. . . .The settlement schools [brought] in levelcountry people who settled among us and whose ways of doing things, whose very speech and actions, helped us to see that there was a different kind of life than the hard one we knew. (pp. 225ff.) An editorial in Mountain Life and Work (April 1925) criticizes "unauthorized characterization by professional writers and unscientific reformers which built up among the mountaineers what the psychologists call an inferiority complex. It has found expression in the humble submission to outside invasion and in the eager acceptance of small favors and paltry benevolences." ESTABLISHMENT OF CONTROL John Fox describes, either naively or arrogantly, the process whereby the newcomer gained control and subdued the native population. In an article entitled "Civilizing the Cumberland" (1901,209ff.), he describes how in Big Stone Gap, Virginia, the "sternest ideals of good order and law were set up and maintained with Winchester, pistol, policeman's billy, and whistle through a unique experiment in civilization." A volunteer police �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia 121 guard, a private army, manned by the young newcomers, was organized. Fox describes it as a police force of gentlemen: "aristocrats and pultocrats," American and British, lawyers, bankers, real-estate brokers, newspaper men, civil and mining engineers, geologists, speculators and several men of leisure. All were college graduates (Harvard, Yale, Princeton, University of Virginia) "who had come into the mountains of Virginia to make their fortunes from iron, coal and law." They were first organized to put down a strike of mountain workers at a newly established brick plant in the Gap. Fox then relates that they became precision troops who guarded jails against mobs, cracked toughs over the head with billies, lugged them to the calaboose, and appeared as witnesses against them in court the next morning. They turned a mountain crossroads town where mountain boys frolicked and fought into a quiet, respectable outpost of high society. Since the developers wrote most of the history, there are few accounts of native opposition in the record. John Fox does mention that there was considerable hostility and dislike for the newcomers, and he mentions that fighting clans tried to make the "furriners" leave the county. He says that the strike of mountain workers became a confrontation between the newcomers and the mountaineers, and the opposition of the local people was readily discouraged by the newly formed guard. He relates how the newcomers were harassed, the guard mocked by the mountain "toughs," and the townspeople frightened and inconvenienced by the "wild jayhawkers from old Kanetuck" who were accustomed to coming to the Gap to sow wild oats and fight with the boys from Wise and Lee counties. He also reports that with the organization of the guard and the establishment of town ordinances which outlawed drinking, shooting, and yelling, all this was changed and mountain people were practically prevented from entering town (except as "meek sheep"). "It arrayed the town people against the country folk. . . but with each element of disorder there was a climax of incidents that established the recognized authority of the guard." The hanging of a local bad man, Talton Hall, became a ceremonial display of power, thereby showing the legal conquest of the mountains through a confrontation with and defeat of the family-clan system. "Never had a criminal met death at the hands of the law in that region." The badman was a Kentucky �122 Colonialism in Modern America feudsman and his clan was there to rescue him from the gallows. The guard won, and Fox points out that it showed "that a new power had come in the little band of 'furriners,' high-spirited, adventurous and well born, who had taken matters into their own hands, and subdued local lawlessness" (p. 25). The guard extended its "benign influence" throughout the area, and other boom towns formed similar organizations. After that, the natives, "the easy-going, tolerant good people, caught the fever for law and order." This early show of force and organization of political control made it possible in later years for the owneroperators to rely on the local authorities to protect their interests and maintain the needed law and order. After that, natives did most of the policing, and not until the unionization of the mines did the outsiders again have to take up guns to protect their interests. The establishment of control may not have been quite as rapid or efficient in other parts of the mountains, but the pattern was much the same. The technological superiority of the newcomers made conquest inevitable. The shrewd manipulation of the machinery of law made the newcomer the supporter of law and order while the native became an outlaw. Since the newcomer wrote the history, the colonizer is "adventuresome" while the native is "tough." Raines was to write later: "The Mountain Man that attempts to redress the injustice of the law by using the rifle is no more guilty in his lawlessness than is the millionaire corporation that uses shrewd lawyers instead of rifles" (1924, 144). EDUCATION AND CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES The role of the missionaries and educators was an important one: to make legitimate the exploitation, to eliminate some of the worst abuses, and to educate and change values so that the people would accept the new ways. John Fox recounts another incident of resistance to the newcomers and the use of religion to win over the natives. He reports that when the first printing press was taken to a certain mountain town in 1882, a deputation of citizens met it three miles from town and swore that it should go no farther. An old preacher mounted the wagon and drove it into town. �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia 123 There are other reports of resistance to the missionaries, and some ministers were run out of communities and their churches burned. The preachers and church boards soon found that women were more welcome, especially if they had any skills such as teaching or nursing, for the mountain people were eager to acquire teachers and health workers who could most effectively reach the people. A former missionary reported that women were sent in to "pave the way" for the ministers. She rode horseback all over eastern Kentucky without fear of any harm, whereas the preachers would be run out. She started schools and clinics, but she knew that she was really there to pave the way for the preacher to save souls. In a report in 1915 of the Conference of Southern Mountain Workers (an inquiry into their needs, and the qualifications desired in church, educational, and social service workers in the mountain country), one churchman writes: I place first [in needs] academic schools rather than Sunday schools for the reason that the former have the stronger appeal and are less liable to sectarian objections and denominational opposition. In this kind of school it is possible to successfully mold the character of the young and to prepare them for more efficient lifework. Through the young, it reaches out into the home and social environment of the parents. Next in importance, I place the Sunday school. It is a more plastic and adaptable agency for reaching the young and adult mountaineer than church services. Its approach is more immediate and acceptable. Well organized and tactfully conducted, the Sunday school's religious and social enterprises can come in closer touch with the homelife and social habits of children and parents, (p. 11) Jean Ritchie relates the story of the arrival of a strange woman into Hazard in 1895, driving a wagon and traveling ahead of the railroad: Folks couldn't rightly make out why she had come all that weary way up into Perry County; she had no people here that anyone could see. . .she was friendly, "nice-spoken," "a little bit nosey," "visited nearly every family," "stayed the night," "would pitch in and help," �124 Colonialism in Modern America and sometimes she'd come right out and rail at them over doing something a wrong way or a hard way and show them a better way. Miss Pettit had such a way about her that she got by with it. After several years of summer visiting, Miss Pettit returned with tents and other women and started teaching school. They held classes on how to cook, sew, mend, darn, and take care of sick folks. They read the Bible and talked about the evils of drink. The Women, as they were called, developed both Hindman and Pine Mountain Settlement schools. Jean Ritchie relates a story about her grandfather which was told by the Women and published in books describing the development of the settlement school. It is a story which has its counterpart in other parts of the mountains and takes on the nature of a legitimizing myth. It relates how a mountain man came to support the Women and their school and to claim them as saviours for his people. He walked long distances across the mountain; and he said: "I growed up ignorant and mean; my offspring was wuss; my grands is wusser, squandering their time drinking and shooting; and what my greats will be if something hain't done to stop the meanness of their maneuvers, God only knows. Women, I am persuaded you air the ones I have looked for all my lifetime. Come over on Troublesome, Women, and do for us what you air a-doin' here" (p. 227). Another missionary, Alice Lloyd, from Boston, came to a Presbyterian Mission, Hope Cottage, on Troublesome Creek. Another old mountain man, Abisha Johnson, went to Hope Cottage and begged Alice Lloyd to teach his children to live "not liken to the hog but unliken the hog" and gave her 150 acres for a school on Caney Creek. Many other women made similar treks. Deaconess Binns of the Episcopal Church came to Nora, Virginia, on the first train that ran on the line to teach in the schools and start Sunday schools. In 1905 an Englishwoman, Miss Toddy Collins, who became known as the Angel of Happy Hollow, walked across Big Black Mountain from Kentucky to Roda, Virginia, a mining camp, to begin a church and a school, preach funerals, make coffins, and mother the sick. The Women were usually welcomed by the coal operators who provided houses and buildings �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia 125 for churches and schools. An Iowa minister came to Beverly, Kentucky, which he described as u the wildest part of the Cumberlands." Following the gleam "to this neglected place where lawlessness and ignorance reigned," he built schools and churches and became known as the Shepherd of Red Bird Mission (MLW, January 1929, 17). The missionaries were sincere and dedicated to educating mountain people, nursing the sick, caring for orphaned children, and assisting families in many ways. They also had a profound effect upon family life. Jean Ritchie reports that families moved closer to the settlements to be able to send their children to the schools. The Women made a great impression on the people with their stylish clothes, the pretty furniture, and the nice way they talked. Jean Ritchie and her sisters were impressed: "What if I could grow up to be like that. . . .It was like the whole world was opening up like a blossom" (pp. 230-231). One story is typical of how a community sought their help: "At the request of the community, who were asked in a public meeting to vote on it, a church famous for its high standards was induced to begin work there. It sent a well-trained, consecrated woman as full-time religious worker. A congregation was organized and a school with several teachers. Every year a fresh crop of young people go out from the community to the mission schools to train themselves for worthwhile service" (MLW, April 1929, 13). The missionary and settlement schools were successful in educating a whole generation of teachers and middle-class leaders for the mountains. In a brochure about Konnarock Training School in Virginia, Mr. Kenneth Killinger says: "These schools lead and train youth in Christian womanhood and manhood, developing Christian leaders who will ultimately raise the spiritual, social, educational, cultural, and economic standards of the mountain people." The training at some of the schools was so successful that an educated native, an extension worker for the University of Kentucky, could look back at his people and state that through Junior Club work he was finding that what was really wrong was "laziness or we may call it, lack of industry" (MLW, July 1925). �126 Colonialism in Modem America The missionaries worked on two levels, which insured their influence in the development of the education, health, and social service systems. First, they came as direct representatives of the church and started a denominational church school, or they started Christian schools of no particular denomination in order to avoid direct conflict with local preachers. Second, the missionaries would work in the already existing school system for no pay, as did Deaconess Binns of Nora, Virginia. Deaconess Binns worked for the school board for 35 years for a dollar a year. Thus, her efforts to start a Sunday school and various recreational programs for children met with community approval. It was through this method that an Episcopal church was started and maintained until her death in 1968. All the schools and missions offered various other services besides the rudiments of education. People in the communities quickly learned that they could go to these missions to receive health care and free used clothing and to leave orphaned children, etc. These and other services had been taken care of in the past by the family and community. Now, missionaries with much better facilities were able to "show-up" the meager efforts of the past. In their eagerness to be accepted by the community, many missionaries were overgiving, which placed people in dependency relationships, since missionary help was the only alternative to the hard life of the past. There was another side to the training. The mountaineer became overwhelmed and ashamed of his culture. Fox was to relate that as religious and educational agencies work on the mountaineer "he is cowed by the superior numbers, superior intelligence of the incomer and he seems to lose his sturdy selfrespect" (p. 50). Raines reports that more than 200 schools, orphanages, academies, and colleges brought in by church boards had been established by 1924 (pp. 176-77). He points out that most were boarding schools which provided greater opportunity to mold the habits and thoughts. The schools included household and garden chores, religious training, and constant supervision. He describes the curriculum in what he calls the "brought-on, nonindigenous schools." Most of the cultural people coming into the moun- �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia 127 tains to teach unconsciously use the same methods and the same materials to which they were themselves accustomed. . .which are poorly adapted to the super-rural conditions in the mountain area. They either urge the mountain pupil away from the mountains or overwhelm him with hopeless discouragement. In either case, they unfit him to remain at home. (p. 181) It was these schools which developed a dual society where children had one relationship and identity at home and one at school. The schools, books, and teachers represented another world, another history, and another literature. Some of the teachers attempted to preserve certain aspects of mountain culture such as crafts and music. Jean Ritchie reports that "if it hadn't been for the settlement schools, many of the old mountain songs would have died out when the ways of the world came in on us. But the Women loved our music and plays so that they became a regular part of the life around the two schools" (Pine Mountain and Hindman, 231). Other teachers, however, found no singing and a complete lack of suitable good songs in the mountains (MLW, July 1925, 3). One teacher found children singing "I've Been Working on the Railroad/' an "obviously unchildish song," and only two out of 23 students knew "Annie Laurie." This teacher brought in a progressive music series and promoted such operettas as "The Windmill of Holland" and "The Quest of the Pink Parasol." Such denials of mountain culture made native children ashamed of their heritage. Churches and missionaries gave some support to certain harmless aspects of native culture. This fact served to soften the impact and ameliorate some of the abuses of the system, the denigration of mountain culture, and the development of feelings of inferiority by mountain people. The churches and schools, however, taught the values of organization, planning, hard work, and thrift. They made the industrial process legitimate by blaming the ills of the system on the mountaineer himself. He must learn to be more "cagey" (not so gullible and taken in by the land sharks); he must learn to be more thrifty and hard-working, more respectful and cooperative with the mine operators. Although some of the missionaries saw clearly the exploitation, they still had great faith in progress and the benefits �128 Colonialism in Modern America of industrialization. The superintendent of mountain work of the Presbyterian Church wrote in MLW, January 1929, of the tremendous multiplication of industries, some of them of gigantic scale and from alien sections and nations. He saw a need for the states to provide safeguards against the exploitation of their population, for "only as church and state move hand in hand will industrialization become an unqualified blessing." Some were more critical. Perry Davidson, writing in 1926 in MLW, says: Coal, the chief material wealth of the section, is now owned by outside capital. It is doubtful if any of the profits accruing from the exploitation of this natural wealth will be reinvested in the welfare of the mountain people. No great agricultural prosperity is to be hoped for. The timber is gone. This narrows prospects, but let's not despair. And this is his solution. Maybe there is oil below the coal, and if it is struck the native will not let the "furriner" outwit him next time. (January 1926, 10) In an industrial round table of the Conference of Southern Mountain Workers in 1926, the group agreed that the industrializing of the mountain resources had been deadening to the constructive instincts and had inhibited the forming of habits of thrift and a feeling for conservation. This group hoped to obtain the cooperation of the heads of companies in working out remedial programs. The consensus was that the employers have hearts and that they vaguely realize the evils of their industrial system but do not know what to do about it. The feeling was that if they were approached in the right way they would welcome counteractive influence. Another Episcopal missionary, who earlier worked among the Indians of Canada before coming to his mountain post, worried about the fact that mining was not constructive and that recklessness took the place of thrift, the miner did not learn to save. "While the accumulation of money is neither the most desirable thing or the only desirable thing, it is a good indication �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia 129 of a man's habits, and a man who tries to save a little can be depended upon to fight temptation against slackness of life and conduct7' (MLW, January 1926, 22). Some few missionaries thought the church should be more vigorous in warning the mountain people of the danger of large corporations and also in preserving parts of the native culture. One missionary who came as early as 1876 wrote with appreciation about the mountain people: They need the inspiration of the outside world without its greed and corruption. . . .they are closer to an original type of American manhood than any other section of our country. They should not be changed in their fundamental characteristics. . .they need to be warned of the danger of disposing of their large mountain holdings for a song. Corporations and trusts are a constant menace . . . .they threaten the mountaineers by transforming them into a servile class. (An Inquiry, 20) The missionaries saw the family and church as problems to be resolved (Tadlock, 3). The superintendent of mountain work of the Presbyterian church found the native church non-progressive and without any activities other than monthly preaching by uneducated ministers with an emphasis on doctrine unrelated to life. "But industrialism has brought its nucleus of Christian people, pastors, evangelists, church and independent schools which are centers of religious progress. . .with modern church programs, efficient pastoral leadership (MLW, January 1929, 20-23). Even those ministers who admired the primitive, simple, real worship found the lack of organization of the churches a drawback; services were not regular enough and preachers were ineffective and inefficient. Here again, the outsider judged the family and churches as needing to be better organized—or disrupted—if the native was to be fully integrated and assimilated into modern society. The missionaries formed themselves into an organization called the Conference of Southern Mountain Workers which began publication of a magazine Mountain Life and Work. In the first issue (April 1925, Vol. 1-1) a statement of philosophy, A �130 Colonialism in Modern America Program for the Mountains, was included. It summarizes well their attitudes and programs: First the program for the development of mountain resources by mountain people: . . . .Northern and Eastern artisans and capitalists are our friends and we invite them among us but we must not permit them to crowd us out and take away our heritage and birthright. There is no insinuation that this heritage and birthright are being dishonestly taken from us. They are simply slipping from our hands because of our inability to hold them. We can hold them only through education, skill and efficiency. These three acquirements must become our possession if we would develop the mountain resources. The program for "The perpetuation of Mountain Home Life Along the Lines of Our Own Best Traditions" emphasized the development of God-fearing homes where education is encouraged and love reigns; homes wisely planned. . . .the creation of beauty. . . .building upright character. . . .conveniences to relieve the drudgery of wife and mother. . .the precepts and examples of law abiding citizens are held in reverence and everything derogatory to peace and order and neighborly good will is discouraged. In the program for "A Religion that Functions Actively in the Life of the People" churches should work at a common task and jealousies and competitions should be forgotten. The churches should promote unselfish devotion to the welfare of neighbors and the cause of Christ. There was a need for a religion felt in politics and business and to motivate the civic life of people. . . .patriotic enforcement of law by ballot box and community backing of public officials. . . .election of God-fearing, country-loving officers who will do their duty. Training the youth that bravery and heroism are not expressed by intimidation, revenge and killing, (pp. 20-21) Throughout the program, the emphasis is on the need for education, skills, efficiency, planning, law and order, material conveniences, fear of God and a sense of duty, all very helpful values for the new society. �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia 131 THE CHURCH AND FAMILY RESISTS Both the family and church became defensive and reverted inward in order to protect members from the sudden influence which came with the development of industrialization. Some of the characteristics and "problems" ascribed to children and families today by psychiatrists, educators, and social workers can possibly be traced to this process whereby the family tries to preserve traditional mountain culture and resist or adapt to the colonization process. In outline one can point to the following reactions and ways through which the family system has resisted colonization: 1. The family and kinship group became a refuge for its members. 2. The family became more resistant to certain changes and developed sabotage techniques. 3. Used as a refuge, the family resulted in overprotection of children. 4. The family and family groups in neighborhoods became defenseive, exclusive, and closed. 5. The family and family groups became the center for "underground" mountain culture. 6. The family and family groups encouraged biculturalism. Each of these reactions will be discussed briefly. Some of these conclusions can be documented from other reports and studies of family and children in the mountains, but many of these remarks are highly impressionistic observations based on our experience growing up, being educated, teaching, living, and working in the area. 1. The family becomes a refuge. In studying the families in the Southern Appalachians and Appalachians in the cities, researchers have continued to find the society familistic, kinship ties strong and viable, loyalties to kin taking precedence over �132 Colonialism in Modern America "civic" responsibilities, kin groups acting to ease migration problem and to provide a home base for the returning migrant (Brown 1971; Ford 1965; Pearsall 1959; Coles 1971). In the coalfields, where there are few alternatives for employment, the family offers the only alternative means of support. If one "can't take it" any longer, he will be accepted back home and cared for until he has the strength to go back into the mines, locate a new job, or migrate to (or reenter) the city. Rather than being destroyed by industrialization, the family and family ties remain or perhaps in some cases become stronger as the family requires more commitment on the part of members. The Appalachian is expected to be loyal and help members of his family whether he likes them or not. This family loyalty can also be used against the family. Industries soon learned to use family loyalties to minimize criticism of industrial operations. One will not endanger a relative's job or criticize a situation in which a kinsman is involved. Mine operators, for instance, have learned to hire through families to find loyal workers; they also hire from a number of families to cut down on criticism of strip mining within a community. 2. The family becomes resistant to change. Family members restrain their members from taking social action. There is little revolt or conflict since one is afraid to disrupt the only remaining refuge. A number of persons have commented on the permissive mountain mother, and some have suggested that she is afraid to discipline her children for fear of a disruptive conflict. Many school social workers and nurses have commented on mothers who say they can't make a six-year-old go to school, eat proper food, or go to the dentist. This has a contradictory aspect in that the child is taught to rebel against certain institutions such as health and school. The child seems to be trained by the mother to be "willful," and the mother seems to take pride in a child who cannot be controlled. This serves to cut down conflict within the family and also keeps the child at home as he rejects the institutions. 3. The mother frequently becomes overprotective. She holds the child close and makes him feel guilty about leaving home or developing new ideas. Memmi remarks that this is a problem in other colonial situations. "The soft warmth of clan �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalacbia 133 reunions is satisfying and one is afraid to leave it." Looff (1971) in his book Appalachians Children agrees with Memmi (p. 99) that the "young remain glued to family which offers warmth and tenderness and clutches and emasculates him." 4. The family and neighborhoods become more exclusive and closed. Early visitors—including industrialists, missionaries and tourists—found great hospitality, open goodwill, as well as the beginnings of cautious suspicion. The mountain people learned to distrust. Semple (p. 610) reports that people were beginning to resent the coming of "furriners" among them on the grounds that outsiders came to spy upon them and criticize and "tell-tale" as they put it. A cautiousness toward outsiders has been encouraged in the family. "Listen and don't talk" is widely used as a protection. One can also put down an outsider's idea, with, "You are not one of us. You don't understand." This is a form of defensive racism, and the burden of understanding is placed not upon the Appalachian but upon the good shepherd in wolf's clothing who desires to "help" mountain people. This can lead to the family's becoming oversensitive to criticism, more negative, more unchanging and traditional in approach to problems. 5. The family becomes the bulwark against the loss of native culture. Memmi points out that what is saved may be meagre or it may go underground since the colonial falsifies history, extinguishes memories, and devalues native culture. Since he stresses differences, he is always compared with something "better"; therefore, the native becomes ashamed of his heritage and draws less and less from his past, which results in a "present orientation" according to Pearsall, Weller and Ford. The Appalachian takes on the myth perpetuated by the industrialist that there was nothing here until coal came in to develop it. The main aspects of the culture which were fought for and were the hardest to change were mainly patterns of relationships which can be described as basically non-competitiveness. Family members and neighbors depend on each other, but it is a dependence which also encourages independence or "let the other fellow alone." People help each other in time of need; they share the load; but this help is not imposed nor organized and leaves room for independence and individuality. �134 Colonialism in Modern America The family also develops ways of holding down conflicts, "talking things over," and face-saving games. Disputes must be settled amicably; therefore, certain things are never mentioned and certain behaviors are ignored. Equality is maintained through treating all children the same and providing them with equal inheritances wherever possible (Brown 1952). The only consistent exception is "baby," and if land is passed on to only one child, it will more often be the youngest, who in exchange stays home to care for parents. To keep a sense of equality and non-competitiveness, a "local success" or ambitious hillbilly almost has to leave his family and neighborhood and live with the colonizers. In his small neighborhood he will be sabotaged and people won't help him. He will be put down as not neighborly and "out for himself." Perhaps this explains why the local success seems to become more exploitative than the outsider. He goes against his rearing, he is punished, and he retaliates and must find his support from the outsiders. Equality is still important. Mountain people resist experts, titles, and people who put on airs or get above their raising. 6. The family encourages biculturalism. The schools create a duality—a world different from the family environment. Branscome speaks of the "annihilation of the hillbilly" by the institutions. Many mountain youth remember the shaming process when they had to deny their "mother tongue," reject their music and their religion. Memmi (p. 108) says the colonized turns away from his music, the plastic arts, and, in effect, his entire traditional culture^the consequence of which is ambiguity. Smathers talks of two routes the educated mountaineer can take: cultural schizophrenia or cultural transvestitism (biculturalism). Mountain children are taught early to act properly in public and be hillbilly at home. Mountain people learn to deal with medical, welfare, educational, governmental institutions and speak their language and use their techniques. They learn to use institutions, outsiders, etc. selectively. But the strain is great. The mountain person is taught how to use the hillbilly stereotype for his own protection and to confound, aggravate, harass, and thwart the colonizer. (They leave the program planner wondering why that didn't work.) One example is the stereotype of �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia 135 laziness, dependency, and irresponsibility which the Appalachian has learned to manipulate effectively in order to sabotage the colonizer's attempts to organize the mountaineer into pseudoparticipatory democracy rituals which further splinter Appalachian solidarity. The mountain church also went through similar reactions. Briefly, the church also became defensive: the native minister reacted against his characterization as ignorant and uneducated by making lack of training and education positive values. Local preachers attacked the incoming trained clergy for their "high laming" and accused them of being lacking in "spirit." The church resisted the social consciousness which was being promoted by outside religious institutions; therefore, the church became more fundamental and rigid in doctrine. It saw the establishment churches as supporting a system, political and economic, which was destroying a way of life. Its best defense was to become less worldly. Few outsiders felt comfortable in the primitive Baptist services; therefore, keeping their services expressive became a good protection. The church maintained equalitarian rituals and strict rules of behavior which set them apart. Mountain people still do not belong to Presbyterian, Episcopal, or town Methodist churches unless they have become middle class professionsals or successful businessmen. Other churches (which became more popular with younger Appalachians) developed in the area, including Free Will Baptist and Pentecostal churches. In these churches, foot-washing is still maintained as part of the ritual; the services are informal; there is still shouting and expression of religious fervor; and preachers still "preach." They now have Sunday schools, sing more popular gospel songs, and even train and pay their preachers; but the city churches are still shunned as coal operators' churches, too fancy and elegant for plain country folk. But while helping to preserve certain aspects of indigenous culture, the native church refused to become involved in politics or to be critical of the economic exploitation of the area; this fact has worked against change in the status quo. Memmi (pp. 99, 101) finds that in a colonized situation both religion and the �136 Colonialism in Modern America family serve as refugees and save the colonized from the despair of total defeat. He feels that the native society gets in a bind; in order to preserve or save the collective consciousness, it must shut itself off, live isolated. In so doing, it hardens, petrifies, and "degrades its own life in order to save it." This appears to be only partly true in Appalachia. The church and family still reflect and teach basic mountain values of equality, non-competitiveness, and family-neighborhood solidarity. These positive and viable aspects of the expressive church and the solidary family may be powerful allies in and the basis for a revitalization movement in Appalachia. Mike Smathers suggests that "resistance strategies" should be considered as positive strategies for the future saving of Appalachia. Those committed to the liberation of Appalachian people might well study the ways in which the mountain family and church have continued to resist the institutions in order to give help to controlling the new "developers": federal government, tourism, and T.V. The new missionaries, the new professional planners, educators, and community organizers might well look at their roles in the new development to see how they also may be aiding and legitimizing the further destruction of Appalachia. �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia" 137 REFERENCES CITED Blauner, Robert 1969 "Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt/' Social Problems (spring) Vol. 16, No. 4, 393-408. Branscome, James 1971 Annihilating the Hillbilly, Huntington: ment Press. Appalachian Move- Brown, James 1952 "The Farm Family in a Kentucky Mountain Neighborhood," Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin 587, Lexington, Kentucky (August). Brown, James S. 1971 Mountain Families in Transition, Penn State. Burlage, Rob 1971 "Developers and Colonizers" in David Walls and John Stephenson, Appalachia in the Sixties, Lexington: University of Kentucky. Campbell, Mrs. John C. 1925 "Flame of a New Future for the Highlands," Mountain Life and Work (April, pp. 9-13). Caudill, Harry 1962 Night Comes to the Cumberland, Boston: Little and Brown. Coles, Robert 1971 Migrants, Sharecroppers, Mountaineers, Children of Crisis, Vol. 2, Boston: Little and Brown. Condon, Mabel Green 1962 A History ofHarlan County, Nashville: Parthenon. �138 Colonialism in Modern America Conference of Southern Mountain Workers 1915 The Southern Highlands: An Inquiry into their needs and qualifications, desired in church, educational and social service workers in the mountain country. Diehl, Richard 1970 "How International Energy Elite Rules," People's Appalachia (April, May). Dix, Keith 1970 "Third World Pillage," People s Appalachia (April, May). Egerton, John 1966 "Alice Lloyd: The College That Can't Be," Louisville Courier Journal, October 23, 1966, pp. 7-12, 26, 27. Ford, Thomas R. 1965 Value Orientations of a Culture of Poverty: The Southern Appalachian Case. Working with low income families, American home economics association, Washington, D.C., pp. 57-69. Fox, John, Jr. 1901 Blue-grass and Rhododendron, New York: Scribners. Henson, Edward L., Jr. 1972 Gladeville and the Mountain Stereotype 1856-1860, Virginia Cavalcade (spring, 21:4, 30-35). Lesser, Roger 1970 "Culture: Toward Tomorrow's People," People's Appalachia, No. 1, March. Lewis, Helen M. and Edward E. Knipe 1970 The Colonialism Model: The Appalachian Case, paper read at American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting, San Diego, California, November 22, 1970. Looff, David H. 1971 Appalachia's Children, Lexington: University of Kentucky. Mahy, Gordon G., Jr. 1946 Murdoch of Buckhorn, Nashville, Tenn.: Parthenon Press. �Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia 139 Memmi, Albert 1965 The Colonizer and the Colonized, Boston: Beacon. Mountain Life and Work 1925-30 Files of back issues, Conference of Southern Mountain Workers. Page, Thomas Nelson 1910 The Mountaineer of the South, American Monthly, June 1910. Pearsall, Marion 1959 Little Smokey Ridge, University of Alabama. Raines, James Watt 1924 The Land of Saddle-bags, New York: Council of Women for Home Missions and Missionary Education Movement of the United States and Canada. Ritchie, Jean 1955 Singing Family of the Cumberlands, New York: Oak Publications. Semple, Ellen Churchill 1901 The Anglo-Saxons of the Kentucky Mountains: Anthropology, Harper, VI, 588-622. A Study in Simon, Rich 1972 "An Historical Sketch of Migration in Appalachia," People's Appalachia, Vol. 2, No. 3, July. Smathers, Mike 1972 Talk at rural sociology meeting on Appalachian Research, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, August 25. Tadlock, E. V. 1929 Coal Camps and Character, January, 1929. Vincent, George E. 1898 "A Retarded Frontier," American Journal of Sociology, IV, 1-20. Weller, Jack 196 5 Yesterday's People, Lexington: University of Kentucky. �This page intentionally left blank �PROPERTY, COAL, AND THEFT by If I had to I to (l the in t is si a very ? " a n d i f "murder" I 1 to the to dehis is to is to be prive a a to of his of Why, not to the "Wftdtf is property?" "theft" to be is I I am the of the first? a ... In is We can by the •'A ' ' of lit " of this at the "/» Is I, JVo, 2 in ts of of the o/ tit �142 Colonialism in Modern America berland Mountain and lying on the border of Kentucky and Tennessee. Here one finds the results of corporate exploitation at its worst. Once a booming mining area, automation and strip mining have left 30 percent of the population unemployed. Mountains are gouged by the relentless blade of the bulldozer and blasts of dynamite. Streams are filled with silt and flooding; timber and wildlife are destroyed. Not just land, but a way of life is eroding. Thousands have had to leave to find homes and jobs in the cities of the North and to make way for the strippers. For those who remain, houses are poor, and incomes for over 70 percent of the population are less than $4,000 annually. Within that same valley in Bell County, Kentucky, and Claiborne County, Tennessee, approximately 85 percent of the land—50,000 acres—is owned by a single company, the American Association, Ltd., of London, England. From its land, over 2.2 million tons of coal a year are carted away, mostly to Georgia Power and Duke Power. And from the royalties on that coal, thousands of dollars a year are exported to the company's London headquarters. Yet, there in the midst of England's "Wall Street" the wealth may scarcely be noticed. The chairman of the company's board of directors, Sir Denys Flowerdew Lowson, a former Lord Mayor of London, controls an estimated 88 such companies around the globe; and he personally is listed as chairman of 40. The American Association is one of the smallest of his concerns. To the people of Clear Fork Valley, however, the company represents tax evasion, destruction of land and jobs, and the denial of the future; to Sir Lowson, however, the company's listed value represents a piddling one half of one per cent of his estimated personal wealth. It is no misnomer that one of the American Association's parent companies should be named London Foreign and Colonial Securities. But its English nature should not detract from its similarities with the other absentee property owners of Appalachia. By looking at the historical development of this microcolony in Clear Fork Valley and the meaning of its colonial control in the modern day energy demanding world, we can learn something of a situation common to much of central Appalachia. And by understanding the micro-colonial relationship, we can learn something not only about Clear Fork but also about the �Property, Coal, and Theft 143 relationship of other regions to the energy conglomerates. The Making of a Micro-Colony It is an irony of history that many of the first settlers to come to the mountainous areas in and around Cumberland Gap were the rebels. In the Appalachians they found a place to escape the rapid industrialization of England and of Europe and to establish a new way of life, free from the exploitative social relations which they had known before. As Jack Weller describes in Yesterday s People, some of the settlers came from the Levellers movement in Britain, where they had challenged the power of their English landlords, and they came "in rebellion against a form of government that imposed its rule from the top."8 Yet their freedom in the frontier mountains was changed in the late 1800's when coal and iron ore were discovered and demanded to feed the new wave of westward industrialization. In the Cumberland Gap area it was a young Scottish-Canadian capitalist, Alexander Arthur, who foresaw the Gap as an iron, coal, and steel center to feed the rapidly growing South. Backed by capital from Britain's Baring Brothers, a company was formed, the American Association, Ltd., which in turn transformed the Yellow Creek Valley of Kentucky into the booming coal town of Middlesborough, named after its British counterpart. Rarely has there been such a colonial boom. Between 18881892 over 20 million dollars of British capital poured into the area. Railroads, furnaces, industry, hotels, streets, and lavish halls were built. Thousands of people—many from England, others from the east, some from the south—poured into the area. The town was quickly dubbed by its promoters and others as "The Magic City of the South," and in 1892 its magic was valued on the British stock exchange at over 40 million dollars. Founding Father Alexander Arthur, who came to be known as the "Duke of the Cumberlands," proclaimed to a group of investors on November 11, 1890, "This is but a transfer of British business to American soil."9 And, indeed, soil they had acquired—an estimated 80,000 acres in the Yellow Creek, Clear Fork, and other valleys, all rich �144 Colonialism in Modern America with coal and timber. The most famous historical account of the development of the area, Wilderness Road by Robert Kincary, simply states that the company acquired the land within a few months. In fact, modern day courthouse deeds show perfected titles. But there is more to the story. Residents describe, still with anger, how the agents tricked, threatened, or forced the uneducated mountaineers to give up their land. Some mountaineers, not knowing or even caring about the value to the industrial world of the wealth beneath them, "Voluntarily" sold the land for 50 cents or one dollar an acre. An entire mountain, from which Consolidation Coal now supplies the American Association almost $200,000 yearly and Georgia Power over 1,000,000 tons of coal yearly, was reportedly traded to an agent of the company for a hog rifle. Other mountaineers were victims of legal tricks. One method, oral history reveals, was to have someone jailed and then offer to post bond in return for his land. Where there was resistance, force was used. Residents tell stories of how the company men would burn their fathers out if they wouldn't sell. And though many of the courthouse records of this era have been burned or have disappeared, it is not uncommon for a local Appalachian to look out from the front porch of his companyowned house and remark, "See that mountain? They stole it from my daddy." "Property is theft," but to endure, theft has to be legitimized. In Middlesboro, as in the modern era, the tools of legitimacy were the concentration of power in the hands of a few and an ideology of boom and progress to attract the support of the many. Certainly, the American Association had the power in the boom town. It retained controlling interest in everything—banks, industry, railroads, even the Four Seasons Hotel in which were hosted the recreational shenanigans of the rich. One is reminded quickly of modern plans for development of Appalachian playgrounds. Anyone who had or who wanted any part of the economic benefit of the new society was dependent on the will of those few who controlled it. With the dependency on the economic controllers, though, also came a supporting ideology of progress, civilization, and re- �Property, Coal, and Theft 145 sponse to social need. Arthur proclaims it this way: I would say that America needs this place and our AngloAmerican money, experience and push. . . .We have also the sinews of body and of money and stand ready, cleancut, and vigorous, for a generation of progress and success in manufacture, arts, and sciences. Come and join hands with us in the great enterprise which is worthy of us all, native or foreign born though we may be. ^ The New York Times and other publications applauded the development. For Harper's magazine it represented "a summing up of the past and a prophecy of the future. . . .the last of the mountaineers passing away before the breath of civilization."11 Like other traditional colonialists, the virtues of this "civilization" were unquestionably better than the past, somehow less-than-human, ways of the "natives." The imagery from the same Harper's article demonstrates this equation by the colonizers of progress with economic boom, of human dignity with the material gain: As I stood one day in this valley, which has already begun to put on the air of civilization with its hotel and railway station and mills and pretty homesteads, I saw a sight which seemed to complete the epitome of the past and present tendencies there at work. . . . . . . .creeping slowly past the station—so slowly that one knows not what to compare it to unless it be the minute hand on the dial of the clock—creeping slowly along the Wilderness Road toward the ascent of the Cumberland Gap came a mountain wagon, faded and old, with its dirty, ragged canvas hanging motionless, and drawn by a yoke of mountain oxen which seemed to be moving in their sleep.. . . On the seat in front . . .sat a faded, pinched and meager mountain boy. . . .His stained white face was kindled into an expression of passionate hunger and mental excitement. For in one dirty claw-like hand he grasped a small paper bag, into the mouth of which he thrust the other hand, as a miser might thrust his into a bag of gold. He �146 Colonialism in Modern America had just bought with a few cents he had perhaps saved no one knows how long some sweetmeat of civilization which he was about for the first time to taste. . . . So it is easy to see how for the American Association the combination of monopoly and ideology fused tq portray it not as a colonizer or controller but as a conscientious and necessary contributor to the social good. A Scribner's Magazine article in 1890 reflects this social view. The American Association ''leases its mining and other properties but does not and will not sell them. This fact is evidence of the interests which it has and will always have in the prosperity of Middlesboro." The company controls the coal commerce from "the raw state of the earth's bed until the final and finished result is in the hands of the consumer. . . .To this parental character of the American Association " the article concludes, "and to the comprehensive protection with which it pursues the course of industry is largely due the prosperity of Middlesboro. "12 For those to whom the economic dependency brought rewards, the ideology of progress brought responses of loyalty appropriate to the "parental character." In 1891 local newspapers report that a three-hour mass meeting was held to express appreciation to the officers of the American Association. Held at the Opera Hall, it was the "largest and most enthusiastic meeting" ever witnessed and one at which quite a number of "the fair sex graced the scene."13 For those mountaineers who did not accept the new ideology, such progress meant the intrusion into and colonization of their culture. But their protests and situations were ignored, justified as a "social cost," or pitied by those who saw them as "left out of the mainstream." The literature of the city's development says little of its effect on the mountain people. But one 1905 account describes the colonization of the free life of the mountaineer in rationalities frighteningly similar to what one might hear today: The Association have between 200 and 300 tenants of mountain people and are on the best of terms with them. The Association has not always treated them fairly and justly, but has gone out of its way to assist and to encourage; they have responded by being true friends, �Property, Coal, and Theft 147 assisting the Association in protecting its property. It is much regretted that these people have not yet got the advantage of schools and churches to which they are entitled.14 The Yellow Creek and Clear Fork valleys had been colonized. Through the power of property the propertyless had been made the powerless. Not only is property "theft" but it is also the ability to legitimize itself: to make colonization acceptable. But the glory of the Magic City of the South didn't last long. Money from London dried up. The American financial panic of 1893 hit the hills of central Appalachia. A 1911 issue of the Middlesboro newspaper describes in retrospect: "It may be doubted if ever in the history of boom towns there had been so great a collapse." The properties in the town of Middlesboro were auctioned off and the 80,000 acres of land were mortgaged to the New York bank and a Mr. J. H. Bartlett was appointed auctioneer. At that point, the American Association changed its name from Limited to Incorporated yet retained essentially the same shareholders. In the auction, an agent for the "new" company bought back for $25,000 what had been mortgaged for $1,500,000 only a few months before. Shortly thereafter, J. H. Bartlett became general manager of the American Association, Inc. The strange transaction did not go unnoticed. Creditors of the American Association, Ltd. sued, claiming "fraud," rigging of federal courts, and perjury. The outcome of the suits is undetermined; the records went up in flames in one courthouse and seemed to have disappeared from the dockets in another county courthouse. Though the company had lost its property, it hadn't lost the power to steal it again. Middlesboro as a company town was gone, but the company had regained 80,000 acres of surrounding coal-rich mountain land, and on that property it could continue to control its colony. A Modern Day Colony It was last summer and Lewis Lowe looked out at his small �148 Colonialism in Modem America one-half acre of land located along the Clear Fork Creek, now covered with strip mine silt deposited on it from the latest flood. For the last few years, he hadn't been able to farm much on his land. "Strip mine mud. . . .nothing will grow on it," he said angrily. And today he was thinking of leaving, of moving out of the mountains where he had lived the close to seven decades of his life to an unknown town somewhere. "You'd think we were animals or something, the way they Ve treated us . . . .the strippers and the Association." His life represented much of what had happened in the eighty or so years since the Middlesboro bust. The coal mines and company towns had come to the Clear Fork Valley. For 46 of these years, along with hundreds of others like him, Lewis had worked "from sun up to sun down, worked in almost every mine around, I did." Then, though, it was other companies, those that leased from the Association, that were the "villains." They owned the stores, ran the mines, built the houses, extracted most of the profits, and supplied the Association handsome royalties. These companies needed the labor of the men like Lewis; and though exploitative in the many slave-like ways of the coal camp era, they provided jobs and camouflaged the controlling palm of the behind-the-scenes, landowning American Association. But in the 1950's came the coal slump. For a variety of reasons, the deep mines closed down as they did in much of central Appalachia. In its relentless, ugly way came reminders of who it was that still possessed the property upon which the companies had operated. In 1952 there were 1,230 coal-mining jobs in the county; by 1958 there were only 282. The American Association no longer had the need for men on its land, and, therefore, it no longer provided the employment that had subdued the recognition of the colonizer. Most of the men had to leave the valley to try to find work in the cities of the North; the American Association made no attempt to provide or even to allow alternatives. Lewis had wanted to stay and did until the company told him one day in the dead of winter that he, his wife, and six kids would have to leave in three days. The strip miners were coming in, and they used bulldozers. People got in the way. Twice Lewis was evicted, forced to leave the land that he had tilled with �Property, Coal, and Theft 149 his hands and labor. The home, the garden, the spring that through his work had come to be his now were to be shoved aside by the bulldozer. He didn't get any compensation; after all, they said, it was the company's land. Finally, in 1960 he had found and saved the money for the small place where he now was and had tried again to create a peaceful home that he could call his own. But now, the stripping had caught up with him again, and he was thinking of giving up, of leaving for good. Here in the life of a single miner comes a human example of what is meant by "property is theft," for Lewis Lowe was propertyless, and those who had the property had controlled, manipulated, and finally defeated his will, expression, and pride as a human being. Here also in Clear Fork Valley in a larger sense is an example of the insidious power of absentee corporate ownership that is the murder of Appalachia. We have already witnessed the fundamental form of theft. In the valley today over 2 million tons of coal a year leave to provide over 10 per cent of Georgia Power's fuel, all from the land of this single London based company. Much of the coal is deep mined from a single Consolidation Coal mine, owned in turn by Continental Oil. The rest comes from strip mining by only a few profitable firms, mines which were originally owned by a set of mountain elites but which have now been acquired by the energy conglomerates. Royalties on all the mining, from 20 cents to $1 a ton, are carted away to offices off Bank Street in the financial district of London. We have recognized this form of inequity, and most of America today has accepted the ideology that legitimizes it. But there are other forms of theft in the colonial relationship which grow from that inequity of property that inevitably means the inequity of power. Consider several examples. Property Tax Evasion. Traditionally (and theoretically) the normal social mechanism for sharing or redistributing wealth is taxation. For local governments, property taxation is the major source of revenue, and, supposedly, property is taxed at an equal rate so that those with large amounts of valuable property pay more than the owners of small amounts of less valuable property. But it hasn't worked that way in the Clear Fork Valley. �150 Colonialism in Modern America There the American Association owns 17 percent of the land surface of Claiborne County and perhaps 90 percent of the county's coal reserves. Yet in 1970 its 44,000 acres provided only 3 percent of the local revenue. Even after citizens' challenges demanded that the law be enforced, the situation remained similar. Vast areas of untouched coal reserves were being appraised at $25 an acre, less than the least expensive farmland in the county. And Claiborne County is no exception. In 1971, the nine land companies that controlled 35 percent of the land surface and approximately 85 percent of the coal reserves in Tennessee's five major coal-producing counties accounted for less than 4 percent of the local revenues. In West Virginia, Kentucky, and Virginia—despite laws to the contrary in every state—property taxation has failed to reap the benefits of the immense property wealth for local government.15 These are the counties that need local revenues the most yet get the least. Consequently, the amount of money they have available for education, health, welfare, housing, and for the means and services of human development is far less than the national average. The local small non-mineral holders pay an unfair share of taxes; they pay for loss of services; and they pay in innumerable other ways for the destruction caused to their roads, streams, and lives as the wealth is carted away. Property means not just poverty for the property less; it means the power of the colonizer to avoid traditional forms of sharing that property. Theft of revenue means more than a loss of money; it means in Appalachia the denial of the basic services and means for building independent local communities. Strip Mine Theft. The American Association hosts more strip mine operations than does any other landowner in Tennessee. Almost 5,000 acres of its land have been laid waste by the devastation of bulldozers and dynamite. In central Appalachia itself an estimated 600,000 acres of strip-mined land have been left unreclaimed.16 And as in the Clear Fork Valley, it is on the property of the absentee owners, who escape the consequences, where most of the stripping is done. To many outside of the mountains, stripping is viewed as an �Property, Coal, and Theft 151 environmental issue, and indeed it is. The strip miner literally blasts away the sides or top of a mountain; debris is bulldozed over the side, and the exposed coal is shoveled out. While the process is fast and highly profitable, it leaves the mountain a gaping sore; ecological cycles are upset; timber may take several hundred years to recover; streams are filled with silt and acid. Reclamation, though ostensibly possible, is expensive and rarely carried out in the mountains. It is, as some have put it, "like putting lipstick on a corpse." To many Appalachians, though, stripping is more than an environmental issue. It is an economic one. Folks look back to the days of the deep mines when there was work, and to that deep mining many would like to return. * We've been deprived of our livelihood," says J. W. Bradley, a former deep miner and now a leading figure in the anti-strip-mine effort. "The strippers came in under falsehoods and stole our jobs from us," he says. And, in fact, the Report of the President's Council on Environmental Quality in March, 1973, observes that if stripping in the mountains were stopped today, there would be jobs for three times as many men in Appalachia in deep-mining and probably at higher wages. But for mountain folks the destruction of stripping is the destruction of something even more basic. For people who have always lived close to the land, who have built their lives and their communities around the freedom and confines of the mountains and the streams, stripping is the symbol of destruction of a way of life, a culture. "Every time we see a bulldozer go into the mountain, it's like someone has stabbed a knife in our heart," explained one mountain woman to a group of city folks. Stripping, economically presided over by the absentee property owner, is theft of both a means and a way of life. Theft of Alternatives. As if the theft of wealth, of taxes and services, of a means and way of life were not enough, another most insidious theft is the denial of alternatives to the Appalachian. The carving up of the mountains by a few owners means that others have no choice in building their futures; they are subject to the will of the large landowners. In Clear Fork Valley it isn't enough to say that Lewis Lowe can go elsewhere; there aren't any elsewheres, at least in the �152 Colonialism in Modern America mountains. There in the valley, Alvarado E. Funk, the General Manager of the American Associaton, has announced a policy of depopulation: 'The people would be better off, and we would be better off, if they would be off of our lands," he said. And, because of a lack of jobs or homes, or because of the destruction wrought upon them by the land-use practices of the corporate owners, people are forced to leave. In the valley people are trying to hang on and to provide alternatives. A non-profit community development council has sought for five years to provide the alternative by building new industry and homes. Yet for five years they have been denied any land upon which to build. Just last year the American Association would not even consider freeing one-half acre of its 50,000 acres in the Clear Fork Valley for a clinic. Nor are many other industries interested in coming in. Also, large blocks of land kept unused deny smaller landowners services such as roads and sewers and the chance of their own development. The outmigration of thousands of people from the mountains over the last twenty years hasn't been a matter of choice for most. They've moved to make way for the bulldozer, and now there's talk of having more of them move again to make way for recreation, to allow folks to escape the now overcrowded mountains. Theft takes many forms. Here in the Clear Fork Valley it is not only what is done but what is not done, not allowed, that prevents possibilities of new industry, developments, futures by and for the Appalachian people. What then is the modern day colony? It is theft by the property owner of the resources, of taxes and a base for community services, of a means and way of life, of the possibilities of choice for the colonized propertyless. As was true in the 1890's it is either ignored or rationalized to the rest of the nation by an ideology, the need for energy, or the need for the South to grow, to "catch up." But hidden beneath the ideology is the dependency of the propertyless on the property of others and threat of destruction of a land and a people. In Appalachia, the corporate property holder, like the slave owner, holds the power to deprive "will and personality," a power of "life and death." In Appalachia, property is theft. �Property, Coal, and Theft 153 Energy and the Nation: The Making of a Macro-Colony? The colonization of people by the energy conglomerate extends to others in America, outside the Appalachians. One ought to be able to learn about the nature of social thievery and the process of colonization from history. In the development of the energy industrials and in the "boom" in the South today are signs of a macro-colony, parallel to the development and boom of Middlesboro, the micro-colony of the 1890's. The first similarity is that the energy conglomerates or their representatives, particularly the oil industrials, are buying up all the land and minerals they can get in Appalachia and the West. Jim Ridgeway's new book The Last Play gives a good account of the recent major transactions: Consolidation Coal by Continental Oil, Island Creek Coal by Occidental Petroleum, Peabody Coal by Kennecott Copper, etc. There have been countless others on a smaller scale. And in some instances the form of barter is similar to that of the 1890Js: One company offered an Indian tribe in Montana a health clinic in return for several million dollars worth of minerals. Not only are these few corporations gaining vertical control, but they are developing horizontal alliances—with the landowner, with the fuel company, with the energy producer. Like the American Association in the 1890's, control is being gained by a few from the product to the final good of electricity. Other industries in the South and the nation are becoming dependent upon the energy conglomerates for their own economic strengths and futures. A second similarity of the energy boom is that this dependency on the economic concentration in the hands of a few is supported, even concealed, by a prevailing ideology: the demand for energy for progress and growth and defense, the fuel crisis, etc. The United States has only 6 percent of the world's population yet already uses some 46 percent of the world's energy. Yet we have no suggestions for cutting back on the use of energy, only the need for more and more fuel. Not only can the fear of an "energy crisis" be invoked, but with the capacity to advertise, to create demand and to control supply in the same hands, the ideology can be self-sustaining—and profitably so to the sustainers. �154 Colonialism in Modern America Thirdly, like those riding the bandwagon of the Middlesboro boom, the combination of dependency and ideology have brought support of emotional loyalty from the general American consumer. The boom has been a quick one; the sequence of events in the last year alone has been dazzling. All the major weeklies—Time, Newsweek, Business Week—have declared a fuel crisis. Time magazine sponsored a conference to consider solutions to the crisis to which several dozen representatives of the energy conglomerates, Nixon's key energy advisors, and two environmentalists were invited. Shortly thereafter, Nixon's famed "energy speech" declared the need for more tax loopholes, for relaxation of environmental controls, for more social thievery to "solve" the "crisis." Generally not wanting to interrupt growth or in the belief that their lights would grow dim, the American public accepted the steps, or others like them, as necessary. And, like in the Middlesboro boom, little attention is given by the press or the public to the destruction of a land and people back in the mountains. In cases where the plight is noticed, the colonization and depopulation are justified as "necessary social costs." Attempts at correction aim only at "allowing4* the Appalachian to join the already overcrowded and mountaindirected mainstream. The analogy of the energy boom to the boom of the Magic City in the 1890's is not meant to say naively that energy sources and use are not major social problems. They are. But it is meant to show that the present ownership of energy resources and the supporting ideology of "energy crisis" can be used to disguise social thievery from the urban public as well as from the mountaineer. Consider the following three examples. Labor. Georgia Power's union and race policies brought to our attention by the "Georgia Power Project" or Shell's response to demands of its refinery workers for better working conditions show that in the name of "energy crisis," workers can be exploited. As in the coalfields, the demands of labor are discounted as minor compared to the national needs for energy supply. The Consumer. The growing monopoly within the energy industry means that prices can be increased for the consumer without bringing any benefit back to the coal fields. Usually, �Property, Coal, and Theft 155 for instance, it is the function of the Federal Power Commission to control price increases of electricity. But hidden within their code is a provision known as the ''fuel-release" clause. Essentially, this clause means that wherever the price of fuel (coal) increases, the consequent price of power (electricity) can be passed on to the consumer, no questions asked. The effect is obvious: if a large stripping operation on American Association land raises the price of coal to Georgia Power, then Georgia Power can raise the price of electricity to the public. The extra cost is born by the consumer, but the profits don't go back to the people of Clear Fork Valley or to reclaim their mountains. They go to increase the wealth of the already wealthy few who own, produce, and supply the coal and power. The "Energy Crisis." Energy companies justify strip-mining destruction by claiming the need for cheap fuel to supply the consumer. Yet, only approximately 10 percent of Appalachia's coal can be stripped; the rest must be deep mined if it is to be recovered. Moreover, stripping "for the cream" damages the mountain in ways that will make far more expensive and dangerous the deep mining required for "the rest of the milk/' While the Appalachians are being destroyed, the consumer is being duped. The lack of a rational fuel policy today means that he will have to pay extra costs tomorrow. Someday, as was the case in Middlesboro, the quick, cheap profits will be over. But while the companies will retain their control, the consumers who accept the credibility of their colonizers will have to pay for and suffer the losses. Yes, just as we could see in Middlesboro the founding of a micro-colony out of which have grown ever more insidious forms of thievery, we can see in the modern boom for coal, energy, and "progress," the building of a macro-colony whose similarities to its predecessor ought to sound a warning: property is theft and not just in Appalachia. In the current context, it becomes chief collaborator with other energy industrials in theft from labor, from the consumer, from the future, and from others throughout the nation as well. A Bit on De-colonization There is a difference today in the Clear Fork Valley as �156 Colonialism in Modern America there is in the rest of the mountains to the time of the 1890's, however. People are resisting and a movement is building. The movement takes many forms. In the Clear Fork Valley, citizens have begun to challenge for the first time the American Association and its London holders. Some gains have been won, including the acquisition of some of the company's property with which the local community development council can build a fresh future growing from within rather than controlled from without. In the five major coal-producing counties of Tennessee, Save Our Cumberland Mountains, a grass-roots organization of some 200 people, has in the past two years begun to challenge forcefully the tax evasion, strip mine destruction, and economic and political controls exercised by the large land companies in their areas. Led by J. W. Bradley, SOCM, like many other groups throughout the mountains, is an attempt by the people of Appalachia to regain control of their land and their lives. Whether expressed through working for union reform, fighting strip mining, developing community-controlled industry, or demanding welfare rights, people are angry. Organizations are building. There are those who have compared the mood in the mountains today to the pre-dawn of the civil rights movement—waiting for a spark, a leader, or the right combination of social events that make such movements happen. Those who learned from the failures of the 1960's, though, know that such movements must come from within, must be led and fought by Appalachians, and cannot be fought from the outside. Just as the 1960's provided for non-blacks in the South a brutal awakening of consciousness to the meaning of the statement "slavery is murder, 7 ' perhaps from the 70's the South can come to recognize that in Appalachia "property is theft." Just as the murderers of the slaves aren't necessarily in Mississippi, the colonizers of Appalachia aren't necessarily in Appalachia. Perhaps with this recognition we can see that whether we are mountaineers, workers, or consumers, urban folks or rural folks, we face in the energy conglomerate the same thieves. And if there can come that understanding, there can also come the hope that a movement for decolonization of Appalachia will spark a �Property, Coal, and Theft 157 struggle for radical change of structure and of ideology in the rest of the South and the nation. �158 Colonialism in Modern America NOTES ^Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph, First Memoir - Quoted in Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Stewart Edwards, ed., Elizabeth Frazer, Trans. London: Macmillan and Co., 1969, p. 124. 2 Schmidt-Bleek, F., "Towards a More Beneficial Use of Coal," Appalachian Resources Project, University of Tennessee, 1972. ^Gaventa, Ormond, Thompsen, "Coal, Taxation and Tennessee Royalists," unpublished study for the Vanderbilt Student Health Coalition, 1971. 4 Kirby, Richard, "Kentucky Coal: Owners, Taxes, Profits," a study in Representation Without Taxation," for the Appalachian Volunteers, March 11, 1969. ^McAteer, Davitt, "Profile of West Virginia as a Colony," unpublished study, 1971. ®Dun's Review and Modern Industry, April, 1965, p. 40. 'Capital Resources in Central Appalacbia, prepared for the Appalachian Regional Commission by Checchi and Co., Washington, 1969. ^Weller, Jack, Yesterday's People, University of Kentucky Press with the collaboration of the Council of the Southern Mountains, Inc., Lexington, 1966, p. 11. ^Speech by Arthur, November 11, 1890, published as a pamphlet by the American Association. The other historical material comes from cited works or from my own research in local newspapers, courthouses, library records, and interviews. �Property, Coal, and Theft 159 11 Allen, James, "Mountain Passes of the Cumberland," Harper's Magazine, copyright by Harper and Brothers, 1890, p. 8. ^"Southern Lands: November, 1890. Middlesborough, Ky.," Scribner's Magazine, 13Recounted in The Middlesboro Daily News, August 19, 1965, pp. C-22. 14 Tipton, J. C., The Cumberland Coal Field and Its Creators, Pinnacle Printery, 1905. 15por f ur ther information, see "Property Taxation of Coal in Central Appalachia," A report for the Senate Subcommittee on Intergovernmental Relations from Save Our Cumberland Mountains, Inc., prepared by John Gaventa. ^Schmidt-Bleek, Appalachian Resources Project. References are provided only for direct quotes from other printed works. �This page intentionally left blank �THE BIG STEAL by as the the to Jr. the lies the of the the has the "frontier." I as a to it, of a of the of to of his of ffo In the are the at the of the in of It is of the to for the Of (if a a it in the mediate the as on the a for the be of to in the in the in the no imto the in of tiff i « in of iff Iff fi �162 Colonialism in Modern America to stock-raising, and later to the precious mineral rushes. The riches of the timbered hills were by-passed, the coal strata and other minerals were at first unknown, and few, then as now, appreciated the aesthetic qualities of the Cumberland atmosphere. We can therefore say, with a degree of assurance, that southeast Kentucky was settled, very thinly and for an abnormally long period, by a rather distinct social type. We may not here take time for much observation or comment or proof, but it is the significant and apparent fact that the Daniel Boone "type" was of necessity the earliest settler. (Isolation carried forward the character process; organized industrial rapacity preyed on what it found and completed the process of southeastern Kentucky society.) It is noticeable that not even Boone tarried in the mountains when he came leading groups in from North Carolina, but he pressed on toward central Kentucky. The few who came and stayed generally followed Boone's trail from North Carolina, coming in through southwestern Virginia; lesser numbers came from Pennsylvania and western Virginia. A few came in directly from Europe; one of my great-grandfathers came directly from Ireland, and a great grandmother came from Holland. I would but make the point in regard to all these: The mountains typed them all to a degree which it may well be doubted is known in its singularity anywhere else in the States. When I credit this result to the mountains, I mean to signify the national isolation, the personal loneliness, and—if a metaphysical idea may be permitted in a sociological thesis—the natural atmosphere of the Cumberlands. In 1964, after a period of about four years of research in local history, in the state judicial system, and in the region's sociological aspects, I mapped a section of Pike and Letcher counties, a section perhaps five miles in length and comparably much narrower. This mapping was aimed at coal-title research and at a history of the development of the coal empire. It was quite interesting for me to find the first land patent ever granted in the mountain hollow where I was born and had grown up, interesting to attempt to fit these records of 1832 to the easier work of the following decades. I mapped many of the patents of the 1840's, and each decade's history grew more discernible as I found and located the natural objects (for authenticity), both on paper and on the ground. �The Big Steal 163 I discovered that shortly after the Civil War a little flurry of interest in the awareness of the mineral wealth was manifested, unbelievably, by a trio of local people. These men established leases or options of record on hundreds of acres near Jenkins. These leases, of necessity, could but expire and cease to be of legal import; railroads and capital were still far in the future. Twenty-five years of subsequent isolation brought the history to 1890 when, for the Elkhorn Valley of Pike and Letcher Counties and the Shelby Valley of Pike County, the speculators came in a rush.1 R. M. Broas from New York organized the first mass-buying venture. Whether he was buying for himself or as a direct agent for those to whom his "titles" were transferred eleven years later, I have not discovered. He was fairly well furnished with money by the standards of the day. From records of Pike Circuit Court and from material in the Appellate records (Northern Coal and Coke Co. v. C. S. Nield, et al.) it appears that he had "about 20 corps of engineers (surveyers). . . .besides abstractors and attorneys examining titles." His daily payroll was asserted to be four hundred dollars, which perhaps reveals why he chose to deal in leases rather than fee purchases or outright mineral severance deeds. One dollar per acre was paid to consummate the transactions by consideration, and provisions for paying two more dollars per acre "when and as mined" were written into the documents. Not only did this dollar per acre permit Broas to reach twice or thrice as far in acreage grasped, the question of taxation, either on the surface or on the dormant mineral reserve, was left to the lessor. Although any unbiased arbiter could easily perceive that such a lease, granted for a period of 999 years, was an open contravention of Kentucky statutes on "perpetuities," the leases were upheld then in the subverted court system and were more definitely upheld as late as the 1950Js when Pike Circuit Judge Jean Auxier ruled that in all effect the leases were "deeds." This occurred in the face of the mountain court record books wherein the documents had been listed as "leases" for sixty years. At once the Court of Appeals upheld Auxier, and since the substance of the perpetuity statutes had already been voided, there was a sophistry truth in the reasoning. The law against "perpetuities" had ruled that no instrument, in general, was valid that did not provide consideration that could be utilized by �164 Colonialism in Modern America the grantor in a reasonable time, presumably his lifetime. Here was a lease consideration wherein the lessor's grandchildren to the point of economic infinity could not obtain consideration, and then only as the coal was mined (i.e. perhaps ten dollars one year for the mining of five acres and ten dollars in the next century for five more). Nor was the injustice to such grantors the only reason for denial of such transactions; public policy was very much at stake. A wealthy corporation could thus, at a minimal expenditure, tie up and obviate hundreds of thousands of acres or other resources in opposition to the state's or the nation's need. In reference, however, to the removal of public resources and public necessities from the normal availability to the public, the perfect illustration is supplied in the thousands of unsightly shacks and broken men with broken families visible to those who merely pass through southeast Kentucky while the denuded hills, though despoiled, still hold plentiful means of subsistence and self-respect for men who are trained for no other work. But the Broas leases still stand, 16,500 acres of them in Pike and Letcher counties. By my computations, Broas' agents obtained leases for prospecting and mining, generally on the standard form partially described heretofore, 5,167 acres in the head of Shelby Valley between May and August, 1890. These leases comprised part of the area mapped, where the titles were fully or partially abstracted in my research project. Condensing all the material upon which this report is based to the smallest amount of space, I believe it worthwhile to indicate the outstanding facts of just two days of the Broas activity: May 12 and May 15. The following instruments were executed in Shelby Valley (all but one) and show on May 12: Jacob Sanders and Mahulda (leased) 471 acres—coal only—her signature by mark; William Vanover and Sarah—313 acres—coal—signed by marks of both lessors; Wm. Vanover, Jr. and Dicy—182 acres—coal—her mark; James and Mary Elkins—147 acres—coal—her mark. On the 15th: Isaac and Elizabeth Belcher—177 acres—coal—both lessors' marks; James and Sarah Estep—272 acres—coal—her mark; �The Big Steal 165 Reuben and Bethena Johnson—207 acres—coal—both signatures by marks; Richard and Elizabeth Branham—191 acres—coal—her mark; G. H. and Dove Belcher—70 acres—coal—her mark. It will be noted that not one of these wives was able to affix a handwritten signature to the Broas leases; it must not be assumed that the five husbands who apparently did were able to either read or write. It is a pathetic fact that men then were proud of being able to sign their names, and any facsimile was of course a legal signature. From further research related to valid titles, I was able to establish as fact that but three of the men were able to read and write from among the eighteen lessors above, but three were legally competent. And that is, I would suggest, a fairly representative figure for the mountain society of that date. The instruments above were duly acknowledged by a local notary, but the witness required for all instruments signed by illiterate grantors was the agent of Broas, certainly not a disinterested party. Incidental to the lease executions, the agent drew and the notary took acknowledgment of two quitclaim deeds between certain of the parties designated, and with one most interesting citizen whose activities are yet furnishing spice to the odors of Pike Circuit Court. A quitclaim deed from William and Sarah Vanover to James Estep was witnessed by Morse, the Broas agent, and signed by the marks of both grantors. This deed gave Estep "color" upon which to base the lease he was executing; Morse was accepting a dubious lease and helping to bolster it up by a quitclaim brazenly drawn on the same day. The other quitclaim was drawn to the enterprising mountaineer I mentioned above; this instrument quitclaimed a property of description too vague to be located to the benefit of one Denny Vanover, who as his numerous remaining nephews assured me, would "make you a deed to anything; just point out what you wanted." I understood, and my future research indicated that I properly understood, that had Denny lived in New York City he would have sold the Brooklyn Bridge perhaps fifty times. Morse did not take Denny's lease that day; I doubt that the survey, which was to enclose 3 52 acres acquired through him, was yet completed. It was a more delicious fact, still apparent �166 Colonialism in Modern America after eighty years, that Denny owned but 100 acres in the center of Three Mile Creek, and that under a "cloud" when he happily leased Broas the entire left fork of Three Mile Creek, 352 acres. I had the honor and pleasure of placing these facts in Pike Circuit Court for the benefit of the present owner of the so-called surface, who, should he be able to find an attorney of integrity in the noble old Common-wealth, may be recognized as the owner in fee, able to purchase a quarter million dollars worth of chewing tobacco. (I would not wager highly on his chances; the case has lain dormant for four years, stalemated by his inability to find counsel and the court's uneasiness about dismissing the material I inserted in his counter claim.) (Bethlehem Minerals Company vs. John Johnson, Civil Action 7288, Pike Circuit Court.) The color (i.e., color of title, which I mention above in regard to the Broas leases) is an important element in the policies and operations of the coal companies. "Color" means no more than suggestions of title; it may be the flimsiest of title ground upon which to take a stand—such as a quitclaim, as above, from a person who obviously has no right or even a claim to transfer. If the receiver of such an instrument can make any showing of accepting it in good faith and as having some element of value for him, he can use it as "color of title." And there is no criminality ordinarily in giving a quitclaim deed, certainly when rendered to a person of average intelligence and competency; the grantor merely passes whatever right he has in any subject matter to a grantee, without professing any right or giving any warranty. Such a deed could give title to a fortune or might not be worth the ink in its writing. Under Kentucky law, I can quitclaim my interest in this college for a thousand dollars, if to a competent grantee, and no criminal charge will lie to the instrument. And what is the interest of the mining companies in such deeds and others insufficient as to valid title? This: The illegal mining of a tract of coal under color of title means that at worst the operating company will be forced to pay but standard royalty, usually around twenty-five cents per ton, which would have been but good business for it in the beginning; it may never be called to account, which is better yet. But without color of title, a company would be responsible for all coal extracted and liable at the then present market price at the pitmoutb. One of the many interesting angles of the Bethlehem-John Johnson Case is that the company must now mine the coal on the merits of its �The Big Steal 167 case; its title has been challenged and color cannot avail if the landowner successfully maintains his title in court. Let us consider for a moment the relation of the Big Steal (in eastern Kentucky) to lawful execution of deeds and leases. In Corpus Juris Secundum the commentary reads: More inadequacy of consideration is not a ground for the cancellation of a conveyance of minerals or mineral rights, but where a gross inadequacy of consideration is shown, and also weakness of mind, illiteracy, and inexperience of the grantor, and where misrepresentations have been made by the grantee, courts of equity may grant relief by way of cancellation. A mineral conveyance may be cancelled where the minds of the parties failed to meet on the amount of the purchase price. (Sec. 163, P. 350, Vol. 58) The pertinent citation reads: In case of fraud, overreaching or other circumstances justifying equitable relief, court will readily cancel transactions by which speculators procure from indigent and illiterate grantors for nominal considerations, conveyance of ... mineral rights in farm land which has been made subject of oil and gas leases to reputable oil companies. (Durbinv. Bennett, D.D. 111., 31 F. Supp. 24) Though I am somewhat doubtful of the existence of any "reputable oil company/7 it is clear that this federal principle would tear the Big Steal all to Hades, even at this late date. I have demonstrated the degree of illiteracy in the Broas lessors. How indigent were they? It is very likely that some of them lived on dirt floors. What about the considerations? Much has been made of the position that the rediculously low prices were then reasonable, that a dollar then was worth ten, even twenty, today. The essential element in the case is inadvertently given by Appellate Judge E. C. O'Rear, serving the mineral interests on the Frankfort appellate bench as he had served them in the very buying of that subject matter on which he sat Not seeing the application of all he wrote in a lengthy opinion sustaining a Pike County Judas (who had ordered that the validity of the Broas leases should not be SPOKEN AGAINST), O'Rear said: �168 Colonialism in Modern America These conditions have attracted and will doubtless for some time continue to attract investors and speculators. Another natural consequence is that prices for such properties will be advanced under present improved conditions, very considerably over what was even a high price for the same properties a few years ago [Emphasis mine]. (NCC v Nield, Pike Circuit Court) Contrary to his own words in an earlier portion wherein he opined that Broas had purchased with mere hope in the "future," the eminent jurist is recognizing that the speculators already know the value of a southeastern Kentucky dollar, that it is but waiting on the completion of the rail line to climb like a rocket, and this is what justice must compute the consideration on. This factor alone takes us back to the Corpus Juris commentary: "A mineral conveyance may be cancelled where the minds of the parties failed to meet on the amount of the purchase price." (Of course, none of this law nor those facts matter, but they furnish us with a sociological study.) One other factor remained in the list of possibilities toward cancellation; it was the question of misrepresentation. An earlier but near relative of that same Auxier who ruled against Pike County in the Broas situation of the 50's prepared sworn evidence in an early move against the Broas transactions to the effect that part of the consideration of the leases had been Broas' assurances that the railroad would arrive in five years and then mining, hence payment, would forthwith begin. Misrepresentation of another type, a humorous and pathetic type, was the lessee's solemn covenant that all gold found in the leaseholds would remain under title of the grantors. In spite of all these factors which alone or cumulatively warrant cancellation, we would do the mountain people an injustice to assume that they supinely submitted to the Broas steal once it became a matter of public knowledge. Efforts were made to break the leases in court, attempts were made to return the dollar-per-acre payments, and some lessors openly resold to willing grantees over the Broas documents of record. (The leases were truly void for a half-dozen legal considerations which are offered in the above, but the corporations had conspired with state government as an initial move; in the entire history of the Big Steal only one significant ruling has been awarded the landowners: i.e., lateral and subjacent support which I hope to discuss briefly. In that �The Big Steal 169 time, only Governor Breathitt of the 1960's has established a record among his predeeessers of openly standing with and for the people and that only in the latter half of his term.) Let us consider the prospects of a newly-arrived speculator or buying agent, one who is in the first wave into the mountains and is "in on the ground floor." If he is from the North or East, as I imagine all were, he has never seen such a country, such potential, for even the steep hillsides may be propitious. (Coal would be dumped directly into rail cars.) Only on the West Coast could the value of the timber stands be surpassed, though the lumber men had arrived earlier, seeking only the very best of the best types. The black walnut and yellow poplar had been cut heavily, and the best of the white oak is gone, but the eye could not from any distance perceive the difference. There are no roads worthy of the name; wagons can be used, or sleds, but the creeks are forded, not bridged. Through the decades of isolation only the creek bottoms are cleared and some of the "cove" fields. The timber grows down to the creeks, hanging over the paths and wagon trails. The tentative earlier prospecting had quickly established an important truth; no great care need be exercised in buying. The coal was there, everywhere; the only difference would be in grade, and none of it was worthless. So one could buy freely as to site. Buy from site to adjoining site future mining fields by accretion. But buy anywhere as opportunity offered to make the capital reach as many fools as possible. Here was a people who had known but six-month or sevenmonth schools as the annual custom. But this means less than we might expect. The severe winters could cut that time to four or five months, and distance was very much a factor in attendance. Many families did not even choose to send their children, though others were more than willing. Short-term "writing schools" sometimes supplemented the regular term; these might last as little as ten days. Eighth grade students could teach, and I suspect that in earlier days anyone who could read and write was eligible. The mental capacity of the people thus ranged from an understandable illiteracy to a vicious stupidity in some cases. �170 Colonialism in Modern America (There were the exceptions; I have learned of men who could plot land surveys and there were men who left the mountains and returned as doctors and lawyers. These exceptions were probably rare indeed earlier than 1890.) But the buyers found a general atmosphere of geniality; they were expert in breaking down the innate suspicion. They addressed the victims by their first names; they placed themselves inside the obligations of hospitality, for many, even among the violent types, considered themselves responsible for the safety and feelings of a guesteven if he was sleeping on a cornshuck mattress and being fed cornbread and salt bacon. For these mountain people to see a hundred dollars in cash at one time was a life experience; and in addition to the lack of education, they were and are yet exceptionally naive. As much as they may distrust outsiders in general, they have the strangest veneration for education (even if hidden under hostility). At that time, it is to be doubted that a single one knew the implications for the future in the mass selling; many thought the coal existed in only one seam; some thought it existed only in certain places. I have written all this in regard to the buyer and his advantages to illustrate his one great disadvantage, that which has been a burden on the back of the industry up to this date, and that which would have changed the regional social system had not the industry prepared for its potential troubles by aligning with state government and maintaining either an alliance or a rapport unto this very day. The industry's problem was this: There were no legal means of obtaining titles to the great coal strata. There was comparatively little population; this was good in a way for the region was uopen." But relative to population, there were but few settlers per lineal mile on the creek systems; there were even fewer claimants of property, for incredible as it may sound, this region has always had a "renter" class, even when land warrants and patents could be obtained for a pittance; sympathetic county surveyors would come to the farm, survey one line and geometrically calculate the other three, back to the starting point, to lighten the cost of the patentee. But there were those who had never obtained land. I have concluded that it was seldom indeed that this class stayed on one location long enough to perfect a title by residence. These who were later called "renters" did not then necessarily have to rent; they were often squatters, moving from one creek to another as the whim or necessity moved them. �The Big Steal 111 Furthermore, many of those who considered themselves to be landowners were definitely not. The mountaineers honored each others' deeds (in general), but these were often based on original squatting or arbitrary claims, and the continuity that would have perfected preemption or adverse possession had often been broken to spoil the possible or pending title. Even when absolutely valid patent titles had been obtained, men would sometimes abandon them and others might obfuscate the record by patenting over the same lines, unwittingly or knowingly breaking the patent laws. But titles, as far as corporations are concerned, must be obtained through individuals, through title holders. So the industry knew its problem in advance, knew that only in a region so deprived and isolated could it hope to grasp and maintain such a tremendous chunk of the national wealth. The entire governmental system was subverted to maintaining this national swindle, and on the local level the two parties took on the aspects of two bloated swine fighting in the swill trough, careful never to turn it over—for who knows but what we might win next election. From the Court of Appeals down to the average police court, the judiciary became a class of parasites whose only necessity for a show of legal knowledge lay in the cases wherein two non-political people had suits of private nature, and both were evenly matched as to influence and access to money. Returning directly to the Broas leases and other sources of title, I sought to make the point that titles may only be obtained where they exist, and for the massive purposes of the industry there were no massive title sources. It was realized from the first that continual title improvement must be a goal and remain an integral part of operations for years. Many of the Broas lessors were again contacted and induced to sign outright mineral conveyances by mere payment of the two-dollar-per-acre contingent consideration. These new conveyances were the notorious forms known synonymously as the Northern Coal and Coke form, the Mayo form, the broad form, or the long form; and the mineral grantees at this phase also picked up all minerals on the properties in addition to the coal and obtained the rights which the cooperating Court of Appeals said were tantamount to outright control of the surface. (In all honesty, no other factors of law being considered, this was essentially true.) But none of these acquisitions affected the basic title situation which was �172 Colonialism in Modern America based on the ability of the original or the new grantors to give sound titles. However, in the next two decades, many of the instruments became valid as some of the grantors perfected their suface titles by fifteen years of various forms of possession, validating the mineral conveyance by the same token. Various means were used by the industry to aid and encourage specific landowners to improve their titles, though the companies had to work here in privacy for fear of exciting a public or an individual interest in the possibility that the landowner had a better mineral title than the operators themselves did. THIS IS STILL THE BASIC FACT OF TITLE RESEARCH IN THIS REGIONREGARDLESS OF ALL THE PURPORTED SEVERANCE OF MINERALS FROM THE SURFACE, NO SEVERANCE IS VALID UNLESS EXECUTED BY ONE WHO HAD A VALID TITLE IN FEE. An invalid or false severance can be made valid if the grantor in question later develops or obtains for himself a good title to the property in question. IN THE AREAS I HAVE MAPPED AND ABSTRACTED, I WOULD ESTIMATE THAT THE MINERAL INDUSTRY HAS A FIRM TITLE TO ABOUT SIXTY PERCENT OF THE TERRITORY IT HAS MINED OR IS MINING. And this figure would be less had there not been a continual program of shoring up weak spots, obtaining various statute concessions, and an increasing percentage of buying in fee. I could cite incredible instances, however, if space permitted, where large tracts are awaiting exploitation on title grounds which can reflect nothing but that desperation in the thirty years after 1890 to get some sort of a document from any sort of a person to cover the accretive surveys of Broas and his successors. In the head of Shelby Valley I found a mineral deed to a large acreage, granted by an uncle of mine to Consolidation Coal Company; the amazement of the present "surface owners" equalled my own, for as I had suspected and as they knew, his uncle, deceased for several years, had never in life had the slightest claim on the property in question. And not only was he a good respected citizen, he was certainly too sensible to have executed such a deed in the face of his immediate neighbors. I can cite a variety of similar instances in a radius of five miles, but I am trying to deal with trends rather than examples. Incidentally, this acreage had already been obtained as a Broas lease; the new or later document showed clearly that Consolidation was foreseeing possible difficulty with the leases. �The Big Steal 173 So, while the Land and Property Departments at Jenkins, under the long chain of operating names of Consolidation Coal Company and Bethlehem Mines Corporation, schemed and drew and redrew its maps and watched over possible future sore spots, the industry maintained or tightened its grip on the state judiciary and the political systems. In the history of Kentucky mining, only one circuit judge has proven his integrity and openly fought for justice.2 This is Courtney C. Wells of Hazard, Perry County, now in private practice. In BLUE DIAMOND COAL COMPANY v. NEACE, Perry Circuit Court, Judge Wells, having been already overruled by the Court of Appeals in a strip-mining case reversed for the operator, had to instruct a jury in a second one. Facing the fact that our honored appellate statesmen had ruled that only such stripping as was "arbitrary, wanton, or malicious" was forbidden or compensable, Wells gravely stayed inside their logic and told the jury: The Court instructs the jury that the plaintiff, Blue Diamond Coal Company, had the right to the use of the surface in the prosecution of its business of mining, for any purpose of necessity or convenience, unless this power was exercised oppressively, arbitrarily, wantonly, or maliciously, and if you believe from the evidence in the case that the plaintiff in the prosecution of its business of mining, exercised this right of power in an oppressive, arbitrary, wanton or malicious manner, and the defendant's property was damaged thereby, then the law is for the defendant and you should so find. It was a foregone conclusion as to how a mountain jury would react to these instructions, and Wells, knowing that the Frankfort rogues would overrule him again, added a judicial opinion to the appeal record, flatly asking the Court to reverse its ruling and overturn the Buchanan v. Waton precedent upon which Kentucky stripping was based. Of course, all he established was his integrity, while that eminent jurist who was once promoted here for governor, the Right Honorable Judge Palmore, really put the appellate position in the proper perspective: "The mere exercise of a right to mine in a particular fashion cannot of itself be classified as arbitrary, wanton, or malicious. It is the manner of the mining operation, as distinguished from the fact of its being carried on, that determines liability for damages."3 �174 Colonialism in Modern America And to show that he was capable of more than sophistry and that Kentucky law is what "this Court says it is—this week" (a direct quote from one of the seven Judases), he wrote some of the most astounding words seen in American jurisprudence: . . . .we are obliged to point out that Buchanan v. Watson does not upset any existing law, but applies the old principles to a new fact situation, AND RIGHT OR WRONG, it would be a grave matter indeed for this court by overrulling it now to upset property interests which have since been invested in reliance upon it. (Emphasis mine) It would be hard to find plainer English to say that Kentucky's Court of Appeals would not overrule the mineral industry's prize precedent for any reason, and a franker confession that the Court is a base for the interests "relying upon it" could not be stated. �The Big Steal 175 NOTES *A few notable severances had been executed earlier than 1890 by Virginia Mining and Improvement Company, (Probably less than a halfdozen, in the late 1889's.) ^It would be well for me to note that two other judges have voiced opposition to the mineral-political-judicial combine. John Chris Cornett of Knott Circuit Court has twice denied the right of the operators to destroy the surface without compensation to the surface owner. Judge Edward Hill, formerly of Floyd County, now a Judge of the Court of Appeals, dissented in the latest appellate case which reversed Cornett in Martin et ux V, Kentucky Oak Mining Company et al. In the dozen or so mining counties with circuit judges having a four (six?) year term of office, these three legalists form a tiny and significant minority during a period spanning eighty years. ^Lateral and Subjacent support is required for the surface owners under Kentucky law. From the early days it has been illegal to remove all the coal under any area without leaving pillars (blocks) of coal to support the surface; the coal companies must expressly buy the right of total removal, i.e., breaking the surface. This is from a state judiciary that later permitted the entire destruction of the surface. �This page intentionally left blank �THE LAND DEVELOPMENT RAG by This the by in North by in to It on the velopers' shovels. The the of the people in the and of for to conAver}7 to fall under the deof this is to docuto be the the up en™ of Is centers." to by iy the is a a in (c) and for to om �178 Colonialism in Modern America ed by gently sloped mountains to a cacaphony of strip-development/fast-food chains. The land grab has boosted land prices so that farmers can't afford farmland and has intruded a culture of affluence on farmers who are left to work as greens-keepers and domestics, to commute to industry towns, or to sell and move out. Developers say North Carolina farmers are simply following a national pattern of leaving the farms since World War II. But the national decrease in farm acreage harvested was 10 percent during the past decade, while the decrease in Avery County was nearly 40 percent. In more developed Watauga, it was a whopping 50 percent. Farmers admit that it's been getting more difficult to stay on the farm every year because of rising prices, but the financial blow caused by tourist resorts makes farm life almost impossible. The seasonal beauty of the Blue Ridge and Appalachian chains attracted corporate developers, many of whom had already splattered the Florida coast with beachfront resorts. They saw a quick profit to be made in an area with four tourist seasons, low tax rates, accessibility to the Appalachian Development Highways, and a 60-year history of exclusive, small resort communities. They came, they saw, they bought. While the turnover of land to outsiders has been sizeable, the boom was initiated locally, in the early Sixties, by Hugh Morton and the Robbins brothers, who recognized the profit to be made in major land development. Morton, called a "conservationist before the word was invented" by one of his salesmen, subdivided a portion of the 7,000 acres of his family's land to create expensive resort subdivisions. Morton's and the Robbins' developments would have 6,000 people living on delicate mountain land. The Robbins' Hound Ears development charges $20,000 for a half-acre lot with covenants to build $50,000 homes; and the Morton family's Invershiel, a Scottishdeco community, charges $50,000 for two-acre lots with architectural covenants to build Scottish manor houses. The most exclusive and expensive development is Grandfather Mountain Golf and County Club. Morton and Oklahoma Oilman John Williams carved a suburban vacation complex into Grandfather Mountain and demand $20-30,000 per acre, $6,500 for country club membership, $600 annual dues, and $80,000 to $250,000 �The Land Development Rag 179 homes. Corporate developers like Carolina Caribbean and Sugar Mountain, as well as a flock of smaller subdividers, have capitalized on Morton's cue and created a land grab to build moderately priced resorts modeled after his exclusive mountain retreats. The developers scalped the mountains from Avery County to Watauga's Boone to make room for a string of resort complexes, then pocked the roadsides with billboards which advertise "kicks in the sticks" images for urban tourists. The choice of a second home depends upon the size of your pocketbook. The most exclusive, like Hound Ears and Grandfather, are self-contained units which offer everything from golf, tennis, and skiing to restaurants and the requisite country store. Further down the road, Beech, Sugar, and Seven Devils hawk cheaper versions, and trapped in between are hurriedly-built places like Adam's Apple and Mill Ridge, with poorly built houses, some below the water flooding, and a single ski slope which runs virtually down onto the highway. The secluded and exclusive resort complexes appear to taunt the neighboring communities where some residents live in substandard housing with outdoor plumbing, no running water, and a per capita income of $1,500 for farming families. Developers claim that their construction primed Watauga's and Avery's economic pump. But the facts speak differently. True, some people have profited from the spectacular land grab, but most people are hurt by the apparent and hidden costs of land speculation. And the buying was spectacular. Realtors turned land over three and four times in as many months, inflating the prices according to what other speculators or vacationers would pay. One realtor bought 300 acres at the base of Grandfather Mountain for $30,000 and sold less than of a third of the land the following month for $156,000. Land that once cost $250 an acre sold for $2,500 and up. Farmers couldn't resist the money and sold their land. Those who held out demanded prices they didn't dream possible and got them. "I asked $80,000 for my back 40 acres, and some fellow from Florida paid it," said one man who saved his farm by selling his mountain land. Other farmers were pressured to sell or swap their land, leaving the developers with huge tracts for subdivision. Beech Mountain quarter-acre lots cost 820 times the original buying price, and land prices in the rest of Avery County were boosted �180 Colonialism in Modern America 401 percent in five years. (During the same period, farmland prices in the nation as a whole increased on the average from $115 to $194 per acre, or 60 percent.) According to a North Carolina Public Interest Research Group study, by 1975 outside speculators owned 164 percent more land in Watauga County and 47 percent more in Avery County than they did in 1970. Land boom threaded everybody's conversation, and realtors thought they'd never see the bottom of the money barrel. Hard Times But the recession hit the developers hard, and salesmen aren't showing anybody house lots anymore. "When the economy is strong people buy luxury items like second homes—in a recession we're the first item to go," said a developer. Most of the less exclusive resorts face bankruptcy, and several larger developers like Beech Mountain have gone under. The history of bankrupt Beech Mountain challenges the assumption that the only reason for the failure of resort developments is that they've fallen victim to national recession. Beech's and Sugar's near bankruptcy demands an examination of the assumption that the development of recreation communities is a positive means for farming communities to sustain themselves. In her master's thesis, Robin Gottfried judged that "unless more and more homes are constructed in subdivisions, scattered lots or new recreation communities—the [economic] flow of benefits stemming from new construction will cease. If nothing else fills this gap, [the community]. . .could face a serious crisis."1 Beech owes $10 million more than its $25 million assets to a string of banks which includes North Carolina National Bank, Northwestern Bank, and Tri-South Mortgage Investors Trust of Atlanta. Former Beech President Roger Hard said Beech could have stayed afloat if the government had granted $8 million in tax-payer money to correct water and sewage violations and if bankers lent an extra $500,000 to prepare its ski slopes. But federal dollars cannot be used to build sewage plants for private industry, and the lenders said no. Beech's collapse is also due to more than the recession. �The Land Development Rag 181 According to court-appointed trustee Ralph O. Hutchinson, an investigation by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) into Beech Mountain activities showed a 'Very relaxed attitude toward cost control, poor management and a complete lack of development and operational planning/' He also said that the investigation uncovered some ''irregularities in the use of corporate funds." Because of its financial and management shenanigans, Carolina Caribbean, Beech's corporate father, was suspended from the exchange. Beech, like other resorts, "ran the financial numbers game to stay afloat," says President Hard, who was brought in by Carolina Caribbean to bail out Beech and is now attempting the same at neighboring Sugar Mountain. Hard says the resort developers put up tremendous amounts of front money to build ski slopes, lodges, and restaurants to attract people to the mountains in the first place. Then overhead costs for water, sewage, and operating expenses were borrowed on short term notes while the lots and houses were sold long term. "It's a cash flow problem," he said. "A purchaser buys a $10,000 lot but makes only a $1,000 down payment while it costs us $7,000 to prepare it." "The $7,000 didn't include soft costs which added to our immediate obligations," said Hard. Nearly 75 percent of Beech's operating expenses were for salesmen, advertising, enormous salaries, and hefty expense accounts. "The original corporate owners should have put land sales money into escrow to build equity for land development; but they borrowed loans upon loans based on nothing but paper until the business operated only on financial device," said Hard. Banks and Real Estate Investment Trusts couldn't wait to press money into the developers' hands. They loaned 100 percent money at five and six points above prime for paper collateral. "It just didn't work," said Hard, who couldn't issue a 1975 annual report because of Beech's faulty bookkeeping. Hard says he's a little more successful with his Sugar Mountain rescue, but he pays himself a month's salary in advance "just in case." Sugar is delinquent in all of its normal trade accounts. What Hard did was arrange with Sugar's lenders to defer payment on loans of $10 million which are currently secured by corporate real estate. The bank couldn't refuse to wink at Sugar's debts. Hard showed the lenders that they would lose $500,000 more by �182 Colonialism in Modern America foreclosing than by placing a moratorium on his old debts with no principal or interest. He says if he stabilizes his credits, pays current bills C.O.D., and borrows $2 million more, he'll make money in five years. "This time," says Hard, "we're going to change Sugar Mountain from a semi-private to a public resort." Hard plans to halt land sales, push the ski lodge and convention business, and create a weight-loss camp. Opening the doors to the public invites criticism that local people who can afford to use the ski slopes are caught in an economic ping-pong game. When times are bad for the resorts, local residents are welcome. When times are good, they're excluded. "We want to generate traffic through the resort to sell houses," says Hard. "When the second home business gets built out again, the slopes won't be able to handle local people—there won't be room. So we'll have to close the local people out." Hard Sell Developers say the resorts meet urban dwellers' recreational demands. "Mountain retreats are what the people want," said a realtor. But carnival marketing techniques of large resorts like Beech and Sugar indicate that this particular form of recreational demand is produced by the developers. "The whole thing is created," admitted a former salesman for the Beech sales team. "Developers create the value, the impression, the atmosphere— and then sell it with emotional appeal." Professional sales teams are trained to invent what people think owning mountain land is: country living with suburban familiarity. Beech's well-rehearsed dog-and-pony show tactics begin with a deluge of telephone calls made to randomly-chosen people in "prime target areas." When enough people agree to participate in a free tour, chartered planes whisk the targeted clients to a mind-boggling weekend of loose money and fast talk which intimates that the last quarter-acre of Appalachia might be sold before they got off the plane. The sequence of well-controlled events leaves little room for thought. "If they think twice about buying—they'll change their minds," said a salesman who admitted that most people hadn't thought of buying land before the sales team called. Free meals, free lodg- �The Land Development Rag 183 ings, and the developers' idea of mountain culture are part of the package. "At Beech," said the salesman, "pretty little girls dressed up in Indian costumes drive buyers around the golf course and deposit them in briefing rooms where the benefits of purchasing a lot are described." Then they're released to the salesmen. The salesman's job is to generate enthusiasm to sell land. "Salesmen drive people to the top of the mountain and literally cry about its beauty," said a man who did it. The procession to the mountain resembled an army convoy. Jeeps carried the buyers to pre-selected lots, the man in front and the woman in the rear. Two-way radios connected salesmen with each other and with general headquarters. Several jeeps would converge on a lot at a prearranged time. Sales were flashed onto the jeep radios. If a tourist wavered, the salesman radioed his indecision in code to headquarters who radioed the lot number of other jeeps. Bidders for the unclaimed lot would crowd the frequency. "What's important is to create a sense of urgency," said the salesman. After paying $8,000 to $10,000, what does the client get? "Not much," according to a salesman. "The clients lose, too. Resort facilities aren't built to last. They're simply paste-up jobs to sell as much land as quickly as possible." Developers often build the minimum to sell lots and then leave the property owners to worry about maintenance and other problems like fire protection. Purchasers find themselves having to maintain security, water and sewage systems, golf courses, ski slopes, and roads not built to anyone's standards except the developers. "Nothing was built to last," repeated the salesman; "it was built to show that it had been done. We've butchered some of the prettiest mountains you've ever seen." Fancy Doctors and Salty Roads Resort developers say they're good for the county because they spend money locally and pay taxes. But laid off resortconstruction workers are trying to revitalize their neglected farms, and female-oriented domestic jobs are seasonal and lowpaying. "We've increased the tax base immeasurably," said the vice-president of Grandfather Mountain Company. If this were �184 Colonialism in Modern America the ease, then tax rates should have decreased or county services increased. In fact, not only have land values skyrocketed with each tax assessment, but Watauga's property rate increased by 46 percent last year. Also, high density resort communities overload a town's services and facilities. As for county-provided services for those increased tax dollars, local citizens say they get little and are second priority for the services that the county does provide. County services have not increased since the resort boom. Road maintenance typifies an unequal provision of services. North Carolina's roads are state maintained. Snow removal is a primary maintenance function. Both Avery and Watauga counties are included in a "bare pavements program" which salts 165 of the 400 miles of paved roads at the first snowflake. Highway officials salt the most trafficked roads: All ski roads get first priority. Farm roads, often impassable in winter months, are not priority. Several Valle Crucis farmers said the school bus couldn't take their children to school during last winter's weeklong storm because of the bad roads. But skiers could reach the slopes. Local maintenance workers, who once looked favorably on ski resorts, said they use one-third of the state's entire snow removal equipment to clear Avery and Watauga counties, but their own roads remain blocked. Road salting is rotting cars and polluting people. The highway department dumps 6,000 tons of sodium and calcium chloride on the winter roads. Truck farmers say that since the salting began they've had to buy a new pick-up every two years because of corrosion. When the snow melts, salt percolates into the soil and drains into water systems. A district highway engineer said, "I daresay there's people who've got salt in their water systems right now." The reason the highway department uses salt instead of neutral sand is that "salt clears the roads cleaner and faster to the ski areas. We have to use so much of it anymore, it's cheaper." The district engineer said he wished the state would put more money into road maintenance instead of expanding the highways to draw tourists, but he plans to build a $9 million expansion of the 5.3 mile tourist-used road from Boone to Blowing Rock, Watauga's only wet city. A coverall-clad realtor wondered why they "just don't move the liquor to Boone instead of �The Land Development Rag 185 building a $9 million four-lane." Seasonally overcrowded hospitals force local people to bear the costs of new hospital-expansion bonds. The hospital at Banner Elk serves the resorts at Beech and Sugar Mountains, Seven Devils, and Grandfather Mountain, as well as Avery County residents. Hospital Administrator Juanita Shoemaker says, "It's simple to understand. We've had to expand the hospitals along with the developments." Mayor Charles Cannon agreed. "During ski season and hang-glider days, the emergency room is full." Shoemaker says the emergency room was a nightmare during Beech's first ski season. "Evetyone worked weekends and nights to set broken legs and bones." A record 11,000 people used the emergency services that year while local residents complained that their children's illnesses often went unattended. Hospital administrators are unsure of the number of out-of-county patients because second home dwellers use local addresses for hospital admittance. Even so, nearly 30 percent of the patients at Cannon are not from Watauga or Avery Counties. When Beech Mountain collapsed, the total number of local patients at Cannon increased by 17 percent. Boone's hospital is a highly specialized and expensive medical complex—a magnet which has tripled the number of its specialists in the past five years. Last year, the hospital board voted to purchase additional equipment and build a new wing to house the specialists. Local people judge they would be better served by community clinics engaged in preventive medicine and primary medical services instead of the highly specialized and expensive medicine available at the hospital. "We need regular doctors, not fancy medicine," said a woman who can't easily commute to the centralized hospital because she doesn't have a car and there's no public transportation. Deeds and foreclosures descended like a paperwork avalanche on the county sheriff's office. The sheriff blames the rise in drug arrests and breaking and entering on second homes. "Robbers thrive on second home developments and tourists bring in drugs," he said. Some of the resorts maintain their own security, but the deputies routinely patrol the resorts and if there's an arrest to be made, "It's our baby." During the past 10 years, the sheriff has tripled his force and he says with the extra seasonal work, "It's not enough." �186 Colonialism in Modern America Volunteer fire departments suffer more than the police. With old and minimal equipment, the volunteers must douse fires in developments whose roads are sometimes so narrow that the truck can't squeeze through to the burning house. Rev. Campbell, who heads the Foscoe Fire Department, says the problem is more than firefighting, since the "closest thing we have to community action are the volunteers. Helping developers out cuts into our efforts to stop them from destroying our land." Some resorts, like Grandfather and Hound Ears, contributed money to local fire departments for extra equipment. "They've bought allegiance, round-the-clock protection, and lower insurance rates," said Campbell. County officials agree that they spend proportionately more time meeting tourist demands than attending to local residents. "Tourists are a different class of people. They expect more service," said one official. The problem of service is both attitudinal and financial. Summer people pay taxes but aren't interested in specifically local issues like education. Therefore, their tax dollars become proxy votes to ensure that their interests are honored. Also, Watauga's government has invoked a spate of regulations to prevent future land abuse, which means more tax dollars must be spent on enforcement. Cutting Up the Mountains Developers have destroyed much of the ecologically fragile farm and mountain land. One of the worst problems is erosion caused by steeply graded subdivision roads. At Hound Ears the grades run as high as 20 percent—8 percent higher than the law allows. A county planner has said that some of the Hound Ears land as well as that of Seven Devils should never have been touched by a bulldozer. Not one lot has been sold in some smaller subdivisions, but hundreds of roads scrape through the mountains. The planner estimates that 11,000 recently subdivided lots sit on Watauga's roadripped mountains. At Beech Creek, a developer graded a zig-zag through the mountain's steep north face. Because the winter sun doesn't hit the north slope, the slick wet roads washed away after the first winter, leaving the developer with a several thousand dollar loss and the mountain with an eroded skin. The planner estimates that hundreds of road miles like Beech Creek were abandoned without the first �The Land Development Rag 187 house ever being built. "There's no way to stop that road building—all we can do is require permits to keep the stone stabilized." Road erosion scrapes the mountain clean of its protective vegetation, causing floods and runoff. When the slope is scalped, rain water runs off without being absorbed by the streams and lakes. In a monograph for the Economic Development Agency, Ray Derrick estimates that after a one-inch rainfall, 28,000 gallons run off a one-acre dirt slope. This causes sedimentation, flooding, and the lowering of the water table. Robin Gottfried, in her master's thesis, says that sedimentation is a major effect of resort construction which bares the mountains of their natural vegetation for ski slopes, access roads and second homes. And at developments like Hound Ears, more trees than necessary are cleared so each lot owner can have a mountain view. Bacterial pollution in the rivers and streams has increased dramatically because the developments do not adequately provide for disposal of refuse and human wastes. Small developers can't afford the expensive treatment plants, while larger resorts like Beech were placed under a federal building moratorium because their sewage facilities are not adequate. Community Planner Tom Foxx says that even if the waste is treated properly, the effluents—treated chemical wastes—kill fish. "What we're going to have around here is pure dead water." At Sugar, septic tanks are on one-half acre lots. A local joke is that when Sugar Mountain people flush their commodes, the water table rises in the valley. But the people living at the base of Sugar in the Norwood Community aren't laughing. They resent the developers who caused them to lose their farms and peaceful valley. Most of the 30 farming families left in the hollow depended upon prized farmland for their food and clear streams for their water. All that has changed now. Sugar Mountain Corporation built its golf course adjacent to their land. Access roads to the resort traverse the natural water flow and eliminated some streams. While the remaining streams must absorb all of the water, Norwood people are flooded each spring. The farmers say they can no longer harvest a garden since the water floods their crops and destroys everything in its path. One farmer tried to sell his land, but nobody wants to buy property that is flooded each spring. �188 Colonialism in Modern America Another farmer said the streams won't hold a lizard now because they're polluted from Sugar's wastes. Every fish in the creek died, and the water became undrinkable even for the cows. Not only is sewage running down the stream beds, but the mountains themselves are crumbling into a mud and rock mixture which dams the streams. Sugar contractors laid tiling on the access roads to keep them from washing away. The tiling reroutes storm water directly onto Norwood gardens. "Before Sugar Mountain came here," said one woman, "we didn't have a drop of floodwater. Now it runs into my living room, kills the vegetables, and rises as high as the top of the pick-up's wheel base." But Sugar executives refuse to respond to the Norwood people. The woman whose garden was flooded called Sugar's executives to explain what was happening to her community as a result of Sugar's development. The executives did not assist Norwood, but Sugar's maintenance people did throw old wood, junk tires, and metal scraps against her fence which sits about 20 feet from the resort's golf course. "Early on," said the woman, "they tried to buy us out—now I reckon they're going to try and run us out." Noise from the snowmaking machines crashes into the valley late at night. "When they're making the snow you can't sleep. I never heard such a racket in all my life," said one woman. The ski-doos and trail bikes add to the racket and scare the animals. "It's not so peaceful any more." she said. Invading the Culture Like the problems at Norwood, the effects of tourism and resort development cannot all be measured by cost-efficiency analyses. Mountain living is packaged and huckstered so that business-filtered remnants of mountain culture can be purchased at tourist shops which capitalize on Al Capp myths of corn pone, white lightnin', and geehaw whimmeydiddles. "The new shops make you think hillbillies are old-withered-up people who just sit and make those whimmeydiddles all day long," said a young man who returned home to Watauga after completing college. "We aren't someone's vacation fantasy. What the Florida people �The Land Development Rag 189 and developers don't understand or care about is that their actions keep us from living the way we want/' Shopkeepers who long served their communities with food, farming equipment, and such have learned they can make more money by catering to free-spending tourists and second home dwellers. Richard Mast, county precinct captain and son of the former owner of Mast's General Store, described the changes in his family's recently sold store. "The new owners raised the prices so that local people can't afford to shop there any more and now what was once a community supply store and meeting place is a curio shop which sells pottery made from organic dirt and three-dollar baloney sandwiches which you have to make yourself." The new owners of Mast's store, also the oldest Exxon station in the United States, plan to build an 85-seat delicatessen, with funds provided by Exxon, to commemorate the Bicentennial. One burley tobacco grower wondered what use a high-priced restaurant would be to working farmers. Local community associations have been taken over by second-home dwellers. In Mast's Valle Crucis community, monthly get-togethers and pot luck dinners once provided a forum for community discussions. Second-home people flooded the summer meetings, elected one of their own as chairman, and cancelled winter meetings because they wouldn't be able to attend. Angry farmers labeled them the "Valle Crucis Cut-up," boycotted the meetings, and are forming a new community group. Mast says Valle Crucis is being torn apart. Local landmarks are also being torn apart. Dutch Creek Falls has been a Valle Crucis playground for as long as anyone can remember. Two years ago, the falls were bought by an attorney who is building a house on a platform he erected directly over the water. To make room for the house and equipment, the attorney scraped the area clean of its trees and brush. He also hung a no trespassing sign on the land. "The first thing those outsiders do is hang up a no trespassing sign," said a woman whose grandmother's name is carved on the Dutch Creek Elm. "Land that was used for hunting and shortcuts isn't ours to use anymore, and there are so many signs you need a plat to tell where you can go," she said. "I used to love this land, but now I'm ready to move out." �190 Colonialism in Modern America Politics As Usual Despite any evidence to the contrary, development agencies like the Appalachian Regional Commission (ARC), which are supposed to assist communities like Valle Crucis, actually pave the way for the current brand of tourism and recreation development. During the past nine years, the ARC has sunk a half million dollars in studies to evaluate the economic and social benefits of tourism and resort trade in Appalachia. Most of the studies warned the Commission to stay away from investments in tourism. ARC's preliminary study on the impact of tourism in Appalachia warned the ARC that the resort industry is one of "low pay and seasonal in nature." Later, a Spindletop Research Project confirmed the earlier conclusions and added that the tourist business creates a "service class of an entire body of people." The single study which supported tourism was sponsored by the Department of the Interior, whose primary concern was to alleviate urban congestion. The conclusions of ARC's own studies describe resort investment as a "poor financial risk and deterrent to mountain life." In 1974, the ARC released a film documenting bulldozed mountains sprayed with resort developments and quick-snack shops. Its public relations director said the film was made to "sensitize the region's people to abuses of tourism and resort development." But the bankrupt developers found the way to their governor's ear, and ARC's sensitizer was filed with the rest of their mountain of tourism studies. A new $100,000 study was called a "significant document making the case for public assistance to the troubled resort industry" by North Carolina's Secretary of Natural and Economic Resources, James Harrington, a former Sugar Mountain executive. The Twin Sentinel flatly disagreed with Harrington in an editorial which called "the ARC attempt to reinflate the resort balloon at public expense, the height of folly." Some critics call the problem of resort development more a matter of structure than of judgment. One observer said, "The ARC serves the narrow interests of specific industrialists under the guise of community development." The ARC implements its development programs through its development district, called �The Land Development Rag 191 Lead Regional Organizations (LRO). The LRO Board consists of mayors and county commissioners—no directly elected members. In the overall economic development program for Watauga and Avery counties, LRO Director Carl Tuttle wrote that the "tourism industry should be the single sector of the economy to make the largest gain." To make sure the prophecy is fulfilled, the LRO does not court small factories which would employ farmers during off-season because such development might interfere with the "scenic quality" required by resort developers. Even though Watauga's factories are generally cut-and-sew, low wage, labor-intensive, predominantly employing women, farming families agree that they provide a steady income which allows them to keep their land. Tuttle's new development plans support tourism and resort interests at farmers' expense. In his 34 recommendations for community development, Tuttle directly supported resorts while making not a single recommendation to assist the 950 farmers who live in Watauga. H. C. Moretz, director of the five-county community action program (WAMY), suggests that the reason the LRO pays no attention to farmers is that there are no farmers represented on the multi-county planning body. "Oh, they'll tell you that elected officials who sit on the LRO board represent all the people but the fact is that farmers and poor people have no direct access to it. Elected officials who sit on the Board are either small businessmen who financially gain by tourist trade or they're politically tied to realtors and developers." Farming is pretty well written off by the chamber of commerce and county commissioners. When asked about the demise of farming in Watauga County, the chamber of commerce director—who works for Tweetsie Railroad—said, "Don't get hung up on agriculture." But farmers and some planners are hung up on agriculture. Tom Foxx, chief planner with the North Carolina Department of Natural Resources & Community Development, says, "We must scrutinize whether public taxpayer dollars should be further used to subsidize the resort business." Foxx, paid by the state to provide local planning and management services, is at odds with LRO planners who ignore farmers. "The initial impact of resorts on tax revenues was positive," said Foxx. "Now the services required to sustain the developments, higher taxes, and land prices �192 Colonialism in Modern America are not worth the additional dollars collected." Foxx says resorts will increase their demand for services. "What we're doing is providing an inordinate amount of services to attract skiers and don't have money left for people who've lived here all their lives." Foxx has his first opportunity to stop taxpayer assistance to resort developments in a current thrust by Sugar and Beech Mountains to win federal-state-ARC financing of a water and sewage treatment plant. Sugar's President Hard figures that a government bailout is the only thing that will save the resorts from certain bankruptcy. Hard wants an area-wide $10 million waste treatment plant to serve Sugar, Beech, and the town of Banner Elk. Without Banner Elk's participation, the resorts are not eligible for federal largesse. Banner Elk's mayor says, "We need a sanitary district to relieve developers from having to operate their own sewer and water facilities." But the mayor privately fears that a sanitary district consolidation might be the first step toward resort rule. He's right. To obtain the necessary federal money, 51 percent of the property owners must sign a petition. Two categories of property owners live in the farming-resort communities: one is a freeholder—property owner, and the other is a resident freeholder—resident property owner. Since Beech and Sugar's resort owners greatly outnumber permanent Banner Elk citizens, freeholder voting status would plunge long-time residents into an automatic minority. The developers are looking down the road and want to incorporate the sanitary district into a township. Then they would be eligible for federal funds, revenue sharing, and state aid. "What we're planning is incorporation but it's not good to publicize the fact; it's too political," admits Sugar's publicity director. Since the developers want legalized liquor in dry Banner Elk, the first confrontation is likely to force a difficult change on the community. Hard says he doesn't want to lose control of sewage facilities or a power base. "If we create a city and give up control, we'd be creating a monster in Banner Elk that could kill us." Farmers near Banner Elk say their farms are more likely to be killed than the resort business. Valle Crucis and Matney �The Land Development Rag 193 residents, who live in the shadow of the resorts, approached Foxx and his planning board to stop developers from encroaching on their communities. They asked the zoning board to prohibit resort-type developments in their townships. But Foxx couldn't do much. "We could zone them residential—that allows golf courses and subdivisions—or industrial." North Carolina state law makes no provision for agricultural zoning. Foxx says alternatives for agricultural developments do exist, but the state never passed enabling legislation and officials aren't interested in lobbying for farm legislation. "The destruction of farming is a self-fulfilling prophecy. Officials read statistics of declining farm land and decide that farmers don't want to work the land any more. Then they assist developers which increases the farmers' problems, and go back and read the statistics," said Foxx. The county could provide incentives to maintain farmland as farmland and commit non-farm land to nonurban types of development. "If a 100 acre tract of land was not used for 20 years, it doesn't have to be taxed. Five-acre conservancy zones could be designated to prevent large developers from tearing up farmland and ecologically fragile wood-land. Nearly 50 percent of the county would fit into this type of zone," explained Foxx. But developers and county officials aren't interested in land preservation because high growth development brings in money. After the tourism boom, said Foxx, "Farmers lost the right to decide how they will use their land." Land Use Planning and the Small Farm Foxx believes the county can stop unchecked growth with the tools of land-use planning and regulatory ordinances. The Watauga County Planning Board recently imposed regulations to stop the developers' worst abuses: excessive subdivisions, building violations, erosion, and flooding. But regulations must be enforced to be effective, and even then they don't halt development—at best they slow it down. Government-controlled land-use planning has its own set of problems. Who will control land-use decisions? Will land planning create more uncontrolled growth or will it be structured to encourage cooperative development? Resort developers are against government intervention and call the free enterprise �194 Colonialism in Modern America system "its own plan." 'The value and use of land will be determined, rightfully, by the open market," said realtor Randy Phillips, who tripled his land investments in one year. Phillips says government control and planning raise the costs of development. County planners say strict government control will inhibit destructive growth and direct future land development so that it will benefit all county residents. Farmers generally want nothing to do with government control because, as one farmer said, "The right to private property is inviolate." But the developers' easy money gives them a higher right than the farmers. Whether government control or laissez-faire, farmers are locked out of the decision-making process and excluded from growth plans. "Maybe we ought to build land and market cooperatives which would benefit our kind of people instead of those scalawags who cross state lines to destroy our land," said a Watauga County farmer. "Maybe," he said, "we ought to ask ourselves if this growth thing is good for us." "Whither growth?" is a question never asked by developers or government planners. Developers think of land as a commodity and not as a resource. The government says the land resource should be developed for its optimum use. While the private developers and government planners appear to be at odds over what generally amounts to environmental issues, both eliminate farmers with their growth plans. The only real question is "how fast the elimination." The contradiction of specialized growth is implicit in the system of development. While the federal government does not have an overall land use and growth policy, grants for highway construction, sewer lines, water systems, and the like define land use. Government-paid definition is encouraged by some developers who, like Hard at Sugar, define land's highest use by its highest profit. Since growth agencies like the Appalachian Regional Commission only invest in projects with the greatest dollar return, private developers and government policy complement each other. Senator Morris Udall agrees when he says the politics of land use has given special interests "the upper hand." State planning is little better than federal planning. Special interests are acutely evident in North Carolina's defeated Mountain Area Management Act which was introduced in the 1974 N. C. Legislature. The act called for a 15-member mountain commission to oversee a comprehensive state-local plan which �The Land Development Rag 195 would designate specific areas of environmental concern and enforce orderly development through a system of permits. The political nature of the bill is evident; timber and utilities are exempted from regulation. The opposition, according to an article by Joy Lamm in Southern Exposure, called the bill "politically tied." "The state government is mistrusted by past action, condemnation powers would destroy an already weak tax base, lack of local input ensures that development would be tied to a small group of individuals and there is no provision for class action suits." County-controlled zoning fares no better in the test of planning by special interests. Zoning defines land use by the dollar. Foxx says the LRO planners predicted that "between 1970 and 2020 agriculture will drop from the present level of approximately 6,000 people to about 3,000 and then will stabilize at this reduced level." uWhat planners don't understand is that implementing policies like zoning for special interests will cause their statistics to come true/ 7 said Foxx. But many farmers don't intend to bow to statistics. "The land is our frontier," said a farmer, "and we're planning to get up a posse." The posse is forming slowly and deliberately. "To survive we need a cheaper way to buy supplies, and markets to sell our produce," explained a farmer whose wife took a cut-and-sew job and whose children help cut their burley tobacco. "What we've done is organize a Farmer's Market to sell some of our extra crops." The market was created as an economic alternative for farmers who don't have outlets for their vegetables. Most of the 80 farmers who sell their produce through the market own small farms worked primarily for family consumption. Now the market allows them to sell their excess and plant additional crops in anticipation of a cash market. "Last year," said one market regular, "I made $3,000 during the selling season. It certainly helped out." The market costs $2 to join and a flat 50 cents fee per selling day. Food stamps are accepted by sellers who undercut supermarket prices by ten cents per item. Quality control is sometimes a problem since the group doesn't set standards, but most of the vegetables are graded by the growers. "We can't let bad quality vegetables slip in because we'll lose our customers. We're still in the organizing stages about things like that," said one of the planners of the market. �196 Colonialism in Modern America One farmer thought organizational problems stemmed from the fact that the market was conceived and implemented by nonfarmers and picked up by the New River Resources Conservation Development Committee. "It may never have gotten started without outside help, but we must make decisions about the market's future." The consensus is that farmers must have an outlet for their crops and access to equipment. Market members say they should be more tightly organized and focus on one issue at a time. "The first thing we need is a permanent facility so the vegetables won't wilt in the sun and we can sell refrigerated cheese and meat," commented one market organizer. "Then we should buy a truck to deliver produce regularly to shops." Cutting production costs is high on the issue list. Common purchases of grading or spraying machines would reduce expenses and create greater purchasing power for the entire community. "After that we can think about farmingsupport industry like canneries, mills, and supply stores," said a farmer who has been nearly wiped out by the tax increases and the rapidly increasing prices of equipment. "We've got the problems of all small farmers in the country and the added affection of resort developers," he said. Agricultural extension agents could be helpful, with the organizational experience they've gained from the 20-year-old cooperatives which sell specific items like sheep and cattle to large eastern markets. Their wool and cattle cooperatives generally involve larger farms, but the county agent said, "If a man has one cow and it meets our standards, he can sell it through us for a better market price than on the open market." The cooperatives, like the Farmer's Market, return more money per pound to the farmers than the open market while saving customers money. Looking down the road, market organizers see several phases of action which must occur simultaneously. The first is a transition to high yield, not so labor-intensive specialty crops. "The problem is that we're not competitive with mid-western farms. Our mountain land is not suitable for mechanized farming, so we have to go with things like cabbage or burley tobacco." Second, a combination of crops would prevent farmers from being wiped out if one crop didn't make it. Third, a more tightly organized Farmer's Market, with capital and equip- �The Land Development Rag 197 merit shared by the participants, would free money for other things. Fourth, outlets must be found for the produce. "Community Development Corporations like Chicago's Fedco and the Cooperative League in Washington, D.C. would be direct connections for our produce." Fifth, farming-support industries like cooperative canneries, supply stores, and mills would increase the markets, return money to the community, and allow farmers to grow more. "If we get this underway, we wouldn't have to work for the resorts or cut-and-sew places/' said a woman who works as a maid for Sugar. And finally, the resort developers must be forced through community organization and county government to halt their farmland gobbling and ensure a more equitable use of tax dollars. "The Farmer's Market is a way to get a handle on all these problems, but we've a long way to go," said a market member. Some tax and land plans could be implemented through the, Farmer's Market. The "circuit breaker" system rebates taxes to farmers if property taxes exceed a fixed percentage of income. If no taxes are paid, a rebate is paid by the state treasury. In Michigan, the circuit breaker is tied to state and local planning. The Internal Revenue Code, in occasional cases, is used to preserve farmland. Section 501(a)(3) governs the rights and responsibilities of certain non-profit corporations. Groups have incorporated themselves, gained non-profit status from the Internal Revenue Service, and donated land or money to an incorporated land trust. The trust is committed to maintaining the land as farmland and leases the land back to farmers. Because of the non-profit aspects of the trust, the land is not taxed and the donor receives tax advantages from the transaction. The problem, of course, is giving up the land to the corporation. In California, the Northern California Land Trust intends to use its land base as a vehicle to help migrant farmers live and produce on their own land—land owned by the trust but theirs to work and pass on to their children. Land banks are another land planning device. In British Columbia and on Prince Edward Island, the land bank system allows the state to purchase farm land. Instead of a retiring farmer selling his land to a corporation, the state buys his land and leases (or sells) it to another farmer. �198 Colonialism in Modern America The problems caused by corporate developers are not new to the mountains. Company towns used to mean coal towns which served the interests of the coal operators. Now a new set of corporate strip miners are disturbing the land and organizing labor around their resort-oriented needs. Mountain people are again going to be forced to fight for the right to decide how to use theor own land. County officials say that planned land-use regulations will block future over-development. They have hired professional planners to carry out what they perceive the public will to be. Who decides what that will is, and how conflicting demands on land-use will be accommodated in a rational land-use policy are decisions which cannot remain in the hands of the owners of the company towns if farming is to survive. NOTE ^Yolande DeB. McCurdy (Robin Gottfried), "An Ecosystematic Analysis of the Vegetation of Hanging Rock State Park, Danbury, North Carolina," MA in Ecology, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1976. �by "You an to the local businesses, set up schools and other institutions which to do the job and and You an to in their 'place,' It's On the I a all of us. As to for are I for me old 1 can get the are on in to in of you is to by as I to On the the it's a to its or in of in I are I of my to at i» in fit is A a He is the of �200 Colonialism in Modern America heard, and felt, over the past four years. Tremendous changes are coming to the mountains—whether we want those changes or not. I hope some of you are already aware of these changes and I hope you are determined to participate in these events so we can all begin to influence the people who rule this country; for I came here today to talk about taking political and economic control of our country. Before I talk about how people might begin to take power, I want to say a few words about Berea College and about the changes which I feel sure all of you are experiencing as you spend time at this place. For those who are from Appalachia, who love it, and who want to remain, I'm sure each trip back home is a hard one; for the more formal education we get the more we tend to be isolated from the old ways and from our own people. Perhaps we need to examine why this isolation takes place, for I don't believe it is an accidental thing. If I understand Berea's aims today, you students before me are the cream of this year's crop. You are the best-read, most likely to succeed in the Berea Way, of those thousands who applied to come to this lonely and sometimes barren ridge. Those of you who stay here for four years and obtain a degree can be expected to go out and become teachers, doctors, scientists, engineers—the people who help to keep this country prosperous. Those of you who have successful careers and stay in the mountains can be expected to become leaders of Appalachia. I hope not, for I believe we have too many leaders in Appalachia already. There are too many now who believe they know what is best for the area and for the people. Most of these so-called leaders or experts are trained as I am trained, and as you will be trained, to think only as middle class people with middle class values and middle class ways. Because of this, I would say that many of Appalachia's problems result from the fact that its leaders are middle class and formally educated. Let me explain further. Back home, wherever that is, and probably within sight of this building, an older culture is dying before our eyes. The physical changes are the most obvious; the old cabins, nestled in a quiet cove with surrounding chicken coop and barn, are almost �Education and Exploitation 201 gone. For the expanding middle class their way of life differs little from that of middle America. The differences which still exist are mental ones: nostalgic memories stirred by church hymns or traditional music, the old friendships built before mills and roads brought a new way of dealing with one's neighbors. But for the working class, the unemployed, the subsistence farmer, the people who barely get by, the old ways and values are still a living thing; and the relationships based on an agrarian society are not so easily discarded despite the invasion of roads and schools and TV sets. Our real problem in Appalachia is not whether the old culture will die—only time will decide that now—but whether mountain people can begin to find ways to deal directly with the political and economic forces which are at work in Appalachia and in the rest of the country. If Appalachians problems are to be solved, it will be done because we understand our past and because we begin to find out who really controls this country. We need to know who really has economic and political power in Appalachia. America began to move away from Appalachia with the utilization of the steam engine, the building of the railroad, the opening of the West, and the coming of the automobile. Because the terrain was rugged and difficult to penetrate by modern means of transportation, it was easier for businessmen and speculators to go west, to gain their tremendous profits in the drive toward western seashores. But Appalachia was not forgotten for long. It was too rich, too valuable, and too close to the existing centers of industry in the Northeast. By the late 1890's the robber barons who made their fortunes in rails, steel, textiles, and coal began to turn their attention to new areas in their search for raw materials and cheap labor. Appalachia, in all its unspoiled splendor, was close at hand, for the area had huge attractive reserves of coal, timber, and water. Rail lines, which had paralleled the major ranges and opened up the broad river valleys years before, began to penetrate the deeper regions of the mountains. In these rugged hills, the oldest in the world, the robber barons found tremendous riches. In eastern Kentucky alone, thirty-three billion tons of coal would eventually be surveyed. Over the steep slopes from New York to southern Georgia were stands of magnificent virgin �202 Colonialism in Modern America timber, perhaps the most luxuriant growth of hardwood timber on the American continent. It was a land of great beauty, a wilderness island in the midst of America's industrial push west. And just as the early pioneers and land speculators devised ways to steal this land from the Indians, the northern industrialists began to devise ways to steal it from our ancestors. The opening up of Appalachia in the quest for raw materials and cheap labor was not unique. Across the Atlantic in their corporate offices European businessmen began to look for more markets for their wares. The targets they chose were Asia, Africa, and Indochina. The race was on across the world. For as industrial production rose to new heights, new markets were needed to supply raw materials, cheap labor, and more profits. The first industrial incursions into this region were tenuous ones, but over a period of time they were successful. My family, and yours, helped to make them that way. In the coal mines, lumber camps, paper mills, and textile sweat shops of the Southern mountains, our ancestors helped to develop this region with their labor and their lives. My folks worked for the paper mills and textile plants. Your families may have worked in the mines or mills. No matter. The results are the same. They worked for it, but we don't own it. Today, if we look across the region, we can see the process still going on. The names may differ from the past—U.S. Steel, Ford Motor Company, Standard Oil, Mead Corporation, American Enka, Eastman Kodak; the names may differ, but the process remains the same. The people who labored to build this country do not own it. Neither do their descendants. We are a people with some material benefits, but we are still at the beck and call of the rich 10 percent of our population who still control 90 percent of the capital wealth. And one percent of that 10 percent actually controls how all the wealth is spent. Impossible in a democracy? Yes, it would be impossible if we lived in a democracy. But we don't. Much of this is probably not new to you. I didn't come here to bore you with facts but to ask some questions which I think you will all face very soon. My questions have to do with what we can do to change these facts, if you think they need to be changed. Historically, people who wanted change in this country have �Education and Exploitation 203 worked with the people who are most obviously oppressed: with the union movement, with Black people, and with other oppressed minorities around the country. But so far all of these attempts to build a national movement have failed because people have been bought off, leaders have been killed, or the present system has found a way to meet the immediate needs raised by the protestors. Let's look briefly at some of these attempts. In the late 1800's the labor movement in this country developed along two radically different lines. The first branch was the traditionally-oriented trade unions or guilds, established along authoritarian lines and interested in obtaining immediate material benefits for their members. They wanted a larger piece of the pie, and they were willing to live alongside the bosses if they could get some pie. Out of this group came the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations. The other branch was quite different. The best known was the Industrial Workers of the World, popularly known as the "Wobblies." It was the most militant union industrial America had ever seen. It called for one big union of working people and for the workers to control and own all phases of production. It wanted no bosses. "This land is ours," the union said. "We built it, we should control it, lock, stock and barrel." Its tactics were the boycott, the strike, the lock-out, and, if necessary, industrial sabotage. "If we can't have it, it won't exist," was the cry. And as the union chapters spread across the land, they became a threat which could not be ignored. Eventually the strikes were defeated, the leaders jailed or killed, and the members blacklisted from any jobs. By the early 1920's the Wobblies were finished as an industrial power. Yet today many of their ideas are echoed in the demands for community control of police and schools and industry. The Wobblies failed and they were destroyed, but their ideas live on. In the 1930's with the Great Depression, a militant mood began to build again in the country. Big business and the federal government were forced to take action to overhaul a collapsing system. With the reorganization of the federal government and the reforms pushed through by Roosevelt, the last militant drive of the labor unions ended in defeat. The reforms were just �204 Colonialism in Modern America enough to satisfy people and to keep them from tearing the whole thing down. With the National Labor Relations Act and the right to collective bargaining given to the unions, the last attempt to build militant unions ended. FDR's recognition of labor's right to organize was a short-term boom for the unions; but in the long run it meant that the unions could be controlled, channeled, and directed by big business through the courts and through arbitration and contracts. FDR's ploy to save the system by changing a little part of it succeeded. The American trade unions, already rigid and authoritarian, bought a larger piece of the pie and none of the action. Mountain people—in Detroit, Cabin Creek, Blair Mountain, Gastonia, Elizabethton—fought for their unions during this time. Yet today these unions have sold them out. In the 1950's and 1960's Black people began to build a movement which had potential for a national coalition of poor people. Instead of just calling for more material benefits, Black people called for liberation from psychological oppression and then for economic equality. Organizations such as the NAACP, CORE, and SCLC began the fight. It was brought to a new level by the demands of SNCC and later the Black Panthers and other Black groups. And just as the Wobblies were attacked, so were Black leaders. Over the past few years we have seen Black leaders killed, jailed, or driven into political exile because of their beliefs and because they were willing to stand up for their beliefs. In the mountains things were no different. In the early 1960's a group of poor mountain people was formed in eastern Kentucky known as the Appalachian Committee for Full Employment. It was composed of unemployed miners who were trying to force their union and the coal operators to pay them full union wages. During the same time that Black people were demanding social and economic equality, poor mountain whites were making many of these same demands of the federal government. The methods chosen by the government to deal with both groups were the same—the War on Poverty. For in the same way the government bought off militant people in the 1930's, the War on Poverty was established to keep this country's poor quiet. The results can be seen around the country where federallyfunded projects have attempted to check, channel, and thwart �Education and Exploitation 205 the drive of America's poor for political and economic rights. Where the government has been unwilling or unable to step in, the large private foundations have provided financial backing, knowledge, and, most importantly, guidance. But while these programs have often diverted people's attention from some basic needs to the more easily controlled tasks of grants, paperwork, red tape, surveys, etc., the basic alienation of the American poor remains—along with their desire for drastic change. The reasons the poverty programs failed could be held to faulty reasoning: It's not really possible to save this system by reforming it. It might have failed because of a lack of will power on the part of most Americans. But I would say the program failed because of lack of trust. No government in history has paid its own people to overthrow it. Many poor people, either instinctively or consciously, realized this and never trusted the motives and designs of the federal bureaucrats and politicians who run the program. This has been especially true in the mountains where people are traditionally distrustful of any government. Part of this distrust is based on years of being on the bottom and seeing all kinds of promises but very little action. Poor people, because of their economic experiences, look for action—not talk. In order to survive they must become experts in judging people's motives and designs. They may not always make the best decision for themselves in the long run; but they are usually accurate in judging who has the power and who will use the axe, if and when it falls. What does all this mean to you people as students at Berea College? I think it has a lot to do with you, for many of you will probably end up being the people who will attempt to control the lives of Appalachia's poor folks. Earlier I talked of how the northern industrialists came into Appalachia and began to exploit its natural wealth and cheap labor. That trend continues, and it will continue for the foreseeable future unless there is an abrupt shift in how people act in the mountains. It's not enough to simply own a region if you cannot control it and then exploit it. In order to do this, you need people �206 Colonialism in Modern America in the middle who will do the dirty work. You need an educated class willing to run the local businesses, set up schools and other institutions which train people to do the job and keep their minds and mouths shut. You need an educated class to keep poor people in their "place." Around the world wherever empires are built, you can see the same process at work. An educated class is built from the native people—a class whose loyalties are not to their own people but to the people who own the region. These educated people, the middle men, are paid well with material benefits, money, status, and power. And they rule with an iron fist. Once such a system is established, it's not necessary for the rich folks to pass down orders to their stooges. The stooges already know what their self interests are and they will protect them at all costs. But where do you recruit an educated class and how do you train them? It's my belief that Berea College and other colleges in Appalachia have fulfilled this function since they were established. Berea College was founded by missionaries who believed they had a divine purpose to bring enlightenment and education to this rugged land. But education in our society means control, not freedom. It means a way of transferring values from one group to another so that the first group can keep the second under control. The missionaries, or their supporters, ended up by controlling the people they were trying to save from eternal damnation. This was true in India with the British, in Latin America with the Spanish, and in Appalachia with our own missionaries. By setting up an educated class of native people who are trained to be doctors, lawyers, teachers, and social workers, a larger society can control a smaller one or one without political power. How does Berea help in all of this? I think it's fairly evident. By training the people who have functioned best in mountain schools, Berea helps to insure a steady supply of people who will take over the reins of power when the existing local leadership dies. By teaching students a new set of values, values based on the dominant middle-class American society, this college insures that people can be co-opted and bought off like most other people in this society who are formally educated and �Education and Exploitation 207 middle class. This system will always allow a few people to fight their way to the top, for those few are needed to control those who are on the bottom. Remember this fact, and remember it well, fellow Bereans: We got where we are by climbing over the backs and bodies of our brothers and sisters who now work in the mills, mines, and factories, who fight in Vietnam, or who sit jobless at home and wonder what tomorrow will bring. I don't know what your reaction is to these thoughts. I don't mind anger. I hope you do have some kind of reaction. I also hope you don't feel guilty if you find some truth in what I say. Guilt is the traditional means of escape for the American liberal who rushes out into the cold world to help poor folks, whether poor folks want help or not. The problem is not with poor folks. The problem is with the rich folks in this country who control the wealth and then control us. And part of the problem is with the middle class who help to perpetuate this evil, racist system which we now have. We have the potential as a people to build a democratic society in this country. If we want to build a democratic society we must begin to figure out how the present system works. Then we must begin to build a new society which will serve people, not exploit them. ��lOtflNOD JO 3DNVN31NIVW 3H1 �nI• �IV: of a In the and trol of and Is the the of in and the act to of the and and and the the the the and In the In of and as the Jim of art. the to the is to the to is or re- pressed. Jr., A In of and the the and and the the ity" the of and of the the In and the and . .". a and his the the In 'The at to and and In and the "Coal the to of in the of of a of a of re™ �210 as a Phil to the the in in the TV A it has in the the an the the to of and of and to • . * • ''' ; r f~ "" Y ' �It* ��by James G. Branscome on of to the and has to be the Its a on the the a all a to the a on TV. All of on If the on the to his be an TV In the Jy a his of of taste." of the fe) a to he the or on This by a in of Fit is a �212 Colonialism in Modern America boycotts and perhaps even throw dog dung at Eva Gabor as she emerged from her studio. They might even go a step further and deal with that hillbilly maligning patriot, Al Capp. But with this, as all things Appalachian, silence. America is allowed to continue laughing at this minority group, because on this America agrees: Hillbilly ain't beautiful. The treatment given by the media to Appalachia is only one example of the massive failure of America's institutions for over a century to meet the needs of the people of the region. From government at all levels to churches, private welfare agencies, schools, colleges, labor unions, foundations, newspapers, corporations, ad infinitum, the region has received an unequal share of exploitation, neglect, unfulfilled promises, and misguided assistance. This is not to deny that America is interested in Appalachia. It has been interested for some time, in the peculiar American way, in Appalachia's worth to industry, of course; only erratically has it been interested in the plight of the people. General Howard of the Freedman's Bureau is said to have convinced Lincoln that he ought to try to do something for the poor mountaineers after the Civil War. The New Deal brought the then rather progressive Tennessee Valley Authority to one part of the region, but TVA's recently developed capacity to burn lower-grade strip-mine coal brought the hellish human and material waste of that process to Central Appalachia. John Kennedy and his brother Robert both professed an interest in the hillbilly and his vote; and eventually, under Lyndon Johnson, their interest was translated into the Appalachian Regional Commission, a unique political and economic development agency. But, as Harry Caudill remarked, its assignment was "one of the most awesome tasks since Hercules cleaned the Augean stables." It is especially Herculean when one applies some good American economic analysis: The agency was given about onetwentieth of the amount of money it takes to fight the Vietnam war for one year and told to use the amount over a six-year period to correct almost two hundred years of abuse to areas of a thirteen-state region! Now, for the riddle: If 80 percent of that money was spent on highway construction, how interested is America in the nineteen million people who occupy the territory the Commission described in 1964 as "an island of poverty in a sea of affluence"? This is not to deny that the Commission has �Annihilating the Hillbilly 213 had a positive influence on the region. Given the parameters in which it had to work, it has made many investments in public facilities and increased the accountability of state governments to their Appalachian sections. If Congress extends the program and significantly increases its funding for human resource programs, the Commission may be able to bring to the Appalachian poor some of the services even ghetto residents have come to accept as normal. There are some big ifs in this, not the least of which is the critical question today about the relationship between institutions and people: // an institution today had unlimited funding and unlimited maneuverability, could it bring to people the services they need without destroying the kind of life they want to live? If the ability of institutions to respond to people's needs is judged on the basis of the Federal government's enforcement of the Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969, then the answer to this question is NO! Loud and Clear. The death of 78 coal miners in Farmington, West Virginia, in November, 1968, led to the passage of that act, which is the strictest mine safety legislation ever to get through Congress and be signed by a President. The public outrage over Farmington gave government one of its few opportunities to wrestle successfully with the powerful American coal-oil conglomerates. But something did not work: Either there is no will or there is no desire by the bureaucracies (the institutions) of the Federal government to go to the mat with the conglomerates. Perhaps their interests are so inseparable that no contest is ever possible. In any case, since the disaster more than 700 miners have been killed in the mines, and more than 10,000 have been crippled or injured. There has been no public outcry to avenge the deaths of these men. Moreover, the Social Security Administrations's own Bureau of Disability Insurance provides some statistics to indicate how the bureaucracy of one fundamental institution—governmentdeals with one crisis that the 1969 Act sought to meet: compensation for miners disabled by "black lung" contracted after long years and long hours inside the mines. The national average of claims under the black lung provisions of the act processed by the Bureau of Disability Insurance is 43 percent. However, only 22 percent of the claims from eastern Kentucky and 24 percent of those from West Virginia had been processed by early November, 1970. And 52 percent of the processed claims of West �214 Colonialism in Modern America Virginia miners have been denied; 71 percent of Kentucky miners have been denied. The figure for claims denied for the rest of the nation is only 20 percent. If one reflects on the fact that in the past seventy years there have been 101,000 mine deaths, a number larger than the total of miners now working in Appalachia, and double the number of Vietnam deaths, then an inability of the government to enforce regulations, which are mild by international comparison, strikes one as not speaking well for the capacity of political institutions to use the very arena of action which is theirs by democracy's mandate, or for the American public's capacity to care for anything more than the dramatic, never the substantial. And with the death of thirty-eight men in the Finley mines near Hyden, Kentucky, on December 30, 1970, the nation was once again reminded about the plight of miners in Appalachian coal pits. The President of the United States himself announced that he would have visited the scene of the disaster—if it had not been for "the bad weather." (Yet no airports in the region were closed.) The more important visits (those of inspectors from the Bureau of Mines) had not been made on schedule some few days before the disaster in order to check correction of violations of the 1969 act cited on earlier visits. It was the same old refrain: New priority guidelines for violations under the new act had just come down from Washington to the bureau's regional office in eastern Kentucky, necessitating a new schedule of visits; the office itself was short-handed because some of the inspectors had taken "Christmas leave"; the mine operators complained that some provisions of the act were a peril to the safety of miners and mines; no one, not even the inspectors, understood all of the provisions of the act, etc., etc. In any event, the Finley mines were permitted to operate up to the disaster on December 30. They did so in large part because an inspection required under the 1969 act was subjected to the administration of a bureaucracy which, perhaps unwittingly but in fact, vetoed the will and intention of the Congress and the President and—if representative government is still taken seriously—the will of the people. Thirtyeight men were dead. And the litany of charges: Families of the dead miners were exploited by funeral operators, insurance claim men, and government officials; cover-ups and doubledealings and politics were involved in the "hearings" to inquire into the disaster; illegal "prime-cord" and "dynamite" had (had �Annihilating the Hillbilly 215 not) been used in the mines; an inspector "who didn't want his name used" said a simultaneous explosion ten times the legal limit was set off when the men were killed. The complete failure of the American corporate structure to accept even a charitable responsibility for the region that it has raped so successfully is hardly arguable. Since men like General Imboden in the late nineteenth century went before the state legislatures to argue that "within the imperial domain of Virginia, lie, almost unknown to the outside world and not fully appreciated by their owners, vaster fields of coal and iron than in all England, maybe, than all Europe," the American corporate community has wrenched resources estimated at a worth of nearly one trillion dollars from the mountains. While these companies pay some of the highest dividends of any company in the world to their already wealthy shareholders, the communities in Appalachia where those resources originated survive on a subsistence economy, if "survive" is the proper verb here. Often more than half of the money in circulation comes from state and federal welfare coffers. This fact alone tells us something about the American Way, if not the American Dream. Three months after the June 30, 1970, deadline for reducing the amount of hazardous dust in the mines as required by the 1969 legislation, 2800 of the 3000 underground mine operators had not complied. These same companies have continually opposed severance taxes on coal and medical benefits for the more than 100,000 disabled miners who suffer permanent lung damage from poorly maintained mines. Apparently when these corporate institutions of American free enterprise become incredibly wealthy, they cannot be expected to have the conscience even to allow government to pay for the damage they have caused. Somewhere that "pursuit of selfish interest accruing benefits to all" went astray in Appalachia. It has always been asserted with pride that America takes great interest in its children. "Dr. Spock" has been a best-seller for over a decade. But his "child-dominated" society has interest only in certain children. Of the more than 925,000 poor children under six in Appalachia, as estimated by the office of Economic Opportunity, only about 100,000 receive cash benefits in their homes from Aid to Dependent Children or other similar welfare programs. The national participation rate of children in Head Start programs decreased three percent between 1967 and �216 Colonialism in Modern America 1969; the Appalachian participation decreased 15 percent. The greatest decrease in Appalachia, significantly, was in full-year programs, those regarded as most beneficial to poor children. What other group in the country received the benefits from the cutbacks in Appalachia is unimportant here; that "hillbillies" were not on the priority list is obvious. In the area of prenatal and infant care, the situation in Appalachia is even more alarming. Examinations of children in several areas of the region have shown that as many as 70 percent have "parasitic infestation" (the euphemism for "worms"), one of the causes contributing to Appalachians unusually large number of retarded and "slow" children. "Worms" abound in the miserable shacks and grassless yards American free enterprise has put aside for the hillbillies. If the Appalachian infant mortality rate were reduced at the same rate as East Germany's in a fiveyear period (as reported by the World Health Organization), the lives of more than 1,000 children a year could be preserved. In certain areas of the region, as a matter of fact, the situation worsened over a decade. In Lamar County, Alabama, for example, the infant mortality rate rose from 32.5 percent to 40.9 percent in ten years. The rate in Hancock County, Tennessee, rose from 21.4 percent to 42.2 percent in the same time period. While increased attention to child development at the national and regional level promises to better the situation, for many the help comes too late. Perhaps if it were possible to estimate the number of mountain children who would be alive and healthy if Appalachia had received and retained a more equitable share of the nation's wealth, certain institutions could be persuaded more easily to invest in saving children. Until the case is made, however, we all labor under the curse of the prophets and the admonitions of the poets (increasingly, it seems, the only sane people) that the final judgement on civilizations and their institutions rests on how well they treat their children, who are—in appeal at least—the "least of these." The Appalachian child who makes it to school does not find the institution America has charged with equipping youth with basic "survival" skills any better prepared to meet his needs. The inability and unwillingness of local government to tax the property and extractive resources of large corporations have resulted in an educational system in Appalachia that can only be compared with that in the so-called "underdeveloped" nations. Add to �Annihilating the Hillbilly 217 this the fundamental resistance of middle-class teachers to acknowledge the unique cultural heritage of the Appalachian youth, and you have a laboratory for studying one of the classic historical struggles between a nation intent on erasing a minority from its midst and a people intent on preserving their identity and lifestyle at any cost to themselves. In an Appalachian school, the middle-class aspiring teacher is just as insistent that the student be aggressive, obedient, and joyless—in short, everything that his culture tells him he is not—as is the teacher in the Bureau of Indian Affairs school on a reservation. No wonder, then, that as many as 65 percent of the students drop out of school before graduation, a figure 25 percent higher than the national average. Responding to the fiscal needs of the Appalachian educational system alone is overwhelmingly beyond the capacity of government agencies as they are presently funded. In 1967, for example, the Office of Education estimated that the construction needs of the thirteen Appalachian states represented over 42 percent of the total school construction needs of the entire country. It would require the additional expenditure of $363 million annually just to raise the per pupil expenditures of Appalachian schools to the national average. Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, designed to increase the amount of funds available for the teaching of disadvantaged students, will spend more money on an equal number of students in the schools of Westchester, New York, where the number of poor students is about three percent of the student body, than it will in a county in Appalachia where more than half of the student body is poor. Talent Search, a special college recruitment and placement program funded by Congress for high-risk students, spends only 3.8 percent of its money in Appalachia as compared to the 10 percent the region deserves. Simply to make the Appalachian educational system equal in educational resources to the nation would require a political miracle at a time when no miracle workers are to be found. While Appalachia is heavily populated with institutions of higher learning supported by various religious denominations and state governments, the region's students are no better served than in the secondary institutions. Neither is the region's need for professional and para-professional manpower. No institution of American society, in fact, is more divorced from Appalachia than the higher educational system residing within it. �218 Colonialism in Modern America Forced by accrediting agencies, visiting boards, and hundreds of other pressures to maintain a facade of "academic excellence" and "a sound liberal arts education," usually with Christ thrown in somewhere, the church-supported schools spend little time thinking about the community below their own mountainside. Their emphasis on admitting Appalachian students is so small, their tuition so high, and pressure so intense from church supporters outside the region to admit their sons and daughters, that most of these colleges have an inordinately high percentage of students from states like New Jersey. Certainly to these colleges, "Christian" education has nothing to do with serving the victims of Caesar's educational system. The "open door" policies of state universities are often, in actuality, "revolving doors" for the Appalachian student. Once the student is admitted and the fees collected (either from him or the state), the more aggressive and well-trained student from another section of the state or nation, and the freshman composition teacher, can be expected to send the Appalachian student scurrying home. In January, 1968, the National Association of State Universities and Land Grant Colleges summed up the record of their members in the region as follows: "To maintain quality they raised student charges substantially, turned away qualified students, limited enrollments, and refused urgently needed public services." The regional universities and colleges place little emphasis on promoting a regional consciousness on the part of their students. In fact, there is not at present a single Appalachian studies program in the region which could begin to rival the offerings in Far Eastern studies or astronomy. One, Eastern Kentucky University in Richmond (which in reality is in "Blue Grass," not "eastern," Kentucky), prides itself on its training and research in law enforcement and police work. All this continues and intensifies a channeling process begun by the elementary teacher to send the Appalachian student—ashamed of his background and ill-equipped to meet the needs of his region—into middle-class society outside the region. The sixteen-year prpcess of credentializing that the student has been subjected to, becomes finally a ticket to the world of Dick and Jane, Support-Your Local-Police, and the affluence of America built at Appalachian expense. So a region that needs more than 200,000 college graduates—a minimum of 5,000 physicians, many thousands of �Annihilating the Hillbilly 219 nurses, teachers, businessmen, government leaders, ad infinitum— finds no help in another of America's institutions. The young Appalachian left behind by the higher educational system is destined to be the object of a number of complicated channeling devices. The male youth, if he can pass the examinations, is eligible for one of the more obvious youth channeling programs in the country, the Army. Selective Service does not maintain records on Appalachians as a group, but the number in the service is estimated to be higher than their percentage in the population because the armed forces represent the only opportunity available to many young mountain men to be assimilated into mainline America. Recent Department of Defense figures report that West Virginia led the nation in per capita Vietnam deaths. Twenty-five West Virginians per 100,000 population had been killed, compared to seventeen per 100,000 nationally. For the youth who seeks opportunity and training in some special opportunity program, such as the Job Corps, the fate may not be a great deal more encouraging. Because of the Job Corps' resistance to establishing a center especially for Appalachian youth, the mountain youth are sent to camps, both within and outside the region, where the population may be largely urban and black. Combining his unfamiliarity with urban life and blacks with his affinity for home and family, one can easily understand why the Appalachian youth drops out of the program in equal frequency with his Indian counterpart. Even if he lasts the program out, according to Joint Action in Community Service (the agency that contracts with the Job Corps to place and counsel graduates), it is very difficult to find him a job or to locate a person or agency willing to assist him in the mountains. For the youth who has not dropped out of school by the ninth grade and who has no prospect of attending college, vocational training represents the only channel open to him. Many find it a wicked channel indeed. Three years ago the Education Advisory Committee of the Appalachian Regional Commission reported that half of all vocational training programs in the region consisted of agriculture and home economics—areas in �220 Colonialism in Modern America which there were almost no job openings. Since that report the Commission and the states have required all 235 vocational programs which they have funded to teach job-relevant skills. While only half of the schools are now open and no thorough evaluation has been reported, it is expected that the schools will be better than their predecessors. As late as 1968, however, the West Virginia Commission on Higher Education reported that only about 18 percent of the students in that state had access to vocational training. Given the fact that post-high school vocational training is still not available to the majority of Appalachian youth, this major channel of supposed opportunity still has a long way to go to overcome the serious handicaps it has represented in the past. And with improvement, vocational education's role may be to channel all the so-called disadvantaged students into neat slots, thereby diminishing not only the student but vocational education as well. Additionally, so long as vocational school graduates must leave the mountains to find jobs, the region will remain a loser. It is already estimated that 900,000 high school graduates will have to leave the region to find jobs in the 1970's. They will thus become the people the cities do not want and the people the region cannot afford to lose. The fact that a mountain youth takes advantage of the opportunity to finish high school and apply to college does not guarantee that the tentacles of the system will let him go. For instance, one of the high-risk students I taught in the Upward Bound program at Berea College applied and was accepted in the fall at that college. During the preceding spring he was approached by a recruiter for the FBI who gave him a hard sell on the benefits of working for the Bureau in Washington. He dropped the idea of college and is now a low-paid clerk at FBI headquarters. Since this incident I have checked with school personnel in other areas of the region and found that intensive recruitment of high school graduates in rural areas is now carried out by the FBI and other government agencies which are not finding recruits for their clerk and typist posts in urban high schools. The law, it seems, has a long arm and no qualms about modern forms of impressment. Most high school dropouts (except those who marry and somehow find work or welfare payments) and unemployed high �Annihilating the Hillbilly 221 school graduates eventually end up being forced to migrate to find work. In West Virginia, for instance, 70 percent of the young people leave before they reach the age of 24. Usually referred to as "migrants" instead of more accurately as economic refugees, these youth join the more than 3,000,000 other mountaineers who have preceded them to northern cities such as Cincinnati, Chicago, Indianapolis, and Detroit since World War II. If they have a skill and happen to move during a period of relative economic prosperity or are willing to accept a job run by the stopwatch and a minimum-wage employer, as many do, their chances for survival are good. If, on the other hand, they have to move in with kin in the "back home" ghetto, the situation is different. The unemployed and unassimilated mountain youth finds himself in a bewildering ghetto that defies description and usually comparison with the ghetto life of other minorities. He also finds that in the city there is one thing more unacceptable than a black man—a hillbilly, a ridgerunner, a briarhopper. For the first time in its history America has recognized him as a cultural minority. If he ends up in juvenile court for stealing hubcaps, he is offered leniency with his promise to go "back home." Judges make this offer to youth whose families may have been in the city for three generations and can only consider themselves Cincinnatians or Chicagoans. If the mountain youth enters school, studies show that its foreign nature drives him out faster both psychologically and physically than it does his black migrant counterpart. For the mountain youth who is unable or unwilling to assimilate into the life of the city, there is little help from the social service agencies which understand much more about blacks than they do about him. He is thus not only without help, but, perhaps more appallingly, he is without an advocate in a city that he does not understand and that does not understand him. One group of Appalachians who are consistently overlooked and underserved by the institutions of the region is the blacks. As a matter of fact, both government and the so-called "private" welfare agencies refuse to acknowledge the existence of blacks in Appalachia. While the percentage of blacks in the region as a whole is low, about eight percent, they make up the entire population of many small isolated hollows and ghost coal towns abandoned by the corporations and welfare and poverty �222 Colonialism in Modern America agencies. Because the backbreaking jobs that brought black imports into the region are gone and because of the discrimination and competition with the majority of poor white people for jobs and welfare funds, their existence is a poor one indeed. As yet no agency report or journalist has documented the presence and needs of these people, let alone described the culture of a minority group in the midst of another cultural minority. America's unwillingness to deal with the Appalachian as he asks to be dealt with is probably no more baffling than America's seeming obsession with studying and understanding his unusual life-style and values. Even before the Russell Sage Foundation published John Campbell's The Southern Highlander and His Homeland in 1921, writers and sociologists were making forays into the mountains alternately to praise, condemn, and collect the mountain culture. The studies are still being made today in the midst of the technological revolution that is, for all practical purposes, making "Middle Americans" all alike. The conclusions of modern studies do not differ from those made in the last century. The Appalachian is different: He is existence oriented and independent, has close family ties, is fatalistic, cares for his elderly, ad nauseam. If, as Robert Coles and others have written of late, the Appalachian has a life-style and a culture that America would do well to listen to, if not opt for, why has America failed so miserably at times to meet his needs? Part of the answer is obviously that Appalachia has been in the main a colonial territory for America within her own boundaries. The life-style of the region served well the need of the mining and lumbering corporations for a subjugated people willing to be peasants in their own land. Even after the bloody struggles to unionize the mines, the capacity of America's institutions (including its labor unions) to contain the people's struggle remained intact. What on the surface appear to be quaint people whose character can be explained away by their isolation and independence may, in fact, be more accurately described as the historical reaction of the people to colonialism. What on the surface may strike Jack Weller, author of Yesterday's People (published jointly by the University of Kentucky and the Council of the Southern Mountains), as ignorance, �Annihilating the Hillbilly 223 that keeps people from taking polio shots even when they are offered free transportation, may, in fact, be better explained by Frantz Fanon, a physician himself, who argues (in The Wretched of the Earth) that the Algerians resisted "modern medical techniques" as long as the French were in control of them but adopted the new practices immediately when they felt themselves to be in control I have seen parents who had refused to have their children vaccinated at the public health clinic willingly have them vaccinated when it was "our" medical students who were giving the shots. One has to understand how the medical profession in Appalachia operates to appreciate fully this phenomenon. He has to sit with a young father in the mountains and hear the story of how his pregnant (now deceased) wife was turned away from the hospital because he did not have the hundred dollars that the doctors demand as a down payment for those who do not have medical insurance. It is these same compassionate physicians who, rather than reform their own practices to meet the needs of people, have turned the Medicaid program into a thriving business. The potential earnings from the health support programs is so great that a recent government report on physician manpower in Appalachia suggests that it is one of the most lucrative enticements to get doctors into the region—another colonial characteristic. A largely overlooked article in the Louisville Courier-Journal in the spring of 1970 describes how doctors and pharmacists have turned Medicaid recipients in eastern Kentucky into addicts and junkies. It repeats reports from law officers and nurses who had seen "whole families lying around in a stupor" and "glassy-eyed teenagers and small children wobbling or passed out along the roadside" because they took narcotics prescribed by their physicians. One eastern Kentucky pharmacist admitted that 65 percent of his business came from Medicaid dues. "The poor people are substituting pills for faith," he explained. He went on to describe why the abuses are allowed to continue: "It would cost the pharmacist a great deal in time away from work to keep a check on abuses. They are just too busy." By and large, American institutions can be said then to have held no respect for the mountaineer other than for his use as an object. Richard Davis notes in his recent book, The Man Who Moved a Mountain (Fortress Press), that large metropolitan �224 Colonialism in Modern America newspapers used the notorious Allen feud of the second decade of this century in Hillsville, Virginia, to interpret the Appalachian to their urban readers. Said one: The majority of mountain people are unprincipled ruffians. They make moonshine, 500 horsepower, and swill it down; they carry on generous and gentle feuds in which little children are not spared, and deliberately plan a wholesale assassination, and when captured either assert they shot in self-defense, or with true coward streak deny the crime. There are two remedies onlyeducation or extermination. Mountaineers, like the red Indian, must learn this lesson. Another editorial in a northern newspaper on the same event went on to conclude: The Scotch-Irish mountaineers are more ignorant than vicious, victims of heredity and alcohol, and now that their isolated region has been invaded, must change or perish. One of the often overlooked aspects of the outsiders' fetish for Appalachia has been the premises that underlie their own prescriptions for the people's future. One finds in Jack Weller's influential writing, for instance, comments such as these: There is little in the mountain child's training that would help him develop self-control, discipline, resolution, or steadfastness. Thus the way is prepared for future difficulties in the army or at work. Since the culture inadequately prepares its members to relate to "outsiders," there is a great need for "bridge" persons, who can help the suspicious and fearful to respond more positively to persons and institutions which will increasingly be of help and resource—doctors, psychiatrists, clinics, hospitals, government in the form of agency officials, policemen, public health nurses, welfare workers, and recreation leaders. The mountaineer's suspicion of these persons limits his use of them in crisis occasions, when, in fact, their purpose is to be of assistance in many ways at other times. He needs help in �Annihilating the Hillbilly 225 understanding that government and other institutions cannot be run in person-oriented ways but must be conducted in great measure on an impersonal objective basis. He needs help in seeing that a certain amount of bureaucratic organization is a necessary thing, and that a government does not exist for an individual person's benefit (Yesterday's People, pp. 157-158). Responding to the Appalachian culture, outsiders are sometimes incapable of interpreting the evidence because of their own training in research procedures. One (while, of course, repeatedly enjoining his readers that he is passing no judgment on the culture) describes mountain music and literature as "regressive looking/1 "nostalgic and melancholy," over all, "repressive." Thomas Merton, on the other hand, after hearing some mountain music for the first time at the Abbey of Gethsemani, gave the correct interpretation and exclaimed, "It's apocalyptic!" Perhaps the only fair hearing the culture of the people of Appalachia will receive is from persons like mystics and contemplatives who do not assign ultimate importance to the things that the modern state and today's seminarians have blessed as divine. The churchmen, educators, welfare agents, independent dogooders, journalists, and novelists, and the institutions which pay their salaries—that is, those who have made an extraordinarily good living trying to "understand" the mountain man—have studied the Appalachian not to learn from him but rather to "teach" him, to "school" him, to "doctor" and "save" him by making him into what they already are: Middle America, assimilated into the America of the television and Holiday Inn—the America which Tocqueville and Faulkner warned was founded by those who sought not to escape from tyranny but to establish one in their own image and likeness. Only in Appalachia, for example, have the mainline churches come upon a "Christian" religious expression which stands four-square against what they expect religion in America to "do." The rejection of the Christian Century by Appalachia has baffled and annoyed the mainline churches, their agencies, theologians, and sociologists. And because the church in mainline America is unable to understand the church in Appalachia, it has so far been unable to assimilate it. It has failed, in other words, to make it over into another of the agencies of social �226 Colonialism in Modern America welfare alongside HEW, Social Security, the Council of the Southern Mountains, the Commission of Religion in Appalachia, the Home Mission Board, etc. The mainline churches have tried to obliterate the Appalachian churches with demands for expressions which are "progressive," "rational," "contemporary," and "relevant." What more haunting and, in many instances, disgusting examples of the philosopher's ambiguity of "reason" or the theologian's "original sin" could be asked for? The liberal churchmen, Catholic and Protestant, insist that the snake handling of the mountain man must come to an end (as must the "emotionalism" and "irrelevance" of the black church). And all the while the mainline, liberal church ignores the more dangerous "snake handling" which defines their efforts to "save" "yesterday's people"—a phenomenon described precisely by Thomas Merton in "Events and Pseudo-Events: Letter to a Southern Churchman." The answer to the question of why mountain culture must be destroyed is to be found in the fundamental truth about the technological society: The techniques which undergird all our institutions are assimilating all of us into, as Jacques Ellul puts it, "a society of objects, run by objects." Institutions in the technological society—and this means not only those of the state and its welfare bureaus, but the do-good agencies which include churches, schools, and colleges—can respond only by and with the techniques of the impersonalized, bureaucratic means, procedures, and formulas. Technique cannot discriminate between right and wrong, justice and injustice. That is why the same technique that gives (and takes away) the health card to an ailing miner assimilates the pious mountaineer into the fivepoint grading system and the Uniform Sunday School Lesson. The meaning is clear. Institutions working in Appalachia today can work for only one end: the extinction of the Appalachian people. The extent to which these institutions have so far failed in the venture is the extent to which this people and culture have successfully resisted the formidable pressures of the institutions of contemporary technological society. Why institutions—political and private, church and business, industrial and charitable—have responded and can respond to the Appalachian the way they have tells us something very important about power and powerlessness in the technological society. �Annihilating the Hillbilly 227 For those of us who believe that the struggle is for the soul of man in the technological society, the resistance of Appalachian culture against assimilation into middle America demands earnest, indeed prayerful, attention. The struggle of the mountain man against the institutions of the technological society is the struggle to deny his right to define any man by his relationship to Middle America. The struggle—whether one believes that it comes out of resistance informed by left-wing Protestantism or opposition to colonialism and genocide—has implications for all who question not only the possibility but the quality and character of any resistance to the totalitarianism of the technological society. �This page intentionally left blank �by In an in for he in the I his has he a the old the and he a as is an for our is the In in a for the as 0/ £/.?£ us of in as [in by The of has as to of to a as it art of to , . .In an in his as a capacity, to his in the he his be it is the be to of the the de^ of in j€ ins iff oW m o» �230 Colonialism in Modern America And it was precisely this ideal state of things that I found existing in the mountain communities. So closely indeed is the practice of this particular art interwoven with the avocations of everyday life that the singers, unable to remember a song I had asked for, would often make some such remarks as "Oh, if only I were driving the cows home I could sing it at once."* Sharp's book contains hundreds of beautiful tunes and poetic texts, but there was more. He looked only for English material and so passed over the vast amount of fiddle music brought from Scotland and Ireland, the banjo learned from Negro slaves, and the powerful Regular Baptist church singing, which apparently originated in the mountains and may have come from the Cherokee. The people who made this music were, like their music, individualistic, democratic, and self-sufficient. We don't need to be romantics to see in the mountains of 1916 a free and independent people to whom this stable culture gave the strength and vitality to stay that way. Today, living in the ruins of that culture with that independence only a memory, it would be good to try to analyze what happened to it. People's culture comes from the way they live and in turn feeds back into that way of life. If you change one, the other must change with it. So as Appalachia was turned into a colony—as people stopped being independent farmers and started working for wages—the old music was cut loose from its place and quickly began to decay. Cecil Sharp's co-worker Maud Karpeles observed: It is surprising and sad to find how quickly the instinctive culture of the people will seem to disappear once they have been brought into touch with modern civilization . . .and the singing of traditional songs is relegated almost immediately to that past life which has not only been outgrown, but which has no apparent bearing on the present existence. What is not as obvious, though, is that our mountain culture was exploited in its own right, picked apart and ruined just as surely as our forests and coal seams. Old time music was �Our Own Music 231 removed from its roots and nearly destroyed. It had been freemade by many and shared by all. Now it was put in packages and sold. It is striking how this process went hand in hand with the opening of the coalfields. Coal brought cash and jobs to a region that had seen little of them before, and it also brought goods that the cash could be spent on. Why is it that the new drives out the old? Why did people move off the farms to the coal camps? Why did they begin to buy clothes rather than make them? or buy phonographs instead of fiddles? I can't answer that—but these things happen. The modern era of folk music recording began shortly after World War I when Ralph Peer of Okeh Records went to Atlanta with portable equipment. A record dealer there offered to buy 1000 copies if Peer would record the singing circus barker "Fiddling John" Carson. "The Little Old Log Cabin in the Lane" and "The Old Hen Cackled and the Rooster's Going to Crow" were cut. According to Peer, "It was so bad we didn't even put a serial number on the record, thinking that when the local dealer got his records that would be the end of it. We sent him 1000 records. That night he called New York on the phone and ordered 5000 more sent by express and 10,000 by freight. When the national sale got to 500,000 we were so ashamed we had Fiddling John come up to New York and do a re-recording of the numbers." (From folklorist Harry Smith in an introduction to a collection of early recordings)^ Soon many mountain musicians began to make records. Commercial music was not so exclusive then as now. A company might record and press 1000 records and sell them in the singer's home area. Much rare and beautiful music of varied style and good quality was recorded in this way.3 One variety in particular, the string band style, for instance, of Gid Tanner and the Skillet Lickers,4 gained quite a following; and instrumental music began to crowd out quiet unaccompanied singing. As time went on, musicians began to tailor their songs to records, and in some ways this music seemed more fitting than that transplanted from barns and living rooms. The Carter �232 Colonialism in Modern America Family from Scott County, Virginia, became the first recording "stars" in the area. Their "Wildwood Flower" is today the most widely known instrumental piece in the Southern mountains. Other stars followed: Mainer's Mountaineers, Charlie Poole, eventually Jimmie Rodgers, "the Singing Brakeman." In 1925 the Grand Ole Opry went on the air, certainly the best-loved radio show in history.5 Week after week superb entertainers like Uncle Dave Macon and Arthur Smith came into thousands of homes, entertaining families that ten years earlier might have been at barn dances or telling ghost stories around the fireplace. And aspiring musicians now had an opportunity. Ten years earlier they had looked no further than the barn dance for an audience. The lives of the listeners were changing profoundly too. As many people moved into the coal camps, country traditions like square dances and husking bees began to wither. Working in the mines left little leisure for fiddling. Musicians by the hundreds quit playing and fell out of practice. A few became professionals and worked at radio stations (still today the first step up for professional musicians). Food was bought, not made, and so was music, and gradually the record came to define where music was and what it was. For the first time young musicians imitated new styles while older ones began to feel awkward and old-fashioned. Then came the Depression with desperate poverty and brutal oppression that smothered most of the mountain music. Traditional culture—the wholeness of mountain life—was gone. The old music had no context, little meaning or social place. Traditional songs died by the thousands; record companies and promoters controlled popular taste, and hungry musicians tried desperately to please them. Mountain people's music, like their labor, was bought and sold in the market. II. By the 1920's the mountains had, for better or worse, become part of the American economic system. In 1929 the system went abruptly from better to worse, and in the mountains worse was only the beginning. FDR saw "a third of a nation �233 Our Own Music ill-fed, ill-housed, ill-clad"; in the mountains it was a third of a third of a third that was not so destitute. Social and cultural life, like economic life, went to pieces in this crisis. In some places miners, their families, and neighbors turned to militant labor organizations; and outside organizers who arrived in these communities found people singing about their situation. Topical singing is not new in the Southern mountains. Indeed, almost all mountain folk music was "topical" in that it related directly to everyday life. When economic or political forces were felt, they too were reflected in songs. An early 19th century song describes unemployment: They've got a brand new machine Prettiest thing you Ve ever seen Hand me down my peg, my peg, my peg and awl Peg a hundred shoes to my one My shoe pegging days is done Put up my peg, my peg, my peg and awP The Civil War, which deeply split the mountains, produced a large number of songs. Here is a white abolitionist song from east Kentucky that I learned from my grandmother: We 're Stolen Souls From Africa7 Freely Were sto-len mer in droves, souls from - Af - n - ca, i Like hogs and sheep, - ca. suf - fer from the heat, en trans - por - ted - dure to we're— marched_ the cold. �Colonialism in Modern America 234 Similarly when coal mining arrived, singers responded with a large body of music. One of the most widespread was the following: Dream of the Miner's Child® A min - er was leav - ing his home for his work, When he heard D J J] G scream; He went to D "Dad-dy, C I've had the side such to - day,_ of the Dad-dy, please don't lit-tie girl's bed, a dream. Oh, Dad - dy don't work A7 a-way, For I in the D dreams have so of - ten come true, go She said, Chorus _ for child_ G G G mines C his lit-tie Oh, Dad-dy, dear nev - er could live with-out you." And one of many songs to come from Claiborne County, Tennessee, in the 1890's was this one: Way back yon-der in Put them work - ing Ten-nes-see, in the mine_ they leased the con-victs a - gainst free la - bor out, stout. Free �235 Our Own Music Buddy Won't You Roll Down the Line9 la - bor re-belled while the lease was roll down dar - lin' the line, a - gainst in it, to ef - feet they made 'em bud dy won't you com-ing down the win it took some rise and roll down the line. time, But shine. Bud-dy won't you Yon-der comes my line. Bud-dy won't you come down the line, bud-dy won't you j j> i J roll down the line, Yon-der comes my dar - lin' com-ing down the line. My opinion is that just as coal mining subtly forced people off their land, commercial recordings and radio forced them away from their music. But for two generations or so, mountain musicians commented extensively on the changing society around them, leaving us with a lot of good music and a good example.10 Two songs, both composed by Kentucky miners' families in the depth of the Depression are the following: �Colonialism in Modern America 236 Which Side Are You On Come all Cm . Cm Villl dwell. you good Fm tell, j. of Of how the good Chorus VJl \j/JVII43 Which side work — are you - ers, good Cm old news to you un - ion has come in Gm on, I'll Gm here to Cm which side are you on? The Allan Song morn-ing, hear the whis - tie blow, Grab my po - ta - to can and a-way I go. Which Side Are You On was written by Florence Reese, a miner's wife in Harlan County, while her husband, an organizer for the National Miner's Union, was hiding from the gun thugs who would have killed him if they could. The Allah Song was written by my cousin Bill Maloney who worked in the Allais Brothers' mines near Hazard. Mrs. Reese's song was learned by NMU organizers who taught it to people in New York and elsewhere. The song took on a life of its own and popped up in the deep South in the 1960's as a freedom song. It is sung widely by people who have no idea it originated in Kentucky.11 My cousin's song was posted at the Allais mines (Allais would have fired the author had he known who it was), but it has not gone much beyond the family. I happened onto it at a family gathering near Jackson. �237 Our Own Music This brings up an interesting question: What was the function of topical music in this period? Were such songs sung only in living rooms? At rallies? By men at work or on strike? On marches and picket lines? The question needs to be studied some more, to say the least. My own idea is that if the miners did not sing as much as the civil rights fighters of the 60's, they still had a musical time of it. A lot of their movement was in small isolated fights in remote areas not visited by outsiders, and most of the musicians were not professionals. But I think that if research were done, a large number of mining songs would be found, many in the nature of protest. Two more examples include The Coal Black Mining Blues, which was written in 1932 by Nimrod Workman of Chattaroy, West Virginia, and was more or less unknown until Nimrod issued a record in 1972. How Can A Poor Man Stand Such Times and Live was recorded in 1931 by Blind Alfred Reed of Pipestem, West Virginia, and has become somewhat widespread through recordings by the New Lost City Ramblers. The last two stanzas were added quite recently by Hazel Dickens and Alice Foster. Coal Black Mining Blues Intro ® 3 got the I went blues, I blues to my place, I got the blues,-Lord. Lord, coal black I peeked in, slate and the wat-er got the blues, I got the blues,_Lord, Lord, min - ing blues. up to my chin, I coal black _ min got the ing blues. �238 Colonialism in Modern America How Can A Poor Man Stand Such Times And Live There once was a time when ev-ery-thing was cheap, puts a man to - sleep; f eel _ like ma -king our will, When we But now pay_ our gro»cer-y Tell me how can a pri - ces near - ly bill, we just poor, man stand such times and live? How did it happen that one song was recorded and the other not? How many more like these have been lost? It is worth stopping at this point to look at the ways songs are learned and spread around. Most of the well-known songs from the coalfield struggle of the 1930*s come from one east Kentucky family^Sarah Ogan Gunning, her sister Aunt Molly Jackson, and their brother Jim Garland. All three were active in the NMU and worked closely with outside organizers for that body. And it was through these organizers that the songs were spread to people who felt they were important. In 1937 and 1938, researchers from the Library of Congress "collected" the family's music and from then on it has been part of our heritage. So getting a song around is a risky business if the song happens to advocate union organizing or the abolition of strip mining, or some other controversial matter. In the 1930's the distribution network for such songs consisted of a few organizers and folklorists—no music publishers, no records, no radio, magazines, or newspapers. None of these things had existed in 1890 either; but then every song stood on its own, and a piece could travel if it was its nature to do so. But when radio came along and excluded industrial music, a powerful form of censorship was established.12 And it's still with us, to be broken only by already famous singers of exceptional ability like Merle Travis (Sixteen Tons) or Loretta Lynn (Coal Miner's Daughter). �Our Own Music 239 I think that situation can and should be challenged. Music is too important to be left to the businessmen. III. Most music heard in the Southern mountains today comes via radio, records, and TV from commercial musicians in Nashville. It's good music. It ought to be: The best musicians in the South have left home and gone to Music City to make it. And it really is the people's music now, widely known and loved. Alone among major forms of entertainment, country music is made by working people of the mountains and the South, the same people who listen to the music. Alone among entertainment forms, it talks directly about people's lives, often about the singer's own background. Dolly Parton must have been speaking for a lot of people when she wrote: No amount of money could buy back from me The memories I have of then No amount of money could pay me To go back and live through it again The good old days when times were But after saying this, I want to bring up some criticisms I have of the music industry, since they bear on the question of people making music. Mostly, I resent its turning music into a commodity, made in Nashville much as cars are made in Detroit. In other words, production and distribution are controlled by a relatively small group of people who try to make money from it. This has bad results: 1. One style (the "Nashville sound") is made dominant over all others, like fiddle music, old ballads, or children's game songs. People should choose their favorite style, true, and should have a choice. The extreme diversity of musical styles heard in the mountains fifty years ago was a very good thing, and I wish it hadn't been lost. 2. Only professional musicians are heard. Nashville's musical standards are so high (and its equipment so expensive) that most people feel like musical idiots next to them; so they shut up and listen. �240 Colonialism in Modern America 3. The flood of material overwhelms most institutions that provide for face-to-face music-making. Square dances are all but gone; only the churches have been able to shelter a large amount of handmade music. Records and radio are where it's at. Amateurs almost always imitate professionals; original songs are rarely heard. 4. A few (a very few) people decide what music is going to sound like. The producer, not the singer, decides whether to put trombones in a love song or when to change keys. I think some producers are tone-deaf. Only a real superstar will have artistic control over what his/her records will sound like. It depends, in most cases, on what the producer thinks will sell. So while the music talks about average people, it is many steps removed from belonging to them. 5. It perpetuates a form of control over people. There is a kind of sameness to most C & W music, especially in subject matter. It says that love, marriage, divorce, religion, and beer are important; it says by implication that strip mining, black lung, boring or dangerous work, cruddy schools and health care are not so important. There are exceptions (see below), but when it comes to politics, C & W is mostly pretty conservative: endorsing the flag, the war, and women who know their place. People's history and their past and present struggles are mostly ignored.15 Since C & W largely dominates what people hear, it helps define how they look at themselves and their lives. I think it encourages them to be placid, which I think is bad. IV. Country music was always a stepchild of the music industry; its writers and artists, often underpaid, were not in the trade association (ASCAP) which controlled most material. So when ASCAP went on strike in 1941, industry executives latched onto country music as programming. It immediately went nationwide and, to everyone's surprise, proved quite popular. A war story relates that Japanese soldiers, trying to insult Americans during battle, shouted "To hell with Roosevelt, to hell with Babe Ruth, to hell with Roy Acuff." In the boom years following 1945, commercial country music got to be truly bigtime.16 �Our Own Music 241 Homemade music continued to decay. It carries on among old singers, particularly in the Blue Ridge and in eastern West Virginia. But most often people sing material that has already been recorded and standardized (if not written) by an established musician. Some songs of Jimmie Rodgers or Roy Acuff, in fact, are so widespread they are practically "folk music." For a while, anyway, it looked as though old-time music was headed for the museum. As late as 1964, a group called Friends of Old-Time Music was arranging New York concerts for musicians unknown in their own communities. Why this decay? I wish we could figure it out. Maybe with some study, we could. Part of the answer, I think, is in a conversation I had with two old fiddlers in Pike County who haven't played in twenty years. The reason, they said, was "all this fighting"—the well-known fact that you can't have a social event in east Kentucky without twelve fights, three arrests, and considerable property damage. The mountain have always been a rough place (my grandfather died minus two fingers afid plus several bullets and uncounted scars), but it seems that what we experience now is different—so disruptive and self-destructive that a lot of social life is simply impossible. This may have something to do with our political and economic history. Frantz Fannon, writing of black communities, detailed how oppressed people can turn their violence on each other; it seems to me that the mountains have experienced this. Where our own music has survived, it has been in very private settings (living rooms) or in very structured ones (churches, bluegrass festivals). And the form that has most flourished, bluegrass, is very structured and set in a strict audience-performer pattern. In the last ten years, however, something has happened that has led large numbers of young people into old-time music. Today you can hear thirty or forty at a time playing Old Joe Clark or Flint Hill Special, 50,000 people come to the Old Time Fiddler's Convention in Union Grove, N.C., and even more go to Galax in August. Bluegrass festivals (like Ralph Stanley's annual at McClure, Va., on Memorial Day) are crowded. Magazines like Sing Out! and Bluegrass Unlimited carry music and articles to thousands of enthusiasts. County, Rounder, Folkways and other record companies offer old-time music from old recordings and present-day pickers. Guitars and banjo sales are at an all-time high as picking and singing spreads like wildfire. �242 Colonialism in Modern America Just one thing. A good many of the folks now enjoying mountain music have never even seen a cow, let alone a mountain. The "folk revival" of the 60's, plus the general frustration of life in America, has made the music of the mountain past seem extremely inviting to people (mostly young) from both the flatlands and hills who haven't seen much of it before. What does this mean? A fair number of kids have decided (not unreasonably) that the Appalachian Region is Paradise Lost; this fact has given West Virginia a fair number of communes and short-lived organic restaurants.17 The "revival" has meant some income for good musicians, including former recording artists like Clarence Ashley and Dock Boggs. And it has meant some truly wonderful music made by people ("authentic" hillbillies as well as outsiders) who have bothered to seek out old-timers and learn from them. The Fuzzy Mountain String Band, for example, started playing hoedown music in college in North Carolina, and now they make what I call some of the best music anywhere. There is a good and a bad side to all this. The kind of exploitation of "quaint" mountain people that gives us Gatlinburg can also destroy old-time music. Fiddlers' conventions aren't meant to hold 50,000 people. It brings hero-worship and "stardom" to music that wasn't designed for it. The majority (colonialist) culture has largely absorbed and nearly destroyed our subculture ("L'il Abner" and "Beverly Hillbillies"18), and even their dropouts can be a tidal wave. They have no culture of their own and don't adopt mountain culture (even if they could); therefore, they offer mountain music no context or place. So they too may be mining the mountains, taking what they want, and leaving wreckage behind; or they may be here just in time to keep the old music alive and growing. Or both. So mountain people deserve to ask: Which side are you on? How deep does (or can, or will) this revival go in the mountains? It is hard to say. But we can see that musicians face the same questions of insiders-outsiders or us-them, that organizers, politicians, and everyone else has to deal with. Like earlier adventurers I guess we will see some musicians who go one way, some another, and some who try to stay in the middle. Despite the music industry's takeover, there is one small but �243 Our Own Music important area where mountain people keep control of their own music: topical music made by people who feel the need for songs to comment on some immediate aspect of their lives. A lot of it has been written in the last ten years or so; it goes along with the many movements that have stirred the mountains recently. Much has been "hidden" by being known only to a few people near the singer. Gradually, however, an increasing number of songs are getting passed around, some even recorded. A superb collection of them is to be published soon, edited by Guy and Candie Carawan. Music like this seems to do two things: comment on social forces, struggles, and so on; and to be in some way part of the struggle. Songs that describe or comment on things are the easiest and most common. Composed and sung by individuals (though they may express the feelings of thousands), they can be extremely powerful in poetry and music. Here is Hazel Dickens' black lung song: Black Lung He's had more 1 hard I The mines He's luck was his lived a than most first hard love but life_ men ne - ver and hard could stand,. his friend. - he'll die, m Black lung's done got him, his time is nigh._ �244 Colonialism in Modern America Songs that are directly part of a struggle are not as common in the mountains as in, say, the civil rights movement. This is partly because there is not much tradition of large groups singing together except in church. Union struggles and picket lines, however, have inspked some good singing. A popular union song inspked by an old spkitual, with some new verses from the Pikeville, Kentucky, hospital strike of 1972-74 is the following: We Shall Not Be Moved fr*r We E r shall not »n r be, we shall not be moved, We C moved, Just like a shall not be, G tree that's pknt-ed by the wa - ter, we shall not be D ' I We G shall not be moved. And a song by Michael Kline that has been sung at many antistripping rallies is this one: Strip Away, Big D-9 Dozer Strip a - way D 7 home— I'm J> j- D - 9 G j. Do - zer, C a - get-tin' mad - der as you're get - tin' G bu-ry my big G home. Well, I looked up -r co-min' for to D bu- 'ry my G clos - er, Corn-in' for to C a spoil bank and what did D I see?_ �245 Our Own Music Com-in' for to bu-ry C my home— D push-in* down my The Is - land Creek Coal_ Corn-pan - y G trees,— Com-in' D^ for to b u - r y my G home. We are all so used to judging music by commercial standards that it is worth looking briefly at what this kind of music can do that Nashville doesn't. It can spread and popularize ideas and information and counter propaganda. If well grounded in people's culture (new words to an old tune, for example), it can break through the censorship of the media and travel everywhere. In the South the "freedom songs" became a part of many people's lives, an important source of strength for their hard fights. I hope we can manage to call on some of the same forces. In the past, "topical" songs contained practical instructions for resistance, as in songs that told slaves how to escape or miners to "keep your eye upon the scale." And finally is the simple fact that people singing is a very moving experience, a powerful force that needs to be turned loose again. A song that tries to do some of these things must be really well based in people's lives. The singers of the IWW made it a point to use only familiar tunes (since they couldn't make records and most folks can't read music). Some modern writers (like Hazel Dickens) are making new tunes that sound old and familiar. A song won't travel unless it says what folks want it to and in their own language. I think it should also remind people of the surroundings that they associate with music, like churches or beer joints. A song that sounds like an old gospel tune is easier to listen to than one that sounds like an art song. One more song, one that covers a lot of territory, including a practical lesson in songwriting is this one: Fountain Filled With Blood **€P There_ T*1 J is J J | a foun-tain r j' J j~?l i j n nn r*i filled with blood, The blood of our moun-tain men so brave, Men who worked to-geth-er in the black coal pits. Men who dug each oth-er's �246 Colonialism in Modern America graves. Men who dug each oth-er's graves, Oh, God, men who dug each oth - er's_ graves. Men who worked to-geth -er in the black coal pits, men who dug each oth-er's grave. Anyone interested in this kind of music should also consider a little about ways of spreading it. Long-play records can cost as little as a dollar each (at least before the energy crisis); songbooks are cheaper still. Music festivals have become established in some communities, and smaller local gatherings are happening also. Books are appearing and a magazine is being talked about. Local radio stations are occasionally open to local musicians if approached personally. Cable TV is a largely unexplored area, with local programming already being made in some areas. Who knows? If enough pressure is brought, maybe even Nashville would open up a little. The old traditional way of life in the mountains is gone. What is important now is not to try to bring back an old-time culture with old music and the old ways of doing things but to build on the old to make new ways of doing things, ways that we control. We need to preserve what old-time music is left so people can go on enjoying it. We need to have our own music which we make and control ourselves, instead of taking everything Nashville sends us. We need to encourage each other to make music, to sing, write, and play songs. We need our own ways of distributing music—including record companies, radio and TV stations that respond to all kinds of local music instead of trying to discover stars. Old-time mountain music belongs to everyone. So should new-time music. �Our Own Music 247 NOTES IA beautiful and moving picture of this sort of thing is Jean Ritchie's autobiography, Singing Family of the Cumberland* (1955). ^Anthology of American Folk Music, a six-record set issued by Folkways. It consists of an astonishing variety of traditional music originally recorded on 78 rpm records from 1925-30, with such legendary musicians as Dock Boggs, Mississippi John Hurt, Uncle Dave Macon, Blind Lemon Jefferson, the Carter Family, and dozens of "unknowns." One session with this set is worth several thousand pages of description of our musical heritage. ^Without trying to be scholarly, I can distinguish seven distinct styles of traditional mountain music, most of them now going if not gone: 1. Fiddle tunes. Hundreds of tunes came from Scotland and Ireland; hundreds more were made here. The fiddle was the first and the most widespread country instrument, its music with endless regional and personal variations. Dozens of "fiddlers' conventions" are held each year in the mountains, primarily outside the coalfield. Most of the best fiddlers, however, are old now. 2. Banjo music, which deserves an article to itself, as do banjo players like Dock Boggs and Roscoe Holcomb (who Bob Dylan says influenced him greatly). 3. Shape-note hymn singing, now almost extinct except in northern Alabama and western Kentucky. 4. Gospel music, both the quartet style and the "holiness" style of congregational singing like "I'll Fly Away." 5. Regular Baptist singing in the "lining-out" manner, a powerful, stirring music that seems to be absolutely unique to the South- �248 Colonialism in Modern America ern mountains. 6. Ballad singing, both accompanied and unaccompanied. Many ballads were preserved in the mountains long after disappearing from England and Scotland. Many more were made here. 7. "Social music"— songs and lyrics for parties, dances or whatever ("Old Joe Clark"). Not to mention stories, dances, and games, and children's songs. ^"Other string bands included such as Dr. Smith's Champion Horsehair Pullers, the Henpecked Husbands, the Moatsville String Ticklers, and the Fruit Jar Drinkers (who still play on the Grand Ole Opry). first performer on the Grand Ole Opry was Uncle Jimmy Thompson, 80, who fiddled while his niece played piano. After an hour George D. Hay (the Opry's founder) asked if Uncle Jimmy was tired. "Why shucks," he said, "a man don't get warmed up in an hour. I just won an eight-day fiddling contest down in Dallas, Texas, and here's my blue ribbon to prove it." See George D. Hay, A Story of the Grand Ole Opry (1953). "From Hobart Smith of Saltville, Virginia, who has been called "America's greatest folk instrumentalist." ^From Mrs. A. R. Graham of Cynthiana, Kentucky, who learned it as a girl in Magoffin County, Kentucky. 8 Treated at length in Archie Green's book Only A Miner (1972). 9 Also discussed in Green's book. The story of the Coal Creek Rebellion is worth at least a footnote. In the 1880's Tennessee miners tried to organize in the Knights of Labor. To block this, Tennessee allowed coal operators to lease the labor of convicts as scabs. The miners organized, and in 1891 fought a series of battles in which they burned stockades and helped the prisoners (mostly black) to freedom. Tennessee sent militia and quelled the "disturbance" but the convict labor system was soon abolished and the miners organized the mines under the UMW. Other songs from Coal Creek (now called Lake City) are on Hedy West's record Old Times and Hard Times. l^Besides Green's book, coal mining music (up to 1945) is the subject �Our Own Music 249 of two excellent books by George Korson, Coal Dust on the Fiddle (covering the bituminous industry) and Minstrels of the Mine Patch (covering the anthracite field). Both books were commissioned by the UMW. 1 *Mrs. Reece has lately been singing this song at the UMW strike of Duke Power Company's mine at Brookside in Harlan County. The miners there think it is still quite relevant. l^In the 30's record companies did issue some records of protest music. In those hard times no one ignored anything that would sell. The New Lost City Ramblers have issued on LP of recorded industrial music, called Mo dern Times. the reason so many stars sing of being poor but happy is a nostalgia for their own past. It takes a strong person to become a star and stay common— not many can. l^A country -we stern song is indeed lucky to last ten years; some old tunes and ballads have already made it past 400. I think a lot of young mountain musicians, feeling oppressed by the closed, competitive aspect of C&W, turned to the relative freedom of rock— at some cost, I suspect, of cutting away from their own roots. "Country rock," at any rate, is popular now, and Goose Creek Symphony is the favorite band of many people I know. 15 There is only one black star in Nashville, Charley Pride, though "country music" is shot through with things derived from black music. DeFord Bailey, a harmonica player who may have been the first musician ever recorded in Nashville, was the only black star of the earlier days. 16 See Bill C. Malone, Country Music USA (1968), 186-88, 206, 208- 38. A note on terminology. When record companies started producing music for rural audiences they didn't know what to call it. In 1925 Ralph Peer recorded a nameless string band from the Blue Ridge who called themselves "hillbillies." He named them the "Original Hillbillies" and the music became "hillbilly music." (Similarly, black singers were marketed on "race records.") Later, after World War II, as commercial hillbilly became popular and respectable, the industry looked for a more dignified name and settled on "country music"— a little odd, since by then it was all made in the city. The term "country and western" and the cowboy suits Porter Waggoner et al. wear onstage stem from the work of "western" singers like Tex Ritter and Gene Autry, who sang popular "cowboy" songs in the 30's and �250 Colonialism in Modern America 40's. When traditional music was discovered by city musicians of the 60's, the "hillbilly" music of the twenties received still another name and became "folk music." same feeling among their elders leads to long-lived developments and National Forest land grabs. original Beverly Hillbillies were a group of "cowboy" singers who broadcast from Hollywood from 1928-32 and were quite popular. �A Donald He tain in it has had. he he) mC a the "cultural" to he in and he has his a his of the in the his list of in he in to his of the The an is the at in his in of of fit ffe ft a on of in at for Gap, in the of to The Vir™ his as an a a of o/ t/Ji? M o o re Jr. still to as is the mounthe �252 Colonialism in Modern America Fox's national popularity (his books are readily available in paperback editions while those of James Still are out of print) and the general consensus that would agree with William Cabell Moore call for a reappraisal of his depiction of the mountain people to whom he is supposed to have been such a good friend. Undoubtedly, Fox's novels and stories have influenced the nation's view of its Appalachian minority, so we turn to his fiction to evaluate the cast of that view. Fox's first bestselling novel, The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come, is structured on a set of contrasts that characterize his work: the Mountains vs. the Bluegrass, Melissa Turner (mountain girl) vs. Margaret Dean (bluegrass relative), Chad in the mountains vs. Chad in the bluegrass, and so on ad infinitum. Without exception, the thrust of these contrasts is denigratory in relation to mountaineers and laudatory in relation to the bluegrass aristocracy. In The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come Fox characterizes mountain society as pyramidal in structure and divided into three classes. At the top he locates "the valley-aristocrat"—those farmers of the rich river bottoms who occasionally own slaves and are "perhaps of gentle blood" (italics mine). In the middle are the free-settlers, "usually of Scotch-Irish descent, often English, but sometimes German or sometimes even Huguenot," who dwell in "rude" log cabins along tributary creeks. At the bottom are the poor white trash, "worthless descendants of the servile and sometimes criminal class who might have traced their origin back to the slums of London"; these last exist in "wretched cabins at the head of the creek or on the washed spur of the mountain above" and function as "hand-to-mouth tenants of the valley-aristocrats." Although the typography of the region conceivably could have resulted in some such economic stratification as Fox indicates, one must demur at his essentially racial classifications. Surely there were some Scotch-Irish and Germans among those "valley-aristocrats," and perhaps now and then one could have traced his ancestry back to the London slums. In Fox's social theorizing, however, man is a product of the interaction of "blood" and environment-, hence, in order to account for the "semi-barbarous" condition of life he discovers in the mountains, Fox posits an inferiority of blood-line which is compounded by the rigors of the environment. Even those �John Fox, Jr., A Re-Appraisal 253 "valley-aristocrats" like Joel Turner or Judd Tolliver, who had perhaps the initial advantage of "gentle blood," are little more than genial barbarians, notable primarily for their physical prowess and characterized mentally and culturally as possessed of an ignorance and child-like simplicity that reduces them to the level of clowns. The less fortunate, in terms of blood-line, may be either well-meaning or villainous, but they invariably lack the mental capacity to rise above their environmental limitations. The physical destitution in which they exist mirrors a corresponding mental, spiritual, and cultural destitution. The children of such people, "thin, undersized, underfed, and with weak, dispirited eyes and yellow tousled hair" or "round-faced, round-eyed, dark, and sturdy" grow "large-waisted and round shouldered. . .from work in the fields." They sit uninterested and restless through the "blab schools" and quit, their minds untouched and unenlightened, to take their place in the generations of degeneration. Rare indeed is the mountain child who shows himself "erect, agile, spirited, intelligent." Chad, one of these rarities who eventually takes his rightful place among the bluegrass aristocracy, derives his superior qualities apparently from the twin advantages of his mother's having been "a lawful wife" and his grandfather's having worn a "wig and peruke." Melissa, the true mountain waif of unknown parentage, must perish because her mother was so uncircumspect as to get herself bedded before she was wedded. Fox's bias against mountain people is underscored when he comes to speak of the Bluegrass as it is with his curious blend of romantic mysticism and naturalistic determinism. Chad is introduced to the Bluegrass by an itinerant cattle dealer and the schoolmaster, who tell him of a "faraway, curious country" where the land was level and there were no mountains at all; where on one farm might be more sheep, cattle, and slaves than Chad had seen in all his life; where the people lived in big houses of stone and brick—what brick was Chad could not imagine—and rode along hard, white roads in shiny covered wagons, with two "niggers" on a high seat in front and one little "nigger" behind to open gates, and were proud and very high-heeled indeed; where there were towns that had more people than a whole county in the mountains, with rock roads running through �254 Colonialism in Modern America them in every direction and narrow rock paths along these roads—like rows of hearthstones—for the people to walk on—the land of the bluegrass—the "settlements of old Kaintuck." And there were churches everywhere as tall as trees and schoolhouses a-plenty; and big schools, called colleges, to which the boys went when they were through with the little schools. The contrast here, although couched in language comprehensible to a child's mind, suggests the materialistic and racist value-base on which Fox's attitudes and judgments are founded, attitudes which preclude any sympathetic understanding of the mountain culture he found in Jellico and Big Stone Gap. This bias is much more explicitly stated in a chapter of The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come entitled "The Bluegrass.*' Fox begins the description with the epithet "God's Country!" and continues to characterize Bluegrass Kentucky as the land that seems "to have been the pet shrine of the Great Mother herself." She fashioned it with loving hands. She shut it in with a mighty barrier of mighty mountains to keep the mob out. She gave it the loving clasp of a mighty river, and spread broad, level prairies beyond that the mob might glide by or be tempted to the other side. . . . In the beginning, such was her clear purpose to the Kentuckian's eye, she filled it with flowers and grass and trees, and fish and bird and wild beast, just as she made Eden for Adam and Eve.. .And when the chosen peoplesuch, too served her purpose—the Mother went to the race that obstacle but strengthens, that thrives best under an alien effort to kill, that has ever conquered its conquerors, and that seems bent on the task of carrying the best ideas any age has ever known back to the Old World from which it sprang. The Great Mother knows!. . .And how she has followed close when this Saxon race—her youngest born—seemed likely to stray too far—gathering its sons to her arms in virgin lands that they might suckle again and keep the old blood fresh and strong. (My italics throughout) �John Fox, Jr., A Re-Appraisal 255 The aristocratic and racist elitism manifested in this passage explains easily enough Fox's lack of sympathy for the mountaineers he wrote of. The mountaineer, it is implied here, is one of that inferior breed which has succumbed to the mighty barrier Mother Nature erected "to keep the mob out"; hence, he is hardly worthy of serious consideration, for the true bearers of the living heritage are "the chosen/' whose manifest destiny it is to "plant their kind across a continent from sea to sea" and move on "through the opening eastern gates of the earth." When Fox descends from the heights of such mystic racism to describe the state of civilization in the Bluegrass, his idealization of circumstances contrasts markedly with his comments on mountain society: The land was a great series of wooded parks such as one might have found in Merry England, except that worm fence and stone wall took the place of hedge along the highways. It was a land of peace and of a plenty that was close to easy luxury—for all. Poor whites were few, the beggar was unknown, and throughout the region there was no man, woman, or child, perhaps, who did not have enough to eat and to wear and a roof to cover his head, whether it was his own roof or not. If slavery had to bethen the fetters were forged light and hung loosely. This Edenic vision reveals clearly where Fox's sympathies lie, if not his understanding. One can understand why Fox, imbued with such romantic illusions about his birthplace, consistently depicted mountain people as incapable of developing to a state of civilization. When civilization comes to the moutains, it is imposed forcibly upon the native populace, as was the case of the Big Stone Gap Guard, a group of Harvard and Yale graduates self-appointed to bring "law and order" to the rude savages in their mountain fastness; or it is achieved by the exceptionally gifted native who leaves the region for one of the national cultural centers, as June Tolliver does in The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. In either instance, an outside influence provides the catalyst which the mountaineer is unable to initiate for himself or his society. �256 Colonialism in Modern America The mountaineer's debility, in Fox's critical view, is attributable in part to inferior ancestral stock, and in part to the malign effects of the mountain environment. Fox holds firmly to the degeneration theory of mountain societal development, as is evidenced in the history of Chad Buford. The original Buford was a "fine old gentleman in a wig and peruke"; after three generations of mountain isolation, the Buford line has eventuated in Chad, a supposed "woods-colt," orphaned and at the mercy of the viciousness or generosity of whomever he meets. Although the potential inherent in his blood-line raises him head and shoulders above his peers, the disadvantages of his environment prevent the full realization of that potential. In comparison with his counterparts in the Bluegrass, his achievements are inferior indeed. However, when Chad is exposed to the cultural and material advantages of the Bluegrass, his progress is amazingly rapid, soon equalling or surpassing his counterparts in level of attainment. The same theme is more explicitly developed in The Trail of the Lonesome Pine through the characters Jack Hale and June Tolliver. Through years of exposure to the mountain environment, Hale, who comes to the mountains as the representative and harbinger of approaching civilization, gradually loses his civilized refinements and takes on many of the brutish qualities of Fox's mountain inhabitants. June, the little mountain lass who loves him, in the meantime undergoes the opposite process of development as a result of her exposure to the civilizing influence of New York society. In Fox's view, environment is the ultimate determinant of character, and the status quo of mountain society as he describes it precludes any progress toward what he recognizes as civilization, i.e., the cultured societies of New York and the Bluegrass. In spite of much that has been written to the contrary, John Fox, Jr., who achieved a degree of fame and fortune through the literary exploitation of the Appalachian mountaineer, reveals in his fiction little love for either the mountain people or the mountain milieu. His view was always that of an outsider who was examining a quaintly curious but inferior breed with whom he could scarcely sympathize, much less empathize. The potential viciousness of such a view has since become concretely demonstrable in the sacrifice of the people and the area he so befriended to the rapacious progression of �John Fox, Jr., A Re-Appraisal "Saxon" civilization. 257 �This page intentionally left blank �ON by N. and in of the the is is on at its of to of of the ion§? for at for for to the River, The are of the exist. As no an in the in the to be of: 20 of are c May of He is the of fit on fof of a to and is the on " of the He is a of ami a �260 Colonialism in Modern America old, most of them built before World War I. They are in varying stages of decline. Some of them are not much more than postoffice addresses. The old frame two-family houses are settling unevenly. Some have collapsed altogether. Others, considering their age and the haste with which they had been built, are in surprisingly good shape. As a general rule, if a house is freshly painted you can assume that a working miner lives there. The population of Buffalo Creek has fluctuated with the times, declining when the industry declined, recovering when the industry recovered. In 1970, coal had its best year since 1947, and a rosy glow of optimism suffused National Coal Association predictions for the future. Big companies opened new mines along Buffalo Creek and stepped up production in their old ones. When coal comes up out of the ground, the impurities that come with it are separated out in preparation plants^tipples, as they are more commonly called. The coal rolls away in long, black trains; the impurities stay behind, and something has to be done with them. They have a way of accumulating with staggering speed: A ton of raw coal generally contains up to 25 per cent of extraneous material, and a good-sized tipple, handling the production of several mines at once, will separate out thousands of tons of waste every day. Miners have different names for it—"gob" or "slag" or "culm"; but whatever you call it, it still has to be piled somewhere. In the crowded hollows of West Virginia, finding places to pile slag is a problem of major proportions. As a general rule, no engineer is ever called in to consult on the best and safest locations. Instead, the company superintendent simply hunts around for some vacant space convenient to his tipple, and the slag is dumped there, either by trucks climbing up a mountainside and dumping down the slope, or by an aerial tramway strung between peaks and dumping in the middle. Whatever system is used, the slag is piled up until it is higher than the dumping spot, and then a new pile is started. FACING THE GOB Since 1946 a tipple has been in operation at the head of Buffalo Creek. The plant was built by the Lorado Coal Mining Company, a mostly local outfit that sold out to the Buffalo Mining Company in 1964. Buffalo Mining, in turn, sold out in �The Pittston Mentality 261 1970 to the Pittston Company, which is headquartered in New York and is the largest independent producer of coal in the United States. All this time the tipple continued in operation. And all this time it grew. Originally designed to process coal from a single mine, it was expanded periodically as new mines were opened nearby. By 1972 Pittston was operating a total of eight mines in the Buffalo Creek vicinity—five of them underground, three of them stripping jobs. The coal from all eight was processed in the single tipple. On an average, the tipple operated six days a week, two shifts a day; it handled about 5,200 tons of raw coal daily, and shipped out about 4,200 tons of cleaned coal on the long Chesapeake and Ohio trains. That meant that every day a thousand tons of gob, more or less, had to be dumped. Three tributaries run into Buffalo Creek near the Pittston tipple. From 1947 until about 1955, the refuse was dumped along the hillside a few hundred yards upstream from the tipple, but by 1955 the available space was mostly exhausted and the tipple began dumping a little farther away, across the mouth of a small hollow where the Middle Fork tributary meets the creek. At first the gob pile grew slowly. It had to, because most of the hollow behind it was occupied by miners living in company houses. But when production at the tipple increased, the growing gob pile began to menace the houses, and the miners were forced out. The houses were abandoned (some of them were knocked down for the lumber), and the gob was dumped where they had stood. The families moved away, some of them out of West Virginia entirely, some of them only a few hundred yards to vacant houses in the small community of Saunders, which stood facing the gob pile at the intersection of Middle Fork and Buffalo Creek. SAUNDERS WAS GONE The gob pile grew, and grew, and grew more swiftly as the tipple kept expanding production. At first this grotesque black mountain was only an eyesore. Later, it became a source of air pollution and a fire hazard. Gob piles may be nothing but waste; but much of that waste is flammable, and a combination of compaction and oxidation can result in spontaneous combustion. Once a fire gets going deep within a gob pile, extinguishing it is nearly impossible. The fire smoulders, sometimes bursts �262 Colonialism in Modern America into open flame, fouls the sky with acrid smoke, and occasionally produces an explosion. The Federal Bureau of Mines has spent millions of dollars in research on the problem, but the end result is that hundreds of gob piles are smouldering in the Appalachian coalfields right now, and nothing is being done about them. The gob pile at Middle Fork began burning years ago and kept on smouldering. As the dumping continued, another problem arose. Tipples require vast quantities of water in the cleaning-separating process, but water can be a scarce commodity at times in West Virginia. Partly to provide itself with a reliable year-round supply of water, and partly to comply with new state regulations governing stream pollution, Buffalo Mining began to build a series of settling ponds in 1964. Previously the contaminated wash water had simply been sluiced directly into Buffalo Creek, despite the objections of people who liked to fish there. The ponds were created by building retaining dams in the most immediately convenient location: on top of the huge Middle Fork gob pile. By that time the pile had reached stupefying proportions: as high as a 10-story office building, 600 feet across, stretching back into the hollow more than a quarter of a mile. Sweeping down through the pile and wandering across the top, the waters of Middle Fork ran sluggishly to join the main stream of Buffalo Creek. Damming the water was a relatively easy task, using the material closest at hand: mine waste. No civil engineer in his right mind would permit the construction of a dam from such materials (as many a civil engineer would later confirm), but no engineer, it now appears, was consulted. In operation, the settling ponds not only contained runoff water from the hills but refuse-filled water piped from the tipple. The solid refuse would settle out and clear water could be piped back to the tipple. The first of the ponds impounded a relatively small volume of water, however, and it silted up within a couple of years. A second dam was built in 1967 slightly farther upstream. When the tipple was operating full blast, it required 500,000 gallons of water a day, pumping back between 400 and 500 gallons of waste-filled water every minute. Some of the water would seep out through the porous dam, but the waste settling to the bottom—500 tons every day—rapidly filled the pond, and a third dam was built in 1970. Again, no engineering was involved—just truckloads of mine waste, a bulldozer to push �The Pittston Mentality 263 them around, and prestol A dam grew across the hollow, built of nothing but junk and standing on a foundation of slime and silt and dead trees. The trees were there because nobody had bothered to cut them down. It was simpler and faster just to dump on top of them. In West Virginia, February means snow and rain. February meant it this year, as always. In Logan County, there were heavy snows and flash floods; but they were, as the state meteorologist would later point out, "nothing uncommon/' At the head of Buffalo Creek, the waters rose behind Pittston 's makeshift dam. Early on the morning of February 26, Pittston's local mine boss, Steve Dasovich, sent a bulldozer operator up the access road to the dam with instructions to cut a drainage ditch to relieve the pressure from the swollen lake. The access road winds around a mountainside with the dam out of sight much of the way. When the bulldozer operator finally came around the last bend and looked through the rain at the dam, he saw with a sudden, terrible shock that it wasn't there. The dam was gone, and 21 million cubic feet of water and an immeasurable mass of mud and rock and coal wastes were charging through the narrow valley of Buffalo Creek. From where he sat on his suddenly useless machine, the bulldozer operator could look down toward the little town of Saunders^a town consisting of nothing more than a church and some two dozen houses. Now it consisted of nothing at all. Saunders was gone, eradicated completely. Beyond Saunders, the valley curved away out of sight, but the air was filled with the terrifying sound of the flood bearing down on the 15 communities in its path. FATHER OF STRIP-MINING There are no slag heaps on Park Avenue, and no floods will ever wash through the offices of Joseph P. Routh unless the island of Manhattan sinks into the sea. Thirty-five floors up in the Pan American building, the chairman of the Pittston Company has a commanding view. When he looks down to the street below, he can see Brinks armored trucks moving the wealth of America from place to place. The trucks belong to Joe Routh. A good deal of the money does, too. �264 Colonialism in Modern America Routh is 79 now, and he has been making money longer than most men have been alive. He was already a power to be reckoned with when the Pittston Company, which then operated a dozen anthracite mines in Pennsylvania, stumbled into bankruptcy during the Depression. A friend at Manufacturers Trust suggested to Routh that he take over the company and lead it out of the wilderness. The bank sweetened the offer with a $10-million loan—essentially unsecured, since there would be no way to recoup the loss if Pittston went under—and Routh moved in. Anthracite, he concluded, was a dying industry. The future lay in the vast bituminous fields of Virginia and West Virginia. He unloaded most of Pittston's properties in Pennsylvania and began buying up tracts of coal in central Appalachia. At a time when coal prices fluctuated wildly, he had discovered that the best way to tear loose a chunk of coal in time to take advantage of favorable trends was to strip it from the mountainsides rather than go through the difficult, two-year-ormore process of engineering and constructing a deep mine. By 1950, when strip-mining was still an infant industry in Appalachia and conservationists hadn't the foggiest notion of the plague to come, one of RouthJs companies, Compass Coal, was profitably tearing the hills of Harrison County, West Virginia, to shreds. Since there were no state or federal reclamation requirements, no money had to be spent on binding up the wounds. It must have been the best of all possible worlds, unless you lived near one of Routh*s mines. He, of course, didn't. Routh kept himself busy with other conquests, picking up coal companies in Kentucky, West Virginia, and Virginia, buying up trucking companies and warehouses in New York, enlarging his oil-distributing operations, hatching long-range plans for a giant refinery on the Maine coast. Money flowed from Routh's various holdings into his Manhattan office in a never-ending stream, and Routh bought Brinks, Inc., to carry the cash in his own armored cars. AN ACT OF GOD Despite abundant evidence that he was in no danger of going soft, Routh decided in 1969 to bring in a new president. He looked around for a man to match his own toughness and �The Pittston Mentality 265 found one—a 53-year-old native of West Virginia named Nicholas T. Camicia who had already made a mark in the industry as a notable scrambler. "The coal industry is run by men who got where they are by not being nice," says one former federal official in a position to know, "and when Camicia smiles, you can hear his jaws making a special effort." Routh liked him fine. But Camicia already had a good job when Routh approached him about taking over Pittston. Routh reportedly told him to write his own ticket, possibly remembering his own reluctance to sign on until Manufacturers Trust gave him the $10 million to play with. Camicia did, in fact, write his own ticket, putting his signature to a contract that has never been publicized but makes fascinating reading in the archives of the Securities and Exchange Commission. The contract runs until 1976 and guarantees Camicia not only a minimum salary of $100,000 (increased now to $134,000), but it stipulates that a deferred salary of $25,000 will be set aside each year, compounded, and paid out to him in 120 monthly installments whenever he quits or gets fired; if he reaches retirement age before that happens, he also qualifies for a hefty pension. The contract also appears to have included some highly attractive stock options; SEC records show, for example, that Camicia picked up 7,200 shares, worth approximately $270,000, for a price of $78,000—less than a third of their market value. That wasn't all. Camicia was living comfortably in an exclusive Chicago suburb when Routh signed him up; in return for agreeing to move to New York, Camicia got Pittston to buy his house for $90,000 and furnish him, cost free, an equivalent home within commuting distance of Manhatten. He went to work for Joe Routh, reportedly satisfied with the terms of his employment. If ever there was any doubt that Routh and Camicia were a pair of industry touchdown-twins, it was dispelled early in 1970 when Pittston signed a contract with the Japanese steel industry. The Japanese wanted a long-term contract and were willing to make concessions to get a reliable supply of American coking coal. By 1970 Pittston had gained control of a third of all the available commercial metallurgical coal in the United States, and no one could offer more reliability than Routh and Camicia. They would not offer it without certain stipulations, however. The contract they signed with the Japanese called for Pittston to �266 Colonialism in Modern America deliver 140 million tons of coal over the next 10 years at a reported average of $15 per ton, which is about twice the going rate elsewhere. Pittston's directors were so happy last year that they boosted dividends twice and voted themselves a three-for-one stock split to boot. The company now has more than 50 mines working with nine more under development, and there is no end to the good times in sight. Is everybody happy? No. Federal mine inspectors in Appalachia are not pleased with Pittston's safety record; they never have been particularly pleased with it, but the past couple of years have been especially bad. Nine miners lost their lives in 1971 in Pittston mines (two of them in the newly acquired Buffalo Mining division), another 743 were seriously hurt, and the company's accident frequency rate was one of the highest in the coal industry. The record in 1970 was even worse: 18 dead. Investigators found that in a solid majority of the fatal accidents bad management practices (rather than personal carelessness) were to blame. "The company appears to be sincere in its desire for health and safety throughout its mines," one inspector wrote. "This desire/* he added drily, "is not always fulfilled." Not always. All told, some 98 men have been killed in Pittston's mines in the past decade, and a 1963 explosion in which 22 men died still ranks as one of the worst of recent disasters. Three or four thousand men have been seriously injured or maimed in the company's mines since 1962, and the U.S. Public Health Service estimates that as many as 5,000 Pittston miners may have developed pneumoconiosis during that time. The profit margin of the new Japanese contract is a reported 24 per cent, almost three times the normal profit margin in the coal industry; you can't help marveling at how much of that money will be going back to the disabled derelicts living out their lives in Appalachia after destroying themselves to help make Joe Routh a millionaire for the third or fourth time. Pittston's stockholders don't have to concern themselves with such things, because they don't hear about them. The company's handsome four-color annual reports talk about money, not about people. There are pictures of freshly painted oil storage tanks, spotless armored trucks, gleaming computer banks—and aerial pictures of the long, black coal trains winding �The Pittston Mentality 267 their way through seemingly virgin Appalachian valleys. The pictures are taken with care: On the inside back cover of the 1971 report there is a color shot of lovely hills and hollows with a sturdy complex of mine buildings prominent in the foreground. "Aerial view of the Lorado Mine of newly acquired Buffalo Mining Company," the caption reads. Beyond the mine, railroad tracks stretch away, disappearing behind a hill. If you could see beyond that hill, you would see the massive, smouldering gob pile that stood at the head of Buffalo Creek and on top of it the jerry-built dams that Pittston used with its preparation plant. But those things are not part of the picture, not part of the annual report. As far as Pittston's stockholders are concerned, they never existed—not until the morning of February 26, when suddenly the dams collapsed and the burning gob pile erupted and all hell broke loose. Helicopters were still thrashing back and forth between Buffalo Creek and the nearest hospitals when reporters began calling Pittston's New York headquarters to find out what the company had been doing to cause such a monstrous disaster. Camicia and Routh weren't available, wouldn't answer the telephones, wouldn't return calls. Finally, Mary Walton of the Charleston Gazette flushed out a Pittston lawyer who insisted on remaining anonymous but was willing to give the company's point of view. "It was an act of God," he said. DASOVICH'S YARDSTICK " 'Act of God' is a legal term," Robert Weedfall remarked when he heard about Pittston's explanation of the flood. *'There are other legal terms—terms like 'involuntary manslaughter because of stupidity' and 'criminal negligence.' " Weedfall is the West Virginia state climatologist, the man who keeps track of basic acts of God such as rain and snow. He was in a better position than anyone else to know whether there could be any possibility that Pittston's dam had collapsed from natural causes, and he was convinced that it had not—could not have—not by any stretch of the imagination. There had been heavy rainfall in Logan County during the week of February 26 and considerable flooding. But it was nothing uncommon for February, Weedfall said, and he had the statistics to prove it. When reporters called him they were impressed with his conviction. Pittston officials �268 Colonialism in Modern America had called, too, looking for ways to document their private theory of divine intervention. Weedfall wasn't much help. Nor were the technical specialists of the Department of the Interior who arrived from Washington and, in the aftermath of the disaster, poked and probed among the ruins in search of clues. The U.S. Geological Survey sent a crew, as did the Bureau of Mines; the Bureau of Reclamation summoned a former chief of its Earth Dams Section from retirement. The investigators examined the remains of the dam in microscopic detail, interviewed Pittston workers and company officials (who would not talk to reporters), and pieced together a convincing account of what had happened and why. None of the investigators showed any doubt that the dams had been badly engineered. Fred Walker, the retired Bureau of Reclamation expert, went further and refused to use the word "dam" to describe the structures. "Locally these barriers are called dams, but to me this is unacceptable nomenclature," he wrote. "These structures were created by persons completely unfamiliar with dam design, construction, and materials, and by construction methods they are completely unacceptable to engineers specializing in dam design." West Virginia law, Walker noted, "requires permits, approval of plans, and inspection during construction for impoundments more than 10 feet deep. I was unable to find that such requirements had ever been complied with/' Suggesting that similar potentially disastrous situations could be found elsewhere in the coalfields, Walker commented scathingly that "fortunately most of these barriers are built in valleys that have small watersheds above them, as apparently little if any consideration is given to the flood hazard involved." Pittston's consideration of the flood hazard at Buffalo Creek seems to have begun at 4 p.m. on Feburary 24—exactly 40 hours before the so-called dam collapsed—when Jack Kent and Steve Dasovich drove up to survey the situation. Kent was superintendent of Pittston Js stripping operations in its Buffalo Mining division; Dasovich was superintendent of the tipple. The water was rising behind the newest of the three dams. A federal mine inspector had driven past on the previous day and recalled later that the water seemed to be about 15 feet below the top; now it was within five or six feet. According to the Bureau of �The Pittston Mentality 269 Mines report, Kent and Dasovich "agreed that neither the dam nor the rising water presented danger of collapse or flooding at that time." The report makes clear that they were concerned only with the possibility of water overflowing the dam; they seem to have been untroubled by the possibility that the dam might simply give way, even though it was settling visibly in places—and even though part of it had given way almost exactly a year earlier during the rains of February, 1971. (It had been under construction then, with not much water backed up behind it, and there was little damage.) Kent stuck a measuring stick into the sludgy surface of the dam, with the top of the stick about a foot below the top of the dam. It was raining; Dasovich and Kent decided to keep an eye on things. Kent was back at the dam 24 hours later to check his measuring stick. The water was up about a foot and a half. Rain was still falling. Kent, who lives in an imposing home a few miles below the dam, decided to start checking the water level every two hours. He found that it was rising about an inch an hour. At 3:30 a.m. on February 26, peering at the stick with the aid of a flashlight, Kent saw to his alarm that the water was rising faster—two inches an hour, maybe more. An hour later the level was up three inches more and the measuring stick was almost covered. Kent telephoned Dasovich and asked him to come take a look. By the time Dasovich arrived the stick had disappeared entirely and the water was only about a foot below the top of the dam. According to the Bureau of Mines investigators, Dasovich decided to cut a ditch across the dam; he had some drainage pipe on hand and intended to use it to relieve the pressure. He called some of Jack Kent's strip-mine bulldozer operators at home and told them to go to the stripping operation—some three or four miles away—and bring their machines to the dam. Kent, meanwhile, made some calls, too: "He telephoned several families in the Lorado and Saunders area after his 4:30 a.m. examination/1 Bureau investigators reported, "and advised them of the rising water and the possibility of the dam overflowing." Three hours before the dam broke, in other words, the disaster had been foreseen by someone in a position to do something about it. A telephone call to the state police—who could have traveled the entire length of Buffalo Creek by 7 a.m. ordering a general evacuation—might have saved more than a hundred lives. But the �270 Colonialism in Modern America call was never made. And the drainage ditch was never dug, because the dam had given way before the bulldozers arrived. WALKING IN SOUP You can find Jack Kent at home—his house is on high ground and survived the flood untouched—but he doesn't like to talk to reporters. His eyes tell everything; there is no need for words. Dasovich seems to have disappeared entirely. He was in a nearby hospital after the flood, being treated for shock, and nurses said later that he was hysterical and blamed himself for the tragedy. Still later he was reported to have been admitted to a private psychiatric clinic—still later, released. The Federal investigators have not yet talked to him and some of them, knowing now what they do about the dam, see no need. "He knows what was up there," one of them said. "He'll always know what was up there." Other men knew, too. In the community of Saunders there was general concern about the safety of the dam; and on the night of February 25, most of the families who lived nearby decided, on their own, to take refuge in a schoolhouse five miles down the creek at Lorado. The decision saved their lives; the schoolhouse survived the flood, but when the families returned to Saunders to look for their homes, there was nothing to be found. No homes, not even the foundations; everything was gone, everything except an appalling sea of slowly settling, black, foul-smelling sludge. Off and on during the night, in the last few hours before the dam broke, miners went up to have a look at it. There were rumors spreading that it was going to go, but no one really seemed to know. Dasovich reportedly was telling people that things were under control. About 6:30 a.m., according to the federal reports, a miner saw ominous signs of what was coming. "The dam was moving like a bridge moves under heavy traffic," he remembered later. "Water was coming through the dam. . . not much, but it was causing the lower lake to fill up fast." By 7:30, according to another eyewitness account, "The top of the dam was moving back and forth. . . .the dam was settling down and shoving forward." Trying to walk anywhere in the vicinity of the dam was "like walking in soup—it had gotten real, real �The Pittston Mentality 271 juicy, buddy, all the way down. I got in the car and got the hell out of there." The top of the dam was lower on one side than on the other, apparently from foundation settling, and now the top was slumping still further with a momentum that could not have been stopped by an army of bulldozers. One of the several federal reports theorizes that the water level rose quickly during the night, not just because rain was falling, but because the dam had been collapsing slowly into the lake for several hours. But even while the rain continued, the tipple went on pumping its 500 gallons a minute into the sludgy lake behind the dam. 30-FOOT FLOOD Whatever happened in the night, it was morning now, and there was enough light to see what was happening. Apparently no one saw the actual moment when the dam finally gave way. It seems to have happened very fast—the dam settling until water was running across the top, the water cutting a cleft into the dam, more water hurrying through, and then complete and total collapse, and millions of gallons of water and hundreds of thousands of tons of sludge streaming across the top of the slag pile at the beginning of catastrophe. The water cascaded into the burning section of the slag heap and erupted in a volcanic explosion. Men were coming off shift at the tipple and saw what was happening; they saw a mushroom cloud burst into the air from the explosion, saw mud and rock thrown 300 feet into the sky, saw the windshields of their pickup trucks covered with steaming mud. They raced back up the road and tried to use the telephone at the tipple to send out a warning, but the line was already dead. The tipple was safe—it was upstream, up another fork of the creek, out of the path of the destruction—but the men were cut off from the main stream of Buffalo Creek and there was no way they could help anyone. They could only watch as the water and sludge crested over the top of the exploding gob pile and burst into the valley, "boiling up like dry flour when you pour water on it." The flood traveled at first at a speed of at least 30 miles an hour—in a solid wall 20 or 30 feet high. People who saw it �272 Colonialism in Modern America coming as they headed up the Buffalo Creek road barely had time to throw their cars into reverse, turn around wherever there was room, and head back downstream, leaning on their horns, flashing their lights, trying to warn other people who had heard the explosions but still did not know what was happening. There was very little time to do anything. It takes a few seconds to collect your wits when you see a wall of water bearing down on you, especially when you live in a valley where there are only a few exits—hollows running at right angles to the main valley. For most of the people who died, it was like being in the barrel of a gun and seeing the bullet coming. There was nowhere to go. That so many people did escape is something of a miracle. Nearly 5,000 people lived in the path of the flood. Probably a thousand were caught up in it, battered, left shaken, and sometimes badly hurt, but alive. From the wreckage of 16 communities, the bodies of 118 people have been found. There are others still missing; the final toll may be close to 150. THE ONLY LIFE THEY KNEW What happens after a disaster of such magnitude? There are inquiries, of course, and inquiries are under way in West Virginia. But in Appalachian affairs, the official response tends to have a common theme. After the Farmington mine disaster killed 78 miners, it was an Interior Department assistant secretary who said brightly: "We don't know why these things happen, but they do." After the 1970 mine explosion that killed 38 men in Kentucky, it was a newly installed director of the Bureau of Mines who said: "We can almost expect one of these every year." While the search for bodies was still continuing in Logan County, West Virginia's Governor Arch Moore was already defending the Pittston Company: The sludge-built dam had served a "logical and constructive" use by filtering mine wastes that would otherwise have gone unfiltered into Buffalo Creek. It didn't seem to matter much how the thing was built. The state legislature chose not to investigate, instead leaving to the governor the selection of an official commission which would be told to report back by the end of summer. "It's easy to say that the dam shouldn't have been there," Moore said at one point. "But it had been there for 25 years." He was technically wrong, of course, but the inference seemed to be that if a hazard simply �The Pittston Mentality 273 exists long enough, it has a right to be left alone. And by the same token, the Governor made it painfully clear that he would ask the same treatment for the problems of West Virginia. The real tragedy, he said, a tragedy greater even than what had befallen the people of Buffalo Creek, was the unflattering coverage of West Virginia in the national press. In fact there had been precious little of that. The flood had been on page one for two or three days, but it was eclipsed by the President's tour through China (from Shanghai, where he learned of the flood, Nixon sent an expression of regret, concluding from a distance of many thousands of miles that it was a terrible "natural disaster" and promising speedy federal aid); and within a week it would be forgotten, dismissed as one of those things. Time, for example, observed that the people of Buffalo Creek would have been well advised to live elsewhere, but they had stayed on in the shadow of the smouldering gob pile presumably because "that was the only life they knew." PASSING THE BUCK TO GOD The Interior Department, meanwhile, explained through Assistant Secretary Hollis Dole that there was, in its opinion, no federal responsibility in the matter, despite the fact that regulations within the 1969 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act specifically cover the construction and use of gob piles and retaining dams. There were no indications that the government would move to take action against Pittston unless it was prodded by an outraged Congress; on Capital Hill there was no outraged Congress to be found. There would be room for doubt, in any event, about the kind of action that the Department of the Interior would take even if it were forced to do something. The department is reluctant to think of itself as a regulatory agency, or as a federal cop, and among all of the subordinate agencies within the department, the Bureau of Mines is a standout example of one that has refused to grasp the idea of representing the public interest. The problem might not be serious if a system of countervailing power were in operation—if, for example, the people of Buffalo Creek could have counted on the United Mine Workers to represent them against the overwhelming resources and �274 Colonialism in Modern America indifference of the Pittston Company. There had been scattered efforts along Buffalo Creek to protest the slag heaps and the sludge dams—petitions had been circulated, attention had been demanded. But the effort never went anywhere, and it never went anywhere partly because no powerful organization, like the union, chose to push it. The union hasn't pushed much of anything in some time except perhaps the fringe benefits available to its ranking officers. The result is that on one side of the equation there is a powerful industry deeply dedicated to its own interests; on the other side there is, most of the time, nothing at all. And in the middle, where there should be an evenhanded government agency, there is instead the Bureau of Mines, an organization so encrusted with age and bureaucracy that it will not even support its own inspectors when they try to do their jobs. They had, for example, been trying to do their jobs at Pittston's mines, trying to cut down the number of men killed in needless accidents. Over the past year they had slapped thousands of violation notices on the company. The idea is that the notices will cost money; get fined often enough and hard enough, the theory goes, and you will become safety-conscious in the extreme. It hasn't worked that way. Thanks to a highly complex assessment system set up in Washington by a former lobbyist who is now in charge of the Bureau's fines-collection operation, Pittston has been able to defer, seemingly indefinitely, any payment for its sins. Specifically, over the past year inspectors had fined Pittston a total of $1,303,315 for safety violations. As of April 1, the company had appealed every one of the notices it had received and had paid a grand total of $275 to the government. Meanwhile, on Buffalo Creek, the investigations continue, the reports are compiled, the survivors try to plan a future; the mines, only briefly disrupted by the raging flood, are back at work, and the long trains roll. One month after the disaster, Pittston set up an office to process claims—without, however, accepting liability. The company's official view is still that God did it—and if, by any chance, God should pass the buck back down: "We believe that the investigations of the tragedy have not progressed to the point where it is possible to assess responsibility." It's possible that such a point will never be reached. Who was responsible, for example, for deciding to spend $90,000 �The Pittston Mentality 275 to buy Nicholas Camicia's house, but not to spend the $50,000 that it might have cost—according to one of the federal reports— to build a safe dam at the head of Buffalo Creek? There are sticky questions like that rising in the aftermath of the disaster, questions that will be hard to answer. "There is never peace in West Virginia because there is never justice," said Mother Jones, the fiery hell-raiser of West Virginia's early labor wars. On Buffalo Creek these days there is a strange kind of quiet, a peacefulness of sorts, but it is not the kind that comes with justice. This article was published by The Washington Monthly, May 1972. Reprinted by permission. �This page intentionally left blank �OF By A For 1116-B Charleston, E. Virginia . .. to his as a as as an he to His of to his his in as of the he of a Inc., of the lie his he but he of Trans- in of of to in He as a as by fit of n»ii • *y a in lt i lt i . �278 Colonialism in Modern America Island Creek Coal Co., Director of Civic Affairs for Monsanto, Director of West Virginia Life Insurance Company, director of Huntington Federal Savings and Loan Associates, and President of Cecil H. Underwood Associates, in which venture he was joined by David Francis, president of Princess Coal Company. By contrast, William Marland forgot whom the governor commonly serves. During his term he made the error of recommending a severance tax on coal; he finished life as an alcoholic cab driver in Chicago. . . . CASE STUDY: THE BUILDING OF STATE ROUTE 99 Route 99 cuts a swath through the tops of the beautiful high mountains which mark the southern edge of the Coal River Watershed. The road is only 10.016 miles in length and runs from a junction with State Route 85 in Boone County, slightly north of Kopperston (an Eastern Gas and Fuel Company town in Wyoming Co.), and east to Bolt in Raleigh County. At some unspecified future date there is supposed to be an extension of the road which will turn Route 99 into a major east-west artery connecting Logan and Beckley. The road is made of six inches of asphalt poured over 12 inches of crushed rock—extremely sturdy construction, even for a mountain road. Both firms which built the road obtain more of their money from strip mining than they do from construction. They gouged a tremendous cut for the road with explosives and heavy equipment. This left towering high walls, often on both sides, of bleak rock. Driving over the road, one is not surprised that it cost over $5,200,000 to build initially. However, it is surprising to find that there is almost no traffic on the road, since the State Department of Highways insists that the first criterion used in the building of a road is whether the road will pay for itself in terms of the gas tax taken in by vehicles using the road. A quick check of the state road map shows no sizable town on or around the road and almost no one who will be served by the road as a through route. Why then was this particular road built? The highway department and other officials have offered various reasons. Former Governor Smith suggested that the entire area was going to be a scenic recreation area, but both sides of the road are lined with some of the most devastated countryside imaginable, scarred by �Coal Government ofAppalachia 279 the stark slashes of the 40 strip mines in the area. The central office of the Department of Highways offered a different and far more plausible explanation. Although unsure who it was that made the decision, one high ranking official did point out that the road has * "opened that area up." Acknowledging that almost no one lived in an area to use the road as a through highway connecting any urban centers, he nonetheless allowed as how it was important to open areas up to people to live in and industries to develop. Just which people and which industries the area has been opened up for becomes obvious when the history of the road and the surrounding area is examined. Kopperston is a model company town built near the mouths of many large underground mines by the Koppers Company; it is now operated by Eastern Gas and Fuel Associates, one of the giants of the coal industry. Building such towns is expensive, however, and no such plans were made in connection with the development of the Harris mine, another giant underground operation which opened near the current junction of Route 99 and Route 85 about the same time the road was built. Eastern's new mine employs over three hundred miners, a quarter of whom live in the eastern part of Boone County and Raleigh County. Before Route 99 was built, the only way for these miners to get to work was to drive far north of their homes to Seth and then across or far south along Route 1 through Glenfork and Oceana, then north again. The more than eighty miners who lived east of Bolt live on a road pattern designed for access to Beckley, the seat of Raleigh County. Near Beckley, Eastern was in the process of closing down several worked-out deep mines. In order to keep its miners, it had to find some way to get them to the new mining site. Route 99 provides a perfect connection for people in eastern Boone County and the Beckley region to get to the Harris Mine and back. It serves almost nothing else, or nothing else which existed before it opened that part of Boone County up. Now it serves more than 40 strip mines which are in operation along its length and at one end of the road. At the same time the plans were finalized for building the road, Eastern Coal and Appalachian Power Company jointly indicated an interest in building, with Federal assistance, a rural New Town at what is now the eastern end of Route 99 near �280 Colonialism in Modern America Bolt. As work on the plans for the new city at Fairdale advanced, it became clear that the type town Eastern had in mind was not the type that would obtain federal approval. Initial inquiries were discouraging enough to prevent formal application from ever being made, and the idea of the city was put silently to rest. The major problem was Eastern's nervousness whenever mention was made of attracting other industries into the town. Eastern wanted the town to be housing for its workers. Eastern had been seeking a company town which would not cost Eastern anything, one for which the state and the federal governments would pay. Officials then serving in the highway department were delighted when they first heard that a new city was under consideration for Fairdale. Their joy stemmed from the fact that the plan to build that city (of which they had known nothing when Route 99 was laid out) would serve as an excellent justification for a previously unjustifiable project. They were no doubt even more disappointed than Eastern when the plans never advanced beyond the talking stage. Since the owners of the land over which Route 99 was built are large land companies which hold the land until it can be profitably mined, it is not surprising that they were quite willing to grant the state permission to enter their land and construct the road—even before the price of the land was negotiated and the land bought. As of late 1970, the land (upon which the road lay) had still not been purchased, and the case was slated for adjudication. Their willingness to allow the state on the land becomes understandable when maps of the area are examined. State road maps of the region before the route was completed show no mines along Route 99. The area, now stripped so completely, was almost inaccessible before it could be reached by 99. The highway department personnel who reported on the use of the road always mentioned the semi-trailers carrying explosives and equipment to the strip mines' cutting face in addition to the miners going to and from those sites and the large underground sites further to the west. Most of the land being stripped and most of road right-of-way were owned initially by Eastern Gas and Fuel Associates. It is now owned by Pennva, a giant land-holding subsidiary of another giant coal producer, Pittston Corp. �Coal Government ofAppalachia 281 Another major beneficiary of Route 99 was stripper and road builder Leo Vecillio of Beckley. Vecillio and Grogan, Inc. is the construction firm which built most of Route 99. Ranger Fuel (Leo Vecillio, President) operated 21 strip mines along the road and also 20 mines in Pond Fork now made accessible to them by Route 99. Ranger Fuel marketed its coal through Eastern Gas and Fuel Associates. In 1970, Ranger was also sold to the Pittston Corporation. Nor have expenditures stopped after 1966-1967, when the road was cut and graded through the mountains. In 1970, another contract was awarded to Black Rock Contracting, Inc. of Charleston to pave the road, which theretofore had not received a permanent blacktopping. That added an additional 1.4 million dollars to the figure of 5 million previously spent. The original 5,000,000 dollars used to build this impressive stretch of two-lane road came from a bond issue passed initially to be used on the federal interstate system. If the money had been used for that purpose, it would have been matched by $45,000,000 in federal dollars and could have built over 30 miles of four-lane interstate. The use of the funds on a project which could not qualify for any federal matching money (the Appalachian Regional Commission's money at the time would not go to roads serving only mines) was not illegal. The legislature had provided that the money could also be used for the public roads of the state (a provision intended for any excess of funds after spending on interstates), but it was at least improvident to spend it on a solely state-financed road which in reality cost the state not 5 but 50 million dollars in lost road-building ability. Shortly after the road was contracted for, the federal government, stung by the cost of its military adventures in Southeast Asia, ordered a freeze on interstate building. This freeze was based on the amount of money which the states had previously spent on the program. Thus the Route 99 fiasco continued to hurt the state over the next few years. A delegate from Wyoming County bemoaning the costly construction of Route 99 for special interests pointed out that the policy still continues. In his county one road was being built from Pineville to a new Bethlehem Steel Mine five miles away. �282 Colonialism in Modern America Another road from Pineville to Baileysville was being widened to better serve the Keppler mines. "It's certainly sad that the only way we can get any roads in southern West Virginia is when it benefits the coal operators," the delegate observed. "The people can cry for roads, but the only time they ever seem to be built is when the coal companies need them." ("Roads for Coal Firms Only Pattern Ripped by McGraw" Sunday Gazette-Mail, 28 June 1970.) �THE IN TVA by INTRODUCTION On in his he he 18, 1933, and an in D. the pen Act. of the TVA this act of a and in by in the of of the to the by the In his of of a he TVA the the bill he be a the his the of the as the of be a of TVA to be It to be in the is a he to the a of /or �284 Colonialism in Modern America less federal agencies. It was, the president said, to be a near contradiction as a federal agency: "a return to the spirit and vision of the pioneer/' based in the region it was to serve, concerned with the complexities of national development, but also an agency that "touches and gives life to all forms of human concern." It was, in short, a mere first step in a national experiment where—if it succeeded—"we can march on, step by step, in the like development of other great national territorial units within our borders." Even though it was favored several times by the Supreme Court, and beat government-inspired conspiracies like DixonYates of the early 50's, even though it successfully defeated one of the toughest onslaughts ever organized by private power trusts, and even though it made a remarkable record of achievement imitated world-wide, the TV A idea never sprouted successfully in any other area of the country. A. The Early Record of TVA Few people who have had a course in modern American history need a recitation of the good deeds by the agency in the early days. It tamed the nation's fifth largest river, turning the once flood-prone 650 mile giant into the world's most controlled river. It planted eroded land and invented fertilizers and gave them away. It turned poor farmers into skilled workers, employing at the height of World War II 40,000 people, most of them trained by the agency. Unique even today among federal agencies, it allowed its employees to join unions. When the companies defeated the United Mine Workers* first large organizing drive in the southern coalfields in Fentress County, Tennessee, and then blacklisted the miners, the agency hired more than 200 en masse in 1934. It sold its power only to cooperatives organized and controlled by the people. It did other things, and, importantly, it won the confidence of the people. When the private power companies built "spite lines" into TVA territory, the farmers chopped down the poles. In 20 years the agency built 20 dams. In 1953 the total dam system had cost $24.5 million and averted potential flood damage estimated at more than $51 million. In 1952 alone the navigation system had saved barge shippers probably $10 million, �The Federal Government in Appalachia*. TVA 285 at an expense of $3.5 million. Since 1933 it had reforested 212,000 acres of land and produced 295 million seedlings in its nursery. Over the same period 68,000 farmers had allowed their farms to be TVA test demonstration areas to educate them and their neighbors about new farming techniques. Per capita income had risen from 44% of the national average in 1929 to 60% in 1952. Manufacturing employment opportunities had increased 20% faster in the valley than in the nation. As impressive as the statistics are, they fail to convey the sheer magnitude of the project in a seven state area of 201 counties, the size of New England. The concrete, rock, and earth laid in the path of the river and its tributaries were 12 times the bulk of the Great Pyramids. The volume of water behind its dams would cover the entire state of Illinois to a depth of eight inches. But more important, and surprising, an agency that had a vague mandate to "sell the surplus power not used in its operations" had by its twentieth year become the nation's largest utility, selling power at the lowest prices to a people who in 1933 had almost no knowledge of the electric age. By 1953 the agency's customers—one in 28 farms in the valley had power in 1933—were consuming twice as much power as their national counterparts. TVA's wonders were not accomplished without sacrifices, however, and there were many less than admirable aspects to the agency even in the early days. To build its dams the agency forced the removal of 125,480 people. It has bought or condemned two million acres of land, creating in the place of occasional flooding a giant permanent flood. In the early days, board member Harcourt Morgan, a former president of the University of Tennessee, turned the agency's farm program into little more than mimicry of the policies of the land grant colleges and the extension services. The agency made its peace with the Farm Bureau, even though that organization had advocated that instead of a TVA, the government should sell its $90 million investment in the Wilson Dam at Muscle Shoals to Henry Ford for $5 million. Ignoring its reputed commitment to civil rights, the agency built separate facilities at its dam sites for blacks and whites. (Even today, among the top 37 staffers who meet regularly with the board, only one is a black and one a woman. In the memory of re- �286 Colonialism in Modern America porters who have attended the meetings since they were forced open in 1975 in response to press pressure, the black has never spoken at a meeting and the woman has spoken up only once, when the agency was moving to abolish the home economics division of which she is a part.) But despite the scars, most people agreed with Henry Steele Commager in 1950 that the agency was "the greatest peacetime achievement of twentieth century America." B. The Turning Point From almost the first meeting of the three board members in 1933, the agency was torn over its direction. Arthur Morgan's "human engineering/' his seeming willingness to compromise with Wendell Willkie (then head of the southern power trusts), and his undocumented charges of "evasion, intrigue, and sharp strategy" against Lilienthal and H. A. Morgan, led to his dismissal by Roosevelt in 1938. With Morgan gone, Lilienthal, who believed the agency would live or die by the power program, was victor. His successor as chairman, Gordon Clapp, launched the agency in 1949-53 into building seven coal fired plants—the largest in the world—to meet the power demands on the system. Had it not been for the cold war and the Atomic Energy Commission, which by 1955 was consuming a full half of TVA's output at its Oak Ridge and Paducah uranium enrichment plants, the agency would have had the largest surplus capacity of any utility in the world. To stave off the Eisenhower administration's Dixon-Yates conspiracy and other efforts to reduce its effectiveness, the agency began saluting its contribution to defense above all its other efforts. In that climate, a new generation of leadership—far more cautious, technically oriented, and politically conservative—moved in to make policy at TVA. This new generation saw cheap power as the means to trump all opposition. By the middle 1950's TVA had set a pattern for its future coal purchases, concentrating them in western Kentucky where low grade, high sulfur coal fields were being developed by independent coal firms. Armed with long term contract offers, technical equipment at its plants that would allow the burning of low quality coal, and no hesitancy in purchasing non-union �The Federal Government in Appalachia: TVA 287 coal, TVA's coal buyers, with direction from then General Manager Aubrey J. Wagner and Board Chairman Herbert D. Vogel, set out to guarantee that fuel prices would remain low. Operating against a slumped coal market and a rapidly declining United Mine Workers (UMW) union, the TVA revolutionized the steam coal market. As the nation's largest buyer and with skillful use and re-use of competitive bidding to lower the price of coal proffered to the agency, TVA helped to bankrupt operators in the southern Tennessee, east Kentucky, and other central Appalachian coal fields. Union-organized deep mines, especially those with strong locals that deprived operators of sweetheart contracts from the increasingly corrupt UMW, found themselves unable to remain in business. Not so Appalachian and western Kentucky strip mines. Small strip mine companies like Kentucky Oak Mining of Hazard, Kentucky, found TVA a willing accomplice in granting long term contracts and providing technical assistance in machinery design and mining procedures. In the early 1960's when the "Roving Pickets" movement was shutting down the eastern Kentucky coal fields and violence was causing concern even at the White House, few coal miners realized that the reason for the sweetheart contracts, the withdrawal of the UMW hospital cards, and the starvation economy was in part the steam coal policies that TVA was pursuing quietly in Knoxville. With Kentucky Oak Mining bringing strip mining, a process little practiced until then, to eastern Kentucky on a vast scale, no deep mine could possibly compete with its prices, which were frequently as low as $3 a ton. Meanwhile, in western Kentucky and eastern Tennessee, TVA was building mine mouth steam plants on or near strip mines and signing long term contracts for millions of tons of coal. The prices for the western Kentucky coal, albeit of lower quality, were far below what it cost Appalachian producers to mine coal. With the long term contracts, which amounted to loan guarantees at most financial institutions, the western Kentucky producers opened mines in thick seams, mined with shovels that dwarfed anything ever seen before on the American landscape, and sealed the doom of the independent Appalachian deep mine companies. In the name of cheap fuel, the agency was laying the groundwork for the horrors that now haunt it and its region. �288 Colonialism in Modern America C. A Bitter Harvest When President Kennedy called together his advisers in the early days of his administration to determine how to deal with the disturbing reports that were coming from Appalachia, especially eastern Kentucky, he found them ill-prepared to come up with solutions or, in fact, able to comprehend that what was happening was related in more than a small way to policies being made by a government agency in Knoxville. At one point he sent an aide from his office with an order to find 100 doctors before winter to go to eastern Kentucky; the aide found none. As the administration made other decisions related to the mountains, it ignored the role that TVA had played in the havoc and could play in the solution. In 1961, Kennedy named Aubrey Wagner to the TVA board and appointed him chairman in 1962; in 1963, he named Wagner to the President's Appalachian Regional Commission that was to study how to solve poverty in the mountains. There is no evidence that Wagner or anyone else was ever questioned about, or did themselves question, TVA's role in creating the coal market slump that had brought on the unemployment and the union busting in the mountain coalfields. The UMW leadership, having failed even under Lewis's leadership to get TVA to change its policies, had already turned to Cyrus Eaton to get him to buy up TVA suppliers with union money. By the early 1960's the union was as interested as the Chamber of Commerce in trying to discredit media reports of poverty in eastern Kentucky. TVA's bitter harvest would come home in other ways. By 1974 TVA was buying 37 million tons of coal a year to fuel its 12 steam plants which were producing 80% of its power. A full 72% of the coal was coming from Kentucky, one-half of it strip mined. Disturbingly also, for an agency that once saw itself as "democracy on the march," a full 83% of the coal was now being supplied by a dozen firms, all of them owned by oil or metal conglomerates. In that year, the giants turned on their friendly benefactor. Prices more than doubled. Suddenly TVA's cheap power was no longer so cheap. Giant TVA suppliers like Island Creek, chaired by the once friendly Senator Albert Gore and owned by Occidental Petroleum, demanded a $3 a ton profit guarantee, with a 50-50 split of profit over $6 a ton. TVA signed. Mapco (Mid-America Pipeline Co.), owner of Webster County Coal Corp., raised its price from $8.50 per ton to over $30. TVA �The Federal Government in Appalachia: TV A 289 signed. Mr. Wagner condemned the price increases and damned publicly the increasing energy concentration. This was taken seriously in some quarters, but knowledgeable observers saw a clear connection between past agency policy and the prices. The Mountain Eagle, of Whitesburg, Kentucky, revealed that two coal companies owned in part by Ashland Oil had defaulted on a $25 million TVA loan guarantee made in secret by the TVA board in 1970. In rapid fire fashion, other puzzling coal deals by TVA came to light: (1) it had selected Peabody Coal Co., the world's largest, to open a new deep mine on TVA property in western Kentucky and had agreed to equip the mine and pay Peabody a guaranteed fee per ton, despite the fact that in 1971 Peabody had the worst deep mine safety record in the industry; (2) in 1974 it had signed contracts worth $58 million with a company it was alleging in federal court had defrauded it on past contracts; (3) it was accepting truck loads of rock, mud, and slate disguised as coal at its Kingston Steam Plant, taking action to stop only after repeated exposures of the practice in the media; (4) it had made a secret bid of $1 billion to purchase Peabody. These actions were only a part of a disturbing pattern that began to emerge publicly in the early 1970s. In a June 17, 1974, speech, Wagner told the National Coal Association that portions of the Mine Health and Safety Act "should be eliminated" in the interest of production. But TVA's coal purchasing practices were bothering in other ways too. Because of its policy of buying low heat (approximately 11,000 BTUs per pound as opposed to national utility average of over 12,000 BTUs.) and high sulfur coal, a combination TVA claimed was cheap, the agency was in trouble with the nation's air cleanup program. The Environmental Protection Agency told the agency either to find low sulfur supplies (at least lower than the 4.5% sulfur coal it buys from some suppliers) or install �290 Colonialism in Modern America scrubbers. TVA refused to do either. Wagner called scrubbers "a billion dollar pig in a poke," and launched TVA on a program of building tall stacks at its steam plants to disperse, rather than clean up, its sulfur dioxide emissions. EPA officials, mindful that TVA emits 14% of all utility sulfur dioxide nationally and 52% of the poison in eight states of the South, refused in 1974 to compromise further its stand on constant controls. Aware that failure to clean up TVA would mean a license for private utilities also to defy the law, EPA took its stand in federal courts, where in 1976 it got final word from the Supreme Court that TVA's compliance program violated the clean air laws. The end result of TVA's reliance on its traditional suppliers and low quality coal is that it now finds itself unable to buy enough low sulfur coal to comply with the law. In an October 1976 bid opening, the agency received no significant bid from old suppliers for low sulfur coal and got few worthy offers from other suppliers. Chairman Wagner now claims the reason is that suppliers are holding coal off the market for higher prices. State Representative Lewis McManus, the former speaker of the West Virginia House of Representatives, and a critic of TVA for failing to buy low sulfur coal in his state, says the reason is that the agency will not negotiate with that state's small producers. TVA general manager Lynn Seeber rejoins that the agency has to buy by competitive bidding. McManus points out that the TVA board declared an "emergency" in 1973-74 and re-negotiated most of its long term contracts at higher prices with the conglomerate suppliers. Alone of utilities, it is now negotiating on an "emergency basis" for low sulfur coal. TVA's new trump is nuclear power. It has more nuclear capacity planned than any utility in the country. In March 1975 its Brown's Ferry plant was knocked out for over a year by a worker using a candle to check for air leaks in a cable room. In December 1976 a fire caused by an electric heater destroyed the building that would have been used for start-up operation in 1978 of the Sequoyah nuclear plant. Mr. Wagner says nuclear power is safer than highway driving, cheaper than coal, and that the agency has no intention of backing away from its present nuclear emphasis unless coal power becomes cheaper. And while it pursues the nuclear commitment, the agency is now testing low sulfur coal from Montana as a possible source of supply for its Shawnee steam plant; it is doing so despite the fact that the �The Federal Government in Appalachia: TV A 291 coal is non-union, low BTU, and higher priced than quality low sulfur deep mine coal being purchased by private utilities in Appalachia. D. Economic Status in the TV A Region The Tennessee Valley watershed covers 40,910 square miles of land in seven states and 125 counties. About half the counties overlap with ARC territory in Tennessee, Alabama, North Carolina, Virginia, Georgia, Kentucky, and Mississippi. The TVA power service territory covers the same states but includes 170 counties, making the total counties covered by TVA 201, with a population over 6.7 million. The combined TVA territory covers 80,000 square miles. When TVA was founded in 1933, personal income in these 201 counties was 45% of the national average, or about $168 per capita. In 1974, the figure was $4,262, or 78% of the national level of $5,448. That compares with the southeastern U.S. level (excluding Florida) of 84% of the U.S. level, or $4,602.! In 1933, 62% of the region's jobs were in agriculture; in 1973, 6%. Manufacturing jobs in 1933 accounted for 12% of the work force; in 1973, 33%. Total manufacturing jobs in the valley increased 73% from 1960 to 1973, or 18% faster than the national average. Much of the industrial growth occurred in resource development areas related to TVA's activities, but the direct correlation is not possible to measure. While federal appropriations to TVA have averaged $65 million a year since TVA was founded, the Valley's receipt of federal expenditure ($10,822 per person) is still far below the national average ($16,759 per person) over the period of 19341970; and only one-tenth or less of the Valley's receipts of federal monies were for TVA. The TVA power program is financed from current revenues and from a bond ceiling set by Congress at $15 billion, approximately 3% of the national debt. Since the self-financing reforms of 1959, TVA has paid back to the Treasury all but about one-fourth of the total federal investment in the power system. TVA's only demand on the U.S. Treasury is the approxi- �292 Colonialism in Modern America mately $135 million a year current budget which supports nonpower projects like the National Fertilizer Development Center at Muscle Shoals, Alabama (the Center holds patents on threefourths of the world's fertilizer formulas), a tributary area development program, flood control, and industrial development. The TVA region lags far behind the nation in earnings per worker when compared with the national average on an industrygroup basis. In the region 36% of the workers earn less than $8,000 per year; nationally 16% do. The number of TVA region workers earning between $10-$12,000 per year is 29%, compared with a national percentage of 44. Part of the explanation is that the region has a larger share than the nation of lowwage paying industries. For example, 27% of the valley workers are employed in apparel and textile industries compared with 3% nationally. A 1974 TVA economic outlook report concluded: "The new manufacturing job holders in the TVA region have not yet become the average consumers or owners of wealth of either the Southeast or the nation." One area in which the TVA region clearly outstrips the nation is in the growth of energy-intensive industry. Industries in the first quartile of electric energy use per employee grew at a rate of 4% in the period 1959-64 in the region compared with a decline of 0.3% in the nation. From 1964-74, the same industries grew at a rate of 4% in the region compared with a 0.8% rise in the nation. The growth is unquestionably tied to the fact that TVA rates are at an average 40% below the national average. In the growth of wood-using industries over the past decade the TVA region leads both the nation and the Southeast, the nation by nearly 3 to 1. TVA estimates that 44,000 jobs have been created in manufacturing plants located at major terminal points on the Tennessee River. The agency itself currently employs over 25,000 people, most of them in construction trades. E. Conclusion TVA brought many benefits to its 201 counties. Its cheap power brought havoc to some of those counties and hell to other �The Federal Government in Appalachia: TV A 293 parts of Appalachia. While pursuing this policy the agency has raised the incomes in the TV A region to around 75% of the national average, about the same figure as for all of Appalachia. The agency now is its own chief argument against spreading TV As across the land, and its reform is a necessary first step in making sense of national energy problems and economic problems of the Appalachian South. NOTE figures used in this section were supplied by the TVA Department of Information, Regional Research Department, and the Power Division. �This page intentionally left blank �OF by a a is, the for of the for of of the be to It no be to of the in the a at the fo) to the for for of by but the of the ' Tie the if can for the as as is the in the of or its air can by of has the of has 24, the pp. an Hf Jwi In �296 Colonialism in Modern America ingredient has been missing, good intentions have often failed to produce effective regional action. In many places, certainly in Appalachia, regional mechanisms have tried to operate in a vacuum of citizen awareness and support. The questions raised by the spread of regionalism are as important for the local populations involved as they are for the ultimate success of regionalism itself. Who determines where and how a regional body shall have authority? What is the role for citizens in such determinations? To whom are regional board members accountable, and how are they chosen? How are the agency's criteria and funding priorities set? To give such questions anything less than full attention is in itself poor planning. Appalachia has long been a programmer's guinea pig, the testing ground for a wide array of federal and state efforts. It is significant, therefore, that alarms are ringing in Appalachia, where a small but apparently growing number of people perceive regionalism as a threat to their ability to control local affairs of daily importance. They say that power over such basics as schools and garbage disposal has passed from their own hands into the murky authority of something called a regional agency or district. Appalachia became a testing ground for regionalism in the early 1960's when conditions there had become economically so critical that President Kennedy realized something had to be done about a situation which local and state governments appeared unwilling or unable to correct. The result was a commission charged with producing effective ideas and designing a mechanism by which to implement them. The Appalachian Regional Commission (ARC) was formally and fiscally delivered by President Johnson in 1965. From the beginning ARC billed itself as a "unique federalstate partnership," relying upon gubernatorial support and strategy. Also from the beginning, residents of the area predicted long-range ineffectiveness for the new creature, because it chose to ignore what many felt to be the keys to any lasting economic and social independence for Appalachia: local control and use of the region's vast natural resources, the rape of which had been responsible for much of the area's plight in the first place. The governors and such key Congressional figures as Sen. �Hidden Traps of Regionalism 297 Jennings Randolph wanted no part of that kind of activity, accordingly, the ARC has specialized in the political safety^ of bricks and mortar. At the same time, no broader example of regionalism has been operating in the country these past eight years. Appalachian regionalism has been on both the multi-state and substate level. As for the former, policy and spending decisions are supposed to be based on regional criteria. That is, the governors of the thirteen Appalachian states supposedly view needs on a multi-state, regional level first and consider their own immediate economic or political needs second. The theory is fine, but it hasn't worked out. "All you have is thirteen guys, some of whom see their governors maybe twice a year, sitting around the table trying to bring home their own slab of bacon," says one former high ARC official who feels the experiment is lost. At the substate level, ARC has leaned heavily on its "coordinated investment strategy" of concentrating investments in those areas showing "the greatest potential for future growth," as opposed to the Economic Development Administration's criterion of greatest need. Programs are to be assessed on the prospect that expenditures of money and effort in a given area will spread the results beyond the immediate application. This has meant lumping towns and counties into "growth centers." And growth areas have been translated into political action by creation of the "local development district" (LDD). These bodies are formed so that each will contain at least one "growth center." Often that is their only unifying factor, with some notable cases of bad grouping (foothills with mountain counties, coal with non-coal, high population with low). In any case, it is through the LDDs that ARC follows its coordinated investment strategy. Some planners see that strategy, and the LDDs which go with it, as a national model. But as a model it has received scant scrutiny. For one thing, while some ARC officials sincerely believe that the investment strategy has worked to alleviate Appalachian poverty, statistics from that part of the region which prompted the Appalachian Act in the first place—the mountainous central area—belie any claims of marked improvement. And many observers of the eight-year operation say that investments have �298 Colonialism in Modern America not been placed in areas of real potential growth but in those of real potential votes for the governor and Congressmen who announce each ARC grant. Recent moves by ARC's new executive director to reassert the role of the states in all ARC operations will, some disgruntled ARC staffers feel, further stifle whatever creativity and innovation there may have been by making the motive for funding political advantage rather than real need. Critics make the same basic assessment of the LDD approach. It is through the LDDs that most nonhighway ARC dollars flow; it is from the LDDs that ARC professes to hear the voice of the local people. There's the rub. People in the mountains have become sharply attuned of late to possible threats to their way of life, and many see the LDDs as a major curb to their influence on governmental decisions at the local level. They object to the LDDs as an intermediate layer of government standing between them and the control levels for state and federal moneys. They know who sits on LDD boards—and who doesn't. The contradiction is blatant: ARC views the LDD as the indicator of local will because it includes all the major elected officials in a development district; but some local citizens call the LDD an impediment to local will precisely because of that makeup. They contend that it's hard enough to deal with their own "courthouse gang"; merge six or eight or ten of them together in a single LDD and "you simply just don't have a chance," as one LDD observer put it recently. If this, then, is to become a national model, some basic problems need to be solved. Who represents whom and how and according to what guidelines? No one has thought much about such questions, it having been assumed that, since the need for multi-jurisdictional cooperation was critical, getting something started came first. Therefore the tough questions have yet to be answered. How much constituted authority should the new regional mechanisms be given? And from what source should such power proceed? What matters will best be dealt with regionally, and what is more wisely left in local hands? In short, are these new bodies in any way more or less accountable to the wills of the resident population than the original governments whose function they are complementing or in some cases* replacing outright? �Hidde n Traps of R egio nalism 299 In parts of Appalachia the matter has moved past theory. In western North Carolina, for example, a community observer sees the LDDs as little more than power-structure collectives, with vested interests parading as "elected officials" and "civic group representatives." They equate progress with profit, he says, and the effect of it well may be far afield from what wellintentioned backers of regionalization have in mind: "If the planners keep going, the effect will be to practically disinherit the small farmer who might have moved here generations ago to live out his time or escape service in the Civil War or whatever. And that citizen will be the last person to sit on the development district board." The composition of board members tends to support the fear that LDDs in Appalachia are, at best, staffed from the top down. Even where representatives of the poor or of minority groups do sit on the board, they are generally so outnumbered that they fall silent. Besides, matters handled by LDD boards are often more within the scope of the banker than of the dirt farmer or auto worker. It is thus no surprise that the long-range planning or other actions of such boards often reflect a bias toward a corporate, "free enterprise" model of developmenteven where such a model is sadly inadequate or worse. That's the most basic concern. Even though the majority on a board may be elected officials, they were not elected to serve on that board by that board's jurisdictional area as a whole. A new kind of political chemistry begins to operate when officials elected from different areas come together to make collective decisions for which they cannot be held individually accountable. People in Hill County did not elect their fiscal court judge to vote on matters involving eight other counties; and they surely did not authorize those nine other county officers to vote on affairs which affect Hill County. Perhaps even worse, regional board decisions have often become legislation by the lowest common denominator of what everyone can agree upon. Because of the establishment-affiliated membership of most regional agencies, the criteria thus become what is politically and economically palatable to all vested interests involved. Proponents of regionalism argue that such has often been the case with local government, and they are right. A key difference remains: At the local level, aroused citizens had �300 Colonialism in Modern America the ultimate level of the ballot box; on the regional level they don't. Aside from basic questions of accountability, the lack of direct citizen involvement is not in the interests of regionalism itself. A regional board can make unnecessary mistakes simply because no one was there to spot an obvious blunder in the early stages. Citizens do show up at city council or fiscal court meetings when an important matter is at hand. But regional bodies are remote and little understood, so the interest isn't generated. Decisions of potentially major effect may thus be developed in a vacuum—a situation that is bad for the regional agency charged with problem solving, and far worse for the citizens living with the problem. Once again, the premise that some regional cooperation can establish or improve needed facilities was and is sound. It is shortsighted to talk about a one-county garbage landfill when a larger and better one could be built to serve several counties at far less cost to the individual units. But it has proved to be equally shortsighted and wasteful to attempt any such regional effort without the real participation and consent of the several constituencies involved. Indeed, results can be downright disastrous. In one eastern Kentucky LDD, the board unanimously and enthusiastically backed a plan for a regional sanitary landfill. The state had ordered the closing of all open burning dumps, so something had to be done. But bureaucratic bungling and shortsightedness in assessing local situations resulted in only one landfill being opened to serve all eight counties, and that one isolated, expensive to use, and known to turn into a quagmire entrapping even the most hardy of mountain pickups. When the failure became obvious, local residents wanted to know whom to get mad at. And they heard their county judge— himself the chairman of the landfill board at the time—saying it wasn't his jurisdiction; it was the problem of the regional garbage authority. And who was that? That was established under the auspices of the development district. The what? The development district. Well, could the judge get something done? Folks are just dumping their garbage into the creeks because there's no other place to put it. Sure, the judge promised, I'll raise the �Hidden Traps of Regionalism 301 problem at the next district meeting; we're all concerned about the problem, but we have to work it out together. The garbage mess, as it became known, proved to be the tip of the iceberg of anger. The same development district had endorsed land-use studies for each of its counties. In one of them, residents rebelled at the suggestion in the plan that they move out of their precious hollows and off their hillsides to areas where such "blessings" as sewer and water could be provided. They made it clear that they liked their hollows, had no desire to move away from them unless it was their choice, and in short wanted no part of any regional land-use plan. Mass-meeting pressure forced the county fiscal court not only to drop the land-use plan but to abolish the county planning commission for good measure. Nonetheless, the LDD itself soon came out with its own district wide land-use plan. People again expressed concern, but this time they really didn't know where to focus it. Planners argue that no one unit of government is forced to accept a regionally drafted plan or program. That may be true in theory, but federal and state trends deny it in fact. There is, for example, something called the A-95 procedure of the federal Office of Management and Budget. The stated purpose of the A-95 Memorandum is to foster multi-jurisdictional cooperation in order to assure maximum benefits from an array of federal programs included under A-95's coverage. A-95, says OMB, simply seeks to encourage consistency based on solid planning. Under A-95, each state which so chooses establishes "clearing houses" to review and comment upon all applications for assistance from federal agencies included under A-95. LDDs, for example, have become the A-95 bodies in most Appalachian states. The application goes to the clearing house, which then invites parties it feels appropriate to comment upon the application, and within thirty days the clearing house itself comments. Only then is the application, with comment, passed to the federal agency. Technically, that agency can ignore an unfavorable A-95 review, though under a new revision of A-95 it must now tell the clearing house why it chose to do so. Under the same revision, A-95 still remains noncompulsory; that is, states don't have to adopt the procedure. In fact, however, the increasing trend is to �302 Colonialism in Modern America require the kind of regional review called for in A-95 whether or not it has been formally adopted. A-95 decisions are supposed to be based on grounds of consistency and soundness of planning. But again, good intentions can be offset by realities. Many of the same questions heard in Appalachia about LDDs are being raised there and elsewhere about the A-95 bodies of review. Just who sits on the A-95 board, and who should? If the clearing house doesn't possess the overall plan upon which it is supposed to peg its decisions, on what is the review based? Vested interests of the board members? Personalities or politics of the applicants? If there is a plan, who developed it, and with whose active advice and concurrence? Were all segments of the population included in the planning effort? The questions comprise the list of what makes political units responsive to needs. A-95 raises other basic questions of civil rights. For example, a city with 600,000 people has the same voting power on that A-95 board as a suburban member with 20,000. Aside from one-man, one-vote, the same problems of board composition that arise with LDDs apply here. They are perhaps even more critical with A-95 boards, since both civil rights review and environmental impact determination are left to the auspices of the A-95 body in key areas. Jim Draper, formerly of the Georgia Council on Human Relations, has argued with OMB that A-95 boards "have neither staff nor philosophic inclination" to give minority or low-income people a fair shake. "Moreover," he said, "in many cases there is no representation of these interests on A-95 bodies' boards of directors. Thus, inclusion of such considerations [as civil rights or environment] as criteria for review becomes utterly meaningless—the painting over of rotting wood." Is this, then, a hopeless quagmire, with the potential value and real need for regionalism clouded by equally real inadequacies of accountability and responsiveness? ARC, for example, might well have become a viable and creative institution if it had followed the advice of many of its initial Appalachian backers and dealt with the real problems of basic economic inequity in Appalachia. Instead, it chose to go with the governors, with the entrenched political systems of thirteen states. Some good has resulted, such as ARC health programs, but had the key seg- �Hidden Traps of Regionalism 303 ments of the Appalachian population been sought out and included both at the federal-state and the substate levels, a more lasting and accountable mechanism might have made more than a dent in the problems. ARCs survival might then rest on real accomplishment rather than political muscle. It is certainly not too late to learn lessons from the experience of ARC, its LDDs and such other manifestations of regionalism as A-95. And the need to learn is pressing, since regional plans are likely to spread in ways and to places which will directly affect many more people. Maybe it is necessary to separate regionalism at the urban level from efforts in rural areas where, particularly in the South, the word is that regional government is the government in a growing number of places. Maybe the geographical closeness and heavy populations of urban areas make regional efforts there more viable. Or maybe rural areas with their much more limited financing and resources are the places for real regional concentration. It's going on, in any case, in both parts of America. Some obvious steps could be taken to insure at leas; the possibility of accountability. For a start, districts should be developed according to common realities, according to economic and social factors which might produce a certain jurisdictional cohesiveness. To combine units sheerly on the basis of geography (the north fork of the river) or politics (that's a Congressional district there) is shortsighted if the real goal is to use common facilities for the common solution of common problems. Representatives to a development district should be elected on a one-man, one-vote basis specifically to that post by the people of each constituent unit. At present, elected officials are automatically placed on the boards on the assumption that they represent the will of the people. If special elections were held to fill slots in the regional creation, not only would the special abilities needed by said office be brought out but public attention to and interest in the process might be developed. Such concern does not now exist, except in the negative sense when a district has overstepped its bounds. If regional cooperation is to become a reality, it must begin with the most basic kind of involvement for the population^and that is the vote. Other specific steps can be taken to assure that these new �304 Colonialism in Modern America bodies of government bear at least a resemblance to our traditional concept of democratic institutions. These include hearings and public notification of review matters; A-95 does not require such notice. Out-reach offices staffed by local residents to serve as centers for complaints or suggestions is another obvious step. Without such action, and others like it, any future efforts to broaden the power and scope of multi-jurisdictional authorities will obscure even further the role of the American citizen in the affairs of his government. Hearings may be held this year on a bill by Sen. Joseph Montoya (D., N.M) uto establish a national development program through public works in investment" (S.232). In introducing it last year, Senator Montoya noted that "the inspiration for the approach taken in this bill" is the ARC. He added that the bill "builds on one of the most successful features of the Appalachian program, the strengthening of state and local governments and making them an integral part of the decision-making process on public works investments." The bill would do that by fostering the establishment of "area development districts" nationwide. Public works investments would be made only in those areas which have demonstrated a regional outlook based on sound planning in seeking the money. Significantly, a main witness at last year's Montoya bill hearings (the bill died then for lack of action) was ARC States' Regional Representative, John Whisman. Whisman's credentials as an ardent backer of national regional development go back well over a decade. Concepts developed by him to deal with eastern Kentucky's late 1950s tragedies—multi-county efforts, relying on local elected officials to reflect the people's will— eventually translated into ARC and, Whisman has said "hopefully will go national as well." The Montoya bill may well be the vehicle. Testifying last year, Whisman acknowledged that ARC has perhaps not accomplished what it was supposed to do—provide economic opportunity for Appalachians. Indeed, he said, the problems may well have gotten worse in the 1970's. So what should we do? "To meet these new characteristics of our problems, we need to establish new institutional arrangements in society." He added: "The purpose of the regional development approach" is not primarily "to solve the problems of economic �Hidden Traps of Regionalism 305 lag or unemployment or poverty. Rather, the basic purpose is to solve problems of all kinds, mobilizing our know-how and our funds at all levels of government in a partnership that can forge new and effective solutions." If that is the purpose, what Whisman is effectively talking about is a basic reconfiguration of government. In acknowledging that problems of poverty remain rampant in ARC's Appalachia, he contends that what we really need are new "institutional arrangements/' which, of course, is what ARC was supposed to be in the first place. That reconfiguration is now coming upon us, and we simply have not thought through carefully enough its ramifications upon all strata of society, particularly upon the low-income groups and minorities who themselves are already saying they see it all as a new threat. They may be right. The burden of proof is on the backers of regionalism to prove them wrong. ��RETHINKING THE MODEL ��307 V: A the but A be a to the of an can be a of In a by He points as a of a or ery?" In all the is a and in an of of the In the the the to the of of life of or of us are He the to to the to the if the of of re™ �lf^.:^« f^'.x �A A N, has as a the the to in as the for do of the in the is the is a is is P on the in- be an be a the It of u the as in to has of to be the At the to is the the the in his up to his air to dards. no ii» is aff 24, at �310 Colonialism in Modern America The Japanese have been after the coal, some million and a half tons a year, enough to load 30,000 50-ton railroad cars, or 80 such cars per day. In school we learned that long ago when there were colonies, they shipped raw materials to their mother country and in return provided a market for the mother country's manufactured goods, an arrangement that worked mostly to the advantage of the mother country. The mother country's superior technology and resultant lower costs soon destroyed the colony's traditional native industries. So we ship coal to Japan and in return buy her finished products: steel, cameras, radios, tape recorders, machinery, ships, cars, and motorcycles—a classic colonial relationship. Of course, we can produce some of those finished products ourselves, but they are not competitive in quality or cost. The developing relationship between the U.S. and Japan, I'm postulating (perhaps prematurely), is much like the old relationship between India and Britain, with the Japanese playing their role with far more subtlety than the British. The British ran India with a system of indirect rule, whereby native political institutions were brought into the British structure and under its control. Natives were used to keep other natives in line, and the natives themselves paid for their own policing. In Africa and Asia, the British were successful at this, and in a number of cases were able to keep control after the nominal independence of the countries involved. This is what is often called neo-colonialism. It should also be pointed out that generally in India, Britain did not loot the country directly, but let the wealthy natives keep their wealth and prestige, and did not directly interfere with the country's social structure. Japan's dominance of the United States began at the end of World War II. She got the U.S. to finance the rebuilding of her industrial plant, and, perhaps more importantly, she got the U.S. to forbid her to rearm. This amounted to an agreement by the U.S. to assume the role of defending Japanese interests. Not only do the natives pay for and provide the manpower for their �Appalachia; A Colony Within A Colony? 311 own policing, they also provide both the funds and the manpower to police the mother country's developing neo-empire. We have a mutual security treaty with Japan. We provide the security and they provide the mutual. Jacques Ellul in The Technological Society is of great help in understanding why Japan has been able to neo-colonize the U.S. Technique is more than tools and machinery to Ellul. It encompasses everything which is done for the sake of greater efficiency. Since there is only one best or most efficient way of doing something, technique is totalitarian. Since maximum efficiency is the goal, an aristocracy of technicians arises to determine the one best way. "Planning in modern society," Ellul says, "is the technical method."1 The Japanese have developed an integration of government and the corporate economy, through joint planning and coordination, which most nearly approaches ElluPs model of an advanced technological society (either corporate or socialist): (a) take a firm hold on the economy, (b) manage it on the basis of exact mathematical methods, (c) integrate it into a Promethean society which excludes all chance, (d) centralize it in the frameworks of nation and state (the corporate economy today has no chance of success except as a state system), (e) cause it to assume an aspect of formal democracy to the total exclusion of real democracy, and (f) exploit all possible techniques for controlling men. Insofar as American leaders (corporate and government) realize the gap between Japanese technique and their own, they will move to centralize control and institute planning to a far greater degree than we have yet experienced. Again, all planning is totalitarian. To be carried out, a plan requires at least the threat of coercion. If a person or family is allowed freedom of decision, there is no plan. There are still some significant obstacles in the U.S. to technical progress. The governmental system of checks and balances between Congress, the President, and the courts is inefficient. So is the partial freedom of state and local government from federal control. Corrupt politicians are inefficient, as are a �312 Colonialism in Modern America free press, anti-trust laws, and the ability of citizens to sue government and corporations to block "progress." Thus a small, efficient, tightly controlled, formally democratic island country can effectively exploit a larger, looser, less efficient, more really democratic, continental country. It's the British in India all over again, on a more sophisticated level. Appalachia as a colony within a colony stands in relation to the "advanced," urban areas of the U.S. as the country as a whole stands to Japan. Government and business in the region are less efficient. Non-economic considerations like family and friendship often get in the way here. Short-term profit has yet to give way to efficiency as the basic goal of the economy (or even life), reflecting a rudimentary stage of technology. Some human activities remain valued which are not economic (reducible to a money value), and man, in this "backward" area, remains something more than producing, consuming, economic man. Most strategies for change in Appalachia have been technological strategies, designed in one way or another to "develop" or "modernize" the region. All involve planning by experts. Opposition to these plans, be they for resort development, clear-cutting, dam or road building, for education, health, welfare, or economic development, is seen by the planners as irrational meddling. The plan is rational, be it the plan of the government agency or the plan of radical intellectuals. The complete identity, rather than the resemblance, between corporatism and planning ought to be noted. Corporatism is adapted to a traditional, cultivated, bourgeois mentality; planning to an innovating, proletarian, pseudoscientific mentality. But the attitude of the two is fundamentally the same. And, speaking objectively, the result, insofar as the real structure of human society is concerned, will be identical.^ People are to be manipulated into supporting the plan. Councils, boards, legislatures and the Congress ideally should function as a democratic veneer, which is necessary to give people the illusion that they have some control. �Appalachia: A Colony Within A Colony? 313 True technique will know how to maintain the illusion of liberty, choice, and individuality; but these will have been carefully calculated so that they will be integrated into the mathematical reality merely as appearances. "Development," however, may no longer be possible in Appalachia. The standard of living of middle-class America is now beginning to decline. This is due in part to the new colonial relationship with Japan (i.e., inflation resulting from our having to pay for having fought Japan's war in Vietnam, intense pressures on raw materials markets leading to higher prices, etc.). More fundamental is the fact that the industrial nations of the world are beginning to realize that the natural resources of the world are limited. Donella and Dennis Meadows in The Limits to Growth describe a dynamic model of the world, considering population, industrial output per capita, food per capita, natural resources, and pollution as basic factors. The model is programmed into a computer using historical data from 1900 to 1970 and then projected until the year 2100, assuming "no major change in the physical, economic, or social relationships that have historically governed the development of the world system."5 The result is what the Meadows call overshoot and collapse: Resources are used up; food production rises until all the land is worn out; industrial output rises rapidly and then declines because of starvation. By 2050 industrial output per capita and food per capita are both less than half of what they were in 1900. After numerous other model runs simulating all of the popular remedies to the pollution-population-energy-etc. crisis, the Meadows conclude that the only way to prevent the disaster of overshoot and collapse is to immediately stabilize the world by stabilizing population, setting capital investment equal to capital depreciation, introducing extensive recycling of resources and improved pollution control devices, and increasing the lifetime of all forms of capital. This equilibrium state is sustainable far into the future with an average which is half the present average U.S. income.6 It is thus impossible, considering population growth, arable land, and the finite limits of the earth's resources, to extend the levels of consumption of energy and material goods of the �314 Colonialism in Modern America American suburban middle class to the "poorer" sections of this country, let alone to the majority of the world's people who live in "under-developed" countries. The suburban middle classes are precisely those who have been most reduced to producingconsuming, economic men, valuing themselves through money and not likely to give it up. The Meadows maintain that only through long-term planning can the equilibrium model be attained and disastrous collapse avoided. The sooner this planning begins (and the mandatory implementation of it), the less overtly authoritarian it can be. Since the model shows overshoot before the collapse, it is too late to do anything once the crisis is widely perceived. That is, you don't realize that the river is badly polluted until the fish are dead. Then it's too late to do much about those fish. As long as major decisions in the world are made by those whose primary concern is that their industrial enterprises and national economies shall continue to grow, nothing will be done to move toward equilibrium. To return again to Ellul: "Anything and everything which technique is able to produce is produced and accepted by consumers"7; and "everything which is technique is necessarily used as soon as it is available, without distinction of good and evil."8 Most books about Appalachia tell us that the white settlers of the region were drawn largely from the prisons of England and Scotland and were rough bitter victims of the enclosure movement that was destroying medieval society in Britain. Some were debtors, some thieves, and some may have been Luddites. Trampled on at home and then again in the coastal plains of America, these outcasts went west to the mountains and stayed there to escape civilized society. They wanted no part of the civilized free market, wage labor, law, or class system. They valued most their freedom and independence. They were more than economic men and did not have to prove themselves through wealth. But they survived. There are only two economic systems, according to Ellul. The first exploits technique (efficiency, the one best way, economic man, etc.), while the second "ascribes the chief place to nature."9 This second orientation resembles what some middle-class writers about Appalachia (with technologized �Appalachia: A Colony Within A Colony? 315 minds) have called fatalism. This understanding of the limits of man and the nature of the world, whether religious or not, is more in touch with the reality of the world as reflected in the Meadows' model than is "non-fatalistic" technological understanding which presumes that man can and should control nature. Since the Industrial Revolution, westernized man has had to choose between freedom and wealth. Most have not understood the choice and have thought both were possible. Many have not perceived their loss of freedom. The first settlers knew from bitter experience and chose a real independence. There are many families in the mountains today who remember the old ways of surviving and are relatively free of technological values. They are people for whom economic activity is still a means and ihe end of life. A strategy for survival in the Appalachia region in the face of the interrelated energyfood-population-pollution crisis would seek to support these families and help them protect themselves from "development." The consequence of all "development" programs is to diminish the independence (hence the ability to survive) of the mountain family. All, no matter how well meaning and whether in health, education, economic development, or whatever, leave the family more dependent on outside institutions and more at the mercy of experts. Many of the social programs of the '60's (welfare rights, Head Start, medicare, etc.) had the unintended effect of luring people into an increasingly manipulative, totalitarian system and robbing them of their dignity and values. "No matter how liberal the state, it is obliged by the mere fact of technical advance to extend its powers in every way."10 Appalachia is a colony of technological society, first American and now also Japanese. Within the next 50-70 years, technological society will become increasingly totalitarian and manipulative. It quite possibly will collapse. Self-sufficient families and communities, knowing that nature (God) is greater than man, can survive and retain their independence. Suburbanites, thinking that man can conquer nature (God), being expert in one or two fields and unknowing and dependent in most areas of life, unable to buy gasoline, electricity or food with their money, may perish in great numbers. �316 Colonialism in Modern America Colonialism is an attack upon the land, the culture, and the soul of a people. The three are tightly bound. Losses in one affect the others. Families and communities can resist (passively or actively) or give in (gradually or quickly), disintegrating into a collection of individual consumers of mass-produced identities. Seeing Appalachia as a colony is much more than seeing who controls the profits from the coal mined in the region. It is rather seeing a process of robbing people of their family, community, land, independence, and soul^robbery by people who mean well, and who know that they do it for your own good. �Appalachia: A Colony Within A Colony? 317 NOTES 1 Jacques Ellul, The Technological Society (New York, 1964), p. 184. 2 Ibid.t p. 186. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid.,p. 139. 5 Ibid., p. 124. 6 Ibid.t p. 165. 7 Ibid., p. 93. s lbid., p. 99. 9 Ibid.,p. 186. w lbid., p. 235. �This page intentionally left blank �A OF AN OR by S. a to In the of the the In of of can be In policy to the was of and the of an as as the for the In In the the and of and the of as an to be My as a of the of by Is in the of is to the a an in the I to J S, is 011 the of « of the of He the �320 Colonialism in Modern America sible grounds for a synthesis, and argue for the alternative formulation suggested above. The Subculture of Poverty Model The subculture of poverty model identifies the internal deficiencies of the lower-class subculture as the cause of the problem. Oscar Lewis is the social scientist most closely identified with this model, and the most widely read exposition of the model applied to Appalachia is JackWeller's Yesterday's People, which borrows an analytic framework from Herbert Cans.1 The subculture of poverty model suggests remedial programs of education, social casework, and clinical psychology. Studies of Appalachian culture in these terms include works by psychiatrist David Looff, social worker Norman Polansky, and sociologist Richard Ball.2 The work on Appalachia in the subculture of poverty tradition has a very limited validity at best because of three problems that the authors fail to confront: deficient research methodology, a blurring of community and social class diversity in the region, and a lack of historical perspective and specification. The methodological approach in the works of Weller, Looff, and Polansky, for example, imports sociological or psychiatric categories and focuses on the pathological. They overgeneralize from problem families to the culture of one or more social classes. They fail to distinguish between the traditional Southern Appalachian subculture and a contemporary subculture of poverty. The limitations of these scientific, clinical classification systems are particularly evident in comparison to the work of such writers as Robert Coles, John Fetterman, Tony Dunbar, and Kathy Kahn, whose humanistic method uses their subjects' own words to characterize Appalachian life-worlds.^ Their descriptions of individuals and families manage to capture the strengths as well as the shortcomings of mountaineers and the diversity of personality types within some common subcultural themes. These accounts of the contradictions in the lives and outlooks of mountain people bear out Helen Lewis' suggestion that many Appalachians are in fact bi-cultural; they take part in the traditional subculture in family and neighborhood life, and in the mainstream culture through employment, formal education, media entertainment, and contact with public agencies. �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 321 The subculture of poverty model in general has been subjected to devastating criticism.4 In the Appalachian case, sociologist Dwight Billings has shown the model to be of little value in explaining the lack of economic development in the mountain section of North Carolina and the contrasting industrialization of the piedmont, for example. Ironically, it was just when the distinctiveness of the Southern Appalachian traditional subculture was fading that the subculture of poverty model was popularized and applied to the region.5 For all the controversy generated in the debate over the subculture of poverty, this model had less policy impact on Appalachia than one might expect. The model did help to rationalize such national programs as Project Head Start, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, and the great expansion of social services that took place in the 1960's. But the subculture of poverty model was not a major influence on the state and federal planners who devised the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. The Regional Development Model Although the literature on development includes disciplines from social psychology to social ecology, the most influential stream derives from neoclassical economics as amended by central place theory.6 The resulting regional development model is concerned with providing economic and social overhead capital, training people for skills for new industrial and service jobs, facilitating migration, and promoting the establishment or relocation of privately-owned industries through a growth center strategy. A modernizing elite is seen as the agent of the developmental process. The major attempt to apply the model within the United States is the work of the Appalachian Regional Commission (ARC) and its associated programs. Niles Hansen is probably the best-known academic proponent of this approach.7 The Appalachian regional development advocates have an academic base in the Departments of Sociology, Economics and Agricultural Economics at West Virginia University, the University of Kentucky, and the University of Tennessee, and such related applied research institutes as the Appalachian Center at WVU, the Center for Developmental Change at UK, and the Appalachian Resources Project at UT. More significantly, this model has a political base in the multi-county Local Develop- �322 Colonialism in Modern America ment Districts established under the ARC program. The LDDs serve primarily as a mechanism for arriving at consensus among regional elites. Through the dual federal-state structure of the ARC, the interests of regional and national elites are reconciled. With its emphasis on mainstream economic theory and the technical aspects of development, the regional development model lays claim to being a scientific, value-free, and non-controversial approach. As such, it is an effective means of providing additional resources to the region without affecting the existing structure of resource control. Actions taken by regional and national planners are defended as technical decisions, rather than political choices among alternative courses of development. The most important decisions are the "non-decisions": the questions that are never raised and the subjects that never make the public agenda.8 Examples include public ownership of the region's natural resources and worker or community-owned and controlled industry.^ The Internal Colonialism Model The issues of power and privilege in Appalachia are never faced squarely by the subculture of poverty and regional development advocates. In reaction to this obvious shortcoming, radical academics and activists looked for a model that emphasized inequality and exploitation. They hit upon the internal colonialism model for reasons that had more to do with the focus of the New Left in the late 1960's—imperialism abroad and oppression of racial minorities at home—than the appropriateness of the model to the Appalachian situation. As the Appalachian radicals apply the internal colonialism model, it has been used to examine the process by which dominant outside industrial interests established control and continue to prevent autonomous development of the subordinate internal colony. The model suggests the need for an anti-colonial movement and a radical restructuring of society with a redistribution of resources to the poor and powerless. Dependency and Neocolonialism The internal colonialism model has emerged from a back- �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 323 ground of the history and theories of colonialism and imperialism and is most directly related to the theories of neocolonialism and dependency that have been developed in the post-World War II period. Dependency theory has been developed primarily by radical economists and sociologists concerned with Latin America, while the theories of neocolonialism and imperialism have been more concerned with Asia and Africa, or the Third World as a whole.10 A vital contribution of the dependency model is the notion of the "Infrastructure of dependency," the structures internal to the dependent country including industrial organization, patterns of urbanization, and social classes. In the exposition by Suzanne Bodenheimer, two examples of the infrastructure of dependency are the patterns of dependent industrialization and the formation of clientele social classes. Characteristics of dependent industrialization include foreign domination of the most dynamic sectors of industry, increasing competitive advantage for foreign monopolistic enterprises over local firms, and the introduction of advanced, capital-intensive technology without regard to resulting unemployment. Clientele classes have a "dual position as partners of metropolitan interests, yet dominant elites within their own societies." They may include not only the industrial bourgeoisie but also the state bureaucracy and other sectors of the middle class when their positions are tied to foreign interests. The infrastructure of dependency is thus "the functional equivalent of a formal colonial apparatus," but insofar as it is internalized and institutionalized "much more difficult to overcome."11 Internal Colonialism The success of the anticolonial movements in the Third World following World War II has undoubtedly contributed to the popularity of referring to a variety of exploitative situations within both developing and advanced industrial countries as internal or domestic colonialism. Through conceptual confusion or carelessness, internal colonialism has been used to designate situations of stratification by class, race, ethnicity, or geography, alone or in various combinations. It is also used to describe absentee industrial ownership, although this is a characteristic feature of uneven and polarized capitalist development.12 In- �324 Colonialism in Modern America eluded among such internal colonies have been the U.S. South, northern New England, the northern Great Lakes region, the Southwest, the "Celtic periphery" of England, southern Italy, and so on. 1 ^ One explanation may be that the vocabulary of colonization is more comfortable than that of class conflict, and regional or ethnic chauvinism is more acceptable than talk of socialism. Internal colonialism is a useful concept if defined in a rigorous sense rather than used as an all-inclusive catchword. Two precise definitions with varying degrees of restrictiveness are advanced by Pablo Gonzalez-Casanova and Pierre van den Berghe. Gonzalez-Casanova seeks to distinguish internal colonialism from a class structure with a geographic or racial aspect: Internal colonialism corresponds to a structure of social relations based on domination and exploitation among culturally heterogeneous, distinct groups. . . .It is the result of an encounter between two races, cultures, or civilizations, whose genesis and evolution occurred without any mutual contact up to one specific moment. . . . The colonial structure and internal colonialism are distinguished from the class structure since colonialism is not only a relation of exploitation of the workers by the owners of raw materials or of production and their collaborators, but also a relation of domination and exploitation of a total population (with its distinct classes, proprietors, workers) by another population which also has distinct classes (proprietors and workers).^ In short, the Gonzllez-Casanova definition requires a dual class structure: two class systems, one dominant and the other subordinate, each of which may be differentiated to a greater or lesser degree. This appears to be a useful minimal definition of internal colonialism, although it is broad enough to include a variety of dominant-subordinate group relationships. The most restrictive definition of internal colonialism is developed by van den Berghe in a recent work. His view, in part a reaction to the overly broad use of the term, is worth quoting at length: In my opinion, the concept of internal colonialism, when �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 325 so diluted, loses all of its use for purposes of social science analysis. I shall therefore propose to treat internal colonialism as an ideal type with the following characteristics: 1) Rule of one ethnic group (or coalition of such groups) over other such groups living within the continuous boundaries of a single state. 2) Territorial separation of the subordinate ethnic groups into "homelands," "native reserves," and the like, with land tenure rights distinct from those applicable to members of the dominant group. 3) Presence of an internal government within a government especially created to rule the subject peoples, with a special legal status ascribed to the subordinate groups. . . 4) Relations of economic inequality in which subject peoples are relegated to positions of dependency and inferiority in the division of labor and the relations of production. Such a definition of internal colonialism excludes mere regional differences in economic development, mere class differences in the system of production, and, a fortiori, differences based on age, sex, slave status, caste, sexual behavior (e.g., homosexuality), physical handicaps, and countless others. The usefulness of the concept to understand the situation of a group is a function of that group's approximation to the characteristics of the ideal type. For instance, in the United States, internal colonialism describes the position of Amerindians quite well, of Chicanos somewhat, of blacks poorly, of Appalachian whites hardly at all, and of women, old people, homosexuals and convicts only by the most fanciful stretch of the academic imagination. This is not to say that some of the groups excluded from my definition of internal colonialism may not be as badly or worse off than the denizens of the internal colonies. Their position is fundamentally different, however, and, hence, the internal colonial model is a poor one to understand their predicament. Internal colonialism is but one of many ways of getting the short end of the stick.-^ Gonzalez-Casanova's criterion of a dual class structure appears to include points one and four of van den Berghe's ideal type. �326 Colonialism in Modern America The latter would also require territorial separation and a special governing unit for full correspondence to the internal colonialism model. I find it most useful to adopt a definition between Gonzalez-Casanova and van den Berghe, thus requiring economic exploitation, a dual class structure based on ethnic differences, within one or more distinct geographic regions. In other words, I would place internal colonialism as a special case within the theory of dependent capitalist development. Internal Colonialism Applied to Appalachia I can find no use of the colonialism analogy to the Appalachians prior to the early 1960's. During the unionization battles of the 1930's, the Left press emphasized themes of exploitation and class conflict along classic Marxian lines in their articles about the Appalachian coalfields.16 Only after the internal colonial model had been applied to blacks did writers on Appalachia begin to speak in terms of colonialism. In his best selling 1962 study Night Comes to the Cumberlands, Harry Caudill makes only a passing reference to colonialism; by 1965 he begins to use the internal colonial designation.17 The theme was quickly picked up by activists and radical intellectuals in the Central Appalachian area, particularly the group associated with the Peoples' Appalachian Research Collective and its journal, Peoples' Appalachia. Helen Lewis and her associates have attempted a detailed application to Appalachia of Blauner's model of the process of internal colonization of black Americans. I find the application of Blauner's model of internal colonialism, broad as it is, to Appalachia to be strained at some key points. The parallel to "forced, involuntary entry" by the colonizers is nowhere near as strong as the case of enslaved blacks from Africa or the conquered Native American tribes or the Mexican people of the Southwest. In the elaborated version of his argument, Blauner distinguishes between "colonized and immigrant minorities" and suggests that the circumstances of entry of white European ethnic immigrant groups is different in character from that of blacks and possibly other people of color in the United States. The situation of Appalachian people is clearly a third variant if they are to be treated as a minority at all; the mountaineers were an early settler group established for �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 327 sixty to a hundred years before the expansion of industrial capitalism into the region. Blacks and immigrant ethnic groups have played an important role in the development of the Southern Appalachian coal industry, particularly in West Virginia, but the focus of the Appalachian internal colonialism theorists has not been on such groups.18 The deception and fraud used in Appalachia by the vanguard of land, timber, and mineral agents do not appear to differ in kind from those techniques used generally by capitalists and their agents throughout the country in the period of industrial expansion. On the question of "administration by representatives of the dominant power/' the application of Blauner's internal colonialism model to Appalachia suffers from his emphasis on "police colonialism/' the direct application of force by members of the dominant group. Blauner has not put enough emphasis on the neocolonial mechanism of an indigenous stratum of officials ruling in the interests of the dominant group. Helen Lewis suggests that the study of such local elite groups in the mountains is of great importance,1^ but this conclusion and suggestions of what mechanisms to look for flow more readily from the more general dependency model than from the narrower internal colonialism model. The parallel to "racism as a principle of social domination" really breaks down in the Appalachian case. There may be prejudice against "hillbillies," but it is essentially based on bias against the lower classes, not all the people of the region.20 There is no parallel to the dual class structures required by Gonzales-Casanova's definition of internal colonialism. Mountaineers are able to "pass" into mainstream America both through migration and, for some, through integration into the business elite in the mountains. 21 White Appalachians generally have a potential for social mobility not matched by racial minorities. The traditional Appalachian subculture may be becoming a museum piece, but this is a situation far from white Appalachians as a group being accorded the near-caste position of some racial minorities in the United States. Applying an additional characteristic of internal colonialism from van den Berghe's definition, I can find no evidence of "an internal government within a government especially created to rule the subject peoples." The Appalachian Regional Commis- �328 Colonialism in Modern America sion is not a functional counterpart of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The people of Appalachia have no distinct legal status distinguishing them from other residents of the United States, as Native Americans do in some instances. Appalachia appears to provide a very poor fit to any strict definition of internal colonialism. Cultural Hegemony and Capitalist Domination Much of the attraction of the internal colonialism model, including its application to Appalachia, derives from its powerful analysis of the destruction of indigenous culture in the process of establishing and maintaining domination over the colonized group. Religion and education can play a major role in the destruction of traditional culture. The missionary movement in Appalachia can be seen as aiding, often inadvertently, the process of domination, as Lewis, Kobak and Johnson have described. James Branscome and Mike Clark have brought this analysis up to date by examining the effect of schooling on Appalachian culture in the current period. These arguments hit the mark, but is cultural domination a distinctive feature of internal colonialism rather than class exploitation? A common and understandable misconception, derived in part from the stress on economic determinism in vulgar Marxist analysis, is that culture plays an insignificant part in the structure of class domination under capitalism. The colonial model is seen as distinctive by Blauner for its emphasis on this ignored area: ". . .the colonial attack on culture is more than a matter of economic factors such as labor recruitment and special exploitation. The colonial situation differs from the class situation of capitalism precisely in the importance of culture as an instrument of domination."22 Orthodox Marxism has been particularly weak in its analysis of culture, and Blauner misses the importance of ideological hegemony in the establishment and maintenance of capitalist domination. For the beginnings of an adequate theory of the role of culture in capitalist societies we must turn to the Western Marxist tradition and such writers as Georg Lukacs, Antonio Gramsci, and the Frankfurt School theorists. The concept of cultural hegemony derives from Gramsci and emphasizes the obtaining of consent rather than the �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 329 use of force in the perpetuation of class structures. Gwynn Williams provides a useful summary of Gramsci's notion of hegemony: "an order in which a certain way of life and thought is dominant, in which one concept of reality is diffused throughout society in all its institutional and private manifestations, informing with its spirit all taste, morality, customs, religious and political principles, and all social relations, particularly in their intellectual and moral connotation."2^ xhe destruction of indigenous culture may be more conspicuous in the colonial situation, but a comparable process works to erode all ethnic and working-class cultures in advanced capitalist countries, a process which has perhaps advanced furthest in the United States.24 A few radical economists have attempted to avoid the problems of the colonialism analogy by returning to a traditional Marxian analysis of Appalachia in the context of capitalist exploitation and have suggested the fruitfulness of a longitudinal study of the removal of surplus value from the region over time. But this focus on economic relationships loses the valuable emphasis of the internal colonialism model on the role of cultural domination and the contribution of the dependency formulation on the * Infrastructures of dependency." Perhaps the best formulation of a research project from the perspective of radical economics has been made by Richard Simon, who reviews the historical development of the West Virginia economy in the context of dependency theory, suggesting relationships with the social and political structures of that state and with the introduction of federal government programs in the 1960's.25 It is time to synthesize the best of the models so far put forward and develop a more accurate and comprehensive theory of poverty and underdevelopment in Central Appalachia. Appalachia within an Advanced Capitalist Society It is tempting to characterize the subculture of poverty, regional development, and internal colonialism models as, respectively, conservative, liberal, and radical models of barriers to social change. While this would contain a substantial amount of truth, the description would be misleading in one respect. From a perspective that I will develop briefly here, the three models are not, strictly speaking, mutually exclusive alternatives. �330 Colonialism in Modern America Interpreted in terms of a framework developed by Jurgen Habermas, they represent different dimensions of social existence. A Framework for Synthesis For Habermas, there are three fundamental conditions or media through which social systems are maintained: interaction, work, and power or domination. All human societies use these means to resolve the problems of preserving life and culture. Corresponding to each of these media are the human "interests" in mutual understanding, technical control, and "emancipation from seemingly 'natural' constraint."2^ A solution to the problems of Appalachian poverty and underdevelopment would have to be concerned with each of the three modes of culture, technique, and domination. Habermas' distinction provides a basis for viewing cultural adaptation, technical development, and redistribution of power as potentially complementary aspects of social development. Our models, therefore, are not merely three selected from a long list of possible models of poverty and underdevelopment. They represent fundamental dimensions of social life and may well be exhaustive of the possible alternatives if stated in a sufficiently general form (which none of the three current models are). The subculture of poverty model can thus be seen as only one part of a broader framework of explanations rooted in the tradition of cultural idealism. Affirmative cultural approaches toward Southern Appalachia, exemplified by William G. Frost and John C. and Olive D. Campbell, are the obverse side of the coin from the pejorative tradition. Although they come to opposite conclusions about the virtue of the traditional mountain subculture, they are contending on the same turf. The regional development model, from this synthetic perspective, is seen as resting within the contemporary technocratic image and ideology of science. As John Friedmann points out, the regionalism movement of the 1930's, as personified by Howard Odum and others, was rooted in cultural idealism. The new regionalism of the 1960's, embodied in the ARC, discarded this grounding in favor of the technical reason of neoclassical economic theory.27 The internal colonialism model is, similarly, one component of a broad range of theories that contribute to a critique of power and domination. �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 331 This synthetic view helps explain why writers widely considered to be champions of a certain model of Appalachian underdevelopment also draw on other models. Caudill, for example, is best known for his description of the Cumberland Plateau as an example of colonialism, but in Night Comes to the Cumberland^ he also paints a pejorative picture of the subculture of the eastern Kentucky poor. In one essay Caudill appears to embrace many aspects of the developmental model, while in his most recent work he has re-emphasized a genetic explanation. From the other side, Weller is best known for his subculture of poverty characterization in Yesterday's People, yet he has recently described Appalachia as "America's mineral colony."28 Such examples can be viewed as cases of inconsistency, confusion, or conversion. They can also be seen, at least in part, as attempts to grapple with the complexity of analyzing the problem of Appalachian development. To suggest that a dialectic of mutual interaction takes place among the modes of culture, technique, and power is, of course, not to argue that each of our three models of Appalachian underdevelopment is to be taken with equal seriousness. I have suggested that the history of the Appalachian region is best understood in the context of industrial capitalist development. The internal colonialism model raises important questions about wealth, power, and domination without offering a satisfactory characterization of the situation of Central Appalachia. My synthesis of the three models leads to the conclusion that Appalachian poverty and underdevelopment need to be placed within a broader critique of domination. From this perspective, Central Appalachia must be analyzed in the context of advanced capitalism in the United States. In some instances (analyzing the role of the Japanese steel industry in providing capital for opening new coal mines in the region, for example), we may have to expand our horizon to the framework of the world capitalist system. In a recent work Habermas formulates a model of advanced capitalism, which he characterizes by two features: the "process of economic concentration"—the growth of national and multinational corporations—and the "supplementation and partial replacement of the market mechanism by state intervention."2^ Habermas goes on to analyze advanced capitalist societies in terms of their economic, administrative (state), and legitimation �332 Colonialism in Modern America systems and the resulting class structures. Applying a similar analysis will contribute to a deeper understanding of the position of Central Appalachia. The Economy There is growing agreement among economists critical of neoclassical theory that a three-sector model is necessary to characterize the advanced capitalist economy in the United States. John Kenneth Galbraith delineates the market system, the planning system, and the state. As a rough demarcation, Galbraith's planning system consists of the largest "one thousand manufacturing, merchandising, transportation, power and financial corporations producing approximately half of all the goods and services not provided by the state/' Making up the market system are the remaining twelve million firms which produce the other half of the non-state output of goods and services.30 The market system includes farmers, small retail and service establishments, construction and small manufacturing firms, and the arts. Whereas the workings of the market system bear some resemblance to the model of competition embodied in classical economics, the planning system is oligopolistic and its stability depends on the intervention of the state. James O'Connor has developed a similar model with a much deeper analysis of governmental activity. O'Connor also divides private capital into two sectors: a competitive sector (roughly parallel to Galbraith's market system) and a monopoly sector (somewhat smaller than Galbraith's planning system). O'Connor's state sector includes two categories: "production of goods and services organized by the state itself and production organized by industries under contract with the state."31 Approximately one-third of the labor force in the United States is employed in each of these three sectors. The monopoly and state-contract sectors tend to be capital-intensive industries, while the competitive and state service sectors tend to be labor intensive. As a consequence, wages tend to be high in the monopoly and state sectors and low in the competitive sector. Unions tend to be strong in the monopoly and state sectors and weak in the competitive sector. Both product and labor markets tend to be unstable and irregular in the competitive sector, a circumstance which has fostered the development of segmented labor mar- �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 333 kets.32 State sector expenditures, in O'Connor's model, are divided into two categories, social capital and social expenses, with social capital being of two kinds, social investment and social consumption. This distinction between social investment and social consumption roughly parallels Niles Hansen's distinction between economic and social overhead capital. Social investment, in O'Connor's terms, "consists of projects and services that increase the productivity of a given amount of labor-power and, other factors being equal, increase the rate of profit." Examples include government-subsidized roads, railroads, and industrial parks. Social consumption "consists of projects and services that lower the reproduction costs of labor and, other factors being equal, increase the rate of profit." Social consumption expenditures fall into two categories: goods and services consumed collectively and social insurance. Examples of the first include school, recreation and medical facilities, and the second, Social Security, workman's compensation, unemployment insurance, and health insurance. Most of the programs developed through the Appalachian Regional Commission are thus in the areas of social investment and the first, or collective, category of social consumption. Finally, social expenditures "consist of projects and services which are required to maintain social harmony—to fulfill the state's legitimization' function. They are not even indirectly productive." O'Connor includes welfare and military programs in this category.3 3 This model of the advanced capitalist economy in the United States has some obvious implications for an analysis of the Central Appalachian region, particularly in regard to the coal industry. The coal industry is unusual, though not unique, in having both substantial monopolistic and competitive sectors. Manufacturing and mining industries are generally concentrated in the monopolistic sector, while the competitive sector is primarily composed of small factories and services. The coal industry thus offers an opportunity for a comparative study of these two sectors within a single industry. Topics for investigation include relative rates between the two sectors of capital investment, wage levels, productivity, technological innovation, unionization, and influence on the legislative, administrative, and judicial institutions of the state that affect the coal industry. Contrasting business ideologies between the two sectors need to �3 34 Colonialism in Modern America be explored. Since Central Appalachia contains the largest concentration of firms in the competitive sector of the coal industry, it is a particularly appropriate location for a study of the two sectors. The Role of the State The institutions that compose the state, to take Ralph Miliband's definition, are the executive, the legislative, the administrative (civil service bureaucracy), the military and police, the judiciary, and the subcentral governmental units. This system is part of a broader political system, which includes political parties, pressure groups, and a variety of other institutions not defined as political, such as corporations, churches, and mass media. A crucial question is the relationship between the state (and state elite) and the dominant economic class. Miliband recalls that "it is obviously true that the capitalist class, as a class, does not actually 'govern.' One must go back to isolated instances of the early history of capitalism, such as the commercial patriciates of cities like Venice and Lubeck, to discover direct and sovereign rule by businessmen."34 Contemporary analysts of the role of the state in advanced capitalism, including Miliband, O'Connor, and Nicos Poulantzas, 35 emphasize the relative autonomy of the state system. From their viewpoint, the familiar statement of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels that "the modern State is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie" has been vulgarized. As Miliband comments, "The notion of common affairs assumes the existence of particular ones; and the notion of the whole bourgeoisie implies the existence of separate elements which make up that whole. This being the case, there is an obvious need for an institution of the kind they refer to, namely the state; and the state cannot meet this need without enjoying a certain degree of autonomy."^ But the summary statement of Marx and Engels is still too abbreviated; the state reflects not simply the common interests of the whole bourgeoisie but a compromise between those interests and the interests of subordinate classes. The balance of the compromise depends in part on the level and extent of political struggle by the subordinate classes. �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 335 In a recent work that draws on Miliband, Poulantazas, and O'Connor, Ian Gough develops the role of state expenditures as concessions to working class struggles. The expansion of social services and social insurance since the Depression of the 1930's has meant that an increasing amount of the compensation of the labor force has come in the form of social wages. Indeed, "the strength of working-class pressure/* he writes, "can roughly be gauged by the comprehensiveness and the level of the social benefits." Although such programs are tailored and modified to accommodate the interests of the dominant class, Gough notes: It is essential to distinguish their concrete historical origins from the ongoing function they play within that particular social formation. Social policies originally the product of class struggle will, in the absence of further struggle, he absorbed and adapted to benefit the interests of the dominant classes. On the other hand, whatever their particular function for capital at any time, the fact that social services are also an integral part of the real wage level of the working class means that they are fought for in much the same way as money wages, in economic and political class struggle.^ In a similar fashion, the class distribution of the burden of taxation also affects the real wages of the working class. This recognition of the importance of social services, income transfer programs, and tax policy helps us understand and situate such social movements in the Central Appalachian region as the Black Lung Associations and their fights for workmen's compensation, clinical treatment programs, expanded benefits from the UMWA Health and Retirement Funds, and the severance tax on coal. It also illuminates the role of the federal bureaucracy and judicial system in the reform of the UMWA and its Health and Retirement Funds, the struggle for mine safety and health, and the expansion of a variety of benefits from social security to food stamps to community mental health services. The Legitimation System Habermas argues that formal democratic institutions which �336 Colonialism in Modern America allow universal adult voting in elections may obtain sufficient "diffuse mass loyalty" in the absence of substantive participation in public policy formulation if two conditions are present: "civic privatism" and an ideology that justifies elite rule. Civic privatism involves a withdrawal from the public realm into "career, leisure, and consumption." Both the "theory of democratic elitism" favored by mainstream American political science and the mystique of technical expertise promoted by theorists of public administration serve to legitimate the absence of public participation in political decision making.^ 8 Among the working class in Central Appalachia, legitimation of the political system appears to be weak at the level of specific institutions yet remains strong at a diffuse level ("patriotism"). Cynicism about public officials abounds, with ample justification. The retreat to privatism is possibly facilitated by the extended family systems, which may provide sources for satisfaction even in the absence of substantial material comforts. Yet agencies of government frequently seek legitimation through a rhetoric of democratic participation. For example, TVA's claims of "grass roots democracy" disguised a policy of conceding the farm and related rural development programs to the local agricultural elites in exchange for a free hand for federal planners in public electrical power generation.^ 9 xhe ARC uses the Local Development Districts as the "local building blocks" of a program of federal-state cooperation. In Central Appalachia, such claims have seldom received an affirmative embrace from the working class, but they have met with acquiescence more often than active opposition. The Class Structure A common rhetorical excess is the description of the class structure of Central Appalachia as polarized into the wealthy and the poor. For Harry Caudill, there are "two Appalachias. . .side by side and yet strangers to each other. One, the Appalachia of Power and Wealth,. . .headquartered in New York and Philadelphia, is allied to mighty banks and insurance companies. . . .The second Appalachia is a land devastated. . . .Its people are the old, the young who are planning to leave and the legions of crippled and sick."40 The reality, of course, is far more complicated. The question is not merely one of polemical �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 3 37 license. Any strategy for social change must make a thorough assessment of the potential interest in change of the various class groupings in the region. It is generally agreed that advanced capitalism has led to a proliferation of class and occupational groupings between the classic proletariat (the industrial working class) and the bourgeoisie of monopoly capital. The expansion of service industries with its accompanied increase in grey-collar and white-collar employment has been one aspect of this increase. The development of what Galbraith calls the "educational and scientific estate" is another. Despite the increased level of average per capita income, the distribution of shares of income and wealth has changed little in the past forty years. The "myth of the middle class" has been dispelled by careful analysis of confusing census occupational categories, and the continuing existence of a "working-class majority" has been established.41 In Central Appalachia, the expansion of state expenditures has helped create sizable intermediate class groupings of public workers (in education, local government, and public services) and workers in industries heavily subsidized by public funds (health services particularly). Unionization efforts have been made recently among municipal and hospital workers. These elements of the "new working-class" have taken their places alongside such long-established groups as coal miners, workers in small factories, small farmers, country merchants, county-seat retailers, bankers, professionals, independent coal operators, and managers for the nationally-based coal companies in the monopolistic sector, in addition to household workers, the welfare poor, and others outside the standard labor force. The class structure is obviously complex, and its changes need to be analyzed over time, particularly in relation to changes in the coal industry and the growth of state expenditures. Radicals must learn to paint portraits of the region in which a variety of working people can recognize themselves. The Internal Periphery In a market economy, certain regions within a country will experience economic rise or decline in response to such circumstances as demographic changes, technological advances, and the �338 Colonialism in Modern America depletion of resources. On this the theorists of regional growth, urban hierarchies, and uneven capitalist development are agreed. As the core-periphery distinction is presently used by several schools of economic thought, it seems reasonable to me to apply the term peripheral to such regions within advanced capitalist countries as Appalachia which share many of the characteristics of underdevelopment, poverty, and dependency found in the peripheral countries of the Third World. Certainly the term is a more appropriate analogy than internal colony, which, as I have illustrated, should be restricted to a special case. Immanuel Wallerstein has recently begun developing a more rigorous theory of the relationship of core and peripheral countries in the capitalist world economy and has elaborated an important intermediate case, that of the semi-peripheral countries (a distinction that corresponds in part to the levels of development within the Third World countries).42 In Wallerstein's view, the semi-peripheral countries perform two important functions for the capitalist world system, one political and one political and economic. The political function is to avoid a sharp polarization into rich and poor countries that would foster an alliance among the poor nations. The intermedite sector develops a third set of interests based on its aim of making it into the core. The political-economic function of the semi-periphery is to provide an outlet for capital investment from core countries in low-wage industrial production. The analogy between peripheral countries in the world system and peripheral regions within core countries obviously should not be pushed too far. As John Friedman points out, there are important differences between regions and countries, and between poor countries and poor regions in rich countries.4 ^ The most important difference is that countries have a relatively greater degree of closure in their boundaries. Through the use of tariff barriers, control over investments, and other means, countries can achieve a relative degree of insulation from the world economy. Constitutional and political limitations on the restraint of commerce prevent any state within the United States (much less multi-state regions without separate political authority) from following similar policies of restricting trade, investment, or population movements. These qualifications noted, Wallerstein*s three-tiered system �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 339 may find an analogue within advanced capitalist countries. Regionalization and regionalism, the economic and ideological manifestations of peripheral status, may well join the racial, ethnic, and sexual aspects of the division of labor as functional barriers to class polarization of conflict over inequality.44 The possibility of attaining semi-peripheral status may preclude a strong alliance of one region with another worse off. We see evidence of this in the successful move of the Northern and Southern Appalachian regions to standard semi-peripheral status within the United States while Central Appalachia remains behind. Given the general "fiscal crisis of the state," the federal government seems reluctant to commit resources to the elimination of regional inequality—the elevation to semi-peripheral status of all internal peripheral regions. The executive branch has resisted attempts of the Congress to expand the Title V regional commissions in the manner of the ARC. Peripheral regions remain functional for the system of advanced capitalism in the United States much in the way that poverty in general has positive functions. 45 Conclusion Analogies are valuable in social analysis insofar as they summarize and illuminate certain features of the subject under investigation. In this sense the analogy between the situation of Central Appalachia and that of colonized countries has been stimulating and fruitful. It has focused attention on the acquisition of the raw materials of the region by outside corporate interests and on the exploitation of the local work force and community at large resulting from the removal of the region's natural resources for the benefit of absentee owners. But analogies, while providing insights into some aspects of reality, can obscure or distort others. A loose analogy is no substitute, in the long run, for a precise theory that can lead to more detailed investigations. In this sense the internal colonialism model applied to Central Appalachia needs to be superceded by a model of peripheral regions within an advanced capitalist society. The question is more than academic. At issue are the goals and strategy of a movement for social change. Writers using the internal colonialism model have been ambiguous about what solution is appropriate for Appalachian problems. Taking the �340 Colonialism in Modern America term "colony" in its strongest sense, that of a suppressed nation, would prescribe an Appalachian nationalism aiming at secession and an independent nation-state. No one has proposed such a solution, although a weaker version—a state of Appalachia—has been mentioned.46 Nor have many seriously suggested that the region would be better off if all the coal companies were owned by the local elite of "hillbilly millionaires"—a sort of bourgeois decolonization—instead of the national and international energy corporations, although an exclusive focus on absentee ownership might lead to that conclusion. If the heart of the problem is defined as private ownership of the coal industry, then the possibility of public ownership, perhaps even limited to a regional basis, is suggested.47 If the problem is defined as capitalist relations of production generally, then the alternative—some form of socialism—takes on a dimension that goes far beyond the nationalization or Appalachianization of the coal industry alone. It is this challenge of defining socialist goals and strategies that is presented by the model of peripheral regions within an advanced capitalist society. �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 341 NOTES ^Oscar Lewis, The Children of Sanchez (New York: Random House, 1961), pp. xxiv-xxvii; Jack E. Weller, Yesterday's People: Life in Contemporary Appalachia (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1965); and Herbert J. Cans, The Urban Villagers: Group and Class in the Life of ItalianAmericans (New York: Free Press, 1962). H. Looff, Appalachians Children: The Challenge of Mental Health (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1971); Norman A. Polansky, Robert D. Borgman, and Christine DeSaix, Roots of Futility (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1972); Richard A. Ball, "New Premises for Planning in Appalachia," Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 2 (Fall 1974), 92101. ^See Robert Coles, Migrants, Sharecroppers, Mountaineers, especially Chs. 5, 6, 9 and 12, and The South Goes North, Ch. 6 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972); John Fetterman, Stinking Creek (New York: Dutton, 1967); Tony Dunbar, Our Land Too (New York: Random House, 1969), Part II; Kathy Kahn, Hillbilly Women (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1972). A good contrast of the two approaches is Mike Maloney and Ben Huelsman, "Humanism, Scientism, and Southern Mountaineers," People's Appalachia, 2 (July 1972), 24-27. The methodological basis of the humanistic approach is sketched in John R. Staude, "The Theoretical Foundations of Humanistic Sociology," in Humanistic Society: Today's Challenge to Sociology, ed. John F. Glass and John R. Staude (Pacific Palisades, CA: Goodyear, 1972), pp. 262-270. ^"In addition to Charles Valentine's Culture and Poverty, see Jack L. Roach and Orville R. Gursslin, "An Evaluation of the Concept 'Culture of Poverty,' " Social Forces, 45 (March 1967), 383-392; the comments on Valentine in Current Anthropology, 10 (April-June 1969), 181-201; and the essays in The Culture of Poverty. A Critique, ed. Eleanor Burke Leacock (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971). ^Dwight Billings, "Culture and Poverty in Appalachia: A Theoretical �342 Colonialism in Modern America Discussion and Empirical Analysis," Social Forces, 53 (December 1974), 315-323; and Thomas R. Ford, "The Passing of Provincialism," Ch. 2 in The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey, ed. Ford (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962), pp. 9-34. *>On regional development theory, see Harvey S. Perloff et al, Regions, Resources, and Economic Growth (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, I960); E. A. J. Johnson, The Organization of Space in Developing Countries (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1970); and Harry W. Richardson, Regional Growth Theory (New York: Halstead, 1973). An Appalachian application is Mary Jean Bowman and W. Warren Haynes, Resources and People in East Kentucky (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1963). See also H. Dudley Plunkett and Mary Jean Bowman, Elites and Change in the Kentucky Mountains (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1 973). 7 On the ARC, see Donald Rothblatt, Regional Planning; The Appalachian Experience (Lexington, MA: Heath, 1971); and Monroe Newman, The Political Economy of Appalachia (Lexington, MA: Heath, 1972). Niles M. Hansen's works include Rural Poverty and the Urban Crisis (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1970); Intermediate-Size Cities as Growth Centers (New York: Praeger, 1971); an edited volume, Growth Centers in Regional Economic Development (New York: Free Press, 1972); and Location Preferences, Migration and Regional Growth (New York: Praeger, 1973). idea of "nondecisions" is developed in Peter Bachrach and Morton S. Baratz, Power and Poverty: Theory and Practice (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1970), Ch. 3, pp. 39-51. See also Matthew Crenson, The Politics of Air Pollution: A Study of Non-Decisionmaking in the Cities (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1971); and Roger W. Cobb and Charles D. Elder, Participation in American Politics: The Dynamics of Agenda Building (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1972). ^For an example of an alternative approach see John G. Gurley, Capitalist and Maoist Economic Development," in America's Asia: Dissenting Essays on Asian-American Relations (New York: Vintage, 1971), pp. 324-356. Some proposals for a socialist regional development strategy for Appalachia are outlined by Richard Simon and Roger Lesser, "A Working Community Commonwealth," Peoples' Appalachia, 3 (Spring 1973), 9-15. On the community development corporation and its potential for Appalachia, see Brady J. Deaton, "CDCs: A Development Alternative for Rural America," Growth and Change, 6 (January 1975), 31-37. �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 343 l^See the articles in Readings in U.S. Imperialism, ed. K. T. Farm and Donald C. Hodges (Boston.- Porter Sargent, 1971); in Dependence and Under development, ed. James D. Cockcroft, et al. (New York: Doubleday Anchor, 1972); in Structures of Dependency, ed. Frank Bonilla and Robert Girling (Palo Alto: Stanford Univ. Institute for Political Studies, 1973); and in the special issue on dependency theory of Latin American Perspectives, 1 (Spring 1974). A good review essay is the editors' introduction to Latin America: The Struggle with Dependency and Beyond, ed. Ronald H. Chilcote and Joel C. Edelstein (New York: Schenkman, 1974), pp. 1-87. l^Susanne Bodenheimer [Jonas], "Dependency and Imperialism: The Roots of Latin American Underdevelopment," in Readings in U.S. Imperialism, ed. Fann and Hodges, pp. 62-64. -^Thorstein Veblen, Absentee Ownership and Business Enterprise in Recent Times (1923; Boston: Beacon, 1967). *^See, for example, Joe Persky, "The South: A Colony at Home," Southern Exposure, 1 (Summer/Fall 1973), 14-22; Andre Gorz, "Colonialism at Home and Abroad," and Lee Webb, "Colonialism and Underdevelopment in Vermont," both in Liberation, 16 (November 1971), 22-29 and 2933 respectively; Geoffrey Faux, "Colonial New England," The New Republic (28 November 1972), pp. 16-19; Dale L. Johnson, "On Oppressed Classes," in Dependence and Underdevelopment, ed. Cockcroft, et al., p. 277; and Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1975). Gonzalez-Casanova, "Internal Colonialism and National Development," in Studies in Comparative International Development, 1 (1965), 27-37; rpt. in Latin American Radicalism, ed. Irving Louis Horowitz, et al, (New York: Random House, 1969), quote from pp. 130-132. * ^Pierre van den Berghe, "Education, Class and Ethnicity in Southern Peru: Revolutionary Colonialism," in Education and Colonialism-. Comparative Perspectives, ed. Philip G. Altbach and Gail P. Kelly (New York: McKay, forthcoming). Van den Berghe traces the origin of the term internal colonialism to a pamphlet by Leo Marquard, South Africa's Colonial Policy (Johannesburg: Institute of Race Relations, 1957). , for example, three excellent collections of articles in pamphlet form: The West Virginia Miners Union, 1931: As Reported at the Time in "Labor Age"; Harlan and Bell, Kentucky, 1931-2, The National Miners �344 Colonialism in Modern America Union: As Reported at the Time in the "Labor Defender"; and War in the Coal Fields, The Northern Fields, 1931: As Reported at the Time in the "Labor Defender" and "Labor v4^"(Huntington, WV: Appalachian Movement Press, 1972). l, Night Comes to the Cumberlands (Boston: Little, Brown, 1963), p. 325; "Misdeal in Appalachia," The Atlantic Monthly (June 1965), p. 44; see also his "Appalachia: The Dismal Land," Dissent, 14 (NovemberDecember 1967), 718-719. Kenneth R. Bailey, "A Judicious Mixture: Negroes and Immigrants in the West Virginia Mines, 1880-1917," West Virginia History, 34 (January 1973), 141-161; and Paul Nyden, Black Coal Miners in the United States (New York: American Institute for Marxist Studies, 1974). her review of Plunkett and Bowman, Elites and Change, in Social Forces, 53 (September 1974), 139-140. 2^A classic example of such bias is Albert N. Votaw, "The Hillbillies Invade Chicago," Harper's Magazine (February 1958), pp. 64-67. An excellent study of the hillbilly stereotype is Clyde B. McCoy, "Stereotypes of Appalachians in Urban Areas: Myths, Facts, and Questions," a paper presented at the Conference on Appalachians in Urban Areas," sponsored by the Academy for Contemporary Problems, Columbus, Ohio, 28 March 1974. ^Success through migration is class biased, however; see Harry K. Schwarzweller, et al., Mountain Families in Transition (Univ. Park: Pennsylvania Univ. Press, 1971), Chs. 6-9, pp. 121-205. Blauner, Racial Oppression in America (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), p. 67; a revised version of his article "Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt" appears as Ch. 2. For an application of the model to the Chicano population, see Joan Moore, "Colonialism: The Case of the Mexican-American," Social Problems, 17 (Spring 1970), 463-472. Another valuable discussion is Jeffrey Prager, "White Racial Privilege and Social Change: An Examination of Theories of Racism," Berkeley Journal of Sociology, 17 (1972-73), 117-150. For a critical view of the model, see Donald J. Harris, "The Black Ghetto as Colony: A Theoretical Critique and Alternative Formulation," The Review of Black Political Economy, 2 (1972), 3-33. An interesting change of viewpoint is evident in Robert Allen, who in Black Awakening in Capitalist America (New York: Doubleday, 1969) made extensive use of the internal colony model; see his review �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 345 "Racism and the Black Nation Thesis," Socialist Revolution, No. 27 (January-March 1976), pp. 145-150. Another view that emphasizes class over colony is Gilbert G. Gonzalez, "A Critique of the Internal Colony Model," Latin American Perspectives, 1 (Spring 1974), 154-161. Williams, "The Concept of 'Egemonia' in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci: Some Notes on Interpretation," Journal of the History of Ideas, 20 (October-December 1960), 587. For some of Gramsci's writings, see The Modern Prince and Other Writings, trans, and ed. Louis Marks (New York: International Publishers, 1957); or Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quinton Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971). LukacY classic is History and Class Consciousness, trans. Rodney Livingstone (1921; Boston: MIT Press, 1972). On the Frankfurt School, see Martin Jay, The Dialectical Imagination: A History of the Frankfurt School and the Institute of Social Research, 1923-1950 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973); and his "Some Recent Developments in Critical Theory," Berkeley Journal of Sociology, 18 (197374)? 27-44. 2^On the role of the schools in maintaining capitalist hegemony, see Joel H. Spring, Education and the Rise of the Corporate State (Boston: Beacon, 1972); Martin Carnoy, Education as Cultural Imperialism (New York: McKay, 1974), especially Chs. 5-8, pp. 233-370 on the United States (although I would speak of education as cultural hegemony rather than internal colonialism, as Carnoy does); and Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Schooling in Capitalist America: Educational Reform and the Contradictions of Economic Life (New York: Basic Books, 1976). On the derogation of working-class culture, see Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb, The Hidden Injuries of Class (New York: Random House, 1972). Keith Dix, "The West Virginia Economy: Notes fora Radical Base Study," Peoples' Appalachia, 1 (April-May 1970), 3-7; Emil Malizia, "Economic Imperialism: An Interpretation of Appalachian Underdevelopment," Appalachian Journal, 1 (Spring 1973), 130-137; Richard Simon, "The Development of Underdevelopment in West Virginia," an outline of a dissertation in progress dated 12 April 1973, also distributed as "Land History: Development of Underdevelopment in West Virginia," a Peoples Development Working Paper of the Regional Economic Development Commission of the Council of the Southern Mountains, Summer 1973. 2 %ee particularly his Frankfurt inaugural address of June 1965, published as "Knowledge and Human Interests: A General Perspective," in the appendix to Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. �346 Colonialism in Modern America Jeremy J. Shapiro (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971), pp. 301-317, quoted phrase from p. 311; and the brief explication of Habermas in the epilogue to Joachim Israel, Alienation: From Marx to Modern Sociology (1968; Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1971), pp. 343-347. See also his essay "Technology and Science as 'Ideology,' " in Toward a Rational Society (Boston: Beacon, 1970), pp. 81-122; and Trent Shroyer, "Toward a Critical Theory for Advanced Industrial Society," in Recent Sociology No. 2: Patterns of Communicative Behavior, ed. Hans Peter Dreitzel (New York: Macmillan, 1970), pp. 210-234. Friedmann, "Poor Regions and Poor Nations: Perspectives on the Problem of Appalachia," Southern Economic Journal, 32 (April 1966), 465-467. "Jaded Old Land of Bright New Promise," in Mountain Life & Work, 46 (March 1970), 5-8, rpt. in Appalachia in the Sixties, ed. David S. Walls and John B. Stephenson (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1972), pp. 240-246. His genetic and subculture of poverty arguments are apparent in Night Comes to the Cumberlands, pp. 1-31 and 273301, but are strongly emphasized in his latest work, A Darkness at Dawn: Appalachian Kentucky and the Future (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1976). Jack Weller, "Appalachia: America's Mineral Colony," in Vantage Point, No. 2 (1973), a now discontinued tabloid issued by the Commission on Religion in Appalachia in Knoxville. ^"Habermas, Legitimation Crisis, trans, Thomas McCarthy (1973; Boston: Beacon, 1975), pp. 33-41; quote from p. 33. ^Galbraith, Economics and the Public Purpose (1973; New York: Signet, 1975), pp. 42-43; quote from p. 42. O'Connor, The Fiscal Crisis of the State (New York: St. Martin's, 1973), especially Ch. 1, "An Anatomy of American State Capitalism," pp. 13-39; quote from p. 17. Labor Market Segmentation, ed. Richard C. Edwards, et al. (Lexington, MA: Heath, 1975). ^O'Connor, Fiscal Crisis of the State, pp. 6-7, and Chs. 4-6, pp. 97169. Miliband, The State in Capitalist Society; The Analysis of the Western System of Power (London: Quartet, 1973), Ch. 3, "The State �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 347 System and the State Elite," pp. 46-62; quote from p. 61. * *]sjicos Poulantzas, Political Power and Social Classes, trans. Timothy O'Hagan (1968; London: New Left Books, 1973). Poulantzas draws heavily on the neo-orthodox structural Marxism of Louis Althusser. For the dispute between Poulantzas and Miliband, see Miliband, "Poulantzas and the Capitalist State," New Left Review, No. 82 (November-December 1973), pp. 83-92; and Poulantzas, "The Capitalist State: A Reply to Miliband and Laclau," New Left Review, No. 95 (January-February 1976), pp. 63-83. See also Poulantzas, Classes in Contemporary Capitalism (London: New Left Books, 1975). ^Miliband, "Poulantzas and the Capitalist State," p. 85n; the statement by Marx and Engels is from The Manifesto of the Communist Party, Part I. 3^Ian Gough, "State Expenditure in Advanced Capitalism," New Left Review, No. 92 (July-August 1975), pp. 53-92, quotes from pp. 75, 76. ^"Habermas, Legitimation Crisis, pp. 36-37; and his "The Scientization of Politics and Public Opinion," in Toward a Rational Society, pp. 6280. See also Peter Bachrach, The Theory of Democratic Elitism: A Critique (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967). 3 ^Philip Selznick, TV A and the Grass Roots: A Study in the Sociology of Formal Organization (1949; New York: Harper Torch books, 1966). 40 Caudill, "O, Appalachia!" Intellectual Digest (April 1973); rpt. in Voices from the Hills, ed. Robert J. Higgs and Ambrose N. Manning (New York: Ungar, 1975), pp. 524-525. See a similar collapsing of a complex stratification system to a dichotomy in Roman B. Aquizap and Ernest A. Vargas, "Technology, Power, and Socialization in Appalachia," Social Casework, 51 (March 1970), 131-139. 41 See Richard Parker, The Myth of the Middle Class: Notes on Affluence and Equality (1972; New York: Harper Colophon, 1974), for a division into poor, lower middle, upper middle and rich classes; Parker waffles and helps perpetuate the myth he attacks by not terming his "lower middle class" the working class. A more thorough analysis is done by Andrew Levison, The Working Class Majority (1974; New York: Penguin, 1975). A good collection of articles is The Worker in "Post-Industrial" Capitalism: Liberal and Radical Responses, ed. Bertram Silverman and �348 Colonialism in Modern America Murray Yanowitch (New York: Free Press, 1974). For a thoughtful exploration from an orthodox Marxist perspective, see Judah Hill, Class Analysis: United States in the 1970s (Emeryville, CA: privately printed, 1975). An excellent analysis is presented in Erik Olin Wright, "Class Boundaries in Advanced Capitalist Societies," New Left Review, No. 98 (JulyAugust 1976), pp. 3-41; also available as reprint 219 from the Institute for Research on Poverty, University of Wisconsin at Madison. ^"^Immanuel Wallerstein, "Dependence in an Interdependent World: The Limited Possibilities of Transformation within the Capitalist World Economy, "African Studies Review, 17 (April 1974), 1-26. ^Friedmann, "Poor Regions and Poor Nations," pp. 467-470. "For a view of race, ethnicity and other such status-groups as "blurred collective representations of classes" in the world system, see Wallerstein, "Social Conflict in Post-Independence Black Africa: The Concepts of Race and Status-Group Reconsidered," in Racial Tensions and National Identity, ed. Ernest Q. Campbell (Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1972), pp. 207-226; see also his "Class-Formation in the Capitalist World-Economy," Politics and Society, 6 (1975), 367-375; and "The Rise and Future Demise of the World Capitalist System: Concepts for Comparative Analysis," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 16 (September 1974), 387-415. ^Herbert j. Cans, "The Positive Functions of Poverty," The American Journal of Sociology, 78 (September 1972), 275-289. On the Title V Commissions, see Ch. 5 in Martha Derthick, Between State and Nation: Regional Organizations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1974), pp. 108-133. first proposal for something resembling a special legislature for the Southern Appalachians is made by George S. Mitchell, "Let's Unite the Pie!" Mountain Life & Work, 27 (Spring 1951), 19-20; he suggests an "annual representative meeting and a permanent staff. . . .Such a representative body ought to be. . .an annual assembly of all the mountain members of the state legislatures. Possibly the Members of Congress from the Mountains might be a sort of Upper House." D wight Macdonald proposes a state of Appalachia in "The Constitution of the United States Needs to be Fixed," Esquire, 70 (October 1968), 246; but it would be formed by lumping together the present states of West Virginia, Kentucky and Tennessee as part of an overall consolidation of states for the purpose of obtaining larger administrative jurisdictions. The proposal has no relation to a policy �Internal Colony or Internal Periphery? 349 of overcoming the exploitation of the mountain region. Nor does the reorganization scheme of geographer G. Etzel Pearcy, which would form a state of Appalachia more appropriately from sections of southern West Virginia, southwestern Virginia, eastern Kentucky, and southeastern Ohio; see the article by Lee Harris from The Los Angeles Times rpt. as "A Plan to Reshape, Rename and Reduce U.S. States to 38," The Courier-Journal & Times (Louisville), 2 September 1973, p. E5. 47 Gordon K. Ebersole brought the idea of the Public Utility Districts from the Northwest to the Appalachians; see his "Appalachia: Potential. . . With a View," Mountain Life & Work, 42 (Winter 1966), 10-12. Harry Caudill picked up the idea and gave it wide publicity; see his "A New Plan for a Southern Mountain Authority," Appalachian Review, 1 (Summer 1966), 6-11. Ebersole and Caudill were key leaders in the Congress for Appalachian Development. An issue of The Appalachian South, 2 (Spring and Summer 1967) is largely devoted to articles on CAD. On the history of CAD, see David Whisnant, "The Congress for Appalachian Development," Peoples' Appalachia, 3 (Spring 1973), 16-22. �This page intentionally left blank �OF by s. in field A to an of in the the est A of an by In of in" the for its by tell of the to is, c< You tell us to get /or tils at on a the the to on a Such is the local on the a of by the the by the ask it." "NO is on the of the will do �352 Colonialism in Modern America These three examples, all current, can be matched by other vignettes from people all over Appalachia. They are representative of the process of social change that has been in evidence in the mountains since the mass cutting of timber began almost a century ago. They are part of a process which has cost much of the region its ability to provide a decent life for its people and which has been documented by previous selections in this volume. The fact that by 1930 Appalachia had become an area where many people could not lead a life comparable in economic terms with the middle class American norm has resulted in social scientists and others seeking causes and models of causes for the "poverty" of the region. These models have been presented and criticized in the previous article by David Walls. In brief, a "deficiency model" blamed the mountaineers and their allegedly homespun "yesterday's people" culture for the announced "problems" of the region. Repeated incidents like the ones reported above and consequent outrage, together with a genuine love and respect for the people around us, led to the development of the colonial model as a dialectical response to the deficiency model. This model places the blame not on the people but on the external profit seekers who removed the region's vast wealth to Pittsburgh, New York, and Philadelphia, leaving an impoverished region behind them. Walls also mentions the "development model," used especially by government agencies (and attendant state university research centers) who are in the development business and who find the region to be a good target for their efforts. I would extend this model beyond the government to include other groups and people who have an agenda to act out and find the mountains a good arena for the performance. William Goodell Frost, president of Berea College at the turn of the century, found the mountaineers to be underdeveloped in education and thus set out to develop them in this area. His example was followed by the establishment of scores of "settlement schools" throughout the region. Presbyterians, Methodists, and other denominations found the mountaineers suffering from an underdeveloped faith and thus labelled the region fertile ground for their missionary movement.1 Walls points out the strengths and limitations of each model �Extending the Internal Periphery Model: The Impact of Culture and Consequent Strategy 353 and then combines them into his synthesis, which is a model of the region as an "internal periphery of an advanced capitalist system." The internal periphery model draws on the works of Galbraith, James O'Connor, and Jurgens Habermas to describe the region as essentially a resources preserve, complete with "native" leadership that serves the needs of the advanced industrial, resources, and recreation-hungry society that surrounds it. It is a helpful model in that it accounts for the external manipulations and the steady removal of wealth from the region as well as the internal quiescence and cooperation of a "dependency infrastructure" that facilitates the process. Thus it takes into account a wide range of cultural and socio-political phenomena. Yet, the internal periphery model, as I now understand it, does not do what Walls would like it to do: help us arrive at "the goals and strategy of a movement for social change." I would extend the internal periphery model by emphasizing that it posits, at least implicitly, the existence of two cultures: that of the "exploited" area and that of the "advanced capitalist" system that surrounds it. By culture I mean what Sir Edward Tylor defined as "that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society," and their world view or Weltanschauung.2 As Walls, Helen Lewis, Roger Lesser, Stephen Fisher, and others have pointed out, there is a great deal of literature on the culture of Appalachia, whether defined as a "culture of poverty" or as the "folk culture" of "Yesterday's People." But what about the culture of the other side: the "advanced capitalist region"? This has not been discussed, quite probably because it is part of what Alfred Schutz calls the "world-taken-forgranted" of the academics—even those outraged by the rape of the Appalachian region. We too have been socialized by the institutions of the advanced capitalist system. We accept the value system of a rationalist, achievement-oriented, "scientific" culture and are well conditioned members of the social system that inflicts so much pain and disorder in both internal and external peripheral regions. Culturally, we turn out to be the very people we've been warning each other about. We have been �3 54 Colonialism in Modern America blind to our own folkways and thus have been unable to define them and assess their impact on social change. Thus, we, and the rest of the world along with us, are inheritors of a change in cultural orientation so well described by Max Weber many years ago that it ought to be quoted at length here: Until about the middle of the past century the life of a putter-out was, at least in many of the branches of the Continental textile industry, what we should to-day consider very comfortable. We may imagine its routing somewhat as follows: The peasants came with their cloth, often (in the case of linen) principally or entirely made from raw material which the peasant himself had produced, to the town in which the putter-out lived, and after a careful, often official appraisal of the quality, received the customary price for it. The putter-out's customers, for markets any appreciable distance away, were middlemen, who also came to him, generally not yet following samples, but seeking traditional qualities, and bought from his warehouse, or, long before delivery, placed orders which were probably in turn passed on to the peasants. Personal canvassing of customers took place, if at all, only at long intervals. Otherwise correspondence sufficed, though the sending of samples slowly gained ground. The number of business hours was very moderate, perhaps five to six a day, sometimes considerably less; in the rush season, where there was one, more. Earnings were moderate; enough to lead a respectable life and in good times to put away a little. On the whole, relations among competitors were relatively good, with a large degree of agreement on the fundamentals of business. A long daily visit to the tavern, with often plenty to drink, and a congenial circle of friends, made life comfortable and leisurely. The form of organization was in every respect capitalistic; the entrepreneur's activity was of a purely business character; the use of capital, turned over in the business, was indispensable; and finally, the objective aspect of the economic process, the book-keeping, was rational. But it was traditionalistic business, if one considers the spirit �Extending the Internal Periphery Model: The Impact of Culture and Consequent Strategy which animated the entrepreneur: the traditional manner of life, the traditional rate of profit, the traditional amount of work, the traditional manner of regulating the relationships with labour, and the essentially traditional circle of customers and the manner of attracting new ones. All these dominated the conduct of the business, were at the basis, one may say, of the ethos of this group of business men. Now at some time this leisureliness was suddenly destroyed, and often entirely without any essential change in the form of organization, such as the transition to a unified factory, to mechanical weaving, etc. What happened was, on the contrary, often no more than this: some young man from one of the putting-out families went out into the country, carefully chose weavers for his employ, greatly increased the rigour of his supervision of their work, and thus turned them from peasants into labourers. On the other hand, he would begin to change his marketing methods by so far as possible going directly to the final consumer, would take the details into his own hands, would personally solicit customers, visiting them every year, and above all would adapt the quality of the product directly to their needs and wishes. At the same time he began to introduce the principle of low prices and large turnover. There was repeated what everywhere and always is the result of such a process of rationalization: those who would not follow suit had to go out of business. The idyllic state collapsed under the pressure of a bitter competitive struggle, respectable fortunes were made, and not lent out at interest, but always reinvested in the business. The old leisurely and comfortable attitude toward life gave way to a hard frugality in which some participated and came to the top, because they did not wish to consume but to earn, while others who wished to keep on with the old ways were forced to curtail their consumption. And, what is most important in this connection, it was not generally in such cases a stream of new money invested in the industry which brought about this revolution—in several cases known to me the whole revolu- 355 �356 Colonialism in Modern America tionary process was set in motion with a few thousands of capital borrowed from relations—but the new spirit, the spirit of modern capitalism, had set to work.-* Weber elsewhere documented the rise of the "spirit of capitalism" in the rationally oriented bureaucracy in which the human element was bent to the needs of the stated directions and goals of the agency.4 Other social theorists have noted other aspects of this process: Tonnies saw the move from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft (from intimate, small community to impersonal, complex society) accompanied by a shift in the ways people viewed and treated each other. The shift is from Wesenwille, which can be described as a spontaneous, emotional and committed base for interpersonal relations in which a humanistic communal will encompasses rational thought, to Kurwille, where rational thought and calculation regulate social dialogue according to the use-value each party perceives in the other.5 Durkheim noted the disintegration of "moral" community and the consequent anomie, social disorder, and increase in suicide rates.^ Mid-century sociology had showed the individual outcome of this trend in Mills' "Cheerful Robots," Reisman's "Other Directed Man" and Marcuse's One Dimensional Man: With the technical progress as its instrument, unfreedom— in the sense of Man's subjection to his productive apparatus—is perpetuated and intensified in the form of many liberties and comforts. The novel feature is the overwhelming rationality in this irrational enterprise, and the depth of the preconditions which shapes the instinctual drives and the aspirations of the individuals and obscures the difference between false and true consciousness. For, in reality, neither the utilization of administrative rather than physical controls (hunger, personal dependence, force), nor the change in the character of heavy work . . .compensate for the fact that the decisions over life and death, over personal and national security at places over which individuals have no control. The slaves of industrial civilization are sublimated slaves, but they are slaves, for slavery is determined by. . .the pure form of servitude: to exist as an instrument, as a thing. ^ The reality of the historical rationalist trend in what is now �Extending the Internal Periphery Model: The Impact of Culture and Consequent Strategy 3 57 the culture of advanced capitalism is attested to by the rampant efforts to escape it or to discover human essence within it through movements such as youth culture, TM, EST, the Moonies, and Eslin. Fritz Pappenheim and Philip Slater join Mills, Marcuse, Fromm, and Reisman in the assertion that in the advanced capitalist system, human beings are held captive as employees of large impersonal bureaucratic organizations that thunder about the countryside in pursuit of what Karl Mannheim has termed their own "functionally rational" goals:8 The U.S. Forest Service exists to enlarge and maintain a complex forest system. The U.S. Park Service exists to create and maintain recreation facilities. AMAX exists to extract coal in what its executives feel is the most efficient manner possible with existing technology. What could be more "American" or more in line with a technology-intoxicated Protestant Ethic? What could be more devastating to the Appalachian Region? But it is also devastating the managerial technocrats in charge of the devastation, who define themselves in terms of their bureaucratic place and assigned position and mission within a bureaucratic hierarchy. Douglas Heath's longitudinal studies of "highly successful" American males indicate an inverse relationship between high intelligence scores (on the culture-bound tests of the rationalist, advanced capitalist culture), and the ability to be outgoing, supportive, and "mature" in personal interactions. Wives of some of these men called them "robots." One interviewee said "I've been married to him ten years now and still don't know what he really feels."9 One of the products of Western industrial culture has been the complex organization which in turn creates its own values, quasi-community, and its own kind of man. Recent essays by Richard Couto, John Gaventa, and Stephen Fisher, et a/.,10 draw upon the work of Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann to suggest that the inability of Appalachians to make their interests and �358 Colonialism in Modern America needs known in the larger policy arena is in some measure due to the fact that their social reality is determined by the defining institutions and mechanisms of the larger, dominating, advanced capitalist society.11 According to this argument, the media, educational systems, and government agencies define the Appalachians to themselves and to others as LiP Abners and Snuffy Smiths—people incapable of responding to the complex issues of the "modern" world. In being socialized to accept this definition of reality, Appalachians' ability to respond to issues and struggle for their interests is limited; they become quiescent even when they "seemingly have every reason to rebel."12 But Appalachian history is full of rebellions and rebels: of men and women who demand, in Camus' terms, that their existence be recognized. From mine wars to roving pickets, Mother Jones to Widow Combs, Black Lung and Brown Lung movements, Appalachians have fought domination to a degree which has required the dominating culture to foster the sort of violent stereotype of the mountaineer depicted in the film Deliverance. So the people whose reality is defined by the mechanisms of the dominant culture may well not be the residents of the "internal periphery" but of the dominant culture itself—people who, rather than defining and experiencing themselves as people, see and struggle to be "planners," "sound businessmen," "GS13s" or other reifications of human endeavor which abnegate a sense of common humanity. This is the process that creates monsters. Adolph Eichmann was an expert only in rail transport and Robert McNamara was a systems specialist. They were both organization men and good examples of Modern Man in the twentieth century: They killed people with tact, efficiency, and, most astoundingly, with some measure of well meaning. Part of the problem Appalachia faces then lies not in its own culture but in the Weltanschauung that accompanies the advanced industrial social system of large complex organizations in both the public and private spheres. As perhaps is true of the everyday view of the world in most predominantly rural parts of the world, the way Appalachians construct and live in the world around them makes them vulnerable to the outside predator. My own field observation in a coal �Extending the Internal Periphery Model: The Impact of Culture and Consequent Strategy 3 59 fringe area in West Virginia and an agricultural area in Western North Carolina has found people busy and relatively content in lifestyles they find to be meaningful. The focus of their everyday life rests upon a network of people and problems physically and socially close to them. Lengthy daily discussions with one farmer in Madison County, North Carolina, over a period of five weeks revealed continual concern with family matters and his tobacco crop. He knew that a neighboring farm had been sold to Florida real estate speculators and subdivided and already sold to people mostly from New Jersey. He was not aware that in the past ten years 25 percent of the land in the county had been purchased by out-of-state people for second homes and that the Federal government held another 23 percent. He knew "land has gone high as a cat's back" but did not give any indication that he saw the implications of this increase on the future of farming or out-migration patterns in the area. This man's world view and orientation (whether it be a function of class or regional location or a combination of these variables) made him as insensitive to the implications of real estate speculation as VISTA volunteers were to the social structure and strengths of the communities they came to "help." Supporters of the colonial model have tended to shy away from discussion of any possible limitations of mountain culture because advocates of the deficiency approach have made such devastating use of "culture of poverty" models in their efforts to "blame the victim."13 But it is fair to say, I think, that although the ways of life in rural Appalachia are rich and meaningful, they have been no match for the rationalist's, efficiencyoriented culture of advanced capitalism that has come into their territory. This sort of cross-cultural clash has not been limited to Appalachia; it has been a global phenomena recorded in the ruins of Mayan libraries and observatories, the beylik lands of Algeria, and the temples of Indo-China. Rationalism with its attendant social structure has levelled, bleached, and bled out a rich variety of human ways of being that have stood in its path. Mike Clark, in trying to explain this phenomenon to students in Ohio last summer, turned to a speech by Chief Seattle, a leader of the Sequamish Indians, given in 1954 to mark the transfer of ancestral lands to the Federal government: �360 Colonialism in Modern America "How can you buy or sell the sky, the warmth of the land? The idea is strange to us. . . We know that the white man does not understand our ways. One portion of the land is the same to him as the next, for he is a stranger who comes in the night and takes from the land whatever he needs. The earth is not his brother, but his enemy, and when he has conquered it he moves on. He leaves his father's graves behind; he does not care. He kidnaps the earth from his children. He treats his mother, the earth, and his brother, the sky, as things to he bought, plundered, sold like sheep or bright beads. [Emphasis mine.] He will devour the earth and leave behind only a desert. I do not know. Our ways are different from your ways. The sight of your cities pains the eyes of the red man. But perhaps it is because the red man is a savage and does not understand. . . ."^ "Some savage/' commented Clark. But if Chief Seattle could have compared notes with Marcuse, he might have better understood that when social institutions reduce men to commodities, men live only in the world of commodities—of things to be bought, sold, and used like sheep or beads or farmland. They have been deprived of the very qualities which would have enabled them to hear and understand the chief's concerns and world. In summary, the internal periphery synthesis can be extended to incorporate the concept of two cultural traditions in conflict, with the historical record indicating that the social systems of complex organizations and attendant Weltanschauung ultimately prevail It is our profound wish that it will not continue to do so, that some sense of humanistic balance and purpose can be introduced into the process of social change that inundates us. Walls concludes his paper with the assertion that the internal periphery of advanced capitalism model leads us to "socialist goals and strategies" for a presumably humanistic "movement for social change." But in adding the dimension of cultural orientation to his model, the posited struggle appears not to be �Extending the Internal Periphery Model: The Impact of Culture and Consequent Strategy 361 between the "isms" as much as between community and increasingly centralizing, mass bureaucratic definitions of reality, control of life, and planning. The wide range of application of socialist concepts—from Sweden to Stalin, China, Cuba, Algeria, and Tanzania to Cambodia—indicate that socialism can come down on either side of this dichotomy. Of course with capitalism there is no question; centralization historically has proved to be one of its major dynamics. But the history of socialism requires us to be more specific; the diversity of its historical record indicates we cannot accept it on the basis of its stated humanist objectives alone. The addition of the cultural orientation perspective to the internal periphery model requires us to begin to articulate some goals in terms of quality of life and the strategies for achieving those goals. At the same time, we can attempt to block or substantially modify proposals for the development authored by the impersonal bureaucratic structures of the advanced capitalist system that would continue the process of degradation and disintegration of Appalachian life and culture, the process that reifies human beings and human relations into things or commodities. There is a growing history of successful opposition to development schemes of both public and private agencies. In the late sixties, for example, the Upper French Broad Defense Association rallied the citizens of Western North Carolina to block a TVA project which would have flooded 11,225 acres and dislocated 600 families. In another case, articulate opposition in public hearings in Tennessee resulted in the blockage of an AMAX Coal Company plan to strip mine 10,000 acres on the Cumberland Plateau.15 These victories were won by people who changed formerly legitimizing "public hearing" rituals into real forums where some collective evaluation of proposed projects and their social costs and benefits could take place. (There have also been defeats. I am reminded of a young surveyor who literally was run out of Randolph County, West Virginia, for speaking out in a public hearing in opposition to the construction of a coal washing facility on the Cheat River.) But the point is that we have the basis of a strategy here—to force participation in policy making �362 Colonialism in Modern America into what previously have been legitimizing rituals or democratic pretense for private, elitist, and closed planning systems. Secondly, we have to see "officialdom" as people who are judged and judge themselves in terms of the functional goals of the bureaucratic structures for which they work. Their sense of self worth, their income levels, status and life chances are in good measure tied to whether their agencies get that land, build that dam, or strip that coal. We thus cannot appeal to their "better natures," because to do so implies that they commit a sort of sociological suicide and resign from their perceived organizational communities. They are in good measure beyond reach; they are Heath's robots in action. At best we can try to redefine their interests for them; more likely we will have to oppose them. Third, we should get on with the difficult process of defining the kind of life that is meaningful in the most profound sense of the term. (There is enough of the anthropologist in me to feel that we're dabbling here in a matter that extends well beyond our mental capabilities. Men like Levi-Strauss, Paul Radin and Stanley Diamond who delve into such things begin to sound like "primitive" shamans after a while—somewhat akin to Chief Seattle). But minimally and from a frankly humanistic and decentralist perspective, we can say that people should have a right to create and see the products of their creation, that they should not be separated from one another by overspecialization of task or great differentiation in wealth or status and that they should have community, a place of belonging and membership, where in collective association they can determine their future. Elements for such a Utopian vision can be found still in some "traditional" rural mountain communities, as George Hicks discovered in his study of Celo, N.C.16 Celo stands almost at the foot of Mt. Mitchell where today one finds NO PARK PLEASE bumper stickers thick as galax. �Extending the Internal Periphery Model: The Impact of Culture and Consequent Strategy 363 NOTES ^David Walls, "On the Naming of Appalachia," a paper submitted to the Appalachian Symposium honoring Gratis D. Williams, April, 1976. ^Edward Tylor, Primitive Culture (New York: 1958), I, 1. Harper and Row, ^Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958), pp. 66-68. 4 H. H. Gerth and C. W. Mills, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), pp. 196-240. ^Ferdinand Tonnies, Fundamental Concepts of Sociology (Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft), trans. Charles P. Loomis, American Sociology Series, Kimball Young, ed. (New York: American Book Company, 1940), pp. 194-195. An excellent discussion of these concepts can be found in Fritz Pappenheim, The Alienation of Modern Man (New York: Modern Reader Paperbacks, 1959), pp. 69-77. ^Emile Durkheim, Suicide (New York: The Free Press, 1951), note especially pp. 256-259. ^C. W. Mills, The Sociological Imagination (New York, Oxford University Press, 1959), p. 171. David Reisman, Nathan Glazer, and Reuel Denny, The Lonely Crowd (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950). Herbert Marcuse, One Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968), pp. 32-33. "Karl Mannheim, Man and Society in an Age of Reconstruction (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1948). "From correspondence and conversations with Douglas Heath. His findings have recently been published in D. H. Heath, Maturity and Competence: A Transcultural View (New York: Gardner Press, 1977), pp. 177- �364 Colonialism in Modern America 178. Gaventa and Richard Couto, "Appalachia and the Third Face of Power," a paper presented at the 1976 annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, Illinois, September, 1976. Jim Foster and Steve Robinson and Steve Fisher, "Class Consciousness and Destructive Power: A Strategy for Change in Appalachia," a paper presented at the 1977 annual meeting of the APSA, Washington, D.C., September, 1977. L. Berger and Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality (New York: Anchor Books, 1967). * ^Robinson, Foster and Fisher, p. 1. *^See William Ryan, Blaming the Victim (New York: Vintage Books, 1972). 14 "Mike Clark, "How Can You Buy or Sell The Sky," as reprinted in The Mountain Eagle, Whitesburg, Kentucky, June 23, 1977. 15 Dave Whisnant, "The TVA Story: How Green is Your Valley." Elements. Also, see "Fact Sheet: AMAX in Tennessee, 1976," a mimeographed pamphlet jointly produced by Save Our Cumberland Mountains (SOCM) and Concerned Citizens of Piney, Spencer, Tennessee. ^George L. Hicks, Appalachian Valley (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1976). ���in of the for and to to by the of of for Is a the are to of the In to the of ed., I. 1970. for on as et al., D. K. T. and C. a as a on 1972. iw 17. 5. 1971. for I, 0/ De™ 1974, A on C. 77:? e York, �366 Colonialism in Modern America Some of the classic works on neo-colonialism which remain important statements on the nature of colonialism and its effects on those who are colonized are suggested below. These have been very influential in the development of the research included in this reader. Frantz Fanon, Dying Colonialism, New York, Grove Press, 1967. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, New York, Monthly Review Press, 1967. Harry Magdoff, The Age of Imperialism, New York, Monthly Review Press, 1969. Dominique O. Mannoni, Prospero and Calabani, The Psychology of Colonization, New York, Praeger, 1956. Albert Memmi, Colonizer and the Colonized, Grossman, 1965. Kwame Nkrumah, Neo-Colonialism: Imperialism, London: Nelson, 1965. The Last Stages of Pierre Jalee, The Pillage of the Third World, New York, Monthly Review Press, 1968. Vladimir Lenin L, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, International Publishing Company, 1965. Those interested in more reading on the Appalachian case are referred to the notes and bibliographies included with each of the articles in the reader. In addition to the application to Appalachia, the colonialism model has been applied to other regions on sub-groups in the United States. Some of these are: Joe Persky, "The South: A Colony at Home," Southern Exposure, I, Summer/Fall, 1973, 14-22. Andre Gorz, "Colonialism at Home and Abroad/1 and Lee Webb, "Colonialism and Underdevelopment in Vermont," �Suggestions for Further Reading and Research 367 both in Liberation, 16, November, 1971, 22-29 and 29-33 respectively. Geoffrey Faux, "Colonial New England," The New Republic, 28, November, 1972, 16-19. Robert Blauner, * "Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt/' Social Problems, 16, Spring, 1969. A similar application to a sub-region of Great Britain is Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1936-1966, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1975. More recent analyses and reinterpretations of historical materials have relied heavily on the neo-colonial perspective. Important examples of these are: Eugene D. Genovese, Roll Jordan Roll: Slaves Made, New York, Pantheon, 1974. The World the Edwards Galeano, Open Veins of Latin America, Five Centuries of the Pillage of a Continent, Monthly Review Press, 1973. Basil Davidson, Africa in History, Macmillan, 1974. William Appleman Williams, The Roots of the Modern American Empire, Random House, 1969. Further research and continued rethinking of the model are important to provide tools for analysis of the process which affects and changes our lives. Without a clear analysis of the dynamics of the social changes which are reshaping and, in many cases, destroying peoples and cultures throughout the world, we are helpless to direct or actually participate in these changes. ��369 O th e r B o o k s Pit hed a n r D is t nh u te d b y ". . a? right good people^" by by David Artisans/Appalachia/US A y Arts and Crafts of the Cherokee, by L. Leftwich B b y C h a rl o t te T. hy of So u th ern A la ch ia, Speech, by M. Dougherty, by ttducator, J. by Down to Earth—People of Murray /• /f i71 ;;g Virgin ia s Mi Fo rc'sf s, b y K a r i n W u e r t z -S c h ae f e r s /Mo M w to i«, b y H ck Laurel Leaves, an of the by by Am berg o/ fl?e Ground, (LP by the by of the Great Smokies by Carolina Club Carolina Club 'Round the Mountains, by Sy mp o si M m o n Tro n f f to I? it a t R rcb a nd Ma me n t Pro �in Ta II Ta le s fro m Tea ch ing M S m o k y, by C. I -1 o ta in C h Ma n: To wa rds a Po u H da of Un de rs ta n by N. "That D-—d Brownlow/' a Saucy Malicious Description of William Brownlow, Knoxville Editor Stalwart Unionist, Wb o R o se fr o m a Co rife de m t e Ja il t o B e co me O n e o f t h e A1 o sf Pa m o M s Pe rs o n in t h e Na t io n, De n o u n c e i f I) y h is I: ie s a s Vic to us Harsh, Praised by his Friends as Compassionate Gentle, Revived by Steve Humphrey, a 20tb Century NewspaperFormer Associate f: if it or of the K no x mile journal, Deof the Whig. of Forestry in America, by Carl Alvvin Schcnck The by The Good Life Almanac, The Smokies Guide, by Th e S o u th ern A la c h ia n lie The in Fact Fiction, by Gratis D. by Dr. J. The To wa rd 1984: Th e Fu tu re of A Conference Proceedings Trains, Trestles & Tunnels: the la c h ia, Southern Railroads of the Southern Appalachians, by by Vo ices fro m the / , by R o J, Its a. n d Am b Its N. M to 1380, by Blackmun the Civil War, by Drs. Ina W. and John J, Noppen CATALOG ��ABOUT THE AUTHORS Often referred to as the leader of inspiration in Appalachian studies, HELEN MATTHEWS LEWIS linked scholarship with activism and encouraged deeper analysis of the region. Lewis shaped the field of Appalachian studies by emphasizing community participation and challenging traditional perceptions of the region and its people. She has served as the director of the Berea College Appalachian Center, Appalshop's Appalachian History Film Project; and the Highlander Research and Education Center. She is co-author of Mountain Sisters: From Convent to Community in Appalachia. She has retired to Abingdon, Virginia. DONALD ASKINS, an Alabama native, taught at Clinch Valley College in Wise, Virginia, before becoming the first Executive Director for the Appalachian Coalition, whose main focus was the elimination of strip mining. He is responsible for taking the aerial photographs of the mining operations in this collection in 1977 through 1979 as documentation of the effects of strip mining. Later, he pursued a criminal law and was elected Commonwealth attorney in 1991 until 2000. He retired to Clintwood, Virginia in 2000. He passed away at his home in Clintwood on March 30, 2015. LINDA JOHNSON was the co-coordinator of the Grace House Learning/ Training Center in St. Paul, Virginia. She passed away in 2002. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Colonialism in Modern America: The Appalachian Case Description An account of the resource <em>Colonialism in Modern America</em><span>&nbsp;is a series of essays exploring the economic and social problems of the region within the context of colonialism. It is a relatively simple task to document the social ills and the environmental ravage that beset the people and land of Appalachia. However, it is far more difficult and problematic to uncover the causes of these tragic conditions.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1CYRVyt8r0G3pKKBsO57lff_fyaCHuviq" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642048/colonialism-in-modern-america" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region--Economic conditions Appalachian Region--Social conditions Colonies--Case studies Social systems Abstract A summary of the resource. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lewis, Helen Johnson, Linda Askins, Donald Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978 Language A language of the resource English Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Essays E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1970s Appalachia colonialism economic economics history social Social Systems https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/cbf64b1b0701e8a76cd095191d356cf2.pdf b551d71953989ccb5bea1c0ce1d08618 PDF Text Text �We Plow God's Fields The Life of James G. K. McClure by John Curtis Ager �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004^ its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program^ Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1991 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper):978-i-4696-4i98-o ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4200-0 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS Boone, North Carolina The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit educational organization comprised of institutions and agencies located in the Southern Highlands. Our members are volunteers who plan and execute projects which serve 156 mountain counties in seven states. Among our goals are: Preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia Protecting the mountain environment Publishing manuscripts about the region Improving educational opportunities for area students and teachers Conducting scientific, social, and economic research Promoting a positive image of Appalachia Encouraging regional cooperation The member institutions of the Appalachian Consortium are: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Gardner-Webb College Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association John C. Campbell Folk School Lees-McRae College Mars Hill College Mayland Community College N.C. Division of Archives and History Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild U.S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Association �We Plow God's Fields is dedicated to my wife Annie McClure Clarke Ager her mother, Elspeth McClure Clarke and to the Forgotten Pioneers of Western North Carolina. �Contents Prologue 1. The McClure Family v 1 2. Lake Forest 19 3. Texas 38 4. Yale 47 5. Europe: Edinburgh and Tubingen 69 6. Unsystematic Theology 86 7. Affliction 101 8. Iron River 124 9. Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 137 10. Marriage 165 11. Hickory Nut Gap 183 12. Farmer Jim 199 13. Farming in Western North Carolina 230 14. Farmers Federation 247 15. Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 277 16. Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 312 17. Farmers Federation in the Depression 346 18. Picnics 376 19. War Years 399 20. Last Years 435 Epilogue 464 �Acknowledgments Researching and writing a book is on the whole a solitary and lonely pursuit. And yet, you are dependent on a whole range of people for help. I have needed a large contingent of people to urge me on, to encourage the work. My mother, Mary Lucille Ager, my wife, Annie, my sons, Eric, Kevin, Jamie and Douglas, and my mother-in-law, Elspeth Clarke, have all been my primary encouragement team, and I am indebted to them beyond words. Debbie Aly, secretary to the McClure Fund, labored over her typewriter long and tedious hours for the benefit of this project. Buffy White agreed to subject herself to editing the manuscript, masterfully providing order in the midst of a whirlwind. The Trustees of the James O.K. McClure Educational and Development Fund, including James McClure Clarke, Reuben A. Holden, Dr. Harold Bacon, Mrs. Burnham Colburn, Martha Guy, Julian Woodcock, and Richard Jennings, patiently provided the funds and the time to complete this biography. Tom Eller of Warren Wilson College guided me through his word processing maze. John Murphy, Donna Kilpatrick, Doug Clarke, Franklin Sides, Donna Price, Susan and Chris Crosson and the Brown family (Ralph, Shirley, Clifford, Ben and Charlie) all kept the cows milked and the apples picked at Hickory Nut Gap Farm while I stole away to write this book. Finally, I am grateful to all my editors at the Appalachian Consortium, and to those who typeset and printed this book. In the end, it has been a community project, and how fitting that it should be. �Prologue And for their sake I consecrate myself, that they also may be consecrated in truth. (John 17:19, a favorite sermon text for Jim McClure) Describe Jim? That's difficult. He's tall & very well set up. About 5 feet 11 in his stockings & weighs about 170 pounds. He looks more like an Englishman or a Scotchman than an American & he wears his clothes the way they do—Tweeds and such likes. He has a very refined rather small head with dark hair & dark eyes that are very brilliant at times & with humorous lines about them. He has the most charming smile I've ever seen on any human being, and that's not merely the opinion of his prejudiced wife! He has regular features & a certain youthful almost childlike look to his face combined with an expression of immense strength & a curious concentrated vitality. He has a warm brown coloring that suggests an Italian . . . He has an extraordinary mind & a very real gift of expression, a singular intellectual quickness and a german thoroughness of investigation. He is one of the most original thinkers I have ever known & is wholly untrammelled by tradition. Added to that he has a humor & wit that is the joy of all who know him. This is written as much as possible with the eye of a cold outsider! (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, July 7, 1916) This biography is a story of the life of one man, James Gore King McClure, Jr., and his vision for a better life in the mountains of North Carolina. At his prompting, and under his leadership, the Farmers Federation was founded in Fairview, North Carolina (near Asheville) in 1920. Out of his own determination and his superb organizing skills, he created a cooperative agricultural movement that began to shift the economy of Western North Carolina from one hopelessly beset with inertia to one that gave the farmers of the area new hope. The Federation organized markets, provided test trials for farm products, and upgraded breeding stock. For the first time in many years, farmers had money in their pockets and a legitimate pride in their production. A name like James Gore King McClure seems made to be announced in a resounding bass voice, after which all mumbling and chit-chat would quickly subside into attentive silence. But though honor, respect and even power would eventually come to this man, they were won more with a smile and a cheerful remark than with an authoritarian presence. He was brought up, a minister's son, in the posh Chicago suburb of Lake Forest, Illinois, but was able to break through the narrow circle of this society to move easily among different levels �vi We Plow God's Fields and conditions of humanity. He inherited a powerful Presbyterian vision as the descendant of staunch Scottish Covenanters, and was trained in theology and the rhythms of Protestant church work. He could challenge the complacency of a prominent New York City church with his message of the Social Gospel; and two weeks later, in shirt sleeves, challenge the mountaineers of the Bearwallow Baptist Church in Gerton, North Carolina, to take hold of their own lives, to consecrate themselves for the sake of their neighbors and their children. Jim McClure always felt a thrill when he gathered together the varieties of people in his life. He possessed the gifts of charm and humor, and the ability to create an ambience of good feelings and warmth that brought individuals with little common ground in touch with one another. The man drew a kind of power out of a crowd, a spiritual power he returned in kind. Whether it was playing Santa Claus for the mountain children at his home, Hickory Nut Gap Farm, or raffling off a rooster to a wealthy dowager at the Waldorf Astoria in New York, he had a knack for understanding what it was in a situation that gave people a sense of ease, satisfaction and excitement. He knew when to be serious, and when a tense moment needed relief. His skills were human ones; and they brought into his life most of all many, many friends. This is also the story of his wife, Elizabeth Cramer McClure, an extraordinarily sensitive woman who saw the rich colors of life with a painter's eyes, and who taught Jim to balance Calvin with Monet. Without her sense of proportion and beauty, Jim's work for the Farmers Federation would certainly have failed. She made a home for him, remodeling an old neglected inn and surrounding it with flower and vegetable gardens. There were the two children, Elspeth and Jamie, with their friends and cousins romping about the mountainside. It was the kind of place Jim McClure could both entertain his guests and really relax, and where he could find support and comfort in his spiritual struggles. Elizabeth's portrait of Jim continues to greet his descendants and old friends in the dining room of Hickory Nut Gap Farm. One mountain woman who had grown up on the farm said every time she passed by it she just thought he was going to jump out and start talking to her. Elizabeth, an exquisite portrait painter, captured his gifts on canvas. It was with his famous eyes that she told with her brush of his "immense strength & a curious concentrated vitality." The eyes are determined and full of the adventure of a great vision of life. And his mouth, with a little smile, balances the Presbyterian hardness to portray the "humor & wit that is the joy of all who know him." Elizabeth showed how the mouth and the eyes complemented each other, in the portrait as well as in her marriage to him. This man chose and articulated the highest ideals, and then doggedly pursued them. He had to struggle not only with the ingrown fatalism of the mountaineer, but with himself and the limitations his own culture imposed on him. Both he and his wife worked to enjoy and appreciate the incongruities of their lives. Their grace and good humor, though, did not leave them casual wayfarers. They were hard-working participants with and movers of the people around �Prologue vii them, always ready to take a stand for progress and then to battle hard for its fulfillment. It would be easy to say that these two people lived in an era when faith in progress supported them. It is true they had the backing of a dynamic American society that was making such economic strides that no problems appeared insurmountable, and yet was still old-fashioned enough to believe in an American destiny. But Jim and Elizabeth McClure faced the cynicism and hypocrisy that are always prevalent in human societies. The story of Jim's life is ftill of human hope and courage. He wanted his life to stand for spiritual excellence, not as a contemplative monk but as a man who was unafraid to dream that the Kingdom of God could be established on this earth and was willing to dirty himself trying to build it. His struggle was imperfect; not all of his projects were successful. The Farmers Federation itself died a suffering death. His life, like most, was filled with tragic elements that would haunt and discourage him. And yet he kept battling and fighting right up to the very end. Read this book to discover a great human spirit, the man baptized James Gore King McClure, Jr. �This page intentionally left blank �Chapter 1 The McClure Family Grandchildren are the crown of the aged, and the glory of sons is their fathers. Proverbs 17:6 The memory of my Father is a constant inspiration to me—in every high and holy line. (James Gore King McClure, Sr., to James Gore King McClure, Jr., October 6, 1928) The oldest room at Hickory Nut Gap Farm, the original log cabin in fact, was made over by Jim and Elizabeth McClure to be their study. The bookshelves were filled with his theological and historical works, with several shelves reserved for her art books, and volumes on landscaping, interior design and horticulture that were used for the transformation of the old inn. When there was a need for serious talk, the McClures retired to this study, closing the door behind them. Of all the rooms in the house, it was the one reserved almost exclusively for business matters and intellectual stimulation. It is no accident that Jim and Elizabeth hung above the old fireplace in that room an engraving commemorating a decisive development in Scottish history. Although these events occurred nearly 300 years earlier, they had such a profound effect and so powerful an influence on Jim McClure's ancestors that they were in large part responsible both for his desire to enter the ministry and his very presence in the United States. The engraving is peopled with figures going about a most serious and, for some, painful ordeal. On the right, men of the nobility arrive on horseback amid aristocrats still wearing their swords and uniforms of command. No one smiles. On the left, a confident and stern-faced minister of the gospel shoves into the scene a small book, perhaps the hated Anglican Book of Common Prayer. The light, the outstretched arms and the faces all focus onto the center of the picture, where a simple country woman sits with an open Bible on her lap. Her face looks off into the distance with an expression of unnamed terror, because she understands better than all of the others that the consequence of this gathering will be war. And war, to the peasant mother, threatens her family most of all, because it brings along not only death, but hunger and disease as well. The year is 1638, and the Scottish Presbyterians are rising to oppose the ill-fated King Charles I and his Archbishop, William Laud. The specific issue is a decree that the Scottish church must use the Anglican prayer book. But the real issue is: who rules Scotland, the English crown or the Scottish Presbyterians? To under1 �We Plow God's Fields "The Covenanters," an engraving hanging over the fireplace of the study at Hickory Nut Gap, Fairview, N.C. Engraved from a painting "By His Most Obedient Servant George Harvey." stand Jim McClure, it is important to know what his ancestors were doing and thinking at this time of crisis. The Scots never developed an institution comparable to the English Parliament. But in order to root out the Roman Catholic Church, John Knox (15051572), leader of the Scottish reformation, had organized his Presbyterians into a powerful political force, one that was astonishingly representative of the different classes of its day. By the time Charles I assumed the throne, he was faced with a church body that wanted to rule Scotland, and he had to find a means to thwart it. The battle over the English prayer book was the loose thread that started to unravel Charles's rule, ending finally with his execution. The picture in the McClure study commemorates the renewal of the Scottish Covenant with God, and it bound each signatory to resist the authority of the Church of England and its royal promoters. English historian G. M. Trevelyan wrote: "The Covenant with God . . . embraced all ranks from the highest to the lowest. In every parish men signed it, weeping and lifting their right hands to heaven. When the Scots display emotion, something real is astir within them."1 The Scottish resistance forced Charles I to call for the election of a Parliament to provide money for an army, setting in motion the famous struggle for power between that body and the English monarchy. When the dust had cleared, neither Oliver Cromwell nor the restored Charles II could abide a Scotland ruled by radical Presbyterians. Life was made increasingly uncomfortable for the �Family Covenanters. Some years earlier King James I, father of the ill-fated Charles, had created a plantation of Scottish settlers in Ulster, Ireland, sowing the dragon's teeth of sectarian hatred amongst the Catholic Irish. Some members of the McClure family left Scotland at this early opportunity, and were well established in Northern Ireland when the screws began to tighten on their Scottish brethren later in the century. A family letter describes the situation: It ^as towards the latter part of the seventeenth century that the Sloans with the McClures and Craigmiles were forced to take refuge in Ireland. As covenanting Presbyterians they were subject to severe persecution, and with their brethren in the faith they sought peace and safety in a land where they could worship God after the dictates of their hearts. Passing over from Craig in Scotland they found a resting place in the province of Ulster where the Presbyterians so largely predominated, settling in the County of Armagh; they there remained surrounded by sympathizing Mends, enjoying the quiet they sought.2 One family story tells of a mother and daughter hiding in a load of hay being shipped across to Ireland. English soldiers sank their bayonets into the hay, but miraculously neither mother nor daughter was discovered, and they arrived safely. Through the fires of such adversity, a strong Presbyterian identity was firmly stamped on the McClure family. At this point in the family history, individual McClure ancestors emerge. Archibald, Jim's great-grandfather, married Elizabeth Craigmiles. Her father, if family traditions are accurate, felt that this McClure boy was too lowly to marry the daughter of a famous military man. James Craigmiles, born Craig, was a member of the family that had emigrated from Scotland with the McClures during the seventeenth century. He had made a name for himself, in the literal sense. At the age of eighteen he enlisted in the British Army, and in 1759 found himself in the New World as a part of the siege of Quebec. In one of the most celebrated military paintings of the period James Craig holds in his arms the brilliant young General Wolfe as death overcomes him on the Plains of Abraham. Wolfe's watch and papers were delivered personally by Craig to the general's family, and for his heroism he was granted property and the suffix "miles" (Latin for soldier) was added to his name.3 With the passing of time, Ireland ceased to be a haven from persecution. It was also a poor land where an ambitious person had little hope of satisfactory fulfillment. Religious questions and questions of national identity were hopelessly tangled, as they are today, and the London government felt forced to limit the rights of citizenship to those people loyal to the Church of England. By law, both Covenanters and Catholics . . . could hold no public office, nor be married by their own ministers, nor bury their dead by their own simple rites, nor build churches, nor buy land, nor employ teachers except those of the Established Faith. Thus deprived by oppressive laws of every position of trust or honor, denied the liberty of �We Plow God's Fields speech, the free exercise of conscience, together with the burdensome restraints of commerce and extortionate rents from their landlords, they began to look toward America as another and a better home.4 The new American republic was attracting settlers who hoped to leave behind both the politics of the Reformation and the poverty of Ireland. In 1801 the McClure family made the decisive break, and Jim McClure's great-grandfather, Archibald McClure, sailed for New York. James Craigmiles and his wife joined their daughter and son-in-law and their children for the voyage to America. Another young couple went with them, for Archibald's brother John had married another of James Craigmiles's daughters, doubly diluting his fine new name with McClure blood. Mary McClure, sister to Archibald and John, was on board as well. She was the crucial link in her two brothers' future, for she had married and moved to America in 1794 and had returned to Ireland to see her family and accompany them across the Atlantic. The whole McClure clan was presided over for the trip by Mr. and Mrs. McClure, Sr., Jim's great-greatgrandparents. They all settled in the primitive manufacturing town of Hamilton Factory near Albany, New York, where Mary's family lived.5 Sailing the Atlantic in 1801 was very risky, especially for the older members of a family group. The boats were cramped and the crossing took many weeks. Tragedy struck the McClure voyage as yellow fever broke out on board, and when they arrived in New York the port authorities refused to allow the passengers to disembark until the disease had run its course. It must have been a dreary wait on the edge of the New World. The older passengers suffered terribly, and when the time came to set foot on American soil, only the old warrior James Craigmiles was alive among the collective parents of Archibald and Elizabeth. But despite the sorrows of death, these two entered the New World that much less encumbered with the ties and responsibilities of their former lives.6 But the doughty old James Craigmiles was apparently enough to deal with, remaining with his two daughters and making a terrible nuisance of himself. The habit of command rarely dies out in an army man, and how tempting it is for the most forbearing of fathers (which the senior Craigmiles was not) to give advice to his own children and sons-in-law. The tensions at home were perhaps exacerbated by the treatment he received out in the streets of the town. A spirit of Jeffersonian egalitariamsm was sweeping the nation in 1801, and the common folk failed regularly to tip their hats to him in passing. Elizabeth and Archibald McClure must have been quite relieved when he decided to sail back to Ireland, complaining all the way of the insolent Americans. By 1808, Elizabeth and Archibald had five children. In 1810, Archibald McClure died of a fever that had swept through the village. At his death, Archibald charged his wife to see that the children "feared God and were obedient."7 The Presbyterian faith remained strong in this family. As each child was ready, the parents made a trek to the town of New Scotland, the nearest �Family Presbyterian Church, in order to have them properly baptized. Religion and education were inseparable in this household. Archibald, Jr. told his own children later how he learned to read the First Psalm by the light of the fireplace as his mother spun yarn on her wheel.8 The widow Elizabeth was an industrious mother, and was able to support her family adequately. "Grandma McClure was a good manager . . . She kept boarders, she made yarn and knit much, she put down pickels [sic] for a family in Albany named Russell. She was especially successful in spinning shoe thread and made . . . from it enough to more than keep her children in shoes. She also made linen thread which was sold in Albany."9 As the children were able, they helped their mother and grew up with the same industrious habits. The eldest son, James, went to Albany to be apprenticed to Mr. Russell, Mrs. McClure's "pickel" fancier. He owned a paint and glass store, and was so impressed with the work of James that when young Archibald was of age, on his fourteenth birthday, he too went to Albany to work for Mr. Russell. Archibald had been a sickly child, and was quite attached to his mother. She found it difficult to tell him straight that he was leaving home for good. She explained that the trip to Albany was to be a special birthday present, a holiday with his brother. She carefully gathered together his clothes and placed diem inconspicuously in the wagon. Elizabeth Craigmiles McClure did her best to give him an ordinary goodbye, but as soon as he was out of sight, she sat down and cried.10 Tradition handed down in the family tells of Archibald sleeping under the counter in Mr. Russell's store, and walking home to see his mother every Sunday, a fourteenmile round trip. Religion and education, as well as a gift for business, were yoked together in the McClure family. Mrs. McClure had certainly stressed these pursuits, and after only two years of Archibald's apprenticeship, Archibald and brother James went into business for themselves. They bought their own drug and paint firm in an Albany buzzing with money and big ideas. The Erie Canal had just been opened, and suddenly the town became the funnel for enormous wealth moving down to New York City. At the same time, young Archibald devoted himself to his own education by attending a Sabbath School his brother James helped to organize. Classes were held in a sawdust-floored carpenter's shop, and were designed to help those who worked the other six days of the week. This Sunday School was quite a controversial idea as many thought it a sacrilege against the sanctity of the Lord's Day. When the school tried to merge with the Second Presbyterian Church the issue almost split the congregation. Archibald himself saved the situation by convincing Mrs. De Witt Clinton, the governor's wife, to send her children to the Sunday School. Archibald McClure felt such gratitude to the school that for the rest of his life he worked to build up its resources and improve its services. He gathered together enough books to make a school library, an expensive aid to education in that era. Many of the poorest boys of Albany learned to read, write and 'cipher' at the Sunday School of the Second Presbyterian Church, hearing as well the gospel of Jesus Christ.11 �We Plow God's Fields Archibald married Susan Tracy Rice on May 22, 1833. She was a woman of such deep-rooted New England ancestry that she could trace five direct ancestors to the Mayflower. Her father had served in the War of 1812, and her mother had been William Cullen Bryant's first teacher. The poet honored her every year with a visit.12 Susan had grown up in Washington, Connecticut, and loved to describe the visit there of the Marquis de Lafayette in 1825. The seven Rice children were perched on the fence along the road, each proudly displaying a new pair of shoes. The great hero spotted them in his parade through town, and made the grand gesture of giving them a personal salute.13 Susan became a teacher like her mother, and went to Albany to accept a school appointment there. No one could have been more attractive to Archibald than a beautiful teacher, and happily his affections were well received by Miss Rice. They spent their honeymoon traveling along the Erie Canal to view the great wonder of New York, Niagara Falls.14 Susan and Archibald McClure raised a family of seven children in a prudent and sober atmosphere. Morning and evening prayers were an unvarying ritual of daily life. No liquor, smoking, card games or dancing were allowed at any time or in any place. Outside the home, the Second Presbyterian Church of Albany was the most important family focal point. With Archibald's business success, the McClure family's social position rose to a level of great influence in Albany. The mahogany dining room table, made for Archibald's family, became a gathering place for ministers, politicians and business leaders. Archibald's success allowed him time to travel as well. He made one trip to the Illinois frontier to investigate a mission society project of his wife's. In 1847 he sailed for Europe, returning to the world his father had left almost a half a century before. On his return voyage, the link to the future of this story was almost broken. A terrible gale blew up. And as the ship began to toss about Archibald became gravely ill. A friend made during the passage, a prosperous New York City merchant named James Gore King, cared for him and nursed him back to full health from a state perilously close to death. Without Mr. King, our narrative would never have been, because it was after Archibald's return that Susan conceived a fifth child. On November 24, 1848, James Gore King McClure, the father of our hero, drew in his first breath and let out his first wail of greeting.15 Religion, education and business continued to blend and support one another in the McClure household, and young "Jamie" absorbed a balance of all three. For him to be a minister of the gospel, however, was the dearest hope of his parents. Archibald had been unable to study for the ministry himself, and looked forward to the pleasure of sending one of his own children into that honored profession, fulfilling a personal dream through one of his offspring. To that end, they dedicated his young life, continually praying that the living God would lead their son into His service.16 After his near death at sea, Ardvbald undoubtedly felt a keen sense of gratitude toward his Creator. In any event, spiritual prompting affected young Jamie quite early. In later life he wrote: �Family Archibald McClure. The following note was written on the back of the portrait by James G. K. McClure, Sr.) "This portrait was painted in 1838 Frederck Fink (?) of Albany, N.Y.—when my father was 32. This was 10 years before I was born. The memory of my father is a constant inspiration to me in every high and holy line. He lived to be 66. His black hair was untinged. It was perfectly black." The first distinctive religious experience that I recall was in 1858—when I was nine years of age. The revival which originated in the Fulton St., New York City prayer meeting in 1857 was a prayer meeting revival . . . The meetings held in Albany were largely attended, were very hushed, had scarcely any exhortation, but had much outpouring of the heart in prayer . . . Moved by the atmosphere of such meetings, I asked a group of boys of my own age to gather in my father's dining room—perhaps ten in all—and have a prayer meeting �We Plow God's Fields Jamie McClure. of our own . . . At that time boys of our age were not allowed to unite with the church—so we were virtually left to ourselves.17 Jamie McClure grew up absorbed in the collected wisdom of his Presbyterian heritage, and with the stature of a taut and wiry athlete. His physical prowess opened up for him the boys' world of baseball, which complemented the heavy doses of ecclesiastical training he received at home and at church. He was a happy and witty child, able to gain the confidence of his peers. His father sent him to preparatory school in Massachusetts and it was there, in the spring of 1866, that he made a firm covenant with God. He once wrote. "It was at Andover that I became a Christian . . . My whole life has been shaped by the decision there made." (James Gore King McClure, Sr. to Marion Cooper, November 15, 1902) During his vacation, he united with the Second Presbyterian Church of Albany. Fortunately three questions were not asked me. One was: "Had I experienced a precious hope?" Another, "Was I distressed for my sins?" the third, "Did I love God?" These were questions often in the air. Now the fact was t h a t . . . I had not experienced anything "precious," I had not been distressed about my sins and I could not claim any such feelings toward God as my love for my mother. All these features were in due time to be the fruit of the Spirit-but I was just planted .. . Indeed I was rather irritated at God because I had felt forced to yield to Him and I initially said, "If you insist upon my being a minister, I will do as you say, but I don't want to ... "18 After his spring vacation, he returned to Andover with the adulation of all of his parents' friends ringing in his ears. Before he knew it, he was in trouble �Family and the headmaster had to suspend him from school for a serious breach of discipline. He had been attending a meeting of a theological society along with a ball-playing schoolmate nicknamed "Tompie." On the way home, a plan arose in some of the boy's minds to "egg" a particularly hated teacher. The final strategy was to: creep up the garden lawn and put the tick-tack9" on the window, pull the string and when old B comes out we will throw our eggs at him and run. This was a turn in affairs for which I was not prepared. But Providence came to my relief. The boy next to me was tossing his egg up in the moonlight (he was a base ball player) when it slipped past his hand and fell upon the ground— whereupon I said to him, "Tompie, you can throw straighter than I can, you take my egg." Pilate like I attempted to evade responsibility for the scheme in which I nevertheless was a participator. The scheme worked well. Old B came to his front door, the eggs showered upon him and we disappeared. The school authorities made a quick bed check, and the principal perpetrators were summoned . . . convicted and . . . suspended. What should the rest of the eleven do? In the spirit o f . . . loyal allegiance we drew up a paper stating that we were equally guilty with the three . . . and presented it to the Principal, who simply said, "You may consider yourselves suspended." Here I was—just having united with the Church—and suspended! What shakings of heads now by the elderly people, instead of pattings on the back— if they could know. We were allowed to remain in Andover -and no word was sent to our homes. After a week of uncertainty we were summoned one by one to the Principal's office and were told that if we apologized in person to Mr. B , we would be restored . . . I had learned the best lesson of my life.19 His deference to Tompie was all the more condemning because Jamie McClure was an outstanding baseball player in his own right. He eventually played on two semi-professional teams in Albany, the National Nine and the Albany Blues. Cousin Archie Bush, while playing for the Blues, is thought to have developed the first "curve throw."20 Jamie went to Yale University in 1866, became the captain of the baseball team, and was third baseman when the team trounced Harvard 38-18.21 Jim McClure, as his friends now called him, realized that baseball added a common touch to his reputation. He credited the sport for much of his success in influencing his classmates at Yale, because it broke down the stuffy image students might have had of the practicing Christian. He was chosen for the most prestigious secret society, Skull and Bones. At graduation, he was awarded the traditional giant wooden spoon as the most beloved man in the class. One professor, the distinguished Dr. Timothy Dwight, could testify to his personal appeal. He said, "I have not the command of *The author was unable to ferret out the exact nature of the 'tick-tack,' but perhaps a more astute reader will understand. ��Family 11 language to describe the position which he held in our class. Someone once divided the class into Lits and Pops. Jim was no mean scholar, attaining a First Dispute stand and enrolled in Phi Beta Kappa, but was pre-eminent in the latter class. No man in the class was more popular."22 And yet, Jim McClure maintained an active ethical vigilance against the moral laxity he saw sweeping the university following the Civil War. Heavy drinking had become a badge of manhood, and with all the fierce determination of his Covenanter ancestors, he fought what began as a one-man battle against the abominations of undergraduate life. He said, "My sense of responsibility led me to fight the drinking customs of the day . . . It was . . . a terrible grief to me to see ... scores upon scores of my classmates drunk. The class ahead of mine was notoriously dissipated. Its leaders tried to influence the sentiment and practices of my class. Quietly but unceasingly I endeavored—in every possible way—to get ahead of those leaders and thwart them—much to their disgust and anger."23 The confrontation on this issue was none too subtle. Some upperclassmen caught Freshman McClure and tried to force him to drink, " . . . but he resolutely kept his lips tightly shut and the whiskey poured over him."24 For four years Jim McClure exercised his sense of responsibility from the elected office of class deacon. That he took his duties seriously is clear by the testimony of a former underclassman: Dr. McClure . . . was perhaps the most prominent senior at Yale when I was a Freshman .. . While I naturally never spoke to him in college, I well remember that he called our class together near the end of freshman year and gave us a little talk urging us not to drink at all during Sophomore year and mentioning that liquor was never served in the successive fraternities of which he had been a member, an argument of much more force than can be imagined by one unfamiliar with the conditions .. . perhaps more than half the class, signed an agreement of compliance and I think observed it.25 Perhaps the life work of young Jim had been preordained by a pact made between his parents and God at his birth, and maybe he was dragged squirming and kicking against his will as he realized the moral force he was able to bring to bear on his contemporaries at Yale. In any event, when his college years were almost finished, he decided to attend Princeton Seminary. In pondering his decision, he credited the little boys' prayer meeting for opening " . . . the soil of the heart to seed thoughts and seed ideals that lay there quietly for ten years or more, and then the sunlight got down to them, and they felt the stirring of their life, and the boy decided to be a minister."26 Opposite: The National Nine, 1865. Players left to right: Lansing, Sprague, Johnson, Server, Waddell, Ross (Capt.) Woolverton, Cantwell, McClure. E.W. Trow, V. Pres; W. Bruce, Jr. Scorer; B.C. Smith, Pres. Published by Churchill andDenison, Photographers, Albany, N.Y. �NatfonoYBittd BaR. clnb of AltHPy, aiid the Riverniont club of this* village, played & match game on the grounds of tho latter club. A large number of spectator were present, among them many ladies, who viewed the content with pleasure and interest. The Nationals are n "crack chib,'* and their playing was very beautiful, and elicited the encoiniums of every beholder. The RivermontB hare been but recently •rganized, and having had but limited fraotiot, were not able to cope with their morlfractieed adversaries, with any hope of success. The Nationals are heavy batten, excellent fielder*, swift runners, and spry and active on the bases. Th|y scoreH fI3 runs to the Rivermonts IS—beating them U8 ran*. We append the set»re As4ow, which will give our readers on insight ler the game s BIVBBKO5T. <X x>nnKerpou, c.. * •pMtjifi __ii1i tf M A 8mith?Lew.sY*4 Rogers, 1st b.. 3 8trong,C.L.2b 3 .Strong, J. 3d b. 4 Smith, L.l.f.. 1 Oqurtney, ^'f*. 4 HATlOlfAt. B, o. o Bprogue,3db.. 6 Bush) e; .--.'•..: -0 1 Ross,r.f 2 2 3 I 2 Lansing, 1st b. 3 2 McClure, 2d b. 3 Brtabcrger, 1. f. 4 1 Johnson,e.-f... 2 « 1 B: 11 15 15 13 10 13 12 12 12 Total :..?7 15 Total....*....'87 113 Innings... 1 ^ 3 4 5 6 f 8 9 Rivermont 0 2 0 5 0 4 0 1 3— 15 National.. Q 32 7 9 23 H 0 J4O»—1KT tjmpiiy ^Plius. Llwyttfifl JJnderciiff Scorers—Me»«r8. Bruce and ScoticW. Fly-catches—Nationall3; Rirermont?. Time of game—3 hours and 10 minutes. At the conclusion of the gfttrto, whieh ended shortly after 6 o'clock, the clubs, with a few invited guests, repaired to Wood's Hotel, where about 8 o'clock, the company sat down to an excellent supper, provided by the Riveruiont club, for their guests Vigorous appetites appeared to result from the exercise taken, and. amid the clatter of knive»and forks, tho monster Rtmger ;was obliged to succumb. At the close of the repast, several brief speeches were made, and a number of songs given^ *U of which tended to strengthen the bands of friendship, so pleasantly begun. The Nationals are a body of gcntieafen, whose Courteous demeanor, pleasant manners, and smiling, frank oountcmuuM*, won tocwteem and respeot of rill. We wish them that racccm In their present tour, which their merits as ball players and gentlemen en* title them to. Tuesday morning they played with the Lorillard t-lnb of Rbiuebeck, beatiug them, wo believe, W runs. Weduenday they worti to piny at CUtld Spring, witli thb Undercliff!-*; Tburbday at MorrisaQiii, with the Unions; aai rri4»T 4t Bn>eklyn, with Ifcjj g^c �Family 13 If Yale had been the scene of his moral battles, Princeton Seminary would be the seat of his intellectual struggles. He later admitted that for his Yale years "I scarcely recall the actual material of any book in any department of my four years—though I had the supposedly best books of the day and had teachers of wide reputation."27 At seminary, he reined in his active social life in order to make up for lost time, and was able to master Hebrew and Greek and the philosophies of the day. Princeton Seminary in the early 1870s was being pulled back and forth by conflicting theological voices, but Jim McClure refrained from controversy, preferring to master the knowledge at hand in order to prepare himself for a life of service to whatever community the Lord entrusted to him.28 While he was in seminary, his father Archibald died of pneumonia. He never forgot how his father's influence had led him into the ministry. At the ordination of his own son, he reminded him: "At the time of the death of your grandfather, my father, two papers inscribed in his own handwriting were found in his private desk. One read, 'It is impossible to estimate the power of a completely consecrated life;' the other read, 'I have no greater joy than to know my children walk in TRUTH.' These two sentiments . . . speak of the religious earnestness of your ancestry."29 Archibald McClure had taught his Sunday School class for forty years, bringing 111 new Christians into the church. The power of his consecrated life had its background in the Scotch-Irish ancestors who had suffered so much for their beliefs, and his example would inspire his descendants to do mighty works in their respective generations. But mighty works begin one day at a time, and the Reverend James McClure left the heady atmosphere of academia for a small rural community of Christian souls in need of pastoral care and simple teaching. In 1874, the Presbyterian Church of New Scotland, New York, called the young graduate, and he accepted their offer.30 Years before, Jim's immigrant grandmother had carried his father to the nearest Presbyterian congregation to be baptized, in this very same church. The new shepherd of the flock became a beloved member of the community, known to all by the endearment "Dominie," the Scottish and Dutch term for minister. On at least one occasion, though, his youthful instincts betrayed his sense of pastoral duty. In a book of stories written for his grandchildren, he recounted the time that some of the young men of the congregation challenged him to a race. The winter snows were deep, and the evening service had just ended. The Dominie sped away in his sleigh, tearing along the country roads—to victory. Only then did he remember his promise to drive an older lady, one of the pillars of the church, home. She had remained forgotten on the church steps, wrapped in blankets, anticipating her drive in the young minister's sleigh.31 Despite such setbacks, the New Scotland Presbyterians hung onto their bachelor minister for five years. On November 19, 1879, he left his post to marry Phebe Ann Dixon, whom he had met just before accepting his first Opposite: Box score & story—National vs. Rivermont �14 We Plow God's Fields Kev. Jam** o. 1£. atcOiure Hid* Farewell to New Scotl&ud. Never in the events of the past hata scene been witnessed in New Scotland to compare with t on the evening of Sunday, October 5th, at the Presbyterian Church, Our dear pastor, Rev. O. K. McClure, was to apeak his farewell woro>. Soon after five o'clock carriages began entering the churchyard, and from that time on the crowd came pouring in. At a little past six o'clock the church was Ailed to overflowing. The aisles were packed) standing room could not be found in the vestibules, and enough were left outside to nearly fill the church were it empty. Every window was raised, and the window sills filled with people, much to the discomfiture of those who were crowding up to the windows from the outside. One had only to glance at the assembled throng, and the involuntary expression would be; "Behold, how they loved him." Newspaper clipping: Rev. James G.K. McClure Bids Farewell to New Scotland. position in the ministry. He met her at his sister Grace's marriage to her brother, Nathan F. Dixon. Their father was Rhode Island's Congressman. Phebe Ann Dixon was a gentle, sensible person who never appeared agitated or ruffled no matter what the circumstances. She had been born to privilege. Living with her parents in Washington, and studying in New York, she remembered shaking hands with President Abraham Lincoln at a White House reception. Her grandfather had been a U. S. Senator during the Jacksonian era. Later her brother, Grace McClure's husband, would become a Senator as well.32 In 1840, her grandfather wrote a prescription for greatness, while observing his colleagues in Congress: Since I have been here I have been more thoroughly than I ever was before convinced of what it is that makes great men. It is hard study—and intense application. The lawyers and members of Congress here work like slaves and no man at the present day can be favorably distinguished without i t . . . John Q. Adams is up every morning at four o'clock—takes his walk—and then down to his work—he studies more than twelve hours every day of his life . . . any man of ordinary capacity can be great who will adopt that course of industry.33 Phebe Ann's own father was described as "... remarkably endeared to all ... people, old and young, far and near, on account of his ease of manners, geniality of spirit and large generosity. He had the characteristic traits of the Dixons largely developed, namely, benevolence, hospitality, frankness and good fellowship."34 Phebe Ann moved easily from the political realm to her life as a minister's wife. She was quite accustomed to a home always open to visitors, �Family 15 +Atttt*.? At tt*rtfMeiM* of the Hon. Nathan F.Dix-«, •ttbe bout of four, Wednetday afternoon, bia Hits Annie P., WM joined to w4tti Kev J*Mtf1». K. MoClore, BOO UU Archibald McOtor*, of Albany. in» tHdegrootm b$tog tbe brother of Mrav Kathen F. Dixon, Jr. A TOT distingaishfd and brilliant party was pretent Oat tonr prior to the servicef, carriage after carriage rolled up the hill, while al 2:55 P. M.. • special train from Stoning, ton arrived, acd on the arrival«( the & 15 express from Froridenoe, many iadiea and gentlemen aUo arrived, ftoe bride was attireJ in a dress combination of while silk anftsatinf and in foil drefi rtyle. Her ornameoU w«ra rlsh and brilliant There were no brideamaide. Keetrt. E. Pnelpe Hnbtord and Q. P. Dixon, Jr., meted at ashen. Bev. Mr.fiLarria,of the Central Congregational Cfiurcb, of Proridenoe, offldated. [mmediately after the ceremony and the congratulation* of friend*, the Invited gueefc went cot to a enroptuoni collation. Toe hrlde'i pretentt were almoat endlete in num&er and uoeorparatd in eieganoe. The bridal party leave on the aiz o'clock expreae, to be atwent a few day*, when tbey return to pats Thankagifiog at home, and will sail for Europe on the 3d of Deer mber, in the Ounard iteamer Scytbia,—[Praridmcc 'Journal, Newspaper announcement of the McClure-Dixon wedding. and felt comfortable discussing topics of intellectual breadth. She understood how much the ambience of one's home contributed to an effective ministry. The union of the politician's daughter and the young minister was the talk of Westerly, Rhode Island, as the two clans gathered a second time for a marriage ceremony. A family story illustrates at least one conflicting tendency between the Dixons and the McClures. One of the McClures, less preoccupied than the others, noticed that many of Mr. Dixon's Washington friends made frequent visits to the private study. Pursuing the matter further, he discovered the dispensary of the young Reverend's most hated substance. "Mr. Dixon wanted neither to upset his ... in-laws nor to let his old friends go dry. He was a politic man!"35 The honeymoon was to Europe and the Holy Land, a time for the two young people to soak up the sights and sounds of the Old World, while being able as well to devote themselves to each other. With a characteristic sense of the past, James took his bride to County Armagh, Ireland, in search of living evidence of his family's Covenanter past.36 The marriage of these two people was a great union whose fruits would be a sense of purpose and great happiness. When James McClure was asked years later whether he might live his life over �16 We Plow God's Fields Correspondence of the Mew York Obwrrer. AMERICA ABROAD. BT BET. JAMI8 O. K. IfC CLUBB. To cross tbe Atlantic aud leave America entirely behind is to-day an impossibility. The traveller wbo sails away from his native shores with any such expectation has surprises in store for him at every point of his foreigu tour. His heartbeats lightly as he puts foot for the first time on European soil, and his eye brightens as he thiuks that all that | ha is now to sep will be uew and strange.*} Scarcely has he reached hia hotel at Liverpool before he opens his wiudow to look out upon the street life of England's L second commercial city. Right before' him in this laud which has sung the merits of its roast beef for centuries he sees a huge sign bearing tbe words, " American Beef," and he is forcibly remiuded of the statement he has often j heard, but never appreciated until now, |thut our Western cattle supply England's I tables with their choicest joiuts. "America A Broad." again, he replied that he would rather not, because "Suppose that somebody should get ahead of me and many my wife!"37 The newlyweds went west, to Illinois. The Reverend James McClure accepted a call from the Lake Forest Presbyterian Church. What had been a frontier when visited by his father was now, one generation later, a thickly settled and thriving state, with prosperous farms and a growing meat-packing industry. The city of Chicago was rapidly expanding, with its superb location as the hub of rail and inland water transportation. These two dedicated Christians stepped into the midst of a world of growing wealth (and materialism), and here they would raise their family and live out their ideals. Lake Forest, Illinois, twenty-eight miles north of Chicago, had been founded by Presbyterians as a suburban experiment, on 2300 acres along high bluffs above Lake Michigan. The founders hoped to build a community where they could bring up children in a Christian atmosphere, uncorrupted by die evils of the city. Lake Forest College was established in the center of town to encourage faithful Presbyterian scholars. The Reverend James McClure accepted the �Family 17 call of the one church in this community. For more than twenty years he handled each controversy with such delicacy, and maintained such a broad-minded, ecumenical spirit, that when he left there was still just one church, despite the rapid growth of the community. And it was not as though the sheep of his flock were mild-mannered and deferential. Some of the most powerful captains of industry moved to Lake Forest: the Farwells, the Armours, the Swifts and the McCormicks were only a few. Mansions were constructed, many to be used only in the summer. A swirling social scene came to life. And yet, amidst all the money and mansions, there was not a more respected and beloved man in the community than James G. K. McClure, nor a more cordial hostess than his wife, Phebe Ann. The charm, intelligence and integrity of these two influenced an entire town. James McClure was not afraid to stand up as he had done at Yale against the most powerful of men and demand excellence and virtue in Lake Forest. He took the leadership in routing the liquor interests. He could upbraid a church member, but most of all he was a sympathetic and understanding counsellor and Mend. Perhaps his greatest contribution was issuing a call to manly Christian living and to "high ideals of daring" to young people growing up in the midst of wealth and culture. James Gore King McClure, Jr. was born three years after his parents were called to Lake Forest. He shared with his sister Annie and three more children who were born later a great heritage reaching back to Scotland, Ulster, the Mayflower, New England and Albany. Religion had always been, for the McClures, the interpreter of life, and the boy would be taught about his family in that light. The great battle of each generation was a spiritual one. He was told of the Covenanters, the escape from Scotland, persecution in Ireland, the hardships of immigration to America, the Pilgrims' voyage, the struggles of his great grandmother McClure in Hamilton Factory, raising her five children to know the truth in spite of poverty, and of her son's devotion to his Sunday School. By adhering to the enduring principles of Christianity one could replenish and build up the spiritual stores on earth, and perhaps take a place among the family heroes. He learned the importance of developing a Christian character. The power and influence a family can have over its members can be overrated, but in the case of the McClures, how can that be? They have been ardent Presbyterians as far back as the historian can see, and right up to the present generation. There has been faltering along the way, but those members who have remained faithful to the ancient Christian ideals have lived extraordinary lives. 1. G.M. Trevelyan, History of England, Vol. H, 'The Tudors and the Stuart Era," (Garden City, N.Y.:1953), p. 177. (originally published in 1929) 2. Elspeth McClure, "The McClures," unpublished paper, no date, p. 3. The letter quoted was from Mrs. John McClure to Grace Griswold, March 26, 1900. �18 We Plow God's Fields 3. Ibid., p. 6. Also found in Archibald McClure and Elizabeth Craigmiles, his wife (private publication, 1938), p. 3-4. 4. James Alexander McClure, The McClure Family (Petersburg, Virginia: Frank A. Owens, 1914), p. 15. 5. Elspeth McClure, "The McClures," p. 7. 6. Op. cit., Archibald McClure and Elizabeth Craigmiles, p. 4. 7. Op. cit., Elspeth McClure, "The McClures," p. 11-13. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid. Cited from William M. Clemens, The McClure Family Records (New York: W.E. Clemens, 1914), p. 3. 10. Op. cit., Elspeth McClure, "The McClures," p. 14. 11. Ibid., p. 19-20. 12. Ibid., p. 24. Also mentioned in James Gore King McClure (Chicago: Lakeside Press, 1932), p. 27. 13. Christmas letter prepared by Katherine McDowell Rice, date unknown. 14. Op. cit., Elspeth McClure, "The McClures," p. 25. 15. Ibid., p. 30-33. 16. Op. cit., James Gore King McClure, p. 25-26. 17. James G. K. McClure, Sr., "Would I Do It Again?" Cleric, March 8, 1930. 18. Ibid., p. 4-5. 19. Ibid., p. 5-7. 20. Op. cit., Elspeth McClure, "The McClures," p. 45. 21. Op. cit., James Gore King McClure, p. 29. 22. Ibid., p. 31. 23. Op. cit., James G. K. McClure, Sr., "Would I Do It Again?" p. 10-11. 24. Op. cit., James Gore King McClure, p. 31. 25. Op. cit., Elspeth McClure, "The McClures," p. 46. 26. Ibid., p. 47. Taken from a piece written by James G. K. McClure, Sr., "The Autobiography of a Dining Table," Unpublished, p.9. 27. Op. cit., James G. K. McClure, Sr. "Would I Do It Again?" p. 9. 28. Op. cit., Elspeth McClure, "The McClures," p. 47. 29. James G. K. McClure, Sr., address given to his son James G. K. McClure, Jr. at the time of his ordination. 30. Op. cit., Elspeth McClure, "The McClures," p. 48. 31. James G. K. McClure, Sr., Grandfather Tells Some More Stories, from "The Horse That Won the Race," (Chicago: The Lakeside Press), p. 1-9. 32. Op. cit., Elspeth McClure, "The McClures," p. 51. 33. Senator Nathan F. Dixon, in a letter to Nathan F. Dixon, Jr. June 18, 1840. Found in a notebook of James G. K. McClure, Jr. dated November 1, 1910, p.61. 34. Op. cit., Elspeth McClure, "The McClures," p. 52. Originally from In Memoriam: Nathan Fellows Dixon (Rhode Island; private publication, c. 1881), p. 15. First published in the Providence (R.I.) Press, April 12, 1881. 35. Ibid. 36. Ibid., p. 53. �Chapter 2 Lake Forest The man or woman brought up in ... a home [of] self-sacrifice, trust and love . . . cannot help believing in mankind. He may be disappointed again and again but he knows that these qualities are real . . . (James G. K. McClure, Jr., Iron River sermon, "The Family and the Home") As I lay in my bed at night—[a] candle from mother's & father's room lighting [the] rafters—I w[ou]ld hear Father night after night pray, kneeling by Mother—"Oh God Bless these boys." (James G. K. McClure, Jr., in his Santa Barbara notebook) Owners of country estates in Lake Forest spent Christmas much as the great land owners of England spend theirs each year, with family and friends and retainers about them. The arrival of snow on Friday night made the country more alluring than ever and a joy to the lover of outdoor sports. (A newspaper clipping stuck in Jim McClure's Santa Barbara notebook) Lake Forest, Illinois, remains a quintessential American suburban town. The grass is greener, well-nourished, properly (and regularly) clipped. Driving through the streets of Lake Forest, one senses that here is a community of people who have won a great victory over chaos and disorder. Peeling paint, dirty children, weeds and broken-down cars seem to have been zoned beyond the town limits. Beautiful homes present the unmistakable appearance of confident success. The business world lies down the train tracks in another realm altogether: Chicago. The view from the commuter train window as it approaches the city speaks of the daily litany of social and political evils that churn constantly there. By contrast, Lake Forest appears safe, tranquil and comfortable. Lake Forest occupies a two and a half mile bluff along Lake Michigan. The appearance of order has been imposed on an undulating terrain by skillful planners and architects. Deep ravines lie behind fine houses, allowing Lake Forest to retain most of its natural splendor. These ravines are a wonderful haven for children, who seem to prefer the disorder of the natural world to the order of their own lawns. The great lake is nearby, with all of its moods from calm to rage. The Lake Forest of today is the creation of well-organized and powerful people who have worked hard through civic clubs and local political offices to build up their town. In 1856, a group from Chicago left the city by rail to picnic along the high bluffs of Lake Michigan. The train dropped them off in a wilder19 �20 We Plow God's Fields ness accessible only by an old ox cart that wound around the ravines to a clearing in the woods. That clearing was the first improvement made by the Lake Forest Association. These men and women were interested in a project: to build a Presbyterian Seminary for the Northwest territories. Ironically, the project was spurred on by the promise of $40,000 from a Cincinnati brewery owner. When the money failed to materialize, the moral overtones of depending on such ill-gotten profits were not lost on those promoting the project.1 In fits and starts, lots were sold and resold, homes and schools were built, and the church became the focal point of the town. When James and Phebe Ann McClure moved to Lake Forest in 1881, the local economy was just sputtering along. Town real estate was moving slowly, and the old church, as the Dominie remembered, " . . . was not at all presentable. All along its side walls might be seen the impression made upon the paper by the heads that had leaned against it. ... Its furnaces . . . heated the head but left the feet well nigh frozen . . .; many times I have kept my overcoat on until I stood up to preach."2 A member of the Lake Forest ministerial search committee first remembered the name of James McClure in connection with the Yale baseball team, and that set into motion the train of events that brought him from the East. A group went to Albany to hear him preach, and he was subsequently invited to Lake Forest as a candidate. On his third Sunday, a member of the congregation gave him the first indication of his acceptance. ". . . Mr. Sylvester Lind, the Scotchman, perennial Mayor and general head of Lake Forest, met me in the aisle and said, 'And have you a lady?' 'Yes,' I said, 'I am a married man.' 'Well,' he continued, 'you may go your way back and get your lady, for I think we'll take you.'3 The Reverend McClure and his lady arrived in Lake Forest on September 16, 1881, during a torrential rain storm, and he later admitted, "We both were self-distrustful."4 He was to be the pastor of the Lake Forest Presbyterian Church for twenty-four years. He knew the hidden difficulties of many of the residents, and with his quiet charm and strong leadership he set a moral tone that earned him enormous respect. As he saw it, that respect enabled him to move people towards Christian perfection, and to influence the entire life of the community. His wife, known to her friends as Annie, fulfilled her variety of roles with the same evidence and appreciation of God's grace as her husband. The work of a minister's wife is difficult. Mother and housekeeper, paragon of virtue in the community, and entertainer of an endless stream of guests are all duties of the post. Her husband's time is the property of the community, and his working hours are irregular. She is expected to be a leader in the church, and most every other civic organization. Annie Dixon McClure's capacity for work and her ease with people served her well in Lake Forest, and as the children began to come, served them well also. On October 28, 1884, James Gore King McClure, Jr. was born into this place and this family. He was the second child, having left the chore of breaking �Lake Forest 21 lahe Jforest iJnsbgiman C|mt| PRAYER MEETING TOPICS Jan,, Feb., Mar,, 1882, Wednesdays (excepting Jan. 26th) at 7% p. M. JAN. 11,—-THE SPIRITUAL IJFE A CONFLICT. "We wrestle against spiritual wickedness." JAN 18.—MAINTAINING OUB GBOUND. "Stand therefore." JAN. 26.—TBUTH THE FIBST BEQUISITK TO VICTOBIT. "The girdle of truth." Day of Prayer for Colleges. FEB. l.—RIGHTEOUSNESS AN UNASSAILABLE DEFENCE. "The breast-plate Of righteousness." FEB. 8.—READINESS Tp OBEY ALL DIVINE INSTRUCTIONS. "The sandals of preparation." FEB. 16.—TBUST IN GOD DISARMS TEMPTATION. "The shield of faith." FEB. 22.—GOSPEL HOPE THE SAFE-GUABD FOB THE INTELLECT. "The helmet of salvation." MAB. 1.—GOD'S WOBD THE WEAPON OP THE CONQUEBOB. "The sword of the Spirit." MAB. 8.-^-PBAYEB A CONSTANT NECESSITY TO VICTOBY. "Praying always." MAB. 15.—VlGHLANCE ESSENTIAL TO VICTOBIOUS PBAYEB. "Watching thereunto with all perseverance." MAB. 22.—CONSIDEBATION OF OTHEBS A MEANS OF SAFETY. "Supplication for all saints." MAB. 29.—BESUI/T OF SUCCESSFUL SPIBITUAL CONFLICT. "Strong in tneLord." "Prayer meeting topics" from the Lake Forest Presbyterian Church, 1882. in his parents to the vicissitudes of child-rearing to his older sister Annie. Not yet six months, on April 19, 1885, baby Jamie was baptized in the Lake Forest Presbyterian Church, the duties being performed by a minister who served in Canton, China.5 The town of Lake Forest grew up around little Jamie McClure. When his father first came the streets were unpaved, the fire department was unorganized, and there was only a small shopping district of five stores. By the time Jamie graduated from Yale, there were six times as many stores, city water and sewerage, and an excellent rail service to Chicago.6 All of these accomplishments meant innumerable meetings of committees, and Dr. McClure was always sought out as a key figure in any undertaking. He first proved his determination when he made a great push to have a new church built. Mr. C. B. Farwell was perhaps the wealthiest man in his congregation, and when the drive to raise money for the new church building was under way, Mr. Farwell sent a note to his minister saying he was not giving a cent as he wanted ��Lake Forest 23 to support the University exclusively. Jamie Jr. later wrote in one of his notebooks, with obvious admiration: Father walked down the next Sunday before church and said, "Mr. Farwell I received your letter. Here it is. I want you to take it and tear it up." "Tear it up," answered C. B. "I never had a man talk to me like that." "Yes, I want you to tear it up" said Father—and he tore it up and later gave largely to the Church. Had he not torn up the letter and had he thought that Father had shown it to anyone that Mr. Farwell was on record so positively, he would have stood his ground for aye.7 In 1887, when Jamie was two and a half years old, the family moved to the Manse that was built along with the new church. The little boy was now firmly located for his childhood. Later on, when his father became president of McCormick Seminary, the congregation presented the Manse as a gift to the McClures, in order to keep them as a Christian influence in Lake Forest. After this extraordinary gesture of generosity, the McClures named the house "Gien Hame," Scottish for "given home." As well as holding firmly to their religious principles and remaining dedicated to education, the best of the McClures have also been effective businessmen. When Lake Forest University found itself in debt, the Board of Trustees called on Dr. McClure to become its temporary president. He promptly raised the money, and then returned full time to his church. In 1897 he was again installed as the president, remaining in office for the next four years. He not only wiped out the deficit, but also successfully followed through on a major building program.8 All of the talk and stories of these projects surrounded young Jamie as he grew up, and as later events bear out, the son learned well. The McClures made no pretense of their faith at home. There were five McClure children in all: Annie; Jim, Jr.; Harriet; Arch; and Nathan. They were surrounded by Christian teachings and habits, and were involved in church duties and the entertainment of numerous guests. Religion was a way of organizing life into a daily rhythm. Every morning in the Manse, family prayers were held and great petitions offered for those in the community in which we lived and for God's children everywhere, so that each child of the Manse felt an intimate relationship to the events of the day in households of joy and sorrow, in world conditions. Every Sunday afternoon at five o'clock Mother gathered the children about her for prayer. First she offered prayer asking God's blessing on Father, his work, the people of Lake Forest, and then praying for the missionaries in the home and foreign lands. In turn each child, according to age, followed with his petitions, so that.. . [Jamie] from his earliest days, could speak to God in the presence of others, and from his childhood days felt a deep interest in the people of every land and nation.9 Opposite, left: James G. K. McClure, Jr. Opposite, right: Annie and Jamie McClure. �24 We Plow God's Fields Religion in the McClure home was a serious matter, where principles of character in the conduct of one's affairs were continually discussed and emphasized. Correct behavior first, then self-sacrifice, were held up as the marks of a Christian. But the Reverend and his wife were not harsh parents; self-sacrifice was not taught as a form of flagellation. To give oneself freely to help others was simply the law of grace handed down by the Heavenly Father, who gave his Son as a sacrifice to an undeserving humanity. By acting on earth as an agent of grace, one comes naturally under the spiritual care of the Deity, and as such one receives incomparable spiritual blessings. The real battle in life was an unseen one, within the hearts of men, fighting against selfish tendencies in hopes of spiritual regeneration. These teachings were an integral part of the heritage of each child in the McClure family. The daily duties of the home fell on Mrs. McClure. She was no less a Christian than her husband, and because his time was so filled with duties, it was her influence in the early years that nurtured the children. From a pamphlet written about her, perhaps written by her husband, one learns that: She held stoutly to her [Christian] convictions but with persuasive gentleness. In her loyalty to high standards she made others aspire to them. She held an imperturbable mental serenity which was without coldness or aloofness. Although she herself was consistently efficient she was patient of the interruptions of others . . . she exercised tact without compromise and a diplomacy which sprung from a genuine interest in people. Her selfless, creative interest in other people characterized her in every waking hour.... With all her public responsibilities she still found time to foster for her own family an ideal Christian upbringing. She instinctively used methods of child training that many another mother struggles to learn from a book. Her techniques of Christian education were in practice what so much present-day religious training is in theory.10 Years later, she wrote her oldest son a compassionate note of support when he left home, revealing her tenderness and affection for her children: My beloved son, While you and Nathan are playing ball, I am writing a line which will, I hope, reach you on the steamer as you are starting. I have dreaded your going, for the joy of your presence with us again in the home, taking your place in the family life has been so great—that I have not known how I could get on without you. Today, that day of your acceptance God had filled my heart with more appreciation of the privilege for you of this year abroad and I shall try to feel glad that you are to go. You have been a great blessing to us all this year and a half, and I am sure that we are all the better, and stronger for your home coming. My thoughts and prayers will be daily with you . .. [You] may think of me as knitting early and late to get another necktie ready to send . . . I will also "en aliens" (I do not dare promise more definitely) encourage the family in literary pursuits. . . . �Harriet McClure and her mother, Annie Dixon McClure. �26 We Plow God's Fields Your devoted Mother, Annie D. McClure (Phebe Ann Dixon McClure to James G. K. McClure, Jr., April 29, 1909) In the church, she made use of her natural talents as a mother to care for other children along with her own. She knew each by name, and taught them in Sunday School. At home, the Manse was open to all, without a tinge of reservation. And people came. Missionaries, visiting intellects, university students, members of the congregation and later any and all connected with McCormick Seminary. The table around which those varied people gathered came from the McClure house in Albany, where it had been used for the same hospitable purposes. Christmas often meant a sit down meal for thirty-three,11 and for Thanksgiving: At dinner we had four students—later in the afternoon . . . fifty students and members of the Faculty families dropped in upon us for a cup of tea, for singing and for games. I am sure you will appreciate my statement that Mother, Annie and Harriet were quite wonderful in their ability at such a time. Everything moved off yesterday without the least suggestion of difficulty, and all the guests were happy. (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., November 26, 1909) There is evidence of at least one quiet Sunday in the life of this family: We had an almost undisturbed Sunday. We read, sang, attended services, listened to Annie's paper on the Passion Play, talked and went to bed. Perhaps it is selfish—but I trust not, to spend a day in this way. Our thoughts were on high themes, we were happy and we came to the opening of the week refreshed in heart as well as body. (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 27, 1910) While in Lake Forest, on many Sundays Dr. McClure spent the time between services making calls on members of the congregation. In his twenty-four years, the Dominie made 19,211 such visits (as he meticulously recorded), and one can only marvel at the amount of coffee and tea he must have consumed! He loved to take young Jamie along with him, both as a chance for father and son to be together, and as a way to soften the entrance into a parishioner's home. When he was old enough, Jamie would hitch up his Welsh pony Erma and drive his father in the buggy. The son could observe how his father, with a kindly smile and a remembered shred of information, would break down the barriers that separate people. To be able to make people laugh and feel at ease is a great gift, and it was perhaps on these visits that the young man learned these skills from his father. Humor was a means by which Reverend McClure could enter a home and relieve fears enough so he could really comfort or advise the people in his care. The son would later employ the same skills. Jamie's first agricultural venture is revealed in a notebook he kept when �Lake Forest 27 Note home from school, 1892. he was eleven and twelve. He recorded an expense of $1.30 "For grit and powder, 50c for chicken feed and 15c for a poultry almanac." Maybe the business was in its early stages, but the only income evident is a mere ten cents for eggs sold. Much more profitable was his delivery enterprise. He charged fifteen cents an hour, and cleared almost $2.00 in July, not including the nickel he found. Golf was a large drain on his finances, especially when it cost him $1.25 to repair his broken driver. He did earn thirty-five cents for "cadying," but his golf bill ate that up. A nickel for "cracker jack," a penny for gum were his only apparent splurges, while a dime went to Sunday School and $1.42 for Christmas presents. The next year tennis balls show up as an expense, and the chickens had become a luxurious hobby: "exhibition coop, $1.50." The missionaries garnered a mere seven cents, which still might be respectable considering a twelve-year-old's sense of priorities. A recurring expense was his subscription to "Steady Streams," which was not a fishing magazine but a children's missionary society organized within the church, in which Mrs. McClure was quite active. It provides a good example of how church life affected the views of its young people. The unrealized possibilities of the Sunday School was a thought constantly on the mind of the mature Jim McClure. During the Second World War, he proposed that the churches of America train their young people to go into the world in a Peace Corps-like venture. He reasoned that if Hitler could motivate his people for evil, why couldn't the church motivate theirs for good? His grandfather Archibald, who taught Sunday School for forty years (and was never once late!) had clearly made his mark on his descendants. Young Jamie joined Steady Streams at birth. The Victorian era was a great one for societies and clubs, and was also a period of intense missionary effort. What could be more natural than a club to develop in young people an appreciation for foreign lands and the work the church was doing there? Steady Streams also worked to �28 We Plow God's Fields inculcate the habit of Christian giving, and the song sung at every meeting was none too subtle on this point. Give, said the little stream Give, O give, give, O give! Give said the little stream As it hurried down the hill. I am small I know but wherever I go Give, O give, give, O give I am small I know but wherever I go, The fields grow greener still.12 At the April 1897 meeting, the subject was India, and the children were to describe an imaginary journey there. "Jamie McClure told of the trip to Benares, the holy city of India, and of the pilgrims they met there."13 In time the boy would actually visit this city, and throughout his theological training he fully expected to enter the mission field. The spirit of Steady Streams was a vibrant reflection of the times, and that spirit made its mark on Jim. An old pamphlet from Steady Streams concludes with this version of a Mother Goose rhyme: Little Jack Horner Sat in a corner Eating a Christmas pie, While out in the cold, With hunger untold, He heard another boy cry.14 But Jamie McClure was a normal boy, and he did not spend all that much time worrying about the hungry people of the world. There were his hens, and his friends. And of course there was school, in his case the Lake Forest Academy. This letter to his mother, who was visiting her family in Westerly, Rhode Island, reflects his interests. "I hope you are safely at Grandmas . . . I got a ninety five in my Algebra . . . Yesterday I got three eggs and day before I got two . . . 1 gave Papa a dozen eggs last night and he paid me ... We are having pretty good meals and Annie is very good to me. We miss you very much but under Annie's care we get along beautifully without you." A postscript from Annie, very suspicious of her brother's charm, is included. "I think Jamie must have added this last thinking I was to see the letter and that must be the reason for these compliments . . . " (James O.K. McClure, Jr., to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, February 12, 1897) Three days later he wrote again to his mother. "Jamie Fales sent for some white fantail pigeons and two pair came today . . . I have been over at Judy's all the afternoon . . . shooting paper wads . . . Tell Uncle Nathan that my Wyandottes are laying a great deal better than the Leghorns . . . Tonight Mrs. Holt sent over some ice cream . . . " (James O.K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, February 15, 1897) �Lake Forest 29 Xafce Jorest Report For Year 1897-1898. FIRST FORM. Beginning Latin . . English Algebra U. S. History English History. . . SECOND FORM. Caesar Latin Prose Beginning Greek. . English Algebra Zoology Ancient History. . THIRD FORfl. ^ ty £ 5 y... •? F Cicero Anabasis* f? ^ ^ German French ™ • ..£?. 9+w * Greek Prose £ FOURTH FORM. Virgil.. > L fr Iliad English German French. r^dui^W ^4*^ r, Above 90, E for Excellent: from 80 to 90, G for Good : from 75 to 80, F for Fair : below 75, P for Poor. 75 is passing mark. ..Head Master. Report card, 1897-1898. He may have learned to shoot wads at the Academy, because he gained a strong reputation there as a prankster. Years later he ran into two young men in Berlin, and wrote home t h a t " . . . the strange looking one asked me if by any chance I ... was the Jimmie McClure who used to disturb things at the Academy . . . " (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to his family, November 9, 1909). Under his picture in the Academy annual are the words: "James G. K. McClure, Jr. �30 We Plow God's Fields has practiced his innocent little pranks upon the inhabitants of Lake Forest for fifteen years. He ... is the youngest graduate of the Academy."15 He was in fact three or four years younger than most of the other seniors. Jamie McClure possessed an excellent mind and was a precocious student. His home life provided an extraordinarily rich blend of ideas and discussion, and his parents took a strong interest in their children's education. Jamie excelled in mathematics, but mastered the entire secondary school curriculum with only one mark below 80 percent. A good dose of Greek and Latin were considered excellent remedies for ignorance in that day. Jamie mastered, or in any event completed, translations of Caesar, Cicero, Anabasis, Virgil, Xenophon and Homer, all before he was sixteen. He commented, "Every morning at 9:45 o'clock we have to go to Little Bill's room to study Algebra. He said that he would give the best ones a little extra work: so this morning I started to work my examples for tomorrow and I did them pretty quickly, so he gave me another book to work the examples out of. They were awftilly hard but I got ten" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, February 15, 1897). Jamie grew up breathing an intellectual air that promoted science as the means to solving problems, and this faith remained with him always. In his youth, he would take great pains to describe events with such precision that their meaning was often lost in the detail. At his graduation ceremony, the commencement address of one John Harlow of Chicago made a lasting impression on him. At best, his memory of the speech made it sound hackneyed and predictable, but it expressed heroism and a life of purpose. To a precocious fifteen-year-old, that was enough. He reported: "John Harlow . . . told us that as we got on in life we must every so often go to the looking glass and face the man we saw there and ask him what he was doing with his life—whether he could respect himself, whether he was making any contribution to the rest of the world, whether he was helping the world; whether he was doing his part or whether he was wasting his life."16 These words stuck with him, and there were to be periods of his life when facing that mirror was very painful. But always, he could count on the support and encouragement of his family. Reverend and Mrs. McClure worked at their family life, made it the first priority of their marriage, and were rewarded with devoted children. And they in turn remained loyal to one another. The oldest, Annie, eventually married Dumont Clarke, a minister. He and Jim became great friends, and in time both would move to North Carolina to share in the work of the Farmers Federation. Jim's younger sister Hetty, or Harriet, had an exuberant personality that matched his. Whether in serious matters or in family pranks, these two siblings remained close. Archibald or Arch followed Jim to Yale and through divinity school, and always saw his older brother as a source of wisdom and honest advice. The two older boys corresponded often, debating weighty theological and philosophical issues of the day. In fact the entire family was quite comfort- �Lake Forest 31 Seated, left-right: James McClure, Jr., James G.K. McClure, Sr., Annie Dixon McClure, Nathan McClure. Standing, left-right: Harriet McClure, Archibald McClure, Annie McClure. able discussing matters of the intellect, a tribute to the broad-minded environment fostered by the minister and his wife. Then there was baby brother Nathan, whom Jim adored. Nathan kept him up to date on the fortunes of the Cubs and White Sox, and in return Jim liked to take him out to the ball parks. Professional baseball in the early 1900s was thought by many to encourage the most boorish and uncouth of habits. How was a child to build up his character if his heroes were baseball players? But the sport had been a large part of Reverend McClure's life, and he was wise enough to realize that children hemmed in on all sides by petty rules could lead a suffocating existence. The playful and happy life of these children can be gathered from this excerpt from a wonderful letter Jim wrote to Nathan from Germany, where he was studying: " . . . [y]our fears of what I will do to you for pushing me off the raft are well grounded. I have not fully made up my mind what I will do to you . . . I am sorry to say that your life next winter will be a hard one. I have been practicing on German children and have made several boys and girls cry simply by looking at them . . . I intend to take one whole year to think up a fitting return for pushing me off that raft." He went on to tell Nathan of the circus he had attended in England, where he shook hands with the tallest woman in the world and watched elephants play cricket. Jim concluded with the remark, "The children in Paris seem to be a very happy set—in Ger- �I #*& ^1 . �Lake Forest 33 Jamie's parents. many I have not seen so many children, probably because I was preparing for next winter and they see me coming and hide in the houses." (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Nathan McClure, 1910). The raft incident undoubtedly took place on one of the family outings to Wisconsin. Dr. McClure's wealthy Lake Forest parishioners gladly offered their summer camps to the family for vacations. Pictures survive of Jim with his sisters and parents, all in the remarkable bathing garb of the era, posing selfconsciously for the camera. The physiques of the family range from the lanky, angular style of the McClures to the more rounded, almost pudgy Dixon model. Without question, Jamie was on his mother's side in this matter. His oval, smooth face always made him look younger than his contemporaries. He joined sister Annie in this respect, but Arch inherited the almost Lincolnesque body of his father. On one of these trips to Wisconsin, the two elder siblings, Annie and Jim, remained behind when the rest of the family returned to Lake Forest. From Lake trip with family and friends. Young Jim McClure in the center, seated, parents standing behind. Jamie (left) with friends on a buggy. �34 We Plow God's Fields Island Lodge, Lakewood, Wisconsin, the thirteen-year-old boy (apparently suffering a spelling relapse during the summer vacation) reported home that: Sunday, in the morning we had church in which we sang and Mr. Wheeler read a chapter from In His Steps as a sermon. In the afternoon Annie and I went off in the woods and read and Annie here a noise and there stood a dear it was awfully pretty but as soon as it saw us it turned and ran. At about five we all went out in the boats and joined them and sang. This morning Mr. Wheeler and I got up at five o'clock to go bass fishing, we fished 'till eleven o'clock leavig [sic] out breakfast but the fish must have been all caught for we did not get one. All the rest of the party started off for Boot Lake but only got so far as Bass Lake because some went one way and some another. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to James G. K. McClure, Sr., August 29, 1898) The book In His Steps, by Ralph Connor, is the story of a young man, quite popular in upper-class society, who makes the decision to become a practicing Christian, thus setting himself against his friends' standards of behavior. It had a lasting effect on Jamie, and he urged his children to read it in later years. Jamie McClure, now beginning to be called Jim, graduated from Lake Forest Academy in June 1901. What to do with this lively young man next? His wise father knew that Yale College was not the place for a fifteen-year-old boy, and what could he do in a wealthy suburb like Lake Forest where everyone knew him as the son of their beloved minister? He spent some months at Lake Forest College, living at home, but apparently had little interest in his studies. Jim had a lot of Tom Sawyer in his nature, and he yearned to find out what life was like beyond the fringes of the circumscribed civilization of Lake Forest. There were tastes of wilderness on the family jaunts to Wisconsin, and yet life there dealt with the natural world from within the bounds of Victorian habits and decorum. There was no grit or struggle, and too much talk. And most of all, there were no Huck Finns, poor boys up against the real fight of life, with whom to join in comradeship on some great adventure. Vigorous boys at the turn of the century all dreamed of going to one place, where life was down to basics and where what talk there was, was to the point and necessary. In 1902, Owen Wister wrote The Virginian, establishing the American cowboy on the pinnacle of the American Olympus of mythological heroes, and Texas was the home of the cowboy. In the spring of 1896 Dr. McClure had gone to the XIT Ranch in the Panhandle of Texas as a guest of the Farwells, who owned a part interest in it. He returned with stories and descriptions that were bound to excite the imagination of any young boy. The characters he met and the vocabulary they used did nothing to tarnish young Jim's dime-novel view of the cowboy. Dr. McClure had kept a journal of this expedition. The XIT was then the largest ranch in the world, occupying as much land as several states. At first the Panhandle was thought to be virtually worthless. Rainfall was minimal. Very �Lake Forest 35 little grew except prairie dogs and coyotes. But after the cattle boom in the 1870s ranch land became more valuable. The people who lived on the XTT in 1896 were isolated and often lonely. A man's wife could go six months without seeing another woman. With such a thin population and a geography that attracted desperate men, there was naturally a law enforcement problem. Into this world came the gentle Reverend. His guide was a Mr. Boyce, "a wonderful combination of activity, fearlessness, principle and purpose."17 Spending the night with this man, he was shown several bullet holes where the Graham brothers, local cattle rustlers, had tried to shoot his host. In the ensuing melee, six-shooters blazed and one Graham and the sheriff died. The other Graham went to the "pen" and was eventually released. He was reportedly out to avenge the loss of his brother, aiming to ambush Mr. Boyce. "It is not much of a wonder that he carries a six-shooter with him when he is off on his wanderings," Dr. McClure wrote. The minister went by buckboard more than 500 miles, camping out with Mr. Boyce who loved to wake up his citified guest with injunctions such as "Take up your bed and walk."18 He met horse wranglers and watched a roundup. When the cook sang out, "Chuck is ready," he helped himself with the other cowboys. One of his favorite stories, often retold to his children in Lake Forest, involved meeting a local legend—Ira Atin. People had told me about a very brave fellow. Once two men had threatened to shoot him. They were standing close to him. Putting his hands in front of his chest as one catches a ball he said "Shoot and I will catch the bullet and throw it back." They shot, neither hit him . .. one dodged behind the corner of a building and the other under a wagon. They shot again. Then he drew. He shot through the corner of the building and hit one on the arm: then he shot under the wagon, got his man in the back of the neck and he dropped. Then the men came forward, apologized and said, "Ira, you are a better man than we thought."19 Near the end of his western trip the gentle minister was packed into a small room one night with some strange cowpokes. Somehow I could not sleep. The moon was still bright. It was past midnight when to my utter amazement what should appear in that doorway but a man. It was but an instant before he was down the steps. What did this mean I asked myself. He struck a match; he entered. The match woke the sleepers. They saw his face. "Is that you, Ira?" they said. "Yes." One rolled a little closer to his bed fellow and said, "here's room." In a few moments I was asleep.20 There was something in the independent spirit of these men that appealed to James G. K. McClure. Many years later he himself drove off two robbers from the house on Halsted Street in south Chicago, where the McClures lived while he was president of McCormick Seminary. As he and his wife lay sleeping �36 We Plow God's Fields Jamie McClure, Jr., in front; Sister Harriet on right, standing beside brother Arch. Annie McClure stands behind little Arch. Others in photograph are unknown. he was wakened by a light shining in his face and a voice telling him not to move. Leaping out of bed with a shout he rushed down the stairs after the fleeing intruders. They fired several shots as they ran, but miraculously missed. The bullets sank harmlessly into the walls of the stairway. He told his family afterwards he had never thought to be afraid. When one of the Farwell brothers heard that their minister was wondering what his son could do until he was old enough to attend college, he immediately suggested the ranch in Texas. Young Jim, stimulated by his father's tales, enthusiastically embraced the plan. It was surely a dream realized, a chance to swap the refinements of Lake Forest for the sweat and leather of Texas. A photograph remains of Jamie McClure as a child, and it says a great deal about his youth. He must have been eight or nine years old. His brothers and sisters are all bunched around him, their dour expressions reflecting perhaps the coercion that was applied to get them all into their clothes and before the camera. Jim sits cross-legged in front, with one hand holding the collar of the family pup, a marvelous little white dog with one black patch over its left eye. Jim's shoes are the high-laced variety, with the laces hooked to the proper tension. His socks disappear under his knickerbockers, and his knickerbockers disappear under a checked coat buttoned three times. Poking out from a Little �Lake Forest 37 Lord Fauntleroy collar is his round Dixon head. A most stupendous polka-dotted bow tie dangles from beneath the collar. And on top of that head a small, curl-brimmed hat is perched, making either the head appear too big or the hat too small. The brim travels just over the eyes of our young hero, and already they are eyes of distinction. In later years, his eyes could sparkle when he was having fun, they could bear down on someone whose performance had come up short, and they could mesmerize the ladies. And so what else can be said for this picture of our hero? My bet is that hat, collar, tie, knicks and shoes all came ripping off before the photographer was halfway through dismantling his equipment. The life of this boy would create a man of unusual instincts. He would grow up to be part theologian and part missionary, part cowboy and part intellectual. All of these tendencies were kept boiling by Jim's extraordinary pursuit of heroism. He wanted, desperately, for his life to stand for something great. He sought challenge, not as a businessman does, but more like the best of missionaries, who burn with desire to change people's lives. At age sixteen, he was anxious to taste the different diets of the folks of this world, and so with all the dreams of youth he headed west to be a Texas cowboy. 1. James G. K. McClure, "History of the Presbyterian Church," A pamphlet printed in April, 1905. 2. James G. K. McClure, Sr., "A grateful Review of his Happy Pastorate of the Presbyterian Church, Lake Forest, Illinois, as Presented on the Twenty-fourth Anniversary of the Pastorate" (Unpublished), Sept. 10, 1905. p. 8. 3. Ibid., p.5. 4. Ibid., p. 6. 5. Notation in the baby book of James G. K. McClure, Jr. 6. James G. K. McClure, Sr., "History of the Presbyterian Church, Lake Forest, Illinois" unpublished, 1905, p. 26-27. 7. James G. K. McClure, Jr., personal notebook, dated 1910. 8. James G. K. McClure, Sr., "History of the Presbyterian Church Lake Forest," p. 38. 9. Untitled pamphlet about the life of Archibald McClure, printed privately, 1931. 10. "An Appreciation," paper about Phebe Ann Dixon McClure (unpublished), no date. 11. James G. K. McClure, Sr., letter to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Dec. 27, 1910. 12. "For Auld Lang Syne: A Retrospective of Steady Streams," pamphlet printed in 1906. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid. 15. Lake Forest Academy Annual, 1900, p. 125. 16. James G. K. McClure, Jr., sermon given at the Iron River Presbyterian Church, Jan. 1, 1914. 17. James G. K. McClure, Sr., "Among the Cowboys of Texas," unpublished, no date, p. 9. 18. Ibid., p. 13. 19. Ibid., p.56-57. 20. Ibid., p.57. �Chapter 3 Texas Please tell Father that the razor was a plumb good one and I thank him ever so much for it. (James G. K. McClure, Jr., to Grace McClure, February 2, 1902) If you send off a young lad, already inclined to be Tom Sawyeresque, to live among cowboys, eat their food, and talk their talk, and then try to bring him back home, you have to expect some resistance. The benefits of life in Lake Forest are hard to dispute, but Jamie McClure wanted to taste a rougher and manlier world. He wanted to be on his own without the amenities a mother provides. Like most young men at the turn of the century, bronco busting, chuck wagons, chaps and cowpokes evoked for him the gritty, but nonetheless romantic world where coyotes, long-horned steers and wild horses squared off against courageous men. Jamie threw himself into that world, and when his allotted time there was over it was his love for his family, his sense of duty, and his father's persuasive ability rather than the attractions of Yale's intellectual and social life that convinced him to leave. Young Jim McClure landed in Texas in November of 1901. He arrived at the Shoenail Ranch through a connection with a Presbyterian minister in Chicago. Word that he was coming came late, and without a letter of introduction he appeared to be just another greenhorn Yankee looking for a job. He was taken on and thrown in with all the other hands. He had to make his own way without the benefit of his father's introduction, which suited him just fine. In later years Jim was always quick to say that at the start he was just plain lucky. It was probably at the Shoenail that a group of horses were corralled and Jim was asked if he could ride a bad horse. Not being constituted to say "No" in the face of a challenge, he said he could. One of the cowboys brought forward several noted buckers for the suburban greenhorn, one after another on successive days. He was told to "Thumb 'em and hang 'em in 'em," which means run your thumbs up the horse's mane the wrong way and spur him at the same time to irritate him. All these procedures Jim carried out, but still these broncos just trotted off with him. The days happened to be quite warm, Jim was a confident rider, and the horses were in no mood to act up. The greenhorn began to acquire a name for himself. They called him "Chicago Jim," and fortunately his reputation for riding a bad horse remained untarnished. He found himself well accepted in this new society. 38 �Texas 39 In winter, there was time to become close friends with the other cowboys. Two fellows named Emory and Enoch became devoted to Chicago Jim and vice versa. He wrote to his family: Emory and I set traps. The next morning we w e n t . . . [and] found nothing but a hawk in one and shot a few quail.... I shot a large Mallard duck. Wednesday was spent in fruitlessly hunting duck and getting about 10 or 12 quail. . . . Thursday for dinner we were going to have duck but the duck failed to materialize (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to family, December 1, 1901) A few days later: Yesterday . . . we all went to town. Emery and I got a hair cut and ate a fine dinner at the hotel. I then got my saddle repaired.. .. We then watered some stock and the horses. .. . (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure, December 10, 1901) On the day following: After dinner Babe Owens, Enoch, Emery and myself went to West Pasture. . .. We rode nearly twenty-five miles during the afternoon.. . . Father's pants which I brought along have already given out completely at the seat. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure, December 11, 1901) Perhaps it was a sign of his growing confidence that he dispenses for the first time with his childhood name and signs the letter, "Your devoted brother, James G. K. McClure, Jr." Even though going to church meant a two-hour buggy drive to town, he often made the effort to go, even if he had only "womenfolk" for company. This morning Mrs. Craven, Miss Hempstead and I went to church in the buggy. They had no church at the Presbyterian or Methodist churches so we went to the Baptist. The church was full and the preaching was certainly queer. The house was so full that one old fellow sat on the carpet on the platform. The chairs had done give out. There were sure a right smart a people there. If you happen to have an extra razor. . . . I wish you would forward it by mail as my G. strings are about 1/2 inch long. Maybe that accounts for my weight. . . . The presents that you'uns sent were fine. . . . [I am] more thankful every day that I have such a fine Father and Mother and brothers and sisters. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to James G. K. McClure, Sr., December 30, 1901) Jim was trying out the language of his new buddies, and apparently ready to begin serious shaving (although the G. string terminology certainly is baffling!) Even more than his reference to needing* a razor, however, it is his stated appreciation for his family that shows he was gaining a new perspective. When the child ceases to take his upbringing for granted, he is beginning to see himself in a new light. �40 We Plow God's Fields Such a new perspective is often hardest for mothers to accept. Young Jamie dashed off a note to "My dearest Mother" on New Year's Day. She had sent him some cookies and a homemade plum pudding, and had inquired tentatively as to when he might return home. In this note, he revealed to her an astounding plan. "As to coming home I thought that I would spend the winter here and . . . start from here about the first of April with Emory and . .. ride home on horse back. The ponies cost about twenty dollars apiece and we could take a tent, bedding and a few cooking utensils on a pack horse. I think the best plan would be to tell fortunes on the way home and live as the gypsies do" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, January 1, 1902). He had a lifelong ambition to live for a time like a gypsy. He loved the exhilaration he felt when completely free and independent. The reaction of his mother to this idea was predictable, and somehow the idea was squelched. It was the freedom of Texas, where the very geography breathes the word, that helped to mature young McClure. The pictures he took with Harriet's Kodak camera, which she loaned him for the trip, show a land so vast and flat that the barns and people look inconsequential. He loved to photograph friends, and his horses. "The picture of the single horse is Bob Short with my saddle on. My thumb got in the way and spoiled his head" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to James G. K. McClure, Sr., February 5, 1902). Next to Bob Short in his album is a picture of a wildcat that was caught and tied up by one of the other hands. Another shows Jim posing on one of his horses, cutting a fine figure with a large cowboy hat, vest, boots and lasso. He loved to hunt coyotes, and wrote to brother Arch: "... we jumped a coyote quite near us. The dogs went after him on all fours and Ned and I right behind. Old Swapsie (a dog) caught him in about half a mile and the dogs just ate him up. He had Miss Dordy (another dog) by the upper jaw and swung her round and round but when she got loose she just tore at him.... It was fine" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Arch McClure, February 16, 1902). And to his poor mother he wrote, "Can you please ask Father to let me know how he got his coyote skins home and how much he paid to have them made into rugs" (James G, K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, January 19, 1902). In a birthday letter, he undoubtedly scared her to tears with this story: Talk about your Buffalo Bill's Wild West Show, we beat it all to pieces Thursday. They brought up four broncos which had never had a rope on except when they were branded. We had been coyote hunting and when we got in we threw up for the first choice. I was the lucky number.... I chose a boy with a white spot on his face.. . . When we got back from feeding the cows and calves . . . I . . . saddled my bronco and rode him. We had to ride without bridles, simply with halters. Mine didn't do anything at first but shortly decided that he wished no more of me and pitched a little. . . . It felt very funny to ride all over the prairie totally unable to guide your horse. I had a short rope to quirt [whip] mine with and accidentally I hit him on the tail with it and he broke in two for a second or so. �Texas 41 We are each going to get three dollars when they are broken to saddle and bridle. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, February 22, 1902) Jim McClure made his mark in this cowboy world as a bronco buster. Of all the challenges not involving a six-shooter, taming a wild horse earned the most respect in this society. It was a skill that took great courage, and one that Jim was justly proud of ever afterwards. He became friends with a bronco buster named George Young, and they teamed up to ride from ranch to ranch to break horses. They were paid $3.00 a head to "bridle 'em, saddle 'em and ride 'em five times." These horses, mostly four-year-olds, were herded in from the range where they had grown up in perfect freedom except for the terrifying experience of being branded as colts. Jim used the Kodak to record an excellent sequence of George Young, master broncobuster, saddling a bronco, mounting, riding through the first jump, and finally astride a subdued horse. Jim's daughter remembers him telling her about their experiences: .. . most of the cowboys hated to ride a bronc.... He and George would take the broncs turn about, and at first it seemed to him that George always got the worst ones. After riding a particularly tough bronc the first time, George would sometimes have blood running out of his nose, mouth and eyes! Once . . . they had finished all the broncs at a ranch and went in to get their pay. The boss said there was one bronc they had not yet ridden. My father was very tired and said he wouldn't ride it, but the boss was insistent. Finally my father said he would look at it. He went up to the corral and saw the horse standing exhausted at one side of the corral. He realized that it had just been driven in from the range by the cowboys and that it was exhausted. So he said he'd ride it right away. He soon discovered it was not a young bronc (four years old as they usually were) but a horse of about seven and probably an outlaw. But since it was so exhausted he saddled it right up and decided to ride it on the range rather than in the corral . . . it just walked off quietly. Pretty soon a "norther" sprang up, as sometimes happened in Texas. At first he felt just a little puff of wind, then another and another. The temperature dropped twenty degrees in minutes, and the cold wind roared. The bronc pricked up its ears. It began to feel better and better. Then it started to buck. My father said he rode it from its ears to its tail, and it kept right on bucking. All the time he kept spurring the horse and sawing on the bit. At last the horse slowed down until its bucks were just crow hops and finally it stopped altogether. It was all bloody from the spurs and at its mouth, too. And my father rode the horse slowly back to the ranch. It was a rough business on both horse and man. This horse remained a tough one to ride. One day my father needed to go into town and decided to give the bronc a good workout. When they arrived at the town corral, the horse was terrified of all the wagons, men and buildings . . . things it had never seen. My father tried to leave it in the corral, but the horse just put its head on my father's shoulder and followed him like a dog. After that the bronc never bucked with my father again. It was a regular pet, but no one else could ride it. It was a "one man horse." When my father went East some �42 We Plow God's Fields of his friends wrote him about that horse. No one could ride it and they sold it to a rodeo.1 Jim's success at this job was all the more remarkable as he had ridden very little more than old Erma back in Lake Forest. The letters he wrote home spilled over with the ebullience of his new life. Sensing a potential problem, his father continually reminded his son that Texas was only a short excursion. He could not really escape the patterns laid before him and, although admittedly he was tempted, in later life he would be glad he had stayed on his ordained course. Son, like father, would attend Yale University. He needed to return to Lake Forest in time to brush up on his Greek and Latin, so he could pass the college's entrance exam. He kept pushing back the time of his return as far as he could. Early April became mid-May in his plans. " . . . I would just as soon stay until Annie gets home . . . about the first of July. That would give me from six to eight weeks to study, according to whether I got home on the first or middle of May. . . . 1 never appreciated my father and mother as I do now" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to James G. K. McClure, Sr. March 2, 1902). The appreciation was sincere, but comparing Greek and Latin to riding the range was to compare dreary duty with youthful freedom. At the Shoenail, one aspect of range riding revolved around water. In the winter, Jhe ice had to be broken. In the early spring, a fascinating aspect of ranch life appeared with the hatching of the heel fly. During the first warm days, these flies would attack the cattle with such fury that the animals would rush into the nearest pond or bog for relief. But they tended to be so weak after the winter that they would get stuck in the mire and eventually die if they were not dragged out. Jim and his friends would ride the bogs looking for animals in such a state. The cowboys tied ropes from the pommels of their saddles to the cows and pulled for all their horses were worth. If they succeeded, they had to quickly release the rope from the cow—the cattle were so wild and mean that as soon as they returned to solid ground, they would as often as not turn and charge the cowboys. The animals that had died in the bogs were skinned on the spot. Jim reported, "Friday morning we rode the bogs and in the afternoon we tried to pull a cow out of the creek and finally had to skin her in the creek. My horse broke loose from her ten times, breaking the rope five times. We then found another cow bogged down but she went off all right" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to James G. K. McClure, Sr. April 13, 1902). His daughter remembers that he had one mean bronco whose buck had a twist that made it difficult to stay on. He decided to take this horse to bog camp with him so that he could ride it where the other hands wouldn't see him get thrown. Only his friend Enoch would be with him. The first time the horse threw him he landed in a briar bush, the second time he just missed the camp fire and the third time as he lay on the ground he saw the horse coming down at him to stomp him, which few horses will ever do. Jim drew back his fist and punched �Texas 43 the wild one in the nose and the horse whirled away. The horse's fate is not known.2 The time was drawing near that Jim would have to go back to his preordained life, and he had not ridden a roundup. He learned that on the XIT Ranch this event was held early. He could take part and still get back in time to study for his Yale exams. On April 14, Jim left the Shoenail Ranch for the XIT. It was a sad parting, for the men and animals of that ranch had taken him a good distance towards manhood. Emery, Enoch, Oscar, Bob Short and many more would become part of the repertoire of adventure stories with which he would later entertain his friends and children. One he loved to tell was how the hands were loafing around in front of the fire one day, so bored they could barely keep their eyes open. A lively cowpoke thought he would have some fun, and grabbed a handful of bullets and tossed them into the fire. Grown men never left the prone position any faster. A roundup on the XIT was an enormous undertaking. Yearlings were branded and made ready for the trip to Montana, where they would graze all summer and then be slaughtered for the Chicago meat markets. The ranch was the largest in the United States, approximately three million acres. Jim used Harriet's camera to record pictures of the men and their activities out on the prairie. Pictures survive of the men sitting around the chuck wagon eating breakfast; the men saddling up; Lee Landers on his horse Black Snake; Boss Moore and Old Joe. Jim loved to talk about how a man had to check his bed roll carefully before crawling out in the morning. It got cold at night and rattlesnakes often crawled in beside or under the sleeper for warmth. Each cowpoke had a string of five or six horses, so that he could ride a fresh horse daily. When a large number of cattle had been gathered together to drive towards the rail head there was always the danger of a stampede. Several men rode around the herd all night keeping watch; for any strange sound, a roll of thunder or a sudden coyote howl, might start the herd running out of control. Jim McClure understood the essential loneliness of the cowboy's life. His daughter remembers: He told me what a lonely life the men led, and that so many he met were always talking about how they would go back home and settle down when they were paid off in the fall. But in the spring most of them would show up again. It was the only life they knew. There was an old cowboy along on mat XIT roundup who would sing at night before they went to sleep, "I ride an old Paint I lead an old Dan I'm goin' to Montana just to throw the hoolyan*."3 The song Jim remembered best was the "Cowboy's Prayer." He used to sing it for his daughter when he drove her to school. It went like this: *A 'hoolyan' is a lariat or rope. �44 We Plow God's Fields "Chuck Wagon," picture taken by James G.K. McClure, Jr., in Texas. Last night as I lay on the prairie And looked at the stars in the sky I wondered if ever a cowboy Would get to that sweet bye and bye. I wondered then if I'd meet her That mother whom God took away And if in that bright land I'd greet her Upon the last judgement day. They say there will be a great roundup When the cowboys like dogies will stand To be cut by the riders of judgement Who are posted and know every brand. They say there's another great owner Who's ne'er overstocked, that day, He always makes room for another Upon the last Judgement Day. The trail that leads to those bright regions Is narrow and dim, so they say, But the road that leads down to perdition Is broad and blazed all the way. �Texas 45 In the East the grey dawn is breaking Heaven's thought from me take wing The cattle from sleep are awaking And into my saddle I spring.4 One can imagine the boy lying in his bedroll under the Texas stars listening to the old man sing. His daughter surmises: His experience in Texas certainly meant a lot to him and he did love to think about it all those many years later. I loved to hear about it, as he had taught me to ride and even though he often scared me because he rode fast and hard, I loved it. I tried hard not to show my fear because he was the kind of person you were desperately anxious to please. I think it was while working on these ranches that my father first really got to know men who worked on the land for what they had. I think it stayed with him all his Me. He probably saw some of the same admirable qualities of independence and humor and ability to bear up under the hardships of life here in the North Carolina mountains.5 Texas also gave Jim tremendous confidence. He had earned the respect of men who lived an earthy, basic way of life. This life always afterward appealed to Jim. He did not throw away the cultural graces of his upbringing, but neither was he a prisoner to them. He learned to appreciate those segments of society that lacked the refinement of Victorian manners. He always loved the daring courage of the moment: challenge made him come alive. His friends in Texas were for the most part straightforward and unpretentious, and for those very traits they gained the admiration of young Jim McClure. And I'm sure Enoch, Emery and George never forgot him either. He received a few letters later from the more literate of his friends. I imagine you had quite a tune hunting and fishing last summer! Wish I could have been with you. But instead of that I was down here punching cows to beat thunder.... I traded off one of your main cowhorses the other day, "Old Splity." . . . Well next year during vacation come down and spend a month or two with u s . . . . I am still in the race for County Judge with fair prospects to win out. Will send you my card.... (J.E. Moore to James G. K. McClure, Jr. October 8, 1902) Another letter came from Oscar Ledbetter, the windmill man on the Shoenail Ranch. Jim always remembered a day when Oscar, driving a wagon and team of four mules, was persuaded to join the boys as they galloped by on a coyote hunt. Mules and wagon were flying over the prairie when they came to a hidden draw, a deep cut made by a small stream. The mules really flew, landing safe on the other side, leaving Oscar and the wagon in a tangle of broken traces and cuss words, but miraculously uninjured. Oscar wrote: �46 We Plow God's Fields The barbecue was a howling success. . . . The boys had a good time. Old Mary Ann took it all out to Coxey's race mare. Old Will is all right, he is in gopher flat pasture getting fat. ... Jim what about that fish story? It sounds— well-er like—just let it go. Jim I wish you could arrange to come down this winter as hunting is going to be fine. We have nine brand new dogs, that makes us nineteen so you see I will deal the coyotes misery this winter. Wishing you a bushel of pleasure. (Oscar Ledbetter to James G. K. McClure, Jr. August 23, 1903) The course of Jim's life was scheduled to pass through Yale, and despite the pleasures of Texas, that plan remained unaltered. So he returned to Lake Forest in the late spring, by railroad and not as a gypsy, to review Virgil and Xenophon. That summer he attended the annual "Lake Forest Open-Air Horse Show." Serious riding there was English style. He must have thoroughly enjoyed leaning up against the ring and telling his stories about riding out West while the McCormicks and Swifts and Farwells pranced about winning ribbons. He did pass his entrance test to Yale, and by the fall of 1902 he had exchanged his Stetson and chaps for a bowler and cane. 1. Interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 2. 3. 4. 5. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. �Chapter Four Yale You must think my chief pals when I was in college were sweeps and old clothes men—I suppose my name would sound unfamiliar to every professor in the place. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Arch McClure, Fall 1909) I once knew an old professor, who woke up one morning with ill health. By mistake, his wife brought in a barometer instead of a thermometer. When she pulled it out of his mouth, it registered "dry and windy." (A joke Jim McClure used to tell when speaking.) Yale University at the turn of the century catered to young men of wealth and social standing. New money and old money were represented, but all had money nonetheless. The only notable exception were the sons of clergymen. Yale reflected the chasm between the social classes that had been yawning wider over the decades since the Civil War. It was one of the precipices from which the monied class overlooked the working class at a greater and greater distance. Shortly after the anthracite coal miners of Pennsylvania went back to work after one of the country's most devastating strikes, the university served to Jim and his classmates the following Thanksgiving dinner: "Grape Fruit Round Cut with Sherry, Blue Points on Half Shell, Salmon with Tartar Sauce, and Filet of Beef with Mushrooms, Turkey, Cranberry Sauce .. ."* In 1902, a dynamic young American, Theodore Roosevelt, succeeded to the presidency after the assassination of William McKinley. Roosevelt began to push his plan for the Square Deal (the first of many "Deads" in this century), which in essence was an attempt to arbitrate fairly between the competing elements of labor and capital. In February of 1902, while Jim was still hunting coyotes and breaking broncos, Roosevelt told his attorney general to bring suit against the Northern Securities Company for violating the Sherman Antitrust Act. It was a dramatic break with the past, and signaled a new epoch in American politics now remembered as the Progressive Era. The following May, when Jim was getting accustomed to Yale, the coal workers went out on strike, creating the largest work stoppage in the history of the country. For decades, labor unrest had threatened the United States as the social changes wrought by industrialization created pressures that upset the agrarian status quo of an earlier and simpler America. In every labor dispute to date, the federal government (if it became involved at all) put its weight directly behind the business interests. But in a precedent-smashing decision, Roosevelt 47 �48 We Plow God's Fields called both sides in the coal dispute to come to Washington. He had become convinced that the mine operators were prolonging the strike and threatening the national welfare (coal was the principal source of energy and heat in this era). To further urge the owners along, he threatened to confiscate the mines and operate them with federal troops if they refused arbitration. By October the mines were reopened and the worst abuses had been rectified. Despite his Dixon heritage, in 1903 Jim's political consciousness remained shallow. Roosevelt's Progressive Era would stamp a deep impression on him, educating him more thoroughly than the Yale Greek and Latin departments. He remained throughout his life a loyal Republican, even after moving to the Democratic South. But his Republicanism was in the style of Teddy Roosevelt: progressive, forward looking and full of energy. This Republican was no businessman's flunky, but a Progressive whose loyalties were with the downtrodden of America. Jim's father was deeply loyal to his alma mater, and was quite sure that his years spent at Yale had helped to develop his strength of character and breadth of vision. He eventually sent all three of his sons to Yale, and returned yearly himself to celebrate the reunion rites with his friends of the class of 1870. There were still McClures in and around Albany, particularly Jim's Aunt Grace; and there were the Dixons in nearby Westerly, Rhode Island. Yale would be a homecoming for his sons. But during his first weeks at Yale Jim was very uncomfortable. He did not feel at home with these elegant young men from Exeter and Andover and the other prep schools. Like Yale and Harvard, these schools had been founded originally to educate the clergy, but now their main patrons were well-to-do industrialists and professional men. In later years he told his daughter laughingly that he felt totally out of place that first fall at college. Texas certainly hadn't lost its lure for Jim, and at least twice he was tempted to go back, liie first offer came through a friend named Charles K. King, who wrote: . . . I have a letter from the owner of the C Ranch down in New Mexico where I learned the business, you know, and he wants me to send him a young fellow to learn the business and his ways and eventually take charge of his business and as he has a fine place and lots of cattle it is certainly a fine opening for any young man who would like the life . . . Please write and let me know what you think about it, Jim. Do not decide in a hurry, for he will wait if I ask him to ... I believe it will mean a fortune in the years to come and it would take me just long enough to get there to accept it if I were foot loose . . . I write to you and thought of you simple because I like you most sincerely and because I believe you are just the sort of man he wants, honest, straightforward, true and obliging. I am not jollying you now, Jim, but merely enumerating the qualities I am positive you possess that will please him.... (Charles F. King to James G. K. McClure, Jr., November 14, 1902) �Yale 49 Then came a letter from another Texas friend, an "old nester." This was the Texan term for a comparatively small landholder, nestled in among the big ranches. The old fellow had taken a fancy to Jim, and had already asked him to come to live with him. Now he wrote that if Chicago Jim would come to help him run his place he would deed him half his land and cattle, and make the rest over to him in his will. Jim thought it over, but briefly, and wrote his father he was going to accept the offer and leave Yale for Texas, the place where a man's work made the difference and the people were not so layered with civilization. Dr. McClure did not write and he did not telegraph. He boarded the Twentieth Century Limited at once and appeared unannounced in Jim's room. The impulse for Texas was thwarted.2 In time, Jim realized the wisdom of his father in this matter. His years at Yale, while not marked by academic achievement, included contact with a critical mix of people and intellectual influences that bore great fruit later in his life. Yet, it must be said that his dream of a practical life, with cattle and chickens and earthy farmhands, remained part of the young man's makeup. His life would have to make room for that vision, too. Jim speedily adjusted to the social mores of his classmates. As it had for his father, Yale meant a time to build character and make friends. The uneasiness of his first term soon disappeared, and more than any other aspect of his college career it was the solid coterie of loyal and devoted friends he made that helped him tremendously then and all through his life. Like his father before him, he took much more of an interest in the social and religious aspects of college than in academics. One acceptable scheme of attending Yale in 1902 was to get by with the daily recitations in order to take advantage of the myriad activities that swirled around the college. He constantly received notes from the Dean's office concerning academic problems, quite drastic ones in some cases, but they seem to have had little effect on the goings and comings of his daily life. Jim was met on his arrival at New Haven by Mr. Franklin Dexter, one of his father's dearest friends. He wrote his sister Annie that he could see "Mr. Dexter's head and shoulders over the crowd at the train...." He stayed a few days with the Dexters while purchasing furniture for his room, "... a Bed, Mattress springs, bureau, washstand, Toilet Set, desk, desk chair and cane chair for $50.22 ..." (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Annie McClure, September 24, 1902). Later on his father would become concerned about his son's ease with money, but he apparently made a thrifty beginning. Yale was a large, disorienting place. After a month, a little homesick thread creeps into a letter to his family. I can never thank you enough for these eighteen lovely years. Since coming here I have felt the meaning of life more than ever before. In the Dwight Hall [religious] meetings there have been some of the finest things said that I have ever heard. I hope that you will always remember that although I am a long ways off �50 We Plow God's Fields yet I love you more than ever and I do wish that you could be here or better still I be at home for a little while. Christmas will be here soon, however, only eight weeks from tomorrow. As I write I suppose that you are both at Prayer Meeting and that Annie is playing the piano. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to family, October 28, 1902) Jim learned to love Yale, and threw himself into diverse aspects of the life there. Most important of all for him was religion. He joined the YMCA, and faithfully attended his class prayer meetings on Sunday after chapel. He told his family that the Dwight Hall meetings of the Yale University Christian Association meant a lot. He was placed on the Freshman Religious Committee. At a meeting of the Freshman Union, Jim debated the affirmative side in the question, "Resolved, that Latin and Greek should not be required studies in college." Despite the strident pragmatism exhibited by Jim in this debate, the ancient texts still had to be faced daily, Monday through Saturday, by Freshman McClure.3 Religious life and daily life at Yale were completely intertwined. The current president, Arthur Hadley, was a political economist and the first president of the university who was not a clergyman. Among the class of people who attended Yale, Christianity in one form or another was an expected part of one's intellectual wardrobe. Academic regulations for the school included the following: for chapel, "students are required to occupy the seats assigned by the ushers at morning prayers each weekday, and at the Sunday morning service... ."4 The idea implicit in these rules is that one of the principal responsibilities of the college is to inculcate the habits of religion in the student body, and that in this pursuit it had the approval of the wider culture the college represented. In the name of student free choice, discomfort with religious coercion, and certainly as the result of a more diversified student body, such rules have disappeared on nearly all American college campuses today. Even back in his college days though, Jim McClure felt a growing suspicion of a religion that was "expected" and class bound. It should be, he thought, alive with ideas and truths that helped real people in need regardless of their station in life, and that energized souls with the immense spiritual power available to them. Protestant Christianity had reached a zenith of sorts in 1902. It was a distinguishing mark of Northern European and American culture, and world wide there were few who doubted the power and influence of these Protestant countries. At Yale, Jim breathed the air of this cultural confidence, and it was an obvious source of his optimism. And yet he began to catch an occasional musty whiff that all was not so well after all. If the seeds of Jim's eventual revolt against the status quo were in the ground in 1902, they showed precious little evidence of germination. He was actually much more interested in football—Yale football at this time was national news. He became an avid fan of Yale sports in general, and his scrapbook is packed with tickets stubs and sports articles. He was on his freshman football �Yale 51 team, but by the looks of the picture, everyone who went out made the club. There is no evidence that he ever played in a game, but he remained a touchfootball enthusiast ever after. Another freshman delight for him was sneaking into the junior prom: Monday night was the Prom Concert. Of course there was a terrible crowd of freshman striving to get in to their gallery. Everyone going in was searched but nevertheless lots of things were brought in. Thousands of these paper streamers were thrown, lots of confetti and lots of cards. We took balls of string and let down notes to the girls and they sent up flowers and notes and all sorts of things. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, February 4, 1903) He collected many of the cards he mentions and pasted them into his scrapbook. One, with a slight political ring, went: Of the Prom Girls he thought he's a trust But the Freshman class on high Caught the pretty girl's eye And behold, all the fuss trust was bust.5 Since the college athletic teams were beyond his abilities, Jim made a habit of working out on the college track and helped to organize informal football and baseball games among friends. To better focus his body-building efforts, he submitted to a physical examination provided by the college. In nearly every way his body was approved by the physician, except for one glaring defect: a flat thorax! Remedies were referenced for him in a booklet, and whether or not he succeeded in adding some bulge to this area of his anatomy is a question left to other historians. He did help to organize a spring baseball game between his own Pierson Hall and White Hall. He wrote home, "Everyone has to be as poor a player as possible. . . . At present I am going to catch for the Pierson team" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Arch McClure, March 26, 1903). We will leave the gymnasium segment of Jim's Yale career with the admonition he received on the local regulations: "Attention is called to the following rules regarding lockers: Offensively soiled clothing must not be stored in the locker. The director will remove such clothing without notice."6 Academically, he averaged 2.50 his first term at Yale, an adequate but unimpressive score. In the spring, he developed a passion for the German language and at the same time made a friend of Joe Twichell, a devoted companion from that time on. He and Joe worked over the German together and made the effort to attend German language plays on campus. As a nation, Germany always fascinated Jim, so much so that he eventually studied at three German universities. It was a nation that was to thrust itself on his generation like no other. But despite this spark of interest, he wrote home that his second term scores would be worse if anything: "My dear Harriet: As to your questions I �52 We Plow God's Fields will reply as follows: 1st studies Very Poor, can't do very well this term. Started out poorly. Have been very busy with outside work. May get 2.35 if lucky." And to the eternal question, he replies: "Common food fair. Not starving." And as if to substantiate this fact, he adds, "Weight 149 Ibs. last Friday" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure, May 13, 1902). Just how busy with outside work has he been? Monday afternoon I went out to the golf course and fooled around a little. In the evening I went out to Lake Whitney about ten o'clock with Joe Twichell. The moon was out and full and we got a canoe and paddled around. It was simply great. We are going out again tonight. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure, May 13, 1903) Monday six of us started out sailing about eight-thirty . . . We had a great time. We sailed down to the Thimble Islands where we got lunch and then started out again. The wind died down at half past two and we were becalmed until six. At six a strong wind sprang up and we arrived in port at eight o'clock. I had one of the best times I have ever had. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, June 3, 1903) Good times evaporate into memory, but somehow those ancient tongues that bedeviled Jim so much forever loomed before him: "Thursday we had our Latin Examination. I think that I got through it all right" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, June 7, 1903). As our hero completes his freshman year, we see him as a fanatic sports fan, an endearing friend, a survivor of the ancient languages, and now out for the summer. Along with obvious enjoyment of the entertainments at Yale, religion does appear to have been his central focus. Like his father he became a leader in his class in this sphere of college life. Before returning to Lake Forest, he attended the Northfield Conference. This was a prestigious annual gathering of student religious leaders from schools and colleges all over the Northeast. Bible classes, missionary projects, "Life Work meetings," and platform discussions all helped to bring out current topics of interest in the Christian community. There were also tennis courts, a river to swim in, and new friends to make. And even at a religious conference there were the inevitable pranks. Once the boys laid a trap for an irascible professor. They papered the walls of the hallway with flypaper, then shouted "Fire," and ran. Jim found himself charged up by this conference, and returned each year he was at Yale except his last, when a scheduling conflict prompted him and some others to organize a parallel gathering at a different time for those who could not attend Northfield.7 Jim McClure exercised his social conscience by helping with a local Boys' Club in New Haven that had just opened its doors. Teaching Sunday School there, he appears to have begun to try to break through the class barriers that separated him from so many Americans. One of his young charges wrote to him this touching but misspelled letter over the summer: �Yale 53 My dear James: I received your letter Wensday . . . well Jemmie it is awful lonesome sence you went away all I do is to sit in my room and smoke my pipe and listen to the Katie did and katie didn't . . . be sure and write me long letters as I will be anxious to here from you. Your Friend Patrick Cody. (Patrick Cody to James G. K. McClure, Jr., June 31, 1903) The Edwin Foote Boys' Club, with Jim's help, met with phenomenal success its first year. By December of 1903, a news article stated that it was "only ten months old and yet over 800 different boys have joined.... These working boys have contributed over two hundred dollars to meet the expenses of the club."8 Between the Northfield Conference and his last exam, Jim met his mother at Westerly, Rhode Island. For three generations the Dixons went to Washington to rule the nation, and naturally the habits of politics ran deeply in the family. A good portion of Jim's education took place around the dinner table in Westerly, where the great issues of the day were common talk, and where the talk itself was on the highest level. Pictures of the Dixon home give the impression of confident elegance. The position of the family was so well established in the community that any brash or pretentious additions would have been superfluous. A large, white clapboard structure enclosed an interior filled with a vast array of Victorian jumble. No corner was left unadorned, and no shelf or mantle left unladen with knick-knacks and objects of interest. Jim had visited Westerly during the summers of his youth, and rather enjoyed a household oriented more toward pleasure than toward the Presbyterian Church. Trotting horses and a servant known as "Old Harry" were of special interest to Jim. The horses were an extravagant hobby of the Dixons. Old Harry was a black servant who resembled the faithful Southern house slave more than anything else. He and Jim were devoted Mends, in the manner of an old man serving the family of the young man. One time, Jim and Harry decided to leave early to see the trotting races, and Jim wanted to be sure he woke up in time to get out of the house without waking anyone else up. He told Harry that there would be a string dangling down from his window, and early in the morning he was to yank it. Tying it to his toe, he dangled it out the window and went to bed. Early the next morning, Harry began to pull, and yank, and tug—and never let up. Jim was almost dragged from his bed, but managed to gain his balance in time to save his toe and to notify Harry that his efforts had been quite successful.9 Later in the summer of 1903, Jim enjoyed the pleasures of a resort in Oconto, Wisconsin. Several of his Yale friends were there, along with two lively young ladies, Helen and Martha. On the train back to Chicago, the two girls wrote Jim a crazy letter that appears to have been written by both girls at the same time, each alternating a sentence. The mood of the gathering can best be described by this correspondence: "At Oconto we needed a chaperon . . . I �r',4m ,•' 'Ajj^^mmi^ , "" " §r. . . ". . .i i» I 'I I :i ><'.j^. �Yale 55 was kept busy holding Martha from tackling the men who were making eyes at Helen. Martha is holding me, or the above would be erased . . . Helen's tears have soaked three handkerchiefs and has now begun on mine . . . Please try and think of us as being very grateful for having the best of good times ..." (Helen ? and Martha ? to James G. K. McClure, Jr., August 13, 1903). Two weeks before, Jim and his family helped to organize a picnic from the Lake Forest Sunday School that really does sound like fun. The usual games of the day, including sack races, lemon hunts, nail driving contests (for girls only!) and three-legged races, were successfully worked through, all culminating in a big baseball game. Dr. McClure played his old position of third base, while Jim pitched for the opposition. Jim's nine was reduced to eight almost immediately when Mr. Durand became "tired out in [the] first." In the fourth, Dr. McClure was injured, surely costing his team the game as Jim's pitching maintained the 4-3 win.10 Jim had a naturally cheerful disposition, and there were few discordant notes to mar his college summers with family and friends. Back at Yale in the fall, Jim proudly reported home that he had been elected class deacon, a position of great respect. "My dear boy:" his father wrote, I do not believe any word from Yale could have brought me more joy than the word of your election as a class deacon . . . As I look back on my own days in College it seems to me nothing tended to steady me and make me careful of my example and influences more than my sense of responsibility as a class deacon. I think the fellows look for a high type of life in their deacons, and however much they may joke about them, the fellows wish their deacons to be men whom they thoroughly respect. While preserving an attractive demeanor it is better for the deacons to err on the side of consistency rather than on the side of inconsistency. (James G. K. McClure, Sr., to James G. K. McClure, Jr., October 26, 1903) Respect, though a cruder version, was also part of Deacon McClure's initiation into the Junior Society Psi Upsilon Beta. As described by the college press corps, the story ran: Junior Society Fun: How the Neophytes are Made to Recognize Their Humble Station . . ."Fagging" services are required of the candidates. This is a late revival of an ancient custom. Each man has a master to whom he is appointed for a certain period between his pledging and his initiation . . . He must wake him at a stated hour, prepare his bath, bring each morning a fresh boutonniere, his mail and his breakfast, if need be. He must walk behind his master in the rounds of the Campus, keeping a respectful four paces in the rear. There are other things the candidate for election must do. He may have, Opposite, top: DixonHome, Westerly, R.I. Opposite, bottom: Old Harry �56 We Plow God's Fields perhaps, literary aspirations. In that case he may be asked to deliver an oration to the moon and in the highest flights of imagination he is interrupted with deprecatory remarks reflecting on his ability on all points, his truth and sanity. Passersby are frequently in doubt about the latter and have been known to take another street to avoid what seemed to them a real madman. Another trial for a literary candidate is to have him embrace a tree or post and murmur words of deep affection, while instructions such as these are shot at him from his tormentors. "Louder," "Take off that smile and stick it on the tree," . . . Soon the unfortunate man is shouting endearments to his wooden friend.11 Skits and short plays were a specialty of these "literary" societies, and during initiation week impromptu productions could be seen all over the campus. Jim saved for posterity a collection of instructions such as "Candidate McClure will be at 172 Farnum Hall at 8:40 3/4 p.m Do not reveal these instructions."12 In the end, tormentors and tormented alike gathered for an initiation banquet that was held in the Hall of Beta, amidst Broiled Squab, Filet of Beef, Bisque Tortini and Cigars. Officially, the miserable life of the "fag" was over, and following dinner he was royally entertained by the older club members in dramatic productions such as Beatrice, the Bovine (A Bucolic, The Milky Way, In Two Tits and a Tatter). Jim was mentioned in the elaborate program as part of an "Entirely New Troup, Imported at Great Expense" that will next season present Three Little Jades.13 But if the absurd was given its hour upon the stage, most of the weeks and months were given to Latin and Greek. But Jim began to veer away from the slavery of the ancient texts, and to search out in academic nooks and crannies more up-to-date and scientific studies. Science, and its remarkable success as a method of discerning the workings of the world, had already drawn Jim very closely into its orbit. Much of his optimism about the future of the human condition, which was a distinguishing characteristic of his thinking, emanated from a strong faith in the ability of science to solve once and for all the problems that created strife among mankind. Increasingly, Jim took courses in the social science department. Economics, the American Social Condition and Nineteenth Century Communities were all subjects a young progressive would find vital. He had a faith that the social scientists were on the brink of discovering how to "inoculate" society in order to eliminate human poverty. If the riddle of smallpox could be unraveled, why not the disease of hopelessness? Slowly through time, Jim reconciled his faith in science and his faith in Christianity. He became a practitioner of the Social Gospel, a movement led by Walter Rauschenbusch, who preached the Holy Word as a means to bring about the salvation of society. In Rauschenbusch's vision, the minister was comparable to the medical doctor in his battle against physical ailments, except that the minister's goal was a healthy community. Public health, education, settlement houses, the fight to clean up crooked politics, YMCA's, and Boys' Clubs all became legitimate realms for the minister. At Yale, these ideas were �Yale 57 still in their germination stage for Jim. His struggle with these two faiths is a fascinating dynamic that is the proper subject of his seminary years, yet it should be noted that as far back as his college days he was searching for a scientific base in the social science departments for his spiritual prompting. As a part of the Yale religious community, he was given opportunities to speak before a variety of gatherings. "COMING: TWO YALE STUDENTS! Messrs. Banks and McClure . . . To address Young Men of New Britain, at YMCA Hall . . . General subject 'Standards and Tests.' A unique meeting for men only."14 "Young Peoples Meeting, in observance of the Day of Prayer for Students. Address by James G. K. McClure, Jr. and Joseph H. Twichell of Yale College... ,"15 One of his speeches remains from this period of his life, and in it can be discerned an immature expression of the ideals he pursued throughout his life. Before the Yale YMCA he proposed: To show that men can live and do live at college a Christian life. To show that it is the only way to live here at school . . . We will only live once and now is the time to live an upright Christian life . .. Mr. X was living a careless, thoughtless life. Mr. Y had a purpose, a great desire to better mankind, he was filled with love .. . [U]nless we lead a Christian life, we will fail in the hour of trial. So let us be men, face the questions squarely, not be afraid of the man in the looking glass [remember him?] and live up to our best ideals. Let us strive to be like Christ-to love as he did ... But what shall our ideals be? That is a question that puzzles man but it should not—Let's go back to first principles. Our ideals should be Christ. Now Christ is love. Therefore our ideals should be perfect love . . . We will take for instance the matter of drinking and see how this perfect love ideal would answer such a question. I want to drink and I say, can I drink in perfect love to my fellow man? If I drink a little will I cause another, a friend to stumble and fall? Is there danger of my drinking causing suffering anywhere? Reasonably I can't drink with the ideal of perfect love.16 On this final point, he joined up with a long line of his McClure forebears, and refused throughout his life to yield to the temptations of strong drink. Jim McClure was never a mean-spirited fanatic, however. Like his father, he took a strong stand against alcohol but did not condemn or embarrass friends who used alcohol in moderation. He always enjoyed a party and the Helens and the Marthas adored him. He escorted Joe TwichelFs sister Louise to his own class's Junior Prom. His dance card was full, forty-one dances in a row, alternating between the two-step and the waltz. During his summer at home, he had struck up a strong friendship with one of the several Elizabeths in his life. She was a spicy girl, and addressed a letter after the summer was over to "Simple Life McClure," an obvious jibe at the discussions the two of them had had about their personal aspirations. When you read this you will be rolling swiftly away from-shall I say "Home and Mother?" Don't forget "the girl you left behind you" nor how to make the �58 We Plow God's Fields happy moments fly when we are together. It's an art any girl will appreciate and one which you have to almost as great degree as Louis [Douseman, Jim's friend and Yale classmate.] Perhaps if you see a great deal of him this winter you will catch on to his methods .. . Don't do anything rash in the Helen Boyce line or the Louise Twichell region or the Nellie Lake direction until I reach the East so that I can bait fairly . . . for you . . . Also don't pick up any stray chickens but turn up in New York to greet me with some real sensible hen, a nice, old one . . . I will announce my arrival in New York in some way or other and then I shall expect an immediate and insistent descent and that right early too. I hope you have a pleasant journey, a corking trip (I am so glad there is no girl there to read aloud, drive and fish-with you), a wonderful year and that you won't forget me or that I love you in the same old way. I am yours sincerely, Elizabeth manager general. To heighten the mystery, she scrawls in the note. "I hope you can read between the lines as there is more to this than I dare say" (Elizabeth Waller to James G. K. McClure, Jr., no date). Jim's remaining college years contained more of the patterns he had already established. He flourished in the Beta Club gag shows. His soft-looking face made him a natural for those dramatic parts hardest to manage at Yale in those days, the female ones. He pranced about on stage as "Sidewalk Sadie—The Swash of the Sewer," and in a photograph of the Beta Club members, he is found with some difficulty perched on the lap of a fellow member (next to another dressed as a gorilla), as pretty a belle as fashions of the period allowed.17 (These fashions, quite cumbersome by modern standards, did a superb job of losing a male physique inside numerous folds and ruffles.) Glee club concerts, baseball games, summer trips to the lakes of Wisconsin and the Spring Regatta were only part of his normal round of activities. Jim was sent as a member of the Yale religious community on a tour of boarding schools, in order to "Inform the boys about all phases of college life" and to "Attract them to the Christian life." He was given strict written instructions that included these admonitions: "Give a talk describing Yale life. Emphasize the opportunities...Get together informally the boys who are coming to Yale and let them ask questions . . . This isn't a fussing tour . . . so don't spend too much time in the company of the principal's daughter or anybody else's daughters. You're after the boys and ought to spend the time with them."18 On one such trip in 1905, he went to Washington, D. C. to see the inauguration of Theodore Roosevelt and then the next day spoke to the Quaker students of Haverford College. His theme was " . . . to show [that] manly men can live [a] Christian life": I want to talk to you today . .. about the tests in our lives and the way to come out of them triumphant. Life is a series of tests. . . . I want to tell you of two men who were in [the Iroquois Theatre fire in Chicago] . .. One was a man of some sixty years. He escaped. A friend saw �Yale 59 him the next day and congratulated him but he wanted no congratulations, he was absolutely ashamed of himself, had lost all his self-esteem. He thought that in his sixty years he had built up within himself a respect for women and helpless children that would have kept him from trampling down and pushing back helpless ones, as he must have done to escape. There was no more pleasure in life for that man . . . There was another man at the fire who saw an exit which had two stairs leading up to i t . . . He stationed himself beside it and handed out woman after woman, child after child. The fireman outside could see him helping them out, his clothes and hair aflame. Then he fell and somehow . . . he was gotten o u t . . . Think of the difference in the way these two men met their tests.19 Does Jim's speech sound simplistic? Do his examples of heroism smack of a morality melodrama, a Victorian tear jerker? Remember first of all that Jim is a college student, young and with a relatively limited experience. But more to the point, the sophistication of our own times has become a smoke screen. The smoke distorts moral questions by exposing their complexity without even asking, but what is right? This is a tendency to consider heroism pass6, and mixed motives are assumed to be behind the purest of good deeds. Self-denial is perceived as limiting personal freedom, or worse, a repression that may cause, when one least expects it, an ugly psychological reaction. To pass off Jim's thoughts as naive, not the stuff of reality, is to deny the heroic possibilities of mankind. Sophistication is too often synonymous with cynicism. Jim spent his life searching for corruption; he wore no rose-colored glasses. Wrongdoers were meted out swift punishment when it was in his power to do so. And yet, he maintained his dream that, given encouragement and right understanding, and given the possibilities of the human will, everyone could raise himself or herself above the sinful state of the world. If Jim thought life was a series of tests, he knew that college was. Daily recitation followed, in theory, daily preparation. For our hero, such a rule remained all too often in the realm of theory. He saved and carefully pasted into his scrapbook a collection of incriminating cards that circulated regularly from the Dean's office to Jim's mailbox. "Your work for the first term of Junior year was not satisfactory in Archeology, Rhetoric, English, Physics. Your attention is called to the rule, in accordance with which a student cannot be enrolled in the Senior class until he has satisfactorily completed 41 hours of class-room work."20 "Your allowance of absences for the term was exhausted on Feb. 28. Since then you have been reported absent as follows: Soc. Sci., Feb. 28, Soc. Sci, Mar. 1, English Mar. 12, Soc. Sci March 12 ... [the list goes on]. Over cuts involve failures. If you know any reason why the penalty should not apply to the above, please explain it promptly."21 There seemed to be little selfdiscipline in Jim's own pursuit of knowledge at Yale, and how he came out unscathed is not known. Horace Ferry, his freshman roommate and close friend from Lake Forest, telegraphed this mysterious message to Jim's father: "Jim tapped for Bones ��Yale 61 DEAN'S OFFICE, Yale College. January, / C Your work for the first term of Junior year was not satisfactory ....^..^^..^^^^^'^/.^..^.^L Your attention is called to the rule, in accordance with which a student cannot be enrolled in the Senior class until he has satisfactorily completed J^l hours of class-room work. Truly yours, ..... -WILLIAM: ^ILTOJST HESS. Dean's office card. Congratulations."22 Skull and Bones is the most prestigious of Yale University's secret societies. Rituals, codes, special handshakes and oaths are unfailingly honored by its members. Each initiate swears devotion to members past and present, one of whom was Jim's father. Exactly who belongs to Skull and Bones is held in strict confidence. The club meets in an eerie building in New Haven with no windows. There were fifteen members of "Bones" in the class of 1906. Jim considered his election to Skull and Bones one of the greatest honors of his Yale years. He wrote in his diary, "Who would have ever thought I would have been included among Yale's strongest men."23 Many of Jim's classmates maintained an exciting and expensive social life. Jim did his best to keep up, and thoroughly enjoyed the round of weekend house parties to which he was invited. If he missed a lot of classes, he also spent a lot of money, and on this last point he touched one of his father's very few sore points. My dear son: I hope your Norwich trip was happy and profitable, and I hope your boils are gone . . . I . . . enclose a New York draft for $150.00.1 am unable to send you more at this time. It is only by being as careful as I can be, of every little expense in the way of a car fare or an extra paper, that I have been able to provide for my children as I have. This draft makes the amount I have handed you since Sept. 1, 1905 [7 months] $1163.50. Beta Club Photograph. Jim McClure can be found on the bottom right, sitting on a young man's lap between the gorilla and the policeman. �62 We Plow God's Fields . . . Unless you have pledged yourself to go to George Miller's this summer, I suggest you do not go. It really seems to me that it would be better for the fellows themselves if they called a halt to this running around. It is not fair to you—for it tends to .develop thoughtlessness that may be akin to selfishness. (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March 23, 1906) But it must be admitted that one trip would have had the approval of his father. Jim was in charge of organizing all Yale men interested in going into the ministry, and taking them to Hartford for a conference whose purpose was "To present to those college men who are now deciding upon their life work, definite and reliable information concerning the opportunities and work of the Christian Ministry in this country."24 Horace Ferry and Joe Twichell both went along. Among the many speakers was the President of Princeton University, Woodrow Wilson. Jim's father was a personal friend of Wilson's, and on at least one occasion stayed in his home. Ironically, three weeks later, Jim brushed with another future presidential candidate, the man who opposed Wilson in 1912. Helen Hadley, the Yale President's wife, asked Jim "to be one of our ushers" when Secretary of War William Howard Taft arrived to give a series of lectures on campus.25 Before going to Hartford, Jim had decided to enter the ministry. It was a natural decision arising out of his interests at Yale, his respect for his father, and the McClure's Covenanter heritage. Jim's father, after reading his letter of decision, mailed back a carefully composed message touching on thoughts that were very much on his son's mind. First, I believe you can do and will do fine service in the ministry if you give yourself to it. Men like you are eminently needed—never more needed than now. The very fact of your going into the ministry will do good. It will encourage men like myself: it will point the way to oncoming boys and college fellows to do as you have done. The work of the ministry is so varied that in one way or in another I feel you will help the world very much. I do not say that the ministry is easy. It is not easy: it is difficult, very difficult. That is one reason why I think it should appeal to a man: it is a summons to his heroism. (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March 23, 1906) Heroism is exactly the quality that attracted Jim into the ministry, and he meant to give himself up to the Christian work that was the most taxing. The young man, after four years of a plush Yale education, after sixteen years of privileged suburban life in Lake Forest, wanted to devote the rest of his life to mission work in China. Many an idealistic young man of this generation had the same impulse. Rudyard Kipling and his white man's burden seemed reasonable to the Western world before it was saturated with talk of the Third World and imperialism, and surely the Peace Corps, albeit a more secular approach, is guided by a similar missionary spirit. �Yale 63 Back in 1906, Protestant nations giddy with the sense of power and accomplishment were scrambling to collect parts of Asia and Africa like so many stamps. The heroes in this complex process, as seen from home, were the missionaries. Forsaking all the fruits of progress in the Western world, they were seen as sacrificing their lives to teach a solid base of Christianity to people whose local beliefs had left them in cultural bondage. In fact, the missionaries were the cutting edge of a powerful Western European and American culture whose very success muted criticism. Missionaries were as varied as the myriad of Christian denominations and individual personalities they represented. Not only did they bring a new religion and culture to the four corners of the earth, they also brought back to their churches and missionary societies vivid reports of the foreign lands where they worked. The remarkable volume of cross cultural flow that occurred was unprecedented in the history of the world, and one has only to remember young James' church group, Steady Streams, and its hundred of thousands of counterparts to conceive of the impact that was felt. In any event, this comfortable world of Western domination began to fray at the edges early in the twentieth century. Woodrow Wilson himself, by including national self-determination as one of his Fourteen Points to end World War I, detonated the explosives that destroyed the basis of European colonialism. Certainly genuine idealism was at work in the minds of many young Americans when Jim McClure was attending Yale. China and the life of a missionary were topics of discussion at nearly every conference and religious meeting he attended. He knew several people who went to China. For example, a college friend, John Magee from Pittsburgh, experienced a remarkable conversion as he walked down the corridor to his room. He was struck as by lightning, like St. Paul, and from that moment he determined to go into the ministry, and then to China. As an undergraduate Jim corresponded with Warren B. Seabury, who had already graduated and was in the Chinese mission field. His letters came to Jim during his senior year, and clearly had an impact on the young man's thinking. Mr. Seabury gave Jim an unheroic, somewhat homesick, but provocative picture of his role in China. "My dear Jim:" one letter began, "Can you stand a drip from an old missionary friend tonight? Brace up, it won't hurt long." These communications gave Jim, and also give us, an idea of the rewards of missionary work and an insight into the missionary's drive. . . . I returned last night from a trip up into the country with a mighty good friend of mine . . . Well this friend of mine although an Episcopalian is very human! He is one of the wittiest and drollest men I ever knew. We went up the Han River from which Hankow is named and ... The more I see of these native cities the worse I think they are. People who have been in China always talk about the smells until you are tempted to think it more or less of a joke, But actually the odors from open drains, dirty corners, stale meat-shops, boiling fat, Chinese dye (one of the worst known to science!), "tonsorial parlors" etc., etc. is a rank catalogue of impossibilities! At the first you find �64 We Plow God's Fields these cities interesting and novel but soon the novelty wears off and you take a full breath when you come o u t . . . A good part of the morning we pushed along on the puffy little streamer . . . A village street is as Chinese as a city street, but it is if anything darker and meaner, rougher and more uneven. Up and down steps you have to go with houses above and below you. The mission hall was not large and Episcopal looking at all. Rude benches, horses such as carpenters use were all we had to sit on ... We wanted to be alone but our Chinese hosts conceived it their duty to escort us and regarded our earnest protestations as only polite phrases . . . You notice two things in almost all your travels in typical China. One is that there are very few nice little nooks, a bunch of trees, a brook, a shady pasture. The trees are cut down; the brooks are dug out ... for irrigation purposes; the pastures are grave yards on high land and fields for crops in lower land. Everything about you looks used for something. Another thing you noted sooner is that China is a very populous country for there seems to be no getting away from them. Chinese, Chinese everywhere. You sit down and they gather about you to ask you questions and discuss you but always to stare. A missionary over in Hankow said that his first idea of eternity came from a Chinese stare! . . . I do really think that there is lots of room for men who see that they are not like other men, who feel that they are not pious and gentle souls, but who want to chip in somewhere and help. It is not only the natives with whom we must deal. There are plenty of foreigners here with whom much is to be done. And it seems to me that all the health and ability of body, all the social grace, all the mental vigour and breadth and all the spiritual desire . . . ruling a man in his devotion to the progressively revealed will of God can find no better field for exercise than China . . . The best things we do are done by bravely entering open doors. (Warren Seabury to James G. K. McClure, Jr., October 10, 1905) . . . In your last letter you speak of the possibility of being a missionary. I had not known how you stood on the question although I had reason to think that you and your friends were considering the thing with care. It is a big question and no one can settle it for any one else. At Northfield and at New Haven one hears a great deal of argument and . . . if he is in earnest he studies it very carefully . . . He would like to know the joys of real missionary life as they really are but he would also give much to get a fair view of the trying features of life in these lands. I am going to mention a few of these harder features of life in China. How would you like to live in a city of narrow crowded streets as all the Chinese streets are? Every time you go out people on every hand stop and gaze at you. If you enter a shop or stop to talk with anyone a crowd of curious, ignorant looking people gather about you asking you questions, feeling of your clothes and making remarks about you as if you were an inmate of the zoo . . . How would you like to live among a people who are not trustworthy and not appreciative? . . . They do not tell the truth. They do not believe in each other. They don't trust you and they don't want you here . . . You are their guest but you are not a welcome one and you have to watch in every purchase . . . that they don't get away with two or three times as much as they have earned . . . I will come closer home. How would you like to work in a mission with �Yale 65 whose members you are not in sympathy? They are older, they are very conservative, they want you to do just as they irregardless of your tendencies . . . There are those who come from different levels of society, coarse men and women, critical, outspoken, ill natured perhaps . . . Upon you, the new man, a lot of the work is placed which you regard as too much. . . . They might be jealous of your ability or injured by what they regard as your feelings of superiority. .. . Jim this may all sound pretty hard. You will find noble exceptions to all of them. (Warren Seabury to James G. K. McClure, Jr., November 26, 1905) The thoughts of Jim McClure were with Warren Seabury, and as graduation approached China weighed heavily on his mind. Certainly Jim was no academic, but he did graduate on time. Yale honored his father on the same day, awarding him the degree of Doctor of Divinity. His sister Harriet came to dance with his friends at the Senior Prom. It was a joyous and happy moment; songs such as "Bright College Years" were belted out by the Class of '06. Others must have grated a bit on the McClure ear, but were none the less part of the festivities of these final days. Is it possible Jim Sr. and Jr. joined in enthusiastically on the likes of "Here's to good old Yale, Drink her down" and "My comrades, when I am No More Drinking?"26 The class poem was written and read by James Wallis of Dubuque, Iowa, who compared Yale to Camelot and his fellow classmates to young knights. But there is greater work We yet shall do, for we shall travel far, . . . To give the good here molded into us To needy places where we shall set up New Camelots.27 Even if the meter was heavy, in Jim's case the sentiments of Mr. Wallis were truly prophetic. The class orator was Jim's close friend and fellow Bones member, Lee Perrin. In his commencement speech he said: "We are born to an heritage of privilege and responsibility, an heritage which we may altogether accept or decline .. . For our common foster-parent Society . . . requires where she gives; and it will not answer that we have our talents laid up in a napkin."28 That foster parent had given richly to those young men, and no one was more keenly aware of this truth than Jim McClure. His father, now the president of McCormick Theological Seminary, advised his son to put off China for three years. He wrote: It may be that the very best thing you could do would be to come right here, take a room in one of the Seminary buildings, have your meals either at home or in a club and let us feel your presence and your aid ... At the end of the year you would know clearly whether you desired to continue your studies for the ministry or not. Of course this would involve . . . the surrender of many social opportuni- �66 We Plow God's Fields ties. A man cannot do his professional study well and keep up a round of social engagements at the same time. But I believe you would be happy. In due time you would be interested and contented . . . I love you very dearly, my boy—I do not mean to lean upon you too heavily. (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March 23, 1906) After graduation Jim was in charge of organizing a Yale Summer Conference at the Hotchkiss School, because the Northfield conference was scheduled in conflict with activities in New Haven. Afterwards he was off to the St. Lawrence River to join his Skull and Bones friends on Deer Island. One last fling with his closest of comrades, and the Yale years were complete. He sailed to Chicago with Louis Douseman on the steamship Northland.29 The summer of 1906 was a social feast for Jim, a final chance to gorge before, if he followed his father's advice, his seminary studies would force him to slim down his list of engagements. Chicago's North Shore during the summer featured a spectacular series of fairs, with each community vying to outdo the next. Lake Forest brought in American sharp-shooters and Japanese contortionists for an open air vaudeville show. But it was in the town of Oconomowoc, Wisconsin, that in 1906 the Chicago society crowd was most dazzled. A news article reported that when it was over, " . . . the women who had toiled hard for the success of the event . . . drew a long breath, and asked each other, 'Was it better than Lake Geneva?' "30 One of these sighing ladies was a Mrs. J. H. Eckels, who had invited Jim to be a house guest during the fete. She filled her large and splendid house that weekend with privileged young people. Her daughter Phebe, along with a friend, Charlotte Partridge, appear to have garnered the most attention. Jim enticed Charlotte into a photography booth long enough to snap a souvenir picture of the two of them staring intently into one another's eyes.31 At the fete, Mrs. Eckel's exhibit was an elaborate stage show known as the French Amusement Hall. Jim took turns as barker, a role for which he had a natural gift. For his efforts he was awarded a card that read, "Jim McClure (The Handy Dandy Man). And he Barked where ever he went (the Dog)."32 His pitch went something like this: "Step right up, ladies and gents, and see the prize fight of the century. Inside, the French Amusement Hall proudly presents an entire troup of midgets, preparing this very minute to box for your entertainment." Or else, "See the saucy Salvaggi five, who will bring to your unbelieving eyes an acrobatic orgy that will confound the forces of gravity."33 At heart, Jim McClure was a showman, a promoter. Nothing could fire his vital forces more than a crowd needing to be entertained. This Oconomowoc Fair was a reflection of the vast wealth being made in Chicago at the turn of the century, and the good ladies who worried lest the town of Lake Geneva surpass them flaunted this fact. It was tagged the Billion Dollar Carnival, because the net assets of the twenty families who backed it �Yale 67 supposedly exceeded that figure. A Chicago newspaper gloated, "never before in the west has so much wealth been represented in an outdoor entertainment."34 A Mrs. Valentine spent $5,000 to build a German village that included an exact replica of an old Rhine River beer garden.35 And yet, mirroring the rapid shift in the local economy, there were also awards for the best white onions, beets, potatoes and corn. Undoubtedly, Jim enjoyed it all, despite the conspicuous consumption and display of wealth. The $5,000 could have helped so many suffering people in China, or in Chicago for that matter. He was caught up in a world in which he was losing faith, and in due time this conflict would make a strong mark on Jim McClure's outlook. But to the residents of Oconomowoc, Wisconsin that summer of 1906, the burning question remained, was their fair really better than the one in Lake Geneva? The society editors in Chicago all agreed, "It was the special success of the summer .. ."36 Jim had every right, in that same summer of 1906, to feel that his own prospects promised a "special success." He had avoided (barely) burying his talents in the Panhandle of Texas, and Yale University had indeed offered him a great deal. He had thrived within the religious community. Everyone liked him, not least of all the young ladies. He enjoyed the friendship of the sons of the powerful families who attended Yale. He had been asked to join a small and select group, Skull and Bones, an honor that his father shared. The past and future members of this society had a continuing constructive influence in American Society. Years later many of them would help Jim finance his work for the mountain people of North Carolina. In his heart he was sure that idealism would yield the real treasurers of personal satisfaction, and time would show that this notion was right, but not before he endured a great personal struggle. After Yale and the festivities of summer, a period of austerity set in, and a gloom began to hang over his life that was not fully dispelled until after his marriage. He began this phase of his life in Scotland, the home of his ancestors, during the long nights of that country's dreary winter. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Scrapbook of Yale memorabilia made by James G. K. McClure, Jr. Interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. Yale Scrapbook. Yale College Book of Rules, in the Yale scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. Yale Scrapbook Article in Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook, March 13, 1904. �68 We Plow God's Fields 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. Yale Scrapbook, February 14, 1904. Address by James G. K. McClure, Jr., to the Yale YMCA< no known date. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Speech made by James G. K. McClure, Jr., at Haverford Pa., March 5, 1905. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Telegram to Rev. and Mrs. McClure from Horace Ferry, no date. James G. K. McClure, Jr. in his Berlin notebook, 1909. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook, several photographs. Yale Scrapbook, newspaper clipping, paper and date unknown. Yale Scrapbook. Yale Scrapbook. Chicago Evening American, August 4, 1906. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. �Chapter Five Europe: Edinburgh and Tubingen Well James my boy, you are about to start across the briny deep to take up the more serious forms of life and I only hope you find it as fine as you expect and the vocation just suited to you. (Louis Douseman to James G. K. McClure Jr., October2, 1906) The home to which Jim returned in the summer of 1906 was not the familiar manse in prosperous, safe Lake Forest. His father, as president of McCormick Seminary, now lived on Halsted Street, the border of Chicago's Little Italy. Their home was not far from Jane Addams' pioneer urban settlement project, Hull House. She had opened Hull House seventeen years before as a challenge to all Christians " . . . to share the lives of the poor [and] express the spirit of Christ." Jim's new surroundings must have reinforced the powerful pull he felt toward meeting the needs of the less fortunate. Already he was questioning the smug and class-ridden Victorian church, which appeared to him to dodge its duties in an industrial climate bearing the ripe fruit of hate and violence. With broad strokes, he began to rough in a mental picture of a reactionary religion bent on maintaining the status quo, while feeding the oppressed a thin diet of repentance, ladled out with large portions of bourgeois morality. The plight of the American laboring class dwelt heavily on Jim's conscience. He often imagined himself denying his own position of privilege. These attitudes led him inexorably into the political camp of Progressivism, a body of opinion that encompassed a wide range of reform ideas that began to dominate the American political and intellectual scene during these years. Republican Theodore Roosevelt became the most visible leader of the movement. Indeed, 1906 was the beginning of the era of the "muckraker," a term coined by Roosevelt. A muckraker was a journalist who was prone to explicit exposure of corporate or political evils, and wrote in a style designed to create a wave of moral outrage. The year Jim graduated from Yale, Upton Sinclair published his book The Jungle, which spoiled an entire nation's taste for packaged meat by portraying with graphic detail some of the common practices of the processing plants of Chicago. Sinclair set the style, and following his lead exposes began rolling off American printing presses. This intellectual climate of moral outrage shaped Jim's impressions of politics and capitalism. Part of a new generation rejected the dying spirit of the Gospel of Wealth for the hope of Progressivism. While an older generation might still extol the pluck of Horatio Alger, the 69 �70 We Plow God's Fields favorite author of a series of success stories for boys, their sons and daughters began to question the smug theories of Social Darwinism and its proclamations about the "survival of the fittest" in a competitive society. The Progressives envisioned a new role for government, that of protector of the powerless and underprivileged. Laissez-faire politics came under heavy attack. "Trust-busting," political reform, concern for the rights of the working man, and even consumer protection came to life with the leadership of Theodore Roosevelt. In short, the Progressives believed that American government ought to purge itself of corruption in order to become a f air arbiter between the various power centers of a new industrial society. But even while these new ideas were forming the outline of a value structure for Jim McClure, he could not resist the pleasures available to a young man of his position. The summer of 1906 was a string of grand parties and romance all along the North Shore. Perhaps he knew himself well enough to guess that for him to remain in Chicago at this time would prove disastrous to his growing sense of serious purpose. He decided not to enroll at McCormick Seminary that fall, but accepted instead a generous offer from Mrs. Cyrus McCormick, the inheritor of the vast reaper fortune and a member of his father's congregation. She offered to pay his way to Scotland, ancestral home of the McClures (and McCormicks!), so that he could study at New College, the theological school of the University of Edinburgh. Nothing could have appealed to "Madame" McCormick more than to send her beloved minister's young son back to his Presbyterian homeland to prepare for the ministry. Jim left for Scotland by way of New England in the fall of 1906, accompanied by his two younger brothers, Nathan and Arch. They were keenly interested in all the stories and pranks of Jim's Yale years. They were interested as well in his decision to enter the ministry, in his theological views, in everything he said and did. The love within this family was never more evident than during these weeks before his departure for Scotland. In Boston they watched their White Sox fall to the Red Sox. In Westerly, they were embraced by the Dixons. Perhaps it was there that their father caught up with the three of them. He reclaimed the two younger sons, and later reported back to Jim: My dear boy: As soon as Nathan and Arch got out of your sight, Nathan pulled his hat over his eyes—to conceal his tears, and both he and Arch wept silently. I am lonely without you. The more you are with me the quieter we are together, the stronger I feel. I commit you to God . . . I have been up in your room and thought of you. (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., September 22, 1906) Several days later, he wrote again to Jim: Paul said to Timothy, whom he called "my beloved child," "I thank God, whom I serve from my forefathers in a pure conscience, how increasing is �Europe: Edinburgh and Tubingen 71 my remembrance of thee . .. Suffer hardship with me as a good soldier of Christ Jesus." So I say to you. When I wake at night, I will think of you: when I do my daily work I will likewise think of you . .. You and I have many ties together. Yale is one, and Bones is another and now we may look forward to another . .. Every morning and every night your name will be on my lips before the throne of Grace. (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., October 3, 1906) From his mother came a package with pajamas and slippers " . . . and Annie sends the paper and envelopes ..." (She had graduated from Wellesley and was helping her father as secretary). Every member of Jim's family sent an expression to him of his or her love. There was a feeling that Jim's status with them had changed; he was now severing his ties with them, leading the way for the others into the adult world. These family love offerings arrived for Jim in Norwich, Connecticut, where he had gone to usher in the wedding of his Bones comrade, Grosvenor Ely. Both of Grove's parents had died, leaving him an enormous house and plenty of endowment. The wedding was one of those occasions Jim absolutely adored. There were all his friends, and an opportunity for frivolous entertainments that he more often than not devised. For his services as an usher, Jim received a wooden cane topped with a gold snake head. The night before the ceremony, the bachelor's party spilled out into New Haven, and the young graduates toured about "the upper part of town singing glees."1 Louis Douseman had been unable to leave Wisconsin to come East and writes to Jim with obvious envy. Louis described the disillusionment he felt on returning home and trying to deal with his family's neighbors. Class divisions haunted America, and for Jim, having just participated in his friend's wedding, Louis's words must have made him pause and wonder about what illusions he himself might have to shed. I have changed my ideas about things considerable since my home coming, as you are bound to do, and it isn't all such a cinch as I had hoped for as the ways of man [aren't] as noble as my acquaintance in the past has led me to expect . .. You ought to see me attending meetings of the Town Board on roads and surrounded by farmers, who have it in for me, as I force them to give up some of their old habits of making public thoroughfares of our land. It is rare sport but I almost had a fight at our last session—They surely are a dullheaded bunch who have to be taught a lesson sooner or later. (Louis Douseman to James G. K. McClure, Jr., October 2, 1906) As the "knights" of Yale '06 returned home, anxious to recreate Camelot, contact with real people struggling to survive in a difficult world rapidly eroded their college ideals, bringing out the old defensive and snobbish instincts of class. Jim McClure had yet to be tested, but it would be the mark of the man throughout his life that he sought to maintain the Christian ideals of both his upbringing and his choosing. He learned to empathize with people of all layers �72 We Plow God's Fields and conditions of society. He considered it a human tragedy when a man left the high road of idealism to pursue a life of cynicism. On October 6, 1906, Jim left the United States as a First Cabin Passenger on the steamer Columbia. He was sent off with a batch of telegrams from his family, friends and romantic interests (the last group skirmishing a bit over whose special Mend he was!). Just before sailing, he squeezed in an automobile race on Long Island, the Third Annual International Competition for the William K. Vanderbilt, Jr. Cup, quite something to see in 1906. So our hero left this country, quite independent and with the spirit of great adventure. Great Britain in 1906 ruled much of the world, and was the cultural foundation for the English-speaking world. By comparison, Chicago was considered a crass metropolis somewhere west of New York, buried in the provincial hinterland of the United States. The New College of Edinburgh was a very demanding theological institution. Enrolled there were some of the finest young minds of the Presbyterian Church, having endured a rigorous curriculum in order to earn the privilege of attendance. Jim's academic record was mediocre; he had concentrated on friends and fun. His grasp of Greek and Latin, World History, Literature, Philosophy and the rest was thin and confused. He had been preceded at the New College by another Bones man, Henry Sloane Coffin, who was destined to become one of the most influential men of his generation. Jim wrote to Mr. Coffin for advice, and received in return a list of his friends in Edinburgh and some kind encouragement. He was also preceded by his father's reputation as a leader in the American church. On arrival he was greeted by the distinguished New College theologian, Marcus Dods, who knew and admired his father. He spent several days as a guest of the Dods family before settling into a room. By this time Jim was beginning to realize that his personal charm gave him the ability to persuade and move people. Perhaps he was getting overconfident of his ability. Dr. Dods sized him up quickly enough. According to family tradition, he wrote an American friend that "Jim McClure is the most charming and the most ignorant young man I have ever met."2 It was not long before Jim himself realized his abysmal ignorance in comparison with the serious and dedicated students in his class. He learned that for a McClure, especially a Presbyterian McClure, ignorance was a sin. You couldn't get by on charm alone. With characteristic zeal he began an all-out assault on his academic shortcomings. He loved to gather up his strength for a plunge into combat, and so he began by making a list of great books, those he felt constituted the essence of Western Civilization. He then determined to read a book a week until the list was done. He kept records of his progress, making it harder on himself by counting books of two or three volumes as only one completed work. Green's History of England, in four volumes, was a particularly arduous seven-day challenge. It was an endurance race of sorts; and he kept at it, with list after list, until 1913. He read in all more than 500 books, in �Europe: Edinburgh and Tubingen 73 m Marcus Dods, President of New College, Edinburgh, Scotland. addition to the required reading for his courses. He polished off William James, Rudyard Kipling, John Fiske's History of the United States, Huckleberry Finn, Charles Dickens, Aldous Huxley, Ibsen, Dante, Bunyan, Balzac, and the list stretches on. Jim's roommate in the dormitory was a young man named John Baillie. They became great friends and used to lie in bed at night making up lists such as "ten things I most dislike" and "ten reasons for not getting out of bed in the morning." Later on, John became a distinguished Scottish theologian and president of the New College. In his books there are a number of such lists, but in a much more serious vein.3 By December, Dr. Dods had come to appreciate Jim. He sent word back to the McClure home on his progress. "I think I cannot send you a Christmas card you will find more welcome than the thankful acknowledgement that your son has quite won the hearts of all members of our College. He is, I think, the most popular man we have had from the U.S.A.... His face captivates everyone and on acquaintance we find it is lived up to...." But he went on to say he was unsure about Jim's decision to leave the dormitory in order to live in an urban settlement house in the Cowgate, a tough section of Edinburgh. He wrote with resignation that he "Certainly . . . will see a good deal of institutional church work" (Marcus Dods to James G. K. McClure, Sr., December 11, 1906). "Institutional church work" was putting it mildly. The weekly routine of the Pleasance Street Settlement House included mothers' meetings, Bible classes, Sabbath services, Lads' Club, a Savings Bank �74 We Plow God's Fields meeting (to teach profligate Scotsmen a little thrift), classes for sewing and music, and something called the Band of Hope, which might have been a program for alcoholics. The purpose of this mission was to involve members of the local "community in a daily routine that would break the old patterns of self-destruction. A new culture of Christ was provided to replace the general culture of vice that operated in the neighborhood. Pleasance Street was an area of the city so densely populated that Jim could count fifty-five families using the same doorway across the street from the mission, in a structure not over four stories tall. He noticed that the people's physical growth was stunted by their poverty. He remarked later in a sermon that he had " . . . never met a man taller than 5'7" living in the Cowgate."4 Jim was looking face to face at the alcoholism that is endemic to Scotland, a cultural sickness that surely influenced the determination of his own family's choice of abstinence. On Saturday evenings Jim walked along the streets with Warden Symington, who was in charge of the mission. He was a great big man with a shock of red hair. The two of them walked along breaking up fights. Symington would catch hold of one man and Jim the other, and they would forcefully jerk them apart. Once they went up to the second floor of a tenement to stop a fight. A "Bobbie" was ahead of them, and the warden disapproved of his behavior. He picked him up and dropped him out the window.5 Drunks, prostitutes and brawls were a part of the routine. These drunks remained for Jim a symbol of the fantastic possibilities of human hypocrisy. He said later, "In Scotland, I have heard some of the finest talks on religion and temperance from men who were drunk."6 Mr. Symington left the employ of the mission during this time. At the farewell party, Jim received two playing cards, the King and ten of hearts, as a memento. The warden signed them, and inscribed this message to Jim: "May this be the only card of this kind you handle unless to destroy."7 Evil for these Scottish Presbyterians of 1906 was not a matter left open for debate. And so the young idealist from Yale came face to face with the scourges of an urban society. Many a young man in such a situation retreats hastily back into the safety of academia, allowing fatalism and cynicism to grow up from within to crowd out his former hopes for a finer world. Jim McClure took his walks in a world where brutality and anger had to be dealt with quickly and confidently. Forever afterwards he remembered the Pleasance Street Settlement House in a quaintly fond way, as an exciting time of testing when he became engaged in the problems of the lives of people outside the confines of the college. He discovered he had a taste for this work, and that neither his courage nor his ideals were easily shaken. Unlike his friend Louis Douseman, he did not change his ideas. Jim thrived on excitement and liked to think of himself as courageous and persuasive enough to wade into other people's problems. Scattered through Jim's diary are many entries referring to his work with the Settlement House. On one of those interminable Scottish winter nights he wrote " . . . out with the Warden . . . quiet—one woman's purse stolen-awful sight—women drunk with children—pity."8 A few weeks later he noted, �Europe: Edinburgh and Tubingen 75 "Brought a poor boy home—gave him 4d... ."9 He celebrated Washington's birthday by skipping all his classes in order to attend the trial of one Pougrate, who was "condemned and hung by Shaw, the hangman."10 Despite Jim McClure's curiosity about the sensational, the routine of these days in Edinburgh rotated about the daily class meetings with his seminary professors. The winter term began on January 8, 1907 with a controversial address presented by Dr. Dods, castigating the gathered group of Highlands ministers for laziness. Jim must have felt a little uneasy himself. His own academic diligence remained an unproved commodity. The Yale good-times habits were hard to extinguish. Worrying about his little vices, he confessed to a lapse in personal purity; he smoked "10 sigs" the week following Dr. Dods' sermon. Other entertainments included the companionship of two young ladies, a Miss Simpson and Dorothy Lowe. He entertained the latter on horseback, no doubt exhausting his repertoire of bronco-busting stories. Jim also received several visiting friends. With one, Frank Dodge, he spent the day talking and sight-seeing, walking up to Holy Rood, the ancient seat of Scottish royalty, and becoming so absorbed in conversation at one castle that they remained late into the night "til we were thrown out." He enjoyed several day trips to nearby towns of interest. He returned in a rush from Aberdeen in order to read Pilgrim's Progress to a group of children. For sports, there were field hockey and rugby. His seminary "ruggers" challenged the "Established Church" to a match. He belonged to the local Theological Society, where he read a paper on Tolstoy.11 Jim McClure allowed himself to be pulled in many different directions. He had an appetite for adventure and excitement, something he rarely found in theological classes or books. From 9:00 a.m. to noon each day, he attended the classes of each of his three professors. The educational methods were formal, but the small size of the faculty and student body allowed for an intimate learning environment. There were regular teas with the professors, where a student could launch out on a tangent or clarify a theological point. These classes and assignments Jim pursued with a sense of duty, not pleasure. He often discovered delightful reasons why he might cut a class from time to time, especially those of a Dr. Martin. Exams were scheduled for late March, and by Jim's own admission he had as yet not mastered the rigors of academia. On March 21st, he "Sat a poor exam in Dogmatics ..." and four days later admits that he "Cut [a] poor figure in exams... ,"12 Jim was never particularly concerned with church dogmas anyway. The study time he lost he turned to advantage in travel around Scotland. He tried to see as much of the country as he could. For one jaunt, an agreeable young Princeton man joined him for a tour of Loch Katrine and Loch Lomond, and on "up to Rob Roy's cave... ,"13 By the end of March, after his exams, he announced in his diary that the Scottish time was running out. "Hate to leave Edinburgh—very happy days—Everyone too kind!" Well, not everyone, for he goes on to say that he made a farewell stroll in the moonlight "up Carlton Hill—lots of bad people."14 �76 We Plow God's Fields Dr. Dods closed the session with another address, summing up the theological thicket in which Jim McClure now found himself. Jim greatly admired Dr. Dods, for both his intellect and his persuasiveness. Jim would mourn his death within the year. Dr. Dods had endured throughout his career the theological fads of his generation. He explained to Jim and his classmates that the unsettled condition of church dogma was an opportunity for the young men listening to him. He said, "It was in a time of transition such as this, when every old belief was called in question and when the traditional moorings were sunk, that men felt their need of guidance and the expert found his opportunity. When all things were fixed and ready to take their shapes, the hand that could form the mould had the control of the new world."15 Jim left New College with many friendships and a growing theological curiosity. Dr. Martin signed his diploma stating that "Mr. J. G. McClure Jr. B. S. had been a student in this College during Session 1906-7; is much esteemed both by the Senatus and by his fellow students; and is recommended hereby to the kind offices of the authorities of the University in which he proposes to study during the summer."16 The University he chose was located in Germany, the country that had so fascinated Jim McClure at Yale. Germany was the center of the theological controversies of the day; the very place where Dr. Dods' "new moulds" were being shaped. The force and power of science, in the German universities more than anywhere else, were at work to "demythologize" and "modernize" a Christian creed that had for so long viewed the cold objectivity of the scientific method as a threat. Jim McClure, having caught the excitement of these struggles, and having a natural predilection for the rational as opposed to the revealed nature of Truth, was drawn to Germany. The Seminary of the University of Tubingen was founded in 1537 amidst the theological revolution of the Reformation. It was established as Protestant, and has remained a leading theological center for Protestant thought. The town of Tubingen lies in the southwest corner of Germany, within about sixty miles of both Switzerland and France in the old political region of Wurttemberg. The seminary had maintained its revolutionary vigor into the twentieth century, and was widely known for the number of brilliant professors working there in an attempt to demythologize Christianity. Rudolf Bultmann, who became most skillful in the science of form criticism, and Paul Tillich, who devised a comprehensive existential theology and had a considerable intellectual following, were Tubingen students and Jim's contemporaries. Bultmann labored throughout his life to unravel the mystery of the "historical Jesus" by carefully trying to discern and remove the various layers of myth surrounding him in the Biblical testimony. Paul Tillich based his theology on a synthesis of culture and faith. Both these men were looking for a new, firm basis for faith, in order to revitalize the churches with a meaning that did not try to side-step the scientific method of inquiry. Jim McClure came searching for a religion that would energize people and societies as well, so that a transformation could begin that would usher in a new era, a real earthly Kingdom of God. He was ready to plunge ahead and �Europe: Edinburgh and Tubingen in 77 s- Postcard from T. Zieglar, July 4, 1907. to get his hands dirty, but he needed first to find a message that he could both believe and act upon. Jim's letters from Tubingen sounded a variety of themes, and were read with interest around the dinner table on Halsted Street. . . . [Tubingen] is about the most beautiful place I have ever been in—right in the midst of the Swabian Albes . .. We could see the Hohenzollern Castle. The hills and small mountains are wonderful and we walked through valleys and through Pine Forests and it really is wonderful. Also for theology it seems that I have chosen very fortunately. There are about 300 theological students here . . . However I am the first American student—they say. Today . . . I attended two lectures without understanding a word . . . I wish the family could all see me thrashing about in this unutterable language. I never expect to understand a word. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to family, May 1, 1907) Talk about silent people. Your boy has not opened his lips to speak for five days . . . Since last writing nothing of importance has happened except the forgetting of three German words which I thought I knew when I came here. Also Mother will be pleased to know that as yet no German students have challenged me to a duel . . . (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to family, May 2, 1907) �78 We Plow God's Fields The German language remained a puzzle to Jim at Tubingen. This blocked his comprehension of the theology he was studying. Despite his afternoon efforts with Joe Twichell at Yale, attending lectures on Kant and Hegel in German was a great trial to him. Philosophy is subtle enough in one's native tongue, and so Jim appears to have taken to doodling. His notebook is full of fanciful caricatures half man-half beast, no doubt satirizing his proud and serious German professors. He became quite lonely in Tubingen, and treasured letters from home. From Nathan he received this peppy note: "3 cheers for the cubs . . . Wright me soon .. ." (Nathan McClure to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 10, 1906). Arch follows up with a more concrete summary of the baseball situation. "The Cubs are still eight games ahead of New York . . . In the American League, Cleveland, Detroit and Philadelphia in that order are right at the Sox heels" (Arch McClure to James G. K. McClure, Jr., July 16, 1907). Dueling was the honored sport of the German aristocrat. Face scars were for many the prerequisite for respect. Sunday afternoon duels were a fine spectator event in Tubingen, and Jim was unable to keep himself away. "[I] walked out . . . to get a look at duelling. Butted in but students very polite . . . Blood flowing freely."17 Jim was always drawn towards excitement, whether Cubs baseball, Yale football or German duelling. While Jim watched one of these duels, a contestant lunged at his opponent, neatly severing one ear. The lost appendage dropped to the ground, and was immediately gobbled up by the victim's pet hound, who had been waiting in the wings.18 In another episode, Jim was entertaining his American friend Charlotte Partridge. Her family had come to Germany on a European tour. Jim and Charlotte were sitting in a small garden cafe in Heidelberg. There had just been a heavy summer rain shower. Tables were set up outside, protected from the storm by a canvas awning. As awnings are prone to do, it bulged this particular afternoon with the water that had collected during the shower. Jim and the girl were happily preoccupied with each other's company. Into this lovely garden scene marched a haughty Prussian officer. Perhaps the world of man has never created a personage that could exude such a sense of superiority, such contempt for others, or such excessive pride, as the Prussian officer. The mien of such a man grated against the democratic ideals of the young American, and anyway he had a fine girl to entertain. He was seized by a reckless impulse. Canes were in style in the Germany of this day, and Jim surreptitiously reached up with his and pushed the nearest bulge in the awning at just the right moment to drench the officer. A moment later, the joke became a little hollow as the officer sent a message to Jim demanding a duel; after all, a proud man's honor had been thoroughly debased in a public place and the local codes demanded an opportunity to redress. A foolhardy joke had now placed Jim in a serious predicament. According to the duelling code, the man challenged had the right to choose the weapon, the time and the place. Jim returned a note to the Prussian, accepting the challenge under the following conditions: as for weapons, one could use only his fists; as for the time, it was to be right away; and as for the place, it �Europe: Edinburgh and Tubingen 79 was to be behind that very garden cafe. Jim McClure had shrewdly chosen a "duel" no German of honor could abide. Brawling was too undignified, and the Prussian declined.19 Charlotte's family invited Jim to join their entourage. It was for him a glorious reprieve from his studies and his loneliness. He wrote home, "Charlotte Partridge wrote me this morning that they would be in Munich on Sunday—so will I. Though—this for father—I will return to Tubingen without a pfennig and hold a record breaking fast until reimbursement comes" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to family, late April, 1907). Charlotte made life gay for Jim again. They went to vaudeville shows, rowed on ponds, ate pastries for breakfast, and drove about in an automobile Mr. Partridge had hired for the family's use. Jim's diary gives a lively account of his movements. Motoring through Germany, he and Charlotte . . . saw everything in Wurzburg and ate two sausages in that half hour . . . Ch[arlotte] and I drove madly thru town . .. We got to Frankfort in time for lunch—after lunch we drove over town and through it ... [At Wiesbaden] Mr. Partridge and I arose at 5:30 the next morning . . . and had a hot mineral bath. I felt gouty before but the bath put me on my feet again. We then drove to the Rhine and embarked on a capacious boat and took the trip down the Rhine—it was simply wonderful—descriptions do not touch the real thing with a long bamboo pole . .. Koln [Cologne] at 5:00 said goodbye .. . did not relish it.20 One picture that has survived of this episode shows Charlotte under and behind a large and discrete veiled hat, with Jim peering cheerfully from beneath a handsome bowler. It might seem surprising that Charlotte should turn up in Germany, but in fact Europe was fairly swarming with Jim's friends. Between Edinburgh and Tubingen, he ate dinner with "Bill" Coffin, and went to Buckingham Palace with Frank Dodge. Russell Cheney met him in Paris, and then who should appear but Charlotte's rival, Phoebe Eckols. Jim and Phoebe did their driving in Paris, on the Bois du Bologne and in the shadow of the Pantheon and Notre Dame. After Phoebe left, Agnes Booth arrived in town. It was as if the powers of American society were making a special effort to entertain the lonely seminary student. The Booths invited Jim to join them for a chauffeured tour of France. From Chartres to Orleans to Tours, and on and on they went; chateaux, dungeons, cathedrals and the finest French cuisine, with dominoes after dinner, for a week of luxury. They breezed back to Paris in time to catch Madame Butterfly. Sadly for Jim, the "... Booths start for England [and I] almost went with them."21 But Jim's friends in Paris had by no means been exhausted after the departure of Agnes Booth. There was a fine bunch of his Yale buddies there, and he drove around with them in a Mercedes taking in more sights, including the tomb of that most famous of all Frenchmen, Napoleon Bonaparte. In 1907 Europe �80 We Plow God's Fields had become a wonderful American playground. If the Old World was exporting its masses "yearning to breathe free" to the New World, the new was returning tourists who had "struck it rich" in America, returning in part to discover their own backgrounds, and also to brag a little about their success and their country. After some weeks of language difficulties back at Tubingen there was a holiday. In late May Jim and Otto Berlin, a German student, planned a walking tour in the nearby Black Forest. Jim looked forward to playing the gypsy. He carried along a little concertina, and accompanied Otto's singing to pay for supper and lodging. Otto wished to learn English and Jim expected to learn German. But Jim found that he missed the comforts of the more lavish tours in the automobiles of his lady companions. I am at present . . . situated in the worst hotel in the world . . . We climb up to our room on a ladder. You would die if you could see me on my tour with the German student. We left Tubingen yesterday morning . . . and travelled by train to Freudenstadt—on the train we travelled fourth class—rather we bumped over the rails fourth class . . . We each carry a pack on our back and in said pack besides clothes for the journey we carry a loaf of bread and a Big Wurst which we eat for lunch. Yesterday he tried to tell me the love story of his life, showing me a picture of his loved one. I however understood almost nil and tried to put in intelligent ejaculations. Yesterday we walked 61 kilometers—a breath taker for me—but I pulled in at night ahead of the student . . . after this I will never think of falling in love. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to family, May 19, 1907) At Lake Constance, on the Swiss border, The German student left for Munich and I heaved a large sigh of relief . . . This whole journey—some 400 miles and seeing all these things cost me just $13.00 which I think is about as cheap as such journey was ever made . . . (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to family, May 24, 1907) Although at the time this walking trip certainly seemed difficult, Jim remembered it with joy in later years when telling his adventure to his daughter. On returning to Tubingen, Jim McClure began again the struggle to comprehend the contortions of philosophy and theology in a language he did not understand. To make matters worse, his professor was a Hungarian named Haring, who lectured on material straight out of his book Dogmatik. Jim doodled through his lectures and then went back to his room to try to figure out from Dogmatik what the man had been saying. He had to look up nearly every German word, moving at the glacial speed of about a page an hour. "Fearful stuff he called the professor's writings. He decided German lessons would help him, and so employed a Fraulein Oeler to teach him the language each afternoon. Soon afterwards, he felt as if he had made progress. "[I] Understand �Europe: Edinburgh and Tubingen 81 Scheel and was delighted." But he was still puzzled about Dogmatik. "After three hours [I] did not understand Haring."22 Slowly the Fraulein helped him improve his German conversation, and he was able to make more friends and join in informal meetings with the professors and students. Professor Haring presided at one such gathering, and Jim brags a little about his temperance: "The students all sit around a table with beer, cigars and water—note this last as it is quite unusual at such an occasion—and hand in questions to the Prof, and a discussion follows" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, July 7, 1907). There was a strain to his life here in Tubingen, excepting his interludes with Miss Partridge and Miss Eckols et al., that began to eat away at his health. He naturally possessed great nervous energy that needed a constructive outlet. He was determined to master theology, and at the same time week after week he added to the growing list of outside reading in the notebook he had begun in Edinburgh. The stress of his work, the loneliness of being in the midst of people whom he barely understood, and the confining style of student life began to have a physical affect on him. He found it difficult to digest regular meals, and throughout June and July he often subsisted on a diet of bread and milk. He decided to play tennis regularly, in order to benefit from proper exercise. But tennis tended to aggravate his knee, which he may have damaged when climbing in the mountains of Craig while in Scotland.23 Beginning in Tubingen, a dark cloud of illness began to build up over Jim McClure, which he would be unable to shake off for many years. He decided with hindsight that perhaps the strain of trying to push himself academically, plus the personal problems any young man faces, plus all his difficulties in adjusting to Germany added up to a damaging burden. Jim McClure did not possess an academic temperament; he was a man of action who believed that theory was useful as a starting reference, but had to be followed up in a practical way for courage and persistence to achieve results. A man's youth, however long it may last, needs to be a testing time, where one probes the limits of endurance and capacity. Jim McClure discovered at Tubingen that he had limits. He found it hard to be happy without friends. He discovered, eventually, that he could learn a great deal from study but could never lose touch with life and become completely absorbed in books. The magic of the man was his ability to inspire people with his personal attributes, from street urchins in Edinburgh, to chance acquaintances on the street, to the loyal cadre of friends he maintained throughout his life. People in the flesh, not in the abstract, inspired him to selflessness and Christlike acts. And although he was eventually able to stretch his understanding in order to master the thorniest of intellectual difficulties, academic pursuits rarely provided him with as much spiritual lift and inspiration as did personal contact with a single struggling man or woman. In Edinburgh and especially in Germany, the strict academic regimen stifled the more natural interchange among people that he had enjoyed at Yale. His father had warned him that this might be the case, and that he should �82 We Plow God's Fields nonetheless steel himself to the task. But without his friends, Jim found it hard to see much purpose in what he was doing. And so he complained about the "stiffness of German social intercourse."24 Beyond the frustrations of his daily life, Jim McClure was also beginning to grapple with difficult theological questions. In Germany he began to see beyond the cheerfulness of his immature idealism, and to face the rooted depths of human misery. Was the Christian message, perhaps, really a simple crutch, an opiate to soothe the world's pain? He wrote to his mother t h a t " . . . the more I see of the world, the more the surface layer vanishes and the sorrow and burden-bearing and strength underneath become evident" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, July, 1907). Sorrow and inner strength are the stuff of religion, and even though it took him an hour to decipher a single page of each German tome, he was beginning for the first time to face the real religious battles that were raging within the souls of men and women at this time. Fred Henderson, a Scotsman from New College, was one soul with whom he kept in intimate contact during his time in Tubingen. This man's letters were an indication to Jim of his personal gifts, and speak of the intellectual milieu of the period. Fred wrote: I don't suppose you know and perhaps I am making a mistake in telling you but I know you must have better friends and people you love far more than me—still all the same I am going to tell you that there is no one else I know that I love in quite the same way that I love you. You don't feel the same way towards me and I can't expect you to. But Jim man you have got a tremendous power in your personal influence and not only for your own sake but for the sake of all of us whom your life touches you must keep holy, keep close to God. "For their sakes I sanctify myself." . . . We'll have a rare good time in heaven when the wrestling is over .. . (Fred Henderson to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 24, 1907) These two men, like many of their age and class, talked a great deal about healing society; they both were fascinated by the world of the working classes that functioned so close at hand, and yet so out of reach. Fred wrote on his way to an Asian mission field: Dear Jim, I have been looking at the steerage passengers and I think it wouldn't be at all a terrible experience after the first three days . . . Of course I haven't seen the sleeping accommodations or the grub but just watched their games on the cargo hatch and with the Arabs who came aboard to sell things off Suez. The net result of all which discussion about steerage is not that I am to go steerage all the way back or go out of my way to take a special steerage trip but that if the only way to do anything that I ought to do involves travelling steerage then that will rather spice the doing of it than prevent it. (Fred Henderson to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March 10, 1907) �Europe: Edinburgh and Tubingen 83 There is a comical aspect to this young missionary peering over the deck at the poorest passengers, but it serves as a poignant reminder of the artificial barriers in this class-ridden society. For all their naivete, young men like Jim McClure and Fred Henderson were seriously uncomfortable with the compartments that limited social intercourse. Fred and Jim were dedicated "self-improvers" as well, and worked out a set of duplicate cards in order to concentrate better on their spiritual battles. Fred suggested an amendment in one letter. "About these duplicate cards of ours: What do you say to inserting for Sunday 'to get rid of self-consciousness.' I think we ... are quite sick of ourselves in that line...." He goes on in his letter to discuss the practice of the Sabbath day, contrasting Jim's more modern and casual approach to the common practices of Scotland: "... [Y]ou don't know the Scotch tradition about Sunday and the feeling that lurks in every Scotchman's heart that he ought to be uncomfortable on Sunday when he is not in church or reading the Bible . . . you are emancipated from all that Jim but I am not sure that I envy you. That dear old Scotch Sunday has got into my blood and qualified by sincerity and humanity it still . . . seems to come nearer the ideal than any other I know" (Fred Henderson to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March 10, 1907). From one of Jim's American friends whom he had just seen in Paris, Mary Kay Waller, he received a letter that illustrates once again Jim's powerful influence over people: . . . I feel as if I ought to apologize for the cynical nasty mien I showed in everything that night at Dorothy's . . . I've been working on so many problems, that my mind is settled on a wheel, and instead of facing the real facts fearlessly, I've hidden my defeat in cynicism. Way down deep I do believe in sincerity, in absolute simplicity which is really only the direct expression of the universal in us—of all that is noblest in us-of God . . . Whatever we believe, we can always be honest in living up to the very best in us. That is what you are starting out to do now, Jim, and to think, in your very decision, you have grown—you seemed older . . . more manly the other night—and I am wishing you all the courage, all the strength which it takes to be true to one's highest self . . . I am proud of your friendship. (Mary Kay Waller to James G. K. McClure, Jr., 1907, exact date unknown) One of Jim's closest Skull and Bones friends, Hugh Wilson, sounded the very same theme. Jim McClure, if he did not know anything else, knew that his friends looked to him for advice, and as an example. Hugh Wilson later became the American Ambassador to Nazi Germany, the last before the Second World War. He wrote to Jim McClure in 1907: I have always said that to my knowledge no man had ever influenced my character one way or the other, but now I shall have to take it back and say that I am a decidedly better man for having had that talk with you. Not so much better, as changed, having a greater pleasure in things beautiful, in music �84 We Plow God's Fields and poetry that I had been gradually shutting off from myself by a wall of materialistic selfishness . . . You see, Jimmie it was the sight of you and analysis of how high and spiritual thinking combined with unselfish living had changed the boy fond of the good things of life into a man of reason and power that set me to realizing how little my nature had grown in the same period of time, and how small was a spiritual increase compared to the intellectual of the last year. Thank you, Jimmie for all such realizations and let me believe that this will help a little to heal up the pain in your heart that I saw you carrying away from Paris with you. (Hugh Wilson to James G. K. McClure, Jr., May 13, 1907) John Magee, who became a missionary to China and who had served with Jim as class deacon at Yale, echoed Hugh Wilson's comments: "Hugh said last night that you had had a tremendous influence on him, more so than any other man. The change that had come over you was so wonderful. He said he had gotten more materialistic before he saw you than ever before in his life . . . It certainly was a splendid tribute" (John Magee to James G.K. McClure, Jr., June 19, 1907). These letters were heady praise for a young theological student, and must have encouraged Jim enormously during a difficult period of his life. Surely his friends were telling him that his chosen field matched his gifts. He finished the term at Tubingen, leaving on July 20 with a diploma inscribed for one "Jacobus McClure." He then met up with John Magee and Lee Perrin, their class orator, for a tour of Europe. He sent his trunks on to Paris and carried a few belongings in a small canvas sack, a gypsy traveller once again. He made his first visit to Worms to pay homage to Martin Luther, the man who had changed the history of the West and shaped the Christian views of Jim's Scottish ancestors. John Magee arrived in Paris in a dismal frame of mind, dampening the impulsive spirits of the other two. The three of them meandered about Switzerland, lazily absorbing the scenery from Lucerne to Geneva. Then, for a brief period, Jim left his friends and made a breathless tour of northern Italy. This was typical of his constant push to get the maximum dosage of sights and sounds. He rejoined them in Paris and departed for Chicago in mid-September, 1907. The remaining years of Jim's seminary career involved learning the rudiments of his trade. The faculty of McCormick Seminary trained him in all phases of Presbyterian theology, church history, apologetics and the meaning of the Gospel. He wrote sermons, and tried to deliver them properly. He wrote papers on social and ethical questions, including one on the world of the Chicago saloon. In 1909, Jim was ready to return again to Germany, and studied there at the universities in Jena and Berlin. He was now comfortable with the habits of scholarship, and understood great chunks of the philosophical masters, in both German and English. �Europe: Edinburgh and Tubingen 85 1. Norwich Evening Record, September 27, 1906. 2. Interview with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 3. Ibid. 4. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "The Social Crisis," sermon given March 22, 1914, Iron River, Michigan. 5. Interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 6. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "The Social Crisis," sermon given March 22, 1914, Iron River, Michigan. 7. The cards were found in a scrapbook kept by James G. K. McClure, Jr. 8. Edinburgh diary, March 1, 1907. 9. Ibid., March 22, 1907. 10. Ibid., Feb. 22, 1907. 11. Ibid.t various entries. 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid. 15. Marcus Dods, closing address, Edinburgh, March 1907. 16. This diploma is among the papers of James G. K. McClure, Jr. 17. Diary entry, July 18, 1907. 18. Interview with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 19. Ibid. 20. Diary, various entries. 21. Diary, no date. 22. Diary, no date. 23. Diary, June 7, 1907. 24. Edinburgh diary, March 23, 1907. �Chapter Six Unsystematic Theology . . . Here lies the danger of every young man—that he will make a choice which will stunt him, will dwarf him, will choke down all these high yearnings of his youth and will land him at fifty high and dry and wizened with parched tongue on some sandy, hot island, while the heroes of the race have safely gone on far beyond. (James G. K. McClure, Jr., untitled sermon written while attending McCormick Seminary 1908) My religious views are so different from [the] Presbyterian that I doubt of the board's accepting me. (Letter to L. B. [Lucy Blair?], November 21, 1909) I must devote more time in the morning to prayer—to fixing in my mind the reality and omnipresence of God . .. Matter is so near; the interest in details . . . so absorbing; pleasure is ... so alluring; the seen world is so explainable and seemingly sufficient that unless I start out in the morning by fixing in my mind the deeper interpretationthe seeing of God in everything—1 am apt to lose him altogether .. . (Liverpool journal, 1909, undated entry) Last Sunday evening I visited a Pietist Hour—you know of the Pietist movement—and I was very much impressed. The German theology needs a good airing and hanging on the line and beating . . . (James G. K. McClure, Jr., to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, end of July, 1907) In the autumn of 1909, Jim McClure found himself for a second time steaming across the Atlantic for Europe. The conviviality and adventure of an ocean voyage gave Jim great opportunities to make friends and discuss the issues of the day, but he was not returning for pleasure. Instead, he was trying to rediscover the theological glimpses he had seen before, and find out if they held answers to his questions. He was dissatisfied with the conventional doctrines of McCormick Seminary, and he had not forgotten how his intellect had been stirred and challenged in Edinburgh and Tubingen before. Now he needed to go back to Germany, where a new and disturbing theology was being formulated. Already the American Social Gospel movement, which made service to one's fellow man the criterion of one's religion, was influential in Jim McClure's theology. But he wanted to know why a man should devote his life to such service. What was the compelling drive of Christianity? He was simply dissatisfied with the traditional catechism of responses. He felt he must probe 86 �Unsystematic Theology 87 deeply for himself. He sought ideas that would send him with abandon into battle, with a fierce determination and reckless confidence that could upset the lethargic world around him. Jim McClure dreamed heroic dreams of a conquering youth who with logic and energy might sweep away the evils inherited from the past. It was a posture he would never abandon, although the experiences of life would temper his energy and increase his wisdom. As he plunged into his studies he was at first overjoyed, and wrote in his journal: Never, in all my life, until this fall have I been able honestly to thank God for anything for I had never been thankful for my existence. I am now beginning to realize what it means to exist—an incomparable thing . . . It is like a small boy gaining admittance to a circus tent and there is no comparison with the outside—and I would lie on my belly on the tent ropes, or perch under the tiers of seats or lie on my face under the tent skirts-simply for the fact of figuring among those present.. .l In this enthusiastic frame of mind he began to dig out the answers to his religious questionings, to find a theology that inspired action. It hardly seems possible that the Yale sports buff and gay blade of only three years before could write in his notebook, "If a man is to study theology he should master Thomas Aquinas and the Aristotelian logic . . . He should grind his nose on the Scholastic grindstone."2 This intelligent young man, fired with an inborn determination to serve his fellow men, was about to run head on into the great controversies that marked off modern Protestant thinkers from conservatives in 1909. On what authority could answers to the problems of existence be based? Was the Bible the holy, inspired word of God, or was it simply a random collection of ancient documents, full of wisdom but carrying no supernatural authority and meaningful only in its historical context? Was Jesus divine or simply a man of outstanding compassion and nobility after whom men could pattern their lives? Could a man ask a personal God in prayer to intercede on his or anyone's behalf, or was such hope the folly of presumption? Was a belief in immortality essential to Christian doctrine? Where could a Christian fit in the new scientific explanations of the world? Science and religion seemed to be deadlocked in a struggle for men's minds. Was man's sinful action a grief to God and a cause for guilt to the man who had sinned? Or was sin only an expected, and therefore acceptable, falling short of the ideal? Armed with the logic and reason of the pedagogues of Jena and Berlin, Jim joined with his German mentors in questioning the core concepts of Christianity. After studying the work of two orthodox theologians Jim wrote in his notebook, "Seeberg and Kaftan emphasize again and again that theology has as its one ground the Bible and ethics has as its main ground the Bible. This is as conservative theology must hold to—but however gallant it may be to remain on the sinking ship—there comes a time when it is better to row calmly ashore."3 The �88 We Plow God's Fields "shore" he rowed to was the firm ground, so he thought, of the scientific method, so widely acclaimed as the solution to all questions in the early twentieth century. Scepticism, logical reasoning, controlled data, hypotheses and conclusions were helping to unlock many of the great mysteries of the physical universe. To many people it seemed that religion, which was often attended by tradition and superstition, blocked the march of scientific truth. While studying in Scotland, Jim had been much impressed by a book written by a Scottish minister, Henry Drummond, called Natural Law and the Spiritual World. Drummond outlined a plan for using scientific law in personal Christian development. One instance was the theory that a spirit, like a plant, begins to decay if it is not growing. Jim felt it was possible to end what he considered the fruitless struggle for supremacy in the battle for human progress between the devotees of religion and those of science. He wanted to bring the two great forces together; to maintain his belief in reason and the scientific method while enlisting the powerful theological arguments that would move humanity closer to a world of perfection, to the Kingdom of God on earth.4 As he continued to question Christian tenets, Jim demythologized Jesus Christ in the same fashion that he cut through the authority of the Bible. He asked himself the question, was Jesus unique, different from the rest of man? Writing in his journal, he replied: . . . modern thought answers in the negative—for to help us, Christ must have lived as we did; must have been one of us—and modern thought has no use for a God who is out of touch with the world . . . When we come to the Divinity of Christ—I do not see that believing Christ divine has advantages while believing him human has great advantages. The work supposed to have been done by the divine Christ—forgiving sins and presenting eternal life-we no longer look at as done in this way. God should not need to send his son to show his interest in the world and in each individual... The death of a holy man caused by sin, would strike the lowest note in our scale of values—and the divine element added could strike no deeper note. Here then the last advantage of attributing divinity to Christ vanishes. To make such a lot of the acceptance or non-acceptance of the belief that Christ is the Son of God seems absurd because it is merely a figure of speech, an analogy. It is only in humanity that we know anything of a relation between Father and Son—and we are simply using this human analogy in connection with God. We have no reason to think, that God has a "Son"—we simply mean that God seemed to be in an especially close relation . .. that the nearest men of his day could come to describing it was to say it was the relation of Father to Son.5 One might want to ask Jim the question, if Jesus Christ was a mere man, what is there to preach? After reading several rather contradictory entries in his journal, I believe he would have vehemently objected to the adjective "mere," �Unsystematic Theology 89 and carefully reapplied "divine" to describe Jesus as he did on one page from his Berlin notebook. But by saying that Christ is not God I do not say he is not divine, or [that he is] a mere man. I say he is not God simply because the word God represents a being of powers and of an existence which Christ does not claim to have and of which he has no need of being. Christ was certainly more than a mere man—to call him mere man does injustice to his character—therefore I use the word divine. Here comes out a great deal of misunderstanding about words. As far as I can see there are two possibilities. Christ was a mere man or more than a mere man—a or b, but b I call divine. (I believe that people who call him a mere man but a perfect man . .. stand on the same ground.) Christ is not God, and never assumes that he is-always distinguishing himself and God—for God (as the word means to me) expresses both the character and Being of God whereas Christ claims only to represent his character .. .6 Here one can see Jim trying to stake out new theological ground for his "modern" Christianity, but reluctant to throw out the terminology that had served the church so well. In his use of words like "divine" he forced the language, redefining words so that he could continue to use the traditional religious vocabulary. In a moment of honesty, he looked forward to being able to dump the whole load of archaic Christian terminology. He wrote: "The next great convulsion of society will be a revolt against language. It is absurd to suppose that a language formed when man's idea of himself and nature were primitive can content the man with a more definite knowledge of himself... ."7 But Jim was doing more than stretching the meaning of words. He was trying to reconcile what was thought to be a scientifically determined universe with the Christian religion. He was always a forthright thinker who asked direct questions and expected from himself and others an honest response. Knowledge for him would always be based on reason. Facts were to be laid out straight, and firm conclusions drawn from the evidence. Thus he was puzzled when one of his professors, Herr Weniberg, postulated that scientific sceptics were able to question, to peel back the layers of truth, until the whole philosophical basis for any knowledge was destroyed. Facing such existentialism, Jim pondered in his notebook: Is knowledge possible? This question is forced upon me by the uncertainty of my relation to the external world. I must investigate and see what this relation is and if knowledge at all is possible, for knowledge is the basis of my action . . . I think I perceive a thing-but when I investigate I find that the thing is to me colored, hot, hard, etc., i.e. that it is only its qualities that I perceive and these qualities only exist in my consciousness . . . The thing itself I cannot discover-its nature is absolutely unknowable. Does the thing externally exist then? All that I think I know of it I find to be a product of my own consciousness .. . What proof have I that my knowl- �90 We Plow God's Fields edge even of this subjective world is true—that the logical forms under which I try to formulate it are true? None. And then he wrote, "I am simply convinced."* And convinced he remained, although these thoughts may have disturbed him deeply at the time. No American devotee of pragmatism could be dragged into an intellectual hole of nihilistic despair for long. The Texas bronco-buster would not dwell on the essential nature of a pin stuck in his hand, debating whether the pain was real or subjective. He had larger questions on his mind. His younger brother Arch, to whom he was very close, was at Yale, thinking of entering the ministry himself. The two young theologians enjoyed a rich correspondence. Jim replied to Arch in one of his letters from Germany, I am glad you sent the questions . . . In the first place in all my answers remember two things. First-that I do not know any more about these things than you do—except as I have thought more about them—and Secondly—no other man who ever lived does either. We have to decide things each for ourselves and we [have] as good a chance at solving them as Solomon. One thing we always must be—that is—we must be honest in our thinking; and no matter how true other people say a thing is, if it is not true for us we must never say it is true for us. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Arch McClure, Fall, 1909) Jim's Covenanter ancestors might have argued with him over his modern ideas, but his sense of personal integrity and tenacity in the defense of his beliefs would have struck a sympathetic cord. He wrote in the same letter: "Why did God make the world? Which I can not answer nor can anyone else . . . we must not think of God as creating the world out of nothing, i.e. saying Presto and there the world is ... I do not think of God as making the world— but of God as existing and so the world necessarily existing, too." Perhaps it is unfair to take such scraps from Jim's notebook and letters, presenting only a cursory view of his answers to these questions. But it is important to understand some of the thoughts that were troubling him. Jim continued in his letter to Arch: Your 2nd question—is why God made the first mortals so imperfect that they sinned? The answer follows partly out of my answer to the first. We think of God as the infinite and perfect being. Now as the existence of the world follows naturally from the existence of God so it must be perfect. For out of perfection only perfection could follow and God is not limited by anything. You see the way I have always judged the world before recently is this—I have myself set a standard and when the world and men fall short of it I have said . .. they sin ... I used to condemn [the world] because it fell below my idea of what it was meant for—Now I say that I do not know just what God's �Unsystematic Theology 91 purpose is but the world as it is must be perfect. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Arch McClure, Fall, 1909) A naturally perfect world is a beautiful proposition, but Jim McClure was quick to condemn much of what went on in it. He, along with many others of his optimistic generation, was tempted to follow the lead of thinkers like Hegel and Marx, believing that mankind was progressing, evolving, towards a harmonious and perfect world. Darwin's theories implied that biology was moving from a simple state, a primitiveness, to complexity, towards a more perfect adaptation to the environment. As Jim concluded his letter with a firm statement of his belief he moved further and further from the concept of a personal God and closer to the rather ethereal notion of a spirit moving in all things. Yet he was firm in his belief in a God of some sort. An atheist is either irrational or insane. No man who looks at the world and man honestly and clearly can deny that there is a power behind things which is superhuman. We call it by many names: "the Great First Cause," the "Absolute," the unknowable . . . And the progress that this power has wrought out during the last 100,000 years is incomprehensible. From the brute to man, from savage, barbarian, from primitive to civilized man—until we feel that some day we shall be as gods. The reason we hear the outcry that mankind is growing worse is that the crier has tied his eyes to the moment and to the backward or stagnant or outworn tendencies of the present—such a pessimistic utterance is silly in the extreme. The world, and man cannot help advancing. And advance has now become so rapid that we can see it with the naked eye.9 If progress appeared inevitable to Jim, he never thought it would be automatic. Our species, in his view, must struggle for every inch of collective improvement. That brings me to the historical appearance and development of man. The Genesis account is the way the wandering Hebrews thought men were created and started on their development. Today we think a little differently. In the process of the upward development the animals appeared and then the animal man and he kept developing. To develop man must struggle and keep struggling to develop this nature in him . .. The nature of man demands that in every choice, he choose right. This [is] man's free will. The idea of sin is one which was brought in by people . . . who thought God's plan was that no one should ever fall short of their better nature . . . and so when they fell short they said . . . you have sinned . . . (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Arch McClure, Fall, 1909) He explained his understanding of personal sin this way: If man is to progress he must have an ideal and if his ideal is sufficiently high, if it is higher than his attainments, he must at various moments fall short �92 We Plow God's Fields of its realization. For these acts of omission and commission—these fallings short—he should feel sorry but not letting them discourage him, he must press on again toward the goal . . . Our relation to our ideal is forming our character—and the long and persistent striving toward the ideal creates in us a character that is, as virtue, its own reward.10 By trying to soften the sting of sin, and thus minimizing the burden of guilt, Jim lost the powerful image of a divine Father sorrowing over his lost children. He admitted as much in his notebook.11 But he felt it was important to lead people toward attainable ideals rather than have them dragged backwards by being constantly reminded of their failures. He was constructing his cosmos by radically departing from the traditional Christian view, moving, like many other theologians of the era, out into the borderlands between Christianity and pantheism. The pantheist sees God less as a personality or mind, and more as an essence that pervades all of reality. In most forms of pantheism, all matter, all nature, is indistinguishable from God. Jim wrote in his notebook while trying to sort out these conflicts: "That brings me to ... believe in a God who permeates and is the Universe .. . But it is a personal pantheism—which although a contradiction of terms expresses my meaning. God comes into relation to me in everything . . . Father, mother, friends, acquaintances, things I see, handle, this pen with which I write-everything in fact."12 But if God permeates all creation, and is the universe, how can evil exist? What becomes of personal sin when each person is a part of the God-essence? Even as Jim was pondering all these perplexing questions with the intention of becoming a Christian leader, he was also questioning the institution of the church. Martin Luther, whom he greatly admked, attacked the Catholic church for, among other things, acting as a barrier to the personal relationships between men and their Creator. Now the time had come, Jim thought, to extend the theological frontiers of personal freedom once again. He feared that the modern Protestant denominations were once again damming up struggling humanity's communication with the Diety. A blurring of God's personality and the need for each person to work out his or her own salvation with only an impersonal essence places a heavy load on the strength and accuracy of the individual conscience. While recovering from a knee operation with his relations in Liverpool, Jim wrote in his journal: My creed—as I hastily write it out—is something like this—and I find it differs very much from the creeds behind most of the sermons that I hear. I believe that there is an intelligent power outside myself—which I will call God. The universe is an expression of God and every single thing that happens to me each day, whether it be from nature, from human beings or in my thought realm—is God expressing himself to me. All these things constitute my relation to God, which will thus be seen to be a personal and uninterrupted one (comprising everything which happens to me, which I do, or that I think.) �Unsystematic Theology 93 The purpose working out in the Universe and in me in particular is beneficient [sic.]. [This purpose] I call the Will of God. The working out of this purpose is the very best thing for us as a race and as individuals —in fact in no other way can we answer the end of our existence, i.e. be happy. It is therefore the best thing for us as a race and individuals to do the Will of God. Our only means of doing the Will of God . . . is to follow unreservedly the dictates of our conscience enlightened by as much education as is possible . . . (We are never able to see far ahead into the program of the eternal purpose—for us all that is possible is to see a step at a time—but we can always see this one step.) . .. Believing that God is good, I am confident that if I do His Will, everything that happens to me will be the very best thing for me. This includes weather . . . all relations of Nature to me ... all words spoken to me, all chance acquaintances, accidents, disappointments—in fact everything that happens to me. "All things work together for good to him that loves the Lord All these things become expressions of God to me-it is impiety to fear anything that may happen to me in the Universe and it is impiety to complain of or seek to elude anything . . . for which I am not personally responsible.13 Although Jim did not consider the Bible infallible, he did see it as a great source of inspiration and help, a record of men and women struggling to understand the source and purpose of life. So Jim McClure concluded that "Nothing in the Bible is true for the mere reason that it is in the Bible . . . But the authoritative value of the Bible lies herein that it speaks deeply and truly to the conscience."14 Here was a young man who believed in action, but was trying desperately to understand the roots of Christian belief in a modern setting. In the process he dove into the murky philosophical waters that have drowned many a young idealist. Rigorous academic pursuits and Jim McClure would never become comfortable companions, yet in the fall of 1909 he felt a sense of progress in his efforts to cope with the esoteric thoughts of theology and philosophy. His self-imposed regime of long nights of study had overcome most of the academic deficiencies first noted by Marcus Dods of Edinburgh three years before. Moreover, he had mastered the German language, both as a scholar and in the tea rooms. He now found himself plunging into the philosophical abyss, trying to formulate a comprehensive theology that would give him the freedom and confidence to go out into the world and act, and at the same time dovetailed with his sense of pragmatism. In his later life, of all of his beliefs, he felt most certain that nothing could be more debilitating than knowledge without action. There must have been a subconscious undertow, even here in Germany, that all of his study, all of his time and energy pursuing academic goals, might be quite useless to him later on. Such a cross-current might have added to his sense of strain during this time. He wrote in his notebook: In talking with the students of Philosophy here . . . They seem to think that Psychology and Philosophy are ends in themselves whereas they exist and �94 We Plow God's Fields should be studied and taught simply to enable a man to act more wisely and rightly. The proper business of men is acting, doing. And these men who can talk glibly of the different schools and viewpoints of philosophy and can logically maintain, fairly well, a certain system—and yet do not realize that the proper business of philosophy is to better the actions of men, have not begun to know what they are about; they are interested and entangled merely in forms as were the sophists in the day of Socrates and do not even know that they are ignorant . . . Descartes's quote should be "I act therefore I am ..." [Instead of "I think, therefore I am."]15 Berlin University marked the end of Jim's seminary training, and it was there that his theological views began to germinate a confident and distinctive view of man, his Deity and the condition in which he is found in this world. His views contrasted sharply with his father's, allowing Jim the sense of independence a young man needs. For three years he had thrashed about in the theology of the day, questioning, evaluating and making tentative solutions. In Berlin, an order grew out of the conflicts, a balance that fitted with Jim's sense of reality. At Berlin, the culmination of his education was a powerful, almost mystical sense of discovering the Truth. His friends and family followed him along in his discovery, especially his father, who never found it difficult to discuss such matters with his son. He decided to write to his father a letter on prayer. "Warn Father that his letter is temporarily in dry dock at the 41st page," he wrote to his mother (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, July 1909). The letter was not only a summary of his new vision, but also a declaration of independence. In 1902, Jim's father had published a book entitled Intercessory Prayer: A Mighty Means of Usefulness. It is a serious step for a son to reject a central tenet of a loved and revered father. Perhaps that is why Jim's letter ran on so long— seventy-two pages. In essence, Jim explained in this epistle that he did not believe in the usefulness of intercessory prayer. "God's will towards his creatures is perfect," he wrote, "and therefore cannot be increased by a prayer of man's." He felt that " . . . the whole content of prayer is in the expressing of our yearnings, hopes, purposes and desires to God, and in his presence correcting what errors have crept in, 'what flaws may lurk'" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to James G. K. McClure, Sr., August 22, 1909). One such "lurking flaw" took Jim to his knees in prayer. Being twenty-five, and living in the near monastic conditions of the university of that day, besides being very handsome and attractive, Jim naturally enjoyed the friendship and even adulation of many young women. For most of September 1909, he was incapacitated after a serious knee injury. With typical exuberance, he had leaped over a tennis net to congratulate his opponent, only to find himself unable to walk, and suffering from terrible pain. He had torn a ligament, breaking the blood vessel that passed through his knee. Blood filled up the knee cavity, making it stiff and very sore. When it failed to improve, he went to stay with some Dixon relatives in Liverpool, and had an operation. �Unsystematic Theology 95 Recuperating in the household of his "Cousin Lilly," he found himself surrounded, in his helpless state, by a number of kind and adoring young women. One of them wrote to Jim's parents afterwards, "I made i t . . . my study to surround him with comforts and am constantly devising fresh plans which I think will help his amusement" (Jim's nurse to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure and James G. K. McClure, Sr., name illegible, no date). His parents visited him in England at this time, and his mother especially seemed much concerned about his health. Perhaps she sensed that his mental state was not easy. Jim's father wrote to him: During all our married life I have never seen your mother cry so much and so hard as when she held your flowers in her hand, kept her eye upon Liverpool where she was leaving you and let her grief find its relief in tears . . . Surely you have been blessed with a good mother and whatever experiences of disappointment in humanity you may have, her beautiful spirit is to be your life-long comfort. (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., September 1, 1909) After a month of being surrounded by comforting lady friends, Jim trudged sadly back to Germany. Back in Berlin, he attempted to befriend "an innocent German girl," inviting her to go somewhere with him. He was flattened by her rejection, and in the evening wrote with a penitent tone that "We cannot act the same everywhere that was right at the nursing home and all right at Cousin Lilly's where I was known—but not here. The woman was right to refuse."16 The little incident lay heavily on his mind, and he composed this prayer soon afterwards: Oh God—Forgive me that so often I have let impure thoughts creep into my mind and dwell there—and not made a more spirited effort to throw them out. Enable me to act toward every woman that I meet or am thrown near in the whirling vortex of this great city as I would have my mother and sisters acted toward—remembering that the courtesy of a stranger must differ from that of an acquaintance . . . Impure thoughts . . . soon allow me to do the questionable thing, to do something or say something not because it is right or necessary but because it ... has the added zest of a little impure excitement. Help me Oh God this winter in this great city and alone . . . 17 As well as striving to give his best to his studies, Jim strained to realize ideal behavior, to achieve the perfection of a complete harmony with the purposes of the Creator and Sustainer of the Universe. In that pursuit, he honestly tried to admit his failures. No matter how taboo a subject might be, he wanted to expose it to the light of reason with the detached air of the scientist. Nothing should be allowed to remain in the shadows, gathering superstitions and misconceptions like dust in a cobweb. The Victorian bugaboo of sex he treated with a remarkable frankness, all the while trying to maintain an ideal attitude. In his Berlin journal he wrote: �96 We Plow God's Fields Knowing only of the young man's problems, I should say that the most difficult problem the young man has to solve is his relations to women—the keeping of his ... actions, his motives and thoughts pure. This problem too I should say to be the fundamental one of Society—as long as we are under earthly conditions these two classes of beings, males and females, will exist. And seek to hide the problem we do, speak of it in undertones or not at all; ignore it; cover it up etc., it keeps popping its head up and I am deceived unless history shall find that it is the fundamental whetstone of human existence. In young men it takes all sorts of forms running up the scale from the mad, blind rush for sexual intercourse with any young woman and at any price, thru the more refined gratifications of the passions, through impure and smutty talk, impure thoughts and here rising to a higher plane, but still the same basis, the thought of marriage as the "sunnum bonum," [highest good] not looking beyond it, the filling of the mind with the thought and talk of marriage and thus closing the mind to any higher ideal than a happy marriage . . ,18 And later in Liverpool he added: The reason for sexual morality is that a man can not scatter his affections and have deep and true affections for any one person. For this reason, the man who in his youth has scattered his affections will not have deep enough feelings for his wife to enable him to carry through the sacrifices that true married life means and will mean. The man who holds aloof is building the foundations deep and strong for the love of one woman.19 If the most difficult battle of the young man is his relationship to women, worries over career choice must rank a close second. In 1909, Jim felt the call to serve mankind as a Christian, but he was questioning his earlier idea of going to the mission field in China. Clearly Spinoza and Hegel would not be much use. Such thinking, which influenced Jim and many of his well-educated, modern contemporaries, chilled the fire and zeal needed to convert the Chinese "heathens." He wrote to his college roommate and childhood friend Horace Ferry: I cannot imagine on what ground I could ever have a reasonable longing to go to China unless it were arrant adventure which we outgrew at 12 years . . . [A]s to trying to take our forms of theology to China, that I consider absurd . . . And as for this pitying wail that goes up and the mentioning of the hardships well as you say life is pretty much a scrap anyway and we might as well fight it out where the thing is thickest and we will have to take our gloves off ... [Life] only lasts 3 score years and ten, and [what a waste] if we wear Jaeger underwear 4 score and . . . are not winded yet nor sweating . . . 20 Jim sought neither arrant adventure nor warm underwear to insulate him from the battles of life. He dreamed of becoming a great leader of men, and he did not expect it to be easy. Realizing that God had given him extraordinary �Unsystematic Theology 97 powers of influence and persuasion, he struggled to conquer even small weaknesses and become a model of Christian ethics. Keeping a close watch on his actions he confessed his failings to his Lord: Oh God! .. . [I]nstead of loving display, putting myself forward, seeing to be noticed, being loud or eager in speech, and bent on having my own way . . . help me to be content, nay, to rejoice in being made little of, to perform what to the flesh are servile offices . . . not to argue, not to judge, not to pronounce censure . . . Oh God . . . increase my humility . . . forgive me for striving so for the good opinion of others, for aiming at effect; for thinking too much of my personal appearance—and above all—to which I am a slave—to little deceits, in expression and act, by which I plan to raise myself in the opinion of others He had read Benjamin Franklin's Autobiography when he was laid up with his knee, and he was an enthusiastic believer in the old patriarch's theories on the ability of individuals to control their habits. Many scholars think that Franklin wrote with tongue in cheek to cash in on the American fascination for self-improvement, but Jim McClure took Franklin at his word. He was always looking for ways to improve himself, and jotted down these notes after witnessing a "heated discussion between two ear-splitting Germans": The cock-sure and assertive attitude that many people, especially men, have is an attitude which hinders communion of spirit, rouses unconscious hostility, is the opposite of persuasive, keeps the owner of the attitude from further enlightenment, is apt to lead him in to absurd positions and is on the whole an attitude more suited to a bar room than a home . . . Benjamin Franklin's idea was better. He found this assertive method in discussion not so valuable as the humbler, so he dropped such words as "absolutely," "without a doubt," and substituted "It appears to me" and "I consider" etc. Neither does loudness of talking seem so effective as a regulated pitch.22 On his own, Jim discovered the best way to draw out a stranger, to charm him from his isolation. He had mastered this technique, and it is wonderful to see his humor in the midst of all of his serious philosophizing: What a man carries in his pockets, how he carries his money, what sort of a hat he wears, what he likes for breakfast... how he keeps up his socks, the way in which he likes to recreate, whether it be to talk, to read, to ride, to run, to sleep, how he sits when by himself, with shoes on or slippers, how many hours he sleeps, these are all of great interest to a man, his dog, his horse, his knick-knacks in his house, especially if he has some pet little thing made, or labor-saving device invented by himself, his garden, his chickens, on all these things will a man warm up, especially perhaps on the dare-devil pranks of his youth.23 �98 We Plow God's Fields As he developed his personal gifts, Jim also struggled to create for himself a powerful new vision of what his service to humanity ought to mean. And his answer continued to harp on the heroic, a self-perfecting model of personal sacrifice. After absorbing the philosophy of Spinoza, he was plainly becoming a theological elitist. He questioned all theological systems and formulas, and cast the bulk of humanity, who accept the current view of life without questioning, into the role of the mindless. Jim was determined to find his own system. He was sure that his education, and intellectual quest for honest truth, had raised his religious sensibilities way above those of most men and women. He refused to compromise his sharp critique of the Christian church. Being an idealist, he saw around him little evidence of a world being redeemed by the sacrifice of the Son of God. He drew away from his earlier optimistic view that the world was rapidly improving. Has Christianity been such a great success as it is sometimes spoken of as being? Take a rapid survey of it at present . . . we could scarcely call South America, Russia, Spain and Italy Christian countries . .. with our Protestant ideas . .. We must hesitate to brand France and Germany Christian countries. England, Scotland and North America seem to have more religion than any [other] country, yet the existence [of] drink, war, discontent, worry, restless striving for money, class divisions, will not warrant us in calling these Christian countries . . . There must be something wrong with the religion which has made such slow progress. Impurities must have become mixed with it.24 Then he writes on a more positive note: Whether I believe in God or not my words do not show truly, only my life. I have met a few people whom I can plainly see believe in God . . . some people really have believed in God enough to give their whole lives, their money, their home, their friends and everything to Him . . . All philosophical, theological, scientific discourses, proofs and writings concerning religion I believe to be merely concerning the outworks of Christianity and to be of comparatively little worth. The only unanswerable argument for Christianity is a Christian life. And it is the one persuasive and influential argument. In my life the arguments for Christianity that have really affected me are Christian lives—Mother, Father, Dr. Dods, Fred Henderson, and John Magee.25 In spite of his theological differences with his father, Jim certainly felt a deep admiration for him, and thought his example was worthy of emulation. But once more he described his discomfort with the status quo: What makes me doubt religion is the way it is lived—so many professors of religion and so much preaching of love of one's neighbor and the good Samaritan—and yet the brotherhood of man, nothing but a phrase, no reality in it—men everywhere striving for themselves . . . the brotherhood of man seems ages o f f . . . How the love of humanity and battleships come into the same scheme is �Unsystematic Theology 99 absolutely ununderstandable to me . . . The patriotism which limits one's neighbors to the inhabitants of one's own land and sees in every other nation a possible and already armed enemy is un-Christian. How can an Englishman cherish at first sight the feeling of love for a German with a subconscious knowledge on both sides that each is armed to the teeth? How can the universal brotherhood of man come when each nation looks out of its own feathered nest over a fringe of guns and pikes?26 Five years later, a gruesome answer to Jim's question came as the Great War bled Europe of its vision and vitality. He felt such a natural affinity for people, with all of their idiosyncracies and problems, that he truly was baffled by die powerful forces of hate that seemed to divide nations and set people at each other's throats. What about the brotherhood of man? Was it just a pretty idea? Jim knew better. Of one thing he was sure, that the moral idea of Christianity can best be seen in a person's life rather than in any doctrine he might hold. He remained convinced that all theology was of little use unless it transformed people, and unless it contained the power to use a man like him to change others. What Jim hoped to find in theology was not so much a neat intellectual solution that pleased his sense of order, but a powerful, motivating vision that could sweep people together into action, giving their lives purpose and meaning. Jim was sure that meaning in life came more out of doing something positive than out of believing the right dogmas. Christianity had been a powerful force in history when it inspired people to sacrifice themselves for spiritual ends. Jim wanted to weld this Christian spirit to the progressive historical forces he felt gathering strength around him. But as he prepared to go back to the United States and seek out a place to serve and lead his fellow men, a serious problem was developing for him. His health was going seriously awry. Indigestion and severe headaches were beginning to plague him. Was his demanding philosophy of self-sacrifice and perfectionism to blame, or perhaps his rebellion against the tenets of the church and his father? Or was he just exhausted by too many late nights of study, neglect of physical exercise, and a hard play schedule when he did take time off to be with Mends? In any event a man who sought the heroic virtues of self-sacrifice and moral action was to spend the next ten years of his life in virtual bondage to his health problems, with only brief periods of reprieve. How did he keep his faith through this long, difficult period? How did he regain his balance and become an instrument of God's purpose? His daughter, Elspeth McClure Clarke, knows that he had gained a deep faith in God's unfailing help by the time she was growing up. Certainly he was no longer trying to achieve his goals unaided. Again and again he stressed to his children and in his sermons, "I can do all things through Christ which strengthened me" (Philippians 4:13). "Fear not, for the Lord thy God is with thee whithersoever thou goest" (Deuteronomy 31:6). "He who doeth the will �100 We Plow God's Fields shall know the doctrine" (John 7:17). Perhaps this was the verse that finally made sense of all the theological conflicts and confusions. The simplicity of Jesus' invitation, "Follow me," would again become clear to him. In all his daughter's recollection he was a vigorously healthy person.27 But for some time after these intense theological studies Jim was not well, and his illness was difficult to diagnose, difficult to treat, and, most of all, difficult to live with. But these years were not wasted, frustrating as they must have been. How often does adversity work to strengthen the characters of great men and women? 1. James G. McClure, Jr., "Berlin Journal," 1909. Most entries in this journal are undated. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. Henry Drummond, Natural Law and the Spiritual World. (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1883). 5. Berlin Journal. 6. James G. K. McClure, Jr., from a set of miscellaneous theological papers, 1909. 7. James G. K. McClure, Jr., note written in his notebook on German Psychology, 1909. 8. Ibid., November 29, 1909. 9. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "God," paper written at McCormick Seminary, 1908. 10. James G. K. McClure, Jr., Liverpool notebook, 1909. Most entries in the notebook are not dated. Exceptions are noted. 11. Ibid. The entry reads "one thing I seem to lose—namely the personal sorrow that each sin causes God ..." 12. Miscellaneous theological papers, 1909. 13. Ibid., September 29, 1909. 14. Liverpool notebook. 15. Berlin journal. 16. Liverpool notebook, September 29, 1909. 17. Ibid. 18. Berlin journal. 19. Liverpool notebook, December 18, 1909. 20. Ibid., October 24, 1909. The journal entry appears to a copy of a letter sent to Horace Ferry. 21. Berlin journal, October 27, 1909. Italics in the original. 22. Liverpool notebook, October 1, 1909. 23. Ibid. 24. Liverpool notebook. 25. Miscellaneous theological papers, this section inspired by a walk with John Bailie, June 13, 1909. 26. Liverpool notebook. 27. Interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. �Chapter Seven Affliction Oh God in whose goodness I try to believe—enable me, as I have come home discouraged and with every hope apparently blighted and with no light at all for the future, to accept this lot in which I am with sturdy cheerfulness and determination. Give to me courage, Oh God, to persist in those ideals and hopes and aims of conduct which I believe to be for the world's good irrespective of the hopelessness in which they seem to involve my own future. Oh God, help me to give Thee a willingness to do and accept whatever is meted out to me ... confident that Thou who inflictest the pain will at the same time and even more surely dole out strength and patience to bear it. Forgive me that my heart has been heavy and even bitter and that I have added to others burdens by talking about my own—And now God, give to me patience to wait and to cause others to wait and courage Oh God how I need it! to persist in believing and acting on the belief that it is grandly and altogether worthwhile to live wholly for Thee— Amen (James G. K. McClure, Jr., personal notebook begun November 1, 1910, entry made May 12, 1911) Jim McClure returned home to Chicago early in 1910, in order to fulfill the requirements for graduation from McCormick Seminary. He graduated in the spring, finishing his formal education at the age of twenty-five. He had had the advantage of a comfortable and stimulating home life, and the educational opportunities of seven institutions of higher learning, including some of the world's most highly renowned. He had met the challenges of Texas, New Haven, Scotland and Germany. He possessed a natural charm and leadership ability, qualities that made him ideally suited for his theological vision. In short, he was a dynamic young man, well-motivated, with the ability to work and to bring energy and enthusiasm to projects. At twenty-five, it was high time for him, according to his own precepts, to act, to put his knowledge to work for the benefit of mankind. Then how to explain the years from 1910 to 1920? The years between twenty-five and thirty-five are often the heart of a successful man's career, and yet Jim McClure spent more time in those years playing golf than preaching his gospel. His only position of responsibility was a ten-month pastorate at the Iron River Presbyterian Church. For the most part, he traveled about visiting friends. He fished in the lakes of Wisconsin, played golf in lavish Santa Barbara, rode burros in Arizona, helped to build his sister Annie's home in Vermont, and 101 �102 We Plow God's Fields made a mad dash around the world on Mrs. Cyrus McCormick's money. He also ushered at numerous weddings. It is a curious interlude in the man's life, and the one firm explanation for what happened is illness. His knee was mending slowly, but it was never a serious obstacle for him. The problems were physical, but with psychological origins. There were the apparent digestive difficulties that first cropped up in Tubingen. But the complaint that sapped his drive involved severe headaches, migraines perhaps. The exact nature of his malady is not discernable, because Jim McClure was never a complainer, and mentioned his problems rarely and without detail. What is more important is how he and his family diagnosed the source of his trouble. Everyone agreed on this point, that Jim McClure suffered from mental strain, overwork, trying to do more than is possible given the circumstances. In November of 1910, Jim's father wrote to him: Our hearts are with you by day and by night. I want you to carry as free a spirit as possible to be such that your mind may be without burden and your body without strain. Let us take it for granted that months must pass before you are in condition to take up the work you desire. In the meantime let us believe that our lives are planned by God and that some wise and helpful result is to be the outcome of these present days . . . Always know, my boy, how precious you are to your mother and me, and how I rejoice in you. Affectionately, Father (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., November 4, 1910) In retrospect, Jim himself traced the origins of these difficulties back to Edinburgh. Trying to keep up with his daily lessons, piling on extra reading to compensate for his academic gaps, and taking on responsibilities at the settlement house had been more than he could manage. He had allowed for too little relaxation in his life, he surmised. Jim had been determined to test his capacities, to find out just what the powers of his will could accomplish. But the record of his theological years does not indicate that his life was all work and no play. There were all the interludes with his lady friends and the gents of Skull and Bones in Europe. While much of his training took place in the familiar confines of Chicago's McCormick Seminary, perhaps there was an added strain in attending classes where one's father is president. Jim did have a rather restless mind, one that suggested many more worthy projects and deeds than one person can carry out. And he did tend to follow up these notions, throwing himself behind ideas and over-volunteering himself without regard for the limitations of time and energy. He was always happiest when lost in some enterprise or other, and found it difficult to pace himself, to quit rushing long enough to relax, especially during these early years. And yet, only those people who knew him best even noticed these tendencies. He also worked hard to present himself as a relaxed and affable young man. No one ever thought of him as nervous; he rushed on his own time. �Affliction 103 As a young man, Jim McClure imagined the joys of the solitary, simple life, not realizing how ill-suited his temperament was for Thoreau-like contemplation. Just after graduating from seminary, he managed Mrs. Cyras McCormiek's country residence on White Deer Lake, Wisconsin, and during a quiet moment there he wrote: .. . character is the only thing in the world worthwhile .. . and to this end [I should be] guardedly simple. That motor cars, clubs, fine clothes, expensive and luxurious food are things which only seem to have a high value—and but blind us to the simple virtues . . . [They are] not only a great drain on character but a soil in which a great character can hardly grow . . . Let us realize that with simple food, with plain clothes, with quiet retired living—we can best grow in character and our lives will become fuller and we can best serve mankind . . . corn meal mush instead of caviar.1 Jim McClure was a man who appreciated the simple pleasures of life. He would rather wear his coat out, and then ink the worn places, than be stylish. But Jim McClure could never be happy leading a "quiet retired" life, contemplating the activity around him. He was a man of action who would much rather conduct the music than listen to it. There were spiritual links to Jim's afflictions of 1910 that may help to understand them. His belief in a theology of perfection allowed for no relief from his own indiscretions. He would grieve over his faults, feeling quite guilty when his quick mind inflicted a sharp rebuttal to someone else's pet ideas. He wrote in his diary: Oh God . . . Keep me from jumping to conclusions, from thinking that I understand the point of another before he is half thru explaining or even half begun; keep me from nervousness and irritation at what seems to me the obtuseness of people, and the slowness with which they understand, and the slowness with which things happen in the world. Help me Oh God to be calm, and tranquil and very patient with all people and all things and in disappointment and most of all with myself.2 Jim moved home again for brief periods of time, but felt the discomfort of being supported by his family and surrounded by his friends, all of whom were busily organizing their own families and careers. He spent a lot of time with his youngest brother Nathan. The two of them liked to hitch up old Erma to her cart, drive to the lake shore, and go swimming on a hot summer day in Lake Forest. He used to treat Nathan to a day at the ball park, rooting for the Cubs or White Sox. In June of 1910, Jim drove up to Prairie du Chien to usher for Louis Douseman's wedding. Hugh Wilson joined him for the trip, and the two of them would have been quite a vision on the rural roads of Wisconsin in their Packard. The following fall, Jim packed himself off for the Territory of Arizona, �104 We Plow God's Fields =:: • :;:"F?: |;: \j m JimMcClure, Jr., at White Deer Lake, 1910. thinking that the climate there would help to cure him. Foster Rockwell, of "Yale '06 and Skull and Bones," was trying to make it there as a rancher. The dry winter weather of Arizona, along with the physical work of a ranch, held out for Jim much better prospects than being confined at home during the blizzards of Chicago. And besides, he had always enjoyed Foster's companionship, and admired his football prowess as the quarterback for Yale. The Dominie supported the move as well, and made a point of writing his son regularly during this difficult period for him. Dr. McClure understood Jim, knowing that his impetuous temperament was his own worst enemy. He watched his son struggle; he saw his energy and impatience cause great frustrations, and felt the need to caution him about building up unreasonable expectations. �Affliction 105 . . . I often feel how little is accomplished that is actually worthwhile. However, there must have been in Christ's life very many days—and perhaps years, where the advance appeared to be very small, if it could be detected at all. ... Wherever I went in the East affectionate inquiries were made concerning you. You certainly have an abundance of warm and devoted friends who believe in you . . . Keep as free a heart and mind as possible and be a vegetable. (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., November 22, 1910) If matters do not progress by the middle of January, we will try to work out some new scheme. I fancy that you may not be able to do much but virtually loaf for some months to come. I am not at all discouraged about you. We will get the better of this trouble in due time. It is pretty hard on a temperament that likes to act quickly to be obliged to go through this prolonged process of delay, and I feel great sympathy with you in the delay. Still let us expect that in due time patience shall have its perfect work .. . (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 7, 1910) As Christmas approached, the Dominie continued to encourage his son, to look for God's purposes in the present difficulties, and to maintain reasonable expectations for recovery. The word from Drs. Billings and Haven does not discourage me. Mr. David Pagan thinks you are doing as well as could be anticipated and he expects that some further time will elapse before all is right, and then he expects it to be permanently right. . . Mother and I are seeking all possible light as to your immediate future . . . Yesterday I preached in Evanston on the words "God who commanded the light to shine out of darkness." For several years I have been thinking of how God takes the dark periods of our lives and makes them conducive to our good—causing light to spring out of darkness. It is wonderful how many people have been stopped in their desired courses—by hindrances to themselves or their homes—and how later they had reason for thanking God for their dark experiences . . . So let us be brave and hopeful, and walk the pathway of the present as gently as possible, and steady ourselves by believing that the outcome of it will be to the good of God's world. This morning I went to the minister's meeting. Dr. Shailer Matthews of Chicago University made a searching and thorough address on the subject of the religious need of today, and he ended with the idea t h a t . . . the supreme need is in Christian people (so called) denying themselves, taking up their crosses of human helpfulness and living Christ's life of self-sacrifice for one's good. I thought of you and our conversation during the summer, many times as he spoke. (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 19, 1910) �106 We Plow God's Fields Between one letter and the next, events back in the McClure home took a surprising turn. A young seminary student had begun to direct his affections towards Jim's older sister Annie. He was in truth determined to pass successfully through the Victorian courtship maze and emerge arm in arm with Annie McClure. The Dominie described the scene at home. As Annie has sent you word a young fellow has appeared on the scene, Dumont Clarke, a Princeton University man, with a partial Seminary career at Auburn and Union, a gentleman and a consecrated man, and it looks as though he had taken Annie and would some day carry her off ... Annie will accompany me to New Haven . . . and then go with me to New York—where she will see Mr. Clarke's family and they will see her. If all then seems favorable, I fancy that an engagement will be the outcome. This is the most sudden and overwhelming thing that has occurred in our family life. It has taken dear Mother off her feet. She has not been able to sleep. At the same time she likes the fellow and feels that the affair is all right—as I do. To think of Annie in such a situation is well nigh ridiculous . . . The fellow is quiet and unassuming—but he went straight at Annie and told her his love, and took her breath away—and I should judge that he has got her. I suppose it devolves on me as the fattier to ask all proper questions of the young man and also about the young man—this I am trying to do ... (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 1, 1911) A week hence, Dumont himself relays the message to Jim that the proper questions had been asked, and he in turn had given the proper replies, and that all parties therefore concurred in his proposal of marriage to Annie McClure. Dear Jim, Well—yes—brother Jim! You don't know how eager I am to meet you. For its all settled now! . . . I am very fortunate . .. God has richly blessed me in giving me your dear sister. When David Lusk told me, out in Madras, India of a certain Jim McClure— a friend of his in Edinburgh; I little thought of the relationship that was in store for us ... And now that these eventful weeks have gone by I feel as though I know you almost as familiarly as ... 'brother' Jim! For we have much more in common than simply our affection for, and our relationship to Annie! We have ideals and purposes in life, that, nourished and strengthened in atmospheres much alike, are, I doubt not almost identical. The religious life of Yale and Princeton is of that healthy type that, together with other opportunities and environments we have both experienced—and accidental resemblances (I was taken for you one day at the Seminary!)—it would seem that we could be chums right off. Lets try anyway! . . . Annie may have told you of the break down from which I suffered . . . then after my year in India I had another bad time of it—Well I know what you're going through and I feel for you . . . (Dumont Clarke to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 9, 1911) �Affliction 107 These two men did find more in common between them than their breakdowns, and an enduring friendship grew up that would bear fruit later in their lives. Meanwhile, though, Jim remained through the winter at the R & R Ranch in Arizona, his social possibilities limited by the flux of his own spirits and the great expanses of desert. Jim helped to organize a softball game with some of the local ladies, snapping a picture of everyone out amongst the sage brush. The ladies look quite peculiar amidst all their ruffles and bows, bending down in the desert and awaiting their chance to make a play over to first base. And then there was a Mr. Reeves and his sister, whom Jim met on a burro trip across the arid country along the Salt River, through Tortilla Flats to Fish Creek. It was so dry that a drink of water for either man or beast cost five cents. Jim was cooking some biscuits one night, and maybe bragging a little about his days as a broncobuster, when the Reeveses appeared. They were invited to join the expedition for dinner. Mr. Reeves looked like a down and out prospector— a loner dogged by failure. His long drooping mustache gave a theatrical look that was more than matched by his sister, who was wearing a funny straw hat with the front of the brim pinned up. Jim noted in his log of the trip, "Camped by the roadside near Mesa—completing the outfit we entertained Mr. and Miss Reeves at dinner."3 The daily rhythm of the R & R Ranch revolved around young Rockwell's vision of a successful ranch in an Arizona desert. There were to be orange groves and lemon groves, rose bushes, grape arbors, olive trees and a large commercial hay operation. Jim claimed to have planted 221 rose bushes in one day out there. He and his old friend had plenty of time for talk, and Jim loved to hear Rock's stories from the inside about the Yale football team of his day. Jim loved sports because he admired struggle and the spiritual cohesion that develops among the members of a successful team. He wrote down in a notebook he kept in Arizona some of the anecdotes that Rock told him, fascinated by the techniques of successful leadership these stories illustrated. Jim returned to Chicago in June of 1911, in time to help with the preparations for Dumont and Annie's wedding. The family chose Lake Forest and the Presbyterian Church for the ceremony. Eighteen hundred admirers squeezed into the sanctuary. "One of the largest weddings ever celebrated on the north shore .. ."4 chirped a social reporter, a fine tribute to the love for the McClure family in Lake Forest. One news article describes the crowd as " . . . a long line of solidly massed humanity on the streets leading to the church."5 The reception afterwards was held on the grounds of the old Manse, "Gien Hame," just across from the church. "As Mr. and Mrs. Clarke hurried across the lawn after the reception to their carriage, a dozen or more children were waiting to say goodbye to the bride, and she stopped to kiss every one of them."6 The newlyweds invited Jim to join them in Manchester, Vermont, where they were planning to build a home. So Jim went East, after leaving Dumont and Annie to themselves for a respectful period of time. Manchester might be the essence of Vermont; it lies between two long ridges amidst the Green �108 We Plow God's Fields ru " **-" * Jim McClure at the R & R Ranch in the territory of Arizona. Mountains, just underneath the focal point of the village: Mt. Equinox. Whitespired churches, red barns, maple syrup, rocky brooks and glorious fall foliage all appear to be divinely arranged to entice people away from the distractions of urban worldliness to the "Walden Pond" of New England simplicity. And besides, there was a fine golf course in Manchester. Jim's Uncle Will McClure had been hooked by the town and lived out his life there, fly fishing for brook trout in defiance of his family's stern work ethic. Jim came to help build his sister's new home, but Manchester was destined to play a much larger role in his life than mere carpentry, for another young Lake Forest resident often returned to her family's ancestral homeland in this very same Vermont valley. But carpentry was the trade at hand, and it was a good one for a young man whose mind had been too long absorbed in the philosophical battles of the day. Rafters and joists yield much more easily to the queries of mankind than do questions of eternity. A day's work produces the kind of physical fatigue and the palpable results of progress that are a wonderful antidote to the scholarly �Affliction 109 life. And Jim always enjoyed helping someone. He and Dumont grew to be good Mends, close friends, just as the latter had predicted. Jim made Manchester his home base through most of 1912, making intermittent excursions to meet friends and relatives around New England. He and Dumont were working on April Fool's Day that year, and both of them needed only the smallest excuse to pull a practical joke. Dumont slipped into the workshop the night before to take all of Jim's tools and nail them down to the bench. The next morning, after a great deal of prying and laughter, the working day settled into a routine. But all through the day Jim was scheming to top Dumont's prank. That evening, Jim left the house to take a short stroll and in the meantime Dumont received a telephone call from one of the great characters of the village. Bill Tutfle was something of a mad inventor, a prospector of patents hoping to strike riches and glory. "Mr. Clarke, I have a terrific idea I want to talk with you about. With a little backing, we will both become rich. Can I come over to talk with you right now?" Dumont tried to brush him off politely, but the persistence of the inventor won out, and soon he appeared in the doorway. The two men sat down to discuss the inventor's idea: a system whereby the headlights of an automobile were connected to the steering rods, so that when the driver turned a corner, the lights turned as well. Dumont listened politely, inwardly groaning at the nuisance of having to put up with this man. As incredible as it may seem, the "inventor" was none other than Jim McClure, who had mimicked the neighbor so well that, as the story goes, Jim left that night still undetected.7 The Clarke's new home was finished and ready to dedicate on July 4, 1912. It was christened "Sa Du Ja Dit," an acronym of the names of the principal builders including "Du"mont and "Ja"mes. Everyone was invited to visit and explore it on Independence Day. There is an old photograph of Aunt Kitty (Will McClure's wife), looking stiffly from the porch with the young married couple. Her coachman and carriage await her pleasure in the background. Uncle Will was no doubt off fishing on the Fourth. Another picture shows Annie and Dumont, Jim, Arch, Hetty and Nathan in greatly relaxed poses, together with their parents, enjoying one another's company on the new porch.8 Jim's parents always made great efforts to bring the family together, to the extent that Hetty was brought home from boarding school the year Jim returned from Germany so that the entire clan could be under the same roof for a last brief time. Moving on from Manchester, Jim and his family went to Castine Island, Maine, for a vacation together that included walks along the rocky coast and plenty of golf. Jim and Dumont had played quite a bit in Manchester, and in fact golf seems to have been a sport Jim pursued throughout this time as a remedy for his difficulties. Jim helped organize a tournament at the Castine course for late August, although there is no evidence he won any prizes. There is a wonderful picture of him entertaining three beautiful ladies with his accordion.9 Curiously, a golf game was one of the few situations in America at this �110 We Plow God's Fields time where the different classes came into informal contact with one another outside the home. Many a gentleman understood the working class world solely through the eyes of his favorite caddie. Jim noted a report from Dumont and Annie's "man." He had a wife and four children, and was forced to caddie because work was scarce. Judging by his tips, he took home between $1.50 and $4.00 per day. Jim responds to these facts with a sense of outrage that began to grip him during these years. "[It is] distressing to see men caddying at Manchester. [It is an] indictment of [the] industrial system when a man at a decent employment can find no work and goes caddying and has money thrown at him."10 Jim McClure tried to break through the barriers of class to become interested in the lives and potential nobility of the tradespeople who surrounded him. He collected short anecdotes to prove to himself the worthiness of the working class men around him. "The Larned's chauffeur worked like a Trojan . .. and would take no tip. The caretaker, a fine looking young chap, pushed the car with me 200 yards and would take nothing. .. ."u Jim McClure was more and more drawn during this period to the Social Gospel. He read and quoted the works of the two men most prominent in the movement, Washington Gladding and Walter Rauschenbusch. Simply put, these men advocated a Christian socialism. They hoped to use the power of religion, and religious terminology, to transform society. The Kingdom of God was a fully realizable state of social perfection, in which class differences and antagonisms would disappear. In effect, the labor agitator could lie down safely with the capitalist. The emphasis shifts from individual sin to social sin, whereby the actions of one person can demoralize the entire community. In the Social Gospel vision, Jesus becomes the greatest reformer of all times, enlisting tax collectors, prostitutes and fishermen together into an organization that threatened the entrenched class structure of first century Palestine. With the death of Jesus, the movement did not die but took on the mighty Roman Empire with little more than a belief in the brotherhood of all men. Martyrs died as a sacrifice to their vision of an ultimate Peace on Earth. It was Saint Luke's "The Acts of the Apostles," full of examples of an early church that practiced a form of socialism, that most inspired advocates of the Social Gospel. In reading Rauschenbusch's Social Gospel manifesto, Christianizing the Social Order, Jim checked and underlined this stirring call: To become fully Christian the Church must come out of its spiritual isolation . . . It has often built a soundproof habitation in which people could live for years without becoming definitely conscious of the existence of prostitution, child labor, or tenement crowding. It has offered peace and spiritual tranquility to men and women who needed thunderclaps and lightnings. Like all the rest of us, the Church will get salvation by finding the purpose of its existence outside of itself, in the Kingdom of God, the perfect life of the �Affliction 111 Like many members of the American elite, he felt strong twinges of guilt about the unequal distribution of wealth in the United States. In looking for scapegoats, he found the same ones everyone else found, and then some. Here is a compendium of his thoughts on some of the social and political questions of the day: Alfred Hamill [a Lake Forest neighbor] told me that all the great Banks of Chicago [and] New York . .. break the law continually and knowingly .. . This country is in the hands of a few men, i.e. Rockefeller controls most of the large banks in New York and Chicago. When a man attempts to initiate a new business, he applies to the banks for funds. The Bank officials—being to a certain extent figureheads, ascertain whether the Rockefeller interests are willing that the new business start up—if they agree to loan the money they do it on condition of the control of the new business. By this system the whole country is held in a few hands. [Mr. Ambrose Cramer, Jim's future father-in-law, on corruption in the Chicago city government.] 'Hinky Dink' sends a ton of coal to every needy widow, tides over all men out of work; pays for funerals, etc. in his ward with the money he secures from legislation. Should an honest man win from him once he would surely lose at the next election—for Hhiky Dink by these kindnesses would have secured the allegiance of the voting majority . . . no track or switch can be laid in Chicago without paying the council—no tracks laid in the state without paying the legislature . . . the most serious feature is the growing disregard of the Sabbath. I do not see how a man with a family of 5 can spend more than $10,000 a year without committing grave social wrong. Father thinks the country needs a whipping. The idea that the method of life is "the survival of the fittest" furnishes the excuse to advance their own interests, perhaps ruthlessly and at the expense of the good of the whole body of humanity. This phrase is a catchy one and a popular one and yet it supports an entirely erroneous idea. All my friends give me this excuse for not going to church (for none of them go) "I get nothing out of it." That is very true and I grant it. But I feel that that is but one half of the question and I should reply "What do you give it?" We must realize that we are the privileged class-have had education and the culture and breadth which are only possible thru wealth and our attitude toward the ... church . . . as a means of affecting the community, should not be "What can I get out of it?" but "What can I give it?" Imagine the treatment Jesus would receive, should he enter a first class hotel in any great city . . . He would probably be ejected without ceremony. Whereas the most immoral, debased man, with his pockets lined, arriving in �112 We Plow God's Fields a touring car and swaggering in with a chorus girl would be bowed to by every bell hop. These large hotels are one of the culture nests of artificial values—character counts for nothing—money for all ... (Of course this is too sweeping for kindliness . . . the bell hops are working for dying mothers; the old lady in No. 17 thinks of the long hours of the maid and brushes her clothes herself . . -)13 The Social Gospel, in Jim's view, condemned the old vices of drinking and dancing as strongly as the Presbyterians traditionally had done. His prom standbys, the two-step and the waltz, might be safe enough, but he became concerned about new dances corrupting the working girls of America. He saved a New York Times article that expressed his outlook, and conjures up images of this lost world. Influence of Social Follies The manner in which lax conduct in high social circles can influence the humbler to evil practices is somewhat alarmingly shown in ... the investigation of some new kinds of fashionable dancing which have been made by the Committee of Amusements and Vacation Resources of Working Girls. The "turkey trot," the "grizzly bear," and other dances, so called, which are merely developments of terpsichorean extravagances . . . have been taken up this season to diversify fashionable dancing. They are not lively, and whatever may be done with them, in the way of artistic modification, in polite circles, they were originally intended to be indecently suggestive. The working girls get them from good society. They were not introduced into the popular dance halls directly from the lower depths, the unspeakable places where they constitute one form of joyless diversion. Because it is noised abroad that at a "coming out" party of a daughter of good society the "slow rag" or the "tango argentine" were danced, those grotesque posturing must, perforce, be imitated in the Saturday night dances of the poor girls . . ,14 Such a quaint world America was in 1911. Will there ever be a "Committee on Amusements and Vacation Resources of Working Girls" again, or an article on "Social Follies" and the "grizzly bear" in the New York Times! At the height of the Progressive flood tide, the mood of the country was a paradox. On the one hand, the muckraking spirit searched out evil, corruption and self-interest in every level of American life. But the national mood was basically optimistic, with a strong "can do" spirit riding high. Exposure, along with die legion of committees, would rout out the blemishes within the country. Confidence in the democratic faith was strong. In 1912, one of the more remarkable of the nation's elections took place. Two Republicans (Taft and Roosevelt), sought re-election, thereby splitting their constituency. As a result, the nation elected Woodrow Wilson, the first Democratic president since Grover Cleveland. Stern and moralistic, Wilson became an apt symbol of the era, taking his views of a world based �Affliction 113 on Christian principles to the Treaty of Versailles. Never before had an American president received so much attention or been so influential on the world stage. And never before had the mood been right for the prohibition of liquor. Evidence of the evil of alcohol is never hard to find, and the hope of the Progressive movement coupled with the self-denial of World War I produced the Great Experiment. Jim McClure's position had been staked out long before. In his haphazard study of the working class, he came up with this particular case to add weight in the general Temperance struggle: Nels Hanson, whose funeral was held on August 20—was 23 years old, and after spending an evening at Waukegan, was killed by a Northwestern train. He was intoxicated. A great deal of drinking is done by the young [working] men of Lake Forest. .. . The liquor is secured by getting some man . . . who is out of a job for the day to go to Highwood or North Chicago for the stuff. [Jim's father had kept it from being sold in Lake Forest itself.] Whiskey is the beverage and it is drunk straight.15 Temperance supporters have the reputation for being fundamentalist crusaders, popularly pictured as ax-wielding females who are naive enough to think that the sins and ills of mankind can be laid almost exclusively at the door of one substance. Jim McClure, and there must have been many more like him on this issue, was not of that ilk. He believed that it might be possible for mankind to perfect itself on this earth, and that for this reason alone alcohol should be removed from the list of demoralizing temptations. He wrote a paper while at McCormick on the saloon trade in Chicago, and pointed out how these institutions gave away free sandwiches to the working men who patronized them during the lunch hour. The enticement of the free lunch, Jim reasoned, was more than enough to bring "straight" men into a "crooked" place. Conviviality and relaxation soon worked its magic to draw even the strongest men into the habit of drink. To these saloons, in winter, the men must come at noon hour. They must have a warm place to eat their lunch in. The saloons supply the place—they offer to the cold ignorant men warmth and free lunch, but in return the men must fulfill the one condition attached—they must drink. If the workman does not drink he is put out in no time. Right here is where the man starts on his slide. On the cold days he will drink more to keep warm—he will seldom thereafter drink less. He will cash his pay checks at the saloon—there is no other place. The saloon-keeper gets a grip on his throat and gradually tightens it... 1 6 There must have been quite a number of reformers such as Jim McClure to join up with the more fanatical Temperance adherents in order to pass the Eighteenth Amendment. �114 We Plow God's Fields But as the tides of Temperance were rising, Jim struggled with his own weaknesses, his own character. He wanted to feel in tune with God's progress, to have his natural inner impulses match the high ideals of his thoughts. On January 26, 1911 he wrote down this remarkable prayer: Oh God, give me too some surety and conviction that this whole process of development and progress that thou art engineering on this earth . . . has . . . a benevolent purpose toward each individual . .. And as time goes on enable me more and more to understand how these two purposes are one. Make me to feel this personal relation to Thee and to feel, too, that the daily doings of even the most obscure of us all, the cooks and the ditch diggers and lazy Mexicans, is of importance to Thee and really matters in Thy plan for the whole. . . . Help me to dignify all men in their own eyes. And now God, give to me enduring patience that I may accept this long period of inaction with a cheerfulness, tho not boisterous, [that] may infect all those with whom Thou dost throw me with the conviction that after all and at bottom life is tremendously worth while. . . ,17 To truly appreciate and empathize with the "menial" class (and the lazy Mexicans!) for a man with Jim's education and Lake Forest upbringing took a great deal of rethinking, and reshaping, of his behavior to fit the ideal. The habits of class ran deep. Jim wanted desperately to feel real love for all of mankind, and he tried to follow that ideal with each individual he met. Whenever he traveled, he had the conviction that the person sitting next to him was sent by God, and it was his duty to encourage that person in some way. This attitude made life for him a wonderful carnival of surprises, and indeed the uplifting effect his personality had on many, many people became one of the living fruits of his life. Again he prayed: Oh God, who art so silent that I forget thee, and who art so all pervading and so necessary that I take thee as a matter of course—forgive me that I live so much for the sake of cutting a figure in the eyes of those people who are about me. Forgive me that I give a real value to artificial standards and aim to be thought well of by the rich man or the successful man than the good man and by Thee. Forgive me that I flee . . . to artificial standards and lean to them rather than stand on our common humanity. Help me—Oh God! to feel toward and to act toward each man as a man and as a child of all loving source— Forgive me that I retire within the walled city of social position, good clothes, friendship with those in power or of money rather than stand in the open plain of simple manliness and uprightness and honor. Forgive me that I am ... unwilling to appear to be on the losing side or to be outdated. Give to me more common sense and prudence and keep me from so recklessly and heedlessly rushing into things. Forgive me for talking so much.18 With all the energy, wit, and intelligence within him, he did find it difficult to control his tongue. He wrote: "Oh God . . . Help me to keep my mouth shut �Affliction 115 on all derogatory remarks and all remarks that may in any way strain or smudge another's honor, or diminish the esteem in which he is held or he holds himself."19 Out of this period in Jim's life came a thorough search from within of his impulses and pretenses that would never have been possible had he been in China, say, building up a school or hospital. His father had told him how often God teaches those people who are receptive during their weakest moments. Jim's friends were out in the world, pursuing a variety of successful ventures that built up their self-esteem. Jim had nothing to fall back on, no accomplishments he could point to and say to himself, I have achieved something worthy of the world's praise. The courage of St. Paul, who like Jim suffered debilities during his ministry, was an inspiration to him. Paul's single-minded adherence to the highest standards, the Apostle having been shown on the road to Damascus how much his life was based on artificial standards, produced in him a beautiful character of strength and courage. Jim McClure was facing a dilemma that has troubled Americans since the beginning of the industrial revolution. On the one hand, the efficiency of machines and business practices has created enormous amounts of wealth along with the possibility of material subsistence for all. But the drive that produced such wealth was fueled to a large extent by the desire for personal power, influence and a sumptuous way of life. Jim, like many of his contemporaries, wanted to infuse the American business spirit with selfless Christian virtue in order that "society" might be saved. In 1912, Jim returned from Manchester to the elegance of Lake Forest. Even if he felt strong yearnings for a simple life, how could he turn down a free trip around the world backed by his generous benefactress Mrs. Cyrus McCormick, widow of the inventor of the McCormick reaper, and a member of his father's congregation? She had taken a special interest in Jim, and worried about his present difficulties. Perhaps the ocean air and the variety of the world would work a special cure, and show him at the same time the wide variety of Christian mission work. Mrs. McCormick loved Jim as she loved his father. She was perhaps the richest widow in America, and thoroughly Presbyterian. Her hearing was almost gone by this time, and so she carried her silver ear horn everywhere. Being a doughty old woman, she liked to wield her horn as something of a weapon. If someone bored her, or she did not approve of what was being said, she laid down the earpiece to return to her silent world, leaving the speaker noticeably embarrassed. Young Jim was never boring, and he was full of wonderful ideas she approved of, and so he maintained ready access to her horn. A trip around the world might indeed clear up his troubles, and how much he enjoyed travelling! Jim found a friend, Bob Dangler, who was likewise in the mood for travel. In fact, the two of them left the day after Bob heard the plan, on New Year's Day of 1913. To travel in Asia and the Middle East just prior to World War I was to see the last rays of twilight of the European colonial order. In August of 1914, the �116 We Plow God's Fields empires of Europe's most powerful nations began to unravel. Colonial competition was a major source of tension that lay behind this tragedy, and by 1918 the colonies began to hope for an end to European domination. But in 1913 Asia was still part of the old order, and Bob and Jim could travel amongst Christian missionaries hard at work, European administrators firmly in control, and Western businessmen confident of their markets. A Yale graduate could expect to see a world that, to a large extent, "his people" managed. The first stop was Honolulu, in this day a pristine town managed by the United States for the benefit of its navy. Then it was on to Japan. Jim thoroughly enjoyed life on the steamships. He and Bob played baseball on deck, and Jim became the master of ceremonies for a day of activities. His knee held up as he won the one lap race around the boat, and his stomach likewise as he beat back all opposition in the Bun Eating Contest.20 Throughout his trip, Jim had lists of family contacts to visit and look up. He wrote home from aboard the Japanese ship Shinvo Maru: We left Kobe yesterday noon, and coming thru the Inland Sea, are on the way to Nagasaki which we should reach about noon today. We have just passed the place where the Japanese destroyed the Russian fleet. I enjoyed my stay with Mr. Learned. He was in high spirits, gave his classes a day off and kept me trotting from morning to night. He wanted me to tell you that the Japanese have a custom of retiring about 55 or 60 years of age, handing over their duties to their sons and spending their days in meditation and writing poetry. He wants you to come to Kyoto for the poetry end of i t . . . The best thing about my trip thus far is that tho I have been doing a good deal in Japan I feel none the worse for it. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to James G. K. McClure, Sr., January 26, 1913) Like many young men, Jim became fascinated by the institution of the Geisha girl in Japan. He talked with a Dr. Schwartz about them, and recorded what he learned in his notebook. Geisha girls are girls trained to entertain by singing, dancing, conversing. They are used by Japanese men in giving dinners, even in their homes. They are kept by some person . .. and let out. As to their morality they all have their price, tho the tea houses in which they dance are not houses of prostitution, they can be taken to a house across the street or someplace after their performance. Dr. Schwartz considers Geisha the greatest influence impairing the purity of the Japanese home.21 On to Shanghai, where Jim and Bob were only two of the many "Sons of old Eli" who attended the annual Yale dinner. Such a comfortable world in which to travel! In Hong Kong, Jim met up with one of his old friends from Germany while crossing the street, and Bob Dangler immortalized the moment with his camera. The superstition and poverty of China he discovered to be as rampant as he had expected. He thought the Chinese were foolish to think that �Affliction 117 they needed firecrackers to let the local god know someone was needing attention. Chinese beggars were a part of any American's view of the country, and Jim recorded the following incident: [I saw] a mob of some fifty of the dirtiest, toughest and most ragged individuals I had ever seen, lying in the sunshine of the street. I asked the missionary whom I was with what that filthy crowd was. "Why," he replied, "they are professional beggars. They travel together with a leader and start down a street, the leader going into a shop and asking the proprietor for a handout. If the proprietor is reluctant or stingy he points to the crowd outside and if the proprietor refuses to come across he beckons to the gang and they pour in and wreck his store. They work the city systematically, working each street every couple of months."22 Jim concluded that Christianity was the factor that made Western society different, that made helping the helpless a virtue. In China and throughout Asia he noted great numbers of suffering people and almost a complete void of compassion. "It is only under Christian civilization that we have hospitals . . . I found that in China if a coolie is injured in the streets he is left there or finally hauled off much as we would haul off a sick horse... ."23 Soon the trenches of the Western Front would remind Jim and his contemporaries that barbarism lay just below the surface of European civilization as well. After Hong Kong, the two travelers boarded a ship that would eventually land them in India. Bob Dangler wrote to Harriet McClure about Jim's colonial appearance. "Just docking at Manila in glorious sunshine—flags flying and band playing. Jim is looking like a prosperous planter in helmet and pongee suit" (Bob Dangler to Harriet McClure, February 6, 1913). They visited a rubber plantation at Kuala Lumpur and McGregor's Lumber Yard in Rangoon, with the main attraction at the latter being an elephant handling teak logs. A Miss Starr was very much in evidence during this phase of the excursion. The countries came and went so fast that Jim rarely broke beneath the superficial colonial view of this complex world. He returned with comments such as "The Burmese do not make soldiers . . . The Burman is indolent, the women industrious... ,"24 He was horrified to find people bathing regularly in a river infested with maneating crocodiles. One had been killed and its stomach found to be fiill of the bangles of his victims. Because of a fatalistic religion, Jim wrote in his notebook, "the natives in the neighborhood of a man-eating crocodile continue bathing in spite of the losses in their ranks, looking upon it as fate."25 Bob and Jim maintained their fast pace of sight-seeing in India. Two days at each stop seems to have been the maximum time allotted. Their itinerary took them to Calcutta, Darjeeling, Benares, Agra, Delhi, Bombay, Bangalore, Madras (where they visited Eli Yale's son's grave!). To sister Harriet, Jim sent a picture of the gruesome funeral pyres along the Ganges River at Benares, the city he had visited years before in his imagination for "Steady Streams." "Knowing your moribund taste I send this postal" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet ��Affliction 119 McClure, March 3, 1913). And with similar grim humor, he sent to Annie and Dumont the message that "We have seen the Towers of Silence and the vultures who polish off the Parsees ..." (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Dumont Clarke, March 7, 1913). He and Bob made a pilgrimage to Bangalore, where Dumont Clarke had worked as a YMCA secretary and had done so much to raise money for a new building. There they found the new YMCA just completed. Dumont had asked Jim to bring with him the original scale model that had been made of clay, which he did, through all the vicissitudes of the remaining trip. It was packed in a big, bulky box, most unsuited to the gypsy life of Jim and Bob. But Jim wanted to do this favor. When he presented it to Dumont proudly, and opened the box, the clay model had been reduced to rubble! In between the Taj Mahals and the Mt. Everests, Jim did have a chance to meet and talk with a young Indian "of one of the lower castes" who had picked up some English. "He asked me about caste in America and I told him the story of Lincoln. He frankly would not believe it. His ambitions, his possibilities, his future, his hopes were circumscribed . . . Nothing could call forth the best in that man."26 Jim's insatiable curiosity aroused his interest wherever he went. Questions about carpentry and queries about religion tumbled about in his mind, and wherever the language barrier could be circumvented, out they came. Bob wrote to Arch McClure that "Jim is very busy righting the wrongs of the Orient" (Bob Dangler to Arch McClure, no date). The trip served to buttress Jim's faith in America and in Christianity. A Miss Richardson, whom he met at an archeological dig in Egypt, told him another story to support this faith. A Turkish foreign minister worked with her father in the diplomatic community of Athens, Greece. One day he "... received an order from the Sultan to return to Constantinople. He was afraid to return for the Sultan had a habit of ordering those not in his favor home and having them dropped overboard en route. He wanted to return hoping that he was to be promoted to Secretary of State . . . He went home and was never heard from again."27 In Egypt, family acquaintances like the Richardsons continued to take in and entertain the two young men, and Jim made a noteworthy trip to Luxor on the back of a camel known as Will Taft. The final and certainly inevitable leg of this grand tour was through the Holy Land. In 1913, Palestine was on the eve of becoming the political thorn it has remained ever since. A few years later, in 1917, the Balfour Declaration was signed by the British to enlist Jewish support for World War I. This pact was the first great victory of the modern Zionist movement to reclaim Israel for the Jewish people. Jim visited a backwater land full of donkeys, Arabs and a preponderance of religious shrines. After landing in Jaffa, Bob and Jim made their way to Bethlehem. The next day they rented a pair of donkeys, and slowly Opposite: Postcard to Harriet McClure from Bob Dangler, February 6, 1913. �120 We Plow God's Fields made their way along a Jericho a road not much different from the one Jesus had walked 1900 years before. They enjoyed a picnic lunch at Elisha's spring and an afternoon swim in the Dead Sea.28 Jerusalem yielded up its list of familiar sites: the Mount of Olives, the Garden of Gethsemene, and the Via Dolorosa. At Jacob's well they ran into 900 Russian pilgrims who had walked from their motherland. These people fascinated Jim, all the more so because he witnessed their simple joy as they attained the object of so great a trek. At the same time, he was disheartened by the way they were gypped out of their meager savings by unscrupulous Arab souvenir sellers. In Nazareth, Jim and Bob become acquainted with two pretty English ladies, the Misses Tassel, and that eventful day ended with the four of them praying together on the roof of the hotel.29 The Misses Tassel appeared again just over the border in Syria, where Jim and Bob had been touring the pagan ruins of Baalbek. Three Hellenist temples, one each to Jupiter, Bacchus and Venus, contrasted in Jim's mind with the more subdued Christian and Jewish sites to the south. Damascus, "the Pearl of the Desert," which was the city Paul entered after his dramatic conversion, was just about the end of the trip. It was a Grand Tour of the world in five months, and what can be said for it? First, it was a conventional trip with a predictable itinerary. From the Taj Mahal to the Wailing Wall to Chinese beggars and the pyramids, Jim McClure saw what was expected. There was nothing in this trip to shake his basic faith in the views of Protestant Christianity or in Western superiority, the American variety in particular. His admiration for foreign missionaries, with whom he almost invariably stayed, was heightened. One of his last visits on the trip was to the Syrian Protestant College (soon to become the American University) in Beirut (Lebanon was then a part of Syria). He was visibly impressed with the work there; American churchmen and American money were educating about 900 local students each year in the school's program. Jim yearned to be a part of such a work. The mission field that eventually captured him was found nowhere along the itinerary of this trip; in fact, it lay only a long day's train ride from Chicago. Yet the quaint habits of the people, the rigors of life, and the primitive nature of the society there could match almost anything he had seen in Asia. Jim returned to America on the 5. 5. Cretic, from Naples to Boston. He sailed first class, and greatly enjoyed the company of several gentlemen traveling likewise. He took an engaging picture of a Mr. Dunn, a Mr. Hammond and one Marziale Sanchioni; the accoutrements of class in this photograph are all too obvious, from attire to pose, and remind us once again of the clean lines of social status that existed in this world. The young Indian who asked Jim about caste in America would have been even less likely to believe the Lincoln story had he been able to sail on the S. S. Cretic in 1913. Jim remained in New England, going directly to Dumont and Annie in Manchester with his bulky box. After the shock of opening the box for Dumont, and finding nothing but dust, he told the details of his trip. One of his favorites �Affliction 121 was the time he and Bob were accosted by bandits. The family memory is somewhat vague on the exact nationality of these men, but they seem to have found our young hero on a mountain top somewhere, possibly the volcanic Mt. Etna of Sicily. How did Jim McClure handle the prospect of being robbed by dangerous natives of a foreign land? He challenged them to a jumping contest. If Bob and Jim could outjump the two bandits, they would go free. If not, the bandits could have their fair share of the Americans' loot. Well, as unbelievable as this story sounds, Jim's bad knee held up, and the wan Bob Dangler gave it all he had; the bandits were beaten fair and square and went home emptyhanded.30 The Manchester crowd all returned to Lake Forest in time for the June marriage of sister Harriet. Douglas Stuart was the groom, a very upright and capable business executive who would in time rise to be President of the Quaker Oats Company. During the Eisenhower administration, he would serve a successful stint as the U. S. Ambassador to Canada. The wedding occurred on June 10, 1913, and the surviving pictures show a wonderful scene of a baseball game on a Lake Forest lawn. One of Harriet's and Jim's close friends, Marian Farwell, was playing third base while wearing a Quaker costume in honor of the bridegroom's business affiliation. The Stuarts hired a special train to bring their South Side Chicago friends to Lake Forest. Since the size of "Gien Hame" was restricted, "the wedding tea was served on the lawn, where pretty girls in lingerie dresses, flower hats and gay colored silken coats poured tea at beautifully decorated tables."31 Jim ushered, and helped to escort one of Harriet's best friends, the lovely Elizabeth Cramer, among the rounds of society during this occasion. She was to return to France shortly thereafter to pursue her artistic aspirations which, fortunately for Jim, were interrupted by the events of August 1914. For Jim McClure, the days of restlessness were almost over. He was now feeling well enough again to take on responsibilities. For three years he had traveled about, to Arizona, to Vermont, around the world, with uncounted side trips. He was desperate to engage himself in the world, to try out his abilities, and yet his nagging health difficulties had kept him back. In August of 1913, a letter came to Mrs. McCormick from a small mining town in Michigan. She had helped the writer find a pastor six years before. At the present time I am located at Iron River, Michegan [sic] at which point we have a church consisting of about thirty-five members. Iron River is situated in a district where large ore deposits have been made recently, the opening up of which has brot [sic] one a boom phase, causing the influx of a large number of families, and the church is desirous of getting in touch with these people. (Unknown writer to Mrs. Cyrus McCormick, August 30, 1913) �122 We Plow God's Fields Mrs. McCormick recommended Jim McClure for the position, and truly it was a situation ideally tailored to fit a young purveyor of the Social Gospel. Iron River was a rough mining town, with immigrants pouring in for jobs. Rapid growth and the strain of absorbing many different national groups had left any previous sense of community in a shambles. Crime and alcohol were common problems. Great distrust among the immigrant groups, exacerbated by a babble of languages, created enormous tensions. Jim understood the role of the church to be a great force for civilization, and in Iron River he had his chance to start practically from scratch. In November, the Iron River Reporter announced that the "Rev. James G. K. McClure, Jr. of Chicago arrived here yesterday and will become the pastor of the Presbyterian Church . . . Rev. McClure is a young unmarried man. He is a graduate of Edinburgh, Scotland, and McCormick seminaries and also of Yale University . . . He is a pleasant and genial young man and comes to his new charge highly spoken of."32 Jim's three and a half years of convalescence were over. They were not wasted years. New influences and experiences became a part of his life. Arizona, Shanghai, Vermont and Nazareth ceased to be simply names to him. He had learned the rudiments of carpentry, and met hosts of new people. But his efforts had been scattered and undirected, and his life remained nearly all potential with very little yet accomplished. The Iron River pastorate fitted him well, and yet his strange and debilitating malady lurked in the background. Friends and family, and Jim himself, wondered whether 'the cure' was complete. 1. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "Stray notes" journal, 1910. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. Newspaper clipping from June 28, 1911, saved by James G. K. McClure, Jr., paper unknown. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7. Interview with Dumont Clarke, Jr. 8. Family photograph album 9. Ibid. 10. James G. K. McClure, Jr., 1910 personal notebook, entry dated January 2, 1911. 11. Ibid. 12. Walter Rauschenbusch, Christianizing the Social Order, (New York: MacMillon, 1912), p. 464. 13. 1910 notebook. 14. "Influence of Social Follies," New York Times, January 5, 1911. 15. James G. K. McClure, Jr., Lake Forest Notebook, 1910. 16. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "The Saloon Question in Chicago," unpublished paper. �Affliction 123 17. James G. K. McClure, Jr., notebook begun on November 1, 1910, entry dated January 26, 1911. 18. Ibid. 19. Ibid., entry dated September 4, 1911. 20. James G. K. McClure, Jr., scrapbook of his trip around the world. 21. James G. K. McClure, Jr., Loose-leaf notebook. 22. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "Rackets and the Public," unpublished paper written in the early 1930s for the Pen and Plate Club, (Asheville, NC), p. 1-2. 23. Loose leaf notebook. 24. Ibid., entry dated February 23, 1913. 25. Ibid. 26. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "Has Democracy Achieved Its Economic Purpose?" an unpublished paper presented to the Pen and Plate Club, Asheville, NC, 1926. 27. Loose leaf notebook. 28. Loose leaf notebook and the Scrapbook of the trip. 29. Ibid. 30. interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 31. Newspaper clipping, June 11, 1913, paper unknown. 32. Iron River Reporter, November 14, 1913. �Chapter Eight Iron River No one disputes that the forces of good in the world, with their divisions into denominations, are inefficiently organized. So inefficient are they that tho we have millions of members in our churches, each with a professed belief in the brotherhood of man, the organization of these millions is not able to translate their ideals into action. It is as if into a giant hopper, the church people were pouring their ideals of brotherhood, their hopes for a better world, their money, their prayers, their work, their time. And out of the hopper instead of a society permeated by the spirit of Christ... comes a thin stream of prayer meetings, of exhortations & of accomplishment.1 I mean never by word, look or sign to show my discouragement. Further, no matter what happens I will see life thru & see it thru handsomely & graciously. Further I mean always to appear to be and to be content with my lot & full of quiet courage—no matter what the Lord calls upon me for. (Inserted by James G. K. McClure, Jr. into a notebook he kept while in Iron River) Iron County, Michigan, is an aptly named district that lies on top of one of the world's finest mineral deposits. The ore extracted from the Mesabi Range of Michigan's Upper Peninsula has been a major component of the growth of the American economy in the twentieth century. In 1913 the town of Iron River was a rollicking, boozing, boom town, spawned by the growing appetite of the American steel industry. In a year's time, the demand for Mesabi ore would soar, and much of it would be shipped to France after having been fashioned into implements of war: bayonets, artillery, helmets, and even the barbed wire that was rolled out along the trenches of the Western Front. But to see Iron River's connection to that bloody future, or its connection to much of anything else in 1913, took an act of imagination. The place was remote, and its inhabitants for the most part were a rude collection of men and women drawn together by the wages of the mining industry. The raw nature of life in Iron River was the precise quality that drew Jim McClure into service there. He wanted his ministry to be an act of social healing, a building up of a town and its inhabitants. He saw the opportunity to establish the ideals of Christian civilization among a people who were suffering from its absence. Rather than coming to soothe and comfort, Jim McClure came to Iron River as a general leading his congregation into battle. He intended to 124 �Iron River 125 renovate the spiritual life of all the inhabitants of the town and better align it with his concept of the Kingdom of God. The elders and deacons were impressed with the young man's sense of purpose, and so the church issued a formal call to Jim McClure: "The Congregation of the First Presbyterian Church of Iron River, Michigan, being, of sufficient grounds, well satisfied of the ministerial qualifications of you, Mr. James G. K. McClure, and having good hopes from our past experiences of your labors, that your ministrations in the Gospel will be profitable to our spiritual interests, do earnestly call and desire you to undertake the pastoral office in said congregation ..." (Board of Elders of the Iron River Presbyterian Church to James G. K. McClure, Jr., October 28, 1913). The church promised to pay him $1,000 a year, and to allow him a four-week vacation. His call to Iron River was followed by his ordination as a minister of the Gospel of Christ. In the McCormick Seminary Chapel, Dr. Andrew Zenos, Jim's former teacher, issued him his charge. Jim's father prayed for the fruitful guidance of his son by the supreme Lord of creation, and then everyone sang a most appropriate hymn, "Faith of our Fathers."2 Working and on his own at last, Jim gathered up his belongings and left his family. He found the church itself to be a simple structure, with bare grounds without any flowers or shrubs. Houses crowded right up to the church building, which was a plain white clapboard box with a large and rather ill-proportioned steeple. His congregation was made up of the leaders in the local mining industries, the owners and engineers. The only other Protestant congregation of any consequence in Iron River was the local Methodist Church, which had about as many members as the Presbyterian congregation. The bulk of the working class families, excepting the Scandinavians, were left to the two Roman Catholic churches, one of which was Polish. Jim intended to cross all of the barriers that divided the people of Iron River, from religion to language to social class to national origin. He would minister to the entire town. He chided in his first sermon the businessmen in his congregation, demanding that they follow him across the social chasm on a mission of Christian duty. On November 16, 1913, twenty-nine members listened as he outlined his purposes in his first message to the church: As several of you know it was with some hesitation that I decided to offer my name for the consideration of this congregation, for as I looked around on the Sunday which I spent here the tasks confronting this church seemed so large, the town growing as it is and indifference in the community to the deeper values of life so strong and militant that it seemed to me that considering my lack of experience in the ministry, the whole work was more than I should attempt. I was strongly drawn to the work, however, and I felt that, as I had explained my limitations and emphasized my lack of experience, and endeavored to make that clear, that if you felt that I could be of service to this church and community I should like to come. �126 We Plow God's Fields II » CHICAGO, MILWAUKEE 8c ST. PAUL RY. GOOD FOR ONE FIRST CLASS LIMITED PASSAGE CHICAGO (U. D.) TO GOOD ONLY ONE DAY FROM DATE OF SALE 13489 FORM L.'-i5 Passenger Traffic Manager Top: Iron River Presbyterian Church, Iron River, Mich., photographed by James G.K. McClure, Jr. Bottom: Train ticket to Iron River. This morning I want to speak in general terms about what I come here to try to do. In the first place, I come here not to do certain things, I do not come here to attempt to run anyone's business . . . 1 was born and brought up in a community of business men and they were fine, strong, self-reliant men and I have always had a great respect for business men and men engaged hi the actual affairs of life. In those spheres you men are experts. Almost all the �Iron River 127 young men with whom I have grown up have entered some form of business or the law. But there is one thing, in connection with the business world, that is a burden on my heart and I expect I shall frequently mention it and speak of it and that is my hope that the business world may be permeated by the spirit of Christ... the fact remains that the principle upon which business is based is not that of the strong helping the weak and it is the great task of our generation to attempt to re-generate business-to have business permeated from top to bottom with the spirit of Christ and that is a task before those of us who are businessmen. . . . I do not mean to ... interfere with anyone's individual responsibility or conscience. . . . in all matters of conduct, I shall not interfere with your personal decisions . . . such as dancing, theatre-going, keeping Sunday, card playing. . . . I mean to hold before you the highest ideals.... A church, anywhere, to be of any use at all must be a working church—and it must be working for the community. Every member must be doing something. It is more important that a member of the church do something than that he believe something. Do not think of the church as a place of retreat, a place in which you can escape the trials of the world and the strenuousness of life. The church is not a place for tired men and women.3 The die was cast that Sunday. If Jim wanted a working church, then its pastor would be required to exert himself to the very limits of endurance. He would have to overthrow the accepted notion that a minister rode a pretty soft ride, and earn respect first of all as a man of action, and secondly as a man of vision. With no home or retreat of any sort, it would be hard for him to resist filling each day, all day, with some useful activity. He had to prove himself to these people, and do it by making an impact on the community. The question was, how much stress could he maintain before his old symptoms returned? Jim's father and mother visited him about two weeks into the work. The Dominie understood the strains of his own profession, and what can happen to overeager young ministers. Moreover, he knew his own son's personality, and so cautioned him to learn to pace his life. . . . Annie, Dumont, and Arch are eager to hear every possible word about you and your church. . . . Now my dear boy, let me say: I. Try to be as calm in your mind as possible: "Study to be quiet" is Scripture. n. Don't try to make matters move too hastily. "Hasten slowly" is a good motto for you and your work. HI. Make your sustained health a matter of "purpose, plan and persistency"—Get to your room and lie down—and not think. IV. Persuade Mrs. Young to let you remain where you are for the winter. I will pay the bill. Fix up your bedroom in the Manse and when she wishes your room, you can go to the Manse for a night or two. V. I see the limitless opportunities and demands that are sure to come to �128 We Plow God's Fields you. Conserve your strength. Visiting is killing to nervous peace, to intellectual development and to spiritual power. A call counts for more in many instances than a long visit. VI. You are answering to all that my heart could possibly wish. You are a noble man, you are doing noble work—and I am perfectly content. Only—Be careful not to overdo. Let time be an element in your power. You made us very happy every minute we were with you. Our tender and abounding love is yours. Father (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 15,1913) A week after receiving this advice, Christmas would come to this frozen community. Jim was determined to bring the spirit of brotherhood into his church, to fill it with as diverse a group of people as Iron River could provide. At the same time, he would sorely miss the great joy of being with his own family at home, a very special time for him each year. He set out throughout the town and surrounding countryside, knocking on the doors of strangers and persuading them to come to the Presbyterian Church for a fine Christmas service. His famous powers of persuasion worked their magic, and on Christmas the church began to fill up with the most remarkable variety of people. As the regulars and the newcomers began to settle into the pews, a palpable sense of uneasiness began to settle over the congregation. Feigning nonchalance, people began gazing about the church, wondering whence all of these people had come. It was the kind of scene Jim McClure adored. He was a master at breaking down the barriers between people, cutting through the suspicion and creating a joyful and friendly ambience. After the service, he rushed about thanking the newcomers for making the effort to come, and introducing them among the regulars. He had a knack for remembering names, and for remembering some small item of interest to dispel an embarrassing silence; and soon, almost singlehandedly, he created that Christmas among a group of men and women very strange to one another, a wonderful feeling of conviviality and Christian brotherhood. The event was a grand success, and the Presbyterian Church in Iron River afterwards became a growing body of believers. Back home on Halsted Street, gathered around the McClure table that same Christmas Day, Jim's family prayed for his well-being and then sent some letter paper around to everyone, to cheer up their missing member. My dear boy: We are all gathered around the family dining table, Mother, Annie and Dumont, Harriet and Douglas, Arch, Nathan.... and myself. We think and speak often of you. We have wished for you a thousand times today .. . [Harriet writing] Dinto [Nathan] and Doug are upholding the 'arty appetite club'; D. Clarke is trying a good deal of his pleasantries much to the annoyance of his wife, who claims that she "doesn't talk as much as she used to." Whereat the whole table burst into a shout of acclamation. [Annie writing] The above is not literally true. Nothing that Dumont does �Iron River 129 annoys me, as you well know. We are having a grand Christmas but we do miss you every minute. The baby (Dumont, Jr.) has had a wonderful day, enjoying all his gifts with true delight. We wonder where you are celebrating— and how many attractive ladies are looking at your "melting eyes"—I must close as Douglas simply can't wait to put his sentiments down— [Douglas Stuart writing] This has been a great Christmas . .. [Dumont Clarke writing] I am following in the foot-steps of a great man, you see so I shall shine only by reflecting glory. Dumont Jr. is just sighted and havoc ensues—so there is no chance for more or greater thoughts. (McClure family to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 25, 1913) In Iron River, the winter that followed Christmas was as harsh and cold as it always was. Like everyone else Jim pulled his driving blanket right up over his nose when he drove about. The physical suffering of the local inhabitants was exacerbated as the demand for ore slackened, and the mines began to close down. Yet, what glory there was must have shined off the young minister Jim McClure, for he persistently worked to alleviate any hardships that came to his attention, physical or spiritual. The boom town atmosphere of Iron River seemed to break down the bonds of self-restraint, and Jim had to face squarely the ugly faces of sin. Of his nine Sunday School teachers, three had had sisters or a daughter "ruined." In one month alone twenty-one cases of rape were brought to his attention. One girl had to leave Iron River for the second time to abort her illegitimate child. One man, Kilkollins " . . . had slept with every cat in the county." His wife was almost raped by her uncle, but she tore up his face with hair pins. She eventually hired a girl with syphilis for $10 to sleep with Kilkollins so he would contract the disease, and she would have grounds for divorce. With unflagging energy, Jim waded into the midst of these problems, doing what he could.4 During the winter of 1914, widows were being turned out of their homes for the lack of $5 in rent. Young children roamed about town with no place to go but the saloons for a little excitement. The local Catholic priest was hopelessly corrupt, getting drunk with his housekeeper and carrying on with little girls at church picnics. At church suppers, after liberal doses of wine, the priest would urge girls to dance the jig on the table. The local Polish community tried to have him removed, but according to Jim's notes the priest bribed the bishop and had the leader of the movement put into an asylum!5 Jim McClure took on the town's business. He once smelled a whiff of corruption in the local school system, and stood up at a public meeting to grill the Superintendent and bring to light the duplicity of his policies. He helped to found the Iron County Welfare Association, whose purpose was to abolish the "Liquor Traffic" and to prevent "Immorality and Vice." To the surprise of everyone, saloons were voted right out of the county. That spring, Jim spearheaded a drive to build and equip a playground and ball park. Bats and balls were purchased, and teams organized. Jim brought in a gymnastic exhibition, to inspire the local children on how to use the new parallel bars and spring �130 We Plow God's Fields boards. He realized that the life of any community revolves around shared activities, and that sports were a great deal healthier for the morals of the young than hanging around idle.6 Jim's mission to Iron River fulfilled his ambitions; here was a place where his Godly training could be put to work, rooting out sin and bringing people together in a more holy and less suspicious environment. Here he could minister to an entire town instead of a single, well-established church. By his own reckoning, he set himself up as a model of high character and self-sacrifice. He wanted to drag this grimy little mining town a little closer to paradise, and he knew that his influence could make a difference only if he remained above reproach. Not unlike Moses leading his ungrateful people about the Sinai desert, he was determined that no amount of grumbling would dissuade him from his purposes, and no amount of sin would force him to compromise his adherence to the moral commandments. How long can a man endure such a life? His heroic outlook masked the loneliness of his role. In February of 1914, in the middle of that awful winter, Jim showed himself to his parishioners as a man who was obsessed with perfection, and consequently was unhappy with anything less in himself. Jim's ministry in Iron River was largely a matter of preaching the highest of ideals, and then setting himself up as an example. In a sermon, entitled "The Mastery of the Will," there were no biblical references and God was a distant and somewhat fuzzy concept. One's ultimate faith, Jim explained, rested solely in the individual will. Sin and human frailties were too easily accepted; instead, through the exercise of will weakness was to be rooted out. "We make the universe we live in," he told his congregation. "If we determine to live as if God is good and as if men are the children of God we will find that true. If we determine to live as if God is a lie and all men are liars & deceivers we will find that true." He advocated a " . . . systematic training in Mastery of the Will... ."7 He concluded by saying that "The man who will call upon his will, with God's help, can keep from doing wrong because . . . he brings his will into battle & creates a victory." In these ideas, and in Jim's natural inclination, there was very little room for him to follow his father's advice, to find a time and place to rest and relax his mind. He began to have headaches again, but tried to ignore them. During the following summer, he threw himself into a campaign to draw immigrant families out of the Catholic fold. Most of the miners in Iron River were a part of the pre-World War I exodus from Southern and Eastern Europe. Like most old-stock, Protestant Americans, Jim was appalled by the behavior of these men and women, and felt the Catholic Church was in large part to blame. He saw his mission to Iron River as a chance to influence the ideals of these Catholic workers and their families, almost none of whom attended his church. The Presbyterian Board of Home Missions was interested in Jim's efforts among the immigrants as well, and advised him that summer to make an informal census of the town, partly to answer specific questions and partly as a pretext for meeting and talking with these people. Jim was advised: "In �Iron River 131 your canvas I hope you will find some way of ascertaining what your people are thinking about. It is not adequate simply to say that so many people are Roman or Greek Catholic. What do they think of the church? Are they loyal to it? What is their affiliation with socialism?"8 "Socialism" was a scare word to the businessmen in the Iron River Presbyterian Church, filled as it was with the specter of violent labor unrest that a small mining town could ill afford to endure. But Jim thought these businessmen worried too much about their profits, and too little about the welfare of their workers. He told them so in a sermon called "Unsparing Helpfulness," and challenged his congregation to work out a plan to raise the moral level of the local Slavic people and to alleviate some of their grievances. The businessmen must be examples of Christian charity, or else "American standards will inevitably be sucked down by those Southern European standards—as a drowning man sucks down a rescuer-unless we raise them artificially to our level."9 But by the time Jim McClure proclaimed "Unsparing Helpfulness" from the pulpit, he began to face the prospect of leaving this work behind. He had not followed his father's advice, and now all of the old troubles with his health began to creep in and incapacitate him. In October he took a leave of absence, hoping to rest up and return. Two months later he officially resigned, with this letter. "After thorough examination by and careful deliberation with specialists it appears that there is no possibility of my immediate return to the pastorate. I feel further that a longer postponement of decision would be unfortunate. It is with sorrow and disappointment that I herefore tender my resignation of the pastorate ..." (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Iron River Congregation, December 9, 1914). It was with very similar emotions that the congregation accepted his resignation. They responded with a resolution, adopted unanimously. Rev. McClure, in a period of less than one year, completely won the hearts of the people of Iron River. He impressed everyone with his sincerity, cordiality and common sense. . . . Under his care the work prospered greatly, as may be judged by the fact that forty-eight new members were received, and a large increase was made in the number of adherents . . . As a leader he drew both the weak and strong to him and called forth the best they had to give. We were drawn by his enthusiasm; we were held by his tact, and helped by his teaching. But Mr. McClure was a pastor to the community rather than to a single church. That an enterprise was for the public welfare was sufficient for it to claim his interest. He adapted himself strikingly to the peculiar needs of this community, holding firmly to his convictions, yet cheerfully admitting room for difference of opinion. He saw good in every man and in every creed. His numerous small acts of attention and kindness bound him to scores of the young and the mature. He seems to try not so much to find perfect men as to make better men. He regarded every man's conscience as sacred. In many cases he won the loyalty of those who naturally would have opposed him. �132 We Plow God's Fields Predbf tertan Church. Services* will be held on Sunday, 10, aii-follows: ' " t^JtS^'SSZ* 10 :30 a. ra., —Morning tterviee, Subject, /'TfeetChur^li |S;the inanity," , 7:30, p. m. — Baaing .service. ect Choosing ih$ 6*st Things. " ; James G. K. MtrClare, Jr., will preach at both morning at*d evening service*. Top: Gymnastic show brought to Iron River by Jim McClure. Bottom: Newspaper announcement. In letting Mr. McClure go we feel that our Church and our community has suffered a great loss. We wish him God-speed in his future life and work.10 The ways of the Lord are indeed inscrutable, for in a year's time that future life and work would take on an entirely new look for Jim McClure. But for now, all was the gloom of his ill-health with only the letters of his former parishioners to cheer him up. Gustavus R. Waeber wrote: It is difficult for me to express our feelings of regret and loss that your resignation has brought forth among us all. The hope of your returning to the Iron River pastorate has been with us at all times and our prayers have been for your speedy return, for we felt that we needed you here . . . It is we who have to thank you for the seed you have planted within us; altho your work at Iron River was only begun, I am convinced that it will have its lasting influence, marking the time when this congregation took its first steps �Iron River 133 toward a practical Christianity. (Gustavus R. Waeber to James G. K. McClure, Jr . . . Exact date unknown) A Mr. William H. Seldon wrote this rather personal note, offering as well a sure cure for his troubles: We miss you, and while we miss your presence and influence at all times, we miss you particularly Sunday evening at crackers and milk . . . I felt that you were working very hard last summer, and perhaps carrying too great a burden, but did not discover that it was affecting your health, in fact thought quite the reverse was the case, and that you seemed to become more vigorous under the pressure of hard work. Now I am going to prescribe a remedy, which I believe cannot fail to restore you to health, which is a summer spent in our Michigan woods, getting just as near to nature as possible .. . (William H. Seldon to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 20, 1914) One of the mine owners, Herbert Fisher, wrote Jim: Your resignation came in the form of a shock I assure you and the loss of your presence in this community was a real loss. I personally knew right along that I owed you a lot for the influence on my life and my family's, but I did not know how much that same influence had been to the whole community. I seldom go anywhere but what you are spoken of, and they seem so anxious for your welfare. Even tho you were here but a short time the people of Iron River will never forget you and the master you served.... (Herbert Fisher to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 16, 1915) Although Jim never returned to take up his post in Iron River, he never forgot his friends there either. He continued to send money to the Welfare League long after he had moved away, and that summer he sent one of his coats to the minister in the neighboring town, Reverend J. W. Helmuth, who wrote him back: Your letter came stating that I was to be the recipient of a frock coat and vest. In due time they arrived and I put on the coat and we all delighted to think you sent me so good a coat and made so well and such excellent fabric . . . I moderated the congregational meeting when they acted upon your resignation. Your letter when read made a great impression upon the people, and when I asked for statements from different persons bearing on the resignation, it was hard for them to speak (J. W. Helmuth to James G. K. McClure, Jr., June 28, 1915) Of all the letters he received from Iron River, one, more than the others, indicated to him that he had sown the seeds of Christian life there. George Terrill, a high school student, wrote Jim that spring: �134 We Plow God's Fields Dear King: Last Wednesday night I appeared before the Presbyterian Session to join the church on confession of my faith . . . I will have to be a good boy after this, which I am afraid I will find a hard thing to do altogether. But "one and God is a majority." (George Terrill to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March 13, 1915) Iron River was an aborted start for Jim, but he did have a chance to try out some of his ideas. He saw himself as a crusader, not only making his church and Iron River a better community, but also trying to prove that religion still had a role to play in modern society, that Christianity could lead mankind forward. Many people, including Jim, thought that the institution of the church was a reactionary force, retarding progress by thwarting science. Jim wanted to disprove this view. He preached in Iron River, in January of 1914, elaborating on the Apostle Paul's vision of the church as a body with many parts (Romans 12). Forty-two parishioners came to church that morning, and listened as Jim preached "Is the Church Necessary in Modern Society?" You hear often criticisms of the Christian church and disparaging remarks about the church, remarks pointing to the idea that the church has finished its task and is becoming impotent. When I was studying for the ministry in Germany comparatively alone and with time for thought, I asked myself the question, "Is the church necessary in society today?" And after withholding my judgement for months and considering the question from all sides, I came to the conclusion that it was absolutely necessary today. He reviewed at some length the direct and indirect good done by the church in history, and attributed " . . . much of all that is brightest and best in our lives" to the influence of the church. Then he turned to the present. He quoted a judge who claimed that he had never tried and sentenced a youth who was a church member and attended Sunday School. The judge went on to say: The influence for good of the modern church is greater than the church's influence ever was before. The church has grown amazingly as the world's wisdom has increased, all statements to the contrary notwithstanding . . . 1 go about a good deal to the men's clubs of the churches, to deliver addresses upon one topic or another, I find their membership to be made up, not of milk and water youths, and doddering old men with a foot each in the grave and nothing to live for on this earth, but of energetic, fine young chaps of all ages, among them always, the best men of the neighborhoods in which the churches are located...." Having established the present moral influence of the church, Jim turned to the future. He said, Even if the church had had no past and were not existing at present, I believe that some such organization would be absolutely necessary for the future. We �Iron River 135 are in the midst of a vast historical movement. .. The organization of society is being called to the bar of judgement and being confronted by its sins. We are in a period of flux .. . We are in a position to inject into the organization of society, the spirit of the brotherhood of man. . . . He argued that, in order to establish the brotherhood of man, sweeping social changes would be necessary, and the church would have to be involved in making those changes take place. He talked about the redistribution of wealth, "making a simpler life the fashion," and the importance of helping the laborer see the importance of his contribution to society as a whole. In defense of the poor, he said: People often tell us that the poor are poor through their own fault, and [the] rich [are] rich through their own efforts, and one can cite instances enough of shiftlessness keeping men poor and industry making men rich to seem to prove this. But it is not true. There are any number of hard working, faithful, industrious men who are poor through no fault of their own and any number of comparatively worthless men rich through no fault of their own. He talked then about changing society through the efforts of "regenerated individuals, whose wills set justice above profit and policy, and whose vision is not warped by the desire for wealth." He urged the businessmen in his congregation to be seekers after justice, who will bring this "social gospel" to their business decisions, and so change society. He called for unity among Protestant Christians to accomplish this task. Then he concluded with this call to the church, which expresses the ideal he longed to see in the church throughout his life: The amount of power that a church has depends on the amount of selfsacrifice that goes into it and there lies before us, the possibility, by each one sacrificing time or pleasure, of making this church a great power in the community and in the lives of every one who comes in touch with it.11 Although Jim McClure left his mark on the Iron River Presbyterian Church, he was not able to achieve its perfecting as he had hoped. Nor did he ever, as it turned out, hold the position of pastor hi a church again. But he did have an influence on many churches in another part of the country. Before he could continue his life, however, he had to overcome the strange debility that crippled his work. Was it in fact his approach to that work that was the problem? Did he fight so hard against imperfect behavior in himself that eventually his emotional and physical equilibrium was destroyed? He had to find answers to these questions before he could go on to the active life he desired more than anything. 1. James G. K. McClure, Jr., Berlin notebook. 2. Church Bulletin for the ordination service, among the papers of James G. K. McClure, Jr. �136 We Plow God's Fields 3. James G. K. McClure, Jr., sermon given at Iron River (Michigan) Presbyterian Church, November 16, 1913. 4. Iron River notebook. 5. Iron River notebook. 6. Iron River notebook, including a photograph showing the Iron River ballfield. 8. Letter to James G. K. McClure, Jr., from The Board of Home Missions of the Presbyterian Church, signed W.P. Shriver, August 10, 1914. 9. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "Unsparing Helpfulness," sermon given at Iron River Presbyterian Church, September 27, 1914. 10. Resolution passed by the Congregation of the Iron River Presbyterian Church, December 29, 1914. Found among the personal papers of James G. K. McClure, Jr. 11. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "Is the Church Necessary in Modern Society?" sermon given at Iron River Presbyterian Church, Sunday evening, January 11, 1914. �Chapter Nine Elizabeth Skinner Cramer Painting should be an accompaniment to life—it should be a means of stimulating the imagination and spiritual side of human beings to further development, and at its greatest epoch this is what it has always been. (Elizabeth S. Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 28, 1915) Since I have known you, I have somehow been "born again." (Elizabeth S. Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March 2, 1916) In the summer of 1914 two unconnected tragedies conspired to bring Jim McClure and Elizabeth Cramer, daughter of a successful Chicago businessman who had been studying painting in France, back to their homes in Lake Forest. Jim returned from Iron River, discouraged and distressed over the breakdown of his health. In October, 1914, he requested an indefinite leave of absence from his duties as pastor from the Board of the Iron River Presbyterian Church. The work of preacher, pastor and town reformer had broken him again. By all accounts his efforts had been effective, and he was much beloved and respected by his congregation, but something remained terribly out of balance in his life. His old maladies flared up again, leaving him incapable of sustained work; so he was forced to leave the only church he would ever have under his care. That same summer Elizabeth Cramer was in France, busy painting. She had set up a household in the little village of Tripled with her friend and "chaperone," Miss Martha Clarke. The German attack on France effectively spoiled her dreams of intense artistic efforts. Trenches, mustard gas and casualties soon took hold of the popular and serious imagination alike, and art ceased to be the passion of Europe for some time to come. Elizabeth had been back and forth to France for several years. She was brought up in Lake Forest, the daughter of wealthy businessman Ambrose Cramer, and Susie Skinner Cramer. Elizabeth's mother had been known in her youth as a brilliant conversationalist, and was the favorite of Chicago society.1 Elizabeth's grandfather was Judge Mark Skinner, an important figure in the development of early Chicago. The Skinners were from New England, having been prominent in early Vermont history.2 The Cramer ancestors were from the Church of England settlements of Southern Ireland under Cromwell. Ambrose's great grandfather had come to Virginia in the 1700s. Ambrose grew up on a plantation, and watched the family fortune crumble during the Civil War. After a stint at the Naval Academy in Annapolis, he came to Chicago to recoup that 137 ��Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 139 Elizabeth reading on her lawn at Rathmore. fortune, and succeeded. The family moved to Lake Forest in 1896, when Elizabeth was eight. Two years later, her mother died. This was a tremendous loss for Elizabeth and for her younger brother Ambrose, Jr. When Elizabeth was thirteen, her father remarried. His new wife was Isabelle Corwith McGennis, who had a daughter around Elizabeth's age, also an Isabel. These two girls became dear Mends. As Elizabeth grew up she remained very close to her maiden aunts, Elizabeth and Frederika, the adoring older sisters of her mother, Susie. The Cramers were members of Lake Forest Presbyterian Church, and moved in the same circles as the McClures. They lived in a large brick house, "Rathmore," on the bluff above Lake Michigan, with a ravine beside it winding down to the lake. Elizabeth wrote a small book, which her father had bound in green leather, about the children's daily adventures called Life on the Bluff. Elizabeth and Isabel were inseparable friends of Harriet McClure, Jim's sister, throughout their school years in Lake Forest. It was through this friendship with Harriet that Elizabeth eventually met Jim. Opposite, top left: Elizabeth Skinner Cramer. Opposite, top right: Elizabeth with her father, Ambrose Cramer, and her brother, Ambrose, Jr. Opposite, bottom: Elizabeth swinging; brother Ambrose sits on ground at left (holding bow), with an unknown companion; step-sister Isabel at right. �140 We Plow God's Fields Elizabeth. Elizabeth had early shown a talent for art. As a little girl she had been delighted at winning a contest in St. Nicholas Magazine (until her mischievous brother Ambrose pointed out that the shadows of the pine trees in her drawing were slanted towards each other). At St. Timothy's School near Baltimore she and Isabel suffered under the petty regulations of a traditional boarding school, but her artistic ability continued to develop. Then, through a program of Miss Wheeler's School in Providence, Rhode Island, she was able to spend a summer painting in France. A small group of girls lived in Giverny, on die Seine, right next door to Claude Monet, who was then in his eighties. Elizabeth and Mildred Barrage, from Portland, Maine, watched him paint in the field beside his garden. He would set up eleven canvasses in different positions around a hay stack, then move every fifteen minutes as the light changed.3 �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 141 Elizabeth Cramer's pursuit of art was no mere whim of a grown-up school girl with nothing better to do. She had ability and she took her artistic education very seriously. Her father sent her to study art in Paris. There she imbibed the air of Impressionism, studying with an American impressionist, Richard Miller, who had earned a fine reputation in his day. Her considerable talent grew and developed. Her companion in art, Mildred Burrage, was equally dedicated. Both these young women felt that the techniques of painting were based on a firm philosophical foundation, or they were based on nothing at all. Mildred was a vivacious and active person who pursued her intellectual sources with something of a vengeance. A lively interaction of ideas grew up between her and Elizabeth, and greatly stimulated the latter's curiosity. An example of Mildred's scope of ideas is evident in the following letter, bringing in as well Jim's Mend and fellow Skull and Bones man, Rev. William Sloane Coffin. "... Mr. Coffin thinks we have gone back to where the Renaissance began in the 13th Century. Then men broke away from the Byzantine and Oriental standpoint and tried to accomplish realism—and that has been done—so now we are to go back to the East to get 'the record of a spiritual impressionism' ..." (Mildred Burrage to Elizabeth Cramer, January 8, 1909). Elizabeth felt a spiritual kinship with these Asian artists, who were seeking in nature a perfectly balanced beauty, but she and Mildred, like other artists in France, were still trying to comprehend the artistic revolution brought about by the Impressionists. In the meantime, Elizabeth had fallen in love with France: its people, its language, its landscape, its "influences." Lake Forest must have seemed to her crass and rather showy, a place where time had not been allowed to deepen and enrich either the look of the landscape or the thoughts of the people. Ambrose Cramer, like most of the men, enjoyed discussing business. Although that particular topic bored Elizabeth, her father's financial successes helped to pay for her French sojourn. In 1913 he helped her buy a lovely little house in the village of Trdpied near Etaples-sur-Mer, a noted artistic community. She invited an older friend, Martha Clarke, to live with her. Mildred Burrage and another young American artist, Julie Turner, planned to join them. Miss Clarke, affectionately known as "Wiggy Wags" or "Wiggy," came from Antrim in Northern Ireland. She was well educated but had limited financial resources, and she lived with the American girls and one or two friends as a companion, teacher and chaperone. The exact relationship is lost in the mists of the conventions of the time, but the fact of their mutual admiration was clear enough from their letters. Elizabeth began to correspond with her before the Trfcpied house was purchased, in the winter of 1913 when the Cramer family was touring Italy. She collected great quantities of postcards to send back to Wiggy in France, with comments such as these: "Don't you think this fat angel is a darling? . . . It's the nicest thing in all St. Peters I really think, and it's tucked away in the vestry ..." and "These little monks are such darlings that I had to send them to you! Do you suppose Fra Angelico's contemporaries ever did look like these two little ducks!" (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, winter of 1913) �142 We Plow God's Fields Elizabeth's lovely world of Fra Angelico's monks and fat angels exploded with the first shells of the Great War. Trfcpied was located in the northeast corner of France, just across the channel from England in the old province of Picardy. Centuries before, Flemish immigrants had brought the cloth trade to the region, and enough prosperity and foreign influence to tempt other powers of the region to try to pry it loose from the French. Since the Hundred Years War, this area had been a small splinter in a larger bone that has been fought over constantly. In August of 1914, with Elizabeth and Wiggy having just settled in, the Kaiser began his sweep through Belgium, just shy of Trepied, with the most superb war machine the world had yet seen. Her prior concerns, such as planting and managing the little garden in her yard and trying to remove the "horrid" concrete walk, a job her brother Ambrose, who was travelling in France, had promised to do for her, became irrelevant in the face of these events. Ambrose, nicknamed Pedro, made a mad dash for Trfcpied to help his sister leave the country. Her mother's indomitable maiden sisters, Miss Elizabeth (Bessy) and Frederika (Freddy), were visiting their niece, staying at a nearby inn. This little American society in France was caught by surprise, and the swirling excitement that ensued quite thrilled Elizabeth. She described in a letter to her parents the series of events that led to their escape to England. Here we are safe & sound in London . . . It was absolutely impossible to get any reliable information at Etaples. A week ago . .. nobody even dreamed of such a thing as war. Everybody knew of course, about the Austrian-Serbia business but absolutely nothing else was known . . . When the news of Germany's ultimatum came we gloomily decided that we should probably have to leave . . . Saturday morning everything was quiet as usual . . . We all went bathing . . . & the only indication of anything out of the way was the long line of people in front of the Banque Adam cashing money. We all had a hilarious lunch together at noon & I went over to Paris-Plage where Aunt Bessy and Aunt Freddy were staying to have dinner with them. At four O'clock came the sudden news that the men were to mobilize at once. A trumpeter rode through the streets reading the proclamation & inside of two hours the men were leaving for the front. The waiters in the hotels left instantly—in the Casino the head-waiter came in and said that he was very sorry but he "could serve no more tea." There was no excitement & no noise. . . . [the] Aunties and Miss Clarke and I decided we had better go in to Etaples & find out what was happening at the Mayor's office. We managed to cram into the little tram that ran into Etaples in company with countless men who were leaving at once for the army. It was then only 6 o'clock & the order for general mobilization had come at four & the men were already on the way. It was unbelievably swift. They all seemed eager & ready & one man said "Well if it had to come this is the best time." Ever so many of the men in the little tram car looked as though they had just come from their work in the fields; their clothes were tied up in handkerchief bundles & they had not even had time to change their working clothes . . . we tried to get a wagon to take us back to Trepied but there were no men left to drive the horses. Finally we �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer Left: Elizabeth. Right: With brother Ambrose in Southern France, ca. 1913. did manage to find an old, old man who took us home. Nobody yet believed there would really be war. Everybody insisted that the mobilization was merely a precautionary measure . . . We were told Sunday that "foreigners" would not be allowed to leave until they had seen the mayor of Tifcpied Monday afternoon. That of course meant the loss of another day. We spent all Monday trying to close the house & pack up a few things . . . In the afternoon the mayor told us that we could not leave France without a pass-port from Arras which might take from two to three weeks to secure. He also said that no tickets would be issued on the railway to Boulogne as the trains would be needed for the troops . . . All this had come about in one day-it seemed simply unbelievable. "All I can do for you" the mayor said, "is to give you permits to stay in Trepied in order that you may not be seized as suspicious persons." Well we got our permit anyway and then I tell you we got busy. Somehow or other aunties had been able to get hold of a motor & truck .. . There were no men left to drive but they managed to secure a woman chauffeur. We determined to motor to Boulogne then & there & see what we could do about leaving for England. That afternoon the order had been published for the mobilization of all motor cars & horses on Tuesday so that if we didn't get away that day goodness knows when we ever should . . . We left Trfcpied at four o'clock for Boulogne & were stopped several times by armed soldiers. You can't think how exciting it was—it didn't seem real for a minute & everybody said that we should never get through. The railroad tracks were guarded by soldiers & all the river bridges, but there was no excitement, only a kind of fierce determination to kill the Germans. At Boulogne there was the most fearful crowd of people on the docks I have 143 �144 We Plow God's Fields ever imagined. There was a frightful crush & at times it came near to panic. We all got separated from each other & from Ambrose who was buying the tickets & we were nearly squeezed to death. I don't know how Aunties ever survived .. . Some how or other Miss Clarke managed to find Ambrose with our tickets & in turn she found each one of us. Once we had our tickets we could at least try to get on board. The crowd pushed and jammed so that we were perfectly unable to find each other & the first thing I knew poor Aunt Freddy in a half fainting state was pushed up the gang-way by two officials & onto die ship. After a long time we saw Aunt Bessy pushed on. Then after an interminable interval I squeezed up to the entrance. A French soldier grabbed me by the arm & said "Vous etes anglaise." I said "no"—whereat they pushed me back & said "you can't get on without a passport." I was only conscious of being perfectly enraged and as soon as I could, I bobbed up again & tried to get by the French soldier but he pushed me back again in the same way. Ever so many people were being turned back & I couldn't imagine how aunties had succeeded. Finally I managed to go up a third time & when the officer told me I couldn't get on I told him he'd just have to let me on & that if I wasn't English I was at least part Irish & that I would keep turning up until he let me on ... The officer looked at me hard & finally said "Laissez passer les femmes" with which they shot me up the gang-way . .. when Pedro [Ambrose] turned up he said he'd gotten on by dint of his beautiful British accent acquired at Cannes! Poor Aunt Bessy and Aunt Freddy had looked so ill that the officers had been obliged to hustle them on It was a thrilling sight going across the channel. The full moon shone through masses of jagged clouds & the great line of French battleships absolutely dark—without a light anywhere about them was beyond measure impressive. Tremendous searchlights played up & down the harbor & through the sky seeking for the enemy's airships. . . . The next night, about one o'clock, we were awakened by the most tremendous shouting & singing. "God Save the King," "The Marseillaise," "Britons never, never will be Slaves" & the most tremendous hurrahing & shouting. War had been declared between Great Britain & Germany. At present Pedro is moving heaven & earth to get passage to America . . . it's a cheerless thought to feel that we may be blown up by indiscriminate German mines on the sea or captured by one of their warships! . . . Yesterday evening Pedro & I saw Lord Kitchener come out of the War office. The crowd around the war office were beside themselves with enthusiasm. The cheering almost made me want to fight too! . . . I wonder if in America you have any idea of how thrilling it is here. (Elizabeth Cramer to her parents, October 25, 1914) Ambrose secured, with much difficulty, reservations on a British ship, the Royal George. When he brought the good news back to his ladies, Aunt Bessie flung up her hands and recited, "Down went the Royal George, With all three hundred men!" The Aunts refused to go on such an ill-starred ship. The earliest passage that Ambrose could find was for October, so he and Elizabeth went over to �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 145 Ireland to visit their Cramer relatives in the tiny sea coast town of Castle Townshend, County Cork. The Coghills and Somervilles had been living there since the mid-eighteenth century. Sent originally to help maintain order amongst the "wild Irish," they lived in sympathy and harmony with them. Edith Somerville's books on Irish country life were just receiving acclaim in England. There Elizabeth met her cousin, Sir Kendall Coghill, veteran of the Crimean War and the Indian Mutiny. He had the power to hypnotise and used it to save suffering in the primitive hospitals at the front (even for amputations!) In Ireland she also met people who accepted fairies as a part of life, and she read Dracula in a lonely tower room in the Coghill family's rambling stone edifice, Glenn Barahan. The Cramer entourage finally sailed back to America on the S. S. Olympic, surrounded by the uncertainties of war. After docking Elizabeth hurried back to Lake Forest, looking forward to her old room at "Rathmore," the family home. Her friend Harriet McClure was now the wife of Douglas Stuart, a smart young businessman who worked for Quaker Oats. Harriet was beginning to take on the responsibilities her parents had raised her to accept. Among other things, she served on the board of directors of the Day Nursery, a child care center in Chicago. Working women brought their children to the nursery to be cared for during the day. Harriet thought if only the place could be made less drab, what a wonderful improvement that would be. With her old friend Elizabeth home, she knew just the artist to take on the project. The board voted to provide the money, and Elizabeth accepted the job. Later in October of 1914 she wrote to Wiggy, who had remained in France to guard the house and work as a volunteer nurse: What do you suppose? I have a lovely job at last. You've heard me speak of the Day Nursery I'm sure. Well Harriet McClure asked me if I wouldn't decorate it right off now & of course I am only too delighted. It's a large room where the poor women leave their kids while they work . . . I had Hetty & Douglas Stuart & Jim McClure to dinner & we all had a really charming time. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, October 29, 1914) A week later, Jim McClure again appears at the dinner table with Elizabeth: "Saturday I went . . . to spend Sunday with Harriet Stuart & her husband. Jim McClure & I were the only guests. Jim had come down from Iron Mountain (where he has a church) for a rest, and we all had a delightful old time visit" (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, November 5, 1914). That particular occasion ended abruptly when brother Ambrose called with an urgent message that Aunt Bessy, on a trip, had been admitted to a Washington, D.C. hospital and required immediate surgery. Ambrose asked Elizabeth to go right to her Aunt's bedside. Jim McClure volunteered to drive her to the train, " . . . so I packed my bag and went as far as Evanston with Jim where I caught the 3:39 train ..." (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, November 5, 1914). Aunt Bessy recovered fully from her operation, and Elizabeth returned �146 We Plow God's Fields home again. But something quite momentous had taken place. The little trip to the train station proved to be a most propitious event. Elizabeth wistfully recalled a year later her feelings that day in a letter to Jim. "I have just remembered that this coming Sunday a year ago we were at Hetty's and poor Aunt Bessy was suddenly laid in the dust and you were so nice & friendly about helping me to get off. Do you remember sitting on the bench in the sun at Evanston waiting for the Lake Forest train to come in, and talking? A year can sometimes be a very long time" (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., October 29, 1915). And so it was to be. By early December she began to suspect that Jim was showing her special attention. She wrote to Wiggy, who was the confidante she did not have in her kind but distant stepmother, that she dreaded his "getting such ideas in his head," for she considered him just an old friend of rare charm and interest. One of the signs of Jim's interest was his persistence. If she declined an invitation he asked her again. He invited her to go with him to the Art Institute in Chicago. He sent her articles and books. She wrote to him " . . . I like being poked up and I am immensely grateful to the person who does it and a mere 'thank you' is not at all adequate to the occasion" (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 15, 1914). Jim stimulated her thoughts in the religious realm, and it was perhaps at his suggestion that she read a book called The Inside of a Cup. She reviews it for Wiggy, revealing a good deal about herself at the same time: It is not in the least a "work of art," or literature either, for that matter, but it is the best interpretation of modern Christianity that I ever read anywhere and you must read i t . . . 1 nearly burst with joy when I found a good many of my own "heretical" views being trumpeted forth as the essence of Christianity . . . The minister in it is very much like my unorthodox clerical friend Jim, who informed me yesterday that he meant to do his level best to rid the Church of "outworn doctrines" and "archaic forms" & that he thought the creeds ought to be thrown out root & branch! I like reformers & I like fighters & anybody who can do that . . . is both. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, December 9, 1914) Again she wrote to Wiggy: My parson friend comes to see me all the time & we converse on the most revolutionary topics. I have a feeling that he will end up by being "unfrocked" but he's just the sort of man the churches need and I don't think he'd stop at anything, but the poor dear has got a dreadfully hard row to hoe in the face of all the old Presbyterian members of the session & the stick-in-the-mud formalists who rule the church boards. He has so much real charm, and is such a favorite socially that it is extraordinary to find such single-mindedness and virility besides. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, December 16, 1914) �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 147 Meanwhile, Jim's doctors advised him to spend the winter in a more agreeable climate than Chicago. He was urged, in fact, to give his famous single-mindedness a good, long rest. His cousins, the Sages, were more than happy for him to visit them at their Santa Barbara home, so after Christmas he decided to make his move to California. With such a long absence from Lake Forest imminent, he thought he had better clarify matters with Elizabeth, known among her friends as Siddy. How painful for even the most courageous and charming of young men to broach the subject of love. There had been a heavy fall of snow and he came for her in a cutter, a one-horse sleigh, and they drove all around the McCormick's ravine. "The vivid moonlight on the trees was a sort of fairy land," she wrote to Wiggy. Jim only asked her if she was engaged to anyone? When she said "No," he was silent for a long time and then said, "Well the first thing for me to do is to get well quick." No more was said about the subject, but Elizabeth told Wiggy she thought Jim felt he could not ask her to marry him as long as he was ill and could not support her. She continued: I think I told you that he'd broken down this fall and had been obliged to lay off . . . Jim is one of these ardent tremendously interested people who go until they drop & never consider themselves. He has had a church at an awful place called Iron Mountain—miners & such likes & he boarded at a drummer's hotel & not only ran the church all alone but tried to do an awful lot of social work in the town, besides, amongst the 'Bums' and the bad lot. The consequence was he had to resign the church which was a blow. She felt that he would probably ask her to marry him when he returned from California in April and admitted: I like him immensely, we both have a good many crazy, socialistic ideas about things which make us extremely congenial and I admire him very much . . . I'm not in love with him but then I don't really know him—it's been years and years since I've really seen him as we've both been away— but it is perfectly possible that if he were very much in love with me & made me feel it—it might—in time—create that feeling in me. I don't want to be in love with him because I want to be free to do nothing but paint & live with you . . . so I'll fight against it, if that feeling ever should come. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, January 4, 1915) Jim McClure's removal to Santa Barbara marked off a breathing space in his affections toward Elizabeth. He needed not only to get well, but also to be sure the healing process was providing a permanent cure. He and Elizabeth thought almost continuously about one another, their future together, and the obstacles and uncertainties that plague all romances. They were both mature adults who could articulate and often even understand their personal feelings. The social labyrinth they had to negotiate in a proper Victorian courtship insured a slow pace to their romance, and their ages and temperaments reduced even further the chances of an impetuous decision. �148 We Plow God's Fields In California, Jim did manage to achieve one victory of sorts. Never before, or afterwards, did he play golf so well. On what must have been a glorious winter's day at the Santa Barbara Country Club, Jim achieved a "select score" of sixty-six, seven strokes under par.4 liie slow pace of Jim's present life gave him time to wonder, not only about Elizabeth, but also about many other issues that touched his life. He kept a rambling notebook of thoughts and ideas, allowing us to peer into his concerns of 1915-16. The physical debility that kept flaring up caused him the greatest worry, because until he could overcome this problem, none of his other dreams would ever be realized. He found great solace in the gospel of Luke. There he found a Jesus with a "spirit of abandon, insouciance, gaiety, recklessness . . . [who] based everything on [an] unrestrained life of spirit & full speed ahead-... Do not bother about what you are to eat or drink: God clothes lilies, he will clothe you... ."5 Jim sought just this vision of Christian freedom in his life; he felt that Christ's life was a beautiful example of a man divorcing himself from anxiety, letting himself become-a perfect instrument of God's will and ceasing to care about the material preoccupations of the world. If only he could achieve this freedom, his mind and body would stop rebelling against his desire to carry out God's will. Jim also wanted to lead a rebellion against the spiritless and dreary practices of the Christianity of the day, which he felt dammed up its potential. Religion must be lively .. . The Man in the pulpit must realize that he is trying to inject into life a force more powerful than any other. A lively force, that will turn a man inside out, change him, drive him, carry him thru the mud of life & thru a long distance run ... The Organist should play hymns jig-time . . . I do not believe Christ would have boasted about his family tree & ancestors as many do today. He probably would have hidden the fact & tried to make good himself... If Heaven is what it is often cracked up to be, a lead pipe cinch, etc. I do not want to go there until all the misery & wrong is removed from the world. I would prefer living in the worst hell hole in the slums & trying to make it better.. .6 And yet, there he was surrounded by the luxuries of an exclusive resort, where everyone was " . . . going about as if life was a soft snap—motors, golf, idleness."7 He moaned about the expenses of his hostess, Mrs. Sage, who thought nothing of spending $4,650 to rent a private railroad car in order to tour America, while that same winter many wage earners were without work and their families were hard pressed to feed themselves. "Mrs. Sage is as kindly, generous, dear old lady as you can find—she means to do the right thing, on the other hand, men & women are starving."8 Clearly, Jim felt great discomfort in his own social position. At times he wished he could have been a nameless urchin pitting himself against all the evil forces of the day without a good name and comfortable friends to fall back on. He saw the "difficulty in a place like Lake Forest where no one is an out & out worker of evil . . . in Iron River the �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 149 saloons & saloon keepers drew a sharp line—children were brought up to feel they must fight the saloon. Life is a battle & they lined up. The Saloon element would knock their blocks off in a dark alley, if they opposed."9 In the Progressive Era Jim saw himself as a rebel, both by temperament and by choice. He threw his weight in with the reformers who want to overturn the established social order, and yet he recognized the tendency in himself and those like him to " . . . throw out the baby with the dirty water...." He went on: "Certain individuals are born rebels—grow by rebelling, by taking the opposite side. This is the way the world keeps from stagnating, by the introduction continually of these people. They have a divine office. But they are in danger of rebelling negatively. They must take it upon themselves to rebel constructively—to better what they see is wrong . . . We need rebels, & should welcome them but their lot is a hard one—construction is harder than destruction."10 Even though Jim leveled broad attacks against Victorian piety, in some of his prejudices he was out of step with the most progressive of his brethren. First of all, the literary trend towards realism and naturalism chilled his emotions, in part because they pictured man in a determined world helplessly hemmed in by forces beyond his manipulation. He much preferred the Victorian morality play, shoe-shine boy to bank president, over the stories of Dreiser and Norris and writers of their ilk. He wrote, "Many 'realistic novels' are not true to life; they simply see things without the vision. The vision is more real than the thing itself."11 He always felt that novels, and later movies, were a wonderful vehicle to raise the hopes of men and women, to give people a lift and encourage them to work hard for a better world. But when a book or a movie left one in despair, he felt progress was thwarted. Jim also found it difficult to tolerate the Roman Catholic Church, a long standing McClure position. Back in Chicago, Elizabeth Cramer was intent on her work at the Day Nursery, locking horns with her own sense of social responsibility. She was desperate to inspire the little children of the Day Nursery, and their parents, with the same joy in beauty that meant everything to her life. The murals she painted there would eventually win great acclaim for Elizabeth. By January, the basic designs were worked out. The average size of the three works was to be ten feet by seventy-six inches, quite a large space for a painter to fill. The pictures were to be based on three nursery rhymes: "Jack Sprat and his Wife," "Mary, Mary, Quite Contrary" and "Curly Locks, Curly Locks, Wilt Thou Be Mine?" Elizabeth sent this general description of the designs to Wiggy. "Little figures against a balustrade . . . with an occasional pillar now and then, big vines sweeping down across the skyline & distant country that you look off at with winding rivers, trees & little villages. It's more fun than a goat..." (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, January 12, 1915). Behind all of her effort was a new vision of the purpose of an artist, a vision very much influenced by her talks with Jim McClure. �150 We Plow God's Fields Isn't it funny how the minute you begin to do anything with an eye to using it for the good of other people that thing at once becomes immensely interesting and worthwhile in itself. It seems as though we had to relate our lives or rattier what we do with our lives to the people about us & just as soon as we do that, things become really thrilling. It's so queer & that was what was & is the matter with so many painting people—they don't connect their "life work" with the needs in the world about them. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, January 26, 1915) These "decorations" were Elizabeth's connection to the world about her. The patrons of the Day Nursery were the Chicago tenement dwellers so much on the Progressive mind. Elizabeth was sure that beauty in itself, no matter how imperfect, would move people emotionally, encourage them, and give them hope and new vision. By placing these pictures in the daily world of all these mothers and their children, the power of beauty might help to lift up their lives. The more cynical thought she was wasting her time, hoping to make silk purses out of the rabble of Chicago. .. . People have said to me that they think it is practically a waste of time to spend so much time & effort on things that are going up in a place "where they won't really be appreciated." "Something else not requiring nearly as much effort would please them just as much" the old wheezes say. It makes me so mad but I understand what is in the back of their minds. They are thinking of the replicas of Greek statues & the Braun photographs of Italian paintings & all that sort of thing that the "uplift" people are always putting around settlement walls. Of course those things don't mean much to the people. It's not because the "masses" don't appreciate & want beauty it's simply that beauty expressed in terms of Greek goddesses & Italian renaissance ladies is simply unintelligible to them—before everything else it's "queer" to them. It's the interpretation of a life & epoch that Westside Chicago can't figure out at all . . . I am convinced that the masses always respond to beauty when it reflects or interprets what they can understand. I've tried to keep this in mind in painting these decorations & by Jimmy they are so awfully simple & obvious & everydayish that the little North Avenue children really like them & enjoy them and so do the North Avenue mothers & aunts . .. I'm sure that the "masses" in America don't get beauty enough. They're just crazy for it & by gum I don't think I'm being foolish or quixotic. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, 1915) Jim encouraged her in the work and Elizabeth's justification of it, telling her she had discovered the very reason to paint. He went on to explain that by catching a sense of the beauty in these pictures, these "Westside people" would be in direct contact with Christ's spirit, thus raising their ideas and vision of life's possibilities. In her return letters, she loved to describe her efforts at the Day Nursery and her thoughts for Jim. �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 151 I am up to my ears in the Day Nursery pictures . .. We [a Mend who had painted with her in France, Julie Thompson, was helping her] pasted huge sheets of butcher's paper together & then carried them in bodily to the Day Nursery where we tacked them to the walls and drew the designs as they were to be, right onto the paper. We spent three fervid days of climbing step ladders and falling off of them and swallowing clouds of ancient Day Nursery dust that we had disturbed from its hallowed resting place on the top of picture moldings and doors . .. The Day Nursery Playroom is a miserable narrow high room that gives you the impression of prison walls and it has been a most interesting proposition to make it seem wider and lower by the use of certain lines and masses. The children persisted in swarming about the step-ladders a large part of the time and narrowly escaped complete annihilation but their excitement was something unbounded and all sixty filled the air with criticism, enthusiasm, and . . . instructions as to how we might improve our labours. In spite of threats and cries of rage from me on the stepladder, they played London Bridge with joyful abandon, right under it, & then, with a Biblical precedent to guide them, they impersonated Sampson and struggled to bring down the roof by grappling with the pillars of my support. I was mindful that the jawbone of an ass had once laid low the Philistines .. . Next day, Julie and I in the proverbial "wiser, sadder" frame of mind crawled out of bed before dawn and made much headway at the Nursery before the arrival of the sixty Dreadnaughts!. . . (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., January 24, 1915) In a month's time, Elizabeth wrote to Jim about more of her ideas. "The dreadful part about ideas is that half the fun of getting them is sharing them with somebody else ..." she said. The letter continued: Our things for the Day Nursery are slowly progressing but the hardest work is about done & I shall go off to California with a free mind. I've found out all sorts of things about painting. I told you that for a long time I had had a sneaking fear that the business of going off into a pleasant corner & painting two foot square "pictures" was never going to mean much to anybody. Once or twice I said this to people who I thought might help straighten me out but they always looked so astonished that I finally decided that it was no use that I never would find out why I felt the way I did. No other painting people seemed at all bothered that way excepting a girl with whom I had worked a great deal off & on—a very special friend [Mildred Burrage]. Then all of a sudden, last Spring, we ... found out for ourselves that art was never worth anything except when it was related to life; that painting was only vitally important & significant when it was an actual factor in the spiritual development of the race. The trouble with us was that what we had been doing was artificial and meaningless. We spent all our time doing ladies under trees and at tea tables or painting landscapes that had a certain amount of charm. Our things were reasonably presentable & they gave the people who saw them a certain momentary emotional thrill but that was absolutely all. We had never used our minds a moment in the whole process; we were perfectly satisfied to express a mood rather than an emotional truth,... It isn't so much the subject that counts in art as it is what you may discover in the subject that is significant �152 We Plow God's Fields & universal & worthy of being recorded. Everything hi the world is an expression of the Spirit one way or another, I suppose, & in painting it's up to you to find that out & put it down whether the subject is an Annunciation or a polo game. Painting should be an accompaniment to life—it should be a means of stimulating the imagination & spiritual side of human beings to further development, and at its greatest epochs this is what it has always been. In the thirteenth & fourteenth & fifteenth centuries artists realized that they were just as important and necessary as plumbers are now. They realized that it was their business to make life more beautiful & more significant to the people about them & they got right to work & did i t . . . There's just as great a need for art now as there was then but very few artists are supplying this need. The trouble is they devote all their time to doing clever stunts; or to getting an emotional effect of sun & shadow, or to painting a mood. That's why our art exhibits are such fearful bores for the most part. You go to them in search of bread & you receive a stone. You give a few admiring gasps at somebody's clever "realism" or somebody else's "interesting brushwork" but after all you come away with a dissatisfied, disappointed heart! It is very rare that you come away with a feeling that your spiritual eyes have been opened, that you have responded to 'somebody's revelation of a great truth. You almost never feel, after a dose of this sort, that life is tremendously worth living. That all this should be so is very bad business. The proof of the pudding is, perhaps, that on the other hand, the average human being cannot go into a Gothic cathedral without being carried quite out of himself,—he cannot see the Greek temples at Paestum and go away unchanged,—he cannot see a Botticelli fresco hi an old convent, or a drawing by Holbein, or a statue by Rodin without being convinced that the life of the Spirit is the only thing that matters in the end . .. If these things that we're doing for the Day Nursery mean anything, they ought to mean a lot! The decorations, if they are any good, should make the children realize- unconsciously—that there is an order & a beauty and a joyfulness in life that is greater than anything they have yet come in contact with. They ought to create an impression that, were they to analyze it, would make them dissatisfied with dirt and evil and conscious of a better order of things somehow attainable. Of course, to these little mites, the decorations will be primarily amusing—that is all, I suppose, that they will be directly conscious of, but nobody can be really amused without being interested & to be interested is to be open to many influences. Of course our things are bound to fall a long way short of doing all this, ... [but] perhaps the next time I do a decoration, it will have a creative influence. Mildred & I are just bursting to do a Sunday School, —white walls & big decorative panels from the Parables or the Life of Christ set in the walls, and blue flower pots with pink geraniums in the windows & queer little blue chairs for the children to sit on. Don't you think it would be nice & don't you think the children would have a different feeling about Sunday School in a room like that? One could do the Parables in a very simple, human appealing way .. . I was immensely interested in what you said about substituting the word Life for God in some of the New Testament sayings. It is extraordinary how revealing such a change can be. A year ago for many reasons, I was all tangled up and I wasn't sure whether there really was anything to work for. But now I know what Christ meant by "the Kingdom of God" and as you once said, �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 153 just because "God needs man's help," human life is significant when it is expressed in terms of service. When you realize that Christ impressed it upon his hearers that perfection is attainable & that all one's efforts should be directed to such an end, it puts a new meaning into life. But when I was a child, I was taught the dreadful gloomy doctrine that no matter how much you strive for perfection around you in this world it was no use really because you were merely "human" & Christ was "Divine"—and yet; you were to go on trying just the same . . . This is a very long queer letter for me to be writing to you but we did talk about these things and somehow or other my inky tongue has pursued an unbridled course. That A.C.C. [her brother] letter paper was so inviting (fortunately the supply has come to an end!) It has such a leisurely expansive air! You can't help being conversational on paper like that whereas my variety is the tall, crabbed species that spells moderation & sedately chaperones your pen! . . . Sincerely, 'Sid' (What a funny stubby name! I feel apologetic for this document. I had no idea of its length!!) (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 28, 1915) This author makes no such apologies, and is only grateful that the A.C.C. stationery held out as long as it did. Jim McClure was becoming involved with a remarkable woman. By a stroke of good fortune, Elizabeth and her family were leaving in a week's time for a trip out West, and Santa Barbara was on the itinerary. Leaving a slowly thawing Lake Forest for the sunshine of California, the Cramer entourage included Aunts Bessy and Freddy and young Ambrose. For Jim McClure, it would mean a short rendezvous with Elizabeth, and he looked forward to the visit with all of the expectations and fears of a young man in love. Perhaps his golfing scores began to balloon upwards as he began dividing up and filling in the time she would be with him, wondering exactly what activities would please her the most. Fortunately, Jim was the sort of man with friends scattered everywhere, and right nearby he had one who was a painter! The Cramers were all house guests of their cousins the Bakers, who claimed a spectacular view of the Pacific Ocean in one direction and the mountains in the other. To Wiggy, Elizabeth sent her confidential report on the fruits of Jim's efforts: In about five minutes Jim is coming for me in his motor to go up to Russel Cheney's studio to see his paintings. Do you remember hearing Mildred speak of him? . . . He is also a great friend of Jim's . . . We had such an entertaining time the other night. The children plus the Reverend James have been planning a concert for weeks. Isabelle & young Grace Meeker [who had sparked a romance with Elizabeth's brother Ambrose] being the star performers on combs, Mary Baker on a concertina & Jim the master of a dreadful instrument called a "humanatone" that he manipulated somehow with his nose! Ambrose & I were drawn into the thing so I got a cheap fiddle down town & Ambrose took the part of Orchestra leader . . . It was very amusing & absurd; the night of the performance the "artists" were all asked to come dressed to dinner, so I roughed & curled my "short" hair until it stood out around my head like a �154 We Plow God's Fields regular German Genius. Then I wore my black goggles & Father's evening coat, collar & shirt. I was a sight! But I did look the part even to the legion of honor button. It was a huge joke because I sat next to Mrs. Sage (Jim's cousin) at dinner & she was so surprised she pretty nearly went under the table. Naturally she had a lively curiosity as to what I was like & when she was introduced to "Monsieur Jaques Thibaut" a wild mass of ... terrier hair & black goggles, I wish you could have seen her face! (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, March 17, 1915) Monsieur Thibaut and her Cramer clan ended their short visit, leaving Jim to himself and his golf. They went off to view some more of the wonders of California, as her next letter to him reveals. Dear Jim, After several days of intense enthusiasm in the Yosemite Valley, we are back again in San Francisco. We spent most of four days driving behind a bouncing stage and eight horses. It is an amazing place. Everything was somehow on a superlative scale. The "Big Trees" are the most extraordinary things in the world & it is all I can do not to give you detailed accounts of just how high & how thick they were . . . I do hope your head isn't bothering you,—I have somehow a feeling inside me that you should not write long letters even to a very appreciative lady friend, for I know what a fatiguing business it is when you are not feeling up to the mark. These, sir, are sage words . . . What you said about the possibility of really attaining perfection had a very special meaning because in your case it was backed up by actual experience. It must have been a thrilling kind of life to make those Iron Mountain people realize just what they were up against,-but every now & then I keep thinking how did you do it,—how could you always give them what they demanded, how could you so interpret their own needs when the intellectual stimulus in a place like Iron Mountain must have been very slight, very meagre? How could you do it! All this is very personal but when we passed through the dreary little Kansas towns with their hideous frame houses and their dingy streets I tried to imagine myself living in just such a place,—it was a kind of test after all our conversations,—and somehow or other every bit of self confidence seemed to leave me and I had a dreadful feeling that in spite of everything I had said, six months in such a place would use up every thought, every worth while emotion I had ever had & that in a little while I would be going about with a dead spirit in a living body. Because, if you give & give to people and nothing in the way of spiritual or intellectual stimulus comes back to you why how can you go on living? But perhaps the answer to all that is again in Christ. When He said, over & over again, "The Kingdom of God is within you" isn't it simply making a definite amazing statement that the life of the spirit can after all be best renewed from within; that prayer, in the highest meaning of the word is a source of eternal life to the spirit,—that in seeming to lose all, one gains everything? I don't know; when I said something like this to you a little while ago you said that you too were dependent on outside stimulus. And yet, one thing is certain. Christ, who possessed one of the richest minds the world has ever known, lived in surroundings that demanded all of him that gave him �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 155 almost nothing in return. The people he came in contact with had for the most part simple untutored minds. The poverty and sordidness about him must have been immeasurably alive. Nothing in the life of Christ seem to me more significant testimony than that. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., April 11, 1915) With what beautiful encouragement Elizabeth Cramer gathers up the threads of Jim's life into a poignant sermonette. She too worships the hero Jesus of Nazareth, who effortlessly waded into the sordidness of first century Palestine without obvious encouragement and cultural sustenance. Could it be that the kingdom within, the power of the Almighty, might sustain one in the desert of poverty? Or maybe there is nourishment after all, a world "immeasurably alive." Both Jim in Iron River and Elizabeth at her Day Nursery were seeking answers. For Jim, the practical question remained, "How can I 'lose my life' to the gospel, and yet remain healthy?" He had to solve this riddle, not only to carry on his work, but to propose marriage to Elizabeth. As she left California, Jim's spirit—the health of his spirit—weighed heavily on her thoughts as well. Was the California cure working its magic? When would he be able to come back to be with her? She writes to Miss Clarke about the present state of his malady, going on to outline some of the thoughts the two of them had been sharing. He is better—but he said that he wasn't as much better as he had hoped to be ... Older people shake their heads & say "he ought to leave the ministry & take up something less absorbing & less taxing" but he won't hear of it. He is confident that once he is well again he can go back to his job, & it is a job that he is perhaps peculiarly fitted for because he has a fine mind, a rare quality of charm & sympathy & an ability to meet people on their own ground. At heart he is a reformer & a radical but he has much tact & a way of looking at every question from many sides. At Iron Mountain parish . . . he lived hi a perfectly crazy sort of way. He had a room in a drummer's hotel & ate there with all sorts of people & he worked like a dog every minute to change social conditions which in a mining town are apt to be pretty bad. He said himself that the people he was up against were the kind who felt that a minister had an easy berth & an easy job & that the only way he could get a hold of them was to work harder than anybody else. That he did with the result that at the end of ten months he was knocked out. What makes me hopeful however is that he has never been to a real nerve specialist & they are bound to give a treatment that is different even from that of the best general practitioner. In the meantime we are both the richer for a friendship that is very real & very stimulating—a friendship that is based on a community of ideas & that is constantly opening up new paths in many directions . . . [Jim] thinks that humanity will get rid of poverty just as it has freed the world from the Plague & from certain other horrors & that once this is done, the "Kingdom of God" will come far more swiftly. But charity is never going to do it. Charity is only a poor substitute for justice & love. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, March 29, 1915) �156 We Plow God's Fields Springtime in Chicago drew Jim away from the eternal summer of California, where his homemade "cure" had produced only a meagre improvement. He decided to take a more professional approach toward better health. He found a sanitarium in New York State, the Jackson Health Resort, that held out hope for a full recovery. There could not be a resolution of the romance until Jim's health began to respond to treatment, and any uncertainty was enough of a reason for Elizabeth to try to keep the condition of her private affections as secret as possible. Before leaving again, Jim slipped out to Lake Forest and left a small gift at the Cramer residence, Rathmore. He wanted to let her know that his intentions remained serious, and she, in turn, writes back in her most assuring style: There are blue violets in the woods. The wild crab-apples are in bloom and the blue sky behind the pink blossoms is the most beautiful thing in the world. This evening the maid brought me your flowers—I wonder why you sent them. I remember so well the first ones you brought me—pink sweet peas & some little stray white flower that had an indescribable haunting fragrance. I was so surprised when you brought them to me; it was a cold winter day & the dear things made me remember Spring & all the joyful moments that come with Spring. We went for a long walk afterwards and all at once I knew that you were not like anyone I had ever known. There was a strange little joyful song in my heart all mat evening—"Here at last is someone who regards life as a high adventure. Here is a man who has dug down below preconceived opinions & old prejudices and who is willing to stake his life on his beliefs." It meant more to me than I can say. Ever since my mother died I had been searching & questioning & sometimes giving up on the fight & just drifting with the tide, then last year all at once I began to feel that at last I was on the right track, that the light ahead was from God & that the business of life from now on was to keep on this road. After so many years of following blind trails & beating about in pathless woods it meant a peace that could not be put into words. And then came that walk with you; the water was a strange magic colour, indescribably beautiful. I remember how delicate & lovely was the tracery of the black twigs against the sky. We talked of ordinary commonplace things and then on the way home when it was dusk you talked on the things you believed in. I said almost nothing but all the time in my heart I was saying "does he know how much it means to me to hear these things?" It wasn't so much the things that you said though these things illumined my own life but it was that you should have said them. Can I ever make you know what that meant. It meant that something gallant and brave and adventurous had suddenly revealed itself as the very essence of one man's life. And this man would perhaps some day be my friend—one of those rare precious friends with whom one is permitted to share the life of the spirit. I wonder if you felt at all any of the intense eagerness & the amazed happiness that could find no adequate expression in my words to you? After you had gone I sat still for a long time & thought of all the things you had said. I was proud, in a curious personal way that you had not given in or accepted the beliefs & conventions of the society that claimed you; that you had been too honest to accept belief before you had earned the right to take it. There is something tremendously exhilarating in �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 157 what you had done. I wanted you to know that I felt this but there were no words to tell you. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., May 18, 1915) Jim McClure left Chicago two days after receiving this message from Elizabeth. He was determined to overcome his disability, but restless determination was also a source of his difficulties. At the Jackson Health Resort, he would be under the direction of doctors who assured him that cases like his came through their doors all the time. Jim's new "cure" consisted of great quantities of fresh air and water. The air was breathed playing more golf; he bathed daily in the hot mineral springs around which the sanitarium had been built. He wrote Elizabeth that after so many baths, he was bound to emerge as either a sea lion or a tadpole. The doctors wanted him to rest and forbade reading; he was somehow to slow down the torrent of ideas that swept through his mind. He did hire a Mrs. Steele to read aloud to him, otherwise the ennui of this life would have been unbearable. To his mother he wrote that "My days pass without much variation. Today I indulged in a hair cut ... Mrs. Steele ... finished Cortez some time ago, then read accounts of various other Spanish explorers in America ... Golf every other day has been my program" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, exact date unknown). Mrs. McClure herself arrived to help break the monotony, perhaps on her way to Rhode Island, a trip she tried to make every summer. Indulging in a little 'cure' herself, she had come to comfort her son, and give him the confidence he needed to see his recovery through to the end. Jim kept careful records of all his considerable expenses, and somehow fought back the notion that was a basic part of his view of life: a thirty-year-old man not pulling his own weight in the working world was draining the resources of his family and the pool of wealth of the society at large. Another sinking notion that must have crept into his mind from time to time concerned the distance between him and Elizabeth. Despite all the letters, there was no formal agreement between the two of them. She was a most eligible young lady, and disastrous scenarios of successful suitors replacing him were a natural condition of his tenuous circumstances. The romance had reached a plateau. But she and Jim still continued to enjoy a rich intellectual relationship, despite the distance between them. She wrote him after a dinner party when she had sat next to a gentleman who considered Christianity . . . morbid, reactionary, most injurious in its effects on the world. He also said that he would never have anything to do with any clergyman because "all clergymen were either fools or hypocrites." I said that I personally knew two who were neither—yourself, Sir, & an Irish Mend, whereat he very amusingly asked, to my secret indignation, "were they good looking?" I regretted bitterly that I could not tell him that you were both as homely as a rhinoceros! . . . I couldn't understand at first why such a very clever man should so utterly misunderstand the teachings of an extraordinarily keen-minded revolutionary �158 We Plow God's Fields like Christ . . . After I had thought about it a while it seemed to me that Christianity to him meant bondage & ceremony & hypocrisy & an emphasis on doctrines that are based on assumptions rather than on fact and behind it all Crusades & Albigensian wars & all the hundred & one inquisitions & horrors that have been perpetuated in the name of Christianity, and that living in Europe one feels perhaps with added force. He has mixed up Ecclesiasticism with Christianity, I feel sure. He condemns the fire that warms his house because of the smoke that fills his eyes. And yet he is so sincere & so intolerant of shams . . . The last time I saw him he said "Never believe anything, you only know." I thought about that & then I had to admit that while he had a remarkable intellect, he had no imagination whatever, & that after all civilization has only progressed when people were willing to trust their imaginations . . . 1 wished for a glib tongue every time I saw him instead of my own stumbling possession! (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., June 2, 1915) A week later, her thoughts return to painting. . . . I suppose the whole "raison d'etre" of art depends on whether you think beauty is necessary in life or not and that is something that almost everybody would answer in only one way. Perhaps it is because real beauty is something that possesses a life giving quality,—it somehow or other renews your spirit and everybody wants that.. .Everybody wants beauty—it seems always to quicken your sense of being alive and that means happiness and peace and a blessed conviction that you are really necessary in the scheme of things. The people who live in the hideous dreary parts of Chicago just flock to the Art Institute Sunday afternoons hoping that they will find what they lack there . . . I used to think that people's souls couldn't develop in sordid hideous surroundings but I know now that I was wrong. Spiritual development comes from within but beauty is an incalculable help because it keeps your spirit alive. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., July 2, 1915) Elizabeth Cramer loved the reveries of a carefree afternoon, when her imagination could be loosed without constraint to stumble over some new inspiration. She told Jim, "I feel envious of tramps. They have no possessions to chain them down. They can go comfortably out in the sun & smell the ... flowers & lie on their backs and watch the clouds making patterns of themselves while all the time the affluent Mrs. Jones & Mrs. Smith are angrily cleaning their silver or making new chair covers" (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., July 5, 1915). Relaxation never came easily to Jim. He always thought of one more chore that needed doing, remaining uneasy until the thought was followed by the accomplishment. Elizabeth's quiet nature, her insistence on late afternoon strolls, her constant thrill at finding new and unexpected scenes of beauty all brought into Jim's life a new dimension of experience that protected him from his own nature. Jim's life in the summer of 1915 was in flux, and slowly but carefully he and Elizabeth learned about each other. �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 159 The events that followed their marriage would alter his aspirations, his daily habits and his geographical allegiance. The doctors of Dansville were already telling him to stay away from the ministry for a few years. In one of Elizabeth's letters to Wiggy she mentions that " . . . the Dansville man says he will be cured but that he cannot go back to the ministry for two years & that he would have to do something that keeps him out of doors. It is cussed luck & he thinks now of getting some land in South Carolina or Georgia & as he says digging himself in" (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, August 20, 1915). The Jackson "cure" was taking a long time. He spent the summer and most of the fall there, except for a brief sojourn in the backwoods of Michigan. "Jim is up in the Michigan woods," Elizabeth reported to Wiggy. "Poor dear he's rather cast down. He wrote me the other day that he would have to give up writing me until he gets the better of his head. The doctors say he will surely be cured but that he will have to be outdoors & live a quiet outdoor life for the next two years which he says has upset all his plans" (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, August 25, 1915). In another letter, she explains to Wiggy the diagnosis of Jim's difficulties. "It seems that they think that for some years he has forced the blood into his brain through overwork & study & that in doing so the blood vessels became dilated & lost their elasticity so now they're trying to get it back again & I rather think he's there for all summer." And then to Jim again: Of course you mustn't write letters to people until your head is quite well again, I said as much to you before, young man. Isn't it splendid that your Dansville doctor has discovered the reason for your headaches. That is so encouraging because of course it is only a question of time now before you are quite over. I'm so glad you've decided to take his advice about leading some kind of outdoor life for two years or so ... In two weeks I expect to wipe the last remaining paint stains off my shoes and start for Manchester. How nice that there is a possibility of seeing you there—. . . (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., August 30, 1915) Manchester, Vermont held out great possibilities for Jim and Elizabeth. The Green Mountains in the early fall put on one of the natural world's most miraculous events, "The Foliage Season." Jim did indeed plan to visit Manchester. He was to stay with Annie and Dumont in the house he had helped to build. Elizabeth's home base would be the stately and rambling Mt. Equinox Hotel, where she resided with the aunties, Bessie and Freddy, who were often seen strolling down the shaded marble sidewalk in long white dresses. She wrote to her confidante, "Jim is staying with his sister . . . I'm afraid, Wiggy darling, he is nicer than ever. My aunts adore him . . . The poor thing is nearly dying of ennui because he can't look at a book and he adores reading" (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, September 27, 1915). With both Skinners and McClures in the surrounding countryside there was a constant round of �160 We Plow God's Fields social obligations for both of them. But despite Elizabeth's expectation of a month of companionship with Jim, he abruptly cut his visit short, returning to the sanitarium a frustrated young man unable to see himself a marriageable prospect. She was stunned by his departure. She wrote to Wiggy: . . . We went on some long, long walks & climbs & the time just flew by. Tuesday we took lunch with us up Stratton Gap . . . He told me then that all his best hopes had gone smash, that the Dr. said he wouldn't be really well for six months & that he was going back to Dansville the next day. I was so surprised I nearly fell off the log into the ravine below because, only the day before he had been planning for us to go up Equinox and over to Roaring Brook & goodness knows what all. I tried to appear as though it were perfectly natural for him to be going though I knew that his original intentions had been to go back to the Sanitarium in November but he seemed so dreadfully upset that I didn't ask any questions. "You see," he said, "the trouble with me is I've got congestion of the brain; that's the long & the short of it. The doctors say it's a very common thing but that it takes time to cure & that I'll have to come back here for the rest of winter." He started to say more but he stopped short & after that we both of us tried to forget all about it—and we did I think. We talked & talked & finally as it seemed about lunch time Jim looked at his watch & found it was 3:30 & there we were at the top of the mountain with our lunch way at the foot of the mountain. It was too absurd for words but there were so many things to talk about that the time had fairly rushed by. When we finally did get back to our lunch it was five o'clock & pitch black before we started home. We had motored over the stoney field . . . just below the mountain & it was a delicious black night with huge shooting Northern lights in the sky. Going back I behaved as though his departure next day were the most natural thing in the world. "I'm sure you'll feel a lot better Jim after this second Dansville bout," said I in my most commonplace tones. He didn't answer at first. Then he said right out flat, "It isn't that I really have to go back to Dansville tomorrow but I can't go on seeing you any more until I'm perfectly well,—so I've got to go away. As far as my head goes I'm feeling pretty fit; —its been pretty stiff work to keep from saying anything to you," he added. That was all but of course I knew what he meant. He won't ask me to marry him, he won't even tell me that he cares about me until he's a well man. If he did, I don't suppose any longer that I could give but one answer. I might even be a bold & brazen hussy & do the proposing myself if I were not afraid that it would only make him feel worse about it all & be totally ineffectual. With all his charm & his gentleness he is perfectly immovable when he makes up his mind. Apparently he thinks that it would be dishonorable to ask me to marry him & to even tell me he cared about me while he is out of a job & ill, & I suppose he felt that it was an impossible situation to go on seeing me day after day without speaking of what was uppermost in his mind. There was nothing else for him to do but go, but it has been hard on us both.... (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, October 3, 1915) Annie and Dumont, like the Aunties, were doubtless hoping the match was being made on the hike up to Stratton Gap. When darkness closed in, his brother-in-law Dumont decided that either Jim had proposed, or they were lost, �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 161 or most likely they were both engaged and lost. He organized a search party, setting forth to meet the straying couple with lanterns, and when they met them both smiling and in good spirits, he was even more sure of the results. Later he queried, "Well Jim, did you ask her?" It was of course the very worst of questions under the circumstances, and even Jim could not hold back a gruff reply.12 In two letters to Wiggy, Elizabeth wrote: He sent me yesterday a perfectly huge enormous box of lilies of the valley & orchids. I never had so many flowers from anybody in my life. They filled four or five huge vases & I felt like a debutante . . . I didn't open the box for ages because it was huge I thought it contained my clothes from the wash & I almost passed out when I opened it and saw the flowers. I feel as though the sender had vanished. I had a little note from him when he reached Dansville but he was unable to write oftener than once a month as writing brings on the pain in his head. I don't write either . . . It's the deuce . . . The time seems awfully long & next spring seems a hundred years o f f . . . . (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, October 16, 1915) The Aunts are horribly disappointed that he is gone & totally mystified. They think of course that he simply overdid here. I don't know what in the world his sister & her husband think! Of course they know that he likes me & I'm afraid they think I've calmly turned him down & sent him packing like an unconscionable flirt. The Aunts, dear things, are so amusing. They do nothing but descant on Jim's charms & they would almost burst with joy if I should marry him. Aunt Freddy keeps telling me how fond she is of him & what a thoroughbred he is & how much charm she thinks he has, though she adds quite frankly that she doesn't agree with him in all his ideas. Dear Aunt Freddy, she and Jim are poles apart when it comes to theology & a number of other subjects! I'm writing all this dearest because . . . I just have to talk about it to somebody. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, October 3, 1915) Jim and Elizabeth must have been central figures amongst the parlor gossips that fall, and when he pulled out of town so abruptly, theories of cause and effect rattled around Manchester. Elizabeth remained with the aunts at The Equinox for her allotted stay, missing Jim terribly. The leaves of Vermont turned brown and dropped. The smell of them burning filled the late afternoon air after the men had come home from work. It had been a year since Jim, Harriet and Doug Stuart, and Elizabeth had dinner together at Rathmore. Time in Manchester passed very slowly for Elizabeth and her letters to Jim were fewer and attempted to rejuvenate some interest in theology. It seemed that the six more months at Dansville would be a year. Jim wrote her to explain. The thing that has been at the bottom of my mind & that has been bothering me for a long time is not so much the getting fit but the ability to stay fit & do heavy strenuous work. I knew all along that I was apt to go at things too �162 We Plow God's Fields hard and in a way that might use me up again, so I asked this man (Dr. Gregory) could he do this for me. He is a direct sort of a chap & his answer rather staggered me, "Not unless you remain here a year." I've decided to settle down & see the thing through. . . . (quoted by Elizabeth Cramer in a letter to Martha Clarke, November 26, 1915) She absorbed the latest setback while visiting her artist friend Mildred Burrage in Kennebunkport, Maine. By late November, it was time to return to Lake Forest. She planned to spend the weekend in New York City, and then on to Chicago and home. On the train from Kennebunkport, she wrote Jim about the Burrage household and the little town. Doing her best to set an encouraging tone, she told him: "You're a regular 'brick,'—I feel like saying a lot more but I won't! Of course the only thing for you to do is to stay on at Dansville . . . A year seems an awfully long time when you first think of it but even two years wouldn't be long if it meant that you were going to come out with sound health. Do stay a full year where you are" (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., November 22, 1915). Elizabeth checked into the Martha Washington Hotel, a prim establishment that advertised itself as "The only hotel in the world exclusively for women."13 She received there an urgent message from Jim that he was coming to New York and wanted to see her. She left him this message at the front desk: Dear Jim, I feel turned topsy-turvy,—a few days ago it seemed as though I should not see you again until I had achieved white hairs & a cap, and now,—here you are! Will you meet me at the Plaza—in front of the news stand near the elevators & across from the main desk, about half-past three this afternoon? It is too bad for you to have this trip down town for nothing but I am obliged to keep an appointment with the oculist this morning and it is apt to be a longish performance. Rather than keep you waiting in this odious place [the Martha Washington] I shall take you at your word & name the Plaza instead, as I have appointments in that neighborhood. Besides, I somehow hate to think of associating anything nice like you with this smug bourgeois spot! The drawingroom resembles a dental "parlour" and the "lady guests" all wear white waists with stiff collars & seem to be concealing curl-papers under their hats! Ugh! Why is Respectability always so uninviting! This seems to be the one place in New York where the lone spinster may stay without offending Madam Grundy. You are a bright prospect and after 3:301 am bound by no ties. The Plaza is near the Park so we can go for a walk therein & throw peanuts at the monkeys, or take a bus-ride, or just retire to the Plaza drawing room & talk... I have a sort of an idea that this is all the result of a Thanksgiving dinner & that I shall presently wake up & find that you are not coming at all. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., November 27, 1915) At the Plaza hotel a remarkable scene unfolded. Impediments fell away, and the romance of Jim McClure and Elizabeth Cramer found its freedom. �Elizabeth Skinner Cramer 163 Without hesitation, he asked; and she accepted. A flood of the rarest joy swept over them both. They rushed out and hired a horse and carriage. Jim told the driver to keep going around Central Park until told to stop. Afterwards, they returned to the Martha Washington, a most ironical setting for the newly engaged, and he proceeded to scandalize the patrons with his obvious affections towards Elizabeth. She laughed and called him a "shameless creature," and recalled later that " . . . you so disturbed that respectable, open-mouthed old lady in the corner . . . and you a properly brought-up young man!" (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 14, 1915) She was as guilty as he of course, and they were both utterly unconcerned about the rest of the world. All that mattered was that the waiting and uncertainty were over, their engagement had begun. What had happened to change the situation so quickly? My own dearest Wiggy, . . . I wrote you a hurried tiny line two days ago to tell you that your indifferent celibate Pigie was actually going to marry Jim McClure . . . You see when the Eh*, told him he would have to stay on for a year he said he just couldn't bear it, that he couldn't sleep for thinking of me & that he knew all the good he got there would be nullified so he went to Dr. Gregory & told him he just couldn't bear it living away from me, & not speaking and that Dr. Gregory had somehow got to help him. With that, Dr. Gregory sprang from his chair, grasped him by the arm and said, "Why, why, why didn't you tell me all this at first! Why the best thing you can possibly do is to get married. You'll be all right in no time. You are well now. It's only to insure your remaining well that I said you must stay here a year. Why you'd be far better off married. You'd recover your staying powers more quickly & there is absolutely no question about it's being the best thing to do!" Jim said that he brought up every possible objection and that the Dr. just bowled them over one after one. Jim said it took him just twenty minutes after that before he telegraphed me thinking I was still at the Barrages and—you know the rest. Of course Wiggy darling he will not be able to do any work for two years and he will have to live very quietly. But he has a small income—a very small one & considerable money put by, & so we can get married anyway. We shall always be frightfully poor .. . Anyway it's much more exciting to marry a poor person with ideas than a rich one with none & then there's always my money for emergencies though he declares that he will never touch a penny of it. . . We don't know where we shall go & what we shall do. Jim's idea is to rent a little place somewhere in the mountains of Carolina or Virginia perhaps with the option of buying it at the end of two years & then keeping it as a "retreat" for vacations & things like that when he was busy with a parish. When he gets well he'll probably take a parish in the slums because he said that for all he knew he would always pick out poor & unfrequented districts but it's a grand good adventure & I can cut my coat to fit my cloth even though it may be a bad job at first. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, December 1, 1915) Earlier in the same letter, Elizabeth had told Wiggy: �164 We Plow God's Fields . . . his whole life seems to be permeated & filled with what Matthew Arnold calls "The Power not Ourselves." I never thought I should find anybody who could somehow make my own life so much larger & freer & with it all so full of humor & lightness. I am a very lucky person Wigywag darling. A curious thing is that ever since I have known him I have had the feeling of being tremendously stimulated & yet immensely peaceful—there was no effort no striving after anything, just a curious sense of being recreated within. I knew after Christmas last year that nothing but this inevitable end was possible but I wanted to think it out clearly & consciously. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, December 1, 1915) And in yet another letter: . . . It isn't that Jim is brilliant or extraordinarily clever either. I don't know what it is exactly. I've known men who were very much cleverer. I think one reason that I like him so much is because he is so unconscious of himself as it were; he's such an odd mixture of impulse and reason and he's a very eager person only he's almost more eager for other people than he is for himself if you know what I mean by that. And then he always trusts people & expects the best of them and he consequently always gets it. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, winter of 1915) Other people have commented on Jim McClure's personal qualities, but no one ever described them better than Elizabeth. Here was a woman who could match Jim's intellect, slow down his "impulses," help him to notice the beauty around him that he might otherwise rush past. Elizabeth Cramer was the perfect match for Jim McClure—intelligent, sensitive, fun-loving, and willing to share a life of intellectual and literal adventure. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Clipping of article from Chicago newspaper, 1916, found among family papers. Pamphlet on the Pierrepont family genealogy. Interview with Elspeth McClure Clarke. Jim's scorecard, found among his personal papers. Santa Barbara notebook, February 20, 1916. Santa Barbara notebook. Santa Barbara notebook. Santa Barbara notebook. Santa Barbara notebook. Santa Barbara notebook. Santa Barbara notebook. Interview with Dumont Clarke, Jr. Hotel slogan printed on a piece of letterhead found among family papers. �Chapter Ten Marriage So long as our lives individually strive to embody the spirit that comes of God, our souls seeking renewal always in the source of all life must then meet, and of necessity become one, since in God there is no separation. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 8, 1916) I thought of you in the middle of salad tonight . . . about made everyone else in the dining room look as gray and uninteresting as oysters. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., January 23, 1916) If Jim and Elizabeth's courtship had meandered and lingered through a difficult course, the end came in a rush. Now they would have several months of engagement to savor their joyous new status. Before their rendezvous in New York, queries and doubts had often piled up in their minds like afternoon thunderheads on a hot summer's day. Elizabeth had not always been sure that she was ready to become Jim's wife, characteristically because she worried that she, an artist, might hinder his work as a minister. The conventions of the day portrayed the artist as a freespirited rebel, especially if the artist was a woman and had left the confines of America to pursue her craft in Paris! There could not have been more distance between that image and the one reserved for the wife of a minister, who was expected to radiate prim virtue, to be in all matters reverent and uncomplaining, to participate in the endless talk of missionary societies and sewing circles, to raise her family according to the rules of the Victorian Age, and to entertain the steady stream of visitors that were a part of her husband's job. If the pastor's wife was not a "paragon of virtue" the parish would not accept her, and this would make her husband's life extremely difficult. Elizabeth had been thinking about all this before she and Jim were ever engaged. She had written to her confidante, Wiggy, her doubts about being able to fit into a minister's life. Now she rejoiced to find her worries evaporated in the sunshine of Jim's optimistic view of her future role. . . . But way back in my mind is still the thought of those ladies in the Tuesday afternoon Benevolent Society who will raise their eyebrows when they meet your wife in a paint-apron—perhaps, I thought, I can coax them all into wanting the Sunday School "done up," and I know I could teach a Sunday School class! There are quantities of things in the Bible that I should just love talking about to a lot of youngsters and it would be so satisfying to have a free 165 �166 We Plow God's Fields fling. I read "Jonah" the other night to Corwith [her half-brother] & Susan [a cousin who was living with the Cramers] and we all three almost burst with excitement. Poor Jonah was so human & so able apparently and so "temperamental" & he was dealt with so promptly! I never knew there was any more to him than the whale! .. . (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 6, 1915) After receiving a letter from Jim on the subject of her art, she wrote to Wiggy: The beautiful part Wiggy darling is that he feels just the way I do about painting—he has all sorts of awfully interesting ideas about it & he says that he just couldn't endure it if I had anything to do with the details of church work & that the only thing he wants is my cooperation in the spirit—just what you said Wiggywag. He insists that I go on painting & says mat I will mean just that much more to him if I do. You can't think how relieved & happy I feel (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 1, 1915) And to Jim she wrote: . . . If you by any chance had said that you wanted me to paint because it was temperamentally a way of living that satisfied me, I should have been so low in my mind that I could never have done a stroke of work thereafter. Of course it is a way of living in which I find much happiness but that is not the reason for adopting it. The reason is because it is simply a means to an end and the end is never anything but the Kingdom of God. I will never forget how absolutely joyful I felt when you suddenly made me see it all in this way. I had only the most scrappy little glimpses of it, I could never get everything into focus. I lived in a hundred different ways and they were all more or less detached. I was always having glimmerings but the glimmerings were somehow unconnected & then, all of a sudden, after a conversation we had out in the studio one late afternoon, in front of that old stove, everything suddenly shifted and fitted into place. [She was recalling a day at Rathmore during the early months of their courtship.] It was the most extraordinary experience. All the loose ends seemed somehow caught up, and ever since, every idea or experience or sensation I have ever had has somehow or other fitted itself onto the piece; it was like a pattern that you slowly evolved. Formerly I had quantities of colors all jumbled together, all valuable in themselves, but confused. Then you came along & I suddenly got a clue that I hadn't had before & ever since then I have known that if I kept at it long enough, I could always fit the pieces on where they belonged and the pattern would be always growing and growing . . . You can't think how I felt on that "stove day" after you had gone home. I had never, I think, been so happy or so peaceful & at the same time so thrilled through & through. I felt as though I had been hitherto walking along a road with a high wall on either side and above the wall were the tops of trees & birds & now & then roses climbing down the sides. All of a sudden, it was as though the doors in the walls had opened and I could henceforth whenever I wished go into those lovely gardens and then I looked in all directions there were vistas �Marriage 167 leading everywhere. It was all just like that. For a long time I only wanted to stay outside and look in. After a bit I went inside—and always there was you. My Dearest,—do you know, have you any idea what it all meant? (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 14, 1915) Jim, of course, had been terribly concerned about his health, but the doctor at Dansville had now assured him that if he married Elizabeth and lived and worked outdoors for a couple of years he would be as strong as ever. The decision reached that day in the Plaza Tea Room transformed their lives. For a few days they kept the joyful secret between themselves and Jim's brother Arch. Jim was staying with him at Union Seminary, where Arch was studying for the ministry, so he was in on the engagement from the beginning. Then Jim and Elizabeth went to visit the Skinner Aunts, who were staying in New York, and they rejoiced with them. Elizabeth returned to Lake Forest and the painting of the Day Nursery murals and made preparations for the wedding, and Jim went back to Dansville, but little must have seemed the same for them. The larger questions had been resolved, but there were other tensions and differences that would have to be understood. After all, both had been living independently for some time and inevitably there were points of view and habits that would have to be questioned and thought through before their marriage. The two of them had a future to be sketched in, for one of the remarkable circumstances of this marriage is that despite their ages (Jim was 31 and Elizabeth almost 28) basic decisions such as their livelihood and where they would live were virtually undetermined. Jim thought it best to remain quiet and away from Elizabeth, making a brief appearance during the Christmas season for a proper announcement and a round of entertainment. The result of this separation is a daily stream of letters to him from Elizabeth. Through these letters she and Jim shared their inner thoughts and worked out their differences. It is a loss that Jim's letters have not been found, but by Elizabeth's replies we can learn much of what he was thinking. Their first duty was to inform their family and close friends. Discretion in these matters was important; the right people had to hear the news in the right order, so that no one would be miffed at being left out. Dear Jim, I have told Isabella & Father and Mother . . . and the rascals say they were not surprised! Though Father admits that he thought "nothing was going to happen." The dear things are immensely nice about it all and full of little jokes and much affection. They think a great deal of you—more than you have any idea of—and as for Isabelle, she nearly burst with satisfaction . . . Father is already full of ideas as to a "retreat" and insists that he knows of one already that is promising—an old, very old house 15 miles from the Hot Springs, where there is, as you know an excellent golf course . . . I only mention all this to show my parent's immediate enthusiasm. He already has us housed!. .. Dear, there are no words to tell you all I feel. The thought of you is like a light shining where once there was only darkness, like a strong wind that blows �168 We Plow God's Fields suddenly through a room long closed, like flowers springing up in April among the winter leaves. The dear remembrance of you fills my heart. My cup runneth over. The fervor and the joy that quicken my days are only equalled by the peace that comes of a mutual understanding, by the love that purifies and restores. God bless you my Dearest all my life. Elizabeth (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 1, 1915) Dear Jim: How much I liked your letters to Father & Mother. They were such splendid straight sincere letters—so beautifully written & so free from anything that was cheap or lacking in dignity . . . What you said in them about me touched me more than I can ever tell you. As for Father, he & Ambrose both said that if they had chosen from all the men they knew for me they could not have chosen differently. That is a great tribute Mr. James G. K. McClure because the above mentioned gentlemen are inclined to be extremely fussy and overcritical! I like to think of something I read once. "Through such souls alone God . . . shows sufficient of his light For us in the dark to rise by." Dear Light in my darkness illuminating countless ways that hitherto seemed somehow all obscured, my heart is yours utterly. . . . (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Dec. 6, 1915) Arch McClure rushed a letter off to Elizabeth as soon as he understood the news was out. There is no one that I love quite as I do Jim—no one whose life and character I respect more. He has done far more for me in opening my mind to truths I hadn't seen than I can ever repay; and then his own life has been one of such amazing and unfailing cheerfulness during all the months of his waiting for strength that he is a constant inspiration to me ... In fact it always makes me want to be better just to be with him . . . It certainly did surprise me to have him appear in New York, and to have the whole thing happen almost under my very eyes. And it did delight me to see how happy he was and to know that you had made him so. (Arch McClure to Elizabeth Cramer, December 1, 1915) Soon after the news reached McCormick Seminary, Jim's father wrote to Elizabeth. . . . I make humble but joyous confession that I have hoped for a long time that you and Jim would care for one another. I never have spoken to Jim about the matter for it seemed too sacred to be mentioned . . . again and again I have told his Mother of my great wish. I have the truest respect and the tenderest affection for you. There is no girl I have ever seen whom I would be so glad to have Jim marry as yourself. My confidence in you is absolute, my admiration for you is perfect. (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to Elizabeth Cramer, December 6, 1915) �Marriage 169 Jim's mother had written promptly exclaiming her support. This morning's mail brought us, from Jamie, a letter telling us a secret that seems almost too wonderful to be true . . . you are, of all the world, the one I would most rejoice to have as Jamie's choice for his life companion, and I know that since he saw you in New York, he has been happier than ever before in his life. (Phebe Ann Dixon MeClure to Elizabeth Cramer, Dec. 3, 1915) Elizabeth wrote to Jim: "Such dear letters from your Mother and Arch and Nathan—1 didn't know how they might feel about it and my mind is immensely relieved. I have such a proud feeling, Sir, when I think that you are considering me with some affection! ..." (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. MeClure, Jr., Dec. 6, 1915). Jim wrote to his sister Harriet and her husband Douglas Stuart, ending with "Tell Dudley [Doug's nickname at that time] he must decide whether to come in his shirt sleeves or his bath gown to Sid's and my wedding for I will have to be wearing his cutaway—" (James G. K. MeClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, Dec. 1, 1915). Jim's sister Annie Clarke wrote, "Our only regret is that it didn't happen here in Manchester, where we felt that we gave you every opportunity" (Annie MeClure Clarke to Elizabeth Cramer, Dec. 7, 1915). And then from Dumont, "Perhaps . . . you will tell us that the atmosphere of a stone in Manchester did have some part in helping a man whom we love to win you to the decision we think is so beautiful" (Dumont Clarke to Elizabeth Cramer, Dec. 8, 1915). Elizabeth's artist friend, Mildred Burrage, wrote that she wept for joy when she received the news in her family's Kennebunkport, Maine, home (Mildred Burrage to Elizabeth Cramer, December 8,1915). Elizabeth found it hard to concentrate on her murals at the Day Nursery in Chicago. She wrote Jim: . . . Such a job as the Nursery is,—my thoughts go way off and the part of me that paints somehow gets along as best it can. If there were any real composing to do I should hang a sign up & inform the public that the person who worked therein was temporarily deceased. To have to paint apple trees & toys when every thought is running your way is a form of mental discipline that is unequalled. I do disastrous things—paint eyes red and apple blossoms blue . . . Dear Thing, good night—Siddy (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 3, 1915) Four days later she wrote again: Dearest, The only natural easy thing to do is to write, -everything else I do with one hand as it were in a very lame fashion—all of which goes to show you that I am in a bad way .. . �170 We Plow God's Fields Tonight I dined . . . to the tune of scrambled eggs & muffins, & there was I eating them with much composure when suddenly I remembered that I had no idea whether, when it came to Sunday night suppers, you would have a taste for onions or alligator pears! (Dreadful things, those last!) . . . [She would soon find out that he liked boiled eggs and crackers and milk.] . . . I told Corwith [her half-brother] today about you and me. First I made him guess. He launched the most incredible and disturbing conjectures that forced me to enlighten him with all possible speed, and then, his surprise was unbounded. "Well," he said reflectively, "I'd forgotten about him, you see." (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr. Dec. 7, 1915) Later she wrote that Corwith had told her one morning that Jim might never marry her after all. "Mr. McClure might change his mind before January first. It's a long ways off, you know." Elizabeth feigned scorn and laughed at Corwith but he continued solemnly, "Still, Tibbits, you will admit that it is quite possible." Elizabeth added to Jim, 'Ponder and reflect, young man! Youth is hotheaded and rash and there are yet twenty-two days in this month for mature reflection ..." Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Dec. 9, 1915). In several letters she told him how she pretended that his "ghost, as the Irish say," would come in to sit by her bedroom fire of an evening and how she looked forward to this. Thinking of their walk in Central Park after Jim's proposal and her acceptance in New York, she wrote: When I think that only a week ago we were walking in the park in all that amazing fog and darkness with the shining Plaza glittering behind the trees! I love to think of that. Always, always, the park is there full of peace and thoughts that are apart, and around on every side is the roaring hungry city with all its enterprise & struggle and effort. It was like that, I think, when you talked to me & said the little things that made me think you really cared. It was the first time that I had ever known the real meaning of peace. All life must somehow mean a desperate effort, but that at the heart of it there should be peace & serenity and a joy that was somehow not of this world was something that transcended all experience. Only a little over a week ago what sober guarded creatures we were. And I was none too sure that you would even want my frequent letters! Now, Sir, I am pleasing myself. It is a relief to write long pages about nothing at all. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 7, 1915) Two days later she wrote: My Dearest, The first of January seems further off than ever, —I almost believe that time is going the other way & that we're slipping back again into November . . . I have a sort of a feeling that when you do come I shall wait until you are within sight of a window & then I shall promptly hide in the cellar. You seem such a safe distance off just now that I feel I can write you all kinds of rubbish, if you were here, I should never run on in such a fashion—I should always be looking out of the tail of my eye to see whether you are astonished or dis- �Marriage 171 mayed, and when I see you again after all the nonsense I am always writing you, I shall feel very red and stiff and inclined to disappear. I shall probably call you Mr. McClure & shake hands politely and ask after your health and you'll have to begin all over again, if you still like me! Have you ever noticed that there are some people you like very much in Winter whom you can't abide in summer? and vice versa? I'm not sure whether you've had a real square all-around look at me, or n o t . . . Besides, you've never seen me at Breakfast. I, at any rate never like anyone before eleven o'clock and until at least twelve I always wear my hair slicked tight back and never speak of anything but the thermometer or why Gustave hasn't fixed the furnace. This is all in a burst of honesty that might never again come back so I'm hurriedly writing it down while it lasts. Also I always wear my shell spectacles at least half the day and I sometimes waste a terrible lot of time picking out tunes with one finger while the maids are dusting and I have an old blue skirt that I love & that everybody else hates because it somehow has a tendency to drop in the back no matter how much I hitch it up. I feel sure, now, that I am going to be quite made over & that I shall never lose any more handkerchiefs or door keys if you still continue to like me, BUT,-I saw in the paper the other day that "marriage does not change the individual" which is a sobering thought and one that urges me to bid you reflect! What, just what if you should get a church in which your parishioners . . . demanded a competent, efficient, capable, executive wife!!!! 1.1 am not competent. 2.1 am never efficient 3.1 am not capable 4.1 am not executive (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., December 9, 1915) Jim remained in Dansville until just before Christmas. When he arrived at the Lake Forest Station he was greeted by Rathmore's butler. Jim's physique came to inhabit the spirit that had been visiting Elizabeth every evening, and presumably he did not need to search the cellar to find her. The season of 1915 was the gayest yet at Rathmore, because not only had Jim and Elizabeth agreed to marry, but young Ambrose was ready to announce his engagement to Grace Meeker. She was a member of Jim's Santa Barbara "band," and had been featured in the previous spring's Vogue magazine. Both couples decided to announce their intentions on New Year's Day, but beforehand they enjoyed all the social events of the season, pretending to keep the well-known secrets. Jim returned to Halsted Street on Christmas Eve, to spend his last holiday as an unmarried son in his family's household. As he drove out of Rathmore that night, he found Elizabeth concealed behind the stone gate that served as the entrance to the estate. There they parted, after exchanging affections and written messages, the latter to be read on first arising Christmas Day. Elizabeth and Jim were savoring, with all of the literary accoutrement, the fruits of their romance. According to the firm rules of the day, Jim and Elizabeth and Ambrose and Grace acquired a new status on January first. The double engagement of Susie Skinner's children made quite a stir in Chicago when it appeared in the Society �172 We Plow God's Fields pages. Elizabeth wrote a eulogy on Jim to Wiggy, who was still holding the fort in the Tr&pied house, surrounded by war: "... I feel so natural & so happy & so comfortable with him & never have a single fear or worry or anxious thought about the future with him which apparently is almost unheard of with an engaged young person!! . . . People seem to be very pleased about it everywhere & I just go about on air ... Jim is as honest as you . . . 1 can't say more than that & he has the loveliest sense of humor & can be as much of a goat as Ambrose! ..." (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, Jan. 1, 1916) A flood of congratulatory notes poured in on Jim and Elizabeth after their engagement was made public—some two hundred altogether—and they add up to a great crescendo of support. One sad young man, who had tagged doggedly after Elizabeth, wrote in a defeated tone, "I feel absolutely no bitterness toward you" (John W. Brown to Elizabeth Cramer, December 16, 1915). Her cousin, Mark Skinner Watson, had come from Chimney Point, Vermont, to work on the Chicago Tribune. He was a promising young newspaper man and they had had great fun together. From his letter it is easy to see why he became a noted columnist. Possibly your Aunts have told you that I received your letter and read it with keen excitement the very day after you wrote it instead of three or four weeks later as you had expected. Thus, for four days I carried with me the mighty secret, restraining the impulse to show an unsuccessful suitor's vengeance and tell the Tribune all about i t . . . Also I've been hoping particularly that I might see you and tell you face to face how happy I am that you are happy . . . But [you are] rather inaccessible, particularly to a youth who still finds his hours of freedom better suited to owls, nightingales, bats and deeds of darkness, rather than to young ladies who now, if never before, must be exceeding prim. Prim? Ah me. How can we again have a spree at the Blackstone, followed by "Tristan" or Mr. G. B. Shaw . .. How unless then be added Jim and, and, and, —why, of course, my own fiancee! The only trouble is that the poor thing is non-existent . .. And you will continue nice and agreeable, even though married. Please. . . . my very best congratulations and as near a prayer as a heretic can come. .. . (Mark Skinner to Elizabeth Cramer, Jan. 4, 1916) A friend identified only as Beth wrote a sharp commentary on the same social conventions of the time that troubled Jim and Elizabeth: Many time and aft have I heard the familiar name of Jim McClure mentioned, and I feel as if I knew him well. And your letter—which, I hasten to assure you, did not resemble the Ladies' Home Journal—assures me beyond any doubt that that fabulous creature, a nice modern saint with all the latest improvements in brains, and the courage of his convictions, exists after a l l . . . I'm not very fond of the cloth, as a rule, but I'll hand it to anyone who can live and work in Iron River . .. and return with a sufficient sense of perspective to encourage his future wife to go on beautifying the world with mural �Marriage 173 decorations. Most reformers look at you with a wild gleam in their eye and say "How dare you be happy when children are starving?" .. . I can't imagine anything more fun than your slum existence. No, I'm not sentimentalizing for the occasion. Ever since I grew up I've wanted to do just that-discard every non-essential and concentrate on the things that really ought to be done, instead of—oh, sending cards to every fool who invites you to tea. Goodness, what a relief! No clothes, no social stunts, no more servants than you need, no more food than you want to eat. And all the time there is in which to do the interesting things. Please, may I come and visit you and see how it's done? Because some fine day, when I'm fifty, or so, I may be free to do the same thing, and I want some pointers meanwhile . . . . . . how glad I am that you're not marrying anything even resembling a stockbroker! When my friends' husbands are "in business" I go and dig the grave of any human sympathy we may ever have had. Thank goodness for a socialist for you .. . ! You always needed one, anyhow, by the way; it will do you pounds of good. (Beth [last name unknown] to Elizabeth Cramer, December 26, 1915) There were peons of praise for Jim from classmates and fellow members of Skull and Bones at Yale, including a prophecy from John Magee, now a missionary in Nanking, China. He wrote, "I'm sure your coming into Jim's life at this time will mean a very great deal to him in every way and that he will now be in the way of gaining completely his normal health" (John Magee to Elizabeth Cramer, Jan. 13, 1916). Just before Jim was to go south for a little more rest with Annie and Dumont and their new son, Dumont Jr. at Daytona Beach, a tragedy leveled the high spirits of Rathmore. Elizabeth's step-sister Isabelle and her husband, Donald Ryerson, lost their little son. Jim was asked to conduct the funeral services. Elizabeth had always been very close to Isabelle, and Donald and Jim were friends as well. But the wedding plans had to go on. While Jim was keeping a safe distance in Florida resting with his sister's family, Elizabeth's father sent his adored daughter off to New York with her step-mother on a shopping "bat." From the Biltmore Hotel she wrote to Jim: .. . New York should always be visited a deux. I only feel half a person! If only it were last November, but all the same I'm glad it isn't, because I am just fifty one days richer than I was then and the last two weeks have been worth six ordinary ones besides . . . This afternoon Mother and I surveyed various silver services and I am now sleeping on two as the saying goes, —it is not as simple as buying a Hudson [automobile] but nevertheless vastly absorbing. How I wish you were here! Only half of me looks at things—the other half is at home trotting around with you, sir. Father is presenting me with the most galumptious petticoats and suchlikes. I shall never want to put a dress on at all. Such fine feathers! ... (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Jan. 19, 1916) Your little book of treasures is such a joy. I read a bit of it every night. Here is a quotation that you wrote January 1906—"for those children of God �174 We Plow God's Fields to whom it has been granted to see each other face to face and to hold communion together and to feel the same spirit working in both can never more be sundered though the hills be between. For their souls are enlarged for ever more by that union and they bear one another about in their thoughts continual as if it were a new strength." That is it, isn't it, Dearest? (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., January 20, 1916) Elizabeth settled on her silver service, and frequented several New York antique dealers looking for suitable furniture for her new household, slum parish or not. Dearest—such a place as this is to get ideas about things! I'm just full of the house furnishing variety . . . I go around to all kinds & varieties of shops so as to see everything going, and if you don't have a nice house, Mr. James G. K. McClure Jr., my name isn't mine own! I've penetrated antique shops of all varieties and entered "Decorator's Parlours" with a brazen air of intending to buy everything and leave with nothing, and my notebook & my head are just crammed full . . . You will love the silver service. It has the most extraordinary dignity and simplicity. Just to have tea out of it is a privilege .. . This [the Biltmore Hotel] isn't a bad place & you have a room with a bath and three meals for $3.00 a day. From the front windows you look out over the roof tops at that beautiful Madison Square Garden Tower and down below are some nice old red brick houses. At night I hear the boats as the river is just back of us & it makes me think of our ferry ride. I can shut my eyes and remember every inch of it. Dearest Thing, if I were going to live in a cave in South Carolina and eat acorns and frogs, if you were there I should be just as happy as I am now—the automobile and the silver service . . . don't make any difference at all, somehow. They are just like the holly tissue paper and the red ribbons that tie up ones loveliest Christmas present.. .. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Jan. 25, 1916) Elizabeth's buying spree brought to light one of the tensions between the prospective mates. The whole question of the correct use of material possessions in one's life had been an early philosophical link in the romance. Both agreed that conspicuous consumption, buying for show, material self-indulgence and the like were rank sins that many of their own class were guilty of, and suffered spiritual difficulties as a result. The irresponsible rich, they were both sure, flaunted their wealth and thus aggravated class tensions, and were in fact monopolizing the resources of the world to the detriment of nearly everyone else. Elizabeth had grown up in a privileged household, but the material objects that appealed to her did so because of their beauty, a spiritual quality of the greatest importance to her. She felt that her gift was to create an ambience of beauty that would surround her and those she loved, and that furniture, dresses, silver services and flowers were her means to that end. Such an environment, touched with the divine, lent itself to spiritual development. Jim, on the other hand, was as thrifty in all ways as the reputation of his Scotch forebears would indicate. His habits, like his father's, were built around the premise that one should be �Marriage 175 most careful in managing whatever financial resources one had. The more surplus money there was in one's budget, the better able a person would be able to support worthy projects. In short, Jim felt that spending money in excess of need was pure and simple selfishness. Jim would have to increase his vision of "need" to include Elizabeth's urge for beauty. As she explained to him: It seems to me that it is an impossible thing to go on living with people simply on a basis of material interests—meals and dinner parties and hats and servants and railroad tickets and sports. It's terrifically wearing to keep up a close personal relation of that sort particularly if you've ever known what the other thing means. That's what's at the bottom of so much unhappiness in married people's lives. Often the only things that two people have in common are material interests and the difference of sex. Of course that can only result in material dissatisfaction and I suppose, under such circumstances, it simply goes to show all over again that the life of the spirit must be shared or the material expression of it can have no real meaning. That's another thing that neither the church nor school ever touches on. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Jan. 23, 1916) But in her next letter she asserts the importance of owning material things that are beautiful. If we go off & live in some starving place . .. why then there will be much more reason for our acquiring essentially good possessions, because in such a place, the need for sharing such things is so terribly felt even though people there may not be really conscious of it. With our knowledge of beauty and how it can be used, we've got to use every means we have to bring people in touch with it. If we have nice furniture (and by that I don't necessarily mean costly furniture) and surroundings that are poles removed from their horrible lace window curtains & "bird-eye maple" furniture & red velvet rockers it will mean a lot, I know. We can create a house that will express, through its self, law and order and proportion and repose and aliveness-all those things that you will be constantly opening people's eyes to in what you say. I want equally to open people's eyes to it in what they see. And that's what's the trouble with all modern painting right now, It tries to give you a "thrill." . . . (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., January 27, 1916) In her struggles to conceive of a sensible attitude where her art and the needs of the "masses" could meet, she met a figure from across the social gulf, who gave her more to think about. The maid came in to clean her hotel room. . . . a huge, strapping, coarse, kind, sort of a woman & she appalled me by seizing upon the remains of my lunch & gobbling them up!—horrid cold remains they were, too,—salmon & cold vegetables and the bitterest kind of strong tea that I couldn't touch. She said apologetically that she was hungry because the hotel didn't give the "help" enough to eat. Then I asked her later on if she liked pictures & her eyes just shone, & her whole manner changed when she said that she did. �176 We Plow God's Fields I never can get away from the "poor" somehow or other! . .. After the chambermaid had departed, I had a violent reaction .. . and I almost hated my silver service when I thought of that woman's need of food. At such a time, I feel like chucking "art" entirely and going out & handing forth bread line tickets or working for a better wage system! But I know that this is mere emotionalism & I know that such a state of mind is unintelligent. The "poor" need bread for their souls as well as for their bodies and a silver tea service . . . is something they should have access to in their lives and it is only a millstone around your neck when you aren't willing to share it. Some of the poor think that they resent ownership by the upper classes of a silver tea service . . . but it isn't really the fact of possession that they resent. It's the attitude of mind that they resent (but they aren't developed enough intellectually to see that this is so), the attitude of mind that assumes that beauty and culture are the special, private privilege of the rich. But if you become one of them in spirit and make them feel that you insist on having your own surroundings beautiful because you feel that beauty is a necessity of life & something to be shared and experienced by all who want it too,—why then I'm sure their resentment would disappear. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Jan. 28, 1916) If Elizabeth struggled with her higher views of silver services, she knew Jim to be the most frugal of men with himself, but very generous to others. Dearest, I look at all your pictures & none of them look like the same man. So many different people propped up on my bureau and every one of them you . . . There is the you (and such a cuke this one is!) that rolls on the rug with Percy [the Cramer dog] & Corwith and ties poor unoffending Chum [the Cramer cat?] up in a [sic.] overcoat! Then there is another one that buys me velvet overshoes for bad weather and insists upon my going to bed early. (Dear thing, what a nice man that one is!) Then there is another that pulls the Aunts legs every now & then (to use an outrageous old expression) and another one that carries a horrible old german bag around (the same man that does that inks the bare places on his black coat), and still another that always looks as clean as a whistle and has the nicest kind of hands. Then there is a specially dear one that treats me as an equal & that tells me about things & that takes it for granted that I won't shirk facts even if they are hateful ones . . . (I love that one—he always gives me a kind of strength that I never had before.) And then there is another you that reveals to me a far wider more beautiful and significant life than I ever before imagined could come to any one. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Jan. 29. 1916) Art was Elizabeth's passion. She sought to understand life and apply what she learned through her art, and to understand other people through theirs. While in New York, Mildred Burrage came down from Maine and the two of them called on Claude Monet's daughter and her family, whom they had known inGiverny. Yesterday . . . we had tea with the Butlers. Mingie [Mildred] & I knew them very well in France and it took me straight back to Paris to meet them again. �Marriage Mrs. Butler is Monet's (the French impressionist) daughter & she's very French & very much powdered & rouged & made up but with such a generous kind heart. I like her immensely. Mr. Butler was a Mend of Stevenson and Will Low and St. Gaudens & all that 1880 crowd in Paris. He's an extraordinarily handsome man with huge black eyes and much charm of a certain sort. They have two children —Jimmy & Lilli about 25. Lilli is a fascinating little thing with an oriental kind of beauty and Jimmy is a straight, thin, lean youth with real ability if he could only be gotten on the right track. He got in with the post-impressionists in Paris & while he has an awfully honest mind he still sees things from their standpoint and turns out the most awful things just like his father -reds & blues & terrible violent greens. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., January 30, 1916) Before leaving New York, she returned to the Plaza Hotel. . . . Mingie & I fell in with an older friend . . . and in a burst of extravagance I took them to lunch at the Plaza. Such seemly conduct on my part, Mr. McClure, all the time I was there. Never a suggestion of my shady past! OI glance with a furtive eye at the waiter to see if he recognized my purple suit but being a man of infinite tact & discretion he looked the other way. What a bold brass monkey you were! I can see that scandalized waiter now rushing off to tell all his dear Mends the latest "spice." And there wasn't anything hesitating or apologetic about you either! Ach, such a man!—(dear thing, how I love him for all his bold ways—perhaps —between you and me—the bold ways are just an added reason.) After lunch, Mingee & I parted company . . . I wanted to be alone. It was a dully gray afternoon. The street was full of dirty snow, and a raw penetrating mist blew in from the river. I passed the little church where we went together that Sunday morning in November and because you seemed very near, I went inside. It was dark and quiet and peaceful. Away off in a distant part of the church a man was talking to some coloured people and after a time the service ended, & the people left. I sat there a long time. Never before, I think, have I been so conscious of all the joy and blessedness that has come to me through you. I had your precious letter with me—the one you wrote last Thursday & I read it again and again with increased joy and tenderness and humility and I thought of New Year's Eve & of all that you had said to me that evening when we were alone together in the little room. I can never forget your words nor the sincerity & pureness of heart that shone in your dear eyes. "For their souls were enlarged for evermore by that union"—the quaint words of the old quotation in your little book come back to me always. I thought of all the things we had talked of together. I tried to realize anew what marriage must mean—marriage in its deepest, truest sense; union of heart & soul & body through mutual longing to be more nearly one with God in order to further his purposes here by whatsoever means are possible. So long as our lives individually strive to embody the spirit that comes of God, our souls seeking renewal always in the source of all life must then meet, and of necessity become one, since in God there is no separation. That which is you and that which is I must then perforce unite and become eternally part 111 �178 We Plow God's Fields of one another just as two rivers meeting, henceforth mingle and become one stream that continues on its way until it is merged in the great sea ... I stayed a long time in the church. After a while people came in and a later service began. A choir of little boys sang the te Deum, & everything in me responded to that magnificent glorious chant, "Oh Lord in Thee have I put my trust, let me never be confounded." (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 1, 1916) Elizabeth Cramer was a deeply sensitive woman, and there would be times when confusion overtook her, but always she maintained ready access to her emotions. She felt deeply, but understood that emotions are the steam that runs the locomotive, but the driver must control them firmly or the engine will run away. She felt deeply, but had the self-discipline to control her feelings. Such a rich interior life was the source of her perceptiveness. If mankind is unique in the scheme of creation for being "life aware of itself," she experienced a high degree of this essential trait. She half-apologized for her last letter when she wrote the next day: I have a sort of an idea that I wrote you a terribly serious epistle last night . . . it was just the result of being happy, I suppose. Because I didn't feel a bit long faced inside when I wrote it, even though it undoubtably sounds that way! I hate solemn people & I'm not one myself, truly I'm not. But in my "early youth" (and I'm ashamed to say occasionally now thus well along in years,) I used to retire to a secluded corner & indulge in a private outburst of tears whenever I felt really happy through and through . . . Another shocking tendency in your future bride is an inordinate desire to laugh at funerals. I always think of the most absurd and comical and outrageous incongruities even though inwardly I may be touched to the heart. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Jan. 27, 1916) She accepted her own inward emotional conflicts, and in the same way that she hated "pure emotionalism" in art, and she was bothered by feelings within her whose meanings she could not grasp. She never wanted merely a frothy emotional "experience." Despite Elizabeth's serious thoughts, new subjects of a more mundane nature were beginning to creep into her letters. She picked up volumes on the science of Victorian household management, and bravely began to wade through them. . . . I'm reading valuable tomes of what day you sweep & what day you wash & which day the maid claims as her own! It seems that "system is a great thing but not system at the price of family comfort." If your husband likes to write in the library from ten to twelve it seems that you are not to disturb him with a broom. I grow daily more and more enlightened! Dearest what you say about living perhaps among Mountain [folk] might be an awfully interesting thing to do. With a hot water bag and overalls we could be comfortable anywhere. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 1, 1916) �Marriage 179 On her way back to Lake Forest, Elizabeth decided to visit the Jackson Health Resort in order to discuss with Dr. Gregory the care of her prospective husband. To her unconcealed delight, the doctor ordered a wonderful carefree existence for the newlyweds. What a thoroughly likable man that doctor is. He talked to me for a good three quarters of an hour & I sat back in the chair & listened with all my ears & now & then asked him a question. He was as direct & definite as could be and he talked straight from the shoulder . . . there was no question whatever but that you could in a course of time take up your work again & do eight hours hard concentrated work everyday, PROVIDED .. . you were willing to give those overworked brain cells of yours absolute rest from thinking for a good long time (two years or perhaps three, say I). . ."He's got to do nothing but play," Dr. Gregory said—"Just have a good time & refuse to feel responsible about anything or anybody. He must remember that the one thing for him to do from now on is to let everything else go & just have a good time because only in this way can he give the blood vessels & capillaries in the cerebellum a chance to renew themselves.."..Anything that requires direct intellectual effort on your part, Mr. James Gore King, is hotly denounced. Just mere surface exchange of ideas between you & me when you feel them cropping up inside you of their own accord .. . But any deliberate concentration on an abstract problem . . . is tabooed .. . In other words, my Dearest, you are to turn into a good healthy Bromide, agree with everybody and let everything disturbing . . . roll off your back . . . You're just to tend chickens & plant a garden & now & then make a piece of furniture if it so pleases you sir, for your wife to paint alarming colours. And the rest of the time you're to cultivate all your faculties of enjoyment; think what fun it will be—all the delicious sensations that come from seeing apple blossoms against an April sky—late spring afternoons & the fresh odour of wet brown earth-strawberries for breakfast out of doors —white "pinks" in the moonlight on a summer night—golf balls & green turf—the comforting fragrance of Don-fires in the autumn-picnics in the woods when you can lie all day on your back under an oak tree & watch the chipmunks & the clouds—. My goodness me, I can hardly wait. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 9, 1916) Back home again, Elizabeth continued to retrace some of Jim's past. She went to Chicago and stayed on Halsted Street with the McClures for a short while. Mr. McClure gave her a tour around the seminary, and then invited the faculty over for dinner to meet her. Many of these men had taught Jim, and she said, "They all eyed me with immense curiosity & were extremely cordial & I was hugely interested as it was wholly unlike any party I had ever been to before. Your father was superb! He mixed them all up, made them all so pleased with themselves & kept things going in a way that was simply astonishing" (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 11, 1916). The McClure social gatherings were much more intellectual and academic than the usual Cramer ones, and Elizabeth was quite intrigued by the contrast. In this new world, she was delighted by Jim's mother. �180 We Plow God's Fields To my great pleasure I sat next to your mother at dinner. She gave me a darling little tea cup—a beauty-such a charming design. I truly love Mrs. McClure. I don't know of anyone who in every single thing she does or says always shows such distinction and graciousness and charm. It is just a joy to be with her—it gives me a curious impersonal kind of pleasure just to see her & hear her talk—it's a little bit the delight one always gets from contact with essential beauty. She has the most exquisite sense of proportion— 1 always feel with her that she is an artist through and through and by an artist I mean, in the real sense of the word, a person who understands proportion. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Feb. 11, 1916) The Cramers, Annie McClure Clarke, and the Aunties all pitched in to help Elizabeth prepare for her wedding. There were parties and showers, presents to receive, and silver sorting with brother Ambrose in the treasure trove of Rathmore's attic. Her dressmaker made great demands on her time. "Marriage apparently is akin to dying!" she wrote to Jim, "I am as neat & well arranged & tidy as though I were about to make a sudden but graceful departure from this dark world . .." (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Feb. 21, 1916). "I feel that marriage," she wrote four days later, "is in the same class with Plagues, Fires, Floods and other pestilences in that it effectively sweeps away the debris of years and is something that only the fit survive" (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Feb. 25, 1916). Aunt Bessy and Aunt Freddy were as excited about the event as Elizabeth, and they were in charge of the lists of family Mends who were to be notified. "Between us, we seem to have close on three thousand acquaintances. Aunt Bessy & Aunt Freddy have been simply invaluable as 'Collaborators.' They seemed to know by instinct whether people had died or taken unto themselves new husbands or departed for good & all to unknown parts" (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March 1, 1916). Many nights, Elizabeth went into Chicago to stay with the Aunts at their house on Rush Street. She could not resist describing the comedy scene that unfolded there at bedtime, every night. "The aunts have just finished 'going the rounds.' The tremendous nightly affair of 'locking up' is at last over. Aunt Bessy has performed her regular nocturnal ceremony of looking under the beds to see if any burglar could be spied timidly crouching, & peace has at length settled down" (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 29, 1916). The Aunts wanted to be sure their house was neat before they went to bed because, as they told Elizabeth, the doctor might have to be summoned in the night! Meanwhile, Jim remained at a safe distance in Florida. His life moved at a leisurely pace, and included long walks with his young nephew Dumont, Jr. along the beach. He took the time to investigate the marvel of the age, the Ford automobile, this one owned by the Clarke family. Elizabeth wrote him that "It is too splendid to think of all that you have done in the garage! It was so like you, my Dearest, to want to do it. I love to think of you grubbing round under motors covered with oil & dirt and looking like a mechanic yourself. I told �Marriage 181 Father what you were doing & he was enormously pleased" (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March, 1916). Jim spent a lot of his time reading, pondering, re-reading and replying to Elizabeth's letters, one every day. On his last day in Florida, he received her final offering. My dearest, What do you suppose! The future Mrs. James G. K. McClure is about to have her portrait painted! . . . I feel more than ever as though I were about to depart this earth & the portrait seems part of the last obsequies! It is such a strange feeling—this business of packing up all ones belongings & all at once leaving the old life behind. In a way, it's a wrench, & I never thought it would be I who have been such a rolling stone these many years . . . to know that you are freely and voluntarily leaving behind you much that is dear & cherished, is to experience a very poignant emotion. Sometimes it's even a bit overwhelming. A state of mind that savours of absurd & hateful tears brought about merely by the sight of ... [brother] Pedro's hat, or the look of the lake from my window in the morning. When this happens, I remember how funny I must appear & this makes me laugh, but that little devil of a Hob-goblin Memory, comes & perches on my back when I least expect him, & then I'm forced to seek a private corner and a comforting pocket handkerchief. It's ridiculous in anybody who has been away from home & about the world as much as I have! It's wholly inconsistent in a "sensible party" who is truly rejoiced to be shaking the dust of Lake Forest off her feet! Nevertheless, such is the case. We are so bound, in spite of ourselves, by what has been. We feel so sure of ourselves, so independent of the past; yet when the time comes we cannot break away without paying the price. The Past rises up in us—insistent, ironical & tender; it is relentless & pursuing . .. I know, too, that some of our possessions can be truly gained only when they are finally lost; my dear people here, this old place with its cherished memories, all that my days here have meant, are now truly mine in a way that they never were before. In leaving them I have found them again . . . Dearest, these long waiting days are nearly over. Your letters have meant more to me than I can ever tell you. Because of all that you have written me, I have come closer to you than ever before. I am so glad that it was possible for us to write one another.. .. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March 6, 1916) This particular letter continues on in a most adoring, personal way, but it is time to draw the curtain of discretion. Elizabeth Cramer has arrived to give Jim's life form and meaning, proportion and beauty. Her perceptions and vision will fill the rest of this book, just as they filled and enriched Jim's life. Their wedding was held March 29, 1916, at Rathmore. It was small and quiet because Mrs. Cramer's mother had died recently. "If there were only some way of 'working in' your famous brown hat," Elizabeth mockingly wrote Jim, "I should be entirely satisfied. Perhaps it could be suspended from above like a cardinal's hat in a cathedral. And you might carry the ring in that terrible green woolen bag" (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March 4, 1916). But the Cramers and the Aunties remained in firm control, and the �182 We Plow God's Fields A small and extremely quiet ding service was that of Miss '^izabeth Cramer/the daughter of Mr. an*d Mrs. Ambrose Cranfer ot Lake Forest, land James G. Kf MdClure Jr., which took place yesterday .before the members of the two frimilies*and a few friends at "Rathntore," the residence* of the Cramers' in Lake Forest. Th6 seryice, at 4 o'clock, was ^read b^ I}r. James G. K. McClure, the bridegroom's father, who is president Of McCormick Theological- Seminary^ and former pastor of the Lafce Forest F. Ryerson, a half twister oi the bride, was matron of honor, and Archibald McClure, i the bridgpmQom's brother, was best; man: \";*rae :jbrido wore a simple robe of ivory wliite satin with garniture '«6f Venetian Iac6 and carried a bouquet of lilies of the j^lley. Mr. and Mre. MeClure left immediately after %- ther Wedding for a trip South and probably will be in Lake Forest upon their return, although their plans are ratner indefinite. Wedding announcement, March 30, 1916. wedding was a picture of decorum. Dr. McClure performed the ceremony, Isabelle was her sister's matron of honor, Jim's brother Arch was best man. Elizabeth described it for Wiggy, still in France. The wedding was very small . . . We were married in the library in a niche opposite the fireplace and just before it was time the sun came out & just illuminated everything. It was lovely. I had a white satin dress made with huge panniers on either side & a funny little pointed waist & a fichu of my mother's rose point applique lace that she had on her wedding gown—it was a pretty dress Wiggy dear, if I do say it. Only a very few Lake Forest friends like the Thompson's & Farwells & McCormicks were there—we didn't even have invitations issued so you see what a quiet affair it was . . . Wiggy darling I'm so very happy, you can't think how dear & good & considerate Jim is to me. At the end of a month I shall be totally spoiled and we are such huge friends Wiggy wag & I somehow feel as though I had been married years & years . . . It's the real thing Wiggy dear. . . . (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, April 6, 1916) The circle of the beautiful courtship of Elizabeth Cramer and Jim McClure was complete. With indefinite plans they went south, allowing the promise of adventure and odd circumstances to rule their days. Their marriage would prove to be a strong foundation on which to build a new and remarkable life together, one that even Elizabeth's vivid imagination could not have foreseen. �Chapter Eleven Hickory Nut Gap Farm Mere possessions don't interest me a bit but possessions that can be used to create surroundings that will express the best understanding of beauty that one has, becomes a rarely worthwhile undertaking and one that is worth immense effort. Why? Because a room or a house "furnished" with this principle back of it means something added to the collective beauty of the world and is another way to bring people in contact with the spirit of perfection. And as the Collective Beauty of the world grows, just so the Spirit of God is increasingly revealed. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., January 24, 1916) Mr. and Mrs. McClure will go south on their wedding trip. They are undecided as to where they will reside . . . and for how long a time they will be away. (The Chicago Daily News, March 29, 1916) There is much to be said, if one marries at thirty-one, for being thoroughly unoccupied with and disconnected from the distractions of the world for a time. Although both Jim and Elizabeth had been involved in their own pursuits and adventures, the circumstances of their courtship helped to wipe clean any commitments one would have expected of two such vibrant individuals. In the spring of 1916, the only given in their lives was their marriage. And from that point of departure, all else had to be added, consciously and together, one item at a time. It was, as Elizabeth would have said, a "delicious situation." They were not particularly pressed for time. They had a sufficient joint income to keep themselves afloat financially, and they had the admonitions of the doctors from Dansville to let life flow lazily around them until Jim's recovery was complete. The circumstances could not have been better arranged for the new couple, and it seems clear that during this time of adjustment both individuals were fortified and strengthened by the union of each other's habits and daily conduct of life. The honeymoon was to be a blend of spring in Appalachia, the new Hudson automobile, and an adventurous "gypsy life." Jim suggested to Elizabeth, when he was still in Daytona, that they have the Hudson shipped to Asheville, North Carolina; and that they roam about the mountains camping out, or staying in small inns and in general being completely incommunicado from their former lives and acquaintances. Elizabeth's response was enthusiastic. I just adored the idea of sleeping out, tine nights a la belle etoille! It would be such a joyful thing to turn into gypsies! I've always envied them, their 183 �184 We Plow God's Fields ability to go to bed by the road! And as you say, it would be so easy to manage with good warm blankets and some rubber things (and a pillow or two—you wouldn't object to my having a pillow, would you my own Dear!) (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr. February, 18, 1916) I can hardly wait to turn into a gypsy! It's such a joy to be marrying somebody who likes to do haphazard out of the way things! I should hate the idea of a tent, but a bed on the ground is something I've always pined after. I quite agree with you that it is better to "go slow" at first. It will take us a little time to get a financial grasp on just how much living expenses are going to work o u t . . . Besides it will be much more fun to go to little inns & boarding houses than to go to big hotels. All my days I've been going to big hotels & it would be so stupid to go on doing it now. We'll get a lot more out of the little places & it will be immensely interesting. Once in a blue moon or so we can stop off at a sporty hotel just to see the people & hear a band. I so love to think of the frying pan & a bed out of doors. I've got an old jaeger sleeping bag, maybe it would be a good thing to take along? (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 19, 1916) . . . I'm so rejoiced that you like doing queer things & that you like stopping off at queer places. Let's always keep on doing queer things all our days! I don't care if I never see a bathtub again . . . All my days I've had a gloomy fear that if I ever did get a husband he'd be eminently respectable & sober and anxious to do everything a month in advance and, oh my goodness me, all our days we'd jog along in one little rut with never a turning to right or left. Now you are not at all respectable, James Gore King. More than that, you are not at all "careful" or "anxious" or cautious and I love you more than tongue can tell. .. You've given me such a nice comfortable feeling of space about me too; I feel as though I could stretch up in all directions & there would be no restraining bars anywhere. To go back to the alluring topic of gypsies, do you remember Stevenson's "Night Along the Pines," in the Travels with a Donkey? And the lines in it from an old play? The bed was made, the room was fit, By punctual eve the stars were lit; The air was sweet; the water ran; No need was there for maid or man, When we put up my ass and I At God's queer caravanserai. Do you remember what Stevenson says? "Night is a dead, monotonous period under a roof; but in the open world it passes lightly with its stars & dews & perfumes . .. What seems a kind of temporal death to people choked between walls & curtains is only a light & living slumber to the man who sleeps afield . . . And to live out of doors with the woman a man loves is of all lives the most complete & free ..." How does this affect you, Sir? When I read it & think of you, it is almost as though I were with you now. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 22, 1916) �The Road to Hickory Nut Gap 185 Elizabeth's literary imagination easily transformed Stevenson's donkey into the Honeymoon Hudson, as incongruous as her gypsy vision must have appeared in that sleekest and shiniest of new cars. To the mountain people of Western North Carolina, they would have appeared in 1916 as nothing less than strays from a world of wealth unimaginable. But they were by no means the first of their kind to appear in the region. Asheville, North Carolina in 1916 had earned for itself quite a sporty reputation, and catered to some of the wealthiest citizens in the country. George Vanderbilt's colossal home, Biltmore House, was located just south of town. E. W. Grove invested part of his patent medicine fortune in the Grove Park Inn, one of the most well-known and respected hotels in the United States. During the summer season, Asheville glittered with many of the same kinds of people and gatherings with which Elizabeth and Jim had grown up. But just beyond the glitter, there was a population of mountaineers who, for the most part, were left untouched by the Industrial Revolution. Cash was scarce, and Hudson automobiles were cause for comments. Out beyond the local markets of towns like Asheville, there was almost no way to sell crops, and as a result great populations of people lived a subsistence style of life based invariably on a big garden, a few hogs, wild meat, berries and edible plants. It would be to these men and women, with their strong religion, self-sufficient habits and ability to work, that Jim and Elizabeth would devote their lives. And it was on their honeymoon that they became acquainted with this peculiar region; and they never left. The plan of the honeymoon was of course to have no plan. But they were required back in Lake Forest on April 12 for young Ambrose's wedding, and they returned for two weeks to take in all the festivities surrounding that event. Elizabeth described it to Martha Clarke: "Jim and I spent two hectic weeks at home alternately visiting the aunts, the McClures & Rathmore. We spent all our free moments boxing up various possessions ..." (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, April 28, 1916). Jim's father again performed the ceremony, while Jim ushered. Afterwards, they fled south again, this time to look seriously for a farm to rent as a temporary home to speed Jim's recovery. They began again in Asheville, where they had left the Hudson, and headed west into the Sapphire Country near Brevard, North Carolina. Dearest Wiggy, We have been camping out in the mountains having the finest time in the world but far from the post! I wish you could see us! We are honeymooning with no plans whatever; we just move from day to day. Jim has concocted the greatest sleeping bag you ever saw which is a bed all "made up" and ready to pop into. It is encased in black oilcloth & stands up in the bag like a fat black sausage! Then Jim has devised a box which hinges onto the side of the car and carries all our provisions & food, it's famous! And we look highly respectable but are really wandering gypsies. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, May 17, 1916). �186 We Plow God's Fields One morning they awoke to find themselves surrounded by curious little boys in overalls, which made dressing a bit of a problem. Sometimes they stayed in country inns. Wiggy learned from Elizabeth: "We are just having the time of our lives. We spent Sunday with an old lady in Morganton who lives in an old, old house & who gave us the most delicious food while two ancestral portraits looked down on us from the wall. Tuesday night we slept at a farm and were royally entertained. There were box hedges growing in the front yard that the farmer's mother had planted 60 years ago and some quaint old furniture within ..." (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, June 21, 1916) Their plan was to find a small country place to rent so that they could take time to find a farm to buy. They kept looking, but saw no place that suited, until one day they were driving along the old turnpike road that led from Asheville through the little town of Fairview and across a valley toward the mountains. They began the ascent of the Hickory Nut Gap, historically one of the most important passage ways across the Blue Ridge. As the Hudson's gears groaned under the strain of the steep and rough road, Elizabeth and Jim looked up to see a large weather-beaten house nestled under the mountains at the top of a long, sloping pasture. Slowing the car, Elizabeth and Jim both gasped, "That's the place for us!" The old inn, in its unique situation, appealed to their sense of drama and history. But of course they had to have a closer look, and who could say that the inhabitants had any notion of selling? Jim and Elizabeth pulled up to the house, and found the owner was an elderly gentleman of about eighty whom everyone called "Judge" Phillips. His title signified nothing but the respect of his friends, perhaps earned by his success in persuading his young ward of eighteen to marry him. Her mother, at some age in between, rounded out the Phillips household. Undoubtedly Jim cheerily thrust his hand out to the old gentleman and said, "My name is McClure, and this is my wife, Elizabeth." Jim McClure was famous for his charm and he must have been especially persuasive that day. He and Elizabeth were given a tour of the place, and at some critical juncture of the visit the old Southern 'judge' and the young Yankee minister disappeared into a room of the house to talk business, man to man. Elizabeth and the young wife were left in each other's company on the porch. The girl broke down and sobbed on Elizabeth's shoulder, begging the newcomers to buy the house so her husband would move back to town and she could leave her solitary rural existence behind. Elizabeth used to say in later years she wondered why one bride should be in such a hurry to move in when another was so anxious to move out!1 Mr. Phillips said he would consider Jim's offer of $6,000, and the McClures headed for Virginia where Ambrose Cramer was anxious to have them settle. "For three sporty days," Elizabeth wrote Wiggy, "we went to the Homestead, which is the swagger hotel here" (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, July 7, 1916). Then they moved to a more modest pension de famille and �The Road to Hickory Nut Gap 187 Top: Sherrill's Inn; photograph taken by the McClures circa 1917. Bottom: Smokehouse/ stockade located at Sherrill's Inn. �188 We Plow God's Fields continued their search. But nothing they saw in Virginia compared with the old inn at Hickory Nut Gap. Elizabeth described it for Wiggy: . . . & it has been . . . because of its commanding position, a genuine landmark. It is 45 minutes en auto from Asheville on a fine motor road & just two miles & a half from a little village called Fairview. It has an altitude of 2700 feet so you can imagine how fine the air is & it is just at the crest of one of the Blue Ridge ranges with a most superb view across the valley at the mountains in the distance & at the little town lying far below. There are 50 acres of bearing apple trees—2500 trees so the present owner tells us, & superb old oak & chestnut trees on the grounds; wide porches, the finest spring you can imagine flowing so freely that it can be piped to the house by gravity & the loveliest little cement lined "springhouse" for keeping milk & butter etc. cool. Then there is a big farm & a dairy & a huge vegetable garden. Of course the house is just the simplest kind of an old southern wooden farmhouse unpainted, but it has a great deal of atmosphere & is by far the most distinguished place around Asheville,-or indeed of any we've seen. It could be made fascinating with very little expenditure & it has a wonderful all year round climate & is so near to Asheville that you could run in for lunch or golf or anything else. Then there is an R.F.D. right to the door & in summer (I'm not certain about winter) a regular motor service twice a day past the door into Asheville. It would be a simply wonderful place to live in. We've made the owner an offer of renting it for two years, we are putting in a bath & furnace & making some minor changes with an option of buying it for $6,000 at the end of that time. Jim thinks that the apple yield alone will pay the tenants salary & the general upkeep, so we feel sure that old Judge Phillips will never accept our offer but they say he wants cash so there is just a chance so, though it's a very slim one indeed (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, July 7, 1916) When the McClures returned to Asheville they discovered that a catastrophe had struck in their absence. On Sunday, July 16, 1916, the worst flood ever to hit the region swept away millions of dollars worth of investments and a considerable number of human lives. The damage was not confined to the flood plains. Many a mountain cabin came tumbling down the hillside as the over-saturated soil slid off its rock base. It had been a grim Sabbath in the mountains, and Jim and Elizabeth must have been shocked by what they saw. But they were desperate to hear from the Judge, and despite the fact that no automobile had been able to drive to Fairview since the flood, Jim loaded up a shovel and with characteristic determination made his way. All the bridges were washed out, but by careful driving and a lot of shovelling he was able to ford the creeks and reach Sherriirs Inn. The results of this meeting were recorded in the Buncombe County deed books for August 10, 1916. Both husbands and wives signed the lease agreement giving the McClures approximately sixty-five acres, and the house, with an option to buy in two years for $6,000. In lieu of rent, the McClure's were to " . . . install in the residence of said property a heating plant and bathroom." Soon after, Jim and Elizabeth rented eighty acres �The Road to Hickory Nut Gap 189 contiguous with the property, for $100 over two years, and with the option to buy it all for $900.2 It is a testimony to the vision of Jim and Elizabeth that they saw the potential of this neglected and dilapidated landmark. Elizabeth, with her high standards of decorum, was taking on a new home that was unpainted and served by an outhouse. Old pictures show a drab building situated on a landscape strewn with boulders, as if pigs had been allowed to root right up to the threshold. Neighbors later commented to the McClures that Mr. Phillips was so lazy that when someone came to buy apples, he would stick his head out of a window and tell them to go pick their own and leave the money on the doorstep. The room that became the McClure study had been used by the Judge to store hams in ashes, and was in fact the original log cabin, built around 1800. His method of curing hams was to cover them with ashes, and Jim and Elizabeth had to wheelbarrow out nine loads of dirt and debris to even find the floor. The project they undertook together to redesign, repair and landscape this property is alone worthy of praise. It has remained a landmark in Western North Carolina, providing to date a 'home place' for four generations of McClures and Clarkes. Despite the short term of white settlement in Buncombe County, just over a century when Jim and Elizabeth moved in, their home half-way up Hickory Nut Gap already claimed a rich heritage of history and legend. A man named John Ashworth first bought the land for a shilling an acre, in "the XXXIst year of independence" (1797).3 The following story gives the flavor of the times: On a frigid winter night, the Ashworth family was huddled around their enormous fireplace, built big enough for the "old woman" to roast a whole pig. On this particular night, a starving wolf pack began to howl and moan just outside the cabin door. Mrs. Ashworth's husband was away, perhaps in the lowlands buying salt and other necessities, and so the responsibility of protecting the family fell to her. She grabbed the poker and placed it in the fireplace until it glowed red hot, and then she thrust it out under the door. One wolf bit at it, and burned his mouth so severely that the others smelled cooked meat. Another wolf snapped at the smell of burning flesh. A vicious fight broke out within the pack and soon they all ran off howling with hunger and pain.4 The first structure John Ashworth built on his place was a log fort, which was later used as a smokehouse. The building still stands, and is thought to be the oldest standing structure in Buncombe County. He believed the Cherokee enough of a menace to cut rifle slots in the thick, square poplar logs, so that he could fend off an attack if necessary. In 1834, Mr. Ashworth sold out to Bedford Sherrill, a stage coach driver. Sherrill married Molly, the daughter of the owner of Rack's Hotel in Chimney Rock, a village on the other side of the mountain. A new era in the mountains came with the construction by private companies of turnpike roads. One such road was built over Hickory Nut Gap to connect Asheville to Rutherfordton and points to the south and east. Mr. Sherrill secured the contract to carry the mails �190 We Plow God's Fields along this route, and to Tennessee on the northeast run. His "Albany Coach" could carry nine passengers inside and more on the top. He was an enterprising man, and could see the possibilities of his home becoming a tavern and inn. So when he bought it, he built a long two story addition onto the cabin, with plenty of room to put up travellers. The fifteen miles from Asheville to his inn were about as much as a traveller could endure in a day over the roads of that era.5 Within eight years, Bedford Sherrill was out of debt and pushing his business in new directions. He dropped the mail route, and began to sell goods to travellers and the local farmers. Records remain of the transfer of such items as cloth, shoes, coffee, tobacco, spices and brandy. Everything from horses to guns to castor oil was peddled at the inn. The farmers would usually pay for these goods in corn. In fact, a remarkable economy grew up in Buncombe and Henderson Counties in pre-Civil War Western North Carolina, as merchants used the turnpikes to drive great herds of swine across the mountains, to be sold to the plantation owners of South Carolina and Georgia. The trade built up to around 175,000 hogs a year, plus a number of turkey, sheep, mule and horse drives to boot. Bedford Sherrill worked hard to attract travellers away from the more popular Buncombe Turnpike to the Hickory Nut Gap road, with enough success to set up his own "stand," or temporary stockyard, to feed the hogs and drovers for the night.6 The stage coach continued its route through the mountains during most of the Nineteenth century, adding some colorful details to the history of the inn. As the stage began its slow journey up the mountain, the driver would blow a long horn, sounding it as many times as there were passengers on board. Up at the inn, Mrs. Sherrill listened and could judge by the horn just how much food she needed to prepare for supper. When the coach arrived, Mr. Sherrill would offer apple brandy to the weary and jolted passengers, and his slave boy would take the horses down to the barn. The guests would be shown their rooms, which were small cubicles reached by passing through the rooms in front. But travelling in those days provided few comforts, and there was always the tap room, where apple brandy, corn liquor, and sometimes strawberry wine and grape juice were available.7 Many distinguished guests stayed for the night at SherrilFs Inn, including members of the wealthy plantation families from the South where malaria threatened during the summer. In October of 1857, Governor Andrew Johnson of Tennessee signed the guest register, the same man who went on to become President of the United States after the assassination of Abraham Lincoln (and was nearly impeached). The signature of Millard Fillmore appears the year before, when he would have been president, but it has not been authenticated and may have been penned by a school girl practicing her handwriting.8 The Civil War brought chaos to the mountains. Local sympathies were divided, but once a young man had enlisted, his loyalty was fierce. The topography provided cover for the whole range of common criminals, deserters and �The Road to Hickory Nut Gap 191 renegades that grew up along with the disturbances of the war. Bedford Sherrill was a slave owner, and his sympathies lay clearly with the South. Toward the end of the war, a General Palmer brought a detachment of Union soldiers through Hickory Nut Gap, and they stayed at Sherriirs Inn.9 Family stories of the Yankee soldiers' visit survive among Sherrill descendants. Word must have raced across the gap of the troops' approach, for the family had time to hide a gold watch or two on a ledge in one of the great chimneys, and to hang the hams in the thickness of the wall in the log cabin room, hanging Mrs. Sherrill's hoop skirts on pegs to cover the new carpentry. When the soldiers arrived the commanding officer rode his horse right onto the porch to demand lodging. There was a trap door to the basement in the floor. With bated breath the family watched to see if it would give way, but the hinges held. When a slave girl was frying eggs for the soldiers' breakfast next morning, one of the six Sherrill daughters took off her stockings and shook them over the pan exclaiming, "Those Yankees can eat the dust off my feet and they'll think it's pepper!"10 After the war, the Sherrills sold out to a Mr. Lee from Tennessee, who was fleeing persecution by the Union sympathizers of that region. Jim Walker (known as "Tight Jim") eventually took Mr. Lee to court, trying to prove that he had had him arrested and thrown in a Confederate prison in Richmond. Mr. Lee's troubles never seemed to cease. When he tried to market the "Woman's Friend and Steam Washer" and the "Genuine Improved Common Sense Sewing Machine," his only comment for the failure of his enterprise was that "The people here seem very cautious." He tried to attract the old drover traffic again, but the economy of the plantation South lay in ruins, drying up the hog market. So in 1874 Mr. Lee gave up, sold the place back to the Sherrill family, and left the country.11 The Sherrills re-established the inn in their name, and entertained travellers from Asheville on the way to tour the gorge on the other side of the gap. When the railroad was completed in 1880, the town of Asheville experienced an economic boom, and was well on its way to developing a reputation for "salubrious air," beauty, wealthy summer tourists, and tuberculosis sanitariums. The little town of Fairview grew up, and travel across the Gap increased. At the same time, visitors began to expect more comforts than an old inn could offer. The Sherrills sold out again, this time to a Captain Spangler, who in turn sold out to Old 'Judge' Phillips. He had worked the place for about ten years when Jim and Elizabeth drove up in the Honeymoon Hudson automobile. The newlyweds saw life as an adventure, and the purchase of this old inn with its romantic history was characteristic. No doubt their relatives back in Illinois were somewhat taken aback, but soon a fine traffic of Lake Forest visitors began to make their way to Hickory Nut Gap and they, too, were quickly charmed. Elizabeth was ecstatic. The house had history and good architectural lines, �NTER (1IE(',K f ^ xC^ • i <•} i\ IN fc X �The Road to Hickory Nut Gap 193 and the location was a rare confluence of superb natural beauty, picturesque buildings and enormous potential for improvement. There were even ghosts to remind the McClures of the past! Dearest Wiggy, Do you remember that in my last letter I wrote you all about the place near Asheville that had once been an old inn..? . . . He accepted our offer & we take possession the 15th of September. It is a simply ideal place for us ... We are planning to move out to the Fairview Inn on Monday to take up our quarters there as there will be a good deal of red tape with regard to leasing the house . . . Then, as soon as the owners move out we will put in a furnace & a bathroom etc. & paint the house . . . Such apple trees, Wiggy darling, & such quinces! When you come to see Pigie you will have to put up loads & loads of jam & preserves! Just you wait till you see the fruit on the place & the lovely spring & oh such fine mountain air. You will get so fat when you come that you will have to buy all new clothes. I shall need your advice badly about planning the garden. If you ever get time to, send me a plan of the Trfcpied flower borders & I will try & duplicate it here—it would be such fun. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, August 5, 1916) Our place here is just a dream, darling, and some day we will be sitting [you] .. . down on a wide porch with a whole stretch of superb mountains out in front. Then dear, you'll be set down to a table full of country food & after that tucked into bed (perhaps a four poster) with a fire in the grate & a warm comforter over your toes & you'll sleep as you haven't slept in years . . . In no time you'll be just as fat as butter again & you'll forget all about this cruel war... In the meantime here we are at this charming little inn 2l/2 miles from the house & we shall probably be here until Christmas as there are a lot of little things that we have to do to the house & Jim has to take them slowly. Ever since we arrived here he has been so much better as he sees nobody & just rests & keeps out[side]-The doctors don't want rum to make any social effort so I don't think we will be able to have any guests—even family 'till next summer anyway & perhaps not till autumn. But he is getting on so splendidly I am very happy .. . We've decided to call our place "Old Tavern" because that's what it once was. How do you like the sound? It sounds cozy don't you think? (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, August 20, 1916) For the next several months, Elizabeth and Jim managed the repair and remodelling of "Old Tavern." They also began interviewing for a man to be in charge of the farm and a couple to help out with the work. By mid-November, Wiggy received this report: We have got the steam heating system almost in, at Old Tavern, & we're going to have the finest water system that was ever anybody's, I truly believe. Opposite: One of Mr. McClure's payments to Mr. H.T. Phillips for Hickory Nut Gap Farm. �194 We Plow God's Fields The source of the spring is about 300 feet above the house on the side of the mountain & the loveliest purest water will come running down to the house that you ever tasted. Our altitude is equal to the top of Mt. Equinox in Manchester so you can see how high we are & how good the air is. . . . We are more and more delighted with the place-it is superbly situated with a magnificent view, & all sorts of old stories center about it. We have had the house painted white & are lining the inside with beaverboard —painting it & panelling it with moldings. We can't afford to do but 3 of the rooms this year but it will be all the more fun doing a little at a time. I long for you to see it. The windows have little panes of glass that are all rainbow colours from age. (Elizabeth Cramer to Martha Clarke, November 10, 1916) Amidst all the projects going on about the house, and purchasing the property, and hiring on help, Jim McClure had to spend money as he never had before. Ever after his Yale days, he had worked to be as carefiil with money as he could. He felt strong resentment towards "conspicuous consumption" and felt great satisfaction in walking through Germany for almost no money at all and in inking the bare spots on his winter coat. His dreams of being a gypsy, or of going back to Texas and working with the old nester until he died, were the direct result of his attitude that real freedom came when one was no longer dependent on money. However impractical such a dream would be as a way of life, Jim McClure always remained unable to spend money merely to increase his own comfort. As a goal, he wanted to live for under $3,000 a year. On these issues, Jim and Elizabeth had some working out to do. No spendthrift herself, she did love the objects of life that were beautiful, and these were invariably expensive. All of the silver that flowed their way delighted Elizabeth, but bothered Jim. There was no great battle here, but merely a sore point that says a great deal about each of these people. In putting together the pieces of their household, the ways and means of spending money had to be faced. It was during the engagement that this issue of wealth was first broached. Dearest Thing: I know you wish you were marrying a pennyless creature! I'm sorry my blessed Dear to be depriving you of all such opportunities! But there's no use pretending you are marrying a lady without a red penny to her name. Facts are facts & they have to be accepted and the old idea that a husband must pay all the expenses & assume all the financial burden in marriage has always seemed absurd & conventional & irrational. It isn't any question of a man's growing "flabby" either as you said to me once so long as he .keeps true to his own highest purposes. Jointly, we shall have an income of $8,000.00 a year. If you were the sort of a man whose standard of life consisted of giving "sporty" dinner parties and keeping a footman & generally taking things easy there would be some truth in what you say about a man's becoming "flabby." But you know you're not that sort & you never could be. And it doesn't matter a row of brass beans which of us has the most money. What's yours is mine and what's mine is yours, that's all there is to it & its not right to make any difference .. . �The Road to Hickory Nut Gap 195 You can't think my Dearest, my darling Jim how dreadfully it would make me feel if you refused to let us together use all our money, mine as well as yours. If you did otherwise it would be to live on an artificial basis. What earthly difference does it make that by some curious accident of life I happen to have a little more money than you? The fact that I am a woman should not for one moment have any bearing on the case. The only thing that is to be considered is that we lose no single opportunity to use all the money we have to the best possible advantage in God's world. It may be in buying furniture, it may be in getting you a new coat and it may be in doing over a church or in financing some social scheme or in buying me a hat. It's the principle that matters every time. I insist upon figuring always in all our living together on the basis of an $8,000.00 yearly income & not on the basis of a $3,000.00 income. Then .. . if we choose to run a very simple establishment, it will be because we feel that such action is in accordance with our attitude towards life & our social beliefs and not for what would be an artificial reason—namely the assumption that we couldn't afford more inasmuch as we only had $3,000.00 a year. I am as anxious as you are to try to run our house on $3,000.00 a year, but I am only anxious to do so because, just now, we have decided that $3,000.00 a year "establishment" best expresses our attitude toward life. I should never for a moment be willing to do so if I thought that it was because we were going on the assumption that we had only $3,000.00 a year to spend; that would be insincere because it would be dealing with an unreality. If our living expenses are kept within $3,000.00 a year we shall simply have to use the remaining $5,000.00 for the best purposes known to us; it might be for a pool in the garden, it might be for a sea voyage, it might be as a boost to somebody who was down and out, it might be to get a church going; all these things perhaps, and it goes without saying of course that we should always want to put some by for the inevitable rainy day & that the "ten percent" to the Lord seems a cold way of measuring out his money & that it would just have to go any way because we couldn't help ourselves. It seems to me, the only thing to remember is that you & I have been brought together to more adequately serve God's purposes & that if incidentally we have money it's simply up to us to use it to the fullest capacity & to accept life as it has come to us & use it. I tried to say all this to you once before but somehow I couldn't. I didn't think you were taking a square look at things. If you don't agree with me you can tell me why when you get back & then we'll talk it over. (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 21, 1916) Elizabeth's thoughts here were not the last word on the matter, but without a doubt there were to be times when Jim McClure would be mighty glad to have some of her family money to tide him, his family and the Farmers Federation over some tight places. One such place came early. Just after paying out so much money for the farm and its restoration, and then hiring the first wage earners, Elizabeth became ill and had an internal cyst removed. The bills began to pour in. The two of them moved back into Asheville and were staying at the swanky Manor Inn when Jim wrote to his sister Harriet: "You will be startled at the luxurious look of this �196 We Plow God's Fields letter heading but you will be more startled to see Siddy & Jamie reach Lake Forest in rags and overalls respectively, hounded by creditors and with a lean and starved look . . . E. is getting on famously . . . but it has been a very severe financial jolt to the McClures and they will be groggy for several months" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, October 31, 1916). Elizabeth related her version to Jim's mother: We hope to go back to Fairview early next week and I am eager to see how they are getting on at the "farm." Just now the countryside is gorgeous . . . "The operation" was more trying for Jim than for me—I redly believe. The poor dear lost ten pounds but he will soon get them back. He is really much better than he was when we were first married but he has not yet much endurance & so is still obliged to go very slow . . . 1 think "the farm" & its various out of door healthy activities are already doing him much good. . . . (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Phebe Ann Dixon McClure, November 1, 1916) The McClures decided to remain in town as the Fairview Inn was not heated. By December the work on the house was nearly completed and Elizabeth wrote to Wiggy describing how the place was looking. They were only completing three rooms downstairs. . . . the house is really going to be fascinating. It is all painted now with green blinds (like Trepied's) and the roof is a nice gray. Then inside, we are panelling the walls in the dining room & living room with strips of moulding and it will then be all painted a lovely old ivory white. The little hall is in the oldest part of the house together with Jim's study, so we have left it just as it was & have painted the old walls cream colour. There are two little ancient doors in the hall with old, old iron latches & hinges such as they used to have 100 years ago. You go up a step & one of these doors opens into Jim's study. There are huge hand hewn beams running across the ceiling & there we are staining an old one walnut & polishing with wax . .. We have engaged two such nice coloured people, a man & wife who together only cost us $8 a week(!) & who will do all the work about the house & in the garden. Our "apple man" too arrived Monday & has started pruning the old apple trees. He is named Davidson & has been superintendent of two State Test farms besides having an agricultural education to boot so we hope that he will make a financial "go" of the place. We are putting a good deal of cash into it all as we're so anxious to have the place pay in a couple of years. We really think it is one place in a thousand! (vain creatures!) We are putting up a nice little house for Davidson, down in the lower pasture & we also have to put up a little one-room servant house right near the back of "Old Tavern."..so you see we have our hands full. We've built the tenant house so that it looks as old as the rest of the place. The roof has a fine sway & the place is built along old time lines so its quite in keeping with the rest... The country life down here is really more like the Old English Country Life than anything . . . I just adore this country. There is really nothing in Europe more lovely . .. �The Road to Hickory Nut Gap 197 Tomorrow we plan to motor out to the place & spend the day taking our picnic lunch. It is such fun & we both love superintending the work . .. We have a fine road & such a drive. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, December?, 1916) The black couple, Esther and John Shorter, soon became the heart and soul of Hickory Nut Gap life. Esther died quite young, but John remarried. His new wife Mathilda Shorter, a plump young New Orleans girl, took over and stayed to raise the grandchildren. John Shorter had grown up in Fairview, and was a highly respected man for his fine character and his working skills. He had a cheerful heart and fine bushy mustache. James Davidson's first appearance was brief, as he was drafted into the U. S. Army during World War I. After the war, he returned to the farm and in time married a lovely young red-head named Virginia, adding another valuable member to the community. Elizabeth and Jim traveled to Chicago for Christmas, returning to North Carolina laden down with purchases for their new home. Elizabeth enjoyed so much thinking through the problems of interior design and making discoveries in shops of items that suited her exacting criteria. They returned to their Old Tavern in February, still unable to move in. In the latter part of the month, Jim and Elizabeth began to keep a diary together, jotting down short notes of their activities for the day. Often they would also include endearments to each other. Added to her father's nickname for her "Bios," and Wiggle's "Pigie," Jim added his own nickname for Elizabeth, "Petie." For her part, she addressed Jim as "Cricket." The first entry was a momentous one: February 27, 1917, "Esther & John start in with us." On March 12, 1917, the house was finally ready for habitation. Esther and John had worked hard to create a livable situation, but it certainly did not match the elegance of Rathmore. That March day was not a glorious one in the mountains. As Jim and Elizabeth motored along the highway from the Fairview Inn, it was pouring a chilly March rain and the gravel road was turning into mud. At the foot of the mountain, the Honeymoon Hudson bogged down for good. Jim trudged out into the weather and found John. Full of good cheer, John harnessed up his yoke of oxen, hitched them to the Hudson, and, with perhaps some happy thoughts about the superiority of animals over machines, dragged the automobile up the mountain. In his daily activities, Jim still had to go slowly. He and Elizabeth had the wonderful opportunity to picnic and take walks together and investigate the mountain landscapes they had purchased. More than that, they could both make decisions, and both plan and dream about the future of the farm and of their own lives. At this stage, the future remained outlined roughly this way: Jim would recover his health, seek a "call" in a church, and they would leave Hickory Nut Gap as a smoothly functioning business in the charge of Mr. Davidson. They would return for vacations, but it was not envisioned as a permanent home. In fact, they had only leased the property, and could have turned it all back over to Judge Phillips if other opportunities had come along. �198 We Plow God's Fields But slowly, the work, the money and the dreams the two of them enjoyed together, not to mention the very real charm of the house and mountains, worked their magic. If they had been forced to face the facts, they might have even admitted that they had found their home. Once Elizabeth planted her gardens, the die would be cast. Even though Jim's daily activities were slowed down by his debilities, the important elements of his life were rapidly fitting together. Within the span of two Marches, 1916 and 1917, Jim had both married and moved into his permanent home, having relocated both himself and his wife to completely unexplored territory. And little did he realize that in a few years time he would create an organization that would have as large an impact on this mountain region as perhaps any in its history. When Jim's father wrote him back in 1910 that so often the tragic times in one's life are seen in retrospect as the key turning points towards a new plan and purpose for that person, Jim perhaps shrugged off the idea as merely loving encouragement. But his father was correct. How else could events have conspired to bring together Elizabeth Cramer, Hickory Nut Gap, the mountaineers of North Carolina and Jim McClure? 1. Interview with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 2. Buncombe County Deed Books, Book 208, p. 435. 3. Old Deed located at Sherill's Inn. 4. Elspeth McClure, "Sherrill's Inn and the Development of Buncombe County," Unpublished paper, p.7. 5. Ibid., p. 9^-10. 6. Ibid., P. 10-11. 7. Ibid., p. 12-14. 8. Old Registers found at Hickory Nut Gap. 9. Op. Cit., "SherrilFs Inn and the Development of Buncombe County," p.2526. 10. Interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. This story was told to Mrs. Clarke by a member of the Sherrill family. 11. Op Cit., "Sherrill's Inn and the Development of Buncombe County." �Chapter Twelve Farmer Jim This week Jim has sold four pigs, purchased 4 ducks and a calf and sold large quantities of stuff to the hospital... in Asheville. His sales for the month of August are already over $200. (Arch McClure to Harriet Stuart, August 22, 1918) Since the Aunts installed a "cabinet de toillette" off the Green Room upstairs it is really not at all bad so we now have ample room for guests with a little country squeezing. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Harriet Stuart, September 13, 1918) Our visit was a memorable one. I feel that Elizabeth and Jamie live hi an enchanted country, it is so beautiful. The mountains, the wonderful growth and variety of trees and shrubs, all make a real fairy land. Mr. McClure and I are delighted with it all. The house under Elizabeth's transforming genius is a gem in its rare setting. I wonder at all that has been accomplished. As to Elizabeth's housekeeping abilities, it is indeed amazing. Such order and system in her household, such delicious viands, the table so perfect in every particular, I must see you soon, and then talk it all over with you. How Elizabeth manages it all, through Esther and Eliza, I do not know. She certainly succeeds in inspiring them to do their best. As to the shelves filled with those shining jars of fruits and vegetables, all prepared under Elizabeth's directions, words fail me to express my amazement, and admiration. I do not wonder that 'Town and Country" celebrates her skill. (Phebe Ann Dixon McClure to the Misses Skinner, October 9, 1918) In the spring of 1917, the ghastly pall of World War I still hung over the Western World. The excitement and patriotism of those early days when Elizabeth watched Lord Kitchener emerge from the war office amidst cheering crowds had been replaced with the issuing of endless lists of grim statistics and numbing casualty lists. The Russian Empire was beginning to disintegrate under the weight of the war. As the McClures moved into their new home, the Tsar had abdicated and a moderate democratic government under Aleksandr Kerenski was searching for some formula on which to base its rule. Elizabeth expressed the American satisfaction with Russian democracy when she wrote to Wiggy, "Isn't it superb news about Russia. It is truly one of the few good things that have come as a result of this war. It should greatly aid the cause of the allies" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, April 20, 1917). But as the apple 199 �200 We Plow God's Fields trees bloomed that April at Hickory Nut Gap, the Germans were sending the fateful sealed train containing the communist "bacillus" in the person of Nikolai Lenin across the border to infect the already weakened Russian body politic. At the same time, America was preparing to enter the war. On April 2, 1917, Woodrow Wilson expressed the idealism of the American people when he explained his reasons for declaring war. He said, "The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall gladly make."1 Despite Jim McClure's dogged opposition to American involvement in the war, he was moved by Wilson's words of idealistic purpose. One can imagine him bringing home the Asheville newspaper, and excitedly calling Elizabeth into the study to read her the speech. She had always suffered with her old French neighbors. She would argue with her more pacifistic husband that the war was a struggle against the German spirit of mechanical brutality. Before they were married, in 1915, she wrote him that when the cathedral of Reims was leveled by the Germans, she recoiled in horror that such beauty could be so quickly destroyed, and it confirmed her suspicions that the German government opposed the very ideal of beauty she held dearest. She also wrote to her father about it, and he wrote back that although the Cramers were of German stock, they claimed the ancestral homeland of Southern Germany, and not that of the militaristic state of Prussia. Wilson's message of self-sacrifice and a united effort to win the war could not have been better designed to put a zealous spirit into Jim McClure. Here he was, living on a farm, and what the nation needed was food, enough to feed the allied armies and all those left behind without a breadwinner. Herbert Hoover was placed in charge of the home front, and was so successful in appealing to the nation's patriotism that there was never a need for ration cards. The popular sentiment was: My Tuesdays are meatless, My Wednesdays are wheatless, I'm getting more eatless each day. My coffee is sweetless, My bed it is sheetless, All sent to the Y.M.C.A.2 World War I was all out war, and by 1917 it was clear to nearly everyone that the winning side would be the one whose economy could be mobilized to produce the necessary food, arms and supplies. Russia, with its immense stores of raw materials, was about to withdraw altogether, but not before the German army had captured the Ukrainian bread basket. France and Britain had been bled almost dry by 1917, and morale was beginning to slip. The Germans prepared �Farmer Jim 201 one more large thrust at Paris, to break through before the United States forces could arrive. But in the end, as much as her soldiers, it was the strength of America's industrial economy that won the war. Moreover, it was Woodrow Wilson's statement of. high principles that allowed his country to rally so strongly behind the effort. The call for production of foodstuffs made a serious farmer out of Jim McClure. He wrote to Harriet during the summer: The food shortage seeming so acute, and not being able to do anything else, we decided to get the remaining land that the old Judge had and which was lying idle & useless. We are now engaged in making plans for its temporary and future use and enjoying it vastly. As time goes on our specialties will be orchards & beef cattle, but the next year or so we may raise considerable grain. Except for the car, oxen are our sole means of conveyance & work & we use them to plough, cultivate and every other farm activity. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, June 11, 1917) Elizabeth wrote to Wiggy in France: Everyone here is of course occupied with the war. Many of the young men in Chicago have already enlisted. Ambrose has gone into some sort of clerical work to do with the Navy . . . We are very busy planting extra crops as that seems to be the great necessity this year .. . We've planted about 4 acres . .. in beans for the allies besides various other crops such as corn & wheat. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, May 27, 1917) Her father kidded them when news came to Rathmore that they had purchased more land to aid the war effort. "Darling Bios," he wrote, "So you Hickory Nut Gap people are land Barons and deliciously short of cash. Well, *Ya can na be baith grand and comfortable'" (Ambrose Cramer, Sr., to Elizabeth Cramer McClure, August 8, 1917; quote from J.M. Barrie, The Little Minister). Ambrose Cramer's curiosity had already brought him down to North Carolina to see just where this idealistic minister had taken his "Darling Blossom." Elizabeth wrote to Wiggy, "Mother & Father & Corwith came down for a few days ... Father just had the time of his life walking about and giving advice. We really have a perfectly beautiful old place & such a view of the mountains . . . I think it was really far nicer than they had anticipated. It really is quite a place, Wiggy dear, & in 10 years if we are still in the land of the living & still out of Debtors' prison it ought to be a beauty" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, May 27, 1917). Jim hired James Davidson, an agricultural graduate of North Carolina State, to manage the farm because he was an experienced orchardist. He was promptly drafted into the U. S. Army, but returned in 1918. Mr. Davidson was not only an able farmer, but also had the knack of leading the work force with �202 We Plow God's Fields a minimum of tension. Jim himself enjoyed the men who came to live on his farm. He found their mountain ways both fascinating and exasperating. He wrote to his parents that March: We have a new hand working for us. He moved in on Tues. with a wife and three children—using our oxcart for the moving—and reported for work on Weds, with a wife & four children at home—mother & daughter doing well. He is quite pleased with himself & feels that he moved just in time. . . . if we do not go broke should make a good showing with our crops. We plan to plant so much that they will have a hard summer caring for it—but I feel relieved to have three men we can depend on & not have to chance picking up day labor. . . . (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to his parents, March 17, 1917.) Elizabeth had never cooked a meal, although in later years she became as talented a cook as she was a painter. In her report to Wiggy she listed the latest acquisitions, and described the routine of her typical day. We have had to buy a pair of mules & two oxen-we also now possess 3 cows & 3 pigs and two calves so you see our livestock is increasing—not to mention chickens . . . You said you wanted to know how we spent our days. In the morning by 8 o'clock breakfast comes, rumbling up on a dumbwaiter. Then after breakfast I attend to our room & bathroom, make the beds & generally tidy up. Jim stays in bed until after lunch & I spend the morning doing all sorts of things from painting chairs & tables to arranging flowers. After lunch we both snooze for an hour; then Jim gets up & goes down to the porch & we read or write. After tea we go for a little stroll & then comes supper. Once in a great while we go over to Fletcher & call on friends there but as a rule Jim sees nobody. He overdid a little this Spring in the interest of making over the place, so now I am very strict with him so that he will be well enough to go to Manchester in September to visit the Aunts. . . . (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, July 16, 1917) This letter reminds us that Jim McClure was still a long way from full recovery. His daughter Elspeth finds it hard to believe this schedule after knowing the vigorous and tireless man her father became. It was somewhere between his after lunch snooze and tea that Jim sat and wrote down the ideas that bubbled through his mind. Prior to Wilson's declaration of war, he had taken a strong stand against American involvement. Back in 1914 he had written a letter that was published in the Chicago Tribune under the heading "Faith in Mankind." In it, he suggested a radical departure from traditional dependence on military strength. We can wipe out our coast defenses, reduce our navy to a police force, and say to the world that the day of force has passed, as we in 1775 said the day of autocracy is past... �Farmer Jim 203 If we adopt a policy of non-resistance we proclaim once more and out loud our faith in all mankind.3 Jim never shrank from challenging the basic presuppositions of any cause or concept, and rather enjoyed his provocative nature. His brother-in-law, Dumont Clarke, was equally devoted to Christian ideals in his own way and according to his own temperament. He was a determined leader in the peace movement during and after World War I, and Jim admired especially the way Dumont made a personal sacrifice to back his beliefs. Long before the war he had been given a number of shares of stock in a company that manufactured submarines. Prior to August 1914, the stock price languished at around $15 a share. When war broke lose, the price naturally leaped upwards. Dumont told Jim of his dilemma, a man preaching world peace growing rich off the war. Most of his friends told him not to worry, that he should not miss a chance like this to make easy money. As the price rose, Dumont felt more and more guilty. At $115 a share, he sold out. The money realized, $19,000, was sent to missions set up to relieve suffering caused by the war. That particular stock continued to rise in value, eventually reaching its apex at $530 a share. Jim wrote in his notebook that Dumont was "Very glad he sold when he did for [he] fears if [he] had gotten so much for it, he would have thought of other things he could do with the money & not had [the] resolution to give it all away. Even as it was [he] caught himself looking at [the] papers to see how [the] stock was rising & felt [the] beginnings of demoralization."4 But Jim and Dumont encouraged each other's ethical decisions, trying to make their own way of thinking conform better with the notion of the coming Kingdom of God. After the declaration of war Jim joined in support of his country's struggle against the German state, at first reluctantly and then with enthusiasm. Actually the conduct of war fascinated him, and the leisure of his convalescence gave him the opportunity to study events as they unfolded. What interested him most was the self-sacrifice demanded of the soldier, and of the whole country as well, and how people willingly joined in overwhelming support. Why was it that war commanded so much unity and obedience, and most people at the front enthusiastically accepted the extra burdens? Why could not men and women learn to pursue the vision of the Kingdom of God with a similar attitude of single-minded selflessness? Peace and world harmony were much worthier goals than victory in war. Ironically, Jim McClure was quite heartened by the American response to war, and he became convinced that the same power of morale could be kept strong when it was over, to rebuild the world on firmer foundations. That summer of 1917 he wrote in his notebook: The right attitude toward mankind, is, I am sure, something like this—That millions of men have a longing & a vision of an ideal state of society. This ideal might with ease be developed into the ideal of the Kingdom on earth. Further, millions of men are willing to make enormous sacrifices for this idea, �204 We Plow God's Fields i.e. the millions of men, & of others at home, too, who are willing to sacrifice in the present war. The great need then is to work out the means of bringing this ideal state of society & explaining it definitely.5 Jim continued to wrestle with these thoughts, trying to develop them h a workable and practical alternative to war. This frightful monster, Prussianism, with all its loathely characteristics, suddenly unclothed itself and attacked an unbelieving world, a world not willing to believe & not able to conceive such barbarism still possible . . . It sardonically & efficiently violated everything that the long labors of idealists had made sacred. It had to be opposed immediately, there could be no delay. Many & many a man was torn between the ideal which he dimly felt that he saw in the life and death of Jesus, the way of love and reliance solely on spiritual power and on the goodness & divinity latent in mankind; and the old and tried method of armed resistance . . . The decision had to be made at once . . . But there can be no doubt that it was not Christ's way. Christ grew up at a time when the whole hope of his nation was in the Messiah who was coming to lead the people by force into freedom & security . . . Christ chose . . . a different way. He put his sole reliance on the spiritual forces latent hi the hearts of mankind . .. With no resistance he allowed himself to be battered & killed by brutal, coarse, densely unspiritual men. There can be no doubt that he discarded physical force as an inferior method. And astonishing as it seems there can be no doubt of the success of his method. The very sacred belief that he wanted to give mankind, that each individual was capable of infinite spiritual development, that he was of the same nature as God himself . . . that very belief commenced to spread. As it spread it commenced to recreate mankind. Force never has been able to prevail against it. Rome, by force, attempted to exterminate the Christians . . . The offenders (Germany et al). . . are going to continue living in our world &, as the distances grow shorter, cheek by jowl with us. Shall we have a continual thorn in our flesh or shall we have a well wishing cooperator & helper. Our problem is how to make the offender into a co-operator. And this is where force fails .. . The German is going to keep on living & right in our world, rubbing shoulders with us. Our problem is not to exterminate him but to make him our co-worker, our helper... We can do that only by spiritualizing him. And there is but one way to do that. It is not by talking, or writing . . . It is by living it ourselves; by the power of life (or example)... It happened to Christ. He recognized the futility of a tirade against force, or a wordy spiritual propaganda when he was tried. He went ahead, simply living his life staking his all on the spiritual possibilities in mankind and let them try and kill him . . . It takes nerve, it seems impossible, a joke almost, absurd, but Christ took that very sort of a chance—and God stood by him.6 �Farmer Jim 205 All this time Jim kept plugging away at farming, but often he overworked, and his old physical troubles would flare up again. He was unhappy with the slow progress of his recovery and decided to consult again with a doctor who had offered him hope for recovery the previous fall. He and Elizabeth went first to Manchester, where the fall foliage was still bright, to see the Skinner aunts. They enjoyed many of the old haunts of their courtship days without being pursued by the gossip of friends and relatives. In November they went down to the little town of Stockbridge, Massachusetts, in the Berkshire Mountains, to submit to the care of the remarkable Dr. Austen Riggs. Elizabeth described the situation to Wiggy: Here we are ... for a few days with the Aunts on our way to Stockbridge, Mass, for two or 3 weeks where Jim will take a "cure" with Dr. Riggs who is supposed to be quite a wizard in these respects. He looked Jim over last September & said that his case was as definite as typhoid or a broken leg & needed similar definite treatment. Jim was not making the fast progress he wished to make, so we are going north for a few weeks. I myself am in the best of health as usual—fairly bouncing. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, November 18, 1917) Dr. Austen Riggs had been a successful physician in New York City when he contracted tuberculosis in 1908. He moved to Stockbridge to recover, and there had the leisure to reread the philosophy of William James. He also filled his hours by working with his hands: building ship models and constructing his own bows and arrows. He took up "clog dancing," a curious Appalachian folk style, and he fenced and drummed along with Sousa marches. It slowly dawned on him that the satisfactions of such activities were a wonderful antidote to "modern life," and he prescribed similar pastimes as therapy for his patients. When a patient first came to talk with him, he would ask, "Why have you come to me?" Invariably the reply would be something like, "Because I want to get well, Doctor, I want to get well!" "That," Dr. Riggs would reply, "doesn't interest me. Why do you want to get well?" Austen Riggs understood human life to be an interaction between one's intellect and one's environment. If a person was struggling along, it was because he had made a poor adjustment to that environment, or because the environment itself was faulted. Since there was little Dr. Riggs could do to alter the conditions of a person's situation, he worked to understand how an individual had adjusted both psychologically and philosophically to his environment, and then tried to improve that adjustment. He was forever quoting Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes around the sanitarium, "The great purpose of life is to live it," then adding the corollary, "Happiness . . . is only a by product of successful living." He believed that the body and mind were indivisible, but that the mind or intellect must always take the lead in the adjustment process. His stated theory was: " . . . a person functions on four levels, the reflex, the instinctive, the intelligent, and the ethical . . . The elements of mood and temperament complete the picture of an individual. The �206 We Plow God's Fields individual plus his environment . . . equals adaptation or maladaptation. Out of the latter rise the problems loosely catalogued as 'nervous,' the psychoneurosis sometimes so elaborately cloaked by resulting physical ills." Dr. Riggs worked almost exclusively with men and women of social position. He found that the first step was for them to overcome their inhibitions enough to admit that their breakdown was something other than self-indulgence or worse, incurable insanity. Jim's cure, like everyone's, began with a frank talk. Dr. Riggs continued these interviews, trying to learn in what way the patient was out of line with his world. In the meantime, the cure consisted of working with one's hands in the shop in therapeutic activities. In short, the Riggs treatment was an educational process that emphasized "balanced living, with work, play and rest all in proportion ..." His only advice was to accept reality, accept life as it is. "Nervousness is not a disease but a disorder.. .simply a maladjustment on the part of an otherwise perfectly sound, essentially normal person, and therefore it is avoidable." He preached his own ten commandments: 1. Neither run away from emotions nor yet fight them. Accept them as the wellsprings of all action. They are your automatically mobilized energies. Force these energies into the channels of your choice . . . it is like guiding spirited horses. 2. Be efficient in what you do. Do not drive your tacks with a sledge hammer. Find out how easily you can do things well, and take pride in such skill. 3. Do one thing at a time. Only thus can we practice concentration. I do not mean that violent over-dramatization of effort, but the gentle art of controlling the attention. 4. Make clean-cut practical decisions, subject to change in the face of new facts or additional knowledge. 5. Do not accept hurry as a necessary part of modern life. Quality of work, not quantity, spells success, and quality is destroyed by hurry. 6. Worry is a complete circle of inefficient thought whirling about a pivot of fear. To avoid it, consider whether the problem in hand is your business. If it is not, turn to something that is. If it is your business, decide it is your business now. If so, decide what is best done about it. If you know, get busy. If you don't know, find out promptly. Do these things; then rest your case on the determination that, no matter how hard things may turn out to be, you will make the best of them—and more than that no man can do. 7. Keep work, play, rest and exercise in their proper relative proportions; not only in the space of decades, but year by year, month by month, week by week, day by day. 8. Shun the New England conscience. It is a form of egotism which makes a moral issue of every trivial thought— 9. When a decision has been reached, when something has to be done, waste no time in "getting up steam"—just do it. 10. Do not criticize your part in the play, study it, understand it, and then play it, sick or well, rich or poor, with faith, with courage, and with the proper grace.7 �Farmer Jim 207 Dr. Riggs' philosophy of treatment spoke to Jim's problems. He had been struggling with his temperament, one that certainly resembled "spirited horses," and needed to be told how important a balanced life was: "work, play, rest and exercise." "He seems to be benefiting Jim already," Elizabeth wrote Wiggy, "& [he] assures him that he will come out on top—all of which is very good news. Jim is really in very good shape most of the time, but he is eager to get back all his old endurance & vim so we are here to hurry things up" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, December 4,1917). They remained in Stockbridge through Christmas. Jim includes a progress report in this "thank you" to Harriet, who often supplied him with new suits and had sent him one as a Christmas gift: I only fear that when the doc sees me sporting all the grandeur, he will murmur "some fellah," and double his bill.. . I am progressing famously and in about 10 days we are going to Andover (to visit Annie and Dumont) for my trial trip. The doc sends his patients out on a trial trip & then they return to report to him. After that we will rush for Hickory Nut Gap— . . . The Aunties & Siddy each gave me a Hampshire sheep—I am most anxious to see them. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, December 26, 1917) The visit to Andover, where Dumont Clarke was serving as school chaplain, went well. Elizabeth's next report to Wiggy continued to be optimistic. "Jim is getting on wonderfully. He is better than he has been in years. Isn't that fine?" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, January 1, 1918). A few weeks later she reported, "Here we are back . . . for what we think will be only a short stay. We have been in Andover 10 days staying with Jim's sister on a sort of trial trip & Jim fared unbelievably well. He didn't take a single rest, even, except for the orthodox Sunday nap and did just what he liked. It is wonderful to see him so well again" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, January 27, 1918). And finally, Elizabeth relays the message to Wiggy that "Here we are, mon chere, on our way back to the farm from Stockbridge. Jim is wonderfully well but the doc wants him to remain at the farm another year" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, February 11, 1918). Jim and Elizabeth left Dr. Riggs' sanitarium on the eighth of February. The short interlude with Dr. Riggs made a dramatic difference to Jim McClure. Somehow, those private meetings and all the therapy in between helped him to finally take control of the illness that had plagued him for eight years. Throughout the rest of his life, Jim gave Dr. Austen Riggs the credit for freeing him from his malaise. They were home at Hickory Nut Gap on the twentieth, settling back into their routine. The "Riggs cure" seemed to be holding, except for a few mild warnings, and Jim did his best to balance his life better with equal doses of work and play. Mr. Davidson was in the Army, and Jim slowly took on more �208 We Plow God's Fields of an active role in managing the farm. As Elizabeth mentioned to Wiggy, the household was still enduring life on a wartime footing. Everyone here in America is trying to think up substitutes for meat, wheat & sugar & the housewives are busy delving into cookbooks. I wish you could hear me talk about corn breads & wheat products! I made a poster a short time ago representing a beautiful lady feeding a pig with a stout soldier standing by. It read KEEP A PIG IN THE BACKYARD! Hoover says "a pig is worth more than a shell in winning the war." . . . We hope to put up 500 quarts of vegetables & fruit this summer so I shall be busy! (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, January 27, 1918) Jim set his production goals quite high for 1918: "three to four thousand bushels of corn, two hundred bushels of wheat and rye, one thousand bushels of apples, five hundred of potatoes and fifty pigs . . . pretty good for a farm that has been producing nothing to speak of for years past!" Elizabeth noted. Three more hands were hired, and Hickory Nut Gap began to hum with life. The two Yankees became totally immersed in the farming ways of the mountains, and their new home began to be the scene of a remarkable cultural interchange. For Jim and Elizabeth, the summer of 1918 was their true baptism into an Appalachian world. A fascination for the people caught in the mountain backwaters began inexorably to overcome these two. They became consumed by a desire to throw their idealism, their leadership and their very lives in with them, in order to create a new economic and spiritual basis on which everyone could enjoy the fruits of modern civilization. A look at the diaries of the learned minister and his artist wife give a graphic picture of the education the mountaineers provided for the McClures during 1918, when they returned from Dr. Riggs' Sanitarium. Sometimes one made the entry, sometimes the other: March 7 Elizabeth] spent a furious day cleaning the dairy. Clad in a raincoat & perched in the rafters she used the hose with such effect that she nearly took the roof off. March 8 E. spent another terrific day wrestling with the old kitchen. After dinner [we] went together down to [the] Sumner tract where Sinclair was ploughing & Mr. Nix, John Settle & Zeb MacAbee were clearing. Pisgah [Mountain] had "broke out" [in fire]. Mr. Sumner letting it out, when burning over his land. The three mentioned as clearing, went to the North of the fire and headed it off. March 9 While E. still wrestled with the remains of the old kitchen & John [Shorter] assisted by Mr. Nix & John Settle performed the ceremony known as "hog killing." .. . Home to find Petie [Elizabeth] worn & haggard cranking the churn with her teeth set, after 3 hours at hard labor the butter did not come. March 11 Zeb MacAbee hired on at $32.00 per month .. . �Farmer Jim 209 March 13 Registered sow & boar from Mr. McCoughlin arrived. Boar got out at Biltmore but Porter [MacAbee] who was "in for a ride" saw it & it was captured. March 16 Mr. Sinclair drilled 9 1/4 bu. [of] oats in bottom . . . Raspberries, gooseberries & currants planted. March 21 Wild orgy of house cleaning. The army posted all over the house & every five minutes stage coach & bustle in new location. Hay loft & upper orchard only refuges. April 11 Our own ham for supper & it was delicious. April 14 to church 1 hr. late but still heard 35 minutes of ghastliness. Wrote article "Is Peace Possible?" April 15 The pet polished my article. Dispatched article to New Republic. April 20 Article returned by New Republic. While Jim labored over this article it was beginning to look as though the Allies were going to win after all. He took one more crack at trying to resolve the issue of war. Although the editors of The New Republic chose not to publish it, a copy remains in the family archives. The article reveals not only what he thought on this issue, but also how he approached all such problems. Is Permanent Peace Possible? Permanent peace in the world is possible. The one condition of our attaining it is that we refuse to be denied i t . . . Wishing and hoping will not bring this to pass. It will be more difficult of accomplishment than the defeat of Germany. So long as the nations of the world have sovereign and supposedly equal power, there is bound to be war. Each nation is a law unto itself. Each nation, therefore, will have recourse to arms when it considers the grievance or the prize sufficient. At any time this may bring on a general war. No sovereign nation could brook interference on a point of national honor or national aggrandizement. To each nation its own government is the ultimate and highest authority. We shall have in the world, then, several highest and ultimate authorities. Any one who knows anything at all of human affairs realizes that sooner or later these ultimate authorities are bound to clash. Nothing can prevent future wars if we adhere to this old basis. No league of nations would ensure peace—for it is merely a league of equal nations and no ultimate and mobile authority has been created. The only possible basis of permanent peace is to have one ultimate and highest seat of authority; and this must be a mobile authority, created, freely granted, and controlled by the people of the nations themselves. This would insure permanent peace. �210 We Plow God's Fields Such a plan can be actualized by an international parliament or congress. The people of each nation would elect representatives . . . The number of representatives might be proportionate to the number of literate voters in the various countries. The capital of the world would be situated at the Hague or Constantinople or any such satisfactory place. Let me call to mind that the distance in days travel in 1775 was longer between Boston and New York than it is now between New York and London; San Francisco is capable of closer communication with Constantinople than Charleston then was with Philadelphia. The details of such a plan present no insurmountable difficulties and it is our one and only hope. There is no use deluding ourselves, or building our structure on 19th Century hopes. Unless we, the people of the world, voluntarily create a representative international authority, we are fighting in vain.8 The war was much more than an intellectual puzzle for Jim. He and his wife had spent a considerable part of their lives in Germany, France and England, and they wondered often about their friends remaining there. Nathan McClure enlisted in the Army, and Ambrose Cramer served in the Navy and as a French translator and administrator overseas. Jim himself was called up by the draft, but when he reported for his physical, he had such a bad case of poison ivy that they flunked him.9 In spite of these disappointments Jim kept working steadily on the farm and in the community. April 30 1st meeting [of the] Hickory Nut Gap Farm Co ... Mr. Davidson, Mr. Sinclair, & John Shorter assembled in my study & I outlined the plan . . . [This was a plan to allow the farm workers to share in farm profits. It was later given up because profits just did not materialize.] (Elizabeth) May 5 Bearwallow Baptist Church "Choir is all tore up." Old man wanted to "Get shut" of his collection money. Grand revival hymns! Cricket [Jim] referred to as "Brother McClure." Hateful turkeys are hatching. (Jim) May 10 —rounding up sow that got out . . . a Mr. Williams desired a night's lodging for his party, appearing about 9:30 & was hesitatingly refused. May 12 ... 58 minute service on "Unbelief & Everlasting Torture." May 17 Went to meet Hetty [Stuart] & Grace [Cramer, wife of Ambrose] both delighted with country. Took them over Beaucatcher [Mountain] . . . Quite impressed with place and views . . . May 18 Mr. Dalton's, mail carrier's, first trip in Ford—displacing mule. May 19 another ghastly sermon. May 20 Gracy ploughed. Hetty churned. �Farmer Jim 211 May 21 Africa [a sow] brought 6 pigs. May 22 Africa lost 2 pigs—one strayed another crushed. To Asheville . .. bearing John Settle on his matrimonial errand. After errands were taken by Hetty & Grace to lunch at Grove Park. Home via Fletcher . . . Ran into mud on Cane Creek Road & girls much agitated by skidding. May 24 graphophone moonlight party . . . May 27 Motored & climbed to top of Chimney Rock . .. picked 10 qts. of strawberries. May 29 Canning bee lasted 'till 9:30 p.m. —owing to misfortunes — spinach & chard & beets canned. May 31 ... bull calf . . . was down. We worked in Herculean manner all morning—dosing him with whiskey . . . the cow . .. died. June 2 Anna [Esther's mother] arrived & took Eleazer [a young household helper who was John's niece] dissolved in tears home to hoe corn—conference with Anna lasted until we had to rush for the mules to go to Bear Wallow Church—tires being flat. June 9 At 1 a.m. started to rain & up again & with lantern got Australia [another sow] & offspring into dynamite crib [for shelter]. June 15 Sent in 24 quarts [of] cherries & got 12 1/2 qts. = $3.00 & for 5 doz eggs $1.75. Brought car back with a bill of $73.00. June 17 anointed turkeys with oil Petie saved a chicken by warming on the hot water bag. June 19 Supper at [the] Bandanna Tea Room & to a screaming movie "A Dog's Life" Charlie Chaplin— Forgot the tires at the movie & started for Mrs. Heywoods 7-9 tea at 8:45 p.m. Burned up the road till puncture came—finally arrived at Mrs. Heywoods about 9:20. The resources of good health gave Jim the freedom not only to push along his plans for the farm, but also to begin tentatively to act on behalf of his community. He and Elizabeth organized a local chapter of the Red Cross before the Germans surrendered. Since the war still seemed far away it was a little difficult to raise money for the Red Cross in such a poor area, so a fair was organized in the Bat Cave section, which was over the mountain from the inn. Jim always loved a big community get together, and threw himself into this Red Cross Fourth of July affair with wonderful enthusiasm. On July 3rd, the Red Cross supplies of 300 pounds of ice and 15 gallons of ice cream arrived at Hickory Nut Gap at 5 p.m. and were transferred to a wagon. Mr. Davidson, farm manager, Mr. Sinclair and John Shorter started at once for the Esmerelda �212 We Plow God's Fields Inn, some ten miles over the mountain in Bat Cave, causing great excitement along the route. Next day Jim started at 8 a.m. with the Pet, household helpers Mary and Pete, and Croaker [or Croak, a farm worker] on the running board, bringing more supplies. A huge crowd bought lemonade, cider, ice cream, cake, cookies, apples, peaches and buttermilk, and the successful event cleared $70.00. Not even a puncture on the return trip could dim the joy of the participants. Jim discovered early on that he, like his father, had a knack for raising money for a worthy cause. He sold Liberty Bonds throughout Fairview, which took him inside the homes of many of his neighbors. Once the neighbors found out that Jim was a preacher, and an educated one at that, he began to receive invitations "to bring the message" to several of the local Baptist congregations. Jim relished the idea, and made use of the opportunity the rest of his life to preach his gospel of progress. The Sunday after the Red Cross picnic he was invited by the Bearwallow Baptist Church. He wanned up his neighbors that day by describing the old mountain circuit riders, who were called not to a particular church but to a community. "Don't just help out the saved among you, but go out and minister to everyone in the community," he told them. We can not only help the poor, but we must remove poverty. We must so build up our soils, & breed up our stock so that we remove poverty . . . Only when we got to thinking it was Christ's work to prevent boys & girls from getting liquor did we start the liquor business] on the toboggan. There are two choices before us—-the life of selfishness or the life of service. The life of selfishness dries up the sources of vitality of the comm[unity]: it stunts development & paralyzes the comm[unity]The life of service liberates. If you live among men as one who serveth you will find that you are setting free the life of the community & creating the life of God in other men. "He who loseth his life shall find it."10 The title of this sermon was "The Sin of Aachan." Jim McClure felt it was one of his most popular, and he reworked it many times for different churches. The text was from Joshua, the sixth and seventh chapters, which deal with the battle of Jericho. The walls of Jericho had just fallen, and the city was on the verge of conquest by the Jewish nation. Yahweh ordered the city destroyed, but would condone no looting in order to maintain the religious purity of the people. " . . . [K]eep yourselves from the things devoted to destruction ..." lest trouble be brought down on the camp of Israel. But Aachen was tempted by all the wealth he discovered in Jericho, as well he might after having spent his entire life in the desert. He was eventually caught, but not before the morale of the Jewish camp was poisoned by his selfish act. It is an anecdote perfectly suited to Jim's notion of social sin. Jim McClure wanted to introduce a new concept of sin into the mountains. The old idea he called "a selfish view of sin." Many country preachers continu- �Farmer Jim 213 ally hammered on the idea that specific acts, such as swearing or drinking, no matter how secretly performed, would be discovered at the judgement day by the Lord God Almighty. Jim wanted people to see that drinking and swearing, and a whole multitude of other selfish acts, had an immediate impact. Your friends, neighbors and relations all were demoralized by your sin. Moral weakness would be caught like the influenza, and passed about the community. The truth about sin, as Brother McClure told it, was that selfishness endangered the strength of the entire community. He liked to tell the story of an American soldier in France who drank up the entire ration of water for his company, bringing down on himself the hatred and derision of his fellows. "They knew his breach of discipline endangered their lives. ..." Sin was not simply a mark in the "Black Book on high." "Think of yourself as owing, not owning, all you have . . . Much of what you have [is in] trust... If land . . . think of generations to come and build it up." When one realized the debt owed to those who came before, one also understands that the conduct of one's present life will leave a legacy for future generations. Jim then exhorted the members of the congregation to serve one another, in honor of the past and to prepare for the future. "Believing does not mean anything unless put into action." Jim argued that the instinct to serve one's friends and neighbors emanated from the Holy Spirit, and to dam it up, to leave it unfulfilled, would block off the source of true satisfaction and happiness. Service, in Jim's scheme, covered a broad range of helpful activities, from building pure water systems to keeping scrub bulls from siring new stock. A man pursued God's purposes when he worked to eliminate the breeding areas for typhoid fever, built better schools and roads, and brought electricity into the community. On the practical side, Jim's parents were coming to visit soon and the old inn must be made ready. Aug. 1 The cursed pigs are rooting up the whole lawn. Aug. 10 Great Cleaning up—barns, barnyard & house in preparation for coming of Mother & Father [McClure]. Aug. 12 Passing thru Biltmore with enormous load—found Pete & Mary with 4 nieces and nephews stranded. Somehow packed them in. Aug. 16 Nathan & Arch arrive. Nathan looking very fine in his new [Army] uniform. [They were soon followed by Dr. and Mrs. McClure] (Elizabeth) Aug. 18 All went to church & heard the dreary Dr. Loache preach his best effort. Dr. McClure requested to preach in the evening . . . Dr. preached to quite a little gathering. (Elizabeth) Aug. 19 Dr. & Mrs. McClure leave. Felt sad to have them go. Aug. 24 Cow choked on an apple. �214 We Plow God's Fields (Elizabeth) Aug. 25 Nearly driven to distraction & boredom by the terrible effort of Dr. Loache; a most unchristian man! Resolved not to attend any longer. Sept. 11 ... threshed 46 1/2 bu. [of] wheat, 15 rye, 18 oats & 1 barley. Sept. 13 Sent wheat to Alexander's mill & they said it was the best wheat they had had brought in. Sept. 14 — 12 a.m. to 1 a.m. I arose & made a sally after hunters. Sept. 18 molasses being made, Fin [Sinclair], John Shorter & Foy Wall at the evaporator, John Settle with Red & Brown hauling cane—& W. B. Morgan, Croak & Zeb [MacAbee] stripping & cutting cane. Sept. 19 Molasses started at [the] crack of dawn. By noon [the] cane was stripped & cut and 50 gal. was made by 8 p.m. (Elizabeth) Sept. 23 Black Monday! Eleven hands failed to appear that were due to pick apples. Poor Cricket deeply gloomy. Esther & lola depart for the circus via very late mail man . . . The poor coloreds return in the evening— unable to get into the circus! Oct. 8 Finished picking apples—totalling 125 bbls. [Barrels] . . . Started [grain] dryer this day & it did twice catch on fire & we are feeling sullen at the Demonstrating agents for getting us into it. Oct. 9 Influenza 'a raging . . . Oct. 13 Rumor that Germany has unconditionally surrendered. Oct. 19 — . . . made chairman [of the] Transportation Local Influenza Committee — 2000 cases in Asheville. Oct. 25 In bed all day to prevent sore throat developing . . . The Pet read me the sinister, bloodcurdling, terrifying & fearful Dracula. Oct. 27 Still housed with sore throat... spent the day reading with the Pet, writing & swatting flies . . . swatted 61 in dining room & study, 16 in pink room, 54 in pantry & over 700 in kitchen. Nov. 1 —Evening enlivened by a great rat hunt-finally John & I secured the burly victim . . . Nov. 2 Just before noon George Sherrill appeared, out of his head. I put him to work in my overalls & jumper, but he soon left for other parts leaving his coat behind & promising automobiles to us all—stating he had invented a steel cat to catch rats. Nov. 11 PEACE. �Farmer Jim 215 The Great War finally ended in the fall of 1918, or rather the fighting paused for twenty years, resuming in 1939. In countless ways the world was never quite the same again. When the armistice was signed in November 1918, Jim could feel the country relax. Self-discipline and sacrifice dissipated, and the American people hungered for a "return to normalcy." The stage was set for the frenetic and worldly Roaring Twenties. Jim was left wondering why the same people who were willing to sacrifice even their lives for victory over the Germans had little interest in working for peace. "Is Permanent Peace Possible?" he asked again, and then watched as even Wilson's much less radical idea of a League of Nations was rejected by his countrymen. Jim McClure hoped he could inspire the people in his area to maintain the sense of self-sacrifice and what he called the "thrill of common purpose" that the nation had developed while fighting the Central Powers, and re-direct the energy to fighting poverty. In the little churches he spoke of the satisfactions that most Americans felt enduring the privations of the home front. "Soldiers of Christ arise . . . Put money into community purposes as you did into $50.00 Bonds— War [wants] to tear down— Get . . . at [the] idea of building up."11 These were noble ideas. Jim McClure would put them into action when he founded the Farmers Federation, but for most Americans, the Roaring Twenties were anything but an era of self-sacrifice. He became a different preacher than he had been in Iron River. Up there, he had composed weighty messages more likely to impress his professors than his parishioners. In North Carolina, his delivery became more extemporaneous, his sermon notes more sketchy. He included humorous anecdotes that he collected from his friends, little stories that perked up his listeners and helped to lighten the message. It was a step away from his somber Calvinist tradition, a step toward the lively style of the mountain preacher, and it gave his sermons the impact needed to move people. Certainly the lives of Jim and Elizabeth McClure had been changed since the beginning of the Great War. Four years before, the two of them were rather distant acquaintances whose ambitions were carrying them in two different directions: she into the French artistic circles and he into the social ministry of the Presbyterian Church. Now they were married and living on the side of a mountain in the midst of the Southern Appalachians. In August 1918, Elizabeth and Jim learned something wonderful and become aware that their life together might mean more even than the challenges of their household and their mutual friendship and respect. After bustling the often-present Aunties off on the train, they visited their doctor, "... who confirmed our judgement and forbade motoring." Two weeks later Elizabeth broke the news to Wiggy. Now then for some thrilling news which is to be a secret dear darling until the end of October anyway. We are expecting a small McClure about the middle of March. Can you imagine me mere de famille! I can't!!! Anyway I am enormously well—I have no disagreeable symptoms that apparently people �216 We Plow God's Fields usually have & really I can't believe anything is going on at all. However the doctor who is a very excellent one says that everything is very normal & I look just as I did 3 months ago so its hard to believe at all, at all. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Martha Clarke, August 26, 1918) She held out another few weeks before sending the word northward, charging Hetty to strict confidentiality. "This is for your special private ear—how would you like being Aunt to a little new McClure—about the middle of next March? Do you suppose it will preach or paint? I already have grave fears as to its future." (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Harriet Stuart, September 13, 1918) Life at Hickory Nut Gap during the following fall and winter revolved about the expectations of the new arrival. Elizabeth's movements, according to the custom of women of her station in that day, were severely circumscribed, but the pace of life at the farm went on. Nov. 15 —Mr. & Mrs. Cramer come. Nov. 18 — . . . Mr. Cramer and I went hunting . .. getting 9 quail a.m. & 4 in p.m. Dec. 12 [replanting of boxwoods in front of the house] . . . all hands going without lunch & getting 8 of 9 to our place after dark where we unloaded aided by the famous efforts of Zeb [MacAbee] . . . The Pet thrilled. Dec. 20 Brought Alec Huntley back from Asheville where he had sold his potatoes for $1.00 per bu. I should think the fanners would quit. Dec. 23 The Pet working hard on Santa Claus suit. Dec. 24 ... A roaring morning, getting Xmas presents, trees etc., seeing about George Sherrill & with much embarrassment even purchasing nighties for my Pet. Dec. 25 Santa Claus appeared and gave presents to those assembled-to wit Ben & Maggie Owenby & their 3 offspring, Christine, Gertrude & Aimer, Baxter & Minnie Owenby & their offspring Geneva & Otis, Katy Sinclair & Porter & Homer, Belle McAbee & Hattie Pearl, Porter & Annie May . . . Ice Cream & cake served, Cricket superb as Santy—great delight amongst crowd, [the last addition by Elizabeth.] With nearly the whole farm crowd on hand for a Christmas celebration that was to become a tradition at Hickory Nut Gap, one can see what a cast of characters was around to educate Jim and his wife, to show them how life was led back in the mountains of Western North Carolina. During these years, Jim McClure learned what the mountain family battled against. His education was a practical one; the economics and sociology involved the lives of real people in the community as well as on the farm. He learned how enduring and tough �Farmer Jim 217 these people were, and he discovered endearing traits as well: the earthy humor, patience and religious faith that made them survivors. He also discovered what happens when a society can afford only the most meager of schools, and how ignorance can become an accepted part of the culture. Not all the mountain men and women were ignorant, or humorous, or religious, or even welcoming to a stranger. Some were utterly poor, and others relatively prosperous. But Jim knew, having grown up where he did, that the economic life in Fairview, and elsewhere in the region, lagged well behind the rest of the country. He had an idea that if the people could make a little money, the spiritual reservoir that lay backed up in the mountains could be unleashed and great works could be accomplished. As the winter progressed Elizabeth, who had to curtail her usual activities, took on the project of copying a picture of Jim's Grandmother Dixon. Jim rather irreverently commented in the diary, on the completion of the portrait, that she had succeeded in "making a decent looking old lady of her ..." (January 9, 1919). He continued to read and ponder such subjects as the future of Christianity, democracy and the United States. The country did seem to be in the grip of a very disagreeable judgement of some kind, whether demonic or divine, in the form of an influenza epidemic. Death was not at all an uncommon result of the virus, and so when it swept up into the coves of the mountains, Jim wanted to do all he could to protect Elizabeth. John Shorter fell ill, and he was immediately quarantined in his home. By the end of January, the strain of the winter, the flu, and the ennui of pregnancy finally overrode all objections, and the two of them decided to move into Asheville for a few days. "Both feeling somewhat drab & determined to have a spree at the Manor—started for Asheville ..." (January 25, 1919). Even though "Fear of the 'flu' kept us from church" (January 26, 1919), they were stimulated nonetheless by their new surroundings and companions. Elizabeth notes in the diary that "Cricket talks late with various lobby loafers" (January, 1919). The interlude at the Manor helped to dispel for a time the gloom of winter, but the diary reveals that tempers may have been short on through February. Feb. 6— . . . selected all chickens for execution & then they all got out.. . Feb. 16—Went to Bear Wallow . . . to preach on Zaccheus & found no one there . . . Feb. 21—Esther sent up word that she was sick & feared it was the flu ... her temp . . . was only 101°-but sloshed down to Fairview—not a light anywhere—A roused the Dr. who prescribed in a flannel night shirt. [This was Dr. Cicero McCracken, who took faithful care of the sick of Fairview for many years.] Feb. 24 Esther in a rage at finding her dishes washed separate from the others in the Old Kitchen because of the "flu"—[She] departs . . . John depressed. Petie incensed. �218 We Plow God's Fields March followed February, and with it came a heightened sense of expectation. Elizabeth's parents arrived just before the presumed time of arrival, and close on their heels, "Wiggy" appeared to take command. The latter had retained for Jim a somewhat mythical existence up until the moment she appeared in the flesh. All in all, Jim fared rather poorly in these last days, quite overwhelmed not only by his role as a prospective father, but also by the amount of entertainment required by all the guests. The Cramer's train arrived on March the tenth, and Elizabeth notes in her diary that "After lunch rush to station to meet Father and Mother who appeared just as we were pulling up" (March 10). Elizabeth and Jim, the Cramers including their son Corwith, who was about thirteen, and Martha Clarke (Wiggy) were all waiting together for the baby at the Grove Park Inn, Asheville's finest resort hotel. The waiting usually took the form of golf, for those so inclined, and for three days Jim tensely entertained his father-in-law and young Corwith on the hotel course. On March the 18th, Jim's patience wore thin. "After leaving Azalea I drove fast & furiously over the rough roads— the strain of paying for 3 rooms being too much . . . dined at the G. P. Inn & bored to death by the movies" (March 18). Late the next night, however, all was different; the long wait was about to end. "The dear Pet soon after lights were out finding signs multiplying we decided to move to the hospital. Miss Clarke was summoned . . . Fetching 3 dishes of ice cream & with Miss Clarke's birthday cake we had a fine party. [It was] a most gorgeous moonlight night so we determined on a joy ride part way up Sunset [Mountain] before interning in the hospital at about 12:30 a.m." (March 19). The exact role of the moon in such cases is, shall it be said, mysterious. But by the next morning, its power had worked a magic, and the redoubtable Dr. Charles Millender delivered a fine baby boy, James Gore King McClure, III. It was March 20, 1919. He was tucked away in the bathroom because the baby ward was befouled by influenza. For the young minister, not really so young anymore, the birth of the first child confirmed, as it always does, the miraculous nature of life itself. For a man who had fought through volumes of theology, the birth of his son was a supremely religious moment. He fell in love with Elizabeth all over again, as they both bathed in the joy of the birth of James Gore King McClure, HE. The day after, Jim wrote, "The Pet progressing famously & looking as if she was at a party. Her color was good as ever & she looked most beautiful" (March 21). Two days later, he wrote: "... Took Miss Clarke up Sunset—Then to see the dear Pet looking perfectly beautiful..." (March 23). The baby boy was given his father's name, a name that went back to grandfather Archibald's near death on shipboard years ago. Born with the finest of Presbyterian heritages, this child would grow up to be as stubbornly principled as his Covenanter ancestors. But as a baby, all of that history was less important than the motherly attentions that surrounded him. Even his imposing name was temporarily discarded, and the child became known simply as �Farmer Jim 219 "Punie." Weights and measurements were important tools for child-rearing in that day, and by all accounts young James grew slowly. Mother and child remained in the hospital for nearly a full month. Elizabeth had not been allowed to even sit up for nine days. Four days after that, she was carefully lowered into a wheelchair for her first venture away from the bed. Jim always admitted that he belonged to the "slow and easy" school of childbirth, a remarkable contrast to the way children were born amongst the tenants on his farm. Jim was busy entertaining his in-laws and supervising work at the farm, but he made daily visits to the hospital, bringing stories to entertain Elizabeth. There was her young half-brother, Corwith, who was depressed by his freckles, and unmercifully teased by Jim about his interest in the young ladies at the Grove Park Inn. On the day after the baby's birth new cattle arrived at the Biltmore Station and he drove the Cramers over to see them, finding "Croak attached by a long rope to the biggest cow & being yanked hither and thither ..." (March 21). Mr. Cramer was always greatly interested in the farm. With these cows Jim created probably the first registered herd of Herefords in Western North Carolina, which he hoped might prove an encouragement to purebred breeding in the region. Ever since his days in Texas he had yearned to raise cattle, and to raise them right. Yet, despite his farm work and the birth of a son, and even though he was slowly sinking his roots into his adopted region, Jim McClure was still unsettled in the spring of 1919 about his own future. By now, Jim was well and able to cope with a full work day again. Moreover, the war was over and with it went, to Jim's way of thinking, the justification for pouring his efforts into farming. James Davidson had returned to take up his post as manager, and the place could be safely left in his capable hands. It was time, then, for Jim to pursue his goals as a minister. He began scanning for possibilities. Just prior to the armistice, he considered working with the YMCA in Europe, in a war-related capacity. He had informed the powers of the Presbyterian Church that he was looking for a position, and with Elizabeth still in the hospital he made a dart up north to inquire about the position of minister at the Lafayette Square Presbyterian Church in Baltimore. While there, he wrote his minister brother Arch about the trip, who replied: Your letter from Baltimore quite took me by surprise. I didn't know you really had a line on Baltimore —but am awfully glad you have. It will be great to have you back preaching again. Would you take a church this Spring or are you going to wait until fall? . .. Any church that hasn't sense enough to give [you] a call . .. must be made up of a set of dominoes. It's lucky for me that my congo can't hear you or they would fire me immediately & call you. (Arch McClure to James G. K. McClure, Jr., April 15, 1919) Jim preached twice at this church, but felt as if his "reception was lukewarm at best." " . . . Not a sign of cordiality before & but 3 handshakes after [the] service. Ibid in the evening—about 35 out. .. ,"12 �220 We Plow God's Fields Jamie McClure and his father's Hereford bull, "Foundation. So he returned home again and spent another summer as a farmer. He threw himself once more into a bond drive, as vice chairman for Fairview township, selling Victory Bonds to help finish paying for a war already won. In two weeks, he turned in $10,000 from this rural district. As a founder of the Fairview Community Club, Jim worked hard to sell shares to bring telephone service to Fairview. He had a definite talent for talking people out of their money when the cause was right: by midsummer local telephone service became a very real possibility, with forty-nine people taking stock. Along with Victory Bonds and telephones, Jim, began organizing another effort that in retrospect stands out as a completely new beginning, not only for those who benefitted personally, but also for Jim himself. Clearly, the momentous nature of this occasion was not felt by either Jim or the others. He notes in his diary, in matter-of-fact style, that on April 19, 1919, he " . . . went out to [a] meeting at Fairview to organize farmers. Many women present, when I had thought it was to be entirely men. After much hot airing from women, decided to organize...." Elizabeth adds the " . . . following officers were elected. Cricket, Pres., S. J. Ashworth, vice-Pres, Luther Clay Sec." The Fairview Federation of Farmers was launched! By May third, the group was officially organized and under way. Jim McClure always believed that the best way to fathom the divine purposes of the Creator was one step at a time. The first step of the Farmers Federation was halting and tentative, but in time, in a short time, it would change forever the opportunities for farmers in Western North Carolina. The �Farmer Jim 221 remainder of the summer and fall, he kept busy with the wide variety of activities that came his way. All the while he must have been wondering what form, what direction, his life was to take. Such a proposition is difficult enough for a young man, but Jim McClure was well into his thirties, with growing responsibilities, and as yet his dreams to spread the Social Gospel remained unfulfilled. But Hickory Nut Gap was certainly an enviable location to sort through such doubts, especially with a new son, a steady stream of visiting Mends and relations, and a wife as lovely as Elizabeth. Among the visitors were the Misses Skinner, come to view their darling niece's new son. In their long white linen summer dresses, they were determined figures on the porch or in the house. There was soon a confrontation with Wiggy, who had been firmly running the show since her arrival. Amidst the ups and downs of command between the three powers, little Jamie continued to thrive and Jim was barely able to find enough time to prepare a sermon to be given at the Asheville School for Boys. The Reverend James G. K. McClure, of Fairview, preached to the Graduating Class on Sunday, May 25th. His sermon, based on the text, "What seest Thou?" was a strong, forceful appeal... He analyzed the attitudes of different people—those who spurn the vision entirely, those who fail to see it, and those who are willing to act on it—and impressed the School with a sense of individual duty.1-' But the rivalry between the visitors must have told on him. Elizabeth noted on June 23: "Cricket with his old trouble again." However he was soon well and back in the fray. June 28— . . . Great washing of Rex & Bowser [their dogs] & Lysoling porch to rid us of plague fleas . . . June 29 — to a Singing Convention. Great gathering of mountaineers. July 1—To town at 7:30 with 20 bu. potatoes & Miss C[larke] .. . Grove Park which was to have taken 10 bu. I unloaded etc. & 2nd Steward saw me & in a 2nd class way told me he wouldn't take them, as he had waited all preceding day for them, etc. and I had promised [he said] to bring them in day before. July 21—A.M. to 0. F. Settles—whole sprightly family on deck Big talk with 0. F. & his mother—Lola studying Sunday School lesson on porch. Mr. O. F. Settles lived at the head of the Bud Owenby Creek in a "holler" between Tater Knob and the shoulder of Little Ksgah Mountain. Jim and Elizabeth carried little Jamie to see the family. Perhaps Jim was hoping to arrange a trade with Mr. Settles, which was later completed, giving the Settles family some of Jim's land on the highway in exchange for the Settles' land that �222 We Plow God's Fields adjoined the main farm. Jim asked Mr. Settles if he ever found his location lonely. Mr. Settles replied that he liked it "cause if anybody comes to see me I know they really want to see me, or they want somethin'" (July 21). This visit may have been the beginning of the long connection between the McClures and the Settles. Clinard Settles worked for Jim and Elizabeth and their children from the time he was fourteen until his death sixty-eight years later. Other members of the family, John Scott, Dorothy, McKinley, and Lola, were all faithful helpers at various times. In August the McClure family came together for the important Presbyterian rite of baptizing James Gore King McClure, III. What a delight it must have been for Jim to have his parents and his brother Arch come for a good visit. It seems likely that Jim and his father and minister brother had many discussions of Jim's possible future. Jamie III was properly baptized in the Presbyterian way by his grandfather, using water he had brought from the River Jordan, sprinkled from a small silver christening cup that had been used for the baptisms of all three James McClures. The senior McClures and Arch returned home, and Jim and Elizabeth prepared to interrupt their life in the Southern Appalachians with an excursion to Vermont and Lake Forest, which would include time for Jim to survey the opportunities for returning to the ministry. If the world beyond Western North Carolina wanted to make a claim on them, this long vacation would be its last chance to make a pitch. The preparations for this trip, with baby, were formidable. A black travelling nurse, Effie Thomas, was hired. The day of departure, September third, was a Furious morning by all—John taking in early load of trunks—all hands finally getting packed into the 2nd load . . . & off for Biltmore, ice box and all. We swarmed onto the train, about eight. . . assistants helping us with our thousands of bundles—then commenced a journey unparalleled in crowdedness. The ice box, Puny, the Pet, myself & some 16 bags & boxes were cramped into the drawing room—The Pet banging her head whenever she turned around & Miss C. & Effie forcing their way in & out constantly. . . . (diary. September 3) The little party arrived safely next morning in New York to spend two days. Elizabeth and Jim ate lobster and blue fish only to find Puny "very loud with colic" when they returned to their hotel room. Next day there was "a permanent for the Pet" and dining and dancing at Churchill's on Broadway, amidst many street speeches from striking actors. Then they joined battle again to get the luggage on board the train for Manchester, where they were welcomed by the indomitable Aunties and Ambrose and his wife Gracie. Autumn in the Green Mountains! They remained on into October, and apparently Jim, "Bowser" (Ambrose), and Dumont agreed that the finest vantage point from which to enjoy the colors was out on the golf course. Jim and Elizabeth slipped away for several little day trips together, leaving Puny with Effie. Jim preached two sermons, and made one noteworthy trip down to Wil- �Farmer Jim 223 liamstown, Massachusetts. There a cousin of Elizabeth's, Parmalee Prentice, had single-mindedly set out to study the secrets of improving the genetics of plants and animals. Mount Hope Farm, because of the work of Mr. Prentice, became an agricultural magnet for progressive farm leaders, and although Jim did not yet know it, that was what he was about to become. He was thrilled enough with the work going on at Mount Hope in 1919, noting the "Painstaking attempt to improve existing stocks of poultry, potatoes, corn, [&] small grains "14 Church work, not agriculture, still seemed to hold out the greatest prospect of service for him. In the midst of the Vermont vacation he and Elizabeth went to New York. A large and prestigious Presbyterian church on Fifth Avenue was looking for a minister, and Jim had been asked to a dinner in Englewood, New Jersey, where the search committee from New York City could look him over unobtrusively. He and Elizabeth left Vermont on October the tenth. Elizabeth described the next morning in New York: Cricket spent morning cooped up in his chamber .. . writing prayer & sermon . . . Petie makes frantic effort to buy hat. Decides on one chez Mme Florette. Consults time. Late!! Frantic rush to meet Cricket in front of Scribners. Cricket denounces hat!! Frantic rush back to Mme Florette's. Old straw resumed. Great Flurry. Terrible crush in tube owing to ferry boat strike. Missed Englewood train. Despair! Petie very low. Catch next train & arrived only 12 min. late. Met by Powersy [their host] .. . much worried as to the need of dressing for supper. Decided in the negative. Sharply inspected during meal. . . The evening reasonably successful but extremely trying.15 The next day they attended the morning service at the Englewood church, and in the afternoon Jim returned to New York to speak at the Vesper Service. Elizabeth described the occasion: " . . . Slim congregation. Cricket a 'false note' in the 'well valeted church.' Refused to wear a gown. Scarcely probable that he was liked. He jarred them & was anything but soothing in his discourse "16 Their guide to the church, an enthusiastic gentleman, did gymnastics later in the anteroom on the red carpet to "get his blood up." Jim's blood was already up. He did not shrink from preaching a fiery message of social responsibility to these wealthy Presbyterians. Later he compared this church to a beautifully carved chest that was empty inside. "Religion is so well valeted . . . [there] that the real thing is suppressed. Elder came to me & told me aft[er the] service [that] they tried to make a quiet, beautiful vesper service—(I disturbed them, made them uneasy—they hated it, it offended them, seemed in bad taste.) . . . Everything in such good form in [this church] & good form so worshipped that . . . good form for good form's sake is committed."17 Following the vesper service in New York, Elizabeth and Jim went by train to Passaic, New Jersey, where Jim preached at the evening service of the First Presbyterian Church. The printed program welcomed Jim to the pulpit. "He is �224 We Plow God's Fields a son of Dr. McClure, the President of McCormick Seminary and it is hoped our people will make the effort to come out and hear this message." His sermon was titled, "Service: I am among you as one who serveth."18 In the diary, Elizabeth again tersely writes of Jim's reception there: "Cricket again made a scene at the Passaic Church about wearing the gown. [He] preached a thrilling sermon on service. Powersy muttering to himself that 'he had *em all stirred up.' Petie proud . . . No idea at all what impression we made."19 The next morning, Jim apparently felt little need to exercise restraint, and Elizabeth chides him a little in their diary (Oct. 14): "Cricket a bit bold & loud at breakfast— . . . ruined his chances by announcing at breakfast that he had once been thought to have had a brain lesion! In New York, he talked over an Englewood proposal as well as the possibility of being secretary of the Yale-inChina mission."20 The next day, after a very difficult excursion into the strongholds of comfortable Christianity, they rode the train back to Vermont to be reunited with their son. From Vermont, Jim and his entourage travelled westward to Lake Forest. The journey was full of personal possibilities for Jim. He was seeking his own "highest and best use" in the battle to make the world conform to his specifications for the Kingdom of God. Somehow, though, agriculture stayed foremost in Jim's mind. In Chicago, he visited the stockyards and was given a tour by Louis Swift, one of the chief buyers for the Swift family's meat company. He rode on horseback through the 20,000 head that were being held ready for slaughter and found himself talking over agricultural possibilities with men he knew to be knowledgeable in the field.21 He also searched around for a waterpowered electric generator to set up at Hickory Nut Gap and electrify his home and farm. That may have been the pretext for him to go to Detroit to visit Henry Ford. But clearly, he went also to test out on the great inventor a vision for a mission to the Southern mountaineers. He wrote in his diary: Nov. 6— . . . started for Dearborn for 11:30 appointment . . . Ford took me through [the] tractor plant, showed me water wheels & said he would send for, test & send me [a] Pelton wheel—said my scheme for Mt. farmers was the best scheme he had brought to him—To lunch with him . . . table of about 12 ... Very stimulating clean cut, capable idealists . . . Then sent around in a Ford to Blast Furnace, Body plant [old Eagle plant] & motor works where 3500 per day are being turned out & 240,000 behind in delivery. The rest of his time in the Chicago area revolved around pleasant social occasions, particularly the pleasures of showing off his new son to Hetty and Doug Stuart and other family members and Mends. There were "big Powwows" with Doug and Mr. and Mrs. Cramer on the church and religion. On one late evening of talk, "Mr. C. making stealthy trips to [the] dining room or den & returning more loquacious each time."22 The day before he and Elizabeth were to return home, he received a job offer that momentarily unbalanced him. �Farmer Jim 225 "To town at 10:30 much messed up by offer of job for 3 mos. to convert Presbyterian Churches of Chicago to social Gfospel] & no chance to speak of it to the Pet... Decided to turn down offer."23 That night at dinner with his parents, Jim's father sensed his son's agitation, and after he and his wife said their final good byes, he sat down to pen a special letter of encouragement to him. My dear boy: I did not say anything special to you as you left the house tonight. Let me now say that I love you very much, I am happy in you, I believe your life is telling and will tell for great good in the world. I rejoice in your marriage and I feel quite sure that you are doing right in starting back to your home. Mother and I are grateful to God that we could have had you and Elizabeth and the baby boy with us so much as we have had; and we rejoice that on this special night the gathering about the table had so many of our dear ones . . . Your mother is no usual woman. She has made a very sweet and blessed home for us—these beautiful years. May you get back to a restful condition of heart and be ennobled to meet your duties and responsibilities in a brave, patient and sustained way. . . . There is a very, very great work to be done in our world for God, and only God's grace can be sufficient for us! Tenderly, Father (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to James G. K. McClure, Jr., November, 1919) The next morning, Jim, Elizabeth, Puny, Effie and the well-travelled ice box were all hustled to the Chicago train station and "Seen off with a rush by the Aunties." Their journey was slowed by a railroad strike, but two days later they all "Reached Asheville about noon . . . John came for us ... & a beautiful drive home."24 Hickory Nut Gap, after two and a half months, was both beautiful and— most importantly now—home. Their two dogs came barking out to greet them as the familiar putter of the Honeymoon Hudson rounded the curves up the mountain. For two and a half months they had been singing the praises of their mountain country, telling tales about the local people, and describing the projects begun on the farm and house. That sort of conversation has a way of building loyalty, and they had surely convinced themselves, if no one else, that Western North Carolina was now their home. But what to do? Did Jim really want to spend the rest of his life puttering about the farm? What was to become of his career in the ministry? Could he be so bold as to direct his energies outside of the church into a farmers' federation? All of these questions ran about in his head that fall, as did the very basic question of how to support his growing family. His farm income was not even paying the expenses yet, and it rankled him to even consider living off of his wife's income. And yet, he and Elizabeth both dearly loved their adopted homeland, along with all the peculiar ways of its inhabitants. There was certainly a great work crying out to be accomplished �226 We Plow God's Fields . V*, H*1 Elizabeth and "Puny" at Hickory Nut Gap. in these mountains, and Jim held it to be a basic tenet of his personal faith that when a man threw himself in with God, the material details would fall into place. Remarkably, considering his jarring performance at the Fifth Avenue Church, he received a call to become the minister there. Although we can find no formal record of this, his daughter Elspeth was told of it by her father, along with a caution not to mention the name of the church. Perhaps the search committee felt their congregation needed stirring up. In later years, Jim told Elspeth that he and Elizabeth decided he should accept. Then a little group of members of the farmers group Jim had founded that spring, hearing the rumor that Mr. McClure was leaving the mountains to go back to full time preaching, arrived at Hickory Nut Gap. The somber delegation, headed by Mr. Luther Clay, asked him to stay and help them. Jim and Elizabeth thought it over and decided to stay, a decision they never regretted. Jim McClure pledged his support to those men, and continued to work with them until his death. But how could he begin to help these people? Jim's cumulative experience in agriculture and business were minimal at best. The mountain economy, especially outside of Asheville, was so stagnant that almost no one could even imagine what could be done to generate profits. There was no industry, no single cash crop, little investment money, and the people practiced, on the whole, a simple, superstition-ridden form of subsistence agriculture. Local fanning was so inefficient that most of the food for the city of Asheville was shipped in by rail. Furthermore, the mountain farmers were reluctant to take advice from �Farmer Jim 227 outsiders; too often they had been made to feel ashamed of their backwardness. They were a proud and independent people, exhibiting the traits of their pioneer forefathers. Unfortunately, though, game in the woods was getting scarce, the land was wearing out, and there was almost no market for the scrub produce and meat that was being grown on these farms. Jim wondered whether his organizational skills could make a dent in these problems. What he knew about the mountaineer he had learned from those who lived on his farm or close at hand in Fairview. He constantly found himself caught up in the daily problems of both his own tenants and others in the community. People trusted his judgement and knew that he was always willing to help a neighbor out. Nov. 20—P.M. to Fairview to talk with Old Man Morgan relative to making his will—he asking my advice as 5 of W. B.'s children not his own . .. Nov. 21—After lunch [a] visit from O. F. Settles, with Lola heavily on his mind. Lola having become enamored of a 40-50 yr old Pegram woman. Dec. 2—Stopped at Uncle Mouse Freemans on [my] way home—Myrtle Bell & her new husband there—Asked Uncle Mouse what his son-in-law's name was & he replied "Let me see. Its Boyd isn't it—yes its Boyd" Was introduced to him by Myrtle Bell & found his name was Baird. Dec. 16—Up mt. looking for moonshiners on Rocky Point—the tip having been given me mat Emory was operating near that Point. No sign of him . . . Jan. 5, 1920 — Zeb Nix told me he had been awakened the evening before by Bud Owenby's boys who had requested him to come & see to their sister who had cut her throat by falling on a nail. Zeb said that "he jumped out of the bed & run into my cold clothes" & found the wound bleeding badly but he stopped it. How I asked? By stuffing it with cobwebs—Where did you get the cobwebs? From the rafters, lots of them there. The rhythms of life in the Southern mountains were a constant revelation to Jim and Elizabeth. They were fascinated by the dialect, and the endless strings of colorful sayings that helped people to understand their lives. Jim especially was genuinely appreciative of the mountain singing styles, and loved to attend the local shape-note conventions to hear family quartets sing the old-fashioned gospel songs. The quaint habits and ideas of the mountaineers were only a part of the culture that, at its best, produced men and women of strong character and determination. Very few people with Jim's background bothered to look too far below the surface of these people; the hillbilly stereotype was to most a perfectly workable model for understanding them. But while Jim was not blind to the defects within the mountain community, neither did he overlook the strengths. He had grown up in the midst of the business miracle of Chicago, and he knew that sound business organization was effective. Could he create such an enterprise in partnership with mountain farmers, and begin �228 We Plow God's Fields building up a firmer economic foundation on which to construct better churches and schools, better homes, and more opportunities for the coming generations? By 1920, Jim McClure had set his mind to just such a task. He had the support of his wife, and the full energy of a man whose health problems were behind him. His trip up north had soured him on the prospects of a more conventional career in the ministry, and just after Christmas of 1919, he wrote down his thoughts on the church as he saw it. I am convinced that there is something essentially wrong with Christianity as organized today . . . I have at times thought, tho more often I have doubted, and I have always hoped that the church could be saved—feeling that it would be a shame to waste a great organization that had a hold & means of access to and opportunity to utilize so great a number of the best human elements in this country or Europe. But as I find the church continuing to be blind to and to be neutral to the great movements for the liberation of the Spirit, i.e. the labor movement, science, the increase of machines, the fight of the workers for control, the mastery of the machinery of civilization, the forcing of that nature & of commerce & industry to serve mankind & not enrich the few, the unbrotherly distribution of wealth & of political life . . . I have come to think that the church must be left aside, just as the R. C. church was at the Reformation, and that the time has come when the movement toward the development of the Spirit is hindered, more than it is helped by the church. The church is so unshaken in its allegiance to a system of metaphysics & to various forms & traditions. Christ found that organized rel[igion] was so taken up with forms & metaphysics & traditions & inhibitions that it hindered the development of the spirit more than it helped it. Luther found that organized rel[igion] was so taken up with forms & metaphysics & traditions & inhibitions that it hindered more than it helped . . . We are a race capable of great spiritual achievement, capable of arising and accomplishing things, capable of sharing the life of God, of controlling nature, of controlling the affairs of mankind so that brotherhood is produced (not a war & poverty) and we are not told these things, but our eyes are turned to unessential setting up exercises of rel[igion], to ... quaint beliefs in heaven & to a strange assortment of metaphysical guesses. The church can not prevent us from sharing the life of God, developing our spirits, but they will have to be revolutionized or pushed aside in the doing of it.25 When the ink had dried on this manifesto, Jim McClure's own doubts were behind him. He wanted to carry out God's work in Western North Carolina. Perhaps, as a reporter once wrote of him in the old New York Sun, "Jim McClure was a minister who went wrong." But his wrong turning turned into the greatest single hope for a better life among the farmers of Western North Carolina. �Farmer Jim 229 1. President Woodrow Wilson, speech declaring war, April 2, 1917. 2. A popular verse at the time, cited in Bailey and Kennedy, The American Pageant, Sixth Edition (Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath, 1979) p. 680. 3. James G. K. McClure, Jr., letter to the editor, Chicago Tribune, November 28, 1914. 4. James G. K. McClure, Jr., brown notebook. 5. James G. K. McClure, Jr., 1917 notebook, dated January, 1917. 6. James G. K. McClure, Jr., brown notebook. 7. Donald C. Peattie, "Dr. Austen Fox Riggs" (An Atlantic Portrait), "The Atlantic Monthly" 168 (2), August 1941, pp. 200-207. All the general information and quotes from Dr. Riggs are from this article. 8. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "Is Peace Possible?" unpublished paper, submitted to The New Republic in April, 1918. 9. Interview with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 10. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "The Sin of Aachen," sermon given at Bearwallow Baptist Church, July 7, 1918. 11. Ibid. 12. Diary, April 13, 1919. 13. From a clipping out of the Asheville School for Boys newspaper, May 25,1919. Found clipped in the McClure's diary. 14. Diary, September 25, 1919. 15. Elizabeth McClure, diary, October 11, 1919. 16. Ibid., October 12, 1919 17. James G. K. McClure, Jr., personal notebook, October 13, 1919 (pp. 59-61). 18. Program from evening service, First Presbyterian Church, Passaic, NJ, October 12, 1919. 19. Elizabeth Cramer McClure, diary, October 12, 1919. 20. Elizabeth Cramer McClure, diary, October 13, 1919. 21. James. G. K. McClure, Jr. diary, October 21 and 23, 1919. 22. Ibid., November 2, 1919. 23. Ibid., November 13, 1919. 24. Ibid., November 14 and 16, 1919. 25. James G. K. McClure, Jr., 1919 notebook. Written December 28, 1919 after attending the Fairview Church. �Chapter Thirteen Farming in the Mountains of North Carolina Dear Sirs: The problem of the farmer must be seen from many angles before the composite and true solution can be arrived a t . . . All these . . . farm people manage to exist by working every member of the family, commencing with the child of five or six. The women are worked, literally, to death. The men work 12 hours a day and have no time for leisure or improvement of any kind. The housing conditions are worse than in the slums. In many a house in our section when the "flu" hit us there have been ten sick at the same time in a one room house and in three beds. Farm produce has never yet brought a price high enough to warrant the replacing of the soil elements sold off in the produce .. . and farming has truly been called mining. The nitrogen, the potash and the phosphorus have been sold off the land from the Atlantic right through to the Pacific as the wave of pioneers has swept westward . . . When he [the farmer] sees another demand for a raise from some Union, supported by the journals of opinion, and probably favored by the Government, he feels that he will have to pay for it. He fears the freight will be raised all along the line and he will pay the freight. He is beginning to feel sore. He is realizing as a farmer said to me the other day "the farmer doesn't control anything." (James G. K. McClure, Jr., letter to the New Republic, February 23, 1920) James McClure had found his congregation. Scattered about a picturesque mountain terrain, in cabins built alongside clear creeks and amongst the wild laurel and rhododendron, lived one of the nation's least prosperous peoples. Jim's "church" members raised their big families in the timeless methods and habits of the subsistence farmer; at least most of them did. These men and women were of the purest Anglo-Saxon stock, frozen into a kind of permanent frontier existence. These people were an embarrassment to the race, some would say, who by their failure disproved the theories of racial superiority so beguiling to the age. So they were ignored, or worse, caricatured. The moonshine jug with a few X's on the side, the long, lanky frame, a felt hat with a feather stuck in, and of course the Kentucky rifle, mostly to be used on "revenuers" or some other brand of "furriner," were the stock props. Most of the mountaineers in 1920 were independent; they rarely lived together in towns, for the simple reason that there was little commerce or 230 �Farming in the Mountains of North Carolina 231 Mountain couple in Western North Carolina, 1920s. (McClure Fund Photograph Collection.) industry to bring them there. Those who owned land lived on it. Land meant wealth, freedom and independence, or so their forefathers thought when they left England. Mostly though, in 1920, it meant taxes, hard work and a bare survival. Most of these mountain families were poor; poor at least in the way wealth is usually measured. Jim noticed, too, a weary, disheartened look on the faces of his neighbors, and decided there was a spiritual poverty among the people, a poverty of hope. He saw it in the faces of young mothers, prematurely wrinkled from the burdens of the endless cycles of child-rearing, many of whom married in their early teens to escape the confines of their own parents. Jim always remarked that it was the faces of these women that had haunted him; he felt that he ought to try something to help them and their children. When he visited a farm, he always liked to calculate how far away the water supply was from the house, and multiply the distance by twice a day and then by 365 days in a year to estimate the miles that woman walked carrying water. He also was disturbed by the message of hopelessness he heard in the churches. Twice on Sunday, and once on Wednesday, the best of the mountaineers attended church, and were fed on a steady diet of heaven and hell. The former was certainly going to be a lot better than the latter, but in the midst of the descriptions of everlasting torture and eternal bliss came the idea that the ��Farming in the Mountains of North Carolina 233 present life on earth was so corrupted by sin, and the forces of Satan so powerful, that it was an illusion to think that man could possibly improve his lot. It was best just to come on down to the old-fashioned altar and get yourself some fire insurance before it was too late. Look forward to the joy of heaven, they were told, when the misery of this life will be over. "Don't you hear the bells now ringing? Don't you hear the angels singing? Tis the glory hallelujah Jubilee!"1 Jim McClure cringed in the face of this theology of hopelessness, and often came home enraged by the sermon. To the Fairview church with the Aunts & the Rev. Blackburn preached on the second coming . . . with a chart showing the dispensations etc. Perfectly awful. E. & I were nearly wild. The man spoke from conviction for the first time. [He] said, "I do not despise education, do not despise movements for bettering conditions. These things are all right but the world can not be bettered that way-the only way is by the second coming which is immanent!" It seemed terribly wicked to exploit the aspirations of those people in that fruitless way.2 Jim despised the religion of resignation. But in more reflective moments he would have admitted that real opportunity was so absent in the mountains that few people could imagine life being any different. Aspirations were better left until after death, until after the testing period was complete, as fruitless an attitude as that may be. For them, living was strictly a matter of survival. But life in the mountains did have its compensations, in spite of, or maybe even because of, its meager contact with the industrial revolution going on all around. These people were in no way homogenized by the forces of American culture. Speech in the mountains was a unique blend of coarse and earthy description, flecked with words and pronunciations more at home in a Shakespearean play than the twentieth century United States. These people were the direct descendants of those who sat in the one-penny seats at Shakespeare's Globe Theater, and howled at the antics of Falstaff and his cronies. The speech of the isolated mountaineers had not been exposed to influences from the outside. The place names in Western North Carolina reflect the variety of influences that worked on the culture. The Cherokee Indians left a strong legacy, not only with place names like Tuckasegee and Nantahalla, but with a wideranging knowledge of plant and animal lore that the Europeans adopted. The plants and animals themselves were often chosen as labels, from Hickory Nut Gap to Rattlesnake Knob. From Jackson to Madison to Clay Counties and from Franklin to Democrat to Jefferson, politics left its imprint on mountain geography. The Bible (Mount Pisgah, Shiloh), the classics (Faust, Sparta), and even Greek mythology (Mars Hill, Jupiter) were popular place names. In at least once instance, a local name has entered the national language: the term bunOpposite: Washing day in Western North Carolina, 1920s. (McClure Fund Photograph Collection.) �234 We Plow God's Fields combe or "bunk" derives from a label applied to the speeches of a particularly long-winded member of Congress from Western North Carolina. Ferguson Mountain, just behind Jim and Elizabeth's home, was named for the losing British general at the Battle of King's Mountain during the Revolutionary War. Most of all, the names in the mountains reflect the hardships, the prejudices, the curiosities, and the humor of the inhabitants: the Devil's Elbow, Nigger Skull Mountain, Good Luck, Loafer's Glory, Burntshirt Mountain, Cold Ass Mountain (sanitized to "Cold" by the cartographers), 'Tater Knob and Licklog Creek are only a few graphic examples. If one wanted to hear the poetry and literary talents of the mountaineers in 1920, one sought out perhaps a gifted Preacher on Sunday, the old country store on a cold winter's day, or best of all, the schoolhouse on election day. If the preacher burned your ears for sinning, the pot-bellied orator or politician would likely cuss you to death. There was usually quite a struggle between the sacred and the profane, between the abstainers and the drinkers, between the honest and the dishonest, the hardworking and the worthless. Often it was the woman who dragged her family to church, while her husband stood outside chewing tobacco or worse. In any event, everybody appreciated language, and the man who could tell a good story was a popular man indeed. Rattlesnakes, panthers, chicken thieves, whiskey and even the old Deluder, Satan himself, made frequent appearances in the mountain tales. Yet many of these same men and women were hard pressed to write their own names. Illiterate people hindered progress; Jim McClure's support of local education ran parallel with his hope to bring profits to the mountain farmer. A man who could not read would forever cling to the old ways, fear new ideas and find it hard to embrace progressive programs. Even before he started promoting the Farmers Federation, Jim attended the school meetings in Fairview to try to find a way to improve local education. On one occasion, when a meeting was to be held at the nearby Pleasant Grove School, to discuss consolidating with the more modern one in the center of Fairview, Jim's progressive ideas were so feared that an opposing faction tried to prevent him from attending by felling a large tree across the road, blocking the way for his Hudson. But anyone who really knew him knew that it would take more than one tree to discourage Jim McClure. He arrived on foot, and when he stood up to speak, he looked into the crowd and saw all of those wrinkled faces of the young women staring back at him. He said later that he had resolved that evening to devote his life to those women, their farmer husbands, and most of all to the new generation of children who might otherwise inherit the same life of drudgery as their parents. Once Jim had resolved to act, he immersed himself in the economics of American agriculture. In order to understand the work of the Farmers Federation, it is important to try to grasp at least the primary threads of this subject, one that has been of great discomfort to the American body politic throughout the twentieth century. The "farm problem" is as old as civilization. Agriculture is the most vital of topics, not only because it is the source of man's food, but �Farming in the Mountains of North Carolina 235 Young girls hoeing corn on steep mountain land in Western North Carolina. (McClure Fund Photograph Collection.) also because all the rest of society must rest on its foundation. Throughout the ages, until recently, virtually everyone spent all of his time working the soil. Civilization, which first appeared in the irrigated river valleys of Mesopotamia and the Nile, was (and still is) impossible without a food surplus that frees up a portion of the population from the toil of farming to specialize in a skill or profession. The growth of towns and cities is dependent on the countryside for food. In fact, there are so many religious, social and economic ramifications within the subject of agriculture that its history is easily the most important component in understanding man's past and present. The American present in the agricultural history of mankind is so remarkable that scarcely anyone could have predicted it. That so few people can feed so many is a fact whose true significance is scarcely appreciated. There has been no American revolution to equal the changes in agriculture that this country has pioneered. The rapid process of change also has caused its inevitable share of side effects and social dislocations. Even today, the prospects for a new wave of agricultural miracles lies just behind the exciting research into genetic engineering, but at the same time the difficulties of overzealous pesticide use, monoculture and soil erosion make one pause to wonder about the benefits of progress. The pace of change in agriculture picked up after the Civil War as new machinery and techniques began to appear. The source of the McCormick for- �236 We Plow God's Fields tune was the marvel of the age: a mechanical reaper that virtually replaced the scythe, an implement that had been used for more than 10,000 years. As one agricultural historian explained, " . . . Production and marketing functions began to peel off the farming operations. Farm machinery and implements became more productive and more complicated, and had to be produced . . . in factories."3 Farming itself became specialized. Transportation, marketing, processing and supplying for the crops took many of the tasks of previous generations of farmers elsewhere. Wise capital investment became the key element of success, and debt the common cause of personal disaster. The social and economic ramifications of these changes created an understandable sense of loss of independence, and independence was perhaps the strongest value of the family farmer. All of the uncertainties found expression through organizations such as the Grangers and the Populist Party. Writers like Frank Norris, and later John Steinbeck, wrote movingly of characters crushed between invisible economic forces that seemed more evil for their impersonality. These forces are now rather well understood. In the parlance of the economist, farm prices are extremely inelastic. It has been shown that to increase per-capita food consumption by 2 percent required a 10 percent decline in retail food prices, which translates to a 20 percent decline in farm food product prices. In other words, "Farmers are at the crack end of the price whip."4 The " . . . face of market demand is precipitous: supply the market with a little more than it will take and the extra amount tumbles over the edge of the glacier and sells for a price at the bottom of the precipice. However, not only does the extra amount sell at a price at the bottom . . . but all the products sell at ... [that] price. . . ."5 Outside of the vagaries of export, there is only one way for the market demand for American food to increase: more Americans. People might substitute roast beef for hamburger, or wine for milk, but there is a real limit to the total bulk one person can eat. A product manufacturer, on the other hand, can continually dream up new gadgets, stimulate demand for his goods with advertising, and try to manage supply to avoid over-production. Even then, the company has the advantage of being able to manipulate the price to stimulate customers. The farmer has no control over his price; he looks in the newspaper and takes what is offered, or leaves it and hopes for an improvement the next day. The total demand for food will not budge even with the best advertising, although people can be convinced to shift items on their grocery lists. Furthermore, over-production in the agricultural sector is very difficult to prevent, and as has been shown, is the worst enemy of the farmer. He, as one individual, will borrow money to buy a new tractor and machinery. He then needs to reap the biggest return possible to pay his bills. The new machinery increases his productivity, but when the increases are multiplied across the country, oversupplies are almost assured. Through price supports, allotments, market advice, and even paying farmers not to plant, the federal government has erected a �Farming in the Mountains of North Carolina 237 rather byzantine structure to try to cope with this problem. The results are controversial at best. During the years that Jim McClure began farming in North Carolina a milestone in American agriculture slipped by almost unnoticed. The farm economy crossed a great divide during 1910-20. Farm employment increased in every decade up until that one and thereafter declined . . . Output per worker jumped unpredictably before 1910; after that it skyrocketed . .. Something fundamental to or about farming in the United States changed between 1910 and 1920. Before then the national farm plant grew and developed by territorial expansion and an increased number of farmers. After 1920 it continued to grow, but in a new way; it grew through capital formation, the adoption of new and improved practices and technology, and improved management.6 The number of farm workers and the amount of acreage under production actually declined after 1920, despite the increasing production. The marginal family farms went out of business, and the surplus agricultural labor moved to the cities. "The traditional approach to farming—son learning from father and farming as his father and grandfather had before him—had crumbled slowly during the nineteenth century, and was shattered completely during the 1920s by the gasoline engine, the tractor."7 During the early twenties, when most of the American economy was decidedly upbeat, the agricultural sector plunged into an early depression. Several economic forces collided, conspiring together to glut nearly every commodity market. First of all, the preceding two decades had been lush times for the farmer. From 1900 to 1910, farm prices increased 40 per cent. The large influx of immigrants helped to push up the national population 21 percent while farm output jumped only 4 percent. The next decade was even more profitable. Output still lagged behind population growth, but much more dramatically. World War I opened up the enormous European markets to a continent too preoccupied with war to grow its own food.8 Two decades of rapidly rising demand stimulated agricultural production in the United States. New equipment, new techniques and better management were all pressed into service to supply the customers. The addition of the tractor meant that several acres previously tilled to feed the draft horses and mules could now be used to grow food for sale. When the war ended, however, the Europeans began to seal off their home markets and American agriculture immediately found itself overproducing. "After World War I, farm prices fell sharply . . . That decade was not a happy one because so many farmers paid the price—business failure—for the land speculation of the preceding decade. But conditions could and did get much worse. The relation between population and farm output became decidedly unfavorable to farms during the unhappy 1930s: the population growth increased only 7 per �238 We Plow God's Fields cent and farm output 11. The consequence once again was tumbling farm prices and badly depressed farm incomes."9 Jim McClure's dream was to bring cash to the mountain farm by integrating the region's farming resources into the national agricultural system through the introduction of modern agricultural methods and a strong marketing effort. As it turned out, he picked the worst possible moment to try to plug in: for two decades that system remained ill, some thought terminally so. The year 1920 began favorably enough, but "Twelve months later prosperity had evaporated and farmers were confronted by the worst agricultural depression they had ever known."10 The short-term factor that kicked off the decline was the post-war deregulation of several spheres of the economy that had been managed by the government during the war crisis. The de-control of railroad freight rates, the end of the War Finance Corporation, and the elimination of government wheat supports all had a direct bearing on agriculture. To cope with the post-war inflation, the Federal Reserve Board pushed up interest rates, which cost the farmers in higher interest payments. The long-run effects, however, were what kept agriculture on the ropes. Foreign orders for American grain immediately went slack and prices plummeted. Two decades of prosperity had built up the cumulative agricultural productive capacity of the nation to levels domestic consumption alone could never sustain. From June to December of 1920, agricultural prices slipped an average of 40 percent.11 Disaster had struck, and the torturous relationship between farm interests and government policy began to heat up in earnest. Jim McClure launched the Farmers Federation in the midst of this crisis. It may have been in large part because of his determined effort that the Federation survived these early years, but truly the mountain farmers had been in such perpetual depression for so long, and were so isolated from the national economy anyway, that the problems of Iowa or Kansas made hardly a ripple in Western North Carolina. But the sharp drop in prices did create momentum across the country for cooperative agricultural movements. Joseph Knapp, an authority on the subject, wrote: "The year 1920 produced a veritable explosion in cooperative activity that brought a doubling of cooperative marketing business within five years. A combination of factors contributed. Most important was the severe post-World War I depression which led to chronic agricultural distress in the face of general business recovery. The depression awakened interest in cooperative marketing as a means of restoring farm prosperity, and it gave birth to a strong demand for monopolistic commodity marketing cooperatives that could control farm product prices.12 The impetus, then, was for the wheat or tobacco or cotton growers to band together to sell their product as one seller, and command a higher, monopolistic price. This is known as selling on a "commodity basis." The difficulty with this kind of a program is the great discipline required of individual members not to create a break in the monopoly price. Cartels are notoriously unstable. �Farming in the Mountains of North Carolina 239 One remarkable man worked tirelessly to promote this system among the different commodity associations in the United States. Aaron Sapiro started organizing in California with the prune and raisin growers. Later, almost by chance, he found himself in Mobile, Alabama, in April 1920 at the annual meeting of the American Cotton Association. Even though his name was not on the program, Aaron Sapiro took that meeting by storm. Under his direction, a National Cotton Exchange was organized to sell, warehouse, finance and transport cotton. Sapiro next turned to both the flue-cured and burley tobacco markets, both of which were reeling because of price drops in 1920. The momentum of his ideas increased rapidly throughout the agricultural community. His theory included these requirements: organization on a commodity basis [rather than by region], democratic control by the members, long term and binding contracts, orderly and businesslike marketing, and the control of a sufficient proportion of the entire crop to dominate the market.13 Jim McClure was well aware of Sapiro's activities, and tapped into his sense of mission and enthusiasm. But, unfortunately for Western North Carolina, there was no commodity with which it could compete in the national market, and so the Farmers Federation by necessity had to organize on a regional, not a commodity, basis. Moreover, Jim McClure was interested in more than economics. He wanted the mountain people to build for themselves a rural civilization based on the highest of spiritual values, so to him the marketing of farm produce was really only the means to an end. In time, the weaknesses in "Sapiroism" began to overshadow the movement, and by about 1925 it had lost its fervor.14 Mere market power had been unable to combat the problem of over-production, and without coercion the monopolies became difficult to maintain. Yet Aaron Sapiro was one of the most remarkable and influential men of the history of the American cooperative movement, and his efforts created a favorable climate in which many such organizations thrived. The Farmers Federation was one. In Western North Carolina, over-production, monopoly power and modern technology were concepts as alien as if the region occupied a forgotten corner of the Himalayas rather than the Appalachians. Larger than several states, the region the Farmers Federation eventually served was sliced and criss-crossed with mountain ranges more formidable and extensive than any others east of the Mississippi. Along the rivers and creeks the soil could be rich and fruitful, but more often, especially on the more rocky upland farms, it had been exhausted by short-sighted farming methods Jim McClure always likened more to mining than agriculture. The more one climbed the hillsides, the more the soil thinned out, and yet in 1920 many an Appalachian family survived on a farm perched overlooking the most prosperous bottom lands in the valley. Cash on these marginal farms was the scarcest of commodities: it was hoarded to pay taxes, and to buy a little salt and sugar. At Christmas time, a Florida orange and a big dinner was about all a child could hope for. In 1920 there were no reliable cash crops in the mountains. The railroad brought the local farmers into competition with the more efficient, quality ori- �240 We Plow God's Fields ented farmers elsewhere in the United States, with the result that even the small population centers in Western North Carolina were fed to a large extent by farmers outside the region. During the early years of the Farmers Federation, the composite picture of mountain agriculture was bleak. If one traveled about in the 1920s, the visual evidence of one run-down farm after another would have been convincing enough. But in 1928, the governor of North Carolina received a "Report of the Tax Commission" that substantiated, with a series of grim statistics, how thin the economic base of life in the mountains was. The Commission studied 281 mountain farms from Jackson, McDowell and Ashe Counties. These farms were chosen to represent the actual diversity of the area as closely as possible, and then were studied by economists in great detail. One can only imagine what comic scenes developed when these representatives of academia invaded the mountaineers' home turf. For certain though, the farmers were given a great opportunity to pull pranks on the city folks, and for years afterwards the best of them were told and retold around the wood stove on a cold winter's day. There was no sport in the mountains better than aggravating invaders. One also wonders how anyone representing a tax commission could maneuver around at all. But the data rolled into Raleigh, outlining the shocking truth that agriculture in the mountains was not only providing little income, but in fact represented negative profit. As meager as the farmers' capital investments were, they were producing on average a negative return of-$192 or -3.4 percent. There were no incentives, clearly, to increase production by buying machinery, or more land, or even a better mule. Agriculture was simply a strategy for survival, the only option available outside of the logging camps. Discounting the unpaid wages of the farmer and his family, the average cash income for these mountain farmers in 1927 was $86 a year. Eighty-six dollars before taxes translated, when spread amongst the farmer's large family, into bare feet, homespun clothing, and a psychology of hopelessness that bothered Jim McClure more than anything else. Many farms, especially in Buncombe and Henderson Counties, were no doubt much more prosperous than these figures indicate, but on the other hand there were many farms where the $86 would have been a boom year.15 It is no wonder that men turned to moonshine, for cash and consolation. How powerful the vision of that heavenly "city of gold" described by the preachers must have appeared when compared to the drab realities of life in this world. In the starkest of contrasts, the city of Asheville glittered during the twenties as an earthly "city of gold," with a tempo that never skipped a beat throughout the Jazz Age. It was condemned by the local Baptist ministers as a magnet of vice and temptation. Wealthy patrons flocked in to enjoy the pleasures of the climate and the comforts of some of the most luxurious resort hotels in the United States. It was the town and the time of Thomas Wolfe. Asheville had earned the renown of the rich and famous, and became for a time their summer playground. George Vanderbilt had moved in earlier, to give the town one of the most monumental expressions of the gilded age anywhere in the country, the �Farming in the Mountains of North Carolina 241 chateau known as Biltmore House. He also constructed the little town of Biltmore, with an integrated architecture of red roof tiles and stucco, to house and maintain the artisans who built the house and other employees of his estate. If the Vanderbilts represented a dying age during the twenties, Zelda and Scott Fitzgerald were the most notorious, the most frenetic harbingers of the new. And they too brought their show to Asheville. But if Asheville was enjoying its historical moment in the sun, those who lived in the countryside couldn't have cared less. The local farmers could only sell perishable goods such as milk, butter, cream, fresh vegetables and fruit to this elite population. The railroads had created the Asheville boom, bringing in and taking away 250,000 visitors a summer,16 and they also brought in the high quality food these visitors demanded. The choice meats, produce, eggs and potatoes that suited this clientele were not being grown by the mountain farmers. Ignorance and lack of capital meant that even the lucrative local market was being eroded away by outside farmers who bought quality seed and standardized breeds and practiced improved farming techniques. Even though potatoes are a crop well-suited to Western North Carolina, the guests at the Grove Park Inn preferred that their roast beef be complemented with a big baked potato from Maine, and therein lay the challenge before Jim McClure. The same railroad that brought down potatoes from Maine also supplied the mountain farmers with fertilizer, lime, seeds and implements. But these farms were comparatively small, and lacked bulk buying opportunities. Buying supplies usually meant a day lost driving behind the old mule to the local feed and seed store. These stores themselves usually sold a low volume, and were often poorly stocked in a region plagued by notoriously poor roads. So the farmers paid dearly for what few agricultural supplies they could afford to buy. Selling produce was equally inefficient. The wagon was hitched up again and driven into the town square. In Asheville, the usual market was around Pack Square, and the farmers would spend the day with their load, haggling with the customers, swapping tales and chewing tobacco. It could be a pleasant day away from the routine of farming, and a chance for father and son to explore the delights of urban life. But all too often the journey home was spoiled by the meager return a year's work brought to the man and his family. It seemed as if every farmer picked his beans or dug his potatoes the same day, and nobody wanted to haul his load back home again. Towards the evening, when the farmers were ready to leave, the market tilted in favor of the buyers, first one farmer and then another would sell out for a pittance, reducing the value of his labors to almost nothing. Jim McClure ran up against the same problem. He combatted it by lining up his buyers ahead of time at hospitals and hotels, and endeavoring to grow a superior product. If he could not find his price, he brought the load back home. But he discovered early on that inferior products marketed in a haphazard fashion had almost killed and buried any profit in mountain farming. �242 We Plow God's Fields Mountain farmer plowing with a matched pair of horses. (McClure Fund Photograph Collection.) Prior to 1920, there had been at least two healthy spells of farming in the mountains, especially in Buncombe and Henderson Counties. An excellent turnpike road was built in 1827 that connected Tennessee, Kentucky and Western North Carolina with markets in Charleston and Augusta. Upwards of 170,000 hogs ambled through on this and other roads before the Civil War destroyed this commerce. It took bushels of corn to feed these animals each evening, stimulating such a demand that a surprisingly large number of slaves were purchased as laborers in areas near the road. After the war, from roughly 1870 to 1890, a flue-cured tobacco boom brought cash to the mountains. Curing barns in the countryside and warehouses and factories in Asheville sprang up like mushrooms in the rich soil of tobacco profits. Mountain leaf was popular as the wrapper for cigars, but, by the turn of the century, the introduction of cigarettes along with competition from Eastern North Carolina ruined mountain tobacco markets. Jim McClure helped to bring tobacco culture (and cash) back into the mountains during the Twenties, with the introduction of the Burley variety. Unfortunately, the intensive culture of both corn and tobacco during the Nineteenth Century, without the means or knowledge of the use of proper fertilizers, had left many of the farms with lifeless, eroded soil, creating a further challenge for the Federation. Jim McClure was not the first man to attempt to organize the farmers of �Farming in the Mountains of North Carolina 243 Traveling the roads of Western North Carolina. (McClure Fund Photograph Collection.) Western North Carolina, although he was by far the most successful. In 1873, the Grange movement had three chapters in Buncombe County.17 As was the pattern elsewhere, though, the Grangers became discouraged when their overblown expectations could not be realized, and the meetings sank into mere conviviality.18 The shrill political ideas of the Farmers Alliance vocalized the next wave of discontent. That group's strong stands in favor of better education, self-government at the county level, an increase in the amount of money in circulation (the silver issue), higher farm prices, and regulation of the railroads by the government were later co-opted by the likes of the populist orators Tom Watson of Georgia and "Pitchfork" Ben Tillman of South Carolina. In North Carolina, the Farmers' Alliance went political in 1890. Many of their candidates were elected to the General Assembly, and this woke up the entrenched and complacent Democratic Party. But the Alliance's "farmers' legislature" failed to solve the financial problems of North Carolina despite its free-spending ways. As Theodore Saloutos explained in his book on farmer's organizations, it was because the rhetoric did not match the reality. "Alliance, instead of realizing that they, as farmers, were becoming the victims of sweeping economic changes to which they would have to make radical adjustments, preferred to believe that they were the victims of a money-mad society . . . The Alliancemen were simply stumbling in the dark in search of a working formula that would put more of the earnings of 'productive toil' into their pockets, and they called this formula 'cooperation.'"19 The final wave of farmer protest and organization came through the efforts of the Farmers' Union, which derived its intellectual suste- �244 We Plow God's Fields Mountain boys thinking about hoeing corn. O.T. Ashe's boys on the left, with Tom Anderson's boy on the right, Shooting Creek Section of Clay County, June 7, 1946. (McClure Fund Photograph Collection.) nance from the free spirit of the Progressive Era. When Jim arrived in Buncombe County, there was the vestige of the Union locally, and a pathetic cooperative store near Fairview in Oakley.20 Much of the appeal of the Farmers' Union came from the fascination with secret rituals and "bawdy horseplay." Many joined out of simple curiosity, just to learn the secrets.21 Despite the ineffectiveness of these three organizations, the Grange, the Alliance and the Farmers' Union did help to encourage progressive agricultural techniques. But, as each wave came and went, as leaders rose and fell, enthusiasm was replaced by suspicion and cynicism. In the South, racial tensions tended to blunt the ability of these groups to make a political impact. For example, the Alliance was completely destroyed when the Democratic Party began preaching race hatred, thwarting the efforts of the Alliance leaders to unite the power of black and white farmers in North Carolina. Jim McClure began selling stock in the Farmers Federation in the midst of the memories of all those failed attempts to help the farmer. A sharp gambling man would have given him long odds on success. The three organizations that preceded him all had a wide base of national support, and yet each died as the bloom of enthusiasm wore off. He was attempting to create a business over a rather large geographical area with an abysmal transportation system, among �Farming in the Mountains of North Carolina 245 farmers with a high rate of illiteracy whose agricultural practices lagged far behind the competition's. The Federation was to be a boot-strap, self-financed organization in a region that was extremely cash deficient. He would have insufficient operating capital, no well-established outside market for crops, and himself as president, a man more knowledgeable about theological trends in Germany than agriculture in Western North Carolina. Moreover, the last time he had worked hard, his health had broken down within ten months. The very thought of a Yankee preacher, and liberal one at that, coming into the mountains and organizing a group of people who had little more than their own sense of independence to be proud of, seems in retrospect a preposterous scheme. How could he possibly hope to create a business out of thin air that would not only pay its own bills, but also pay dividends to its members? How could such an organization expect to survive the first little adverse business ripple? Undoubtedly many discouraging remarks were made both to Jim and behind his back about his scheme to help the mountain farmers by the bankers in Asheville and the residents of the hollows out in the countryside. But Jim's mind was made up; his course was set. He believed that men and women who dared to dream great visions were given the strength and support of the Lord God Almighty. With his own mind firmly committed, he could persuade people to believe in the impossible. For more than forty years the Farmers Federation served as an agency of change in Western North Carolina, as a cutting edge of progress. It became the great work of its founder and long-time president, reflecting his ideas and his urge to serve mankind until his death in 1956. 1. "When They Ring the Golden Bells," copyright 1887 by Dion DeMarbelle. Used by permission of the John Church Co., owners of copyright. Found in the Church Hymnal, (Cleveland, Tennessee: Tennessee Music and Printing Company, 1951), p.294. 2. James G. K. McClure, Jr., diary, June 13, 1920. 3. William W. Cochrane, The City Man's Guide to the Farm Problem (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1965), p. 3. 4. Ibid., p. 81. 5. Ibid., p. 85. 6. Ibid., p. 26. 7. Ibid., p.27. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., p. 28. 10. Joseph Knapp, The Advance of American Cooperative Enterprise: 1920-1945 (Danville, Illinois: Interstate Printers and Publishers, 1973), p. 5. 11. Ibid.,p.6. 12. Ibid., p. 3. 13. Ibid., p. 1-9. 14. Ibid., p. 74-75. 15. "Report of the Tax Commission to Governor Angus Wilton McLean," authorized by the 1927 General Assembly, Raleigh, 1928. 16. Talmage Powell, "Asheville: An Historical Sketch," Doug Swaim, editor, found �246 We Plow God's Fields in Cabins and Castles: The History and Architecture of Buncombe County, North Carolina. (Asheville, N.C.: Historic Resources Commission of Asheville and Buncombe County, 1981), p. 43. 17. John Ager, "Buncombe County: A Brief History," in Cabins and Castles . . . OpCit., p. 22. 18. Theodore Saloutos, Farmer Movements in the South, 1865-1933, (Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1960), p. 41. 19. Ibid., p. 88-89. 20. Interview with Guy Sales. 21. Op Cit., Saloutos, Farmers Movements . . . , p.87. �Chapter Fourteen The Farmers Federation The greatest agricultural possibilities of the mountain country, indeed, can only be realized through the growth of the co-operative movement. Until the farmers of a neighborhood far from market join in some definite co-operative undertaking . . . the efforts of the individual fanner will fall far short of their desert, no matter how excellent his method."1 John C. Campbell [Jim] is still running the "Federation of Farmers" which has many ramifications & it seems too funny that he, a "town" man, should be President of a Farmers' Concern. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Harriet McClure Stuart, January 12, 1920) By the spring of 1920, the Fairview Farmers Federation was duly organized and incorporated under the laws of North Carolina, and by the next fall it had grown so fast that the "Fairview" in the name had to be dropped. Suddenly, Jim McClure became surrounded by an organization that required all of his energies, all of his intellect, and most of all, every ounce of his famous charm. At times he dragged the Federation along as a dead weight in impossible circumstances, and at other times he just did his best to keep up with the momentum. After all the years of frustration, Jim McClure was back to work. He was satisfying his deepest convictions with an energy that infected those around him. The Farmers Federation was on the move, and so was James Gore King McClure, Jr. Fourteen years later, Jim reminisced about those early days at the annual meeting of "The New York Farmers," a group of wealthy gentleman farmers. We started in 1920 and had a little meeting in a log cabin, when we had a committee of five of these mountain farmers. We had the organization meeting in a log cabin where the family could not go to bed until after we got through with our meeting, because there was just one room with the beds in it. At this meeting we decided to put up a shed on a side track, which we were to put in ourselves. We had since put up two additions on this shed. We started in with one manager. At first we thought one of the directors would open the building on a Tuesday and another on Saturday, but we decided to risk employing a manager by the month. Within six weeks we had to have an assistant and within another six weeks we had to have another one. Then the movement began to spread.2 Despite the romance conjured up by this log cabin meeting, the most important of these early gatherings probably took place in Tom Nesbitt's modest 247 �248 We Plow God's Fields frame house in Fairview. Mr. Nesbitt was a farmer who milked a few cows and raised a few crops to peddle around Asheville but like most farmers at this time he made a meager living for all his efforts. Around his fireside the members of the Federation took the courageous step to launch themselves as a business enterprise.3 In 1920, when the Farmers Federation was organized, there were no special laws set up in North Carolina under which the cooperative could be created, so these men incorporated under the general business laws of the State, and became a cooperative through their by-laws. These by-laws followed the Rochdale plan. The Equitable Pioneers of Rochdale, England, were a group of unemployed weavers who in 1844, with twenty-eight pounds, began the first consumers' cooperative. The weavers, like the farmers of Western North Carolina, were worried about the cost of their supplies, and so pooled their buying power to reduce their costs. The two distinguishing features of the Rochdale system were the financial structure and how voting power was organized. First of all, everyone who joined, no matter how many shares of stock he or she owned, was entitled to one vote. The usual corporate law is one share, one vote; but in a region where cash was scarce and suspicion of "big money" people was rampant, "one man, one vote" avoided disputes over control of the organization that could have blown the Farmers Federation away in the first discouraging wind. The second Rochdale fundamental incorporated into the Farmers Federation determined that all supplies were to be sold at prevailing retail rates. At the end of the year, after all the expenses were paid, each member would be given credit for his or her share of the profits, based on the quantity of business done during that period of time. Some profits were held out to be distributed to the stockholders, and some were plowed back into the organization. The Rochdale system of co-operation was created to serve its members, not make a profit. But its finances were based on sound business methods. Jim McClure was elected President of the Fairview Farmers Federation, and although he offered to resign in favor of someone else near the beginning, he was always re-elected by the directors until his death thirty-six years later. At the first meeting a neighbor, S. J. Ashworth, was elected Vice President, and G. L. Clay was chosen as Secretary-Treasurer and Business Agent. Jim McClure believed in involving as many people as possible in an organization, so that they would feel interested and responsible. He wanted the work done for the Federation to be meaningful, to give those involved a feeling that their efforts promoted an enterprise of high purposes, of God's purpose. Jim McClure's notions were based as much on the Apostle Paul's description of the "body of Christ," where each member contributed his God-endowed gifts for the consecration of the whole, as they were on the modern business practices that had surrounded him in Lake Forest. He worked to pull in as many hands, feet and mouths as he could, and in those early days of the Federation he cajoled the strongest men of each of Fairview's districts to be on the Finance Committee. Added to the officers, then, the following men were appointed to solicit subscriptions of �The Farmers Federation 249 stock: Boyce Miller of Laurel Bluff, Ottis Briggs of Cane Creek, Henry Garren of Pleasant Grove, John B. Merrill of Brush Creek, Albert Reed of Gashes Creek and R. T. Merrill of Gap Creek. On June 19, 1920, the directors decided that the Federation should print up a news sheet to promote its ideas, and chose Winslow Freeman as its first managing editor. This publication grew with the organization, and was itself a powerful agent for change in the region. Community news, recipes, morale boosting, constipation remedies and great quantities of hard-nosed agricultural information were the staple of the Farmers Federation News. To a region starved for reliable information about proven farming techniques, the News was influential beyond measure. Volume 1, No. 1 of the Fairview Farmers' News Sheet, was published July 15, 1920. Jim McClure wrote most of the editorials, and his first is a wonderful expression of his enthusiasm and the early spirit of the Federation. HELP YOURSELF Every one knows that the farmer is up against it, and the farmer knows it better than any one else . . . He cannot help his children at home because he cannot offer them what they can get under die shadow of the big smokestacks There is a great deal of talk about helping the farmer. That kind of talk does not accomplish anything. The only man who is going to help the fanner is the fanner himself. The farmer has got to save himself, and what is more, he can doit. The one and only way that the farmer can help himself is to control the price of his product. At present the farmer does not control the price of the stuff he produces, and until he does control it he will never be safe. As a step toward controlling what we produce, we plan to put up this warehouse on the Fairview siding. It can help every man in this section. It has great possibilities, but it can only do us good if we all stick to it. We have a chance now to help ourselves get ahead, so let every man in this section put his shoulder to the wheel and keep grunting.4 This first project of the Federation was to build a warehouse along the railroad near Fairview, in order to sell supplies and handle crops. Stock (at $50 per share) could be "bought" by helping to build this structure, and so the first News Sheet issued: A CALL FROM THE FOREMAN The Federation of Farmers of Fairview have completed plans for the warehouse which they are planning to build at the Fairview siding. They are hoping that each farmer in the township will take at least one share of stock in the warehouse. These shares may be bought with material at market prices or by labor. The material may be delivered at the siding or at Fairview. Labor is required to extend the siding and to build the warehouse. �250 We Plow God's Fields "Goodbye Forever"—cartoon in the Asheville Citizen, July 5, 1924. The prices: Muscle men, $3 per day teams, $5 per day Material at market prices as follows: One set switch ties. 120 cross ties, first class 4 pieces 6 x 8 , 10V£ feet long . . . The News Sheet also urged readers to: SET YOUR ALARM FOR AUGUST FIRST . . . We have arranged with the railroad to furnish the labor for all the work on the siding. They will furnish a foreman who will boss the job. This will give a chance to all the muscle men and all who can tap a spike on the head to earn a share of stock or at least make a running start toward a share . . . �The Farmers Federation FINANCING THE WAREHOUSE A day or two after this paper reaches you the members of the finance committee will start around to solicit subscriptions. BE READY FOR THEM. We will have to pay for three car lengths of track and for moving the switch. Two of these car lengths will be beside the warehouse and one will be for loading directly from wagons or trucks. We will also have to pay for our warehouse and having working capital in addition. Stock can be taken in either one of three ways: (1) By full payment in cash, or by check. If it is possible, take your stock in this way, for we have to make a deposit of eight hundred dollars with the railroad company at once and we will need a substantial sum for the warehouse and working capital. (2) Stock may be taken in work or materials.. . . (3) Stock may be taken as outlined in the plan by the payment of ten dollars down and giving your note for the balance, which shall be paid out of your profits before any cash profits are returned to you. Every farmer in this section should be able to pay ten dollars down in cash, or in materials or labor and so obtain the benefits of this cooperative enterprise. One fifty dollar share is the minimum required to become a stockholder. It is expected that those who will do more than a minimum business . . . will take from two to four shares . . . This project cannot go through unless many of us make a sacrifice in the present for future advantages. The only rule that we have made is TAKE ALL THE STOCK YOU CAN AND THEN SOME. LOOK OUT, FARMERS! Don't let this opportunity slip through your fingers! If we farmers in this section will all go into this warehouse proposition and do our business through it, we can control the entire output of this section. "Now you've said something." We can write to companies with which we want to do business to meet our terms and they will. The united selling and purchasing power of the territory which feeds into this siding is great. We will never get any advantages from our power if we remain individual buyers and sellers . . . WHAT IS WRONG WITH THE ASHEVILLE MARKET? The other day with potatoes wholesaling for $4 and retailing at from $6 to $7, a Rutherford farmer came into the market and sold a few bushels at $2. The whole market dropped right down. The trouble is with us farmers and not with the market. The farmer who sells his produce at less than what it costs to produce it plus a fair profit is robbing all the rest of us. As far as the writer of this article knows, no Northern potatoes are shipped into Asheville until September. The Western North Carolina farmers supply the market and in addition 100,000 summer visitors. The market will pay what we ask if we all stand together. If the farmers of Western North Carolina only knew it they could hold the summer market right where they wanted to. . . . We must work toward all standing together or quit the farm.5 251 �252 We Plow God's Fields The News Sheet continues discussing potatoes, specifically THE FEDERATION POTATO, that soon will be narrowed down to two varieties, with strict specifications to make the grade. Cabbages are mentioned, along with Mr. Clifford Shuford's "decision to launch upon the sea of matrimony at some future date" with an unmentioned accomplice. Finally, Jim McClure described THE PLAN, the by-laws of the Federation based on the work of those Rochdale weavers. Many of the ideas on which the Federation was based came from a remarkable young man who became something of a legend in Southern agriculture and the cooperative movement. With zeal and common sense, he promoted modern agriculture and farmer's cooperatives as the editor of North Carolina's own magazine, born with the Farmers Alliance Movement, The Progressive Farmer. The young man's name was Clarence Poe, and he spent his lifetime formulating practical solutions to the problems of the Southern farmer. Naturally, he and Jim became friends. But before they met, Jim knew Clarence Poe from his book How Farmers Co-Operate and Double Profit, which Jim used as a blueprint for the Federation. For example, Poe made these comments and suggestions in his book: Agricultural co-operation on the whole .. . means simply that the fanner must take control of all phases of his own business . . .6 [They] . . . may adopt the best marketing system on earth, but they must also do better farming or lose out in competition with other sections.7 [One system for robbing the farmer. Your product is shipped off and when the report comes back it might read] . . . market glutted since you started your shipment; prices all off, . . . [or] Your shipment reached us in bad condition; will command only one-half or two-thirds regular market price." And in such cases, what redress has the small unorganized trucker? He cannot afford to make a trip to New York or Buffalo or Chicago, . . . to see whether the report is correct or not. He must take what is offered.8 No sort of movement for rural co-operation or for the development of a greater rural civilization can win large success unless it recognizes and makes room for the country woman; and it is also true that the man will never organize the women.9 Against all odds, the early years of the Farmers Federation saw an organization take root and grow like the most persistent of weeds, in a soil few thought could support life of any sort. Jim's wife encouraged him at home, but the early enthusiasm of the local farmers in Fairview was crucial to the Federation's growth. The work of raising sums of money through stock sales, promoting the ideas in new sections of Buncombe County, and soon enough in new counties, fell to a very hardworking group of men who followed Jim's leadership. These men volunteered to spend time away from their own farms to serve the Federa- �The Farmers Federation 4 ' •• > n ' " ' " ? l : : '••• y 5 : 253 ' ' - \\ OIL, FOLKS \f *i "Watch Us Grow!" September 23, Fanners Federation News. tion. In addition to the farmers of Fairview who have already been mentioned, some of the early "strongmen" behind Jim McClure were Church Crowell of Enka, a former state legislator, and Allan Coggins, "the mayor of Bee Tree," both graduates of the University of North Carolina. S. C. Clapp of the State Test Farm at Swannanoa, North Carolina, and C. C. Profitt, agricultural extension agent for Buncombe County, also helped. With the second issue of the News in November 1920, the Federation had grown to 150 members, and could boast a substantial warehouse along the Southern Railroad tracks between Fairview and Asheville. The roll call of members that appeared in that issue represented the first time most of these men and women had ever seen their names in print. These members read the News with great interest, and learned the grim truth that just at the birth of their organization, the bottom was dropping out of American farm prices. �254 We Plow God's Fields HAMMER THE FARMER Right now you can see the process of hammering the fanner going on. Prices are coming down. The papers are carrying big headlines every day. There is a strong campaign on to hammer down the cost of living. As usual the heaviest blow falls on the farmer. Wages are not going down and we are all glad to see them stay up. But the farmer's wage has been driven down lower than any other thing. The farmer's wage is the price of his potatoes, his apples, his cabbage, his cattle, his cow, and the farmer's wage is being reduced 50% Hollering and grumbling will not, however, do us any good. If we want relief, we farmers will have to get it ourselves. And we already have here in this section the beginning of relief, the point of the wedge . . . The warehouse and siding is our best chance. To make this proposition go we will have to get behind it and stay there. We will have to be patient with it. It is a baby and will have to be nursed along for some time. Give it two or three years. Don't expect it to set the price or to sell produce at fancy prices yet awhile. Don't expect it to be able to handle everything right at once. Give the Federation time to grow and the officers time to learn the ways.10 Clearly, Jim wanted the members to keep their expectations in line with realistic prospects. He preached solidarity and discipline to his stockholders, knowing full well that soon enough the beauty of the new bloom would begin to fade in the face of unrealized expectations. THROW AWAY A NICKEL ONCE IN A WHILE Don't lose that dollar because you can't see it for the nickel in your eye. Throw away the nickel and pick up the dollar. When some one offers you cottonseed meal cheaper than the Federation is selling it and you think you can save a nickel, just remember that dollar. You know what cottonseed meal sold for before the Federation got its first car and sold it for $2.50. The Federation brought the market down, and every man in this section is getting the advantage of it. If someone cuts under us a nickel or a dime and you only see the nickel and quit the Federation to buy from him, just remember that if the Federation is put out of business the price will jump right up again. You will save your nickel but lose your dollar. Stick to the Federation. Glue to it. It has saved this section hundreds of dollars on fertilizer and meal already. And remember that you get your profits back at the end of the year. STICK TO FT! GLUE TO FT! TRADE WITH IT! IT IS OUR BEST AND ONLY CHANCE.11 Not only did Jim McClure have to worry about the price of cottonseed meal and the defection of members, but in order for the Federation to survive, he had to find some way to market the products of Western North Carolina. In 1920, these products lagged behind other parts of the country in quality and �The Farmers Federation 255 standardization. From potatoes to hogs to chickens to beef cattle to string beans, the mountain farmer invariably grew crops from inferior seed or bred animals of poor genetic quality. Then, the cash starved farmer under-fertilized, or underfed what he was raising, often using methods long ago discarded as inefficient or counterproductive in other parts of the United States. Right from the beginning, the News emphasized standard breeds and quality products. There were articles each month covering all aspects of farming, written by a wide range of experts. From the beginning, Jim McClure preached his message of agricultural excellence. The theme of uniformity was hammered by the editors of the News month after month, "Beg, Borrow or Steal A FEDERATION POTATO," and "GET A RED HOG" (Duroc-Jersey) were typical headlines.12 Jim McClure had taken it upon himself to educate an entire region in modern agriculture, and slowly the results began to appear. Always the tone of the advice was clear and sharp, but not condescending. Information came in the form of new hope, with a heavy dose of enthusiasm. MR. BUNCOMBE COUNTY FARMER, YOUR OPPORTUNITIES ARE UNLIMITED IF YOU WILL STOP THE LEAKS With a CLIMATE excelled by no other in the world, and a soil that is naturally rich in all the plant food elements . . . you should certainly be one of the most progressive farmers in America . . . You should have modern home conveniences, with good schools, good churches, good roads, and other things that go to make country life more pleasant and wholesome. The system of farming and marketing that you have used in the past has not yielded you a good living . .. Your profits have been leaking through the following channels: First—You have let about 33% of your cultivated soils become sick and die Second—You are growing scrub stock, which is not profitable . . . Third—You have been planting poor seed. Fourth—You have not been pruning and spraying your orchard, and as a result your fruit is not marketable .. . Fifth,—perhaps the greatest leak has been your system of marketing. You have hauled your products to market, unstandardized and ungraded, and took what the market offered you, which was often less that the cost of production. This is the most difficult leak to stop, but you can stop it by joining your neighbors as a member of the "Farm Federation."13 BUNCOMBE COUNTY FARMER ROBBED A New York man and a Pennsylvania man recently turned a neat trick on a Buncombe County farmer. In February and March when broilers were bringing about a dollar a pound they came down here and slipped away with all the dollars from the big hotels and hospitals right under the Buncombe farmer's nose. The Buncombe County farmer did not realize he was being robbed. He acted as if he was sandbagged; he was not conscious of his loss.14 �256 We Plow God's Fields Thanks to the Federation, the leaks and the thefts began to subside. By November 1921, a second warehouse was built on the other side of Asheville, beside the railroad tracks at Craggy. By January 1922, the farmers of North Buncombe had rented their own warehouse at Stony Knob. Each of these efforts required an enormous amount of groundwork by Jim McClure. He had to organize the stock sales, set up the meetings, and keep everyone's enthusiasm from sagging. He had a genius for organizing meetings, mixing enough entertainment to bring the crowds out with enough hard facts to get his message across. He showed movies and stereopticon pictures. At one open meeting held in Fairview in the summer of 1921, a leading citizen of the community, Federation director John Baxter Merrill, was put on trial for (1) Putting in a bushel of undersized potatoes on a Federation contract; (2) Selling the Federation truck one ounce of buttermilk in a pound of butter; (3) Selling the truck an egg with age on it.15 Nearly 1,000 people turned out to see this mock trial.16 During one of these early meetings Jim McClure brought in his first string band, and ever afterwards he knew that there was nothing like the sound of the banjo and the fiddle to bring together the mountain folks. Guy Sales, who came to work for the Federation during the summer of 1922, recalls this first Federation string band. About twenty-five farmers were gathered in downtown Asheville, and Jim McClure asked young Sales if he knew of any music that could be brought in quickly. Across the street was a drinking and gambling establishment, and Guy replied that he thought there were some musicians inside. The teetotaling Presbyterian minister did not hesitate; he wanted musicians, sober or drunk. Guy Sales found his men inside, engrossed in a poker game, and talked them into coming to the meeting. "But you'll have to wait til we're done with this game," they said.17 Jim McClure could always feel the pulse of a crowd. To his sister he wrote: The interest in the meetings has been rolling up like a snowball and we have been accumulating performances until we are putting on as fine a show as the rural districts have ever had. We have a five piece string orchestra which accompanies us, a moving picture outfit and a Delco Light plant and such worthies as the Chairman of the County Commissioners and other politicians have joined our moving caravan. The crowds turn out at every point, the string band alone being enough to draw the crowd. One more meeting remains and then the wee small hours will know us no more. (James G. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, February 25, 1922) The entertainment was a crucial element in the education of the mountaineer. Jim explained his methods as part of a slide presentation on the Federation: We have some subjects to talk about with our farmers that are very dull in many points of view, like spraying. When a farmer has worked all day in the fields, and particularly when he can't read and write, a lecture on spraying is pretty tough on him. It is hard to get them to come out to a lecture on spraying and if they do come, most of them fall asleep. So we decided to give subjects �The Farmers Federation 257 of that type with the aid of clowns. We have the Farmers Federation clowns. We always have the old-fashioned fiddling and people come out to the meetings. This clown here [he is showing slides] is the superintendent of the State Test Farm. He can shout out a spray formula at the top of his lungs about forty times during the evening. We are getting them sold on the idea of spraying. There is the opportunity to get away with a lot of jokes, which make a hit. The clowns will come on with a hand-spraying machine and one of the clowns will take another's hat off and pick up a large bug from under the hat and spray it and it will drop dead on the floor. A few jokes like that popularize the idea of spraying.18 Could the Farmers Federation survive as a business? Trying to raise capital from struggling farmers in order to sell their crops in a sagging market might seem to be a foolish waste of time. Yet each year, the Federation sent out to its stockholders, both preferred and common, dividends of 6 percent. Most years, members were also paid a dividend of 5 percent of the amount of business they did with the Federation. But the Federation was cramped by the problem of how to raise money for capital improvements. For several years Jim convinced the membership to allow the Federation to keep the 5 percent dividend on business, in order to build up financial strength. Teaching men to vote against money in their pockets was not easy. Yet even these measures provided only meager funds. In the summer of 1921 Jim and Elizabeth were in New York, and he asked the Russell Sage Foundation for money to help the Farmers Federation expand. The request was turned down. In November, the Federation faced a severe financial crisis. Jim notes in his diary that he and Elizabeth went into town together in the pouring rain to meet with Church Crowell, an active director. "... [H]ad to get $2000 more for Fed & felt bank closing in on us. Do not know where next cash will come from. Met at Proffitts [early leader who helped to edit the Federation News] at 11— Lunch with . . . Dr. Grove [who] took 2 shares... ,"19 Dr. Grove was the builder of the Grove Park Inn, and a millionaire from the profits of his patent medicine tonic, Fletcher's Castoria. He became an enormous supporter of the Federation in this early period, but his two share purchase on this occasion put only a small dent in the $2,000 debt. So three days later Jim McClure went back to the bank, and drew a rather humorous picture of himself seeking out a loan. "Dressed up in old black suit, with a shine, & jaunty air entered the Bank and breezed thru an interview securing promise of a line [of credit] to 15000 [dollars] with Battery Park [Bank]."20 Next he tried to talk Buncombe's wealthiest citizen, Mrs. George Vanderbilt, into donating to the Federation. The entry for July 8, 1921, reads: "Fruitless call on Dr. Wheeler hoping for entree to Mrs. Vanderbilt for $2000.00 "21 How he got an introduction is unknown, but in October he made this entry in the diary: "Petsie and I to town, shopping about. At 4:30 with quavering hearts slipped thru the Vanderbilt gateway . . . Stopping in front of Mrs. V's we made a pass at the main entrance, which was �258 We Plow God's Fields barred, & doubled barred. Retrieving ourselves we rang at the proper place . . . Entering had a very pleasant tea with Mrs. V. & Cornelia [her daughter], holding our own... ,"22 This was the beginning of Mrs. Vanderbilt's considerable interest in the Farmers Federation. Jim McClure quickly realized that the Farmers Federation would never be able to satisfy his visions for Western North Carolina if he relied only on the money of the farmers themselves. The Federation's first task was to try to renovate the economy of the region, but that was only to provide a sound basis to build up other areas of life. The educational system of the mountains was woefully inadequate, and would remain so until there was a tax base from which to draw and people who properly appreciated the importance of the endeavor. He supported vocational education in the high schools, and wanted to set up his own Federation Training School that would give promising young farm boys some technical training. He worried about the little country churches, too. He saw them propagating ignorance, fear and superstition; in short, a blighted vision of the possibilities of life. Hymn books, preacher's salaries, Sunday School literature and building repairs were almost always beyond the means of the little congregations. Jim McClure felt strongly that the cornerstone of American civilization was the little country church. When these churches suffered, the American dream of freedom and prosperity took on a tarnished look. So in the back of his mind he wanted to work out a scheme to strengthen the religious institutions of Western North Carolina. Moreover, he wanted to be able to test new crops and procedures, to try out ideas to see if they might fit into mountain agriculture. But none of these visions could be realized without outside money, and in fact he was strapped even to pay the promotional expenses involved in the geographical spread of the Federation. In March 1922, he made a loud plea in the News for financial help. "Wanted: A Promotional Fund! Requests are coming in to the Federation from other sections and counties to come and help them organize. We have to reply that we cannot do it as we have no one to send."23 Jim had some success building support in Asheville by the sale of stock. His early contact with Dr. E. W. Grove bore fruit when, in the summer of 1922, Dr. Grove offered to buy $5,000 in stock if $15,000 worth of the same could be sold in Asheville. "He thinks Asheville should be aroused to helping the Federation get financed and so made the offer. We already have $20,000 paid in but the more it [the Federation] grows the more capital we need" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, July 2, 1922). The next issue of the News announced the proposition, and quoted the letter Dr. Grove had written to Jim McClure: "This is an investment that promises to pay dividends not only in the form of interest, but in the form of the development of the life of Western North Carolina."24 In the next issue, Jim could proudly announce that "Asheville clinches Dr. Grove's offer. In three weeks from its opening the campaign to sell Federation stock in Asheville closed, having been oversubscribed $1900. Thus the provision on Dr. Grove's offer to take $5,000 worth of stock has been �The Farmers Federation 259 met, and the working capital of the Federation doubled."25 The next year Dr. Grove made the same offer, and the goal was met in only three days. Clearly, Jim McClure had won the faith of the local business community. Then in 1925, Dr. Grove again made an offer, this time $25,000 if the community would take $75,000 worth of stock, an enormous sum that would give the Federation great strength. Jim McClure threw himself into the campaign to raise money, lining up some of the influential citizens of Asheville, and doing joyous battle. The results were astounding and thrilling for Jim McClure. " . . . [I]t is something out of the ordinary for a community to contribute over $165,000 to an undertaking where the returns will be largely measured in improvement of rural life, encouragement of better farming methods and good-will between farmer and city dweller."26 The good will of the Federation drew in Mrs. George Vanderbilt as well, and the McClures came to enjoy the festivities of the Biltmore House after the trepidations of their first visit. Mrs. Vanderbilt was intensely interested in farming, and as early as 1922 was commended by the News for her financial support of the County Extension service.27 At about the same time, she and Jim appeared at the podium of the Civitan Club, one of Asheville's leading civic clubs, with the Federation's own Mr. Clay of Fairview, for a farmers' luncheon. In a letter to his sister Hetty, Jim described the event as "quite an affair. The Asheville businessmen each asked a farmer to attend. Mr. Clay led off the batting list and made a tremendous hit by telling an apt story and ending up in three minutes. Mrs. Vanderbilt attended the luncheon and followed me up, being given the fourth or clean up position on the batting list" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, May 14, 1922). Her batting record is left incomplete, but she in fact became one of the Federation's principal local supporters, buying quantities of stock and encouraging her own Biltmore Dairy to join up. Jim's sister Hetty and her husband Douglas Stuart were contributors during these crucial years. In response to a contribution, Jim wrote to Hetty: "You are a brick-the letter with $300 enclosed was received with the wildest acclamations. The Federation will have to raise a statue to the Stuart family" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, May 14, 1922). Douglas Stuart was an executive for Quaker Oats Company, and helped the Federation by providing them with feed at a reasonable rate. Moreover, he sent down a variety of experts to help educate the mountain farmer. On one such occasion, this report appeared in a letter to the Stuarts: We have had with us during the past week the celebrated expert of the Quaker Oats Company, Mrs. Florence Forbes, and we have kept her busy with meetings afternoon and night and demonstrations during the morning hours. The Quaker Oats Company furnished moving pictures exposing all the inner secrets of the poultry kingdom and placing the modest, unsuspecting hen entirely in the power of the onlooker. The hens in this country from now on will have to forswear their life of ease and get down to Full-O-Pep and shelling out the hard boiled egg. �260 We Plow God's Fields For these meetings the Federation provided a string orchestra that made the most staid citizens and matrons shuffle an involuntary foot. The week is always a little wearing on the participants. My good wife if she attends any meetings after the first has acquired a nasty habit of falling asleep and losing control of her center of gravity. This necessitates a body guard who constantly shoves her back into an upright position. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, April 20, 1922) Through these early years, Jim kept his sister and brother-in-law informed on the progress of the Federation, and through these letters one can read some of his thoughts and a great deal of his enthusiasm. The Federation announced its dividend for the year 1921 . . . We had a good year and will pay 6% on paid up stock and 5% on business done. This is quite a dividend and everyone is pleased. We also will add about 1500 dollars to our surplus fund. Our business keeps growing at a good pace and with our third warehouse opening up in a few days it keeps us moving lively. Our main difficulty is lack of capital as with almost all joiners coming in on the ten dollar down plan the total is not large. Our volume of business is quite large for the amount of capital we have, and I am trying to invent some way of increasing our working capital. So endeth this chronicle and with love to each and every member unto the third or fourth generation. . . . (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, February 19, 1922) The Federation is still growing and leading us a merry dance. Our great and crying need is for more capital and yesterday we were all elated because $840.00 came in. Every Saturday the solicitors report their success during the week and $840 is our high water mark . .. We are now turning over our capital twice a month and this takes frenzied finance as well as all our capital is tied up in buildings and equipment. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, March 19, 1922) The Federation keeps moving along and yesterday we indulged in a Reo speed wagon. This makes our delivery equipment consist of a ton and a half truck, a one ton speed wagon, a one ton Ford truck, a half ton Ford truck and a Ford passenger car. On Thursday I addressed a great and high spirited crowd of Rotarians and received a free lunch for my efforts, which is more than I have received for my vocal efforts in many a long day. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, May 21, 1922) . . . The Federation keeps coming along strong though I hear that at any time the tide may set in the other direction and I may be run out of the county. The populace are very fickle. Yesterday our 600th stockholder plunked his money down. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, July 23, 1922) Those who have recently been among us will be interested to know that we had our proposed meeting of the Federation on Friday and authorized an issue �The Farmers Federation 261 of $500,000 Common stock and $250,000 Preferred, the first issue of $50,000 Common Stock being already subscribed. The same evening a meeting was held at Mills River, which is one of the sections contributory to Fletcher and the people decided to erect a warehouse at Fletcher . . . The redoubtable Mr. Crowell will move his seat of operations to Fletcher next Monday and start to burn up the country. The Federation now has a balance in banks of over ten thousand and bank presidents openly flirt with it. This bank account will soon be raided by the Q[uaker] 0[ats] Company who takes our money as fast as we gather it together. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, August 27, 1922) The opening of the Federation Warehouse at Fletcher on Wednesday was a conspicuous success. All County officials from both Henderson and Buncombe Counties were present and a big crowd of ordinary citizens. The affair went off peaceably. A car of Quaker Oats Feed arrived the day before the opening and the sacks made excellent seats for those who drank in the flow of Southern oratory. Fourteen speakers mounted the rostrum, seven before dinner and seven after dinner, and seldom has such a feast of wit, wisdom and exhortation been poured upon an audience. The crowd, replete and somewhat jaded broke up about four thirty. The capacity of the mountain farmer for successfully absorbing hot air is only equaled in the annals of America by the attendants at the early camp meetings where three and four hour sermons were successfully weathered before and after dinner. The crowd here breaks up, looking slightly gassed and with somewhat sagged jaws but otherwise apparently none the worse.. .. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, January 21, 1923) Jim's jaws may have sagged a bit that week too when his hustle was foiled by Asheville's new "speed officer." The week has seen me caught in the toils of the law. The attached clipping will explain one fall from grace. ("McCLURE TAXED BY NETTLES LAW: HIS HURRY COSTS HIM HEAVY FINE James G. K. McClure, famous in Farmers Federation circles, is a hustler. But his hurry cost him in the neighborhood of $60 today when he ran afoul of the enactment of that other friend of the farmers, Harry L. Nettles, chosen from the rural precincts to give the agriculturists an even break in the state's legislative halls. McClure is the second man to be brought before Judge Wells under the Nettles Act . . . for speeding on Biltmore Avenue. The farmers' organizer has a boy's band, of which he is particularly proud, under his direction. He was anxious Tuesday afternoon to transport the juvenile musicians from one part of the county to another and he made no denial of that fact when arraigned. He thought he was going about 40 miles an hour when Lawrence Trexler, speed officer, drove his motorcycle behind him and trailed him . . . The policeman was sure 50 miles was the registration. Regardless of who was nearer right as to the speed's computation, the Nettles bill was broken, and Judge Wells announced there was but one thing for him to do: Impose a fine of between $50 and $500 for going over 30 miles an hour . . . there was no indication that any lives were endangered by McClure's driving.") The others were two suits instituted by a woman who lost her head and ran into one of the Federation trucks. I was served with �•', �The Farmers Federation 263 papers on two counts by this woman and had to wage legal war before the magistrate. Our truck was not in the least to blame but in spite of this judgement was found against us on both counts ... Tomorrow I start on a flying trip to St. Petersburg, Florida to have an interview with Dr. Grove [who was helping arrange financing for the growing Federation] (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, February 18,1923) The week of the Quarterly meetings is a fearful thing. One of our number seems to fall from grace every round. Last time I had my police court experience and this time our fiddler had the misfortune to get in a fight and sentence was imposed on him for three months on the chain gang . . . However in spite of this occurrence the round was a howling success. Crowds attended our meetings everywhere, local jokes were developed and a spirit of great jollity prevailed... My muffler dropped off last night and I came home at 1:30 a.m., the car roaring like a lion. All along the road people moved uneasily in their beds thinking that Rumbling Bald (a local mountain known to experience earthquake tremors) had "broke out" again. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, May 20, 1923) Clearly, with all of the work Jim McClure faced he loved the Federation and the mountain families it served. On a daily basis, however, the success of the Federation depended on each warehouse, and how well each manager treated his customers and ran his business. In the mountains, a man or woman would "trade" with the store where he or she felt at ease and welcomed. Customers felt strong loyalties to their shopkeepers, and often if a man left one store to work in another, he took those loyal to him along. Jim McClure quickly grasped these mountain habits, and tried to supply his warehouses with men not only capable of running an efficient operation, but also with personalities that attracted customers. The old Fairview siding was his first experience in learning how to manage a successful store, and several suggestions survive from notes he sent to R. T. Merrill, the manager there and the first employee of the Farmers Federation. Private Attention R. T. Merrill Suggestions: for use in running the Business. (1) Spend some time in studying how to organize the force to best advantage. Give certain men certain responsibilities, i.e. one man to sweep up the first thing every morning, another man the responsibility for the outside picking up, another man the duties of shipping clerk, etc. (2) Make a list of wet day and slack time jobs such as sewing up torn sacks; putting up Growing Mash in ten pound packages etc ... (5) Keep lists of everything. By this I mean lists of those who want lime, potatoes, prospects for stockholders, growers of vegetables etc. Our business has reached the stage where it has outgrown the Opposite: Directors of the Farmers Federation, 1923-1924. Left to right: S.C. Clapp, director; G.L. Clay, Secretary-Treasurer, James G.K. McClure, Jr., pres.; R.C. Crowell, vice pres.; Claude B. Wells, director. �264 We Plow God's Fields possibilities of the memory and we will have to make more and more use of lists.28 Ride hard after old collections and get security or something for the accounts . . . Keep the clerks on their toes . . . Put up signs to help move things.29 One of the most successful store managers in the Federation system was Bill Francis, who took over the Hendersonville warehouse. His affability was a sure drawing card, and he remembers with fondness the men swapping stories around his pot-bellied stove, leaning over from time to time to "let fly" with a perfectly aimed projectile of tobacco juice into his sand pit. He understood well that the Federation store had to serve a social role, or fail altogether as an enterprise. On the business side, he recalled that managing debt was always difficult. The nature of agriculture includes borrowing on supplies, seed, tools and machinery in the spring with the promise to pay when the harvests came in next fall. To the credit of the mountain farmers, despite the long periods of hard times, Bill Francis never had much trouble collecting his debts. "I did have to go in early to work for a while and milk a herd of cows grazing out behind the store, when a man failed to pay up." Bill Francis remembers his first store in Tryon, organized to serve Polk County. "The back of Polk" has always been a producer of moonshine, and he recalls the big selling items there were sugar, shorts and yeast. To serve his customers, "we would deliver in the middle of the night to keep out of the Revenue Officer's way."30 The Hendersonville stock drive began in the spring of 1924, and when the new warehouse was completed it meant that the Farmers Federation had six warehouses located throughout the two most prosperous mountain counties, Henderson and Buncombe. All were built in four years by money raised locally, during an era of depressed farm prices. The Hendersonville News stood behind the drive, cajoling the local businessmen to support the enterprise. The financing of the Farmers Federation appears to be on the last lap of its journey in Hendersonville. The businessmen let the farmer get the jump on them and it was difficult to catch up. The campaign and the Federation should serve to knit businessmen and farmers, the city and county, closer together. For years we have heard Hendersonville civic bodies discuss ways and means of helping the farmer. The first real opportunity has arrived and Hendersonville though slow to move has measured fairly well up to the most singular opportunity ever presented it. Our efforts will give the farmer more confidence in us. He has been shown that the businessmen have his problems at heart. But we must not pose as philanthropists. We have given the farmer nothing. We have made no real sacrifices. We have helped him on his journey to more profitable agriculture but in this we could assume a very selfish attitude, knowing that when the farmer has money to spend the business man is to get a good share of it. �The Farmers Federation 265 Top: Fairview Warehouse of the Farmer's Federation; Bottom: Early Federation truck hauling milk and cream. �266 We Plow God's Fields Next comes the opportunity of the farmer to produce more with assurance of better markets. The time has come for him to change his ways, plant and cultivate more scientifically and use both county agent and Federation to every possible advantage.31 Hendersonville proved to be a strong link in the Federation chain, and by 1925 James McClure could boast a total sales of nearly a million dollars a year. The fifth anniversary issue of the Federation News, August 1925, told of the rise of the Federation in an article by an admirer. And so the rise of the Farmers Federation reads like a fairy story. Just five years ago the organization was a small group of neighboring farmers in Fairview township. Today the Federation is the progressive farmer element of Henderson and Buncombe Counties. . . . Madison, Jackson, McDowell and Haywood counties may soon feel the touch of the Federation. The rapid growth and development of the Farmers Federation owes much to its guiding spirit. In fact, the tireless efforts, the sacrifices and steady nerve of James G. K. McClure, Jr., have weathered the ship over rough seas to easy sailing. In the handful of farmers at Fairview, five years ago, Mr. McClure was the guiding spirit. Today and every day since the first handful of farmers cast their lots together, he has had his strong hand at the wheel.32 On the front page of this issue was a picture of "The six-story fireproof warehouse on Roberts Street, Asheville." It was here that the Federation sought security behind walls of steel and concrete . . . now housing the marketing department, the executive offices, the Federation News office and the poultry department. This modern building costing around $75,000 has become Asheville's trade center for the farmer. On busy days trucks and wagons line the street for some distance on either side of the Federation building. At one time during the tomato season in 1924 so many farmers brought their tomatoes to the Federation at one time that traffic became hopelessly blocked for over an hour, and it required a traffic officer to straighten out the traffic.33 Jim McClure was very proud of this building, a tangible result of his unselfish devotion to his vision. He went to Roberts Street every day. In some of the excess warehouse space, he stored his wife's very soul, all of her finest paintings. Aunt Frederika's priceless furniture and family heirlooms were all on Roberts Street, protected from catastrophe by steel and concrete. The third morning after Christmas 1925, the weather in Western North Carolina was a bitterly cold O° F. Those who braved the elements to obtain a morning paper were greeted with large headlines across the front page. "HALF �The Farmers Federation 267 MILLION DOLLAR FIRE IN DEPOT SECTION. Farm Federation and Three Other Buildings Are Complete Losses. Wintry Weather Handicaps Force of Firefighters," The article continued, " . . . The Farmers Federation . . . also lost heavily, several carloads of beans, much poultry and several hundred turkeys being burned .. ,"34 The next week, Jim wrote to Hetty and Doug: . . . We have been through quite a week. Last Sunday morning word was brought that the Marketing Department was burning down, and on rushing in to Asheville I found the condition of affairs that is shown in the attached newspaper... As good luck would have it we were buying out the wholesale produce business of Hayes-McCormack on Jan. 1st. These people were one of the largest wholesale concerns here. I got hold of them last Sunday afternoon and arranged to take over their stock and building Monday morning so that we were open for business with a fairly complete line at seven o'clock Monday morning and we have done over $5,000.00 worth of business this week at our new quarters. We could not get to our safes until Friday afternoon, as the wreckage kept burning and was badly piled together. The safe from my office we found with one side out from its fall and everything burned completely up. The office safe was intact but when opened everything in it was so charred as to be practically undecipherable. My safe contained the records of the stockholders, now over two thousand and also the subscription cards from our last summer's drive . . . You can imagine what a mess it will be to adjust. The worst personal feature of the loss was Aunt Freddie's furniture, every bit of which was stored in the warehouse and every bit of which was destroyed. This included all the portraits, letters, laces, papers, trunks and furniture of every kind. It is almost incredible to find no mention of the loss of Elizabeth's paintings. It speaks to the kind of person she was. Certainly she made an immediate decision to say nothing about her private loss. Jim continued to Hetty and Doug: We had a total of $46,500.00 Insurance which has been admitted by the Adjuster . . . We had a considerably higher proportion of insurance than the owners or occupants of the other buildings, as every one had considered the building semi-fire-proof and thought that even if a fire started it would not go far without being controlled. The insurance companies had just made us another cut in our rate a few weeks ago. The loss will be a heavy one but we will try to win it back in a couple of years. We had a Directors meeting yesterday and decided to rebuild at once (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, January 3, 1926) Never a mention was made by Elizabeth of a loss so personal that her inner grief must have touched her deepest chords of despair. �268 We Plow God's Fields Dearest Hetty, . . . Poor Jim is simply engulfed in affairs. The fire was a horrid blow as everything was running so smoothly & of course this means months of bother and extra work. Nobody understands what in the world caused the fire as there were only a few coals in the furnace when they left the building on Saturday but that night was a fearfully cold one & there was a terrible wind, so much so that the wretched watchman whose job it was to patrol the building every hour never appeared at all! If he had been on the job, of course it would never have gained headway . . . However, the Federation opened up promptly on Monday morning not having lost an hour of business & has been going at their usual full steam ahead ever since with more business than ever before. None of the other three burned-out concerns have done a single stroke since the fire . . . (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Harriet McClure Stuart, January 8, 1926) Jim McClure was deservedly proud of the ability of the Federation to reopen the day after this terrible burn-out of the central warehouse; adversity never numbed him, but always stimulated his energies and boosted his determination. The probable cause of the fire was determined to be bananas. In the basement there was a room with straw on the floor where all the bananas were stored, and kerosene stoves were used to keep this area between 75°F.and 80°F. in order for them to ripen properly.35 The Federation recovered rapidly, and by the beginning of the Depression, had strengthened itself for the economic doldrums to come. By its tenth anniversary in August 1930, the cooperative could boast a growth in the poultry business from $5,000 annual return the first few years to more than half a million dollars.36 The first chickens were boiled in an old black pot in front of the Fairview Warehouse. By 1930, a special railroad car moved through Western North Carolina, stopping at regular intervals to purchase poultry. In a later speech in New York, Jim McClure recalled the early effort of the Federation to create a poultry market in the mountains using a railroad car. .. . We ran the enterprise at a loss for three years because the tonnage was never great enough to make the car pay . . . We had a great deal of excitement working up interest in the first car we shipped. We went all through the mountains and held meetings and the car was ordered and the farmers at each station brought in their poultry and finally the car was started rolling to New York. Well, I don't know whether you gentlemen know the poultry business in New York. It was my first experience with it. We shipped the car up here and about three days later the telephone rang and I thought static had broken loose all the way from Asheville to New York. I have never heard a more excited telephone conversation in my life than there was on the other end. This gentleman assured me—I could see his hands moving—that this was the worst car of poultry he had ever seen, there had never been anything like it come to New York, it was just terrible . . . I looked into the matter and I found that our people, who have much sporting blood, had taken this opportunity to get rid �The Farmers Federation 269 of their defeated game roosters and other poultry of that kind. Now, the game rooster is not a particularly toothsome thing to serve on the dinner table.37 More "toothsome" were the vegetables grown and canned in Henderson County. Jim McClure reasoned that the only way to encourage farmers to grow vegetables on a commercial level was to be able to assure them that the Federation could buy all that they grew. The only way that assurance could be made was to set up a cannery, so that the vegetables could be preserved during slack marketing times. In the early years, canning apparatus was fitted onto a truck and driven to the various farms. The rig was given by Henry Ford and stimulated such production, especially of tomatoes, that a large-scale, permanent cannery was eventually built by the Federation. Henderson County became well known for produce, even to the present day. The cannery could not pay a high price, but it could accept an unlimited quantity. Jim explained in the News that the farmers had learned it was "better to sell 1000 bushels of tomatoes for 600 per bushel than 10 bushels at $1.50."38 He always hoped to be able to supply Florida with tomatoes during the late summer, and Bill Francis remembers once, when he was managing the Hendersonville warehouse, being sent south with a load of two hundred bushels of green tomatoes. He recalls with a laugh travelling up and down the state looking for a buyer. Even in the hot Florida sun those tomatoes would not turn red.39 The Federation continued to push for sales of its original concern, the Irish potato, and added the sweet potato as a sideline. Irish potatoes were rolling out of the mountains by the train load, and by 1930 Jim McClure could claim that the Federation had paid out over $600,000 for that humble tuber. Down in Rutherford County, where sweet potatoes were perfectly adapted to the soil and climate, the Federation built a curing plant to keep them off the market at harvest time in order to enjoy better prices during the winter. This experiment was a successful venture of the Federation and sweet potatoes proved to be a wonderful cash crop for the farmers of that section of the mountains. Apples, corn, wheat, mountain rye, and almost anything else the farmers could raise were sold by the Federation, and simultaneously the men and women of the North Carolina mountains were learning scientific agriculture and good citizenship. In the latter part of the nineteenth century, a flue-cured, yellow leaf tobacco, used primarily to wrap cigars, enjoyed many boom years. Asheville became a large tobacco marketing center, and warehouses sprang up along with curing facilities and small processing factories. But during the 1890s the demand petered out. Jim McClure knew that in Kentucky burley tobacco had become a fine cash crop, and he reasoned that his mountain farmers could do as well. Jim got experts from the Department of Agriculture to analyze the area. They found it was well suited for tobacco. In 1926 he began promoting the idea, and 4,500 acres of mountain land were devoted to the "noxious weed" by 1930. Most of it was grown in Madison County, where the land was so rugged little else could be raised profitably. In 1930, the directors of the Federation voted �270 We Plow God's Fields Mountain farmer with his tobacco. (McClure Fund Photograph Collection.) to raise $2,500 to build a tobacco warehouse in Asheville. This building made money for the Federation in the years to come, and burley tobacco has been the most dependable cash crop in Western North Carolina ever since. The more the Federation rolled along, gathering momentum, the more new projects Jim McClure's fertile imagination conceived for the region. But there was just not enough investment capital locally to finance them all. In 1927 he began to fit into the puzzle of the Federation the final pieces of his organizational scheme. It occurred to him that the people he had left behind to come to the southern mountains, the wealthy men and women of the northeastern cities, would be interested in the plight of the mountain men and women. He was a member in good standing of an American elite that controlled the strings of a capacious purse. Moreover, he knew the minds of those men and women, their prejudices and their ideals. He possessed the personality, the sincerity, the speaking ability and the handsome features to present the problems of the people he was trying to help in a most appealing way. He hit on exactly the right phrase for these men of the business world who valued independence and individualism—"Helping the mountain farmer to help himself." Jim McClure would draw �The Farmers Federation 271 together people with his charm and wit, with his genuine concern for his mountain neighbors and with his gift as a speaker. With a little book to note pledges, he would head off for the cities of the North each fall. The "campaign" was a battle plan for altruism. In time, his skill at raising money gave him the freedom to pursue many of his more expansive ideas to improve life in the mountains. That money, held today in the James G. K. McClure Educational and Development Fund, is still at work educating hundreds of mountain young people each year in technical institutes, nursing schools, colleges and universities throughout the state and helping rural ministers to further their education. The creation of this development fund must be considered one of Jim's great achievements. The "Educational and Development Fund of the Farmer's Federation, Inc." [the original name] was begun in 1927 to provide money to launch new ideas and programs. As he pursued this work Jim discovered, or was discovered by, a most remarkable man. Arthur W. Page, the son of the Ambassador to England, Walter Mines Page, came to Asheville to speak at the Rotary Club. His speech emphasized how important "cranks" were in pushing forward ideas and programs most thought unreasonable or impossible. After the address, Jim's friend Dr. W. P. Herbert went up to Mr. Page and said, "I know a 'crank' who thinks the mountain farm can make money." Off to Fairview went Arthur Page, and a partnership resulted that grew in strength in both personal friendship and good works accomplished. Arthur Page's father was a North Carolina native and journalist. Too progressive to be accepted in his home state at the end of the nineteenth century, he headed north, became editor of the Atlantic Monthly and was named Ambassador to England by President Woodrow Wilson. He worked vigorously for his vision of an Anglo-American position of world leadership, even trying to thwart President Wilson's neutrality rules prior to American intervention in World War I. He often wrote of the possibilities for the South. His book, The School That Built a Town, was an inspiration to Jim McClure, especially as it stressed the importance of giving a chance to the mountain woman. Nurtured by his father's ideas, Arthur Page felt strong ties to North Carolina and a strong conviction that America's purest population of AngloSaxons needed assistance to bring themselves more in line with the prosperity of the other brethren of their race. Back home in the mountains Jim McClure kept these money-raising efforts in the background. He never wanted to make his friends in the Federation feel that they were objects of some sort of charity. To those in the cooperative who knew about and appreciated what their president was doing on his trips it all seemed at times to be a new wrinkle on the old game of "skinning Yankees." Hendersonville manager Bill Francis laughs and gives what was no doubt the prevailing potbellied stove opinion in his store, when he said that Jim McClure would take "two or three of these cross-eyed boys, a banjo or two, and come back with thousands of dollars."40 One of his first fund-raising efforts took place in the ballroom of the Colony �WHAT WE ARE DOING ABOUT THAT MOUNTAIN FARM PRELIMINARY 1928 REPORT EDUCATIONAL AND DEVELOPMENT FUND OF THE FARMERS FEDERATION ASHEVILLE, N. C. DECEMBER FIRST - 1928 �NEW YORK-COMMITTEE A NEW YORK COMMITTEE COOPERATING WITH AN ORGANIZATION OF MOUNTAIN FARMERS OF NORTH CAROLINA ARTHUR W. PAGE, Vice-Pres. American Telegraph & Telephone Company - Chairman MORTIMER N. BUCKNER, Chairman - The New York Trust oiaMfcCo., Treasurer JAMES T. BRYAN, Logan & Bryan GEORGE ADEE, Reynolds Fish & Co. MAGNUS W. ALEXANDER, Chairman - National Industrial Conference Board HERBERT L. BODMAN, Milminc, Bodman & Co. PIERPONT V. DAVIS, Vice-Pres. National City Co. FAIRMAN DICK, Roosevelt & Sons W. W. FLOWERS, Vice-Pres. Liggett & Meyers Tobacco Co. F. B. KEECH, F. B. Keech & Co. R. H. KRESS, Treas. S. H. Kress & Co. DEVEREUX MILBURN, Carter, Ledyard & Milburn WHEELER McMILLAN, Crowell Publishing Co. HAROLD PHELPS STOKES, New York Times LANSING P. REED, Davis, Polk, Wardwell, Gardiner & Reed FOSTER H. ROCKWELL, Smith, Graham & Rockwell JOHN SLOANE, W. and J. Sloane THOMAS J. WATSON, International Business Machines Corporation VANDERBILT WEBB, Webb, Paterson & Hadley B. F. YOAKUM, Chairman - Empire Bond & Mortgage Corporation MRS. HENRY P. DAVISON Chairman Women's Committee TRUSTEES OF THE EDUCATIONAL AND DEVELOPMENT FUND ARTHUR W. PAGE, Vice-President American Telegraph & Telephone Co., 105 Broadway, New York City. MORTIMER N. BUCKNER, Chairman of the Board, The New York Trust Co., New York City. J. G. STIKELEATHER. Member North Carolina State Highway Commission. Asheville, N. C. JAMES G. K. McCLURE, Jr., President Farmers Federation, Inc.. Asheville, N. C. GEORGE STEPHENS, Publisher, Asheville, N. C. Contributions to this fund are used in the Educational & Development Work necessary to the building up of permanent agricultural industries in the mountains. Make checks payable to Mortimer N. Buckner, Treasurer, 100 Broadway. For information write to James G. K. McClure, Jr., Asheville, N. C. �274 We Plow God's Fields Club in New York City. The announcement read: "The New York Womens Committee of the Farmers Federation of North Carolina cordially invites you to spend an afternoon with the North Carolina Mountaineers." Ballads were heard, and a movie shown with the unlikely title "Stark Love." The invitation contains sketches of the popular symbols of mountain life: a log cabin, a spinning wheel, the long Kentucky rifle and an old grist mill. The sketch of a wild boar seems to be stalking the names of the women listed inside, names familiar in American history for their power and influence: Roosevelt, Vanderbilt, Coffin, Gerry, Root and, of course, Page. Mrs. Henry P. Davison was the original chairman. She worked tirelessly to help Jim raise money for many years. By 1928, she won publicity in all of New York's major newspapers, and "Stark Love" was replaced by the live drama of a Miss Lucile Laverne. The Evening Post described the centerpiece of that year's campaign: Mrs. Henry P. Davison, whose time is taken up almost entirely by multitudinous charities, of which the general public has no conception, heads the women's committee of the educational and development fund for the Farmers Federation . . . which is sponsoring the revival of "Sun-up," the play of the Southern mountaineers, at the new Lucile Theatre . .. The first two performances . .. will be special benefits. Miss La Verne, who has become deeply interested in the lives of the mountaineers, will give a large share of the profits of the engagement to further the constructive work that is being done. Mr. James G. K. McClure, Jr. president of the Farmers Federation, Inc., has been in New York some weeks engaged in the undertaking of raising funds to develop the tremendous possibilities of the agricultural resources of the Southern mountains and is meeting cordial interest. There are 450,000 of the finest pioneer stock of America living in the mountains of North Carolina and yet their standard of living is today probably lower than that of any similar group of people in the United States. The Farmer's Federation, an organization of mountain farmers, started seven years ago with the purpose of changing this condition by means of finding and creating markets. Limited in its finances, this organization is pointing the way, but cannot as yet take care of the situation.41 The revival of "Sun-up" was a smash hit, and helps to point out the fascination felt in the North for the folk of Appalachia. One reviewer, Pierre de Rohan, described the show: MISS LA VERNE SUBLIME IN 'SUN UP' REVIVAL Set in the backwoods fastness of the Carolina hills, the play turns its searching spotlight on the households of the Widow Cagel, her son Rufe and their neighbors, the Todds. Widowed by a revenue officer's bullet, Mom Cagel is a sworn enemy of the law, and is puzzled and resentful at Rufe's willingness to obey the ukase of a draft board. Previous pages: Early promotional material for the Educational and Development Fund. �The Farmers Federation 275 But Rufe has had 'larnin.' He can read a little, and write after a fashion. Of course, he believes France is 'somers 'bout 40 miles t'other side of Asheville,' and that * Huns' is but a nickname for the Yankees his father fought against in '63. . . .42 New York had its own vision of mountain life, and Jim McClure found enough worthy people there to listen to him, and contribute to the Fund. He could tell stories and entertain his contributors with tales of the mountaineer. The Fund spread to other cities: Philadelphia, Pittsburgh and Detroit. His own enjoyment of the "victories" of the campaign show through often enough, as he kept his family informed of his movements. To Hetty he wrote, "Well-my dear-I have had good luck this day-the engagement with Edsel Ford which I lost by staying that extra day in Chicago I had almost despaired of as he has been in New York . . . , but I saw him today and he came on our committee & also subscribed $10,000.00. Doesn't that make you giddy?" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, exact date unknown). If Jim McClure ever allowed himself the opportunity to reflect back over the first ten years of the Federation, "giddy" would have been an appropriate emotion. Against all adversity—dismal farm prices, unscientific agricultural techniques, lack of working capital, an independent-minded population, transportation difficulties, and the disastrous fire on Roberts Street—he prevailed. By 1930, the Federation was financially strong and just beginning to tap resources in the North, and to expand operations into new areas of mountain life. Jim McClure's dream of ministering to a region rather than just a church had been fulfilled by the Farmers Federation, and with all of the hard work and responsibilities he shouldered his physical difficulties did not flare up again. The compensation Jim McClure received must have been spiritual, because for the first seven years he received no salary for his efforts and thereafter his pay was only nominal. He wanted to fight this war for the people, to serve the men and women of Western North Carolina. He once explained his ambitions in a speech to potential contributors in New York, and he never wandered from the purpose here expressed. "I am quite a crank, as I think you can see, on trying to develop people's self-help," he said. "I believe that the way to cure real want is to stir people's ambition and stir it with something definite in mind whereby they can really attain that ambition."43 And so it was that the Farmers Federation offered opportunity and hope to the farm families of Western North Carolina, and the sense of purpose for which Jim McClure himself had been striving. 1. John C. Campbell, The Southern Highlander and His Homeland (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1921) p. 257. 2. James G. K. McClure, Jr., speech on the Farmers Federation given September 10, 1935. In "Proceedings of the New York Farmers, 1934-35 Season," New York, 1935, p. 9. �276 We Plow God's Fields 3. Interview with Miss Ora N. Nesbitt. 4. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "Help Yourself," editorial, FairviewFarmers' News Sheet, July 15, 1920. 5. Selected passages from the Fairview Farmers' News Sheet, July 15, 1920. 6. Clarence Poe, How Farmers Co-operate and Double Profit (New York: Orange JuddCo., 1915), p.23. 7. Ibid., p. 62. 8. Ibid., p. 117. 9. Ibid., p. 129. 10. "Hammer the Farmer," Farmers Federation News Sheet, November 1920. 11. "Throw Away a Nickel Once in a While," Farmers Federation News Sheet, November 1920. 12. Headlines, Farmers Federation News, March 15, 1921. 13. "Mr. Buncombe County Farmer . . . ," Farmers Federation News, March 15, 1921. 14. "Buncombe County Farmer Robbed," Farmers Federation News, June 15, 1921. 15. Farmers Federation News, June 4, 1921. 16. Farmers Federation News, February 1922. 17. Interview with Mr. Guy Sales. 18. 0pC*f.,"New York Farmers," p. 15. 19. James G. K. McClure, Jr. diary, November 19, 1921. 20. Ibid., November 22, 1921. 21. Ibid., JulyS, 1921. 22. Ibid., October 13, 1921. 23. Farmers Federation News, March 1922, p. 4. 24. Farmers Federation News, August 1922, p. 1. 25. Farmers Federation News, September 1922, p. 4. 26. Farmers Federation News, October 1925, p. 4. 27. Farmers Federation News, June 1922. 28. James G. K. McClure, Jr., memo to R.T. Merrill, March 15, 1922. 29. James G. K. McClure, Jr., memo to R.T. Merrill, April 14, 1922. 30. Interview with Mr. Bill Francis. 31. Hendersonville News, March/April 1924 (exact date unknown). 32. Farmers Federation News, August 1925, p. 1. 33. Ibid., p. 6. 34. Asheville Citizen, December 28, 1925, p. 1. 35. Interview with Guy Sales. 36. Farmers Federation News, August 1930, p. 2. 37. Op Cit., New York Farmers, p. 10. 38. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "Cannery Acreage Signing Up," Farmers Federation News, April 1930, p. 4. 39. Interview with Mr. Bill Francis. 40. Ibid. 41. "Mrs. H.P. Davison Heads Committee Sponsoring Benefit," New York Evening Post, October 15, 1928. 42. "Miss La Verne Sublime . . ." New York American, October 27, 1928. 43. Op Cit., New York Farmers, p. 16. �Chapter Fifteen Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties "... [I was] greatly surprised to have a Pierce Arrow appear in [the] barnyard." (Diary, October 29, 1920) "I ain't goin' to clean your young 'un's dirty britches no more." The parting words of a mountain neighbor as she left the employment of Elizabeth McClure. (Interview with Mrs. B. S. Colburn) The old Sherrill's Inn, perched just on the Buncombe County side of the Blue Ridge, enjoyed a renaissance during the twenties. Not only did Elizabeth and Jim continue to renovate the house and its environs, but they also brought in a new order of social life. Jim's Federation work made it an important focal point for various encounters and entertainments. For her part, Elizabeth joyfully pursued her vision of beauty. Flower borders, boxwood hedges, flowering shrubs, spring bulbs, grape arbors and John Shorter's vegetables all thrived under her caring eye and energetic hand. There was an upstairs maid and a downstairs maid, a cook and a nurse for the children, but Elizabeth herself was the flower gardener. She was not a harsh taskmaster, but the housework was to be done efficiently and correctly. She might put on a white glove looking for dust, even taking samples from the recently installed electric light bulbs. She considered her thoroughness to be an example to the mountain women working for her. Beyond the inner circle of house servants were the farm hands, many of whom lived in houses on the McClure property that had to be built and maintained. She wanted these simple frame structures to blend in with the rest of the buildings on the farm, and even went to the extent of a planned sag in the roof on a new tenant house to give it a look of age. The men, women and children who inhabited these dwellings were typically mountaineers without land, many of whom spent their lives moving from farm to farm with their large families. For Elizabeth, who possessed a kindly spirit of noblesse oblige, there were always births and measles and petty disagreements to sort out. She never wanted to appear condescending. A neighbor's comment, "I like Mrs. McClure. She's so common," startled Elizabeth, until she learned that "common" meant not putting oneself above anyone.1 But it was hard for her not to be appalled by many of the unhygienic habits common in the mountains. The patterns of life at Hickory Nut Cap were determined by the intermingling of two distinct and rather incongruous cultures. But the mix took hold in a wonderfully rich way, in part because the brittle formality of Lake Forest had 277 �278 We Plow God's Fields View ofMcClure home from the driveway. already been tempered by a strong dose of the Social Gospel. While the ways of the mountain people frequently exasperated Jim and Elizabeth, the reverse was just as true. What could fancy city folks know about farming and gardening in North Carolina anyway? Elizabeth's drive for perfection must have been viewed as frivolous by the more pragmatic tenants. Her standards had to be met, even if it left her laborers grumbling about the extra work. In fact, she quite admired her tough neighbors at Hickory Nut Gap, who knew how to make do with almost nothing; and in turn they came to admire her and her ways. Elizabeth became a vision of elegant civility to the farm women, at least most of them. Jim McClure relished the inevitable incongruities that popped up from time to time on his farm. He was a story teller, and took with him wherever he went an entertaining collection of anecdotes. These proved most useful in engaging the interests of his northern patrons. One of the real characters among the farm hands was Zeb McAbee, who never could quite make sense of the ways of the McClures. During the early years when help was plentiful, each afternoon, with guests or alone, Elizabeth had tea. She particularly liked to dress up for this ceremony; to bathe and put on a long gown to signal the end of the working day. One afternoon during her tea break, Zeb was sent up to the big house on business, and was rendered quite speechless by the appearance of Mrs. McClure. He returned to the barn shaking his head, and confided to one of the other hands, "I don't believe Mrs. McClure had quite finished dressin'."2 On another occasion, old Zeb came up to borrow some vinegar. Elizabeth asked �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 279 him, "Well Zeb, how much do you think you need?" He replied, "Oh, 'bout three or four gallon, I reckon'." "But Zeb, why so much?" "My old woman has got the rheumatiz, and I want to give her a bath."3 Whether the pickling of Mrs. McAbee was carried out or not, Jim and Elizabeth enjoyed learning about the country cures. Once in a while, an employee would turn on them seeking revenge, and then the humor was more macabre. For a short period of time during the twenties, Esther and John Shorter left Hickory Nut Gap to work their own land and care for Esther's mother Aura. Elizabeth struggled to find replacements for them. The position was a difficult one, not only because Esther and John had been so devoted, but also because it required that both a husband and wife work and live alongside Mr. and Mrs. McClure. One couple, the Babbs, were hired during this period and Elizabeth thought them quite suitable at first. She described them to Aunt Freddie as "... most promising. However one never knows and time will show but they seem very nice people and are most eager to please" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Frederika Skinner, May 14, 1923). Time did tell on the Babbs, and they had to be let go. A few weeks hence, complaints began to surface about the taste of the spring water piped into the house. An investigating party was organized, and found a dead sheep floating in the spring, a parting gift left by the Babbs.4 A more tragic story involved Emory McAbee and his family. Emory's farm was a losing battle, and about the only cash he raised was by "stilling" white corn liquor. Jim would sometimes get wind of one of Emory's operations back on his property, and try to search him out. In 1922, the revenue agents caught up with him, and he was subsequently thrown in jail. Jim took a special interest in the case, first going up to check on his wife and her children. On May 30th, he found "Mrs. Emory McAbee . . . with 4 children (oldest 8), two cows, molasses, corn meal for 3 days & flour for 6, and without one cent, facing a year without her husband."5 Emory worked through the summer on the chain gang, but was returned to his jail cell in the fall suffering from fits of insanity. Jim "visited Emory McAbee in his bleak, bare room at the Jail and found him out of his mind—Puzzled conference with [the] Commissioners as to what to do—"6 He served out his term, and was returned home still suffering spells of madness. He would get the idea that there was oil leaking out of the ground on Ferguson's Peak, the mountain behind the McClure's house, and every so often he would have a "fire fit" and set fire on the mountain in an effort to get rid of the oil. The newcomers to the country side of life never failed to respond to the local calamities around them. When Porter Sinclair, from over the mountain in Gerton, shot himself accidentally while crossing a fence on a hunting trip, it was Jim McClure who volunteered to go to town to buy the coffin. He recorded in the diary in September 1920, "To town with Mr. Huntley for [a] coffin for Porter—[We] were run into by [a] Canadian soldier in a Ford who was going [the] wrong way on [a] one way St. To police court... each waiving damages . . . To undertakers—cheapest coffin $90 & [I was] assured [there were] no �280 We Plow God's Fields cheaper [ones] in town—To Police Capt. & with him to another undertakers and got one for $35. To Gerton . . . picking up a lovely aster wreath the Petsie had made."7 Bargain coffins and aster wreaths were visible expressions of Jim and Elizabeth's conception of their role as mountain neighbors. The sharp lines of social class were a part of this world, too, despite their easy ways and ability to pierce its walls with acts of kindness. Jim and Elizabeth wanted to be friends, but they did not want to compromise what they understood to be the superior quality of their upbringing. Part of their role here was to maintain the highest ideals of manners, beauty and virtue in order to exhibit before the local folk the fruits of progressive Christian civilization. And yet, Jim and Elizabeth could never be smug aristocrats on their mountain, lording it over their neighbors in Fairview. They might have accepted the superiority of their own values, but they knew too that these values came out of a training and education that was handed to them as the result of the struggles of former generations. The Farmers Federation and Elizabeth's pursuit of grace and beauty at Hickory Nut Gap were both meant to initiate the same respect for civilization that infused their own lives with purpose. Jim and Elizabeth tried to drop the social barriers between people without dropping their high standards of personal behavior and their impatience with shoddy work. In organizing the little society of Hickory Nut Gap, they tried to put into practice their ideas of social justice. The Federation was organized as a cooperative in order to involve the people emotionally and financially in the work. It was an organization to be owned by the farmers themselves. In the same way, Jim set up the Hickory Nut Gap Farm Company to involve the workers as participants in the business rather than hired hands. Company meetings were held to decide farm procedures. Shares of stock could be earned or bought. The first such meeting occurred in April 1918 in Jim's study. James Davidson, the farm manager, was present, along with John Shorter. The proposal was made by Jim, and the company was duly formed.8 Two years later, Elizabeth notes in one of her letters a new development in the Company. "Jim is enormously busy as ever. There are six renters this year in addition to the men working by the year so he is deep in contracts and shares. Last week the Hickory Nut Gap Farm Co. was incorporated so Jim is now actually trying out his scheme for letting all the hands have a share of the business. It is an experiment but so far it seems to be working" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Harriet McClure Stuart. January 12, 1920). A month later, however, a financial cloud hung low over Hickory Nut Gap, and the experimental mood of January was just about to evaporate when the Valentine's Day mail arrived. "Big conference with the Pet about financesboth very depressed, decided to cut everything—both very low—Decided to write and try to sell Rathmore [Although Mr. Cramer still lived in Rathmore, he had given it to his two children. Presumably, Jim and Elizabeth were here considering selling their share in the house to someone else within the fa- �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 281 mily.]—Mail came with letter giving the Pet and Ambrose Mrs C[ramer]'s share of her mother's estate—Enormous relief."9 Jim had overcome his qualms about spending his wife's inheritance. Not wanting to draw a salary from the Federation, he reasoned that her money was enjoying its highest possible use by providing indirectly for the benefits of cooperative farming in Western North Carolina. After the Valentine's Day financial scare, Jim sat down and made a thorough inventory of his and his wife's financial records. Their assets were considerable, mostly in the form of Chicago area real estate. In all, the annual income from rents and securities was just under $8,000, a sizable sum in those days. This money was sufficient for the management of Hickory Nut Gap Farm in 1920, and the other assets gave Jim the power to borrow more money in order to increase the size of the farm and make necessary improvements. Financial security also gave him the freedom to take an active part in community affairs. Jim McClure continued throughout the twenties to preach his gospel of hope and courage to any gathering his schedule would allow, and to join in the leadership of worthy organizations. In 1921 he became a member of the Civitan Club, one of Asheville's leading service groups, and became its president in 1926. The local country churches continued to invite him to their simple pulpits, and he continued to preach the words of social salvation. "The blighting curse of country folks is jealousy, backbiting, distrust & gossip . . . Drive off evils as your fathers fought Indians,"10 he told the congregation of the Fairview Baptist Church. Jim was quite fond of these country congregations. He liked the informality, the enthusiasm and especially the robust singing that was so full of the spirit of the mountains. Dear Hetty & Doug, This is a fifth Sunday with all the attending excitement in the mountains. Though a pouring rain set in at daybreak we repaired at eleven to "Emmas Grove" where plans were afoot for a "Singing" and in spite of the deluge found a house packed to overflowing. Singers from far and near had foregathered. I had the privilege of doing the exhorting. The crowd was large, three sitting on the preacher's seat as I was on my feet, two worthies leaning against the pulpit and one brave fellow in a bright green sweater standing at the foot of the pulpit savagely eyeing the crowd. The singing was exceedingly good. Dinner was served on the grounds during a break in the storm and Siddy plied her basket through the crowd with all the abandon of a street vendor. (James G. K. McClure, Jr., to the Stuarts, April 29, 1923) Jim's specialty was the graduation speech. "Go out with courage and seek God's highest purpose for your life," he said on many different occasions and in many different ways. His light-hearted description of this particular event, written to Hetty and Doug, belies the seriousness with which he worked to relay his message to the young graduates: "... I had the chance of a lifetime to give tongue on the flapper problem which seems to be the most vital subject now �282 We Plow God's Fields before the public. The affair was the Commencement of Fassifern, a girls school at Hendersonville, with some twenty of the much discussed graduating. The thermometer was down to fifty and a cold wind blowing and the girls in the most summery of costumes so I let them down easy ..." (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, June 4, 1922). These girls were the daughters of old families from Charleston and other southern cities. Jim was stumped by some of their names. He pronounced Miss Huger (U-gee) as Miss Hugger and Miss Talifaro (Tolliver) exactly as it was spelled, causing considerable giggling in the audience. One young lady was afraid she would not graduate. Her diploma slipped under the table and when her name was not called she fainted dead away!11 The message delivered at the Fassifern School for Girls was likely to have stressed the same themes as the following example of Jim's oratory, delivered at the Asheville School, amidst calmer proceedings: "Behold I show you a mystery-a spiritual world. [The] hosts with you are stronger than the hosts against you . .. Seek ye first His Kingdom, and all the forces of the Universe will be behind you and the Lord God himself will be back of you to guide your fighting arm."12 Jim made these speeches a call to heroism and self-sacrifice, and he always guaranteed self-fulfillment in return, knowing from experience that this was no vain promise. Despite the puritan temper of many of his exhortations, Jim's life was filled with fun and the love of great entertainment. He and his charming wife became popular participants in the grand social life of Asheville in the twenties. During the summer "season," evenings were as gay as anywhere in the country. Celebrities of one kind or another were commonly present for these parties. The competition for prominence among the leading hostesses was keenly felt, even though it was Mrs. George Vanderbilt who held the keys to social respect. When one was invited to the Biltmore House, it meant acceptance by the highest powers in the realm. Jim and Elizabeth broke through to the top during the 1923 season. He feigned loneliness for his farm hands while describing a gathering one night at Mrs. Vanderbilt's mansion. "We have been quite gay this week as on Friday night we went to a dance at Mrs. Vanderbilt's and Siddy and I had the good luck to be seated at supper at a small table with our hostess, the Spanish Ambassador and wife, the governor of North Carolina, the Head of the U. S. Secret Service and two other notables. I felt ill at ease without the companionship of Zeb Nix and the other worthies. However we had a very gay evening" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, July 8, 1923). The widow of Biltmore House was eventually wooed by and married to Senator Peter Gerry, and thereafter she wasn't in Asheville as much. During the Christmas Season of 1925, however, she and the Cecils of England, members by marriage of her family, filled up Biltmore House again for a festive round of parties. �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 283 Senator and Mrs. Peter Gerry [the former Mrs. Vanderbilt] came down for the holidays and have given us quite a gay week. On Tuesday night we dined at Biltmore House with the Cecils House party and Senator and Mrs. Gerry and the next night we again dined with the Gerry's and attended a gypsy dance at Biltmore House which was the best party I have ever attended. Jack Cecil's older brother, wife and son were part of the house party and spent three weeks before the dance painting the cellar of Biltmore House. They painted scenes of every description around the walls, mainly taken from the Russian Chauve Saurie and had all kinds of gypsy atmosphere such as cauldrons and pots and glowing fire under them all around. As usual Siddy had the best costume of the evening. She is acquiring a great reputation along that line and everyone now expects her to set the standard. She had a guitar and I carried the old accordion which made a great hit. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, January 3, 1926) The following summer, at the height of the season, they attended one of the year's most famous parties. Friday night the Bachelors Club staged their annual fancy dress ball. It was about the most entertaining affair I have ever attended. It was staged this year in the form of a circus, IThere were pop corn stands, pink lemonade booths, hot dog stands, shooting galleries and some twelve side shows. Before entering the circus grounds guests had to go to the Bank of Buncombe and get fake money. Each side show had a barker and ticket taker. It gave great scope to the local talent to shout themselves hoarse and the whole business was great fun. I had the pleasure of barking for the Fortune Teller. Some four or five hundred were present and the costumes were very good and very amusing. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, August 29, 1926) Asheville society provided for Jim and Elizabeth a close facsimile of the familiar world of their Lake Forest upbringing. The mountains had not isolated them from the people and the parties, the clubs and activities to which they were accustomed. Then* fifteen miles of distance from the town and their deep involvement in the lives of the mountain people provided for them a rich blend of characters from both worlds. The two of them would never have been able to lead conventional, predictable lives. But neither could they turn their backs on their own heritage. Jim and Elizabeth cultivated many friendships that enhanced their lives and were useful to the work of the Federation. They were able to balance themselves quite uniquely between the customary world of Asheville, and the new mountain world of Hickory Nut Gap. Their close friend and physician, Dr. Pinckney Herbert, descendant of the famous South Carolina Pinckneys, and his wife Frances, shared with the McClures an interest in the lives of the mountaineers. Dr. Herbert spent much of his own time and money serving these people, who could never have afforded decent medical care. Frances Herbert, a member of a grand old Virginia family, remembered first meeting Jim and Elizabeth back in 1916, when both couples were renting cottages near the Manor Inn in Asheville. With great wit and �284 We Plow God's Fields eloquence, she explained that the two women would forsake the accustomed grandeur of their respective youths to lead the comparatively "sketchy" lives necessary in the mountains. "But of course, we did it for love!"13 Frances and Elizabeth became great friends. They helped to found the French Broad River Garden Club, an active group of ladies who not only "studied beautiful and useful plants, but also took real and effective interest in local conservation issues. As a leading figure in the Trench Broads,' Elizabeth helped to satisfy her own curiosity and stimulate the interest of others in the secrets of the botanical kingdom. As an affiliate of the Garden Club of America, Elizabeth greatly enjoyed exchanging ideas with other gardeners at regional and national meetings. She wrote articles on the medicinal herbs of the southern mountains and on the care of boxwoods for the Garden Club of America Bulletin. Perhaps her greatest contribution was a series of slides of mountain wild flowers. She and Ewart Ball, a talented Asheville photographer, roamed the area to get shots of flowers growing on dripping rock ledges or by sunny streams. This was before the days of color photography, so Elizabeth sent a plant of each variety in full bloom to New York by any trusted hand that was going up at the right season. There two expert ladies painted the slides in exactly the right shades. The slide show was rented to garden clubs all over the country until all expenses were paid. Unfortunately for us all, Elizabeth found little time to paint in the midst of her duties at Hickory Nut Gap Farm and in the community. She told her daughter Elspeth years later that when she began a painting project she became so absorbed that she couldn't keep her mind on the daily routine. She said she became what the Scotts call "hag ridden," that is, carrying a witch on your back who won't get off until your project is finished. But Hickory Nut Gap Farm became her canvas, where she painted with the colors and shapes of the natural world. The gardens she created attracted many gatherings and luncheons during her tenure, and she greatly enjoyed sharing the place she loved so much and worked so hard to make beautiful. The Herberts and McClures became friends for life, raising their children together and enjoying their mutual companionship. Frances Herbert was one of the first people who drove out to see the "Old Tavern" in 1916, and recalled that "It looked like the wrath of God."14 The Herberts customarily came out to Hickory Nut Gap for quiet Sunday outings. Everyone would carry a "pocket lunch" and hike back into the mountains to find a peaceful creek bank or glade. They would all return in time for the McClure's traditional sparse Sunday night supper of crackers and milk and soft-boiled eggs. Relatives on both the McClure and Cramer sides also made surprisingly frequent visits to Western North Carolina. On one occasion, in 1922, a large contingent of McClures including the family patriarch were on hand when word reached the farm that brother Arch had become the father of his first son. Jim described the scene to Hetty as the news spread about the house. �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 285 This morning the embarrassed voice of Western Union gave us the great news of the arrival of Archibald, Jr. The word spread through the house like wildfire. Mother and Dinto [brother Nathan] on the porch, Father in my study, Siddy in her room with Louise [Nathan's wife] upstairs, ... were moved to immediate and delighted—ejaculations. We all went to church wreathed in smiles. At the Fairview church Father preached and completely dispelled the cloud which had hung heavy upon him since the worthy brother had denounced the theological Seminaries and especially the heads of theological seminaries two years ago. Yesterday we took a spin to Spartanburg and Greenville and return[ed]. Father set foot upon South Carolina soil, a state in which he had never been. The day was perfect for the run and after we got out of the mountains we went through the cotton fields for miles. We had breakfast at home and had dinner at home, and between these meals traveled 180 miles in the 6 year old car [the Honeymoon Hudson!]. At times we reached a dizzy speed but to Mother we never went fast enough, and she always felt that we might have gone a little faster (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, August 20, 1922) Nathan McClure, known as "the General" for having been in the American army during World War I, especially enjoyed his time on the farm, and pitched in with great enthusiasm. He had always admired Jim immensely, and felt satisfied when he could please him. Nathan, his wife Louise and little son (whom everyone called "Nainie") spent most of that summer with Jim and Elizabeth. In Jim's correspondence with the Stuarts, he described how much Nathan became involved in his projects: Yesterday Louise, Nathan and I accompanied by John and a colored organizer left in the morning for Rutherford County where we attended a meeting of colored farmers who had up for discussion the subject of forming an auxiliary to the Farmers Federation. The meeting developed along the lines of a revival, hymns, prayers, Amens and Hallelujahs were interspersed at the proper moments and we all got well roused up. Even Nathan rose from his seat and made a speech. Needless to say that after such a warming up the auxiliary was formed. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, June 25, 1922) The General is becoming the chief back door figure of Asheville. He has a way with him that makes his peaches and plums irresistible to the housewives and stewardesses of Asheville, Black Mountain and other nearby centers. I do not know how I could have made it this summer without him. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, July 23, 1922) The General is keeping up his back door popularity and moving stuff off the farm in hilarious fashion. This last week he started to sell off my calves as the price of veal got up high. He is now taking Nainie with him on his trips to act as "side kick" or to "scotch" for him ... Zeb Nix was up yesterday to borrow three dollars which he gives me his bond he will repay when the General engages his hog for him. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, August 6, 1922) �286 We Plow God's Fields Monday was a sad day In the chronicles of Hickory Nut Gap Farm. Father and Mother first entrusted themselves to the uncertainties of railroad travel and an hour and a half later Nainie, heavily guarded by his parents stepped boldly "into a Pullman, shaking the dust of Buncombe County from his trilbys. It was a grievous day for the natives. Zeb Nix arrived at 5:30 a.m. and knocked at my door . . . to fare well Nathan who had sold his hog for him so well and on Wednesday as I took up The Generals route in Asheville and environs I found every back door flag at half mast. . .. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, August 27, 1922) The following spring, Hetty and Doug themselves came down, only to discover that Jim's Federation work had taken its toll on his golf game. Jim wrote, "As a final parting shot Hetty did me up on the Biltmore Forest Golf Links, and though beaten by a woman, I will say for her that she displayed a brand of golf seldom seen in these parts, holing out fours and fives with the regularity of [a] hardened pro" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Doug Stuart, August 8, 1923). The Cramer clan were avid golfers as well, as were most residents of Lake Forest. Ambrose Cramer, Sr. purchased for Jim a charter membership at the Biltmore Country Club, which opened on July 4, 1922. Membership in this readily accessible course, Jim joked, might have unforeseen consequences. "Mr. Cramer has made E & myself members so I expect that I have seen the last of my wife & I am now planning an extra room in which to house the probable golf trophies. If Siddy should ever put her mind on the game I believe we would all lose her" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, April 20, 1922). Ambrose Cramer, Sr. took a lively interest in the life of his daughter and son-in-law, and was quite generous in helping to pay for projects that were beyond their reach. He offered to renovate the old inn by building a large addition to add a bedroom and make over the kitchen. The work was completed, following the advice of Ambrose, Jr., the family architect, and the result was a success that not only satisfied the needs of a growing family, but blended so well with the old structure that the entire effect of the house was greatly enhanced. Mr. and Mrs. Cramer became so enchanted with Western North Carolina that they bought a home in the new residential town of Biltmore Forest, which was growing up around the Country Club golf course. The Skinner aunts, Bessie and Freddie, were also frequent visitors, along with their nephew, Ambrose, Jr. The Aunties contributed a new upstairs bathroom and many more touches of civilization to the old house. Ambrose, Jr., [Bowser], came regularly to Hickory Nut Gap to visit his sister and Jim. Along with the relations, who were certainly curious about how one managed to live in rural Western North Carolina, many other travelers of various distinctions and peculiarities passed through Hickory Nut Gap. The old house, just as if it were still an inn, successfully brought together all sorts of these guests. Family members, odd visitors, employees, tenants and broken down �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 287 automobile owners all became part of a group of people that could scarcely have been thrown together anywhere else on earth. Jim McClure loved this great mixing of people, at least most of the time. Genuine characters, such as this ancient specimen, seemed to be drawn to the place. "This day we were called on by an aged colored gentleman who said he was 114 years old ... He was an old slave, is a relative of John Shorter's, and told us great tales of the old days. He remembers when the Indians were moved out of this country to their reservations which was sometime ago [about 90 years]" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, July 2, 1922). If the old men talked, the young boys worked. Jim and Elizabeth made a point to hire many of the children living around the farm for odd jobs around the house. Lawrence Huntiey remembered his boyhood at Hickory Nut Gap with great sentiment, and credits the McClures with providing him with a strong moral example that influenced his life enormously. He usually worked alongside John Shorter and under the direction of Mrs. McClure. In the summer, he kept the grass clipped and the gardens weeded. In the winter, the wood box always needed refilling as the fires kept up a fearful appetite for wood. Lawrence recalled what it was like to work for Mrs. McClure. "If the work you did didn't suit her, she would say: 'Oh, I can hardly believe my eyes: that's the finest work in the world. Let's change it that way to see how it looks.' It had to be right . . . She had the prettiest garden in front of the house. If any weed got in there, I had to get her out." And for Lawrence, working with Mr. McClure "was just like a boy working for his father . . . He sent me off to school . . . [and] bought me a baseball glove. He'd take me with him everywhere he went. . . ." John and Esther Shorter stand out in his memory for their kindness to him. "Esther was in charge of the kitchen. She could really cook . . . [Each] night, [for] an hour or two . . . Esther would school me in my lessons." Two sisters, Minnie and Freenie Early, worked as maids during this period, and Lawrence remembers joking around with them. "John put me up to run and kiss 'em, kiss them girls-then take off. Fight you just like a dog . . . It would tickle John—that great big old fat belly—I can see him—would just shake all over." John also taught Lawrence to drive, in nothing less than the old Honeymoon Hudson. That automobile " . . . was something unusual . . . to be around here," and it sure made him feel proud for his friends to spot him sitting in the driver's seat.15 Lawrence Huntley's most vivid memory began with a squirrel hunting expedition: Olson Sumner was a boy about my age. He was the one that caused that scar in my head right there. [And quite a scar, or really indention, it is!] We were after a ground squirrel in a hollow log and he was at one end of the log; we were splitting it, and I was at the other end with an ax. We were splitting that log to get the ground squirrel o u t . . . and I stooped down to pick a chip up, . . . and the point of it [the ax] hit me ... Mrs. McClure—that was the first place I went. My shoes were full of blood—I mean it really bled. And �288 We Plow God's Fields Mrs. McClure, she dressed it. Mother put soot in the cut to keep it from bleeding, and the doctors "raised the dickens." . . . It split the skull. It's a wonder it didn't kill me.16 Lawrence Hundey's parents boarded the first farm manager, James Davidson, with them as long as he was a bachelor. The farm manager occupied a position of authority in the hierarchy on the farm, and was the daily operator of the business. James Davidson woke up with the rooster crows each morning, and began the day by milking the cow. Jim McClure liked to run down and talk to him during this chore if there were any pressing problems to size up. After breakfast, at 7 a.m., all hands gathered at the barn. Here, the tasks of the day were explained and divided up, and the working day began. When James Davidson married, a new house was built for Lawrence's family, who left the farm soon afterwards. They were replaced by another set of Huntieys, David and Nannie, who remained on the farm for years and years. Mrs. Davidson can recall these early patterns of life with a vivid eye for detail. It was the Shorters, John and Esther, who again stand out. Esther, or Eddie, would take little Jamie out for long walks every day. "She always carried a hymn book, and sang wherever she went." One of her favorites was the song "Life is Like a Mountain Railroad." She also had a predilection for praying out loud as she wandered along. "Once little Jamie asked her, 'Who are you talking to, Eddie?' and she replied, Tm just talking to the Lord, Honey.' A few days later she caught him muttering to himself, 'talking to the Lord.'" Mrs. Davidson said that the two old oxen that belonged to John and that had first pulled the Hudson up the mountain back in 1916 went by two names. To Mr. and Mrs. McClure, they were "Red" and "Brown," simply because John could never bring himself to tell them that really their names were "Hell" and "Fire." Mrs. Davidson remembers as well sitting on her porch and watching the wagons coming over from Rutherford County on their way to Asheville. The halfway camping spot was just across the road from her house, and there the teamsters would unharness their horses, build a little fire and fry up some fatback, corn bread and beans. The farmers were usually hi groups of three or four, so that on the return trip, when they were carrying their money, they would be less likely to be robbed by thieves along the way. She recalls these wagons, many of them covered, passing through in the fall of the year carrying their harvests and hopes for the year. Mr. McClure would often stop and hear what these men had to say around their campfires, and if there was something suspicious about them he wouldn't hesitate to send them on their way. But he would usually let the farmers stay, especially if they showed some interest in the Farmers Federation. These were the people he wanted to help.17 Elizabeth and Jim were gradually putting the old house into shape. There was a room behind the living room with windows looking out to the mountains across the valley, which had not yet been renovated. The idea of recording life at the old inn on the walls of this room had been in Elizabeth's mind. �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 289 They had the register of guests of the Inn starting in 1850. Each had unknowingly bid against the other to get them as a Christmas present (Jim had won). Elizabeth could visualize the travellers coming through the gap: judges, political figures like President Andrew Johnson, who was Governor of Tennessee at the time of his visit; travelling ministers; hog and cattle drovers; fancy Charleston folk on their way to Flat Rock to escape the summer heat of the lowlands. She listened to the stories of neighbors who remembered the stage coach days, which had lasted well into the nineties, and studied historical records and drawings to get the make and measurements of the coach that was used. She began to piece together the visual remnants of the past—the past and present were not far removed from one another in this isolated region. As scenes slowly began to take shape in her mind, she started the "cartoons," or preliminary drawings in charcoal, directly on the beaverboard panels of the wall. She knew the loose impressionist style she had studied in France was all wrong for the scenes of mountain life she envisaged. She wanted the panels to look like English water-color wall paper; yet oil paint was the medium she preferred to work with. To express the simplicity of life in the mountains she settled on a realistic, genie style, each little group of figures presenting an anecdote of life at or near the inn. To her credit she resisted including the stereotyped moonshiner with his still. She wanted to paint the more enduring themes of the mountains. She worked with oils, but used a medium that flattened the finish to resemble water color. An old gentleman who had worked at the inn as a boy, catching chickens and chopping wood, took up the position of special adviser to the artist. He spent hours sitting in the doorway between rooms, making suggestions as Elizabeth painted and spitting tobacco juice a good ten feet into the living room fireplace. At first each spit made her nervous, but she soon learned that he never missed. Panels were planned for three sides of the room. One by one she filled each with life and motion—bear hunters, rattlesnake killers, pretty young gentlemen guests trying feebly to push the coach out of the mud she knew so well. She painted animals: bears; deer; razor back hogs; chickens; and in the foreground, the exquisite mountain wild flowers. She learned the type of coach used by Bedford Sherrill and wrote for pictures and measurements to the Boston Museum. She checked the details of costumes for accuracy. Only the dashing white horses, with bobbed tails and flowing black manes, were an imaginative touch that, along with the flowing contours of the local mountain peaks, unifies the diverse panels. Jim reports in the weekly epistle of his family that "Siddy made a brave start at painting her panels but the collapse of the household put a sudden stop to that activity" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, March 19, 1922). By the first of April, Jim returned from a trip to find that"... the Pet had done a lot on the first panel & had painted the wheels of the coach red."18 Jim tried to help her, not with mere praise but as a rather harsh critic. She writes in her diary that "Cricket [was] displeased with my mountain. Have to find some way �290 We Plow God's Fields of doing it more in the feeling of the period."19 She struggled through her next session. "Spent an awful day trying to paint the mountain like an old fashioned one. Nearly killed me."20 In the first panel on the east wall, she painted the primeval forest. The scene depicts the moment of climax for a hunting party of Cherokee Indians. A pair of bucks and a doe are leaping out of the underbrush at the same moment that two strong braves draw their bows. Behind a rock outcrop hide the main body of men, watching expectantly as the scene unfolds. Moving to the right, the middle scene is a view of the courtyard behind SherriU's Inn. The spring-fed dairy, the old smokehouse and the inn itself are all arranged to best display the architectural lines of the buildings. The smokehouse is thought to be the oldest structure standing today in Buncombe County, and the only one left constructed with the rifle slots needed in the event of an Indian attack. In the center of the picture, emphasizing its importance and grandeur, is the stage coach itself, a true copy of the one that traveled through Hickory Nut Gap. On its side the words "Sherrill's Flying Cloud" are painted. Four white horses with docked tails are being unhitched for feeding and watering while the coachman with his top hat leans back to have a word with a gentleman unloading a trunk. To the right of the coach, two men with coonskin caps carry in a bear cub they have just shot, flanked by four hunting dogs leaping up and running around the carcass. In the recesses of the scene, a little boy trying to lead a pig by a string tied to its hind leg is being dragged around the courtyard while a man slops a hog near the house. And there are other figures going about their business, old and young, all amidst the spring blossoms of the fruit trees. The scene, like the others, portrays the variety of the mountains, especially the variety of people. On the same wall, further to the right, is a portrayal of an historical event. A small contingent of Stoneman's cavalry, with their blue union uniforms, is riding up the gorge toward Sherrill's Inn. Chimney Rock Mountain rises up in the background. These Union soldiers were coming to pacify Buncombe County, whose citizens on the whole had been staunchly loyal to the Confederacy. They set up their headquarters in the inn before moving on to Asheville. Moving to the south wall of the room, the "Flying Cloud" begins its ascent up the mountain to the inn. One gentleman, riding with the driver, blows a horn, an old tradition on this line. The number of blasts will give Mrs. Sherrill the count of the travelers that day, and she will still have time to add more food to the table if necessary before the coach can "pull the mountain." Nearby, next to the road, a mountaineer and two well-dressed city men gather around a coiled rattlesnake, shotguns in hand. The mountain man looks distrustful of the city fellows' aim. Elizabeth has added to this panel many of the flowers that are her joy, including the rhododendron Maximum in fiill bloom. On the west wall, the central panel is flanked on either side by two separate groups of travelers passing through the Gap. On the left, four covered wagons, each pulled by a team of oxen, lumber up the grade, preceded by a herd of hogs being kept in line by a mounted drover and a young boy. Wagons such as these �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 291 were still to be seen in the early twenties passing by Jim's and Elizabeth's home. On the right panel, a mountain family has once again pulled up stakes and is on the move, a surprisingly common occurrence in the mountains. Two mules pull an overladen wagon, while members of the family either ride along or walk beside the entourage of people and animals, which includes a flock of sheep and two leashed hounds. The central panel of this grouping represents another masterpiece of anecdote, full of characters and action. "The Flying Cloud" has just pulled to a halt in front of SherriU's Inn, and as the passengers unload their jolted physiques, their mountain host comes out to greet them with a tray of "cordials." The painting is full of little touches of mountain life: Mrs. SherriU's fine bonnet, a quilt drying on the roof, a little boy fruitlessly chasing after a chicken (the chicken drawn by Jim because he thought Elizabeth's was not running fast enough!), bees streaming in and out of the old-fashioned bee skeps, and a pretty young maiden with a billowing skirt and dainty parasol shyly being introduced to two nattily dressed young dandies. A boy holds the horses as they stamp and paw, eager to get to the barn after the long pull up to the inn. These paintings are among the very few that remain as a testimony to Elizabeth's extraordinary talent. Her vision in these panels indicates a great deal about her attitudes; she loved the common poses and activities of life around her, its variety, humor and essential beauty, if only one took the time to see it. These pictures show her gifts as an artist, her ability to compose scenes that are both balanced and beautiful, and yet alive with activity. It speaks too for her appreciation of all people, high and low, her uncommon mountain neighbors along with her dandified friends from town. These pictures are a secret treasure of the Southern Appalachians, bringing together a time, a place and a gifted artist. By May, Jim proclaimed to Hetty and Doug that "Siddy has her second panel almost completed and the room is going to be a wonder" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, May 21, 1922). By the fall of 1923, the word was out that a unique project depicting mountain life had been created by Elizabeth McClure, and Jim described in his distinctive manner the reception of these panels by the local critics. "We had quite a day yesterday for Cornelia Vanderbilt spread the news of Siddy's pictures on her return home & the Vanderbilt house party then commenced to arrive in relays during the afternoon. I plan to charge admission & also to wear a guard's uniform & stretch out an itching palm as sightseers depart" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, no date). The autumn of 1922 marked not only the triumphant completion of Elizabeth's "painting fit," but many other changes in her life. Her second child was growing within her, while at the same time she felt the loneliness and melancholy of being without Jim, who was away on a long and difficult errand. Her brother Ambrose had been suffering through some personal and marital difficulties. He and Grace had been living in France while he worked on his architectural degree at the Beaux Arts in Paris, and with Jim he returned there to work �292 We Plow God's Fields through his problems. Jim's long absence was a sad and lonely time for Elizabeth, but produced more of her moving literary expressions of love. She and Aunt Freddie, little Jamie and Esther, all went up to New York to see Jim and a very depressed Ambrose off for France. Dear Cricket & Bowser off for France . . . As the ship sailed slowly off I rushed to find a tall coloured porter who could hold Jamie up in the air to wave at Daddy .. . Auntie [Freddie] quite cheerful & [I] felt most cheerful myself to realize that Ambrose had really left & with my darling to cheer & strengthen him (Can't help worrying about that letter to G[race]). Jamie it seems raised the dickens while I was downstairs, yelling, & saying he didn't have to behave now [that] Daddy was gone . . . I miss my darling terribly & find myself thinking of him almost continuously. I hope he is sleeping well tonight & that [Ambrose] is more cheerful. There is an occasional fog horn sounding & it makes him somehow seem near! (October 16, 1922, New York City)21 .. . longing for Cricket & anxious as to how things are going. Hope he will think to send me a cable with some hint. (October 19, 1922) Another lonesome night without Cricket. I miss him more every single night. Bowser's letter so pathetic but there is one line in it that makes me hopeful. (October 20, 1922) Such a lovely autumn day, almost hot, with here & there cosmos, dahlias, chrysanthemums in bloom & such lovely subdued colors in the leaves. How I wish Cricket could see them. The mountains are just the way he loves them . . . I would have given anything to have been with him, to see all that lovely French land again for the first time together after so many years away. It is very hard not to hear from him—if I could only have letters he would not seem so far away . . . I kept thinking of Cricket & Bowser & Paris & longing to know how things were with them. It is very lonesome without Cricket & gets worse all the time! . . . (October 29, 1922, Asheville) . . . a letter from that dearest Cricket telling me everything I wanted to know . . . His letter was such a comfort & delight & Ferderkins [Aunt Freddie] was greatly heartened & cheered by all he said about the Bowser.... (November 3, 1922) On November 7, when election day arrived, Jim was still away and Elizabeth had the opportunity to exercise her new privilege at the polls. Her response to women's suffrage is quite curious, considering her family's political interests and her own independent life before her marriage, but it was still a new responsibility. Mr. Davidson called . . . it was voting day. Very much irked at the thought of voting but felt that perhaps Cricket would want i t . . . Cast my vote (after first calling Mr. P on telephone to ask if there was any specially good man I should vote for) & Just put my mark on a straight �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 293 Republican ticket. Also voted for increase in pay for legislators. Hurried back home after first having dispelled the usual crowd that had gathered about Puny. (November?, 1922) Despite Jim's and Elizabeth's flirtations with socialism prior to the Great War, by the time of Calvin Coolidge they were both safely in the Republican camp, and there for good. Jim had voted for Warren G. Harding and his "return to normalcy" in 1920, as did Elizabeth in what would have been her first chance to vote. The next evening Elizabeth wrote: Spent evening sorting Cricket's mail & systemizing it. Miss my darling terribly but had the joy of finding a letter from Rouen in today's mail & 2 postcards. The Rouen letter took me right back to that thrilling old town. Cricket sounded in the letter exactly as though he had been affected by it in just the same way I was when I first saw it. I am counting every hour to my dearest's return. I miss him every minute & his dear letters are such a comfort. (November 8, 1922) Next day, with the woods filled with dry leaves, their neighbor Emory McAbee had one of his "fire fits." Elizabeth described the scene. This has been a day of excitements. Rushed out to post a letter early & smelled smoke. Clouds of it pouring over Ferguson & Rocky Point. Smoke pall descending all over [the] mountain. [I] learned . . . that a bad fire was raging in around Emory McAbees & was part on our land. They thought Emory had let the fire o u t . . . Mr. Davidson had sent hands up to fight the fire, but Mr. Early [who was there shingling the garage] feared wind & thought if it got going nothing could stop it. I felt much worried . . . Flew down to the barn and interviewed Mr. Davidson .. . Men came down about noon from fighting [the] fire. [They] had been obliged to start some sort of back fire about halfway up the mountain to head [the] fire off & some fire back of Rocky Point along [the] Ridge I believe. [I] felt that [the] danger had been averted. Mrs. Huntley came over about 9 & said that a lot of our timber had been burned a short time ago in one of Emory's crazy fire fits . . . It seems that Emory had built a fire . . . one day & Mrs. McAbee according to Mr. Davidson was terrified of him . .. Mr. Merrill . . . told me to tell Mr. Davidson that he had seen the sheriff in town & sent him out that afternoon & that Emory had been taken off. [I] Arranged with Mr. Davidson about sending some one up tomorrow to see about Mrs. Emory . . . Very "jumpy" this evening. Queer sounds in the cellar & disturbing noises. Scared of everything. Thank goodness only two more nights without Cricket. (November 9, 1922) It was high time for Jim to come home! Elizabeth met him at the train in Biltmore on his return from France. As she rushed to embrace him he hastily warned her back. His suit aiid overcoat pockets were bulging with antique octagonal plates, each with a different French scene—his present after his long �294 We Plow God's Fields absence. Seven years later, the "Bowser" episode culminated with a surprise twist. Jim and Elizabeth were summoned to Washington to witness his second marriage, to Mary Meeker, his first wife Grace's younger sister. While Jim was away, Esther Shorter felt a need to go home and take care of her old mother. The trip to New York as Jamie's nurse had been difficult for her, and despite all her virtues she could be rather temperamental on occasion. She was a proud and sensitive woman and had a bad heart that perhaps made her quick to anger. After six years of devoted service, in November 1922, there was "Much hurried packing & the two [Esther and John] . . . departed for good. No tears shed but such general good feeling."22 Soon afterwards Esther died and John returned to the farm to remain a loyal pillar of the establishment until his own death in 1955. Elizabeth struggled to find a replacement for Esther, with her second child expected in a few months. A nurse was hired, known simply as "Hawkins." With such a name, one would expect a military sort of figure. Elizabeth explained to her Aunt Freddie that "Hawkins is ... more powerful than ever and I am sighing with contentment. She talks through her nose & squeaks & Jamie is beginning to talk just like her but she is such a tower of strength I could not manage without her for the present, anyway" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Frederika Skinner, June 29, 1923). Hawkin's powerful tendencies eventually overreached Elizabeth's bounds, when she learned that the woman had thrashed Jamie with real vengeance when the family was away. Elizabeth fired her on the spot and took over the nursing duties herself. Soon after Jim's return from France preparations got under way for the birth of Elizabeth and Jim's second child, expected early in 1923. Childbirth brought out the most cautious instincts in Jim and Elizabeth, which is only to say that the lives of mother and child were given the highest value. But the contrast with today's recuperation schedule is startling. The whole family moved into Asheville in mid-January to be nearer the hospital. With the arrival of Wiggywags (Martha Clarke), all signs of the imminence of the great event were present. Yet, in all the correspondence, the exact nature of the details of the appearance of the new baby is discretely avoided, as if to mention childbirth itself was a bad omen that somehow might threaten the new life. In such a manner, Hetty and Doug, and the rest of the family, were kept informed. We plan to move to 306 Chestnut St., Asheville on next Thursday where we will be installed at the boarding house of Miss Elizabeth Bernard. It seems a most comfortable establishment. We plan to put Jamie in kindergarten so he may not grow up a social recluse. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, January 14, 1923) Our entourage moved into Asheville for the season . . . we are now awaiting the dinner gong before marching in to dinner . . . Jamie is proving a great mixer and already has an intimate acquaintance with every fellow boarder. He has introduced himself to them in whatever role he happened to be playing at the moment so that there is great confusion as to �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties Esther Shorter and Jamie McClure. his name, some calling him George, some Tobey, some Mac, some Jinks and some Uncle Wiggly. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, January 21, 1923) Letters and telegrams from all the readers of this weekly have put me in very close touch with you all this week. I can plainly see that the surest way to get a reaction from my faithful readers is to send out telegrams similar to the ones dispatched last Sunday night. Elizabeth and Elspeth are doing famously. I have just come from the hospital where I said Goodnight to the pair of them. Dr. Millender is highly pleased with them both and says he has not had a patient do so well in years. Elspeth has been on her good behavior and everyone is charmed with her. Elizabeth will keep right on at the hospital for some time, in fact we are planning for a stay of four weeks, for we are exponents of the slow and easy school. We will have to be thrown out of the hospital as we were last time before we take the plunge into the cold hard world. 295 �296 We Plow God's Fields Miss Clarke is taking the most beautiful and loving care of the pair and it is a piece of rare good fortune to have such a devoted friend. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, February, 4, 1923) Elspeth's cold hard world out at Hickory Nut Gap would be the same rich blend of aristocratic values mixed with strong democratic intentions that marked off the struggles of her parents. It would be a world of cooks and maids, and the tough mountain children who were also growing up on the McClure farm. Her world would include the great cast of characters that called Jim and Elizabeth McClure their friends. It would also include a membership in the wider McClure clan, so aptly explained by the Dominie just after his granddaughter's birth. My dear Elizabeth, I am just as proud of you as I can possibly be. I rejoice with all my heart in the birth of little Elspeth. She has a very big place in my love already, and the place grows bigger every day. How wonderful it all is, that a life comes to us, and it isn't a stranger at all—it seems perfectly at home—as though it belonged to us—and we love the life devotedly from the instant of its arrival! I never have felt all this so much, as since word came that Elspeth was here. Yesterday I spoke of this to Arch . . . and Arch said that this is exactly the way he feels. Well, Elizabeth, you always were a queen in my judgement (and it is a sober, thoughtful but enthusiastic judgement) and now you are more a queen than ever. If that husband of yours . . . is not proud of you and doesn't say that you are the dearest,. . . loveliest woman in all the world, I will not believe he is in his right mind. Please put that question to him—and let us know what his condition of mind is. Grandfather McClure (James G. K. McClure, Sr. to Elizabeth Cramer McClure, January 31, 1923) The Dominie's wife, Annie Dixon McClure, wrote happily that the arrival of Elspeth "completes the round dozen of our grandchildren" (Phebe Ann Dixon McClure to James and Elizabeth McClure, January, 29, 1923). Elizabeth's father took the opportunity of Elspeth's birth to sing again the praises of his own daughter. "Darling Bios," he wrote, "We received the splendid news . . . Now you will know like myself the joy of having a daughter. If your daughter brings unto you one half the love and affection and dearness of my daughter, she will fill your life with happiness, and never give you a thought save congratulations for a name. You and Jim can settle that, but do not call her after local peaks or Hickory Nut Gap" (Ambrose Cramer, Sr. to Elizabeth Cramer McClure, January 29, 1923). "Elspeth" was neither peak nor gap, but a Scottish name that suited Elizabeth. Neither was the little child encumbered with a middle name, even if it meant passing up the opportunity to honor a relation. Elizabeth's painting �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 297 friend, Mildred Burridge, welcomed the child with this exuberant return telegram. "Your telegram received with flourish of Trumpets Cornets Hauteboys Bassoons Bass Drums Triangles Display of Fireworks Pine Wheels Skyrockets Roman Candles Embrace Elspeth fondly for me I long to see her Am Telegraphing from St. Frances Hotel gaily decorated in her honor."23 The formality of "Elspeth" fell away to "Elfie," and that became the family name of their little girl. Jim McClure was keenly aware that each child was born into this world deeply in debt. There were the debts of history: political freedom, religious tolerance and scientific progress. There were the family debts: the struggling Covenanters, the trekkers of the new world, the hardships and the successes. All of these circumstances placed little Elfie in a distant world unlike the one her neighbor children knew. Jim wanted his progeny to grow up aware of these debts, and aware that the process must continue. His view was that the real leaders of each generation were those men and women who followed their highest calling, sacrificed their own pleasures for a better world. And, as the theory went, self-sacrifice would yield self-fulfillment. The rock on which Jim and Elizabeth raised their children consisted of these same heroic virtues and strivings. Service was held up before them as the highest calling of life. Education was the cornerstone of ability. Like all parents, the McClures wavered between mercy and justice, but the values themselves were clear-cut and unassailable. Certain activities, such as card playing of any sort, were forbidden. Of course, this encouraged the youngsters to hide away in closets to play an illicit game of Lindbergh cards. From birth, Jamie and Elfie were carefully monitored so that their intellectual progress could be nurtured. But they were not lock stepped through youth, especially with the opportunities of a mountain farm. Besides, Jim and Elizabeth were too much fun to let their Victorian habits grind down the frivolous nature of youth. But these two children did grow up to be disciplined, each in his own way. Jamie was a seeker of truth, who would not abide sloppy thinking in either man or child. Elspeth, the more literary of the two, tried hard like her parents to appreciate people, to overlook the faults in others, and to stand ready to help them along. Little Elfie and brother Jamie grew up in a changing world. Henry Ford's mass produced automobile revolutionized transportation during the twenties and ending the picturesque wagon trips through Hickory Nut Gap. Even back in the mountains of North Carolina, a surprising number of cars and trucks were on the road. Around Fairview, Jim McClure was known as much for his Hudson automobile as he was for founding the Farmers Federation. The fascination for the mechanical miracles of Detroit struck the farm boys of the mountains deeply. The big switchback curves going through Hickory Nut Gap became, and continue to be, the scene of dramatic automobile crashes. One of the earliest occurred back in the spring of 1922 when Elizabeth was painting her panels, and gives some indication of the carefree attitude that overtook a group of people with a flivver and a little gas money. To Hetty and Doug, Jim wrote, �298 We Plow God's Fields This day opened with a crash on the road at 6 a.m. which proved to be a party of young riders turned over in a Ford. On extrication none proved seriously hurt. How they do it in a Ford I fail to see unless Henry has some special arrangement with the special Saint detailed on motor accidents. This party drove straight over a bank turned completely over, all ended up in or under the car and none seriously hurt. The party had been out all night and slumber had gotten the better of them. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, May 26, 1923) New cars meant new roads, and in 1923 the state began to pave the old sand road up the mountain with concrete. If there were great hopes for a fine road in the future, the present driving conditions were absolutely atrocious. Elizabeth described to Aunt Freddie the process of road building during the early twenties. . . . never have I imagined anything much worse than the sand clay road. It is ploughed up in great tracts & the mud & stones & ruts something incredible. They say that [they] are going to start the cement work on the 15th of June starting at the Fairview bridge & working toward Asheville. A camp of 25 men are located at the very top of the Gap where they are quarrying rock for the macadam part of the process & the stone crushing. They have to pay us so much a square yard of rock & will be there perhaps a year, so we shall get something out of it, anyway. Jamie is of course tremendously excited. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Frederika Skinner, May 26, 1923) Little Jamie was fascinated by machines. He was four years old now, and loved to run down the pasture to watch all the road building activity. Men and mules worked together hauling rock and driving drag pans. Building a road by hand was a laborious project, but many a man worked whatever political pull he had to get hired onto the crew. The men and animals camped on the job during the week, going home only on the weekends. A few shacks were built to accommodate the workers. One crew of laborers was made up of all black men, and they loved to sing to while away the hours. Young Jamie was leaning up on the fence watching this particular group one day, utterly lost in fascination by the implements and processes of this working outfit. The negro gang fell into a slow rhythmic song to match their work, but one prepared especially for the little McClure boy. Jamie's presence was carefully monitored from the kitchen window up the hill; he suddenly turned and raced up towards the house crying. He was met quickly and comforted by his mother. When he calmed down, he explained. As he listened to the workers singing in spiritual rounds, he had suddenly caught the words of the chorus that ended each verse: "Little white boy, sittin' on the fence. Ain't got nothin' to do."24 The prospects for a new road worried Jim. The engineers were keen to eliminate the numerous switchback curves, cutting through an entirely new route. Jim dreaded the further desecration of his farm, as the road had already been changed several years before. He traveled down to Raleigh to plead his �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 299 -,\ " : l«*lP%l>«i^-d Left: Baby Elspeth, Elizabeth, and Jamie McClure, 1923. Right: Jamie and Elizabeth in the garden below the house, June 1923. case in the matter, and returned with the good news that "The decision to have the new road come up following the old road has greatly eased our minds" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, July 8, 1923). The same road is still in use, and the picturesque curves provide today a scenic route for the tourists who can be seen almost year round enjoying picnics and taking pictures of each other as they travel through Hickory Nut Gap. But the work back in the twenties was painfully slow, and by late fall of 1924, Jim was thoroughly exasperated by the lack of progress. He wrote, "We are in the depths of misery over our road. It will be next June before the wretches are through and meanwhile we are hundreds of miles from town on a wet day" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, November 4, 1924). Throughout this period a whirlpool of activity swirled about Jim McClure: problems like the new road, the management of his farm and the Federation, and increasingly, the appointments that give public men and women even more duties. At the same time, in the eye of the storm, his family was growing up. Despite the demands on his time, Jim could always arrange to be with his wife and children. Like his own father, who had taken him along when making pastoral calls, Jim loved to take Elspeth and Jamie with him on his jaunts into the countryside. They loved the excitement of all the Federation activities, and children make a wonderful topic of conversation in a crowd of strangers. When they were older, Jim McClure would work them into the entertainment. Most �300 We Plow God's Fields of all, he wanted his children to be nurtured by the same rich Christian tradition and idealism of his own youth. Jamie was in many ways a difficult child to raise. He was extraordinarily intelligent and was for four years an only child in a large household that must have seemed to him set up to revolve around his needs. There were no children with his background at Hickory Nut Gap, and he grew up a self-assured and completely fearless child. Jamie McClure inherited his father's strong tendency to question the comfortable assumptions, and he did not hesitate to speak up to correct his own contemporaries, or even his elders, if he became convinced that they were wrong. Perhaps it is fair to say that he was as "cranky" as his father, but had not as a boy acquired Jim's tact as a counterbalance. One Sunday, Jim preached a sermon at die Fairview Church. Surprisingly, his keen son was paying close attention to the message, and when the word "demolish" turned up, he immediately demanded a satisfactory definition. With great warmth, Jim explained that he would have to pause to clarify this point with a member of the congregation.25 Jamie's forthright nature and precocious intellect, fed by an endless curiosity and stimulated by his parents' wide interests, added to his courage. At three, while in New York City, Aunt Freddie and Elizabeth took him to the Bronx Zoo. His mother described the expedition in her diary. "We got a gorgeous Pierce Arrow to come for us at 9:30 ... Jamie adored the park & especially the monkey, laughing immediately at their antics. In the Elephant house the keeper took an immense fancy to him & before the envious eyes of other astonished children took him behind the separation and let him feed the elephant hunks of bread. Jamie was very bold & Delighted the keeper by not being afraid."26 Jamie's quick mind made it difficult for him to hold his tongue among his Mends, and he rarely felt the same ease with boys his age that had so distinguished his father. He spent a lot of time with adults, and was perhaps more comfortable in their presence. Usually he possessed a courageous soul, but a Halloween Party given in Asheville by the Perry family would have been a test for any child. Puny and I taxied over to the Perrys stopping on the way for a pillow case in which to array Puny at the Palais Royal. Puny [was] terribly interested at the prospect in store. We arrived at the Perrys and found several other little spooks waiting on the steps— Puny somewhat reluctant to descend when he saw them but clutched my hand & we entered boldly. We all wended our way to the barn where with many ghostly noises each child was ushered singly into the dark barn. They all seemed to enjoy it though Puny again clung to me like mad & when we got inside was somewhat terrorized by a shaking corn stalk (colored man concealed within) as the children's shrieks of excitement were rather appalling. The poor lamb started to weep but when he realized it was all fun he laughed & shouted with the rest though he stuck to me like a leech. The children bobbed for apples in a big tub which again he declined to participate in explanation of which he said "there is no room for Jamie" & when we played �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 301 another game in a circle he declined to come in the middle because "there was too much of a crowd." I was rather ashamed of him but considering that it was his first party he did pretty well & looked like a little Prince. When it came to refreshments to my horror I saw him wash down a ham sandwich with three cups of cider & crunching salty almonds & cake & candy! I knew he would be sick & after he got to bed tonight a doleful voice summoned "Mummy"—1 rushed him to the cabinet & all his supper upchucked! Poor little darling—27 The following spring Jamie was big enough to hike with his father to the top of Ferguson, the mountain behind the house. Jim recorded the event. "Jamie and I climbed Ferguson's Peak this afternoon. I carried him on alternate stretches and we had a grand afternoon, getting a view from South Carolina to Tennessee. Jamie was much troubled because he thought the Peak was in the sky and on getting to the top found the sky was still out of reach. He also marvelled that the mountain went down on the other side."28 At about the same time, the curiosity of the little boy overtook him, and he disappeared completely from under the watchful eyes of his nurse. "At noon Puny can not be found— Dragnet out & report comes in that about 10:30 he had appeared in bottom & been sent home on Mr. Ben Nesbitt's wagon—Following up this clue ... I drove to Gerton & on foot to the saw mill when we found the fellow gay as a lark & having had a glorious time with Mr. Nesbitt."29 Jim and Elizabeth's progressive notions made them at first reluctant to spank Jamie. But one night he refused to stay in bed despite all the cajoling and stern lectures his parents could muster, and so his father finally "Had to paddy whack Jamie as he was unmoved by any other force of punishment & got out of his bed by night & by day when supposed to stay in—He was greatly startled but reformed at once."30 Two weeks later, Jim tried a more innovative disciplinary tactic. "Jamie has suddenly become very unruly, getting out of bed on all occasions . . . but my impersonating the Sheriff and having him formally summoned, sentenced and immediately dealt out a summary punishment, we seem to be getting the upper hand of him without drawing upon ourselves any of the rancor that a child should feel for a stern parent. The Sheriff and the writer are two distinct persons" (James G. K. McClure, Jr., to Harriet McClure Stuart, April 16, 1922). Jamie grew up as a boy filled with ideas and projects, stimulated by his life on the farm. One of his first contacts with the animal world, however, taught him the value of prudence and caution. "Jamie has twice been butted by the sheep, each time being knocked off his feet and his dignity seriously hurt, as the second time it occurred he was trying to placate another sheep by sprinkling her with his water pot. He now moves through the pasture heavily armed with a stick with which he hopes to successfully defend himself (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, April 22, 1923). At five years old, he became consumed with the mysteries of egg laying. "Jamie is delving into everything on the farm and his questions are legion. He has succeeded in taming a rooster �302 We Plow God's Fields and secreted him in his closet a few nights ago. Hoarse crowing from this closet about 6 a.m. startled the sleeping household. Jamie had secreted him in the hope that he would lay an egg for breakfast and as he failed to do what was expected of him, Jamie asked me at breakfast 'Why don't roosters have egging powers?'" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, January 5, 1925) Jamie's father, in the pose of Saint Nicholas, thrilled his own children and all the children on the farm at Christmas. The first performance of the day was scheduled strictly as a family affair, and was described here by the impersonator himself. ". . . Santa himself appeared at five o'clock on Christmas Eve. All the family were on hand to meet him dressed in fancy dress. Mr. Cramer as a naval officer, Aunt Freddie as an 18th Century lady, Miss Patterson as the Queen of Scotland, Jamie as a white rabbit and Elfie as a Gainesborough child. The event was the most happy one" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, December 27, 1925). The following day, Santa made his public appearance for the benefit of all the children living on the farm. Despite the season, ice cream always provided the glorious finale to this occasion. "After [Christmas] dinner we turned and again sped back to Hickory Nut Gap where Santa Claus again appeared to the startled tenants. Ben with his seven children and Zeb with his seven held the family attendance records. As this is the closed season for bathing down here it took some days to air the room out" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, January 4, 1925). The McClure Christmas was Elizabeth's production. Presents, for her family and the tenant children alike, were judiciously chosen and wrapped with the exquisite taste of an artist. She made the season special at Hickory Nut Gap, and all with an effortless appearance. An appearance of another kind occurred when Elspeth was just six. A legendary and famous disembodied creature appeared to Ben Owenby's daughter Christine, who was helping at the house. Christine, Ben's oldest daughter . . . came out of the Dairy, where she had been pouring the milk and started for the house when she heard someone stumble and looked up and there was a 'hant.' She was dressed "in an old timey sweep tail white dress and her black hair hung in ringlets to her waist." She walked across the court yard and melted into the old kitchen chimney!! This was at once taken as a sign that something was going to happen. The next day Ben was taken with acute appendicitis and rushed to the hospital!! (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, February 3, 1929) Elizabeth was familiar with spirits from the time she had spent with her Somerville relatives in Southern Ireland and always enjoyed discussions about them. She vowed it was old Mrs. Sherrill herself who banged doors or knocked on windows on windy nights. Her daughter Elspeth would have found it easy to believe in these spirits, for she loved the kingdoms of the fantastic. Her brother was more interested in machines and airplanes. Although Elspeth found it easier to play with the farm children than her brother did, he was the leader of the group. When she grew older, she resented �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 303 •B I •fit! HI Mi Ker Boone, a farm resident, oversees the harnessing of his dogs for Jamie and Elspeth McClure, July 1925. her nickname "Elfie" because she wanted the Boone children to think she was tough (Mr. Boone was the current farm manager). Elspeth loved nothing so much as building dams and water wheels in the several little streams that started above the Boone's or playing house in the nearby woods. There she was free from the constraints of her upbringing and the more circumscribed behavior demanded of her at home. Both Jamie and Elspeth enjoyed rather unique childhoods, surrounded as they were by all varieties of people. They were able to partake of both the pleasures of the rural life, and the elegance and refinement of their other world in Asheville and beyond. They were also able to enjoy a father and mother who constantly concocted new and remarkable schemes to create fun. Jim was a very popular father in his children's eyes. Elfie was about three when he wrote: "We are enjoying a blanket of snow and today Elspeth went out in her Grandfather's little sleigh and after she had a long ride, she met us at the foot of the mountain as we came home from church. There a shift was made and Jamie was proudly pulled by the car all the way home on his Grandfather's sleigh . . . It is a surprisingly well-made affair" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, January 10, 1926). By his tenth year, Jamie had moved up to the larger members of the animal kingdom on the farm. The Spring fever has got the best of Jamie and he has decided to feed two calves to sell this fall. Each calf weighs 200 Ibs. and neither have had a halter on, so the last week has been a hectic affair. In order to tame them, Jamie �304 We Plow God's Fields I Left: Jamie and Elspeth on the pastures behind Ferguson, Spring 1929. Right: Mathilda Shorter. keeps them tied and leads them to water night and morning. We never knew whether a calf will shoot out of the barn with a muzzle velocity of 40 miles an hour with Jamie at the back end of the rope or whether Jamie will slowly emerge, pulling with all his might on a balky calf. It is a regular circus performance. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, March 19, 1929) Elspeth remembers one summer afternoon when her brother Jamie came running around the corner of the porch shouting, "John's got a new wife! John's got a new wife!" They ran through the courtyard and there was Mathilda, all smiles, sitting on the bed in John Shorter's tiny house by the woodshed. Mathilda was from New Orleans. She had met John while working for a family summering in the mountains, and she could cook like a dream and care lovingly and dependably for children. She brought joy to Elizabeth. The couple were promptly set up in a little place down below the Huntleys, a rather sketchy house left over from the road builders that Mathilda soon made into a charming cottage. She was a natural artist and was blessed with an imagination to match Elizabeth's. She and John earned a position of greatest respect in the McClure household. Respect for people was one of the strongest of the virtues taught to Jamie and Elspeth by their parents. It was natural and easy for these children to grow up free of racial prejudice with men and women like John, Esther and Mathilda a part of their daily life. All through the twenties Jim was becoming more and more involved in community activities, first in Fairview, then in Asheville, and before long at the �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 305 state level. All his life he was loyal to the Republican party of his class and upbringing, despite moving into the Democratically "Solid South" and despite managing a Farmers cooperative that depended on the help of local and state government. Over the long haul, it was the politicians who would begin courting him, with his influence and, most of all, with his ability to draw a big crowd. Jim made light of his Republican affiliations when he fell into a serious political discussion on the train to Raleigh during President Harding's administration. "... I had a most interesting trip for a political dissension in the Democratic Councils had sprung up and was at white heat. The gentlemen with whom I went to Raleigh were in the thick of this and even tho I am known as a black Republican I sat in with them at their grave and warm councils" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, April 22, 1923). In the 1924 election, the Progressive Party was led by the highly respected Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin. Jim's conservative swing was complete as he joked about his brother Arch's predilection for the more left-wing candidate. "[Ejection day is not far off. I still fear that Alec [Arch] will secretly cast his ballot for LaFollette and I believe he ought to be watched at the Polls" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, October 19, 1924). Jim tried always to take the higher view of politics. His real opponents were the corrupt and ignorant people who had, by deception, graft or whatever, come to hold offices of public trust. No one could demoralize the population more easily than crooked or selfish politicians, and therefore, in order to promote the Kingdom of God, a more altruistic political order would have to assume power. When Jim first came to Fairview, the local Republican party offered to support him in a local election. He was tempted, giving the matter considerable thought, but he declined, wisely, in that it might have jeopardized his ability to organize the Federation. He did enter the shifting tides of Fairview politics, however, by becoming appointed to, and then actively seeking a seat in the powerful local school committee. His commitment to progressive education never wavered despite having to constantly wade against the strong current of self-interest. "The Fairview School year is now at the Commencement state and it is resting somewhat heavily on me as I am now a School Committeeman and the School Committee has to pick the teachers. In a community like ours where everyone has an ax to grind and everyone has a brother, daughter or niece who is a school teacher it is a riotous job" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, May 6, 1923). Two months later, elections were being held. Jim went into the community to stand squarely behind his proposal to centralize the primary and secondary education in the township into one consolidated school building. "In Fairview we are in the midst of a school election." he wrote to the Stuarts, "The campaign is becoming heated and I put in Friday and Saturday electioneering. Our voting day is not until Aug. 6th but we are in the midst of registering at present. Opposition develops on the most surprising grounds, one large faction being opposed because the new school will be on the highway and at least one �306 We Plow God's Fields hundred children per year will be killed by passing cars" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, July 15, 1923). His electioneering tactics were successful, and he became a committee member. The following June he reported a peculiar act of larceny carried on by him and the Committee on behalf of the school children of Fairview. "The Fairview School Committee executed a well planned raid into Yancey County during the week in an effort to run off with a particularly able school principal who is located in the fastness of Yancey. We made our getaway without having a shot fired at us and hope to get our man in the next week or two" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, June 8, 1924). Although he remained a Republican, he was often appointed by the Democratic powers of the state to serve on committees for the public benefit, and Jim took these responsibilities quite seriously. By 1925, he became the natural choice to join the staff of the Bureau of Markets for North Carolina. The job entailed developing markets for the state's agricultural products, and was a paid political appointment. A year later he reluctantly resigned. "I hate to lose the salary," he wrote to Hetty and Doug, "but inasmuch as I have so much Federation business and so much personal business, and inasmuch as political jobs are very open to criticism, I feared that the Federation might be hurt by my hanging on longer to the salary" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, July 4, 1926). Jim was willing to sacrifice almost anything for the Federation. Soon, however, he was appointed to the State Board of Conservation, a volunteer post he greatly relished and for which he worked hard. His first meeting, in January of 1926, was held in Raleigh. We met yesterday in the Governor's Office, the Governor being Chairman of the Board. The Board has under its jurisdiction the State Department of Forestry, the State Department of Geology, Water Powers, & the Development of Manufacturer's, Mines & Minerals. As the Governor is keen on the Development of the Resources of the state we have a big job on our hands & you will have to expect more hot air on North Carolina when next we get together. Out of the seven on the Board, three are Mac's so we should be able to look after the finances. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, 1926) Jim was a sports hunter himself, as well as something of a conservationist in the Teddy Roosevelt mold of scientific soil and water management. He personally worked hard to create better hunting conditions by setting up game refuge areas and wild bird propagation projects. In two years, he could proudly show these concrete results of his work: "We created another game refuge in Macon County in the Nantahala National Forest of 10,000 acres, which is the project I had been working up ... We also voted to operate a small quail farm in Randolph County . . . we will have something like $50,000 to spend on game propagation . . . this will enable us to do some good construction work" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, January 8, 1928). By the end of the decade, Jim McClure's selfless efforts began to gain wider recognition. For once he received an honor that carried no new responsi- �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 307 bilities or requirements on his part. A small Kentucky college, uniquely tied to the education of the Appalachian people, invited him to their graduation in 1929. James Gore King McClure, Jr., son of the Manse, student in the school of Christ: who, joining the seekers of health in the southern mountains, saw the poverty of our people, refused to be content with maudlin pity, romantic contemplation, pauperizing doles; who, with careful statesmanship, began to lay the broad foundations of a better economic life, and of a cooperative commonwealth among the individualistic farmers of the mountains: By the authority conferred upon me by the Trustees of Berea College, I bestow upon you the degree of Doctor of Science, with the certification and the hood appropriate to the degree. President Hutchins31 Of all the many accolades that would in time come to Jim McClure, this honor from Berea College always possessed special significance for him. The trustees of the school were the first to recognize the value of his work, and moreover, they held a special vantage point: the hope of the Federation's goals illuminated the very region to which Berea College had dedicated itself. The Appalachian people, with their traditions of resourcefulness, wanted to be able not just to endure, but to progress and to escape from inhibiting stereotypes. Jim McClure wanted to minister to a region, not only by preaching the gospel of progress, but also by building a new foundation for prosperity. The twenties were such flush times that Jim, like many of his contemporaries, felt that modern economics had unlocked the secrets for a steady growth of wealth in the United States. His assurance in modern business practices gave him the confidence to start the Federation in the first place. With the door to wealth unlocked, the great challenge for America was to maintain its drive for spiritual excellence. Jim worried less about financial collapse than the swamping of the nation's moral fibre in the high waters of prosperity. He understood, like the brilliant writers of the age, that material success leaves one with an empty victory. But unlike Thomas Wolfe, Sinclair Lewis and F. Scott Fitzgerald, he did not respond with bitterness or cynicism: he refused to satirize Homo Americana. In 1926 Jim McClure gathered his thoughts about the destiny of his country, and wrote a paper that he delivered before a distinguished group of intellectuals in Asheville known as the Pen and Plate Club. Dr. Pinckney Herbert had proposed him for membership, and throughout his life he made use of his opportunities to speak there to formulate his deepest convictions. The club's purpose was to stimulate and sharpen the intellect of the members and each paper was followed by a series of penetrating questions from the floor. To Hetty and Doug he confided his struggles in piecing together his first presentation. "My week has been miserable as I have to read the paper next week at the Pen and Plate Club, and I have had to snatch at it when I could. My subject is 'Has �308 We Plow God's Fields Democracy fulfilled its economic purpose?,' and I am daily growing sorrier and sorrier for the poor Pen and Platers" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, February 14, 1926). The following excerpts from the paper show the direction of Jim's ideas during this period: HAS DEMOCRACY ACHIEVED ITS ECONOMIC PURPOSE? The impelling forces in human history have almost always been unconscious forces, and it has usually been decades or centuries after an event before these unconscious forces could be rightly analyzed. In this paper I want to make a study of those fundamental forces and hopes of mankind which have created our American Democracy; of the realization of the promise of the creators and of the future possibilities of this great experiment in human co-ordination . . . The great hope which has brought men to our shores can be divided into three chief motives—the hope of Religious Liberty, the hope of Political Liberty, and the hope of Economic Liberty. Of the first, Religious Liberty, it is enough to say that it has been realized to a surprising extent, considering our human frailties and prides and suspicions, and it is with reverence and gratitude that we realize that this hope of religious liberty . . . [has] brought to our shores, as its first permanent settlers, a type of man and woman of such strength of character that they fixed on this great country a tradition of idealism, of fair dealing, of enduring morality and of a God-given destiny which is, perhaps, its chief source of strength and hope for the future . . . The second great hope, Political Liberty and Equality, has also been realized to an extent almost beyond the dreams of the founders of this country. Every man stands equal before the law, and casts his independent vote. The people decide the issues and policies which their representatives carry o u t . . . We have our political defects, so serious and so dangerous, that some voices among us appear to be on the verge of despair, but we have achieved in theory the political liberty and equality for which our forefathers fought. The third great hope which has peopled our shores has always been the hope of economic liberty and equality. And it is with our realization of this dream that my paper will be concerned. Even those who first came to America to achieve religious and political freedom, seem to have had also the hope of economic betterment. And the great bulk of our immigrants have come with this single purpose. The Promise of America has been a promise of economic independence and prosperity. "Neither race nor tradition," says Professor Hug Muensterberg in his volume on "The Americans," "nor the actual past, binds the American to his countrymen, but rather the future which, together, they are building." From the beginning the Americans have been cemented together by a vision of a future. Most nations have their national tradition, built around the past of glory or struggle, but with us in America it is, and has ever been, our future that appeals even more strongly to our loyalty and imagination. And the dominant note in this projected ideal is a future in which economic prosperity will be still more abundant and still more accessible than it has ever been. It is this hope �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 309 Elspeth standing on south side of McClure home, 'with bleeding heart and narcissus planted in the myrtle." [Elizabeth McClure's note.] which invites the native American and the alien immigrant. Men come here because they hope to have a better chance and a fairer opportunity than the Old World can afford . .. Our democracy, with its practical and proven faith in the equality of political and religious opportunity, has released the people of America from the millstone of social inhibition that has hung round the neck of all peoples of all times. This social inhibition has deadened ambition, stifled hope, and smothered energy. Ambition and hope are the parents of energy. Put ambition and hope into the heart of a young man, and they will drive him fast and far. He will extend himself. His power will develop as his pace increases. Energy will keep generating within him. And the releasing of this chief driving power of human progress in the hearts and minds of these, the people of the United States, has given a momentum to social progress that can never stop. The people of America are making more rapid progress toward this goal of economic equality and prosperity than they realize. Wealth is increasing at a rapid rate, and prosperity is becoming more and more diffused. We are approaching equality among occupations. The wages of manual labor have been going higher and higher, and as between the manual jobs and the white collar jobs of the mediocre sort, there is practical equality now . . . .. . We all know that the carpenter and the plumber, and now even the unskilled laborer, rides to work in his car. The manufacturer recognizes this diffusion of wealth. His vision is to make goods that are universally used—to make goods so well and so cheap that they will be used in every home. Our �310 We Plow God's Fields manufacturers do not advertise "Purveyors to His Majesty," but instead, "A Million Satisfied Users. ..." . . . They say that we are so strong financially that the entire wealth of the Roman Empire could be passed through our bank clearing in a single day and only the statisticians would notice the bulge. This tremendous economic prosperity has come, I believe, because the democratic form of government which we have created has called forth the ambitions and hopes and energies and talents of the people. Democracy has fulfilled its economic promise, and its economic momentum is gathering strength each day. This diffused prosperity has come to us, as we held to the ideal of economic freedom and liberty. It came to us as we were following the ideal. We can only retain it as we continue to follow the ideal. Wealth, when sought for itself, eludes the grasp or turns to bitterness when grasped. Unless America keeps her aims vitally idealistic, her doom is sealed. There is no life except as spiritual ideals are held to. We must carry out this idea of a more equable division of wealth. And further, we have been so busy creating this wealth that we have had no time to think why we wanted it. We must now set ourselves to alchemize our newfound wealth and leisure into spiritual and intellectual gains; into those things that permanently satisfy the soul of mankind.32 The man who penned these words was describing the bedrock on which he based his optimism for the American future, the same future that he envisioned as the source of American national unity. Four years later, that faith would be severely tested by the Great Depression. As Jim advised here, each man or woman must constantly check his or her personal motivations and adherence to ideals. Asheville and Buncombe County in 1926 were the scene of the beginning of a colossal hysteria, a money-mad binge that would eventually leave both entities bankrupt. Real estate values increased so rapidly that nearly everyone who had a little money could join the delusion and create a paper fortune. The whole tottering structure would blow away like smoke in 1930, leaving behind countless examples of financial devastation. Soul searching would become the order of the day. Jim McClure did not escape this tragedy, but he understood what happened to men when their souls had lost their idealistic moorings. By the end of the twenties, his own life had become a marvel of variety, a circus of activities and projects. His powers of inspiration and judgement were being constantly tested. He discovered, thankfully, that his own sermons were prophetic. If one but gave himself up to the powers of God, his maker would grant the wisdom and strength to accomplish the task. Jim's God had given him a wife who shared his ideals, and two children who gave his life a center and a refuge from all the pressures he had created for himself. He had learned how to relax, when to enjoy the restorative entertainments that came his way. The end of the decade, though, proved also to be the end of an era. Not only would the style of entertainment shift, but the very faith in progress and democracy that had helped to fuel the American economy, and the Farmers Federation, would �Hickory Nut Gap in the Twenties 311 be sorely tested by the ensuing depression. Jim's own financial stability would be sorely threatened as well, but his vision of a better future failed to crumble into cynicism. On the eve of this particular national disaster, the Federation was thriving, his family was bursting with enterprise, and he and his wife remained healthy. Even in the worst of times, these are gifts worthy of a man's thankfulness. 1. Interview with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 2. Interview with Mrs. James E. Davidson. 3. Ibid. 4. Interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 5. James G. K. McClure, Jr., diary, May 30, 1921. 6. Elizabeth Cramer McClure, diary, September 26, 1921. 7. James G. K. McClure, Jr., diary, September 26, 1920. 8. Ibid., April 30, 1918. 9. Ibid., February 14, 1920. 10. James G. K. McClure, Jr., sermon given at Fairview Baptist Church, August 6, 1922. 11. Interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 12. James G. K. McClure, Jr. Graduation address, Asheville School, date unknown. 13. Interview with Frances Herbert. 14. Ibid. 15. Interview with Lawrence Huntley. 16. Ibid. 17. Interview with Mrs. James Davidson. 18. James G. K. McClure, Jr., diary, April 1, 1922. 19. Elizabeth Cramer McClure, diary, April 21, 1922. 20. Ibid., April 22, 1922. 21. Ibid., November 9, 1922. 22. Ibid., Novembers, 1922. 23. Telegram from Mildred Burrage to Elizabeth and Jim McClure, February 4, 1923. 24. Interview with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 25. Interview with Mrs. James E. Davidson. 26. Elizabeth Cramer McClure, diary, October 18, 1923. 27. Elizabeth Cramer McClure, diary, October 31, 1922. 28. James G. K. McClure, Jr., diary,May 6, 1923. 29. James G. K. McClure, diary, April 23, 1923. 30. James G. K. McClure, Jr., diary, March 31, 1922. 31. Honorary Degree from Berea College, conferred June 1929. 32. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "Has Democracy Fulfilled its Economic Purpose?" paper given before the Pen and Plate Club, Asheville, North Carolina, February 18,1926. �Chapter Sixteen Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression Whether Siddy and I can keep our place is a question—tho at present we can not sell it and as we are down to a cook only, we will live there as cheaply as anywhere .. . We will keep our house if we can but will try to sell any part of the farm that we may get an offer for. (James G. K. McClure, Jr., to the Stuarts, no date) By 1929, Jim and Elizabeth McClure had become deeply involved in Western North Carolina. The Farmers Federation was expanding. Jim had begun his trips north to raise money for the development of new enterprises to help the mountain people. Elizabeth had put her heart and artistic gifts to work fixing up the old inn, planting boxwoods and flowering borders, and entering into the lives of her neighbors. As suddenly as a bolt of lightning the financial crash that heralded the Great Depression threatened everything they were working for. It was the real estate boom and bust that did the most harm to the economy of the mountains in general, and the McClures in particular. Ownership of land had always been important in Western North Carolina, ever since the first settlers came over the Blue Ridge Mountains. Like those pioneers, Jim and Elizabeth had come with an independent spirit, seeking land of their own and freedom from outworn ideas. For the early settlers land and wealth were synonymous, for so it had been for as long as memory served back in their old countries. There had been two mild land booms before and after the Civil War, but nothing in the past could have prepared the local citizenry for what happened during the twenties. A fit of real estate covetousness took hold in Western North Carolina, especially in Buncombe County. By the latter part of the decade, this fit had grown into a full-fledged delusion. All up and down Asheville's Patton Avenue real estate offices were scattered, each one filled with enthusiastic and urgent salesmen generating a faith in the never ending upward spiral of land values. Oftentimes the realtors would hire bands to play out on the sidewalks, creating a carnival air that promoted the general hysteria. Inside a realtor's office, one might enjoy a free lunch in exchange for glancing through a few brochures. Sharp real estate dealers, known as "binder boys," had poured into the mountains after a hurricane had wrecked their game in South Florida. They knew how to bind an imprudent person to one of their contracts, and Buncombe County seemed to have the right mix of wealthy tourists and beautiful undevel- 312 �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 313 oped property to suit them. After all, Asheville was to the summer tourists what Miami was to their winter counterparts. The binder boys wanted to exploit the wealthy and glamorous people who had been attracted to the cool, beautiful mountains of North Carolina. Author Thomas Wolfe, in You Can't Go Home Again, described the setting for this land boom and its focal point, Asheville, as he saw it when he returned after a long absence. The sleepy little mountain village in which he had grown up—for it had been hardly more than that then—was now changed almost beyond recognition. The very streets that he had known so well, and had remembered through the years in their familiar aspect of early-afternoon emptiness and drowsy lethargy, were now foaming with life, crowded with expensive traffic, filled with new faces he had never seen before . . . But what he noticed chiefly—and once he observed it he began watching for it, and it was always there—was the look on the people's faces. It puzzled him, and frightened him, and when he tried to find a word to describe it, the only thing he could think of was—madness . . . The faces of natives and strangers alike appeared to be animated by some secret and unholy glee . .. The real estate men were everywhere. Their motors and busses roared through the streets of the town and out into the country, carrying crowds of prospective clients. One could see them on the porches of houses unfolding blueprints and prospectuses as they shouted enticements and promises of sudden wealth into the ears of deaf old women. Everyone was fair game for them—the lame, the halt, and the blind Civil War veterans or their decrepit pensioned widows, as well as high school boys and girls, Negro truck drivers, soda jerkers, elevator boys, and bootblacks. . . . And there seemed to be only one rule, universal and infallible—to buy, always to buy, to pay whatever price was asked, and to sell again within two days at any price one choose to fix. It was fantastic.1 This fantasy world was built on easy credit, and encouraged the collusion of men who should have known better, but had neither the will nor even the desire to try to break the momentum of such wild speculation. Wolfe's description continued: The town was burgeoning rapidly and pushing out into the wilderness, people were confident of a golden future, no one gave a second thought to the reckless increase in public borrowing. Bond issues involving staggering sums were being constantly "floated" until the credit structure of the town was built up into a teetering inverted pyramid and the citizens no longer owned the streets they walked on. The proceeds of these enormous borrowings were deposited with the bank. The bank for its part, then returned these deposits to the politicians or to their business friends, supporters, allies, and adherents—in the form of tremendous loans, made upon the most flimsy and tenuous security, for purposes of private and personal speculation.2 �314 We Plow God's Fields One example of the boom spreading into the "wilderness" around Asheville occurred in the valley just below Hickory Nut Gap Farm. A development known as "Hollywood" was being platted and sold there by the quarter-acre. Busses came from Asheville, hauling prospective buyers to walk about on fields covered with the stubble of last year's corn crop. And yet the grandiose visions of lakes and golf courses, as described in the sales pitch, made believers of many. During the late twenties, Asheville's real estate market began to resemble a large scale poker game, as the frenzied buying and selling took hold of the local psychology. Nearly everyone with a little money counted himself in on the stakes. People proudly bragged of their winnings, spurring on others to jump into the action. What was to happen to all this prosperity, and why? By the late twenties many an American had made his bundle of money. The rich citizens of the era were able to glut themselves on the trinkets of the age—fine automobiles and grandiose homes, along with the new mass-produced gadgets that were the source of so many of these fortunes. Asheville itself had become something of a trinket, a place to enjoy a lavish summer at a resort hotel in the cool of the beautiful mountains. George Vanderbilt's choice of the area to build his great house, and the continuing presence of his widow in the exclusive suburb of Biltmore Forest (developed from a portion of the Vanderbilt estate), lent an aura of credibility to social Asheville. But even these conspicuous consumers could not find enough goods and services to buy, and so turned increasingly towards investment as a haven for their cash. Inevitably, the market for stocks and real estate became dangerously overinflated. During the summer of 1929 the stock values began to sag, foreshadowing the collapse of a nation's investment portfolio. Investors, money managers and business executives began to feel concern, followed by desperation, then by panic. By late fall, the soaring values of stocks and bonds came crashing down and stayed down. On cue, like the midnight stroke in Cinderella, just as the decades shifted, the glitter of the twenties ball was turning into the rags of the Depression. For Buncombe County the fantasy ended the morning the Central Bank and Trust Company failed to open its doors, November 20, 1930. The previous day Jim was on the train travelling towards Raleigh, perhaps to a Conservation and Development meeting. From some of his fellow passengers he heard a rumor that the Central Bank was in trouble, and even might close soon. The train always made a short stop in Greensboro. He jumped off and hurried to call Elizabeth. The next morning she set forth for town with John Shorter at the wheel of the Hudson. At the top of Coxe Avenue, they saw the line of cars reaching a mile down Patton Avenue to Pack Square, where the bank's doors were already shut forever.3 Behind the doors was not only an insolvent bank, but also almost all the financial assets of the City of Asheville and Buncombe County. Both had to default on their interest payments. A long line of people were filing past the bank as if viewing the open coffin of a close relative. Nearby, the mayor of �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 315 Asheville put a gun to his head, not willing to endure the shame of the disclosure of his illicit dealings with Central president Wallace Davis, who would himself spend time in the penitentiary. The mess was left for lawyers and the courts to sort out. But these events affected people all over the region. Only a few weeks before Elizabeth had persuaded their cook, the widow Edith Williams, to take her savings out from under her mattress and put them in the bank for safekeeping. As the house of cards came tumbling down in Buncombe County, the universal rule became: "Sell, sell at any price." But no one was buying now. The Hollywood development below Hickory Nut Gap grew up in scrub pines and blackberries. The unfortunates who had bought lots there would never see a golf course, and could hardly afford to build a house. As the chain reaction of failed banks spread through Western North Carolina, counties and municipalities, businesses and individuals were ruined. Months rolled into years and the situation worsened. Jim's lawyer explained to him that Buncombe County owed more than $50 million, making the debt per $100 valuation work out to about $46, effectively reducing the market for local real estate to the vanishing point. To buy local property meant also to buy a portion of that debt. There is no doubt that this area was one of those hardest hit in the entire country. A number of responsible, community minded citizens, among them Jim's young Mend, Julian A. Woodcock, Jr., set up a sinking fund to begin paying off this debt. He was in charge of the final liquidation party, celebrated in 1979. Before the crash, Jim's assumption that his wife's share of the Skinner fortune would provide amply for the family's future was reasonable. As the two aunts, Elizabeth (Bessie) and Frederika (Freddie), declined in health with the years he had figured that future material needs would be cared for by their estates and that, as a good steward, he should invest the money at his disposal to bring the greatest return. Jim McClure believed in the local land game, and he jumped in with the hope that he could develop an investment income sufficient to allow him to work for the Federation without salary. And besides, he couldn't resist the excitement. He used Elizabeth's money, swelled by her legacy from Aunt Bessie, who died in 1923, and the money Aunt Freddie gave him to invest, to form the North State Corporation (Aunt Freddie had come to live in Asheville). By 1929, the company had amassed a long list of holdings. Lots in Asheville were a very liquid asset during the twenties, and Jim and his North State Corporation were fairly floating in this particular commodity. There were Amboy lots, Ardmion lots, Forest Hill lots, Roberts Street lots, Kimberly lots, Biltmore Avenue lots, and Takoistie Trail lots; not to mention three houses, three farms, and a store. Outside of town, Jim owned an interest in a large tract of land in the Wayehutta section of Jackson County, an interest in 36,000 acres along the upper Pidgeon River in Hay wood County known as Sherwood Forest, and a share in 14,000 acres along the headwaters of the Tuckasegee River in Jackson �316 We Plow God's Fields County. Up in Yancey County, Jim invested $6,000 in a cyanite mining company. By the end of 1930, Jim and his company owned, or had an interest in, twenty-eight pieces of property, with taxes due in January of 1931.4 Jim McClure's motives for buying all of this property might have been more idealistic than some of the other local schemers, but the disastrous financial results of the crash hit him just as hard when the doomsday bell sounded. North State collapsed in the real estate debacle. During the thirties, it was all Jim and Elizabeth could do to keep Hickory Nut Gap Farm. The figures tell the plight of the McClure family. At the end of 1931 the value of their assets still maintained a healthy lead over their liabilities, but a year later their assets were sinking much more rapidly than their liabilities. Moreover, the assets they had were mostly Buncombe County properties that were almost impossible to sell at any price. By 1933 the minus column surpassed the plus column by more than $10,000, creating great gloom up at Hickory Nut Gap. Elizabeth's inheritance, locked up in the Northern Trust Company of Chicago until the last of Ambrose Cramer, Sr.'s children should die, had ceased paying dividends. Jim began taking a small salary from the Farmers Federation, as he could no longer afford to contribute his services as he had been doing, and he made every possible economy on the farm. He wrote soberly to Doug Stuart, "I know you are right about the necessity of my clearing up our situation, but it is a complicated matter to work out. I now wish I had taken your advice four years ago and let all the properties go" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Doug Stuart, exact date unknown). The number of farm hands was trimmed and those who remained received lower wages. For most of these families, cash was still something of a luxury and as long as they had a house and a garden place they could "make it." Jamie must have been eleven years old and Elspeth about eight when the financial troubles reached their depths. Elizabeth faced the necessary changes in their way of life squarely, with her customary humor and gallantry. One morning she made a special time to explain to her small daughter that she would be counting on her to help with many household chores. Elspeth remembers listening quietly, knowing this was serious business for the grown-ups. But secretly she was thrilled at the prospect of making beds and sweeping floors with her delightful mother, who always made a shared task fun. Jamie was equally eager to take on more farm chores; but being children they doubtless wearied of their duties soon and sometimes forgot them. Mr. Will Boone became farm manager when James Davidson left. He was a direct descendent of Daniel Boone and a representatives of the independent tradition of the mountains. He had two daughters close to Jamie's age, Adeline and May, and a son, Richard, just a few months younger than "Sis," as Elspeth now liked to be called. Jamie was the intrepid leader of these children's many adventures. Elspeth remembers the joys of playing hide and seek in the old barn, prisoner's base in the special soft grass that grew in front of the Boone's house, and dodge ball in the dry, dusty backyard. With great labor, under Jamie's �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 317 direction, they dug a pond in the pasture between the big house and the Boone's that actually filled with muddy water deep enough for swimming. One of the most distressing days she can remember was when a doctor, who had come to see her mother about occasional severe headaches, condemned the pond as a hot-bed of typhoid fever germs. Elizabeth was always careful about matters of health, and swimming in the pond was thereafter forbidden. After that it was remarkable how frequently people fell in. The Huntley family moved to the farm several years later. Jamie used to go down to play the banjo with Frances, who played the guitar, while his little sisters Evelyn and Betty sang. Theirs was a musical family. It was whispered that Rev. David Huntley had been the best fiddler for miles around in his youth, but when he was called to preach he put his fiddle away and never touched it again. Now he wrote hymns, complete with music, to be sent off to the Stamps Baxter Company, which published the Paperback hymnals widely used in the country churches. When he drove Elizabeth to town he always put on a sober suit and composed hymns while he waited for her to do her errands. Life went on happily at Hickory Nut Gap Farm, in spite of the loss of the upstairs and downstairs maids. Elizabeth never complained and made everyone around her happy with her enthusiasm for new ventures. They were "down to a cook only:" as Jim wrote to Hetty and Doug, but there was another figure in the household who helped Elizabeth hold it all together. Miss Agnes Paterson was a Scottish lady who was nurse, governess and dear friend from about 1928 right through the worst years of the Depression. Miss Pat was, as she herself put it, a "bright Christian," incredibly thin, a mere wisp of a woman, conscientious, thoughtful and gentle, but brave as a lion if she felt one of her charges was in danger. Elspeth remembers her rushing up the lawn and through the rock garden to stop the headstrong Shetland pony Neddy, who was running away with her down the steep gravel road to the barn. This in spite of the fact that she was physically fragile, and given to spells of lumbago (a dire pain in the back). Miss Paterson was able to take responsibility for the complicated household when Elizabeth had to be away during Aunt Freddie's last illness. Under Elizabeth's direction, she taught Jamie and Elspeth. She was a gentle influence in the rough farm world. Miss Frederika Skinner lived gamely on through the first months of the debacle of the North State Company's fortunes, spending much of her time in bed recovering from a broken hip. She had given Jamie an electric train, which he had set up in the attic with an elaborate system of tunnels under magazines and loops around family trunks. Elspeth remembers Aunt Freddie riding proudly up in the dumbwaiter to the attic to witness the train in action. Aunt Freddie died in the fall of 1930. Jim was on a money raising expedition in Philadelphia, but rushed home when he received word that she was failing. He and Ambrose were the executors of her estate. Miss Freddie's death marked the transfer of the Skinner estate from one generation to another. Elizabeth received the bulk of its worth, but it quickly �318 We Plow God's Fields Left: "Preacher" David Huntley Right: Miss Agnes Patterson became apparent that this inheritance would prove a burden rather than the source of financial freedom for the McClure family. From the time Aunt Freddie died in 1930 to November, 1932, her estate lost $471,155 in value. It was in fact an empty treasure chest, and Jim and Ambrose had to spend long hours corresponding with institutions and individuals to whom Aunt Freddie had left legacies, including aged household helpers and a heroic Vermont poetess, Miss Salley Cleghorn. Finally they simply had to divvy up the list of worthless Buncombe County properties and send deeds to the various recipients. It would be one more lesson for Jim, as the whole affair settled in his mind, of the foolishness of putting one's faith in the material world. When he saw how matters were going Jim wrote to Doug Stuart a letter, part plea and part apologetic explanation: Dear Doug, . . . Elizabeth and I had always "figured" that when Aunt Bessie's and Aunt Freddie's estates were divided up that her share would pay up all our indebtedness and that there would be about $250,000.00 principal left for �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 319 income. Due to the tremendous shrinkage of the two estates, the cash legacies took almost all of Aunt Bessie's. What was left for Siddy was applied on our debts with a few stocks of very little value still on hand. By the time some stocks . . . reached Siddy they were valueless. Aunt Freddie's estate ended up with no cash at all but some properties came to Elizabeth and me, and also some debts come with some of them. The final windup of the estates instead of leaving us out of debt and with a good income, finds us with a large indebtedness and a lot of property for which there is no market . . . As to your suggestion of letting properties go, this is just what I should like to do but it also presents difficulties . . . If I can pledge the Cyanite stock and the Sherwood Forest stock in friendly hands, I can then let one or two of the creditors take a judgement and when they find they can get nothing, I think I can settle . . . at a low figure, provided I have the cash from the pledged stock to make the settlement. As to the Banks there is nothing to do but keep trying to sell some property and try to do this before interest and taxes eat us up ... I am doing everything I know how to do to get rid of this debt, and if you have any suggestions, I shall be only too glad to have them. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Douglas Stuart, no date) This letter to Doug Stuart, asking him to become the "friendly hands" of his financial salvation, was difficult to write. Doug, who was financially secure, would help him out of course, because he and Harriet were loyal relations and friends, but not before questioning Jim's business judgement. The Quaker Oats executive had listened over the years to his brother-in-law's many social theories and his youthful anti-capitalist sentiments. Now Jim was financially prostrate and struggling to avoid the economic ruin that the collapse of land values had brought on. His investments must have seemed reckless to a competent and hard-nosed businessman like Doug Stuart. He thought Jim McClure's business notions tended to be over-optimistic; that his belief in the steady progress of prosperity was too sanguine. He loved and respected the man of vision, and he and Harriet backed him up from first to last. Nevertheless the present circumstances justified Doug's cautious business sense, and made Jim feel irresponsible. They both lived in a business culture, where every man stood before the world as a commercial success or failure. The pride of many men was based on their personal success in the marketplace. It was a mask worn at all the social functions of their kind. The shock of the Depression stripped many of these men naked; too often suicide became the alternative to facing up to one's contemporaries in the new role of "failure." Jim McClure's life was built on more enduring values, and although he faced a desperate financial situation, his faith carried him through. His identity was too rooted in the spiritual world to be shaken by material difficulties. But he must have been deeply worried about the future of his family. Doug Stuart did come to the rescue, by buying one-half interest in the Tuckasegee property and interests in some of the others, thus helping Jim and Elizabeth through this difficult period. The education of Elspeth and Jamie became another burden for Jim and �320 We Plow God's Fields Elspeth riding the "airplane" on the porch, February 1930. Elizabeth during these years. They were both determined to give them "the advantages" that had meant so much in their own lives when they were growing up. Jamie was bright and tended to be opinionated, and they worried that life on the farm provided him too little companionship and left him too much by himself reading in his room. Dr. Emerson, a child specialist whom they respected, assured them that a slightly truculent son who did not want to take suggestions was quite natural and recommended a summer at Birch Rock Camp in Maine. He assured them that such an experience would give him an entirely different point of view, especially about home. Jamie did spend two summers there, soaking up the New England atmosphere his parents prized and learning to get along with boys his own age. He played baseball, learned to swim, which was difficult to do on the farm as there was no deep water for miles, and fought and made friends with other campers. At home on the farm two of Doug and Harriet Stuart's daughters, Anne and Margaret, were spending the summer, and he wrote to his sister: "How are you getting along without me? I am wishing I was with you every minute. From Mummy's letters I have heard that you and the Stuarts are having a fine time. Have you had a wrestling match with Margaret: If so, who won . . . ? There's a sailboat race in August, and several of us are engrossed in boatmaking" (Jamie McClure to Elspeth McClure, June 1930). His interest in sailing, begun at camp, would be a lasting one for this land-locked mountain boy. The next year, on his way to camp, the indomitable Aunt Wiggy, now dean of women at Simmons College in Boston, met him between trains and sent back to Elizabeth a perceptive account of his short visit. She wisely took him to see an exhibit on engines, where she left him for a time to do an errand. "Jamie, will you stay just here if I go down & telegraph?" "Why, Aunt Wiggy! What do you think. You couldn't get me away from here." �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression il l ;,;:; %»;- Jl il F- ^" -* ,r . 1 - ' -TU.^.*^ Jamie McClure. ... always he was most absorbed. I always had to talk to him to make him aware of my presence. At the Hudson (20th Century) interior I would find him consulting the chart, and then nipping back to the engine, simply enraptured— I never saw such a perfect—"dead to the world."..! succeeded in getting him away from the trains by getting him to come to select a model of the engine in which he was so interested . . . We would be walking along and he would put his arm "round my shoulder and saunter on talking, talking oblivious . . . We got up to the Claremont [Hotel] a little ahead of time to his joy! as he wanted to watch "the shipping." I could scarcely get him in. It was boiling and he, at once, before one could wink, started to take off his coat. It was so funny! The waiter said you can't take off your coat and Jamie said "I should think comfort came before beauty!" but he kept his coat on. He ordered just the things he wanted and enjoyed supper hugely in both senses of the word. He 321 �322 We Plow God's Fields did seem to be very happy watching the ferries and eating at the same time. (Martha Clarke to Elizabeth Cramer McClure, Summer of 1931) The camp experience certainly served to smooth some rough edges for this most enthusiastic and outspoken young man. He added his interest in sailing to his fascination with Charles Lindberg's flight across the Atlantic to France. Elspeth remembers the flying school he conducted with herself as pupil. At the green table on the porch, where the family ate their meals all summer, she learned the parts of a plane and learned to "fly" a tricycle made to look like an airplane by pushing it up to the top of the rock garden and driving it fast down the sharp angles of the path, to crash land in the box bushes at the foot of the lawn. In the courtyard Jamie began building an airplane as large as the Spirit of St. Louis out of beaverboard. She was as convinced as he that someday it would soar over the farm. School was of course an even more important question for these children. Elizabeth herself had taught Jamie at first, using the Calvert method. The Calvert School in Baltimore carried on a correspondence course that reached worldwide, and was used by families in lonely areas. The emphasis was on art, history and literature. Miss Paterson took over the daily teaching, but Elizabeth always kept close to the school room. Home teaching was not a permanent solution. Jamie was sent to a small private school in Asheville, the Grove Park School, for fourth and fifth grades, then to public school in Fairview. On the first day in public school he came gleefully home announcing, "Eighteen boys in the class and I had a fight with seventeen." He enjoyed his year, made some Mends and was fortunate to have an excellent teacher, Miss Sally Merrill. But his parents, sensitive to the mountain accent and determined on the best possible education for their precocious son, sent him the next year to the Asheville School for Boys, a private boarding school on the far side of Asheville. He had a scholarship and to save paying board and keep Jamie in the family for a little longer, he lived at home. Father and son left the house at 6:45 a.m. six days a week. Saturday was a school day. This made such a long day for Jamie that the next year they let him board. Jamie was growing up to be as inquisitive a young man as he had been as a boy. Machines, engines, ships, locomotives and the rest continued to enthrall him. He was neither a great athlete nor a smooth ladies' man, but remained enthusiastically bookish. He spent hours studying Jayne's Fighting Ships, the famed authority of the navies of the world, and could recognize the profile of every American naval vessel. Jane Raoul Bingham, then a young Biltmore Forest belle, recalls attending a dance at the Asheville School that she had been anticipating for some time. The McClures and Raouls were old friends, but Jane's heart sank when she met up with Jamie, who was several years younger. He insisted on taking her over to view a room full of science exhibits, which he thought much more stimulating than the fearful constraints of a boys' school dance. Poor Jane dutifully followed her little friend, to see what were to her the �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 323 dullest objects imaginable. While he explained the beautiful order of science, she would hear the tantalizing strains of the dance music.5 As we have seen, the educational and religious traditions of New England meant much to both Jim and Elizabeth, so they decided the Hotchkiss School in Lakeville, Connecticut, was the place they wanted Jamie to go for high school if possible. They liked the values the school stood for and they respected the headmaster, George Van Santvoord, known to the boys as "The Duke." Jim wrote to him in November 1932, asking if the school could offer some scholarship aid. When this work [the Farmers Federation] first started in 19201 contributed my time and this I was able to do for seven years. The Farmers Federation then started to pay me a small salary. Business conditions have swept away our entire income and resources except for this salary from the Farmers Federation. This salary is not sufficient to send Jamie to a good school and in fact it is with great difficulty that we are able to live at all. He is on a scholarship basis at The Asheville School. I feel that the work here must be carried on irrespective of financial inducement elsewhere and I shall not leave it. We are very anxious to have Jamie at Hotchkiss. Mrs. McClure and I were brought up in the North and tho the excellence of the Asheville School is unquestioned, we are eager that Jamie whose whole life has been spent in the Southern Mountains shall have the standards and influence of Hotchkiss and New England. I trust that Jamie will dedicate himself to a life of usefulness. It has been the tradition of our family and I hope that if you can see your way clear to granting him a scholarship that he may be of value and use to the school. I know that it will mean everything to him. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to George Van Santvoord, November 1932) Jamie was accepted at Hotchkiss with a scholarship and worked hard throughout his four years. At that time scholarship boys waited on tables, cleaned bathrooms and did other chores while paying students did not. He loved the school, and greatly enjoyed working on the newspaper. He made some good friends, especially Jack Butler, who spent his summers sailing on Cape Cod, an opportunity that he generously shared with his mountain roommate. Jamie loved everything about the ocean and sailing more and more. At Hotchkiss he was well prepared for his father's college and won the Yale Hotchkiss scholarship for his freshman year. But this is getting ahead of the story. Back at Hickory Nut Gap, Jamie's pleasures continued to be his books, hunting and fishing, helping out with the farm work and, as he grew older, taking part in the work of the Federation. He was a fearless fellow, who entered into any activity from pitching hay to dancing at the country club with boundless enthusiasm. He was learning to play the banjo from "Pistol Pete" Taylor of the Farmers Federation String Band and loved to sing the mountain ballads, which were a delight to his mother, especially. Some of the family's happiest times were spent at Tuckasegee, the one �324 We Plow God's Fields land interest saved from the crash. It was a glorious retreat. There the head waters of the Tuckasegee River gather together and are forced through gorges and over waterfalls to create spectacular sights. The property lies in one of the most remote and beautiful parts of Western North Carolina, in the recesses of Jackson County. It can be reached only by a narrow road, which was so bad in those days that if it rained you couldn't get back until the mud dried. The river was a paradise for trout and for fishermen. The churning, tumbling waters fall from 4,000 to 2,500 feet on this property alone, making as dramatic a landscape as North Carolina has to offer. At intervals tributary streams come rushing down the steep sides of the gorge. The lower gorge, called the Shut In because it is so difficult to pass through, begins where Bonas Defeat Cliff rises 500 feet from the stream bed. The cliff was named for a fabled hound named Bonas who chased a deer for three days until both were so exhausted they could only walk. Reaching the top of the cliff the deer gathered his strength for a final rush, whirling back to safety at the cliffs edge. Old Bonas matched the deer's rush, but was unable to stop and fell to his death on the rocks below. The Tuckasegee property had been purchased in August of 1926 by four Asheville men, including Charles A. Webb, P. H. Branch and Jim Stikeleather, Sr., the latter a trustee of the Educational and Development Fund of the Farmers Federation. They bought the nearly 14,000-acre tract for a little over a quarter of a million dollars, or about eighteen dollars an acre. There were several small interior holdings, including a seventy-acre farm, along the most level section of the stream, above the old mill dam where the river plunged into a narrow defile. The owner, John Hamp Smith, lived in a simple two-story frame house that was suitable for a club house. He had no faith in a man's personal check, so George Ward of Waynesville, acting as agent, went up with $6,545.82 in gold and silver and counted it out to Mr. and Mrs. Smith as they sat by their hearth. Jim Stikeleather interested Jim McClure in buying a share of the property. Cameron Morrison, a former governor of North Carolina, and others soon joined the group. These men dreamed of creating a retreat from the strains of civilization that many men endured in their pursuit of wealth. The Tuckasegee Rod and Gun Club brochures were printed early in 1929. One hundred memberships were to be paid at a stiff price of $7500 each. The bottom dropped out of land values just as the brochures were ready, and not even Jim McClure could sell a membership in this scheme. He and the others were saddled with an enormous property and its debts, at a time when it was hard to sell mountain land to anyone at any price. Fortunately the headwaters of the Tuckasegee River lie in one of Eastern America's rainiest districts, and consequently the trees grow very rapidly. After Doug Stuart took over his half interest, Jim, acting as agent for the remaining owners, was able to arrange a long-term timber sale to the Gennett Lumber Company. A pall of gloom descended at Hickory Nut Gap at the thought of cutting the great trees, but careful arrangements were made with the company �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 325 to stay 300 feet from the banks of the Tuckasegee and its major tributaries. Later, Jamie and his Mends got a tremendous thrill out of riding the old engine, called the Black Satchel, which pulled the logging train, and the remains of the railroad lines served as walking and riding trails to remote parts of the property long after the rails were pulled up and the ties and trestles rotted away. The most important benefit was that the timber sales paid the taxes and the salary of the wardens for many, many years. Both Jamie and Elspeth loved weekend trips to Tuckasegee, and their parents encouraged them to take their friends. Hetty and Doug Stuart did make a few a visits there, but they were soon absorbed in a ranch in Wyoming where they would spend all available free time. Two of their daughters, Anne and Margaret, spent three summers at Hickory Nut Gap Farm. Harriet must have been pleased to have the girls come under the happy influence of her friend Elizabeth, and the McClures were delighted to have the girls and some other young people as well to be playmates for Elspeth and Jamie. Jim wrote to Hetty describing some activities of the first summer, 1930: Yesterday they spent the morning riding on the hay wagon which was hauling in the oats—and the day before they had a treasure hunt which was the most amusing thing I have ever seen. Siddy had instructions for them at different points, dragons had to be slain, a princess was found gagged and bound to a tree, invisible coats were worn during part of the hunt and all in all—I have never read more absorbing directions or seen a hunt carried out with more fervor—It took all morning and they came in exhausted but with the treasure in hand. Siddy even hid marbles in the sand pile, and the entire sandpile had to be dug over by hand before the requisite number were found. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart July 27, 1930) One summer two of Arthur Page's sons, Arthur and Johnnie, and Jim's nephew, Nate McClure, joined the gang. The family employed a college student to lead the boys on camping trips and in farm work projects. Elizabeth gave art lessons, and wrote and directed a play about SherrilTs Inn in Civil War days. Anne, Margaret and Elspeth almost undermined a foundation wall in the basement trying to make a fireplace for the stage, until Elizabeth discovered them and showed them how to make a better fireplace with the cardboard boxes that had held canning jars. Nate McClure, an impulsive young man of good heart, sliced his finger in the bean frenching machine and had to have stitches. One Sunday he put all his summer's allowance into the collection plate when the extended family attended John and Mathilda Shorter's colored church on Brush Creek for a special preaching day. Miss Paterson somehow lived through these summers when her "little Elspie" became unruly with the support of her Stuart cousins. The children fought, teased each other, and had many beneficial experiences. After the last and most exciting summer of visiting cousins and friends, it �326 We Plow God's Fields was discovered that Elspeth was "anemic." Her mother kept her in bed for breakfast and stuffed her with iron pills. Both she and Jamie used to have bouts of "acidosis," a childhood malady that no longer seems to exist. This was cured by spending a day or two in bed eating delicious chicken broth and rice. Her mother made staying in bed so delightful that Elspeth developed a taste for it. Elizabeth was a careful mother where health was concerned, but a firm family rule was that you never talked about illness outside the family, just as you never discussed money or the lack of it. Hickory Nut Gap Farm was fairly isolated from the social doings of Asheville for two young people growing up during the Depression. Trips to town were expensive. Elizabeth did not drive and John Shorter or Rev. David Huntley had to be snatched from some necessary project to make such a journey possible. The bus could be flagged down at the top of the driveway, but the bus station was far from the houses of their friends. It cost ten cents to telephone Asheville and only necessary calls were made. Elspeth had school at home with Miss Patterson until fifth grade. It is not surprising that socializing did not come naturally to either of the McClure children. Fortunately they both enjoyed solitude, but Elizabeth kept encouraging their social life because she thought it was an important part of a person's development. The McClure's friends the Heywoods, the Herberts and the Izards had children who remained faithful friends in spite of distance. Beckie Herbert and Mary D. Heywood, and later Mary Eleanor Smith, often came to stay on the farm for weekends. Beckie and Elspeth made up a game of "Brownies." They would sneak down to the kitchen even before the early-rising, ponderous Mrs. Williams came in, and attempt to make breakfast and do other household chores secretly, pretending to be invisible. Sometimes the invisible game went on all day, which meant rushing past any grown ups encountered, especially guests, so fast that they would not see you. A great delight was joining the Boone girls and Richard at the fruit stand they operated for the farm, beside the famous spring on the curve of the road just below their house. Here they sold summer apples, cider and grapes. Beckie and Elspeth charged five cents to show off the Scotch Terrier Chug's tricks. Once they dressed as gypsies and offered to tell fortunes. This was frowned upon by their parents, but buying watermelons from passing trucks from Polk County for a nickel and selling them for a dime, or even a quarter, was encouraged. One summer Beckie and Elspeth, who both loved horses, formed the B. and E. Health Department and attempted to clean up the horse barn. Once again germs were suspected and the project was squelched. The Raoul family had given the McClures their black and white cob pony Circus, and Elspeth and Beckie or her friend Richard Boone could ride over the country and have memorable races with Circus and Neddy, the Shetland pony. It was about this time that Elizabeth again had one of her painting fits. She decided to surprise Jim for Christmas with a portrait of Elspeth. The only place where Elizabeth could hide the project from Jim and have the necessary north �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 327 Elspeth, riding "Circus," and Becky Herbert with the two dogs "Wags" and "Chug/ summer of 1933. light was the basement; so amidst cobwebs and canning jars she set up her easel, with a big green door open to the little garden below the house. Elspeth, who was trying hard to be a tomboy, had to stop playing with her constant companion Richard Boone, dress in a white organdy dress, and spend hours sitting in a chair placed on a table. Fortunately Aunt Wiggy was visiting and read aloud during the sessions. As you look at the portrait, hanging today in the dining room at Hickory Nut Gap Farm, there is little to suggest an energetic little girl enduring long hours of posing. The child, sitting firmly but naturally, wears a summer dress so light that a hint of her shoulder is visible through the short sleeves. She holds a bowl of flowers and her dress is tied with a wide blue sash. Elizabeth wanted the portrait to fit in with the ancestors already hanging in the dining room of her Grandmother Skinner and Jim's great-grandfather Dixon, so she left off her daughter's freckles because, as she said, "Ancestors never have freckles." The young model was spared much posing time when Elizabeth did the finishing touches with a large pillow stuffed inside the dress and tied firmly with the sash. One can imagine Jim's delight at this surprise present. During these years when Elspeth and Jamie were growing up, older members of the family were falling away from this world. Aunt Freddie's name lived on at Hickory Nut Gap. Ben Owenby, herdsman for the Herefords, named his twins Fred and Frederika after the grand old lady from Chicago. On the McClure side two devoted sons of Christ were taken home. Jim's beloved brother Arch, whose career in the Presbyterian Church was as full of promise as his father's �328 We Plow God's Fields was full of accomplishment, died unexpectedly in 1931 while undergoing an appendectomy. Arch and Jim were the closest of brothers, full of mutual admiration and his death struck Hickory Nut Gap with terrible sorrow. Within the year the family gathered once again to mourn the passing of Jim's able and widely beloved father. James G. K. McClure, Sr. was buried in Lake Forest in the winter snows of 1932. He left his children and grandchildren a challenge to Christian manhood as exemplified by his belief that Christ did not come to make life easy, but to make men great. His life had shown that putting ideals into practice often depends on long acquaintance with a community and the confidence and trust that friendships built over the years bring. Annie Dixon McClure, who had always been a loyal and gracious partner in his work, spent many of her remaining years in North Carolina with Dumont and Annie Clarke. Elizabeth and Jim continued to take their family to Lake Forest for vacations. As well as the Stuarts, "Granny" Cramer was still living at Rathmore, Elizabeth's childhood home, although Ambrose Cramer, Sr. had died years before. Elizabeth's step-sister, Isabella Ryerson, and her children, Joannie and Tony, were great favorites with the McClures. Isabelle was always called "Aunt Ginty," and was a thrilling figure: she rode to hounds, wore glamourous clothes, and had a mischievous sense of humor. Her husband, Donald Ryerson, was a brilliant man and had been a special friend of Jim's in Lake Forest. It was a great tragedy of the Depression when he committed suicide. Joannie and Tony often came with their mother to the farm and were adventurous pals for Jamie and Elspeth. In the summer of the Chicago World's Fair, the McClures drove to Lake Forest. The trip, complete with gas, meals and an overnight stop in a motel that boasted a restaurant shaped like a giant coffee pot, cost $14.50. Attending the World's Fair, with Aunt Ginty discovering the most exciting exhibits, was a thrill for the farm children. Jamie McClure was particularly excited by the submarine on exhibit. He took issue with the guide on a technical point, insulting that gentleman properly. After the tour they went together to some source of infallible information and Jamie, who was about fifteen, was proved right, which delighted his father. Jim and Elspeth were most inspired by the transportation pageant, "Wings of the Century." It was as dramatic as the Buffalo Bill Show he had seen as a boy, with whole Indian tribes moving across the stage, engines from east and west meeting for the driving of the golden stake when die transcontinental railroad was completed, and finally the appearance of the airplane. Surely this drama proved his theories of progress. When the Ryersons came to visit the farm there were many adventures for the children. Once Jim and his brother-in-law Donald Ryerson staged a battle for the hayloft. The four children manned the fort in the old grey barn below the garden, spending days building tunnels in the hay and barricades at the front. Hay was then stored loose in the barn instead of in bales as it is today. When the day of battle came Jamie McClure and Joannie Ryerson had stirred up a secret weapon, a mixture of cotton seed meal and water that looked just like soft manure. But the men had a surprise, too. The farm truck filled with snow �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 329 dug from the late-lasting snow bank at the top of the gap. The barn fight raged fast and furious until Miss Paterson, stationed where she could watch over the picket fence at the bottom of the garden, was suddenly stricken with lumbago and had to be carried from the field! The children spent hours with sledge hammers and wrenches gradually taking apart a rusting rock crusher abandoned in the quarry at the top of the gap by the road paving crew. Jamie was planning to make a fortune from scrap metal. Other welcome visitors were Elizabeth's half-brother Corwith with his wife Laura and young son Cory, who was several years younger than Elspeth. After struggling to tag along with older cousins, Elspeth remembers it was fun to have someone younger to show around the farm. The two became great friends. Young Cory would spend many summers on the farm as he grew up because his father was a yacht salesman and the family lived on a succession of boats. The Dumont Clarkes moved to Asheville in 1930, and there were frequent get togethers of the two families. Led by Jim, they all enjoyed vigorous outdoor activity, followed by voracious feasting. Elizabeth described one of these clan gatherings to Hetty. "Thanksgiving was a grand day as it was deliciously mild and the young climbed the peak in the morning & played touch foot-ball in the afternoon in spite of having cleaned up two twelve pound turkeys and 28 small mince & pumpkin pies not to mention drinking five gallons of cider. I truly expected them all to die of apoplexy" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Harriet McClure Stuart, December 2, 1934). To this rising generation Jim McClure was both a man who loved fun and a stern model of moral rectitude. His example, both of self-discipline and of working idealism, brought him a natural respect from both his own children and his nieces and nephews. They all wanted to earn Jim's accolades. Christmas on the farm often brought visitors from Lake Forest. One year both Aunt Ginty with her children and Uncle Ambrose ("Bowser") and his young wife Mary were on hand. Right after Christmas everyone, including Elizabeth was struck down with the flu, everyone except Jim. First he would don an apron and appear with trays for all hands, then slip into his Harry Lauder outfit, a pair of plaid undershorts with a tweed jacket, and come into each sick room with his concertina to cheer up the patients with Scottish songs. Later he would don a white coat and appear with thermometer and black bag to check on their progress. He managed to turn a disaster into a good time. Aunt Mary, who was so protective of her new husband that he called her his Banty Hen, spent hours chinking the open cracks of the "green room" with tissue paper. When Elizabeth recovered enough to creep out of bed and check on the comfort of her guests she looked in on the Cramers, saw a bit of paper at a window and began to pull, exclaiming that the room must not have been cleaned properly. Aunt Mary vows she pulled out every bit of the caulking before she finished cleaning up! Midway through the Depression years there was a sad farewell for Miss �330 We Plow God's Fields Paterson. She went to live with a family in Lake Forest, highly recommended by Elizabeth. Elspeth loved her dearly and it was a difficult parting, but the little girl was now nine years old and she was to go to Grove Park School in Asheville. Miss Pat had taught her at home for four years. The school, where Jamie had gone before her, was run by two high-minded maiden ladies whose great interests were moral instruction and dramatics. She remembers what fim she had driving to school with her father. He taught her many songs, including "Abdul Abulbul Amer," "Clementine," and "The Cowboy's Prayer," which he had learned on the roundup in Texas. She loved to hear stories of his days on the range and often wished he had taken up the old nester's offer to stay in Texas, so they could have worked on a ranch together. They used to plan a long camping trip by wagon, which never actually took place. Jim had never gotten the gypsy yearnings out of his soul. He had taught her to ride and now that the pony Circus was growing old they used to go out on one or another of the three farm horses when they were not occupied in the field. At last Jim bought a Tennessee Walker named "Adam." Elspeth promptly changed his name to "Fleetfoot," although Mr. Hunfley stubbornly continued to call him "Adam" because he thought it was unlucky to change a horse's name. Then the three farm mares produced colts, a wonderful delight. Gypsy was Elspeth's own, and with her father's help she trained the little horse. When riding with her father, Elspeth remembers burying her fears with pride, for he was a man whose admiration you worked to gain. This eliminated the possibility of whimpering or complaining. Education was such a high priority for the McClures that when several Asheville families started the Asheville Country Day School, which offered a conventional college preparatory curriculum, they joined with the Pinckney Herbert family to employ a teacher for their daughters, Beckie and Elspeth, who were in eighth and ninth grades respectively. The school only went as far as the seventh grade, but they arranged for a room in the building, an old house on Victoria Road, and the two girls took part in all school activities. Their teacher was Mrs. Millard Ward, a sensitive, intelligent New Englander. The McClures had hoped to send Elspeth to New England for high school, but after visiting around Elizabeth decided that Chatham Hall, in Virginia, was inspired by the traditions she respected and had the warmth and loving spirit she had missed as a girl at St. Timothy's. They were not disappointed and came to love the headmaster, Dr. Edmund J. Lee, and his wife Lucy, who had been missionaries in China. Jim even brought up the Federation's string band and put on a square dance for the girls, along with a talk about the Farmers Federation. Elspeth, after suffering terrible pangs of homesickness during her first year, loved the school so much that she later sent her two daughters there. The only thing that troubled Jim was that Chatham Hall was an Episcopal School. He arranged to have his daughter become a member of the Lake Forest Presbyterian Church one summer, just to make sure she didn't get any ideas in her head. �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 331 Going off to school, helping her parents entertain many visitors, and, especially for Elspeth, helping her father at the Federation picnics that he was now holding every summer, helped to cure her social shyness. Jamie was driving, and he soon taught his sister so they could join their Mends more easily. By Christmas 1937 Elizabeth was writing to Harriet Stuart that " . . . Tryon, Flat Rock and Biltmore were all full of parties & Jamie—once the recluse, has now become the most pronounced kind of partyhound! He was resplendent in Doug's 'tuck' and 'tails' ..." (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Harriet McClure Stuart, January 11, 1938). Jim described for his sister one of his son's first successful forays into the social domain, accompanied by his slightly older cousin. Jim McClure was a senior at Hotchkiss and his cousin Jamie Clarke was at Princeton. "We have had great fun this Christmas. Jamie McClure has picked up sufficient interest to attend three dances! He goes arrayed in Uncle Dumont's tuxedo and Jamie Clarke arrayed in mine. The first dance they attended Jamie Clarke split his pants in the middle of the dance floor and had to be escorted off the floor by an encircling body guard. The rest of the evening he had to move with the utmost caution ..." (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, January 1, 1937). Perhaps the contradiction as to the origin of Jamie McClure's "tuck" came because a mother is usually the arranger of borrowed tuxedos. The activities of all, Grandmother McClure as well, are recounted in this letter written by Jamie McClure to his Aunt Hetty. In spite of unpleasant weather, the vacation has been a lively one. Bert Lewis [husband of Phebe Ann Clarke], Jamie Clarke, and I have been together a lot, and the result is that much wood has been cut, to say nothing of the dissipations of the society whirl. The Clarkes have been in great force, and Grandmother is her usual amazingly lively self. She has become quite a figure in Asheville's older circles; is referred to quite solemnly, I believe, as Madame McClure! Jamie [Clarke] has just gone back to Princeton. He has to cover a couple of hockey games for the Prince [the college newspaper] (he's hockey Editor), as well as considerable studying to make up for time lost through journalistic activities. The new board of the Prince for 1938 has just been elected, and Jamie was named Secretary. This post goes to the Sophomore who leads the field on his board, and it puts him right in line for the chairmanship if he keeps up his present high standards. I hope he gets it. (Jamie McClure to Harriet McClure Stuart, January 2, 1937) The work Elizabeth did for everyone's happiness at Christmas, quietly, almost secretly, was remarkable. Santa continued to appear for all the farm tenants and their children and there was always a beautiful Christmas Eve supper. One year Jim wrote to his parents "Siddy does get up the finest affairs with the table wonderfully decorated & old photographs as place cards. After dinner we sang Christmas carols, Jamie Clarke leading on his violin" (James �332 We Plow God's Fields Jamie McClure and Jamie Clarke "Offfor Mt. Mitchell/' March 1935. G. K. McClure, Jr. to his parents, December 26, 1930). On Christmas morning, when the family opened the door to the study, the spirit of her generosity emanated from every corner of the room, centered on the bulging stockings, each with a bright card or a tempting package decorating its top. There might be mostly new toothbrushes, nuts and oranges inside, but there were always one or two specially desired items in the pile of gifts. The most triumphant Christmas surprise she ever arranged was a present of a new study for Jim. There was a little room off the main study, which opened only onto the porch and had no entry into the house itself. While Jim was away raising money for the Fund, Elizabeth directed Mr. Huntley in the construction of a secret book door connecting these rooms. Ambrose Cramer supplied the plans. When Jim came home the door was in place. For years this room had been used to keep potted plants in the winter and for the family's boots and overshoes. Elizabeth blocked the one window with an old garden hat and a lanky geranium plant so that the work in progress could not be seen from outside. One morning there was snow and Jim tried to open the locked door from the porch to find his galoshes. Elizabeth told him she had locked the door so no one would open it by mistake and let her plants freeze, and that she had lost the key. Surely she would find it by evening. Jim threatened to break the door down to find the missing overshoes, but somehow she dissuaded him and had a pair out for him when he came home. Each morning Jim would set some task for Mr. Huntley to accomplish that day, and each evening when he came home the task was not completed, because Mr. Huntley was spending every available moment making shelves and cupboards in the secret room. Finally he told Elizabeth, "Mrs. �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 333 McClure, we've got to tell him. I can't stand this deception no longer." Elizabeth had her work cut out for her to persuade the honest preacher to continue the deception a few days longer. Finally it was Christmas Eve. She still had to tack down the red checked oil cloth on the new shelves and she was afraid Jim would hear her hammering; so she asked Elspeth to turn on the record player. Jim was horrified with the loud jazz on such a sacred evening and reprimanded his daughter sharply. On Christmas morning all was in readiness. A letter from Santa Glaus was sticking out of the book shelf, Mr. Hunfley himself was in the "little study" jingling sleigh bells, and when Jim followed the instructions in the note to push on the wall he beheld a cozy little room with his father's high backed desk all ready for him. Needless to say Elizabeth did not have much leisure for painting in the midst of all her other activities, but fortunately she did take time out to paint a special gift for Jamie on his seventeenth birthday—a portrait of his father. It hangs in the dining room of the old house today, opposite the portrait of Elspeth. Elizabeth said she could not paint Jim in the style of the "ancestors" as she had her daughter, because "he is such a modern man." Jim sits as though ready to speak, and step out into the room to take part in a family gathering. Old John Shorter put it best when he said, "When I build a fire in the dinin' room, I have to build it just right 'cause Mr. McClure's eyes - they follow me." Jim wrote to Hetty that "Siddy had painted my portrait during the past few weeks and gave it to him [Jamie] as a birthday present. Everyone thinks the portrait a masterpiece and I consider Siddy a genius" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, March 22, 1936). Elizabeth painted only three portraits professionally after she married Jim. One was of her friend, Frances Herbert, commissioned by her children, one of another close friend, Harvey Heywood, and a third of Elizabeth "Ibby" Elkins, at that time married to Harry Hollins, who had come down from the North to run the Federation uniform plant as a service job. Each is an excellent likeness and a decorative success. "Ibby" adored Elizabeth and used to pounce on Jim to tell him he must make a place for her to paint and allow time for her. Perhaps partly because of this Jim did build a studio for Elizabeth at the back of the courtyard, beyond the spring house and the old fort. She was very excited about the prospect of a place to work where she would have a large north window and would not have to be constantly putting her painting paraphernalia away. But by the time it was built the second World War was coming on, in all its horror and tragedy. It was not to be a time for painting. Throughout the thirties the McClures continued to enjoy the Asheville social rounds despite the hard times and the changed attitudes toward extravagance. Jim was asked to be the "general" of the Rhododendron Brigade of Guards, organized in 1934, and each year he donned his regalia as commanderin-chief during the Festival Week. He looked like something out of a Sousa band, with a tall hat and oversized golden buttons. He carried off his role with mock seriousness and felt that this gave him a good contact with Asheville's �334 We Plow God's Fields young businessmen. Elizabeth almost balked at being called the Countess of Pisgah, but the Rhododendron Festival was a civic event Jim relished. All the details were reported in the local newspaper: All members of the Rhododendron Brigade of Guards, including the 29 new ensigns to be commissioned at the annual Ensign Ball at Grove Park Inn tomorrow evening, have been ordered to report at the inn ... An elaborate ceremonial will attend the commissioning of the new ensigns and Queen Myra [Lynch] in the Rhododendron throne room . .. Hod Williams and his orchestra have been engaged to play for the ball . . . Major-General James G. K. McClure, Jr., commander of the Brigade, will lead the ceremonials and will officially present the King's commission to Queen Myra, naming her honorary Colonel-in-Chief of the First regimen of the Guards . . . The Rhododendron Brigade of Guards . . . is colorfully uniformed and is considered one of the most important units of the general festival organization.6 For her part, Elizabeth gained a reputation as Asheville's most accomplished mimic during these years. At one party, given by a club known as the Bachelors and Benedicts, she dressed Jim up to look like Chief Justice Hughes. She knew one trick that made a Person unrecognizable, and so Jim remained throughout the evening. She raised his height with little lifts on his shoes. The party took place during the furor over Franklin Roosevelt's attempt to pack the Supreme Court with sympathetic New Dealers, and so she made a sign for him to carry that read "ain't they mean to the Court Supreme." But Elizabeth herself stole the thunder at that particular ball. She transformed herself so that she not only looked like Charlie Chaplin, whom she adored, but she adopted his mannerisms as well. She could shuffle and jerk just like the master. At one point, a young man who knew the McClures well, Pruden Smith, felt duty bound to give her a swift kick in the rear and a lecture for hanging about the entrance of the ladies' room. He was enormously embarrassed when he learned her identity. A few years later he took over a division of the Federation and the story was the subject of many jokes. Much of Jim McClure's social life revolved around encouraging contributors to the Educational and Development Fund. During the mid-thirties, the tobacco heiress Mrs. Benjamin Duke became interested in his work. Jim wrote to Hetty: "Mrs. Duke is up here and threw a party for me and the fiddlers last night. It went big—I brought Jamie along and he played and sang with the fiddlers" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, July 25, 1936). Jim nursed her interest in the Federation along to the point where she was ready to donate a million dollars to the Fund. The papers were all written up, awaiting her signature, when her sudden death ended this dramatic possibility. All this time Jim was carrying a heavy load, directing the growth of the Federation through a difficult economic period. Yet he was also carrying on his father's tradition of public service, along with his full-time job. He had been a member of the State Board of Conservation and Development for some years �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 335 and in Buncombe County his influence was broad, stretching across all sorts of social boundaries. Offers of committee positions frequently came his way, and he devoted himself to each one as a practitioner of the Social Gospel. He found time to serve as a trustee for Asheville's Mission Hospital, a director of the Blue Ridge Milk Producers Cooperative Association, a member of the Board of Directors of the Federal Home Loan Bank, and vice-president of the North Carolina Cooperative Council. In his own community he remained a member of the School Committee. In the twenties he had helped to consolidate the six small one-room structures in Fairview township into one larger building, and to start a high school. Previously only a few boys and girls had been able to continue their education beyond seventh grade by going to other towns. There were no politics quite as serious as school politics, and keeping public education on an even keel in the thirties was no easy task, since Buncombe County was bankrupt. Jim became the subject of a minor controversy in the state when the governor failed to reappoint him to the Board of Conservation and Development in 1932. He had been a hard-working and useful member of this group and was influential in setting up game preserves and focusing the state's attentions on the conservation problems of its too often neglected western region. He took a keen interest in the responsibilities of his position, as a letter from an engineer he had worked with testifies. Mr. Thorndike Saville of Winston-Salem had heard that the governor was planning to appoint a member of his own Democratic party to the post. He wrote to Jim, "I have many times expressed to the Director and to other members of the Board that there was no member of the Board who had taken the trouble to inform himself and to evidence as intelligent an interest in the several activities of the Board as you have done ... I am firmly convinced that it would be a calamity to the State if you were not reappointed for another term ..." (Thorndike Saville to James G. K. McClure, Jr., July 16, 1932). Governor Ehringhaus found this position too valuable a political appointment to fill with a "Black Radical," as Republicans had been called in North Carolina since Reconstruction days, no matter how conscientious and effective he might be. It must have been some consolation to Jim that the local papers stood up for him. W. K. Beichler wrote the following letter to the Asheville Citizen, which was printed in A. L. Banister's column, "Hunting and Fishing in Western North Carolina:" Editorials in both Asheville papers of this past week have supplied very excellent and pertinent comment upon the loss of Mr. James G. K. McClure, Jr. from the State Board of Conservation . . . Figuratively speaking, his has been for years a "voice crying in the wilderness" for the cause of conservation. He has done more than any other man in the western half of the state to overcome our sadly apathetic and do-nothing attitude toward the possibilities of this state as a commercial forest land and recreational area. For years he has advocated and worked for a comprehensive system of state-owned forest, �336 We Plow God's Fields parks and game refuges. Not only that, he has presented definite plans to show that such a system can be acquired as a distinct investment, and not merely as a disbursement of public funds. It is n o t . . . generally known that he is directly and almost solely responsible for Western North Carolina's four great game refuges on National Forest lands. His was the idea for them, and his the accomplishment of working out with the Federal government the cooperative arrangement.7 Santford Martin, editor of the Winston-Salem paper, who had served with Jim, wrote a personal note to him during the controversy. Of all the members of this Board, I think the State could have spared any of them better than it can spare you. I have many times said behind your back that you were by all odds the best informed and best fitted for this type of service to the State of all the members of the Board. It is a tragedy . . . The more I see of the type of politics in the ascendancy in North Carolina, the more firmly I become convinced that the old mountaineer up in your country was right when he said, "Politics are a ass!" (Santford Martin to James G. K. McClure, Jr., August 8, 1933) Jim wrote to Hetty, "The Governor did not reappoint me to the Board of Conservation . . . I have been on the Board for eight years and have enjoyed keeping in touch with the Resources of the State" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, August 10, 1933). An Asheville Citizen editorial written in his behalf said, "Conservation work cannot prosper except as it is kept out of politics as far as possible. Experience is worth something. Zeal in the public service is not as common as to count for nothing when it is encountered."8 The writer was an astute observer of Jim's work. His zealous promotion of the public good, in the face of an often overwhelming effort to push along partisan or regional interests, set this man apart. His combination of warmth and charm, his quick mind, his persistence and insistence on seeing results, made him ideally suited to the constraints of the board room. He actually liked meetings. Whether small and intimate or large and noisy, they usually brought out the best in him. Another trait that helped Jim was his skill, in making a disparate group of people first trust one another as Mends, so that when it came time to make decisions, personal rivalries and competitions could be minimized. As Jim continued to involve himself in local and state affairs, he was also asked to head up a national organization capable of considerable influence. Forestry was a science he pursued relentlessly during the thirties, both as the overseer of the Federation's Forest Products Division and as a private owner responsible for cutting timber on large tracts of mountain property. As a result, he first became a director of the American Forestry Association, and then served a term as president of the North Carolina branch for three years. In 1937 he was elected president of the national association. During his tenure, the efforts of members were directed by its president to support the Cooperative Farm For- �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 337 estry Act of 1937, which authorized a federal appropriation of $2.5 million to assist the states in advancing farm forestry. At the end of his term as president of the association, Jim continued as a director for two years and then became vice president. His pursuit of good citizenship had involved him in politics, from Washington to Raleigh to Asheville and back home to Fairview. At each level, he brought a large vision and the courage to act. As president of the American Forestry Association, Jim was in a position to observe the New Deal government at close range. Here was a government made up of people with a commitment to their convictions that Jim could admire. But his Republican outlook kept him from becoming swept up in the excitement. In a paper for the Pen and Plate Club, he sorted out his various reactions to the rapid political and economic changes brought in by Franklin Roosevelt. Jim McClure's views were quite astute for a man living in the midst of the era, and represent a critique that flowed directly from his own experience and philosophy. Here we come to March 1st, 1933, with our political creeds unchanged but with the country's industrial economic life paralyzed. The new administration takes charge in Washington. In one hundred days bills are passed in Congress that revolutionize the government of the United States . . . It almost seems as if the Senate and the House had been anesthetized. It almost seems as if they were not conscious of what they were doing. A revolution, perhaps the greatest revolution . .. that has ever occurred and yet ... without the gathering of a single mob, or without the pressure of a single soap box orator, or a single riot, or a busted head . . . A program was put through Congress putting collectivism into action. In a world where individualism seemed to have failed a new national planning was inaugurated. The government is put in full control of agriculture, industry and business . .. . .. [As] I have thought about this new program, I must confess that from the idealist's point of view it has a strong appeal. One interesting fact connected with it is the almost religious fervor of the men who have worked out these ideas. They feel and believe that they are engaged in a crusade for the rights of the average man . . . This step, it seems to me, marks an era in the development of mankind. It is a step where mankind has adjusted himself to new conditions without a bloody socialrevolution. . . As to the outcome of these changes, no one knows. We do not even know whether these changes are temporary or denote a permanent change in our manner of Government. I happened to be in the gallery of the Senate the night the National Recovery Act was passed and the compelling argument for its passage was "Gentlemen these are desperate times and require desperate remedies." When we attempt to pass judgement on these great changes we must temper our idealistic hopes with practical experience. We have no precedent to guide us ... The control of industry will involve an immense bureaucracy—and the hand of bureaucracy will deaden business . . . Let Federal agents go about inspecting the affairs of business men, and you will have a multiplication of the evils �338 We Plow God's Fields and abuses, including bribery and blackmail, that we see in our municipalities enforcing building codes, tenement house regulations, and so on. We have failed to develop in this country a tradition of public office that inspires us with any confidence . .. Men go to any length to get into office and accumulate political debts which they must pay out of the government pork barrel. My experience in government and state agencies has been that petty political considerations come first in almost all decisions—and there even arises an inability to see or think clearly on questions of efficiency and public good. Our experience with Government Regulation of the railroad has not been an inspiring one. The Interstate Commerce Commission has cost us millions of dollars, . . . Today we are faced with tremendously increased government control. It is no longer a debatable question, it is an accomplished fact. . .9 Meanwhile, the Depression did little to dim the social life at Hickory Nut Gap. Jim never needed frills to have a good time. He had his Santa Claus suit for Christmas and he could always pick up a few firecrackers for the Fourth. Jim's antics and parlor games never failed to entertain his guests. He could talk the best dressed young man into placing a glass of water on his forehead, and trying to rise from a prone position to a standing one in front of the howling guests at a party. He could always feel when a certain heaviness began to hang over a group of people and liked to take it upon himself to dispel the deadening influence. He did this for his own family, too. Elspeth remembers him livening up breakfast at a hotel one morning. He whispered to her that he would give her a dollar if she could get a whole waffle into her mouth at once. Poor Elizabeth was horrified, but it certainly lifted the family spirits. He still loved to play his concertina, especially on trips; and this made Elizabeth quite nervous about the possible effect on other guests! Elizabeth continued to surround the old house with beauty. She and Aunt Wiggy, who was a frequent summer visitor, and Elspeth formed the "groundhog club" and spent happy hours uncovering rocks to enlarge the Rock Garden above the house where several boulders already protruded. They planted snowdrops and daffodils and blue Chinodoxia under the cherry trees, which made the place a fairy land in the spring. Mathilda Shorter replaced Mrs. Williams in the kitchen when the latter went off and got married (much to everyone's amazement). Mathilda would pack up a lunch in beautiful baskets, with fried chicken and other delights, and Elizabeth and perhaps some guest would meander up into the orchard and set up a picnic on Turkey Rock, where in April they could gaze across a sea of apple blossoms to the Fairview valley below. During the spring, when the smell of apple blossoms drenched the whole farm in their subtle scents, her appetite for beauty came alive. She never failed to be renewed by the appearance of the first snowdrops and crocuses, and then the forsythia and daffodils that served their eternal notice that the harsh domination of winter had once again passed. �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 339 Jim did not have Elizabeth's almost religious love of beautiful surroundings, painting and music; but he truly appreciated all she did. He wholeheartedly shared her passion for boxwood, and they were thrilled when they learned of an old couple living far up on a mountainside in a cabin who had several English box bushes they wanted to "get shet of." When they arrived with the farm truck and crew the old man had just chopped down the biggest bush to make it easier to get his first cook stove in the door. The McClures planted the remaining beauties along one side of the rock garden to screen it from the dirt road that led dowi to the barn. The bushes grew and grew until they are now a solid mass of green humps and bumps. Elizabeth carefully trimmed the American box and the hedges she had grown from cuttings, but English box never needs to be sheared, unless you want to get a new stove in a door. Its natural growth is close and slow. In 1937, Jim found himself on the same podium as Roosevelt's Secretary of State Cordell Hull. Both men had come to New Haven to receive honorary degrees from Yale University. Hull, a native Tennessean, would have been much interested in Jim's work with the Federation. For Jim, the occasion was something of a triumphant homecoming. He probably made use of his time there trying to interest prospective contributors to the Fund, and he enjoyed the companionship and good will of a graduation ceremony. The New Haven paper recorded the event. Prof. William Lyon Phelps, university public orator, presented the candidates for honorary degrees, and President [James Rowland] Angell conferred the degrees. Professor Phelps: [said of Jim McClure] Farmer, Yale B.A. 1906. After graduation he studied theology at Edinburgh, Chicago, Tubingen, Jena, and Berlin. Thus being thoroughly grounded, he became a dirt farmer . . . In earlier days he worked with such vigor as pastor of a church in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan that his health gave way and he was required to rest. This breakdown, tragic as it seemed at the time, was beneficial; for in the mountains of North Carolina he became interested in working out plans to aid people to make a better living. He became the first president and general manager of the Fanners Federation . . . Mr. McClure is a multitudinous blessing and a first-rate illustration of applied Christianity. President Angell: Throughout long years of devoted toil, you have translated the spirit of the Gospels into a happier and richer life for thousands of your neighbors. In grateful recognition of this invaluable service your Alma Mater confers upon you the degree of Master of Arts, admitting you to all its rights and privileges.10 Along with Jim McClure and Cordell Hull, two other notables received honorary degrees that day: author Stephen Vincent Ben&, and the Minister of Finance for China, H. H. K'ung. Mr. K'ung was a lineal descendent of Confucius, in the seventy-fifth generation, making Jim's claim to be descended from travelers on the Mayflower seem pretty insignificant. All of these men, the �340 We Plow God's Fields Secretary of State, the patriotic writer, the Chinese official, and Jim McClure, sat together during the formalities of the occasion, enjoying each other's conversation. All of them were on the brink of a life shattering world-wide cataclysm that would alter each life markedly. In the spring of 1939, when Elspeth was in her junior year at Chatham Hall, her family planned an operation to complete the straightening of her "turning eye." She had had the first operation several years before in Asheville, and the skilled Austrian ophthalmologist Dr. Sprinza Weizanblatt, a special friend of Elizabeth and Jim's, had succeeded wonderfully. But both she and Elizabeth thought it would be wise to have the final delicate work done at Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore by Dr. Alan C. Woods, an outstanding specialist. This must have been a terrible expense for the McClures to face, but as usual there was no complaining. Elippeth's account of the trip follows. We arrived from the train at "The Little Inn," just across from the hospital, which "Aunt Jane" Heywood had recommended. When we were shown upstairs to our pretty room, my mother was so appreciative, as always, that she charmed the proprietor completely. Then he told us the rates. It was too much. She knew we couldn't swing it! But she hated to hurt his feelings so she went down to the desk and told him she had changed her mind and planned to stay with friends, called a taxi and had the driver go off round the block, then come slowly back so she could make discreet enquiries where she had seen a sign for boarders. She was good at spotting cheap places, for she had had so much practice on family trips. My father used to call us the "boarding party" when he sent us in to check out a place. The one we found was pretty dingy and down at the seams. The walls were painted pale green coated over with Baltimore soot and there was one bathroom for the floor. Those row houses stretched down the street opposite Hopkins—dingy brick with short steps going down to the street, where people sat on those hot summer evenings. It cost something like $2.00 a night—no meals. Next morning we went to see Dr. Woods. He wasn't keeping his appointments and we were told to return next day. Again he wasn't there. We were told it might be a day or two before he could see me as he had a fall from a horse. We would just have to wait. The days stretched to a week or more. My mother didn't want to tell my father she needed more money so she made a wonderful game of stretching it. We located a restaurant in the next block called "Bilgers," where we could get a plate of fish and boiled potatoes and beans for thirty-five cents. Breakfast was even less. We bought bread and tomatoes for lunch. We called our restaurant "Bulgers" and we looked forward intensely to each meal, for not only were we hungry but it was air conditioned! My mother was disappointed that her cousin Mark Skinner Watson and his family were away in Vermont. She and Cousin Mark had been great friends when he was a young man working on the newspaper in Chicago and now he was an editor of the Baltimore Sun. But she soon found the Baltimore Museum, and was delighted by the way the paintings and tapestries were shown, with large, open wall spaces and excellent lighting. It was so interesting and such fun to see the beautiful paintings and statues with my mother. We both forgot all about the absent doctor, our shrinking treasury, and the heat, and �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 341 were both carried away into a fascinating world. There were evtnfree conceits! I learned that in any large city the museum is the place to go to have a perfectly splendid time for almost nothing. For a very special treat one night we went downtown to a cafeteria and then to see a movie, "Four Feathers." But when we got to the ticket window we found the tickets cost a few cents more than we had with us! I'm sure my mother could see my disappointment. Extravagantly we got on the trolley back to Hopkins, got the extra quarter needed. I can never forget the excitement of the rush back to the theatre, or the wonderful movie with Errol Flynn as a dauntless cavalryman who proved he was not a coward. As I think back now on the complete material comfort and the many advantages my mother had been surrounded with when she was growing up, I appreciate more and more her making these ten days when we were stuck in a dreary boarding house in a hot city, with evaporating funds, waiting anxiously to see a mythical doctor, one of the most interesting and happy times I can ever remember. She was a magic person. When Dr. Woods appeared at last he was gruff and bearish. He put off the operation for a year, and directed me to wear a patch over first one eye and then the other, alternating every two weeks, and taking Sunday off, for the entire coming year at boarding school. The strange thing was that I did really well academically at Chatham that year. It was a struggle to read during the two weeks when I could use only my "lazy eye" and perhaps it was because I had to concentrate extra hard that my grades were better than ever before. The next June I was accepted at Vassar without having to take the last two college boards. I was especially happy at graduation for I had made my parents and Jamie proud. My mother and I went to Baltimore right after graduation for the scheduled operation. My mother was an angel about reading aloud to me while I had to lie still for several days with eyes bandaged. But we also listened to the radio. This was June 1940, and what we heard was stark news of German tanks rolling across France through the broken Maginot line as the French soldiers retreated before them. This was terrible news for my mother. It was good that she was staying with the Watson family, who were understanding friends. Dr. Woods disappeared again and the hospital bill kept increasing. Finally my mother decided it was time to go. I got dressed and we just paid the bill and walked out and took a taxi to the Watson's with no ill consequences! My mother took the train home while I stayed a couple of weeks longer with the wonderful Watson family so that I could have checkups and eye exercises at the hospital. She was so glad to see Cousin Mark again. He was humorous, kind, very intelligent, and a first rate writer. Cousin Susan, his wife, was a hospitable, wise Southern belle and their daughters, Ellen and Susan, were wonderful friends for me.11 When Elspeth returned from Baltimore, bringing the two Watson girls with her for a visit on the farm, there was a tinge of sadness there. The terrible news of the war affected both Jim and Elizabeth. They had both spent considerable time in Europe and they felt anguish for the people torn by the war. Jim no longer had any illusions about pacifism. Both of them had a vast admiration and sympathy for Churchill and the British in their uphill battle against the horrors �342 We Plow God's Fields of Nazi Germany. Jim was asked to head up the isolationist movement in North Carolina "America First," but he turned it down before Elizabeth even said a word. He backed up the President in his aid to the British, but as the decade ended he had turned against Franklin Roosevelt and his New Deal. The notion that a government could spend money way beyond its revenues was abhorrent to him. Deficit spending by a nation was the way to court disaster, he was sure. He also wondered how such an unwieldy conglomeration of programs could be wellmanaged, knowing full well that many of them that he had dealt with were not. The fact that so many of Jim's northern friends and contributors to the Fund were wealthy and very conservative may have influenced his feelings about the New Deal. When Roosevelt ran for his third term, Jim began to think the man was simply power hungry. He compared his habits with those of Hitler and Mussolini. The McClure family dog, Trixie, expressed Jim's political views as well as any of his Pen and Plate Club papers. As a regular part of the Hickory Nut Gap visit, Jim would mention to Trixie rather casually, "Did you know Roosevelt was elected again?" The little white dog would immediately throw up her head and let out a series of mournful howls. He loved to tell New Deal jokes. One of his favorites came as the result of a scientific breakthrough—the cure for gout was discovered to be a medicine whose secret ingredient was the sweat of a WPA worker. A call went out immediately that a reward would be offered of one million dollars for each drop of that precious commodity. But the drive had to be abandoned, so the story went, due to the lack of donors. Perhaps Jim's best epitaph for the New Deal was scrawled in the margins of one of his papers. (NRA stood for the National Recovery Act). NRA'S PROGRESS 1933—Nuts Running America 1934—No Recovery Anticipated 1935—National Ruin Accomplished 1936—No Roosevelt Again12 Although Jim's personal life during the decade prior to World War II was marked by financial difficulties, he remained steadfastly on course. His leadership capabilities made him a powerful influence in all the varied facets of life that he touched. He translated the respect and confidence he had earned into new accomplishments, but with all his achievements he never became vain. Like his mountain friends, whom he realized had a great sense of a power above, he gave God the credit. People listened to him because his words squared up with his life. He liked to speak of the present evils in the world: crime, the rackets, and the political illusions of communism and fascism. Repeatedly he stood before graduating seniors and a great variety of congregations delivering his message, especially to young people, of the importance and the joy of the useful life. "If �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 343 Jim McClure (right) and "Old Man" Parker, hunting at Sunburst, November 1935. you catch a vision of usefulness—follow it as a hunter follows a bear. Track it to its lair and capture it—make it yours." "Pick out [a] place where you can best serve God & man—[your] powers will increase and develop." "Every compromise with the infinite value of the human soul leads straight back to the jungle." "If we are to build a better America—we must have better Americans." "How, the skeptic asks, can one weak man do anything against odds which are so overpowering? The amazing thing is that when we try to accomplish something beyond our ability, some power from above flows through and gives [us] strength." "God gave die children of Israel the promised land, but they had to take it themselves." "Communists 'are' ahead of us today in their teaching to endure hardship." "Let each man think himself an act of God. His mind & thought, his life a breath of God and let each try, by great thoughts and good deeds, to show the most of Heaven he hath in him." "If God is your master make your plans big." "Follow God's will and He will reveal His creed." Jim believed this last idea was very important for people who had trouble in accepting Christianity.13 To Jim McClure, faith was not a small and mean affair built on self- �344 We Plow God's Fields righteousness, but rather an act of courage that liberated one from fear and insecurity. Jim's seeming platitudes rang true because of the life that stood behind them. Prior to 1920, he had not been sure what God's purpose was for him, but by the outbreak of the second World War, the Farmers Federation was twenty years old and a testimony to one man's courage and devotion to an idea. He described for the graduates of Haw Creek School the same life of service that had fulfilled his own ambitions. "I am offering you a greater & more important call," he said. "I am calling you to dedicate your life to building this Commonwealth. It will take more patience, more hanging on, more dogged determination & more real grit & nerves than it would take to reach out tonight & fight an attacking army . . . If you are to carry on the torch, you must so live that your character is preserved not for your self but for your country. Give your life and your job to serve the Commonwealth."14 He spoke for the highest order of political integrity and individual behavior based on the Christian promise of freedom as the result of the submission to God's will. God's will, to Jim, meant pushing and shoving mankind along the way pioneered in the United States, where the ideal of individual liberty before the law had reached its greatest development. Jim wanted to add a strong dose of community involvement to balance against the American individualism that was so strong in the mountains. Over and over he asked in his sermons and speeches, why cannot men and women create a Christian movement with the impact of the Nazi Party or Bolshevism? How is it that these movements wield so much power over individual lives and can be so effective in remolding their societies, while Christians backed by the supernatural power of the Almighty and of the forces of goodwill in the Western World appear so impotent? It is a question worth pondering, and one that James McClure tried to answer. He wanted to inspire young people with Christian ideals to translate their idealism into bringing a better economic life to people in the mountains. In spite of all discouragement, he never ceased to believe this was possible. 1. Thomas Wolfe, You Can't Go Home Again (New York: Signet Books, 1966), pp. 90-91. The book was originally published by Scribner's in 1934. 2. Ibid., p. 281. 3. Interview with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 4. Information about real estate holdings from family papers. 5. Interview with Jane Raoul Bingham. 6. Article in the Asheville Citizen, April 1934. 17. W.K. Beichler, letter to the editor, Asheville Citizen, August 13, 1933. 8. Editorial, Asheville Citizen, August 10, 1933. 9. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "The Recent Amazing Changes in our Government and Some Pros and Cons," paper given at the Pen and Plate Club, Asheville, North Carolina, March 1, 1933. 10. Article in the New Haven Register, June 23, 1937. 11. Interview with Elspeth McClure Clarke. �Hickory Nut Gap in the Depression 345 12. Comments written in the margin of early draft of paper written by James G. K. McClure, Jr. for the Pen and Plate Club, "Remaking Western North Carolina," 1939. 13. James G. K. McClure, Jr., excerpts from sermons, 1930-1939. 14. James G. K. McClure, Jr., Commencement address, Haw Creek High School, Asheville, North Carolina, May 1932. �Chapter Seventeen The Farmers Federation and the Depression At a business meeting soon after the onset of the Depression former General Manager Guy Sales remembers: The President reported that the employees had a meeting immediately after the collapse of the Central Bank, in which they voluntarily agreed to reduce their salaries. Those receiving over $100 per month reducing their salaries by 20% . . . This action of the employees was commented upon most favorably by the directors, it being pointed out that it showed not only loyalty but a keen sense of sound business judgement, in sensing the situation and acting immediately. (Interview with Mr. Guy Sales) Dear Mr. McClure, I like to tell you about the federation has meant to me. In 19301 was about to lose my farm but the federation helped me sell enuf rhododender to pay off the Morgag and I have supported my family of 7 chilerden with out going on relief and helped my nabors by giving them work getting out rododendum this year. I have sold rodadendum and subbry thru the federation whiten brought me in $995 so you see why I will stand by the federation thru thick and thin Yours truly J. G. Taylor (/. G. Taylor to James G. K. McClure, Jr., exact date unknown) When the Central Bank and Trust Company of Asheville failed, three of its depositors were the Farmers Federation, the Educational and Development Fund and James G. K. McClure, Jr. The Farmers Federation did not collapse under the economic pressures of the Depression because member farmers and employees stood loyally behind it, while the President and directors could turn to the Educational and Development Fund for help in the worst times. As the chain reaction of failed banks spread through Western North Carolina, counties and municipalities, businesses and individuals were ruined. The Federation lost money in eight bank accounts and had to be tided over by loans from the Fund to stay in business.1 Jim McClure's faith in progress would be sorely tested by the greatest adversity the Federation and his family had yet faced. Although farm prices had been weak throughout the twenties, no one could have guessed what would happen during the early thirties. As the banks tried to collect as many of their loans as they could, mortgages were foreclosed and businesses shut down. Jim's personal debts were considerable at the end of 1930 and 346 �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 347 included $129,000 he had signed for loans to the Federation.2 Just after Christmas, he wrote to Hetty and Doug that "conditions thru the country here are at a low ebb. Eight banks in our Federation territory have sunk to the bottom of the sea, and as one native put it 'the people are raving'" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, December 28, 1930). With so many local governments, banks and businesses busted, how could an idealistic farmers cooperative hope to survive? But the Federation not only weathered the storm, but spread to new counties, offered new services, opened new departments and initiated a program to reinvigorate the spiritual life of the area, the Lord's Acre Plan. The Federation kept going and the cooperative's vigor helped lift Western North Carolina out of the Depression. With the average mountain farm at least half in forest, Jim McClure reasoned that with proper management this asset could be turned into enough annual cash to at least pay the taxes, so in 1930 Forest Products and Shrubbery Departments were added to the Federation. Appalachian farmers could then more easily take advantage of the demand for pulpwood, acid wood (for tanning leather), locust for insulation pins and fence posts, or dogwood for cotton mill shuttles. They could cut logs for building and veneer, for telephone poles and railroad ties, and there was a growing market for all varieties of mountain shrubs. Big, burly Harry Rotha of Waynesville, an experienced forest products man, was hired to manage this enterprise. At the onset, in January of 1930, Jim prophesied in the Federation News that the Forest Products Department "will mean untold wealth for all W.N.C."3 At the same time, the Federation committed itself to managing a large-scale poultry business, opening three hatcheries, one each in Spindale, Sylva and Asheville, with a total capacity of 73,400 eggs. They were opened with typical McClure fanfare early in 1930, when other businesses in the area were struggling to stay solvent. Eggs and broilers had accounted for almost half of the total sales figures in 1929, and expansion of a successful venture seemed the logical move. The cool summers and limited cropland in the mountains made poultry a reasonable choice. Unfortunately, spreading financial troubles depressed the poultry market during the year, and the Federation found itself battling with large competitors at each stop of the railroad car. Jim explained the problems to readers of the Federation News in August 1930: Our poultry car business is $148,133.23 below last year's record. This is the only department of the Federation to report a reduction in business, and this reduction is due to three causes: First, the price of poultry has been so low during the year that we have advised fanners to hold their poultry and build up flocks. Second, the low price of poultry has reduced the dollar value of our shipments about thirty per cent. Third, the large poultry business we have built up has become known and large Poultry operators have come in and tried to take our business. For months these large operators placed a car beside ours whenever we started a car, taking advantage of our advertising and buying days. As we were building up this business for the farmer, we decided to hang �348 We Plow God's Fields on. This competition cut our volume and also caused this Department to operate at a loss, the only department which operated at a loss last year. Our fear was that if we dropped out of the poultry marketing game, these large operators would then drop prices and this would discourage poultry production. We have, therefore, hung on and maintained our poultry car service . . . At this writing this competition has withdrawn from the field, and we are operating over a wider territory than ever before, offering a market for poultry to the farmers in twenty five counties.4 Even though commodity prices continued to fall, each warehouse made a profit during 1930. Jim felt that, if the Federation could remain solvent, it would help the mountain area to weather the Depression. Agriculture in Western North Carolina had been depressed for at least a generation. Most of the families were quite used to "making do" on meager incomes. As long as they held title to their own land and could keep up with the taxes, they were probably better off than their blue-collar counterparts in the cities who had no way to garden or feed their families. Maybe the years were leaner than usual, but most mountain families would have noticed little difference. To most, the cataclysm in New York seemed as far away as China. Many farmers were actually able to improve their financial lot during the thirties as the Federation spread into new areas, bringing with it new markets, information and reliable farm supplies. The Federation was Jim's destiny, his calling, and he had no intention of ever abandoning it. He never measured his success in profits, but by obstacles surmounted and people helped. Jim McClure summed up his reasons for keeping the Federation going, in spite of all discouragements, in an article for the "Yale Alumni Weekly." The Federation markets chickens, eggs, Irish potatoes, sweet potatoes, corn, wheat, rye, vegetables, forest products . . . and other mountain farm products such as pottery and baskets. It has survived fires, bank failures, and depressed business conditions. It has learned how to run the farmer's business successfully . . . The experience, gained in this way, is worth many thousands of dollars to the mountain farmers Some mountaineers have been able to pay the mortgage on their homes, others have put running water into their houses, women have been able to have a doctor at childbirth, many have been able to earn tax money, and particularly during the drouth year of 1930, many, through our forest products department, were able to have bread and meat in their houses and keep their children from starving. The people have earned every cent they have received. The Farmers Federation is building character and initiative and permanent self support. .. . We believe that we are developing the economic and spiritual resources of the people themselves.5 The year 1932 brought new problems. When President Roosevelt declared the Bank Holiday, closing banks nationwide from March 6-10, the Federation printed up its own scrip, with a picture of Jim McClure in the center of each �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 349 paper certificate.6 At this time of crisis, Mr. Jim Cole, a loyal member farmer, came to see Mr. McClure in his office. When the door was shut he quietly handed Jim four thousand dollars in bills, to use while it was needed. Years later Jim would preach at Mr. Cole's funeral service, stressing the importance of the independent spirit of the mountaineer. Mr. Cole was a legend. No one knew quite where his money came from or where it went when he died, but it was pretty well known that his main source of income was corn liquor, manufactured in the recesses of his vast mountain tract.7 Despite all the facts and figures, and talk of new business ventures, Jim McClure maintained the point of view of a pastor tending his flock, a minister of the social gospel. His congregation met, most of them, in their own little churches, usually of the simplest construction. Often the fare served up behind the old fashioned altar each Wednesday evening and twice on Sunday was a fiery exhortation rivaling the best of Jeremiah. When Jim preached in these churches, as he was often asked to do, he preferred to stress good citizenship and community building. He preached the healing of Nehemiah. It is essential, he reasoned, to build better schools and better churches, to make better homes. But it is also important, while doing so, not to stray from God's higher laws. The history of the Hebrew nation provided him with many texts and examples on which to build his themes. But religious preaching, he thought, was all too often just a veneer, a coating for the sake of respectability. For him, Christianity meant effective action. Thomas Wolfe dreamed of a new America, "the real America," merging purified from the materialism of the Twenties.8 Jim McClure, too, saw the hope of renewal rising out of the ashes of despair of the Depression. In the early 1930s Jim felt that the "real America" must come both from the entrepreneurial spirit that was nourished by American liberty, and the spiritual striving of a people who claimed the inheritance of the Christian church. The tension between these must be kept in balance. Without the spiritual influence he knew that selfish materialism would flourish. Without the business-like approach, he saw that hopes would die out, churches would decay, and education would be forgotten. He tried to pursue both goals, making every effort to increase the productivity of the mountain farms and at the same time emphasizing spiritual progress as an equal in importance. Therefore, during the same months in 1930 when the financial pyramids of Buncombe County were teetering and the Federation was branching out into new endeavors, Jim McClure launched a bold new program that backed up his talk about the spiritual resources of the region with an agency designed to help them; the Lord's Acre Plan. Jim had heard of the Lord's Acre Plan some years before. Back in 1927 he had broached the idea in the Federation News: An acre of potatoes, or corn for the Lord, on every farm in this section! What a spiritual awakening this would bring . . . A few years ago the members �350 We Plow God's Fields of a church in Georgia all agreed to plant an acre of cotton for the church. The Lord's Acres of cotton did well, and brought in a rich harvest to the church, not only in money but also in enthusiasm and power . . . the pastor is the most important man in any community. His salary must be increased. He must have the money to get around and see people. An acre of potatoes, or an acre of corn, or perhaps a steer to be fed for the church, or a tenth of the eggs, and the proceeds brought in to a church Harvest Day in October, would wonderfully help to raise our church budgets, and wonderfully bless the life of our churches.9 This early call for the Lord's Acre resulted in a small response that quickly petered out. There had to be someone to promote and sustain the project; to go to the churches, sell the idea, build up morale, and then push hard to maintain the momentum. Jim knew just the man for the job. The success of the idea was assured when he persuaded his old Mend and brother-in-law, Dumont Clarke, to move to North Carolina and take on the work of building up the country church. Spearheaded by Dumont's unflagging determination and missionary zeal, the Lord's Acre Plan not only answered the needs of impoverished rural churches in Western North Carolina, but also came into use in many parts of the United States and even spread to the mission field world wide. The Religious Department made the Farmers Federation unique among American cooperatives. For Jim McClure it was a characteristic follow-up of a visionary idea with an organization to implement it. Dumont Clarke's career in the ministry had been continually frustrated by poor health, and Jim thought he knew why. Dumont needed, as he himself had, a project that would call forth all of his energy and devotion. Dumont's previous experience had been as the school minister at Phillips Andover Academy and the Lawrenceville School. He then became Assistant Pastor of the Mount Vernon Heights Congregational Church in Mt. Vernon, New York. In each position, bad health had demoralized him and interfered with his work. Like Jim, Dumont had planned to devote his life to mission work, and had actually gone to India as a YMCA Secretary, but his health had broken in the Indian climate. Now both he and his brother-in-law felt Western North Carolina was in need of mission work. In the Depression years country churches in the mountains had very little money. Often they could afford to pay a preacher for only one or two Sundays a month. Dumont accepted the challenge without pay and made the Lord's Acre work something of great and lasting importance. The Educational and Development Fund underwrote the salary of a secretary and office expenses. He threw himself into the work, with the result that the Lord's Acre Movement spread like a mountain fire "let out." Jim announced the new Federation program for the country church and endowed it with a statement of purpose in the Federation News in February 1930. �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 351 The Federation has opened up another department, the Religious Department. Rev. Dumont Clarke of Manchester, Vermont is the Director .. . The country church is, in the opinion of many people, the most valuable institution in America. The country church has been the nursery for many of the most constructive movements of the past five hundred years and it has been a large factor in developing the strength of character of many of the leaders of the Anglo-Saxon civilization . .. The Present period of re-adjustment in the country church is difficult. Today in our mountains cash money is scarce. It is increasingly difficult for the country church to pay an adequate salary to the preacher, and the spiritual life of the communities is in danger . . . The fanner cannot subscribe much cash to the church, but he can subscribe an acre of corn or an acre of potatoes. He can subscribe a pig and grow it up or a calf and grow it up and his wife can subscribe a hen and raise a brood of chickens, and every child in the family can undertake some project; perhaps it might be to raise a few baby chicks. In this way it will be possible to quadruple the income of the country church. The Federation . . . is now in a position to offer [its marketing] service for the churches and for the first time the churches can look to a farmers organization that is capable of handling just about anything the church members will raise. 10 There was nothing like the whiff of a new project to rekindle the inner fires of Jim McClure. He could not help but tell people about it, and throw himself into the promotional fray. Jim wrote to his sister Hetty about the progress of the Lord's Acre. "Dumont has stirred up so much excitement amongst the churches that it broke out into a movement to have a 5:30 a.m. meeting this morning in the Gap. At this I was scheduled to make a "talk." Jamie supported me. We arose at 4:30 a.m. I dropped in on Jamie to see how he was getting on with his dressing and found him leaning on the radiator fast asleep in his pajamas. All the rest of the family remained snoring in their beds. Well we had a fine sunrise meeting." Jim went on to describe Dumont's Easter sermon and a Lord's Acre picnic beside the Pigeon River near Waynesville, and to list his many callers in regard to the new project. He finished Hetty's letter with: "How is that for a full day for the Director of the Religious Department? Remember that this followed a Saturday when he left at 8 a.m. for his office and then made a round of his six churches in the afternoon seeing all the preachers. He is doing a huge lot of work and seems to me better than ever" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, April 20, 1930). One of Jim's first converts to the Lord's Acre Plan had been a neighbor, Mr. Millard Edgerton, who rode into town with him one winter's day. He described the incident to Hetty: Yesterday morning I drove in with Millard Edgerton . . . & asked him how big a family he now had—He replied fifteen young 'uns but the Lord had blessed him and every time meal time came around there was something to �352 We Plow God's Fields Dumont Clarke, Jim McClure's brother-in-law, promoting the Lord's Acre Plan. �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 353 eat. He said, however, that he was behind with his church dues, and had been fifty cents behind for some time and could not seem to pay it—I suggested D's scheme of setting aside an acre, putting all fifteen hoes to work & giving the proceeds to the church & told him I wanted to be present when each member of his family marched into church seventeen strong, each with a bushel of corn on his back. He was carried away with the idea and yesterday came to tell me that he had had it up with the family and every one was in for the idea. I think I will tell D of this 100 percent conversion to the idea. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, January 24, 1930) At one of the first churches Dumont visited, the Tweed's Chapel Methodist Church in Fairview, five boys signed up, each agreeing to raise a hog for their church. Jim explained later that: "These boys would not have been able to put 10 or 15 pennies in the collection plate during the course of the year, but by some hook or crook they fed their pigs, and you know, if any boy feeds a pig for the Lord twice a day, all summer, it is going to have a lasting effect on his character . . . And those pigs brought from $12 to $15 apiece, and that made a huge difference in the spirit and energy of the church superintendents."11 The six churches that signed up in 1930 were Tweed's Chapel Methodist, Avery's Creek Baptist, Fairview Baptist, Mills River Presbyterian, Avery's Creek Methodist, and Mill's River Methodist. These churches proved the plan. It really worked, raising both money and morale. The second year forty churches joined, and in 1932 the Lord's Acre Movement was one hundred churches strong. Jim liked to point out that very often it was the children and young people who shamed their elders into committing themselves. Mr. Clarke went up to a church away back in the mountains which had a budget of $80 a year, but for three years had been unable to meet their budget and they were very much discouraged. He presented the idea of the Lord's Acre Plan of raising their budget. They took it up with enthusiasm and were going to present it to their church membership the next Sunday. Well, the next Sunday was rainy, so they put it off another week, and the next week they had arranged for some kind of a picnic so they put it off another week, and they gradually put it off until the planting season was pver. Well, one day last August, the teacher of the primary department came in with her primary class. She had taken up the idea herself and begun it for her class, a class of thirty-three of these small children, and given each one of them a baby chick. Five of the baby chickens had died, but twenty-eight of the children appeared with a grown chicken, and they sold the chickens for enough to buy paperbacked hymn books for the adult members. That so shamed the adult members that they set to work and painted their church and built new seats for it. And that stirred them up.12 Dumont never resented Jim's leadership. He was a determined team player, who made his own way into the hearts of the mountaineers. He made friends with the preachers and their families, often having dinner with them after church, or spending the night. For the young people he had riddles and tricks, �We Plow God's Fields 354 JESUS CALLS US Jesus calls us. o'er the tumult Of our life's wild, restless sea, Day by day His sweet voice soundeth, Saying, "Christian, follow Me." Jesus calls us from the worship Of the vain world's golden store; From each idol that would keep us, Saying, '^Christian, love Me more." In our joys #,nd in our sorrows, Days of toil and hours of ease, Still He calls, in cares and pleasures, "Christian, love Me more than these.' Jesus calls us: by Thy mercies, Saviour, may we hepx Thee call; Give our hearts to Thy Obedience; Serve and love Thee best of all. I WOULD BE TRUE I I I I would would would would be true, for there are those who trust me; be pure, for there are those who care; be strong, for there is much to suffer; be brave, for there is much to dare. I I I I would would would would be friend of all, the foe, the friendless; be giving, and forget the gift; be humble, for I know my weakness; look up, and laugh, and love, and lift HOWARD ARNOLD WALTER. Above and following page: Early promotional material for the Lord's Acre. like moving a penny from one finger to another. And he was a gifted speaker. His slide shows of Lord's Acre projects were a hit all over his circuit. He drove many miles visiting churches throughout the mountains, and his well worn car became a welcome sight. Dumont believed in the power of memorized Bible verses. He had a special book rack built under the steering wheel in his car so that he could read passages and commit them to memory as he drove along. Some of his family questioned the safety of this practice, but Dumont's driving record remained unassailable. He would never pass a hitch- �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 355 He that is faithful in that which is least is faithful also in much; and he that is unjust in the least is unjust also in much.—Luck 10:16 Fairview Baptist Church, Rev. N. B. Phillips, Minister. Tweed's Chapel Methodist Church, Rev. F. L. Setzer, Minister. Mills River Presbyterian Church, Rev. W. S. Hutchinson, Minister. Mills River Methodist Church, Avery's Creek Methodist Church, Dr. O. B. Mitchell, Minister. Avery's Creek Baptist and Union Church, Rev. Charles F. Owen, Minister. Farmers Federation, Rev. Dumont Clarke, Director of Religious Department. hiker, but demanded of each one a Bible verse from memory as payment for his ride. If the passenger failed the test Dumont determinedly taught him a verse. Jim often preached on the Lord's Acre himself. At the height of the New Deal, he explained to a congregation: "In all [the] confusion of Gov't chaos one thing is certain—permanent civilization [is] only possible if built on the character of people—[The] country church [is the] great training ground of character— Most important institution in America .. ,"13 He continued in this sermon to describe what he considered were two fallacious theories: first, if an individual is changed nothing else is necessary; �356 We Plow God's Fields and second, that society can he saved without changing individuals. In the first instance he felt a person must get into action as well as having a change of heart. The second, he thought, was the philosophy behind the New Deal and socialism; that by social management and holding all property in common, by sharing the wealth, society will be changed. He argued that there would be no new society built by political and economic measures alone. There did have to be a change in the hearts of individuals. Jim felt the Lord's Acre could change hearts and involve people in the work of the church and of society. "Every time the Lord's hen and chickens come strutting through the yard they preach a little about the Lord."14 Jim McClure's vision was not unlike the one that had filled Thomas Jefferson with hope years before. Both of these men saw great moral fiber and strength in the lives of the small yeoman farmers: independent, close to nature, and undefiled by the temptations of urban life. Jim's symbol of corruption was Chicago. His notebooks were filled with reports of political payoffs, bossism and the evils of urban gangsters. Everyone who lived in the midst of such a world, he argued, found it difficult to maintain the highest moral standards. There were just too many daily degradations in the city. Like most of his contemporaries, he blamed the recent flood of southern and eastern European immigrants for the situation, and indeed Chicago was a checkerboard of such ethnic neighborhoods. He felt that these men and women had to be rescued from their own histories, and envisioned no group more capable of raising the moral climate of the United States than the thoroughly independent, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant Appalachian mountaineer. As they migrated to the cities, these internal immigrants could help to counteract, according to Jim, what he felt to be hypocritical in the teaching of the Roman Catholic Church. His Covenanter Presbyterian upbringing set his mind, and he fully believed the ideals of democracy were subverted by the authority of the priest and subservience to the Pope. For him it was the issue of indulgences all over again. How could the likes of Al Capone assuage the pangs of conscience with a few Hail Marys and regular confession? Jim argued that the country church was the source of strength in America, and the mainspring of democracy. When the country church faltered, the roots of liberty were threatened. All of these thoughts Jim worked through in a paper he wrote during the early thirties, entitled "Rackets and the Public." One startling thought is that many city people seem to like [the rackets.] Capone is a modern Robin Hood. He is kind hearted, gives liberally to charity. The mixed population of our great cities, never Americanized, many of them brought up in European countries where things have always been more or less this way—seem to think it is the normal way of living. They do not recoil in horror from this racketeering. It seems to them a necessary evil and all they need do is adjust themselves to it ... "American ideals! Can that stuff," is about all you get in the cities . . . The struggle for freedom is not as easy as that and unless we arouse our �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 357 people to a consciousness that the struggle is still on, we will wake up some fine day to find our free institutions gone and our American Government in the hands of people who knew not Joseph and who know and care not at all for the things of the spirit. . . And while our native sons are busy piling up money, playing golf, riding to hounds and sending then* sons to swell schools and colleges and bringing out their debutante daughters, who is running our cities? As an Englishman put it, "Just the usual hardboiled American gang of grafters, gamblers, bootleggers, vice merchants, police superintendents, friends of theirs, shyster lawyers and political bums ..." .. . The black hand, and the black shadow of graft, corruption and terrorism is stretched out over our great cities. This is something that the finest American tradition can never tolerate. If America is to fulfill her promise, and if we are to cherish and develop the inner things of the Spirit, we must declare war to the death of this philosophy of the Rackets and all its brutalizing offspring. We must clean them out, or they will clean us out!15 These words are vintage McClure, but moral indignation begs for actions. Jim felt that the Lord's Acre Movement, by strengthening the influence of the country church on young people, was a positive force for combating the "Philosophy of the Rackets." "Something is moving in the countryside," he asserted. As Jim pointed out over and over again, the rural districts, especially in the South, were producing nothing if not children, and today's youth were tomorrow's America. Influence these young people through their churches, he argued, and future moral strength would be greatly enhanced. The rackets could be cleaned out by the infusion into the cities of confident men and women, willing to stand their ground with force of character. But for this job to be done, the country churches would themselves have to be greatly strengthened to handle the task. Members of congregations would have to start working together. Preachers would need to be better educated, be more effective community leaders, and rely less on emotional froth to arouse their people. Sunday Schools would need good quality instructional materials. Most of all, though, Christians everywhere would have to be infused with a sense of purpose, a sense of destiny. In Jim's view, the need for Christian soldiers was never greater. Until a man or woman, boy or girl became dedicated to a larger cause or movement, Jim believed, he or she had not fully tasted the richness of life. The same human craving for belonging drew men into the rackets as into the church, and it was therefore the responsibility of Christian leaders to provide the bonds of identity, cemented with urgency of purpose, to draw the strength of America for good rather than evil. By the fifth anniversary of Dumont Clarke's work, it was time for a special celebration. The practice of the Lord's Acre had succeeded in creating new excitement in hundreds of churches. For this special occasion, Jim and Dumont really wanted to beat the drum, and so they went after one of the great political celebrities of the day, Secretary of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace, and brought �358 We Plow God's Fields him to Western North Carolina. Predictably, his appearance generated large headlines in the Asheville newspapers and stirred Jim himself to heights of excitement. Wallace had presided over some of the most controversial government farm programs in American history. Trying to decrease farm surpluses to raise the price for the farmer, his department had supervised the destruction of huge quantities of grain, paid farmers not to grow, encouraged the slaughter of piglets, all in the midst of the unprecedented hunger of the Depression. Although Jim had not approved these practices, he admired the man. Henry Wallace, standing behind the pulpit of Asheville's Central Methodist Church, spoke of the spiritual wealth in Western North Carolina. His address was entitled, "The Necessity of a Socialized Spiritual Life in the Countryside." Great Spiritual power will eventually emanate from these mountains of Western North Carolina, which will influence the whole of the United States . . . You farmers here are, perhaps, among the poorest as to material wealth, but you have a very rich life, a life that is teeming with vital potentialities. Some of the most profoundly moving spiritual forces have had birth in very small and harassed areas. You people of this mountain section, who have not been affected by the capitalistic influences of industrial areas may have a fundamental influence upon the lifting of the shadows flung far and wide by capitalistic potentates. Progress has meant to many People in our country—more especially to nations across the sea—the building up of a faith in material things that is so intense that it borders upon the side of worship. This belief, this devout, materialistic movement, spawned Communism, Fascism, Socialism and all the other "isms" now overlapping their purposes. Capitalism has influenced people to divorce their minds from spiritual things. Many city churches are under capitalistic rule. The Lord's Acre Plan carries us back toward pre-capitalistic days, to days when we had sympathy with better things.16 Out in the audience, absorbing this barrage of New Deal rhetoric, sat Douglas Stuart. He was now Chairman of the Board of the Quaker Oats Company, and Chairman of the Industrial Advisory Board of the National Recovery Administration. It was he who had actually persuaded Mr. Wallace to come. The next day, Wallace, Jim and Doug attended the Laurel Pines Baptist Church in Fairview, for a Lord's Acre rally. The Agriculture Secretary spoke and then the men climbed up Ferguson's Peak behind the McClure home. One can only wonder at the provocative discussions that bounced around between them along that trail. Elspeth McClure, who went along on the climb, was twelve and doesn't remember what they said, but she does remember cracking walnuts with Secretary Wallace on the living room hearth. Henry Wallace, Jim McClure and Douglas Stuart were confident men with strong ideas. Jim had also invited Mr. R. W. Freeman, a local farmer and one of the founders of the Federation, to add spice to the gathering. The next year, Dr. Toychiko Kagawa was the featured speaker for the Lord's Acre annual meeting, and Jim used the occasion to �OUR CHURCHES WITH THE LORD'S ACRE PLAN IDEAL: THE SPIRIT OF JESUS IN OUR LIVES THROUGH HIS WORDS AND HIS WORKS TEND FAITHFULLY THAT WHICH YOU HAVE DEVOTED UNTO THE LORD. KEEP THE WEEDS OUT. KEEP THE ALSO. WEEDS NO MAN HAVING PLOW . . . . . OUT PUT OF YOUR HIS HEART HAND TO THE Carry this folder with you — Memorize and THOUGHTFULLY repeat the verses. April-May, 19SO. Front of folder promoting the Lord's Acre Plan. �360 We Plow God's Fields THE LORD'S ACRE COVENANT PLEDGE CARD FOR ALL PROJECTS CLASS OR CHURCH GROUP Recognizing God's goodness to us and His claim upon us and especially upon our farm life, because without His sunshine and His showers all our efforts would be in vain, WE HEREBY AGREE TO BEGIN, TO DEDICATE TO THE LORD, AND TO TEND FAITHFULLY IN 193 , THE PROJECT LISTED OPPOSITE OUR NAMES, AND TO GIVE THE PROCEEDS FROM EACH PROJECT TO CHURCH Name Project Goal Started Inspected Yield Suggested projects: potatoes, corn, cotton, chickens, a pig, a calf, Sunday eggs, etc. Those working for wages may give dedicated hours of earnings; or, special business or craft projects may b* carried out. Extra lines on other aide Pledge card for the Lord's Acre Plan. evaluate Secretary Wallace in a letter to Doug Stuart. "This year Uncle Dumont had a tremendous crowd out. The freak value of a real life Jap proved a better drawing card than the Secretary of Agriculture—tho I think anyone who knew them both would give the freak award to the Secretary" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, March 22, 1936). At the same time that the Lord's Acre Movement was becoming established the Federation, with the aid of the Educational and Development Fund, spread to new towns and counties: Franklin in Macon County; Morganton in Burke County; Marion in McDowell County; Sylva in Jackson County; Tryon in Polk County; Murphy to serve Cherokee, Clay and Graham Counties; Bryson City in Swain County; Brevard in Transylvania County; Burnsville in Yancey County; and Lenoir in Caldwell County. The area serviced by the Federation, Jim McClure never tired of pointing out, was larger than the three states of Rhode Island, Connecticut and Delaware combined. At seven of the Federation's warehouses, the Federation operated feed mills to grind the farmer's corn and add the correct ingredients for whatever feed the grower needed. All of these warehouses had to be linked together by an efficient transportation system, and the State of North Carolina's highway building program was a key factor in making this possible. The expansion process created its own color, lore and heroes. Whenever enough interest seemed to justify organizing in a new location, sufficient stock would have to be sold to capitalize the new business and to interest the farmers in the Federation operation. No one could sell stock like "Uncle Church" Crow- �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 361 Left to right: James G.K. McClure, Henry Wallace, Dumont Clarke, and Doug Stuart. Photo property of the McClure Fund. ell. He had joined up with Jim McClure during the early days of the Federation, and stuck with him. He was prominent in mountain politics, having represented Buncombe County in the State legislature. He genuinely loved being thrown into a new section to sell stock to strangers. His humor and charm produced results, and a great many tales. He said he liked "to live off the land," stay in the homes and eat off the tables of those people he had come to sign up. Describing the organization of one new county, Jim McClure wrote in the News, "The year 1936 saw the Farmers Federation again expand. In the Autumn our Vice President, R. Church Crowell, together with a committee of McDowell County farmers campaigned in McDowell County and more than three hundred stockholders joined the Farmers Federation. It is said that Mr. Crowell gained twenty pounds during his stay in McDowell."17 In a speech in New York, Jim McClure described in more detail the difficulties of selling stock in the mountains, and then told a story famous in Federation circles about Mr. Crowell. When we expand into an additional county, we have a selling campaign to sell stock in our cooperative. We try to see every farmer in the county. It is a slow job selling the farmer stock. You have got to visit each one. It is a harder job to sell a fanner $10 worth of stock than to sell a $1,000 bond in New York. You have to go and talk with him the first time and he will tell you he will think �sr } >&•'$ ,,-.^v *1 ^» MP i "vm PI w W*-' ...... �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 363 about it, then you have to go back and remember the names of his children, his dog and his pig. It takes three or four visits. We have one man who is extremely good at talking to the farmers—our vice president, Mr. Crowell— and I want to say that all the people running this enterprise are mountain people who have grown up with it. Three or four months ago, a woman, a widow, came to my office. Our people had been out on a stock-selling campaign in the county in which she lived. She said, "Mr. McClure, I have brought ten dollars to buy a share of stock and I want to get it right now. Mr. Crowell came out about three weeks ago and came to my house about eleven o'clock in the morning and started talking about the Farmers Federation. He stayed until dinner time and I had to ask him to sit down to eat dinner and he ate the biggest meal I have ever seen." Then she said, "He went away, but he came back about a week later and wanted to know if I had had time to study about it, and he again talked about an hour about the Farmers Federation. Then it got to be dinner time and I had to ask him to take dinner again, and he ate another tremendous big meal/' and she said, "I want to pay my ten dollars before he comes back another time."18 After this speech, someone asked Jim a very pertinent question, "Can you succeed in getting practically all the farmers in?" He replied: No, we get about 300 members in each county. Out of perhaps 1,500 farmers in a county, we get the best farmers. A great many of our farmers simply cannot get up ten dollars. We let them pay in eggs, chickens or any kind of produce. We deal with non-members as well as members, because the ones we want to do the most for are the ones that can't get up the ten dollars.19 But if a man had the cash, chances were that "Uncle Church" would get it for his Federation. Another story that circulated about him took place during the drive to sign up stockholders in Swain County. [Uncle Church] . . . had a black Ford that used a quart of oil a day . . . He was driving along by himself one rainy day when he spotted a big fire burning by the side of the road. There were men working nearby, and Uncle Church, thinking that it was one of Swain County's WPA road improvement projects, stopped to warm himself and to inquire if there were any good prospects living nearby. The Foreman greeted him cordially, "Step right up and take all the fire you can stand," he urged. "We'll be having lunch directly. Be glad to have you eat with us." This sounded pretty good to Uncle Church, who was a big eater. "I don't want to take away you boys' dinner," he said. But the foreman was strong in his invitation. "No, sir, we got a-plenty. You just wait about fifteen minutes." Pretty soon the men came in from their various tasks, and they ate lunch Opposite: Members of the Lowell Pines Baptist Church (Fairview, N.C.) plant l'/4 acres of potatoes for their Lord's Acre Plan, 1938. ��The Farmers Federation and the Depression 365 and drank coffee around the fire. It was a dark day, and Mr. Crowell was unable to see clearly many of the four around him, but he decided to try selling a little stock to the group anyway. "I've eat dinner off you boys," he said. "Now I'm going to give you something in return. I'm going to make you a speech about the Farmers Federation. "Fine," said the Foreman. A speech about anything would brighten up life in this remote corner. So Mr. Crowell turned lose with a burst of oratory about the Federation. When he finished he said, "Now, I want you boys to take some stock in the Farmers Federation. It'll be the best investment you've ever made. $10 a share, and its the only stock in North Carolina paying 6 percent." "You can put me down for five shares," said the foreman. "I'll take ten dollars worth," chimed in a man who looked like the assistant foreman. "Give me two shares," came a voice in the back. "That's fine boys, Fine," exclaimed Mr. Crowell. "Let me have your names and I'll put you down on this list.. . Now when are you going to pay me for this stock? I'll be glad to take it now, and that will leave you plenty of time to make more before Christmas. Your dividends begin as soon as you pay for your stock. On January 1st you'll get a green check from the Farmers Federation, Incorporated." "Here's fifty dollars for mine," said the foreman, fumbling in his overalls for his wallet, which had a rubber band tied around it. "I'll pay you my ten first of the month," the assistant foreman declared. "I just got through paying my taxes, and that likes to break a man." "How about you, my good man?" Uncle Church asked the man at the rear of the circle who had subscribed for twenty dollars. "Well," the man replied, "The state's got me for thirty years, but I'll pay you as quick as I can after that." Uncle Church had sold to a member of the Chain Gang.20 Once the money was in hand on a stock drive, the warehouse was constructed, and a grand opening planned. In a letter to his son, Jim McClure describes the opening of the Brevard warehouse. Yesterday was a big day—Hitting Asheville about 8, the General Staff of the Federation including the high powered mayor of Bee Tree [Allan Coggins], the fiddlers, the Redoubtable Rotha, Senator Browning, Uncle Dumont and Guy Sales all entrained for Brevard, where at ten o'clock we had a rousing opening of our 17th warehouse. The place was crowded, and some 250 stood up under the barrage, the Senator pulling his well tried stories out of the bag—and all meeting with success—We elected a committee of 10, had lunch with them at 12 o'clock, loaded up again and set out for Fairview Siding. (James G. K. McClure, Jr., to Jamie McClure, date unknown) Opposite: "Uncle Church" Crowell and a group of boy scouts. They raised an acre of tomatoes which brought $145.45 to the Acton Church in Buncombe County in 1942. �366 We Plow God's Fields The purpose behind all of these efforts was, to use Jim's apt slogan to "Help the Mountaineer Help Himself." When raising money for the Educational and Development Fund he never failed to contrast his own programs, which created new wealth, with those of the federal government during the New Deal, which he felt were designed only to divide up existing wealth. His appeal to successful businessmen and their wives in the Northeast for contributions always stressed the independence and the hard-working nature of the mountaineer, traits that held a high place in the values of the American business community. Jim also emphasized the ancestral bond between the Anglo-Saxon Protestants of Western North Carolina and their counterparts up north. He implied that both groups had inherited the same qualities. Anglo-Saxon Protestants believed in the supernatural power of the Creator and in the ability of representative government to protect personal freedom. He convinced his audiences that if the mountaineer was only given the education and the opportunity he, too, would create an economic miracle. Jim was incredibly successful at raising money to develop productive schemes in the region, and to educate the farmers in the new agricultural ways of the twentieth century. The Federation News remained Jim's primary educational tool. With time, the information became increasingly technical and complex, as the farmers learned the vocabulary of their occupation. 0. J. Holler of Union Mills contributed a well-informed column for several years, one he unabashedly called "Master Farmer of Rutherford County." For more than thirty years, Professor S. C. Clapp of Buncombe County, originally the director of the state test farm in Swannanoa and later an officer in the Federation, contributed a knowledgeable column in each issue. After leaving the test farm, he was hired by the Federation as head of its Seed Department. Always, the information stressed scientific management, and the latest in agricultural studies. Reliable ideas were scarce in Western North Carolina, and the Federation aimed to make such knowledge readily accessible. The News also promoted the programs of the Federation, and included a column devoted to women and home economics by Tillie Rotha, a daughter of the Forest Products Department Manager. Elizabeth McClure contributed an anonymous column called "Garden Notes." In 1935 a new and more direct form of education was launched by the Federation. Jim McClure had always wanted to operate a vocational school to train the most promising young men in the region in the business of cooperative agriculture. In many ways, the Farmers Federation Training School was a forerunner of the technical colleges the State of North Carolina would develop much later. The Training School could educate only a few boys at first. They received a thorough and practical education in both agriculture and business. In January of 1937, the members of the third class of the Federation Training School gathered to begin thek year's course. The courses of study include business law, salesmanship, bookkeeping, and a study of the Farmers Federation and the farm cooperative movement. �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 367 In addition to these courses of study, the boys have lectures on many subjects, such as the ones listed below. (a) Seeds, dealing with germination, purity, and sources of different kinds of seeds . .. (b) Insecticides, covering a study of the insect pests, blights, and plant diseases. (c) Marketing of different farm products. (d) Demonstrations in setting up and servicing farm machinery. (e) The religious aspects of the farm cooperative, with practical work in the Lord's Acre Movement. In addition to these lectures, the boys will have practical work all during the year in the different departments of the Farmers Federation, half the time being devoted to study and half the time to securing practical experience . . . This school is attracting wide attention, as it appears to be the first school in the State to train young men in the practical workings of a community service organization like the Farmers Federation.21 One of the young men in the class of 1939 was Don Ramsey, from Cherokee County, the western-most section of North Carolina. He remembers graduating from high school, and finding out that there just were not any jobs for an unskilled eighteen-year-old. He had heard about the interviews for the Training Schools and went down to the Murphy warehouse to find out if he qualified. All the candidates had to be farm boys with superior high school records. Don made the grade, and went to Asheville the following fall. The school was located in the Federation headquarters on Roberts Street, and all the boys roomed at "Ma" Ramsey's place nearby. Bed and board was $7 a week, which gobbled up most of the Federation check of $40 a month each received for the work that was part of the curriculum. The Federation hoped to train young men who would stay with the cooperative after graduating from the training school.22 Don Ramsey became one of the most outstanding warehouse managers, and eventually took over the Federation operation in Murphy. Each of the Federation warehouses competed directly with other feed, seed and hardware businesses. There was always a push to increase volume and profit. The Federation tried to maintain a price edge on the local competition, but oftentimes was out-maneuvered and lost customers. The Federation was well known for its quality seeds and liberal credit as well, and tried to make use of the yearly patronage refund for each customer's business total as an incentive to shop with the Federation. Don Ramsey felt that the reputation of fine seeds helped to draw in loyal customers. Jim McClure had worked with the North Carolina Extension Service and the State Department of Agriculture to make sure that the cooperative handled only the best seeds. Many times farmers were tempted to purchase shoddy seeds for a bargain price, and Jim McClure warned his readers about such false economy in the News. There is only one kind of seed that it pays the farmer to sow and this is the best seed, with the highest germination and free from obnoxious weed seeds. �368 We Plow God's Fields Low grade seed . . . will not only be followed by a poor and scattering crop but may so infest a field with damaging weeds that it will take years of work to remove the pests. . . . Whenever seed prices are high, there always comes out of old cellars and old storehouses a lot of low-grade seed which is offered cheap on the market... It has been our observation that the best farmers, the farmers who make money year after year, are very particular to hunt for and buy the best seed obtainable .. .23 It was not until 1937 that the Federation once again felt strong enough to pay a patronage dividend to its customers. Jim McClure hoped that the resumption of these payments would boost sales through the warehouses, and so asked the farmers to redeem the coupons they had received at the time of each transaction during the past year. Rather than pay out cash, the Federation gave each customer credit towards a $10 share of stock. These patronage refunds had been dropped after 1923, when the organization was facing a severe credit squeeze, which was exacerbated by the central warehouse fire of 1925. With the announcement that the patronage refund rate would be 2 1/2 percent on business done in 1937, Jim reminded everyone to keep their coupons. No matter what incentives were offered to the customers, the balance between success and failure at each warehouse was determined by the ability of each manager and his assistants. The Federation had to push hard to make use of its large buying power, its economy of scale, while at the same time making each warehouse outlet as friendly as a family-owned feed and seed store. A change of personnel was often a touchy operation. The management had to gauge not only the business acumen of an individual, but also his popularity among the patrons. The store in Hendersonville was one of the strongest links in the business chain, and in 1938 its longtime manager, Mr. C. H. T. Bly, decided to retire. Jim McClure worked out an advisory position for him in Tryon, so that the Federation could give him a place to live and a small income to live on. But among Mr. Ely's old customers, the plan did not sit well at all. A groundswell of protest erupted until he was returned to Hendersonville to placate those men and women who were accustomed to "trading" with him. The results were explained in an article in the News. "When Mr. Ely's many friends and customers in Henderson County learned of this proposed move they put up a tremendous outcry against it. Requests that Mr. Bly remain in Henderson County were so numerous that the Directors arranged to retain him at the Hendersonville Warehouse. He will be relieved of the responsibilities of management, but Mr. Bly will be at the Warehouse and ready with his advice and counsel, on which the people of the territory depend."24 One could never underestimate the fierce loyalty the mountaineers felt for their favorite storekeepers. In 1938, Jim McClure was relieved of his duties as general manager of the daily operations of all the Federation warehouses by the appointment of Guy Sales, a carefiil businessman, to this important position. He had been working �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 369 for the Federation since 1922, when he was first engaged as a bookkeeper. Mr. Sales was a thorough man who relied less on morale boosting and good will, and more on disciplined policies carefully carried out. No one understood the inner workings of the cooperative better than he did, having been the sole auditor for most of its existence. He watched as the poultry business grew from a black pot at the Fairview Siding into a million dollar enterprise. He understood the financial weaknesses and strengths of the Federation. For instance, he knew that money was to be made in selling feed to broiler producers, even if money was lost when the birds were marketed. The profits justified the losses. He knew the importance of cash management. Cash flow was often preserved, for instance, by delaying the payment of bills outstanding to the fertilizer and feed companies. "They'd holler a lot of times," he recalls, but the Federation account was one that was too large to drop. Guy Sales also had to try to hold down the flow of credit out of each store, and finally began charging excess amounts against the paychecks of the managers. He hounded the managers to collect those overdue bills from the customers. These hard-nosed policies made the Federation a healthier business enterprise, and Jim McClure was able to devote more effort and time to fund-raising, promotion and expansion.25 Jim's business abilities ran in the direction of creating incentives and devising innovative approaches. He loved contests and prizes, and each year would offer $100 in gold to the manager who could increase his sales percentage the most over a year's time. He also concocted little contests to keep up employee morale, such as the hot competition that grew up over which warehouse could unload a boxcar of fertilizer the fastest. Jim had another vision for helping mountain people to a better life. He wanted to bring industries into Western North Carolina, so that one or two members of every family could earn some cash to supplement the farm income. He wrote men like Henry Ford, urging them to build plants in his district.26 Two very large plants built by Champion Fibre and American Enka, were built and became the beginning of the industrialization of the mountains. Jim decided there was a need for small manufacturing projects and pushed ahead to start some, on his own, in order to create wages where they could not otherwise be earned. At the Fairview Siding, women were hired to make blouses, shirts, uniforms and even rag dolls in what was known as the Federation Sewing Room.27 Later the "sewing room" spawned a uniform company known as "On Duty Clothes," under Federation management. In Henderson County, the cannery operation came to employ between 50 and 150 people, nearly all women, during the harvest season (from July to October). Under the Carolina Sunshine label, the Federation marketed its most unique product, yellow tomato juice, along with canned beans, tomatoes and okra. There was even a brief attempt to can grits, but that product went the way of all bad ideas. The Educational and Development Fund helped to promote a small toy shop in Tryon for a brief period. Most of these projects straggled to �370 We Plow God's Fields show a profit, especially during the Depression. But Jim McClure kept trying to devise schemes for making money in the mountains, and his imagination and courage left few opportunities untried. His goal, largely realized today, was to provide enough opportunities to earn wages so that the families of Western North Carolina could remain on their farms, proud and independent. By design, most of his employment ideas involved women. He felt great pity for them out on their little farms, trapped by the drudgery of their subsistence lives. Jim liked to explain the plight of the mountain woman with a story he told often and well. We are trying to find something that the mountain women can make in their homes and sell, because if these mountain women can earn a little money it will change their whole outlook on life . . . In certain ways, there is no more tragic figure on the American scene . . . The average mountain woman has to cook something like one thousand and ninety-five meals a year, and then when January 1st comes around she has to start right over again and cook another thousand and ninety-five meals. They never get away from home. We thought if we could get a little money in their hands it would mean a great deal to them. They tell a story about the mountain woman that illustrates better than I can tell you the condition of things. A mountain family received a letter from a lawyer stating that the family had been left a legacy of eight hundred dollars. They all gathered around the fire in their log cabin to decide what they would do with that money. The old man thought he would buy a new rifle, the oldest boy thought he would buy a bicycle and one of the boys was going to buy a victrola, the daughter thought she would take a trip to Asheville, she had never been there before; and when they decided what each member of the family would do, there was a pause. They heard the dishes rattling in the kitchen and they remembered their mother, who was doing all the work and washing up all the dishes, and they said, "What will we get for Maw?" They commenced to think, and finally one of the sons had a bright idea, and he said, "Let's get Maw a new axe."28 He liked to calculate not only the number of meals cooked, but also the number of miles a mother travelled in a year to carry water for her family. These figures spoke eloquently enough of the hard lives these women led. It was usually the mother who yearned for a more civilized, more prosperous life for her children. Jim felt that creating work for these mothers, outside or in the home, would open up new possibilities in the lives of the women and their families. He began, like many Northerners before him, to encourage the production and sale of mountain crafts. Knitters, basket weavers, hooked rug producers, and others, were brought together, given quality control guidelines, and put to work. These items usually brought in precious little money for the hours of work that went into making them, but at that time any money was better than none at all. More important, perhaps, was that these women came in touch with other people, both other craftsmen and those living far away who bought what they had made. Moreover, the money received represented self-esteem, and the �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 371 chance to buy something for themselves more fitting than a new axe. The Federation eventually set up a Home Industries Division that would market everything from sorghum molasses to picnic baskets to corn meal to handknitted bed jackets. Jim wrote to Hetty urging her " . . . to buy sweaters from the English Knit Shop in Lake Forest. This is Helen FarwelFs Shop. They are giving us a very nice business and I am suggesting that you go in and demand North Carolina sweaters and buy till it hurts, and then keep on buying!" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, February 3, 1937). Jim had once more brought his old world and his new one in touch with one another. In 1939, Jim steadied himself to gather together his thoughts. What were, realistically, the possibilities for future life in Western North Carolina? Armed, as usual, with reams of statistics, he argued in a paper for the Pen and Plate Club for the "remaking" of his mountain region. He believed that from the potentials of manpower and resources a new basis for civilization was possible in the area. He began by complimenting his fellow Pen and Plate Club members on their intellectual prowess, while simultaneously warning them that his address would be a great deal more prosaic than poetic. The subject I have selected for your attention this evening is "Remaking Western North Carolina." I bring this subject to your attention because it presents not only a local problem, but the type of problem that is facing all communities in the United States . . . In the development of America the time has come when we must turn to the improving or building up of our own communities. As we hear so frequently, the frontier is gone . . . Opportunity was unlimited, but it was always found by moving on. A pioneer could take up land, kill off the fish and game near his cabin, skim the fertility off the soil and then move on to the frontier again and homestead another tract of land .. . The frontier dominated American thinking and now the frontier has gone, and America finds herself faced with an entirely different task. That task is to develop our own communities with the same drive and energy and determination and daring, with which we have developed the unexplored frontier . . . To bring this matter right home to us I want tonight to talk about our own community—Western North Carolina . . . The people of Western North Carolina are chiefly rural people. The population of the 18 counties in 1930 was 390,359, of whom 73,516 were urban, which means that 81% of the population is rural. .. . . . During the past twenty years, changes have come . . . Excellent roads have opened up the entire territory, penetrating and connecting up even the most inaccessible sections. Tremendous improvement has been made in the State school system, and High School opportunity has been placed within reach of nearly all the boys and girls. Some new industries have come into this territory, bringing their life-giving pay rolls and followed by a higher standard of living . . . we really need thirty or forty times as many as we have. I also want to point out in considering our subject that we have in this mountain territory one asset of very high value. A few days ago I had the privilege of having lunch with General Wood, of Sears Roebuck, and Henry �372 We Plow God's Fields Ford. General Wood spent some time in telling Mr. Ford that America's most precious resource was in the South. He referred to the young people under 21. North Carolina has roughly twice as many young people—under 21—as Illinois in proportion to population. And this mountain region is particularly rich in this precious asset of the human race—children . . . Lest we think that good roads, industries, and schools have solved this problem [of farm income] during these years, I want to present to you recent figures. [1937]. These figures of income and outgo [are] an average of 59 TVA demonstration farms in one of our counties. These are taken as average farms, and careful accounts kept . . . the average of these 59 demonstration farms is 54 acres . . . Of the 54 acres—11 will be in crops, 5 in meadow, 15 in open pasture, 21 in woods pasture and 2 in buildings, garden, roads, etc. The average livestock will be 1 horse or mule, a pig, 40 chickens . . . The total income is $486.81. The total farm expense is $437.25, leaving net cash of $49.56 for the cash needs of a family of six for one year. Gentlemen, let your mind rest on that figure a moment, $49.56, for a family of 6 for a year. Why, a sickness, or a burial, would wipe it out in one day. What about books? What about subscriptions to a paper? What about a winter coat for the wife? What about a few toys for the children at Christmas? They are out, gentlemen, completely out. May I remind you, in posing this problem, that these people in this territory are practically 100% the old American stock. It is one of the only areas in the South where there are few negroes—less that 10% of our population being colored and in the rural districts very much less than that. . . Jim McClure proceeds to sort through the bewildering list of New Deal programs and their impact on Western North Carolina. By 1939, he was quite disillusioned with Franklin Roosevelt, and the federal debt that he had built up paying for his "alphabet" projects. But he was fair to point out the benefits of new roads, agricultural loan programs, low-cost fertilizer from the TVA, and the bold thrust to promote soil and water conservation. He then concluded with these remarks. And now I want to revert to my subject, "Remaking Western North Carolina," and to the question I posed. Reminding you of our low income farmer with a net cash income of $49.56 per year, and reminding you of a lack of income so general that in Swain County 82% of the population are certified as needing relief. What can we do about this problem? How can it be solved? How can civilization be remade and opportunity of development created? In the first place we must note that many of these Federal expenditures are only of a temporary nature. They cannot continue because they are expenditures of debt, not of income, and regardless of their merit they cannot continue on this scale. Those that are worth retaining can only be retained if we balance our national budget. This spending spree will be stopped by the people of the United States voluntarily and with courage, or it will be stopped involuntarily by our credit giving o u t . . . In the second place the farm activities described are building up the soil, improving practices and improving conditions. �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 373 In the third place the emergency government programs are not building any permanent income. The money runs off as fast as the rain runs off our mountains. In the fourth place in a section like ours, of low incomes and no capital, we must create markets, develop industries, and develop services for which money can be received. For these things we must accumulate capital. We must save up capital and invest it in our own enterprise and in our own communities. We have the population, but we have very few constructive enterprises being developed. And what we need above all is men and women who will spend their lives developing our communities or developing a small industry—who will make that their life work. And we must not forget to conserve the spiritual resources of this territory. No word of that in [the] Federal program, everything [is] on the material basis. In all this gigantic machinery of Federal spending in all its roar and confusion, we can hear scarcely a note of the spiritual, and it will always be true that "man cannot live by bread alone." It will be out of spiritual development and insight and motive that new life will come to this community.29 Despite Jim's personal ambivalence about many aspects of Roosevelt's New Deal, the Federation certainly benefited from the favorable climate for cooperatives that existed during these years. Public attitudes toward the idea of cooperatives swung back and forth, from the notion that anyone promoting such enterprises was tending toward socialism; to its opposite, that cooperatives provided a much superior business model when compared with traditional profit capitalism. After 1930, the pendulum swung decidedly towards the latter opinion. But general public acceptance was only one of the results that benefited Jim's work. Legislation on many levels provided specific aids and incentives to cooperatives. A bank was organized with government capital, designed specifically to loan money to operations like the Farmers Federation. The branch that served Western North Carolina, the Columbia Bank for Cooperatives, became a willing source of cash, and strengthened the financial position of the Federation immeasurably. Another institution, the Farm Credit Cooperative Bank of Washington, lent money as well. The crown jewel of the New Deal, the Tennessee Valley Authority, encompassed a large part of the Federation territory. The TVA assisted farmers through demonstration projects using low cost, high analysis fertilizers. These fertilizers are now widely used on a commercial basis. The Soil Conservation Service was one more federal agency that helped mountain farmers improve their land during these years. Jim McClure helped organize the Soil and Water Conservation District in his area. Because farm commodity prices remained low during the thirties, the Federation's profits were scarce. Moreover, many of his Fund contributors were hit hard by the stock market crash, making that source of capital more uncertain. But Jim didn't quit trying. He wrote to Hetty, "Dumont and I are trying to take money away from the tight fisted money barons and economic Royalists of Wall St. D is a huge help, he has a campaign spirit on him that bids fair to high �374 We Plow God's Fields pressure Wall St. just as he has high-pressured the mountaineer" (James F. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet McClure Stuart, October 10, 1936). With help from these sources, the Federation did expand into new counties, and with new services. The tobacco and forest products projects remained healthy operations through the thirties, while Jim McClure worked to improve the income of dairymen through the Blue Ridge Milk Producers' Association. By the end of the Depression, the Farmers Federation's sales began to approach the million dollar mark, a figure that had been reached only once before, in 1929. Volume had increased steadily through the Depression years, but soft prices kept the dollar total low. Despite all the discouragements, year in and year out, Jim McClure never wavered in his determination to push the organization to the limits of its capacity in order to fulfill its destiny of "Helping the mountain farmers to help themselves." 1. Minutes of the Farmers Federation, Meeting held January 21, 1931, p. 95., Book no. 1, "December 9, 1926 through April 18, 1934." 2. James G. K. McClure, Jr., personal financial statement, January 1, 1931, his personal account book. 3. James G. K. McClure, Jr., Farmers Federation News, January 1930. 4. Farmers Federation News, August, 1930. 5. James G. K. McClure, Jr., Yale Alumni Weekly, December 30, 1932. 6. Interview with Mr. Guy Sales. 7. Interview with James McClure Clarke. 8. Thomas Wolfe, You Can't Go Home Again (New York: Scribners, 1934). 9. Farmers Federation News, March 1927. 10. James G. K. McClure, Jr., Farmers Federation News, February 1930. 11. James G. K. McClure, Jr., speech on the Farmers Federation, given September 10, 1935, and transcribed in "Proceedings of the New York Farmers, 1934-1935 Season," New York, 1935, p. 14. 12. Ibid., p. 15. 13. James G. K. McClure, Jr., sermon, "Something is Moving in the Countryside." 14. James G. K. McClure, Jr., speech on the Lord's Acre, date and place unknown. 15. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "Rackets and the Public," unpublished paper written in the early 1930s. 16. Henry A. Wallace, quoted in the Asheville Citizen-Times, Sunday, February 24, 1935. 17. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "The Seventeenth Year," Farmers Federation News, August, 1937, p. 7. 18. Op Cit., New York Farmers, p. 16. 19. Ibid., p. 18. Question asked by Mr. James Henry Hammond. 20. James McClure Clarke, anecdote written in personal notebook. 21. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "News from the Front," Farmers Federation News, February 1937, p. 4. 22. Interview with Mr. Don Ramsey, March 20, 1981. 23. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "News from the Front," Farmers Federation News, February, 1937, p. 4. �The Farmers Federation and the Depression 375 24. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "News from the Front," Farmers Federation News, September 1938, p. 13. 25. Interview with Mr. Guy Sales. 26. letter from the Ford Motor Company to James G. K. McClure, Jr. 1922 (exact date unknown.) 27. Interview with Mrs. Ethel Williams, February 2, 1982. 28. Op Cit., New York Farmers, p. 13. 29. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "Remaking Western North Carolina," speech given at the Pen and Plate Club, Asheville, 1939. �Chapter Eighteen The Picnics* How do you do everybody, How are you? It's the Farmers Federation greeting you. Now we hope you're feeling fine, And we'll have a great big time. How do you do- do- do- do- do- do-? (Written and sung by Gaither Robinson) For more than twenty years, the Farmers Federation picnics were a joyful mixture of entertainment and education for countless people in Western North Carolina. A picnic was a day of friendship and goodwill, held once a year in a high school or courthouse in each county served by the Federation. The purpose of these gatherings was twofold: to educate people about the programs offered by the Federation, and to encourage the musical talent of the mountains, both string players and choirs and quartets from rural churches. Here was an outlet and an audience for many talented local performers in the days before organized recreation and television. The idea for the picnics doubtless grew out of the Federation stockholders' meetings, which were held at night in each warehouse during early spring, just before planting time. Jim McClure and Guy Sales, the general manager, reported on the progress of business, and the Farmers Federation String Band played a few numbers. Usually only farmers who were seriously committed to supporting the cooperative attended, often with wives and children. These were small, cozy meetings, with chairs drawn up near the heater among the shelves of groceries, and baby chicks chirping from stacked up cages in the corner of the warehouse. Chicks were given as door prizes and made a great hit. After the business there was often a little buck dancing by male members of the audience before coffee and doughnuts were handed round. Jim wanted this kind of program available to larger audiences. Buck dancing was a traditional dance in the mountains done exclusively by men (at least in public). The steps have evolved into what is now called clogging. The first picnic occurred in the early thirties. They gradually became large gatherings that anywhere from 800 to 1,000 people might attend, sometimes *This chapter is written in cooperation with and with the invaluable assistance of James McClure's daughter, Elspeth McClure Clarke. 376 �The Picnics 377 Gaither Robinson (banjo), Johnny Rhymer (fiddle) and "Panhandle Pete'1 playing for a Farmers Federation Warehouse meeting. Photo property of the McClure Fund. even more. The Farmers Federation String Band was the mainstay of entertainment, but an amazing array of local performers always showed up. Every summer there would be three or four especially good acts, and these performers would be asked to attend some or all of the picnics the next year, while receiving a small stipend to cover expenses. Jim often talked about "the great reservoir of musical talent in the Southern mountains" and loved both the string music and the church singing with which he had become so familiar as he attended many different country churches. He used to say you never heard a sour note in the mountains. A picnic began officially at ten o'clock. To reach places at the eastern edge of the Federation territory like Morganton and Lenoir, or far to the west like Murphy and Hayesville, the McClure family had to leave home by five thirty or six. Elizabeth was not an early morning person, but she got up gamely and Jim would cheerfully make breakfast, urging everyone all the while to hurry. The McClures usually carried a performer or two with them. Gaither Robinson, banjo picker and lead singer of the Farmers Federation String Band for many years, used to sit sideways on the back seat of the car and play and sing to while away the hours on the road. Jim would call for one number after another. It was a wonder Gaither wasn't hoarse before he ever reached the picnic. There were always people gathered on the school grounds and even a few expectantly sitting in the auditorium or court room when the McClure's arrived. Two or three daughters of Federation employees greeted people as they entered �378 We Plow God's Fields the building, pinning on yellow picnic tags and urging them to come right up and take a good seat. In later years Jim's two granddaughters would help, too. Jim mounted the stage dressed in white shirt and "ice cream pants," his picnic uniform, to start the program. He was never late, except twice. Once he had two blowouts on the way over Soco Gap to Bryson City. And once he arrived at the Burnsville picnic, always held on the fourth of July to open the season, both a few minutes late and wearing dark pants. His four-year-old granddaughter Annie (now the wife of the author of this book), had been sick in his lap on the way. Her birthday was July third and the combination of birthday cake, firecrackers, mountain roads and the first picnic was hard on the digestion of such a small trouper. Different musicians played in the Federation Band over the years, but Gaither Robinson was always there. Jim began the day by introducing the band and calling on Mr. Robinson to greet the audience with a song called "How Do You Do?" Gaither had springy white hair and wore steel-rimmed spectacles. He always looked newly scrubbed and earnest. His voice was high and distinct and he dead-panned the funny lines in such a way that all his songs became comic. The audience felt relaxed and cozy the minute he began to sing: How do you do everybody, How are you? It's the Farmers Federation greeting you Now we hope you're feeling fine, And we'll have a great big time. How do you do- do- do- do- do- do-? The morning program featured string music interspersed with talks on farming and programs of the cooperative. Jim McClure and Dumont Clarke always spoke, as well as other officers of the cooperative and usually a local representative of the State Agriculture Extension Service. The Federation band started the program off with several numbers and remained in the wings ready to fill in if necessary, but many local performers always turned up in the course of the morning to register with Jim as he sat at a table on one side of the stage. As local worthies arrived he would interrupt the program to recognize them. "Here comes Mr. Winslow Burgin, one of our Farmers Federation directors," he would say. "We're all glad to see him and we want you to come right up here and sit on the stage." Or "Sheriff Hines, we know we'll have a good picnic today with you here to keep order. Step right up on the platform with us!" If he could not remember some name he would send out a runner to find out. Soon everyone in the audience felt they were a personal friend of Jim McClure's, and part of the show. The membership of the string band changed occasionally. Fender Rector was fiddler until the early forties, a stocky little man with a big grin who always encouraged young performers. Johnny Rhymer followed him, himself one of the young performers Fender had encouraged, and he became a legend in the �The Picnics 379 mountains, playing as fast in 1989 as he did in 1943. He played old English fiddle tunes like "Bonaparte's Retreat" or the latest tune from Nashville and he always got an audience into the swing. Jim understood how important it is to keep a program moving, and since the possible performers were an unpredictable group, changing from picnic to picnic and from year to year, this required an imaginative approach and a sure feel for the mood of the audience. When Elspeth began to help at the picnics, her job was to line up performers and speakers in the wings of the stage ready to appear when he called them. In later years, when Jim's nephew Jamie Clarke ran the picnics, he, too, understood how important it was to keep speeches short. Once he surreptitiously sent one of his small sons, Dumont, to offer a speaker a cookie, which effectively checked him in the midst of an oratorical flight. The picnic audience was a fluid mass. Everyone felt perfectly free to leave the auditorium when the spirit moved. People were constantly arriving to swell the crowd, while others were going out, not to leave the picnic, but to cool off outside, or talk with a friend perhaps not seen since last year, or to try to find a family member temporarily lost in the confusion. As people left their seats others came in to take their places in the hot, stuffy auditorium. Little girls would sit obediently with their mothers; but little boys moved in independent, unpredictable groups. Often they were dressed up in white shirts and clean bib overalls— "mean little oF boys," Max Roberts, picnic director, and head of the Federation Training School, called them. If people sensed the least threat of boredom in a speech, an exodus would begin. First a group of "little oF boys" in the front row would leave, then a woman with a baby, soon followed by a mother with several children. A portly man would rise in the center of the hall and push his way out to stride up the aisle toward the doors, soon followed by a whole group of men and women, until the house was half empty. The unfortunate speaker droned hopelessly on, almost drowned out by the tread of heavy feet. Jim was a natural showman and he quickly learned to intersperse the educational parts of the program with audience-riveting entertainers. "Next we're going to hear Johnny Rhymer play 'Home, Sweet Home' on the balloon," he would announce. "But just before he comes on we're going to hear a few words from Professor Smith, who knows more than any one in Western North Carolina about this new hybrid corn." The crowd squirmed a little, but no one wanted to lose a seat just before Johnny Rhymer came on. A "walk out" was always a threat, keeping the maestro on his toes. When Jamie McClure, Jamie Clarke and later Elspeth were away serving in the Navy in World War II Elizabeth wrote letters to them describing the picnics. She could write very fast, describing the performances just as it was happening. �380 We Plow God's Fields Audience at the annual Yancey County Picnic of the Farmers Federation, July 4, 1942. "Darling Elfie," she began one such letter, It's a lovely day—cool and crisp with floating whipped cream clouds and the countryside fresh and green after a good shower yesterday. Corwith [Cramer] and Corwith's friend John Compton, . . . are here for the picnic season as lemonade boys," We are packed into the Buick with Betty Huntley, Daddy and I. Betty is playing, "Oh, what a Beautiful Morning," and the day looks promising, with picnickers streaming along the road towards Burnsville school house . . . I shall try to give you a running account of the picnic as the events of the day move along. Mr. Wilson Edwards, who is the Chairman of the Farmers Federation in Yancey [County], has just opened up by turning the meeting over to "Mr. McClure." "Mr. Clarke [Rev. Dumont Clarke] is making a very fine prayer and now Daddy is introducing Norman Barnett [manager of the Burnsville warehouse] and the other members of the warehouse [team] . . . Now! Mr. Robinson [is] singing, "How do you do?" (He looks more immaculate than ever—simply shining). Mrs. Elizabeth Anglin, a very sprightly young blonde on the plump side, is swirling through "The Old Age Pension Check Comes to Our Door."* *Here are two verses of the song, very popular that summer: When the old age pension check comes to our door Then Grandma won't be lonesome any more They'll be waiting at the gate, Every night she'll have a date When the old age pension check comes to our door. �The Picnics . . . [Next] the Drake [Sisters] four teenage girls, part Indian, with black eyes and flashing smiles, always escorted and accompanied on the piano by their father. They were a "hit" [last year] and so were invited to attend several picnics with us ... A little speech from Joy (the oldest) who is introducing the different members. Joy has put up her hair and looks quite different but the singing is just as much of a knock-out as ever. Little Bunny's voice is even more tremendous! I think they sang a hymn but it was all expressed in very fine jazz time to which the ever ready toe of the audience lent instant tapping response. They are now giving an encore of "Comin' in on a Wing and a Prayer" with perfectly super harmonies and much feeling, a good slow tempo and much dragging of the key words. The audience is sitting pop-eyed. Now they are changing the tempo and doing some very complicated harmonizing, very fast and effective. (Mr. Drake at the piano is really something to see— slick and jaunty. He always has a slight air of the race track about him, to me!) Betty Huntley in a green and white striped dress . . . is singing, "Oh, What a Beautiful Mornin'." She has a truly, lovely voice and the song "suits it." Next we are going to have the "Wabash Cannon Ball" sung by two Yancey County performers. The boy has sandy hair and a penetrating, tight mountain voice. Fender Rector is "helping" with the fiddle and the Cannon Ball is really going to town. People are coming in in streams. The building is already full—and the day only starting. [Now] little Gene Boone is singing "Gro-u-nd Hawg"—a most wonderful version mat he undoubtedly learned from his grandfather as he sings it in the traditional half singing—half talking fashion of the pioneer, with a wonderful drag and slur and melancholy whine to Gr-aa-o-und Haw-g that is just inimitable.** Betty Huntley is at it again, singing "The San Fernando Valley" hi the best radio style. Mr. Bailey for the Farm Security organization is about to speak. There is a menacing movement from the rear which may or may not be a "walk out." Mr. Bailey is struggling to get en rapport with his audience. So far no luck. It's all copy book stuff. Yancey County is definitely bored. But it's over now. I'm afraid his message didn't grip. Now another Mr. Bailey is giving another message from the Farm Security organization which turns out to be a series of remarkable animal noises: an old hen, a superlative midnight cat, baby chicks at all stages of development, a rooster that was absolutely triumphant in his crowing. The crowd is just amazed. Now, Mr. Bailey is getting in a little farming stuff. He's good. Very direct and clear. "Produce more, on less All the drug stores will go busted on that day, And cosmetics they will all go out to stay, Faded cheeks will be the rage, And old maids will tell their age, When the old age pension check comes to our door. **Here comes Sal with a giggle and a grin, Here comes Sal with a giggle and a grin, Ground Hawg grease all over her chin. Gr—o—u—nd Haw—g, Gr—oo—uu—nd Haw—g. 381 �382 We Plow God's Fields Claude Boone, Betty Jean Boone and Eugene Boone, Caldwell County Picnic, Kings Creek School, August 7, 1943. ground." Now he's doing Bob White and Lady Bob White, the Song Sparrow, the Cardinal and now a Turkey hen calling her young, an old "house dog" greeting strangers, hunting a rabbit and "raring up bayin' at the moon" and now a few words urging us to "keep the birds and let them kill the insects and so save insecticides and money." Now, a Whip-poor-will followed by a squirrel and the most amazing whinny of an old horse out at pasture —wild applause .. . Uncle Dumont brought a sailor boy—a young man named McCurdy who is just about to speak on his experiences in Salerno . . . an impressive and interesting talk and should help the [war bond] sales. (Daddy announces) "All you singers come up and help us sing America," and now "All you singers break right into this—'When the Roll is Called up Yonder' —There's a few �The Picnics 383 people in the house not singing!! Sing! Sing!—'When the Roll is called up yonder, I'll be there.'" Daddy is now paying a tribute to the singing of Yancey County and Western North Carolina in general.. . (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Elspeth McClure, My 4, 1944, from Bumsville, NC) The picnics were a good combination of sacred and secular music. There was always a slight rift between the gospel singers and the string players. Some, like Betty Huntiey, a preacher's daughter herself, were beginning to bridge the gap, accompanying both hymns and ballads on the guitar, but the gap was there—some lingering feelings that dance music and drinking went together and promoted sinful activities. Max Roberts, head of the Federation Training School and a devoted churchman, had to spend a lot of time making arrangements with string performers in his capacity of picnic director. Sometimes he found them undependable and often he could be heard muttering under his breath, "Musicianers are all low down and lazy." One string band that filled in for the Federation band one summer, when Johnny Rhymer was in the army and Fender Rector was working full time in a pawn shop, lived up to Max's worst fears. Sometimes they would not appear at the picnic until after noon, and then drag in looking pallid and hung over. But when they stepped onto the stage their smiles lit up like electricity, and the lead singer, Elmer, would belt into "Blessed Jesus, Hold My Hand." Every old lady in the audience would be wiping away tears by the time he finished. Gaither Robinson disproved all Max's theories about "musicianers," with his exemplary employment record as a bus driver and his solid life. The combination of both kinds of music at the picnics helped to dispel prejudice about string music. Elspeth remembers a minister who opened the afternoon session with prayer saying, "Thank you, Lord, for allowing us to forget ourselves." One of the most remarkable things about the picnics was that they brought all elements of a community together. The man who was known to take a drink too often would sit faithfully listening to a church choir. Solid, respectable farm families would be crowded cheek by jowl with the drifters and ne'er-do-wells. The socially approved and those they disapproved all seemed happy together for one day. Segregation or integration never came up. Who could be more eloquent than the Black preacher at Hayesville who always said the blessing over the truckload of watermelons? To keep the audience attentive to his report on the various departments of the Federation and the new programs he wanted to emphasize, Jim adopted a plan of getting well known local figures to stand up in a line on the stage, each wearing a large placard labeled with the name of one of the departments. As he made his report on the progress of the cooperative he would have each man step forward to be introduced. Then he would speak about the activity his placard represented. Elizabeth included snatches from Jim's talk in her letter from Bumsville in 1944: ��The Picnics 385 We now have 13,000 members . . . All we did when we started out was to establish a beach head. We soon found we must develop specialists in all branches of farming. Little by little we have done this ... We've developed a bunch of boys .who have come up through our training school . .. Hard to get feed [This was because of wartime scarcities], but we've managed to keep feed . . . The biggest business ever this year—over three million dollars . . . want to remind you that you are now beginning to get control of your own business . . . When you trade with your own stores, every sale goes back into increasing the service of the Farmers Federation. Here, the egg price has never dropped below 27 cents. In many other parts of the country eggs dropped to 15 cents. Tennessee asked us to come over there and take charge of the egg situation which was desperate. We were able to do this in the Eastern section of the State . . . We need our own feed mills, our own sawmills, freezer lockers .. . Have a little patience . .. It's a tough time to do business . . . surely stick to the Farmers Federation as it is the one hope of your doing business: The letter continued: Mrs. Elizabeth Anglin is now singing, "I'll Die for the Red White and Blue," a dreary little song sung at top speed. Jack Gattis [head of the Federation Hatchery] is now at the loud speaker. There is something about the look and sound of him that makes for confidence. "Our incubators have a capacity of 462,000,900 chicks per week. We have resources here for growing the best poultry in the United States . . . Your money is staying right here at home when you trade with the Federation." [Now] Daddy is summoning the cacklers [hen imitators]. Frank Reed [manager of the Fairview warehouse] is in top form and [there is] a wonderful old guy who swoops and crows and must have spent his life in a hen house. "Now Mr. Harry Love will give a talk on tobacco." (The back of the room has 7 rows deep of people standing) . . . (a very interesting and quite astonishing statement on the possibilities of making money with tobacco [follows]). Mr. Love has impressed everyone. While the audience is taking this in, a group of 4 young men have appeared with guitars and a part-song with wonderful slurs and harmonies and repeats. Thunderous applause. "We'll have them back again." "How many of you read the Federation News!" Daddy inquires. (A big show of hands.) 'That's a good number. Now I shall introduce the Editor of the Federation News. Bob [Brown] is very dashing in a palm beach suit with a new hair cut. We have some post cards here with a picture of a picnic truck." [Bob Brown tells the audience. The truck is crammed with people.] "The cards will he passed so that everyone can write a message to a boy or girl in the service. Then you may drop them at the Bond Booth and they will be stamped and mailed free.."..Some very fine yodeling is going on right now while the postcards are being passed. (Never fear, you will receive one!)... Mr. Nor- Opposite: Jamie Clarke, "Freezer Lockers"; Dumont Clarke—"The Lord's Acre"; and Jim McClure speaking, Burnsville (Yancey County) picnic, July 4,1947. �386 We Plow God's Fields man Barnett [warehouse manager] is giving forth a ... welcome to the picnickers and is telling the glad tidings of the watermelon feast in store. And now, [a little grey speaker is rising to give some expert agricultural advice.] The poor dear man has not uttered three words but the tramp, tramp, is starting and there is a vast progression toward the door . . . The end has come at last. We are now all stampeding toward the watermelons. The noon hour, as far as we were concerned, was notable for the fact that nobody had brought anything to eat so that our sandwiches and tomatoes just melted away. Except for Mrs. Greenwood who had a superb pie and cake and delectable sandwiches. No one else seemed to have brought anything . . . The place was a complete shambles from the watermelon orgy and Corwith and John and a crew of little boys toiled for a long time cleaning up; the races [sack races, relay races] were "run off and it was at length time to begin the afternoon events. Perry Green [head of the Poultry department] opened up with a lengthy discourse on chickens. Five fair maids of uncertain age were introduced as the "egg handling crew" and received enthusiastic applause. (At this point, the egg crew returned having to clamber over me ... both exiting and entering.) They were swiftly followed by a very active [buck] dance given by a number of old timers and "Little Bob Brown." [eight-year-old son of the editor of the News.] Then four young men engaged in a very clever harmony-there is a basso-profundo . . . "Kneel at the Cross" was wonderful . . . The bond chairman has just reported $1600.00 in bond sales. Much enthusiasm. Now a Navy petty officer is speaking—a funny little guy from N. J. who said a great many words all of which boiled down to a general appreciation of the region. A little boy about 7 or 8 is singing "There's a Star Spangled Banner Waving Somewhere." He has a piercingly true little voice, with a lovely cool quality and the crowd liked him. It was his first [Public] appearance and he was completely calm and unruffled. Little Cleo Owenby is now at the piano and Frank [Reed] is assembling his cohorts for a big general sing. "We want to sing 'Revive Us Again'" (The hymns and songs of the afternoon have been typed on sheets of paper distributed around for all to use.) Daddy is asking for "I Shall Not be, I Shall Not be Moved." (How many great, good times that brings to mind.) Now Daddy is saying that if we want to maintain our freedom and liberty, it must be done by maintaining the spiritual atmosphere of the rural home and the rural church . . . Mr. Clarke is now being introduced and is making a fine address. Everyone listens intently. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Elspeth McClure, July 4, 1944) Dumont Clarke attended every picnic to report on the progress of the Lord's Acre Plan, which was spreading far and wide in the United States and even into the mission field. He was tall and straight, with silver hair and a kind and commanding presence, and the audience always gave him rapt attention. Although he spoke quietly, he was an orator and he was greatly loved by people all over the mountains. He had probably spoken in every church from Murphy in the west to Lenoir in the east, had dinner at someone's house afterwards, and �The Picnics 387 Left to right: Charlie Ownby, Broadus Morrow, Boyce Moon, Lewis Kirstein and "Little" Cleo Ownby—The Fairview Quartette [sic], first prize winners at the Buncombe County Picnic, July 15, 1943. photographed young people of every church with their pigs, chickens, calves or crops dedicated to the Lord. The contest for best choir and quartet followed Dumont's talk. Jim was very interested in the traditional "shaped note" singing of the mountains. The shape of the note, whether a square, a triangle, a circle, etc., indicated the pitch rather than its position on the staff. These hymns were fun to sing, with complicated parts and a fast tempo. The prizes offered at the picnics were new hymn books. Singers liked to get a new paperback set every year or two and learn new hymns. We return to Elizabeth's letter as the singing contests followed Reverend Dumont Clarke's talk: The Swannanoa quartet is assembling—all older men. (While they are being introduced, all the members of the Big Ivy Choir are coming up to the stage -a huge crowd of all ages and sizes.) The Swannanoa quartet is doing a grand job, "Keep a Little Sunshine in Your Sky." Now, an encore, something very gay and foot-tapping—with a great emphasized rhythm. [Now the choir:] There are a vast number of girls singing—the men are all concentrated on the back line and there must be at least 16 or 18 girls. Now they are off again. "There's a Mansion up Yonder Just Waiting for Me." The Roberts family are now singing—two very pretty girls and a professional father who has a big bass voice. The song is one of the most compli- �388 We Plow God's Fields cated—part-singing in the chorus dominated by the soprano—extremely clear and true. Loud applause from the crowd and an encore in prospect. A wild scurry at this point when the microphone took a stagger and almost fell into the expectant arms of the audience, but Mr. Drake (father of the singing sisters), by a sort of ju-jitsu caught it before it took a final spin. The Roberts never batted an eyelash but launched right into "The Cabin on the Hill"—very well done with a fascinating rhythm and a sort of counter point performance on the part of the singers. "Next, I am calling on all the singers to come up and sing under Frank Reed in a big song." Uncle Joe Pressley and Preacher Riley Corn are assembling their chorus. Now they are off, Uncle Joe's white head focussing the picture. Daddy is almost into the choir—just hanging onto the fringe! Frank is in his element and Uncle Joe can be heard all over the hall. A little bit of a girl is singing with all she's got. "I'm so happy singing Halleluyah, halleluyah! (I must say I've always thought Halleluyah was a lovely musical word, no matter what you do to it!) Another quartet of four is now singing. Two long, lanky boys, a pretty girl with yellow curls and a little short, stumpy man. Two good songs from diem, no piano accompaniment which is much the nicest with this kind of singing, I think. Now a solo by Miss Bunny Drake, a wonderful song, "When they ask about you." Huge applause. Now all 5 sisters are singing, "Coming in on a wing and a prayer." (I miss Joy's curls terribly!) Deafening applause, shouts, yells, cat calls of enthusiasm. They will have to come back. Here they are, singing "Swing Low." Joy has the lead and Bunny replies. I should think that they might be snapped up by a Broadway Producer. "It's the only song we know how to sing backwards—would you like to hear us?" With that they all turned their backs and sang the last verse. The audience yelled! . .. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Elspeth McClure, July 4, 1944) The picnic at Bryson City had a special character because a large part of the Cherokee Indian Reservation lived in Swain County, and many Indians attended. In July 1945, Elizabeth wrote about the Bryson City picnic, this time to Jamie Clarke and Elspeth when they were in the Navy in Washington, D. C. According to her report the family rose at the usual early hour, and . . . Betty [Huntley] was waiting for us at her mail box and we picked up little Jean Kennickel at Fairview. She is a little bit of a thing—weighs about 90 Ibs. and looks 12, with golden hair, lovely little features . . . She is 17 but so tiny that her accordion almost covers her up. The picnic is now officially opening with a welcome from Frank Bird who is in charge of the warehouse here. Now comes Frank Reed leading the "Old Rugged Cross" and then a good but very long prayer by a local "preacher." Daddy is reminding everyone that the Federation picnic today in Swain County is to be dedicated to friendship and goodwill. Now he is giving a brief recognition to all the boys in the fighting forces "whose wonderful achievements maintain the things we believe in." Uncle Jim is now urging everyone to keep in mind the need for food �The Picnics 389 Shirley andlrma Styles, 11 and 12 years old, daughters of Mrs. Ted Styles, who accompanies them on the piano, 1947. production. The moment is come for Gaither [Robinson] to mount the rostrum and after the usual stupefying introduction he is singing "How do you do?"— He looks if possible even more dapper than usual. . . . Betty [Huntley]... 'There's a Happy Land Somewhere" . . . She looks very sweet and sings really beautifully . . . The crowd likes it so she's at it again with "Don't Sing Aloha When I Go.."..Billy Owl, a small 8 year old Indian boy, is now singing "In the Halls of Montezuma." Mr. Robinson is helping with his banjo and the little Owl is a lusty singer, with more vigor than melody. Mrs. Leila Smart with a five year old and a six year old are now up to bat. The little girls have the softest little voices and are singing in perfect harmony, "Don't Fence Me In," while their mother accompanies them with the guitar—huge applause. As usual, the smaller and younger you are, the more the crowd loves the performance. A �390 We Plow God's Fields little 12 year old girl and two small brothers are now playing and singing a complicated, fast mountain hymn, with long drawn out wailing harmonies. Guy Sales is up now looking very solid and impressive. His speeches get better and better—very direct and to the point and everyone seems to want to listen. He is explaining the cooperative movement and its significance—"A movement framed up out of necessity." He is explaining the assets in the co-op and the meaning it has for the people—how they can go to work and buy stock—just what services can be worked up that will make life easier and more abundant. Good applause. No walk outs . . . A harmony trio, all "Breedloves," are at the microphone—two girls with white blouses and short black cotton skirts with white ruffles,—and a younger brother. They appear to be triplets—all the same size and shape—all redheads. It's surprising how much red hair and red gold hair there is in the mountains. I suppose it's the Scotch ancestry. [Now Jim:] "We are very fortunate in having with us your County Agent"— a very warming little introduction by the President. The agent looks like a friendly, likeable person. [He boosted the seeds and fertilizer sold by the Farmers Federation and ended with an encouraging report of REA (Rural Electrification Administration)] .. . many benefits may be anticipated. Electricity for everyone. [Many farm families did not have electric power at this time.] (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Elspeth McClure Clarke and Jamie Clarke, July 8, 1945) Reverend Dumont Clarke was hi charge of the next event—"Musical Chairs." He would call a group of well known local citizens up to the stage to take part. The Federation band provided the music. Johnny Rhymer was, and still is, a master of the sudden stop—it sent participants tumbling into the available chairs. The incongruity of large, serious men playing this children's game on stage never failed to delight the audience. Dumont's daughter, Phebe Ann Lewis, had suggested the game and it became a perennial hit. Elizabeth described how it went: A group of solid leading citizens including the Sheriff [come on stage]. Mr. McClure with a most impressive manner is turning the program over to Uncle Dumont and "Musical Chairs" is now in progress with 10 Swain County worthies, a little dazed—The crowd is asked to "pick a winner"—The band starts up and the leading citizens are parading solemnly round! Casualties are beginning;— "Walt Jenkins is out!" Eight are left. The audience is loving it. The Sheriff is still hi. Round and round they go to the strains of "Sourwood Mountain." Two more are left out. The situation grows more tense. Several more casualties. "The Sheriff is out!" Only two are left—Harry Breedlove wins—"the best looking man in the audience!" The game is over but many of the players have joined the group sitting on the stand, making a lively back drop for the performers. Now Slim Nanny is singing "Rosy" to the sturdy and somewhat monotonous accompaniment of his band. It's a combination wail and yodel—a "lonesome" plaintive melody. After a pause to discuss the tobacco market, the show went on. �The Picnics 391 Alex Houston, the little ventriloquist, is now about to appear—[This talented boy with his talking dolls, Elmer and Katy, was a regular picnic performer for several years] . . . He is a frail creature looking scarcely more man ten though I believe he is actually twelve. He has a new line that is very snappy and delights the crowd. Elmer is more convincing than ever and Alex seems even more extraordinary . . . Katy sings a duet with Elmer in a high soprano . . . Elmer whistles like many wild birds and does a little puppy dog that brings down the house. Now, "Mr. McClure" is about to give a little talk on the poultry program— inheritance, livability, etc.—a slight tendency to walk out—Suddenly from behind the scenes emerges . . . the finest rooster and hen you ever did see ... [Frank Reed and Bob Brown] The hen lays an egg-ostrich size—yells of delight—the few who walked out are hurrying back . . . "Look at what big eggs and then think about the Farmers Federation baby chicks." . . . I am still agog myself over the costumes. Some genius in Asheville made them. They would do justice to the Russian Coq d'Or—immensely effective and realistic and hugely decorative . .. "This kind of hen will make money for you." .. . The Harmony Trio is now up—Then a talk about a big turkey program that the Fed is going to launch next year . .. "The next number will be Miss Neil Anne Allen of Canton who will do an acrobatic act"—a pretty little slim thing—tall—incredibly lanky—immensely graceful, is now performing in the most startling .. . manner—"fish flops"— somersaults and unbelievable bends and gyrations. The crowd is goggle eyed with surprise and amazement—Never have they seen anything like thisl . . . It's a lovely day—the mists have all risen and its cool and delicious— Time now to close the morning session and get to the business of watermelons and lemonade. Many Indians on hand standing around in little knots. The strange [white] preacher to the Indians—"Mr. Smith," is on hand, looking more of an anomaly than ever. One Indian woman has a huge fat baby strapped on her back, papoose fashion—The lemonade boys are very smart and efficient this year . . . Betty Jean and I sliced tomatoes and made sandwiches under the big trees at our usual stand and fed dozens of little grabbing boys who looked half starved and would have eaten joyfully pieces of blotting paper if we had buttered it. . . . In front of me is an Indian family—an old Indian in a very clean white shirt and his old wife in a snappy black and white print—a great contrast to the other old Cherokees who all have bright red and yellow turbans around their heads, vivid blue and orange scarves and a gaiety of prints . .. Jim McClure made a point of recognizing anyone present from the armed forces at the picnics during World War n, and there were usually some account of the war from an officer or two, and some patriotic songs included in the program. At Bryson City the singing contests had their own special quality, according to Elizabeth's account. Now for the choir contest— Echota and Rock Hill—with no piano—A group of eight Indians—The Rock Hill Choir, singing a strange mournful melody—almost a chant with �392 We Plow God's Fields Corbert Reed as the Rooster, Frank Reed as the Hen, Clay County Picnic, Hayesville, N.C., July 11, 1947. queer minors and a background of repetitive singing that is a little like the music in the Russian Church. Very restrained and all in Cherokee—beautiful. Now they are doing another one, faster and very rhythmic—the voices are softer and fuller than the white chorus—with a fine depth and resonance in the bases and a very pleasing balance and unity of effect. Now for the Echota Choir—four Indian [men] and two old Cherokee women. A long drawn out, solemn cadence with great stressing of the harmonies and a lot of almost antiphonal singing. Very dignified and impressive— Lots of minors—and really beautiful harmonies—unexpected and surprising— Another song in exactly the same key—more antiphonal singing—a lovely background of harmony that has almost an organ quality. I don't see how the judges will ever decide! Now the Cold Spring Choir led by Elspie's friend "Mr. Smiley." (Uncle Jim at this point has suddenly decided that a well known agricultural expert should be recognized.) This expert is now somewhat hurriedly making his little talk with a nervous eye on the advancing choir and on the audience that is weighing a speech against their yearning to listen to the singers. . . . Another quartette—Soco Valley—No piano, which makes it so much more effective—Rather slow impressive harmonies and a nice tenor who is the leader . . . These people are good,—all Indians except for the strange preacher Smith who is part Cherokee anyway. Soco Valley wins the prize for the "best quartette.."..A burst of good congregational singing, "Farther Along" and "When the Roll is Called up Yonder"—Then a startling change in tempo as the young acrobat comes on [again] she leaps and plunges and twists in serpentine gyrations—a bent whalebone could not be more pliable. She looks just like �The Picnics 393 an animated long legged rag doll— the kind that debutantes used to twist around bed posts . . . Shrieks, cat-calls, yells— particularly from the masculine element. The afternoon program always ended with "the contests"—for the largest family present, the most recently married couple and the couple married longest, and at the end, the bald-headed contest. Sometimes a man would attend several picnics to win this coveted honor. Mr. Roberts is calling for the youngest married couple—so far no responses to his pleas which have been unavailing— "Evidently, people around Bryson just don't get married." Finally a pair married three years have been discovered. Now for the oldest married—a neat, tidy little pair, married forty years, have come forward. The old gentleman at the mike says he hopes he "will live to see another picnic." A family of eleven is now approaching the stage. Mr. Roberts is proposing that they all sing a song—(one boy is in the service making twelve)—Bob is about to take their photographs—The three girls are embarking on "Don't You Cry Over Me"—This dreary ditty for some reason brought down the house— another one about "Remember I Died for the Red, White and Blue." The girls have piercing voices—"Keep your chin up and be brave for me, little darling"— More whistles and howls of pleasure—Wow-w! Frank is announcing that "Echota Choir" is first, "Coldspring" next, and "Rock Hill" last. Truck drivers are counting their loads [of people]. One man brought eighty-five—oh boy! Another truck carried seventy-two. The bald headed contest is on—The judges will decide by the fervor of the clapping as to who wins. Elspie's friend Mr. Smiley is up—he seems to have plenty of admirers as the racket is prodigious. Other contestants in order—so far, Mr. John Breedlove seems to draw forth the most blood curdling yells— but even more deafening is the roar that greets [a] Mr. Marr who brought the largest truck load—A tie between Mr. Marr and Mr. B.— the clapping and shouting is terrific; Times Square on election night could not possibly equal the din for Mr. B.— forty seconds of uproar. Mr. Marr steps up—his supporters out do themselves—the testimonial to Mr. B. fades to nothing in comparison—I only fear that it will quicken the sluggish Cherokee blood and produce the hidden tomahawk! Mr. Man* wins!! And the 1945 Bryson County picnic is over. Well, my pets, if you have gone this far with me I congratulate you—I don't think you can read a word but I really had to "step on it" as things move fast here. ... I forgot to say that many Indians asked for Elspie and sent messages of greeting. Elspeth and her father had worked up a "fox chase" act, managing between them to sound like a pack of hounds and a little yipping Feist dog. The Indians particularly liked this number and a man asked Jim once, "When your daughter bark?" After the Bryson City picnic the troupe moved even further west for more �Top: Truck leaving the Haywood County Picnic. Bottom: Elspeth and Jim McClure performing their "fox chase" act. �The Picnics 395 picnics, spending the night in Murphy, county seat of Cherokee County. In 1942, when Elizabeth was writing to Jamie, there was a tornado in Murphy just before they arrived. Two cars had been demolished, the electric power was out and picnic director, Max Roberts' hat blew away just as they stepped out into the street. She wrote, Nothing daunted, the Federation "Talent" gathered in the living room of our small lodging house and sang, played and danced until all hours to huge pleasure of the landlord. All done by the light of one feeble and expiring lamp! Next morning we were off again to Hayesville . . . where a crowd of some four or five hundred gathered. The great event of the day was the group of little girls—nine sisters from 21 years to 18 months—the "Martin sisters," who appeared all dressed alike, all pretty and all more or less the same size except for the baby who was carried by the oldest sister and who was as good as gold and dressed just like all the rest in cute little flowered organdy dresses with black velvet ribbons. The mother had died of pneumonia last winter and the father was in attendance to chaperone his crowd, in addition carrying one very, very small baby brother and shepherding another about 4 years old! Eleven children! It was spectacular though I am mindful of the man with 24 at the Burnsville picnic who knew he had "2 sons in the Navy" but didn't know how many "might be in the Army." And the nonchalant old boy who said to Daddy "T'ain't no surprise to have 24 children, I done got 22 myself." (Now how's that!) Daddy made a special plea to have the Martin sisters come to the Franklin picnic next week but Mr. Martin was a little doubtful. "I ain't sure as I can be there," he said, "Seems like they cain't make it iffen I cain't be there to fight the young 'uns (by this he meant the two small boys, who definitely had to be beaten down at intervals). Mr. Martin didn't seem to regard himself as unduly burdened with responsibility. He just coped with what came along as best he might! We had dinner at Dillsboro at the hotel there and were much entertained by mine host who had a huge red nose and was a character out of Dickens. We ate enormously—wonderful ham and other delicious country tit-bits. Home by midnight and never did bed seem more desirable. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Jamie McClure, 1942) As a true artist Elizabeth had a deep appreciation for the picnics. Every year new performers would turn up and some you had hoped to see again would have disappeared. One of the greatest entertainers at the picnics was "Pan Handle Pete," who first appeared several years after Elizabeth's death. A big man, with a broad red face, he stomped into a picnic one day with an enormous drum strapped on his back, a pair of cymbals lashed to his ankles, his guitar hanging around his neck, and a harmonica somehow wired in place. Altogether he carried seventeen different instruments, including a horn form a Model T Ford, and he was singing "The Chew Tobacco Rag," with appropriate spitting noises. The audience went wild and they continued to go wild as long as Howard Nash appeared. �396 We Plow God's Fields Panhandle Pete (Howard Nash). He was a natural clown as well as a gifted musician and his fierce exterior covered a gentle heart. With his side kick Steve Ledford, an old time mountain fiddler from Little Rock Creek on the side of Roan Mountain, he would spellbind the crowd with "The Audience Song." "I see a lady a sittin' by the aisle—" He and Steve would stop playing and peer into the crowd. Then Pan Handle would leap from the stage and walk around staring at first one lady and then another. "I see a lady a sittin' by the aisle—" Many giggles and much blushing. Finally he would sit down beside the chosen woman, always of mature years and solid figure. �The Picnics 397 "If she'll stick around I'll see her after awhile. There'll be a hot time in the old town tonight!" The next verse might be "I see a lady, her teeth so pretty and white—" Loud laughter from Pan Handle and Steve. "Just like the stars, they come out every night. We'll have a hot time in the old town tonight!" Shrieks erupted from the audience! To focus attention on the poultry program he, Pan Handle, would lurk about in the rear of the auditorium in the policeman's uniform until everyone was looking uneasily over their shoulders, then rush toward the stage to arrest the innocent Gaither Robinson in mid banjo chord, and triumphantly drag him off as a "chicken thief." Corny stuff perhaps, but it was real audience participation and brought joy to people whose days were filled with toil. Pan Handle's humor, like that of all true comedians, was always kindly. Jim would announce a fiddling contest. Pan Handle and Steve would leap forward, each claiming to be the best. Each tried to out do the other's tricks until at the end Pan Handle was half lying on the stage, playing his enormous "bull fiddle" under his back. When he was acclaimed the winner amidst the shouts of the crowd, Steve would protest angrily that the prize should have been his and a fight would erupt. Steve would get hold of Pete's shirt and start to pull, and pull and pull until the shirt extended right across the stage, like a banner, with Farmers Federation emblazoned in large letters. The entire picnic program, over all the years, had the charm of the unexpected, both for those who watched and those who ran the show. You never knew what might turn up. There was the cowboy whose rope tricks sometimes failed, but still left little boy's eyes popping. A bag piper was so foreign to our mountains that a Federation director at Franklin called for another number on "that Italian instrument." And there were countless others. What was it that made the day special? The joy of the music, of old friends meeting over the watermelons and lemonade at the noon hour, of singing "The Old Rugged Cross" together in the packed auditorium after lunch, of thumping your feet to the strains of Pan Handle Pete's One Man Band? Whatever it was, the appeal was universal,for the program seemed to be as much of a hit at the Waldorf Astoria in New York as in the Blue Ridge Mountains of North Carolina. Thomas J. Watson, founder of the IBM Corporation, was much interested in Jim McClure's work and sponsored Federation picnics at the Waldorf. Picnic troupers went north for several of these occasions. Sam Queen and his famous Maggie Valley square dance team, the Federation String Band, Pan Handle Pete, Herman Jones from Sylva, singing "I'm on the Battlefield for My Lord" at the top of his voice. Jamie McClure sang at the first New York picnic. He came down from Yale to sing "John Henry," the ballad of the old steel driving man, in the old mountain way his mother loved to hear. One year Betty Huntley sang "Silver Haired Daddy of Mine" in honor of Jack Bierworth, President of National Distillers, who was a staunch supporter of the Federation. �398 We Plow God's Fields Jim McClure was a master at reading the mood of an audience and adjusting the program accordingly. He also had the trouper's conviction that the show must go on. He told Jamie Clarke that just before the first picnic at the Waldorf he lost his voice completely. He went into a small room and sat quietly for ten minutes, and it came back in time to start the program. Jamie Clarke helped Jim run the North Carolina picnics for ten years after World War n. As his family grew he even began to win the prize for largest family present occasionally. Jim got a great kick out of having his grandchildren attend picnics. Once he stepped outside the Columbus Courthouse, where the Polk County picnic was always held, to get a breath of fresh air and was surprised to see a toddler tied by a long string to a tree. He took a close look to see if the little fellow was all right, and found it was his own grandson (and namesake) Jim! He was a very active crawler and his mother had secured him temporarily while doing some errand. Because Jamie Clarke was familiar with the picnics he was able to carry right on after Jim died in 1956, continuing as long as he was with the Federation. These gatherings brought together the finest elements of the Appalachian tradition in order to promote the progressive development of the region. But no matter how they were justified, the picnics were about as much fun as people are allowed to have in this world, and entertained an entire generation in an age when recreation was scarce. �Chapter Nineteen The War Years When the Farmers Federation was born in 1920, the neighbors said he was a weak child and couldn't be raised. But the child has grown by leaps and bounds. He has now grown to be a real giant embracing twenty counties of Western North Carolina, waving his magic wand . . . influencing, for good, the economic, political, moral and religious thinking of the best people on earth, who grace the hill-tops and valleys of the God favored country of ours. (John Henry Biggs of Mill Springs, N.C., quoted in Farmers Federation News, August, 1943, p. 5) This terrible war reaches its fingers right into our hearts. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, May 1, 1943) What fascinated Jim McClure about war was its power to change people. Here was an enterprise that could draw together whole nations of individuals into a spirit of common purpose to risk everything for abstract loyalties and beliefs. Vast amounts of untapped human energy would be brought to bear against the common foe, and men and women stood willing to sacrifice for a cause much larger than themselves. And yet all of these energies of war were marshalled with the intent to kill and destroy, to demolish the basis of the enemy's civilization. The spiritual fruits of war demoralized whole generations of people. It was all too easy to be corrupted by army life, and all too difficult to respect life after one had grown bored with death. For Jim, the question was always the same. What was the source of this power of war to redirect and motivate people? Why could not the compassionate and constructive potential of Christianity draw out the same dedication and persistence in men, to build rather than destroy? There had been moments in the history of the church when this force gathered strength. It was the potential for the power of God, unleashed in the world, that had originally drawn Jim into the ministry; and the search for its motive force that moved him through the struggles of his life. In 1920 Jim McClure had declared war not only on poverty, but also on apathy, hopelessness, poor education, weak churches, and deficient stewardship of the land. He thrived on a sense of purpose. He wanted to lead men and women on toward a promised land, to infuse their lives with a sense of intention that brought out in them efforts and satisfactions that would surpass any material gain that might have been won along the way. The Farmers Federation promoted change, progress, and purpose as an approach to living. It opposed lifeless 399 �400 We Plow God's Fields routine, habits of superstition, and spiritual death. Although the means toward the end were in the realm of the material—fertilizer applications, corn clubs, erosion control, sweet potato yields and so on—what Jim McClure was working towards was the spiritual regeneration of a demoralized region of Appalachia. For him, the fruits of the spirit were measured, not just by the fervor of Sunday worship, but by the sense of self-esteem felt by the farmer and his wife as they sat together on their front porch after a week of hard work. Jim wanted each family in the mountains to sense that a better future was possible, and to motivate them to self-sacrifice in order to pursue that hope for their community. He understood that the basis of the American democratic faith rested with the morale of each of these families, and that this faith in the political and economic ideals of the nation were sorely tested during the Depression. Franklin Roosevelt's political gifts enabled him to prop up this faith, but it was not until militant fascism began to march across Europe and Asia that the American spirit escaped from the doldrums of self-doubt and launched a war machine that surpassed any other in the history of man. The war stimulated a sluggish economy as well, and set in motion forces that would transform Western North Carolina. The Second World War, much more than its predecessor, drew out of the mountain cove, and hollows young soldiers who would meet people and see places that would change their view of the world. Thrown in barracks and ships with blue-collar workers of the North, Califormans, prosperous farm boys of the Midwest and their brethren from across the South, these mountaineers would return home, if in fact they did return, much different people than when they left. These were the same men that Jim McClure had been grooming to reignite American democratic faith. He had kept his eye on the large population bulge that had been growing up in the mountains and had designed the Lord's Acre primarily for the benefit of these young people. He had strengthened their schools, and spoken at their graduations. Now they were sent out to become a part of the American war machine, and Jim McClure knew that many of them would exhibit the same strength of character as the great mountain hero of World War I, Sergeant York. Long before Pearl Harbor, the European war began to stimulate the economy of the United States, especially the agricultural markets. The Farmers Federation felt the push of new prosperity after 1938. Beginning in 1939, the number of dollars that passed through the organization expanded rapidly. The figures speak for themselves: Year 1939 1940 1941 Dollar Volume: Federation Business Volume* $1,077,991.58 1,261,506.26 1,501.858.52 �The War Years 1942 1943 1944 1945 401 1,940,306.33 303958 ,6,5.6 3,588,137.04 3,967,641.08 (These figures do not include the hatchery operation and the tobacco warehouse receipts, both of which were managed by the Federation.) When the government began ordering food for the troops, the Federation was in an ideal position to benefit. Its marketing operation had become efficient and its department heads were trusted. The New Deal administration was sympathetic with cooperatives in general, and the Federation in particular. The farmer was in a position to plant and harvest all he could grow, and to find a good market for nearly everything. Army life even helped to stimulate the cigarette industry, increasing the demand for burley tobacco. By 1945, the Federation had built a new tobacco warehouse, complete with special lights to show the leaf to its best advantage. The shady practices endemic to this market made the dependability of the Federation operation all the more appreciated by growers. The expansive financial outlook encouraged Jim and the other directors to try out several innovations during these years. Genetics had always been one of Jim's favorite farm subjects, and so the program to build up the quality of the local mule and horse population continued. Walter Jeffords of Philadelphia, a contributor to the Fund, sent down Warcraft, son of the racehorse, Man O'War, from his own farm. This fine stallion joined the Percherons and jacks already employed to service the mares of Western North Carolina. The cross of a thoroughbred with an ordinary mare often produces a work animal of size and stamina. But after the war, horses and mules would give way to tractors, and Jim was studying other projects for the Fund that would have a more lasting impact. One of these, artificial insemination of dairy cows, would have to wait until after the war. Another was the sexing of baby chicks. This practice, too, was affected by the coming of war. Male and female chicks look just alike for the first weeks of life to the untrained eye, so a farmer who purchased day old chicks could expect roughly half of them to be roosters, to be sold as broilers, and half to be pullets, to be raised for egg production. But the Japanese had developed the ability to identify male and female birds as soon as they were hatched. This skill was a great advantage for the poultryman, as he could concentrate on the kind of production he chose. When war came between Japan and the United States, Japanese chick-sexers went home. But Jack Gattis, hatchery manager, announced in the Federation News that he had American experts who had learned to perform this complex job and there was a good supply of sexed chicks ready for sale. The war created other scarcities Jim tried to turn into opportunities for Western North Carolina. He even promoted the cultivation of silk worms, an �402 We Plow God's Fields idea that failed to appeal to the mountaineer. Mica and feldspar, two locally abundant minerals, were used extensively in the war industries, and Jim asked farmers to bring samples to the picnics to be inspected by experts. One unusual shortage that had little to do with the war effort sent mountain folk out into the woods looking for old and gnarled mountain laurel bushes. It was announced in the Federation News: "A plant to manufacture pipe blocks is being started by the Farmers Federation in the cannery building at Hendersonville. Nearly the entire supply of briar, which was formerly imported from Europe, has been cut off; and pipe manufacturers find that the close grained mountain laurel is the best substitute available.1 Before Jim realized what was happening he was in trouble with many of his wife's garden club friends. Staunch conservationists that they were, they were horrified at the prospect of thousands of large laurel shrubs being uprooted to support a questionable habit. Criticism began to pour in, and he set out to answer the accusations in the following issue of the News. Only in rare instances, he explained, a lumpy growth called a burl is caused by disease on the root of a laurel bush. Such shrubs are usually found in remote, boggy places, and when roots bearing burls are removed, fresh growth quickly springs up. Federation horticulturists had studied the matter thoroughly and felt that the beauty of the mountains would not be affected if the burls were secured under supervision . . . and there is the opportunity to bring in income that will be a blessing to many mountain families."2 The pipe block enterprise was a part of the Federation's effort to bring small industries into Western North Carolina. For the eighteen months of its existence, ninety people drew wages there. Jim wisely thought that such industries would offer employment to one or two members of a farm family, which would supplement the small income from mountain farming and enable the family to continue living and working on their place. He explained, in the News some of the specific enterprises the Federation had implemented. The great objective of the Farmers Federation is to develop facilities and services that will enable the farm people of Western North Carolina to increase their own incomes and in this way build a finer civilization. Part of our program is to encourage and develop small industries. The Farmers Federation will be glad to work with individuals or groups in any county toward this end. We have a dream of helping to establish one or two small industries in every township in Western North Carolina. The Fanners Federation has an active interest in the Biltmore Company, the Appalachian Textile Company, the Swannanoa Textile Company, the Treasure Chest Mutual, Inc., and die Fanners Federation Handicraft Mutual, Inc. This last is a cooperative of knitters. All these enterprises are creating new wealth in Western North Carolina. We trust that our members and committees will keep constantly working toward the end of creating more wealth in this section.3 �The War Years 403 The war had reverse effect on one project. The Hendersonville Cannery, the first Federation small industry, suspended operations because the demand for fresh produce left no need to preserve a surplus. As the Federation expanded, the Lord's Acre was keeping pace. By the fifteenth anniversary of the plan, Rev. Dumont Clarke was making tours throughout the United States and Canada promoting the idea. He often spoke on radio programs and in 1941 enjoyed a big promotional windfall, which he described in his regular column in the News: "Wide publicity, entirely prepared by publishers interested in constructive activities of our time, has been given the Lord's Acre Movement," he wrote. "The April issue of Christian Herald, which is read largely by church members, carried an illustrated article ... entitled 'Harvesting the Lord's Acre.' This was reprinted in the "Readers Digest" with its 4,100,000 circulation."4 From Dumont Clarke's office in Asheville, all sorts of Lord's Acre packets, buttons and pamphlets were mailed across North America and various foreign mission groups. For a congregation with a persistent pastor and lively members, the Lord's Acre Plan brought in both material and spiritual fruits. Of all the churches who were helped by the program, the Dana Baptist Church of Henderson County became the standard by which all other programs were judged. The Lord's Acre program of Dana Baptist Church for 1940 was brought to a close with a remarkable total of $2,071 in hand. The largest single item was $553.75 from the group potato project. A second large item was $117 from an apple project. There were many individual projects, and the total includes gifts of labor on the new parsonage and some cash donations. In four years time the Lord's Acre program of the Dana Church has yielded $8,000. A beautiful brick veneer church has been erected and a parsonage adjoining the church is nearly complete .. . The Lord's Acre plan has made it possible for a comparatively small congregation to achieve really great things. The members of the church and Sunday School have been engaged almost 100 per cent, year after year, in substantial Lord's Acre projects. This has developed a very strong spirit of cooperation and has made possible results which otherwise could not have been attained.5 The Federation picnics also created cooperation and a positive spirit. Attendance kept growing, and although the purpose was education, the results were spectacularly entertaining. Perhaps people needed the picnics more than ever during these tragic and serious times. As always the program was dominated by Jim McClure's canny showmanship. During the war he used these great gatherings to sell war bonds and stamps. Jamie McClure, Jamie Clarke and Elspeth all pitched in to help out. In 1941, after graduating from Yale, Jamie McClure wrote to his Aunt Harriet Stuart that he had made lemonade and cut watermelons " . . . for crowds that have ranged from 800 to 2500 . . . you never know just what sort of 'musicianers' or other forms of entertainment are likely to turn up, and the way Daddy runs his meetings make them the big event of the �404 We Plow God's Fields year to most of the people who attend" (Jamie McClure to Harriet Stuart, July 23, 1940). Jamie looked forward to the time when he could work with his father in the Federation. While at Yale he had investigated the theory of cooperatives and for a senior paper wrote a description of his father's work, entitled "Frontier Civilization in the Blue Ridge Highlands." The conclusion echoed Jim McClure's thoughts: "The most effective way of helping these people toward a higher level of income is to give them a means of working out their own economic salvation. The practical possibilities of this approach are already being demonstrated in Western North Carolina, and it is my firm belief that with careful long range planning the co-operative exploitation of mountain farming holds promise of a new future for the Southern Highlander."6 Another of Jamie's Yale papers traced the history of cooperatives, going back to the origins with the Rochdale Pioneers in England. He wrote, "Thus from a dingy basement hole-in-the-wall sprang the English Consumer Cooperatives, the largest single business in the British Isles."7 After working his way through Yale in the Student Pressing Agency, which he managed his senior year, Jamie went with the Yale Glee Club on a tour of South America. Elizabeth sold the pearls the Skinner Aunts had left her to help finance the trip. He returned to Hickory Nut Gap, only to set out on a hitchhiking adventure to California and back. After years of school the freedom of the open road felt wonderful. In the fall he started work in the tobacco warehouse. The Federation had been assigned to administer the government's price support program and a majority of farmers selling tobacco on the Asheville market had to contribute a dollar to the program. Jamie McClure and his cousin Jamie Clarke were assigned the task of signing up farmers. It was a tough job to locate and make friends with a man, then persuade him to part with a dollar in the cold and confused atmosphere of a tobacco warehouse. But the boys succeeded. Jamie Clarke, Dumont's son, had been as impressed as his cousin with his Uncle Jim's work in the Farmers Federation. Jim McClure began to train both young men for eventual leadership in the organization. These two cousins and friends, raised in the atmosphere of Christian service, stood ready to carry on the McClure tradition of a life of usefulness. Neither sought to become ministers as their fathers had done, but both of them nonetheless were willing to devote themselves to a lifework that pursued the larger vision of brotherhood. Jamie Clarke graduated from Princeton in 1939, two years before his cousin finished at Yale. He, too, had worked hard, as chairman of the Daily Princetonian, and he went off for a well-earned trip to Europe with his roommate Fred Fox, who would become an influential Presbyterian minister. It was the eve of war, August 1939, and they were lucky to get safely back across the Atlantic on the Athenia. Her sister ship was sunk by a German submarine. Early in 1940 he went to work at the Hendersonville Federation warehouse, relinquishing the glories of college leadership and accepting his new lot as a store clerk. His uncle Jim wanted him to learn the business of the Federation from inside out, and put �The War Years 405 him under the charge of Bill Francis at one of the biggest volume warehouses in the Federation system. He later joined the Navy, and had time to write down some of his experiences on the job, creating a vivid picture of the daily pace of a Federation warehouse. The first day I went to work an old employee named Cecil Jones and I were sent to deliver a new power sprayer to a hardbitten old landowner, "Old Man Hill" of Edneyville. liie sprayer was heavy, and we had a good deal of trouble unloading it. I wasn't being of much use, which was brought home sharply when Old Man Hill said, "You've never done any work before. You must have been raised in the city." The work really got tough after the first week. Spring planting season was upon us, and carload after carload of fertilizer rolled in to be unloaded at our storage warehouse across the tracks. Fertilizer is packed in 200-pound bags, which are difficult for one man to lift by himself. My chief fellow worker was a 225-pound Carolina boy, Lloyd Rhodes. He had been working at this job for a year and was a powerful chap. The procedure was to roll our two-wheeled warehouse truck into the box car and then each man would pick up one end of a bag and we would load it on the truck . . . Most people wheeled only four bags, but Lloyd always wanted to take five, which made 1,000 pounds. This was a heavy load for one man to wheel on that type of truck and at first I had a hard time. Bridging the gap between the boxcar and the unloading platform was a heavy fiat piece of steel which served as a sort of gangway. The second time I tried to wheel 1,000 pounds of fertilizer over the flat plate 1 slipped and the truck went skidding out of my hands . . . Seed potatoes were being shipped into our warehouse from Prince Edward Island in Canada . . . I remember one morning having to wheel about 100 of these sacks from a commercial truck . .. there had been a party in Asheville the night before . .. and at 7:30 a.m. my strength had not returned. The trucker was a loud-talking fellow named Jim and with mouth loaded with tobacco. He was in a hurry and was impatient. All of this made for a rough two hours. Bill Francis, the manager, was a dandy storekeeper. He was on the job at 7 a.m. and never left before 7 p.m. He never walked—he always ran. Farmers and fanner's wives from far out in the country appreciated his friendly "Hello, Mrs. Hooper, be with you in a minute." The trust these people had in him sometimes made it hard for us to put through sales. "Where's Bill. I want to talk to Bill," was often asked us. This experience of having to wait on people, humoring them and being friendly no matter how you felt inside was good for me. I believe that it would be helpful to thousands of our college boys and girls who tend to get the idea that the world should wait on them. After going through it you begin to understand the feelings of the other man behind the counter and become more considerate of him. Charley Drake, a ... colored man of remarkable sense who used to clean up the warehouse for us, admired Bill Francis' skill in dealing with people. He once told Lloyd Rhodes and me that "Mr. Francis he'll sell it to them whether he's got it or not." �406 We Plow God's Fields Family bringing chickens to sell at a Federation Warehouse. North Carolina is a hay importing state. Our Federation warehouse at Hendersonville handled ten or 15 [raikoad] cars of hay a year. The bales weighed between 40 and 60 Ibs. and were usually handled by sharp hay hooks. One afternoon when Charlie Drake and I were piling the bales up high in a dark part of the storage warehouse, my hook missed the bale and went through the loose skin underneath Charley's chin. "You nearly got me that time, Mr. Jimmie," he said good humoredly. It bled rather badly and worried me ... An old, old couple, Mr. and Mrs. Hubbard, used to come in every week or two from Jumpoff Mountain on a sled pulled by steers . . . We had a mill next to the Hendersonville warehouse. Farmers brought in their corn on Saturday morning and left it at the mill to be ground up. The miller would take out one-seventh of the resulting corn meal as our "toll." Big Rob, the assistant miller, surprised me one day by telling me that his stomach had been cold for the past 20 years! He let me feel it and sure enough, it was really cold. He attributed it to a case of double pneumonia he had had without, apparently, being able to get to a doctor . . . The first big rush at Hendersonville came at Irish potato planting time. Then there was a short lull, followed by heavy activity as the corn planting time drew on. I never expect to be with a harder working group of men. In three months we unloaded 35 cars of fertilizer alone, which is over two million pounds . . . I sold some nails to a gentleman from way back in the hills and as I was wrapping them he said "You'd better double-poke them, son." �The War Years 407 What he wanted was a real mystery until he came behind the counter himself and carefully took two paper bags and placed one inside the other . . . We had our fun at the warehouse every day. Boys of the age of Troy Downs, the bookkeeper, Lloyd Rhodes and myself, would call into us as they went by, "Farmers Ruination." Lloyd was easily perturbed, and Troy and I used to make out charge tickets for him for things he had never bought. Bill Francis would collaborate in this and tell Lloyd he must hurry and pay up. Lloyd retaliated by always picking his end of the fertilizer sack up first. This makes it much harder for the man on the other end than if both ends came up simultaneously. When pretty country girls came in to sell their eggs, Troy used to count them out one by one taking as long as possible. The girls loved it. Troy was a very good looking boy anyway. One of the girls at the Fassifern School in Hendersonville used to escape at night, jump the fence and go to the movies or to one of Hendersonville's numerous dances with him.8 Jamie Clarke remembers his time at the Hendersonville warehouse as a chance not only to learn the Federation business, but also to learn about and appreciate his fellow workers and the patrons of the cooperative. Later, as the editor of the Federation News, he learned more about the art of salesmanship from the Federation's star feed salesman, Blake Greenwood of Leicester. In order to meet Federation customers and get pictures of their farms and livestock, he would occasionally spend a day traveling with Blake in his yellow truck. Blake taught Jamie that you never went directly into your sales pitch. First he would greet his prospective customer cheerfully, spend time talking about his particular concerns, admire everything on his farm and eat anything that was offered to him. Only then would he get out his pad and pencil to take down the order, which never failed to come through. One day they stopped to see Blake's Aunt Lily, on her farm up on Big Ivy. The water system was out of order, but she asked them to dinner and Blake, knowing there was no water to be had, urged Jamie to "try some of those fine peppers." These were red hot peppers, which Jamie had never seen. Blake kept watching him but his pupil kept right on eating politely and praising the food. He didn't get cooled off until they stopped at a spring!9 Blake really entered into the lives of his customers. Once he stopped to see Mr. and Mrs. Charlie Shepherd, who had a dairy at Democrat. Mr. Shepherd had the flu. He had come up to the house after milking without cleaning the barn and he told Blake he had felt too bad to clean it the night before as well. As Blake stepped onto the porch he saw the dairy inspector, Miss Chick, who was one of the first woman inspectors and very tough, driving into the barnyard. He rushed back in the house and told Mr. Shepherd to jump into the bed quick and pull the sheets up over his clothes. Then Blake talked to Miss Chick. The little lady was persuaded to overlook the sick dairyman's dirty barn since he was so sick; but Mrs. Shepherd never forgave Blake Greenwood for the manure �408 We Plow God's Fields from Mr. Shepherd's boots on her clean sheets. It was people like Blake who made the difference in developing business.10 By 1940, the Farmers Federation was successfully entering its third decade, primarily as the result of Jim's persistence and idealism. As new honors and recognition came to him he liked to think that these honors helped to certify in the minds of potential supporters that the work was worthy of their interest. In 1941, he received an honorary master of arts degree from his college rival, Harvard University. He was still able to wear his wedding morning coat, and the porter asked him as he stepped off the train if he was going to be married! The following June, the University of North Carolina invited him to Chapel Hill for a similar honor. He found that the solemn event could become the highest entertainment when the vagaries of nature gave his afternoon of honor the drama of uncertainty. He wrote to his son Jamie: This finds Mummie, Elspie and me in a crowded day coach on a hot ride back to the mountains . . . All the graduating class, their girls, their mothers, and a large sprinkling of army and navy boys made a simultaneous rush for the two coaches as they came into the station—Elspie & Mummie with their famous ability somehow snared a seat and here we sit surrounded by mounds of baggage. We had a big day yesterday—We first were taken [on] a tour of the University, then we attended the Alumni Luncheon which was a huge affair and most interesting. A state University (or maybe it is just North Carolina) has a sense of mission or responsibility for the state that is missing at many private institutions . . . Mummie was a knock out & Elspie was in great form . . . We all went to President [Frank] Graham's for an early supper & thence to commencement which was in the stadium. The stadium is a sunken bowl with trees and woods all around it, and a beautiful place— Clouds were gathering and growing bigger & blacker as the exercises began—the college & post graduate degrees are given out individually—and it takes hours for the 800 or 900 to file by, have their names read & get their sheepskin & Bible. They are all given a $3.00 Bible! Well as they kept filing by, it got more threatening, and then drops began to fall. The result was that by the time the Honorary degrees came along, it was a soggy downpour,—and so as the last act on the program, the five Honorary Degrees were conferred in almost a deluge-Mummy & Elspie stuck it out to the end & were soaked— . . . (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Jamie McClure, June 10, 1942) Two years later, in 1944, the National Institute of Social Sciences awarded him their gold medal. "Siddy and I are going to New York to attend the dinner which I told you about of the National Institute of Social Sciences," he wrote to the Stuarts. "The other recipients are Bernard Baruch and Mrs. Henry P. Davison. It is a huge pleasure for me to be there at the same time as Mrs. Davison because she has been such a tower of strength in our whole enterprise" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, sometime in 1944). In receiving the award, Jim spoke of his own life, the work of the Federation, and his thoughts �The War Years 409 about the importance of providing opportunities for the low-income citizens within a democracy. Mr. Chester, Mr. Hall, Members and Guests of the National Institute of Social Sciences. I am quite overwhelmed, and just about rendered speechless by the presentation of this medal. What I have done in the Appalachian Mountains has been made possible by those who have supported our educational fund and by the people in the mountains who have enthusiastically supported our cooperative movement. This award is a very great honor, and I accept it with gratitude and much humility, as I do not at all feel that I deserve it. I am, however, particularly happy to have the type of work in which I am engaged recognized in this outstanding way. It is, in a way, a new approach to one of the basic problems of Democracy. . . . Some 25 years ago, because of overwork, the doctors advised me to get out of doors for a few months. We took this opportunity to locate a spot that might become a permanent vacation headquarters. We bought a farm in a gap of the Blue Ridge Mountains near Asheville, N. C. The countryside is beautiful and as we were fixing up the farm, we got acquainted with the people. One man on the farm was a lineal descendent of Daniel Boone. The people sang the oldest of English ballads, used Elizabethan and even Chaucerian English, and had the characteristics that enabled the pioneers to conquer the wilderness; resourcefulness, independence and humor, and they also had the qualities which have created liberty and freedom, the consciousness of a power above and outside themselves and a reverence for individual human personality . . . The idea with which we started our enterprise was a very simple one. The idea was to try to create markets for the things the people could raise so that they could increase their income by their own efforts. Our idea was to enable the people in the mountains to create wealth. In other words we acted on the theory mat if a good market was available the people would respond by greatly increasing their production. To create such markets was a rather slow and laborious procedure and I can best illustrate it by the difficulties encountered in the development of a poultry industry . . . The mountain country is ideally adapted to the growing of poultry and if every mountain farm could have a flock of a 100 hens it would tremendously increase the income of the region. When we started out there was practically no poultry production in the mountains. The poultry population averaged 12 or 15 chickens per farm. There was no market for poultry. We had the idea that if [we] should create a market the people would respond by greatly increasing poultry production, so we started operating live poultry cars stopping at each point in the mountains and paying cash at the car door and then running these poultry cars up to the great markets in New York and Philadelphia. In other words we created a cash market for poultry every day in the year. After operating these poultry cars for some years we discovered that the poultry population was no larger than when we started and that our theories just had not worked. We analyzed the situation and found the difficulty to be that the quality of the poultry in the mountains was so poor that it did not pay to increase that kind of poultry. The average hen in the mountains lays only 60 �410 We Plow God's Fields fc;: IE; Top: Elspeth, Jamie and Elizabeth McClure in front of the porch at Hickory Nut Gap. Bottom: Annual dinner of the National Institute of Social Sciences. Left to right: Bernard Barucht Mrs. Henry P. Davison (early Fund supporter) and James O.K. McClure, Jr. Waldorf-Astoria, New York City, May 1944. �The War Years 411 or 70 eggs a year. This is not enough to pay for her feed, consequently the more hens a man had the poorer he became, so we turned around and started on an entirely different tact. We decided that we must make available and distribute a type of hen that would lay a lot of eggs. We got incubators, we persuaded farmers to have supply flocks for the hatchery and we maintained rigid requirements for these supply flocks. The hens had to be individually blood tested to eliminate inheritable diseases. The chief requirement was that every cockerel must come from a hen with a record of laying 250 eggs a year. That is, the chickens which we distributed would have the inheritance to lay a lot of eggs. It took some time to get this idea accepted—it took a great deal of patient field work first to start and oversee the supply flocks, then it took a great deal of patience, [and] personal field work to persuade individual farmers to venture into establishing a flock of one or two hundred hens, but little by little this has grown. When the great demand for war production of poultry came following Pearl Harbor we were like a runner poised and ready to go ... It seems to me that one of the great problems which we face in our Democracy is the problem of the low income group. In a Democracy we must somehow offer equal opportunity to all ... Neither a dole nor public works solves this problem. The creative way, the American way, is to create the opportunity for these people to help themselves, to somehow develop the productive capacity of the people in the low income group so that they can increase their own earnings by their own efforts. This is the task to which we have set ourselves, translating as well as we can the findings of science, such as genetics in the practical action on the farm, discovering new uses for the products, discovering new outlets for the things people can make and thereby calling forth their own creative efforts. In this way we are trying to develop the capacity and the ability of a people in this low income bracket. . . I cannot close without saying a word here about our Lord's Acre Movement. As we were organizing our cooperative we hoped to develop improved material conditions. We felt however that improved material conditions are not worthwhile unless spiritual improvement comes at the same time. We have seen so many examples of material improvement with no spiritual development and we always find that this material development ends up in a smash so we decided to try to back up the one organization in the mountains which concentrates on Christian character, which has been tough enough to survive, and that is the country church. We organized a Religious Department in our work and we suggest to the churches in the mountains that each member of the church and of the Sunday school have some kind of a project for their own church. A boy or a girl could set a hen and raise chickens, could raise a pig, could raise a calf, a man could set out a patch of potatoes or an acre of corn and we called it the Lord's Acre Movement. The greatest thing we did was to secure Dumont Clarke to head up this Movement. He has worked untiringly . . . It has kept on rolling along until today there are some 2500 churches in the mountains and some 2500 churches outside the mountains using this method to supplement their budget. It has spread to every state in the Union. It has given new life and vitality to country churches everywhere.11 Jim never missed an opportunity to preach his message. Mrs. Davison had listened since 1926 to the McClure gospel of the Farmers Federation, and one only wonders about the thoughts entertained by Bernard Baruch, the world �412 We Plow God's Fields renowned economist, after hearing about poultry production in Western North Carolina. Jim himself was the proud father of his Federation. He had realized a dream of putting his ideas to work, and what he had to show for his quarter century of struggles was an organization that allowed a region's people to hope for a better future. Jim McClure became more and more caught up in the web of his community. His many interests each made demands on his judgement and time. He remained an executive of the American Forestry Association. He was also once again elected to the advisory committee of the Farm Security Administration. He wrote to his son, I was on this Committee when the F.S.A. started, we drew lots for the 1 yr., 2 yrs., and 3 yrs. term and I drew the 1 yr. term, and as members cannot succeed themselves I was out in a year—July 1st my 2 yr. exile was over and I was reappointed, and this A.M.I was elected Chairman of the Committee. I am quite pleased as it gives the Farmers Fed high standing with all the Farm Security people in Western North Carolina—and Farm Security has a supervisor and ass't supervisor in every county about like the county agents. Well, we met all day, and it is very interesting. It is almost like a well trained farm management and financing corporation for the very poorest farmers, and it is putting them, a lot of them, on their feet. James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Jamie McClure, September 4, 1942) Jamie Clarke left the Hendersonville warehouse to become the editor of the Farmers Federation News in 1940. A hard working young man, he wanted to please his uncle by making the most of the News. He ran contests and games to increase reader interest, and made much more use of pictures than any previous editor. Despite an unassuming and quiet nature, young Jamie Clarke made a strong impression on his Uncle. But in December 1941, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor broke harshly into the lives of all Americans. In February of 1942 Jamie left his desk at the Federation to join the U.S. Navy. Elizabeth wrote to her son, Jamie McClure: Daddy asked Mr. Searle at the Miller Press [which printed the Federation News] how things were going without Jamie Clarke. He answered, " . . . I never saw such a fellow as that Jamie. He always got what he wanted done but in such a way that nobody minded change or criticism on his part if you could call it that . . . Jamie always seemed to keep perfectly relaxed and to make everybody else stay that way. He was always so simple and unassuming and unpretentious about everything he did, that I didn't really half realize what immense things he accomplished." Knowing Jamie, I thought mis would interest you . . . Jamie never came worrying Daddy with anything . . . no fuss or feathers anywhere .. . I really think that Jamie is a natural for politics. I think he has the vote getting quality. He somehow inspires confidence. I believe that after the war if he chooses to continue with the Federation News, he will find it a natural �The War Years 413 take-off for a political career. It might be very useful to the Fed to have Jamie in Washington as Senator Clarke for N.C.!!!! You may think me more or less cracked, but it wouldn't be the first time(!). Jamie has a wonderful human touch. Great intelligence and a liking for human beings just as human beings. All that can easily spell success in politics. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Jamie McClure, May 24, 1942) As usual Elizabeth McClure was a sharp judge of a person's possibilities. Many years later Jamie Clarke would serve three terms in the North Carolina Legislature, and then become the U.S. Congressman from the Eleventh Congressional District. Jamie McClure made up his mind to enter the fight after Pearl Harbor. Like his father prior to World War I, Jamie had been anti-war, but the unprovoked Japanese attack changed his feelings and he desperately wanted to join the navy. His love of the ocean and knowledge of naval ships and history made this a natural choice; but he was very near-sighted, like his mother, and he could not pass the military physical examination. The best way for him to contribute to the war effort seemed to be to take a job in an IBM munitions plant. To his surprise he was assigned to a cannon plant in Poughkeepsie, New York, near where his sister and several of his friends, including his current girl, were in college at Vassar. His father had taught him never to complain, never to express envy or disappointment and he wrote jokingly to his Aunt Harriet Stuart: I have had a draft classification of 1-B for some time on account of my eyes, and in spite of excellent connections, it seems absolutely impossible for me to get into either of the armed services in any capacity whatsoever at the present time. However, I did find an opening in a small airplane-cannon plant (through Mr. Watson of the I.B.M. which controls the plant) in which I think I can make use of such practical experience as I have had to greater effect than anything I have yet encountered . .. you'll get a laugh out of the location of the plant—its at Poughkeepsie! I think when some of my friends get wind of my move, I'm going to hear a lot of cracks about war profiteering . .. I hope it works out, as I believe the job is as close as I can get to the shooting without actually using a gun, and perhaps, from a thoroughly impersonal point of view, I can make my training count far more in that position than in uniform. At least we can try to think that as long as they won't let me have a uniform. This current move will not, I hope, have any effect on my plans for keeping on the Federation, but I feel pretty strongly that winning the war is a job that must be cleaned up first. (Jamie McClure to Harriet Stuart, January 10, 1942) Jamie put in long hours, sometimes working an eighty-hour week. Two maiden ladies, Miss Jennie and Miss Elise Kinkead, already Mends of his sister Elspeth, befriended him. They fed Jamie many meals, held birthday parties for him and Elspeth and their friends, and made him feel at home in their beautiful Victorian house above the Hudson River. They also had a dairy farm outside �414 We Plow God's Fields Poughkeepsie and Jamie could go out on Saturdays to pick apples or plow in the spring. But life in a munitions plant, lonely meals in the local diner, and knowing that most young men his age were in military service would often leave him demoralized. When his girl to whom he was so devoted told him she preferred a young Navy lieutenant, dashing in his blue and gold, Jamie sank to a new low. Fortunately he and Elspeth were close friends, and she was nearby to support him as best she could. His mother sensed his need for special support at this time and both she and Jim wrote to him often. Spring had returned again to Hickory Nut Gap. It has been one of these unbelievable days here-a cathedral blue sky—apple blossoms everywhere so that each gust of wind from the orchard carried the most heaven sent fragrance—all the white cherries clouds of white loveliness, violets in rivers of colour everywhere you stepped and the little rock garden just overflowing with blue bells and primroses and white snowdrops . . . Just as we finished supper who should drop in but Ernst Bacon from Spartanburg (who was on the faculty of the music department of Converse College there). He said he needed rest and change and just headed this way so we kept him for the night and were rewarded with Mozart and Chopin and Pappa Haydn while we listened with only candles and firelight. What a genius the man is, and what feeling and imagination he has and what supreme modesty. Absolutely unegotistical and a delightful fellow to talk to on any subject. This afternoon we took cushions and the radio out into the courtyard and sat there in the midst of wisteria and purple violets and fluttering white butterflies and waving shadows and listened to the Philharmonic and the 2nd Brahms Symphony. It all seemed incredible and unreal and like people in a dream it was so beautiful. These ravings will make you smile but it was just one of these days that you prize forever and ever and ever. The music seemed to come from the trees or the sky. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Jamie McClure, April 19, 1942) In another letter she told him how gas rationing had cut off the usual stream of spring visitors to Hickory Nut Gap, and surely she would accomplish a great deal, including extra plantings of vegetables to help supply nearby army camps. . . . [John Shorter] is much pleased. He is absolutely inspired this year. He has "patches" out in every direction and is a perfect slave to the business of keeping down the weeds. I don't think he sleeps nights! His cold frames are bulging with tomato and celery plants and he has enough lettuce on hand to feed an army. The "victory garden" slogan has gotten under his skin and into his fingers and you've just never known such a fury of effort! . . . We hear little or nothing about the German and Jap Diplomats who are lodged in the Grove Park Inn. Rumor hath it that the ladies make frequent shopping pilgrimages escorted by a heavy guard and that Miss Perkinson's and M. V. Moore's [two select Asheville stores] are just going great guns . . . (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Jamie McClure, May 24, 1942) �The War Years 415 Jamie had decided to join a small Presbyterian church in Pleasant Valley, near the Kinkead's farm. In two letters Elizabeth told him how happy she was about this step, and why she thought church membership was tremendously important. Elizabeth was not a preachy person who vaunted her religious beliefs before the world, but here she shared with her son her deep conviction that it is only as we follow the principles of Christ that we can hope to better the world. I am so glad you are going to join the church at Poughkeepsie. I think it will make a great difference to you to feel that you are part of a great organization the world over that stands for the Christian way of life and all that it means in these dark days. The church needs you, needs your support, your keen mind, your brave outlook, your eagerness to serve. There is no doubt at all that we each one of us need all the help and strength we can get, and belonging to the church does give one strength and help. There is something about sharing in the Communion service (when you have earned the right to share in it by acknowledging openly, and freely, that you mean to do your best to live according to Christ's teaching) that is wonderfully uplifting and renewing. However critical we may often feel about what the church does, or does not do, there is no getting away from the fact that we need it more than ever before,—for leadership in the Christian way of life in which we all so fervently believe, in these terrible times. I don't think any of us are strong enough to stand alone. We must all march together, shoulder to shoulder, with a common purpose in our hearts. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Jamie McClure, May 17, 1942) And in the second letter she wrote: I am hoping that this will reach you on Sunday . . . my dearest love and to tell you how much I am thinking about you especially during the morning service. There is an old hymn by George Neumark that was I think Grandfather McClure's favorite. One verse of it goes like this and I send it to you for today: If thou but suffer God to guide thee, And hope in him through all thy ways He'll give thee strength what e'er betide thee And bear thee through the evil days. Who trusts in God's unchanging love Builds on the rock that naught can move. These are truly evil and terrible times, but if we can dedicate our lives anew, each one of us, to carrying out the principles of Jesus Christ, something new and glorious and fine will grow out of all the misery and horror and I am convinced that we will be able to build a finer and better world. I am glad that you have waited until now to join the church. Because, now, you do so with a full understanding of the responsibilities and privileges that should come to him who truly and sincerely seeks to live the Christian life. We have such need now in the world of strong young men who are convinced �416 We Plow God's Fields that Christ's way of life is the only one that makes for service and brotherhood and permanent happiness I know that it will be a great source of strength to you and a revitalizing of your own spiritual life to join with all those who like you have felt a need to band together to work for the Kingdom of God. There is a verse in Joshua that I think of so often—"Be strong and of a good courage; be not afraid, neither be thou dismayed"—(and in these times how often we are dismayed—"for the Lord thy God is with thee whither so ever thou goest." Bless you my darling. And may Christ in his infinite love and majesty guide you and keep you all the days of your life. (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Jamie McClure, June 5, 1942) As always, May became June and the heat of the summer began to pour down on Hickory Nut Gap. John Shorter's peas would bear, and then brown out. The sun would be good for the tomatoes and okra, green beans and corn, but it sure made the chubby old black man sweat as he cut the weeds with his hoe. Elizabeth could not be kept from her flower beds, but as she weeded and planted and nurtured along, her thoughts were quite often carried away to Jamie. His father tried to keep him cheered up as well, and to keep him abreast of the Federation happenings. He portrayed his own life as a great adventure, not wishing the struggle to show through to anyone, even his own son. This finds Guy [Sales] and myself on a Southern day coach travelling from Columbia to Asheville . . . As there is no diner on the train and as the News Butcher has no eats we are slowly starving, but I tell Guy it is good for him . . . We went down to see the Columbia Bank for Co-ops, as we felt that additional working capital would enable us to take advantage of cash bargains in seeds and fertilizers. After explaining our need and suggesting that we had some properties we could offer as security, the bank President said they were more interested in our record than in our security, and they asked if it would be satisfactory if they gave us a line of credit of $200,000.00 which we could use as we needed!! Guy and I nearly fainted, but they evidently meant it seriously. So that is how it wound up—interest rate 2 1/2%. In other words they said they would finance us to the extent that we need financing from time to time. This certainly is great, and will enable us to buy up lespedeza, soybeans, clover seed, etc. at harvest time and carry over until the season comes to sell it. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Jamie McClure, May 27,1942) In July he wrote to Jamie that things continued to go well: Hugh Toland [the Federation's accountant] has just about completed our June 20th statement. The statement looks mighty good with a net profit after liberal reserves of $48,000. The Hatchery under the fiery leadership of Jack Gattis shows a profit of $6,000 and we are buying a new 66,000 capacity incubator giving us a capacity of 237,000. Lexington Avenue [a new warehouse in Asheville] crashed through with a profit. Usually we make our years profit in the spring months and only hold these gains during the fall and that �The War Years 417 may happen again this year as we are able to secure less and less hardware and implements and sales will fall off. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Jamie McClure, July 29, 1942) Up in Poughkeepsie Jamie kept hoping to find a way to take a more active part in the war. He heard that the Coast Guard "Temporary" Reserve was easier to enter than other services and wrote his parents he was going to try for it. He also had good news to report on his job. His father replied: Well, we are all mighty proud of your "raise." You certainly deserve it, but it is very pleasant to have them spring it on you unsolicited. The Coast Guard opening seems just down your alley. I trust nothing will come to prevent your getting in. I expect I.B.M. Plant No. 4 will be sorry to see you go, but you have found a spot for which you are fitted. I am sure you will make a point of getting around and saying your Good Byes to all the people in the plant and elsewhere who have coached you along . . . (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Jamie McClure, July 29, 1942) In August, 1942, Jamie enlisted in the Coast Guard Reserve without a physical exam. Jim wrote to Hetty, "Siddy left by bus Thursday at 7 A . M . . . . She took a notion that she must see Jamie before he goes into the Coast Guard— She had saved up her money for a trip up to see him and off she went" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, August 10, 1942). The premonitions of mothers are a well known if disputed phenomenon, and Elizabeth had a deep emotional attachment to her son. His duty was to patrol the coast of Maine on one of the converted sailing yachts the Coast Guard used for this purpose. They were especially useful because their wooden hulls could not be picked up by German sonar. The CG-26 was fifty-four feet over all, a tight fit for nine men. Jamie was Boatswain's Mate 2nd Class, and terribly proud of his sailor's uniform and his ocean-going duty. The CG-26 had an open cockpit and the Maine winter made their voyages rugged, but he was an enthusiastic crew member. When the "Temporaries" were transferred to the regular Reserve several months later, he memorized the eye chart and somehow managed to squeak through the physical. Back in North Carolina Jim threw himself into extra war jobs. In addition to selling war bonds at the picnics, he organized rallies at each school in Buncombe County, getting the children to go to see everyone. He was district chairman of the United War Fund of the state, an agency that raised funds for local social agencies, the USO, the War Prisoners Aid and the United Seaman's Service. His sense of duty forced him to stretch his limited time to the utmost. He pushed his farm work force, now headed by Mr. J. R. Riddle, a good boss and a great trader, to make as much from the land as they could. Farm prices were up, but he was motivated by patriotism as well as profit, for he was well aware that war in the Twentieth century had become as much a battle of economics as of armies. German prisoners of war were garrisoned nearby and were �418 We Plow God's Fields Jamie McClure in his Coast Guard uniform. sent to farms when the owners requested help. Several came to help fill the silo at Hickory Nut Gap and Jim enjoyed trying out his previous grasp of the German language. One young man was from a town where he had studied years before, and the boy knew some of his old Mends. Just before Christmas great news came from Maine. The CG-26 was being winterized and Jamie was coming home for Christmas! "Talk about your luck!" he wrote. "We did plenty of griping when we had to stay on patrol through November with no heat and an open wheel, but it was that very lateness that kept us under repair through the holidays. You couldn't have held me down with a lOO-lb. anchor when our C.O. asked me, quite out of a blue sky, if I wouldn't like ten days over Christmas ..." (Jamie McClure to the Stuarts, January, 1943). �The War Years 419 Jamie Clarke, too, had leave from his Navy Photo Interpretation Squadron. The McClures had a square dance for all the young people. Mathilda made a cake, crowned by a little sailor-boy and a gold braided officer to represent the two cousins. Elizabeth always used all her creative powers at Christmas to provide a meaningful occasion for her family and Mends, never losing the spiritual quality of the Savior's birth. She made a special effort this year, although she could not know it would be their last Christmas together. After Christmas Jamie returned to Biddeford Pool, Maine, and spent the rest of the winter on the icy waters of the Atlantic. In February the CG-26 encountered a great storm. When the sails had to be brought in Jamie was the crew member who walked out on the icy bowsprit to tend the ropes. They were blown a thousand miles off their course and finally limped into Gloucester, Massachusetts. The little boat was beaten past repair and the crew was reassigned. Jamie was given command of a small patrol boat that was being put in shape at Biddeford Pool. Perhaps it was one of those unbelievable April days at Hickory Nut Gap, with "a cathedral blue sky" and "apple blossoms everywhere," when Jim and Elizabeth received a telegram that Jamie was in the Biddeford Hospital. He had been overcome by carbon monoxide gas, from the coal stove, while asleep on his boat. He died before they could reach Maine, travelling by slow, crowded war-time trains. Elspeth had come from Poughkeepsie and was at his bedside, but he never recovered consciousness. From the hour of birth a parent is frequently reminded by the series of accidents and near catastrophes that befall a child just how fragile is the grasp of life over death. At frightening intervals, death seems to jump out of the shadows to threaten the very ones through whom your own life has been given meaning, without whom existence would be unimaginable. The senseless, accidental quality of Jamie's death made it even harder to accept. Both Jim and Elizabeth bore up bravely, supported by Elspeth, but life could never be the same. Elizabeth's painting friend from France, Mildred Burrage, lived close by in Kennebunkport. She and her sister "Bob" took the devastated family in. They had been family away from home for Jamie for the past nine months. Elspeth has always been glad that she went to Maine twice to see her brother, once in the fail when she and a classmate, Mel Black, had enjoyed a rousing welcome from the crew of the CG-26 and a lobster dinner on board, and again just before Jamie's death. He had had a forty-eight-hour pass and they had gone skiing at North Conway to celebrate his birthday. Now Jim and Elizabeth's Lake Forest families closed ranks to support their brother and sister. In this time of tragedy Lake Forest seemed like home. Jim telegraphed Harriet Stuart to ask if Jamie could be buried near his grandfather, and they made the trip to Chicago with their son's coffin. Dumont Clarke conducted the funeral service in the Lake Forest Presbyterian Church. Summing up the life of a young man whose full potential would never be realized on this earth, he said: �420 We Plow God's Fields We come together in loving memory of this gallant boy. He was unflinching in his courage and in his devotion to duty. He was thankful that he could put all his enthusiasm and ability into the service of his country. All his life he had responded to the inspirations that had touched him and he went about the business of preparing for coming responsibilities in a thorough and patient manner. He realized that visions must be translated into action in a practical way, and he was never dismayed or discouraged by obstacles or blows. In every new circumstance, he immediately started to learn and to master the problems involved. He weighed every situation carefully, concentrating on the best elements and attacking the difficulties with enthusiasm and zest. He went amongst us with gaiety and a glad heart and a great desire for usefulness. His young life was lighted from within by ideals of service and he was, to a rare degree, without thought of self. His independence of action was based on long and careful consideration of the problems involved. Once his course was determined he was fearless and unswerving in his allegiance. His family and friends meant everything to him; he had the strongest loyalty to all those whom he loved and it was his greatest happiness to serve them in any way. In a surprising fashion, he stirred the minds of those with whom he came in contact, and his eager interest in all manner of subjects stimulated the imagination and intellects of those about him. Young as he was, he was a constructive force in the world. He was always bent on definite accomplishment and in the words of one of his friends, "Somewhere beyond our ken he will keep right on doing things." In this time of peril and world disaster, he leaves us a heritage of courage and high purpose. He lived and worked during his brief years of maturity in such a way as to add, now, to the store of integrity and valor that we so desperately need in facing the uncertainties of the future. He would have us "carry on" and march forward. There is a verse in Joshua that was to Jamie an unfailing source of strength and inspiration and guidance: "Be strong and of good courage; be not afraid, neither be thou dismayed: for the Lord thy God is with thee whithersoever thou goest."12 Elizabeth, Jim and Elspeth took the train home the next day. Her mother quietly wrote something and passed it to Elspeth during the journey. It read: He who died at Anzim sends This to those who were his friends. ******************* Sweet friends, what the woman lave, For the last sleep of the grave, Is a hut which I am quitting, Is a garment no more fitting, Is a cage from which at last Like a bird my soul hath passed. Love the inmate, not the room, The wearer, not the garment �The War Years 421 the eagle, not the bars That kept him from the shining stars. ****************** He who died at Anzim sends This to those who were his friends. This poem, here freely remembered by Elizabeth McClure, was written by Edwin Arnold (1832-1904) and titled "Death in Arabia." It certainly expressed Elizabeth's feeling about death. She was sure Jamie was on important business in God's universe. It was harder for Jim to talk about his feelings. Once that summer Elspeth was with him at Tweeds Chapel Church in Fairview. The preacher spoke a great deal about Jamie, and it was hard for him to keep back tears. Afterwards he said, "Well, Pet, it's pretty tough."13 The best way for him to handle his loss was to keep on the light side. After the funeral he wrote to thank his sister for all her help. It was a great comfort to have Elspie with us, and she and Elizabeth have been wonderful as we have sought to re-establish ourselves. We have been somewhat overwhelmed by the deluge of letters. It seems as though every one whose life Jamie touched has written. We are now facing the task of answering 600 letters . . . You and Doug were so generous about the tickets. It was a huge help to us. We had sold a mule and a mare and I had the money in my pocket when the night call reached us—and somehow with this and the help of die Coast Guard, and the big lift by the Stuarts, we reached home without borrowing. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, April 16, 1943) Frances Herbert, Elizabeth's close Mend, recognized how thoroughly jolted she was by the death of her son. As a little girl Elizabeth had been wrenched by the death and absence of her mother, and now her sensitivities were strained by another broken bond. A government hospital had been built on the site of the old State Test Farm, where the early Federation picnics had been held. The hospital was used to care for the casualties of the war. Elizabeth decided these young soldiers could use her gift of beauty to aid in their recovery, and undertook to build up and care for a flower garden there. Frances Herbert remembers her gathering up hoes, spades and rakes and boarding the bus for Asheville at the top of her driveway. She hated to take John Shorter or Mr. Huntley away from duties on the farm to drive her for the day to Moore General. In Asheville, she lugged her implements to another bus that would carry her out to Swannanoa. Many times Frances Herbert would meet her out there. "She just really couldn't stop working," said Mrs. Herbert later. "I used to take my yardman out with me, and he would be worn out. She worked like a day laborer."14 She felt there was something obsessional about this gardening project, an attempt to cope with Jamie's death by helping the sons of other mothers. In one of her "Picnic" letters to Elspeth and Jamie Clarke she wrote: "Gaither �422 We Plow God's Fields Robinson is up singing "John Henry"—(but no one will ever sing it as our dear Jamie McClure used to do it—with a feeling of suspense and drama and imminent tragedy and yet a kind of coziness about it all that made you think of covered wagons and camp fires and the vast romance of the West always opening up). A wonderful haunting melody, with all the queer slides and drags that make it so completely mountain" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Elspeth and Jamie Clarke, July 8, 1945). Jim, too, was determined "to carry on and march forward." Not only did he continue all his duties as president of the Federation and community good citizen, he kept right on raising money for the Educational and Development Fund. This must have been particularly difficult after the loss of his son because his success depended so much on his charm and personal magnetism. People gave to help his projects because they liked and had confidence in him. He had to be always at his best. Each fall, reluctantly at first, he boarded the train for the annual campaign. He soon got into the spirit of the effort and mapped out each year's drive as a grand game, setting his goal almost unrealistically high, and pushing hard to reach it. He remembered names and a little something about each man or woman that was of importance to them. His daily tallies were kept in a little black book, with a running total he could compare with his progress from the last year. He would carry his cocktail all evening without taking a sip, moving from one conversation to another, introducing people to each other, always managing to turn the conversation towards the problems of his friends in the Southern mountains. He studied the Social Register and even plucked the names of successful people he hoped to reach out of magazines and newspapers. Special friends organized luncheons or dinners where he could speak. Sherman Pratt, of the Standard Oil family, had made a movie of the Federation and the people it served, and this was very successful in arousing interest. Many of Jim's innovative projects depended on his money-raising efforts. During the war years the Educational and Development Fund was pumping nearly $60,000 annually into the picnics, the Training School, the Lord's Acre, and projects to improve the genetic quality of the dairy herds and poultry flocks of the mountains. Jim was so successful as a fund raiser that he could never replace himself. Each year he worked up a promotional pamphlet "The Forgotten Pioneer, A New Chance for the Mountain People." He included figures such as, " . . . for each dollar donated to date, the Fund has put $22.84 in the pockets of our farmers. We are helping the mountaineers to help themselves." He wrote sister Hetty, "I enclose our new circular. I have to raise my Budget on it—Do you think it has chex appeal?" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, June 20, 1936). Each pamphlet had on the cover a large photograph chosen to impress his contributors with the proud and honorable people of North Carolina who were trying to pull themselves out of a hopeless economic inheritance. The pictures exhibited the quaintness of life there: the mules and oxen or the simple log homes that had earned for the region its reputation for backwardness. And yet �The War Years 423 Picture of the "Forgotten Pioneer." Jamie McClure took this picture of Dave Sharp. Jim chose fine faces for these covers, with great strength and fortitude. The October 1941 issue showed "The Forgotten Pioneer" riding on his ox sled with a bag of flour. In 1945, a pretty young woman leads two mules out into her family's pasture. The 1947 issue featured three cheerful bare foot boys, sitting on the porch holding their hoes. Jim liked to remind his audiences of the great number of children in the mountains, and how important their lives were to the future of the United States. He would then introduce the work of the Lord's Acre, very popular among the Protestants of the North. In 1943, the picture was a studied contrast between the pride and optimism of a young soldier, and the mountain cabin he was leaving behind. Of all the photographs, one he used in May 1941 was his tour deforce. Way up on the side of a high mountain ridge, a man stands upright and proud next to his field of corn. In the distance, three mountain ranges, row after row, are plainly visible. The man appears to see beyond the beautiful landscape at his feet to the better future for his grandchildren. Jamie McClure took that picture of Dave Sharp. Open up one of Jim's pamphlets, and there were more pictures that give �424 We Plow God's Fields visual expression to the work of the Federation. One featured two parents planting their garden, followed by three small children hoeing and pulling the dirt back over the seeds, standing over the heading "FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY: The Family." Jim asked rhetorically, in large print, "Who Are These Mountain People?" and "Are They Worth Helping?" On the back cover, he would list the prominent citizens who were backing him up. Mrs. Henry Davison was still with him, as the Chairman of the Women's Committee in New York. Arthur Page remained a strong captain in the efforts. Angier B. Duke, Thomas J. Watson, Henry P. Luce, Mrs. J. C. Penney and several Fords and Biddies were some of the famous names that stood behind Jim McClure's efforts. The high point of the Fund drive became the annual "mountain picnic" held in the Grand Ballroom of the Waldorf Astoria in New York. Jim McClure treated his supporters and their friends, a sophisticated crowd, to an evening unlike any other in the city. The Federation String Band set the tone and rhythm, performing buck dances, singing old ballads, and playing the Tennessee Waltz. Jim and Elspeth found that their "fox chase" imitation was as popular in New York as it was with the Cherokee Indians. Just as in North Carolina, local performers turned up to take part in the program: Mr. Watson's son "Dick" (Arthur K.) Watson yodeled; Madame Novatna from the Metropolitan Opera performed; Jimmy Van Alan, who invented the tie-breaker rules for tennis, sang a song he had composed about Jim. The song was sung to the tune of "The Old 97." When Jim McClure hit the Southern mountains In the year one nine one six, It was common belief that the North and South land Could never, never mix. Then Jim McClure smiled that smile that's loosened purse strings That never were loosed before . . . The guests took part in musical chairs with as much enthusiasm as the players in Yancey County, while the New York audience collapsed with laughter. Dinner was served, and the more adventurous barely hesitated to try out the delicate and indelicate staples of the mountain diet. One typical menu included Potlikker soup, wild strawberry jam, cornbread with sorghum molasses oozed on top, all followed by a slice of blackberry pie. Slices of Federation turkey would likely as not be the centerpiece of the meal, raised, everyone was reminded, with the help of contributions made to the Fund. Waldorf waiters were stuffed incongruously into bib overalls, and Jamie Clarke remembers the confusion in the vast basement when he delivered white Southern cornmeal, sweet potatoes and several lively calves to help create a country atmosphere. Jim was himself master of ceremonies and IBM's Thomas J. Watson paid for the entire evening. In 1941, Mr. Watson made this introduction of the evening's principal speaker. �The War Years 425 Waldorf-Astoria Federation Picnic, 1954 or 1955. Max Roberts (on far left), Jim McClure (center) with his famous white pants, and Elspeth McClure on the far right. You all know that back of everything worthwhile are two things: an idea and a personality. The idea back of the Farmers Federation is to improve the conditions and raise the standards of living of the community in Western North Carolina mountain country. The personality back of this worthwhile proposition is Mr. McClure . . . The point I would like to have all of you remember in regard to this work is that Mr. McClure has never given a dollar to a farmer, nor loaned him any money, but he has given him an educational institution. I consider it the finest type of agricultural college I have ever seen. He has taught these people how to produce more from their soil, and he has found markets for their products 15 Jim wooed his audience with an address he had refined and polished over the years. He liked to begin with a tale or two he had picked up through the years. Away back in the Smoky Mountains, a man lived in a small cabin, alone except for his dog. Well the winters there are long and lonely, and so this man decided to teach his dog to play checkers. One day he was sitting in front of the fire playing checkers with his dog sitting in the opposite chair—when he heard a knock on his door. It was a New Yorker, lost in the mountains, and he entered when the mountaineer yelled for him to come on in. "Well, what do you want stranger?" "Nothing. I just want to watch the game." The dog made a move, the �426 We Plow God's Fields mountaineer studied a while and made his move. The dog thought a while and moved again. In a few more moves the dog won— The stranger said, "Will you let me take you and that dog to New York. Why you can get more money in one night in New York than you will make in ten years on this farm. People will pay big money to see that dog play checkers. The mountaineer hesitated and thought it over. "Stranger, he's really not as good as you might think. I reckon I win somewheres of three games out of every five."16 With such a story, Jim brought his audience down to North Carolina. The isolation, the poverty and honest naivete of the mountaineer were described in a way that would catch the attention of his contributors, and give him a springboard into describing the work of the Federation. Jim always kept his speeches short and soon brought the Federation band back to liven up the spirits of the crowd. Several similar events were held at the Barclay Hotel in Philadelphia, where George Munson and Clare McCoy, publisher of the Evening Bulletin, steered Jim's fund raising activities. The purpose of the evening was to arouse the interest of these people, to give them an unshakable curiosity about life in Western North Carolina, so that their generosity might be cultivated for the benefit of the work in the mountains. A rousing square dance went on late into the evening, with occasional breaks to auction baby chickens, a pony or a piglet, which created a great stir. These picnics were a curious blend of the two worlds of Jim and Elizabeth, and exhibited once again the skill with which he could combine fun with purpose in order to enlist the help of all sorts of people. The best part of these forays to New York, Philadelphia or Detroit was getting back to Hickory Nut Gap, sometimes as late as December. Jim wrote to Elspeth at college once at the end of a campaign, "Tomorrow I head back to Heaven and the Heaven keeper!"17 Back at the farm John and Mathilda Shorter were still the main props at the house along with Rev. David Huntley, whose children were fast growing up and moving successfully out into the world. Betty was the capable and willing secretary to Mr. McClure in his capacity as the president of the Federation. Elspeth and some of her Vassar classmates spent the summer of 1943 working on the farm. As in World War I, extra vegetable crops were planted to help feed soldiers in nearby army camps. Sis Rice received a proposal from her husband-to-be while weeding the asparagus patch. Jess Rattray almost collapsed while picking endless lima beans in the boiling heat, and Virginia Osborne stayed all summer to help tend and dust green beans, hoe corn, and pick tomatoes with the farm hands and their families. Clinard Settles and his brother John Scott Settles were the heart of the work force, under the able and humorous leadership of Mr. J. R. Riddle. Nannie Settles, John's strong wife, was the fastest bean picker. Several acres of yellow tomatoes were struck by a blight that was new to the mountains. As the girls and their co-workers washed the red clay off the fruits in a great tub, it was hard to tell which tomatoes were a ripe �The War Years 427 yellow and which were rotten. Jamie Clarke's letters from Guadalcanal were read over and over, but they could give little hint of what was happening in the far Pacific. The girls also attended every picnic with Jim. Elspeth helped her father line up the program and wrote the articles for the paper. Virginia Osborne sat gallantly in the blazing sun, selling war bonds and stamps with Mr. A. C. Reynolds. Elspeth planned to follow her brother into military service after graduating from Vassar on the accelerated plan in the spring of 1944. Her parents came up for the graduation ceremonies, and while they were having breakfast with the Misses Kinkead, who had been so good to their children, the telephone rang. A harassed Vassar official asked for James McClure. President Roosevelt had been scheduled to make the graduation address, but had to cancel at the last minute. Could Jim work up a speech in time? Miss Elise remembers his response. "Do you think we can do it in two hours?" he asked Elizabeth. With her lovely smile she jumped up and "Yes. Jim—let's try!"18 How he loved a crisis. The speech was enthusiastically received. It was vintage McClure, a call to arms to the best and brightest in the nation. The Poughkeepsie newspaper reported: Tracing American ideals, the speaker, whose daughter, Elspeth McClure, was a member of the graduating class, reminded that "The hope of the world lies in our purpose to carry these ideas forward. It will take fresh understandings and new research and original effort and keen penetration to discover afresh the great power that lies in these American ideals .. . General Smuts has said, "mankind has struck its tents and is on the march." In the world which is so rapidly changing today there lies ahead of the class of 1944 a period of unparalleled opportunity. You are finishing your preparation on the eve of the invasion of Europe, for which the free people of the world are waiting. Our success in arms must be followed through by America's entry into world citizenship. There is no escape from it. It is the destiny of America. The world is fluid and your generation will make the patterns and determine the moulds of the immediate course of mankind. Success in a shot in golf depends on the follow through. The same will be true of our entry into world affairs. You will be the ones to follow through. And so today, I want to talk to you of the Creative Power of American Ideals and of how the ideas which made America can restore us here in America and promise hope to the world. Freedom and liberty have enabled mankind to develop abilities in a remarkable way under democracy."19 His speech was an adaptation of one he had delivered before the Pen and Plate Club in Asheville entitled "The Springs of Democracy." He concluded his remarks at Vassar by challenging the class of 1944, and their parents and friends. In so doing, he verbalized the motive force in his own life. He said, "Everyone here, today, instinctively believes in the things that have made America, we believe so strongly that we will fight for them on every battle front in �428 We Plow God's Fields the world . . . It will be a tough assignment to put these ideals into practice. I am not offering a life of ease but instead a life that will call for all your energy and all your ability. It is a great challenge which will require a peculiar quality of mind and spirit."20 In essence Jim McClure believed that it would be possible to export ideas like the Farmers Federation and the Lord's Acre to foreign lands, and raise up the incomes and the spiritual resources of developing nations as he had done in the Southern Appalachians. He actually admired the way Adolph Hitler had transformed millions of Germans from inertia to action by offering them hope and pride. But the energy Hitler roused was directed to evil and destructive purposes. Why could not the energies of the American people be utilized to conquer the world in the name of human progress? Jim's World War I ethic that peace could be achieved by nonintervention had been replaced by the belief that America must actively promote the values of democracy. A few years later he talked about the possibility of sending out young men and women to Third World countries to work for a year or two, an idea very similar to John F. Kennedy's Peace Corps. Now his own daughter was going into the Navy and he was proud of her. After graduation she was accepted for WAVE Officers Training School. Soon she was marching in formation all over the campus of Smith College in Northampton, Massachusetts, learning Navy communications. There was universal support for the war against the dictators and young people all over the country were enlisting in military service. The scarcity of manpower in Western North Carolina put many women behind the wheels of their husband's tractors, making for delightful cover photographs for the Federation News. To a serviceman overseas, one picture of a pretty girl was worth much more than many thousands of words. Bob Brown, editor of the News, started a contest for a Burley Tobacco Queen of Western North Carolina and Miss Ophelia Cole, the first winner, graced the cover of the December tobacco issue. Barefooted and smiling, she stands in front of the crop she helped to grow, wearing what appears to be nothing but a skirt and blouse of tobacco leaves. Pauline Smith, another candidate, received two trunks full of letters from homesick servicemen after her picture was in the News. She was shown watching a tobacco bed being burned near Barnardsville School, wearing the shortest of shorts. One ship's crew made her their pin-up girl and asked for large pictures. Dumont Clarke must have been dubious about this promotional stunt. Already he cringed at the thought of the Federation's support of tobacco. But he was so busy spreading the Lord's Acre plan far and wide that he hardly had time to complain. With Elspeth away the farm would have been lonely that summer, but Elizabeth's nephew, Corwith Cramer, Jr., came to work on the farm and at the picnics, bringing his school friend, John Compton, son of the nuclear physicist, Dr. Arthur Compton. Cory had already spent much time at the farm, for his father's boat business kept him moving about. Elizabeth, Jim and Elspeth all loved him, and in many ways he was like Jamie McClure. He had the same �The War Years 429 brilliant mind and energy, and he was learning to play the banjo and sing mountain ballads. He and John worked on the farm and at the picnics and it meant a great deal to Jim and Elizabeth to have him there. Just when Elspeth finished her WAVE training at the end of August 1944, Jamie Clarke arrived home on leave, after eighteen months in the Pacific, with long duty on the island of Guadalcanal. Elspeth had loved Jamie for a long time. She had grown up during the nearly two years since they had seen each other, and Jamie discovered he felt the same way. They were cousins, so it took some careful thought and research into the genetics of the situation. The related side of their families was the strong McClure side, which was in their favor. With Elspeth stationed at the Navy Yard in Charleston, South Carolina, and Jamie at the Navy Department in Washington, they had to do some long distance considering, but at last all the obstacles were worked out. Elizabeth and Jim planned to spend Christmas with Elspeth in Charleston. They were offered an apartment in the old part of the city by Jim's cousin, Cornelia Cogswell Sage, and a WAVE friend of Elspeth's helped her set up a Christmas tree in a pot of earth sneaked from St. Phillips churchyard. Just a day or two before they were to leave Elizabeth was running down the steps to the garden to gather some greens for the Garden Club's Christmas wreath project, when she slipped on the ice and broke her arm. With one arm in a cast she kept right on with Christmas preparations, tieing up packages with one hand and her teeth. On Christmas Day Elspeth had "the duty" at the Navy Yard Communications office. That evening she told her parents, who already knew what was in the wind, that she and Jamie were indeed engaged. They were delighted and supportive. Elspeth and Jamie had pooled Navy resources to buy her mother a fur coat for Christmas, something she had not had since she was a young girl. Somehow, in spite of her broken arm, she cut branches of forsythia and yellow jasmine ("Spring Candlelight," she always called it) and forced them into bloom for the February 17th wedding in the Presbyterian Church in Asheville, where there was room for their many friends. Elspeth had a hard time getting the ten days leave to be married, which was guaranteed to WAVEs, from her crusty commanding officer, and reached home the day before the wedding. Young Corwith Cramer, his father, Uncle Ambrose, and Tommy DeBevoise, son of a New York supporter of the Federation, who had spent the winter working for the coop and living at the Clarke's, were ushers. Jamie's contemporaries were all away in the service. Elspeth's childhood friends, Beckie Herbert and Mary D. Heywood, were able to take part, and her roommate from Vassar, Farley Walton, was maid of honor. The day before the wedding Jamie's mother Annie took Elspeth aside and told her that Jamie had never given her a moment's worry. Elizabeth and Jim went to stay with Annie and Dumont after the wedding, leaving Hickory Nut Gap as a peaceful haven for the new couple. Elizabeth even arranged to send groceries out on the bus to Mathilda, as gas rationing limited driving severely. The newlyweds had no cares, save for getting lost in ��The War Years 431 Miss Ophelia Cole, 16, of Newfound, Tobacco Queen for the 1943-44 season. a fog on Big Bearwallow Mountain above the little town of Gerton. They wandered down the wrong side of the ridge, ending up twenty miles from home at a little country store, where they telephoned to John Shorter to pick them up, along with the three little white farm dogs! While they waited they enjoyed in silence the muttered comments of an elderly male customer "That boy ought to be in the army!" Elspeth and Jamie had been closely observed by neighbors as they started their walk earlier in the afternoon. When they got back to Gerton they learned that loyal friends had organized a search party! John dreaded wasting more precious gas, but Elspeth thought they must try to notify them that the lost were found. "That's the—ah worry," the old man sighed wearily as he drove up the rough Bearwallow Road. Half way up they found Uncle Mouse Freeman's son, Filmore, Deputy Sheriff of Gerton. At once he blew a tremendous blast on a siren attached to the roof of his car and answering whistles and shouts came from the mountainside. When the ten days were over the newlyweds returned sadly to their posts in Charleston and Washington. But Elspeth had been scheduled to attend Communications School in Washington in a few weeks, and the WAVE District Personnel Officer had offered her hope for a transfer to Washington. The EastOpposite: Dumont Clarke prays with a group of Lord's Acre participants. �Wedding of James Clarke and Elspeth McClure. Left-right: Mary D. Heywood, Farley Walton, Rebecca Herbert, Phebe Ann Lewis, Dumont Clarke, Annie McClure Clarke, James McClure Clarke, Elspeth McClure, Elizabeth Cramer McClure, James G.K. McClure. �The War Years 433 ern Seaboard Naval installations were dropping personnel as the war with Germany drew to a close. In Washington Jamie, with brave optimism, answered an ad for a house. Housing was very scarce, but his sentimental telegram melted the heart of the landlady. She chose his application over hundreds of others because she was about to get married herself. Elizabeth's brother Ambrose, who was heading up Lend-Lease for the United Kingdom, and his wife Mary, invited him to live with them until Elspeth arrived. The Communications School made a happy break in their separation, and Jamie had the little house filled with daffodils when Elspeth arrived. By the end of May the transfer came through and they were able to get settled. Elspeth worked Navy watches round the clock, changing every two days, in the big Navy code room while Jamie had regular hours as editor of Naval Aviation magazine, but they were so happy together in their pretty little house in Georgetown that it didn't matter at all. Elizabeth visited them and resolutely cooked artichokes in the dish pan, for they had no large sauce pan. She even sent them rooted boxwood cuttings for their pocket-sized garden!21 When the war was over the one thing Jamie Clarke wanted to do was get back to Asheville to help with the Farmers Federation. Late in the fall they both were out of the Navy and able to move into the cottage behind the spring house. Jamie went straight to work. On V-J Day, Jim McClure was sixty years old and the time was coming when he would have to pass the torch of his work on to the young. Jamie Clarke was a hard worker, capable and willing. But the founder was a very special man, most would say indispensable. The Federation was in his head, and it was hard to learn all the angles. The war years had been a great mixture of blessings and difficulties. Nothing could compensate Jim for the loss of his son. But the business of the Federation was making great strides forward. Soon Jamie and Elspeth would bring back the sounds and duties of little children to Hickory Nut Gap. Jim did not remove himself from the struggle. He could never retire, because he loved the working and fighting too much. The Lord had indeed equipped him with the strength to carry a heavy load. 1. Fanners Federation News, November 1940, p. 7. 2. Farmers Federation News, December 1940, p. 10. 3. Farmers Federation News, August 1940. 4. Dumont Clarke, Farmers Federation News, May 1941, p. 19. 5. Dumont Clarke, Farmers Federation News, May, 1941. 6. Jamie McClure, "Frontier Civilization in the Blue Ridge Highlands, unpublished paper, written for a course at Yale University, no date. 7. Ibid. 8. James McClure Clarke, unpublished recollections, 1947. 9. Interview with James McClure Clarke. �434 We Plow God's Fields 10. Ibid. 11. James G. K. McClure, Jr., address given before the National Institute of Social Sciences, New York City, May 24, 1944. 12. Dumont Clarke, address at the funeral of Jamie McClure, Lake Forest, Dlinois, April, 1943. 13. Interview with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 14. Interview with Mrs. Frances Herbert. 15. Thomas J. Watson, speech quoted in Business Machines, the IBM company newspaper, January 16, 1941. 16. Paraphrased from a speech by James G. K. McClure, Jr. 17. Interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 18. Ibid. 19. "U.S. Must Join in World Affairs, Speaker Tells Vassar Graduates," Poughkeepsie Afew Yorker, April 19, 1944, p. 1. 20. Ibid., p. 4. 21. Interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. �Chapter Twenty Last Years So long as our lives individually strive to embody the spirit that comes of God, our souls seeing renewal always in the source of all life must then meet, and of necessity become one, since in God there is no separation. That which is you and that which is I must then perforce unite and become eternally part of one another just as two rivers meeting, henceforth mingle and become one stream that continues on its way until it is merged in the great sea ... (Elizabeth Cramer to James G. K. McClure, Jr., February 8, 1916) By March, one can expect in the Southern Appalachians a fair number of the most delightful warm days. All across the region, the sun begins to work its miracle of drawing out the world's most diverse variety of wild flowers and blooming shrubs. Each mountain homestead, almost without exception, has its well-tended beds of transplanted wild azaleas, lady slippers and phlox. In spring a woman will find time each day to study these sacred little patches, watching for the first shoots of daffodils or iris. About the same time, her husband manages to swing by for a look at his bee gums, to see how the colonies fared over the winter as they respond to the warming rays of sun. Elizabeth McClure rejoiced each year hi this renewal of spring, and loved to wander about and rediscover the hidden beauties that lay scattered about her home in the mountains. Trailing arbutus, the first herald of the new season, is the shyest of the ephemerals, signalling the pure white drifts of Sarvis trees in the leafless forest. Quickly come great beds of trillium, showy orchids, dutchman's breeches and blood root, followed by punctatium (the earliest, small leafed Rhododendron), dogwood, and flame azalea with great splashes of color in the newly greening woods. For Elizabeth, this seasonal show was holy revelation enough to prove the existence of a loving Creator. In late March of 1946, Elizabeth and Jim had been married for thirty years, and had spent almost the entire time at their beloved Hickory Nut Gap. For all that time Elizabeth had been working in partnership with the fecund Blue Ridge soil, with proud mountain men who were amazed to find themselves working with "pretties," and with assorted small boys in faded overalls, to surround the old house with beauty. Throughout the three growing seasons, native plants and those chosen with care from her array of catalogues made a succession of changing colors against the ever growing backdrop of glossy green boxwood. Many of these she and Jim had planted as scraggly shrubs bought from unappreciative owners. Jim and Elizabeth set some of these at the boundary of the rock 435 �436 We Plow God's Fields garden above the house, where they slowly grew into veritable giants, shouldering each other in undulating waves. Elizabeth rooted countless cuttings and set them out to grow into hedges. She trimmed them faithfully over the years, using a string line to keep those all important straight lines that she carefiilly planned to melt into the looseness of a large, untrimmed bush, or to lead the eye into the green woods beyond the garden. By 1946 Hickory Nut Gap had become a happy combination of architecture and landscape and a wonderful botanical adventure. Elizabeth was the conductor of a floral symphony that played a different movement in each season of the year, to the delight of her guests and family. That spring, the paths and courtyards of Hickory Nut Gap were for Jim and Elizabeth filled with memories of their children. Twenty-five years before, little "Punie" would have enjoyed the warmth of March crawling about the lawn pulling at the dandelions. It would take only a glance at the sandbox to remind her of the treasure hunts she used to organize for little Elfie and her Stuart cousins from Chicago. In the spring of 1943, she had lost Jamie altogether to this life. Now Elspeth was beginning her own family at Hickory Nut Gap. Elizabeth and Jim were now members of an older generation, and they wore their dignity with the kind of confidence men and women possess when their lives have stood for a glorious purpose. With the one exception of their son's death, the sorrows and disappointments that were allotted them had been dispelled by the courage and the vision both shared when they were married back in 1916. Their works had matched their faith, and they were surrounded by the variety of their friendships. For March 29, 1946, Elspeth and Jamie planned a surprise anniversary party, secretly inviting a number of these oldest friends including, of course, Annie and Dumont Clarke, who had been in on the courtship from its beginning. Everyone was asked to come in the costume of the time of their own marriage, and to bring a photograph. Elspeth persuaded her mother to go off with Jim on an overnight trip to Tennessee, which gave her time to decorate the studio at the back of the courtyard with the photographs of the guests and to set up tables for supper with Betty Huntley's help. Meanwhile, Mathilda prepared the feast. Jim and Elizabeth had only just returned when the first guests arrived. Elizabeth was even more startled than Jim, but they both entered right into the spirit of this celebration of friendship and love. Even at this stage of their lives, though, there was little time for reminiscing. Jim continued to manage the Farmers Federation, whose business raced along during the post-war period. The summer picnics were now a mountain tradition, a holiday that thousands anticipated. And Jim continued to make his autumn pilgrimages up north to gather together loyal contributors and treat them to his charm and the revised pitch of "What we are doing about the mountain farm." He threw himself as well behind the great efforts to build new schools in Buncombe County and to introduce symphony music to Western North Carolina. The region was changing; industry was building up in the mountains, �Last Years 437 stemming the out migration of young families to the mill towns of the Piedmont and elsewhere. Young soldiers returning home brought with them new aspirations, and a hankering for their piece of the American Dream. Fewer would remain satisfied with the rigors of subsistence agriculture or its meager economic rewards. Everyone wanted an automobile, and many once prim and well-kept mountain yards became the shrines of a generation of self-taught mechanics. Petunias and asters had to compete with old transmissions and discarded bumpers. Very few farms would escape at least one or two junkers out in the yard, with a V-8 engine dangling from the old oak shade tree. The jacked-up car of the whiskey runner was added to the moonshine legend. In fact, the curves through Hickory Nut Gap became the "Thunder Road" for many aspiring blockaders who liked to refine their road handling skills by squalling and screeching up and down the mountain on a Saturday evening. But it was roads such as this one, and new ones besides, that opened up the region to the national economy. Not only were manufactured goods readily available in Western North Carolina, but the families themselves enjoyed new mobility and sources of income. Jim McClure's dream of a wage earner in every home appeared possible. Manufacturers discovered the capabilities and the willing spirit of the mountain worker, who appreciated his earnings and wanted nothing more than to go home after work to do a little tinkering, hoe in the garden or play ball with his children. The new economic order in the mountains meant a new role for the Farmers Federation. In many areas farming remained the main source of livelihood, but in others conditions were changing. With the war over, Jim McClure began to formulate new ideas and projects for the Federation. In the Twenty-sixth anniversary issue of the News (1946), he laid before the membership a bold new plan of action. A GREAT PROGRAM AHEAD The Fanners Federation is developing a great, constructive program which will build solid foundations for a better civilization in Western North Carolina . .. We are planning to build a solid foundation of markets which will mean the prosperity of the towns. Poultry and Eggs: We already have started a new modern poultry-processing plant on Valley Street in Asheville. This will have zero storage rooms for frozen poultry; cold storage rooms for eggs, apples, and potatoes; it will have lots of space to take care of these farm products. We are planning this building to be a solid foundation for the marketing of poultry, eggs, apples and potatoes in Western North Carolina. Turkeys: We are launching a campaign for turkey production . .. Freezer Lockers and Frozen Foods: Great strides will be made within the next few years in the processing and use of frozen foods. The Fanners Federation plans to keep right abreast with this movement. We already have four locker plants in operation and another one just about to be built at Brevard. Campaigns for locker plants are going forward at Marion and Spruce Pine. �438 We Plow God's Fields The Fanners Federation stands willing to go ahead with any community in the erection of a locker plant if a survey shows that the installation can be operated at a safe margin. These locker plants will enable the farmers to get started in the frozen food business; and also, in the processing of meat... Milk: We are already at work building a cooperative dairy plant. The directors of the Farmers Federation feel that this will establish a solid foundation for the marketing of milk and milk products in Western North Carolina .. . High Production: The program of the Farmers Federation will call for high production in every branch of agriculture. You all know the standards we have set in our hatchery: Every baby chick has the inheritance behind it for 250 eggs. We have the Dairy Improvement program, also based on genetics, designed to increase the average production of dairy cows to ten or twelve thousand pounds a year . . . the bull barn for an artificial insemination program is now being built. Spiritual Resources: The Religious Department plans to go even further in backing up and trying to help strengthen the country Sunday Schools and churches. The Lord's Acre Movement has given new vitality and strength to our country churches and Sunday Schools. We now plan to add to that service a church and Sunday School recreation service so that wholesome recreation can be used through the Sunday Schools in developing the kind of Christian character that we need for this new atomic age into which we are coming. The strength of America has always been in the country districts. We want to develop the type of strong Christian character in our rural sections that will keep America marching forward into a better day.1 The first rays of that "better day" were already shining in the North Carolina mountains. In all measurements of economic activity, the region still lagged behind the rest of the nation, but the opportunities of 1946 were vastly different from those of 1916 when Jim and Elizabeth first came to the South. The effects of two wars, the TVA, better highways, more tourists, more industry, and better access to national markets were remaking the lives of the mountaineers. The Federation was playing a leading role in the development of the region, raising up the level of skills and the hopes of the men and women and their children who lived in its territory. As Jim McClure often said, "A rising tide raises all boats." By his hammering on the facts of scientific agriculture, in cooperation with the County Agricultural agents, a generation of farmers had ready access to the most current techniques of fanning. And with the News and the picnics, Jim made the information better than accessible, he made it understandable and downright fun. The habits of progressive farming spread, with the obvious results that the members who followed these procedures grew more food, and made more money for their families. In a less obvious way, these men and women learned to think in a critical, problem-solving manner. Sociologists have noted the difficulties traditional societies face when trying to mesh with the ways of the modern industrial system. A large part of the adjustment involves a new philosophical approach, an acceptance of the scientific method of critical thinking. In Western North Carolina, the Federation helped to promote this approach to problems, and therefore �Last Years 439 contributed to the remarkably smooth transition the region experienced in shifting away from the habits of its traditional culture. Jim McClure chaired an endless number of committees and meetings that involved the farmers in their own business. He taught by example organizational rules and etiquette, and how to arrive at an acceptable joint decision after several opinions were expressed. The farmers involved learned about minutes, and treasurer's reports, and how to elect people to positions correctly and with a minimum of hard feelings. The policies of the Federation were set by two directors elected by the membership of each county. These were usually leading farmers. Warehouse committees helped to manage the policies of each of the Federation stores. Market news taught the mountain farmers how to think in terms of supply and demand, world commodity markets, government policies, and all the other factors that determine crop prices. If the Federation was something of a large-scale school, its central purpose remained to put cash in the pocket of the mountain farmer. Jim McClure had always used his powers of imagination to create money-generating schemes. With the aid of the Fund he had been able to try out many of them. The Federation created, promoted and maintained a wide variety of programs. Ironically its very success would eventually contribute to the demise of the organization. After the war, the Federation expanded into new areas such as freezer locker plants, the sale of home appliances, a modern poultry dressing plant, a cooperative dairy plant, artificial insemination and other programs. The expertise and energies of the management became more dispersed just at a time when agriculture nationally experienced a burst of specialization. For example, the Federation committed itself to building up a modern poultry business. From the earliest days of the cooperative, Jim McClure had felt that Western North Carolina was an ideal region for chickens. The cool summer climate, along with the requirement of mountain farmers to raise a crop that did not need rich bottom land, made poultry and turkeys very promising. The business did grow and continue to put cash in the pockets of farmers, from the days of the black pot out in front of the Fairview warehouse for scalding and plucking chickens through the era of the live poultry railroad car, and finally to the building of the Federation's own hatchery and dressing plant. Over the years the officers of the Federation learned a lot about the fickle nature of the chicken business, overcoming diseases and fighting a series of marketing difficulties; but Jim always remained sure that the Federation could prevail and provide for its region a stable and profitable poultry enterprise. An improved hatchery was built to ensure a supply of healthy baby chicks, with the best inheritance for rapid development in the case of broilers or high production in the case of laying hens. Chicks sold to farmers were repurchased by the Federation and processed at the dressing plant in Asheville, where they were scientifically killed, plucked, gutted, packaged and marketed. A modern plant was begun in 1946 and completed the next year at a cost of $130,000. The Educational and Development Fund assisted in launching this new project. At �440 We Plow God's Fields the May 1948 meeting of the Fund Trustees the completion of the plant was noted and the immediate support of the Fund requested. . . . [T]he modern poultry processing plant of the Farmers Federation . . . is in operation. This plant was necessary as a marketing foundation on which to build a poultry industry in the mountains, but this plant cannot develop volume enough to pay its way in the fiscal year .. . Since these fine facilities were built and put into operation to further the development of agricultural production in the mountain territory and since time is needed to develop volume of business to the point where they will be self-sustaining, a motion was made that the Budget be amended to include an item to cover interest and depreciation on these buildings . . . amounting to $36,278.07 .. . This motion was seconded and duly carried.2 Spread over the next decade, over $300,000 of Fund money was spent promoting and maintaining the hatchery, the dressing plant and various other poultry related enterprises. It had always been the objective of the Federation to spread the poultry business out among many small farmers to help them increase cash income. Fred Moffitt was one of the first to be "in chickens" with the Federation in Clay County, a sparsely populated and remote county at the far western tip of North Carolina. He had a supply flock, furnishing eggs for the broiler breeds to the Federation hatchery in Asheville: Rhode Island Reds and Domineckers. Each week a yellow Federation truck would pull up to the Moffitt farm, pick up the eggs, and leave the correct amount and mix of feed. During periods of tight money, the Federation would allow a dependable man like Fred Moffitt to build his credit up a bit. For his part, he was sure that the Federation poultry business was the "best thing going at the time." In truth there were then few other opportunities in Clay County. All over Western North Carolina chicken houses began to spring up and there was a feeling of excitement and optimism as the profits started to come in. It wasn't long, however, before large feed companies began to see the advantages of creating their own poultry operations to stimulate the sale of their products. They would go so far as to build large chicken houses for the farmer, on credit, advance him the birds, and then pay for raising them. Very quickly, for both layers and broilers, the scale of profitable operation grew larger and larger. The tremendous expansion of the broiler business in particular, with large-scale credit extended by the feed companies, resulted in overexpansion of the industry and heavy losses to the companies and to the farmers. Many big chicken houses still stand empty in Western North Carolina as a monument to this overexpansion and excessive credit. Fred Moffitt had started out with what seemed a large enterprise at that time—200 hens and 20 roosters. But he "went out" when the modern, large scale company-owned birds "came in." He understood that "Today a farmer must raise seven to ten thousand birds to make it."3 �Last Years 441 Farmers Federation poultry processing plant, built in 1948. Jim McClure's dream of a poultry industry geared to raise the standards of living of the small farmer in the North Carolina mountains ran head on into the post-war drive of big business entering the agricultural field. His 1950 report in the Federation News reflects the way this development was beginning to affect business. Perhaps the highlight of the year just passed, when we look back at it, will be the development of the broiler industry. This was an instance of turning a near disaster into a solid achievement. The baby chick business took a decided slump all during the fall of 1949, and early spring of 1950. Eggs dropped in price. No one wanted baby chicks. We even had to shut down the hatchery. Jack Gattis, the manager of the hatchery for some years, resigned and it took us some time to find his successor . . . There was no market for baby chicks. It takes a lot of broiler houses on farms to develop a broiler industry in any section. One of the chief obstacles to developing a broiler industry in our mountain section has been the individual fanners have had in financing broiler houses. It takes about one square foot per broiler, and you can readily see it's expensive to build a 5,000 square foot broiler house . . . Instead of closing the hatchery, we decided to put on a real campaign to get out the broilers. If we closed the hatchery, our supply flocks would necessarily have no market and we would lose all that we have built up in the past few years . . . We hope that this year, which has been so tough on the hatchery, will result in building a solid foundation for a great broiler industry in the mountains. Our hatchery is coming through the 12 months with a loss. This loss should �442 We Plow God's Fields be a permanent gain to the farm people of Western North Carolina because of the development of a real broiler industry.4 The "solid Foundation" crumbled four years later, in the summer of 1954, when disaster struck the Federation's poultry business. Within a six-month period, the market price for broilers dropped 29 percent, and egg prices dropped 34 percent. The Fund was forced to cover some of these unexpected losses, helping the Federation through a particularly rocky situation. Jim was always proud of the multiplication factor by which the Federation increased the power of the contributor's dollar, but clearly from a business standpoint he had failed to create a self-sustaining poultry, turkey and egg industry in Western North Carolina. The efforts by the Federation to provide freezer space through its territory faced a similar predicament. Jamie Clarke led the stock campaigns to provide capital for these freezer locker plants. Patrons would rent lockers to preserve their meats and vegetables for family use or for sale. The Farmers Federation has now in operation eight Frozen Food Locker plants. These plants offer a twofold opportunity for the mountain farmers, first to develop a frozen food industry in the mountains and second to develop a better diet through using the potential of the freezing process. Research and experiment should be carried on to see what fruits, vegetables and meats will best lend themselves to the development of a frozen food industry. For the second part of this program, every effort should be made to acquaint the mountain farmer with the possibilities of saving and of diet improvement made possible by the freezing process.5 Western North Carolina did not develop a significant frozen food industry for two reasons. First, large established food processing companies took control of this business. Second, soon after the freezer locker plants were built, home freezers came on the market. The entire project gradually became another drain on the resources of the Federation. The Skyline Cooperative Dairy, a subsidiary of the Federation, was organized in order to return to the dairy farmer more of the profits he earned in his barn. Jim McClure had long been interested in the problems of the dairymen of Western North Carolina. Since the thirties, the Blue Ridge Milk Producer's Association had worked to secure fair prices and practices for dairymen from the commercial dairies in the area. In the Craggy section northwest of Asheville the Association owned a small processing plant, the Dairyman's Creamery. The objective of the association was to insure that other dairy plants that bought farmers' milk classified the milk fairly. In 1946, the Federation merged with the Milk Producers' Association and took over the operation of the little Craggy plant. The new joint organization was called the Skyline Dairy Cooperative. Immediately, plans were drawn up and resources gathered to build a large plant, with the capacity to compete with �Last Years 443 the other processors in the region. The new facility was built on Tunnel Road, east of Asheville, and opened in August 1947.6 Jim McClure provided the fanfare. He described the plant as: .. . fitted with the very latest and most modern equipment. The equipment that goes into a modern dairy plant is what might be called a mechanical miracle. Can washers, bottle washers, bottle fillers operate in an almost miraculous way. After this plant gets a little straightened out, we hope our members will all visit it. It was all night work for everyone the night the boys moved into this plant. We saw three of them drink 12 quarts of coffee for breakfast after this all-night job.7 Ten years later the Skyline Cooperative Dairy was still operating, but on a starvation diet of profit. The plant proved to be a heavy drain on the Federation's management and capital resources. Twice Jim McClure sent his assistant, Jamie Clarke, to run the dairy plant for several months to stop losses. Each time he managed to turn loss into profit. Competition of larger dairies was growing. After Jim's death Jamie Clarke arranged for the Federation to sell the plant to Coble Dairy Products Cooperative, which continued to provide a market for local dairy farmers. Innovation was always the strong suit of the Farmers Federation, and Jim was now ready to use the research that had been carried out by E. Parmalee Prentice, at Mount Hope Farm in Williamstown, Massachusetts, to implement the first artificial breeding station in the Southeast. Prentice was a cousin of Elizabeth's, and the McClures had often visited his farm. He made the amazing discovery that the genes for increased milk production come not primarily from the cow, as had been supposed for hundreds of years, but from the bull. To be certain a bull had this property, the milk production of a number of his heifer calves must be compared with that of their dams. Once a bull's ability to transmit significantly higher milk production is established, he is called a "proven sire." Through the system of artificial insemination, such a bull could increase the milk production of a great number of cows. Another advantage of artificial insemination was that it eliminated the need for keeping a bull on individual dairy farms. Dairy bulls tend to be much more savage that those of the beef breeds and Jim knew many a dairy farmer who had been severely gored or even killed by his bull. Parmalee Prentice was a brilliant man of unwavering principle. He discovered through painstaking research that some crossbred bulls, belonging to no recognized breed, might have the magic ability to transmit higher production. He then made up his mind that the entire system of dairy breeds was pointless and should be scrapped. The production of purebred dairy cattle was big business and his attack on the purebred principle infuriated breeders all over America so much that they discounted the whole idea of the proven sire. Parmalee's son, Rockefeller Prentice ("Rocky" to his friends), appreciated �444 We Plow God's Fields Southeastern Artificial Breeding Assoc., January 9, 1948. Left to right: George Lewis, herdsman holding Guernsey bull; Dr. Elliott, N.C. State College specialist in artificial insemination; Joe Wells, Buncombe County Inseminator; Riley Palmer, Buncombe County Farm Agent. his father's remarkable discovery, but realized it could only be put into practice by working with rather than against the purebred breeders. He established a stud farm in Madison, Wisconsin, with purebred bulls of various established breeds who were also proven sires. His father was furious at what he considered a dilution of his scientific discovery by his own son, but Rocky persisted. Jim McClure had followed the situation, through both the son and his parents. When Rocky ran short of funds and his father refused to help him, Jim loaned him money to continue. (The loan came from a gift his mother, Mrs. Prentice, had given to the Educational and Development Fund!) In time Rocky would repay every penny to the Fund. After the war Jim visited the stud farm in Madison. He reported back to the Federation officers that it was a good operation. A month later, plans for the Southeastern Artificial Breeding Association were finalized. They included the installation of " . . . a battery of eighteen proven bulls, six registered Guernseys, six registered Holsteins and six registered Jerseys, on the farm owned by the Educational Fund . . . near the Fairview Warehouse of the Farmers Federation . . . [A] series of meetings is being held to develop county breeding rings. No bull will be placed in this stud unless it has �Last Years 445 been proven by the records of his daughters that this bull transmits high milk production."8 Parmalee Prentice had recently died. Jim went straight up to see his widow, Alta Prentice, who was a sister of John D. Rockefeller, and suggested that this project would be a fitting memorial to her husband. She agreed, and the business was set up with her son Rocky in charge. Jim was thrilled with the results of his negotiations, and wrote to Hetty that "We built the Barn, Laboratory, sheds, etc. with Fund money which Alta had given—and then by a wonderful maneuver, we leased everything to J. Rockefeller Prentice trading as the Southeastern Artificial Breeding Association. Rocky operates the association. The standards are very high and it is the greatest thing that has happened in the Dairy industry in the South since the first cow was milked in 1760" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, February 1, 1948). Jim's enthusiastic prediction proved to be true. At that time the average production of milk per cow in North Carolina was approximately 3,500 pounds a year. The bulls bought by the new stud farm had the capacity to transmit production of up to 10,000 pounds a year to their daughters. The Federation and the Fund promoted artificial breeding in Western North Carolina. Field men were sent into the barnyards to convince dairy farmers that the offspring from this system of breeding would have only one head and not over four legs. Many a stubborn mountain skeptic hung on to his pet bull rather than have his cows serviced with semen produced somewhere else. But Joe Wells of Leicester set a record by being the first association technician to breed 10,000 cows on the first breeding service, having first talked these farmers into trusting him. His work and that of others like him followed the efforts of Jim McClure and the Fund to pioneer in the South a procedure that has revolutionized the dairy industry. When the technology for frozen semen became practical in 1954, the American Breeders Service closed down the Fairview barn and the entire Southeast was served with semen shipped by air from bulls in Indianapolis.9 By 1983, the average yearly milk production per cow in Western North Carolina was more than 14,000 Ibs., quadruple the figure for 1950. Jim had already helped to bring in burley tobacco, the leading cash crop in the mountains. Since 1930, when the first warehouse was built in Asheville for burley, it had been a dependable crop. Demand increased rapidly for tobacco products during and after World War II. As a result, the Federation opened up a second warehouse, and both of them were profitable operations set up to offer the farmer a place to sell where he could be sure of an honest settlement. "Bring the Children With You—They Will Want to Hear the Auctioneer IMPORTANT Do Not Sell Your Tobacco . . . to Tin-Hookers' on Your Way to the Warehouse. Display Your Tobacco on the Sales Floor and Get the Highest Possible Dollar." advised an ad in the Federation News.10 In the parlance of the tobacco market, a colorful institution that still flourishes in Asheville, the "pinhooker" was a sly trader who would buy a man's tobacco from him so that he would not have to wait until the time of the auction for his money. Unscrupulous pinhookers were known to pull off a "hand" of tobacco here or there, drop it on the �446 We Plow God's Fields floor, and sweep them up together and sell them for some easy money. The other tobacco auctions often attracted patent medicine salesmen and other hucksters, and since the warehouses were usually cold, bottles of spirits were frequently passed from hand to hand. But Jim McClure made every effort to insure the honesty of the Federation warehouses, and many farmers traded there because of the organization's ethical reputation. Those people who understand the intricacies of this market best remember Jim McClure above all for one accomplishment: bringing a second set of buyers to the Asheville market. Having two buyers from each of the tobacco companies put the Asheville market on an equal footing with its competitors in Eastern Tennessee. Two sets of buyers made it possible to have sales in two warehouses on the same day. This shortened the long lines of farmers' trucks waiting to be unloaded and made it possible for growers to get quick sales. Faster sales meant not only less waiting by the farmers, but also less chance for the perishable crop to dry out and change color while waiting in the warehouse. More tobacco sold in Asheville helped the banks, where the farmers deposited much of their cash; the local merchants, who made big sales during the tobacco marketing season at Christmas; and the warehousemen themselves. Jim worked for five years before the second buyers came to Asheville. In 1949, he enlisted North'Carolina congressmen and senators for an all-out assault on the problem. He went to Washington to meet with Secretary of Agriculture Brannon, who promised to help out. When the latter failed to keep his word, Jim unloaded his frustrations in the Federation News. " . . . Mr. Brannon went off to South America before this assistance came through."11 But Jim did not give up. He worked through individuals in the tobacco companies themselves. The 1954 market had been open just a few days when a second buyer from one company appeared, next day another and then the full set. Jim McClure's persistence had once again paid off handsomely for the mountain farmer. The Federation was involved in mountain tobacco in two other ways as well. Each year, the Farmers Federation was designated by the federal government to administer the price support program for the Asheville, Boone and West Jefferson burley markets. If a man's tobacco failed to bring the minimum price set for each grade, the Farmers Federation, as the agent for the Commodity Credit Corporation, would purchase it at the support price. It was then dried and stored and later resold, hopefully when off-season prices had risen.12 The second effort by the Federation was to promote the growing of Turkish aromatic tobacco, a high-priced imported variety that was suited to Western North Carolina. This crop was even more labor intensive than burley, because the leaves matured at different times and were much smaller. But the prices for Turkish tobacco were high, and farmers were not restricted by government allotments as to how much they could grow. The Fund hired field men to teach the mountain farmers how to cultivate this new crop, but in the end Turkish tobacco proved to be too much work for the return, a sign that the new economic opportunities in the mountains had raised the value of the farmer's own time. �Last Years 447 Even though Turkish tobacco did not take hold in the mountains, it showed that Jim McClure was not allowing his imagination and drive to lapse with his increasing age. A more successful idea he implemented with Fund money was to develop a cut flower industry in Western North Carolina. He brought Charles Tillinghast, a Harvard horticultural graduate, down to experiment with large scale gladioli culture. Mr. Tillinghast helped prove that there was money to be made in the business, and gladioli have been grown in the mountains ever since. For most farms, specialty crops would be the wave of the future. Large quantities of grain staples could be grown more cheaply in the Midwest, where the geography was more conducive to highly mechanized and capitalized farming. During the fifties, the average acreage cultivated by the American farmer skyrocketed, sending ripples of change down to Western North Carolina. At the same time, industrial jobs became more and more available throughout the region, and agriculture became more of an after work occupation than a source of principal livelihood for a family. The Farmers Federation, originally formed to devise ways to bring cash to the small independent farmer, increasingly found its traditional role undermined by the new economic world of post-war America. By the time of Jim McClure's death in 1956, his successor and son-in-law, Jamie Clarke, recognized the need to trim out many of the Federation's unprofitable operations, and three years later to find a merger partner to place the business in a viable financial position. One facet of the Federation absorbed all of these changes in a much different way. Dumont Clarke continued to promote the Lord's Acre Movement, which after twenty years had now spread around the globe. In North Carolina, the new sources of wages increased the ability of church members to tithe cash rather than produce, and so Dumont added a new wrinkle known as the Lord's Hour to his program. Each worker was to pledge the first hour each week for his Creator, donating that money to his church. In reporting to the Federation stockholders at the annual meeting in 1951, Dumont expressed his belief that the work had "come of age." More churches than ever before took part in the Lord's Acre work in 1950. Reports have again come from Maine on the Atlantic to Oregon on the Pacific, with many fine ones in Western North Carolina . . . The Lord's Acre Movement... is bound to grow. The need for it has never been greater. It is becoming increasingly obvious that the only way to overcome the forces which are destroying moral and spiritual life is through a far more thorough Christian training. By this I mean training our church people, young and old, really to discipline themselves . . . for the fulfillment of every Christian duty . . . One of the most notable comments which was made last year was by the newly-elected head of one of the important denominations in America, who is also a missionary about to return to Africa. Upon working for hours with others harvesting a Lord's Acre field of potatoes in Farmers Federation territory, he said, "I go back to Africa, where I have spent the last 25 years as a missionary, �nt • • 11 ^•f^V:".* y £ J ™/^ -Pi; Top: Lord's Acre Sunday School Project. Bottom: The Lord's Hour. .' �Last Years 449 with a new method and a new inspiration. The Lord's Acre will fit like a glove Africa's need for bringing Christ into all of life."13 In an era where fears of communism set the national tempo, the work of Dumont Clarke was seen as a constructive bulwark for freedom, democracy and Christianity. In 1949, "Progressive Farmer" magazine awarded him its highest honor, "The Man of the Year in North Carolina Agriculture." In 1951 he was both the "Rural Minister of the Year in North Carolina" and "Man of the Year in Service to Southern Agriculture." The venerable editor, Clarence Poe, who had written one of the books on which Jim based the Farmers Federation, wrote this about Dumont Clarke. "It is our hope that this "Man of the Year" recognition of the incalculable values of the Lord's Acre Movement, so long promoted by the man whom we now delight to honor, will cause many another Southern church to start a successful Lord's Acre plan in 1952."14 In 1955, the twenty fifth anniversary of the Lord's Acre, Princeton University presented him with an honorary degree for his work. The two brothers-in-law, back in 1930, had dreamed of an organization that would breathe life into the rural church, raising a generation of men and women strengthened both by their rural upbringing and the Christian virtues. The hope was that as these people moved to towns or cities, or organized their own communities, the values implanted by the Lord's Acre program would be manifested in their new surroundings. Dumont's son and Jim's daughter, Jamie and Elspeth, moved out to Hickory Nut Gap when they were released from the Navy in the Fall of 1945. Elspeth presented her father and mother with their first grandchild on December 3, 1946. Susie Skinner Clarke, named for Elizabeth's mother, was the first of eight children born to these two cousins. The sadness of the sudden death of Jamie's mother, Annie Clarke, came just three days after the joy of Susie's birth. Annie had been a cheerful and game helpmeet to Dumont, and her going left the big white house at 392 Charlotte Street very empty for Dumont and Monty, his older son, who worked at the Federation Garden Shop. Elizabeth adored having the baby, Susie, in the house and described her as " . . . jolly and cute and good natured with a dimple in each cheek and very blue eyes" (Elizabeth Cramer McClure to Harriet McClure, February 12, 1947). In the spring Jamie and Elspeth moved into the house just across the garden, which Elizabeth had helped them design. The lumber was a gift from Hickory Nut Gap Farm. During the winter of 1947 Jim had a hernia operation, his second, at the urging of his close friend Dr. Pinkney Herbert. While he was recovering, his ever generous sister Hetty sent along a check to cover all the medical expenses. He thanked her by replying: It is the established rule at the Mission Hospital that they will not let a patient go home until his bill is paid— Just as I was worrying myself into a relapse, as to how I could ever get out �450 We Plow God's Fields of the Hospital, your air mail letter arrived this morning—as a consequence I have had the best day I have enjoyed at this hospital. Hetty—it is a huge check—and you never should have done it. But it is such a welcome check—you just can't imagine. It is not only the immediate relief but the easing up for some weeks ahead, of Realizing that the horrible Bill is Paid. I had two operations and have had to have a nurse much longer than I expected, so my gratitude is very, very keen . .. It now looks as if I might have to remain at the Hospital until Friday—I am tip top, but my age is not what it once was, and the Doc wants to take no chances— (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, February 26, 1947) Not long afterwards, Elizabeth too was laid up in the hospital. She had been in the attic, and was crossing a platform that bridged the stairway, her arms full of boxes, when she slipped. Elspeth found her mother in a heap at the bottom of the steep steps. Jim wrote to Hetty, "Darling Siddy had a bad fall on Weds the 21st, falling from the attic down those stairs, the result is that she is still in the Hospital with five cracked and broken ribs. Luckily Elspeth was in the house at the time . . . [T]here are no internal injuries, they say, and it is just a matter of time, but she has been very uncomfortable, because every move of any kind has been painful, even a cough or a laugh" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, February 11, 1948). Again Hetty helped her brother with a check to cover the hospital expenses. Elizabeth's recovery was quite slow and painful, although the stoic in her rarely allowed the discomfort to pierce through to worry others. Hetty and Doug sent another check so that she could spruce up the farm for spring, to lift her spirits. The first check came to clean up the boxwood nursery. Mr. "Coon" Reed, a local Fairview favorite, was hired then and there to complete that chore. Then a second check arrived to redecorate the living room, a project Elizabeth had been pining to accomplish. "Siddy has already sent for samples—It is many long years since the living room was dressed up" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, April 5, 1948). Preparations were also underway for a second grandchild, due later in the summer. But in spring, Elizabeth had her flowers as the strongest tonic of all. The Shorters, John and Mathilda, were slowing with age, but they remained at Hickory Nut Gap as beloved and devoted servants. Mathilda's health removed her from the kitchen post, a gastronomical disaster for the McClures, but John toiled faithfully on. Jim and Elizabeth employed a lively young woman with a fourteen-year-old daughter, Elzina and June Gibson, to take Mathilda's place. John Shorter kept up his daily round of chores, hand-milking the two cows down at the barn, weeding the various gardens, and repairing and mending in the workshop. His presence in the kitchen was so fixed that the table there was always referred to simply as "John's table." After milking, he would emerge from the dairy barn carrying the pails of steaming milk, and walk them up the hill to the spring house. He always wore big boots that were rarely tied, so that as he passed through the porch to the old kitchen he could slip them off �Last Years 451 and head for his table in stocking feet. Rev. David Huntley, a most deliberate and careful man, had taken over John's chauffeuring chores. He, too, was growing older, but remained a faithful member of the household. The end of April 1948 loomed ahead as a particularly hectic time for the McClures. Elizabeth was still recovering from her attic fall of the past February, but she was not the kind to make any request to curtail their busy schedule. On May first, the newly created North Carolina Symphony was coming to Asheville for its spring concert. The idea of a state orchestra supported by both public and private funds was a novel one, and helped to give credence to the idea that North Carolina contained the South's most progressive citizenry. Jim stood behind the symphony with the resources of the Fund, his personal influence, most importantly, with his talent for "chex appeal." No one looked forward more to these performances than did Elizabeth, who had had her regular diet of fine music severely curtailed since moving to Western North Carolina. She knew the state symphony would be a new source of beauty for the people of North Carolina, a beauty that would be a curative balm to the routine frustrations and calamities that drained the spirit. The symphony came to play for the school children as well, so that this particular expression of divinity could become a natural part of their education. A dinner honoring the orchestra and its local supporters was largely a McClure arrangement, and was to be held that year on April 30, the night preceding the concert. That same evening, two friends of Ambrose and Mary Cramer's were arriving at the Asheville railroad station. The new kitchen help, Elzina and June, had chosen this moment to take a vacation, and needed a ride to the bus station. So on the night of the symphony dinner, David Huntley drove Elzina and June, Elizabeth and her pregnant daughter Elspeth into Asheville from Hickory Nut Gap. The schedule was a bit tight, but there was never any hurry to Mr. Huntley. Once in town, Elspeth switched cars with her father to run June and Elzina on to the bus station, from whence she was to proceed down to the railroad station to meet her mother and pick up the Cramer friends. Then there was to be a big rush over to the symphony dinner. In all the hurry, Elspeth slid through a stop sign on her way to the station, and another car crashed into her. Elizabeth, a stanch supporter of the "slow and easy" school of pregnancy, had her worst fears confirmed when news finally reached the station as to why her daughter was so delayed in meeting her. Elspeth was virtually unharmed after the impact, but Elizabeth found it difficult to suppress a growing anxiety about her prospective grandchild. Her own doctor had, after all, forbade motoring altogether when she was pregnant. Nevertheless, the plans for the evening were eventually carried out, and everyone returned to Hickory Nut Gap exhausted by all the excitement. Early the next morning, with her help off on the bus jaunt, Elizabeth slipped out of bed to prepare breakfast for her brother's friends. She called Elspeth to see if she was quite all right, and then asked if Betty Huntley, who was helping on Saturdays with the baby, might come up to give the guests their �452 We Plow God's Fields breakfast trays. With characteristic sensitivity she did not want them to think she had gone to any trouble for them. Betty remembers that morning. . . . [W]hen I walked into the old kitchen door, she didn't say anything. I called to her, and I just turned around to hang up my sweater. I heard her come into the old kitchen, and when I turned around I saw something was wrong, and I understood her to say, "If I could just get the coffee." She made it back in the kitchen [where] she slumped over, and I caught her from behind around the waist. I laid her over the shelf until I could reach out my foot and pull a chair up.15 Jim was at that moment talking on the telephone, telling someone about Elspeth's accident. Betty hurried to tell him what had happened. He dropped the receiver and rushed to his wife's side. She was already unconscious and Betty ran down to the barn to tell John Shorter, who was milking the cows. He came hurrying up, as fast as an old man with his boot laces all untied can go. Jamie Clarke was bringing in the wood for a cheery breakfast fire. He dropped the wood and ran to the kitchen. They carried Elizabeth into the study and laid her on the sofa where Elspeth found her, and Mathilda, too, hurried up from her house. Dr. Herbert was out of town, and Dr. Charles Hensley rushed out to Fairview. Elizabeth never recovered consciousness and died before the ambulance arrived. She had suffered a cerebral hemorrhage that morning in her kitchen, leaving behind her husband and daughter quickly and painlessly. Elizabeth Cramer McClure died on May first, the old festival day honoring the beauty of flowers and the mystery of creation. The grace with which she infused her life had nurtured Jim's talents for more than thirty years, just as his own exuberance continually stimulated her imagination. She balanced his impetuous bustle with her calm elegance, reminding him by her presence of the pursuit of excellence. She was never the stiff society girl, bound up by the rules and regulations of proper behavior, but nevertheless exhibited in her daily activities the spirit of grace that is the source of such a code. Her wisdom and humor, her perception and quest of beauty made her the sort of woman others are drawn to emulate. Her sudden death was a dreadful shock for Jim. He and Elspeth went into the dining room to make plans. Both of them agreed that she should be buried nearby, because they could not bear to have her grave far off in Lake Forest. The immediate family had to be contacted. Hetty and Doug left Chicago almost immediately. They offered to purchase the stone and the plot for Elizabeth, which they did. Rocky Prentice and his wife Abby drove all night to reach the farm. Hickory Nut Gap soon filled with friends and admirers of Elizabeth. Her friends in the Garden Club made a blanket of laurel in bloom for the casket. The funeral ceremonies were the celebration of the accumulated wealth of one woman's friendships, and her legacy of excellence. A flood of letters poured into Hickory Nut Gap, and Jim and Elspeth waded �Last Years 453 into the mountain of replies by trying to describe the qualities that had filled Elizabeth's life. Jim wrote many variations of a letter that went like this: Elspie and I thank you from the bottom of our hearts for your kind message of sympathy. Your letter brings comfort and strength to us. Elizabeth enlarged our lives with her radiant personality, and opened our minds to the sources of beauty in the life around us. She had the extraordinary quality of somehow creating life and warmth wherever she went. She lived with no retarding thought of self. She lived with such freshness and faith and gaiety that unconsciously she added to the world's store of courage and steadfastness. What she was and is bears witness to a goodness in life that enriches it forever. We have been wonderfully blessed by her life and will strive to go forward as she would have us ... (James G. K. McClure, Jr., May 28, 1948) Going forward had always been Jim's reaction to adversity, but after thirtytwo years of marriage, being suddenly without Elizabeth's counsel and without her eagerness to hear about his daily adventures, the readjustment in his life was overwhelming. Elspeth and Jamie moved across the garden to the big house the day the last relatives left, to do whatever they could to keep the place going. New life continued to replace the old. In August, Elspeth had a son, James Gore King McClure Clarke. If the name was a bit cumbersome, it nonetheless honored the memory of a distinguished line of men. The momentum of Jim's life kept him busy. He remained the president of the Farmers Federation, continuing to travel north each year on behalf of the Educational and Development Fund. At home he was asked to come on one committee after another. Mrs. Edward Dameron, a remarkably capable woman who had been an executive at Lord and Taylor in New York, had come to Asheville, and Jim hired her on as a public relations assistant. For many years following she was a tremendous help to Jim and later to Jamie Clarke. In 1949, at the request of Governor Kerr Scott, Jim served as Western North Carolina Chairman for passage of a $20 million State Bond issue for construction of rural roads. The bond issue passed largely due to the big majority it received in the Western counties. Although Jim was a lifelong Republican, Democratic leaders frequently turned to him for help. The same year, the Buncombe County Commissioners asked him to serve as Chairman of a Citizens Committee for Better Schools. The challenge was enormous. Ever since the bankruptcy of the county in 1930, school construction had practically come to a halt. In twenty-two years, only one new school had been built. Since the county essentially dropped its financial responsibilities for capital improvements for schools, many local groups had tried to raise money on their own. The result was a patchwork quilt of tax districts. The school buildings themselves, for the most part, were crumbling edifices under the control of highly partisan local committees, which exercised the primary powers of hiring and firing personnel. The results were predictable. More often than �454 We Plow God's Fields not, bitter factions had grown up vying for control of the school and its patronage jobs. Teachers and principals, even janitors and cooks, were necessarily caught up in the rivalry and forced to bend to the arbitrary rules of these committees, or lose their jobs. In 1949, these schools, often with obsolete structures and poorly qualified personnel, were poised on the edge of the greatest influx of children the county had ever witnessed, the post-war baby boom. The tasks of public education were enormous, but first the in-fighting had to be curtailed to permit constructive planning. With characteristic thoroughness, Jim McClure became absorbed with the subject of public education. He delivered his Pen and Plate Club paper that year on the subject, "A Look at the Public Schools of the United States." He began by tracing the national passion for education back to its colonial roots, and then challenged his listeners to a new vision of the scope of public education. "It may be that character education is more important than intellectual education ..." he said. "Almost nothing is being done along the line of character education. There are reservoirs of human strength which, it seems to me, are practically untapped by our educational system. The driving force which is generated by dedication to a purpose is something that we have hardly commenced to get hold of in our educational system. The development of character and purpose and initiative have been scarcely touched."16 Although Jim went to work to build school buildings, he never lost sight of the ideals and purpose of education. His Citizens' Committee was formed to study the needs of the Buncombe County Schools. He conscientiously sifted through the muddle of school districts and financing schemes. His committee resolved unanimously to attack the most glaring problems facing local public education. He announced in his report that the county should assume all of the outstanding debts in the various school districts and establish a uniform county-wide tax rate to pay off this indebtedness, and that the citizens of Buncombe county should be offered the chance to vote in a five and one-half million dollar bond issue for immediate construction. With one bold stroke, the county could reassert its authority over the schools, face the expansion that was imminent and place the school system on a firm and progressive financial base. But would the voters back such a plan? "Debt" was a word laden with anxieties to the generation who had grown up during the thirties, as was the notion of increasing the public debt in a county that was still trying to pay for its failure of 1930. The consolidation of all the high school students into six schools meant the loss of the older students to numerous local all grade schools. Shifting community identity would be a severe jolt to Buncombe's citizens. Opposition to the Citizens' Committee was fierce, and the political contest created its share of rancor. The "no" crowd had only to conjure up the old fears. But new schools were desperately needed, and the PTA, the League of Women Voters, local industries, and the educational community all pulled together with the Citizens' Committee to win the vote. The Asheville morning paper reported that: �Last Years 455 The Challenge Is Met By a decisive margin Buncombe County has voted in a new day for public education—a new day of safe and sound buildings, more room for more children and more teachers, school equipment which will equalize opportunity for every child in Asheville and Buncombe. This is what the consolidation of the debt and the approval of the $5.5 million bond issue mean .. . From the very beginning the Citizens' Committee for Better Schools kept faith with this undertaking. Representative citizens worked long months .. . on a plan which would be submitted to the voters. No two men worked harder than Mr. J. G. K. McClure, the chairman, and State Senator Frank M. Parker. When they became convinced of the worthiness of the program they carried their convictions to the people in countless forums and in tireless measure. They . . . are owed a debt of gratitude by the people of Buncombe.17 The campaign in Buncombe County received wide attention across the country, because nearly every American community faced the same demographic circumstances. As the result of his victory, Jim McClure was invited to join the National Citizens Commission for Public Schools. This group published a booklet entitled "How Can Citizens Help Their Schools?" In it the committee chose to describe the tactics Jim had employed in Buncombe County, right down to the PTA parade the day before the election. After the election was over, Jim kept the fire hot. The Citizens' Committee was made permanent, and invited ninety-two additional people to join it. He wanted to maintain the progressive momentum that he had helped to build up. The numerous members were divided up into committees, such as special education, visual and audio-visual aids, spiritual emphasis and character building, health, corrective speech, and recreation. As the direct result of all of these efforts, Asheville was named one of eleven All-American Cities for 1951, for its example of "citizen teamwork in government." The presentation of the award swelled local pride, and 3,000 people were on hand for the ceremony in the city auditorium. Jim McClure really enjoyed a good fight, and rarely in his life was the public acclaim so resounding. Roy Larsen, the president of Time, Inc. and the chairman of the National Citizens Commission for the Public Schools, came to present the award. He admitted in his speech that the visit was also " . . . an opportunity . . . to visit another man whom I have long admired and have had the privilege of working with for several years, your Chairman, Jim McClure."18 Jim could count many such friendships, and in a real sense the work of his life was his Mends. From his earliest days in theological school, he knew he possessed a rare gift of influence, and felt the best use of this gift would be to draw people together to pursue worthwhile goals. As a leader, he would define the purposes, design a promotional appeal, and then seek out the most influential or "strongest" men and women, as he liked to put it, to carry out the plan. Whether it was building a warehouse in Clay County, or raising money in New �456 We Plow God's Fields York, he built his work on the basis of friendships. These relationships were important to him, and he worked hard to keep them sincere. Each of his efforts was built up by a sense of camaraderie not unlike the esprit de corps he admired in a successful athletic team. To him, success was the result of the spiritual sense of unity that develops in a group of people who have a shared purpose. Jim lived for that sweet emotion of shared victory after the struggle that comes when men and women are committed to each other to endure and win. In 1954, Jim McClure turned seventy. The same year, one of his oldest friends and supporters, Thomas J. Watson, turned eighty. Jim's letter to him on that occasion reveals this sense of friendship. Dear Tom: Your 80th birthday presents an opportunity to me to tell you how much your 80 years has meant to the world and to me personally. The world is a better place because you have lived in it, and I personally have tried to be a better man because of the inspiration of your life. At all times and everywhere you have eternally kept on striving to improve the material and the spiritual condition of mankind. You have done this in a big and organized way, and at the same time in a remarkable way you have kept a constant realization of the individual needs of thousands of people whom you know. Your influence has always been for good. You have carried your immense responsibilities and burdens lightly, and at all times have added a creative touch for the solution of any problem presented to you. Your leadership has brought blessings in many, many different fields. I just want to point out that your willingness to back up and sponsor our movement here in the Blue Ridge Mountains of North Carolina has brought a new power of accomplishment and a new strength of purpose to thousands of mountain people whom you have never seen and whom you do not know. This is the kind of contribution which you have made in many areas. Your generous, creative, staunch life has added to the reservoir of good in the world and helped lift mankind to a higher level. I send you my warmest congratulations on your 80th birthday. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Thomas J. Watson, February 2, 1954) In Tom Watson's simple reply, one senses the importance of friendship in the methods of Jim McClure. Dear Jim: Your deeply touching and cordial letter on the occasion of my eightieth birthday helped to make the day a very pleasant one, and I send my best thanks to you for this thoughtful expression of your friendship. Your letter prompted many happy memories of our friendship during the past 30 years and the many pleasures which this friendship has brought to the members of the Watson family. Yours has been a life of Christian endeavor which has benefitted countless numbers of people. In the unselfish devotion you have given to the cause of underprivileged peoples, you have erected a monument which will stand for all time. �Last Years 457 The members of the Watson family are grateful for your friendship and we join in sending you our affection and warmest wishes. (Thomas J. Watson to James G. K. McClure, Jr., March 8, 1954) Jim's new status as a widower, a very charming and handsome one at that, made him a much sought-after companion. There are never enough widowers to go around and Jim enjoyed the close friendship of several women. Elizabeth Izard, a lovely woman and a longtime family friend, understood and appreciated the people of the mountains as he did. She arranged for the Federation's Handicraft Department to be largely taken over by the Biltmore Country Market, which she had founded with the help of other members of the French Broad River Garden Club. This business brought together talented mountain women, standards of high quality, and a successful marketing outlet. Helen McDonald, in New York, had helped generously in the work of the Fund. As Jamie Clarke was able to take over more of the day-to-day operations of the Federation Jim had a little more time for vacations, and Helen enticed him down to the Bahamas several times. Peggy Hitchcock, widow of the noted polo player Tommy Hitchcock, was another friend with whom Jim had great fun. Once he visited her at Beaumaris in Canada, and they drove down to visit the American Ambassador in Ottawa—the Honorable Douglas Stuart and his wife, Harriet. Jim was very proud of the recognition given to his brother-in-law, and the way his sister managed her new responsibilities. Both Helen McDonald and Peggy Hitchcock visited Hickory Nut Gap Farm and attended Federation Picnics. They were good sports travelling in crowded cars with Elspeth and the children, and riding the farm horses. Occasionally Jim had to dodge an admirer. The summer after Elizabeth's death Harriet and Doug Stuart invited him to go on a European trip. They looked up a Belgian lady who had been kind to their son Bob during the war. She was reported to be enormously wealthy and Jim thought she might be a prospect for the Fund. He turned on the charm and Madame DuBosque took a great fancy to him. Before long she turned up in America and came to visit "Jeem" on his farm. A dark, striking woman, she wore rustling black taffeta, cinched at the waist by a money belt. Jim drove her around to see the Federation enterprises, always taking care to have Jamie's brother, Monty, accompany them as chaperone. Whenever Mr. Dave Snelson, a director from Leicester, saw Jim after that he would mockingly drawl, "How's that Belgian woman?"19 Jim had intended in his life to forgo the pleasures of wealth, and he was left in his last years with only a small salary from the Federation and the Fund. Elizabeth's inheritance had begun to pay dividends, but this money was willed to Elspeth and she used it to keep house at Hickory Nut Gap. Doug and Hetty Stuart, understanding the situation, sent him a monthly check to help defray his personal expenses. He confided to Jamie Clarke that he gave this money regularly to the Federation to reimburse the cooperative for a loss its hatchery had sustained in a disputed settlement with the Quaker Oats Company relating to �458 We Plow God's Fields diseased hatching eggs. Of course Doug and Hetty had no idea that he was doing this. Doug Stuart always remained a loyal friend and after Jim's death he made a generous addition to the Lord's Acre endowment. Jim's letters arrived frequently in Lake Forest full of tales of mountain life, to be savored by the Stuarts. "We have a skunk under the house and the country people tell us that when a skunk takes up with you under the house—no one in the house has a cold. For that reason we are debating whether to try and trap him or keep him, and all at the moment favor being hospitable to our winter visitor" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, February 18, 1954). The redoubtable Dottie Settles (Clinard's sister) had returned after many years away to manage the kitchen at Hickory Nut Gap, and her husband Claude Hall took over many chores that John Shorter could no longer perform. Dottie and Claude approved of the skunk. They had once kept a deodorized pet skunk in their house, and loved all their animals—dogs, cats and goats. But they loved Elspeth and Jamie's children, too, and put their best efforts into entertaining guests at Hickory Nut Gap. Jim's public life remained full and varied during these last years. He wrote, "Yesterday we had our 17th picnic and last county picnic of the season— Tomorrow we have an employees' supper and picnic—This is employees & families and last year over 700 turned up. Then Tuesday a chicken supper for the school principals & their families & then we are through our schedule" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to the Stuarts, August 15, 1954). Each fall, in cooperation with the North Carolina Extension Service, Jim hosted a 100 Bushel Corn Luncheon for the most successful corn growers in Western North Carolina. The next month he was entertaining a large crowd at the Waldorf Astoria farmer's picnic. .. . [A]t the moment we have 104 tables reserved so it looks like 900-1000 people. Also we decided to have a Picnic at Philadelphia as the Fiddlers will come up that way—so on Friday, Nov. 10 we have the Philadelphia Picnic at the Barclay Hotel and that appears to be a sell out—all this is a lot of trouble to raise some money, but since I have no alumni it seems about the only way . . . Marjorie Lloyd-Smith has suddenly decided to get a pony and give it as a floor prize. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, October 29, 1950) In the meantime his daughter's progeny had increased to five, two girls and three boys. Susie, nine, and little Jim, eight, were special allies of their grandfather. All these children kept Hickory Nut Gap lively, and Jim enjoyed teaching the two oldest to ride horseback. Though he was now seventy, he urged Jamie and Elspeth to take a January trip to England and Scotland, just the two of them. He volunteered to look after the children, with Mathilda and John's faithful help. He gloated about his success to Hetty. "I had the greatest luck with the children. They kept well the whole time—25 days times 5 children—125 child days and not a sniffle!" (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, January 31, 1955). As these children grew older the McClure era of Hickory Nut Gap �Top: 100 bushel corn lunch, 1956. Bottom: Family Christmas card, 1953. Left to right: Jim, Annie, Jim McClure; Dumont, Elspeth, Susie and Jamie Clarke. �460 We Plow God's Fields began to fade away. No one single man epitomized the old order more than John Shorter. It was during the summer of 1955 that his enlarged heart finally gave out. John Shorter died last Thursday afternoon, passing away peacefully with no pain after a heart attack about noon. Fortunately—Elspie called me—and I got home about a half hour before he died. The funeral was Sunday afternoon at 2 o'clock and what a funeral: Preacher Huntley made an extra good talk. I paid a tribute to John, as you know he was the finest kind of man—honest through & through—no short cuts—kind, good—all Christlike qualities—the little church was jammed with colored and white—It was very touching—John had been with us 39 years. (James G. K. McClure, Jr. to Harriet Stuart, June 22, 1955) Earlier that spring Jim had made the decision to slow down a little himself, and one afternoon in May he started home early to go for a ride with his granddaughter, Susie. On the way, he thought he must have dozed off for a minute. Whatever the cause, his car ran off the road, and although it did not overturn it struck a boulder with such violence that some vertebrae in Jim's back were broken. Dr. Herbert put him in a cast from his hips to his neck. In the hospital Jim confided to Elspeth that Dr. Herbert had found a weakness in his heart years before, when Jim was in his thirties, and had advised him then to slow way down and take care of himself. Even now, in his cast, Jim hardly slowed down. He insisted on attending all the picnics, only conceding the afternoon program to Jamie Clarke so that he could rest half the day. Betty Huntley, his secretary, drove him to and from the picnics and remembers how painful the curving mountain roads were for him. In the fall he went north on his campaign and raised the largest total ever, with some help from Jamie Clarke. The Educational and Development Fund was now well endowed. Back home for Christmas with the family, Elspeth was expecting a sixth child, and early in January the doctor told her it would be twins. This news considerably startled the prospective parents and they decided to keep it a secret from all but the family until the safe arrival of the babies. A few days before the due date Elspeth went to Asheville to buy some last supplies. Every other person she met exclaimed about the expected twins! The news was too exciting for Jim to keep! He loved to tell people that Elspeth and Jamie had moved in to keep him company and now he "was hanging on by his eyelashes!"20 Ambrose and William ("Bobo and Billy") did arrive safely, brown eyed, healthy and identical. Jim went off to the Bahamas, minus his brace, and returned refreshed to a new round of meetings. Luther Hodges, the governor of North Carolina, was coming to address the annual Federation stockholders meeting and Jim was putting on a dinner for him afterwards. The big yearly meeting of the Citizen's Committee for Better Schools soon followed. Then Jim went to New York to attend a dinner given by Arthur Page, for so many years Chairman of the Trustees of the Educational and Development Fund, for the �Last Years 461 "people he worked for." When Mr. Page had retired from the Bell Telephone Company, he had opened a consulting office and many famous people availed themselves of his remarkable wisdom. This was Jim's last trip. When he returned to North Carolina it was Dumont Clarke who first noticed that there was something different—something wrong with him. He sent out the alarm to Hetty. My dear Harriet: You will wish to know this, I am sure . . . Jim has been looking badly; especially following his recent visit to New York and to you in Canada (although he has since received some very encouraging contributions . . . his condition seems physical rather than one of mental anxiety). He had planned to go to the Mission Hospital for his third operation for hernia on this Wednesday the 9th, but he has come down with a rather severe case of bronchitis and was sent to the hospital this morning. It looks as though he would be there—recovering from his operation till the 26th or 28th [of May]. We are much concerned for him, and trust that he will regain a full measure of strength. (Dumont Clarke to Harriet Stuart, May 7, 1956) A week later, Dumont's prognosis was even more discouraging. Dear Harriet: This is strictly confidential so far as Asheville people, or others outside of the family are concerned. I saw Jim this morning for one minute with regard to a possible successor. He looks very badly. His vision is blurred. He can speak only with great difficulty. Notwithstanding this, Elspie says that Dr. Crow states that Jim's heart is in "good" condition. I think you will wish to know this, and to be kept posted. (Dumont Clarke to Harriet Stuart, May 14, 1956) Jim suffered a series of small strokes on the following day at the hospital. Elspeth spent all possible time with him and loyal friends, among them Elizabeth Izard, Mr. H.A. Haseltine, principal of a private school, and Claude Hall from the farm, came to read to Mm. Harriet and Doug Stuart hurried down to see him after Dumont's second letter. Everyone tried to keep up an optimistic front but Jim was failing fast. As his heart wound down, he slowly lost the remarkable powers of his personality, those powers which he had used to faithfully serve his Creator and to build up a whole region in a way that emphasized the highest spiritual values. Jamie Clarke took his three oldest children to Riverdale, New York, for the exciting wedding of his father, Dumont, to Elizabeth Dodge Huntiiigton, a friend from his youth, whose husband had died some years before. Just after Jamie returned Jim McClure died, June 6, 1956. Dumont and his bride, honeymooning in Maine, hurried south so that he could conduct the funeral service in the Presbyterian church in Asheville, attended by throngs of people from all over Western North Carolina. His death was a shock. He had always seemed younger than his years. �462 We Plow God's Fields Jamie Clarke was elected president by the Directors of the Federation and wrote in the News: Mr. McClure spent his life in building the Farmers Federation. It was his single-minded devotion to the interests of the Federation which, more than any other one factor, was responsible for its growth and the wide range of its help to the people of the mountains. The great message he would leave with us—leave to employees, directors, members and patrons—is to carry the Farmers Federation forward . .. "Others have labored, and ye have entered into their labors."21 An editorial in the Asheville Times concluded by proclaiming, "All who were privileged to know Mr. McClure honor and mourn him today for his many great achievements and for his noble character."22 These statements were public acknowledgements of the devotion of Jim to the good works of citizenship. But the real mourning took place in the hearts of many people, of all social standings: black, Cherokee, mountaineer, and privileged, who counted Jim as their friend. One of the latter, Charles Goodyear, sent this eloquent testimony to Hickory Nut Gap on hearing of the death of a very old friend. When Jamie's telegram was received Sunday afternoon it was such a shock that it is still hard for me to realize that Jim is no longer here. That is because he was such a definite personality and meant so much to me. I have lost my best and dearest friend whom I have known for half a century. Jim and I not only had many happy times together, beginning when we were roommates at Yale, but he always was such a help to me as he was to others during times of trouble. / never knew a more loyal friend. He was tolerant of the frailties of others. He never made it obvious that his character and Christian life had influence on so many people. I have often said that Jim was my ideal of a true Christian. (Italics in original) (Charles Goodyear to Elspeth Clarke, June 19, 1956) Jim's character had been developing through his nearly seventy-two years on earth. That character and its power to influence other people is what Jim always meant when he complimented others for building up the stores of courage within the human community. Character is achieved through personal struggle, and Jim had won this spiritual battle. As Jim had said of others, he, too, built up the stores of courage within the human community. But he would have been the first to admit that the strengths of his own family, the Dixons, the McClures, and most of all the influence of Elizabeth were all greatly responsible for whatever he might have accomplished. He hoped to pass on to others in his family and community the historic strengths he had inherited and that had so inspired his own life. Jim McClure always believed men and women should be judged by how they managed their own birthrights, and whether they had, in the accounting procedures of life, accumulated or squandered the spiritual resources �Last Years 463 given freely by the grace of Almighty God. Death is never a neat, clean separation from life, and with Jim many loose ends and emotional connections were rudely severed, but in the larger matters of his own conscience, the peace of Jim McClure's death reflected the victory of his life. 1. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "A Great Program Ahead," Fanners Federation News, August 1946, p. 6. 2. Minute book of the Farmers Federation Educational and Development Fund, May 10, 1948, p. 72. 3. Interview with Mr. Fred Moffitt. 4. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "The Farmers Federation's 30th Year," Farmers Federation News, August 1950, p. 5. 5. Minutes of the Fund, December 12, 1949, p. 4-5. 6. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "The Farmers Federation's 26th Year," Farmers Federation News, August 1946, p. 10. 7. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "News from the Front," Farmers Federation News, September 1947, p. 4. 8. Minutes of the Farmers Federation, August 7, 1947, p. 210. 9. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "News from the Front," Farmers Federation News, April 1954, p. 3. 10. Advertisement in the Farmers Federation News, December 1955. 11. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "News from the Front," Farmers Federation News, December 1950, p. 3. 12. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "News from the Front," Farmers Federation News, December 1954, p. 3. 13. Dumont Clarke, presentation made at the annual meeting of the Farmers Federation, Farmers Federation minutes, March 31, 1951. 14. Clarence Poe, "Clarke is Recognized for Lord's Acre Work," February 1952, p. 23, quoted from "The Progressive Farmer," January, 1952. 15. Interview with Mrs. Betty Huntley Beard. 16. James G. K. McClure, Jr., "A Look at the Public Schools of the United States," speech given at the Pen and Plate Club, Asheville, NC, August 18, 1949. 17. Asheville Citizen, April 20, 1950. 18. Roy Larsen, "The Importance of Schools to a Community," speech given in Asheville, NC, April3, 1952, reprinted in pamphlet form. 19. Interviews with Elspeth McClure Clarke. 20. Ibid. 21. James McClure Clarke, "News from the Front," Farmers Federation News, July, 1956, p. 3. 22. Editorial, Asheville Times, June 18, 1956. �Epilogue The Shorters, the Huntleys, the Davidsons, along with the McAbees, the Boones and the Riddles no longer inhabit the cottages of Hickory Nut Gap Farm. Their children and grandchildren live in a vastly different world, where the opportunities for making money, for spending it, for entertainment and education divide the generations from one another. Few of them farm, except on the side, although most retain a fascination for the soil, hoeing faithfully during the hot summer months between their rows of corn and beans. The Farmers Federation died with the passing of the age. The patient remained terminally ill into the sixties, generating in its weakening condition a fair share of vindictive hatred. It was not a painless death. But the passing of the Federation was a victory. The dream of Jim McClure had been fulfilled. There was no need for the farmers to band together for survival anymore. He had helped steer an entire region through the rocky straits of underdevelopment into the larger waters of economic integration with the nation. His efforts helped to transform Western North Carolina almost painlessly from one economy to another, a remarkable sociological case study. Jim McClure appreciated the traditional culture while building for progress, and that, simply put, was the secret of his success. When I talk with the grandsons and granddaughters of Federation members, most tell of a sense of nostalgia for the old ways described by their grandparents, but most are realistic enough not to miss the drudgery and poverty that were endemic to that life. The federal government and the private business sector have worked together to create favorable conditions for the hundreds of manufacturing plants that are scattered now throughout the old Federation territory. The Appalachian Regional Commission has financed a fine system of roads that has ended, finally, the isolation of Western North Carolina. Federal money has helped to build the water and sewer systems that are a prerequisite to industrialization. American businessmen have discovered that the "independent" mountaineer can be as fine a workman as there is anywhere in the country. The Southeastern United States has enjoyed the benefits of a rapidly burgeoning economy since the early sixties, and this time the Southern Appalachians were not left out. So, for better and for worse, the American cultural heroes of sports and television, fast foods, and consumerism are found as readily in the mountains of North Carolina as they are in Southern California. All of these factors contributed to the cause of death for the Farmers Federation. With the passing of Jim McClure in 1956, Jamie Clarke was elected 464 �Epilogue 465 president by the directors. He was determined to place the Federation on a sound financial foundation. He began to prune out unprofitable enterprises, trying to discover a mix that could save the business. He continued to go north each year, and succeeded in getting contributions for the Educational and Development Fund. He knew, though, that the Federation had to be weaned from its dependence on contributions. For the cooperative to survive into the future, it would have to be built on the same business values as any other commercial organization. The spirit of desperation that had pushed his uncle in 1920 into forming a cooperative was now gone, and with it the values of self-sacrifice and unity. There were other problems for the new president as well. With the death of Jim McClure, the founder and president for thirty-six years, management infighting broke out. Some of the older employees had hoped that they might be promoted to the top, and so resented Jamie Clarke's new stature. There were rumors of contrary death bed commitments from Jim McClure, which made the rounds of the Federation's central office. These festering resentments helped to sap the creativity of the management during these last years, just when the challenge for survival was greatest. In June of 1957, Guy Sales resigned as the General Manager. He had worked for the Federation almost from its birth. He had been a tireless taskmaster under Jim McClure, emphasizing always the need to tighten up the business practices of the cooperative. Much of the success over all of these years can be attributed to the daily efforts of Guy Sales. Charles W. Davis assumed the position of General Manager. He was an outstanding poultry farmer who had been involved with the Federation for about twenty years. He became a capable manager, and remained loyal to Jamie Clarke throughout all the troubles ahead.1 The foundation of these troubles was economic. After World War II, agriculture began to decline in comparative importance with other livelihoods in Western North Carolina. What serious farming remained tended to become more specialized. Many growers of single crops organized their own cooperatives, such as the tomato growers and the apple growers. The Federation had always been willing to sell or market nearly anything, but increasingly specialized competition was growing up and beating them out. These trends were at the same time the fulfillment of the goals of the Farmers Federation and the reason for its demise. Jamie Clarke spelled out the problems of the Federation in the Farmers Federation News in February 1959. For some time, there has been apparent a rapid trend toward bigness of agriculture. The growth of the broiler business has been accompanied by large-scale financing and the process called "vertical integration" whereby large companies own their own feed mills, hatcheries, and poultry dressing plants, and finance all broiler and turkey flocks and often hogs and cattle in thefield.. . Your company has been troubled for some time by lack of operating capital and increasing competition from all sides. We are also hampered by the condi- �466 We Plow God's Fields tion of the freezer locker and poultry business, both of which have become impossible for us to cany on. Furthermore, we are at a competitive disadvantage-because we do not own an adequate feed mill or fertilizer mill. The difficulty about this is that the record of the Federation's earnings over the past 15 years is not good enough to justify . . . borrowing. We know of no banking institution which would lend . . . to us.2 The profits squeeze exacerbated management infighting. Jamie Clarke wanted to implement a satisfactory pension plan for the workers, but was unable to do so as long as business suffered. By 1959, he and a majority of the directors decided bold action was imperative, that the Federation needed a merger partner in order to survive. The Farmers Cooperative Exchange (PCX), a much larger North Carolina Agricultural Cooperative, was interested in expanding into the western end of the state. Negotiations between the Federation and PCX were completed early in 1959, and then the fate of the Federation rested with the will of some 7500 stockholders. Under the laws of North Carolina, a vote to dissolve the Farmers Federation had to be conducted differently from the Rochdale plan of one man, one vote. Each stockholder, both holders of common stock and preferred stock, held one vote for each share he or she owned. In order for the Federation-PCX merger to be completed, a favorable two-thirds vote of the shares was required. Opponents to the plan had only to persuade the owners of one-third of the stock to vote nay or not to vote at all. A stockholders meeting was scheduled for February 26, 1959, in a Buncombe County courtroom. For six weeks, the plan was discussed (and cussed!) throughout the coves and hollows of Western North Carolina. Opposition to the proposal centered around a group of management personnel dubbed "the upstairs gang" by General Manager Charlie Davis (a Clarke ally).3 This group was led by Joseph Higdon, manager of the central office; Katherine Bach, his secretary; and 0. J. Holler, a director of long standing from Rutherford County. Mr. Holler probably felt disgruntled after being passed over for the presidency when Jim McClure died. No doubt the jealousies within the management helped to fuel what became a rancorous battle over this issue. Unquestionably, many of these men and women thought they might lose their jobs if the Federation merged with PCX, and they could look forward to almost no pension for their long years of work. The "upstairs gang" staged a series of meetings throughout the Federation's territory, lining up farmers to vote against the merger. They accused Jamie Clarke and the other proponents of the plan of mismanagement and duplicitous dealings, while hinting at enormous payoffs from PCX. They exploited the fact that the owners of common stock would receive PCX stock " . . . only after all monies due the Federation are collected and all debts paid and would probably lose some money," while preferred stockholders would receive equal lO-year four percent debentures in PCX dollar for dollar."4 These preferred stocks had �Epilogue 467 been purchased at a premium, with the legal requirement that the owners would have first access to the assets of the cooperative. By February 26, the emotions surrounding the issue precluded any real dialogue. A last-minute shift from the courthouse to the city auditorium due to the unexpectedly large turnout (about 350 stockholders attended) left groups muttering on the courthouse steps, "declaring the last-minute change in location disqualified the Auditorium session altogether."5 The following account of the meeting is taken from an article by reporter Doug Reed of the Asheville Citizen. The meeting was opened by the Rev. Jack Waldrep who asked that there be "no discussion out of prejudice and temper." The meeting thereafter rapidly proceeded into both realms . . . [The Federation directors] heard themselves branded a "rubber stamp" board that did the bidding of administrative officers . . . The furious opposition to the sale, charging large scale mismanagement and a "sell-out" to PCX, burst into flame as soon as the meeting was called to order The gathering was, in some respects, much like the famed Federation picnics where everybody had his say. There was no band, but it is unlikely it would have found a harmonious note to strike in an air thick with accusations. With Higdon and Attorney Henry C. Fisher bringing sharp rebuke to Federation President Clarke for attempting to limit each speaker to five minutes talking time, a floor motion overwhelmingly granted Fisher all the time he wanted to state his case. Fisher . . . declared that "I can't do it in five minutes and I don't intend to stop in five minutes and you can put your objection in the minutes." The plan, he said, is "not a sale, but a giveaway, with a $500,000 gift wrapped to it." Value of Federation's assets far exceeds in many instances, he said, the book value shown . . . Fisher branded several Federation enterprises in recent years as wild dreams and charged that poor management was to blame for reported losses . .. The stockholders, he said, weren't "attending a merger, you are attending a funeral." "You've got a good business that's in the hands of management that cannot and will not make a success of it," Fisher said, adding " . . . all you'll get is an IOU due in 10 years."6 Federation creditors were on hand, arguing on behalf of the merger. Oscar Mooneyham, president of Security Bank of Rutherfordton, said he was afraid common stockholders stood to lose either way, but "if we sell, I think we have a chance of getting some of our money back. The other way, I doubt if we'd get a penny."7 Mr. Mooneyham's assessment turned out to be prophetic. Virginia Dameron, loyal assistant to Jamie Clarke; Betty Huntley, who grew up at Hickory Nut Gap and was a favorite singer at the picnics; and Carolyn Frady, Mr. Clarke's secretary, remember well the bitterness of that meeting. Mrs. Dameron recalls "My sisters were so afraid of what might happen �ATTENTION ALL STOCK HOLDERS In The FARMERS FEDERATION! Don't be muled by the information appearing in an article in the A s h e v i l l e C i t i z e n on February 20th, 1959 and in the Farmers Federation News Is§ue for February 1959 on the proposed give away of Farmers Federation to FCX. There is nothing wrong with our Farmers Federation except mismanagement or the lack of management that has allowed us to fall into a poor position with relation to cash available, to bills payable. We have the resources to overcome this. Don't let your own Farmers Federation vanish. "It can survive/* The Future looks good under a reorganization plan for the Farmers Federation. We are not poverty stricken now. We have good farm to market roads, well kept farms with high quality cattle, and the latest in farm machinery. We have been civilized and progressive for more than One Hundred years here in Western North Carolina. Our children are well clothed and we are loved and respected by our fellow man. Let's keep it that yaafcaad J&org^i*^01"1 QWH Farmers Federation. If you can not attend the meeting on February 26, 1959, sign the proxy which appears below, cut out and mail to Box 7585, Asheville, North Carolina. DO IT TODAY! �' ATTENTION FARMERS FEDERATION STOCKHOLDERS! BE SURE to attend the Farmers Federation stockholders meeting on the Fourth Floor of the Buncombe County Courthouse, Asheville, N. C, at 10 A. M. tomorrow to get FULL facts on the proposed sale to the Farmers, Cooperative Exchange. Since a two-thirds majority of all preferred and common shares is required to approve the sale, failure to vote or to send in your proxy constitutes a vote against the proposal Executive Committee of the Board of Directors of Farmers Federation Cooperative James McClure Clarke, President Charles W. Davis, Vice-President R. Alex Crowell, Secretary H. Arthur Osborne Walter K. Pike D. M. Snelton Joe R. Wells Above and left: Ads appearing in the Asheville Citizen, February 23, (left) and February 25, 1959. �470 We Plow God's Fields that they came to the meeting to lend support."8 After the meeting was over, these three women laboriously counted each vote, one for nearly all of the 133,347 voting shares of stock. For four days they counted, while the voting box remained under constant armed guard. By the next Tuesday, Jamie Clarke had to concede that "... the final vote would fall short of the percentage needed."9 Carolyn Frady remembers being almost in tears as the voting trends became clear. General Manager Charlie Davis urged her to "Just go ahead and cry."10 Tears were the only reasonable response to the acrimony created out of a cooperative Jim McClure envisioned as a bond of brotherhood among the people of Western North Carolina. Sixty per cent favored the merger with PCX, just short of the two-thirds vote needed to carry the sale. On March 7, the Directors, both those who had supported the merger and those against it, met at the Federation Freezer Locker Plant to pick up the pieces. They passed a resolution that included the following: . . . AND WHEREAS, it now appears that the Stockholders and Directors of this Corporation desire new management. NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED that James McClure Clarke, President, Charles W. Davis, Vice President . . . are requested to individually and collectively resign their said offices forthwith."11 There was nothing else for Jamie Clarke and Charlie Davis to do. Their resignations were accepted, and a slate of officers was proposed to replace them. O. J. Holler became the new president and Joe Higdon the vice president and general manager. Mr. Holler, an elderly farmer, was never more than a figurehead. Joe Higdon ran the business. Jamie and Elspeth had eight children by this time and he had to find a job. Julian Woodcock, Jr. (always called Jack) was a loyal friend. He suggested the Asheville Citizen-Times, and recommended Jamie as an editor. This was a natural choice, with his considerable experience in journalism. But before he went to work at the newspaper, he and Elspeth decided a trip was in order. She had never been to Europe and they decided to take their three older children, Susie, thirteen; Jim, nearly eleven; Annie, nine; and their friends' son Sandy Colburn, twelve. The trip included England and Scotland, Ireland (where Elspeth had Somerville relatives), and as much of the continent as time and money allowed. They stayed in bed-and-breakfasts, ate picnic lunches, rode bicycles in Holland, and generally saw so many wonders and had such fun, along with the normal logistical difficulties of taking such a family through several countries, that Jamie could not dwell on the problems of the Federation. But the fight was not over back in Asheville. When they returned the new administration of the Federation demanded that Jamie turn over the Educational and Development Fund to them immediately or face legal proceedings. They argued that Jim McClure had raised the money as an aid to the work of the cooperative and that the money should be controlled by the officers of the �Epilogue 2 471 Th« AthevOfc (N. C) Time*. FricUy, Feb. 27, 1959 Ballots Being Counted On Sale Of Federation Headlines from the Asheville Times (from top): February 26, February 27, February 28, 1959. Federation. Jamie Clarke, who had helped to raise this money, knew that it was to help the people of Western North Carolina. He was convinced that the present management of the Federation would not use it wisely, was determined that the Fund should be preserved for the purposes Jim McClure had intended. The new officers of the cooperative realized that the Farmers Federation was not a viable business without the aid of that money. Jamie was certain that they would pomall of it into the sinking ship, and he staunchly refused to capitulate. The trustees, headed by Jim's loyal friend Arthur Page, backed Jamie up. Joe Higdon wrote him on September 17, 1959: "Since the date of your resignation . .. you have neglected, failed or refused to resign as a Trustee and Executive Secretary of the Fund, in favor of Mr. 0. J. Holler, your successor . .." (Joe Higdon to James McClure Clarke, Sept. 17, 1959). The letter threatened action after ten days of noncompliance. Jamie Clarke and the trustees did not hand over the Fund, and in 1961 the whole matter landed in the courts. It was a bitterly contested suit. The issue revolved around the pivotal point of whether the Educational and Development Fund was legally tied to the Farmers Federation, or whether it was a completely separate and independent entity. In actual practice, the two were thoroughly interwoven. Salaries were commonly shifted from the Federation to the Fund, for example. But legally the two were just as clearly independent. In 1944 Jim McClure had had �472 We Plow God's Fields the Fund incorporated, clearing up any ambiguities that might have left the contributions of his friends unprotected. The case dragged on as the Federation's management fruitlessly stalled for time, trying to figure a way around the legal facts. Finally, in January of 1963, the plaintiff "announced its desire to submit to the Judgement of Voluntary Non-Suit. . ,"12 The Fund would survive. Three weeks later, the Federation went busted once and for all. All through the mountains, the treasured stock certificates that had been purchased with so much hope became worthless. For most, it was the only form of business investment they would ever make. Had the merger with PCX passed, the value of these stocks would have been preserved. But the James G. K. McClure Educational and Development Fund, so named in June 1959, continues the tradition of good works in the name of the man who had a great vision for Western North Carolina. Thousands of deserving mountain students have attended college as the result of this money. In many instances, the money received has made the difference between attending college and missing the chance altogether. Arthur Page remained the President of the Trustees of the Fund during all the times of trouble, and he helped to map out new directions for it in light of the faltering state of the Federation. He wrote a personal letter to all the contributors, summarizing the origins of the Fund and describing the new circumstances in the mountains: As President of the Educational and Development Fund I want to report to you concerning a change your Trustees are making in the spending of the money you contribute. The Educational and Development Fund has graduated from its elementary task to a higher one. Jim McClure's ambition was to bring opportunity and a good life to the mountain people. Now a good life and a good living are not necessarily the same thing, but a good living is a very handy and helpful base on which to construct a good life. The mountain fanner didn't make a good living. There were several reasons for that. But perhaps the most obvious one at that time was that he had no good market for his products and, therefore, little incentive to exert himself. If, in the local phrase, a man grew enough to do him and his family there was little else he could accomplish. And growing enough to do himself provided a very meager living. So Jim set about to create markets. He created the Fanners Federation with its warehouses which could act as collection points for the fanner's produce and which could in return sell him his blue jeans, fertilizer and so forth . . . But markets are not the whole story by any means. Some 13% of the American people grow enough food for our population and enough to create a serious problem of oversupply. The technological advances and the reduction of many hours in farming have been as fast or faster than those in industry. Education—general and vocational—is the basis of this revolutionary change. There is now far more prospect for improving life in the mountains by aiding education than there is in looking for new markets. It means that there will be �Epilogue fewer people on the farms but greater output—more brains and less muscles, more chemistry, more apparatus and more profit. Happily, the excess people who will be displaced from the farms will not have to leave home, for a considerable amount of industry has come into the mountains and this provides not only jobs, but a local market for farm produce. All these changes are behind the decision of the Fund to change emphasis from markets to education, to hospitals, to nursing and things which directly add to the good life. When this decision was made it was apparent that regular commercial competition not only had grown enough to make more or less adequate markets but mat it had made inroads on the business of the Federation. The ordinary operations of the Federation were not doing too well financially. This led Mr. Clarke to suggest a merger of the Federation with the larger Farmers Cooperative Exchange which operated hi other parts of the State. It has more buying power and more managerial experience than the Federation. To consummate this merger it was necessary to have a favorable vote of the stockholder owners of the Federation. A majority voted for the merger. But the North Carolina law requires a two-thirds vote. Had everyone voted, there would probably have been a two-thirds majority. But those who voted "no" and those who did not vote at all made up more than one-third of the total, so the merger was lost. Mr. Clarke resigned as President of the Federation to devote himself entirely to the Fund. The Federation is under other management. It has its own program, which does not include any project financed by the Fund, for the kind of projects the Fund contemplates, now that marketing is out, do not fit with the Federation's operations. At this point I think it is appropriate to recall that from the very beginning Jim McClure was as interested in the things of the spirit as he was in material well being. The Lord's Acre is an example . . . One of Jim's major interests was education. He was Chairman of the Buncombe county Citizen's Committee which persuaded a county that thought it had no money and hadn't built but one school in 22 years to spend $6 million to tear down many of the old buildings and create a new consolidated school system, properly housed . .. There is no question that in this day and tune, good will and good back muscle are not enough. Education is opportunity. The valuable part of a man is his brain and it is better when exercised young by education. With the coming of better high schools it should be possible to open the doors of opportunity in the colleges to the bright young boys and girls of the mountains by scholarships. Mr. Clarke's program this year begins this enterprise . . . The better part of thirty years I worked on the Fund with Jim McClure. His enthusiasm for human betterment never wavered. His main objectives stayed the same. But the means of attainment shifted rapidly as changes hi conditions occurred. The changes in conditions which have motivated our change were develop- 473 �474 We Plow God's Fields ing before Jim died and had he lived, by now, I am clear that he would have suggested changes, either what we have done or something more or less like it. And I think he would view the future, as I do, as being as full of good possibilities as there were at any time in the past.13 While the assets of the Fund would find new and productive use, there lingered an unmistakable sadness at the death of the Federation. It had always been more than a business; it was an organization that had stood for high values of honesty. And it had drawn so many people together for a purpose. Doug Reed, the Citizen reporter, tried to express the sense of loss felt all across Western North Carolina. For nearly 40 years mountain farmers have felt no need to specify. "The Federation" was enough. But . . . the dream of a Chicago-born Presbyterian preacher will almost surely vanish. And the Farmers Federation Cooperative, the creature of its maker, will be no more. It began without capital and so it apparently will end—broke, harassed by competition and unable to find the money it needs to survive . . . In 1920, when James G. K. McClure—minister, educator, promoter and businessman—viewed Western North Carolina he saw quagmire roads, rundown farms, scrawny cattle, lame horses, broken plows, barefoot children and leather-skinned women. About the only thing standing up for the whole lot was the dirt farmers who waded the roads, worked the farms, cursed the cattle, beat the horses, swore at the plow, caned the children and loved the women. He had no money and no one would lend him any. He couldn't sell what he grew and he frequently wouldn't grow what he could sell. He was poverty-stricken, but McClure turned that into an asset, winning the pity and the purse of influential financiers. With the kind of talk he understood, McClure showed the mountaineer farmer how to wipe the tobacco juice off his beard and market it around the world. He set up stores where a man's produce was taken and cash money paid. Men stopped sawing pine trees for firewood and started shipping it for paper. Over the years, the Federation branched out ... It spread its network of familiar yellow, clapboard stores into 21 towns in 15 counties.14 And then, all of a sudden, the Federation was gone. But people still remember, they sure do. Just ask around about the picnics, or mention James G. K. McClure's name. They remember the Lord's Acre as well, and will tell you what a wonderful friend Rev. Dumont Clarke was to them and to their children. The Fund continued to support the Lord's Acre Movement. Dumont Clarke retired from his post the year of Jim McClure's death. He had married Elizabeth Dodge Huntington and moved to Riverdale, New York. He chose Reverend Jack Waldrep as his replacement. Dumont Clarke said farewell in his familiar editorial space in the Farmers Federation News in the October 1956, issue. �Epilogue 475 It was nearly twenty-seven years ago, in December, 1929, that God led me to become director of the Religious Department of the Farmers Federation. During these years I have had a wonderful privilege of establishing a very large number of Christian fellowships in North Carolina and in many other States. Therefore it is with much regret that, having lessened endurance for field work, I must now sever my active connections with Farmers Federation, and cease my visits to country churches, with all their cherished associations . . . To all who have encouraged me with their friendships and cooperation, I give most hearty thanks. I shall miss the friendly welcome of country church people in many counties. My prayerful good wishes go to you. May God bless, everyone.15 Rev. Jack Waldrep worked tirelessly to carry on the spirit of the Lord's Acre both at home and abroad for seventeen years, until the Trustees of the Fund decided that there was no longer a need in Western North Carolina for those methods of raising cash and morale. Now the income from the endowment for the Lord's Acre is used to help rural ministers to further their education. Dumont Clarke spent his last years writing a book on Scripture Prayer and promoting its use. His full and useful life ended in 1960. The job of Executive Secretary of the McClure Fund is only part-time, and Jamie Clarke was also editor of the Sunday Asheville Citizen-Times and associate editor of the daily Citizen for eight years. He then became assistant to the President of Warren Wilson College. His father's old friend, Arthur Bannerman, was president of the college at that time, and Jamie worked with him until his retirement. He then continued as assistant to President Reuben Holden. During this time he also served as Chairman of the Buncombe County School Board for eight years, and served in the North Carolina State Legislature for three terms. In 1982 he resigned from Warren Wilson College to run for the United States Congress. When he was elected, he resigned as Executive Secretary of the McClure Fund. The author, John Curtis Ager, was chosen as his successor by the trustees. Virginia Dameron assisted in the many charitable activities of the Fund until she retired in 1980. She passed away in 1987. Life at Hickory Nut Gap Farm, still the home of Elspeth and Jamie Clarke, retains all of the warmth and hospitality with which Jim and Elizabeth McClure endowed it. Although it is a working dairy farm and apple orchard, it also is devoted to people, and each summer old John Shorter's vegetable garden feeds (and works) many visitors, guests and helpers, who arrive from all points and for a wide variety of reasons. Square dance music, under the direction of one of the Federation's star picnic attractions, Johnny Rhymer and his Bear Creek Ramblers, is a frequent accompaniment to a summer evening at Hickory Nut Gap. Sixteen great-grandchildren (at last count) of Jim and Elizabeth McClure are growing up on the same farm that cast its spell on the newlyweds when they first drove the Honeymoon Hudson up the curving mountain road. These children like nothing better than dressing up in clothes from the attic and acting out �476 We Plow God's Fields "Mr. and Mrs. McClure plays." Their favorites are the courtship scenes, culminating in the buggy ride around Central Park. The visitor to Hickory Nut Gap Farm who has a keen eye and ear would find a great deal of Jim and Elizabeth still there. The gardens and boxwoods, the landscaping and interior design, are all obvious contributions of Elizabeth's. Her murals depicting Sherrill's Inn and the portraits of Jim and Elspeth in the dining room are all works of her genius. Less tangible, but no less real, is the extraordinary hospitality that draws strangers together there. Throughout his life, Jim McClure loved nothing so much as being able to orchestrate a diverse collection of people into a happy gathering. Whether before the warm fire of the dining room in winter or amidst the summer breezes on the porch, a dinner at Hickory Nut Gap retains a charming conviviality quite suited to the old mountain inn. The talk is easy and relaxed, full of old stories and the friendly needling that grows up among the current group of people who have spent the day working on their tasks together. The serious talk runs to politics, as Jamie Clarke has devoted himself more and more to public service. The family has retained its Presbyterian base and one is as likely as not to discuss the tenets of the Christian faith while picking raspberries in the garden. Sons of Elspeth and Jamie, especially Mark and Douglas, have spent time working on and managing the farm. Both their daughters, Susie and Annie (wife of the author), live nearby with their families and are always ready to help with farm projects. Susie's husband, Dr. Will Hamilton, is the family doctor for the area. A lawyer son, Billy, his wife Sinclair, and their four children also live nearby. Another lawyer son, Dumont, and his wife Shirley Linn, come as often as they can from Charlotte to keep in touch. The oldest son, called Jim like his great-grandfather, works in Kannapolis, North Carolina, but he and his wife Francine come when he can escape the pressures of his accounting work with Cannon Mills. Dogs and children, kittens, sheep, chickens, horses and pigs all appear to have the run of the place. Life at Hickory Nut Gap Farm has nothing to do with the search for a Utopia, and everything to do with the acceptance and enjoyment and encouragement of people in all their variety. It is a community based on the family traditions exemplified by Jim and Elizabeth McClure. At the end of this book, one feels the need to try to somehow pull together the meaning of Jim's life, but it would be the futile exercise of a biographer's conceit. By his own reckoning, he would want to be judged by how his spiritual pursuits translated into tangible results. There was a great courageousness to Jim McClure, that much is undeniable. Since he was unafraid of other people, he felt free to befriend them. He also stood ready to make decisions, to choose his course of action, and then to pursue the results he imagined possible. He also had the courage to fail, and to admit when his plans faltered, and to go on undiscouraged. The Christian ethics taught him by his father and mother were the axis on which his life turned. He sought the spiritual challenge, and rewards, of Christian service, and as such consciously set himself apart from his contemporaries. Jim McClure devoted his life to creating a business that made profits �Epilogue 477 for others. His life is a rich mine of ideas and impulses, some fruitful and some stillborn. But most of all he was a man with many friends, whom he loved to join together for useful ends. These friends wanted to remember this man, to be reminded of how much he loved his life, his wife, his children and them. To all these people, I commend the life of James G. K. McClure, Jr. 1. James McClure Clarke, "News from the Front," Farmers Federation News, July 1957, p. 3. 2. James McClure Clarke, Farmers Federation News, February, 1959. 3. Interview with Mr. Charles Davis. 4. Doug Reed, "Federation's Fate Hangs on Proxy Vote's Outcome," Asheville Citizen, February 27, 1959, p. 1, 5. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 1. Ibid. 8. Interview with Mrs. Virginia Dameron. 9. Doug Reed, "Votes Need for Sale of Federation FA11 Short," Asheville Citizen, March 4, 1959, p. 1. 10. Interview with Carolyn Frady. 11. Farmers Federation Minutes Book, March 7, 1959. 12. Farmers Federation Cooperative vs. McClure Fund, Superior Court of North Carolina, January 21, 1963. 13. Arthur Page, letter to contributors to the McClure Fund, November 1, 1959. 14. Doug Reed, Asheville Citizen, February 15, 1963. 15. Dumont Clarke, "The Country Church With the Lord's Acre Plan," Farmers Federation News, October 1956, p. 27. �JOHN CURTIS is a Ager; in the iisth They Inn as an of the John the his her the a at the 1967-1971 is for He a BA in UNC He in 1947. He is the County. a of � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource We Plow God's Fields: The Life of James G.K. McClure Description An account of the resource <span>This biography explores the life of James G. K. McClure, Jr., and his vision for a better life in the mountains of North Carolina. At his prompting, and under his leadership, The Farmers Federation was founded in Fairview, North Carolina, in 1920.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1UeXonYdA0pHTiXX55You7b-VE5rPft3H" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469641980/we-plow-gods-fields" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource McClure, James Gore King Farmers--United States--Biography Farmers' Federation (N.C.)--History Agriculture, Cooperative--North Carolina--History Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ager, John Curtis Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1991 Language A language of the resource English Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Biographies E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s Biography farmer history Missionary https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/c87a5fa217010fa898d9d85424ddaeca.pdf 80f1af9d9e71bb69d230017eccf09e87 PDF Text Text �For His Cause A Little House A Hundred Year History of Rumple Memorial Presbyterian Church by DONALD B. SAUNDERS �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program^ Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1988 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4201-7 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4203-1 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit educational organization comprised of institutions and agencies located in the Southern Highlands. Our members are volunteers who plan and execute projects which serve 156 mountain counties in seven states. Among our goals are: Preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia Protecting the mountain environment Improving the educational opportunities for area students and teachers Conducting scientific, social and economic research Promoting a positive image of Appalachia Encouraging regional cooperation THE MEMBER INSTITUTIONS OF THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM ARE: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Gardner-Webb College Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association John C. Campbell Folk School Lees-McRae College Mars Hill College Mountain Regional Library North Carolina Division of Archives and History Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild U.S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Society �To my parents �CONTENTS Acknowledgments Introduction 1: The Founding and the Founders 1 Mrs. Alfred M. Stewart. Col William J. Martin. The Rev. Dr. Jethro Rumple and North Carolina Presbyterianism to the 1880's. Blowing Rock, 1880-1900. The German Reformed Church. The first building. W. M. Morris's deed of land. The Rev, C. A. Munroe and the Lenoir connection. The first members. Notes for Chapter One. 2: The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 33 The Rev. Robert P. Pell and mountain education. The arrival of the Rev. Edgar Tufts and his Blowing Rock work. A new generation of summer people: Dr. William J. Martin, the Rev. James I. Vance, the Rev. Charles G. Vardell. Building the stone church. The first Session. The formation of the Synod of Appalachia and its significance. The church and the Grandfather Home for Children. The death of Tufts; tributes to his work. Notes for Chapter Two. 3: From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 Blowing Rock by the 1920's. The Rev. Charles G. McKaraher's pastorate at Blowing Rock. Remodeling the church portico. McKaraher's academy at Shulls Mills. The Rev. Walter K. Keys and Holston Presbytery home missions. The Rev. G. Sexton Buchanan and the first manse. The church's "fiftieth" anniversary celebration. Dr. Mary Warfield. The WOC. Mrs. Annie L. Cannon and the first education building. The church and the black community. The departure of the Rev. Buchanan. Notes for Chapter Three. 65 �4: Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 97 The first Keys pastorate. The church and World War II. The deaths of Martin, Vance, and W. L. Holshouser. Postwar changes. Keys's illness. David Ovens and Grandfather Home Sunday. The pastorate of the Rev. Robert D. Earnest. The building of the Negro Community Church. Two pastors with Korean connections: the Rev. Sam S. Cappel and The Rev. Leroy T. Newland. The recall of Dr. Keys. Notes for Chapter Four. 5: Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 121 Keys's second pastorate. Lay leaders and leadership opportunities. Robert A. Dunn and the Dunn Youth. Building the present manse. The Rev. Blake Brinkerhoff and the Summer Residents Committee. Brinkerhoff and the KKK. The changing character of the town. The Rev. Richard Holshouser and the Cannon Educational Building. Return to Concord Presbytery. Notes for Chapter Five. 6: Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 151 Holshouser's departure and the call of the Rev. Francis C. Collier. The Collier case. Recovery, redirection, and reunion. The pastorate of the Rev. Vaughn Earl Hartsell. Rumple Sundays and preaching missions. Celebrating the centennial. Whither the town? Whither Rumple? Notes for Chapter Six. Bibliography 175 Index 181 �ACKNOWLEDGMENTS INSPIRATION FOR WRITING this book came on a spring walk in 1985 along the then-unopened stretch of the Blue Ridge Parkway, in sight of the Grandfather, between Blowing Rock and Linville. I knew the job needed doing; I had just concluded another semester's teaching; I needed a project to break a block; and I determined then to make my services available for the task. My only concern was that others with more knowledge and experience than I had a more rightful claim to write it. Looming like giant footsteps across a trail were professional considerations due my acquaintance from days at Davidson College, the Carolinas Presbyterian professor par excellence, Blowing Rock summer resident and worshipper at Rumple, raconteur and repository of many pertinent facts, both trenchant and trivial, Dr. Chalmers G. Davidson. I knew that Dr. Davidson had been asked to take the job on. I did not yet know he had begged off the project, on the grounds that his semi-retirement, which he fills as the first Archivist of Davidson College, was busy enough, and he needed no new writing projects to tackle. He has since been a valuable consultant to the one hundredth anniversary history project for the town of Blowing Rock; his contributions will undoubtedly prove important when Appalachian Consortium Press publishes the work in 1989. Now, most all of us who attended Davidson in the years Dr. Davidson taught history there, whether we took his courses or not, stood and still stand in awe of his learning, of his good humor, and of the peculiar nature of his curiosities: his interest in matters genealogical sometimes seems surpassed only by his love of an earthy story. He has revealed, I am sorry to inform the reader, precious few such stories for this book, with which I might have enlivened the narrative. But he did assure me, when I asked him, that the topic was mine if I wanted it, and that he was always ready to help. I am grateful for the professional and personal regard he has shown me as this work has progressed, giving me free rein in the Davidson College archives, particularly in the Dr. William J. Martin papers, and answering numerous questions about Blowing Rock and its people. His com- �ments on the book's final draft proved valuable. He knows a great deal more than I knew to ask; he has been of enormous help. But even before I had to wrestle with a legend like Dr. Davidson, the project itself had taken shape in the mind and heart of the Rev. Vaughn Earl Hartsell, whom I knew only slightly when I started, but who came to be a friend. His desire to observe the church's anniversary by such a project, his constant interest, his own knowledge of the subject, his help in arranging oral interviews and in finding the funds for the publication of this book, and above all his unquestioning faith in my ability and determination to complete it: these have kept me going in the year and a half since I volunteered to do the job. I also owe a great deal to Dr. Jerrold L. Brooks, Executive Director of The Historical Foundation of the Presbyterian and Reformed Churches at Montreat, and the staff there, especially Mr. Bill Bynum. Before there were local church histories, there are the records at Montreat —congregational, Presbytery, Synod, and General Assembly—which make local accounts possible. All historians, and all Presbyterians, now reunited in the Presbyterian Church, USA, have reason to be grateful for, and to continue to support, the facility and its rich resources. When the project began, I knew numerous oral interviews would be desirable and necessary to give a human dimension to the story and to alert me to the many details I knew nothing of in the history of the church and the town. Several longtime members at Rumple and residents of the community have been kind enough to grant extended interviews, some quite early on, others only later in the project. Appropriate notes appear throughout the text to these invaluable sources of information and support. Among those who helped me in this way were: former pastors Robert D. Earnest, Blake Brinkerhoff, and Richard Holshouser; elder emeritus Howard Holshouser and his wife, Mabel; other members of the Holshouser family, including William L. Holshouser, Jr., and his wife, Louise VonCanon Holshouser, of Banner Elk, and Virginia (Mrs. Eubert "Peck") Holshouser, of Boone; former elders Rudolph Greene and Perry Lentz; former Summer Residents Committee chairmen Eugene S. Bowman and Andy Nimmo; William C. Cannon of Concord and Blowing Rock; members Agnes Coffey, Gladys Tester, and "Miss Hattie" Brown; former member, deacon, and elder Jim O'Dell; summer residents Betsy McClure, Linda Yarnell, and the Rev. Allan Smyth; and Mrs. McClure's aunt, Helen Weedon Deaton of Statesville, daughter of one of Blowing Rock's earliest transplant families and Rumple members. Jean Clawson, liaison from the Session to the Historical Committee, kindly �helped me interview Jo Greene, now of Winston-Salem, who with her late husband Spencer lived in Blowing Rock from the late 1930's to the 1960's, and who recalled for us many anecdotes regarding Annie Ludlow Cannon. From the start the backing of the Historical Committee at the church has been very reassuring, as has been that of the special Centennial Committee chaired by George Kinnard. It almost goes without saying that without the help of Jerry Burns, editor of The Blowing Rocket and a son of Rumple Church, and use of the materials collected through the resources of The Blowing Rocket over the years, this work could never have been written. As of this writing, the special 1976 edition of that newspaper devoted to the history of the town is the single best source of local historical information. He also gave me access to various items collected at the church reaching back well into the early years of its history. Among the more recent and valuable materials are two hefty scrapbooks assembled between 1962 and the time of her death in 1978 by Mrs. William C. (Elizabeth) Lentz. Would that such a diligent effort had been made from the beginning, or were still underway. Tom and Michelle Bouvier, church members and word processor enthusiasts, gave help preparing the first, brief version of the project on their computer; their example made me realize the value of learning the computer and helped inspire me to acquire my own. Summer resident Eleanor (Mrs. Leon S.) Bradshaw showed the Rev. Hartsell and me around the First Presbyterian Church of Salisbury, introduced us to the church historian there, Mrs. Josephine Kluttz Krider, and toured with us the old manse once inhabited by Jethro Rumple (now the historical museum of Salisbury) and the Salisbury public library's collection of local history. Mrs. Julia Keys Williams of Sarasota, Florida, daughter of longtime pastor Walter K. Keys, answered thoughtfully and graciously many questions during her visit to Blowing Rock in April 1987. For information concerning the Boone Fork Academy, I thank Katherine J. Peterson of Boone, formerly a teacher at Watauga High School and at Appalachian State University; and for information on R. A. Dunn and his Blowing Rock property, Jim Love of Mount Holly. I am also grateful to my departmental colleague, North Carolina historian Dr. Ruby S. Lanier, who serendipitously was working on a sketch of the Rev. Jesse Rankin of Lenoir while I was engaged in this project, and so was able to give me materials concerning the Lenoir Presbyterian Church and help in other ways with source references. For assistance in conceptualizing some of the interpretations contained in this book, I thank Dr. Patricia D. Beaver, Professor and Chair of the Anthropology Department at ASU; need- �less to say, the final form my thoughts have taken is my own responsibility. The Rev. Dr. Thomas F. Clark, artist, sculptor, my professor of Old Testament Bible at Davidson College, and historian of the Myers Park Presbyterian Church of Charlotte, was kind enough to read and comment upon a nearly-final version of the manuscript. The Rev. Lawton W. Posey, pastor of the Grace Covenant Presbyterian Church of Charleston, West Virginia, who has written numerous articles and reviews for several church publications, also read it and provided many welcome suggestions. Other favorable comments were kindly supplied by Dr. John W. Kuykendall, president of Davidson College; the Rev. Dr. Perry H. Biddle, Jr.; and Mrs. Margaret Tufts Neal. I am grateful too, for a careful reading of the last draft by Church members Mary Smith, Bernie Greene, Jerry Burns, and Jean Clawson; their sharp eyes caught a number of minor errors and omissions; those that remain are my own fault. Publication was made possible by the Session of the Church, the Summer Residents Committee, and several special contributors: my thanks to Capt. and Mrs. Salem Van Every, who arranged for the Foundation of the Carolinas to contribute toward the underwriting of the book in memory of Mrs. Van Every's nephew, John Arvid Moberg, a member of Rumple Memorial at the time of his death in September 1986; other members of the Moberg family; and to Willard and Betty Broyhill Gortner, area summer residents. I also acknowledge the generous support of Dr. George P. Antone, my department chairman at ASU, and Dr. William F. Byrd, Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences, who provided me with a block of release time and other support for this work during Spring Semester 1987. Finally, I express my debt to my parents, to whom I dedicate this book. Born and reared "in the nurture and admonition of the Lord," they saw to it that "the faith once delivered to the saints" was taught to their children, both at home and in the church in which I grew up, Grace Presbyterian Church, Montclair, New Jersey. Had they not taken an interest in the affairs of Rumple Church during several summers in Blowing Rock, I might never have been introduced to its ministry and its minister. Boone, N.C. December 1987 �INTRODUCTION FOR MORE THAN half of its one hundred years, it was known officially as the Blowing Rock Presbyterian Church. In all its early records, in presbytery minutes, and in reports —when it made them — to the denomination's General Assembly, the "little house" did not use its current name before 1940. And nothing shows that the congregation or session ever voted to adopt the name of its founding spirit. Yet by the time Holston Presbytery, to which the church had belonged since 1915, "went on record as recognizing the name of the Church in Blowing Rock to be the Rumple Memorial Church" in 1940, the role of Jethro Rumple, D.D., minister of the First Presbyterian Church in Salisbury for some forty years and a longtime summer resident, had been recognized for decades. Indeed, from the time of the construction of the present stone church, completed in 1912, the building has displayed a stone marker, donated by Sunday School pupils of the Salisbury congregation, memorializing Dr. Rumple. It is in many ways fitting that the church should bear the name of a person from "off the mountain": a major part in its history, and in its active life today, has been played by contributors, sung and unsung, who have lived among the mountains and its people but whose homes and livelihoods have been elsewhere. Two factors go a long way toward explaining this phenomenon. First, perhaps, was the sense of mission, at its height in the Presbyterian Church, U.S. during the long generation from the 1890's through the 1920's, reflected in the status of the Blowing Rock church as a missionary activity of the denomination in that era. This account will sketch many of the men and women who during those years were called to "labor in the vineyards for the Lord," as they said, and whose zeal sometimes seems hard to recapture today. If they occasionally showed an imperfect understanding of the people and the conditions they met in the mountains, their convictions have nevertheless left permanent impressions even on the very granite of the land. The second factor has been the growing and changing role of the town of Blowing Rock as a summer resort over the past century. To many of their visitors in the early days, the mountains were a retreat, a solace, a sometimes-romanticized "place of quiet rest near to the heart �of God," as the old hymn has it. Later, a somewhat more strenuous round of "leisure" activities - golf, horsemanship, dining out, or shopping and sightseeing-increased the social and economic significance of the summer community. Each year, as the autumn leaves blew off the trees, these folks departed; but what they left behind, as contributions of time or money, has been vital to the church's survival. So without the support of professional church workers, and lay people whose lives were staked elsewhere, neither Rumple Memorial nor the town ever would have taken their present shape. But the church's success in the community has depended equally on reaching out to, and meeting the needs of, local people. Not all mountain missionary work succeeded. And not all the resorts which were springing up in the era when Rumple Church was planted provided a permanent Presbyterian witness. The church at Highlands, N.C., for example, dedicated just two years before the one at Blowing Rock, struggled and died in 1910, and was not revived until interested persons, many of them retired outsiders, reorganized it in 1929. Linville, founded as a resort during the same decade the Rumple Church was organized in nearby Blowing Rock, has not maintained a regular Presbyterian place of worship despite several false starts. To keep a church alive and active, a base of permanent resident members, as has been the case at Rumple, is imperative. For the local people who have shared in the work at Rumple Memorial, the church has fulfilled its characteristic roles: a source of comfort in times of pain and death, a place for celebrating weddings, baptisms, and holiday traditions, and a scene of spiritual study and worship. Early resident members often gave, sacrificially, of the labor of their hands and hearts, and from narrow bases of income, to build and maintain its physical plant and to carry on its programs. For some members even today, the church represents what was truly "the faith of their fathers": second, third, and even fourth generation descendants retain current membership. Like their forebears, they are still being challenged spiritually and ethically to display in their families and in the community the faith they have heard preached in the church. And like them, they take their places in the pews alongside the doctors, professors, city preachers, successful business people, and all sorts of folks from other places who make up the summer congregation, led by a common commitment to serve the same Lord. Projects of outreach were and are jointly undertaken by the entire membership. The most noted of these, since 1918, has been the Church's support of Grandfather Home for Children in Banner Elk, of which much more will be said in this account. It is mentioned here as �an example of the way in which the sense of mission, the impact of the summer community, and the work of local residents have all come together to accomplish an unusual thing. Nothing humans do on earth is permanent or perfect. Ink fades, buildings are pulled down and rebuilt out of all recognition, men and women err and die, "mind and memory flee." The faith of Christians is that God remembers, rewards, and "maketh perfect"; the faith of historians, that the preserved memory of the past influences the present. Here, then, is something of what remains of the record of Rumple Memorial Church, in at least part of its context. It is written not simply to honor the living and memorialize the dead, certainly not to remind the Almighty what His people have done in this place. It, too, is service, and is inspired by example. �This page intentionally left blank �The Founding and the Founders ON SEPTEMBER 17, 1887, at its regular fall meeting, the Presbytery of Concord, of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, received and approved a report from the Reverend C. A. Munroe of Lenoir that "he had organized a church [in Blowing Rock] on the 17th day of July, 1887, of 8 members...." Presbytery then "ordered that the name of the church, Blowing Rock,... be put on the roll of churches," and the church had its official beginning. It was the culmination of years of effort to establish the denomination in Watauga County, North Carolina.1 The first known call to the Presbyterian public to launch "A Church Enterprise in Watauga, N.C." was made in a letter signed by "Mrs. Alfred M. Stewart" in the North Carolina Presbyterian on October 18, 1882. Her audience would not have been large: there were only some 25,000 Presbyterians of all varieties in the state, out of a population of more than one million, by 1880, and circulation of the paper was certainly no more than a few thousand. The weekly journal, which reached church people from its offices in Fayetteville, was at the time a major source of news and information concerning the denomination, although it was not an official church publication. Besides news and letters, it also ran inspirational poetry, various lessons from Scripture, and even such almanac information as when to plant crops and recent weather reports. It was a logical forum in which to promote her efforts. According to property deed records, Alfred M. and Emma Reid Stewart were from Mecklenburg County and probably lived in Davidson, although they do not appear on the 1880 census for that town. They first bought property in Blowing Rock in 1880: an eighty-acre tract from S. M. and Emma S. Clarke for $700. Part of this tract, which �2 / Chapter One straddled the middle fork of the New River, was still known as "Stewart's field" in recent memory. Other acreage Emma Stewart bought in her own name later, including property on the south end of Main Street. In Davidson, she kept a boarding house, listed as "Stuarts Inn" in the College Handbook of that era, for college students during the school year, and another in Blowing Rock, the Skyland Inn, at what is now the Farm House Restaurant, for summer people. She was a member of the Davidson College Presbyterian Church; nothing in the records shows that she joined the church in Blowing Rock she helped to launch, but she must have attended services there in summer. The Stewarts' son, Herbert, or "Hub," lived in Blowing Rock and also in Southwest Virginia near Abingdon, as late as the 1950's; apparently he never married. He ran the Skyland Inn from the time his mother became infirm, about 1919, until the sale of the property in 1945 to the present owners, Mr. and Mrs. E. J. Blackwell2 In Davidson, the Stewarts would have known Col. William J. Martin and perhaps others from the college who spent their summers in the mountains. Her letter, in any event, was no doubt sparked by conversations in Davidson and Blowing Rock with Col. Martin (who long was an elder in the Davidson College Presbyterian Church) and the Reverend Dr. Jethro Rumple of Salisbury, both of whom were a great deal better known to Presbyterians across the state. Why neither of these men signed the letter is a mystery. Her letter informed those "who live in more favored parts of our land" of the "widespread religious destitution in Watauga County," where the "few Presbyterians are literally as 'sheep without a shepherd/ " She reminded her readers that "Blowing Rock is resorted to yearly by visitors, among whom are members of our communion. But they come to us to find no sanctuary and no means of grace of our faith and order." She proposed to put up "an inexpensive house of worship," after obtaining a lot, to further the course of "religion and morality," and asked for donations "in our weakness . . . even if the aid rendered be small."3 Over the winter and spring the donations trickled in. Letters at the church preserved from that period show that small contributions came from all over the state. From as far away as Wilmington, $15 was raised "among my young friends of the Second Presbyterian Church" by Miss May Colville, who expected Mrs. Stewart to remember her as "Miss Annie Rankin's friend" (Annie Rankin was a daughter of the Reverend Jesse Rankin of Lenoir). From Fayetteville, Mrs. L. M. Evans sent $5 and regretted she could not "make it five times that amount." The Reverend Robert Zenas Johnston, pastor at Lincolnton �The Founding and the Founders / 3 and stated clerk of Mecklenburg Presbytery, forwarded $2, noting he was "on missionary ground" himself, helping to build a church at Iron Station in Lincoln County, and so could send no more. He signed himself "your old pastor" and thought of Mrs. Stewart as one of his "old friends." The reference is puzzling, for although he was a Davidson graduate, class of 1858, preached all his career in the Presbyteries of Concord and Mecklenburg, and had been Jethro Rumple's successor at the Providence and Sharon churches in southeast Mecklenburg County when Rumple moved to Salisbury in 1860, Johnston never preached near Davidson. Perhaps the Stewarts had lived in one of these areas before taking up residence in Davidson. Or they may have provided him board on his visits to the town in his capacity as a trustee of the college from Mecklenburg Presbytery: he served from 1871 to 1879, and again from 1897 to 1908.4 To Emma Stewart's call came two especially interesting responses from persons who remembered their own visits in Watauga County: Arnold W. Miller, pastor of First Church, Charlotte, and Mrs. Peter Tinsley Penick, of Mooresville. Miller recalled that "when we were a part of Concord Presbytery [i.e., before 1869], Watauga was one of my favorite counties, and in several portions of it I have preached. I shall always feel a deep interest in its welfare and hence, hail with delight, the first movement tending to the establishment of Presbyterianism in that remarkable section." When Miller died in 1892, a tribute at the state Synod meeting observed that "the people of Western North Carolina will long remember his labors. There the inmates of many homes have been permitted to read numerous religious and moral periodicals, sent by him year after year to the children, who otherwise never would have seen these periodicals." Miller, a native of Charleston, South Carolina, served his Charlotte charge from 1865 to shortly before his death. Mrs. Penick, wife, mother, mother-in-law, and daughter-in-law of Presbyterian divines, sent Mrs. Stewart "one dollar which I hope will not be too late to be useful in 'putting a few nails* in the house of worship you are building." She wrote, "I love our grand old mountains! Many of the happiest days of my girlhood were spent among them, and Blowing Rock is associated with some of my tenderly cherished memories." According to her letter, she and several family members had spent "some weeks at Shull's Mills and Morris" in 1879 and had seen and felt then the need for a church in that vicinity.5 The donations received as a result of Emma Stewart's call were inadequate to begin work. Presbytery was at that time uninterested in pursuing the matter; money was apparently being raised for a church �4 / Chapter One at Jefferson, but major support was not yet forthcoming for any new construction ventures. No doubt what finally got the Blowing Rock project off the ground was the support of her two collaborators, Col. William Joseph Martin (1830-1896) of Davidson College, and Jethro Rumple (1827-1906), minister at the First Presbyterian Church of Salisbury. The contributions these prominent North Carolina Presbyterians and Blowing Rock summer residents had already made to the denomination were well known in the state and the region. Sometime during his tenure as professor of chemistry, geology, and natural history at Davidson, which began in 1869, Col. Martin sojourned in Blowing Rock. The exact date has not been pinpointed, but what drew him is clear: it was his interest in the geological formation of what were already being called the oldest mountains in America. Born in Richmond the son of an Irish immigrant physician, Martin was an 1854 graduate of the University of Virginia. He studied chemistry there, but according to one who has written about his career, Martin drew his inspiration to teach from classes under the famed William Holmes McGuffey, whose Eclectic Readers and Eclectic Spelling Book helped shape popular education in nineteenth century America. After teaching three years at Washington College in Pennsylvania upon earning his Master of Arts degree, Martin was invited to succeed the well-known Elisha Mitchell at the University of North Carolina in 1857. His academic career was interrupted by service with the famous N.C. Bethel Regiment, which he helped to raise among Chapel Hill students, during the Civil War. He saw action in several campaigns, advancing from captain to colonel, and was three times wounded. The scene of his return home, which came down through his family, is reminiscent of the classic screen version in "Gone With the Wind": alone and exhausted on a "pitiful-looking," half-starved gray horse he arrived unrecognized and mistaken for drunk until he was cleaned up by his brother-in-law and a faithful "old darky."6 As the University was forced to close its doors in 1867, Martin moved to Columbia, Tennessee, founded a private academy, and taught school for two years. He then joined two of his former Chapel Hill colleagues at Davidson, where he taught generations of boys and filled various leadership positions until his death. From 1884 to 1887 he was college vice-president, and acting president in 1887-88. He was awarded the honorary Doctor of Letters degree from two institutions, Hampden-Sydney College and U. N. C., in 1887 and 1889. Martin introduced laboratory instruction to the struggling liberal arts college, which was surviving Reconstruction largely on the prayers of Presbyterians and the remainder of the bequest received from Salisbury �The Founding and the Founders / 5 merchant Maxwell Chambers shortly before the War. To build up the college's geology program, Martin tramped to the mountains for rock samples, often in the company of Washington Caruthers Kerr, Martin's predecessor as professor of chemistry, mineralogy, and geology at Davidson and state geologist from 1864 to 1882. Another who came with them was probably John Rennie Blake, an 1846 graduate of the University of Georgia and a contemporary of Kerr's at the Lawrence Scientific School in Cambridge, Massachusetts in 1856 and 1857, who taught various subjects at Davidson from the Civil War to 1884. Blake and two nephews, W. B. and Robert Arrowood, taught a one-room school in Boone for a time after the War. Both Arrowoods later became Presbyterian ministers, but it is doubtful if their Boone enterprise was ever under the care of the denomination.7 The Colonel and his naturalist companions from the college were living in a generation for many of whom the hand of God in nature was becoming less and less apparent. Uniformitarian principles in geology had disturbed the comfortable belief in a six-thousand year-old earth; fossil studies were revealing extinct species; Charles Darwin's controversial writings posited processes of "natural selection" for the origin of species, and struggle for life, not harmony, as nature's ruling principle. Yet Martin's faith in a personal God did not falter. Tributes collected in memoriam by the college spoke positively of his Christian character and conviction as well as his extensive knowledge and scholarship. A former student, perhaps remembering experiences in the college's required chapel services, wrote: "I loved to hear him pray there was such simplicity, such humility, such childlike faith." Rumple, who kept a sharp eye on the school from his position as secretary of its board of trustees for more than forty years, and who knew him well from summers in Blowing Rock, remarked at Martin's death: Col. Martin's crowning was his absolute faith in God and in his word. His scientific studies did not shake, but only confirmed his faith. He knew that every scientific experiment ended in a mystery-"why" that could not be answered, and wisely reasoned that in the higher region of sacred science there would likewise be unanswerable mysteries. And so he could afford to trust the promises of God, and resign himself to the divine will.8 The Colonel and his wife, Letitia Coddington Coston of Wilmington, indeed understood something of the mysteries of divine will: they lost six of their ten children in infancy. But a son, William J. Martin, Jr., and a daughter, Mary Turpin Martin Sloop, retained lifelong associa- �6 / Chapter One tions with Presbyterian mountain activity, continuing the Colonel's work in the next generation.9 According to property records at the Watauga County Court House, Col. Martin first purchased land in Blowing Rock, a half-acre lot on Main Street near the present Episcopal church, from William M. and Edith M. Morris on October 6, 1886, just seventeen days before the Morrises deeded the property across the street for the Presbyterian church. But he and his family had undoubtedly been spending summers in town long before that date. In any event, two years later he purchased property on Chestnut Hill, and began building the house he called Chestnut Knoll, which still stands. Martin's daughter remembered that the "family was one of the first of the outlanders to establish a summer home at Blowing Rock."10 Another of the early summer residents was the Rev. Dr. Jethro Rumple of Salisbury. When and why the preacher and his family first decided to summer in Blowing Rock is uncertain. In her fascinating memoirs written during the 1930's, Hope Summerell Chamberlain of Salisbury, a member of Rumple's church, recalled being taken to Blowing Rock as a child for the sake of her mother's health; this would have been in the early 1880's. Perhaps the Summerells or other Salisbury Presbyterians introduced Rumple to the mountains; or perhaps the preacher introduced his parishioners to the mountain region he already knew.11 In a newspaper interview given in the late 1930's, Etta Gregorie Norvell said she remembered staying at a Mrs. Brady's boarding house at the same time as Dr. Rumple, late in the season after the Blowing Rock Hotel had closed, during the summer of 1889. This seems a rather late date for Rumple to be in a boarding house, since by then he, like Martin, had purchased a lot from the Morrises, and probably had already built a house on Main Street.12 Toward the end of his long life, he lived in a small summer cottage built for him on the property of his son-in-law, the Rev. Dr. Charles G. Vardell, on Chestnut Hill, a short walk from the Martins. Jethro Rumple was one of the most remarkable Presbyterians and North Carolinians of his generation. "There is scarcely an area of the church's life and work in North Carolina to which at some time in his career Dr. Rumple did not make a significant contribution."13 A prolific writer and preacher, he also pioneered causes in religious education �The Founding and the Founders / 1 and social concern. His belief in the responsibility of the church for its young people was evident all his life. He served almost fifty years on the board of trustees of Davidson College, his alma mater, and was the guiding spirit behind the founding of the Barium Springs Orphanage in Iredell County at about the same time (1888) he was involved in establishing the church in Blowing Rock. Both these institutions later named buildings in his memory. In addition, he served on the board of Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, and is reported to have strongly favored the move of that institution from Hampden-Sydney to Richmond in 1895-98. In Salisbury, he was a member of the city public school board and secretary and treasurer of the board of directors of the "State Colored Normal School" which was established there in 1881. He held numerous posts at presbytery and synod level in the church, although he was never elected moderator of the General Assembly. The University of North Carolina honored him with the Doctor of Divinity degree in 1882. Many persons prepared posthumous sketches of Rumple's life, including his daughter, Linda Lee Rumple Vardell. Hers was included in the 1916 edition of Rumple's History of Rowan County.u She noted his birth on March 10, 1827, "in an unpretentious farm-house in Cabarrus County, N.C." and his early love of learning: "we can see the barefoot boy trudging the long way to the rough school house from which the first ambitions of his life must have come to him." He grew up in the Bethpage congregation, attended several "old field schools," and was educated for college by Moses Lingle at Flint Hill in Mecklenburg County. Graduated with distinction from Davidson College in 1850, he alternately taught school and studied at Columbia Theological Seminary, then located in Columbia, S.C., and was licensed to preach the gospel in 1856 by Concord Presbytery, "of which he was the remainder of his life a member." His premier pastorate was at the Providence and Sharon churches in Mecklenburg County; the first of these is one of the historic "seven churches of Mecklenburg," dating to 1764, while the second was an offshoot in 1851.15 Four years later, Rumple was called by the congregation of the First Presbyterian Church of Salisbury, where he was installed as pastor on November 24, 1860, and "continued to be their faithful and beloved pastor for the remaining years of his life on earth. . . ." Rumple's daughter did not mention, nor did other published contemporary accounts of his life, that the famous preacher was born of unmarried parents. The fact was no secret in the small community he grew up in, and was apparently widely known during his lifetime. "He was the natural son of David Thomas Houston and Mary Winecoff �8 / Chapter One Rumple, the widow of John Rumple, Jr. It is apparent that his parents were kept from marrying, because his maternal grandfather stated in his will that if his daughter Mary Rumple married again she would have no part of his inheritance." Houston's will provided for his "beloved son known by the name of Jetherow Rumple born of Mary Rumple." But Rumple himself seems to have been cared for as a child by his eldest half-brother and wife, Levi and Christine Rumple. It may be that the minister's lifelong regard for the care of unfortunate children stemmed from his awareness of his own background.16 In his prime the Reverend Doctor Rumple was a large and robust man of exceptionally good health, and a vigorous public speaker. His daughter called him "a preacher of the old school, not disdaining the elaborate introduction to his sermons; and his style was clear, his diction elegant, and his moral always helpful and practical." Another who grew up in his congregation remembered, "From three-quarters to a full hour was allowed for the sermon, old fashioned, with all the bones of its structure fully visible, its fourthlys and fifthlys in sequence.... When at last the sermon was over, and the last hymn sung, Dr. Rumple would end the final prayer with a warm (Aye-men) in a tone that sounded as if he were glad to have done; and I would be glad with him."17 His concern for children was noted by all who knew him: he "always kept up his interest in and attendance on the Sunday School[;] he knew all the children in the congregation personally and was loved by them." Rumple and his wife, Jennie E. Wharton of Greensboro, whom he married in 1857, had two sons, Watson Wharton and James Walker, and a daughter, Linda Lee. Both the boys died young: Watson at age eighteen while a student at Davidson, James, "a lawyer of some promise," by drowning at age twenty-nine. Two years before his death James married Jane Dickson Vardell and had a son, James Malcolmson. The young widow thereafter married William J. Martin, Jr., the Colonel's son, whose own first wife had also died. Rumple's daughter married Charles Graves Vardell, Jane Dickson's brother; and thus family connections, first established no doubt during summers at Blowing Rock during the children's youth, were formed between the Rumples, Martins, and Vardells.18 With the Civil War in 1861 came the split in the Presbyterian Church not healed until 1983. Rumple moderated the called meeting of Concord Presbytery, held at Davidson College in June 1861, which reflected locally the process that led to the formation of the Presbyterian Church in the Confederate States of America. During the War he served as secretary of the presbytery's Board of Committee on �The Founding and the Founders / 9 Domestic Missions, which supplied chaplains to the Confederate Army. He took several tours of duty himself as chaplain, including one with Robert E. Lee's army in October 1862, and another, for ten weeks, with General Scales' Brigade of the Army of Northern Virginia. He reported that during the latter "an army church was erected, Bible Classes organized in each Regiment, a Soldier's Christian Association was formed, 400 New Testaments distributed, together with several thousand pages of Tracts, nine members received into the Presbyterian, and several into other churches, about 40 professed conversions . . . and double that number led to ask, What must we do to be saved?" Rumple modestly noted that "other missionaries came and cooperated in this blessed work." Rumple also served on a Synod of North Carolina committee to raise funds for the education of children of deceased Confederate soldiers — a task presbytery, in the straitened circumstances which followed the defeat, declined to fund. In September 1864 he was elected Stated Clerk, a job he held for the next four years. Then during the last months of the conflict, war came home to Concord Presbytery: General George Stoneman's raid passed through much of Western North Carolina, including Watauga County, destroying much property and forcing postponement of presbytery's scheduled spring session.19 The war's end brought confusion to the whole South, and did not exclude organized Presbyterianism. Rumple seems to have been influential in retaining the structure which Southern Presbyterians had forged during the war and in rejecting overtures from the Presbyterian Church, U.S.A., seeking their return — although a minority in Concord Presbytery opposed "hasty and premature" action which would commit the Southern Church to its independent stance.20 On the other hand, he favored continued Southern Presbyterian work among newlyfreed blacks, even if on an increasingly segregated basis. He was one of a two-man committee to sign a pastoral letter in the North Carolina Presbyterian in 1866 which observed that "our Pastors, churches, and people have always recognized [the blacks'] claim to Christian equality and brotherhood, and have rejoiced to have them associated in Christian union and communion in public services and precious sacraments of the Sanctuary." But the letter also encouraged establishment of Sabbath Schools and Day Schools "where the number of colored people is sufficient to require them" and wanted all schools "under the direction of suitable Southern teachers, if such can be obtained."21 Here was revealed the paternalism and fear of Northern influences which hampered much of the Southern church's effort among the freed population during the succeeding years. Already blacks were leaving Presbyterian �10 / Chapter One congregations; Rumple's Salisbury church, which had added "colored" members almost annually since the 1820's, dropped them from its rolls in 1868 after they had "voluntarily connected themselves with the Colored Presbyterian Church in union with the Northern General Assembly."22 When in 1868 Rumple resigned as Stated Clerk, he had already become chairman of presbytery's sustentation committee, which in that era of hard times had the important task of finding financial support for its pastoral responsibilities. From this point on in his long career, Rumple was an earnest and resourceful promoter of evangelism. Almost all the positions he was to hold in the denomination reflected this concern. In the fall of 1869, presbytery took up for the first time since the war consideration of mission work in areas "west of the Blue Ridge Mountains." On behalf of his committee Rumple recommended putting "at least one missionary in each of the missionary counties . . . as soon as practicable, & also that they be empowered, for the more speedy evangelization of that region, to establish one or more mission Schools, as soon as the way shall be open." The major obstacle seems to have been the dearth of trained pastors, because of the war's disruption of schools and seminaries.23 Rumple's committee by 1870 was promoting efforts to "cultivate extensive missionary fields in Yadkin, Burke, McDowell, Yancy [sic], Mitchell, Watauga & Ashe Counties, & hope ere many years to organize a circle of churches in regions where Presbyterianism has never been planted." His report that year identified one of the "charges" in the presbytery as "Jefferson, Boone (Ashe & Watauga Cos)," but no pastor or missionary was specifically named to hold the charge. In 1871, the Rev. B. L. Beall was recommended for a $500 salary for missionary work in presbytery; perhaps he was the unnamed pastor who in the previous year had been instructed to spend two weeks laboring in Ashe and Watauga counties-in January and February! Rumple himself went to work for a spell in the mountains in 1872. Presbytery arranged that "Rev. J. Rumple will spend six weeks in Watauga County, and two weeks at discretion during the summer." At its fall meeting, presumably as a result of interest created by Rumple and his predecessors, presbytery voted to support "the erection of a building for religious and Educational purposes in Watauga Co.," but there was no later record that such a building was ever put up, nor was a location mentioned. Raising funds to support such missionary work seems to have been extraordinarily difficult. Rumple's committee attempted in 1876 to extract the sum of $4.70 from each church in presbytery to pay the regular evangelist's salary— he had preached 166 �The Founding and the Founders 711 times that year—but got no response except from one congregation which "complains of the injustice of the basis of distribution, but does not promise to pay the average."24 Always creative and determined, Rumple in 1876 had his committee recommend the reorganization of the churches in Concord Presbytery into "Clusters for convenience of meeting and cooperation in church work.... At these meetings it shall be in order . . . especially to devise ways and means to search out and supply with the means of grace, the destitute portions of their territory." One such "cluster" formed then brought Lenoir, Watauga, and Jefferson into the relationship which within a few years would bear fruit in Blowing Rock.25 During the decade from 1878 to 1887, the energetic Salisbury pastor took on another project: publishing a series of articles in the North Carolina Presbyterian on the history of the denomination in the state. These articles provide not only an insight into the thinking of Rumple himself, but a good contemporary overview of religious conditions at about the time the Blowing Rock church was founded. What kicked off the project was a discussion at a meeting of synod in 1875 on "Presbyterian Aggressiveness": was the religious body holding its own, or losing ground, when compared to other Protestant groups in North Carolina? Rumple was made a member of the inevitable committee formed to consider the subject and by 1877 was not only chairing the project, but "the labor of preparing the report all fell upon his hands."26 The completed articles ranged far beyond the original topic and are mostly historical, having interest in their own right; only three of more than thirty touched on "aggressiveness." But on this topic, Rumple concluded that the distinctive features of Presbyterianism —its insistence on a methodically trained clergy, "the deliberation with which most of our members connect themselves with the Church," the greater than average amount of its members' contributions — all made for a "more permanent body" than was true of other denominations. Presbyterians had played a role in the state out of proportion to their numbers, it was true. But the answer to "the question whether we have been doing and are now doing our whole duty in the field" required knowing "what the obstacles are that have impeded our progress, what have been the causes of past and present failure, and what are the Scriptural remedies." He thought the Book of Church Order was too brief and general on the "means of extending our church into destitute regions, or heathen lands," tempting "our ministers and Presbyteries ... to regard the preaching of the Gospel to established churches as the great, all-absorbing design of our church organization."27 To remedy the situation Rumple invoked the language of battle: �12 / Chapter One Now if it is right to receive instruction from an enemy, it is surely much more allowed to learn wisdom from the experience of our brethren of other religious denominations. While we would not abandon our habit of entrenching, and fortifying the ground already occupied, for any system of advancement however plausible, or successful, we could and should superadd to the pastoral system a more faithful and diligent developement [sic] of the Evangelistic arm of our church. . . . [O]ur five Presbyteries [in North Carolina] have scarcely five evangelists, all told. Not onetwentieth part of our ministers are evangelists. . . . We urgently need a reformation of popular sentiment upon this matter.25 While Rumple rejected the Methodist system of bishops to supervise and appoint missionaries, he proposed to learn from their practice of training laypeople to take more active part "without remuneration" in local church work. He also believed the denomination might need to "pray for a peculiar set of laborers who like Paul... and others would consent to waive their right of leading about a wife, in order that they might devote themselves more fully to evangelistic work, men who would face poverty in order to plant the Gospel in destitute regions and build up churches on no other man's foundation. It is scriptural to be willing to endure hardness as a good soldier of Jesus Christ/'29 In concluding his articles on "Aggressiveness," Rumple changed his figure of speech to reflect the times: In the loose agricultural and commercial systems of other days, when railroads and telegraphs were not yet dreamed of[,] when markets were distant, competition limited, and long credits the rule on all sides, men could afford to do business in a careless way. ... But in the more rapid transactions of modern days, when small profits, cash payments, quick returns, and urgent competition are in vogue, the old course of business would be simply ruinous. And so in these modern times, when great activity and energy characterize many of the churches . . . the fruits of a large part of our missionary and evangelistic work have been gathered by other denominations because we are slow in planting churches and in gathering in members. It is our duty to practice the wisdom of the serpent as well as the harmlessness of the dove.30 By 1879, the synod was discussing the appointment of a synodical evangelist to promote the cause of "aggressiveness." Frustrated perhaps by division over the issue at the presbytery level, synod in October 1879 elected the Rev. Charles Montgomery Payne "the first agent of Evangelistic Labor" and held the first synodical home missionary meeting in North Carolina.31 The next decade was to see a substantial �The Founding and the Founders / 13 expansion of church planting, with redoubled efforts by both presbytery and synodical evangelists. The Blowing Rock church was to be one result. ***** The still-unincorporated village of Blowing Rock which Rumple and his friends knew in 1880 had a population of 339, living in 56 "families" (a census term, later changed to "households"). Almost all were farmers. Only two "merchant farmers," a schoolteacher, a nurse, and a music teacher (male) stood apart from the norm. Many of the families whose descendants later associated with the Presbyterian Church— Pitts, Sudderth, Greene, Coffey, Hartley, Oxendine-were already living in the township, but not one of them was among the eight charter members of 1887, whose names do not appear on the census rolls for 1880. One of the "merchant farmers" listed was William M. Morris, who with his wife Edith Matilda Morris had moved to Blowing Rock within the previous decade. They had bought "the old Amos Greene place about 1874 and opened a house for summer boarders."32 The property they owned on Main Street was extensive. Four children, a son and three daughters, were listed in the family as of 1880, the two eldest "at school." Morris's store became the legal center of the town when it was incorporated and its limits defined by act of the North Carolina General Assembly on March 11, 1889: Blowing Rock extended threefourths of a mile in every direction from his "store-house." Morris's boarding house operation had become increasingly typical for the town by that time. Even before the Civil War, a few families seem to have visited the mountains, but the number of summer people grew only after the War and its aftermath.33 Arthur singled out Morris for special praise in his reminiscences: He was most successful, and the good things he furnished for his boarders to eat will forever be remembered by all who had the good fortune to sit at his table. He had a most remarkable little benchlegged cow, which gave oceans of the richest milk imaginable. His deep featherbeds were good for tired legs after a day's wading in the creeks fishing for speckled trout. One presumes Edith Matilda Morris, and probably her daughters, also had something to do with the food served and hospitality shown the guests! Arthur mentions a couple of other early boarding house �14 / Chapter One keepers: Len Estes, who "looked like General Grant," built a house, a sawmill, and the dam on what would later be the Chetola estate, and later "moved West"; and W. W. Sherrell, who "bought the Harper property and opened two or three small houses for summer boarders about 1877 or 1878 at Fairview." Sherrell (Sherrill) would later join Rumple Church.34 By the later 1880's, hotels were springing up to meet the growing demand for summer residences. The Green Park Inn, then in the separate Caldwell County town of Green Park, claims local precedence: it was built in 1883. No detailed census records exist for 1890, but in 1900 enumerators counted 805 people in 166 "families" in Blowing Rock; perhaps most notably for the shape the town was taking in its first full year of incorporation, five residents were listed as hotel proprietors or hotel keepers, while several new names were shown taking in boarders. Blowing Rock now also boasted two physicians (George W. Roby and Calvin J. Parlier), a postmaster (William Edmisten), a dentist (Andrew J. Toppings), several craftsmen of varying trades, a butcher, and, among the servants, an eleven year-old boy "wood chopper" for two school teacher sisters, Mollie M. and Gabria (Gabrielle) E. Blair, the latter a recent valedictorian graduate of the Skyland Institute, which, like the Presbyterian church, had been established in 1887. The only "preacher" listed in 1900 was a black man, 45 year-old George W. James, boarding with a black school teacher named Long. Most of the town's residents were still farmers, but already had come a New York-born "retired merchant" and his wife, Ogdon (Ogden) E. and Mary C. Edwards, the first of a much later trend. Summer resident Gaston Gage remembered "Colonel" Edwards from his childhood: he was tall, thin, always wore a skull cap, and repeated for the children lore and sayings he had picked up on his world travels. "Apparently he had made and lost a number of fortunes," Gage recalled. Mary Edwards founded the "Community Service Fund," a predecessor organization to the Blowing Rock Community Club, which still functions. By that time, too, Moses Cone, textile magnate of Greensboro, had begun to develop his estate out from the center of town. Many local residents were earning cash money working among his crops, orchards, and livestock. So "outlanders" were already beginning to make their mark in the growing community.35 In her 1882 letter, Emma Stewart called attention to the "religious destitution" of the town. How accurate was this estimation? It is true that no permanent place of worship seems to have been established before the Presbyterians erected their structure in 1886; but the public morals of the community during the 1880's appear to have been, by the �The Founding and the Founders / 15 standards of the times, restrained and decorous. Not that there was much real trouble to get into. In a day when waiting for the mail could occupy one for hours, the few public amusements were tame: gathering wildflowers, going on a picnic, taking a walk, fishing in one of the various forks. Nostalgia may have colored the reminiscences preserved of those early days in the community, but when in the next generation Blowing Rock was favored by a smarter set, oldtimers decried seeing grown women "riding astride," not observing the Sabbath, chewing gum "as a goat would a towel he had pulled from the clothes line," and drinking soft drinks with their beaux in public.36 Perhaps it was the Presbyterians which gave the decorous tone to the early summer colony; or perhaps the wave of new arrivals of German-American extraction, who began moving into the town during the same era, brought a class of solid-citizen types to town; for whatever reason, the recorded memories of early Blowing Rock seem pale beside those left from the more boisterous past of Boone, the county's largest town and seat of government.37 ***** At the same time the Presbyterians were making their bid to form a church in Blowing Rock, a similar effort was underway by the German Reformed Church. In 1882, the same year Mrs. Stewart's letter was published, the Reverend John Ingle, of that denomination, preached a sermon at the Blowing Rock home of Jacob Kluttz, a recent arrival from the German settled area of Rowan or Caldwell counties. Seeing the need for a minister's services, Ingle moved his family up the mountain the following April and "at once began to hold services in a school house at the location of the present village and organized a Sunday School." By 1884, Ingle had convinced the North Carolina Classis (the Reformed equivalent of the Presbyterian Synod, a statewide organization or "court" of clergy and lay elders) to support a "Watauga Mission." Thus a congregation "Calvinistic in faith and Presbyterian in church government," as Dr. Rumple said of this denomination, was already being formed in the mid-1880's.38 Perhaps these concurrent efforts spurred Rumple on; in any event, at the fall 1885 meeting of presbytery, things began moving more rapidly. On October 15, the Committee on Home Missions "was directed to consider the propriety and means of erecting a Presbyterian chapel at Blowing Rock in Watauga Co." The next day, pre- �16 / Chapter One sumably after much prayer and deliberation by the committee, the full court agreed to "look with favor upon the scheme" and to provide $150 toward the project when the remainder of the funds had been raised by other contributors. The following March the committee met to appoint the Rev. C. A. Munroe and Captain E. W. Fawcette of Lenoir to "undertake at once the erection of a church building at Blowing Rock" and requested presbytery to apply the $50 already raised for a church at Jefferson (which had folded five years earlier) to the Blowing Rock cause. Supply ministers, including Rumple, were appointed for the summer of 1886, who were to be entertained "as far as practicable" by the Lenoir men and their travel expenses defrayed by whatever collections were obtained at the services.39 At its April 1886 meeting, presbytery approved the committee's report. Work on the building probably began that spring. It must have proceeded rapidly. The chapel was small, of simple frame construction, with a tower whose bell reportedly could be heard for two miles in every direction. Its total cost was $677.93. According to the 1936 history, "the whole community united in the erection of the church, but the local contributions, material, etc., were not at the time noted." Munroe's account to presbytery in April 1887 did note that "proprietors of B. R. Hotel and others did gratuitous hauling," indicating that the Blowing Rock hotel, which opened in 1888 and stood at the south end of Main Street for many years, must also have been under construction that summer. Other gifts to furnish the building were recorded: a Bible from Miss Lizzie Kerr, a hymn book by ladies of the Salisbury church, organ by Mrs. Rumple, pulpit lamps by a Mrs. and Miss Pegram, communion service by the Rev. B. L. Beall, two pulpit chairs by Mrs. Stewart, lumber for the pulpit by Capt. W. W. Lenoir, and hymnbooks by the publication committee of the denomination. Except for Mrs. Stewart, all these people seem to have been affiliated with either the Salisbury or the Lenoir churches, an important indication of the network of support which helped sustain the fledgling mountain mission during its early years. Some of these items remain at the church to this day: the large pulpit Bible, the pulpit, possibly the chairs, and perhaps the organ. It is unlikely that the original bell was moved to the present structure, but its ringing of the eleven o'clock hour every Sunday morning carries on a one hundred year-old custom.40 The fourth Sunday in July, 1886, was a great day for organized religion in Blowing Rock. On the very same day Rumple and others dedicated the new Presbyterian chapel, the Reformed congregation was organizing, in a building called the "Estes Schoolhouse." The �The Founding and the Founders I 17 Mount Bethel house of worship was probably not built until 1894;41 but when it was organized in 1886 the Reformed congregation was twice the size (sixteen) of the Presbyterian flock of a year later. Were the two denominations competing for members? Probably not. A list of the first Reformed communicants shows a preponderance of names of German origin: Holshousers, Kluttzes, Lentzes, Trexlers, Bollingers. Descendants of most of these families would later join Rumple Church, but at first the new arrivals seem to have been loyal to denominational ties, and perhaps patterns of organized worship, inherited from earlier generations at places in the western Piedmont, especially Rowan County. And while the first regular Presbyterian membership also seems to have been recruited largely among newcomers to the county, several factors probably accounted for the success of the Presbyterians: first, there was the support from the Lenoir Church, which, although sporadic to begin with, at least gave the little flock a connection to a larger statewide and regional structure of organization than was available to the Reformed membership. Then there was the summer resident support: the increasingly numerous, and more affluent, seasonal visitors swelled the ranks of worshippers and allowed a larger base of financial undergirding. The more central location of the Presbyterian chapel also likely favored its more rapid growth. A final factor was undoubtedly the arrival in 1897 of the young Edgar Tufts, whose energy and devotion to his work spilled over the Grandfather and touched Blowing Rock. In the end, these advantages outweighed the early and earnest effort at the Reformed Church. In 1900 Ingle gave his occupation to census takers as "farmer": he probably preached only part-time and received little income from his churchly duties. The congregation was "irregularly supplied" from year to year through the next two decades by at least six other ministers. Its only regular pastoral care after the fall of 1903 came from a missionary from Lenoir. Membership in 1911 was listed as thirteen. In 1912, the Rev. and Mrs. Ingle joined the Rumple congregation, although he still was listed as of 1917 in the Reformed Church's statistical reports as "without charge" and living in Green Park. In 1919, at the age of eighty-four, he reportedly preached for a year at the Blowing Rock Baptist Church until a new minister could be found. The Reformed congregation itself "was unfortunately lost to the denomination in 1921 when only four members were reported."42 By the time of the July 1886 dedication service the little Presbyterian chapel still lacked "brick pillars and an enclosure to make the job complete."43 No matter the state of the structure, it must have resounded that Sunday with the full force of Rumple's formidable ora- �18 / Chapter One torical skills, and Mrs. Rumple's applying of her musical talents to the little pump organ. The sermon would later be remembered as a prophecy of the church's success. Rumple took his text from Psalm 72:16 — "There shall be a handful of corn in the earth upon the top of the mountains. The fruit thereof shall shake like Lebanon and they of the city shall flourish." Rumple could not have anticipated how Lebanon itself would shake quite literally by the 1980's. But he demonstrated his faith in the "handful of corn" being sowed in his beloved mountains. Later that summer, supplies appointed by presbytery took their turns filling the new pulpit: the Rev. J. M. Wharey on the first and second Sundays in August, and Munroe on the fifth Sunday. It is not clear if the Rev. Beall preached as he was appointed to, on the third and fourth Sundays.44 To further insure the harvest, Rumple and Munroe arranged to conduct "a protracted meeting at Blowing Rock, including the 5th Sabbath of October." No doubt it was hoped that all these efforts would bring in enough new members to keep the new work going. Formal organization would await the results of these labors in the following year. ***** The Presbyterians' chapel was almost finished—indeed, it had already been dedicated-before the land on which it stood was officially signed over to them. The deed to the property was dated October 23, 1886. Witnessed by Joe B. Clark(e), justice of the peace and later the town's first mayor, it conveyed to the new church's trustees the land "Beginning at a sugar maple on the West side of the Caldwell and Watauga Turnpike Road" and bordered by property of the Morrises on one side and H. F. Schenck on the other. The lot contained "seven tenths of an acre, more or less" and was to be "for the only use and behoof of said church forever." An interesting confirmation of the legal status of women in that era was that Clark was required to examine Mrs. Morris separately from her husband "tending to her voluntary execution" of the property deed and to certify that she "signed freely and voluntarily without fear or compulsion of her said husband or any other person and that she doth voluntarily assent thereto."45 It would be helpful to know just how and when the Morrises were persuaded to donate the lot. One clue might be found in the fact that during the same month in which the Presbyterians got their lot for free, the Morrises were selling lots to several private buyers, among �The Founding and the Founders / 19 whom were Martin and Rumple. On October 6, the Colonel bought a half-acre from them, for $100, on the east side of the "Turnpike Road." Then on October 23, the preacher secured a lot of similar size across the street, close to the church property, for $50. Also that day David A. Atwell of Rowan County, and Dr. Frank A. Shaffner of Forsyth County, bought tracts of about the same size, for $100 and $50 respectively. Perhaps these land sales sweetened the pot, or satisfied the Morrises' need for some immediate cash. Two years later, the couple also sold "for $1" a one-fourth acre tract to trustees for the Protestant Episcopal Church, diocese of North Carolina, who also got another onefourth acre from S. M. and Emma S. Clarke, for the erection of an Episcopal house of worship. The Morrises thus were benefactors of two churches, but the Presbyterians ultimately obtained their membership; they joined in 1891. Later they left the county and moved "east of the Blue Ridge."46 The first trustees of the church property were all prominent Presbyterians from Lenoir: the Rev. Benjamin Leander Beall, his brother Dr. Robert Lamar Beall, and Capt. E. W. Fawcette. Beall had helped organize the Lenoir church in 1852, and had served that congregation as stated supply from 1879 to 1882. He was twice evangelist for Concord Presbytery, 1868-1872 and 1883-1888. Nearly sixty years old in 1886, he was injured two years later in a railroad accident while returning from a preaching appointment in Burke County and had to give up his post. He "had the unique privilege of reading his own obituary" when his death was at first reported after the wreck. He lived on until his eighty-sixth year, but "never ceased to suffer bodily pain." It was said of him when he died in 1913 that he and the Rev. Jesse Rankin of Lenoir (one of Rankin's daughters was BealFs first wife, and a niece was married to Rumple) were "the pioneers of Presbyterian Evangelism in Western North Carolina." Laboring mainly in the mountains, he preached "in season and out of season, in log school houses, in store buildings and in private homes from house to house" over territory from Ashe to Macon counties. "Eternity alone will reveal the full fruitage of the good seed he scattered in that large territory of Gospel destitution," C. A. Munroe recalled. He also thought Beall to be "thoroughly orthodox, . . . perhaps the most conservative preacher on all points of Christian doctrine and church polity in Concord Presbytery."47 The other Lenoir trustees, both laymen, were long active in the life of the church there as members of the session, the Sunday school, and various other boards and committees. Robert Lamar Beall was a physician, Edward William Fawcette an educator. The latter was in turn a �20 / Chapter One founder of the Patterson School, president of Concord Female College and Statesville Female College, and a school in Johnson City, Tennessee. He ended his career as head of Finley High School in Lenoir.48 The names of these three men were listed as the trustees of the Blowing Rock church property until 1954. By the end of summer, 1886, the new church was clearly functioning. To insure its continued operation, presbytery arranged that over the winter of 1886-1887 Munroe "be appointed to preach one Sabbath each month at the Blowing Rock Chapel,... his churches agreeing thereto, and that the Home Mission Committee supply Mr. Munroe's pulpit during his absence at Blowing Rock. . . ." Further, it placed the "the Blowing Rock Chapel and Sabbath School . . . under the care of the Lenoir Session until a minister is appointed to that field." Munroe was also given "commission to receive members and organize a church, if the way be clear." This arrangement was renewed the following spring for the months of April, May, and June 1887.49 Rumple, too, probably returned to preach in the summer of 1887. The mountains were certainly on his mind that year. It was the semicentennial of Davidson's founding, and Rumple was on the campus to give the historical address. In flowery rhetoric he compared the college, as a "fountain of pure learning," to the "head-springs of the four noble rivers, the Yadkin, the Catawba, the Watauga, and the Great Kanawha, streams that diverge to the four quarters of the earth" from their origins at Blowing Rock, "the towering apex of eastern America."50 Colin Alexander Munroe had a long and honorable career in the Presbyterian Church, U.S. Born at Troy, N.C., in 1844, he was the eldest of three preacher brothers, all of whom attended Davidson College and Union Seminary. C. A. graduated in 1872 at Davidson and in 1876 at Union. Munroe was already a veteran of the Confederate Army before he started college; he must have taken classes there under that other old soldier, Col. Martin. He later was a member of the college's board of trustees. His alma mater awarded him the D.D. degree in 1915, and he died at Davidson four years later. Licensed in Fayetteville Presbytery upon completing his seminary studies, Munroe briefly supplied two churches there, then was called to Mississippi, where he was ordained in 1877. In 1883, he returned to Concord Presbytery as evangelist for its "Western Field." Working out of the newly-organized church at Old Fort, he fulfilled these duties for at least one year. Then in 1884 he moved to Huntington, West Virginia, for reasons unknown, and was called by the church there in 1885. At the same time, he held a call to the Lenoir and Hickory churches. "It �The Founding and the Founders 7 2 1 was the call of these two churches [that] he accepted, and he was received back into Concord Presbytery on June 19, 1885." From then until 1903, he served the Lenoir charge (the Hickory church received its own full-time pastor in 1891). In that year Concord Presbytery again named him evangelist. He took up residence in Hickory and resumed his travels, resigning in 1917 due to ill health. Munroe held the second-longest pastorate in the history of the Lenoir church. His recollections of activities there, some of which were published in that church's history, gave insight into what worship was like in that era, and as the church was so close geographically and organizationally to the fledgling congregation in Blowing Rock, they described what must have been similar practices at both churches. Because some of the Lenoir members also made a habit of spending summers in the mountains (one thinks of the Harpers, probably also the S. M. Clarkes, and somewhat later the Bernhardts), they would themselves have shared in them.51 "Communion Days" were impressive, awe-inspiring occasions and usually lasted for a weekend. Wine was served to all in one special chalice reserved for the occasions.... We see the gatherings of the little group-friends coming in from the country and staying at least through the weekend-the McGalliards, the Corpenings, Greys, Abernathys, Dicksons, Glasses and others. . . . There was heart-searching preaching, usually by a visiting minister. There was the opening of the doors of the church and always a pointed and evangelistic appeal. And then when Sunday came, there was the white table spread in the early morning hours, which on other Sabbaths was taken by Sunday School. Students . . . had given up their usual Friday evening social and as the hour for the observance of the Sacrament drew nigh, it was as though a spirit of reverence and of loving awe walled the quiet streets and country roads. The sermon and then the call separated the communicants from the non-professing Christians. The little organ was silenced and Captain Faucette [sic] 'raised the tune[.]' Always it was 'T'was on That Dark and Doleful Night,' sung to the minor strains of Windham.'... The service closed with the singing of 'Home Sweet Home . . . Prepare me, dear Saviour, for Heaven, my home.' It was Munroe who, in the summer of 1887, returned up the mountain to organize the church at Blowing Rock. At the fall meeting of presbytery, in Newton, he reported he had completed his appointed task on July 17. He had enrolled eight charter members: Mrs. Rosa Watkins, by letter Miss Sarah Walser, by examination �22 / Chapter One Mrs. Mary Ann Patterson, by examination Mr. Spurgeon Walser, by examination Mrs. Martha Walser, by letter Samuel J. Walser, by examination Miss Mary Walser, by letter, Baptist Mr. Arthur Parks, by letter. Nothing is known of Watkins, Patterson, or Parks. They must not have lived long in the community, as they were not there in 1880 and were gone by 1900. But the Walsers do appear on the 1900 census for the town; many of their descendants lived in Blowing Rock in later generations, and were active at Rumple Church; at least one of their descendants, Paul Walser, attends currently. Spurgeon Walser and his wife, Martha, both fifty years old, had been married twenty-three years as of 1887. Two of their children, still living at home as of 1900, joined the church with them: Mary was eighteen, Samuel was ten. Sarah may have been another daughter, or, if she was incorrectly recorded as "Miss," their daughter-in-law, the twenty year-old wife of William Walser, head of one of two other Walser families in town; these men, William and David, were probably also Spurgeon and Martha's children. Martha gave birth to her last child, Robert, in April of 1888. As of 1887 there would have been another little girl, Annie, age three, as yet too young to join the church. Both these would join Rumple in 1899; "Rob" Walser would spend many of his adult years as Sunday school superintendent during the 1940's.52 Other additions to the membership came in the next two years; perhaps Rumple or Munroe held more "protracted meetings." Mrs. Willie Clark, Rufus Brady, and Mrs. M. J. Brady joined by letter from other Presbyterian churches (place or places unknown). Mrs. Brady was likely the boarding house keeper with whom Rumple is reported to have stayed in the summer of 1889; neither the Bradys nor Mrs. Clark appear on the 1900 census. Not until 1891 were more names put on the rolls. The Rev. R. P. Pell, synodical evangelist, and Munroe at that time added the previously-mentioned Morrises, their daughter, Bessie, who would have been fourteen, and E. (Edward?) G. Morris, listed on the 1900 census as a carpenter with six children. E. G. Morris's wife, Doxy, joined the church the next month. Perhaps he was a grown son of William and Edith. Also joining the fold were E. (Elcana) G. Clure (Clewer, on the census returns), age 61, a farm laborer, and his wife, Martha, age 47; Mrs. Martha Kershea; Mrs. Martha Kirby (not found on the 1900 census); and H. W. Weedon (Weeden). Mrs. Mary W. Weedon also joined, "by letter from the Methodist church."53 �The Founding and the Founders / 23 ***** And so the efforts of Emma Stewart and her friends had borne fruit. A church had been planted in a "destitute region." It was the only church Concord Presbytery organized that year, though more were to follow. Like many country churches, it had no regular pastor. Services were held rarely, if at all, through the winter, perhaps almost weekly during the summer if Rumple or other ministers were in town. There is no way to know how often Munroe rode up the mountain from Lenoir, or how scrupulously the Lenoir session cared for the little flock's needs. Session minutes of the Lenoir church never mention Blowing Rock through this period. No local session (that is, lay elders) to conduct church business was at this time provided: the few original members could hardly have made one up, especially since women, six of the eight, were not then permitted to hold church office. The records hint at a Sunday school, but give no indication of attendance, names of teachers, or any other such data for the period. All the evidence points to the fact that Blowing Rock was a transitional type of church, more a convenience for the summer people who had church homes elsewhere than a truly local one. For a decade the church would struggle along, adding a few members when a visiting preacher would enroll them. Munroe seems to have severed his relationship with Blowing Rock in 1891 when he took full-time charge of the Lenoir congregation; in 1892 a presbytery report indicated the Blowing Rock pulpit was vacant. Perhaps it was served thereafter only in the summertime, by Rumple or other vacationing preachers, or by an occasional evangelist.54 Its success would not be assured until a man arrived, at the start of its second decade, who epitomized a new spirit abroad in mountain missions: Edgar Tufts. �24 / Chapter One Notes for Chapter One 1. Minutes of Concord Presbytery, Vol. 9, pp. 94-95. Printed copy at The Historical Foundation of the Presbyterian and Reformed Churches, Inc., Montreat, NC. Xeroxed copies of the printed and the original handwritten minutes are in the RMPC records. 2. Watauga County Court House, Register of Deeds Office. On the Stewarts: oral interviews with Helen Hartley, April 1987; Julia Keys Williams, April 1987; Jo Greene, July 1987. See also "Music Made Farm House Popular Attraction Here," and "Around Town," The Blowing Rocket, The Blowing Rock Story, special Bicentennial issue (first published July 1976, reissued 1983), pp. 55, 8. Hereinafter cited as The Blowing Rocket, special edition. Dr. Chalmers G. Davidson kindly supplied the information concerning "Stuarts Inn"; in 1896-97 students paid $10 a month to board there. 3. North Carolina Presbyterian, October 18, 1882 (New Series, Vol. XV, No. 771), p. 2. Microfilm copy at The Historical Foundation, Montreat. 4. E. C. Clark, comp., Ministerial Directory of the Presbyterian Church, U. S., 1861-1941 (Austin, TX: Von Boeckmann-Jones, 1942). Later editions by various editors and with different dates of publication. Hereinafter cited as Ministerial Directory, and year of edition. Dr. Davidson kindly supplied the dates of Johnston's service on Davidson College's board of trustees. 5. I have been unable to locate a settlement or post office in the county named Morris. By the 1880's there was one called N orris, and another at Moretz's Mill, both on Meat Camp Creek. But since W. M. Morris took summer boarders, it is possible that the Penicks actually were staying in Blowing Rock. I am grateful to Mrs. Evelyn Shepherd and Mr. Eric Olson for helping my search. The letters cited in these paragraphs have been preserved at the church; they must have come down from the Martin or the Vardell families. Both the Colonel's son and Rumple's son-in-law prepared the semicentennial sketch of the church's history, which referred to the existence of the letters. 6. Mary T. Martin Sloop with Legette Blythe, Miracle in the Hills (New York: McGraw Hill, 1953), pp. 11-12. See also Benjamin F. Garrett, "The First Fifty Years of Chemistry at Davidson," Briarpatch, March 1980. The article was researched and written by a chemistry professor at the college. 7. John Preston Arthur, A History of Watauga County, North Carolina. With Sketches of Prominent Families (Richmond: Everett Waddey Co., 1915; repr. 1976), p. 251. If Arthur was correct, the Arrowood brothers would have been very young-or the school was being conducted later than he recalled. William Butler and Robert Silvanus Arrowood were born in 1850 and 1854, respectively; both graduated from Davidson College (in 1876 and 1877) and William from Union Theological Seminary in 1879; there is no record that Robert ever attended seminary, although he was licensed and ordained in Concord Presbytery in 1886. E. C. Clark, comp., Ministerial Directory, p. 21. See also Neill Roderick McGeachy, Confronted By Challenge: A History of the Presbytery of Concord 1795-1973 (n.p.: The Delmar Co., 1985) (hereinafter cited as �The Founding and the Founders / 25 McGeachy, Confronted], p. 389, where he notes that R. S. Arrowood's ordination must have come "under what, today, is called 'extraordinary clause.'" 8. Tribute from the Rev. J. Rumple, D.D., in The Davidson Monthly (April 1896), Memorial number to Col. William J. Martin, p. 264. 9. Chalmers G. Davidson, Davidson College press release, "A collection of letters and papers of the William Joseph Martin family . . ." n.d., p. 1. 10. Sloop, Miracle in the Hills, p. 20. 11. Hope Summerell Chamberlain, This Was Home (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1938), pp. 212-220. This section of her book gives an evocative account of what the tiny summer community of Blowing Rock was like, in a child's eyes, at this early date. 12. "Norvell Visit in 1889," The Blowing Rocket, special Bicentennial issue (1983 reissue), p. 3. The house Rumple built on Main Street still stands, much remodeled, just north of the Methodist Church, and set well back from the road. The rear of the property must have had a commanding view of the John's River gorge in the early days, since so much of the area had at that time been recently timbered. 13. Jethro Rumple, The History of Presbyterianism in North Carolina (Richmond: The Library of Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, 1966); reprinted from the North Carolina Presbyterian 1878-1887; foreword by H. M. Brimm, i. Hereinafter cited as Rumple, Presbyterianism. Several short sketches of Rumple's life and career are collected in this volume, pp. iii-xii, 299-302, and have been sources for these paragraphs. I am also grateful to First Presbyterian Church, Salisbury, for allowing me to copy local press clippings describing his death, funeral, and career, which are among the church's historical memorabilia. 14. "Sketch of Author" by Mrs. Linda Rumple Vardell, pp. 13-18, in Jethro Rumple, A History of Rowan County North Carolina, Containing Sketches of Prominent Families and Distinguished Men (Salisbury, NC: J. J. Bruner, 1881). Republished by the Elizabeth Maxwell Steele Chapter, Daughters of the American Revolution, 1916, 1929. Hereinafter cited as Rumple, A History. Rumple wrote this work as a series of serial articles for the Carolina Watchman, a Salisbury newspaper with statewide circulation. Another biographical sketch was written about the time of Rumple's death by the Rev. Dr. John B. Shearer of Davidson in Samuel A. Ashe, ed., Biographical History of North Carolina from Colonial Times to the Present (Greensboro, NC: Charles L. Van Noppen, 1905), III, 375-385. Hereinafter cited as Shearer, "Jethro Rumple." 15. After 1869 both these congregations belonged to Mecklenburg Presbytery. See Rumple's own sketches of these churches' histories in Presbyterianism, pp. 50-51 and passim. 16. McGeachy, Confronted, p. 416, citing a member of the Rumple family. 17. Ibid, p. 417. Shearer said it was Rumple's "custom to examine his texts in the original Hebrew and Greek languages" and that he was never satisfied �26 / Chapter One "until he thought he was teaching the people something" from the pulpit: Shearer, "Jethro Rumple," p. 382. Reference furnished by Mrs. Linda Yarnell. 18. The Vardell family has kept an extensive family history and genealogy up to date, most of it the work of Jean Vardell Martin Foil. A copy lent to the author by Linda Yarnell has been helpful for establishing these various family relationships. 19. McGeachy, Confronted, pp. 230-263, 296. 20. McGeachy, Confronted, pp. 264-292, has interesting documentation of the effects of the defeat upon Concord Presbytery. As an indicator of Rumpie's sympathies, it may be noted that when it became necessary to choose a new president of Davidson College in 1866, the Rev. George Wilson McPhail of Norfolk, Va., who had spent the War years in Philadelphia but who was "a Southern man of Southern sympathies," was elected. Rumple, a member of the Davidson Board of Trustees from 1859 until his death in 1906, no doubt had concurred in MePhaiFs election; ibid., pp. 293-294. At a called General Assembly in Macon, Ga., in December, 1865, Southern Presbyterians renamed their body "The Presbyterian Church in the United States," usually abbreviated PCUS. 21. Ibid., pp. 274-276. 22. Josephine Kluttz Krider, History of the First Presbyterian Church, Salisbury, North Carolina (hereinafter cited as Krider, First Church], p. 55. For evidence of the loss of black membership throughout the denomination, see McGeachy, Confronted, p. 311. Concord Presbytery's reaction in 1868: "all we can do is wait, until, in the Providence of God, they shall return to the fold from which they have strayed." See also Ernest Trice Thompson, Presbyterians in The South, 3 vols. (Richmond: John Knox Press, 1963-1973) (hereinafter cited as Thompson, Presbyterians), II, 99; he notes that although at the 1866 General Assembly the denomination "recognized that the old relation between master and slave had been overthrown" by the War, the "dogma which asserted the inherent sinfulness of slavery . . . was solemnly declared to be unscriptural and fanatical. . . ." 23. McGeachy, Confronted, p. 325. For Rumple's activities in this period, see chapters 12 and 13. McGeachy notes however, pp. 319-320, that the miscellaneous records of presbytery are fragmented and mostly lost for the years 1870 to 1937. 24. Ibid., pp. 328, 336, 342, 351. 25. Ibid., pp. 354-355. Presbytery records show the Jefferson church, founded in 1863, was dissolved in 1880, and its membership transferred to Wilkesboro; ibid., p. 370. 26. J. Rumple, "Presbyterianism in North Carolina, Introductory," January 30, 1878, in Rumple, Presbyterianism, p. 1. All citations are to page numbers in the reprint edition; dates are those of original publication. 27. "Aggressiveness," November 6, 1878; Rumple, History, pp. 105-107. �The Founding and the Founders / 27 28. "Obstacles in the Way of Progress," November 13, 1878; Ibid., pp. 108-111. 29. Rumple also doubted whether the average Presbyterian preacher "as a rule, preaches often enough. The demand of a country church is two sermons a week during summer and once a week in the winter. The town or city preacher is expected to preach twice a week the year round, and to lecture once a week." Preachers, he thought, could re-use their sermons to different audiences, thus "colonizing" for the faith "in destitute neighborhoods, in school houses, and in private dwellings." Ibid. 30. Ibid. 31. McGeachy, Confronted, p. 370. Thompson's otherwise authoritative Presbyterians, II, 31, says the North Carolina plan of synodical evangelization was the second in the PCUS, and not adopted until 1889, after the model had been pioneered in Kentucky in 1881. Perhaps it was the absence of the title "synodical evangelist" which led Thompson to overlook the North Carolina effort. His source, David I. Craig, A History of the Development of the Presbyterian Church in North Carolina, and of Synodical Home Missions (Richmond: Whittet and Shepperson, 1907) is admittedly ambiguous on the subject. According to McGeachy, citing Craig, the Rev. Payne served as synod's "Agent of Evangelistic Labor" until 1884, but the "first synodical evangelist" was the Rev. William D. Morton, who was indeed appointed first in 1889. McGeachy, Confronted, pp. 385, 400. The matter is of some importance, as Thompson makes much of the Kentucky example as inspiration throughout the church. 32. Arthur, History of Watauga County, p. 218. Census data for 1880 and 1900 from Carl A. Ross, Jr., ed. 1880 Census of Watauga County and 1900 Census of Watauga County (Boone: Department of History, Appalachian State University, 1983, 1984). Hereinafter cited as Ross, Census. 33. Among the pre-War visitors were the G. W. F. Harpers of Lenoir, active Presbyterians and merchant-farmers like the Morrises. Theirs was apparently the first permanent home built by non-residents in the thenunincorporated village. A descendant of the original Harper is Gwyn Harper of Hickory, a summer member of Rumple Church and quite knowledgeable about the region's early history. Another member of the Harper family, James C. Harper, during the 1840's surveyed what later became the C aid well and Watauga Turnpike, still later U.S. Highway 321, between Blowing Rock and Lenoir. Another early local worthy who passed through the community before the War was Mrs. William B. (Alice Bostwick) Councill, of Sumter, S.C., who recalled picnicking at The Blowing Rock with her new husband in 1852 and being greeted by two "wild looking" mountain men paying their respects to the young doctor, son of the prominent Boone storekeeper, and his bride. "Harper Recalls Rock When He Was A Boy," and "1852 Trip to Blowing Rock Was Most Dangerous Then," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, pp. 5, 56. 34. Arthur, History of Watauga County, p. 218. 35. Ross, Census, 1900; "Skyland Memories" and "Community Club History is Given," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, pp. 77, 16; Ruth Vardell Gage �28 / Chapter One and Gaston Gage, "Blowing Rock Memories, 1899-1975," typescript copy furnished to the author by their son, Charles Vardell Gage (hereinafter cited as Gage-Vardell, "Memories"), no pagination. Another reminiscer, Mrs. C. D. Mackey, interviewed many years ago, believed that the Edwardses "have good claim to the title of founders of the summer colony." "Blowing Rock in 1889," and "Cone Family Left The Mountains A Richer Place," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, pp. 67, 24. 36. "Blowing Rock Was Wild In Early Days," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, p. 66. For the lack of amusements, see Gage-Vardell, "Memories." 37. Arthur's History of Watauga County is full of fascinating tales of county families still fighting over grudges dating from the Civil War, kidnappings, and other assorted mayhem in this era. While he hardly wished to perpetuate the stereotype of the feuding mountaineer—he constantly stressed the contributions of upstanding citizens - Arthur could not resist telling a good story. 38. Rumple, A History, p. 329. For the account of the Reformed church, later called Mount Bethel: A Board of Editors under The Classis of North Carolina, Historic Sketch of the Reformed Church in North Carolina, with an introduction by the Late Geo. Wm. Walker, D.D. (Philadelphia: Publication Board of the Reformed Church in the United States, 1908), pp. 321-323. 39. Minutes of Concord Presbytery, Vol. 8, pp. 834, 860. Rumple was appointed to preach in Blowing Rock the first and second Sabbaths of July and dedicate the church. The Rev. William W. Pharr was scheduled to preach the third and fourth Sundays, but he later reported he did not attend, and his excuse was found satisfactory; presumably it had something to do with the fact that Rumple was staying on to preach the next two Sundays. It is impossible now to ascertain why Rumple did not dedicate the church on the first or second Sunday of July, 1886; perhaps the building was not ready. There is a slight possibility that the dedication occurred on the third, not the fourth Sunday, since the subsequent entry in presbytery minutes reads simply that "Rev. J. Rumple, D.D. reported that he preached at Blowing Rock on the 3rd and 4th Sabbaths of July [1886] and dedicated the church there according to appointment": ibid., Vol. 9, pp. 2-3. But I take the best source for the dedicatory date of the fourth Sunday in July to be the "1936 History," prepared by Vardell and Martin, both of whom were surely present and who may have had other records upon which to base their recollections. As will be described in chapter three, they arranged to celebrate the church's semicentennial on the anniversary date of the church's dedication, not its organization, and they chose to stress the fourth Sunday in July, 1886, as the appropriate one. Mrs. Rumple was in the habit of noting in the margin of her Bible, one of which is at RMPC, the texts her husband or some other preacher used for sermons. She made many such entries, usually with a date and sometimes with a place or church at which the sermon was given. The entry beside the text Rumple used at the dedicatory sermon reads, "Blowing Rock dedication of new church J.R. 1887"; this is almost certainly in error; she seems to have added the date later, as the ink appears to be darker. �The Founding and the Founders / 29 40. Ibid., Vol. 9, pp. 2-3, 18-23, 51-52. See also "Blowing Rock Hotel Completed In 1888," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, p. 11. The old pump organ, today in the Nebel Sunday School Room at RMPC, is of uncertain origin. It is rather elaborate for the gift of a preacher's wife, and likely dates from a somewhat later time, given perhaps when the stone sanctuary was completed in the early 20th century. The "1936 History" refers to an Esty organ with two banks of keys and pedals "with electric attachment for pumping" given by Jessie Kenan Wise in 1931. It is not known what became of this instrument. 41. Contradictory sources exist for the date of the construction of the Mount Bethel sanctuary. Many old-timers in Blowing Rock have heard that the two churches were built by the same crew and during the same year, 1886. It is hard to imagine how such a well-remembered coincidence can be wrong; but the historian of the North Carolina Classis of the Reformed Church gave the first Sunday in November, 1894, as the structure's dedication date, and named the preacher who gave the sermon: the Rev. J. L. Murphy. The congregation would hardly have waited eight years to dedicate the building. Perhaps what local people remembered was that the Blowing Rock Hotel and the Presbyterian chapel were both under construction that summer of 1886: see above. 42. Classis of North Carolina, Historic Sketch, p. 323; Jacob Calvin Leonard, History of the Southern Synod of the Evangelical and Reformed Church (Lexington, NC: n.p., 1940). "Around Town," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, p. 28. Another generation of Ingles would be active at Rumple church well into the twentieth century: see chapter three below. 43. Minutes of Concord Presbytery, Vol. 9, pp. 51-52. 44. James Morton Wharey, born in Goochland County, Virginia in 1839, graduated from Hampden Sydney College in 1857, and from Union Theological Seminary in 1862. He was a chaplain with the Confederate army during the war. After serving several pastorates in Virginia he joined Concord Presbytery in 1876. As of the summer of 1886, he was preaching at the Rocky River church, "mother church" of the historic "seven churches of Mecklenburg." Late that year he was called to the Mooresville church, serving until 1905. His last years (1905-1909) were spent as stated supply to the Hickory and Taylorsville churches. Ministerial Directory, 1942 edition. Wharey had been the appointed alternate to the Rev. J. A. Ramsey, pastor at Thyatira and Back Creek churches, who informed presbytery that Wharey, not he, had been to Blowing Rock. Others who had been designated to fill the Blowing Rock pulpit that summer either did not attend (William M. Pharr was excused) or did not report: B.L. Beall and Pharr's alternate, W.A. Wood. Minutes of Concord Presbytery, Vol. 9, pp. 2-3. For more on Beall, see below. 45. Watauga County Court House, Register of Deeds Office; copy in RMPC church records. 46. Watauga County Court House, Register of Deeds Office; Session Records, Rumple Memorial Presbyterian Church (hereinafter cited as RMPC session records); Arthur, A History of Watauga County, p. 218. An undated, �30 / Chapter One pencilled notation in the earliest record book at RMPC says the Morrises moved to Hudson. Acquisition of land was a problem in the tightly-knit town. Dr. Vardell in 1936 recalled that fifty years previously only four or five families had owned all the suitable building sites in the village, and no member of these was connected with the Presbyterian church. "History of the Rumple Memorial Presbyterian Church, Blowing Rock, N.C., Compiled by Rev. C. G. Vardell, D. D. and Dr. W. J. Martin, D. D., L.L. D., Read at the Semicentennial of the Church, July 26, 1936 . . . , " pp. 1-2. Hereinafter cited as "1936 History." 47. McGeachy, Confronted, p. 413; Minutes of Concord Presbytery, stated meeting of April 1913, pp. 177-179. Nancy Alexander, History of the First Presbyterian Church of Lenoir (Lenoir: The Printing House, 1976), no pagination. 48. Nancy Alexander, Here Will I Dwell: The Story of Caldwell County (n.p.: the author, 1956), pp. 114-116; tributes in memoriam to R.L. Beall, 1891, and E.W. Fawcette, 1901, First Presbyterian Church, Lenoir, NC, Minutes of Session & Register, 2 vols. 49. Minutes of Concord Presbytery, Vol. 9, pp. 18-20, 22-23, 59. Although no record exists that the Lenoir Session ever voted on, or even discussed, these matters, the formalities seem to have mattered less than the facts. In the "1936 History," p. 3, Munroe is said to have fulfilled his duties at Blowing Rock until 1891. 50. Address by the Rev. Jethro Rumple, in Semi-Centenary Addresses, Davidson College, 1887, p. 69. I am indebted to Dr. Chalmers Davidson for bringing this reference to my attention. 51. Alexander, History of the First Presbyterian Church of Lenoir, no page numbering; McGeachy, Confronted, pp. 383-384 and passim.; Ministerial Directory, 1942 edition. 52. Ross, Census, 1900, pp. 92, 94, 101. More members of the Walser family would join in 1900: Mr. and Mrs. Will Walser. RMPC Session Records, Munroe-Tufts book, pp. 5-6. According to the memory of Hattie Brown, the Walsers had taken the initiative locally to establish the church: oral interview, July 1987. 53. There are discrepancies among the old record books at the church, the earliest of which has been recopied, and perhaps corrected, at least once. I have tried to reconcile the records, but some confusion exists, most glaringly between the report Munroe submitted to Presbytery and the oldest record book, presumably in his handwriting, and continued by Edgar Tufts, which is at the RMPC. The book shows only six, not eight, charter members: Mary and Samuel Walser are not listed. A later entry in Tufts's handwriting shows Mary Walser joined in May, 1899. A David Walser joined in June, 1891, with a later, pencilled entry showing that he some time subsequently "went back to the �The Founding and the Founders / 31 Baptist Church." One woman member is reported to have been "dismissed for immorality" at some point in Tufts's time. 54, A Home Missions report to Concord Presbytery in 1894 reported a $125 disbursement to the "Blowing Rock field," perhaps to pay summer supply pastors. A report on Sabbath Schools indicated four teachers and forty "scholars" on the roll at Blowing Rock where, since there was no session, the Sabbath school was reported only to be "under Presbyterian influences." Minutes of Concord Presbytery, stated meeting of spring 1894, pp. 13-14. �This page intentionally left blank �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 LOOKING BACK FROM about 1890, a man like Jethro Rumple must have been dissatisfied with the limited success of the Presbyterian home mission effort in North Carolina since the Civil War. A modest number of new churches had been added, but most of them, especially in the Western end of the state, were small and weak, and of course poor. Experiments like the "clusters" of churches Rumple had suggested in the 1870's had not worked out well. Presbytery had appointed roving evangelists to work full time in the field, but they had too many miles to cover, got little pay for their work, and must have been easily discouraged; turnover in the post was relatively frequent. During the late 1880's and early 1890's, in another unsuccessful effort at reorganization, some of the mountain counties were briefly reassigned to presbyteries centered in the more easterly parts of the state, presumably in the hope that mission activity would find a broader base of support from more established pastors and congregations there. This experiment, too, was soon abandoned. Synod evangelists, who began to work in the early 1880's, with the entire state to cover, naturally appeared infrequently in any one area.1 Still groping for an effectual method of work, Synod in 1891 named three evangelists, each of whom was assigned a more restricted region; one of these was the Rev. Robert Payne Pell, who was sent to Mitchell and Watauga Counties. As Avery County was not created until 1911, out of Mitchell and Watauga, PelFs field was still quite large. He traveled hundreds of miles over the next four years, mostly on horseback. The first Presbyterian church in Mitchell, at Elk Park, was organized through his efforts in 1891. But times were tight: a recession began in 1892 and deepened in 1893. And his duties were draining: Pell reported during 1894 that he had regularly served four churches (Blowing Rock would have been one), five "mission points" (which would have included 33 �34 / Chapter Two Banner Elk), 162 communicants, four Sabbath Schools with 275 pupils and seven teachers, and three prayer meetings; he had performed 45 baptisms, added 68 new members, and collected $787 "for church and school purposes." It is not clear where Pell had his base of operations in the mountains, or even whether he stayed all winter, during his four years of labor.2 Pell also promoted for a while, probably with Rumple's backing,3 a scheme to establish schools for girls at Blowing Rock and at the newly created lumbering and resort town of Linville. Nothing seems to have come from these plans, even though Pell said he had private local pledges for land and materials. Presbytery sent a team to Linville to follow up on the idea, but would promise no money, and the whole project soon died. At Blowing Rock, W. M. Morris had apparently been persuaded by his Presbyterian friends to donate a site for an educational enterprise to rival the Skyland Institute, founded in 1887 by Emily Prudden. The Institute, not a Presbyterian venture, was already flourishing by then; perhaps fortunately for the cause of education, Prudden was left without competition at this time. She later turned over her work to the American Missionary Union.4 But PelFs interest in education was a straw in the wind; for throughout the denomination, as well as across North Carolina, the concern for planting schools was becoming as real as the concern for planting churches. Public education in the Southern states, generally outclassed by denominational schools before the War, was, during Reconstruction, even more poorly supported, and the school terms short. Before the turn of the century there were no reported twelve-year schools anywhere in the state. What was true even in most towns went double for the country regions.5 Synod took up the issue of "The Church and Christian Education" at its 1891 meeting. Closer home in Concord Presbytery, a special committee which included Pell and Munroe, as well as ruling elder G. W. F. Harper of Lenoir, prepared a report which noted that, although the public schools "are mainly conducted by Christian teachers, a fair proportion of whom are Presbyterians," and in most "the Bible is read at the opening of school, with prayer for God's blessing," some schools neglected these routines. None used the Bible as a textbook, or required study of the Shorter Catechism.6 Preparing students for higher learning, and providing it, were traditional Presbyterian concerns, since the church needed an educated ministry. The report thus pointed out to praise several schools and academies in the bounds of presbytery which functioned as feeder schools to the church's colleges. But increasingly, "parochial schools and academies" were being seen as �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 35 important ancillaries to the larger work of the church, especially in the remote mountain regions. The interest which Synod and presbytery showed in Pell's efforts in Blowing Rock and Linville was one sign of this newer, wider concern, even though those plans came to naught. Another was the increased number of laymen and laywomen who by the end of the century were spending summers in isolated rural areas, supplementing the meager public educational effort and giving Christian instruction. Such teaching was carried out under denominational auspices, though often at the volunteers' own expense. It would take the explicit combination of these two responsibilities, teaching and preaching, soon to find ideal personification in one remarkable man, to give new vigor to the church's mountain work.7 In the fall of 1894 Munroe, by then fifty years old, tried to resign as chairman of presbytery's home missions committee. He was refused. His full-time obligations at the Lenoir church, coupled with the continued shortfalls of financial support for his committee's work, may have prompted his request. Pell, perhaps also weary of his work, accepted a call to a church in South Carolina in January, 1895. Concord Presbytery had previously discussed without result appointing an assistant for him; now his departure left the whole Mitchell and Watauga field uncovered. But that spring a young worker, supported temporarily by both Synod and Presbytery, came from Union Theological Seminary to labor at Banner Elk. It was the first arrival in the mountains of Edgar Tufts. He was a man after Rumple's and Munroe's own heart.8 "I reached Lenoir last Friday afternoon. Mr. Munroe, the Chairman of the Committee which I am to work under, met me at the depot. He was very kind to me, and as soon as I got the soot and smoke washed off, he took me around to meet 'wife material' as he expressed it." So Tufts wrote on Monday, May 13, 1895, to Mary Elizabeth Hall, the woman who three years later would become his wife. On Saturday, the Lenoir pastor and the seminary student rode to Blowing Rock. "On our way, we got caught in a rainstorm but did not get very wet. It took the whole day to get to our destination on account of the rough mountain road." In the evening, "to a small congregation," and again on the following day, Munroe had Tufts preach his first sermons in Blowing Rock. �36 / Chapter Two I was never more surprised than I was when I saw the place. I thought my work would be almost altogether among country people. But Blowing Rock has four or five large hotels and they say that sometimes there are as many as a thousand people there, from all parts of the country. There are not many visitors there now, however. They will begin to come next month. That same Sunday afternoon Tufts got his first taste of the freakish weather at the Rock. He and Munroe "went out to call on some people and before we got in again we were caught in a snow storm! Fortunately for me I had my coat on and we were near enough to a house to get shelter." The temperature dropped below freezing that night, Tufts reported, "although the fruit, of which there seems to be no end, was not killed."9 The next morning Munroe returned to Lenoir. Tufts went on to Banner Elk, "further up the mountains from Blowing Rock," by himself that Monday. He found the scenery "perfectly grand" and "enjoyed the ride very much" but thought it "very cold this morning until about twelve o'clock." A postscript on his letter to Bessie the next day added that "the mountains have considerable snow on them this morning, and the wind is whistling like mad. Am afraid I will miss the fruit wliich I was expecting." Munroe had taken Tufts the long way to his charge. As Tufts noted, the train came in to Elk Park from Johnson City, Tennessee, just eight miles from Banner Elk. But Tufts was grateful for the chance on the long ride to hear from the older preacher "all about the work." It was not so extensive as PelFs had been. Another seminary student was working in Mitchell County that summer. Still, Tufts was to be the only Presbyterian preacher in Watauga County; he was twenty-four and had only one year of seminary training. He was to preach at three locations: twice a month at Banner Elk, once at Blowing Rock, and once "at a place sixteen miles from here, called Cove Creek." Tufts told "Miss Bessie" he found Banner Elk much as he expected it, an "average country village," and he anticipated Cove Creek to be "a very rough place." But Blowing Rock, being a "regular fashionable summer resort," was a place "where I will have to do my best." He sent her "a little prospectus of Blowing Rock, which will give you a faint idea of that vicinity."10 Such was the beginning of the little preacher's mountain work. Tufts was born in Kirkwood, Georgia, five years after the close of the Civil War. He was one of six children. His mother's precarious health (she had never fully recovered from the privations of the war years) led the family to move to rural Maitland, in central Florida, when Edgar was still small; here his mother died of tuberculosis when he was �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 37 twelve. His daughter has traced his later concern for the sick and lonely to the boy's early experiences. Perhaps his first contact with, and openness to, outside tourists also came from these early years, as Maitland was by then attracting a small colony of winter visitors, including a New York woman who became a sort of foster mother to the young boy.11 Tufts may also have inherited something else from his weakened mother: he, too, later developed a tubercular condition which claimed his life at age fifty-two. The young Tufts entered Washington and Lee College, Virginia, "with $50.00 in his pocket" in 1889. From his birth his parents had wanted him to become a minister. "It was his mother's request as she gave her children her final good-bye on this earth."12 Accordingly, he and a childhood friend from Maitland, while roommates at Washington and Lee, were taken under the care of St. John's Presbytery, Florida, as candidates for the ministry. Tufts graduated from college in 1894 and entered Union Theological Seminary at Hampden-Sydney that fall. He returned a few days late to seminary at the opening of the 1895 term, in order to stay and finish the roof on the little church he started in Banner Elk that summer. He came back the next summer and was warmly received. Under his leadership in 1896 the building was completed and dedicated (Munroe came to preach the sermon), an organ installed, the school improved and its enrollment added to. As water to a dry land, Tufts's work was slaking a thirst for the gospel, and for learning, among a small but growing body of followers. He was even able to organize a literary society in the tiny, distant town.13 President of Union Seminary in that era was the Reverend Dr. Walter W. Moore, a native Charlottean, who among his duties had to help find various appointments for his studenvvvvvts. Summer work in home missions was considered good preparation for later ministerial responsibilities; it was also a source of low-paid manpower for the manifold projects the church took on but for which full time funding was hard to find. Such field work probably also weeded out the less-committed from the ministry. It turned out to be for Tufts the finding of his life's calling. Moore, Tufts reminded him later, was the first to give his name to Munroe's committee as one "who had the qualifications needed for the pioneering and constructive work then called for in our North Carolina mountains." Moore visited Banner Elk some years later to marvel at all Tufts had accomplished. He had, he said, "unquestionably made the right suggestion," and gave "thanks to God for His guiding hand in the matter."14 Relatively little is known of Tufts's early years of service in Blowing Rock. Not until 1898 were any new members enrolled at the Blowing �38 / Chapter Two Rock chapel, probably because until Concord Presbytery ordained him "as an evangelist" in 1897, he would not have been permitted to perform such tasks. In March, 1898, several additional members of the Weedon family were received into the church: Anna, Clarence, and Dea, while Alva and Eleaza Weedon were baptized. More members of the Walser household joined the next year: Mary, Robert, Clara, and Annie, while Mr. and Mrs. Will Walser were added in 1900. There were others: Maggie Leadford, Melvin Cox, Mrs. A. M. Critcher, Mrs. and Mrs. John Springs, Ola Pendley, W. G. Hall, W. W. Sherrill, M. E. Johnson. By 1905, when work began on the stone church building, Tufts had added twenty-eight to the fellowship. Several of these also received baptism. Since Presbyterian practice is to accept into full communion any baptized believer who professes faith in Christ, these individuals would have never been baptized in any other church. The little congregation was growing slowly, even though Tufts visited it only once a month. According to his daughter, Tufts lived all one winter in Blowing Rock early in his career, about 1903. Perhaps some of his parishioners in Blowing Rock hoped he would move his operations permanently. But by that date the school at Banner Elk was taking more and more of his time and energy. It ran from April to December, so that he was able to leave that work for a winter; but the support he had slowly and painfully gathered there may have seemed to him more precarious and more demanding of his attention.15 One of the active church families in those early years, whose descendants still attend Rumple church frequently in the summers, were the Weedons. W. H. Weedon's youngest daughter, Helen, now Mrs. Karl Deaton of Statesville, was perhaps the first infant Tufts baptized in the still-uncompleted stone sanctuary, in April, 1906. She recalled that her father had first come to Blowing Rock to find timber for his business in Newton. Already well along in years, Weedon not only found timber, but a growing little town to his liking. Soon he moved his much younger, second wife, Mary, and his family up the mountain. He built "Fairview," the well-named house which still stands, overlooking the John's River gorge and commanding one of the finest views of Grandfather Mountain anywhere in Blowing Rock. The prominent, ancient granite outcropping on his property became a surveyor's benchmark for much of the west side of town as it began to be platted in 1887.16 Tufts made the Weedon household a regular stopover on his monthly rides to Blowing Rock, often staying overnight as a guest in the main house. Little Helen Weedon always looked forward to his visits: not �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 39 only was he a welcome source of outside news and a pastoral solace, he was a warm, loving presence to the children. In winter, Tufts bundled himself for the ride from Banner Elk in a heavy woolen poncho or cloak and a wide-brimmed hat. He and his horse sometimes arrived almost unrecognizable, covered head to foot with ice and snow. In better weather and later years, Tufts sometimes brought over his wife, Bessie, whom he had married in 1898, or one or more of their children: Edgar H. and Margaret (a third, a daughter, died in her teens). The ride over the mountain, usually by way of Foscoe and Shulls Mills, sometimes through Valle Crucis, was regularly on the fourth Saturday of the month. Visiting isolated cabins along the way, he spent the night in Blowing Rock with the Weedons, or later the Holshousers, or other church families. Some youth activity or social probably took up that evening. His Sunday services would have been sparsely but faithfully attended in winter. In the summer season, they would have drawn larger crowds. Tufts no doubt also oversaw and taught classes in the Sunday school. According to a historical sketch prepared in 1937 by the Women of the Church, Mrs. W. L. Holshouser was for many years the superintendent of the Sunday school, which "has functioned almost continually" since 1897 "due to interest of members and visitors."17 Helen Weedon Deaton and others remember that the entire community went to Sunday school and worshipped at whatever church had a preacher on any Sunday: by the 1910's, the Baptists, Methodists, and Episcopalians were also being served monthly, at least in the summer, by some clergyman. Presbyterians followed this practice at least until the arrival of their first full-time pastor in 1931. One living resident member's memories stretch back to Edgar Tufts's time, and the original frame church in which his ministry began. Mrs. Charles F. (Hattie) Brown, now ninety-one, one of six children of Charles S. and Nancy Ann Young, remembers being taken as a child to a Christmas service, through a snowstorm, with woollen socks pulled up over their shoes to keep them dry. A large Christmas tree, lighted with candles, stood in the corner of the church. That service included a poem recited by her brother, Paul: for his performance his father rewarded him a silver dollar. Her family considered Edgar Tufts a special friend; he later recruited Hattie and her sister, Rose, for his fledgling school for girls at Lees-McRae.18 Some of Tufts's sermon notes have survived, tucked in a Bible still at Rumple Church. He wrote them on whatever odd scraps of paper came to hand: the backs of letters, envelopes, or circulars received at the school. One set of notes from the 1920's is written on a piece of W. L. �40 / Chapter Two Holshouser's letterhead stationery, which carried the printed notice "General Merchandise, Produce, Coffins, Caskets." That sermon dealt with "The Dignity of Man." Most of the outlines are brief, giving little clue to what filled out his main points. Some very early notes, pencilled on a mailing envelope from the Coca-Cola Company of Atlanta postmarked in 1897, have to do with Giving, They read: Universal custom in the ch[urch] Old Testament giving of the Holy Spirit All should give 1st From a business standp't 2nd For humanity's sake 3rd Because God commands 4th Because of the good it does Suggestions Give systematically Give all you can Give cheerfully Do not give for glory Give for the good of others The day: Sunday The scope: everyone The amount: as you are blessed The nature of: act of worship The object: The nature: of a free will A gift Tufts would have preached many times to young people, at LeesMcRae and elsewhere. One sermon for which the notes survive was probably composed with such an audience in mind, but it may also have reflected Tufts's awareness of his own work. Titled "Influence," it took its text from Romans 14:7: "For none of us liveth unto himself, and no man dieth unto himself/' The notes read: "everybody has an Influence. Influence is increased a) by position b) by certain gifts. Two kinds: cf. Jno 1:43-46 [the story of Philip's leading Nathaniel to Jesus]. Direct and intentional, cf. Jno 21 [Jesus' appearance to his disciples after the resurrection]. Indirect and unintentional. Goes on after death!' Another sermon outline gave insight into Tufts's own faith. The text was Psalm 27, which begins, "The Lord is my light and my salvation; whom shall I fear?" Tufts asked rhetorically, "What has sustained us?" �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 41 and answered, "The goodness of the Lord. 1) providing for our wants 2) raising up friends 3) in giving us His Word for a lamp 4) In preparing a Home, cf. Jno. 14, Rev. 21:1-4." After the morning service, on those monthly Sunday afternoons, Tufts would perhaps have made pastoral calls in town before his scheduled evening services in Pineola, Linville, or some other outpost. He early developed a warm and respectful friendship with William R. Savage, who served the Episcopal Mission of St. Mary's from 1902 to 1917. Eleven years Tufts's senior, the bachelor Savage lived at Blowing Rock, and had charge of his church's work in Valle Crucis as well. About 1920 he went to Todd in Ashe County, cared for the mission there, and then was officially retired at Glendale Springs, living in the mission house until his death in 1934.19 When Tufts died in 1923, the Episcopal priest, now "a veteran in the army of the Master," as he said of himself, sent the widow a tribute to his Christian coworker. He remembered that they first met at "7 o'clock in the evening of Saturday the 27th day of September, 1902, . . . at Miss Pendley's supper table and sat side by side, and we have been going that close to each other ever since!" Savage had preached for Tufts several times in Banner Elk and had "aided him in administering the Lord's Supper" and at least one baptism: the infant daughter the Tuftses lost so young. The clergyman wrote, "the everlasting hills of the Lost Provinces so-called [were] stern witnesses of the faithfulness of the beloved pastor who travelled throughout the mountain country ministering to the sheep and lambs of the flock/ aiding the needy, lifting up the fallen, ministering to the sick and dying, comforting the afflicted, in fact doing everything that a real shepherd of the sheep would do for the flock under his care."20 As so many did, Savage emphasized in his tribute Tufts's work "than which there can be no greater—the noble work of providing for the mountain boys and girls a good education at small cost, one so thorough in all its branches that it fitted the students not only for higher institutions of learning but as well for the great duties of life." Tufts's most permanent legacy to the mountains was the Lees-McRae Institute, which he built up out of the work of volunteer summer workers who preceded and immediately followed him in Banner Elk: women such as Annie Lucie Morgan, who stayed on in the community to marry one of the local pupils, George Banner; the Rev. L. E. Bostian, who took over Tufts's duties for the winter of 1895-96; and others. He honored Elizabeth McRae of Maxton, North Carolina, another Presbyterian mountain teacher who had taught in nearby Cranberry, but never in Banner Elk, when he used her name for his school in 1900.21 But it was another of Tufts's enterprises in Banner Elk which his �42 / Chapter Two congregation at Blowing Rock took most to heart: the children's home he started in 1914. Tufts, as Rumple before him, had early on been concerned for little children whose families had been broken up by the death of one or both parents and whose remaining relatives had neither room nor means to care for them. By early 1914, his school well launched, Tufts resolved to do something for their care. Tufts often sought outside support, always with permission of presbytery, for his work, first for the school, later for a hospital, and, toward the end of his life, for a full-fledged college (his pleas on behalf of that last cause were not accepted). So after first designating a site on the school property and rounding up some furnishings from his Banner Elk congregation, he sent to the churches in presbytery a folder announcing his purpose to open a "mountain orphanage" that spring. A great deal, he said, was needed, including "two or three good cows and a lot of poultry Money can also be used." Help came from the First Presbyterian Church of Concord, where Annie Ludlow Cannon and the Grier Bible Class raised $1000 toward the first buildings. That church and many others later sent additional sums.22 But most importantly for the Blowing Rock church, Tufts had succeeded in interesting a remarkable and generous woman, and a member of his summer congregation, in his work. Annie Cannon had already come to know Tufts in Blowing Rock. She not only continued to support the Grandfather Home, but would later become the largest single benefactor of Rumple Church.23 Special collections for the work of the Home from the Blowing Rock congregation, which began soon after the session was organized and have continued to the present, have amounted to many times the original cost of the entire enterprise. ***** Not long before Tufts arrived in the county, a second generation, scions of the church's original founders, had grown to manhood, married, and taken their places in the burgeoning Blowing Rock summer community. Two of these were soon to make major contributions to the church of their fathers, on the state and national levels and at Blowing Rock. William Joseph Martin, Jr. (1868-1943) and Charles Graves Vardell (1860-1956) became brothers-in-law when Martin married Vardell's sister Jennie in 1897. Vardell, it may be recalled, married Rumpie's daughter Linda in 1891. Despite the difference in their ages, the men were also classmates, in the class of 1888, at Davidson College. �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 43 Vardell had worked for the United States Department of Agriculture and had attended Oberlin College for two years before entering Davidson in 1885. The younger Martin had spent summers in Blowing Rock with his family from the time of his childhood; Vardell first came to the resort community while a student at Davidson, to wait tables at a resort hotel. However well they may have known each other at school, the church at the Rock must have brought them closer together. The Presbyterian summer community revolved around Rumple and the "Old Colonel," Martin's father. Vardell, whose own father, William Gildersleeve Vardell, was a Presbyterian minister in Charleston, South Carolina, would have received a ready welcome in the circle. After college, both men went on to professional study. Martin taught one year at Presbyterian College in South Carolina, then attended Johns Hopkins University for one year. From there he went to the University of Virginia, his father's alma mater, where he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa and received both the M.D. degree and the Ph.D. in chemistry. He taught at the University until 1896. During the summer of 1895 Dr. Martin "of the University of Va." was "resident physician" at the Fair View House in Blowing Rock, "Mrs. M. J. Brady, Proprietress." Vardell, meanwhile, attended Princeton Theological Seminary and earned the Bachelor of Divinity degree in 1891. He was pastor at the Presbyterian Church in New Bern from 1891 to 1896. Then in 1896 both men entered the field of Presbyterian higher education in North Carolina. When his father died, Martin was invited to take the Colonel's chair as Maxwell B. Chambers Professor of chemistry at Davidson. Here he taught until 1912, when he was elected president of the college. He left in 1929 to head what was then known as the General Assembly's Training School, now the Presbyterian School of Christian Education, in Richmond, until he retired in 1933. Also in 1896, Vardell was called by Fayetteville Presbytery to be president of the newly-formed Red Springs Seminary for Women, soon to be renamed Flora MacDonald College, in Red Springs. He ran the school for almost thirty-five years, retiring in 1930.24 In 1898 and 1899, Vardell and his wife purchased several lots on Chestnut Hill, near the Martins' house in Blowing Rock. Vardell designed and built a summer house for his own family, and a cottage for Dr. Rumple, on the site. The Colonel's property had passed to his heirs in 1896. "Bill Joe," as his family and friends knew him, bought out his sisters' shares of the family's mountain holdings in 1909. Thus by early in the century, Chestnut Hill had turned into a virtual Presbyterian academic enclave during the summers. Vardell's children and grandchildren recall large and lively summer gatherings of family and �44 / Chapter Two friends around the five-leaved dining table or in front of the great rock fireplace in the wood panelled living room at the Vardell house. The college president brothers-in-law ran their schools from the mountains during the summers. Vardell, whose campus was farther from Blowing Rock, frequently dispatched and received couriers from Red Springs, but made a point to spend the entire vacation with his family.25 Both Martin and Vardell were enthusiastic amateur architects. Vardell had not only selected the lumber and helped to build his mountain house; he designed the main building at Flora MacDonald and laid out the school gardens as well. Martin had seen to the building in Davidson of a house for his mother and sisters after the death of his father.26 Now another project began to occupy them during the summer of 1905: a new and larger church for Blowing Rock's Presbyterians. The 1886 chapel had been hit by lightning sometime during the 1890's, a frequent hazard in the mountaintop community, but one not often mentioned by the town's boosters. The building was propped up to compensate for the lightning strike, but must not have been very attractive afterwards; "on a windy Sunday it groaned and creaked and was uncomfortable." The growing summer crowd, besides, had begun to spill out of its doors. The church they planned was of mountain stone, in a simple, gothic style, with a seating capacity of about 220. One Sunday just before church, they discussed with Tufts the "rough pencil sketch" Martin had prepared. The whole idea seems to have been theirs, not the preacher's, but, builder and promoter that he was, Tufts undoubtedly was quickly and easily persuaded to go along.27 Martin and Vardell had the blessing of Dr. Rumple in the new enterprise. Now well over seventy, Rumple had acquired an assistant pastor at his church in Salisbury and was no longer so active in the church's work. His wife, who "was shared with me for forty-five years," as he said, had "entered into a much needed rest" three years before.28 Dr. Rumple lived to see the project well launched. At his death in early 1906 the dedicatory stone, which later gave the church its name, memorialized his many contributions to the church's founding. Another involved in starting the building project that summer of 1905 was Edwin M. Williamson, also a summer resident and another Vardell brother-in-law. A textile merchant from Fayetteville, Williamson had married Vardell's sister, Catherine, in 1902; long active in the First Church of Fayetteville, he was a ruling elder and clerk of the session there. He, too, had his summer cottage on Chestnut Hill.29 But also by that summer, another important Presbyterian pastor had become a seasonal regular at the Rock: the Rev. James Isaac �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 45 Vance, D.D. (1862-1939). Vance's persuasive preaching helped draw the funds needed for the building from pockets of visiting worshippers over the next several summers. And for a generation thereafter, his frequent appearances in Rumple's pulpit would be a prominent feature of the resort's season. His oratory would also be invoked on Grandfather Home Sunday for nearly twenty years. "Dr. Vance was a man among a thousand, a preacher among ten thousand. In the mature years of his life he was accounted one of the twenty-five best preachers in the United States."30 What initially attracted Vance to Blowing Rock as a summer haven is not known. He bought land, from Joe B. Clark, Blowing Rock's first mayor, and his wife "Lou," adjoining the Moses Cone property on the northwest side of town, in 1901. By the next year he had completed the summer house to which he and his family returned for the rest of their lives. At this time Vance was preaching at the North Reformed Church in Newark, New Jersey, where he served from 1900 to 1910. But his roots were in the Appalachian mountains. Born in Arcadia, Tennessee, not far from Bristol and Blountville, Vance could trace his family ancestry to the Scotch-Irish pioneers who founded the Watauga Settlement in the days just after the American Revolution.31 Graduating in 1883 from King College in Bristol, Tennessee, Vance entered Union Seminary that fall. He received a master's degree from the college at the same time he finished seminary. His first church was in Wytheville, Virginia, but he did not stay long: his skill in the pulpit must have attracted the attention of larger city churches. He preached successively in Alexandria and Norfolk, Virginia, and Nashville, Tennessee, before his call to the Newark church in 1900. By that date he had already written four of the more than twenty books he published during his life. In 1910 he returned to Nashville and the pulpit he had previously filled at First Church (now called Downtown Church), Nashville, where he spent the remainder of his years.32 These men —Martin, Vardell, Williamson, Rumple, and Vance — formed the building committee to start work, "Without a dollar, but in faith."33 "A Sabbath was appointed on which Dr. Vance was to preach and present the proposed action to the congregation." Over the next few days, funds were solicited, not only from Presbyterians, but from "many summer visitors and residents of Blowing Rock of other denominations." Treasurer for the project at first was Gaither W. Hall, who had moved to Blowing Rock from Banner Elk and transferred his membership from Tufts's congregation there in December 1902. When Hall moved to North Wilkesboro in 1907, Martin took over that part of the job as well. �46 / Chapter Two In the early fall of 1905, Martin submitted the plans for the church to Charlotte architect C. C. Hook, "to judge whether the roof structure was so designed as to be safe in high winds and to pass on the general lines of the building." Hook, who had begun his career as a school builder in Charlotte, was the first professional architect that city had ever had.34 He found the plans in order, but added "one member to the roof timbers" and made "slight changes in the window and door arches." Hook presumably also prepared the working drawings for the builders* use. A curious feature of the building's design is that the roof timbers were so spaced as to be aligned over the peaks of the gothic windows, rather than over the more substantial, unbroken wall areas. The load of the roof was thus supported by the pillars at the corners of the building, and by outside buttresses, not by the walls, which nevertheless were substantial: three feet thick at the base and eighteen inches thick at the top. The inward-tapering slope of the building's exterior, though, was pleasing. The church exterior displayed a "firm foundation" (the walls began two feet below present ground level), even as it subtly embraced the worshippers within. The enormous roof expanse was steeply pitched, the better to shed the weight of heavy winter snow. Its shape drew joking references to "St. Rufus" from local Episcopalians or to "the ice house" from other town residents. A widely-distributed photograph of the church in winter, taken about 1960 by Thomas W. Reese, showed the wisdom, even the romance, of Martin's design. Drifted snow, piled nearly to the roof's edge, seemed almost to replace the walls as support for the roof's prominent peak. At the rear of the building is a semi-detached bell tower of a slightly lower height than the main roof. Exactly when it was built is unclear. It may well have been part of the structure Martin designed. But a Sunday school room was added at the back of the church in 1921 and removed in 1936; the tower may also have been added at that time. Two April 1921 entries by treasurer Will Holshouser in the church records noted, "Paid Freight on Bell, $14.32," and "Paid for Bell, $68.20." Presumably the bell from the first building had been sold, or damaged in the lightning strike during the 1890's, and not replaced until 1921.35 No session had yet been formed at the church to keep formal minutes when the building started, so no record of the reactions of the local communicants has been preserved. But, as with the construction of the medieval European cathedrals, the project soon came to involve numerous workmen from all over the community, who left their own �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 I 47 peculiar cultural marks on it. The most locally-famous story concerns the rock used for the church interior. Dr. Martin recalled that he gave orders that the rock for the arch and the pulpit furniture be carefully selected. When placed on the ground, while approving of the rock, he noticed some stains on some of it. He inquired of the man who hauled it as to the source of the rock and was told that if the truth were told it would not be used. On being pressed he confessed he had taken it from the chimney of an abandoned moonshine still house! This rock is in the arch and in the pulpit, glorifying the God who created these oldest of mountains of which they are a part. Current member and longtime elder at Rumple Church, Perry Lentz, remembers some of the local details: much of the rock for the church was supplied by his grandfather L. M. Frye from sites above what is now Flat Top Road; he hauled it for the church at $1.75 for two wagonloads, twenty-five cents off the going rate, because, as his grandfather explained, he was a member of a Masonic Lodge and the project deserved to get a break in the price. Some of the stone, specifically that used on the north side of the building, came from Frye's own land. As for the still, Lentz in his childhood was shown its exact site: under a poplar tree on a branch, on a piece of the family's property which has long since been acquired for the Blue Ridge Parkway right of way. The story that has come down in his family, however, has it the still was not illegal: his great-grandfather Frye produced white "blockade liquor" with a license.36 Building supervisor for the project was local resident Joe White, Sr., later to become one of the first members of the church session. Hall and Tufts in November 1905 let the contract for the stone walls to George Duncan for $750, "with any additional rock work to be done at $3.50 per cubic yard."37 The attractive but extensive building wound up costing some $2500, according to Martin. This "reasonable cost was due in part to the fact that [White] and most of the workers charged less than their customary wages for their labor on the building." The work lasted seven years. As Martin recalled the timetable, the old building came down at the end of the summer, 1905, and was sold for $100. Work on the new one started that fall. By spring 1906 the walls had been built and the roof put on. Rough flooring was laid early in the summer of 1906, the pulpit platform framed, and rough boards laid down, so that services could be held for the season. "In order to get the building in shape for use that summer, everyone drove hard to finish the roof and lay the rough floor. �48 / Chapter Two Even Drs. Vardell and Martin turned carpenters and framed the pulpit platform and later helped to lay the rock in the pulpit furniture. Indeed during the summer construction of the building, both Dr. Vardell and Dr. Martin spent most of their time watching, directing and assisting in the construction." By 1908, enough money had been obtained to finish the interior maple flooring. The rock arch over the pulpit went up, and "the grounds were graded and sown in rye" the same year. Money for the construction was raised, after the first year, by contributions from Sunday to Sunday. According to Dr. Martin, "the congregations were very patient and co-operative with the repeated calls, even when on one occasion Dr. Vance announced, 'Dr. Martin will now make the financial report and take up the congregation^ " Work on the new building was virtually complete by 1912, when the ceiling and trusses were cased in oiled chestnut wood. During these years the building could not be used in winter. Father Savage allowed Tufts's little year-round flock use of the Episcopal church, then farther up Main Street than it is now, in the off-seasons. Episcopalian layman W. W. Stringfellow, builder of the Chetola estate, also aided the Presbyterians by designing the pews still used in the sanctuary. Two memorials to Rumple were included in the new building. On one pillar of the porch, facing the street, was erected a polished stone marker, carved with the words "Rumple Memorial." It was presented to the Blowing Rock congregation after the pastor's death by his Sunday school classes at the Salisbury Church. The stone, which was moved in 1928 to the rebuilt portico, may well have been intended to mark the name of the church; but the change was not made official until 1940.38 In addition, an unusually attractive and ornamented stained glass window, of Tiffany style, was installed in the choir loft sometime during construction, "In loving memory of Rev. Jethro Rumple, D.D." No record indicates who provided it, or which firm supplied it; no doubt members of his family moved to have it done. Its representation of the open Bible, against a backdrop suggesting the everlasting hills, has symbolized for three generations the contribution the church's founder made to the mountain community he loved, and the faith by which he lived. A brilliantly jeweled crown at the apex of the window unmistakably recalled the Scriptural text, "Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life" (Rev. 2:10). And the golden pathway shown leading from the Word to the crown depicted the heavenly reward of the believer, the eternal city where the "street was pure gold, as it were transparent glass" (Rev. 21:21). The "Rumple Window" is one of the most beautiful to be seen anywhere in the region. �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 49 As the rock church went up, new members came in.39 Most important for the future work of the church, three men and their families: W. L, "Will" Holshouser in July 1911, Edward G. Underdown and Joseph N. White in November 1912, joined the fellowship. On March 23,1913, these men were elected and installed as ruling elders, thus constituting the first church session. Holshouser was also elected clerk and treasurer of the session, and the church's first lay delegate to Concord Presbytery, which met that fall in Lenoir. According to the Presbyterian system of government then prevailing, an elder's term of service was not limited. Each of these men thus held office at his own and the church's pleasure indefinitely. Holshouser served as elder until his death in March 1942, at age seventy-three. Underdown ended his service at about the same time. White's term was the longest: he was still an elder when he died in February 1952. The extended families of all these men, especially Holshouser's, have provided many faithful members to Rumple Church ever since. One son, Howard P. Holshouser, Sr., is elder emeritus. Another of Will's sons, J. E. "Peck" Holshouser, after three years' service on the session at Rumple, left to become ruling elder at the newly-organized Presbyterian Church in Boone in 1939. His son, James E., Jr., baptized at Rumple in 1935, served as governor of the state from 1961 to 1969. Numerous others, related by marriage, have made the extended Holshouser clan one of the most active throughout the church's history.40 One of the first decisions of the new session was to pledge $150 per year for the pastor's salary, beginning in April 1914. Holshouser's treasurer records show the sum was paid, in monthly installments of $12.50, beginning on schedule and continuing until 1919, when the sum was raised to $20 a month, or $240 annually. By that time, the "high cost of living" had become a national concern and the pay increase must have been justified in those terms. The church had paid a little over $2 for "2 loads wood" to fuel the stove in the stone church in 1915; by 1919 it cost $3.50. Two interesting facts emerge from the early financial records. First, collections at each Sunday service in summer were substantially higher than they were during the winter. In 1917, for example,/ the collections from January through May averaged less than $5 per monthly meeting, while for July, August, and early September, each service, held almost weekly, raised about $22; by year's end, the last months' offerings each brought in about $2. Given the seasonal nature �50 / Chapter Two of the church's activity, and the comparatively greater affluence of the summer visitors, the pattern is not surprising. Without the summer contributors, the local congregation would have been hard pressed to pay the pastor's salary. But the surprise in the records is that for more than two years, beginning in 1913 and going on into 1916, Tufts had his Blowing Rock winter congregation devote their monthly contributions almost exclusively to support the Grandfather Home. The sums were not large: $1 to $4 per service. Holshouser faithfully gave the preacher, each Monday after his visit, a check for the "Orphants Home" which came to the full amount collected in the previous day's offering plate. Such was the need, and such the concern for Tufts's work, that the little year-round congregation and their pastor must have cooperated in this arrangement. In effect, then, the church depended entirely upon summer receipts to pay the preacher. During those same years, one collection each summer month was also designated for the Home, although none was exceptionally large. It was not until 1918 that Dr. Vardell, visiting Tufts in Banner Elk and seeing for himself the great need, returned to the summer congregation to make a plea for a special offering on the Home's behalf. Vardell told his listeners that two weeks hence he would take up the special offering and he expected $1000 from them that Sunday; scoffers were silenced when "$850 was counted on the table and the balance of $150 came later."41 From that summer to the present, Rumple Church has continued giving to Grandfather Home; not only have far larger sums been raised from these annual appeals, but the budget of the church for its regular program has also been more conventionally covered. Many more years would go by before the church became fully self-supporting; but its sense of sacrifice for the needs of others had been early aroused. By the time of World War I, mission work had captured the imagination of the entire denomination-indeed, of most of Protestant Christianity. Domestic missions of the Presbyterian Church, U. S., were benefitting both from a restructuring of support and organization, and from the renewed zeal with which pastoral and lay leaders had turned to the cause of evangelizing the world with the gospel. �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 751 In 1893 the General Assembly adopted a new plan for home missions which, while continuing to encourage presbyterial and synodical efforts, also provided for two Churchwide offerings annually to support the Assembly's own such work. Weaker, poorer, and more remote churches and schools now got more direct funding. Areas in Appalachia were almost immediate beneficiaries. In 1896 Asheville Presbytery was created, covering eleven North Carolina counties west of the Blue Ridge hitherto part of Mecklenburg Presbytery. "By 1903 there were five mission schools within its bounds. In this same year, the General Assembly's [executive] committee [on home missions] began its work in the mountains. Through the gift of a Christian philanthropist, Nacoochee Institute in north Georgia was opened; the capacity of Lees-McRae Institute in Concord Presbytery was doubled; financial assistance was given to the five schools in Asheville Presbytery." Laymen's organizations such as the Society of Soul Winners, founded in 1897 by the well known Kentucky Presbyterian doctor turned preacher E. O. Guerrant, crossed denominational lines to gain support for work among the mountain people.42 Work of a more secular nature, associated with the Peabody Fund, the Grange, the Conference for Education in the South, and other such philanthropic agencies, helped to turn the nation's eyes to the southeastern highlands. Even the emergence of good roads movements in North Carolina and elsewhere was having a similar beneficial effect.43 A prominent lay leader in such movements locally, and one of the most noteworthy, was Dr. W. J. Martin's sister, Mary Turpin Martin Sloop. She also was an M.D., a 1906 graduate of the Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania. At thirteen she had confided to Dr. Rumple that she wanted to be a medical missionary, thinking of the foreign field. The practical pastor, who knew her parents well, wondered what her mother's reaction would be—not to her vocation of missionary but to her intent to study medicine. " 'I believe it'd kill her,' " she told him. But she persisted in her ambition. To please her parents she attended Statesville Female College (she hated the school's name) but also took courses at Davidson, where she met her future husband, Eustace Sloop. Then for several years after the Colonel's death, she had to help care for her aging mother. By the time she was twenty-nine, in 1902, with one year of study behind her at the North Carolina Medical College in Davidson, where she was denied entrance into an anatomy class, she learned that the denomination thought her already too old, and physically frail, to handle the rigors of the foreign mission field. Almost fifty years after, both rejections still rankled. She determined to finish her medical studies, and as her relationship with Sloop gradu- �52 / Chapter Two ally deepened, made with him the "momentous decision" to "settle down in the North Carolina mountains" after they were married. "If we could not be foreign missionaries, we could serve at home."44 Sloop, or "Doctor," as Mary Martin called him, had meanwhile completed his degree at the North Carolina Medical College and had taken postgraduate study at Jefferson College, Pennsylvania. Returning to North Carolina, he had begun his practice at the tiny community of Plumtree, in what was then Mitchell County. Here the Rev. Joseph P. Hall, Tufts's brother-in-law, had already begun a school not unlike Tufts's own, but for boys; the schools would later merge at Banner Elk after a devastating fire destroyed the Plumtree dormitory in January 1927. The Sloops believed the place the ideal mission field for them. But first came the wedding. On July 2, 1908, they were married at Blowing Rock, in the Presbyterian church her father had helped to found and her brother had helped to build. They may well have been the first couple to take the marriage vows in the almost-completed stone sanctuary. Dr. A. T. Graham of the Davidson College Presbyterian Church, the Martins' pastor and friend, came up to officiate. The ceremony was simple: the couple was, after all, by the standards of the day, already middle-aged. The bride wore a plain white linen suit, the groom a black one which she later cut down for their son to wear. The "children of Blowing Rock" had decorated the stone church with "mountain flowers and evergreens, simply but most effectively, and they had been so interested in doing it."45 The story of the Sloops1 work at Plumtree, and at Crossnore, where they moved a few years later, there to practice medicine and found the Crossnore School, has been well told in the 1953 book, Miracle in the Hills, M. M. Sloop was the nation's Mother of the Year in 1951. Dr. W. J. Martin actively supported the mountain work of his sister and brother-in-law in numerous ways, not the least of which was financial. One of the Sloops' first rescue operations was to save a twelve year-old girl from a premature marriage match to "a drunkard and a moonshiner" by sending her off to Lees-McRae with money and clothing supplied from Davidson friends and relations.46 More personally, the professor helped them in 1909 when he bought out his sisters' shares of the family property in Blowing Rock. The Sloops seem to have used this money to acquire a stake in the work Hall was doing at Plumtree, but for some reason, perhaps because of differences between Hall and the Sloops, the arrangement did not work out. In 1912 presbytery ordered Hall "to refund out of the funds of the Plumtree school, to Dr. E. H. Sloop, the money invested by him in the Plumtree property at the earliest possible date; and in view of �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 I 53 Dr. Sloop's urgent need of these funds, we suggest that a negotiable note be given him in case the cash is not soon available/' Martin at that time lent the Sloops an additional sum to get started at Crossnore.47 There the Sloops were careful to keep their work nonsectarian, no doubt to enhance its acceptance by the local people they were trying to help. Mary Martin Sloop wrote about 1928, "The family is Presbyterian and democratic, and when they came to Crossnore they found that there were but few Presbyterians, and that democrats were still more infrequent." Sloop would later find many sources of private support for her work, including the Daughters of the American Revolution, in which organization she was entitled to membership through her mother's family.48 In addition to the direct support he provided his sister's work, Martin promoted many of the church's larger missionary causes during his active years. He was elected Moderator of the General Assembly in 1914, a highly unusual honor for a layman in that era.49 In that capacity, and from his own interest, he participated in the February 1915 meetings of the Laymen's Missionary Movement to speak on "Our Increased Responsibility" in "carrying out the great commission of our common Lord and Master." Held in two locations, Charlotte, North Carolina and Dallas, Texas, these meetings drew a total of 4,370 people. In attendance at the Charlotte meetings were, among many others, the Rev. Dr. and Mrs. C. G. Vardell of Red Springs, and elder Will Holshouser from Blowing Rock. The "Great War" then raging in Europe, although not yet involving the United States, was heavy on Martin's mind, as it was for many of the other speakers at that conference. He pointed out that the war had started not "in heathendom but in the center of so-called Christian Europe." It had come about, not as a failure of Christianity, but as "the failure of people who, while professing Christianity, have failed to live as Christ taught." Martin said, "Only when we literally obey Christ's commands will we have peace. . . . Throughout Christendom Christ's followers have been busy, but not about their Father's business. In the temple of life we have been money changers, and Christ is now scourging us with war and tumult, with unrest and unhappiness, and He will scourge us again and again until He brings us to a faithful obedience to His command." He considered the opportunities for American mission efforts overseas greatly enhanced because of the pullback of Europeansponsored missionaries. Americans would have to emulate the sacrificial spirit of Christ's own service to others. "What we need is more men, more money, more faith, more prayers, more unselfishness, more sacrifice, more Christ-likeness," he concluded.50 �54 / Chapter Two When within another two years the United States did enter the World War, a different kind of sacrifice was demanded of Americans. Yet the church also found other opportunities for ministry. One of Blowing Rock's regular summer pastors, Dr. James I. Vance, had done what he could, following the lead of Presbyterian President Woodrow Wilson, to remain neutral and work for peace before American entry into the conflict; thereafter he was active in numerous war-related efforts in Nashville and throughout the Church. Vance was equally as interested in missions as his friend Martin; he served thirty-two years on the Executive Committee of Foreign Missions of the denomination, 1895-1901 and 1911-1937. During the war he visited the front several times, and spent time with American soldiers in the immediate postArmistice period. On his return he published a book, Silver on the Iron Cross, a collection of his observations in Europe and his sermons to the troops. In 1918, Vance was also elected Moderator of the General Assembly. By a curious coincidence, then, Martin held that post at the outbreak, Vance at the end, of World War I. During the war years, as yet another part of its mission thrust, the Presbyterian Church, U. S., restructured its synod and presbytery boundaries, the better to highlight and support its work in the Appalachian mountains. A primary proponent of the reorganization was the Rev. R. F. Campbell, D.D., of Asheville. His work had drawn General Assembly support since 1903. To him, the creation of Asheville Presbytery in 1896, which had then been evangelized with synod support, was a model for the larger church to follow: by setting up the new synod as a mission field, work there could draw support from the entire General Assembly. At the 1913 meeting of North Carolina Synod at Greensboro, he urged all synods concerned with mountain home mission work to overture the General Assembly in the interest of erecting a "Synod of Appalachia." Only the Synod of Tennessee at first responded favorably to the idea; "strongest opposition was encountered in the Synods of North Carolina and Kentucky," both of which by now had long years of experience at synodical missions. Virginia, too, at first objected; but Dr. Campbell, and the Rev. C. C. Carson of Bristol, carried the case around the region and in 1915 the synods gave their approval. In May the General Assembly approved the new boundaries, which encompassed 67 counties in five states.51 Edgar Tufts was an early and enthusiastic supporter of the new arrangements. As much as anyone in the church, he knew the isolation of the region and the difficulty of raising funds for his work. So, although other, more settled churches in Concord Presbytery at first opposed the plan, Tufts pressed for including the mountain counties of �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 55 Concord within the new Synod's boundaries. As ordered in 1915, Avery, Mitchell, Watauga, and Yancey Counties were taken from the Presbytery of Concord and became part of the historic, twelve-county Presbytery of Holston, formerly in the Synod of Tennessee. The arrangement continued until 1969, when the churches in Watauga County rejoined Concord Presbytery.52 Entry into Holston Presbytery and the Synod of Appalachia turned out to be important for Rumple church. For although the move undoubtedly did something to loosen its traditional ties to the rest of the state's Presbyterians, it was drawn more closely into the kind of mission work for which the synod had been created: extending education and planting other new churches. It also brought increased exposure and funding for its pastor's enterprises in nearby Banner Elk: Tufts not only got continued support from Concord, but from Holston Presbytery and from the General Assembly as well. It later helped the small congregation pay the salaries of ministers who succeeded Tufts, as the church was as yet unable to cover its own costs and depended on presbytery supplements. Finally, through its place as a mission work of Holston Presbytery, the church first formed its relationship with a man who not long after came to be superintendent of presbytery's home missions and would one day become Rumple's own beloved pastor, Walter King Keys. ***** Never physically strong, the dedicated Edgar Tufts had risked his health in his work ever since he had arrived at his mountain post in a snowstorm in 1895. On his way home to Banner Elk after preaching his December sermon at Blowing Rock in 1922, yet another exposure to the bitter wind and cold brought on a bout of pneumonia. His weakened lungs gave out on January 6, 1923.53 Tributes to Tufts and to his work appeared widely in the religious and secular press at his death. The Lenoir News-Topic of February 8, 1923 reprinted several of them, including two which appeared in the Presbyterian Standard, written by James I. Vance and Mary Martin Sloop.54 Vance's was the more elegantly phrased: "The people of the mountains are in mourning. They have lost their best friend. Edgar Tufts has gone home." Vance had received the news by telegram at his church office in Nashville, "and as the yellow paper fell from my hands to the floor, my heart cried, �56 / Chapter Two "Oh, God, how can they get on up there in the mountains without him?"... For I know how they love him, how absolutely they trust him. For 25 years he has been their sky-pilot, pointing and preaching and leading the way to the country lying out there beyond their own fair, far skyline, and he has always led them straight Edgar Tufts, slight of figure, weighing little more than a hundred pounds, never of robust health, twice laid aside from his work by tuberculosis, but sent back to his work apparently cured, so diffident and modest and retiring that he would escape notice when men of bigger bodies but smaller souls were on the stage, . . . he was the biggest little man it has ever been my privilege to know. ... The great peaks could not forget Edgar Tufts.... The winds as they sing through the great timbers will be chanting their "Te Deum" for a man who "was an hiding place from the winds and a covert from the tempest, as rivers of water in a dry place, and as the shadow of a great rock in a weary land." Mary Martin Sloop's tribute was more rooted in the reality of the place and time in which Tufts worked. She and Tufts had endured similar severe weather and hardships but had persevered out of similar motives. She wrote a description of the service held for Tufts at the church he served in Banner Elk: Bitter weather and terrible roads deterred the great crowds that came some 50 miles to that beautiful rock church—"Mr. Tufts's Church" —to show what his life had meant to them. Twas a typical afternoon. As they bore the casket from the home to the church, the sleet and mud reminded us of the many years of faithful service in all sorts of weather, when this servant of God had failed not once to meet his speaking appointments, often in the furtherest cove of the bleakest mountainside. During the funeral service, the flood of sunlight that poured through the beautiful windows of the church, typified God's rich blessing of Mr. Tufts's tireless efforts. As the sun faded, the flood of the electric lights bore witness of his vision of what might be accomplished in the mountains-of the mountains-and for the mountains. And at the grave the complete lining of green galax and silver pine, which loving hands had so skilfully prepared, proved how his love of the beautiful had met a response in their hearts. We left the grave praising God for the endless influence of such a life-a life whose secret was unselfish faith; a death whose keynote was victory. And we thanked God for the son and daughters who can go on with his work. Much of the little preacher's work would indeed be carried on into the next generation by his son, Edgar Hall Tufts, who had just graduated from Davidson, and who took over the school, the orphanage, and the �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 57 hospital work. The younger Tufts soon combined the Banner Elk enterprises his father had begun into the Edgar Tufts Memorial Association, which still functions. The pastoral responsibilities Tufts had laid down, however, required an ordained minister; Blowing Rock and all Tufts's churches awaited a new leader for the flock. �58 / Chapter Two Notes for Chapter Two 1. In 1889 a Synod evangelist was appointed, the Rev. William D. Morton, to try to "meet the 'destitutions' that existed in all of the presbyteries." Morton served until 1893; his work seems to have had little to do with mountain communities. His successor, the Rev. John M. Rose, worked out of Morganton for about eighteen months in more remote areas. Although there is no record of it, he may well have preached in Watauga. McGeachy, Confronted, pp. 400, 402, 425. 2. McGeachy, Confronted, p. 406. The Elk Park church did not survive long; Margaret Tufts Neal does not remember her father ever preaching there. A much more substantial wave of church planting in Mitchell and Avery counties came after the turn of the century, as part of the work of the Rev. James P. Hall, of whom more is said below. 3. Synod of North Carolina, Records of 78th annual session, Durham, 1891, p. 535. Rumple was on both the synod and the presbytery committees concerned with the topic of "The Church and Christian Education" in 1891, although he resigned from the synod committee that same year. Both these groups, according to McGeachy, adopted resolutions of support for Pell's educational efforts in the mountains (see below). 4. McGeachy, Confronted, pp. 414-415, 420-423. "Skyland Institute, 1897 [sic: 1887]-1912," and "Miss Emily Prudden Writes Autobiography," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, pp. 74-77. Pell's interest in female education was clearly keen. He later served thirty years as president of Converse College, in Spartanburg, S. C., retiring in 1932: Eleanor R. Millard, comp., A General Catalog of Trustees, Officers, Professors, and Students of Union Theological Seminary in Virginia (n.p., n.d. [Richmond, VA: 1977?]), hereinafter cited as Union Seminary, General Catalog. 5. Hugh Talmadge Lefler and Albert Ray Newsome, The History of a Southern State: North Carolina, 3rd ed. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1973), pp. 537, 590, and passim. 6. Hope Summer ell Chamberlain, brought up in Rumple's church in Salisbury, recalled that in those days "a Presbyterian child must learn the Shorter Catechism. That was the law in our house. I was expected to learn it thoroughly — by question and answer-by pages-by wholes, without one word or one comma misplaced. I was not expected to understand it. It was considered a deposit laid up for the future in the bank vault of my mind. If ever I changed my early beliefs, as everyone is liable to do, it would furnish a comprehensive statement from which honestly to dissent, not a fog bank to fight against, or the ghost of an ancient authority to be exorcised." This Was Home, p. 178. 7. McGeachy, Confronted, pp. 420-423. See also Thompson, Presbyterians, II, 341-352, for debate in the denomination over public vs. parochial education during the 1870's and 1880's. The classic study on the general subject is Charles W. Dabney, Universal Education in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1936). Thompson notes, III, 164, that Southern Presbyterians were long divided over whether to support state-controlled schools, �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 59 but the majority by the turn of the century had come to back the public school movement; thus the denomination participated fully in the "long-awaited renaissance of Southern [public] education" after 1900. The church had rarely ever in the last part of the nineteenth century explicitly combined teaching and preaching functions for its pastorate, except at the college level; many of Davidson College's faculty, for example, were ordained ministers but did not minister to a congregation; pastors at churches were not expected to teach. 8. McGeachy, Confronted, p. 432. If Munroe was temporarily discouraged, he did not let it affect his assignment. His reports over the next several years showed growing success at church planting. Munroe held his post until ill health forced him out in 1917, at age seventy-three. He died at Davidson in 1919. 9. Letter to "Miss Bessie" (Mary Elizabeth Hall), May 13, 1895, quoted in Margaret Tufts Neal, And Set Aglow A Sacred Flame; History of the Edgar Tufts Memorial Association 1895-1942 (Banner Elk: Puddingstone Press, Lees-McRae College, 1983), pp. 7-8. Hereinafter cited as Neal, Sacred Flame. I am grateful to Margaret Tufts Neal for several interviews during 1986 and 1987. 10. Ibid., p. 8. The other seminary field worker in the mountains that summer was licentiate Edward Douglas Brown. The Rev. Brown later was stated clerk and held several charges in Concord Presbytery: Concord and Clio churches in Iredell County, 1907-1916; Thyatira and Back Creek, 1916-1927; Fifth Creek, Third Creek, and Elmwood, 1927-1940. Brown was briefly Munroe's successor as chairman of the home missions committee in 1917. He died in 1946. McGeachy, Confronted, pp. 482, 484, 567. 11. Ibid., p. 5. 12. Ibid., pp. 6, 3. 13. Ibid., pp.13, 18-19; McGeachy, Confronted, p. 443. 14. Rev. W. W. Moore, "A Constructive Christian Worker," The Pinnacles, Memorial Issue, Vol. VII, No. 8 (March 1923), pp. 1,6. 15. Conversation with M. T. Neal, summer 1986. Tufts had also spent somewhat less than a year in the Presbytery of Savannah, Georgia, from the fall of 1901 to sometime in 1902. This interlude is reported on somewhat contradictorily in Synod and presbytery records. Mrs. Neal believes he went to his native state at the urging of some relatives, but "always his heart was with the little white church in the mountains and the school he had started." Sacred Flame, p. 31. He returned to his work in Banner Elk either in June (Synod of North Carolina, Records, 1902, p. 635) or October (McGeachy, Confronted, p. 447). 16. Oral Interview with Helen Weedon Deaton, summer 1986. The "Fairview Plat," laid out by J. M. Howell in August of that year, was the second plat ever accepted by the Register of Deeds in Watauga County. Watauga County Court House, Register of Deeds Office. �60 / Chapter Two 17. WOC History, prepared by Mrs, H. F. Ingle, 1937, at Historical Foundation, Montreat. Laura Clampitt Holshouser, a Hickory native, married Will Holshouser in 1896. She died in 1962 at age 87: press clipping, RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. I. 18. Oral interview with Hattie Brown, July 1987. "Miss Hattie" completed her education at Claremont College, now defunct, in Hickory. After her marriage in 1916, in Mortimer, N.C., "the town that was washed away" in the flood of that year, she and her husband lived in Nashville, where she knew the Rev. James I. Vance, although they did not attend his church. For years after her return to Blowing Rock in 1942, she headed the music department at the Sloops' school in Crossnore, and also taught at the old Blowing Rock High School. She played the piano for the combined Sunday school opening service for many years. "Miss Hattie" has said that Rumple Memorial church has been one of the major vehicles of her Christian life. The sister, Rose McDade, taught Sunday school, and played the piano and the organ at Rumple for several years during the 1920's. 19. James B. Sill, Historical Sketches of Churches in the Diocese of Western North Carolina Episcopal Church (Asheville: Publishing Office, Church of the Redeemer, 1953), pp. 58-60. 20. Letter, W. L. Savage to Mrs. Edgar Tufts, March 22, 1923, kindly provided by Margaret Tufts Neal to the author. 21. Neal, Sacred Flame, pp. 18, 28-30. 22. Ibid,, pp. 64-66. NeaTs account is most likely authoritative; other reminiscences, including VardelFs in the "1936 History," trace the origins of Tufts's sheltering ministry to 1912. 23. The Cannons' gifts to Rumple Church are discussed more fully in the next chapter. But it should be mentioned here that their support for the Grandfather Home continued until their deaths. Among the structures for which their contributions were largely responsible were a cottage for little boys in the 1920's, and an administrative unit completed in 1941, just before the death of the younger Tufts. Neal, Sacred Flame, pp. 72-74, 145. 24. Special Staff of Writers, North Carolina, Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, North Carolina Biography, 4 vols. (Chicago and New York: American Historical Society, 1928), IV, 220-221; hereinafter cited as North Carolina Biography. Ministerial Directory, 1950 edition, p. 697; Davidson, "A Collection of Letters"; The Blowing Rocket, special edition, old advertisement, p. 10. 25. Watauga County Court House, Register of Deeds Office. Martin and Vardell were joint executors of Rumple's estate when he died in 1906. His property at that time passed in shares to his daughter, Linda Lee Vardell, and his grandson, James Malcolmson Rumple. She exchanged her share of the property in Blowing Rock for a share of her nephew's inheritance in Salisbury, so J. M. Rumple became sole owner of the land on Main Street. 26. Information from Linda McNett Yarnell of Laurinburg, N.C., Vardell's granddaughter. Early photographs of the school show a substantial brick �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 61 building similar in design to "Old Chambers" at Davidson, though smaller, and crowned with a dome instead of a columned turret. Symmetrical wings, each three stories high, extended from the taller, pillared central structure. As for the grounds, the flat, piney fields on which the campus was built had badly needed beautification. Vardell drew on his brother's knowledge and interest as a landscape architect in Charleston to improve the campus appearance, bringing in azaleas and other shrubs. For Martin's project, see Davidson, "A Collection of Papers," p. 2. The house is on Concord Road across from the campus; it is not known how much Martin had to do with its design, however. 27. Martin, "1936 History," p. 4. 28. Letter, J. Rumple to Jno. Allen Brown of Salisbury, July 16,1902; original in records of First Presbyterian Church, Salisbury, copy in author's possession. 29. Obituary of E. M. Williamson, July 26, 1934, reprinted 1971 in The Blowing Rocket, clipping provided by Linda Yarnell. According to Mrs. Yarnell, the Williamson house on Chestnut Hill is the only one on the old Vardell compound which still has a view of Grandfather Mountain. Dr. Vardell had advised his brother-in-law to climb a tree to see what the view would be from the intended site of his house, which he did, and so picked the perfect orientation for it. Williamson's children maintained ties to the property until recent years. Mrs. Yarnell also said that James Malcolmson Rumple, the preacher's grandson, was raised by the Vardells. Close in age to Vardell's oldest boy, Charles junior, he felt more attached to his uncle's family than to his stepfather, Dr. Martin. 30. First Presbyterian Church of Nashville, "JAMES ISAAC VANCE," (3-pp. typed MSS., n.d), p. 1. Copy at Historical Foundation. Several sources refer to Vance's selection as one of the nation's best preachers, by the religious periodical The Christian Century, about 1925. 31. Ibid., p. 2. Vance registered the property in the name of his wife, Mamie Currell Vance. They purchased an additional two acres in 1905 when the Clarks rerouted a road connecting the land to the "Caldwell and Watauga Turnpike." Watauga County Courthouse, Register of Deeds Office. 32. A brother, Joseph Anderson Vance, two years younger, also became a Presbyterian minister, following in James's footsteps to King College and Union Seminary. Joseph, too served mostly urban pastorates: in Louisville, Baltimore, Chicago, and Detroit (the latter two in the USA Church). Like his brother, he was a much-published author. Each was moderator of his denomination's General Assembly, James of the PCUS in 1918, Joseph of the PCUSA in 1935. Ministerial Directory, 1942 edition, pp. 729-730. 33. "1936 History," 5-pp. section, "History of the Building of the Rock Church." Original typescript in RMPC records, signed by William J. Martin. The story of the building of the rock church took up more than half the account of the church's history prepared by Martin and Vardell in 1936. Martin meticulously wrote that part of the story, looking back over thirty years; his is apparently the only first-hand account which has survived. Because the 1936 sketch has been so often reproduced and distributed locally, his narrative �62 / Chapter Two has entered the community lore. But it still leaves several questions unanswered: Why such a large structure? Why was no local session established before the work started? What became of the old building? Where did all the stone come from? What ever became of the plans? Since these are questions which would be of particular concern to local, not summer people, it becomes even more apparent that the entire project was conceived by and for visitors, not the permanent residents. The author has searched Dr. Martin's papers at Davidson College for some of this information, without result. 34. Jack Claiborne, The Charlotte Observer, Its Time and Place, 1869-1986 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1986), pp. 94-95. 35. RMPC session records, old book, p. 115. According to Neal, Sacred Flame, p. 91, Tufts was informed on his death bed in January 1923 that the Banner Elk church had just installed a bell in its tower. It is not inconceivable that Holshouser had ordered that bell on behalf of the Banner Elk congregation. 36. Oral interview with Perry and Shirley Lentz, December 1986. But according to historian Dr. Carl Ross of Appalachian State University, the term "blockade liquor" referred to illegal whiskey. How the term originated is unknown. 37. "1936 History," pp. 5-7. Duncan appears on the 1900 census: as of that date he was twenty-four years old, with a wife and two small children, and listed his occupation as shoemaker. 38. Minutes of Holston Presbytery, spring 1940 meeting, p. 22. 39. In the summer of 1906, Munroe toured the mountains three times on behalf of the Home Missions Committee and reported "progress of an encouraging character" everywhere except at Cove Creek and Blowing Rock, where there had been "great numbers of removals of members to other sections and places." He recommended the Cove Creek congregation be dissolved and its five members assigned either to Blowing Rock or Banner Elk, with Tufts to get possession of the building at Cove Creek "to be used in any part of his work most needed at Banner Elk." None of the five seems to have joined RMPC at that time. Indeed, from April 1906 to April 1909, no new members joined. When the Rev. and Mrs. John Ingle joined RMPC in November 1912, the jam seems to have broken. Accessions, some from the Reformed church, picked up; but many of those added before 1920 were by transfer from other Presbyterian churches off the mountain, including in April 1909 Mrs. Dan Klutz (Miss Cordelia Williams) from the Davidson church. 40. RMPC session records; Ross, 1900 Census, Presbytery in that era held two regular sessions per year. Each church ordinarily sent its pastor and its clerk of session, or another session member nominated at a prior session meeting. A review of presbytery records shows Rumple's session was rarely represented all through the 1910's and 1920's, although Tufts attended relatively more frequently, often in the company of an elder from his Banner Elk congregation. Local business obligations, as well as difficult travel conditions, probably precluded Rumple's elders from going very often. 41. "1936 History," "The Church and Grandfather Orphanage," p. 7. �The Tufts Era, 1897-1923 / 63 42. Thompson, Presbyterians, II, 30-32, 100-103. McGeachy, Confronted, p. 444. The work of the Society of Soul Winners, primarily educational, was turned over to the General Assembly in 1911: Thompson, Presbyterians, p. 104. 43. Elizabeth R. Hooker, Religion in the Highlands. Native Churches and Missionary Enterprises in the Southern Appalachian Area (New York: The Home Missions Council, 1933), pp. 204-206; George Brown Tindall, The Emergence of the New South 1913-1945 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1967), pp. 254-262. Both Martin and the Sloops were active in the good roads movement; Martin and all Davidson College celebrated when what is now state highway 115, "the Statesville highway," was completed from Charlotte to Davidson about 1916: photograph, Davidson College Archives. M. M. Sloop made several trips to Raleigh during the early 1920's on behalf of road improvements for Avery County; she was especially concerned that local farmers have access to more distant markets for their cash crops: Sloop, Miracle in the Hills, pp. 124-129. 44. Sloop, Miracle in the Hills, pp. 13-20. 45. Ibid., pp. 21-22. According to McGeachy, Confronted, p. 473, Graham had left the Davidson pastorate in September 1907 to take a charge in Lexington Presbytery. 46. Ibid., pp. 68-74. 47. Minutes of Concord Presbytery, Spring 1912 meeting, p. 98. Martin told Tufts in 1912 that because he had had to lend the Sloops additional funds in order for them to build at Crossnore, his own "benevolent fund" was fully committed and he could not respond to Tufts's plea for help in getting his electric power dam started at Banner Elk: Letter, Martin to Tufts, June 11, 1912, W. J. Martin papers, Davidson College Archives. At the same presbytery meeting at which Hall was ordered to pay the Sloops back, a call to Hall for his pastoral services from Plumtree and Powder Mill churches in Mitchell county was "stricken from the docket," perhaps indicating that Hall was under something of a cloud with presbytery for the incident, although he was apparently never censured. He continued to be listed as "evangelist," residing in Plumtree, in presbytery records until 1925. After a brief service as stated supply pastor at Hughes church in 1925, he was listed as "without charge" in Holston Presbytery until 1942. His status from then until his death at Plumtree in 1953, at age eighty, was given as "infirm." Ministerial Directory, 1956 edition. 48. North Carolina Biography, IV, 601-603. Sloop, Miracle in the Hills, passim. 49. Martin was only the second layman ever chosen as moderator of the General Assembly. He belonged to several PCUS permanent committees over the years: Permanent Committee on the Sabbath, 1908-1914; on Systematic Beneficence, 1911-1913; on Education, 1915-1918, 1920-1931; on Stewardship, 1922; and on Men's Work, 1922-1927. My thanks to Bill Bynum at the Historical Foundation for searching out this information from the General Assembly records. �64 / Chapter Two 50. Presbyterian Church in the U.S., Facing the Situation: Addresses delivered at the Fourth General Convention of the Laymen's Missionary Movement, Presbyterian Church in the U. S., Held in Charlotte, N.C., Feb. 16-18, 1915, [and] Dallas, Texas Feb. 23-25, 1915 (Athens, Ga: Laymens' Missionary Movement [PCUS], 1915) pp. 119-126. 51. Craig, Rev. Edward Marshall, comp. and ed., Highways and Byways of Appalachia; A Study of the Work of the Synod of Appalachia of the Presbyterian Church in the United States (Kingsport, TN: Kingsport Press, 1927), pp. 10-12, and fold-out map attached to back flyleaf. Hereinafter cited as Craig, Highways. See also Thompson, Presbyterians, III, 104-109. 52. The Lenoir Church strenuously opposed the creation of the new Synod. Its session overtured Concord Presbytery in the fall of 1915 to stop Tufts's attempt to add Caldwell, Burke, and McDowell Counties, too, to the new Synod. Tufts's motives are understandable, but, as the church pointed out, the "railroad communication [in these countiesl is altogether East and South of the Blue Ridge." Lenoir Presbyterian Church, Session minutes, September 2, 1915, p. 136. 53. Neal, Sacred Flame, pp. 90-92. In December 1913, Munroe wrote Martin that he had visited Tufts at Cragmont Sanatorium in Asheville where, he reported, Tufts was "very cheerful in spirit and .. . looking remarkably well." His doctor had told him "that in 4 or 6 months he will be entirely restored. His malady according to Dr. [W. C.] Tate and Drs. Brooks and Archer is an acute attack of tuberculosis." Tufts's condition at that time was indeed serious; before he had entered the sanatorium "he got the elders of B. E. church to gather around his bed & they agreed to pay $300 & and [provide a] manse for Rev. L. C. Vass," who had assisted Tufts in Banner Elk the previous summer. With Tufts's approval, Munroe had begun making plans for Vass to take over Tufts's work. Vass, wrote Munroe, "can be secured for $700" a year, with Blowing Rock paying $100 of his salary. Tufts apparently rallied from this illness, however, and the arrangement was not needed. Letter, Munroe to Martin, December 20, 1913, in Martin Papers, Davidson College Archives. Tufts continued to draw his $12.50 a month salary from the Blowing Rock Church during this time, but Savage may have preached at least once for him in the winter of 1913-14. Savage made a $10 contribution to Tufts's salary in April 1914, as did several others, including Mrs. E. R. Stewart and R. A. Dunn. Presumably the church was taking a special collection to help Tufts cover his medical expenses. By April, Tufts was present to preside at a session meeting, the first held since October 1913 at RMPC: Session Records, 1913-14. 54. Lenoir News-Topic, February 8, 1923, p. 6, clipping preserved at RMPC. Also included in the News Topic article were columns reprinted from the Wilmington Star and the Charlotte Observer. �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 IN THE SAME YEAR Edgar Tufts died, Blowing Rock suffered another loss: a disastrous fire which burned half the business district of the town—and led to the establishment of the town's first volunteer fire department soon after. Town residents that autumn of 1923, after trying to stop the blaze's progress with bucket brigades and pails of salt, watched the fire burn itself out against the firebreak of Sunset Drive just before it reached church member Luntz Holshouser's grocery store. Ironically, the best vantage point from which to watch the fire was the porch of the old Watauga Hotel across Main Street, a building which three years later itself went up in smoke. The Episcopal reading room, the post office, and several business structures had been destroyed. But as the Watauga Democrat predicted, "The city of Blowing Rock may be expected to rise from the ashes phoenix-like within a short while." The next year, the "biggest building year" in its history, "six hotels or boarding houses, twenty-six new houses, five businesses, and as many restorations" were undertaken. Some six hundred carpenters were kept busy during this "building epidemic."1 Already the town was profiting from the post-World War I boom in tourism: the Charlotte Observer in 1920 wrote of the "magnificent public highways" which brought Blowing Rock and Linville in "easy reach of Charlotte," especially the much-improved Lenoir Turnpike to Blowing Rock, and noted the "great influx of tourists to the Carolina mountains who formerly sought out the beauties of the Rockies and other places in this and other countries."2 The Yonahlossee Turnpike between Blowing Rock and Linville, completed as early as 1891, was improved for motor traffic in the 1910's; both these toll roads were taken over by the state and operated as free roads after 1921.3 That year Dr. Martin boasted in 65 �66 / Chapter Three a letter to his son that the trip from Blowing Rock to Davidson, via Lenoir, Hickory, and Mooresville, took him only four and a half hours by car (today one can drive the distance in about half that time).4 Few local residents joined the growing numbers of the nation's drivers at first. Rumple elder Will Holshouser reportedly bought the first automobile in the community in April 1913, a motor truck which he used in his dry goods business.5 But already summer tourists had been driving to the mountains: that same year some four hundred ten automobiles were reported to have visited the village. Many would have been chauffeur-driven.6 Also with the end of World War I came a new interest in leisure activities. One new national sports craze of the 1920's was golf, soon to be denounced from many a church pulpit for keeping Christians on the links instead of in the pews on Sundays. Blowing Rock visitors, as at resorts elsewhere in the country, were no longer content to sit on hotel porches and rock, or merely walk in the woods for exercise. In 1920 the Blowing Rock Development Company, a group of local and summer residents, voted to put fifteen thousand dollars toward a golf course for Blowing Rock. "Additional funds will be spent upon other amusements and attractions, and before another season is on Blowing Rock will be provided with the various sports and amusements which have contributed to the success of other resorts," the Observer reported in 1920.7 The year 1923 also saw the beginning of the Blowing Rock Horse Show, at first a rather casual affair of the summer people, but soon to become a major social event of the season.8 As the town became more accessible and active, and as new buildings replaced the destruction along Main Street, the home building boom, which has never really ended in the resort community, began. Houses in the neighborhood of Mayview Park came to typify the newer summer residences. Developed during the 1920's by Walter Alexander of Charlotte shortly after starting construction of his Mayview Manor Hotel, Mayview's winding, graveled streets opened up building lots carefully selected for their views of the John's River gorge. Compared to more recent town development, Mayview Park, and a bit later Laurel Park, grew rather slowly. But their designs seemed suited to the area, and adapted to the automobile. Large, rambling "cottages," usually furnished with servants' quarters, driveways, and garages, in rustic style and shaded by shrubs of laurel and rhododendron, attracted the prominent and wealthy summer population which by that decade was giving a more elegant cachet to the resort town. The newer hotels were drawing summer people from places as distant as Florida. "The Blowing Rock" was changing from a �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 67 local natural curiosity to a tourist attraction: its legend was being embroidered and repeated far and wide, drawing the curious and helping to launch a family's fortune. Blowing Rock was never Newport, Rhode Island, or some similar playground for the ostentatious rich; nationally, the income tax was making it harder for millionaires to maintain a money-is-no-object approach to summer leisure. Nevertheless, for many Southerners, and for visitors from farther afield, Blowing Rock was becoming fashionable. Mayview, which for a while in those years also was the name of a small golf course, was an address which conjured up a carefree but comfortable summer style.9 Some summer residents in this era brought with them, too, the freer, "modern" social habits which still could shock the older generationand even younger traditionally reared Presbyterians. "At about the time Mayview was starting up the whole community was in a twitter. The Bridges twins, Ernestine and Ruth, had walked down Main Street in their riding pants!"10 A young seminary student and recent Davidson College graduate, Thomas Hugh Spence, Jr., son of a Presbyterian minister, recalled seeing "my first woman in the act of smoking a cigarette" on his way from a preaching appointment in Blowing Rock in 1922.11 Making possible the development of the town had been the mundane but significant provision of public services during the immediately preceding years. If electricity and telephones were still mostly absent in the early 1920's,12 another vital improvement had begun: better control over the community's water and waste. Public health concerns in Watauga County had attracted the attention of James Edwin Brooks, M.D., former superintendent of the State Sanatorium for Tuberculosis, who came to Blowing Rock to retire in 1914. He was aghast at the opportunities that the tourist center offered for the spread of contagious diseases. Conditions were no doubt similar in most of the mountain villages, and the crowding in of summer visitors made the dangers of epidemics even greater. . . . Within the village the average family had a stable for the horse and one or more cows, a pigpen, a chicken lot, an outdoor privy, a spring, and a garden. No screens were used to keep the flies out of the houses. Garbage was thrown out to the pigs and chickens. Making matters worse, according to Dr. Alfred Mordecafs later account, every hotel had "a retinue of stable boys and domestic servants, who were very prone to use the back lots and bushes instead of the surface privies provided for them." Thus epidemics like typhoid, �68 / Chapter Three smallpox, and diphtheria had become serious matters in Watauga County. Dr. Brooks's solution was to call local townspeople together around his fireplace, where he patiently explained the health threats these habits were creating. "At 'smokers/ suppers, and other meetings the local citizens were roused to action." Speaking out at these meetings were, among others, two prominent Presbyterian summer people, the Rev. James I. Vance, and Charlotte lawyer and politician Cameron Morrison, who was elected Governor of North Carolina in 1920 and shortly afterward built a home in Mayview. "Soon the fly breeding places were eliminated. A chamber of commerce and other civic organizations developed from Dr. Brooks's work."13 ***** "But who will preach for us and advise when dark days are near?" asked a long time Rumple church member, Mary E. Weedon, at Tufts's death in 1923.14 She and other members had for a quarter century been reassured by the continuity and comfort Tufts had provided for the congregation at Blowing Rock. But as the town found itself increasingly transformed by the postwar boom, so, too, did Presbyterian work in Watauga and Avery counties. In 1922, when Spence was invited to preach in Blowing Rock, he was "mildly thrilled at the prospect of speaking to such a congregation of the elite as assembled for worship at this resort." But he was not yet ordained, nor was he ever called to Rumple. Two years later, just out of seminary and on a drive with friends to Banner Elk, Spence found that Tufts's church in Banner Elk still had no pastor. To this post he was called, and in October, 1924, he was ordained by Holston Presbytery, then in session at that place.15 Spence preached at Banner Elk, and at the chapel Tufts had established at nearby Arbor Dale, but did not assume his predecessor's other pulpits. In the meantime, the work Tufts had begun at another of his outlying preaching points, Shulls Mills,16 had also passed to another man-and altered dramatically by the rapid development of timbering in the area. Tufts had held occasional services from 1917 on at the commissary of the Boone Fork Lumber Company, owned by William Scott Whiting. Logging and sawmill operations had brought some one thousand residents to the community by that time. In 1919, Joseph Shull, a descendant of the original eighteenth-century settler for whom �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 69 an earlier grist mill was named, gave land upon which to build a Presbyterian church. And from New York the next autumn came thirtythree year old Charles G. McKaraher, Jr., a graduate of Columbia College and the Bible Teachers' Training School of New York, to serve as religious director for the employees of Whiting's company. Before his move South, McKaraher had worked in New York city missions and with immigrant labor, and had served as YMCA Secretary in Lockport. Licensed in 1919 in Mecklenburg Presbytery, he was ordained in October of the following year in Holston Presbytery, and installed as pastor of the newly-built Shulls Mills Presbyterian Church.17 As is apparent from his background, McKaraher took a major interest in Christian education and in work among disadvantaged of all sorts. He was evidently drawn by the "Industrial Democracy" philosophy espoused by Whiting at the lumbering operation in Shulls Mills. Workers were to follow the principles of the Golden Rule; leading classes and meetings to inculcate such principles was apparently one of McKaraher's duties for the company. It was an era of corporate paternalism in many Southern industrial towns.18 Whiting, an elder in McKaraher's church, seems to have been more concerned than some with the welfare of his work force and their families, as is evident from his support for MeKaraher's religious and educational efforts. McKaraher was to spend the last years of his life in Shulls Mills, as were the Whitings, even after the timbering ended and the company's operations and most of its employees moved elsewhere.19 Meanwhile, Blowing Rock Presbyterians still had no regular pastor. Spence seems not to have preached in Blowing Rock after his experience in 1922, but McKaraher came over from time to time during 1922 and 1923. Rumple Church records show him moderating the infrequent session meetings after Tufts's death. In May 1923 a congregational meeting discussed calling a minister; "it was decided to work out means and a way to secure a resident pastor which all agreeing was necessary for the best interest of the church." As McKaraher was then living in Shulls Mills, it is not clear whether this decision was intended as a way of encouraging him to settle in Blowing Rock, or whether the church at that point hoped to secure some other pastor. Just where a resident minister would have lived in 1923-24 is moot. Not until December 1926 were Joe White, Paul Klutts (sic) and Eugene Pitts appointed to a "building committee looking to the erection of a manse for the pastor," and five more years would go by until a house was built. By April 1924 the session had decided to call McKaraher to the �70 / Chapter Three Blowing Rock charge, for one-half his time, "beginning April 1st 1924." A congregational meeting to confirm this decision was held in December. The formalities of the call were observed at the spring meeting of Holston Presbytery in April, and McKaraher was installed at the church on May 7, 1925. "Present were Rev. W. C. Young, Rev. D. B. McLaughlin, Rev. McCoy Franklin, Rev. T. H. Spence, Jr., and Elder W. S. Whiting of Shulls Mills Presbyterian Church."20 McKaraher served the church until the end of 1928. During his pastorate a number of "firsts" were observed. New members received into the fellowship included Ethel Holshouser and William L. Holshouser, Jr., Paul Kluttz, Dennis Underdown, Helen Underdown "by letter from Stephens Lutheran Church, Lenoir," Pauline, Doris, and William White. For the first time the session was enlarged, by the election of Howard Kluttz as elder in December 1926. The first deacons, Eubert Holshouser, Howard Holshouser, and H. C. Hayes, were installed that same Sunday. The first every member canvass since 1921 was undertaken by the deacons in 1926; it must have been successful, as another was authorized the year following. Another "first" was the printing of programs for the July and August services, for the summer crowd's support of church operations continued to be crucial. Many of the summer people directly involved themselves at the church whenever they were in town; among those long remembered from this era were the Knox sisters of Salisbury, members of Rumple's former church, all of them "maiden ladies," as the expression went, who often taught Sunday school in the summers and who, late in life, provided a memorial stone for a substantial tract of land in Banner Elk which their father, J. M. Knox, had given the Edgar Tufts Memorial Association in 1924.21 For the first time, too, the church building underwent a major facelift.22 During the summer of 1927 an "advisory committee," consisting of Dr. Vance and summer resident Charles Cannon of Concord, met with the session "relative to recovering the Church and making necessary repairs." According to the session minutes, "W. L. Holshouser was instructed to buy slate roofing to cover the church as soon as approved by the architect." Dr. Martin a few years later recalled that the slate for the roofing project "was secured by Dr. Vance at a greatly reduced rate from a friend in Pennsylvania"; a receipted statement in the church records shows that Holshouser paid the Albion Vein Slate Company of Pen Argyl, Pennsylvania $333.94 at the end of 1928. In addition to whatever break in price the company offered, it gave another two percent reduction to the church, perhaps for cash payment in full. Architect for the project was Henry C. Hibbs (1882-1948) of Nash- �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 771 ville, a designer of ecclesiastical and educational buildings and an elder in Vance's church. Hibbs redesigned the facade and added the present portico, replacing the original porch.23 Hibbs's remodeling, which extended the rustic gothic features of the main building, gave the church a much more harmonious appearance. A comparison of photographs before and after the renovation shows that the work was considerable: the entire east wall of the church was faced in stone all the way to the roof peak, covering the wood siding which had originally begun about nine feet above ground. New windows, to let more light into the sanctuary, were added about halfway up the facade. The redesigned entrance portico admitted worshippers through outside doors facing north and south, rather than through a door directly at the end of the main aisle. The east wall of the new portico, constructed of the same stone as the rest of the building, provided a recessed opening, framed by a stonework arch, which in the summer of 1929 was filled with a stained glass window depicting Christ praying for His disciples in the Garden of Gethsemane. The window was given in memory of the church's first pastor, the Rev. Edgar Tufts. But as in the case of the Rumple window, no record of the contributors or of the window's manufacturer remains. The stone marker, "Rumple Memorial," was transferred to the new portico, but the carved stone lintel from the original porch was put to a curious use: part of it became a step to the new portico. Its abbreviated inscription, "fort Ye My People," is still legible to churchgoers entering the south door. What happened to the rest of the inscription (a portion of the famous verse from Isaiah 40:1, "Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, Saith the Lord")? No one now knows. Perhaps the stone broke when the old porch was taken down, or perhaps the lintel was just too long for a step and was cut to fit the space. While the remodeling project was underway, the Episcopalians were completing Saint Mary's of the Hills Church across the street. According to local lore, when the builder, Marshall Foster, wanted a particularly suitable rock for the keystone in the arch of the main entrance, he found the one he needed in the pile the Presbyterians had gathered for their own remodeling. And thus the Rumple congregation was able to recompense its neighbors for the frequent use it had made of their old building in earlier days. "So the Presbyterians say the keystone of the Episcopal Church is a Presbyterian rock."24 Redesign of the church entrance also served another function. The main door had been in direct line of sight of the pulpit; preachers had found themselves distracted during prayers and sermons by members of the congregation arriving late or departing early. The new portico did indeed place the entrances out of the line of the aisle, but the heavy �72 / Chapter Three solid doors created another problem: no one inside could see who was coming in. In the early 1960's elders Rudolph Greene and Owen Coffey cut small windows in the doors, solving the problem in an attractive way.25 ***** At least half of the Rev. McKaraher's time, and no doubt an even larger part of his energy, he gave to a school at Shulls Mills, the Boone Fork Academy. It was one of several institutes or academies in the Synod of AppalacWa which by the 1920's were nominally under Presbyterian control. As a function of home missions, presbyteries appointed their boards of trustees, but the schools actually depended almost entirely upon private funding; presbytery did little but commend them to the churches as worthy of support and encourage special offerings on their behalf.26 In Holston Presbytery the churches themselves could not be counted on for much help: there were "few selfsupporting churches within her bounds and none that could be called rich. . . . In taking over the four counties of North Carolina she assumed a tremendous Home Mission burden."27 Tuition at such schools was of necessity kept very low; many poor children attended free. At Boone Fork in 1924, "Two dollars paid tuition for one month for a day student; five dollars, tuition for one month and board for one week; . .. twenty-five dollars, a teacher's salary for one month."28 As of 1926, there were thirty-four pupils receiving scholarships, eighteen in the high school department. A teaching staff of five included the Rev. and Mrs. McKaraher. In 1924, partly with funds raised in presbytery, a boys' dormitory was erected. By about 1925 some $8,000 had been invested in the school; but in that year presbytery decided to discontinue further funding. The school's operating debt reportedly reached $1,950 by 1926. The 1921 deed to the school property had been made in the name of a joint board of trustees with the Shulls Mills Presbyterian Church which was to serve "for a term of five years, or until such time as the indebtedness upon the school property shall have been liquidated, at which time the school is to pass entirely under the care and control of Presbytery."29 That time never came. Logging and milling operations in Shulls Mills were being terminated by 1926; employees were moving away. The following year, presbytery recommended discontinuing its supervision of the Boone Fork Institute, and, although Mrs. McKaraher �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 73 apparently purchased a part of the property in her own name early in 1927, the prospects for the school were dim. Its last year of operation was 1928. At some time during that year, McKaraher seems to have made a desperate effort to revive the failing academy: a minister who was a member of a Mississippi presbytery, and something of a professional fundraiser, made a special appeal for money for the Institute during a service at the Blowing Rock church. Some $700 was raised, no doubt largely from among the summer people. When it was discovered that presbytery had not authorized such efforts, McKaraher had to appear before a special commission of Holston Presbytery to explain his actions. In October, in executive session, the commission found MeKaraher's explanations unsatisfactory; it also voted to lodge a complaint against the Mississippi-based preacher with his home presbytery. At the fall meeting of presbytery, McKaraher resigned as pastor of both the Shulls Mills and Blowing Rock churches, and was dismissed to the Presbyterian Church, USA. It was a sad end to a worthy effort. By 1928, however, the public schools, and the roads, had improved enough to permit the dwindling number of Shulls Mills youth the chance to continue their education at Cove Creek Elementary and Banner Elk High Schools. As for McKaraher, he spent the years 1931 to 1935 back in a Southern Church pulpit, preaching at the Burnsville and Low Gap Presbyterian Churches. In 1936 he and his family took up residence in Shulls Mills; the Ministerial Directory listed him as "without charge" until he died on November 5, 1972 at the Watauga County Hospital.30 If the actions against McKaraher seem unduly harsh by today's standards, they highlighted a chronic conflict in mission work and mountain education: schools provided by local governments continued until the 1920's to lag behind those available in larger towns and cities, thus encouraging home mission field workers to persevere in operating academies in rural areas where clear need existed. Yet the isolation and poverty of such regions made money-raising difficult and reliance on outside funding almost inevitable. In a lengthy report to Holston Presbytery in 1929, the home missions committee reiterated that the "policy of the committee and the Presbytery with respect to schools and educational activities during this period [1925-1929] has been to eliminate as rapidly as possible all competition with public schools and at the same time to standardize the school work which is carried on. The result of this policy has been that most of the small schools of the church have been discontinued or consolidated with the public schools. The entire educational program �74 / Chapter Three of the Presbytery, with respect to work above the elementary grades, now centers at Banner Elk where we have an accredited high school and a potential junior college."31 A similar policy was being pursued throughout the denomination. In 1931 an ad interim committee of the General Assembly "acknowledged that mission schools had been planted too promiscuously and sometimes poorly located"; the Assembly that year reconfirmed its intent to turn over its work to public authorities wherever possible. "In 1925 fourteen mountain [high] schools were maintained by the Assembly's Home Missions Committee. By 1934, there were only three, all in Kentucky."32 An era in mission education was ending. The collapse of the work at Shulls Mills must be seen as part of this larger trend. The departure of McKaraher again left the Blowing Rock church without a pastor. For more than a year the pulpit was officially listed as vacant. But in the interim, as he reported to Presbytery in 1929, "The Blowing Rock field has been supplied by the Superintendent of Home Missions and others." This superintendent was the muchtraveled Walter King Keys (1893-1973), who since 1925 had overseen "some remarkable advances" in home mission work in the region. Keys was a son of the Appalachian mountain region; he was to serve it and its people for most of his preaching career. One of three children born in Washington County, Virginia to a country storekeeper, the young Keys experienced early the heavy responsibilities that often went with life in the economically dependent area. His father lost the store, and his land, in the depression of the 1890's; then in 1904 he died, of exposure and cold. Keys's mother continued working in what had been the family business, but the eleven year-old boy had to drop out of school and take various lumbering and sawmilling jobs to help support the family. At his mother's insistence, Keys at sixteen went back to school. Early in life he had felt a call into the ministry. His father had nicknamed him "little preacher" even as a small child. And so, after finishing high school in Washington County and teaching school himself for a year, he entered King College in Bristol, Tennessee, in 1912. King was one of a number of small Southern Presbyterian colleges struggling early in the century to serve both church and the community. Founded shortly after the Civil War, its original board hoped it �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 75 would become a theological seminary. Many of its first students were Confederate veterans who wore their old uniforms to class. But the school soon blossomed into a liberal arts college, with a curriculum modeled on that of the University of Virginia. It did produce numerous ministers, including the Revs. James I. and Joseph Vance, whose father was at one time president of its board of trustees. Tuition was minimal. A tiny endowment raised by the founders prevented it "on more than one occasion . . . from closing its doors."33 Here Keys could study while living at home, repeating the experience of the Vance brothers. His classmates soon recognized Keys's talent for public speaking. He was elected senior class president and was valedictorian of the class of 1916. Keys stayed on to work for the Master's degree in 1917, then entered Union Seminary in Richmond, where he received the B.D. in 1920.34 In the fall of 1921, Keys married Eleanor Fell Fickle, of Bristol, Virginia. He was called to a group of churches in Charles City and New Kent Counties, Virginia, from 1920 to 1922, and then to Providence Forge and Cool Springs churches, also in rural Virginia, until being named superintendent of home missions and evangelist for Holston Presbytery at its spring 1925 meeting. From then until a breakdown forced him to resign his post in 1930, Keys traveled some ten thousand miles each year, visiting the churches, holding evangelistic services, and overseeing the various educational and fundraising operations of presbytery. Presbytery minutes of these years often included lengthy reports Keys prepared on his work. Two of his interests are especially evident from the record: his awareness of, and indeed promotion of, the area's potential for rapid economic development; and his concern to extend and upgrade the work and life of the region's churches. To Keys, the industrial growth of the area, and the newer type of agriculture which was producing crops for more distant markets, were bringing greater economic opportunity for the mountain people. "Huge enterprises and manufactories such as our fathers never dreamed of are rising in our midst," he wrote in 1929. "Certainly the outlook for this section is not a gloomy one. This means that there will be more people coming here all the while and more souls to be saved." To meet the need, he continually exhorted the churches to increase their level of giving while practicing "the utmost economy" in his own work.35 During 1929 Keys moderated five session meetings at Rumple Church. Late that spring he conducted special services for several days which brought a number of local residents forward to be baptized and received into the church: Lois Klutz, Mary Klutz, Edith White, Oma Green, Mrs. Cecil Critcher, Opal Pitts, Mae Tester, Beulah Lee Tester, �76 / Chapter Three and Cameron A. Williams. "Mrs. Lillie Hartley was received on statement of her having been member of the Reformed Church and restatement of her faith in Christ." Keys also urged the session to "place an electric sign board on the church yard, to have window cards, hotel signs, and a church paper covering the entire summer program printed." The session may well have considered calling Keys to the pastorate at Rumple, but early in 1930 his health failed him and he was forced to resign his post.36 In 1934 Keys and his wife moved with their three children to Roan Mountain, Tennessee, where both taught school until 1939. But his work at Blowing Rock had made an impression on the congregation. In 1940 he would receive the first of two calls to Rumple Church. ***** During 1929 Keys recommended that presbytery "authorize the grouping of the Banner Elk, Blowing Rock, and Shulls Mill [sic] Churches under one pastorate, and approve the appointment of a committee . . . to confer with said churches in effecting arrangements for such grouping," But this virtual recreation of Tufts's charge never occurred. In 1929, after five successful years, which had included a year and a half s leave of absence for additional study in Edinburgh, Scotland, Spence attempted to resign his pastorate at the Banner Elk Church and accept another call; his church did not want to let him go. A committee appointed by presbytery, after investigating the matter, recommended he be allowed to move. At the spring 1930 meeting of presbytery, the "Banner Elk-Blowing Rock field" was reported vacant. "Earnest effort is being made to secure God's man for this field soon."37 In the summer of 1930 another mountain preacher, the Rev. William R. Smith, Jr., a graduate of King College, 1915, and Union Seminary, 1924, left the pulpit of the Spruce Pine Presbyterian Church "to accept work as the director of religious activities with the Edgar Tufts Memorial Association at Banner Elk." Smith had spent a summer in the field at Shulls Mills while in seminary; he had served since 1926 on the staff of the Grandfather Home in Banner Elk. He would already have been familiar to many in the Blowing Rock church. On June 11, 1930, the session at Blowing Rock, moderated by the Rev. T. P. Johnson of Holston Presbytery, asked that Smith be appointed stated supply "until the next meeting of presbytery. The relationship is to con- �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 11 tinue until the request is made by session to discontinue it." On June 26, Smith got permission to "give to the Blowing Rock Church onefourth his time as stated supply." For almost exactly one year, until June 30, 1931, the Rev. Smith fulfilled his duties at Banner Elk and Blowing Rock, until he was granted a letter of dismission to Bluestone Presbytery in West Virginia. The Clerk of Presbytery at that time was "directed to write Mr. Smith a letter of appreciation of his services at Spruce Pine, N. C. and Banner Elk." Nothing was said of his services to Blowing Rock. Apparently Smith moderated just one session meeting (recorded only on a loose sheet of paper stuck in the minute book) during his year as stated supply; he undoubtedly considered his duties at Banner Elk his primary responsibility.38 This time the Blowing Rock pulpit was not vacant for long. On June 26, 1931, the recently ordained, twenty-nine year-old Grundy Sexton Buchanan, originally of Rich Valley, in Smyth County, Virginia, took over as pastor. He had been evangelist in Holston Presbytery for several months, working out of Rogersville, Tennessee, since graduating from Union Seminary in 1930. Buchanan had entered King College "late in life" (he was twenty-two) because it had been necessary to go away to high school, in Abington, to complete his secondary education; he graduated from King in the class of 1927. The minister later recalled he had "Godly parents" who saw that the large family was "trained in the true teachings and Doctrines of the Holy Bible and in the Traditions of the Presbyterian Church." Married to Nita Kensinger in May 1930, they had four children: Andrew Sexton, John Gatewood, David Campbell, and Betty Graham. His call to the church was formalized at a congregational meeting in September 1931, at which he was unanimously chosen as Rumple's first full-time pastor. A presbytery committee installed him on November 8. Buchanan served in Blowing Rock until April 1939. He later went on to a long ministry, mostly at mountain churches in Virginia. He died in 1986 at age 84.39 One of Buchanan's first actions was to attend to the spiritual life of his new congregation. "The session felt the need of a series of evangelistic services in the church and [set] the last two weeks in September" as the date, but for some reason the meetings were postponed until November. The Rev. John Martin assisted in these services. As often happened in such instances, the session shortly afterwards was called upon to examine individuals who presented themselves for baptism and church membership; some were relations of church members, a few were new to the fellowship. Joining in December 1931 were "Master William Teaster [sic]", William P. Klutz, Gladys Teaster, Bill White, �78 / Chapter Three and Miss Helen Sudderth. Mrs. Don Johnson also joined at this time, transferring her membership from a Baptist church, and her "little infant son, Steven Hawthorne Johnson" was baptized. The Rev. Martin attended this session meeting, no doubt to celebrate with the pastor the call of God to these new Christians.40 By the end of the church year 1931, membership stood at fifty. Another of Buchanan's obligations was to insure the church observed the Book of Church Order. Session meetings were to be held quarterly; they had been infrequent during the nearly two years the pulpit was vacant. The sacrament of communion was to be celebrated quarterly. And, "Due to the fact that the present plan of church finance seems inadequate, the Session unanimously adopted the envelope system and orders that it be put in practice immediately." The Depression years, and the absence of a regular pastor, had indeed been hard on the church's finances. Total giving for all causes during 1930 had been only $975, but in 1932 the church reported $3340 in receipts. The new pastor's salary still was supplemented from presbytery home mission funds, but increasingly the local congregation was being drawn into the support of the church, which grew greatly under his leadership.41 According to the Watauga Democrat in June, 1933, the "Rev. Buchanan has been taken in by the people of Blowing Rock and accepted as one of them and has made myriads of friends throughout the county." It was probably he who provided the church's nickname, "The Friendly Little Gray Church on the Mountain Top": the church was so "known to the thousands of tourist and resort followers" who visited in this period.42 Buchanan also helped to build the congregation's physical resources. During his years at Rumple, two structures which served the church for more than a generation were completed: a manse and a Sunday school plant. And as had become the pattern, summer residents played a major part in helping build his legacy. A fulltime pastor with a growing family needed a house to live in. For five years such a project had been stalled. But at the first session meeting Buchanan moderated, the decision was made to build a manse "on [the] church lot at [the] rear of [the] church"; it was actually built on the south side of the church, approximately where the 1970 educational building now stands.43 Dr. Vance preached a sermon and asked for a special offering on the fourth Sunday in July, 1931; $787 was collected toward the project in that Depression summer. The session authorized elder Joe White to draw up the plans and go ahead with the building, "appropriating money as far as [it] would go, and to secure as much free labor as possible." By November the job was done, at a cost of $2,000. It is not clear from the record how the rest was raised, or �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 79 which local people supplied the labor, but in March 1935, Eubert Holshouser, deacon and church treasurer, reported that "all bills were paid and obligations were met." March, 1933, marked a major psychological turning point in the economically depressed nation. Renewed public confidence had its reflection in Blowing Rock. When the church elders and deacons met around the pastor's supper table at the new manse on March 7, just three days after the inauguration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, "a general discussion was held regarding the world condition relative to the church." The Rev. D. C. Amick, presbytery evangelist, was present to "bring out the church's need and God's challenge to his people." At a well-attended preaching service afterwards, Amick took his text from Malachi 3: 8-10: "Will a man rob God? ... Bring ye all the tithes into the storehouse, that there may be meat in mine house, and prove me now herewith, saith the Lord of hosts, if I will not open you the windows of heaven, and pour you out a blessing, that there shall not be room enough to receive it." "The sermon was helpful and forceful," the minutes recorded. "We hope much good will come from this meeting. A determinate manifestation was to continue work by the help of God. Plans were made to have every member canvas on Sunday, March 19th." During the summer of 1933, the church co-sponsored with the Banner Elk Presbyterian Church a Bible conference which brought the Rev. Dr. F. Crossley Morgan, "one of the greatest living expositors of God's Word," to lead a week-long series of meetings at both places. "Trained for the Christian ministry by his father, Dr. G. Campbell Morgan," the well-known author, minister, and Bible teacher, the younger Morgan had been decorated for service in the British Army during First World War, and for several years had served Presbyterian pulpits throughout the South before going full time into Bible conference work. His appearance in Rumple's pulpit indicated the nature of the outreach the church was making to residents and summer people alike.44 As the church's membership increased, so, too, did its need for additional space. Sunday school enrollment by 1935 had reached 145, including the Cradle Roll, with a total of ten teachers and officers. But local resources remained inadequate to enlarge the church plant: out of a total of seventy-eight on the church roll, thirty members subscribed to the every member canvas in 1935, but their pledges toward local work and benevolences combined came to only $561.45 In its need, the session did not hesitate once again to turn to summer residents for help. The first Sunday in August, 1935, was set aside �80 / Chapter Three for a special offering "for the general expenses of the church." No record remains of the amount collected, but it must have come nowhere near what was hoped. At a congregational meeting that September, "A question was put before the house as to whether we would try and build a Sunday School plant or install a heating system in the main summer auditorium—there was [a] unanimous vote to install heat . . . and due to lack of funds . . . trust to future for our cherished dream of a Sunday School plant." By November 1935, excavation work and installation of the first central heating system for the stone church was completed. The Sunday school building would have to wait.46 ***** As the summer of 1936 approached, Blowing Rock Presbyterians began making plans to observe the church's fiftieth anniversary. One of the curiosities in the church's history is the decision to pick 1936, and not 1937, to celebrate the occasion. To be sure, the building had been erected, and dedicated by Dr. Rumple, fifty years earlier. But such careful followers of the Book of Church Order as the Revs. Buchanan, Vance, and Vardell, and Dr. Martin, must have known that until presbytery orders a church name entered on its roll, and accepts members, formal organization has not been effected. In Blowing Rock's case this did not occur until July, 1887. What clues exist for the decision to celebrate the semicentennial a year early? Still at the church are some of the materials collected for the event. Someone, presumably Buchanan, obtained in 1936 excerpts of Concord Presbytery records from the Historical Foundation at Montreat. These materials, along with some information on the church's current affairs, he turned over to Dr. Vardell, who seems to have been the guiding spirit behind preparing the sketch of the church's history. Vardell, in turn, delegated to his brother-in-law, Dr. Martin, the job of writing up the story of the building of the rock church. The original typescript of several pages covering only that subject, signed by Martin, is still extant in the church papers. These two men, along with elder Eubert Holshouser, would read the history to the congregation on July 26, 1936. Interestingly, the typed pages obtained from Montreat were "corrected" in longhand at some point by someone to make 1886 instead of 1887 the date for the church's organization. So a mis- �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 81 taken choice of date, if there was one, would most likely have been made by Vardell. Perhaps he had actually convinced himself that the records of Concord Presbytery were in error! But another clue exists as to why the celebration took place in 1936. By that year, all the church's living links to its founding were in retirement. Vardell had turned over leadership of Flora MacDonald to a younger man in 1930. Martin had retired as president of the Assembly's Training School in 1933. And in 1936 Dr. Vance stepped down as pastor of First Presbyterian Church in Nashville; ill health now plagued the once-powerful preacher who over the years had done so much for the Blowing Rock church and community. No doubt all three men were feeling keenly their own mortality. It is significant that Vance apparently took no active part at the 1936 anniversary service, although he was most certainly in attendance. The celebration seems to have been entirely the idea of these men, in any case; nothing in the minutes shows the session ever discussed the matter. Might they not have feared that at least one of their number might not live to see the true anniversary date? Whatever the motive, the celebration was observed on July 26,1936. The program included an organ prelude played by Dell Bernhardt (Mrs. Henry) Wilson, a summer resident from Lenoir, who would later write The Grandfather and the Globe, a fictionalized account of local experiences during the Civil War. Hers was one of four generations of the Bernhardt family to summer in Blowing Rock. A soprano solo was sung by Christine Henkel, member of a "transplant" family originally of Lenoir and Statesville risen to prominence by its real estate transactions and ties to the summer community; but she was not a Rumple Church member. The choir sang an anthem by composer Charles Gounod, "Father of Heaven," which, the bulletin noted, had been played at the dedication of the first church.47 This fact could have been known to only a few people living. Perhaps Linda Rumple Vardell, herself an accomplished musician, knew it from her mother. The main address that Sunday, "Our Church-What She Has Done, Is Doing, and May Do," compiled by Vardell and Martin and later retyped and widely circulated locally, has served until now as the only written history of the church and has been cited frequently in this account. Several items in it of interest as of 1936, however, should be noted, as should some of its omissions. First, it included a page tracing the relationship between the church and the Grandfather Orphanage in Banner Elk. Vardell recounted his visit to Tufts's work in 1918, described his first collection of $1000 from the summer congregation at Rumple, and listed the amount of �82 / Chapter Three the annual offerings to date. The source for the figures Vardell gave is not known; if any records had been kept at the church, they have since disappeared. The Grandfather collections were at this time usually kept "off the books," anyway; they were not tallied among other church benevolences in the annual reports to the General Assembly. Possibly the Edgar Tufts Memorial Association supplied the numbers, but more likely they came from Vardell's own accounts, since all along the project had been dear to his heart. Up to 1936, the highest annual amount collected was $4,421.39 in 1925; but the 1927 sum was almost as high: $4,305.07. After reaching $4,000.00 in 1930, collections dropped to a Depression low of $2,530.73 in 1933; but by 1935 the amount had crept back upward to $2,660.78. Altogether the church had contributed $43,364.61 to the Home by 1936. By including in the church's history an account of the work done on the Home's behalf, Vardell undoubtedly did much to hallow the tradition. New promoters were soon to step forward who would help raise the amounts collected to even greater heights, but Grandfather Home Sunday has remained the single largest benefaction ever undertaken at Rumple Church. Another segment of the church's history described the support provided to the work of Mary G. Warfield, M.D., who had moved to Blowing Rock "In the providence of God" and at the urging of a number of local and summer people concerned especially for the "care of the mountain women at the time of childbirth." In 1928 she began a medical practice which lasted almost twenty years. Dr. Warfield joined Rumple Church in 1941. Her clinic was consistently supported, both by the local members and the summer residents, from the time of her arrival; she made many house calls as well. The care of infants and children was her chief interest: she held free "well baby" clinics and "tonsil clinics" for local residents, and as her practice grew, she needed a more permanent facility in which to work. A building just behind Rumple Church was erected and equipped for her between 1933 and 1935. Up to 1936 church members and summer people had donated more than five thousand dollars' worth of land, labor, and materials, while church offerings had procured several items of specialized equipment. To Dr. Warfield's work may be traced the origins of today's Blowing Rock Hospital. She retired to Tryon, N.C. in early 1947, turning over her practice to Dr. Charles Davant. And so the church had played a part in providing the community with its first modern health care facility. The sense of mission which Presbyterians had so often dis- �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 83 played in their dedication to schooling and to medical work had left another legacy of community service in Blowing Rock.48 The 1936 historical account said nothing about the important activities of the local Women's Auxiliary, or as such groups were becoming known in the denomination by the 1930's, the Women of the Church. As another form of community service and as a means for encouraging women's devotional worship, however, it deserved mention.49 The first record of women's work at the Blowing Rock church went back to 1906, when Mrs. Gaither Hall attended a meeting of the Women's Home and Missionary Union of Concord Presbytery, held in Salisbury that September. She was elected vice-president of the group for Watauga County. No records show the extent of that body's activity locally, and as Mrs. Hall moved away in 1907, it is uncertain who, if anyone, provided leadership after her departure.50 Then "on a cold, snowy day, January 30,1930," Mrs. J. H. VonCanon and Mrs. W. C. Tate, two prominent members of the Banner Elk Presbyterian Church, came over to meet at Mrs. W. L. Holshouser's home with a number of the Blowing Rock church women to help organize an Auxiliary. The original officers were: Mrs. H. F. Ingle, president, Mrs. H. P. Holshouser, vice-president, Mrs. E. G. Underdown, secretary, and Mrs. W. L. Holshouser, treasurer. "Friends from the Baptist church and the school... joined the Auxiliary in the observance of the day of prayer for schools and colleges." That summer the women of Holston Presbytery held a group conference at Rumple Church; "there were fifty-six ladies present, also several resident summer visitors." By the late 1930's, some of the projects which the Women of the Church had sponsored included: serving for Grace Hospital, and sending sheets and baby gowns to that cause in Banner Elk; taking collections for the "Birthday Projects" supported by the denomination's Women of the Church;51 holding "weeks of prayer and self-denial" and Bible study classes for the membership; sponsoring the first Daily Vacation Bible School in the summer of 1933; canning goods for shipment to Grandfather Home, starting in 1934; and making curtains for the new Sunday school building in 1936-7. Combined membership in two WOC circles by the time of the semicentennial stood at 25.52 The educational and service function of this organization is difficult to calculate, but it must have been great. For many women it served as their chief social outlet; for the church it was an important source of strength, both spiritual and material. It continues to play a key role in the life of the church to this day. �84 / Chapter Three ***** Annie Ludlow Cannon loved children. By 1936 she had generously supported for more than twenty years Presbyterian causes in Concord, in the mountains, and elsewhere. She and her husband Joseph F. Cannon during the 1920's built "Miramichi," the summer cottage in Mayview Park where she lived for some forty years. Nearby was the summer home of her brother-in-law, Ross Cannon, and his wife. Other Cannons, Charles A. "Charlie" Cannon and James "Jim" Cannon, also had summer places in town. All attended Rumple Church and aided its work; but Annie Cannon was closest to the young people. Probably no layperson so touched the lives of Rumple children as did Annie Cannon. Not only have both the church's educational buildings been made possible by her generosity; she was herself a dedicated Christian teacher. Many now in middle age remember her "Good News Bible Classes," which were open to all the town's youth. Her teaching was strikingly visual, and to a generation that had never seen television, and rarely a movie, her method left behind vivid impressions of the Biblical scenes and spiritual lessons she described. Using an easel to hold her large storyboard, she placed her oil-painted characters and symbols, backed with felt, against a flannel background, where they adhered during the story, or were easily moved as appropriate to the lesson. If now and then a piece fell to the floor, it only added to the children's delight. Her work was sponsored in Blowing Rock, Concord, and other places by the interdenominational Child Evangelism Fellowship. In her mature years she carried her lessons widely to other churches, local summer camps and adult groups as well. For the teenagers and young adults of the community, the Cannons' house was frequently open on Sunday evenings for hymn singing, refreshments, and fellowship. Older summer residents, too, often attended; here the generations met and some of the barriers between "local" and "summer" people were overcome.53 Until her death in March, 1965, at Blowing Rock, Annie Cannon seems to have demonstrated the gift of Christian charity to all she knew. She commanded nearly universal affection and respect, for despite disparities of wealth, she mixed amiably with many local people, regularly visiting prayer circle meetings, for example, at the home of Mrs. Martha Tester, who counted Mrs. Cannon "one of her dearest friends."54 Born in Winston-Salem in 1887, the same year Rumple Church was organized, she and her husband reared three children of their own, as well as a granddaughter, Anne Cannon Reynolds, who in 1938 joined �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 85 Rumple Church on profession of faith at age eight. By 1936 Mrs. Cannon had convinced her husband that she should provide in her will for Rumple Church; she was determined that the children she had come to love would have adequate facilities there, and that the congregation would be able to worship comfortably all year around. Yet she was not satisfied. It took some more convincing, but in that year she persuaded Joe Cannon that the project should not have to await her death.55 And so on Sunday, May 24, 1936, after church, she met with the session and "expressed her desire to build on adequate Sunday School rooms to the church and ask[ed] the permission of the session to do so, which was done with a deep appreciation of what Mrs. Cannon is and does for our church. The session voted to maintain said building after it is builded." Mrs. Cannon and Buchanan named the building committee: "Rev. G. S. Buchanan, ex-officio; Howard Holshouser, chairman; Joe White, Ed Underdown, Clark Brown, Mrs. W. L. Holshouser, W. L. Holshouser. The committee was to begin at once to plan and begin building." Everyone on the committee was a long-time local member except for Brown; he and his wife and two daughters lived three years, 1935-1938, in Blowing Rock, then returned to Jefferson, where they rejoined the Jefferson Presbyterian Church.56 By the semicentennial summer, then, work on the building was well underway. Contractor for the project was Cameron A. Williams, a church member after 1929 and builder of a number of homes in Blowing Rock. The work was done the old-fashioned way, with mules and drag pans; no mechanized equipment had yet appeared in town. Numerous local men worked on the project. Former clerk of session Rudolph Greene remembers helping lay floor tiles and doing other jobs; he was fourteen at the time.57 The building measured twenty-eight by fifty-four feet and was two stories high. Detached from the stone church, it projected some ten feet beyond the line of the original building on the north and came about even with it on the south. A covered alcove allowed passage from the two buildings; here the choir would wait on summer Sundays to enter the choirloft of the main sanctuary directly from an outside door. Above its rock foundation the new wing was finished in wood shingles. "On the first floor is a large room for the infant class, three other classrooms, a kitchen, a hall measuring 27 feet long by 10 feet 6 inches, and a furnace room that can be used as a classroom. The second floor is an auditorium with a rostrum and floor space measuring 40 by 27 feet."58 Over the next thirty-five years, the structure served as Sunday school plant and winter chapel as well; for it had become clear that �86 / Chapter Three the heating system just installed in the rock church was inadequate. The "auditorium," considerably remodeled and refurbished in recent years, still serves as winter chapel. In April 1987 it was named the Keys Chapel "To Honor the Ministry and Lives" of Dr. and Mrs. Keys, "Whose service to this Church and the Community of Blowing Rock endeared them to all." Sunday, October 4,1936, the day after the building was completed, a special all-day program celebrated the event, "setting [the new structure] apart to the teaching and preaching ministry of our Lord Jesus Christ." A "Rally Day Program" called "The Lighted Way" involved all the children—membership in the church school had reached 175 by 1936-during the morning. Buchanan delivered an address. Dinner on the grounds was served afterwards "to a large gathering." That afternoon "appropriate dedication services were held," the pastor preaching from Matthew 16:18: "I will build my Church." After the consecration, "The service was appropriately closed by the observance of the Lord's Supper." In a "Historical Note" for the session records Buchanan wrote, "This building was presented to the congregation by Mrs. Joe Cannon who paid for the erection of the building. May God bless her richly for this glorious deed and service to Him who is the great head of the Church."59 The new facilities led to an extension of the church's Sunday school program, and permitted other, wider outreach. The 1937 records provided a full list of teachers and workers then active: J. E. ("Peck") Holshouser, superintendent; L. D. (Dow) Tester, assistant superintendent; Mrs. W. L. Holshouser, treasurer; and Bob Hardin, secretary. Teachers were: men's Bible class, the Rev. Buchanan; women's Bible class, Mrs. W. L. Holshouser and Mrs. L. D. (Martha) Tester; young people's class, Mrs. Jane Story; intermediate girls' and boys' class, Mrs. Don Johnson; junior girls, Mrs. Buchanan; junior boys, Mrs. Jessie Burns; primary department, Mrs. Bill Holshouser; beginners' department, Mrs. J. E. Holshouser. A nursery and cradle roll department was unassigned that year. In 1937, the church gave over use of its new facilities to the fall meeting of Holston Presbytery. "The session voted to buy necessary foods which would not be donated such as the meats for the dinner to be served to Presbytery on Tuesday, October 5, 1937. And all necessary arrangements were made to cooperate in making Presbytery comfortable and happy while here."60 In 1938 session also voted to "sponsor the Boy Scout Troop No. 42 of Blowing Rock for the coming year 1939."61 The church at last had a plant which met the needs of its year round membership and allowed it a greater community role. �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 87 ***** During the interwar period, and for many years to come, the color line was still observed in Blowing Rock. The town had practically no permanent black residents. But the black "help" many of the summer people brought with them-chauffeurs, cooks, "nurses" for their children-were not accepted in the local churches. Rumple Church apparently allowed "the colored people" to use the old Sunday school room for services on Sunday evenings; it is not clear when this practice began. At a session meeting in June, 1932, the matter was discussed: would the practice go on that summer "as usual"? The session declared itself "not in favor of granting this permission, due to the fact that the young people of the church had spent a considerable sum of money to fix up the Sunday School room for their own use. The session advised, however, that the authorities be notified to this effect, and that special effort be made to secure another place." If none was found, the session agreed to reconsider the matter.62 Apparently none was. In early July the session met again on the issue. "It was decided to grant them permission, but should Dr. Vance, Dr. Vardell, or Dr. [sic] Dunn or other ministers decide to have services for them they are welcome to do so, but we refuse to turn over service to colored people without white supervision." The following summer the session was even more negative: the "colored people's" use of the building conflicted with Rumple's own evening program; "some among us feel offended"; the building was "in constant use" on Sundays, which prevented it being used by others; "we feel constrained to refuse the use of the church to the colored people. . . . The pastor was ordered to write the session's action to these colored people requesting services."63 But next month the session members relented a bit. Perhaps Vance, Vardell, and Dunn convinced them to permit use of the Sunday school room for a service on August 6,1933; "this is not a permanent arrangement."64 No record shows what happened in 1934, but in July 1935 the session met at Will Holshouser's store to go over the issue again. "All objections were brought out coming from others. After thoughtful and prayerful discussion, it was unanimously decided . . . to permit the colored people to use the Sunday school room with the understanding that the service was to begin at 8:30 p.m. and close at 9:30. This was due to the fact that long services have been held heretofore —to the interference and disturbance of the hospital at rear of church."65 Here �88 / Chapter Three matters stood for several years; not until the late 1940's, and another generation of leaders emerged, would new arrangements for the blacks' worship be worked out. ***** By the end of the 1930's, Rumple Memorial's membership had increased to 116. A fulltime pastor had obviously proved of enormous benefit to the congregation's growth and outreach. But the church's budget still did not allow for full support of the pastor's salary; Buchanan continued to get supplements from presbytery's home missions committee. Despite a doubled membership at the church, the minister got only one salary increase in seven full years of service, from $810 to $900 in 1934. The amount of presbytery's support had risen from $400 to $480 by 1939. His housing was of course taken care of. It is quite possible that some summer residents assisted him with gifts which went unreported, and he got paid for an occasional service conducted in some other church. Still, with a growing family to support, his checks would not have stretched far. The grand total raised in the church year 1938 from the permanent membership, for current expenses and for regular benevolent causes, was only $1505.96. The congregation had for several years been taking up a special summer collection to help cover its regular expenses; and in March 1939, as budget time again approached, the session discussed "raising our unsubscribed budget by private subscription among summer friends, thus eliminating the annual summer offering if possible." But the following month, after the session had accepted the next year's budget, which again foresaw no salary increase for the pastor, Buchanan asked to resign. Although the record says nothing of his reasons, he may have been discouraged by the church's inability to pay aU of his support.66 Buchanan's request touched off nearly a year of difficult times. The congregational meeting called to discuss his resignation resulted in a vote to keep him on; another meeting had to be convened to release him, for Buchanan had by then accepted a call to the Mount Carmel Church in Lee County, Virginia. A pulpit committee met several times, apparently without result, and Dr. Vardell was asked to "assist in supplying the pulpit until a pastor is secured." A "Rev. Mr. Fox" assisted at several services; he preached on the Sunday Mrs. Cannon joined by transfer of her church letter, on October 8,1939. A congrega- �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 89 tional meeting later that month called the Rev. Frank King, then serving several churches in and around Bristol, Virginia. But King did not come: he soon became instead assistant pastor at Idlewild Church in Memphis. The Rev. John Yelton, home missions superintendent for Holston Presbytery, preached and also moderated a number of session meetings during this period. A product of Plumtree School and a summer worker at Shulls Mills in earlier days, Yelton would have been familiar with the area, and also with the recovery to health of the man who had been his predecessor at presbytery. It was Yelton who, at a meeting in March, 1940, "after telling of the life and work of Rev. Keys, asked the congregation to vote by ballot on the question of calling Rev. Keys to the pastorship." The vote was overwhelmingly in favor. Keys was given the annual salary of $1500, only about $120 more than his predecessor had received, but subventions from presbytery were no longer requested. Keys was to be the first pastor at Rumple Church fully supported from locally-donated funds. A new and still more active chapter in Rumple Memorial's history was about to open.67 �90 / Chapter Three Notes for Chapter Three 1. "Business Section of Blowing Rock Almost Completely Destroyed," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, p. 12. "Around Town," ibid., p. 37. 2. "From the Charlotte Observer: Improvements Made In Blowing Rock," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, p. 13. The Observer's owner from 1892 to 1914, Daniel A. Tompkins, had a summer home in Blowing Rock from 1909 until his death. The newspaper, under his successors, was a strong supporter of the North Carolina "Good Roads" movement, which was a great benefit to the state's mountain regions. Claiborne, The Charlotte Observer, pp. 141,143. 3. The road from Valle Crucis via Shulls Mills to Blowing Rock was also apparently a toll road until about this time: Lois Hayes, "An Account of the Shulls Mills Settlement Until 1940," in Sanna Gaffney, et. al, The Heritage of Watauga County, North Carolina, Volume I, 1984 (Winston-Salem, NC: Hunter Publishing Co., 1984), pp. 71-73. Hereinafter cited as Hayes, "An Account." 4. Letter, Dr. W. J. Martin to W. J. Martin III, July 13, 1921, in W. J. Martin papers, Davidson College Library. By this date the Martins also had a summer home at Montreat; Martin had bought a lot there in 1913. The family spent part of each summer at each place. 5. "Around Town," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, p. 7. 6. "Autos Brings [sic] About Early Changes," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, p. 62. 7. "From the Charlotte Observer: Improvements Made in Blowing Rock," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, p. 13. 8. "Early Horse Show Days Recalled," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, p. 66. 9. Vardell-Gage, "Blowing Rock Memories." According to Gage's recollection, Mayview was named by artist Elliott Dangerfield for his first wife. 10. Ernestine may thus have attracted the eye of Mayview developer Walter Alexander; she later became his wife: ibid. 11. Thomas Hugh Spence, Jr., An Annotated Autobiography (Montreat, NC: For Private Distribution, 1981). p. 39. Hereinafter cited as Spence, A u to biography. 12. William C. Cannon of Concord, who has summered at Blowing Rock since he was a year old (he was born in 1913) recalls that his family's place, now owned by his sister and her husband, Mariam and Bob Hayes, across from the Green Park Inn, had its own electric generator and water supply, a tank in the attic supplied from a spring which had to be filled every day. Oral interview, January 1987. See also Vardell-Gage, "Blowing Rock Memories," section titled "Utilities." Rumple Church seems to have been wired for electricity in late �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 91 1923; the first record in Holshouser's accounts of a bill "for electric lights," in the amount of $6, was paid in November of that year. RMPC Session Records, old book, p. 115. 13. Ina Woestmeyer Van Noppen and John J. Van Noppen, Western North Carolina Since the Civil War (Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1973), pp. 110-111, citing Alfred Mordecai, "James Edwin Brooks, M.D." (North Carolina Medical Journal [June, 1958]). 14. Letter, M. E. Weedon to Bessie Tufts, 4.20.23., kindly provided to the author by Margaret Tufts Neal. 15. Spence, Autobiography, pp. 39-42. 16. The name of the settlement is spelled alternately ShulTs Mill, Shulls Mills, and ShulFs Mills in various accounts. It seems the church, when it was registered in Presbytery, was called the Shulls Mills Presbyterian Church. 17. Ministerial Directory, 1940 edition. Neal, Sacred Flame, p. 78. Hayes, "An Account," pp. 71-73. The Shulls Mills Church was organized October 10,1919, with eleven charter members; W. S. Whiting and C. D. Fox were elected and installed as elders: Minutes of Holston Presbytery, fall 1920 meeting. 18. Tindall, Emergence of the New South, pp. 326-330. Kate Peterson, "Boone Fork Institute," Watauga County Times... past (September 1984), pp. 2-5. 19. Hayes, "An Account," p. 73. 20. RMPC Session Records, pp. 20-23; Minutes of Holston Presbytery, spring 1925 and fall 1925. The Rev. Christopher McCoy Franklin, a Crossnore natve, was "president and co-founder" of the Crossnore School and pastor of the Crossnore Presbyterian Church, 1920-1933; Ministerial Directory, 1975 ed. 21. Neal, Sacred Flame, p. 116-117; and oral interviews with Jo Greene, July 1987, and William Cannon, January 1987. The Cannon home was next door to the Knoxes, across from the Green Park Inn. Cannon remembers the Knox sisters as "wonderful neighbors" and loyal Presbyterians; they always kept his family informed as to who was preaching each week at the church. None of the sisters ever married; the story went that their father never found any man worthy enough for them. 22. In 1921 a Sunday school room had been added at the rear of the church, with $450 borrowed from Lees-McRae Institute. No picture or description of this room has survived. It was removed during the construction of the chapel wing in 1936: RMPC session records, p. 18. 23. RMPC, Session Minutes, Book I; Martin, "1936 History," p. 6. Hibbs also designed the new Maxwell B. Chambers building at Davidson during this period. In 1929 he received gold medals for his church and college building architecture at the Southern Exhibit in Memphis: Who's Who in America, 1948-49 edition. 24. Vardell-Gage, "Blowing Rock Memories." �92 / Chapter Three 25. Interview with Rudolph Greene, December 1986. Greene recalled that while he and Coffey were working on the project, Rev. Blake Brinkerhoff drove by the church and saw the work in progress, but did not notice Coffey, who was working inside. The next Sunday in church the preacher told the congregation what a great job Greene had done, not acknowledging Coffey. Greene remembered he "felt like falling through the floor," but Coffey "got a kick out of it." 26. The Manual of Abingdon Presbytery charged the home missions committee "To have the oversight of mission schools, the superintendent visiting the schools and examining the pupils on their Bible course ... [and] to guarantee the salaries of all workers, seeing that as much as possible is raised in the field, and the balance paid from our treasury." Presumably Holston Presbytery had similar arrangements: Edward Marshall Craig, comp. and ed., Highways and Byways of Appalachia: A Study of the Work of the Synod ofAppalachia of the Presbyterian Church in the United States (Kingsport, TN: Kingsport Press, 1927), p. 31. 27. Ibid., p. 47. 28. Peterson, "Boone Fork Institute," pp. 3-4. 29. Minutes of Holston Presbytery, fall 1921 meeting. 30. Ministerial Directory, 1956 edition; information on his death from Watauga County Register of Deeds Office. 31. Minutes of Holston Presbytery, spring 1929 meeting. 32. Ernest Trice Thompson, Presbyterian Missions in the Southern United States (Richmond: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1934), p. 239 and passim. 33. Tilden Scherer, "King College," in Highways and Byways, pp. 101-110; quotation on pp. 108-109. Scherer had been chosen president of the college in 1911. In 1917 King moved to a new campus outside of town; in 1931 it became co-educational when mounting debts forced the closing of Stonewall Jackson College for women in Abingdon, which was consolidated with King: Thompson, Presbyterians, III, 171-173. 34. "This is Your Life," scrapbook complied by Carolyn Forrest, 1963, as a tribute to Keys at his retirement from Bee Ridge Presbyterian Church. Lent to the author by his daughter, Julia Keys Williams. 35. Minutes of Holston Presbytery, spring 1929 meeting, pp. 29-30. The section Keys prepared on "Home Mission Work in Holston Presbytery," in Highways and Byways, pp. 41-50, also touts the scenic splendors of the region; Keys asked his readers, "Would it not be both delightful and profitable for the members of our churches to visit the Home Mission work of Holston Presbytery and at the same time see the wonders of the country in which it is being carried on? Let's 'See Holston Presbytery, and the Synod of Appalachia, first.'" Keys later became one of Blowing Rock's most enthusiastic promoters of tourism: during the early 1950's he served as secretary of the town's chamber of commerce; see next chapter. �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 93 36. RMPC Session Records, pp. 30-32. Early in 1931, Mrs. Keys wrote to Presbytery gratefully acknowledging the continuation of Keys's salary through the year 1930, but told Presbytery it "had done all they had a right to expect, that there was no possibility Mr. Keys would soon be able to undertake the strenuous work of superintendent," and that the committee should seek another for the position: Minutes of Holston Presbytery, spring 1931 meeting. 37. Minutes of Holston Presbytery, spring 1930 meeting. 38. Ibid., spring 1931 meeting. RMPC session records, old book, pp. 33-34. UTS General Catalog, p. 199. The work Tufts and McKaraher had done at Shulls Mills was a seedbed of later service: in addition to Smith, another summer field worker, the Rev. John Yelton, would go on to hold important posts in Holston Presbytery. Still another who worked there during the 1920's was R. H. Hardin, M.D., whom Whiting had hired to provide medical care for his employees. In 1925 Hardin moved with his family to Banner Elk, where he became a permanent member of the staff at Grace Hospital: Neal, Sacred Flame, pp. 148-150. 39. RMPC Session Records, Book I, pp. 24-27. Perhaps as a way of learning the church's history, Buchanan in 1932 copied in his own hand all the earlier session minutes into a new book. Comparison with the original records shows he made a few errors; to this point I have cited the original records. His installation: Minutes of Holston Presbytery, spring 1932 meeting, p. 12. His service: Ministerial Directory, 1983 edition, and "A Reflective Autobiographical Sketch of the Life and Ministry in the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. of Grundy Sexton Buchanan," in WOC History of Sinking Springs Presbyterian Church, Hot Springs, Va., for 1971, at Historical Foundation, Montreat. Buchanan later called his ministry at Blowing Rock "a most happy" one. In addition to the building of the manse and educational building, he recalled that "the foundation for a church was laid in the nearby town of Boone" during his time. 40. RMPC, Session Records, Book I, pp. 38-39. The Rev. Martin held another series of services in late November, 1935; fifteen additional members were added at that time. Most were descendants of the various families who by now were making up much of the local membership: Greenes, Walsers, Whites. 41. Ibid., p. 34. Excerpts from statistical tables in Minutes of General Assembly of PCUS, prepared for the church March 13, 1933 by Historical Foundation, Montreat, N.C.; in RMPC records. 42. "Little Stone Presbyterian Church At Blowing Rock Attracts Visitors," Watauga Democrat, June 1, 1933, p. 3. The article by Arnold Coffey gave a short history of the church, used a picture of Dr. Vance as illustration, and listed the entire fifty-seven person membership. Jim O'Dell, ASU graduate student and son of former elder Jim O'Dell, kindly supplied this reference. 43. The building of the manse necessitated moving some grave markers which had stood on the church's south side, presumably dating from the congregation's earliest days. Old photographs show a few headstones on the site; these were apparently put under the stone church at this time. �94 / Chapter Three 44. "Bible Conference," pamphlet for August 6-11, 1933, services, in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. I. 45. RMPC Session Records, new book, p. 57. 46. Ibid., pp. 61-62. 47. Church Bulletin, July 26,1936; original preserved in Perry Lentz's family, copies in church records. 48. 1936 History," p. 8; "Mary Campbell Warfield Was Dedicated Doctor of 1930-1946," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, p. 21. Much of Dr. Warfield's work must have been done at virtual charity rates. Rudolph Greene recalls that once when he received a leg injury on his job with the telephone company, Dr. Warfield dressed his wound and treated him for thirty cents — and that included the cost of the bandage: oral interview, December 1986. 49. Perhaps because VardeU and Martin were summer people, they knew little of the women's work; it would be uncharitable to think they considered it unimportant, especially as Vardell's school, Flora MacDonald, considered one of its major functions to be the training of young women for the life of Christian service, whether at home or in the church. 50. Minutes of Stated Meeting of Concord Presbytery, September 1906, p. 195. 51. For the denomination's WOC activity and its attitude toward women generally in this era see Thompson, Presbyterians, III, 384-402: Southern Presbyterian women were slow to organize, compared to other Protestant groups in the United States, and they encountered some opposition from conservatives within the church; a denominational Women's Auxiliary can be dated to 1912. From 1922, the tenth anniversary of the organization, a "birthday gift" offering was authorized each year to be raised by the women for one of the church's many worthy causes at home or abroad. By 1959 "the total of 38 birthday gift offerings was in excess of three and a half million dollars. The abiding value of these gifts, for a wide variety of projects, often imaginatively conceived, is beyond estimation." Ibid., p. 393. 52. "History of the Woman's Auxiliary of Blowing Rock Presbyterian Church," historical sketch to 1937 written by Mrs. H. F. Ingle; at Historical Foundation, Montreat. The WOC histories for RMPC, and other churches in the denomination, are an important local history source at the Foundation. A rare honor is to be chosen "Honorary Life Member" of the WOC; since its founding only eight have been so designated: Alma Robbins, Mary White, Sarah Payne, Ethel Burns, Alice Lentz, Mabel Holshouser, Merle Weakley, and Mary Smith. Information supplied by Mary Smith and Bernie Greene, November 1987. 53. So, too, were the barriers overcome between employer and employee: in the Cannons' employ for many years were Wade and Jeba Klutz, who came with them each summer to Blowing Rock; the couple participated actively at Rumple Church, frequently assisted Mrs. Cannon with her "scene-o-felt" lessons, and took part in all sorts of community activities. A close friend recalls that Wade Klutz had been hired by Joe Cannon to look after his wife and her �From Mission to Mainstream, 1923-1940 / 95 business affairs sometime in the early 1930's. Klutz, originally from near Salisbury, had been an automobile dealer in Charlotte when Cannon met him. The Klutzes accompanied the Cannons on their annual trips from Concord to Blowing Rock to Pass-a-griUe, Florida, where they later had a winter home. Oral interview with Jo Greene, July 1987. See also "Mrs. Cannon's Work Long Remembered," The Blowing Rocket, special edition, p. 28. 54. Oral interview with church member Gladys Tester, daughter of L. D. and Martha Tester, December 1987. 55. Interview with Jo Greene, July 1987; as someone very close to the Cannon family —she practically raised Annie Cannon's grandson, Zack Tate—Jo Greene was in a position to hear many of the family stories which have been passed on about the Joseph Cannons. No record remains locally of the cost of the 1936 project. 56. RMPC Session Records, Book I, pp. 74-77. For the Browns: entries for December 1, 1935, and December 11, 1938, pp. 65, 101. Brown was elected deacon in April, 1936, serving until he was "reluctantly granted" his letter to the Jefferson church: ibid,, Register of Deacons. 57. Oral interview with Rudolph Greene, January 1987. 58. "1936 Church History," p. 4. 59. RMPC Session Records, Book I, p. 77. 60. Ibid., p. 89. 61. Ibid., p. 102. 62. Ibid,, p. 31. 63. Ibid,, p. 31. 64. Ibid., p. 40. 65. Ibid., p. 60. After that summer R. A. Dunn wrote his "personal appreciations for the way the church provided religious worship for the colored servants during summer. Also a check [was] presented for church expenses to the amt of $25.00. The clerk was ordered to acknowledge by letter the same." Ibid., p. 63. For more on Dunn, see chapter five. 66. Ibid., pp. 104-107. 67. Ibid., pp. 109-114. Ministerial Directory, 1986 edition, and Neal, Sacred Flame, p. 78. �This page intentionally left blank �trr^gg ;:s=p> Main Street, Blowing Rock, in the 1890's. The first church structure is visible through the trees on the left in this, the only known photograph extant of it. �The Rev. Jethro Rumple, D. D. The Rev. C. A. Munroe, pastor of the Lenoir Church and chairman of the home missions committee of Concord Presbytery. This picture must have been taken about the time he was active in the establishment of the Blowing Rock Church. �The Rev. Dr. James I. Vance, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of Nashville, summered in Blowing Rock beginning about 1900, preaching often and powerfully at Rumple Church, His eloquence helped bring in the funds which made possible the building of the stone church and the congregation's support of Grandfather Home for some twenty years until his death in 1939. The Rev. Dr. Charles G. Vardell, first president of Flora Macdonald College in Red Springs, labored energetically on the stone church building project along with his brother-in-law, Dr. William J. Martin. His fundraising abilities were extended for years on behalf of Tufts's work in Banner Elk. Dr. William J. Martin, son of Col. William J. Martin of Davidson College. Dr. Martin, president of Davidson, 1912-1929, summered in Blowing Rock most of his life and designed the present stone sanctuary in 1905-6. "The Drs. Sloop," Mary Martin and Eustace H., in the early 1950's. Their 1908 wedding may have been the first in the stone sanctuary, which had been designed by Mrs. Sloop's brother. They devoted their adult years to medical and educational work in Crossnore. �^ ^* ^ ^ O*^ ^%^^^t^^^^>C^ <?<**M--C j^^^^*— &~~]jf frr&***~~fr~*~ &~&sl^£. ^^t^^^^^^L^^L^^ . '^f^l^&^l^ ^- f /fV ^.. • ^ ^CX • * ' ^ * ' • ^ / I / jT . ^ . ^ '. '-./?" ^ ^ 4<^<e^^<^^^ . "• \*:^e^t^*:' '(^^^^^ A letter in Dr. Rumple's hand, written from Blowing Rock to one of his Salisbury parishioners at the time of Rumple's wife's death. Photocopy of original at First Presbyterian Church, Salisbury, NC. �^ir^^-^^'T^^-ty^- ^^^^^^^%^?^'^/^^ >^TM^~ 1?c *>^&<y3s jg&wx?'^ -^^ -^^7ty*?2' '^^ ^ -^o^^^^'^^^ ^ t ^ 7^"%r^ *y t " �Rose Young McDade, sister of Hattie Young Brown, poses beside the rock church, about 1922, when she was twenty-two, and an organizer and teacher of Children's Day programs at Rumple Church. Reproduced from a postcard; the church was a popular backdrop for photographs for many years. Courtesy of Mrs. Brown. �Skyland Inn Here's a house founded on a rock, Forming a terrace overlooking The View, Where lovely vista is visualized, And Dreamland seems to be true. The grounds are just as they were created, With rocks of peculiar forms, Rhodendron and azaleas in gorgeous splendor, And trees that have braved many storms. A page from a pamphlet on Blowing Rock, published in the mid-1920's. Mrs. Emma R. Stewart, who first promoted the cause of building the church, ran the Skyland Inn for many years. Much altered, it is today the Farm House Restaurant. Pamphlet (cover is missing) from the VardellMcNett family records, courtesy of Linda M. Yarnell. �On the steps of the Vardell family summer residence, on Chestnut Hill, Blowing Rock, summer 1926: a photograph remarkable for its many Presbyterians. Back row: Jennie Rumple Martin, Dr. William J. Martin, Edward H. Williamson, Dr. Alexander Sprunt II, Katherine Vardell Williamson, Mrs. Alexander Sprunt II, Charles G. Vardell holding Libby V. McNett, Linda Lee Rumple Vardell, Ruth Vardell Gage; center row: James Murray, Elizabeth Vardell McNett, Charles Gildersleeve Vardell, Kitty Martin, Kitty Williamson, Vardell Williamson, Mary Linda Vardell (later Mrs. Ellison Smyth); front: Jane Dickson Vardell Murray, Eleanor Vardell Sprunt holding "Margita" Vardell, Edwin Holt Williamson, Eloise Martin Currie, Margaret Vardell Sprunt, Dr. Armand L. Currie, Alexander Sprunt III. Dog is unidentified! Photo courtesy of Linda McNett Yarnell, with additional identifications provided by Mary Linda Vardell Smyth. �FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY of the c 1 Blowin£> (R,ock Presbyteriaii Quireh B L O W I N G ROCK, N. C. Rev. G, S. B u c h a n a n , 1 5 astor July 26, 25, 1936 The Session R r v . G Sexton flue'in n a n , Mi>u<:rator E. G. Umienlown I l o w a n i Klutz J. E. Holshouser Joe W h i l e \\* L. H (i Is fit/ us t»r. CHTK The "Fiftieth" Anniversary Bulletin �Mr. and Mrs. L. Dow Tester, in their yard, taken about 1940. Both were very active church members in that era. Photo by Emerson Humphrey, courtesy of their daughter, Gladys Tester. A Grandfather Home Day during World War II. In The Blowing Rocket the original caption read, "Sparkplugs of the Grandfather Home Day celebration at Blowing Rock. Left to right: Miss Anne Bryan, superintendent of the Orphanage, Rev. Dr. Walter K. Keys, pastor of the Rumple Memorial Presbyterian Church where special service was held, Dr. W. T. Tate, president of Edgar Tufts Memorial Association, and the three nationally-known artists who appeared at the service, Stuart Ross, pianist, Jean Watson, contralto, and Mac Morgan, baritone. The youngsters in front are three happy orphans from the Home." �David Ovens, Charlotte merchant and Blowing Rock summer resident, sponsor of the Grandfather Home benefit concerts from 1940 to his death in 1957; from a portrait by A. P. Fox. R. A. Dunn, Charlotte banker and Blowing Rock summer resident; his endowment for the youth of Blowing Rock still supports Christian activities through the church. Photocopied from a frontispiece to a pamphlet he prepared in 1932 on the history of Charlotte's First Presbyterian Church; copy at the Presbyterian Archives, M on treat. Interior of the stone sanctuary, decorated for Christmas, 1945. Note the absence of overhead lighting. The heavy exterior door, to the left in the picture, has been replaced with an interior one since the addition of the Cannon education building. ��Mrs. Maud Ingle, first president of Rumple Memorial's Women of the Church organization. Mrs. Joseph C. (Annie Ludow) Cannon, who over the years was Rumple Church's largest single benefactor. Her "scene-o-felt" Bible Classes were widely attended and loved by Blowing Rock children from the 1940's to the early 1960's. Photo taken about 1962. Building the Cannon education wing, 1969. This photo shows the original dimensions of the 1936 chapel building, and the covered connecting passage to the stone church. It ran in The Blowing Rocket that summer with the caption, "Dreams Come True." �Rumple Memorial... "Rumple Memorial . . . Through The Years": These drawings and photos were assembled about 1980 for the first Rumple Church Pictorial Directory. (1) Artist Jerry Miller's sketch, dating from about 1980, was used on note paper and on Sunday bulletins in recent years. (2) The original porch on the stone church, before the 1928-29 remodeling; comparison with later photos shows that the remodeling was extensive. (3) A fuller view of the original stone church, issued as a hand-colored postcard during the Tufts era. Barely visible at the left are a few gravestones. (4) The church in the 1930's, showing a corner of the first manse, later used as a fellowship �Through The Years building, and a street sign erected at the Rev. Keys's urging. (5) In the 1940's, the church displayed a new sign, and the spruce tree, once a shrub, dominated the south entry. (6) By the late 1950's, a still more elaborate sign had been erected; the spruce tree had overgrown the entry. (7) Shortly after the Cannon Educational Building, visible at the left of the photo, was completed in 1970, the spruce was cut down. (8) The architects' 1969 drawing of the proposed educational building has a minor inaccuracy: it shows more of the winter chapel than was actually incorporated in the new structure. .,. . -f? If ', ' :'jj;:3i::a,t4a :,}{; J,, *:?JSS=a-t;«5»«?i 4pi>**Mi .-*wSa9P*^ ««»<«i*%*^«i a'O«\ :?'•• -"',:'*; -/- '•:*"".., -~x. SSS-'^;' ^ IT' ^c^^ftsi^pPicS?: - it' " >? * • ; * " - ^%ptf|?lt|^^! ^fiST;';::- - . f7 ;: �Centennial feat 1887-#87 J887-J905 I ! Ml ^«;:W iff £-vif-5;'ivi jLj'~t;;-fc>j| -*'* 7b oil ar0 to all to to to ail are all -its5 Blotoing Minister AM The One Hundredth Anniversary Bulletin sin. a �Of JUNE 14, IN AWO THE 1n A of the and It A In This For C. for this In this for «nd and tnd for is t In *nd ; go on thy One : ¥11 Jtff Or. flit Tht Ibt Tht 8. i . of flit of ttf : Stil of tht : of tit i . : Tht &r» Earl V, E. of ti* : U.S. of 4«d BiWt to tht 1887 , of N£. 1 Jr. of and of CIN TO 10 TIC PEW AND PASS IT TO CtC TO SIGN THE ARE PAO ON f€MT TO YOU.) of and the if of 6. 8. of N.C. �AH ON THE By V. of I ^ of th* , and your gifts to your servant -Jethro of these gifts as of churches, es o in proudly bears his THE For We of Or, as he to and Divine grace to the you for his of the THE For We and and as the w« you for his as of this you and the of up his of the of v* §011 In servant Jethro to proclaim the of Christ, in spite of the tragic toss of his and the life's companion Jennie. 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I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ....................................... and .............................................. by the of in and the Dr. NC Dr. the Dr. and W.J. and at the ). and the the this Is a Dr. and the of the ( ). % «,i-.i % / I ^ I Jr. of of the its G. W J, of �The Rev. Edgar Tufts, 1897-1923 (photo courtesy of M. T. Neal) The Rev. W. R. Smith, interim, 1929-1930 The Rev. G. S. Buchanan, 1931-1939 The Rev. W. K. Keys, 1940-1948, 1956-1960 The Rev. R. D. Earnest, 1948-1950 �The Rev. S. Cappel, 1950-1951 The Rev. L. T. Newland, 1951-1956 r . J<5* " The Rev. A. B. Brinkerhoff, 1960-1965 The Rev. J. R. Holshouser, 1965-1973 The Rev. F. C. Collier, 1973-1978 The Rev. V. E. Hartsell, 1980- �On "Rumple Sunday," June 14, 1987, all persons in the congregation with connections to Davidson College were asked to pose with the minister; the college was celebrating its own sesquicentennial in 1987. First row, L to r.: The Rev. Vaughn Earl Hartsell, minister of Rumple Memorial; Rand Hartsell, his son, '86; William L. Holshouser of Banner Elk, '33; Mariam Cannon Hayes, member of Board of Trustees; William C. Cannon, Jr., '36; The Rev. L. C. Gibbs, '25; Jane Campbell, '87; Rupert Barber, professor of theater and coordinator of the college's sesquicentennial celebration; Jay May, '70, director of alumni affairs. Second row, 1. to r.: The Rev. Dr. John W. Kuykendall, '59, president of the college; the Hon. James E. Holshouser, Jr., '56, former governor of North Carolina; Allen Mast, '86, his nephew; Allen Compton, '88; Charles Fleming, '50, college director of personnel and administrative services; Rutledge Miller, MD, '39; Dr. Donald B. Saunders, '62; Prof. Emeritus and College Archivist Chalmers G. Davidson, '28. �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 BY 1940, THE YEAR Keys was called to Blowing Rock, war clouds loomed over the United States; Europe and Asia were already ablaze. Presbyterian missions abroad had been seriously disrupted. Two foreign missionaries whose work was cut short would later minister at or near Rumple Church: Leroy T. Newland and Thompson B. Southall, Jr. Both men had served in Korea. Dr. Newland spent nearly thirty years there, from 1911 to 1940; Southall returned from three years' service in 1941. Newland took the reins at Rumple later during the 1950's, while Southall was called to the Banner Elk Church upon his arrival back in the United States and served there until 1946. He was among several guest speakers at Rumple during the summer of 1941. It was also SouthalFs duty to lead the funeral service for Edgar H. Tufts, who died in June 1942 at the age of 42, and was buried alongside his father near the Banner Elk church.1 In many other ways, too, the World War II era affected the life of the larger church. Holston Presbytery had reported a decline in support for home missions between 1929 and 1941: the number of workers in the field had dropped from fifty to seventeen. "In the same period of time our income from Presbytery's Home Missions has decreased almost one half, and our work has increased about one third." But the home missions committee reported by 1941 that "more interest has been [shown] in assuming more of the financial responsibility and in local improvements" in the churches.2 Churches were temporarily less mission-oriented and more attentive to needs at home. The war was soon to bring increases in chaplaincies and in "camp" work at military bases. One who served as chaplain, and later bought a summer home in Blowing Rock and often preached in Rumple's pulpit, was the Rev. Charles Lynnwood Brown, a 1937 Davidson College graduate who fin97 �98 / Chapter Four ished his degree at Union Seminary just as the war began. He saw duty with the 82nd Airborne Division from 1942 to 1946. Rumple Church conformed in several ways to the denomination's pattern of experiences during these years. Keys came as its first pastor fully supported by the local congregation, and beneficiary of the recently completed education building. Yet his own family's lives, and those of many in his congregation, were soon to be troubled by the events abroad. Relatively little in the wartime session records reflects the losses and uncertainties the fellowship suffered through this period. To all appearances the church went from success to success. The membership numbers continued to climb, as did Sunday school enrollments and the number of infant baptisms. Blowing Rock's "baby boom" started early: the term is usually given only the generation of children born after World War II. More adults than children still were baptized during the war, however. And while gasoline was rationed and construction work on the Blue Ridge Parkway was suspended, summer people did not stop crowding into town; the session minutes for September 1942 claimed the summer had seen "the largest crowds and the largest offering in the church's history." The annual August services all through the war achieved ever higher levels of support for Grandfather Home. In August 1940 the first special Sunday service of sacred music was held, arranged by David Ovens of Charlotte; it featured the Charlotte Festival Singers, an eight-person group accompanied by Margaret Vance and two others. The next year Ovens brought "Miss Agnes David and Mr. Benny DeLoache of New York, Mr. Norman Cordon of Linville and New York, and the special Quartet made up of outstanding North Carolina singers." The performers had first sung in Banner Elk, to celebrate the opening at the Home of a new administration building, made possible by a gift from the Joseph Cannons. When they also successfully appeared at Blowing Rock, a tradition was begun which lasted more than twenty-five years. Beginning after 1945, the sacred music concerts became linked to the annual Grandfather Home offering at Rumple Church; but for the war years they were held to augment the church's own receipts, at "Home Church Day" services.3 Yet the records do show that periodically the war's turmoil on distant shores touched the small mountaintop community. In August 1942, Mr. and Mrs. Wade Klutz, longtime employees of the Joseph Cannons, transferred their memberships to Rumple Church, as did their son, Sgt. John Allen Klutz. He is the first individual of military rank to be mentioned as joining the church; his brother Jacob, also a member of the armed forces, joined two years later. Other young men �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 I 99 would soon be called up for duty: they and often others in their families joined the church in which they had grown up, anticipating the separation and danger the war would bring. Among these were the young Lentz cousins, Perry and William Lewis, and Lewis's sisters, Recie and Nancy. During the war years, too, the church had an unusually large number of transfers of membership, both of departing and arriving people. In 1943, "It was unanimously ordered that the annual Every Member Canvass be made by letter inasmuch as such a large percentage of the membership are away from home." Among the many arrivals of the period were Mr. and Mrs. Charles F. Brown and several members of their family; among the departures, Mr. and Mrs. William Holshouser, Jr., dismissed to the Church of the Pilgrims, in Washington, B.C. Some sort of record must have been set by Mrs. Lyles Harris when she joined the church: "inasmuch as her present membership is in the Church of England in the British Isles, she was received on statement of her continuing faith and her desire to bring her membership here. She was received into full communion and fellowship of the church" in March 1944.4 Also in 1944, the session voted special sums to presbytery on behalf of "Defense Service" and the Home Mission Emergency Fund. That same year requests came in on behalf of three service members overseas to be enrolled in the church: Jule Welch Tate, Cecil Ray Critcher, and Grover Clifford Walters. By the time the request from Tate's chaplain to this effect had arrived, Tate was dead; he had lost his life in the Mediterranean theater. "By unanimous consent he was enrolled posthumously on the rolls of the church. The other two candidates . . . were received . . . pending the ordinance of baptism." When hostilities ended, both these men did indeed receive baptism and took their places in the Rumple congregation. Another new member was serviceman James M. Critcher. Others who joined had seen their lives forever touched by the war: among these during 1945 were Pauline Castle Stone, and her daughter, Donna, who joined the fellowship and were baptized. "Mrs. Stone's husband, Sgt. Harold Stone, was killed while on a bombing flight over Germany."5 During these years the session periodically voted Keys a few extra dollars to cover postage expenses: he sent out monthly newsletters from the church to every service member from Blowing Rock, whatever his denomination and however remote his duty station. Many of the war's survivors came back remembering this kindness and the link Keys had provided to loved ones back home. Some have saved these bulletins to this day.6 The pastor filled them with trivia about Blowing �100 / Chapter Four Rock's erratic weather, results of ball games at the high school, news of weddings and of the boys who had returned home on leave, his own success at the local fishing streams; he also gave assurance that all service members were being remembered in prayer by folks at the church. He sent on the addresses of all who served and whatever news he had received from them, so that a network of information tied them together around the globe. Keys's own two sons, Bill and Tommy, saw active duty, as did his daughter Julia's husband, Blowing Rock native Bill Williams; "her Ta'" had married them in March, 1944, he proudly told the boys at Easter of that year.7 Perhaps as a way of keeping his mind off the dangers his own loved ones were facing, Keys threw himself into many civic and community affairs. When the mathematics teacher at the high school was called into the Navy, the pastor, a former teacher himself, pinch hit for him. He served on the Watauga County War Ration Board. He pushed hard for the creation of a town park; in 1944 he reported to the servicemen that a special referendum had been called to vote on a bond issue to purchase the Coffey property [site of the old Watauga Hotel] for the establishment of a Memorial Recreation Park in honor of all you folks to whom this letter is being written. There is some opposition but we think it will be approved. We know that you would rather have such a park, equipped for bowling, swimming, tennis, shuffle-board, boating and many other sports than to have a marble shaft reaching to the skies erected on Main Street. Keys was surely right, even if his vision for the park proved to be bigger than its realization. The park would not be finished until 1950, but it is in many ways a legacy of Keys's energy, the love he felt for his adopted home, and his dedication to a parish which for the war years, at least, was worldwide.8 The church continued to observe its "usual summer program," which for Keys as for his predecessors meant, besides Grandfather Home Sunday, the frequent appearance of outside preachers. By the early 1940's, though, many of the pulpit veterans who had often assisted in days past were gone. James I. Vance died in Blowing Rock on November 24, 1939, at the age of seventy-seven; his body was returned to Nashville for burial. According to a tribute in the Christian Observer, Vance "had an understanding with his church [in Nashville] that he would spend a portion of each year in evangelistic work. And this he did as long as he was physically able. It is significant to note that his physical collapse came during one of these meetings."9 During Vance's �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 / 101 final summer in the mountains, he asked to preach at a tiny Baptist church in the Mulberry community not far from Blowing Rock, because he wanted a last chance to speak from a small country pulpit of the sort in which he had first begun his ministry.10 Ever a man of peace, Vance was deeply grieved at the outbreak of another world war. One of his last responsibilities to the Presbyterian Church, U. S., was to represent it once again on a Permanent Committee of Protestant Relief in Europe, just as he had after the First War. His daughter, Margaret, was treasurer of this committee.11 After his death, Margaret Vance and her mother moved more or less permanently to Blowing Rock, where the preacher's widow died in December of 1945. For another twenty-eight years "Miss Margaret" played the organ at Rumple Church, and took an active community role. No longer just a summer resident, she had become a "transplant." So another generation of the Vance family continued to support the work of the church. In 1940, members of Vance's family and others contributed a stained-glass window, depicting Christ the Good Shepherd, to Rumple Church in Vance's memory. Then in September, 1943, Dr. William J. Martin died, at age seventyfive, and was buried beside his parents in the old Davidson College cemetery. He had spent most of his retirement years in Davidson after leaving the presidency of the General Assembly's Training School in 1933.12 To Martin, at the time he retired from the presidency of the college in 1929, Vance had written a letter of tribute recalling their joint labors at Blowing Rock:13 We have tramped and camped together. We have slept by the streams and on the mountaintops. We have been thrown into the most intimate relationships with each other. We have looked down on God's great acres from the roof of the world, and we have toiled side by side to build for Him and for His cause a little house where we both have spent many a Sunday in the worship of a Divinity that is real. Through all this, I have learned to love you as a brother, and my wishes now for you and yours are only such as come from a friend. It had been both men's unshakable faith that they would one day "look down on God's great acres" from a still higher vantage point; now their friendship had been renewed in the presence of their Lord. Another who joined "the church at rest" during these years was elder and clerk of session William L. Holshouser. A tribute In Memoriam appeared in the church bulletin after his death: �102 / Chapter Four In the passing of Mr. W. L. Holshouser each of us as individuals and our church as an organization has lost a great and true friend. For fifty years he was a merchant in Blowing Rock and a friend to all who were in need. For thirty years he was an elder in our church and deeply interested in its welfare. Only in the records of heaven could one discover all the good deeds of his life; for he was not disposed to publish them to the world. Faithful, honest, kind, just, devoted to his family, his friends, and his church, he was in the rarest and truest sense a GOOD MAN —a man after God's own heart. His going away has left a vacant pew in our church... and a vacant place in our hearts that only God can fill. . . ,14 The old enemy which was causing so much loss around the world had also claimed three of Rumple church's faithful "founding fathers." But coming out of the world's trial would be a new generation who over the next years would help to fill the gap with renewed energy and vigor. During Keys's first pastorate new additions were made to the session who served the church for several years — although their terms of service could not match those of the original members. L. D. Tester was elected elder in 1941; Howard P. Holshouser and Richard Oxentine were added in 1943; and John P. Lyon, a new resident who, with his wife, had transferred their membership from the Presbyterian church at Burnsville, was elected in 1946. The diaconate, too, was increased: Collis Greene was added in 1941, Dan Klutz, Jesse Burns, Cameron Williams, and Bill Williams in 1943, and in 1946 four returning veterans: William Keys, Robert Hardin, Howard Holshouser, Jr., and Clarence Berryman. Within a short time, all these men were at work on new church projects. During 1945 "extensive improvements were made on the manse." The next year much work went into the church grounds, and a new concrete floor was laid in the stone church. A permanent committee on maintenance was established to make repairs, beginning with the slate roof, in 1946. In 1947 that committee made still another attempt to provide adequate heat to the sanctuary: the Sunday school was asked to help raise $375 for a new oil burner. In short, the church seemed increasingly supplied with workers and with enthusiasm as it faced the postwar age. The end of the war also brought the summer visitors back in full force. For a time it must have seemed that "business as usual" had been resumed in the life of the summer community. When in September 1946 former pastor G. S. �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 / 103 Buchanan was invited to preach at "Rally Day" services, he must have been encouraged by the progress at his old charge.15 But all was not well with pastor Keys. In 1946 his alma mater, King College, recognized him for his mountain mission work with the honorary Doctor of Divinity degree. But the pressure of his responsibilities had for a second time strained his nerves and sapped his strength. Already by spring, 1947, his "continued illness" was of concern to the session. At a meeting in May moderated by the Rev. Roswell Long, president of Lees-McRae College, it voted to send a call to the Rev. David Baker "to serve as supply pastor for the summer months . . . during which time the regular salary shall be paid to Dr. Keys."16 Keys was back that fall to lead a session meeting which voted to receive by letter Margaret Vance, Sarah Payne of Charlotte, and Mr. and Mrs. John C. Thompson of Coral Gables, Florida, into the fellowship of the church. But in January, 1948, at a joint meeting of elders and deacons, Keys asked for a leave of absence: his physicians had advised him to spend "the hard part of the winter in Florida." He offered to return in March to "hold services and help prepare the reports for the church year" and to resign effective March 31. The session, believing that "the church is urgently in need of immediate active leadership," felt the congregation could not wait. It accepted his resignation effective March 31, 1948, "or earlier if a new pastor is secured," and conditioned his leave of absence "on the understanding that salary payments will be made only insofar as the church finances will permit and subject to approval by church officers."17 A pulpit supply and pastoral committee, consisting of Howard Holshouser, John P. Lyon, L. D. Tester, and Joe White, elders, and deacon Bob Hardin, secured various visiting ministers, including on at least one occasion the Rev. Buchanan. On February 15, a letter from Keys was read to a congregational meeting, in which he recalled the "delightful and happy associations" he had had with Rumple Church and thanked God for His "evident approval of what has been accomplished insofar as the increase in membership and in giving to all causes is concerned. No more lovely place than Blowing Rock in which to live is to be found anywhere," he asserted. But he submitted his resignation, hoping in future to find "a field of work . . . without the extremes of climatic change, and also without the unduly heavy burdens of a resort church." The congregation voted, with eight dissenters, in favor of accepting his resignation. Keys served a pulpit at the Bee Ridge Presbyterian Church, near Sarasota, Florida, from 1948 to 1950. He returned with his wife to live in Blowing Rock for much of each year �104 / Chapter Four beginning in late 1951, but by then he had left the ministry; he was recalled to Rumple in 1956.18 On March 15, 1948, the congregation called the Rev. Robert D. Earnest, then preaching in Bessemer, Alabama, to fill the vacancy left by Keys's departure; Keys returned from Florida to moderate this meeting. Earnest would receive a salary of $2875 annually, plus congregational contributions to the Ministers' Annuity Fund, moving expenses, and use of the unfurnished manse. The new minister was installed at a "delightful service" on May 2, at which the Rev. D. B. Gregory preached a sermon on "The Genius of Presbyterianism" and the "choir added to the service of worship with special music." Membership in the church stood at 190 as of April 1948; its total annual budget for 1949 was projected at $5000, plus the Grandfather Home Day offering. Among the first decisions made by the session with the new preacher were to set the date for Grandfather Home Day, and to receive another "Home Church Day" offering during the summer of 1948.19 Financial weakness still clearly plagued the church—and clouded the new minister's future. ***** The summer 1948 Grandfather Home Day drew a wider notice than usual. The Charlotte Observer Sunday column, "Captain Mecklenburg," on August 8 saluted David Ovens as "outstanding benefactor of Grandfather Orphanage because of the large amounts of money that have been raised for its support" at the programs he had helped to sponsor at Rumple since 1940.20 The collection received that day was $11,500; later ones would top even that large sum. But while the amount of the collection would be still greater in later years, it seems appropriate to describe the relationship Ovens had with Rumple Church at this point in its history, because of the impact of that relationship upon the new pastor, the Rev. Earnest, and his successors. Ovens was already one of the best known figures in North Carolina when he had Cameron Williams build a vacation home, "Pineacres," for him in Blowing Rock during the mid-1930's. A native of Canada, Ovens arrived in Charlotte after having lived in several Southern cities, in 1903. J. B. Ivey took him on as a partner in his department store a short time later. Ovens worked with three generations of the Ivey family before his death in 1957, and he helped the store grow to a sizeable regional chain. �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 / 105 He was a born salesman. During his early years with Ivey's his "tart comments" were a regular feature of the company's ads in the Charlotte Observer, he had a "wicked sense of humor,"21 which he turned as often on himself as on others. Working his way quickly into the Queen City's coterie of the self-styled elite, Ovens loved to poke their ribs, figuratively, for their pretentiousness and narrow-mindedness. His memoir, If This Be Treason, published in 1957, is full of clever stories about the people he knew and admired- and some he did not-who led the city he came to know so well. Ovens was a ceaseless promoter of his adopted city through channels both public and private: he was the first president of the Charlotte Chamber of Commerce, president of its Merchants Association, and in many other ways a sparkplug to Charlotte's growth for nearly half a century. His "honors and activities" take up a full page of small print in his autobiography.22 Perhaps his two favorite diversions were culture and religion, both of which Ovens was convinced needed to be nurtured by the town's business community. In Charlotte he actively encouraged the performing arts, personally seeking the backing of the city's leading citizens for everything from circus appearances to opera to theatre. When in the mid-1950's the auditorium which bears his name and the nearby coliseum were built, he received an appropriate monument, even if he did not much care for the architecture.23 And although he often called for greater ecumenism among the Christian denominations, and had a sneaking admiration for the Baptists with their "simple ritual,... profound conviction of the power of Christ to save souls, and . . . humility,"24 he remained a staunch Presbyterian. Ovens was chairman of the building committee and a generous benefactor of his home church, Myers Park Presbyterian, built in 1926, and of Charlotte's Presbyterian Hospital, completed in 1940.25 The two Southern Presbyterian colleges in Mecklenburg County, Queens and Davidson, each named buildings in tribute to his generosity to them. Such an energetic and dominant personality, and such a clever tongue, did not really relax on holiday. Ovens even had some frank things to say about his adopted summer home town:26 Blowing Rock is developing into quite a fine resort. It has a number of excellent hotels, and one, the Mayview Manor, attracts the rich because of its high prices and good food. The high prices alone would be enough to fill the house, because people like to send cards back home from a place like that. Nor did he much approve of the Blue Ridge Parkway: �106 / Chapter Four I had quite forgotten to mention the Blue Ridge Parkway, which we are all paying taxes to build. We could do very well without it, and there are very few accommodations on the route. The speed limit is definitely prescribed, and most people prefer the regular road. They are extending it this summer through the Cone Estate in Blowing Rock. As I spend some time there each summer, I go out to see the progress they are making. The speed isn't much, but the expense looks to be terrific. Since we are mortgaging our future to take care of it, we could get along without it. One wonders what Ovens would have thought of the complex and expensive Linn Cove Viaduct around Grandfather Mountain, which in the summer of 1987 completed the last link in the Parkway's route. Dr. Keys later wrote that Ovens's house overlooking the golf course in Blowing Rock was host to "the great and the near great, the talented and the famous, the rich and the poor, all [of them] thankful that they have been permitted to share in the hospitality and gracious living within [its] walls." To this house Keys had been summoned in 1940 when he first came to Rumple's pulpit: " 'Come out here NOW/ " he remembered Ovens ordering. " 1 want to talk to you/ " "The first question asked by Mr. Ovens was, " What are they paying you here?'" After Keys gave him the answer, Ovens "snorted and said, That's not enough to starve to death on decently, must [sic] less send your children to school. I'll call Luther Snyder, Bob Dunn and Charley Cannon to join me, as a Committee to see that you get a supplement to this each year/ " Ovens also wanted to know what Keys thought of Grandfather Home Day, which, Ovens said, " 1 seem to have inherited from Dr. Vance. Not that I'm worthy to have blacked Dr. Vance's boots; but somebody has to carry on.'" Keys praised the project as " 'the greatest thing any church could sponsor.'" " Then let's make it the biggest thing on the mountain,'" Ovens replied, indicating his intention to get several of "the great stars of the musical world" to perform at the church on the Home's behalf.27 Beginning in 1941, then, as we have seen, the Grandfather Home Concerts did indeed become big-time entertainment. But more than that, an ad hoc committee of summer residents had decided to supplement the preacher's admittedly-small salary, starting with Keys's. Ovens, with his sharp wit and strong personality, had begun to play a well-meant but potentially divisive role in the affairs of the church. The next pastor at Rumple turned out to be less willing to accommodate the vigorous Charlotte merchant. Robert Doggett Earnest's background was not much different from �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 / 107 that of his two immediate predecessors: he was a native of Chuckey, Tennessee, a small Appalachian mountain town about halfway between Johnson City and Greeneville, where he was born in 1911. The family was modestly well off, but not wealthy, and by the time Earnest was ready for college, his father thought he had accumulated enough money to see his son and a daughter through school and to have a comfortable retirement. Then came the 1929 stock market crash and the Depression. The banks failed; the elder Earnest lost his entire savings; and he was found to have terminal cancer. Young Robert Earnest first attended nearby Tusculum College, walking or catching a lift to the campus four miles from his home. In 1931 the family moved to Johnson City, so that his sister could attend East Tennessee State Teachers' College. The widowed mother rented two upstairs rooms to college students to help make ends meet. Earnest finished at King College in 1933, where for the first year his only source of income was a scholarship for playing the Sousaphone (an instrument he had never picked up before) in the college marching band. For two years after graduation he worked to help his sister finish school; then a family relation helped in turn to support the would-be ministerial student for a year's study at Columbia Bible College, in South Carolina, and at Columbia Theological Seminary, in Decatur, Georgia; here Earnest earned the B. D. degree in 1939. After a short pastorate in Decatur, where he met and married Katherine Erwin Belser, he served on the mission field in Brazil for three years, 1940 to 1943. There the first of the couple's four children was born. But Katherine Earnest's health was increasingly at risk: she had developed diabetes, and they were forced to come home. Returning first to another charge in Georgia, Earnest was called to the North Highlands Church in Bessemer, Alabama, in 1945. Two more children had by now arrived. Their youngest, a daughter, would be born during their stay at Blowing Rock. The call to Rumple Memorial must have seemed to the Tennessean an opportunity to return with his family to the region of his roots.28 Earnest's brief tenure provided him an opportunity to reorganize the Sunday school teaching staff and the Men of the Church, see alterations in the board of deacons (Doss Keller, Sr., and Rob Walser were elected in July of 1948), hold evangelistic meetings late in that year, and, in March 1949, attempt a Visitation Evangelism Program. Under this program, then in vogue throughout the denomination, the pastor was to train carefully-chosen laypersons to go two by two into local homes and "in a friendly manner . . . secure decisions for Christ and membership for the church." Across the South the program had great �108 / Chapter Four success during the late 1940's and 1950's; it seems to have gone nowhere in Blowing Rock.29 Several young people joined the church during Earnest's pastorate, but most had grown up in the Rumple congregation: Jerry and Judy Burns, Janice Coffey, David Greene, Mary Keller and Doss Keller, Jr., and Joe White and Thomas Buxton (who soon transferred to the Episcopal Church). Earnest took part in an unusual ecumenical event during the summer of 1948: he performed in a series of "religious dramas" put on by representatives of all Blowing Rock faiths "as part of a move to cultivate more dramatic interests here." According to the Blowing Rocket, a cast which included Dr. Morris Lazaron, the Rev. Oscar Harris, Bishop Thomas C. Darst, Earnest, and several local laypeople from various churches, gave a dramatic stage presentation of the Book of Judith, directed by Professor H. E. Spence and Mrs. Margaret Reineking. "Such an enthusiastic reception was given [this drama] which was presented in the Baptist Church that it was decided to hold another." The second play, "The Sacrifice of Isaac," was "selected from Dr. H. E. Spence's book, Old Testament Dramas" and was given at Rumple church accompanied by "a suitable program of music and worship." Besides cultivating "dramatic interests," Earnest may have thought to hit upon a way to draw a crowd to Sunday evening worship service. The experiment seems to have been called off after a few weeks, however.30 Earnest also discovered upon his arrival in Blowing Rock that he and Margaret Vance were distant cousins, through his mother's family. He furthered his musical interests by getting "Miss Margaret" to give him organ lessons on the Rumple instrument. But if the new pastor was enjoying some of the opportunities which serving a resort church had to offer, some of its other features were not to his liking. The little town of Blowing Rock was growing in the postwar years. Earnest recalled one of his pastoral tasks as helping in the "recovery of people from the ravages of the war." More money was in town by this time. Links to the larger North Carolina tourist industry were becoming more extensive. The highway 321 bypass around the east side of town was under construction, Earnest remembered, during his years in Blowing Rock; and as more visitors than ever flocked to the town, the inevitable growing pains, perhaps not yet eased in the village, began to have their effect. By 1948, national Prohibition had been for fifteen years a memory, but it was still impossible to get a (legal) bottle of whiskey in Blowing Rock. This suited Rumple's preacher and his wife just fine, but not a lot of the summer crowd. A campaign to put an ABC store in town began that summer, and Earnest joined most of Blowing Rock's other �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 / 109 preachers in opposing the idea. In taking this stance. Earnest reflected what had been for more than sixty years the stated policy of the denomination. In 1891 the General Assembly had spoken out against "the traffic in intoxicating liquors as a fruitful source of abounding iniquity and misery" and had "urged its people to use all means, which might be approved by their Christian conscience and judgment to remedy this evil." Individual abstinence remained the basic position of the church for the next half-century or more.31 Some militant Presbyterians did as individuals support the work of Prohibition political parties, the Anti-Saloon League, and the Womens* Christian Temperance Union, in ridding states and communities of liquor, but the church's highest court refused to endorse the specific political remedies often brought before it for support, on grounds of the separation of church and state. During Prohibition, the General Assembly and other church courts did of course heartily favor upholding the law of the land. But after Repeal, "It gradually became clear . . . that total abstinence was no longer accepted, as it once was, as the ideal by the average church member, by officers of the church, and even by ministers."32 The denomination, with much reluctance in some synods and presbyteries, was slowly coming to the view that "there were devoted Christians who maintained that temperance, rather than abstinence, was the true Christian ideal."33 Earnest, and many others in his congregation and community, were hardly ready for such an attitude. In any event, taking a drink in private was less the issue than the threat to public morals, especially among the youth, which the open availability of liquor, it was believed, would create. The sale of alcohol in any North Carolina community long has been a fool proof issue for dividing the public and rousing emotions. In Blowing Rock the matter tended to pit many of the summer people, an increasing number of whom were not native to the state, and, less openly, a few of the local people who profited from tourism, against the mass of the churchgoing population and their preachers-and a few bootleggers who had long earned a few dollars supplying their local and out of town customers with the home made product. Blowing Rock did not approve an ABC store for another twenty-two years, in 1965. But Earnest apparently had earned few points from some of his summer parishioners for his outspoken opposition to the idea. Ovens, for example, believed that "If you want to cut down on the consumption of intoxicants in our city, it cannot be done by law, but must come about through the teaching in the home, the churches, and �110 / Chapter Four perhaps our schools and colleges as well." He was speaking in this instance of Charlotte, where, he said in his memoirs, the ABC "method of supplying the demands of the liquor drinkers is generally considered acceptable," although he regretted that "too much liquor [is] used in Charlotte" and that "such boring things as cocktail parties are becoming more common all the time." Ovens's influence in the Blowing Rock summer community was always strong. In late 1946 he had proposed to pastor Keys "a plan to build a church for the colored people who came [to Blowing Rock] during summer months as employees of summer residents." As has been shown, the black community had long worshipped Sunday nights at Rumple Church. The new project bore fruit during Earnest's pastorate: an incorporated, non-profit "Blowing Rock Community Church" was organized, with an all-white board of trustees which included Annie Cannon, Ovens, Grover C. Robbins, Mrs. Julius Cone, C. G. Beck, J. Luther Snyder, and C. H. Berryman. The trustees were to "establish and maintain suitable places for religious worship and recreation for negro people at Blowing Rock" and to "purchase, lease and otherwise dispose of all kinds of property, both real and personal" in the prosecution of their purpose.34 A building was soon erected, by local contractor Will Castle, on two acres of property off Possum Hollow Road donated in 1948. Keys later remembered that Snyder, a textile mill owner from Gastonia, was the largest contributor to the building fund.35 Equipped at first with chairs borrowed from the Horse Show grounds, the little chapel not long after was fitted with pews and walls of white pine (Mrs. Cannon reportedly insisted on the best building materials). Sometime later a community center was built on the same property, which, with kitchen facilities, became the scene of social gatherings of the black community. The building was refurbished in 1955, at which time Dr. Keys, having returned to town, was elected chairman of the board of trustees, and Howard Holshouser its secretary. The minutes of an August 1955 board meeting show that "Mrs. Cone was asked to compose a letter to be sent out to all summer home and business owners who employed colored help, soliciting contributions for repairs and maintenance." The buildings served their purpose until the dwindling number of parishioners forced them to close during the 1970's. In 1982 the church building was leased to the First Independent Baptist Church; the community center building still stood vacant as of 1987. Numerous members of the Rumple summer congregation served on the board over the years, including Gwyn Harper, Jr., Anne Snively, Kirby �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 /111 Brown, wife of the Rev. Brown, by then pastor of the White Memorial Church of Raleigh, and others. For some fifteen years after his retirement in 1960, Eugene S. Bowman, of Mocksville and Blowing Rock, an active leader among the Rumple summer crowd, preached regularly for the black congregation. He recalled in a 1968 article in The Blowing Rocket the sense which he and other whites felt, that their work provided them "a tremendous opportunity to help make right some of the things so wrong among people of different races."36 To what extent that motive prevailed when the original plan was put forward by Ovens in 1946 would now be difficult to judge, as the great divide in race relations had not been crossed before the 196(Xs. Nevertheless, the monetary generosity and the sense of responsibility exhibited by Ovens and his original collaborators, including Keys, cannot be questioned. It is perhaps significant that, although Keys was later to take an active part on the board of the Negro Community Church, and to preach there at least once each season, the board did not include Earnest, the Rumple Church pastor, when it was incorporated in 1949. Earnest recalled in 1987 that during his stay at Rumple he found it difficult to relate to the summer crowd around Ovens. He did not play golf, nor did he enjoy the country club life or attending the parties of the summer people. And, he recalled, he was rather young then; he was perhaps less tolerant, he has said, than he might be today, particularly on the sensitive issue of strong drink. It especially did not "set right" with him that summer members would personally supplement the minister's salary. When a summer resident made an exploratory approach on the subject, Earnest did not respond. The summer people, he believed, should make their contributions directly to the church treasurer.37 For this point of personal principle Earnest suffered some financial hardship. In November 1949 the session informed him "of the likelihood of the church not being able to pay his salary," $2875, in full. His subsequent efforts to "build up the treasury" from among the active membership seem to have had little effect. In January 1950, the session agreed to provide the pastor with a month's paid vacation in March, and an unpaid leave of absence for April, in order for him to complete the Master's of Theology degree at Columbia Seminary. He studied there, living with his wife's family, until he finished his work. Meanwhile he paid attention to the possibilities for changing churches. Armed with a call to a pastorate in Louisiana, he returned to Blowing Rock and at a congregational meeting in May announced his resignation, effective on or near June 1, 1950. "The congregation voted to �112 / Chapter Four receive the vote on the resignation by standing vote." By twenty-five to five it gave Earnest "a vote of confidence and protest against the pastor leaving but with the understanding also that the Presbytery would dissolve the pastoral relationship."38 For six months thereafter the pulpit was vacant. Various pastors filled in, including, during August of that year, the Rev. Oren Moore, Jr., of the McKinnon Presbyterian Church of Concord, and others. The bulletin for the Sunday Moore preached noted that the church budget was $5000, "and about two-fifths of this must be received through special contributions. This is the only way we can continue as a selfsup[porting] church and secure a resident year round pastor." Visitors were urged to contribute or make a pledge to the cause.39 Not until the very last day of December, 1950, did the congregation meet again to receive the recommendation of a pulpit committee, consisting of clerk of session J. P. Lyon, H. P. Holshouser, Sarah Payne, Margaret Vance, and C. R. Walser, to call a new pastor to Rumple Church: the Rev. Sam S. Cappel. The twenty-six year old Cappel was accepting his first pulpit call. He had in fact not yet received his degree from Columbia Theological Seminary and was not ordained by Holston Presbytery until April 1951. A native of Alexandria, Louisiana, Cappel had attended Louisiana State University and Louisiana Tech, where he received his undergraduate degree in 1948. Married that year to Mary Ann Denny, a native of Weaverville, North Carolina, Cappel and his wife eventually had three children. Cappers year at Rumple was almost too short a time to leave a lasting impact, but he is remembered in the community for his zeal on the issue of illegal alcohol. Like his predecessor, he was against it. But his crusade extended beyond the pulpit or the parlor: his frank opposition led him to carry the war straight to the perceived enemy. In that era the most notorious hangouts for moonshiners were in certain homes barely a block off Main Street, As the new preacher saw it, the openness with which the stuff was being dispensed was a community affront. Invoking the law, he helped set up a few, frustratingly ineffectual raids. The network of small town connections must have been too dense to overcome. More than a decade would still be needed to change the community's habits concerning home brew. Did Cappel realize that in taking out after the bootleggers he was only helping to provide an ultimately successful justification for moderate drinkers to seek a legal source for their booze? Cappel was as zealous for his understanding of the faith as for public morality. Although there is little in the church records to reveal his �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 / 113 sermon topics or his Sunday school lessons, all indicators point to a strongly conservative bent. He persuaded the session to begin again holding Sunday evening church services "after the Young People's Meeting." He urged support for a "city-wide Revival" planned for April of 1952. And he arranged a Bible Conference at Rumple Church in late August, 1951, conducted by Dr. R. A. Forrest, of the nondenominational but conservative Toccoa Falls Bible Institute in Georgia. In the short time he preached at Rumple he seems also to have run up against resistance in the session and board of deacons; clerk of session John P. Lyons, although usually in attendance at meetings, seems never to have signed the minutes; Cappel kept them himself. One elder and one deacon resigned during his pastorate, although their reasons were not recorded. By December, 1951, an uneasy relationship came to an end with CappeFs decision to take a chaplaincy in the United States Navy: the Korean War was underway and Cappel must have welcomed the black-and-white certainties of that cold war struggle turned hot. He was back in Holston Presbytery just over a year later, preaching in Tennessee, but he eventually split with the denomination and joined the strongly conservative Presbyterian Church in America.40 Cappel's departure brought another period of drift at Rumple Church. From the end of 1951 to April 1953 the session held only two recorded meetings, one to authorize a tribute in memoriam to the last of Rumple's original elders, Joe White, who died in February, 1952. In the summer of 1952, the pulpit was filled at least part of the time by the Rev. Warren Thurston, pastor of the Hendersonville Church, who served communion at Rumple in July and was given session approval to "conduct radio devotional[s]" during the weeks of August 3-9 and 17-23, 1952.41 Finally in April, 1953, with the Rev. J. K. Parker of the First Church of Boone moderating, a congregational meeting unanimously called the Rev. Leroy T. Newland from Union Point, Georgia, to fill the long-vacant pulpit, at $3600 a year plus a "sum equivalent to 7 1/2% of the salary base" into the Ministers' Annuity Fund. Newland's pastorate would run for a little more than three years. While Cappel had come to Rumple for his first pastorate, Newland came for his last. Already sixty-eight in 1953, Newland had given the most vigorous years of his ministry to the mission field at Chonju, �114 / Chapter Four Korea. There he and his wife, Sarah Louise Andrews, had reared seven children, including a son, H. Reid Newland, who also entered the Presbyterian ministry and who attended his father's installation service at Rumple to preach the sermon, on July 26, 1953. The elder Newland was born in Galva, Iowa, and was a 1908 graduate of Davidson College and of Louisville Theological Seminary, where he received the B. D. degree in 1911; he had taken furlough from his Korean work to complete a Master of Theology degree at Union Seminary in 1926. Davidson awarded him the Doctor of Divinity degree in 1933. From his return to the United States in 1940 until his call to Rumple, Dr. Newland served a group of churches in Union Point, Georgia. Among Newland's lifelong avocations was writing poetry. In 1963 he published privately an eighty-six-page book, So Rich A Crown, containing poems from his years in Korea, Georgia, and North Carolina. If his poetic language and meter were rather heavily borrowed from the King James version of the Bible, and his subject matter mostly fairly traditional, some of his poems showed an ability to speak of faith in simple but moving terms. One, "A Christian's Death," was reprinted in the notice of Newland's own death in the Christian Observer, it may originally have been composed in tribute to L. D. Tester when he died in Blowing Rock in 1953:42 And what is death? A sudden stopping of the breath That one may breathe a rarer air Where all is fair. You say he died. Can life be greater glorified Than to unclose pain-wearied eyes In Paradise? Is this the end? He has but gone to meet a Friend And, dying, found a way To endless day. Another of Newland's poems, "A Little Child's Gift," put in poetic language an unusually-imagined scene of Christmas: I wonder if a little child Saw Jesus as he lay Within a manger rude and old Upon the soft sweet hay? �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 / 115 I wonder if a little child Smiled back to meet his smile, And gently touched his dimpled cheek And held his hand a while? I do not know what children did In days so long ago But I can give myself to Him, Because He loves me so. Several displayed a deep love for his wife and his family, and an eloquent affection for the North Carolina mountain region in which he spent his last years. In Korea, too, he lived "in the midst of the mountains." When he later wrote a tribute to Walter Keys upon Keys's retirement from the Bee Ridge Church in Florida, Newland's prose reached poetic heights: he reminded his friend that they shared "memories of Thunder Hill Overlook with Blackberry Valley far below," and the "delicate perfume of shy, half hidden trailing arbutus sprinkled on the robe of winter as it welcomes the return of spring." He urged Keys to store up his "recollections until one day, when the purpling shadows slip into John's River Gorge and the rays of the dying sun are rekindled in the winking lights of homes hidden by the darkness and you lift your eyes to see a thoughtful sun spread a rose colored mantle over the rock hewn Grandfather who sleeps endlessly on a distant mountain top, then surrounded by the grandeur of a mountain sunset you will 'see your heavenly home and take flight.' "43 With a change of place names, Newland might well have been describing the sights from his own retirement home, at Black Mountain, where he died in 1969. Newland and his wife arrived in Blowing Rock in April, 1953. The first session meeting at which he moderated received Cecil E. Rhodes into the membership by transfer of letter from the Crab tree Baptist Church in Hendersonville; Rhodes would take an active role in the Sunday school, on the board of deacons, and later as elder, until his death. But the frequent pastoral changes and the gaps in church leadership during the preceding two years had affected the church's work. Newland's responsibility included training or retraining the church officers in their duties; stressing tithing and the every-member canvass; and arranging special services led by such preachers as the Revs. H. H. Van Cleve and William Henry Crane. At a session meeting in November 1954, "A list of men and women in the community who should be in the Church was read by Dr. Newland who urged all officers to talk with and invite them to Church." Home visitation, by the �116 / Chapter Four pastor and his wife, and church officers, was frequently invoked to stimulate church attendance. In early 1956 a series of cottage prayer meetings and early morning Bible studies was arranged in anticipation of another round of special services to be led by the Rev. Thurstonbut Thurston was forced to cancel his planned appearances when his mother became gravely ill in April. The Newlands' stress upon attendance, participation, and giving seem to have had their effect, however; where membership had declined under Cappel (during his year the roll had apparently been reviewed and some names of inactive members removed), it increased again somewhat under Newland. For 1956 the church membership was reported at 127, up from 112 in 1951; Sunday school enrollment was 89, compared to 81 five years earlier. And the budget for current expenses had increased from $2106 to $6061.44 During late 1954 the congregation met to approve unanimously a premature but significant request to Holston and Concord Presbyteries: it asked to rejoin the Synod of North Carolina and the Presbytery of Concord. On the grounds that part of the town was in Caldwell County, which was still in Concord Presbytery, and because of its highway links and the educational connections of its college-age student membership, it sought to be taken back into the presbytery of its birth. The church acknowledged "a lack of close personal interest in most of the debate carried on in [Holston] Presbytery and the plans for expanding the work" there, which primarily involved planting churches in the "fast growing cities and their environs in east Tennessee." Not until 1969 was this petition made again, and granted. Holston Presbytery disapproved of the original request; there is no evidence that Concord Presbytery discussed it in 1954.45 In February 1956 Dr. Newland informed the session of his intention to retire on June 1. He had already stayed a year beyond his seventieth birthday.45 The church, and region, although they did not know it, were poised on the brink of even greater changes. If the 1950's have been characterized as an era of national complacency in many historical accounts, the attitude may be excusable in the local case. Material growth was clearly perceptible; the generation which had fought two wars overseas was busy raising families at home and finding itself increasingly linked to a state and nation led by men proud to have built a country that was the envy of the world. It is thus perhaps not surprising that for its next pastor, Rumple Memorial decided to go with a proven leader: it recalled the Rev. Walter K. Keys. The Lord, Keys later remembered, was not through with him yet. �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 / 117 Notes on Chapter Four 1. Minutes of Holston Presbytery, spring meeting 1941, pp. 32-33; ibid., fall meeting 1941, pp. 15-16. Ministerial Directory, 1956 edition. "Blowing Rock is Grieved At Death of Edgar H. Tufts," The Blowing Rocket, June 20, 1942, p. 1. Southall later served as executive secretary of the Presbytery of Concord from 1954 to 1966, the period just before Rumple rejoined that presbytery. 2. Minutes of Holston Presbytery, spring 1941 meeting, pp. 32-33; and fall 1941 meeting, pp. 15-16. 3. RMPC Session Records, [1932-1948] pp. 117, 125; printed program for 1940 concert in RMPC Scrapbook, Volume 1. See also copies of session reports to the General Assembly for these years, in Session Records. In the summer of 1941, $3894 was raised for the work of Grandfather Home; in 1942, $4810; in 1943, $5475; in 1944, $6886; and in 1945, $7060: ibid., pp. 124, 128, 132, 136, 141. Local residents sometimes forget that the singers Ovens brought to town almost always gave concerts at Banner Elk while they were in the area. These were attended by the summer community there as well as children from the Home and students and faculty of Lees-McRae. Income received from the concerts in Banner Elk usually went to support the work of the hospital there. Ovens, never a poor salesman, made sure that the artists got to see first hand the causes for which they were working. Neal, Sacred Flame, pp. 141-147, and oral interview with M. T. Neal, summer 1986. 4. RMPC Session Records, pp. 126, 130, 131. 5. Ibid., pp. 125, 126, 130, 131. The clerk of Holston Presbytery questioned the procedure whereby a deceased person was put on the church roll; but there is no indication of any further action on the matter in the session or presbytery records: ibid., p. 135. 6. I am grateful to Perry Lentz for allowing the church to copy two such bulletin-newsletters, from Easter 1944 and Easter 1945; copies now in church records. 7. RMPC bulletin, Easter Sunday, April 9, 1944. During the summer of 1942, Julia and Billy Keys, along with Ann Coffey, edited The Blowing Rocket. 8. RMPC bulletin, Easter Sunday, April 1, 1945. 9. Christian Observer, January 17, 1940, tribute "placed by the Executive Committee of Foreign Missions." Vance served on this committee from 1895 to 1901, and chaired it from 1911 to 1937. See also obituary in New York Times, November 25, 1939, p. 17. 10. Interview with Rudolph Greene, December 1986. 11. Minutes of General Assembly and Executive Committee Reports, 1939, Appendix, pp. 103-106. 12. See obituaries, New York Times, September 8, 1943, p. 23, and Charlotte Observer, same date, second section, p. 1. �118 / Chapter Four 13. Letter, Vance to Martin, May 31, 1929, in W. J. Martin Papers, Davidson College Archives. 14. RMPC Session Records, p. 123, clipping from church bulletin. Holshouser died March 29,1942, after an illness of about two weeks. The records show he acted as clerk at session meetings until January of that year. He was seventythree. His widow, Laura, was eighty-seven at the time of her death in May 1962: clipping, The Blowing Rocket, in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. I. 15. RMPC Session Records, pp. 119, 126, 137, 140, 143, 145. 16. Ibid., p. 145. I can find no record of a David Baker in the Ministerial Directory; was he a member of another denomination? 17. Ibid., p. 147. At presbytery that spring, when the minutes were examined, these procedures were questioned, but no indication was given that they were found irregular: "Report on minutes of the session of the Rumple Memorial Presbyterian Church," inserted at ibid., p. 154. 18. Ibid., p. 149. 19. Ibid., pp. 151-157. 20. "Observer Lauds Orphanage Day," The Blowing Rocket, August 13,1948. On J. A. Parham's column, which ran from 1926 to 1951 in the Observer, see Claiborne, The Charlotte Observer, pp. 232-233. 21. Claiborne, The Charlotte Observer, p. 160. 22. David Ovens, If This Be Treason: A Look At His Town and Times (Charlotte, NC: Heritage House, 1957), p. 215 and passim. This book was published a few months before his death. See also his obituaries, New York Times, September 7, 1957, p. 19, and The Charlotte Observer, same date, p. 1A. The Observer editorialized on the next day that at age eighty-four, Ovens had "seemed ageless — a mood more than a man, a provocative spirit sprinkled with impertinence, an elfin sage with a Midas touch and a social conscience... .He was vain in the manner of men who recognize their capacities. His wit could sear as well as enchant. His bias, though limited, was often pronounced. But David Ovens added a sound, impressive sum in a time of fractional standards. . . . His contributions to Charlotte, and to his fellow man, were many and meaningful. His achievements remain as a lasting testimonial to human nobility." "David Ovens, The Books Closed," ibid., September 8, 1957, p. 2C. 23. Ovens, If This Be Treason, p. 32. 24. Ibid., pp. 51-52. 25. See Thomas F. Clark, History of Myers Park Presbyterian Church 1926-1966 (Charlotte, NC: Myers Park Presbyterian Church, 1966), passim. 26. Both quotations are in Ovens, // this Be Treason, p. 83. 27. Keys, "Reminiscences Of The House That David Built," Blowing Rock Journal, August 16, 1960, clipping in Keys Papers, Historical Foundation, Montreat. �Rumple Goes to War, 1940-1956 / 119 28. Dr. Mary Warfield drove Mrs. Earnest to North Wilkesboro for a Caesarian delivery of their fourth child, Lynn. One of their sons, Robert, is retarded; they recalled in 1987 that many church members were extremely kind to the boy and to the family during their years in town. From Blowing Rock, Earnest went to Maplewood, Louisiana; he was Stated Clerk of Louisiana Presbytery until 1957. He then became executive secretary of Augusta-Macon Presbytery, Georgia, retiring in 1974. Earnest and his wife now live year-round at a home they built in Montreat in 1957. As of this writing, he is stated supply at the Bethel Presbyterian Church outside of Waynesville, N. C., preaching twice a month. Ministerial Directory% 1983 edition, and oral interview with Earnest and his wife in Montreat, August 1987. 29. RMPC Session Records, "Book No. 2," pp. 3, 5. For the larger story: Thompson, Presbyterians, III, pp. 407-409. Earnest recalled that the session at Rumple seemed reluctant to take part in the program. It was one of the frustrations he experienced in what he felt otherwise was a pleasant pastorate in Blowing Rock: oral interview, August 1987. 30. "Baptist Church To House Coming Play" and "Second Religious Play To Be Sunday," The Blowing Rocket, July 16 and August 13, 1948. References kindly supplied by Karen Lohr. 31. Thompson, Presbyterians, III, p. 234. 32. Ibid., p. 512. 33. Ibid., p. 513. 34. "Certificate of Incorporation of Blowing Rock Negro Community Church, Incorporated," copy in RMPC papers. Other references in the following paragraphs are in the same folder. 35. Keys, "The Church and Community Center for Colored People," 1 p. typescript in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. 1. 36. Bowman, "The Community Church," The Blowing Rocket, August 29, 1968; clipping in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. I. 37. Oral interview with Earnest, August 1987. 38. RMPC Session Records, "Book No. 2" [1948-1965], p. 8, and insert between pp. 178-179. 39. RMPC Sunday bulletin, August 27, 1950; in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. 1. 40. Ministerial Directory, 1983 edition; oral interviews with Perry Lentz and Rudolph Greene. 41. RMPC Session Records, Book 2, pp. 16-17. Thurston was pastor at Hendersonville from 1952 to 1961; he preached frequently at Rumple during the 1950's, holding a series of evangelistic meetings almost every autumn in those years. 42. Christian Observer, September 10, 1969. Gladys Tester has preserved a copy of the poem on RMPC stationery which Newland gave to her mother, "Written in memory of my dear friend L. D. Tester at the time of his death." �120 / Chapter Four But the published version, in Newland, So Rich a Crown: Poems of Faith (Atlanta: privately printed, 1963), p. 39, uses feminine pronouns. "A Little Child's Gift," ibid., p. 23. 43. Letter, Newland to Keys, "This is Your Life" scrapbook, n.d. [1963]. 44. RMPC Session Records, pp. 22-35; Minutes of the General Assembly, Statistical Reports for 1950, 1956. During 1953 the date for submitting church year statistical reports was changed from April 1 to December 31. 45. Copy of petition in RMPC Session Records, "Book 2," p. 186. Without much evidence, the author suspects that the Rev. Keys was the instigator of this request. Comparison of typed documents prepared by Keys with those from Newland's typewriter would indicate that the petition was typed in Keys's own, instantly-recognizable typing style: it shows strikeovers, absences of space between sentences, and vigorous strikes on the period key, all typical of Keys. Since by 1954 Keys was living more or less full time in Blowing Rock, it is at least possible he typed the draft version which is in the records. 46. Ibid., pp. 38-42. �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 BY THE SPRING OF 1956, Keys was sixty-three. He and his wife, Eleanor, who worked as a secretary and receptionist for Dr. Davant at the Blowing Rock Hospital, had been living in Blowing Rock for much of each year since late 1951 at the family's cottage, "the Keyhole," which they had built during his first pastorate. They attended Rumple Church regularly during this period, and, of course, were well known to most former members. Blowing Rock was home, and much of the town had taken them to its heart. Keys had found employment with the Chamber of Commerce and had directed the town's youth work. He had joined numerous civic organizations, including the Rotary Club, which he had helped to found during his earlier years in the community. In April a pulpit supply committee consisting of Mabel and Howard Holshouser, Margaret Vance, Collis Greene, and Bob Hardin, reported that its members had been in touch with Dr. Keys and obtained from him an "outline and memorandum . . . relative to plans and proposals for his present work and services he could devote to this Church as Temporary Supply." Upon approval by presbytery's Commission on the Minister and His Work, Keys was engaged to preach temporarily, beginning upon Newland's retirement. Reluctance on the part of the session was clear, however. For some, the question was whether his health would permit him to resume full time pastoral duties at the church. In August Dr. John Yelton came over from Holston Presbytery to explain that recent revisions in the Book of Church Order made it possible to engage Keys as occasional, rather than temporary supply pastor. The session so voted, without objection.1 But Keys was apparently able to dispel some doubts about his capacities during the summer. In September a congregational meeting voted 42-19 to call him full-time. When on October 1, Mr. and Mrs. 121 �122 / Chapter Five Joel McCurry gave a reception at their home in Mayview Park for the retiring minister, Newland, and his wife and for the newly-installed Keys and his wife, over a hundred people attended, "of all churches" in town and from many other places. The reception was noted in The Blowing Rocket as "the outstanding event of the 'turn-of-theseason.' "2 For at least the next three years, Keys proved able again to cope with the burdens of the resort ministry. His success was due in large part to the high quality of lay leadership he raised up and inspired at the church during this second tour of duty. Joint meetings of deacons and elders were held quarterly. Two additional elders, Wade Kluttz and Rudolph Greene, son of elder Collis Greene, and a deacon, Cecil Rhodes, had been elected in January of 1956; two more deacons, Joel C. McCurry and Thomas Wright, were chosen the following January. Regular additions were voted in each year during Keys's ministry. By June 1958, deacons Hardin and Rhodes were elected to membership on the session, and Dr. Curtis McGown, W. C. Lentz, Perry Lentz, and Robert L. S. Snyder had become deacons. All these men quickly took up important roles in the life of the church. A major task of the diaeonate all through these years was the every member canvass and the personal contact program needed to follow up pledges of support given on "Volunteer Day" Sunday each October. Perhaps the liveliest scene of lay activity during Keys's second pastorate was at the Sunday school, and especially in the men's Bible class. Former elder Rudolph Greene recalled being asked by Dr. Keys to help him get this class off its feet and make it a means of reaching men in the community who otherwise had no church affiliation. The existing class membership was divided into two teams, each headed by a "captain," which then competed for new members. The original captains, Perry Lentz remembers, were Gus Deaton and "Old Mr. Ed Love," a Gideon member who suffered from diabetes. Into the class were drawn —sometimes literally —men who had never darkened the door of any church in their lives. Even passersby on the sidewalk were urged to come in for study and fellowship. "Come on in, brother, you're welcome. This is the house of the Lord," Love would say. "I came in to get away from that big feller [Love]," at least one new member told the group. Once inside, all joined in the spirited hymn sings led by George Grove on the piano, who always "played with a little rhythm in his hymns," and heard a lesson given by Dr. Keys. Attendance soared, from a handful to, on occasion, more than fifty. Within two years, Rudolph Greene was made Sunday school superintendent, and Rhodes was president of the men's Bible class.3 Total reported Sunday school �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 123 attendance in all classes, 89 during Newland's last year, rose to 221 in Keys's. Church membership also went up remarkably during the period, from a reported 139 during Keys's first year, to 208 in 1959. The pastor obviously had found much local response. Wise in the lore of the mountains, sharing in the pleasures of hunting and fishing with many of his flock, and always exhibiting a common touch and a faith in his fellow men and women, he won the loyalty of many. The church bulletins of the later 1950's often reprinted Keys's sermons; others were collected in a pamphlet, "Meditations at Sunset," published not long before his retirement. Warm and earnest in tone, his sermons stuck close to the Scriptures and followed a numbered outline in the old-fashioned way. They invariably included an exhortation to listeners to the Lord's service which, if not of the altar-call variety, was distinctly "evangelistic." In other ways, too, Keys often sounded an old-fashioned note: by the 1950's his career had spanned the era of great growth and change in his beloved mountains. In the 1920's he had enthusiastically hailed the coming of economic development. A generation later he could reminisce fondly, in a sermon entitled "Big Business," about "the days when the village blacksmith, the dusty miller, the country merchant were the biggest business men we knew anything about." If it gave him "pause to know that the basic control in our huge defense production is so preponderently [sic] exercised by a few concerns," he nevertheless still believed that "the Biggest Business" of all was the work of Jesus, who had come "'to be about My Father's Business.' "4 Keys cooperated regularly in the inter-church work so necessary in a small town like Blowing Rock, especially during the off season. A Baptist-Presbyterian Easter sunrise service became tradition during these years. Joint Thanksgiving services would follow. And in 1958 another round of ecumenical summer programs was held at Rumple, led again by Father Spence, "Rabbi" Lazaron, Mrs. John Reiniking, and Keys. Grandfather Home Day services, always heavily attended by persons of many denominations, continued to be big items on the summer calendar of the resort community. The collection in 1958 raised $17,767 and in 1959, $18,578, the largest amount up to that time. Keys's second pastorate brought another important ecumenical legacy, a sign of the involvement of lay people and summer people in the welfare of all Christians, including the young. The "Dunn Youth" work was provided from the income which the church began receiving from a fund established by Robert A. Dunn of Charlotte to support Christian �124 / Chapter Five and recreational work among the youth of Blowing Rock. Robert A. Dunn was for many years a prominent Charlotte banker. He had first summered on the mountain in 1913, when he rented Dr. William J. Martin's cottage, "Chestnut Knoll." At that time Dunn was in the wholesale drug business. He wrote Martin after that summer that he and his wife had "tucked the house in with care" and had left the key "subject to yours only" with "Mrs. Levi Crisp at the Tappen Cottage. We enjoyed our stay in your house very much. If ever the road becomes dependable I should, I think, become one of the 'regulars' there." When the roads improved, Dunn did indeed become a "regular": he purchased a sizable tract of land and built a large home across from the Green Park Inn, where he and his second wife summered every year until Dunn's death in 1945. Dunn was an Alabama native of North Carolina stock whose Presbyterian faith expressed itself in service all his adult Hfe. He was an elder and taught a young men's Bible class at First Presbyterian Church in Charlotte for many years. Davidson virtually adopted him. Although he had earned no degree from any college, it awarded him an honorary Doctor of Laws in 1925, selected him for its Board of Trustees in 1929, and made him the board's president emeritus in 1940. In 1931 he was elected Moderator of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, U.S., the third prominent Blowing Rock summer resident and Rumple communicant to hold this high office.5 Upon the death of Dunn's wife, the legacy he had established in his estate began providing income for "Christian work among the youth of Blowing Rock, North Carolina." Under the will's provisions, five percent of his estate went to the Trustees of the General Assembly and to the Presbyterian Foundation of Charlotte, for such work, either in the form of a Young Men's Christian Association (Dunn's cousin, Lex Kluttz, was at the time secretary of the Charlotte YMCA), or, if no YMCA existed in Blowing Rock, "said funds shall be used through the . . . Presbyterian Church at Blowing Rock and/or the Board of Home Missions of the Presbytery of which said Church may be a part." The Rev. Mr. Keys was to have care and supervision of the work, according to the original terms. Dunn also left another five percent of his estate "for Christian work among the negro youth of Charlotte," to be administered through the YMCA there. It was his "desire that [the work in both places] shall include Bible study and instructions in Christian doctrine and belief, as well as provision for gymnasium indoor sports and outdoor sports, so that the mind, the body, and the spirit may all be developed in accordance with Christian doctrines." Since the inception of the "Dunn Youth" work, countless projects �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 125 have been undertaken, almost always with ecumenical backing among the town's churches, for projects meeting Dunn's original specifications. The fund has made possible a small salary for a part-time "Dunn Youth Worker," and has been used to send children to church camps, buy sporting equipment, and fund nursery school projects, to help with the costs of special scouting programs, rent films, and hold seasonal celebrations. That Keys's ties to Dunn, going back to his first pastorate, had much to do with getting the fund established, is clear. It was a gesture on both their parts which has touched numerous young lives and hearts. Local congregational needs were by the late 1950's also becoming apparent. In August, 1958, the session discussed buying or building a new manse, and using the older house as additional space for educational activities. A committee consisting of Bob Hardin, Curtis McGown, Dan Kluttz, Bill Lentz, and Howard Holshouser recommended that "an effort be made to solicit gifts and pledges toward a goal of $25,000 for a new manse," no doubt from among the usual local and summer supporters.6 In May, 1959, "a suggestion for new lighting in Chapel & placing shutters on the windows to control outside light was presented by Dr. Keys for further study," but not acted upon. The project for a new manse was embraced, however. Bob Hardin was named to head a committee to organize the fundraising, with Bob Snyder as co-chair; other members were Bill Lentz, Mr. and Mrs. H. P. Holshouser, Sr., Jean Bolick, and Nell Greene. The session also voted to employ "regular cleaning women to clean Church and Chapel."7 Later that year Keys "went public" with his requests for improvements. It was a last request to the congregation he had twice led. He printed in the church bulletin "An Allegory by the Church," in which, assuming the persona of the church structure, he pointed out that "not more than $2500 in real cash was ever invested in my building," which had served God's cause for over a half-century. Even "my 'alter-ego,' the Chapel, . . . was provided by the liberality of one great Christian." He invoked the programs the church had housed and supported over the years: the Grandfather Home offerings, the Good News Club, the "great men of God" who had preached from its pulpit: among them, "Rumple, Vardell, Vance, Tufts, Hoey, Broughton, Hodges, Cunningham, Jones, Gutzke, and, next week, Thompson." But "to be made comfortable for my people," he wrote, some changes were necessary: "a few well-placed heaters," "good lighting," a new organ, and, in the Chapel, better lights and "shuttered screens." He also indirectly appealed for relief from his own tasks: "I need the ringing voice, the alert �126 / Chapter Five step, the hearty handshake of a young man, called to be my minister." But, he warned from experience and from behind his thin disguise,8 1. DON'T call any man unless you make the call unanimous. 2. DON'T call any man until you have a suitable home in which he may live. 3. DON'T call any man unless you are ready to provide him with an adequate competence for living; at least the average for town and city churches. 4. DON'T call any man unless you resolve to give him your presence at church and your prayers for his strengthening. By that autumn Keys was approaching his sixty-seventh birthday. He had usually been able to get away on short vacation trips to Florida, or preach occasionally for other churches in his native region of Southwest Virginia, during his second stay at Rumple, but a certain restlessness seems to have taken him as retirement loomed. At a congregational meeting moderated by the Rev. Dr. Yelton on September 27, 1959, he read a statement announcing his intention to step down from the Rumple pulpit on the first of January of the following year. He said he intended to "ask Presbytery to give me, at least for the time being, the status of Honorably Retired with the privilege of doing evangelistic and supply work in the Presbytery and other areas." He intended to be available to his Rumple charge for supply work, and pastoral care, until a new minister was called, and, since he planned to "make Blowing Rock my latter-days home," to "be ready to help [the church] in anyway possible when needed." But he properly noted his expectation to "always be approached only through" the pastor and to consider "no church endeavors except at the invitation of the active pastor." He was, he said, in no way dissatisfied with Rumple Church or its work, but sought to do only "whatever work the Lord may have for me to do in the days ahead." By unanimous vote, with several members making regretful comments, the congregation voted to accept the resignation.9 In many ways Keys's retirement was the end of an era at Rumple Church. For nearly forty years he had been active, at presbytery and in Blowing Rock, on its behalf. Despite swings in his health and relocations to other responsibilities, he had made himself a part of the mountain resort community as perhaps no pastor has done before or since. Upon his death in 1973, he was buried at Blowing Rock, the only Rumple pastor whose remains rest among the mountains he knew and loved so well. Even more important than this earthly connection, he had put a spiritual stamp on his parishioners in the interest of his Master's cause. Several members of a generation raised under his �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 127 preaching still attend Rumple Church and remember him as one of the town's own. ***** Keys turned over the pulpit in 1960 to a representative of the younger generation, much as, nationally, the torch of government was passing to the young John F. Kennedy, the first president born in the twentieth century. If the Rev. Austin Blake Brinkerhoff was not the first Rumple pastor born in the current century, he was the first to bring a contemporary approach to much of the church's business. Yet he was building on a foundation which had been well established by his predecessors. He recalls today that he inherited a generally smoothfunctioning and harmonious organization with no major problems. His five years were, for the brand-new pastor, personally rewarding; his congregation seems to have returned the compliment. Gracious, considerate, and sensible, he made many friends in the town. He and his wife, Jacqueline Spaulding, had two sons, Charles Edward ("Brinkie," during his childhood) and Austin Blake, Jr., ("Audie"), born in Blowing Rock; a third, Louis Robert, was born in Florida during his father's present pastorate at the Highlands Presbyterian Church in Daytona Beach. Brinkerhoff, a member of the Davidson College class of 1956, entered Union Seminary in the fall of that year. Remarkably, three of the men in that entering class would one day become Rumple pastors: Brinkerhoff, the Rev. Richard Holshouser, and the Rev. Vaughn Earl Hartsell. Ordained and licensed in the summer of 1960 in Holston Presbytery, he moderated his first session meeting in Blowing Rock on August 2, 1960 (curiously, there is no record of the congregational meeting which must have been convened to call him). The Brinkerhoffs were to be the first residents of the new manse, already under construction. A special "Manse Day" service to raise money was held on August 28. The Farm House Singers provided the music (the first record of their appearance at the church), and, by vote of the session, Dr. Keys delivered the message. Perhaps the former pastor was picked because the project had been of such concern to him, and his fundraising talents were already known, while the new preacher was not yet a proven commodity. The plan had been sparked in 1958 when Mrs. Annie Cannon and another summer resident, Earl Searcy of Valdese, purchased two lots �128 / Chapter Five on South Wallingford Street and donated them to the church; over the next year the committee appointed to consider the matter moved slowly in planning for the new structure. "The very presence of the wooded area marked by the sign, 'site of new Presbyterian manse' struck fear in the hearts of many even as it brought hope to those who were cautiously optimistic."10 Advance pledges did not begin to meet costs, but work started in the summer of 1960. By September, builder Owen Coffey reported that an additional $7000 would be needed to finish the job. It is not clear how much had already been spent up to this time, or how much was raised from the August service at which Keys preached, although the statistical report to the General Assembly for 1960 showed that $4055 was raised that year for building expenses. Virtually all work was being done by local members: excavation, framing, plumbing, wiring, even making curtains. That fall, with full cooperation from the pastor, the elders and deacons began what was to stretch to nearly two years of fundraising effort. Chicken pie suppers were held almost monthly at the high school, with the deacons, chaired by Bruce Greene and motivated by Bob Hardin's enthusiasm for the project, doing most of the cooking. Another means of raising money was the sale of memorial plaques for the church pews; deacon Bob Snyder took charge of this part of the fundraising activity, which by the summer of 1961 had brought in some $1,500 from Sunday school and church members. Today about one-fourth of the pews bear these memorials. During 1961, after much discussion, twenty-five church members voluntarily signed bank notes for $200 each to underwrite the remainder of the building costs. No project the church had undertaken up to this time had involved so many members so directly. It was a sign of the church's maturity when, in the fall of 1961, clerk of session Rudolph Greene turned down Annie Cannon's offer to pay off the remainder of the manse obligation. She called him to her house at the end of the season and expressed her interest in the project: "I'd like to see the debt on the manse paid off," she told Greene."Do you think I should offer to the session to pay off what's left?" "No, ma'am, I don't think you should," he replied. "This is something we should do for ourselves." Greene later remembered that "she broke out in a big smile and gave me the biggest hug. And I don't believe the church was ever closer than when we were working on that project." The effort continued into 1962. By late summer, the entire note had been paid off and a grateful session held a ceremonial note-burning on the manse lawn.11 During Brinkerhoff's pastorate another national trend caught up with Blowing Rock. He and the other ministers of the county had a hand in defusing a drive to exacerbate racial tensions in the mountain �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 129 community on the part of that old instrument of hate, the Ku Klux Klan. In late 1964 the short-lived independent local newspaper The Blowing Rock Journal carried an ad inviting anyone who was a "Native-Born Loyal United States Citizen, 18 years old, a White Gentile Person of Temperate Habits, of Protestant Faith, and believe[d] in White Supremacy and Americanism" to join "THE UNITED KLANS OF AMERICA, Inc., KNIGHTS OF THE KU KLUX KLAN," which organization, readers were assured, "is absolutely Non-Subversive with no criminal accusations against it." This was a way to "FIGHT COMMUNISM," which "is being taught in some of our Public Schools and Colleges" and had "infiltrated many key Government positions. .. .Even some of our preachers are including Communist ideas in their sermons," the ad proclaimed.12 In reply, Brinkerhof f sent the paper's editor an open letter, published under the heading "Why I Oppose the KKK." He provided some local details: "On Friday, three men approached some of the merchants of our community and individuals on Main Street soliciting membership" in a new "Klavern" of the Klan to be formed in Watauga County. "Letters were mailed to members of the community, and membership cards were passed out... .Indeed, many have become active members." Brinkerhoff reviewed for his readers the history of the Klan's early post-Civil War activity, concluding that by the end of that era "Responsible men began to turn away from violence." "Today," he observed, "there is no need for the Ku Klux Klan. Responsible citizens have declined to become members of it, and only people who feel inferior themselves, or are deeply frustrated, or ignorant of what they are getting into, become members of the Klan." Even if violence was no longer the hallmark of today's Klan, he said, "its purposes are the same as before: to intimidate people by fear"; and its "foundation principle [has not] changed—racial superiority." Further, its members, by hiding behind sheets and hoods and profaning "the name of Christ by using the lighted cross as their symbol," were showing a cowardly unwillingness to assume responsibility for their actions. Striking a patrician's tone toward the end of his letter, Brinkerhoff recalled that the "stern, moral" ex-Confederate General, Nathan Bedford Forrest, when he became head of the Klan in 1868, had "openly denounced the lawless elements of the organization and ordered that the Klan be disbanded. If the general were alive today and lived in Watauga County, I suspect that he would be indignant enough to chase the hooded cowards over Grandfather Mountain." By the spring of 1965, Brinkerhoff helped mobilize the Watauga �130 / Chapter Five County Ministerial Association into opposing the Klan. Its twenty members present at a meeting on April 5 unanimously resolved: Because we believe that the relationship between the races in Watauga County is good, and that progress is steadily being made in communication and co-operation between our Negro and White communities; and Because we believe that this relationship can only be retarded by the establishment of a Klavern of the Ku Klux Klan, and other extremist groups; and Because we are unalterably opposed to communism but believe that the Ku Klux Klan is an ineffective way of fighting communism; and because as Christian ministers we feel that many of the principles, and the irresponsible actions of the Ku Klux Klan are contrary to the teachings of Christ, We hereby recommend that the citizens of Watauga County refrain from membership in the Ku Klux Klan. Brinkerhoff carried a slight variant of this resolution to the next meeting of Holston Presbytery in Kingsport, Tennessee, which commended the Ministerial Association for its "clear, courageous, [and] forthright stand" and endorsed its action. The resolution was published in the digest of Presbytery's activities prepared for all member churches and thus was widely distributed and read to boards of elders and deacons throughout the region.13 The ecumenical effort against the Klan was largely successful; few open incidents marred race relations between Watauga County's whites and its almost non-existent black population during these years of turbulence on the national scene. Rumple Church had already anticipated its own response if black worshippers sought to be seated in Rumple's congregation. In May, 1963, the session, noting that "racial demonstrations elsewhere" in the South "made it necessary to ... discuss what our church should do in the event any group of colored people should visit us," had agreed that "any person or persons wiU be treated courteously, and should be seated without special recognition."14 No one today can recall any such incident ever taking place. Although the church today has no black members, its policy with respect to courteous treatment for all, so far as is known, has never changed. The church had come a long way from sponsoring the late evening services for blacks during the 1930's and 1940's, through the "separate but (almost) equal" era of the Negro Community Church of the later 1940's to 1960's, to its present policy of open acceptance of all worshippers, of whatever race. And while race relations were the object of much anguish, individual heroism, and rapid rethinking throughout the denomination during the 1960's, the issue has lost its edge as an �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 131 object of controversy, since almost no blacks live in the county-and few, if any, summer residents bring servants, black or white, to the mountains any longer.15 The youthful Brinkerhoff faced another generational change during his pastorate as well: an alteration in the town's role as a tourist resort. By the early 1960's, many older members of the summer crowd were gone or passing away. A more sophisticated, more demanding group began to take their place in the community. For many years the "locals" had mingled freely with the summer people, both at the church and on the street; a mutual economic dependency had long existed, and a kind of personal respect had usually marked relations between the groups. When he or she needed a building contractor, an appliance, a repairman, a grocer, a gardener, or even a caddy or a groom for a horse, the summer resident had traditionally turned to some local resident, whom he or she was very likely to know personally. And, as has been shown above, when some "worthy cause" had needed support, the local leadership had for years been able to turn for help to concerned summer residents, whether to improve local sanitation, equip a hospital, raise money for an orphanage, or build a church plant. Presbyterians, indeed, had not been alone in this regard: Blowing Rock Baptists, Episcopalians, Methodists, even the few Roman Catholics and Christian Scientists, owed much, if not most, of their support to the summer residents. But times were changing. First came skiing, a new sort of "service industry," bringing a different kind of weekend tourist to the mountains —and in winter! The area now known as Appalachian Ski Mountain was first promoted as Blowing Rock Ski Mountain, and its upper slopes were by the 1960's lined with new chalets in pseudo-Swiss style for sale to short-term vacationers. The "services" they demanded were increasingly provided by middlemen, or by local people they rarely knew. Better roads, and increased affluence, were also making it possible for a new type of visitor, with different demands, to make more frequent appearances in Blowing Rock. By this time the grand old hotels were fading, if indeed they had not already been pulled down: the Green Park was acquired by the Broyhill Furniture Company and was no longer much favored by the public; Mayview Manor was abandoned, stripped of its elegant rusticity, and would soon be �132 / Chapter Five demolished for condominium development. Motels, a new national symbol of America on the move, accommodated the changed attitude toward travel: not the individuality and personal attention of a hotel and its dining room, but the anonymous and reassuring sameness of a private room and parking place, and a look-alike fast-food eatery, were all motorists seemed to want in the modern age. Blowing Rock, like many American communities, was fast becoming more a tourist stop for sightseers and less a summer resort for part-time residents. But even for those who still wished to avail themselves of a mountain resort, the definition of "exclusivity" had also come to acquire a new and more literal meaning. Typical locally of the new approach to "resort living" was the development in the 1960's, near the no-longer extant town of Shulls Mills, of Hound Ears Club, with its for-membersonly golf course, its restrictive lot sizes and building requirements, its exclusively upper middle-class clientele, and above all its gate house and gate guards. Such literal barriers symbolized the growing sense of difference between some local residents and the newer arrivals. Many of the new resort residents there and elsewhere found they could get along just fine not associating in any personal way with the "natives," while local residents came to resent, with some part of their minds, the condescending treatment, and the unthinking display of wealth, which seemed typical of so many of the new outsiders. The new "exclusivity" began to work both ways. Yet the local community, too, was changing. Many young people had benefited from improved educational opportunities of the wartime and post-war period; they shared the rising expectations of an increasingly consumer-oriented secular culture. Some were moving away to "make it" in bigger and fastergrowing cities in the piedmont or out of state. Those who stayed faced the perennial difficulty of earning an adequate living in a small, seasonal resort town. A split grew between the locals who could accommodate to, and profit from, the newer, more specialized service needs of tourism, and those who resented and feared the new climate. Brinkerhof f hit upon two solutions, one personal, the other organizational, to deal with the effects these divisions were having upon his own charge. He has recently recalled that "on Saturday nights I would go over and shoot pool in their basements with my local elders, and on Sunday mornings get up and preach from the pulpit to my millionaires."16 He did, of course, more than this for both groups. Locally, he and his wife, young themselves, took strong support roles with many of the young couples in the church, and their small children. Jackie Brinkerhoff for a time had charge of the Dunn Youth work, arranging programs for the town's youth, finding volunteers to provide them hot �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 133 dog suppers in the church fellowship building (a function filled by the old manse after 1962), chaperoning them to summer camp, and similar functions. Blake Brinkerhoff helped organize a bowling league of church men, worked to revive and lead a Boy Scout troop, and in many other ways accommodated himself to his parishioners. He repeatedly inspired them to service, both at the church and in the larger community. During this era, the Sunday school secretary, Jay W. Greene, and his wife, Bernie, took the lead in extending the annual Christmas program of the Sunday school from a simple party for the children to what has since become an annual tradition of gift-giving, exchange of Christmas treats, and a visit from Santa Claus. Brinkerhoff helped ensure that the season's spirit was extended beyond the walls of the church, when, with members of the diaconate and the session, he had baskets of food collected at the service and distributed in the community to anyone who needed such a helping hand. This "White Christmas" tradition has continued to the present.17 The pastor on several occasions urged church officers to take more active roles: for a time the "Shepherd Plan" was tried, "whereby each officer . . . would be in charge of visiting and meeting the needs of approximately seven families" in the church. Session members were asked to impress the need for infant baptism upon parents in the church who had small children. The pastor visited regularly in Sunday school, explaining the meaning and function of the church to young people looking toward full membership. He held communicants' classes, and even led a vocational guidance class; for all these efforts he drew warm praise from the leadership.18 To minimize problems between the local and summer congregations, Brinkerhoff also took to heart St. Paul's injunction, "Let all things be done decently and in good order" (I Cor. 14:40), and gave form for the first time to a Summer Residents Committee. His hope was that accommodation could be reached between the disparate, sometimes mutually-suspicious groups in his charge. Brinkerhoff s most enthusiastic and sympathetic supporter in the new organization was Eugene S. Bowman of Mocksville. Bowman is the sort of man who never met a stranger. Long a resident of the Hershey, Pennsylvania area (both children and adults remember that for years at church he always had a pocketful of chocolate kisses which he loved to pass out when introducing himself), he and his wife, Ruth, bought a vacation house in Blowing Rock in 1960. After his retirement in 1964, they spent most of every summer on the mountain; they later also wintered in Florida. Bowman, as has been noted, immediately took an interest in the activities of the black Community Church. For eighteen years, until the congregation �134 / Chapter Five had shrunk to a tiny handful, he preached there most every summer Sunday afternoon. It was a labor of love, for Bowman, a native Pennsylvanian who had cut his teeth on powerful Presbyterian preaching, was an enthusiastic, self-taught student of the Bible and of church doctrine and practice. He also took several turns teaching the men's and women's Sunday school class at Rumple during the summer. With Brinkerhoff he found at least one immediate point of agreement: however attractive Rumple Church's appearance on the outside, its interior remained barnlike and unadorned (Keys would probably have agreed, but might have put it more gently). Indeed, except for the stone pulpit and f lowerstands which had gone in when the church was built, and some English-style, electrified wall sconces, a plain communion table at the foot of the pulpit platform was the only interior decoration-although flowers and greenery often made up for the church's plainness on special occasions. Brinkerhoff and Bowman agreed that a set of table appointments would dignify and complement regular congregational worship. But while such a project was an initial point of departure for the cooperation of the two men, the larger need for a formal organization and procedure for channeling the support of the summer people was by the early 1960's glaringly apparent. The death of David Ovens in 1957 had removed one of the most dynamic, if occasionally controversial, supporters of the church's cause with the summer crowd. (Ovens's death also had, as will be shown in chapter six, an effect upon Grandfather Home Day.) It was time to draw together the remaining loyal supporters from the older generation, and forge a group which would carry on the work in unison with a new one. With a glad hand and unquenchable enthusiasm, Bowman found some nine other men whom Brinkerhoff asked in September 1962 to form a "Special Planning Committee." The name was subsequently changed to the "Summer Residents Committee" (SRC), and membership quickly grew to eighteen, with a mailing list of more than 150. It was directed to familiarize summer residents with the church's activities, to welcome and assist in ministering to them, and to offer suggestions and help in planning for and achieving the church's long range goals. In 1967 the group adopted a formal set of by-laws. Along with Howard Walker and Bill Matson, Bowman was to be its leading spirit for twenty-one years, a term of service to Rumple Memorial almost as long as Ovens's-and one which, while not always perfectly harmonious, was certainly less disruptive to the church's pastoral and budgetary activity. For where Ovens and his friends of the previous generation had concentrated on local benevolence projects like Grandfather Home and a pastoral salary supplement, which had always been �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 135 "off budget" gifts, Bowman's committee raised funds for various improvement projects at the church, and channeled them through the church treasurer. Rumple's treasurer was in fact made treasurer of the SRC. The pastor was always invited to attend, and was kept informed of every committee action. This wise and farsighted arrangement has continued to this day.19 Funds raised by the SRC freed up locally-raised monies to go to support the larger mission of the church, whose long list of benevolences by the 1960's included presbytery, synod, and General Assembly causes, some designated for specific agencies or organizations, others for more general purposes such as church extension. Thus by the end of Brinkerhoffs pastorate a congregation slightly smaller in numbers than it had been at the end of Keys's was giving somewhat more to benevolences. Meanwhile the projects of the SRC had an effect on the church's appearance and the congregation's comfort. A simple brass cross and candlestands were purchased for the communion table. New electric lanterns were hung over the seating area, providing additional illumination and complementing the increasingly English countrychurch look of the sanctuary.20 Pew cushions were purchased shortly after. And in May 1963, William W. Matson of the Summer Residents Committee appeared before the session to report "on plans for heating the stone sanctuary. The plans were wholeheartedly adopted, along with other attendant minor specifications."21 That summer a whole new heating system, and additional ductwork, was put in place. For the first time in fifty years, a satisfactory means of heating the building had been found. In 1987 local and summer resident contributors replaced that furnace. And although the smaller number of wintertime worshippers still makes it too expensive and impractical to use the main building after Thanksgiving or before Easter, fall and spring services in the stone sanctuary have been considerably more comfortable since the 1963 work. Through the years the SRC's gifts have proved enormously beneficial to the life of Rumple Church. In a February 1978 letter to Concord Presbytery, Bowman estimated that up to that date the committee's "total gifts to Rumple Church were in excess of $180,000," an amount which included some $100,000 from various individuals toward the Cannon Educational Building between 1965 and 1971. The total has grown considerably larger since then. In 1974 the committee purchased and later had paved a lot for parking at the rear of the church. Its gifts have made possible a long list of other refurbishing and maintenance projects, without which the physical plant would inevitably �136 / Chapter Five have fallen into serious disrepair: refinishing the ceiling, beams, and pews in the sanctuary; building new sidewalks; rebuilding the stone pulpit platform; replacing (more than once) the aisle carpeting; stripping and repainting the wood siding on the chapel wing; and several times making repairs to the slate roof. Some jobs the committee did with their own hands: a group spent several days one summer stuffing insulating material between the rocks in the sanctuary walls. The organ currently in use in the stone sanctuary was largely paid for by SRC donations. Summer resident Anne (Mrs. Thomas V.) Snively, Sr., to augment the seasonal music program, subsidizes individual members of the Farm House Restaurant Singers each summer to join with the Rumple choir. Her support, which began during Brinkerhoffs time, has added much to the summer services; it continues today.22 During the 1980's such projects as a vestibule for the chapel, and reroofing the Cannon Educational Building, have continued to find SRC support. Many other mundane but necessary items, such as duplicating machinery, folding chairs and tables, and choir robes, have been acquired through SRC contributions. Simply put, proper upkeep at Rumple Church, without the continued help of the summer people, would be an almost impossible burden to the permanent congregation. And because the projects have been coordinated through the church treasurer and the session, the process Brinkerhoff began has worked reasonably well to allay unwarranted interference, or resentment, between the two groups. But just as important as the material benefits which the SRC has made to Rumple Church has been the spirit in which their work was led. In his own often-eloquent but idiosyncratic style, Bowman tried in 1978 to put into words something of that spirit:23 You and I know that many things in human life bring joy; from the sense of a healthy body and the exhilaration of a sunshiny day . . . to the deep satisfaction of home and summer friends in the mountains, there ARE numberless sources of happiness. But man has always been athirst to find joy in thinking about the TOTAL meaning in life. I feel that, if when he thinks about God, he can, like the psalmist, rejoice in the future ahead of him, then all his other blessings ARE illuminated. Truly, not only are there happy things in life, but LIFE ITSELF, is, fundamentally blessed. For me, it seems that the thought of God in terms of friendly personality is the most joyful idea of him that man has ever had. Isn't man's thirst for joy one of the sources for his faith IN a personal God? Isn't this what man wants, what the Apostle Paul called "joy �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 137 and peace in believing"? And in DOING? So, let all ... believe, AND DO! Other organizational matters which were attended to during Brinkerhoff s pastorate included a changeover to the rotation system for deacons, beginning in late 1961. One-third of the board was replaced that year and each year thereafter, each new "class" serving a three year term. It is not clear from the records why the church did not apply the rotation plan at the same time to the members of the session; a system of rotation for elders, with one being replaced each year, was agreed to in 1969. This system was followed until 1977, when the church adopted the "unicameraT system of church government, in effect abolishing the diaconate by combining its responsibilities with those of the session of elders.24 Brinkerhoff also for the first time organized several standing committees to more formally involve laypersons in the life and service of the church: a Committee on Strengthening the Church, on Service, on Witness, and on Commitment. During his last year in Blowing Rock, Brinkerhoff set in motion the plans which would culminate, under his successor, in a new Sunday school building. Annie Cannon had entered her decline. She was in and out of the hospital in Blowing Rock for several months during late 1964 and early 1965. Her will, written long before, provided for Rumple if the executor-members of her family concurred. Brinkerhoff and others in the congregation kept close to her, not only for the sake of the church's future, but in gratitude for all she had already done. Brinkerhoff remembers that, although he did not always share some of her more conservative theological views, they had a deep mutual respect and shared a genuine desire to serve the same Savior. Her death, on March 10, 1965, removed one of the last links to Rumple Memorial's past. She had been born December 9, 1887, the same year as the Blowing Rock church; she had loved and taught generations of its young people; and, along with her family and many others whom she had touched, she provided for a lasting monument after her, both for the work she had done for others and for her Lord. Brinkerhoff conducted her funeral service. "Wednesday, March 10, 1965, was Easter Morn for Mrs. Annie L. Cannon," he told a crowded church. "This was the day she had achieved her victory." Her friend Nell Greene wrote in The Blowing Rocket the following week:25 "Although Mrs. Cannon lived a full, rich life for the Lord, her problems, as well as her joys, were numerous. But her problems were shared with a higher power that made them easier to bear. . . .Perhaps the most fitting tribute paid to Mrs. Cannon was the anthem sung by the choir �138 / Chapter Five at the close of her committal service. The anthem was sung at the close of each Sunday morning scene-o-felt presentation for more years than anyone can remember by the children she loved: Turn your eyes upon Jesus, Look full in His wonderful face, And the things of earth will grow strangely dim, In the light of His glory and grace." ***** Brinkerhoff turned Rumple Church over to his lay committees in January, 1966, after having accepted a call to the Highland Presbyterian Church in Daytona Beach, Florida. Several preachers filled in over that winter, among them the academic dean and professor of Bible at Lees-McRae, Dr. Robert G. Newman, who in this period also supplied the pulpit at the Baird's Creek Church. But Rumple's regular operations: the Sunday school, the Men and the Women of the Church, the Dunn Youth, and others, ran on smoothly. Considerable responsibility fell upon the clerk of session, Rudolph Greene, and elder Bob Hardin, hardware store owner and mayor of Blowing Rock from 1953 to 1971, who moderated the session meetings that winter. The lay training the preceding pastors had provided was being put to the test, and succeeded. But unfortunately for Rumple's more recent experience, serious trouble lay ahead. As the sage of Proverbs knew, "pride goeth before a fall." The church as a whole had much to be proud of by the mid-1960's, and more would be accomplished during the next several years. But both the strengths and the shortcomings of the generation the church had raised up by this era would leave a legacy with which the current crop of leaders still has to contend. When he left, Brinkerhoff wrote that Rumple Memorial was a "most unique" church that "provides fine year-round opportunity for building leadership" because of its "tremendous outreach in the spring, summer, and fall" to a summer congregation containing "college presidents, vacationing ministers, townspeople, and visitors from all over the nation. Also, a very welcome characteristic of this church is its unity." He and the session in late December 1965 carefully filled out a "Church Data Form" for the Assembly's Committee on the Minister and His Work, to assist in the search process for a new pastor. As a benchmark for comparison with earlier and later summaries of the church's condition, it should be cited in some detail.26 �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 139 In 1965 the church employed a full-time pastor, at an annual salary of $4800, plus a $600 car allowance and another $600 utility allowance. It contributed on the pastor's behalf to the Minister's Annuity Fund, and provided a rent-free manse and a month's paid vacation. Others on the staff included a choir director (that year a young graduate student in music at Appalachian State Teachers' College, Tom Forrest), at $700 a year; an organist, Margaret Vance, at $480; a janitor, at $500; and a Dunn Youth Worker, at $300. Nine men made up the session; their average age was fifty-five. On average they attended eighty percent of the session meetings, and ninety-five percent of the worship services. The nine-man board of deacons averaged thirty-eight years of age, attended ninety percent of their meetings, and came to church ninety percent of the time. Of 139 active members on the roll, an average of ninety attended services in the winter; attendance in summer was estimated to average 215. Sunday evening services were no longer held, but eight to twelve persons attended a mid-week Prayer and Study Service. "Many" of the members were under age twenty, or age twenty to sixty; "few" were over sixty. Of the occupational listings given on the form, "many" were reported in the business, clerical, laborer, professional, and retired categories, "few" were farmers. A total of 117 persons were enrolled in Sunday school, sixty of whom were under age eighteen; forty-six adults, nine teachers, and two officers were indicated. Sixty women, and thirty men, were active in their respective church organizations. The church conducted Vacation Bible School, communicants' classes, church workers' conferences, and "occasionally" held a leadership training school. It hosted Scouting programs for boys and girls under twelve, and youth organizations for "Pioneers" and "Seniors." Its budget, which in 1965 totaled $13,079, was jointly prepared by the elders and deacons, and raised by "pledges and gifts"; an estimated fifteen percent of the membership tithed. All its buildings, valued at a total of $75,000, were free of debt, in "good" repair, and insured for near their estimated value. The religious education building, which dated to 1936, was considered inadequate for "present and future needs," however. The new manse was equipped "in all essentials"; parking around the church was "fair"; a volunteer choir of fifteen, an organ in "good" condition, and "sufficient pianos" for the educational plant completed the music program. The congregation sang from The Hymnbook. As for the character of the community in which the church was located, Blowing Rock was described on the form as a "Tourist" town, with "small businesses and tourist attractions" making up its leading �140 / Chapter Five industries and occupations. Its winter population was 700, the summer population, 6,000; ninety percent was estimated to be native-born white, 9.5 percent "foreign-born," and one-half percent "Negro." The townspeople's religious affiliations were put at eighty percent Protestant, five percent Roman Catholic, three percent Jewish, and twelve percent "Unchurched." Rumple Church claimed as a "special emphasis" its "ministry to tourists and summer community; special summer residents committee composed of leaders from many churches in [the] Southland." It had added five new members on profession of faith, six on transfer of membership, and two on restatement of faith in 1965. And it indicated its members were "cordial to visitors and prospective members, effective in assimilation of new members," welcomed members from various economic levels, and cooperated in all denominational programs. From this base of success, then, the congregation began its search for a replacement minister. During early 1966 two other pulpit candidates were considered before the congregation decided on May 29, at a meeting moderated by the Rev. L. B. Gibbs, executive secretary of Holston Presbytery, to call the Rev. James Richard Holshouser, then pastor of Acme Presbyterian Church at Riegelwood, North Carolina. The new pastor was provided an annual salary of $6500, of which $500 was to be considered manse expense, and $1000 as car expense; plus the now-standard contributions to the Ministerial Annuity Fund, group health insurance, and a month's paid vacation. The nominating committee introduced him to the congregation in its report as a native of Mooresville, North Carolina, a Davidson graduate, class of 1956, and a 1960 Union Seminary graduate. Holshouser had "studied for a year at a Seminary in [Montpellier,] France as an Exchange Student," and had been ordained in Wilmington Presbytery on July 31, 1960. Married to Sadie Rebecca Rigler, the new pastor and his wife had three children, Natalie, then five, Laura, three, and Andrew, two and a half months old.27 The Holshouser name, of course, was a familiar one in the community, but the new minister was only distantly related to the local Holshouser family. Richard Holshouser had been involved in denominational activities for much of his life. Even before college, he had been a leader at Presbyterian young people's conferences, and presided over the Youth Council of Concord Presbytery during his senior year of high school. He first gained experience at money-raising for worthy causes when he led the Youth Council's campaign to buy a Jeep for Presbytery's Camp Grier during 1953.28 A major achievement of Holshouser's time at Rumple Church would be to head up the raising of more than $143,000, from all �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 141 sources, for the Annie L. Cannon Memorial Education Building. It remains the most lasting physical legacy of his ministry to the church and the community. In an interview during 1987, Holshouser, who currently pastors at two churches, Clinchfield and Conley Memorial, near Marion, recalled his years at Rumple by identifying people with whom he worked, and who served the church with him during that period. But his first thoughts upon taking the job, he remembered, were of the young people of the congregation and the town of Blowing Rock. It was to the service of this group that he directed a large share of his energy. The Dunn Youth stepped up activities, led by Ginger Smith and Susie Greene, during the summers. So did the Scouts. Holshouser took student groups to summer camps in Holston and later Concord Presbyteries. Buses carried youth groups to Charlotte, to visit various interdenominational outreach programs among that city's homeless and drug-dependent. All these activities brought increased numbers of young people into contact with Rumple Church. In their interest, Holshouser focused the session's attention on the inadequacy of the church's physical plant. When the new manse had been completed, some seven years previously, the old one had been remodeled as a fellowship hall, but it could not begin to accommodate the growing number of groups needing meeting space. The lower floor of the 1936 building lacked adequate lighting and ventilation (it has since been renovated by volunteer labor with Dunn Youth and other funds from the Summer Residents Committee, and one of its rooms furnished with attractive antiques and dedicated to the memory of Mrs. Ethel Burns). For two or three years, the church arranged to lease the American Legion building for its youth activities. Meanwhile, the legacy to the church from Annie Cannon's estate, provided by her daughter, Mary Morris of Greensboro, and granddaughter, Anne Reynolds Forsyth, was drawing bank interest. Elder Howard P. Holshouser, as chairman of the building committee appointed under the previous pastor, had solicited various members and friends of the Cannon family, and had had sketches prepared for an addition somewhat smaller than the one which finally took shape. Estimates in 1965 put project costs at about $75,000, of which some $43,000 was on hand as of September, 1966. The new pastor continued to promote the project; planning moved ahead more rapidly-and became more elaborate. The architectural firm of Malcolm and Higgins, of Charlotte, was engaged in early 1967 to design a larger, threestory building. The new plans allocated space for several spacious rooms for men's, women's, and young people's Sunday school classes; a �142 / Chapter Five fellowship hall and kitchen; and a room for pre-schoolers, which would soon come to house a weekday "Good News" nursery school. The structure was designed to wrap around the south end of the winter chapel building, allowing for a new choir loft and elevated pulpit area there. It connected to the stone church as well, providing a unified plant for the first time. A new heating system served both the new wing and the old chapel, but not the stone sanctuary. The old manse was to be demolished. Consideration was given to facing the new building in stone, to match the existing sanctuary, but the idea had to be dropped as prohibitively expensive. As Holshouser recalled it, the necessary rock work would have cost as much as $100,000. Pointed arches on the exterior porch, facing the street, and a beige tone of brick, supposed to harmonize with the slate roof then on the stone sanctuary, were the only concessions to the country gothic style of the building to which the new wing was to be attached. Its flat roof was perhaps its most unfortunate feature, both from an aesthetic and practical standpoint: had the architect considered the problem of snow build-up, as did the amateurs who had designed the original stone church? Within three years the new building had to be re-roofed to stop leaks, while its energy inefficiencies became a problem when the cost of fuel oil soared after the 1973 crisis in the Middle East. Still, the plant's utility has made it a substantial asset both to the church and to the community.29 As it was, the only bid made on the project in late 1968, for $184,500, far exceeded the session's expectations. Rather than take that bid to the congregation, acceptable means of financing what had become a much more expensive undertaking than initially supposed had to be explored. After some months the congregation approved a plan to issue $120,000 in 6% bonds, but later voted to accept a conventional twenty-year loan for that amount, secured by the church property. Work began in spring 1969 by the Wilkie Construction Company of Lenoir, at a contract price of $178,000. A handsome eight-page brochure was printed to lay the plans before the resident and summer membership.30 The whole town watched the building take shape, in pictures printed in The Blowing Rocket at frequent intervals over the next two years. The paper also carried regular notices of the fundraising bake sales, bazaars, and ham suppers (one of which, in August, 1969, drew more than four hundred people) sponsored all through 1969 and 1970 by the Men and the Women of the Church. On Sunday, August 16,1970, in an impressive dedication service, the Rev. Holshouser led the con- �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 143 gregation in a "Litany for the Church" which concluded with a prayer "for God's blessing on the Church in this place: Here may the faithful find salvation, and the careless be awakened. Here may the doubting find faith, and the anxious be encouraged. Here may the tempted find help, . . . and the sorrowful comfort. Here may the weary find rest, and the strong be renewed. Here may the aged find consolation, and the young be inspired.31 After a sermon by the pastor, "Led Forth in Joy," on a text from Luke 24:44-53, several members of the congregation took part in the dedicatory: Owen Coffey, most recent chairman of the building committee, presented the keys to the building; Rudolph Greene, clerk of session, accepted them. Wayne Craig and Gail Lentz spoke on "the hope of the youth," and Mrs. Everett Widener, president of the Women of the Church, expressed that organization's gratitude. Then a "Litany of Dedication" committed both the building and congregation "to continue the vision and sacrifice of Christ's servants in our midst who have taught the Word of God in years gone by" and to "the broadening of spiritual horizons and the deepening of Christian trust, that young and old may be awakened, enlightened, and strengthened." After giving thanks "for those in our community, in our nation, and throughout the world who depend on our committed efforts," the litany also thanked God "for the numerous and far-reaching bonds with gentle, persevering Christians throughout many states who fill this church with their presence, love, and prayers during every season of the year." It was a fitting acknowledgment of the union which bound winter and summer residents in a common worship of the same Lord. Then "after they had sung an hymn [*O Zion Haste, Thy Mission High Fulfilling'], they departed."32 But the project was not over. Holshouser and the session continued to urge upon the congregation the need to pay off the building mortgage early. In November 1970, summer resident Marian (Mrs. William) Nebel offered anonymously to match contributions to the building fund by June 1, 1971, up to $45,000.33 This generosity inspired increased efforts, beginning at a Christmas season Love Feast, to pay off the remaining obligation, some $90,000, during the next several months. Another round of bake sales and suppers followed, as did behind-the-scenes prayers, and solicitations from summer residents. An "Expect a Miracle" fellowship supper was scheduled during the spring of 1971, to tally up the receipts of the previous six months and to seek redoubled giving from all present. Holshouser recalled that when the count was completed, the total was $4500 short of the �144 / Chapter Five amount needed to pay off the whole mortgage. At that point, Opal (Mrs. C. A.) Lynch, a summer resident, a Roman Catholic, who had attended the supper in the company of John Miles and Caroline Abernethy of Newton and who was interested in youth work in Blowing Rock, asked the preacher if she could give the amount in the memory of her late husband, who had been a Presbyterian. With that gift, the "miracle" had occurred.34 Not all gifts were so large, of course, but many were sacrificial. Later that same evening, Holshouser took two plates from the supper to a local couple whose families had long had ties to the church. Holshouser recalled that they gave him a $50 bill that night, to help defray the expenses of the dinner. Later a church member commented that, considering the record of hardship, sickness expense, and low levels of income in that family, such a gift was perhaps equal to $1000 from someone else. And so a major milestone had been passed. To Holshouser, and to many year-round residents, the new educational wing was a sign of the increased independence and responsibility of the local congregation. In just over two years, more than half the cost of the building had been raised locally, or at least on local initiative. The generosity of many in the summer congregation had been very important: Marian NebeFs challenge gift was the largest single benefaction the church had ever received at one time. But a few other members of the Summer Residents Committee were critical of the considerable investment the building represented. Had the church relied only on the summer residents, the project might have continued to languish many years. Once the educational building was completed, the session next authorized some $20,000 worth of repairs to the stone sanctuary and the purchase and paving of a lot for parking at the church's rear. Most of the funds came from summer residents, but the often-outspoken Holshouser made clear that the church session was the final decision-making body on all local matters. Having convinced themselves of the need, the pastor and the lay leadership were together displaying the confidence, and independent decision-making, which marked a community coming of age. ***** Another milestone of the Holshouser era was reached in July 1969, when the Presbyterian churches of Watauga County rejoined the Pres- �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 145 bytery of Concord and the Synod of North Carolina. The Synod of Appalaehia had been created in the Tufts era. A new network of ties had since strengthened the county's connections to its home state and had considerably lessened its dependency upon the inter-mountain structures which Tufts's generation had created to serve what had been perceived as a common cultural unit. Ironically, the break with the Synod of Appalachia came at about the same time the federal government was rediscovering Appalachia, and increasing amounts of attention and tax dollars were being funneled, mostly through the Appalachian Regional Commission, into the area. Church links were being cut just as political ones were being created. The idea of returning to Concord Presbytery, as has been shown above, had first been broached almost fifteen years before, and was now thoroughly restudied by Holshouser and at several joint meetings of elders and deacons. The proposal reached a formal petition stage again in October 1968, when a congregational meeting voted 49-2, with six abstentions, to ask for the transfer. The initiative may be seen as part of a general move then underway throughout the denomination to restructure presbytery and synod boundaries.35 Locally, it was linked to the concern of both the Boone and Blowing Rock churches to minister more effectively to Presbyterians in the county who, if not fulltime local residents, were from North Carolina. Two groups were singled out for mention: the students at Appalachian State University in Boone, numbering some 5500 by the late 1960's, and the tourists and summer residents of Blowing Rock. Both groups' ties were predominantly within the state; neither Holston Presbytery nor the Synod of Appalachia was making any special effort to reach them. Other significant factors supporting the move, according to the petition, were the work and commuting patterns of Rumple's membership, and the difficulties of travel within Holston Presbytery. Blowing Rock itself, since it straddled the line between Watauga and Caldwell Counties, was "surrounded on three sides by the boundary of Concord Presbytery." A chart appended to the petition showed that the farthest point in Concord Presbytery was only 115 miles by road from the town, while a corresponding point in Holston was 170 miles distant. The church "had only happy relationships" with its previous home presbytery, and did not intend by its request, it said, to complain or criticize; it simply felt isolated from the majority of Holston's "fine work... .The fast-growing cities and suburban areas of east Tennessee are properly known best by elders and ministers of Tennessee," the petition concluded. After several procedural delays, which included having to hold an �146 / Chapter Five extra congregational meeting at the B ami's Creek Church to meet fully the letter of the Book of Church Order,m the three churches in Watauga County were officially dismissed to the Synod of North Carolina in July, 1969. Nothing perceptible happened locally. As in the past, the relationship between Rumple Church and Grandfather Home continued. Receipts from the annual August collections now were channeled through Concord, rather than Holston Presbytery: both had been supporting the Home since the birth of the Synod of Appalachia in 1915. Rumple Memorial was indeed now within easier commuting distance of centers in Concord rather than Holston Presbytery; and in the controversies which would come to disturb the church during the next decade, the new connection meant that the court to which the delicate matters regarding Holshouser's successor would be referred would be made up of more locally-accessible representatives. For by an unhappy twist, the new connection had its first test when outside authorities had to be drawn in to adjudge matters on which the church would soon become deeply divided. �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 147 Notes for Chapter Five 1. RMPC Session Records, pp. 39-42. 2. Clipping from The Blowing Rocket, n.d., in "This Is Your Life" Scrapbook. 3. Oral interviews with Perry Lentz and Rudolph Greene, December 1986; RMPC Sunday Bulletin, September 28, 1958, in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. 1. Grove's daughter, Jean Chater, and her husband, Bill, are current members of RMPC; as of 1987 she served as secretary of the Watauga County Hunger Coalition in Boone, while Bill taught the Couples' Sunday school class and sang in the choir. 4. RMPC Sunday Bulletin, December 8, 1957, reprinting sermon of November 10, 1957, in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. 1. 5. Letter, Dunn to Martin, September 26, 1913, W. J. Martin Papers, Davidson College Archives; and information from Chalmers G. Davidson. See also "Robert A. Dunn Dies After Brief Illness," Charlotte Observer, February 22, 1945, p. 1.1 am grateful to summer resident Jim Love of Mount Holly for this reference and for information about the Dunn house and property. For terms of the Dunn legacy: 1970 Yearbook, RMPC. 6. Trouble also again plagued the heating system: in December "the offer of Geo. Sudderth, Jr., to look after furnaces was accepted. . . ." RMPC Session Records, Book 2, pp. 56-57; and General Assembly Statistical Reports for 1958, 1959. 7. RMPC Session Records, meeting of May 27, 1959. 8. Copy of portion of RMPC church bulletin, fall 1959, exact date unknown. As Holston Presbytery met in Blowing Rock that fall, the Rev. Dr. E. T. Thompson, Moderator of the General Assembly that year, mentioned as preaching "next week," would have been present in that connection. Others on the list Keys gave who have not previously been noted in this account include: three North Carolina governors (Hoey, Broughton, and Hodges), a president of Davidson College (the Rev. Dr. John R. Cunningham), a well-known Christian author and professor at Columbia Theological Seminary (the Rev. Dr. Manford George Gutzke) and a Union Theological Seminary president (the Rev. Dr. James A. Jones). 9. RMPC Session Records, Book 2, pp. 63, 192. 10. "Rumple Memorial Presbyterians Pay Off New Manse Building Debt," The Blowing Rocket, August 25, 1962; clipping in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. I. Searcy was a co-founder of the Waldensian Bakeries in Valdese and had a summer home in Mayview: information from Perry Lentz and Rudolph Greene. 11. Oral interview with Rudolph Greene, December 1986. See also RMPC Session Records, Book 2, pp. 57-95, passim. 12. Advertisement, The Blowing Rock Journal, no date, copy of clipping kindly supplied the author by the Rev. Brinkerhoff. �148 / Chapter Five 13. "Resolution," undated newspaper clipping; Digest of Meeting of Holston Presbytery, First Church, Kingsport, April 6,1965, copies of each supplied by Brinkerhoff. 14. RMPC Session Records, Book 2, p. 108. 15. See, for example, Thompson, Presbyterians, III, 538-551. In 1964, the PCUS's Directory of Worship was amended to make "unmistakably clear" the position that "No one shall be excluded from participation in public worship in the Lord's house on the grounds of race, color, or class"; ibid., p. 549. 16. Oral interview with Brinkerhoff, July 1987. 17. Jay Greene later served eighteen years as superintendent of the Sunday school, for nine years as deacon, and twelve years on the session. At his death in 1981, members of his family, and friends, at the urging of his niece, Gail Ford, and nephew, Terry Lentz, established a memorial fund in his name, the income of which still supports this annual event at the Sunday school. Information supplied by Bernie Greene. 18. RMPC Session Records, pp. 106, 112, 117, 122. 19. See folder, "Summer Residents Committee," RMPC records files. Beginning in early 1962, the church treasurer's job fell to Everett Widener, who, with a committee of deacons, thoroughly overhauled the church's budgetary procedures and, probably for the first time in Rumple's history, had the church books audited. Widener was followed as treasurer by deacon Bob Hardin when he was elected elder in late 1963. 20. Until at least the mid-1930*s, the original "great old chandeliers with their dozens of lamps" still hung in the church; these were apparently not suitable for electrification, or had already been disposed of by the 1960's. "Little Stone Presbyterian Church At Blowing Rock Attracts Visitors," Watauga Democrat, June 1, 1933, p. 3. 21. RMPC Session Records, Book 2, p. 111. 22. Ibid., p. 123. 23. Letter, Bowman to the Rev. Perry Mobley, February 25, 1978. Other information in this section from oral interview with Bowman, January 1987. 24. RMPC Session Records, Book 3 [1965-1976], Congregational meeting of April 27, 1969; the congregation rejected a proposal to adopt the unieameral system in 1971: ibid., congregational meeting of September 19. See chapter below for more on this issue. 25. Nell Greene, "She Was God's Great Lady," The Blowing Rocket, undated clipping in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. I. 26. Church Data Form, December 13, 1965, 5-pp., RMPC Session Records, Book 3. 27. RMPC Session Records, "Report of Nominating Committee," Congregational Meeting of May 29, 1966. �Leaps of Faith, 1956-1973 / 149 28. McGeachy, Confronted, p. 573. McGeachy noted the unusually large numbers of young people involved during the mid-1950's in Concord Presbytery's youth activities who later entered the ministry or other full-time Christian work. Included in that number were Gregory M. Grana, who served on the Youth Council in 1954, also attended Davidson College, and was "ordained by Concord [Presbytery], July 26, 1964, upon his appointment as an overseas missionary to the Congo (now Zaire). Family illness, while he was in language school in Belgium forced his return home and he was employed by the Board of World Missions." Ibid., p. 574. Grana and his family have been residents of Blowing Rock and active in various ways at Rumple Church since 1985. 29. Holshouser recalled in 1987 that during the building campaign a summer resident approached him, quite irate that the building would not match the original stone sanctuary very well. But upon being informed of the costs involved, he gave a generous donation anyway. Oral interview with the Rev. Richard Holshouser, Old Fort, N.C., September 1987. 30. RMPC, Scrapbook, Volume I. 31. RMPC service bulletin, "The Service of Dedication for The Annie Ludlow Cannon Memorial Education Building," August 16, 1969, in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. I. 32. Ibid. The bulletin also acknowledged Owen Coffey, who had "freely given many long hours in the planning and carrying-through of decisions"; the summer residents (it noted that "each month of the entire year is increasingly filled with the coming and going of so many who are truly a part of us"); the architect, John Higgins; and the construction supervisor for the Wilkie Construction Co., Joe Dobbins. A member of the building committee was the late Cecil Rhodes, who died during the years of construction. A carpenter, Rhodes was severely injured during a fall at a building site at Hound Ears and died a few weeks later. He had been superintendent of the Sunday school and an enthusiastic promoter of the new building. Oral interview with the Rev. Holshouser, September 1987. 33. The Women's Sunday school classroom was named in Mrs. Nebel's honor as a tribute to her generosity. Marian Nebel was the second wife of the late William Nebel, a German immigrant early in the twentieth century, whose fortune had been made in the hosiery business in Charlotte. The Nebels were also benefactors of Lees-McRae College: a residence hall there is named for them. A longtime summer resident of Blowing Rock, Mrs. Nebel as of 1987 still spent much of each year at her summer home on Chestnut Drive and attended services at Rumple. 34. See several press clippings from The Blowing Rocket and the Lenoir News-Topic in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. I. 35. "A Petition from Rumple Memorial Presbyterian Church, Blowing Rock, N.C. to Holston Presbytery, Synod of Appalachia and a Study of Rumple Memorial Presbyterian Church's Relation to Holston and Concord Presbyteries," 5 pp., n.d., in RMPC Records; see p. 1 for a series of brief excerpts from General Assembly Minutes back to 1960 concerning the issue of realignment and restructuring court boundaries. Some of these denomination-wide restruc- �150 / Chapter Five turing efforts came as part of the growing movement toward reunion with the Northern Presbyterians: Thompson, Presbyterians, III, 522-582. 36. Minutes of Holston Presbytery, Adjourned Spring Meeting, April 12, 1969, p. 126; and Stated Summer Meeting, July 18-19.1969, p. 3. Holshouser served for over a year as temporary supply pastor at Baird's Creek during this period. He oversaw improvements in its physical plant and growth in its congregational membership. Since 1971 its pastor has been the Rev. Spears Alexander, whose wife, Joyce, is principal of the Blowing Rock Elementary School, and an active member of the Boone Presbyterian Church. �6 Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 RICHARD HOLSHOUSER and his family enjoyed, and still enjoy, Blowing Rock. During his time at Rumple he bought property not far from town and some years later built a year-round house which the family still uses for summer vacations and occasional days in the high country. He intends it for a retirement home. But when in 1972 he suggested to the session that he vacate the manse and receive an allowance for living in a home of his own, the idea was turned down. Session memories were too fresh of local efforts which had been put into building the barely ten-year-old, church-owned house on Wallingford Street. He encountered resistance as well to a suggestion that the church adopt the unicameral system of government, then being instituted at many smaller churches in the denomination. Consolidating the board of deacons with the session of ruling elders was rejected by a congregational vote in September 1971.l In 1972 the minister was voted what amounted to a $200 raise for 1973, from $6800 ($800 of which was a child allowance) to $7000 (with no such allowance).2 Another $350 salary raise was voted for 1973. During seven years, the number of church members had grown considerably, but a review of the rolls in 1972 identified some forty-five persons who had attended no function, or made any financial contribution, in a year. As the church newspaper "Slate and Stone" put it, "Even with this very easy standard, from the approximately 240 members on roll there are 195 active members. Various inactive members do not attend or give at all because they say they have been offended by the minister, the officers, or other members." The paper invited inactive members to "Come to study Jesus in Sunday School and worship God. Instead of letting your soul be eaten up by insult, come join other believers who continue to praise God for all his mercies to us."3 151 �152 / Chapter Six Still, the issue of inactivity had apparently become serious. Some of the summer people had also shown a lessened interest during the last year of Holshouser's pastorate.4 Holshouser himself recalls that he had begun to feel he had done all he could do —and he had done a lot—in Blowing Rock by the summer of 1973. In July, he asked a congregational meeting to dissolve his pastoral relation with the church. On a vote of 49 to 13, his request was granted. Two members with long ties to the church, Sarah Payne and elder Bob Hardin, expressed the congregation's appreciation to the Holshouser family for their years at Rumple, and their personal regret at his departure. Holshouser received a standing ovation at the end of the meeting. But unlike the mood at the previous minister's departure, this time the congregation seemed less certain how to proceed. The session had to decide afresh whether to continue with a number of the church's programs and ways of doing things: Rudolph Greene, again clerk of session, found it necessary to take votes on whether the church secretary, Mary Shore, should continue, and continue to put out the newsletter, "Slate and Stone," which had begun under Holshouser; whether a covered dish supper would continue monthly; and whether Jean Bolick, now church treasurer, should pick up the mail (the session answered all these questions affirmatively). Likewise the chairman of the pulpit committee, Jim O'Dell, had to ask all members of the session and diaconate to "list what they considered to be the goals of our church," and reported that presbytery had requested the Rev. J. K. Parker, Jr., of the Boone church, to work with Rumple in securing a new pastor.5 Among the guest preachers who filled in that summer and fall was the Rev. Dr. Ellison Smyth, of Blacksburg, Virginia, who had retired in 1968 after more than thirty years of service in churches throughout the middle South, and whose father-in-law, the Rev. Dr. Charles G. Vardell, had so often preached at Rumple in the years before his death in 1958.6 Several others, including the Rev. Lynn Brown, also assisted on occasion. Not until April of the following year did O'Dell bring to the session, and then to the congregation, the name of "the only minister to date that the entire Pulpit Committee had agreed would be able to serve our church," the Rev. Mr. Francis C. Collier.7 Collier was born in Edinburgh, Scotland. Fifty-three years old when he arrived in Blowing Rock that summer, he and his wife, Dorothy Jean, had three sons. Educated at the University of Edinburgh, where he had received the Master's degree in 1943, Collier had spent some years in British military service, and had taught in Siam: he wrote a commentary for teachers on five plays of Shakespeare, in English and �Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 / 153 Siamese, published in 1959, and a book of English lessons for Siamese children, published in 1960 and 1961. Rumple's was his first pastorate after completing a Master of Divinity degree from Union Seminary in 1974. He was ordained on July 14 of that year, in a service held at Blowing Rock.8 Session minutes covering the Collier years at Rumple, 1974-1978, are lengthier than for any previous pastorate. Indeed, together they run to about half as many pages as the minutes for all previous meetings since a session was organized in 1913. They reflect not only the growing complexity of the church's many concerns, but also a level of tension, which seemed high almost from the start. Matters substantial and trivial came up for session consideration; a few issues obviously divided the new pastor from some elders quite early on. Steeped in the Scottish Presbyterian tradition, Collier delighted some with his brogue, and his thoughtful, learned sermons. His pastoral counseling style and faithful visitations in homes and hospitals drew appreciative comment from many. He observed holy days with "high church" dignity, reflecting what was perhaps a part of his British heritage and a growing denominational trend. But some felt the new pastor's approach to worship departed too much from Rumple's traditions. Soon after his arrival he urged the session to order monthly, instead of quarterly, observance of the Lord's Supper; the session tabled the matter for months, agreed to give it a trial over the winter of 1974-5, then voted to drop it. Collier persisted, holding out for greater ceremonial meaning at worship. In 1975, "it was determined to hold celebrations of the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper quarterly on the old quarter days of Candlemas (February), Whitsunday (May), Lammas (August), and Martinmas (November), with additional celebrations at Christmas and Easter, etc." This attempt to reproduce the pattern of the Scottish church year might well have accorded with the wishes of some summer residents as well, as it would allow the sacrament to be celebrated with a larger of their number. The old dates were nevertheless quietly restored upon Collier's departure.9 Another uncomfortable situation was created when the new pastor took offense at the appearance in the parish of his predecessor, to whom many in the congregation still felt attached. The session had earlier given Holshouser approval to perform a wedding in the stone sanctuary, and to baptize in a private ceremony a baby born to a member couple. Collier focused on these infractions of the Book of Church Order, brought them forcefully to the attention of the session, and threatened to raise the issue at presbytery if such practices did not cease. He seemed impervious to arguments that, in the first instance, �154 / Chapter Six the marriage in question was to occur before he himself had been installed, or even ordained; and that the private baptism had been canceled, once all parties realized the request was impermissible. Vigorous, even pedantic, in his conduct of session meetings, Collier thereafter felt it necessary to open each meeting not only with the usual prayer and Scripture lesson but with a reading from the Book of Church Order as well. He began keeping the minutes himself, having them signed after the fact by the clerk.10 Difficulty, probably unrelated to the new pastor, who clearly wished its success, also soon arose with the music program. Organist "Miss Margaret" Vance had died in November 1972, after having played faithfully for more than thirty years. Holshouser conducted her funeral service. He recalls that during 1970, while the chapel was undergoing renovation and it was necessary to meet all winter in the stone sanctuary, he personally drove "Miss Margaret" from her home to the church in his four-wheel drive car and helped her wrap up in blankets in the choir loft; but she had never missed a service.11 A memorial concert was presented in December 1972 by the new church organist, Darrell Blake, and the choir room in the new educational building was dedicated to her memory. But the choir director, Faye Parker, soon resigned, and Blake himself departed shortly after. An unhappy pattern was developing. Since 1972, a succession of organists and choir directors have come and gone at Rumple Memorial, and debates over their pay and their duties have chronically occupied the session. One factor in this pattern may have been that, since Margaret Vance had played virtually for free for years (her salary during her last years was $10 per Sunday), a session accustomed to getting such services so cheaply, for so long, has ever since had difficulty accepting the need to pay professional wages to professional musicians.12 Yet the church has always wanted a music program. In 1977 it purchased a new Allen digital computer synthesized organ for the winter chapel: the fundraising committee was headed by Bernice Keppel, widow of Dr. Alvin C. Keppel, president of Catawba College, 1942-63, and the organ was dedicated in memory of nineteen year-old Marian Coffey, daughter of members Mr. and Mrs. Owen Coffey, killed in an automobile collision in May 1977.13 But problems with the music program have complicated the responsibilities of every pastor for the last fifteen years, and Collier was no exception. Thus, while most of the church's activities in the community continued, and Collier received warm support from many, grievances accumulated. The minister's own perceived brusqueness and tenacity sometimes made communication difficult and led to behind-the-scenes �Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 / 155 dissatisfaction. Perhaps too much local pride led to intolerance. Eccentricities of dress (his tarn o'shanter cap was a familiar sight around town, and he loved to don a kilt for ceremonial occasions) seemed harmless enough at first, but became to some objects of silly gossip. Ministers in small towns can have no secrets; even the behavior of their families reflects directly upon their good intentions. So while many were prepared to go a certain distance with him and with his family, no limit was set beforehand, making Collier's job harder. By the summer of 1976, the nation's bicentennial year (Blowing Rock made much of the festivities), several members of the session had taken offense at one thing or another and were no longer attending meetings. Budget discussions in the board of deacons that autumn were difficult. The pastor wanted the church to increase its benevolent giving and at the same time grant him a cost of living raise as recommended by presbytery, from $13,475 to $14,280. The deacons' draft budget provided for both, but a majority of session members present at a November meeting refused to go along. Their own budget proposal, involving no pastoral pay increase and a reduced level of benevolences, was thoroughly discussed at a congregational meeting in midNovember. The complexities of procedure under the Book of Church Order confused and frustrated many church members. Unless the elders recommended it, no budget could be voted on by the congregation; yet many members clearly favored the original budget proposed by the deacons. And as the treasurer reported from the floor, a surplus in the previous year's budget made both increases possible. By late in the year, three members of Concord Presbytery's Commission on the Minister, two pastors and a lay elder, had to be called in as observers to the budget making process. The congregation, by secret ballot, rejected the elders' budget, 38-20. In January, a revised budget proposal, granting the minister's raise and modestly increasing benevolences, passed the session and was adopted by the congregation in February.14 But by now Collier had, at great cost to the peace of the church, also taken up the cause of unicameral church government, which the congregation had rejected only six years before. He was warned that his desire to reduce the number of officers by combining the deacons and elders into a single board might lead to more friction. He defended himself by saying the move "was not intended to hurt anyone," but the church had "not enough qualified, willing men to fill 18 officer posts." The congregation met on February 20, one week after final passage of the budget, to elect officers —elders and deacons—under the regular �156 / Chapter Six rotation plan. But Collier ruled that since elections was the general topic of the meeting, the issue of a unicameral system could be discussed before voting. Here he probably thought he had the majority of the congregation's support: a petition had earlier been circulated asking the session to consider the new system and allow the congregation to vote on the matter. Discussion at the meeting revealed that only three elders now made up the session. The other six had resigned or were refusing to serve. None of the three wanted a unicameral system. Opponents of the new system refused even to serve on a proposed "working group" to consider the matter further. The meeting broke up without result. It again became necessary to appeal to presbytery for advice. In April a committee to consider unicameral government was elected at a congregational meeting. All summer the committee met, weekly with few exceptions, interviewing all parties concerned and getting advice from presbytery representatives. By September, their report was ready. Mailed to every member, it advocated the one-board system, and proposed an election and rotation plan which would permit open nominations at a congregational meeting for the first unicameral session (of nine members) to be elected. A "broadly representative" nominating committee elected by the congregation would thereafter propose names annually to replace members rotating off the session, with other nominations taken from the congregation. All current officeholders were to resign, but were eligible for re-election. A congregational meeting on September 25, moderated by the Rev. Clements E. Lamberth, Jr. representing Concord Presbytery, after many questions were raised and answered, adopted the new plan, by secret ballot, but by the slim majority of 36-25. So although the issue had been formally resolved, divisions had been revealed which were not to be easily overcome. That October, Concord Presbytery granted special administrative powers to its Commission on the Minister, to deal with the continuing problems at Rumple Church. By January 1, 1978, a new session had been elected, ordained, and installed, but the church was not yet out of the woods. Through the winter, despite frequent visits from a committee representing the presbytery's commission, and even as the new officers were receiving training sessions in their spiritual and organizational duties, and the entire congregation was being assigned to "task groups" to encourage lay involvement, tensions persisted. On March 19, the commission issued a three-page, single-spaced report, saying it had found the church's difficulties "numerous and complex" and a hindrance to Rumple's "potential for bearing a strong and effec- �Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 / 157 tive witness to Jesus Christ in the community of which it is a part." It ordered both the pastor and the session to change their behavior: Collier was to participate in a "clinical pastoral education program," while the session was to "cease the divisive practice of holding private meetings which exclude some members of the session in order to discuss and make decisions on matters to be brought before session." Further, the church roll was to be carefully scrutinized for inactive members and purged, to end disputes as to who really made up the membership.15 Division now was open. One contingent in the congregation clearly resented outside interference, whether by presbytery or by some summer residents, who on arriving that spring, expressed their desire to continue an active role but sided with Collier in all disputes. Some oldtimers sniped at the new governance system; one of the recentlyelected session members resigned. Relative newcomers to the community who had had little previous experience with the Presbyterian system of government, or with local politics, were drawn into service on various task groups, but not much was accomplished. Attendance at worship services dropped. The pastor himself asked to be excused from a congregational meeting called to pick the nominating committee for new officers for the coming year.16 In short, all the problems of "group dynamics" were being acted out. The crisis broke late that summer. At an emotional meeting on September 7, attended by two presbytery representatives and the entire session, absent the member who had resigned, three alternatives were discussed at length: 1. decide that we were capable of solving the problem and able of putting the answer into effect, 2. that we felt it was impossible for us to solve the problem and we ask the Commission to make the decision for us, 3. ask for a Congregational Meeting and ask the congregation to ask Presbytery to remove Frank [Collier]. The session voted 8-1 for a motion "that we accept defeat and ask Presbytery (or the Commission) to solve our problem, with our help, and that this be brought up at their meeting on Sept. 12." After a few reminders of upcoming events, the meeting adjourned with prayer around the circle.17 Three weeks later, after the commission had met at presbytery and had a further interview with Collier, the minister announced to the session his intention to resign. "He explained that he felt that his leav- �158 / Chapter Six ing was not going to solve all... problems but some they would and it would create other problems. He urged both sides to use his going not as added trouble but a way to the first step of making peace. . . ,"18 And, slowly, peace was restored. The commission presented to the church its five possible options to bring resolution to its work: dissolving the church altogether, assuming jurisdiction in the name of the presbytery, asking all elders to resign, elders and congregation dissolving their relationship, or working through the current session to solve the problems. Session urged the commission to choose the last option, but promised to accept whatever decision the commission reached.19 On October 17, the full commission dissolved Collier's pastoral relationship with the church, effective October 31, and had him vacate the manse at the end of November. He was to be paid by Rumple Church through the end of the year, having already accrued a month's paid vacation. And the commission continued its oversight of the church, naming the Rev. James N. Murray interim moderator of the session. It discussed assuming original jurisdiction over the church, but declined in light of the session's plea to be allowed to work with the commission.20 Neither the session nor the pastor appealed this decision. A hard case had been settled in an unhappy way; blame enough could be apportioned all around. And although many church programs-the Dunn Youth, the Summer Residents' Committee, the music program, and others—remained in place, they, too, had suffered from the lack of leadership, the uncertainty and the infighting. As from a rock thrown in a pond, the ripples created by the Collier case have taken a long time to die down. ***** Just over a month later, Rumple had a new pastor living in the manse-and another one visiting him most weekends. The Rev. David Rice Holt II was assigned by presbytery as interim pastor in November 1978, and his call was confirmed by Rumple Church. He served until September 1979, at a monthly salary of $1000 plus the usual pension contributions and allowances. His new wife, the Rev. Daisy Glenn Holt, (they had been married the previous March in Atlanta, each for the second time), was completing her studies at Columbia Theological Seminary, and so commuted much of the time back and forth to Atlanta. Holt, fifty-three, was the son of a Presbyterian pas- �Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 / 159 tor, a World War II veteran, and a graduate of the University of Florida and Union Seminary. He had held churches in the Virginias and in Missouri before coming to Blowing Rock.21 Holt's call was for an indefinite period, but as his salary was stated in monthly figures, it was clear his time would not be long. It passed quickly. Officer elections, held just before his arrival in November, saw two (out of three) new elders chosen who had been nominated from the floor rather than by the nominating committee- a sign, perhaps, of the congregation's lingering suspicion of the unicameral system and its procedures. Still, the relative harmony on that occasion was a blessing for which the session could be grateful. By May, the Commission on the Minister reported the church no longer needed its supervision; "some [session members] felt we had no problems, others felt we had problems but were able to work these problems out."22 In July the session made recommendations for a new, five-member pulpit search committee: "in order to have every aspect of the church represented," one elder, one member each of the Men and Women of the Church, and two at-large members would be chosen by a congregational meeting. Such a committee was duly nominated and elected on July 22, 1979, balanced not only among the different groups but among old and new members. At the same meeting a nominating committee for choosing candidates for elder was also elected by acclamation: remarkable unanimity, considering the church's recent storms.23 By December, the pulpit committee had its candidate to fill the pastorate, the Rev. Vaughn Earl Hartsell, forty-five, a native of Spartanburg, South Carolina. A graduate of Mississippi College and of Union Seminary, his most recent church had been in Mullens, West Virginia, where he had preached for ten years. Clerk of Session Mary Shore wrote to all members of the congregation:24 He is very strong on stewardship and benevolences. His personal approach and style as a pastor is "a pastor to my flock." The purpose and nature and his practice of preaching is "I believe that preaching exists for the proclamation of the mighty acts of God, not for the propagating of views, opinions and deals. Preaching is to tell the story that in Jesus Christ, God came into human history, took flesh, and dwelt among us. I preach as *a dying man to dying men.' 'Come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest. . . .' (Matt. 11:28) are words of our Lord that I think need to be repeated often to His people. I attempt to do this in my preaching. . . . I try to preach according to the Scottish recipe: remember your own sins and preach against them to the congregation. For most people, life is hard and only in Jesus �160 / Chapter Six can one find the peace that passeth all understanding. We do not know what the future holds but we do know that He holds the future." Hartsell was called as pastor by unanimous vote of the congregation on January 6, 1980. With his wife, Elaine, and their three children, Rand, Molly, and Paige, he arrived in Blowing Rock that winter and settled in to a manse which had been somewhat neglected during the pastorates of his predecessors (improvements in the manse he had made a condition for accepting the church's call). The session felt reassured that his salary and benefits, $12,410, plus a $2,000 travel allowance and insurance and annuity payments, were actually several hundred dollars below what it had been paying Collier during his last year. A major rebuilding job lay ahead. The organist and choir director positions were again vacant: the most recent choir director had resigned in December, citing "irreconcilable problems . . . and hostilities" among choir members; no one headed the Men of the Church; the church no longer had a secretary; the session had recently voted to have two treasurers, one for receipts and one for disbursements, but one of those jobs was still vacant; the Sunday school needed teachers; lingering uncertainty pervaded the SRC; and the Dunn Youth was having problems getting other local churches to cooperate with its planned activities.25 HartselFs talents were thus almost immediately tested. But he found his task invigorating. Equally as fond of the town and region as any of his predecessors, in a remarkably short time Hartsell made himself knowledgeable about the community, the congregation, and the town's permanent and summer resident families. Hartsell's personal style is cheerful and friendly—his familiar whistle announces his arrival just about everywhere he goes —as well as warm and enthusiastic. Yet for all his lightheartedness, he has his earnest and serious side. His carefully prepared prayers from the pulpit are often moving and eloquent; his visitations have also helped bring comfort to many facing despair, or encountering the last enemy, death. But to be "all things to all men," as St. Paul said, is for any Blowing Rock minister a daunting challenge. His reception by the SRC, chaired since 1985 by Charlotte native Henry Neely, was especially supportive.26 That organization's members have continued in recent years to underwrite improvement to the church's physical plant, including providing new carpeting in the stone sanctuary and in the Keys Chapel, a new sidewalk and path lights, and a vestibule for the chapel. Stained glass windows in the vestibule, depicting the old and new official seals of the Presbyterian Church, were donated in 1986 by �Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 / 161 the family of local architect and "transplant" church member Jack Moberg, who designed the structure, and who died of cancer in late 1986 at the age of 37. Hartsell also quickly learned about other church traditions. He recalls that during his first year, when something was said at a session meeting about "Grandfather Home Sunday," he had no idea of the importance of that long-standing but unique event on the church's calendar. He turned the occasion over to the session and took a vacation-and no special service took place at all that year. The situation was remedied the next summer. The last appearance of operatic stars at those occasions, which had been sponsored since Ovens's death by Robert and Mariam Hayes of Concord, Banner Elk, and Blowing Rock, had taken place in 1966. New staff members at the Home and at the Edgar Tufts Memorial Association then apparently decided that the Home's children, not outside musicians, should highlight the service. For several years thereafter, young people from the Home themselves conducted the August programs. But in 1971 and 1972, the Rev. Holshouser personally arranged once again for appearances of visiting artists: in 1971, Ruth Robertson, a contralto who had toured extensively from her home in Hollywood, California, where she often soloed with the First Presbyterian Church, sang as part of a regular worship service; and in 1972, the "Singing Sheppards," a husband-and-wife duet from Kentucky, presented two programs of widely varied sacred music at both a Sunday worship service and an evening concert on the preceding Friday. By 1975, during Collier's years, the concert approach had been revived, and since that time the Farm House Singers, under the direction of Shirley Blackwell, have given afternoon concerts, usually to a packed church. Several of this group of college students from all over the Southeast, who are brought to Blowing Rock each summer to wait tables at the Farm House Restaurant and are trained as soloists and as a chorus, have gone on to careers as professional musicians. For the past three years, at Hartsell's suggestion, the pulpit on Grandfather Home Sunday morning has been filled by Dr. Bradford L. Grain, president of Lees-McRae College-so that the long ties between Tufts's work in Banner Elk and Blowing Rock continue to be emphasized. "Grandfather Home Sunday," then, while no longer drawing the revenues of earlier years, continued under Hartsell as a tradition of joyful musical celebration and service.27 Hartsell started two other important annual events which in updated ways helped bring Rumple back to its historic roots. Beginning in 1981, he arranged an annual July "preaching mission" at the church, �162 / Chapter Six inviting well known Presbyterian minister-authors and teachers of the Word to lead in study, worship, and outreach. Somewhere in this generation the Church had lost its way; old-fashioned revivals became an anachronism to many who have soured on a diet of television evangelism and emotional gospel hucksterism. But the historic truths of the faith have never lost their power to convict, to edify, to persuade, and to build up believers in the body of Christ. The thoughtful, often powerful messages conveyed during these preaching missions have shown that the word "evangelism" must not be dropped entirely from the church's vocabulary. In 1981, the Rev. Dr. I. Howard Chadwick, a native of WinstonSalem, director of the Outreach Foundation of the Presbyterian Church, who had preached for several years at the Westminster Church in Charlotte, delivered five sermons on the theme "Eternal Questions for Contemporary People." The 1982 addresses, on the subject "The Spiritual Renewal," were given by the late Rev. Dr. William A. Benfield, Jr., a 1936 Davidson College graduate, former faculty member at Louisville Seminary, and long a distinguished minister in the Church; in 1970 he had been Moderator of the General Assembly. In 1983, and again in 1985, the Rev. Dr. George M. Docherty, author of a well-received autobiography, I've Seen the Day, and minister emeritus of the New York Avenue Presbyterian Church of Washington, D.C., where he succeeded the Rev. Peter Marshall, held the services. The speaker in 1984, the late Rev. Dr. Kenneth G. Phifer, a distinguished preacher and widely-published theologian, addressed sermons to the topic, "It's easy to say. . . ." The 1986 services were led by the Rev. Dr. Ernest T. Campbell, former senior minister at The Riverside Church in New York and professor of worship and preaching at Garrett-Evangelical Theological Seminary in Evanston, Illinois, and a nationally-known preacher, who addressed the subject of the gospel's personal and social dimensions. During the centennial summer, the speaker was the Rev. Dr. J. Randolph Taylor, PhD., a Davidson graduate, class of 1951, president of San Francisco Theological Seminary and previously pastor at Myers Park Presbyterian Church in Charlotte, Church of the Pilgrims in Washington, D.C., and Central Presbyterian Church in Atlanta. Dr. Taylor had been chosen the first Moderator of the General Assembly of the newly-reunited Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) in 1983.28 With the session's endorsement, Hartsell also instituted an annual "Rumple Sunday" each June, a service which had the potential to take the place of the old-time "Homecoming" or "Rally Day" Sunday of a previous generation. To these services have been invited guest �Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 / 163 preachers who, through family or school ties, have reason to know about and to celebrate with the congregation the legacy of the work of Jethro Rumple, the causes with which he was associated, and the faith of which he was so vigorous a spokesman. They follow, too, in the tradition of Vance, Vardell, and other powerful preachers of earlier generations who had often so ably filled Rumple's pulpit in the summers. The 1987 celebration of "Rumple's Hundredth" also owed a great deal to HartselTs energy and dedication, as well as to an active lay committee whose hard work and "broadly representative" composition augured well for the church's approach to future problems. Recruiting experienced lay leadership, as at many small churches, remained difficult, however. Rumple's congregation is still diverse: the church continues to attract a wide variety of worshippers in summer, but must count on a much smaller corps of the faithful over the winter. Many, though by no means all, of the year-round membership can trace family connections at the church back for several generations. The inevitable disenchantments resulting from the turmoil of the 1970's have taken their toll on older members, and even on younger members of old families whose historic ties to Rumple Church have been frayed or broken. Nearly half the present membership has joined the church since 1980; many have quickly been given roles in the church's programs and in the active committee structure which is a legacy of the "task groups" formed during the Collier controversy. In some cases the enthusiasm and energy of these new leaders has benefitted the church; in others, their inexperience has sometimes led to false starts, or bruised feelings. The numbers attending Sunday school have dropped. Blowing Rock's population, like that of the nation, seems to be aging, as many young people have moved away and retired or semi-retired have arrived to take their places. But both membership and giving at the church have continued to grow. The church rolls reflected a sharp drop in membership at first, from 225 reported members in 1980 to 109 in 1981, as over one hundred inactive names were removed that year, but by the end of 1986, membership had increased to 158. During HartselTs time the church's budget has risen from about $36,000 in 1980 to some $95,500 in 1987. Benevolent giving has also increased as a proportional share of the budget. The church has recently pledged a substantial contribution over the next three years to the expansion campaign currently underway at Lees-McRae, thereby continuing another custom of its founders. But the work of hands and heart, as much as gifts of money, displays true service to the Master's cause. A recent, unique memorial to a longtime member, Alice Frye Lentz, may be seen as an expression of the �164 / Chapter Six kind of gratitude which has developed locally for the work of Rumple Memorial: the Women of the Church, Circle two, in 1984 fashioned a funeral pall, decorated with fine needlework, and used for the first time at Mrs, Lentz's funeral service. Displayed at a church reception shortly afterward, the pall is available for any member's use, and is lovingly stored by her daughter, current Sunday school superintendent Bernie Greene.29 In short, at its one hundredth anniversary, Rumple Memorial maintained its traditional witness and had carried much of its best heritage into a changing world. Rumple Church celebrated its centennial over twelve Sundays in the summer of 1987. Each service was an occasion of pride and satisfaction; each was designed as a rededication to the aims of its founders a century ago, who were, as we have seen, determined to build "For His Cause A Little House" and for His continued service. The events of that summer deserve to be recorded as a tribute to the pastor, the Rev. Vaughn Earl Hartsell, the special Centennial Committee which handled many of the arrangements, the choir, the membership, regular and seasonal, and the many notable guest participants who led or shared in the regular and special activities of the summer. It was a time of fellowship luncheons and receptions on the church lawn, of prayer, praise, music, and preaching. Only time will tell the extent to which the "handful of corn" sown anew on the mountaintop will ripen to maturity. "Rumple Sunday," on June 14, marked the first appearance in Rumpie's pulpit of the Rev. Dr. John W. Kuykendall, president of Davidson College and member of its class of 1959. Long articles in The Blowing Rocket the preceding and following Fridays highlighted Dr. Rumple's career, and described the entire service; the church bulletin for that day has been reproduced elsewhere in this volume.30 When the Rev. Dr. L. B. Gibbs, former executive secretary of the Presbytery of Holston, presented Dr. Kuykendall with a rare copy of the so-called "breeches Bible" of the fifteenth century for the Davidson College Library, the service became in another and unexpected way a reminder of the links which have so long bound the church to its founder and the college, as well as of the congregation's long ties to the former Synod of Appalachia, and the Reformed tradition's high regard for the vernacular Scriptures. For the Rev. Hartsell, Gibbs's appearance on the �Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 / 165 podium also held a more personal meaning: Dr. Gibbs, "Uncle Pete," is the uncle of his wife, Elaine. The Bible had been given anonymously in HartselFs honor to Dr. Gibbs for presentation to the college. Dr. Kuykendall's sermon that day, "A Sense of Place and a Sense of Purpose," developed a text in Joshua 4:1-9: the congregation was reminded that for them, as for the people of Israel, stones had been raised at God's command; they are to be a memorial forever to God's mighty acts, so that "when your children ask their fathers in time to come, saying, What mean ye by these stones?" they will have an answer. Other participants in the service included the former governor of North Carolina, Blowing Rock native James E. Holshouser, Jr., who had been baptized at Rumple Church in 1935 and whose family had long been active Presbyterians in the county. Greetings to the congregation from the current governor, James G. Martin, like his predecessor a Presbyterian and a Davidson graduate, were read by Mary Smith, clerk of session. Special music composed for the "Rumple Sunday" service by choir director Noel Lovelace also bore a personal dedication to Hart sell, and to the choir Lovelace had been directing for some five years. The relationship between the Hartsells and the Lovelaces, and between the choir and their director (Marion Lovelace had been church organist for the years her husband directed the choir) had been close for some time. Few in the congregation that Sunday knew the Lovelaces' resignation had already been given. All too many churches underpay their music professionals, despite the demands and expectations they place upon them; Rumple Church has been no exception. Hartsell and several members of the choir had made the case for a ten percent salary raise to the Lovelaces for 1987, but the session imposed provisos for granting it which, from the Lovelaces' perspective, would have taken more time than they could give to the job.31 Later that summer, Lovelace resigned as well from his job as director of choral activities at Appalachian State University and took a full time position at a large church— with a large budget-in Charlotte, Myers Park Baptist. His installation there was attended by several of his friends from Blowing Rock; for them the occasion was bittersweet, but it marked a substantial professional advancement for the highly talented composerdirector, nephew of the noted sacred music composer Austin C. Lovelace. For the rest of the centennial summer, substitute organist Suzanne Dettbarn, and choir directors Amanda Klutz and Charlie Lentz, all of whom had local or church family ties, successfully filled in the music �166 / Chapter Six program. In the autumn of 1987 Rumple secured a new music team: to lead the choir, David Gaston, band director at Hardin Park School in Boone for twelve years and an accomplished flutist; and as organist, Jimmy Dettbarn, a promising student of that instrument, and a member of a musical family of local note. On June 21 of that centennial summer, the Rev. Dr. John M. Handley, general presbyter of the Presbytery of Concord, delivered the sermon. A native of Richmond, Handley was also a graduate of Davidson, class of 1955, and of Union Seminary. His D.Min. was from the McCormick Theological Seminary of Chicago. On the staff of Concord Presbytery since 1974, Handley was well known to many in the congregation. The following Sunday Dr. A. P. Perkinson, Jr., president of St. Andrews Presbyterian College and a 1955 Davidson alumnus, delivered the sermon. Dr. Perkinson's presence was a reminder of the many years during which the Rev. Dr. Charles G. Vardell, founder and first president of Flora Macdonald College, a predecessor school to St. Andrews, had regularly appeared in the Rumple pulpit. Then on July 5, the Rev. J. Allan Smyth, Rumple's great-grandson and VardelFs grandson, preached from the spot where his great-grandfather, grandfather, and father had stood in former years. Smyth, a Davidson graduate, class of 1959, is current pastor of the Hopewell Presbyterian Church in Huntersville. His family still maintains its ties in Blowing Rock. Each year they open the summer home Vardell built on Chestnut Hill, and numerous Rumple-Vardell-Martin descendants visit. One of Smyth's sons is named after his great-grandfather Vardell.32 Smyth's sermon attracted perhaps the largest number of any preacher's during the centennial. Two of the special services also highlighted other parts of the church's summer program: the preaching mission and Grandfather Home Sunday. The Rev. Dr. J. Randolph Taylor, president of San Francisco Theological Seminary, mentioned above, delivered the message on July 12, remaining in town to lead services on each of the following three evenings. He was present to assist in the dedication of a handsome new sign for the churchyard, given that summer by Libba Boyd, in memory of her late husband J. Reed Boyd, who had long been active at the Myers Park Church in Charlotte, and at Rumple Memorial following the couple's retirement to the mountains. Dr. Bradford L. Grain, president of Lees-McRae College, spoke on Grandfather Home Sunday, August 9. Also present that day was Margaret Tufts Neal of Banner Elk, author of And Set Aglow a Sacred Flame, A History of the �Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 / 167 Edgar Tufts Memorial Association, a book which has helped to keep alive the memory of her father's work. Three former pastors of the church also returned to greet old friends in the congregation, reminisce a bit from the pulpit, and call on the church to renew its Christian commitment. The Rev. David Holt, interim minister in 1979, now retired and living in Nashville, preached on July 19. He and his wife, Daisy, who accompanied him, were warmly received. On August 2, the Rev. Blake Brinkerhoff and his family came over from the summer home they maintain at Montreat to deliver the sermon and join the membership at a well-attended luncheon. Since leaving Rumple, Brinkerhoff has been minister at the Highlands Presbyterian Church in Daytona Beach, Florida. On August 23, it was the turn of the Rev. J. Richard Holshouser, minister at Clinchfield and Conley Memorial churches near Marion since leaving Rumple in 1973, and his wife, Rebecca, to be welcomed back by many members and friends in the community. Another who led in worship, on August 16, was the Rev. Dr. Daniel Patrick McGeachy, Davidson class of 1951 (and nephew of longtime pastor and Concord Presbytery historian Neill Patrick McGeachy), now minister of the Downtown Presbyterian Church of Nashville, Tennessee. That congregation's historic building once housed the First Presbyterian Church, formerly the Rev. Dr. James I. Vance's parish. McGeachy's service was certainly the most unusual of the summer: he not only preached but, accompanying himself on the guitar, sang his message of faith, hope, and love. He had the whole congregation joining him. The last guest speaker in the pulpit that summer was the Rev. Dr. John D. MacLeod, Jr., general secretary of the Synod of North Carolina, and a nominee, although not elected, for Moderator of the General Assembly of the PCUSA during 1987. Dr. MacLeod was a 1942 graduate of Davidson College. He extended greetings from the rest of the state's Presbyterians, who had only in 1969 welcomed the congregation back into the fellowship from which it had originally grown. The Rev. Hartsell, who led in worship each Sunday but who preached only once, took the opportunity on July 26 to deliver a centennial sermon of his own entitled, "Our Memory is our Life." Citing places in the Bible where God commanded His people to remember Him and His acts, and reading what amounted to a roll of the saints of the church in former days, Hartsell pointed out the need for present members to keep alive the memory of their own forebears at Rumple, and to recall their own dependence upon the remembered truths of the faith. �168 / Chapter Six And so the circle had come complete: Rumple's parishioners had been reminded of their history, and of their eternal faith, by many of the denomination's present leaders, three of their former ministers, three Presbyterian college presidents and a seminary president, and their own minister. They could now turn to look forward to another century of service for their Lord and for His cause in Blowing Rock. By the 1980's, Blowing Rock has come to display many of the characteristics of small towns throughout its region and the nation. It profited from the renewed ecological concerns of the post-Silent Spring era and the back-to-the-earth movement of the 1970's: many new residents moved in, preferring the rural life of the exurbs, although total year-round population has not increased much. A few who arrived have also since departed, as better job opportunities "off the mountain" have become available. Like many places in the country, Blowing Rock is more than ever a town of people on the move. Some of the new arrivals brought with them sophisticated tastes and city ways which have had many local repercussions: from Art in the Park, dinner theaters, and craft shops, to gourmet restaurants, Blowing Rock can now offer residents and visitors alike a variety of diversions quite unexpected a generation ago. The town also has experienced a "gentrification" unknown even in its earlier heyday as a resort. Property prices have skyrocketed, some buildings have gone up in haste whose designers, one hopes, are repenting at leisure, and town services have become strained—and expensive. The successful recent refurbishing of the Green Park Inn is a good example of the way the town can hang on to its heritage while meeting modern needs. The condominium craze, which, among its other manifestations, strewed the grounds of the old Chetola estate with clumps of uninspired "multi-unit" dwellings, is a less fortunate recent innovation. Numbers of Blowing Rock's native sons and daughters still are forced to leave the town and region to find remunerative jobs. New highways—the four-laned U.S. 321 to Boone a few years ago (the "James E. Holshouser, Jr., Memorial Highway"), the completed Blue Ridge Parkway during the church's centennial summer—bring ever more traffic and parking problems to the little mountain community. Many local Presbyterians continue to take their civic responsibilities seriously: they run for local office, volunteer for the fire �Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 / 169 department and rescue squad, participate in civic and fraternal service organizations. Yet it seems difficult, in an age of increasing centralization and bureaucratic regulation, to channel "progress" in coherent ways. The Rev. Earnest, reminiscing in the summer of 1987 about his days in Blowing Rock thirty-five years ago, recalled pulling his children on a sled from the church to the post office and back on snowy winter days, never seeing a car. Blowing Rock in the 1960's experienced the unwelcome phenomenon of becoming the only social outlet for thousands of Appalachian State University students, so that its streets were full all winter. But by the mid 1980's, when strict enforcement of alcohol and noise laws led most of the student-oriented establishments to close their doors, and Boone opened its own alcohol outlets, some in Blowing Rock had reason to regret the loss of revenues —even if it became less expensive to police the town and pay for trash pickup. The public voted in liquor by the drink in 1986. Yet for all its recent changes, Blowing Rock has remained a pleasant town in which to live. Its zoning restrictions, and concern for uptown beautification, have prevented the decay of its Main Street. New neighborhoods of attractive, landscaped homes, tucked away on winding roads, open onto the spectacular views for which the town has always been justly famous. Improved access to Boone has drawn Appalachian State University faculty and employees, attracted by the town's quiet and culture, into the community as permanent residents. Fewer problems plague its schools; greater opportunities for neighborliness still exist to retain new residents. Blowing Rock has never been the isolated backwater which has stereotypically and incorrectly described many Appalachian mountain communities. And in its midst, for one hundred years, Presbyterians have come and gone, witnessing the town's changes, and taking part in all of them. A classic sermon illustration has it that the Church is both an organization and an organism. As an organization, it all too frequently betrays the imperfect, human characteristics of its collective membership. Presbyterians have always advocated a system of elected, representative government which, at ever higher levels, can help to correct errors of judgment, and provide opportunities for appeal and guidance. Many at Rumple Church and throughout the nation have rejoiced at the reunion of Southern Presbyterians with the Presbyterian Church, U.S.A., effected in 1983 after years of debate and compromise, which has restored partial unity and enlarged the witness of at least one arm of the Christian body on earth. Yet no serious claim need be made that this is the only practical, much less Scriptural, or even Reformed, church structure.33 For the church is also an organism: it is called the �170 / Chapter Six "Body of Christ" and its Head is therefore its eternal and risen Lord. It belongs, according to Christian doctrine, to Christ and is, like Him, alive, and ever renewed. As a community of believers, it exists to display joyful and visible evidence of the saving power of the grace of God to its own members, its community, and the world at large. The Holy Spirit is its only true enabler and comforter. What has been accomplished at Rumple Memorial Presbyterian Church in Blowing Rock, therefore, through one hundred years, is, like all things human, imperfect, partial, and mortal. But the faith the church has maintained in the community is the work of its Head. That faith, believers know, will one day be perfect, as He is. �Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 /111 Notes for Chapter Six 1. RMPC Session Records, meeting of June 5,1972, and congregational meeting of September 19, 1971. 2. Ibid., congregational meeting of November 28, 1971. 3. "Slate and Stone," September 1972, file at RMPC. The church paper consisted in this period of eight to twelve legal-size mimeographed sheets. Its major writer-editor-printer-distributor was Mary Shore, now Mary Smith, then church secretary and secretary at the Blowing Rock School. Active at the church since her childhood, the faithful and cheerful Smith has held more positions at the church than anyone can remember (including herself). She was clerk of session as of summer 1987. 4. Letter, Bowman to Mobley, September 25, 1978, in RMPC files. 5. RMPC Session Records, meeting of August 29, 1973. 6. Smyth graduated from Virginia Polytechnic Institute in 1925 and from Union Seminary in 1930. He and his wife, Mary Linda Vardell, whom he married in 1937, have three children, Susan, Ellison Adger, Jr., and another Presbyterian preacher, the Rev. James Allan Smyth, a 1959 Davidson graduate who holds the B.D. degree from Union Seminary, the D.Min. degree from McCormick Seminary: Ministerial Directory, 1983 edition. For VardelFs death at age 98, see New York Times, Sunday, May 4, 1958, p. 89, and Charlotte Observer, same date, p. 5D. Members of the family donated RMPC's fourth stained-glass window in the stone sanctuary, a depiction of the Ascendant Christ, shortly after Dr. VardelTs death. 7. RMPC Session Records, meeting of April 9, and congregational meeting of April 21, 1974. 8. Ministerial Directory, 1975 edition. Collier also taught in Thailand and Sudan. For a time in 1966 and 1967 he taught school in Virginia Beach, Virginia, after emigrating to the United States. Assisting at Collier's ordination and installation were, among others, the Rev. Dr. Fred R. Stair, president of Union Seminary: RMPC Service bulletin, July 14, 1974, and "Rumple To Welcome New Pastor On Sunday," The Blowing Rocket, May 17, 1974, clipping in RMPC Scrapbook, Vol. I. 9. WOC History, 1975, at Historical Foundation, Montreat. 10. RMPC Session Records, meetings of June 17 and July 18, 1974. Nothing in the Book of Church Order requires that the minutes be physically written by the clerk, only that he (or more recently, she) "record the transactions [of session meetings] and preserve the records." Some pastors previous to Collier also apparently kept the minutes, which were almost invariably countersigned by the clerk. But by the 1960's, as is apparent from the style, clerks kept the minutes themselves. A clear change of writing style, including the appearance of British spelling, marks the place at which Collier began keeping them in 1974 —and stopped after commission oversight began in early 1978. �172 / Chapter Six 11. Oral interview with Holshouser, September 1987. 12. During the celebration of Rumple's centennial in summer 1987, the unfortunate pattern repeated itself: see below. 13. The Keppels were very active at Rumple Church during their retirement years in Blowing Rock: he as church treasurer for a time during the 1950's, she as officer in the WOC: see numerous clippings in RMPC Scrapbook, Vols I and II. 14. RMPC Session Records, Book 4 [1977-1979], meetings of November 4 and 8, and December 9, 1976; congregational meetings of November 14 and December 16, 1976, and February 13, 1977. 15. "Findings and Actions of the Commission on the Minister," with cover memorandum dated March 19, 1978, appended to RMPC Session Records, meeting of same date. When Hartsell arrived in early 1980, this last condition had not been carried out. 16. RMPC Session Records, meeting of August 29, 1978. 17. Ibid., session meeting of September 7, 1978. 18. Ibid., session meetings of September 7 and 28, 1978. 19. Ibid., session meeting of September 28, 1978. 20. Report of Administrative Commission Regarding the Rumple Memorial Presbyterian Church, in Minutes of Concord Presbytery, called meeting of November 21, 1978, pp. 89-91. 21. Ministerial Directory, 1983 edition. 22. RMPC Session Records, meetings of May 20 and July 5, 1979. 23. For about three months that fall, the Rev. Frank Alfred (Al) Mathes, recently retired from the Huntersville Church, and a summer resident of Blowing Rock, served as interim pastor. Mathes has preached numerous times at Rumple. He and his wife, Jackie, spend winters in Birmingham, Alabama, with their daughter, Rachel, a teacher of music and a gifted soprano who has sung with the Metropolitan Opera and in Europe. Rachel Mathes's occasional appearances as soloist at Rumple are always a treat for the congregation and choir. 24. Letter, signed by Mary Shore, December 20, 1979, in RMPC Session Records. 25. Statistical Report for General Assembly, for Year Ending December 31, 1979, copy in RMPC Session Records. 26. The SRC has had four chairmen since its creation during Brinkerhoffs pastorate: Eugene Bowman, of Mocksville; Andy Nimmo, of Dunedin, Florida, now a full-time resident of Blowing Rock; Henry Enterline, of Sarasota, Florida; and Neely, who has recently taken up permanent residence in town. �Shocks and Signs, 1973-1987 / 173 27. File, "Grandfather Home Day Materials," RMPC records. Oral interview with Jim Swinkola, present executive director of Grandfather Home, October 1987. The mission of the Home has itself undergone change since the mid1960's. It is presently far less engaged in long term child care and custody, and does considerably more family counseling and placement of children with foster and adoptive homes. 28. RMPC service bulletins for annual preaching missions, prepared and supplied by the Rev. Hartsell. 29. RMPC service bulletin insert, "The Alice Lentz Funeral Pall," 1984, supplied by Bernie Greene. In her memory, the family also donated a bronze plaque for "her" pew in the church in 1985, and the next year gave vases, reminders of Mrs. Lentz's frequent gift of flowers to enhance the beauty of the church service. 30. "Jethro Rumple's Life Had Impact All Across North Carolina," and "Presbyterians To Observe 'Rumple Sunday/ " The Blowing Rocket, June 12, 1987, p. 15; "Sunday Was Historic Day For Rumple As Church Celebrates Centennial," ibid, June 19, 1987, p. 2. The service was videotaped by Blowing Rocket editor and church member Jerry Burns, and tape recorded by the minister. Audiotapes of all the services are at RMPC. Much of the information in the following paragraphs came as well from the pamphlet "Centennial Celebration 1887-1987," prepared by the Rev. Hartsell. 31. See paper prepared for session members by Lovelace, 1985, in RMPC records; and information from the Rev. Hartsell. The session wanted them to take full responsibility for a children's choir in exchange for the raise-a change from the job description under which they had been employed. Their combined salary in 1987 came to $6,600. 32. Oral interview with Smyth, June 1987. 33. The classic little book by the Rev. Dr. Walter L. Lingle, Presbyterians: Their History and Beliefs (Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1978; first published 1944) has been revised and updated by the Rev. Dr. John W. Kuykendall, president of Davidson College and Rumple Church's guest preacher on Rumple Sunday, 1987. It is an excellent introduction for the layperson on both the organic and organizational characteristics of the denomination. �This page intentionally left blank �BIBLIOGRAPHY Alexander, Nancy. Here Will I Dwell: The Story of Caldwell County. n.p. Copyright by author, 1956. Arthur, John Preston. A History of Watauga County, North Carolina, With Sketches of Prominent Families. Richmond: Everett Waddey Co., 1915. Repr. 1976. Beaty, Mary D. A History of the Davidson College Presbyterian Church. Davidson, NC: Davidson College Presbyterian Church, [1987]. Blackmun, Ora. Western North Carolina: Its Mountains and Its People to 1880. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1977. Brooks, Maurice. The Appalachians. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965. Chamberlain, Hope Summerell. This Was Home. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1938. Claiborne, Jack. The Charlotte Observer; Its Time and Place, 1896-1986. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986. Clark, Thomas F. History of Myers Park Presbyterian Church, 1926-1966. Charlotte, NC: Myers Park Presbyterian Church, 1966. Craig, David Irvin. A History of the Development of the Presbyterian Church in North Carolina, and of Synodical Missions, together with Evangelistic Addresses by James I. Vance, D.D., and Others. Richmond: Whittet & Shepperson, 1907. Craig, Edward Marshall. Highways and Byways of Appalachia: A Study of the Work of the Synod of Appalachia of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. Kingsport, TN: Kingsport Press, 1927. Daingerfield, Marjorie. "Old Blowing Rock." n.p., n.d. Typescript at Community Library of Blowing Rock. Davidson, Chalmers Gaston. The Plantation World around Davidson. Rev. and enl. ed. Davidson, N.C.: Briarpatch Press, 1982. First publ. 1969. �176 / Bibliography Davidson College. Sketches of the Graduating Class of Davidson College North Carolina 1872-1876. n.p., n.d. [Davidson, NC: 1916?]. Dixon, Max. The Wataugans. Nashville, TN: Tennessee American Revolution Bicentennial Commission, 1976. Dunn, Robert A. History of the First Presbyterian Church of Charlotte, N.C. n.p., n.d. [Charlotte, NC: 1932. Rev., 1945]. Eller, Ronald D. Miners, Millhands and Mountaineers; Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1930. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1982. First Presbyterian Church, Detroit, ML One Hundredth Anniversary Celebration, 1818-1918. n.p., n.d. [Detroit, 1918]. First Presbyterian Church, Lenoir, NC. Minutes and Register 1852-1928, 2 Vols.; Session Minutes 1928-1962, 2 Vols. Raleigh: North Carolina State Archives, microfilm copy. Foote, William Henry. Sketches of North Carolina. Historical and Biographical. New York: Robert Carter, 1846. Repr. 1912. Gaffney, Sanna, et. a/., The Heritage of Watauga County, North Carolina, Volume I, 1984. Winston-Salem, NC: Hunter Publishing Co., 1984. Garth, John G. Sixty Years of Home Missions in the Synod of North Carolina. Charlotte: Standard Publ. Co., 1948. Gobbel, Luther L. Church-State Relationships in Education in North Carolina Since 1776. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1938. Harwell, Coleman A. The Centennial History of Westminster Presbyterian Church, Originally Known as Moore Memorial Presbyterian Church, n.p. [Knoxville, TN], 1979. Holt, Betty. History of the First Presbyterian Church, Highlands^ North Carolina, n.p., n.d. [1985]. Hooker, Elizabeth R. Religion in the Highlands; Native Churches and Missionary Enterprises in the Southern Appalachian Area. New York: The Home Mission Council, 1933. Hood, Frazer, ed. If Ye Knew These Things. The Presbyterian Task in North Carolina. Charlotte: Presbyterian Standard, 1927. Keys, Walter K. Lessons at Sunset and Other Sermons, n.p., n.d. [Blowing Rock, NC, 1957?] �Bibliography / 111 Krider, Josephine Kluttz. History of the First Presbyterian Churchy Salisbury, North Carolina 1821-1971. Privately printed. 1971. LaMotte, Louis C. Colored Light: The Story of the Influence of Columbia Theological Seminary, 1828-1936. Richmond: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1937. Lefler, Hugh Talmage and Albert Ray Newsome. The History of a Southern State: North Carolina. 3rd ed. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1973. Leonard, Jacob Calvin. [History off The Southern Synod of the Evangelical and Reformed Church. Lexington, NC: n.p., 1940. Lingle, Walter L. Memories of Davidson College. Richmond: John Knox Press, 1947. and John W. Kuykendall. Presbyterians, Their History and Beliefs. 4th rev. ed. Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1978. First Published 1944. McGeachy, Neill Roderick. Confronted by Challenge; A History of the Presbytery of Concord 1795-1973. Including the former Presbytery of Kings Mountain and Presbytery of Winston-Salem. n.p.: The Delmar Co., 1985. Published by order of the Presbytery of Concord. McMillan, Homer. Other Men Labored. Richmond: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1937. Machlin, Milt. Libby. New York: Tower Books, 1980. Melton, George E. "St. Andrews: A Brief History." Laurinburg, NC: St. Andrews Presbyterian College, 1978. Mitchell, Elisha. Diary of a Geological Tour by Dr. Elisha Mitchell in 1827 and 1828. Introduction and Notes by Dr. Kemp P. Battle. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1905. James Sprunt Historical Monograph, No. 6. Moore, Walter W. Appreciations and Historical Addresses, n.p. [Richmond]: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, n.d. [1913?] Morse, H. N. Home Missions —Today and Tomorrow. A Review and a Forecast. New York: Home Missions Council, 1934. Neal, Margaret Tufts. And Set Aglow a Sacred Flame; History of the Edgar Tufts Memorial Association 1895-1942. Banner Elk, NC: Puddingstone Press, Lees-McRae College, 1983. �178 / Bibliography Nelson, Hart M. The Appalachian Presbyterian: Some Rural-Urban Differences, A Preliminary Report. Bowling Green, KY: Western Kentucky University College of Commerce Office of Research and Services, Research Bulletin #5, 1968. Noble, M. C. S. A History of the Public Schools of North Carolina, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1930. Ovens, David. If This Be Treason: A Look At His Town and Times. Charlotte, NC: Heritage House, 1957. Parker, J. K., Jr. "A Study of the Needs, Growth, and Development of the Presbyterian Church of Boone, N.C." Master's Thesis, Appalachian State Teachers College, 1955. Peeler, J. Banks. A Story of the Southern Synod of the Evangelical and Reformed Church, Published under the supervision of the Board of Editors, and authorized by the Synod, n.p., 1968. Peterson, Katherine J. "Boone Fork Institute." Watauga County Times Past No. 14 (Sept. 1984). Presbyterian Church in the U.S. Facing the Situation: Addresses Delivered at the Fourth General Convention of the Laymen's Missionary Movement, Presbyterian Church in the U.S., held in Charlotte, N.C., Feb. 16-18, 1915, Dallas, Texas, Feb. 23-25, 1915. Athens, GA.: Laymen's Missionary Movement, (PCUS), 1915. Powell, William S., ed. Dictionary of North Carolina Biography, Volume I, A-C. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979. Raine, James Watt. The Land of Saddle-Bags: A Study of the Mountain People of Appalachia. New York: Council of Women for Home Missions and Missionary Education Movement of the United States and Canada, 1924. Special edition publ. by Presbyterian Committee of Publication, Richmond, VA, 1924. Rumple, Jethro. A History of Rowan County, North Carolina; Containing Sketches of Prominent Families and Distinguished Men. Bicentennial Edition. Repr. with a new Index by Edith M. Clark. Baltimore: Regional Publishing Co., 1974. Orig. publ. Salisbury, NC, 1881. Repr. 1916, 1929. . The History of Presbyterianism in North Carolina. Repr. from the North Carolina Presbyterian 1878-1887. With Appendixes. Richmond: The Library of Union Theological Seminary, 1966. Historical Transcripts No. 3. �Bibliography / 179 Shackelford, Laurel, and Bill Weinberg, eds. Our Appalachia; An Oral History. New York: Hill and Wang, 1977. Shaw, Cornelia Rebekah. Davidson College. New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1923. Sill, James Burges. Historical Sketches of Churches in the Diocese of Western North Carolina Episcopal Church. Asheville, NC: Publishing Office, Church of the Redeemer, 1955. Sloop, Mary T. Martin, with LeGette Blythe. Miracle in the Hills. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1953. Smith, C. Alphonso. Presbyterians in Educational Work in North Carolina Since 1813. Address at the Centennial Celebration of the Synod of North Carolina, in Alamance Church, Guilford County, October 7, 1913. Offpr. from Union Seminary Review, Dec.-Jan. 1913/14. Smith, John Robert. The Church That Stayed: The Life and Times of Central Presbyterian Church in the Heart of Atlanta, 1858-1978. Atlanta, GA: The Atlanta Historical Society, 1979. Spence, Thomas Hugh, Jr. A Memoir of Elizabeth Holman Spence. Montreat, NC: for private distribution, 1981. . An Annotated Autobiography. Montreat, NC: for private distribution, 1981. . The Presbyterian Congregation on Rocky River. Concord, NC: Rocky River Presbyterian Church, 1954. Synod of North Carolina. Centennial Address. Delivered at Alamance Church, Greensboro, N.C., October 7, 1913. n.p., n.d. [1913?]. Thompson, Ernest Trice. Presbyterians in the South, 3 volumes. Richmond: John Knox Press, 1963-1973. . Presbyterian Missions in the Southern United States. Richmond: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1934. Tindall, George Brown. The Emergence of the New South 1913-1945. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1967. Van Noppen, Ina W. and John J. Van Noppen. Western North Carolina Since the Civil War. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1973. Vance, James Isaac. God's Open: Sermons that take us Out-of-doors. New York and Chicago: Fleming H. Revell, 1924. �180 / Bibliography Whisnant, David E. Modernizing the Mountaineer. People, Power, and Planning in Appalachia. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1980. Whitt, Anne Hall. The Suitcases; Three Orphaned Sisters In the Great Depression in the South. Foreword by Charles Kuralt. Washington, DC: Acropolis Books Ltd., 1982. Wills, Jesse. "The Towers See One Hundred Years: The Story of the First Presbyterian Church Building, Nashville, Tennessee." Church Pamphlet, 1951. Woodside, Robert Edward. "The Educational Development of Avery County." Master's Thesis, Appalachian State Teachers College, 1952. �Index / 181 Index Note: Entire family is often indexed under same last name entry Appalachia, region 51, 54, 145 Appalachia, Synod of 54-55, 72, 145-146, 164 Baker, D. 103 Beall, B. L., R. L. 10, 16, 18, 19 Bernhardt 21, 81 Blacks, worship arrangements for 87-88, 110-111, 130-131 Blackwell, Mrs. E. J. (Shirley) 2, 161 Blake, Darrell 154 Blake, J. R. 5 Boone, town of 5, 10, 15, 49, 113, 145, 152, 166, 168, 169 Bowman, E. S. 111, 133-136 Brady, Mrs. M. J. 6, 23, 43 Brinkerhoff, A. B. 127-138, 167 Brown, C. L. 97, 111, 152 Brown, Mrs. C. F. (Hattie) 39, 99 Buchanan, G. S. 77-80, 85, 86, 88, 102-103 Burns, Mrs. J. (Ethel) 86, 102, 108, 141 Campbell, E. T. 162 Campbell, R. F. 54 Cannon, Mrs. J. C. (Annie) 42, 70, 84-86, 88, 106, 110, 127, 128, 135-137, 141 Cappel, S. S. 112-113, 116 Carson, C. C. 54 Coffey, O. 13, 72, 100, 108, 128, 143, 154 Collier, F. C. 152-158, 160, 161, 163 Concord, Presbytery of 3, 7-9, 11, 19-21, 24, 34, 35, 38, 49, 51, 54, 55, 80, 81, 83, 116, 135, 140, 145, 155, 156, 167 Critcher 38, 75, 99 Davant, C. 82, 121 �182 / Index Davidson College 1-5, 7, 8, 20, 42-44, 51, 52, 56, 66, 67, 97, 101, 105, 114, 124, 127, 140, 162, 164-167 Dunn, R. A. 87, 106, 123-125, 132, 138, 139, 141, 158, 160 Earnest, R. D. 104, 106-112, 169 Farm House Singers 127, 161 Fawcette, E. W. 16, 19 Frye, L. M. 47, 163 Gage, G. 14 Gibbs, L. B. 140, 164 Grandfather Home for Children 42, 45, 50, 76, 82, 83, 98, 100, 104, 106, 123, 125, 134, 146, 161, 166 Green Park Hotel 14, 17, 124, 131, 168 Greene 72, 85, 102, 108, 121, 122, 125, 128, 133, 137, 138, 141, 143, 152, 164 Hall, J. P. 52 Hall, G. W. 45, 83 Hardin, R. B. 86, 102, 103, 121, 122, 125, 128, 138, 152 Harper, G. W. F. 14, 21, 34, 110 Hartsell, V. E. 127, 159-165, 167 Holshouser, J. R. 140-146, 151-152, 153, 154, 161, 167 Holshouser, W. L. 39, 40, 46, 49, 50, 53, 65, 66, 70, 79, 83, 85-87, 99, 101-103, 110, 112, 121, 125, 127, 165, 168 Holston, Presbytery of 55, 68-70, 72, 73, 75-77, 83, 86, 89, 97, 112, 113, 116, 121, 127, 130, 140, 145, 146, 164 Holt, D. R. II 158-159, 167 Hook, C. C. 46 Ingle, J. 15, 17, 83 Keys, W. K. 55, 74-76, 86, 89, 97-100, 102-104, 106, 110, 111, 115, 116, 121-128, 134, 135, 143, 160 Kluttz (Klutz) 15, 70, 75, 77, 98, 102, 122, 124, 125, 165 Knox, J. M. 70 Lees-McRae Institute, later College 39-41, 51, 52, 103, 138, 161, 163, 166 Lenoir, town, Church in 1, 2, 11, 16, 17, 19-21, 24, 34-36, 49, 55, 65, 66, 70, 81, 142 �Index / 183 Lovelace, N. 165 Lentz 47, 99, 122, 125, 143, 163, 164, 165 Lynch, Mrs. C. A. 144 Martin, W. J., Col. 2, 4-6, 8, 19, 20, 43, 51 Martin, W. J., Jr. 5, 8, 42-44, 45-48, 51, 52-53, 65-66, 70, 80, 81, 101 Mayview, neighborhood of 66-68, 84, 105, 122, 131 McKaraher, C. G. 69, 70, 72-74 Moore, W. W. 37 Moore, 0., Jr. 112 Morris, W. M. 3, 6, 13, 18, 23, 34 Munroe, C. A. 1, 16, 18-24, 34-37 Nebel, Mrs. W. 143, 144 Newland, L. T. 97, 113-116, 121, 122, 123 Ovens, D. 98, 104-106, 109-111, 134, 161 Parker, J. K. 113, 152, 154 Payne, Mrs. S. 103, 112, 152 Payne, C. M. 12 Pell, R. P. 23, 33-36 Plumtree School 52, 89 Rhodes, C. 115, 122 Rumple, J. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6-20, 23, 33-35, 42, 44, 45, 48, 51, 80, 81 "Rumple Sunday" 162-163, 164, 165 Salisbury, town, Church in 2-4, 6, 7, 10, 11, 16, 44, 48, 70, 83 Savage, W. R. 41, 48 Shulls Mills, town, Church in 39, 68-70, 72-74, 76, 89, 132 Sloop, M. M. 5, 51-53, 55, 56 Smith, M. S. 151n, 159, 165 Smith, W. R. 76, 77 Snively, Mrs. T. V. (Anne) 110, 136 Southall, T. B. 97 Spence, T. H. 67-70, 76, 108, 123 Stewart, Mrs. A. M. (Emma) 1-3, 14-16, 24 Stringfellow, W. W. 48 Summer Residents Committee (SRC) 133-136, 140, 141, 144, 160 Tester (Teaster) 75, 77, 84, 86, 102, 103, 114 �184 / Index Thurston, W. 113, 116 Tufts, E. 17, 24, 33, 35-42, 44, 45, 47, 48, 50, 52, 54-57, 65, 68-71, 76, 81, 82, 125, 145, 161, 166, 167 Tufts, E. H. 56-57, 97 Underdown, E. G. 49, 70, 83, 85 Vance, J. I. 45, 48, 54, 55, 68, 70, 71, 75, 78, 80, 81, 87, 98, 100, 103, 106, 108, 112, 125, 139, 163, 167 Vance, M. 101, 121, 139, 154 Vardell, C. G. 6-8, 42-45, 48, 50, 53, 80-82, 87, 88, 125, 152, 163, 166 Walser, R. 22, 23, 38, 107, 112 Warfield, M. G. 82, 107n Weedon, H. W. 23, 38, 39, 68 White, J. 47, 49, 69, 70, 75, 77, 78, 85, 103, 108, 113 "White Christmas" 133 Whiting, W. S. 68-70 Williams, C. 76, 85, 100, 102, 104 Williamson, E. M. 44, 45 Women of the Church 39, 83, 138, 142, 143, 159, 164 Yelton, J. 89, 121, 126 �ABOUT Church, DONALD B. SAUNDERS is a of at his B.A. in Ph.D. in University of North in 1974. He has a of the at 1971. He the University in Phi He in 2009. He his in at to � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource For His Cause A Little House: A Hundred Year History of Rumple Memorial Presbyterian Church Description An account of the resource <span>Through text and photographs, Donald Saunders explores the history of the Rumple Presbyterian Church in Blowing Rock, NC, as well as its members from the Blowing Rock community.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1jtBn2tDFvcYE5p2_dePnRXeUkcxmH_YP" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642017/for-his-cause-a-little-house" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Rumple Memorial Presbyterian Church (Blowing Rock, N.C.)--History Blowing Rock (N.C.)--Church history Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Saunders, Donald B. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988 Language A language of the resource English Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Blowing Rock (N.C.) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Blowing Rock history NC Presbyterian Church religion https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/aefcf05212751d63c9dd7d9c4240bb00.pdf 3c72af0d030e5c3168d2da90a5b48754 PDF Text Text �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone by Gratis D. Williams David Gratis Williams, Editor Patricia D. Beaver, Editor Published by: Appalachian Consortium Press ©1999 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004^ its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program^ Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1999 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4195-9 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4197-3 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �c Acknowledgements Introduction i 1. A Call from Boone 1 2. Arriving in Boone: A New Beginning 3. Settling into Boone 4. Visit to Sylvia 5. Glad to be Living and Working in Boone ....57 6. Winters Nightmare 75 7. Christmas 97 8. Longing to Call Boone Home.. 113 Index of Names 129 Gratis Williams Chronology 137 Cratis Williams Bibliography 139 List of Photographs... 11 ....29 47 .....143 �This page intentionally left blank �A Appalachian State University's Centennial celebration in 1999 seemed a fitting occasion for preparation by the Center for Appalachian Studies of a volume of Gratis Williams's memoirs for publication. In 1997 I approached David Williams for family approval and guidance through his father's papers. David directed my attention to / Come to Boone, which represents a pivotal year (1942-43) in Cratis's adult life, beginning his long-term association with what was then Appalachian State Teachers College, with Boone, and with the North Carolina mountains. Gratis Williams's memoir is a most appropriate contribution to the university's Centennial, as his experiences intersect with the lives of many educators who shaped the college from its inception in 1899 into the university of the late 20th century. David Williams and I have worked together to bring Cratis's text to the community which grew with Gratis, which nurtured his professionalism, and which loved and admired him. David Williams and I are responsible for alterations from the original manuscript, which include minor editorial changes and the addition of chapter breaks, chapter titles, and footnotes which do not appear in the original text. While I worked from locales in North Carolina, David traversed the eastern seaboard from Canada to Puerto Rico, enduring the fury of Hurricane Georges as he proofed the final manuscript copy. We are grateful for the careful reading and the editorial suggestions provided by John Keener of LeesMcRae College. Graduate students in the Appalachian Studies master's program were critical to this production, including Stephanie Roark Keener and Kathryn Staley, who scanned, formatted, and edited Cratis's original manuscript. In preparation of the final text, we are grateful for the good work of Jessica Blackburn, Melanie Rice, Brett Melchior, Robert Barham, and David Cozzo. Art Rex and Andrew Paul of ASU's �Department of Geography and Planning generated the maps. Kinney Baughman provided technical support and wisdom at every critical juncture in the production of this manuscript. Elizabeth Bordeaux kept all of us organized and all the versions of the text in order, and proofread the entire manuscript. Fred Hay and Jerry Williamson provided editorial commentary on the introduction in a timely fashion at a critical time in the production, and Fred Hay fine-tuned the bibliography. Cratis's brother O.C.Williams and his niece Bobbi Lynn provided immeasurable assistance with family photographs, as did Cratis's sister Ruth Lester and her sons Jim and Jack Lester. Elizabeth Williams and Cratis's and Libby's daughter Sophie Williams provided valuable assistance, advice, and support for this project, for which we are deeply appreciative. Ruby Daniel's generosity with information about Gratis from the day of their meeting at the beginning of the school term in 1942, and with her personal correspondence with Gratis and that of her husband, Hugh, is tribute to their affection for Gratis. It is affection shared by all of us who had the very great pleasure of knowing him, of laughing with him, of learning from him, of following in his path. This manuscript is presented to honor Gratis, his pivotal role in our university, particularly the Graduate School, and his role in directing the humanistic embrace of regional culture in creating Appalachian Studies as a serious program of meaningful scholarship. No one has stepped into the large space which Gratis left, and we laugh a little less often. Patricia D. Beaver, 1999 Boone, North Carolina �I Following his retirement in 1976 from a distinguished career as a teacher and administrator at Appalachian State University in Boone, North Carolina, Gratis Williams began to write memoirs of his life odyssey from a log cabin in eastern Kentucky to the upper echelons of American education. Destined to become a nationally recognized spokesperson for Appalachian culture-a preserver of its ballads, a teller of its tales, and a sympathetic interpreter of its customs and traditions-Cratis struggled during his formative years to find his direction in life. Most of Gratis s memoirs concern these years of personal and professional growth, focusing either on his recollections from childhood or on his educational and early professional experiences. Two previously published memoirs, / Become A Teacher (Williams 1995) and William H. Vaughan: A Better Man Than I Ever Wanted To Be (Williams 1983), describe, respectively, his entry into the teaching profession in a one-room school in his native Lawrence County, Kentucky, and his high school principal and mentor. / Come to Boone describes his move in 1942 from Huntington, West Virginia, where he taught night classes at the Apprentice School of International Nickel Company, to Boone, North Carolina. Watching helplessly as his wife Sylvia slowly succumbed to tuberculosis, he took a temporary position as "critic teacher" at Appalachian Demonstration High School. Among his many assignments that year, Gratis taught methods of teaching English in high school to aspiring educators at Appalachian State Teachers College, the institution with which he was to be associated for the remainder of his life. Early Years Gratis Dearl Williams was born at 7:23 a.m. on April 5, 1911, in the telephone room of his grandfa- �The Cratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone ther's log house on Caines Creek, in Lawrence County, Kentucky. He was the first child of Curtis and Mona (Whitt) Williams, and the first grandson for both David O. Williams, in whose house he was born, and Jefferson Davis Whitt. A small, presumably premature baby, Cratis was not expected to survive his infancy. u[I]n the language of the community" he later recalled, "/ was.,, a 'puny and pindlin child, plagued with tonsillitis, colds and infections, and hives" A short time after his birth, his young parents, each but twenty years old at the time of his birth, moved a short distance "up the creek" to the "Blythe cabin" a small log house dating from the 1880s, which David Williams had purchased. "/« this house" Cratis Williams later wrote, "which was altered later and added to, I grew to maturity "^ The alterations and additions were required, in part, by the growth of the family: Cratis was eventually joined by four siblings, Mabel, Ralph, Ruth, and Ottie Curtis. Figure 1. A new generation of Williams: (l-r) Mabel, age 5; Cratis, age 6; Ralph, age 4; and Elva, their youngest aunt, age 3, July 1917. Cratis's interest in mountain speech was practically stamped on him from the very beginning. Although, as he was to note wryly in later years, the name "Cratis" resonates nicely with those of the Greek gods, it was in fact an invention of his mother, who had not been trained in Greek mythology during her years in the local one-room country school. She liked the sound of the name. Names-and perhaps words generally-were differentiated and endowed with meaning, magic, and pleasure by sound; spelling was at best a secondary concern. Her own name, spelled "Mona," was pronounced "Mony." His middle name-"Dearl"-is a variant of "Darryl" (or "Darrell," as Wolfford [circa 1972,170] mistakenly lists it), but the spelling in this case is reflective of the pronunciation, which rhymes with "Earl." Trying to capture that sound through spelling proved to be an inexact science. In July, 1917, when he started school in the one-room school "on the hillside across the 'All quotations from Cratis Williams are in quotes and italicized. Unless otherwise indicated, all quotations are from unpublished memoirs, essays, speeches, and short notes by Cratis Williams, which are in the possession of his family. �Introduction valley" from the house in which he grew up, his mother prepared him with a "primer" in which she had written, "Gratis Dearl Williams, His Book." The teacher enrolled him in the official record book accordingly. "I did not know for 20 years" he later recalled, "that she had misspelled my middle name, which was written 'Darl' on my birth certificate" Afterwards he remained, by choice as well as habit, Gratis Dearl. "Mostly of Scotch Irish origin" Gratis was a descendent on both sides of the early settlers along the Appalachian frontier during the period of the founding of this country. Among his "forebears were Indian fighters, long hunters, veterans of the American Revolution, Tories escaped to the backwoods, refugees from the Whiskey Rebellion, Kentucky mountain feudi$ts> and religious dissenters" (Big Sandy News March 6, 1969, n.p.). As the "oldest grandson of each of my grandfathers" Gratis "enjoyed a special place in my early years in the favor of each" Each grandfather, albeit in widely different ways, was enormously influential on him. Gratis later recalled, "My Grandfather Williams led me by the hand through the mysterious arrangements of his distillery, said to have been the last legal distillery in Eastern Kentucky. He gave me my own little bottle of whiskey so I could drink along with the workers" His other grandfather, "Pa Jeff," offered education of a different sort, "Grandfather Whitt, a keen 'hardshell' scholar of the Bible, began talking Calvinistic theology with me before I was nine years old. By the time I was twelve we could 'argy the 'scriptors' together with quiet skill" Of course, as Gratis concluded his recollection, "more warmth was generated in our discussions when I shared with him my little bottle of whiskey" As a young child, Gratis would go with his mother to the United Baptist Church "which is located just across the valley from where we grew up. That was the only church in the valley at the time" There he would listen for hours to the preachers (for generally four or five preachers would go in succession on Sundays), and church would last from nine o'clock in the morning until perhaps two or three o'clock in the afternoon. What most impressed young Gratis, however, was not the theological content of the sermons but rather the oratorical style of the raw mountain preachers; he "was intrigued with the style and the drama of it all" When an animal on the farm died, Gratis and his siblings would have a funeral, and Gratis "would preach the funeral sermon. I would use this mans style and then that mans style" Curt Williams, concerned that his son's imitations would offend the preachers, "'bursted' the seat" of Cratis's pants "several times for mocking the preachers" But "when my father was completely out of hearing, Fd go on and do it anyway" (Ross n.d.). It was in this manner that Gratis acquired both a deep appreciation of and skill in the oratorical styles of mountain preachers: "/ learned to preach like the hard-shell preachers. I liked the rhetoric. I wasn't religious" (Big Sandy News July 3, 1979, 10). At the age of six, Gratis was sent to the one-room Hillside School, also known as Middle Caines Creek School, near his home. The school "was held in the United Baptist Church Building, which was constructed about 1885" His first teacher was Eugene Moore. Although Middle Caines Creek School was located conveniently for young Gratis and his siblings, its very remoteness no doubt contributed to an instability in its staffing. Eugene Moore moved after the term ended. Cratis's second teacher, Annie Young, eloped to California after only about three months. Harry Burton, later a prominent merchant and �The Cratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone banker in Elaine, finished Annie's term and was followed briefly by Randolph N. Boggs, who also moved away. But "Ran" was an important influence on Cratis: "Ran encouraged me to read orally" Cratis recollected about the 1919 school year, "/ recall that he once invited the whole school to hear me read aloud the story about the dog and the cock that spent the night in the forest. The response of my 'audience' to my cock-crowing was so gratifying to me that I began to aspire for skill in interpretation. I have considered this experience one of the most significant in my life. It sharpened my interest in school generally" Ran taught the school again in 1920, before leaving Blaine. Beginning with the 1921-1922 term, Cratis's teacher "was Ulysses S. Williams, my father's cousin. Lyss began the 1922-1923 term, but was shot and killed in November" He was twenty-two years old. "Lyss had been one of the 'big scholars' in the school during my first two years" Cratis recalled, "but he had taken the teachers examination and been awarded a certificate. He had also attended a short winter 'institute' before he began teaching on Catt Creek in 1920. After being away from the school on Caines Creek for only one yean he returned, at the age of21, as the teacher, and he was a good one" Lyss had developed an interest in a young woman who lived nearby on Abb Creek. On Sunday, November 12, Lyss went to Abb Creek to meet Roberta Stafford, "to whom he was engaged" But at the church on Abb Creek, he was shot and killed by Elbert Caldwell. "CaldweWs motive... was never made quite clear. He was quite drunk, however, and had engaged in a quarrel with young men from Caines Creek before Lyss arrived at the church. Lyss was shot at such close range that his clothing caught fire. He died instantly, without speaking a word" When they learned of this, the Williams men (headed by Lyss s brother Jesse and his father, Cratis's uncle Jake) attempted to hunt down the murderer, but their search parties returned empty handed. Cratis recalled lying awake in the bedroom, with its window opening onto the porch, listening quietly to a conversation between his parents the "morning following my father's allnight search, along with dozens of Williams relatives, for the man who had killed Lyss. He told my mother that Lyss had been the only one of our family who was determined to 'get an education but that his murder 'just looked like it wasn't meant that a Williams would ever be allowed to have one.' With a mighty oath he swore that if one of his children wanted an education he would 'work on my hands and knees for a dime a day, if need be, to see that he had a chance to get it"' Although only eleven years old at the time, Cratis " vowed secretly that I would challenge my father to the sacrifice that he declared he was prepared to make. During the remainder of that school year I advanced from third grade to the fifth grade and began in the sixth grade the following year'" That term Cratis took the County Examination "/» determine whether I was eligible to go to high school The examination lasted for two days. I passed it at the age of twelve"' In February, 1924, Cratis rode the farm wagon with his father from Caines Creek to Louisa, where he planned to enter Louisa High School (which was completed in 1889) and board with his father's cousins, Simpson (Simps) and Nola Boggs. After meeting with the principal, however, he was assigned to the seventh grade. Cratis immediately experienced culture shock; he was ""painfully ashamed of the quaint background" he " brought directly into the glitter of the Jazz Age" which had already arrived in Louisa. Even as he struggled to adjust to his "newsurroundings" he excelled in his studies �Introduction and impressed both his classmates and his teacher who "awarded" him with a metal pencil as a special prize for the top student. She had to purchase the pencil herself; Gratis, having enrolled late in the year, was ineligible for the official prize. His "'grades for the semester were 27 As and 3 Bs" When he showed his gradecard to his father that summer, Curt Williams asked his son "to explain what the grades meant, I told him that A was the best grade a student could receive. He looked at the card intently, running his fingers up and down the columns, and handed it back to me as he asked, 'Well, what in the hell are these Bs doing on here, then?" Gratis concluded that this expectation was not unreasonable. "He had given me 50 cents a week for spending money, paid $4.00 a week for my board and room, and paid 75 cents a week for my tuition. Money was hard to come by. He had sacrificed, and he expected perfect performance in return" The following September Gratis began high school in Louisa. He would be the first person from Caines Creek to graduate Louisa High School. His high school principal and history teacher was William H. Vaughan, an influential educator who was later to become President of Morehead State University (1940-1946).2 Vaughans influence on Gratis Williams would be difficult to overstate: he was a teacher, a mentor, a trusted advisor, and, eventually, a friend and a father figure. It was Dr. Vaughan who not only encouraged Gratis to think about education beyond high school—something inconceivable to Gratis while growing up on Caines Creek—but also facilitated the possibility. Vaughan, a native of Lawrence County, helped Gratis to take pride in himself, and perhaps from that basis to look upon his heritage with pride. Even so, Cratis's initial experiences in high school filled him not with appreciation of his heritage and its traditions but rather with shame. The mountain dialect which Gratis spoke when he arrived in Lousia was the source of one of his greatest humiliations. During his first year of high school, Gratis became acutely aware of the differences between the town children and the country children, including the different attitudes that many of the teachers adopted toward the respective groups. Gratis felt that his own English teacher, Miss Roberts, was "what we called in the country 'proud,' one who thinks herself better than others. I found it difficult to like her, but I was determined to do all I could to meet her requirements and to please her" One day, during "oral assignments in which we were to deal with the 'spoken word,"" Gratis volunteered to tell "An Anecdote" He went to the front of the room, where he ''assumed the recommended posture for facing an audience, my feet planted side by side firmly on the floor, my body erect, my chest out, my chin up, my arms stiff by my sides, and my fingers pointed rigidly at my shoe tops. I was prepared to tell about Dave Prince's stuffing the overalls in the smokepipe of Granny Blyth's kitchen stove" But as he began his story, Miss Roberts interrupted and requested that he repeat the sentence he had just spoken: "Hit was a-gittin 'way up in the day," I responded. The town girls restrained giggles. "Say it again, " Miss Roberts commanded. -For a full discussion of their relationship, see Gratis D. Williams's (1983) biography of William H. Vaughan. �The Cratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone "Hit was getting 'way up in the day," I repeated with more precision. The town girls, now unrestrained, laughed outright. I could feel my face flaming as Miss Roberts asked me to say it again. "Hit was getting away up in the day!" I almost shouted. The town girls, now joined by some of the country children, laughed louder and longer. "It, not hit," Miss Roberts corrected. At that, "the country children laughed uproariously while the town girls merely smiled at Miss Roberts as she looked in their direction" For Cratis, the "humiliation was so deep and painful that I resolved to learn spoken English so well that no one would be likely to laugh at me again. Many years and a Ph.D. in English were required to salve my wound completely" As a result of such experiences, Cratis felt himself confronted with the need for radical selfchange. In his later reflections upon these experiences, he concluded, "I soon saw that my job was to make myself over. It was a shame to be Appalachian" As deep and lasting as this humiliation was, Cratis received a counter-balancing impetus to begin serious examination of his own experience and culture from other teachers, none of whom, ironically, were from the region of the southern Appalachians. For instance, it was a high school teacher who first awakened Cratis's academic interest in ballads. " When I was a junior" Cratis later recounted, "we studied a unit in ballads. Suddenly I realized these were the songs I knew, the ones my people sang. My teacher made a big fuss over this and advised I start collecting them. Tve been at it ever since" (Alexander 1966). As a high school student he began to collect ballads from his relatives and neighbors. Learning the tunes and writing the lyrics, his interest began to broaden and he soon began "to study the speech, tales, and oral rhetoric of the mountain folk" Recognizing the uniqueness and value of aspects of his "home" culture in the county, yet suffering as well its stigma and social humiliations, Cratis found himself in a cultural quandary. Even as he acculturated to mainstream middle-class norms, he retained his country identity. "/ was living in two cultures" he later told the Big Sandy News (July 3, 1979, 10). "/ couldn't let the people back on the creek know or they'd think I was puttin on the dog" Meanwhile, he entered the jazz age, slicked back his hair, shined his shoes to a two-toned gleam, and learned the popular songs of the day.3 As he put it years later, KI was as middle class in my behavior and appearance as it was possible for me to be and so careful with my personal grooming that a fly could not have rested on my slicked back hair without sliding off I even shined the insides of my shoe heels. That was the Jazz Age. I wore bell-bottom trousers, loud socks, and bow ties, sang 'Yes, Sir, She's My Baby and 'Blue Skies,' and danced the Charleston and the fox-trot, though not very well" Yet, despite his appearance of being in the middle class, the middle class was not in him. He was still, in a very fundamental sense, an Appalachian mountaineer-albeit now one clad in bell-bottoms, loud socks, and bow ties. "I felt dreadfully unreal I was a kind of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. That Appalachian boy who 3 This theme of cultural division is the unifying metaphor of the documentary film, Cratis Williams: Living the Divided Life (1998). �Introduction stood to one side and watched, reproved, chastised, and corrected the Jazz Age character I was playing in the charade, was the real me. It was he who would ask from time to time, 'How am I doing?" Despite, or perhaps because of, his early embarrassments at Louisa High School, Gratis endeavored to become both a successful and, by all evidence, popular stu-1 dent. He was president of his freshman class, secretary of the Athenian Literary Society during his sophomore year, and became centrally involved in school activities during his junior and senior years, serving at various times as pres- j ident of both the Science and English Clubs, member of the out-of-state debating team, and school representative in the district declamation contest. During his senior year he was editor of the Louisian^ ""the five-column four-page school newspaper published twice a month and printed by the Figure 2, As a high school graduate, 1928. Big Sandy News." The editorial direction of the paper soon reflected a strong Appalachian bent, although Gratis later did not recall having emphasized Appalachian themes in the paper. "/ had forgotten " he wrote in 1979, " until last year, fifty years later, when someone sent me a copy of one issue of the school paper I had edited, that on the back page of that paper I had written an essay on what it meant to be an Appalachian person. I was amazed that I hadnt changed my mind much. Also, I had included in the paper several mountain ballads, but I had forgotten that I had done that, too" At his high school commencement in 1928, Gratis was recipient of the Honor Student Trophy, "an 18-inch silver loving cup given by the faculty to the graduate who best exemplified scholarship and leadership" As salutatorian of his graduating class of forty, Gratis delivered the salutatorian address on May 25, 1928. According to the Big Sandy News, he painted "with beautiful diction a picture of happy, restful high school life," but recognized that graduates "have to give up these pleasures" and pursue their chosen courses in life. One day during Gratis s senior year of high school, Dr. Vaughan showed him a letter from James L. Creech, President of Cumberland College, a small junior college in Williamsburg, Kentucky. "The letter promised a tuition scholarship, a workship with a value equivalent to the cost of room and board" (Williams 1983,22). With the help of Dr. Vaughan, Gratis received both the scholarship and workship. On September 1, 1928, he left Lawrence County to attend Cumberland College. He always credited Cumberland College with providing him an opportunity to continue his education, an opportunity which would not have been available to him otherwise.4 After one year at Cumberland, Gratis became a one-room school teacher on Caines Creek.5 The year was 1929; he was eighteen years old. 4 Aiways a supporter of Cumberland College, one of Cratis's last requests was that certain investments from his estate, investments which had originated in an inheritance from his father a quarter of a century earlier, be used to endow a scholarship fund for mountain youth to attend Cumberland College, now a four-year institution. The "Curt and Mona Williams Scholarship" is awarded annually. �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Although he had begun a career as a teacher, a career which would not span seamless- Figure 3, Cratis stands tall behind his one-room school class on Caines Creek about 1929. He was probably standing on a wash tub, ly through the next fifty years of his life, he would continue on as a student. Cumberland College had whetted his appetite and he now had a dream: to work his way from oneroom school teacher to high school teacher to college teacher. He thought that to be a college teacher was to have climbed the mountaintop. He could work as a one-room school teacher based on his certificate and his year at Cumberland, but to pursue his dream he needed a college degree, or perhaps two or three of them. After teaching in the one-room school through the fall and winter, Cratis then attended the second semester and one summer term at the University of Kentucky. He did this each year (with the exception of a summer term spent at Morehead in 1932) until he received his Bachelor of Arts degree in June, 1933. High School Teacher and Principal (1933-1941) As his graduation from the University of Kentucky approached in the spring of 1933, Cratis began to face significant career choices. Already determined to extend his formal education beyond the B.A. degree in English which he was earning from Kentucky that June, Cratis had assumed that he would continue to teach in the Upper Caines Creek school during the year and pursue his masters degree during the summers. But as the Depression deepened, teachers' salaries fell faster than Cratis's pay scale; indeed, his salary had declined each of the preceding four years he taught in the one-room school. At that time, County Board of Education members in Lawrence County were elected by geographic districts and Curt Williams was well acquainted with Proctor Fyffe, Blaine's representative on the Lawrence County Board. With his father's assistance, through Proctor Fyffe, Cratis arranged to move to Blaine's high school beginning in the fall of 1933. Even 5 Cratis wrote extensively about his experiences during his first year as a one-room school teacher. See Williams (1995). �Introduction Figure 4. Ralph J. Williams with his grade school students, Caines Creek, 1938. Figure 5. Gratis with his two brothers: Ralph J. Williams (on the right) and Ottie Curtis, standing on the table, Caines Creek, circa 1930. Photo courtesy ofO. C. Williams. �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone so, his salary would again be lower than it had been the previous year. He would be not the English teacher but the science teacher and club sponsor. He was to teach five classes: general science, biology, geography, physics, and agriculture. During the summer of 1933, Gratis remained in Lexington and took classes toward his master s degree in English, but he also audited lectures in beginning physics. He returned to Elaine just before the fall school term opened and had dinner the night before classes started at the home of David Morris, the principal of the high school, where he met the rest of the faculty. The next day he began his new career as a high school teacher. Elaine High School was a relatively new institution opened in 1929, one year after Gratis had completed his own high school degree in Louisa. In 1934 Dock Jordan, county superintendent since 1922, retired. David Morris was Figure 6. Curt Williams arriving at an understanding with his oldest son Gratis, late 1920s, selected as the new superintendent, and with only one year of high school teaching experience, twenty-three year old Gratis (who was a college graduate and had taken coursework at Morehead during the summer of 1932 in preparation for certification for principalship) became the principal at Elaine. As a young principal, Gratis was energetic, innovative, and brimming with confidence. His enthusiasm may have been less infectious than alarming, however, for his predecessor and boss, David Morris, rebuked him sharply following completion of his first year: "In your work this year, you put too much stress on intelligence tests. I believe I mentioned this to you several times before. There are several other things I want to discuss with you before school begins." As a consequence of such innovations as the testing program, Morris emphasized that Gratis was in a precarious situation, lacking both his own confidence and, he felt, that of his teachers. Gratis s second year as principal—and his first as English teacher—saw improved relations among the faculty, and Gratis became recognized as a capable administrator and teacher by both his own faculty and, through county-wide teachers' meetings, faculty at other schools as well. At these meetings he furthered a friendship with Sylvia Graham, a young English teacher at Louisa High School and recent graduate of Morehead, whom he had first met at similar meetings while teaching at the Upper Caines Creek School. At the time Gratis was principal, Elaine High �Introduction School was a school of about 85 students (Williams 1983, 30). Working as English teacher and principal, Gratis had to curtail his course of study at the University of Kentucky. However, he continued to attend at least one summer term each year. During this period, Gratis studied primarily with L.L. Dantzler, from whom he had taken an undergraduate survey of English literature. That class had included "a unit on the ballad, and when Professor Dantzler interpreted 'The Twa Corbies, * 'Edward,' and 'The Wife of Usher's Well,' I saw for the first time that the ballad is really great literature, that it lends itself to all sorts of humanistic approaches and interpretations" Throughout his undergraduate and graduate coursework, Gratis studied under Professor Dantzler's supervision, and when the time came for Gratis to think seriously about '7. While principal of Elaine his thesis, he turned naturally and easily to Professor High School. Dantzler: "/ said that I would like to get a master's degree in English and that I wanted to prepare a thesis on ballads.... He was so excited that he began puffing rapidly on his pipe and almost danced around the desk with it" Thus began the several year project in which Gratis interspersed teaching and administrating during the academic terms, studying and taking coursework during the summers, and riding his mule out into the countryside tracking down ballads at every opportunity which arose. "In the summertime when I would hear of some old man or old woman living far down in the head of a hollow, down the ridge ten to fifteen miles from where I grew up, I would get on the mule, ride over there, hear that person sing, and write down what I could. Sometimes that was difficult because the old person who started a song would sing faster than I could write" As Gratis collected more seriously, both his attitude toward and his appreciation of the ballad began to evolve. He reported in 1978, "Igathered songs from all of my relatives, including my father and mother, my grandmothers, my aunts, and my father's cousins, the Boggses, for my people were in the musical tradition. Please understand now that while all of this was going on I was deeply ashamed of mountain music. The only thing respectable about studying the ballad had to do with the textual matter of the ballad itself. But my parents were musical. In fact, my relatives were all musical" Over time, and with deepening resonance, the music slowly swayed Cratis's orientation, but his thesis remained focused on text. After being as thorough as possible in his collection of ballads and his comparison of them with other published sources, he hunt-and-pecked his way through a submissable copy of the 450-page manuscript, for he was too poor to afford a typist. He submitted two copies—the original and a carbon—but, not being able to afford paper for a second carbon, he wasn't �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone able to keep a copy for himself.6 He was awarded his master's degree in June 1937, but stayed in Lexington that summer to begin earning credits toward a Ph.D. On August 7, 1937, shortly after returning to Lawrence County from the second summer session at the University of Kentucky, Gratis Williams married Sylvia Graham, "an English teacher, poet, and amateur actress. A native of Cherokee in Lawrence County, Kentucky, Sylvia was a graduate of the academy at Berea College and ofMorehead State Teachers College (University)" (Williams 1975a, 67-68). She was one of three children born to Lemual Wakeman Graham and Berta Francis Cooper Graham, both of Lawrence County (Gratis Williams's letter to Theodore B. Walker, Feb. 11, 1980). Sylvia was well known locally for her literary accomplishments, having published stories and poems in the literary magazines of both Morehead I State and the University of Kentucky, as well as in local papers. She had suffered health problems earlier, contracting tuberculosis of the lung and spending a period of time taking "the cure" in Southern Pines, North Carolina. Her sister Georgia died of the disease, but it was believed that Sylvia had recovered fully. As late as 1938, she received a clean bill of health from her physician in his report to the Lawrence County Board of Education. Gratis first "called on" Sylvia at her parents' home in Cherokee in 1931, and they probably Figure 8, Christmas 1933. Horsing around were at Morehead at the same time during the with Ethel Gambill and two dolls, Elaine, summer of 1932. Six years and many teachers' Kentucky. During this period, Gratis would meetings after first courting) they were married often ride his mule far into the hollows of , r , . ^ , , , T^ , . , rj it t i - i before the magistrate in Catlettsbure, Kentucky. T, eastern Kentucky in search of ballads, which \ \\ \ \ he collected tn his master's thai,. Following the wedding, Gratis remained at Blaine High School while Sylvia continued to teach at Louisa, setting the tone for a marriage that simultaneously suffered and was strengthened from frequent and extended periods of separation, including most summers when Gratis continued to return to Lexington to work on his Ph.D. In 1936, William A. Cheek, a graduate of Louisa High School (where he and Gratis had been in the same class, although Cheek was exactly six years older having been born April 5, 1905) had become principal of Louisa High School (Wolfford ©1972, 161). In 1938 Cheek challenged and supplanted David Morris as superintendent, and the three men rotated positions; Morris returned as principal at Blaine, and Gratis replaced Cheek as prin"Twenty years afer he completed his master's thesis (and twenty years since he had last seen a copy), he agreed to a request to put the thesis on microcard because there was scholarly value in the texts of the ballads. Malcolm Laws subsequently "used it extensively in revising his handbook, Native American Balladry." �Introduction cipal of Louisa High School which was now consolidated with the county system and had twice the enrollment of when he had been a student there some ten years earlier. It had become "one of the larger high schools in eastern Kentucky" with roughly 500 students and a faculty of twenty-two, three of whom had been there when Gratis was a student. Gratis was twenty-seven years old and he was now the only one there with a masters degree. Those teachers who had most impressed him as a student-'people with a master's degree and from outside the region"-had been victims of the Depression: "Local pressures to replace them with home grown talent with only a bachelor's degree had driven them away" In his first year as principal Gratis directed the development of both a "school-wide counseling program and a testing program" (Williams 1983, 32-33). Sylvia Graham Williams remained on the faculty as an English teacher and, at times, school librarian. As a high school principal in Louisa, Gratis was increasingly active in professional associations. In the fall of 1938, he attended the annual meeting of the Eastern Kentucky Education Association and served on its board of directors until 1941 (Big Sandy News Nov. 4, 1938, 1; Nov. 18, 1938, 1). Louisa High School made great strides in those years. In addition to the innovative testing and counseling programs, Gratis worked to enlarge and improve the library (Big Sandy News Feb. 24, 1939, 1) and encouraged the "organization of a student government to aid the faculty in promoting school morale" (Big Sandy News Mar. 24, 1939, 1). He also initiated a vocational training program, and on September 1, 1939, the Big Sandy News (1) reported, "The new vocational-agriculture department, inaugurated this year, is already proving popular and a number of rural students as well as a few Louisa students are enrolled for the course." He also laid the groundwork for a complementary college-prep track. To combine vocational education and college preparation in the same school was innovative at the time, and it marked an important ambition in Cratiss agenda for the high school. In addition to its innovative programs, the high school was simply booming as never before. The graduating class of 1940, numbering 61 students, was "the largest in the history of the school" (Big Sandy News May 10, 1940, 1). The following fall the Big Sandy News proudly reported that 23 Louisa High School graduates were set to enter college (Sept. 13, 1940, 1). Yet all was not well in Cratis's professional life. His agenda for Louisa High School was not shared by the county's central administration, and without any control over pivotal matters such as personnel decisions, Gratis feared that his innovations could not be fully implemented. Faculty morale was low and Gratis became concerned about his own viability as principal. He began to entertain seriously the idea of looking for a new position, perhaps at a college or a junior college. When Gratis left for Lexington in the summer of 1940, he took these worries with him. He wrote Sylvia, "It would not surprise me to find open rebellion in the school this year. I really dread the year" (July 30, 1940). He turned for advice to his friend, Richard M. Weaver,7 who urged him to leave Lawrence County. 'Gratis became friends with Weaver during their summer sessions together at the University of Kentucky; their friendship lasted until Weaver's death in 1963. Weaver authored Ideas Have Consequences (1948) and The Ethics of Rhetoric (1953). �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Weaver himself was in the process of leaving Texas A&M for doctoral work at Louisiana State, "where he plans to do a dissertation in American lit." Weaver "tells me that he hopes I'm on my way out of Lawrence County, that Til never do any good until I cut loose. 'Sudden Salvation is what I need, I think there's a whole lot to what he says' (to Sylvia, June 30, 1940). Gratis began to look more seriously for other jobs, and he applied for several positions. Playfully echoing Weaver's comment from earlier in the summer, he wrote Sylvia on July 30, "If there could be some 'call' to another place where I might persevere more favorably in the cause of the Lord!' As the summer of 1940 edged toward fall, it became clear that Gratis would return to Louisa, and he began to plan accordingly. However, Sylvias position remained unsettled; she and several other teachers simply did not know whether or not they were to be retained. The uncertainty of Sylvias employment added to an already precarious financial situation for the couple. Financial stresses had remained a constant throughout Cratis's life, and he and Sylvia had gotten into the habit of "selling" their checks in advance for less than facevalue, easing pressures momentarily (particularly during the summer months when Gratis was at school in Lexington) but accentuating them down the road. Financial pressure made Sylvias employment of paramount importance, and the situation became increasingly acute as Sylvia began to experience medical difficulties, including dental problems, chronic sore throats, coughs, and fatigue. Both she and Gratis attributed her fatigue to tonsillitis aggravated by persistent worry about jobs, money, and increasingly, politics. In the end, Sylvia was not retained for the 1940-1941 school year. Board of Education elections were scheduled for the fall. Three of the five seats were up for election and the possibility of another route to "salvation" began to open in front of Gratis. If the majority on the Board could be reconstituted, the appointment of a new superintendent and changes in the county's agenda might be possible. Gratis was encouraged by other opponents of Superintendent William Cheek, including David Morris, to run his own slate of candidates for the Board. In mid-August, Gratis agreed to "stand-for" superintendent, at least after a fashion: "If Bill is not to be superintendent next time, I shall accept the office. But Im making no fight of any kind to get it. If I fought for it, I'd be compromising myself to become an ass just as Bill has done. If Board members are elected to vote for me, very well and good' (to Sylvia, August 13, 1940). It promised to be an up-hill non-fight as the two members of the Board of Education not standing for election that fall were already committed to Cheek. To be successful, the challenger would have to win all three of the remaining seats. The campaign was less about educational policy than personalities and, ultimately, power. The advertisements of Cheeks candidates attacked both Gratis and David Morris. Gratis would later tell the story that his opposition in that election campaigned by declaring Gratis to be the favored grandson of David O. Williams, a man of considerable (ill-reputed) reputation in Lawrence County, and then challenging the voters: "Do you want David Williams's grandson to educate your children?" Evidently they did not. The effort to wrest control of the Board of Education from those pledged to Cheek fell short, and Gratis, who in his own terms "led a rebellion against my superintendent in Lawrence County" (Williams �Introduction Figure 9. "The Louisa High School Building, distinguished by its bell tower, was the home for about twenty years of the Kentucky Normal College, which closed its doors in 1922 and sold its plant to the Louisa Public Schools. I attended high school in this building, 1924-1928. While I was a student there, the school had a maximum enrollment (9-12) of 225 and a teaching staff of 11, Ten years after graduation from the school I returned as principal. By then, this building was being used for junior high classes (grades 7-9). Senior high school students used a newer building, occupied first about 1933 and still standing, next door to this one. My office (1938-1941) was in the newer building," Gratis Williams, May 3, 1983. �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Figure 10. Cratis Williams, center, principal of Louisa High School, surrounded by photos of his faculty in this arrangement from the 1940 annual of Louisa High School, The Scarlack. �Introduction 1983, 35), now found it necessary to seek employment outside of Lawrence County. His career as a high school principal ended unceremoniously following the 1940-1941 academic year. Cheeks successful defense of his position as superintendent in the fall of 1940, following his first two year term, cemented his hold on the position. He remained as superintendent until his retirement in the 1970s (Big Sandy News Sept. 20, 1978, 3). The Search for a Suitable Position Unwelcome in the Lawrence County school system, Gratis began what was to become an arduous, year-and-a-half quest for a suitable position in public education. Initially dismayed upon discovering that his reputation as a malcontent did not end at the county line, he was "shocked to learn that superintendents of other systems who were looking for principals viewed me as a troublemaker and one who might not be depended upon for loyalty" (Williams 1983, 35). He came to feel that as "one who had rebelled against his school administration and lost" he could expect no quarter from school administrators in the area, perhaps in all of eastern Kentucky. He found it necessary to cast his net widely, and in the spring of 1941 he made applications for graduate fellowships, teaching positions in colleges and junior colleges, and principalships and superintendencies (see Gratis Williams to E.F. Farquhar, Jan. 2, 1941). As the spring term at Louisa High School neared its conclusion, he had received no offers of any sort; following the graduation of the class of 1941, Gratis joined Sylvia among the ranks of the unemployed. Although still beleaguered by debt, worried about Sylvia's continued frail health, and increasingly frustrated by his inability to find employment, in June, Gratis took time out to participate in Jean Thomas's American Folk Song Festival, earning her praise. "The Traipsin' Woman" wrote to Gratis on June 15, 1941, "Your voice and your selections were genuine and most charming. I have not only received telegrams and letters about your fine appearance but many persons have come personally to me to express their appreciation of your part in making our Festival one of the greatest successes ever witnessed." She invited him to appear at the next festival, scheduled for June, 1942, as well as to attend a private reception at her "Wee House in the Wood" (Thomas to Williams, May 26, 1942), although it is not clear whether he accepted these invitations. Desperately in need of income, Gratis did not return to the University of Kentucky that summer but instead traveled to Ohio in search of work of any sort. Sylvia remained at their rented home in Louisa, although she increasingly stayed with her parents in Cherokee. In mid-June, Gratis began work on the night-shift at a farm implement company, New Idea, Inc., in Coldwater, Ohio, a job he had gotten by telephone. Gratis continued to search for a teaching job, including registering with the Kentucky branch of the U.S. Employment Office's Teacher Placement Program; soon he discovered that he could obtain teaching certification in Ohio, and he began seeking positions teaching school there as well (Sylvia to Gratis, Aug. 19, 1941). But his efforts remained futile, and in August he joined the College Placement Bureau in Nashville and a public school placement agency in Columbus. He had no immediate inquiries, failed in applications made as far away as �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Mississippi and as close to home as his "desperate effort to get an instructor's position at the new junior college in Ashland" and continued to work at New Idea, Inc. As he later recalled, New Idea offered him a small wage increase that did little to dampen his feeling of being "caught in a job that I detested and that could have been performed better by an ambitious high school graduate, like my immediate supervisor, but I had to continue in it" After his raise, he earned $47.15 every ten days, and on occasional weekends he was able to supplement that by working for as many hours as he was physically capable at a local canning factory for $0.35 an hour. With another raise possible if he stayed through Christmas, he wrote Sylvia, they might soon be able to "really begin paying debts, if nothing serious happens to either of us. But I'd much rather be in a teaching job that I could afford to accept" (Sept. 8, 1941). These were dark days indeed for Gratis. He counted implicitly on Sylvia to help him through his anguish. His letter of August 26, 1941, is poignant, "When I worry about the future, when there is naked terror in my soul, and blind fear in my eyes, it's you who can give jull solacement to my soul, and quiet soothing to my fears" But worry there was. Sylvias health was not improving (they had already decided that she was too weak to follow him to Ohio); he was not yet able to earn enough to make much debt-reduction; his efforts at finding a teaching position were proving futile; and now there were rumblings at the farm implements company, which, despite a spate of layoffs, had kept Gratis and another Lawrence County man, to the evident dismay of the majority of local employees. Gratis tried to approach the situation philosophically, telling Sylvia, "Its the same old thing we contend with in teaching. It's like I've always said: People are the same wherever you find them. There is the same gossip, the same jealousy, the same lack of understanding everywhere you go. We shall never escape it. We can only learn how to abide it best. We must do that if we are to be successful" (Sept. 8, 1941). Gratis tried to stave off his own despondency and depression, oddly seeking the rhetorical salve of Depression-laden Republican-ism: "But 'prosperity is just around the corner. * That helped to keep a whole country sustained, even after there wasn't any corner, after it had become stretched-out into a concave, downward-trending plane of misery and want and pain and anguish, but the slogan still did them good. It gave them a hope that didn't exist and a faith that never was. Perhaps I can suck a few bitter drops of surcease from its withered udders too" (Aug. 26, 1941). Nonetheless, his anxieties were building to a fevered pitch as he wrote to Sylvia on Aug. 27, 1941, " Nothing about jobs. Nothing whatever. Fm so filled with waiting for the letter that will change my future! I can hardly sleep. I want it to come so bad" The only teaching offer he received was from Paintsville, Kentucky, which was able to offer him only about $100 a month, or about a third less than he was making in Ohio. Still hoping to "find a principalship or a college instructorship available somewhere" and fearful that he simply could not afford to accept the position, Gratis "advised one of my supporters, an English teacher who left the Lawrence County school system when I did to apply for the position" (Williams 1983, 37). Her name, ironically, was Miss Roberts. After she was hired, he must have taken some heart from a December 1, 1941 letter from R. G. Huey, Superintendent of Paintsville Public Schools: "It was with real regret that I was unable to �Introduction offer you the salary sufficient to interest you at the time we hired. We did appreciate greatly your recommendation of Miss Roberts.... With regard to your own work in Lawrence County, every school man in the valley recognizes the excellent piece of work you did in developing the Louisa High School and we have all known the political circumstances which were connected with your giving up the work. You will find that the school teachers in this section are in accord in feeling that the matter is to your credit." Nonetheless, as his rejection letters piled up and his hopes for a teaching position for the fall faded, Gratis began to fear that his career in education was finished: " There is really small possibility of my getting a school job now. Next year my chances wont be as good as they have been this year. So I suppose I am through with teaching. It looks as if there is no possibility of my returning. I mean returning with credit to myself Idont want to return any other way" (to Sylvia, Sept. 13, 1941). Later in the month, however, a glimmer of hope dawned when Gratis "received a telephone call from Professor Chapell Wilson at Appalachian State Teachers College in Boone, North Carolina. He had received a set of my credentials from the College Placement Bureau and would like to meet me at Muncie, Indiana, near the end of the following week. I agreed to meet him" Chapell Wilson was to call the next Monday to make the final arrangements. Gratis went to the Coldwater Public Library in search of information on the College and the town, "[hjaving never heard of Appalachian State Teachers College ... I found that Boone, population 1,200, is located in the remote mountain region of northwestern North Carolina and was then the southern terminus of the Eastern Tennessee and Western North Carolina Railroad, but I could find nothing about the college" Wilson never called. Even so, Gratis took time off from his job to attend the same professional meeting in Indiana which Wilson was scheduled to attend. They still did not meet. However, taking time off from New Idea, Inc. to attend the meeting may have contributed to Gratiss losing the job in Coldwater on December 5, 1941. Earlier in the fall, Sylvia had released the house they were renting in Louisa, put their belongings into storage, and gone to Cherokee to live with her parents "while we waited for better times' (Williams 1983, 39). After losing his job in Ohio, Gratis joined her there for Christmas, one so dominated by their ominous sense of debt (Gratis ''owed nearly $2,000, much of it to restless, uneasy creditors") and despair at the job situation that they did not even exchange Christmas gifts in 1941—a Christmas which would prove to be their last one together. Borrowing $20 from his mother-in-law, Gratis left shortly after New Years to plumb for work in the Ashland, Ironton, Huntington, Charleston area. February found him back in Cherokee, waiting anxiously for responses to the job applications which he had left "everywhere I could in the four cities" (Williams 1983, 40). Finally, he received a letter from International Nickel Company in Huntington inviting him to interview for the position of "assistant to the director of the Apprentice School there" Both Sylvia and he "were so excited that we wept. We were both amazed that the invitation to come for an interview was in response to an application I had filed in early June of 1941" He was offered the position, beginning at $160 a month, the highest salary he had ever received. He began immediately as an instructor of shop mathematics. Sylvia joined �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone him on April 1, and they moved into a second floor apartment at 408 Fifth Avenue (Williams 1983, 40, 42). Buoyed both financially and emotionally, but recognizing that Gratis s new position was at best a temporary salve, or perhaps a stepping stone, they decided that Gratis should explore the prospects of a doctoral program in English which might offer an assistantship sufficient for them to live on while he worked on the degree. He sent out applications and within a few weeks "received a letter from Dr. Noyes at the University of Illinois. I had been accepted for doctoral work and was offered an $1,800 assistantship beginning in September. I accepted the offer of the assistantship immediately" (Williams 1983, 46). Their elation, however, was short-lived. After joining him in Huntington, Sylvia again developed a recurring and painful sore throat. In May she was examined and told she had "secondary tuberculosis" of the throat. Her physician, Dr. Proctor Sparks, who had grown up in Elaine, advised Gratis to relocate to a more therapeutically hospitable climate, suggesting that he "apply for a position with the college at Boone, North Carolina, a quaint little town located in the high mountains where the air was pure. There was an outside chance that Sylvia might recover if she lived there or in a place like Arizona" Failing that, he advised immediate application to the Pinecrest Sanitarium at Beckley, West Virginia. Having never heard again from Chapell Wilson, Gratis and Sylvia worked to secure her admission at Pinecrest. There were no immediate openings available; she was finally admitted on July 7, 1942, by which time she had worsened considerably. Even so, following her examination upon admission to Pinecrest, the doctors felt that "with a good diet, rest, an optimistic outlook, and a new medication for reducing soreness in her throat she might recover, since the disease had not advanced very far, but she would be a patient for a long time, perhaps a year or two or longer' (Williams 1983, 47-48). Gratis informed Dr. Noyes at the University of Illinois that he would be unable to accept the offered assistantship. He also released their apartment in Huntington and located less expensive quarters in a rooming house. And he tried to focus his attention on performing his job at International Nickel. "Sudden Salvation": Coming to Boone "About9 oclock Friday morning" late August of 1942, Gratis finally received the longawaited telephone call from Professor Chapell Wilson in Boone, North Carolina, who offered him a one-year teaching position at the Appalachian Demonstration High School. With this telephone call Gratis begins the memoir to follow, and thus begins a saga which shaped both the rest of his life and the small college which grew into Appalachian State University. Through their daily correspondence that fall, Sylvia was both sounding board and intimate advisor for Gratis, as she had been for the five years of their marriage. In part it was through that correspondence that Gratis was able to recapture, between 1978 and 1983, many of the intimate details of his daily activities during that critical, pivotal period �Introduction in his life. With a new, long-awaited job and a country going to war, Cratis's immediate concern was Sylvia's declining health. He wrote H. Mayo Williams (Sept. 12, 1942), "Confidentially, Mayo, Sylvia is having a hard time of it. Im very much worried about her,.. Blast it all, we just didn't get in position to do anything for her in time, I believe. Sometimes Im afraid it's too late now. Im really afraid Til lose her... And something will go out of me when she's gone. You know I love that woman an awful lot. She is about the most courageous person in the face of adversity I've ever seen" Sylvia's death on December 11,1942 left Gratis devastated. Yet the new colleagues who surrounded him helped him through the remainder of the year and helped him to reestablish his life. As he reflected in a letter (July 19, 1973) to Hugh and Ruby (Donald) Daniel, fellow teachers at the high school, "What good friends the three of you [including Herbert Wey] have been to me! And how fortunate I was to have such supportive intimates as you three in my first and hardest year in Bo one when I was filled with bitterness, regret, grief, and self-doubt. (Hugh and I had dinner together at Dr. Whitener's the night Sylvia died.) Your support and durable friendship restored me and have helped me through the years" The day after his arrival in Boone, Gratis found himself in the classroom, teaching drama ranging from Aristophanes to Shakespeare, while establishing his reputation as a scholar of regional verbal arts, and for many young people, firmly establishing the legitimacy of regional culture. As Mrs. Essie Hayes, a former student, recalls, "In those days at Appalachian High School we didn't hear terms like 'economically deprived,' yet we were vaguely aware that people outside the mountains had material things beyond our dreams. We never talked of being 'culturally deprived,' but we had acquired just enough sophistication to feel apologetic about our lack of prosperity, to be a little chagrined at the quaint dialect of some of our neighbors and kin, and to be downright embarrassed at their twangy, nasal rendition of mountain music. Then, Gratis Williams, in assembly one day and after being introduced by the high school principal, Herbert Wey, talked about his own mountain heritage with a pride that was contagious. Later, he delighted us by actually singing, unaccompanied, those songs we had thought backwoodsy. We knew that they were all right because by this time we knew that this inspiring scholar wouldn't be up there singing them in assembly if they weren't" (Hayes 1976, 9-10). On Cratis's part, he was adjusting well to Boone, writing to H. Mayo Williams (Sept. 12, 1942) regarding his class, Methods of Teaching English in High School, "it has twenty-eight of the prettiest southern belles in it you mi' nigh ever saw—and one boy, a Yankee from New York City, They are all seniors and English majors. I am having a good time. I am not lonely like I was in Huntington. There is plenty to do" In the summer of 1943 Gratis offered his first course focused on Appalachian subject matter, a course in traditional ballads and songs, using recordings from the Abrams collections. Herb Wey recalls that "Williams and his class regularly arranged songfests at the homes of native singers in Watauga County and recorded for the collection the singing that took place there" (Wey 1976, 1). Gratis also gave programs and lectures for students, faculty, and townspeople, while his reputation as a public speaker and entertainer well versed in the narrative and musical traditions of the Appalachians spread. �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone For four years, from 1942 until the fall of 1946, when he moved over to Appalachian State Teachers College, Gratis was a "critic teacher" at the Demonstration High School, as well as director of dramatics and eventually assistant principal. In 1946 Gratis planned to finally continue his doctoral study. Clearly inspired by the innovative, experimental leadership of his principal, Herb Wey, and by his own success both in the classroom and as director of the first school-wide counseling program established in North Carolina, he chose the program in counseling and guidance at Indiana University, and was awarded a teaching assistantship in English at the Indiana University High School. Having been feted the previous evening by his friends, he was packing his bags in anticipation of departing the next day when Chapell Wilson called upon him at the behest of President Dougherty. Mr. Wilson literally sat on his trunk in order to get Cratis's undivided attention for the persuasion that he needed to exercise. Mr. Wilson and President Dougherty were faced with a "spate of faculty resignations on the eve of the beginning of the fall quarter' (Williams n.d., 1), that left the College short-handed and in desperate need of experienced faculty. Among the faculty leaving the College was Dr. Amos Abrarns, Cratis's friend and collaborator in the collection of mountain ballads and stories, who had resigned to become the editor of North Carolina Education. Gratis was persuaded to come into the English department to replace Dr. Abrams in teaching speech and as adviser to the cheerleaders. Within the English department, "Only the new chairman, young Gray don P. Eggers, was there from the year before' (Williams n.d., 3). Gratis moved from Newland Hall, where he had lived as resident counselor for the 1945-1946 year, back into Faculty Apartments. He shared an apartment with Walter Hawkinson, new to the mathematics department, and embarked upon the next phase of his professional life. Recalling the demanding schedule of his work load as a full-time college teacher, Gratis lists the following courses: "two sections throughout the year of freshman English, each meeting five hours a week for three hours of credit a quarter, the year-long survey of American literature, a three-quarter sequence of Southern poets, modern drama, and the short story, a three-quarter sequence of contemporary literature, the American novel, and play production, and speech as a sixth course one quarter.'" He had other responsibilities as well: "I directed Play crafters, which produced three full-length plays during the year, served as the faculty adviser for the cheerleaders and went with them to out-of-town games, and supervised the remedial English laboratory in the afternoon ten hours a week. I also had one section of freshmen for orientation that met once a week, and I was responsible for assisting these freshmen with their schedules at registration time" A few other tasks were added to a schedule that left little time for reflection, including "administering the freshman English placement tests at the beginning of each quarter and helping to score the papers, assisting with registration each quarter, and being present to call off grades to be entered on student records after the close of each quarter. We attended faculty meetings at least one hour each Monday afternoon and chapel exercises in the auditorium each morning. Except for the lunch hour we were expected to be in our offices for student conferences, when not scheduled for class or other commitments, from 8 to 5 o'clock Monday through Friday and from 8 to 12 Saturday morning" (n.d., 4-5). Lest one think that Gratis took this burden lightly, he comments that "/ had never �Introduction worked so hard in my life before that quarter" His teaching, service, and meeting demands were complicated by the additional personal responsibility for his own technical support: "/ bought my own stencils and mimeograph paper, duplicator carbons and paper, duplicator spirits, and mimeograph ink and pads. I typed my own tests and handouts, cut my own stencils, and operated the mimeograph machine and the duplicator myself, carrying with me the supplies I would need when I made trips to the office of the registrar, where the machines were kept. No funds for instructional supplies and equipment were available" (n.d., 6). Working from a "shabby" little office under the men's restroom in the basement of the Administration Building, Gratis sought relief from his insurmountable work load in a strategy which also served his students well. Recruiting advanced students to help him with the remedial laboratory, Playcrafters, and the cheerleaders, he found more time to spend with his students and with their work. He was rewarded with enthusiasm, skillful attention to their tasks, and loyalty by his advanced students for the responsibility bestowed upon them. His pedagogical innovations led to heightened relations with his students: "/ was relating to my students, especially the English majors and the Playcrafters, in both a personal and a masterapprentice relationship. The relationship was informal, playful, mutually respectful. I enjoyed them as competent students and interesting persons and felt that they enjoyed me as a qualified teacher and a person of integrity with a dash of teasing mischief in my personality" (n.d., 8-9). Following World War II, the large number of GFs entering college found support in the remedial laboratory which Gratis supervised. Equally important was Cratis's sensitivity to first generation college students and to older students. As H.G. Jones recalled, "From the moment I entered his public speaking class that fall of 1946, I felt at ease with 'Mr. Williams,' as we deferentially called him. He was older than I, but my fellow veterans and I were older than many of our classmates. The teacher seemed to be a little awed by our experiences in the war, and he encouraged us to discuss them. He never drenched us with his knowledge—indeed, his technique was to make us think that he was only a step or so ahead of us. Undoubtedly remembering his mortification when a citified high school teacher at Louisa, Kentucky, ridiculed his backwoods pronunciation, Williams was careful not to embarrass a student." As example of this sensitivity Jones recalls, "A native of Wilkes County clearly sought to camouflage his natural speech when he made his first appearance before the class. Williams listened intently, but his analysis contained not a word of criticism. Indeed, he picked out the remnants of Wilkesiana that had slipped through, and he praised them as genuine Appalachian speech that carried generations of meaning and beauty. The lesson was not lost on the student, who soon lapsed back into his natural speech" (Jones 1985, 2). From 1946 to 1958 Gratis was a teacher of English, speech, and dramatics at Appalachian. During those years he directed the productions of Playcrafters, was the faculty adviser for the student newspaper, the first faculty director of the artists and lecture series, and a member of several faculty committees. "After two or three years as a college teacher in a small institution in which the faculty members are assigned extra tasks done by personnel employed specifically for doing them in larger and more affluent colleges, I accepted what seemed a foregone conclusion to me. I would always be spending much time and energy doing jobs unre- �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone iated to my teaching assignments' (n.d., 21). Gratis contemplated his acceptance of the role of overworked educator: "At no time during my 12 years of experience as a fall-time college teacher did I ever reach the place that I would be the reflective professor meandering about, while puffing leisurely a meerschaum packed with rare imported tobaccos, among books and publications in a book-lined study or office...As late as 19571found, after logging my time for a few weeks, that I was working over 60 hours a week. By then, though, I had accepted what seemed inevitable to me: In successful college teaching there is no exit from long hours and hard work, which are tolerable only because the joy of teaching is great" (n.d., 22). Subject to the English department tradition of unloading the least desirable courses—American Literature—on the junior staff members, Gratis discovered a new "worth," which his students shared, in a field that had also been disdained at the University of Kentucky during his M.A. study. Developing a reading plan for his doctoral research to catch up on "great American fiction and criticism and some of the more important twentieth century poets and playwrights, "he spent the summers of 1948 and 1949 in New York City "and lived in a cheap hotel where I read in the New York Public Library. The reading kept firing me up" (Big Sandy News July 3, 1979, 10). Beginning coursework in pursuit of the Ph.D. in English from New York University, he took a leave of absence during the 1949-1950 year to complete his coursework while supporting himself with a teaching assistantship at Washington Square College of New York University. Returning to Boone, Gratis began to weigh various topics for his Ph.D. dissertation, writing to friends (Dec. 18, 1951), "I have toyed with three possible subjects: the folklore of western North Carolina, the use of folklore in southern fiction since 1930, and the southern mountaineer in fiction" He concluded that "At the moment the third appeals to me most," and he pursued that topic. Gratis optimistically informed his friends that having passed his oral exam he would use his spare time to improve his German to fulfill his foreign language requirement, after which "I judge that I shall be getting my degree in August of 1955." Having failed his oral exam in English once, he considered it fortunate that "there will be no more exams in English and American literature for me." Writing a congratulatory letter upon H.G.Joness appointment as State Archivist in 1956, Gratis confided: "*/ recall having a dancing stomach, hives, and paining muscles during the two years from the time I completed my graduate courses to the time I passed the oral examinations. ' Now, he said, 7am devoting full-time work to writing the dissertation... . So far I have written about 150 pages this summer and am hoping to do about 100 more this month. I already had about 200 pages written. The dss will perhaps run to 700 pages" Qones 1985, 9). Gratis finished his dissertation, The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction, in 1959 and it ran to 1600 pages. After two years, which his committee required for reading it, he received his Ph.D. in 1961. In 1962 he was awarded the Founders Day Certificate for Excellence from NYU for his dissertation. Cratiss dissertation is a comprehensive study of the cultural and literary history of Appalachian people and the enormous body of literature, both fiction and non-fiction, written about mountain people to 1959. It remains the most �Introduction Figure 11. Gratis Williams and friend, circa 1949. II CAIiuLlNA. OF Figure 12, . ( C T O B E K 1 5 Im ^ �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone important and comprehensive work on the subject, and "established Gratis as the foremost spokesman for the region on its cultural history and fiction." Dr. W.D.Weatherford, President of Berea College and a significant force behind publication of The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey (Ford 1967) "encouraged Gratis to edit his dissertation for publication. For whatever reason, probably because he was busy with other tasks, he never complied" (Jones 1986, 292). However, The Appalachian Journal published an abridged version completed by Martha H. Pipes in four installments in 1975-1976 (Williams 1975, 1976a, 1976b, 1976c). While in New York City in 1949, Gratis kindled a new relationship with Elizabeth Lingerfelt, whom he had met briefly in 1947 in Boone. Born on August 22, 1927, Libby was the daughter of the city manager in Elizabethton, Tennessee. The family's fortunes turned with the Depression, and they retreated to Libby's father's family home in the small community of Clearwater, near Athens, Tennessee. Like her father before her, Libby grew up on the family farm, leaving to attend East Tennessee State College from which she graduated in 1947. Her college roommate, Beverly Townsend (Southerland), transferred to Appalachian State Teachers College, where she became active in Playcrafters and, like many others, a devoted fan of Gratis Williams (Elizabeth Williams 1998). After graduation from college, Libby responded to her sisters invitation to come to New York City. Fresh from small-town college life, Libby was eager to embrace and experience the wonders of New York, and moved in with her sister's family on Long Island. She soon began working as a receptionist for Brooke Cadwallader, an exclusive Fifth Avenue designer. At this time, according to Libby, "you could buy a bus ticket and pick your route" so she decided to route a trip home to Tennessee through Boone and visit her old roommate Beverly. Active in Playcrafters, Beverly "admired Gratis and wanted me to meet him. He was working on a set in the old Administration Building. She introduced us, and that was the end of that" (Elizabeth Williams 1998). Libby returned to New York, moving into a furnished room on Long Island. During the summer of 1949 her friend Beverly came to New York and organized a gathering of friends which included Libby and Gratis. However, after Beverly returned home, Libby continued her life in New York, and Gratis returned to Boone, having completed his first summer's course work. The next summer, Gratis returned to New York and the social events of the previous summer were repeated, "Beverly came, Gratis said he'd tried to call me but hadn't connected, we parti ed, and then when they all left, we got married... the end of July, 1949" (Elizabeth Williams 1998). H.G. Jones, former student and fellow Ph.D. student at NYU, reported that Gratis and Libby were "the first couple to be married in Levittown, Long Island, and the developers of the brand-new model city treated them to a ceremony of almost royal proportions. The news media gave the affair wide coverage and my former English teacher and his bride were instant celebrities in Gotham" (1985, 4). Gratis and Libby returned to Boone just after the school year began in 1950, and moved into a three room apartment in Faculty Apartments. Libby's careful attention to Cratis's continuing health needs are clear in his correspondence. The following year Gratis �Introduction wrote to friends (Dec. 18, 1951) that "Libby and I are very happy that we now have an opportunity to relax. I have been a hard-working student and teacher ever since she has known me, and now she's going to see another side of me. She has been very helpful in conducting with me reviews over stacks of notes, piles of reviews, and loads of handbooks. Also, since she has gone in strongly for the new scientific diets and cooking, I have thrived beneath her care. I've been dutiful and faithful in taking my vegetable juice cocktails, vitamins, raw salads, fruits, liver, heart, brains and eggs, her own enriched home-baked breads, yogurt, etc. No doubt I am the most prophalactic (sic) man in Boone and certainly the most virile in our faculty." Gratis s health needs had been of concern throughout the forties. His Registration Certificate with the Selective Service dated October, 1940 lists him as five feet, four-andone-half inches tall, 146 pounds, with "brown" hair, and a "ruddy" complexion. Even as his first wife, Sylvia, lay dying of tuberculosis, Gratis fought to overcome a small spot which was discovered in his own lungs. One theme of the memoir which follows is his own struggle to maintain and improve his health against the specter of tuberculosis. Although classified 4-F by the Selective Service in May, 1943, Gratis never bore the full brunt of the disease and was able to regain his health. Libby was soon busy as a homemaker and began to know the many friends that Gratis had cultivated as an eligible bachelor. Walter Hawkinson had married Martha Grey, who taught at the Demonstration High School from 1944 until 1951, and they too lived in Faculty Apartments. Over the years the Williamses and Hawkinsons spent Christmas eves together, and alternated in the birth of their children; Murray and John Hawkinson were born in 1952 and 1954, while Sophie Williams was born February 18, 1953 and David Gratis Williams was born April 25, 1955. The summer of 1954 saw the Williams family settling into their new, yet unfinished home, where Gratis spent "long hours each day on staining, steel-wooling, and finishing... " while remaining was 'much to be done in decorating the grounds" (Jones 1985, 4). That summer Gratis was an Angier Duke Research Scholar and spent six weeks in the Duke University Library studying the history, social customs, and literary treatment of the southern mountain people as part of his dissertation research. Gratis shared his pleasure in his young children, writing to H.G.Jones in August, 1955 that "Sophie is growing along beautifully. She is a sweet little girl and has the most impeccable taste when it comes to choosing boy-friends. Papa is her sweetheart, you know" Of baby David, "(named for the infamous grandpa, not for Crockett)" he writes in October "The boy growls and gurgles most of his waking hours. He is especially fond of the man he regards as his papa. And the fondness is mutual. He is just now able to sit up safely. Soon he will be crawling. And the little monkey has already cut six teeth, an achievement that normally belongs to the year-old child' (Jones 1985, 8-9). Having enjoyed the "excitement and freedom to get on a subway and travel anywhere without fear" (Elizabeth Williams 1998) in New York City in the middle of the century, Libby experienced profound culture shock upon moving to tiny, provincial, teetotaling Boone and Appalachian State Teachers College. Libby later pursued teacher certification in �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Figure 13. Elizabeth Lingerfelt, New York City, 1949, about the time she and Gratis began dating. 0YDear Doe. 1 wa.-> mamcd Saturday, J u l y 31, to Eli/a belli Linger left. Athens, Te 11 {lessee, m a home inarnage \\\ Li-vUtown, Long Island. New York. The wedding was u u i l e an a f f a i r . You will approve ul EhzabellL I met her tirsl iti Bnone l w i « yeai-> agt) I fee! I a rti the hiekit'ht rascal aiive, ! have been enjoying my class in medeni poetry since the professor is a lint- c:n::aUve thinker, i am i i i t t i n g in a class in spcareun irageiiy 1 1 is t'un. < K A T I h IV WI1J.IAMS Figure 14. Gratis Williams married Elizabeth Lingerfelt Figure 15. �Introduction English and practice taught at the elementary school, then formally entered the labor force on December 1, 1971 at Belk Library on the Appalachian State University campus. She worked there until her retirement October 31, 1988. Gratis saw progress in the changes unfolding since his arrival in 1942: "Boone is a booming little city now. The population has doubled since I came here in the fall of 1942, The community seethes with civic enterprise and activity. Recently the Southern Appalachian Historical Association was chartered here. Over $30,000.00 has been contributed to the organization and Samuel Seldon and Kermit Hunter are planning an outdoor drama based on the Daniel Boone legend for the enjoyment of our summer visitors... Appalachian has three new buildings nearing completion. The college is growing too. We have 187 in our graduate school this year" (letter to friends Dec. 18, 1951). Following the launching of the outdoor drama, "Horn in the West," the Southern Appalachian Historical Association hosted a program of Saturday afternoon folk festivals on the grounds of the Daniel Boone Theater during the summer. Conducted for several years by Gratis and Richard Chase, "known nationally for his work with Appalachian folk tales and traditional dances," the festivals represented "authentic Appalachian traditions" through presentations by "mountain singers, musicians, dancers, and craftsmen" (Wey 1976, 2). The year 1951 was a time of family transitions, as Gratis recounts in his Christmas letter (Dec. 18): "My fabulous grandfather died last month. I was not able to get away for his burial. He was 85 and didnt die drunk after all. Fortunately he had joined the Free Will Baptist Church three years ago and the pious members of the family rejoiced that his chances in eternity look bright. He is now sealed in his tomb, a rough structure which he prepared for himself five years ago. (I have a picture of him sitting stewed as a boiled owl on the stone in front of the yawning tomb just after it was completed. He is enjoying the drama of his situation immensely.) For all of his rough ways he was one of the most admirable men I have ever known. His sober tongueclucking cousins scattered up and down the valley preceded him in death from ten to twenty-five Figure 16. Walking the plank in front of his new house, years, but he dared to live just 1954. Lee Reynolds contracted and built the new home about as he wanted to, enjoyed a according to Cratiss and Libbys design. The house was the first long life of epicurean delight in one on what for many years was called Reynolds Road, which he drank enough whiskey to �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone swim a horse five miles, and now awaits the promise of his faith." As an English faculty member in 1951 Gratis noted that his work was "even more pleasant than usual this year" despite another heavy teaching load, comprised of "six classes: the survey of American literature, contemporary literature, the development of the short story, play production, oral expression, and one graduate course called the American Romantic Period. My largest class has only thirty-two students in it and my smallest seven" Still struggling with the Ph.D., he contemplates the difficulty of finding the time to finish the degree while "entering middle age" While questioning the wisdom of the quest, he concludes that there are certain financial advantages to the Ph.D.: "since my salary has increased $700 a year since I started it in the summer of 1948, I've decided that it perhaps does pay for itself after all. And there is the added pleasure of knowing a great deal more than the anthology selections of the great writers" (Dec. 18, 1951). Gratis was promoted to Professor in 1952. In December of 1956, Gratis wrote a prophetic note to H.G. Jones that "North Carolina almost lost one of its great English teachers last week. I had an offer of a chairmanship in Michigan at a salary of $8,000 but after a Gethsemane succeeded in letting the cup pass" (Jones 1985, 9-10). Gratis was developing new curricular materials on Appalachia and encouraging others to collaborate on Appalachian courses. In 1956 he worked with Beulah Campbell, whose specialty was children's literature, in offering a six semester hour workshop on the Living Folk Arts of the Southern Mountain People. In what may have been the first such interdisciplinary curriculum in Appalachian Studies, the program offered students the opportunity to participate in the Saturday folk festivals and home visits through which students documented local "speech, songs, tales, folk remedies, and lore, and... traditional crafts. Accomplished craftsmen, musicians, singers, dancers, and tellers of tales came to the campus to demonstrate their skills to students registered in the workshop. Students studied the literature of Appalachia, history and sociological writing about the region, dances and games, and ballads and songs still living in the oral tradition and developed curricular materials for use in their own classrooms the following year." In addition to the summer program, Gratis continued to offer his course on Ballads and Songs, and "to record hundreds of folk songs from singers in Appalachia, the great bulk of which recordings was lost in the fire that destroyed Appalachian's Administration Building in December 1966" (Wey 1976, 2). Graduate School Dean Chapell Wilson was in charge of graduate courses until his death in 1957, and was succeeded by Herbert Wey who held the position until returning to the University of Miami in 1958. Appalachian was then organized as a single unit without separate colleges and offered a single graduate degree, for teachers. President William Plemmons recalls that he looked into the faculty and picked the one person whose breadth of experience, energy, and creativity he considered assets for the leadership position, and named Gratis Williams Dean of the Graduate School in 1958, a position which he held for sixteen and a half years, until 1975. Taking the lead in the innovation of a small program, Cratis's "midnight �Introduction thoughts brought forth suggestions for expansion of offerings in the graduate program and new as well as different graduate degrees. Established offerings were strengthened, selection of faculty was made with the graduate program in mind. His proposal that those who taught graduate programs be organized into a graduate faculty was approved and it was that act that actually established the graduate school as such" (Plemmons 1976, 32). Three years after Gratis assumed the deanship, the graduate school became a member of the Council of Graduate Schools in the United States and with the establishment of the university in 1967, it could boast "one organized internal school, the Graduate School." After ten years of Cratis's leadership, "Appalachian was offering more master's degrees in education and was delivering more graduate degrees in education than any other institution in North Carolina except the university in Chapel Hill." Plemmons recounted that "time proved that a wise and good selection had been made." As the College enrollment increased, the graduate enrollment increased faster; by 1974 ASU had awarded over 6,000 master's degrees. By 1974, the graduate faculty of 273 was "more than two and one-half times as many as the entire faculty totaled in 1958," while the graduate enrollment of 2,000 per year accounted for 25 percent of the total institutional enrollment. President Plemmons attributed the growth of the graduate school to Gratis Williams s leadership (Plemmons 1976, 33). Figure 17. As dean of the graduate school, Gratis facilitated study for many international and minority students. In 1963, shortly after housing temporarily a dark skinned international student in his home while trying to secure more permanent housing for him in Boone, Gratis discovered this sign, placed in the yard during the night by parties unknown. "Preacher Gratis" couldn't resist the opportunity to seize the moment.., Gratis Williams's administrative leadership was felt far beyond Boone, foremost through the teachers who earned graduate degrees. In addition, with the development of the region's community colleges, he anticipated "a shortage in qualified teachers in higher education and authored the first proposal for preparing teachers for these new institutions. He was a nationally recognized authority on graduate programs in education" (Jones 1986, 295). Gratis was later chosen to chair a new committee on graduate programs and degrees of the Association of Figure 18. Gratis poses in his dean of the grad- State Colleges and Universities. In addition to uate school office in the new administration his responsibilities at Appalachian State building, spring 1968. �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone University, he served on the Planning and Policies Committee of the Council of Graduate Schools in the United States, was for ten years "a member of a three person consulting team which evaluated graduate study for the American Association of State Colleges and Universities," (Jones 1986, 295) and was a member of the Executive Committee of the Council of Southern Graduate Schools. He was a member of the committee that developed the nationally accepted guidelines for the Education Specialist (6th-year) degree and for the Doctor of Arts degree. He was also a member of the Academic Policies Committee for the North Carolina Board of Higher Education (replaced in 1971 by the Board of Governors of the University of North Carolina which includes the sixteen state institutions), as well as a member of the Teacher Certification Committee of the North Carolina Board of Public Instruction. After his retirement the Board of Trustees named the Graduate School for Gratis Williams. His restrained exuberance in response to this honor is captured in a letter (March 4, 1980) to Ruby Daniel: "/ hear tell that I am being 'framed' and will be 'hung some time between 1:30 and3:00p.m. in the Graduate School office here March 20 and that among those engaged in the plot are the members of our Board of Trustees. I shall be especially pleased to see you and Hugh among those present. In a way, your presence will symbolize continuity at Appalachian for me. I began here with you, and it will be a kind of 'Our Town experience for me to have you present at what is likely to be the last public notice of my having been here. " In response to a playful letter from H,G. Jones he confesses, "Your comments about the frightening aspects of having the Graduate School here bear my name lead me to wonder whether it might have been more comfortable for me had the Board named the Duck Pond for me,.., They could have called it the Gratis D, Williams Drake Pond. There is also an old horse barn on the university farm that has never been named" (Jones 1985, 12-13). The Complete Mountaineer Fires on the campus had a major impact on the College and on the professional career of Gratis Williams. In late fall of 1946, campus buildings neglected during the war were overcrowded by increased enrollment following the war. Gratis recalls, " To add to our woes, Watauga Academy Building, which then housed the Department of Music, and the old science building, then occupied by the Department of Art, burned down one cold night... I walked out of Faculty Apartments in pajamas and robe to watch firemen from the town of Boone fight the flames... Dr. Dougherty stood and wept as he watched the buildings burn" (n.d. 18). In December of 1966, the nighttime scene of destruction was repeated, but with more ominous consequences for Gratis. The old Administration Building burned, and with it, all of his field notes, collections, and records. David Williams recalls, "we watched pages catch fire and drift out the window, one by one; nothing was saved." Perhaps this provided a tragic turning point in his professional career as he now relied on his excellent memory and keen sense of analysis. Gratis knew and remembered things no one else would or could recall with such delight and such detail, and he shared his knowledge willingly. Cratis's abiding interest in mountain speech led to publication of a series of articles �Introduction between 1961 and 1967 in Mountain Life and Work (1961 b, 1961c, 196Id, 1961e, 1962a, 1962b, 1962c, 1963a, 1963b, 1964, 1967). His attention to rhythm and melody, the use of the "r," vowels and diphthongs, verbs, vocabulary and folk expression, manners, metaphors, prepositions and subtlety were elaborated with lively examples from everyday speech. His approach to linguistics was based in his lived experience, native ear, and keen memory. His skill in describing, for example, the angry mother's eloquent "clustering of prepositions" forged an indelible lesson on mountain rhetoric and on those who recall his telling: "You git up out from down in under that thar table, er I'll whup ever' bit a hide offen... yer back" (1964, 54). Gratis was generous with his knowledge, "a sharer, a presenter of gems from his collection" (Jones 1986, 294). Cratis's devotion to the nuances and rich subtlety of mountain speech was matched by his meticulous knowledge of ballads and his artful capacity for telling tales learned in childhood. He joined the ranks of those who became "hooked on ballads and who treasured them as literature and as a key to the aesthetic of a people who have been accused of being without a literature." While Gratis didn't play the handmade banjo which adorned the wall of his study, he was often photographed with this treasured family heirloom, "leading Ray Lawless to list him as a banjo picker in his Folksingers and Folksongs in America" (Jones 1986, 294). Dr. W.D. Weatherford read Cratis's doctoral dissertation and soon cultivated a relationship with him, both through private weekends at the Weatherford's Black Mountain, North Carolina retreat and in public forums. Herb Wey recalls that President Plemmons, Gratis Williams, and Dr. Weatherford were participants "in the planning meeting at the Nu-Wray Inn in Burnsville which resulted in the formation of the Appalachian Regional Commission" (Wey 1976, 2). In 1968 Gratis played a role in the decision to create the Appalachian Collection of Belk Library, named the W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection in 1971, which was composed initially of materials the library had purchased to support his dissertation research. The 1970s saw many of Cratis's interests bear fruit in the formation of new curricula, outreach, and collaboration. In 1970-1971 the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) funded a $130,000 grant "to support a project for the preparation of teachers and supervisors for supervision of experimentation in individualized instruction in the schools of rural Appalachia and the ghetto...." While still serving as graduate school Dean, Gratis was project director and taught in the program, focused in part on the Appalachian child (Wey 1976, 3). Growing interest in the region brought attention to the limited library holdings, and representatives of Appalachian colleges and universities developed the idea of a consortium that would share resources and mount programs related closely to their respective strengths. "Williams was one of the first to conceive the idea of an Appalachian Consortium and among the first to help bring it to reality" ("ASU Dean..." 1973). Drs. Plemmons and Williams worked with representatives of East Tennessee State University, Mars Hill College, Lees-McRae College, the Blue Ridge Parkway, and the National Forest Service in creating the Appalachian Consortium, and one of its first activities was "a workshop for faculty members from constituent institutions interested in developing Appalachia- �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone related learning experiences for their students" (Wey 1976, 4). Gratis was consultant for this workshop at Mars Hill College, which resulted in the integration of regional themes into existing courses and the creation of new courses. In 1972 The Appalachian Journal was launched on the ASU campus, with Jerry Williamson as editor and Gratis Williams as advising editor, and the Appalachian Consortium Press was also established that year with Gratis Williams as a member of the editorial board (Wey 1976). In 1972 Gratis was the recipient of the annual award of the Western North Carolina Historical Association in recognition of his contributions to scholarship on the history and folk traditions of Appalachia. In 1973 he was awarded the prestigious O. Max Gardner Award given annually by the Board of Governors of the University of North Carolina for "distinguished contributions to the welfare of the human race." The UNC Board of Governors recognized Gratis as a "master teacher, imaginative and confidence-inspiring administrator, creative and stimulating writer and conversationalist, singer of ballads, reteller of folktales, provocative speaker and lecturer... [who, by] precept and example [has] cajoled and dared" his fellow mountaineers to increased pride in their homeland (Daniel 1986). This award was probably the most cherished of his many accolades in affirming the value of his overall work in attempting "to impress upon mountain people the value of self esteem and pride in what lies behind them and the value of feeling that they are rooted to something that is permanent" ("ASU Dean..." 1973). Writing to Hugh and Ruby Daniel, he commented " The award has come to me at a good time in my life, and I believe it also has special significance for Appalachian, the Consortium, and Appalachia itself... I am pleased and happy, although I am not a naturally enthusiastic person (perhaps a part of my 'heritage'), and I find it difficult to simulate enthusiasm and rarely attempt to do so" (July 19, 1973). In 1975 Gratis received the Outstanding Alumnus Award of Cumberland College. He was also recipient of the Brown-Hudson Award of the North Carolina Folklore Society which recognized him as "Master Folklorist of Appalachia," who has "poured out his own noble spirit, in teaching and writing and lecturing and singing the songs and ballads of his close neighbors in the hills and mountains. His great respect and love for the highlanders come through with splendor" (Clark 1975). He was the Raleigh News and Observers Tar Heel of the Week in June, 1976, and commented to H.G. Jones, "'Having been immortalized' in the columns of the eternal News and Observer, / might never aspire to die and go to Chapel Hill, but perhaps Boone is at least the sixth heaven and I can content myself with an immortality here' (Jones 1985, 10-11). He received the Appalachian Consortium's Laurel Leaves Award for Distinguished Service in July, 1976. In May, 1980, he received Berea College's special WD. Weatherford Award for published work that furthers understanding of Appalachian people in a significant way. Gratis was Acting Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs at Appalachian State University in 1974 and Acting Chancellor in 1975. On the eve of his retirement Appalachian State University held in his honor a three-day symposium, during which scholars from across the nation gathered to share knowledge on Appalachia. Selected papers were published in An Appalachian Symposium: Essays Written in Honor of Gratis D. Williams (Williamson 1977). Inspired by the great potential for interdisciplinary exchange among �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Figure 19. Gratis Williams and Loyal Jones, 1984, Figure 20. After Gratis received the O. Max Gardner Award from the Board of Governors ofUNC in 1973, he and Herb Wey clowned for the camera in Greenville, N, C. �The Cratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone scholars, activists, and practitioners in the region revealed in the Boone gathering, leaders in the field met in Berea the next year to create from the energy of the Cratis Williams Symposium an annual gathering, now, in its twenty-third year, known as the Appalachian Studies Association. In 1992 the highest award of the Association, given annually to the outstanding regional scholar, was designated the Cratis Williams Award. Cratis retired on July 1, 1976, after 46 years as teacher and administrator, but continued at Appalachian on a part-time basis as Special Assistant to the Chancellor. Cratis s public speaking engagements and writing likewise kept him fully engaged, burning the midnight oil just as he had always done. Writing to Ruby Daniel (March 4, 1980), he advises " You would enjoy the Elderhostel program. I taught one of those groups here for a week last summer. It was a marvelous experience and the only class I ever had that stood and gave me a resounding round of applause at the end of the course. They were bright, eager, studious, searching, challenging. Since I did not have to assign papers, read examinations, award grades, I concluded it was the most nearly ideal teaching experience I had ever had!" Other bits of news attest to his busy schedule; "/ have been quite busy this winter with out-of-town things. In January I went to Washington, where I was one of the three 'plenary session speakers at an ARC conference for personnel of local district development groups.... Later in January I spent a week at Alice Lloyd College in Kentucky, where I delivered fifteen lectures, many of them in high schools in Knott, Letcher, and Floyd counties there in Central Appalachian "Last week I passed by Waynesville in a hurry to get to Cohutta Lodge on the top of Fort Mountain in Murry County, Georgia, where I gave a banquet speech and was entertained royally (cocktails before dinner and nightcaps afterwards). Then I hurried back to Boone and on to Salem, Virginia, where I gave two lectures at the symposium on 'Beyond the Blue Ridge' held by the Roanoke Valley Historical Society and Roanoke College. (I became snowbound and had to stay an extra day.) Friday I shall give a lecture at the annual meeting of the East Tennessee Historical Association in Knoxville.... I stay tolerably busy for a retired man, but I am enjoying myself and still finding time to write a great deal too" Cratis took pleasure in the scholarly mission which he was able to pursue full time in his retirement, both in the text and in the circumstances of the telling, as the following commentary to Hugh Daniel reveals: "Interesting things came together for my presentation. The banquet was in the Integon Room [of ASUs Broyhill Inn]. / was positioned with my back to the window. Just as I was announcing my topic lightning began to flash, thunder crashed and rumbled, and rain streamed down the glass. All of these marvelous effects continued while I presented my paper. When I sat down, the storm ceased. I am not a good enough Presbyterian to feel confident with my interpretation of these phenomena' (April 17, 1984). In 1982, diagnosed with lymphoma, Cratis set about to inform friends of his condition on a regular basis (Aug. 2, 1982). Writing to Ruby, he is optimistic, yet notes, "But even if things have gone too far and there is to be no recovery, I think I shall not feel that I have been cheated. I have lived a rich, full life and enjoyed more than most are privileged to enjoy, and I do not have many regrets" (Aug. 4-6, 1982). In remission by January 1983 (letters to friends, Jan. 17; July 28, 1983), he continued to write his memoirs, to engage in as many �Introduction public appearances as his health would permit, and to enjoy his family. Writing to Ruby Daniel he continued to take pleasure in the mission which drove his professional life, the education of young people to the strengths of their culture: "Thank you, Ruby, for coming out to hear me do my presentation at the high school. Upon reflection, I concluded that I had never enjoyed a more attentive, interested, and responsive high school audience. I hope the young people found in what I had to say reason to be proud of who they are and an increased understanding of the rich history of mountain folk. The young people were beautiful, like my Kentucky cousins. I enjoyed them." He also chose a moment to reflect on the shared past with his old friends and fellow high school teachers: "Ruby, I had not known that you are now the vice chairman of our Board of Trustees. Isn't it fantastic that Dr. Wey, Hugh, you, and I should have found our separate ways to Boone at a time when our own lives should have become intertwined and tied to the history and development of the quaint little college hidden in the mountains that brought us together. It was not only significant but as it should have been that Hugh and you both served on our Board of Trustees" (Dec. 7, 1983). In 1984, Gratis mourned the death of his mother, Mona Williams, who "died quietly last month. She would have been 93 on St. Patrick's Day. We buried her beside my father in the Williams Graveyard near Blame, Kentucky. She took much ofAppalachia with her" (letter, March 19, 1984). In his final years Gratis received five honorary degrees: Doctor of Pedagogy from Cumberland College in Kentucky, Doctor of Humane Letters from Morehead State University in Kentucky, Doctor of Humanities from the College of Idaho, Doctor of Literature from Marshall University in West Virginia, of which he wrote Al Perrin, "Saturday I attended the graduation exercises at Marshall University and received a literarum doctoris degree. At that very time Morehead State University was conferring upon me in absentia a doctor of humane letters degree, which will be presented to me at a special ceremony during the Appalachian Celebration Week there in June. I am becoming a much doctored Appalachian, the kind who might be qualified to represent us to His Holiness Pope John Paul, should we ever think he would be more interested in a reality than in an illusion" (May 14, 1984). Cratis's last honorary degree, from Appalachian State University, was to be awarded on May 12, 1985. Gratis died on Saturday, May 11, 1985. Gratis always had the impression that if Mr. Wey—or perhaps even Dean Rankin or Dr. Dougherty—had interviewed him personally before he was offered the position at Appalachian Demonstration High School, with its openings into Appalachian State, he would never have been offered the job. He may well have been right, as he frequently was. And how that would have changed history. Gratis endowed three separate scholarship funds at Appalachian which bear his name, which he supported through earnings from his numerous speeches, lectures, and workshops. A fourth scholarship fund, in Appalachian Studies, was created to honor him after his death. His commitment to the education of young people in the finest humanistic tradition and with pride in locale was constant through his years in education. In a speech in 1984 at the College of Idaho, where he received an honorary Doctor of Humanities, he �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone captured the essence of much of what he worked for and believed: " The regional liberal arts college, which I perceive as one which draws most of its students from a defined O O f geographical region and returns them to that region Jfor lives of service to the comJ J Q O J mon good, has a responsibility for making available to its students learning experiences in understanding the ethnic composition of the people who live in the region, their social and cultural traditions, and their history, both as to their origins and the adaptations they have made, and are making to the requirements of life within the region, A liberal education must supply us with that vision that comes from learning about ourselves and our kith and kin as participants in a regional or ethnic society, for being born into and living in that region or ethnic group influences the course of our lives, whether we reject it or embrace it. Those who do not value what they have do not keep it for long. Those who reject their own culture, and in so doing, much of themselves, run the serious risk of losing their own identities, of becoming flone and lost souls,' to paraphrase our great Appalachian writer, Thomas Wolfe, of becoming wailing isolates who have stepped aside and lost their place. Central to what it means for each of us to be a good citizen in a free society, to be a self-accepting Appalachian, Creole, or Indian, without being less of an American at the same time, is our ability to reflect critically upon the meaning of our culture and history.... I began my professional career as a one-room school teacher in Appalachia and completed it as an English professor and administrator in an Appalachian university. I found it possible to remain an Appalachian person as I attempted to measure out to myself and increasing numbers of other Appalachians and scholars doing research and writing about Appalachia the humanistic dimensions of what must be one of Americas most significant subcultures. I am convinced that my rich fulfillment and my enormous pride in who I found myself to be and in the culture from whence I came and which shaped me is owing to my decision early in life to keep my Appalachian self in spite of the efforts of my early teachers to destroy it. By remaining Appalachian, I was best able to integrate my experiences as I grew in understanding and developed those values that informed my actions as a teacher and administrator working for the common good in what purports to be a just society. " As has been often written, Gratis Williams was the complete mountaineer. �References References Abrams, Amos. 1976. "A Salute to Gratis Williams." Gratis Williams Symposium. Boone, NC, April 7. Alexander, Nancy. 1966. "Dean of Folk Songs Likes 'Small Sinful Ditties.'" The Charlotte Observer, 2 June: 19B. "ASU Dean Recipient O. Max Gardner Award." 1973. Watauga Democrat. Boone, NC, July 16. Clark, Joseph D. 1975. "Gratis Williams: Master Folklorist of Appalachia." Brown-Hudson Award Speech, November 7. Daniel, Ruby. 1986. "Comments." Ceremony in Honor and Memory of Gratis D. Williams, Appalachian State University Board of Trustees Meeting. Boone, NC, March 21. Ford, Thomas. 1967. The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. Hayes, Mrs. Essie. 1976. "A Salute to Gratis Williams." Gratis Williams Symposium. Boone, NC, April 7. Jones, H.G. 1985. "Gratis D. Williams: A Personal Reminiscence." Delivered for the North Carolina Folklore Society. Raleigh, NC, November 9. Jones, Loyal. 1986. "A Complete Mountaineer." Appalachian Journal 13(3): 288-296. Laws, George Malcolm. 1964. Native American Balladry. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society. Plemmons, William. 1976. "A Salute to Gratis Williams." Gratis Williams Symposium. Boone, NC, April 7. Ross, Tyler, n.d. "Interview with Gratis Williams." Unpublished manuscript, Gratis Williams papers, W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection Archives, Belk Library, ASU, Boone, NC. Weaver, Richard M. 1948. Ideas Have Consequences. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. . 1953. The Ethics of Rhetoric. H. Regenery Co. Wey, Herbert. 1976. "Gratis Williams and Appalachian Studies at ASU." Gratis Williams Symposium. Boone, NC, April 7. Williams, Gratis D. 196la. "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction." Ph.D. dissertation, New York University. f 196lb. "The 'R' in Mountain Speech." Mountain Life and Work 37(1): 5-8. . 196lc. "A.E.I.O.U." Mountain Life and Work 37(2): 8-11. . 196ld. "Rhythm and Melody in Mountain Speech." Mountain Life and Work �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone 37(3): 7-10. . 1961e. "The Content of Mountain Speech (Part IV)." Mountain Life and Work 37(4): 13-17. . 1962a. "Verbs in Mountaineer Speech (Part V)." Mountain Life and Work 38(1): 15-19. . 1962b. "Mountaineers Mind their Manners (Part VI)." Mountain Life and Work 38(2): 19-25. . 1962c. "Metaphor in Mountain Speech (Part VII)." Mountain Life and Work 38(4): 9-12. . 1963a. "Metaphor in Mountain Speech (Part VIII)." Mountain Life and Work 39(1): 50-53. . 1963b. "Metaphor in Mountain Speech (Part IX)." Mountain Life and Work 39(2): 50-53. . 1964. "Prepositions in Mountain Speech (Part X)." Mountain Life and Work 40(1): 53-54. . 1967. "Subtlety in Mountain Speech (Part XI)." Mountain Life and Work 43(1): 14. 1975. "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction (Part 1)." Martha Pipes, ed. Appalachian Journal 3(1): 8-61. . 1976a. "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction (Part II)." Martha Pipes, ed. Appalachian Journal'3(2): 100-162. . 1976b. "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction (Part III)." Martha Pipes, ed. Appalachian Journal 3(3): 186-261. . 1976c. "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction (Part IV)." Martha Pipes, ed. Appalachian Journal'3(4): 334-392. . 1983. William H. Vaughan: A Better Man Than I Ever Wanted to Be. Morehead, KY: Morehead State University. . 1984. "Eulogy to David R. Hodgin." April 21, Boone, NC Gratis Williams papers, W. L. Eury Appalachian Collection Archives, Belk Library, ASU, Boone, NC. . 1995.1 Become a Teacher. A Memoir of One-Room School Life in Eastern Kentucky. James M. Gifford, ed. Ashland, KY: The Jesse Stuart Foundation. . 1998. "Gratis Williams: Living the Divided Life." Produced by Fred Johnson and Jean Donohue. Covington, KY: Media Working Group. . n.d. "I Become a College Teacher." Gratis Williams papers, W.L.Eury Appalachian Collection Archives, Belk Library, ASU, Boone, NC. �References Williams, Elizabeth. 1998. Personal Communication. Wolfford, George. ©1972. Lawrence County: A Pictorial History. Ashland, KY: WWW Co. Williamson, J. W, ed. 1977. An Appalachian Symposium. Boone, NC: Appalachian State University Press. �This page intentionally left blank �c A Call From Boone About nine o'clock Friday morning before school was to open at the Appalachian Demonstration High School in 1942 my landlady called me to respond to a long distance telephone call from Boone, North Carolina. For me, that call was in the middle of the night, for my working hours at International Nickel Company in Huntington, West Virginia, were from 8:30 p.m. to 3:30 a.m., and I spent a half hour commuting by taxicab from the plant to the rooming house. Rubbing the sleep from my eyes, I threw on a bathrobe and slipped into house shoes and hurried to the telephone. Professor Chapell Wilson8 was calling. Mrs. Rivers, a critic teacher at Appalachian High School, had resigned that week, and he, in his role as Director of the Demonstration Schools, was trying at that late date to find a replacement for her. He had found in his file my credentials folder sent to him by a teacher placement service in Tennessee. He believed I was essentially qualified for the job, but that one of my duties would be directing high school dramatic activities. I would also teach a college class in methods of teaching English in high school and supervise practice teachers in English. My own teaching load at the high school would include two sections of eighth grade English, a class in speech, and a combined class of first and second year high school dramatics. Watauga County would pay me $150 a month and Appalachian State Teachers College would supplement that by providing me with a furnished apartment with utilities free valued at $40 a month. The appointment would be for one year but might be continued if I were not 8 Chapell Wilson (1891-1957), professor of education and psychology at Appalachian State Teachers College, developed the two demonstration schools, Appalachian High School and Appalachian Elementary School. He later served as dean of the graduate school from 1948 to 1957. 1 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone drafted into military service. It was customary to interview applicants for positions, but because my credentials looked good and a teacher was needed immediately the interview would be waived if I were interested in the position. The salary was exactly what I was receiving at International Nickel and more than I had received per month my last year as the principal of the high school at Louisa. I would be both a college instructor and a high school teacher. I would be living on a college campus and in the very town Dr. Sparks had recommended as a good place to take Sylvia.9 I would be going to the mountains of North Carolina, made so appealing by Thomas Wolfe, especially in Look Homeward Angel, which I had read with deep yearning for glorious mountains fading away, range after range, into the blue horizon. Sylvia was in Pinecrest Sanitarium at Beckley, West Virginia. There was no long distance telephone service available to her parents or mine in Kentucky. The decision I made would have to be wholly my own without benefit of counseling, or considering the offer with others. I agreed to accept the position but pointed out the difficulties I might encounter in trying to arrange to be in Boone the following Monday. Mr. Wilson obligingly agreed to let me skip the teachers meetings on Monday if I thought I could be ready to go to work Tuesday when the students were to begin classes. I told him I would arrive in Boone Monday evening. Fortunately, I had stored our furniture at Louisa and returned to Sylvias parents those things we had brought with us to Huntington for use in the apartment in which we had lived before Sylvia went to Pinecrest in July. I had only my personal belongings to be concerned with, but I would need at least one additional traveling bag. I did not go back to bed following the telephone conversation. I dressed hurriedly and called the personnel office at International Nickel to discuss the termination of my work there. There were regrets expressed, but both my supervisors, Mr. Scott and Mr. Kaiser, were willing to release me. I could pick up my check the following morning. Charged with excitement and anxiety, and working against time, I went to the bus station to work out a travel schedule. I could leave Huntington in the early morning and be in Boone late in the afternoon the same day. I then went to the railroad station to work out a travel schedule. I could go by train to Roanoke, then to Johnson City, Tennessee, then to Boone by the East Tennessee and Western North Carolina Railroad, a narrow gauge. Upon checking the schedules, though, the agent discovered that ET&WNC railroad passenger service to Boone had been discontinued, but I might like to consider riding a bus from Johnson City or Abington, Virginia, to Boone. Two days would be required for the trip. I then hurried to the bank and cashed my two shares of International Nickel common stock and went by the loan office and paid four weekly payments in advance, for one of the stipulations of the loan agreement had been that I would not be leaving Huntington during the life of the loan. I feared that if the sharks there learned that I was planning to leave town y Sylvia Graham Williams married Gratis Williams on August 2, 1937. Diagnosed with tuberculosis in 1941, she entered Pinecrest Sanitarium in Beckley, West Virginia in July 1942. Dr. Proctor Sparks, Blaine native, was Sylvias physician in Huntington. �A Call From Boom they would garnishee my check at International Nickel and I would not have the money needed to get to Boone and to buy food for my- first month there. After making the payment to the loan office I went down to Huntington Dry Goods Company and bought a heavy canvas bag into which I could stuff clothing. Back at Mosely's I began to sort out and arrange and discovered that I had some books from the Huntington Public Library which I needed to return, some laundry I needed to pick up at the home of the pleasant black woman who lived in an alley five or six blocks away, and some dry cleaning at the shop on the way. When I returned to work at International Nickel Friday night, I said nothing to my classes about my plan to leave. Yet I was filled with a special kind of excitement and in the 12:01 to 3:00 a.m. class encouraged more buffoonery than usual from one of those naturally comic characters who always keeps a class lively but who serves best under restraint, Jack Legg, whose very name invited comment. At the change of classes at midnight, one of the new arrivals offered me a White Owl cigar, which I accepted and lit up. After the class was under way, the telephone rang. It was unusual for the telephone to ring at any time after midnight. I stopped in the middle of a sentence, laid my cigar in the ashtray, and rushed to my desk to answer it. The man calling was the operator of the plant cafeteria. He wanted to know whether my students were permitted to smoke in the classroom. I told him we all smoked, I believed. Were any of the students smoking cigars? Yes, perhaps a third of the class was smoking cigars at that time. Well, his box of White Owls, which he kept by the cash register, had been raided. Would I be willing to determine whether any of the students were smoking White Owls? I told him I would ask. With the mouthpiece of the telephone below my chin, I asked whether anybody were smoking a White Owl. Only Jack Legg admitted that he was. I responded only one, Jack Legg, admitted that he was. Well, he remembered that the only cigars he had sold during the break had been to Jack Legg, but he wanted me to announce that he would be reporting the raid to Mr. Kaiser on Monday. I gladly agreed to make the announcement. A moment of intense quiet ensued, and I proceeded with my presentation. On the bus to Boone Monday I wondered whether the student who had given me the White Owl felt as relieved on Monday when he learned that I was no longer working there as I did to know that my job future was not likely to be threatened by a possible charge that I had received stolen goods. Saturday morning I returned to the plant, tidied my desk, said good-bye to John Kaiser, went by Mr. Scott's office to tell him that he might continue to send questions about grammar and syntax to me at Boone if he cared to do so, picked up my check, and caught a bus back to Huntington, regretting that the bus driver could not give me cash in exchange for fifteen cents worth of bus tokens that I would no longer need. Back in the city I went by the bank, cashed my check, and closed out my account. I then went to the bus station and bought a ticket to Boone. That afternoon I wrote brief letters to friends and relatives reporting my decision to return to teaching and carried them to the post office. Captain Mosely, back from his horseback riding, was impressed by the �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone report that I was to become a college teacher. He invited me to his cocktail hour, attended also by Miss Westail, and was more expansive than he had ever been, and Miss Westall, who had normally passed me in the hall and on the stairs without so much as recognizing that I existed, exhibited a charm that I had not realized she possessed. Sunday morning I got up before daylight, finished packing my bags, ordered a taxicab, and was at the bus station in time to have breakfast there before the bus departed for Charleston. I was surprised to see so many people up and around before daylight. About 7:30 we were on a crowded bus, with people standing in the aisles, for Charleston. It was a foggy morning. (We did not know the word smog then.) All the way to Charleston only buildings and trees close by the roadside were visible. Streets we crossed in little towns and in Charleston disappeared into the fog only a few yards from the crossing. There was a long wait in Charleston before the departure of the bus to Beckley. While waiting I had my shoes shined by a black man who sang or whistled as he popped his shining cloth in rhythm with his tune. He volunteered that he had been to a party the night before and that the drinks he had there had not worn off yet. He exuded good will, and when I commented upon his cheerful disposition he observed that white folks don't seem to be able to have a good time because they take life too seriously. Almost as if he knew that I was going to a new job, he said, "You'll be a much happier man and get a lot more fun out of life when you are just simply yourself and don't take things too seriously." As the bus to Beckley was climbing the mountain out of Gauley Bridge, we came into bright sunshine. From the road we could see plainly the New River Gorge, and mountains were bright and seemed close at hand. The cough I had developed while living in Huntington and the heavy odor of chemicals in the morning air led me to feel that the clean air I would be breathing at Appalachian on the Blue Ridge would be good for me. In Beckley I deposited in a bus station locker all of my baggage except one suitcase and hurried with it down to Mrs. Mann's rooming house, where I had stayed before. Mrs. Mann had one room left, a small room over a porch, with a sloping ceiling and next door to a bathroom. I accepted the room for one night and hurried down to have Sunday dinner at the second seating of her guests, among whom were older residents of the town who had come directly from church services. After lunch I walked up to the corner to take a bus out to Pinecrest. The first bus had already gone and the next one would not leave for nearly two hours. I started on foot, for I thought I could probably walk the three or four miles out to the sanitarium in thirty or forty minutes. An older couple, also on their way to Pinecrest, picked me up at the city limits. Sylvia, bright-eyed and feeling that her condition was improving, was pleased that I had accepted the position in Boone. She hoped she might be sufficiently improved to join me later in the year. X-rays continued to show no activity in her lungs, the frost-like crystals that she fed into her throat through a glass tube brought relief from pain, and the throat pain that developed prior to the menstrual period and receded afterwards had not �A Call From Boone become extended. Her voice was clean and clear, but the doctors advised that she continue to speak in whispers in order not to irritate her larynx. She remained strictly a bed patient, but many ambulatory patients came to see her during visiting hours, including the sister-inlaw of a person we had known in Lawrence County, Kentucky. She had taken a lively interest in a love affair that had developed between one of the doctors, himself formerly a patient there, and an ambulatory patient who hoped to be released in a few weeks. Both the doctor and the pretty young woman discussed their affair with Sylvia, who wrote about it in poems, many of them clever pieces of doggerel. While I was there the doctor came by. His warmth, congeniality, informality, and spirit of trusting friendship suggested that he considered Sylvia to be a special person, and she responded with smiles and clever remarks, teasing and pleasant. Soon after he left, the young woman came by, too. I was pleased that she and her secret lover, who was violating regulations of the hospital, found in Sylvia a trustworthy and stimulating counselor and friend. Prior to my leaving at 4:30 we talked about what living and working in Boone might be like. She liked North Carolina and had also been thrilled by Thomas Wolfe's presentation of mountain scenery. She, too, longed to live there. Somewhat uneasy about the hiring by telephone and remembering that Professor Wilson's failure the preceding year to meet me as scheduled in Ohio and that the day away from work I Figure A: Sylvia Graham Williams circa 1937. had requested for the meeting had contributed to my release on December 5» 10 she feared that I might not be paid the salary I was promised, or that the apartment might be a rat-and-roach den in which I was to live, or that the principal would be some egomaniac who would feel intimidated by an older and more experienced teacher in his staff and set about to discredit me before I could get myself adjusted to classroom teaching again. Concerned about our financial status, she wanted to know whether I had money 10 In the fall of 1941, Gratis had received a telephone call from Chapell Wilson asking that Gratis interview with him at a professional meeting to be held at Ball State in Indiana. Gratis was working in Coldwater, Ohio, at the time, and made arrangements to attend the meeting. But he never heard from Chapell Wilson to arrange the time, and the meeting never occurred. Gratis subsequently lost his job at New idea, Inc., and moved from Coldwater to Huntington, W.Va. �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone enough to buy food for my first month in the new job, what arrangements I had made about the loan from the company in Huntington, and whether I was prepared to pay her bills at the sanitarium. Distressed that I would have only twenty dollars between myself and starvation after I arrived in Boone, she offered suggestions for buying groceries that would be inexpensive but nutritious and urged that I be sure to eat eggs and drink milk and take my iron supplement and cod liver oil. I reassured her by telling her that I would attempt to draw an advance on my salary or sell my first month's check at a discount if I found it necessary. I then told her that I had two resolutions for the new job. As a high school principal, I had responded to overtures for friendship from desperate people who needed friends and often found them incompetent dullards and insufferable bores. My first resolve was not to be lured too quickly into time-consuming friendships with over-eager people who seem to want to capture newcomers. Having worked in public education only in my home county, I had found it necessary to be political and to support publicly causes and efforts to which I did not subscribe privately. In the new job, I would follow the advice of the cheerful black man who had shined my shoes in Charleston and dare to be as nearly myself as possible and to abstain whenever possible from giving public support to causes to which I could not subscribe privately. Thus, I would not be manipulated by political persons and could refrain from being one myself. If I should find that this new philosophy would not work at Appalachian, I would leave teaching at the end of the year and find something else to do. I had come up from Huntington to see Sylvia twice a month. It would be a month before I could return from Boone. I had checked bus schedules and found that I could take a bus late Friday afternoon from Boone to Sparta, make connections there with a bus from Winston-Salem to Bluefield and then from Bluefield to Beckley, and arrive in Beckley late Friday night. I would be able to visit with her on Saturdays and Sunday mornings and get back to Boone Sunday night. I felt that perhaps once a month would be as often as I could visit, but I assured her that I would write to her every night. Concerned about my loss of weight, my morning cough, and my generally peaked appearance, Sylvia would make arrangements for me to have a chest X-ray when I came again. The question of whether she was eligible to remain in a West Virginia state health facility at the same rate I had been paying had not been resolved, for I had not notified the sanitarium that I was leaving the state. She would ask her doctor to check that out and felt sure that if policy permitted he would see that the rates would remain the same. We held hands in warmth and hope, and I kissed her forehead and departed, feeling that she would get well and that a new life was beginning for us. At Mrs. Mann's rooming house I sat on the porch with guests and enjoyed the late August afternoon before the evening meal, a simple affair built around the delicious green beans that had been left from lunch and topped with apple cobbler and cream dip. Following the dinner, I tried to read by the light from the bulb screwed into a socket in the ceiling, but soon became tired and sleepy. On the morning of September 1 there was heavy dew on the grass and weeds, already �A Call From Boone rigid for autumn. The bus to Bluefield descended the mountain south of Beckley and went along a road beside a river for a time. The sycamores were heavy with dew, and meadows and fields were fresh and cleansed. Only wisps of mist floated lazily above them where the bright sun flooded through gaps in the ridges and mountains. Later, as we gained elevation again on Flat Top Mountain, the world was flooded with golden sunlight. Oak Hill and Princeton gleamed. Homes, neatly kept yards, gardens displaying tomatoes ripening on the vine, sunflowers sentineling the sun, and wine red dogticks marshaled along the fences all promised a plenty in neat comfort against the coming winter in a war-time economy. There was only a short time for changing buses in Bluefield, not enough time for me to see whether my luggage, which I had checked to Boone, was transferred. Soon we were moving swiftly along a highway down a long Virginia valley between rolling mountains covered with pasture to their tops. Pigs, sheep, and cattle grazed in the pastures, and the corn growing in lowland fields was tall and tawny and heavy with ears. From behind groves of locusts, elms, and spreading oaks substantial and beautiful houses, many of them with green lattices by the windows and white pillars flashing in the sun, commanded from their sites on smooth-sided hillocks or alluvial plateaus at the mouths of little valleys vast holdings of fertile land. I wondered whether the owners of these lands considered themselves farmers or Virginia planters. Signs along the highway reminded us that we were traveling on the Trail of the Lonesome Pine. Tazewell, Lebanon, Abingdon were old dignified towns strung along the highway; towns that were quiet, clean, and charming with their wide streets, substantial public buildings—grey in the sunshine—and ancient homes with dark roofs, peeling woodwork, rusting iron fences or crumbling stone walls. Yet manicured yards, noble trees, and profusions of shrubbery and ivy suggested that even though the owners had not been financially able during the Depression years to lay out money to repair and paint their proud houses and mend their forbidding fences and walls, they had been able to preserve their self-respect in the care they had lavished on their trees, shrubs, vines, and brick and stone walks, a care that required little money, only some of the leisure time and energy which people had in abundance during those hard years. We arrived in Bristol about 1 p.m., I believe, and circled a spacious new bus station fitted out with the most modern equipment and designed to accommodate traffic expeditiously. The station was crowded with people and all seats in the shining restaurant on a level above the waiting room were filled. The bus to Elizabethton would not leave for two or three hours. I took a stroll down the street by the station, taking note of its diagonal approach to Stateline Street, down the middle of which runs the Virginia-Tennessee dividing line. On the corner was a wedge-shaped building in which a restaurant was located. I went in, sat at a stool, and ordered a sandwich and milk, for which I paid twenty cents. I then walked as far east as Virginia Intermont College, of which I had never heard, stopped in at the railroad station, walked north down a street lined with ancient buildings, and turned west toward a modern hotel, a tall structure with a spacious lawn and a comfortable patio equipped with rocking chairs. Aged men with white hair, straw hats, clean shirts, subdued ties, carefully brushed suits, and well worn but good shoes, brightly polished and �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone with soles edged in black, were lounging in the rocking chairs swapping yarns and exchanging views on the times and the progress of the United States in World War II. I sat nearby for a time, interested in the speech and idiom of the old men and wondering whether they were widowed Virginia gentlemen managing with frugality and care to live in the hotel or whether they were retired men of the town who came together for lunch in the hotel dining room and lounged the afternoon away in conversation on the comfortable patio. As I walked back to the bus station I began to perspire, for the afternoon was warm. I was sensitive, too, about my shabby suit, an old summer suit, baggy and rumpled, that I had chosen because I wanted my better clothes to be fresh for wear in Boone. The bus to Elizabethton was loading. A long line had already formed. I was fortunate to get a seat. Again, people were standing in the aisle. The character of the landscape changed as we moved into Tennessee. The mountains became bolder, steeper, more rugged, and forested. Valleys were rich and pasture fields covered low-lying hills, but forests began at the bottoms of sharp rises from which jagged and massive rock formations jutted out of the trees. The trip from Bristol to Elizabethton was a short one. Even though the driver stopped the bus at farmhouses and crossroads to let people off or pick up new riders, we were in Elizabethton in less than an hour. The station was at the edge of town near a river lined with huge trees. The bus to Boone would not be leaving for another hour. The little waiting room of the station was filled with people, many of them women and children. It was warm. The sunshine was clear and bright and one perspired when he walked in it. My seatmate on the bus from Bristol was waiting for a bus in another direction. He was a salesman but in Elizabethton for the first time. We toured together a part of the little town and then ate standing up at a hamburger stall close to the station. It seemed that most of the people getting on the bus to Boone knew one another. Conversations were lively and the speech and idiom of the people were essentially what I had heard while I was growing up near Blaine. Country women with weathered faces carried packages in their arms, and small children with bright and eager faces, scrubbed clean and tanned in the sunshine, swarmed around grandmothers and tired looking mothers with infants in their arms and shopping bags hanging from their wrists. I found a seat, but when all seats were taken and an old lady leaning on a cane took a position in the aisle beside me and propped herself against the side of my seat, I offered it to her. "W'y, no," she protested. She would be getting off "just a little ways up the road thair a piece." But I insisted and she sank into the seat. I moved toward the back of the bus to give her room to hold her cane propped upright so it would not slide onto the floor. When she got off a few miles up the road, a young woman with an infant in one arm and a child clinging to her skirt sank into the seat. Unlucky about being near seats as people vacated them and new riders got on the bus, I stood up all the way to Boone. The road was narrow and the asphalt surface was uneven. Spread-eagled and planted firmly in the aisle, I clung to the baggage racks and looked out at the increasingly rugged scenery. Much of the time the highway ran parallel to or within sight of the narrow-gauge �A Call From Boone tracks of the ET&WNC railroad. People got off and others got on at the little towns of weathered and old-fashioned wooden buildings along the way-Valley Forge, Hampton, Roan Mountain, Heaton, Elk Park, Banner Elk-but the bus continued to be crowded with passengers standing in the aisle. What I saw along the highway fascinated me. By the time we had reached Hampton, I was seeing dense clumps of rhododendron and laurel. Tall spruce and hemlock trees grew from among the rocks on the steep mountainsides. High mountain ridges, purple in the late afternoon, rose above and far beyond closer mountains. Sparkling water churned along rock-strewn stream beds and dashed forcefully through gorges, the bottoms of which I could see almost straight down from the side of the bus. This rugged scenery had more daring, more energy, more resistance and wild beauty than any I had seen in Kentucky or West Virginia. Once, the bus stopped in front of a store and filling station built against the mountainside. Beside it was a cage in which a huge bear was being teased by children. At Elk Park the little train on the narrow tracks had stopped at the quaint station, its smokestack puffing lazily as if it were resting after the steep climb up the mountain. Beside a weathered house of upright boards and with a roof of dark and curling shakes an old mountain man was making a drag sled like those my father made. At Banner Elk a beautiful little college campus11 with buildings of native stone strung along a ridge behind the bus station was dressed in carefully arranged banks of rhododendron and evergreen trees. From the top of the mountain before descending to Valle Crucis a sweep of blue and purple mountains, some outlined like cutouts against the sky, came almost suddenly into view, and I had the feeling that it was the glory of these mountains that I had longed for, that the beauty of this landscape was surely unsurpassed. The valley, resting peacefully in the late afternoon sun and crossed by purple shadows of mountains, seemed to be a mile down below, almost straight down from my standing position in the bus. As the bus driver started down the steep incline, he lowered the gear, and applying the brake frequently, continued to lower the gear. I clung desperately to the baggage racks and leaned heavily against the side of the seat to keep from being plunged headlong into the aisle. Although I was frightened by the roughness of the descent and the depth into the valleys below the road, I consoled myself with the thought that the bus made this trip every day and that I might reasonably expect it to make it that day, too. Near the foot of the mountain the road had been built in a double hairpin curve so sharp that one could look straight up and see where he had been and straight down and see where he was going at the same time. A year or two after I had been in Boone, one bus driver coming down the mountain following an ice storm slid off the road but managed so skillfully to land below that he was headed in the right direction, and nobody was injured. One of the tall tales about that curve repeated by yarn spinners gathered around the stove in Mast s Store at the foot of the mountain is about the farmer who covered his basket of eggs when he rode horseback down the mountain after Mr. Mast accused him of trying "Lees-McRae College �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone to sell horse biscuits as eggs. The bus stopped at Mast's Store, but again, seats left vacant by those who got off were taken by people who stood closer than I. The Watauga River Valley was in shadows. One could not see the sun from that depth. I saw young people and children playing on the porches and in the yards of the sturdy farmhouses along the river. Blue wood smoke rose from chimneys and spread out above, a sign in Kentucky of approaching rain. Fat cattle stood in the yards of huge barns. Corn in the bottom lands was still green. Grass on the hillsides looked fresh and tender and green as if it were springtime instead of late summer. As we came up a long gently sloping hill toward a gap in the mountains, I saw on the side of a barn an advertisement for Stalling s Jewelry Store in Boone. Soon we had passed through the gap and there fanned out below us was Boone, quiet and mystical in that half hour of deepening shadow that precedes the turning on of street lights. 10 �Arriving in Boone: A New Beginning The bus came down into the town, turned to the right at the first paved street we came to, and at the end of the second block pulled along-side a quaint little building that looked more like a country-stop railroad depot than a bus station. We got out and waited for the luggage to be unloaded. Only one piece of my luggage had arrived. After waiting for the station master to take care of details relating to packages and parcels that had been delivered by bus, I reported that only one of my bags had arrived. He filled out a form and said a tracer would be sent and that the missing pieces would probably arrive within a day or two. I should check at the station each afternoon. With my one bag, into which I had put a box of stationery, shoes, a bathrobe, dirty sox, underwear, and shirts, I walked across the street to a taxicab stand and engaged a cab driver to deliver me to Faculty Apartments. He was there in about five minutes. He charged me a quarter. With my bag of dirty laundry in my hand, unshaven, and in my shabbiest suit, wrinkled, threadbare, and smelling of perspiration, I entered Faculty Apartments. No one was in sight, but a little sign over a door announced "Office." I knocked on the door. An older woman with a kind smile opened the door. I told her who I was and that Professor Chapell Wilson had instructed me to report there, where I was to have an apartment. She was Mrs. Coffey, the hostess for the building. Professor Wilson had told her that I would be arriving. Unfortunately, though, the apartment I was to have was not yet available and would not be for another two weeks. Professor and Mrs. Antonakos12 were still in it and would not be leaving for Chapel Hill for several days. The principal of the high school, Mr. Wey13, had requested that she call him as soon as I 11 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone arrived and he would come and meet me there and take me to a men's dormitory where I would stay until the apartment was available. She turned to the telephone on the wall opposite her door and called. She then invited me to have a seat in the parlor and make myself comfortable. Mr. Wey had said he would be there in a few minutes. She went back into the little office and closed the door. I sat down in an easy chair facing the door through which I had entered the building. As I waited, I remembered Sylvia's fears that I might not receive all Mr. Wilson had promised. I began to check off rapidly the things I needed that were in the bags that had not arrived: razor, toothbrush, clean underwear and sox, clean shirts and ties, suits, hats, raincoat, overcoat. Soon the door at the end of the hall opened and an extremely tall, thin man with a slender face and a high nose came striding toward me, his long feet clicking heel and toe on the waxed floor. I had expected Mr. Wey to enter through the front door, so I did not rise as lor. Figure B. Herbert W Wey, principal of Appalachian Demonstration School, early 1940s. Photo courtesy of Ruby Daniel the tall man came on into the par- "Is your name Williams?" he asked. I then stood up and told him that I was Gratis Williams, in order to sound for him my first name, which, I had learned, people want to pronounce "Crattis." "Fm Herb Wey, the principal of the high school. Come with me and I'll show you the school building, take you to your classroom and office, give you your keys, and go over the schedule with you. Then I will take you to Newland Hall, where you will have a room vacated by a young English teacher who married one of his students and is on his honeymoon." I picked up my light bag, and Mr. Wey relieved me of it. "Is this all the baggage you have?" I told him that most of my baggage had not arrived with me but that the station !2 Antonios Antonakos taught physics and chemistry at ASTC, organized the first drama club at Appalachian, and formalized Playcrafters in 1933. He took a year's leave of absence to study for his doctorate in physics at UNCChapel Hill during 1942-43, and returned to teach both physics and play production and to be an active force in the success of Playcrafters. !3 Herb Wey was math and physics teacher and coach at Appalachian Demonstration High School from 1938 to 1942 before becoming principal in 1942, a position which he held until 1953. He earned his doctorate in education in 1950 from Indiana State University. He became dean of Appalachian's graduate school in 1957, and president of the college (1969) and later chancellor, leading the transition into Appalachian State University, before his retirement in 1979. 12 �A Call From Bo one master was sending a tracer and thought it would be here in a day or two. "You'll be lucky to get it in a week," he said. Mr. Wey had parked his car at the high school building and walked over to the apartments. As we walked back, he a foot taller than I and taking one long step to my two, I could tell from the questions he asked that he had not seen my application materials. Although he was courteous, genuine, sincere, I felt that he disapproved of me in some way, perhaps because I was a small man, I was so pleased to be in such a delightful place and teaching on a college campus that I was glad I had been hired "sight unseen," for I would not have got past an interview with this man. Perhaps, if I were careful, followed his instructions, and kept silent about my own experiences as a high school principal for seven years, he would accept me while I was testing my skills anew as a high school teacher. It would be very important that I refrain from prefacing any suggestion I might have to offer with "When I was a ..................................................................... high school principal...," but I 111 felt that in time he would accept " The high school building, 14 a WPA structure with native stone veneer, was not up in quality to the building in which I had worked in Kentucky. Wooden floors creaked. Rooms were rough plastered and many had not yet been painted. Instead of standard teachers' desks and chairs for the classrooms, there were roughly made little tables with canebottom chairs. The offices were little more than large closets equipped with more of the canebottom chairs and little tables, which had Figure C. Main entrance of Appalachian Demonstration High School, early 1940s. Photo courtesy of Ruby Daniel. been made in the carpentry shop on campus originally for study tables in dormitory rooms. There were no filing cabinets, nor were there typewriters, but each office and each classroom had a small portable bookshelf. The bookshelves, without backs, had also been made locally for dormitory rooms. On one of the tables in my office was an orange crate with a divider in it that my predecessor had used for filing. It conI4 Now Chapell Wilson Hall. 13 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone tained materials she had left, among which were things labeled English 310, the number, I understood, of the course in methods that I would begin teaching after the college students arrived about two weeks later. In the course of our conversation Mr. Wey told me that the high school, though located on the campus and serving as a college demonstration school, was also a county school that served the town children and those brought in by bus from back in the mountains. The mountain children, he said, were rough and difficult to handle. They had run off some teachers in the past. Such a school, he said, was a better one for practice teachers to work in than the model schools found on most campuses, which only children of the professors and well-to-do parents in the community attended. Our school, he said, comes closer to being like the mountain high schools in which most of our college graduates will find jobs. Our practice teachers, then, are better prepared to deal with the teaching situations they will enter after they graduate than most college graduates are. In the keen competition for teaching jobs in public schools Appalachian graduates did well and very few failed to find appointments, and that had been true all through the Depression. We try to teach them both what they need to know and what they need to do to be good teachers. He then took me to the library, which was located in a large cage at the side of the study hall. The librarian in past years had been responsible for the study hall but beginning this year a teacher would be responsible for the study hall every hour except one. The librarian needed to have time to build up the library, and Dr. Dougherty,15 the president of the College, had promised some money for the purchase of new books. I would be called on to help select books for use in English classes. We looked at the pitiful collection of ratty books, all arranged and waiting for the students to descend upon them Wednesday, when they could begin checking them out. The library in the high school at Louisa was much larger and the collection much better, but I thought it inappropriate to refer to it. The school had vocational agriculture and vocational home economics. A full fouryear program in business was being developed, too. Mountain kids who did not plan or were not able to go to college needed the vocational programs. Girls who did not want to go to college could prepare to become secretaries. I asked whether the school was required to qualify for accreditation by the Southern Association separately from the College. The College, he said, was not accredited and was not seeking accreditation at that time, but he had already discussed with Mr. Wilson the possibility of seeking accreditation for the high school and had been encouraged to begin working toward that goal. That was one reason why the librarian was being relieved of her responsibility for keeping the study hall. I observed that the last school in which I had worked was a member of the Southern Association and that I thought membership was important for the principal because the guidelines could support his request for budget increases for improving and keeping up to date the library, science laboratories, and busi15 Blanford Barnard Dougherty (1872-1957) served as superintendent of Watauga County schools from 1899 to 1916. In 1899 he was co-founder and co-president, with his brother Dauphin Disco Dougherty, of Watauga Academy, which eventually became Appalachian State Teachers College. He served as president until 1955. 14 �Arriving in Boone: A New Beginning ness department. He said if Mr. Wilson should come through with what he had promised, maybe I could be a member of the planning committee. We left the building and got into Mr. Weys car, an older model that he considered himself fortunate to own in those days of gasoline rationing and moratoria on the manufacture of new cars. He delivered me to Newland Hall, directly across the valley from the high school building, and reminded me that there would be a faculty meeting in the Teachers Lounge at eight o'clock the following morning. With my bag in hand, I went to the keeper's room. He was an older college student who had the responsibility of acting as a host. I told him who I was. Yes, he was expecting me. He turned to a key board, found a key to a front room on the second floor, and handed it to me. He did not know in what shape I might find the room. Mr. Dukes, then on his honeymoon, had left some things in it and the man who had shared the room with him would not be coming back to live there, for he had been given a room in Faculty Apartments. He gave me a roll of toilet paper to carry with me, just in case it was needed. With my bag in one hand, my key in the other, and the roll of toilet paper clamped under my arm, I made my way up to the second floor of Newland Hall. The key would not unlock the door. Since there seemed to be no one else living on that floor at that time, I left my bag and the roll of toilet paper beside the door and went back to see whether I had been given the right key. The keeper took the key and examined it carefully. Then he turned to the key board and selected another, which he examined carefully. "Try this one," he said. "Mr. Dukes had the lock changed and we forgot to throw the old key away." I went back, unlocked the door, and flipped the light switch. Two beds with bare cotton mattresses and no pillows were pulled together against the back wall. Two study tables similar to those I had seen in the high school building and each with a canebottom chair in front of it were placed on either side of the window, which had no blind or drape. A double dresser with a mirror stood against the wall between two doors, one to a bathroom shared by occupants of the next room and the other to a clothes closet. One of the tables had on it a dilapidated lamp, a paperweight, a ruler, some pencils, a bottle of ink, some notebook paper, and a ball of string. Scattered about was refuse, old newspapers and magazines, an abandoned pair of disreputable looking sneakers without strings, sox eaten out at the toes, and empty cartons of one kind or another. In the closet was a stack of boxes tied with stout cord from the roll on the table. Mr. Dukes's "things," no doubt. The bathroom light had no bulb in it. I went to the window and looked out. It was a clear night. The sky was deep and dark, almost indigo, and the stars floated in sharp brilliance as if each had its own space both behind and around itself. This was different night sky from any I had seen either in the hills along the Ohio River or in the flatlands of the Mid-West, where even clear night skies looked as if they had been sprayed with skim milk and the stars looked flat as if they had been spattered on the canopy of heaven and could twinkle only in linear fashion along 15 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone a flat surface. I opened the window a few inches for ventilation and noted that the night air had a chill in it that was unusual for September 1. I then opened my bag, took the dirty clothes out and laid them on one of the beds, and brought out the box of stationery to write Sylvia a letter. It was a long one in which I went into detail about the bus trip, the people traveling in such throngs and on a Monday, too, the lovely scenery along the way, Boone at twilight, my lost baggage, Mr. Wey, the poverty-stricken aspect of the high school, and my winding up in a dormitory room with no pillow, no bed linens, no towels and soap, and no light in the bathroom, instead of the apartment I had expected. But I liked the town, Mr. Wey's openness and candor, the mountains, and was sure I was going to like living and working on the campus. But, I could see, by the time I had purchased bed linens, a pillow, blankets, and sundries, I would have little money left for paying for meals at restaurants for two weeks before I would be able to move into the apartment. When my money ran low, I would seek Mr. Wey's advice about getting some kind of a loan to help me through the first month. It was ten o'clock. My routine had been upset. I was much more tired than I had realized. I had spent myself completely in writing the letter. The chill that was in the air reminded me that the pajamas that would come in handy that night, but that I had not needed in Huntington and Beckley, were in one of my lost bags. I spread the bathrobe over the mattress for a sheet, pulled on a soiled undershirt over the one I had on, put on two of the soiled shirts, two pairs of shorts, two pairs of sox, placed my watch on a chair by my bed, turned out the light, lay down, and spread my thin summer coat over my bare legs. I might have slept for two hours when I woke up shivering. I got up, turned on the light, and closed the window completely. It then occurred to me that, with the soiled clothing I was wearing, it was not so important that I have the mattress covered with my bathrobe. I spread one of the shirts across the head of the mattress, spread out newspapers beside me, and turned the light off. Then I spread my coat across my legs, pulled newspapers across myself and spread the bathrobe across the newspapers. I felt warm in a few minutes, but when I moved the newspapers slid off, carrying the robe with them. I then slipped newspapers between my shirts and my shorts, put my pants on, wrapped my robe around my legs, pulled the thin summer coat up under my chin and went back to sleep. When I woke up at six o'clock I was lying in the same position in which I had gone to sleep. I got up stiffly and went into the bathroom where I washed my face in cold water, for the hot water heater was not operating during the break between the close of summer school and the beginning of the fall quarter. I dried my face with one of the soiled undershirts, used the undershirt as a washcloth for a sponge bath and for washing my feet, and dried myself with another undershirt, shivering from the chill as I did so. I then hung the wet undershirts across the backs of the canebottom chairs to dry during the day. I used the corner of a soiled handkerchief to clean my teeth. Dressed in the clothing I had worn the day before and feeling despondent, I locked my door and made my way along a narrow gravel road across the valley toward town, the backside of which was visible from the win16 �Arriving in Boone: A New Beginning dow of the dormitory room. The Gateway Restaurant was open and many people were having breakfast. I ate an egg with toast, butter and jelly, and coffee, for which, as I recall, I paid twenty-five cents. Next door to the restaurant was the Sanitary Barber Shop. It was open for business by the time I had finished breakfast, and I went in for a shave. Only two barbers were on duty, though, and there were four or five ahead of me. About 7:45 I was called. By the time the barber had finished with me, I knew that I could not arrive at the school on time for the faculty meeting. On my way uptown I had crossed an alley beyond the movie theatre which I had remembered as a street but did not notice at all on the way back to the school. So, instead of turning right down the street I had come, I crossed that street and came along the block to the corner at the church. Confused by this, I hurried back to the street I had crossed, but it did not seem familiar, so I returned to the corner at the church and turned right. Soon I could see the stone building in which the high school was housed, so I hurried diagonally across the playground on which children of all ages were chasing one another and entered the high school building from the east end. Mr. Wey met me at the door. "For crying out loud! Late the first day!" I explained that I felt I had to have a shave before coming to school, for I had not shaved the preceding morning, my razor was in one of the bags that had not arrived with me, and I had felt it necessary to go to the barber shop, at which several customers had arrived ahead of me. "Well, why didn't you tell me last night? You could have used my razor! The faculty meeting is over. The kids are already gathering in the auditorium. Here is the list of the boys who will be in your homeroom. When I introduce you, read off these names and go to your classroom. You remember where your room is, don't you?" "Yes, 210." "Well, here are the schedules for your boys. Give each his schedule. At the end of the homeroom period we will go through the class schedule for the day. Yours is in your office, you remember. Have you got your key?" I reached in my pocket and flashed my key. "Well, let's go!" We hurried along down the hall, Mr. Wey in dactylic rhythm and I in double-time trochaic, our heels striking the floor together at about every third step for me. When we reached the door, he said, "Find you a seat down there somewhere," swinging his long arm in the general direction of the left front side of the auditorium. He hurried on down the center aisle to the front of the room and I along the outer wall about two-thirds of the way down, where I sank into the last seat in a row that had only three or four students seated in 17 �The Cratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone it. By then, Mr. Wey had taken his position before the student body. His "greetings" were brief. Students were to be introduced to their homeroom teachers, who would read off the room number and call the roll of the students assigned to them. After that was finished, we would all go to our homerooms and teachers would hand out schedules and answer questions. When the buzzer sounded, we would then go through the schedule for the day. He began with eighth grade. Mine was eleventh grade. I would apparently be among the last to be introduced. Several of the teachers were new. Mr. Wey made brief comments about them. Students applauded. Occasionally, a few groans were sounded when students heard their names read by teachers returning from the previous year. At last, the senior homeroom teachers were presented. The girls were pleased with their assignments. Then the teacher for one of the homerooms for senior boys was presented, a new math teacher, especially charming, whom Mr. Wey was sure the boys would like, Miss Poole. Miss Poole stood up, a pretty young woman just out of college. Her hair was arranged beautifully and her clothes were bright and stylish. All of the senior boys, it seemed, whistled in chorus, some stomped their feet, others beat their chair arms with flat hands. Mr. Wey said he knew how they felt. He felt that way, too, but he had a wife at home. The boys became quiet. Miss Poole read with a soft voice, perhaps Georgia but possibly South Carolina, the names of the boys in her homeroom. When she had finished, there was a resounding round of applause from the boys whose names she had called. Mr. Wey waited patiently for a few moments and then flung out his long arm for quiet. "The other homeroom teacher for senior boys is our new English teacher, who is taking Mrs. Rivers s place. He will have charge of dramatics this year. Girls, he is married. Mr. Williams, stand up!" I stood up at the end of the row of seats and turned to face the student body. The boys left for my homeroom sent up a chorus of groans. As the student body looked me over, others joined in the chorus. Then a chant to a rhythmical stamping of feet began, "No!" Stamp, stamp. "No!" Stamp, stamp. "No!" Stamp, stamp. It was like a cheering squad attempting to frustrate the player on the visiting team who was about to make a basket in a basketball game. I stood quietly, waiting for the protest to subside. Mr. Wey flung out his arm again and chided the students for the bad manners they were using in responding to a stranger in their midst. I smiled, bowed slightly, announced that I was pleased to be there and regretted intensely that I did not have Miss Poole's beauty and charm, but that I was sure the senior girls who liked cute short men would have loved to have me for their homeroom teacher. I paused, and some of the girls began to applaud. I bowed toward them and smiled. Then the applause increased. After a moment or two, I held out my hand for quiet, announced my room number, and read off the names of the boys in a chant similar to that used by the old time railroad porters in announcing the cities at which the train now on the tracks would stop. When I sat down, the students gave me a round of "good sport" applause. I felt that perhaps I had saved myself. We were dismissed. I followed the students out of the auditorium and made my way 18 �Arriving in Boom: A New Beginning to Room 210. Most of the boys were there ahead of me and seated. I laid my materials on the little table and stood behind it. The boys were talking among themselves and teasing one another. Little attention was paid to me, and no one said anything to me. After the buzzer sounded, the boys stopped talking and became attentive. I began by telling them that I wanted to learn as quickly as possible the name of each young man present so well that I could address him by name if I should meet him in the school building or up the street and that I wanted to learn how to pronounce correctly any names with which I was not familiar. I would therefore begin by calling the roll slowly. Would each person please hold up his hand long enough for me to get a good look at him and correct me if I mispronounced his name? With that ritual completed, I then gave out the schedules. There was considerable exchange among them in their effort to determine whether their buddies and cronies would be in the same sections with them. Teachers' names had not been listed on the schedules, only the period and the class in which each section would meet. Then there was speculation as to who of the teachers might be teaching this or that section. I did not know. Would I be teaching anything that the seniors might be taking? Yes, drama and speech were available to seniors. Three or four indicated that they would be in one or the other and one would be in both. We were finished with what we had been scheduled to do, but the buzzer for the first period to begin did not sound. I asked whether they were planning to go on to college next year. Many planned to do so. I commented that they were fortunate to have in their town a college to attend. My comment stimulated the expression of many points of view. Only people who planned to teach attended Appalachian. Many planned to go to professional schools and would be going to colleges that had degree programs that would prepare them. Some would go to Davidson College, some to Wake Forest, one or two to Lenoir Rhyne, some to North Carolina State College at Raleigh. One, who did not plan to go to college, said, "They couldn't hire me to go down here to this college." Others added, "Me, either." I refrained from asking why, but while I was struggling with the temptation to do so, the one who could not be hired to attend Appalachian said, "I wouldn't teach school if it was the last thing on earth to do." This was followed by a chorus: "Boy, me neither!" Then one of them asked me to tell them something about myself. I responded that I had grown up on a farm in Kentucky, attended a high school in town, been graduated from the University of Kentucky with both an A.B. and an M.A. in English, that I had done some additional graduate work toward a Ph.D. degree at Kentucky, and that I had taught for twelve years in Kentucky and had just come from a teaching assignment in the Apprentice School of International Nickel Company in Huntington, West Virginia, where I had taught shop mathematics. The one who could not be hired to go to Appalachian said, "You must be old." Everybody laughed. I responded that I was 31. A young man with a sensitive face who had indicated that he would be taking speech said, "You don't look that old." Others shouted, "Apple-polisher! Apple-polisher!" at him, and he smiled shyly. I said to the group, "Then, most of you think I do look that old?" There was some self-conscious squirming during a long moment of silence, broken by the one who wouldn't teach school 19 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone if it was the last thing on earth to do, obviously the joker in the group: "After teaching school twelve years, I'm surprised that you look as young as you do." The buzzer sounded, but the boys waited for me to dismiss them. I followed them to the classroom door with a warm feeling toward them and was pleased both with myself that I had not told them that I had been a high school principal for seven years and with them because they had made no reference to Miss Poole, to whom the other half of the senior boys had reported. By the time I had taken my position in the hallway, little girls began to arrive, then four or five little boys, all smiling tentatively as they passed me. I followed them into the room. There were 28 eighth grade English students, most of them thirteen and fourteen years old. I announced the section number and room number, wrote on the blackboard my name and pronounced it for them, and asked them to sign a roll that I passed around. I then asked each to hold up a hand as I called the roll and to correct me if I mispronounced a name. There were Cooks, Greens, Greers, Hodges, Millers, Moretzes, Norrises, and Winebargers among them. They were mostly "bus" students, quiet country children many of whom were coming to town to school for the first time. I remembered what Mr. Wey had said about the rough children from back in the mountains who had in the past driven off teachers they did not like. These children, so young and small, it seemed to me, to be in high school, did not appear to be ferocious. After taking and calling the roll, I asked if there were any questions. Nobody had a question so I began to tell them about myself, that I had taught seventh and eighth grade English classes eight of the twelve years I had been a public school teacher. The buzzer sounded for the second period after we had been in the room only fifteen or twenty minutes, it seemed. They got up from their seats and rushed out of the room, except one wide-eyed little boy who had smiled broadly every time my eyes had rested on him. He hung back long enough to ask me whether I had any children of my own. Later, I learned that he was retarded. Little children, dogs, lackwits, and old people had always liked me. Probably there were some things about me that were all right. The next group was the drama class of 25, which included students from the ninth, tenth, and eleventh grades, among them three or four from my homeroom group. After required routines were completed, they wanted to know what plays we would be presenting. I did not know yet, but invited them to tell me about the plays that had been presented the preceding year. Four or five starry-eyed girls who were taking the class for the second year talked about plays in which they had had parts, how excited they had been, mistakes they had made, and what a fine director Mrs. Rivers had been. I smiled vacuously when one enthusiastic supporter declared that "she couldn't be beat." When the buzzer sounded for the third period, they waited to be dismissed. One boy remained in the room, a boy also in my homeroom. Then came twelve students for the speech class, most of them boys from the tenth and eleventh grades. Many of them were planning to go to law school. One thought he might want to become a minister. Some hoped to hold public offices. Girls were interested in declamation, oratory, interpretative reading. The fourth period was my "free hour." In the normal schedule, it would come 20 �Arriving in Boom: A New Beginning immediately after lunch. I sat in my little office and looked at names on the four rolls to see with how many of them I could associate faces. I had not learned many faces the first day, certainly, but perhaps more from the homeroom group than from the classes. I had become interested in what I was finding in the files Mrs. Rivers had left in the orange crate when the buzzer sounded for the fifth period. This was another section of eighth grade English. Nineteen girls and a thin little boy with frightened eyes took their seats. These were "town" children, those who had gone through the campus elementary school and actually lived in town or had ridden buses from less than three or four miles outside the town. They were not as shy as the first-period section. Different family names were represented, too: Austin, Carroll, Clawson, Smith, Wilson; but there were Greens, Greers, Hodges, and Moretzes among them, too, polished a little brighter, a bit better dressed, somewhat more sophisticated, and with less uneasiness in their eyes than those with the same family names who had been in the morning class. There was a group spirit among them. No doubt most of them had been in the same classes together since first grade. They buzzed and hummed among themselves as they followed the routines and procedures others had followed silently. There were two sets of identical twins among them, twins dressed alike and looking so much alike that I was never able to distinguish Mary from Martha or Mary Sue from Betty Lou, and the twins sat next to each other. (I decided later in the year that they either swapped seats occasionally or the one who was better prepared responded to my question without regard for the name that I had called. Other members of the class always laughed when I called on Martha while looking at Mary, or responded to Betty Lou when Mary Sue had asked the question.) Of my four classes, I was most apprehensive about this one, which had not as a group opened up to make room for me during this first meeting. The sixth period was for the English methods class, which I would meet in the same classroom after the college students had completed registration in about two weeks. I went back into the little office and amused myself with Mrs. Rivers's files and a stack of one-act plays suitable for high school students. When the buzzer sounded, there was a roaring rumble as students rushed along the hollow-sounding wooden floors in the hallways. I went downstairs and to the office. Everybody was gone except the secretary, who gave me copies of the texts and teachers' guides I would use, a roll book, copies of attendance forms, excuse permits, and other forms that would have been given to me that morning, had I made it to the faculty meeting. There would be another faculty meeting at eight o'clock the following morning. In fact, Mr. Wey means to have the faculty meet every morning at eight o'clock this year. No, it would not be necessary that I come back that afternoon. The door to the inner office opened and Mr. Wey appeared. He wanted to know how I had gotten along with my homeroom boys. I reported. He apologized for their behavior in the assembly. I reported that no reference had been made to it at all and that it did not bother me. I was sure we were off to a good start. Remembering my fifth-period eighth grade class, I added that I hoped I was not too far away from my experience as a 21 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles; I Come to Boone teacher of eighth graders to have forgotten how to work with youngsters of that age. If I ran into difficulty, would he be willing to sit in my class for a period or two and offer suggestions for improvement? He was for a moment stunned by my question. Had I taught children of that age before? Yes, I had taught all grades in one-room schools for four years and seventh, eighth, and ninth grade English in a six-year high school for four years. He did not think I would have any difficulty, but if I should want him to visit my classes he would be pleased to do so and would help in any way he could. He then asked how I had liked my room in Newland Hall. I reported my problems, told him that I had almost frozen, and explained what I had done to keep warm. He laughed, snorted, and shook his head. I added that I would buy myself a blanket that afternoon. He thought I might find a bargain at Belk's. I took my textbooks and forms back to my office and walked up the street to the Gateway Restaurant, where I had eaten breakfast, and took a seat at the counter, for the booths and tables were occupied. Before I had had time to give my order, a young woman whom I recognized as one of the teachers at the high school but whose name I did not remember, got up from a booth, came over to me, and said, "I am Ruby Donald, the new teacher of physical education for girls at the high school. Would you join us?" I looked at her for a moment, and then glanced hurriedly at the booth from which she had come, at which three young women, one of whom I recognized as Miss Poole, were sitting. The young women, in rigid postures, were looking at us and smiling welcomes. I looked at Miss Donald, whose warm and friendly smile was reassuring and whose reddish auburn hair flowed to her shoulders, and felt that the invitation was a genuine gesture of welcome. I climbed down from the counter stool and followed her to the booth. She introduced me to Miss Poole, a new teacher of mathematics, to Miss Penix, a new teacher of science, and to Miss Tucker, the new home economics teacher. Miss Donald slid into the seat and I sat beside her. We were all new teachers at the high school. Their orders had not yet been taken. The four young women were first-year teachers. Miss Tucker and Miss Donald had graduated in the spring from Georgia State College for Women. I do not remember Miss Poole's college, but believe it might have been Newberry in South Carolina. Miss Penix was a graduate of Morehead State Teachers College in Kentucky. They were all living in the Faculty Apartments. Miss Tucker, who spoke a Georgia dialect, was talkative. Miss Poole had little to say but said it beautifully. Miss Penix, from Rowan County, Kentucky, affecting the "r" of the Deep South, spoke in carefully measured and deliberately chosen phrases. Miss Donald, who appeared to be most natural and thoroughly at ease, spoke rapidly and made a diphthong of "oo" in school, obviously coastal Middle Atlantic. I spoke somewhat refined hillbilly but made no effort to appear "Southern." The waitress came and we gave our orders. As we did so, the young women asked many questions about what was on the menu and then settled for sandwiches and iced tea. Without asking any questions, I ordered a hamburger without the onion and a glass of milk, which totaled only 20 cents, I was pleased to note. 22 �Arriving in Boone: A New Beginning Someone ventured to ask where I was living. I explained that I was temporarily housed in Newland Hall but would be living in an apartment after the present occupants had vacated it about two weeks from then. Did I have hot water at Newland? I answered there was none and that I had had to come to the barber shop for my shave that morning, and had missed the faculty meeting because there were several persons ahead of me. Would my wife be coming down later? Was she also a teacher? Yes, she hoped to join me later in the year. She was a teacher, but was not currently teaching. A quizzical look followed this, and there was an exchange of glances accompanied by an almost imperceptible nodding of heads as if all had arrived at "Uh-hunh!" simultaneously. Did I have children? "Well, no. Not any to speak of, that is." Only Miss Donald laughed, but the others, faces slightly downcast, peeped upward at me in a kind of "Ah! You naughty man!" attitude. Conversation then turned to what had taken place at the school that morning. There was resentment against having a faculty meeting at eight o'clock every morning. Wouldn't a faculty meeting once a week, and in the afternoon, for Heaven's sake!, be enough? Someone then asked me how I pronounced "sophomore." I responded. "Mr. Wey says 'sowphomore,'" Miss Tucker said. I had never heard that pronunciation. Perhaps it reflected a German influence on his speech, as in "sauerkraut." Miss Donald laughed. Miss Penix smiled. The other two were puzzled, not certain whether I had said something downright stupid or too brilliant for them to comprehend. What do you think of the students at the high school? Miss Poole was, for the first time in our conversation, effusive. Her homeroom boys were the cutest things! Miss Tucker had been disappointed in the students she had met. They seemed to be so dumb! Miss Penix thought they were nice kids, especially those from town, and the country kids were shy, but they would come along in time. I thought she spoke from a wealth of experience. Miss Donald made no comment. Miss Tucker asked me what I thought. I responded that I was a mountaineer myself and that the students were in general not any different, so far as I had been able to tell, from students I had taught for twelve years in Eastern Kentucky. The town students might be a little more serious than town students I had known in Kentucky, but it is difficult to distinguish stupidity from self consciousness and shyness in students "from back in the mountains" until you have had a chance to see them perform. Sometimes some of them turn out to be your best students. Except for Miss Penix, there was a feeling of disappointment in what these eager firstyear teachers in a demonstration high school had found here. The town seemed so dull, too, and it was so far from everything! Perhaps it would be more interesting when the college faculty members returned from vacation and the college students arrived. What did I think of Boone and the school? The town was quaint and charming. The high mountains were beautiful. Even the sky at night had an awesome depth, a mystery, a something that made a difference. I liked it. The school had not yet come out of the Depression, and there were makeshifts, but the new principal was a fair, sincere, and capable man. Following lunch, I took leave of the young women and walked up the street as far as the courthouse, a square structure with almost white mortar framing each dull red brick 23 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone and a round window in the top that looked like the eye of a Cyclops staring boldly across the little valley. People I met along the street spoke to me as if they knew me, including older women. I then crossed the street at the courthouse and came back to the post office, a beautiful little building on a hillock near the corner of Depot Street and King Street. It was built of native stone, slabs of which varied in color from one stone to another. Across an inside wall was a mural depicting Daniel Boone on his way to Kentucky. Daniel was wearing a hat rather than the usual coonskin cap. As I slipped my letter to Sylvia into the out-oftown slot, I noticed on a placard on one of the bulletin boards a determined Uncle Sam proclaiming that he "needs you." I presented myself at the window and requested that any mail I might receive be held for me for the next two weeks until I would know where on campus I would be living. The lady who talked with me asked how I spelled "Gratis" as she wrote my name on a pad, offering no comment about the unusualness of my name. She was a small woman with a faint smile playing around very blue but sad eyes and a pleasant, soft voice. Behind her at work at a table stood a large man with hair that stood up across the top of his Prussian head. He paused, a bundle of letters in "hold" position in his hand, and looked at me for a moment. I then crossed the street on the corner by the bank and made my way to Belk's to purchase a blanket. A friendly man came toward me as I entered and asked whether he could help me. I explained that I was interested in a fullsize cotton blanket, a double one if he had it. He advised that I might find something in the bargain basement and led me to the broad stairway beside the entrance. In the long basement room there were only two or three women standing at tables and turning items of merchandise over as they squinted at price tags in the dim light. A small woman came toward me and asked whether she could help me. I told her what I wanted. She led me to the far back of the room, pulled on a light over a table, and invited me to study the bargains. Soon I found a lightweight blanket of flannel-like material, white with large pale blue checks on it, and made of 100 percent cotton. It was full size and was washable. The bargain price was only $2.50. I took it to the clerk, who slipped it into a bag made of thin slick paper. When I peeped into my pocketbook and drew out a five dollar bill, I noticed that I had only a ten dollar bill left in it. That, the change I would receive from the clerk, and the loose change in my pocket would have to be spent carefully if it were to meet my needs for the remaining twenty-eight days of September, I thought rapidly as I handed the clerk the five dollar bill. She smiled with curiosity in her eyes as she handed me the change, but she did not ask who I was. From Belks I went to the ten-cent store on the corner and bought a water glass and a cake of soap, which I slipped into the paper bag. Then I went by the bus station to see whether my bags might have arrived. They had not, but the station master, who was not the same small older man I had talked with the preceding evening but a middle-aged man with a large and completely bald head, said they might be on the bus from Elizabethton that would arrive about the "edge of dark." He was an extremely friendly, helpful man, whose voice, when he turned and answered the telephone once or twice while we were talking, slid upward as if he were asking a question even when he made simple statements. He 24 �Arriving in Boone: A New Beginning pronounced "Elizabethton" as if it were a question even though he placed heavy stress on "beth." He told me that my bags might have gone from Bluefield to Winston-Salem. If so, they would be sent up directly from Winston-Salem but they might not arrive for two or three days. He would be glad to call me when they arrived if I cared to leave my telephone number. I explained that I was housed temporarily in Newland Hall and could be reached at the high school during school hours, but that I did not know the telephone number for either. He would look that up. He then looked at my name on the copy of the slip the older man had filled out, held it rather far in front of him, moved his glasses forward on his nose, and said "C-R-A-T-I-S? Crattis Williams?" I pronounced the name for him. He made no comment about the unusual first name, but asked, "Where are you from, Dr. Williams?" Noting the complimentary title, never before uttered, but unwilling at the moment to go into my credentialing, I responded that I had come to Boone from Huntington, West Virginia, but that I had grown up in Kentucky. "Oh, old Kaintuck? What town in Kaintuck?" When I answered that I was from a little place called Elaine about twenty miles west of Louisa in Lawrence County, he asked, "Is that anywhere near Pikeville?" Louisa, I explained, is located at the forks of the Big Sandy River and is about 90 miles down the river from Pikeville. He had relatives who had been in the drug business at Pikeville along with some of the Greers, who had gone up there to Kaintuck from " Wattogga" County. Had I ever heard of the Greer Drug Company? It dealt in roots and herbs. I had not. He then welcomed me to Boone and offered to help me any way he could. If I wanted to, I could call a little past six o'clock, since the bus from Elizabethton "ordinarily" made it on time, and ask whether my bags had come, unless I just wanted to walk back then. "My name is Herman Wilcox,"16 he said, as he reached to shake hands with me while I shifted my paper bag from my right hand to my left. I could see the top of Newland Hall peeping over the profile of a long green hill to the right front of the bus station. A narrow gravel road that did not seem to be used very much led in that direction, but I preferred to walk back across the bridge over the little creek and down a street with broken pavement and many potholes in it that was located behind the buildings that faced Main Street. There were no sidewalks along this street. Near the lower end of it was a complex of shabby structures that I took at first to be a sawmill and lumber company. I was finally able to see a sign painted on a long white board above one of the buildings: "Levites Pipe Company." It occurred to me that the sign painter had left out the apostrophe between "Levite" and "s," and then I wondered what people used wooden pipes for. Back in the dormitory room I removed the tags from the blanket and dressed one of the beds with it, arranging it so I would be sleeping between the double. Then I removed '"Herman Wilcox served as Linville River Railroad agent and manager of Western Union before acquiring franchises for the Greyhound, Queen City, and Trailway buses through Boone. He also served two motor truck lines and Railway Express. Tweetsie railroad made its last trip from Boone to Johnson City, Tenn. in 1940 (see note 18). Wilcox later acquired the depot property on 211 Depot St. and built the rock business building which served for many years as the transportation center for Boone, where he also established Wilcox Travel Agency. 25 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone the undershirts from the backs of the canebottom chairs and sat down and wrote Sylvia's mother a letter telling her about my experiences in getting off to a new start in Boone and asked her to go through the things we had brought to her home, select four good sheets, two pillow cases, a quilt, and a small pillow and send them to me "general delivery." Possibly she could use one of the boxes in which we had packed things. I was pleased that, since she was the postmistress at Cherokee, Kentucky, she would not have to carry the package to a post office. I wrote Sylvia a letter, too, and told her about my first night in Boone, missing the faculty meeting, running through the schedule, lunch with the new young teachers, one a graduate of Morehead State Teachers College, also Sylvia's alma mater, but Sylvia had graduated in 1937. I picked up trash from the room, stacked in the closet things that I thought might be useful to Mr. Dukes, including magazines, piled the newspapers on the other bed, and went down to the keeper's room to borrow a broom and a dustpan. He was not in, but I found what appeared to be a janitor's room unlocked. I borrowed a broom but could find no dustpan. There were light bulbs on a shelf. I took one for the bathroom light. There were boxes of toilet paper, too, but I had been given a roll of toilet paper. I went back and swept the room, using a sheet from a newspaper for a dustpan, returned the broom, put in the light bulb, cleaned the wash basin and the commode, cleaned the mirrors with some of the toilet paper, and dusted the tables and the dresser top. About three o'clock I decided to walk back to the school and work out lesson plans for the following day. I spent two or three hours looking through the texts and the teacher's guides and wrote down on a pad my plans for each class. I could hear occasionally sounds from other offices and people walking up and down the hall. High school boys were practicing football in a field below a splendid oak tree that stood on the lower side of the street across from the high school building. I could hear the voice of the coach rising and falling, but could not understand what he was saying. Having finished my lesson plans, I stood at the window of the office and looked up and down the valley and at the high tree-covered ridge that rose behind Newland Hall. The sun was swimming along above an evergreen forest that grew on the crest of the long green hill along which I had looked when I had seen the top of Newland Hall from the bus station. From a ravine behind the little restaurant that stood across from the bus station a cloud of smoke was rising from the town dump and drifting along the top of the pine trees. Long fingers of dark shadow were feeling their way softly across the little valley. To the southeast was a dark looking brick building among pine trees on the hill across the ravine to the left of Newland. Peeping over the line of young maple trees growing along the driveway up to Newland was the top of a white frame building, much in need of a new coat of paint. It was in the Victorian style and had fire escapes from its upper windows. A flat, green building that looked much like a country store stood behind a little structure of round logs chinked with mud that I thought might have been a grist mill. A wooden stadium was backed against the creek that flowed by the college football field, at the lower end of which was an ugly brick gymnasium with small windows. The gymnasi26 �Arriving in Boone: A New Beginning um and the football field looked as if they had been built with no thought given to the fact that they were on a flood plain. Although it was only September 2nd, some of the trees among the hardwood forest on the high ridge were beginning to show touches of red and yellow. The air was clear and quiet. Details in the sunlight were sharp. Shadows were black patches on the landscape. The sky was blue and deep and far away. I closed my door, walked back to the post office and posted my letters, and then made my way to the little restaurant across from the bus station. People were there, some at tables and some at the counter. Music from the jukebox was loud, "Rosie O'Day" and "Blues in the Night" still being chosen from time to time. As I sat at a small table alone and listened to the music, I thought of Huntington, the plant, and the apprentices, who came charging across the courtyard echoing "Rosie O'Day" and strolling into the classroom singing "Blues in the Night." I remembered with a sense of release the incident of the White Owl cigars, the stench in the early morning air in Huntington, the heat in the upstairs room in which I tried to sleep from four a.m. to noon each day, the noise from the traffic on Fifth Avenue, the exhausting six hours each night of teaching ten sections of apprentices, each section coming once a week, the dull monotony of repeating the same thing in three-hour stretches ten times a week, from nine p.m. to three a.m. each night. I was glad to be in Boone, and breathed deeply in appreciation. The hostess came and left a menu. Soon the waitress came, dressed in a green and blue uniform that picked up the color motif of the little restaurant, both inside and out. I ordered a breaded pork chop, green beans, and mashed potatoes with a glass of milk, painfully noting that, although the dessert that came with the dinner was Ma Angell's famous apple cobbler, the price was 35 cents. I would have spent 80 cents that day for food! If my $ 13 plus a little change were to support me for the rest of the month, I would have to eat for about 50 cents a day. Perhaps I could buy some bread and cheese, a bottle of buttermilk, and a few apples at a grocery store, things that would not have to be refrigerated, and bring costs down by eating a sandwich and an apple in my room occasionally. I could handle the food budget better when I got into the little apartment, which had a refrigerator and an electric stove in it, but I would have to buy pots and pans, cutlery, plates and glasses, and a dish or two. The food was good. That was the first full "dinner" I had eaten since Sunday evening. I was hungry and found Ma Angell's delicious cobbler justly famous. I did not leave a tip, one rarely did in Boone in those days. I paid my bill and walked over to the bus station. The bus arrived "about the edge of dark," as Mr. Wilcox had predicted. It was packed. Many of those who got off grabbed their bags as soon as they were set on the sidewalk and raced for Ma Angell's Restaurant. Others embraced people who had come to meet them, some in cars and some on foot, and went away with them. Others picked up luggage and walked toward town as if they might have been going to the Daniel Boone Hotel and were eager to get there in time for dinner. My bags did not come. Perhaps they would come up from Winston-Salem tomorrow. 27 �The Cratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone I had not really expected the bags to arrive. I went back to the dormitory to see what I might do to improve my appearance for the following day. I had worn my shirt, underwear, and sox for two days. I could hardly afford to risk a third day, considering that the trip down from Beckley had been a rumpling one and that I had perspired a great deal. After examining my soiled clothes carefully, I decided that the shirt I was wearing was the best candidate for the next day, so I pulled it off, wet the underarm areas, rubbed Bouquet soap on the wet spots, and washed the areas in the cold water in the basin, the wet circles getting bigger as I washed. I then rinsed them in cold water twice, discovering that the odor of the soap would not come out. But I wrung the wet places as dry as I could, pulled the wrinkles out, and hung the shirt over a chair. I washed two undershirts and two pairs of shorts, applying Bouquet soap generously, and spread them on newspapers on the floor to dry. Sox were more difficult. It seemed that the toes became stiffer as I tried to rinse the soap out of them. I had no way to iron them, but if I should wash two handkerchiefs, spread them between newspapers, and put the newspapers under my new cotton blanket, they might dry smooth from the weight and warmth of my body. I then put on one of the soiled shirts, pulled on my thin summer coat, and went through the pile of newspapers, pausing to read feature articles and human interest stories that appealed to me. Not yet adjusted completely to the change of my daily work routine, I soon became sleepy and began to nod over the newspaper stories. I prepared for bed by slipping on an extra pair of sox, an extra undershirt and pair of shorts, and two soiled shirts. I had taken two or three toothpicks at Angell's Restaurant in order to try to keep my teeth clean until my baggage arrived, for I did not want to spend money for a new toothbrush and paste. Standing before the mirror in the now well-lighted bathroom, I picked my teeth carefully and then cleaned their surfaces with the corner of a handkerchief, following which I washed my mouth out several times with the cold water from the tap. Remembering the deep sky the preceding night, I turned off the light and stood by the window again. The sky did not look as deep and the stars shimmered behind a thin mist. Lights along the streets of the town shimmered in the mist in the breeze that was moving in the little maple trees on the hill below the dormitory. Perhaps the weather was changing. I cracked the window a half inch, turned the light on again, unfolded newspapers and laid them across the blanket, put the bathrobe over the papers, spread my coat above the bathrobe, wound my watch and placed it on a chair beside the bed, turned out the light, and crawled between the new clean smelling cotton blanket. I had freedom to move with this improved sleeping arrangement. Newspapers did not slip as easily over a flannel surface as they did over the hard cloth in shirts and shorts. I slept comfortably, but was dimly aware from time to time of the wind and the sweeping of the windowpanes by light showers. 28 �c Settling into Boone When I woke up at 6:30 instead of 6:00, I sprang out of bed and began to prepare hastily for the day. I took another sponge bath, but felt cleaner because I had used soap. I would not try to go by the barber shop for a shave this time. My beard was light. Perhaps I could get through a second day without a shave. My clean sox and underwear were still damp, and the circles under the arms of my shirt had not yet dried, but I put them on anyway. I went hurriedly over the surface of my teeth again and rinsed my mouth with cold water. The handkerchiefs under my blanket were dry but needed to be touched up with an iron. I smoothed one out with the palm of my hand, folded it carefully, and slipped it into my pocket. I was ready to go, and it was only seven o'clock. I had enough time for breakfast, I thought. The morning was dark. Clouds rolled along the valley rapidly. I could not see the mountain behind town at all, and the top of the knob that stretched toward the east was hidden in a cloud. A light rain was falling and I had no raincoat or umbrella. Perhaps Mr. Cornett, the host for the dormitory, had one. I went by his room to see. He was up and the odor of the bacon he was cooking on a hotplate filled his room. No, he did not have an extra umbrella or raincoat either. There might be an umbrella in the storeroom. We looked, but there was none there. I said I would have to spread newspapers over my head and shoulders. "Wait," he said. "I believe I still have the laundry cover for the last suit I sent to the cleaners." He did. I tore a hole in it big enough for it to slip over my head, ripped it down at the corners far enough to get my arms out, put my hat on, and started at a fast clip, the paper slapping my knees. The laundry cover had come unglued by the time I had reached the street by the high school build29 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone ing, but I held it together as best I could and rushed on to the Gateway Restaurant. At the door, I took off the laundry cover, folded it carefully, tucked it under my arm, and entered. I was not very wet. The cuffs of my trousers were dark looking, I felt damp across the shoulders, and one of my shoes leaked, but otherwise I had come through pretty well protected, I concluded. I took a stool at the counter, slipped my bundle behind the foot-rail, and ordered an egg sandwich with coffee, noting with satisfaction that the price was only fifteen cents, what I had paid at the White Tower in Huntington for the same thing. The sandwich was ready in four or five minutes. A better bargain than a White Tower sandwich, it had in it thin slices of dill pickle, and one of the slabs of bread had been brushed with mayonnaise. It was served open, steaming hot and inviting a dash or two of black pepper. I normally took my coffee straight, but since cream and sugar did not cost extra, even though sugar was being rationed at the time, I took both when I remembered that I needed to get as much food for my money as possible. I ate the sandwich rapidly, gulped down the coffee, laid fifteen cents on the check by the cash register, and rushed out. The rain had stopped, but it might begin again soon. I hurried on. Just before I reached the school building another brisk shower came, but I decided to dash to the building rather than fool with trying to get the laundry cover unfolded and around me again. My toes were squishing inside the shoe that had a hole in the sole, my coat, wet across the shoulders, had dark splotches down the front, my pants, quite wet below the knees, no longer had creases. My shirt collar was turned up at the tips, and my tie was splashed. Inside the door, I looked at my watch. It was 7:40. I slipped up the end stairway to my office, took off my right shoe and sock, wrung the water from my sock and forced wadded up construction paper into my shoe to absorb as much moisture as it could while I cut out an insole from the cardboard back of a paper pad. I pulled the construction paper out and trimmed the insole to size. Then I made a second insole from a sheet of doubled construction paper and slipped them all into the shoe, put it on, and laced it up. My foot felt warm and dry. I took off my coat and slipped two sheets of construction paper under my shirt and across my shoulders and an undoubled manila folder between them and the shirt. After patting the paper into the shape of my body as best I could, I put my coat on, buttoned it, picked up a pencil and pad, and went downstairs. When I noticed that it was 7:55, I went into the washroom and combed my hair, tugged at the corners of my shirt collar and tucked them under the lapels of my coat, adjusted my wet tie, and hurried to the lounge. Mr. Wey was there, his watch in his hand, waiting. Perhaps half the faculty had assembled. Others were rushing in, some without having gone by their offices to leave their raincoats and umbrellas. I took a seat by the door and leaned back against the wall, enjoying the warmth that was glowing between the paper inside my shirt and my chilled shoulders. When I crossed my right leg over my left knee, I remembered the white spot of cardboard that showed through the sole of my right shoe and reversed the arrangement, aware of the odor of Bouquet soap that was fogging up from my steaming clothes. 30 �Settling Into Boone Mr. Wey began the meeting with the observation to newcomers that we were experiencing a sample of Boone weather and that we might find it convenient to keep an extra umbrella and a raincoat in our offices, for the weather can change in a half hour here in these mountains. He summarized briefly the registration procedures and the problems that had surfaced in the trial run of the schedule and how they were being handled. He reviewed the uses of certain forms we had been given the previous day, advised that we dismiss classes promptly but that we not permit students to get up from their seats until we had formally dismissed the class, that we take a position in the hallway by our classroom doors during the change of classes, that we prepare absence and tardy reports for our homerooms first thing and hand them to the hall monitor near our room. There had not been enough textbooks to go around in some subjects, but others were expected soon and there would be an announcement when they arrived. Sometimes announcements would be made through the intercom system. Teachers and students were to stop in the middle of a sentence if necessary to hear announcements from the office. Later, we would have fire drills, but he would go more into that at a subsequent meeting. He then asked if there were questions. An older teacher asked whether he wanted to say anything about the use of the library. Some teachers, he explained, managed their classes with a minimum of lecturing and discussion and provided for supervised study for a part of this time. This was a good time to permit students to go to the library, but no more than two or three should be sent at a time and a permit signed by the teacher and initialed by the librarian or an authorized helper must be issued to each student excused for library privileges. Students who required a great deal of help during the supervised study period should not be permitted to go to the library from the classroom. They could check out what they needed during their study hall period. When another teacher, a new man in social studies, raised a question about the fairness of this arrangement, Mr. Wey explained that most of the good students took up to six or seven subjects and had no study hall hour—some had a regular five-course load and then added music, or art, or typewriting, or an elective. The newcomer found it strange that students were permitted to undertake so much. Mr. Wey responded that it was these very students who were the highest achievers and that many of them were graduated with 24 credits. The new teacher signed off with "Jeez!" in amazement as he looked around the room to see how others were responding. I maintained a stony silence. There were no more questions. Mr. Wey then explained that the cafeteria in the basement would be open today for lunch. Not many students living in town used it. Children who qualified on the basis of poverty could eat there free. The manager of the cafeteria knew who they were. Others could eat there for a nickel a meal. The food was simple, nutritious, and unusually well prepared, and was probably the only good meal some of the children, who came to school without having had breakfast, got all day. Teachers who wished to eat there could if they wanted to do so. A teacher paid a dime. With this announcement I made some rapid calculations. Perhaps I could manage to make my money last to the end of the month. We were dismissed. I was proud of myself for not having raised any questions or offered any observations. 31 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone On his way out, Mr. Wey stopped to ask whether my luggage had come. He said, "I knew it hadn't. You'll not get it until about Saturday, and you might never get all of it. I brought one of my razors for you. I use an electric razor in my office after I get here every morning. The razor I brought for you is on the shelf in my washroom. I don't have to use shaving cream with my electric razor, but when I lived in a fraternity house at 'Turr Hut' 17 1 used to use just ordinary toilet soap when I shaved with a safety razor." I told him I had not tried to make it to the barbershop this morning and might like to come by and use his razor during my free period. "Come right on," he said. "If I'm not there the secretary will let you go on in." He then wanted to know how I was liking my room. I explained that I had bought a double blanket the day before and had been comfortable last night, but that I missed not having warm water for bathing. I had taken sponge baths in cold water two days in a row. He shook his head, laughed a light little laugh, and snorted in a manner I had observed before, perhaps one of his idiosyncrasies, and hurried on. He was taking an interest in my personal welfare and had actually taken the time to bring me one of his own razors. Possibly he was not really as negatively disposed toward me as I had thought. I hurried up to my room, noting that the water splotches on my clothes were now barely visible but that my pants were wrinkled and baggy and my coat sleeves were drawing up. I slipped into my office and pulled the manila folder and construction paper from under my shirt, which was still damp but not wet. My coat was almost dry. The uppers of my right shoe, soaked from the inside, were still wet and the sole of the shoe was beginning to curl up at the edges. I looked at my watch and decided I would have time, if I hurried, to replace the construction paper insole with another, for it had begun to roll up from the moisture it had drawn from my wet sock. I took the shoe off, drew out the construction paper, laid it down as a pattern on another sheet of folded construction paper, outlined it with a pencil, cut it out and slipped it into my shoe. The buzzer sounded while I was tying the lace. Classes that morning were routine first-time classes. I was unable to associate many faces with names, even though I called rolls and looked students in the faces again as they held up hands in response. Few questions were asked about assignments, which preceded work periods followed by questions which I asked, all as an introduction to exercises and activities assigned for completion before the next meeting. Much of the work for the eighth grade section was review of essentials learned in the seventh grade. My lunch hour began at twelve noon. Four or five of the older teachers were in line for the ten-cent lunch at the cafeteria, where we filed by a window to the kitchen, deposited our dimes on a counter, and waited for a helper to place before us a plate of food and a glass of milk. The lunch consisted of a modest but delicious serving of meat loaf, mashed potatoes with gravy, spinach, a hot biscuit, and two waffled oatmeal cookies, each about an inch by an inch and a half in size. That for a dime, an egg sandwich and coffee for breakl7 Terra Haute, Indiana 32 �Settling Into Boone fast for fifteen cents, suppers alternating between something inexpensive in my room and a 35 to 45 cent meal at a restaurant might enable me to make out to the end of the month without having to ask for an advance or sell my first months check at a discount. There was not a special table for members of the faculty, but we sat together, some on one side and some on the other, at one of the ten or twelve long, narrow tables with folding wooden chairs on either side. We were unanimous in our praise of the quality of the food and wondered whether, at prices like that, the cafeteria could keep it up. In our conversation we judiciously refrained from discussing our classes and our students. Following lunch, I walked off the school grounds and toward town a few yards to smoke a cigarette. Many of the school boys, some of whom were in my classes, were standing in little clumps as they smoked. I did not offer to join them, but when I took my position, two or three of my students from the morning section of the eighth grade came and stood with me. They rode the bus to school. We talked about what farm boys do before leaving for school in the morning, after returning from school in the afternoon, and on Saturday and Sunday. They were surprised that I knew about and understood living on a mountain farm. I teased about our being "sinners," since smoking was forbidden on school grounds and we had to slip away from the righteous to enjoy our little taste of sin in shame. They found this most delightful. As time went on that year, the number to assemble with me for a smoke on and around a flat rock across the little branch that marked the boundary line of the school grounds grew. Smoking in washrooms, under the stairs, and in the furnace room stopped almost altogether. Mr. Wey noticed. Sometimes he would refer in announcements to "Smokers' Rock," but we called it "Sinners' Rock." During my office hour Mr. Wey came by to tell me that he had called to see whether there might be a room at Faculty Apartments that I could use until the Antonakoses moved out. Faculty Apartments had no hot water either between terms, but the rooms there were nicer and I would have a better chance to become acquainted with other members of the faculty, it would be closer to the high school than Newland Hall, and I might enjoy it more, if I wished to move. Also, I could use guest towels and linens the hostess would provide, and there was maid service. I was delighted at the prospect for a change. Well, if I would come by the office after my last class, his secretary would let me know whether anything had been worked out, if he himself should not happen to be available. His visit was brief. My hopes rose high. I would not be receiving the package from Mrs. Graham for four or five days, perhaps longer. In the meantime, sleeping between sheets again and with a pillow under my head, having a washcloth and a towel (even with only cold water for washing), maid service, the comfort of hearing other people walking in the halls or talking in rooms close by would be a luxury. My afternoon class was less pleasant than the morning classes had been. The little girls seemed tired and irritable. Their response to my assignment of review exercises was a half-hearted one, and they buzzed like angry bees. When I proceeded to the question-and33 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone answer phase of my plan, though, they were more responsive, many speaking at once, but all continuing to carry along the undertone of talking back and forth, and passing things from one to the other, over which they giggled. When I led into the homework assignment one protested. The teachers all day had been piling on assignments. Besides, they had done all of this "old stuff" last year. Somewhat stunned, I responded that if I should discover next day they did not need the review, we would move right on to new things, but that I doubted seriously whether it would be possible to dispense with homework. They were in high school now, and high school students are expected to do more homework and library work than grade school students. A question then rose as to how much time a high school student should spend in preparing for each class she takes. Falling headlong into the trap, I thought an hour of preparation each day for subjects like English, social studies, mathematics, science might be about right. Classes like shop, typewriting, physical education might not require as much outside preparation. This appeared to precipitate general antagonism. How was one to find four or five hours a day to do homework? Study! Study! Study! Students need some time for fun. I recognized that I had a class of bright youngsters with some ideas of their own and that I would have to exert special effort and plan work and activities carefully to keep them motivated and achieving. It was too bad that we met each other so late in the day! We might get along better if we met the first hour in the morning. Although the sun was not shining, the afternoon was warm. Even with the windows open, odors of fatigue, anger, and clothing that had been drying all day on uncomfortable and tiring little girls commingled in the room. I noted that I was smelling stale myself. Long before the buzzer was to sound, they began to assemble their books and materials on their chair arms in anticipation of a rush from the room. I reminded them that one of the regulations of the school was that students were not to rise from their seats until the teacher had formally dismissed the class. They waited, some with blazing eyes, others with smiles of amusement. Perhaps they were not a solid wall of resentment after all, I thought, as I said, "Class dismissed." Suddenly, I was very tired. I walked to the classroom door and watched the students hurry down the hall. Then, turning off the lights, I went over and closed the windows and adjusted the Venetian blinds. Back in my office, I stood at the window and studied the landscape for a few minutes, noting that the sky was darkening again. The air was clean and details in the landscape were sharp and clear, even in cloudy weather. The smoke from the town dump hovered close to the ground. I sat down for a few minutes of meditation and self-searching questions. While allowing my mind to flow freely and my memory to hopscotch the events of the day, I remembered that I had not gone by Mr. Wey s office to use the razor he had brought. I rubbed my hand against the bristles across my chin and decided that perhaps I had not needed a shave after all, but that I would go down and get the razor and use it until my luggage came. As I rose from the canebottom chair, I noted that a light shower was pattering against the window panes. Mr. Wey was not in right then but he had left word that I would come by for the razor he had brought. Miss Teems, the very young secretary, went on to say that Mr. Wey 34 �Settling Into Boone had asked her to tell me that a room in the Faculty Apartments was available until the college faculty members returned. I would have Miss Helen Foster's room. Miss Foster had called Mr. Wilson to say that she would not be arriving until after registration. If the Antonakoses should happen to be a day or two late getting away to Chapel Hill, by being in Miss Foster's room, I would still have a room until the apartment was available. The maid had prepared the room for me and I could move into it when I was ready. I went into the principals washroom and put his razor in my pocket, noting that I had not had a private washroom, not even a basin in a closet, in either of the offices I had occupied while I had been a high school principal. On the way back to my office, I stopped at the top of the stairs and studied the mountain behind the town. I had not yet heard it referred to, so did not know whether it had a name. It rose high and green. I could see little weathered houses scattered about on its lower slopes and a trail wound to a saddle gap between it and the knob that reached toward the east. The sky was blue beyond the top of the mountain. Perhaps the clouds hanging over Boone would be moving on and I would be able to walk over and get my things in Newland Hall without getting wet again. I prepared my lesson plans for the following day, giving special attention to the afternoon class, in case I should need to adapt my plans following the discussion of the review exercises I had assigned. By 3:30 the clouds had moved on and the sun was shining again. I walked to Newland Hall along the narrow gravel road, noting that the earth was still wet and that the cardboard insole of my right shoe was soaking up moisture. The first thing I did in the room was to change my shoes and sox. I did not like to wear brown shoes with blue or grey suits, but the brown shoes had new half-soles and heels. I would have to wear them without regard for my preference until the end of the month. My brown belts were in one of the lost bags, so I would have to wear a black belt with brown shoes and a blue-grey suit until I could do better. The hat of panama straw, for which I had blue, maroon, and tan bands, but which then had a blue band on it, had become floppy and dented in the rain. I would try to shape it up and let it dry when I reached Faculty Apartments. Packing was not difficult. The bag was not very heavy, but there was not room in it for the blanket. However, I had kept the bag in which the blanket came. My bag in one hand and my bundle under my other arm, I went by the keeper's room to leave the key and report that I was vacating the room. He was not there. I tore off a piece of the bag, held it against the door, and wrote on it a note thanking him for courtesies, especially the laundry cover that morning, and telling him that I was moving to Faculty Apartments. I wrapped the paper around the key and slid it under his door. I was pleased to be leaving Newland Hall. Mrs. Coffey was expecting me. She had a key to Miss Foster s room ready for me and repeated what Miss Teems had told me about the maid having prepared the room for me. When I was ready to leave the room, I could return to her the linens, towels, and washrags. 35 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone I went up the three flights of creaking stairs and found the room, which was the middle one above the second floor reception room. A small but cheerful room with a large curtained window that overlooked the main part of the campus, it was furnished with bright surfaced maple furniture, a bed, a desk and chair, a bedside stand with a lamp on it, a bedroom chair, and a chest of drawers with a framed mirror on the wall above it. I could be comfortable here, I thought, as I unpacked things and put my cake of Bouquet soap, waterglass, and the borrowed razor in the little chest with a mirror in the door above the wash basin. I spread my blue-checked blanket over the bed and folded it back in readiness for a good night's rest, * ,. z ir =e Figure D. Faculty Apartments at Appalachian State Teachers College, circa 1942, Photo courtesy of Ruby Daniel. I would have to have clean clothes, so I put shirts, underwear, and sox in the bag in which the blanket had come and walked uptown to a laundry I had seen up the street above the post office. My laundry would be ready for me the following afternoon, I was told. I decided also that having my suit pressed while I waited was a necessity, although it really needed cleaning, too. I went into a booth with a curtain before it and handed out my suit to be pressed. It was ready in a few minutes, the cloth stiffer than usual and the odor of perspiration rising warmly from it. Although creased and smoothed, the pressing had emphasized its shabbiness, it seemed to me. I paid a quarter and left. Walking back to the bus station along the street the bus had come two days before, I looked in the windows of shops along the way. There was a theatre at which western movies were shown. Near it was a little restaurant called Ruth's Place, in which beer was served. Walker's Jewelry Store had displays of bargains in the window. Boone Tire and Furniture was exhibiting new styles in house furnishings. Another restaurant near Farmer's Hardware had a shelf of wine behind the counter where the cash register was. People were already waiting for dinner in it. I turned at the bank down Depot Street, passed the ancient town hall, and made my way again toward Angell's Restaurant, thinking as I walked along that I might enjoy eating 36 �Settling Into Boone next month in the restaurant in which wine was sold unless it was considered improper in Boone for a teacher to dine in a place in which alcoholic beverages were available. I stopped at the bus station and asked whether my bags had come. They had not, but they might be on the bus that would arrive from Elizabethton. It was barely five o'clock, too early to eat. Only two or three persons were in Angell's Restaurant. Since I was wearing my brown shoes with new heels and soles, I could risk a walk on an unpaved road that led toward the town dump. If I were careful, perhaps I would not get my feet wet. I walked past a weathered log cabin of ancient vintage and with a vine-covered porch on which stood canebottom chairs, the same kind of a cabin and porch that I had seen many times over in the hollows and coves near Elaine. Old-fashioned flowers grew in the yard and against the chimney of stone and mud. I was surprised to see an authentic old cabin in town, and so close to the bus station. I thought it might well be the oldest residence in Boone and was probably being preserved by some family that had lived in it for generations, possibly since before the time the town was founded. Beyond the cabin the road became little more than a muddy trail. Deciding not to pursue it farther, I turned back and walked along the little-used gravel road toward Newland Hall. The road ran parallel to the creek a part of the way. Behind a swampy area, in which was an ancient spring with a tree growing beside it, was a dark green cottage made of boards and battens and with a tarpaper-covered roof. A rich garden with green things growing in it stretched along the lower side of the hillside behind it. Later, I learned that the spring beside the tree had been the one from which Daniel Boone had carried water to his hunting cabin at the foot of the hill on which Newland Hall stood. I could see that the narrow road had been a railroad bed until recently. A few halfrotted ties were strung along beside it and there were indentations where ties had been half buried along the edges of the road. At one point the creek bank had broken off almost to the edge of the road. The creek bed was littered with refuse from the town, and pieces of lumber, limbs of trees, parts of furniture, and evidences of the 1940 flood18 that had washed the little railroad out, lay along the creek. Having walked as far as the row of black cherry trees that stood beside an abandoned fence at the southern end of the green hill, I turned back toward the restaurant. A few people had arrived for dinner. A black-haired waitress, in her fresh green and blue dress, was taking orders. The ground beef steak and French fried potatoes I ordered were overcooked, prepared no doubt ahead of time in readiness for a rush when the bus arrived from Elizabethton, but the pickle was good, the coleslaw fresh, the milk rich and cold, and the price reasonable. It was pleasant also to hear again familiar tunes on the jukebox. The bus, on time, was crowded, as it had been on Monday and Tuesday. Some of those who got off were persons who had gotten off the preceding day also, possibly salesI8 ln 1940 flooding in the southern Appalachians devastated local residents, local communities, and local and regional transportation, disrupting rail connections for the ET&WNC Railroad as well, incuding the famous "Tweetsie" line into Boone. 37 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone men who worked the little towns between Elizabethton and Boone or teachers who commuted to their schools by bus because they could not get enough gasoline to drive their cars. I stood against the wall of the little bus station and watched a friendly and efficient black man unload the baggage, piece by piece, but my bags had not come. Without bothering the station master for other opinions about when I might expect my bags to arrive, I struck out for Faculty Apartments, taking Depot Street back to the corner of the main street, where the ten-cent store stood, and along the street toward the corner at the Baptist Church. People lounged against iron railings to basement steps, leaned against the front ends of the few cars parked before the two drug stores and the restaurants, and stood in little groups near fireplugs. High school teachers occupied tables and booths near the windows of the restaurants. High school students sat on stools at the soda fountains in the drug stores. Teenage girls with shoulder-length hair and dressed in pastel-colored sweaters and skirts that came far below their knees, bobby sox, and dirty saddle oxfords hurried along by twos and threes, animated and laughing as they tossed their heads to keep their hair rippling toward their shoulders, perhaps on their way to the Pastime Theatre, for the Appalachian Theatre was being renovated following a recent fire. People sat on the porches of the funeral home and the boarding house near the intersection of College Street and King Street. Conversations stopped altogether or were lowered as I passed, aware that I was being studied and imagining that someone on each porch was asking, "Who is that?" Children were playing on the grounds around the elementary school, and the clumps of flowers were fresh and bright in the yard of a pretty little native stone house set on a bank retained by a stone wall behind the college bookstore. Locust Street was only a gravel road then, but there was a concrete sidewalk that led past Faculty Apartments. Little girls were zipping up and down the walk on tricycles, some daring to ride no-handed. Everybody was enjoying the quiet and fresh afternoon following the rain. Boone was a lively little town. I could smell pork chops and the onion in casseroles being prepared in apartments as I climbed the two flights of stairs to my room. No one was visible and the only audible sounds came indistinctly from radios in the apartments. Those who occupied rooms were out to dinner. My room, put in good order by the maid, was neat and clean and smelled fresh. There was, I thought, a faint odor of perfume hovering over the chest of drawers, perhaps a droplet of Miss Foster's caught in the tidy white cover that lay across the top. The wash basin shone white and clean, the light odor of my cake of Bouquet soap rising from it. From the window I could see the roofs of the dormitories and the administration building with ventilators like those I had seen on barn roofs in Ohio. Rows of little chimneys stuck up along the lower edge of the black tarpaper roof of the oldest dormitory, a rambling two-story building of light-colored locally baked brick. Trees growing along the low ridge across the valley from the campus were sharply defined in the clear air and a dark little house in an upland field was silhouetted against the pale green of a mountain that lay across the valley on the other side of the ridge. A lazy column of blue smoke rose straight 38 �Settling Into Boone from the chimney of the little house into a streak that lay parallel to the top of the ridge and across the face of the mountain beyond. We would probably have more rain by tomorrow, I thought. I sat down at the little desk and wrote Sylvia a long letter in which I related the details of my second day on my new job, my impression of the town, and my new room and its pleasant appointments. I was becoming more comfortable in my relationships with the principal who was certainly a sincere, capable, and unusually well organized person and beginning to look as if he planned his work more carefully than I had ever done while I was a principal. His English needed improving, for young teachers made comments about it, but he was a mathematics teacher, and sometimes mathematics teachers do not see a need for improving their English. The comfortable bed in Miss Fosters room, with sweet-smelling linens, a soft pillow, and my new cotton blanket, invited me to sleep readily. I woke up once in response to the wind whispering at the eaves just above my window and discovered that a soft rain was falling. Next morning the rain was still falling and wisps of cloud trailed along the top of the low ridge across the valley. While I was shaving with Mr. Wey's razor and using cold lather from Bouquet soap, I could smell bacon frying and coffee making in the apartments. I dressed in the same sox, underwear, and shirt I had worn the day before, but was pleased to think that my brown shoes would keep my feet dry and that my suit looked better for having been pressed. The rain continued in little soft gusts. I decided that since I could not risk a trip up the street for breakfast I would pick my teeth, clean them with the corner of a handkerchief, drink water for breakfast, and watch for a lull between showers to make a dash to the high school building. There was never a time when the rain stopped completely, but I was able to rush to school through what was mostly a mist shaken down by low clouds without getting wet enough for my trousers to lose their crease. At the school ahead of the other teachers, I stopped by the principal's office to thank Mr. Wey for his razor and for making arrangements for me to move into Miss Foster's room. He did not invite me into his office, but when I responded to his question about breakfast that I did not have a raincoat, for my baggage had not yet arrived, and that without one I could not take a chance on getting wet by going to the restaurant for breakfast, he let me borrow his umbrella and gave me a big apple. I took them to my little office and ate the apple while watching from my window waves of steaming rain pass down the valley. At the faculty meeting that morning we were told that most of the schedule problems had been worked out and that orders had been placed for needed textbooks. Teachers, many of them wet and steaming from their rush through the rain, had few questions. Mr. Wey explained again how absences and tardies were to be reported and emphasized the importance of knowing at all times where students were. Then he expressed the hope that new teachers would write out lesson plans for a while in order to avoid falling into the habit of lecturing all hour. Classroom procedures, he said, ought to be varied within the hour, perhaps four or five times, to hold the attention of the students and to challenge their inter39 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone ests. He called on a soft-voiced English teacher to tell how she varied her presentations in order to hold the attention of her students. She emphasized the value of speaking in a pleasantly modulated tone of voice, making the assignment at a logical time, even if in the middle of a class period, and of giving students up to fifteen or twenty minutes for supervised study in the classroom. Questions followed. Other teachers volunteered information about how they worked for variety. Two of the men teachers defended the lecture approach. Again, I listened attentively but offered no comments. That was my third day to meet my students. By then I was able to call most of the boys in my homeroom by name but was still confusing Greens and Morrises, Greers and Moretzes in my classes. My sixth period class was bothering me. It seemed to have my most intelligent students, but many of them were irritable and quarrelsome. That day I discovered that most of them certainly did not need the review exercise that I had planned and was glad that I had prepared an alternate plan for them. But they were noisy, talked with one another out of the sides of their mouths while looking at me, and were ruthless and sometimes vicious in their comments to one another, which they blurted out without regard for the direction of the discussion. Eating lunch in the cafeteria was not only economical for me but convenient also. The fall rainy season in Boone, more clearly defined than I had remembered it in Kentucky, continued for nearly two weeks. I was pleased to have Mr. Wey's umbrella for protection until my baggage finally arrived on Saturday, but my shoes became so sodden that mold had grown on the edges of the soles by the end of my first week in Boone. Showers were unpredictable. Weather could appear stable but a cloud moving along the side of Rich Mountain could bring a deluge within ten or fifteen minutes. Between showers that afternoon I walked uptown for my laundry but having already learned the unpredictability of the weather, I carried Mr. Wey's huge umbrella with me. On the way back I stopped at the post office where I picked up a letter from Sylvia and instructed the gracious little clerk, whose name I learned later was Nell Coffey Linney, to send my mail in the future to Faculty Apartments. For the first four or five evenings I walked alone to a restaurant for dinner, for which I usually paid 35 to 45 cents. Then Miss Donald, the pleasant sandy-haired physical education teacher, asked me one day at lunch whether I would care to go along with her and two or three others to dinner. I gladly accepted. Only two of the other teachers were male, Dr. Orby Southard, who taught vocational agriculture, and John Nelson, who taught social studies. Both of them were married and lived in apartments with cooking facilities. I was the only male who was free to socialize at dinner time with the young ladies. We usually went as a group about 5:30 to the Gateway Restaurant. The other young ladies were pleasant and I enjoyed them but Ruby Donald and Doris Penix, who knew people at Morehead, including Dean William H. Vaughan,19 who had been my high school principal at Louisa and my friend ever since, gradually became my friends, with whom I could discuss matters that I did not care to discuss with cute Miss Poole, whose homeroom boys soon became 19 See Gratis Wiiliams's (1983) biography, William H. Vaughan: A Better Man Than I Ever Wanted to Be. Morehead, KY.: Morehead State University. 40 �Settling Into Boone troublesome for her, and vivacious and talkative Miss Tucker, the new home economics teacher, who was disappointed in her job, critical of her students and Mr. Wey, and unhappy in a small town like Boone, where nothing exciting ever happened. With my meals costing me only 60 to 75 cents a day I began to feel comfortable about whether I had money enough in my pocket to meet my expenses to the end of the month. But Sylvia took a turn for the worse. Her throat had become so sore again that she was finding it difficult to eat. She had developed a low-level fever and was suffering from nightmares, from which she awoke streaming with perspiration. Doctors were less confident about her situation than they had been at the time I stopped to see her at the end of August. She wanted me to come to see her that weekend, my second in Boone, if I could possibly do it. Also, while I was there, I could have my lungs X-rayed. She had spoken to Dr. Edwards about it, and he had said he would make an appointment for me if I could come to Pinecrest. After my first four or five days in Boone, I had begun to suffer from insomnia and often woke from fitful sleep and distressing nightmares, wringing wet with perspiration. I was tired much of the time despite my good diet, including two glasses of milk a day and adequate proteins, cod-liver oil, and iron supplements. In addition to walking, I also did pushups and stretching and bending exercises each morning. But I had not gained any weight. The cough I had developed in Huntington had cleared up, but I had an early morning cough and continued to clear my throat a great deal all day long. I, too, thought I ought to have my lungs X-rayed. But I could not afford expenses for a trip to Beckley from the nine or ten dollars I had in my pocket, all that stood between me and starvation. I wrote Sylvia that I would see whether it was possible for me to sell my check for the first month at a discount, as we had sometimes done in Kentucky, or borrow against it. I would write again the next night and let her know what arrangements I had been able to make. The following morning I asked Mr. Wey at the end of the faculty meeting whether I might speak to him privately about a personal matter. He invited me into his office, where I explained to him that my wife had become quite ill and wanted me to come to see her that weekend. He made veiled references to whether a child might be arriving. I made no attempt to clarify the situation, thinking it to my advantage that no one suspect she had tuberculosis of the throat. I needed some money, I explained, for I did not have enough to go see her and meet my own essential needs for the remainder of the month. He explained that the selling of checks at a discount was not permitted and that there was no fund from which one could borrow. I explained that I thought I could make out with ten dollars. Mr. Wey told me to go see Mr. Chapell Wilson, who had plenty of money. He might be able to help me. Mr. Wilson's office was in the Elementary School Building. Mr. Wey would call him and make an appointment for me. I told him I would be glad to see Mr. Wilson, either during the lunch hour or my free period. He called. Mr. Wilson would see me as soon as I could get over there that morning. I had about ten minutes before my homeroom met. 41 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone I rushed to Mr. Wilsons office, my first visit there. Mr. Wilson, who was seated at his desk, invited me to sit down. I started to relate to him what I had told Mr. Wey, but before I could get into my request, Mr. Wilson took his pocketbook from his hip pocket, extracted a twenty-dollar bill, and handed it to me. I was about to say that I had wanted to borrow only ten dollars. "You may hand it back to me after you get your first check," he said. I assured him of my gratitude and left. Having thirty dollars in my pocket removed a nagging fear that had possessed me from the time of my arrival in Boone. Suddenly, I enjoyed a freedom that I had not known before. I could afford now to use toothpaste every time I washed my teeth, to take things out to the laundry every week, and to have a juice with a full breakfast occasionally instead of restricting myself to an egg sandwich and coffee every morning. I might have enough money to buy a magazine or two to take to Sylvia, to give her a supply of envelopes and writing paper, to leave two or three dollars with her so she could send out for notions she might need. Financial independence gave me a new charge of energy. My classes seemed more alert and responsive that day. That night I told Sylvia in my letter of the generous help Mr. Wilson had provided and that she could expect me to be at Pinecrest Saturday morning. I slept well that night. The college students would arrive the following week. Registration would be Monday and Tuesday. I would meet for the first time my college class in methods of teaching English in the high school on Wednesday. I had gone through the materials in the file Mrs. Rivers had left and examined the textbook she had used in the course. Mr. Wey was not prepared to tell me much about how I should teach the class, the number of students I might expect to register for it, or the objectives I should expect to hold in mind for the course. I asked whether he thought it out of order for me to seek a conference with the chairman of the department to discuss the course with him. Mr. Wey thought that would be a very good thing to do. I could probably find Dr. Abrams, the chairman, in his office any afternoon, for the college faculty members had returned from vacations and most of them were on campus and getting ready for registration. That afternoon I walked to the post office to post letters I had written the evening before. On my way back to campus I came to the corner at the Baptist Church and then came along College Street by the funeral home, Agle Apartments, a boarding house on the corner at Howard Street, and past the Episcopal Church. Sitting on the stone wall in front of a beautiful little stone cottage with a profusion of flowers blooming in the front yard was a well dressed old man with a wide, dark mustache, his glasses resting far down on his nose, and his blocked grey felt hat pulled so low on his forehead that a ring of baldness showed below it behind. A prominent black mole or wart was visible on the lower part of one cheek. Immediately, I thought of Abraham Lincoln, Mahatma Gandhi, and a demented old baldheaded man with a wide mustache and a wart on the lower part of his cheek in my home community in Kentucky who thought he was the president of the United States. Standing in front of the man seated on the wall was another old man, quite grey, tall, and 42 �Settling Into Boone wearing a dark, carefully brushed suit. His mouth hung open much of the time and he seemed slightly palsied. He was listening to what the man on the wall was saying. Standing between the clump of flowers in the yard and the stoop of the cottage was an animated and fine looking older woman but considerably younger than the men, I thought. She was listening intently to the old man sitting on the wall. As I approached them, the standing man, apparently ignoring for a moment what the other one was saying, turned toward me. I spoke as I started to leave the sidewalk in order not to come between the two. Only the standing man responded to my greeting. "Are you one of the new high school teachers?" he asked. "Yes," I replied. "My name is Williams. I came down from West Virginia to teach English in the high school." "My name is Williams, too," he said, as he reached to shake hands with me. "I am the geography teacher at the College. Are you related to Williams families in North Carolina?" I assured him that I was not to my knowledge related to Williams families south of Virginia. "I would like for you to meet Dr. B.B. Dougherty, the president of the College." Dr. Dougherty and I shook hands. No effort was made to introduce me to the charming lady behind the flowers. Dr. Dougherty asked a question or two about my educational background and my teaching experience, his voice low pitched and at a very slow pace but with a reflective hum behind it. He welcomed me to Boone and the College. Thinking it unusual that the president of the College and the professor of geography should seem so aged in their appearance, I hurried on to the administration building, the one with white pillars in front and with "girls" over one ground-level entrance and "boys" the other as if they were doors to toilets. I climbed the steps and entered through the double front doors of the building. Most of the office doors were open. Unable at first to determine which of the doors was to the office of the dean of the College, I made a tour of the main floor, peeping into all of the offices that were open. A man with a shock of iron grey hair and keen eyes came from an office at the end of the hall and asked, "May I help you?" Unwilling to admit that I needed help, I replied, "No, thank you." Later I learned that the helpful man was Mr. Herman R. Eggers,20 the registrar. Twenty-five years later, he reminded me of our first meeting. He had decided, he said, that I was one of those who wants to discover things for himself. I found the dean's office and presented myself to the young secretary with piercing eyes and dark shoulder-length hair and asked whether I might see the dean. She went into his office, returned in a moment, and told me that Dean Rankin21 would see me. I went in. 20 Herman Eggers (1898-1990), was bom in Mabel, North Carolina, and received his M.A. from George Peabody College in 1927. He served as teacher, registrar, and dean of student affairs between 1929 and his retirement in 1970. 43 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Dean Rankin rose to greet and shake hands with me. He invited me to sit down. I explained that I was a new English teacher at the high school and was scheduled to teach the course in methods of teaching English in the high school. I wanted to meet Dr. Abrams,22 the chairman of the English department, and discuss with him the contents of the course and to hear any advice he might have to give me about how I should conduct the course. He stepped to the door of the reception room and asked the secretary to invite Dr. Abrams to come to the office to meet me. He returned to his desk and engaged me in conversation about my educational preparation and previous teaching experience. I was impressed by his warmth, graciousness, and extremely fine and clean looking white hair, but noted that he had a slightly crossed eye and seemed like a very old man. Soon Dr. Abrams came bouncing into the office through the door to the hall rather than from the reception room. Dean Rankin and I both rose, and Dean Rankin introduced us. Dr. Abrams shook my hand with vigor and we sat down, Dr. Abrams sliding far down into his chair and resting one spidery leg upon the other at the ankle, his long slender foot wriggling up and down stiffly. I was shocked by the homeliness of this little man who appeared to be between forty and forty-five years old. He looked at me for a moment, his tiny blue eyes resting alternately on me and then searching for something on the ceiling, his glasses with large lenses hugging his face tightly, his nose bashed in and twisted slightly to one side, his mouth curling up gleefully under the shabbiest excuse for a mustache I had ever seen, and his chin trembling so fast that it appeared to be trying to escape from his face. Then, his foot held rigidly in position, he said, "I want to tell you, sir, that I am mighty glad to have you join us. With you here, people can no longer say I am the ugliest man in Boone." I was completely disarmed. Certainly, I had not done well at all in concealing my shock. Caught off guard, I had not a shred of savior faire and he had dressed me down with one rapier-like thrust. Dean Rankin laughed with good humor, Dr. Abrams laughed with good will, and I laughed in my abashment. I told Dr. Abrams why I had come to see him, but that if he were very busy I would be glad to come back any afternoon that week except Friday, when I planned to leave town as soon after school as I could get away. He was glad I had come to discuss my course with him. In fact, he could not remember that any other high school teacher to whom the methods class was assigned had ever come to discuss it with him before beginning the class and he regretted that some of them had not. He sprang from his seat and invited me to go to his office with him. Taking leave of Dean Rankin, who continued to smile in welcome, I hurried along beside Dr. Abrams to his office at the east end of the hall on the ground floor. Dr. Abrams 2I J.D, Rankin (1875-1966) earned his M.A. and Doctor of Theology degrees from Oskaloosa College and was professor of English before becoming dean of the college, a position which he held from 1925 until 1955. He was also president of the college for three months following B.B. Dougherty's retirement until Dr. William Plemmons assumed that position in 1955. "Amos Abrams received his M.A. from Duke University and his Ph.D. from Cornell and taught English at Appalachian from 1932 to 1946. He served as the first head of the English department, a position which he held until leaving Appalachian to become editor of North Carolina Education. 44 �Settling Into Boone took his seat in front of a desk crowded into a corner and invited me to have a seat near him. He, too, asked about my academic preparation and my experience as a teacher of English. I explained to him that I had taken an excellent course, team taught by two splendid teachers, in methods of teaching in the high school and had done my project work in the teaching of English and history but that I had never had a course in the teaching of English in high school. He thought that I had taught high school English long enough for my experience to fully compensate for my not having had a specific course in the teaching of English. He had not himself had such a course either, but he had taught English in high school before coming to the College and had taught the English methods courses regularly for several years at Appalachian. We discussed at length what should be included in an English methods class. He rose from his desk and found three texts for the course that he had found helpful when he taught it and gave them to me. They would give alternate points of view on teaching English that I might sometimes want to consider, he thought. When I asked about the quality of students I might expect to register for the course, Dr. Abrams discussed proudly the academic preparation of the students and went into detail in describing the courses in English all were required to take. He thought I might expect as many as 30 or 35 to show up for the course, about 25 young ladies, and he could not with confidence say how many young men, for men were being drafted into the armed services rapidly. I might have only a handful of men, though, those who had been classified 4F or were deferred for some reason, and it was possible there would be no young men in the class at all. Not wanting to impose on so affable and generous a man, I arose to go after we had talked about the methods course. I paused in front of a curious manuscript in old-fashioned handwriting in a frame on the wall. It was a "ballet" of an old song one of his students had brought him, Dr. Abrams said. He collected folk ballads as a hobby, he explained. I told him that I, too, had collected ballads and songs in the hills of eastern Kentucky and had written my M.A. thesis on them. Standing in his office, we became animated in our discussion of the Appalachian variants of the English and Scottish popular ballads. We exchanged accounts of our experience as collectors and soon Dr. Abrams had me singing fragments of both traditional ballads and indigenous ballads and songs I had collected. He took me to a closet in the corner of his classroom and showed me his Wilcox-Gay disc recorder and a stack of field recordings he had made. Dr. Abrams kept walking along beside me, all excited about ballads, as I moved toward the ground level exit from that end of the building, the one that had "girls" above it. But it had begun to rain. The shower was too brisk for me to venture out into it with the books under my arm. We stood in the door and talked about ballads. The shower had stopped and the sun was shining again when I finally made my departure at the end of a visit that must have lasted an hour and a half. That night I wrote Sylvia a long letter in which I told about having met the aged president of the College, who sat, like Humpty-Dumpty, on a stone wall while I talked with 45 �The Crafts Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boons him; the dean of the College, who seemed as old as the president; and homely but charming and friendly Dr. Abrams, the chairman of the English department and an avid collector of ballads and folk songs. I had liked all three of them and was looking forward to meeting the English methods class for the first time the following week. 46 �c A Visit to Sylvia Friday afternoon at four o'clock I boarded a bus in Boone for Sparta, where I would catch a bus for Bluefield, West Virginia, about seven o'clock. The bus was not crowded. I had a seat alone by a window. It was a cloudy afternoon, but we did not go through any rainstorm, though a light shower greeted us just as we arrived in Sparta. The rolling mountains, many of them covered with lush pastures to the top, were peaceful and lovely. The mountains one saw traveling eastward from Boone were less rugged than those between Boone and Elizabethton, Tennessee, but many of them were high, perhaps as high as those along the Tennessee border, I thought. West Jefferson, the terminus of a railroad that crossed the mountains from Abingdon, Virginia, was about the size of Boone, but seemed to be more of a business town than Boone did. Jefferson, the county-seat town, was a small and quaint little village dominated by a neglected courthouse with two or three white "inns" or boarding houses close by. Many of the somewhat pretentious farmhouses along the road needed paint and some of the barns were dilapidated, but the region had withstood the agonies of the Great Depression more gracefully, it seemed to me, than had the farming sections of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. The people living in Ashe County and Alleghany County, though they had little money with which to keep their homes and barns in repair, appeared to be living comfortably, for gardens were producing, corn was vigorous and still green, even in the middle of September, and livestock grazed contentedly in the mountainside pastures. In Sparta I ate a hamburger at a little restaurant near the bus stop and then stood with two or three others against a building to wait for the bus from Winston-Salem. It grew dark while we waited, and a light patter of rain fell. One of those waiting was a gregarious country man, dressed in his best and wear47 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone ing a felt hat of good quality, the one article of clothing that proclaimed the self-esteem of the mountaineer who took a trip away from home. He let us know that he was Joe Clark and engaged our attention while we waited for the bus, which arrived on time. Only two or three got off the bus at Sparta. I carried my light bag aboard and placed it on the luggage rack above the seats in which Joe Clark and I sat. The bus was crowded, but no one had to stand up. Most of the passengers were black people who sat quietly together from the rear forward. We moved on after only a brief stop and were crossing into Virginia within just a few minutes, it seemed. It was too dark to see any of the Virginia countryside. I remember only two things between Sparta and Bluefield that impressed me. The bridge across the New River, on the headwaters of which Boone is located, was longer than I had expected it to be and the river, which I could see only vaguely, seemed wide and shallow. The road across the high mountain at the edge of Bluefield twisted along a course of sharp curves to the top, from which we could see the lights of Bluefield far below us and then darted along hairpin loops into the city, the gears of the bus grinding and growling as the driver struggled with them. Garrulous Mr. Clark kept me entertained. He was going to Beckley to visit a daughter who lived there. He was, he said, one of a line of many Joe Clarks, the best known of whom had been the subject of a well known song called "Old Joe Clark" that nearly everybody must have heard some time. He recited for me some verses of the song that I had not heard. In Bluefield many of the black passengers left the bus. Others, mostly black, boarded the bus there. I was impressed by the finery of the young black men who were waiting to get on the bus. Attired in homburg hats, long dark jackets, loose gray trousers gathered in narrow cuffs at the bottom, and with long silvery chains dangling from their waistbands, they looked as if they were in a style parade. The zoot suit had arrived. Young people, by then able to earn money in war industries, were responding to the spirit of the times by becoming "sharp" dressers. Mr. Clark ran down soon after we left Bluefield. He and I both dozed in our seats as the bus hurried along through the darkness toward Beckley, where it arrived at eleven o'clock. Beckley was a rest stop for the bus. Nearly everybody got off. Some of those who were leaving the bus at Beckley had relatives waiting for them, but many took off on foot to their destinations. In days of gasoline rationing only a few cars were parked at the station, which was crowded with people milling about. Zoot-suited blacks, gathered into groups of three or four, talked quietly, some with homburgs pulled low on their foreheads. Most of them, apparently going on to Charleston, were stretching their legs while the driver enjoyed a sandwich and a cup of coffee, Joe Clark chose a seat and waited for someone to meet him. I stood about to watch the bus load for the trip on to Charleston. After the bus left, only a few people remained in the station. I sat on the end of a bench and considered whether I should try to find a hotel room or sit in the station all 48 �A Visit to Sylvia night and engage a room at Mrs. Mann's boarding house for Saturday night. It was too late to go to her house that night, I thought. Although I had money to pay for a hotel room, it would be expensive, perhaps as much as $3.50. A year earlier I was working eight hours a day for little more than $3.50. I was reluctant to spend that much for a hotel room. Sitting up all night to save $3.50 was certainly easier than working all day to make $3.50, I concluded. Becoming very tired after an hour or two, I crawled through the arms of two seats, rested my feet on my bag, and went to sleep. But I did not sleep long. Someone pushed against my feet suddenly and I woke up. A policeman was looking down at me. "People are not permitted to lie down in the seats," he explained. "You will have to sit up or find you a hotel room." I pulled myself from under the arms of the seats and stood up, embarrassed to note that the station attendant was smiling ambiguously at me as if he were not certain whether he should consider me a bum or a client of the bus company. Joe Clark, still sitting there, stared curiously but did not smile. Others sat rigidly and watched. It was as if the policeman and I were engaging in a dialogue before a fixed tableau. The intense quiet allowed everybody to hear what we said. I was asked to show my identification card, what I did for a living, whether I had a bus ticket, why I was in Beckley. The policeman smiled following my response to each of his questions. I explained that I usually stayed at Mrs. Mann's down the street there, pointing in the direction of her place, but that I thought it was too late when the bus arrived to report there. He volunteered helpfully, "You might find a room at the Hotel Milner up the street. If they have a room, they will probably charge you only two dollars." I picked up my bag and started out. The policeman walked with me to the curb and pointed out the hotel sign to me. I half turned to thank him and observed that the people sitting in the station were all laughing at something Joe Clark was telling them. I was glad that I had not told Joe Clark that I worked at Appalachian and that I had found it necessary to say to the policeman only that I was a teacher from North Carolina. I hoped I would never see Joe Clark again. As I walked toward the Hotel Milner I concluded that the station attendant had called the policeman, who quite possibly received payoffs from the Hotel Milner, and who had put on a show, at my expense, for the amusement of the attendant and as an advertising gimmick for the Hotel Milner. A single room was available at the Milner for two dollars. There was a wash basin in the room, the clerk said, but the bathroom was down the hall. I registered for the room and paid in advance. I asked about a restaurant in which I could have breakfast. The hotel had no dining room, the clerk said, but there were restaurants close by. He gave me a key to the room and sent me up alone, for the Milner had no bellboys. I was surprised to find a very clean but small room with a single bed in it. The sheets and pillow case, towels and wash cloths were clean, too, but the sheets had been patched and the towels were frayed. There was a small desk in a corner beside the bed and a lamp with a bulb in it that would burn. There was a cheap cotton mattress on the bed, but it seemed to be almost new. I 49 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone was so pleased with the room that I decided I would engage it for Saturday night, too. Saturday was a bright day. Visibility was clear and trees were beginning to show touches of autumn. I ate a full breakfast at a restaurant only a few doors from the entrance to the hotel. After enjoying a second cup of better coffee than I had been getting in Boone, I went back to the hotel and engaged my room for Saturday night, too. I then returned to my room and groomed myself for a visit with Sylvia. I stopped at a stationery shop and bought paper and envelopes and two magazines to take with me to the sanitarium and walked back to the bus station, where I knew I could catch a local bus to Pinecrest. When I peeped into the waiting room of the bus station, I was relieved to see that a different attendant was on duty, but Joe Clark, his head hanging to one side and his hat pulled down over his eyes, was still sitting there, mostly on his shoulders, with his feet sticking far out in the aisle. Perhaps his daughter had not known that he was coming to visit her. As I rode the local bus out to Pinecrest, I saw few cars on the road. The air was clear, crisp, and cool. The sanitarium was located in a healthy spot, I thought. Sylvia was expecting me. She was bright eyed and excited, but talked only in a whisper. I gave her the paper and envelopes and the magazines. She looked at them briefly and asked that I put them on a chest of drawers in the corner of the room. Her hands were warm and perspiring and her brow felt fevered. She had not slept well. She had not been able to eat all of her breakfast, she said, and had reached the place that she did not like the food that was brought to her. She thought there was not enough good meat in her diet. She wanted hamburgers and asked that I bring her one when I went out for my lunch. She was disappointed that I had not gained any weight after going to Boone. I was hollow eyed and pale. She inquired about my diet and asked whether I was taking my cod liver oil and mineral supplements. She advised that I eat two eggs for breakfast and drink at least a quart of whole milk each day. If I could have milk delivered every morning at my apartment, when I got into it, I could keep it cool in the refrigerator and drink a glass of milk before going to bed each night. She was worried about me. Dr. Edwards had made arrangements for me to have a chest X-ray that morning. We needed to keep me well, for if I should become sick and have to stop working, there would be no way out for us. We had no financial reserves, little of value that we could sell, no insurance to protect us in illness, and we were in debt. Her analysis of our situation was chilling. She shook with emotion and tears glistened in her eyes, larger than I had remembered them, for she had lost much weight since I had seen her only two weeks earlier. My persistent fatigue, insomnia, troubled dreams, night sweats, and low-level fever in the afternoon were certainly symptoms of illness, I thought, but I could only say in my helplessness that I would work as long as I was able and do the best I could to recover from illness while I worked. She talked about how much she enjoyed the personnel at the sanitarium and of friendships she had made with ambulatory patients who were permitted to visit her. On warm days she had been taken in a wheelchair to sit with others in the sun and had made friends. I could tell that nurses and attendants who came by the room while I was there found Sylvia delightful and clever. They enjoyed being with her and were reluctant to leave her. 50 �A Visit to Sylvia We then discussed in detail my work at Appalachian. She responded with glee when I told her again about the helpful and efficient principal of the school; Mr. Wilson's generous help when I needed extra money to come to see her; the quaint and aged President Dougherty, a bachelor who lived in a garage apartment because he did not think it appropriate that he live in the same house in which his brother s widow lived; courteous and gentle Dean Rankin, who appeared to be about as old as Dr. Dougherty; and bouncing Dr. Abrams who shared with me an interest in Appalachian ballads and songs. She asked many questions in her love for North Carolina and, with the hope that she might recover, longed for the time when she could be with me in Boone. After I had been there an hour or two, Dr. Edwards came by the room. Sylvia responded to him with admiration and trust. He enjoyed being with her, I thought. We engaged in playful conversation for a half hour or longer before he invited me to go with him to the X-ray room where I had my chest X-rayed. Dr. Edwards stayed around until the films were developed. He then went over them with me and pointed out an area of infection in the apex of my right lung. I had tuberculosis. Prepared for the bad news, I was not shocked, but I saw immediately that hardships lay ahead for me. Dr. Edwards said I should enter the sanitarium at once. In fact, he said, a space was available then. I explained that I could not possibly enter the sanitarium, that I had no financial reserves, insurance, or resources. It would be necessary for me to continue working as long as I was able. In that case, he said, the single most important thing for me to do was to accept my situation without worrying. Worry saps one's energy and causes more trouble than anything else. Neither should I worry about my work. I must learn how to turn off my troubles and relax, how to stop my work when I'm tired and take it up again after I have rested. I should eat two or three eggs a day, a plenty of good meat and a balanced vegetable diet, drink at least a quart of whole milk a day, take cod liver oil and mineral supplements before breakfast and dinner, rest for at least a half hour after lunch and dinner, and sleep at least eight hours every night. I could try this for three months and then return for another X-ray to check on my progress. It might be better, he said, if we reported to Sylvia that I was under observation and should have my chest X-rayed every three months until I had regained weight and felt more energetic. Dr. Edwards did not return with me to Sylvia's room. I tried to look as nonchalant as I could when I entered the room. Sylvia wanted to know all about what the X-ray had revealed. I told of having had the heavily scarred areas in my lungs pointed out to me and that they looked much as they had looked when I had been invited to see X-ray films of my lungs at the health center at the University of Kentucky before our marriage. Dr. Edwards had prescribed a diet for me, advised that I rest for a half hour after lunch and after dinner both and sleep eight hours at night, continue taking cod liver oil and mineral supplements, not worry about anything, and report for X-rays regularly every three months for a year or two until our period of stress was over and I had begun to feel better. Sylvia wanted to know whether my schedule would permit me to have a rest period after lunch. My free period, fortunately, was just after lunch. I was required to be in my 51 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone office, but I could lie on my back on a table in the office and rest and doze. Anyone coming to see me would enter through the door to my classroom. Since the only door from the hall to my classroom was at the rear of the room and since there were wooden floors in the building, I could hear footsteps in time to get off the table and into a chair beside my work table before the caller reached my office. I would not always be able to rest after lunch, but I could most of the time, I thought. We discussed the apartment I was to have and into which I was to move the following week. It was on the third floor and at the end of a hall. It would be a quiet and restful place. Milk was delivered early each morning at the doors of teachers who wanted it. I would have an electric stove and a small refrigerator. I could cook a good breakfast and have both cereal and citrus fruit with it, and I could prepare my own dinner in time to eat and take a short nap before reporting to the school for play rehearsals, with which I would be spending much time all year long. It would be possible, I thought, for me to follow Dr. Edwards's advice, at least most of the time, and to keep my condition a secret, for I was sure everybody would be alarmed if it were known that I might have tuberculosis. I did not want to run the risk of being asked to resign by arousing suspicions or raising questions. We discussed diet and cooking. Sylvia thought I should have soft-boiled eggs and little or no bacon or sausage for breakfast, rich whole milk with my cereal, and an orange or a grapefruit rather than the canned juice then available. I should also drink a glass of milk along with breakfast, another when I got home in the afternoon, two glasses with my dinner, and another before going to bed. It was important that I have a generous serving of beef, or fish, or chicken for dinner and that I have boiled or baked potatoes with butter rather than fried potatoes. I must be sure to have a good fresh vegetable salad with dinner. We discussed costs, too, and decided that I might be able to eat very well for as little as fifty cents a day but that I ought to go out for dinner once or twice on weekends. "Keeping house" would be a problem for me, she thought, but I would find it simple if I followed the three basic rules we had used while she was able to keep house. Provide for time, she reminded me, to make up my bed as soon as I got up, wash my dishes and clean and restore to their places pots and pans used in cooking, put up left over food, and hang up my clothing before I left my apartment for work. I was reminded that one is not ready to leave a house or apartment until it has been cleaned up enough for him not to be embarrassed to bring a guest home. A little dusting and cleaning is needed every day and a thorough cleaning at least once a week. One saves time by washing dishes after each meal and spares himself the dread of facing a stack of dirty dishes before he can prepare the next meal. During the morning several persons came by for brief visits, including a young woman from Louisa who had moved to West Virginia after she married. When lunchtime came, I left to find lunch for myself at a stand near the sanitarium. After lunch, I walked for a while along the road beyond the sanitarium and thought about our situation. For the first time I had to admit to myself that Sylvia would not recover. Her condition was worsening and new medications were not effective. She was taking medication to relieve the 52 �A Visit to Sylvia pain in her throat, not to cure her illness. Dr. Edwards had thought it most unlikely that she would get well but she might linger for a year or two before dying. I had not yet had time to consider alone the implications of my actually having tuberculosis. Adjusting to that would be a slow and agonizing process that I would have to work through alone. I would not be able to share with anyone the heavy burden of my secret, but I believed that I could come through if I found it possible to follow Dr. Edwards's advice. The trouble had been discovered early. The spot, perhaps no bigger than a dime, had not been there long. If by rest and adequate diet I were able to keep it from spreading during the following three months, I could most likely recover within six months to a year. I had no choice. I had to concentrate on getting well. Not wanting to disturb Sylvia during nap time, I sat in a lounge in the sanitarium for an hour. Others coming to see relatives and friends arrived and waited in the lounges for visiting time, some carrying flowers and gift packages. Talk was low. Many sat in solemn silence. I closed my eyes but was not able to nap. When it was nearly time for visiting hours, I returned to the roadside stand and bought a hamburger for Sylvia. Sylvia was awake and waiting when I arrived. An attendant had helped her brush and arrange her hair. She wanted to eat at once the hamburger I had brought, but had first to inhale into her throat a special powder she took ten or fifteen minutes before eating that numbed her throat so she would not suffer pain when she swallowed. She asked that I hand to her a pipette and a bottle of white crystals. When she breathed the crystals through the pipette into her throat, her eyes bulged and she looked frightened. After allowing time for the medication to take effect, she began eating the hamburger as rapidly as she could. She was hungry for it and wanted to eat it all before feeling returned to her throat. She perspired as she ate. After she ate, she drank a glass of water, which she sipped slowly. She was exhausted. That afternoon we talked about things her mother had written. She had received letters also from friends in Louisa and Huntington. We did not refer to her illness or to my work at Appalachian. She was interested in the progress of friends she had made in the sanitarium and we discussed war news. An attractive young woman who had made much progress toward recovery from lung cancer and was expecting to be released from the sanitarium within a few weeks called. She was radiant and smiling. Sylvia laughed a great deal in response to her witticisms and optimism. After she left, Sylvia told of her affair with young Dr. Edwards and of their shock when a nurse had popped into her room and found her and Dr. Edwards making love behind the door. Both she and the doctor had discussed their affair with Sylvia. They had feared that the nurse might cause problems for them, but so far the nurse had apparently said nothing about what she had seen. Sylvia had teased them by writing doggerel about their affair, which she read when they came by to see her. The afternoon passed rapidly. The light conversation, good humor, and laughter had been good for us, but each was aware, too, of the depth of the agony of spirit that lay beneath the laughter. As the time for the end of visiting hours approached Sylvia asked me to go out and buy another hamburger for her. She would inhale crystals and get ready to 53 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone eat it while I was gone. I hurried out for the hamburger. Sylvia did not feel that her throat was numbed enough for her to eat it by the time I got back. Visiting hours were just about over. We held hands for a moment and looked deeply into each other s eyes. I told her I would be back for an hour's visit the following morning and hurried away. When I looked from a window in the hallway across a court outside her window, I saw Sylvia propped on her pillows and eating ravenously the hamburger I had brought. The bus back to Beckley was crowded. The bus station was filled with tired people who were waiting. Crowds of young people, most of them black, stood along the sidewalk in front of the station. When I got off the bus I hurried to my room in the Hotel Milner, cracked my window two or three inches, lay on my back on the little bed, and stared at the ceiling a long time as I thought about my situation. I was numbed with grief for Sylvia and stunned by the knowledge that I had tuberculosis, too. Nothing was clear to me, but I knew I could recover if I could learn how not to worry and to lay my work aside and forget about it when I became tired. I had never been successful in doing either. I recalled the advice the black shoeshine man, the odor of his night of partying still clinging to him, had given me in Charleston while I was on my way to Boone. White folks take life too seriously and worry too much. I must learn to relax. Everybody suffers, mostly in secret probably. My suffering, as painful as it was, was not really unique. My job was to learn how to deal with it, how to keep it from becoming the main thing in my life. After dinner at the restaurant in which I had eaten breakfast, I walked for a while, came back by the bus station where I sat for a half hour and watched people come and go, most of them dressed up for Saturday night and looking happy. When I began to doze, I got up, selected a newspaper from the rack, and returned to the hotel. Reading in the little room was not pleasant. The lamp on the bedside table had a 25-watt bulb in it, and the ceiling light must have had a 60-watt bulb in it. Soon my eyes began to burn and I became drowsy. Realizing that I was very tired, I prepared myself for bed, cracked the window, turned off the lights, and lay down. The murmur of street noises and the far off chorus of katydids singing a plaint to departing summer eased me into sleep. About two o'clock I woke up with a start. I had not had a nightmare, but I was perspiring and felt clammy. I sat in darkness on the side of the bed and reflected. Sylvia had been getting better until only a week or two before she asked that I come that weekend to see her. We had thought she might be able to join me in the little apartment in Boone before autumn was over. That would not be possible. I wanted to be with her in her illness, to come and sit beside her for a while every day, to give her support as her illness grew worse. I could not do that. I felt uneasy and guilty. I could only come to see her occasionally, for it would be necessary for me to conserve my energy and to have some money at the end of each month to pay my creditors. If at all possible, I wanted to pay off completely the loan to the finance company in Huntington when I received my first check. I needed some new clothing. My newest suit, which my sister had given me in the fall of 1940, was beginning to look stale. My shirts were worn and frayed. But I would make them do until I was in better financial circumstances. 54 �A Visit to Sylvia After perhaps two hours, I realized that solutions to problems worked out during sleepless hours in the middle of the night never seem right when one wakes up in the morning. I must cultivate the habit of going back to sleep. Not yielding to the temptation to get up and read or write or to sit and think dark thoughts would help. It would be better to remain in bed, turn off dark thoughts, refrain from reflectiveness and analysis, change my position in bed, and lie quietly until sleep comes again. Sunday morning I found the restaurants closed. I walked to the bus station, where I was able to buy an egg sandwich and coffee at the stand that catered to travelers. After checking again bus schedules to the south, I bought a Sunday paper and returned to the hotel, where I read for perhaps an hour before packing my bag. I checked out of the hotel, carried my bag to the bus station and placed it in a locker, and waited for a bus to Pinecrest. Visitors were arriving, most of them by car. They carried with them gifts for relatives they had come to see; flowers, boxes of food, packages, books and magazines. Sylvia was expecting me. She had been able to eat most of her breakfast and felt better than she had felt the day before. She had slept well, but her throat was sore. Eating the hamburgers might have irritated it, but she had needed the good meat. She had become tired of the bologna, hot dogs, meat loaf, and fish cakes served in the sanitarium. She was in a teasing mood. Our conversation was light and playful. It was good to be with her. I did not refer to my insomnia or my uneasiness about financial matters. I felt that I must not say anything about problems of my own. A nurse whom I had not seen before came and visited for a few minutes. After she left, Sylvia said she was the one who had found Dr. Edwards and the attractive patient making love behind the door. Toward the end of our hour together, I held Sylvias hand and stroked her hair as I stood in silence by her bed. I kissed her on the forehead. Her eyes were moist and her hand trembled as I said good-bye and promised to write at least a few lines that night. The bus from Beckley to Bluefield was crowded, but I was able to get a seat next to a window. A middle-aged woman wearing a hat with a broad brim sat beside me. We did not speak. The woman left the bus a few miles out of Beckley. No one occupied the seat she had vacated. Glad to be alone, I dozed in the warm bus all the way to Bluefield. I found myself wanting to think about Sylvia and my own problems but tried to put both out of my mind. The light dreams of my dozing were fleeting extensions of droning conversations near me, inarticulate and monotonous, into dream conversations of people I had known, but they were pleasant little excursions into escape from my own concerns. In Bluefield I hurried with my bag in my hand to the bus then loading for Abingdon. Seats by the windows were all occupied, but I was able to get an aisle seat next to a young woman whose permission I asked to sit beside her. We engaged in conversation. She was a teacher. Not long before she got off the bus at Lebanon, she asked me what I did. When I told her I was a teacher, too, she said she had decided I was a salesman. She then asked what I taught. When I told her English, she said, "I might have known it." She had talked so easily and well that I was glad she had not known from the beginning that I was an English teacher. 55 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone My seat on the bus from Abingdon to Boone by way of Damascus and Mountain City, Tennessee, was next to a window but over a wheel. The road was narrow and winding. While we were gaining elevation in the gorge near Trade, I became nauseated. I struggled with an urge to vomit, swallowing as rapidly as I could the flood of hot saliva that kept boiling into my mouth. Just as I was deciding that I should let the driver know I was in trouble, he pulled the bus over and stopped. He was looking at me in the mirror. I got up and made my way to the front. He opened the door for me. I was vomiting by the time my feet struck the earth. I retched and heaved but did not vomit on myself, not even on my shoes. Shamefacedly, I returned to my seat. Conversations on the bus were suspended for a minute or two, but nobody laughed at me. I had never had car sickness before. I wondered whether my having a spot on my lung had anything to do with the nausea and vomiting, which continued to bother me for two or three years, especially at higher elevations. We arrived in Boone in darkness. 56 �c Glad to be Living and Working in Boone I walked to Faculty Apartments, for I did not want to spend a quarter for a taxicab. I still had nearly twenty dollars in my pocket, but I would need it, I thought, for food, a few kitchen utensils, laundry, and dry cleaning. At the apartments I learned that Professor and Mrs. Antonakos would be leaving for Chapel Hill in a day or two and wanted to talk with me about what they would store in the apartment I was to occupy. Miss Foster was to return later in the week and would want her room. I refreshed myself and called on the Antonakoses. Professor and Mrs. Antonakos were affable and courteous. Incisive in his speech but good natured, he talked easily. Mrs. Antonakos, with a coil of hair around her head, was somewhat severe in appearance, but her voice had a lyrical quality and she was gentle, though she spoke guardedly as if she had carefully thought through in advance what she said. They would be gone for a year, they said, for him to study at Chapel Hill. They were leaving in the apartment personal items which they would be glad for me to use, but they wanted me to know what belonged to them personally. They had identified each. The beautiful cherry chest in the living room was theirs. They had stored in it clothing and personal items they thought they would not need in Chapel Hill. The long chest, shaped somewhat like a coffin, sat by a window and was an attractive piece. Professor Antonakos had made a storage closet of heavy paper and soft pine in the narrow hall to the bathroom. They were leaving some boxes of things in it, but I was welcome to use unoccupied space. They were also leaving drapes in the living room and curtains in the bedroom. Both had been cleaned recently and might not need cleaning again for a year. They were pleased, they said, that I would be occupying the apartment in their absence. 57 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone They felt comfortable about leaving their own things in my care. They would leave the key to the apartment with Mrs. Coffey, the hostess. There was no hot water in the apartment building yet. I stood in the bathtub and sponged with cold water. Dressed for bed, I wrote Sylvia a longer letter than I had thought I might, recounting to her the conversation with the teacher who had thought I might be a traveling salesman, my nausea on the bus, and my visit with the Antonakoses. I was careful not to reflect my own discouragement or loss of hope about her situation. Two days later I moved my things into the apartment and went up town and bought groceries and basic utensils for the kitchen. Pleased to be my own housekeeper, I cooked dinner for myself, discovering in the process that I had much to learn about how to cook on an electric stove. But I ought to be able, I thought, to eat very well for fifty or sixty cents a day. Some time before the first month had ended, Mr. Wey called me in to tell me that there was a problem with my certification. I had not known before that as a teacher in a college demonstration school I would be required to have a certificate. He explained that my basic salary of $150 a month would be paid by the County Board of Education, which required certification, and that the College would furnish me the apartment and utilities valued at $40 a month but that I would receive no check from the College. It was then that I learned North Carolina had eight-month high schools. My annual cash salary would be $1200, but I could have my apartment for twelve months, which would bring the total worth of my year's work to $1680 plus salary for any work in the summer school I might do. The Certification Division in Raleigh had determined that I needed three quarter hours of credit in methods of teaching English in the high school in order to meet requirements for the graduate certificate. My first concern was whether my salary might be reduced because I did not qualify for the graduate certificate. Mr. Wey explained that I would continue to be paid $150 a month for a time but that my salary would be reduced and deductions would be made for overpayment in earlier months later in the year if I were unable to meet requirements for the higher certificate. I explained that the course in methods of teaching in high school, which I had taken with Dr. William H. Vaughan, then President of Morehead State Teachers College in Kentucky, had met requirements in Kentucky for a certificate to teach in high school and that my projects for the course had been in English and history. Mr. Wey advised that I write Dr. Vaughan a letter requesting that he describe in a letter to Dr. James Hillman in Raleigh the contents of the course I had taken and emphasize the component for English teachers. Dr. Hillman might accept the course as satisfactory if Dr. Vaughan were willing to state in his letter that it was equivalent to a methods course for teaching English. If I thought Dr. Vaughan could not do that, then I should arrange to take the course by individual study from Dr. Abrams. I disliked the idea of taking the course from Dr. Abrams. To do so would, I thought, suggest that I was not already qualified to teach the course in methods of teaching English in the high school, which I had 58 �Glad to be Living and Working in Boone already begun and was enjoying. Mr. Wey advised that I determine whether a letter from Dr. Vaughan would solve my problem. If not, I could then arrange to take the course from Dr. Abrams. That night I wrote to President Vaughan, recalling for him in my letter that I had done project work in the teaching of English and emphasizing that it would be necessary that he account the course equivalent to a methods course in English. I half feared that his integrity and strict honesty might be such that he would not feel he could recommend his course as equivalent to a methods course in English. I was burdened with anxiety and dread until I heard from him a few days later. He included a copy of his letter to Dr. Hillman, in which he not only stated that the course I had taken from him was equivalent to a course in methods of teaching English in high school but that it met requirements in Kentucky for certification in high school English. He went on to say that I had been a successful high school English teacher in Kentucky for a number of years. I showed the copy of Dr. Vaughan's letter to Mr. Wey. That would be satisfactory, he said. Dr. Hillman, a former teacher at Appalachian, was a fair man and would issue a graduate certificate for me. I felt as if a burden had been lifted from my shoulders. The class in English methods was exciting and challenging. All English majors, it consisted of 25 bright and well-dressed young women ranging in age from 21 to 23 and a slender-faced young man with a vision problem. I thought he was most likely classified as 4F because of his eyes. All of them seemed to be exceptionally well prepared in English. I administered some standardized tests in English essentials to them, though, and found that there was a considerable range in their scores and that the norm for the class was in the eleventh grade. However, when I considered their scores in conjunction with their total educational experience, I decided that they had done well on the tests, for they had gone to eight-month public schools for eleven years for a total of 88 months and national norms for the twelfth grade were for students who had attended nine-month schools for a total of 108 months.23 Discussions in class were lively. They spoke and wrote well and were charged with ambition to become successful English teachers. My sixth period class continued for a time to disturb me. Negativism pervaded the class which seemed, as a group, to be set against me. Yet, the students were bright and responsible, and competition among them was keen. I tried many innovations, most of which engaged their attention for a day or two but soon became stale for them. I invited Mr. Wey to come to my class, observe me for the entire hour, and make suggestions for possible improvements both in my presentation of materials and my dealing with the students as individuals. Unannounced, he came one day and was in a seat in the back of the room before the students arrived. To my amazement, the little girls came quietly into the room, took their seats, and waited silently for the class to begin. All were eager to participate in discussion. Each responded when called upon. All set about with industry and good will to work exercises connected with the assignment I had made carefully. It was as if they thought Mr. Wey was checking on my effectiveness as a teacher and that they were 23 North Carolina public schools shifted from an eleven to a twelve year curriculum during that year. 59 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone determined to show him that I was a good one. After the class left, Mr. Wey laughed his slightly snorting little laugh and said, "You are doing all right. Wy, you have those kids eating out of your hand. Thank you for inviting me to your classroom." Thereafter, I felt at ease and comfortable with the class. It became easy for me to tease those who became negative, to inject an undertone of light humor into discussion, to compliment those who did exceptionally well, to show compassionate respect for and come to the defense of those who made errors. It pleased me to see them grow together as an entity, to become a challenging, highly motivated, and most industrious class. Much later, members of that class who enrolled in my undergraduate and then graduate courses at the College were often the best students in the courses. I think it possible that I had never before had a class with comparable high intelligence and achievement. Living in my apartment enabled me to maintain the privacy I needed for relaxation and rest. I was alone and remote from my fellow teachers there. Apartment 33 was at the end of the hall on the third floor of the building. Catherine Smith,24 a new art teacher at the College, and her aged mother were in Apartment 31. Julian Yoder and Helen lived across the hall from me. Dr. Orby Southard and Irene lived in Apartment 30 next to the Yoders. Annafreddie Carsteens, a new psychology teacher at the College, and her aged mother, lived in the apartment under mine on the second floor. All were quiet people who kept their radios tuned low and retired early. In addition, it was possible for me to lie down on the table in my office for a half-hour after lunch. I worked in my office for at least an hour after students left in the afternoon, took a walk after that, and began cooking my dinner as soon as I got home. I prepared plain, simple food, but provided for variety in my diet. For breakfast I ate a dry cereal, citrus fruit, two eggs, bacon or sausage, and toast with margarine, with both coffee and milk to drink. For dinner I had a salad, a meat, a legume, potatoes or corn, cornbread or rolls, and a dessert, with two glasses of milk. I gained very little weight, continuing, despite the hefty meals, to weigh about 135 pounds for the next three or four years. After taking care of the dishes and the pots and pans, I lay down for an hour. Much of the time I returned to the school for play rehearsal for an hour or two after dinner. It became increasingly easy for me to put aside thoughts about my own situation but more difficult for me to put Sylvias condition out of my mind. After play rehearsals I wrote long stream-of-consciousness letters to Sylvia. The whining of the wind around the apartments as we moved into autumn and the roar of the wind and the beating of storms in the trees below the City Cemetery on the hill behind the building were orchestrations of sadness, melancholy, and loneliness. It was difficult for me to sleep well. I suffered from bad dreams and sprang up in bed in terror and streaming with perspiration from frightening nightmares. Then I would lie awake for interminably long periods, but I did not yield to the temptation to get up and read or write, though I would sometimes get up and prepare a glass of warm milk. Then I wanted to sleep when I should be getting up. The crowing of Mrs. Watson's rooster and the mooing of her cow in the barn next to the graveyard "Catherine Smith taught art at Appalachian from 1941 until her retirement in 1966, serving as chairperson of the art department for twenty-five years. The art gallery on the Appalachian campus is named in her honor. 60 �Glad to be Living and Working in Boone invited me to sleep a little longer. Sometimes I was late for the faculty meeting and was always embarrassed to arrive after the meeting had begun. Mr. Wey would reprove me for my tardiness, sometimes in the presence of the faculty members, but I could only sit in silence when he did so, for I did not feel free to tell him about my illness. Once or twice, when I explained that I suffered from insomnia, he told me I was not getting enough exercise. The human body is made for work, he insisted. If I should take enough exercise, I would rest well. In the early morning faculty meetings I continued to restrain myself, marveling most of the time at Mr. Wey's administrative abilities and his thoroughness in analyzing situations and solving problems. He was certainly the most fair-minded person with whom I had ever worked. He shared with his faculty what he was thinking and tried his best to build on what he found that was good and positive in those who needed help. His meetings were carefully planned. He always brought with him an agenda on a clipboard, from which he worked. He prepared as carefully for each faculty meeting as he might have done to meet a class. Fair, willing to consider all points of view, courteous, and considerate, he was able to establish and maintain a spirit of team work in his faculty. After I had been in Boone about a month, Mr. Wey called me into his office one afternoon and told me that Mr. Wilson had sent over to him my papers from the Placement Bureau, which he had been holding. Mr. Wey had not seen them before. He noticed that I had been a high school principal for seven years in Kentucky. I had said nothing about this. He invited me to talk about my experiences. I began by explaining that I had thought it unwise to volunteer in discussions in faculty meetings accounts of how I had handled administrative matters while I was a principal. I could think of nothing, I said, that might antagonize my fellow teachers more than for me to preface contributions I might want to make with, "When I was a principal..." or tell little anecdotes in which I was the hero. But I told him that for three years I had been the principal of what in Kentucky was considered a large high school, one with a faculty of 22 and an enrollment of over 500. The school was a member of the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools. My experience as the principal of this school might be helpful when we got around to preparing for membership in the organization. Mr. Wey was pleased. He invited me to his home for dinner so we could talk about what we might need to do in organizing ourselves for a visiting team. After that, Mr. Wey told the faculty that I had been the principal of a large high school that belonged to the Southern Association and that he intended to involve me in plans for preparing Appalachian Demonstration High School for admission to the organization. He called on me thereafter for my opinion about matters discussed in our faculty meetings, for I continued to feel that my volunteering opinions readily was unwise. One of Mr. Wey's characteristics as a principal that I admired most was his willingness to change his mind when he saw that decisions he had made were not working. He would say that he had been wrong. It had been difficult for me to do that in the highly politicized school system in which I had worked in Kentucky. There, one always had to be right to survive. Another of Mr. Wey's admirable traits, I thought, was his eagerness to give others credit 61 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles; I Come to Boom publicly for contributions that he could accept. Other administrators I had worked with felt compelled to lay claim personally to all good ideas that they accepted from others. I had become artful in planting ideas so I could hear them expressed later as those of the superintendent himself in a system in which all wisdom (and most blessings) flowed from the superintendent. Working with Mr. Wey was comfortable. One could be as open and nearly honest as he knew how to be without feeling that he was supplying items for a hidden agenda. I told Mr. Wey that I was enjoying academic freedom that I had not known since I was a teacher of a one-room school and that I admired his administrative style, but I did this privately, for to have done so in faculty meeting might have seemed to others at least simpering if not like "apple polishing." As I recall, the College had 45 faculty members, perhaps ten of whom were already in military service. Soon I began to meet those still on campus. Dr. Wiley Smith and I met in the road below the high school and enjoyed a conversation that might have lasted a half hour. He had a keen and insightful mind, I thought, and intensely blue eyes that appeared to come into sharp focus just a bit in front of themselves. As I enjoyed watching him wind up his mouth before he said clever things, a shapely co-ed with hair to her shoulders and wearing a form-fitting light blue sweater that glistened in the afternoon sun, an ample skirt that came almost to her ankles, bobby sox, and quite dirty saddle oxfords, came by. She stopped to greet Dr. Smith, who had been one of her teachers. After the exchange of greetings, he introduced me to her. As she hurried on, Dr. Smith watched her in silence for a moment. Then, turning toward me, his eyes a bit misty, he said, "I never get close to one dressed in one of those tight sweaters that I don't want to reach out and feel of her." He chuckled lecherously, and we continued with our conversation. Afterwards, I was puzzled by his comment about the pretty young woman. I could not decide whether it was offered as an expression of disapproval of current styles in dress or as a confession. After becoming better acquainted with him, I decided that he was only trying to shock me. From the window of my office I could see walking along the road two or three times every day a tall conservatively dressed man wearing a cap with a bill similar to caps that had been stylish in the 1920s. He carried a briefcase and was deliberate in his movements. One day I met him. He presented himself to me as George Sawyer, the teacher of sociology at the College. His manner of speaking was as deliberate as his walking. He told me two or three carefully crafted jokes with walloping punch lines. As he delivered a punch line, his face would assume a straight, grave expression which he held for a moment. Then he seemed to peep from behind his mask to determine whether I had caught the point of his story. When I laughed, he joined me in merriment. I enjoyed his jokes and anecdotes, which he continued to tell me for thirty years, sometimes coming by my office simply to tell me a good one he had just heard. The faculties of the campus elementary school and high school were expected to attend general faculty meetings of the College on Monday afternoons. At the first of those meetings Mr. Wilson introduced new faculty members of the campus schools. We responded by standing for a moment as our names were called. While each of us was standing, Mr. Wilson recited briefly our backgrounds, including states from which we came, colleges and 62 �Glad to be Living and Working in Boone universities we had attended, and school systems in which we had worked. He did this without reference to notes, appearing to be proud of himself for having in mind factual information about each of us. Regular faculty members responded with animated faces as they turned in their seats to get a good look at each of us. Then Dean Rankin requested by name the chairman of each department to present any new faculty members in that department. There were so few holders of doctoral degrees in the faculty that the title of doctor was considered more distinguished than professor. All males who did not hold doctorates were addressed and referred to as professor. Women were addressed and referred to as miss. As I recall, Appalachian had in its faculty at that time only one woman with a doctor s degree, Dr. Maud Cathcart in the biology department. In private life, Dr. Cathcart, who retained her maiden name professionally, was Mrs. Stout, but no one ever called her that. We were able to learn the names of department chairmen early: Miss Glada B. Walker, Art; Dr. Robert Busteed, Biology; Dr. W. Amos Abrams, English; Professor A.R. Smith, Chemistry; Dr. Harry B. Heflin, Education; Professor Gene Garbee, Health and Physical Education; Miss Lucy Brock, Home Economics; Dr. J.T.C. Wright, Mathematics; Miss Virginia Wary, Music; Dr. Wiley Smith, Psychology; Dr. D.J. Whitener, Social Studies. Also introduced were Mrs. Emma Moore, an aged woman of the vintage of President Dougherty, Dean Rankin, and Professor Joseph Williams, the Librarian. Mr. H.R. Eggers, the Registrar, was presented to explain procedures for reporting mid-term grades. It was a point of pride for me to remember the names when I met them on the campus or on the streets of the town. Mr. Wilson had emphasized the spirit of friendliness that pervaded the campus and told us that everybody always spoke to everybody else, including students. Soon I was meeting and remembering thereafter others in the faculty: Professor Vance Howell who taught Political Science; Miss Meta Liles, Dr. Graydon Eggers, and Miss Helen Burch in the English Department; Miss Helen Foster and Professor O.M. Hartsell in the Music Department; Miss Ida Belle Ledbetter in Biology; Miss Cleone Haynes and Miss Thursa Steed in Health and Physical Education. Miss Myrtle Brandon, the Dean of Women, was also a teacher in the Education Department. One of the more colorful personalities, Mr. Leonard Eury,25 was Mrs. Moore's assistant in the Library, but Mr. Eury and others including Coach Red Watkins, Professor Starr Stacy, Professor Edwin Dougherty, and Professor Gordon Nash, left in a few weeks to join some branch of the military service. Occasionally, after the rainy season was over, faculty members who lived in the apartments would sit in the afternoon sun in front of the building and visit. Sometimes I would sit with them for a few minutes. My friendship with Dr. Abrams grew. He told me about the North Carolina English Teachers Association, in which he was a member, and the North Carolina Folklore Society in the activities of which he had participated for several years. He invited me to go with him to the meetings of each group. I discussed with Mr. Wey the advisability of my 25 Leonard Eury served as College Librarian until his retirement in 1970. The W. L. Eury Appalachian Collection, founded in 1968, was named after him in 1971. 63 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone becoming a member of these groups and what arrangements I should make for my classes when I attended meetings. Mr. Wey, who believed it most important that teachers identify with professional organizations, encouraged me to join both if I wished to do so. My classes, however, would have to be covered by a qualified person whom I would pay at the substitute rate of five dollars a day from my own pocket. He knew of no substitute available in English, but thought Dr. Abrams might be able to suggest someone. It was unfortunate, he thought, that the College provided no funds for travel and subsistence for faculty members interested in participating in professional meetings. I would also have to bear travel and subsistence costs for attending meetings, but he considered participating important and expenses for doing so worth bearing if I could afford to spend the money. Participating in professional activities was encouraged by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools. Being able to report that I was an active member of these organizations would look good on application materials. Dr. Abrams and I discussed these matters. I decided to go with him to the fall meeting of the English Teachers Association at the North Carolina College for Women in Greensboro. We could ride down to Greensboro with someone he knew who was planning a trip to Raleigh at that time and come back on a bus. We could contribute perhaps a dollar each toward gasoline costs for the trip down, and the bus ticket back would not cost much. By that time I had received my second salary check and had bought myself a new suit for $13.00 at a sale up the street, a suit that I did not like very much and that did not fit me very well, but it was a good suit, the sale price of which had been slashed when it was moved to the bargain rack in the basement because of its small size. Although I could not feel well dressed in the suit, I would not look shabby. It had been possible at the end of the first month for me to repay Mr. Wilson the twenty dollars I owed him. I insisted that he accept a dollar for interest, but he would not have it. I had finished paying in one payment what I owed the finance company in Huntington and had been able to pay for Sylvia's room at the sanitarium without undue hardship. I had also gone to see Sylvia again the first weekend in October and would go again the weekend before the meeting in Greensboro. Before deciding finally that I would go with Dr. Abrams to the meeting, I wrote to Sylvia about it, for I did not want to spend as much as $15.00 to attend a meeting without discussing it with her. She insisted that I go and that I participate actively in the organization. The trip would be good for me, and she felt that I deserved the right to spend some of my meager salary for professional advancement. I told Dr. Abrams that I would go with him. Dr. Abrams recommended Mrs. Daisy Eggers as a well-qualified substitute teacher. I asked her whether she would be willing to take for the recommended five dollars a day my classes on the Friday that I would be gone to attend the meeting. She was, and took the assignment so seriously that she came in time on Thursday to sit in one of my classes before I provided her with lesson plans for Friday. The trip to Greensboro was my first one east of Boone and down that side of the Blue Ridge. Highway 421 was narrow, crooked, and in places so steep that the driver low64 �Glad to be Living and Working in Boone ered the car into second gear. Below Deep Gap the countryside was much torn up by a flash flood that had left death and destruction in its path two years earlier. As we descended the mountain, I could see a series of hazy blue ridges falling away in mystery in the far distance. The highway was routed through the towns. I saw North Wilkesboro, dominated by its impressive new hotel, for the first time. Then beyond the town we followed an alternate route through Ronda, with its chair factory, to Elkin, where we crossed the Yadkin River into Jonesville, a town I had not heard of before. Having heard that some of my ancestors had migrated from Wilkes County to Elaine, Kentucky, prior to 1820, I was personally interested in the countryside. Eroded farms, dilapidated houses, crooked barns, scrub brush on hillsides, and other evidences of depression poverty convinced me that I was traveling through a tired, worn-out land. I wondered whether it had been so poor and down at the heels when my ancestors had left over a hundred years earlier on the six-weeks trip over the mountains to what they considered a better land in the hills of Kentucky. Coach Robert W. (Red) Watkins rode with us. It was on that trip that I became well enough acquainted with him to remember who he was when I met him on campus or in town, for he was occupied with coaching activities in the afternoons and had not attended faculty meetings regularly. We let Coach Watkins out in Winston-Salem, where he was to visit with friends and relatives. Dr. Abrams and I got out at the O. Henry Hotel in Greensboro, where we engaged a beautiful room in an upper story that overlooked the city. It was quite dark when we arrived, but after getting ourselves settled in our room we went to dinner at a good little restaurant in the hotel. The following morning we checked out of the hotel and rode a bus out to Woman's College where our meeting was held. Dr. George Wilson was our host, a jovial, spirited man whose professional interest was in American dialects. He was also editor of PADS, the publication of the American Dialect Society. He convinced me that I ought to join the society and invited me to prepare for publication a word list from Appalachian speech, which I did during the next year. Dr. Abrams participated extensively in discussions and seemed to be one of the leaders in the North Carolina English Teachers Association. Most of the members were experienced and confident women who taught in city high schools. Dr. Abrams introduced me personally to most of them, making me feel good with compliments and the half-teasing attitude he maintained, both toward the lady teachers and me. It was obvious that the members held Dr. Abrams in high esteem. I met people there that day with whom I was to work actively in the Association for the next seventeen years, for I soon became a member of the Central Committee and attended planning meetings twice a year and the English teachers' divisional meetings at both regional and state conventions of what was then the North Carolina Educational Association. We ate together on campus. The meeting continued for a while in the afternoon. Sometime during the day a new professor at Woman's College, a Dr. McNutt, I believe, gave a challenging talk on teaching writing to high school students. He recommended 65 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone especially that teachers try having high school juniors and seniors write "exegeses" of poems. I could not recall ever having heard or seen the word "exegesis" before and did not know what he was talking about. I wondered whether I might have been the only teacher present who did not know the word, but I could not tell from observing them. Afterwards, I did not feel sufficiently courageous to ask anyone for a definition, but I wrote the word on the back of my checkbook so I could consult a dictionary when I got back to Boone. About the middle of the afternoon Dr. Abrams and I caught a bus to Winston-Salem. It was a cloudy day, but I could see the rolling, well kept farms and the prosperous countryside out of Greensboro. Many trees still had green leaves on them and others were flaunting the autumn colors that we had enjoyed in Boone before the frosts had come to the mountains a few weeks earlier. We waited in Winston-Salem for a bus northward to Bluefield, West Virginia. Since it was not possible for us to make connections for a bus to Boone that night, we bought tickets to Boonville, where we spent the night in the home of Dr. Abramss sister, Louise, and her husband, Ralph Coram. Louise and Ralph lived in a new house, not yet completed, down a side street in Boonville. I had met neither of them before, but we enjoyed a delightful visit with them. Their bright-eyed little daughter, Winona, perhaps three years old, and I played games while Doc talked with Louise, a lively, vivid person who taught English in the local school, and, later, with Ralph, quiet, relaxed, and at ease with the two English teachers. Winona had a panda almost as big as she was. When I held the panda on my knee and carried on a conversation with it, like Edgar Bergen and Charlie McCarthy, she was so pleased that she required more of me than my imagination could supply. I escaped into a songfest, in which the panda sang children's songs and recited nursery rhymes that delighted Winona. Louise rescued me by suggesting that Winona show me the pups, who lived in a lot over the bank behind the house. After visiting with the pups, we went exploring together. Across the fence and in the edge of the woods behind the house, we found an ancient graveyard, in which there was a stone for a woman who was over a hundred years old, 108, as I recall, when she died. Ralph was a farmer. The following morning he took me to meet his father and mother and to see the farm, a prosperous one with modern machinery, full barns, and fat cattle. After the tour of the farm Ralph took us up to the corner where we caught a bus to Boone. In North Wilkesboro we saw mountain people standing around the bus station, among them a pale young woman with a snuff stick in her mouth and breast feeding her baby with the same unconcern that I had observed in mothers at church when I was a boy in Kentucky. I thought that perhaps many of the blue-eyed, fair-skinned, and rangy mountain folk might have been my distant kinsmen, for they looked very much like the people who came to Blaine to trade on Saturdays. On the way from North Wilkesboro to Boone the motor of the bus ground with agony as the driver geared down to manipulate steep, sharp curves. Below the crest of the Blue Ridge I became nauseated again, but after opening the window for fresh air I was able to make it to the top of the mountain without having to vomit. The trip had been an enriching one for me. I had learned why the region west of the 66 �Glad to be Living and Working in Boone Blue Ridge had been designated the "Lost Provinces." I had seen the face of a new land, I had gained a deeper respect for Dr. Abrams, and I was more proud than ever of Appalachian Teachers College. I was glad to be living and working in Boone, That night I wrote in my letter to Sylvia a full account of my trip and expressed again my high regards for Dr. Abrams. Working at the high school became more pleasant and enriching for me as I began to make use of student observers from the methods class. Soon they were helping me with the preparation of teaching materials for my two freshman sections and reading papers and quizzes. One assisted me with directing one-act plays the dramatics class was preparing. By the middle of October I was able to complete work for the day and make preparations for the following day by five o'clock each afternoon. I came back in the evenings for play rehearsals and was usually ready for bed by ten o'clock. The short nap on my work table after lunch, the longer one in bed or on the couch after my dinner, and eight hours in bed each night provided me with the rest time I needed. I was finding it easier to push aside concerns for my own health, to rest when tired, to leave a job without giving it further thought before taking it up again, but it was more difficult to adjust to the seriousness of Sylvias illness. Anxiety and deep dread disturbed my sleep. People invited me to dinner occasionally and my fellow teachers at the high school sometimes included me in their social plans. After pleasant outings and evenings with others, I found myself looking tired and disturbed when I glanced at myself in the mirror while brushing my teeth before retiring. I felt guilty when I thought of Sylvia suffering and slowly dying, for I wanted to be with her. I wanted to be alone at times, to let my thoughts flow freely. One Saturday at the peak of the autumn's color season I rode the bus to Elizabethton, Tennessee, wandered around for an hour or two, and then came back by way of Newland and Blowing Rock, drinking deeply all the while the bittersweet of October s poignancy, its prodigy of painful beauty. I saw what Thomas Wolfe had described in Look Homeward Angel, a book that had more than anything else invited me to the mountains of North Carolina, which have always expressed October best. After my trip, Ruby Donald was interested in knowing why I wanted just to ride a bus over those narrow roads to Elizabethton and back. I felt shy, as if a secret had been pried out of me when I responded that I liked to feel the color season flowing by. One Saturday during the lingering autumn John Nelson, the social studies teacher at the high school, invited me to ride with him and his wife, Mary, to Lenoir. Mary needed to stop by the hospital there for an examination and he wanted to shop for clothing. Perhaps I would like to shop, too, for he had learned that there were bargains available in men's clothing. Although I knew I would not be buying any clothing, I gladly accepted his invitation, for I wanted to ride down the mountain in autumn from Blowing Rock to Lenoir, which I had not yet seen. Johns car was dilapidated, but he was glad to have it at that time when any car that 67 �The Crafts Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone would run at all was a prized possession. We left Boone at eight o'clock, early enough, John thought, for him to get to the hospital in time for his wife's appointment at ten o'clock. It was a bright day. The ride along the edge of the gorge in Blowing Rock was frightening. Visibility was so clear and sharp that one could see the individual trees clinging to the steep side of the mountain all the way to the bottom of the gorge perhaps 2000 feet below. The most spectacular view I had yet seen, the mountains were piled, heap upon heap, as far as one could see, the closer ones standing out in sharp detail in the sunlight and looking almost close enough for one to throw a stone across the gorge to them, even though they were miles away. Highway 321 was narrow, on a steep grade, and as crooked as a snake crawling in the dust. John crept along in second gear applying the brakes so often that he had to stop on level stretches to let them cool. Once, beside a little clear stream below the church in the bend of the road near the turn off to Blackberry, he had me dip up a gallon tomato can of water for his radiator, which was so hot that steam was boiling out of it. We laughed because a radiator would get so hot in a car going down hill that it would have to be refilled. We must have spent the better part of an hour going down the mountain, at the foot of which we began to see many trees on which leaves were still green. The drive along the river below the mountain was through productive farming country. Happy Valley, a pleasant little hamlet with a textile mill beside a stream and a store by the highway, was the only community we passed before reaching the outskirts of Lenoir, an impressive little city with a proud hotel, the Carlheim, settled among splendid trees, a statue of a Confederate soldier in the center of its bustling business district, and along a low ridge the lovely campus of Davenport College, already closed, a casualty of the Depression, we had heard. We took Mary to the hospital and went shopping. I looked but did not buy anything. John looked at some suits with bargain prices, but purchased only two shirts, a tie, and some socks. While John was in the hospital with Mary, I walked on the Davenport campus and peeped through windows of attractive old buildings surrounded by giant oak trees. It was such a quiet, restful campus that I regretted it was then abandoned. We ate sandwiches at a little shop near the bus station and started back to Boone, having been in Lenoir not more than two hours. At the edge of town John stopped at a filling station for oil and gasoline, producing the ticket book required then. The attendant filled his radiator. The trip up the mountain was an ordeal. John would gear down to second and then low for steep places and stop on level spots to let the engine cool. I found water for the steaming radiator three times, the last time in the little stream below the church, but I filled the can two-thirds full and held it between my feet in case we would need more water before we reached Blowing Rock. We arrived in Boone at two o'clock. We had spent six hours making the 60-mile trip to Lenoir and back for a two-hour visit there. Certainly, Boone was hard to get to from all directions.26 26 Cratis Williams note: By the mid 1950s Highway 321 up the Blowing Rock Mountain had been rebuilt. Since then one could drive to Lenoir in forty-five minutes, but the new highway passes the same clear little stream from which I dipped water for John Nelson's radiator. I never see it that I don't remember my first trip to Lenoir. 68 �Glad to be Living and Working in Boone After I had received my check for my first month's salary and did not feel so tightly pinched, I went along occasionally with other teachers from the high school to the college cafeteria for the evening meal, where we could buy well prepared and wholesome but plain food at quite reasonable prices. In fact, a college student at the time paid only $3.50 for a meal book, which, it was said, one who selected food carefully could make last for a week. Owing to the scarcity of meats in war time, our selection was limited mostly to stew, meatloaf, patties, fishcakes, bologna, wieners, breaded chops, and small country-style steaks, but we had an abundance of both vegetables, many of which were grown on the college farm, and fresh milk from the College Dairy. Students and teachers especially relished Mrs. Ragan's spice cake and Mrs. Cullers's pastries, baked the same day on which they were served and of consistent high quality. In the cafeteria we had opportunities to become acquainted with college students, especially those who were taking methods classes and doing practice teaching in physical education under the supervision of Miss Donald. Bill Killian, Hughs friend on the editorial staff of the college newspaper, The Appalachian, for which Hugh was the business manager, was with us often. Before the fall quarter was over, I had become well enough acquainted with college students to recognize by name as many as fifty or sixty besides those enrolled in my methods course. When I went alone to the cafeteria, I was usually able to eat with someone I had already met. These opportunities for social exchange enabled me to develop a feeling of involvement in the life of the campus. I liked Appalachian students, more of whom, I learned, came from small towns or farms in the piedmont than from the mountain region. Especially friendly and congenial, they were generally serious young people, usually the first in their families to go to college, eager for an education, and ambitious to become teachers. Most of them were poor, I was told, and worked in mills or chopped cotton or hoed in the fields during the summer to supplement the meager help sacrificing parents of usually large families could offer toward their college education. Others were themselves sons and daughters of struggling school teachers, many of whom were graduates of Appalachian. But their poverty did not show. In those days students dressed for college. Young men did not wear overalls, jeans, hickory shirts, denim blouses, or rawhide shoes, nor young women calico dresses, gingham aprons, or cotton stockings to college. The College operated its own laundry and dry cleaning establishment and charges were minimal. Residence halls were equipped with abundant facilities for bathing. College students were well dressed, well groomed, and clean in those days. They did not refer to their poverty in their conversations nor to humble, workingclass origins. Only the quality of their spoken English betrayed them. Slovenly speech, careless diction, illiteracies, and folk idioms identified them as rural or working class young people, but they were generally courteous, considerate, and well mannered and left the impression that they were informed in etiquette and acquainted with the habits and customs of that middle-class society to which they aspired. Most important for their instructors, they respected and honored their teachers, even those whose idiosyncrasies they made the subject of indulgent conversations or mimicked in moments of levity. Those teachers who lived in rooms and suites in Faculty Apartments found them69 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone selves restricted for entertainment possibilities. As we became better acquainted, we worked out arrangements for socializing in the apartments of those who were willing hosts. We occasionally bought food and pooled our resources for dinner with the Nelsons, After dinner, we sometimes played simple card games such as hearts, or those who could do so would play bridge. Mr. and Mrs. Wey had all of us in groups of four or five to their home for dinner and cards. Sometimes we would dance, but most of us, though willing learners, were not especially skilled at dancing. My apartment was well suited for communal dinners and talk sessions afterwards. Ruby Donald and Hugh Daniel began a courtship after a few weeks. We pooled our resources for simple dinners in my apartment, usually including at least one other person, but sometimes a couple like the Nelsons. These dinners were the basis of a friendship with Ruby and Hugh, who married later, that has continued since that time.27 Figure E. Ruby Donald and Hugh Daniel on King Street, © 1942. Photo courtesy of Ruby Daniel. Sylvia had never trusted my culinary skills so far as to let me fry a chicken. Even when she was too ill to do so, she would fry the chicken when we had one. I liked fried chicken very much but was not getting to eat it often in Boone. One day I bought a frying chicken from Mrs. Amelia Greer at the Winn-Dixie Store, confessing as I bought it that I had never prepared one. Mrs. Greer advised that I ask one of my neighbors for a recipe and follow it closely, for frying chicken, she said, is really simple if one watches the heat closely and turns the chicken at the right time. I asked Miss Catherine Smith, my next door neighbor, how I should prepare my chicken. She had me write down the procedure, which I followed slavishly. She had me roll the chicken in cracker crumbs, which I did not know was ever done, but it was especially good chicken, Pennsylvania fried, someone told me, for Miss Smith, who had come from Pennsylvania, knew nothing about Kentucky fried chicken. I liked the chicken so well that I fried chicken for my guests thereafter and was able to include chicken more often in my own diet. Sometime before homecoming the English Club, under the sponsorship of Miss Meta 27 Ruby Donald and Hugh Daniel were married the following summer at the end of the school term and Hugh went to midshipmen school at Notre Dame before serving in the South Pacific. Ruby continued to teach at the high school for the duration of the war. Upon Hugh's return, they left Boone for Memphis where Hugh attended Southern College of Optometry, later opening a practice in Waynesville, North Carolina. Hugh and Ruby both served on Appalachian State University's Board of Trustees, and Hugh served on the first Board of Governors of the University of North Carolina System. 70 �Glad to be Living and Working in Boone Liles, a southern lady from Tarboro and much admired by young women majoring in English, invited me to a tea one lovely afternoon in the social room of Lovill Hall. Although I considered teas stiff and artificial, I felt it important that I accept the invitation, for all of the students in my methods class, including the slender-faced young man, Terry Mattern, were likely to be there. A few times while I was a student at the University of Kentucky I had helped my friend, Sidney Shell, who lived in the attic of the president's home, assist Mrs. McVeigh, the president's social-minded wife, with her teas at Maxwell Place.28 I knew about teas, I thought, and the importance of standing about, looking ones best, sipping tea noiselessly, and occasionally engaging in light talk, but never for more than a few minutes at a time with other guests. Light talk, I thought, should never degenerate into a conversation, or sink to the level of a discussion, at a tea. As soon as my sixth period class was over, I rushed to my apartment to freshen up, changed into my new $13.00 suit, touched myself with cologne, and hurried to the social room of Lovill Hall. Almost all of the young ladies in my methods class were there, dressed in pretty tea dresses and high heels, their hair hanging to their shoulders, and wearing white gloves. They were without exception attractive, animated, and gracious. Mr. Mattern, the slender-faced young man in the class, was all dressed up in a three-piece suit, a gleaming white shirt, and a tie knotted so tightly and neatly that it stuck out like a race horse's tail. It seemed that all of the members of the faculty, many of them with their spouses in attendance, and student office holders were there, some of them already saying good-bye to the hostess, the president of the English Club, and Miss Liles, the sponsor, when I arrived. Dr. Abrams, standing close by, was obviously pleased with what seemed to be a social triumph for English majors. Soon President Dougherty arrived, accompanied by Dean Rankin. A young lady took them in hand immediately, relieving Dr. Dougherty of his spotless hat and hanging it on a rack near the entrance. Another young lady arrived with a cup of hot water and a tea bag, a cube of sugar, a spoon, and three tiny cookies on the saucer and thrust it into Dr. Dougherty's hand. He did not move far from where he was standing. While engaging Dr. Abrams in a discussion, he crumbled one of his cookies in the hot water, stirred it with the spoon gently, and sipped it, his tea bag and cube of sugar lying in place on his saucer. After he had drunk half of his concoction, he crumbled another cookie into the cup, stirred it a long time, and continued to sip. When his cup was empty, a young lady came with a teapot of hot water and asked whether he would like more. He looked at the empty cup for a moment and held it out for a refill. Then he crumbled his last cookie into the water, stirred it around and around, and continued to sip. People came, had tea, and left, but Dr. Dougherty continued to talk with Dr. Abrams. When his cup was empty, the tea bag and the sugar still lying on his saucer, a young lady came by and asked whether she might relieve him of his cup. As he handed it to her, he observed, "Young lady, that was powerful good tea." Her eyes twinkled but she managed to keep her composure as she looked at the 28 Frank L. McVey was president of the University of Kentucky from 1917 until his retirement in 1940. He and Mrs. McVey were the first UK president's family to live in Maxwell Place, built in 1870 and sold to the University in 1917. It remains the UK presidential home. 71 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone tea bag and sugar on the saucer. Someone handed Dr. Dougherty his hat and he left. Sensing my amusement, Dr. Abrams explained in a low voice that Dr. Dougherty, who did not like tea and did not want the sugar, was not absent minded. He knew exactly what he was doing, but felt it improper to refuse to accept the cup that had been offered him. One bright Sunday afternoon I decided to go walking alone to the top of Howard s Knob. I thought the exercise would be good for me, but feared that I might need to stop and rest frequently because of my lungs, and if I became too tired to walk all the way to the top I could rest a while and return to my apartment. I did not ask anyone to go with me because I did not want to risk in the presence of a companion the possibility of having to return to the town before making it all the way to the top of the Knob. On my way up the street I met Dr. Abrams, Dr. Busteed, and Dr. Whitener near the old Coffey residence on the corner of Appalachian Street and Main Street. Dr. Abrams wanted to know where I was going. I told him that I was planning to walk through the upper side of Boone, which I had not yet seen. He and the others were coming from a meeting of a Lions Club committee, he said. He then said that I might enjoy being a member of the Lions Club. I explained that I had enjoyed being a member of Rotary International in my home town in Kentucky but did not at the time want to be a member of another civic club. All three of them talked about the fun Lions have at their meetings and the good work they do for children who need glasses. A Lions Club is not much like a Rotary Club, they said, and they hoped I might decide later that I would like to become a Lion. I walked to the courthouse square and turned up Water Street toward Howard's Knob. The road looped around the upper side of town, a section called Junaluska, in which the black population of Boone lived. I could see that the road looped back above a steep pasture field and that one might cut off perhaps a quarter of a mile by climbing a hundred yards up the steep field. Soon I saw a path across the field and followed it, panting heavily and resting frequently until I reached the road above. The dirt road was not very steep for a way but then ascended on a steep grade toward the saddle gap between Howard's Knob and Rich Mountain. I rested when my heart began to pound and made it to the gap in perhaps 45 minutes from the time I had left the apartments. The rutted old abandoned trail from the gap to the top of the Knob looked as if it had not been used for many years. I was finding my way to a spot where one could sit alone, feel the fresh brisk breeze whipping across his face, look at the town far below him, and think his deepest thoughts in strict privacy, I thought. I passed the foundation of a house, much of the floor still in place, that had apparently blown down in a wind storm. The ruins of the old house were the only signs of former human habitation there, although I had already heard that Howard, a Tory, had hidden in a cliff on the Knob for a year or two before he took the oath of allegiance to the new nation in 1777. 72 �Glad to be Living and Working in Boone Beyond the end of the trail I ran into surprises. Behind nearly every tree and rock was a young couple. Some were standing, some sitting, and some reclining. They were college students who had slipped away from campus. "Boys" over one entrance to the administration building and "girls" the other, segregated seating in the auditorium, an eight o'clock curfew in the evening, and other precautions did not prevent courting couples from coming together when they set their heads to do so. Feeling like an unwelcome intruder, I retreated from the scene and returned to Faculty Apartments. Dr. Abrams invited me to hear his collection of recordings of traditional ballads and songs which NYA students had arranged and catalogued for him. He permitted me to listen in the late afternoon in his classroom while he worked in his office or attended meetings. Occasionally, we found time to discuss ballads he had collected. He thought it important that I continue with my interest in collecting and that I become a member of the North Carolina Folklore Society, to which he had belonged for several years. He would be pleased to have me go with him to the annual meeting of the Society during North Carolina Culture Week in early December. I wrote about it to Sylvia and discussed it with her when I visited her. Membership dues were only a dollar a year, as I recall, and the trip to Raleigh and back by bus, expenses for sharing a room with Doc in the Sir Walter Raleigh Hotel, where the meeting would be held, and the cost of meals would not exceed fifteen dollars, but it would be necessary that I hire a substitute teacher to meet my classes at the high school on the one day that I would be away. Sylvia urged that I accept Doc's invitation and that I join the Society. I told Doc he could include me in his plans to attend the meet- 73 �This page intentionally left blank �c Winter's Nightmare When I went to see Sylvia in early November I was distressed to find her emaciated, blanched, and hollow eyed. She could not even swallow a sip of water without first soughing through a pipette some of the medicinal powder, Aureomycin, I believe it was called, to numb her throat. She was so weak that she required help just to sit up in bed. Her joy in living was gone. Even smiling required effort as her paperthin lips peeled away from her teeth, leaving them exposed to the gums and greatly exaggerated in size. Her arms were as slender as tobacco sticks and her beautiful hands were thin and bony. She thought she probably weighed no more than seventy-five pounds. She was slowly starving to death. I suggested that intravenous feeding might give her strength, but she did not want it and the doctors did not recommend it, for there was no hope for her recovery. She would probably not live more than a few weeks longer. Sylvia had given up hope. She wanted very much to die. Her pain was almost unbearable. She dreaded having to deal with it to the end. If she were physically able to do so, she said, she would get out of bed, go to the chest, gather up her medicine, and then get back in bed and take all of it. She would not wake up and her suffering would be ended. She looked at me imploringly. She could not ask me to hand the medication to her, but if I could I would be helping her. My heart pounded like a jackhammer as my sense of being ballooned to encompass the entire room and my vision became blurred. Sylvia had managed a ghastly smile. I could make out distinctly only her large eyes and those enormous teeth. I shuddered and contracted into myself again. I could not bear the pain of knowing that I had helped the one I loved better than all the world to die. I held her fragile little hand while we looked into each other's eyes a long time. 75 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone After a while, she said she wished that she was at her mother's home. She was not going to get well and she preferred to die in the house in which she was born and had grown up. We discussed problems involved. We had no notion of what it might cost to hire an ambulance to take her to Cherokee, but I would write and ask her mother to get a price from Mr. Curtright, the funeral director in Louisa, and she could request someone at the sanitarium to get prices from funeral homes in Beckley. We could engage one and I could come at Thanksgiving time and be with her on the trip. When I got back to Boone, I wrote Mrs. Graham. She engaged Luther Hogston, a neighbor, to take her to Louisa to talk with Mr. Curtright, who studied a road map and offered to send an ambulance for Sylvia for forty-five dollars. Someone in the office at the sanitarium called funeral homes in Beckley. The director of a new home there was willing to send two young men with an ambulance over the mountains from below Charleston to Louisa and on to Cherokee for thirty dollars. I called that director and made arrangements for him to send the two young men on the trip on Thanksgiving Day and sent him ten dollars as a deposit. One of the pleasant occasions at the College that fall was homecoming. The weekend chosen for homecoming, which might have been in late October, was a golden one with bright weather throughout. Most of the students and faculty must have participated, but activities were not largely attended, for gasoline rationing, the war, and the dwindling student body reduced severely the number of persons who might have been present in normal times. Playcrafters, the drama club that had flourished under Professor Antonakos's direction in other years, had prepared under student direction some dramatic sketches and one-act plays for Friday night, carrying on, I learned, a tradition that had grown up five or six years earlier under Antonakos's leadership. Most of the small student body and remaining faculty and spouses attended. Many of the students in my methods class and two or three student actors from the high school were involved in the play production effort. At a reception afterwards in the meeting room of Playcrafters under the auditorium of the administration building, teachers and spouses, President Dougherty, and Dean and Mrs. Rankin came by for punch and cookies and an opportunity to meet and compliment the actors, still in stage costume and makeup, and the directors. Few visitors were there, though. Alumni and friends of the College would arrive on Saturday. No provisions had been made for a Saturday morning parade led by a lively band and a panache of prancing majorettes. Both the band and the majorettes were greatly reduced in numbers that year. Instead, we walked leisurely past a surprising number of colorful displays and tableaux strung across the lawns from Lovill Hall to the administration building, and gleaming in the bright morning, each attended by one or two costumed students representing the organization or club that had prepared the exhibit. I do not recall an alumni luncheon, or even a meeting, and believe that there might not have been a formally organized alumni association of the institution in existence at the time. After a stroll across the campus I went by the book store, where a few alumni and faculty members were enjoying 76 �Winter's Nightmare conversation over coffee and soft drinks at the tables and in the four or five booths while the juke box played loudly recordings of the music popular at the time. Feeling out of place and ill at ease, and not wanting to intrude on any of the groups around the tables, I stood by the counter and sipped a 7-Up. After a simple lunch in my apartment and a long nap afterwards, I freshened myself up, dressed in my new and ill-fitting tweed suit, and walked down to the stadium in the bottom where Rankin Hall is now located. The little band was already playing and the energetic cheerleaders, dressed in orange and black sweaters and skirts that seemed dull and worn, were working hard to generate enthusiasm in the small and somewhat dispirited crowd on the home side of the stadium. There might not have been more than fifteen or twenty supporters of the visiting team in the stands along the north side of the field, which was bounded by Appalachian Street, then opened through the campus and one of the main roads into the town. The cheerleaders, under Dr. Amos Abrams's direction, were mistresses of their routines and were superbly coordinated in their execution, but the cooperation of the small crowd was sporadic and largely indifferent. I do not remember the name of the team Appalachian was playing that day. I entered the stadium from the north side and walked around the end zone to the south side. As I was climbing the tier of wooden seats to the top row, where I wanted a seat in the mid zone, I met Dr. Wiley Smith and was surprised to note that he was wearing a tweed suit just like mine, but his suit looked good on him. As we exchanged greetings, I thought I detected a bit of a surprise that he should see someone else wearing a suit like his. He had most likely paid full price for his suit, unlike my bargain basement clearance sale purchase, and was proud to be wearing it. The football game was not a good one. Both teams seemed to be leftovers. As I recall, two or three of Appalachian's players had been borrowed from the local high school squad. Despite the verve of the spirited cheerleaders, the liveliness of the band, the prancing routines of the pretty majorettes, and the crowning at half time of a beautiful homecoming queen (for whom no dance was scheduled that evening) on a windy afternoon in autumn, the football game was a disaster. I have forgotten who won the game but realized that neither team deserved to win. Nothing was scheduled for Saturday night. Instead, faculty members invited the few alumni who had returned to campus to dinner in their homes. Dr. Abrams and Lillian invited me to their house for dinner, attended also by three or four alumni who were then teaching English in high schools. Late that afternoon I had met Hugh Daniel on campus. Hugh and Ruby were entertaining a recent alumna, who was teaching in an elementary school in Allegheny County, and her date for the evening, who was one of Hugh's friends. The teacher, a good party girl, had brought with her a bottle of Four Roses. Entertaining them in Ruby's room in the Faculty Apartments would be awkward and crowded. Hugh wondered whether I might like to have all of them as my guests in my apartment. I had ice in my refrigerator. He and Ruby would bring mixers, extra glasses, and snacks. I explained that I had accepted an invi77 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone tation to dinner, but that I would leave my door unlocked and they could make themselves at home in my apartment until I returned, perhaps by 9:30. Following Lillian Abrams s delicious dinner, built around a most successful chicken casserole, and an evening of delightful conversation that sparkled with Dr. Abrams's wit, I took my leave about nine o'clock and hurried to my apartment. The party was in progress. Hearty laughter and the tinkling of ice in glasses let me know that my guests were enjoying themselves. My door was locked. Fearing that letting myself in with my key might startle them, I knocked. There was a hushed quiet as Hugh came and let me in. Everybody laughed, but I saw no evidence of a party. The bottle of bourbon and the mixers had been hidden behind the chest. Only the desk light was on. In the semi-darkness I was presented to the teacher from Allegheny County, a plump but attractive young woman with dark hair hanging to her shoulders. She was congenial and laughed easily, showing beautiful teeth. Hugh asked what I wanted with my bourbon. Not caring for either of the mixers, I asked for a double jigger cut with branchwater and cooled by one cube of ice. There was a hearty response to my order. It seemed no one present had ever heard of mixing whiskey with branchwater. Observing that the bottle of bourbon was half empty, I consumed my drink quickly and announced that, being by then "even Steven" with my guests, I would accept another lighter drink, with one jigger, two cubes of ice, and the glass filled with branchwater. I sipped this one for the remainder of the evening. We swapped stories, laughed a great deal, and enjoyed ourselves, the two couples sitting together on the long couch while I sat in the easy chair. The rest of the bourbon was consumed by about 11:30. Conversation continued for another half hour. The young teacher expressed her appreciation for my hospitality and the guests departed. It had been a successful party but I was soon very much alone in the quiet building. As I prepared for bed, I noticed in my bathroom mirror that my face was mask-like and my eyes were tired. Suddenly I was exhausted. I thought of Sylvia, suffering and dying, and felt guilty because I had not thought of her while enjoying the party. But she and I had enjoyed many similar parties with friends. I would tell her about this one, homecoming, and the football game on a perfect autumn afternoon in my Sunday morning letter. I slept better than usual. Early on Thanksgiving Day I arrived at Pinecrest Sanitarium to ride with Sylvia in the ambulance to her mother s home. She had become so emaciated that the contours of her teeth were visible beneath the pallid skin of her face and her eyes were as large as eggs, her thin lids meeting only halfway when she batted them. She whispered with difficulty that she weighed only 65 pounds. She was unable to sit up by herself, but once propped into a sitting position she could use her hands and had retained considerable strength in her frail arms. Attendants had packed her bag and a cardboard box. The ambulance would arrive at ten o'clock. After visiting with her, I went by an office to sign her out of the sanitarium and then to the X-ray room to have my chest X-rayed again. I was told that Dr. Edwards, off duty 78 �Winter's Nightmare that day, would read the film and send me a report the following week. When attendants came to take Sylvia to the ambulance, I stood at the second story window above the exit and watched them wheel her from the building. I had stood at this same window and watched them bring her into the building four and a half months earlier. Then she had seen me at the window and smiled with hope. Borne from the building head first, she could have seen me at the window again, but if she did she was unable to smile a recognition. Her face was rigid and white in the sunlight and her large eyes were fixed. She looked like a corpse. I shuddered with grief as I stood alone by the window and fought back an almost overwhelming urge to cry out my agony and weep. I went downstairs and out of the building through the loading exit and presented myself to the two young men, nineteen or twenty years old, who would be driving the ambulance. They pointed out to me on a road map the route westward they planned to take a few miles below Charleston. I sat beside Sylvias cot in the ambulance and talked to her. She attempted to say very little herself. Struggling to whisper against the purring of the motor exhausted her. The morning was bright on the mountains around Beckley and along the New River Gorge, but we came into hazy weather below Gauley Bridge. Sylvia rested comfortably on the cot. The young men were careful, smooth drivers and managed the traffic lights in Charleston without disturbing her. As we were leaving Charleston, she whispered that she Figure F. Sylvia Graham Williams and Gratis Williams, shortly after they were married in 1937. 79 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone was thirsty and hungry. She wanted a dish of vanilla ice cream and a glass of ice water. I helped her arrange her medication. She soughed the powder into her throat, gagging and struggling as she did so. I told the young men in the cab to stop at the next restaurant they saw and we would have lunch. In a few minutes the driver pulled into the parking area of a short order restaurant. The young men had brought lunch with them and ate in the cab. I went into the restaurant and ordered a hamburger for myself and a dish of vanilla ice cream and a glass of water for Sylvia. The little restaurant did not prepare food and drinks to go. I took the dish of ice cream with a stainless steel spoon in it and the glass of water with a straw in it to Sylvia. She struggled with the water but drank very little of it. I fed her ice cream but she took only a few bites of it. As I returned the dish, spoon, glass, and straw to the waitress I saw that the spoon and straw had bright red lipstick on them. When I told the waitress that she might want to scald with boiling water what I was returning, for the person in the ambulance had tuberculosis, she looked at the lipstick on the spoon and straw as if it were offal and, snarling with malevolence, dropped gingerly each article into the garbage pail. When I asked whether I might pay for the articles, she snapped "no" with begone-with-you venom in her voice. The three or four people at the counter who heard our conversation leaned away from me as if I might have been a leper who had dropped like a spider from the ceiling into their midst. They were all still staring at me with hateful disdain when I looked back at them from the door of the restaurant. I was glad that the young ambulance drivers had not witnessed my burning humiliation and I did not report to Sylvia what had happened. The ambulance crept along the narrow road through the hills from the Kanawha Valley to Fort Gay. The afternoon was overcast with light clouds. The landscape was generally grey but bedecked here and there with dark oaks that had not yet surrendered all of their color. Wisps of smoke from black chimneys of weathered little houses signaled preparation of Thanksgiving dinner; men and boys waited on front porches or clustered around battered cars or trucks with ragged fenders parked by the gates of little brown yards. As we went through Louisa, I craned my neck to see whether I might recognize any of the few people straggling along the sidewalks, but they were country people whom I did not know. I saw only two people I had known. Buell Lyon was standing in front of his gas station and Doug Lewis was cleaning the windshield of a dusty flivver beside his gas pump. Neither recognized me. Sylvia was glad that we had been able to come through the town without being seen by former friends and neighbors there, for she wanted as few people as possible to know that she was coming home to die. Sylvia slept lightly on the way from Louisa to the Wellman Bridge. I held her warm thin hand and watched familiar countryside move by. As we crossed Adams Hill, I had a deep, sinking sensation of gloom as I held Sylvia's hand tightly. I watched in silence the passing of the familiar banks, rocks, and trees that I had seen many times with her, happy and laughing, beside me in our car. This was our last trip together over an intimate and friendly road, the last lap in our journey to the end. 80 �Winter} Nightmare Sylvia woke up when the driver stopped and changed gears to cross the Wellman Bridge. She was able to see the familiar countryside as the ambulance moved slowly and smoothly over the bumpy dirt road from the bridge to the mouth of Cherokee Creek. People at Paris Elswick's store recognized us and threw up their hands at us. We met no one on the road from the bridge to Cherokee. Although it was Thanksgiving Day, people were not driving their beaten up cars, held together with baling wire and the ingenuity of amateur mechanics, for gasoline Figure G. Berta and Lemual Graham with Sylvia and was rationed. We arrived at the Graham Gratis on the Graham farm. Cherokee, Ky., circa 1938. home at three o'clock. Mrs. Graham had moved a bed for Sylvia into the living room, which she had cleaned thoroughly. The blinds on the long double windows were rolled completely up, and a low wood fire was smoldering on the hearth. The young men carried the cot on which Sylvia lay into the house. Mrs. Graham and I transferred her to the bed and propped her up with pillows. She looked happy as light from the windows gathered in her enormous eyes. I paid the young men twenty dollars and thanked them for the care they had taken to make the long ride as comfortable as they could for Sylvia. While the driver was writing a receipt, I looked at the picture hanging on the wall above Sylvia's head. A dying American Indian with a long dipping spear in his hand slumped in his saddle as his horse, standing on a hillock, lowered his head toward sunset. That picture had been hanging there the first time I came to see Sylvia in 1931. Mrs. Graham, stoical and controlled, did not betray to Sylvia her shock at seeing her so thin and weak, nor did she indicate that she noticed how large Sylvia's eyes were or how pale her skin was. The young ambulance drivers, eager to be on the road, left about 3:30. We made Sylvia as comfortable as possible and then retreated to the kitchen so she could take a nap. Mr. Graham, who had gone to his nephew's home for a shave and a hair trim, returned soon. Sylvia awoke from her light nap when he came in. We hurried into the room, for Mr. Graham, then 76 years old, was hard of hearing and Sylvia could only whisper. Like Mrs. Graham, he did not express shock at seeing Sylvia so pale and wasted away. As I shook hands with him, I noticed that he had had most of his great shock of white hair trimmed away and was red-faced and thin. He did not look quite natural to me, but I did not know why. Sylvia struggled to laugh and whispered, "Dad has had his mustache shaved off. This is the first time in my life I have ever seen him without it." Sylvia, who loved her father deeply and looked like him, had often bantered with him to have his heavy, walrus 81 �The Crafts Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone mustache shaved off so she could see what he looked like without it. That night she whispered to me that he had done it for her so she could see before she died what he looked like without it. She thought he looked better with it. That night we kept a lighted kerosene lamp on a stand table inside the open dining room. I slept on the couch so I could attend to Sylvia's needs and keep a low fire burning on the hearth. She coughed a great deal and called for water often, though she struggled to get even a few drops down and strangled easily. Neighbors came by to see her on Friday, but their visits with her were brief. Some stayed to sit on the wide porch for a time, for the day was warm and pleasant. All of the callers, neighborly and friendly, offered no comments about Sylvia's grave condition and behaved as if they expected her to be up and around soon. Fearing that I might not be able to get back to Boone in time for work Monday if I waited until Sunday morning to leave, I left soon after daylight Saturday morning. While Mrs. Graham prepared breakfast with Mr. Graham sitting silently in a chair by the wood box, I sat by Sylvia's bed for what proved to be our last conversation. Sylvia had rallied a bit at home. She had been able to take more liquids Friday than usual. She thought she might live another month or six weeks. Our winter holidays at the school would begin a week before Christmas, only three weeks away. I would be with her during a two-week holiday season. She teased and laughed. After a hearty breakfast of country ham and eggs, big biscuits and honey, I packed my light bag and kissed Sylvia on the forehead while holding her hand tightly. She smiled and teased me. She seemed happy and accepting of what lay ahead when we said goodbye, but I recognized that she was wanting to protect me from pain and heartbreak. As I hurried on foot through the frosty morning to Elaine, three miles away, to catch an eight o'clock bus to Louisa, I wept for Sylvia the tears I could not shed in her presence. Her courage and beautiful acceptance of the inevitable tugged at me. I wanted her to live long enough for me to be with her during the holidays. It was not possible for me to get back to Boone that day. I rode a Norfolk and Western train from Fort Gay, West Virginia, to Bluefield, took a bus to Abingdon, Virginia, spent the night in an ancient hotel across the street from the bus station, and went on to Boone on Sunday. Except for the little bus from Blaine to Louisa, which had only a handful of passengers on it, everything was crowded. Every seat in the railroad coach in which I rode was taken. I remember that I was awakened from a deep slumber by a bright eyed young man who took a position in the aisle and played and sang to an accordion. After his first piece, he responded to requests, and many young people in the coach sang along with him. Young men in uniforms, young women with dreams in their eyes, smartly dressed young mothers with happy children on their laps were hurrying back from Thanksgiving Day visits. Sunday morning in Abingdon was lightly overcast but a light rain was falling in Boone when the bus arrived in the early afternoon. I took a taxicab to the Faculty Apartments, a quiet place shrouded in Sunday silence. Four quart bottles of milk, only one of which had spewed off the cap, were waiting at my door. 82 �Winter's Nightmare During that week I received from Dr. Edwards at Pinecrest Sanitarium a report of my chest X-ray the preceding Thursday. The spot on my lung had neither grown nor diminished. I was advised to continue with my diet and rest regimen and report for another Xray in three months. At the end of that week I went with Dr. Abrams to Raleigh to attend the meeting of the North Carolina Folklore Society. I engaged Mrs. Daisy Eggers to teach my classes for me on Friday. Thursday afternoon Doc and I rode a bus to Boonville, where we spent the night in his sister's home, and went on to Raleigh Friday morning, arriving in time to have lunch with the officers of the North Carolina Folklore Society in the Sir Walter Raleigh Hotel, where Doc had reserved a room for us for Friday night. It was at this lunch that I met Arthur Palmer Hudson, long-time secretary of the Folklore Society, Richard Jente, a professor of German at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Joe Clark from North Carolina State College at Raleigh, Newman I. White of Duke University, and others, including, I believe, Ralph Steele Boggs of Chapel Hill and Beatrice Cobb of Morganton. Our bus had taken us through Guilford College, Elon College, Burlington, and Durham. In Durham we had passed beside the low stone wall beyond which we could see old Trinity College, which had become Duke University in the 1920s. Doc, a graduate of Duke, told me much about old Trinity and Duke. I remembered as we passed Elon College that I had ordered biological supplies from there while I was a science teacher at Blaine High School in Kentucky in 1933-1934. The road from Winston-Salem to Raleigh, Doc explained, crosses piedmont North Carolina, rich in the history of the state, and the sandy coastal plain lies east of Raleigh. Down there, where he had come from, customs were different and people spoke a different dialect. At Pinetops, down in Edgecombe County where he had grown up, housewives made thin, blue-looking cornbread of just meal and water and a pinch of salt and people said "wan't" for "wasn't" and "own" for "on." His father and mother still lived at Pinetops, near Tarboro. He would take me there to see them sometime and we could sit under a cypress tree and fish in Tar River. By the time we had arrived at the elegant Sir Walter Raleigh Hotel, headquarters of North Carolina's annual Culture Week, I was feeling as if I had reached back a long way in history. I liked the rolling piedmont farms and pretty towns, even though farmhouses and outbuildings and the towns themselves needed repairs and paint as did houses and towns in Ohio and Indiana. I fancied I could see something of the Old South remaining in Raleigh, despite the neglected aspect that the Depression had left with it. I was pleased to have Dr. Abrams as my sponsor. Still uneasy in the presence of older and experienced college teachers, I soon found myself comfortable and relaxed with those at the special table that had been reserved for the North Carolina Folklore Society. Conversation was light and filled with quips, banter, and anecdotes. Doc Abrams, in introducing me, called attention to my work as a ballad collector, singer, entertainer, and student of Appalachian proverbial lore and dialect. I felt self-conscious because I thought he was crediting me with more than I deserved, but I soon found that he was mostly clearing the 83 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone way for me to converse with those present. Dr. Jente, a collector of proverbs, and Dr. Clark, who had grown up in east Tennessee, Dr. Hudson, who had published a book of ballads and songs he had collected in Mississippi, all found opportunities to encourage me to participate in the conversation. Later that afternoon I enjoyed the program of the Society, which included a report of Newman I. White on the progress of efforts to publish the North Carolina folklore collection of Dr. Frank C. Brown, a professor at Duke. I was amazed that so many people were attending the meeting, including splendidly attired dames and stylish looking young ladies, that attendants had to keep carrying in chairs for late comers. After the program, cookies and punch were served. That afternoon we attended a tea in the governor's mansion and then that evening, a lecture, the highlight of the Culture Week program, in Morrison Auditorium. Hundreds of people, many of them in formal evening dress, attended the lecture. Before I left Kentucky I had attended a meeting of the Kentucky Folklore Society in Louisville, but it had not had the class or tone of the meeting in Raleigh. Apparently, patrons of culture came from afar to participate in Culture Week activities. Old retired gentlemen who had been historians, poets, writers, musicians, renowned professors in the humanities and the arts, sat about the lobby or in groups on the mezzanine of the Sir Walter Raleigh Hotel. Once I had heard Professor Edwin Mims, whose students at Vanderbilt University had attracted national attention as the Southern Agrarians, speak briefly at a meeting of English teachers at the University of Kentucky. I recognized him sitting alone in the lobby of the Sir Walter Raleigh Hotel. He was sporting a white goatee and wearing a winged collar and looked much as he had looked three or four years earlier at Lexington. Dr. Abrams thought he had retired and returned to his native state and was living at the hotel, which seemed to me to be an appropriate home for so renowned a professor. That night I found myself exhausted. The day had been a full and exciting one. I had been lifted to a new level culturally, I thought. But there had been no opportunity for rest, and I had not dozed at any of the meetings. I had thought of Sylvia a few times and realized that a deep concern for her had been with me constantly. My fatigue and fear that the spot on my lung might spread pulled at me, but I could not tell Dr. Abrams my troubles. We talked for a while after we were in bed, but I dropped into a deep sleep while Doc was telling me something. When I woke up two or three hours later embarrassed that I could not remember the end of our conversation, Doc was sleeping soundly. The following morning Doc told me that he had suspected he might have been talking to himself and asked me a question without changing the tone of his voice or the tempo. When I had not responded, he knew I was asleep, but he did not know how long I had been asleep. Buses were crowded on Saturday, but we were at the station in time to board a bus to Winston-Salem early enough to get seats together. We spent Saturday night with the Corums at Boonville and arrived in Boone Sunday afternoon. I had enjoyed the meeting of the Folklore Society and other events at the end of Culture Week so well that I joined the �Winter's Nightmare Society and continued to return for annual meetings, except for the year I was on leave, for eighteen years. It might have been the following week that the local PTA sponsored a parents' visitation at the campus demonstration schools. Mr. Wey urged that the teachers dress their bulletin boards with exhibits of outstanding student writing or projects and make ourselves available to those parents who might wish to come by to meet us or to talk with us about how their children were getting along. Many of the teachers were less than enthusiastic about the affair and dreaded having to meet parents of some of their students. We had agreed in faculty meetings that we would offer positive evaluations whenever we could of students but that we would not hesitate to tell parents how we thought their children might improve their study habits and how parents might help. I enjoyed meeting parents of my students, though, and was gratified by the reports of parents, sometimes of students who were not doing very good work, that my students generally thought very well of me and enjoyed my classes. We had three or four exceptionally talented students in the campus schools. One bright boy in the sixth grade was given permission to enroll in a high school class and a college class. I was not surprised to discover that teachers in the demonstration schools were just as prejudiced against brilliant students as teachers I had known in the high school at Louisa. I think they were afraid that bright students might ask questions they could not answer or offer information that would suggest to other students in the class that the teacher was not well prepared. Parents of these students took much interest in the PTA and were present to discuss their children and their progress and their problems with their teachers. Teachers generally dreaded meeting parents of these students, but they were also fond of telling how they managed to keep "smart alecks" in their places in their classes. Students in my high school dramatics class were working on a round of one-act plays. I met for a while each evening a cast for rehearsal. One group, with a second-year student of dramatics as director and another as stage manager, was trying to prepare One Dozen Roses, a romantic little comedy dealing with late teen-age life, for production at the high school assembly program on Friday, December 11th. Nights were getting colder and frost was on the roofs in the morning, but days, though crisp, were bright and filled with sunshine. Going to rehearsals for an hour and a half each evening was pleasant, for the students were working hard and enjoying what they were doing. Back in my apartment by 8:30 I spent an hour writing a free-flowing, stream-of-consciousness letter to Sylvia. I responded to her letters, in which she wrote about happenings in the community, who had come by to see her, letters from friends, but not much about herself, and told her about the play rehearsals. Dr. and Mrs. D.J. Whitener, whose son Jack was in one of my freshman English sections, invited me to dinner in their home on Faculty Street at six o'clock Thursday evening, along with Hugh Daniel and Bill Killian, who were the business manager and the editor of the student newspaper, The Appalachian, for which Dr. Whitener was the faculty adviser. After arranging with the cast of One Dozen Roses for a dress rehearsal at eight o'clock, I 85 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone accepted the invitation to dinner. It was a pleasant evening. Mrs. Whitener had prepared a delicious dinner. Conversation, managed skillfully by Dr. Whitener, was lively and included Jack, who was shy but articulate. Bill Killian, also shy, did not say much, but Hugh Daniel's good humor, contagious hearty laugh, and easy talk set a tone of informality that helped to relieve Jack and Bill of tension. We talked much of current events, the progress of the War, the still depressed but recovering economy. I hurried from the dinner through a balmy evening to dress rehearsal, which was promising. Actors and actresses were exuberant, and Betsy Webster, the student director who sat beside me, was apprehensive at first but so encouraged at the end by the rehearsal that she hugged me as the curtain was pulled. Unaccustomed to being hugged by my students and surprised at the sudden display of enthusiasm, I was somewhat embarrassed when one of the young men teased Betsy about trying to make up to the teacher. We were all pleased that the play was ready for the stage. That night I wrote a long letter to Sylvia, a letter which I did not send, but kept sealed in its envelope for forty years before opening it. I did not sleep well that night. Perhaps the excellent coffee I had drunk at the Whitener dinner made me wakeful. About midnight I woke up from a troubled dream with night sweats. I got up, bathed my forehead with cold water, drank a glass of milk, and read for a while before going back to bed. At two-thirty I woke up again from a terrifying nightmare which I have never been able to forget. In the dream my brother and I had crossed the ridge from a neighbor's farm to ours in the mid-afternoon of a day in late autumn when the hills were tawny and the grass in the pasture was sere. While I was running ahead of my brother down the slope of the highest point in the ridge, I came so suddenly upon a heap of fresh yellow earth that I was on top of it before I could stop. There below me was an open grave with an open coffin in it. Sylvia lay in the coffin, her lids only partly covering her mud-colored eyes and the contours of her teeth discernible under thin skin made yellow by the muddy water that had sunk to a pool in which the coffin rested. I fell backward on the heap of earth as I tried to cry out but found myself unable to utter a sound. I woke up chilled with horror, leapt out of bed, and sat for a time in the kitchen. It was 2:30 when I turned on the light. I thought about the nightmare, Sylvia's illness, and Dr. Rhyne's book on extrasensory perception, and wondered whether the dream had meaning. I remembered going with my mother when I was about five years old to a funeral in a graveyard near home, the first funeral I ever attended. I was playing among the gravestones when the singing began. My mother motioned for me to come to her. Between us was a heap of yellow earth. I had mounted the heap before I realized that it had been dug from the open grave below it. On the other side in an open homemade coffin lay the corpse of Lena Osborn, whose eyes were half open and the prints of whose teeth showed through thin skin. The sight terrified me. I fell backward, picked myself up, and raced around the grave to my mother's side. Lena Osborn had wasted away with tuberculosis. Obviously, my subconscious had transferred the images and the emotions of an early experience to my concern for Sylvia. But I had looked 86 �Winter s Nightmare down from a second story window of Pinecrest Sanitarium at Sylvia on the cot as she was being taken to the ambulance that brought her to her home at Cherokee. She had looked like a corpse. This must have been another image used in my dream. I went back to bed. Just as I was sitting down to breakfast the next morning someone rapped on my door. It was the hostess, Mrs. Coffey, who had come to tell me that there was a telephone call for me. I threw on a robe and rushed downstairs. The call was from Herman Wilcox, agent for Western Union at the Bus Station. He had received a telegram that said, "Sylvia died at 2:30 this morning." I asked Mr. Wilcox to hold the telegram for me to pick up later in the day and discussed with him an itinerary that would put me in Louisa at the earliest possible moment. He checked schedules for me. Two or three buses out of Boone in the forenoon would make connections with buses going north toward Huntington, West Virginia, or to Louisa by way of Jenkins, Kentucky, but if I should take any of them I would not get to Louisa until the following day. The closest way in the shortest time would be to take a bus to Bristol that would connect there almost immediately with one going to Bluefield. I could then ride a Norfolk and Western train to Fort Gay, West Virginia, across the river from Louisa and arrive about one o'clock in the morning. I would have a layover of an hour or two in Bluefield. That seemed to be the best schedule to follow. The bus in Boone I would need to take would leave about noon. I asked Mr. Wilcox to prepare a ticket for me to Bluefield. Getting from Louisa to Cherokee late at night was a problem. One could not call by telephone from Boone to Cherokee, but with patience one in Louisa might be able to get through two or three old-fashioned community switchboards. I called Nova Wellman in Louisa. She would try to call Mrs. Graham and tell her that I would arrive on a train at Fort Gay about one o'clock in the morning and walk across the bridge to Louisa, where she should have Luther Hogston or Herbert Sturgill waiting for me in front of the Riverview Hospital. Nova assured me that she would get my message to Mrs. Graham. If she should not be able to reach her by way of the antiquated telephone system, she would drive her husband's half-ton truck out to Cherokee and deliver my message personally. As I returned to my apartment, I remembered my terrifying nightmare and was aware that Mrs. Coffey's message delivered a few minutes past seven o'clock was a foreboding of bad news. I was certain that Sylvia had died and the telephone call would confirm her death. I wept as I tried to eat my breakfast, washed and put up my dishes, and dressed myself for the day. I then went downstairs to the telephone in the hall and reported to Mr. Wey that my wife had died and I would need to be leaving for Kentucky about noon. I could assist with the presentation of our play at the student assembly but would be leaving soon afterwards. I would return to Boone on Tuesday and be ready to meet my classes again on Wednesday. Mr. Wey, who might not have had to deal before with the problems created when a teacher must leave suddenly for a few days because of a death in the family, extended sympathy before discussing the problems. I should not attempt to come to the morning faculty 87 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone meeting, he said. The student directors could handle the presentation of the play. He would tell them why I was not there. Although it was early in the quarter to turn classes over to practice teachers, he could do that and ask critic teachers with free periods to sit in the classes. Faculty members free at the time could meet my speech and dramatics classes. It would not be necessary for me to employ a substitute teacher, for I would need all of my salary to help pay bills. All I would need to do would be to come by and prepare lesson plans and assignments for my classes and leave them with Frances Teems, his secretary. Mr. Wey's kindness, consideration, and help in arranging for my absence were exemplary. I wept silently not only in grief but also in appreciation of Mr. Wey's greatness of heart as I returned to my apartment, glad that I had not met anyone in the halls to see my weeping. After packing a light bag that would not be too heavy for me to carry while walking from Cherokee to Elaine Monday morning, I went up town to the bank for money I would need for the trip. The weather had changed during the night. Clouds were low over Boone and a mixture of light rain and wet snow was falling. The change of humidity might, I thought, have aggravated my bronchial problems and made it more difficult for me to sleep. I returned to the school. Before stopping by the principal's office, I peeped into the auditorium to see how the cast was getting along with arrangements for the play. The student directors were giving orders like professional producers and members of the cast were hurrying around, one of them carrying one dozen red crepe paper roses arranged in a vase. I did not make my presence known, but hurried on to the office to tell Miss Teems I was there and would be leaving about eleven o'clock to pick up my traveling bag and report to the bus station to catch a bus that would be leaving about noon. It did not take long for me to prepare the lesson plans and assignments that Mr. Wey had requested. When I took them to the office, Miss Teems told me to go to the lounge and rest. Mr. Wey had thought it might be good for me to talk with somebody for a while before I left. Ruby Donald and Doris Penix were waiting for me in the lounge. Ruby and Doris had brought coffee from the school cafeteria and were sitting together near the window. Solemn but not emotional, they encouraged me to tell them about Sylvias illness and death. I had not discussed the nature or seriousness of her illness with anyone in Boone and found it difficult to do so. For the first time I revealed that her trouble was "secondary tuberculosis" that had recurred in the throat seven or eight years after her "cure" of lung tuberculosis in Dr. Dickey's sanitarium at Southern Pines, North Carolina. We knew from the time Dr. Proctor Sparks had diagnosed her problem in the spring that there was little hope of her recovery, for at that time tuberculosis of the throat was almost always fatal, but she had shown signs of significant improvement at Pinecrest and we were encouraged to think for a time that she might be able to join me in Boone by October. By the end of October, though, we realized that there was no hope for her recovery. Doris, who had entered Morehead State Teachers College as a freshman during Sylvia's senior year there, thought she had seen Sylvia and knew who she was but had never �Winter's Nightmare met her. When she and Ruby expressed sympathy for me for the heavy burden I had been bearing in secret during the time they had known me in Boone, I could not tell them that I was continuing to deal secretly with my own attack of tuberculosis. I explained that Sylvia was so sensitive about having tuberculosis that she required absolute secrecy about it and that none of her neighbors at Cherokee had known for sure what her illness was. I felt as if I were betraying her by telling, even after her death, that she had died of tuberculosis. Ruby thought that most tuberculars are ashamed and seek to conceal their illness. I agreed with her. When the time came for me to return to the apartments for my bag and go to the bus station, Ruby went along with me and stayed to wish me well when I got on the bus. As we sat together at the station, we talked of other things. The bus to Bristol was crowded but there was a seat for me near the front. I suffered from nausea as we crossed the mountains but I had not eaten lunch and had taken only a few sips of the coffee that Ruby and Doris had brought to the lounge for me. Able to step outside for a few breaths of fresh air at brief stops, I did not get sick. Tired and deeply alone, I did not enter into a conversation with the aged gentleman with a cane who sat beside me, but I was afraid to nap because of nausea. As I recall, the bus to Bluefield was loading when we arrived in Bristol and there was not enough time to enter the bus station even for a cold sandwich at the counter. I took a seat next to a window in the bus to Bluefield. A young woman wearing a dark blue dress with a snow white collar sat beside me. As we left Bristol, I noticed that no rain was falling. The clouds were high and white, but a sifting of light snow was scattered among patches of dark winter trees near the tops of the low hills. My seat mate, a teacher, was going home to see her mother, who had become ill during the week. I did not tell her the kind of work I did or why I was traveling, for I wanted very much to be alone. A few miles out of Bristol I fell into a deep sleep, from which I awoke only briefly when the bus stopped at the towns along the Trail of the Lonesome Pine. My seat mate sat upright and looked straight ahead. Burdened with grief while awake, I was aware of incoherent but pleasant dream sequences flowing like a river in my naps, sequences that seemed to be completely unrelated to my going home to bury my wife, whose death was a shocking finality beyond which I could not see or know. After I woke up briefly at the bus stops along the way, I fell asleep again and plunged into my dream where I had left it, enjoying it as I had enjoyed floating on my back in the summer swimming hole when I was a boy A few miles below Bluefield I woke up and pulled myself into an upright position. My seat mate, observing that I had been sleeping soundly, asked what kind of work I did. When I told her I was a teacher, she said she might have known it but thought I was perhaps a salesman of some kind. I did not want to tell her that I was going home to bury my wife. I walked from the bus station in Bluefield to the passenger depot of the Norfolk and Western, where I bought a ticket to Fort Gay and sat for a long time in the crowded station, suffused with the faint odors of coal smoke from locomotives and cigar smoke. Again 89 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone I dozed, riding on a restful river of dream sequences that carried me away from the reality of the present. When dinner time came, I put my bag in a locker and found an inexpensive restaurant crowded with working-class people. I ate a hamburger steak with pale peas, mashed potatoes and gravy, and a dry slice of tomato on a leaf of limp lettuce and topped with a dab of cream colored mayonnaise and had a small glass of milk. Although we were nearly a year into World War II, one could still find restaurants in which the price of a dinner was only forty-five cents. On the way back to the depot, I wrapped my scarf around my neck and pulled my coat collar up, for it was cold and damp. Back at the station I sat with my overcoat on and my hat pulled over my eyes. After I became warm, I dozed in my seat, escaping again into a pleasant and regenerative sequence of impressionistic dreams. I had to wait a long time for the train to Fort Gay. My catnaps and dreams were coming at the time of the nap I had been in the habit of taking after dinner. I became wakeful in an hour or two and took a stroll on a busy sidewalk across the street from the depot. Although the evening was young, I was amazed at the number of dressed up young women whom I met along the way, floating perfume in the air and smiling as if they knew me. When I stopped for a traffic light to change, I looked back. The two friendly ones I had just met had stopped at the edge of the sidewalk and were looking back at me. One motioned for me. Having met no men as young as myself, I realized that while the young men were "off to the seven seas" the girls they had left behind were becoming lonely. The cool air soon woke me up. I returned through the brisk night to the depot, got my bag from the locker and waited for the train, which was on time. The coach was crowded with dressed up, animated, talkative people. I found a seat at the back of the coach among black people-older, well dressed, heavily perfumed, and less talkative than the whites. As we left Bluefield, talking subsided and people began to settle back in their seats. After checking tickets, the conductor turned the lights down low and people went to sleep, the men covering their faces with their hats. I woke up briefly from my dozing when the conductor announced from the back of the coach the stations along the way. A few miles from Fort Gay, the conductor touched my shoulder and told me in a low voice that I would be getting off at the next station, where the train would stop for two minutes. I was ready. The conductor helped me down the steps. I was the only one to get off at Fort Gay, and no one got on. The train moved on at once. I walked from the station and across the bridge to Louisa, stopping at the toll house to pay the sleepy attendant three cents. As I came off the bridge, I saw a farm truck parked in front of the Riverview Hospital. Mrs. Graham, dressed warmly in the heavy brown alpaca overcoat I had left at the Graham house, was watching for me through the rear window of the cab. Mrs. Graham was alone in the truck. We embraced silently. She had been dozing. She said Herbert Sturgill, who had brought her to town, was waiting in the hall of the 90 �Winter's Nightmare Courthouse. I was to go for him if he did not hear the train whistle. I put my bag in the bed of the truck and started, but we saw Herbert coming around the old jail. I sat between him and Mrs. Graham. The weather in Kentucky was cool and cloudy, but the road from the Wellman Bridge to Cherokee was not muddy. We did not talk much. Nova Wellman, unable to get a call through to Cherokee, had gone out in her husband's truck and delivered my message. She had also offered to meet me at the bridge and bring me out, but Mrs. Graham had wanted to meet me herself. Mr. Graham and a few of the neighbors were keeping a wake for Sylvia, who had requested that no undertaker be employed and that she not be embalmed, and who had suffered a great deal the last day of her life. She had not lost consciousness, though, at the time of her death. At two o'clock in the morning she had announced that she would be dying soon, called for a pencil and paper, and had written the telegram stating that she had died at 2:30. She asked Mr. Graham to take it to Luther Hogston, give him the money to pay for sending it, and sent him on to town with it. She died at 2:30 with only Mrs. Graham present before her father had had time to return from the trip. After writing the telegram, she whispered that our marriage had brought fulfillment to her and that she regretted I must now go on without her. She had died easily a short time afterwards. Mrs. Graham and Aunt Jenny Cooper had dressed her and prepared her for burial. Her corpse was in the lower room on the bed on which she had died. She had asked to be moved to the lower room soon after she had arrived from Pinecrest. The fire had been removed from the heater soon after her death, and the doors and windows were opened so the room would be cold. When we arrived at the Grahams, Mr. Sturgill got out and came in with us. His wife was among those keeping a wake in the living room. I went alone into the lower room, cool and smelling of carnations in a floral arrangement that Nova Wellman had brought. A kerosene lamp on a stand near the bed burned with a white flame that trembled in the breeze from the open window where white curtains rustled. Sylvias hair had been arranged carefully, weights had been removed from her eyelids, and her beautiful hands, crossed at the wrists and wax-like, were resting across her stomach. She had a fine profile. I remembered having noted early in our courtship the fineness of her profile as she was carrying a lighted kerosene lamp down the stairs one night. More than ever before, I was struck by how much she looked like her father. I remembered a folk saying that family resemblances show most in corpses. I knelt beside her, touched her hands and her broad brow, and wept. We had enjoyed an intense love, had known each other as nearly completely as it is possible for lovers and mates to know each other, and had found the knowledge rich and fulfilling. Her death left in me an empty place, and tore me apart with anguish. Soon Mrs. Graham, who had known much grief and troubled sorrow, came and stood by my side. Feeling that grief is private and intensely personal, I did not offer to discuss how I felt. Mrs. Graham, neither emotional nor sentimental, understood. She called my attention to a dimple in the back of Sylvias left hand, which, she thought, might have 91 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone come from the strain of writing the telegram but Sylvia could also have been frightened by death and unwilling to betray her fright to her mother. Sylvia disdained the sensational and the mawkish. Mrs. Graham also noted how much Sylvia looked like her father, who was shaken with emotion by her death, for she had been his favorite child and she had loved him dearly from her infancy. We then discussed plans for a coffin. Sylvia had not wanted an undertaker's burial. She had wanted a casket and stone similar to that of her sister, who had also died of tuberculosis in 1935. Mr. and Mrs. Graham, knowing my financial limitations and understanding that I was deeply in debt, had considered buying a casket from Curtright Funeral Home but decided that I might not want them to do that. I did not have money then to pay for a casket, but I was sure Henry Curtright would permit me to pay for one in installments. If he required a note with security, then Mr. Graham could sign the note with me. Mrs. Graham had engaged Herbert Sturgill to go to town with us Saturday morning to purchase and bring back a casket and box. Saturday was cloudy and dark. Herbert Sturgill came for Mrs. Graham and me about 9:30. He had put a tarpaulin in the truck to protect the casket in case of rain. We arrived at the funeral home about 10:30. I explained to Mr. Curtright that I was not prepared to pay for a casket then but should be able to complete payments within a year and expected to pay interest. He and I had known each other since he had established his business in Louisa while I was a high school student there. He had no qualms about my honesty and would not expect interest on an unpaid balance if I could finish paying within a year. He would extend credit for an undertaker's funeral if I wanted it. I explained that Sylvia had requested that we not have one and that I wanted only to buy a casket, which we would take back to Cherokee with us on Mr. Sturgill's truck. He then showed us caskets, beginning with expensive, ornate ones and ending with pine boxes covered with black cloth that cost as little as $75. We selected a beautiful one covered with an ashes of roses fabric. The price was $200. We decided not to buy a metal vault but to use the sturdy pine vault that cost nothing extra. Mrs. Graham observed that the casket we chose was very much like the one for Sylvia's sister, except that hers had been covered with a silver colored fabric. While attendants were loading the casket and box on Mr. Sturgill's truck, we supplied Mr. Curtright with information needed for vital statistics records. I signed a note for $200 and Mrs. Graham signed as my security. On the way back to Cherokee, we stopped to ask Arthur Morris, a United Baptist preacher who had been one of Sylvia's teachers at Rockhouse School, to preach the funeral and conduct graveside services the next afternoon at two o'clock. The dark sky was lower, the wind had begun to blow, and a light rain was falling when we reached Cherokee. Aunt Jenny Cooper had taken charge of the kitchen. Neighbors had brought food. A big dinner around chicken and dumplings was waiting for us. Later in the afternoon Sylvia's Aunt Izzie Moore and her cousins, Ruth and Watson, arrived from Winchester bringing floral arrangements. Near dinnertime Nova Wellman and Sophie Roberts, our friend and fellow teacher at Louisa, arrived in a truck. Nova had checked at the florist's and the funeral home and brought flowers that had arrived, including a beautiful arrangement 92 �Winter's Nightmare of carnations ordered by Appalachian State Teachers College. Nova and Sophie were not weepers and wailers. They recalled incidents in their relationship with Sylvia that reflected her splendid sense of humor and the depth of her understanding of people and motives behind what they do. We laughed a great deal. The following day was cold and cloudy with snow blowing occasionally in an icy wind that cut to the bone. After sharing breakfast with those who had watched during the wake, I walked up to the family graveyard to look at the grave that neighboring men had dug in the yellow clay beside the grave of Georgia, Sylvias sister. It was neatly cut and deep. The pine vault for the coffin was in place. The chestnut wood cross boards that would cover the vault lid after the coffin had been lowered into the grave were arranged in two stacks to serve as the bier for the graveside services. No one was there. Neighbors had done their job well and retreated before the piercing wind. Soon after a big mid-day dinner followed by a hot apple cobbler that Aunt Jenny had made, people began to gather in the home. My father and mother arrived on mules, which they hitched to posts in the yard fence. The day was so intensely cold that they had almost frozen. Arthur Morris arrived in his Model A Ford about 1:30. It was too cold to have the funeral on the broad front porch of the home, too cold, even, to have the hall doors open. We decided to place the casket on two kitchen chairs in the hallway, leave the doors open to the living room and the lower room, and let people sit or stand near the doors, while Mr. Morris stood at the foot of the stairs to deliver his funeral sermon. Aunt Jenny, an excellent singer, led in the singing of a hymn from the Sweet Songster, Mr. Morris's sermon, delivered in a conversational tone instead of a chant, was not doctrinal but an evaluation of Sylvia's achievements and a statement in praise of the positive influence her life had been on those who loved her and the many young people who had been her students. Knowing that Grahams were not Baptists, he delivered an ecumenical sermon which Sylvia would have approved, I thought. Sylvias father and mother and I sat near the open coffin during the sermon, each of us weeping lightly by the time Mr. Morris had finished. I closed the coffin lid, and the six pallbearers and two attendants bore it on poles up the steep hill to the graveyard. Not more than twenty or twenty-five persons had been present for the funeral. Many of them did not join the procession to the graveyard. When the coffin was in place on the improvised bier, I opened it again and Mr. Morris, Aunt Jenny, and one or two others sang from memory two or three verses from "The Poor Wayfaring Stranger." There was a commitment of ashes to ashes and dust to dust and a brief prayer. I closed the coffin lid, and the pallbearers lowered the coffin into the grave, screwed down the lid of the vault, placed the cross boards over it, and began filling up the grave. With the hollow thump of the first shovelful of earth on the cross boards, we left the grave in charge of the pallbearers. The hollow thump of the lumps of clay on the coffin brought tears gushing from my eyes. The frigid wind stabbed me with a shudder that bore my grief as I turned away to go. That evening Mr. and Mrs. Graham and I were alone. After a dinner of leftovers, we 93 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone sat by a roaring log fire in the living room while a north wind shook the rafters of the hundred-year-old house, and related incidents in which Sylvia had been involved. Near bed time, Mrs. Graham nudged Mr. Graham gently with her elbow. He cleared his throat and told me that they had discussed my situation. Sylvia had loved me so much that she would not hear even the slightest of criticisms of me. I had loved her. They both loved me and were proud to have me for a son-in-law. Sylvia was dead. I was a young man with most of my life ahead of me. I would find it hard to accept my loss, but in time I would. He and Mrs. Graham were in agreement that I should, as soon as I was able to do so, search for another lover, marry again, and become a father. They would not feel that I was betraying Sylvia by loving another and marrying again, and they wanted me to write to them along and come to see them whenever I returned to Kentucky for a visit. I was happy in Boone and doing well there. If I could keep my health, I might find myself being promoted because I deserved to be in a school in which it was not necessary to play politics for promotions. Mr. and Mrs. Graham were intelligent, perceptive, and wise. They had suffered many losses and known much sadness, and they were old enough to have learned that time seems long for the impatient young but short for the patient old. I never loved them more than I did that night. I slept on the couch in the living room in which a low wood fire burned on the hearth. Throughout the night a cold wind lashed at the eaves of the old house and the timbers creaked. Once in a troubled dream I heard so plainly Sylvia ringing her bedside bell in the lower room that I rose upright on the couch. Mr. Graham came into the room before daylight, built a bright fire, and sat before it. Mrs. Graham arrived and sat with him for a while before going into the kitchen to prepare breakfast. We ate a steaming breakfast of ham and eggs and hot biscuits with strawberry preserves before daylight. As soon as it was light enough for me to see, I packed my light bag and left on foot for Elaine. The wind had died down. Frost covered fences and trees by the roadside and floated in the air. I walked briskly, recalling as I hurried on incidents along the road involving Sylvia. I stopped on the Narrows to determine precisely the tree below the road behind which we had hidden a kerosene lamp Louella Miles had lent us one dark night when my car became mired up in a mudhole in front of her house. The only light she had was the lamp which she insisted that we borrow. The wind kept blowing out the flame. When I had used my last match, I hid the lamp and we felt our way along the dark, muddy road to Sylvias home. The only person I met on the familiar road to Elaine was Lewis Kazee's son, who carried the mail on horseback from Elaine to Webbville, and usually stopped about 7:30 at the Cherokee post office where Mrs. Graham was the postmistress. I waited at Cox's Garage and short-order restaurant for the bus to Louisa. At Louisa I waited in the drug store and at the Courthouse for three hours before crossing the bridge to Fort Gay to catch a Norfolk and Western train to Bluefield. Not many people were stirring in Louisa. I saw only three or four courthouse loafers I had 94 �Winter's Nightmare known. It was a dark and cold morning with air so still that a pall of coal smoke from locomotives hung over the town. Of the oldtimers in the Courthouse with whom I had brief conversations, no one referred to Sylvia's death. About 11:30 I walked down to Rip s Restaurant for a hamburger, which I ate at the counter. Before I had finished eating, the restaurant was crowded with high school students, many of whom I recognized. They looked at me quizzically and nodded a recognition or spoke briefly as if they half feared to be seen talking with me. None paused for an exchange with me. While I was paying my bill at the cash register, four of the high school teachers came in, but none spoke to me. As I was returning my billfold to my pocket, I looked briefly at them after they had settled into a booth. One nodded a recognition in a startled fashion and turned his attention immediately to his companions. I knew I was not welcome in Louisa. Outside the restaurant, I looked through the window in time to see all four of the teachers staring after me. I crossed to the east side of the street to avoid meeting the noon hour crowd of teachers and students. I was happy at Boone, where, so far as I knew, I had no enemies or evilwishers, I was not in a mood to enjoy, as I might have enjoyed on other occasions, the indignities of fearful teachers and students whose principal I had been for three years, but I thought I was learning something about the political aspects of casual friendship. The station master at Fort Gay told me the eastbound train was on time. I was the only passenger boarding it at Fort Gay. The train would stop for no more than two minutes. I bought my ticket and waited beside the track for the train, which stopped with a screech. The conductor helped a woman and a child down the coach steps and held my elbow while I got on. The train had started again by the time I had chosen one of several empty seats. I settled into my seat with my thoughts and memories. 95 �This page intentionally left blank �Christmas I decided that I must write to my draft board at Louisa and explain that I no longer had a dependent. Though I was now eligible for the draft, I desired very much to complete the school term at Appalachian, after which I would report in May to volunteer. Dr. Joe Carter, who had been our doctor while Sylvia and I lived in Louisa, had written a letter to the board stating that I was the sole support of a sick wife who was in a sanitarium and that I myself had heavily scarred lungs and would probably not be physically qualified for military service. I had not heard from my board. I was not yet prepared to state for my records that I was then suffering from tuberculosis. Perhaps the spot on my lung would disappear by May and I would pass the physical examination at the induction center in Huntington. I should, I thought, base my plans on the assumption that I would be accepted for military service. The cost of Sylvia's casket had brought my debts to $2200. When I thought of the possibility of my being accepted for military service, my blood pressure rose and hot water poured into my mouth. I would receive only $750 in cash for the remainder of my year at Appalachian. I was honor bound to pay Curtright. Paying interest on my notes at banks and making modest payments on the principal for a total of $250 might satisfy the bankers. I would then have $300, or $60 a month, to meet my own expenses for five months. I decided to follow this plan and put financial worries out of my mind as best I could. No longer needing our household furnishings stored in Curt Young's place, I could see whether I might be able to sell them when I returned to Lawrence County for the Christmas holidays. A part of my debts was money I had borrowed to pay for some of the furniture. If I should be able to sell it for 97 �The Cratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boom half of what I paid for it, 1 could use the money to reduce my indebtedness another $300. Refrigerators, kitchen ranges, and stoves were becoming scarce. Ours were in excellent condition. I might be able to get more than half of what I paid for them. But my creditors would have to wait for the remainder of what I owed them until after I had completed my military service. As the train rushed through the mountains in a grey afternoon, I dozed very little. Passengers, mostly older women who might have been returning from visits with sons or daughters employed in war industries in Ohio, were subdued and quiet. From the depot in Bluefield I rushed to the bus station in time to get a bus to Bristol, where I could make connections to Elizabethton the following morning for a bus to Boone that would arrive there about the middle of the day. Seats in the bus station were all occupied. I stood about on the ramp and watched buses unload and load until mine arrived. The bus to Bristol was crowded, but I was fortunate to find a seat by an old man returning to east Tennessee from a visit with his daughter, who was working in a plant in Columbus, Ohio. He was excited about his trip and talked about Columbus, which he had visited for the first time, and his daughter, who was doing classified work about which she was not permitted to talk, even to her old daddy. He wanted me to guess his age. He was immensely pleased when I guessed 65. He laughed with gusto, his face animated and his bright blue eyes darting about. "Would you believe," he said, narrowing his eyes at me, "that I am 75 years old?" He had been a widower for three years. One of his problems was that his youthful appearance made him attractive to younger women, some of whom had been "chasing after him." But he had decided not to marry again. He could not stand the thought, he said, of having another woman come in and take over his wife's things. The old man, an unsophisticated egotist, conversed easily. I found him interesting and encouraged him to talk. There was no opportunity for me to think about myself and my problems. In Bristol I passed up the fine hotel near the bus station because I thought a room there would cost more than I wanted to pay and went to the Virginian, an old hotel with modest rates, but which was not at the time operating a dining room. Having settled into a room with musty Victorian furnishings and soiled wallpaper, I took a bath, the first one I had had since I left Boone. In a nondescript little restaurant around the corner I ate, for thirty-five cents and a tip, a surprisingly good hamburger steak with french fries, three or four chips of dill pickles, and a thin slice of a fresh tomato on crisp lettuce. Happy conversation in the next booth between two middle-aged, working-class men and a heavily made up young woman with a soft voice reminded me that lonely young women were searching for lovers. My long day without a nap left me tired. I bought a newspaper in the hotel lobby but found myself too tired and sleepy to read very much of it. I slept soundly that night and was pleased to remember next morning fragments of dreams in which Sylvia and I were together and there was no awareness of her death. 98 �Christmas Instead of going on to Elizabethton, as I had planned to do, I took an early bus through Abingdon and Mountain City. It was not crowded. No one occupied the seat beside me. I dozed until the bus started up the narrow winding road through the gorge below Trade, Tennessee, where I became nauseated and struggled with a temptation to vomit. The weather became brighter as we came out of the gorge at the North Carolina state line. From Highway 421 down Cove Creek one glimpsed sweeping views of the upper coves and timbered side of Snake Mountain, which terminated as Howard's Knob at Boone, bathed in light, though the sun was not shining. It was an enchanted land, a satisfying place. When I thought of the school, the excellent young principal, the friendly teachers, and my likable students, I felt as if I were coming home. The clouds were high over Boone. The weather was warm for the middle of December. I walked from the bus station to the apartments and met no one along the way whom I recognized. At the apartments I picked up from the table in front of Mrs. Coffey's room a handful of mail that had arrived in my absence and went to my apartment, where I took a long nap before preparing my dinner. I called Mr. Wey to report that I had returned and would be on duty at eight o'clock the following morning, wrote Mr. and Mrs. Graham a brief letter, and went to my office to prepare for classes. The school would be closing for the winter holidays at the end of the following week. I would be fully occupied with preparation for my classes. I made no reference to my bereavement to the teachers or my students. People looked at me with sympathy in their eyes but no one mentioned my bereavement. I talked about the burial with Mr. Wey and discussed it one evening with Ruby Donald and Doris Penix. It was traditional at the school for homeroom teachers to plan a Christmas party for the last meeting of the homeroom students before the holidays. We drew names for inexpensive gifts and decorated the room in Christmas colors. I provided money for cookies and red punch and the boys prepared everything. I was taken by complete surprise when one of my homeroom boys, G.C. Greene, Jr., presented me with a gift, beautifully wrapped and decorated. I opened it and found a new white shirt and a striped tie. The card attached to the box had been signed by all of the boys. I found it difficult to refrain from showing my emotions. I had never received a gift from my students before. Everybody was busy with Christmas plans. I had no visitors to my apartment during the time between my return from Kentucky and the beginning of the Christmas holidays. Nobody invited me out. I did not go to the college cafeteria or the restaurants uptown for evening meals but prepared in my own kitchen simple meals with a heavy concentration of proteins and milk, which I ate at six o'clock. I slept an hour after dinner, prepared for my classes, and read until eleven o'clock as regularly as I could. There was an emptiness in my life with which I found it difficult to deal. My brisk walk to the apartments for my mail each day at noon became disappointing, for I had developed the habit in order to pick up my letter from Sylvia. Expectancy had been a part of the habit. After finding no mail at all for three or four days, I stopped going. At night I wanted to write letters to her, as I had done all year. Not having her to write to emphasized my loss. 99 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to I was lonely and ached with a hurt I could not assuage. Sometimes I sat alone and wept. It did not seem appropriate for me to talk about my grief, and fellow teachers were not calling on me out of a sense of respect. Even though I kept saying to myself that I must not worry about anything and eat good food, take my cod liver oil and mineral supplements, exercise mildly, and sleep all I could, I found myself so tortured at night by troubling dreams and insomnia that I welcomed the crowing of Mrs. Watson's rooster and the mooing of her cow at daylight. I wrote to Mrs. Graham that I would return to her home for Christmas and then spend a day or two with my father and mother before going to Columbus, Ohio, for a visit with my sister. I had my bag packed and was ready to go after school was dismissed at noon. The bus from Boone to Sparta had only four or five passengers on it. I took a seat somewhat removed from other passengers. It was a dark, cloudy day. A rain the night before had left the earth wet and the streams swollen. The bus was warm. I dozed much of the way between Boone and West Jefferson. At West Jefferson I noticed for the first time a pink marble statue of Pocahontas in the display yard of a monument dealer. Not sleepy from there on to Sparta, I was able to see much of the green rolling countryside, for I had traveled from West Jefferson to Sparta in darkness on earlier trips. At Sparta, I caught a crowded bus from Winston-Salem to Charleston, West Virginia. I found a seat beside a heavy dressed up middle-age woman, who replied when I spoke to her but looked straight ahead without saying another word between there and Bluefield, where she left the bus. I moved over into the seat she had vacated. No one took the seat next to me. Nearly everybody got off the bus at a rest stop at Beckley. I ate a cold sandwich from a dispenser and drank a soft drink, as people wandered about or gathered in groups on the sidewalk. In Charleston most of those who got off the bus rushed to a waiting bus to Huntington, which already had several passengers in it. We reached Huntington sometime in the late evening. The station was crowded with talkative, laughing people. I did not go into the waiting room, but hurried on down to the corner and engaged a room for the night at the Milner Hotel. After settling myself in my room, I freshened up and walked up the street, looking into the packed waiting room of the bus station and at crowds of happy and well dressed people on the ramps. I remembered the threadbare, grim crowds I had seen there less than a year before. Prosperity had come with the War, and those traveling in December, 1942, were filled with the Christmas spirit as they hurried home for the holidays, money in their pockets and gifts in their suitcases and shopping bags. I walked as far east as Walgreens, where I went in and ate a dish of ice cream at the counter. On the sidewalk outside I saw Myrtle Curry and her mother, friends Sylvia and I had known and with whom I had left a dulcimer I could not carry with me when I went to Boone. They had their arms filled with 100 �Christmas bags and packages and were waiting for a bus. I walked over to the grand railroad station with a statue of Huntington, the railroad builder, in the yard. The waiting room was crowded with travelers, well dressed, laughing, and happy. Returning to Fifth Avenue, along which only a few people were hurrying, I walked past the Mosely residence where I was rooming when I had received the call to come to Boone. The house was dark except for the window of the room which Miss Westall had occupied. After breakfast the next morning at the White Tower, where I had eaten egg sandwiches with coffee while I was in Huntington, I went by the Mosely home for a brief visit. The Captain had gone to the country to ride one of his horses and Miss Westall was at work, but I enjoyed a good conversation with Mrs. Mosely and the friendly black couple who worked for her. Jim remembered with good humor and gratitude my prying his false teeth from his throat when he went to sleep while sitting in the kitchen door, fell down the steps, and swallowed his teeth the day before I left for Boone. Huntington was swarming with Saturday shoppers. Moving among the happy crowds was exhilarating to me. I shopped for a few Christmas greetings. Remembering that I needed some new undershirts, I went to Huntington Dry Goods Store on Third Avenue to see whether I might find some in my size in the bargain basement. Two attractive young women, perhaps high school girls with vacation jobs, were in charge of the corner in which underwear was sold. The smaller one, shapely, animated, smiling, and eager to help, was free at the moment to talk with me. I told her what I wanted, but just then the other one turned away from the customer, who had inquired about something but had not bought it, and took charge of me. She had what I wanted. While she was putting two undershirts in a bag for me and accepting pay for them, the other was flirting with smiling eyes. As I turned away to go, I heard her say, "He was my customer. You took him away from me. You just did that because he's cute." Hurriedly, I adjusted my tie and checked to see whether my hat was raked at the right angle, turned, and walked past them. Their smiles boosted my drooping ego. It had been a long time since I had engaged in such an open flirtation and I could not remember how long it had been since an attractive young woman had said I was cute. I returned to the Milner, brushed my teeth, packed my bag, left my key at the desk, and walked up to the square to catch a trolley car to Ashland. The ride was a nostalgic experience for me. I enjoyed riding in trolley cars and had gone from Huntington to Ashland and back on one many times. I was fortunate to get a seat. Many stood in the aisle, steadying themselves by holding to seats. I rode to Thirteenth Street and hurried to the bus station. Clusters of laughing, talking people stood along the sidewalk. The station was crowded. I bought a ticket to Louisa. My bus would leave soon after lunch. There was not an empty seat in the waiting room. I stood against the wall with my light bag beside me on the floor while considering whether to wait for a seat at the counter and have a sandwich and milk there or go around the corner for lunch in a little restaurant in the Ventura 101 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Hotel building. Thinking I might see someone in the crowd whom I had known, I was searching faces when a tall man with a friendly and vaguely familiar looking face walked up to me and asked, "Are you Gratis Williams? You might not remember me, but we went to school together on Caines Creek." He waited a moment to see whether I might remember him. I did not. "I am Curt Blankenship," he said. I remembered him then. It had been twenty years since we were in school together. He was one of the shy twins, Curt and Bert, whom I could never tell apart. They were very poor, sons of a widower who was a tenant living in a battered little shack up a branch in the head of the creek. The boys came to school each year only as long as they could go barefoot, for there was no money to buy shoes. There was a sister, too, but she did not come to school. I had never seen her. It was Curt who had delighted the school one Friday afternoon when he recited as his "piece," a folk rhyme: "Chicken pie and pepper cake/ The bullfrog died with the bellyache." He had not been able to finish grade school, but he had a good job and was doing all right then. The bus to Louisa was crowded with young people on their way home from jobs in war industries in Ohio. I did not recognize any of them. Mostly young women, they seemed to be persons who had not gone to high school. They talked easily, many appearing to be determined to illustrate how well they had mastered Buckeye diction. Most of them got off the bus at Louisa for a rest stop, using facilities in the Courthouse. Afterwards, many of them crowded into the drug store for sodas or ice cream. They must have been returning to Johnson, Floyd, or Pike County. When I went in to inquire about the schedule to Blaine, the clerk said to me in a low voice, "Did you ever see so much Columbus red?" I looked around at those sitting at tables, or standing in clusters near the front of the store, sipping sodas or licking ice cream cones. Almost all of them wore dresses with bright red waists and skirts of red and green plaid. Their hair styles were so much alike that one might have thought all of them patronized the same beauty shop. "They come back from Columbus dressed like this," the clerk continued. "We call them Columbus reds. People in Columbus call them 'Louisies' because they say they are from 'Louisy.'" The bus arrived at Blaine after dark. Most of the passengers who got off at Cox's Restaurant were young women who had grown out of my knowledge, if I had ever known them. They, too, wore "Columbus red." Each carried on one arm a coat with a collar of artificial fur and in the other hand a black suitcase too big to carry four or five miles up a muddy road. Fathers of some of them were waiting in the restaurant. As I started, one of the young women called and asked whether she might walk with me. I looked at her closely. Her keen black eyes looked familiar, but the clusters of black curls I did not remember. She was tall and slender and with makeup applied with some skill, I thought. In fact, she was a pretty girl, perhaps eighteen or nineteen years old. I told her that I would be pleased to have a walking partner and confessed that I did not remember who she was. She was the daughter of the tenants on the farm Mrs. Graham had inherited from her parents. I had seen her often when she used to come to the post office at Cherokee, pick up any mail for her parents that might have arrived, and come in and sit on the porch to rest a while before walking, barefoot and brown legged, the three miles back to her home on Lick Fork. She was going to walk the five or six miles home that night. 102 �Christmas Her big black suitcase looked heavy. I offered, though, to carry hers and let her carry mine. She would swap for a little while if she became tired, she said. I did not have a flashlight. A rain the night before and warm weather had left the road an extended mudhole. Clouds were thick. The night was pitch black, but we could barely see water holes in the road when we were careful. She chattered and laughed mirthfully as we stumbled along through the mud. Her mother had written her that Sylvia had died. She talked much of how well she had liked Sylvia and admired her pretty clothes. After we had walked a half mile she was willing to exchange loads with me. After we crossed the Cherokee bridge across Blaine, we found the mud stiffer and the road more difficult for walking than the road along the Narrows had been. We decided to leave the road and walk at the edge of the fields. When she became tired and staggering, I invited her to hold my arm, for she apparently had poor night vision. Soon she began telling of dates she had enjoyed with men who worked at the plant with her, squeezing my arm from time to time. Once we sat on a fallen post to rest. She sat close to me and clapped me on the shoulder and laughed to emphasize the cleverness with which she had dealt with men she had dated. At Cherokee I expressed concern for her traveling alone, loaded with that heavy black suitcase another three miles in the darkness. Mrs. Graham would prepare a bed for her and she could go on to Lick Fork next morning. But she had written her mother that she would be home that night. She had thought her little brother would meet her at Blaine. Something must have happened. She stumbled on into the darkness. Mr. and Mrs. Graham were listening to a radio program. The only light in the room was from the glow of wood coals in the fireplace. They were expecting me, but I was late. Mrs. Graham offered to prepare a supper for me, but I declined. She turned the radio down and we talked. Herbert Sturgill had brought out from Louisa the living room and bedroom furniture that Sylvia and I had stored in Curt Young's house. Mrs. Sturgill would buy at half price, as I had proposed, the couch, end tables, and two chairs. Mrs. Graham would buy the remainder of it. Mr. Graham had talked with his cousin, Lafe Wellman, who operated a hardware and furniture store in Louisa, about selling for a commission our refrigerator, stove, and dining room furniture. Mr. Wellman was not certain that he could sell it but he would permit me to have it moved to his store and he would see what he could do with it. Mr. Graham had told Lafe Wellman that I would talk with him while I was home for the holidays. We talked until eleven o'clock, mostly about neighborhood events and local persons, those who were ill, or had gone away to work, or were in some branch of military service. We referred frequently to Sylvia, but casually and unemotionally as if she might have gone away on a visit. The bed in the living room had been moved out. After the eleven o'clock news I retired to the unheated lower room in which Sylvia had died and slept on the bed that had been ours when we had our own house in Louisa. 103 �The Cratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone While at the Graham home through Christmas Day, I visited with neighbors who came to the post office, unpacked and placed in shelves in the lower room the books that had been stored at Curt Young's, went through and discarded teaching materials from Kentucky that I no longer cared to keep, and arranged and put in Sylvia's trunk letters she had received from me during her illness along with her poems. Mrs. Graham helped me sort Sylvia's clothing, and we decided to whom we would give articles of value. Except for such articles as aprons and housecoats, Sylvia's clothing was too small for her mother. Working with Sylvia's things in this fashion was good for me. I thought I was better able to accept her death as a result but learned later that deep emotional attachments require a long time for resolution. One sunny afternoon the Sturgills came for a visit. Mrs. Sturgill liked the living room furniture and the lamps that went with it, but since there was no electricity available at Cherokee then, she did not take the lamps. I helped Mr. Sturgill put the couch and chairs in his truck. He paid me $35 cash for the furniture. Christmas night I discussed my financial situation with Mr. and Mrs. Graham. If Lafe Wellman should be able to sell my refrigerator, stove, and dining room furniture for what I wanted for them, I would have $300 to apply toward my debts. I planned to pay Henry Curtright as quickly as I could. When I returned for a visit in the spring I would have the cash needed to buy a stone for Sylvia's grave, one like her sister's. Mrs. Graham offered to buy the stone, but I felt that it was my obligation to furnish it. Mrs. Graham agreed to go with me to select it. I would return after the school in Boone closed in April and we could order the stone before I would volunteer for military service in the quota for May. It was my understanding that creditors were required to hold the debts of people in military service until they were discharged. Neither Mr. nor Mrs. Graham thought I would qualify for military service. The day following Christmas I walked the three miles over the hill to the home of my father and mother for a two-day visit. They were lonely. None of their children away from home had come back for Christmas. They had only my little brother, twelve years old at the time, with them. Everybody on the creek, except old people and children, had either joined the army or gone away to work. The local school, which I had taught for three years, had only nine or ten children in it. There was talk that it might be closed in a year or two. While I was there both sets of grandparents, all looking older than I remembered, came for visits. My great uncle Jake came for dinner one day. He had become a widower since I saw him last. Then 72, he was, as they say, "a-whettin' and a-honin' for him another womern." A compulsive talker, Uncle Jake addressed himself mostly to me and most of his stories were accounts of his recent encounters with widows, old maids, and teen-age girls, all of whom were "a-drawin' up to him." He talked loudly and rapidly. My mother, amused by his self-exaltation, would occasionally walk from the kitchen to ask him questions or offer comments. Uncle Jake, seeing me as a fellow widower, thought we must have interests in common, but he left little room for me to say anything. When he was ready to leave, he said, "When you come back this spring, come down and stay all night with me, and I'll take you a-courtin'." 104 �Christmas My mother was distressed that my brother Ralph's marriage had broken up. He and his wife had resigned as teachers and gone to Columbus to work in war industries. They worked different shifts. She had fallen in love with a man with whom she worked, requested her half of investments and the bank account, the car, and the furniture and gone to live with the other man, who had promised to marry her after divorces came through. Following the separation, Ralph had given up the apartment and was living in a rooming house. My mother, who could not accept divorce, was sure the other man, whose wife and several children lived elsewhere, had no intention of getting a divorce to marry Ralph's estranged wife, who after her lover tired of her, would come right back and want to live with Ralph again, after she had "run through with" everything they had. Mama thought of her as a "piece of trash." She feared Ralph would be "easy and mealy mouthed" and take the "hussy" back. She wanted me to talk with him about that while I was in Columbus and to tell him that if he should take her back "after the way she had entreated him," she "shan't ever step foot in my house again what time I have breath." I walked, mostly through the fields, to Elaine in time to get the morning bus to Louisa, where I had my suit pressed while I waited and my shoes shined before having lunch at Effie's, beside the railroad track, where I would not see former students or fellow teachers. I took a Norfolk and Western train from Fort Gay to Columbus and a taxicab to my sister Ruth's home. While in Columbus I had four experiences which I have always remembered. My sister Ruth and her husband John invited me to go with them to a party in the home of friends of theirs. Ralph had been invited, too. He was nattily dressed, charming, and a favorite of the men present. He told good stories and laughed easily, but after his tongue had begun to seem thick and he staggered against the newel post, I remained close to him and discovered that he was making frequent trips to the liquor table and was drinking heavy drinks of hard whiskey straight. It was his intention to get drunk. When he started up the stairs to the bathroom, he collapsed on the stairs like a rag doll and came sliding back. We carried him to a bedroom, took off his shoes, loosened his tie, and stretched him out. He was unconscious. We were embarrassed that he had not limited himself to a few social drinks, but I was convinced that he was suffering keen disappointment, shame, and humiliation, though no one had referred to his former wife. Ralph invited me to spend an evening with him. He had a date. He and his girl were going to a night spot called the Setting Sun, where drinks were served, there was good music, and people who wanted to could dance. His date had a friend, a recently divorced Catholic woman about my age with four children who had not dated since her husband ran off with another woman. She and her children lived with her father and mother, strict Catholics who did not want her to date. The attractive woman had been with Ralph and his date a time or two. Ralph's date had told her about me, that I was a teacher and recently widowed, and she thought she might enjoy going out with me. I agreed to go along on a date with the friend. I took a cab to Ralph's rooming house, hoping that he might want to talk about his 105 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone problems while he was getting himself dressed for the evening. He evaded my questions. He was not ready to talk about how he felt about his divorced wife. He dismissed the matter with "I was more than fair in dividing with her what we had, and I'll not take her back." When he had dressed and was ready to go, he called the young woman who was to be my date and told her we would come by soon to pick her up. He then ordered a taxicab. My date for the evening lived in an older working-class district. Her parents' home, about 1910 vintage, was a row house. When we arrived, Ralph decided to wait in the taxicab while I went in for the young woman, whose first name was Rose but whose last name I have forgotten. Two older men dressed in work clothes were sitting on the lighted porch. I presented myself and told them I had come for Rose. The men did not tell me their names. One of them, apparently Rose's father, told me to knock on the screen door and she would be there. I knocked. A little boy responded and reported that Rose was not quite ready but would be there in just a few minutes. I wondered whether the boy was Rose's son. The man invited me to have a seat and interrupted his conversation with his neighbor to ask where I was from. Neither had ever heard of Boone but the visitor had been to Charleston once, which he apparently thought was in North Carolina, and wanted to know how far Boone is from Charleston. When I replied that I did not know exactly but that it is about the same distance from Boone as Columbus is, they looked at each other quizzically. Then the father asked, "And what do you do?" When I told him that I was a teacher, he turned toward his companion and they resumed their conversation, neither paying any more attention to me. Rose appeared in about five minutes and I presented myself. She was a slender Irish girl with fair skin, brilliant blue eyes, and dark hair. She told her father she would be home about midnight. She did not offer to take my arm. I opened the door of the cab, she climbed in beside Ralph and I sat beside her. Ralph gave the cab driver directions to his girls house. Ralph and Rose talked. She had a pleasantly modulated voice but chose her words carefully as if she feared she might make a grammatical error. I thought she probably knew that I was an English teacher. We had a booth at the Setting Sun. I sat beside Rose. Ralph's friend, whose name was Audrey, was uninhibited and talkative. We drank beer. Audrey selected several records for us to hear during the evening and sang along with some of them. Our conversation was inconsequential. Rose said very little except in response to questions. She rarely looked at me, so I saw her mostly in profile, her pretty nose tilted slightly at the end. Once during the evening I pressed her hand, lying open and relaxed on the seat. Her hand was shapely and warm but dry and hard like a working person's hand. She did not respond. Her hand was as passive as if it had been made of rubber. Suddenly, it occurred to me that Rose was uncomfortable, ill at ease, and feeling guilty about having a date. I gathered her unresponsive hand in mine and squeezed it. It flopped back like rubber into passivity. I patted it gently and withdrew my hand. After we had consumed several beers, Rose became more talkative and went into detail about the work she did but she would look at me only briefly. Rose and I faced the entrance to the Setting Sun, which was a favorite spot of people 106 �Christmas from Kentucky. It was crowded with laughing, happy young folk, most of whom were young women. Two well-dressed girls waiting at the front for seats kept looking at me as if they knew me. In a few minutes I recognized them. They had been sparrow-legged students in the junior division of the high school at Louisa while I was principal there and had grown up since then. When I nodded my recognition, they came to the booth to speak to me. They had been Sylvia's students in English classes. I presented Rose and Audrey as my brother's friends and then presented Ralph. I was embarrassed at first because they had found me there but rebounded when I realized that they could have been embarrassed by my seeing them there but were not. They were pretty young women who were working in a plant. They asked about Sylvia, whom they referred to as the best English teacher they had while they were in high school. They had not heard of her death. Apparently, the incident established my credibility for Rose. She asked me two or three questions about Appalachian and Boone, neither of which she had ever heard of. She had gone to a parochial school and graduated from a Catholic high school before marrying at the age of eighteen. At the end of the evening I ordered a taxicab for Rose and me and Ralph ordered another for him and Audrey. Rose was talkative on the way home. She wished she had gone to college instead of marrying at age eighteen. She had been a good student in high school and would have enjoyed going to college. When we arrived at her home, her father and his friend were still sitting on the lighted porch. I asked the cab driver to wait while I escorted Rose to the door, where I thanked her for going out with me. She said she had enjoyed the evening. I bade her good night without offering to shake hands with her. And so ended my first date as a widower. Aunt Alma, my mother's sister, and her husband, Nelson Williams, my great uncle Jake's son and a first cousin of my father, lived in Columbus. They had gone there soon after their marriage as late teen-agers and before I could remember. Nelson, who had been a railroad engineer for many years, had held his job throughout the Depression. I had known them mostly as well dressed and apparently well-to-do aunt and uncle who returned to Kentucky for short visits in late summer nearly every year and to attend funerals, homecomings, and family reunions. Their only child, a son about two years younger than I, had died when he was only a few weeks old. My mother had told me that Aunt Alma, who had become very religious in recent years, was in poor health and suffered intensely at times from a disease of the liver. She urged that I be sure to go see her while I was in Columbus, for she had been especially fond of me, her oldest nephew, and would not live much longer. I promised my mother that I would go see her. Two or three days before I planned to leave for Boone I called my aunt to ask whether it was convenient for me to come for a visit. She and Nelson would be delighted to have me come that very afternoon and I had to come prepared to spend the night. They had always hoped I would come to see them. They had heard that I had been in Columbus a time or two but I had not called them. She upbraided me for my neglect of them. I agreed to come prepared to spend the night. 107 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Aunt Alma and Uncle Nelson owned a row house in an old fashioned but still proud working-class neighborhood with trees along the sidewalks, well kept yards, and freshly painted porch floors. Every room in the house shone as if it had just been cleaned and the good but inexpensive furniture was waxed and polished. The guest bedroom looked like a model in a furniture store. I complimented my aunt on her taste and skill as a housekeeper. She had a roast in the oven. Nelson would be home about seven o'clock and we would eat about eight. Not yet fifty years old, Aunt Alma in some ways looked older. Her naturally curly hair was as black as ever and her lively dark brown eyes as bright, but she was thin and her fair skin was dappled with dark brown spots, even the skin on her hands and arms. In response to my inquiry about her health, she went into detail, supplying a refrain of religious expressions like "Bless God," "God be praised," " Bless His Holy Name," "Blessed Jesus" to her account of a recent attack, brought on, she thought, by an imbalance in her medication. She had been in the hospital for several days. While there, she had been delirious and had tried to tear her skin off with her fingernails. It had been necessary to restrain her in a strait jacket. "Blessed be His Holy Name," she concluded, "He lifted me up and restored me." As she talked, she paused occasionally and stared with a faraway gaze as if she saw something I did not see. At the end of her account she stared past me and with a smile of happy recognition on her pretty lips for a long time. But she was getting along well then, she said, and was able to do her housework and cook for Nelson. My mother had sent Aunt Alma pictures of me through the years. She had them all over the house. Standing on the dresser in the bedroom was a picture taken during my first year as a teacher. She had pictures of other nephews and nieces, but they were in an album she kept in the drawer of her library table. While we were waiting in her living room for Uncle Nelson to arrive, she told me that she prayed for me every day and had done so for years, that she asked God to bless me and guide me in the ways of righteousness and that she knew He would, Praise Him. I was stunned by the realization that I had meant so much to her without having known it. I felt guilty because I had never been to see her, had never written her a letter, or sent her a Christmas greeting, or given her a present. She asked about my soul's welfare, whether I was saved. I felt like a hypocrite when I told her that I was at peace with God and felt confident in his grace, for I knew that for her salvation came as a mystical experience, as being born again, and exemplified itself in religious ecstasy and piety. I knew that as she understood and had experienced salvation I was not in that number, but I knew also that I did not want to be. She left me with the radio while she went into the kitchen to prepare for supper. About seven o'clock Uncle Nelson arrived, all dressed in striped coveralls and an engineers cap and carrying an overcoat across his left arm and swinging a black lunch kit in his right hand. Startled when he found me sitting in his living room, he did not recognize me at once, but he was voluble and warm in his welcome. Without taking the time to go by the kitchen to greet my aunt, he rushed upstairs to take a shower, shave, and change clothes before supper. Soon he came bounding down the stairs, booming questions at me as he 108 �Christmas came. Like his father (and most Williamses), he was a compulsive talker and one who could not wait for a question to be answered before hurrying along with his own narratives. We went into the dining room for my aunt's delicious supper and sat opposite each other at the table. Aunt Alma, who was on a special diet, did not eat with us. She sat on a high stool near the table and "supervised" us, bringing more hot biscuits as we needed them and seeing that we had milk in our glasses. Uncle Nelson kept a cascade of narrative charging and leaping over his own asides and interruptions. He gave me a full account of railroading in those busy times when the nation was gearing up for an all-out war effort, turning aside frequently to relate episodes of special runs he had made and arguments with his bosses he had won. His epic, of which he himself was the adventurous Ulysses, was expansive, but he had such a high regard for factual detail that he would frequently correct himself, sometimes two or three times, before continuing. Since he did not seem to be greatly interested in the adventures of a school teacher, I was a listener. My contributions to the conversation were short questions I managed to ask from time to time mostly to demonstrate that I was listening and interested in his narratives. Following the rneal, he took me out to show me his carefully tended back yard, which he had converted to a victory garden the spring before. While we were gone, my aunt ate her simple supper. She was washing dishes when we returned. We sat in the living room while Uncle Nelson talked. After finishing the dishes, Aunt Alma came and sat quietly with us for a time. She had begun to droop. Uncle Nelson was annoyed when she found it necessary to interrupt him to say that she would be getting up early to prepare Nelson's breakfast and pack his lunch in time for him to get to the railroad yards by six o'clock. I could sleep as long as I wanted to. She would keep a breakfast warm for me in the oven. She went off to bed. After a time Uncle Nelson turned to asking me questions about people he had known on Caines Creek while he was growing up. My reports reminded him of many stories involving the old-timers which he told. I noted that he made judgments readily and was generous with his moral strictures, traits I had observed in others from Caines Creek who had gone away and enjoyed a measure of success in the world. About 10:30 he announced that we would listen to the eleven o'clock news and then go to bed, since he had to get up so early. He always tried to listen to the news before lying down. He launched into his own analysis of the world situation, inserting, as appropriate, accounts of conversations about the progress of the war he had had with men at work. He was more up to date on the news than I was and was so charged with interest in the news report that he would interrupt with his own opinions. Following the program, he speculated for a bit on the turn of events and what he was certain would happen next. I slept well. I was dimly aware of stirring around in the house in the early morning hours but did not wake up until about 7:30. Everything was quiet. Aunt Alma had lain down again after Nelson had left the house. When she heard me in the bathroom, she got up again and set out a warm breakfast for me. She sat with me while I ate. 109 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone About nine o'clock I was ready to leave. Aunt Alma was sitting by her fireplace when I set my light bag down to say goodbye to her. In the midst of the conversation she spoke my name almost in a whisper as if she meant to tell me a secret. I was standing at the end of the fireplace with my hand on the mantel. She said in a voice charged with emotion, "Gratis, Jesus came day before yesterday and visited with me. I was sitting here and looked up. He was standing right where you are standing now." Suddenly my spine felt like an icicle. I moved back a few inches so as not to fill the space Jesus had occupied. "He was a little man about your size," she continued. "He looked at me sweetly and smiled. The light around his head became brighter. He did not speak, just looked at me and smiled. Then, he faded away." She studied my face intently for a moment and then looked beyond me with her faraway gaze. I could think of nothing appropriate to say. After a moment she said in her natural voice, "His visit filled me with happiness and assurance, Bless His Sweet Name." She got up, walked with me to the door, and embraced me before I left. (A few weeks later Aunt Alma returned to the hospital, where she had to be restrained again in a strait jacket. She died a painful death.) Back at my sister's I prepared to go to town to window shop and feel the throb of urban life at noon time on a work day. The weather had become mild. I did not need to wear an overcoat. I rode a trolley car to High Street and wandered through the shopping district, looking especially at clothing for men. Some of the shops were advertising their post-Christmas sales and many suits and overcoats in my size had been marked down. I needed a suit and an overcoat desperately. My $ 13 suit was for fall or spring and my older suits were threadbare and out of style. My overcoat was six years old, but I felt that I could not really afford to spend money for new clothes, even at bargain prices. My brother-in-law had bought two days earlier for only $45 a rich brown suit with two pairs of pants and a topcoat of the same material at J.C. Penney's. I liked his outfit very much. He thought the same suit was available in my size. Although I was sure I could not afford to buy one, I did have $35 that Herbert Sturgill had paid me in cash. That with only $10 from my salary money would be enough if I should find myself overcome by an urge to buy. I went to Penney's, just to look around. There was an outfit like John's in my size. The length of the trousers would be adjusted while I waited if I wished to buy. I tried on everything and was pleased with the color and the neat fit. But I needed time to consider. I strolled among shops until I became tired, stopped for lunch in a little restaurant near the Neil House, and then sat in the Neil House lobby a long time, associating it with Theodore Dreiser's novel, Jennie Gerhardt, which, as I understood it, had been set partly there. I dozed for a bit, got up and stretched myself, and went back and bought the suit and topcoat. After I had paid for my purchase, the clerk told me that the women who altered trousers were overworked just then and it would be at least an hour before they could get to mine. I could sit and wait or take a walk and come back. I decided to return to the Neil House. A dry wind hurrying along down High Street was whisking bits of paper and chewing gum wrappers along the sidewalk. As I stepped from the street up to the level of the side110 �Christmas walk, I noticed the scraps scooting along toward me and remembered that Mark Twain had once picked up a fifty-dollar bill along there, announced in the paper he had found it, and left town before being overwhelmed by the number of claimants. While I was chuckling to myself about Mark Twain's good luck, I saw what looked like a bill lifting, sliding, lifting, and bouncing toward me. I picked it up. It was a twenty dollar bill. Not disturbed, as Mark Twain had been, by a vestigial conscience concerning such matters, I was pleased to think that good fortune had smiled on me and never once considered either advertising in the paper that a twenty dollar bill had blown into my hand or taking the bill to the police station. Instead, I remembered a men's shop two or three doors beyond the Neil House in which I had seen in the window a good looking yellow shirt and a beautiful tie that were just right for the suit I had bought. I put the bill in my wallet and hurried to the shop, half afraid that someone had already bought the tie I wanted. The tie was still there. I paid $3.50 for it, more than I had ever paid for a tie before, and bought a yellow shirt, a light blue shirt with a matching tie, and a bright green sport shirt made of a new synthetic material said to have been derived from cornstalks. I still had $2.00 of my fortune money. My package was waiting for me when I returned to Penney's. With my new clothing under my arm I walked to the bus station to check bus schedules to Boone and learned that I could leave Columbus at seven o'clock in the morning and get to Boone at nine o'clock that night. The following morning I was at the bus station on time. Snow was falling. By the time the bus was loaded and moving the snow was perhaps an inch deep. It became deeper for a few miles south of Columbus but by the time we had reached Chillicothe there was no snow at all. I changed buses at Ashland, Kentucky, and came on U.S. 23 through Louisa and Pikeville to Jenkins. The day was cloudy but there was no snow in the Big Sandy Valley. From Jenkins to Bristol there was no snow, but a few miles south of Bristol we came into snow again. It was six or eight inches deep in Boone, where a frigid wind was blowing and the snow was drifting. I rode in a taxicab from the bus station to Faculty Apartments, which seemed abandoned because so few had returned from their holidays. My apartment was quiet and lonely, and I could hear no sounds in apartments near mine. It was two or three weeks before I learned that Catherine Smith, my next door neighbor, and Annafreddie Carsteens, who lived in the apartment under mine, had lost their mothers, who had been living with them, about the time Sylvia had died. 111 �This page intentionally left blank �Longing to Call Boone Home As we moved into the second semester at Appalachian High School, teachers began including me in social activities they arranged. Mr. Wey and Jeannie invited me to their home for dinner several times, usually along with two or three other staff members. Dr. Abrams and Lillian had me to dinner occasionally. People living in the apartments, even those I had not met, began calling on me for brief visits in the late afternoons. No one referred to my having lost my wife recently. It was as if one were expected, after a few weeks of bereavement, not to refer to his loss any more. Holding my grief within intensified the pain of it at times. I would return to my apartment from a dinner or a room party, where I had enjoyed gaiety and laughter and not thought of Sylvia at all, and sink suddenly into despair and feel guilty. The state of my health disturbed me, too. I took cod liver oil and my iron tonic faithfully, drank a quart of milk each day, and ate eggs and meat, but I had not yet regained all of the weight I had lost before coming to Boone. I took colds easily and coughed at night. I took a brief nap after lunch and a longer one after dinner, walked two or three miles a day and did bending and stretching exercises for about ten minutes before going to bed, and tried to sleep seven or eight hours at night, but I continued to be troubled with night sweats, bad dreams, and insomnia. I awoke often, wet with perspiration, from troubled dreams and tossed about for an hour or two before going back to sleep just before dawn, then sleeping through the alarm and arriving late for faculty meetings. One afternoon about the middle of January two young women called on me. I had seen them in the building and had met one of them in the hall and on the stairs a few times, but I did not know their names. They presented themselves, Jennie Sue Allen and 113 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Melba Lovill (later Tugman). Jennie Sue was a secretary in Dean J.D. Rankin's office and Melba worked for Barnard Dougherty in the business office. They were my neighbors, had seen me in the building, had heard of my wife's death, and had come for a brief neighborly visit of welcome. I invited them in. They sat on the long couch and I in an easy chair. After about ten minutes Melba excused herself to run some errands and Jennie Sue remained, though she, too, must be hurrying along soon to meet another young woman in the building to go together to the cafeteria for dinner. Jennie Sue, a slight young woman in her early 20s, had well kept dark hair that rested on her shoulders and intensely dark eyes that danced and sparkled when she smiled. In our conversation I learned that she had graduated from college with a major in English but had not taught school because she preferred to work as a secretary and receptionist. She was not engaged, as most of the unmarried young women were, and did not have a "regular boyfriend." I told her that I was not yet ready psychologically for a girl friend and might not be for a long time, for I had loved my wife deeply and was missing her more than I could say. But if she could accept a casual relationship with me I would like to invite her to be my partner at parties and other social affairs if she were interested, knowing that I was not a serious suitor. She said she understood. She was lonely herself at times and would enjoy going with me. I could not tell her about my illness, but I did tell her that I was head over heels in debt and so desperately poor that I rarely went to the movies because I felt I could not afford to pay the price of a ticket. She said we could "dutch" if we should decide to go to a movie together or out for a dinner at a restaurant. Figure H, Gathering of teachers in front of Faculty Apartments prior to an outing in the country, September 1943. (l-r) Sallie Pat Carson, Mary Madison, Dorothy Snyder, Gratis Williams, Ellen Bell, Pete Felts, Ruby Donald. Photo courtesy of Hugh Daniel. 114 �Longing to Call Boone Home Jennie Sue, who, I learned soon, was intelligent, wrote well, and spent much of her spare time reading, was naturally a quiet, pleasant, and smiling person. She became my partner when Hugh and Ruby brought food and drinks to my apartment for meals, or when we played cards, or went to a movie. After a few weeks my friends began including Jennie Sue when they invited me to parties. Quiet, smiling, warm, and sincere, she made friends easily. She was tolerant and charitable in her estimates of others and did not criticize others readily, but because she was keenly perceptive, listened well, and observed closely she understood better than most why people behave as they do. slus Before I left my office at five o'clock, I was usually able to complete preparations for my classes the following day and to check tests and papers I had accepted from my students. I only found it necessary to return to the school in the evening Figure I, A country outing, 1943, (l-r) when I was to meet groups from my dramatics Gratis Williams, Woody Mizell, Winnie classes for play rehearsals or to sell tickets for bas- Stokes, Hugh Daniel, Ruby Donald, Photo ketball games. I had time to read. Some of the courtesy of Ruby Daniel. books I read were appropriate for high school students. I took time to make objective tests on these books that students could take in ten or fifteen minutes. Other books from the College Library I read for relaxation, but I did not attempt to build for myself a reading program as I had done while I was working for New Idea at Coldwater, Ohio, or International Nickel Corporation at Huntington. Mr. Wey, who began planning that year for a self-study of the high school for the Southern Association of Schools and Colleges the following year, had four or five of us in his home several times for planning meetings. As I did not then think I would be returning to Boone the following year, I felt for a long time more like a referee and consultant than a participant at the meetings, but I especially enjoyed helping to develop a statement of the philosophy of our school. We wrote a tentative statement at our first meeting, a carefully worded paper about three-fourths of a page long. At subsequent meetings we criticized, revised, and re-wrote until we finally had what Mr. Wey preferred to call a first draft. He felt that as we discussed what we were actually doing at the school and changes we hoped to implement, we would want to revise the statement of our philosophy again at the beginning of the following year. We were not yet prepared to state goals and objectives or to identify strategies for change but we engaged in lively discussions of these matters as we considered our statement of philosophy. I became so interested in what we were doing that I began to wish I could return the following year and help complete the self-study. Sometime early in 1943, perhaps in February, Dr. Abrams invited me to give a twen- 115 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone ty-minute program of Appalachian songs for the Lions Club, of which he, Dr. Whitener, and Dr. Robert Busteed from the College were members. I accepted his invitation and prepared and rehearsed several times in no more than a humming voice a program that I thought I could do in twenty minutes. The Lions Club was meeting then in the dining room of the Daniel Boone Hotel. The light-heartedness, good humor, and friendly fellowship of the Lions around the immense fireplace in the lobby of the hotel before their dinner meeting in the dining room impressed me. Unlike my fellow Rotarians at Louisa, Kentucky, who had been grave, reserved, a bit stiff, and inclined to nap and nod, even at luncheon meetings, the Lions were lively, informal, and relaxed. I saw among them business and professional people I had met up town, and they made me feel that I was a welcome visitor. The Lions met at tables arranged in a U shape in a curtained off part of the dining room. At that time the club had twenty-eight members. The food was exceptionally good. The peas did not rattle like bullets on our plates, the mashed potatoes were not watery, biscuits were not warmed over. Mrs. Price, the wife of the proprietor of the hotel, supervised personally the preparation of the food, and enjoyed an enviable reputation as a cook. She baked the pastries herself. The food was unlike any I had ever eaten at a club meeting. The Lions engaged in lively conversation while two "tail twisters," twins Howard and Raleigh Cottrell, kept a routine of pranks going. After we had eaten, the president called on the program chairman. Dr. Abrams was presented. He gave me a brief but somewhat exaggerated introduction, including an account of our first meeting, and presented me not only as an accomplished singer and interpreter of Appalachian ballads and songs but then, also, the ugliest man in Boone. The Lions applauded his introduction so long that I had to wait to begin my program, which everybody enjoyed so well that I was called back for two encores, even though the Club tried to restrict its meetings to one hour. Recognizing that the response was more in the spirit of fun and foolishness than of appreciation of my songs or my skill in singing them, I was, for all of that, pleased with my reception. No one had seemed bored. I had never had a better audience. Having given a similar program to the Louisa Rotary Club, I remembered long-suffering and patient looks on the faces of many of the Rotarians and the feeble and mechanical round of applause "for manners' sake" they had given me when I sat down. I thought I would enjoy being a member of the Boone Lions Club. In a few weeks Dr. Abrams told me that the Club was beginning a membership drive and he would like to sponsor me for membership. The Club wanted to expand and hoped to take in six or eight new members. He discussed with me costs and worthwhile activities of the Club, emphasizing its good work for children with poor vision. The men had enjoyed my program and spirit of good fellowship. He was sure I would be accepted. I asked for three or four days to consider whether I ought to join. Certainly, the men enjoyed themselves and the dinners served at meetings were good and reasonably priced. There would be some work involved in being a member, but it would be so much fun that I would enjoy it. I was concerned mostly with the cost of belonging and whether even a little extra work might tax my energies. I could not reveal that the state of my health was a factor if I declined an invitation to join the Club. I discussed the matter with Mr. Wey, 116 �Longing to Call Boone Home who was not a member. He did not think he had time to be a member, he said, but he and Mr. Chapell Wilson both liked for the members of the faculties of the campus schools to participate in community activities. If I thought I had time to be a member and would enjoy belonging to the Club, I should join. I also discussed the matter with Jennie Sue. She thought the Club was one of the most active organizations in town and that I would enjoy belonging to it. I told Dr. Abrams that I was willing for him to sponsor me for membership. As I recall, seven new members were initiated, including Professor A.R. Smith from the College faculty and Mr. Lee Reynolds, who taught seventh grade at the campus elementary school; Guy Hunt, who owned and operated Hunt's Clothing Store; Frank Payne, an insurance agent; and Mr. Price, the proprietor of the Daniel Boone Hotel. I believe the seventh new member was Council Cook, who had an electrical appliance shop. One of the rules of the Club was that members had to be addressed or referred to by their first or full names. One who slipped up and addressed or referred to another as Mr. or Dr. was promptly fined ten cents by one of the tail twisters. Collections, as I recall, went into the blind fund. Soon I came to know many of the business and professional men of Boone by their first names. I believe names of members who were in military service continued to be included on the membership roll. Members whose names I remember were Amos Abrams, Wade Brown, Robert Busteed, Jake Caudill, Howard and Raleigh Cottrell, Jim Councill, Joe Crawford, Bus Crowell, Clyde Greene, Watt Gragg, Milt Greer, Albert King, Bill Matheson, G.K. Moose, B.W. Stallings, Lee Stout, DJ. Whitener, Herman Wilcox, and Gordon Winkler. Soon after I became a member of the Club, a decision was reached to put on a Lions Club show to raise money for the blind fund. I was asked to develop a format for and direct a one-hour show. I protested that I was totally inexperienced in such work, had a full schedule at the high school, and did not want to assume such a task. I could not, of course, let it be known that I was physically unable to assume the extra work involved in such an undertaking. But the pressure, coupled with the argument that I was the only member of the Club who was a play director, was so great that I seemed unable to decline. In three weeks I prepared a kind of Lions Club Follies, selected the talent needed from among the members and their wives, met groups for rehearsals, advised with the publicity and the arrangements committees, and had the show ready for the stage. The arrangements committee attempted to schedule the show in the college auditorium, but since we would be selling tickets for admission, President Dougherty would not give us permission to use college facilities. The manager of the Appalachian Theatre gave us permission to use the Theatre but required forty percent of the collections for ticket sales. The show was scheduled for the evening of April 8th. The publicity committee did an outstanding job with advertising and advance ticket sales. We expected a full house. The night before the show was to be given we had a dress rehearsal in the theatre after the movie. It was three o'clock when I got to bed. 117 �The Cratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone A soft snow was falling when I woke up in response to my alarm clock set on "loud." I was dog tired and coughing when I dragged myself unwillingly from bed. While I was shaving I was seized by a choking cough, with which I struggled. At the end of the attack I began spitting up blood. Frightened and tense, I began considering what I should do. In a few minutes there was only a trace of blood in my sputum. I wet a towel in cold water and held it against my neck and chest while taking as short and shallow breaths as I could. The coughing stopped. I decided to face the day as if nothing had happened while waiting to see whether I had another hemorrhage. I knew that I would be able to rest that day only a short time following lunch. I was careful not to over exert myself physically in order to avoid if possible another attack of coughing. I did not have another hemorrhage. Snow fell intermittently throughout the day but it melted when it struck the warm spring earth. At 5:30 I began meeting with the "actors" for the show, helped them apply makeup, including mustaches and beards for some of them, supplied them with white cardboard top hats I had ordered for the show, and had them ready for the stage by seven o'clock. By then a heavy soft snow was falling so fast and remaining on the ground that we began to wonder whether the audience would get there. Since few people believed there could be a traffic-snarling snow at that time of year, the theatre was packed. Excited by such a turnout, the actors were stimulated to do their best. The show, following no theme, included a scene in Dr. Sawbones's office in which two strapping fellows held a man with a broken leg on a table while Bill Matheson prepared to amputate the broken limb. The bottle of whiskey that a relative had brought for the patient to drink in order to withstand the ordeal was consumed with great gusto by the doctor and his helpers instead. Fortified by the spirits, the helpers laid hold of the struggling patient. Bill Matheson suddenly drew an enormous handsaw from under the table and was in the act of bringing it across the victim's leg when the curtain closed. Audience response was thunderous. Milt Greer, made up with lamb chop sideburns and a goatee and wearing a frock coat, delivered a marvelous folk sermon, which Dr. Abrams had recorded at a rehearsal. One of the Cottrell twins and Aunt Jenny Critcher engaged in an almost naughty dialogue in the park. A quartet did a few barber shop numbers. Council Cook sang quite well two or three songs, including "Lonesome Road." The show was a hit with the audience. By the time it was over, though, eight inches of snow had accumulated. The "cast" met briefly for a reception in the home of Ray and Lib Manship, who lived in a little brown house among the trees on the north side of King Street a block from the theatre. The top hats, though glazed, had begun to come unglued by the time the reception was over. Over 500 tickets had been sold. Everybody had enjoyed the show. The Lions were elated. By 9:30 I had slogged my way through the deep snow to the apartments, my feet sloshing in my wet shoes. I was so tired that I considered wiping my feet with a towel and dropping in bed, but decided to take a soaking hot bath to protect myself from pneumonia. I was sure the fatigue, exposure to the weather, and the wet feet would leave me with at least a bad cold, but I slept well and woke up in the morning without a sign of a bad cold. I wore overshoes and an overcoat to school. But the day was bright and warm and by mid afternoon the snow had melted away. 118 �Longing to Call Boone Home The memory of my hemorrhage haunted me and kept me fearful. With final examinations, rehearsals for War Correspondent, the senior play, and working with student speakers for commencement exercises ahead of me, I found it necessary to decline most of the invitations I received for dinners and parties. I tried hard to maintain my routine of resting after lunch, taking a nap after dinner, and going to bed as early as I could each evening. A bonanza came to me before the school was out. The North Carolina legislature, which met in early 1943, increased handsomely the salaries of teachers retroactive to September, 1942. I received nearly $500.00 as my increase, which brought to a total of $2140.00, including the worth of my apartment at $40.00 a month, my salary for my first year at Boone. If I should be able to return to Boone the following year, Mr. Wey explained, the increase would become a part of my salary. I was happy to think that the increase I had received, together with what Mr. Lafe Wellman could get for my furniture, would enable me to reduce my indebtedness by seven or eight hundred dollars. Although I told Mr. Wey, Mr. Wilson, and Dr. Abrams that I would report to my draft board at Louisa in May, they wanted to include my name in the class schedule for the summer terms. No one had been selected as my successor and it was important that the instructor's name be listed along with the classes to be offered, for students tended not to register for courses listed without an instructor's name on the schedule. If I should learn that I would not be drafted until September, I could teach both summer terms. Dr. Abrams and I had discussed my interest in offering in summer school a course in ballads and songs with emphasis upon those variants that had survived in the oral tradition of Appalachian mountain folk. I had as a valuable resource his excellent collection of recordings of native singers. I could use as a text Kittredge's one-volume edition of Child's English and Scottish Popular Ballads. We could invite a native singer, such as Frank Proffitt29 or Mrs. Laura Timmons,30 to visit the class once or twice, possibly arrange to take the class on a pleasant afternoon to the home of a native singer for a program on the porch or in the yard, and might be able to interest Dean Rankin in scheduling a well known folk singer for an evening program. The course, Dr. Abrams believed, would appeal especially to English majors, music majors, and elementary education teachers, especially those from Florida, South Carolina, and Georgia, who came to summer school to earn credits for the renewal of certificates to teach. He and I went together to discuss the possibility of offering such a class with Mr. Chapell Wilson, who was the director of summer schools. Mr. Wilson approved at once what we proposed and wanted to include the course in the 1943 summer class schedule, even though I might not be there to teach it. If I should be drafted in May, then the course could be deleted at registration time without causing serious problems. The course was scheduled, the first time, we believed, such a course had been offered below the graduate level in the country. 2 "Frank Proffitt (1913-1964), Watauga County resident with a life-long interest in traditional music, collected and performed traditional mountain ballads, and recorded on Folkways and Folk-legacy labels. His son, Frank Proffitt, Jr. continues in his tradition of musicianship. 30 Laura Timmons (1894-1964) was a local folksinger. 119 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone War Correspondent, not really a very good three-act play, was a wartime mystery with a cast of ten persons. Seniors selected for parts worked hard to achieve conversational delivery and convincing character. Not fully successful, they did learn their parts well and achieved a stage presence that enabled them to relate to one another convincingly. A stage crew built an imaginative portable set that could be assembled and taken down quickly in order to clear the stage area of the gymnasium for physical education classes. Students from the dramatics classes handled makeup and took care of stage props. We gave the play twice, once in the morning to the student body and once in the evening to their parents and other townspeople. It attracted nearly a full house for the evening performance. One of the social affairs I attended near the end of the year was a picnic at the Fish Hatchery at Rutherwood for the staff and maintenance personnel at the College, an annual affair that Mr. Barnard Dougherty,31 the Business Manager, arranged with the expert help of John Welborn32 and the cafeteria staff. Jenny Sue had invited me as her guest. So few of us had cars and those who did were so restricted by gasoline rationing that Mr. Dougherty made arrangements for us to be transported to and from the picnic. It was a beautiful afternoon and the young grass was fresh and vivid, but buds on trees had not yet begun to swell. Fires had already been built for roasting hot dogs and marshmallows and the smoke from the burning hardwoods stimulated appetites. Pots of steaming coffee had been brought from the cafeteria, but there was also an abundant supply of half-pint bottles of cold milk from the dairy and soft drinks in tubs of ice. Stacks of buns and bowls of coleslaw waited on an improvised table. Jenny Sue took me among the workers and introduced me to those I did not already know. President Dougherty, Dean Rankin, Mr. Herman R. Eggers, and Mrs. Emma Moore, persons to whom staff members were responsible were there, but members of the faculty had not been invited. Dr. Dougherty stood apart from the crowd and talked in a low voice with Mr. Eggers, the registrar. He did not move from the position he had taken until the food was ready. Someone prepared for him his hot dog and marshmallows. Mr. Barnard, as the business manager was called, made a few remarks and called on Dean Rankin to ask a blessing. Dr. Dougherty, interrupted by the asking of the blessing, proceeded with his account of something to Mr. Eggers as soon as the blessing was over. Others took positions around the fires to roast their hot dogs, moving as the shifting smoke dislodged them. Those at the picnic seemed to be well acquainted with one another. There was a cohesiveness present, such as one might have found in a family reunion. A few of the workers had been with the College almost from its beginning. I felt that the staff and work force were the hidden empire, of whom the faculty was not fully aware, that made the College possible. ^Barnard Dougherty (1909-1965) was business manager of the college from 1938 to 1955 when he was appointed vice president and comptroller. ^John Welborn, a graduate of Appalachian Training School and Appalachian State Teachers College, worked in food services for 34 years, serving as director until his retirement in 1973. Welborn Cafeteria was named in his honor. 120 �Longing to Call Boone Home We had also a senior hike to Flat Top Mountain near Blowing Rock. In late April, a few days before the close of the school year, the seniors and their faculty sponsors were given permission to take packed lunches and hike along one of the old roads from Boone to Blowing Rock and return by another of the first roads between the two towns. Both roads were unimproved and a part of one of them had been abandoned. It was said to be eleven miles to Flat Top and back. Afraid to try to walk eleven miles in a day, I agreed to walk until we had lunch and then return alone to the school where I would complete some work in my office that I needed to do. We left the school at ten o'clock and walked up Winkler s Creek, turning left at the Austin farm, where two of my freshmen English students, Mary and Martha, lived. I had been to the Rocks in Winkler's Creek but had not gone beyond them. From the Austin farm the road was little more than a trail. It was a fair day. Trees had not yet begun to leaf, but weeds were beginning to grow and the grass in meadows and pastures was young and tender. The dirt road, little traveled but rutted in places, frequently crossed the low and clear creek. There were no bridges, but foot travelers up and down the valley had put stepping stones at shallow crossings and foot logs over deeper ones. Beyond Austins the countryside was largely abandoned. A few rustic homes had freshly plowed gardens and barnyards within enclosures fenced with scrap wood. Occasionally, we passed an abandoned house with a sagging lichen covered shake roof, a deteriorating stack chimney, porch floors rotted away, doors standing open or ripped off the hinges, and windows long since knocked out. Second growth trees had marched across even the yards of many of the old houses. The few families living along the old road were still in the Depression. When we had climbed to a gap along a straight stretch of the trail, where deep ruts worn into a clay base by farm wagons and ancient trucks were filled with leaves, I looked at my watch. It was almost noon. I decided to eat my lunch there beside a spring. Two or three of the hungry boys ate their lunches, too, expressed regrets that I could not go with them on to Flat Top, where we could see the Cone Mansion, and hurried on. I ambled back to Boone, stopping occasionally to rest. I thought I had walked about eight miles. One Sunday morning near the end of the year G.C. Greene called and invited me to ride that afternoon with him, Charles Boone, and Kenneth Clay to Camp Yonalossee. They picked me up about two o'clock. We left Boone through Hodges Gap and drove along a narrow road to Shulls Mills. My first trip out that way, I was able to see much of the road bed of the East Tennessee and Western North Carolina Railroad, abandoned after the 1940 flood had washed away much of the road and broken the dam on Watauga River. We stopped above the old dam and explored the rocks in the river there, a favorite site for picnics and outings. The Robbins Hotel, a rambling wooden structure located at the mouth of a little hollow across the road from the railroad bed, was still receiving guests, but it was weathered and needed painting. 121 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone The boys told me that Shulls Mills had been a flourishing place a few years before when a big lumber company had been located there. It was said that it was then larger than Boone. The railroad had been extended from Linville to haul lumber out to Elizabethton, Tennessee, and on to Boone later. We turned left across the valley at the hotel, crossed a low-water bridge over the river, and followed a narrow, winding road up the mountain to Camp Yonalossee for Girls. I did not go into the camp, stretched along the side of the mountain, but waited in the car while the boys went down to ask about some young lady who was working there while the camp was being prepared for the summer. They decided to go on to Flat Top. The road to Flat Top had trees growing along both sides of it much of the way. It was a hard packed, narrow dirt road and looked as if it had been there a long time. In earlier days, that had been the main road from Boone to Blowing Rock, the boys said. We stopped on Flat Top and walked around but did not go to the Cone Mansion. Just to show me around, the boys decided to return to Boone by a back way. They drove to Linville and came back along the narrow road beside the railroad bed to Shulls Mills. I saw Grandfather Mountain from the back side. We stopped for a few minutes near an old railroad sign that told us we were at Linville Gap. At that point one could see how vast and rugged Grandfather Mountain is. It seemed a long way down the mountain to Foscoe, where the road became straight and level back to Shulls Mills. As we were turning left at the old hotel, I looked up the valley at Grandfather, whose profile was well defined. A small cloud rested on his brow as he reclined in mystery, a million years old. The trip was one of the most impressive I had taken all year. Grandfather Mountain, bathed in a blue mist, rugged, enormous, added to the enchantment of the land that I longed to call home. Boys in my home room were exceptionally considerate. From time to time throughout the year I would remember their response to me when Mr. Wey introduced me at the student assembly at the beginning of the term. Our relationship had been harmonious, warm, and fully trusting all year, even from our first meeting in the classroom. I soon knew that their booing me when I was introduced was more of a humorous response to Mr. Wey's high praise for lovely Miss Poole than a rejection of me. I found that they had a delightful sense of humor and an admirable capacity for enjoying one another. This esprit the group had already. I could take no credit for it. It had developed over the years, for most of those in the group had been together since they were in the primary grades. My homeroom group included Charles Boone, Kenneth Clay, Cecil Greene, G.C. Greene, Jr., Hal Greene, Ted Hagaman, Ronda Hardin, Fred Hodges, Roy Johnson, Roy Marsh, Randall Page, Walter Ragan, Reece Roberts, Phil Vance, Harold Watson, James Watson and William Wilson. I believe there might have been four or five others whose names I have forgotten. My involvement with plays and helping students selected to give talks at the commencement exercises enabled me to become acquainted with many students who were not enrolled in my classes. I enjoyed them and felt that they enjoyed me. At commencement 122 �Longing to Call Boone Home Figure], Members of Gratis Williamss homeroom, Appalachian Demonstration High School, 1942-1943. 123 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone many of the parents of students with whom I had worked took time to tell me that their sons and daughters had thought well of me as a teacher and referred often to what they had learned in my classes and quoted me in discussions. They hoped I would be able to return the following year. The campus schools, having only an eight-month term, closed about a month before the College was scheduled to close. I was so deeply involved in activities at the school that I did not attempt to prepare to leave Boone until I had turned in my reports, cleaned out my files, and carried to my apartment teaching materials and personal effects that I did not want to leave in my office. Even though I might not return to teach in the summer school, my apartment would not be assigned to anyone, for the Antonakoses would return to occupy it at the end of the summer. I could leave there anything I wanted to leave if I could return to get it before I would be drafted for military service. The other teachers hurried away soon after commencement. Tired and very much alone except for dinners with Jenny Sue, I rested for a long weekend before I began packing my things in boxes, which I tied with stout string, addressed to myself at Cherokee, Kentucky, and stacked in my living room. If I should be drafted so quickly that there would not be time to return to Boone to have the boxes sent by parcel post back to Cherokee, Jenny Sue would engage a taxicab driver to carry them to the post office and she would send them for me. Carrying only one bag with me, I left by bus for Beckley, West Virginia, on a beautiful day in late April. The sun was shining in Boone and the air was crisp and clear, but the only visible sign of spring was lush grass in yards and pasture fields. I spent that night in the Milner Hotel in Beckley and reported next morning to Pinecrest Sanitarium for an X-ray of my lungs and a talk with Dr. Edwards. The spot on my lung had disappeared. I was not yet out of danger, though. Dr. Edwards advised that I continue to eat eggs, drink at least a quart of milk a day, take my cod liver oil, and rest after lunch and dinner and report for another X-ray six months later. I told him I was on my way to Kentucky to volunteer for military service. He told me that a skin test for tuberculosis was routine procedure in medical examinations for military service, that I would then be sent for an X-ray, and that a doctor would talk with me. It would be most important that I report that a spot on my lung had disappeared only recently if the X-ray did not show one. He was confident that I would not be accepted for military duty. As my bus descended the mountain to Gauley Bridge, I could see signs of spring. Trees were budding, willows were already flaunting tags of tender green, blooming sarvice trees shimmered in the sunlight. In Huntington trees had leafed out. I had traveled through spring as it was climbing the mountains. Arriving in Huntington too late to make bus connections to Louisa that day, I engaged a room at the Milner Hotel near the bus station and took a walk. Huntington was bustling. Sidewalks were crowded with well dressed people hurrying along, many with packages in their arms. Window displays of stores and shops announced the advent of spring. I walked along Fourth Avenue to the Walgreen Drug Store. Crowds stood on the corner and waited for city buses. I crossed Fourth 124 �Longing to Call Boone Home Avenue and walked back toward the Milner, but stopped at a little restaurant where Sylvia and I had eaten a few times and had a seafood dinner, pleased that I was no longer so poor that I could not afford a good dinner occasionally. After dinner I walked over to the railroad station, also crowded with people waiting for trains. As the evening was still young, I decided to ride a trolley car to Ashland, Kentucky, for I liked to ride trolley cars. It was so crowded when I got on that I stood in the aisle to Westmoreland before a seat became available. Many of those on the car were working people returning to their homes in Kenova, Catlettsburg, and Ashland. Passengers knew one another. They talked, teased one another, and laughed, all happy to have jobs again and free from fear as they responded to the coming of spring. I did not see any familiar faces. I got off at the corner of Winchester Avenue and Thirteenth Street in Ashland. Crowds were standing on the corner and people were clustered in front of stores and shops. I walked up to the bus station. Every stool at the lunch counter was occupied, as were all the seats in the waiting area, and people stood along the wall, their bags beside them, talking and laughing. I saw no one I had known. Not wanting to wait for a cup of coffee at the crowded counter, I walked back to the corner and took the next car back to Huntington. It was not crowded. The following morning I had breakfast at the White Tower, where I had eaten often while I was working at International Nickel Corporation. The cost of an egg sandwich and a cup of coffee was still only fifteen cents. After breakfast, I walked by the Mosely home for a brief visit with Mrs. Mosely, the servants, and Miss Westall, her hair in curlers and wearing a house robe while she enjoyed a cup of coffee. Captain Mosely had gone to his farm to ride his horses. The bus from Huntington by way of Lavalette and Wayne to Louisa was not crowded. I sat near the back of the bus and talked with Oscar Cottrell, a black man with whom I had played cowboys and Indians in the pine woods behind Louisa while I was in high school. I had not seen him for many years. A big man with the same broad smile and happy face that I remembered, Oscar recalled many of our Saturday escapades on Pine Hill. At Louisa I left my bag at the drug store in which the bus station was located while I attended to business matters. I volunteered for the next military draft quota and learned that a bus load of draftees would report to the center in Huntington in about a week. I went by the Riverview Hospital and talked with Dr. Joseph E. Carter, who had been our physician while Sylvia and I were living in Louisa. I told him about my bout with tuberculosis and that Dr. Edwards had thought I would not be accepted for military service. Thinking that I might not receive a careful examination at Huntington, Dr. Carter wrote a letter to the draft board in which he reviewed my medical history and recommended that I be given a thorough examination. I went to see Lafe Wellman. He had sold all of my furniture for me. My refrigerator, he said, was almost new. Thinking it was worth more than half price, or $200, he had been able to sell it for $300. I did not tell him that I still owed the bank $200 I had borrowed before leaving Louisa to finish paying for the refrigerator. Mr. Wellman had not tried to make a profit on the sale of my furniture. I had been in his Sunday school class when I was a boy. Our families were friends. Sylvia's father was his 125 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone cousin. I had suffered from misfortunes. He was glad to be of help to me. He wrote me a check for what he had collected. I went to the Funeral Home and paid Henry Curtright the remainder of what I owed for Sylvia's casket. My business all attended to before noon, I decided not to have lunch at Rip's, crowded at lunch time with high school teachers and students, but stopped at Effie's Diner by the railroad track. Only a few farmers, none of whom I recognized, were there. After lunch I walked back to the drug store to wait for the bus to Elaine, On the way I met one of the high school teachers, to whom I spoke. He paused to shake hands with me, but seemed uncomfortable. He said he did not have time to talk as he hurried on. Since it did not matter to me whether we talked, I was amused. Apparently he thought I had wanted to detain him. While I was shaking hands with him, I noticed that the man who had been my assistant principal was not far behind him. When I started on, though, I did not see him. Looking around, I saw him on the other side of the street. He was hurrying along toward the school. I thought he had crossed the street to avoid meeting me. They were exceptionally fine teachers. I regretted that they were also frightened little men. The bus to Elaine had only a few passengers. I got off at Low Gap and walked up the old rocky trail to the bridge across Elaine at the mouth of Cherokee. I met no one on the main road. Gasoline rationing was keeping people at home. Plowed gardens and wisps of smoke from kitchen chimneys were the only signs of human habitation. Pete, the snow white spitz that had belonged to Sylvia and me, was lying on the porch of the Graham home. When I opened the gate of the yard fence, he began barking joyfully, bounded off the porch, and leapt several times to my chin to kiss me, wetting my front at each leap. Mr. and Mrs. Graham came from inside the house to greet me, both amused by Pete's enthusiastic welcome. They were expecting me. Mrs. Graham had baked pies and was preparing a special meal for my homecoming. We talked far into the night. I reported on my visit with Dr. Edwards at Pinecrest, the letter Dr. Carter would write to the draft board, my volunteering for the draft, Lafe Wellman's sale of my furniture, my paying in full what I had owed Henry Curtright. The check I had received for a salary increase retroactive to the first of the school year together with the check Mr. Wellman had written for the furniture provided me with enough money to purchase a stone for Sylvia's grave, get new eyeglasses, and pay off one of the notes I owed. I would report in a week for the next draft quota for Lawrence County and would know soon whether I would be inducted into military service or be rejected. Mrs. Graham agreed to go with me the following Friday to the place in Ashland at which she had bought a stone for the grave of Sylvia's sister. We thought Sylvia's stone should be like it or similar to it. A day or two later I walked over the hill to visit my father and mother, both lonely because they had with them only my little brother, then twelve years old. While I was there, my father asked me how much money I had made as a teacher at Boone that year. When I reported proudly that I had made $2140, he responded, "And with all of your 126 �Longing to Call Boone Home expensive education! Hell, son, I can make more than that swapping knives." Mrs. Graham had a neighbor take us to Louisa on Friday in time to get a bus to Ashland by mid morning. We selected a stone similar to the one at the grave of Sylvia's sister. The monument dealer agreed to have the stone erected at the grave. I paid him $150. We got back to Louisa in time for me to pay off a $200 note at the bank, but Mrs. Graham advised me to wait until after I had responded to the draft call. If I should be accepted for military service, the bank would be obliged to carry my note until I returned. I might need my money. The day before I was to report early in the morning at the courthouse to the draft board I walked to Elaine and rode the afternoon bus to Louisa. I spent the night in the home of Ernest and Nova Wellman, whom I invited to have dinner with me at a restaurant. The following morning I went to the courthouse, where most of the young men who were to report at the induction center, had gathered. Some of them had been high school students while I was the principal of the school in Louisa. The bus in which we were to ride to Huntington was parked behind the courthouse. Mr. Chesley Lycan, the chairman of the draft board, appeared at eight o'clock and stood by the door of the bus. From a list he had in his hand he called the names of those who had been selected for that month's quota. As each person's name was called he responded and entered the bus. I believe there were twenty-eight of us. Mr. Lycan then entered the bus and gave us brief instructions. He appointed me to check the roll when we entered the bus that afternoon to return to Louisa. He thought we might be ready to leave the center in Huntington as early as two o'clock. He asked that we not stray far from the center. He wished us well, left the bus, and the driver started. Most of the young men talked and laughed as if they were pleased to be joining the army. Others were quiet, sober faced, and reflective. A few were grim, unresponsive, and uncommunicative. I thought they were frightened. I was the oldest of the group. The young men who had been students at the high school while I was the principal did not appear to remember me. We were in Huntington within an hour. At the center we were rushed through routines by efficient personnel. The tough sergeant who supervised our undressing for physical examinations barked his instructions, throwing in sharp oaths and profanity with considerable skill. One of the grim faced young men, an awkward and fumbling fellow, became so frightened that he was unable to urinate in his little bottle. At two o'clock he had not yet been able to urinate, even though he had drunk a plenty of water. But he finally succeeded and we were able to leave at four o'clock. When I was administered the skin test for tuberculosis I was directed to a station for chest X-rays. Later, I met with a doctor who had read Dr. Carter's letter and who asked questions about my medical history. He studied my X-rays, but he did not tell me whether they revealed a spot. He commented on the concentrations of scar tissue in my lungs. I might break down in rigorous boot training. He could not approve my acceptance for military service at that time. 127 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone We were herded into an eating facility where we passed rapidly by counters to pick up our plates of food for lunch. The unappetizing food, consisting of fried bologna, watery mashed potatoes, pinto beans with no seasoning in them, limp slaw, and a square of white, dry cornbread, had been slopped onto the plate. It must have been the worst food I have ever eaten in my life. At the station for checking out we were given our classification cards. Mine was 4-F. The clerk stamped in red ink on the back of my hand REJECTED. When the shame-faced boy who had taken so long to fill his little bottle finally joined us, I called the roll. All were present. The bus driver hurried back to Louisa. We arrived too late for me to get a bus to Blaine that evening. I went to the telephone office and called Mr. Wey. He was still in his office at the school. I reported that I had been classified as 4-F and would like to return to Boone if my position at the school were still open. No effort had been made yet to find a replacement for me. I was invited to come on back. I had come to Boone on a one-year contract. I assured Mr. Wey that I would be returning for life if they could put up with me that long. Figure K, 128 �Index INDEX OF NAMES Abrams, Amos 42-46, 51, 58, 59, 63-67, 71-73, 77, 78, 83, 84, 113-119 Agle Apartments .............42 Allen, Jennie Sue..... 113-117 Antonakos, Antonios......... ............11, 33, 35, 57, 58, 76, 124 ....69, 85 Appalachian, The Appalachian Theatre 38, 117, 118 Austin, Mary and Martha ...21, 121 Belk's Department Store Blaine, Ky. 22, 24 ........8, 25, 37, 65, 66, 82, 83, 88, 94, 102, 103, 105, 126, 127, 128 Blaine High School, Ky. 83 Blankenship, Curt and Bert 102 Blowing Rock, N.C. 67, 68, 121, 122 Boggs, Ralph Steele ....83 Boone, Charles 121, 122 Boone Lions Club. 72, 116-117 BooneTire and Furniture 36 Boone town dump... 26, 34, 37 Brandon, Myrtle ....63 Brock, Lucy .....63 Brown, Frank C 84 Brown, Wade 117 Burch, Helen .....63 Busteed, Robert.... 63, 72, 116, 117 Caines Creek, Ky. 102, 109 Camp Yonalossee 121-122 Carsteens, Annafreddie........... 60, 111 Carter, Joseph 97, 125-127 Cathcart (Stout), Maud 63 Caudill, Jake......... 117 129 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boom Chapell Wilson Hall Cherokee, Ky. 13 .............26, 76, 81, 87-89, 91, 92, 94, 102-104, 124, 126 Clark, Joe 48-50,83 Clay, Kenneth 121-122 Cobb, Beatrice 83 Coffey, Mrs 11, 35, 58, 87, 99 Cone Mansion .121, 122 Cook, Council 117, 118 Cooper, Aunt Jenny..... 91, 92, 93 Coram, Ralph, Louise, and Winona 66 Cottrell, Howard and Raleigh 116-118 Cottrell, Oscar 125 Councill, Jim 117 Cove Creek, N.C 99 Crawford, Joe........ 117 Critcher, Aunt Jenny .118 Crowell, Bus 117 Cullers, Mrs ..........................69 Curry, Myrtle 100 Curtright, Henry 76, 92, 97, 104, 126 Daniel, Hugh... 70, 77, 85, 86, 115 Daniel Boone Restaurant ....27, 116, 117 Davenport College .....68 Davidson College ....19 Deep Gap..... 65 Donald, Ruby 22, 40, 67, 70, 77, 88, 99, 112 Dougherty, B.B..... 14, 43, 44 Dougherty, Barnard 114, 120 Dougherty, Edwin ....63 Duke University .44, 83, 84 130 �Index Dukes, Mr ...15,26 East Tennessee & Western North Carolina (ET&WNC) Railroad Edwards, Dr 2, 121 .....41, 50-55, 78, 124-126 Eggers, Daisy 64, Eggers, Graydon ..................63 Eggers, Herman (H.R.) 43, 120 Elon College 83 Eury, Leonard. 63 Faculty Apartments 11, 15, 22, 33-36, 40, 73, 77, 82, 111, 114 Farmers Hardware 36 Flat Top Mountain 7, 121 Flood of 1940 .........37, 121, 122 Foscoe, N.C 122 Foster, Helen ...35, 38, 39 Garbee, Gene 63 Gateway Restaurant 17, 40 Georgia State College for Women 22 Gragg,Watt Graham, Berta ......117 33, 76, 81, 82, 87, 90-100, 102-104, 126, 127 Graham, Georgia 93 Graham, Lemual........... 81, 82, 91-94, 103 Grandfather Mountain ......122 Greene, Cecil 122, 123 Greene, Clyde .........117 Greene, G.C., Jr.... .....99, 121-123 Greene, Hal 122, 123 Greer, Amelia 70 Greer, Milt. 117, 118 Greer Drug Company 25 Guilford College 83 131 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Hagaman,Ted 122, 123 Happy Valley, N.C 68 Hardin, Ronda.... 122, 123 Hartsell, O.M. 63 Haynes, Cleone .........63 Heflin, Harry B....... 63 Hillman, James 58, 59 Hodges, Fred .122-123 Hodges Gap.... 121 Hogston, Luther .....76, 87, 91 Hotel Milner ................49, 54 Howard's Knob 72, 99 Howell, Vance 63 Hudson, Arthur Plamer 83, 84 Hunt, Guy......... 117 International Nickel Corp 1-3, 19, 115, 125 Jente, Richard .83, 84 Johnson, Roy 122, 123 Junaluska .....72 Kazee, Lewis ....94 Kentucky Folklore Society 84 Killian, Bill 69, 85, 86 King, Albert .....117 Ledbetter, Ida Belle 63 Legg, Jack......... 3 Lenoir, N.C 67, 68 Lenoir Rhyne College 19 Lewis, Doug ....80 Liles, Meta ..............63, 71 Linney, Nell Coffey 40 132 �Index Louisa, Ky. 2, 14, 25, 40, 52, 53, 82, 85, 87, 90-97, 101-107, 111, 116, 119, 124-127 LovillHall 71, 76 Lycan, Chesley 127 Lyon, Buell 80 Ma AngelFs Restaurant 27 Manship, Ray and Lib ........118 Marsh, Roy 122, 123 Mast General Store 9, 10 Matheson, Bill 117, 118 Mattern, Terry 71 Maxwell Place 71 McVeigh, Mrs 71 Miles, Louella ..94 Mims, Edwin..... 84 Moore, Aunt Izzie 92 Moore, Emma 63, 120 Moose, G.K 117 Morehead State Teachers College 22, 26, 58, 88 Morris, Arthur .....92, 93 Mosely, Capt. and Mrs 3, 101, 125 Mountain City, Tenn 56, 99 Nash, Gordon 63 Nelson, John and Mary ..40, 67 New Idea, Inc. (Coldwater, Ohio) 115 New River Bridge 48 New River Gorge 4, 79 Newland Hall 12, 15, 22-26, 33-37 Norfolk & Western Railroad 82, 87-89, 94, 105 North Carolina College for Women........ 64 North Carolina English Teachers Association 133 63-65 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone North Carolina Folklore Society 63, 73, 83 North Carolina State College at Raleigh 19, 83 O.Henry Hotel 65 Osborn, Lena ....86 Page, Randall 122, 123 Pastime Theater 38 Payne, Frank ..117 Penix, Doris 22, 23, 40, 88, 99 Pinecrest Sanitarium ........2, 4, 41, 42, 50, 55, 78, 83-88, 91, 124, 126 Playcrafters 12 Poole, Miss 18, 20-23, 40, 122 Price, Mr. ..117 Proffitt, Frank 119 Ragan, Mrs 69 Ragan, Walter ...122 Rankin, Dean J.D ......44, 51, 63, 71, 119, 120 Rankin Hall 77 Reynolds. Lee .....117 Rich Mountain ........40, 72 Rivers, Mrs. 1, 18, 20, 21, 42 Robbins Hotel 121 Roberts, Reece 122, 123 Roberts, Sophie 92 Ruth's Place 36 Sanitary Barber Shop 17 Sawyer, George ..62 Shell, Sidney 71 Shulls Mills 121 Sir Walter Raleigh Hotel 73, 83, 84 Smith, A.R 63, 117 134 �Index Smith, Catherine .........60, 70, 111 Smith, Wiley 62, 63, 77 Snake Mountain.... 99 Southard, Orby and Irene 40, 60 Southern Association of Schools and Colleges 115 Sparks, Proctor. 2, 88 Sparta, N.C.... 6, 47, 48, 100 Stacy, Starr 63 Stallings, B.W. 117 Stallings Jewelry Store 10 Steed, Thursa 63 Stout, Lee .117 Sturgill, Herbert.......... 87, 90-92, 103, 104, 110 Teems, Francis 34, 35, 88 Timmons, Laura...................................................... Trade, Tenn... 119 56, 99 Trail of the Lonesome Pine 7, 89 Tucker, Miss... 22, 23, 41 Tugman, Melba Lovill ......114 Vance, Phil .122, 123 Vanderbilt University 84 Vaughan, William H... 40, 58, 59 Virginia Interment College 7 Walker, Glada B 63 Walker's Jewelry Store 36 119, 120 War Correspondent Wary, Virginia ..63 Watkins, Robert W. (Red) 63, 65 Watson, Harold .............122, 123 Watson, James 122 135 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Webster, Betsy 86 Wellman, Ernest and Nova .................127 Wellman, Lafe ......... 103, 104, 119, 125, 126 Wellman, Nova.... 87,91-93, 127 Wellman Bridge ............................80, 81, 91 West Jefferson, N.C ..47, 100 Westall, Miss ..4, 101, 125 Wey, Herbert 12- 23, 30-34, 39-42, 58, 59-64, 70, 85-88, 99, 113,-119, 122, 128 White, Newman I 83, 84 Whitener, DJ ..............63, 85, 117 Wilcox, Herman.. 25-27, 87, 117 Williams, Alma and Nelson 107, 108, 109 Williams, Joseph .63 Williams, Ralph 105-107 Williams, Sylvia Graham 2-6, 12, 16, 24-26, 39-45, 50-55, 60-64, 67, 70-85, 88-95, 97-107, 111-113, 125-127 Wilson, Chapell 1, 2, 5, 11-15, 35, 41, 42, 51, 61-64, 117-119 Wilson, George 65 Wilson, William 122 Winkler, Gordon 117 Winklers Creek 121 Wright, J.T.C 63 Yoder, Julian and Helen ........60 Young, Curt 97, 103, 104 136 �Chronology GRATIS DEARL WILLIAMS CHRONOLOGY April 5, 1911 Born to Curtis and Mona (Whitt) Williams in his grandfather David O. Williams's log house, Caines Creek (Lawrence County), Kentucky. The oldest of five siblings to survive infancy. 1922 Ulysses (Lyss) Williams shot and killed. March 25, 1924 Graduated from elementary school (earning a Certificate of Promotion to High School). May 27, 1928 Graduated from Louisa High School (Kentucky); received the "Honor Student Trophy." 1928-1929 Attended Cumberland College, Williamsburg, Kentucky, on a tuition scholarship and workship. 1929-1933 Taught in one room schools on Caines Creek in Eastern Kentucky. Summer 1932 Took summer classes at Morehead State Normal School and Teachers College, where he studied principles of secondary teaching with William H. Vaughan and Earnest V. Hollis in preparation for certification for principalship. June 2, 1933 B.A. University of Kentucky. 1933-1934 Teacher of science, Elaine High School, Kentucky. 1934-1938 Principal and teacher of English, Elaine High School, Kentucky. August?, 1937 Married Sylvia Graham. August 20, 1937 M.A. University of Kentucky. 1938-1941 Principal, Louisa High School, Kentucky. Summer-Fall 1941 Employed, New Idea, Inc. (maker of farm implements), Coldwater, Ohio. 1942 Instructor, Apprentice School, International Nickel Company, Huntington, West Virginia. August 1942 Accepted a position as "critic teacher" at Appalachian Demonstration High School, Boone, North Carolina. December 1942 Sylvia (Graham) Williams died of tuberculosis, Cherokee, Kentucky. 1942-1946 Critic teacher, assistant principal, director of drama, and director of the first school-wide counseling program established in North Carolina, Appalachian Demonstration High School, Boone. 1946-1949 Assistant professor, English and speech, Appalachian State Teachers College, Boone. Summer 1948 Student, New York University. 137 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Summer 1949Summer 1950 Leave of absence from ASTC to accept a teaching assistantship at Washington Square College of New York University. July 31, 1949 Married Elizabeth Lingerfelt, a native of Elizabethton, Tennessee, in Levittown, Long Island, New York. Two children: Sophie (b. February 18, 1953) and David Gratis (b. April 25, 1955). 1950-1958 Professor of English, Appalachian State Teachers College. Summer 1954 Angier Duke Research Scholar, Duke University. 1958-1975 Dean of the graduate school, ASTC and Appalachian State University. 1961 Ph.D. New York University. Dissertation: "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction." 1962 Awarded Founders Day Certificate for excellence from NYU. December 29, 1966 Fire destroys ASTC administration building, burning Gratis Williamss office, containing his ballads collection, research files, correspondence files, and much of his personal library. April 1972 Received Achievement Award Trophy, North Carolina Historical Association. 1973 Received O. Max Gardner Award, University of North Carolina. August 1973 Named Honorary Citizen of Harlan County, Kentucky. 1974 Acting vice chancellor for academic affairs, Appalachian State University. 1975 Acting chancellor, Appalachian State University. November 1975 Received Brown-Hudson Folklore Award, North Carolina Folklore Society. April 1976 Symposium in honor of retirement from Appalachian State University (later evolved into the Appalachian Studies Association). July 1976 Received Laurel Leaves Award from Appalachian Consortium. July 1976 Retired. 1979 Received the W.D. Weatherford Award from Berea College. 1984 Received honorary degrees from Cumberland College, Morehead State University, College of Idaho. 1985 Received honorary degrees from Marshall University, Appalachian State University. May 11, 1985 Died, Boone, North Carolina. 138 �Bibliography SELECTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF GRATIS D. WILLIAMS Books, Monographs and Chapters 1937 Ballads and Songs. M.A. thesis, University of Kentucky. 1961 "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction." (3 vols.). Ph.D. dissertation, New York University. 1973 "Introduction." In Western North Carolina Since the Civil War. Ina W. Van Noppen and John J. Van Noppen, vi-x. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1974 "Afterword." In "...a right good people." Harold E Warren, 126-127. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press. 1974 "Appalachia and the Human Spirit." Position paper for Southern Appalachian Regional Conference Toward 1984: The Future of Appalachia? Boone, NC, H23- H24. 1975 "The Human Spirit." In Toward 1984: The Future of Appalachia? 97-98. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press. 1976 Programs for Preparing Community College Personnel at Appalachian State University. Boone, NC: Appalachian State University. 1976 "The Role of Appalachias Colleges in Appalachias Future." Paper read at Mars Hill Conference on Education in Appalachia, June 25. Gratis D. Williams Papers, W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection, Appalachian State University. 1976 "The Appalachian Scotch-Irish Mountaineer Reader." In Reading and the Adult New Reader, Helen H. Lyman, 97-103. Chicago: American Library Association. 1976 Appalachian State University. Boone, NC: Appalachian State University. 1977 "Introduction." In Joy in the Mountains. Lou and Alice Winokur, 6-7. Boca Raton, FL: Lou and Alice Winokur. 1977 "The Small Legal Distillery in Eastern Kentucky." In Our Appalachia: An Oral History, eds. Laurel Shackelford and Bill Weinberg, 103-108. NY: Hill and Wang. 1977 "Introduction." In Western North Carolina: Its Mountains and Its People to 1880, Ora Blackmun, xiii-xv. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press. 1983 William H. Vaughan: A Better Man Than I Ever Wanted to Be. With "Introduction" by James M. Gifford. Morehead, KY.: Morehead State University. 1992 Southern Mountain Speech. With "Introduction" and "Glossary" by Jim Wayne 139 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Miller and Loyal Jones. Berea, KY.: Berea College Press. 1995 / Become a Teacher: A Memoir of One-Room School Life in Eastern Kentucky. With "Introduction" by James M. Gifford. Ashland, KY.: Jesse Stuart Foundation. Journals and Periodicals 1956 "Lawrence County Superstitions: Pregnancy, Childbirth, and Infancy." Kentucky Folklore Record 2(4): 137-140. 1958 "Fabulous Characters in the Southern Mountains." North Carolina Folklore 6(2): 1-6. 1960 "The North Carolina Mountaineer's Appearance in Fiction." Bulletin: Appalachian State Teachers College, Faculty Publications 1960-1961. December: 20-28. 1961 "The R in Mountain Speech." Mountain Life and Work 37(1): 5-8. 1961 "A.E.I.O.U. (Vowels and Dipthongs in Mountain Speech)." Mountain Life and Work 37(2): 8-11. 1961 "Rhythm and Melody in Mountain Speech." Mountain Life and Work 37(3): 7-10. 1961 "The Content of Mountain Speech (Part IV)." Mountain Life and Work 37r(4): 13-17. 1962 "Kit Brandon, A Reprisal." Shenandoah 13(3): 55-61. 1962 "A How-To-Do Essay on the Motivation of College Teachers." North Carolina Education 28(9): 23,72. 1962 "Verbs in Mountaineer Speech (Part V)." Mountain Life and Work 38(1): 15-19. 1962 "Mountaineers Mind Their Manners (Part VI)." Mountain Life and'Work 38(2): 19-25. 1962 "Metaphor in Mountain Speech (Part VII)." Mountain Life and Work 38(4): 9-12. 1963 "Metaphor in Mountain Speech (Part VIII)." Mountain Life and Work 39(1): 50-53. 1963 "Metaphor in Mountain Speech (Part IX)." Mountain Life and Work 39(2): 51-53. 1964 "Prepositions in Mountain Speech (Part X)." Mountain Life and Work 40(1): 53-55. 1965 "To be Saved, the Mountaineer Must be an American First Not A Mountaineer." Appalachian South 1(2): 38-39. 140 �Bibliography 1966 "Sut Luvingood as a Southern Mountaineer." Bulletin: Appalachian State Teachers College, Faculty Publications 1966. 44(4): 1-4. 1966 "Frank Proffitt: 1913-1965." Mountain Life and Work 42(1): 6-7. 1967 "Subtlety in Mountain Speech (Part XI)." Mountain Life and Work 43(1): 14-16. 1967 "Preparing Teachers for the Expanding Junior College Program." North Carolina Education 33(6): 16-17. 1967 "Moonshining in the Mountains." North Carolina Folklore 15(1): 11-17. 1967 "Traditional Ballads and Folksongs from the Southern Appalachians." Proceedings of the Seventh Marshall University English Institute: Folklore and Children's Literature•, 25-58. Huntington, WV: Marshall University. 1968 "Mountain Customs, Social Life, and Folk Yarns in Taliaferro's Fisher's River Scenes and Characters." North Carolina Folklore 16 (3): 143-152. 1971 "Kentucky's First Mountain Story." Kentucky Folklore Record 17(1): 1-4. 1971 "Linney's Heathen Valley." North Carolina Folklore 19(2): 55-58. 1971 "Heritage of Appalachia." News from the Appalachian State University TTT Project. Winter: 1-3. 1972 "A Look at Boone's Music of 100 Years Ago." Watauga Democrat, July 3:25. 1972 "Who Are the Southern Mountaineers?" Appalachian Journal 1(1): 48-55. 1973 "Response of Gratis Williams." The Oliver Max Gardner Award, 11-15. Meeting of the Board of Governors of the University of North Carolina, Greenville, NC, July 13. 1975 "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction (Part 1)." ed. Martha H. Pipes. Appalachian Journal 3(1): 8-61. 1976 "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction (Part II)." ed. Martha H. Pipes. Appalachian Journal 3(2): 100-162 1976 "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction (Part III)." ed. Martha H. Pipes. Appalachian Journal 3(3)\ 186-261 1976 "The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction (Part IV)." ed. Martha H. Pipes. Appalachian Journal 3(4): 334-392. 1976 "Appalachia in Fiction." Appalachian Heritage 4 (4): 44-56. 141 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone 1976 "Eastern Kentucky True Bicentennial Area, Most Direct Line of Colonial Heritage: A Bicentennial Essay." Ashland Daily Independent, July 4:3. 1977 "The Appalachian Experience." Historical Sketches of Southwest Virginia 11: 1-9. 1977 "The Mountain Folk of Western North Carolina." Tar Heel Junior Historian 17(1): 2-6. 1978 "The Liberal Spirit in Contemporary Education." News from the Southern Cluster of TTT: 1-2. 1978 "Appalachian Speech." North Carolina Historical Review 55(2): 174-179. 1979/1980 "Ballad Collecting in the 1930s." Appalachian Journal 7(I-2}: 33- 36. 1980 "Ye Offspring of Vipers." Appalachian Heritage 8(2): 32-37. 1985 "The Appalachian Homestead." Watauga County Times.,.Past 17/18: 13-15. Video (available in W. L. Eury Appalachian Collection, Belk Library, ASU) 1981 "The Ballad of Appalachia." Interview with Gratis D. Williams by Rogers Whitener and Ron Rankins. Boone, NC: Center for Instruction Development, Appalachian State University. 1986 The Story of English (Part IV): The Guid Scots Tongue. [Includes interview with Gratis Williams.] Produced by William Gran. BBC TV co-production with MacNeil-Lehrer Production in association with WNET Chicago, IL: PMI/Films Inc. 1986b American tongues. [Includes interview with Gratis Williams.] Producers, Andrew Kolker and Louis Alvarez. New York, NY: The Center for New American Media. 1998 Cratis Williams: Living the Divided Life. Produced by Fred Johnson and Jean Donohue. Covington, KY: Media Working Group. Gratis Dearl Williams Papers The Cratis D. Williams Papers, a subset of the Cratis Dearl Williams Collection, contains mostly post-1967 papers, including Williams's research papers, speeches, conference presentations, memoirs, correspondence, and genealogical research, as well as materials related to the history of Appalachian State University and to Williams's service as graduate school Dean and Acting Chancellor. The Cratis Dearl Williams Collection is housed in ASU's W.L. Eury Appalachian Collection. 142 �ncal Sources/List of Photographs Biographical Sources 1969 Who's Who in America. Chicago: A.N. Marquis Company. 1971 Leaders in Education. 4th ed. London and New York; Jaques Cattell Press/R.R. Bowker Company. 1985 "Gratis Williams Memorial Issue." Watauga County Times...Past 17/18. 1996 Dictionary of North Carolina Biography. H.G. Jones. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. List of Photographs Figure 1. A new generation of Williams, 1917 ii Figure 2. As a high school graduate, 1928 Figure 3. Gratis and his one-room school class, Caines Creek Figure 4. Ralph J. Williams with his grade school students, Caines Creek, 1938 ix Figure 5. Gratis with brothers Ralph J. and Ottie Curtis, 1930 ix Figure 6. Curt Williams with Gratis, late 1920s x Figure 7. While principal of Elaine High School xi Figure 8. Gratis and Ethel Gambill, Blaine, Kentucky, 1933 xii Figure 9. Louisa High School Building xv Figure 10. Faculty, Louisa High School, 1940 xvi Figure 11. Gratis and friend, 1949 xxv Figure 12. Gratis and "Miss Homecoming 1948" xxv Figure 13. Elizabeth Lingerfelt, New York City, 1949 xxviii Figure 14. Gratis Williams married to Elizabeth Lingerfelt xxviii Figure 15. Letter from Gratis Williams to Doc Abrams, published in N.C. Education, Sept. 1949 xxviii vii viii Figure 16. Gratis at his new house, 1954 xxix Figure 17. "Preacher Gratis," 1963 xxxi Figure 18. Dean of the graduate school, 1968 xxxi Figure 19. Gratis Williams and Loyal Jones, 1984 xxxv Figure 20. Gratis and Herb Wey, 1973 xxxv 143 �The Gratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Figure A. Sylvia Graham Williams, 1937 Figure B. Herbert W. Wey, 1940's 12 Figure C. Main entrance of Appalachian Demonstration High School, 1940's 13 Figure D. Faculty Apartments, 1942 36 Figure E. Ruby Donald and Hugh Daniel, 1942 70 Figure F. Sylvia Graham and Gratis Williams, 1937 79 Figure G. Berta and Lemual Graham with Sylvia and Gratis Williams, 1938 81 5 Figure H. Gathering of teachers, 1943 114 Figure I. A country outing, 1943 115 Figure J. Gratis Williams's homeroom, Appalachian Demonstration High School, 1942-1943 123 Gratis Williams 128 Figure K. 144 �The Gratis Williams Region, 1942 Hwttingtqp: Source: Appalachian University, G1S & Processing Lab, Eric Schmidt, 1998. �ABOUT GRATIS WILLIAMS (April 5, ipii-May ii, 1985) for in he of his at North Carolina. two-volume Ph.D. in Fiction/' so the of his his so the to life as a in "The to put an to it. With as a he the it to be � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Cratis Williams Chronicles: I Come to Boone Description An account of the resource <span>Following his retirement in 1976 from a distinguished career as a teacher and administrator at Appalachian State University in Boone, North Carolina, Cratis Williams wrote these memoirs of his life odyssey from a log cabin in eastern Kentucky to the upper echelons of American education.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1CusNMiTGNjI_1RRo7gaBtmihAv0PWQmd" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469641959/the-cratis-williams-chronicles" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Williams, Cratis D. Appalachian State Teachers College (N.C.)--History Appalachian State University--History Educators--North Carolina--Biography Boone (N.C.)--History Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Williams, Cratis D. Williams, David Cratis Beaver, Patricia D. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1999 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Biographies E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4456703/boone.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s Appalachian State University autobiography Cratis D. Williams https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/1c256293a9387593e16c65419ab85308.pdf a049e6167da60c41ba073d974f7439e3 PDF Text Text �^rtut^<qfy<~ fa{«&t- J*d*ty^ tx^lfa- J^ffi^sfiw*™? / S~ X s j 4y'' ^^U^^-JffUJi^ THE AMERICAN SOCIETY OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTS FOUNDED 1899 published by Blue Ridge Parkway Appalachian Consortium American Society of Landscape Architects �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2,004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program.; Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1987 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4216-1 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4218-5 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �INTRODUCTION This is a story of the forming of landscape. It is the tale of the making of one of man's greatest achievements in the 20th century. It is a story of boldly remaking the land but also it is an illustration of how man can fit delicately into the land with minimum impact. The design and construction of the Blue Ridge Parkway is an illustration of the kind of quality possible in an enlightened democracy. It is the true example of how a society can properly care for its land and its people. The actual design and construction is an illustration of quality which can result from inspired teamwork. Each person involved carried out his role with diligent commitment, from the man in charge of design to the craftsman working on the smallest detail. Further, this linear environment is a prime illustration of the landscape architect's skills. It beautifully demonstrates this profession's goal of blending man's needs into nature's systems. The resultant experience clearly shows how man can enhance the beauty of nature and maximize its potentials with careful and artful planning. The linear experience allows us to fully explore and understand a landscape. It is a quality example of how to restore the beauty of a land and yet allow thousands to move through the environment. The environment created is an example to be followed in how to manage an environment over time. Hopefully, this story will be an inspiration to those who wish to create quality environments. This story should be required reading for all those who wish to learn how man can design quality landscapes. Roger Martin President, ASLA 3 �$o conserve VKe scenery and VKe naVural and historic otyccVs and VKe uKld U/e Hxerem and Vo ^ro\)tde /or Vlie enjoxjmenV of Vhe ^ctmem 5uch manner and by such mean$ d5 uhll leax^e Vhem unlm^atred/orHie enjotjmenV of/uVure^encraVton^ From the Act of August 25, 1916 establishing the Park Service. �TO EVERYTHING THERE IS A SEASON Civilized man has been prone to conjure up a maxim or a saying to reflect the prevailing philosophy of the day. Two of those familiar favorites readily apply to the world famous Blue Ridge Parkway: "Beauty is in the eye of the beholder" and "A thing of beauty is a joy forever." Even with these two maxims in mind it is extremely difficult today to properly appreciate the awesome mission given to those who pioneered the location, design, and landscaping of some five hundred miles of the nation's first rural national highway—along a route where magnificent, heavily forested mile-high mountains had been gashed by erosion, or exploited for commercial development. Such, nevertheless, was the assignment and the challenge afforded a handful of young landscape architects in the early 1930's. Construction of a thing of beauty—a scenic parkway linking the Shenandoah and the Great Smoky Mountains National Parks—was one answer proposed that could give employment at the moment as well as create beauty for future travelers. To Stanley W. Abbott, the man who was to administer development of this piece of "managed American countryside," Parkway location posed a creative challenge, because, in his words, "You worked with a ten- league canvas and a brush of a comet's tail." Another maxim augured well for success. The ancient preacher in the Book of Ecclesiastes centuries ago declared that "To everything there is a season, and a time to every purpose under heaven . . . a time to plant... a time to h e a l . . . a time to gather stones together. . . ."(3:1). This observation was uniquely and richly fulfilled in development of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Parkway construction was fostered by seven events, which suddenly were fitted together like finely calibrated cogs in a complex machine. First was the creation of the second and third National Parks located in the eastern United States: the Shenandoah in Virginia and the Great Smoky Mountains National Park in North Carolina and Tennessee, as a result of an Act of Congress in 1926 which authorized their establishment. Second, the Great Depression provided a time of emergency and a season of obligation to provide relief for large numbers of unemployed in the mountain region. Solutions included two items essential to the Parkway story—the initial appropriation of $4,000,000 to fund the Public works proposal on December 19, 1933, and the host of relieffunded laborers, in numbers suffi- Typical scene along route of the Parkway prior to its construction. cient to have brought joy even to those monumental tasks undertaken by an Egyptian Pharaoh's slave driver! Third, the Great Depression brought to power leaders who were both able and willing to experiment, to innovate, and to expedite Federal programs previously not politically acceptable, men like Harry F. Byrd, Theodore E. Straus, and Harold L. Ickes. Fourth, the time and the season were right because nation-wide depression made available the talents of highly trained but temporarily idled engineers and landscape architects whose multiple skills could be turned to productive ends by assigning them to help plan the Parkway. Fifth, because of the hard times, the political leaders of North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia were sufficiently astute politically to appreciate the economic impact the national parkway would have upon their States, hence they were willing to offer their fullest cooperation. Sixth, the recent construction of the "Skyline Drive" in the Shenandoah National Park and a series of parkways in New York had demonstrated the feasibility and utility of parkways. �Finally, the recreational habits of the American motoring public had led to insistent demands for access to scenic highways uncluttered by commercial traffic. For these reasons, then, the time and the season for the conception and construction of America's first rural national parkway were reaching fruition. Although there were no precedents for such a rural parkway there were certain precisely stated guidelines to which it must conform as stated in the Organic Act which officially established the National Park Service in 1916. All units in the system were obligated to "conserve the scenery and the natural and historic objects and the wildlife therein and to provide for the enjoyment of the same in such manner and by such means as will leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations." Assignment of the project to the National Park Service also had a "time and season" element because Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of the Interior, had primary administrative responsibility for both the National Park Service and the Public Works Program which was to supply the construction force. This routine occurence was of additional significance, because it forced the scenic highway and all of its environs to conform to the above stated National Park Service standards, rather than to the minimal requirements of an ordinary highway. Great Smoky Mountain National Park first made newspaper headlines on September 23,1933. The project, assigned to the National Park Service, received its initial allotment of $4,000,000 in December, 1933, providing work for thousands of mountaineers who otherwise would have been left out of the relief programs. It also established a permanent scenic highway for promoting tourism and national recreation. On December 26, 1933, Stanley W. Abbott reported for duty as Acting Superintendent and Resident Landscape Architect, a post he held for the next decade. It was his responsibility to supervise and administer one of the most spectacular landscape programs this nation has ever witnessed. Time and season were well met in this Cornell graduate, who came endowed with the multiple talents of a modern day Renaissance man. His artistic and literary skills were richly supplemented by a highly innovative and visionary mind. Coming to the Parkway assignment fresh from an apprenticeship with the New York Westchester County Parks program, he already knew the remarkable healing effect a wisely pursued landscape pro- gram could achieve. Before chief planner Gilmore Clarke worked magic on it, the Bronx River area merited this description: "Its deeper reaches were cesspools, its shallower reaches spread into mosquitoey swamps. The banks presented quaint perspectives of rotting wagons, coal-yards, gray old shacks, and heaps of tin cans; a menace to health, a detriment to community prosperity and a sickening waste of potential beauty." In fact, a description of the Westchester County Parks system is strikingly fitting for the new scenic parkway created by Abbott: "Intelligence has been unsparingly employed throughout; but it was flexible, malleable intelligence, as intimately bound up with particular circumstances as a scheme for playing a bridge-hand." This "malleable intelligence," aroused during the 1920Js, helped change a repulsive eye-sore into a model park and parkway system with landscaped motor-ways, rough masonry bridges and overpasses, golf links, swimming pools, beaches, playgrounds, picnic sites, and amusement parks, finally integrated into a thing of beauty and high recreational value. As a result, much that is today considered dis- This cultural and environmental sensitivity had characterized National Park philosophy from its beginning, in Yellowstone National Park. The man who is credited with helping develop the first park roads, General Hiram M. Chittenden, also fathered the dictum which has ever since guided road construction in our national parks: "All park roads must lie lightly upon the land." So, in 1933, under the social and political pressures of the Great Depression, a road "lying lightly upon the land" was to prove to be one of the most unique and most enduring of curative projects undertaken among a variety of responses. Historically, the proposal to construct a scenic highway linking the Shenandoah National Park with the 6 Section of page from landscaping development master plan. �tinctly characteristic of the Blue Ridge Parkway had its genesis in the Westchester County program, where engineers and landscape architects had pioneered the principles of parkway construction. Instead of revamping old existing roadways they took new routes, closed them to commercial traffic, bought wide strips on both sides of the route to insulate it from undesirable development, cleaned up the river scene and adjacent countryside with sod and plantings, and incorporated controlled concession operations and parks throughout the system to eliminate shoddy hotdog stands and other tourist traps. These accomplishments were fresh in Stanley W. Abbott's mind when he was assigned this task of creating a five hundred mile scenic highway out of land that had felt the ravages of misuse for many years. The lack of pristine, park-like conditions along the route was vividly illustrated by one of Abbott's earliest reports: "Few of the show places of the parkway environs remain in an unspoiled natural state. The predominance of cut-over forests, cultivated farm land, and the commer- cialization of the few protected scenic types have greatly reduced the recreation values. There is a total absence of natural lakes and the muddy condition of the streams and rivers in all seasons due to erosion has nullified the outstanding beauty of these water features. This general condition emphasizes the need for public purchase and restoration if this area is to regain its one time attractiveness." "Public purchase and restoration" were key ingredients in the Parkway story. The states through which the route ran were obligated to purchase all necessary lands and donate them to the Federal government for necessary construction and scenic restoration. Before this could be achieved, however, there came a mighty struggle to determine the general location of the Parkway. Original projection had proclaimed that Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee would share relatively equal portions of it, every mile involving precious construction and employment funds as well as continuing income from tourism. Thus, location of the route became highly politicized, with each state earnestly seeking maximum mileage, as demonstrated by the zealous pursuit of the route by North Carolina. To help settle the squabble, Abbott and Gilmore D. Clarke were assigned the task of evaluating all possible routes and making recommendations. Both men came from Westchester County Parks program, and Clarke had recommended Abbott for the new parkway position. Over a five month period, working very closely with Thomas C. Vint, Chief Architect of the National Park Service, they analyzed all proposed routes, then filed their findings and recommendations with the Director of the National Park Service on June 8, 1934. Abbott's report provides an intriguing insight into his earliest thinking about the Parkway. In his opening statement he declared that several attitudes could be taken as to the primary purposes of the project, including; 1. Movement of traffic between parks. 2. Scenic character of the roadside. 3. Recreational advantages enroute. 4. Economic influence. While stressing that the relative importance of each of these factors would vitally affect the whole question of location, he also felt that one set of requirements might place the location entirely in the mountains whereas another might place it entirely in the broad valleys. He then listed four possibilities: "1. The primary purpose of the Parkway could well be the movement of traffic in a fast, pleasant route, by-passing the centers of population. Laborers from Works Progress Administration and other depression era programs performed much of the hand work necessary to build and landscape the Parkway. �00 WESTCHESTER COUNTY PARK COMMISSION ORGANIZATION 1932 �SYSTEM ON DESIGN OF BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY The Westchester County Park System (see map at right) greatly influenced the early design and the ultimate look of the Blue Ridge Parkway. Several names from the organization chart on the opposite page appear on similar charts for the Blue Ridge Parkway. Of particular note is the name Stanley W. Abbott, listed in the Public Information box. Though only a young man, he became the first Resident Landscape Architect and Acting Superintendent of the Blue Ridge Parkway. When he accepted his duties as the Landscape Architect for the Parkway, he brought with him a willingness to experiment and expand on this new idea of a rural parkway. / *^ ^^^^^^ ^^~-^~" X <> ""tcC* PARKS, PARKWAYS c RESERVATIONS jg OF * WESTCHESTER COUNTY PARK SYSTEM 3 * r.MVMWrtu CouNry PARK G»MM»?SION BHOKXVIU.E NEW YORK Jimr, 1032 9 �Comparing the bridges of the Westchester County Parks System with those of the Blue Ridge Parkway demonstrates many similarities. In these two sets of drawings, the bridges for the Hutchinson River Parkway in Westchester County are on the left, and those for some Blue Ridge Parkway bridges are on the right. The single arch bridges on the top of both pages resemble each other closely. The primary difference is in the profile of the top edges. The one on the right shows a smooth line from end to end. Compare it to the drawing at top left. Different perspectives of the same bridges appear at the bottom of the pages, taken from opposite sides and at different times. Again, there are clear similarities in appearance in corresponding photographs. These photographs also portray clearly the effect of landscape architecture around the bridge approaches. The middle photograph was taken twenty years earlier than the one on the bottom, after the landscape architects had worked their magic. 10 �Twin arch bridge at milepost 215.8, near Cumberland Knob, Va. Photograph taken early 1950's. Twin arch bridge at milepost 215.8, near Cumberland Knob, Va. Photograph taken August 1974. 11 �million visitors annually would derive enjoyment from that mountain parkway! The route proposed by Stanley Abbott deliberately avoided the monotony of driving 500 miles of ridgeline. Instead it utilized slopes and valleys to contrast with the portions along the ridges. 2. If the Parkway were to be primarily a scenic route it would be desirable to connect and make available all the outstanding scenic areas within the region concerned. 3. If recreation were the dominant purpose, it would be desirable to locate the route near the areas of greatest recreational value. 4. The location of such a project might well be undertaken with a view of raising the economic value of a certain region." Keeping in mind that it was, first of all, a park-to-park connector, he declared that the Parkway should be as "directional as possible consistent with its location in interesting territory." This was to insure that the traveler would have a sense of directon toward his destination, plus sensing that he was traveling on the shortest line between two parks. Abbott also emphasized that the Parkway would have to include not only a high standard of design but a variety of scenic, historical, and native interest features. To achieve this, he stated, "The location of the road, therefore, in combined woodlands, over rolling hill, along small creeks, in the broader river valley, as well as in varied relationship to the mountains is desirable. . . . Similarly, it will be helpful to introduce historical features and occasional pictures of the native country life." 12 Based upon these criteria, he and his colleagues offered their recommendation that "the Virginia-North Carolina-Tennessee route, which would begin at Shenandoah Park, pass by the Peaks of Otter, the Pinnacles of Dan, Grandfather Mountain, cross to the Unakas and on to the Great Smokies, be selected." This was basically a mountain route utilizing ridges, slopes, and valleys, which, Abbott emphasized, was not an actual skyline drive, but rather one which deliberately avoided a route that clung to the ridgeline the entire way on the premise that the traveler would soon become satiated with the skyline views. He contended that "a mountain or skyline road is distinctly a type to be developed within a park such as Shenandoah National Park and the idea is not adaptable in this region to a 500 mile park to park connection." Nevertheless, he and Vint, recommended that careful consideration be given to a valley route before a final decision was made on the recommended mountain location. Such routing, they pointed out, would be more direct, less expensive, have better alignment, could better serve through passenger traffic, and could provide easy access to scenic attractions along the way. One of their strong arguments in favor of the valley route was the fear that there would not be sufficient traffic on the mountain parkway to justify the expense of construction. They, of course, had no way of knowing that half a century later some twenty While developing his routing recommendations, Abbott had discovered a major difference between his park-to-park project and the Westchester County park system: politicians would openly intervene and wield masterful influences upon the former whereas the Westchester program had been remarkably free from political interference. In fact, both of Abbott's recommendations— the valley route and a VirginiaNorth Carolina-Tennessee route— were quickly disregarded because of political influences so powerful that they reached all the way to the White House. After much debate, lobbying, and political infighting, the proposed parkway was routed, by decree of Secretary Ickes, solely through Virginia and North Carolina, leaving Tennessee with zero mileage and much resentment. Thus, Abbott began his program with a strike-out, though no fault of his, and it was not to be the last time that his recommendation would be ignored in favor of another because of political intervention. On the positive side, the five months Abbott spent in exploring and analyzing the potentially acceptable routes thoroughly familarized him with the climate, geography, topography, natural history, and cultural atmosphere of his new domain. He was greatly impressed by the changing topography, the mountains "becoming larger and steeper," the sharp escarpments and broad plateaus, and with what he called the "heroic" mountains at the south end of the Parkway. The variety and magnitude of developmental possibilities exhilarated his landscape oriented mind, moving him to declare that he couldn't "imagine a more creative job than locating the Blue Ridge Parkway because you worked with a ten-league canvas and brush of a comet's tail." He also became convinced that he had embarked upon a mission entirely new to the National Park Service, a novel sort of conservation program in which he was to develop, in his words, "a museum of managed American countryside." �Of all aspects in the Blue Ridge Parkway's development Abbott's concept of "managed American countryside" was to indelibly brand every mile of the Parkway. Keenly aware that the only similarity between the five hundred miles under his charge and the other national park units, such as Yellowstone and Grand Canyon National Parks, was that they both were administered by the Department of the Interior, he also knew that by act of Congress, areas accepted and established as national parks had to possess sufficient natural beauty and environmental uniqueness to merit inclusion as a "national jewel." He was well aware, too, that the acreage which finally became the Blue Ridge Parkway, if judged solely on natural beauty and uniqueness, would never have qualified for national park status. Only the economic emergency of the Great Depression brought those acres under the guardianship of the National Park Service. Of equal significance was his concept of a managed countryside, which led to conversion of five hundred miles of ordinary countryside into a thing of eye-catching beauty. To achieve this feat he had to prescribe landscape development programs which must have brought furrowed brows to the old time National Park Service administrators, who would never have dreamed of, nor tolerated, timber-stand improvement, use of tons of seeds and fertilizers, agricultural leases, scenic easements, or massive soil improvement programs for their parks. Yet all of these and other landscape improvement practices became commonplace on the Parkway, resulting in a rural federal roadside most worthy of inclusion in the National Park system. One of the charges under which the landscape architects operated was that of retaining the rural quality of the Parkway picture. This necessitated an all important study of the entire acreage to determine the most fruitful use of all lands within the park boundary. Out of the study evolved what the landscape architects called "PLUMS," meaning "Parkway Land Use Maps." Every section of the route was given detailed attention on the maps. Not only was the proposed landscape treatment entered thereon but so were property lines, owners of adjoining lands, proposed land use, and similar data so essential to the architect and planner. The details required much research but Abbott provided it, feeling that prescribed land use was the key to Parkway distinctiveness. Thus, as Abbott entered into the task of applying landscape magic to his novel undertaking, he was breaking new ground and daily pioneering. This he reflected in an early annual report: "Since its inception the Blue Ridge Parkway has been recognized by the Service as a pio- neer project of a scale and character new to the National Park Service and new as well to the field of recreational planning. In the broadest phases of the work there has been little benefit of precedent. There has been an unusual need for thoughtful prediction of the manner in which, as well as to the extent to which, the facility will be used." The notion of a "Federal Parkway" was not completely new when the Blue Ridge proposal was made in the fall of 1933. Official definition of the concept was developed by A.E. Demaray, Associate Director of the Abbott proposed a "managed American countryside." He felt it was important to retain the rural flavor of the Parkway along this recreational drive. 13 �National Park Service, on April 14, 1933, in a radio address over WMAL, Washington, B.C. After pointing out that the first such legislation, enacted May 23, 1928, providing for the Mount Vernon Memorial Highway, and two years later for both the George Washington Memorial Parkway and the Colonial National Parkway linking Williamsburg and Jamestown, had authorized landscape development, ornamental structures, planting of shrubbery and shade trees and parking facilities, he felt precedent was established. His definition states: "The parkway, or elongated park, is a road or highway on standards suited to heavy continuous travel of the recreational type, with its roadsides so insulated as to give the motorist over it the impression of being out in the great open spaces, far from industrial or other commercial developments. This is accomplished by providing for a minimum rightof-way of 800 feet through which the road will pass, with no billboards, hotdog stands, gas stations, or other structures which would be in the nature of eyesores." 14 All commercial traffic would be barred. The significant difference between earlier models and what Abbott, as Resident Landscape Architect, had to be concerned about in planning the Blue Ridge Parkway, was that the previous parkways were relatively short, lay on flat land, and were distinctly suburban in character. Hence, they were of little help to him in designing a five hundred mile rural mountainous parkway. For him and his colleagues, the time had arrived for planning. A TIME TO PLAN Actual planning and landscape designing for the Parkway were officially initiated December 26, 1933, when Thomas C. Vint, Chief Architect, Branch of Plans and Design, National Park Service, designated Major Gilmore D. Clarke as consulting landscape architect and Stanley W. Abbott as resident landscape architect. In April, 1934, they were joined by Edward H. Abbuehl and H.E. van Gelder, each holding the rank of assistant landscape architect. Abbuehl was assigned to reconnaissance and flagging for the North Carolina portion and van Gelder was given a similar task in Virginia. Parkway Headquarters were established in the Shenandoah Life Insurance Building in Roanoke, Virginia, where the Bureau of Public Roads also maintained a headquarters office. Abbott also planned for field offices to be distributed along the entire Parkway with a landscape architect assigned to each development project. Perhaps the greatest challenge confronting Abbott and his colleagues was the coordination of effort resulting from a long standing agreement between the Secretary of Agriculture and the Secretary of the Interior which provided that all major road construction in national park areas was to be done by the Bureau of Public Roads. This teamwork served as a prototype for all subsequent efforts of its kind. Not only did the �landscape architects have to initially design subject to approval by Abbott's counterpart at BPR, William A. Austin, Resident Engineer, but they also had to cooperate with and coordinate the wishes and demands of politicians, highway commissions, and engineers representing the interests of the two states through which the Parkway construction was scheduled. The intricate and time-consuming tasks of reconnaissance, surveying, right-ofway acquisition, design and layout, drawing up specifications for contracts, putting out and evaluating bids, supervising construction, landscaping, and final acceptance of each completed contract required inordinate measures of coordination, patience, and forbearance. Every item considered, from the form a guard rail would possess to whether there should be swimming pools on the Parkway, had to routinely make the bureaucratic circle from the field to Abbott, to the Regional Director, to the Director, and sometimes to the Secretary of the Interior, and then back down the line. Abbott, recalling this in 1943, said, "I often remember how one outsider said early in the days of the Parkway that the project would surely fall of its own weight. It has not fallen and perhaps that is the best witness to the Service's excellence in handling the situation." Much credit for the "Service's excellence" centered in the tactful administrative skill of the Resident Landscape Architect. That his task was frequently an excruciating one is revealed in a confidential memorandum he filed with the Regional Director: "I doubt that in the whole history of federal public works there could be found an agency which has collaborated more wholeheartedly, more patiently, more selflessly, and more broad-mindedly than the National Park Service. The ejfort has not been returned in kind," Even so, Abbott was aware that major failures of cooperation were, more often than not, due to inability of non-Park Service individuals to fully appreciate the unique distinction between a federal parkway and an ordinary public highway, whether they represented the Bureau of Public Roads or state officials. None of the available evidence indicates any malicious intent, no matter how severe were the differences in opinion. For example, in determining the design of the Parkway around Roanoke, Virginia, the National Park Service designed that section to be built on the same standards and design as the rest of the Parkway. The Bureau of Public Roads, however, was adamant in supporting a four-lane route around Roanoke with the precise intent that eventu- �ally the four-lane portion would be integrated into a beltway system around the city, open to all kinds of through traffic. Abbott declared such a proposition as out "of character, unnecessary as a practical matter, and tremendously costly." His successor was bolder in his condemnation and flatly called the proposition, "Stupid!" In similar manner, the Bureau proposed that a section of the Parkway near Deep Gap, N.C., at Mile Post 281, be merged with United States Highway 421 for a few miles. The National Park Service again vigorously objected that such a mixing of commercial and recreational traffic was out of character, infeasible, and totally contrary to federal parkway philosophy. The influence of the Chief of Design and the Director of the National Park Service were sufficient, eventually, to sustain Abbott's views and to prohibit integration of Parkway and commercial traffic. The compromise can be seen today, as Parkway and Highway 421 traffic run a brief, but parallel course. In the meanwhile, all the planning activities were running their normal course, including reconnaissance— the spying out of the land with an architect's sense of aesthetics, direction, variety, and culture. An early report by H.E. van Gelder, reconnoitering the Virginia countryside, portrays the criteria which guided him in determining the Parkway's location: "It is difficult for the Landscape Architect to share the Engineer's paramount interest in easy grades. For a purely scenic driveway, iii my opinion, the controlling features for location would come in this order: 4. Easy grades—remembering that for modern pleasure cars steep grades have very little objection. Where alignment can be improved by steepening the grade, I would give preference to the alignment." His landscape architect schooling came through vividly in his summary statement: "In general, when locating the road, more consideration should be given to the possibilities of fitting it into the landscape with a minimum of big cuts and fills because on a road built for scenic beauty, if engineering requirements should demand a complete defacement of the countryside, enjoyment of the drive would be much impaired." Abbott's advice to his staff emphasized that "variety is the spice of the Parkway," and urged that the basic reason for the Parkway's existence was to please by revealing the charm and interest of the native American countryside. Many years later, while reminiscing about that period, he declared, "We and the engineers together just drilled and drilled, all of us, on the business of following a mountain stream for awhile, then climbing upon the slope of a hill pasture, then dipping down into the open bottom lands and back into the woodlands." Van Gelder evidently listened well. His reconnaissance reports are replete with recommendations calculated to fulfill Abbott's desires. Sometimes his proposed center line was on the spine of the ridge with a "great view of the Shenandoah Valley," or through some open meadows—"a fine high spot." On the negative side, he counseled avoidance of a "rather shabby group of little farms." And, conscious of the need for cultural interpretation, he once proposed that the acreage he was surveying be acquired to interpret the story of Appalachian logging operations. Spotting a denuded and eroded farm he suggested it be acquired and reclaimed for nature. His thoughtful analysis resulted in recommendations of this kind: "I would like to see the line even higher up on the hill. Views are rather obstructed by woods on the lower line," or "From here south for nearly three miles, the ridge is all clear, rocky meadows. Sweeping views in both directions everywhere." At the same time, in North Carolina, Abbuehl was reporting that "We have some excellent skyline locations with fine views—best in the country. There are some valley sections varying from the swift mountain stream type to the heavy wooded thicket, and the broad, open 1. To reach the points of greatest beauty—which no doubt are the open, level spaces on the tops of the ridges, with their wonderful views, invigorating atmosphere and great recreational values. 2. Good alignment—which is generally more easily obtained by rising to higher elevations, above the gullies. 3. A minimum of defacement of the natural mountainside—which means keeping off the steep slopes. 16 Mabry Mill was one of the "must save" features of the Blue Ridge Parkway. �Rocky Knob Gas Station as originally proposed. fertile cultivated valley." He confessed that there was also some "very mediocre stuff" but contended that the landscape architects had made the best of what the country offered, assuring Abbott that, "There will be some thrills for the public." He also verified that his assignment had its headaches: "Five different lines have been flagged, each of which have some objections. Mr. Brownell, location engineer, and I have spent so much time in this sector trying to make something out of it without any success that I don't think either of us would like anything there now, even if it was good." Breath-taking views and prime locations were not the only concerns of the landscape architects. The salvation and preservation of such Parkway architectural favorites as Mabry Mill and Brinegar Cabin were promoted by the reports forwarded to headquarters by van Gelder, Abbuehl, and later associates. Their knowing eyes and culturally sensitive minds made possible their supervisor's desire to "please by revealing the charm and interest of the native American countryside." Like a gathering of eagles, the arrival of Abbuehl and van Gelder was soon augmented by others. Among the early staffers were Lynn M. Harris, assistant landscape architect, who transferred from the Shenandoah National Park; George W. Wickstead, junior landscape architect, assigned to drafting development maps; Thomas G. Heaton, junior landscape architect, for work on bridge grading and design; Foster M. Warwick, junior landscape architect, transferred from the Great Smoky Mountains National Park; C.R. Alt, junior landscape architect, from Grand Tetons National Park; and Robert F. Elliott, junior landscape architect from the Great Smokies. Throughout the following months landscape architects kept arriving and were immediately assigned special tasks. For example, in March, 1936, Malcolm A. Bird, assistant landscape architect, was transferred from Gatlinburg and placed in charge of Parkway landscape planting design and field work, and Albert S. Burns, junior landscape architect, reported on July 24, 1936, to take pictures of Parkway activities. Ralph W. Emerson, assistant landscape architect, came on April 2, 1936, for special work on a new master development plan. Along with the new staffers came another development which, although not even mentioned in the early months of publicity, quickly became one of the most predominant and most distinctive features of the entire Parkway: the birth of a series of recreational parks scattered through the length of the route. This addition offered so much versatility and beauty that Abbott described them as "beads on a string—the rare gems in the necklace." He considered them absolutely essential to his objective of planning "and developing a complete tourist facility of unusual scale and character," comparable to the Westchester county parks, proclaiming that the very nature of the Parkway invited leisurely driving with frequent stops by the vacationer. Hence, he said, it was questionably desirable to meet the vacationer's needs by setting aside worthwhile areas with facilities for camping, picnicking, hiking, horseback riding, golfing, fishing, CONTINUED ON PAGE 22 17 �DIVERSITY Designed as a 470 mile long road to be driven at leisure, the Blue Ridge Parkway was planned to offer scenic beauty and pleasure. To insure that those who visited it would not become bored with monotonous repetition of the same thing mile upon mile, Stanley Abbott planned diversity into the route the Parkway took and into the man made features of the Park. For example, the landscape included ... Farmland Tree lined corridors ... Rock walls 18 �and bridges of wood, concrete ... and steel. Variety was planned into everything. 19 �BEFORE Looking at the Parkway today it is often hard to visualize the task which confronted the architects of this scenic wonder. They contended with overworked, often eroded landscape as well as dense forests where no road had gone before. The photographs on this page are representative of what confronted the first landscape architects. 20 �AFTER On this page are photographs taken from approximately the same location as those on the opposite page. However, for over forty years, the hand of the builder and the touch of nature, both guided by the park's landscape architects, have worked magic on the land. 21 �Irish Creek, Pine Spur, Rocky Knob, Cumberland Knob, Gilam Gap, and the Cascades. By 1939 the number of proposed parks had jumped to nineteen. Among the new additions were Lick Log, Smart View, Fisher Peak, Tomkins Knob, Linville Falls, Mount Pisgah, and Richland Balsam. For a variety of political and other reasons, Irish Creek, Gilam Gap, the Pinnacles of Dan, and Natural Bridge were deleted. The master plan included four supporting components with respect to recreation parks: 1. Conservation of natural scenery. 2. Facilities for active recreation augmenting the passive enjoyment of the motorway itself. 3. Provision of food, lodging, and motor service in an attractive manner where it is not available. The above portion of an early campground sign plan illustrates the detail which landscape architects use to assure a complete appearance. CONTINUED FROM PAGE 17 and swimming. Carefully planned, these areas would be cardinal elements in rounding out the total usefulness of the Parkway. In addition to providing on-site recreation, he envisioned the satellite parks as a base for side trips to points of interest beyond the Parkway boundaries. He sought the inclusion of amenities including lodges, campgrounds, camp stores, and motor vehicle services, at strategic locations along the route. By October 1, 1934, the idea had prompted special studies and proposals which climaxed December 15,1934, in a concise report and master plan by Abbott, integrating the parks into the Parkway proper. The report and master plan were strongly supported by the Chief of Design, the Director of the National Park Service, and the Secretary of the Interior. The areas recommended for park status were divided into "major" and "minor" units. In the former category were Natural Bridge, Peaks of Otter, Pinnacles of Dan and the Bluff. The minor units were Humpback Rocks, 22 4. Utility buildings for maintenance and operation of the parks and the Parkway. Original plans for the Parkway had called only for right-of-way sufficient to construct a motorway. Adding the parks required additional acquisition of thousands of acres of land—land which Virginia and North Carolina were not obligated to buy. Abbott's office made an exten- sive field study of possible acreage for recreational park purposes, and identified some 90,000 desirable acres, less than half of which was United States Forest Service land. About 50,000 of those acres required other means of acquisition. Again, time and season richly served the Parkway since one of the New Deal relief programs, the Resettlement Administration, had recently devised a program for purchasing submarginal land and recycling it back to nature. Abbott learned of the program, filed required applications, made the right contacts, and in October, 1935, received an initial grant of $103,000 for acquisition and development of park projects in Virginia and $81,000 for those in North Carolina. These Resettlement Administration funds and submarginal land thus provided the Parkway with such popular leisure parks as Rocky Knob and Cumberland Knob. Each park offered a dual role for the Parkway, scenic pleasure coupled with much needed employment. Park inclusion was determined by some unique feature a site possessed: Humpback Mountain because of the spectacular view it provided of the Virginia valleys; Peaks of Otter for geological features and its fascinating 360 degree panorama; the Bluffs because it was "typical of the high grass pastureland" and also Notice the short drives to individual picnic tables in the drawing below. More recent plans include few drives, reflecting a change of attitudes and costs. �suitable for recreation such as golfing. Abbott's master plan for the parks offered a broad spectrum recreational scheme including golf courses, swimming facilities, and horseback riding. Certain National Park Service officials successfully vetoed Abbott on these as out of character with the Parkway's objectives, deeming trails for hiking, picnicking grounds, camping sites, and parking overlooks sufficient to provide for visitor needs. Today's Parkway provides neither golfing, swimming, nor horseback riding facilities. One of the tasks that Abbott and his staff worked at most diligently, which often met with frustrating delays was the means of providing food, lodging, and visitor services at strategic intervals. The remoteness of many of the Parkway areas and the general lack of visitor accomodations along the way had convinced them that it was mandatory to integrate such services into their master plan. This concept was readily approved by the Service, but two problems still arose: securing competent, acceptable concessionaires and the design of concession units which would blend aesthetically with the Parkway. After many months of diligent appeals a first concessionaire was obtained, National Parks Concessions, Inc., and was installed in a building at Cumberland Knob which artfully emulated the better mountain architecture. With its opening the first recreational park was fully operational. Meanwhile, classic trail shelters and more concession buildings were being designed, including proposed "tea-houses" and lodges. The lodge at Doughton Park is a good example of the landscape architect's touch on the Parkway. It was designed shortly after World War II ended, CONTINUED ON PAGE 28 Part of the work performed by landscape architects included detailed drawings of historic structures to maintain their original appearance. 23 �Building concept plan The work of the landscape architect is truly an art form. The illustration on this and the next three pages support this statement. Ideas must be put on paper for others, such as engineers, to see what the finished work should look like. These ideas on paper are often as worthy of framing as the pen and ink works of an artist. The land is the landscape architect's canvas. On it he blends objects of nature and man much as an artist brushes color on canvas. Like a sculptor, he carves here, builds up there, plants a tree here and a bush there, and ends up with something of beauty and function. Drawing to show how a tunnel entrance should look Drawing for a pedestrian underpass 24 �ART FROM THE LANDSCAPE ARCHITECT A bridge inserted into the environment without disturbing the scene Like a sculptor's statue, the man made structures of the Parkway represent the result of a design which began in the mind of an artist, the landscape architect. Unlike the sculptor, however, the architect's ideas are translated into their finalform by others. Engineers must design and build the structures and someone must maintain them. All through this process the landscape architect acts as a guide. Within the boundaries of the Parkway a road was built. Campgrounds and picnic areas were constructed; visitor centers and other structures were placed upon the land. The challenge was to maintain a look so natural that it would be hard to tell where the builder left off and where nature began. Another bridge built to blend with the natural scene. Notice how the supports begin to blend into the trees. Log guard rails blend the road along Rocky Knob Picnic Area with the land so well that it is hard to see unless you're on it. 25 �Engineers placed the Linn Cove Viaduct so well that much of the natural setting passed under it. From the Parkway's beginning until its completion, bridges have been faced with stone to maintain a more natural beauty, with few exceptions. Masonry in early years was used in a manner that would allow the visitor on foot to see its beauty blending into the land. At Buck Creek Gap overpass, near Crab tree Meadows, North Carolina, the road appears to underline the scenic beauty, then point to more. 26 �Models were created in the early years to show how construction would look when finished. This model of a stone culvert demonstrates how completely landscape architects planned for a scenic roadway. Even roadside gutters were works of art. Many of these gutters may still be seen along the middle sections of the Parkway, (above left) Signs have been shaped into things of beauty by the landscape architect, (above right) Man's historic effect on the beauty of this scenic road was artfully worked into the completed plan. 27 �and according to one architect's opinion, 'The original design looked exactly like a World War II barracks." Luckily, that design was replaced by one that provided the present day unit which blends so attractively with its surroundings. Simultaneously, the Bureau of Public Roads was making a contribution which greatly expedited the work of its sister agency landscape architects and all others involved in Parkway projects. To improve precision and coordination of planning, design, and administration, the entire Parkway was divided into two sections. The Virginia section was labeled "Section 1" and the North Carolina portion "Section 2," after which each section was divided into alphabetical subsections. To prevent typographical errors, the labels "1-1" and "l-O" were not used, nor were "2-1" or "2-O." The alphabet was threaded by moving southward so that "Section 1-A" linked the Shenandoah National Park to the Parkway whereas "Section 2-Z" linked the Parkway with the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. This simple but effective mechanism became an invaluable planning and maintenance tool, uniquely distinct to the Parkway. Two innovations, the mile post markers and the logo design, added charm and utility for future Parkway travelers. Mile post markers, an ancient idea reapplied, similar to those installed centuries ago by the Romans, and recently by modern railroads, were prescribed and gradually put in place throughout the Parkway. Mile "0" began at the junction with the Shenandoah National Park and Mile "469" marked the merger with Great Smoky Mountains National Park. These markers proved invaluable, not only to the traveler, but to the park ranger and park administrator. The second innovation was the design of a simple but captivating logo to vividly represent the Parkway. Abbott, Abbuehl, Lynn Harris, and others discussed various approaches and numerous designs. The climax Land use maps were used to plan or record much of the Parkway's route. 28 of their brainstorming was a combination of mountain peaks, an open sky, a tall wind-swept white pine, and a swath of the motor-road—all enclosed in a circle. Later, the words "Blue Ridge Parkway" were added around the rim of the circle. Thus the currently familiar logo became a vital part of the Parkway story. Another concept, which began with little fanfare but blossomed into a most significant Parkway entity, was "Scenic Easement," the landscape architect's device for controlling the visual boundaries of the Parkway without owning them. From the very beginning anxiety and concern centered around the small right-ofway, at first 200 feet and later 800 feet, affording an inadequate shelter belt. To fortify that vital strip, the scenic easement program was created, whereby, in the land acquisition process, the State made arrangements with the land owner. In return for a one-time financial consideration, said landowners agreed to perpetual restrictions upon the use of their land. Virginia's �Scenic Easement Act, March 12, 1936, clearly sets forth those restrictions: • "The term scenic easement shall mean the easement or right of the Commonwealth of Virginia or of its assigns, the United States of America (in cases where said easement is assigned or conveyed to the United States), to restrict the use of any and all lands covered by or subject to said easement so that the owner or owners of said land or any part thereof, or their assigns shall not have the privilege or right: (1) to erect or authorize the erection thereon of any buildings, pole, pole line or other structure; (2) to construct thereon any private drive or road; (3) to require the Commonwealth of Virginia or its assigns to construct any access road or drive thereon; (4) to remove from or break, cut, injure, or destroy on said land any trees or plants or shrubbery; (5) to place thereon any dumps of ashes, trash, sawdust, or any unsightly or offensive material; (6) to place or display thereon any sign, billboard, or advertisement." That any alert landowner would accept such flagrant restrictions upon his possessions speaks volumes about the time and season of that economically depressed era. The logic used by Abbott and the National Park Service authorities was maintenance of the rural scene—the "managed American countryside." As he explained to the local population in his popular Blue Ridge Parkway News: "The general idea behind the scenic easement is simple enough. It allows the farmer to use the land for farming and prevents his using it for other business. The reason behind it from our point of view is that we want the farms as part of the picture and we do not want factories or hotdog stands or billboards. It means that the land has been earmarked for farm use. This is like town zoning, which guarantees to a man who has just built a house that a factory will not be built on the next lot." This explanation may have sufficed for the poverty-stricken generation of land-owners Abbott was talking with, but their heirs and assigns who later purchased lands with scenic easement riders have occasionally been shocked and extremely exasperated to discover how binding the scenic easement restrictions became. In the meanwhile, as designed, the rural picture has been maintained. An early entry sign depicting the original Parkway logo. Even single trees warranted the attention of the landscape architect. A TIME TO PROPOSE AND A TIME TO REJECT While these things were evolving, other events were determining the actual location of the Parkway. Among the areas which Abbott wished included in his recreational parks was the geological phenomenon known as Natural Bridge, Virginia. Seeking to provide variety and unique scenic rewards for the traveling public, he proposed that the Parkway route deviate from the Blue Ridge proper at Tye River Gap, veer northward and west to include the Natural Bridge, and then return to the Blue Ridge about five miles west of the Peaks of Otter. Abbott characterized the Bridge as "a scenic reservation at which the traveler would stop for observation," providing a type of recreation found nowhere else on the Parkway. He also proposed acquisiton of about five hundred acres, including the Bridge and its allied tourist facilities. All of it was to be converted into a "public reservation" with upgraded food, lodging, swimming, and golfing accomodations—very similar to what was contained in the Westchester County system. The proposal not only offered relief from continuous mountain driving but also afforded a most unique "watering place" experience. Nevertheless, the fate of Abbott's recommendation was recorded in one sentence in his first annual report: "Senator Glass of Virginia protested the deviation from the crest line by way of 29 �the Peaks of Otter and accordingly the Secretary of the Interior announced on July 25, 1935, that the original mountain location would be followed." In that same year, Abbott, the National Park Service, the Bureau of Public Roads, and the State of North Carolina attempted to establish the Parkway location through the Cherokee Indian reservation. At issue were location, width of right-of-way, scenic easement, and access rights, especially in the village of Cherokee, a major tourist destination. The Indians wished to grant only a narrow right-of-way, on a location of their choosing, from Soco Gap through Cherokee, flatly rejecting scenic easement. Abbott and the Service, on the other hand, recommended that the Parkway run through the village on a separate roadbed, insulated from regular traffic, with no frontage privileges. They also took the position that if the Indians remained adamant the Parkway should be terminated at Soco Gap. Ensuing conferences repeatedly ended in stalemates. Seeking an alternative, Abbott proposed that the Parkway run from Balsam Gap to Sylva, then down the Tuckaseegee River and enter Cherokee via the Oconoluftee River. Months of delicate and frustrating negotiations finally ended with the State of North Carolina working out acquisitions which, on a completely new route, by-passed the village of Cherokee and connected the Parkway with the Smokies at Ravensford. Again Abbott and the landscape architects were bested by political considerations. ing, and support, he instituted the Blue Ridge Parkway Newsletter, a small mimeographed sheet. It was hand-delivered to country stores and similar public gathering spots along the Parkway and quickly proved popular. "What is a Parkway?," giving readers a layman's definition of "parkway" and stressing the need to safeguard the natural beauty of the region so that both local residents and their visitors could perpetually enjoy that beauty; In the first issue, November, 1937, Abbott established a sincere, cordial tone which remained through the life of the News: "We wish it were possible to have a long talk over the fence with each one of you in the manner of all good neighbors. With 500 miles to cover you can readily see that it is a real task and it may be some time before we can shake hands with all of you. We still have that in mind, but, meanwhile, we have hit upon the idea of this paper." "Scenic Easments: Your Rights and Ours," in which, speaking to answer the farmer who said, "I own the land and I don't," Abbott admitted that "he is right but he makes it sound worse than need be." Then came the previously quoted explanation of the reasoning behind the scenic easement program, with an emphasis upon the benefits accruing to both parties; Like the good mentor that he was, he used issue after issue to inform his neighbors about Parkway matters and to share his philosophy and that of the Service. Topics included the following: • "Woodlands along the Parkway," featuring the scenic value of trees and urging owners to manage them wisely both for their benefit and that of the thousands of visitors who were soon coming; "For the Enjoyment of All," a charming essay rebutting the rumor that the Parkway was a "rich man's road" and that the local people would not be welcome to use it. Greatly perturbed, Abbott declared, "Nothing could be farther from the truth. The Blue Ridge Parkway will be opened for the use and enjoyment of all the Nation alike, whether they live within a stone's throw of the road itself or whether they come from the far corners of the United States." A TIME TO INFORM AND A TIME TO SHARE Closely tied in with the preceding events was another innovation, something traditional, yet very new. The National Park Service routinely made it a policy to keep the public informed of its work. Thus the Parkway's Resident Landscape Architect inherited an additional job, that of public information officer. This he partially accomplished via the traditional media of press and conferences. But none of these, in his opinion, reached the audience whose support he yearned for—the mountain neighbors of the Parkway. To get their attention, understand30 Triple arch bridge over the Linville River, North Carolina. �Other commentaries, over a five year period, dealt with such topics as soil conservation, fire control, wild life habitat, and the leasing program. These warm-hearted, friendly bits of news, information, and philosophy served as strong mortar to bond the interests of the Parkway with those of its neighbors and helped the Parkway become a five hundred mile long community. A TIME TO GATHER STONES TOGETHER Closely integrated with all other activities were the daily tasks of planning and designing for every undertaking. Therein lay the matrix for every bridge, sign, guard rail, picnic table, trail, parking overlook, building—everything that the Service was to place on the Parkway. Each item required numerous drafts, revisions, reviews, and approvals, as well as close supervision during construction. The landscape architect's office daily accumulated new drafts and blueprints, each coded and numbered, keyed into Service standards. To every mile of the route the healing, rehabilitating, and beautifying touch of the landscape architect was applied. Out of that touch would come recreational, social, and economic changes sufficient to alter the entire mountain region through which it ran. The dominant theme in all of this was Abbott's guiding star; "Marry beauty to utility." Everything had to blend, to mold together to merge with the existing features to fulfill the prescribed objective of establishing a "museum of managed countryside." The Linville River bridge amply illustrates the concept. It was designed not simply to bridge a river but to become part of the total recreational program, artfully demonstrating the landscape architect's use of native stone to enhance the engineer's utilitarian bridge. Here again, the influence of the Westchester Park system is evident: present all along the Parkway are concrete bridges, bridge abutments, tunnel portals, and over-passes cleverly hidden by an outer-facing of native, rough-cut stones, a tribute not only to the Westchester model but to the fact that the Chief of De- Man made dam and falls at Otter Creek, Virginia. sign and Chief Architect, Thomas C. Vint, firmly believed that nude concrete was lacking in aesthetics. This vital sense of aesthetics had a most interesting accompaniment in the Parkway's "gathering of stones." The landscape architects studied the use native mountaineers had made of local stone, as in their chimneys, and attempted to emulate that use, even specifiying that any stone used would have to come from within a certain distance of the road. Ironically, when it came time to convert that native stone into the masonry requirements of the architect, it was necessary to seek out Spanish and Italian immigrant stone masons, like one Joe Troitino, to do the work. One of the most unusual stone masonry achievements on the entire project had to do with Abbott's fascination with water as a landscape medium. Recalling the use the Westchester Parks had made of water resources, he deliberately routed the road alongside streams and was saddened by the lack of natural lakes along the way. One of the landscaping remedies for that lack is visible in the dam which forms Otter Creek Lake. The masonry work is so cleverly contrived that, to the casual eye, the water cascading over the dam seems to flow over Nature's own stones. In gathering together stones, and in practicing the landscape architect's art, it is a remarkable characteristic of the Parkway that "blending" causes many very attractive architectural attraction features to quietly slip by, unnoticed and, therefore, unappreciated. In fact, the "Parkway Underground," the sub-surface features, offer an unheralded architectural attraction worthy of serious attention. For example, to the passing motorist the Linville River bridge appears as simply a nice, utilitarian stream-crosser. But to the lucky hiker and fishermen who pass under it there is displayed a fabulous three arch span reminiscent of those of Rome. The same treat for the keen eye is present at the bridges spanning the James River, the Roanoke River, the Round Meadow, and Goshen Creek, where beauty and utility are merged. A TIME TO PLANT AND A TIME TO SOW Out of the PLUMS land use study mentioned earlier came a pioneering development which is still providing the rural picture so desired by the landscape architects. This was the land leasing program, whereby the Service, once it had rehabilitated land and restored its fertility, leased portions of it to local farmers who put it to traditional agricultural use. Abbott set forth two values he saw in the program: "(1) It will maintain the open character of the country where it is desirable without any considerable maintenance cost to the Federal Government and, (2) It will build up the friendly feeling of the farmer toward the Parkway." A most valuable and delightful bonus came out of the leasing program. It became a CONTINUED ON PAGE 36 31 �By planning... Section from early master plan On-site supervision... Landscape architects carried their work to the field. Here one is seen marking trees to be kept. 32 Special projects... The Mission 66 program rejuvenated the Parkway program after World War II. �HOW IT WAS ACCOMPLISHED Labor programs... The Youth Conservation Corps (YCC) is only the latest of many work projects which helped build the Parkway. Hand labor... The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) provided much of the hand labor necessary to build the early portions of the Parkway. Mule power... Virginia Emergency Relief labor performed much of their work with mule power. Here they are using a drag pan to build a gutter. 33 �CCC enrollees moved many trees used in landscaping the road. North Carolina Emergency Relief labor moved many tons of top soil which was saved for landscaping. WPA workers salvaged sod for later use. 34 �BY USING WHAT WAS THERE 35 �CONTINUED FROM PAGE 31 conservation "better mousetrap," with the leased lands becoming demonstration plots in praise of wise land use. Parkway officials helped in every way possible, providing seed, fertilizer, lime, seedlings, and soil conservation advice. Their attitude was shaped by a simple reality, as expressed ably by one of them: "On the Blue Ridge Parkway a narrow right-of-way makes every phase of conservation very difficult, administratively and physically. Fire, water, plant, and animal life, and even people can hardly be regimented along the 500mile strip of park land. The only solution lies in our ability to make conservationists out of our neighbors by adroit educational schemes." Hence, by example, the conservation theme was widely broadcast: soil improvement practices required of each lease holder spread from Parkway land to his land, and from there to his neighbors. And when the Service treated hundreds of severely eroded acres and made them productive, it posted a highly visible sign to its neighbors to emulate the practice. of adding to Parkway beauty. He also decided to use his first funding of $230,000 to execute the complete landscape plans for a demonstration project on Sections 1-Q and 2-A. Abbott's report to the Director of the National Park Service, 1938, glowed with pride of accomplishment: "Thus far in North Carolina eight miles of general clean-up of dead and downed timber and debris has been accomplished on Section 2-A, five miles of which has been completed as to selective cutting and vista clearing. This first work, in many respects is one of the most spectacular parts of the whole program. Comparisons before and after the work show how much of the natural beauty of the woods and fields have formerly been hidden by the debris, the slash, and especially the suckers or stump growth resulting from careless forestry in the past. Beautiful vistas to the distance, glimpses into the woods and specimen laurel, rhododendron and azalea in the background are often revealed by a slight cutting under judicious supervision." This touch of the landscape architect, "painting with a comet's tail," is the artistic source of the 500 miles of Parkway beauty. Sam P. Weems, Abbott's successor as Parkway Superintendent, made a classic statement about the Service's attitude toward conservation and the local population when he remarked: "Education, still the mightiest weapon of conservation, has, on the Parkway, a strong ally in the noble pride of the mountaineer. . . ." The flowering of that education and the successful modeling of conservation practices today provide the harmonious and eye-pleasing views which greet visitors along the entire route. When the Civilian Conservation Corps enrollees finally arrived they were assigned landscaping duties. One of their most identifiable accomplishments is still at work—the routed wooden signs scattered the length of the roadway. The landscape division designed them to enhance the visitors' cultural awareness and to answer the everrecurring question, "What is that?" Another "CCC" task was "slope Abbott was not disturbed by the urgency of other demands delaying attention to the landscape program, saying, "A program of its type and scale is again a matter of pioneering and for this reason we recognize that the delay has its advantages." Still, two things puzzled him: methodologies for executing the program, and how to best use the initial funding. He became convinced that labor from the Civilian Conservation Corps would best serve his purpose, and requested that seven camps be assigned to him, eventually receiving five. They, along with other emergency workers, did their share Agricultural scene at Adney Gap, Virginia. 36 reduction," flattening slopes which the construction contractor had left too steep to suit the landscape architects. Once flattened those slopes were sodded, seeded, and planted with native materials. Abbott described the program: "The grass seeding and sodding and general landscape planting of 480 miles of Blue Ridge Parkway unquestionably comprises one of the largest programs of its sort ever undertaken in the United States." He also added a most pertinent observation: "Perhaps the most surprising accomplishment of the landscape program is the practical rather than the artistic effect. Warping and rounding parkway fills and cuts has reduced road hazard by eliminating loose overburden and rock, has stabilized slopes and ditches in the most erosive soils and thereby greatly reduced present and future maintenance." Again, the work of landscape architects made utilitarian purpose into beautification. The landscape work was so naturalistically executed that it is difficult to tell today where the landscape architect's work ends and that of Nature begins. The average Parkway traveler is totally unaware that much of the beauty he is enjoying reflects the Aladdin's touch of the landscape architect and the labor of hundreds of relief workers. Abbott, deeply conscious of their contribution, paying them tribute when the coming of World War II closed out the relief agencies, said: "While better controlled than usual, the great earth moving machines have left a rough trail across the mountains, a wayside ravelled with many threads to be caught up. It has been in this reknitting, in the healing �over, and finishing that the emergency programs have made of a mountain highway a mountain parkway. Without such a follow up much would be lost in the Parkway's beauty, and much that makes it practical as well." The Civilian Conservation Corps enrollees were then replaced by several Civilian Public Service camps of Conscientious Objectors, who helped develop Crabtree Meadows and the Peaks of Otter parks. Abbott was not as complimentary about their work. On one occasion, he exhorted them to be conscious of the fact that although they were painting on a small palette they were contributing to a valuable cause—a cause which would bring pleasure to thousands of people in the future. By the time World War II began, the Parkway's landscape development plans were firmly in place and the project was approximately two-thirds complete. When Stanley W. Abbott went off to war in 1943 he and his colleagues had begun "painting the comet's tail," and their aspirations of creating a museum of managed American countryside were becoming a reality. During the war, Parkway construction was placed on hold, since most of its support team departed for war duty. After the war ended, activities supporting project completion were slow to revive, with woefully inadequate funding from Congress. Luckily, a dynamic Service program called Mission 66 came along to arouse new life and new enthusiasm. With it came amphitheaters for interpretive programs, utilitarian visitor centers, lodges, and employee residences. Abbott's yen for the water component was tastefully fulfilled by the construction of a lake named in his honor at the Peaks of Otter. Moreover, Price Lake also came into being as an outstanding example of the landscape architect's skill, with the dam cleverly concealed as a bridge. Another water oriented development was built around the James River canal theme, adding new richness to Abbott's recreational parks. Considering the snail's pace of construction, it is remarkable that for more than fifty years the continuity of philosophy, planning, and landscape management for the Parkway Rocky Knob, Virginia, CCC enrollees laboring on Parkway slopes, Milepost 169,1938. has flowed from the guardianship, hearts, and minds of only four successive Resident Landscape Architects: Stanley W. Abbott, Edward H. Abbuehl, Arthur H. Beyer, and Robert A. Hope. Just as remarkable were their neverfailing abilities to maintain exceptionally good, professional working relationships with their opposites, the Bureau of Public Roads' engineers, such as William Austin, E.G. Middleton, E.J. Woodrow, F.W. Kron, Charles Kinney, Col. W.I. Lee, James L. Obenschain, Joseph A. Todd, and L.M. "Bud" Darby. In similar manner, over the seemingly endless years, continual cooperation between the Resident Landscape Architects and the right-ofway engineers for Virginia and North Carolina was diligently promoted. A classic example of that cooperation came to fruition via R. Getty Browning, North Carolina's chief right-of-way engineer, who walked every foot of the North Carolina sections and so unstintingly applied his life to promoting the interests of the Blue Ridge Parkway that the National Park Service recognized his contribution by naming a Parkway peak in his honor, "Browning Knob." Thus, a common vision, a common goal, and an uncommon dedication of innumerable, talented professionals have made possible "a time to plant and a time to sow," with a resulting unparalleled eyeappealing cultural landscape called the Blue Ridge Parkway. A TIME TO LIE LIGHTLY ON THE LAND Little by little, with excruciating delays the Parkway approached completion. The unit to have the distinction of being the "last link" was a fragile, boulder strewn segment around Grandfather Mountain. It had an intricately complicated routing history. The Service and the land owner had widely divergent opinions about how the road should traverse the Grandfather Mountain. Early projections in the 1930's had assumed that the route would absorb the existing Yonalossee Trail and hence that right-of-way was obtained. Service landscape architects eventually rejected it and proposed a new one above the existing road saying that it was impossible to bring the old road up to National Park standards. Included in the new routing was a tunnel, an environmental protection device. But the land owner vigorously protested that the "high" road and tunnel would be extremely detrimental to the fragile environment, lliere developed a stalemate, lasting several years, with the Service holding out for its "high" road on the grounds that revamping Yonalossee Trail to standards matching the rest of the Parkway was impossible. The land owner held out for the "low" road, arguing that Grandfather Mountain was too precious environmentally to endanger with all the blasting which would accompany tunnel construction. Engineers, landscape architects, and a variety of specialists, political as 37 �well as technical, clambered over the terrain, gesticulating, projecting, and counter-projecting. Finally, after an exhausting day on the site, seeking an answer favorable to the mountain, the owner, and the nation, a Service team leader took a topographic map to his motel room and, with red ink, placed a series of dots on it, crossing the Linn Cove drainage system: "Right there is where it will have to go!" he declared. Out of those little red dots eventually came a solution to the routing problem. A middle route, eliminating the tunnel, received approval by all parties. Then came a final pioneering accomplishment of the Parkway's history: design the Linn Cove Viaduct, a bridge which could cross the environmentally fragile terrain without wreaking havoc. To meet the challenge, techniques and design methods learned in post-war Alpine Europe were applied. A span of 1,243 feet, consisting of 153 separate precast segments, and utilizing every kind of alignment geometry known to road construction, was built in the form of a double "S," literally from the top down. Using the most sophisticated computer and engineering technology available, this "most complicated segmental bridge ever built" was skillfully laid in place. The delicate environment was remarkably undisturbed, making this unit one of the most outstanding engineering and landscaping accomplishments in the nation's history. The Linn Cove Viaduct story vividly illustrates the extraordinary stature of the technological changes which have evolved since the first landscape architect and engineer made their pioneer designs in the early 1930's. For example, Stanley W. Abbott and his colleagues labored with the aid of a French curve, a straight edge ruler, a so-called "spline line," a "gooseneck" weight, and a hand manipulated calculating machine. But, almost half a century later, when the landscape architect and engineers had to design the Linn Cove Viaduct within rigid environmental confines, Rex Cocroft, Bridge Engineer, Federal Highways, utilized a vest pocket-sized highly sophisticated computer to plot the curvilinear design which gives the 38 Linn Cove Viaduct its peculiar uniqueness. Thus, both the vision and the technology have grown, and both the old Grandfather Mountain and the new Linn Cove Viaduct truly lie "lightly on the land." A TIME TO CELEBRATE Finally, in an unbelievably long, stretched out construction program, lasting better than half a century, the Parkway received the last touch of the engineer, heard the final groan of the bull-dozer, and felt the concluding peck of the stone mason's hammer. Complete at last, it reflected millions of dollars of taxpayers' money well invested, employment for thousands, recreation for untold numbers, and a pioneering achievement that is a monument to the Great Depression and a celebration of the Great American Countryside. Here, indeed, was an incomparable public works achievement, painted on a "five hundred mile canvas with a comet's tail." Credit lines for this eye-pleasing accomplishment could fill many pages. Topping the list would be those intrepid, gifted landscape architects who pioneered with such distinction. How richly they had fulfilled the National Park Service creed to conserve, to share, and to pass on to posterity an exquisitely incomparable managed museum of the American countryside! Testimonial of their success is evidenced by all those who flock to enjoy its limitless panoramas, native plants and animals, its visitor centers and campsites, its waterfalls and streams, and its flaming autumn foliage, free from the trucks and commerce of the Interstate highways. Perhaps the greatest tribute that can be offered is the realization that the landscape design was so well-done that most users assume that all is in its natural state, never realizing the monumental accomplishment of those architects and engineers who created this special access for public enjoyment. The Linn Cove Viaduct on Grandfather Mountain, North Carolina, is a fitting end to the Blue Ridge Parkway construction. It was built to retain as much as possible of a fragile landscape. Its graceful beauty compliments the natural environment and helps protect it for the enjoyment of the passerby. �THE LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTS OF THE BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY Stanley W. Abbott 1933-1948 Arthur H. Beyer 1957-1963 Edward H. Abbuehl 1948-1957 Robert A. Hope 1963-present (Kenneth C. McCarter served as Resident Landscape Architect from January, 1944 to November 1945 while Stanley Abbott was on military furlough.) 39 �BIBLIOGRAPHY For those whose intellectual curiosity prompts further inquiry, the following sources are recommended. A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H. 40 FOR IN-DEPTH RESEARCH RELATIVE TO ANY MAJOR ASPECT OF THE BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY STORY SEE: United States National Park Service, Correspondence regarding Blue Ridge Parkway, Record Groups 48 & 79, National Archives, Washington, D.C. Annual Report, Superintendent of the Blue Ridge Parkway, 1935 ff., National Park Service, Blue Ridge Parkway Archives, Asheville, N.C. FOR GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE ORIGINS, POLITICS, AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY SEE: Buxton, Barry M. and Beatty, Steven M. The BJue Ridge Parkway: Agent of Transition, Appalachian Consortium Press, Boone, N.C., 1986. Jolley, Harley E., The BJue Ridge Parkway, c. 1969, University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville, Tenn. FOR A PICTORIAL RECORD OF CONSTRUCTION, ETC., OF THE BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY SEE: Photographic Archives, National Park Service, Blue Ridge Parkway Archives, Asheville, N.C. FOR NATIONAL PARK PHILOSOPHY REGARDING CULTURAL LANDSCAPES AND PARKWAYS IN GENERAL SEE: Melnick, Robert Z., et. al., Cultural Landscapes; Rural Historic Districts in the National Park System. United States Department of Interior, National Park Service, Cultural Resources Management, Washington, D.C., 1984. United States Department of Interior, National Park Service, National Parkways Handbook, Washington, D.C., 1964 plus supplements. FOR INSIGHT INTO STANLEY W. ABBOTT'S PUBLIC RELATIONS PHILOSOPHY SEE: "Blue Ridge Parkway News", National Park Service, Blue Ridge Parkway, Roanoke, Va., November 1937 ff. FOR INFORMATION ABOUT THE WESTCHESTER COUNTY PARKS PROGRAM SEE: Report of the Westchester County Park Commission, County of Westchester, State of New York, 1926 ff. FOR BRIEF OVERVIEW OF ROADS AND PARKWAYS IN VIRGINIA SEE: Newlon, Howard, Jr., et. al., Backsights, "Roads That Lay Lightly Upon The Land," Dec., 1984, p.3 and ff., plus Backsights articles in general. FOR ORAL HISTORY AND A DEEPLY SENSITIVE INTERPRETATION OF THE BLUE RIDGE PARKWAY'S ENTIRE LANDSCAPE PROGRAM SEE THE TRUE GUARDIAN OF THE PARKWAY'S BEAUTY AND INTEGRITY: Mr. Robert A. Hope, Resident Landscape Architect, Blue Ridge Parkway, Asheville, N.C. �ABOUT THE AUTHOR DR. HARLEY E. jOLLEY, also known as "Mr. Blue Ridge Parkway/' is a retired distinguished professor of history at Mars Hill College where he taught from 1949 through his retirement in 1991. Dr. Jolley and his wife, Betty were the backbone of the Mars Hill history department for more than forty years. He volunteered as a ranger and historian for National Park Service on the Blue Ridge Parkway He was a recipient of North Carolina's Order of the Long Leaf Pine. He authored many books and articles including; The Blue Ridge Parkway: The First 50 Years, That Magnificent Army of Youth and Peace: The Civilian Conservation Corps in North Carolina^ 1933-1942^ and Along the Blue Ridge Parkway. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Painting with a Comet's Tail: The Touch of the Landscape Architect on the Blue Ridge Parkway Description An account of the resource <span>Harley E. Jolley explores the Blue Ridge Parkway through the history of its landscape architecture. As Roger Martin states in the introduction, "The design and construction of the Blue Ridge Parkway is an illustration of the kind of quality possible in an enlightened democracy. It is the true example of how a society can properly care for its land and its people."</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1VUBrCVDS2e7vIJtqo3VuwR7wJRRd_a-Z" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642161/painting-with-a-comets-tail" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Blue Ridge Parkway (N.C. and Va.) Landscape architecture--Blue Ridge Parkway (N.C. and Va.) Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jolley, Harley E. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Architecture Blue Ridge Parkway construction history landscape architecture https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/b9484da73d45d64cb32ff9c7e40d289c.pdf 1787c859ddd1b135b89c9e9a5072c68e PDF Text Text �THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit educational organization comprised of institutions and agencies located in the Southern Highlands. Our members are volunteers who plan and execute projects which serve 156 mountain counties in seven states. Among our goals are: Preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia Protecting the mountain environment Improving the educational opportunities for area students and teachers Conducting scientific, social and economic research Promoting a positive image of Appalachia Encouraging regional cooperation THE MEMBER INSTITUTIONS OF THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM ARE: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Gardner-Webb College Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association John C. Campbell Folk School Lees-McRae College Mars Hill College Mayland Community College North Carolina Division of Archives and History Southern Appalachian Highlands Conservancy Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild U.S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Society �The Summer People �Winner of the First Appalachian Consortium Fiction Award Other Books by John Foster West up ego! TIME WAS THE BALLAD OF TOM DULA APPALACHIAN DAWN THIS PROUD LAND WRY WINE �THE SUMMER PEOPLE by John Foster West Appalachian Consortium Press Boone, North Carolina 28608 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004^ its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license^ visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1989 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-4207-9 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-4209-3 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �In the beginning there was Lana— And then there was Anna DeVoss �This page intentionally left blank �SUMMER, 1974 �This page intentionally left blank �Chapter I How could two or three weeks with an old woman in a place called Holy Rood Valley cure more than six years of pain and frustration? It was too much to expect or even to hope for. The hell with it! She shook her head and concentrated on the climbing road. After the van ahead had crossed the narrow bridge and crept into the right lane of the four-lane segment of highway, Anna DeVoss shifted to third and stamped down on the accelerator, her long legs working in unison with her arms. The red Porsche shot ahead into the left lane, throwing Anna's head back against the headrest. She glanced toward her mother-in-law to see if she had been inconvenienced. Mrs. DeVoss stared straight ahead, a troubled look narrowing her eyes. Anna knew she was worrying about an older sister in a Jacksonville hospital. Once past the van, she cut back into the right lane and slowed, climbing the eastern slope of the Appalachians at a more leisurely pace. Suddenly there was a tightness in her ears and she swallowed, clearing them. She turned her head occasionally, 1 �2 The Summer People gazing through the huge bug-eyed sun shades at the green knolls and ridges as they swelled skyward to her right or dropped away to her left. Approaching three thousand feet, she could feel a change in the air, an unfamiliar coolness as the backwash swept past her left arm resting on the door. Just before they climbed the final grade, before they ducked beneath the stone bridge of the Parkway and crossed the spine of the Blue Ridge at Deep Gap, Anna looked back to her left. The Appalachians rolled away toward the Piedmont to the south-east, blue and misty, ridge beyond ridge, mountain dome after mountain dome, fading out in haze along the horizon. The farthest range she could discern appeared higher than the Blue Ridge, but she knew it was an illusion. The mountains were actually stepping downward toward the foothills, toward the rolling landscape of the western North Carolina Piedmont and the flatlands beyond. From the highway east of Wilkesboro, the range she now crossed had climbed toward the sky, blue and hazy. But now, spreading around her, the slopes wore the brilliant green of early June. She and Pete had once driven along Skyline Drive, in western Virginia's modest contribution to the Appalachian range, but she had never been in mountains this rugged before. They subdued her. She had an urge to steer onto the right shoulder and hug the bank, away from the dropoff to her left. Yet there was a tranquility in being here that as- �John Foster West 3 suaged ever so slightly the old sadness hovering about the edges of her awareness. Beyond the Blue Ridge, the sensation of being in the mountains diminished, as she drove through rolling hills and farmlands and passed small roadside businesses. The town of Boone, dominated by the highrise dormitories of Appalachian State University, lay along a narrow valley, spilling over hills and ridges to the east and west. They stopped at a huge old building of faded weatherboarding and ate lunch, served from dishes placed on their table, family style. Mrs. DeVoss nibbled at her food, her mind far away, but Anna ate with relish. The vegetables and stewed apples were especially delicious, probably because they had been seasoned with pork. Between bites, Anna would glance occasionally toward the stranger who was her mother-in-law, sympathizing with her, yet feeling inadequate because she knew of nothing she could say that would ease the worry of her companion. Maud DeVoss was a tall, slender woman with a gaunt but handsome face. Her nose was straight as a rifle barrel, the kind of nose her son had had. Anna had discovered in the last four days that the older woman could be talkative and pleasant company occasionally, but not today. They left town, heading southwestward past green slopes with red wounds in them where bulldozers had gouged out bays for tourist shops and apartment houses. The highway was a two-lane �4 The Summer People strip of asphalt which climbed a gradual rise and then dropped steeply for a mile, passing chalets, an asphalt plant, and a campground, as it blacksnaked its way downward into a meandering valley. Anna's gaze kept straying from the road, picking out rock formations, cone-shaped hills, and narrow valleys wandering away to the left and right. The Appalachians here were not blue, a darkling land, as the Cherokees had called them, but flaming green, an overwhelming green which soothed her and shut her away from the rush of the world she had left that morning. She was startled when Mrs. DeVoss spoke. "You turn right just beyond that bridge ahead." But she had already moved her foot to brake. She had known where to turn. Pete had brought her along this route more than once, in their conversations, although they had never found time to come here together. Never would find— She cut the thought short, like slicing a taut cord. They followed the left bank of a swift little river for about two miles, most of the time beneath a dense canopy of trees. The narrow, winding strip of asphalt probably followed an old wagon road, which followed an older Indian trail, which in turn followed an even older buffalo trail. Pete had once told her that many of the mountain roads followed old animal trails, with the original curves and stream crossings still in them. �John Foster West 5 Mrs. DeVoss spoke again after they left the tunnel of trees and approached a huge, two-story building on the right, dark with age. There was a narrow little porch, two rusting gas pumps like two strangers standing close together for companionship, and a dilapidated farm wagon to one side, the mules hitched to it testing the sound of the approaching car with long ears swinging from side to side like hairy antennae. Anna could see faded signs on the side of the building: Peach Snuff, Rumford Baking Powder, B. C. Headache Powders, and Nehi Grape. "That's Sparr's Store," Maud DeVoss said. "That's where the community trade and get their mail." Anna glanced at her. The sadness had left her face briefly and was replaced by a pensive tranquility. She turned her head to study the old building as they moved past it. Anna wondered whether she was remembering the many times she had visited the store with her late husband or if she was recalling some specific occasion that had remained a pleasant memory. Half a mile beyond the store, she veered to the left onto a dirt road, crossed a narrow, low-water bridge spanning the river, an iron grill cattle bridge beyond, and shifted to third, climbing at an angle to the right, the spur of the ridge. A one-strand electric fence ran along the base of the slope, which �6 The Summer People had been stamped into countless parallel terraces by the feet of generations of grazing cattle. "That stream is the Watauga River," Mrs. DeVoss muttered, almost to herself, it seemed. "It empties indirectly into the Gulf of Mexico." Anna glanced toward her again but said nothing. She followed a sharp curve back to the left, then turned to the right, climbing the gently rising slope. To her left, fifty yards away, a forest began in a straight line and stretched away toward the base of the ridge, to rise again in the distance, covering a higher knoll. Up ahead, the black shingled roof of a farmhouse came into view, beyond which she could see the tin roof of a barn and other outbuildings. Several Black Angus and white-faced cattle grazed off to her right, two of them raising their heads to stare indifferently at the approaching car, chewing slowly. "That's the Webber place," Mrs. DeVoss said, pointing. "They own all the land around here." She paused, thoughtful. "Except, of course, the lots for the three summer places back in the woods." A road branched off to the left, straight into the forest, and Anna could see the roof of an A-frame cabin with a glass front, partly concealed by trees. A short distance beyond, she turned left into a second road. She could not see the DeVoss chalet until she had passed a stand of young white pines and was suddenly in the yard, if the place could be said to have a yard. The drive ended in a loop circling �John Foster West 7 tall oaks and poplars near the front door, four short parking bays perpendicular to the house front. Anna pulled into the one nearest the front steps and switched off the engine. For several seconds she and the older woman sat in silence, as Anna studied the building. It was built of hewn logs, black with age, logs, Pete had once told her, that Dr. DeVoss had obtained from an old barn some native had sold him. The architecture was rectangular, the steep roof covered with cedar shakes, the eaves at right angles to the driveway. A stone chimney was built against the near side of the cabin, a door to the right of it and a window to the left. Even the cement chinking between the logs seemed darkened by time, with here and there patches of moss or lichen splotching it like creeping blight. "Well, this is Greenworld." Mrs. DeVoss looked at her and smiled. "How do you like it?" Anna stared straight ahead. She tried to visualize a young Pete DeVoss, barefoot and in shorts, brown as an Indian, shinnying up the trees or scurrying away among them. "It's lovely," she said softly. "It's—it's out of my world. It's wonderful." When Mrs. DeVoss reached for the handle of the door, Anna opened her own. She unfolded from the deep bucket seat and towered above the top of the Porsche. Her knees cracked, loud in the silent forest. There was a catch in her back. She braced her hand against the top of the car, her �8 The Summer People balance awry. The long ride had molded her into one position too long. A moment later, she hurried around the car. She opened the other door and grasped Mrs. DeVoss's hand, helping her out and to her feet. The older woman tottered a moment, but quickly adjusted to standing. Anna followed her up the hewn-log steps onto the deck of the chalet. By the time they had reached the door, Mrs. DeVoss had a bunch of keys in her hand and unlocked the door. Despite the light from several windows, Anna had to peer and blink rapidly, coming from the bright outer light into the gloom. She removed her sunglasses and looked about her. There was a slight taint of mustiness in the air, a closeness resulting from the fact that the cabin had been shut up for several months without ventilation, but the odor was not unpleasant. It gave her a feeling of nostalgia, a sense of old things long unused, which results in a gentle sadness. On her left, dominating the front of the cabin, was a large stone fireplace with raised hearth and a stone mantel. Above it hung a painting framed with wormy chestnut. She studied it briefly. Several little men and women dressed like Pilgrims frolicked in a wood, one of their children riding a reddish-brown squirrel along a rotting log. Comfortable looking leather-padded chairs sat tranquilly in front of the fireplace, four of them, once black but now scarred and faded. They reminded Anna �John Foster West 9 of old men drawn together for a quiet conversation, but momentarily silent. A black bearskin rug sprawled between the chairs and the hearth, the head snarling toward some unseen enemy across the room. The right end of the cabin consisted of two bedrooms, a bathroom separating them. The rest of the interior was cathedral, including the fireplace and living area and the kitchen-dining area. The left end of the building contained a sink beneath double windows. There were an electric stove, a refrigerator, and a lazy-Susan table, with ladderback chairs marshaled around it. Between the living area and the far wall was a reading area, crowded bookcases lining the wall and rearing ceilingward between two windows. There was no radio, no television, not even a telephone that Anna could see. "The master bedroom is the farther one there," Mrs. DeVoss explained, as they crossed the oak floor. "You take it, since you'll probably be here longer than I will. It's larger than the other, and the double bed will give you sprawling room." Anna stopped in front of the bathroom door. "No! No, don't let's do that. I don't want to deprive you of comfort. I can switch rooms if you have to leave earlier." Mrs. DeVoss touched her lightly on the shoulder, smiling tiredly. "Don't argue with me, child. I know what's been going on inside you since we left �10 The Summer People Arlington. At least I think I do. The room is yours. That settles it." Anna hesitated, but could think of no further argument. "All right, then." She turned to the left, toward her bedroom. "You're the boss." Inside, she stared about her. A huge fourposter bed sat in the far corner to her right, a patchwork quilt serving as a spread. Matching the bed, an antique dresser of red cherry stood against the wall close by to her left, and a matching chest of drawers reared upward on her right, beside the door. A Boston rocker with splint-bottom and back waited in the corner farther to her right, a reading lamp peering over the left shoulder of whatever ghost occupied it at the moment. At the right end of the cabin, double windows permitted a view of the gently rising slope of the ridge. A single window beside the bed looked out onto the back deck of the cabin. She crossed the oval hooked rug, placed her right knee on the window seat, and raised the window beside the bed. Immediately, the room was filled with a lulling, liquid murmur from down the slope and to the right. She had known the waterfall would be there, but it caught her by surprise when it asserted itself on the silence. The window opened onto the screened sleeping deck, and beyond it, the slope fell gently through a maze of columns whose green tops reared from sight somewhere above the roof. Below the intrusion of the waterfall, Anna �John Foster West 11 could vaguely hear the flutter of a stream over and around rocks somewhere in the woods farther down the slope. "Besides, you can hear the falls better from this room." Anna whirled. Mrs. DeVoss stood just inside the door, a hand braced against the door facing. "I was already alone in a strange world," Anna laughed. "You startled me." "The waterfall is an added blessing," the older woman said. "It is a balm for sadness, although there's something—something sad about the sound of it. You will go to sleep hearing it, and you will wake up hearing it, and it will be a calm voice assuring you everything will be all right." Mrs. DeVoss was not looking at Anna. She was staring above the bed at a large photograph of a young man and woman in wedding clothing. "We spent every summer in this room for thirty-nine years," she continued, "except part of one in Austria. I have been here forty-one—since the summer of 1933." "It—it's a peaceful room," Anna said, not knowing what else to say. "I'm sure I'll enjoy it." Mrs. DeVoss turned and left the room quickly. Anna heard the bathroom door close, and she was left alone. After Anna had carried their bags in, placing them in the respective bedrooms, Mrs. DeVoss still had not left the bathroom. Once Anna started to knock on the door, hesitated, then let her arm �12 The Summer People drop. Without any clear direction, she went out onto the back deck. She crossed it, thrust open the screen door and descended the steps. The straight boles of yellow pines and poplars towered upward, blotting out the sky, except for a swatch of blue here and there. A path led down the side of the ridge, but away from it the forest was almost clear of undergrowth. She could hear the gush of the waterfall even more clearly outside here, and the cool of the forest settled about her, denying the existence of an afternoon sun. As she descended the meandering path, her sandals made soft swishing sounds now and then to break the silence of the forest. Ferns grew in isolated beds on both sides of the trail. A mossy boulder reared up suddenly in front of her. Rounding it, she reached the banks of the rushing stream ten feet beyond. The path crossed the creek on two stepping-stones and continued onward, but a tributary path traced the left bank, upstream. She followed it, her eyes on the splashing water, and reached the flowers before she knew they were there. When she raised her eyes suddenly, she stopped, her lips parted in surprise. A jungle of Rosebay rhododendron stretched away from the right bank, their long, leathery leaves gleaming like metal in the forest twilight. But they were overshadowed by thousands of pink flowers, round clumps of them, reaching out of sight and covering the surface of the shrubbery like a brilliant froth. �John Foster West 13 Anna had never seen rhododendron in bloom before. She stood there staring, a little-girl look of delight and surprise softening the fatigue about her mouth and eyes. Back of her seeing was a symphony of odors, none of which she could identify other than to suspect that they were a blend of gifts from the forest, just as was the gush of the waterfall, somewhere close by. Anna was startled back to awareness when some kind of bird, perhaps a woodpecker, leaped from a tree behind her, its wings drumming the air as it darted off into the forest, uttering shrill cries. She turned and looked after it, then followed the path farther upstream, the waterfall growing louder with each step. The stream and path looped back to the left around a peninsula of rhododendron. She rounded it and suddenly there it was. The brook leaped over the brim of a low granite escarpment and arched out, then plunged into a deep pool beneath, foaming like champagne. The drop was not more than ten or twelve feet, but the flashing white scimitar of water gave Anna the impression of a greater distance. The pool was surrounded by a flat crescent of granite which on her side slid gradually beneath the pool, climbing to a garden of moss adjacent to the woods. Kicking off her sandals, she waded into the pool, but stopped ankle deep, at the utter coldness of the water. She squatted and ruffled her fingers along the surface, then stopped again to let it calm. �14 The Summer People She studied her reflection, almost as clear as a mirror. Her face in the water was bracketed by her knees. She brought her knees together and tugged at the hem of her short skirt, a mother-induced gesture of modesty. A sudden flicker of motion caught her attention. Three feet away, two fish, probably brook trout, darted away from her, the shadow of one chasing the shadow of the other along the pebbled bottom. Walking backward onto the rock, Anna sat down beside her sandals. The sun-warmed rock added a comfortable glow to her buttocks through her skirt. At that moment she noticed the butterflies—black and gold, yellow, pale blue and orange—hanging close to the falling water, rising and drifting downward on beating wings as though drinking the mist that hovered just above the falls. Butterfly Falls, that was what Pete had called them. Now she could see why. She lay back, her hands clasped beneath her head, and stared upward at the splotches of sky showing through the canopy of pines and spruce towering over her. She relaxed against the warm granite, her breathing long and slow. For the first time that day she was aware of how weary she really was. Day before yesterday at Arlington Cemetery— today, seven long hours from Norfolk to Greenworld in Watauga County. She closed her eyes. Far away, her memory echoed rifle shots in unison and the mournful sound of TAPS. A flag was folded �John Foster West 15 expertly, revealing the utilitarian shape of the vault it had covered. A colorful triangle of fabric was thrust into the hands of the young woman in the dark suit, shattering her brown study. She stared from the flag to the officer as though wondering what to do with it. Then the scene shuttled forward like a silent movie skipping frames, and the couple, the young woman and her older companion, were wading through the forest of white crosses, leaving the metal cubicle behind—the cubicle she was expected to believe held the decayed remains of the young buck she had once held in her arms. She had looked back once and had felt nothing, no rapport with broken bones and fabric. Although the military was sure—the identification was beyond doubt—Anna DeVoss had not felt that the remains of her mate were stored in that metal cubicle. Her mind had known and had accepted the obvious, but her heart could not believe. She herself had not seen the bones of Pete DeVoss. His boyish grin, his muscular body, after six years, were still too real for her to let go. The last notes of TAPS faded, faded, and the two women merged into the green hillside, disappearing. Anna awakened suddenly, shivering. A chilly breeze swept across her, fluffing the hem of her skirt. In the distance she heard the roar of the plane hurtling earthward. She sprang to a seated position, staring about her. It was only the roar of the waterfall. Her heartbeat slowed. She could see �16 The Summer People little flecks of the sun through the pines to the west. She checked her wristwatch. It was after six. Buckling on her sandals, she got to her feet and returned down the stream, along the rocky path. Once, she glimpsed a little man in dark knickers and silver buckles on his shoes and wearing a Pilgrim hat, as he sat on a rock stroking a squirrel almost as large as himself. But when she squinted to get a better look, only the squirrel was visible. Or had it been the ghost that lived in her brain that had seen it, the ghost that sometimes talked to her? Mrs. DeVoss, busy in the kitchen, looked at her curiously when she entered the cabin, but said nothing. Anna entered her room, removed her robe and mules from one of the open bags, and went into the bathroom. She took off her halter, skirt, and half-slip and was ready to shower. She stood for a long time letting the fine jets of water pepper her shoulders, back, and breasts. It felt so soothing, she almost went to sleep, standing with her hands braced against the shower walls. After a while she slid back the shower panel and began to towel herself, rubbing until the flesh of her arms and torso turned a healthy red. She stepped out onto the bath mat to dry her legs and was startled when she caught a sudden movement out of the sides of her eyes. Anna whirled, towel covering her lower body, �John Foster West 17 and had to laugh when she saw the tall young woman staring at her with open mouth, out of the full-length mirror on the back of the bathroom door. She stopped, finishing up first one foot, then the other, as she watched her movements in the mirror. She walked to within a couple of feet of the door and studied her reflection critically. At five feet, nine, she appeared taller than she actually was because she was so slender. But her hips were feminine and the slight dome of her belly did not require a girdle. There was no sign she had ever worn a bathing suit. She did not tan easily and had never been a fanatic about the fad, although she had spent countless sunny days at Virginia Beach over the years. She looked at her breasts, cupping her right hand to lift the right one slightly and feel it for any suspicious lump. They were not overly large and were as white as her belly. Anna studied her face. At twenty-four, it was still young and pretty, except for dark shadows under the light blue eyes—under the gray eyes. At the moment they were gray, reflecting the moroseness that had lived inside her for the last several days. When she smiled suddenly—Pete had always accused her of grinning like a school kid—her eyes turned light blue. Her brown hair, with highlights of gold, was cut in a shag, and her nose was small and neat. She had learned long ago that it was her mouth that men noticed first. Her lips were full �18 The Summer People and sensuous, her lower lip slightly fuller than her upper. Her thick black brows seemed devised to steal the attention from her mouth. Donning the robe and mules, she joined Mrs. DeVoss at the lazy-Susan table where they ate a dinner her mother-in-law had prepared from cans. The meal passed mostly in silence, and Anna washed the dishes afterwards while Mrs. DeVoss bathed. It was still light outside when Anna told her companion good night and entered her bedroom, closing the door. She sat for a while, trying to read a short story from a collection she had taken from the bookcase, but the words kept blurring and running across the page like speckled amoebae under a microscope. Above the muted buzz and tinkle of nocturnal insects, the quiet roar of the waterfall intruded on her awareness. Twilight had just begun to sift down through the canopy of foliage sheltering the cabin when Anna drew back the covers, removed her robe, and stretched out on the bed. She could smell the faint mustiness of the bed covers, unused for a year, and could feel a gentle wave of air enter the open window and sweep across her body, stirring her hair, cooling her. God, but she was weary! She let her muscles relax and collapsed inward into herself, breathing evenly. The firm mattress was comfortable, sustaining her weight with authority. Her chest rose and fell. Her mind was a huge house with many lighted windows. Someone was running �John Foster West 19 through the house from room to room switching off the lights. Finally, only two lights were left, then one. She did not know when that light was turned off. The house remained dark, but some area of her mind was aware that she became chilly during the night, arousing her defenses enough so that she covered herself with a sheet and blanket, leaving the patchwork quilt thrown aside. �Chapter II She was back at UNC, and a neighbor was calling her, waking her for her first class. Bess must be outside the apartment calling me through the window, her mind reasoned, because her voice is muted. No, it could not be Bess. It's a man's voice. It's Pete calling me. He's back from a flight, back from Vietnam, back from—No! Not that word. But it had to be Pete. What other man would call her from her sleep? Anna sat up in bed, her hands leaping to cover her ears, her eyes wide with fear. Then she calmed, orienting herself. She tilted her head to listen. There came another series of loud knocks on the front door, followed by silence. Then a man's voice, muffled by the intervening doors and walls, called again. "Maud! Maud! Hey, Maud, wake up, please ma'am!" Slipping to the floor, Anna seized her robe, flung it around her, tying the sash with fingers still half asleep, and opened her bedroom door. She paused in the doorway, uncertain, then hurried across the cabin on her bare feet toward the front of the house. 20 �John Foster West 21 She opened the front door and stared at Jesus Christ, Superstar, who stood two feet away, fist raised to knock again. The first object to catch her attention was the mop of golden kinky hair and the next was the cropped, kinky beard, parted at the center of the chin like a Spartan warrior's. The surprised eyes stared back at her, a flecked amber. The narrow mask of face between the mustache and hair was peppered with freckles, as were the upraised fist and forearm. Why she should have been surprised at the appearance of a stranger she could not say, but surprise was chiefly what she felt at the moment. "Yes, what could I do for you?" she demanded. For a few seconds longer he stared at her face, then let his eyes shift to include the rest of her. "I need to see Maud," he said. "I have a message for her." "Maud?" Anna stared at him, her mind blank. "Oh, yes, you mean Mrs. DeVoss," she said, suddenly understanding. For a moment the man appeared flustered. "Yes, Mrs. DeVoss." His shallow little laugh might have been a slight apology or a punctuation sound. "I've always called her Maud. Known her since I was a kid." Anna could not have guessed his age with a gun to her head. He wore faded, patched jeans, the kind a beatnik might wear—or a farmer—a faded plaid shirt, and ragged sneakers without socks. �22 The Summer People They eyed each other a moment longer in silence. Then the young man took a step backward, retreating. "I'm Jay Webber," he explained, his solemn frown proof of identification. "We own the farm." He waved his arms to include the surrounding world, then abandoned it, letting it fall. "Oh, yes!" she said. "Maud—Mrs. DeVoss is still asleep. Ill get her." She left him standing on the deck and hurried toward Mrs. DeVoss's bedroom door. But before she reached it, Maud DeVoss appeared, a pink robe about her. Anna stopped. "There's a young man here," she said. "He says his name is Webber. Says he has a message for you." "Yes, that'll be Jay Webber." Mrs. DeVoss was looking beyond her, blinking sleepily. "JaY> do come in!" she called as she approached the front door. "Don't stand out there like you were a stranger." Anna turned to watch Jay Webber enter the cabin and meet Mrs. DeVoss, hug her. "When did you grow that beard?" she asked. "I swear, it's hard to tell what you'll do next. I bet your daddy would have made you shave it off." His laugh was casual. "Just got tired of shaving," he said. "Don't think about it much anymore unless somebody mentions it." �John Foster West 23 He had a slow, folksy drawl, a manner of speaking Pete had sometimes imitated when teasing Anna. "This is my daughter-in-law, Anna, Jay." Mrs. DeVoss nodded toward her. "Jay is our neighbor and handy man—looks after the cabin when we're away and keeps everything working when we're here." "Howdy, ma'am." Jay Webber bowed ever so slightly. Anna had a feeling the gesture was exaggerated. "Good to meet you," she said. "Please excuse me." She returned to her bedroom, closing the door after her. When she re-appeared later, dressed in yellow shorts and a white blouse, she found Mrs. DeVoss seated by the fireplace, sobbing silently. Anna approached her, hesitated, then placed a hand on the other woman's shoulder. "Do you want to talk to me about it?" she asked softly. Mrs. DeVoss sat up straight, wiping at her eyes with her fingers. Without glasses on, her eyes were pits of blue wrinkles. "It was a call from Cousin Dinnah," she said. "Mable is worse—critical. I—I must go to her. Would you please drive me to the Greensboro Airport?" "I'm so sorry," Anna said. "Certainly. We'll get you packed, and I'll have you there in no time." Maud DeVoss was quiet all the way down and �24 The Summer People out of the mountains, staring ahead through her heavy lenses, her mind apparently already in Jacksonville. After they had passed Wilkesboro and were tracing the rolling hills of the Piedmont, she said, "Stay in the cabin as long as you like, Anna. All summer, if it suits you. The mountains will calm you after those long years of—of waiting, not knowing for sure whether Pete—It's strange what a healthy perspective the mountains can give one who is used to living in hellish traffic and hubbub. After a while up there alone, you can see what has happened to you in a different light. You can—can come to accept things as they are." For a moment Anna was embarrassed. Although Maud DeVoss had not turned to look at her, she felt trapped by her scrutiny, as though her companion had been reading her mind for the last three days. She had never discussed how she felt about Pete, missing in action, with her mother-inlaw or anyone else because her feelings were so confused and personal she could not have analyzed them abstractly, let alone put them into words. They had hardly discussed husband and son at all on the way to and from the military funeral, both of them skirting the subject as though it were something obscene and unmentionable. "Thank you, Maud," she said. "I'll stay awhile. It is peaceful at Greenworld." She paused. "I do hope your sister improves." �John Foster West 25 "It's not likely. It's terminal cancer. It's just a matter of enduring it to the end." As they approached Friendship Airport, Anna felt a loss, regret that she had never got to know her mother-in-law any better than she had. The short military life she had spent with Pete had not permitted it, and after his carrier had sailed for Vietnam, after he had gone down on his second mission, she had been too busy losing herself in school to join her in-laws at Greenworld or to visit them in Jacksonville. Once, she and Pete had spent three days with them. Then, when Dr. DeVoss had died, she remained four days with her mother-inlaw, but it was hardly a time to get well acquainted. Now, she felt as though she were losing an old friend—an old friend she never got to know at all, never would know. When they embraced just before Maud DeVoss boarded her plane, the two women wept briefly and quietly, but for different reasons. Maud DeVoss, Anna guessed, for her dying sister, because she had long ago accommodated herself to the loss of her son and husband. But Anna DeVoss wept because she was losing someone she never had, the mother of her husband, a woman she might have grown to love and confide in, but never would know, now. Somehow, she was certain of that. If, or whenever they met again, it would be under different emotional circumstances, a young and an �26 The Summer People old woman passing in the daytime, pausing to exchange platitudes. When Anna returned to Holy Rood Valley, around 2:00 P.M., she pulled into the graveled parking area in front of Sparr's Store. She was dying of thirst, but more importantly, she needed to buy a few things. Climbing the steps to the tune of creaks, she opened the rusty screen door and entered a cavernous room as gloomy as a barn loft. Huge windows at either end of the long building were glazed by decades of dust which daylight penetrated grudgingly. Her nose was assailed by many odors, some of them familiar, some of them, but not all, pleasant in a nostalgic way—new leather, ground coffee, raw plug tobacco. She was stopped by the sudden silence. Three old men sat around the huge round stove which dominated the center of the store like a totem, as though they had been left over from last winter, still talking about the old times. They had hushed when she came in, mouths half open, staring at her with friendly curiosity. Anna stood a moment longer, blinking through her huge octagonal sun glasses as her eyes adjusted to the gloom. Finally, she removed them and dropped them into her handbag. As she paced forward slowly, stalking her audience, uncertain as to how to break the silence, one of them braced his hands against his knees and got slowly to his feet. Unlike the other two men, he wore khaki pants, �John Foster West 27 with a white shirt and blue polkadot bowtie. He was a little man, hardly as tall as Anna, with a shining, florid face and a wing of graying brown hair combed across his pate. He grinned, showing a gold canine tooth, and nodded rapidly, then shuffled forward with outstretched hand. "You must be Mrs. DeVoss, young Pete's widder," he beamed, pronouncing the Mrs. as Mizeries. "I'm Henry Sparr." Anna stared at him in surprise, then took the cool, dry little hand. "Yes, I'm Anna DeVoss," she said. "But how did you know?" Henry Sparr laughed a cackling laugh. "I'm the local know-it-all," he grinned. "I know everything that goes on in Holy Rood Valley, like my pa and my grandpa before me." He paused to study her reaction, apparently. When she did not respond, he continued, "No, I'll tell you the truth, Annar. Jay Webber come by today and mentioned that you and Maud was at the DeVoss cabin. The way he described you, I couldn't a-missed. That boy's got a sharp eye for things is purty." For a moment Anna felt a surge of resentment toward one Jay Webber, hillbilly Paul Revere, then forgot him. She was a little surprised at how quickly the old man had seized her first name as a familiar tool. But she supposed it was a mountain custom which allowed a young Jay Webber to call her mother-in-law Maud, instead of Mrs. �28 The Summer People "Annar, this here is Grove Miller," Henry Sparr said, as one of the other two men, tall and angular, stood and extended his hand. He wore a blue denim shirt under his overalls and a battered black felt hat. "Proud to make your acquaintance, Annar," Grove Miller said. "Pete DeVoss was a fine young feller, and Dr. DeVoss was a angel." He pronounced it DE-voss. His hand was calloused and rough as torn sandpaper to Anna's touch. "How do you do, Mr. Miller?" she said. "And this here'n is Lem Perkins." The third man reminded Anna a lot of Grove Miller, except for his straw field hat. "Howdy," he nodded and smiled, then sat back down. Anna was aware that he was trying not to look directly at her legs, below her shorts, but he yielded to temptation at the last moment, before tilting his head and staring at the dark rafters. "Would you like to see my store?" the storekeeper asked. "Folks has come here from Canady all the way to Cubie and bought stuff. Been here on this spot for eighty-nine year." Anna looked about her again. It was straight out of the nineteenth century, except for the lights dangling on long, black wires from the rafters and an ancient frigidaire behind the counter, in the far corner. Even the cash register was antique. A glass �John Foster West 29 showcase stretched along one wall close by. Boxes of buttons, spools of thread, pocket knives, and boxes of striped stick candy could be seen through the scratched glass. "This room ain't all of it," Henry Sparr explained, when she hesitated. "This here is jest the main part." "Why—why, I would like to see it, Mr. Sparr," she said. "It's an interesting place." She followed him through a gap between the wooden and glass counters and up some steps into a wing of the huge old building. They passed a stairway on the right leading up higher and entered another room, darker than the main store. Farm tools were scattered about the room, cluttering the floor and leaning against the walls. Anna recognized hoes, shovels, and pitchforks. Three or four kinds of plows were sitting here and there. Henry Sparr grasped the handle of one of them and turned toward her, grinning. "I bet you a purty you don't know what this here is." "It's a—a plow." She wondered if he really thought she was too stupid to know. "Yeah, it's a plow, all right. But what manner of plow?" His grin broadened. "I don't know. I grew up on a dairy farm, but I didn't plow much." "It's a 13 Oliver-Chill. Best two-hoss plow in �30 The Summer People these parts. Made right over the mountains there, in Chattanoogie, Tennessee." Anna hesitated, wondering what the catch was. "Yeah," she nodded finally, "it's a fine looking plow, all right." "I bet you don't know what them things is." He was peering upward. She tilted her head and saw several old horse collars hanging from nails driven into the overhead beams. "They look like horse collars," she said. "They are. They are," he affirmed. "They truly are. I bet you can't guess what I'm doing with used hoss collars." "I can't imagine," she said, hesitating. "Unless you put them on used horses." He laughed, throwing back his head, then slapped her on the back, staggering her. Briefly, she felt a surge of resentment at his familiarity. "That's funny. Used hosses. Nope, they's another reason. Them Floridy tourist folks buy'em and put looking-glasses in'em." "Put what in them?" "Looking-glasses!" He stared at her in puzzlement. "You know, mirrors." "Oh, mirrors. You mean they really put mirrors inside used horse collars?" "That they do." He rubbed his hands together, chuckling. "That makes them antiques. Anything that's a antique, they can hang on their parlor wall, even if it's a used hoss collar with a looking-glass in it." �John Foster West 31 Anna laughed, amused at the old storekeeper's sense of humor. And she was flattered in a way. Obviously, he considered her a flatlander too smart to hang horse collar mirrors on her parlor wall, just as he considered the DeVoss family separate from the typical tourists. "Come on." He took her by the arm and escorted her back toward the door through which they had entered. "You ain't seen everything yet by a long shot. My grandpa built this store back around 1885. Runned it all his life. My pa runned it all his life, post office, too. I've worked it bout all my life, and you want to know somethin'? I got a boy that's a lawyer, and he ain't inter-rested in runnin' it. Reckon I'll jest have to get shet of it, when I run down." They climbed the shadowy steps higher and entered a great sprawling room beneath the eaves. She stifled a cough, assailed by the tight dustiness of the air, air flavored by spicy smells she could not identify. The four small windows about the walls supplied more light than the larger windows downstairs. Around the perimeter of the floor, close to the sloping roof, lay piles of dark roots and what appeared to Anna to be chips of decaying bark. The center of the room was occupied with at least two dozen hand-made, split-bottomed chairs, both ladderback dining chairs and Boston rockers. In the far corner to her left sat a long, dark box that looked like a casket. �32 The Summer People "I bet you a purty you don't know what that stuff is." Henry Sparr pointed to the dark piles along the edge of the room. "It looks to me like roots and bark," she said. He squinted at her. "Now how did a young lady like you figure that out?" "Well," she was puzzled at his surprise, "that's just what it looks like." "And that's precisely what it is. We used to take in roots and herbs. Up here's where we stored'em at. That stuff there was left over after we stopped shipping them out. It's jest laid there year after year not botherin nothin, and I've let it be." "And I suppose," Anna laughed, "you're going to tell me that thing over there—" She pointed, "—is a coffin." "That hit is!" Henry Sparr chuckled. "Grandpa sold everything from baby cradles to coffins. That'un is the only one we got left. Still belongs to old Sandy MacTavish. Belongs to his heirs, I reckon. But they ain't never spoke for it." "Why didn't Mr. MacTavish use it?" "Now that's a long story. He did use it, but not in the usual manner." Henry Sparr studied her solemnly, but there was a twinkle in his eyes. "Old Sandy studied dyin about all his livelong life, nearabouts. He had that coffin made out of black locust planks cause that wood don't never hardly rot in the ground. Black locust trees don't grow too big around, but Sandy had him some little planks �John Foster West 33 sawed out anyways, even if they was narrer. He had Grandpa's coffin maker, Jed Hackett, to make the coffin to Sandy's measure, which was purty big. Sandy used to come up here onct or twict a month and lay back in his coffin and sing 'When the Roll Is Called up Yander.' Folks never knowed was he drunk, crazy, or what. You ask me why he didn't use it finally at last. That's the strangest part of all. Old Sandy was drowned in the 1916 fresh, and his body wasn't never found." Anna's first impulse was to laugh at Sandy MacTavish's frustrated plans for eternity. An image of the pomp and circumstances in Arlington Cemetery crossed her mind, and it was no longer funny. She was suddenly sad for old Sandy. "Let's go back downstairs," she said. "It's spooky up here." Henry Sparr stopped behind the old cash register, stooped, and lifted a small door in the floor under the counter. He looked at Anna and grinned. "I bet you a purty you can't guess what this here door was used for." Anna shook her head. "No. I can't guess. Did you drop trash through, beneath the house?" "Nope, but you're a gettin warm. We used to take chickens in trade from folks hereabouts. Pa built a fence around the store outside and used the underneath space for a chicken lot. One day he decided it would be easier and save time if he cut him a hole in the floor, here, and dropped the �34 The Summer People chickens through instead of totin'em outside and around to the door of the lot." "Sheer genius," Anna laughed. "Your pa was a smart man." She turned to watch Grove Miller behind the wooden counter. He had taken a roll of bologna and a huge wedge of cheese from the refrigerator and was making a sandwich, cutting thick slices of bread from what looked like a homemade loaf. He smeared the bread with mayonnaise and placed a slice of the meat and a slice of the cheese between the bread. Anna's mouth was suddenly full of saliva. Her stomach was a void demanding attention. She remembered she had had neither breakfast nor lunch. As she swallowed, she was convinced that nothing in the world could satisfy her hunger but a sandwich exactly like the one Grove Miller was just biting into. She turned to the storekeeper. "Mr. Sparr, could I please, please make me a sandwich like that?" "Hep yourself. Hep yourself," he grinned. "Jest a quarter. My old womern baked the bread jest yesterdy." Anna sat in a chair by the cold iron stove and ate the best sandwich she had ever put in her mouth, drinking a cold orange drink between bites. Henry Sparr and Grove Miller sat facing her, grinning. Lem Perkins had left while she and the storekeeper were upstairs. �John Foster West 35 "Yep, the DeVosses was the first summer people to build in the valley," Henry Sparr stated. "Summer folks had been comin to Blowing Rock and Linville for years on end. Course, Linville is not in this county. We was let purty much alone out here, raisin our own corn and cabbages and Burley tobacker and stuff. One day Dr. DeVoss and Maud comes through in their Lasalle. That was before young Pete was borned. They stopped here and set in to talkin to J.W. Webber, happened to be at the store. I never seen two grown men take to each other so quick-like. Dr. DeVoss, a rich surgeon from Jacksonville, Floridy, and J.W., a mountain tobacker farmer didn't finish the fifth grade. Before the doctor had left, J.W. had sold him a acre of land for a summer house right up there in the woods nearabouts at Butterfly Falls. Sold it to him for chickenfeed, nearabouts. Dr. DeVoss had the log house built that same fall. Must a been 1931-32." Grove Miller swallowed the bite he was chewing, almost choking on it. "It was 1932, Henry. I recollect it was the year before Roosevelt tuck over." "Yeah. I believe you're right. I believe it was 1932." He looked at Anna. "Say you was brung up on a dairy farm?" Caught between bites, she was not able to answer at once. "Yes, Princess Anne County, in Virginia. Between Norfolk and what was then Virginia �36 The Summer People Beach. It's part of the City of Virginia Beach now. My father kept his farm going after almost all those around him had sold theirs for housing developments." "I can understand that." The storekeeper shook his head. "A feller does the same thing all of his life, he dreads to give it up for new ways." "Never will forget the time Dr. DeVoss operated on J.W. with a straight razor," Grove Miller said, looking at the stove. "Wasn't there my ownself, but everbody heard tell of it. After a thunderstorm the lights was out and the river was up. J.W. picked sech a time to have a pendicitis attack. He might nigh died, it was so sudden. Onliest thing saved him was Dr. DeVoss operated on him with a straight razor on the kitchen table underneath a lamp and a lantern light. Dr. DeVoss and J.W. sucked through the same quill from then on." "Yeah," the storekeeper agreed, "the DeVosses tuck the time to stop and go easy and live slow, like us folks that growed up here. Nowadays, summer folks has got to have two or three big, fancy cars amongst a family and drive from here to yander lookin for entertainment—auctions of junk and tourist show places and eatin at them little old hamburger stands with red roofs scattered along the roads, set back in red clay notches gouged in the green hillsides, so much alike, a big old hen might as well a-laid them all. And lots of them want to buy all the land right out from underneath every- �John Foster West 37 body. They can't take pleasure in lookin at the mountains and the rocks and the trees. They've got to own them. I recollect how well the DeVoss family fitted into the community back yander and how most of the folks hereabouts liked them and never thought about them being big, rich folks from way down there in Flordy." Anna took her last bite, chewing slowly, relishing it while regretting it was all she wanted. She swallowed the remainder from her drink bottle, studying the old men beneath lowered lashes. She wondered if they were telling her all this because they wanted her to know it or if her presence was just an excuse for them to reminisce. "Old J.W. caught on fast," Grove Miller said. "He sold two more lots on each side of the DeVoss place, but them folks never turned out too good. J.W. wouldn't talk about sellin any more land for summer places, after that. And he had it fixed in his will, they say, so's the farm can't be broke up into sections." "Yeah, that's what they say J.W. done," the storekeeper nodded. "He caught on to them other kinds of summer people quicker'n anybody else, and acted accordingly." Anna wondered what had disturbed J.W. Webber about the people who had bought the other lots, but she did not ask. It could have been, she thought, that they could not measure up to the DeVoss family. She bought a pound of fresh but- �38 The Summer People ter, eggs, coffee, and milk and drove back to the cabin. She was surprised to discover how relaxed she was. Even talking to two old men had quelled some of her loneliness. �Chapter III Anna had stopped in Winston-Salem on her way back from the airport long enough to purchase a small portable radio. She hooked it up beside her bed and fiddled with the tuning knobs until she found an f.m. station broadcasting soft music with little chatter, out of Charlotte. She tuned it low enough to create a tranquil background of music which did not drown out the sound of Butterfly Falls. She finished unpacking, placing a towelwrapped photograph of Pete in the bottom of the dresser drawer, under her underclothing. She had not looked at it in more than a year and dreaded experimenting with her reaction to it. When she had finished, she stood near the bed looking about her, wondering what to do with herself next. She felt entirely alone in a world of forest that reached to the farthest edges of the world. But at the moment she was not lonely. She had a feeling of visiting with herself in privacy so that she could think clearly, a time when she could pick her own mind in an effort to determine where she would go from here. Now that she had helped bury Pete, now that she knew beyond doubt that he was really dead— 39 �40 The Summer People gone forever (of course she did not know it at all, inside her flesh, inside her heart)—now that she had confronted the evidence, though circumstantial, the ceremony of a military farewell, had received the folded flag, she could not play her sad waiting game much longer and still be honest with herself. There was really no one to wait for. She had to move forward in some direction or suffocate. She flung herself backward onto the bed and stared at the knotty-pine ceiling. She had not woven a winding sheet by day and unraveled it by night to put off impatient suitors. She was no Penelope. She had gone to school and had made herself useful to herself and to society as a social worker. And she had thwarted her potential suitors by flashing her wedding ring for most of the six years waiting. Even the chauvinist who had brought her news that Pete was missing in action had managed to touch her intimately while she wept briefly in his arms. But he had been dismissed, as were the others who had come after him. She had lain awake many nights alone and lonely aching for Pete. She dismissed thoughts of others. "Anna! Anna! You've got to face the facts, damn it," Joe Suggs, Pete's wingman, had argued. "I saw it. I flew over the spot at five hundred feet three times, with those gooks shooting whole junkyards at me. There was no parachute. His ship did not burn, but it tore all to hell. Pancaked across �John Foster West 41 a paddy and plunged into some woods. He couldn't have survived. No way! He could not! Accept that fact, baby." But why could he not have survived? Miracles happen. Even the remains beneath his cross in Arlington might be, could possibly be someone else. She shook her head, then closed her eyes, relaxing. She listened to the soft rendition of "Star Dust," violins and saxophones predominating. She tried to put everything out of her mind for the moment except the music, and succeeded. Soon she was asleep, fully dressed, her feet on the floor. She awakened an hour later rested and restless. She glanced at her watch. It was a few minutes of four, and the splotches of sunlight amid the trees outside her window seemed to promise a day that would last another week. She went into the kitchen area of the cabin and found the liquor cache in an overhead cabinet. Mixing herself a gin and tonic, she returned to the bedroom and sat down in the rocker, sipping the bittersweet drink. She was thirsty, and the drink tasted good. She rocked a few inches each way while she stared at the photograph of Dr. DeVoss and his wife in their wedding garments, above the bed. Dr. DeVoss appeared to have been in his mid-twenties. He stared straight at her, a solemn grimace warping his wide mouth, but there was a twinkle in his eyes as he tried to present a bearing distinguished enough to suit posterity. If his hair had been crewcut instead of pom- �42 The Summer People padoured, she thought, if he had on a uniform or jumpsuit— A slight alcoholic haze settled across her mind, relaxing her. She stared at the picture, then smiled and winked. She could have sworn the tension around the mouth of the man in the photograph relaxed ever so slightly and that Pete DeVoss's mouth came through. She placed her drink on the floor and crossed the room to the dresser. Opening the bottom drawer, she groped beneath her clothing and found the photograph of Pete, removing it. She unwrapped it slowly, dropped the towel back into the drawer, and with the glass-covered face pressed against her breasts, she returned to the rocker. She sat back down, took a long drink, set her glass back on the floor, then tilted the frame until she was once more face to face with her husband. Pete DeVoss grinned at her, a sandy Clark Gable mustache paralleling his thin upper lip. His chin was square and stubborn, his eyes bluer than a Carolina October sky, and his nose, high and sharp enough to cut a path through a squad of linemen and linebackers. His sandy hair stood straight up, about an inch long. ("Who gives a crap about how it looks? I got to get a helmet on over it.") Pete DeVoss had never known a country filled with his peers wearing long hair, Fu Manchu mustaches, and long sideburns. He had bowed out before the style reached the bank vice-presidents and insur- �John Foster West 43 ance salesmen. Besides, he had been gung ho military—the Spartan, the Roman centurion, specifically, the Navy attack pilot wearing his Skyhawk like a sword and shield. Anna felt a sudden ache in her chest. Her eyes moistened and she inhaled deeply, preparing herself for a sob, but nothing happened. The ache about her heart could not even be absorbed. It remained like a cold, heavy rock while she breathed rapidly. Then it began to conceal its presence, leaving a vacuum. Holding the photograph to her bosom, she lay back, rocking slowly, remembering Pete DeVoss. She had worked that summer at Virginia Beach as a waitress in a family restaurant specializing in seafood. Her parents would not hear of her working at the beach under any other circumstances. Virginia Beach was buzzing with potential evil, and the devil "could trap the soul and virtue of a seventeen-year-old in a split second." Yes, she could go if she roomed with Sally Whitelaw. They had known Sally all her life. Her father was a deacon, she was a good girl, and being older than Anna, Sally could guide her. What Anna's parents did not suspect was that Sally was a "fast" girl. But this did not bother Anna. She liked Sally for herself and had no intentions of following her example. It was inevitable that Sally would choose a job as a waitress in a beer lounge. Anna wondered if it were also inevitable that she agreed to work for Sally one evening out of all time, when Sally was ill. �44 The Summer People It had happened. Anna had not dared work there more than once for fear her parents would learn of it and take her back home. Pete had told her later that it was the first time he had ever visited that place and would probably have been his last. The Jet Pilot Lounge was a busy place, frequented mostly by pilots from nearby Oceana Navy Air Base. At first Anna (wearing a long, sunburned ponytail and a short green uniform) had been shocked by the uninhibited language and brazen propositions the pilots had bombarded her with whenever she served them or passed close to their tables. But after the first hour, she relaxed, realizing that most of them were kidding and did not expect her to take them up on their offers. She was beginning to enjoy her work as her apron pockets filled up with bills, many of them fives and tens, and she envied Sally her lucrative job night after night. Around midnight the crowd had begun to thin out, the next day being a flying day. Anna was standing near an empty booth staring out at Atlantic Avenue, where a sailor was talking to a girl in white shorts, when someone came up behind her, stood close, and kissed her on top of the head. She gasped, went rigid, and whirled, staring up into Pete DeVoss's grinning face. "I've been watching you," he said softly. "I'd love to make out with you." �John Foster West 45 Her mouth dropped open, and she stared at him in embarrassment. While she was still motionless, before she could react further, could even think, could do anything but stare into his laughing blue eyes, he leaned forward and kissed her, barely touching her lips. "Good night, sweet baby," he grinned. "I'll see you later." He had turned and walked casually toward the door, his cap on at a jaunty angle. And as she watched him go, staring at his broad shoulders, narrow waist, and the tight muscular shifting of his buttocks, she felt a warm glow deep inside, a fear and an excitement. The next evening he appeared at the restaurant where she worked and sat alone at a back table. Sally had directed him there, Anna learned later. He could not have been more courteous. In fact, he was almost formal, he was so polite, and gave the impression he had never set eyes on her before in his life. But he could not conceal the merry twinkle in his eyes, indicating how much he enjoyed the little game he played. She was so nervous around him at first, her fingers were all thumbs. She dropped the bread basket into his salad and almost spilled coffee in his lap. But by the time he had drunk his second cup of coffee, he had put her at ease, and she was disappointed when he left without saying more than a casual "Good night," although he did leave a ten dollar tip. �46 The Summer People But when he returned on Thursday evening to eat alone, Anna relaxed. She knew he was playing with her, and she decided to wait him out. Anna had never dated anyone alone other than a schoolmate, mainly because her dates had to pass her parents' approval, and the prospect of going out with a Navy pilot somewhat older than she both terrified her and burned inside her with excitement. That night he walked her back to her apartment, taking a roundabout stroll beneath a fishing pier, and he kissed her. There was nothing passionate about it—a brief, sweet kiss of affection which had thrilled but had hardly aroused her. She wondered as they walked to her apartment, hand in hand as she had walked with her high school dates, if his behavior on Tuesday night might have been a bluff to conceal the modesty and shyness that seemed to be a part of his personality. It was only later that she realized there was nothing shy about him and that his caution had been a well-planned strategy, his moves coordinated to win her trust and affection quickly yet completely. He had learned from Sally who she was, what her background was, and he had courted her accordingly. She understood what he was up to without rationalizing about it, and it put her on guard at first. But realizing the compliment he was paying her, a young seventeen, when he could have swept any of fifty girls off their feet, including Sally, she accepted his old-fashioned courtship without shame. �John Foster West 47 Things happened fast after the walk on the beach. He saw her every night for a week, joining her in passionate embraces yet never going too far. Then he was gone for a week, on a flight to the west coast, and her world became empty and sterile. When he returned, they eloped in Pete's Porsche and were married in Charleston, South Carolina. They honeymooned in the upstairs bedroom of an old mansion owned by Pete's division commander—in the same room his great-grandmother had spent her honeymoon at sixteen, with her groom, a Confederate colonel in his late forties. When Anna was not with Pete, she could see Fort Sumter Island from her bedroom window. Anna had approached the great climax of her life with foreboding. But Pete was so experienced and so considerate, she had no problem at all. He continued to court her, even after two days of marriage, as though they were teenage lovers with the whole world and time before them. But their marriage together was to be brief, although they did not know it at the time. She was amazed when the honeymoon ended, so amazed and so happy that her parents had hardly crossed her mind during their week in Charleston. But when it ended, she began to worry, dreading to return to Virginia Beach and her confrontation with them. Pete found a nice apartment near the beach, and Sally solved her problem by reporting her marriage to her parents. They were �48 The Summer People so shocked and hurt at her betrayal, they would not call her or come about her until after Pete had left for Vietnam. They finally accepted her marriage enough to visit her. Although her mother had never completely forgiven her, she was relieved that God had at least been notified of the union when Anna and Pete were married in a Christian chapel, even if it had been Episcopalian, and a lateral branch of Protestantism. The six months that had followed their honeymoon had been good, a lifetime of marriage, as much of a lifetime as she would ever have with Lieutenant Pete DeVoss. They had flown to Jacksonville and visited for three days with his parents, who were friendly enough in a formal way, as they had tried to adjust to the idea of a seventeen-year-old daughter-in-law. It was at the parties with Pete's fellow officers and their wives that Anna got to know what he was like outside his professional life. Pete was respected as a superior pilot, but he brought none of that to the parties with him. His fellow officers, dressed in sports clothes, looked more like clerks in a shoe store on a holiday than attack pilots, and Anna found that to be a strange contradiction. She had expected to find them all like Pete, who looked the part he lived. Rarely did the pilots talk flying when drinking. Anna decided that was because the parties were their main escape from the threat of in- �John Foster West 49 stant death that hovered over the Navy pilot more than any other combat man when not at war. Pete, thoroughly intoxicated on Martinis made of Beefeater's gin or Oso Negro, was usually the center of what was going on at a party, regardless of where it was taking place. He was boisterous, a bit too loud at times, but always friendly. He loved his comrades, most of them, and he loved parties. Once after he had been unusually loud telling a joke, Anna had found Pete in one of the dark bedrooms staring out a window at the night sky. She had switched on the light before she knew he was there. When he whirled, she saw tears in his eyes. She took him into her arms and he wept softly for a few minutes, then stopped abruptly as though a fuse had blown and was his old, carefree self again. But he told her later in bed that a friend that he had gone through flight training with had creamed into a Colorado mountain the day before, and he had just learned of it that night. There were other times when he would cry out in his sleep or wake up trembling, and she would hold him close, stroking his back until he relaxed, often going back to sleep in that position. The friendship between the military couples was wonderful. The older wives were especially solicitous of Anna because of her age, and the pilots, learning of her squeamishness about obscenity, teased her a great deal at first. But it was the mili- �50 The Summer People tary politics that made her sick. For one thing, the "ring knockers," graduates of Annapolis, were promoted first, assisted by golf games with commanding officers and dutiful wives kowtowing to superiors' wives—(superior in that their husbands were officers of rank and command.) Anna drew the line there, absolutely, refusing to kiss any hausfrau's rear because her husband had position. Pete backed her. He was a graduate of Georgia Tech and resented the unwritten laws of promotion and the pecking order among wives. The wife of the C.O., of course, was the chief hen, who used the under-ranking wives at her whim. Anna and a few other wives resisted and were ostracized for it, but could not have cared less. Once when the squadron had gone on a week of sea maneuvers off Puerto Rico, the commanding officer's wife had thought up the hilarious project of supplying each husband with a D-cup brassiere stuffed with cotton, for a head rest in his plane. Anna had thought the idea was stupid and had refused to cooperate. Soon after the planes had landed at Oceana Naval Base, his skipper had called Pete into his office and started to chew him out because of Anna's behavior. After three sentences, Pete interrupted. "You mean, sir, you ordered me in here to dress me down because my wife refused to supply me with a head rest made from a stuffed brassiere?" Pete asked politely. �John Foster West 51 "Dammit, it's not that simple, Lieutenant DeVoss," the C.O. said. "We are a close organization, and our wives—" "My wife, sir, is not in the Navy," Pete said firmly. "My wife does not do anything she does not want to do, where the Navy is concerned. Your wife outweighs my wife, sir, but she does not outrank her." The officer had reddened. "Are you defying me, Lieutenant?" "No sir! I am a pilot. I'd follow you to hell and you know it—or fly there alone if you ordered me to. But stuffed brassieres for military head rests—" He stopped, feigning a loss for words. "It was just a bit of wifely humor," his C.O. argued. "I resent the fact that you—" "Sir," Pete had said quietly, "I have a family acquaintance in the Pentagon. If you like, I'll call or write and get the Pentagon's opinion concerning the practicality of stuffed brassieres for head rests in Skyhawks and Intruders." The officer turned white, his flexing fingers breaking the pencil in his hands. "Lieutenant, you are dismissed!" he said quietly. Pete had saluted, he had told Anna later, done a smart about-face, and followed his grin out of the skipper's office. Anna laughed hilariously when told of the event. It was this self-respect and individuality he was able to retain in a military world that increased Anna's respect for him, and increased pride in the �52 The Summer People husband she had chosen. She realized early that he had little ambition for rank, as such. It was flying he was interested in, and the salary that went with it. He could live better with a higher rank. He had elaborate plans for buying a farm someday in Watauga County and returning there to raise cattle, horses, and children. He wanted four children, he told her, two boys and two girls. He wanted to become a sturdy old grandfather to sixteen grandchildren and tell them tales of the days when he rode his thundering steed across the sky— always recounted with a grin, but she understood how very serious he was. She remembered now, in a flash, the day she stood on an apron at Oceana Naval Base and held him in her arms, kissing him for the last time. She watched him, heavy with gear, waddle toward the humpbacked little Skyhawk, his orange jumpsuit and helmet giving him the appearance of a creature from outer space. A few minutes later she blinked as she stared at the hole in the sky where his plane had disappeared. And that was the end. Anna sighed, stood up, and carried the photograph back to the dresser, placing it at an angle so she could see it from her bed. Lieutenant Commander Pete DeVoss would never know one child, let alone sixteen grandchildren. Instead of a stuffed brassiere, the spinning earth had become his head rest. �Chapter IV After three days at the cabin, Anna could tell neither the day of the week nor the date, unless she stopped to think about it—that is, the day of the week. As for the date, she knew it was early June, and that was enough. Twice, she did not bother to put her watch back on after a shower. The hands continued to carry out their appointed function. Blossoms had begun to fade and drop from the rhododendron thicket, but a flame azalea she found near Butterfly Falls lit up the oak and pine thicket around it with orange brilliance. She knew what it was because she had found a paperback book on mountain wildflowers in one of the bookcases in the cabin and carried it with her into the forest when she became restless and felt like taking a hike. It got to be a mild adventure with her, finding plants and flowers she had never seen before and identifying them. She found a clump of lady'sslippers with three wilting blossoms which had lost their pink hue. She picked some brilliant fire-pink, sweet shrub (aromatic as an exotic perfume), and black-eyed Susans and mixed them with the polished green leaves she plucked from a carpet of 53 �54 The Summer People galax, making a centerpiece for the lamp stand in the center of the lazy-Susan table. She was surprised to find black-eyed Susans blooming so early. Another time she came upon a dwarf magnolia tree in full bloom in the middle of the forest and was puzzled until she looked it up and saw that it was a mountain cousin of the "southern-belle" lawn variety, called Eraser Magnolia, named for a botanist, James Eraser, who first discovered the tree in the Appalachians. On Friday—at least she thought it was Friday— she put on her last year's bathing suit, took a blanket from the window box, and headed for Butterfly Falls. She took along the radio. She spread the blanket on a flat area of the rock beside the pool, turned on the radio to a low murmur a bit louder than the gush of the falls, and lay down on her stomach. Ragged splotches of sunshine dappled the trees and the bank across the stream, although she lay in the shade. A morning coolness enveloped her side of the stream, but it was a comfortable cool. She turned onto her back and watched a small heart-shaped cloud as it crossed the patch of sky directly overhead. The sun spilled over the brim of the oak and pine limbs high overhead, washing her in pools of warmth. She tugged at the leg of her trunks, the hem of which was cutting her. She squirmed to a new position, but moments later, in exasperation, �John Foster West 55 she sat up, removed the narrow black bottom, then the halter, and lay back on the blanket nude, enjoying the probing warm sunlight. Several minutes later she began to wonder if the sunshine here, high in the mountains, would burn her as quickly as at the beach. But she felt free and unencumbered, naked in the middle of a forest with nothing but butterflies and birds to see her. But suppose there really were such things as satyrs, and one of them watched from the woods. Or suppose Pan, with his goat rear, was ready to spring at her? Or suppose that there really was a Zeus and he watched her, ready to turn himself into a swan or a bull—She giggled aloud, then rolled her head to one side and stared out into the trees. She could see only the chest, shoulders, and part of his curly head with horns, and she smiled back, then tilted her head back to watch the clouds. Was it the ghost of her imagination? She had just finished drying herself after a long shower when someone knocked with authority on the front door. She knew it was going to be a man as she crossed the cabin, fighting her arms into the faded blue robe. The tableau was repeated. She opened the door just as Jay Webber raised his freckled fist to knock again. So far as she could tell, he even had on the same jeans and shirt he had worn last time. And she certainly had on the same old dilapidated robe. �56 The Summer People He looked her up and down, his face without expression. "Ain't you got no clothes but that, lady?" he asked solemnly. Her first impulse was to burst out laughing. But looking at him more closely, she decided he was serious. If there was one thing she did not need, it was a smartaleck peckerwood. "Yes, what of it?" she demanded, more brusquely than she really intended. "Oh, yes, it just occurred to me that I ought to point out a couple of places you might have trouble." He hesitated, ran his fingers through his kinky hair, looking uncertainly from her towards the woods. "Could—could I come in?" "Surely, Mr. Webber. Do come in." He entered and she closed the door, turned toward him. "Do you mind waiting a few minutes till I get something else on? I do feel out of uniform with nothing on but this old robe. Take a chair there." She motioned toward the chairs by the fireplace. He nodded solemnly and sat down. She returned to her bedroom and dressed in a plaid pantsuit and sandals. When she re-entered the living area, Jay Webber was standing by the sink looking out the window. As she approached, he leaned across and raised the window sash a few inches. Immediately, Anna heard a weird barking sound out in the woods. She could not tell whether it was �John Foster West 57 an animal or a bird, but she had never heard anything like it before. "Come here a minute," he commanded softly, summoning her with a curl of a finger over his shoulder. She approached, stood beside him. "Look there!" He pointed. "See that little reddish lump on that limb there?" She leaned forward across the sink, staring, and her shoulder touched his. She drew back quickly. She was almost sure she could smell an astringent odor about him, not old sweat, but new, as though he had been working hard recently. The nails on his pointing hand needed cleaning. There was what looked like blue dirt beneath them. "What is it?" she asked. "It—it looks like a little squirrel." "It is a kind of squirrel. It's called a boomer. I've not seen one around here in years." "Noisy little beggar," Anna laughed. "What happened to them?" "They're about extinct in this region of the Appalachians." He turned to face her. "Soon they'll join the buffalo, elk, and the passenger pigeons. Used to be so common, they named a post office after them over near Wilkesboro. It's still there, I reckon." "You mean there's a place called Boomer, N.C.?" She smiled. "Doesn't sound too romantic." �58 The Summer People "There was. I reckon it serves the needs of the folks who live there." He turned away. "Dr. DeVoss had the fuse box replaced with circuit breakers about four years ago." He reached up and opened the cabinet door to the right of the sink. On the wall at the back was a metal door. He opened it and revealed double rows of switches. Each switch had a piece of kitchen equipment or an area of the house printed on a piece of tape beside it. Jay Webber placed a finger on the switch marked stove. "If your stove won't turn on, it will be this breaker. It cuts off from time to time. No reason I can find. Just switch it back on." "Well, thank you. That's important to know—I suppose." "One other thing. Your water may stop on you sometime. Would you come with me, please." His voice sounded more like a command than a request or suggestion, and she felt like telling him to bug off, then thought better. If he could save her trouble later on, why not? He had not tried to get familiar with her, and as long as he behaved himself, he might be useful occasionally. She followed him out of the house and walked beside him as he climbed the slope of the ridge above the cabin. The boomer had fled, along with his raucous bark, into the past. There was little undergrowth, making the climb fairly easy, although Anna could feel in her legs a pulling at �John Foster West 59 muscles she did not know she had. They came upon a huge gray rock and circled it. A spring as large as a child's wading pool sparkled in the shadows beneath the edge of the boulder, the spring tail trickling off down the hill toward the brook above Butterfly Falls. "This is the sweetest spring water you'll ever taste," Jay Webber said. Anna detected pride in his voice, as though he had dug the spring with his bare hands. "See that pipe jutting out there, about a foot from the bank, on your left?" She braced her hands on her knees, leaned forward, and peered deep into the clear water. She could make out a section of pipe extending into the spring, about two feet down. Light refraction distorted it, causing it to appear crooked. There was a cap of screen wire over the end of it. "On rare occasions a leaf or two will sink down and be drawn over the end of the pipe. That's your water supply, down there. It's gravity-fed. If your water should happen to stop flowing or slow to a trickle, it'll probably be because of a leaf. Just come out here and uncover the end, and you'll be okay again. But you rarely have any trouble during the summer." "That makes sense," she said. "Yes, I can understand that." She tried to think of something else she could say to the young mountain farmer, something bright and feminine, but she could not. She �60 The Summer People considered saying something about the cattle she had seen in the pasture on the ridge, or asking him what kinds of crops he grew. She certainly knew about cattle and feed. But she rejected the idea. She did not feel like being a hypocrite with him, and she really was not interested in establishing a relationship, even a casual one. As close as he lived to her cabin, he could become a pest, and she needed to be alone for a while. But he was company. They walked back down the ridge, mostly in silence. Once, he stopped to point to a weird little flower growing in a mulchy area beside a white rock. There was a deep bell-like throat with what looked like a single petal looped up and over, to form a canopy above its mouth, out of which projected a tapered pistil. Because of the flower's greenish hue, it was camouflaged against its own leaves. "That's a Jack-in-the-pulpit," he said. "Some folks call it Indian turnip. The roots are edible if you can stand the taste." "Good. If I ever get lost in the woods, I won't starve." He turned his head and looked into her eyes with narrowed amber ones, so intently she had to look away from them, watching his mouth. "You might," he said, the trace of a smile arching his lips �John Foster West 61 between mustache and beard. "They aren't that easy to find, unless you know where to look." When they reached the front steps, he stopped and she climbed to the deck, then turned to look down at him. "Well, thanks a lot. I ought to be pretty secure now." He braced his right hand against the trunk of a small hickory and squinted up at her, a light in his eyes she had not seen there before, something between amusement and resentment. "You're welcome, Mrs. DeVoss." He pronounced the Mrs. the way Henry Sparr had, and it sounded so natural she could not tell whether he was needling her or serious. She turned away, then turned back. "I'm curious about one thing. It's not important. I just wondered." "Yes, ma'am? What can I tell you?" "You called Mrs. DeVoss Maud, and she's much older than I am. I wondered why you did that and call me Mrs." He laughed, looked down and scuffed one battered shoe against the ground, then looked up into her face, his head cocked to one side. "Well, now, I've known Maud since I was a boy. Long time ago we worked out what we'd call each other. You called me Mr. Webber a little while back. I figured that was how you wanted it, ma'am." �62 The Summer People "Oh!" She stared at him. It was true. "Oh, yes. I'd forgotten. Well, thanks again." She entered the cabin. As she was closing the door, he called her again. She thrust her head outside, past the door. "You wanted something else?" "Not really. There is one other thing you might want to hear about." "What is it?" She moved into the doorway, watching him climb the steps to the deck. When he reached her, she backed to one side, allowing him to enter the house. She watched him closely, feeling insecure with him confronting her now. And that annoyed her. She did not like to feel insecure. It weakened her defenses, making her vulnerable. She was not used to that. "Could we go into your bedroom, ma'am. Used to be where the DeVosses slept." A half smile flickered across his mouth. She was startled. She looked from his large, freckled arms below the sleeves of his shirt toward the open bedroom door, then back at him. "Is—is it important?" "Well, not to me, ma'am. Not really." He turned back toward the open door. "I was just thinking of you." "Well—very well." She laughed a strained little laugh. "Let's see what it is." He followed her into the bedroom, and when she stopped near the dresser, he crossed the floor and dropped to one knee beside the window seat. �John Foster West 63 He raised the lid. "Would you please come over here for a moment, ma'am?" She crossed to where she could see into the shadowy interior of the box. On the end panel, nearest the bed, was what looked like an electric button, two small wires leading from it downward toward the floor. "That's an alarm button. It rings a bell in our house. Mrs. DeVoss—Maud had me put it in two years ago, after the doctor died. She never has used it, but she said she always felt better knowing it was there." He closed the lid and stood up. "You mean those wires reach all the way to your house?" she demanded. "Why, that's half a mile." "No, just to the nearest electric fence, back in the woods there, a ways." He moved toward the door, pausing to look at Pete's photograph, on the dresser. Then he crossed the living room in silence, turning at the front door. "If you should get scared—like if a satyr threatens you—you just give me a ring. I'll come a-running." For a few seconds she studied his head, thinking how much he himself looked like the picture of a satyr she had seen somewhere. "Thank you very much. I do feel safer. But don't stay awake for my signal. I'm not your timid kid. My husband taught me to defend myself." He threw her a little wave of his hand that �64 The Summer People could have meant anything and opened the door, started to close it after him. "Hey!" she called. He paused, looked back. "Thanks for the information—Jay." His kinky gold beard and mustache parted in a grin. He nodded and closed the door after him. She heard him chuckle on the deck. Later that same day Anna was rummaging through some papers and letters in the top dresser drawer when she ran across the DeVoss membership card in the Grayhound Lodge and Country Club, "including members of the family and guests." She tossed it back, thinking no more about it until the next afternoon, which was a Saturday. Around five o'clock she became suddenly hungry for a good meal, something like steak or lobster, which she was in no mood to prepare for herself. Besides, she was tired of eating her own piddling meals of easy-fixit hamburger combinations and cold plates. She walked around the living area of the cabin looking for the telephone, intending to call the Grayhound Lodge and find out what was on the menu for the day that she would be interested in. When she remembered there was no telephone, something she had known since arriving, she sat down in a chair in the reading area and stared out the window into the woods. She felt suddenly stupid. Or did that explain her sudden lapse of memory? Was she becoming eccentric so soon, �John Foster West 65 all alone here in an Appalachian forest with no one to talk with? She considered packing and heading back toward Norfolk and civilization, but immediately canceled the idea. A cool breath of mountain air billowed through the window, and she compared it, below the level of conscious consideration, with the humid steam bath of a coastal June. She sat there so long the forest began to darken, and she realized the sun was going down behind Beech Mountain, ushering in the long, tranquil period of mountain twilight—twilight outside the forest. Here beneath the trees, darkness would come swiftly. Her stomach burbled hungrily, the sound startling her in the quiet cabin. Without conscious decision, she got to her feet and crossed to her bedroom, where she began to dress for dinner at the Grayhound Lodge, or elsewhere if she did not like the menu there. She dressed in a white blouse and a pale blue, ankle-length skirt, as usual not bothering with makeup. It was 8:45 when she drove out of the woods and onto the Ridge Road, but there was a sky full of daylight left to spend. She swung down the spur of the ridge, crossed the river, and speeded up on the stretch of asphalt beyond. When she saw a man in coveralls by a gasoline truck parked in front of Sparr's Store, she hit the brakes and swung into the parking area, stopping close to the truck. The man whirled, then grinned at her, touching his cap visor with the tips of his fingers. �66 The Summer People "Yes, ma'am, I know where the Grayhound Lodge is at. You jest drive on down the road there till you come to the main highway, then you turn right, and about a half a mile furder on, you can see a sign on the left and a road leading off beside it. You can:t hardly miss it, less'n you was blind. Yes, ma'am, you shore are most welcome." As she drove away, Anna was smiling to herself, not in derision, but at the music of the man's dialect. She got up to forty at times, swinging around the curves which paralleled the river. She switched on her headlights in the gloom beneath the arch of overlapping trees. Back in daylight on the highway, she found the sign indicating the turnoff to the lodge easily enough. After following another segment of the river for a quarter of a mile, she turned left across a pool-table green of a golf course, toward a mountain which reared up a short distance ahead, or at least what had once been a mountain. It was now the foundation or backdrop for scores of chalets of every shape and size, from A-frame to toadstool construction. They were scattered without pattern across the green mountainside, their order apparently determined by the shape and location of the lot on which each stood. Lights were already on in some of those lower down. Those toward the top of the mountain were washed in a wan yellow glow from the light of overhead clouds still fingered by rays of the sinking sun, below the mountain horizon. �John Foster West 67 The road swung left off the golf course at a small sentinel kiosk, which was empty. A hundred yards farther along the base of the mountain, Grayhound Lodge sprawled along the edge of the golf course, a rambling structure built of native stone and rough, brown-stained timber. A small red flag with a black Grayhound's head on it fluttered from a staff above the cedar shake roof. The receptionist, a comely lady in her forties, sat behind a small service window in the wall, to the right of the entrance hallway, several coat racks in the room behind her. She watched Anna curiously as she entered and approached her. "Good evening," Anna greeted. She presented the DeVoss membership card. The woman glanced at it, then smiled brightly. "Oh, yes, the DeVoss family. And you are—" "I'm the daughter-in-law. I'm—was Pete's wife." The woman's face lost its smile. "Yes, Pete! We were terribly sorry to hear about him. He was well liked." Then the smile returned. "I'm Betty. I'm pleased to meet you, Mrs. DeVoss." She paused. "Were you planning to have dinner?" "I wanted to, if possible," she said. "I'm famished." "Did—did you have a reservation?" "No. You see, there's no phone at the DeVoss cabin, and I decided on the spur of the moment to come." �68 The Summer People "I remember, the DeVoss family never had a telephone." The receptionist looked serious for a moment. "Let me see." She picked up the phone and dialed three numbers, spoke briefly to someone in the dining room. Placing the phone back, she smiled. "No problem tonight, fortunately. There had been a cancellation. You just go into the dining room and George will seat you." "Thank you." Anna smiled and turned quickly away, making her way down the hallway before some special catastrophe could cheat her of the dinner she craved so much. She sat at a table for two in the far corner of the dim-lit dining room. A third of the tables were empty, but they all had RESERVED cards on them. The others were filled with patrons, from two to eight in the party. Several diners had looked at her curiously as she followed the head waiter alone across the floor. Three tables away, to her right, two men and a woman dined, the husband or date of the woman, obviously, with his back to Anna. She caught the extra man watching her two or three times, and once she was sure he had said something about her to the woman, who looked Anna's way. He was a dark executive type, around thirty-five, dressed in a white dinner jacket. She forgot her neighbors when her waiter approached and handed her a wine list. "I'm not in �John Foster West 69 the mood for wine," she told him. "Could I have a cocktail of some kind?" "Do you have a locker, ma'am?" The waiter leaned stiffly toward her. "I mean, in this state, ma'am, they don't have open bars yet. You have to furnish your own liquor." "Yes, I see," Anna nodded. "I had forgotten. I'm on the DeVoss card. I'm sure the DeVosses must have a locker." "I'll check, ma'am." He bowed slightly and turned away, almost performing an about-face, returning to the bar, out of sight beyond the other end of the dining room. In a few minutes he was back. "Yes, there is a DeVoss locker, ma'am." He smiled, extending a small slip of paper with printing on it, along with a pen. "You'll have to sign this. It gives the bartender permission to open the locker, if you don't mind." Then he added, "Of course, if you'd rather do it yourself—" "That's fine." She tried to read the print on the slip, but the candlelight was too dim. She gave up and signed it, handing it back to the waiter. "I'd like something light, please," she said. "Like a whiskey sour." "Very good. A whiskey sour, ma'am." The salad was delicious, the baked potato smothered in sour cream was fattening but worth every calorie, and the prime rib, medium rare, was exactly what she had needed. Anna ate slowly, feel- �70 The Summer People ing her hunger gradually dwindle and disappear. It was 10:30 before she had finished the meal. She suspected without making an issue of it that she was prolonging her visit here among people she could relate to, delaying her return to the lonely cabin. Yet she had no desire to meet any of the members of the lodge—not tonight anyway. Her coffee and dessert—cheese cake two inches thick— lasted another half-hour. When the waiter brought Anna her check, she asked if she might visit the bar for a while and pay for the meal and drink at the same time. He assured her she could and left with the check, heading back toward the bar. She left a tip and followed the waiter. She felt content and was satisfied with the service. The tables in the narrow little lounge were all filled, but the bar stools were empty except for the one at the near end, occupied by a bald man in a dark suit, who looked as though he might be some kind of manager. Anna made her way down the narrow passage among the tables, aware of several curious glances from the summer people, who probably knew each other, and selected the stool on the far end of the bar from the other occupant. The bartender, a heavy, sandy-haired young man in a red livery jacket, came over to where she sat. His white jowls jiggled in rhythm to the shaker in his hands. "Evening, Mrs. Devoss." He smiled, �John Foster West 71 his teeth as broad as white grains of corn. "I'm Tony. What could I serve you?" "I'd like a brandy, Tony, if we have any in the locker." He frowned, his round face going sad. "I'm afraid there's no brandy of any kind in your locker, ma'am. Perhaps I could find a remnant someone left—" "Was—is there any Jack Daniels?" His face brightened like the full moon appearing from behind a cloud. "Yes, ma'am. There's at least half a fifth. Black label." "Then give me Jack Daniels and branch water, Tony. Okay?" "Okay, ma'am. Coming right up." Anna sipped at her drink and studied the bottles on the shelves back of the bar. She tried to see how many labels she could read without squinting. She did not pay any attention to the man who sat down on the second stool away until he spoke to her. "All alone tonight," he said or asked, she could not tell which. She lowered the glass and turned to look at him. It was the same man she had noticed in the dining room. Italian derivative, she thought, or something like that. Maybe central Europe ancestors, not that it mattered in the melting pot that was America. His nose was Romanesque, project- �72 The Summer People ing from between heavy brows as thick as hedge rows. He would have had a cold, commanding face had it not been for his eyes. They were brown and gentle as a beagle pup's, she thought. Anna flashed him a stiff smile. "Just me and Harvey, here." She embraced a huge, invisible figure on the stool to her left. For a moment, he stared quizzically at her. Then he grinned. "It was a rather naive gambit, wasn't it?" "I thought so," Anna replied, and took another sip of her drink. Tony approached, polishing a glass and smiling. "Mrs. DeVoss, this is Mr. Grunwald," he said. Anna cut at the bartender with a narrow look. She could have kicked his legs from beneath him. "How do you do, Mrs. DeVoss," the man said. "As Tony gratuitously stated, I am Mrs. DeVoss." He looked at her in puzzlement. Then he leaned toward her. "I'm a direct man, Mrs. DeVoss. Let me explain. I'm not trying to pick you up. This is not some big city bar. We are a rather close group here. About everyone knows everyone else. I realized you were a stranger and thought I'd drop by the bar and say howdy." Anna set her glass down and turned farther toward him. "I'm sorry. I guess it's my old defense mechanism. I didn't particularly feel like conversation tonight, and I really was trying to discourage you." "I understand how you feel," he nodded. His �John Foster West 73 voice was deep and resonant. Tony brought him a drink and he took it, sipped. "I wondered about the Mrs., though, since you wear no rings." Anna resented the implied question but let it pass. "I'm a widow," she said. "Oh, I'm sorry." He stared into his glass a moment, then said, "You going to be around here long?" "I have no idea." "I'm unattached, myself," Mark Grunwald stated. "Could I call you sometime?" "Would you believe I don't have a telephone where I'm staying?" She smiled an especially sweet smile. He studied her, his brown eyes sadder than ever. "No, I wouldn't." he said. "That would be hard to believe." He got up and left the bar, leaving his drink almost untouched. Anna felt a little bit of a bitch in a way, although she was pleased too. And she had told him the truth about the telephone. Her rejection could not have been more civilized or more effective. Pete would chuckle when she told him—She cut the thought short, startled. She had not thought about Pete in that way in a long time. She wondered whether she was too intoxicated to drive back to the cabin. �Chapter V Around eleven on Sunday morning, Anna left the cabin, intending to cruise around and see a few of the tourist attractions in the area. Thunder clouds sputtered and rumbled around the horizon, especially to the west, although the sky overhead was clear, except for haycock clouds tumbling east and switching the sunlight off and on. She drove west (or was it southwest?) past the turnoff to Grayhound Lodge, climbing the long grade into Avery County. Grandfather Mountain jutted skyward, across the valley to her left, its rocky Scot profile etched against the sky. She could make out the mile-high bridge swinging between what she took to be the lip and chin and decided she would drive up there for a look-see. In the beautiful little vacation village of Linville a man in new overalls leaning against the wall of a closed service station told her she could take U.S. 221 towards Blowing Rock, drive about two and a half miles, and come to the ticket gate and roadway leading to the top of Grandfather, on her left. But by the time she climbed the slope of the Blue Ridge and reached the gate, she had changed 74 �John Foster West 75 her mind and continued along the winding little highway. A short distance beyond, she came to a construction area. Engineers were in the process of building the last link of the Blue Ridge Parkway along the eastern flank of Grandfather, a link which had waited for almost fifty years. But today, Sunday, everything was quiet. On impulse, Anna turned right onto the southern end of the Parkway. For a hundred yards or so she drove cautiously over the rough roadbed, newly constructed, until she came to the old paved road. Then she continued at the posted speed of 45. The cool mountain air stirred her short hair, cooling her face and arms, and the sun was a warm infrared bulb just above her head. Wildflowers flanked the right-of-way in gaudy profusion, oxeye daisies, queen Anne's lace, and clumps of what looked to her like goldenrod. Occasionally, she passed grassy pastures and bordering meadows filled with such a variety of flowers it was hard to distinguish one of them from another. Suddenly, bone-gray rail fences lined the Parkway and funneled off into a side road to the left. A sign indicated that Linville Falls Camp Ground and Linville Falls were in that direction. With no traffic to interfere, she made an impulsive turn to the left on squealing tires. She passed the campground on the right and about a mile farther came to a dead end in a parking area. Several vehicles were already parked there—an orange Volks- �76 The Summer People wagen bug, two camping vans, a pickup camper from Canada, a pickup, several American gas guzzlers, and a ranger's car. A family of six children and their parents was eating lunch out of the back of the green Ford pickup, carefully disposing of their refuse in a large paper bag a little girl had assumed custody of. The vehicle carried an Oregon license plate. Anna parked and walked toward the footbridge which spanned the rush of Linville River at that point. She wondered if the stream was polluted or just murky from recent rains. A young ranger stood on the bridge, his hands braced on the railing, and stared down into the stream. He was so damned good looking in his uniform, so boyishly masculine, Anna felt a sudden response deep inside and was startled by it. She stopped near him. "Hi!" she said. He was already smiling as he turned his head, and she was aware, resenting the fact, that she was probably only the latest of many pretty women who had approached him that day. He was a Boy Scout who had been touched by his fairy godmother's wand and turned into a ranger in a flash. "How far do you have to walk to reach the falls?" she asked. The ranger touched the brim of his hat. "All the way, lady," he said solemnly. Then he laughed. "I'm sorry. I've been asked that five times since I've �John Foster West 77 been standing here on this bridge. I've been saving that answer for someone special." "Why didn't you save it till next season?" Anna smiled, feeling a bit put down and stupid because his answer had bothered her. "I apologize, really. It's a half mile walk, maybe." His eyes flickered toward her legs, below her red, white, and blue striped skirt and back to her face so fast she hardly caught the movement. "You'll enjoy it. Families with small children walk it all the time. It's a beautiful trail. Rough in places, though. Watch your step." "Thank you. You've probably talked me into walking my legs off, but here goes." "Ma'am," he said, "that would be a pity." His voice was so solemn, Anna had to laugh. "Aw, go—catch a crippled fish!" she retorted, and passed him. Somehow, she felt better, not so alone as before. She glanced at the light ring of flesh around her finger where her engagement and wedding rings had been. It was beginning to darken and disappear. It was indeed a pleasant walk, at least the first three-fourths of it, along a trail wide enough for a truck. Most of the trees were of medium height and of such a variety Anna could not begin to identify more than the most common ones, such as oak and pine. But here and there among them, giant oaks, white pines, and poplars towered toward the sky, along with another kind she believed to be hem- �78 The Summer People lock, taller than the cedars, with a mass of branches curving downward and out, supporting green fronds which turned the day into twilight beneath them. Tall enough for a mast on Noah's ark, she thought. They were the remnants of a virgin forest, she guessed, and what a sad remainder. The forest here in pioneer days must have been something to behold. Shaggy carpets of fern grew on either side of the wide trail, nice gardens for the wee folk Pete had told her about. There was a scattering of wildflowers, visited tentatively by a few yellow and black butterflies. About two-thirds of the way to the falls, the trail curled to the right, spreading into a small clearing in which a water fountain and a comfort station were located. Dropping away to the left, almost incidentally, a narrow, damp, and rocky foot trail etched its way along the slope of the ridge, leading gradually downward toward an ever-increasing roar of water. Here, the air was heavy with a cool dampness, as though Anna walked the corridor of a cave. Narrow stone steps led downward to a chaos of stone split asunder by roaring water. Upstream, a segment of Linville Falls spilled over a low stone bluff in twin fans of foaming water, an island of rock between them, and filled a quiet pool some fifty feet across. From there, the stream funneled into a narrow flume cut through bleached, stratified stone—she could see the layers clearly—and circled to the right, falling swiftly in a �John Foster West 79 white skein of foam and water. It made another turn to the left, completing the S-conformation, to disappear beneath the lip of a massive peninsula thrust out above it toward the cliff on her right. From beyond the last turn, Anna could hear a deeper roar as the water churned downward through the trough of Linville Gorge, the right hand cliff of which towered above the 3,000 foot elevation where she stood (a plaque by the stone steps had indicated the altitude). Linville Gorge, Pete had once told her, was the most rugged slice of wilderness left in eastern America. He had backpacked in there once and felt as though he had gone backward two hundred years. Ten or twelve tourists, from an old couple to toddling babes, were working their way about the rocky platform above the rapids like ants on bread crumbs, doing tourist things like taking pictures, talking, and risking their lives by leaning out too far above the water. A young woman in green shorts was telling the old lady that a nine-year-old boy had fallen into the rapids a few months back and his body had not been found for several days. While she was talking, the five-year-old boy, whose hand she had just released, leaned far out over the stream to get a better look. Bracing her hands against the same parapet, Anna leaned out and stared downward into the moiling water. She shuddered. She tried to imagine the terror of the little boy as he shot downward, hurled from rock wall �80 The Summer People to rock wall until he lost consciousness. It was beyond her imagination. A whirling green landscape, seen through a plane's canopy, came rushing at her, and she covered her eyes, wiping it out. When Anna returned to the parking area and was about to get into her car, she saw the ranger she had encountered earlier. He was talking with a big woman with dyed red hair, but excused himself when he saw Anna and hurried toward her, smiling brightly. "How did you like it?" He stood with feet apart, hands clasped behind him, like a soldier at ease. "It really was a beautiful walk," she said. "And the falls are really—terrifying and beautiful." He looked thoughtful. "I've never heard them described like that before. But I know what you mean. You're from Virginia, I see." Anna smiled her tight defensive smile. "At least my car is, isn't it?" "Come on, now," the ranger laughed. "I told you I was sorry. After all, I did save my smart comment especially for you." "I was kidding. Yes, I'm from Norfolk." She slammed the door and started the engine. "Where does the name Linville come from?" "A man named Linville and his son were attacked and left for dead by local Indians back around 1776. They survived by eating blackberries and holding onto an old nag the Indians had left behind." �John Foster West 81 Anna frowned and shuddered. "What a way to become immortal!" He laughed. "Where are you staying? Close by?" She looked upward into his tilted face. "Watauga County," she stated. She slipped into reverse. His face became a mask of seriousness. "Well, have a good day, ma'am." He touched the brim of his hat. "You ought to try the Mineral Museum and Crabtree Falls, farther south." "Thank you, but some other day." She backed out and left him staring after her, the rearview mirror catching the puzzled frown on his handsome face. Anna laughed softly, feeling suddenly good. The following Monday night was so cool, Anna built a small fire in the fireplace, from wood she had found piled behind the cabin, and sat on the black bearskin rug before it, with the lights out, sipping brandy and listening to soft music from the radio. She wore only a thin mint-colored shortie gown and her panties, but she was quite comfortable near the fire. She was fascinated by the patterns forming and shifting in the flames and stared at them a long time, her mind in neutral, only her senses of sight, taste, and sound emphasized (her sense of touch, too, of course, her buttocks and feet in contact with the hairy rug)—hearing, because the cabin and the forest around it were abso- �82 The Summer People lutely quiet, except for the soft whisper and crackle of the flames and the music: taste, the bite of her drink; sight, the flames. She might have been on a small island isolated from the planet earth, so far as her senses were concerned. Once she tugged at the hem of her gown, glancing toward the slateblack surface of a window, then forgot the gesture. She thought of the young ranger (had he been a park or a forest ranger?) and laughed in a sudden swell of merriment that stopped abruptly. She was surprised at the loudness of her voice in the almost silent cabin, and it startled her momentarily. But she continued to smile at the flickering flames. She thought of Mark Grunwald, wearing coat and tie— she could not imagine him in work clothes—and in a brief flash she remembered Jay Webber in his country garb leaning with his hand braced against a tree in the yard, squinting up at her on the deck. This memory was followed by a rapid train of men she had known casually and had looked at more than twice in the last two years, their faces flashing by her as their heads rode an invisible assembly belt out of the darkness and back into darkness: a male colleague back in Norfolk, the manager of the club she sometimes frequented, her sister's husband, one of Pete's old friends who dropped by her apartment occasionally, the young druggist who dispensed her pills, a state congressman who lived on her hall—on and on until they dwindled into blank faces like flesh-colored balloons. �John Foster West 83 Her situation was ideal for a romantic interlude here tonight—the sequestered cabin, good brandy, music, a fire in the fireplace, a pretty woman (she knew she was pretty). Then why was she so damned content, so satisfied with herself under those conditions, all alone? She was content. She wore a cloak of tranquility she had not known for a long time. She was completely content to sit there sipping brandy, listening, and watching the fire. At the moment, she did not want to be with anyone else or to be anywhere else. Maybe being alone so much was getting to be an unchangeable routine. Maybe these mountains were working a spell on her. Then she thought of the handsome ranger and of Mark Grunwald, and she swallowed a bitter little lump that formed in her throat. When the fire died down to embers, she returned to her bedroom and switched on the light. For an instant she stared at the face of the strange young man who watched her from the photograph frame on her dresser. Where had she known him before, her groggy mind asked. After preparing to retire, she raised the window beside her bed as high as it would go, removed her gown, and slept in a cocoon of warmth beneath a blanket and the patchwork quilt, with summer colors in its design. Thursday was more like April than June, the sky a Duke University blue, almost violet. The slight stirring of a breeze was refreshingly cool �84 The Summer People when Anna encountered it in the sunshine, almost chilly when it caressed her in the shade. For breakfast, she fried country sausage spiced with red pepper and ate the patties between canned biscuits, drinking coffee so hot it almost scorched her tongue. While she was eating, it occurred to her that she ought to run over and visit Mrs. Webber. The old lady might expect it, and she did not want to seem like a cityfied snob, even if they had never met. Besides, the walk would do her good. She dressed in blue jeans and a khaki sleeveless shirt, then selected a putter from the golf bag she had found in a storage closet. The club was an afterthought. Most country folk, she knew, had one or more dogs, and she did not want to look stupid by backing against a tree with her hands up in surrender while some asinine dog barked at her. She had no use for the putter except as a weapon. Long ago, she had become convinced that no one honestly liked T.S. Eliot, Scotch whiskey, or golf. Pete had once announced that he could not understand how a big, mature man could swing one time at a little white ball and then have to walk or ride a mile before he got to hit it again. Anna strolled along the Ridge Road looking about her. Far to the west and north, a rim of bluegreen hills spanned an arc of Holy Rood Valley. Beyond them were higher, bluer mountains, and somewhere beyond them, she knew, lay Tennessee. The ridge sloped off at first gradually to the north, �John Foster West 85 then more steeply, ending in a hedge of forest she assumed paralleled Watauga River. Farther downstream, the trees puddled into a circular woods, through whose foliage she could discern a cleared space and what looked like the dark roof of a large house. Closer to her, cattle grazed, the cows with udders so small she knew they were for beef. In the near distance, two horses grazed, one red and the other a darker brown. They looked like Tennessee walkers, but they were so far away, she could not be sure. The Webber farmhouse was an elongated structure, one end nestled into the slope with a stone foundation, the other end projecting out over the incline, below which had been built what looked like a stone basement, except most of it was above ground. The uphill section of the farmhouse was two stories high and looked to be decades older than the downhill addition. Beyond the house, Anna could see a barn and several other outbuildings. She gripped the putter a bit more firmly as she approached, but the beautiful Irish setter that appeared from around the house trotted toward her with tongue lolling and tail wagging. He sniffed at Anna's knees, and she stopped to ruffle the hair of his head. When Anna was within fifty feet of the steps, which climbed the slope toward the front door, she stopped. A white hen came into view around the end of the house, clucking and strutting, followed �86 The Summer People by a dozen yellow "biddies." The last chicks were followed immediately by a girl of ten with long red hair, who would squat to inspect them, then leap to her feet and follow them, laughing, when they ran to catch up with the rest of the brood. As Anna walked quickly toward the girl, the mother hen threw up her head to see if she were a hawk, then went on about her business of feeding the chicks. "Good morning," Anna called as she approached. The girl turned and studied Anna without interest for a moment, holding her right hand over her eyes to shade them. She wore a thin print dress and was barefooted. "Is your mother home?" Anna asked. "Whereabouts else would she a-went to?" the girl asked solemnly. At first Anna was offended, thinking the child was being smart with her. Then she realized it was a simple and adequate answer to her question. "Is your mother in the house?" "No'm." The little girl shook her head. "She's in the garden dustin her mater plants." She turned and pointed toward the barn. Anna found the garden on the ridge above the barn, with a weathered white-oak paling fence around it. Mrs. Webber was a large woman in a faded cotton dress, wearing an old-fashioned sun bonnet. She walked from one tomato plant to the next shaking a canister above them. Dust sifted �John Foster West 87 down and settled on the leaves of the plants like gray ashes. Anna could see rows of onions, garden peas, and corn crossing the garden, none of the plants large, here in the mountains, for June 11. Obviously, the growing season ran much later here above 3000 feet than in Princess Anne County, now Virginia Beach, the bedroom of the Norfolk area. Mrs. Webber, glancing up, discovered Anna before she reached the garden. She set her dusting can on the ground, stripped off her work gloves, dropped them beside it, and strode toward the garden gate, smiling. She met Anna with outstretched hand and pumped Anna's as energetically as a man might have. Despite her bonnet and its deep visor, the older woman's face looked like kid leather which had been seasoned and tanned countless summers. Neat brown wrinkles circled her eyes and extended down her cheeks like contour furrows plowed by a careful farmer. Her eyes were dark blue and sparkled with good humor. "Well, howdy!" she said, shaking Anna's hand. "You must be Annar, Pete's widder. We all have mortally loved the DeVosses. They was fine folks, fine neighbors. I regret I didn't get to visit Maud before she had to hurry back to her ailing sis." "It's good to meet you, Mrs. Webber," Anna said. "You—you've got a pretty garden there." "Well, yes, but it's a mite late this year. March and May swapped places, near about. March was a �88 The Summer People pleasure, warm as could be, but May turned out to be cold and frosty. Had to keep my mater plants in the pots the longest time, this year." She looked Anna up and down. "I vow, Jay give you a good description. You are a mighty purty young woman." Anna was suddenly embarrassed, even more than if a strange man had complimented her. "Well, thank you," she stammered, feeling a bit silly for it. "I—I don't work at it very hard." "They's the purtiest kind, them that's naturally purty. Pete was a fine young'un." She paused and looked past Anna at the distant hills. U A fine young man. We grieved to hear about him. Looks like the Good Lord takes the wheat sometimes and leaves the tares." "Yeah," Anna nodded, "Pete was a fine man. He talked about you-all often, with—" (She did not want to sound corny) "—with affection." "Well, you know he practically growed up hereabouts in the summer-time. He's walked and dumb all over these hills and rid our hosses from here to yander. Him and Jay was like brothers." "Yeah, he told me how much he loved Holy Rood Valley." "I ain't being neighborly a-tall," the older woman affirmed. "Won't you come into the house and set a spell? I got some good ice tea in the frigerator." "Thank you, Mrs. Webber, but I'll take a rain �John Foster West 89 check on it. I was out walking and just thought I'd drop by and chat a moment. You finish your work while you're at it, and I'll visit another time." "Well, all right. But you jest wait till my maters are ripe. You still here, I'll let you have a passel." "Thanks, I'll like that." "Annar, do you ride hossback?" "Yes, ma'am," Anna nodded, puzzled. "I grew up on a dairy farm. I had a pony when I was ten." "Well, I told Jay you was lonely most like, over at that cabin by yourself, day in day out. I told him to stop messin around and take you for a hossback ride one of these purty days. He didn't say so, but he lets on that he would like to accommodate you." "That would be nice," Anna said. "I would really enjoy that. Well, it was good to meet you." Mrs. Webber seized her hand again and shook it. "You jest come on back any old time you get lonesome. I know what it's like to lose your man. World's all of a sudden twice as big and emptier'n a martin gourd. You come back, and I'll stop and set with you, even if the house is on fire." (She pronounced it far). "Thank you, Mrs. Webber—" "Lordy, jest call me Marthie. We don't stand on no ceremony up here in these mountains." "Well, bye, Mrs.—Martha." "You come back, now. If Hilder sets out to foller you, don't mind. Jest shoo her on back. She's a accident of my late years. She's a mite liking, some- �90 The Summer People times, but she minds good. Jest telPer I'm a-calling her, and she'll come a-runnin." Anna's brow furrowed. Then she decided that Mrs. Webber had meant lacking when she said liking and that she was talking about the girl Anna had seen playing with the chicks. "All right," Anna agreed. "I'll tell her. Bye, now." When she passed the house, the girl Mrs. Webber had called Hilder —meaning Hilda, probably—stood on the steps watching her pass, her face reflecting wonderment. Anna did not speak to her for fear the girl would follow her, and she would have to go through the ceremony of lying to her. Anna resented having to tell even a little lie for a good reason. When she heard the loud knock on the door Wednesday morning, while she was drinking her second cup of coffee, she knew Jay Webber would be standing there with a freckled fist raised to knock again, as she opened the door. She put down the cup, crossed the floor, and opened the door. The pattern had ended. Jay lounged on the edge of the deck stroking the muzzle of the darker of the two horses that stood in the yard. He looked from her jeans to her face and grinned. "What happened to your granny's bathrobe?" "I slept with my clothes on last night. What're you doing up so bright and early?" �John Foster West 91 "It's 9:30." "I repeat, so bright and early?" "Thought I'd go for a little ride," he said. "A morning horseback ride whets the appetite." "You ride one and take the other along as a spare?" She leaned against the door facing, her ankles crossed. He did not respond to her kidding but looked into the woods beyond the cabin, then at the wall above her head. "I thought maybe you—It occurred to me—Well, hell," he frowned. "Mamma suggested—" "That I was lonely and might like to go riding?" "Yes," he nodded too many times. "That's the gospel truth. She told me to, and no excuses. I just didn't feel like telling you Mamma sent me." "That's great! Don't sweat it. If you have the hay to mow, just show me which horse is mine. We'll get along." "Oh, no! I mean no. You might—What I mean is, I'm free this morning. I'd be glad to go along, show you some places, if you don't mind." "That would be fine, Jay. Wait on me for a few minutes, will you?" Later, she came out of the house and closed the door as he led the horses to the steps. The darker mount had a blaze face and was a gelding. The red one was a mare. "Can I help you—" "No, thanks. I can mount," she said quickly. �92 The Summer People Jay swung into the saddle and watched Anna mount. "Mine is named Donner," he explained. "Yours is Blitzen." Anna laughed. "I'm afraid to ask." He chuckled. "No, we sold Rudolph." He was quiet a moment. "Seriously, Hilda named them, and we didn't have the heart to change them." They turned up the driveway toward the Ridge Road. "They look a little bit like Tennessee walkers," she ventured. "They have Tennessee blood," he agreed. "But don't let them know. I like the way they canter." �Chapter VI They crossed the side of the ridge, well below the Webber house, and came to the bottom of the slope where woods began. Here, the pasture fence consisted of rusty barbed wire, with bars made of rails, allowing an exit into a grassy wagon road beyond. Jay Webber swung down from his saddle, let one end of the bars down, and led his mount through. Anna followed, and the bars were replaced. "This used to be a cornfield years ago." Jay, back on his mount, gestured to indicate the surrounding woods. "When we stopped tending it, trees began to take back the land. Do you notice anything unusual about them—the trees?" Anna looked about her, a puzzled frown on her face. "Yes, most of them are the same kind. I mean, I see a few maples and sassafras, but most of them are those trees with little oval leaves growing on stems. I believe they're called pinnate leaves, in botany." "Give the lady a gold-plated maple leaf," Jay called. "Those are black locusts. Hundreds of fields and pastures have returned to forest in the moun93 �94 The Summer People tain counties. Most of the time you can tell them in this county from the other trees. Black locust trees are hardy and so damned prolific they don't give other trees much of a chance. Sometimes I get aggravated at 'em and saw down a section of them with a chain saw and start oaks and poplars and maples and such like in the clearing." "You sound like a horticulturist," Anna said. "I am. Also a geologist, a bugologist, what have you. You can't grow up on a farm with your eyes open and not know a lot about a lot of things. It's a special education." "Yes, I know." They were riding flank to flank down the wagon road. Now and then one or the other leaned to the side to avoid a limb thrust farther out into the road than the others. "I grew up on a farm. I suppose I've forgotten a great deal of what I learned." "You would." He turned his head and looked at her. "You've got to keep one foot on the land." He was silent a moment, then added, "And be half in love with it." "I remember black locust was what Sandy MacTavish's coffin is made of," Anna said suddenly. Jay Webber laughed. "Did old man Sparr tell you that story? Yeah, farmers make posts out of black locust because a post will stay in the ground for years without rotting." They rode in silence for several minutes. Anna was puzzled. Jay Webber did not talk like his �John Foster West 95 mother and the other mountain farmers she had heard. He was probably a product of television English, but that did not account for the way he thought. She shrugged and let the subject drop, as she reined into a bridle path leading away from the wagon road to the right. They passed from the thickety jungle of black locust trees into an older forest, large oaks, hickories, and poplars towering above the sourwood and dogwood saplings, like adults above children. Sunlight hardly penetrated here at all. There was an almost chilly dampness, as though the forest season did not include a June summer. The horses' hooves were muffled by a carpet of dead leaves. Anna rode behind Jay now, neither of them speaking. She watched his shoulders and erect head as they moved only slightly, in rhythm with his mount's movements, like an appendage of the animal's back. After a quarter of a mile, the trunks of the trees seemed to dwindle in size, and their crests huddled ground ward. The skeleton-white and gray trunks of birches began to assert themselves, with here and there a larger sycamore, none of which were thick or limby with age. The terrain had leveled out, too. Instinctively, Anna had known the river would be close ahead, before she heard the gushing water. Near the river bank, the trail forked, one branch turning left, downstream, the other, upstream. Without comment, Jay Webber turned in that direction, Anna close behind. �96 The Summer People They came out of the woods and into sunlight abruptly. The bridle path bisected a three-acre field, part of which was a garden green with onions, tomato plants, corn, and other vegetables. But Anna hardly noticed the growing things. She stared ahead at the huge two-story mansion standing on a weed-choked lawn. The building had been painted white once, but was now gray. The roof had originally been red tile, but the color had darkened, patches of graygreen lichen and moss scabbing it here and there, a blight of old age. The architecture was box-like and simple here in the rear, enclosed between double chimneys like bookends. Although the house gave the impression of long duration, the windows were unbroken and the shutters hung straight on their hinges. Out to the right, near the forest edge, stood an ancient log barn. Near it, the smaller outbuildings had collapsed into a black mass of rotting timber, vines and weeds growing out of them. Jay Webber rode straight across the field. All Anna could see from her saddle was the horse's rump and Jay's back. Jay projected upward like the fore part of the same animal, the sun making a halo about his golden hair. Near the house, Jay reined toward the barn, Anna following, but he stopped beneath an ancient pear tree, one fork of which was dead, and dismounted. He tied the reins of his mount loosely about a limb. Anna swung from the saddle and �John Foster West 97 collapsed into his arms. Jay reacted swiftly as he caught her. She was on her feet instantly and looked at him defensively. "Damn, I haven't ridden in years," she muttered. "I'm completely out of shape." He took the reins of the mare and tied them about another limb. "That'll happen," he said. "You'll probably be sore tomorrow." Suddenly, the world was filled with music. Anna stepped backward and looked upward. A mockingbird sat on the topmost twig in the green half of the pear tree, his head back, using every bird sound in his repertoire. A cardinal flickered from one branch to another, lower down. Anna lowered her head. It was as though some impulse had turned up the volume of the receiver in her head. The fields and trees around the old house were filled with birds singing. From the apple tree near the farthest edge of the lawn, from the ragged grape arbor toward the river, from the shaggy boxwood clumps arose a variety of bird voices, and below it all, in a miniature bass background, a myriad of honeybees droned about the red clover, brilliant blue chicory blossoms, and dandelions growing wild in last year's dead broomsedge, covering what had once been a landscaped lawn. And the air was filled with a sweet perfume. She knew the honeysuckle vines embracing one of the decaying outbuildings would be there before she turned to look at them. �98 The Summer People The mansion faced upriver, up the wagon road cut through the fallow field between the river and the base of the ridge. Six massive wooden columns reared upward from the narrow front porch to support an extension of the roof, high above. Heavy double doors were set in the middle of the house, windows on either side and above. Even from where she stood, Anna could see the brick steps from the porch to a walk, which disappeared into the jungle of dead and green broomsedge and weeds, halfway across the lawn. Jay Webber had not spoken for several minutes. Anna guessed he was waiting to see what effect the place had on her. She turned, sucking in a gasp of air when a quail leaped from the grass and darted away, its wings drumming the air. "Well, what do you think of Riverglade?" he asked, finally. "I don't think anything," she said. "I might tell you part of what I feel." "Then tell me." "I feel nostalgia for a past I was no part of. I feel sad because it's dead. But I'm also a little annoyed. I resent the owner of this place, whoever he is, leaving it in this condition. Damnit, it's—obscene. It's like leaving a corpse to rot in the sun. Corpses ought to be cremated, or they ought to be buried with loving care." He turned his head to look at her, his eyes nar- �John Foster West 99 rowed thoughtfully. "What would you want him to do—the owner?" "Either burn the place down," she said emphatically, "or fix it the hell up. I know fifty families that would grab the opportunity to live in one or two of its rooms." Jay Webber chuckled. "You have very strong opinions, don't you, ma'am?" "I despise waste," Anna said. "And I abhor wasted beauty." She started to put it in words that he would understand, but he interrupted. "You think the old place is really beautiful?" "Yes," she nodded. "Because of what it used to be and could be again." They reached the house, and she stood on the bottom step facing him. As he stood on the walk, their eyes were almost level. "There could be a good reason for the neglect," he argued. "I can't imagine what." "Suppose, for example, it has been tied up in litigation, between two branches of a family, and neither was allowed to touch it." "That would explain it," Anna agreed. "But what a stupid way to treat it! It's like King Solomon dividing the baby, in a way." Jay opened one of the double doors and let her enter in front of him. She stopped so suddenly, staring about her, that Jay collided with her. They were in a rectangular foyer as neat as the outside �100 The Summer People was ragged. Directly across from the doors, ten feet of wall separated two enclosed stairways, which led upward, directly away from her. A tall grandfather clock, polished but silent, stood against the wall between the stairways. The oak floor had been waxed recently. Arched doorways led from the foyer into the left and right areas of the house. Taking her by the elbow, Jay escorted Anna across the floor, stopping in front of the grandfather clock. "What do you notice about it?" he asked. "It's run by weights," she said. "But it's not running. The weight reached the bottom on the left chain and was never transferred to the right-hand one." She smiled. "I know how the old fellow feels sometime." "Right. Look at his face." "It not only tells time, but the date." "Notice the date?" "It stopped on January 10, 1919, at 4:34 a.m. or p.m. That must have been the precise second the weight touched bottom." "You're a bright little detective." He rested his hand briefly on her shoulder. She turned toward him. "I'm more curious about the inside of the building," she said. "I mean, the condition compared to the lawn. It looks as though someone is still living here, taking care of the interior." "There is." He grinned. "Ghosts!" "Aw, come on!" Anna laughed, then shud- �John Foster West 101 dered. "Ghosts don't wax floors and polish grandfather clocks." With a slight touch of his fingers, he steered her toward the arched entrance to the left of the front door. They entered a large dining room, furnished with an elongated oval dining table in the center of the room, mahogany, she was sure. There was a china cabinet, ladderback chairs, and a huge fireplace, with an iron crane for fireplace cooking. A stack of firewood lay against the wall to one side. The kitchen and pantry were back of the dining room, a large wood-burning range dominating the kitchen. Back in the dining room, Anna noticed two kerosene lamps, one on the hewn log mantel and one in the middle of the dining table. Above the mantel was a weird painting. Anna stared at it. In brilliant colors, birds with small human heads sat in the green half of a tree, a huge black vulture looking down at them from its perch high in the dead half, gnarled human hands clutching its perch. A brilliant sun with teeth like a buzzsaw shot across the dark blue sky, a comet tail behind it. She turned to ask Jay about it, but he had returned to the foyer. When she joined him there, he said, "I'll bet you can't figure out why they built two stairways leading upstairs so close together." "I can't imagine." She shook her head, then turned to him with a smile. "Unless upstairs is a duplex." �102 The Summer People He grimaced. "Damn, you're uncanny. The two halves of the house upstairs are completely separated. You have to come down here from one half to enter the other half. What I mean is, why would a sane human being divide his house like that?" "You've got me." She shrugged. "Unless the right half didn't know what the left half was doing." "My grandfather Lance Webber had five daughters and four sons. He was a hell-and-damnation, self-ordained part-time preacher. Even while his sons and daughters were still children, around 1905, he had the old family house remodeled. The left wing of the upstairs became the boy's quarters and right wing, the girl's quarters. The old bastard didn't trust them sleeping on the same hall. He even tore the story of Lot and his daughters out of the family Bible." "Even my parents were never that evilminded," Anna said, "and I thought they were bad enough." "Well, Grandpappy had got him a spawn of three with neighbors' daughters when he wasn't any more than sixteen. So he knew the temptations of the flesh." "Those poor children!" Anna sighed. "I can't imagine what their lives must have been like." "Come on, let me show you something." She followed him up the right-hand stairway. At the top, it doubled back into a landing, from which a hallway extended, dividing the house from �John Foster West 103 there to an end window. Four closed doors faced each other, two on either side of the hallway. Jay stopped at the first door and tapped it lightly with his knuckles. "This was the master bedroom. The parents slept in this wing with the daughters, Guardians of Virtue." He moved to the next one, on the same side, and opened the door. Anna followed him into a neat bedroom with chintzy curtains, floral wallpaper, and a colorful hooked rug. In the far corner stood a double bed, its gingham canopy trimmed with lacy frills. "I'd say this is—was definitely a room for girls," Anna stated. "A bit gaudy but feminine." "This was the bedroom of Alace and Susan," Jay explained, "the two oldest daughters." "If I ever have children—" she started to say. Turning her head, she could glimpse Jay Webber's face in the gloom. There was an expression on his face she would have recognized, even if she had never seen it on a man's face before. "Remember, you promised to wait until I return," the ghost in her brain whispered. She swallowed. Clinching her fists, she turned away from him and hurried through the doorway and down the hall. Jay followed her, saying nothing. When they reached the bottom of the stairs, he stopped. "About the clock," he said. She turned, touched his arm, then let her hand fall. "Yes, what about the clock?" �104 The Summer People "Grandpa Lance's family was stricken by influenza in January, 1919. There was an epidemic throughout these mountains, few people well enough to help anyone else. The whole Webber family died except for my father, who was sixteen, and one of Lance's daughters, one of those he sired with a neighbor's daughter. I forgot to tell you, when Grandpa admitted his parentage, my greatgrandfather made him rear all three of them." "You mean the woods colts?" "If you like folk terms. Anyway, she and my dad were raised by my grandmother's family, the MacTavishes. The old house remained empty for years, at first haunted, according to local superstition. Later, tied up in litigation between Sarah, the love child, and Dad. Dad finally won." "You mean your family owns Riverglade now?" "I own it!" he stated. "It was all I wanted. Dad willed it and eighty acres across the river to me. I've been working on the house, inside, when I could find time, but I haven't had a chance to clean up outside yet, except for the garden." "Look, Jay, I'm sorry about what I said. I mean about whoever owned the place. I didn't know—" "Oh, that's okay." He laughed and turned toward the front door. "You were right, of course, without the facts." Suddenly he whirled on her, concern on his face. "For God's sake, don't tell my mother—don't tell anyone what I said about grandpa and his daughters. My mother doesn't �John Foster West 105 want it talked about. You know how proud mountain people are. I don't know what made me do it. I know better." "The devil made you do it," Anna said, but he did not seem amused. When they were halfway across the lawn, he stopped and pointed. "See those two flowers there?" She looked at the tall stalks, each topped by a circular pattern of white flowers made up of countless smaller blooms. "Do they look alike to you?" "Yes. They look like Queen Anne's lace to me." "Look again." She studied them. "No, the one on the right has a smoother pattern. It looks like a neat lace doily. The other one is ragged in outline. There's a small black flower—" "Purple," Jay said. "There's a small purple blossom precisely in the center of the nearer one." "Very good, Mrs. DeVoss," he said solemnly. "That's Queen Anne's lace. The other flower is common yarrow. It has a shallow root structure." He stepped forward, stooped, and pulled up the Queen Anne's lace, holding it toward her. The green stem ended in a small, elongated tuber. "Queen Anne's lace is also called wild carrot." "Well, thank you, Professor, for today's lesson in botany." �106 The Summer People "If you ever have to run for it," he said, "you can eat them—the wild carrots." "Thanks, but I'll take along fried chicken." A short distance beyond the lawn, as they rode upriver, Jay reined into a well-worn path that led toward the base of the ridge. Anna followed. The little cemetery, enclosed by a zigzag rail fence black with age, was clean and well kept, although the graves, all except one, were obviously old. Some of the marble tombstones were discolored near their bases by moss. The new grave, perhaps a year or two old, had a double monument with the vital statistics of J.W. Webber on it. The other half contained the name Martha MacTavish Webber b. 1910 d.— "There are many family cemeteries in Watauga County," Jay explained. "West of Boone, along Highway 421, you'll see them crowning beautiful little knolls, with fences around them." "I wonder why," Anna mused aloud. "Perhaps because folks used to die in the home, and it was simpler to bury them nearby." Jay spoke thoughtfully. "Then again, families used to be closer than nowadays. They couldn't let their loved ones go entirely, even after they had died." "I like that explanation better," she said. �Chapter VII Anna DeVoss was reminded of Jay Webber for the next three days because of her sore behind, but she did not see him for the rest of that week. He crossed her mind now and then, usually in relation to the old mansion, River glade. There were some things she was still curious about, some questions unanswered, but they did not stimulate her curiosity enough to goad her to any action. When the escapade of Lance Webber, his grandfather, and the neighbors' girls slipped into her mind from some vague association, she would deliberately shuttle it aside, except for the irony of it, which amused her. But she felt more secure not thinking about it at all. Around noon on Friday, a thunderstorm hove into view from Tennessee, the southern perimeter passing over Holy Rood Valley. There was a great deal of thunder and lightning, but not much rain. When it had passed, sputtering and grumbling like a man splashed by a passing car, Anna drove to Sparr's Store for some sugar, milk, and a small bag of meal. She sat with Henry Sparr and a tobacco farmer named Simon Tull for over an hour listen107 �108 The Summer People ing to them talk about the old days in Watauga County, asking an occasional question. She was fascinated by the story of the narrow-gauge railroad and the little train called Tweetsie, which had once run from east Tennessee to Boone. The 1940 flood had washed away miles of track and much of the roadbed, terminating the train's career. It ended up as a tourist ride on Highway 321 near Blowing Rock. Anna tried to imagine a time when the roads were narrow and muddy and only Model-T Fords were around to use them—a time when a young man from the tobacco factory in Winston-Salem had driven his Ford two miles up the bed of Cove Creek to visit his girl friend because there was no road to her father's house, a time when the main street in Boone was so deep in mud a chicken trying to cross it got mired and had to be rescued. There was an earlier time, Simon Tull told her, when a stagecoach ran from Blowing Rock to Linville, in Avery County, along the old Yonahlossee Trail, now Highway 221, hauling wealthy summer people to their summer places or to the lodges then in existence. As she was leaving the store, a black and chrome Mercedes-Benz, shining like a polished hearse, stopped beside the car. She had looked away from it as she descended the steps, when a man called to her. u Hey, there, Mrs. DeVoss—Anna!" Reaching the ground, she looked up. Mark �John Foster West 109 Grunwald, dressed in white shirt, tie, blue linen coat, and white trousers, stood beside the black car, his hand on top of the open door. Christ on Monday! she thought. I knew he would be driving a twenty thousand dollar Mercedes. "Hi," she said, as she approached her car. "What brings you out into the boondocks?" He closed the door and hurried around the front of his car, meeting her close to her own vehicle. "I want to apologize," he said. "Betty—you know, the receptionist at Gray hound—she told me you really did not have a telephone. I thought you were just—-just cutting me off." And that's how you salved your wounded male ego, she thought. Women just don't cut Mark Grunwald off like that. "No need to apologize," she said. "It's not important." "It's important to me. I was just stopping here to get directions to your chalet." "You mean you drove all the way out here just to apologize for not believing me?" His dark eyes flickered away toward the roof of the old store, then back to her face. "Well, yes, that and—I had another, better reason." "Which is?" "I wanted to invite you to dinner at the lodge Saturday evening, and to the dance afterwards. I realize it's not exactly traditional to wait until Friday to ask for a Saturday evening date, but I talked to Betty just this morning." �110 The Summer People "Who worries about traditions this late in the century?" Anna remarked. She was thoughtful a moment. "I had planned to—" Actually, she had no plan at all. She was not particularly ecstatic about going out with this formal tycoon. On the other hand, a male companion for a change, a safe male companion and an evening out were better than doing nothing. The silent cabin was beginning to depress her just a little. Apparently to influence what he took to be indecision on her part, Mark Grunwald said, "If I said please, if I promised you a good time—" Anna laughed. "Not really, if I had other plans I couldn't break. But I haven't. Okay, I'll go." "How about eight o'clock?" He grasped her left arm eagerly, then released it and thrust his offending hand into his coat pocket. "I mean, could I pick you up around eight?" "That would be fine. I'll expect you at eight tomorrow evening, right?" After she had explained to him how to find the DeVoss cabin, she drove back with diverse emotions troubling her. The fact that she wanted to be alone, did not want to go out with Mark Grunwald, so evenly balanced a need to escape the lonely cabin for an evening that she could not have explained why she agreed to go. In fact, at the moment, she wished she had not agreed, but it was too late to change her mind. She did not see any easy way out of the date. Oh, why not? she thought. It'll �John Foster West 111 be more interesting than listening to stories about Jay Webber and his weird ancestors, even if he decided to come by, and he probably would not. All day Saturday the sky was obliterated by the gray wool of fog, now and then great skeins of it breaking loose, to fall away and be blown northeast as it coiled and writhed like steam from a boiling cauldron. From time to time sunlight would break* through as a bright surprise, before the hole in the sky was quickly plugged. Anna tried to hurry time by reading at Butterfly Falls, but it was cool in the forest, and the weather depressed her. Now, she found herself actually looking forward to the evening out, even if Mark Grunwald did not exactly stimulate her to excitement. He drove into one of the parking bays at precisely eight o'clock, as she had known he would. She had been ready for half an hour, but to prevent the wrong impression, she left him in a chair by the fireplace while she sat on the closed commode lid fiddling with her nails. Finally, she was ready. Mark Grunwald leaped to his feet when she re-entered the living room. He was being very conservative with her this evening, wearing a dark suit rather than a bright jacket, as she had seen him dressed before. "My, but you look pretty tonight, Anna," he said. "You'll turn heads at the lodge." "Thank you." She smiled, glancing down at herself. She had to admit she really did look good, �112 The Summer People dressed for the first date after—after burying the past. The flimsy little cocktail dress with its short skirt revealed as much of her body and legs as good taste allowed—did not so much reveal as presented. The white cleavage swelled into the V-neckline, and her long, round calves were contoured by the silver-flecked stockings. Pete would have loved the way she was dressed tonight. She smiled whimsically. He would have slipped up behind her, embraced her, and waltzed her around the room on her tiptoes, while she tried to slap at him with both hands. They always arrived at a party late. She looked up into the face of her escort, and the memory of Pete DeVoss slowly faded. Their conversation was desultory on the way to the lodge. Mark Grunwald played his cards with tact, taking his stance somewhere between not quite formal and almost familiar. The lobster, flown in to the golf course runway from Maine, was delicious, better than any she had ever eaten in Norfolk. The dining room was almost full. She supposed it was because of the dance after dinner. A woman in her early thirties stopped by their table once, towing her heavy husband like a motorboat pulling a barge. "Oh, Mark, it's so good to run into you again. You're as handsome as ever. When did you come up? Are you—" Mark Grunwald stood, waiting for her to run down before he spoke. "It's good to see you, �John Foster West 113 Beatrice. Hello, George." He shook hands quickly with the husband. "Beatrice and George Wayne, I'd like you to meet Anna DeVoss." "How do you do." Anna's smile flickered on and off. "Oh, Anna, I bet you're Pete's wid—widow. I did so want to meet you. We have the A-frame below the DeVoss cabin. I wanted you over sometime for bridge." "I'm sorry, I play only poker," Anna said. "Pete was a military man." But Beatrice Wayne was not a woman to wait for explanations. "We were so sorry to hear about poor Pete, weren't we, Honey?" She nudged George with her elbow, and he nodded in agreement. "That was such a nasty war. Only the best and bravest, you know. I haven't seen—hadn't seen Pete since we were both quite young, but we were very close. Mom and Dad loved him dearly." Anna's smile had come back and stretched across her teeth like rubber bands. She tried to imagine Pete involved with this woman, even ten or fifteen years earlier, but could not visualize it. Beatrice was just not Pete DeVoss's type. "It was good of you to drop by our table," Mark Grunwald said. "We'll have to get together later and bring things up to date." Beatrice Wayne blinked up at him a moment, then said, "Indeed, we will. Great to have met you, Anna. You'll hear from me later." She hurried �114 The Summer People away, escorting George by the arms as though he were under arrest. Mark sat back down, shaking his head. "God, I'm sorry. Looks like I got you into something." "It wasn't your fault. Besides, I can take care of the world's Beatrice Waynes." "I bet you can," he laughed, and for a moment Anna saw a relaxed side of him she liked. The dance floor was too small and too crowded, the combo was too fast for the clientele, and Mark Grunwald danced as though he wore golf shoes. Anna counteracted her disappointment by drinking too much Jack Daniels and branch water. She was quite tipsy by eleven thirty. She was introduced to several couples who lived in chalets about the mountain side, but she remembered none of the names. She was so miserable trying to follow the big, awkward buckdancer she was actually relieved when he suggested that they go to his place for conversation and a nightcap. By now, she was in a tranquil stupor and ready to do almost anything but try to dance. The Grunwald chalet was only a few hundred yards up the side of the mountain, anchored to the top of a massive rock. While Anna stood on the deck, her hands braced on the railing, and looked down across the dark roofs below her toward the club house and the golf course beyond, her host was busy lighting a fire to wood already laid in the fireplace. He joined her a little later carrying two �John Foster West 115 tall, cool glasses, handing one to her. "This is the Grunwald special," he laughed, "Guaranteed to make you happier." "But I'm always happy," Anna protested. "Can't you tell?" "This'll make you happier than you always are." "Okay, we'll just see about that." She sipped the drink, rolling it about with her tongue. It had a minty flavor and was light and bubbly, like champagne. "Hey! it really is good." She took another longer gulp, savored it a moment, then swallowed it. And then another. They returned to the den and sat on the fluffy rug before the flickering little fire. Mark Grunwald had turned the lights out, and the stereo speakers emitted soft music from somewhere in the darkness on either side of them. It was a very peaceful setting, and Anna felt suddenly secure, although a latent understanding told her to be alert. Alcohol had subdued, for the time being, the old sadness and had rendered her guard impotent. She even forgot what a miserable dancer Mark Grunwald had been because it was so far in the past it no longer mattered. "Feel good, Anna?" he asked softly. "Very good, thank you. Most excellent." "What do you do when you are working? I can usually guess, but you puzzle me." Anna turned her head to look at him, but he was serious. The firelight splashing against his dark �116 The Summer People profile gave him a handsome, exotic appearance, as though he were some Bohemian prince, she thought dreamily, who had escaped to America to become a commoner. "I was a social worker. Am, because I have a leave of absence. I majored in English, though. Specifically, I work with abused children." "That fits." He snapped his fingers. "There's a kind of compassion deep in your eyes. Why didn't I think of that before?" "Because," Anna laughed, "you are a Bohemian prince who escaped to America." "What?" He stared at her. "Oh, now I get it." "Just a peasant joke." She threw back her head and laughed a strangled little laugh, the skin tight across her throat. "I've got a weird sense of humor, Mark, and I don't share it with anyone else. You'll just have to forgive me." She was silent a moment, "And what do you do, Sir Prince, when you're working—IF you work." "I'm manager of a line of knitting mills." He paused, apparently for her reaction, then continued when she did not speak. "And first vice-president." "Well, good." Anna yawned. "I've gone and caught me an executive type." She looked up into his face. He was studying her, his brow furrowed. "Don't you like executive types?" "I like men," she said. "But I like men of action, �John Foster West 117 most. Were you always a tall, dark, and handsome bachelor?" She took three rapid swallows of her drink, emptying the glass. "Do you mean, am I or was I ever married?" He sounded peeved. "The answer is yes. I'm divorced. My ex-wife lives in Alabama with our daughter." "I don't have a daughter," Anna said softly. "All I have is a photograph. My children are still crosswise in my heart and can't ever, ever escape." "What do you like to do most?" he asked quietly. "I love to sit before a fire drinking with a tall, dark, and handsome Bohemian prince," she murmured, "and forget about my children who never got born." He took the empty glass from her hand and set it aside, then placed his own with it. When he put his arms about her and forced her slowly, slowly backward onto the rug, she did not resist. When he kissed her, she responded, though with little passion. "Wait for me until I return" the ghost voice whispered. Her mind came flashing back from outer space, cold and alert. She whirled away from him and was on her hands and knees facing him before he could make a movement to retreat. He was sitting up and staring at her in bewilderment. "What did I do wrong?" he stammered. �118 The Summer People For a moment she was angry, but mostly with herself. Then it left her as she looked into his dark face splotched by firelight and understood him. "Nothing, Mark," she said quietly. "You did everything right—the drinks, the music, the fire. It's me. I'm just not ready yet. I don't know why. It's probably stupid, but I'm not ready." "I wouldn't have offended you for—" She put her hand over his mouth. They stood together. She hugged him and kissed him on the cheek. "It's not you. Don't feel disappointed in yourself. It's me. I'm just—I don't know what's wrong with me. Would you be a good guy and take me home?" "Sure, Anna, anything you say." Her explanation seemed to satisfy him. "I—I think I understand." "If you do, I wish to God you'd explain it to me." They rode back to Holy Rood Valley mostly in silence. The alcohol had fled Anna's brain, leaving it as clear as a winter night. When she turned at the cabin door, he was staring down at her like a lost little boy. "Can I see you again?" he asked. "We'll see," she smiled. "When you think it over, you may not want to see me again." Reaching up, she pulled his head down and kissed him lightly, then turned and entered the cabin, closing the door behind her. Moving over to �John Foster West 119 the window beside the fireplace, she stood in the darkness and watched his taillights disappear through the trees. "Thus endeth the chapter entitled 'Mark Grunwald, Bohemian Prince, who Escaped to America and Became Vice-President of a Chain of Knitting Mills'," she muttered. In her bedroom, she picked up the photograph of Pete and studied it a long time. She felt good because she was almost sure he smiled his approval of her escape and winked. But when she thought it over, in bed alone, she realized that Lieutenant Pete DeVoss did not or would not have thought like that. �Chapter VIII When Anna woke up on Monday morning with a pain in her back and her abdomen seething, she knew what had happened. Her mother had called it "the Condition." Was it just yesterday? Could it have been over six years ago, really? Anna would say, "I'm sorry, Sweet," and she would kiss Pete. "But no trespassing. I'm sorry." And he would say, "Damn that Eric the Red. How I'd love to get him in my bombsight!" By the time she drank her third cup of coffee, her head had begun to ache. She took two aspirins to relieve it, but the nagging pain in her back persisted. She had just cleaned her teeth and washed her hands when Jay Webber knocked on the cabin door. She knew it was Jay from the rhythm and from the number of knocks, which she did not count but tabulated subconsciously. He was standing there in the same faded jeans and shirt (or did he have a wardrobe of them?) holding in his hands, cradled against his side, a large paper bag half full of something she could not see because of the bag's crumpled top. 120 �John Foster West 121 "Well, good morning, Jay," she smiled. "Are you delivering groceries these days?" She was not particularly exuberant to see him or anyone else, with her nagging back pain. For the briefest of moments his eyes narrowed. Then he smiled. "No, I have a surprise for you—if you're willing to be surprised." "I like nice surprises. Come on in." He entered and she closed the door while he carried the bag over to the sink. "You know what this brown thing is I'm totin?" he called over his shoulder. "It's a paper bag of surprises." She followed him and stopped near the lazy-Susan. "No. Hit hain't." He set the bag down on the counter beside the sink and turned, grinning. "Hit's a paper poke, in Holy Rood Valley." "I thought that word went out with Hoover." "Well, smartie, I have to admit it's not used as much as it used to be." He looked a bit crestfallen. She shrugged. "What's the surprise?" "Not till later. Do you have anything planned this morning?" "Not the teeniest. Are we going back to the ancestral manor and hear sad stories of the deaths of Webbers?" He searched her face, his amber eyes wide and vulnerable. When she smiled to prove she was only kidding, his grin filled the space between beard �122 The Summer People and mustache, spilling into the funnels of his eyes. "No, I want to show you something else. But we'll have to go out to Butterfly Falls. Do you mind?" "Not at all. I like it there. It's a last wilderness-like." "Abe MacTavish came into Holy Rood Valley before the Civil War," Jay said, as they followed the path out to the creek. "He bought thousands of acres of land at a dollar or so an acre. He hewed logs with a broadax and built a house. Then he went over into Kentucky to the cabin of Big Bear Bowman, who had ten daughters, and told him and his wife he wanted to pick him a steady wife. He meant sturdy. Said he would pay five hundred dollars for the right one. Big Bear took the money and told Abe to take his pick. In spite of the wife's fussing, Abe MacTavish made the girls strip down to the buff, and he proceeded to select his wife. He squeezed their thighs, measured them from hip to hip, checked their pelvic area—and chose Essie, next to the youngest, who was sixteen. They were married by a circuit preacher under a blooming service berry tree, and Abe brought Essie back to his house. It stood just about where Riverglade stands. Essie had her first child in nine months and two days after marriage and Abe delivered it himself." "She had thirteen more, nine girls and five boys. Abe MacTavish rode a mule when he was eighty-two, crisscrossing his land and divided it up into sections, blazing trees with a hatchet to mark boundaries. He gave one section to each of his chil- �John Foster West 123 dren. The girls married into other families, taking their portion of land with them. Two of the boys were killed in the Civil War, one with the South and one, in Tennessee, with the North. Great Uncle Sandy MacTavish never married. Great-grandmother Selina MacTavish married Great-grandfather Roan Webber. That's where our land came from." Anna stopped abruptly, seizing Jay's arm and dragging him to a halt. "Are you kidding me?" she demanded. He stared at her, on guard. "What do you mean?" "I mean about Abe MacTavish feeling and groping those poor girls like he was buying a mule, to choose a wife. Because if you are kidding, just because I'm from outside, I resent it." "Aw, come on, Anna!" He took her arm and escorted her several steps along the trail. "Why would I do that?" A few strides later, he laughed suddenly. "I figure trying to fool you would be a waste of time. Do I really look stupid enough to try?" "I have no idea what you would try to do," she said. "I hardly know you at all." "Don't blame me for that." He paused. "You're the one who likes to be alone." "Did he, sure enough, though?" she asked, looking up into his face as they walked. "Did Abe really choose his wife like that? Why didn't he just look at their teeth?" �124 The Summer People "Great-grandmother Selina told Grandpa it was like that. Nobody would dispute her word. Besides, it wasn't teeth old Abe was interested in. It was an incubator." "You mean a young woman's child-bearing ability?" "Yes, that's true." "The old chauvinist bastard must have been thirty years older than that poor little girl. That's what happens living in an age when men are supreme and women are only chattel." "She wasn't any weakling," Jay Webber argued. "Fourteen children in twenty-two years." "Sixteen and twenty-two's only thirty-eight. Why did she stop having children? I bet it wasn't old Abe's idea." "I'm afraid to tell you." He grinned. She halted beside the creek, dragging him to a stop. "Why? I've got to know." "You would swear I was pulling your leg, sure enough." "Come on, now. Why? We'll stand here all day." "Old Abe came down with the mumps while he was on a hunting trip." "You mean—" "They fell on him, as the folks say. He became sterile." "You're right about one thing." "What?" "You really are pulling my leg." �John Foster West 125 "I swear by Holy Rood Rock." Anna DeVoss threw back her head, her laughter rushing toward the treetops. "Boy, if that isn't poetic justice! If it hadn't been for the mumps, everyone in this county would have been named MacTavish." She stopped laughing and faced him. "You're not kidding me, Jay Webber? Not really?" Jay held up his hands, palms up. "So help me, John the Baptist!" "Man, you really have a heritage, don't you? Between Great-grandpa Abe MacTavish and Grandpa Lance Webber, I don't see how they can afford to let you run loose." "I'm very normal, Anna," he said quickly. "I live one day at a time, and I have no enemies." She stared at him quizzically, started to say something else, but could think of no response. When they reached the pool beneath the trees, Jay walked over to the edge of the woods and picked up what looked to Anna like two switches. But when he returned and held them out to her, she could see they were small limbs from a thorn bush. They had been trimmed down smooth, except at the base of each, two thorns were left, forming hooks when he held them by their small ends. The bark on the limbs was still green and moist where torn. They had obviously been cut recently and left near the pool that morning. "I know what they are, but what are they for?" she asked. �126 The Summer People "What do you think they are?" "Thorn limbs," she said, "with thorns left on them." "No ma'am. You lose. They are Cherokee fishhooks." "Fishhooks? No smart fish would bite one of those things." "They don't work like that. You just sit here on the rock, be as quiet as a baby quail, and watch Big Chief Webber catch heap big fish, maybe two, for our dinner." "Why don't you just use a hook and fly?" "No sport in that. Besides, after the Big Boom, there won't be any more hooks and flies. Just thorns." She started to needle him further about the thorns, but he had moved away. She sat down on the sloping rock and watched him tiptoe toward the embankment adjacent to the waterfall. Only a foot above the pool, a shelf of rock began and slanted upward away from its surface. Jay Webber lay down on the rock, placing one of the thorn limbs aside and keeping the other. He lay with his chest against the rock, only his head and hand projecting out over the water. With his right hand, he held onto the the small end of the limb and extended it with the thorns on it below the surface of the pool. Then he lay quietly, an extension of the stone on which he reclined. Anna squinted through her sun- �John Foster West 127 glasses trying to see into the water where the thorns waited, but she could discern nothing. Jay Webber waited and Anna waited. She did not know how long. Little numb disks began to form where her backsides flattened against the rock. She squirmed, walking forward a few inches with her buttocks. She gasped suddenly, one hand flying upward to trap the sound inside of her mouth. Jay had moved so fast the action was over before she could focus on him. His right arm rose in the air, and the twin thorns had hooked a trout under its mouth. In one smooth motion, the fish sailed over Jay's shoulder, hurled by the thorn limb, and fell halfway up the rock, where it now lay flopping and beating with a wet fish sound. Jay got up, walked to it, and with the side of his foot, flung the speckled trout farther away from the pool, where it could exhaust its panic with little chance of escaping back into the water. Anna got up and walked over to Jay. "How in the world did you do that? I've never heard of that kind of fishing before." When she met his eyes, Anna glimpsed a boyish pleasure. (Look, little girl, see how far I can jump.) "It's a matter of timing and patience," he explained. "You hold the thorns beneath the surface until a trout swims nearby. Then you ease it into position, yank upward and flip at the same time, and behold! you have part of a meal." �128 The Summer People "Well, I must say, it's a clever idea." She stood with her right hip outthrust, her hand on it. "But I don't know many people who could lie still that long." "There aren't many anymore," Jay said. "There used to be many tribes of them." "Who ever heard of a red-haired, kinky-headed Indian?" Jay grinned. "I'm the last of the Peckerwood Tribe. Now get back over there in your place, squaw woman, so I can catch another." When Jay had caught four trout, weighing over a pound each, he strung three of them on one of the thorn hooks and stored the other in the crotch of a sourwood tree. Then they returned to the cabin with the catch, after Jay had cleaned them on a stump beside the creek, throwing the scraps into the water for other fish to eat. While Anna hovered just out of reach, feeling unnecessary and a little stupid, Jay Webber fried the trout, rolled in corn meal, and made slaw from a cabbage head he had brought in the paper bag. While the fish were frying, he had a small iron skillet on a back burner, baking cornbread. Anna said very little during the meal because she ate ravenously. She had little patience for empty words at mealtime. Part of it was that she was hungry. Part of it was that any meal she did not have to prepare herself was usually good. But this food was special. She had grown up near the �John Foster West 129 beach, where seafood was commonplace. However, there was a special savor about mountain trout caught with primitive skill, fried in corn meal, and served with fresh slaw and cornbread. Jay did not attempt to start a conversation. He was busy eating himself. But she caught him watching her eat, now and then, and there was a pleased look about his eyes. When they were through, Anna served the coffee, which had been perking while they ate. They went outside and sat on the deck, their feet on the log steps, while they drank it. "How'd you like that?" Jay asked, finally, across his cup. "How'd I like what?" "Come on! You know." "You mean the coffee?" "Yeah, the coffee, ma'am. This is my third cup." Anna laughed at him. "If you expect me to compliment you on that meal, forget it. I don't have the words to describe it." "You really liked it, then?" "Come on, Jay! You know how good it was. You watched me making a pig of myself." Jay laughed, a deep, comfortable laugh, setting his cup down with a bang. "You're one hell of a flatland broad. I bet you punched your mother's breast while you were nursing." Anna felt a small flush of resentment at his remark, but let it pass. At the moment she was too content to be bothered by anything very long. Her �130 The Summer People stomach was pleasantly gorged, and she felt a drowsy euphoria despite the coffee. "What gave you the idea I had a mother?" He laughed a scoffing little laugh. "Even Anna DeVoss couldn't bear herself." She looked at him closely, but his face was relaxed, without malice. There was a distant look in his eyes, as though he too were drowsy, and she felt herself doubting that he even realized what he had said. "Jay," she said quietly, "how well did you know Pete?" He stared at her, his face taut, on guard. She had the feeling he was trying to judge how much to say, whether or not she would burst out bawling like some broken-hearted widow. "Pretty well," he said, finally. "He was older than me. We rode horseback together, fished together, once we even—Oh, hell, I can't tell you that." "Can't tell me what? I insist." "Way back when we were kids, Dad and Dr. DeVoss would set up a pot in the woods and cook brunswick stew. Squirrel, rabbit, quail, chicken, beef, pork, vegetables—Lord, it was good! I can taste it now. The DeVosses were the only summer people in the valley then. Some of the neighbors would come over. We would eat until the food ran out our ears. The grown-ups would drink homebrew or white lightning and get happy as chickens on a Junebug farm. No foolishness, though. No �John Foster West 131 one ever got mad. Just good old fashioned drinking and picking and singing. Old hymns and old ballads." He stopped and stared for several moments out through the trees. "Boy, Dad missed those days toward the end. He had a stroke and was bedridden for a while before he died. He used to laugh out of one side of his mouth and talk about the good old days when he and Dr. DeVoss drank together and made brunswick stew and all that. He died fretting because the modern summer people thought of him as just a grit, a peckerwood tobacco farmer not worth talking to." "Did you like Pete?" Anna asked. Jay Webber studied her with a peculiar slanting look. "How could I not like him? How could anyone not like him? There wasn't a malicious bone in his body. Christ, he loved life and living things. He would think up new things to do that would never cross my mind." He paused. "You know, I could never put him and a military plane together, in my mind." "Jay, tell me something." Anna caught his eyes and held them. "Sure thing. What?" "What did you start to say a few minutes ago, then changed the subject? You said, 'Once we even—' then stopped. What were you going to say?" "I'd better not tell you. It might embarrass you." �132 The Summer People "I'm hard to embarrass, Jay. Nothing about my husband would embarrass me." "Damn, you're a tough female to deal with." "Come on, tell me. What do you think I am, a Girl Scout? That man was my first and only lover. He would have been the father of my children, if that asinine brawl in Vietnam hadn't—had not taken him. I want to know everything about him I can find out." Jay lowered his head, scuffing his ragged sneakers against the step. "It wasn't much, really. When we were about fourteen, he gave Beatrice Paulson—she's Beatrice Wayne now—ten dollars to strip in front of him and me at Butterfly Falls. Gad, I feel like a pervert now." "Come on, Jay. You were only children." Jay laughed. "Pete got cheated. It wasn't worth any ten dollars, I'll tell you that." Anna threw back her head and laughed, her voice gushing toward the tree tops, too high on the scale for humor alone. "That's old Pete. That's my man. He always got to the point—wasted no time." She calmed abruptly, her voice lower. "And I agree with you. I'm sure ten dollars was too much. Ninety-eight cents probably was." Jay grinned. "You know Beatrice?" "I met her Saturday night. She doesn't look like much of a catch, even at thirty-three, or whatever she is." "She had enough to catch old George Wayne." �John Foster West 133 "She could have done that with a forked limb." Anna stretched and yawned. "Jay, I hate to do this, but I'm going to have to take a nap." He looked at her covertly, but she caught his eyes. "You don't need company, I don't reckon." She smiled at him, stood up. "You're welcome to the other bedroom." He got to his feet, too. "You wouldn't mind? I mean, me in the next room, sleeping?" "Why should I?" She studied him intently. "I don't mind and the trees don't mind. What could it hurt?" "Very likely, not a damned thing," he said. "I'd just as soon go on back to the house and get to work." "Suit yourself, Jay-boy." Reaching over, she ruffled his kinky hair with her right hand. "I do appreciate the meal, and it was delicious. You're a real neighbor. If the Big Bang ever does come, thanks to you I can catch trout with a Cherokee fishhook." "See you later, neighbor." He threw her a quick salute and descended the steps. She watched him for half a minute, as he headed up the driveway through the woods, never looking back. Then she entered the cabin and closed the door. �Chapter IX Anna had read about the annual "Singing on the Mountain" in the Watauga Democrat, the county newspaper, during the week and thought it might be interesting to attend it. Pete had once told her that it was a descendant of the old camp meetings and singings, a real folk artifact. She awakened around six-thirty on Sunday and dressed rapidly, hoping to beat most of the heavy traffic expected on the fiftieth anniversary of the occasion. A local man had organized the first Singing with the motto: "Whoever would may come." The invitation had been taken literally. Over the years the number attending the Singing, in McRae Meadows, near the western base of Grandfather Mountain, had gradually increased, as governors and other public figures were added to the program, until now thousands made the June pilgrimage each year. Anna's reason for attending was to get a taste of the old fashioned religious folk singing, a way of worshipping—in her imagination—as native to the mountains as the rugged individuals who participated. Her first mistake, she decided later, was attending at all, especially the fiftieth anniversary. 134 �John Foster West 135 Her second was not leaving the cabin an hour earlier than she did. She was caught in a traffic jam a mile long and ended up parking in the Town of Linville, near the highway which led to the Singing. Cars were lined up bumper to bumper in three directions, reaching out of sight. As it was, she had to walk about two miles to McRae Meadows, but fortunately had worn a pair of sneakers. It was worse than Saturday afternoon at a Carolina football game, she decided. But she was not alone. She was swept along in a river of pilgrims, from the ancient to babes in arms, and all ages between, from all levels of society. They moved with one purpose, laughing, joking, singing, bitching about the long hike, but none of them with the remotest intention of turning back. The young redheaded teenager in front of her sang in a sweet soprano: Who will shoe your little feet, and who will glove your hand; who will kiss your rosy red cheek when I'm in a far-off land? The storms blow over the ocean, the heavenly peace would be; the world would lose its motion, dear, if I prove false to thee. The leaders of the Singing occupied two platforms on two huge rocks uphill from where the �136 The Summer People audience (or congregation) stood, sat, or sprawled in lawn chairs or on blankets, coats, or pieces of newspapers. Anna sat on the corner of a patchwork quilt occupied by a young couple and their little boy. She stared curiously about her, her ears attuned to the patterns of speech, from mountain dialect to sophisticated Yankee English. There were two other giant boulders, one beside those holding the platforms and one behind them. God had prepared a convenient stage for the service, at the beginning of the world, Anna mused. A zigzag rail fence surrounded most of the tilted meadow. Over to her left was an open shed with a sign which read: AVERY COUNTY RESCUE SQUAD. Looking back to her right, she studied Grandfather, or what was seen as Grandfather Mountain from other perspectives. The old man of the mountains had disappeared. Here, close below his chin, he had become three massive peaks, chin, nose, and forehead, without pattern, jutting up into the swollen bellies of passing clouds. Because of the size of the congregation and the traffic problem, the program did not get underway until around noon. Earlier, the sky had been clear, although the persistent breeze was cool. But by eleven, clouds were tumbling out of the west, each rank larger and darker than the last, so that the sky was cloudy by twelve. Anna kept glancing upward distrustfully. It would just be her luck to get her tail soaked while caught in a stampede of human �John Foster West 137 buffalos as far as she could see, over forty thousand, she heard one old timer estimate. She sat through the performance of a string band from Charlotte, the short speech of General Westmoreland (candidate for governor of South Carolina), and the cliches of Bob—"Singing on the Mountain"—Hope. By the time the governor of North Carolina began to preach his sermonette condemning "mere Sunday Christians," she had made up her mind to get the hell out before the rain started. She already knew more than enough about folk singing on the mountain. Johnny Cash settled it, although she could see from the rapt faces of those around her that he was what they had come to see and hear—not folk hymns nor ex-generals nor governors nor perennial comedians, but Johnny Cash. She thanked the couple, got to her feet, and walked a crooked path among the spectators, the flat tones of "Will the Circle be Unbroken," magnified many times and rolling across the throng, to collide with Grandfather's rugged chin, now wrapped in a wreath of torn clouds. Anna was disgusted with herself and disappointed with the whole day. Somewhere over the years, the "Singing on the Mountains" had lost its native purpose, she sensed, and had gone tourist. She could see with a sweep of her eyes as she walked among them that most of the spectators (not congregation) here were either summer people or city folk who had driven �138 The Summer People into the mountains for this special occasion, all of them famished for any publicized entertainment. The backdrop of Grandfather and the green forests of the Blue Ridge, for the throng, could as easily have been painted on a piece of canvas stretched across a stage as a background for Johnny Cash, the center of "worship." She had almost reached the outer fringes of the massed audience when Anna felt a strange flutter at the base of her throat. Off to her left, with a pretty redhead, Jay Webber sat on a blanket, his eyes on the distant platform and the high priest in a black smock. Anna had not recognized him at first, although her eyes had, because he was dressed in a white shirt and dark trousers. She would have known him without a second glance, in his usual farm clothing. Her first impulse was to go over and talk to him for a few minutes. But a second look at his companion, who clutched his arm as though she thought he would escape, changed her mind. She continued to wade through sprawling bodies and outflung legs. It was almost two-thirty when she reached her car. She had just moved out onto the highway, heading toward Boone, when the sky unzipped to baptize the green world and her vehicle in a shower of cold rain. Jehovah, on his day, had not dealt kindly with the outdoor singing. The world Dr. DeVoss had loved, that Pete had hurried through as a child, was dying. She found herself wondering �John Foster West 139 how long it would take for the old folkways of this region to become plastic imitations for the summer people. On the following Wednesday, Anna was rummaging beneath some blankets and quilts in the window seat and found a photo album wrapped in an old newspaper. She took it out and carried it over to the rocker, where she sat down, opening it. The first three pages were filled with black and white photographs of Dr. and Mrs. DeVoss as young people, with a Florida background, alternating with other scenery, some of it apparently in the Alps. On page five a child appeared, first held by a nurse, its hands closed into fists. It had to be Pete. She wondered why this album had been kept here at Greenworld and was suddenly surprised, realizing she had never before seen photographs of Pete as a young boy growing up. Of course six months of marriage together is not very long. Only a limited number of things could be done. And with Pete flying most of the time, the bed was the most important furniture when he was home. Still, it seemed a bit strange, in retrospect. She turned the two-dimensional time machine and studied Pete taking his first steps, Pete on his first tricycle, Pete going off to school, and Pete on a bicycle, always grinning—always looking into the camera, that half serious, half teasing look in his eyes as though he knew some joke on the world no one else was aware of. The photographs ran out �140 The Summer People when he was around fourteen. In the last one, he was wearing lederhosen, his arm in a sling. Some of the muscles she had felt against her softer flesh could already be seen. His blond hair spilled over the edge of his eyebrows, and he looked directly into the camera, directly into her eyes with a persistent stare, the old grin gone, as though the broken arm, the fall from an Austrian mountain side, had somehow revealed to him the fact that he had only eighteen more years to walk the green earth. Anna turned the last page and stared curiously at the large photograph which had been taped faced-down to the inside surface of the album cover. Several small pieces of Scotch tape held it in place. She wondered what could possibly be in the photo. Whatever it was, Mrs. DeVoss had not wanted it seen by a casual observer, yet had not wished to destroy it. Using her fingernails, she peeled very slowly at the tape until it came loose without tearing the surface to which it adhered. Then she stopped, feeling guilty. But she knew that was not going to discourage her, and she knew that soon, in the next few minutes or half hour, she would have overcome it. Oh, hell, she thought, why put it off? She worked more rapidly with the strips of tape, still succeeding in removing them intact. She turned the photograph over and stared at it. It was a color print of Maud DeVoss as a young woman—Maud DeVoss gloriously naked. And she was beautiful. Long auburn hair �John Foster West 141 flowed down across her shoulders and down her back, out of sight, to her waist. Her face was without blemish, the wrinkles of age concealed far below the surface of the creamy white skin. There was a provocative, daring look about her halfclosed eyes and open lips, as though she invited all the men in the world to visit her. Anna thought she had seen that expression on the face of Jean Harlow, in an old movie magazine she had thumbed through somewhere. But the love goddess in this photograph did not recline. She stood with her back to Butterfly Falls, her right knee crooked, her arms hanging loosely. In the background, Butterfly Falls was suspended in time, silent forever, holding still with the eternal state of the beautiful woman. Anna tried to visualize Dr. DeVoss holding the camera and imagine what he was thinking as he laughed at his seductive wife. She wondered if perhaps in a glimmer of perception, he had looked beneath that white skin and that flowing hair to glimpse the wrinkles shining against the bones beneath. Suddenly she was very sad. She looked down at her own white arm and shuddered. Carefully, she taped the photograph back in place, rewrapped the album, and returned it to its place beneath the blankets. Afterwards, she took off her clothes and entered the bathroom, closing the door. She posed before the full-length mirror. Her body was as it had been the last time she looked. The fine �142 The Summer People flesh, all of her was the same. She really was pretty! She could see no shadow lines of age, no ugly shadows against her white bones. She leaned closer and examined her face, stretching the skin with her fingertips. It was still young and unblemished. She inhabited the same world as the photograph of Maud DeVoss, but her world was ticking toward the world Mrs. DeVoss now occupied. She suddenly felt time pressing on her like a stream of invisible sand pouring down on her from above. She sighed and returned to her bedroom, dressing again. The next Saturday was cold and cloudy, a cold breeze tousling the leaves outside the cabin. During the morning, dressed in a cardigan sweater and slacks, Anna drove to Boone to shop at a supermarket. It was not good weather for mountain tourism. Nevertheless, the narrow roads were as busy as a line of ants with lowlanders coming up for the weekend. Most of the license plates were local, although there were a few from adjacent states and an occasional one from farther away. Few of them were from Florida, she noted. Most of the Florida summer citizens had already begun their seasonal sojourn, and it was a bit early in the morning and much too cool for them to be abroad. On the way home, Anna stopped at Sparr's Store for some needles and thread, which took only a few minutes. While she was waiting for the storekeeper to get the purchase from the ancient show- �John Foster West 143 case, she listened to the two old-timers who were huddled close to the cold stove. "Yep, hit's snowed in this county in ever month but July," one of them stated. "Yeah," the other agreed, "we's bound to have a frost this year in August. You mark my word and set it down. The signs is right." "Hit wouldn't s'prise me a-tall," the first agreed. As Anna drove away from the store, she tried to conceive of snow in June and frost in August. It taxed her imagination. She shivered and laughed, wondering whether she could endure one cold winter up here above three thousand feet, when the chill factor was sometimes twenty below. Winter was not for her. Summer was beautiful here, but winter at some lower, warmer altitude was her idea of living sanely. In the early afternoon there was a knock at the cabin door. Anna crossed the floor, a bit relieved because she expected it to be Jay Webber. She had seen him only once since her quick look at him at the Singing. He had come by briefly on Tuesday to deliver a letter from Maud DeVoss. (Her sister was resting easier, but she had decided not to return to the mountains just now.) The truth was, Anna was a little lonely and eager to see Jay. Perhaps they could go on a short horseback ride or something. The trouble was that it was Saturday, and she knew it. She had always been loneliest on Saturdays during her six years alone because it had �144 The Summer People been on the weekends that she was able to spend the most time with Pete, and they usually went out on Saturday nights. She opened the door, smiling, but felt the elastic of her facial tissue slip back into neutral, which must have registered her disappointment. Anyway, the bright smile on Beatrice Wayne's face faded. "Hi!" she said brightly. "Remember me?" "Sure. Mrs. Wayne—Beatrice. Do come in." Beatrice Wayne entered, and Anna closed the door. "It's a bit chilly today," her visitor said. "Yes. If it keeps on with this rain and cold, they'll probably have frost here in August." Beatrice laughed. "You're kidding. It's not possible." "Oh, its quite possible," Anna argued. "Have a seat." She took one of the stuffed chairs near the fireplace and Beatrice Wayne sat in another. "I'll tell you one thing," Beatrice asserted, hugging herself and pretending to shiver, "it frosts up here two nights in a row, and the Wayne family is heading back for sunny Florida." "Could I get you a drink?" Anna asked. "Or perhaps some hot tea?" "Hot tea would hit the spot, thanks." Anna got up and went over to put water on a burner, then prepared tea cups. Beatrice Wayne told her she had walked all the way from her house through the woods, and she complained about the distance. "If you just had a telephone, I could have �John Foster West 145 called you," she continued. "I just could not live without a telephone. Of course, I've been planning to visit you. I would have driven over if I had remembered how darn far it was." "Didn't you ever walk over when the DeVosses were here?" "Oh, many times. But I was a kid then, mostly. I had good wind. Besides—" She stopped there. Anna wondered if the besides had anything to do with Pete. She carried the cups of tea back to her guest, who took one of them. Anna sat back down, then sipped the hot, lemony brew. "Well, now, how did you like Mark Grunwald?" Beatrice asked, looking into her tea. Anna stopped, her cup halfway to her mouth. She would have bet her old pantyhose that was the reason for the visit. For a moment she resented it, then thought, who cares? It was not that important. "Oh, okay, I guess. He's a real gentleman of the world." "He's considered quite a catch by the summer people." Beatrice caught her eyes briefly, then looked away. "For whom?" "For whom!" Anna's guest laughed. "For any single woman that can get him." She hesitated. "Or any woman, for that matter. It's not a complicated matter anymore to become single." "No," Anna agreed. "All a woman has to do is to have a husband who gets killed." �146 The Summer People "Oh, honey, I'm sorry." She reached over and patted Anna's arm, spilling some of her tea. "I didn't intend to bring back memories. I was just kidding, naturally." "No offense. I just stated it as a fact." "Did—did you get along with Mark all right? He wouldn't talk about it to me." "Why should he?" Anna had not meant to sound so firm. "Oh, don't misunderstand me." She reached out to pat Anna's arm again, but she moved it before Beatrice could slop any of her tea onto her knees. "I was talking with him, and he brought the subject up himself. He just said how very pretty you are and how he wished he could see more of you. I mean be with you more." "That was sweet of him." "Did you-all have fun?" Beatrice Wayne hesitated. "I mean—" "Do you mean, did we go to bed?" Anna asked politely. "If so, the answer is no, we didn't." "Oh, Anna, you know I didn't mean that, really," she protested. "You know I wouldn't ask you anything like that." "Well, just in case you are curious, we didn't." "Oh, I could have guessed that." Beatrice reached out to touch her again, then withdrew her hand. "What I really came over here for—I mean aside from a neighborly visit—was to ask you over to play bridge tonight. My husband's brother is up �John Foster West 147 from Orlando for a week, and we—George and I—thought it might be good for both of you to socialize a little. I mean you and Phil, my brotherin-law." "I would be glad to come over. But bridge— don't you remember when I met you at the lodge, I told you I don't play bridge?" "Oh, dear!" Beatrice Wayne looked incredulous. "Don't play bridge! Well, I declare. Well, what do you play?" Anna managed a narrow little smile. "I'm a fairly good poker player." "Poker! I mean poker?" Anna's guest nodded, her face twisted in puzzlement. "My husband was a Navy jet pilot. He thought bridge was a game to keep the hands busy while women gossiped." "Yes. Well, I suppose we could play a little poker. That would be fun, I suppose." "It's settled then. What time should I come over?" "Oh, I'll send Phil after you. We're invited to a little reception at the lodge earlier in the evening. How would eight-thirtyish be?" "Eight-thirtyish will suit me fine," Anna said. "But I insist, I'll just come on over. I can't stay late, though. This mountain air gets to me. I usually retire early." "That'll be fine, then." Beatrice Wayne stood up. "We'll be expecting you around eight-thirty." �148 The Summer People Anna started to offer her a ride back to her cabin, but changed her mind. "See you then," she said, as she moved to open the door. Some little niggling quirk at the back of her mind insisted that Anna walk to the Wayne cabin rather than drive. Although twilight beneath the forest roof preceded the setting of the sun, the old path between the summer homes was easy to follow. Anna wondered how many times young Pete DeVoss had walked this way to play with prissy little Beatrice Paulson, and felt a sharp little pingl of jealousy explode somewhere in the uncharted regions of her mind. Once, she stopped to watch five or six wee folk doing a square dance circle in the gloom beneath a holly tree, but when she blinked, they had vanished. She frowned in disappointment and continued her walk, her red pantsuit a shadow among shadows. Fireflies began exploding among the trees like the birth and death of distant stars. "Oh, you walked!" Beatrice Wayne commented, when she opened the door. "Yes," Anna said. "It was not all that far. Only a few hundred yards." Phil Wayne was a big, blond man, perhaps twenty-five. Within two minutes after the game had started, Anna was made aware of the fact that he was a vice-president of one of the five Wayne banks in central and north Florida. Anna did not ask, but she was certain the banks were family enterprises, probably established by Father or Grand- �John Foster West 149 father Wayne. How else could a man not long out of college become the vice-president of a bank? He wore a white sport shirt open almost to his navel, displaying his deeply tanned,, almost hairless chest. He wore a smile as white as his shirt, and his hair, almost to his collar, any female would have envied. He was not feminine, though. He was quick to let her know he had been a linebacker at Florida State and a letterman in tennis. Did she play tennis? Did she play golf? He had another week's vacation. He would have to try her out next week if her calendar was not too full. Perhaps they could borrow the Webbers' horses and go for a ride. He knew some bridle paths leading to beautiful scenery—like Holy Rood Rock—since he had ridden with that local fellow (What was his name? Oh, yes, Jay—Jay Webber) last summer. A peckerwood, but a darn considerate chap. Anna felt her nape bristling and started to retort, then dropped it. After all, who was this Florida cracker? Jay did not need her to defend him. Although her drinks had relaxed her and subdued her impatience, Anna was restless. The game, draw poker, was mostly slipshod and quiet except for the occasional chatter from Beatrice or the recreational autobiography of Phil, who drove a Corvette, flew the bank's Beechcraft, owned a twinengine cabin cruiser, water skied, snow skied, piloted a racing boat, and was taking lessons to fly the company helicopter. Anna found herself wonder- �150 The Summer People ing when in hell he found the time to play vicepresident of a bank. She wondered how he and silent George could have come from the same tree, unless their mother had only one tongue to go around and Phil inherited it. Beatrice had to interpret George's silence and occasional grunts for Anna. Phil apparently knew the language. "Summer is nothing up here for sports," Phil was saying. "You ought to come up here in the winter. They've got six or seven ski resorts around here. A couple of them have runs that are fairly challenging. Have you ever skied, Anna?" Anna nodded, studying her hand. "On the Chesapeake Bay." "No! I mean real skiing—snow skiing." He leaned toward her, smiling. "The deepest snow I ever saw was about three inches," she said. "It closed Norfolk down for three days." "Well, you ought to come back up here in January and February." Phil leaned forward against the table, plunging down a slope into the cold wind. "You'd love to ski. I could teach you in no time. I belong to the Ski Patrol." "I just knew you did," Anna nodded solemnly. "I would have bet you were a Ski Patrolman." "Draw, again," Beatrice announced. It was dealer's choice. "Deuces and one-eyed Jacks are wild." �John Foster West 151 "Jesus, Sis," Phil complained, "why don't you just make the whole deck wild?" "Are you kidding?" Beatrice argued. "That would take all chance out of the game." Anna had to admit that Phil Wayne was a bright kid, even when talking. As the evening progressed, more and more of the coins accumulated in front of him. By eleven, Anna was out of chips, including two dollars extra she had brought along, a total of five dollars and twenty cents. But of more importance to her, she was weary of the game, weary of the Waynes, and under the influence of the cool mountain air, was too sleepy to pretend any longer. She wanted to be alone. The second after she excused herself for the evening, Anna realized where she had made her mistake—by walking to the Wayne cabin instead of driving. Phil Wayne had the answer. "Oh, I'll drive you home. It's too far to walk in the dark. I must. I insist." Anna knew he would. She was a bit tipsy from the drinks, and anyway, she did not feel like arguing. Anna was afraid for a moment he would insist on carrying her to his car. He almost lifted her into the bucket seat of the low-swung vehicle, then vaulted the hood toward the driver's side. In a moment they were out of the yard and heading up the Ridge Road, Phil Wayne talking, talking, talking. What a way to spend a Saturday evening, she thought. Way ahead, the �152 The Summer People Webber farmhouse was a dark, rectangular mass against a lighter sky. She wondered if Jay were asleep or somewhere with the redhead she had seen him with at the Singing. She felt a little lurch of regret at the possibility, but it passed quickly. Phil Wayne did not touch her except to help her out of the car. When she stumbled on the front steps, he grabbed her left arm, steadying her, then let her go. Damn, but she was tight, tighter than she realized or had intended, probably because she had eaten very little all day. She groped for the keyhole, found it, inserted the key, and the door swung inward. It was at that moment Phil Wayne touched her. He seized her in his arms, drew her to him, and found her mouth with his. Anna started to shove him away, then thought better. Perhaps a quick kiss would satisfy him and send him home more quickly. But he had other ideas. For a moment Anna's mind whirled away toward alcoholic indiscretion. He removed his mouth from hers. "I just knew you would be like this," he panted. "Yes. Yes. I knew you would." Promise you'll wait till I return. Anna went tense. "Like what?" "Warm," he whispered. "Exciting!" "I'm not like that at all," she stated, pushing at him. "Knock it off! That's enough, buster." But she could not budge his bulk. She braced a �John Foster West 153 forearm against his chest and shoved, but it only moved her backward tighter against the wall, where he trapped her. All of a sudden his closeness repelled her. She did not want him close to her. The cracker called Jay a peckerwood. Wish he were here. Let him go back to the Sunshine State and brag to his friends at the bank— "Come on, beautiful," he crooned in her ear. "You know you don't want to fight me." With her right hand, Anna tried to reach his face with her fingernails, but he caught her wrist with his left hand. Her left hand was trapped behind her against the wall. Relax a moment, the ghost voice whispered deep in her brain. Remember what I taught you. Relax, then when he relaxes, you know what to do. The short hair bristled on the nape of her neck. She could feel the blood draining from her face, but briefly she felt more secure with the living flesh of Phil Wayne close to her. But for only a moment. Then she relaxed and Phil Wayne placed his arms back around her. She pushed him gently, and he moved backward just enough. Abruptly, her right knee flashed upward and caught him in the crotch. He bellowed a hoarse, coughing groan and doubled over, clutching himself with both hands. She slipped from between him and the wall, darted through the doorway, and shoved the cabin door closed. She stood there in the dark panting, terrified that he would be intoxi- �154 The Summer People cated enough and stupid enough to break into the cabin and attack her again. She remembered Pete's advice clearly now. "Women have no pain equivalent," he had laughed. Her breathing had slowed to normal, and her heart had quieted when she heard the engine of the Corvette come to life. She smiled a tight smile of relief and crossed the cabin to her bedroom, turning on the light. Afterwards, she stood under a hot shower for half an hour, almost scalding herself clean. �Chapter X She sat on a mossy rock somewhere in the forest watching the wee folk square-dancing. She did not see any musicians, but the little people, in their white and black pilgrim clothes, danced wildly, like Breughel's peasants, their heads thrown back, silent laughter ringing toward the sky. Suddenly the dancing stopped and the wee folk whirled to face her, looking beyond her, their faces warped by fear. Only a moment they stood frozen in their tracks. Then they whirled and fled beneath some healalls. Anna started to turn and look behind her, but she was too late. A powerful hand seized her right arm, whirled her onto her back. She felt a hairy chest flatten her and coarse hair cutting into her skin like steel wool. Both her wrists were grasped now. She tried to rear up, but was pressed back. She could think of no defense that Pete had taught her. She was half terrified and half fascinated. She opened her eyes and stared upward. The face was indistinct, but the kinky hair and beard were in vague silhouette against the starry sky and seemed familiar. The thick neck which came down to press 155 �156 The Summer People against her face had a familiar smell, one remembered from a long time ago. She opened her mouth to plead, but could not speak. Her eyes were open now, and she was staring at the shadowy ceiling above the bed. The weight was gone from her chest, but she thought she could still smell a faint musk in the room. She tossed her head to the side. The window was open, but the screen was closed and latched. She heard a noise at the window. Tilting her head again, she stared in that direction. She thought she saw a shadowy silhouette against the outer darkness. She whirled to the edge of the bed, lifting the lid of the window seat and groping downward inside it. She found the button that rang the bell in the Webber house. Her hand relaxed and she stared back at the window, squinting. There was nothing there. Of course there was not. She started to withdraw her hand, hesitated. All she had to do was press the button. Her finger stiffened on it. In ten minutes or less, perhaps only five, Jay would be there inside the house. Why had she not been tempted before? Was it because fantasies seemed more possible, more acceptable in the middle of the night, when she usually slept? Anyway, she was unafraid for the present. She removed her hand from inside the box and let the lid fall. Suddenly she was chilly. Reaching down, she pulled the sheet and blanket over her- �John Foster West 157 self, curled into a tight spiral, and smiled in comfort. She felt good through and through. Gad, but the bed was comfortable. She went back to sleep, still smiling. Anna DeVoss sat at the large oval table in the Webber combination kitchen-dining room, a room large enough to hold a dance in, she thought. Around ten o'clock that morning she had heard the roar of Jay's Scout outside the cabin. He had come with the invitation from his mother to a Fourth of July dinner (a noon meal to Mrs. Webber), and Anna had been happy to accept. Independence Day was warm and hazy, but not muggy here in the mountains. Jay had shown her about the farm, the granary, the small greenhouse, the smokehouse, and the stone basement beneath the kitchen area, where Burley tobacco was cured. Now, the four of them ate—Jay, Anna, Hilda, and Mrs. Webber, who did most of the talking. It was as though she had saved her word-hoard during the quiet days of the working week, Anna thought, and spent it on whoever there was to listen on weekends and holidays. Her reddish graystreaked hair was combed back and wound into a tight bun at the nape of her neck. Wearing her navy-blue Sunday dress, Mrs. Webber did not appear to Anna to be a hard working farm woman until she looked at the older woman's hands, �158 The Summer People cracked and calloused as any man's who has spent a lifetime in the fields. Anna's glance flickered to Hilda, beside her mother. She sat in her chair as prim as a first-year student in a boarding school. Her red dress, patterned with white daisies, was neatly laundered, and her long hair swept down her back, held in order behind, Anna had noticed earlier, by a silver barrette. Her whole attention was on her food and the ritual of eating it, lifting each forkful slowly and placing it in her mouth as carefully as though she expected it to burn her. She glanced at Anna now and then, but mostly, she practiced a pantomime she had been carefully rehearsed in for a long time. Wearing what seemed to be the same faded jeans and sleeveless blue sports shirt, Jay sat across from Anna. Now and then their eyes would meet, like a tentative fingertip-to-fingertip touch by two people in a dark room. At those times, a ripple of laugh wrinkles would appear about his eyes, hedged in by hairline and beard, but Anna could not tell whether they were from amusement or pleasure. He ate methodically as though counting the calories, pausing now and then to stare through the window beyond Anna, his mind apparently far away. "I got seven younguns," Mrs. Webber was saying. "There's Hilder and Jay, my youngst'uns. Then there's Goldie and Ruth and Maybell, living �John Foster West 159 here and yander." She grinned. "Already fetched me eight grandchildrens. Then I got two older boys, Abe and Sandy. They's both off yander in Dee-troit and Denver. Couldn't neither of 'em abide working on the farm. That's why Jay's got to manage things—" "Mamma!" Jay protested. Martha Webber laughed. "Jay don't take to me talkin about him to nobody. He's my youngun that's most inside hisself. He's my brightest 'un, too." She chuckled. "Although he don't behave like it most of the time." Jay Webber grinned and caught Anna's eye. "Mamma thinks I'm bright because I get things done without killing myself working at it." "No, I don't think no sech a thing," his mother argued. "That's the part I think is lazy. Hard work is good for soul and body." "Mamma, may I be excused to go to the bathroom, please?" Hilda Webber asked. "Sure, honey. Be careful to flush the toilet, now, and wash your hands before you come back to the table." "Yes, Mamma." The girl left, disappearing through the doorway to Anna's left, leading to the main part of the house. The food was delicious. The main dish was fried chicken, but the vegetables appealed to Anna's taste the most. There were string beans sea- �160 The Summer People soned with pork, and mashed potatoes. There was also a dish she had never tasted before, leaf lettuce covered with sliced spring onions, wilted by pouring some hot bacon grease over them. This early in the summer, leaf lettuce and spring onions were about the only vegetables the garden produced here in the mountains, Mrs. Webber had told her earlier, especially if the season is late. There were sliced tomatoes, tasty and tart, not like the plastic* blobs she was able to buy in the supermarket, picked and shipped green. Anna loved homegrown, vine-ripened tomatoes. "I didn't think tomatoes were ripe up here in the mountains yet," she said. "They are delicious." "That's one of the reasons I think Jay's smart," Martha Webber grinned. "He tuck over one of my greenhouses I use for flowers (she pronounced it flairs) and growed some early tomatoes in there. Uses jest manure and woods mulch to feed'em. They are good, aint't they?" "It was a simple job," Jay said. "That's the way I'm raising everything in the garden down at Riverglade." "Now, honey, you know better'n that," Mrs. Webber said firmly. "Get back to your room and get your dress back on." Anna turned her head. Hilda stood in the doorway, naked except for her panties. "But, Mamma, I wet my dress." �John Foster West 161 Anna's eyes shifted to Jay, as he turned to look at his sister. "Hilda, baby, we have company," he said. "Please! Go back and put a dress on." "Get you another clean frock out of your dresser drawer," Martha Webber said. "Now you know you mustn't come in here like that." "All right, Mamma." The girl turned around and disappeared back through the doorway. Anna studied Martha Webber covertly and envied her children their mother. "Jay will excuse me if I tell you he don't like running the farm much," Mrs. Webber said. "After J.W. passed on, they wasn't nobody else to manage. I couldn't. We let the backer allotment out to a tenant farmer, but we got a share. Mack Jones is honest enough, but Burley backer needs to be tuck care of like a sick baby. Jay knows how it's got to be done, and so he manages it. If he had his druthers, he'd druther not do much of anything but raise a garden and a few acres of other stuff." "After a man has worked himself to death," Jay protested, "all he's got to show for it is a hole in the ground and property left for his kin to fight over." "They won't be no fightin over this here farm," his mother argued. "That's because Dad was smarter than most farmers. He made plans for his land." "Mountain lands is breakin up," Martha Webber explained to Anna. "This generation cares �162 The Summer People but little or nothin about real farmin. Most of 'em are leaving home for factories and professions, them that ain't already left. They was a time when everbody that could manage it, around here, sent their girls to Appalachian State Teachers College— it's a university now, but it was a fine teachers college for year upon year. Then the girls would marry some local boy, and they'd farm and have a good income from her a-teachin in a nearby school and her man a-runnin the farm. But things has changed. Boys and girls both are a-goin to the university, here and way off yander, some'ers, and the land is gettin broke apart into sections and lots for them rich lowlanders to invest in or so's they can spend the summers up here where it's cool at. And they ain't no more plan to the developin and buildin than a house on fire. Big old mansions and scabby trailers are a settin next door to one another like a frog in a flower garden." "Yet there's no other place worth living, at least for me," Jay said. "You couldn't pay me to leave these mountains anymore." "But don't you get bored up here sometimes?" Anna was arguing with him. She felt it was a point she needed to make. "I mean, this summer so far has been wonderful for me, different. But isn't that because it's a new experience? Deep down, I feel restless, quite often, as though—" She was thoughtful for a few seconds—"as though I wanted to go home and couldn't remember where home is." �John Foster West 163 "You're becoming one of us," Jay laughed. "If you weren't, you'd remember where your home is." Anna opened her mouth to deny what he had said, then thought better. After all, there was nothing to protest against, even though she was sure what he had said was untrue. �Chapter XI Jay Webber had invited Anna to attend the nineteenth annual Highland Games and Gathering of the Scottish Clans, on Saturday, July 13, at McRae Meadows, under Grandfather Mountain, where she had attended alone the "Singing on the Mountain." The event was to last two days, Saturday and Sunday, but Jay was chiefly interested in the track and field competition, which took place on Saturday. He asked her to be ready by 6:00 A.M. so they could escape the frustrating traffic, and Anna, remembering her experience at the Singing, agreed. It was already daylight as they sped along the winding highway toward Linville in Jay's Scout, but a sky full of woolly fog hung a few hundred feet above the treetops, canceling out sunrise or any other means of telling direction. Grandfather Mountain was buried from below his chin upward, including Galloway Peak, his nose, the highest elevation in the Blue Ridge Chain. Jay's concession to family tradition and the MacTavish Clan (actually a family of the Campbell Clan) was a pair of trousers made of MacTavish tartan—a plaid with a red background, lines of 164 �John Foster West 165 light blue and black running through it. His shirt was a non-symbolic light blue pullover. Anna wore a Campbell tartan scarf about her head, which Mrs. Webber had supplied. Jay had not attended the gathering in more than five years, he told her. In his late teens and early twenties he had worn the whole regalia: kilt, sporran, tarn, everything; but he had lost interest in any kind of group identity, Anna gathered from what he did not say. She also sensed that his main reason for attending today was that he thought she might find it interesting. "The guest of honor this year is from Clan Malcolm, Argyll, Scotland," Jay explained, as he made the last turn at the Linville traffic light and headed toward Grandfather Mountain on 221. "The chief of a clan is invited from Scotland each year to renew the kinship between American and native clansmen. Some of the games are traditional Scottish contests, and some, like the track and jumping events, are universal. It was a good idea to start with, a real celebration of tradition, but I'm afraid it's getting too polluted by tourists." "Why is the gathering here?" Anna asked. "I mean, why not somewhere else?" "The Carolina mountains are full of descendants of Scottish immigrants." They were climbing now under a canopy of green foliage, swinging from curve to curve with the rhythm of a roller coaster, up the west side of the Blue Ridge. "Many refugees of the Jacobean troubles ended up here, �166 The Summer People because it was so much like the highlands, I'm sure. Some of the most common names are McRae, McNeal, McGee, McLeod, MacTavish, Scott, Ross, MacLeon, Davidson, Hay, Witherspoon (originally Wotherspoon), and so on. It's ironic that many of them are really humble farmers or low-income families who ignore their heritage and would never consider going to the trouble of coming to one of these gatherings, up here. Yet most of them I'm talking about have a greater family right to wear the tartan than most of those who will be here today, pretenders who are only indirectly connected to a Scottish clan." "I suppose it's like you said earlier: some people feel a need to belong somewhere special. Perhaps they are ordinary, which I don't mean to be a criticism, and any kind of relationship to a proud heritage like the Scots have gives them a feeling of importance." Jay nodded his head thoughtfully, but Anna was not sure whether he actually heard what she had said. He was once again off in his own little universe, leaving his flesh beside her. They encountered no other vehicle on the climb to McRae Meadows, but when they arrived, they discovered a small city had preceded them. The grassy area on the right side of the highway was filled with campers, trailers, and cars around its margin, people who had arrived the day before. On the left side of the road, campers and cars �John Foster West 167 stretched from sight in the cleared areas beneath the trees and in the grass along the edge of the vast upland meadow. Jay pulled into the entrance to the grounds, backed around, and parked on the grassy shoulder of the highway, with a light pole a few feet behind him, giving him enough space to back up and escape if someone should park too close to his front bumper. They sat in the car for a while drinking coffee from a thermos bottle Jay had brought, listening to a radio station in Morganton, hardly hearing it and saying very little. Shortly after they parked, other vehicles began to arrive but they were infrequent, this early, and had little trouble finding a parking place. Most of them drove directly up the lane, directed by an attendant with a walkie-talkie, and into the lower area of McRae Meadows, where they would be stuck without escape until the day's activities were over and they had to creep in line out of the area. At eight o'clock, Anna and Jay left the Scout. Jay bought tickets at three dollars each for the first day, and they walked up the forest lane towards the meadow. Anna noted as they passed them, cars and campers from many states, several from as far away as Michigan and Canada. Already, tourists and fourth and fifth-generation American Scotsmen were beginning to wander about the huge field. A stocky couple in kilts, hose, and tarns waddled past Anna and Jay, holding hands. Both had long hair and both had a sturdy �168 The Summer People walk, making it difficult to tell which was the male and which the female. Jay argued that the man was on the right because the rear of the other one rotated a bit farther with each step. They got scrambled eggs, ham, biscuits and coffee in cardboard containers at a stand and sat down on a rock to eat. Anna's eyelids were heavy and grainy. She felt like stretching out on the grass and going back to sleep. At nine, the sun broke through the rising fog as though a clock had been set for that moment. Tourists were beginning to pour into the lower half of the meadow now, streaming down the lanes between parked vehicles. Canvas kiosks were opening up, stretched along the middle of the meadow, offering everything for sale Scottish and a great deal that was not. They moved from stand to stand, examining the goods and their prices. Clan tartan kilts, little more than wraparounds, sold for $45 to $60. Tartan ties were $5 to $10, depending on their width. There was a variety of caps, tarns, scarfs, sporrans, belts, socks, and other clothing. There was bolt upon bolt of tartan fabric. One could buy clan books, clan maps, family crests, ashtrays, cups, plates, banners, and badges which read "Kiss me, I'm Scottish" or "Scotland Forever." There were also expensive jewelry and junk jewelry—the sort that tourists revel in. One kiosk specialized in Scottish food, including short bread and haggis—lamb, seasoning, and oatmeal stuffed into a lamb's stomach. They stopped to watch an old white-haired �John Foster West 169 gentleman hobble by dressed in expensive Scottish attire, sporran hair dangling far down between his bowed legs. He walked painfully by using one of those S-curved, knotty "hoot mon" canes Anna had seen in pictures. "Old Great-grandpa Abe MacTavish would kick these stands down, if he could see them," Jay muttered. "Money changers in the temple of tradition." "But the goods are authentic, aren't they?" "Yes, a hell of a lot more authentic than the Cherokee tomahawks and headdresses made in Formosia you'll find in the southwestern part of the state, around Cherokee. At least it was like that a few years ago." He stopped suddenly and turned, waving with the back of his hand toward the milling, elbowing throng around them, as if attempting to part the Red Sea with a gesture. "But these people, eighty percent of them, are descendants of immigrants from everywhere but Scotland. There's something phony about selling ancestral symbols to aliens, if I can use that word. And even I've got to go back three generations to find pure Scot blood." "It's the publicity," Anna said. "I bet you could have a gathering of orangutangs and write it up in papers or put it on TV, and you would have thousands of summer tourists who would come, claiming a distant ancestor was an orangutang chief." Jay Webber stared at her, a strange look in his �170 The Summer People eyes, his mouth grim. Suddenly he burst out laughing and whacked her on her arm, stinging her. "You know, I think there's hope for you yet." Anna resented the pain briefly, but let it pass. She remembered Pete had said once that if you had a brown-nosing contest, and advertised it, you would get a stadium full of long noses from everywhere. She started to tell Jay, but thought better. That was something that belonged to her and her husband. Jay escorted her through the gate between the lines of kiosks and out into the upper half of the meadow, the center of which was dominated by an official quarter-mile oval track around a grassy field, where high-jump, broad-jump, pole vault, and shot-put areas could be seen. The hillside to the left was terraced and offered tiers on which spectators had already gathered, sitting in folding chairs or on spread blankets. Jay and Anna sat in the grass on the upper tier to the right of the reviewing stand, a platform with a canvas roof, the microphone already manned by someone who called himself the Field Marshal. "Traffic is backed up all the way to Linville, two miles," the Field Marshal announced. Anna looked at her watch. It was 9:45. He had said it as though it were some kind of record, perhaps better than last season, when the traffic did not reach that mark until later in the day. She started to call Jay's attention to the time, �John Foster West 171 when the microphone came alive again. "Will the owner of the Buick station wagon blocking the driveway into the field please move it?" the voice requested. "Otherwise, it will be towed away at your expense." "I be damned! Would you believe that?" Jay commented. "He wanted to park close," Anna replied. "The driveway was obviously the only space in three miles of here he could get his little old Buick wagon in. He's a citizen. He's got rights." Jay laughed. "You wouldn't believe that anyone, I mean anyone, would be that stupid, would you? Now he, or she, is going to lose twice as much time moving as he would have lost parking sensibly in the first place." "That's democracy, Jay. You are free to be bright, mediocre, or stupid. Everyone can't be bright." On two platforms down on the athletic field, children were doing the Highland Fling. They appeared to be all girls, but a boy would have been hard to spot from that distance, in a kilt and wearing long hair. The strident skirl of a bagpipe filled the air like the protest of a giant insect caught in a web, as bonnie lassies, from four feet to five feet, ten inches tall did their Scottish ballet, most of the motion vertical. Although there was a monotony to the repetition of the steps, Anna could see a wild grace in the dance and felt her nape prickle at the �172 The Summer People music. For a brief few seconds, she understood how warriors in kilts, their bottoms bare, could follow that music into battle, called by the enemy the Ladies from Hell. "Did you know," Jay asked, "that the typical mountain fiddle music was originally an attempt to imitate the sound of the bagpipe?" "No, I didn't know that," Anna said. "Did you know it?" Jay chuckled. "You blase smarty! No, I didn't know it, but I have been told that the Scottish immigrants to these mountains invented mountain fiddling because they missed bagpipe music. I was not told why they didn't bring bagpipes with them." "You anticipated my question." "I'm getting to know you," he sang off key. They ate a production-line lunch and watched athletic competition in the afternoon. By one o'clock the grounds surrounding the field were so thick with spectators it was difficult to walk in any direction. The huge boulders along the upper edge of the meadows were so crowded, Anna was reminded of sunning seals on a rocky shore. The track and field events were sanctioned by the AAU, Jay explained, and any record set would be an official one. But as it turned out, only local track records were broken. Anna was not impressed, nor was Jay. Had it not been for the atmosphere and the setting, she would just as soon have been back at the cabin reading a book. The mile and two-mile �John Foster West 173 runs were very slow, compared to world records. The hundred-yard dash was exciting only because it was explosive. Anna found the caber toss the most interesting event because it was the most alien to her experience. The caber was a twenty-foot log which weighed from a hundred to a hundred forty pounds. The contestant picked it up from the ground, keeping it as vertical as possible, lifting it with both hands beneath the small end, rushed forward and hurled it top end first. The point was to toss it end over end so that it fell in line with the run, and not the distance thrown. The sport originated from a method of building bridges in a hurry, Jay told her. The sheaf toss and the toss of the clach—stone strength—a large, smooth stone which weighed about fourteen pounds, were also interesting. They missed the most unusual happening of the day when a man with a hang glider sailed from the chin of Grandfather Mountain, fifteen hundred feet to a golf course at the foot of the mountain. Someone told them about it later. Anna tried to relate the glider flight to the Highland Games, but somewhere there was a contradiction. Late in the afternoon, before the masses of tourists got the same idea, Anna and Jay walked among the sprawling, standing, milling spectators, returning to the highway and Jay's Scout. As they drove back toward Linville, traffic was no problem, �174 The Summer People but the shoulder of the road on the right was a continuous line of parked vehicles. "Can you imagine what it will be like when all those cars and campers start leaving McRae Meadows?" Anna asked, out of a long silence. "Yes, I can." He looked at her, then back at the road. "That's why we're leaving now. These roads are not capable of handling this kind of traffic. Only four-lane roads could do it." Imagine what four lanes would do to these mountains." "That's our dilemma," he nodded. �Chapter XII The week following the Highland Games, Jay Webber started coming by Anna's cabin almost every day, suggesting some activity. On Monday he drove her several miles the other side of Boone, to the old Winebarger mill. His stated reason for making the trip was to buy some fresh-ground buckwheat flour, but she was sure the real reason was to show her the old water mill. A faded, dark structure of weatherboarding and shingles, it towered beside a small stream whose water ran eternally down the flume and overshot the rusty waterwheel, turning it, unless a trap was opened, allowing the water to fall short, splashing on the rocks below. The mill was over eighty years old and now run by the grandson of the first miller. Inside, the building was close and filled with a "mealy fragrance of the past," Anna thought. Always, with the wheel turning, the floor vibrated beneath her feet and the low rumble, along with the grating of meshing steel cogs, reminded her of an approaching avalanche of stones. All over the walls and beams, the names and addresses of customers from as far away as California and Maine 175 �176 The Summer People were written in square script, along with the amount of meal or buckwheat flour to be mailed and the intervals at which orders were to be sent. Some of them were dated 1887, 1900, and 1906. Anna had the weird feeling that she would walk back out through the door she used earlier, when she entered the old mill, step up into a buggy, and ride off at a fast trot. And to her surprise she almost wished she could. That night, Jay drove Anna out to Wisemans View, off Highway 181, and they sat for four hours staring at the dark bulk of Brown Mountain, trying to catch a glimmer of the ghostly Brown Mountain Lights, but all they saw were fireflies. On Tuesday, Jay came by her cabin with the horses and a picnic lunch his mother had packed, suggesting that they ride up to Holy Rood Rock. They passed by the dark green lake of growing tobacco, through which a man, a woman, and several teenagers waded slowly, at work. Jay told her about Burley 21, suckering, cutworms, and aphids, but she did not follow it too well. Raising tobacco seemed like more trouble than running a dairy. "That weed is a royal pain in the ankle," Jay swore. "And I'm getting fed up with it. It's like bottle-feeding a rattlesnake. It doesn't contribute a damn thing to mankind but trouble. I sometimes try to imagine the kind of vegetables you could grow with the same pampering." Anna looked at him curiously. "What's the oc- �John Foster West 177 casion for this sermon? I don't smoke, and I haven't seen you smoking." Jay laughed brusquely. "I'm sorry. One of my sore points. As far as I personally am concerned, raising tobacco is immoral. Yet I'm trapped, at least for this year. I have to manage it for Mamma and Hilda. But Mom doesn't really need the money anymore." They climbed halfway up Golgotha Mountain, following a winding bridle trail beneath tall oaks and poplars. Holy Rood Rock was far from symmetrical, but it was massive and intimidating. Anna stood beside her mount and stared up at it, subdued to silence, momentarily. Both vertical shaft and cross bar were of sedimentary rock, with strata easily visible in different shades of limestone and large fragments of quartz. The shaft, more than sixty feet tall, listed to the left. The right arm of the horizontal beam was shorter than the left, and the whole formation was tilted slightly from horizontal. Sometime in the dark geological past, Anna surmised, the two layers of rock had collided during earthquakes, had become fused, and millions of years of erosion had done the rest. It was the kind of cross a blind giant might have chiseled out, and for a moment a dark stone Christ three stories tall shimmered against it, before disappearing. A spring bubbled from the base of the cliff behind the cross and rushed down to the stone foundation, sweeping around both sides of the vertical shaft. �178 The Summer People "Whoever drinks of that spring," Jay said quietly, "will live in extremely good health." The spell was broken. Anna turned on him. "Aw, come on," she scoffed. "You don't really believe that crap!" "That's the tradition," he said. "The Indians believed it. There's a Cherokee myth that de Soto worshipped here on his way through the Appalachians to the Mississippi and that he took some of the water with him.' "If he did, the water didn't save him, did it?" She was thoughtful a moment. "Old Cortez would have crucified an Indian or two on it." "The Cherokees called it Equa-nvya-asgaya, Big Rock Man." He hesitated. "There's a better tradition than the one about the water, though." "Whoever eats a rock from beneath it will never have diarrhea?" Anna asked, smiling. "No, smarty. Whoever is married beneath Holy Rood Rock will never separate." Anna turned to look at him, another smart remark on the tip of her tongue. But Jay Webber was staring upward at the cross. And she did not want to change the expression on his face. "Are many couples married here?" she asked quietly. "Not any more." He lowered his head and stared back across Holy Rood Valley, which lay below in haze like a land beneath a translucent lake. A generation ago they did. My parents were married here. Our generation doesn't believe in such �John Foster West 179 magic. Besides, you can't get up here unless you walk or ride horseback. And I don't think many of the backpackers from outside even know about it." "You know what's going to happen, don't you?" "What?" He studied her face, eyes narrowed. "One day soon, they'll build a road up here. Hamburger stands will spring up. There'll be a picnic ground. The tourists will come with their candy wrappers, paper plates, cans, and bottles, and there will be mass weddings under the cross, televised. And little plastic Holy Rood Rocks will sell at five dollars each. And the bride and groom who kiss the longest will get a gold-filled dishwasher." Jay Webber laughed a scoffing little laugh. "You're a sardonic broad." "I'm not a broad, Jay. I'm Anna. Remember?" Reaching out, he took hold of her left arm, squeezing it, then let it go. "I'm sorry, Anna. I was kidding. But you're wrong about one thing—the tourists coming like that. This is one natural wonder that will never be corrupted." "Why not? Have you ever seen the mess left behind in the stadium, after the lions have eaten the Christians?" "Because of two unique men, Anna. My father and Dr. DeVoss bought over three hundred acres around the rock back when land was cheap. It belongs to Holy Rood Rock in perpetuity. No road can be built up here, not ever, unless America becomes a dictatorship." �180 The Summer People "Well I'll be—I'll be—damned." "Surprising, isn't it?" He took her by the arm and turned her to face him. "But don't be damned. Live in good health, my friend. Come on, let's drink." On the way back from the rock, Jay took her over a three-mile loop, far to the southeast of the Webber farmhouse, through woods and fallow fields rich with wildflowers. Wherever it was possible, especially in fallow fields, he rode beside her and pointed out numerous flowers, describing them to her, especially those medicinal or edible. Some of them she had already looked up in the book back at the cabin, but she did not tell him. He explained that the purple-tufted healall, a mint, was once used in folk medicine for throat ailments. He pointed to the scarlet flame of oswego tea, or bee-balm, which lit up the corner of an old rail fence like a flame. Horse mint, he told her, was important for its leaves and not for its purple flowers. The leaves were used as a medicine for colic, and the mint oil was distilled from them for flavoring. There was something quietly frantic about Jay Webber's instructions. He reminded Anna of a professor trying to cover the last chapter of a textbook on the last day of the semester. She kept studying him covertly, but he hardly looked away from the plants he was describing. The woolly-leaved mullen, or flannel-leaf, topped by a long, flowering stem, was used to make �John Foster West 181 cough medicine, he told her. In a fallow meadow he said his father had once mowed for its wild hay, he pointed to a tall, leafy cluster of plants with frosty-pink crown flowers. "That's queen-of-themeadow," he told Anna. "It's also called Joe-pye weed. People used to make a tonic of its roots for diarrhea." In a dark glade, they came upon an old stone chimney, a monument to some long-gone family, but grass and wildflowers and briars had covered any other signs that sorrow and laughter had once sat before the open fireplace. Nearby were several tall, thin plants with flowers so brilliantly blue they seemed to glow in the shadows of the briars and ragweeds. "Have you ever seen packages of coffee with chicory added printed on them?" Jay asked. "I used to have a girl friend whose parents used it," she replied. "That coffee was cheaper than most, she told me." "That's chicory." He pointed to the blue flowers. "That plant has a deep taproot, and it's dried up and ground, then mixed with coffee. It's supposed to make the coffee flavor better." He pointed out to her Turk's cap, which reminded her of tiger lilies with a strong wind blowing the petals back; yellow clustered primrose; and acres of asters, whose blue or white blossoms reminded her of tiny daisies. Once, as they rode beside a mass of granite beneath bush-topped field pines, Jay dismounted and pulled a handful of �182 The Summer People glossy leaves from a mass of herbs growing along the edges of the rock. Small urn-shaped pinkish flowers dotted the bed of leaves. Jay thrust some of the leaves into his mouth and began to chew them, handing a cluster up to her. She hesitated, then followed his example. The flavor was strong and unmistakably wintergreen, like her favorite mint. "That was teaberry plants," he said. "They're also called wintergreen by outsiders, for obvious reasons." When they finally reached the DeVoss cabin, Anna dismounted and leaned for a moment against Blitzen. She was exhausted. Jay Webber was slumped in his saddle staring at his hands, which held the reins loosely. Anna walked in front of the mare and handed her reins up to him. He glanced down at her, took them, then stared across the top of Anna's head, out into the woods. "Thanks for a nice day," she said. "I really enjoyed it." Looking back down at her, he smiled. She had the impression he had talked so much about plants, he was too tired to respond. She started to turn away, then turned back, squinting up at him through her huge sunglasses. "And thanks for the informative botany lecture, Professor." As he looked down at her, his mouth became narrow and straight between mustache and beard. His eyes narrowed. "I'd hoped you would get more �John Foster West 183 out of it than information," he stated. He did not wait for her to answer but wheeled his mount and rode off up the driveway through the woods, leading Blitzen. "Well, darn my hide!" Anna muttered, using a nicer version of an old Pete DeVoss expression. "I didn't aim to go and step on your bottom lip, neighbor." Jay did not come by on Wednesday. When he drove up in his scout around 10:00 A.M. on Thursday, he gave no explanation of his activities the day before. And, as a matter of fact, there was no reason he should have, Anna reasoned. Hearing the engine, she hurried out onto the front deck as he parked in the bay beside her car. He got out, stretched, and grinned. "Got any plans for today, tenderfoot?" "I had intended to write a book and a couple of songs," Anna said. "But I can do that any time. What did you have in mind, big, white hunter?" "I thought I'd take you up on the highest mountain in the promised land and show you all the kingdoms of the world." "Your cluttered metaphor eludes me. Specifically, what is your proposition, expressed in basic English?" "Would you, Anna DeVoss, like to go for a ride?" "Let's go." She slammed the cabin door and ran down the steps, vaulting into the passenger side of the front seat. �184 The Summer People Leaving the Holy Rood Valley, Jay turned left at the highway and headed toward Boone. He did not say much at first, but he glanced occasionally at her as though he wanted her to start a conversation. When he braked to a stop at the traffic light in Boone, at the intersection with U.S. 321, he leaned back and prodded her shoulder with an index finger. "Five or six years ago," he said, "this was still a peaceful little mountain town, an ideal spot for the university here. Now, it's getting to be a tourist Mecca, in the worst sense of the term, at least from my viewpoint. The traffic problem is atrocious in the summer, and every ski season it's getting worse in the winter. Would you believe that people by the score come up here to ski without either snow tires or chains? You can see their cars strung out along the shoulders and in the ditches when they get caught by a sudden snowstorm. They even try to climb the mountain on worn tires in falling snow." "Yes, I'd believe that," she said carefully. "It sounds like about par to me." She wondered if this was going to be another anti-tourist lecture and hoped there would be more to the ride than that. With no traffic interfering, Jay turned right on the red light and headed south on 321. They were on a four-lane stretch, paralleled by shopping centers and both old and new businesses. "Not long ago, say four years," Jay continued, "a long, grassy ridge lay to the left there, tapering �John Foster West 185 to end at Boone Creek—see the bank growth? Look how flat it is now, from that clay bluff to the creek. Perfect terrain for that shopping center. In an amazingly short time bulldozers and backhoes dug that ridge away, rocks and all, and trucks hauled it across the highway and dumped it into the low area on our right. Now we have a flat plain bisected by the creek, which will soon be going into a culvert, underground. One of these days they're going to have the damndest flood here you ever saw. "I miss the green ridge, but that doesn't bother me as much as the other digging still going on. What really bothers me is digging back into hillsides and ridges along the streets and roads, carving out notches to build in, leaving the clay banks and blasted rocks to distort the landscape. Many of those little old chain diners and dinky gift shops are built like that." "If there's demand for such food and such dowdy doodads, what do you object to?" Anna asked. She understood what he was getting at, but thought a devil's advocate might create a dialogue instead of a monologue of just bitching. "I object mostly because it's brash, two-bit, chrome-and-neon Americana. I simply object to that at its face value. If such building is permitted, then the builders should be forced to landscape the excavations—slant the banks and plant grass and shrubbery. The ticky-tacky tourist traps wouldn't look so atrocious with a bit of green around them." �186 The Summer People "Whoa, man!" Anna held up her hand. "You're getting emotional. Keep it rational or I can't follow you." Jay Webber laughed and dug her lightly in the side with his elbow. "You're my audience, baby. Ain't nobody else ever going to listen to me." The four lanes ran out, between tourist courts, and they followed the meandering course of U.S. 321 southward as it cut across ridges and traced a stream valley—past a bucolic meadow filled with trailers, past craft shops, past a summertime carnival, past another trailer court, past service stations and a package store. Once they met a long line of traffic backed up behind a gold Cadillac traveling at thirty miles an hour, the elderly passengers staring at the passing scenery. But they were lucky. The south lane remained empty in front of them, and they made good time. Passing the Town of Blowing Rock on the bypass, Jay maneuvered along the right shoulder of the Blue Ridge, following sharp curves along a sheer drop into a valley far below. Just as they started down the other side of the Blue Ridge, Jay cut suddenly into a little side street which shunted them off to the right. A short distance beyond, they reached a dead end in a large parking circle adjacent to a building that looked to Anna like just another craft shop. She could see they had stopped on the south slope of a steep section of the Blue Ridge because nothing but �John Foster West 187 space could be seen through the small trees and shrubbery at the ends of the building. Jay turned to her. "I'm going to show you one of nature's curiosities, Blowing Rock," he said. "It's been a landmark and a scenic attraction for generations. Back decades ago, it was free. Couples would drive up here from the Piedmont on Sundays in the '20's and '30's, even earlier in buggies. They would bring picnic lunches and spend a good part of the day courting. Now, of course, it's fenced in or fenced out, and a fee charged to visit the rock." "What makes it so special? I mean for couples to make an all-day excursion up here. The roads must have been rather difficult back then." "Wait until we get out on it. I mean the rock. I can show-and-tell at the same time." They entered the gift and craft shop. Jay paid for their admission, fifty cents each, and they exited through the west end of the building. She could see immediately that the formation was not an isolated rock at all but a rock cliff, with one long spear of stone projecting at an angle higher than the bluff line and creating a center of interest. As they walked southward along the rim, she could see that the cliff face dropped only a short distance, ending on the slope of the mountain, dense with small trees and undergrowth. But the mountain itself dropped off so precipitously into the misty valley, it gave the impression of standing on the edge of a perpendicular cliff. �188 The Summer People Just below the lip of stone was a narrow path with a railing paralleling it, making a walk along it as safe as a stroll through a meadow. At the south end of the formation a gazebo had been built on stilts out past the bluff and towered high above the tree tops on the mountain slope. A narrow walkway curved out to it. As she stood on this observation tower and gazed almost straight down into the distant valley, then far away, along the deep gorge and across the rolling blue mountains to the west and southwest, Anna was amazed at her lack of fear. Three months ago she would have clutched the railing and closed her eyes or, more probably, would have refused to get within ten feet of the bluff rim. An almost continuous breeze swept up from below, ruffling her hair. Now and then a stronger zephyr would tug playfully at her clothes and cool her upper legs. "That's Johns River Gorge down yonder." Jay pointed down the long valley. "Our elevation up here is a bit over four thousand feet, a good deal higher than the river. You notice the gorge bends to the right at the base of this promontory. It acts as a flume. A wind blows down it almost continuously. When it reaches the base of this mountain, instead of veering to the right, much of it is deflected upward past the rocks here. You can throw an object off, like a paper plate, and then it will be wafted back to you. Dad told me that fellows used �John Foster West 189 to throw their Panama hats off and they would come back. You can stand here in the winter and watch the snow falling upward, out of the valley. That's why it's called THE Blowing Rock." "It's fascinating," Anna said softly. "And you want to know what I wish?" "What? I can allow you only one wish today." He turned to face her, leaning back against the railing. "I wish I could come up here in a Model-A Ford like they did in the '30's, before the craft shop was built, and have a picnic with someone I cared for and we could throw paper plates off the rock and catch them when they blew back to us." "Someone you cared for, Anna?" "Yeah, like Pete." He turned his back to her. "Way off yonder is Table Rock. You see it? Looks like a typical western mesa. Jules Verne used it in a science fiction novel, I think. That point beyond it is called Hawksbill. Of course that's Grandfather Mountain there to your right. You'll notice his profile is more symmetrical from an eastern view. And way, way yonder in the hazy distance—do you see that mountain peak a bit higher than the others along the skyline?" Anna squinted. "Where? I'm not sure." Jay placed his right arm around her neck, his forearm across her right shoulder, and pointed. "Look down my wrist and finger. See it?" �190 The Summer People "Oh, yes. I see it now." She moved from beneath his arm. "That's Mount Mitchell. It's the highest peak in eastern America." "You know, I never realized that mountains this high and as numerous as these existed so close to Norfolk," she said. "I mean I knew hardly anything about the Appalachians. I never visualized so much wilderness, so much unsettled forest rolling on and on to the edge of the world. It used to surprise me when flying, to look down and see so many trees and so much empty land, after three hundred years of civilization in this country. But I never even dreamed of forests and mountains like these." "Give us a little more time," Jay scoffed. "We the people will use it up soon enough." Leaving the Town of Blowing Rock, they drove west on U.S. 221, following kinky curves around spurs, over ridges, and around the heads of hollows, much of the time through a tunnel of trees. Frequently, they passed jerrybuilt stands with apple or cherry cider for sale, along with honey, mountain sorghums, and other local products. "I don't know whether it has been recorded or not," Jay Webber said out of a long silence, "but I would bet this is the crookedest highway, not just in the U.S., but on the planet earth. If follows an old Indian trail, the Yonahlossee. I've often wondered why the hell the Indians didn't take a few short cuts." �John Foster West 191 Anna laughed. "They were in no hurry, I suppose. They knew that wherever they were going would still be there unchanged, a week or a year later." Jay shook his head. "I don't know! Somehow that doesn't explain a road this crooked to my satisfaction. Dad said the Indians followed old buffalo trails." He was so solemn, Anna burst out laughing and laid her head against his shoulder. When he reached up with his right hand and ran his fingers through her shaggy hair, she sat up higher in her seat. They traced a blacksnake course along the eastern base of Grandfather Mountain. At one place a sheer cliff of ancient stone reared above them. "I don't know if you are interested or not, but Grandfather and Table Rock are two of the oldest rock formations on the surface of the earth. They are quartzite, close to a billion years old. About three hundred million years ago, the day before yesterday earth time, a fantastic geological upheaval thrust them through the overlying Appalachian strata. Today, they are windows into an older, deeper layer of earth than their surface we tread upon. And, my pretty student, it is your pleasure to become acquainted with them on this bright day." "And to pay a nominal fee for the pleasure?" Anna asked. �192 The Summer People "Yes, inevitably, to pay a nominal fee for the pleasure." The climb up Grandfather Mountain did not bother Anna at first. When they made the last turn to the left and started up the steepest ascent, with no trees to soften the view of the drop-off behind them, she had a terrifying feeling the the Scout was going to tip over backwards and go tumbling end over end down the slope and into the valley far below. Then she had the more plausible thought: what if the brakes should fail and the driveshaft should break. They would go careening backward, faster and faster, until Jay lost steering control and they started tumbling. She closed her eyes and clutched her hands between her knees, hoping Jay would not see her concern. "You know, I always think, what if the brakes should give way and the driveshaft break, while climbing this slope," Jay Webber said casually. "It doesn't make any difference how often I make this climb up here—" He glanced at her. "But I ought not to scare you with your phobias." "What? What did you say?" She stared straight ahead. "I must have been thinking of something else." "Nothing," Jay said. "Just jabbering." The recreational area of Grandfather lay around the "mouth and chin" area. The nose still towered high above and could be reached by climbing a ladder by those who dared the climb. There �John Foster West 193 was a large parking area. Included at the visitors center was a gift shop, snack bar, museum exhibit, and an assembly hall. They walked across the "mile-high" bridge swinging above a crevasse and stood on Grandfather's chin. Jay pointed out landmarks far below. The whole world as far as Anna could see (over a hundred miles on a clear day, Jay told her) appeared to be forest-covered mountains. The more distant villages and towns and highways looked to her like grains of sand clinging to cobwebs. Only the closest places like Linville and the condominiums along the western base of the mountain were conspicuously man-made and civilized territory. From her viewpoint, the world was almost a wilderness. Anna was sure that a myopic Indian from the eighteenth century could stand there and never realize what the Paleface had done to his land only a few miles below. Jay pointed out peaks in the great Smoky Mountains far, far to the west, on the tilting rim of the world. He showed her the Black Mountains and the Craggies. Closer by, he pointed out Brown Mountain from a different perspective. And he showed her the approximate location of some of the Piedmont cities and towns, lost in blue haze. On the way home, they stopped at a little mountain restaurant in Linville and had a sandwich and coffee. Both were quiet. Anna had been somewhat subdued by the views from Blowing Rock and Grandfather and by height and size and �194 The Summer People concept of millennia. For some reason it made her sad. But it was not a personal sadness. It was more like the feeling she got when looking at pictures of ancient ruins and knowing that young men and women had once laughed and sung and made love there and were now nobody, nothing, particles of the elements—as though they had never been. �Chapter XIII After the trip to Blowing Rock and Grandfather Mountain, Anna hardly saw Jay Webber for several days. He came by twice late in the afternoon, sweaty and dirty, and had a gin and tonic with her, but he did not talk much. He said something about helping out in the tobacco and if it were up to him, he would plow the damned stuff under and grow tomatoes. Anna did not question him and said little herself. She was beginning to resonate to his moods and felt she was not completely alone in the world when he was present, even if silent. Apparently, she filled some need of his at such times, she reasoned. Then one day he showed up before lunch with Donner and Blitzen. She did not ask where they were going but rode beside him, down the spur of the ridge toward the Watauga River, speaking only occasionally. At the foot of the ridge, they cut back to the left, following the old road downriver toward Riverglade. A mass of clouds was boiling upward above the Blue Ridge, to the east behind them, and already towered from horizon to horizon almost to the zenith. It stood above the mountains like a 195 �196 The Summer People dark, stratified Alpine cliff above the narrow valley through which they rode, threatening to tumble forward and bury them and all of Holy Rood Valley. A firey stitchwork of lightning appeared against the blackness and disappeared, followed by thunder. Anna kept glancing back over her shoulder, feeling threatened. "Shouldn't we go back?" she asked. "I mean that storm looks ferocious." Jay turned in his saddle and squinted skyward. "We have very few storms here from that direction. Most of ours are out of the west." He was silent a moment. "The cloud is so immense now, I can't tell what direction it's going. But if it comes this way, we can put the horses in the old barn and duck in at River glade." She studied the cloud again, dubiously. "Okay, you're the weatherman. But it looks scary to me." A short distance from the lawn at Riverglade, Jay reined his mount to the right, toward a gap in the elders, sycamores, and birch trees bordering each side of the river. Anna followed him down an old farm road to the shallows. Here, the river spread out over a wide bed of gravel and sand, forming a ford no more than two inches deep. They crossed the river, climbed the incline beyond, and left the bank growth, entering a vast alluvial bottomland, which stretched away to the foot of distant hills. Some of it was tilled, and the rest was a shimmering lake of wildflowers riding the surface �John Foster West 197 of grass and weeds. The corn in a field a hundred yards away, to her left, was rich green and as tall as Anna's shoulders. Far off, to her right, a rectangular field of grain—wheat, she thought—was beginning to turn the color of Jay Webber's beard. As she looked, the tops of the grain suddenly bowed toward her as though in greeting. The next moment, a fist of wind struck her, swaying her in the saddle. Jay's mount danced sideways before the pressure. In ten seconds the wind had passed, plowing huge furrows through the wildflowers and nearby corn. Jay looked uneasily toward the cloud, then at Anna. "There are over four hundred acres in this meadow," he said. "Eighty acres are already mine. An old lady, my father's first cousin, owns the rest. She's close to ninety now, and said I could buy her section at very reasonable terms." They were still headed straight across the fallow field, their mounts wading through Queen Anne's lace, daisies, wild asters, and ragweed. "If I could just get this land, or even half of it, I would be satisfied for life. I could raise all I would ever need for me or a family." "Are you sure?" He pivoted in his saddle to look at her. "What do you mean?" "Did you ever read the Tolstoy story about the man who was promised all the land he could walk around in a day? He made his circle so wide, he ran �198 The Summer People himself to death trying to get back to his starting point before sunset." He studied her curiously. "Do you think I'm like that, Anna?" "Aw, silly," she laughed. "I was just teasing you." "All I want, Anna, is enough land to grow a living on. No more. I want to live at Riverglade, marry, have a couple of kids, and live comfortably with as little work as possible for the rest of my life. Someday, I'd like to play with my grandchildren on the lawn there." "You aren't very ambitious, are you?" He glanced back toward the storm as another burst of wind struck them, ruffling his hair and beard. "I'm ambitious for peace and quiet and time to do the things I want to do and to spend with the ones I will love," he stated. "To me, that's the greatest of ambitions. Few millionaires are ever able to buy it." "And you would really be content to stay in this valley and live in that old house from now on?" "I'd prefer to live with someone I—I cared for—loved." He looked toward her again, then ahead. "And you remember this: that old house was built with loving care by those who came before me. It's comfortable and it will last." Suddenly the sun went out as though a switch had been flipped. Jay tugged his horse to a halt and headed him toward the storm. Anna did likewise. �John Foster West 199 Overhead, the edge of the cloud had rolled past the sun, consuming it. Lightning thrust in three directions as a clap of thunder shook the world. Another wall of wind collided with them, and they were absorbed by it. Half a mile away, upstream, forest-crowned hills suddenly disappeared as a curtain of rain fell between Jay and Anna and where they sat their mounts. "We'd better ride for it!" Jay yelled, above the wind. He wheeled his horse back toward the river and dug his heels into its sides. Anna followed him. "I didn't think about it!" he called back over his shoulder. "The way it's raining up beyond the valley, the river'll be rising right away. We'd better hurry." Jay's horse broke into a gallop. Anna had no trouble getting Blitzen to follow. As they dashed across the field, the rising wind swept about them, tousling her hair and billowing her blouse. They plunged down the incline and into the river, already muddy and two feet deep. Although the horses were slowed by the water, they churned across, spray flying from their hooves, which beat against the gravel and rock. They climbed the grade beyond and charged into the wall of rain, as thunder bellowed close overhead. One moment Anna was dry. The next, she was wet, as though she had ridden through a waterfall. She could see little farther than Jay and his horse, directly in front of her, and he apparently �200 The Summer People was guided by instinct. The rain gushed about her as they slowed to a trot, then to a walk. They rode out of it and beneath the shelter of the barn, before she knew they had reached its safety. Jay swung from his saddle. "We'll turn the horses into the stables and get to the house where it's more comfortable," he called, his voice louder than necessary, now that they were out of the rain. He opened the door to a stable and turned Donner into it, closing the door. Anna dismounted. Her wet yellow blouse clung to her body, almost transparent. Her jeans clung to her legs and were wet and sloppy, inhibiting her movement. Jay took the reins and turned Blitzen into another stall. Holding Anna by the hand, he towed her back into the storm, as they ran almost blindly toward the old mansion. Then huge hailstones were bombarding them, bounding from Anna's head and back. She covered her head with a hand in a gesture of protection. They dashed up the steps and beneath the porch roof just as a bolt of lightning struck a tree down by the river. Anna was looking that way when a long squiggle of fire traced a path from the invisible cloud down through the rain, groping for a target. The bellow of thunder was almost deafening, rattling windows nearby. Jay opened the door, shoved her inside, and followed her. He slammed it, isolating them in a quieter refuge. Beyond the doors and walls of the house, the storm sounded �John Foster West 201 farther away. Anna looked down. A puddle was forming about her feet. "I have an idea," Jay said. "You go up to the bedroom I showed you and look in the closet. There are dresses there. Take off those wet clothes and put on a dress. I'll build a fire and dry your jeans and blouse. Now hurry up. You'll catch cold, if you don't." "Okay, Abe MacTavish. You're the boss of River glade." He smacked her on her shoulder with a loud, wet smack. "Cut the crap. It's not all that funny." Anna hurried up the stairway and into the bedroom which once belonged to Alice and Susan Webber. Only five dresses were hanging in the huge closet. Either the wardrobe belonging to the girls had been taken after their deaths or it had been pitifully small to start with. She selected a green and red checked gingham dress and carried it over to the bed. Then she removed her wet clothes. Water traced rivulets down her naked body, especially her back, as her hair released its stored rain. She hung her panties and bra on a clothes hanger and left them in the closet. She found a terrytowel robe in the closet and used it to dry herself thoroughly. Her hair was a raggedyann mop, but by squeezing and toweling she managed to get most of the water out of it. When she came back downstairs, Jay had a fire blazing in the dining room fireplace. His shoes and �202 The Summer People socks and shirt were off, but he still wore his wet trousers. He had hung the shirt over the back of a chair, near the fire, and his socks were draped across the soggy sneakers, set to one side. Steam was already curling upward from the wet socks. Anna had never seen any of his body unclothed before. His torso was as white as hers except for the constellation of russet freckles covering him and the sparse field of kinky gold hair reaching from neck to belt. When he looked at her in the ankle-length dress, Anna saw his face soften and a pleased expression about his eyes. "You'd have made a lovely old-fashioned girl," he said. "You'd have looked even prettier in a hoopskirt." "You just remember I've got a late twentieth century body under this old-fashioned dress," she laughed. "And I don't even have an old-fashioned brain in my head." His face was suddenly serious. "I'll try to remember." He approached her and took her wet clothes. "Let me take these out on the porch and wring them out. They'll dry faster." Anna was standing inside the warm radiance near the fire when Jay returned. He placed two more chairs near the fire and spread her jeans over the back of one, her blouse over the other. She noticed his trousers. They were still soaking wet, clinging to his legs. "Can't you take your pants off and dry them �John Foster West 203 too?" she asked. "They look awfully uncomfortable on you." He looked at her, then down at himself. "Well, no. I guess not. They're not all that wet, anyway." "They're wet as water," she argued. "Look, Jay, when I—Don't worry about me. If you need to take your pants off and dry them, then do it." He frowned at her. "Anna, why don't you just let me be miserable if I want to be a stupid martyr for the sake of modesty?" She laughed and turned her back to the fire, holding her hands backward to the warmth. "It's your rear that's drowned," she retorted. "I'm warm and dry." She heard him sigh, perhaps in exasperation, and move away toward the kitchen. Turning back, she began to watch the flames, her mind vacant. After a few minutes, she turned her back to the fire again, lifted the long skirt, and exposed the backs of her legs to the warmth the way Pete had once told her mountain women did. It felt good. She stared toward the window to her right, beyond which she could see only the white baptism of the cleansing rain as it swept past the house. She dropped her dress hem when Jay returned, carrying a tray holding cheese, crackers, two wine glasses, and a bottle of red wine. "I thought a little snack would be in order while the storm wears itself thin," he said, his voice as cheerful as any perfect host's. �204 The Summer People "Hey, that's splendid. When did you stash it here?" Anna seated herself on the floor, the fire on her left. She drew her heels in close to her body, and spread the long dress over her knees. Jay sat facing her and placed the tray on the floor in front of him. He poured both glasses full of wine and handed Anna the cheese knife. She sliced off a piece of the cheese, placed it on a cracker, and nibbled at it. It was cheddar, as sharp as a tack, the way she loved it. The wine was dry and room temperature. She frowned but took another sip. She preferred her wine chilled just a mite, regardless of superficial rules. She glanced at Jay, but his eyes were on the cheese, which he was cutting. She moved her left leg because it was threatening to cramp, then realized she had exposed too much of her thigh. If Jay noticed he did not reflect it by motion or change of expression. She ignored him after that, eating in silence and sipping the wine, her mind turning to Norfolk and her job. She was accomplishing nothing here in the mountains now and found herself becoming lazy and satisfied with the slow pace of daily life. Then she suddenly became alert. A strange sound had intruded on her thoughts. She listened. No, it was not a sound, but lack of one. The rain outside the house, the pelting against the windows and walls, had stopped as abruptly as though the faucet that controlled it had been turned off. She looked at Jay. His head was poised in a listening attitude. �John Foster West 205 "The storm's passed us," he said. "We got only the end of it, and it's moved on." "Boy, that was quick." "Yeah. If it had gone over us more directly, it would have dwindled out." She listened as thunder rumbled and roared in the direction of the Blue Ridge, to the northeast. Then she became aware of another sound, a steady, muted roar much closer than the thunder. She looked at Jay. "The river's out," he explained. "Most of the storm hit upriver, and we'll probably have a real flood." He hushed, listening. "But it probably won't last too long. After short, heavy storms like that, the water usually runs off rather quick." "Let's go look at the river," Anna suggested. "I bet horses and cows and things will be floating down it." Jay laughed. "Not likely. Sometimes a dead pig or chicken comes along, unless it's as bad as the one back in 1940. Mostly, it will be dead trees and brush and junk someone has left behind at a picnic." Anna got to her feet and started toward the door. "Boy, it sounds like the Niagara Falls." "It's still wet out there," Jay said. "I wouldn't want to interfere with your project. But if your clothes are dry, I'd put them back on if I were you." Anna resented the suggestion for a moment, then realized the good sense in what he had said. She returned to the fireplace and checked her �206 The Summer People clothes. They were dry except for the heavy seams of her jeans. Gathering them in a bundle, she crossed the foyer to the right hand stairway and climbed the steps, returning to the room upstairs where she had found the dress. She removed it and put her clothes back on. She replaced the dress in the closet, then returned to the floor below. Jay had dressed and waited for her in the foyer. His jeans were mottled with patches of dry and wet fabric. When he opened the front door, Anna could hear the muffled roar of the river, out of its banks, over a hundred yards away. They stepped out onto the porch. Water still ran in streams from the edge of the roof and a larger stream from each gutter where porch and house roof merged. She could glimpse swatches of muddy water at a distance through the bank growth, but the river had not risen enough to reach outside the trees. She walked beside Jay down the steps and out the brick walk, beneath a damp blue sky. A scarf of clouds was whisked from over the sun, like a magician's trick, and the whole wet world was suddenly washed by sunlight. Millions of water drops sparkled like jewels, decorating wildflowers, weeds, and boxwood. What little hail had fallen was uncut diamonds refracting sunshine as far as Anna could see. In the northeast, the storm cloud still towered toward the dome of the sky, a genie loose from its bottle, patterns of lightning flickering across its face, followed by thunder overlapping thunder. A �John Foster West 207 barely discernible rainbow glimmered against the storm, the nearer end disappearing in the trees along the river. The air she breathed and walked through was cool and humid, giving the sensation of having been cleansed and freshened—purified especially for her. The storm cloud ahead, the bright blue sky, and the blazing sun above and behind her lent a supernatural aspect to the world of Holy Rood Valley, as though Anna had gone for a walk at midnight and the sun had appeared suddenly in the sky. She looked about her in wonder and started to mention the eerie atmosphere to Jay, then thought better. "God," Jay murmured, "it's like rising from death and finding a new world made over just for you." "That's a weird way to put it," she said, "but it is strange—beautiful and scary." As they came to the edge of the lawn, the roar of the river grew louder. They walked through the grass and weeds, their shoes and trouser legs saturated again almost immediately. Jay led her toward the break in the bank growth through which they had forded the stream earlier on horseback. Already, Anna could see the edge of the muddy river as it created a bay, extending an inlet up the slope past the trees and into the sunshine. The leaves of trees above the water sparkled when she moved as though made of glass. They reached the edge of the water. Anna �208 The Summer People could see through the tunnel of trees the crest of the main stream as the water rushed past. Logs, trash, and pieces of timber flashed by her circle of vision like frames of a film past a projector lens. The muddy water boiled and seethed, its deep liquid roar as much a part of the total atmosphere here as the sunshine itself. Poles, trash, and scraps of paper, bobbing and turning slowly, approached Anna and Jay, moved almost imperceptibly by some hidden relationship of rushing water to the still bay beneath the tunnel of trees. During the several minutes they had stood there, Anna's attention had shifted from the flotsam to the distant stream. "What's that?" Jay Webber asked suddenly, his voice strangely tense. The instant Anna set eyes on the object, she knew what it was, and some part of her was aware that Jay also knew. A hundred feet away, a brown oval object bobbed slowly shoreward at right angles to the rush of the river beyond. The back of the wet khaki shirt was formed into a bubble by the air trapped inside. It and the brown, saturated hair and the khaki trousers served to camouflage the corpse, floating face down toward them as though seeking their company. "Damn!" Anna murmured. And that was all that was said for several minutes as they stood side by side, watching the inexorable approach of the corpse. Anna's mind was �John Foster West 209 blank except for one thought that kept circling round and round: how did it find me here? "I wonder," Jay said quietly, "how it happened to wash ashore here where we are." She looked at him but did not answer. When he started wading into the water, abruptly, without comment, she went with him. The cold water climbed past her knees as they approached the body. Jay reached down, hesitated, then grasped the upper right arm, which floated loosely. Anna took hold of the left arm. The feel of the fabric and soft, relaxed muscle beneath caused her to shudder, but she did not relax her hold. Turning as Jay turned, she walked slowly back through the chilly brown water, towing the floating corpse toward shore. When the body began to drag against the bottom, without discussion they grasped the arms more firmly and dragged it from the water, up onto the grassy slope. It was not an easy task because the corpse weighed more than a hundred eighty pounds, exactly Pete's size, she thought fleetingly. They released the arms simultaneously and stood erect. Anna stared down at the broad shoulders and long brown hair, now lying in wet ropy strands and covering the exposed side of the face, the left side pillowed on the wet sod. Although the man had been tall, at least six feet, there was a massiveness about his legs and arms that was not concealed by sleeves and trouser legs, a sugges- �210 The Summer People tion of great strength. The long, delicate fingers were a stark contrast to that power. Anna watched Jay bend slowly as though moving under water, watched him grasp the right arm of the prone figure and brace his legs, heave slowly, and turn the corpse slowly, slowly onto its left side, then suddenly onto its back. The hair fell away from the face, the handsome, ruddy face of a man who had reached the age of perhaps twenty-four. The blue eyes were the same color as the stormwashed sky, and as empty. Anna studied the thin nose and full lips, the narrow forehead. There was something weirdly familiar about the face. Her brow furrowed in puzzlement. "Those hiking shoes are new and expensive," Jay said. "Poor fool, he was probably an amateur backpacker. His hands are as soft as yours." "What do you suppose happened, Jay?" "He probably got caught in the storm and slipped from a bluff or some bank, into the river. He could have gone over Dutch Creek Falls. That's happened before. He might have hit his head on a rock, but there's no sign of it." "Poor kid," Anna sighed. "Poor young man. Somewhere, someone thinks he's alive and well." "We've got to call the sheriff," Jay said. "He'll bring an ambulance, or call one—and the coroner, of course." "We shouldn't leave him alone," Anna protested. "It would be a pity to leave him alone." �John Foster West 211 "Then you go. I'll stay here. The river should go down in a couple of hours, and they can cross the low-water bridge." "No, Jay!" Anna stated emphatically. "No, you go. I want to stay with him." She felt an overpowering duty to remain with the corpse, to protect it and give it company. It was a need without reason, a duty without logic. Jay studied her in puzzlement. "Are you sure, Anna? Do you want to be left alone with—" Her laugh was hesitant. "This is the twentieth century, Jay. I'm not afraid of a corpse, for God's sake." "No offense. I was just concerned for you." "I'm sorry. I'll be fine. You go on." He left her then and headed back toward the house. Anna turned her back on the body, staring through the trees toward the rushing river. Looking down, she noticed a muddy little beach a foot wide, between where the water had been and where it was now and realized the river had begun to drop. The rise had been fast during the storm, at the river's head, and she supposed the fall would be even faster, with the rain over. "You'll be okay now?" Anna turned. Jay Webber sat on Donner twenty feet away. The horse's hooves had been muffled on the wet sod. "Thank you, Jay. I'll be fine. Really!" �212 The Summer People "All right. But I don't like leaving you alone here." She smiled at him briefly, feeling a softness at the base of her throat. "You're sweet." His eyes narrowed. He threw her a little wave of the hand, then kneed his mount forward. Donner broke into a trot, then a gallop, heading upstream. Anna turned back, facing the inlet and the river ford, watching the water ebb and flow, swirl and eddy, carrying leaves and twigs in what looked like aimless meanderings but always, inexorably from sight among the trees, downstream, toward the far, far away Gulf of Mexico. She picked out a green sycamore leaf, called it Anna DeVoss, and watched it move first one way, then another. It looked as though it would stay in the eddy where it swirled, nothing happening to it but the same old turning and turning. But suddenly some force below the surface grasped it and whirled it away, out of sight behind a birch tree. She was so curious about what had happened to the leaf, where it was going, she almost waded back into the water in an attempt to catch sight of it. It was at the moment she gave the leaf up to its fate that she felt the uncontrollable need to turn. She had to turn, look at the corpse. There was no escaping the command. But when she did and looked at the sprawled body, nothing had changed. It was in precisely the same position as before, the �John Foster West 213 blue eyes staring back at the empty sky. Or had something changed? Something about it seemed different, as though an arm had moved slightly, or a leg, or the head had tilted a bit one way or the other. She walked slowly to the body. Slowly, she sank to her knees in the wet grass. She studied the tranquil face, the face that would never grow older. The blue eyes were not looking at the sky, but at her. She saw far beneath the surface, within the narrow, dark wells of the pupils, a being, an entity receding into vast distances of space and time. She felt an urge to dive into those deep pupils, to stop the being, to call it back, to plead that it return. At that moment something inside Anna DeVoss gave way. A dam broke. Great black waves of grief and frustration came pouring into her mind, into the void around her heart. Despair, locked so long behind stoic walls of routine, followed. All reason fled, leaving her a creature solely of emotion. She flung herself onto the wet chest of the dead stranger. Her arms like calipers of flesh and bone forced her hands beneath his head, forced themselves around the neck. And Anna wept. Anna wept great racking sobs which shook her body as her grief spent itself and exhausted her. She rolled her face in the curve between the jawline and neck, and her voice was the only sound on the stormcleansed earth except for the liquid rush of the river toward the distant Gulf. �214 The Summer People She could measure the length of her weeping only by her exhaustion. She sobbed slowly and methodically now, a quiet, controlled release of what residual grief remained in dark corners or her being. Already, the weight was missing from about her heart, which beat with a steady, normal rhythm. When she felt the arms of the corpse embrace her, she hugged the neck more firmly in return, holding her breath, her eyes tightly closed. She should have been terrified, but instead found she was at peace. But the hand on her arm was no corpse's. It was alive and firm. It was strong. It drew her upward away from the dead body. Two hands drew her close, in an upright position. Two arms were embracing her, as Jay Webber held her close. "Weep, my Anna," he whispered. "Get rid of it. Let it all out. It's the only way you can be free." But her grief was mostly spent. She clung to him, not out of need, but to accommodate his kindness, and sobbed intermittently while he stroked her hair. When she thought she had cried enough to appease his concern, she withdrew from him and stepped back. Jay watched her, his eyes narrow and moist. "Are you okay now, Anna?" "Fine, thanks. I'm fine." She sniffled, wiped at her eyes with her fingertips. "I'll be fine now, thanks." "I called the sheriffs office," he said. "They'll �John Foster West 215 be out here as soon as the river drops. I'll go up to the house and get a sheet to cover him—it." "No!" Anna shook her head emphatically. "No, Jay, don't. Let the sun shine on him as long as possible. He will be in darkness long enough." "All right, Anna." He studied her for a moment. "If that's what you want." The sun stood just above Beech Mountain when a deputy sheriff arrived, driving down the old wagon road beside the river, followed by a rescue-squad ambulance. Anna did not feel like talking and so stood to one side, letting Jay explain to the lanky official what had happened. She watched the deputy go through the corpse's pockets and find nothing. She watched the attendants from the ambulance place it on a stretcher, carry it to the ambulance, and wheel it into the rear of the orange vehicle. She stood with Jay, quiet, watching the car and the ambulance disappear up the grassy lane. "Let's go home," Jay said. She let him take her by the hand and lead her back to the old barn. They mounted in silence and rode in silence up the lane and up the ridge to the DeVoss cabin. Anna dismounted and handed Blitzen's reins up to him. "Thanks, Jay," she said. "I enjoyed the ride." "What?" She turned to look up at him. He was staring at her in puzzlement. "I said thanks—" She was blank for a moment, trying to think. She was sud- �216 The Summer People denly exhausted. Her mind was blank. Drained. "I—I'll see you tomorrow." "Okay, Anna. If you need me—" "I'll ring the bell," she said. �Chapter XIV "They sent his—the body to the pathologist at the University of North Carolina," Jay explained. "The autopsy revealed a blow to the head, but death was from drowning." Anna stood on the deck, leaning her shoulder against a post, talking with Jay Webber, who sat on Donner in the yard. "What'll happen to—to the body now? But of course, it goes to the relatives." "That's the strangest thing, Anna. There was no identification in his clothing. And there were no records of his fingerprints. Not even the military had records of them." "But how could that be?" She stared at him. "He was about the right age for the tail end of the Vietnam War. He must have been subject to the draft, at least." Jay shook his head. "Maybe he ran away to Canada and came back. Maybe he had a physical defect, a bad heart. Maybe—Who knows? There could be all kinds of reasons why there is no fingerprint record of him." "But he looked well-to-do. Those expensive 217 �218 The Summer People shoes. He must have had a family of some means. They wouldn't just lose him." "I don't understand it either," Jay said. "He could have been reared by some relatives who died. Or he could have grown up in some small orphanage, as far away as the West Coast. In a country this big, anything is possible. The facts are that he is dead and he is unidentified." "Jay, what will happen to him—the body? Will they turn it over to the medical school at U.N.C.? Use it in a laboratory? I wouldn't want that. I wish we could—" "I started to tell you," he broke in. "The damndest thing happened. The medical examiner returned the body to the sheriffs custody here. It's at the mortuary and has been embalmed. I just talked to the director this morning. He wanted me to tell him what to do with the corpse." "That's a bit unorthodox, isn't it?" She searched his bearded face, her eyes narrowed thoughtfully. "I mean, why would they do that, return it here?" "Search me." He shrugged, staring through the trees. "Anna, I think we ought to—" "Jay!" she interrupted eagerly, "let's give him a decent funeral. Would your mother object if we buried him in your family cemetery?" "I'll be darned," he chuckled. "I was just going to suggest the same thing to you. No, I'm sure Mom would not mind. She's not like that." "That's wonderful," Anna felt suddenly clean �John Foster West 219 inside. She felt the release of a pressure she did not know she had had a moment before. "What do we do first?" "It's simple. I'll tell the director at the mortuary. There will be some cost. I could take care of that—casket, embalming, transportation to the cemetery." "Jay, I want to pay half of it." She watched him eagerly for an expression of consent. "May I please?" "Sure, Anna. That would be good of you. No problem. Together we'll give the stranger a nice funeral and a grave in the mountains where he came to die. He must have loved the mountains, to hike them alone, though probably without experience." "I'm sure he did. How could he not love them? Jay! Jay, I have another idea. It may sound crazy to you." "No, it won't sound crazy, Anna," he said quietly. "Nothing you say sounds crazy to me. It's a good idea. We'll bury him in Sandy MacTavish's casket. I think it's waited long enough." She stared at him in surprise, then accepted their rapport without question. "Yes, that's what I was going to suggest. And I think old Sandy would approve, if he could." "I think so too," Jay nodded. "We'll have a simple service. We'll keep it as quiet as possible so a bunch of morbid gapers don't come cluttering up �220 The Summer People the scene, out of curiosity. Mom will insist on her minister, but I'll make him keep it brief, cut out most of the hereafter stuff. Maybe you and I could say a word or two, so he will have friends at his—his taking off." "I agree." She paused. "I think that's the way to handle it, Jay." It was the last Sunday in July, clear except for scattered cumulus clouds and haze in the east, stagnant pollution above the Piedmont cities. The sun stood above the green eastern hills of Holy Rood Valley, huge and orange, like the planet Jupiter seen in astronomy textbooks. In the MacTavishWebber cemetery, a red clay hole lay open to the sky, a mound of fresh earth beside it. At the bottom of the grave, Sandy MacTavish's locust coffin rested, polished and new-looking in spite of its long years waiting in the attic of Sparr's Store. Anna DeVoss and Jay Webber had insisted that no artificial grass be spread over the mound of earth or around the grave. It was to be an honest funeral: a dead man was being interred forever in the bosom of the earth, and no pleasant euphemisms would be used. The only hitch was that Mack Jones and his boys, eager to finish the job, had lowered the coffin into the grave before the funeral ceremony. Anna smelled the coppery fresh earth, and it stirred briefly an old sadness. Closing her eyes, she could visualize her father's broad back and the trac- �John Foster West 221 tor he sat on as he plowed a field, several red and white chickens following in the furrow gobbling up the earthworms. She opened her eyes and was back in the cemetery. Martha Webber, wearing a navy-blue dress and hat, stood near one end of the grave, holding Hilda's hand. Henry Sparr stood beside Mrs. Webber, dressed in a baggy wool suit which had fitted him before age had pared his flesh closer to the bones. The Reverend Joshua Larson stood next to Hilda, dressed in a white linen suit, holding a straw hat in one hand and a Bible in the other. He was a tall, lanky man, his bald head white as a boiled egg, his eyebrows, the only hair in sight, like albino caterpillars curled above his deep-set eyes. Anna, wearing the black suit she had worn at Pete's funeral, was next in line, and Jay stood to her right. He had conformed to the occasion to the extent that he wore dark trousers and a white shirt, open at the collar. Beyond the mound of earth, several spectators gathered in a huddle for mutual security, strangers to Anna and, most of them, to each other. Some of them were dressed in neat, expensive sports clothes—summer people seeking unique entertainment. The others were dressed mostly in cheap Sunday clothes, mountain folk who lived with more important problems than what they wore. They had all merged, united by morbid curiosity. They had heard about the funeral of the drowned �222 The Summer People stranger and had come to see what would happen, to see if it would be different from other funerals they had attended. Off to one side, Mack Jones, the Webber's tenant, and two of his sons leaned on shovels, disassociating themselves from everything related to the "quare burryin," except the labor. Reverend Larson was finishing his sermon. "We who are the quick have no way of knowing, but we pray that this young stranger was saved and that his soul will rest in the lap of our Father who art in heaven forever. Amen." Jay Webber stepped forward. He held in his hand fertile soil Anna had seen him take from his garden, behind River glade. He stood close to the grave. "Although we do not know your name, you are not a stranger to Anna and me," he said quietly. "We found you and claimed you as our friend who also loved the mountains. Rest in peace, friend, here in the Appalachians, the oldest mountains on earth." He extended his hand and crumpled the dirt, letting it whisper downward. Anna could hear the soft patter against the lid of the casket. "May the rich soil of Holy Rood Valley rest with you in the peace you have found." Anna was impressed by the simple ritual and surprised at this new side of Jay Webber. She moved forward to his side. She was confused. She wanted to say something only for the corpse, but the staring spectators beyond the grave intimidated her. She felt as though she was staging a false show �John Foster West 223 just for them. Her mind cleared suddenly, and she put everything else out of her thoughts. "Young mountain walker," she said so softly only Jay could have heard her, "Rest with my husband and be remembered with equal love." That was all. Reverend Larson turned and started shaking hands because that was all he knew to do at the end of a sermon. Mack Jones and his sons shuffled forward several feet, ready to start the task of shoveling the red clay back into the grave, so they could hurry home and get their Sunday rest. The spectators milled uncertainly, looking at each other, then back at the grave, as though expecting a Choragos to step forward and utter an epilogue; otherwise the show was hardly worth the admission—getting up early on Sunday and driving to this godforsaken cow pasture. Anna stared at them with resentment, then turned away and grasped Jay Webber's arm. �Chapter XV Anna awakened at dawn for no reason that she was aware of. She stretched and yawned. God, but she felt good. She felt seventeen and queen of the world. And she was hungry and thirsty. She could have polished off a Roman banquet table all by herself. Dawn filtered through the windows, like square portholes in a sunken ship. She was more than hungry. Her body was famished. She kicked off the sheet and stretched her legs, her toes pointed, until her joints cracked, sounding like dead twigs broken in a silent forest. She stretched her legs far out and ran her hands along the corrugation of muscles across her stomach. "Ohoo-oooo!" she groaned. She hooked her right foot behind her left ankle and clamped down, muscle against muscle, with all the power she could exert, breathing hard. She probed inside her mind. There was nothing there to disturb her. It was as clear as the spring water above the Butterfly Falls. All her needs were physical. She threw the extra pillow across the room. It landed on top of the dresser, where Pete's photograph had sat yesterday. Whose photograph? 224 �John Foster West 225 That beautiful young stranger she had once slept with for ninety nights out of an allotted one hundred eighty-three. She bounded to the floor, pulled her pajama top over her head, and hurried to the bathroom. Afterwards, she prepared for breakfast. Some remote segment of her mind kept listening for a knock on the door, but it never came. She ate ravenously, scrambled eggs with hot-peppered sausage mixed with them, buttered biscuits, sliced tomatoes, all with hot coffee. All three eggs would not have been enough if she had not eaten three additional biscuits, peach preserves spread between them. After breakfast she went for a long walk out past Butterfly Falls, but the farther she got from the cabin, the more frustrated she became. The sun broke through the foliage, promising a good day, but her excursion seemed like wasted time to her. Whatever she was looking for was not out in these woods. A new circuit came alive in her mind. She whirled in the trail and hurried back to the house. She herself had no plan, but she suspected that her body did. She dressed carefully in the prettiest white blouse and shorts she could find. After that, she applied makeup carefully, for the first time since she came to the mountains, including a greentinted eye shadow, and fussed with her hair longer than she wanted to spend on it. �226 The Summer People Finally, she hurried from the cabin and toward her car. The low-heeled sandals made her legs appear even longer than they were. The huge bugeyed sunglasses gave her a sophisticated touch she believed would have turned any male's head on Granby Street in Norfolk. She drove as fast as she could take the curves up the river out of Holy Rood Valley and turned right onto the highway. When she pulled into the parking area in front of Mark Grunwald's chalet, she stared for a moment at the white Mercedes. The night he had dated her, he had driven a black one. She wondered why he had traded, then shrugged the problem aside. When you get tired of your Mercedes, what kind of change can you make when you have everything? You trade for a Mercedes of a different color, obviously. She got out of the car and climbed the steps to the deck. Choosing a stance she thought would look seductive, she composed her face in a whimsical little smile and rang the bell. Nothing happened. She rang again. She waited a long minute. The door whipped inward suddenly. "Hi, Mark, I—" She shut up. The blowsy looking dyed blonde who stood in the doorway holding a Martini in her hand was everything Mark Grunwald was not, or vice versa, she thought. The woman smiled a crooked little �John Foster West 227 smile, the gin film over her eyes as bleary looking as cataracts. She thrust her head forward like a curious hen examining a new kind of bug she was about to eat and blinked at Anna. "Mark is not heah, deah," she muttered. "I have the chalet in August. I'm the late, late Mrs. Grunwald. Are you his latest stuff?" Anna was so startled by the question she retreated a step. "I—I'm sorry to disturb you," Anna babbled. "I just wanted to—" "It's all right, deah. Mark's free to mess with whomsoever he pleases. Or pleases him." She paused, turning her head to the side. "Come here, Bertha!" she called back over her shoulder. A moment later a skinny girl of fifteen or so appeared from out of the shadows and stopped behind the blonde. She stared at Anna with large, bewildered eyes through her granny glasses. Her feet kept moving as if they wanted to rescue her, carry her somewhere away from the scene. "Look at what your father's messin with, Bertha." The woman then laughed a guttural laugh. "Isn't she a loser compared to your mamma?" The pain that crossed the little girl's face reflected agony and shame. Her eyes begged Anna's forgiveness. "It's all right, Bertha," Anna said gently. "Your mother's just ill. Why don't you go on back to where you were?" �228 The Summer People Bertha Grunwald wheeled and disappeared as quickly as she had appeared. "Mark means nothing to me," Anna told the blonde. "But he's a gentleman. You, madam, are a shameless lush. The child should be taken from your custody, and I have a good mind to do it. I am familiar with the legal steps necessary." The woman's face changed suddenly. Tears welled into her eyes. She thrust her hand out toward Anna. "Wait! Wait a minute, please, let me 'splain—" Anna turned away and hurried to her car. As she was backing around to leave, she glanced back toward the front of the chalet. Mark Grunwald's ex-wife stood on the deck watching her, and she was crying. Anna spent the rest of the day driving about the countryside. She returned to the little parking area near Linville Falls and sat for an hour listening to radio music and watching tourists come and go. She drove to Blowing Rock by way of Boone and had a Reuben sandwich and a mug of beer at Hemlock Tavern. Only tourist families came in to eat while she was there. Later, she drove about the campus at the state university in Boone and was amazed to discover that male students looked so young. She ended up at an afternoon movie, but left in the middle of it and returned to her cabin. After a supper of tunafish salad and crackers, she got high on Martinis, the first she had had since �John Foster West 229 Pete once mixed them of Oso Negro gin, and went to bed around ten o'clock. Before the bedroom ceiling could make a tenth revolution, she was asleep, breathing softly. She awakened abruptly and, miraculously, without a hangover. The windows were slate black. She looked at the irradiant dial on her watch. It was ten after four. Her body was a great hungry void that needed to be filled. Yet she was not hungry. She stared at the ceiling, trying to hold her mind blank. But as she stared and as she thought nothing, her left hand moved from beneath the sheet, reached out to the lid of the window seat, lifted the lid, crept stealthily down the inside of it. Her middle finger found the button of the alarm bell. She touched it gently, caressing it. She flexed her wrist to withdraw her hand, but before she could move, her finger stiffened, thrust, depressing the button once, as far as it would go. Then she snatched her hand back, letting the seat lid slam shut. For five minutes she lay there, hardly breathing, listening, as though she expected to hear Jay Webber leaping to the floor and struggling into his clothing, way across the field. Finally, she reached out and turned on the bedside light. She removed her pajama top and crossed the room to the closet; she removed the old robe from a hanger and put it on, clutching it closed in front of her. Then came the muted roar of an engine as it �230 The Summer People approached the cabin, followed by a silence, then a loud knock on the door, the wrong rhythm. Anna hurried across the shadowy living room, dully illuminated from the bedroom light, and turned on the porch light. She opened the door. "What on earth is the matter, Annar?" Martha Webber demanded. "Are you a-being bothered by somebidy?" Anna stared at her. She stood on the deck just beyond the door, wearing a quilted robe so old it had lost all its color except a dingy gray. Her red and gray hair reached to her waist, down her back and across her shoulders. Her eyes were wide with excitement or concern, Anna could not tell which. "Well, child, speak up! What's wrong?" "Oh, I'm so sorry. I really am sorry," Anna stammered. "I thought I heard a noise at the door. But it was just a dog, I guess." "Are you shore you're all right? I got to get back to Hilder. I can't leave her long by herself." Anna looked from her to the old pickup truck in the yard. "Where's—where's Jay?" "Lord a mercy!" She laughed, too loud for so early in the morning, Anna thought. "He done moved lock, stock, and barrel to that big old house down yander on the river three days ago. Didn't he tell you?" "No!" Anna shook her head. "He hasn't said a word to me about moving. But I've seen him only once since the funeral." �John Foster West 231 "Well, he ort to a-told you. I got to get on back to Hilder, if you're shore you're all right." "I'm fine. Mrs. Web—Martha," Anna said. "Thanks for coming to my rescue." She watched the woman let herself down the steps, one slow tread at a time, as though she half expected them to break under her weight. When she heaved herself up and behind the wheel of the pickup, Anna closed the door. Hurrying back to her bedroom, she flung herself onto the bed and seized her pillow, hugging it close to her breast. "Stupid! Stupid!" she muttered. By the afternoon of the same day, Anna decided she was going to get out of the mountains and back to where she belonged. She spent two hours packing, getting everything in greater order than necessary. By the time she had the trunk of the car loaded and the last bag buckled to the carrier rack at the rear, it was late afternoon. She reasoned that it was better to spend another night in the cabin and leave the next day. She was so tired she prepared canned soup for supper and went to bed early. But she could not sleep. She rolled and tossed for more than two hours before giving up. She got up, finally, and mixed her a tall bloody Mary, using V-8 juice and vodka. Each time she looked at her watch, she was convinced the hands had frozen in place and could not move. At 11:00 p.m. she pulled on her jeans and a T-shirt and �232 The Summer People blundered out of the house. She got into the car, backed around, and kicked up dirt and gravel as she tore off up the driveway. She almost left the road taking the curves down the end of the ridge, then slowed, slightly sobered. When she braked to a stop at Riverglade, she could see one dim light beyond the dining room window. Jay, barefooted and shirtless, met her at the door. He stared at her. "Why the devil didn't you tell me you were moving down here?" Anna demanded. "Well, I didn't think you cared. I've talked my head off trying to get you interested in the mountains, but you—" "When I ring for your help at four—damn— o'clock in the morning and your mother shows up, I'm sure as heck interested." She pushed him aside and entered the foyer, slamming the door. "I'm sorry, Anna. I thought it was a little cute, not telling you." "You're about as cute as a redheaded woodpecker with a beard," she grumbled. She peered into the dining room, where a cheerful little fire burned in the fireplace. "Looks like you're having a cozy evening." "Won't you come in and join me, your Ladyship?" "I just felt like a little company tonight," she said. "You haven't been around lately, and I don't know anyone else." �John Foster West 233 As she approached the fireplace, Anna saw that he had spread a blanket before the fire, a pillow at one end of it. He had apparently been lying on the blanket, relaxing. How long he had intended to remain there, only he could say, if he knew himself. The blanket and pillow looked comfortable. She had a perverse urge to steal it from him, to stretch out herself and watch the fire's changing patterns. She did not admit to any right of occupation. She dropped down onto the blanket and faced the fire, her heels drawn up, hugging her knees. Jay stood and watched her for several seconds, then carried one of the ladder-backed chairs from those around the dining table over near the blanket, sitting down in it, saying nothing. "I did not intend to run you out of your den," she said, yawning. "No problem," he replied. "I've been using it for quite a while. I needed a change." "Why did you decide all of a sudden to move down here?" "Actually, it was not all of a sudden. I had intended to do it sometime ago. Then you came along, and I wanted to educate you in the importance of these mountains." Anna laughed. "You mean indoctrinate, don't you? You ought to be a tobacco auctioneer. Or a patent medicine salesman." He looked at her coolly. "Is that a compliment? If so, I don't really appreciate it." �234 The Summer People "No offense." She sighed, stretched out on her back, her head on the pillow, as she watched the shadows cast by the fire dancing on the ceiling. "You were so passionate protecting the mountains from outsiders, like they were your private property." "I was passionate, Anna. And I am. Most natives feel the same way, except the greedy ones. Do you appreciate the scenery here?" "That's a meaningless question. Of course I do. I think things here are magnificent. I have had the most peace here I have had in the six years since Pete was listed as missing in action." "Then visualize this, lady." He leaned forward, thrusting his head closer to her. "Visualize gaudy motels on skylines around here. Imagine the area around Boone, even here in the valley, ten years after they have four-lane highways running into them. I realize I can't change what will be. What I'm bitching about is, there's no control. Zoning is slipshod. There need to be controls. There need to be skyline laws to keep obscene commercial buildings from destroying the skylines. At the rate it's going, this country up here is going to be a red clay crater filled with tickytacky buildings instead of green mountains with a limited number of buildings. Sweet Jesus, lady, we're heading for disaster. Where will we go next when these valleys are trashed?" Anna heard him from far away. Her mind was �John Foster West 235 shutting down. Some deep neurons were vaguely aware that he had asked her a question, but she did not know the answer yet. "ARE YOU LISTENING TO ME, ANNA?" At the loudness of his voice, Anna sat upright, then collapsed back onto the pillow. Then from some remote corner of her brain came the answer. "Another valley like these, until it's raped and commercialized too." "Give the lady a silver apple!" Jay paused. "Go ahead and rest, sleep, my pretty outlander. You're already back in Norfolk. You're not interested in what I'm saying. You're still searching for Pete." �Chapter XVI Anna awakened with a start. For a moment she was disoriented. The strange arm across her waist frightened her. Then she felt a heavy torso against her and she had a momentary need to cuddle up to it. Carefully, she moved the arm, let it slide down her front and rest on the blanket. Jay Webber's breathing changed for a moment, becoming intermittent, then long and even again. She eased herself quietly away from him. Jay murmured. She paused, then moved again, farther backward. Finally, she stood, looking down at him. He slept peacefully. His face was relaxed and boyish despite his beard. She smiled at the spray of tiny russet freckles covering his nose. Leaning down, she kissed him lightly on the lips, their first and last kiss, she realized. She felt the silken brush of his mustache on her upper lip, the hot jet of his breath on her cheek. Straightening up, she tiptoed from the house. Her engine started quickly, and she drove up the grassy lane, away from Riverglade. She watched the massive old building dwindle into the night, in her rearview mirror, and felt 236 �John Foster West 237 a sadness she would not have suspected possible until this moment. Back at the cabin, she went to bed, but could not sleep. For hours she tossed and rolled. The freedom she had experienced following the funeral had been compromised, but she did not understand how. Only one thing she was sure of at the moment: she had to return to Virginia Beach and to Norfolk. She got up, dressed, and finished packing a few odds and ends. The glow of false dawn was flushing the eastern rim of Holy Rood Valley when she had everything in the car. She wrote a brief note for Jay and left it beside the sink, then returned to the Porsche and started it. She sat there for several minutes listening to the smooth mutter of the engine. Abruptly, she switched it off and ran back into the cabin. She retrieved the note and carried it into the bathroom, flushing it down the commode. Anna left the valley behind her headlights, winding her way up the river road. Dawn was a mother-of-pearl fan flecked with pink over the Piedmont, as she swung down out of the mountains, rolling from curve to curve on squealing tires. She looked forward to the comfortable apartment, to the familiar routine she had deserted weeks before. But a sadness weighed on her also. It had nothing to do with Pete DeVoss. He was dead and buried. Leaving the mountains was a spe- �238 The Summer People cial agony that startled her. Once or twice she felt a great urge to make a U-turn and head back. She bypassed Wilkesboro in misty daylight, the coat on her tongue thick and bitter. The highway was the left lane of a planned four-lane road and was well engineered, and she encountered little traffic. The Piedmont hills unrolled beneath the Porsche's wheels like waves beneath a fast boat, as the speedometer needle crept up to eighty, then to eighty-five, before she was aware of what she was doing and let up on the accelerator. When she saw the truck-stop ahead, she realized suddenly what she needed more than anything else—food and coffee. She slowed and whipped into the parking area, coming to a stop between a camper and a panel truck. She started to get out, then remembered the emergency toothbrush and toothpaste in the glove compartment. When the lid came open, she saw at once the neatly folded sheet of paper, one corner thrust into the slit of the small box of Kleenex. One word, Anna, was written on the side of the folded sheet. Forgetting the toothbrush and toothpaste, she removed the paper from the Kleenex box and unfolded it. Dear Mrs. Anna DeVoss: I really liked you, to put it modestly. I "courted" you all those weeks in vain. I pretended to myself I was teaching you about the mountains, �John Foster West 239 but deep down I knew I was doing it just to be with you. For a while I did hope you and I might "join forces." The episode at Riverglade during the storm and the burial of the stranger enforced my hope. But I realize now that your emotions were not concerned with me. You are too full of yourself, your grief, and your martyrdom. I want you to understand that you are not the only one who suffered because of the Vietnam War. And your perverse martyrdom is a waste of intelligence and a waste of your potential. It is a blasphemy. It never occurred to you to ask me anything about myself, and therefore you know nothing about me. Let me give you a few facts, my lady. I have a B.S. in Art from A.S.U. I have studied art in Italy and among the mountain Indians of Mexico. The paintings in the DeVoss cabin and the one at Riverglade are mine. I too was in Vietnam, but I did not die quickly, without pain. Even now I won't run over a caterpillar crossing the road if I see it, yet I was compelled to cut the throats of two Vietnam soldiers while they slept to save two wounded G.I.'s. I was a medic. It took more than two years in a Veteran's hospital for me to get well enough to survive. That, and the return to the mountains. But you learned nothing about all that. Martyrs are too deep in their own grief. I'm moving down to Riverglade. I probably �240 The Summer People won't see you again. But I'll tell you, lady, you won't find Pete DeVoss at Virginia Beach nor at Oceana Naval Base. There's more of old Pete right here in this valley than anywhere else on earth. So good-bye, my intelligent friend. I wish you only the best and the brightest of futures. Jay Anna wadded the letter into a ball and hurled it to the floor. Her eyes were filled with tears, but they were not tears of grief. She had never been so furious in her life. The smart aleck thought he knew her. She was sobbing as she started the engine. Her wheels dug in throwing gravel up under her car as she roared backward toward the asphalt highway. But at the last moment she hit her brakes and skidded to a halt. She eased backward into the highway and headed eastward at forty-five. "The bastard," she sobbed. She dabbed at first one eye and then the other, with her fingertips. "The redheaded peckerwood! I'd like to scratch his eyes out. I'd—I'd—" Far away, to her left, she could see the hazy bulwark of the Blue Ridge. The sun, orange and cool, stood above a line of trees in front of her. "Pete and I never did really get beyond our honeymoon!" The thought flashed across her mind like a new element through a fog chamber, startling her. "No, damn it, no! Our lives were perfect together. Our love was everything. No, you're wrong, �John Foster West 241 Jay Webber. I will have no doubts, no regrets concerning my marriage." The green waves of the western Piedmont hills rolled beneath her at a leisurely pace. Now and then the road blurred out as though she had hit a sudden shower with the windshield wipers off. She had to blink her way back to clear visibility. "But we never went anywhere except that time to Skyline Drive and those three days with his parents in Jacksonville. Aside from that, Pete was flying, or we were at a party. No. No. Our marriage was short but sweet. If Pete had lived, if he had not been a military pilot, if we could have spent more time together—" What? What would have happened? How would it have been? "Damn you, Jay Webber, you and your flowers and trees. I know what it was like with Pete. I was there. Me!" She slowed to thirty-five. Wooded hills swelled into the ancient ridges of a small mountain chain to her right, a narrow creek valley to her left. The leaves, the weeds, the whole world around her, in front of her, gleamed and scintillated with the green life of earth in its early-morning robe. Clusters of blackeyed Susans and daisies decorated the grassy banks and fields around her. She saw a little island of white, where a clump of Queen Anne's lace held a family conference. Beyond them, disorganized and scattered, the tousled heads of common yarrow asserted their individualism. Yarrow �242 The Summer People has a shallow root structure, she thought. Queen Anne's lace is wild carrot. The tuber root is edible. "Good grief, what has that kinky-headed sonof-a-gun done to me?" she muttered. "Who cares whether you can eat wild roots or not? Who really cares about the mountains and clouds and rock formations and trees? Life is back in Norfolk, where they need me." Suddenly, she whipped into a parking area beside a faded green picnic table and braked to a halt. She threw the shift to neutral and yanked up on the emergency brake, then sat staring ahead, into the morning sunlight. Poor Pete, what an awful price to pay for the love of flying! Miles of Blue Ridge formed a miniature skyline framed by her rearview mirror. "Poor Pete!" She sighed, but it caught in her throat, choking her. "And you, Jay Webber—yes, you, you, very you! What shall I do about you?" When she braked to a stop in front of the old mansion, Jay Webber opened the door and strolled nonchalantly toward her. She got out of the car and watched him. He came within three feet of her, stopped, and she studied his face uncertainly. "How far did you get?" he asked casually. "How far did I—" A surge of resentment swept over her. "What do you mean, how far did I get?" A grin divided his red beard. "I knew I would �John Foster West 243 make you angry enough with my letter to make you challenge me, but I wasn't sure just how angry." "Oh, so now you're a psychologist?" "Strictly amateur, my lady." They came together sedately, like two pawns in a foregone conclusion. He was warm and firm in her arms. She looked beyond his head, but the sky was as blue and empty as it had been that day at Oceana Naval Base when Pete's A-6 had flickered and disappeared, to rendezvous with his carrier, somewhere on the ocean beyond her vision. �was in on Dec. 10, He he the Air Corp. When in 1945; West to at UNC at he a B. A. in 1947 M.A. in He his Ph.D. the He at Old He ASU in He is the of Time Wasf Dawnf This Land, He on 2, the age the an of at � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Summer People Description An account of the resource <span>In the summer of 1974, twenty-four year old Anna DeVoss finds herself widowed and alone in the unfamiliar country of the North Carolina mountains. The body of her husband, a navy pilot missing in action for six years, has just been returned home from Vietnam. Following his funeral her mother in law persuades her to spend some time alone at the family’s summer home in Watauga County, North Carolina, in what becomes a summer of discovery for Anna.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1Hb3067mJVocyA5IMb4iY-our4Tgqe8aG" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469642079/the-summer-people" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Watauga County (N.C.)--Fiction Mountain life--Fiction Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 Language A language of the resource English Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource West, John Foster Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4497707/watauga-county.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm Watauga County (N.C.) Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s fiction locals summer residents Vietnam wealthy https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/3f328779286e97920d0399945ed4ee1d.pdf ea20b26cc0f4a2569f5d65918e30f5ce PDF Text Text �APPALACHIAN SCRAPBOOK A n A - B - C of Growing Up in the Mountains Pauline Binkley Cheek The Overmountain Press JOHNSON CITY, TENNESSEE �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1988 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3665-8 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3667-2 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �To all who have enriched my life by the sharing of theirs — And especially to Edith Anne, Edwin Binkley and Elizabeth. �This page intentionally left blank �APPALACHIAN SCRAPBOOK An A-B-C of Growing Up in the Mountains A Letter to the Readers of APPALACHIAN SCRAPBOOK Dear Friends: When someone asks you who you are, what do you say? Do you give your name? Your parents' names? Your ethnic group or your nationality? Perhaps you say something about your personality or a skill that you have. No matter what you reply you are commenting on your heritage. You know what heritage is, don't you? The word applies to everything we are and know and believe and can do because of the past, plus everything we will pass on to the people who come after us. Throughout the United States today people are exploring their heritage. They are deciding what parts they want to preserve for the future. My family and I have been studying our heritage here in the mountains. This scrapbook tells some of the things that we have done. We have had so much fun making the scrapbook that we want to share it with you. You, too, have a wonderful heritage. Studying it will make you appreciate it more and will help you understand yourself and your family better. Why don't you make a family heritage scrapbook also? Sincerely, Mrs. Gwen Carter mother of Eugene, Emma, and Ellie �Emma Eugene Ellie (short for Eleanor) 2 �Hi! I'm Emma Carter. Alf and Gwen Carter's daughter. I have one brother, Eugene, who's twelve, and one sister, Ellie. She's seven, and I'm nine. Mama calls us the three E's. We have a yellow cat named Pumpkin and a shepherd dog named Bonnie. We live on Banjo Branch Road in Madison County, North Carolina. Where do you live? Do you ride a schoolbus? We ride No. 48. It lets us out at the bottom of the hill, and we walk on up the cove to our house. 3 �Here's a picture of our house. I'd like to see a picture of your house. And of you. Daddy enclosed the carport to make a family room, and we're collecting rocks to build a retaining wall behind the house. Pappaw came over to help us do the rockwork on the new chimney. Pappaw and Granny Carter live back on Laurel River, toward Tennessee and the Great Smokies. I love to stay with them and get them to tell about when they were little. Granny says everybody had it hard back then. The roads were so bad it took forever to get someplace. There were lots of little schools but only one doctor for this whole end of the county. Pappaw says people had to move away to find work. But now they're coming back. 4 �Our House Pappaw and Granny Carter's house 5 �Madison High School Mrs. Pittman 6 �Daddy went off to teach when he finished college. That's how he met Mama. But when they consolidated the high school here he came back to teach science and ecology. Does your school teach about taking care of the environment? Daddy tells us how important it is to build up the soil and fight pollution. We never use dangerous chemicals in our garden, and we try to save energy. What grade are you in? I'm in fourth. My teacher is Mrs. Pittman. She's strict, but I like her. She's always giving us projects. Right now we're doing one on Appalachia. She says we're not just mountaineers; we're Appalachians and should be proud of it. For my project I'm making an alphabet scrapbook of things my family has done. Would you like to help? "A" is easy, of course: "A" is for "Appalachia." Here's what I found in the encyclopedia. (Mrs. Pittman always has us tell what we read in our own words.) 7 �Here is a map of Appalachia. It is about the size of Great Britain. Three bands of mountains run parallel to the Atlantic Coast. They stretch over 1,600 miles, from the St. Lawrence River in Quebec to the Gulf Coast Plain in Alabama. "Appalachia" comes from the Muscogee Indian words "Apala" and "chi," meaning "those by the sea." A Spanish explorer named Narvaez led an expedition to the Indian village of Apalchen, in what is now Florida. He didn't find any gold, but he remembered the name and used it when he was talking about all the mountains away from the coast. In 1861 Arnold Guyot, a famous map-maker, published a geological study of the mountains. He called his book On the Appalachian Mountain System. That is the name we use now for the whole series of mountain ranges. 8 �is for Appalachia. 9 �is for ballad. Little Margaret 10 �3 Which would you use for "B"—"ballads" or "Blue Ridge Parkway?" Granny knows lots of the old-timey ballads, and Daddy learned them from her. When we're doing chores Daddy whistles "Old Joe Clark." Ballads tell stories, and most of them are sad. There's one about Little Margaret, who appeared "all dressed in white" at the foot of Sweet William's bed. The next time she was seen, she was in her casket. Eugene can sing the ballad of Naomi Wise. This man, John Lewis, said that if Naomi would meet him at the spring he would give her money and other fine things. Instead, he drowned her. 11 �M y favorite ballad is "The Old Woman A l l Dressed i n White." Have you ever heard it? Here's how it goes: There was an old woman all dressed in white. Oh me, oh my. She took sick and about to die. Oh me, oh my. She took it in her head one day. Oh me, oh my. She thought she'd hear the parson pray. Oh me, oh my. She got up to the church yard gate. Oh me, oh my. She thought she's going to be too late. Oh me, oh my. She got up to the church yard door. Oh me, oh my. She stopped to rest a little more. Oh me, oh my. She looketh up. She looketh down. Oh me, oh my. She saw a corpse upon the ground. Oh me, oh my. BOO! ! ! Daddy always gooses us on the last line and makes us squeal. 12 �is for Blue Ridge Parkway. How do you like "Blue Ridge Parkway" for "B?" Dr. Harley Jolley wrote a history of the Parkway. He's a member of our church, and he gave me this for my scrapbook: The Blue Ridge Parkway is a national scenic highway that follows the crest of the Blue Ridge Mountains for 469 miles. It extends from the Great Smoky Mountain National Park up to Rockfish Gap, Virginia, where the Skyline Drive begins. In 1728-29 William Byrd, who was surveying the boundary between Virginia and North Carolina, said that the mountains "lookt like Ranges of Blue Clouds rising one above another." Today exhibits, museums, and self-guiding trails make traveling the Parkway an educational experience. Peaks of Otter, for example, has an exhibit of such animals as the bobcat, beaver, skunk, fox, and otter. Mabry Mill has demonstrations of mountain industries: tanning, shoemaking, blacksmithing, whiskeybrewing, and sawmilling. Have you ever been on the Parkway? When we were up there one day last summer we saw license plates from seventeen states plus Canada. We stopped at Crabtree Falls for a picnic. Then we hiked down into the cool gorge to look up at the waterfall. Mabry Mill �c is for Cumberland Gap. 14 �c Let's make "Cumberland Gap" be "C." Our social studies book says that the gap is the only natural break in the mountains between Tennessee and Kentucky. Dr. Thomas Walker discovered the gap when a land company sent him to survey land west of the mountains. Indians were already using the pass, and they left funny markings on the walls of the cave there. Mrs. Pittman told us that some Confederate soldiers from Madison County hid in the cave during the Civil War. Their wives or sweethearts walked all the way from North Carolina to Kentucky to take them food and medicine. 15 �Daniel Boone blazed a trail through the gap in fifteen days so settlers could go to Kentucky Daniel lived for a while in the Yadkin River Valley of North Carolina. That's where Grandma and Granddaddy McLeod live. Granddaddy has told us all sorts of stories about Daniel. If you came to our house you could help us act them out. Grandma made us brown corduroy shirts with fringes on the bottom to wear when we play Daniel Boone. We hitch up Ellie's rocking horse to Eugene's old stake wagon and pretend that we are moving across the Cumberland Mountains to Boonesborough on the Kentucky River. Ellie always asks to be Chief Black Fish. She pretends to pull out all of Daniel's hair except a warlock. Then she adopts him. She has to wash away his white blood and paint him with symbols. 16 �Granddaddy McLeod Playing Daniel Boone 17 �I'm a Shawnee, and Eugene is Daniel Boone. 18 �Eugene won't let anyone else be Daniel. Sometimes I play Rebecca, his wife. I take care of the farm when he is off scouting, and I know how to use a rifle. Sometimes I'm a Shawnee and capture the hunters when they are boiling salt. I make Daniel run the gauntlet. He dodges my blows until I become a big warrior and step out in front of him. Then he butts me with his head and gets away. Daniel had a long rifle called Tick-licker. He carved a beech tree with this: "D. Boon Cilled a Bar 1760." Mrs. Pittman would give him an "F" in spelling. 19 �CD I've already written "D." We had to do a research paper for language arts, and I did mine on drove roads: The Drove Road "Gobble, gobble, gobble. Oink, oink. Moo-oo-oo." These are the sounds you would have heard if you lived along the drove road in the 1800's. Just imagine five or six hundred turkeys parading by your house at one time. Or from 300 to 2,000 grunting hogs. Or droves and droves of cows or mules. These animals were on their way from Tennessee or Kentucky to market in Spartanburg, South Carolina. The drover was the man who rode horseback up front. He was usually the farmer who owned the animals. He had to pay a toll to take his animals on this road, called the Buncombe Turnpike. He hired men to walk along as drivers, carrying whips with red flannel flags tied on to make the animals behave. They couldn't travel fast, only eight or ten miles a day. So every few miles there was a stock stand. This was an inn where the drivers and drovers could eat supper and spend the night. Each drover had his animals marked. He penned them up by themselves and fed them corn which he bought from the stand keeper. The stand keeper had to buy bushels and bushels of corn for the animals and food for the owners and drivers. He bought it from farmers in the county. The farmer who cleared the land which my Pappaw now owns sold corn to the stand at Alexander. When that man cleared the land, he let the soil wash away. You can still see a big gully there. I saw a T V program about a boy who was helping his father build a bridge for the drove road. It showed the drovers eating a big dinner at the stock stand. They talked and told jokes and sang. Then they rolled up in blankets in front of the fire and went to sleep. The next morning they counted their animals and headed on their way. There are no drove roads now because it is easier to send animals to market by train or truck. 20 �2 ) is for Drove Road. Selling a pig 21 �Eugene's picture of turkeys Helping Mr. Keith 22 �Eugene copied these turkeys from his North Carolina Wildlife magazine. Didn't he do a good job? Speaking of animals, let me tell you about our neighbor, Mr. K e i t h . He's a big hunter, and he trains Plott hounds. Last summer he paid Eugene and me to help put up a new dog pen. H e showed us the black and tan hound he took to the coon festival. She won first place for tracking a coon i n water. Eugene asked M r . K e i t h how he trains dogs. Here's what Mr. K e i t h said: When old Zip was a pup I put a bridle on her. Then I shook out a coon into the pen with her. She'll never forget how that coon attacked her. Now all I have to do is turn her loose at night at the bottom of some holler. If there's a coon anywhere around, hunting crayfish or lizards maybe, old Zip'll run it till it's plumb exhausted. Then I get it. Or if it runs into a hollow log I have to smoke it out with damp leaves. • Coon in a hollow tree 23 �Dogs are easier to draw than turkeys. Here's the picture I drew of Mr. Keith's blue-tick hounds. See how they lean against the wire and put their paws on one another's backs to make me pet them? They don't stop yipping, either. I like their bright eyes and their silky-feeling, droopy ears. They seem too friendly to want to kill coons. But you should see the side of Mr. Keith's barn. He has 32 coon pelts tacked up there waiting to be sold. 24 �Mr. Keith's hounds Coon pelt 25 �White pine 5 needles in a bundle is for evergreen. Setting out white pines 26 �C a n you t h i n k of something for "E?" A l l I can t h i n k of is "evergreen." Last year Daddy decided that we should put evergreens on a steep hillside that was eroding. H e ordered 6,000 white pine seedlings from the Soil Conservation Agent. In M a r c h they arrived, and the whole family had to get to work. M a m a toted the seedlings i n a wet burlap sack so their roots would not dry out i n the wind and sun. E v e r y eight feet Daddy made a hole w i t h a dipple. Have you ever seen a dipple? It's this tool that looks like an arrow point on a hoe handle. A l l three of us E's—even Ellie—took turns putting a seedling into the hole and pressing down the roots. Then Daddy made another hole right next to the first one. H e called that "tamping the dirt." H e says that i n 18 or 20 years some of the trees w i l l be ready for harvest. We saw some forest rangers setting out evergreens on M t . M i t c h e l l last spring. Daddy showed us the difference between balsams and red spruce. C a n you tell them apart? The balsam or Fraser fir has whitish stripes on the underside of the needles, and the cones grow up like candles. You can find balsams on high mountains like M t . M i t c h e l l and those i n Canada. The spruce looks like balsam except its needles are four-sided and stabbing and its cones hang down. M a m a read somewhere that the spruce is called "he balsam" because it doesn't have m i l k y resin blisters on its t r u n k the way real balsam or "she balsam" does. Spruce Cones hang down Fir Cones stand up 27 �Wait! Mt. Mitchell gives me an idea. Why not make "E" stand for "Elisha Mitchell?" I've read up on him. How does this sound? "E" is for Elisha Mitchell Mt. Mitchell is 6,684 feet tall, the highest peak east of the Rocky Mountains. It was named for Elisha Mitchell. Dr. Mitchell tried to settle a dispute over which peak in the Black Mountain Range was the highest. He set out on a hike to check the barometric measurements on the mountain, and he told his son Charles where and when to meet him. Dr. Mitchell did not show up when he promised; so Charles went out to look for him. Soon other people joined in the search. One was Big Tom Wilson, who used to be Dr. Mitchell's guide when he was climbing mountains. Big Tom found Dr. Mitchell's body caught in a pool at the foot of a waterfall. Dr. Mitchell is buried on top of the mountain. This is what the marker says: Here lies in hope of a blessed resurrection the body of Rev. Elisha Mitchell, D.D., who, after being for 39 years a professor in the University of North Carolina, lost his life in the scientific exploration of this mountain in the 64th year of his age, June 27th, 1857. 28 �Drawing based on Portrait of Elisha Mitchell, 1851 by Nathaniel Jocelyn. A History of Mount Mitchell and the Black Mountains: Exploration, Development, and Preservation. (Raleigh Div. of Archives and History, N.C. Dept. of Cultural Resources, 1985). By permission. Elisha Mitchell V I Here, I lies Rev. E l i s W V/Ko, jscJenWiC. m V>ope of MVtck^IX^f ke'mg -for 3 3 [ exploration of HKVs ^ea^ & Wis . June. 2/7^ , 1 3 5 1 . 29 .a �7 is for festival. Rock festival 30 �7 "F" can be "festival." There are loads of festivals around here— craft festivals, music festivals, dance festivals, apple festivals, story-telling festivals, even rock festivals. Not rock music, but gems. Eugene is doing a rock project in 4-H, and he thinks he's an expert. He talks about the igneous or metamorphic rock in Western North Carolina and the sedimentary limestone rock in Eastern Tennessee. He says there are fossils in sedimentary rock but not in metamorphic rock. He and some friends are planning to go to Cade's Cove in Tennessee to hunt for fossils. He has already collected the rocks and gem stones you can find in these mountains-—garnets, rubies, agates, jasper, quartz, and zirconia. 31 �Ellie and I are going to be in the Lunsford Festival in October. It's named for Bascom Lamar Lunsford, who taught school in Madison County when Granny's mother was little. Mr. Lunsford collected the ballads which the school children knew, and he recorded them for the Library of Congress. He sang 315 songs from memory. Ellie's going to square dance with her class. She never stands still anymore. She keeps dancing around, and she drives me crazy singing "Cripple Creek." Mama is making her a neat outfit—a white pinafore and a blue-checked dress with puffed sleeves and three petticoats. 32 �Lamar Lunsford Ellie square dances 33 �My dulcimer My friend, Shannon 34 �I'm going to play the dulcimer for my friend Shannon to sing "Scarborough Fair," if I don't get too scared. You would like Shannon; she's a friend, no matter what happens. We like many of the same things, too. At craft festivals we walk from booth to booth getting ideas to try at home. That's how we thought of painting rocks to look like mushrooms and animals. Also that's where we got the idea for a beanbag frog. 35 �Q Last week Shannon's cousins from Georgia were here, and they visited the Biltmore Estate in Asheville. The next day Shannon gave a report in Mrs. Pittman's class, and she brought a clipping she had saved from the Vacation-land issue of the Asheville Citizen. Here is what she said: The Biltmore Estate was the southern residence of George Vanderbilt. The word "Biltmore" comes from "Bilt," the Dutch town, and "more," the Old English word for "rolling hill country." George Vanderbilt studied literature and architecture. He collected art and history treasures from around the world. He wanted a house where his collections could be displayed, and he wanted a village which could take care of all of man's needs. In the 1890's he had a railroad spur built so that materials and men could be brought in, and he hired experts to supervise the work on the house, the land, and the village— a famous architect, a landscape designer, a gardener, a forester, a farmer, a dairyman, a weaver. He even had a church built, and stores, and North Carolina's first "Y" for blacks. 36 �37 �is for George Vanderbilt 38 �The Biltmore House is "America's finest castle." It has an eight-sided sunroom with ferns, a fountain, flowers, and a skylight that is opened with long poles. The game room is decorated with mounted fish and heads of animals. It has an ivory chess set which Napoleon used when he was in exile. The dining hall is huge; it has bearskin rugs, chairs that look like thrones, many flags, an organ, and a triple fireplace. The library has so many leather-bound books that Mr. Vanderbilt had to climb a ladder or a spiral staircase to reach some of them. My feet got tired when I was only half-way through, and I went out on a balcony to rest. Off in the distance I saw a baby deer come out of the woods and lie down to take a nap in the sun. Wasn't that a good report? I hope that we see a deer when we go. Mama's promised to take us next spring. Why don't we let "G" stand for "George Vanderbilt?" 39 �I thought about "ginseng" for " G , " but Granny says that folks around here call it "sang." When she was little she used to dry sang roots to sell so she could buy tablets and shoes for school. She says that people i n the Orient buy the root-tubers and chew them because they believe that sang brings health and happiness. Here's what it looks like: The scientific name is Panax quinquefolium, or "five leaves." Daddy calls plants like this herbs, and he teaches his students how they help us. I've squeezed juice from the yellow or orange jewelweed onto mosquito bites. M i n t leaves, sassafras roots, and spicebush twigs make good teas, and marigolds help ward Japanese beetles away from rose bushes. 40 �Q is for ginseng. sassafras jewelweed 41 �Planting seedlings 42 �Does your family raise a garden? Sometimes I'm sorry for school to be out, 'cause then we spend half our time gardening: planting, hoeing, watering, picking, shelling, freezing, pickling, canning. But, of course, we don't complain over good fruits and vegetables when it comes to eating. And even gardening isn't so bad if we can get someone to tell a story. Daddy has one he tells about a man named Ned Riddle. I've tried to write it just the way Daddy sounds when he mocks Ned. By the way, it's about a horse. Let's make "H" be "horses." There are lots of horses in the mountains. 43 �" H " Is For Horse-swapping Well, there was this horse that Pete Gunter was tryin' to break. He give $200 for it. He tied it to a sled, 'n it pulled two loads offence stakes to the top of the hill just as purty. Then he decided he'd take his broken T V set down to the barn. He got the T V on the sled, 'n 'bout that time the horse shied 'n took off down the road, Pete holdin' on behind. He run right through the fence 'n tore that sled all to pieces. Just straightened out the trace chain hooks. He'd a'drug Pete out in the highway if I hadn't of come along. We got that horse back in the stall. Pete was so mad he said he was goin' to sell that horse or shoot it, one. I said I'd give $50 for it, 'n Pete took it quick. I got that horse over to my field, 'n I hitched 'im to a two-horse plow, an Oliver, beside that great big ole mule o' mine, 'n I tole my mule to gettup. That horse tried to run, but he couldn't. The mule was too heavy. Then the horse tried to stop, but the mule drug 'im along. That settled 'im down, and he worked along just fine. 'Bout a week later Pete's old woman called me to do some plowin' for her, 'n I took that horse 'n my mule, n they plowed just as purty. Pete ax me where I got that fine, steady horse, 'n I said, "Don't you remember that horse that run away with you?" That went all over Pete, he was so mad. I finally sold that horse for $350.00. ? 44 �is for horse-swapping. Drawing of Pete Gunter based on photograph in Wouldn't Take Nothin' For My Journey Now, by Jock Lauterer. Copyright 1980 The University of North Carolina Press. By permission. Pete Gunter 45 �O o Me. Fa. is for hymn sing. o. Sol Q La. <? Doe �"H" could be "hymn sing," too. We have one at our church every fifth Sunday night. Our children's choir always sings. That makes me think of a story Pappaw tells about singing schools. They were big events when he was little—almost as important as homecomings and revivals. Right before harvest time a singing teacher would come and spend a week. He stayed with different families and they would sit up late at night, singing and telling stories. One teacher brought his little boy. Pappaw laughs 'cause the boy mocked his daddy beating time and crawled around under the pew when his daddy led in prayer. There weren't any hymnals; so the teacher wrote the words on the blackboard—songs like "Amazing Grace" and "Unclouded Day." Then he would talk about key and pitch and teach the people how to read music. The notes had funny shapes back then. Here's how they look in Pappaw's old Christian Harmony book: shaped notes 47 �"I" is hard to t h i n k of. I guess it could be "Idiot's Stick." Do you know what that is? Here's how it looks: I sent one to my cousin K e v i n , who lives i n Ohio. I wrote this so he would know how to use it: Here's how to fool your friends. Tell them to catch the hook onto the rubber band which is inside the wooden tube and let it snap back. After they try and give up, you say that you will show them how. You pull the hook part-way out; then snap it back by pinching the triangular end between your thumb and forefinger. It will look as if it is hooked even though there really isn't any rubber band at all. I bought it at the Mad-Made Co-op. That's a log cabin where people i n Madison County can sell things they've made. You should see the toys there—stuffed toys like sock elephants, beanbag frogs, and patchwork chickens. Wooden toys like the two-toned whistle, the Jacob's ladder, the J u m p i n g Jack, the dancing m a n on the wooden paddle. M y favorite is the whimmy-diddle. You rub one stick over the notches i n another stick to make the propeller w h i r l . 48 �"Whimmy-diddle" Eugene dances the man on the paddle. 49 �is for Indian. Isaac Crowe and Eugene Going Back Walkingstick so �Oh, I know. "I" can be "Indian." We've had a 100% Cherokee Indian in our house. Isaac Crowe spoke to Daddy's classes, and Mama invited him to supper afterwards. He's not at all like the Indians you see in movies and on TV. He dressed like us except for the beaded necktie he wore. Eugene asked him to tell the history of the Cherokees. Isaac said that almost three thousand years ago the Iroquois people came East across the continent. The Cherokee tribe broke away from the Iroquois and moved to what is now Southern Appalachia. They developed a strong nation with a constitution a little like the U. S. Constitution. The U. S. government was mean to the Cherokees. It did not let them become full citizens until 1924. In 1830 it made Cherokees leave their homes in Appalachia and move to a reservation in Oklahoma. That was called the "Trail of Tears" because the people didn't want to go. Some Cherokees hid in the hills to keep from going. Then these Indians bought land in Western North Carolina and called it "Qualla Boundary." About 7,000 Cherokees live there now. When Isaac was five years old he was sent to a boarding school in Oklahoma. He was not happy there. They would not let him speak the Cherokee language, and they chained him to his bed as punishment. His grandfather hitch-hiked all the way out there to bring him home. Now Isaac is on the Tribal Council. The Council works to improve living conditions on the Boundary. The Cherokees have respect for nature, and they want to run their own lives. The Council helps them get their own businesses and more education and better health care. Isaac wants more Cherokee children to go to college. See this wooden bear? Isaac gave it to us. A Cherokee by the name of Going Back Walkingstick carved it. 51 �3 We're planning to visit Qualla Boundary soon, and my friend, Robin, is going with us. Robin's grandmother, Mrs. Bean, took me and Robin to visit her friend in Jonesborough, Tennessee. His house is like a museum with old maps and pictures, arrowheads, rattlers from a rattlesnake, even a whiskey still. He showed us a drawing of Jonesborough when it was chartered by the North Carolina legislature in 1779. It was the first permanent settlement west of the Appalachian Mountains. After the town had been laid out, everyone who had bought a lot had to draw for the one he would receive. Then in order to keep the land, he was given three years in which to build a house with a brick or stone chimney on it. Mrs. Bean walked us all through the town. We saw the Court House, an old print shop, a stage coach inn, the log house where Andrew Jackson boarded, the place where one of the first photographers in America lived. The Presbyterian Church was built before the Civil War and has a slave gallery. The outside steps are steep, and back then ladies couldn't use them because someone might see their ankles. I liked Sisters' Row. A long time ago a man from Philadelphia wanted each of his daughters to have her own house; so he built three houses stuck together. 52 �3 is for Jonesborough. Sisters' Row 53 �A scary story 54 �Every year there's a story-telling festival at Jonesborough. Daddy ought to go tell some of his "Jack Tales." One of them reminds me of the witch scene in "Hansel and Gretel." Do you want to hear it? It's long, so you'd better get something to do while you listen. Otherwise Mama might give you a sack of dried navy beans or blackeyed peas to shell, the way she does us. Shelling dried beans 55 �"Jack and the Newground" One day Jack said goodbye to his mother and his daddy and his two brothers and set out to seek his fortune. Before long he came to this king's castle, and he asked the king whether he had any work for him. "It just so happens I do," said the king. "I have a piece of newground I've been trying to get cleared for the longest time. If you'll do that for me I'll give you fifty cents an hour." Now Jack had helped clear ground at home, when his daddy made him, so he said he reckoned he'd take the job. "There's just one hitch," the king said. "There's a family of three-headed giants over there that claim that land is theirs. Every time I send a feller up there they kill 'im and eat 'im. I'll tell you; if you'll kill them giants I'll give you a thousand dollars for every head you bring back." 56 �3 is for Jack Tales. The King 57 �Now Jack needed some money mighty bad; so he said he'd see what he could do. He got him an axe at the woodpile and headed for the newground. By the time he got there he was scared to death. He sat down on a log and studied out what he'd do if a giant came. Before long he heard the awfullest racket you can imagine. It sounded like bulldozers crashing through the woods. Jack looked, and there came two giants with three heads apiece, stepping right over the scrub pines and the laurel thickets. Now Jack hadn't been rabbit hunting for nothing. He grabbed him up a shirt-tail full of rocks and dived into that hollow log. When the giants spied the log, one said, "Looka there at that holler log. We can take it home to Mother, and then we won't have to chop stovewood tonight." The log was big enough for Jack to turn around in, but they shouldered it like a rifle. Jack got pretty shook up at first; but directly he settled down and peeped out the front end. He saw that the giant had the log resting right up against one of his heads. Jack picked him out a rock and let fly. Wham. He hit the giant smack in the back of the head. Jack i n the hollow log 58 �"Ow-w-w," the giant yelled. "What'd you do that for?" he hollered back at his brother. "I never done nothing to you," his brother said. "You did, too. You almost knocked me down, you idiot." "I did not," his brother yelled. They argued back and forth awhile and then they went on. Jack let fly with another rock. "You quit that," the giant bellered. "I never touched you," his brother said. "You do that one more time and I'll knock the tar out of you." This time Jack picked out the sharpest rock he could find. Pow! "Confound you!" The giant dropped the log and lit into his brother. They wrestled and clawed and spit and kicked till they were plumb tuckered out. Finally they got so tangled up they just lay there panting for breath. Jack saw he was safe so he crawled out of the log. He chopped off their heads, put them in a sack, and took them to the king. Well, the king paid Jack $6,000. Jack pocketed the money and said he'd be heading for home now. "Don't go yet," the king said. "I'll pay you three thousand dollars a head if you'll bring back the daddy giant and his old woman." That was too much for Jack to refuse; so he headed back for the newground. "Ow-w-w!" 59 �His heart sank as soon as he reached the newground, for there stood the old giant, looking at the bodies of his sons. "Hey there, feller," the giant roared. "Do you know who done this?" "I did," said Jack. "You? Why, you ain't nothin' but a runt. You couldn't a done it." "I did, too, 'n I'll cut your head off, too, if you don't take me home with you." "If you're so all-fired strong," the giant said, "you'll have to prove it. See this crowbar here? I'm gonna throw it across that field there, and you toss it back up the hill to me." "All right," said Jack. The giant flung the crowbar like tossing a stick for a dog. Jack went about a mile down the hill to where the crowbar landed. He began yelling, "Uncle! Uncle!" "I ain't your uncle, feller," growled the giant. "I'm callin' my uncle who lives over in Virginia. He's a blacksmith, and he can use this iron." "Hold on there. That's my crowbar, and I aim to keep it." "If you don't want me to fling it up to my uncle, you'd better take me home with you." 60 �The Old Giant 61 �The Giant and the crowbar 62 �"Let's go then," said the giant, shouldering Jack and picking up the crowbar. They went across two mountains and over a river to where the giant lived. The giant's wife came out to meet them. The giant whispered something in her ear, but Jack was too short to hear. "Y'all go on in 'n get ready," said the giant. "I'll be in soon as I fetch some water" Jack got sort of suspicious when he went into the kitchen. The cookstove was red hot and the oven door was open, but he didn't see a thing cooking. "Climb up here on this shelf, little feller. I'm gonna get you washed and combed for dinner," the old woman said. The giant's wife 63 �"I can wash myself," Jack declared. "Oh, I alius wash my boys," she said, and she set Jack up on a shelf right next to the oven door. Jack commenced to squirm around like a dog with fleas. "Can't you set still?" the old woman asked. "I don't know how to sit on a big shelf like this," Jack said, jumping down. "Will you show me?" She grumbled, but she climbed up and said, "See? Like this." Quick as lightning Jack raised up one end of the shelf and tipped the old woman onto the oven door. Then before she had a chance to move, he put his shoulder under the door and shoved her into the oven. In no time she began to crackle and roast like choice tenderloin. Directly, here came the old giant with a couple of barrels of water. "Um-m; that smells good," he said, and he headed straight for the oven. Then he spied Jack over in the corner, and he said, "Why, I thought that was you a-roastin'." "That's your old woman, and you're gonna be in there, too, soon as my friend comes." "Your friend? Is he as strong as you are?" "Why, he can squash you like a blackberry. You'd better hide in this meal chest here. I think that's him a-comin' now," Jack said as he looked out the window. "Don't tell him I'm here," the giant said. He climbed into the chest and pulled down the lid. Jack rushed over and fastened the latch. He went to the train station and made arrangements to have the meal chest shipped off to China. Then he took the roasted giant woman to the King. The king said he would pay $3,000 for the old woman but nothing for the old man, 'cause Jack didn't bring the head. Jack didn't care, though. He had all the money his pockets would hold. He lit out for home, and the last I heard he was getting along fine. 64 �Washing Jack's ears The King pays Jack. 65 �X. I can't t h i n k of a good " K . " Do you have any ideas? G r a n n y suggested "kettle," like the one she keeps simmering on the wood heater i n their den. We have a wood stove i n our house, too. It's w a r m and cozy, and it saves on oil. O n cold, w i n t r y days G r a n n y even cooks on hers instead of on her electric stove. Then she and Pappaw eat i n the den, and we l i k e to eat w i t h them. L a s t Saturday she cooked a pot of soup and had cornpone baked on the griddle and an upside-down pineapple gingerbread. Boy, was it good! W h i l e we ate, we got G r a n n y and Pappaw to t a l k about "back then." G r a n n y told how they had to wash clothes when she was little. That was before they had r u n n i n g water or electricity i n the house. Here's Granny's "<K' Is for 'Kettle':" It's fun to eat with Granny and Pappaw. 66 �Every Monday we'd set a huge three-legged iron pot on a brick support. We'd fill it with water from the well and build a fire under it. When the water began to boil we'd dip it out into three galvanized tubs and add a cake of lye soap to one of them. Then we'd have to scrub the clothes on a washboard. We boiled everything back then, you know, and we rinsed 'em twice and hung 'em on the line to dry. Of course, we always put white things in bluing, and we starched almost everything but overalls. Just think what we had to go through to iron, too. We had to have two heavy irons, one to be heating on the wood stove while we used the other to smooth the clothes. No one knows how grateful I am for electricity and running water. is for kettle. Granny washing clothes in a kettle drawing based on photograph by Edward L. Dupuy. Artisans of the Appalachians. By permission. 67 �"The only light we had to read by back then was from kerosene lamps or the fireplace," Pappaw said. "Say, that's an idea for your school project, E m m a . ' K ' could be 'kerosene.' Kerosene was important on a farm. We used to keep a five-gallon can of it on the back porch. I'd l i k e a penny for every time I had to go out i n the cold to get some to start a fire or fill a lamp." " M a n y a time we used it for medicine, too," Granny added. "I remember, my brother Dewey was sliding from the top hayloft down to the second level, and he landed on a plank w i t h a rusty n a i l . He was barefooted, and the n a i l went a l l the way through his foot. M a m a washed his foot and doused it, top and bottom, w i t h kerosene. It healed right up, too, thanks to the kerosene." is for kerosene. Pappaw's kerosene lamp 68 �Daddy and Eugene use a cross-cut saw. "Kerosene comes i n mighty handy w i t h sawing, too," Pappaw said. " A little kerosene mixed w i t h castor oil w i l l keep a cross-cut saw from biting. Especially w i t h pine; pine's bad to bite." Have you ever cut down a tree? Eugene's watched Pappaw and Daddy so much he can notch a tree to make it fall where he wants it to. I've tried the cross-cut saw, but it's hard. Pappaw's father had a sawmill. It brought h i m more money than most folks had back then. Now there's nothing left of the m i l l except a big pile of sawdust, but Pappaw has told us a l l about it: 69 �When I was no more than Eugene's age I got my first regular job— hauling sawdust in a wheelbarrow away from the saw pit. Then when I was about sixteen I became fireman. I had to get up at 4:30 of a morning to fire the boiler so there'd be enough steam for the mill to operate by 6:30. The men worked eleven hours a day, and the most any of'em got was $1.50 a day. One day the sawyer turned up missing because he was sick. My pa walked up to me and said, "Boy, you'll have to handle this lever today." So I became sawyer for many a year. The sawyer uses the lever to control the carriage that moves the logs into the path of the saw. Also he has to keep a record of how many boards of each size have been cut. I tried to turn out 10,000 feet of boards a day. I never wanted to operate the 7,000-pound planer to dress the boards after they'd dried for two or three months. That was too monotonous. We cut mostly pine and poplar and chestnut. Not oak unless some farmer needed it to sell for cross-ties so he could buy fertilizer. Oak heats the saw, and it fills your eyes with sawdust. We shipped lumber out to Knoxville, Atlanta, as far away as Boston. Pappaw worked i n a sawmill. 70 �L is for legend. The Pleides That makes me think! We could use "lumber" for " L . " B u t no, I want "legend" instead. When we visit Granddaddy McLeod he takes us out at night to look for the constellations—Orion, the B i g Dipper, the M i l k y Way, Serius, the Pleides. C a n you find them? Granddaddy knows this Cherokee legend about how the Pleides got started: A long time ago, when the world was new, there were seven little boys whose favorite game was the gatayu'sti. In this game one player rolled a stone wheel, about two inches thick, toward the end of the playing field. Each of the other boys had an eight-foot pole which he hurled toward the spot where he thought the wheel would stop. The winner was the boy whose pole landed nearest the wheel the most often. This game was so much fun that the boys wanted to play all the time. They did not want to stop to help in the cornfield; they did not even want to stop to eat. Their mothers scolded, but it did no good. 71 �Finally their mothers decided to teach the boys a lesson. They col­ lected some gatayu'sti stones and boiled them in the pots with corn. When the boys were hungry enough to come home, their mothers dipped out stones and said, "Since you prefer gatayu'sti to the cornfield, you can just eat stones for dinner." This made the boys angry, and they determined to get even. "Our mothers are mean," they said. "Let us go where they cannot play tricks on us." They ran back to the playing field and prayed to the spirits to help them. Boiling stones and corn 72 �Dancing with gatayu'sti poles Then they began to dance around the village townhouse, whirling faster and faster until their feet no longer touched the ground. Still they danced, and with every round they rose higher into the air. Their mothers, who had come looking for them, ran to grab their feet, but it was too late. They were already above the roof of the townhouse, all but one boy, whose mother managed to reach him with a gatayu'sti pole. He struck the ground with such force that he sank into it, and the earth closed over him. The other six boys circled higher and higher until they reached the sky. There they became the constellation known as the Pleides. The Cherokees call it Anti'tsutsa, "The Boys." Every morning and every evening the mother of the seventh boy went to the place where he had sunk into the ground, and she watered it with her tears. At last a tender green shoot sprouted and grew into a tall tree. This tree we call the pine; it holds within itself the same bright light as the stars. A pine sprouted where he fell. 73 �A still �9A Pappaw tells good stories, too, but he calls them "yarns." We get him to telling yarns when Daddy takes us over there to help do something like pile brush or weed the strawberry patch. His yarns are mostly about people we know—like old Pete Andrews. Pappaw explained it to us—how old Pete got in trouble with the law: Back after World War I the Andrews were so poor they couldn't even haul their corn to market. So they used it to make whiskey instead. They refused to pay the government tax, too, and that meant they had to operate the still secretly—by moonlight. He didn't have any trouble selling his moonshine, but the sheriff finally got him. Sheriff Jesse James Bailey, it was, and he made old Pete pour it all out. Don't you think "moonshine" would do for "M?" Here's Pappaw's yarn about it: 75 �One morning when I went to the barn I discovered my prized Jersey cow lying down and groaning. Her fever was high and her udder was swollen. I borrowed a pump from a neighbor, but that didn't help. She could scarcely breathe, and she was growing weaker. I knew that if she died I'd have trouble raising her new-born calf. I got into my truck and drove to the nearest veterinarian, over in Yancey County. The vet was sick in bed, but he listened to the cow's symptoms. He told me to drench the cow with two ounces of spirits of ammonia and an hour later to give her half a pint of corn whiskey mixed with water. I came home and poured the spirits of ammonia down the cow's throat. Then I set out in search of old Pete Andrews. I found Pete swapping yarns with some men in the back of Clyde Norton's Store. I explained my predicament, and old Pete said he reckoned he could find a little moonshine. He had me drive him back up a hollow and told me to wait for him in the truck. Old Pete disappeared down a hillside thick with honeysuckle and kudzu. Directly he returned carrying a Coca Cola bottle full of moonshine, and he sold it to me. I rushed home and gave the cow the whiskey and water. Within ten minutes she was able to stand. By the next day she had recovered completely. Emma feeding a motherless calf 76 �Swapping yarns at the store 77 �is for national forest. Carl Schenck and his wife 78 �9i "N" can be "national forest." Eugene had to write this report for his 4-H project book, and he let me borrow it. Mrs. Pittman said we could use things other people wrote if we told their names. She calls that "doing research." National Forests National forests help protect mountain slopes and wild life. My Pappaw can stand on the highest part of his farm and see Mt. Pisgah to the southwest. Mt. Pisgah once belonged to George Vanderbilt. Mr. Vanderbilt bought acres and acres of small farms on both sides of the French Broad River. Much of this land was eroded and the woods were in bad condition. Lumbermen had overcut the forests. Cattle had damaged young trees, and farmers had burned off pasture land. Mr. Vanderbilt hired Gifford Pinchot, who had studied forestry in France, to manage his forests. Mr. Pinchot found over seventy different kinds of trees on the estate. He demonstrated that you can improve a forest by cutting the older trees to let in more light for the saplings and that you can make a profit from selling timber. Later another forester, Carl Schenck, came to manage the estate. He started the first school of forestry in the United States. You can still visit the log building where the men studied. It is called the Cradle of Forestry. Mr. Vanderbilt stocked the streams with trout and the woods with deer and turkeys. He had a wildlife preserve even before there were game laws. When he died, his wife gave the land to the government. The government bought more land from logging companies. Now we have Pisgah National Forest. 79 �Last year we went to Nantahala National Forest to celebrate Mama and Daddy's fourteenth wedding anniversary. We spent the night in a tourist cabin. It had a porch where we could look out over the valley till the sun set behind the mountains. Then we walked across the highway and played putt-putt golf. The next morning we ate breakfast in the restaurant there. I'd never eaten out for breakfast before, and it tasted twice as good as at home. I got blueberry pancakes, and Ellie ordered French toast with syrup. Eugene ordered sausage and two poached eggs, and toast. We all had apple juice and hot chocolate with marshmallows. Um-m-good! Then we rode the Bear Creek Scenic Railroad to the top of Nantahala Gorge. When the train let us out to look at the view Daddy showed us why the engine was called a "Sidewinder." Its wheels were turned by special gears invented by a lumberman named Shay. This Shay engine could run on poor tracks, around sharp curves, and up steep grades. It could get to all the saw mills that used to be in those mountains. We liked the ride to the top of the gorge so much we did it again. The second time I got a cinder in my eye. The conductor showed me how to pull my eyelid to make tears wash out the cinder. Then we went to Railroad Town, U.S.A. That's a museum with real railroad cars—a box car, a Pullman, a tool car, passenger cars, and a caboose. You can board them and see exhibits like photographs of steam locomotives from all over the country. One car had a logging display with a portable steam saw mill; at one time the mill operated on the Clinch River in Tennessee. On the way home we stopped at the Joyce Kilmer Memorial Forest. It's a rain forest, just like the rain forest in Liberia we read about in social studies. It's kept like a wilderness. Even the forest rangers ride horses in there rather than have roads for cars. It's so beautiful you don't feel like talking. All we wanted to do was walk and think about how old the trees are—the hemlocks and poplars. I could imagine fairies and elves hiding in the ferns and mosses or playing under wild flowers like the lady-slipper. 80 �The engineer at Nantahala Gorge A walk in Joyce Kilmer Forest 81 �o is for "old timey " Granny tells of an old timey Christmas. 82 �o What would you put for "O?" All I can think of is "old timey." Granny's always talking about things being "old timey." That means she likes them. Mama gets her to talk into the tape recorder about "old timey" ways and "back then." Here's Granny's old timey Christmas: Times were hard back then. Oh, we always had plenty of good food, and we always kept warm, but money was very scarce. Still Mama and Papa thought that little children ought to have a treat at Christmas. Mama didn't get out much, not with nine children to take care of. So she would send to town by Papa to get something for our stockings. Papa would buy bunches of dried grapes and stick candy—sometimes peppermint and sometimes hoarhound. And he always got an orange for each of us. I'll never forget how good those oranges smelled and tasted. That was the only time of year we had them. My sister Mary and I used to divide ours to make them last. Papa kept apples in a hollowed-out place in the ground; so we always had polished apples in our stockings. 83 �We always got something extra, too, even if it was only a dime to take to the store ourselves. One year, I remember, Mama made each of us girls a rag doll. One year my brother Dolphus got a bank in the shape of a dog. And one year the little ones got whistles. We didn't need many toys, though. We had rocks and moss for playing house. And Mary and I were the oldest. We always had real babies to help dress and feed and read stories to. Mama always decorated for Christmas with pine and spruce. And after we got up big enough to help we would go out and get a pine tree to decorate. We would pop corn and string it, and sometimes we would string red berries too. But what was most fun was helping Mama in the kitchen. She would make teacakes and pies—pumpkin and apple. And a dried apple stack cake. Then she would make molasses candy. We children would pull it and pull it. Sometimes we would roll popcorn in it to make the best tasting balls. Oh, we had good old timey Christmases! Grandma McLeod gave us a book of Christmas stories from different countries. Many of the customs are like what we do at Christmas. We have a candlelight service on Christmas Eve. We read from the Bible and sing carols and act out the story of the Shepherds and Wise Men. Then Daddy lights a candle in the window so strangers can see the way. That's like Shawn in the story from Ireland. Mama bakes a stollen like the bread in the story of St. Lucia Day in Sweden. The person who gets the whole almond is supposed to have good luck all the next year. 84 �Everybody got an orange, stick candy, and a surprise. Grandma McLeod reads about Christmas in different countries. 85 �Arranging a manger scene Midnight on Christmas Eve 86 �The French children collected moss, rocks, lichen, and laurel to make a manger scene. We do that, too. Also we keep our tree up till Old Christmas, which is January 6. Pappaw says people used to claim that strange things happened on Christmas Eve. He knew a man whose father was crossing Grandfather Mountain on Christmas Eve. At the stroke of midnight his two yoke of oxen stopped and knelt for five minutes. That's just like the story from the German Alps. In that story Werner is helping his father clean out the stalls. He says he's going to stay up to hear the oxen talk. His father says, "You must not do that. Whoever tries to eavesdrop on the animals will soon die." He tells Werner about a farmhand who hid in the stable to listen. The farmhand heard one ox say, "We will have to work hard a week from today." "Yes," the other ox replied, "the farmer's servant is heavy, and the way to the graveyard is steep." Six days later the farmhand was out hunting a lost sheep. He slipped on a rock and fell to his death. How does your family celebrate Christmas? I wish you'd write down some of your customs. Be sure to sign your name so Mrs. Pittman will know you wrote it. 87 �I've already written "P." It's "Penland." Penland is a school of handicrafts founded in 1929 in Mitchell County, North Carolina. Lucy Morgan learned how to weave at Berea College, Kentucky. She got the idea of buying looms and teaching mountain women the art of weaving. Through the years she added other crafts—metal work, pottery, glass-blowing, jewelry-making, basketry and lapidary or work with gem stones. She visited Finland, Sweden, and other countries where folk arts are an important part of the people's lives, and she brought back ideas for her school. Now Penland is so well known that people come from all fifty states and many foreign countries to share their knowledge and to learn new crafts. Several years ago Penland weavers produced one hundred yards of cloth in one piece. It took hours and hours. The wool had to be dyed green, picked or fluffed, carded, and spun. Then it had to be woven, and first an extra-wide loom had to be built. Now the cloth is used as a table covering in Independence Hall in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 88 �is for Penland. Lucy Morgan drawings based on photograph by Edward L. Dupuy. Artisans of the Appalachians. By permission. A Penland weaver 89 �is for pottery. drawing based on photograph in The Penland School of Crafts Book of Pottery, ed. John Coyne. Photographs by Evon Streetman. Rutlege Books, Indianapolis, 1975. Throwing a pot drawing based on photograph from William Barnhill Collection, Southern Appalachian Photographic Archives, Mars H i l l College. Mr. Zimmerman's kiln 90 �We stopped at Penland once and watched a woman make a pot. She called it "throwing a pot." She smoothed it with her hands while the clay turned 'round and 'round on a wheel. Mama bought one of her pitchers to send to Gran'ma McLeod. I have a pottery pitcher, too, but mine's old. Granny gave it to me and told me how she got it. When she was my age she begged to go to town one day with her daddy and brother. Granny had to stay home, though, 'cause her mother had just had another baby. Being the oldest, Granny was always having to help entertain the younger children. When her daddy came home that night he brought her a little orange pitcher. Granny knew the man who made it—a Mr. Zimmerman who had five sons. They made all the pottery the people along Reems Creek needed. They dug the clay right there on their land, and they had a kiln for firing the pots. Granny says people used lots of crocks for making pickles and kraut and lots of crocks for storing things like butter in the ice house. She took special care of her pitcher, and now she's given it to me. I'm going to keep it forever and ever. 91 �a I guess everybody thinks of "quilt" for "Q". M y granny's the best quilter there is. She claims that her quilts are just ordinary, that she made them to be used. B u t they're beautiful. She made one for each of her five children and fourteen grandchildren. M i n e is called "log cabin." It's an optical illusion: you look at it one way and the squares are light on one side and dark on the other. You look at i t another way and you see dark squares and light squares. See it? Eugene has a pieced basket quilt w i t h a red background to match the red walls of his bedroom. Ellie's is called "Drunkard's Path." We march Eugene's little soldiers and knights along the yellow and blue path formed by the quarter-circle pieces. log cabin 92 �a is for quilt. drunkard's path pieced basket Texas star 93 �Madison County's square Quilting the wedding ring 94 �Just to show how good Granny is: back during the Bicentennial of 1976 all the Extension Homemakers' Clubs in North Carolina made a quilt with a square for each county. Granny stitched the square for Madison County. Now you can see the quilt hanging in the Educational Center in Raleigh. 95 �Wait! Let's surprise people and use "quail" instead of "quilt" for "Q." I know all about quail, 'cause I read up on them in Eugene's Wildlife magazine. Here's what I learned: "Q" is for Quail The quail, the partridge, and the bobwhite are the same bird. The Eastern Bobwhite, Colinus virginianus, is found in every county in North Carolina. It weighs only four to six ounces, though its short, plump body and fourteen- to sixteen-inch wing spread make it look bigger. In early spring the male fluffs his feathers and struts around trying to attract the attention of a female. She does not have the white eye stripe and white throat of the male. After about two weeks the male makes a nest, usually a rather haphazard one scratched in the soil and lined with whatever grass and weeds are available. The female lays from twelve to fourteen snow-white eggs, one a day. Twenty-three days later each tiny quail pecks a small hole in the shell with the sharp nail on his beak. Then he waits a couple of days before he comes out of the shell. Right away he begins walking around, even though he weighs less than an ounce. His parents protect him with their feathers, for he gets chilled easily. By three months of age he has his adult feathers and can fly and roost. It is fun to see quail roosting at night. The birds sit close together on the ground with their heads pointed outward in all directions. Quail usually live in groups. Sometimes adults adopt offspring whose parents have been killed. Quail are helpful to farmers by eating potato beetles, boll weevils, and other insects. They also eat weed seeds like ragweed. In colder months they eat berries or feed in old cornfields and bean patches. In the spring you can hear the call of "bob-bob-white" and watch young broods hunting food with their parents. 96 �a is for quail. Quail roosting on the ground 97 �is for railroad. Eugene's model train 98 �"R" will be "railroad." OK? Way back around 1890 Pappaw's grandfather was engineer for the Southern Railroad. Mama says this must be the reason that all the Carters are train buffs. Pappaw's farm overlooks the French Broad River, and he even stops plowing in order to watch a train wind along the track that follows the riverbed. Both Daddy and Uncle Fred are walking encyclopedias of train information. They read train magazines and tape the sounds of trains. I think they have as much fun with Eugene's HO gage model Union Pacific as we three E's do. Have you ever ridden on a train? I have, but I was so little I don't remember much about it. Daddy tells me, though. He's a good storyteller: 99 �The Carolina Special from Cincinnati to Spartanburg was to be discontinued, and I wanted you children to have one ride on it. Ellie was a baby; so Mother stayed home with her. Early one morning in July we drove to Marshall, parked the car, and waited on the platform. Soon we heard a whistle, and a train rounded the bend. You clutched my hand in anticipation, Emma. It was not our train, though, but a freight with extra locomotives called slave units in the middle to help it up the French Broad grade to Asheville. We counted 150 cars. I The Carolina Special 100 �Before long another train rounded the bend—the Carolina Special. The train stopped. The conductor hopped down and placed a stool for us to step up on. You were all eyes and full of questions. You examined the prickly seats with their starched white arm and head covers. You wrinkled up your noses at the smell of smoke in the car. You left fingerprints on the windows, and you stared at the other passengers. Again and again you drank water from the ice-cream-cone shaped cups at the fountain. When the train stopped at Asheville to take on baggage and passengers and to wait for the New York train to depart, you reached for the lunches which Mother had packed. While you ate, the New York train pulled out, headed in the same direction as our train. Eugene, you said, "Look, we're going backwards." I told you to look at the posts under the train shed and you would see that we were really standing still. It just looked as though we were moving. Inside the train 101 �The safety track at Saluda After we ate, I commented, "Now our tummies will be full as we go down the Saluda grade." "Saluda, what's that?" asked Eugene. "It's the steepest mainline railroad grade in the United States," I explained. "It's so steep that the train has to stop halfway down to cool the brakes." About that time we started down Saluda Mountain, around sharp curves and through dense forests. "What happens if the train runs away?" you wanted to know. "There's a safety track running up the side of the mountain, and the switch leading to it is open until the engineer signals that the train is under control." As I had predicted, we stopped at Saluda for a charging of the brake valves. You craned your necks to watch out the window as the brakeman inspected the brakes and turned up the retainer valves on each car. Then we were on our way for the rest of the trip down the 600-foot grade. You fell asleep before we reached Spartanburg, Emma, but Eugene was disappointed to have the ride over. I might have had trouble getting him off if he hadn't caught sight of Aunt Ruth and Uncle Fred waiting for us in the station. I need something else for the scrapbook. How does this sound? 102 �"R" Is for Railroad In the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century steam engines provided the major means of transportation in Western North Carolina. The track between Asheville and Paint Fork, on the Tennessee line, was completed about 1882. The track into Asheville from the East was completed in 1879. The Western North Carolina Railroad Company brought in 500 convicts from the state prison to construct the roadbed. The convicts had to work with picks and shovels and black dynamite to blast through the rock and haul out the shale. Many got sick or were injured. Sometimes part of the mountain caved in on them. They had to make seven tunnels between Old Fort and Black Mountain, east of Asheville. The longest is Swannanoa Tunnel, which is 1,800 feet long. The stagecoach road was only SV2 miles long, but the railroad had so many curves and cutbacks that it was eight miles long. At one point you can see the track at seventeen different levels. Here is a picture. See that fountain? It's called a geyser and sprays water 300 feet into the air. Swannanoa Tunnel A geyser 103 �s Another story Daddy tells is about Mr. Ralph Tripp, the blacksmith. Daddy always starts the same way: You know where Ballard's Hardware Store is now. I can remember when Mr. Tripp's grandfather Tom operated a blacksmith shop there. I was about your age, Eugene, and my daddy would tell me to sack up some shelled corn and some whole corn while he hitched up the wagon. We had a horse named Dolly then. We would leave the corn at the mill to be ground into meal for the table and pigs and into cracked corn for the chickens. Then we would drive on to Mr. Tripp's Blacksmith Shop. Mr. Tripp would remove Dolly's old shoes with the claw end of his hammer. He would send me to the hardware store to get four horseshoes and two or three dozen horseshoe nails. By the time I got back he would have the forge red hot. He would keep heating the flat shoe and hammering it on the anvil until it was just the right size. Then he would heat the ends of the shoe and bend them to make heels. But first he would plunge the hot shoe into a hogshead of cold water so the horse would not get burned. 104 �Sacking cracked corn 105 �s is for smith. Blacksmith language 106 �I always liked going to the blacksmith shop. There were usually several men standing around talking and looking at each other's horses. The bellows, the sparks flying, the blacksmith language—it was exciting. One of us E's always asks what blacksmith language is, and Daddy explains: While he was hammering on the shoe, Mr. Tripp would set up a rhythm. About every fourth stroke he hit the anvil instead of the shoe. That rhythm is blacksmith language and is part of one's art as a smithy. It tells blacksmiths where to hammer and how hard. Mr. Tom Tripp was a dried-up little man, but he could really make the hammers ring. He had a big, strapping fellow named Atlas working for him. When the two of them got going it was a sight to see. The Ralph Tripp whom you know was off in service then. By the time he got back, Tom Tripp was dead and there weren't any more blacksmith shops left. Ralph Tripp always loved horses, though, and I guess he learned blacksmithing as a boy. He has more work now than he can keep up with. The difference is that instead of having the horses brought to him, he goes to the horses. 107 �Have you ever watched a horse being shod? The last time Mr. Tripp went to shoe Pappaw's horse, Mabel, Ellie and I were visiting and got to watch the whole process. First Mr. Tripp took a drawing knife from his wooden tool box and trimmed off all the old cakey, stained hoof. He was careful to get the hoof smooth and white. He used this metal thing called a rasp to scrape with. It took him a long time to fit the new shoe to Mabel's foot. He had to drive the nails in at a slant so that they would not go into the quick of her foot. That would be like sticking a pin up under your fingernail. Then he had to bend the nails and clip off the ends. Mabel had lost the shoe on her left hind foot; so Mr. Tripp had to back up to her and straddle the foot. I wondered whether he'd ever been kicked by a horse, but I didn't dare ask. He doesn't talk much. He just did his work, climbed back into his pick-up, and headed for the next farm. 108 �Shoeing Pappaw's horse Mabel 109 �I like to know how things are done, don't you? Anybody who works w i t h metals can be called a smith. We could let "smith" be "S" i f I hadn't already written this about "sheriff": "S" Is for Sheriff A sheriff has to convene court, summon a jury, investigate thefts and acts of violence, search for missing people, and break up stills and drug rings. Sheriff Dillingham has solved many cases in Madison County. One time a ring of thieves broke into several houses and stole thousands of dollars of coins, guns, and silver. They left the loot in a motel room. Sheriff Dillingham kept a look-out at flea markets until he spotted some of the stolen goods. Finally he got two women to confess that they had picked up the loot at the motel and had sold it at antique shops and flea markets. s is for sheriff. Sheriff Dillingham 110 �In the 1930's there was a bank robbery in the county. Two men held up a bank and fled in a car to a place on the French Broad River where they had another car hidden. They dumped the first car into the river, jumped into the second car, and headed for Tennessee. Sheriff Dillingham caught a glimpse of the men as they left town. He rushed to Tennessee to alert the police there. Then he headed back toward where he had seen the men. When they passed, he recognized them, even in a different car. He turned around and followed them. They went faster and faster until they wrecked. He put the men in jail and the money back in the bank. Ill �" T " stands for "tobacco" i n Madison County. Just about everybody raises some. M a m a didn't know anything about burley tobacco when she moved here. Daddy still teases her, 'cause she thought he was just lazy when he didn't p u l l the bottom leaves as soon as they turned yellow. Where Granddaddy McLeod lives they grow bright leaf tobacco. It has to be flue cured, and I've seen how it is done. They strip the leaves off the stalks and tie them on sticks. Then they hang the sticks i n heated barns to dry. A l l Pappaw has to do is cut the stalks and hang them i n the barn to cure. Mama with a tobacco plant 112 �r is for tobacco. Hanging tobacco 113 �Sometimes I wish I didn't know so much about tobacco. Especially when we a l l have to go help Pappaw hand. About the middle of November Pappaw says, "I want you'uns up before the hoot owl hoots tomorrow." It's always cold and damp, but he has a good wood stove i n the casing house. Here's how you do it: you take a handful of leaves and wrap a big leaf around them to make a bundle. I'm careful to tuck the ends inside, and Pappaw brags on me. That makes me feel good. After a while it gets boring, though. A s soon as one basket is packed—Daddy says it weighs over 600 pounds— Pappaw brings out another. Ellie with her farm set 114 �Eugene at the tobacco auction Ellie's lucky. She's too little to hand. She brings a box of cars and farm animals and sets up a ranch on the barn floor. That way she gets to hear the tales Granny and Pappaw tell about their friends and kinfolks. That part's fun. Also the picnic lunch G r a n n y brings. Last year Pappaw let Eugene have six rows of his own. I helped Eugene p u l l the plants from the seed bed, but he did everything else by himself. H e even got to take his basket to the auction i n Asheville. E v e r y year Pappaw takes his tobacco check to the bank and gets a new $5.00 b i l l for each of us for Christmas. 115 �u Not long ago a wildlife photographer came to speak to the High School Science Club. It meets at night, and Daddy let Eugene and me go. The man showed us on the map where he had taken pictures: Mt. McKinley in Alaska, Mt. Borah in Idaho, and Mt. Washington in New Hampshire. Then he showed us his favorite place—the Unaka Mountains between North Carolina and Tennessee. He thinks that the Appalachian Mountains are the prettiest of all, and he showed us slides he had taken there. Several were early-morning scenes looking down on swirls of fog in the valley. He said that it was probably fog that made the Cherokees name the range the Unakas, which means "White Mountains." The Cherokees believed that the god of all Indians, Michabo or "The Ancient White One," lived there. The photographer also said that the clay found in the Unakas is good for making china. It is called unaker, and he gets it caked all over his boots when he goes hiking. 116 �u is for Unaka Mountains. A photograph of a trillium 117 �A l l the students wanted to look at his equipment. H e said we don't need expensive cameras to take pictures of wildlife. W h a t we need is to have patience, to look for details, and to experiment. We should take pictures of things we're studying i n school, like mushrooms, fungi, rock formations, and w i l d flowers. I t h i n k it would be fun to record the change of seasons, the way he does, especially the blues and purples of shadows on snow, or the sparkle of icicles and hoarfrost. Taking pictures of wildlif 118 �u is for "Unto These Hills." Don't you t h i n k "Unakas" would be good for " U ? " O r would M r s . P i t t m a n l i k e "Unto These H i l l s " better? She might like that because it tells about the Eastern B a n d of the Cherokee Nation, and they are important to N o r t h Carolina. Have you ever seen that play? We saw it last summer, and it's wonderful. The theatre is outdoors, and you feel that you are right there where history is t a k i n g place. It's just like the story Isaac Crowe told when he came to our house. It tells about Tsali, who died so that the Cherokees could stay on their own land. The chief's name was J u n a l u s k a . H e has a lake named for h i m . A n d Sequoiah developed the Cherokee alphabet. C a n you imagine not having an alphabet? ^ »v <U t l v \ IE 9 /5 Q»a))a G 6 h ^ Words in the Cherokee language 119 �Before the play we went through the Ocanaluftee Indian Village. It shows you how Indians lived 200 years ago. We watched people weaving baskets, chipping arrowheads, doing beadwork, and carving animals and tools. We even saw them firing a canoe, and we got to sit i n the seven-sided Council House. Firing a canoe 120 �V is for valley. M r s . P i t t m a n showed us how Southern Appalachia is made up of ridges and valleys which cross between the north-south mountain chains. I could tell that when I was drawing my map; the valleys looked l i k e rungs on a ladder. Granddaddy McLeod told me about Valle Crucis. It means "Valley of the Cross" i n L a t i n . It got its name from the two creeks that form a cross i n the valley. Over a hundred years ago a mission school was started there, and the little stone church still stands. Drawing a map of Appalachian mountains 121 �Granddaddy McLeod tells about Valdese. Mama's wildflower book 122 �Granddaddy also told me about Valdese, which means "Valley of Our Lord" in Italian. Granddaddy's a minister, and he preached there one time. He said that the Waldensians were a colony of French-speaking people who came from the Alps of Italy to settle in the North Carolina mountains. They were hard-working, and the first thing they did here was to plant grapevines on hillsides that had eroded—the way we planted white pines. Also they opened a bakery. Granddaddy brought us some of their doughnuts and breadsticks. I thought about "valley" for "V," but that's not unusual enough. I've got a better idea. All three of us "E's" collect wildflowers, just like Daddy's students. And if we don't know the name of a flower Mama makes us look it up in her wildflower book—even if she knows the answer. 123 �One day I found this strange plant out near the mailbox. It was tall and bristly and had bright blue flowers spiraling up the stem. The book said that its name is "Viper's Bugloss" and that "according to the doctrine of signatures" it was used as a cure for the bite of a poisonous snake. Mama explained that people used to believe that if a plant looked like a part of the body it was helpful to that part of the body, or if the plant resembled an animal it would cure someone bitten by that animal. Then she showed me how the long red stamens of the viper's bugloss stick out like a snake's fangs. That made me think of the tale Granddaddy McLeod tells of the time Great Aunt Rachel was bitten by a copperhead: Aunt Rachel and I were on a path in the woods between our house and our grandmother's. It was autumn, and Aunt Rachel had run ahead to gather some bright leaves. I saw the copperhead lying beside the path but did not have the time to warn Rachel. She stepped on the snake's tail. Quick as a flash the huge snake struck at her, sinking its fangs into her calf. Our grandmother was out in the garden and heard our screams. She came on the run and picked up Rachel to shake the snake loose. Jerking off her gingham apron, she made a tournaquet for Rachel's leg and carried her to the house. Meanwhile I ran to the fields to call my Uncle Adolphus. Uncle Adolphus unhitched the mule from the plow and rode in search of the nearest doctor, who lived in a neighboring county. It was nine o'clock that night before the doctor arrived in his buggy. Rachel's leg was badly swollen, and for several days she was desperately ill. I do not know what treatment the doctor used, but it saved Aunt Rachel's life. 124 �is for Viper's Bugloss. Aunt Rachel and the copperhead 125 �is for wagon. Eugene's picture of a covered wagon 126 �" W " can be "wagon" and "Wilderness Road" together. O n television, pioneers ride i n wagons. B u t my social studies book says that the Wilderness Road was more of a trail, not big enough for wagons. This is what the book says: For twenty years the Wilderness Road was so narrow that people could travel it only by horseback or on foot. Also the road was not built at one time. It was developed over many years as different paths were linked to form one route. Here is a map of the route: The Wilderness Road In 1784 John Filson published a guide book trying to get people to settle the fertile lands of Kentucky. Over 300,000 people made the 200-mile journey. Indians did not like having white men take over their land, and they often attacked. In 1796 the road was widened for wagons. But by then the road had accomplished its purpose. The frontier had moved farther west. The Wilderness Road was abandoned in the 1840's. 127 �is for Wagon Train. Wouldn't it be fun to ride i n a wagon train? M y friend K i m B a l l a r d gets to go on one every year. H e r daddy is a scout for the Tri-city Wagon Train. H e carries a walkie talkie and rides around looking after everything. K i m told me what it's like. They start out at a school near the Tennessee line and follow the route their ancestors took from East Tennessee into Madison and Buncombe Counties. Last year there were 29 covered wagons and 101 horses. They spend two nights on the way. After they set up camp they cook supper and care for the horses. K i m said she has trouble getting to sleep because there is so much going on at camp. Horses are w h i n n e y i n g and dogs are barking. People are playing guitars, t a l k i n g , and singing. A scout 128 �O n the fourth of J u l y they come into M a r s H i l l . Last year M a m a let E l l i e and me meet them at the edge of town and w a l k i n the parade. E l l i e was lucky. One horseman reached down and swung her up to the saddle i n front of him. We ended up at the school. Eugene was playing i n a softball game there. Afterwards there was a barbecue dinner and then the fireworks display. It was fun. B u t when I get b i g I'm going to have a horse and ride i n the Wagon Train instead of just meeting it. Ellie rides into town. 129 �X is for the X that marks the spot. Watch out for black cats. 130 �X You'll never guess what I'm using for "X": "X marks the spot." That's what they put on maps for buried treasure. And that's how people sign their names when they can't read and write. Do you play games when you travel? We do, and one time we thought of all the sayings about cross marks. Here are some of them: If a black cat crosses your path you will have bad luck. But if you make a cross on the ground and spit on it you won't have bad luck. If a black cat crosses your path when you are in a car, cross your hands on the steering wheel or mark an X on the windshield if you don't want bad luck. "Cross my heart and hope to die" means telling the truth. 131 �If you cross your fingers you mean the opposite of what you say. A lie doesn't count then. If you forget something and have to go back into the house to get it, cross your fingers so you won't have bad luck. It is bad luck to walk under a ladder unless you cross yourself. If a snake bites you, cut a mark on the place in the shape of a cross and suck out the poison. If your right hand itches, cross it and put it in your pocket. Soon you will get some money. A cross on the moon means bad weather. If it snows cross-legged, there will be a heavy snow. 132 �Ellie crosses her fingers. Sledding after a cross-legged snow 133 �To get r i d of warts, go to a crossroads and make as many cross marks on the ground as you have warts. The first person to step on those X's w i l l get your warts. It's bad luck to fish w i t h crossed poles. Fishing with crossed poles 134 �Be careful when your eyes are crossed. Crossed bats mean bad luck, too. If your foot falls asleep, spit on your finger and make a cross on that knee. If you have a sty, make a cross m a r k on that eye w i t h a gold r i n g each morning. O n the t h i r d day the sty w i l l be gone. If you cross your eyes and someone hits you on the back of the neck you w i l l never get your eyes uncrossed. The same t h i n g happens i f you cross your eyes and go out i n cold weather. • A cross m a r k on bread dough w i l l make the loaf rise. Cross marks on bread dough 135 �When you kill a chicken, make a cross mark on the ground and lay the chicken on it. Then the chicken won't flap around. Make the sign of the cross with two pokers to keep off witches. A screech owl hollering near the house is a sign of death. To make the screech owl hush, cross two sticks in the fire and sprinkle salt on them. A cross will keep Dracula away. Cross roads act like X marks, too. Our language arts reader at school had a story about the devil at a cross-roads. Some people really believe that you can meet the devil there. Roy Sharp does. He's a fiddler, and he told this story at the Lunsford Festival: When I was a young chap I wanted to play the fiddle worse than anything else in this world. I made me a fiddle out of an old cigar box, and whenever I could slip away from the cornfield I'd take it down by the creek and try to play. One day when I was settin' there on a stump I heard a voice. It sounded like it was comin' from the fiddle, and it said, "If you want to be plum good, you go to the crossroads every night for nine nights and make a crossmark in the dirt. On the last night you'll find out what to do next." I studied about that and studied about that, and the next thing I knew I found myself smack in the middle of the crossroads. Since I was there I decided I might as well make a cross with my toe where the two roads met. Nothing happened except a rabbit scuttled off into the bushes. So I went on home. The next night I mosied along down the road with my fiddle, and there I was, back at the crossroads. I took my foot and made another cross where the other had been. I played a tune or two on my fiddle and went back home. There was that old cottontail, settin' still as death in the moonlight. This went on for nine nights. Of a day I couldn't keep my mind off that crossroads, and of a night I ended up in the middle of it. 136 �Making a screech owl hush A cigar-box fiddle 137 �On the ninth night that rabbit was settin' there waitin' for me. There was a low-lying fog, and all of a sudden, whoosh—there stood the devil himself. He was a sight to behold. He had a black robe with red velvet lining, and he held a pitchfork in his hand. His feet were cloven, and he had a long tail with an arrowpoint. He reached out and took my fiddle and put it under his chin. The music that came out of that thing would charm the fuzz off a peach. It was out of this world. I didn't ever want him to quit. He asked me whether I wanted to play like that. I couldn't talk. I just nodded my head. He gave me some powder to swallow, and he made a little mark on my left shoulder. Then he handed back my fiddle and disappeared into the ground. The Devil at the crossroad 138 �For a long time after that I was mighty scared. I'd heard tell of the devil buying people's souls. Nothing has happened to me, though, and I guess I'm just as good and bad as the next feller. And ever since that day it's been like my bow had wings. There's nothing on earth I'd rather do than make this fiddle sing. Roy began to play for us then, and it did look as i f the bow was flying across the strings. Drawing reproduced from photograph in Wouldn't Take Nothin' For My Journey Now, by Jock Lauterer. Copyright 1980 by The University of North Carolina Press, Used by permission. r \ Roy Sharp playing his fiddle 139 �J Have you ever had someone make fun of the way you talk? It used to make me mad when people teased me for saying things like "you'uns" and "y'all," but not any more. You see, we have this new girl in school—Natalie, and at first we thought she was sort of stuck up. But then we found out she was really just shy. One day Kim and I saw her off by herself on the playground. We went over and complimented her on her toboggan. She just looked at us as if we were crazy. So I repeated, "I like your toboggan—your cap." "Oh, thanks," she said and laughed. "I wondered what you were talking about. I thought a toboggan was a sled." All three of us laughed then. "You guys sure do talk funny," she said. "That's exactly what we've been saying about you'ns," K i m told her. 140 �7 is for "You'ns" and "Y'all Natalie's toboggan 141 �It was weird: the very next day Miss Webb spent a whole class period on why people i n different parts of the country talk differently, even though we a l l speak English. "Have you ever thought about the fact that people talk the way they hear others talking? ." she asked. Natalie turned around and winked at me. "That's the reason people born i n Madison County a l l sound pretty much alike," M i s s Webb continued. "They pronounce words alike, and they use the same expressions." Then she turned to Natalie. "We say some things that sound strange to you, and you say some things that sound strange to us. You don't m i n d doing an experiment w i t h us, do you?" " O f course not," N a t a l i e answered. M i s s Webb wrote some words and drew some pictures on the chalkboard. She asked N a t a l i e to say each word; then she called on someone else i n the class to say it. 142 �Natalie read "greasy beans"; T i m read "greazy beans." Natalie said she would put groceries i n a "paper bag." Shannon would put hers i n a "poke." N a t a l i e would drink "chocolate milk." M i k e would drink "chocklit." N a t a l i e would have an "idear." Steve said "idear" too, but T i m said "idea." Natalie walks up a " h i l l . " K i m walks up a "heel." Natalie read "root" to rhyme w i t h "loot." Shannon read "rut." Natalie made "route" rhyme w i t h "loot." Randy made it rhyme w i t h "out." N a t a l i e would "warsh" clothes. Ruthie would "wash" them. N a t a l i e said, "I wish the snow would stick." J i m said, "I w i s h the snow would lay." N a t a l i e would "play hookey from school." M i k e would "lay out of school." Natalie said he was "pretty smart." Jane said he was "right smart." Miss Webb talks about language. 143 �Natalie would "iron" the clothes. Ruthie would "arn" them. Before long, all of us were thinking up examples of differences in speech. "I've heard 'y'all' on T V so much," said Natalie, "that I say it, too. I never heard anyone say 'you'ns' before I came here, though. And I've heard some people say 'years' for 'ears'." "When you said you lived in a clabbered house," said Ruth, "I thought of soured milk." "Natalie called a 'sireen' a 'siren,'" Steve pointed out. "My cousin in Deetroit does that, too. And you both call corn shucks 'corn husks'." "Some lady said she'd 'carry me to town,' and I guess she meant she'd give me a ride in her car, not on her back," said Natalie. "If we keep listening to one another," Miss Webb suggested, "we can all learn new words and new ways of expressing ourselves." 144 �Ruthie pronounces this "arn." 145 �7 is for Yancey County. At the country store 146 �W i l l M r s . P i t t m a n t h i n k " y ' a l l " is too far-fetched for " Y ? " She'd probably l i k e "Yancey County" better. Mama's Uncle Gilbert plans to retire there next year. He and A u n t Maggie are going to move to Celo, a little community over toward M t . Mitchell. Last summer they spent their vacation i n Burnsville while Uncle Gilbert repaired and painted the house they've bought at Celo. One morning M a m a , E l l i e , and I drove over to Burnsville to spend the day w i t h A u n t Maggie. There was a crowd of tourists there. They were shopping i n craft and antique shops, and groups of them were w a i t i n g to eat dinner at Nu-Wray Inn. A u n t Maggie went to look for a wedding present at the Yancey County Country Store. E l l i e and I sometimes get impatient when M a m a or A u n t Maggie shops, but not there. The store is an old house crammed w i t h things to look at—furry animals on a tree, Appalachian books and maps and puzzles, sweet-smelling candles and soaps i n a bathtub, stained glass hangings, silver dogwood jewelry, a l l sorts of dishes and pots and pans, yummy-looking breads and jellies and honey. Nu-Wray Inn 147 �Aunt Maggie likes pottery as much as I do, and she bought some mugs and a weed vase. She also bought some goat's milk cheese and big candy sticks for Ellie and me. We wandered around the village green while we sucked our candy. A n artist was painting a picture of the court house. In one corner of the canvas he showed a statue of Otway Burns, for whom the town was named. "Was he born around here?" Ellie asked. Aunt Maggie said she had asked the same question but was told that Burns lived on the coast of North Carolina. He was captain of the ship, Snap Dragon, and captured many British merchant vessels during the War of 1812. Aunt Maggie explained why the town was named for him: he was in the State Senate. The people thought that if they named the county seat after him he would vote to have the county admitted to the state. 148 �At the statue of Otway Burns 149 �z is for Zebulon B. Vance. The kitchen at the Vance Birthplace 150 �z "Z" can be for Zebulon B. Vance. He was born near Weaverville, North Carolina, and his birthplace is now a state shrine. The last time Grandma McLeod was visiting, she took us three E's to Pioneer Day there. We watched a lady churning butter in front of the spring house and another lady baking corn sticks and molding candles in the huge fireplace in the kitchen. The table was set with the plates face down and the fork and spoon crossed above them. In the bed­ room of the log house you could see things the family used, like a cradle, a bellows, a Jenny lamp, a trundle bed, a rifle over the mantle. I liked the Visitor Center-Museum best. We saw Vance's desk and watch and guns there, and we learned all about his life. His grandfather, David Vance, was a colonel in the Revolutionary War. After the war Col. Vance bought 900 acres of what had been Cherokee land on Reems Creek, which flows into the French Broad River. Zeb was born there in 1830. At the Vance Birthplace 151 �I'm proud of how important this man from around here was to the whole state and nation. Zeb was a leader everywhere he went. He was an outstanding student at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where my daddy went to school. Zeb was elected representative in both the North Carolina Congress and the United States Congress. When the South seceded from the Union, Zeb formed the Rough and Ready guards and led them in battle. He served as governor during the Confederacy. At that time the people of North Carolina were suffering because they did not have enough salt to preserve meat, enough leather for shoes, enough clothes, or enough industries to turn cotton into cloth for clothes. Grandma said Zeb was a friend of the people and a popular speaker. He fought for states' rights and for individual freedom. He might even have been elected president of the United States if he hadn't been from the South. I like to imagine him as a boy picking blackberries or riding horseback in the mountains and thinking about what he'd do when he grew up. 152 �Zebulon B. Vance Zeb as a boy 153 �Emma's Pennsylvania Dutch design Eugene's horse sketch 154 �We could end the scrapbook here, but just for fun, let's draw a whole row of "Z's" on the last page. We'd better put a bee on the page, too, to show that "Z" doesn't stand for snoring, as in the comics. Ellie has put a bee in almost every picture she has drawn recently. Everybody in our family likes to draw. Eugene's really good at sketching horses, ships, and trains. I like to use crayons for Pennsylvania Dutch designs and for old-fashioned girls with their pretty dresses. But you should see Ellie's animals. She can draw any kind. Right now she's on a binge of rabbits and bees and birds for spring. 155 �The Conleys came over to visit last Sunday afternoon, and Ellie was lying face-down in the porch swing with her sketch pad. We like to have the Conleys come, for they treat children like human beings, not just dummies. Mrs. Conley asked Ellie to draw a picture for them, and Ellie did one of Pumpkin pouncing on a ball, Bonnie holding a kite string in his mouth, and bees buzzing in the apple blossoms. Mr. Conley said it was so good he was going to put it up in his workshop. Then he began asking Eugene about the bee hive he's making for a 4-H project. Eugene told him he'd about finished with the hive, and he's ordered a queen bee and two pounds of workers. 156 �Ellie draws in the porch swing z is for bees buzzing. Ellie's animals 157 �That got M r . Conley started on his favorite subject, and when he gets wound up, he talks on and on. I've remembered almost everything he said. Wouldn't it do for the Appalachian scrapbook? "Raising bees doesn't require much equipment, but you ought to get yourself some bee gloves and a hat with a veil. Of course, the stings don't bother me, the way they do some folks, but I've been popped hundreds of times myself. I always move easy, too, so the bees don't get excited. Unless it's a mean hive. Then I make me a smudge with a tow sack. Bee's can't sting if their bellies are full of honey. That's what they do when the smoke from the smudge gets to them: they gorge themselves with honey. Mr. Conley's bee hat 158 �"By the way," Mr. Conley continued, "this is how my youngest boy got started in bees—with a 4-H project. He kept an observation hive in his bedroom for two years. He watched the workers—the females, you see—draw out the comb and fill it with honey. They work themselves to death in about forty days, you see. And Hal watched the queen lay eggs and the larvae hatch out. Hal won first place in the district for his project and honorable mention in the state. For two years he got to set up his observation hive at the state fairgrounds in Raleigh." Eugene asked him, "How many hives does he have now?" And Mr. Conley said, "Oh, Hal tends bees full time now. He has over 400 hives on his property near Hendersonville and the rest of the hives rented out. Bees are good for pollinating crops, you see. Hal ships some hives to pollinate cucumbers and squash in the eastern part of the state, but he rents mostly to men with apple orchards here in the mountains. Hal has to go around to all these places to work the hives. And during the honey flow, from early spring till June, he has to collect the honey. A good hive produces forty or fifty pounds of honey a season, you see." Eugene's 4-H project 159 �I told him how we buy Conley honey in the grocery store. It's yummy on some of Mama's whole-wheat bread. Eugene didn't say so while the Conleys were here, of course, but after they left, he said, "Next year we won't be having to buy Conley honey. We can just go out and rob Carter bees." z z z z z z z z z Mr. Conley's honey 160 �Well, we did it, didn't we? We got something for every letter of the alphabet. Two for some letters, and we could have thought of more. It was fun, too, w i t h you helping. Thank you. I want to keep being your friend. B u t we have to end this scrapbook somehow. H o w about this poem I made up? Here's my Appalachian alphabet from A to Z. That's all there is; there is no more. But Appalachian old, and it goes on living. Its mountains are long, and the view is forever. So there's plenty more—Just write it yourself. Ellie at the Lunsford festival 161 �ABOUT THE AUTHOR spent her formative years in the Piedmont and Appalachian Mountains of North Carolina. Her degrees include an A.B. from Wake Forest, a M . A . T from Duke University, and a M . Divinity degree from Earlham School of Religion in Richmond, Indiana. Throughout her schooling she became increasingly interested in ecology, peacemaking, and experiential education, and participated in exchanges that involved interpreting Appalachia to people in Denmark, Belize, and Cuba. PAULINE CHEEK � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Scrapbook: An A-B-C of Growing up in the Mountains Description An account of the resource <span>Published in 1988, this children’s scrapbook is based on an oral history project conducted by Pauline Cheek. Cheek based her fictional characters, Mrs. Gwen Carter, Eugene, Emma, and Ellie, on her own adventures and those of her three children, Edith, Edwin, and Elizabeth. The scrapbook narrates the culture and heritage of the Southern Highlands and has been a great addition to classrooms since its publication.</span><br /><br /><a href="Direct%20EPub%20Link" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469636658/appalachian-scrapbook" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region, Southern--Juvenile literature Appalachian Region Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cheek, Pauline Binkley Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Appalachia children Elementary topical https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/15f7bbd6555970c47e1e8411aa4c5e0f.pdf 0f3617028c726c1f8c007f110b8c0e51 PDF Text Text ��This page intentionally left blank �The Good Life Almanac BEING THE CHOICEST MORSELS WISDOM FOR READERS INTERESTED LIVING, WRITTEN WITH RATHER BY TIES SOME TO THAN IN EXISTING. COUNTRY NATURE, OF MAN, FOLK AND GOD'S OWN WORLD . . . APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS BOONE, NORTH CAROLINA 28607 �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1975 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3840-9 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3842-3 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �EDITOR Ruth Smalley ASSISTANT EDITOR Margaret Griess THE COMMITTEE Lucy Bell Jap Hardin Betty McDowell Corinne Palko Wilma Rau COVER PHOTO Al Palko TEXT ART Ann Hall, Ruth Prince . . . AND G A T H E R E D UP IN SOLWAY, TENNESSEE, A COMMUNITY OF APPALACHIANS AND FURRINERS, IMMIGRANTS AND NATIVES, WHITES AND BLACKS, FARMERS AND SCIENTISTS-IN SHORT, PEOPLE MUCH LIKE Y O U �THE G O LIFE ALMANAC O D If we suggest a solution to a problem we guarantee it works—at least for us—because we've tried it. This is an almanac of practical hints and common sense. Once in awhile we'll pass on some folk lore, but we'll label it and tell you if we haven't proven it ourselves. A n easy-to-grow southern crop is okra. We eat it fried or stewed. But have you tried PICKLED OKRA Garlic (1 clove for each jar) Hot pepper (1 for each jar) Okra, young, tender pods Dill seed (1 tsp. for each jar) Make yourself an honest man and then you may be sure that there is one rascal less i n the world. . . . . Thomas Carlyle 1 qt. vinegar 2 cups water h cup salt x Place garlic and pepper in the bottom of clean, hot, pint jars. Butterflies count not months, but moments, and yet have time enough. Pack firmly with clean okra pods from which only part of the stem has been removed. A d d dill seed. Bring vinegar, water, and salt to a a boil. Simmer about five minutes and pour, boiling hot, over okra. Seal at once. Makes about 6 pints. The chewers among us claim that wet tobacco applied to a bee sting will prevent swelling and ease the pain. �The railway depot was the social center in Solway as it was in other communities across the land in the days before automobiles. Families came to see the train come in and the passengers get off. In the horse and buggy days, people would get up at midnight to go the 20 miles to Knoxville. Groups went together in horse-drawn hacks or wagons, shop­ ped and then returned home after dark the next evening. After the trains started, a train called the "short dog" left Solway at 10 a.m. and returned at 5 p.m., a miraculous time saver! Edibles from the flower garden in­ clude violets, whose blossoms and tender leaves are rich in vitamin C and look beautiful in a green salad, or day lilies (dip buds or just—faded blossoms in fritter batter and fry). And have you tried rose-petal jelly? Lord, give me this day my daily opinion, and forgive me the one I had yesterday. According to a county agent in his report in 1914, farmers here never raised many sheep because of the roving bands of dogs, who considered mutton a tasty dish. When your best days are yester, the rest are twice as dear. A new twist on the "shell game" is the use of eggshells as seed starters. Remove the top 1/3 of eggshells and save them in the cartons. Fill with a mixture of soil and vermiculite, plant seeds and dampen the soil. Cover with plastic till germinated and thin to one seedling per shell. Let this plant grow until it has two true leaves before transplanting in the garden. Then crush the bottom of the shell and plant, shell and all. The shell even adds a little calcium to fertilize your soil. �The story of the first public hanging in our area is more suspenseful than many fiction tales. Loness Guinn's great-grandparents, in Union County, were murdered while their grandson was visiting. He ran out the back' door, thus escaping the robbers whom he recognized. They lived i n this area and the home place was closely watch­ ed by the law. However, they man­ aged to come back and were hiding in the cistern on a platform part way down. The family fed them by drop­ ping a water bucket full of food down. Who would consider that sus­ picious? A l l was at a standstill until a reward of $25 was offered. This was too much for the father of one of the rob­ bers. Perhaps he considered his son was no good, anyhow. A t least he wasn't worth $25. So justice had its day and the hanging was a public event, presumably nudging many a young rascal toward the straight and narrow. One of the most useful, and widely available wild food plants is the com­ mon cattail. The green bloom spikes and new shoots can be eaten raw, in salads, or as a cooked vegetable. The yellow pollen can be added to flour. The roots may be used as a vegetable or dried and ground for flour for pan­ cakes, etc. The stems can be sliced lengthwise and used for making baskets. Rub salt on your moistened hands to erase onion or garlic odor. Blackberry juice, scraped raw apple, or liquid jello are very effective for diarrhea—and especially tasty to babies. The trouble with our times is that the future is not what it used to be. Peace is not needing to know what will happen next. �WHAT IS P O K E ? A poke can be a jab, or a paper bag, or a versatile, plentiful food. Though many people refer to it as pokeweed, we call it poke sallat or salad. Let us tell you about this marvel. There's fried poke: Gather and wash young poke shoots. Peel and chop the stems. Dip pieces in beat­ en egg batter and fry in deep fat un­ til golden brown. BATTER 1 c. flour, 1 tsp. baking powder, V4 tsp salt. Beat together h c. milk and 2 eggs. Stir into flour mixture with a few fast strokes. x Poke for breakfast: Stir-fry boiled poke in margarine or bacon grease, add beaten eggs and scramble all together. Or fry boiled poke with onions for another taste treat. Phytolacca Americana (Poke) First: poke greens, the peeled stems and leaves, are the edible part of the wild plant and are safe and de­ licious to eat as long as the plant is not in bloom. The berries are con­ sidered poisonous, as are roots and old stems. There's boiled poke: Gather and wash young pokeweed shoots. Boil Poke can be frozen: After the young sprouts and greens have been boiled for 10 minutes, drain them and freeze for winter use. A n d there are even poke picklesl Using tender poke shoots, remove leaves. Boil about 2 dozen poke stems about 2V4" long in salted for 20 or 30 minutes. Drain the first water until tender. Drain and place water off and add to other greens to in sterilized jars. Boil together 1 tbsp. cook, or reheat in fresh water, drain, salt, h c. water, and h c. vinegar and serve buttered or creamed. and pour over stems. Seal jars. x l �I'd enjoy the day more i f it started later. Edith Cobb House, where Solway Hardware now stands In 1899 there were six homes in the Solway area—Ferry House (an old log house later owned by the Cobb fam­ ily), J i m Cagley's, Archibald Cobb's, the Joe Caniel log house, and the Crudgington place (later Caverns of the Ridge and now called Cherokee Caverns). Other early family names were Chandler, Moneymaker, Lee, and Guinn. If you don't like the idea of spray­ ing your foodstuff with poisons, try mixing your own spray with some of the natural bug repellents such as hot pepper, garlic, onions, mint, and even molasses. R u n your formula through the blender, strain, and add a little dishwasher detergent to help it stick. Y o u are apt to come up with a win­ ner and look at the money you will save on sprays! PUZZLE * M y first is in cold, but not in hot; M y second in slow, but not in fleet; M y third is i n broad, but not in slim; M y fourth in stiff, but not in prim; My fifth is in scratch, but not in rub; M y sixth is in cane, but not in club; My seventh i n grip, but not in clinch; M y whole is said to be good at a pinch. *from St. Nicholas Magazine, 1887. Give up? �P U Z Z L E A N S W E R : Lobster Coughing like a hound dog on a cold trail. When we don't want something any We were horrified to read about the "scientists" who thought they could learn to eliminate lightning. Our country people had a saying when the thunder sounded and the lightning flashed: "The corn wagon is rolling." Instinctively they knew the value of the storm, for plant life could not exist without lightning. A n d without plants, we also would cease to be. Since 80% of the atmosphere is nit­ rogen, about 22 million tons of this essential plant food float over each square mile of earth. When lightning splits the air, nitrogen particles are made hot with temperatures up to 30,000 degrees centigrade. In this heat, nitrogen combines with oxygen to form water-soluble nitrogen oxides. These are carried down to earth, where they react with minerals to form nitrates to nourish plant life. Imagine—all that fertilizer, and all for free! more, we get shet of it. For relief from poison ivy, rub the juice from jewel weed or touch-menot flower stems on the blisters. Make your vegetable garden more attractive and help keep away some insect pests by planting a border of marigolds. The marigolds can do double duty if you add a sprinkle of petals to your summer salad or vegetable soup for flavoring. �Oss Fox, our local entrepreneur in the early 1900's, might have been a Rockefeller or a Gould had he lived in New York instead of Solway. He made the most of his opportunities here, though. It was said he would trade for anything! He owned the first grocery store in Solway. In addition, one of his projects was a park and trading post where he pro­ posed to hold an annual festival. To this end he built a dam to hold a spring-fed pool for swimming and erected three cabins nearby. Horses were traded here and he brought cattle across the river for an annual roundup. During the festivals there were contests of all kinds: sack races, dance contests with cakes for prizes, even chicken catchin' where chickens were let loose and ran squawking in every direction; if you caught one, it was yours! The swimming pool and cabins are long gone, but the memory is pre­ served by the road leading to it and still called Fox Park Road." 44 He was called "Oss" F o x , but his name was really A . H . , which, by any­ body's logic, quickly became A h ' s . " A n d his mule, with a broken ear, was named " O l d Grey Kate." 44 A weed is a plant whose virtues we have not yet discovered. HOMEMADE COTTAGE CHEESE Let one gallon of whole milk go to clabber. Put this in a large pot and heat gently until stiff curds form. Do not stir and do not let it boil. Strain the whey off and salt to your taste. Y o u can make uncooked cottage cheese by just letting the clabber drain through a cloth bag until it is almost dry, then turn into a bowl and break the curds with a fork. This must be refrigerated and eaten right away. It is good sprinkled with sour cream, sugar, and nutmeg for a different dessert. �1928. . . Some of our 4-H girls participated in a spring market in Knoxville. They sold braided rugs, food items, embroi­ dery, quilts, and baskets made of honeysuckle, some of which they enameled. To bug-proof a food container, place each leg of the safe in a dish of water. Charlie Fox was once helping Oss haul a load to the railroad when they stop­ ped to rest the horses. N o w Charlie stuttered and when he stooped to place the scotch (or perhaps you call it a block) behind the wheel he got his finger caught. Desperate for help but unable to complete his sentence, he ended up singing his predicament— because, as anybody knows, you don't stutter when you sing! I should like to be able to love my country and still love justice. . . . . Camus If you want to save your own garden seed, pick some of the best you grow and spread the seeds out to dry for about a week, then store in a box with a few mothballs or a rag with a few drops of turpentine on it. This keeps the mice and bugs out. A potassium deficiency is indicated if tomato leaves develop a scorched look and tomatoes have hard green spots. Y o u can add wood ashes (10% potassi­ um) for a quick boost. Cottonseed meal or powdered granite give longterm aid. �Loness Guinn (on the right) and his family as the bridge begins, and Bridges span time as well as space— and 45 years is not long for the life of a bridge. The builders of Solway bridge had an eye for beauty, but progress does not. The charm of its shape can no longer compensate for a two-lane roadway only 20 feet in width and so we lose our landmark, described in the plans as: �Loness Guinn (on the right) and his family as the bridge ends its span. A concrete arch bridge with 20' roadway with 3' sidewalk on right Skew: Length: 90° 772' built by Knox County in the late 1920's and dedicated in 1930 during the term of Henry H . Horton, gover­ nor of Tennessee from 1927 to 1932. It will soon be torn down and re­ placed by a new four—lane bridge now under construction. �Most communities have their secret organizations; some have the Masons, some the Yacht Club, and some the K u K l u x Klan. Solway's fraternal group was the Junior Order Lodge. Their lodge hall, however, was used rather generally for community pur­ poses. Every Saturday night movies were shown to patrons who sat on movable benches. A dance followed, sometimes to the country music of Bonnie L o u and Scotty, who later be­ came radio personalities. In more recent years, the lodge hall became the Drag-On Inn, complete with ladies of questionable repute. The history of the lodge ended in a midnight fire. Making allowances for human imper­ fections, I do feel that in America the most valuable thing in life is pos­ sible, the development of the individ­ ual and his creative powers. . . . . Einstein In the latter half of the 19th century, the farmers in what is now our Solway area bought their groceries (what few supplies they could not provide for themselves) at Henry Viles' grocery store at Coward Mill Road. Mail for these people was addressed simply "Coward's," so that going to the mail­ box was a trip, usually on foot for the youngsters of the family, of some 4 or 5 miles. The corner supermarket was still some time off, but by 1900 we were able to get groceries at Nip Guinn's, on the corner of the present Oak Ridge High­ way and Emory Road, a mere 2 miles up the road. Peanuts will grow in our area. They're an interesting plant; first they blos­ som, then the yellow blooms send out long shoots that dig into the ground to form the peanuts. To increase the peanut yield, cover the shoots with more dirt. By 1906, Nip Guinn had moved his grocery store to the middle of Solway, which was fast becoming a busy com­ munity, so thriving, in fact, that it was able to support 2 groceriesNip's and Oss Fox's (which was al­ ready here). �Nothing that is wrong in principle can be right in practice. . . . . Carl Schurz THE COMPOST H E A P , or How to Spin Straw into Gold Our hard Tennessee clay needs all the help it can get to become dark, rich, loamy soil in which we can gar­ den with pleasure. Here, then, is how we can do something about the situation in as little as 14 days, using natural vege­ table wastes such as kitchen garbage, weeds, and grass clippings, and manure or a little civilized help such as cotton­ seed meal or prepared manure (to pro­ vide nitrogen) and a shredder or lawn mower to chop everything up to­ gether. Here is the recipe: 1 six-inch layer of grass clippings, weeds, or other green material 1 two-inch layer of manure or cottonseed meal, bone meal, or blood meal. Even sewage sludge (from sewage plant, not septic tank) may be added. 1 one-inch layer of soil with some ground limestone or phosphate rock mixed in. Repeat these layers, ending with soil on top, until the compost heap is about 5 feet high and 5 to 10 feet long, depressed slightly in the middle so it will hold water. When you have finished building, water the heap thoroughly. On the second day the compost heap should begin to heat up. Turn the pile with a pitchfork or shovel every three days to keep it aerated and add water if it begins to dry out. In 14 days it should begin to cool off and you'll have some great crumbly compost to plow into your hard Tennessee soil in the fall. Then, next spring, just plant your seeds and jump back fast! Both in the last century and this, the general way of seeding corn and other grain was to broadcast it by hand and cover the seed with a harrow. Flattery, like cologne, should be inhal­ ed and enjoyed, but never swallowed. �Remember that eggplants are largely carbohydrates while spinach, carrots, cabbage, and tomatoes are a store­ house of valuable vitamins and minerals. Nantes carrots have more vitamin A than others and also grow well here. In general, the deeper the color the higher the vitamin content of vegetables. Transportation was of major concern to settlers everywhere and here in Solway we were dependent first on the waterways and then the railroad. These forms of locomotion slowed the building of roads, but another factor entered in: the hilly, wooded country and the many non-fordable rivers made road building very expensive. Since there was little public money for this purpose, what roads there were were the community under­ takings of those who used them. Another solution was then p r o ­ posed—the toll road. Thus came into being the pikes of song and story. Remember the bootlegger who sped to his death down our Kingston Pike in the ballad, "Thunder Road"? SLICING C H E E S E Let three gallons of milk clabber overnight. Strain the clabber through a cloth to remove most of the whey. Put the curd in a large pan and heat and stir gently. A d d a little butter and one cup of sour cream and some salt to taste. Cook till it becomes like a thick gravy. Pour into a bowl and add one teaspoon of soda. Stir this while it cools. Let it sit in a cool place for a few days. It makes a firm cheese that you can slice. In the middle 1800's, private com­ panies were licensed to build toll pikes, along which a toll could be charged every five miles. Private investors formed the companies and could pay for their share in either cash or labor. The spring house used to be the re­ frigerator. This is where the milk, eggs, and butter were kept cool during the hot summer months. �The seed packet may say plant rows 18" apart, but that was designed for mechanical cultivation. Why leave space unused? Nature won't. Avoid the weeds by filling in with plants and by smothering bare spots and paths with a heavy mulch. Presto! No more work. Just pick your vege­ tables. When in charge, ponder. When in trouble, delegate. When in doubt, mumble. Melton Hill Lake is now one of the T V A ' s chain of lakes, calm and beau­ tiful, but it was once a lively little river called the Clinch. It bounded one side of Solway, with only a rail­ road bridge across it. Those who wanted to get to the other side took the ferry at the end of Ferry Pike Road. 1919... For the first time, the importance of screening their houses was empha­ sized to our people by the farm and home agents. "Swat the F l y " pro­ grams became popular. In planning your garden, consider your family's health as well as taste buds. Plant the most nutritious vari­ eties of vegetables in the space you have. Romaine lettuce has twice the vitamin C and vitamin A found in ice­ berg lettuce. It grows well here, too. The first tax levy in our county, in 1793, was a land and poll tax. In 1796, taxes were levied on land, polls, and slaves. By 1798 the tax base had broadened still more, and the county tax was levied as follows: 100 acres 25 cents poll tax 25 cents one slave 25 cents one town lot. . . 25 cents each stud horse . 25 cents one billiard table . . . .$25.00! �A bird will also eat tender new plant leaves. Outwit him. Criss-cross string above the plants from sticks on either side of the patch. Looks like a trap and a bird won't go near. 'Humus" is the Latin word for soil. We heard that a pan of beer in the gar­ den overnight enticed snails to a euphoric death-but all we got were tipsy dogs. Lest you think of the 1920's and '30's in our farm area as a time of only day­ light-to-dark work (which it was), we would remind you of the high spir­ its and good times when young people got together. There's Ruth Cobb Wood, for instance: her medals and cash prizes for being the best dancer, when the Charleston was the rage, were the envy of even those city folks over in Knoxville. Oak Ridge, Tennessee, the atomic city, is now the center of much East Ten­ nessee activity. It was not always so. A t the turn of the century, our Solway was a bustling community, and across the Clinch River, where Oak Ridge would someday nestle, there were only a couple of small general stores and a mill in the area called Scarboro. Still, the Solway ferry enjoyed the benefits of steady traffic between the two areas. There would seem to be little to attract Solwayites to cross the river since they not only had a general store of their own, but also the railway station, but commerce was the enticing reason. A main crop was broom corn and the store had a broom-tying machine; thus, many farmers took their crops to be processed, paying with a portion of the brooms. What man's mind can create, man's character can control. . . . . Edison Looking for a good return on your investment? If you picked lettuce from your garden for dinner, you saved the price of the entire packet of seed in one meal. The next 60 serv­ ings are dividends. �Did we have better prophets in yesteryears, or do we just no longer listen? A t any rate, at least two Solwayites saw the future plainly. William Fitzgerald predicted there would be such things as electric lights and plowing the fields at night. He also foresaw a big town in Anderson County which would make good times for Knox County and Solway. Oss Fox also predicted the coming of Oak Ridge, albeit in vague terms. "Somethin' big is gonna happen around here." And over in a private field in Oak Ridge is the grave of Jim Hendrix, a man who at the turn of the century when he was fifty years old, is reported to have predicted in this fashion to many people: " A n d I tell you that Bear Creek Valley some day will be filled with great buildings and factories, and they will help toward winning the greatest war that ever will be. Then there will be a city on Black Oak Ridge, the center of everything to be a spot which is middle way between Sevier Tadlock's farm and Joe Pyatt's place (the present site of the Oak Ridge federal building). "Railroad tracks will run between Robertsville and Scarboro. Thousands of people will be running to and fro. They will be building things and there will be a great noise and confusion and the earth will shake." In the new American Museum of Atomic Energy there is a special exhibit about J i m Hendrix and his predictions of the atomic age, long before it happened. �The typical farm home o f the 1870's in Knox County was described as "a double log cabin covered with clap­ boards, with chimneys of sticks, mortar-lined on the inside . . . rarely two stories, but invariably a loft, reached by a ladder or open anrrow steps. The house is surrounded by a rail fence, enclosing a small garden and yard. The outbuildings, if any, are built of logs or poles and rarely consist of anything beyond a corn crib and stable." Small wonder that farm youths at this time began leaving home to work in the coal mines of Anderson County or the growing industries of Knoxville, or migrating to the "prom­ ised land" of the West. Y o u can color unfinished wood with a solution made from green walnut hulls boiled in water. Mulching your strawberries with moldy hay or sawdust will help keep them free of disease, since mold kills nematodes that often attack the berry roots. If you insist on a modern aid for burns, crack open a Vitamin £ capsule and apply. It speeds healing. A bird is a super-efficient bug con­ troller. Encourage him with bushes for shelter and seeds in the winter. J . C . Lyons, Solway's school principal today, tells of riding a mule from Knoxville to Solway, seated in front of his grandpa. It was a long day, and especially so because grandpa never, coming or going, said one word. The verb "admitted" should be banned from every news reporter's vocabulary. When he quotes a speaker as having "admitted," he implies fault, condemn­ ing before presenting the facts. Let him tell us it was said, stated, remark­ ed, retorted, but let us decide for ourselves whether it was "admitted." �BALANCE ... a word that describes nature at its best. Nothing predominates, neither weeds nor man. This is a har­ mony that warms the soul and soothes the mind. The greatest threat posed by pesticides is not any single effect, not the poison in your drinking water, for instance, but the unforeseen conse­ quences of upsetting nature's balance. K i l l a wicked potato beetle, yes, but how protect the nearby honey bee? Destroy a noxious weed; how save the earthworm beneath? The best garden is not a p a r k it's a land in balance! No man is justified in doing evil on the ground of expediency. . . . . T. Roosevelt If you like to work, we recommend weeding. If you're lazy, like us, then mulch the soil. A six-inch layer of hay or straw between the rows of plants will smother weeds, hold in moisture, enrich the soil, and otherwise shower you with gifts from nature. Of all the animals, the boy is the most unmanageable. . . . . Plato Just as balance is important in nature, so it is in civilization. Justice, untem­ pered by mercy, is degraded to re­ venge. Thus are statesmen separated from politicians. Pole beans! They bear longer, taste better, and take less space. It often shows a fine command of the language to say nothing. A rabbit loves tender green shoots, es­ pecially those of beans and peas. To discourage him, lightly sprinkle blood meal (which you can buy at a slaughter­ house or at some garden centers) over the plants. Being a virtuous vegetarian, the rabbit spurns the unexpected animal odor. This is an especially effective remedy. �Don't throw that plant away! Thin carrots, beets, and turnips by pulling some when they are barely large enough to eat. Repeat at intervals, and you will have wasted never a seed. A greasy car windshield is a hazard in the rain. We offer some solutions: a sack of smoking tobacco rubbed (sack and all) over the damp window helps a lot, as will coca cola poured over the window. Really busy? We say, "Busier than a bee in a tarbucket." The first school in Solway was a oneroom log cabin, where all 8 grades were taught. The well was down the hill from the school and thirsty students brought their own cups to carry down when they needed a drink of water. What a funny fing a frog are! When he run he j u m p When he stand he sit On he little tail What he ain't got Almost hardly. SWEET PEPPER R E L I S H 12 red bell peppers 12 green bell peppers 12 medium onions 1 pt. cider vinegar 2 c. sugar 3 tsp. salt Run peppers and onion through blender or food chopper. Heat vinegar, sugar, and salt to boiling and add chopped peppers. Boil 5 minutes, Ladle into hot jars and seal. It did not follow that a small, some­ what isolated community would have a limited social life. Our area buzzed with activity, lighthearted and inclu­ sive. Box suppers were a favorite form of fund raising. A n d woe betide the young fellow who was known to want a certain girl's box. Spirited bidding by all the men forced him to pay dearly— to everyone's delight. �When a feller spends more to get elect­ ed than his salary for four years in office, we begin to wonder. Attending a meeting of the city council, county court, or whoever spends your tax money might be very illuminating. Maybe healthy for the politicians, too. When's the last time you attended such a meeting? Okay, when's the first time? In our county, three county commissioners hold a great deal of power. Who's going to keep 'em honest if we don't? As the teacher used to tell us in class, " P A Y A T T E N T I O N . " It's very nice to be important, but It's more important to be very nice. . . . . Mary Frances Fox In our region, Better Boy tomatoes will keep producing tasty fruits after other kinds have withered and died. If at first you don't succeed— Y o u ' l l get a lot of advice. Did you know that different types of stones are required for grinding wheat and corn? We had two local m i l l s Couch Mill, a grist mill for grinding corn by water power, and Hendrix* Hardin Valley Mill where they could grind both corn and wheat. For heavier fruit crops, fertilize in late summer or fall with ground rock phosphate. Sprinkle lime under trees to cut down on fungus carryover. A good fish bait all year round is whole kernel canned corn. If you have a catalpa tree, and i f it has worms, you have lovely bait. How is it that the same people who are so indignant about political corruption at the national level are so complaisant Have you tried taking ballpoint ink out of clothes with hair spray? Just spray it on. about it at the local level? �Not only the coal-oil wagon and the traveling store used to make the rounds of the countryside, but the ice truck and the "coke" wagon regu­ larly came by. The ice truck, out from Knoxville, responded to the card placed in your window—25 lbs., 50 lbs., or whatever, chipping off the amount needed. A n d the coke wagon, a summer highlight, sold coke and orange drinks—35 cents for a 24-bottle case. It was drawn by horses some 50 years ago. Boxers of the Boxer Rebellion were so named because they were members of a secret Chinese society called Society for the Harmonious Fists. Bind a sprain or bruise with brown paper soaked in strong apple vinegar— we've been assured this really works to reduce swelling and pain. Warm water with ammonia and just a touch of vinegar is still the best way to wash windows—especially if you rub them dry with newspaper. No man is the whole of himself. His friends are the rest of him. SOFT M O L A S S E S COOKIES Vi c. margarine /i c. sugar 1 tsp. ginger A tsp. ground cloves 1/8 tsp. nutmeg h tsp. cinnamon A tsp. salt 3 c. flour 2 tsp. baking soda Vi c. molasses Vi c. sour milk x l x l Home is the place where, when you have to go there, they have to take you i n . . . . . Robert Frost M i x all ingredients to make a soft dough. Drop or roll out and cut. Bake 5 to 8 min. at 375°. �Blossom-end rot on tomatoes can be caused by a calcium deficiency, sometimes brought on by great changes in the moisture conditions for the plants. To correct it immediately, apply a little calcium nitrate around each plant and water it well. For long-term prevention, add ground limestone to your vegetable garden when plowing each fall. Nothing is so strong as gentleness; Nothing so gentle as real strength. I reckon you'd look in the right direc­ tion if we suggested you should look at 'at 'air hill over yonder. I'd rather have cobwebs i n my house than in my mind. Indian artifacts found throughout our area remind us that we are not really the natives. Nor is our wisdom neces­ sarily of universal use. Speaking of the white man's schools in the 1700's, Indian leaders said: "We have had some experience of it: several of our young people . . . . were instructed in all your sciences, but when they came back to us, they were bad runners; ignorant of every means of living in the woods; unable to bear either cold or hunger; knew neither how to build a cabin, take a deer, or kill an enemy; spoke our lan­ guage imperfectly . . . . they were to­ tally good for nothing." 1928. . . Home demonstration agents taught 4-H girls to sew. They made dresses and underclothes for school. The cost? $1.85 to $2.75 for the entire outfit. �The first tender handful of peas or butterbeans can be stretched to feed the family by adding dumplings to the juice when the vegetables are almost done. Hit don't make no never mind. DUMPLINGS Make up some biscuit dough with flour and milk and not quite as much shortening as for biscuits. Roll this out as thin as piecrust and let sit while you bring the juice to a good boil. Cut the dumplings into short strips and drop one at a time into the juice while it boils. Do not stir and cook just un­ til they are done. Y o u can add two eggs to this dough and make rich drop dumplings by dropping a slight teaspoonful at a time into the boiling juice. Wild onions (allium) were a sea­ soning mainstay of the American Indians. Parboiled first i n water which you discard, and then braised in butter, they still make a tasy dish. There's the school of thought that says a few drops of ice water in the ear will relieve the ache until you reach the doctor. Use your herbs from the garden to treat your face to a herbal sauna facial, and tie some herbs in a bit of cheesecloth to add to your bath water for a refreshing beauty soak. The "life's like that" department: Always a day late and a dollar short. Y o u ain't slept t i l you've slept on a shuck tick. But that's what a lot of local people had for mattresses, corn being so plentiful. Alternatives were straw ticks and for real winter coziness, those made of goosedown. �During depression days, the home de­ monstration agents changed our style of sleeping by teaching the women how to make cotton mattresses. They held classes on the porch of the local store, even providing the cotton and the ticking for a cover. Cash money was raised in ingenious ways in days gone by. "Musseling" was one of the more profitable ones. Mussel shells were gathered and sold for buttons. Many people brought in tow sacks full. Though the gatherers cleaned out the shells (occasionally finding a fresh-water pearl), the odor was still overpowering by the time enough were gathered at the depot to ship out by rail. Did you know that wild plants have been found to have a higher mineral content than most cultivated varieties? A d d a handful of dandelion or wild mustard greens and a bit of wild on­ ion to your salad bowl for a salad that's full of flavor, fresh and health­ ful. A door is what a dog is perpetually on the wrong side of. . . . . Ogden Nash If the picnic's good enough, you don't mind walkin' through the brush to get there. The politician's temptation: Although musseling was done partly from flat-bottomed boats, Blind J i m (Jim Baker) was as successful as any­ one, because he, like many, found mussels in shallow muddy water with his feet. Blind J i m knew the Solway area so well that he walked wherever he wish­ ed, alone, with only a stick for aid. Everybody's money is nobody's money. When an onion gets soft or starts to sprout, don't throw it out—plant it. Soon you can harvest a bunch of green onions for salads. �Few will have the greatness to bend history itself, but each of us can work to change a small portion of events, and in the total of all those acts will be written the history of this generation. . . . . Robert F . Kennedy The Solway Ferry was powered by a hand-wound winch, but Black's Ferry, which preceded it, was paddled across with oars and poles. Luckily, the river, though deep, was not wide. It's the right string, baby, but the wrong yo-yo NOVEL ARITHMETIC* Example: What number becomes even by subtracting one? Answer: s-even Rub an emery board on spots on suede shoes to erase the shine. If your cucumbers were bitter last summer, it may have been because of poor weather. The bitterness can be caused either by long periods of wet weather or an extended dry spell. It will help to plant varieties that are recommended for this area. These, says UT's Agricultural Extension Ser­ vice, are Saticoy Hybrid, Poinsett, Burpee Hybrid, Ashley, Model, and Boston. Both Model and Boston are recommended for pickling. 1. What number, by adding one, be­ comes sound? 2. What number, by adding one, be­ comes isolated? 3. What number, by inserting one, be­ comes finely ground meal? 4. What number, by subtracting one, becomes a vegetable growth? 5. What number, by subtracting one, becomes a preposition? 6. What number, by subtracting one, becomes an exclamation of con­ tempt? 7. What number, by subtracting one, becomes a costly substance? •Taken from the St. Nicholas Maga­ zine, 1887. �Most wild meats should be civilized before cooking by marinating in wine, vinegar, or lemon juice. This also helps tougher cuts of beef. Cook with moist, slow heat. A d d onion soup mix for a tasty and easy pot roast. O Lord, let my words be gracious and tender today for tomorrow I may have to eat them. Many farmers of this community still plant crops and plan other activi­ ties according to the "signs," meaning the zodiac signs or the area of the heavens in which the moon rises at that time of month. Most just follow the signs as given on a calendar mark­ ing signs most favorable for planting. A n easy rule to remember is to plant root crops in the dark of the moon, (that is: waning) and other vegetables in the light of the moon (when it is waxing, or growing toward a full moon). There's no such thing as a free lunch. Powdered sulphur will keep snakes out of the yard. Another money crop for local people in the 1920's and earlier was timber. Going north, they cut logs and floated them down the Clinch River during high water periods. They accompanied the logs by building a raft and floating themselves as well, stopping not at home but only when they reached Chattanooga. 1. ONE T 2. O N E L 3. F O U R L 4. T H R E E - H 5. F O U R - U 6. F I V E - V = TONE = LONE = FLOUR = TREE = FOR = FIE 7. F O U R - O = F U R �There is so much good in the worst of us, A n d so much bad in the best of us, That it hardly behooves any of us To talk about the rest of us. To see a world in a grain of sand, A n d heaven in a flowerTo hold infinity in the palm of your hand, A n eternity in an hour! Bay leaves left in cabinets will keep weevils out. It is said that a few drops of warm wine (placed in the ear, of course) will ease earache. Or you might try tobacco smoke blown into the ear. About 1902 there was a legal still in Solway. "Booze," as it was officially known, was made under government supervision in a small ravine (which is still visible where Sparks Road joins the Oak Ridge highway). The location was determined by a spring which flowed there, but the water became contaminated from floods and Solway never became the Jack Daniels of Tennessee. Friendship doubles our joy and divides our grief. When I works, I works hard. When I sits, I sits loose; A n d when I thinks, I falls asleep. �Many activities were shared by the whole community. Molasses was made down by a big spring at the curve of Guinn Road where the water made it easy to clean up the mess. A big heavy grinding stone was powered by a cir­ cling horse. Sorghum cane stalks were squeezed of juice which then poured into a long vat over a fire and by the time it reached the end of the vat, thick molasses dripped into barrels. Bottom land, where, as everybody knows, silt from the spring floods is deposited, is best for growing things. Since corn was a big crop in the Sol­ way area, the corn fields were planted along the Clinch River. It was not un­ usual to see fields of corn not many rows wide but two miles long. There are only two lasting bequests we can give our children—one is roots, the other, wings. Give your dogwoods a dose of Epsom salts for bigger, more plentiful blos­ soms. If your space is limited, why not turn the tables and add vegetables to your flower borders? Leaf lettuce is attract­ ive as a border, and radishes will grow quickly and can be replaced with annuals. Try a tomato plant on a trellis or fence, and add some okra plants among your hollyhocks. �Mouth ulcers are a pesky, persistent nuisance. Try rinsing your mouth with lemon juice and salt to get rid of them. The best way to convince anyone he is wrong is to let him have his way. Pour your left-over coffee, coffee grounds, tea, and tea leaves around acid-loving plants. They will thrive on it. And here's another poke recipe. FRIED POKE S A L L A T Gather a sack full of young tender poke sprouts early in the spring. Wash and parboil them. Lift the poke out of the water and put into a hot skillet with a little oil. Cook until the juice dries out, then sprinkle with some cornbread crumbs or cornmeal and salt. Cook until good and dry. Break two eggs over the poke and stir for a couple of minutes, then take up and eat. H O L I N G UP V E G E T A B L E S F O R WINTER Dig a shallow hole in the garden or convenient spot and line it with about eight inches of hay or straw. Pull cab­ bages up by the roots and start around the outside of the circle, packing them with the roots sticking out. Build another stack on top of this, fitting the heads between the others. Continue going around, building up a mound. Cover all this with about eight inches of hay or straw and then cover it with dirt. Place boards or plastic sheet on top to keep the rain out. Tunnel into the side of the mound and pull a cab­ bage head out by the roots as you need one, but be sure to start at the bottom of the mound and to fill in the hole with lots of straw and dirt. Y o u can also keep sweet potatoes, Irish potatoes, or apples in a mound like this. Our favorite local expression: Oh, la! �If you say you arc "for sure" about a fact, it's just a softer , southern way of saying you are positive. A census was taken in 1795, along with a vote on the question of statehood for Tennessee. A t that time the population of Knox County was 11,573. The majority of the vote was for statehood. A glass of warm water every morning is an easy, painless, dependable solution to constipation. A stronger remedy for emergencies: a small glass of sauerkraut juice. Housewives make too much work of sweet potatoes. Don't bother with the pineapple sauce, the brown sugar, or the apples. Just bake the potatoes w hole and serve with butter. Mmmmmm! Incidentally, they're one of the easiest crops to grow in our area. Just striking a match kills many odors. Everybody in town had a ride in an automobile when Nip Guinn brought the first car to Solway—a Maxwell! Truly vine-ripened tomatoes peel easily. Don't bother to scald them. The wooden shoring of the railway tunnel once caught on fire. The fire was so far inward that it could not be reached from either end, so workers bored a hole down through the hill from above in order to put out the fire. �Why take up space with cucumber plants spread all over the garden? They grow fine on fences. Speaking of recycling, nylon stockings are handy in the garden. Cut crosswise strips for strong, soft ties to use in staking tomatoes, hollyhocks, peonies, or whatever. Pour your insecticide powder (if you must use it) into a stocking for a fine, even dusting tool in the vegetable garden—and you don't have to bend your back as much either. Cut a run-free section of a stocking and knot it securely at the bottom for a good strainer for making jellies, etc. A nail stuck in the ground next to a tomato plant defeats the cutworm, who must wrap himself around the plant stem to do his guillotining. Cut off the top four inches or so of any plastic detergent, bleach, or ammonia bottle to have a convenient funnel. Caught camping without your tooth­ brush? Shred a pleasant-tasting tree branch (maybe sweet gum or sassafras) to use. As children, we love our parents. As students, we tolerate our parents. As adults, we forgive our parents. And as parents ourselves, finally we understand our parents. When you're ready to go off the edgeremember that the Lord in His infinite mercy made the world round. I have as much patience as the rest of you, I just don't have time to practice it. L o r d , when we are wrong, make us willing to change, A n d when we are right, make us easy to live with. . . . . Peter Marshall �Box suppers, ice-cream socials, quilting bees, Saturday night fiddlers—all these were part of an active social life for the Solway community when families and neighbors still supplied their own entertainment. But the highlight of the year was the annual fair—a four day event which drew people from as far as it was possible to come by horse and buggy. Horse racing was the biggest part of the fair, with everything from trotting horses to racers; there were two-wheeled cart contests (a social occasion), as well as the more conventional racing events, and even a pony show. The fairgrounds in and just east of what is now called Burchfield Heights (though it really was level enough to make a fine fair site), provided varied entertainment for everyone. The children concentrated on the ice-cream booth, where cones, large and luscious, were a nickel—or the popcorn stand, also offering bargains to hold the inner boy together. For those in need of more than a snack, Aunt Effie Miller provided meals at 25 cents per person—and found herself cooking from morning til night. A n d of course the picnic basket, full of pots of beans, ham, and cold biscuits, was a common sight. If you hadn't spent all your money on food, you might buy large gas-filled balloons. On one occasion, some enter­ prising young Lindberghs thought holding enough of them might even make them airborne, but somehow they never got off the ground. As the fair grew, barns were built and cattle exhibits featured, as well as the choicest examples of farm crops. Fun, pride, relaxation, neighboring—the fair was a fitting climax to the farmer's year of demanding work. �A n easy way to get distilled water for your house plants or the steam iron or the car battery is to use the water collected by your dehumidifier. Even i f you are on the right track, you'll get run over i f you just sit there. It's average to make a mistake. Dill weed is a useful plant to have in the garden—and the most useful part is that you just have to plant it once! It comes up year after year. Perhaps that's why it's called "weed." Cockfighting was a general sport in the county prior to 1890 and most farm flocks had the influence of game blood. The Knoxville cockpit where regular cock fights were held was on Church Street, where the Methodist Church was later built, and it may be presumed that Solway cocks won their share of battles there. Practicality joined with ingenuity dur­ ing the depression when small boys managed to obtain the family's winter supply of coal by soaping the railroad tracks. This caused the wheels to spin, temporarily stalling the train long enough for someone to leap on board and toss out a few shovelsful of coal. Are the neighbors tired of watering your house plants while you vacation in the sun? Let them water themselves by running a cotton wick from a large bucket of water to the bottom of each pot—or cover each plant with a clear plastic bag after watering well. Be sure to leave them well shaded. �Lighter fluid is handy to have around. It will take gum out of hair, take cray­ on marks off walls, and will painlessly kill an insect for preserving. Those who think they know it all up­ set those of us who do. And while we're in the business of handy little hints—we're also good at curing hiccups: by drinking sips of water, by scaring the victim, by making him angry, by eating a teaspoonful of sugar, or by breathing into a paper bag. Do you have an invalid, either young or old, for whom time hangs heavy? If you live in the country or a wooded area—or even if you have trees and bushes in your yard—you have the re­ sources for a fascinating hobby for your shut-in. Install a windowsill bird feeder where the patient can easily see it, or move the patient to a convenient window. Birds become friends, person­ alities. A n d their variety is astonishing. Or you might try nail polish remover. It, too, will take crayon marks off walls; it will remove a piece of plastic bag melted on, say, the side of the toaster. Invent other uses of your own. The coming of the railroad to Solway was an important event, though it did not have many of the aspects of a trans-continental joining. In fact, when the train brought work crews to the end of the line it returned to Knoxville by backing up. �When the railroad was being built through Solway, work progressed around the clock. A n d if it didn't pro­ gress, action was as prompt and decisive as one usually associates with stories of the Wild West. Ponder the case of the laborer who refused to work a double shift: his boss shot him dead. The old West shared another of its ways with the local railway builders who paid their crews i n silver dollars. �The young leaves and blossom petals as well as the fruit of the common wild strawberry can be eaten raw. The dry leaves can be steeped to make tea. In fact, during the Revolutionary War they were sold for that very purpose. "We had begged for life, and the white men thought we wanted theirs." . . . . Chief Red Cloud Is it so bad to be misunderstood? Pythagoras was misunderstood, and Socrates, and Jesus, and Luther, and Copernicus, and Galileo, and Newton, and every pure and wise spirit that ever took flesh. To be great is to be mis­ understood. . . . . Emerson One very important ingredient of success is a good, wide-awake, persist­ ent, tireless enemy. A man there was They called him mad The more he gave The more he had. To clean a crystal vase or pitcher where you cannot reach the inside, add scrap­ ed raw potato and water and let it stand for some time. Most aromatic herbs are virtually free from insects. Y o u can add to your culinary delights by including basil, rosemary, thyme, dill, and parsley in your vegetable garden, and at the same time repel pests. Mint is not recommended for the garden, however, as it needs a special bed to contain its rampant growth. Use it up, wear it out; Make it do, or do without. �Comfort is a want and not a need. Recycling may be new in many areas but people in small communities were always practical, and Solway was a fine example. When Oak Ridge became a reality during the second World War and thousands of people poured into the area, extra food was much in de­ mand. Where the present Hamilton National Bank stands was then the site of a hog pen where some 1700 head of hogs were raised—fed on garbage from Oak Ridge, which was hauled across the river by two old trucks. Plant your flower garden with masses of different types of plants rather than single plants scattered around inside a border. The effect is more natural and attractive. Curved rather than straight lines are also more pleasing to the eye. Tennessee has many blessings, but no place is without a few nuisances and one of ours is chiggers, invisible rascals who burrow into the skin causing an intense itching over several days. Nail polish applied to the spot satisfactorily smothers them, and salted fatback also helps stop the itching. There was also a good deal of truck farming in the area. Many of us can re­ member being paid 10 cents a bushel to pick beans. Y o u know, we hope, that the leaves from the aloe plant are good for burns. Just rub the fresh juice from a broken leaf on the burn—or sunburn, or even insect bite—for immediate relief. DRIED APPLES Peel the apples and slice thin, then spread slices out in the sun to dry. Cover them with cheese cloth to keep the flies off. Y o u can also dry them in the oven overnight at 100 degrees. �APPLE STACK C A K E For apple filling, soak two to three cups of dried apples for about an hour in one or one-and-a-half cups of water. Cook the apples on medium heat with sugar and spices to your taste. Mash up to make a nice thick filling. To hull black walnuts, put them in a cloth sack and run over them with the car. Life is like an onion; Y o u peel off one layer at a time, A n d sometimes you weep. Butternut squash, blemish-free, keeps well throughout the winter just laid out in rows in a cool room. For cake layers: 1/2 c. buttermilk 1 egg 1 tsp. vanilla 1 c. sugar 1 tsp. baking pinch of salt plain flour powder 1/2 tsp. soda 1/2 c. shortening butter is best Cream butter and sugar. A d d egg and beat well. A d d other ingredients. A d d flour enough to handle. Place a small amount of dough in a cake pan that has been greased and floured. Press the dough out in the pan. It should be no more than 1 / 4 " thick be­ fore baking in a 350°-400° oven until light brown. Butter while hot. Bake all layers. When layers have cooled, spread the dried fruit filling between the lay­ ers. The fruit should be at least half as thick as the cake layer. Leave the top layer plain. The cake is best i f covered tightly and refrigerated at least over­ night before serving. Be sure to keep it refrigerated if it lasts more than a day. Before the days of refrigeration, these cakes were stored in a lard stand (a metal can for lard with a tightfitting lid) and placed outside on a porch or in an unheated room. �Separation of church and state is all very well from an ideological point of view, but from the physical side our schools and churches were mutually entwined to the benefit—indeed, the survival—of both. Less than 100 feet from where the present Fairview grade school now stands, the Methodists built a log church in the late 1800's. This was the M . £. (Methodist-Episcopal) North, or original, Methodist group, from which the M . E . South (pro-slavery) group had split off before the Civil War. In a border state such as Tennessee, the issue of slavery was a keen one, so much so that as late as 1934, M . E . South members objected to marriages with members of M . E . North. It was not until 1939 that the two groups again merged. In 1893, a one-room frame building was put up for a school for all 8 grades. In those days, fire was a constant menance. Once under way it was almost im­ possible to put out, and the old wood and coal heaters were a hazardous method of heating. Sure enough, the school burned down, but Methodists to the rescueclasses were held in the log church. A new two-room school was built in the same area and in its turn provided help for the Baptist Church members who met there after their nearby church went up in flames. Meanwhile, the Methodist Church had dissolved and was reorganized about 1910. It was now known as the Fairview Methodist Church. The Reverend Mr. Cobble was the organizing minister, but since he was a circuit rider it was �possible to have but one preaching service a month, and that on Sunday after­ noon. Sunday School met each week, however, also in the afternoons. The Baptists, who had rebuilt, discontinued their services about this time and made their church available to the Methodists. People made great sacrifices to equip the church. A new piano, 30 new hymnals, pulpit furniture, and several smaller items were purchased and paid for at a time when money in this small rural community was almost unknown. They had scarcely finished furnishing it when it was destroyed by fire in 1919. Now the Methodists were forced to meet in the school; they began to plan a small white frame church, which was completed in the early twenties and called Solway Methodist. In 1936, the congregation was informed that the Walnut Grove Methodist Church, shortly to be covered by the waters of Norris Lake, from T V A ' s first dam, could be had if they were willing to tear it down and move the lumber. Thus, they enlarged the church and added Sunday School rooms. The school, meanwhile, had grown and was now housed in a three-room brick building. This, however, burned in 1939. Prospects for a new school were bleak in these depression times and for almost two years, school was possible only because the Methodist Church was again available for classrooms. However, with the aid of the WPA, a new brick school, the present Fairview School, was finally finished and was dedicated on Dec. 7, 1941—Pearl Harbor Day! In 1951 the Methodists, too, moved into a new building—their present church, complete with Sunday School rooms in the basement. One more time, shared facilities helped out, for while they were building the new church on the same spot as the old one, services were held in the new school, �When your child brings in a " w o r m " or caterpillar, don't be afraid to "raise" it and see what happens. Send the child back out to get some of the plant on which he found the caterpillar—or some twigs with leaves from the tree on which it was found. This is the food plant. Put the food plant in water in a container so the whole arrangement will fit into the pie-pan cage. Replenish the food supply when necessary. The cater­ pillar will usually turn into a chrys­ alis in the cage and in a couple of weeks emerge as a butterfly. Every family with children should have a cage in which to raise caterpillars. Watching the growth and metamor­ phosis of a caterpillar is also a simple and interesting way of entertaining an invalid, young or old. A simple cage can be made by using two tin pie pans. Punch holes around the bottom surface of one pan at 1W intervals. Buy enough screen wire to make a tube 18" high and the circum­ ference of the pie pan with a 2" over­ lap. Using a strand of wire, lace the tube together and lace it to the bottom of the pan. The other pan is the lid. If you were asked to crack the window, would you open it a bit as we would? Another ingenious way of trans­ porting corn to market was to provide it with legs to march to slaughter by feeding it to livestock. Don't sweat the small stuff. Corn was the major crop in our area which, inevitably perhaps, resulted in a plentiful number of stills. There were several very practical reasons for this: distilled liquor is easier to trans­ port than the bulky ears of corn; it is a dependable way of turning the crop into cash; the demand is fairly steady; and if one tires of eating corn on the cob, corn off the cob, or corn made into cornbread, it is always con­ soling to be able to drink it. �If it were raining soup, I'd be caught outside with a fork. If cucumber leaves turn yellowish and cucumbers grow slowly, with pointed blossom end, you need to add more nitrogen. Cottonseed meal, bone meal, or blood meal are good sources. It's what you learn after you know it all that counts. BLACKBERRY JELLY Pick good ripe berries; wash and cap them. Cook in a large pot with just a little water to start them boiling. As soon as they boil, remove from heat and strain through a cloth bag. Measure the juice and add 1 cup of sugar for each cup of juice. Cook until it sheets off the spoon. Remember we told you about all the scraps from the cafeterias in Oak Ridge being brought to Solway to fat­ ten hogs to become food for the cafe­ terias? Well, there was a dividend. Y o u know how cafeterias operate. Sure enough, everybody in Solway had a complete set of silverware which had once seen service on the other side of the river. 1919 . . . "The tractor had gained rapidly in favor; I believe it is here to stay. . . . . County Agent's report In 1816 true bills were returned against Henry Lonas, Jr. for "assaulting and abusing a man slave. Henry, the property of William Whitsman," and against Pumroy Carmichael for "beating and killing sundry hogs, the property of George F . Reynolds." �Either orange juice or grapefruit juice will give two-and-a-half times as much Vitamin C as the same amount of tomato juice. I'm the kind of person who always hits the nail on the thumb. Whoso would be a man must be a nonconformist. He who would gather immortal palms must not be hindered by the name of goodness, but must ex­ plore if it be goodness. Nothing is at last sacred but the integrity of your mind. . . . . Emerson Harvest sweet potatoes after the vines have been frost-bitten. A turtle only moves ahead by sticking out his neck. County roads in the early days were maintained by the men who lived along these roads, with each man re­ quired to work his fair share in keep­ ing them in good repair. The county assisted only by reimbursing overseers for money spent on equipment (crow­ bars, sledges, blasting powder, etc.) and by appropriating money for the construction of a few bridges. If mice eat your tulip bulbs every year, try planting daffodils instead. Mice don't like the flavor of daffodils, narcissi, or grape hyacinths. Spills smoking in the oven? Sprinkle cinnamon over—then at least the smoke smells good! If you see someone without a smile, Give him one of yours. When you go on vacation and leave your pet at a kennel, his fleas, i f he has them, will be homeless and hungry with* out him. Leave a flea-killing substance in each room so that you will not be attacked when you return. �FRIED OKRA I Trim okra, parboil in salted water for five minutes. Drain. Dip in beaten egg, cornmeal, and then fry in bacon grease until golden brown. Drain on paper towels. F R I E D O K R A II Wash and trim okra, slice crosswise into /4-inch slices into bowl. M i x in one egg, V2 to 3/4 c. cornmeal, 1 tsp. salt, and pepper to taste. Stir up and put whole batch into skillet in hot grease and stir—fry until golden brown. COUNTRY CHOW-CHOW Wash two cabbage heads and chop fine. Peel and chop two firm ripe or green tomatoes. Chop up four unpeeled apples and two red and two green bell peppers. Slice a couple of carrots very thin and add to this. Sprinkle with about 1 cup of sugar and a pinch of salt. A d d two cups of vinegar and sprinkle with black pepper. Put on the stove and heat almost to a boil. Pack it into hot jars and seal. While you're pondering, we're thinkin' on it. Good land attracted farmers no matter what the hazards. Consider the island upstream from the present Solway bridge. Yearly it was planted to corn. A team of horses or mules would be forded over and left in sheds overnight during planting and harvesting seasons. Once a sudden rain raised the river and caught Mr. Walker. Neighbors rowed through swift waters to rescue him. Not so fortunate was a team of mules earlier caught and drowned in a whilpool at the upper end of the island. Though this island was farmed for nearly a century, it was not until very recently, shortly before it sank perman­ ently beneath Melton Hill Lake, that farmers discovered they had, these many years, been growing their corn above an Indian burial ground. �When you plant a cherry tree, plant a mulberry tree nearby. Y o u may not like mulberries, but the birds do, and they will be more apt to leave the cherries for you. Only some of us learn by other people's mistakes; The rest of us have to be the other people. Bloom where you are planted. It's easy to forget, though perhaps the energy crunch may remind us, but there was no electricity available to the residents of the Solway community until the mid-1930V. In 1800, in addition to making cash tax payments, each landowner was required to deliver six squirrel scalps or in lieu thereof to pay six cents. A green walnut hull will run off ants. Nor will they cross a sprinkling of black pepper. Powdered sulphur sprinkled in their path or along door and window sills will also keep ants out. Use an ordinary garden sprayer to spray your Christmas tree with water-based floor wax. Y o u ' l l be surprised at the benefits. It conserves moisture so the tree stays green and retains its leaves, and reduces the chance of aller­ gic reaction to the Christmas tree. Fatback, molasses, and the turnip patch got many an early farm family through the winter. �In 1789 Congress organized what is now Tennessee and Kentucky as the Terri­ tory South of the River Ohio, and President Washington appointed William Blount of North Carolina as the first governor. In 1791 the gover­ nor met with a large delegation of Cherokee Indians at the site of presentday Knoxville and negotiated the Treaty of Holston, setting the bound­ ary of Indian territory following the Clinch River to its mouth and from there to run eastward to the North Carolina boundary. Thus, the Solway community was at the very border of Indian territory. Dose your corn ears with mineral oil to control corn-ear worms. Just a few drops on the tip of each ear after the silks begin to turn brown at the tips will do the trick. Y o u know that family vacations are out­ dated when the children complain that there's nothing to do when all you want to do is nothing. Root cellars used to be important in preserving garden produce for winter— and the same principles still work well. Beds of sand were prepared for carrots, beets, turnips, and rutabagas. The sand was kept damp to keep the vegetables from drying out until used. Potatoes were layered with straw in bins. Onions were braided and hung up to dry. Hot peppers were also hung to dry. Green beans were strung with needle and thread and hung. A n osage orange placed under the kit­ chen sink will discourage cockroaches. Hot tea can be made by pouring boiling water over the leaves of spearmint or peppermint, and over the flowers of the elderberry. . . . in much of talking, thinking is half murdered. . . . . Kahfil Gibran �During the depression, the WPA pro­ vided jobs for many, even having murals painted in post offices. In our area, the needs were perhaps more mundane, but certainly most practical. WPA built out-houses, and with, perhaps, a touch of the artistic even here, painted them maroon. SHUCK BEANS Pick green beans when they are good and full. Remove strings and ends as if you were cooking them but do not snap. Use a large needle and quilting thread and thread them onto the string through the middle, not too close to­ gether. Hang the strings up on the wall to dry. When you're ready to cook them, just snap into pieces and soak in water for an hour or overnight. Cook at a slow simmer with salt and a ham hock to season. People are lonely because they build walls instead of bridges. When you think you're killing time, time is killing you. The louder he talked of his honor, The faster we counted our spoons. , . , . Emerson Cooking cabbage? Place an Irish po­ tato or a slice of bread just under the lid. There will be no odor. Nobody loves a dandelion—unless he has tasted the young leaves in a spring salad, or had them cooked as greens. A n d by baking the root until brown and then powdering it, you can make a coffee substitute. �Farmers are made, not born, just as much as engineers or dentists. One great source of help was the county agricultural agent programs. In our Knox County, the agents, with the help of the University of Tennessee, began teaching the latest farming methods as far back as 1914. The agent's hardest job was to change accepted methods. If he could get a farmer to use his place as a dem­ onstration farm, where the new tech­ niques were tried, the evidence was much more convincing to the rest. In 1919, for instance, farmers were urged to apply lime to the lo­ cally acid fields for better production. "I've wore out more land than you'll ever own," was a truism that oldtimers might have been proud of, but their finite boundaries led them toward acceptance of the new ideas. To thine own self be true A n d it must follow As the night the day Thou canst not then be false To any man. . . . . Shakespeare The pepperv leaves and buds of nas­ turtiums are a nice addition to soup, stew, or salad. The iris is the Tennessee state flower and it grows very well here. Cut the foliage back and divide your clumps about every 3 years. Plant in full sun­ shine, on a well-drained spot with the rhizomes barely under ground. A d d a little bonemeal, limestone, or wood ashes to make the soil alkaline. Burning dried lemon or orange peel will kill even skunk odors. �The local county agent's office is a gold mine of information on any gar­ dening subject. Here are some of the varieties of fruit trees they recommend for this area: Peaches Early Mid Late Dixired Red Haven Redskin or Elberta Apples Early Mid Late Cortland Jonathan Golden Delicious Stay man Winesap Plums Bruce of Santa Rosa There are lots of folk ways to stop a cut from bleeding: bind it up with spider's web, put soot on the cut, bathe the cut with alum water, or place scorched cotton or cloth on the wound. A dish of vinegar will take a smoky smell out of the house. Look in the phone book under your county's name for County and Home Agent." 44 Parents don't know all the things their kids are doing, but they find out just enough to keep them on edge. A friend is a gift you give yourself. When it clouds up in Tennessee, we'll l o w as how hit's a-fixin' to rain. There is a time in every man's education when he arrives at the con­ viction that envy is ignorance; that imitation is suicide; that he must take himself for better, for worse, as his portion. . . . . Emerson �Amaze your friends with your green thumb by rooting some cuttings this easy way. Place cuttings (half-hard cuttings, i.e., this year's growth but not too young, are usually best for roses and shrubs) in a pot of vermiculite or vermiculite and sand mixed. Water well and let pot drain. Then put pot and all into a plastic bag and seal. Punch a small hole for venti­ lation and put on a windowsill to root. Rooting time varies but check when you see new leaves sprouting. If you support the bags inside with stakes you can even leave them in a shady spot outdoors. One of the small pleasures of life is a sharp axe. Solway's "supermarket" not too many years ago was a rolling store—an old converted bus that carried a surprising assortment. About twice a week it came driving through, to the intense excitement of the children, who could barter an egg from mama's henhouse for candy. One egg was worth 3 or 4 pieces! Everybody has heard "mad as a wet hen," but our people feel more strongly about it; they sometimes get as mad as a wet settin' hen"! 44 Some of the rich bottom land along the Clinch River long ago was too swampy to farm—but we found a so­ lution: to make it usable it was drained and tiled throughout! A furrow was plowed every so often and drain tiles buried as in any drain field. In other places, pine poles were laid in the fur­ rows and covered up, thus providing drainage holes. �Nearly every country has a national recipe which features a combination of rice and beans. Here, again, folk wis­ dom has its instinctive common sense. Both rice and beans are incomplete proteins, providing some but not all of the necessary body-building ingred­ ients. But combined, they become a complete protein food, about 43% more nutritious than when eaten separately. Our southern version of a rice and bean dish is : HOPPIN' J O H N Cook 6 slices of bacon until crisp. Remove from pan. A d d 2 cups of cooked black-eyed peas and 1 cup uncooked rice, plus 1 dried hot red pepper. Cook until rice is tender, adding more liquid i f needed. Crumble bacon, add, and serve. Nice garnished with parsley. If you have a fluorescent light under one of your kitchen cabinets you are all set to begin an indoor herb garden. The cabinet above the light provides a dark place with gentle bottom heat that is ideal for seed germination, and after the seedlings are large enough to transplant into pots, you can put them on a shelf or on the back of the count­ er under the light where they will provide a culinary delight for every meal. Be sure to get a fluorescent bulb designed for growing plants. Young people have developed a warm greeting: "Have a good day." We wonder if they borrowed it from our local folk, who for years have been asking, " Y ' a l l right today?" The best way to get something done is to begin. Minds are like parachutes, They function only when open. When Flossie Cox taught the first three grades in 1928, she had 54 children in her room. Plain sulphur in one's shoes is said to keep off chiggers. �1919 . . . Stereoptican slides were used by county agents at community meetings to illustrate phases of the new farm pro­ grams. The Delco Farm Lighting Co., sellers of gasoline generators and bat­ teries, provided light for many an even­ Okra seeds will come up with a better ing meeting. stand i f you plant radishes along with them. The radishes come up first and The civilized man has built a coach break the ground for the okra. Y o u but has lost the use of his feet. . . . can soon harvest the radish crop and His notebooks impair his memory; his your okra will be off to a good start. libraries overload his wit; the insurance office increases the number of accidents; and it may be a question whether we have not lost by refinement some energy, by a Christianity entrenched in establishments and forms, some vigor of wild virtue. For every stoic SOUSE OR H O G H E A D C H E E S E was a Stoic; but in Christendom, where Clean scalded hog's head thoroughly is the Christian? by scraping and scrubbing. Split head . . . . Emerson open, remove brains. (Save brains to cook with scrambled eggs.) Put head (and feet if desired) into On July 6, 1813, the Grand Inquest large pressure cooker or pot. Cook (an early county Grand Jury) returned until meat falls off bones. (45 min­ an indictment against Peggy McMahon utes in pressure cooker.) for being a public scold. Let cool. Pour off most of the liquid. Grind up meat, skin, cartilage from head and feet. Add 1 c. vinegar to 3 c. meat. A d d Get the food too salty? A d d a raw sage, salt, and pepper to taste. potato to soups, stews and pot roasts Pour into cloth bag. Set on rack which have been over-salted. in cool place (refrigerator will do) overnight. Mixture will jell. Slice and serve cold as meat dish. �60 years ago, alfalfa was an important crop here, no doubt to provide feed for the large herds of dairy cattle (mostly Jerseys) and beeves, and the many horses which were used both for transportation and cultivation. Percherons were favored locally for the heavy field work. Today these same farms lean heav­ ily on pigs for livestock, and have given up alfalfa, which is beset by a weevil. Corn, however, is still the mainstay it was then. A friend is someone who knows all about you and still likes you. Y o u can keep fleas away from your dog by using cedar shavings for bedding, or sprinkling cedar oil over the bedding. Keeps the "doggie odor" away, too. Symptoms are distressing but not dangerous. Before the days of the truck and agri­ business, it was the farmer's responsi­ bility to get his grain to the mill to be ground. Commonly, the sacks, hauled by mule, were hung equally on both sides to balance the load. The miller took 1/8 as his share for his labor— and because he weighed it sack and all, it was known as "miller's weight." Rhododendron leaves are a pretty good outdoor thermometer. If they point straight down you can be sure the temperature is near freezing. As it warms up the leaves spread out and on warm days they actually reach upward a little. 1928 . . . "Planning meals is something most country women seldom do—it's the same old thing day after day through­ out a season." . . . . County Agent's report �Home demonstration agents taught the housewives to can meat after hog killing time. Many of the pieces had been given away or allowed to spoil, while the rest went into an unvarying diet as long as the meat was good. Mix a cupful of ground coffee with your carrot seeds when you plant them. This has a double benefit. It makes it easier to sow the tiny seeds, and the coffee "percolates" enough odor during the season to repel the fly whose larvae sometimes make worm trails through your best carrots. If at first you do succeed— Try hard to hide your Astonishment. "CREASEY GREENS" Wash watercress thoroughly to get out all the trash, especially after a heavy rain in the crick. (Watercress supposedly will not grow in a polluted stream). Fry several slices of bacon until crisp. Pour off all but 1 ts grease . Remove bacon strips. Put watercress into hot grease . Stir-fry until wilted. Crumble bacon over the top and serve with hot cornbread. Sliced hardboiled eggs and/or vin­ egar may be served with the "greens." A little explained, A little endured, A little forgiven, The quarrel is cured. Sliced raw summer squash and sliced raw zucchini add color, texture, and good taste to a summer salad. If you're broiling in the oven, pour a little water in the pan under the rack. There'll be no spitting or burning grease. Life is like a piano— What you get out of it depends on how you play it. �Meat tenderizer is great for wasp stings—and there's a scientific reason: wasp venom is protein which the tenderizer breaks down. (Obviously, this won't help much for a bee sting where the trouble is caused by the stinger being left in the wound.) If you need a faucet washer and don't have one available, cut one out of an old leather glove or shoe tongue. This will also work as packing around a piston. George Lee ran the Solway Ferry in the early 1900's. It was jointly own­ ed by Knox County and Anderson County—which made it somewhat inconvenient for Mr. Lee since he had to go to both Knoxville and Clinton, the county seats of the two counties, to collect his salary. There is nothing more frightful than ignorance in action. . . . . Goethe If you worry about the scarcity and high price of fertilizer, consider what nature provides for free. Every time lightning strikes the earth, large amounts of nitrogen are charged into the ground. Nitrogen-fixing legumes, such as clover, lupines, peas, and beans can add a great deal more to your soil and be plowed under as green fertilizer. Rain and snow wash down not only nitrogen but some phosphorous, sul­ phur, carbonic acid, and traces of minerals from dust in the air. The gradual erosion of rocks in the soil also replenishes the mineral content of the soil. A compost pile can help return to your soil all of the elements living plants have taken from it. 1928 . . . Many children did not carry enough or the proper kind of lunch to school. Before the days of orga­ nized hot lunches, our teachers and some of the women in the commun­ ity volunteered to serve meals to the students. Some of the food was do­ nated and some was bought by the county; it was cooked on a small coal oil stove in the cloak closet— and nearly 100 children were fed every day! �It is rumored that the juice from a green walnut rubbed on ringworm will cure it. Compassion is a bureaucrat's e m o t i o n duty aspiring to be love. Did you know there is a Solway in Scotland? So it was only natural that when the railroad crew used to like to go out sol's way at sunset, toward the colorful western sky, the daughter of the railroad agent, Mr. Morrison, should name the place Solway. After all, the Morrisons were Scottish. SAUERKRAUT Wash cabbage heads and chop into thin slices. Pack into a stone crock and mix in salt to taste. The salt will draw the juice from the cabbage. Continue adding kraut and salt until the crock is almost full. Last of all you can peel your cabbage stalks and lay on top. Sprinkle these with salt. Put an old plate upside down on top and weight it down with a large clean rock to keep the cabbage covered with juice. Cover with a clean cloth and let it ferment for about 6 days. Then heat the kraut to a boil and put it in hot jars and seal. Or you can leave it i n the crock and keep in a cool place through the winter. 1932 . . . Effie Miller, Mae Guinn, Georgia Thompson, Sephie Leath, Bertha Lockett, Sarah Cagley, Eddith Cobb, Middle age is when you've met so many Chastaine Norman, Frances Williams— people that every new person you meet These local women were our home reminds you of someone else. demonstration leaders, whose teaching . . . . Ogden Nash was more acceptable than that of an imported expert. There must be a lesson somewhere in that, too. It's not the time we take to do some­ thing; it's what we take the time to do. �Because of the type of small homestead farming done in Knox County, there was little need for slaves. Most slaves listed in the early census were domestic help in the city of Knoxville. Consequently, when the possibility of Civil War arose, the issue in this county was the issue of secession, not slavery. A n d , not surprisingly, the city folks were more in favor of secession and preserving slavery, while the county people were more interested in preserving the union. In June, 1861, the state of Tennessee voted overwhelmingly in favor of joining the Confederacy, although the vote in Knox County was 2,829 against secession and only 439 for it. Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederate States, ordered that all citizens of East Tennessee take an oath of allegiance to the Confederacy or leave the country by October, 1861. Many took the oath with no intention of observing it, but many others left for Kentucky and northern states. In November, 1861, a number of bridges were burned across the state by Union sympathizers, including one near Knoxville at Strawberry Plains. The jails in Knoxville were soon so crowded with Unionists that an extra home was required to hold them all. As the war progressed, food and other commodities became very scarce and expensive. Oddly, one of the first "crises caused by the war emergency was a shortage of salt. The County Court appropriated money and sent an agent to Saltville, Virginia, to buy salt for the county. It was distributed to the citizens of each district as "the District commissioners in their Judgment might find just and equitable." Coffee rose from 14 cents to $1.00 a pound, when it was available. By April, 1862, the situation was so bad that transportation of flour, wheat, oats, bacon, etc., was forbidden. Occasionally a steamer would run the Union blockade of the lower Tennessee River to bring in a load of goods. In June, 1863, General W. P. Sanders, under orders from Major General �Ambrose Burn side, gained control of Knoxville for the Union Army after a battle where Fifth Avenue crosses Gay and Henley Streets. In the skirmish, 6 were killed and 9 wounded for the Confederate Army, and 4 killed in the Federal Army. By November of that year, the Confederate forces of L t . General James Longstreet came up from Chattanooga to besiege Knoxville. The first small battle took place on the Kingston Pike just west of Campbell's Station, with a victory for Union forces. The Union troops then withdrew into Knoxville, which had been heavily fortified in preparation for the siege. A pontoon bridge had also been built across the Holston River so they could receive supplies from county residents, who were mostly Union sympathizers. The Confederate attack was made from the northwest, which makes it likely that Longstreet's soldiers were camped throughout the Solway area. Nothing is recorded of battles in this area, and generally residents must have tried to stay out of the battle, though some remnants of shells have been found on the ridges in our community. There are also folk tales of horses, mules, pigs, and chickens confiscated from our farm homes by both Union and Confederate forces. A t any rate, Confederate losses in the battle were so heavy that they were extended a flag of truce to allow time to bury their dead. The Union army's successful defense of Knoxville resulted in the permanent establishment of Union forces at Chattanooga and Knoxville. After the siege ended, on about December 11, 1863, Burnside left Knoxville and was succeeded by John G . Foster, who established the general headquarters for the Union army throughout the remainder of the war in a house at the corner of Market Street and Cumber­ land. Longstreet retreated to the north and many Union supporters returned to Knoxville. �One of the most prominent was Parson Brownlow, publisher of a newspaper, "Brownlow's Knoxville Whig and Rebel Ventilator." He published long lists of Confederate sympathizers who were given notice to leave Knoxville and not to return until after the war. He was particularly rabid against the "most hateful and disgusting rebel women" and wholeheartedly supported military authorities in taking churches and hotels for hospitals, as evidenced in this editorial statement: "The Presbyterian, Methodist, and Baptist Churches here would be used for better purposes if turned into grog shops, selling mean corn whiskey for rebel money, than to be used to preach and pray such treason, blasphemy and blackguardism as have disgraced their walls and pulpits for the last three years." As the war drew to a close in the summer of 1864, conditions were bad, with much property destroyed and with smallpox rampant. Nevertheless, things were much worse in other areas, and trainloads of Union sympathizers began to flock back. Negroes celebrated their new freedom with a drum-beating parade down Gay Street. Many prominent Knoxvillians with Confederate sympathies left at this time for Memphis or elsewhere. The fanatic Parson Brownlow was elected governor of Tennessee in 1865 and some of his first acts were the exclusion of ex-Confederates from the ballot and conferring of suffrage upon Negroes. Unfortunately, these actions gave rise to the K u Klux Klan. The Klan never attained much following in Knox County. In general, Knox Countians were more concerned with rebuilding and re-establishing their businesses, schools, and farms. The conservative Knoxville "Press and Herald" expressed the hope of seeing "the blood thirst iness of Governor Brownlow checked at every point, and an era of reason and sobriety once more prevailing in the government of the state." �Every time you open your mouth you let people look at your mind. For a cough, home remedies include tea made from cockleburrs, snakeroot, ginger root, or mullein leaves. Youth is a gift of nature; Age is a work of art. 360 babies are born in the United State every hour, and between 2000 and 3500 puppies and kittens are also being born each hour! A pint jar of hominy was a staple in our school lunch boxes—though, as most everyone knew, it was such a satisfying snack that hardly any pupil had a bite left by noon. One of the problems occasioned by sudden growth is the housing as well as feeding of an influx of workers. This was certainly the case during World War II when Oak Ridge was started. Solway, of course, was equal to the challenge. Besides providing a great deal of food for the Oak Ridge cafe­ terias, families opened their homes, providing room and board to the men who built the highway connecting the secret installation tot he outside world. A liar should have a good memory. There are some things that just are not worth doodley-squat! In 1936, farm laborers were paid 50£ a day around here. This, plus a garden, chickens, a cow, and some pigs, pro­ vided sustenance for most of us. By 1945, farm work was worth $1 a day. But going to work for Monsanto (the government contractor at that time) in Oak Ridge provided the fabulous rate of 86^ an hour, or $6.88 a day! �A leader is best When people barely know he exists. Mount Hood is a creamy-white daffo­ dil that multiplies rapidly. Show me a man who never lies—and I'll show you a man with no friends. Not so good When people obey and acclaim him. Worse when they despise him. But of a good leader Who talks little When his work is done His aim fulfilled They will say "We did it ourselves." Lao-Tse (565 BC) We can control only our inner environ­ ment. Now we use a nicotine spray on plants to kill bugs; we used to use snuff, and of course it works just as well. Maybe hermits A R E happier. We've heard the tale of Jesse McMillian who went to medical school, but chose to come back here and become the local hermit. Though he couldn't carry a tune, he whistled, so they say, all day long. The more wrinkled the seeds, the sweeter the garden peas! The Indians used sunflower seeds for bread or in thickening their soups. It is not surprising to run across a small graveyard near many farmhouses in rural areas, because in early days ceme­ teries were family-owned. As with other graveyards, Eliazer Cobb's, off Fox Park Road, was the burial spot for family slaves as well as family members. �I am me. I will always be a secondbest somebody else. I am the best M E there is. 1932... F R I E D PIES Cook the dried apples with water until they are completely tender (about 1 to \ h hours) at a low heat. When tender, be sure that the apples are cooked very dry—no excess water. Sweeten and spice to taste. Cinnamon and nutmeg, or apple pie spice are good. Cool apples thoroughly. Make very short biscuit dough or pastry and roll dough about 1/8" thick. Cut in desired size rounds. I use a large biscuit cut­ ter for party-size pies, but a fruit dish makes a good pattern for "everyday" size pies. Place an appropriate amount of the cooked apples on one side of the circle of dough. Fold circle in half and seal well with the tines of a fork. Be sure not to use too much filling. Fry in shallow salad oil or vege­ table shortening until golden brown on both sides. Stand on folded edge to brown it and ensure doneness of the dough. Stack pies on several thick­ nesses of paper towels on a plate with towels between the layers. x These will keep 2 or 3 days at room temperature; longer, if refriger­ ated, or i f you have no hungry children about the house. Home demonstration agents were most practical. The 4-H girls of solway were taught how to can produce they raised, how to care for poultry, even how to run a house. Papaws and persimmons are good wild fruits whose flavor is improved by the first frost. Don't walk behind me, I might not lead. Don't walk ahead of me, I might not follow. Just walk beside me And be my friend. �If you give a man a fish Y o u feed him for a day; If you teach a man to fish Y o u feed him for life. Write on your hearts that every day is the best day of the year. . . . . Emerson Ice water is probably the best treat­ ment for burns, but some of us have satisfactorily used a poultice of scraped raw potato or applesauce. To clean old tin: use wood ashes on a wet rag. Many of our plants are acid-loving. Rhododendrons, azaleas, blueberry plants: all benefit from an applica­ tion of wettable sulphur which forms acid sulphate. There's a lot to be said for the good old days—for instance, at the turn of the century, the merchant used to come to the customer. About every three weeks, a wagon drawn by large horses used to make the rounds selling oil for lamps and summer stoves. A barber's life is a hard one. What young man gets a haircut more than 3 or 4 times a year any more? A n d that's just how it used to be—only in those days anyone with a pair of scis­ sors was asked to do the job. A n d may­ be no one nearby had scissors, for some young men became so unsightly that Flossie Cox, the schoolteacher at Fairview in the 1920's, kept a pair of scis­ sors in her desk and wielded them furiously during recesses. �A n ounce of Mother is worth a pound of Police. It seems reasonable that slavery cannot be a good thing, since no man wants it for himself. . . . . Lincoln It's easier when you hear it spoken, but even in print, can't you tell that when we say "rat cheer," it's plainly "right here"? A "poke" is a bag and used to be used as a loose measure of quantity. If you must spray with insecticides, always try to spray late in the evening, to save as many of the honeybees as possible. They will not be active again until the next morning. On Monday, the 16th of July, 1792, the first Knox County Court was held by James White, Samuel Newell, David Craig, and Jeremiah Jack. James White was elected chairman. Little business was transacted at this time. Roads were ordered to be laid out from Knoxville to Col. Alexander Kelley's mill, to David Draig's on Nine Mile Creek, to the ford on the Clinch River, and to Campbell's Station. Cattle production increased rapidly following the Civil War as more land was turned into improved pastures. The stock was mostly scrub stock, however, with little effort made to upgrade by breeding. A Mr. C. W. Charlton purchased a purebred Jersey bull and heifer, and being disappointed with their looks, he drove them out to range. Since the whole county was open range at this time (and until the 1890's, the bull roamed the countryside for a number of years and brought about a marked improvement in the grade of milk cows on the common range. To accept a compliment gracefully is the mark of a civilized man. �It is not unusual to be able to trace your ancestry back to 1840, but not many people can say, " M y greatgreat-grandfather settled the land right on this spot." Yet Flossie Cox can show you the farm where Beaver Creek joins the Clinch River. Here her an­ cestor, Archibald Cobb, set up an iron forge when he came here from Scot­ land and operated it and his farm until he died in 1860. A teaspoon of soda or a pinch of pow­ dered ginger should degassify boiled beans. The man who makes no mistakes usually does not make anything. Now this is one we don't guarantee, but some of the old-timers swear that an onion tied to the wrist *til it turned dark would reduce fever; and others used sliced onion heated and applied as a poultice» The building of the railroad provided not only employment for local men, but husbands for many local girls. Many of the workers who came from other areas roomed and boarded with local families and courted local lasses. When the railroad tunnel caught fire, rebuilding was necessary, even though the fire was put out. Thus, in 1905 another influx of workers came, but this time disaster struck. A small­ pox epidemic hit visitor and resident alike. Effie Miller survived the disease, as did her fiance, a young man from Sweetwater, but he was shot dead just as he finished the job when he went to collect a debt he felt was owed him. Pretty as a speckled puppy under a red wagon. A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds, adored by little states­ men and philosophers and divines. . . . . Emerson �It is around a table that friends per­ ceive best the warmth of being together. FRIED GREEN TOMATOES Slice green tomatoes into halfinch slices. Dip in beaten egg and coat with cornmeal. Fry in hot bacon grease until golden brown, turning once. Drain on paper towels and season with salt and pepper. A piece of nylon stocking laid across the top of a cabbage plant will keep it free from cabbage worms. The sun can shine through, but the cabbage moth, which spirals down from above, will not fly up from underneath to lay its eggs. Oss Fox's brother once bet that he could out-pull Coon Guinn's ox. The ox was taken out of the yoke and Mr. Fox put his head in, but he lost the bet when the load wouldn't m o v e not even when Mr. Guinn applied a blacksnake whip as a helpful measure! Wood chips, well-rotted sawdust, oak leaves, and pine needles are good mulches for acid-loving plants such as rhododendrons, azaleas, or blue­ berries. A d d a handful of cotton­ seed meal around each plant before mulching to replace nitrogen which may be used up in the disintegration of the mulch material. A palatable cough remedy for children —or adults—is a spoonful of brown sugar. �This is not a book about East Tennessee, but a microcosm of the Appalachian region during a period of transition. We hoped by using stories which would be interesting for the sake of the tales themselves or typical of the times to point up the era's dependence on water transportation, the excitement of the coming of the railroad, the self-contained nature of community recreation—its buoyancy, inclusiveness and wholesomeness—the interdependence and independence of a small community and its involvement with the total of daily living. We hope, also, that you've enjoyed our regional recipes, our hints for living taken from both yesterday and tomorrow, and a few pithy comments on the human condition. Our deepest thanks to the people of the entire community for their help and enthusiasm! We've appreciated ourselves. We hope you have, too. Y'a II come back! �ABOUT THE AUTHOR R U T H S M A L L E Y was born i n C o l u m b i a County, Washington, on September 13, 1920. She received a B . A . degree i n English and graduated P h i Beta Kappa from Washington State University. Some of Smalley's major accomplishments include writing a weekly column in the Knoxville News Sentinel for nine years, publishing articles for travel magazines, and writing a series of books on A n d r e w Jackson, A n d r e w Johnson, and James K . Polk. Smalley also edited The Good Life Almanac, a project of the Solway community club, and contributed to memoirs by Samuel Sapirie and John Rice Irwin. R u t h Smalley passed away on January 19, 2009, i n Tulsa, Oklahoma. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Good Life Almanac Description An account of the resource <span>Published in 1975, this is an almanac of stories gathered from the Solway, Tennessee community as a microcosm of the Appalachian region during a period of transition. Written to showcase the stories and folklore passed on in the mountains, the tales chosen are typical of the nineteenth century. Stories talk about the dependence on water transportation, the excitement of the coming railroad, the self-contained nature of community recreation, and the interdependence and independence of small community’s daily life. In addition to stories, traditional regional recipes are included in order to demonstrate further what it was like to live in the mountains.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=17MPk8mMvds0uIQJo9dWDg0lTOd3mewsO" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469638409/the-good-life-almanac" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Smalley, Ruth Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Subject The topic of the resource Almanacs, American--Tennessee Appalachian Mountains--Social life and customs Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 Language A language of the resource English Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/4658798/solway.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm Solway (Tenn.) Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1970s Appalachian Folk Culture folklore food preservation foodways https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/9c9c6d8761ab829f4cc86146369e445a.pdf ddc036700b9969279a0c385578cd4b0b PDF Text Text �C LAUREL LEWES Special Edition A (Checklist and Purchase Guide for School and Community Libraries in Appalachia Jim Wayne Miller Reprinted by permission of the Appalachian Journal (Vol. 5, No. 2, Winter 1978) and distributed free of charge by the Appalachian Consortium Press, Boone, North Carolina. �JIM WAYNE MILLER is a philosopher, poet, teacher, and scholar in Appalachian Studies. Dr. Miller is professor of German language and literature and Intercultural and Folk Studies at Western Kentucky University in Bowling Green. He has directed workshops in Appalachian Studies and serves as visiting professor at Berea College's Appalachian Center. Author of two collections of poetry, Dialogue with a Dead Man and Copperhead Cane, Dr. Miller is renowned for his readings throughout the Appalachian region and beyond. In addition to his books on poetry and ballads, Dr. Miller is the author of "Appalachian Values/American Values: The Role of Regional Colleges" which was prepared for the conference on The Role of Colleges in Southern Appalachia, Mars Hill College, June 1976. A condensed version is the lead essay in the Vol. 5, No. 1, Autumn 1977 issue of the Appalachian Journal entitled "A Guide to Appalachian Studies." In 1979 the Appalachian Consortium Press will publish Dr. Miller's latest book of poetry, The Mountains Have Come Closer. The Checklist and Purchase Guide is divided into eight sections: I. Bibliographies, Materials and Resource Lists. II. Standard Works, Surveys: Appalachian History, Culture, Politics. III. Language and Literature. 1. Primary Sources: Prose. 2. Some Secondary Sources. 3. Primary Sources: Poetry. IV. Music, Arts, and Crafts. V. Folklore. VI. Appalachian Flora and Fauna. VII. Anthologies and Texts. VIII. Journals, Magazines, Newsletters. Addendum. LAUREL LEAVES, Vol. 6, No. 1, February 1979 �A Checklist and Purchase Guide for School and Community Libraries in Appalachia by Jim Wayne Miller Back around the turn of the century when he was trying to gather information about the Southern Highlands, Horace Kephart discovered, to his dismay, that very little had been written about the area we now know as Appalachia. Kephart could not find a single up-to-date magazine article describing the land and people. Had he been seeking information about exotic places such as Timbuktu or Tenerife, he could have found it in abundance, Kephart said. But no library in America could provide him with a guide to the Southern Highlands, this "rooftop of America." That situation soon changed,, and Kephart had a hand in changing it by publishing, in 1913, Our Southern Highlanders. In 1921 John C. Campbell appended a considerable bibliography to his The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. Campbell's complaint, unlike Kephart's, was not of a lack of information concerning Appalachia, but of myths and misinformation. More things were known about the Southern Highlands that were not true, Campbell wrote, than of any other part of the country. Understanding Appalachia is still impeded by myth, stereotype, and misinformation. Today Harry Caudill can credibly maintain that the Appalachian mountain range is "the least understood and most maligned part of America." But certainly if Kephart were seeking information about Appalachia today in any of the better libraries in the country, his complaint would more likely be of a bewildering abundance of materials, rather than of a lack of them. Recently Berea College historian Dr. Richard Drake published "A Bibliography of Appalachian Bibliographies" which lists 57 bibliographies compiled since 1911. If Kephart were writing today he could draw on the following resources: the Weatherford-Hammond Mountain Collection at Berea College; The Southern Mountains: A Bibliography and Guide to Studies; Louise Boger's The Southern Mountaineer in Literature; Robert Munn's Appalachian Bibliography; The Council of the Southern Mountains' Bibliography of the Appalachian South; West Virginia University's Appalachian Outlook, a quarterly up-date to Munn's Appalachian Bibliography; the Bibliography of Southern Appalachia, edited by Charlotte T. Ross, published by the Appalachian Consortium Press in 1976 and distributed by the Consortium Press and the University of Tennessee Press. Our proper concern today cannot be with a lack of information about Appalachia. Books, journals, anthologies, tapes, and films concerning every aspect of life in the region are available. The need now is to concentrate on making known, throughout the Appalachian region, the existence and availability of all these materials. For when one visits the high school, city, and county libraries of Appalachia, one is struck by the discrepancy between the abundance of available materials on Appalachia and the materials actually available in the libraries. In too many of our high school and community libraries, Kephart might still find more information about Timbuktu than about Appalachia. We may justifiably complain that the rest of the country misunderstands Appalachia. But if we compare the Appalachian collections of our high school, city, and county libraries with those of similar libraries outside our region, we may be 1 �forced to admit that the rest of the country knows more about us than we know about ourselves. Fortunately, there are exceptions. With the aid of an ESEA Title II grant, Mrs. Elaine Duty, librarian at the John S. Battle High School, in Washington County, Virginia, has created a Southern Appalachian Collection of over five hundred titles in the categories of general works, philosophy, religion, social sciences, linguistics, pure sciences, applied sciences, arts and recreation, literature, history, fiction, and reference works. In addition to books, the collection includes journals (such as Appalachia, Appalachian Journal, Foxfire, Mountain Life & Work), maps, pamphlets, sheet music, paintings and pictures, dozens of disc and cassette recordings, slides, films, and filmstrips. The collection is housed in a separate part of the library and identified as the Southern Appalachian Collection. A shelf list, with annual supplements, is available. The collection is made known to the community through an attractive brochure which states that the collection may be used not only by the school's students but also by all persons interested in the study of the Southern Appalachian heritage. Many people in the immediate community and from the surrounding area use the collection. Middle schools and high schools in West Virginia have been the beneficiaries of cooperation between the West Virginia Department of Education and Morris Harvey College Publications in Charleston, West Virginia. The Appalachian Center at Morris Harvey College, working with the State Department of Education, has developed and distributed educational materials relating to Appalachia. The Center has prepared, as an aid to teachers and librarians, purchase guides, lists and catalogs of books and audio-visual materials which could be acquired by libraries to support curricular offerings in Appalachian history, culture, literature, and the arts. Every school and community library in the Appalachian region should have—and can have—an Appalachian collection like the one at the John S. Battle High School. That collection and the cooperation of Morris Harvey College with the West Virginia Department of Education stand as examples to us—examples of ways in which we can undertake the important task of introducing regional materials into every school and community library in Appalachia. Throughout the region more and more schools are introducing new courses dealing with various aspects of Appalachian history and culture, or are developing units emphasizing Appalachia for already existing courses. More and more adults in the region are continuing their education, formally and informally. They are drawing on the resources of local schools and of city and county libraries as they pursue interests in genealogy, local and regional history, politics, economics, arts and crafts. Thus it is important that our libraries have adequate resources for interests and activities of the people they serve. The establishment and improvement of Appalachian collections in the school and community libraries of Appalachia can make a significant contribution to what Harry Caudill sees as a needed "cultural upheaval" in the region. Appalachian collections in use throughout the region can help bring about what Charles O. Jackson, in a recent article in Appalachian Notes, calls a "social redefinition of the region." Such collections can help young people come to see Appalachia not as a place to escape from but as a place with an interesting past, a challenging present, and an exciting future. Appalachian collections, properly used in curricular offerings of the schools, can help the young person see in Appalachia a place, as Wendell Berry puts it in a poem, "whose possibilities I am one of." In the remaining years of the twentieth century, nothing educators can do is likely to be more important than helping Appalachians—from grade school through the university—know more about the history, culture, economics, and politics of their region. Teachers and librarians, convinced of the need for^an Appalachian collection or of the need to improve current holdings, nevertheless appreciate guidance in deter2 �mining the value of what is already on their library shelves and in deciding what should be added to make their collections adequate. The list which follows is a response to that felt need. The items on it have been suggested by knowledgeable people from various academic disciplines. The list is not exhaustive. Rather, it should be considered the nucleus of a good Appalachian collection. Emphasis is upon what is essential and available, but the list contains both old and new titles (many of the older works have been recently re-issued). Some suggestions about the use of this checklist: 1) Inventory your library's holdings and determine how many titles your library already has that belong to an Appalachian collection. (Since this checklist and purchase guide is selective, not exhaustive, you'll probably have titles not on the list which nevertheless should be a part of your Appalachian collection.) 2) Assign priorities to those items that you don't have in your library. Begin systematically to acquire them. You may want to form an Appalachian Studies Committee or Appalachian Heritage Committee of teachers and interested community members for this purpose. 3) Highlight the collection. House it in a separate part of the library. Prepare a master list to which supplements may be added as the collection grows. 4) Publicize the collection. 5) Don't slight audio-visual materials. After all, much of what is unique and valuable in the Appalachian heritage of song, story, dance, art, and crafts is truly audio-visual, appealing directly to the ear and eye. Many aspects of Appalachian traditions are best preserved and presented on film, slides, disc records, and cassette and video tapes. 6) Keep your Appalachian collection growing. Acquire one of the more inclusive bibliographies, such as the Appalachian Bibliography or the Bibliography of Southern Appalachia. Subscribe to a bibliographical up-date such as Appalachian Outlook and to some of the journals containing reviews of new publications (Appalachian Notes, Appalachian Journal). 7) Make the Appalachian collection the center of school and community events throughout the year. The showing of a newly acquired film, for instance, might serve as the occasion for an afternoon or evening program. Appalachian writers, poets, historians, and other scholars might give readings or lectures in the part of the library where the Appalachian collection is shelved. Different clubs and organizations in the community might be invited to hold one of their meetings in the school or community library, where they might become acquainted with the Appalachian collection and its usefulness for their activities and interests. 8) Use the Appalachian collection as a resource for community projects. Every Appalachian state has a federally funded arts council or commission, as well as a state-based humanities council. These agencies make grants to local groups and organizations for many kinds of projects. An Appalachian collection in the local school or community library could be an important resource for carrying out many projects and might be an advantage when applying for various kinds of grants. 9) Make your own contributions to the checklist and purchase guide. You may be aware of books which, in your opinion, belong on a minimum list of Appalachian holdings. I. Bibliographies, Materials and Resource Lists. "A Bibliography of Appalachian Bibliographies," by Richard Drake. Appalachian Notes (see Journals), 2:3; 3:3; 3:4. American Folklore Films and Videotapes: An Index. Bill Ferris and Judy Peiser, eds. Memphis, Tenn.: Center for Southern Folklore, 1976. 3 �Contains many items relating to Appalachia. Appalachian Bibliography. Robert Munn, ed. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1970; 2nd ed.,. 1972; 3rd ed., 1975; 4th ed. scheduled, 1977. Appalachian Outlook (see below) is a quarterly up-date of this bibliography. Appalachian Books and Media for Public and College Libraries. Compiled by George E. Bennett. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1975. Appalbrochure. Whitesburg, Ky.: Appalshop, n.d. A list of films, videotapes and other materials available from Appalshop. Appalachian Issues & Resources. Southern Appalachian Ministry in Higher Education, 1975. 1538 Highland Avenue, Knoxville, Tennessee J7916. Appalachian Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 (Autumn 1977). 132 Sanford Hall, Appalachian State Univ., Boone, North Carolina 28608. Special issue of the Journal, "A Guide to Appalachian Studies." Contains valuable lists of journals, organizations, schools, resource people involved in the study of Appalachia, as well as up-to-date and definitive essays on the state of scholarship in a number of disciplines. Appalachia/Kentuckiana Bibliography, 1974. Southeastern Kentucky Regional Library Cooperative, Jackson, Kentucky 41339. Supplement to 2nd ed., 1976. Appalachian Materials Catalog. MHC Publications, n.d. Morris Harvey College, Charleston, West Virginia 25304. Appalachian Outlook. West Virginia Univ. Library, Morgantown, West Virginia. Bibliography of Southern Appalachia. Charlotte T. Ross, ed. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1976. 202 Appalachian Street, Boone, NC 28608, or Univ. of Tennessee Press, Communications Building, Knoxville, TN 37916. Contains 13,000 entries relating to Appalachia, arranged alphabetically according to author and subject. Bibliography on Urban Appalachians. Virginia Watkins, ed. Urban Appalachian Council, 1974. 1015 Vine Street, Room 514, Cincinnati, OH 45202. Catalog/Bibliography of the Appalachian South. Council of the Southern Mountains, Drawer N, Clintwood, VA 24228. "Filmography of Southern Appalachia," by Robert J. Higgs, in Bibliography of Southern Appalachia, Charlotte T. Ross, ed. (See above). Twelve-page listing of 16 mm films and videotapes with a list of film distributors. Handbook of Appalachian Materials. William Plumley et al., eds. Charleston, West Va.: West Virginia Department of Education, 1971. II. Standard Works, Surveys: Appalachian History, Culture, Politics. Alderson, William T., and Robert M. McBride, eds. Landmarks of Tennessee History. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1965. "Appalachian Resource Survey," Appalachian Notes, 1:3; 1:4; 2:1. Armbrister, Trevor. The Yablonski Murders and their Solutions. Saturday Review/Dutton, 1975. Arnow, Harriette Simpson. Flowering of the Cumberland. Macmillan, 1963. Seedtime on the Cumberland. Macmillan, 1960. 4 �Axelrod, Jim, ed. Growin' Up Country. Clintwood, Va.: Council of the Southern Mountains, 1973. Barnes, Peter, ed. The People's Land: A Reader on Land Reform in the United States. Rodale Press, 1975. Blackmun, Ora. Western North Carolina: Its Mountains and People to 1880. Boone, N.C.: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1976. Bruce, Dickson D., Jr. And They All Sang Hallelujah: Plain-Folk Camp-Meeting Religion, 1800-1845. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1974. Camblos, Ruth, and Virginia Winger, eds. 'Round the Mountains, 1975. Distributed by Appalachian Consortium Press. Campbell, John C. The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. 1921; re-issued, Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1969. Caruso, John A. Appalachian Frontier. Bobbs-Merrill, 1959. Cash, W. J. The Mind of the South. Alfred A. Knopf, 1941. Caudill, Harry. Night Comes to the Cumberlands. Little, Brown, 1962. My Land is Dying. E. P. Dutton, 1971. A Darkness at Dawn. Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1976. The Watches of the Night. Little, Brown, 1976. Coles, Robert. Migrants, Sharecroppers, Mountaineers. Little, Brown, 1971. Coulter, E. Merton. William G. Brownlow: Fighting Parson of the Southern Highlands. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1971. Creekmore, Betsey Beeler. Knoxville. 3rd ed. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1976. Crockett, David. A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee. Facsimile edition. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1973. Derthick, Martha. Between State and Nation: Regional Organizations of the United States. Brookings Institute, 1974. Dixon, Max. The Wataugans. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1976. Drake, Richard. An Appalachian Reader. 2 vols. Berea, Kentucky, 1970. An introductory text for Appalachian Studies programs. Dunbar, Tony. Our Land Too. Pantheon Books, 1971. Dykeman, Wilma, and James Stokely. The Border States. Time-Life Books, 1968. Dykeman, Wilma. The French Broad. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1965. Prophet of Plenty: The First Ninety Years of W. D. Weatherford. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1966. Tennessee: A Bicentennial History. The States of the Nation Series. New York: Norton, 1975. Eighmy, John Lee. Churches in Cultural Captivity: A History of the Social Attitudes of Southern Baptists. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1972. Erikson, Kai. Everything in Its Path: The Destruction of Community in the Buffalo Creek Flood. Simon & Schuster, 1977. Fetterman, John. Stinking Creek. E. P. Dutton, 1967. 5 �Finley, Joseph. The Corrupt Kingdom: The Rise and Fall of the United Mine Workers. Simon & Schuster, 1973. Folmsbee, Stanley J., Robert E. Corlew, and Enoch L. Mitchell. Tennessee: A Short History. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1972. Ford, Thomas, ed. The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey. Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1962. Gazaway, Rena. The Longest Mile. Doubleday, 1969. Govan, Gilbert E., and James W. Livingood. The Chattanooga Country, 1540-1976: From Tomahawks to TVA. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1977. Guinan, Edward, ed. Redemption Denied: An Appalachian Reader. Washington, D.C.: Appalachian Documentation, 1976. Howell, Joseph. Hard Living on Clay Street. Doubleday, 1973. Hume, Brit. Death and the Mines: Rebellion and Murder in the United Mine Workers. Grossman Pub., 1971. lannone, Ron. "School Ain't No Way..." Parsons, West Va.: McClain Printing Co., 1972. Jolley, Harley E. The Blue Ridge Parkway. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1974. Jones, Loyal. "The Surveys of the Appalachian Region," Appalachian Heritage (see Journals), 4:2, Spring 1976. Jones, Maldwyn Allen. American Immigration. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1960. Justice, William. Wild Flowers of North Carolina. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1968. Kahn, Kathy. Hillbilly Women. Doubleday, 1973. Kaplan, Berton. Blue Ridge. Morgantown: Appalachian Center, West Virginia1 Univ., 1971. Kephart, Horace. Our Southern Highlanders. 1922; re-issued, Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1976. Lantz, Herman. People of Coaltown. Columbia Univ. Press, 1958. Levitan, Sam, and Joyce Zickler. Too Little But Not Too Late. Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1976. Leyburn, James G. The Scotch-Irish. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1962. McAteer, J. David. Coal Mine Health and Safety: The Case of West Virginia. Praeger Pub., 1973. Matthews, E. M. Neighbor and Kin: Life in a Tennessee Ridge Community. Nashville: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1965. * Maurer, B. B., ed. Mountain Heritage. West Virginia Arts and Crafts Fair, 1974; revised, 1975. Miles, Emma Bell. The Spirit of the Mountains. 1905; re-issued, Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1975. Montell, William Lynwood. The Saga of Coe Ridge: A Study in Oral History. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1970. *See Addendum. 6 �Moore, Arthur K. The Frontier Mind. Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1957; re-issued by McGraw-Hill Paperbacks, 1963. Morgan, Richard, Tom Riesenberg, and Michael Troutman. Taking Charge: A New Look at Public Power. Environmental Action Foundation, 1976. Murray, Kenneth. Down to Earth—People of Appalachia. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1974. Nugent, Tom. Death at Buffalo Creek. W. W. Norton, 1973. Parlow, Anita. The Land Development Rag. Southern Appalachian Ministry in Higher Education, 1538 Highland Avenue, Knoxville, TN 37916. Pearsall, Marion. Little Smoky Ridge: The Natural History of a Southern Appalachian Neighborhood. Univ. of Alabama Press, 1959. Peirce, Neil. The Border South States: People, Politics and Power in Five States of the Border South. W.W. Norton, 1975. Peterson, Bill. Coaltown Revisited. Henry Regnery, 1972. Perry, Huey. "They'll Cut Off Your Project": A Mingo County Chronicle. Praeger Publishers, 1972. Photiadis, John D., and harry Schwarzweller, eds. Change in Rural Appalachia: Implications for Action Programs. Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1971. Plunkett, H. Dudley, and Mary J. Bowman. Elites and Change in the Kentucky Mountains. Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1973. Raulston, J. Leonard, and James W. Livingood. Sequatchie: A Story of the Southern Cumberlands. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1974. Rice, Otis K. The Allegheny Frontier. Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1970. Riddel, Frank S. Appalachia: Its People, Heritage, Problems. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co., 1974. Ryan, William. Blaming the Victim. Vintage Books, 1971. Scalf, Henry P. Kentucky's Last Frontier. Pikeville, Ky.: Pikeville College Press, 1972. Schenck, Carl Alwin. The Birth of Forestry in America. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1974. Schwarzweller, Harry K., James S. Brown, and J. J. Mangalam. Mountain Families in Transition: A Case Study of Appalachian Migration. Pennsylvania State Univ. Press, 1971. Shackelford, Laurel, and Bill Weinberg, eds. Our Appalachia: An Oral History. Hill and Wang, 1977. Smith, Sam B., ed. and comp. Tennessee History: A Bibliography. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1974. The Southern Appalachian Heritage. Color illustrations and text. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1974 [out of print]. Stephenson, John. Shiloh: A Mountain Community. Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1968. Stern, Gerald M. The Buffalo Creek Disaster: The Story of the Survivors' Unprecedented Lawsuit. Random House, 1976. Stuart, Jesse. God's Oddling. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1960. 7 �_. The Thread That Runs So True. New York: Scribner's, 1958. Surface, William. The Hollow. Coward-McCann, 1971. Thornborough, Laura. The Great Smoky Mountains, rev. ed. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1971. Toward 1984: The Future of Appalachia. Southern Appalachian Regional Conference Proceedings. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1975. Urban Migrants. Entire issue of Peoples' Appalachia (July 1972). Van Noppen, Ina and John. Western North Carolina Since the Civil War. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1973. Walls, David S., and John Stephenson. Appalachia in the Sixties. Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1972. Warren, Harold. "A Right Good People." Appalachian Consortium Press, 1.974. Weller, Jack E. Yesterday's People. Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1965. Wellman, Manly Wade. The Kingdom of Madison. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1973. Williams, John. West Virginia and the Captains of Industry. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1976. Woolley, Brian, and Ford Reid. We Be Here When the Morning Comes. Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1975. You Can't Put It Back: A West Virginia Guide to Strip Mine Opposition. Mountain Community Union, 1976. III. Language and Literature. 1. Primary Sources: Prose. Agee, James. A Death in the Family. Obolensky, 1957; reprint, Grosset and Dunlap, 1964. Novel set in Knoxville and the surrounding area. Arnow, Harriette. The Dollmaker. Macmillan, 1954. Novel about Appalachians who migrate north. Hunter's Horn. New York: Macmillan Co., 1949. Caudill, Harry. The Senator from Slaughter County. Little, Brown, 1973. Provides insights into the politics of coal. Dykeman, Wilma. The Tall Woman. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962. The Far Family. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966. Return the Innocent Earth. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1973. Ehle, John. The Land Breakers. Harper & Row, 1964. Lion on the Hearth. Harper & Row, 1961. The Road. New York: Harper & Row, 1967. The Journey of August King. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. 8 �_. Time of Drums. Harper & Row, 1970. The novels of Dykeman and Ehle are rewarding considered individually. Taken together, they present a panorama of life in the Appalachian region since the Civil War. Fox, John, Jr. The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1931. The Trail of the Lonesome Pine. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1936. Harris, George Washington. Sut Lovingood's Yarns. Ed. M. Thomas Inge. New Haven, Conn.: College and University Press, 1966. Haun, Mildred. The Hawk's Done Gone. Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1968. Short stories from Appalachia. Murfree, Mary Noailles ("Charles Egbert Craddock"). In the Tennessee Mountains. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1970. Norman, Gurney. Divine Right's Trip: A Folktale. Dial Press, 1972. Roberts, Elizabeth Madox. The Great Meadow. Viking Press, 1930. Novel set in the frontier period. The Time of Man. Viking Press, 1945. A novel about sharecroppers in Appalachian Kentucky. Settle, Mary Lee. Fight Night on a Sweet Saturday. Viking Press, 1964. A novel set in the West Virginia coal fields. Still, James. On Troublesome Creek. Viking Press, 1941. Short stories. River of Earth. Viking Press, 1940. Novel told from the point of view of a young boy. Pattern of a Man. Lexington, Ky.: Gnomon Press (Box 1796), 1976. More short stories by James Still. Stuart, Jesse. Taps for Private Tussle. E. P. Button, 1943. Comic novel. Trees of Heaven. E. P. Dutton, 1940. A Jesse Stuart Harvest. Dell Publishers, 1965. West, John Foster. Time Was. Random House, 1965; re-issued, Boone, N.C.: Folkways Press (Drawer 1834), 1977. Appalachian Dawn. Durham, N.C.: Moore Publishing Co., 1973. Wolfe, Thomas. Look Homeward, Angel. Scribner's, 1929. 2. Some Secondary Sources. Americans Speaking. Record with accompanying Handbook. Urbana, 111.: National Council of Teachers of English. Young Americans from different parts of the country reading the same text, then speaking informally. Handbook aids in identifying the distinctive features of their spoken English. Bleustein, Gene. Folklore and American Literary Theory. Univ. of Massachusetts Press, 1972. Clarke, Mary Washington. Jesse Stuart's Kentucky. McGraw-Hill, 1968. 9 �Fink, Paul M. Bits of Mountain Speech. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1974. Foster, Ruel, ed. Appalachian Literature: Critical Essays. Charleston, West Va.: MHC Publications, Morris Harvey College, 1976. LeMaster, J.R., and Mary Washington Clarke, eds. Jesse Stuart: Essays on His Work. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1977. Madden, David. Remembering James Agee. Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1974. Ohlin, Peter H. Agee. Obolensky, 1966. Williams, Gratis D. The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction. Vol. 3, Appalachian Journal (see Journals). Wolfram, Walt, and Donna Christian. Appalachian Speech. Center for Applied Linguistics, 1611 N. Kent Street, Arlington, VA 22209. 3. Primary Sources: Poetry. Amburgey, Gail, Pauletta Hansel, and Mary Joan Coleman. We're Alright But We Ain't Special. Beckley, West Va.: Mountain Union Books (107 Earwood Street), 1976. Baber, Robert. Assorted Life Savers & Poems from the Mountains. Beckley, West Va.: Troy Baber, 1976. Beecher, John. Collected Poems. Beckley, West Va.: Mountain Union Books, n.d. Berry, Wendell. Openings. Harc'ourt, Brace & World, 1968. Farming: A Handbbok. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1970. The Country of Marriage. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973. .. Horses. Monterey, Ky.: Larkspur Press, 1975. To What Listens. Crete, Neb.: The Best Cellar Press (118 South Boswell Avenue), 1975. Chaffin, Lillie D. 8th Day, 13th Moon. Pikeville, Ky.: Pikeville College Press, 1974. Chappell, Fred. The World Between the Eyes. Univ of Louisiana Press, 1971. River. Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1976. Dressier, Muriel Miller. Appalachia, My Land. Charleston, West Va.: MHC Publications, Morris Harvey College, 1973, rev., exp. ed., 1977. Fisher, Elizabeth. This World Does Not Belong to the Old Ladies. Emory, Va.: Iron Mountain Press (Box 28), 1976. Howard, Quentin R. Tell Me No Sad Tales. Pikeville, Ky.: Wind Press, 1976. Hulme, Francis Pledger. Mountain Measure: A Southern Appalachian Verse Notebook. Photographs by Robert Amberg. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1975. Laska, P.J. D.C. Images and Other Poems. Beckley, West Va.: Mountain Union Books, 1975. Songs and Dances. Prince, West Va.: The Unrealist Press, 1977. McNeill, Louise (Pease). Paradox Hill. Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1972. Gauley Mountain. Harcourt Brace, 1939; re-issued by McClain Prin10 �ters, Parsons, West Virginia. Marion, Jeff Daniel. Out in the Country, Back Home. Winston-Salem, N.C.: The Jackpine Press, 1976. Watering Places. Knoxville, Tenn.: Puddingstone Press (Box 8800 University Station), 1976. 1976. Almanac. Jefferson City, Tenn.: The Small Farm Press (P.O. Box 563), Miller, Jim Wayne. Dialogue with a Dead Man. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1974. Morgan, Robert. Red Owl. W.W. Norton, 1972. Zirconia Poems. Northwood Narrows, N.H.: Lillabulero Press, 1969. Land Diving. Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1976. * Reece, Byron Herbert. Ballad of the Bones. New York: E.P. Button, 1936. Roberts, Elizabeth Madox. Song in the Meadow. Viking Press, 1940. Scarbrough, George. New and Selected Poems. Binghamton, N.Y.: Iris Press (27 Chestnut Street), 1977. Snyder, Bob ("Billy Greenhorn"). We'll See Who's a Peasant. Beckley, West Va.: Mountain Union Books, 1977. Stallard, Bernard. Appalachian Summer. Daniels, Inc., Pub., 1967; 1975. Still, James. Hounds on the Mountain. Viking Press, 1937. Stuart, Jane. Eyes of the Mole. Sauk City, Wise.: Stanton and Lee Pub., 1967. Stuart, Jesse. Man with a Bull-Tongue Plow. Button, 1959. Thomas, Rudy. Tornado & Other Poems. Boulder Creek, Calif.: Triton Press, 1976. West, Bon. O Mountaineers. Huntington, West Va.: Appalachian Press, 1974. Wheeler, Billy Edd. Songs of a Woods Colt. Anderson, S.C.: Broke House, 1969. Williams, Jonathan. Blues and Roots/Rue and Bluets: A Garland for the Appalachians. New York: Grossman, 1971. An Ear in Bartram's Tree. New Birections, 1972. IV. Music, Arts, and Crafts. Counts, Charles. Common Clay. Anderson, S.C.: Droke House (116 West Orr Street), 1971. Appalachian potters and pottery. Text and photographs. Eaton, Allen. Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands. 1937; re-issued by Dover Books, 1973. Gainer, Patrick W. Folk Songs from the West Virginia Hills. Seneca Books, 1975. Gaynes, David. Artisans/Appalachia/USA. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1977. Harman, Bob, and the Blue Ridge Descendants. Music of the Blue Ridge. Appalachian Consortium Press (LP record). An album of old-time mountain music. Horwitz, Elinor. Mountain People, Mountain Crafts. J.B. Lippincott, 1974. *See Addendum. 11 �„. Leftwich, Rodney L. Arts and Crafts of the Cherokee. 1970. Distributed by the Appalachian Consortium Press. Sharp, Cecil, and Dorothy Karpeles. Eighty English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. MIT Press, 1968. A Virginia Sampler: 18th, 19th, and 20th Century Folk Art. Ferrum College and the Roanoke Fine Arts Center, 1976. V. Folklore. Bluestein, Gene. The Voice of the Folk. Univ. of Massachusetts Press, 1972. Clarke, Kenneth. Uncle Bud Long: The Birth of a Kentucky Folk Legend. Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1973. Clarke, Kenneth, and Mary Washington Clarke. The Harvest and the Reapers: Oral Traditions of Kentucky. Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1974. Clarke, Kenneth, and Ira Kohn. Kentucky's Age of Wood. Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1976. Glassie, Henry. Pattern in the Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States. Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1968. Folk Housing in Middle Virginia: A Structural Analysis of Historic Artifacts. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1976. Guthrie, Charles S. Riddles from the Cumberland Valley. Bowling Green, Ky.: Kentucky Folklore Society (Box U-169, Western Kentucky Univ.), 1973. Hall, Joseph S. Sayings from Old Smoky. Asheville, N.C.: The Cataloochee Press, 1972. Justus, May. Complete Peddler's Pack. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967. Mathes, C. Hodge. Tall Tales from Old Smoky. Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Pubs., 1952; Appalachian Consortium Press, 1975. Montell, William Lynwood. Ghosts Along the Cumberland: Deathlore in the Kentucky Foothills. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1975. , and Michael Lynn Morse. Kentucky Folk Architecture. Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1976. Roberts, Leonard. Sang Branch Settlers: Folksongs and Tales of a Kentucky Mountain Family. Univ. of Texas Press, 1974. Rosenberg, Bruce. The Art of the American Folk Preacher. Oxford Press, 1970. Smalley, Ruth, ed. The Good Life Almanac. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1975. Still, James. Way Down Yonder on Troublesome Creek: Appalachian Riddles and Rustics. G.P. Putman's Sons, 1974. Wigginton, Eliot, ed. The Foxfire Book. Doubleday & Co., 1972. The Foxfire Book No. 2. 1973. The Foxfire Book No. 3. 1975. VI. Appalachian Flora and Fauna. Huheey, James E., and Arthur Stupka. Amphibians and Reptiles of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1967. Linzey, Alicia V., and Donald W. Linzey. Mammals of the Great Smoky Mountains *See Addendum. 12 �National Park. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1972. Shanks, Royal E., and Aaron J. Sharp. Summer Key to Tennessee Trees. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1963. Stupka, Arthur. Notes on the Birds of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1963. Trees, Shrubs, and Woody Vines of Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1964. VII. Anthologies and Texts. Anderson, Lorena, Majorie Warner, and Barbara Yeager, eds. The Wooden Tower. An Anthology of Appalachian Literature. West Virginia Dept. of Education in association with MHC Publications, Morris Harvey College, Charleston, West Virginia, 1975. Teacher's Manual for The Wooden Tower, 1976. Askins, Donald and David Morris, eds. New Ground. Anthology of Contemporary Appalachian Fiction and Poetry. Co-published by Southern Appalachian Writers' Co-operative (P. O. Box 147, Jenkins, Ky.) and Mountain Review (P. O. Box 660, Whitesburg, Ky.), 1977. Carawan, Guy, and Candy Carawan, eds. Voices from the Mountains. Alfred A. Knopf, 1975. Eastern Kentucky Youth Media Workshop. P. 0. Box 40, Whitesburg, KY 41858. The Workshop projects an anthology of work by young Appalachians for late 1977. Direct inquiries to the above address. Ergood, Bruce and Bruce E. Kuhre, eds. Appalachia: Social Context Past and Present. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co., 1976. Greene, Jonathan, ed. Kentucky Renaissance. Anthology of Contemporary Writing. Lexington, Ky.: Gnomon Press (P. O. Box 1796). Haddix, Cecille, ed. Who Speaks for Appalachia? Prose, Poetry and Songs from the Mountain Heritage. New York: Washington Square Press, 1975. Higgs, Robert J., and Ambrose N. Manning, eds. Voices from the Hills. Selected Readings of Southern Appalachia. Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., in cooperation with Appalachian Consortium Press, 1975. Marion, Jeff Daniel, ed. Mountain Paths. An Anthology of Contemporary Poetry. Jefferson City, Tenn.: The Small Farm Press (Box 563), 1977. Owen, Guy, and Mary C. Williams, eds. New Southern Poets. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1974. , eds. Southern Poetry/The Seventies. Raleigh: Southern Poetry Review Press (Dept. of English, North Carolina State Univ.), 1977. Plumley, William, ed. Poems from the Hills. Charleston, West Va.: MHC Publications, 1971. , and Shirley Campbell, eds. From the Hills. Charleston, West Va.: MHC Publications, 1974. , Marge Warner, and Lorena Anderson, eds. Things Appalachian. Charleston, West Va.: MHC Publications, 1976. Anthology of Appalachian history, culture, and the arts for use in secondary schools and Appalachian Studies programs. 13 �Plumley, William. Things Appalachian: A Handbook. MHC Publications in cooperation with the West Virginia Department of Education, Charleston, West Virginia, 1977. Valuable select bibliography and purchase guide. Soupbean. An Anthology of Contemporary Appalachian Literature. Beckley, W. Va.: Mountain Union Books, 1977. Yeager, Barbara, ed. Stories from the Hills. Charleston, W. Va.: MHC Publications, 1970. VIII. Journals, Magazines, Newsletters. Appalachia. Appalachian Regional Commission, 1666 Connecticut Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20235. Appalachian Advance. Appalachian Educational Laboratory, Inc., Box 1348, Charleston, WV 25325. Appalachian Advocate. Urban Appalachian Council, 1015 Vine Street, Room 514, Cincinnati, OH 45202. Appalachian Heritage. A Magazine of Southern Appalachian Life and Culture. Alice Lloyd College, Pippa Passes, KY 41844. Appalachian Journal. A Regional Studies Review. 132 Sanford Hall, Appalachian State University, Boone, NC 28608. Appalachian Notes. 225 Culpepper, Lexington, KY 40502. Berea College Appalachian Center Newsletter. Appalachian Center, Berea College, Berea, KY 40404. Foxfire. Rabun Gap, GA 30568. Green River Review. SVSC Box 56, University Center, MI 48710. Help Yourself. Department of English, Eastern Kentucky University, Richmond, KY 40475. Highland Heritage. Emory & Henry College, Emory, VA 24327. Highlander Reports. Highlander Research and Education Center, Box 370, Rt. 3, New Market, TN 37820. Katallagete: Be Reconciled. Committee of Southern Churchmen. Box 936, College Station, Berea College, Berea, KY 40404. Kentucky Folklore Record. Box U-169, Western Kentucky University, Bowling Green, KY 42101. Laurel Leaves. Appalachian Consortium Press, 202 Appalachian Street, Boone, NC 28608. Mountain Call. Box 611, Kermit, WV 25674. Mountain Eagle. Weekly newspaper, Tom Gish, editor, Tunnel Hill, Whitesburg, KY 41858. Mountain Life & Work. The Magazine of the Appalachian South. Council of the Southern Mountains, Drawer N, Clintwood, VA 24228. Mountain Memories. Alice Lloyd Oral History Project. Alice Lloyd College, Pippa Passes, KY 41844. 14 �Mountain Review. Box 743-A, Whitesburg, KY 41858. North Carolina Folklore Journal. Department of English, Appalachian State University, Boone, NC 28608. The Plow. Appalachian Information, Box 1222, Abingdon, VA 24210. Puddingstone. Box 8800, University Station, Knoxville, TN 37918. Recollections. Lees Junior College, Jackson, KY 41339. SAM Newsletter. Southern Appalachian Ministry in Higher Education, Highland Avenue, Knoxville, TN 37916. 1538 Southern Exposure. Box 230, Chapel Hill, NC 27514. The Small Farm. Box 563, Jefferson City, TN 37760. Tennessee Folklore Society Bulletin. Middle Tennessee State University, Murfreesboro, TN 37132. Twigs. Pikeville College, Pikeville, KY 41501. Unaka Range. Route 1, Box 58A, Bryson City, NC 28713. United Mine Workers Journal. 900 15th Street, N.W., Washington, DC 20005. West Virginia Hillbilly. Richwood, WV 26261. What's a Nice Hillbilly Like You...? 107 Earwood Street, Beckley, WV 25801. Wind. Rt. 1, Box 810, Pikeville, KY 41501. ADDENDUM II. Standard Works, Surveys: Appalachian History, Culture, Politics. Humphrey, Stephen. "That D—d Brownlow." Appalachian Consortium Press, 1978. Lewis, Helen, Linda Johnson and Donald Askins, eds. Colonialism in Modern America: The Appalachian Case. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1978. Mielke, David N., ed. Teaching Mountain Children: Towards A Foundation of Understanding. Appalachian Consortium Press, 1978. III. Language and Literature. 3. Primary Sources: Poetry. Ritchie, Jean. Celebration of Life: Jean Ritchie, Her Songs, Her Poems. Big Three/Robbins Pub. Co., 1971. This book, as well as others by Jean Ritchie, including The Singing Family of the Cumberlands and The Dulcimer Book, is available from Folklife Productions, 7A Locust Avenue, Port Washington, NY 11050. IV. Music, Arts, and Crafts. Ritchie, Jean. The Ritchie Family of Kentucky. LP album, interviews, documentary recordings. This record, as well as eight others by Jean Ritchie, is available from Folkways Records, 701 Seventh Avenue, New York, NY 10036. 15 �This page intentionally left blank �MEMBER INSTITUTIONS OF THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Ferrum College First Tennessee- Virginia Development District Lees-McRae College Mars Hill College United States Forest Service University of North Carolina-Asheville Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Association APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM PRESS BOONE, NORTH CAROLINA 28607 �Appalachian Consortium Press1 202 Appalachian Street T3oone, North Carolina 28607 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Laurel Leaves: Special Edition - A Checklist and Purchase Guide for School and Community Libraries in Appalachia Description An account of the resource Originally published in 1978 and reprinted in this 1979 edition, this checklist and purchase guide for school and community libraries in Appalachia was developed for teachers and librarians interested in building or improving an Appalachian collection. The guide was considered the nucleus of a good Appalachian collection for its time, rather than an exhaustive list.<br /><br /><a title="Epub" href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1h8UuxzJPuZF3ID6nSlgfiThSHLKiYqFi/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank">Download EPub</a> Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region, Southern--Bibliography Appalachians (People)--Bibliography Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Miller, Jim Wayne Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1979 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1970s Appalachia Bibliography public libraries publications https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/9eca48e0e4cfcdf7691dc0e897253d23.pdf ba0b050e83647554e015f8dd39dbc959 PDF Text Text �TOO FEW TOMORROWS �&J!fJ!fJ&JO&J©OV ff&J[fi) @®{ff)~®fl(lffMfJiJiJ fJJ!J'@~~ @J@@[fi)@" f}(j@fl(jifu ©&lfl@00{ff)@ Pdfl)@@fl) �TOO FEW TOMORROWS Urban Appalachians In the 1980's ~@JOa@@l IPJ'if ffJ!JiJOOOO!fJ ell" @/PJ@fl{f[liJ000@fl l§f0000&J{f[liJ l§f" ffJ!JiJOOOO!PJ®fl <@ �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1987 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3705-1 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3707-5 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM The Appalachian Consortium is a non-profit educational organization comprised of institutions and agencies located in the Southern Highlands. Our members are volunteers who plan and execute projects which serve 156 mountain counties in seven states. Among our goals are: Preserving the cultural heritage of Southern Appalachia Protecting the mountain environment Improving the educational opportunities for area students and teachers Conducting scientific, social and economic research Promoting a positive image of Appalachia Encouraging regional cooperation THE MEMBER INSTITUTIONS OF THE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM ARE: Appalachian State University Blue Ridge Parkway East Tennessee State University Great Smoky Mountains Natural History Association John C. Campbell Folk School Lees-McRae College Mars Hill College Mountain Regional Library North Carolina Division of Archives and History Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild U.S. Forest Service Warren Wilson College Western Carolina University Western North Carolina Historical Society �This page intentionally left blank �TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE, Maureen R. Sullivan PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP 1 1. TOO FEW TOMORROWS, Thomas E. Wagner 3 2. A DECADE IN REVIEW: The Development of the Ethnic Model in Urban Appalachian Studies, Michael E. Maloney 13 APPALACHIANS IN MIDWESTERN CITIES: Regionalism as a Basis of Ethnic Group Formation, William W. Philliber and Phillip J. Obermiller 19 URBAN APPALACHIANS & CANADIAN MARITIME MIGRANTS: Comparative Study of Emergent Ethnicity, Martin N. Marger and Phillip J. Obermiller 23 5. LABELING URBAN APPALACHIANS, Phillip J. Obermiller 35 6. THE ETHNIC ENTREPRENEUR IN THE URBAN APPALACHIAN COMMUNITY, Sharlotte K. Neely 43 PART II: CONTINUING DEVELOPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS 49 7. MOVING ON: Recent Patterns of Appalachian Migration, Phillip J. Obermiller and Robert W. Oldendick 51 8. THE CHANGING COMPOSITION OF APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS, William W. Philliber 63 PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN LIFE 67 TWO STUDIES OF APPALACHIAN CIVIC INVOLVEMENT, Phillip J. Obermiller and Robert W. Oldendick 69 3. 4. 9. 10. THE IMPACT OF THE URBAN MILIEU ON THE APPALACHIAN FAMILYTYPE,James K. Crissman. 81 11. EFFECTS OF SCHOOLS & SCHOOLING UPON APPALACHIAN CHILDREN IN CINCINNATI, Michael E. Maloney and Kathryn M. Borman. 89 12. APPALACHIAN YOUTH IN CULTURAL TRANSITION, Clyde B. McCoy and H. Virginia McCoy 99 13. BLACK APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS: The Issue of Dual Minority Status, William W. Philliber and Phillip J. Obermiller Ill CONCLUSION: The Future for Appalachians in Urban Areas, William W. Philliber 117 BIBLIOGRAPHY 123 CONTRIBUTORS 139 INDEX 141 �This page intentionally left blank �PREFACE Between 1940 and 1970 an estimated three million people left their home places in Appalachia in search of jobs. Many migrated to industrial centers in the Midwest and settled in cities like Cincinnati, Chicago, and Detroit Although they were, in a way, "just looking for a home"-a better life for themselves and their families-many did not find the promised land they sought. The fate of perhaps a third of the migrants was to become long-term dwellers in the underclass. But even for those who made it into secure blue-collar employment, the dream was not without pain. Both research and personal experience point to a socially different group of people who are struggling with questions of identity, rootlessness, and cultural negation. Research done in Northern Kentucky indicates that a sizeable number of urban Appalachians there do not regard the area as home even if they were born or long settled in Northern Kentucky communities. For them, home is a family place in the hills of Eastern Kentucky. Brenda Ann Nix, an Appalachian woman living in Northern Kentucky, writes poignantly about the experiences of her family: Marnau and Papau lived around Corbin and Pathfork, Kentucky. We never called ourselves Appalachians. Still we have things in common. I remember intense religious services. One of my uncles was a Holiness preacher who could touch snakes when he was in the Spirit. .. Mamau and Papau moved to Detroit but home remained Corbin and Pathfork. Mamau was leery of foreigners. Detroit was a strange city... You know my mom hates being called a hillbilly. She thinks it's a put down. I've known people who liked the country accent. Others looked at it as a sign of ignorance. And me-I'm still trying to understand me and my family ... Papau worked in the coal mines. Mamau just kept trusting her Bible and all the while their children felt the strain. i �As the third generation of mountain people, I feel sometimes ashamed of my background-sometimes I'm proud. Appalachians ... I've never known a tougher people. Her words address the dichotomy of being an "urban Appalachian" with its combination of pride and pain, with the constant question, "What does it mean to be who I am?" This book addresses some of the contemporary questions facing urban Appalachians. It is, I believe, the third part of a trilogy which began with The Invisible Minority: Urban Appalachians, a book which focused on migration and documented the early experiences of Appalachian migrants. Next came Appalachian Migrants in Urban America: Cultural Conflict or Ethnic Group Formation? which compared first- and second-generation Appalachians with other groups in the city. This volume continues the tradition of documenting Appalachian migration and settlement patterns by presenting current information on urban Appalachian social movements and leadership, on new trends in migration, and on social problems faced by urban Appalachians. The past decade has seen three issues dominate the study of Appalachians who have migrated to urban areas outside of the region. One of the most important of these is the context in which Appalachian migrants and their descendents are to be viewed. The most developed analogy indicates that in many ways Appalachians can best be understood as an ethnic group. Yet challenges remain suggesting that they can be better understood in the larger context of class relationships while some maintain that there is simply nothing to understand. Part I of this volume presents those developments which have led to the increasing belief that Appalachian migrants and their descendents have become an ethnic group in the urban areas where they moved. Continuing a long tradition in the study of Appalachians, the second issue documents the magnitude and characteristics of Appalachians moving from the region. This issue has become more critical in recent years as interest has focused on migration into the area to the neglect of those leaving. However, as Part II of this volume illustrates, people continue to move out of Appalachia into the urban areas of the Midwest. Part III presents findings from a lesser-developed side of research on urban Appalachians-their participation in the urban milieu. These papers document participation in politics, family, and education as well as analyzing what it is to be young and Black as an Appalachian outside of the region. 11 �PART ONE From Social Problem To Ethnic Group The past decade has witnessed a change in the framework used to study and understand people who migrated from Appalachia to urban centers in the Midwest Prior to the mid-seventies these migrants were usually seen as a social problem. Journalists and social scientists competed to see who could describe the most poignant examples of maladjustment. While the documentation of social problems was successful, serious observers began to question whether the identification of these people as Appalachians added anything to understanding their experiences. Their problems might develop because they were rural to urban migrants, because they were migrants from the South to the North, because they were of lower socioeconomic status, or just because they were migrants. It was not enough to document that people from Appalachia had problems; it was necessary to demonstrate that those problems could not be explained from other existing frameworks. In the mid-seventies people of Appalachian descent living outside the region began to be viewed as an ethnic group. The shift from social problem to ethnic group was brought about by both academic and political forces. Ethnicity was a major topic among social scientists. Models of ethnic pluralism had arisen in contrast to the assimilation model which had dominated the field for a number of years. Appalachians were included among those groups for whom an ethnic analogy was made. Politically it was useful to treat Appalachians as an ethnic group. Those groups who were recognized as such were eligible for private and public funds as well as legislative protection from discrimination. The chapters contained in this section describe the work of political organizers and social scientists in applying the ethnic analogy to people of Appalachian descent living outside the region. The Urban Appalachian Council, under the leadership of Michael Maloney, provided the political organization from which the ethnic analogy emerged. Under its auspices a group of researchers, merely asked to study Appalachians, began to make an ethnic analogy. This work went in two related directions. The first step was to determine to what extent Appalachians were an ethnic group. The second step was to try and understand the causes for such an ethnic group formation. These papers describe both the process and the results of that work. PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (1 �This page intentionally left blank �TOO FEW TOMORROWS According to demographers the movement of rural people to urban industrial centers continued nearly unabated for thirty years following World War II. Tradiitional port-of-entry neighborhoods in urban areas, which in years past received migrants of urban ethnic origin, were receiving centers for white rural to urban migrants. In numerous midwestern industrial centers, the greatest influx of rural to urban migrants were from the Southern Appalachian region. Estimates are that as many as seven million people permanently migrated out of the Southern Appalachian region during the 1940's, 1950's, and 1960's. Called "the great migration," this movement may be one of the most significant migrations of this century (Brown and Hillery, 1962). During the 1940's a booming war-stimulated economy attracted Appalachian migrants to Detroit, Chicago, Cincinnati, and other manufacturing cities where plenty of jobs were available for unskilled labor. The region's net population loss due to migration during the forties was 705,894 persons (Brown and Hillery, 1962:58). During the fifties, automation and the switch to natural gas as a primary fuel brought mass unemployment to the eastern Kentucky and West Virginia coal fields and 1,569,000 left the region looking for work elsewhere. During the 1960's, the push/pull of regional unemployment and the promise of work served to keep the migration stream flowing, even though at a slower rate. Between 1960 and 1970, 592,000 people migrated out of the mountains (Brown, 1971). This migration of Appalachians to midwestern cities is nearly as great as Irish and Italian immigration in the late 1800's, and is much larger than the recent migration of Asians to this country. It was a mass movement of people that has gone largely unnoticed, perhaps, in part, because the migrants were white rural people moving from one part of the United States to another. With little variation, the reasons for migrating were nearly always the same: the desire to improve one's economic status, and the knowledge of a relative PART/: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EJHNIC GROUP (3 �living in an urban location (Hyland, 1972; Hanneling, 1969). Throughout the stories told to Gitlin and Hollander by Chicago's uptown residents, there is the consistent theme of moving north then south and then north again, depending upon economic conditions and family circumstances: "They go to Ohio, go up here to Chicago, or to Michigan or to somewhere around there because there is no work whatsoever-any real good paying jobs-in Harlan" (Gitlin and Hollander, 1970:263). Often migration in one direction or the other occurs immediately following a change in family status, a death, separation, divorce, or marriage (Gitlin and Hollander; 1970, Harmeling, 1969). Personnel officers in many northern manufacturing companies followed the common practice of filling vacancies by asking workers from the mountains to notify some of their relatives (Cincinnati Human Relations Committee, 1956). Schwarzweller, Brown, and Manglam (1971) verify the recruiting efficiency of such kinfolk messages. In some plants in Cincinnati, the number of Kentucky-born workers was reported to be as high as 50-70% of the work staff. The migratory streams were generally regional in nature, with individuals from certain areas or counties tending to move to the same northern destination. Migrants from eastern Kentucky counties came to southwestern Ohio, while those from West Virginia "headed out" for northeastern Ohio. Thus, Cincinnati, Hamilton, and Dayton, Ohio are commonly known as "Kentucky cities," while Columbus, Cleveland, and Akron are known as "West Virginia cities" (Brown, 1971). The Cincinnati metropolitan area, including the counties in north central Kentucky and southeastern Indiana, was one of tl:le primary receiving centers for Appalachian migrants from eastern Kentucky and adjacent West Virginia counties. It is estimated that over 100,000 migrants moved to the Cincinnati area during the thirty years of the "great migration." When one adds the children born to these migrants, the first and second generation Cincinnati area urban Appalachian population is estimated at over 213,000 people (Obermiller and Oldendick, 1984). In Cincinnati and other midwestern urban areas, Appalachian migrants did not find the same ethnic "melting pot" found by earlier immigrant groups. There was no migrant infrastructure, with its economic opportunities and support services of so much benefit to earlier immigrant groups, to improve the quality of urban life for Appalachians moving to the city. The plight of urban areas after World War II was one of shrinking revenues, continued urban sprawl, "white flight," and strained social services. The large influx of rural to urban migrants created additional pressures and problems for urban social welfare, educational, health, and justice systems. As a result, urban Appalachians, as they came to be called, were largely ignored and misunderstood by city residents and service agencies. In some instances, the neglect was made worse by prejudicial actions toward the "hillbillies," "ridge runners," and "briar hoppers." In Cincinnati, the response to this neglect was the formation of a coalition of individuals from diverse backgrounds and with an uncommon commitment to bring about improvements in the quality of life of the city's urban Appalachians. The primary objective of this paper is to trace the development of the Appalachian avocacy organizations which emerged within the migrant community. Although ad hoc groups came together in some other midwestern cities to work on behalf of migrant Appalachians, it is the Urban Appa-lachian Council of 4) PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP �Cincinnati, its forerunners and affiliate groups, that is synonymous with the "urban Appalachian movement." One can only be impressed by the gains and accomplishments of this organization on behalf of urban Appalachians particularly, in the Cincinnati metropolitan area. The history of the urban Appalachian movement in Cincinnati goes back to the early 1950's. A fairly large group of individuals and agencies including the Mayor's Friendly Relations Committee-the predecessor of the Cincinnati Human Relations Commission-Berea College and the Council of Southern Mountains developed an interest in the problems caused by mountain-to-urban migration. Virginia Coffey, former Director of the Cincinnati Human Relations Commission described the early days as follows: The Cincinnati Urban Appalachian Council is a reality today because of the foresight, interest, and determination of a few individuals. Back in 1948-49 Marshall Brogdon, then Executive Director of the Mayor's Friendly Relations Committee and I, the Assistant Director, were the city's lone human relations professionals. In carrying out our job to ensure justice, racial and religious freedom and equality for all citizens of Cincinnati, it soon became apparent that adjustment problems facing Black migrants from the rural South were similarly common to Appalachian migrants from the hills of Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee. While making this city aware of discrimination and unequal treatment to its Black minority, we also felt compelled to call attention to the plight of urban Appalachian migrants. (Mountain Life and Work, 1976:19) Marshall Bragdon, in addition to his duties as Director of the Mayor's Friendly Relations Commission, served on the Executive Committee of the Council of Southern Mountains, located in Berea, KY, where he developed a lasting friendship with Perley Ayer, the charismatic leader of the Council. Bragdon's intense interest in the migration of Appalachian people brought early solid linkages between the mountains and the city. Virginia Coffey, Assistant Director under Bragdon and later Director, organized many local efforts to aid migrants, and began to build a constituency of concern among a wide range of the city's citizens. The Mayor's Friendly Relations Committee's commitment went well beyond expressing verbal concern. They sponsored several workshops, the first in April, 1954, where the keynote speaker was Roscoe Giffin, a professor from Berea College. The workshop was based on several assumptions: 1. The heavy migmtion from the hills will continue; 2. The newcomers' urban adjustment is vital to the city; 3. Too many make a poor adjustment: agencies and institutions don't know how to help the migrants; 4. Active intercultural study of this problem would yield facts, insights, and techniques of pmctical value; and 5. De-stereotyping the city man's and urban agencies' views of, and attitudes towards hillfolks is a vital first step in affecting PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (5 �migrants' view and behavior (Cincinnati Human Relations Commission, 1956). It is interesting to note that these objectives are similar to the objectives of the Appalachian Committee, established in 1972 by Frank Foster, Louise Spiegel, Stuart Faber, Mike Maloney, and others with the support of the Cincinnati Human Relations Commission. There was a great deal of activity in Cincinnati following the 1954 workshop. An Episcopalian "ministry to mountaineers" began in 1955 and the Emanuel Community Center developed services to "hill families" funded by a grant from the Appalachian Fund. The Emanuel Community Center program resulted from the efforts of Ray Drukker, the Executive Director of the Appalachian Fund, Inc. Drukker began efforts to develop a Cincinnati program after he read a series of articles about the problems encountered by Appalachian migrants in the Cincinnati Enquirer. In 1959, a team of eleven Cincinnatians representing the public schools, social services, police, and churches participated with teams from seven other cities in a three-week workshop at Berea College sponsored by the Council of Southern Mountains and led by Perley Ayer. Each team member was required to develop materials and educational programs for city agencies and services in support of Appalachian migrants in greater Cincinnati. These activities seemed promising, and by 1960 Marshall Bragdon was able to write, "The future looks fruitful. Yes, much has happened since 1954" (Cincinnati Human Relations Commission, 1956:2). During the 1960's, a small cadre of committed individuals continued to work diligently on behalf of Appalachians in Cincinnati. Among this group was Stuart Faber, a trustee of the Appalachian Fund, and President of the Council of Southern Mountains; Louise Spiegel, a volunteer at the Mayor's Friendly Relations Committee, who helped coordinate many conferences and to consolidate membership of the early organizations; Frank Foster, a former college president who had retired to Cincinnati; and Ernie Mynatt, an outreach social worker at Emanuel Community Center. Under the leadership of Stuart Faber, the Appalachian Fund provided a grant to the Emanuel Community Center to hire a social worker to work in the Overthe-Rhine area as a "detached" social worker providing services to Appalachians. After limited success by two different workers, the Center hired Ernie Mynatt. The Council of the Southern Mountains formally commissioned Mynatt's work by presenting him a "certificate" signed by Perley Ayer. In 1964, the Cincinnati Archdiocese provided funding for the establishment of the Main Street Bible Center directed by Father John Porter and Sister Shirley Gallahan. Shortly thereafter, Mike Maloney, a young migrant mountaineer, started working at the HUB Social Services Center, a multi-service social welfare agency in the Over-the-Rhine. The primary energy for the Bible Center effort came from dozens of young volunteers, mostly Roman Catholic seminarians and nuns or former nuns and seminarians. The Bible Center and Old St. Mary's Catholic Church in Over-the-Rhine became the base of operations for this small army of volunteers who did door-to-door home visiting and conducted recreation activities and Bible classes for children 6) PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP �and teens. Some of the volunteers lived in tenement apartments in the manner of a previous generation of settlement house workers. With this corps of inner-city volunteers and the support of the Archdiocese and Virginia Coffey, who during this period was Director of Memorial Community Center, Ernie Mynatt was able to begin support services directly aimed at the Appalachian migrants and displaced Blacks from Cincinnati's West End urban renewal areas. Many of the Bible Center volunteers became community organizers, social workers, and teachers in the inner city and continued to work on behalf of Appalachian migrants in these roles. "The Hub" (not an acronym originally) was opened in 1966 as a branch of Memorial Community Center. It was a storefront social service agency staffed by professional as well as indigenous workers including migrants from eastern Kentucky. In 1968, HUB Services was funded as one of fourteen Pilot Cities Centers, the predecessor program to Model Cities. It was not long before a coalition formed between Mynatt, Maloney, and others working out of the Emanuel Center, HUB Services, and Main Street Bible Center. This loose coalition made its first attempt at organization in 1969 when Maloney and Mynatt formed the United Appalachians of Cincinnati (UAC). The organization was organized to "promote the self-awareness and self-activity of the Appalachian people in Cincinnati, to encourage our urban institutions, respond to the needs and interest of Appalachians, and to show the community-at-large the power and beauty of our culture" (Maloney, unpublished). Membership in the United Appalachians of Cincinnati was accomplished by joining the Council of the Southern Mountains. By-laws were drawn up and about fifty individuals were listed as members of the organization. The group disbanded when Mike Maloney left Cincinnati to attend graduate school in North Carolina. However, Frank Foster, Louise Spiegel, and Stuart Faber kept the coalition together by calling periodic meetings of an "Appalachian Committee," an organization open to anyone who was willing to attend the meetings. The movement was at a crucial but formative stage and a number of individuals who would later provide important voluntary support for the Urban Appalachian Council were recruited into the movement. In 1970 Ernie Mynatt received a grant from the Appalachian Fund and opened the Appalachian Identity Center. Its importance was that it was the first support and advocacy program anywhere in the midwest run by urban Appalachians themselves. Ernie Mynatt directed the Center while continuing his work as a detached social worker on the streets in Over-the-Rhine. The youth attending the Appalachian Identity Center formed the Sons ~nd Daughters of Appalachia, an organization to raise consciousness and provide service to urban Appalachians living in Over-the-Rhine. The "Appalachian Committee" led by Frank Foster continued to meet, and in the Fall of 1972 became a subcommittee of the Cincinnati Human Relations Commission. At the same time, Louise Spiegel formed an Appalachian research committee, also under the sponsorship of the Cincinnati Human Relations Commission. Mike Maloney, having completed his studies, returned to Cincinnati and was hired by the Cincinnati Human Relations Commission with support from the PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EFHNIC GROUP (7 �Appalachian Fund to staff the Appalachian Committee of the Cincinnati Human Relations Commission. In December, 1972 the Appalachian Committee opened an outreach office on Vine Street just at the southern edge of the Over-the-Rhine neighborhood. Katie Brown became the first volunteer worker for the committee. Serving as secretary several days a week, she was instrumental in developing the Appalachian Committee's library and in forming a Miner's Benefit Program. Seemingly unrelated, but of equal importance, was the city's first Appalachian Festival, sponsored in 1972 by the Junior League of Cincinnati under the leadership of Diane Williams. The Appalachian Festival grew to become a major Appalachian cultural activity. Funds generated by the Festival have supported many activities on behalf of urban Appalachians. In the spring of 1973 the Heritage Room was founded by the Appalachian Committee at Washington Park School and in the summer the first urban Appalachian women's organization, the Appalachian Women's Organization was formed. Through the efforts of Mike Maloney, the City of Cincinnati agreed to include Appalachians in its Affirmative Action policy statement. This was an important accomplishment since it was the first official recognition of Appalachians as a legitimate minority population. By early 1974, the Appalachian Committee had grown in size and influence to the point where it could stand as an independent organization. In February, the Committee assumed the charter of the Appalachian Identity Center, expanded its Board membership, and became the Urban Appalachian Council (UAC). The new organization continued to carry out the programs developed by the Appalachian Committee and the Identity Center. Initial financial support came from the Cincinnati Human Relations Commission, the Appalachian Fund, the Greater Cincinnati Foundation, and the Community Commitment Foundation. The objectives of the Urban Appalachian Council were to: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. establish a program of research to document the needs and problems of Appalachians in Cincinnati and the gaps in services and other resources; formalize a structure for helping urban professional workers to become more sensitive to the needs of Appalachians; use documented evidence and other resources to urge policymaking officials and administrators to make changes in their programs in order to better serve Appalachians and others; improve the urban migrants' self-image and to attack stereotypes by establishing programs to help Appalachians establish their culture; promote efforts to organize Appalachian neighborhoods; establish a resource center which would make both cultural and social planning information on mountain migrants accessible; and establish programs at local universities that would make university resources and greater community resources available to Appalachians and other people on campus (Urban Appalachian Council, 1979). The mid-1970's must be considered a period of great success and accomplishment 8) PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP �for the urban Appalachian movement. UAC Executive Director Mike Maloney published the Social Areas of Cincinnati Report in 1974, which had significant influence on the planning done by human service agencies in Cincinnati (Maloney 1974). A new Appalachian Heritage Room designed to serve the community was established across the street from Washington Park School. Under the sponsorship of the Battelle Institute, the first national research conference on urban Appalachians was held in Columbus, Ohio. In 1975, the Appalachian Community Development Association was formed to assume "community control" of the Appalachian Festival. In July, 1975, the first of three summer institutes on urban Appalachians co-sponsored by the University of Cincinnati and UAC was funded by the Ohio Board of Regents. Also in the summer of 1975, Larry Reddin was hired as the first UAC worker to work in the Camp Washington and Northside neighborhoods. The following year, Mountain Life and Work (1976) devoted a special issue to urban Appalachians by highlighting the work of UAC. By 1976, the Urban Appalachian Council had become a full-fledged service and advocacy agency for Appalachians in Cincinnati. The Cincinnati Human Relations Commission had ceased providing financial support for the Director's salary, and UAC developed a purchase of services agreement with the Cincinnati Community Chest. The Council also started to diversify its efforts by extending its focus to several neighborhoods in addition to Over-the-Rhine. Although the attempts at community organizing outside of the Over-the-Rhine area were a natural step in the progress of the UAC, the efforts caused clouds on the horizon that foretold the storm that was coming. Expansion of the urban Appalachian movement caused two issues to arise. One was related to an original goal of the United Appalachians of Cincinnati, "to promote the self-awareness and self-identity" of Appalachians in Cincinnati. This identity model was central to the history and philosophy of the urban Appalachian movement. Many people involved in the work in the 1960's had been trained by Ernie Mynatt. Many of the early activities were supported or not supported, based on whether they were consistent with Mynatt's philosophy and methods. Several people believed the identity model, which was the basis for the Appalachian Identity Center, would not work in other communities. A second critical issue was how to involve new people, particularly non-Appalachians, in the movement. How could the newcomers share the early vision and appreciate the history of the urban Appalachian movement? How could the movement open itself to new concerns and maintain its original core of beliefs and philosophies? The community organizing projects continued to expand as programs were developed and implemented in the communities of South Fairmont and Norwood. In late 1976 and early 1977, the Council received substantial new funds and staff members through an LEAA Grant for Youth Service Training, CETA, and VISTA Programs. Further, UAC and the urban Appalachian movement in Cincinnati were growing in fame and reputation. Executive Director Mike Maloney carried the urban Appalachian concerns to the national level by testifying before a Federal Task Force. This was the first federal recognition of the urban Appalachian movement. Visits to Washington would become a regular activity for the Executive Director and staff of UAC as federal agencies and the Executive branch began to show interest in and PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (9 �support of the urban Appalachian movement. The overall strength and influence of the organization was demonstrated by the lay role UAC played in the formation of the Inner City Neighborhood Coalition. The Coalition was successful in overturning the City of Cincinnati's "triage" policy which would have withheld support and services to "dying" inner city neighborhoods. Despite the important accomplishments of the past several years and the promise of even greater achievement on behalf of urban Appalachians, the period from 1977 to 1982 was marked by internal organizational turmoil and strife. The growing rift between the community organizing and identity model proponents was compounded by the phenomenal growth of the staff and the involvement of a number of new individuals attracted to the movement. A second split involved the middle class professional Appalachians who wished to support the UAC and grassroots community residents. This "class" struggle was further exacerbated by an ideological difference between "those on the left and those on the right politically." The differences in philosophy, political views, and the organizational growing pains prompted the Executive Director to hire a consultant to bring harmony, a sense of direction and common commitment back to the movement. Even so, 1977 ended with the South Fairmont and Norwood Neighborhood organizations moving to become autonomous urban Appalachian organizations. The consultant's efforts resulted in the development and adoption of a new Long Range Plan for UAC. In adopting the new plan, the UAC Board announced that the original objectives of the Appalachian Committee had been achieved and that new directions were called for to benefit Appalachian migrants throughout the Midwest (Urban Appalachian Council, 1979). The turmoil did not subside and 1978 came to be known as the "year of the conflict." Disputes over ideology and organizational philosophy resulted in the resignation of several key staff and board members over the next two years. Some of these individuals had been a part of the movement since the old coalition preceding the formation of the Urban Appalachian Council. Several continued their work on behalf of urban Appalachians by supporting the Appalachian Festival and serving on the Appalachian Community Development Association Board of Trustees. Others left to take up new endeavors. Even with the turmoil, UAC continued to sponsor programs and extend successful efforts on behalf of Appalachian migrants. A Career Education Program was funded by CETA, a Drug Education Program was implemented, and the Urban Appalachian movement achieved recognition as a viable social movement supported by a number of agencies and organizations at the federal, state and local levels. In 1981, two major books on urban Appalachians, both the outgrowth of UAC research efforts, were published. (Philliber and McCoy, 1981; Philliber, 1981). By 1982, however, the internal dissention and fluctuating patterns of the funding brought the organization to near collapse. The CETA and VISTA grants had been reduced and the Community Chest was threatening to discontinue its support. Mike Maloney resigned as Executive Director, along with several board members. The individual hired to replace Maloney did not complete a probationary period and was replaced by Maureen Sullivan, a former president of the UCA Board. Shortly after Sullivan's appointment, the board decided to end all CET NJTP A funding. At the same time, although unrelated to the problems, the Identity Center was closed. The 1983 to 1985 period is one characterized as a return to "original values." 10) PART!: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHNIC GROUP �Under Sullivan, the board and staff were reorganized and attempts were made to reestablish several programs. Ties were developed with community schools in urban Appalachian communities and a Client Advocate program begun. The reorganized UAC had regained credibility in the community and the Community Chest and City Council moved to reinstate funding. The Urban Appalachian Council serves today as the centerpiece of an organizational network that includes several "storefront" educational centers, neighborhoodbased social service centers, and two inner-city identity centers. In cooperation with the Urban Office of the Appalachian People's Service Organization and a community organizing agency called Working in Neighborhoods, the Urban Appalachian Council sponsors the Appalachian Issues Network, a coalition of five low-income Appalachian neighborhoods. Through its Frank Foster Library on Appalachian Migrants and its staff and volunteer resources, UAC sponsors or supports a broad variety of cultural activities, such as neighborhood festivals and workshops for teachers, church leaders, and all types of professional workers. UAC maintains ties with other rural and urban Appalachian organizations through its relationship with such organizations as the Appalachian Development Projects Assembly of the Commission on Religion in Appalachia, the Council of the Southern Mountains, and the Appalachian Alliance. Perhaps the greatest success of the urban Appalachian identity movement spearheaded by UAC is illustrated by this volume. UAC Research Committee members or former members have participated in the Appalachian Studies Conference and in conferences in the various disciplines, such as regional and national conferences of sociologists and anthropologists. UAC's research and cultural activities have made Cincinnati a major center of the larger Appalachian movement. Its success in empowering of the poor through community organization and in developing a positive Appalachian identity has, to a certain extent, been replicated in other Ohio cities such as Dayton, Hamilton, Columbus, and Cleveland. Dayton, Ohio is the second most important center of Appalachian cultural and political activity. Our Common Heritage (OCH) was founded in Dayton as The Kentucky Mountain Club. Our Common Heritage, like UAC, has sponsored citywide cultural events, has been effective in advocacy, and has multiplied its efforts through spinoff organizations and influence on other agencies. Partially through the efforts of OCH, Dayton has also become a major center of Appalachian culture. Much of that cultural activi~y is promoted by OCH "spinoffs," the 1500-member OhioKentucky-Indiana Bluegrass Association and City Folk, a multi-ethnic arts organization. The Hamilton (Ohio) Appalachian People's Service Organization (HAPSO) owns its own building and operates a program of community organization, advocacy, cultural affirmation, and service, primarily in the North End. HAPSO received national press covemge for its successful efforts to force cleanup of the Chem-Dyne industrial site, a major hazardous waste site in the middle of the city. Like UAC and OCH, HAPSO also sponsors cultuml programs such as arts and crafts festivals. In Columbus, Ohio, the Central Ohio Appalachian Council flourished briefly around 1976 and 1977. It failed through the inability of initial leadership, primarily professional, to agree on goals and methods, and its demise was a severe setback to PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (11 �UAC's effort to promote a statewide network. While it functioned, this organization illustrated the importance of having an organization in the state capitol. The initiative for legislative action to form an Ohio State Appalachian Commission came from the Central Ohio group. From about 1970 to 1972, Appalachians in Cleveland were organized by the Appalachian Action Council, which helped establish the first urban Appalachian library. It folded when its leaders withdrew because they felt that United Way and university-based professionals had taken over the organization. When one reviews the thirty-year history of the urban Appalachian movement, one cannot but be impressed. Appalachians in Cincinnati, with the help of many allies, successfully organized an urban social movement which has become a positive force in the life of the Greater Cincinnati community. The movement has a significant record of accomplishment and there has been a true gain in the quality of life for many Appalachian migrants living in Cincinnati and other urban areas. But at the same time there is a nagging sense of work undone, and that there are too few tomorrows left in which to do it. There is a need to renew efforts and restore to the movement the commitment of the individuals who worked so diligently in the 1950's, 1960's and 1970's. In many urban neighborhoods, Appalachian migrants continue to be displaced persons. Their children, having lost faith in themselves and respect for their heritage, are seeking a life in the streets. Honesty, independence, pride, and a sense of place, the essence of Appalachian heritage, are being lost to the hard, grabwhat-you-can, values of the city. By the turn of the century, another generation of urban Appalachians will have grown up in the streets resenting their heritage and the city that destroyed it. Perhaps their ability to survive in the urban community will be greater than their parents', but they will have paid a high price. They will have lost their heritage; a loss that affects all of society. 12) PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHNIC GROUP �A DECADE IN REVIEW The Development of the Ethnic Model in Urban Appalachian Studies The purpose of this paper is to review the principal developments in research relating to urban Appalachians since 1974, when the first national conference on urban Appalachians was held in Columbus, Ohio. In the spring of 1974 a national conference on urban Appalachians was sponsored by the Academy for Contemporary Problems in Columbus, Ohio. The primary purpose of that conference was to bring together and focus the existing body of information on urban Appalachians. Grace Leybourne and Roscoe Giffin had done early research in Cincinnati, and James Brown of the University of Kentucky had collected facts and developed a theory concerning "the Great Migration." In 1971, Brown and his associates had published the landmark Mountain Families in Transition. Clyde McCoy, Gary Fowler, Larry Morgan, Brady Deaton, Kurt Anschell, and other students and colleagues of Brown's published research regarding Appalachian migration and adjustment. In a project commissioned by the Office of Economic Opportunity, Abt Associates had published its findings on the causes of rural-to-urban migration among the poor. Robert Coles had written vivid descriptions of Appalachian migrants in The South Goes North. Griffm and Hollander had published Uptown: Poor Whites in Chicago. Mountain Life and Work and People's Appalachia had published special issues on urban Appalachians. From the Appalachian Committee office and the Cincinnati Human Relations Commission came The Social Areas of Cincinnati, which introduced the neighborhood and census tract as units of analysis to students of urban Appalachians. Thomas Wagner's dissertation study focused on the plight of Appalachians in the public schools. Staff members of the Urban Appalachian Council and faculty members from the University of Cincinnati and Northern Kentucky University began a series of working papers, which focused on school and neighborhood issues or analyzed special census-bureau data on 1965-1970 migrants to the Cincinnati metropolitan area. PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHNIC GROUP ( 13 �Much of this work (and some not mentioned here) is summarized in The Invisible Mirwrity, which grew out of the Columbus conference. In the concluding chapter of The Invisible Mirwrity, this author summarized the state of knowledge in 1974 and the need for further research as follows: The conclusion is that we still do not know all that we need to know. Most of our data in these studies are based on surveys of recent migrants. The peak period of Appalachian migration was the 1940's and the early 1950's. We still lack a comprehensive survey that includes the people who migrated before 1955 and their descendants. I am convinced that when such data become available, they will show that a large percentage of first- and second-generation Appalachians still live in central-city lowstatus areas and that, in some cases, the status of the second generation will be lower than that of the first generation. Another important characteristic of the needed studies should be that they compare Appalachians to other groups. A base of information is being developed for instance, showing that the status of Cincinnati's white Appalachian population is comparable to that of the black population. (Maloney, 1981:171) Another challenge to future research was posed in Phillip Obermiller's article in The Invisible Mirwrity: We must begin to look at Appalachian success patterns and social competence, and not just the social disorganization that is present within some segments of the Appalachian community. . .We should begin therefore to examine those instances in which the system has been exploited by Appalachians, and look for patterns of success which can be reinforced by policy and planning decisions. Research. . . should take into consideration the concept of neighborhood ... Information is urgently needed on the present situation of the Appalachian family. (Obermiller, 1981:18) In their article "Stereotypes of Appalachian Migrants," McCoy and Watkins, (1981) issue a similar call to rid ourselves of "an unbalanced and distorted image," which emphasizes the evils of the city and projects a view of all Appalachian migrants as "maladjusted and malcontented." They suggest that research be directed toward replacing these "mythical" images with facts and role models that permit the development of a positive Appalachian identity. We can summarize the concern of the contributors to The Invisible Mirwrity in this way: that exclusive focus on the social problems of urban Appalachians would lead to blaming the victim and to policies and plans that ignore the self-help capacity of family, church, and neighborhood, and to continued projection onto Appalachians and others of a negative image lacking in positive role models. In the opposite direction, some contributors were concerned that continued reliance on census data on recent migrants would paint such a rosy picture that the realities of poverty and related social conditions would be ignored. 14) PARI 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP �The Development of Urban Appalachian Research: 1975-1984 Urban Appalachian research responded, at least in part, to the challenges issued in The Invisible Minority. Multigenerational research has been conducted in Cincinnati, though not in other cities. Researchers and practitioners have been ·more careful to emphasize the achievements of the majority of Appalachians, who are employed and have a relatively stable family and community life. Research on the family, neighborhood, church, and other social institutions has made steady progress though few ethnographies have been produced. Research and popular writing oriented toward positive Appalachian identity and role models is very limited. An annotated bibliography of research on urban Appalachians distributed by the Urban Appalachian Council enables us to make some generalizations about the scope and extent of research during the past decade. Of a total of 172 entries in the UAC bibliography, 77 have publication dates later than March 1974. These include two hardbound books and several articles in hardbound anthologies, several softbound books, nine Ph.D. dissertations, one Congressional report, several special issues of magazines, and a broad array of working papers, research bulletins, and other types of publication. Although more publications still focus on Cincinnati than on any other city, the geographic range is gradually broadening. Studies now exist that focus on Northern Kentucky, Clermont County, Hamilton, Dayton, Columbus, Akron, Cleveland, Toledo, Chicago, Lexington, and Baltimore. The topics covered include various aspects of migration (6), culture (6), education (8), family (3), neighborhood (3), women (4), policy (4), health (3), religion (3), stereotypes (3), ethnicity (8), poverty (3), housing (1), the elderly (1), youth (1), black Appalachians (2), and demographic studies (9). These classifications are somewhat misleading; more than six publications focused on culture, for example, but some are not counted because they have some other primary classification. Even so, these statistics indicate some general trends. Demographic studies, ethnicity, education, migration, and culture received more attention than housing, youth, and the elderly. Women's studies are emerging, and return migration is still a relatively undeveloped field of study. The First Multigenerational Study In 1975 the Cincinnati Area Project completed the first multigenerational survey research on urban Appalachians. In the succeeding nine years, the Urban Appalachian Council has made substantial use of the results of this study in its advocacy work. Since 1981, the full study has been available in a hardbound book, Appalachian Migrants in Urban America, by William Philliber. Philliber's study provided answers to a broad array of questions, and in doing so it compared first- with second-generation Appalachians and white Appalachians with blacks, white natives, and migrants from other areas. The results addressed those who were concerned about the perpetuation of the poverty stereotype as well as those who were concerned that the realities of poverty, socioeconomic status, and individual and community health were underplayed. PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO El'HNIC GROUP ( 15 �The true picture was mixed. As this author had predicted, the Philliber study showed a substantial rate of downward mobility among second-generation Appalachians. The study also concluded that social participation tended to be limited to labor unions, that most Appalachians in Hamilton County were employed in semiskilled or unskilled jobs, and that Appalachians lagged behind white native Cincinnatians in educational and occupational attainments. Philliber concluded that Appalachians have low levels of attainment in education, occupation, and income not because their cultural values and family structure are unadaptable to the urban environment, but because they belong to families of lower socioeconomic status, come from rural areas, and value traditionalism, all of which result in fewer years of educational attainment. Fewer years of education combined with lower (SES) family origins and rural backgrounds, in turn result in lower occupational attainment plus the fact that wives are less likely to participate in the labor force result in lower family income. (Philliber, 1981:87) Philliber challenges the poverty stereotype and the victim-blaming approach with his conclusion that Appalachians are heavily suburbanized and that their values are not radically different from other groups. His research has effectively countered the belief that all Appalachians are clustered in inner-city "ports of entry" and are trapped in a cultural system that causes failure. In opposition to the welfare-malingerer stereotype, he found that only 20 percent of the sample were currently on welfare and that 55 percent had never received welfare. In the area of physical and mental health Philliber found that Appalachians suffer more from family difficulties and personal stress than other white groups. He also found that Appalachians, unlike blacks, have a tendency to blame themselves rather than society for their problems. Appalachians as an Urban Ethnic Group In answer to the question, "Are Appalachians in Cincinnati an ethnic group?," Philliber concluded that Appalachians are an ethnic group in Cincinnati; they meet seven of eight major criteria for being considered an ethnic group, and lack only a unique culture. He proposes a theory that attributes to the way they have been stereotyped and denied opportunnity for advancement. Phillip Obermiller's contribution to the question of urban Appalachians as an ethnic group began with an article in Appalachian Journal (5:1, Autumn, 1977). He reviewed various definitions of ethnicity and various authors' views of Appalachian ethnicity. Obermiller concluded that there is a case, though inconclusive, for considering urban Appalachians an ethnic group. His subsequent research has tended to emphasize class over ethnicity. One of the studies reviewed in Obermiller's 1977 article was conducted by Tommie Miller (1976) among Appalachians and non-Appalachians in Norwood, Ohio. Like Philliber's 1975 study, the Miller study included first- and second-generation Appalachians. Miller concluded that others' identification of Appalachians as an ethnic group was stronger than Appalachian self-identification. Obermiller asked whether 16) PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHNIC GROUP �standard sociological techniques were adequate to address the question, and both Miller and Philliber stressed the need for further study. Obermiller called for the use of both value-expressive and psychological indicators in such research (Obermiller, 1981:1718). Martin Marger (1981) offers an implicit explanation of why the question of Appalachian ethnicity has received more attention in urban than in rural Appalachian studies. "... Ethnic group formation in the United States and other modem societies is a uniquely urban phenomenon (emphasis ours), particularly as a result of voluntary migration." Marger's central concept is that ethnicity is an "emergent" phenomenon. It can take various forms, can be created deliberately under certain ecological and political conditions, and can be weak or strong. Ethnicity, he believes, can be strong in some members of the group and weak in others. There is no clearcut path to ethnicity but the changing political and ecological forces best explain Appalachian ethnicity and will provide the sources of its political evolution. If Marger is correct, we should not conclude summarily that urban Appalachians are ethnic or not ethnic; rather, we should ask whether they are in the process of becoming an ethnic group and, if so, in what individuals or subgroups this movement is most advanced. For urban Appalachian scholars, the question of ethnicity amounts to this: What conceptual framework do we use in studying urban Appalachians: ethnicity, race, or class? The concept of "poor whites" implies both race and class, while the concept of "working class" could imply an approach across racial and ethnic lines. The concept of "Appalachian" ethnicity has been used for a combination of pragmatic and philosophical reasons too complex to discuss here, and the concept of "minority group" has also been used by Appalachian advocates. Unfortunately, the idea of minority-group status is often confused by the question of ethnicity. The developments in research described in this paper have taken place, for the most part, without major government or foundation support. The scholars, practitioners, and community volunteers who have conducted efforts with and for urban Appalachians are to be commended for their hard work and creativity during the past decade. They have shown how scholarship and social practice can be linked in efforts to document the needs of a minority group and to develop programs to meet some of those needs. PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHNIC GROUP ( 17 �This page intentionally left blank �APPALACHIANS IN MIDWESTERN CITIES: Regionalism as a Basis of Ethnic Group Formation The purpose of this paper is to analyze the experiences of Appalachian Evidence from a migrants from the perspective of political economy theory. number of studies conducted over the past few years will be brought together to demonstrate the ability of this approach to recognize the emergence of Appalachians as an ethnic group in Midwestern cities. Political economy theories see ethnic groups forming as a reaction to discrimination from more powerful groups. When the supply of the labor force exceeds the supply of available jobs, competition for those jobs is inevitable. The more the supply of labor exceeds the supply of jobs, the greater that competition will be. In order to reduce the competition to their own advantage, more powerful groups seek to establish discrimination against less powerful groups. Discrimination ensures that members of the dominant group will be first in the choice to fill available jobs. Members of groups discriminated against fill less desirable jobs or become unemployed when the supply of jobs is exhausted. A collection of people who are labeled by others as members of a common group and discriminated against because of that identification begin to identify with one another and to develop patterns of interrelationships and behaviors which are the distinguishing marks of ethnic groups (Bonacich, 1972; Hechter, 1974; Philliber, 1981). Between 1950 and 1970 a net shift of more than three million people left the Appalachian region, most moving to cities in the Midwest (McCoy and Brown, 1981). During this period large numbers of southern blacks migrated to those same cities. But the industrial base in the region receiving large numbers of migrants had already begun to decline. The native population faced increased competition with one another because of the declining growth in jobs and further pressure from Appalachians and Southern blacks entering the Midwest in search of jobs. The situation was conducive to discrimination against Appalachians whose reaction would result in the development of a new dhnic group. PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (19 �Among the early attempts to document discrimination against Appalachian migrants was McCoy and Watkins' (1981) collection of ethnic jokes told about Appalachians in Midwestern cities. Ethnic jokes imply some negative feature about members of a group, i.e. they are seen as lazy, ignorant, shiftless, uncultured, or what have you. Jokes function to spread stereotypes and to reinforce them by emphasizing negative images about the group in question. McCoy and Watkins were able to demonstrate that Appalachians are frequently the target of ethnic jokes which are well known and often repeated among the native population in the receiving cities. Politicians and celebrities alike feel free to engage in such humor to obtain a favorable reaction from native audiences. It would appear that the number of ethnic jokes is limited since the jokes told about Appalachians are told about other ethnic groups as well. Members of dominant groups merely change the butt of the joke to whichever group they are in competition with. The humor of the dominant groups where Appalachians migrated thus establishes and supports images about the unsuitability or inherent inferiority of Appalachians. Obermiller (1982) documents the extent and nature of labeling of Appalachian migrants. He finds that the strongest negative images of Appalachians are held by middle class persons of Appalachian origin and by working class whites who are not from Appalachia. The strong negative images of Appalachians held by higher class persons of Appalachian origin suggest that many Appalachians who obtain higher status pass into the mainstream and reject an Appalachian identity. To be identified as an Appalachian could make them vulnerable to discrimination threatening the loss of their middle class status. They may maintain some interest in Appalachian artifacts by doing such things as attending festivals or collecting quilts, but they take care to separate themselves from the type of people about whom ethnic jokes are told. Working class whites who are not from Appalachia are in most direct competition with Appalachian migrants for jobs and income, and therefore stand to benefit most from discrimination against Appalachians. For that reason, they also express strong anti-Appalachian sentiment. That discrimination results against Appalachians in Midwestern cities is documented in Philliber's (1981) study of the socioeconomic attainment process of Appalachians in Cincinnati. Appalachians who had college educations and came from middle class homes did as well in the competition for jobs and income as did others. However, Appalachians without those resources did less well than either natives to the area or migrants from other places. Discrimination against Appalachians in the working class was fairly intense. College education is a scarce resource in an industrialized society; those who obtain it are often able to convert it into jobs and income irrespective of their place of origin. Those without college educations (which includes almost all Appalachians livirig in the Midwest) must compete for those jobs which remain. Philliber's data indicate that the best of those jobs go to white natives or to non-Appalachian migrants with Appalachians hired next. Whatever jobs remain are then available to blacks. When the key indicators of educational attainment, occupational status, and income are combined to form a socioeconomic index for residents in the Cincinnati area, the situation of highly stereotyped cultural and racial minorities becomes clear. Important differences exist between non-Appalachian whites, Appa20) PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP �lachians, and blacks in both the high status and the low status categories. Appalachians are almost twice as likely and blacks are over three times as likely to be of low socioeconomic status than are non-Appalachian whites. Conversely, close to half of the non-Appalachian whites are of high socioeconomic status while the same is true of less than a third of the Appalachians and only a fifth of the blacks. It is clear that in terms of schooling, work, and earnings blacks are much worse off than the other two groups. Appalachians are faring better than blacks but worse than their non-Appalachian white counterparts. Other residents of the area are significantly better off than either blacks or Appalachians (Community Chest and Council of the Cincinnati Area, 1983). Philliber goes on to demonstrate the development of patterns of association among Appalachians which isolate them further from the mainstream. They were found to live in predominantly Appalachian neighborhoods, to disproportionately choose other Appalachians as marital partners, and to associate with one another in predominantly Appalachian organizations such as fundamentalist Protestant churches. When given a choice, they did not frequently associate with people of other heritages. Finally, research findings suggest that people who moved from Appalachia identify with one another and recognize themselves as an ethnic group. Miller's (1976) study of Appalachian identification in Norwood, Ohio, found that over a third of those with Appalachian backgrounds believed that Appalachians were an ethnic group and almost as many identified themselves as members of that group. While Philliber (1983) and Obermiller (1982) found lower levels of in-group identification, Appalachian identification is found to be stronger among Appalachian migrants who are not middle class, supporting the economic basis of the emergence of Appalachian ethnicity. Theories based on cultural conflict have most often been used to explain the experiences of Appalachian migrants as well as the experiences of other minority groups. However, Philliber's study demonstrates the failure of cultural conflict explanations. In brief, his findings show that (1) cultural behaviors and values supposedly characteristic of Appalachians are not more common among Appalachians than among other groups, and (2) people who have those values and behaviors do not do less well than others in the competition for jobs and income. Appalachians were not more family oriented, more independent, more fearful of institutions, or more fatalistic. They were slightly more traditionalistic, but none of these variables were found to affect occupational or income attainment. The findings are most consistent with a political economy approach to understanding ethnic group formation. Midwestern cities have been areas where competition for jobs and income is severe. Appalachians have been stereotyped in those cities as unsuitable in comparison to native whites or white migrants from other places. The stereotypes are particularly virulent among those people who benefit most directly from discrimination against Appalachians. That such discrimination exists is demonstrated in the attainment of jobs and income: among people without college educations and middle class origins, Appalachians do not acquire jobs and income equal to other whites. Neither cultural differences nor migrant status account for this difference. The most plausible explanation is that Appalachians are excluded in order to reduce the competition for native whites. PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (21 �The reaction of working class Appalachians to this discrimination is resulting in the formation of Appalachians as an urban ethnic group. They have already established patterns of interaction which bring them together with one another and isolate them from non-Appalachians. In-group identification has developed to a level which is comparable with what is found among other ethnic groups. They are brought together not so much by common cultural bonds as by common subjection to discrimination. 22) PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EJHNIC GROUP �URBAN APPALACHIANS AND CANADIAN MARITIME MIGRANTS: Comparative Study of Emergent Ethnicity* Studies of North American ethnic groups have generally concentrated on the conditions and processes which contribute to either their endurance or decline over several immigrant generations. By contrast, little focus has been placed on their structural emergence and development. Our purpose in this paper is to investigate the processes of ethnic group formation, or what we will refer to as ethnicization, as they apply to two internal migrant groups, Appalachians in the United States and Maritimers in Canada. These two groups display key social similarities despite their distinct societal contexts and may be seen as appropriate comparative cases to shed light on the social conditions which give rise to, or impede, the development of ethnicity. In looking at the processes of ethnicization two assumptions are made. First, ethnicity is not a constant or uniform social experience either for individuals or for groups. Rather, it is a variant, processual, and emergent phenomenon and will therefore reveal itself in different forms and with varying degrees of intensity in different social settings. Several ingredients of ethnicity are fundamental, however, though variable from case to case. In- and out-group perceptions of a common origin and culture, and an institutional structure or community based on that perceived commonality, are the major components of ethnic groups as they have traditionally evolved in industrial societies. Not only is each component a variable, evident in a variety of combinations and degrees, but each may develop naturally through sociohistorical circumstances, or may be created in basically artificial form for political or economic purposes. . Second, ethnic group formation in North America is primarily an urban phenomenon, particularly among groups which emerge as a result of voluntary migration, either internal or external.l It is in the heterogeneity of the city that ethnic identity and community emerge, the products of confrontation and competition amongst a variety of groups for the society's rewards - jobs, housing, education, PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (23 �etc. Here the interaction of collectivities and individuals of varied ongms and behavioral modes leads to the development of ascriptive and voluntary identities, which in tum create in-group cohesiveness and out-group ethnic categorization. It is thus to the urban environment that we must look to investigate the processes by which ethnic groups are established and subsequently mature. We have chosen to focus on two contemporary internal migrant groups since, within their respective societies, they are cases which seem to most closely reflect the formative stages of ethnicization. Models of Ethnicization While the processes of ethnic group formation have been largely neglected in the literature, several theoretical approaches to these processes are implicit in most analyses of North American groups. The most traditional model of ethnicization assumes that migrants come to the host society with particular cultural characteristics which, as an adaptive response, are gradually modified by, and fused with, traits of the society's dominant group. Particularly in the urban environment, a hybrid (i.e., ethnic) culture evolves which becomes the attrac"tive bond around which an institutional structure is molded and sustained, and which thereby fulfills the psychological and social needs of migrants (Francis, 1976; Gordon, 1964; Handlin, 1951). The chief focus of ethnicity in this view is the collectivity's distinctive culture. A second model emphasizes the synthesis of host and immigrant group perceptions as the basis of ethnic group formation (Barth, 1969; Sarna, 1978; Shibutani and Kwan, 1965). In this view, the host or dominant group prescribes an ethnic identity to immigrants who respond with the development of an ethnic cohesiveness, partially as a protective device and partially as a means of establishing an identity within a pluralistic environment. Ethnicity is, in this view, not a particular array of culture traits, but a form of social organization, the boundaries of which are flexible in various social contexts. Perceived cultural features may disappear with little or no damage to the continuation of ethnicity (Barth, 1969; Patterson, 1975). More simply, so long as people define themselves and/or are defined by others in ethnic terms, they constitute an ethnic group. To understand the emergence of ethnicity, it is necessary to look primarily at how group identities are formed and the manner in which persons manipulate and deal with those identities. A third approach to ethnicization stresses the ecology of the urban environment which sets the foundation for the development of ethnic community and identity. The basic assumption is that ethnic groups are products of structural conditions which are linked to ecological processes (Hershberg, 1979; Taylor, 1979; Yancey et al., 1976). Rather than islands to which migrants gravitate on the basis of a common cultural heritage or the constraints of ascription and self-awareness, ethnic groups crystallize in response to fluid urban conditions such as changing industrial bases, housing, and transportation patterns. These conditions subsequently produce varying degrees of group cohesion by creating common life styles, work relationships and voluntary associations. Such cohesion in tum leads to ethnic community and identity. Ethnic collectives, in this view, are not cultural or ascriptive constraints, but emergent units, subject to different developmental patterns in a variety of ecological circumstances. 24) PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP �Finally, ethnicization, particularly in contemporary societies, has been viewed as the product of the organizational efforts of collectivities to secure a greater share of the society's rewards. Most simply, ethnic groups are political interest or solidary groups, comprised of individuals who share common economic and social concerns; and who therefore, cohere in response to competition from other groups (Bell, 1975; Cohen, 1969; Glazer and Moynihan, 1970; 1975; Lyman and Douglass, 1973). Cultural symbols, in this view, are important only as demarcating mechanisms among competing groups. None of these models is by itself sufficiently inclusive to constitute a complete explanation of ethnic group formation; rather, they are partial and complementary approaches, highlighting particular variables that must be viewed in different combinations. Despite their inter-dependence, however each model emphasizes a set of factors which may prove more vital in the developmental stages of ethnicization for particular groups which exhibit varying degrees of cultural and identificational clarity. Moreover, one or the other of them has been favored by social scientists. The latter three models have been generally preferred in recent years while the cultural model has been de-emphasized. In the remainder of this paper we will outline the social characteristics and experiences of Appalachian migrants in the United States and migrants from the Atlantic provinces in Canada, using these models as a framework in which to analyze the extent and nature of ethnic development among them. We will conclude with a discussion of some of the theoretical and empirical questions which are prompted by our comparison of the two groups and the extent to which these models are supported by our analysis. Migrant Appalachians and Maritimers The value of comparative social analysis lies in the opport.tmity to move beyond individual case studies and to hypothesize on the basis of recurrent and parallel patterns within divergent social settings. The comparative approach is of even greater utility when groups in different societies, displaying generally similar social characteristics, may be placed side by side. Migrants from the Southern Appalachian region to cities of the American Midwest and from the Atlantic provinces of Canada to cities of Ontario provide such a comparative case. Much of our description will focus specifically on migrants in the receiving communities of Cincinnati and Toronto, but patterns evident in these cities are assumed to be generally prevalent in comparable cities of the two regions. Let us briefly delineate the common characteristics and social settings of these two groups. The process of ethnic group formation necessarily begins with a migratory movement from one society or, in the case of internal migrants, from one region to another. The push-and-pull factors of migration and the regions of origin of these two groups are closely analogous. The Atlantic, or Maritime provinces of Canada -Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland - traditionally have been economically backward and depressed by comparison with other provinces.2 The region is typified by rural non-farm communities, a large proportion tied to the fishing industry. In addition to fishing, extractive industries, particularly mining and lumbering, characterize the economies of three of the four provinces. Net outPART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHNIC GROUP (25 �migration has been characteristic of the region since the late nineteenth century, prompted traditionally by the decline of small farming and the mechanization of extractive and fishing industries. For example, employment in the coal mines of Nova Scotia declined from 13,500 in 1940 to 10,000 in 1955, and to 7500 in 1959 (Dasgupta, 1975). Farming, though ordinarily of the subsistence type, has also declined, thereby channeling more people into out-migration streams. Migration streams in Canada flow primarily westward. The Atlantic provinces send their out-migrants principally to Ontario, by-passing the adjacent province of Quebec (George, 1970; Stone, 1969). In the post-World War II era, Ontario has been the industrial heartland of Canada, thus offering the most job opportunities for relatively low-skilled workers. Though net out-migration from the Atlantic provinces has been evident throughout the twentieth century (McDonald, 1968; Levitt, 1960; Stone, 1969), it reached its peak in the early 1960's. This movement coincides with markedly high unemployment rates in the region during these years. The Southern Appalachian region includes the mountainous portions of Alabama, Georgia, Tennessee, North Carolina, Kentucky, Virginia, and all of West Virginia. Extractive industries, specifically coal mining, have been the region's chief economic base, although some textile manufacturing, timbering and farming can also be found. The forces impelling out-migration from the Southern Appalachian region of the U.S. are similar to those affecting migration from the Atlantic provinces of Canada. Push factors include the residual effects of the Great Depression and World War II. Between 1940 and 1970, the Southern Appalachian region lost over three million persons through net out-migration; half of this loss occurred during the period between 1950 and 1960 (McCoy and Brown, 1981). Of the top fifteen receiving cities for Appalachian migrants between 1955 and 1960, six were major midwestern metropolises such as Cincinnati. In short, out-migration from Appalachia and the Atlantic provinces has followed the customary pattern of most migratory movements: a surplus population in an economically depressed area seeks ecomonic betterment through migration to a society or region which promises improved conditions. In addition to the similarity of migration and region of origin, both groups display strikingly similar characteristics of age, race, religion, language, and social class. Both migrant populations are relatively young (Levitt, 1960; Brown and Hillery, 1962), heavily Protestant (Steeves, 1964; Brewer, 1962), white and English-speaking.3 As to social class, the majority of both Appalachians and Maritimers are working class, specifically unskilled or semi-skilled blue-collar workers. Educationally, both migrant groups are below the national and state (for Maritimers, provincial) averages (Steeves, 1964, Wagner 1973). The general class profile of the Appalachian migrant to Cincinnati and the Maritime migrant to Toronto is an under-educated, unskilled blue-collar worker. Once they enter the urban environment, Appalachian and Maritime migrants may be further subdivided into two class elements. One comprises those individuals who make a rapid adjustment to the city, fmd steady employment, establish residence in a working-class suburban community and are quietly absorbed into the dominant 26) PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP �group. The other subset is comprised of those who do not fmd stable work, remain in low-income, transitional neighborhoods and eventually come to the attention of welfare, police, and other community agencies, and, ultimately, the community at large. It is the latter element of the migrant that becomes the referent of negative group stereotypes and out-group recognition in general. Emergent Ethnicity Within the Two Groups THE CULTURAL MODEL Both Maritimers in Toronto and Appalachians in Cincinnati bring elements of a common regional culture to the city, but elements which in toto do not sharply set them off from other groups. The parameters of Appalachian culture have been widely discussed (Billings, 1974; Erickson, 1976; Fischer, 1983; Ford, 1962; Philliber, 1981), but many of its outstanding features are characteristic of a wide spectrum of American social groups, and are commonly attributed to working and lower-class groups in genera1.4 Similarly, Maritimers lack culture traits sufficiently different to set them apart from the dominant Anglo-Saxon group in Toronto. Their lack of cultural distinctness has impeded the development of ethnic community for both groups. Breton (1964) posits that when an ethnic group displays great differences from the host community, institutional self-sufficiency is likely to develop within the group. Ethnic communities may range from those which are institutionally complete, wherein individuals need make no use of the host society's institutions, to those which are almost entirely institutionally incomplete, wherein the network of interpersonal relations is almost totally within the context of the host society. Both urban Appalachians and Maritimers presently seem very close to the latter extreme. Almost all needs of social life are met primarily within and through institutions of the host or dominant group. For both groups, then, the cultural factor appears to be a weak component in the emergence of ethnicity. THE ETHNIC BOUNDARY MODEL At present, there is lacking any solid data base through which the extent of ethnic self-perception among Maritimers in Toronto might be deduced. We may reasonably conclude, however, that, given their relatively weak institutional structure and lack of political mobilization, such group awareness remains slightS Among urban Appalachians, ethnic identity has been little studied, but a few preliminary investigations indicate a relatively weak ethnic self-perception (Miller, 1976; Obermiller, 1982; Philliber, 1981; Traina, 1980). Organizations in the city with an explicit Appalachian self-consciousness are small and relatively few in number, given the size of the Appalachian population in the metropolitan area. The development and maintenance of ethnic boundaries, however, are not simply dependent on individual choice but also, and perhaps more fundamentally, on out-group perception and categorization. The extent of out-group identification of Maritimers in Toronto is largely unmeasured, but there is at least some evidence to confirm the application of negative stereotypes. This is particularly the case for Newfoundlanders, though migrants from the Atlantic provinces are frequently viewed in the aggregate. This largely negative "Newfle" stereotype is prevalent among Canadians generally (Anderson and Frideres, 1981). Indeed, "Newfie" jokes, suggesting the innate lack of intelligence of Newfoundlanders, PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHNIC GROUP (27 �constitute a common fonn of Canadian ethnic humor. Out-group recognition of Appalachians in Cincinnati is primarily of two types. Positive aspects of Appalachian life are presented on a city-wide basis by acceptance of Appalachian culture. However, negative stereotypes of Appalachians abound in the media, popular and scholarly literature, in various marketing devices, and in the common lore of the city (McCoy and Watkins, 1981). While the emblematic term "Appalachian" is not widely used or accepted, stigmatic epithets such as "hillbilly," "briar-hopper," and "ridgerunner" are frequently used to label anyone speaking with a southern accent. THE ECOLOGICAL MODEL While the cultural and ethnic boundary models of ethnicization seem to yield only fractional manifestations of emergent ethnicity among either urban Appalachians or Maritimers, urban ecological patterns provide more substantial evidence of ethnic group fonnation, particularly for Appalachians. While Atlantic migrants in Toronto and other Ontario cities collectively occupy mainly lower-level blue collar positions, they are not concentrated exclusively, or even generally, in any particular industry. Their position in the occupational hierarchy is shared with members of first-generation European, Asian, and West Indian immigrant groups in the city. As well, the relatively diversified industrial base of Toronto makes for a dispersal of blue-collar workers in many industries. Urban Appalachians in Cincinnati and other cities of the lower Midwest, by contrast, are more clearly concentrated in particular industries requiring large semiand unskilled labor forces, such as automobile production. These have traditionally served as prime occupational areas for migrant Appalachians since large-scale inmigration began in the 1940's. Moreover, in Cincinnati, the chief rivals for such jobs are not first-, or even, second-, generation immigrants, but blacks, who represent another internal migrant group, one even less skilled and traditionally subject to more customary and institutionalized discrimination (Philliber and Obermiller 1982). Patterns of residential clustering are also clear for Appalachians in Cincinnati, and moderately evident for Maritimers in Toronto. Residential clustering among Appalachians well into the second migrant generation in Cincinnati and other Midwestern cities has been well documented (Davies and Fowler, 1972; Fowler and Davies, 1972; Henderson, 1966; Hyland, 1970; Killian, 1970; McKee and Obenniller, 1978; Peterson et al., 1977; Schwarzweller et al, 1971). Their concentration in lowskilled occupations has created Appalachian working-class enclaves in Cincinnati and its surrounding area where large manufacturing industries are located. Appalachian patterns of residence in the city are thus the product not simply of social congruity but of urban ecology (Philliber, 1981). In this, Appalachians have followed patterns not unlike those of earlier immigrant groups in American cities (Hershberg, 1979; Ward, 1971). In Toronto, city-wide surveys, census data and other municipal records do not include items concerning province of origin. As a result, patterns of residence for migrant Maritimers are undocumented. Moreover, since they are English-speaking, Maritimers are not identifiable by mother tongue as are other Toronto ethnic groups. In addition, the fact that upwardly mobile maritimers are quickly and silently absorbed into the dominant group makes it difficult to ascertain the residential patterns of this grouping. Nonetheless, certain areas of metropolitan Toronto are recognized for their sizable element of Maritimers. Basically, two types of residential areas are evident. 28) PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ErHNIC GROUP �One comprises the central city transitional zones which serve as port-of-entry for most, but which are relatively quickly abandoned by those who acquire steady employment Some do remain, however, but share these areas with the lower-class segment of other urban groups. The other type is the working-class suburb which contains the bulk of Toronto's heavier manufacturing enterprises. THE POLITICAL MODEL Although the potential for political ethnicity seems to be in place for both urban Appalachians and Maritimers, in neither case has this potential been tapped to any significant degree. In the case of urban Appalachians, an incipient ethnic movement arose as part of the urban welfare and civil rights activism of the 1960's (Maloney, 1979), but it did not display the growth of other ethnic advocacy movements which evolved during that period. A few groups at the community level have continued to pursue issues relevant to the status and recognition of Appalachians in the urban area (Maloney, 1979; Neely, 1979), but their impact has not been of major proportions. Most importantly, urban Appalachians have not yet developed into a clear-cut political force, able to exert significant influence in local elections. Moreover, political leaders have not made strong efforts to court this group, despite its sizable electoral potential in Cincinnati and several other cities of the region. At best, urban Appalachians have acquired a minimal degree of recognition as a distinct constituency by government agencies and private support groups. Maritimers in Toronto have displayed an even less obvious political presence. No appeals to this group on the part of political leaders have been made, and even welfare and educational institutions have not seen fit to create programs aimed exclusively at Maritimers. Rather, social services and programs have been rendered under the umbrella of general community services. Combined with their lack of cultural distinctness, the relatively dispersed residential pattern of the Atlantic migrants in Toronto restrains political leaders from dealing with them as a separate client group. In a sense, Maritimers have been lost in the extremely variegated ethnic mosaic of post-World War II Toronto. During this period, the city has served as one of the major points of destination for European immigrants, and much of the metropolitan area's substantial growth is attributable to foreign immigration. As a result, Toronto politicians, educators and social service agencies have been preoccupied in the past twenty years with European and, to a lesser extent, Asian and West Indian immigrant groups. These are the groups in Toronto which have displayed clear patterns of residential clustering. This has not been the case in Cincinnati where large European ethnic communities have ceased to typify the general populace. The relatively substantial black community (one-third of the city's populace), however, has served in a somewhat similar manner to camouflage Appalachians from political leaders and social service agencies. Just as policy makers and opinion leaders in Toronto have focused their attention on more visible groups, those in Cincinnati have focused on the black community. Discussion Our description of Appalachian migrants in Cincinnati and Atlantic migrants in Toronto indicates that the emergence of ethnicity for either group is not firm or even entirely visible. Indeed, it might be argued that it is premature to speak PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EJHNIC GROUP (29 �in ethnic terms of groupings that lack readily distinguishable culture or physical traits, that have a minimal sense of corporate self-awareness, that have developed only the most primitive of institutional structures and that have not yet engaged seriously in collective political action. We would argue, however, that the process of ethnicization has begun for both groups to the extent that 1) each has become ·distinguishable on the basis of perceived group differences which have given rise to the development of out-group stereotyping, and 2) both have displayed ecological characteristics somewhat similar to those of older, solidly established urban ethnic groups that should naturally engender further group cohesiveness and an awareness of commonality of fate. In short, certain key factors are in place for these two groups which appear critical in the ethnicization process. At the same time, however, the prognosis for the furtherance of ethnic group development among both urban Appalachians and Maritimers suggests a movement limited in scope and degree. We would assert that this is attributable primarily to these groups lack of visibility-either cultural or phenotypical-which in tum induces mobilization and the pursuit of group interests along class, rather than ethnic, lines. The potentialities for a more complete ethnicity for either of these groups cannot lie in the engendering of group awareness based on culture, as has been the case most commonly for urban immigrant groups. Nor can the discrimination arising from physical distinction lead to a more advanced level of institutional completeness, as has been the experience of blacks and other racially-defmed groups in the United States (Taylor, 1979). Given their lack of strong cultural or physical features, more advanced ethnicization for Appalachians and Maritimers lies in one or more of the following paths: 1) the strengthening of out-group recognition through the deliberate promotion and amplification of those group features already prominent; 2) the stabilization of ecological patterns; or 3) the formation of these groupings into political interest groups, or what Gamson (1968:36) calls solidary groups, that is, collections of individuals "who think in terms of the effect of political decisions on the aggregate and feel that they are in some way personally affected by what happens to the aggregate." All of these possible courses, however, are strongly influenced by the factor of absence of visibility. As a result, class interests, community and identity tend to supersede ethnic interests, community and identity. Out-group identification, we have concluded, is well established for urban Appalachians and somewhat less so for Maritime migrants. But upward class mobility for individual members of these groups spells the demise of out-group recognition, and hence the diminishment of in-group awareness and community based on ethnic features. Since their major culture traits are already those of the dominant group, and they are not physically distinct, cultural and structural assimilation are rendered meaningless for these groups. For them, assimilation is more accurately a class, rather than an ethnic, phenomenon. Upward class mobility is a movement "up and out" instead of "up within," as is the case for the first two generations of culturally defined groups, or for an indefinite number of generations of racially-defined groups. Likewise, given their relative lack of dissimilarity to the dominant group, ecological patterns for these groups are more critically a function of class differences, 30) PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP �not ethnic consolidation. While cultural and physical dissimilarities may explain a great part of the residential segregation of other urban groups (see Darroch and Marston, 1971), as well as their concentration in particular occupational areas, for the most part they cannot account for the residential and occupational patterns of urban Appalachians or Maritimers. Political development for these groups is also very much a function of class rather than ethnic interests. This is based on both external as well as internal perceptions of political interest. Since the majority of both groups remain well ensconced in the lower echelons of the working class, efforts at political mobilization must be directed primarily to this subset of the larger group. Lacking cultural or physical distinctness, these groups' ethnic interests are apt to be dismissed by external political leaders and bureaucracies who place them into more inclusive class categories (e.g., "working class" or "urban poor"). Failure to gain recognition as an ethnic unit by political elites and agencies further detracts from the creation of collective group awareness. Internally, ethnic political mobilization requires a kind of artificially created ethnicity, based on the perception of political benefits to be derived from such a group membership. Because of weak group visibility, class interests easily displace potential ethnic interests. For both class segments of these groups - those who are regularly employed and those who are chronically under or unemployed - there is little compulsion to organize politically or to perceive community issues along ethnic lines; for them, political benefits are dispensed through comprehensive class interest groups such as labor unions or social welfare organizations. For both urban Appalachians and Maritimers an ethnically-based political movement is not likely to be attractive since its purposes cannot speak to either their economic needs or their problems of self-definition.6 Patterson's (1975) principle of "optimization of interest" seems appropriate to both groups. He maintains that individuals will be most intensely involved with that allegiance which is in their own best social and economic interests. Thus, where ethnicity yields a payoff, it will be stressed over class, though where the two are in conflict, class will always take precedence. In short, class interests determine the strength of ethnicity. In the case of both urban Appalachians and Maritimers, there is insufficient incentive to identify and to mobilize along ethnic rather than class lines; political action thus turns on class, not ethnic, cleavages. The two cases we have analyzed suggest that a group's cultural and/or physical visibility is vital to the development of ethnicity; where either is lacking, ethnicity can emerge only to a limited level. Given a group's marginal perceptibility in the host society, it cannot be expected to move far beyond what Yinger (1976) has called "stereotyped" ethnicity. In such cases, there is some degree of social definition of the group in ethnic terms, but other aspects of ethnicity are essentially lacking. Class definitions of group members - both self and other - pre-empt ethnic definitions. At best, such groupings may be viewed as ethnic categories rather than ethnic collectiveness or groups (Cohen, 1969; McKay and Lewins, 1978; Williams, 1979). It may be hypothesized, then, that in cases where groups lack salient cultural or physical distinctness from the dominant group, class factors supersede ethnic factors in political mobilization, ecological patterns and, to a lesser extent, group identification. Our analysis also suggests that ethnic group boundaries are not totally flexible. PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (31 �Structuralists have argued that ethnicity is a reactive phenomenon in which group boundaries emerge in response to institutional discrimination or to negative stereotyping by out-groups. Our study suggests that factors of cultural commonality and/or physical visibility are nonetheless vital to such boundary establishment. Conceptualizations of the ethnic group which depend essentially on self- and otheridentification or on the establishment of favorable ecological or political conditions are inadequate without the antecedent of a perceived common culture or physical distinction upon which some conception and consciousness of a distinction upon which those identifications and conditions are based. The experience of Appalachians and Maritimers in the urban environment supports van der Berghe's (1978:xvii) assertion that "there can be no ethnicity (or race) without some conception and consciousness of a distinction between 'them' and 'us'. But these subjective perceptions do not develop at random; they crystallize around clusters of objective characteristics that become badges of inclusion or exclusion." Although ethnic boundaries are flexible and may be essentially artificial creations of socialpsychological, ecological, or political circumstances, they are nonetheless necessarily founded on a cultural and/or physical basis. There must be a perceived commonality on the part of both in-group and out-group to engender ethnic identity and community. Such a feeling of oneness ordinarily derives from the perception of a unique cultural heritage or common phenotypic traits. NOTES * Reprinted from lnternatiorud Jourrud of Comparative Sociology, 24:229-43. 1. Relatively isolated rural ethnic groups in the U.S., notably Scandinavians, as well as self-contained groups such as the Amish, are what Francis (1976) calls "primary ethnic groups." In these groups, the basic social needs of members are satisfied almost totally without direct participation in the host society. The very opposite conditions obtain for urban immigrant groups. 2. The original Maritime provinces are Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Edward Island. Newfoundland did not enter the Canadian confederation Since then, the four eastern provinces have generally been referred Atlantic or Maritime provinces. Our references to Atlantic migrants or are synonymous. 3. There are segments of Brunswick, where they constitute about 30 percent of the population, are French-speaking groups of any numerical significance. Because they settle mainly in Quebec rather than Ontario, Francophone migrants will not enter into our analysis. Indians, Inuit, and, in Nova Scotia, blacks, make up insignificant numbers in the region, and do not represent more than a handful of the migrant populace. 4. Although much has been written about Appalachian culture, no consensus exists as to what characteristics properly belong to the culture, or even whether such a culture exists at all. 32) PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP and Prince until 1949. to as the Maritimers �5. A moderate corporate consciousness can be found among Newfoundlanders, due to the more distinct culture traits this subgroup displays. Some have maintained, rather exaggeratedly, that Newfoundlanders are as distinct as Italians, Greeks, or any of the European groups of the city (see for example Horwood, 1979). Though this may be an overdrawn perception, there are unquestionably certain identifying features of Newfoundlanders which serve to more sharply set them off from other groups in Toronto, as well as from other Atlantic migrants. But the intensity of both in- and out-group identification cannot be said to resemble that of other more culturally and/or physically distinct groups in the city. 6. Other impediments to political mobilization, whether encouraged internally or externally, are the proximity of the region of origin for both groups and their relatively frequent physical mobility. The two are not unrelated. Given the proximity of the regions of origin, native community ties are maintained that do not fully permit a sense of permanence among group members in the urban environment. Unlike previous immigrant groups, which essentially removed themselves from their native societies and severed their roots, urban Appalachians and Maritimers engage in a constant back-and-forth movement between old and new social settings. A psychological commitment to the new community-even after lengthy residence-is thus not complete, and inhibits political involvement. Political mobilization is made difficult as well by the physical mobility during the migration experience exhibited by members of both groups, particularly those who do not find steady employment. In the case of Maritimers, many are perpetual drifters who move on to other Ontario cities if they do not find suitable work in Toronto, or return to their original communities. Moreover, those who do not experience a stable employment outcome of their move to Toronto (i.e., those who remain in the transitional neighborhoods and who are clients of welfare and police authorities) are the least likely to respond to efforts at political mobilization. PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (33 �This page intentionally left blank �LABELING URBAN APPALACHIANS The boundary model of ethnic group formation has been used but never subjected to empirical investigation among Appalachian migrants (McCoy and Watkins, 1981). This model, which deals with· in-group and out-group perceptions of group identity, suggests that stereotypes are among the most common markers for delineating social boundaries and therefore establishing social identities. This paper will explore the role of stereotypes in the formation of social boundaries among urban Appalachians, as well as among blacks, Appalachians, and other white residents of a large metropolitan area. The stereotyping of rural Appalachians is a consistent phenomenon which has been documented extensively (Billings, 1974; Fisher, 1983; Ergood, 1983; Shapiro, 1978). From an urban perspective, however, little consensus is found concerning Appalachian stereotypes. Maloney and Huelsman (1972), in a review of the behavioralscience literature on Appalachian migrants, remark on the prevalence of popular stereotypes in what presents itself as scholarly writing. On the other hand, McCoy and Watkins (1981) propose that scholarship be used to debunk popular stereotypes of urban Appalachians. Some commentators interpret stereotypes of Appalachian migrants negatively as "barriers to assimilation" (Branscome, 1976:72), while others see them as positive sources of in-group cohesion and consciousness (Billings and Walls, 1980). Lewis Killian, in writing about white southerners in Chicago, makes several important points regarding stereotypes of Appalachian migrants. He notes that "hillbilly" is an ephithet used to designate "a mountaineer, a white southerner whose caricature is to be seen in the Snuffy Smith of the comic strip" (Killian, 1970:13). Killian also points out that the "traits considered typical of white southerners were similar to those found in the stereotypes of many other minority groups" (Killian, 1970: 107). These traits include racism, violence, clannishness, low standards of hygiene, laziness, and a general apathy towards education. The function of such PAKI' 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHN/C GROUP (35 �stereotyping, according to Killian, is to justify discrimination against "hillbillies" in in urban public facilities, housing, and employment. The Study In general, experimental studies of the stereotyping of groups such as Appalachian migrants follow one of two methods. Either a laboratory situation is established, in which subjects are exposed to various stimuli such as pictures while researchers note their reactions, or subjects are asked to formulate or select traitdescriptive adjectives or phrases that reflect their attitude toward the object group. Katz and Braly (1933) conducted an experiment of the latter type at Princeton in 1933 which, with some modification, has been used successfully in contemporary largescale survey research on stereotypes (Ehrlich and Rinehart, 1965; Guichard and Connolly, 1977; Kutner, 1973). This study has modified Katz and Braly's method in several ways. It limits the number of labels being tested to fourteen, and divides them evenly between positive and negative stereotypes) The stereotypes are not presented as single adjectives, but are phrased as statements, and a range of possible responses is offered.2 The data used in this paper were gathered in 1980 as a part of the Greater Cincinnati Survey, a RDD telephone survey. The survey involved 1,111 adult residents of Hamilton County, of whom 237 were identified as either first- or secondgeneration Appalachians. First-generation Appalachians were defined as anyone born in one of the 396 counties in the Appalachian region; second-generation Appalachians were defined as having at least one parent born in that area.3 Although the survey acquired information on black Appalachians, only the data on white Appalachians were tabulated. 4 Findings It is essential to compare the basic social characteristics of the three groups as a preliminary step toward understanding their attitudes. Appalachians in greater Cincinnati have the same general age profile and sex distribution as blacks and nonAppalachian whites, and all three groups on the average have lived in the area approximately the same number of years. Distinct differences appear, however, when the three groups are compared for educational attainment, occupational status, and income. Disproportionately few Appalachians (36%) and blacks (31%) have had any college experience in comparison to the non-Appalachian white population (48%). In addition, these three groups are quite distinct in occupational status. Blacks are represented disproportionately in the operative and labor/service job categories, but are underrepresented in the professional and managerial occupations in comparison to both Appalachians and non-Appalachian whites. Appalachian whites differ from their nonAppalachian counterparts primarily in the high percentage of operatives among Appalachians (19% vs. 7%) and in the relatively low percentage of Appalachians in the sales/clerical job categories (38% vs. 26%). The distribution of family income for Appalachians and for other whites in Hamilton County is quite similar, but a much higher percentage of blacks is found in the lowincome range; 46% of black families have annual incomes of less than $15,000. 36) PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHNIC GROUP �In overall socioeconomic status, white Appalachians are distinct from both nonAppalachians and blacks.5 White non-Appalachians are generally in the higherstatus group, while a higher percentage of blacks is found in the low socioeconomic category. Appalachian whites fall between these two groups in their overall socioeconomic status. This brief demographic profile of the three groups provides a context for studying the images they have of urban Appalachians. Table 5:1 presents the fourteen positive and negative stereotypes of Appalachians that were included in the study. The labels are rank ordered by the percentage of each of the three groups in agreement with the stereotypes Each of the three groups is more positive than negative in its typification of Appalachian migrants, although, as might be expected, Appalachian whites accept more positive labels than do non-Appalachian whites or blacks. The positive labels "familistic," "religious," and "loyal" rank high among all three groups, while "apathetic," "alcoholic," and "violent" have least acceptance among Appalachian and non-Appalachian whites. Approximately three out of five people in each group agreed that Appalachians seemed to speak with a distinct accent. "Racist" was the next most widely accepted negative label. Spearman's measure, however, which was used to compare the rank ordering among the three groups shows no great diversity among the rankings. TABLE 5:1 RANK ORDERING BY PERCENT OF AGREEMENT FOR ALL LABELS OF WHITE APPALACHIANS CATEGORIZED BY CULTURE GROUP AND APPALACHIAN GENERATION Rank Order NonAppalachian Blacks % NonAppalachian Whites First Generation Appalachian % Appalachian Whites % Second Generation Appalachian Wh~es % Wh~es % 1. Familistlc 69.2 Familistic 79.2 Famlllstic 84.0 Religious 85.3 Loyal 86.0 2. Religious 64.8 Loyal 762 Loyal 83.9 Familistic 82.0 Familistic 85.2 3. Loyal 62.4 Religious 67.9 Religious 82.0 Loyal 82.0 Independent 81.5 4. Independent 57.4 •Accent 62.8 Independent 74.1 •Accent 67.3 Religious 77.9 5. •Accent 57.1 Independent 62.7 •Accent 71.3 Independent 67.0 •Accent 74.7 6. Honest 48.1 Honest 582 Honest 67.6 Honest 64.6 Honest 69.2 7. Patriotic 48.0 Patriotic 54.4 Resourceful 64.3 Patriotic 64.6 Resourceful 68.7 8. Resouroelul 47.3 Resourceful 53.6 Patriotic 62.3 Resourceful 58.5 •Racist 62.7 9. •Racist 43.7 •Racist 472 •Racist 57.1 .Racist 52.6 Patriotic 58.1 10. •Apathetic 32.5 ·uneducated 47.0 ·uneducated 47.6 •uneducated 43.0 •uneducated 53.9 11. ·uneducated 27.5 ·untidy 39.7 ·untidy 36.4 •untidy 33.3 •untidy 40.3 12. •Alcoholic 26.2 •Apathetic 292 ·Apathetic 27.4 ·Apathetic 26.8 •Apathetic 29.1 13. •untidy 25.9 •Alcoholic 20.3 •Alcoholic 20.1 •Alcoholic 23.4 •Alcoholic 16.8 14. ·violent 22.7 "Violent 16.8 ·violent 16.8 ·violent 18.0 ·violent 13.8 •Indicates Negative Label Important differences do exist in the amount of agreement shown for any given PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EJHNIC GROUP (37 �label. Appalachian whites have high levels of acceptance of positive labels, while nonAppalachian whites and blacks accept the same labels to a distinctly lesser degree. Appalachian and non-Appalachian whites coincide in their relative rates of agreement on only one positive label: "familistic." The black group differs significantly from the Appalachian group in relative rates of agreement on every positive label; in fact, fewer than half the black respondents agree that Appalachian whites are either "honest," "patriotic," or "resourceful." All three groups coincide in their relatively low levels of acceptance of four negative labels: "violent," "alcoholic," "apathetic," and "untidy." For the negative labels "uneducated" and "accent," however, Appalachians are much harsher in their view of themselves than are the blacks. In addition, Appalachian whites appear significantly more racist in their own eyes than in the eyes of either nonAppalachian whites or blacks. TABLE 5:2 PERCENTAGE OF RESPONDENTS AGREEING WITH POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE LABELS OF WHITE APPALACHIANS CATEGORIZED BY CULTURE GROUP AND GENERATION First Generation Appalachian Whites Second Generation Appalachian Whites 82.0 85.3 82.0 58.5 64.6 67.0* 64.6 18.0 23.4 26.8 33.3 43.0 67.3 52.6 86.0 77.9 85.2 68.7 58.1 81.5 69.2 13.8 16.8 29.1 40.3 53.9 74.7 62.7 Label NonAppalachian Whites Appalachian Whites NonAppalachian Blacks Loyal Religious Familistic Resourceful Patriotic Independent Honest Violent Alcoholic Apathetic Untidy Uneducated Accent Racist 76.2* 67.9* 79.2 53.6* 54.4* 62.7* 58.2* 16.8 20.3 29.2 39.7 47.0 62.8 47.2* 83.9 82.0 84.0 64.3 62.3 74.1 67.6 16.7 20.1 27.4 36.4 47.6 71.3 57.1 62.4* 64.8* 69.2* 47.3* 48.0* 57.4* 48.1* 22.7 26.2 32.5 25.9 27.5* 57.1* 43.7* •p <0.05 The calculation of stereotyping scores allows for a comparison of group attitudes while controlling for selected demographic variables.6 Table 5:3 gives the stereotyping scores for each group in the study. The raw scores indicate that, as might be expected, non-Appalachian blacks have fairly strong negative images of Appalachians, and white Appalachians have a rather strong positive attitude toward themselves; less predictably, non-Appalachian whites were found to have moderately positive images of Appalachians. Conversely, increasing socioeconomic status among non-Appalachian whites shows a marked tendency toward positive images of Appalachians while relatively little difference appears among non-Appalachian blacks of varying socioeconomic status. 38) PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP �TABLE 5:3: STEREOTYPING SCORES FOR THREE CULTURE GROUPS AND TWO GENERATIONS OF WHITE APPALACHIANS Negative Labels Agreed With Culture Group/ Generation Positive Labels Agreed With B!i!llQOd 8ll!i![ag!i! Number Score CULTURE GROUP Non-Appalachian Blacks 0 .0 3 .43 -.43 Appalachian Whites 7 1.0 4 .57 .43 Non-Appalachian Whites 3 .43 2 .29 .14 GENERATION First Generation Appalachian Whites 2 .29 2 .29 .0 Second Generation Appalachian Whites 5 4 .57 .14 .71 B!i!llQOd 8ll!i!rag!i! Number Score Stereotype Score Discussion The research indicates an overall preference for positive rather than negative stereotypes of Appalachian migrants. Of the three groups in the study, Appalachians showed the strongest preference for positive labels; to a lesser degree, the same can be said of non-Appalachian whites. Non-Appalachian blacks were the least accepting of positive statements about Appalachians. Acceptance of negative labels was less prevalent in all three groups but strongest among Appalachians. Race appears to be a major factor in interpreting these results; non-Appalachian blacks are significantly less positive and only slightly less negative about Appalachians than are the two white groups. Because of the limited nature of this study, it is not possible to determine whether this response is related to Appalachians in particular or to Appalachians as members of the dominant white majority in the county. Among the fourteen labels presented, the label "accent" was the most problematic. Although presented as a negative label, "accent" ranks fifth in PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHNIC GROUP (39 �percentage of agreement among the positive labels and well above the negative labels. Moreover, it correlated highly with two strong, positive labels, "familistic" and "loyal." It seems reasonable to conclude that speaking with an accent may be perceived as a positive characteristic of Appalachians. If "accent" is removed from the list of negative labels, the two most widely accepted labels of white Appalachians are "racist" and "uneducated." Although the strongest agreement with these labels is found among Appalachians, it should be noted that more than one-fifth of the sample expressed doubts or disagreement with the most popular positive stereotype of Appalachians. Likewise, almost one-fifth of those surveyed expressed agreement with the least popular negative stereotype. From these figures it is obvious that there exists a substantial body of negative opinion regarding Appalachians. The strongest negative labeling of white Appalachians emanates from a cohort within the Appalachian group itself. Socioeconomic stratification among the Appalachian residents of the county appears to account for an important proportion of the negative stereotypes attributed to this group. Appalachian whites with high educational attainment, white-collar occupations, and relatively high incomes are the strongest negative stereotypers of Appalachians. This pattern of intragroup stereotyping is also found among other urban minorities (Frazier, 1957; Kilson, 1983). Assuming that they are not derogating themselves, it is reasonable to conclude that high-status Appalachians are directing these negative images toward lower-status members of their own group. This negative labeling may be attributed less to the competitive advantage gained in winning or keeping social rewards than to an effort to seek social and psychological advantage by placing distance between themselves and the less successful members of the same group. On the other hand, non-Appalachian whites of low and medium social status appear to hold negative images of Appalachians for ecological reasons: they may in fact be competing with Appalachians for employment, housing, and social services. Stereotypes of urban Appalachians form a complex network of social status boundaries which divide along lines of race and socioeconomic status. The positive images Appalachians have of themselves are not shared by urban blacks. Negative images of Appalachians divide higher-status Appalachians from those of lower status, and separate Appalachians from working- and middle-class whites. The isolation and separation of Appalachian people living in the mountains has been largely overcome; the isolation and separation of urban Appalachians through stereotyping is still a reality. 40) PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EJHNIC GROUP �NOTES 1. The positive labels are: loyal, religious, familistic, independent, honest, patriiotic, and resourceful. The negative labels are: accent, racist, apathetic, uneducated, alcoholic, untidy, and violent. These labels appear frequently in the literature on Appalachians, and are mentioned specifically as stereotypes in fifteen works cited by Obermiller (1982:72). Moreover, twelve of the fourteen labels overlap with those used by Katz and Braly (1933). 2. The statements are as follows in the order they were presented and the label they represent: "Appalachians seem to stand up for their friends" (loyal); "Appalachians seem to have a high regard for the Bible" (religious); "Appalachians often seem to be involved in violent crimes" (violent); "Appalachians seem to have serious drinking problems" (alcoholic); "Appalachians seem to have a strong concern for their families" (familistic); "Appalachians seem to get the most out of the resources they have" (resourceful); "Appalachians seem to be unconcerned with getting ahead in life" (apathetic); "Appalachians do not seem to be very neat about their personal property" (untidy); "Appalachians seem to be pretty self-reliant in most situations" (independent); "Appalachians do not seem to to put a very high value on getting an education" (uneducated); "Appalachians seem to be truthful in their dealings with others" (honest); "Appalachians seem to speak with a distinct accent" (accent); "White Appalachians seem to be unwilling to live in racially integrated neighborhoods" (racist). Response categories were "strongly agree," "agree," "disagree," "strongly disagree," "don't know," and "no answer." 3. The Appalachian Regional Commission's definition of Appalachia includes 397 counties. The Greater Cincinnati Survey, however, deleted data on Appalachian migrants from Clermont County, Ohio because it is directly adjacent to Hamilton County, Ohio. Clermont County was excluded so that residents of eastern suburbs of Cincinnati who have moved into the city would not be included in the data set on migrants. 4. The decision to delete black Appalachians from this study was based on their small number (3.2% of the county's population). 5. The socioeconomic status index was created by first collapsing income, education, and occupation into the following categories: INCOME EDUCATION $0-14,999 Less than high school 2 $15,000-24,999 High school diploma 3 $25,000 and over Some college or more Value 1 OCCUPATION Bluecollar ------------Whitecollar PART I: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (41 �These three variables were then summed, resulting in an index with scores ranging from 3 to 9. Respondents with a score of 3 or 4 were classified as low SES, those with scores of 5, 6, or 7 were categorized as medium SES, and individuals with scores of 8 or 9 were categorized as high on the SES index. 6. The score is derived according to the following formula: Stereotyping Score = (Sp/Np)-(Sn/Nn) where Sp is the number of positive stereotypes agreed to by a group which have a higher percentage of agreement for all groups to be compared; Np is the number of positive stereotypes; Sn is the number of negative stereotypes agreed to by a group which have a higher percentage for each stereotype than the average percentage of agreement for all groups to be compared; and Nn is the number of negative stereotypes. The stereotyping score thus derived ranges from +1 to -1, where +1 represents above-average agreement on all positive stereotypes and -1 represents above-average agreement on all negative stereotypes. 42) PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP �THE ETHNIC ENTREPRENEUR IN THE URBAN APPALACHIAN COMMUNITY Estimates vary on how many urban Appalachians live in the tri-state region centering on Cincinnati, but perhaps one of the most impressive estimates is that possibly one-third of the school children in Cincinnati are Appalachian. The problem, of course, lies in defining an Appalachian. Appalachians are largely, but not exclusively, white, English-speaking, Protestant, and native-born, "just like average Americans." An academic debate has been conducted for some time about whether Appalachian subcultural differences really exist, and there are numerous publications describing the unique structure of the Appalachian family and other distinctive traits. On the other side of the argument, most recently, is historian Henry Shapiro's (1978) book, Appalachia On Our Mind, which suggests that the Appalachian region and people are a creation of intellectuals and have no basis in cultural reality. In anthropology, Fredrick Barth (1969) offers a solution to the above extremes which for our purposes here may come closest to reality. In Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, Barth (1969: 13) suggests that the "critical feature" in defining the parameters of an ethnic group are "self-ascription and ascription by others," a phenomenon which certainly exists among Cincinnati's Appalachians. As Barth (1969:13-14) explains: A categorical ascription is an ethnic ascription when it classifies a person in terms of his basic, most general identity, presumptively determined by his origin and background. To the extent that actors use ethnic identities to categorize themselves and others for purposes of interaction, they form ethnic groups in this organizational sense. As Barth (1969:15) goes on to elaborate, "the critical focus . . .becomes the ethnic boundary that defines the group, not the cultural stuff that it encloses." PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (43 �Cultural signals mark the boundaries and some signals are more representative of substantial cultural differences than others. Signals based on differences in language or religion may be more significant than those based on different craft items or music. Despite the surface evidence that Appalachians are "just like other Americans," numerous cultural signals mark off the boundaries of their ethnic identity. Appalachians certainly are English-speakers, but most speak a dialect of English which results in their ascription as Appalachians every time they open their mouths to talk. Often the ascription is the negative equivalent of Appalachian, such as "hillbilly" or "ridge-runner" or the like. Appalachians are certainly predominantly white, but in the inner cities, where significant black populations exist, whites, particularly poor ones, do stand out. Since Appalachians who become better off economically can and do often leave Appalachian neighborhoods and blend into the larger white middle class, the stereotype persists that all Appalachians are poor whites. In a city like Cincinnati, to be Protestant is not to be in the majority. Most Cincinnatians are Catholic, often middle class people of either German or Irish origin. So here being Catholic is associated with economic well-being, political power, and being a "native" of the city while to be Protestant and Appalachian is to be poor, powerless, an outsider. A most important ethnic signal for Appalachians is that of the homeland, the region back in the mountains where one still has family ties and returns for ceremonies, holidays, and vacations. Edward Spicer (1971) refers to the homeland symbol as one of the most significant signals for an ethnic group and cites its importance for peoples as diverse as American Indians and Zionist Jews. Other signals also exist in the form of bluegrass music, mountain crafts, downhome food, an annual Appalachian Festival, and a generalized notion of distinct Appalachian values which range from a strong sense of family obligations to an idea of independence which defies all authority. It would seem that the role of an Appalachian entrepreneur is to maximize the value in ascribing ethnically as an Appalachian and to create an innovative political program based on the ideal of ethnic pluralism. Harald Eidheim (1968) has done an excellent job of analyzing the role of the ethnic innovator in the Lappish Movement in Norway, and his work and Barth's (1966) offer insights into this situation. Barth and Eidheim have focused on the limits of the role of the individual, such as the ethnic entrepreneur, in change in an attempt to find a middle ground of analysis that falls somewhere between cultural determinism and the great man theory. Barth (1966) tends to focus on the decisions individuals make. He assumes that individuals, operating under varying constraints and incentives, play roles which allow them to make the most rational choices possible in their own best interest. As individuals engage in new social transactions allowed by these roles, relative values are revealed through real dilemmas of imminent choice. The most basic role of the ethnic entrepreneur is to create new, more satisfying roles for the members of the ethnic group to act out. Barth (1966:17) suggests that the relevant characteristics of the ethnic entrepreneur are that he manages the undertaking, he is an innovator, and he tries to maximize the value in ethnic identification. The entrepreneur is involved in 44) PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHNIC GROUP �multiple transactions and initiates new actlVlbes, such as creating political and economic bridges between the ethnic group and the dominant power structure (Barth 1966:18). A successful ethnic entrepreneur can change the basic values and ethnic identity of an entire population. Much as in the case of Lapps in Norway, Appalachians are viewed and often view themselves as backward, inferior, and maladaptive. In such a situation, the ethnic entrepreneur often offers a "package deal" which combines the promise of a positive ethnic image with the prospect of economic and political gains. In effect, the ethnic entrepreneur creates a new role where none existed before, a role wherein ethnic identity actually aids in attempts to be successful and adaptive rather than in the past when such identity insured only failure. The Urban Appalachian Council seems to represent one successful outcome of the larger Appalachian movement in this country, and, in my analysis, part of the reason for that organization's success is to be found in its former director, Michael Maloney, and an ethnic entrepreneur. Maloney's basic contribution lay in his leadership ability which resulted in adequate funding and staff for the organization. It is probably no accident that the twoyear existence of United Appalachians of Cincinnati ended when Maloney left the city in 1970 or that remnants of that organization splintered into two new groups with different kinds of members. Maloney has always seemed to enact the role of unifier and reconciler. One of the key problems of any social movement is the threat of factionalism. Up to a point, Maloney was able to avoid the two most obvious types of factionalism, that of "real Appalachians," usually first-generation migrants with strong ties to the mountains, versus the "not-so-real Appalachians," as well as the factionalism threatening between Appalachian people from Appalachian communities versus non-Appalachian professionals working in both research and applied roles in those communities. The first type of factionalism, reasoned Maloney, could only surface if there were no adequate definition of who was Appalachian. So the organization defined an Appalachian operationally in three ways, as anyone who was born in the region or whose ancestors were, as anyone who shares the Appalachian folk culture, or as anyone who is intensely involved with Appalachians at the neighborhood level. The last category made the definition quite broad and could hypothetically include people not of Appalachian origin but to whom the Appalachian folk culture had diffused. It was not until 1978 that this view of an Appalachian was challenged and unsuccessfully so. Maloney himself easily falls into a "real Appalachian" ascription: born in a log cabin in eastern Kentucky, the son of a coal miner and steel worker, a migrant to Cincinnati as a young adult. His own total legitimacy as an Appalachian has probably helped Maloney in successfully expanding the definition and role of an Appalachian, since doing so is not viewed as self-serving. The second type of factionalism, that of insiders ~. outside professionals, was taken care of in a different way. The Appalachian movement generally probably has its origin in organizations of non-Appalachian professionals who worked in Appalachian communities. Those people still wanted input in an Appalachian organization, and when Maloney had left the city in 1970, they had largely split off into a separate organization, the Appalachian Committee, as distinct from Appalachians like Ernie Mynatt who worked with groups like the PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (45 �Appalachian Identity Center. When the Urban Appalachian Council was formed in 1974, the problem of outsiders was met in a straightforward way via the idea of advocacy which deliberately constructed a role for such people, which allowed them input, but also limited their roles in favor of Appalachians. Advocacy was defined as people who are "not a grass roots group and cannot speak for Appalachians, rather [these] members are to use their knowledge and other resources in such a way that the needs and problems of mountain migrants are documented and solutions are effected." The group also espoused the goal of promoting "efforts to organize Appalachians and to establish an organization whose sole aim is to organize in Appalachian neighborhoods." Like the other type of factionalism, this kind seems to have been avoided until 1978 when the issue was unsuccessfully challenged. Perhaps even a third type of factionalism was avoided when Maloney consciously built in two different political ideologies into the organization in order to make room for different kinds of people. Maloney has characterized the two as "standard liberal opportunity theory" and "more radical social movement theory." Both ideologies have managed to survive, and the organization has members and staff from every political party, as well as the apolitical. In short, Maloney meets Barth's criteria as manager of the whole operation by providing the leadership which has consistently secured funding and staff to do work on behalf of Appalachians. He meets Barth's criteria as an innovator by building bridges between the Appalachian community and the political power structure. He maintains recognition for Appalachians as an ethnic group, and that recognition manifests itself in the local media who consistently use the term Appalachian in referring to certain neighborhoods or organizations. Finally, he has maximized the value in Appalachian identity by developing a broad definition of Appalachian and convincing both Appalachians themselves and non-Appalachians of the positive contribution of the Appalachian lifestyle. Maloney's success in Cincinnati seems all the more significant when contrasted with the failure or limited success of Appalachian organizations in other cities. The organization in Cleveland, for example, ultimately ran aground on a problem solved in Cincinnati, that of what is an Appalachian and what to do with the non-Appalachians residing in Appalachian neighborhoods. In Columbus, Ohio the insider/outsider question, as well as the problem of what an Appalachian is, doomed the group. In Chicago, and Detroit as well, there was the problem of the existence among poor whites of at least as many southerners generally as Appalachians specifically. Efforts to organize Chicago people under the negative "poor whites" label have had only sporadic success. In Dayton, Ohio there is an Appalachian organization, but being organized largely by people with a middle class orientation, it has remained largely cultural and fraternal and has not sought the funding to develop economic programs in poor Appalachian neighborhoods as Cincinnati has. Other cities with Appalachian populations have no viable Appalachian organization such as Pittsburgh, Baltimore, Washington, DC, and Atlanta. In some towns where no Appalachian or other ethnic organizations have been founded, other groups have moved in to fill the void. The most notorious is probably the Ku Klux Klan, experiencing a national revival, which pits poor 46) PART/: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO EfHN/C GROUP �whites, whether Appalachian or otherwise, against other ethnic groups in an attempt to improve economic and political conditions. An organization like the Urban Appalachian Council addresses the legitimate grievances of its constituents, instead, to the power structure in familiar ethnic terms. The success of the Urban Appalachian Council in organizing Appalachians ethnically for political and economic improvement is to a great degree the result of the efforts of an ethnic entrepreneur. His insights into ethnic movements have allowed the organization to avoid the factionalism and problems unsuccessfully dealt with by other groups and have laid the groundwork for a positive image of Appalachian people. The by-products of his efforts have resulted in reduced racial and ethnic tension and the improvement of people's lives. PART 1: FROM SOCIAL PROBLEM TO ETHNIC GROUP (47 �This page intentionally left blank �PART TWO Continuing Development Among Appalachian Migrants Having established the problems prevalent among Appalachian migrants, it was necessary to know the number of people living outside the region. Clyde McCoy and James Brown (1981) first did this important work and documented their findings in The Invisible Minority. For a twenty-five year period commencing with the end of World War II, large numbers of Appalachians left the region. Few people moved there. However, the seventies saw a reverse pattern of migration and the eighty census revealed that Appalachia had become a receiving area for migrants from other places. While debates continue over whether Appalachia gains more people than it loses, the two papers in this section look at those people who are leaving the region. The paper by Obermiller and Oldendick provides documentation of the extent of recent outmigration and the destinations of these people. The paper by Philliber is concerned with the characteristics of these people. The changing destinations and composition of these migrants have important implications. PART II: CONf/NUING DEVEWPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS (49 �This page intentionally left blank �MOVING ON Recent Patterns of Appalachian Migration Although migration studies make an important and useful contribution to our understanding of the Appalachian experience, patterns of recent Appalachian migration have been neglected. No effort has been made to compare current Appalachian migration patterns with previously collected data on earlier Appalachian migration patterns, nor have recent Appalachian migration flows been compared with national migration trends. In this paper we will attempt to update the study of Appalachian migration. We will begin by examining the principal studies of Appalachian migration, and will describe the data set used in the current study. Next we will present an overview of Appalachian migration for the period 1980-81, including a brief analysis of migration flows at the state level. This discussion will be followed by a description of current migration streams to selected urban areas, along with the changes in migration to these areas that occurred between the late 1960's and the early 1980's. We will summarize these findings with a survey of recent patterns of net Appalachian migration by national regions, census divisions, states, and selected urban areas. In conclusion, we will discuss these findings both in light of the changes and continuity in Appalachian migration patterns over time and in terms of the relationship between these patterns and national migration trends. Previous Studies The field of regional studies has identified two basic economic options that affect migration: the distribution of economic opportunities to regional populations primarily through the creation of jobs, which inhibits migration, or the distribution of regional populations to external areas of economic opportunity, which encourages migration (Cumberland, 1973). Carter Goodrich and his associates (1936) recommended the latter option as a result of a study they made in the mid- PART II: CONTINUING DEVELOPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS (51 �1930's, which included eighty-four coal-producing counties in the Cumberland Plateau. The study advocated that the number of farmers and miners in this area be reduced through the outmigration of more than a quarter of the area's population. Brown and Hillery (1962) documented the fact that many persons did, in fact, leave the Southern Appalachian region during the twenty-year period between 1940 and 1960. Although a great deal of movement took place within the region, southern Appalachia also experienced a net loss of over thirteen percent of its population between 1940 and 1950, and a net loss of nineteen percent between 1950 and 1960 (Brown and Hillery, 1962:59). In his review of the 1970 census data, James S. Brown (1972) notes that between 1960 and 1970, outmigration from southern Appalachia continued at a considerably lower rate resulting in a net loss by migration of five percent for the decade (Brown, 1972:138). During the 1960's the metropolitan areas within southern Appalachia increased by nearly eight percent, principally through inmigration, since natural increase had declined significantly during this period, with the exception of those in Georgia, the nonmetropolitan counties in each of the ten states with Appalachian areas experienced an overall loss due to net migration (Brown, 1972:135-138). Paralleling national trends in rural-to-urban migration, the majority of Appalachian migrants moved to large, industrialized metropolitan areas. Clyde B. McCoy and James S. Brown (1981) have documented in some detail the migration stream systems from southern Appalachia into major metropolitan areas of the country. Their study identifies the thirty top-ranking metropolitan destinations for southern Appalachian migrants, as well as the particular migration stream systems between West Virginia and Kentucky and the ten metropolitan focal areas for these systems (McCoy and Brown, 1981). Although the rate of outmigration decreased over the thirtyyear period ending in 1970, McCoy and Brown find a great deal of consistency in the direction and proportions of Appalachian migration to the metropolitan focal areas they have identified. The major finding of the Appalachian Regional Commission's Report to Congress on Migration (1979) is the turnaround in net Appalachian migration. An analysis of the Social Security Administration's continuous work history sample for 1965, 1970, and 1975 indicates that Appalachian migration changed from a net loss to the region in the period 1955-1970 to a net gain in the period 1970-75. The pattern of outmigration also changed: while Northern states remained the destination of the greatest number of Appalachil.in migrants, states in the South showed the largest gain in the percentage of Appalachian migrants received (Appalachian Regional Commission, 1979b: Tables 11-3 and 11-4). The report concludes that most outmigrants enjoy greater incomes than they experienced while in Appalachia, and quickly gain income parity with workers in the areas where they settle (Appalachian Regional Commission, 1979b:15). The Current Study The data for this study were compiled by the Bureau of the Census for the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) from the Individual Master File, which includes a record of every individual income tax return form 1040 and 1040A for 1980 and 1981. The Area-to-Area Migration Flow Data were developed by matching the social security 52) PART ll:CONflNUlNG DEVELOPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS �numbers (SSNs) on returns filed in each year. When identical social security numbers were found, the counties of residence on each return were compared to see whether they matched. A match in county of residence was counted as an instance of a nonmigrant; when the counties did not match, the taxpayer was considered an outmigrant from the county of residence in the base year, and an inmigrant to the county of residence in the subsequent year. The final step in the process was to tally the exemptions on all subsequent year forms which had identical SSNs with the base year, and to categorize them as either nonrnigrant, inmigrant, or outmigrant.1 The figures derived from the IRS Area-to-Area Migration Flow Data have several limitations which should be noted so that the data presented here may be evaluated properly. Individuals who fail to file tax returns, those who are not required to file returns, and those who inflate the number of exemptions on their returns all detract from the representativeness of the data. In addition, the IRS has applied rules to make it manageable and to protect the anonymity of individual taxpayers.2 These characteristics of the data set make it impossible to calculate the exact volumes of migration or to describe the social characteristics of the migrants. The definition of the Appalachian region and the definitions of metropolitan, urban, and rural counties within the Appalachian region employed in this study follow those used by the Appalachian Regional Commission (Appalachian Regional Commission, 1979a).3 The "urban areas" referred to throughout the study are actually the counties in which the cities named are located; these areas are not necessarily congruent with the commonly used designations of urban places, urbanized areas, or metropolitan statistical areas (Weller and Bouvier, 1981). In addition, the data present migration flows for one year only; estimates for more extensive periods cannot be extrapolated accurately from this small base. The Findings In the twelve months covered by this study, slightly more individuals left the Appalachian region than entered it. Table 7: 1 shows that the leading sources of outmigrants were the metropolitan counties in Appalachia. These counties, which had 49% of the region's 1980 population, accounted for 55% of the outmigrants. The urban counties had 25% of the population and 24% of the outmigrants; the rural counties, which had 26% of the population, contributed 21% of the outmigrants. Similar percentage distributions were found among metropolitan (54%), urban (23%), and rural (23%) Appalachian counties for the flow of migrants into the region. Internal migration flows within Appalachia indicate that rural counties are the most frequent destinations for those who leave rural counties; of all rural-county outmigrants, 44% moved to other rural counties, 32% to urban counties, and 24% to metropolitan counties. Similarly, metropolitan counties are the most popular destination for those who leave metropolitan counties. Of all metropolitan county outmigrants, 67% moved to other metropolitan counties, 20% to urban counties, and 13% to rural counties. Residents of urban counties, however, tend to move to either rural or metropolitan counties, with a preference for the latter. In the period 1980-81, 40% of all urban county outmigrants moved to metropolitan counties, 34% to rural counties, and only 26% to other urban counties. PART II: CONfiNUING DEVELOPMENf AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS (53 �TABLE 7:1 1980-81 APPALACHIAN MIGRATION BY COUN1Y1YPE1 Destination Metropolitan Origin Metropolitan Urban Rural Out of Region 119,418 34,699 22,157 281,845 1980-81 Net Migration Urban 35,147 22,262 30,452 119,830 Out of Region Rural 22,831 29,475 41,365 119,671 289,752 127,870 114,123 -10,399 1 For county typology see Appalachian Regional Commission, 1979. Source: IRS Area-to-Area Migration Flow Data. Tables 7:2a and b show the non-Appalachian states with the most significant migration flows during the period under study. When inmigrant flows are compared with outmigrant flows, it becomes apparent that reciprocal flows exist between Appalachia and California, Florida, Illinois, New Jersey, and Texas. The flows from Indiana and Michigan to Appalachia are substantially oneway streams; few migrants move to these states from the region. The flows from Appalachia to Arizona and Massachusetts are also substantially one-way, but in the opposite direction: few migrants from these states move to Appalachia. TABLE 7:2a MIGRATION FLOWS TO AND FROM THE APPALACHIAN REGION Migrants to Appalachia State 54) State (N) (N) 5,135 2,135 2,122 1,946 1,836 1,724 1,266 Migrants from Appalachia Florida Illinois New Jersey California Michigan Texas Indiana 10,734 10,465 4,849 2,207 1,141 525 431 Florida Texas California Arizona Illinois Massachusetts New Jersey PART ll:CONIINUING DEVELOPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS �The non-Appalachian states that show the most significant net gains in migrants from the region are Texas, Florida, California, and Arizona, in that order. Those showing the most significant net losses are Michigan, New Jersey, Indiana, and Illinois. Table 7:3 presents a more precise view of recent Appalachian migration. The table includes those non-Appalachian counties that had a net gain or loss of 200 or more migrants from the Appalachian region in 1980-81. Since the counties are invariably metropolitan, the name of the chief city in each county is used to designate the "urban area." TABLE 7:2b NET APPALACHIAN MIGRATION FOR SELECTED STATES, 1980-81.1 t::!§lt Gain~ 8,741 5,599 2,903 1,795 1'::1§11 Los~!i!~ -995 -1,266 -1,691 -1,784 ~ Texas Florida California Arizona ~ Illinois Indiana New Jersey Michigan 1 Tables 7:2a and 2b do not include states with Appalachian counties. Source: IRS Area-to-Area Migration Flow Data. Houston and its environs had the largest net gain in migrants from Appalachia of any non-Appalachian urban area in the United States: it had over twice as many migrants as the second and third-ranked urban areas, Nashville and Tampa/St. Petersburg, and well above three times as many as Phoenix, Dallas, and Los Angeles, which ranked fourth, fifth, and sixth respectively. Atlanta was the chief among those urban areas that sent more migrants to the Appalachian region than they gained, and had by far the highest combined Appalachian in- and outrnigration. These facts must be interpreted with caution, however, since the county in which the city of Atlanta is located, Fulton County, shares common boundaries with five Appalachian counties. Similar conditions exist for the counties in which Cincinnati, Lexington, Roanoke, and Montgomery are located. Although these areas are likely to have high rates of exchange with neighboring counties, a situation that fulfills the technical definition of migration, their position in the ranking becomes somewhat ambiguous when compared with urban areas much more distant from Appalachia. PART /1: CONf/NU/NG DEVELOPMENf AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS (55 �TABLE 7:3 SELECTED URBAN AREAS RANKED BY NET APPALACHIAN MIGRATION, 1980-81.1 Net Migration From Appalachia Houston Nashville Tampa/St. Petersburg Phoenix Dallas Los Angeles Lexington W. Palm Beach Columbus Jacksonville Anaheim Charlotte Ft. Lauderdale Mobile Jackson San Diego Washington Roanoke 6,570 3,140 2,992 1,635 1,537 1,482 940 838 691 623 593 576 492 401 345 320 221 207 7,883 5,314 3,684 2,047 1,658 2,851 2,745 1,126 4,365 948 643 2,033 2,163 1,162 554 767 331 860 1,313 2,174 692 412 121 1,369 1,805 288 3,674 325 50 1,457 1,671 761 209 447 110 653 Louisville Indianapolis Dayton Cleveland New York Chicago Miami Detroit Cincinnati Atlanta -243 -258 -463 -630 -632 -1,024 -1,046 -1,420 -1,933 -5,670 300 -0395 1,616 813 1'112 644 52 4,366 9,995 543 258 858 2,246 1,445 2,136 1,690 1,472 6,299 15,665 Urban Area To Appalachia 1Table excludes urban areas in the Appalachian region. Source: IRS Area-to-Area Migration Flow Data. Table 7:4 presents a comparison of the thirty top-ranked metropolitan destinations for Appalachian migrants for the periods 1965-70 and 1980-81. Nine of the destinations found in the earlier ranking-Washington, Detroit, Baltimore, Columbia, Dayton, Norfolk, Richmond, New York, and Louisville-have been replaced in the more recent rankings by Houston, Lexington, Montgomery, Ft. Lauderdale, Phoenix, Dallas, Mobile, West Palm Beach, and Jacksonville. The positions of Atlanta, Birmingham, Chattanooga, Knoxville, and Philadelphia have remained fairly constant in each order, while Chicago and Cleveland ranked significantly lower in 1981 than in the previous 56) PART ll:CONTINUING DEVELOPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS �year. Pittsburgh, the Winston-Salem/High Point/Greensboro area, Charleston, and Greenville have all moved to substantially higher positions in the 1981 ranking. TABLE 7:4 TOP-RANKING METROPOLITAN DESTINATIONS FOR MIGRANTS FROM SOUTHERN APPALACHIA, 1965-70,1 AND FOR MIGRANTS FROM THE APPALACHIAN REGION, 1980-812 Rank 1965-70 1980-81 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Atlanta Washington Detroit Birmingham* Knoxville* Chicago Chattanooga* Cleveland Los Angeles Nashville Huntington* Huntsville Baltimore 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 Columbus Tuscaloosa* Cincinnati Greenville Charlotte Charleston* Columbia Tampa Dayton Norfolk Richmond New York Louisville Roanoke Winston-Salem/ High Point/Greensboro Pittsburgh* Philadelphia Pittsburgh* Atlanta Birmingham* Houston Knoxville* Chattanooga* Nashville Greenville Cincinnati Columbus Tampa/St. Pete. Charleston* Winston-Salem/ High Point/Greensboro Huntsville* Huntington* Los Angeles Lexington Montgomery Ft. Lauderdale Phoenix Charlotte Tuscaloosa* Dallas Cleveland Mobile W. Palm Beach Chicago Jacksonville 29 30 Philadelphia Roanoke *Located in the Appalachian region. 1 Source: McCoy and Brown, 1981. 2 Source: IRS Area-toArea Migration Flow Data. PART ll: CONFINUING DEVELOPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS (57 �As elsewhere, we advise caution in examining this table because two different geographic definitions were used in constructing the rankings. In the later ranking, the definition of Appalachia includes counties in the states of New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, while the earlier definition excludes counties in these areas. This difference, for example, could be the principal reason behind the radical change in the ranking of the Pittsburgh area between one period and the other. TABLE 7:5 NET APPALACHIAN MIGRATION TO SELECTED URBAN AREAS BY CENSUS REGIONS AND DIVISIONS, 1980-81 Census Region Census Division Urban Area Net Migration Division Totals South 9,420 -2,174 South Atlantic Tampa/St. Pete., FL West Palm Beach, FL Jacksonville, FL Charlotte, NC Ft. Lauderdale, FL Washington, DC Roanoke, VA Columbia, SC Greensboro, NC *Huntington, WV Ba~imore, MD *Charleston, WV Miami, FL *Greenville, SC Atlanta, GA 2,992 838 623 576 492 221 207 63 36 19 -37 -434 -1,046 -1,054 -5,670 E. South Central Nashville, TN Lexington, KY Mobile, AL Jackson, Ml *Huntsville, AL *Knoxville, TN *Tuscaloosa, AL Montgomery, AL Louisville, KY *Chattanooga, TN *Birmingham, AL W. South Central Houston, TX Dallas, TX 3,487 3,140 940 402 345 267 256 168 -101 -243 -503 -1,183 8,107 6,570 1,537 (Table Continued on Next Page) 58) Region Totals PART l/:CONTINUING DEVELOPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS �(Table 7:5 Continued) Census Region Census Division Urban Area Net Migration Division Totals West Region Totals 4,030 West Pacific West Mountain 2,395 Los Angeles, CA Anaheim,CA San Diego, CA Phoenix,AZ 1,482 593 320 1,635 Northeast -2,421 Middle Atlantic -2,421 New York, NY *Pittsburgh, PA -632 -1,789 North Central E. North Central -5,037 -5,037 Columbus, OH Indianapolis, IN Dayton,OH Cleveland, OH Chicago,IL Detroit, Ml Cincinnati, OH 691 -258 -463 -630 -1,024 -1,420 -1,933 • Indicates urban area in Appalachian region. Source: IRS Area-to-Area Migration Flow Data. When net migration figures for selected urban areas are categorized by census regions and regional divisions (Table 7:5), a clear pattern emerges. For 1980-81 the urban areas in the Northeast and North Central regions show losses in Appalachian migration-2,421 and 5,037 respectively-while Western states show a net gain of 4,030. Urban areas in the South have a regional net gain of 9,420 migrants from Appalachia. At the divisional level, new losses occur in urban areas located in the South Atlantic states, despite substantial net gains in Florida, in East North Central states (5,037), and in the Middle Atlantic states (2,421). Net gains are recorded for urban areas located in the states of the East South Central (3,487), West South Central (8,107), West Pacific (2,395), and West Mountain (1,635) divisions. Discussion Although the evidence is incomplete, the much remarked-upon "migration runaround" of the 1970's, which saw the first net gain in migration to Appalachia in five decades, may have come to an end in the early 1980's (Picard, 198la, 1981b). This finding would correspond to a national trend detected in the early 1980's, in which the flow of migrants to rural America decreased notably from that of the mid-1970's PART II: CONTINUING DEVELOPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS (59 �(Agresta, 1985; Population Reference Bureau, 1982). Within Appalachia, however, the migrants' preference for rural counties over urban counties continued from the 1970's into the 1980's, but the flow of internal migrants away from metropolitan counties appears to have ended (Picard, 1981b). The most frequent destinations for internal migrants in this study were metropolitan counties, while the least frequent were the formerly popular urban counties. Appalachian migrants also reflect national preferences in their choices of which states to enter and which states to leave. The 1980 census data document a preference for destinations in Texas, Florida, California, and Arizona and a disinclination to stay in Illinois, Indiana, New Jersey, and Michigan (Robey and Russell, 1983). The national migration flows to states in the South and West and away from the North and East are paralleled by the Appalachian migration patterns presented in this study (Rogerson and Plane, 1985). In their choice of urban destinations, migrants from Appalachia go where jobs are available, but probably encounter intense competition from other migrants upon arrival. Eight of the top-ranked urban destinations of Appalachian migrants are among the twelve urban areas projected to have the greatest population growth between 1980 and 2000: Houston, San Diego, Dallas, Los Angeles, Phoenix, Anaheim, Ft. Lauderdale, and Tampa/St. Petersburg (Holdrich, 1984). Similarly, six of the topranked urban destinations of Appalachian migrants are among the twelve urban areas projected to have the greatest gain in employment between 1980 and 2000: Houston, Los Angeles, Anaheim, Dallas, San Diego, and Phoenix (Holdrich, 1984). Although recent Appalachian migration patterns parallel national patterns of migration, they diverge significantly from historic patterns Appalachian migration. Brown and McCoy (1981) found high correlations among the ranking for the metropolitan destinations of Appalachian migrants in the 1950's, 1960's, and 1970's. Despite some inconsistency in the way the data were gathered for the 196570 study and the 1980-81 study, a substantial change in the pattern of migrant destinations in the 1980's was noted. The change is clear and consistent throughout the county, state, and regional levels of analysis. The focus of Appalachian migration has shifted from the cities and states of the Northeast and Midwest, and has now turned toward the cities and states of the South, Southwest, and West. Conclusion Three major conclusions can be reached on the basis of this study. First, it appears that patterns of outmigration from Appalachia changed substantially between the 1960's and 1970's and the early 1980's. The urban areas that serve as the focal points for current Appalachian migration flows are now more likely to be found in the Southern and Western states than in those of the Midwest or Northeast. Second, it appears that patterns of migration within Appalachia have changed between 1970 and 1980. Migrants within the region are moving to metropolitan counties at higher rates in the 1980's than in the previous decade. Third, outmigrants from the Appalachian region move in a fashion quite similar to other internal migrants in the United States. Current Appalachian migration streams flow toward the same general receiving areas as do the larger national migration streams. In their patterns of "moving on," recent Appalachian migrants are less similar 60) PART l/:CONflNUING DEVELOPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS �to earlier migrants from Appalachia than to their contemporaries in other parts of the country. NOTES * The authors gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the Urban Appalachian Council, Cincinnati, Ohio, in obtaining the data set used in this study. The suggestions of the UAC Research and Education Committee during the data analysis stage of the study have been quiet helpful and are very much appreciated. 1. Only the returns in which the SSN in 1980 matched the SSN in 1981 were included. Reasons for nonmatches include errors in entering or reading the SSN, individuals marrying and having the second SSN on a joint return, deaths, failure to file, and falling outside the guidelines for filing. 2. When the number of returns indicating movement from one county to another were ten or less, they were aggregated into the appropriate larger category: "same state" or one of the four census regions. The present study makes no allocation of the exemptions in these categories. In addition, if county-to-county migration did not account for at least 0.5% of the migrants to the county of destination on the inmigration data set or at least 0.5% of the migrants from the county of origin on the outmigration data set, this information was not presented by county but included in a larger geographical category. This resulted in roughly one-third to two-fifths of the data being reported on a higher geographical level than the county-to-county level. Consequently, the figures presented in this study for county-to-county migration are quite conservative. Finally, since different aggregation rules may be in effect for inmigration and for outmigration data, the results produced from the two data sets are not necessarily symmetrical. An example may help to illustrate the discrepancies this may cause. In the inmigration data, where Elk County, PA, is the county of destination, the records show that 21 returns were filed by people who migrated from Allegheny County (Pittsburgh), PA. The outmigration data, in which Allegheny County is the county of origin, have no separate record for these 21 returns that indicate relocation in Elk County, but have them aggregated with other "same state" movers. These returns represent four percent of the returns for migrants into Elk County, and accordingly they are listed individually in the inmigration data; however, they account for less than 0.5% of the returns for migrants from Allegheny County, and therefore are aggregated in the "same state" category in the outmigration data. This aggregation procedure causes underestimates of the county-to-county migration into counties with large population and underestimates of the county-to-county migration out of these counties. With this in mind, we have used the outmigration data set when counties with large population were the place of destination, and the inmigration data set when these counties were the place of origin. 3. Consensus is lacking on a geographic defmition of the region. In 1984 William PART ll: CONI/NU/NG DEVELOPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS (61 �G. Frost defined "the Mountain Region of the South" as conslStmg of 194 counties (Walls, 1977); John C. Campbell (1921) included 254 counties in the "Southern Highlands"; the U.S. Department of Agriculture (1935) variously designated 205 or 236 counties as the "Southern Appalachians"; Brown and Hillery (1962) define "Southern Appalachia" as 190 counties; McCoy and Brown (1981) employ four different definitions of the region, one of which includes 303 counties; Philliber (1981) includes 396 counties in his study of Appalachian migrants and the Appalachian Regional Commission (1979a) defines the region as 397 counties. This study adopts the most inclusive definition in order to obtain the greatest range of comparability with similar research. 62) PART //:CONTINUING DEVEWPMENf AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS �THE CHANGING COMPOSITION OF APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS The period from the end of World War II through the sixties has been described as the Great Migration out of Appalachia. During the period an estimated seven million Appalachians left, most to settle in cities surrounding the region (McCoy and Brown, 1981). A high percentage of the migrants came from low income families who brought little education with them (Philliber, 1981). They settled in neighborhoods where other Appalachians lived (Fowler, 1981; Philliber, 1981) finding work in lower blue-collar jobs (Schwarzweller, 1981). The concentration of high numbers of people sharing a common geographic origin and similar low socioeconomic status living in the same neighborhoods created the critical mass necessary for the formation of an ethnic group. The reaction of the host communities to their presence provided the catalyst which resulted in Appalachian ethnic groups emerging in Midwestern cities (Philliber, 1981). For the past several years a number of changes have been occurring among Appalachians living outside of the region. Taken together, these changes created reason to believe that Appalachian ethnic groups outside of the region are a temporary phenomena soon to disappear. The purpose of this paper is to examine those changes and look at their implications. The first major change which has occurred in the pattern of Appalachian migration is that the number of people moving from Appalachia to Midwestern cities has declined. A look at the Midwestern cities included in Table 7:3 of the previous chapter shows very few migrants moving to these cities. Louisville, Indianapolis, Dayton, and Detroit all show fewer than five hundred migrants and no Midwestern city has as many as five thousand. While people may choose to debate whether net migration is to or from Appalachia, it appears that the Great Migration is over. Not only has the Great Migration ended, it is unlikely to begin again. The population base from which migrants are drawn has declined. Fewer children are living in the region to migrate as they reach their late teens and early twenties PART ll: CONTINUING DEVEWPMENf AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS (63 �(Appalachia, 1983). The closing of coal mines and the migration from worn out fanns has already taken place. Diversified manufacturing, trade, and service industries are likely to provide a more stable economic base for the region in the future. The factors which produced the Great Migration in the third quarter of this century are not present as the century ends. The second major change in the pattern of migration out of Appalachia is a shift toward migrants who are economically better off than their predecessors. Watkins and Trevino (1982) studied women who migrated from Appalachia to Cincinnati between 1965 and 1970. They found these migrants to be disproportionately employed as professional. Again in Cincinnati, Philliber (1981) surveyed the general population in 1975 and Obermiller (1982) in 1980. If the two studies are compared, the latter study indicates that first generation white Appalachian migrants are better educated (28% compared to 15% have some college) and have better occupations (24% compared to 18% are employed as professionals or managers) than they did earlier. Although only the Watkins-Trevino study shows Appalachians doing as well as nonAppalachians, the suggestion is there that recent Appalachian migrants are economically better off than was true in earlier years. The third major change occurring among Appalachians living outside of the region is their generation of migration. The Great Migration brought people to the Midwest in their late teens and early twenties. Many of them bore children who were second-generation Appalachians. Many of those people are now adults and have their own families-third-generation Appalachians. Both Philliber (1981) and Obermiller (1982) found as many second-generation Appalachians as they found firstgeneration migrants. In the conference on Appalachians held in Cincinnati in 1984, service providers in neighborhoods where Appalachians had settled described their populations as predominantly second- and third-generation Appalachians. The history of white ethnic groups in America suggests that by the third generation ethnic ties weaken as people move into the mainstream of a community (Blau and Duncan, 1967; Goering, 1971). There are several reasons to believe this will be true of Appalachians living in Midwestern cities. A number of Appalachians remained in ports-of-entry for only a short time before they secured sufficient education to also hold middle class positions (Philliber, 1981; Obermiller, 1982). Studies cited above indicate that large numbers of current migrants are already middle class. Ethnicity is less of a factor in the lives of middle class people (Massey, 1981). For people of some economic means, socio-economic ties become stronger than ethnic ties. Middle income people have room below them. Ethnic differentiation is likely to be stronger among lower income people who have fewer human capital resources to protect them and may rely upon ethnic discrimination for security. Middle income people, less vulnerable to discrimination, lessen their ethnic ties. Many Appalachians will not move into the middle class. Dropouts from school and unemployment remain high among children born to migrants. These second- and third-generation Appalachians will remain in decaying inner-city neighborhoods, but they are unlikely to consider themselves Appalachians or be considered so by others. First, there will be little about these people to identify them as Appalachians. The distinctive accents of their parents will be replaced by speech patterns of Midwestern city dwellers. They will have learned the ways of 64) PART 1/: CONF!NUING DEVEWPMENf AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS �city people and know little of the ways people live in Appalachia. In the land of their ancestors they will be known as "city slickers" and "Yankees." Unlike the Appalachians who migrated, these people are stuck in the city. Early migrants were able to return to the mountains when employment ran out in the city. These people have no place to call home in Appalachia. Their families live outside the region. They remain poor, but they do not remain Appalachian. New migrants from Appalachia will not replace former generations in Appalachian neighborhoods. Because they are economically better off, they will live in middle income neighborhoods. Their identification with Appalachians will be limited to collecting quilts and listening to mountain music. The economic problems suffered by previous generations and their offspring will not be their problem. The emergence of Appalachians as an ethnic group in Midwestern cities has been an important dynamic of the third quarter of the twentieth century. However, the changes which have occurred in the last quarter will probably result in an end to Appalachian ethnicity as it existed. PAKf II: CONflNUING DEVELOPMENT AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS (65 �This page intentionally left blank �PART THREE From Regionalism To Urban Life People of Appalachian heritage have now been a part of midwestern cities for a number of years. During that time they have affected and have been affected by that environment. Previous work documented the experiences of early migrants. This section analyzes more recent experiences. Many of the people studied in these papers were born outside of the region to parents who themselves were migrants. Others are recent migrants who moved after the period of the Great Migration. Focus is placed upon their relationship to urban forms of government, family, and education. PART ll/: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE ( 67 �This page intentionally left blank �TWO STUDIES OF APPALACHIAN CIVIC INVOLVEMENT I. POLITICAL ACTIVITY AMONG APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS The importance of ethnicity in the formation of a political culture among white immigrant groups has received a good deal of attention since the "ethnic renaissance" of the late 1960's and 1970's (Glazer and Moynihan, 1975). More recently, discussions and documentation of ethnic group formation among white Appalachian migrants to metropolitan areas outside the Appalachian region have begun to appear in the literature (Philliber, 1981). Marger and Obermiller (1983) have put forth a theory of emergent ethnicity among Appalachian migrants based on a combination of four models of ethnic group formation. The first model posits the development of a culturally based community within the group in question; the second model requires the development of an ethnic identity among group members and recognition of the group by outsiders; the third depends on the development of clear ecological patterns (e.g., neighborhood or occupational clustering) which contribute to in-group solidarity; the fourth represents political mobilization of group members in response to competition from other ethnic groups. Data relating to the first three models have been collected and analyzed. Philliber (1981) found little evidence that Appalachian migrants possess unique cultural traits. Obermiller (1982) pointed to definite patterns in the stereotyping of urban Appalachians by Appalachians as well as non-Appalachians. Other investigators (Fowler, 1981; Schwarzweller, 1981) have documented the presence of predominantly Appalachian neighborhoods in urban areas and the occupational clustering of Appalachian workers. The purpose of this article is to examine Appalachian political behavior in Hamilton County, Ohio, specifically to determine the degree to which a PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE ( 69 �distinct set of political activities characterizes the county's white Appalachian population. I Although a variety of historical and contemporary studies have focused on politics in the Appalachian region (Gaventa, 1980; Ryan, 1975), few have dealt with the political activities of out-migrants from Appalachia. Early studies (Giffm, 1962; Schwarzweller, Brown and Mangalam, 1971) of the political differences between Appalachian migrants and urban natives show little difference between these two groups, while later investigations (Philliber, 1981) demonstrate strong differences between them, but provide little evidence as to the reason for such distinctions. The present study ftrst examines the factors of political involvement and affiliation in order to test which of these conflicting interpretations is more accurate, and then determines the salience of ethnicity in the political behavior of Appalachian migrants. Analysis The data employed in this study were collected as part of the Fall, 1980 Greater Cincinnati Study.2 In this survey interviews were conducted with 753 white nonAppalachians, 237 white Appalachians, and 127 black non-Appalachians. Thirty-six black Applachians have been excluded from the sample because of their small number and because of a reluctance to confuse race with ethnicity in the present study (cf. Philliber and Obermiller, 1982). Respondents were coded as Appalachian if they were born in Appalachia or if at least one of their parents was born in Appalachia.3 Before discussing how Appalachians differ from or resemble other urban groups political activity, it is necessary to compare their position vis-a-vis these groups in terms of basic social characteristics. Appalachians in greater Cincinnati have the same general age proftle and sex distribution as other whites and blacks. All three groups have lived in the area approximately the same number of years, on the average. Distinct differences appear, however, when the three groups are compared for educational attainment, occupational status, and income. Disproportionately few Appalachians (36%) and blacks (31%) have had any college experience when compared with the non-Appalachian white population (48%). These three groups are also quite distinct in occupational status. Blacks are found disproportionately in the operative and labor/service job categories, and are underrepresented in the professional and managerial occupations when compared with both Appalachians and non-Appalachian whites. Appalachian whites differ from their non-Appalachian counterparts primarily in the high percentage of operatives in this group (19% vs. 7%) and the relatively low percentage having jobs in the sales/clerical job categories (38% vs. 26%. The distribution of family income for Appalachians and other whites in Hamilton County is quite similar, but a much higher percentage of blacks is found in the low-income range, with 46% of black families having incomes of less than $15,000. In overall socioeconomic status, white Appalachians are distinct from both nonAppalachians and blacks.4 White non-Appalachians are generally in the higher-status group, while a higher percentage of blacks is found in the low socioeconomic category. Appalachian whites fall between these two groups in overall socioeconomic status. These data show some similarities among the three groups in demographic characteristics, but greater distinctions appear in social status. Is this variation among 70) PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE �the groups also evident in their political activity? Prior research (Hill and Luttbeg, 1980; Milbrath and Goel, 1977) has shown that social-position factors such as education, occupation, and income have a significant effect on an individual's political behavior. To determine how Appalachian origin contributes to such activity, we examined two aspects of political activity, involvement and affiliation. Involvement was measured by questions on the respondents' general interest in politics, their interest in political campaigns, whether or not they voted, and whether they knew the names of their U.S. senators. The two questions which probed affiliation were related to party identification and liberal-conservative self-placement.S Although the figures in Table 9: 1 show variation across groups, they do not present a uniform picture concerning the involvement of each of the three groups. In general interest in politics, for example, white Appalachians and blacks are quite similar, while non-Appalachian whites are more likely to say they follow politics some of the time and are less likely to follow them "only now and then." A similar distribution occurs on the campaign interest question. Again, white Appalachians and blacks are very much alike, while white non-Appalachians are more inclined to follow politics "somewhat" and less likely to say "not much." On the question of voting, however, a lower percentage of Appalachians claims to have voted than either of the non-Appalachian groups. Regarding the question of knowing their senators' names, blacks are distinct; a much higher percentage in this group are unable to name either senator than in either of the other two groups. Turning to the question of political afftliation, the data demonstrate differences among the three groups in regard to political identification. The figures for partisanship show blacks to be much more Democratic and much less Republican than Appalachian and other whites. On the question of self-identified political philosophy, white non-Appalachians are less likely to be liberal than either Appalachians or blacks, while a smaller percentage of blacks considers themselves conservative. Although the variation among groups on these questions is not totally consistent, a general pattern emerges to show that white Appalachians are similar to blacks in terms of their political involvement, and that these two groups are distinct from white non-Appalachians. This description, however, leaves unanswered the question of how much Appalachian origin, as opposed to other social characteristics, contributes to these differences. To examine this question, political activity measures for involvement and affiliation were used as dependent variables in a series of multiple regressions which included income, education, race, age, sex, and Appalachian origin as independent variables.6 In this way the effects of Appalachian origin can be specified separately from the effects of other social characteristics. The data presented in Table 9:2 demonstrate clearly the importance of demographic factors over Appalachian origin in explaining these political variables. Education and age are the best predictors of political involvement; sex and income also contribute to the explanation of variance on this scale. Race is the best predictor of party identification, while income and age also contribute to this model. For political philosophy, age is the most important predictor variable; race and income somewhat less important. Appalachian origin contributes little to the explanation of any of these variables, and does not make a statistically significant difference for any of the dependent variables explained. While Appalachians may differ from non-Appalachian whites and blacks in various aspects of their political activity, Appalachian origin PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE ( 71 �TABLE 9:1 RESPONSES OF WHITE NON-APPALACHIANS, WHITE APPALACHIANS, AND BLACK NON-APPALACHAINS IN HAMILTON COUNTY, OHIO TO QUESTIONS REGARDING THEIR POLITICAL INTEREST, PARTICIPATION, KNOWLEDGE, AND AFFILIATION White nonAppalachians White Appalachians Black nonAppalachians Political interest?a Most of the time Some of the time Only now and then 34% 37% 28% 39% 27% 33% 36% 26% 38% N 723 225 127 Campaign interest?a,b Very much Somewhat Not much 39% 45% 16% 41% 33% 26% 45% 31% 24% N 721 225 127 73% 27% 61% 39% 69% 31% 723 227 125 35% 29% 36% 31% 27% 43% 17% 25% 58% N 726 225 127 Party identificationa,c Democrat Independent Republican 23% 46% 32% 21% 42% 37% 56% 36% 8% 701 225 127 18% 44% 38% 25% 35% 39% 32% 41% 27% 681 208 108 Voted in last election?a,b Yes No Able to name senators?a,c Both One Neither N Political philosophya Liberal Moderate Conservative N alndicates statistically significant differences at the .01 level between white nonAppalachians, white Appalachians, and black non-Appalachians using a chi-square test. blndicates statistically significant differences at the .01 level between white nonAppalachians and white Appalachians using a chi-square test. clndicates statistically significant differences at the .01 level Appalachians and black non-Appalachians using a chi-square test. 72) PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE between white �contributes little to the explanation of these differences when other social factors are controlled in a multivariate model. TABLE 9:2 BETA WEIGHTS FOR REGRESSIONS ON POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT AND AFFILIATION Involvement Political Involvement Affiliation Party Identification Political Philosophy Education Age Sex Income Race Appalachian origin -.38* -.32* .13* -.11* .02 .01 -.02* .09* -.03 .13* .26* -.03 -.02 .24* .03 .09* .11* .04 Multiple R .50 .32 .28 *Statistically significant at the .01 level. II. APPALACHIAN PARTICIPATION IN URBAN NEIGHBORHOOD GOVERNANCE At present the city of Cincinnati recognizes 48 "statistical neighborhoods," which identify the approximate neighborhood location of census tracts and are used primarily for data collection and analysis (City Planning Commission, 1980). From another perspective, there are 47 neighborhoods with at least one "semi-official" community council operating in each. In some neighborhoods more than one council exists because of political rivalries, because they are subdivided into block clubs, or because of specialinterest groups within the same neighborhood (Bordwell, 1983a). In mid-1983 there was a total of 78 neighborhood-based councils or groups and two citywide coalitions of neighborhood groups (Bordwell, 1983a, 1983b). The Data In the spring of 1981 the Behavioral Sciences Laboratory of the University of Cincinnati conducted the Citizens Services Survey/1981,7 a random-digit-dialing telephone survey of 4,275 adults living in Cincinnati. The survey identified 1,185 black respondents, 325 first-generation white Appalachians, and 2,492 other whites. The research design recognized the importance of distinguishing among these three groups because of their high-density concentrations in particular Cincinnati neighborhoods (Maloney, 1974), and because they display distinct socioeconomic and ethnic characteristics (Philliber, 1981). PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE ( 73 �Two limitations inherent in this data set should be taken into consideration when reviewing the results of the study. First, the data understate the number of Appalachians by at least half by including black Appalachians in the black group and by including second-generation white Appalachians among "other whites." Second, the data were collected primarily for descriptive rather than explanatory purposes; thus the secondary analysis of such data is quite limited in its explanatory power. Even with these constraints, however, the data set is the most current and complete source of information on Appalachian participation in urban neighborhood governance. The Results In 1978 the Institute of Governmental Research reported that "while 71% (of Cincinnatians surveyed) know of the existence of community councils in their neighborhoods, only 12.4% report that they belong to the council" (Institute of Governmental Research, 1978:3). Five years later slightly less than 55% of Cincinnatians surveyed knew of such councils operating in their neighborhoods, and only 14% indicated that they were members of a neighborhood council. More blacks (62%) than Appalachians (44%) or other whites (53%) knew of a local neighborhood association or community council, but among those who knew of such organizations only 24% of the Appalachians and other whites and 27% of the blacks said that they belonged in some way to a neighborhood council. TABLE 9:3 AGE AND SEX OF MEMBERS OF THREE CINCINNATI GROUPS WHO KNOW ABOUT AND BELONG TO NEIGHBORHOOD COUNCILS AGE KNOW % (N) BELONG % (N) BLACK 18-29 years 30-64 years 65 and older 61 (271) 69 (378) 53 (82) 13 (35) 35 (130) 40 (33) APPALACHIAN 18-29 years 30-64years 65 and older 44 (30) 43 (81) 45 (31) 10 (3) 31 (25) 21 (6) OTHER WHITE 18-29 years 30-64years 65 and older 44 (463) 62 (684) 47 (174) 11 (48) 30 (204) 31 (53) SEX KNOW BELONG BLACK Males Females 63 (270) 62 (467) 24 (65) 29 (134) APPALACHIAN Males Females 42 (52) 45 (90) 28 (15) 22 (20) OTHER WHITE Males Females 55 (591) 51 (721) 22 (128) 26 (183) 74) PART lll: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN LIFE �As Table 9:3 indicates, age makes little difference in whether Appalachians know about neighborhood councils, but among blacks and other whites, those between the ages of 30 and 64 are more likely to know about the councils. For each of the three groups, being over thirty years old increases the likelihood of belonging to a neighborhood council. In all three groups the sex of the respondents seem to have little bearing on knowledge of local councils. Sex also makes little difference in membership patterns, although Appalachian men are slightly more likely to be members than Appalachian women, in contrast to the prevalence of female council members in the other two groups. When the figures are studied from the viewpoint of key social characteristics such as education, occupation, and income, a consistent pattern emerges. As the level of education rises for members of each group, so does the possibility that they will be aware of their community council. Having more than twelve years of education is the largest positive influence on the membership patterns of each of the three groups. Among the Appalachians in particular, an increase in educational attainment accompanies a major increase in both awareness and membership. White-collar workers in each of the three groups are more likely than blue-collar workers to know about neighborhood councils and are more likely to belong to them. The effect of higher occupation status upon know ledge is greater for Appalachians then for blacks and whites; among Appalachians white-collar workers have significantly greater knowledge of local councils than do blue-collar workers. The effect of occupational status on membership patterns, however, is more pronounced for blacks and for other whites; it is almost negligible for Appalachians. Home ownership has a modest positive effect on neighborhood-council awareness among members of all three groups, and a somewhat more substantial effect on the likelihood that they will actually be members of a council. Overall, neighborhood satisfaction has a positive correlation with knowledge of neighborhood councils for Appalachians, but a slightly negative correlation for blacks and other whites. For each of the three groups and particularly among Appalachians, those who are satisfied with their neighborhoods are more likely to belong to a neighborhood council. Conclusions It seems, therefore, that Appalachian ethnicity has very little direct influence on the political activity of the county's Appalachian population. On the other hand, socioeconomic factors such as education, age, sex, race, and income help account for the observed differences in political involvement and affiliation found among the county residents sampled. Taken in themselves, these factors would appear to lend more credence to a social class explanation of the political differences observed than to an explanation based on ethnicity. This is certainly the case of Appalachian knowledge of and participation in neighborhood councils. As socioeconomic status rises, a clear pattern of increasing knowledge and membership emerges for all three groups. Education and income have the strongest effect on awareness of neighborhood councils, while income has a substantial influence on council membership. In addition, homeowners who are also voters are consistently more likely to know about their neighborhood councils and to PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE ( 75 �TABLE 9:4 EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT, OCCUPATIONAL STATUS, INCOME, AND SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS (SES) FOR MEMBERS OF THREE CINCINNATI GROUPS WHO KNOW ABOUT AND BELONG TO NEIGHBORHOOD COUNCILS KNOW % (N) BELONG % ( N) Less than 12 yrs. 12 years More than 12 yrs. 27 (32) 46 (49) 63 (61) 9 (3) 21 (1 0) 35 (21) Less than 12 yrs. 12 years More than 12 yrs. 39 (189) 49 (382) 61 (741) 18 (33) 18 (66) 29 (211) BLACK White Collar Blue Collar 67 (264) 61 (410) 35 (94) 24 (96) White Collar Blue Collar 59 (81) 34 (52) 26 (21) 22 (11) White Collar Blue Collar 59 (882) 46 (355) 27 (239) 17 (60) BLACK Less than $15,000 $15,000-$30,000 More than $30,000 61 (318) 71 (195) 76 (73) 24 (75) 28 (54) 53 (38) APPALACHIAN Less than $15,000 $15,000-$30,000 More than $30,000 36 (47) 60 (54) 57 (22) 16 (8) 17 (9) 60 (13) OTHER WHITES Less than $15,000 $15,000-$30,000 More than $30,000 43 (341) 55 (421) 70 (291) 16 (53) 22 (91) 32 (93) BLACK High Medium Low 74 (108) 70 (237) 59 (199) 46 (50) 26 (64) 24 (47) APPALACHIAN High Medium Low 69 (36) 50 (58) 33 (25) 46 (16) 14 (8) 12 (3) OTHER WHITES 76) 29 (63) 19 (50) 34 (87) OTHER WHITES SES 55 (217) 61 (266) 72 (253) APPALACHIAN INCOME Less than 12 yrs. 12 years More than 12 yrs. OTHER WHITES OCCUPATION BLACK APPALACHIAN EDUCATION High Medium Low 69 (420) 50 (463) 41 (125) 32 (133) 18 (83) 14 (17) PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE �belong to them than renters who do not vote. Except for Appalachians, people who are dissatisfied with their neighborhoods are likely to be less aware of local councils and almost totally uninvolved in them. The larger the income, the greater the possibility that members of all three groups will know about and be members of neighborhood councils. Among nonAppalachian whites, increasing income makes it most likely that they will know about their local councils; by contrast, Appalachian council membership increases most substantially as income rises. One method of summarizing the combined effects of educational attainment, occupational status, and income is to combine them in such a way as to indicate the relationship of socioeconomic status (SES) within each group to awareness of neighborhood councils and membership in the councils.S Overall, the higher the level of socioeconomic well-being, the greater the probability of knowing about and belonging to a neighborhood council. In fact, rising socioeconomic status appears to TABLE 9:5 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION, HOME OWNERSHIP, AND NEIGHBORHOOD SATISFACTION OF MEMBERS OF THREE CINCINNATI GROUPS WHO KNOW ABOUT AND BELONG TO NEIGHBORHOOD COUNCILS KNOW Voters Nonvoters 69 (408) 56 (328) 40 (161) 12 (38) Voters Nonvoters 59 (88) 31 (54) 31 (27) 13 (7) Voters Nonvoters 65 (860) 39 (451) 30 (252) 13 (59) BLACK Owners Rent 69 (296) 59 (440) 40 (116) 19 (83) APPALACHIAN Owners Rent 45 (80) 44 (62) 33 (26) 13 (8) OTHER WHITES NEIGHBORHOOD SATISFACTION BLACK OTHER WHITES HOME OWNERSHIP % (N) APPALACHIAN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION BELONG % ( N) Owners Rent 65 (838) 41 (461) 30 (252) 12 (56) BLACK Satisfied Dissatisfied 62 (575) 64 (129) 28 (158) 22 (29) APPALACHIAN Satisfied Dissatisfied 47 (130) 26 (1 0) 27 (34) 0 (0) OTHER WHITES Satisfied Dissatisfied 53 (1147) 54 (128) 24 (276) 21 (26) PART ll/: FROM REGIONAUSM TO URBAN UFE ( 77 �have the greatest effect among Appalachians: high-SES Appalachians are more than twice as likely to know about community councils and almost four times as likely to belong to a community council than their low-SES counterparts. Apart from basic social characteristics, we can expect other factors to affect community council awareness and membership. Political participation, home ownership, and overall neighborhood satisfaction can be related to the knowledge of neighborhood councils and the motivation to join them. Respondents who indicated that they voted in the last Cincinnati city council election were more likely to know about their neighborhood councils and to belong to them than those who did not vote. The effect of political participation on neighborhood council membership patterns is most evident among blacks, who were over three times more likely to belong to a council if they were voters than if they were nonvoters. Cincinnati's black residents are consistently more likely to know about and to join neighborhood-based organizations than are Appalachians or other whites. The relatively high levels of black awareness and participation in Cincinnati's neighborhood-based organizations resemble national patterns of black participation in voluntary organizations (Antunes and Gaitz, 1975; Cohen and Kapsis, 1978; Williams, et al., 1973, 1977). On the other hand, awareness and membership are lowest among the Appalachians surveyed; within the Appalachian group those with less income, less schooling, and lower occupational status are least likely to know of or be members of neighborhood councils. Other issues in this area remain to be explored, such as the effect of community organizers on Appalachian membership in local councils and different patterns of community-council participation in heavily Appalachian neighborhoods. Nonetheless, these basic insights can be derived from this consideration of the social factors influencing neighborhood council awareness and participation among Appalachians. First, because urban Appalachians are consistently more aware of their local councils than they are willing to join them, the councils may benefit from reevaluating the wisdom of depending on public announcements (e.g., newspaper coverage, circulars, posters) to bring in Appalachian members. Second, because those groups with greater ethnic self-awareness, such as blacks, are proportionately more involved in local councils, less self-conscious groups, such as Appalachians may need more intensive recruitment to ensure adequate representation in neighborhood council membership. Third, to the extent that among Appalachians those under thirty years of age, women, and individuals of lower socioeconomic status are less well represented in local council membership, extra effort is necessary either to recruit them to council membership or to identify and act on the issues which most concern them. NOTES 1. Hamilton County and its largest urban center, the city of Cincinnati, have long been major destinations for Appalachian migrants (McCoy and Brown, 1981). In 1980 there were over 213,000 first- and second-generation Appalachians in the county, constituting just under one-fourth of its population (Obermiller, 1982). 2. The Greater Cincinnati Survey is a cost-shared semiannual telephone survey of 78) PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE �residents 18 years of age and older in Hamilton County. Random-digit dialing procedures are used for selecting the sample. The response rate for this survey, including partially completed interviews, was 78.3%. 3. At the suggestion of one of the reviewers, the analysis was performed with only first-generation respondents coded as Appalachian. As would be expected, firstgeneration Appalachians were older and less educated than second-generation respondents, but these distinctions did not alter the relationships between Appalachian origin and other demographic characteristics, or the relationships with the political variables examined. This fmding is consistent with the work of Philliber (1981) and Obermiller (1982), who have shown that generation makes little difference in the attitudes and behavior of Appalachians. Given the greater statistical power which a definition using both Appalachian generations provides, we chose this operationalization. 4. The socioeconomic status index was created by first collapsing income, education, and occupation into the following categories: Value 1 2 3 Income Education Occupation $0-$14,999 $15,000-$24,999 $25,000 and over Less than high school High school diploma Some college or more Blue-collar White-collar These three variables were then summed, resulting in an index with scores ranging from 3 to 9. Respondents with a score of 3 or 4 were classified as low SES, those with scores of 5, 6, or 7 were considered medium SES, and individuals with scores of 8 or 9 were categorized as high on the SES index. 5. These questions used the same wording as those in the National Election Studies conducted by the Center of Political Studies at the University of Michigan for the variable indicating interest in politics, voting behavior, party identification, and political philosophy. Political knowledge was measured by asking respondents the following question: "Now we know that a lot of people don't always follow politics, but do you happen to know the names of the two United States senators from Ohio?" 6. The variables which 7. Thanks 8. Socioeconomic status was determined by considering level of income (less than have been examined here represent two dimensions of political activity: involvement and affiliation. For this regression analysis, the involvement variables-interest in politics, campaign interest, vote, and knowlede of senators' names-were combined linearly into an index which was used as one of the dependent variables. Scores on this index ranged from 4 to 12. Separate regressions were run, with party identification and political philosophy as the dependent variables. The seven-point party identification and political philosophy measures were used as dependent variables. to Dean Watkins of the Office of Research, Evaluation, and Budget, City of Cincinnati, for making the Citizen Services Survey 1981 data available for this study. PAKI Ill: FROM REGIONAUSM TO URBAN UFE ( 79 �$15,000; $15,000-$30,000; more than $30,000), education (less than 12 years; 12 years; more than 12 years), and occupational status (white-collar; blue-collar) and combining them into appropriate categories, in this case high, medium, and low. A respondent with at least two out of three characteristics in the same category was included in that category. 80) PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE �THE IMPACT OF THE URBAN MILIEU ON THE APPALACHIAN FAMILY TYPE Urbanization has produced a great number of changes in American society. Along with industrialization, urbanization has changed the United States from a rural society to a predominantly urban society. Especially affected have been the five major social institutions: politics, education, religion, economics, and the family. Perhaps the institution that has been affected the most has been the family. The sociological literature indicates that the family has changed from an extended family type to a nuclear family type. Parsons (1951:510) maintains that urbanization, technology, and bureaucratization have produced an "isolated nuclear family." According to Parsons (1955a:9; 1955b:354) and Zelditch (1955:307), the modern American family, especially the urban family, is the product of the transition from an extended family type in which there is a great deal of dependence on the kinship network, to a nuclear family type in which there is a great deal of isolation from the kinship unit. The modern nuclear family tends to occupy a separate dwelling apart from the family of orientation of either parent. The household is economically independent of the kinship unit. Parsons (1955a:9) maintains that the modern nuclear family is a product of "adaptive-upgrading" and is a more stable, improved type of family. Leslie (1973:18, 53, and 213) suggests that urbanization and industrialization have been instrumental in producing movement toward the nuclear family as the dominant family type. Goode (1963) has proposed that, concomitant with the trend of society toward modernization, industrialization, and urbanization, the extended family becomes rare and the corporate kin structure disappears. Zimmerman (1947) and Wirth (1938) express the view that the American family is characteristically of the isolated nuclear form. Gleason (1956) maintains that the younger generation objects to joint living arrangements and it is only with reluctance that most older people will give up their freedom and become members of their children's household. McKee and PART Ill: FROM REGIONALJSM TO URBAN UFE (81 �Robertson (1975:387) state that the nuclear family is the established family form in America. FAMILY TYPE IN CENTRAL APPALACHIA. The early frontiersmen who settled in the Central Appalachian mountains (Southwestern Virginia, West Virginia, Eastern Tennessee, and Eastern Kentucky) tended to come seeking isolation. The isolation sought and secured by these settlers was conducive to the development of an extended family type. Outsiders were considered to be interested only in exploitation (Appleby, 1970:34), so the extended family and extended kinship network became important to the mountaineer. The development of the extended family type made each valley the domain of a single family. The extended family was responsible for the specialized roles of religion, education, government, and even the military through the defense of the family (Gibson, 1975:5). These specialized roles were taken over by clans or groupings of extended families as they developed. The military role of the clan is best exemplified by such conflicts as the Hatfield-McCoy and Allen-Edwards feuds in the late 1800's and early 1900's (Caudill, 1963). The literature indicates that the extended family is still very much in existence in Central Appalachia. Brown and Schwarzweller (1974:64) in an extensive study of the Appalachian family found that the extended family continues to be important. Some noted Appalachian scholars maintain that the extended family is still the typical family type in the Central Appalachian Mountains. Gazaway (1974:94) in her study of a Kentucky mountain community found that most family situations consisted of three generations of a family group. Stephenson (1968:2) learned that related families tend to live in at least the same neighborhood. He also discovered that it was unusual to find a family that had no kin-at least a second cousin or uncle by marriage-in other neighborhoods. One of the most noted of Appalachian authors, Weller (1966:13) states: It is not unusual today to fmd families with four generations living side by side in one narrow valley-brothers, sisters, aunts, uncles, nieces, nephews, and cousins-intermarrying to such an extent that in some fashion every person is related to every other. It frequently happens that a girl marries and does not even have to change her last name. A major factor in the continued existence of the extended Central Appalachia has been endogamy. Vincent (1898), while visiting Kentucky, noted that there were isolated mountain families living and coves with strong ties of kinship based upon three or more of intermarriage. Matthews (1966:10) states that: family in the hills of up hollows generations . . . cousin marriages and the tendency for brothers and sisters to choose mates who are themselves either siblings or first cousins is evident. For siblings of one group to marry siblings of another is considered ideal and provides security in time of emergency. Matthews (1966:xxiii) further states: 82) PART l/l: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE �The condition intervening between kinship and other social networks is local endogamy, the practice of choosing a marriage partner within the bounds of the community. Endogamy must have had its beginning with geographical isolation and valley families' practice of marrying "conveniently" and it persists because it supposedly provides structural stability. It provides economic stability, since marrying into a neighboring farm means land and consolidates and conserves wealth. It provides cohesion insofar as marriage between persons allied by blood continually strengthens the kin network and reinforces the "mechanical solidarity" that operates in such a system, and it gives personal satisfaction inasmuch as persons marry those whom they are expected to marry and whose way of life they share. The present study was devoted to an analysis of family type in the urban milieu. The author wanted to determine whether the urban environment is conducive to the development of a nuclear family type. To perform this task, a group of urban migrants from a rural geographical area where the extended family is still commonly found had to be studied. While the extended family type is considered to be prevalent in Central Appalachia, the sparse studies of the family type of urban Central Appalachians have indicated that the nuclear family type is dominant. Weller (1975:110) and Schwarzweller, Brown, and Mangalam (1971:130 & 286) state that the migrants' household is typically a complete nuclear family unit composed of husband, wife, and their children. Those who do not join an established household when they move to the city usually locate in the immediate vicinity of kinfolk and friends. However, they rapidly take on the characteristics of the nuclear family. Schwarzweller, Brown, and Mangalam (1971) found that in 85.5% of the cases they studied, the household was a complete nuclear family unit; in most of the other cases (8.7%) it could be classified as an extended family unit. Since the literature suggests the prevalence of an extended family unit in Central Appalachia and the prevalence of a nuclear family type among Central Appalachian migrants, it was felt that urban Central Appalachians would be an adequate group to study. Therefore, the family type of a group of Central Appalachian migrants was examined and then compared with the family type of non-Central Appalachian migrants in the urban milieu. Procedure The population in this investigation consisted of families in Akron, Ohio whose names were listed in the current Telephone Directory for Akron and Vicinity. The sample consisted of a random sample of 312 families residing in Akron whose names were listed in the telephone directory. Three hundred names were initially selected, through the random selection procedure to serve as interviewees. A list of two hundred additional names was compiled (employing the same procedure used in compiling the initial list) and utilized when potential interviewees on the original list could not be reached or refused to participate. PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE (83 �FAMILY BACKGROUND. Respondents were classified as either Central Appal- achian migrants or non-Central Appalachian migrants. Central Appalachian migrants were those who moved to the Akron, Ohio area after spending their lives in the Central Appalachian mountains. Non-Central Appalachian migrants were those persons who had lived their entire lives in Akron or had moved to Akron from somewhere outside the Central Appalachian area (these persons had never resided in Central Appalachia). · Seventy-three (23% of the total sample) of the persons participating in the study were Central Appalachian migrants. Fifty-one (73%) were from West Virginia, eight (11 %) were from Eastern Kentucky, twelve (16%) were from Eastern Tennessee, and two (3%) were from Southwestern Virginia. Two hundred thirty-nine (77% of the total sample) of the interviewees were nonCentral Appalachian migrants. One hundred forty-four (46% of the total sample) were persons who had lived in Akron all their lives and ninety-five (31% of the total sample) were individuals who had moved to Akron from somewhere other than Central Appalachia. FAMILY TYPE. Family type was classified as either nuclear or non-nuclear. Billingsley's (1968) classification of families as nuclear, extended, or augmented was originally employed. However, since only two families were classified as augmented, families determined to be extended and augmented were combined into the non-nuclear category. Twenty-two (7%) of the families were considered to be non-nuclear and two hundred ninety (93%) were classified as nuclear. Results The cross-tabulation of family background and family type revealed a significant difference between Central Appalachian migrants and non-Central Appalachian migrants in Akron, Ohio in relation to present family type (X2=7.817; p< 0.01). The measure of association (C=0.17) indicates that Central Appalachian migrants are slightly more likely than non-Central Appalachian migrants to live in non-nuclear families and non-Central Appalachians are slightly more likely to live in nuclear families than Central Appalachian migrants. While a difference is indicated, it may not be an important difference. An examination of cell frequencies and percentages (Table 10:1) indicates that there is little percentage difference between Central Appalachian migrants and non-Central Appalachians in terms of family type. Both are much more likely to reside in nuclear families than non-nuclear families. Ninety-three percent (190) ofthe respondents in this investigation were living in nuclear families. Eighty-five percent (62) of the Central Appalachian migrant families and ninety-five percent (228) of the non-Central Appalachian migrant families were nuclear. Present Family Type And Family Type Of The Family Of Orientation Socialization is an important process in the life of an individual. Flacks (1979:23) states that the family is "the primary institution for the inculcation of basic 84) PART /ll: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE �TABLE 10:1 CROSS-TABULATION OF FAMILY BACKGROUND AND PRESENT FAMILY TYPE Non-Central Appalachian Migrant Central Appalachian Migrant Present Family Type Frequency % Frequency 0 /o Total Frequency Nuclear 62 85% 228 95% 290 93% Non-Nuclear 11 15% 11 5% 22 7% Total 73 100% 239 100% 312 100% X2=7.817. df=1 p<0.01 % C=0.17 values and molding of culturally appropriate character structures. "Leslie (1969) notes that the individual develops family values and attitudes toward the family early in life. If it is the case that family values and attitudes toward the family are developed during the early years, one would expect persons from nuclear families to establish nuclear families of procreation and persons from non-nuclear families of orientation to establish non-nuclear families. The results of the present study indicate that persons living in nuclear families tende to come from nuclear families of orientation, but people residing in nonnuclear families also tended to come from nuclear families (Table 10:2). The vast majority of the respondents in the study lived in nuclear families of procreation and nuclear families of orientation. CENTRAL APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS. Eighty-four percent (61) of the Central Appalachian migrants in the study lived in nuclear families of orientation. Eightynine percent (55) of the interviewees living in nuclear families of procreation had lived in nuclear families of orientation. Fifty-four percent (6) of those living in non-nuclear families had lived in nuclear families of orientation. These are important results in that they indicate that the majority of the Central Appalachians had lived in nuclear families prior to establishing their own family units. They also indicate (in contrast to the literature) that the majority of those families that were non-nuclear in Akron had lived in nuclear families of orientation, and that the majority of those whose family of orientation had been non-nuclear established nuclear families of procreation in the city. OTHER MIGRANTS. Eighty-eight percent (84) of those persons who had moved to Akron from somewhere outside of Central Appalachia (other migrants) had lived in nuclear families of orientation. Eighty-nine percent (83) of those living in nuclear families had lived in nuclear families of orientation. Only one person residing in a non-nuclear family had lived in a nuclear family of orientation and one person residing in a non-nuclear family of procreation had lived in a non-nuclear family of orientation. PART///: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN liFE (85 �TABLE 10:2 CROSS-TABULATION OF FAMILY TYPE OF THE FAMILY OF ORIENTATION AND PRESENT FAMILY TYPE Present Family Type Family Type of the Family of Orientation Nuclear Frequency Nuclear Non-Nuclear Total /o Non-Nuclear Frequency % Total Frequency 256 88% 14 64% 270 87% 34 12% 8 36% 42 13% 290 100% 22 100% 312 100% 0 /o 0 AKRONITES. Eighty-seven percent (125) of the persons who had lived in Akron, Ohio all their lives had resided in nuclear families of orientation. Eightyseven percent (118) of those persons presently living in nuclear families had lived in nuclear families of orientation. Seventy-eight percent (7) of those respondents living in non-nuclear families had lived in nuclear families of orientation. Present Family Type and Family Type Directly Prior to Moving to Akron The results of this study indicated that, by far, the majority of the respondents were living in nuclear families and had lived in nuclear families of orientation. It seemed logical to expect, on the basis of these findings, that the family type directly prior to moving to Akron, for Central Appalachian migrants and non-Central Appalachian migrants would also be nuclear. Further analysis tended to support this expectation. Ninety-nine percent (153) of those residing in nuclear families had lived in nuclear families prior to moving to Akron. Twelve (92%) of those living in nonnuclear families had lived in nuclear families prior to moving, and only one person living in a non-nuclear family had lived in a non-nuclear family. CENTRAL APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS. Ninety-seven percent (71) of the Central Appalachian migrants had lived in nuclear families prior to moving to Akron. Ninetyeight percent (61) of the respondents living in nuclear families had lived in nuclear families prior to moving to Akron. Ten (91%) of the Central Appalachian migrants living in non-nuclear families had lived in nuclear families. Again, we see the pattern. Most of the Central Appalachian migrants were living in nuclear families and tended to move from nuclear family situations. Also, those residing in non-nuclear family types, in defying the literature, tended to move from nuclear family situations. Importantly, only two of the family types directly prior to moving were non-nuclear. OTHER MIGRANTS. Ninety-nine percent (94) of the other migrants resided in nuclear families prior to moving to Akron. Ninety-nine percent (92) of those living in 86) PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE �nuclear families had lived in nuclear families before moving. The two persons presently residing in a non-nuclear family type had resided in a nuclear family before moving. TABLE10:3 CROSS-TABULATION OF FAMILY TYPE DIRECTLY PRIOR TO MOVING TO AKRON AND PRESENT FAMILY TYPE (CENTRAL APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS AND OTHER MIGRANTS) Present Family Type Family Type Directly Prior to Moving to Akron Nuclear Frequency % Non-Nuclear Frequency % Total Frequency % Nuclear 153 99% 12 92% 165 98% 2 1% 8% 3 2% 155 100% 100% 168 100% Non-Nuclear Total 13 Present Family Type And Family Type Since Living in Akron Based on the results previously discussed, the author decided to determine whether respondents had, during their residence in Akron, ever lived in a family type different from their present one. Twenty percent (64) of the sample had lived in non-nuclear families at some time during their life in the city. Only fourteen percent (42) of those persons living in nuclear families had ever lived in non-nuclear family situations since residing in Akron. TABLE 10:4 CROSS-TABULATION OF FAMILY TYPE SINCE LIVING IN AKRON AND PRESENT FAMILY TYPE Present Family Type Family Type Since Living in Akron Nuclear Frequency % Nuclear 248 86% 42 290 Non-Nuclear Total Non-Nuclear Frequency % Total Frequency % 0 0% 248 80% 14% 22 100% 64 20% 100% 22 100% 312 100% PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN liFE (87 �Twenty-six percent (19) of the Central Appalachian migrants, sixteen percent (15) of the "other migrants," and twenty-one percent (30) of the Akronites had lived in non-nuclear families at some time since living in Akron. Conclusions The original purpose of this study was to determine whether the urban environment is a determining factor with regard to family type. It has provided little evidence to indicate that this is the case. The primary goal was to compare Central Appalachian migrants with nonCentral Appalachian migrants because the literature suggested that the non-nuclear family was more prevalent in the Central Appalachian mountains. The results indicate that, regardless of family background, the vast majority of the respondents (1) resided in nuclear families, (2) lived in nuclear families of orientation, (3) resided in nuclear families directly prior to moving to Akron (Central Appalachian migrants and other migrants), and (4) had lived in nuclear families since living in Akron. This investigation has provided an important indication that updated studies of present family type in Central Appalachia need to be performed. There is every indication that studies of family type in Central Appalachia are outdated and somewhat restricted in terms of geographic locale. Only after more updated studies have been performed can we draw more accurate conclusions concerning the comparison of Central Appalachian migrants and other persons in the urban milieu. 88) PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE �EFFECTS OF SCHOOLS & SCHOOLING ON APPALACHIAN CHILDREN IN CINCINNATI Thomas Wagner's Appalachian School Project Committee (1973) established the groundwork for study of the experience of Appalachian children in public education. Sponsored by the Urban Appalachian Council in cooperation with the Cincinnati Human Relations Commission, study group members conducted extensive observations and interviews during the spring of 1974 in three predominantly Appalachian public schools in Cincinnati: Oyler Elementary School, Roberts Junior High School, and Western Hills High School. Although interviews were carried out with teachers and administrators as well as with students, the results of interviews with students were most revealing. Students expressed a strong orientation toward neighborhood and family (as detailed, for example, in reports on relationships with siblings and frequency of family visits to kin in the mountains) and, by contrast, widespread alienation from the schools' academic and extracurricular programs. Principally as a result of the recommendations of Wagner's committee, Cincinnati Public Schools, beginning in 1973, obtained data on county of birth for students enrolled in city schools, their parents and grandparents. These data enabled researchers to systematically determine the ethnic composition of the area schools. Soon other studies followed. In order to establish a relationship between student dropout rates and aggregate student (i.e., school) characteristics, Marvin Berlowitz and Henry Durand (1977) isolated a set of school-related variables including student characteristics such as racial or ethnic background, selfconcept and family income. In this study a school with 40% or more first, second, and third generation students of Appalachian origin was considered predominantly Appalachian. Results indicated that factors associated with high dropout rates in these schools were high rates of absenteeism (Pearson r=.68), low reading achievement (Pearson r=.89) and high rates of student suspension (Pearson r=.49). By identifying specific variables related to student alienation PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE (89 �(dropping out), Berlowitz and Durand amplified the important finding in Wagner's study of widespread student antipathy toward school. COMPARING THE NEIGHBORHOODS. A comparison of Cincinnati neighborhoods on adult education and youth dropout rates shows how the education problem in Cincinnati is distributed geographically. In Table 11:1 the neighborhoods are listed by their 1970 socioeconomic status rank (Maloney, 1974). A look at the educational statistics show that percent of high school graduates and school dropouts varies greatly according to the socioeconomic status of the neighborhoods. Some of the higher mtes are in such low SES areas as Camp Washington (49.6), Lower Price Hill (57.8), and Over-the-Rhine (44.8). High SES areas such as North Avondale (2.2) and Hyde Park (4.2) have relatively low dropout mtes. The dropout problem is clearly a city wide problem, however. Even Hyde Park had twenty 16-19-year-old dropouts in 1980 and Westwood had 246. TABLE 11:1 ADULT EDUCATION AND YOUTH DROPOUT AND JOBLESS RATES FOR CINCINNATI NEIGHBORHOODS LISTED BY 1970 SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS RANK CIVILIANS 16-19 YRS OLD, 1980 % 0 /o % Camp Washington 2,198 10.5 14.9 28.0 119 62.18 49.58 49.5 East End* 3,230 12.6 11.7 24.0 266 46.61 36.46 28.6 Lower Price Hill 2,155 161 72.05 57.76 47.2 30.2 474 49.36 36.70 29.5 190 61.6 21.0 ----- 145 80.70 66.20 51.7 SocioStat isEconomic tical Status Rank Neigh1970 1980 borhood 2 2 3 4 5 8 5 4 NR Jobless (Unemployed Not Not High or not Enrolled School Labor in school Grad. Force) Percent High School Graduates (25 years Popuor older) Total lation % 1980 Black 1970 1980 no. North FairmontEnglish Woods* 5,889 Queensgate1 0.5 60.9 15.1 23.3 ---- 90) PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE �(Table 11:1 Continued) Percent High School Graduates Not (25 years Enrolled PopuIat ion % or older) Total in school % 1980 Black 1970 1980 no. SociaEconomic Status Rank 1970 1980 Stat istical Neighborhood 6 South CummingsvilleMillvale 4,908 92.2 20.2 28.0 535 West End 12,886 94.8 20.5 29.0 RiversideSedamsville 3,007 7 11.5 8 9 9 10 11 12 13 3 13 14 28 11.5 14 27 15 25 16 NR 6 21 Jobless (Unemplayed Not High or not Labor School Grad. Force) % % 22.61 11.58 6.0 964 25.82 17.84 13.3 19.9 31.8 249 61.84 50.20 45.4 Over-theRhine 11,914 66.7 15.2 21.2 758 54.74 44.8 37.7 Walnut Hills 9,912 90.4 24.3 38.2 679 33.87 24.30 21.2 Mount Auburn 8,889 72.6 31.0 50.0 855 31.22 20.93 19.8 FairviewClifton Heights 7,940 10.0 27.8 53.0 457 36.10 18.16 10.7 39.0 308 61.04 46.75 28.2 38.9 60.2 236 34.32 22.88 19.1 28.5 52.7 63 57.14 42.15 33.3 696 30.17 20.11 15.9 179 46.36 17.87 17.9 South Fairmont 4,104 Corryville Winton Place* 5.8 26.1 4,539 52.1 RiversideSayler 1,301 Park* Winton Hills* 0.7 6.2 7,711 88.8 30.5 50.1 2,739 11.7 --- 47.6 PART Ill: FROM REGIONAllSM TO URBAN UFE (91 �(Table 11:1) Continued) Jobless (unemplayed SociaEconomic Status Rank 1970 1980 Stat istical Neighborhood Graduates (25 years Popuor older) lation % 1980 Black 1970 1980 Not Not High Enrolled School Total in school Grad. % % no. % 17 18.5 Carthage 2,782 147 18 15 Avondale 19,845 19 17 Evanston NR 23 EvanstonE. Walnut Hills* 2,241 20 16 21 18.5 22 45 Northside 11 ,884 24.3 40.6 51.07 40.13 32.7 28.80 19.36 13.4 832 26.20 11.29 6.5 142 23.23 6.33 6.3 33.6 43.8 1,495 49.83 32.48 19.9 32.77 21.9 77.2 36.3 44.0 1,451 9,089 92.3 East Price Hill 20,361 Mount Adams 0.0 30.0 46.5 67.7 39.6 4.4 or not Labor Force 53.3 12.4 31.6 45.6 894 48.88 1,958 4.1 45.8 81.0 43 27.90 636 0.0 16.9 55.9 49 40.81 26.53 55.9 42.6 53.4 853 30.94 15.59 9.1 23 29 California 24 20 Madisonville 12,242 25 30 Oakley 11,801 2.9 45.6 59.4 654 38.22 20.03 12.8 26 22 Sayler Park 3,384 1.9 44.8 58.8 288 44.79 21.87 14.2 27 36 Univers~y Heights 10,526 28 29 31.5 31.5 12.7 61.9 74.1 2,825 West Price Hill 20,218 0.4 45.7 60.5 1,369 Central Business DistrictRiverfront 2,528 18.8 41.8 67.3 92) PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE 1.4 29.80 93 48.38 0.92 4.3 14.24 6.4 6.45 6.7 �(Table 11:1 Continued) Percent High School Graduates Not Popu(25years Enrolled Iat ion % or older) Total in school 1980 Black 1970 1980 no. % Jobless (Unemplayed Not High or not School Labor Grad. Force) SociaEconomic Status Rank 1970 1980 Statistical Neighborhood 30 North-West Fairmont* --- 36.5 --- Fay Apartments* 3,159 91.2 --- 58.6 178 29.77 20.22 .001 --- 91.4 157 13.37 8.91 NR 31 NR NR 10 46 39 Mount Look out* 3,533 % % 12.4 Columbia Tusculum* 3,132 3.9 46.9 74.1 156 33.96 14.47 5.7 0.3 30.0 111 62.16 14.46 36.9 47.7 59.0 55.6 249 41.36 13.25 13.3 NR 7 Linwood* 1,425 32 42 Rose lawn2 3,541 33 37 East Walnut 4,106 32.9 Hills 59.6 74.1 192 19.79 13.75 3.1 34 24 Bond Hill 11,408 69.6 53.6 56.8 755 30.06 12.84 8.6 35 33.5 Hartwell 5,394 10.7 41.7 62.1 229 30.6 10.48 4.4 36.5 43 Clifton 9,240 12.3 70.7 84.1 490 22.9 16.12 12.9 36.5 26 Kennedy Heights 6,591 75.5 61.0 71.1 507 34.5 11.24 9.3 38 Westwood 53.7 67.6 1,678 37.4 14.66 10.0 38 33,459 39 40 Pleasant Ridge 10,181 40 35 College Hill 41 33.5 Mt. Airy 4.5 15.9 62.9 71.7 456 30.48 17.98 12.7 17,264 33.9 60.5 68.6 1,153 28.53 11.70 4.8 496 40.92 10.28 4.4 8,199 10.2 66.9 72.6 PART /ll: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE (93 �(Table 11:1 Continued) Percent High School Not Graduates Enrolled Popu(25 years or older) Total in school lation % 1980 Black 1970 1980 no. % SociaEconomic Status Rank 1970 1980 Stat istical Neighborhood 42 47 Hyde Park 76.0 84.8 707 18.4 43 41 North AvondalePaddock Hills 6,762 53.0 69.4 78.6 916 8.2 44 44 14,955 Mt. Washington 11,632 4.24 0.6 2.2 2.2 20.16 9.2 31.7 18.0 12.6 12.0 48.4 63.3105,595 29.7 13.1 8.6 3.8 0.5 66.6 74.7 600 42.2 CITYOFCINCINNATI 385,457 34.0 50.9 57.9 27,508 SMSA 1,401,491 Jobless (Unemployed Not High or not Labor School Force) Grad. % % *Asterisk indicates name change from 1970 to 1980 1 Oueensgate population is primarily institutional. This neighborhood had only five households in 1980. As of 1980, Cincinnati is considered to have 47 residential neighborhoods, not including Queensgate. In 1980, the number was 44. 2 Roselawn's 1980 SES rank excludes consideration of data for tract 62.02 (Longview Hospital). 1970 rank includes 62.02. SOURCE: Census of population and housing (PHC80-2-121 ), 1980, U.S. Department of Commerce , Bureau of the Census . 1970 SES Rank: The Social Areas of Cincinnati, by Michael E. Maloney, Cincinnati Human Relations Commission, 1974. 1980 SES Rank: The Social Areas of Cincinnati, 1980, forthcoming publication by the same author. Data for Cincinnati portion of split tracts is deleted. Although high school dropout rates tend to vary directly with the SES rank of the neighborhood, the data show that there are exceptions. For example, Mt. Washington, which had the highest SES rank of all Cincinnati neighborhoods, had a 1980 dropout rate of 20.2, higher than for the West End, which had a 1970 SES rank of 7 (44 being the highest, 1 the lowest rank) and dropout rate of 17.8. The other exception to dropout rates varying according to SES is that dropout rates in some Appalachian neighborhoods are even higher than their SES rankings would indicate. For example, Carthage had a 1970 SES rank of 17, but its dropout rate in 1980 is 8th highest in the city at 40.1. Eight of the ten neighborhoods 94) PART Jll: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE �with dropout rates above 40% are predominantly Appalachian (see Table 11:2). Appalachian and Black are not mutually exclusive terms, of course. Over-theRhine, for example, has thousands of Blacks with roots in Appalachia. Among the predominantly Black neighborhoods, North Fairmont, English Woods, andOver-the-Rhine have extremely high dropout rates (Table 11:2). However, there are some pleasant surprises that may indicate effective efforts to promote school attendance among Black youth. South Cumminsville, West End, Avondale, Evanston, Bond Hill, Kennedy Heights, and Madisonville have dropout rates of less than 20%. Winton Hills, Fay Apartments, Mount Auburn, Walnut Hills, and Corryville are in the 20-25 percent range. These rates, of course, should not be considered as acceptable. TABLE 11:2 SES RANK (1970) AND DROPOUT RATE RANK (1980) FOR THE TEN NEIGHBORHOODS WITH THE HIGHEST DROPOUT RATES Predominant Ethnic Group of Dropouts Neighborhood Dropout Rate Lower Price Hill Sedamsville-Riverside Camp Washington N. Fairmont-English Woods South Fairmont Over-the-Rhine Riverside-Sayler Park Carthage East End Northside 57.8 50.2 49.6 48.4 46.8 44.8 42.9 40.1 36.5 32.7 Dropout Rate Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 SES Rank Percent Black White Appal. 3 8 1 4 13 9 15 17 2 21 0.5 0.7 10.5 60.9 5.8 66.7 6.2 0.0 12.6 12.4 X X X X X X X X Black Appal. X X NOTE: For both Dropout rate and SES rank, 1=Worst case. Queensgate with a dropout rate of 66.2 was deleted because youth population is institutional. Camp Washington also has an institutional population (CCI) but is also a residential community with high dropout rates. Table 11:2 shows the percentage of the adult ADULT EDUCATION LEVELS. (over 25 years of age) population in each census tract and neighborhood for 1970 and 1980. Tract numbers for 1970 and 1980 show changes in census tract designations made between the two censuses. Both the lower and higher SES tracts and neighborhoods tended to increase their percentage of high school graduates significantly during the decade. In order to interpret the full meaning of these data, some questions need to be answered for each PART 1/1: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE (95 �neighborhood. Tract 8 in the West End, for example, went from 19.4% high school graduates in 1970 to 14.7% in 1980. Did more young people fail to complete school or did the better-educated people move out of the tract? Did the tract boundary change? Is this an urban renewal area? The two tracts in Bond Hill showed relatively little change during the decade. Is this because the neighborhood is very stable? Are younger presumably bettereducated people moving out or going away to college? The tracts in Fairview-Clifton Heights had such a dramatic improvement in education levels that one should ask whether "gentrification" is taking place. Or is the improvement mostly due to younger people staying in school longer? Note that the youth dropout rate is still relatively high in Fairview-Clifton Heights (18.2%). The summary statistics at the end of Table 11:2 show that in 1970, Cincinnati was ahead of the SMSA in percent of high school graduates. By 1980, Cincinnati had fallen behind the metropolitan area as a whole. As of 1980, only 57.9% of Cincinnatians over 25 had a high school education compared to 63.3 in the SMSA. No doubt, migration is a factor in the relative decline for central city, but, regardless of the causes, this decline has serious implications. A comparison of dropout statistics between the two censuses is made difficult by the fact that the 1970 census lists 16-17-year-old and 16-21-year-old dropouts. From the 1980 census, we can get 16-19-year-old groups which cannot be compared to the 1970 groupings. Nonetheless, these figures are useful because they clearly indicate the nature of the neighborhood climate for school achievement. It is fair to say that in a "typical" Cincinnati census tract only about half of the population are graduates of high school and that about one-third of the young people are dropouts by the time they are 19. Dropout rates continue to be highest in White Appalachian tracts. The highest dropout rate in 1980 (excluding Queensgate) was in tract 10 in Over-the-Rhine (64.4): tract 91 in Lower Price Hill (52.8) was second. Tract 10 is Appalachian (Black and White) and Black, and Lower Price Hill is Appalachian White. The pattern of Appalachian dropouts shows up in the middle as well as in the lower socioeconomic range. Carthage, Avondale, Evanston, East Price Hill, and Northside are comparable socioeconomically, but the heavily White Appalachian CIVILIANS, 16-19 YEARS OF AGE Not in School East Price Hill Westwood Northside Avondale Over-the-Rhine West Price Hill 96) Not High School Graduates 745 335 627 437 418 415 408 PART l/l: FROM REGIONAI.JSM TO URBAN UFE 247 293 281 319 195 �tracts generally have higher dropout rates than predominantly Black tracts of comparable SES. Of the 8,702 16-19-year-olds in the city in 1980, approximately 3,854 are estimated to be Black and 4,848 Appalachian White or Other White. In each of these six neighborhoods, the number of dropouts, even when one omits those under 16 and over 19, is large enough to justify the operation of a special high school or major adult education facility. In the Western Hills plateau area, there are nearly 2,000 out of school youth of whom 777 dropped out before completing high school. Similar area concentrations exist in such neighborhoods as Avondale, Walnut Hills, Evanston, Mt. Auburn, Corryville, and Madisonville on the east side of the city, as well as in Northside and surrounding areas. ·For those interested in comparing Cincinnati dropout statistics with Central Appalachian counties, another study is of interest. The University of Kentucky Appalachian Center has published a study of dropout rates for related counties in Eastern Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia. The Central Appalachian study uses census data on 16-19-year-olds and shows, for example, a 30.7 average dropout rate for Eastern Kentucky Appalachian counties. Dropout rates in the 18 "worst case" Kentucky counties range between 35.9 (deKalb, Tennessee), and 49.9 (Clay, Kentucky). By comparison, Cincinnati's 11 "worst case" neighborhoods have 16-19-year-old dropout rates ranging from 32.7 (Northside) to 57.8 (Lower Price Hill). The Cincinnati system is hardly outperforming the poorest counties in Central Appalachia in retaining Appalachian youth through the 12th grade. Although the nature of schooling and the organization of schools may be different in urban as opposed to rural schools, the point remains: the schools must address the issue of the uneven educational attainment of their students. IMPLICATIONS. Only about half adult Cincinnatians have a high school education, and nearly one in five of Cincinnati 16-19-year-olds are school dropouts. Whether one considers the ideal of free and universal education, looks at education as a means to produce a highly trained labor force, or views schooling as a vehicle for the prevention of social problems, the conclusion is the same. The community needs to take concrete steps to provide a higher level of education for its population. When one adds to the statistics presented in this report the knowledge that many of our high school graduates are ill-prepared for college, jobs, or further vocational training, Cincinnati's situation could be considered one of crisis proportions. The first step in the search for solutions is to acknowledge that a problem exists. One definition of a problem is that a problem is merely the absence of an idea. One idea that seems to be working on a small scale is the network of communitybased education centers sponsored by the Urban Appalachian Council, the Episcopal Diocese of Southern Ohio, Santa Maria Community Services, Cincinnati Union Bethel, and similar programs which provide Adult Basic Education and G.E.D. preparation. These and other programs need to be expanded and their efforts more broadly supported with public and private funds. Public and private schools need to do more to keep young people in school and our colleges and universities need to do more of the kind of linking with neighborhood-based programs that Xavier and the University College at the University of Cincinnati are PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE (97 �trying to implement in Lower Price Hill and Northside. In these programs, counseling and instruction are carried out in the neighborhood setting by university-trained personnel. Students, the majority of whom are completing a high school equivalency curriculum, are in this way prepared to take the next step - attendance at a local college or university. The Cincinnati community can take advantage of the new national interest in adult literacy by becoming an innovator in this field. 98) PART l/l: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE �APPALACHIAN YOUTH IN CULTURAL TRANSITION Education has received considerable attention in the literature on Appalachian youth. Much of the literature points to cultural differences which created problems for Appalachian youth in school. Language or accents of first-generation youth (and some second-generation youth, as well) set them apart immediately (Rhodes, 1968; Wagner, 1974, 1975). Misinterpretation of mountain dialect, idiomatic expressions, accent differences, and other cultural differences cause problems in relationships of Appalachian youth with urban peers and school personnel (McCoy and Watkins, 1979). Appalachian culture places emphasis on individual achievement and the value of self-sufficiency - Appalachians are not "joiners" and do not relate readily to group activities. Appalachian youth are less likely to seek, or readily accept, school personnel support, such as sponsorship or encouragement by a particular teacher or counselor; they try to deal with problems on their own. They are less likely to participate in school activities (Rhodes, 1968; Wagner, 1975), and parents are less likely to participate in PTA's (Watkins, 1976). Youth do not identify with their schools, especially in junior and senior high school (Miller, 1979), since most youth are placed in an unfamiliar neighborhood for those grades. In addition, since few youth participate in school activities, few are in positions of leadership to serve as role models for others. Parents are overwhelmed by school bureaucracy, by unfamiliar extracurricular activities, and by the educational jargon of such groups. Class differences in terms of a mother's employment may conflict with meeting times and may preclude a work schedule to attend those meetings. High absenteeism and truancy are related to the cultural value placed on the importance of the family, as well as to the traditional migration process. Familism requires that family situations take priority over education (and in many cases, jobs). High absenteeism (Adams, 1971; Wagner, 1974; Rhodes, 1968) is, at least in part, a result of youth being needed at home to help care for siblings and household matters. The traditional migration process, in the three to five years after initial settlement in PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE (99 �urban areas, involves frequent relocation (Schwarzweller, 1970). A family's adjustment to an urban area can mean moving several times to find satisfactory neighborhoods, jobs, schools, doctors, and shopping areas. "Indifference" or lack of interest in education was cited by many authors as one of the prevailing features of Appalachian youth in school (Wagner, 1974, 1975; Huelsman, 1969; Henderson, 1966; Moore, 1976). This attitude was described in various ways, as youth feeling ambivalent toward school, being shy, reticent, passive, avoiding conflict, and withdrawing. Few, however, perceived the significance of cultural conflict. Appalachian parents see more value in basic education and skills development than in extracurricular activities and abstract idea training (Miller, 1977). Parents may encourage Appalachian students into career/practical skills and vocational classes rather than college preparatory or advanced placement classes. Parents often sacrifice personal needs in order to have their children achieve the educational level equivalent to their own (Adams, 1971). However, the low educational level of Appalachians, traditionally, complicates parents' commitment to higher education (Miller, 1977). Kunkin and Byrne found that the parents without high school degrees considered education irrelevant (Kunkin and Byrne, 1973). Moore and Pastoor (1976) were interested in whether educational values of Appalachian youth were retained in an urban setting. They compared sixth graders in Perry County, Kentucky, and Cincinnati, Ohio, and found that both groups felt that education was moderately important to their lives. Urban youth, however, felt more positive toward education than rural youth, in that urban youth had more confidence in their teachers' abilities and urban students were more inclined to aspire toward a college education. But based upon current evidence, urban Appalachian youth are frustrated in accomplishing such goals. Appalachian students have also experienced difficulty in racial, class, and cultural conflicts. Wagner (1975) says, in describing the typical Appalachian student in his sample: If he attends a school where there are blacks, he will not understand the blacks and will tend to keep to himself or to associate only with other white students. If he is placed in a threatening situation, he will normally withdraw, not because he is afraid, but because he does not understand the more aggressive behavior of black students. If pressed too hard, he will simply take action to avoid future incidents (such as avoiding the lunchroom, the front hall, or, in the extreme situation, quit attending school.) Appalachians have traditionally had little experience with urban blacks, since the black population in the Appalachian region is relatively small. Miller explains that this lack of experience continues in urban schools in elementary grades since Appalachian children attend school with other Appalachians in their own neighborhoods. However, contact increases at the junior high school level where white Appalachians often constitute a minority in the schools. Since the junior high and high schools take Appalachian youth out of their own neighborhood, away from their own "turf," they become fearful, believe rumors of reprisals, and generally feel intimidated. 100) PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE �Class differences cause Appalachian youth to feel "looked down on" and the lack of attention given to Appalachian culture only adds to a defeated self-image. Differences in language, dress, and values are seen by other classes as deficiencies or inferiority (Miller, 1977; 1979). These feelings of inferiority and fear were found in Cleveland to stem from the lack of skills and experiences in certain situations (Kunkin and Byrne, 1973). The conditions affecting Appalachian youth in school have culminated in extreme dropout rates. Maloney (1974) found that all twelve of the census tracts in Cincinnati with dropout rates of 40 percent or higher were in Appalachian neighborhoods Several authors suggested methods of working with Appalachian youth to improve educational levels, as well as relationships with school personnel and peers. Some of these solutions have been alluded to: teacher training (Adams, 1971; Wagner, 1974; Henderson, 1966), curriculum development (Wagner, 1974) in Appalachian culture, and the use of innovative teaching methods (Wagner, 1974). Parent and community involvement in the schools (Wagner, 1974; Henderson, 1966; Watkins, 1976) was considered important in order to provide a personal approach and commitment, as well as having parents and students feel ownership to their schools. Future roles, expectations, and aspirations of Appalachian youth are unclear. Wagner (1975) found Appalachian youths' job aspirations to be vague and unrealistic considering low school achievement. Henderson (1966), in studying Appalachian youth, did not find any relationship between school achievement and employment aspirations. Moore and Pastoor (1976), on the other hand, observed a positive relationship between the perception of a good education and a good job among urban Appalachian youth. In addition, Ricco (1965) found a positive relationship between achievement aspirations in both Appalachian and non-Appalachian males in Whitehall, Ohio, a small urban area. Other than school-related experiences, little information exists concerning the behavior of Appalachian youth in urban environments. However, there is some evidence that the transition from the mountains to urban life presents cultural incongruities. For example, independence and freedom of movement were allowed by parents in the Appalachian mountain environment. However, when migration occurred, the spatial restrictions of the urban setting affected this lifestyle. Parental freedom, combined with alienation experienced in the school systems, and peer pressure (Huelsman, 1969) resulted in higher delinquency rates. Examples of cultural clashes creating adverse attitudes toward authorities among these (Appalachian) youth include domestic stress in the new environment, individualism in the face of need for legal help, and perceived prejudice in the legal system, both as to poor people and as to Appalachians in particular (McCoy, 1976). Inner-city Appalachian youth must also deal with restricted recreational facilities. Facilities are often staffed by workers insensitive to the Appalachian value system, or are controlled by other groups. Appalachian youth find themselves caught between the values of the urban society in which they live and the values from their heritage. PART lll: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE (101 �Data This study is based on survey data collected in 1975 to assess youth behavior in four cities: Baltimore, Providence, Cincinnati, and Detroit. The National Center for Urban/Ethnic Affairs (NCUEA) developed and tested the survey instrument, and then contracted with community organizations in each city to collect the data. NCUEA provided training and technical assistance to the community organizations during the data collection phase. Questionnaires were administered in parochial and public schools in Detroit and Baltimore. The Providence and Cincinnati organizations were unable to obtain access to schools and utilized outreach programs to administer the questionnaire to youngsters in the community. The out-of-school populations were selected in specific predetermined ethnic neighborhoods on the basis of a 20% sample of ethnic youths in each selected neighborhood. Interviewers were instructed to find and interview youths fourteen to twenty years old in the prescribed neighborhoods by locating youths where they were known to "hang out," such as recreation centers, bars, churches, neighborhood drop-in centers, and after-school programs. Interviewers had to account for unique variations. For example in Cincinnati an added consideration of low educational levels among out-of-school youth meant that some interviews had to be conducted in small groups; other interviews needed to be conducted with the interviewer reading the questions and filling in the answers. Findings Comparisons based on the survey data and on noting similarities and differences among the various youths should provide a certain understanding of the differences in behavioral patterns between Appalachians and other urban ethnic youths and provide some further insights into the cultural transition experienced by Appalachian youths. The sample of 1458 youths included 445 (30.5%) Appalachians, 157 (10.8%) Blacks, 307 (21.1%) Polish, and 549 (37 .7%) other ethnics. Each group contained slightly more males than females: 43.4% of the Appalachians were females, 44.5% blacks, 48.8% Polish, and 45.6% other ethnics. The median ages of the ethnic groups in the sample are shown below. Appalachian youths were the oldest in the sample, with a median age of 17.1 years. Blacks were the youngest, 16.3 years. Median Age 17.1 16.3 16.6 17.1 Appalachian Black Polish Other Total Sample 16.9 Religious affiliation for Appalachians and blacks was primarily Baptist, with Roman Catholicism second in importance (see Table 12:1). Polish youths were overwhelmingly Roman Catholic (90%), as were other ethnics (53.6%). 102) PART Ill: FROM REGIONAUSM TO URBAN UFE �Fundamentalism underlies the religious beliefs of many Appalachians and strongly influences other values. These beliefs are founded on a literal interpretation of the Bible, an expectation of reward in the next life, and a world view in which God is omnipotent and man is fallible (Jones, 1978). TABLE 12:1 RELIGION Appalachians % N Blacks % N Polish 0/o N Baptist Black Muslims Church of God Congregational Eastern Rite Catholic Episcopalian Greek Orthodox Holiness Islamic Jewish Lutheran Methodist Presbyterian Pentecostal Roman Catholic Other None 138 31.7 8 1.8 26 6.0 3 0.7 2 0.5 11 2.5 5 1.1 7 1.6 0 0.0 12 2.8 16 3.7 27 6.2 10 2.3 17 3.9 70 16.1 31 7.1 53 12.2 74 6 9 1 0 0 0 3 0 0 3 9 2 2 15 9 19 1 0 4 2 3 0 0 1 0 1 4 3 2 1 274 1 6 Total 436 152 48.7 3.9 5.9 0.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.0 0.0 0.0 2.0 5.9 1.3 1.3 9.9 5.9 12.5 302 0.3 0.0 1.3 0.7 1.0 0.0 0.0 0.3 0.0 0.3 1.3 1.0 0.7 0.3 90.7 0.3 2.0 Other % N 42 3 20 3 10 11 12 2 6 11 31 12 1 9 295 18 50 7.6 0.5 3.6 0.5 1.8 2.0 2.2 0.4 1.1 2.0 5.6 2.2 0.3 1.6 53.6 3.3 9.1 550 Religion in the mountains (and transferred to the urban environment) was less focused on institutionalized ritual and ceremony than based on personalized beliefs in God, Christ, and the church. Specific and literal interpretations of the Bible have molded behaviors and emotions and have shaped a value system which permeates daily life routines. Fundamentalist churches which were delineated in the questionnaire include Baptist, Church of God, Congregational, Holiness, and Pentecostal; 43.8% of the Appalachians and 58.6% of the blacks belonged to these churches. The surprisingly large number of Appalachians (12.2%) who did not identify with any church may be indicative of the cultural transition Appalachian youths are experiencing. The transition from the more traditional Appalachian values to the more secular values and belief systems of urban youths could be due, in part, to influence from their peers or from obtaining a more "realistic view" of life based on their negative experiences in urban neighborhoods. The role of the church among inner-city urban youths probably reflects ambiguity as to its purpose and value for PART lll: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE (103 �many of them. The storefront churches prevalent in many inner-city areas represent a lack of stability that does not provide for the type of support needed by the youths in confronting various situations which occur during cultural transition. Even though religion and the development of religious values are important to Appalachians, church attendance is not. More than half the Appalachians in our study either never attended, or else, only attended services a few times in the past year (Table 12:2). Even in grade school years, church attendance was considerably less than for the other three groups. The importance of religion to Appalachians is in shaping a belief system, not in regular church attendance. TABLE 12:2 ATTENDANCE AT RELIGIOUS SERVICES Appalachians Grade Past School Year Never Few times a year About once a month Few times a month About once a week N Blacks Grade School 19.4 19.6 9.1 15.5 36.4 439 35.1 28.7 6.6 12.4 17.2 442 11.3 12.0 9.3 24.0 43.3 150 Polish Past Year 15.8 24.3 15.1 20.4 24.3 152 Other Grade Past School Year Grade Past School Year 2.3 5.0 5.6 11.6 75.5 8.3 23.4 6.9 10.9 50.5 14.6 15.7 6.8 20.8 42.0 303 547 302 29.4 31.1 7.9 14.5 17.1 544 As recent studies have revealed, Appalachian youths have substantial problems with the urban school systems. Educational attainment, measured by a median for highest grade completed, shows that Appalachians in the study had completed fewer school years than any other group, even though they were one of the oldest groups in the sample. Further, there were few Appalachians enrolled in high school academic programs or college classes (Table 12:3). Median Highest Grade Completed Appalachians Black Polish Other Ethnic 9.9 10.1 10.6 10.3 Total Sample 10.2 Since Appalachian youths' experiences with the public school systems have been negative ones, some are apparently selecting other alternatives to complete their education. Table 12:3 shows that Appalachians (10.9%) as well as 104) PART ll/: FROM REGIONAI..JSM TO URBAN UFE �TABLE 12:3 CURRENT SCHOOL PROGRAM Appalachians % N Black % N Polish N % Other Ethnics % N High School Academic 60 22.6 34 25.8 119 49.0 125 35.1 General 83 31.2 47 35.6 70 28.8 102 28.7 GED 20 7.5 0 0.0 2 0.8 11 3.1 Business Course 22 8.3 14 10.6 19 7.8 41 11.5 Vocational or Trade School 29 10.9 18 13.6 7 2.9 24 6.7 College 13 4.9 6 4.5 17 7.0 26 7.3 Other 39 14.7 13 9.8 9 3.7 27 7.6 Total 438 100.0 151 100.0 303 100.0 545 100.0 Blacks (13.6%) were in trade or vocational schools. An additional 7.5% of Appalachians were enrolled in GED programs, which was a substantially higher number than for the other young people. Debunking all the stereotypes revealed in Polish jokes, the grades reported by Polish students were substantially higher than those reported by the other groups (Table 12:4). In addition, Polish students had the highest proportion enrolled in high school academic programs with many enrolled in college programs (7 .0%), as well as the highest median school years completed (10.6). Black youths were similar to Appalachians in the area of education, reporting the lowest grades of all groups, and low median grade completed scores. None of the Black youths were enrolled in GED programs, but some, like Appalachians, were apparently selecting alternatives to the public school system in that 13.6% were in trade or vocational programs. Over one-fourth of the youths in the sample were not in school, but were of school age. Appalachians comprised 49.2% of these, 34.2% were other ethnics, 11.8% were Polish, and 4.7% were blacks. In revealing their reasons for not completing school, 49.2% said they had dropped out. The majority of Appalachians, Polish and other ethnics had dropped out of school, while Blacks evidenced a greater variety of reasons for being out of school, including almost a quarter whose education was disrupted by being in jail (Table 12:5). PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE (105 �TABLE 12:4 GRADES IN SCHOOL IN THE PREVIOUS YEAR Appalachians % N Black % N Polish % N Other Ethnics N % Fail D Average CAverage 8 Average A Average 36 52 206 105 39 8.2 11.9 47.0 24.0 8.9 8 15 88 34 6 5.3 9.9 58.3 22.50 4.0 9 16 110 132 36 3.0 5.3 36.3 43.6 11.9 35 68 245 162 35 6.4 12.5 45.0 29.7 6.4 Total 266 100.0 132 100.0 243 100.0 356 100.0 TABLE 12:5 REASONS FOR NOT COMPLETING SCHOOL Appalachians % N Black % N Dropped Out 108 57.8 3 Suspended/ Expelled 12 6.4 Hospitalized 20 Jail Other Total Polish % N Other Ethnics % N 16.7 26 57.8 58 44.6 3 16.7 4 8.9 29 22.3 10.7 2 11.1 2 4.4 5 3.8 20 10.7 4 22.2 3 6.7 14 11.5 27 14.4 6 33.3 10 22.2 24 18.5 187 18 45 130 The post-high school plans of respondents (Table 12:6) show realistic expectations of Appalachian youths, especially in light of their current educational experiences. Only 16.2% planned to go to college, while nearly onefourth planned to go to work. Of the Appalachians, 20.7% had no plans after high school and 12.7% did not plan to go to complete high school-not an encouraging picture for further educational achievements. In light of Moore's (1976) finding that urban youths aspired more toward a college education than rural Appalachian youths, the youths in this study, who are older, have apparently reduced their expectations by the time they reach high school age. Low expectations, however, may also be a reflection of fatalism, another prominent value among many others discussed by Jones (1978). 106) PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE �More Black youths and Polish youths planned to attend college than to go to work. Their higher expectations for the future are also revealed in the small number who look forward to a future without a high school diploma. TABLE 12:6 PLANS AFTER HIGH SCHOOL Appalachians % N Academic College Vocational Training Work Go into Business Marry/Raise Family Join Army Other Don't Know Don't Plan to Graduate Total N Black N % Polish N % Other Ethnics N % 61 16.2 50 35.5 82 30.4 80 16.8 30 93 8.0 24.7 10 27 7.1 19.1 20 62 7.4 23.0 41 107 8.6 22.5 11 2.9 6 4.3 10 3.7 35 7.4 14 24 18 78 3.7 6.4 4.8 20.7 2 9 9 24 1.4 6.4 6.4 17.0 14 19 10 44 5.2 7.0 3.7 16.3 20 33 15 107 4.2 6.9 3.2 22.5 48 12.7 4 2.8 9 3.3 37 7.8 377 141 270 475 Current employment data show that Polish and other ethnic youths had the highest proportions employed (fable 12:7). Appalachians, on the other hand, had the highest unemployment. Appalachians, traditionally, have tended not to seek jobs through state employment services or employment agencies, but have utilized the kin and friend network to find jobs (Schwarzweller and Brown, 1970). This method of finding jobs is not nearly as productive in times of high unemployment as when jobs are plentiful, and may be part of the explanation for the high number of unemployed Appalachian youths. The conditions of inner-city Appalachian youths in this survey reveal some very discouraging patterns. The culture of Appalachian youths is undergoing change. This process of change in the urban environment has created new situations with which a changing culture must deal, but the Appalachian youths in this survey were armed with few resources for this task other than support from family and their own inner strength. In summary, the findings showed that Appalachian youths had completed fewer school grades than the comparative groups, although they were older in age. Few were enrolled in high school academic programs; however, some were selecting vocational education and GED programs as alternatives. More of the Appalachians than other groups were school dropouts, and many of those who were in school had either no plans or low expectations for their future. Some PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE (107 �TABLE 12:7 EMPLOYMENT Appalachians % N Part-Time 78 Black % N Other Ethnics % N Polish % N 29.0 25 50.0 88 57.1 116 38.3 6 12.0 30 19.5 93 30.7 2.0 4 2.6 10 3.3 Full-Time 62 23.0 Homemaker 18 6.7 Not in School/Not Employed 111 41.3 18 36.0 32 20.8 84 27.7 Total N 269 100.0 50 100.0 154 100.0 303 100.0 did plan to go to college and about one-fourth planned to work. However, if the high unemployment of this young age group is any indication of what the future holds, their chances for employment in adult life will be less than other groups. Implications For The Future Of Appalachian Youth The above research findings show consistently, that compared to other urban ethnic youths, Appalachians exhibit great symptomic behavior, indicating severe difficulties in coping with urban environments. Why these greater difficulties of adjustment should exist for urban Appalachian youths is not clear at the present time. Further study is needed to understand the relationship between these behaviors, patterns, and the differences in cultural conditions for Appalachian youths. The recency of the migrant experience of Appalachians relative to other ethnic youths is certainly one factor that need to be considered. Empirical confirmation is needed to determine more specifically what accounts for these differences. Conflict with public institutions (in particular, the school system) is a critical factor in any attempt to understand Appalachian youths. Consistent evidence exists that Appalachian youngsters have high dropout rates, above average truancy rates, and in general, are dissatisfied with school. Many Appalachians do not have the family and religious support systems that are needed to address medical, social, and psychological needs. Only a proper understanding of Appalachian culture and the needs of Appalachian peoples will permit the development of appropriate community support systems. Several factors have been cited as significant to the design of support systems intended to serve urban communities containing large numbers of Appalachians. 108) PART ll/: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE �These systems should be: 1. FAMILY AND KINSHIP ORIENTED Family and kinship networks have been an important source of support for mountain families (Brown, 1970). In making the transition from mountain lifeways, there is a deterioration of these kinship support networks. The University of Kentucky Medical Center and the Betheseda North Hospital in Cincinnati found that by developing a familial orientation of health delivery, the services and responsiveness among Appalachian families improved (Watkins, 1973). 2. COMMUNITY AND NEIGHBORHOOD BASED* Support systems for Appalachians should be neighborhood based, rather than being associated with the presently structured schools or other institutions. Experience has shown that Appalachians respond best to services that are located near their homes. In Cincinnati in recent years, response by Appalachians has been favorable to programs like youth drop-in services, community organizing, and cultural heritage projects whose primary functions are based upon self and family defined needs. Human services or referrals to such agencies are provided as a secondary function. Self-involvement has served to instill ownership in the programs by Appalachians, as well as helping them to feel that they have given something in return for the services received. 3. CULTURALLY SENSITIVE* Cultural sensitivity is another important characteristic of a support network responsive to the need of Appalachians. Cultural sensitivity does not necessarily mean that a program would be culturally specific. A program within the Appalachian community would need to deal with several variants of Appalachian culture, as well as other ethnic groups. 4. NON-BUREAUCRATIC* Another factor that is necessary in providing services to Appalachian youths in particular, is that support systems should be flexible, open, personal, and family oriented. A personal approach has been described by David Looff (1971) in his work with mountain children. He strongly emphasizes the Appalachian characteristics of personal support and familism as crucial to his success in working with the children. Youths tend to respond well to approaches which recognize them as people with problems, but not when labels such as "sick" or "mentally ill" or "bad" are placed on them. 5. COMPREHENSIVE A fifth factor to consider in developing supports for Appalachians is suggested by James S. Brown, a long-time scholar of Appalachian PART Ill: FROM REGIONAUSM TO URBAN UFE (109 �migration and migrants. He suggests that Appalachians are multiple problem families; that their arrival in the cities presents many unique problems for the family which differ for each member of the family; and that these problems are cultural inasmuch as they are economic. Urban conditions affect each member of the family in such a unique way that the support systems usually offered by kinship and family are less effective in the new environment than they were in the moun- tains. Multiple, sociocultural conflicts combined with a lack of initial opportunity to gain meaningful employment create multiple problems for the family. Since the Appalachian family relied very heavily upon the support system of kinship and familism in the mountains, the conflicts and stresses confronted in the urban environment also deteriorate that support system so that it is not as effective as in the mountain tradition. *Categories similarly named in Watkins, (1975). Conclusions In conclusion, an increased understanding of Appalachian culture and needs, with the provision of appropriate support systems, could improve the conditions for Appalachian youth. Although economic conditions are also part of the problem, for Appalachians, all the problems cannot be solved through economic support. Neither should these be school based at the present time due to the alienation of the youth from the schools. These supports must be rooted in the communities and neighborhoods and involve the tremendous strength that family and kinship can offer to Appalachian youths. 110) PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE �BLACK APPALACHIAN MIGRANTS The Issue Of Dual Minority Status A greater proportion of blacks moved out of Appalachia during the great migration of the fifties and sixties than did whites, reducing the percentage of blacks in Appalachia to 7.3% of the population by 1970 (Appalachian Regional Commission, 1971). As a result of this selectivity, blacks are more common among Appalachian migrants than among those who remained in the region. An estimated one out of five Appalachians living in Hamilton County, Ohio, for example, is black. While studies were being conducted among Appalachian migrants who were white, black migrants were either excluded from the analysis or grouped with other blacks. Too few Appalachian blacks were found in any single survey to analyze as a separate category, and researchers feared combining blacks and whites together lest the importance of origin be confounded by race. Today the educational attainment of black Appalachian migrants is substantially lower than their white counterparts (Fowler, 1980). There are reasons to believe that black Appalachians may have little in common with white migrants. First, their origins in Appalachia were different. While most white Appalachians living in Cincinnati, for example, came from Kentucky and Tennessee (McCoy and Brown, 1981), blacks moved from Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi (Appalachian Regional Commission, 1971; Fowler, 1976). Appalachia is not a single cultural entity and migrants from different parts of the region may be as different as Appalachians and non-Appalachians. Second, within the same part of the region black Appalachians have usually lived isolated from whites (Allen, 1974; French, 1975; Cabbell, 1980). As with the rest of the nation, blacks were excluded from the mainstream in Appalachia. Having shared little in Appalachia, it seems doubtful black and white Appalachians found much in common after they migrated. Third, although migration brought many Appalachians-black and white-to low income neighborhoods of the city, they settled apart from each other (Fowler, 1981). Blacks from Appalachia moved to black neighborhoods where they PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE (111 �identified with, and were identified as, blacks, but perhaps not as Appalachians (Zigli, 1981). On the other hand, there are reasons to believe that Appalachia has had an influence on black migrants similar to that of whites. One of the frrst studies on black culture in Appalachia concluded that while blacks were isolated, they nonetheless developed value systems similar to whites in the area (French, 1975). While the importance of such a value system has recently been a subject of criticism (Billings, 1974; Philliber, 1981) any influence it has upon the life chances of white migrants should also then be true of blacks. The only research which has analyzed black Appalachians as a separate category supports that conclusion. Fowler's (1981) study of residential distribution found that both black and white Appalachians were more likely than their non-Appalachian counterparts to live in low-income areas of the city. Whether blacks from Appalachia integrated into the local black community where they migrated or remained distinct because of their Appalachian heritage in the same manner as white migrants remains an unanswered question. The purpose of this paper is to provide a partial answer to that question by analyzing the socioeconomic attainments of black Appalachian migrants in Hamilton County, Ohio, relative to non-Appalachian blacks, white Appalachians, and non-Appalachian whites. Data Data were obtained by combining three surveys conducted in Hamilton County, Ohio. They were the 1971 Model Cities Survey (Sherrill, 1972), the 1975 Cincinnati Area Project (Philliber, 1981), and the 1980 Greater Cincinnati Survey (Obermiller, 1982). While neither methods of sampling nor measurement were the same, combining the studies produced 113 black Appalachians. That yielded a large enough group to provide a basis for at least some tentative observations. There are four differences in the ways the three surveys were carried out which may contribute to errors in the fmdings here. Two of those differences are minor and two are of some consequence. First, the Greater Cincinnati Survey was conducted by telephone, while the other two were collected in-person. Findings from telephone surveys are generally consistent with in-person interviews, so this difference should matter little (Tuchfarber and Klecka, 1976). Second, participants in the Model Cities Survey were selected as part of a multistage probability sample stratified by race; the Cincinnati Area Project used a multi-stage probability sample of blocks with quotas proportional to the population; and the Greater Cincinnati Survey selected people using Random Digit Dialing. These differences also probably matter little (Tuchfarber and Klecka, 1976; Sudman, 1966). On the other hand, the Model Cities Survey is drawn from the population living within the inner-city low-income area designated as the target for the Model Cities program while the other two studies are drawn from the population of Hamilton County. As a result, the combination of the three samples disproportionately represents people in low-income neighborhoods. Finally, the Cincinnati Area Project and the Greater Cincinnati Survey classified people as 112) PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE �Appalachian if they were born in Appalachia or had at least one parent born there, while the Model Cities Survey classified people as Appalachians if they had moved to Cincinnati directly from Appalachia. As a result, the Model Cities Survey classified some persons as non-Appalachians who would otherwise be Appalachian. We have no reason to believe that any of these factors seriously altered the findings, but they should be remembered before reaching any final conclusions. Findings Although migrants from Appalachia generally are better educated than nonmigrants who remained (Larkin, 1973), Appalachians average fewer years of education than natives and other migrants in their places of destination (Philliber, 1981). Table 13:1 shows that only 58% of the white Appalachians in the three studies had completed high school, but 78% of other whites graduated. However, while white Appalachians are left at a competitive disadvantage to other whites, black Appalachians are not much different from other blacks. 38% of the black Appalachians compared to 39% of other blacks were high school graduates. Both groups are seriously less educated than whites, but their differences from each other are small. TABLE 13:1 PERCENT HIGH SCHOOL GRADUATES BY RACE AND APPALACHIAN HERITAGE Race Appalachian Other Black 35% (1 01) 39% (380) White 58% (359) 78% (1 ,015) TABLE 13:2 PERCENT OF LABOR FORCE EMPLOYED IN SKILLED TRADES OR WHITE COLLAR POSITIONS BY RACE AND APPALACHIAN HERITAGE Race Appalachian Other Black 41% (54) 30% (231) White 60% (248) 81% (783) PART Ill: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN I.JFE (113 �The same pattern emerges with respect to occupational attainment among those in the labor force. White Appalachians have a lower percentage employed as whitecollar workers or in skilled trades than non-Appalachian whites have, 60% and 81%, respectively. Both black groups have even fewer such employees. All but 41% of the black Appalachians and 30% of other blacks are employed in semi-skilled or unskilled jobs. Although the difference between the two black groups is still small, it should be noted that what difference does exist is in favor of black Appalachians. The pattern is repeated in family incomes. The average annual income of other whites in the three surveys was $16,470. White Appalachians had average annual incomes of $14,182. Both black groups were considerably poorer. The average family income of black Appalachians was $7,742 and the income of other blacks averaged $6,719. TABLE 13:3 AVERAGE INCOME BY RACE AND APPALACHIAN HERITAGE Race Appalachian Other Black $7,742 (98) $6,719 (403) White $14,182 (366) 16,470 (1 ,017) TABLE 13:4 RELATIVEATTAINMENTSOFBLACKAPPALACHIANS, WHITE APPALACHIANS, & OTHER BLACKS AS A PERCENTAGE OF THE ATTAINMENTS OF OTHER WHITES Group Education Job Income Black Appalachian 45% 51% 47% Other Black 50% 37% 41% White Appalachian 74% 74% 86% 100% 100% 100% Other White Table 13:4 summarized relative attainments of the four groups. On each of the three variables non-Appalachian whites averaged higher achievements than other groups. 78% were high school graduates, 81% had white-collar or skilled jobs, and the group averaged $16,470 in family income. If these figures are set equal to 100%, then the relative attainments of white Appalachians are shown to be about three-quarters of 114) PART ll/: FROM REGIONAliSM TO URBAN UFE �the attainments of other whites. Each of the surveys used in this study have previously been analyzed to show the relative attainments of white Appalachians so these findings are not new. They are reported here only to provide a ready comparison with black Appalachians. The data collected from black Appalachians are not entirely consistent. Black Appalachians have fewer high school graduates, but better jobs and higher incomes than do other blacks. However, none of the differences within the black group are actually very large. When the attainments of either group are compared to non-Appalachian whites, both groups are shown to have half or less of what nonAppalachian whites have. Their differences from each other are trivial when compared to their differences from whites. It should be noted that the higher socioeconomic attainments of nonAppalachian whites can not be explained by age or by length of residence. In each of the three studies no significant differences existed for either of these variables. The explanation for the advantage of non-Appalachian whites lies in other directions. Conclusion The best conclusion from this study of the relative attainments of black Appalachians is that black Appalachians experience the same life chances as other blacks. They are restricted by being black, but they are not further restricted because they are Appalachian. The ethnogenesis which is characteristic of working class and poor white Appalachians is not shared by Appalachians who are blacks. Black Appalachians have become a part of the larger black group. There are two factors which may explain why black Appalachians are not distinct from other blacks in the same way Appalachian and non-Appalachian whites are. First, ethnogenesis is partially the result of labeling and discrimination by others. White Appalachians were singled out from the general white population by stereotyping and discrimination, thereby giving impetus to the formation of a group identity (c.f. Chapter Three). Black Appalachians were not similarly distinguished from the general black population; labeling and discrimination affected all members of that group equally; giving no momentum to the rise of a separate black Appalachian identity. But ethnogenesis can also come from stereotyping and discrimination which is internal to the group itself (Obermiller, 1982). In this case, race recedes in importance and socioeconomic stratification becomes critical. Intergroup labeling among white Appalachians in urban areas is quite negative and originates in the higher status cohort. The absence of large differences in socioeconomic status among blacks in the county, particularly when compared to whites residents, may lead to a diminution of intergroup stereotyping. This phenomenon may account for the absence of ethnogenesis among black Appalachians (Lewis, 1978). For both of these reasons, Appalachian blacks do not appear to have emerged as a group separate from blacks who are non-Appalachian. PART Ill: FROM REGIONALISM TO URBAN UFE (115 �This page intentionally left blank �CONCLUSION: The Future For Appalachians In Urban Areas There is probably little consensus on what the future holds, or should hold, for people of Appalachian heritage living outside the region. In most of the cities where Appalachians migrated little recognition appears to be made of the thousands of people who came from Appalachia. Fifteen years ago the popular press was filled with journalistic tales of Appalachians moving to Chicago, Detroit, Cincinnati, and other cities of the Midwest. Political organizers and social service providers directed efforts to reaching this population. Times have changed, and interest in Appalachians outside of the region is waning. There is little to indicate that Appalachians moving from the region thought of themselves as a group. They identified with family and community, but region of origin was not important. The recognition and treatment of Appalachians in urban areas as a group came from the outside. The journalists came first. The newspapers of Cincinnati, Chicago, Detroit, and Cleveland carried stories of "hillbillies" who had moved to Uptown, Over-the-Rhine, and other inner city neighborhoods of those Midwestern cities. Appalachians were the "in-topic" and feature articles were found in all the newspapers of these cities. The service providers came next. Agency heads in the neighborhoods where Appalachians settled tried to understand this new clientele. What they seemed to have in common was an origin in the mountains of the southern part of the United States. They had little education, seemed to be hard workers, stuck together in family groups, and had little familiarity with urban ways. Programs were called for to service the needs of this new population. Both journalists and service providers looked at Appalachians and saw a social problem. Social scientists in the sixties and seventies began to develop theoretical models to explain the behavior of Appalachians. Brown and his colleagues were especially interested in the family structure of Appalachians. The concept of the stem family was introduced. Appalachians were characterized as strong extended families with roots in CONCLUSION (117 �Appalachia and branches in the cities of the Midwest A reciprocal relationship existed between these parts providing support as needed from one part to the other. In the seventies the emphasis on family declined and a new emphasis on ethnicity emerged. The ethnic model provided some new approaches to the understanding of Appalachians in urban areas. For the frrst time Appalachians were recognized as a group. They were more than people with problems in common, they were a group who at some level associated with one another in churches, bars, and neighborhoods. They married other people with Appalachian heritage at a rate greater than chance. They lived close to one another. At some level they even identified with others like themselves. The basis of ethnic group formation among people with an Appalachian heritage was the treatment they received from residents in the cities to which they migrated. The cities of the Midwest had begun an economic decline at the time Appalachians migrated there in large numbers. Blacks from the South also came to these cities. Natives of Midwestern cities faced economic threats from the declining economic base of the region. Because Blacks and Appalachians had just arrived in those cities they were recognized as the cause of the problem. Hillbillies became a target of discrimination. Negative stereotypes were used to characterize these people in the same way that recent European and Asian immigrants were characterized in other cities. These negative images created and reinforced the belief that Appalachians were unsuited for employment and probably unsuited for life in the city as well. Discrimination against them became common. The reaction to that discrimination brought Appalachians together resulting in the formation of an urban ethnic group. The ethnic model shifted attention from Appalachians to the urban milieu. Earlier approaches had seen the problems of Appalachians resulting from their inability to adjust to urban life and the solution to their problems in the strengths of their families and character. The ethnic model saw the experiences of Appalachians resulting from the treatment they received from other people. Their problems reflected a lack of opportunity, not a lack of ability; and the solution to those problems was in political action. The ethnic analogy provided a way of servicing the needs of Appalachian migrants and their families. In the sixties and early seventies money was directed by government and foundations to meet the needs of racial and ethnic groups. No one was interested in providing services to poor WASPs. Recognition of Appalachians as a group provided a basis for securing these funds. Organizations were founded which provided legitimate vehicles to conduct services to these people. That was yesterday. The idealism of the sixties has been replaced with the reality of the eighties. Part of the decline in support for services to the poor is because so many programs of the sixties were fruitless. Probably the largest benefactor of those programs were the service providers who found steady work. In many cases people who were provided services would have succeeded without those services. Funding became disillusioned with the lack of success. The economic difficulties of the past decade have further eroded support for social services. High rates of inflation have reduced the real income of many families. People, insecure about their own futures, have been reluctant to press for expensive social reforms addressing issues of inequality. Finally, the civil rights movement has faced internal dissension. Instead of working together, different 118) CONCWSION �groups have fought between themselves over the issue of whose needs are greatest. Philosophical positions have become more important than the needs of people. The pragmatic utility of ethnicity is not what it was. The evidence is clear that Appalachians living outside the region faced problems. The initial migrants had little education and few experiences which could provide a basis for good employment. They found work as lower blue collar laborers and housing in inner city neighborhoods. The unfortunate fact is that the children of these migrants did not fare better. They, too, left school before graduation and often faced unemployment. Subsequent generations of Appalachians continue to face such problems. For most of the past thirty years, Appalachian migrants have been a people who didn't belong. Studies of Chicago, Cleveland, and Cincinnati clearly indicate that Appalachians were regarded as outsiders, denied access to opportunity because of their origin. At the same time they were forgotten by the region they left behind. As Appalachia became a political entity funds were funneled into the region to serve the people living in the region. Migrants were outsiders with no claim on those funds. Two new problems emerge for descendents of Appalachians living in the cities of the Midwest First, early migrants had a support network in the region. In the family system which Brown described relatives remained on family farms. Weekends were times to return to the mountains for social visits. Unemployment in the cities was dealt with by returning again to those same mountains where relatives would take a person in and provide food and shelter until work was once again available. Probably more important, these families provided emotional support. Life in the city wasn't expected to be pleasant and family understood the desires of mountain people forced to leave their communities. Second- and third-generation Appalachians have lost much of this support. Close relatives who remained in the mountains have grown old and died. Parents, brothers, and sisters are city people who live in the same neighborhoods where thy live. The family farms are worked by distant cousins or have been sold to strangers. The option of returning to the region is closed. They don't belong. The second problem occurs as each succeeding generation has less of an identification with their origin. The time is approaching when the majority of Appalachians living in urban areas are two or more generations removed from the mountains. A second-generation Appalachian's closest relative in Appalachia was a grandparent and for a third-generation migrant the closest relative was a greatgrandparent. These Appalachians have grown up outside of the region. They are city people whose only contact with Appalachia comes from visits with kin. Their parents and grandparents may have identified with someplace in Appalachia but Appalachia has never been home to these people. It is a situation which has happened in every white ethnic group in America. The third generation has little identification with the region of origin from which their ancestors came. There is another limitation which has always kept ethnicity among Appalachians at a minimum. For a century the people of Appalachia denied the existence of pluralism. In the nineteenth century when the communities around Appalachia developed strong identification with local areas in opposition to identification at a national level, Appalachians resisted. They thought of themselves as Americans. When the communities around them revolted and attempted to withdraw CONCLUSION (119 �from the Union, Appalachians stayed. Even within the region today, Appalachians are more likely to identify themselves as Americans and less likely to identify with a region than are people in surrounding areas. This has had an effect on the development of ethnicity among Appalachians living in urban areas outside of the region. Despite the discrimination, despite the labeling, these people seldom see themselves as members of a group base on region of origin. If the ethnic model has served its purpose and the time has come for other ways of understanding the experiences of Appalachians living outside the region, what is appropriate? This will be the issue for the next decade. Although only speculation is possible, some options already exist. The problems of Appalachians outsid~ the region in future years may best be understood as problems of class. Estimates differ but probably between a quarter and a half of the people with Appalachian origins remain in low income neighborhoods of Midwestern cities. One of the greatest disappointments has been the lack of upward mobility among succeeding generations of people of Appalachian origin. A major cause lies in the tendency to leave school before graduation. Manufacturing has become technologically demanding. People without education simply lack the skills to operate the machinery industry requires. The only jobs available for people without education are in service areas and unskilled labor. These jobs bring low pay and frequent layoffs. For many Appalachian people this has become their fate. In a sense these people have melted into the inner city neighborhoods where they live. They have grown up on the streets. They are probably not identified as Appalachians by others; they have neither strange accents nor rural ways which make them stand out from other natives of the cities where they live. When they think of where they belong they are most likely to identify with the cities where they were born and raised. Appalachia is where their grandparents and maybe great-grandparents came from, but not them. They have become city people living in and identifying with the Midwest. Many of these descendants of Appalachian migrants have become a part of the emerging urban underclass found in many of our cities. They lack the skills to succeed in a market place which has increased its technological demands. They lack identifying traits necessary for the survival of ethnicity. They have become a people society will pass by. They will continue to live in inner city neighborhoods. Trapped in a cycle of poverty, their children will suffer the same fate. They will become invisible people we will choose not to see. For these people there truly are too few tomorrows. Cincinnati may remain an exception to this pattern. While other Midwestern cities have already assimilated their Appalachians, Appalachians in Cincinnati appear to remain a strong and viable ethnic group. There are two reasons for this difference. One of the factors in the Cincinnati experience is the existence of strong identifiable neighborhoods. The geographical layout of Cincinnati creates many residential areas easily separable from other areas. Many neighborhoods are identifiable by the type of people who live in them. Institutions like churches and neighborhood bars draw from local areas and provide a place where people come together. As a result, customs survive longer than would otherwise be expected. For example, churches provide an opportunity for singing songs learned in the mountains. Potluck dinners provide people an opportunity to socialize. What are basically rural customs survive in the churches and bars of Appalachian neighborhoods. 120) CONCWSION �The second factor important in the survival of Appalachian ethnicity in Cincinnati is the presence of strong leadership. Cincinnati has people who have spent large portions of their lives in working for Appalachian people. 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"Monitoring migration trends." American Demographics, 7:27-47. Ryan, John P. 1975. Cultural Diversity and the American Experience: Political Participation Among Blacks, Appalachians, and Indians. Beverly Hills: Sage. Sarna, Johnathon D. 1978. "From immigrants to ethnics: toward a new theory of 'ethnicization'." Ethnicity, 5:370-8. Schwarzweller, Harry K. 1970. "Adaptation of Appalachian migrants to the industrial work situation: a case study." In Behavior in New Environments: Adaptation of Migrant Populations, edited by Eugene B. Broey. Sage Publications. 1981. "Occupational patterns of Appalachian migrants." In William W.Philliber and Clyde B. McCoy (eds.), The Invisible Minority: Urban Appalachians. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky. Schwarzweller, Harry K., James S. Brown, and J.J. Mangalam 1971. Mountain Families in Transition. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press. Shapiro, Henry D. 1977. "Appalachia and the idea of America: The problem of the persisting frontier." In J.W. Williams (ed.), An Appalachian Symposiwn. Boone, NC: Appalachian State University Press. 1978. Appalachia On Our Mind. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press. Sherrill, Samuel B. 1972. Cincinnati Model Neighborhood Survey: A Statement of Research Objectives Metlwdology. Cincinnati: Institute for Metropolitan Studies, University of Cincinnati. Shibutani, Tamotsu and Kian M. Kwan Ethnic Stratification. New York: MacMillan. 1965. BIBliOGRAPHY (135 �Simpkins, 0. Norman 1974. "An informal, incomplete introduction to Appalachian culture." In Marshall University Distinguished Reading Series 2. Huntington, wv Spicer, Edward H. 1971. "Persistent cultural systems: a comparative study of identity systems that can adapt to contrasting environments." Science, 1974:795-800. Steeves, Allen D. 1964. "An analysis of internal migration with specific reference to the flow of people from the Atlantic provinces to Guelph, Ontario." Unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Toronto. Stephenson, John B. 1968. Shiloh: A Mountain Community. Lexington: The University of Kentucky Press Stone, Leroy 0. 1969. Migration in Canada: Some Regional Aspects. Ottawa: Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Sudman, Seymour 1966. "Probability Sampling with quotas." Journal of the American Statistical Association, (September):49-71. Taylor, R.L. 1979. Migration In Canada: Some Regional Aspects. Ottawa: Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Traina, Frank J. 1980. 'The assimilation of Appalachian migrants in northern Kentucky." Working Paper 12. Cincinnati: Urban Appalachian Council. Tuchfarber, Alfred and William Klecka Random Digit Dialing. Washington: Urban Institute. 1976. Uhlenberg, Peter 1975. "Noneconomic determinants of nonmigration: sociological considerations for migration theory." Rural Sociology, 38:296-311. Urban Appalachian Council 1979. Urban Appalachian Counci/1978 Annual Report. Cincinnati: Urban Appalachian Council. V ailliant, G.E. 1966. "Parent-child cultural disparity and drug addiction." Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases. 142-534-9. Vance, Rupert B. 'The region: a new survey." In Thomas R. Ford (ed.), The Southern 1962. Appalachian Region: A Survey. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. 136) B/BUOGRAPHY �van den Berghe, Pierre L. 1978. Race and Racism. New York: Wiley. Vincent, George E. 1898. "A retarded frontier." American Journal of Sociology, 4:1-29. Wagner, Thomas E. 1973. "A study of selected Appalachian migrant students attending urban junior high shools in the Cincinnati, Ohio, area." Unpublished DED. Dissertation, University of Cincinnati. 1974. "Report of the Appalachian school study project." Urban Appalachian Council Working Paper No.4. June. 1975. "Urban Appalachian school children: the least understood of all." Urban Appalachian Council Working Paper No. 6. January. Walls, DavidS. 1977. "On the naming of Appalachia." In J.W. Williamson (ed.), An Appalachian Symposium. Boone, NC: Appalachian State University Press. Ward, David 1971. Cities and Immigrants. New York: Oxford University Press. Watkins, Virginia McCoy 1973. "Consideration of factors relevant to the development of health support systems for Appalachian migrants." Master's Thesis, University of Cincinnati. Watkins, Virginia M. and Diana G. Trevino 1982. "Occupational and employment status of Appalachian migrant women." In Rick Simon (ed.), Critical Essays in Appalachian Life and Culture: Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Appalachian Studies Conference. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press. Watkins, Virginia McCoy and Clyde B. McCoy 1979. Drug Use Among Urban Ethnic Youth. Report to the National Institute on Drug Abuse. (January). 1980. Drug Use Among Appalachian Youth. Services Research Monograph. National Institute on Drug Abuse. Watkins, Virginia McCoy and Ray West 1976. "Relationships and potentials between the urban Appalachian family and the neighborhood school and neighborhood stability." Case study prepared for the National Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs. Urban Appalachian Council. Watts, Ann DeWitt "Cities and their place in southern Appalachia." Appalachian Journal, 1981. 8:105-18. BTBUOGRAPHY (137 �Weller, Jack 1966. 1975. Yesterday's People. Lexington: The University of Kentucky Press. "Urbanization and the disappearance of a heritage." In Emmett M. Essin, ill (ed.), Appalachia: Family Traditions in Transition. Johnson City, TN: The East Tennessee State University Research Advisory Council. Weller, Robert H. and Leon F. Bouvier Population: Demography and Policy. New York: St. Martins Press. 1981. White, Stephen E. 1983. "Return migration to Appalachian Kentucky: an atypical case of nonmetropolitan migration reversal." Rural Sociology, 48:471-91. Williams, J. Allen, Jr. and Louis St. Peter 1977. "Ethnicity and socioeconomic status as determinants of social participation: a test of the interaction hypothesis." Social Science Quarterly, 57:892-98. Williams, J. Allen, Jr., Nicholas Babchuk, and David R. Johnson 1973. "Voluntary associations and minority status: a comparative analysis of Anglo, Black, and Mexican Americans." American Sociological Review, 38:637-46. Williams, Robin "Structure and process in ethnic relations: increased knowledge and 1979. unanswered question." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association. Wirth, Louis 1938. "Urbanism as a way of life." American Journal of Sociology, 44:1-24. Yancey, W.L., E.P. Ericksen, and R.N. Juliani 1976. "Emergent ethnicity: a review and reformulation." American Sociological Review, 41:351-403. Yinger, J. Milton 1976. "Ethnicity in complex societies: structural, cultural, and characterological factors.: In Lewis A. Coser and Otto N. Lasen (eds.). The Uses of Controversy in Sociology. New York: The Free Press. Zelditch, Morris, Jr. "Role differentiation in the nuclear family: a 1955. comparative study." In Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales (eds.). Family, Socialization and Interaction Process. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press. Zigli, Barbara 1981. "Appalachian Blacks-the 'double minority" Cincinnati Enquirer 5):A-6. Zimmerman, Carle C. 1947. Family and Civilization. New York: Harper and Brothers. 138) B!BUOGRAPHY (May �CONTRIBUTORS Kathryn M. Borman is Associate Professor of Education in the Department of Educational Foundations at the University of Cincinnati. James K. Crissman is Associate Professor of Sociology in the Department of Sociology at Illinois Benedictine College. Clyde B. McCoy is Professor of Sociology and Associate Director for Cancer Control at the Papanicolaou Comprehensive Center at the University of Miami. Michael E. Maloney is Executive Director of the Appalachian Peoples Service Organization - Urban in Cincinnati. Martin N. Marger is Professor of Sociology in the Department of Social Sciences at Northern Kentucky University. H. Virginia McCoy is Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of at Florida Atlantic University. Sharlotte K. Neely is Associate Professor of Anthropology in the Department of Social Sciences at Northern Kentucky University. Phillip J. Obermiller is Assistant Professor of Sociology in the Department of Social Sciences at Northern Kentucky University. Robert W. Oldendick is Assistant Director of the Institute for Policy Research at the University of Cincinnati. William W. Philliber is Professor and Chair of the Depar1ment of Sociology at the State University of New York at New Paltz. Maureen R. Sullivan is Executive Director of the Urban Appalachian Council in Cincinnati. Thomas E. Wagner is Professor of Planning and Administration and Senior Vice Provost at the University of Cincinnati. CONTRIBUTORS 139 �This page intentionally left blank �INDEX A Appalachian entrepreneur, 44, 45, 47 Abt Associates, 13 Appalachian Festival, 8-10, 44 Academy for Contemporary Problems, 13 Appalachian Fund, 6-8 accent, 28, 37-41, 44, 65, 99 Appalachian Identity Center, 7-9, 46 advocacy; organizations, 5-12, as role for outsiders, 45-46, see also support services Appalachian Issues Network, 11 age profile of Appalachians, see demo graphic characteristics Akron, OH, 4, 15, family type study in, 83-88 Alabama; migration patterns, 55-58 alcoholism, as stereotype, 37-38, 41 Allen-Edwards feud, 82 Anschell, Kurt, 13 apathy, as stereotype, 37-38, 41 Appalachia; defmition of, 53-58, dropout rates in, 97, economy, 64, inmigration, 52, 60, migration within, 54, 55, 6062-regions of; central, 58, 59, southern, 3, 25, 26, 52, 58, 62 northern, 59, 61 Appalachian Action Council, 12 Appalachian _Alliance, 11 Appalachian Committee, 6-8, 10, 13 Appalachian Community Development Association, 9-10 Appalachian Development Projects Assembly of the Commission of Religion in Appalachia, 11 Appalachian Migrants in Urban America: Cultural Conflict or Ethnic Group Formation?, ii, 15 Appalachian movement, urban, 5-12, 4547 Appalachia On Our Mind, 43 Appalachian People's Service Organization-Urban Office, 11 Appalachian Regional Commission, 53, Report to Congress on Migration, 52 Appalachian School Project Committee, 89 Appalachians; defmition of, 45-46 Appalachian Studies Conference, 11 Appalachian Women's Organization, 8 Archdiocese of Cincinnati, 6 Area-to-Area Migration Flow Data, 52-54 Arizona, migration patterns, 54-60 ascription, 43 assimilation, 30 Atlanta, GA; migration patterns, 55-58, INDEX (141 �c Appalachian movement, 46 attainment, socioeconomic, 16, 20-21, 26, 36-37, 70, of blacks, 21, 36-37, 70, and community council participation, 74-79, of Maritimers, 2627, of recent migrants, 51, 64 automobile industry, 28 California. migration patterns, 54-57, 59, 60 Camp Washington, 9 Career Education Program (UAC), 10 Catholics, in Cincinnati, 44, involvement in Appalachian movement, 7 Ayer, Perley, 5, 6 B Baltimore, 15, 46, migration patterns, 5658, youth study, 102 Central Ohio Appalachian Council, 11 CETA, 10 Barth, Frederick, 43-44 Charleston, WV, migration patterns, 57, 58 Battelle fustitute, 9 Chattanooga. TN, 57, 58 Berea College, 5, 6 Chern Dyne industrial site, 11 Bethesda North Hospital (Cincinnati), 109 Chicago, studies of, 15, Appalachian movement in, 46, migration patterns, 56, 57, 59 Birmingham, AL, 56-58 blacks; dropout rates, 90-95, involvement in community councils, 74-79, political influence, 30, views of Appalachians, 37-40, youths, 102, 104-107, see also, attainment, socioeconomic black Appalachians, 90-95, 111-115, culture, 112, education, 113, income, 114, migratory patterns, 111, occupations, 113-114, residential patterns, 112, studies of, 15 blaming the victim, 14, 16 Bragdon, Marshall, 5-6 Brown, Katie, 8 Brown, James, 13 Bureau of the Census, 52 Cincinnati, OH; Appalachian population of, 4, as center of urban Appalachian movement, 5-11, migration patterns, 4, 25-27, 56-57, youth study, 100 Cincinnati Area Project, 1975, 15, 112 Cincinnati, City of; affmnative action policy statement, 8, City Council, 11, Human Relations Commission, 5-9, 13, 89, Mayor's Friendly Relations Committee, 5, 6, Public Schools, 89 Cincinnati Enquirer, 6 Cincinnati Union Bethel, 97 Citizen's Services Survey, 1981, 73 City Folk, 11 civil rights activism, 29 142) INDEX �class relationships, ii, within urban Appalachian movement, 16, vs ethnicity, 16, 17, 30, 31, see also upward mobility, middle class Appalachians 43-44, sensitivity to, 107 D Dallas, TX, migration patterns, 55, 56, 58, 60 Clermont County, OH, 15 Cleveland, OH; Appalachian movement in, 11, 12, 46, migration patterns, 4, 56, 57, 59, studies of, 15, youth, 101 Dayton, OH, Appalachian movement in, 11, 46, migration patterns, 4, 56, 57, 59, 63, studies of, 15 Deaton, Brady, 13 Client Advocate Program (UAC), 11 delinquency, 99, 100, 101 coalitions of neighborhood groups (Cincinnati), 74-77 coal industry, 3, 64 demographic characteristics of Appalachians, 26, 36, 70-71, 73-75, studies, 15 Coffey, Virginia, 5, 7 Depression, effects on migration, 25, 26 Coles, Robert, 13 Detroit, MI; Appalachian movement, 46, migration patterns, 56, 57, 59, 63, youth study, 102 Columbia, SC, migration patterns, 57, 58 Columbus, OH, 4, 15, 46, Appalachian movement in, 11, migration patterns, 56, 57, 59, national conference, 9, 13 discrimination, 4, 5, 19-22, 36 Community Chest (Cincinnati), 10, 11 dropout rates, 64, 89-97, 101, 106 Community Commitment Foundation, 8 Drug Education Program (UAC), 10 community councils, participation in, 7479 Drukker, Ray, 6 downward mobility, 16 E community organizing, 9, 11, 46, 74-79 ecological patterns, 28-32, 40 competition for jobs, 19, 21, 36, 37, with blacks, 28 Council of the Southern Mountains, 5-7, 11 culture, Appalachian, i, 44, 99, 100, 108, establishing, 8, 9, existence of, 21, 27, education; Appalachian attitude towards, 99-101, studies of, 15, see also schools education, lack of, as stereotype, 38 educational attainment, 16, 36, 64, 70-71, 100-101, 113, of blacks, 70, of Cincinnatians, 96-97, improving, 101, by neighborhood, 90-94, in rural Appalachia, 96 INDEX (143 �elderly, studies of, 15 fear of institutions, 21 Emmanuel Community Center, 6,7 federal recognition of urban Appalachian movement, 9 endogamy, 82, 83 Florida, migration patterns, 54-60 Episcopal Diocese of Southern Ohio, 97 Ft. Lauderdale, 56-58, 60 ethnic boundaries, 27-28, 30-32, 35, 44 ethnic entrepreneur, 44-45, 47 ethnic group, Appalachians as, ii, 16, 17, 22, 46, further development, 30-31, 6366 ethnic group formation, 19, 22, 23, 6365, conditions for, 23, 25, cultural model, 22, 23, 25, 27, ecological model, 24, 28, ethnic boundary model, 24, 27, 35, 43, political economy explanation, 17-21, political model, 24, 29-30, 69 Foster, Frank, 67, library on Appalachian Migrants, 11 Fowler, Gary, 13 fundamentalism, 103 G Gallahan, Sister Shirley, 6 great migration, 3, 13, 63, 64 Greater Cincinnati Foundation, 8 Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, 43 Greater Cincinnati Survey, 1982, 36, 112 ethnicity, 16, 17, 21, 24, 27, 64, "stereotyped," 31, see also ethnic group formation, culture Greater Cincinnati Study, Fall1980, 70 Greenville, 57 extractive industries, 25, 26 Griffin, Roscoe, 5, 13 F Faber, Stuart, 6, 7 H Hamilton Appalachian People's Service Organization, 11 factionalism, 45-46 family, importance of, 21, 89, 99, 100, 109, 110 family type, 44, nuclear, 81-83, extended, 81-83, in urban milieu, 83-88, of orientation and procreation, 84-86 Hamilton, OH, migration patterns, 4, Appalachian movement in, 11, studies of, 15, 16 Hamilton County, OH, black Appalachians in, 111-115, political activity, 69 Hatfield-McCoy feud, 82 farming, in Maritime provinces, 25-26, in southern Appalachia, 25-26 health, studies of, 15 fatalism, 21, 106 Heritage Room, 8, 9 144) INDEX �homeland, i, 44, 65 jokes, ethnic, 20, 27 home ownership, 78 Junior League of Cincinnati, 8 K honesty, as stereotype, 12, 37, 38, 41 Kentucky; migration patterns, 56-58, northern, i, 15 housing, studies of, 15 Houston, immigration, 56-58, 60 HUB Social Services Center, 7 Huntington, WV, migration patterns, 57, 58 Kentucky, eastern, dropout rates, 97, migration patterns, 3, 4, 58 Kentucky Mountain Club, 11 kinfolk messages, 4 Knoxville, 1N, 56, 57 identity, Appalachian, 7, 9, 11, 15, 2021, 24, 28, 30, 35, 45, by out-group, 15, 28, 30, see also stereotypes, ethnic group Ku Klux Klan, 46 L Illinois, migration patterns, 54-57, 59-60 labor unions, 16 income, 20-21, 36, 52, 70-71, 112, of recent migrants, 64 Lappish Movement, 44, 45 independence, 21 LEAA Grant for Youth Service Training, 9 Inner City Neighborhood Coalition, 10 Lexington, KY, 15, 19, migration patterns, 55-58 Indiana, migration patterns, 54-56, 59, 60 Leybourne, Grace, 13 Indianapolis, 56, 59, 63 Los Angeles, inmigration, 55-57, 59 Institute of Govenmental Research, 74 Louisville, KY, migration patterns, 56-58, 63 interaction, patterns of, 22 loyalty, as stereotype, 37, 38 Internal Revenue Service, 52, 53 The Invisible MiMrity, ii, 14, 15 isolation, 21, 40 McCoy and Watkins, 14, 20 McCoy, Clyde, 13 J Jacksonville, 56-58 M Main Street Bible Center, 6 Maloney, Michael, 6-10, 44-46 INDEX (145 �Marger, Martin, 17 Morgan, Larry, 13 Maritime provinces of Canada, economy, 25, 26, outmigration, 25, 26 Mountain Life and Work, 9, 13 Mountain Families in Transition, 13 Marltimers, culture, 27, occupations, 25, 26, political presence, 29, residential patterns, 28, self-perception, 27, stereotypes, 28 Multigenerational research, 14, 15 Mynatt, Ernie, 6, 7,9,45 N Massachusetts, inmigration, 54 Memorial Community Center, 7 Nashville, TN, inmigration, 55-58 Michigan, migration patterns, 54-56, 59, 60 National Center for Urban/Ethnic Affairs, 102 middle class Appalachians, 20, 26, 44, 64 National Conference on Urban Appalachians, 1974, 9, 13 migrants, i, ii, 3, 4, 19-21, generation of, 63-65, recent, 63-65, SES, 20, 21, 26, 28,37,41, 52, 64,90,94,95,see also ethnic group, attainment, socioeconomic migration, .rural-to-urban, i, 3, 4, 20, 21, 25, 26, 52, adjustment to, 6, 7, 100, 101, 108, 109, within Appalachia, 5360, of blacks, 19, decline in, to Midwest, 59, 60, 63, and decline in education, 90, process, 3, 4, 100, pushpull factors, 3, 25, recent, 51-60, studies of, i, ii, 13, 15, 51, 52, 53, "turnaround," 52, 60 neighborhood, 13-15, 109, -based education, 96, 97, -based support systems, 109, Cincinnati, 74, 89-90, and dropout rates, 90-94, satisfaction with, 75, see also Camp Washington, Over-the-Rhine, Northside, Norwood, South Fairmont, community organizing New Brunswick, 25 Newfoundland, 25 "Newfies," 27 New Jersey, migration flows, 54, 55, 60 migratory streams, 4, 51, 52, in Canada, 25, 26 New York, migration patterns, 56, 57, 59 Miller, Tommie, 16 Norfolk, VA, migration patterns, 57 Miner's Benefit Program, 8 North Central region, migration patterns, 59,60 minority group, concept of, 17 Mobile, AL, 56-58 North East region, migration patterns, 59, 60 Model Cities, 7, Survey, 1971, 112 North End (of Hamilton, OH), 11 Montgomery, AL, migration patterns, 57, 58 Northern Kentucky University, 13 146) INDEX �Northside (Cincinnati}, 9 Pittsburgh, P A, Appalachian movement in, 56, 57, migration patterns, 59, 61 Norwood, OH, 10, 16, 21 policy, studies of, 15 Nova Scotia, 25 0 Obermiller, Phillip, 14, 16, 17 occupational status, 16, 20, 28, 36, 70, 78, 112, 113 Office of Economic Opportunity, 13 Ohio, migration patterns, 56, 57, 59 Polish youths, 102, 105 political behavior of Appalachians; affiliation, 71-73, development of, 31, effect on neighborhood council involvement, 73-75, importance of ethnic origin to, 71, involvement in, 71, studies of, 70, strength of, 29, within urban Appalachian movement, 46, see also solidary groups political economy theory, 19-21 Ohio State Appalachian Commission, 12 "poor whites," 17, 46 Ohio-Kentucky-Indiana Bluegrass Association, 11 Porter, Father John, 6 Ontario, inmigration, 28 ports of entry, 3, 16, 29, 64 "optimization of interest," 31 poverty stereotype, 15, 16 Our Common Heritage, 11 poverty, studies of, 15 outsiders in the urban Appalachian movement, 9, 10, 11, 45 Prince Edward Island, 25 Providence, RI, youth study, 102 Over-the-Rhine, 6, 7, 90, 91 p Protestants in Cincinnati, 44 R patriotism, as stereotype, 37, 38 racial conflicts, 100 Pennsylvania, outmigration, 56-58 racism, a stereotype, 37, 38, 40, 41 Philadelphia, 57 recreational facilities for youth, 101, 102 People's Appalachia, 13 Reddin, Larry, 9 Perry County, KY, 100 Phoenix, AZ, inmigration, 56, 57, 59, 60 religion, 26, 102, 103, as stereotype, 37, 38, studies of, 15 Pilot Cities Center, 7 residential clustering, 28, 31 INDEX (147 �resourcefulness, as stereotype, 37, 38 "stereotyped ethnicity," 31 Riclunond, VA, 56, 57 suburbanization, 16 Roanoke, VA, migration patterns, 55-58 success patterns of urban Appalachians, 14 s St. Mary's Catholic Church, 6 Sullivan, Maureen, 10 support systems, 4, 99, 101, 107, 108, 109 Santa Maria Community Services, 97 schools, Appalachians in, 13, 99, 105, 106, 108 self-image, Appalachian, 8, 45, among youth, 101 self-sufficiency, 99 T Tampa/St Petersburg, FL, inmigration, 5558,60 Toledo, OH, 15 Tennessee, migration patterns, 56-58, dropout rates, 97 Shapiro, Henry, 43 Texas, migration flows, 54-58 Social Areas of Cincinnati Report, 9, 13 Toronto, 25-29 social participation, 15 socioeconomic status, see attainment, socioeconomic solidarity groups, 30 Sons and Daughters of Appalachia, 7 The South Goes North, 13 southern states, inmigration, 52, 59, 60 traditionalism, 16, 21 "triage" policy, 10 u unemployment, 65, in Appalachia, 3, in Maritime Canada, 26, among youths, 107 United Appalachians of Cincinnati, 7, 9, 45 South Fairmont (Cincinnati), 9 Spiegel, Louise, 6, 7 stereotypes of Appalachians, 28, 30, 31, 36-40, held by blacks, 36-40, held by middle-class Appalachians, 20, 40, through jokes, 20, need to eliminate, 7, 9, 14, positive, 36-40, in scholarly writing, 35, studies of, 15, 35 "Stereotypes of Appalachian Immigrants," 14 148) INDEX United Way (Cleveland), 12 University of Cincinnati, 13, Behavioral Sciences Laboratory, 73, summer institutes, 9, University College, 97 University of Kentucky; Appalachian Center, 97, Medical Center, 109 upward mobility, 28, 30 �Urban Appalachian Council, 5, 8, 45-47, advocacy, 9, 15, 89, growth, 9, Long Range Plan, 10, objectives, 8, research, 10, 11, 13-15, 89, turmoil within, 10 v v youth, 99-110, cultural transition, 99, 100, 103, job aspirations, 101, posthigh school plans, 107, religion, 102104, relationship to school, 99, 100, studies of, 15, 102 values of Appalachians, 16, 21, 44, 100, black Appalachians, 112 violence, as stereotype, 37-38 Virginia, migration patterns, 55-58 visibility, absence of, 30-31 VISTA, 10 w Wagner, Thomas, 13 Washington, DC, Appalachian movement in, 46, migration patterns, 58 welfare, 16 West Palm Beach, FL, 56-58 West Virginia, migration patterns, 4, 57, 58 western states, migration patterns, 59, 60 Whitehall, OH, 101 Williams, Diane, 8 Winston-Salem. NC, area, 57 women, studies of, 15 Working in Neighborhoods, 11 World War IT, effect on migration, 3, 26 X Xavier University, 97 INDEX (149 �about the authors phillip obermiller holds graduate degrees in philosophy from the Athenaeum of Ohio and in sociology from the Union Institute. His cross-national studies have been funded by the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. He has also held a Postdoctoral Fellowship for Advanced Research in the Humanities and Social Sciences from the Andrew A. Mellon Foundation. He currently holds joint appointments as a research associate at the Appalachian Center of the University of Kentucky and as a visiting scholar in the U.C. School of Planning. Obermiller’s research has been published in the International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Social Science Quarterly, Ethnic Groups, Social Insight, Urban Education, Appalachian Heritage, Now and Then, Pittsburgh History, Appalachian Journal, and the Journal of Appalachian Studies. william philliber, one of the founders and senior partners of Philliber Research & Evaluation, holds a Ph.D. in sociology from Indiana University and has more than forty years of experience in program design, development, and evaluation. He has written several dozen articles, and is the author or editor of six books including, The Invisible Minority: Urban Appalachians and Equal Partners: Successful Women in Marriage. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Too Few Tomorrows: Urban Appalachians in the 1980's Description An account of the resource <span>Between the 1940s and 1970s, approxiately three million people left the Appalachian mountains in search of jobs in Midwest urban areas, such as Cincinnati, Chicago, and Detroit. Unfortunately, about a third of these people were forced into a life of long-term underclass dwellers. Struggling with questions of identity, rootlessness, and cultural negation, these people were given the name of “urban Appalachians.” Published in 1987, </span><em>Too Few Tomorrows</em><span> addresses some of the pressing questions regarding urban Appalachians and their story of migration to city life.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1CWjy0eKA23dyk2k6sA6ocIk2Z3ARzC2q" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469637051/too-few-tomorrows" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Ethnicity--Appalachian Region, Southern Ethnology--Appalachian Region, Southern Regionalism--Appalachian Region, Southern Appalachian Region, Southern--Social conditions Appalachian Region, Southern--Social life and customs Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Obermiller, Phillip J. Philliber, William W. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF E-books Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Appalachians class culture economic race social sociology urban https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/52f7ecad13e039d6ed09b273ad386d31.pdf a78359c723d25f0a9d074641905e8b18 PDF Text Text �MOUNTAINS OFEXPERIENCE: Interdisciplinary, Intercultural,International Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association Edited by Parks Lanier, Jr. �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1989 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3702-0 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3704-4 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Table of Contents INTRODUCTION, Parks Lanier, Jr 1 KEYNOTE ADDRESS: APPALACHIANS, PIONEERS FOR THE NEW AGE, Marilou Awiakta 6 MOUNTAINS OF EXPERIENCE: INTERDISCIPLINARY PREHISTORIC AND HISTORIC HUMAN ADAPTATION IN APPALACHIA: AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE, C. Clifford Boyd, Jr 15 USED PARTS AND THE POETIC IMPULSE: MACHINES AS ALTERNATIVE MEANS OF EXPRESSION, Ricky L. Cox 28 JANE GENTRY: A SINGER AMONG SINGERS, Betty Smith 35 LEGENDARY PLACES: THE LITERATURE OF THE GREAT SMOKY MOUNTAINS NATIONAL PARK, James E. Byer 46 JESSE STUART'S ARCHETYPAL VISION OF APPALACHIAN CULTURE: THE THREAD STILL RUNS TRUE, Edgar H. Thompson 55 ACROSS THE MOUNTAINS: APPALACHIAN LITERATURE AND THE UNSUSPECTING STUDENT, Teresa Wheeling 64 MOUNTAINS OF EXPERIENCE: INTERCULTURAL AGRICULTURE IN PREINDUSTRIAL APPALACHIA: SUBSISTENCE FARMING IN BEECH CREEK, 1850-1880, Paul}. Weingartner, Dwight Billings, Kathleen M. Blee 70 BICULTURALISM: A COMPARISON OF CENTRAL APPALACHIANS AND THE INUPIAT OF ALASKA, Nelda Knelson Daley 81 APPALACHIAN CULTURE AS REACTION TO UNEVEN DEVELOPMENT: A WORLD SYSTEMS APPROACH TO REGIONALISM, Roberta McKenzie 93 111 �THE INFLUENCE OF THE SMOOT TANNERY ON THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF WILKES COUNTY, N.C. 1897-1940, Barry Elledge 105 MOUNTAINS OF EXPERIENCE: INTERNATIONAL MOUNTAIN FORAGERS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA AND APPALACHIA: CROSS-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE "MOUNTAIN MAN" STEREOTYPE, Benita ]. Howell 114 APPALACHIANISM AND ORIENTALISM: REFLECTIONS ON READING EDWARD SAID, Rodger Cunningham 125 LLEWELLYN AND GIARDINA: TWO NOVELS ABOUT COAL MINING, Laurie Lindberg 133 TRADITIONAL APPALACHIAN CULTURE AND TRADITIONAL SCOTTISH HIGHLAND CULTURE COMPARED: A PERSONAL PERSPECTIVE, Clyde H.Ray IV 141 �1988 APPALACHIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION OFFICERS Grace Toney Edwards Loyal Jones Parks Lanier, Jr Carl Ross Ellen Garrison President Vice President Conference Program Chair Newsletter Editor/Secretary Treasurer/Membership Secretary MEMBERS OF THE STEERING COMMITTEE Grace Toney Edwards, Chair Pat Beaver Barry Buxton Ann Campbell Ellen Garrison John Inscoe Loyal Jones Helen Lewis Gordon McKinney Carl Ross Jean Speer Eliot Wigginton MEMBERS OF THE PROGRAM COMMITTEE Parks Lanier, Jr., Chair Doyle Bickers Woodward Bousquet Howard Dorgan Wilburn Hayden Roberta Herrin Ronald Lewis Karen Lohr MEMBERS OF THE CONFERENCE LOCAL ARRANGEMENTS COMMITTEE Richard Straw, Chair Pat Cantrell William Hrezo Thomas Shannon Peggy Shiflett Melinda Wagner Ron Willoughby Douglas Woolley �This page intentionally left blank �Introduction This first issue of the JOURNAL OF THE APPALACHIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION signals that our organization has come to maturity. Helen Roseberry, in writing her introduction to the 1987 proceedings, spoke of how the goals of the first, the 1978, ASA meeting continue to function "as any good foundation will." Writing in 1986, Carl Ross noted that "we can see that there has long been a reciprocal interaction between the Appalachian region and the larger American society." Anne Campbell noted in 1985 discussions on "international perspectives relating to Appalachia." Sam Gray in 1984 recalled how at the first meeting of what became the Appalachian Studies Association Gurney Norman suggested our region is "intricately connected to distant regions and institutions." It was only natural then, like the maturation of a seed well planted and well tended, that the 1988 Conference take as its theme "Mountains of Experience: Interdisciplinary, Intercultural, International." As we enter a new decade for the Appalachian Studies Association, we take stock of our trials and tribulations, offer proof of the diversity and dignity of highland life, and anticipate the experiments to come. The decision of the Steering Committee to make a record of our "mountains of experience" a more consistent one by establishing this JOURNAL was timely and judicious. Publication of the proceedings of our annual conferences has been important in binding us together, in making us truly an "association." This JOURNAL will now make our excellent studies more accessible within the region and far beyond it as well. It will be interesting to see in what far corners of the world our voices will be heard. The best a JOURNAL like this can hope to be is a representative sampling. The life, the joy, the music, the laughter of the 1988 Appalachian Studies Conference at Radford University cannot all be conveyed here. It was our largest conference, both in members attending and members participating. Many of the best things which occurred cannot be conveyed on paper. Not everything which has been written can be included here. Realizing that, the Steering Committee has recommended that a file of all papers submitted be kept, and that ASA members be able to purchase papers which have not been printed. In this JOURNAL you will find information on how you can obtain that material. The best thing about our association is that there is plenty of room for all the seedlings which have been nurtured these last eleven years and are coming to harvest. The 1988 Conference was ample proof not only that we work well but that we work well together. In her keynote address Marilou Awiakta caught our essence: "Appalachians are that kind of people, because we remember how to survive, to abide. Our mountains have taught us." Parks Lanier, Jr., Chair 1988 Program Committee 1 �THE FOLLOWING PAPERS are on file and available for purchase from the Appalachian Consortium. Following each title is the number of pages, including title page, notes, bibliography, maps, tables, etc. Anderson, William L. Direction of Current Research on the Cherokees. 11 Asbury, Jo Ann. A Pattern that Endures: Marilou Awiakta's Sense of Place. 11 Askins, Justin. Wendell Berry: The Solace of Dark Spaces. 11 Awiakta, Marilou. Appalachians: Pioneers for the New Age. Keynote Address. 13 Berlowitz, Marvin J. and Arthur Slater. The Negative Influences of Neo-Marxist Radical Social Movement Theorists on the Role of Urban Appalachians in the Struggle for School Desegregation: A Case Study of Cincinnati. 28 Billings, Dwight B. and Kathleen M. Blee. Household Structure in a Preindustrial Appalachian Community: Beech Creek, Kentucky, 1850-1942. 22 ., Kathleen M. Blee, and Paul J. Weingartner. Agriculture in Preindustrial Appalachia: Subsistence Farming in Beech Creek, 1850-1880. 16 Blee, Kathleen M. and Dwight B. Billings. Household Structure in a Preindustrial Appalachian Community: Beech Creek, Kentucky, 1850-1942. 22 ., Dwight B. Billings, and Paul J. Weingartner. Agriculture in Preindustrial Appalachia: Subsistence Farming in Beech Creek, 1850-1880. 16 Blethen, H. Tyler and Curtis W. Wood. The Origins of the Normal School Movement in Western N.C. 21 Borman, Kathryn M. and Elaine Mueninghoff. Expectations for Work Roles and Social Roles in an Urban Appalachian School. 32 Boyd, C. Clifford, Jr. Prehistoric and Historic Human Adaptation in Appalachia: An Archaeological Perspective. 26 Byer, James E. Legendary Places: The Literature of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. 15 Chadwick, Thomas T. Presidential Voting in Southern Appalachia 1920-1952: The Impact of the New Deal Realignment. 19 Conway, Cece. 'The Drunken Hiccups": A Tommy Jarrell Fiddle Song and A Distilled Life Story. 15 Cox, Ricky L. Used Parts and the Poetic Impulse: Machines as Alternative Means of Expression. 15 Crissman, James. Changing Rules of Household Headship in the Rural West Virginia Family. 31 2 �Cunningham, Rodger. Appalachianism and Orientalism: Reflections on Reading Edward Said. 15 Daley, Nelda K. Biculturalism: A Comparison of Central Appalachians and the Inupiat of Alaska. 18 Dickerson, Lynn. Joel B. Lemon 1828-1910: Portrait of a Nineteenth-Century Botetourt (Va.) County Farmer. 11 Elledge, Barry. The Influence of the Smoot Tannery on the Economic Development of Wilkes County, N.C., 1897-1940. 17 Fisher, Steve. National Economic Renewal Programs and Their Implications for Economic Development in Appalachia and the South. 34 Fleming, Dan B. Camelot in Appalachia: JFK in the West Virginia Primary of 1960. 11 Howell, Benita. Mountain Foragers in Southeast Asia and Appalachia: Cross-cultural Perspectives on the "Mountain Man" Stereotype. 14 Hyde, William. A Loss Keenly Felt: High School Consolidation and Community (in northwest N.C.). 15 Inscoe, John C. Olmsted in Appalachia: A Connecticut Yankee Encounters Slavery and Racism in the Southern Highlands. 16 Johnson, Charles W. Walter Biggs' Painting of Mr. and Mrs. Joel B. Lemon. 12 Lang, John. The Shape of Love: The Motif of Sacrifice in Two Novels by John Ehle. 18 Lindberg, Laurie. Llewellyn and Giardina: Two Novels about Coal Mining. 14 Lovingood, Paul E., Jr. and Robert E. Reiman. The Structure of Total Personal Income in the Southern Highlands. 18 McGowan, Thomas. The Blue Ridge Hand-Tied Canopy: Cultural Intervention and Family Tradition. 12 McKenzie, Roberta. Appalachian Ethnicity as Reaction to Uneven Development: A World Systems Approach to Regionalism. 20 Mueninghoff, Elaine and Kathryn M. Borman. Expectations for Work Roles and Social Roles in an Urban Appalachian School. 32 Noe, Kenneth W. Internal Improvements, Slavery, and Secession in Southwest Virginia, 1829-1861: A Preliminary Survey. 20 Rasmussen, Barbara. Clay County, W.Va.: The Social Impact of Concentrated Land Ownership. 18 Ray, Clyde H. Traditional Appalachian Culture and Traditional Scottish Highland Culture Compared: A Personal Experience. 8 3 �Reiman, Robert E. and Paul E. Lovingood, Jr. The Structure of Total Personal Income in the Southern Highlands. 18 Salstrom, Paul. The Subsistence-Barter-and-Borrow System in Southern Appalachia's Traditional Life. 22 Simpkins, Karen Li. What "Community" Does the Arbor Preaching Celebrate?: Comparison and Contrast of St. Mary's Loch, Scotland, and "Timber Trace," West Virginia. 28 Sinclair, Bennie Lee. So Silent a Spring in our Mountains: Defoliation and Burning of the Milliken Forest. 8 Slater, Arthur and Marvin J. Berlowitz. The Negative Influences of Neo-Marxist Radical Social Movement Theorists on the Role of Urban Appalachians in the Struggle for School Desegregation: A Case Study of Cincinnati. 28 Smith, Betty. Jane Gentry: A Singer Among Singers. 12 Spalding, Susan Eike. Old Time Square Dancing as a Reflection of Social and Economic Changes in Upper East Tennessee. 14 Stamm, Henry E., IV. Valle Crucis: An Experiment in Episcopal Monasticism. 13 Stanwitz, Sandra L. Intercultural Factors Affecting Access to Legal Aid: Improving Appalachian Women's Lives. 14 Stevens, Elizabeth C. Appalachian Agriculture in the 1980s: Part-time Christmas Tree Growers in Avery Co.,N.C. 11 Thompson, Edgar H. Jesse Stuart's Archetypal Vision of Appalachian Culture: The Thread Still Runs True. 16 Thorn, William H. Technique and Reality: The Jewel Photograph (of Joel and Eliza Lemon). 11 Tribe, Ivan M. "Thar's Gold in Them Hillbillies?": The Six Decade Experience of the Stoneman Family as Commercial Appalachian Musicians. 17 Wallenstein, Peter. Civil War and Appalachia: Union Troops from East Tennessee. 15 Weingartner, Paul J., Dwight Billings, and Kathleen M. Blee. Agriculture in Preindustrial Appalachia: Subsistence Farming in Beech Creek, 1850-1880. 16 Wheeling, Teresa. Across the Mountains: Appalachian Literature and the Unsuspecting Student. 13 Wolz, Lyn. The White Top Folk Festival as an Agent of Change in Traditional Song Repertories. 17 4 �Wood, Curtis W. and H. Tyler Blethen. The Origins of the Normal School Movement in Western North Carolina. 21 West, Mark D. Regional Determination and Public Opinion. 95 5 �Appalachians: Pioneers For The New Age Keynote Address by Marilou Awiakta Before beginning my speech, I should tell you that I already may have committed an unpardonable sin for a Southerner—embarrassed you in public. This afternoon Channel 7 TV interviewed me. I thought the camera was off when the interviewer asked, "What do you think about the stereotyping of Appalachian people?" His question hit a nerve. I grew up in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, where "outsiders" were in the majority and often said about us natives, "These people don't have any culture. They don't articulate properly. They're non-progressive, lazy, etc." What do I think of such disdain? I managed to reply calmly. "Appalachians must name ourselves, tell our own stories—define ourselves from the inside out. When stereotypers assume the power to define us, they have control over us." "And what if the stereotypers won't listen to reason?" I shoved my fist up in the old battle-charge sign and yelled, "Go get 'em!" The camera was on. If my outburst embarrassed you, I apologize. But if I spoke what you're thinking, I'm glad. At this point in America's history, Appalachians must uphold our values and proceed. Our country needs us. Why that is so, is the subject of my talk. A New Age is said to be coming—an age of harmony and peace. But it's having a hard time getting here. Consider recent news on television: The Iranian arms scandal. The Wall Street crash. Evangelists Jim Bakker and Jimmy Swaggart preaching against sin in public—and practicing it in private. If the New Age is to come, it needs the help of pioneers of grit and gumption, who know how to connect to the land and to each other. Appalachians are that kind of people, because we remember how to survive, to abide. Our mountains have taught us. By "Appalachians" I mean the three major ethnic groups: Native Americans, African Americans and European Americans, most of whom have Celtic roots. We are all tribal peoples. Deep in our blood is the memory of the sacred circle of life—the Creator, Mother Earth and all that lives therein. In an age of fragmentation and disintegration, Appalachians remember the ways of connection. We are fit pioneers for the New Age. You may ask, "How did you come to this conclusion?" I did it the mountain way—by thinking about it for 30 years. During that time I 6 �learned that acquired knowledge helps, but when you have your back to the wall, it's heritage that brings you through. My thought originates in the Native American tradition, which views the Creator, nature and humanity as a circle—a web of life. To speak of "Mother Earth'' and of all nature as our "relations"—brother, sister, and so on—is neither romantic nor figurative. It is a literal expression of reality—we are all interconnected. If Mother Earth thrives, all thrive. If she dies .. ."what goes around, comes around." In this circle, time is a continuum where past, present and future flow as one and where life moves in harmony with the rhythms and cycles of nature. If you're saying to yourself, "But other Appalachians think this way too," then we are of one mind. The Cherokee advise, "Look at everything three times. Once with the right eye. Once with the left eye. And once from the corners of the eyes, to see the spirit—the essence—of what you're looking at." From here on, let's follow that advice. With your right and left eyes, look at the people who are here at the conference. There are adults from many states. And for the first time, the youth are convening with us. ... Or is it the first time? In ages past when decisions of great moment were to be made, our ancestors responded in a traditional way. If we look at this audience from the corners of our eyes, we see an ancient pattern: the gathering of the clans. Look at the conference program with two eyes only. Once Appalachia was defined primarily in terms of the white European male. But presentations this year include both genders, as well as the three major ethnic groups that inhabit our mountains. Looking at the program from the corners of our eyes, we see a mending of the circle—a reweaving of the web of life. This conference is historic. I am honored to have been invited to share thoughts about our heritage and the strength it has to see us through. With that power sustaining us, we consider some of the harsh realities of life in 1988. An overwhelming concern is the threat of nuclear holocaust. I have a sense of dejd vu about it because fear of it was real to me in the late 1940's, when I was growing up in Oak Ridge. The Cold War with the Russians was "hot." Because of its nuclear industry, Oak Ridge was a prime target for attack. At school, scientists warned us about the deathlight, fireball and fall-out. Disaster drills were more frequent than fire drills. In case of early warning, the city had an evacuation plan. I was in my early teens—and terrified I'd never live to grow up. I asked Mother about it. She said, "Now, Marilou, if the bomb ever drops, it's all over. There're only two major roads out of Oak Ridge. Think of 75,000 panicked people trying to get out! We'd be better off to stay put. If the worst does happen, we have faith that our family will come down 7 �on the Other Side and be together again. In the meantime, in case they don't drop the bomb, you'd better go study your French!" This—not the fatalism stereotypers tout—is the true meaning of Appalachian stoicism. It is the courage to face the world as it is and continue your life with a measure of grace. I kept studying. In 1956, through the University of Tennessee, one of my dreams came true: a scholarship to the Sorbonne. Another dream collided with it. The man, Paul, asked me to marry him instead, promising he would take me to live in France one day. He did. That's how, in 1964, I got to Laon and became an interpreter for the U.S. Air Force during the NATO withdrawal. College courses had prepared me for the French language but not for its use in power politics. Heritage did that. I remembered the mountain philosophy that later became the poem, "Trail Warning," in Abiding Appalachia: "Beauty is no threat to the wary/who treat the mountain in its way/the copperhead in its way/and the deer in its way/knowing that nature is the human heart/ made tangible."1 My father had always said, "If you treat a bear like a dog, you'll wind up with your face slashed—or worse." And Mother added, "It's the same with people. Learn a person's nature. If you meet a 'copperhead,' give him a wide berth. If you have to go in close, take a hoe!" These and other Appalachian teachings stood me in good stead. As years passed my conviction grew that the fusion of my Cherokee/mountain heritage with the experience of growing up on the atomic frontier was, in truth, a practical and inspiring heritage. In 1978, the fruits of my thought were published in my first book, Abiding Appalachia: Where Mountain and Atom Meet. The title poem is the crux of the book: Ancient haze lies on the mountain smoke-blue, strange and still a presence that eludes the mind and moves through a deeper kind of knowing. It is nature's breath and more— an aura from the great I Am that gathers to its own spirits that have gone before. Deep below the valley waters eerie and hid from view the atom splits without a sound its only trace a fine blue glow rising from the fissioned whole and at its core power that commands the will quiet that strike the soul, "Be still and know . . . I Am . . ."2 8 �Lifting our eyes to the hills has always been the primary source of help for Appalachian people. But we have come to the point in history where even the mountains themselves are in jeopardy. The following three recent poems deal with greed as a destroyer of our Mother Earth and our people, with stereotyping as a killer of the human spirit, and with what many Native Americans still call "the other world"—a world that forces us to cram the roundness of our lives into squares. Coping with these disintegrating forces will require the energies of both elders and youth: DYING BACK3 On the mountain the standing people are dying back— hemlock, spruce and pine turn brown in the head. The hardwood shrivels in new leaf. Unnatural death from acid greed that takes the form of rain and fog and cloud. In the valley the walking people are blank-eyed. Elders mouth vacant thought. Youth grow spindly, wan from sap too drugged to rise. Pushers drain it off— sap is gold to them. The walking people are dying back as all species do that kill their own seed. WHAT THE CHOCTAW WOMAN SAID4 My husband is an alcoholic. He went to the VA and he told them, "My spirit is sick. I am dying." They said, "You need tests. Go to the lab." He came home. 6 �The last time he went they sent him to a psychiatrist. When my husband told him, "My spirit is sick. I am dying/' the psychiatrist said, "What do you mean by spirit?" My husband came home. He'll never go back. My only hope is to get him to a medicine man but the great ones are in the West. I don't have the money to take him. The trouble is, most people look down on us and our culture. It's harder on a man. It kills his pride. For a woman it's not as bad. We have to make sure the children survive, no matter what. If I stay with my husband, the children will get sick in their spirits. They may die. I have to leave him. SQUARED TIME SQUARED to the clock. LIFE SQUARED to television/ credit card/truck/car/train/jet—to cubicles piled in high rude rectangles. FILL IN THE SQUARE: name/address/telephone/sex/ age/race/occupation. STAY IN THE LINES . KEEP TO TIME SLOTS: work/play /eat/sleep /love. Box 'em, label'em, stack 'em up. COMPETE! Slash to the top of the pyramid. COMPUTE! Compute! Compute! ("No, you can't have your veteran's benefits. The computer shows you 'dead.'") GET HERESY UNDER CONTROL. The creation is clear-cut: God is God; nature is "the other." Choose your side. WOMEN, SQUARE your shoulders, starve your bodies straight. Curves are out. MEN, SQUARE your hearts. Produce! Produce! Feelings don't raise the GNP. The shuttle's SEALS are at RISK . . . ? LAUNCH it! Seven people smeared across the sky translate to the TV monitor, "OBVIOUSLY WE HAVE A MAJOR MALFUNCTION." OBVIOUSLY. Via television millions saw Challenger and its astronauts explode and scrawl a fiery hieroglyphic on the curved wall of space. A warning. "Humans have lost connection—with ourselves and each other, with nature and the Creator." We do have a major malfunction. We've felt something seriously 10 �amiss for a long time. Now, in the blood of seven—a number sacred to the Cherokee and mystic to many of the world's peoples—we have clear warning. To survive, we must set ourselves right and reconnect. Some people continue to ignore the warning. Others join a growing movement toward the whole, exploring new ways of healing the deep slashes that sever us from relationship and hope. One way is to go back to our homeground and find within it our deepest roots. In that spirit, the clans have gathered at Radford this weekend—in the heart of the mountains that unite Appalachians of all ethnic backgrounds, mountains that have taught generation after generation to face reality and abide in their own souls. The onslaught of industrialization is slashing "all our relations/' We love our land. We don't want to be separated from it. But we have to earn a living. If we don't adapt enough to the square world to survive, we will die. If we adapt too much, we will not survive. What many of us want most is to find somehow a way to live in the round, despite the strictures of contemporary society. Outsiders who look with two eyes only have stereotyped Appalachians as "primitive, backward, non-progressive, Bible-toting and, sometimes, crazy as loons." We have become too prone to ignore—or at the very worst, to accept—stereotypers' definitions. If we view their words from the corners of our eyes, in the light of our own interpretations, they describe exactly the qualities needed to cope with the dilemma of disconnection. Pioneers of the New Age of harmony and peace have to be independent, sturdy, tenacious, ingenious, spiritually centered—and audacious. One might even say, "bodacious\" Are we Appalachians perfectly suited for the task? Our mountains tell us that we are. They also tell us that no individual or ethnic group can mend the circle and reweave the web of life alone. A great sign of hope comes from the Cherokee. Since April, 1984, the vibrations of it have been traveling from Red Clay, Tennessee, through the root systems of the ancient forests of Appalachia. It is the song of a people who have kept faith with their traditional values and who have reunited their nation at last. With an ear to the ground, we listen. From the corners of our eyes we see an ancient image emerging: Awi Usdi, Little Deer. A spirit messenger from the sacred circle, a spirit of reverence and justice. From the heart of the mountain he comes, with his head held high in the wind/Like the spirit of light, he comes—the small white chief of the deer. When one of his own is slain he instantly draws near and finding clotted blood on the leaves 11 �he bends low over the stain— "Have you heard . . . Has the hunter prayed words of pardon for the life you gave for his own?" If the answer be "No" then Little Deer goes—invisible, fleet as the wind— and tracks the blood to the hunter's home where he swiftly pains and cripples his bones so he never can hunt again.5 "From the heart of the mountain he comes" . . . to assure us that the circle of blessing, like the circle of destruction, is eternal. It did not seem so when the seven mother clans of the Cherokee met in 1837 at Red Clay for the last council meeting. Within a year the people were walking the Trail of Tears. Of the 17,000 removed to Oklahoma, 4,000 died along the way. Their nation and their web of life were in shreds. In the dominant culture predictions abounded that in 200 years, there would be no more Cherokee. Tribal elders looked at the damage three times: "In the seventh generation," they said, "the Cherokee will rise again." As generations struggled to reweave the web, these words were passed along. During the fall of 1986, the message went out: "The Eastern and Western councils will reunite at the Red Clay Historical Area (near Cleveland, Tennessee), April 6-7, 1984." What happened next cannot be scientifically explained. It can only be evoked in terms of the spirit. The Cherokee consider Red Clay sacred ground, hallowed ground. And there, from the heart of Mother Earth, a magnetic energy began to emmanate. In the Four Directions of America north, south, east and west—families prepared for the journey. Early in April they set out for the gathering of the clans. "We don't know what will happen," said Carol Allison, assistant to Ross Swimmer, principal chief of the Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma. "We've told everybody—the media, the public—that this reunion is to be dignified, an historic council meeting, not a 'drums and feathers' event. But the more we tell them that, the more they want to come. It's still winter in East Tennessee. What if people swamp the motels and others are left milling around in the cold? We're estimating 20,000 people now, about a third of them Cherokee." What was pulling the non-Indians to Red Clay? Curiosity for some. But for most it seemed to be what a man from Wisconsin said, "The Cherokee have made it through this old world and managed to stay who they are. My wife and I want to see it. We want our children to see it. Because if the Cherokee can make it, we can too." 12 �On the eve of the reunion Paul, our son Andrew, and I stood on the balcony of our motel in Cleveland. Although the driving rain had abated, the mountains seemed frozen, their trees bare-limbed against dark clouds. About five miles away were the council grounds. We knew that medicine men had already come in private to perform the ancient ceremonies— songs and dances to bless Mother Earth and call up her regenerative energies. The sacred ground was ready. But what would happen tomorrow? The reunion will forever be in the present tense. From the beginning, the sun is radiant. A benevolent and steadily rising wind carries the scent of pine and new green. Among the knolls and planes of the council ground, people flow around the traditional pattern of the web: the opensided council house in the center; the formal platform and receptacle for the sacred fire on a nearby knoll; at some distance a circle of food and craft tables and beyond that small meadows where children romp. There is a feeling of connection and peace among the people and a murmur that is lively and content. Good humor but no rowdiness. At the same time, there is a look on the faces of many, the expression of those who listen inwardly to another dimension and find it good. At the ampitheater in the lee of one hill, all is quiet. On the grass stage where the council is in session, Chief Robert Youngdeer of the Eastern Band raises his arms toward the surrounding woods, where trees are tipped with fluttering new leaves. He says, "When we came to Red Clay the trees were closed and cold. See in one day how the leaves have unfurled ..." Looking upward, we in the audience feel his meaning: See how Mother Earth has renewed herself how the Cherokee have endured how hope unfurls . . . invincibly! We shall renew our strength and mount up with wings . . . Something extraordinary is moving among us. Governor Alexander calls it "electricity/7 A reporter says, "An aura." Many who know the legend say, "Awi Usdi walks among us ..." I gather Little Deer's image, a healing medicine for bleak seasons I know will come again, and weave it into the last great ceremony of the reunion: the return of the sacred fire. Signifying the presence of the Creator,/sun/spirit of the people, the sacred fire has been kept burning since the beginning of Cherokee history. On the Trail of Tears it was secretly transported to Oklahoma. In 1951, an ember was returned to the Eastern Band in North Carolina. It, circling back to Red Clay, is in the hands of the youth—the seventh generation. Ten young men, bearing torches, have run in relay the 130 miles from Qualla, 13 �N.C. As word passes of their approach, young women in traditional ribbon dresses clear a way for them among the crowd gathered on the West Knoll. Then they stand as honor guards along the path, where spring grass ripples verdant and sweet in the wind. The crowd is silent as the men run slowly toward the crest of the knoll. There the torches are joined together and passed around to the council members before coming back to the chiefs for the ceremonial lighting. The chiefs invoke the fire's ancient meanings and Youngdeer extends its light to include the present when he says, "The flame stands for freedom and friendship between the whites and Indians. We hold neither hatred nor malice in our hearts. We remember the past but look to the future." A powerful presence sweeps through the crowd. Because we have gathered here with reverence and love, Awi Usdi is walking among us. A peaceful power assuring all people that if justice and reverence prevail, in the fullness of time, sorrow may be eased, wounds may be healed. And within whatever morass we find ourselves, there is always a green path that leads to the top of the hill, where the sacred fire burns for us all. A New age is a-borning. Appalachians can help it thrive. We are one people. Notes 1. Marilou Awiakta. Abiding Appalachia: Where Mountain and Atom Meet (Memphis, 1978). p. 37. 2. Ibid, p. 89. 3. Marilou Awiakta. Tennessee Conservationist (Jan./Feb. 1987). p. 12. 4. Marilou Awiakta. Now and Then. (Autumn, 1986). p. 23. 5. Marilou Awiakta. Abiding Appalachia, p. 18. 14 �Prehistoric and Historic Human Adaptation in Appalachia: An Archaeological Perspective by C. Clifford Boyd, Jr. Abstract Through the past millenia, a variety of cultures have entered the Appalachians and have adapted to their rich and varied environment. These cultures include prehistoric Native Americans who directly used the raw materials of this region to produce their tools, and who subsisted on a wide variety of native plants and animals still seen today. The early European settlers added new layers of cultural complexity to the human fabric of the Appalachians. Their language, metal tools, economic and political systems profoundly and permanently transformed the contemporary Native American cultures, and formed the basis for the modern cultural adaptations to these mountains. Archaeological analysis can provide a unique perspective on these cultural transformations through its study of material culture and past settlement-subsistence patterns. In this paper, the contributions of archaeology to the study of cultural adaptations in the Appalachians are outlined. Examples of archaeological research on Native American and AngloAmerican settlement and subsistence patterns in East Tennessee, western North Carolina and southwest Virginia are also discussed. Introduction For the past 11,500 years, humans have adapted to the environment of the Appalachians. This process of adaptation has taken many different forms at different times, and has involved the use of a variety of natural resources. The young science of archaeology, through its emphasis on the recovery, analysis and interpretation of the material culture remains of past peoples, can provide a unique perspective on the problem of human adaptation. This perspective is unique because it can address both the synchronic (i.e., observations of a culture at a single moment in time) and the diachronic study (i.e., observation of changes in cultures over time) of human cultures. 15 �In this paper, both perspectives are used to examine change and continuity in the use of space and of natural resources in upper East Tennessee, southwest Virginia and western North Carolina (Figure 1). Specifically, the Tennessee component of this tri-state study area encompasses that portion of the upper Tennessee Valley north and east of the Little Tennessee River. This includes portions of the Blue Ridge and Ridge and Valley physiographic provinces of upper East Tennessee, and the Pigeon, French Broad, Nolichucky, Clinch, Powell, Holston, and Watauga, as well as the Little Tennessee River drainages. The North Carolina component includes the Appalachian Summit area of the western portion of the state, and primarily sites along the Watauga and New River drainages. The Virginia component also primarily encompasses the Blue Ridge and Ridge and Valley or Appalachian Valley physiographic provinces, and the upper Powell, Clinch, Holston, New and Dan River drainages. Since the measure of time is an important consideration for any archaeologist, I will begin this examination with a brief discussion of the cultural and temporal periods represented in the archaeological record of this study area. Then, I will embark on a more detailed discussion of human adaptation and transformations in settlement patterns and material culture through time. Temporal Periods The temporal periods represented in the archaeological record of the study area, along with their corresponding dates, are depicted in Table 1. While the Archaic and Woodland periods as presented here can certainly be divided into early, middle and late periods manifesting distinctive artifact styles and other characteristics, this paper emphasizes changes in 16 �material culture as these relate to adaptation to the environment, rather than the historical nature of stylistic change. Evidence for the first human occupation and use of the study area occurred during the Paleoindian period (Purrington 1983; Turner 1984). These earliest Native Americans lived in small, nomadic bands, hunted late Pleistocene megafauna (such as the mastodon) and foraged wild plant foods. The characteristic tools of the Paleoindians were large stone spear points with concave or "fluted" midsections. Paleoindian occupations are almost exclusively identified by the archaeological recovery of these distinctive points. The following Archaic period represented a long period of human adaptation to an essentially modern post-Pleistocene environment. The Ice Age megafauna disappeared, and Native American groups began to exploit modern wild animals (such as white-tailed deer, bear and rabbits) wild seeds, and the nut harvest from deciduous trees like the oak, walnut and hickory (Chapman 1975, 1977, 1981). Although the initial domestication of some plants occurred by the late Archaic (Smith and Cowan 1987; Yarnell and Black 1985), dependence was still focused on wild food resources. Some major technological changes occurred in this area during the Woodland period. These included the widespread manufacture and use of clay pottery, the development of the bow and arrow (during the late middle Woodland), and the introduction of maize as a domesticated food plant (Boyd 1986; Chapman 1973; Chapman and Crites 1987). There is also evidence for population growth and more complex social organization. For example, mound construction, which began during the latter portion of this period (Keel 1976), certainly was the result of an organized, community effort on the part of the builders. The Late Prehistoric period was a time of increasing cultural complexity and diversity in this region. As defined here, this period included cultures that some would still define as "Woodland" (Hoffman and Foss 1980), and other societies with more elaborate sociopolitical systems which in the southeastern United States have been called "Mississippian" (Griffin 1967; Smith 1986). These latter Native American cultures developed their complex sociopolitical organizations through long distance trade and a greater dependence on maize. Examples of such cultures include the Pisgah of the Appalachian Summit of North Carolina (Dickens 1976) and Dallas in East Tennessee (Polhemus 1987). These groups showed an emphasis on religious ceremonialism in the form of mound building and the production of specialized artworks, such as shell gorgets engraved with rattlesnakes, sun discs, and other symbols. Increased intercultural conflict is evidenced by the identification of wooden palisades and other defensive features around villages. 17 �In other areas (like southwestern Virginia) Native American cultures selectively expressed certain traits, such as a greater reliance on domesticated plants and the construction of palisaded villages. However, the absence of mound building and extreme status differentiation in their populations suggests a less complex social organization (Egloff 1987). Variety and diversity in ceramic decoration and form also increased significantly during this period (Boyd 1987). The Protohistoric period began with the earliest contacts between Native Americans and the Spanish explorers Hernando de Soto and Juan Pardo (Hudson et. al. 1984, 1985). During the subsequent two centuries, many Native American cultures suffered extinction as a result of European-introduced diseases and warfare. Many Native American groups also quickly became dependent on European traders for firearms and other goods as a result of the European-stimulated trade in deerskins (Peebles 1983). Native American cultures competed with one another for these lucrative trade contacts, and this competition often led to intertribal warfare. Dramatic population migrations, abandonment of previously occupied areas, disruption of social organization, and the amalgamation of previously distinct tribal groups were common events. Thus, the most distinctive characteristic of this period was the process of acculturation all Native American populations were forced to undergo as a result of European contact. Finally, with the Historic Period, European settlements and settlers dominated areas formerly occupied and abandoned by Native American cultures. While Native Americans (primarily the Cherokee) still lived in the area, their continued survival was largely under the control of the British (and later, American) economic, legal and military systems. In this study area, European settlers introduced many elements of material culture from their native Britain, and continued to receive British ceramics and other items from the colonial trade network. TABLE 1. Suggested Chronology for the Study Area. Temporal Period Historic Protohistoric Late Prehistoric Woodland Archaic Paleoindian Dates A.D. 1750 - present A.D. 1540 -1750 A.D. 1000 -1540 1200 B.C. - A.D. 1000 8000 -1200 B.C. 9500 - 8000 B.C. 18 �Cultures existing during the major periods briefly reviewed above each used and affected the natural resources of the Southern Appalachians in different ways. Archaeologists can study the artifacts, structures, storage pits, wells and other features these earlier cultures left behind and learn something about their adaptive use of space within the context of the resources of the study area. In the second part of this paper, I will discuss both inter- and intrasite settlement patterns as reflected in the material culture remains from these temporal periods. Settlement Pattern Variation Through Time The study of settlement patterns is the study of how humans use space. Archaeologists study this aspect of human cultures by locating and analyzing archaeological sites and looking for patterns in their spatial distribution. An archaeological site is a location which contains the remains of past human activity. It is important to realize that a site may or may not be the actual place where these past activities occurred (Ammerman 1981; Whyte 1984)—erosion, flooding and other natural forces can remove and redeposit artifacts and bones together, forming sites which are natural and not cultural in origin. However, for the many archaeological sites which were actual loci of past human activity, we can study the organization of space within the site (intrasite settlement patterns) and the organization of space between sites of the same cultural group (intersite settlement patterns) starting with the Paleoindian period. Paleoindian settlement in the study area is poorly documented and understood for a number of reasons. First, most of the recovered Paleoindian artifacts (the characteristic fluted points discussed above) are found on the surface with no other materials in association with them. This severely limits our ability to fully understand the use of space by these people, particularly when we acknowledge that these artifacts have likely been moved and redeposited from their original locations by natural forces over the millennia, or remain deeply buried in river sediments (see Turner 1984). Second, the scarcity of these artifacts, particularly in the Appalachian Mountains (Purrington 1983; Turner 1984), suggests that major portions of the study area were only rarely utilized by these early human groups. In order to more fully understand the Paleoindian settlement pattern in the region, researchers recommend a focus on the investigation of resource areas known to have been exploited by Paleoindian populations in this and other regions. These include high quality cryptocrystalline stone resources which provided raw materials for the production of stone tools, and "locations having high potential for exploitable fauna and flora ..." (Turner 1984:213) (such as salt licks, water holes and springs, and gaps or 19 �narrow valleys) which likely served as animal migration routes (Gardner 1980, 1983). Evidence for exploitation of the study area in the subsequent Archaic period is much more complete. Early Archaic sites are more numerous than Paleoindian sites (Turner 1984) and indicate efficient exploitation of upland zones in the upper Watauga Valley of North Carolina and the Great Smoky Mountains (Bass 1977; Purrington 1983), and the use of floodplain zones and local stone resources in the Little Tennessee River valley (Chapman 1975, 1977, 1978). A wide range of habitats with diverse food resources continued to be exploited throughout the Archaic period in the Appalachian Mountains (Purrington 1983). In some areas, however, late Archaic sites were primarily located in the main river valleys and floodplains (Baden 1985; Bass 1977). The increased use of floodplain zones in the late Archaic has been noted in western North Carolina, southwest Virginia and East Tennessee, as well as other parts of Virginia and Delaware (Catlin et. al. 1982). This change has been interpreted either as an intensive concentration on the explortation of riverine resources or as an emphasis on the exploitation of quartzite outcrops and gravel bars for stone for the production of large bifacial spear points (Bass 1977). For the lower Little Tennessee River valley, Baden (1985) suggests that increased exploitation of river terraces may be related to the expanding use of cultigens and early horticulture. The frequency of late Archaic sites in the uplands of the Blue Ridge in Virginia also increases over that of the earlier Archaic and Paleoindian periods. These sites are found in all environmental zones (hollows, saddles, ridges, upland basins, gaps, slopes and foothills) (Barber and Tolley 1984; Hoffman and Foss 1980). Hoffman and Foss (1980: 194-204) call the late Archaic and the subsequent early portion of the Woodland period in the Blue Ridge the "period of primary forest efficiency." They equate this "florescence of occupation" to Joseph Caldwell's (1958) concept of the development of an efficient, stable occupation of the woodlands of eastern North America based on hunting, gathering and fishing. By middle Woodland times (beginning about the time of Christ), Native Americans in the study area began to live in more sedentary villages, and there was an increase in the exploitation of floodplain areas (Bass 1977; Ferguson 1986; Purrington 1984). Although specialized exploitation of the uplands for hunting continued, the increasing frequency of the floodplain sites certainly reflects a growing emphasis on the cultivation of domesticated plants. Such plants as squash and gourd were already being cultivated and maize was introduced by A.D. 200 (albeit in small quantities) (Chapman and Crites 1987). During the subsequent Late Prehistoric period in the Appalachian Summit region of North Carolina, there was an increasing "nucleation of communities on fertile soils in broad river valleys and the emergence of a 20 �hierarchy of communities" (Purrington 1983: 147), particularly between A.D. 1300-1500 (Dickens 1986). This emphasis on the construction of large, palisaded villages on or near lands with prime agricultural soils is also seen in East Tennessee and southwest Virginia (Baden 1985; Hoffman and Foss 1980). Because of the scarcity of extensive floodplain soils along portions of the New River and other areas of southwest Virginia, some sedentary villages were located on less agriculturally productive marginal zones (Custer 1984: 81-82). Although the uplands were less extensively exploited for resources than in the earlier Archaic and Woodland periods, as hunting territories for these sedentary populations, they still had an important, specialized role in the total settlement system. Changes in settlement patterns, particularly in western North Carolina and East Tennessee, are noted during the Protohistoric period (Dickens 1986; Schroedl 1986b). The nucleated settlements and complex sociopolitical organizations of the Late Prehistoric cultures in these areas started to disintegrate, leading to a more dispersed settlement pattern and less social stratification in the early Qualla and Overhill Cherokee in these areas. These changes were possibly stimulated by European contact, environmental instability, or both (Dickens 1986: 85); however, this social collapse was less severe in the Appalachian Summit region of North Carolina because agriculture was not as important as in areas with more extensive floodplains. This flexibility in resource exploitation (i.e., dependence on both wild and domesticated foods) was, in the long run, more adaptively advantageous during this stress-filled period (Dickens 1986: 87). The settlement pattern of the sociopolitically less complex tribal societies of southwest Virginia apparently did not change as drastically in the Protohistoric period as in East Tennessee and western North Carolina. However, abandonment of settled villages certainly occurred during the last century of this period. Early historic accounts of the last half of the 18th Century by European settlers only mention contact with Cherokee or Shawnee hunting parties (Egloff 1987). As indicated by abandonment of previously settled areas, change in Native American societies as a result of European contact was sometimes quite dramatic. In western North Carolina, the Qualla Cherokee population moved .. /'from the northern and eastern portion of the Appalachians toward the western and southern portions (Dickens 1986: 84)." Trade contacts with Europeans led not only to changes in Native American economic systems and resource exploitation, but to technological and sociopolitical change (Peebles 1983; Riggs 1987; Schroedl 1986a). Extreme factionalism developed within many Native American societies such as the Cherokee, wherein certain "progressive" or "Anglo-Cherokee" (Riggs 1987) groups attempted to acculturate themselves into Anglo-American culture by adopting Anglo-American names, behavior and material culture. Other more "traditional" elements tried to maintain their aboriginal social and 21 �settlement patterns. However, with the forced removal in the 1830s of most of the Cherokees and other "civilized tribes" to the western territories, Anglo-American material culture and settlement patterns became dominant in the study area. Criteria for site location in the early Historic Period by the earliest Anglo-American settlers were comparable to those used by Native American agriculturalists. Based on a survey of early Historic Period sites in Rockbridge County, Virginia, Adams and McDaniel (1984: 227-228) note that many eighteenth century settlements were on floodplains. Many of these sites also contained evidence for prehistoric Native American occupation (Adams and McDaniel 1984; Boyd and Riggs 1986). In the 1820s or 1830s, movement of occupations into hollows began to occur, with hollows being intensively occupied in the last half of the nineteenth century (Adams and McDaniel 1984: 227). Access to water sources, as well as access to agricultural land was certainly an important determinant in site location. Building construction by the earliest Anglo-American settlers was also adopted by some of the early Historic Native Americans. Log cabin construction by the Historic Cherokee, for example, is well documented in the enthnohistoric records of East Tennessee and western North Carolina (Riggs 1987; Schroedl 1986a). Finally, the use of space around eighteenth and nineteenth century historic sites was similar to that of previous Native American groups. Prehistoric Native American villages are often identified by the occurrence of trash (or midden) deposits around structures, or in a ring around a central plaza area (Ward 1986). These deposits often contain broken pottery, stone tools and flakes, animal bone, charred wood, nuts and seeds, and other debris. Often, large pits or features (which were dug for use in food storage) were subsequently filled with debris after their intended use. Similar "kitchen middens" and refuse dumps have been archaeologically identified around Historic Anglo-American structures. Many historical archaeologists have discovered that by excavating these middens, one may learn a great deal about foods eaten, dinnerware and glassware used, and even methods of food preparation of Anglo-Americans of varying socioeconomic status (Boyd and Riggs 1986). Stanley South (1977) has identified several Anglo-American disposal patterns of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The Brunswick Pattern is one in which the inhabitants discarded their refuse adjacent to their homes. This deposit occurs usually at the back, but also at the front door. This pattern is so distinctive that one can locate building entrances simply on the basis of concentrations of refuse discovered during excavation. In addition, the frequencies of artifacts recovered from these deposits can suggest something about the activities performed by the inhabitants of the structure. The Carolina Artifact Pattern is one in which the higher frequen22 �cies of kitchen artifacts (ceramics, cooking utensils, glassware) and bone indicate domestic food processing and consumption. This pattern is most common around kitchens or at the rear of a house. The Frontier Artifact Pattern is one with a higher frequency of architectural items (such as nails), indicating a non-kitchen area or, as the name implies, a more isolated frontier habitation with reduced access to stores, trading posts, and associated amenities. As with Native American features which have ceased to fulfill their original function, historic cisterns, privies and cellar holes were subsequently used as artifact dumps, and as with Native American contexts, these features can tell us a great deal about the material culture of the people who produced, used and discarded these items. Summary In conclusion, the study area is environmentally and topographically extremely diverse. There are a number of river systems with varying amounts of floodplain, and sometimes extreme uplands containing mineral and faunal resources. Preagricultural Native American peoples exploited all these environments for edible seeds and nuts, deer and other wild game, and for raw materials such as quartz, quartzite and chert with which to make stone tools. Later Native American cultures using agriculture in the mountainous portions of the study area were not as dependent on this means of subsistence as were other groups living in areas with broader floodplains more suitable for crop production. Still, larger village sites and more intensive utilization of available floodplains occurred in the Woodland through Protohistoric periods. Exploration and settlement of the study area by Europeans introduced new socioeconomic, political and technological systems which profoundly altered the course of human occupation of the Appalachians. However, early Anglo-American settlers, dependent on an agricultural subsistence base, utilized space in ways similar to those of preceding Native American agriculturalists. They, too, selected floodplains and prime agricultural soils as initial habitation sites and stored foods and deposited refuse in similar patterns. Early Historic Native Americans, in turn, adopted the log cabin structure by the mid 1700's. This brief review of the prehistoric and historic culture history and adaptation of human groups to a portion of the Southern Appalachians illustrates several important points. First, archaeological investigations of this region (through surface survey and identification of sites and more detailed excavations of some of these sites) can uniquely document culture change and continuity over millennia in cultures for which there are no written records. Archaeology's reliance on the study of the material culture of past peoples also enables the archaeologists to specifically identify and interpret changes in the use of natural resources and the exploitation of 23 �space (settlement-subsistence patterns). Finally, the comparison of Native American and Anglo-American adapative patterns can suggest some interesting continuties between these groups that may not be evident from historical documentation. Acknowledgements The author sincerely thanks Dr. Melinda Wagner, Dr. Gerald Schroedl and Donna Boyd for reviewing an earlier draft of this paper, and for providing useful comments which greatly improved the quality of the final product. Sheila Swart drafted the figure, and Carolyn Sutphin typed the manuscript. As always, any errors or omissions are the responsibility of the author. References Cited Adams, James T., Jr., and John McDaniel 1984 A Research Design for Archaeological Interpretations of Upland Historic Sites: The Opportunities and Challenges. In Upland Archaeology In the East: Symposium 2, edited by M. B. Barber, pp. 220-230. Cultural Resources Report No. 5. U.S. Department of Agriculture, U.S. Forest Service-Southern Region. Ammerman, Albert J. 1981 Surveys and Archaeological Research. Annual Reviews in Anthropology 10:63-88. Baden, William W. 1985 Evidence of Changing Settlement Patterns In the Little Tennessee River Valley of East Tennessee. 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Wesley Cowan 1987 Domesticated Chenopodium in Prehistoric Eastern North America: New Accelerator Dates from Eastern Kentucky. American Antiquity 52:355-357. South, Stanley 1977 Method and Theory in Historical Archaeology. Academic Press, New York. Turner, E. Randolph 1984 A Synthesis of Paleo-Indian Studies for the Appalachian Mountain Province of Virginia. In Upland Archaeology in the East: Symposium 2, edited by M. B. Barker, pp. 205-219. Cultural Resources Report No. 5. U. S. Department of Agriculture, U. S. Forest Service-Southern Region. Ward, H. Trawick 1986 Intra-site Spatial Patterns at the Warren Wilson Site. In The Conference on Cherokee Prehistory, assembled by D. G. Moore, pp. 7-19. Warren Wilson College, Swannanoa, North Carolina. Whyte, Thomas R. 1984 The Watauga Impact: 35 Years of Lacustrine Influence on Archaeological Sites in Northeast Tennessee. In Upland Archaeology in the East: Symposium 2, edited by M. B. Barber, pp. 192-204. Cultural Resources Report No. 5. U. S. Department of Agriculture, U. S. Forest Service-Southern Region. Yarnell, Richard A., and M. Jean Black 1985 Temporal Trends Indicated by a Survey of Archaic and Woodland Plant Food Remains from Southeastern North America. Southeastern Archaeology 4:93-106. 27 �Used Parts and the Poetic Impulse: Machines as Alternative Means of Expression by Ricky L. Cox Before I was old enough to drive, I dreamed often of driving a black pickup truck up one of the hills that surrounded my home. It was always the same truck, a '66 Ford with a short bed and Twin-I-Beam emblems on the front fenders. Though I haven't dreamed that dream in many years, the magic carpet feeling of gliding effortlessly over those confining hills has stayed with me and long outlasted my desire for a black pickup. The magic carpet was mine also in waking hours, for the world of books was opening ever wider before my eyes. These pleasures did not seem incompatible then, but I see now a gulf between them, and though it is not of my own making, I feel ever more strongly its presence as I move from one world, that of engines and machines, to the other, that of literature. I seem not quite to belong to either as long as I am associated with the other. But, maybe the needs these things fulfill are similar in some not easily discerned way. Certainly, they are not the same, but as a means of exploring ourselves and the worlds we live in, they have between them curious parallels which suggest that in this context, the difference between them is more one of form than of function. Machines are not unique in this parallel relationship with literature, but I have singled them out for two reasons. First, machines have been, literally, vehicles of change in the Southern Mountains during the last century, arguably more so than in most other parts of the country. Their use in tapping natural resources in certain regions of Appalachia has made of them unwitting accomplices to a terrible crime, while in other areas, they have provided people with a means of sharing the benefits of industrial society without giving up physical ties to home and to the relative self-sufficiency this has traditionally afforded. Second, I wish to reconcile my fascination with machinery with my passion for words. As long as I see the needs each of these fulfill as essentially different, I can not help but compare them one against the other and choose one, and the world to which it belongs, as the more worthwhile. My best option, then, is to prove to myself that these interests are sprung from a single seed and that their juxtaposition is in fact a balance rather than a conflict. 28 �In their broadest usage, both machinery and written language are tools, forged and hammered out by countless hands and minds, honed and refined to further the countless pursuits of mankind. Used strictly in this sense, they offer limitless possibilities to the development of society, but little to the growth of the inner man. In this use they have value only to the extent they serve the purpose at hand and as yet, have no spark or breath to give them life of their own. They begin to assume an intrinsic value, only after they are turned to purposes not purely practical, the most popular being diversion and entertainment. Herein lies the connection between my dreamed of truck and Tom Sawyer. Both could carry me away, and although the linkage is stretched when the automobile becomes real and Tom and Huck remain bound between the covers of a book, both continue to fill a need for adventure. While the images conjured up by a literary craftsman are much more universal, and certainly safer, they may be no more satisfying to the reader than are racing engines to those conversant with the language of V-8s and 4-barrel carburetors. On summer nights, when I was a teenager, I would sometimes hear the local hotrodders out ripping around in their cars, running at top speed, or perhaps autographing the hardtop in smoking rubber. The noise they made, rising and falling as they passed through hollows and screamed down long ridges, was a signal to my mother to see that her children were not near the road. To my father, it may have been a reminder of some foolishness he had outgrown. But to me, and others who heard as I did, it was Grendel stalking the moors, daring me out to chase him, and twist not his arm, but a four-speed gearshift. It was a modern Minotaur, demanding a sacrifice. Having no wine-dark seas on the shores of the Blue Ridge we live out our Odysseys on two-lane highways in weekly episodes. A poem by Parks Lanier, Jr., entitled "Hephaestus/7 marks this connection: Smear the marble torso with axle grease And stick it deep beneath some jacked-up car On a Saturday morning when the sun Is warm enough for him to stretch shirtless And shoeless on the ground. Then you will see How the mountain heirs of Phidias work, Not in ivory or stone but in gears And piston rings, the true lords of metal Who comprehend a car with artist's eyes. No assembly lines for them; they work alone Or two or three at most to share their craft And later test their strength on some straight road That valleys out between ridge and river, Perfect acropolis marked out by signs 29 �That say Prepare to Meet thy God, and there In smoke and dust on wings of steel they do. (Lanier 26) How well the need to escape our ordinary lives and become a vicarious or self-styled hero is met by fast cars or epic poetry depends upon many variables in both the person and the chosen medium. Epic poems don't need gas and excessive enjoyment of them won't cause your insurance to go up, but neither can they be driven to work on Monday morning. The important thing is that both may satisfy the need each of us has to visit from time to time the borders of our safe existence. A psychologist might tell us that the need to escape reality stems, in part, from a feeling of ineptitude in the face of an increasingly complex existence. This psychologist might also suggest that the mastery of some reasonably difficult activity may provide a needed identity along with a familiar source of analogy and metaphor useful in assimilating experiences outside the selected activity. So it is that the writer finds pleasure in manipulating words and phrases. A lifetime is not long enough to exhaust the possibilities for improvement. The search for the ideal voice and style is as futile as it is alluring, for there are always two elements to the equation, both everchanging. The man who lays aside his pen is no longer he who sat down to write and the reader who is moved in the least must also be transformed in some minute way. Absorbed in his quest for perfection, the writer is unaware of his counterpart in the basement garage next door. But are they not alike? Is the mechanic not also intimate with the tools of his trade? He chooses a camshaft as carefully as the poet chooses an adjective, knowing that it will alter the music of his finished piece. Of each component part he knows the individual qualities and function. They are to him as the parts of speech to the writer for they give voice and tone to the completed machine, urging from it fire and thunder or a smooth, silky hum. Pistons become guttural verbs. Their solo voices are harsh, discordant explosions, but when multiplied by four, or six, or eight, or even sweet sixteen, their cadence quickened to four-thousand RPM, they sing a siren song that even Jim Wayne Miller's Brier could not help hearing. He tells how his mind throbbed and hummed like pistons under the hood of a good truck hauling his thoughts over a long open highway, (23-25, Miller 35) The power of this song is no accident, for the pieces of the ensemble are chosen carefully, just as words and phrases are sifted laboriously by the writer seeking the perfect balance. Indeed, these things may be sib30 �lings, for they wear each other's metaphors with style. Economy is important to the poet. He must squeeze a lot of mileage out of his words. The writer of short fiction depends on quick acceleration and can haul but little unnecessary luggage. The novelist is permitted to turn on the cruise control from time to time and has room for the neighbors and the in-laws. From the writer's point of view, it may sound as if I am making a case for machines as metaphor instead of medium. In one sense, I am, but my point is that the abundance of appropriate metaphor between the two points to a parallel relationship which is more than coincidental. Which element of a metaphor is to be familiar and concrete, and which to be imaginative depends upon the experience of the user. Metaphors should not be thought of as one-way glass. Images, and the illumination they bring with them, should move freely in both directions. The automobile, as seen in the last paragraph, lends itself to such interchange because it is a major element of popular culture and familiar to everyone. But it-is by no means the only subject upon which the inventive hand and mind may turn themselves. In our factories we have machines of infinite variety. They weave fine, beautiful things and stamp out thousand upon thousand of ugly, practical paraphernalia of industrial society, and in everything they do, building and tearing down, molding and crushing, they are but incarnations of the nature of man and every aspect they present is but a face of mankind. And though the builder may not be conscious of such grand notions, he takes pleasure in his small fulfillment of man's age old desire to make his physical ability to do, equal to his mind's ability to conceive. The finished product is almost incidental, for it is the making and doing, looking always for ways to do better that are so attractive. Machines serve to express a need for adventure and a desire to master the physical world with mechanical extensions of ourselves. These things are in some sense poetic, yet they are inferior to written expression in an important way. Because these things are immediate and firsthand, their expression is inseparable from the actual event. To express, in this direct way, a lifetime of creating things of iron and steel, I must spend a lifetime. And though you stood beside me through all those years, if you did not speak the language of gears and wheels, you might never have heard my song at all. Without the writer's ability to compress long spans of time, this means of expression is too impossibly long to share. It is also impossibly short. Some say that the true fascination of speed and power is that it provides an avenue to approach death and then snatch oneself back at the last instant. Faster and faster we round the curve, edging ever nearer to the sudden and awful knowledge that we have gone too far. Without the writer's ability to stretch that tiny point in time and examine it at length, we are compelled to live it over and over, staring 31 �wide-eyed at an instant, until satiated or dead, and in neither instance does anyone else benefit. Without a universal language, or the key elements of it, I am bound to barter with hours and minutes and raw emotion. If you cannot pay in kind we are separated forever. Written language provides a wonderful fluid currency through which we may translate our separate experiences into a common tongue. This is accomplished through symbolic representation after the manner of stocks and bonds or commodities. You don't have to drive your hogs through New York City, nor must I route my corn through there on the way to North Carolina, yet there is free exchange between us. The poet-mechanic has no such medium of free, universal exchange. His language is exclusive at best, and at worst is unique to him. Without a broader means of communication, a need may be expressed only by satisfying it. What is wanted is a means to express recognition of the need without having to repeat over and over the actions that fulfill it. The missing ingredients, of course, are symbols. To the writer, this presents no problem as the elements of his medium, words, have no function apart from their use as symbols. Machines, on the other hand, have definite intended functions which complicate their use as symbols and necessitate the imposition of certain conditions. Before a symbol may appeal to the broadest possible audience, the bonds of time and space, which are essential to firsthand expression of the poetic impulse, must be cast off. Otherwise, the object would have symbolic meaning only to the few who chanced to observe a particular event at a particular place and time. The thing which most firmly binds a machine to a specific place and time is the function it was originally intended to perform. It is required, then, that a distance be somehow achieved between the machine and its original function. One way to do this is to select as symbols machinery which no longer has a function to perform, whether it has succumbed to, or outlived, the purpose for which it was intended. The common name for these marvelous metallic metaphors is junk. Once the distracting clutter of regular practical function has been raked away by time or accident, machines are free to reveal the countless secrets entrusted to them by our next door neighbors and by nameless, faceless people now buried in Chicago or Des Moines or Detroit. Embedded in the caked grease and faded paint are bits and pieces of people's lives, for machines, like few other objects in American life, are repositories of dreams. The details are mostly gone, erased by time and distance, but the outline of a grand story remains. There was once a man, or several men, who wanted to build a machine to do more and better, a machine to make farm work easier or transportation more accessible to the common people. 32 �Perhaps he wanted to get rich, too, but that is beside the point. After many setbacks and disappointments, the dream becomes reality, and if the first one is the only one, or the first of ten million, it and each successor will carry with them a little of the mind and spirit that gave them substance. Emerson wrote of good books: "They impress us with the conviction that one nature wrote and the same reads" (57). May it not be the same with a truck, in whose proud lines and sturdy frame we perceive a mind that moves as our own? Most of these pioneers set their names to their work so that the hills are now dotted with monuments to J.I. Case, John Deere, and Henry Ford. Yet the great majority of the hands that made reality of grand visions belonged to men now nameless, even then faceless, and the dream is theirs also. A factory is built and men come to work to find or finance their own dreams. At a county seat freight depot hundreds of miles away another dreamer waits, able at last to buy a piece of equipment he thinks will help him finally get ahead. Their individual stories are lost, but some hint of them clings to objects once so much a part of their lives. We might search and question and fill in many of the gaps, but with no more than stands before us we know that all these countless people lived and hoped and worked for something better. Here is the proof, a rusted hunk of dreams. The dreams, perhaps, are visible only to another dreamer, but the long days between are written plainly. There are dents and welded places that tell of bad luck and sledgehammer persuasion. Cracked water jackets and radiators remember some cold winter night and makeshift repairs bespeak a flat broke native genius. History is often most interesting as a backdrop to personal experience. The stories we cling most tightly to are about ourselves and those dear to us. It is probable, then, that the most popular function of junk as symbol, is junk as journal. Among the wealth of used parts found in discarded machinery is a long life battery which can jump start a hundred memories in an instant. In a culture described as oral, we must make use of unconventional recording devices, things that bring to mind good friends and good times, triumphs and tragedies, and a multitude of other associations attached to things once a regular part of our immediate environment. As symbols, machines lack the universality and clarity of words, yet they enjoy an advantage in that they appeal directly to the physical senses. The visual impact is obvious, as is the tactile, and usually a variety of identifiable aromas may be stirred up by removing appropriate parts or covers. You may learn, even, how old cars taste if you lay under one long enough. The single missing stimulus is sound, and it may be the one hardest to do without. Even though they may be eloquently mute, machines denied their voices are estranged from their primitive native 33 �tongue. I believe that the restorer of machines is keenly, though perhaps not consciously, aware of this silence, and that as a poet at heart he sounds his own voice by resurrecting one thought to be stilled forever. Able to speak again, the machine tells anew the dreams once attached to it and adds a new verse to its song, that of the latest dreamer who would hear it sing once more. And for as long as it is able to speak, the reborn machine will tell their many names over and over, though it be in a strange tongue all men have hearkened to but none may fully comprehend. It has been my intention here to present an aesthetic, as opposed to cultural, perspective on discarded machines, but I feel compelled to make an observation about the Appalachian affinity for broken, obsolete, or worn out things. Certainly this may be construed as frugality, but I believe that it represents also a wholeness in perspective that may be generally lacking in this country. To say that junk is ugly because it is not pretty indicates a difference of opinion, but to say that it is not pretty because it is old indicates a basic difference in philosopy. A culture which hides from itself the concept of growing old and can see no intrinsic value in inanimate things which are no longer productive has blinded itself to the cyclical nature of all things, manmade or otherwise. When we create a facade of perpetual newness by banishing old machines from the landspace are we not exercising the same rationale that banishes our old people to nursing homes? They can not work; let us put them aside. One day last fall, a friend of mine, James Bowman, was telling of having just seen the film Deliverance for the first time. Early in the film, in a scene set in a junkyard, one of the characters says something like, "I always wondered where everything ended up." It occurred to Mr. Bowman that, among all the coming and going and hustle and bustle of modern life, it is good to know, now and then, where something ends up. I think so too, and wonder if a poet might like that idea. If you see one today, tell him about it. References Cited Bowman, James. Conversation with the author. Willis, Virginia, 1987. Deliverance, John Boorman, Director; Warner Brothers, 1972. Emerson, Ralph Waldo. 'The American Scholar/7 The Portable Emerson. New Edition. Ed. Carl Bode. New York: Penguin Books, 1981. Lanier, Parks Jr. "Hephaestus." Appalachian Georgics. Radford, Virginia: Unighorn Books, 1983. Miller, Jim Wayne. "On the Wings of a Dove." The Mountains Have Come Closer. Boone, North Carolina: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1980. 34 �Jane Gentry: A Singer Among Singers A Biographical Sketch Betty Smith On October 6, 1987 an historical marker was erected by the State of North Carolina in front of a house called "Sunnybank" in Hot Springs. It read: BALLADRY English folklorist Cecil Sharp in 1916 collected ballads in the "Laurel Country/' Jane Gentry who supplied many of the songs lived here. From Jane Gentry Cecil Sharp collected sixty four songs and ballads, more than from any other person in this country. "Sunnybank" is a lovely old house, now known as "The Inn at Hot Springs," which Mrs. Gentry ran as a boarding house. The "Laurel Country," so named because of the abundance of rhododendron, called "laurel" by the people who live there, is that part of northwest North Carolina which borders on Tennessee. This woman who "lived everyday as if it were her last" was described as having "dozens of ballads at her command" and having the ability to "roll out verse after . . . verse with no faltering or seeming effort." Her youngest daughter, while a student at Duke University, said that her mother had "a wonderfully retentive memory," and all these songs she had learned by rote from her mother and from other folk-singers in her community."1 This remarkable lady was the bearer of a tradition of songs, ballads, tales, and riddles that came to her from her maternal grandfather, Council Harmon. His descendants have carried on the richest and liveliest heritage of Jack Tales in America. Jane Gentry was the first member of this extended family to be discovered by collectors and folklorists. She was a major contributor to Cecil Sharp and provided the first texts of the Jack Tales for Isabel Gordon Carter. Members of this family with such names as Ward, Harmon, Hicks, and Presnell have made valuable contributions of songs and stories. Ransom Hicks, Mrs. Gentry's father was also a member of this family. Jane Gentry was born in Watauga County in 1863, the daughter of Ransom and Emily Harmon Hicks. Ransom Hicks was a minister, a farmer and a Federal soldier. About 1875 he moved his family from Watauga County to the Meadow Fork section of Spring Creek in Madison County, 35 �some twenty miles from the town of Hot Springs. Jane Hicks married Jasper Newton Gentry in 1879 and they built a home on Meadow Fork in 1880 near Keenersville Christian Church. Ransom Hicks was the church's first preacher and Jane became the singing leader.2 Jane and Newt (as he was commonly called) Gentry reared nine children, seven of them born while they lived on Meadow Fork. They farmed the rocky hillside and Newt raised a tobacco crop every year, taking it to market in Marshall in his wagon in the fall. Although Jane Gentry had little education, she valued it and was a "born teacher." She was described by her daughter, Nola Jane, as being "a very unusual person who could always figure out things." The Gentrys wanted their children to have as much education as they could get. They moved the family to Hot Springs in 1898 so that the children could attend Dorland Institute (to become Dorland-Bell School in 1918), a Presbyterian mission school, for eight months of the year instead of three or four months afforded by public schools. All nine children attended Dorland Bell and eight of them graduated. Mrs. Gentry did laundry, cleaned faculty rooms and paid tuition with apples, vegetables, and handwoven coverlets.3 The town of Hot Springs is located in a fertile valley on the French Broad River, six miles east of the Tennessee border. It is surrounded by the high crests of the Pisgah and Unaka Mountains and is bounded by Pisgah National Forest. Because of the warm springs in the town it became famous as a resort area as early as 1800. The Western North Carolina Division of the Richmond and Danville Railroad was completed through the town in 1882 and in time six passenger trains stopped every day. The Mountain Park Hotel with its 175 rooms and ballroom, billiard room, bowling alley, tennis courts and golf course, as well as several boarding houses, accomodated the tourists who came to Hot Springs, "The Healthiest Place in America."4 The move to Hot Springs must have been quite an experience for the Gentry family. They had always lived up a "holler" in a rural area, living off the land, resourceful and self-sufficient. Hot Springs was a thriving community at that time. However, there is no evidence that Jane Gentry was uprooted from the mountain culture in which she had grown up. The family was known to be "hard working" and "close knit," and continued to be so.5 Irving Bacheller, a famous writer of that day, was a great admirer of Mrs. Gentry. We cannot know how closely he adhered to her words, but he did record his conversations with her and used them in his stories. They certainly give an impression of how life was on Meadow Fork for this young family. He quoted her as saying, "Often in plantin' or hoein' time, Pappy an' me u'd work all night together in the cove. 'Bout the only chanst we had to visit like we used to done. We'd have our suppers at midnight, 36 �an' go back an' scratch around on the slick mount'inside 'twil daylight come an' the babies 'gun to holler. Nex' day I'd be kindly tired—I would. I'd lay down on the bed 'twil I'd see some little feller come in with holes in his breeches. Then I'd clomb out, an' pray, an' take up my burden.6 Those early years must have prepared her for almost anything. She said, "I just saved every feather an' put 'em away in a poke that hung by the fireplace. Never see no money. Saved everything else er I reckon we'd 'a' starved. All summer I'd kindly scratch up the sunlight an' save hit for the dark days. Hit come handy when the childern got the measles an' I got hit too. Helped me when one got the tyford fever. I 'member I had to give her a teaspoonful o' milk every five minutes. When I'd go to sleep in the night the spoon would drop out o' my hand an' wake me up an' tell me to get up an' tend to my work."7 Mellinger Henry could have been describing Jane and Newt Gentry when he wrote, "They still have in them the stuff of their pioneer ancestors and are able to endure hardships without murmur and stubbornly wrest a livelihood out of the mountain soil. Apparently this continuous life of hardship has not made them bitter. Rather they have seemingly grown richer in the eternal verities of human life. In doing so, they have acquired qualities so rarely found in the human race. They have a sane and healthy independence, a practical philosophy learned from Nature and severe environment, a kindly human relationship one to another, and an innate culture that shows itself particularly in their fine courtesy."8 Jane Douglas, daughter of Maud Gentry Long, in commenting on a description of the lives of her mother and her grandmother as being "hard," said that neither one of them would have wanted that said about them. She spoke of her mother as always being "on top" and "exuding hope."9 Mrs. Gentry was invariably described as being "happy" and "cheerful." By most people's standards Jane Gentry's life was not easy, but there is not a trace of self-pity in remembrances of her. She said: "Sometimes the neighbors would send for me to get the blues tuk off 'em, an' I'd go an' pray with 'em, nurse the sick an' tell 'em stories an' cheer 'em up."10 This attitude of neighborliness and hard work continued when the family moved to town. Although Hot Springs attracted tourists and temporary residents, the local people agree that there was little cash money and that people in the town raised most of what they ate. They say that neighbors and families looked after each other.11 In 1905 Emma Bell Miles wrote, "Nearly all mountaineers are singers. Their untrained voices are of good timbre, the women's being sweet and high and tremulous, and their sense of pitch and tone and rhythm remarkably true."12 There are few people alive today who heard Jane Gentry sing. Her songs were written down, tunes and lyrics, by Cecil Sharp and his assistant, Maud Karpeles, but there are no recordings of her voice. Mr. Bill Moore, who lives on Meadow Fork, called "Aunt Janie" a "singer 37 �among singers." He described her as a wonderful person and "the most beautiful singer you ever heard." He also said that Maud Long was just like her mother and "because her mother liked to sing so well, she went and took music lessons and became a music teacher."13 Elizabeth ("Peggy") Dotterer, age 85, was a contemporary of Nola, the youngest Gentry daughter. She has a remarkable memory and is generally accepted as the historian of Hot Springs. She was fascinated by Jane Gentry's singing. She said, "I have never heard as good a ballad singer as she was. She was a generation back more genuine than anyone else I have ever heard. Maud Long was a good singer, but there was something pure about Mrs. Gentry's singing. She was absolutely natural." Mrs. Dotterer described Mrs. Gentry as "the sweetest, most cheerful, pleasant person always . . . There was a special kind of atmosphere in her house. It seemed natural for her to sing and tell stories. I was fascinated by her."14 Cecil Sharp talked of how this art form was woven into the everyday life of the people, how some songs were even connected to certain chores.15 Emma Bell Miles wrote, "Had I but words to say how these tunes are bound with the life of the singer, knit with his earliest sense-impressions, and therefore dearer than any other music could ever be —impossible to forget as the sound of his mother's voice."16 In 1947 one of Jane's daughters, Maud Gentry Long, recorded for the Library of Congress ballads, songs and tales she had learned from her mother. The following was her introduction to the Jack Tales and Mrs. Long's granddaughter, Daron Douglas said that her grandmother always gave the same introduction whether she was telling them to one child or to a group. "I cannot remember when I heard the Jack, Will, and Tom tales for the first time. For we grew up on them like we did the mountain air and the lovely old ballads that my mother used to sing to us. "But the occasion for the tales is a very vivid memory: It would be on a long, winter evening when, after supper, all of us were gathered before the big open fire, my mother taking care of the baby or else the baby was in the cradle very near to mother. And she would be sewing or carding. My father would be mending someone's shoes or maybe a bit of harness. The older girls were helping with the carding or the sewing. And all of us little ones would either have a lapful or a basket full of wool out of which we must pick all the burrs and the Spanish needles and bits of briars and dirt against the next day's carding. For my mother wove all of this wool that had 38 �been shorn from the backs of our own sheep—raised there on the farm that was in the heart of the Great Smoky Mountains in North Carolina—into linsey-woolsey, or hers and our dresses, or into blue jeans for my father's and brother's suits, or into blankets to keep us warm, or into the beautiful patterned coverlets, to say nothing of all the socks and stockings and mitts and hoods that it took for a large family of nine children. And so she needed every bit of the wool that she could get ready. And to keep our eyes open and our hearts merry, my mother would tell these marvellous tales—the Jack, Will, and Tom tales/'17 Mrs. Gentry was said to have had "back trouble" and to have been "terribly bent over." In spite of this, "she never complained nor let it interfere with her work. When I think of her," Peggy Dotterer said, "I always think of 'busyness'. Her hands were always busy and she kept everyone's hands busy. She never let anyone sit emptyhanded." The people who lived in Mrs. Gentry's boarding house, some of whom were teachers, always helped out. She wove, spun, tatted, knit, and crocheted, and she was always teaching other people to do things with their hands. Said Mrs. Dotterer, "I could go there and before I knew it I was peeling apples, shelling peas, or stringing beans. And she would sing and tell stories while we worked."18 Apparently for Jane Gentry songs and stories were not performances. They were a natural part of her everyday life. Richard Chase speaks of this practical application of the Jack Tales, "That of 'keeping the kids on the job' for such communal tasks as stringing beans for canning or threading them up to make the dried pods called 'leather britches'." Mrs. R. M. Ward tells: "We would all get down around a sheet full of dry beans and start in to shelling 'em. Monroe would tell the kids them tales and they'd work for life."19 Elmer Hall, in his proposal which resulted in Sunnybank being placed on the National Register, said that Mrs. Gentry and Mrs. Long "shared mountain food, songs, and tales with hundreds of students, boarders, and travelers who passed through Hot Springs."20 Everyone who remembered Mrs. Gentry recalled the long table filled with delicious food. James Gentry, a grandson, spoke of how she "baked wonderful bread. I could smell it baking down the street."21 And after supper there would be songs and storytelling. In 1916 Cecil Sharp came to Madison County. He was interested in the songs and ballads of British origin. The "Laurel Country" proved to be fertile ground for traditional music. He wrote of his experiences " . . . I discovered that I could get what I wanted from pretty nearly everyone I met, young and old. In fact I found myself for the first time in my life in a 39 �community in which singing was as common and almost as universal a practice as speaking.22 But in any community there are those who know more songs and sing them better. When Cecil Sharp came to Hot Springs he was referred to Jane Gentry, and he made at least eight visits to listen to her. In 1923 Isabel Gordon Carter collected folk tales from Mrs. Gentry and fifteen of these were printed in The Journal of American Folklore. She told the collector she had learned the "Old Jack, Will and Tom" tales from her grandfather who had learned them from his mother. At first she did not take seriously the collector's request for stories. She had sung ballads and songs for Cecil Sharp and other collectors, but no one had asked her for the stories which she told to amuse children. But she kindly agreed, saying: "Old Jack, Will, and Tom tales they are called. They're the oldest stories that ever been in existence, I reckon. Old Grandpop aluz told us— we'd hire him to tell us. Law, he could tell 'em!" 23 Before her death in 1925 Jane Gentry had a reputation as story teller and singer which extended far beyond Madison County and Hot Springs. A picture of Jane Gentry appeared in Wide World Magazine ca. 1923 with the caption: "Mrs. Jane Gentry of Hot Springs, N. C. who is credited by Dr. C. Alphonso Smith, the noted English authority, as knowing more folk songs and old English ballads than any other person in the United States and probably in the world. She can sing 67 ballads which have been handed down to her from generation to generation by word of mouth."24 The local children knew her because she went to the school every Friday afternoon and sang and told stories. She was often invited to The Asheville Normal School to entertain with stories and ballads. Mary Kestler Clyde in her book about The Asheville Normal School, Flashbacks to Dawn, has written an account of a memorable concert by Jane Gentry in the fall of 1920. She called it "Gentle Jane's Recital." "Since she was a natural and humble storyteller, "Lady Jane" captured and held our attention with a fascinating medley of songs, stories, riddles, and tales from her own personal experience. She had reared a large family and had learned a rich lore and a great deal of wisdom. Dozens of ballads seemed to be at her command, all learned orally from her forebears and friends, and all just seemed to be waiting on her tongue and humming in her heart. Even in the long ballads such as "Barbara Allen," she could roll out verse after cumulative verse with no faltering or seeming effort. Then to get her breath, she would toss off a riddle and wait for an answer that seldom found voice from our audience save for an occasional muted giggle."25 40 �Her program might have included such ballads and songs as "The Golden Vanity/7 "The Daemon Lover/7 "The Cherry Tree Carol/7 "Born in Bethany/7 "Edwin in the Lowlands Low/7 or "The Broken Token/7 She would almost surely have sung such songs as ... . . ."The frog went a-courting he did ride, h7m, h7m. . . ." . . ."Soldier, soldier, will you marry me? ..." . . ."Oh, where have you been, Billy Boy, Billy Boy? . . ."We'll climb up Jacob's ladder. . . ."Says the robin as he flew: When I was a young man I choosed two ..." . . ."Had me a cat and the cat pleased me . . ." She not only told the traditional tales learned from her family, she related stories from her personal experience. She might give instructions on how to court a man, or give an account of a conversation with a revenuer, or tell about her trip to New York as a guest of the Irving Bacheller family. Jane Gentry had a thirty year association with Dorland Bell School in Hot Springs which began when her first child, Nora, started to school there. For many of those years she lived next door to the school. "She had befriended Dorland in a multitude of ways, since the time her first children entered school there, eager to show her gratitude to the Presbyterians. For the Yankee educators she had been a rock to lean upon. If an emergency occurred in the kitchen or the laundry, she was willing to lend a hand. If the Northern missionaries needed the raveling of a Southern mountain mystery, she applied her age-old wisdom. If the teachers wanted a delicious mountain-style meal at reasonable cost, her inn's board was bountiful. When a chapel program or subject course needed a speaker, she was there in her forte, regaling the English ballads and stories of her heritage for which she was sought by collectors. If times were blue and drear, with nothing going right, Jane Gentry was reliable as a lifter-ofspirits. When Dorland had out-of-town guests, Mrs. Gentry was often invited to dinner, bringing "life77 to the party with her poise and wit.7726 Irving Bacheller came to Hot Springs for a vacation. Subsequently, an article titled "The Happiest Person I Ever Knew77 appeared in the March, 1925 American Magazine. The short story tells of Bacheller7 s search for a happy person among the talented, rich and famous. Then he met Jane Gentry, whose back was bent because of spinal trouble, whose hands were rough with toil, but "in her eyes and her voice was a singular quality akin to the divine.77 He saw her often and took her to New York as a guest in his home for a month and "always in her voice and look and manner was the unmistakable note of happiness.7727 His interviews with Jane Gentry provided material for other short stories in books and magazines. Known to be a wonderful story-teller, Jane Gentry was also the subject for stories, some of which she told and some of which were told about her. The best known story is sometimes called "The Baby in the Briar 41 �Patch." Both Irving Bacheller and Mary Kestler Clyde included it in their books. Their versions are very different, as one would expect them to be in a story which has been learned from oral interpretation. This is the story as told by Betty Rolfe, daughter of Mae, the Gentry's fifth child. The story was told to Mrs. Rolfe by her aunt, Maud Long. Mrs. Rolfe and her two young sons lived with Aunt Maud in Sunnybank for several years. "Grandmother and the two oldest, and I think it was Lalla who was in the cradle had gone out to—she was hoeing corn out in the field. And she had cut a birch bark—where the men had been cutting wood, and you know how they split the bark off the wood so it won't rot. Then they can use it for barns and houses and whatever needed building. Grandmother had gone to the field to hoe corn and she put the baby in the bark; laid it down with its blanket and put it under the shade of a tree. And she went off and started hoeing corn. She told the two girls to look after the baby. And they got to playing and got a little off from the baby. The sun came out and it got hot and grandmother worked right on until it came time to stop for lunch. She went back to get her lunch and feed the children. In the meantime the sun had come in under the tree and closed up the birch bark and the baby got restless and started squirming around in there and when that happened, it started rolling down the mountainside. They couldn't find the baby anywhere, so they didn't know what had happened to the baby. So they ran and got Grandfather and everybody started looking. They had searched all over for quite a long time—four or five kids looking by that time—scattered all over looking. Finally one of them looked down and in a briar patch down—quite a way down the mountain they saw this little log, and sure enough, the baby was inside and almost closed up tight by the time they got to it—but not a scratch on her. And that's the tale Aunt Maud told me."28 Another story told by Tinha Anderson, daughter of Lalla, next to the youngest Gentry child is called "The Ghost Story." It concerns a visit of some relatives from California who came in late one night. Aunt Maud prepared supper and then everybody went to bed. One member of the visiting party was a baby who was put to bed in a cradle. In the night the mother woke up and saw someone bend over the cradle, cover the baby, and then go out onto the balcony. Some of the bedrooms at Sunnybank open out on to a long balcony. She thought it was Aunt Maud and so she went back to sleep. In the morning at breakfast she thanked Aunt Maud 42 �for covering the baby. Aunt Maud's reply was: "Oh, that wasn't me, honey. That was Mama. She always looks after the babies in that room." This happened several years after Jane Gentry's death.29 If Jane Gentry were to "return" she would certainly look after the babies. She told Irving Bacheller that she took her sister's five children when she "broke down" and raised her brother's children when he died of typhoid fever. Bacheller quotes her as saying: "We loved the childern. Good land, mister, when the last baby walked out o' my arms I felt kindly cold an' lonesome. Babies are good company. Ye can visit with 'em. Ye don't know what heaven is, honey, 'twil ye've held it in yer arms, year a'ter year as I done."30 She was proud that in spite of sickness and injuries, she never lost a baby. The Ransom Hicks family left Watauga County and moved to Madison County ca.1875 when Jane was about twelve years old and her grandfather in his seventies. She probably saw little of her grandfather, "Old Counce," after that. There were few roads and the trip would have been long and difficult. However, she gave him credit for being her source for the Jack tales, while she named her mother as the source of her ballads and songs. Mrs. Gentry was the daughter of a preacher, had close ties with a mission school, and lived in an area where there were people who objected to the "old love songs." Samuel Harmon, another of Council Harmon's grandchildren who moved to Tennessee, realized that most of his songs were indeed "devil's ditties," and that they were not tolerated by some of his more strict neighbors.31 And yet we know of no prejudice against Jane Gentry's songs and tales. Some say that she was so loved and respected that when she broke up an illegal still she was not harmed and there was no retaliation.32 Perhaps her neighbors knew her too well to see anything "evil" in the songs she sang. It also is not known if Mrs. Gentry censored her selection of songs to suit her listeners. Daron Douglas, Maud Long's granddaughter, remarked as an introduction to "Young Hunting," that she had learned it from Sharp's book because her grandmother did not sing it. She said her mother had told her that Mrs. Long didn't sing the more explicit ones about lovers. 33 Mrs. Long was an elder in the Presbyterian Church and may have considered those ballads inappropriate for her to sing. Something is known of "Old Counce" Harmon's problems with the church. Richard Chase quoted some of his relatives, among them, Smith Harmon, the postmaster at Beech Creek: "Old Counce sure did like to have a good time. When he was younger he'd get read out of the church ever' now and then. He'd behave for a while, and not make music, or dance, or sing any love songs. But seemed like he loved the old music so much he'd bust out again and get the church folks down on him once 43 �more. When he got to be an old man, though, they didn't pay him much mind/'34 Jane Gentry's life with her great talent and her rich store of oral literature came to an end the hot summer of 1925, the summer it didn't rain at all. She had raised her children well. Among her descendants there are grandchildren in their seventies who remember vividly the stories told by their parents, both traditional tales and family stories; there are teachers who have told the stories and sung the songs to children in classrooms; there are young people who still sing the ballads. Maud Long's name might be recognized for she was recorded by Artus Moser and Duncan Emrich, and some would know Daron Douglas as a fiddler and ballad singer. But there are many others who still cherish this tradition of marvelous songs and tales. Notes 1. R. P. Harris, "Miss Gentry Collecting Folk Songs of Mountains Just Like Her Mother/' Unnamed newspaper article, ca. 1925. 2. Interview with W. T. ("Bill") Moore, Meadow Fork, Madison County, August 29, 1985. 3. Letter from Nola Jane Gentry Yrjana, September 17, 1987. 4. "Land of the Sky," Pamphlet, late 1800's. Berea College Special Collections. 5. Interview with James and Dorothy Gentry, Hot Springs, N. C, July 23, 1985. 6. Irving Bacheller, "The Happiest Person I Ever Knew," American Magazine, March, 1924. 7. Ibid. 8. Mellinger Henry, Songs Sung in the Southern Appalachians, London: The Mitre Press, 1933. p.xii. 9. Interview with Jane Long Douglas, Athens, Georgia, October 8, 1985. 10. Irving Bacheller, "The Happiest Person I Ever Knew." 11. Elizabeth B. ("Peggy") Dotterer, "Hot Springs," Lecture, Hot Springs, N. C., September 29, 1987. 12. Emma Bell Miles. The Spirit of the Mountains, Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1975. (Reprint of 1905 ed.), p. 147. 13. Interview with W. T. Moore, August 29, 1985. 14. Interview with Elizabeth Dotterer, Hot Springs, N. C. January 25, 1988. 44 �15. Cecil Sharp, English Folk-Songs from the Southern Appalachians, London: Oxford University Press, 1973 (Reprint of 1932 ed.) p. xxv. 16. Emma Bell Miles. The Spirit of the Mountains, p. 170. 17. Maud Long, Jack Tales, Library of Congress Recording L-47. 18. Elizabeth Dotterer, Interview January 25, 1988. 19. Richard Chase, The Jack Tales, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1943, p.viii. 20. Elmer Hall, "Sunnybank: The Inn at Hot Springs/' 21. Interview with James Gentry, July 23, 1985. 22. Cecil Sharp, English Folk-Songs from the Southern Appalachians, p. xxv. 23. Isabel Gordon Carter, "Mountain White Folk-Lore: Tales From The Southern Blue Ridge/' Journal of American Folklore, March, 1927, pp. 340-370. 24. Wide World Magazine, ca. 1923, (Library of Congress Collection) 25. Mary Kestler Clyde, Flashbacks to Dawn, Vantage Press, 1983, pp. 59-61. 26. Jaqueline B. Painter. The Season of Dorland-Bell, Biltmore Press, 1987, p. 164. 27. Irving Bacheller, "The Happiest Person I Ever Knew/' 28. Interview with Betty Rolfe, Hot Springs, N.C., October 19,1987. 29. Telephone interview with Tinha Anderson, Atlanta, Ga., September 10, 1985. 30. Irving Bacheller, "The Happiest Person I Ever Knew/' 31. Mellinger Henry, Songs Sung in the Southern Appalachians, p.xvi. 32. Letter from Jeannette Armstrong, September 22, 1985. 33. Daron Douglas, Gathering to Honor Jane Gentry, Hot Springs, N.C., October 18, 1987. 34. Richard Chase, The Jack Tales, p. ix. This paper is a part of a larger research project. The biographical data suggests issues which are beyond the scope of this paper. 45 �Legendary Places: The Literature of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park James Byer When Horace Kephart prepared himself in 1904 for a sojourn in the Great Smoky Mountains, he reports that he could find "in no library a guide to that region/' no magazine article describing the land and its people, "not even a novel or a story that showed intimate local knowledge" (Kephart, 13). Kephart himself made the first attempt at repairing this deficiency when he published Our Southern Highlanders in 1913, and his work was followed shortly by several other accounts of wilderness experiences in the Great Smokies or of the lives of the mountain folk who toiled there. It was the conception and creation of a national park, however, which inspired the production of a more varied and extensive literature, produced not only by natives of the region but by travellers who, like Bartram and Guyot and Michaux of old, found themselves drawn by the wonder of some of the oldest mountains and one of the richest repositories of botanical species on earth. And like Bartram, Guyot, and Michaux, they have left their imprints upon the landscape. In recording sensory impressions, the human and natural history, or the biological complexity of the Great Smokies, they have made themselves a part of our imaginative conception of the land. In so doing they have helped us to see and to value the wilderness while paradoxically making the wilderness more accessible to our imaginations and therefore, in a sense, less wild. In his book Man in the Landscape Paul Shepard shows that the original impulse to establish national parks arose not because nineteenth century Americans wished to preserve wilderness in its original state but because they saw in the hot springs and geological formations of Yellowstone and in the sheer cliffs of Yosemite the closest parallel the new world afforded to the romantic ruins and the formal gardens of the Old World. The term oark, in fact, as applied to Yellowstone, associates that landscape not with a forbidding wilderness but with the inviting, carefully managed grounds of an English or European estate, an association heightened by the fact that the relatively dry climate of the west produces not the dense forest of the Appalachian Mountains but instead many large meadows containing well-spaced individual trees. The concept of the national park as an area of outstanding scenery, but not as a wilderness per se, was well established in the west before attention was directed in the second and third decades of the present 46 �century to several possible areas of preservation in the east, including present-day Acadia in Maine and the Appalachian Mountains of Virginia, Tennessee, and North Carolina. When that attention was turned on the Great Smoky Mountains, it found an area quite different both from the national parks of the west and from the Great Smoky Mountains National Park of today. In the first place, the denseness of the vegetation, particularly in the laurel slicks and rhododendron jungles, made it difficult to see any resemblance between these natural areas and European parks. Indeed, in this density there is something both imaginatively and literally threatening: one of the greatest dangers the hiker or explorer has always faced in the Great Smokies is that he will simply vanish. As Ross Hutchins in his book Hidden Valley of the Smokies observes, "It is not at all difficult to be lost in these mountains; there have been many instances of people, including adults, completely disappearing. As recently as 1969, a small boy was lost along the Appalachian Trail near the southern end of the Park and was never found, even though he had been wearing a bright red jacket. This is spite of a massive search carried out over many weeks(4). In the second place, as such writers as Harvey Broome, Paul Fink, and Paul Adams have documented, the Great Smoky Mountains in the first three decades of the twentieth century were both more and less wild than they are today. More wild, in that many of today's popular hiking destinations, such as Mt. LeConte and a number of peaks along the State Line Range, were much less accessible, reached by very primitive trails or by none at all, but less wild, in that farms and settlements covered much of the park that is today wilderness, in that logging operations with extensive networks of rail lines extended up many valleys, and in that even some of the highest and most remote areas such as Spence Field above Cades Cove were used as summer pastures by herdsmen. The nature of the Great Smoky Mountains both as a densely forested wilderness and as a comparatively heavily settled and logged area and the changes that have occurred as a result of its designation as a national park have greatly affected the literature which the park has produced. This literature spans the period from the 1920's and 30's to the present and ranges in genre from the scholarly history of Michael Frome to the personal hiking diary of Harvey Broome to the keenly informed naturalist observations of Ross Hutchins to the environmental polemic of Edward Abbey. This literature reveals over the past 50 or 60 years a growing understanding of the importance of wilderness and its preservation at the same time that it serves to humanize and to make less alien the very wilderness it celebrates. It has contributed, in other words, both to the name and to the history of the Great Smoky Mountains. In his journal for 1962 Harvey Broome meditates on a friend's opposition to the practice of giving names to mountains or other features of wilderness landscape. Broome concludes: "Such a practice would impose 47 �a terrific curb on use. People would not be inclined to go to places that had no names. Maps would be next to useless . . ."(238). Paul Shepard, in explaining how language is necessary to man's control of his environment, observes similarly: "The words mediate between the otherness, the incredible and seemingly chaotic diversity, the existential solitude, and our necessary construct of the world/' He adds: "An environment without place names is fearful" (41). If Broome and Shepard are right, then literature and wilderness would seem to be incompatible since to name is a primary literary act and all literature and all recording of history are a form of naming. Yet without the name, the history, and the literature, we would have no conception of wilderness and no way of valuing it. One means of humanizing the non-human and of creating a history and a value for the wilderness is to associate the mountains with particular individuals and to lend to those individuals an almost mythical stature, to link them with values which the writer associates with the mountains. At times one finds this linkage creating a kind of chain, connecting a man in the present with one in the past who was closer to the "original" wilderness and the latter with one in the more distant past who was yet closer. Michael Frome, for example, in his Strangers in High Places, the most scholarly, complete, and conventional of the "histories" of the Smokies, uses this technique throughout. He opens his history by recalling a hike up the Chimney Tops which he took one January day with Harvey Broome and John Morrell, both old men who had hiked the Smokies all their lives, men capable of recalling what it had been like in 1913 or 1918, and both with impeccable conservationist credentials, Harvey a past president of the Wilderness Society, friend of Olaus Murie and William O. Douglas, and John, a land buyer for the Great Smoky Mountains Conservation Association which acquired parcels of land for the park. Although Broome was, as Frome says, in anything but robust health, he was able to leave the younger author gasping for breath, becoming for Frome an emblem of an indomitable strength and courage drawn from intimacy with the natural world. Frome develops even further this association of Broome with the Smokies in his later essay called "When the Mysterious Owl Called in the Great Smokies" published in the collection Promised Lcyid. There he recalls Broome's death and a hike in Greenbrier Cove where Broome's ashes were scattered by his wife, making him physically at one with the land with which he had long been spiritually kin. As Frome eulogizes him, "He was out there when the temperature dropped to fifteen below zero, and the trees cracked and popped throughout the night, and the ice froze on his eyebrows and eyelashes, and the water froze in his canteen. And yet without complaint because this was, after all, part of experiencing the natural world" (1O1). In Strangers in High Places Frome also recounts the stories of other, more distant, men, who are thereby even more easily converted into leg48 �end, men like Little Will Thomas, the white chief of the Cherokee, William Bartram, the gentle botanist of unimaginable courage, Arnold Guyot, the Swiss geologist who first charted the mountains. But perhaps the most important of these figures for Frome is Horace Kephart—important because, like Frome, he was the outsider who came to know both the land and its people intimately and because in a time when relatively few people were concerned about conservation, Kephart recognized the danger of uncontrolled logging in the Smokies and urged the establishment of a national park there. It is Kephart who serves as the model for Frome and who defines the role Frome strives to play. In one chapter Frome joins local hunters for a bear hunt and in another he seeks out and wins the trust of a moonshiner, in both cases closely paralleling chapters in Kephart's Our Southern Highlanders. Thus Frome's history becomes not only a chronological account of human events but a linked series of human beings all related in similar ways to the land. Harvey Broome's journal Out Under the Sky of the Great Smokies also creates a human history for the mountains by linking together a series of outdoorsmen and conservationists, some native, some not, who are in touch with the true values of wilderness. He describes a hike, for example, with Wiley Oakley, the already legendary "roaming man of the mountains/7 who died in 1954 and whose jokes and tall tales had been recorded in Laura Thornborough's 1937 volume The Great Smoky Mountains. Of similar importance in Broome's journal, although of greater national fame, is Justice William Douglas, with whom Broome often hiked and camped. Douglas, like Broome, suffered a childhood and adolescence plagued by ill health, which he describes in Of Men and Mountains, and like Broome, through his love of the outdoors developed strength and endurance. Similarly in the chapter on the Smokies in Douglas7 My Wilderness: East to Katahdin, Broome figures as prominently as he does in Frome's Strangers in High Places so that for Douglas, as for Frome and Broome, the significance of the land is mediated through the men who are identified with it. Another way in which the literature of the park serves to humanize the wilderness is through the memory of previous experiences in an individual's life. In a Romantic, almost Wordsworthian way the writer remembers the landscape as it was linked to his own life in the past. The result is a poignancy which deepens the reader's sense of the land as having a history because it is a fixed point in the history of the man. Broome's Out Under the Sky of the Great Smokies is particularly rich in such memories, and the further one progresses in the journal the more prominent do the memories become. One can watch in these pages the history of man and the land accrue over the years. Two quotations from the journal for 1959 will illustrate this quality well: 49 �We climbed on steeply and with some fatigue. But eventually the massed laurel thinned out and broke into clumps. Broad sods of grass appeared and we emerged upon Spence Field, which I had first trod through an impenetrable fog on the Easter weekend 37 years before (214). By coincidence I met Marcovitch on the street today and he recalled the trip to LeConte with "Prof" Essary in 1922. He remembered that when we worked our way out to what is now known as Myrtle Point, the top of LeConte was so untrailed that we had to nick blazes into the trees to find our way back to Cliff Top. That was the best trip I ever had/ he said. He remarked on the changes that have taken place—the roads, the lodge on LeConte—and finished, It'll never be like that again'" (212). The land is not only connected to our history, it has its own history as well. Partly that history is geological and occurs in geological time. Several books—Frome's and Abbey's for instance—describe this geological history—the formation of the mountains hundreds of millions of years ago and their service as a refuge for botanical species during the last ice age. But the surface of the land has a history too, and it can be observed in much less than millions of years. In September of 1951, for example, a once-in-a-century storm struck Mt. LeConte, dumping four inches of rain in an hour and creating a savage flash flood. On Sept. 16 of that year Broome surveyed the damage: "The destruction in the Alum Cave Prong outdid all the rest. There was no semblance of the usual boulder strewn creek bed. Gravel had been deposited evenly in what was the stream bed. . . . The confusion of trunks and limbs was undescribable" (103). And seven years later in 1958 Broome was still recording the devastation wrought by the flood. The creation of the national park made possible the observation of another kind of process in the Smokies—the process of nature's healing the scars left from the logging and farming of earlier years. For those who can read, the surface of the earth, its texture and form, and the vegetation it supports are a language and embody, just as words do, a history. A virgin forest looks different from a second growth forest, not only in size of trees but in species. A heavily grazed field feels different to the foot from an ungrazed one. Broome and Hutchins are two writers who can read this language. For example, The even growth of the tulip trees around the Chimneys campground told the story of former occupation and open fields better than words (Broome, 235). 50 �Surface conditions in western Smoky have changed greatly since the termination of grazing, now about a quarter of a century ago. During the grazing era the ground was tough, firm turf. On this most recent trip, each time we left the trail I was struck by the sponginess of the earth all the way from Double Springs to Buckeye Gap (Broome, 278). On the side of Clingman's we could see the converging bands worn into the surface by the log skidders, now grown up in briars and undergrowth. But the spruce and balsams were absent from those belts of use and grew only in the less disturbed areas between. The broad outlines of man's doings could be read at a glance (Broome, 267). The appearance of the Great Smokies has changed radically since the establishment of a national park. So too our ability to see, to understand, and to value the land has altered, as has our conception of the purpose of a national park. Books on the national park written early in its history, such as those of Laura Thornborough and Elizabeth Skaggs Bowman are filled with pride in the land that both authors knew well and with a desire to share its natural beauty. Yet there is lacking in these books any sense that the mountains are finite and mortal and can be as irreparably harmed by the administrative exigencies of a national park as by the depredations of a logging industry. Bowman, for instance, in describing the grandeurs of a drive from Newfound Gap to Clingman's Dome, the highest point in the park, along the crest of the main range, writes hopefully of the expectation that that road will be extended along the state line crest some 35 miles further west, to Deal's Gap, thus bisecting the park lengthwise as was done in the Shenandoah. This road plan, once a cherished goal of Tennessee Senator Kenneth McKellar, has not been even mentioned for decades and is now as inconceivable as clear cutting on the sides of Mt. LeConte. Another road plan, to cross the main range from Bryson City, NC, to Townsend, TN, was a very real possibility about 20 years ago, but far from being welcomed it was angrily attacked in the literature of the late sixties and early seventies, and in fact was probably the reason for the existence of some of this literature. Michael Frome, for instance, in his essay in Promised Land, speaks of the conception of Strangers in High Places, which he says was originally intended as a guidebook, but was redesigned as a much more complete history and appreciation of the wilderness as a way of participating in the transmountain road controversy. The Promised Land essay is itself a more overt polemic against the highway as Frome cele51 �brates the leaders of the fight against the road, including one Rufus Morgan, 81 years old and a fifth generation mountain man. Another polemic, more acerb but ultimately less successful, which appeared at this time, was the text contributed by well known novelist and naturalist Edward Abbey to accompany the photographs of Eliot Porter in the Sierra Club book Appalachian Wilderness. Although Abbey lived for a time in Western North Carolina and worked at what he calls the University of Western Carolina, his text shows all the marks of being written on assignment and his familiarity with the park restricted to one impressiongathering trip of a couple of days in the winter of 1970. His impressions are therefore rather thin, being limited to a drive across the transmountain highway (although he deplores automobiles) and two short walks to the most popular tourist destinations—the two mile walk to Alum Cave and the half-mile walk to the Clingman's Dome summit. A three and a half mile walk to Charlie's Bunion proves a little too daunting for him—it's thirty degrees outside and as he says, "No day for a walk to Charlie's Bunion" (40). He fills the space his assignment requires with quotations from the informative signs provided by the Park Service and with his polemic against towns like Gatlinburg and against all roads in national parks. He had made the same points before in Desert Solitaire, and in fact the argument deserves to be made. Abbey's tone, however, is so uncontrolled and his persona so out of harmony with his argument that had the road controvery not already been settled by the time his book appeared, his book would probably have done more harm than good. After insisting, for example, that roads have no place in national parks, Abbey happily presses the accelerator: "Without any sense of self-contradiction, I drive my own little car up into the mountains. The road is here, I might as well make use of it, I've been taxed cruelly to help pay for it, I'd be a fool to walk and let the other motorists blow their foul internal-combustion gases in my faces" (37). A far more persuasive document in the road controversy of the late sixties is the last entry in Broome's journal, dated October 28, 1966, describing a Save-Our-Smokies hike from Clingman's Dome to Elkmont, a total of seventeen miles. 576 had begun the hike; a remarkable 234 had finished it. A few weeks earlier Broome had proven conclusively the existence of red spruce on Miry Ridge, part of the route of the hike and part of the area that would have been seriously disturbed by the new highway. These red spruce grew beyond what had been previously regarded as the westernmost limit of the species in the park, enabling Broome to demonstrate that "the engineers for the proposed new road had picked the precise point where the northern conifers gave way to the southern hardwoods" (Broome, 283). If the road were built, "The rearguard of the last ice age, along one of the great ecotones of the continent, would be wiped out" (284). 52 �As a result of the diligent and determined efforts of many private citizens, writers, and members of the Park Service, that road was never built, nor in the last 20 years has anything comparable even been suggested. Jesse Helms now leads a lastditch struggle to build a road along the north shore of Fontana Lake, but his success seems improbable. One can now wholeheartedly agree with William Douglas when he remarks in My Wilderness that in respect for wilderness values and in restricting the encroachments of civilization the Great Smoky Mountains is "close to a model" for national parks (180). And through a study of this national park literature one can recognize and applaud the extent to which our understanding of the purpose of the national park has grown from the concept of a managed "park" with an emphasis, as Broome says, "on scenery and size" to a concept of unmolested wilderness with an appreciation for "the complexity of the land organism" and "the infinitely interlocking animal and plant worlds" (Broome, 169). In describing how the landscape comes to have such significance for us, Paul Shepard says: "Because the environment echoes dream and visionary forms, is dotted with named, sacred, anthropomorphic and specially remembered places, and comprises a ground of intermediate space arrayed with plant and rock entities to which our apehood responds in entangled and impulsive ways, we are always on the threshhold of legendary places" (46-47). For the best of these writers and for their readers, the Great Smoky Mountains National Park becomes a legendary place, humanized through a history and a set of human associations yet ultimately mysterious and strange, beyond our comprehending or possessing. As Douglas writes, "This is a forest filled with so many wonders, one man could not ever know them all, even if he saw it every season and examined it from the fungi of the forest floor to the tops of the wild black cherries" (161). Ross Hutchins does examine the forest almost this minutely and the marvels he lays bare for us intensify the mystery. He finds things most of us miss: the ant-spider, a spider which is antlike in body form and coloration; the ant-loving cricket, living within an ant's nest and feeding upon secretions from the ants' bodies; the oil nut, a member of the sandalwood family and parasitic upon the roots of rhododendrons. This wonder of a book, focused on a mountain valley above Elkmont shows us how much stranger than we ever thought the world really is. The literature of the mountains gives names, records history, and strives to know the unknowable. But it must ultimately confront the mystery, which is communicable only through symbol. For several the symbol is an owl. For Douglas: the Smokies "mean the barred owl calling on a moonlight night" (156). For Broome: " . . . I heard the truncated call of an owl. That broken falsetto—whoo-whoo—is the wilderness articulate. Man must not drive the owls to extinction; he needs these windows of sound 53 �and sight for a look into a world other than his own" (130). For Frome, who, significantly, writes of an owl that cannot be identified or named: During the night we heard a really beautiful owl call. I don't know what kind it was, but it was a different kind of owl than I've ever heard. . . . It could have been a saw-whet or a shorteared or something weird—it was not a great horned or barred owl. It was something mysterious that seemed to come out of the wilds of Mount LeConte as the voice of the wilderness. . . . It's calling to say it needs a place to be wild in (Promised Land, 112). References Cited Abbey, Edward. Appalachian Wilderness: The Great Smoky Mountains. New York: Ballantine, 1973. Adams, Paul J. Mt. LeConte. Knoxville, 1966. Bowman, Elizabeth Skaggs. Land of High Horizons. Kingsport, TN: Southern Publishers, 1938. Broome, Harvey. Out Under the Skies of the Great Smokies: Personal Journal. Knoxville: The Greenbrier Press, 1975. Douglas, William 0. My Wilderness: East to Katahdin. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1961. Fink, Paul M. Backpacking Was the Only Way: A Chronicle Camping Experiences in the Southern Appalachian Mountains. Johnson City, TN: Research Advisory Council, East Tennessee State University, 1975. Frome, Michael. Promised Land: Adventures and Encounters in Wild America. New York: Morrow, 1985. Strangers in High Places: The Story of the Great Smoky Mountains. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966. Hutchins, Ross E. Hidden Valley of the Smokies: Naturalist in the Great Smoky Mountains. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1971. Kephart, Horace. Our Southern Highlanders. New York: MacMillan, 1913. Shepard, Paul. Man in the Landscape: A Historic View of the Esthetics of Nature. New York: Knopf, 1967. Thornborough, Laura. The Great Smoky Mountains. Rev. Ed. Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1956. 54 �Jesse Stuart's Archetypal Vision of Appalachian Culture: The Thread Still Runs True Edgar H.^ Thompson Jesse Stuart was a natural-born storyteller so driven by the urge to create, to share his world, that he had neither the time nor the patience to hone his writing into great art. Still, in his fiction and non-fiction, Stuart created an image, a perception, an archetype that I think captures the essence of the Appalachian region. From my first acquaintance with his work in high school to my subsequent reading of most of his writing, I gained a sense of my cultural heritage that has never left me. My life, however, has certainly not been a carbon copy of Stuart's, nor have the lives of other readers whom his writing has touched. I have never lived in a small cabin or shack; never ridden a mule anywhere. However, there is something about his experiences, the themes and feelings that arise from them, that do ring true to me and I think to most Appalachian people, whether from small towns or large cities or from the highlands or the lowlands within the region. In this paper, I will explore some of the themes and feelings that arise from Stuart's writing and relate them to both the Appalachian culture and to the larger consciousness of main-stream America. TO WIN RESPECT BY BEING UNIQUE, BY OVERCOMING GREAT ODDS In the first two paragraphs of "A Ribbon for Baldy," Stuart's narrator describes feelings that most native Appalachians have felt, usually with great pain, at one time or another. The day Professor Herbert started talking about a project for each member of our General Science class, I was more excited than I had ever been. I wanted to have an outstanding project. I wanted it to be greater, to be more unusual than those of my classmates. I wanted to do something worthwhile, and something to make them respect me. I'd made the best grade in my class in General Science. I'd made more yardage, more tackles and carried the football across the goal line more times than any player on my team. But making good grades and playing rugged football hadn't made them forget that I rode a mule to school, that I had 55 �worn my mother's shoes the first year and that I slipped away at the noon hour so no one would see me eat fat pork between slices of corn bread. [179-180] The italicized lines in the above passage [The added emphasis is mine] reveal a tremendous sense of inferiority in relation to others. They also reveal an equally powerful desire to somehow win respect, and to do so by doing something unique, something to make "them," whomever "them" might be, to recognize the spark, the genius, the human being beneath the dress, the behavior, or the language that didn't fit the norm. This feeling of inferiority described in Stuart's story reveals a very real and never-ending conflict within many Appalachians. We typically have not felt inferior to anyone. However, people from outside the region have laughed at us and cast us in a negative light, suggesting that something about our background and experiences, our social context or milieu, was lacking in relation to the rest of the world. We have been angered by this. Sometimes we've kept our mouths shut; other times we've "set people straight." No matter how we have responded to such inaccurate aspersions, many of us have come to feel defensive about our backgrounds, at least when talking to "outsiders." Part of this defensiveness may come from the geographic isolation that exists within the Appalachians. The inability of people within the region to maintain contact with the rest of the world, has created a sense of alienation, of being out of step, though satellite televison has diminished this feeling somewhat. Whatever its source, most of us have been made to feel inferior, or at least defensive, about our backgrounds, and many of us still feel it. Thus, when we read Stuart's description of his feelings about the upcoming science project, though many of us may never have worn our mother's shoes to school, we know what he is talking about, since we too have felt this way before. As a result, we eagerly read to see whether or not he is going to succeed at the task he set for himself, which was to plant the longest corn row in the world. It turned out to be approximately 23 miles long, corkscrewing its way up and around Old Baldy. At the end of the story, a picture of Stuart's narrator and a story about his corn row appears in the local paper: "When the article and pictures were published, a few of my classmates got a little jealous of me but not one of them ever laughed at me again" [182]. Though the ending to the story is formulaic, we celebrate and cheer when he receives the recognition he so dearly wanted, because we also want such recognition. This feeling of wanting to win recognition and respect never left Stuart, just as I suspect it has never left many of us. Such behavior is not uncommon among Appalachian people, nor is it in anyway unique. For example, I've been a magician, finished college in three years, and earned a doctorate, among other things. What's your story? Being laughed at or belittled does something to us that we never forget, though hopefully we learn to deal with it. In the The Thread That Runs So True, Stuart's success gives us added confidence to continue our own struggle. 56 �NATURAL KNOWLEDGE VS. BOOK KNOWLEDGE Stuart's characters are more than just colorful in speech and dress. They are smart. Some possess great school knowledge; others, like Stuart's father, have great knowledge of the natural world. Both kinds of knowledge play important dual roles in Stuart's writing. He believed and respected both kinds equally. In his story "Testimony of Trees," Stuart shares a good example of how natural knowledge can make an important difference in people's lives. Jake Timmons, a coniving land-grabber, conspires with the county land surveyor to prove that commonly accepted line boundaries specified in the deeds of several parcels of land are inaccurate. With the surveyor's support, he has won 40 court cases and confiscated hundreds of acres of property for himself. When Timmons challenges Mick Stuart, Mick decides he isn't going to give in. He goes to West Virginia to get his uncle who has previously been involved in many line disputes. Uncle Mel turns out to be quite a character: Carrying a double-bitted ax and a turkey of clothes across his shoulder. . . . Uncle Mel was eighty-two years old, but his eyes were keen as sharp-pointed briers and his shoulders were broad and his hands were big and rough. He had been a timber cutter all his days and he was still a-cuttin' timber in West Virginia at the age of eighty-two. [Ill] Uncle Mel helps Mick, and a lot of other men to get their land back, because he knows so much about trees. If a tree has been blazed or marked, it maintains a scar on the outside bark as well as on the inside. As a result, when Uncle Mel followed the description in the deed, he looked at the outside of the trees for the outward scar and then chopped into it to find the original blaze. By then counting the number of growth rings from the original scar, he could substantiate that each tree was one of the orginal trees described in the deed. Unless you had worked in timber, you might not know this information. Book knowledge is important, but then so is natural knowledge. This love of both book knowledge and natural knowledge still exists in many people in this region. My colleague Bob Raines is a good example. A professor of mathematics and education at Emory & Henry, he is a superb teacher, writer, and speaker. He also loves the outdoors, rides horses, knows wildflowers, and is a walking encyclopedia on Appalachian lore. Such a combination of interests is not that uncommon in the region. 57 �LOVE OF THE LAND Though Stuart himself went beyond what he called the dark hills for a time, he finally had to return. It was among the hills that he felt at home, at peace, in touch with who he was as a person. In his first collection of short stories, Head of W-Hollow, the last line of his prose-poem introduction summarizes his feelings about the Appalachian region, "a place under the sun, walled in by the wind and the hills—nowhere for many—somewhere for some" [5]. Often, people in the region become frustrated at the difficulties of day-to-day living caused by geography. As a result, they loose sight of what they have. In "This Farm for Sale," it takes Melvin Spencer, a real estate agent who has a gift for writing descriptively about the places he plans to sell, to convince Uncle Dick Stone that he has far more "wealth" than he realized he had. Stuart, through the real estate advertisement of Melvin Spencer, describes the Stone farm in such a romantic, alluring way that only a fool wouldn't be attracted to the place. Consider Spencer's description of the land: This peaceful Tiber River, flowing dreamingly down the valley, is a boundary to his farm. Here one can see to the bottoms of the deep holes, the water is so clear and blue. One can catch fish from the river for his next meal. Elder bushes, where they gather berries to make the finest jelly in the world, grow along the riverbank as thick as ragweeds. [42] Consider Spencer's description of the lunch that he had when he visited the farm: The proof of what a farm produces is at the farm table. I wish that whoever reads what I have written here could have seen the table prepared by Mrs. Stone and her two daughters. Hot fluffy biscuits with light-brown tops, brown-crusted corn bread, buttermilk, sweet milk (cooled in a freestone well), wildgrape jelly, wild crab-apple jelly, mast-fed lean bacon that melted in my mouth, fresh apple pie, wild-blackberry cobbler, honey-colored sorghum from the limestone bottoms of the Tiber, and wild honey from the beehives. [42] The above passage almost sounds like Grandpa Jones on Hee Haw describing "what's for dinner." Who, in their right mind, wouldn't want to live in such a place? Uncle Dick quickly changes his mind after reading Spencer's description: "I'm a rich man and didn't know it. I'm not selling this farm" [43]. 58 �Perhaps because the outside world seems to offer more in the way of job opportunities and modern conveniences, or perhaps due to the frustration over geographic isolation, at times some of us may have come to believe that living anywhere else would be better than living where we do, in the Appalachians. Stuart points out in this story that when we start to feel this way, we really need to look around us. Maybe we have far more going for us than we think. Despite complaints about the isolated geography, the difficulty of the terrain has, in fact, not only provided people with sustenance but also provided them with their primary sources of recreation. Almost everything people did in Stuart's part of Appalachia was done in relation to the land and to each other. As Stuart put it in The Thread That Runs So True, People had learned to play musical instruments to furnish their own music just as they had learned to plant, cultivate, and harvest their crops for their food supply. They depended upon themselves for practically everything. [78] When Stuart was teaching at Winston high school, the land was almost another member of their family. Their learning, their lives were lived close to and in harmony with the land: I went with my pupils, their parents, and neighbors to cornhuskings, apple-peelings, bean-stringings, square dances, and to the belling of the bride when there was a wedding. . . . There was somewhere to go every night. I couldn't accept all the invitations. [78-79] Such behavior is still common today. People visit each other frequently within the Appalachian region, depending on themselves, not outside stimuli alone, for entertainment and social contact. This love of the land is an enduring one that begins in childhood and extends into old age. When Stuart's father was seventy years old and not far from death, he took Jesse with him as they made their way to a small clearing located on the highest point in W-Hollow. An Appalachian's love of the land is probably best described by Stuart's father in "A Clearing in the Sky." "Fertile," he laughed as he reached down and picked up a double handful of the leaf-rot loam. "This is the land, son! This is it. I've tried all kinds of land . . . ! "But, Dad " I said. "I know what you think," he interrupted. Your mother thinks the same thing. She wonders why I ever climbed to this 59 �mountain-top to raise potatoes, yams, and tomatoes! But, Jess/' he almost whispered, "anything grown in new ground like this has a better flavor. Wait until my tomatoes are ripe! You'll never taste sweeter tomatoes in your life!" [128] He goes on to tell Jesse that when you get to be his age, seventy years old, "You go back to the places you knew and loved" [129]. No matter where we as Appalachians go, there is always a longing for the land and the people who populate it. The people and places that Stuart describes may not be exactly like people and places we have known, but all natives of the region are familiar with the kinds of things he talks about. What native has not been to a pie social or a cake walk at one time in their lives? Which natives have not eaten the meal of their lives at a farm table? What native has not been at the top of mountain somewhere in the region and been at peace just smelling the fragrances of wood, pine, and wild flowers, celebrating the beauty of a sunset or sunrise, and wondering about what might lie over the next mountain? When I was in Vietnam, one of the first paintings I did for recreation was a mountian scene. Images of the land and the people and the relationship between the two are powerful ones, and they create very strong feelings within us. There are elements of mystery, suspense, and eternal hope in such feelings, and in almost everything he wrote, Stuart captured these elements. Through his description and attention to detail and nuance of language, his writing stimulates these feelings about the land in us. THE PEOPLE Stuart's characters are certainly a colorful lot. For example, notice the way people are dressed for the corn-shucking party in Hie to the Hunters: As the men walked, ran, and jumped over the cornfield, holding to their wives' and their lovers' hands, the handles of their pistols above their holsters on their hips shone like polished silver in the moonlight. The red bandannas around their necks, their red, brown, and gray shirts with stripes and checks, and the gay colors of the women's dresses were autumn colors like the leaves still clinging to the trees. It was a night filled with brightness from the floor of the rugged earth to the tops of the trees. [152-153] Now most of us have probably not been to a social gathering where the men wore guns in holsters, but we have been to events where everyone was colorfully dressed in clean, colorful, yet common, work clothes. 60 �The language and customs at this party are particularly noteworthy. Notice how Stuart captures the peculiar idiom of speech. "Now each man with his wife and each young man git his partner/' Peg shouted. "Young couples, ye'll go to the bottom of the slope and shuck the bottom shucks. Yer legs are young and powerful. We older folks have climbed too many mountains/' "Okay, Peg, we're ready," Slim Winters said as he took Olive Kilgore by the hand. "We're ready and a-rarin' to go!" [151-153] It's not the dialect but the phrasing and the content of these interactions that is revealing. Many natives of this region, even if their regional dialect has disappeared, will fall back into this kind of speech pattern on informal occassions. For instance, haven't you heard educated people use expressions like "a little skiff of snow," "falling weather," "He really cleaned my plow," or "one brick shy of a load"? Such expressions, which we accept as commonplace, are unique and reveal an Appalachian way of looking at the world. As hard as life sometimes was in Jesse Stuart's world, many of his characters were humorous. In "Hot-Collared Mule" just simply dealing with the difficulties of working with a mule who had to have its collar hot before it would work were hilarious. It certainly wasn't funny to Mick and Shan, as they were running themselves nearly to death to get Rock the mule warmed up so it would work. "Keep that mule a-goin'," Pa hollered as I passed by where he was sitting on a log under the shade fanning himself with sourwood leaves. "Run 'im until he's hot as blue blazes!" "He's a-gettin' warmed up," I grunted to Pa as I passed him on the second lap. "Fetch 'im around agin and I'll tak 'im," Pa said. "Just be keerful and don't do any hollerin'." "All right, Pa," I grunted as I came in on my last lap. "It's your time now." "Hit'll be the last time one of us has to run this mule," Pa said as he took the lines. Pa couldn't run as well as I could, for he was older and his legs were stiffer and his breath came harder. While I sat fanning, I watched him go out of sight, running stiff-legged like a cold buck rabbit in the winter-time. The twist of burley leaf was jumping up and down in his hip pocket as he made the turn to climb the hill. "Hit's a hard way to git a mule to work," Pa grunted as he passed me going into his second lap. 61 �I was fanning fast as I could fan. I had cooled down some, but my clothes were wet as if I had jumped into the river. When Pa came around on his second lap, I didn't think he'd make it. But he did. His face was red as a sliced beet, and his clothes were as wet as mine were. But a sweaty foam had gathered under Rock's flanks and his shoulders were wet around his collar. "He's in shape to work now," Pa said as he dropped to the ground. [88-89] I have excerpted this passage slightly, but still, I can clearly see Mick and Shan running that mule, getting the mule—not themselves mind you—into shape to work. They weren't trying to be funny, but nevertheless, what they were doing was hilarious. Notice Stuart's straight delivery of the facts. He lets the characters' language, their actual behavior, and the situation itself communicate the humor. THE THREAD STILL RUNS TRUE I claimed at the beginning of this paper that Jesse Stuart's writing reveals an archetype of Appalchain culture. If this is true, what is this archetype and how is it revealed? Is it suggested through the feelings and emotions that are stimulated in readers by his writing? Are the themes in his writing peculiarly Appalachian? The answer to both questions must in part be no. Even though the experiences he described and wrote about took place in the Appalachian region, the feelings and emotions that arise from his writing can be felt by anyone and ascribed to any culture. His themes are also not uniquely Appalachian in character. People from other cultures also love the land and possess a strong sense of and attachment to place. People in other regions of this country and the world practice customs and dress in ways that we consider quaint. Most human beings who actively participate in life are driven to succeed and to overcome great obstacles. The conflict between book knowledge and natural knowledge certainly transcends this region. The substance of Stuart's Appalachian archetype relies on more than themes and feelings. As Stuart created his fictional world, or rather described the world in which he lived, i.e., the area in and around W-Hollow in Kentucky, he accomplished something of great importance. Through his careful attention to detail, his lively characterization, his ear for the language and idioms of the region, and his narrative power in both fiction and non-fiction, he created a place, a context, a cultural milieu that provides us with a cross-section of life, as he saw it and lived it, during his lifetime in the Kentucky hills. He captured for all time a way of life that, in its detail, has essentially disappeared. To read his fiction is to enter a world, magical in quality, that doesn't really exist anymore. Our imagination combined with our own experiences—which have taken place in simi62 �lar, yet different, situations or contexts—meld with Stuart's world or vision. The end result is an Appalachian world picture created during reading that is unique in structure. Probst claims that: literature should enable readers to find the connections between their experience and the literary work. If it does so, it may enable them to use literature, to employ it in making sense of their lives. [34-35] Jesse Stuart managed to foster such a link between his writing and his readers' imaginations and personal experiences. The synergy created by this link results, I think, in an archetype of both what readers and natives of the region know and feel about Appalachian culture. It is a common thread, first woven by our ancestors before most of us were born, re-spun by Jesse Stuart, and re-created by us during reading. It is a thread that still runs true. References Cited Probst, Robert E. "Dialogue with a Text/7 English Journal 77.1 (1988): 32-38. Stuart, Jesse. "A Ribbon for Baldy." A Jesse Stuart Reader. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963. 178-182. "Clearing in the Sky." Land of the Honey-Colored Wind. Ed. Jerry A. Herndon. Morehead, Kentucky: The Jesse Stuart Foundation, 1981. 124^130. "Head o' W-Hollow." Head o' W-Hollow. Lexington, Kentucky: The University of Kentucky Press, 1979. 3-5. Hie to the Hunters. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1950. "Hot-Collared Mule/' Land of the Honey-Colored Wind. Ed. Jerry A. Herndon. Morehead, Kentucky: The Jesse Stuart Foundation, 1981. 88-97. The Thread That Runs So True. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958. 'This Farm for Sale/7 Land of the Honey-Colored Wind. Ed. Jerry A. Herndon. Morehead, Kentucky: The Jesse Stuart Foundation, 1981. 3^44. "Testimony of Trees." Clearing in the Sky. Lexington, Kentucky: The University of Kentucky Press, 1984. 105-117. 63 �Across the Mountains: Appalachian Literature and the Unsuspecting Student ty Teresa Wheeling "My name's Alpha Baldridge," I said as I walked into the classroom. "Ever since I married Brack I've been driven from one coal camp to another. I've lived hard as nails. There's lots of coal camps in eastern Kentucky, and I reckon I've lived in half of them." This was my introduction to James Still's River of Earth, and my students didn't know what to do. A few giggled, some fidgeted uncomfortably, others merely sat there, their mouths agape. Soon, though, everyone was caught up in the story, following Alpha through her family's struggle with hunger, the death of her baby, the death of her mother, and the birth of another child. James Still created Alpha Baldridge and her family in 1940, and forty odd years later, Still's characters are still alive, still growing, and still affecting an ever wider range of readers, among them, my own freshman writing students at Radford University. Appalachian literature has as Wilma Dykeman says, "dealt with experiences as unique as churning butter and as universal as getting born" (18). Though it details the culture of the Appalachian mountains, the region's literature has a universality which enables students to make connections with their own lives, whether they be from the mountains or urban Washington D.C. My first experience teaching River of Earth was not an overwhelming one. The response of my students, most of whom originated from urban Northern Virginia and the coastal areas, was not staggering. Still, the few native Appalachian students I had made vital connections with their own experiences, and several of the others progressed from an immediate dislike of the novel to some kind of appreciation for what Still was attempting. And so last year I assigned the novel again, this time determined to do anything I could to see to it that the novel had an effect on them. At first their reactions were the same as the previous year's. "It's so boring I fall asleep when I try to read. I can't understand the language." All the same, something was different, and the more I examine that difference, the more I see that it was a difference in me, not my students. The year before I had felt I had to defend the novel and my heritage; I had felt threatened by unflattering comments directed at the novel and the way of life it represented. Even after years of soul searching and trying to understand what it meant to be Appalachian, I was still falling for the stereotypes. I was still defending "us" against "them." No wonder I often felt 64 �like I was pulling teeth when we discussed the novel in class. My students weren't stupid; they knew I had created opposing teams. Then as I was preparing my syllabus last year I found a quote by Jim Wayne Miller. "This is the function of the writer—," he said, "to help us see, and see into, our place, our experience, our lives in the world" (20). At that moment I realized what I was after. I didn't want my students to judge the people in River of Earth or their lifestyle. I didn't want them to dwell on the differences. I didn't want them to say, "Those people have nothing to do with my life." I wanted to push them to find similarities, strands that bound them together with the people in the novel, strands that bind all of us together as human beings. And so, in early March I plunged ahead once again. One of the novel's themes is the conflict between Still's husband and wife, Brack and Alpha Baldridge. The best starting point, I thought, would be to engage the students in that conflict. Through much of the novel Brack gives food and shelter to his uncle and cousins who abuse the family's sacrifice by grumbling about what they have and taking far more than their share. Alpha is appalled by Brack's actions, for they are depriving her three children and infant son of the food they need to survive, and as a last resort she burns the house, the only way she knows to ensure that Brack's kin will leave. To highlight this struggle, I walked into class on the first day of discussion dressed as Alpha. My students were, as I said earlier, unsettled at first, but Alpha quickly captured their attention. After hearing Alpha's side of the story, it was time for the students themselves to wrestle with the issue which confronted Brack and Alpha. Was Brack right to share the family's food and shelter with others and in doing so endanger the lives of his own children, no matter how noble his intentions? Did Alpha overstep her bounds when she burned down the house? Was it possible to say that either character was right or wrong, or was it simply a case of two people struggling for survival, each handling the situation in the way he thought necessary? Such was the task of the students as they drew from the coffee mug slips of paper which would determine which side of the argument they were to defend. Then, lined up facing each other on opposite sides of the room, the battle began. One group slithered to the back to relieve themselves of the burden of arguing, leaving those who were more intense in front to fight it out. It quickly became apparent that Brack and Alpha would each have one principal proponent, while the others defended their champion's points. At times the argument became vicious, and one student refused to say anything in class for a week because many in the class took issue with her relentless argument for Alpha's point of view. When the argument was over and hurt feelings soothed, one thing was clear—Still's characters had become more than words on paper to these kids. They were real people, people worth arguing about, people worth caring about. 65 �Seeing their reactions in class, I was even more curious to see how my students would respond in writing, both in their response logs and critical essays. Again, I saw that Still had struck a chord. Though the Baldridge family's lifestyle was far different from that of my students, they had found a way to connect with the novel. "All this time I've snided off all this Appalachian 'stuff/" responded one student in her log. "Well if this is what it's like, bring it on! I expected the book to be some dumb mountainy thing. I'd eat my words in a heartbeat. I love it. I cried with the family when things were hard and when the baby died. Are all of James Still's novels this good? If so—look out library, here I come" (Leftwich). The authenticity of Still's characters as human beings was backed up by my students' ability to draw parallels between the Baldridge family and their own relatives. Sarah wrote: In many ways, the Baldridges with their strength and feeling of family togetherness help me to see my own family through different eyes, through eyes of courage, respect, and oneness. I realized after reading River of Earth, how special and important my family is to me. And I think that each of them, the Baldridges, helps to make up each one of us. I see parts of Alpha, Brack, Grandma, and the others, in my mother, my father, my brothers, and mostly in my -grandfather, "pop." I feel more closely bonded with my family and that I have a better understanding of them since I read James Still's River of Earth, (Atkinson) Several students from the Appalachian region were able to draw more detailed parallels, for example, this young man from the coal fields of southwestern Virginia. My grandfather stayed in my mind as I read the novel. He was a working coal miner all his life, but the coal mines being as unstable as they were, and still are today, left him unemployed a great deal of the time. As far as I know he never had another job, when the mines closed down he farmed and occasionally logged, making barely enough to keep food on the table. When my grandmother and grandfather were married they lived in a twelve by twelve one room cabin with four other family members. My grandmother has told me about her just sitting and crying all day long because there was no food, and they had no land to farm. (Hayes) I was especially interested in Timmy's response because he showed an understanding and deep appreciation for the hardship his grandparents 66 �endured. I think Timmy realized that his grandparents' perseverance helped make it possible for him to attend college instead of spending long days in, as he once called it, "that endless black hole in the ground." Linda, a middle-aged student also from Southwest Virginia, found similar comparisons: Just as Brack seemed to be a "born coal miner/' my Father seemed to be a "born farmer." He never worked in a government-sponsored job; he was always his own boss and strove to make a better life for his children and my Mother. Mother feels sad when she remembers how hard my father worked, how many joys he passed to his family yet died before he could see the fruits of his labor. (Nye) Ironically, the response that showed most eloquently and passionately the effect of Still's writing came from Murdock, a native of the Eastern Shore. Being a person who grew up never hearing the word Appalachian, much less about its people, places, or culture, I placed the book down with a sense of being allowed through the author's eyes and words to actually step into another world alien and unknown, and through the course of the story learned about the mountain people as if I had actually lived there. . . . In many ways my people were similar to the Mountain Folks in that they were proud, and somewhat secluded people who lived off of the land around them, in that while the boys were trained to help their father's father, and their own so that they could take their place when the time came, the girls were raised to be homemakers, and tempered to support their men when fishing was poor, and crabs hard to find. Until as late as the 1940's to be raised in a fishing family meant that a fisherman you would be, and a pride was held in knowing that your labors (sometimes fatal) went to feed thousands of people, most of whom never knew you existed, or for that matter cared. It was a hard life with days starting before the sun, ending hours after dark. Many times the men would place nets and crab-pots in the murky bay for four days straight, returning only long enough to send off the fish, and get supplies for the next trip. My own grandfather would sit with the children, and he would tell us of things that happened while out on the Bay, while he would carve a duck-decoy from a piece of drift-wood. I have seen his hands scarred from the razor shells of clams, and the spikes of horseshoe crabs. I remember his face wrinkled like a 67 �piece of sail, and the texture of his skin rough from years spent in the salt air of the Bay, that murky-blue mistress that greeted him at birth, fostered him through life, and ultimately advanced him to his death. He was no mighty sailor like those he would tell us about, nor was he a mighty fisherman like those he worked under. My grandfather was just a man, a proud one, but a man all the same who worked hard to survive, and meet much of his labor with pain, and finally death. I was of the later generation, and wasn't brought up in the ways of my grandfather, and I regret not knowing more of that man and of his life. To James Still I owe a debt that I cannot repay because through his story, and living with his people through his book I have been given a greater insight into my own heritage, and a deeper respect for it, and for its people. . . . (Hodges) That River of Earth could evoke such a response is a credit both to the power of Still's writing and to the universality of Appalachian literature. Though I was pleased with the writing the novel had prompted, my students' most invigorating response to River of Earth came in another form. In addition to teaching the novel in class, I was also in the process of writing my Master's thesis, a dramatic interpretation of Still's story. Because I needed to see and hear the characters in action, I asked for volunteers from my classes to put together a small production of the play. Even I was amazed at what happened. Five of the six people needed volunteered the first time I asked, and only one needed to be enticed with the promise of a grade before consenting to take part. Watching that play come together was a wondrous event, one I'll never forget. There was, of course, the normal horsing around, for example, the soap bubbles which mysteriously appeared in Alpha's churn during one practice, but as the weeks wore on I was impressed with the commitment with which each student attacked his or her role. The cast list sounds like a cultural and geographic who's who. Christi, a native of Roanoke, Virginia who never knew she was Appalachian before reading River of Earth, brought life to Alpha, and though a woman of the eighties, she seemed to draw strength from the hardship Alpha had endured. For a short time Tim, a heavy metal rocker, became Brack, a coal miner doing the best he could to feed his family. Stacia, a native of Maine, worked hard to capture the innocence of the novel's young narrator. Matt, who has spent most of his life moving between Indiana and Richmond, took on the perspective of the narrator in later years, a young man reflecting on his childhood in the mountains of Kentucky. Billy, a punk rocker who sported a mohawk until several weeks before the play's performance, was drawn to Jolly's devil-may-care attitude and lighthearted humor. 68 �The evenings we spent in Young Hall were long. Memorizing several pages of dialogue in an unfamiliar dialect wasn't easy; it was difficult to remember to say "seed" instead of "saw," "heered" instead of "heard." Although the dialogue surely didn't sound like James Still's intention, that wasn't important. It was important that the Baldridge family had come to life, regardless of the dialect in which they were portrayed. Still's characters had spoken to these students not in any dialect, but in a universal language, a language expressing the feelings and emotions we all share as human beings. A month and a half before, most of those students had never heard the word Appalachian, but on that night the words they spoke and the feelings they portrayed transcended any region. On that night my students took their final steps across the mountains. References Cited Atkinson, Sarah. "River of Earth, A Story of Familyhood." Unpublished essay, 1987. Dykeman, Wilma. 'The Literature of the Southern Appalachian Mountains/7 Mountain Life and Work 40 (Winter 1964): 7-18. Hayes, Timmy. Unpublished essay, 1986. Hodges, Murdock. Unpublished essay, 1987. Leftwich, Christi. Reading response log, 1987. Miller, Jim Wayne. "Jim Dandy: James Still at Eighty/' Appalachian Heritage 14.4 (Fall 1986): 8-20. Nye, Linda. "River of Earth Analysis." Unpublished essay, 1987. 69 �Agriculture in Preindustrial Appalachia: Subsistence Farming in Beech Creek, 1850-1880 by Paul]. Weingartner, Dwight B. Billings, and Kathleen M. Blee Beech Creek, a neighborhood first defined and studied by James Brown (1950/1988) in 1942, is situated in the hills of eastern Kentucky in the heartland of Central Appalachia. In his ethnographic account of Beech Creek, Brown described isolated portions of East Kentucky outside the coal mining districts as being still engaged in the subsistence oriented farming which had been characteristic of Appalachia nearly a century before. He comments that, "Then, as now, the Mountains had an economy of subsistence farming" (1950, p. 36). Brown also described Beech Creek as a relatively isolated area, noting that entry into the neighborhood was only possible by maneuvering over harsh terrain and up a dried creek bed either on foot or by pack animal. Linking the reality of geographical isolation to the state of the local economy, Brown claimed that, "the effect of geographic isolation was increased by the region's economic self-sufficiency which made contact with other areas relatively unnecessary and infrequent" (1950, p. 37). Although Brown's work on Beech Creek focused on kinship structures and social stratification, the first chapters of his ethnography provide a historical account of eastern Kentucky and Beech Creek in the mid to late nineteenth century. Brown's account incorporated what Beech Creek inhabitants themselves were saying about their ancestors and vividly described what the life of the region's earlier inhabitants had been like. The information contained in these chapters and the rich genealogical information which Brown obtained from the inhabitants of Beech Creek provide the starting point for our work. The value of ethnographic information must not be understated. In other interest areas of social history, abundant primarily historical sources such as church and court records, personal diaries, and business logs facilitate historical reconstruction. Social historians have been able to rely upon such sources in writing detailed accounts of New England farm families and their agricultural relations of production, for instance, which suggest new directions for Appalachian scholars (Billings, Blee, and Swanson, 1986). Many social historians of the Appalachian region, however, find their work made more difficult by the shortage of such sources, in a 70 �region with predominantly oral traditions. In the absence of such sources, ethnographies of rural community life in preindustrial Appalachia often provide valuable historical insights (Billings and Blee, 1987). But many of the accounts that provide us with the views of the Appalachian farmer, such as the literature of local color writers from the late nineteenth century, have almost exclusively been written by persons who were not from the region and have been subject to exaggeration and distortion. Shapiro (1978) suggests that many writers erred in stressing the "otherness" of Appalachia as a region set off from modern life. Some such accounts, as in Pearsall (1959), document the production methods of Appalachian farmers with the effect of imposing an inferior status on them while excluding the socio-economic realities that they faced. These accounts often speak of subsistence production but offer little or no evidence as to its actual extent or its mix with commercial farming. Our particular approach in writing a social history of agriculture in Beech Creek is one which intersects primary data on agricultural production and demographic change with Brown's research on the Appalachian rural community and other recent literature on the Appalachian region. We attempt to avoid the negative stereotypes and condescending notions of the literature of the pejorative tradition by relying on Brown's ethnography—one which is the result of Appalachians talking about their ancestors—as a secondary source of information about Beech Creek during the preindustrial era. To supplement Brown's text, we utilize primary historical data compiled from US censuses and Kentucky tax rolls. The question we have chosen to ask in this paper—whether or not Beech Creek farmers were producing at a subsistence level—is one that is often asked by social historians of Appalachian communities. Until recently, however, the answers researchers have given have been based mostly on the speculative writings of a variety of authors. No one has shown definitively that Appalachian farmers were primarily subsistence oriented producers or that market relations were based on a kinship network because of the conscious choices of producers and consumers as others such as Hahn (1985) contend. In fact, some recent accounts, such as Dunn's (1988) study of Cades Cove, Tennessee, posit commercialized farming as the predominant form of nineteenth century agriculture in the mountains. By integrating data from historical records with what Appalachians say about their past and their ancestors, we hope to be able to provide a more informed account of preindustrial agriculture and its characteristic social relations of production practices in Beech Creek. This paper is a preliminary description of our current research. First, we describe the methods we have used to create data sets from the manuscript records of the US Census. Secondly, we illustrate a particular method we used for calculating the level of agricultural production in Beech Creek in 1880. This method estimates whether individual farm units 71 �were producing at merely a subsistence level or on a level at which production exceeded the consumption needs of farm families. Lastly, we integrate the information generated from these methods with what Brown has said about preindustrial agriculture in Beech Creek. In his ethnographic study "Social Organization of an Isolated Kentucky Mountain Neighborhood" (1950), the isolated rural neighborhood of Beech Creek and the surrounding neighborhoods of Flat Rock and Laurel were define^1 by Brown not only in terms of geographical proximity but by the specific nature of relational ties which "connected" the farm families in a social grouping: "By 'neighborhood' (Brown) meant a 'real social group . . . a group of individuals . . . bound by some ties or bonds . . . which unite them into one social group in life and not only on paper7" (Brown, 1950, p. 142). In reconstructing the Beech Creek community for the years 18501880, we employ a historical method that includes farms in the Beech Creek area based on the sequence and proximity of farms enumerated on the agriculture census schedules for the respective years. The method does not capture first hand observations of real life social ties but it does assume that proximity on census pages reflects geographical and, consequently, social proximity. The genealogies traced by Brown in 1942 were the starting point for this data collection. Names of the ancestors of Beech Creek inhabitants were found listed on the population schedules for the census years of 1850, 1860, 1870, and 1880. Those persons (and their neighbors) who were listed as heads of households and who were designated as "farmers" were then located on agricultural census schedules for the corresponding years. When exact matches resulted, the names of farmers and information about their farms were included in the data sets for each year. Additional names and farms were also included in these data sets according to the following method advanced by Daniel (1978). The enumeration pages of agriculture schedules for each census year are read starting with the names of families who were directly matched from the population census. Assuming that the census takers walked up and down creek beds, from farm to farm, while soliciting census information, names which were listed on the census pages between the names which were directly matched are also included. Although this method includes more families than actually existed in what was later defined as Beech Creek by Brown, a rigid definition of Beech Creek is not important because we are primarily tracing family groups rather than merely a geographic area. The agriculture data sets created by this method for 1850, 1860, 1870, and 1880 contain information on land, cash value, and production yields for 56 farms, 59 farms, 133 farms, and 86 farms, respectively. We have used these data sets to generate information concerning average cash value of farmland and farm production, average size of farms, average numbers of livestock, and average yields of crop production over time in Beech 72 �Creek. (Table 1 contains a partial account of this information for the census year 1880.) TABLE 1 LAND, CASH VALUE, and PRODUCTION YIELDS BEECH CREEK, KENTUCKY, 1880 VARIABLE MEAN NO. OF FARMS REPORTING Unimproved Acres Improved Acres: filled acres acres of pasture 160.1 21.3 14.0 51 Cash Value of Farm Value of Machinery and implements Value of Livestock Value of All Farm production Value of Forest products $460.77 $ 22.35 83 79 $140.95 $150.50 82 80 $ 67.28 76 1.4 1.9 11.6 14.4 47 72 50 46 251.3 39.2 36.9 2.6 74 37 25 38 Horses Milk Cows Swine Sheep Indian Corn (bushels) Wheat (bushels) Oats (bushels) Dried Beans (bushels) 65 82 Total Number of Farms: N = 86 Preliminary research tells us how much each farm unit produced, what the value of that production was, what the value of the farm itself was, and how each of these variables changed over time. This information alone, however, does not provide information relative to the topic of subsistence. Hence we searched for a method whereby we could determine whether Appalachian farmers were producing at a subsistence level or at a level which resulted in surplus. Tentatively, we are suggesting the use of a method adopted from two historical economists, Roger Ransom and Richard Sutch (1977) that relies on data available in the Agriculture Census 73 �of 1880 to determine whether or not the particular farmers in that year were producing a surplus. This method utilizes data on crop yield, crop acreage, number of livestock, number of farm laborers and family members and informed estimates on seeding requirements, the corn-equivalence of crops based on nutritional information, and reproduction requirements for livestock, farm laborers, and family labor. It requires that the total production of all basic food crops be converted into corn-equivalent units and that the requirements for reproducing the farm unit be deducted from this amount. The result indicates either a level of production below subsistence or one at above subsistence, e.g., a "surplus." Similar methods have been used by other researchers with substantially different emphases. As suggested by Ransom and Sutch, many studies have de-emphasized the extent of food production while exaggerating the farm unit's consumption (see, Gallman, 1970). In their research, Ransom and Sutch suggest estimates that are more "conservative" in order to exaggerate production and de-emphasize the amount consumed by the farm unit. We are using the revised estimates of Ransom and Sutch in this project to provide empirical evidence of whether or not each productive unit in Beech Creek was producing at or above a subsistence level. Subsistence, in this analysis, is thus defined as the level at which the production unit, the farm, can reproduce itself. Calculations which yield a zero or non-negative sum indicate production at or above subsistence level for particular farm units. We consider a farm unit to be capable of sustaining itself if the production of the unit exceeds the estimated required consumption. In using the conservative estimates of Ransom and Sutch, we have thus biased analysis in the direction of exaggerating production and deemphasizing consumption. Therefore, the likelihood of a zero sum or nonnegative sum resulting from the calculations is increased. The calculation of surplus in corn-equivalent bushels is as follows: The estimated seeding requirement percentages provided by Ransom and Sutch are multiplied by the number of acres cultivated of a particular crop, and this product is subtracted from the total outputs of eleven essential grains and food crops produced. This net output is then converted to corn-equivalent units by multiplying it by estimated corn-equivalent conversion ratios also provided by Ransom and Sutch. This product is then aggregated and equals the total net crop production (TNGP) in cornequivalent units The product of the feed allowance in corn-equivalent bushels for five basic farm animals (horses, oxen, mules, milch cows, and sheep) and the actual number of each on the farm, the total livestock consumption (TLC), is then subtracted from this total. Likewise, the product of the necessary requirements for reproducing the farm laborers and family members and the actual number of each on the farm, the total unit consumption (TCU), is subtracted from this difference. The resultant dif74 �ference, the surplus food residual (SFR), is the surplus in corn-equivalent units produced by each farm in 1880. Having described these methods, we now turn to an integration of Brown's work with the information provided by the data from 1880. Brown described Beech Creek as having been isolated from national and international economic markets by self-sufficiency. Though Brown characterizes late nineteenth century agriculture in Beech Creek as small scale production oriented toward sustaining the farm unit, he also indicates that small surpluses were produced. In determining levels of production, we attempted to differentiate between crops that were used to sustain the farm unit and those which may have been produced for market. In looking at the historical record of Beech Creek farming, therefore, we concentrate on crops that were produced to sustain the farm. (These averages and totals are listed in Table 1.) In 1880, production was focused on diversified staple crops. Indian corn was produced by seventy-six of the eighty-six farm units and average production was of 247 bushels produced on an average of thirteen acres. Corn was used as a staple crop for feeding the farm family and other persons on the farm and also to feed livestock, although open grazing was probably more important for the latter. Wheat production was less common among Beech Creek farmers—only thirty-seven out of eighty-six produced the crop. Of these thirty-six producers, an average of 39 bushels was produced on an average of seven acres. Another feed grain, oats, was produced by twenty-six farmers. These farmers produced an average of 37 bushels of oats on an average of six acres. Other crops that were specifically grown to feed the family were beans and potatoes: thirty-eight farmers produced an average of three bushels of dried beans, and irish and sweet potatoes were produced by ten and eleven farmers, respectively, at an average of 13 bushels and 26 bushels. Tobacco was also produced on a small minority of farms: four farms produced the crop, three of which produced less than forty pounds and one which produced 300 pounds. Wool was produced on 46 of the 86 farms at an average of 19 pounds per farm. There was no cotton produced in Beech Creek. Further research is required to determine the significance of these crops to the local economy. Almost all the farms had some sort of livestock. Most common were milk cows and swine—milk cows were present on 73 farms with an average of two per farm and swine were present of 51 farms with an average of twelve per farm. Forty-six farms raised sheep with an average of 14 sheep per farm. Barnyard poultry are also found: 81 farms raised poultry— averaging 23 birds per farm—and produced an average of 47 dozens of eggs. Work animals were also kept. The most common were horses, mules, and working oxen: forty-seven farms had at least one horse per farm; 75 �twenty-one farms had at least one mule; and eighteen farms had an average of 2 working oxen. The average value of livestock on 84 farms was $142.38 All but two farmers indicate that they utilized at least one acre of their farm in 1880 for crops. The average tilled portion of 84 farms was 21 acres. Fifty-two farms indicate an average of 14 acres of cleared pasture and 66 farms had an average of 160 acres of woodland. The value of the land on 85 farms averaged $473.81, however, the lowest land value was $4 indicated by one farmer and the highest value was $2000 indicated by three farmers. Only thirteen of the 85 farms were valued at more than $1000 while 64 of the farms were valued at or less than $500. Despite an egalitarian ideology, Beech Creek farms were stratified by differences in landownership and the wealth in 1880 just as they were when Brown first observed them in the 1940s. The average value of all farm production on 82 farms was $148.11 with no farm exceeding $500 in total farm production value. This information indicates production level amounts and values of Beech Creek farms in 1880 but it does not provide sufficient information to determine the social significance of such amounts and values. Intuitively, it is obvious that there is a difference between producing 10 bushels of corn and producing 200 bushels, but how can this difference be made significant in determining what effect producing either 10 bushels or 200 bushels of corn had on respective production units. How are the effects of differential production to be ascertained? At this point we turn to the method of calculating surplus food residuals. The case of Charles Barker illustrates the utility of our methodology. In 1880, Barker, at thirty-four years old, was the owner of 103 acres, of which 19 were cultivated, 9 were in pasture, and 75 were woodland. The value of his land, buildings, and fences was $500. With his wife Nancy, who was twenty-one years old, and four children, he produced indian corn, wheat, beans, and rye. The Barkers had two horses, one milk cow, and several sheep. The value of these animals was $200. Including the production of fifty dozens of eggs and fifty pounds of butter, the total value of all farm production for the year, consumed, sold, or on hand, was $100. To calculate the production of surplus, the known variables are: 200 bushels of corn produced on 12 acres; 12 bushels of rye produced on 4 acres; 25 bushels of wheat also produced on 4 acres; 2 bushels of dried beans; 2 horses, 1 milk cow and 7 sheep; and the six family members. The corn-equivalent ratios for wheat, rye, and dried beans are 1.104, 1.05, and .946 respectively. The seed allowance for indian corn is .125 bushels per acre; for wheat, 1.5 bushels per acre; and for dried beans, .08 per bushel yield. The feed allowances for the animals are 35 bushels per horse, 5 per milk cow, and .25 per sheep. Lastly, there is a 15 bushel per family member allowance for the reproduction of labor. With this information, then, 76 �the calculation of the production of surplus in corn equivalent units for 1880 on Charles Barker's farm can be represented: Total Net Grain Production = (200-. 125(12)) + 1.104(25-1.5(4)) + 1.05(12-1.5(4)) + .946(2-.08)) = 227.5 bushels Total Consumption of Livestock = 35(2)+ 5(1)+ .25(7) = 76.75 bushels Total Consumption Of Unit 15(6) = 90 bushels Surplus Food Residual 227.5-76.75^90 60.75 bushels With these calculations we have established that the production on Charles Barker's farm exceeded the amount needed to sustain the farm unit by almost 61 corn-equivalent bushels. According to our definition of subsistence production, then we would conclude that this particular farm was producing at a greater than subsistence level of production. An example of a farm not producing at a subsistence level is that of Joseph Andrews. Andrews, who in 1880 was 46 years old, lived with his wife, Nancy, 45, their eight sons, one daughter, one daughter-in-law, and a niece and nephew, on 742 acres of land. 650 of these acres were woods, 32 were pasture, and sixty were used for crops. The total value of the land and buildings was $1750. Andrews produced just two crops: corn and wheat. In 1880, he produced 500 bushels of corn and 65 bushels of wheat. Andrews had 3 horses, 1 mule, and two oxen on the farm, as well as 2 milk cows, 40 sheep, and 15 pigs. His livestock was worth $400. Including 200 pounds of butter and 100 dozens of eggs, total farm production was valued at $300. When the surplus food residual is calculated for Andrews, we find that his farm was producing at below the subsistence level by 34 bushels. We have calculated the surplus food residual for 84 farms in 1880 to determine the average total net grain production, the total consumption of each farm, and how many farms were producing at or above a subsis77 �tence level of production and how many were producing below subsistence. The average surplus food residual for 84 farms is 82 corn-equivalent bushels. 29 farms were producing below subsistence level and 55 were producing above subsistence level. The average total consumption of livestock is 65 corn-equivalent bushels. The Andrews case illustrates that even though the historical record may show high value, an abundance of land and livestock, and what appears to be high production, when the consumption level of the farm unit is considered, actual production was often less than at a subsistence level. The importance of this method, then, lies in its consideration of not only the objective production amounts obtained from the census records but also of the necessary consumption of the farm unit. When consumption is used as the second variable in the equation that indicates subsistence level of production, the information concerning production becomes more relevant to the topic of subsistence. Social historians of the Appalachian region have begun to understand the significance of the manuscript census records in light of the available ethnographies of the region's rural communities in the preindustrial era. The agriculture census schedules from 1850 to 1880 provide a wealth of information about agricultural production on individual farms in many of the region's areas, including Central Appalachia. When this information is utilized in conjunction with the economic methods of Ransom and Sutch, levels of production can be assessed which indicate whether or not farms are producing at or above the level at which the farm unit can sustain itself, the subsistence level. The use of all three of these types of information—ethnographies, census records, and data generated from the methods of Ransom and Sutch—is extremely important in presenting a more informed description of agriculture in preindustrial Appalachia. How did so many farm families that remained in Beech Creek survive below the level of subsistence in the late nineteenth century? Pruitt, in a study of 18th century Massachusetts which found 38% of all farms falling below the standard for self-sufficiency, suggests that 18th century New England farms were integrated into networks of production, cooperation and exchange that made "subsistence possible on farms that were not sufficient" (1984:349). A similar inter-household economic subsistence network clearly operated in 19th and early 20th century Beech Creek. Some farm households supplemented below-reproduction level farm production with the proceeds of hunting, fishing and trapping, sources of food supply not measured in the Ransom and Sutch equation, yet we speculate that the major factor in their survival was the kin network. Although census manuscripts do not record kinship relations beyond that of households, we believe that we will be able to show that the strength of family groups that Brown documented in 1942 was rooted in a pattern of interdependent subsistence from the previous century. Family 78 �and kin relationships made possible the reproduction of marginal and below-subsistence farms through inter-household strategies of survival. Case by case examination of the census materials reveals numerous examples of young household heads producing at the edge of subsistence (or below) but living up or down creekbeds near households headed by fathers and brothers, both producing a surplus. Extra-household strategies of cooperation, which the original Beech Creek researchers found to be so important for understanding the migration experience and urban adjustment of rural Appalachians as they relocated in Midwestern cities after the Second World War (Schwarzweller, Brown, and Mangalam, 1971), seem already to have emerged as an essential feature of nineteenth century Appalachian family life. Bibliography The authors would like to recognize James S. Brown for his initial work on Beech Creek. The authors also thank Gaye Holman, Jack Thigpen, and Jane Bagby for their help in collecting the data and Cecil Tickamyer for his assistance with computer programming. Data collection was supported with a grant from the Economic Research Service of the USDA. Requests for reprints of this article should be addressed to: Paul J. Weingartner, Department of Sociology, University of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky, 40506. Billings, Dwight B., and Kathleen M. Blee, "Household Structure in a Preindustrial Appalachian Community: Beech Creek, Kentucky, 1850-1942." Forthcoming. Billings, Dwight B., Kathleen M. Blee, and Louis Swanson, "Culture, Family, and Community in Preindustrial Appalachia." Appalachian Journal 13:2 (Winter 1986). Brown, James S., Beech Creek: The Social Organization of an Isolated Kentucky Mountain Neighborhood. (Berea, Kentucky: Berea College Press, 1988). .. "Social Organization of an Isolated Kentucky Mountain Neighborhood/' Phd Dissertation. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University, 1950). Dunn, Durwood, Cades Cove: The Life and Death of a Southern Appalachian Community, 18181937. (Knoxville, Tennessee: University of Tennessee Press, 1988). Gallman, Robert E., "Self-sufficiency in the Cotton Economy of the Antebellum South." Agricultural History 44 Qanuary 1970). Hahn, Steven, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountryf 1850-1890. (New York, New York: Oxford University Press, 1959). Pearsall, Marion, Little Smokey Ridge: The Natural History of a Southern Appalachian Neighborhood. (Birmingham, Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 1959). Pruitt, Bettye Hobbs, "Self-sufficiency and the Agricultural Economy of Eighteenth Century Massachusetts." William and Mary Quarterly, 41:3 (July 1984). 79 �Ransom, Roger and Richard Sutch, One Kind of Freedom: The Economic Consequences of Emancipation. (New York, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1977). Schwarzweller, Harry K., James S. Brown, and J.J. Mangalam, Mountain Families in Transition: A Case Study of Appalachian Migration. (University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania University Press, 1971). Shapiro, Henry, Appalachia On Our Mind. (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1978). Smith, Daniel Scott, ''A Community-Based Sample of the Older Population From the 1880 and the 1900 United States Manuscript Census." Historical Methods, 11:2 (Spring 1978). Government Documents: United States Census Office. Tenth Census of the United States, 1880. Vol. 1 (Population) Washington Government Printing Office, 1884. Tenth Census of the United States, 1880, Vol. 3 (Agriculture) Washington Government Printing Office, 1884. 80 �Biculturalism: A Comparison of Central Appalachians and the Inupiat of Alaska by Nelda K. Daley Abstract Biculturalism is a term used widely to discuss the conflict between Appalachian and dominant culture and is found often in the writings of Appalachian scholars. This term is not used widely by other subgroups in the United States such as Native Americans, Blacks, and Hispanics. The term is used extensively by the Alaskan Eskimo. In interviews with native people of the Inupiat, a subgroup of the Inuit, at Point Barrow Alaska during the winter of 1987 the term was frequently used to describe their efforts to accommodate themselves to the impact of the petroleum industry on their native culture which is based on hunting and gathering. Several parallels between the development of coal in Appalachia and oil in Alaska lead to comparisons of how biculturalism played an adaptive role. Both regions were isolated with little or no infrastructure. Both regions maintained a subsistence barter economy with marginal participation in a monetary economy before development of an extractive single industry economy. Both regions had gone through periods of boom and bust and there has been little attempt at encouraging a diversified economy or an indigenous professional/middle class. In both cultures education tended to be brought to the region by "missionaries" who denigrated the indigenous culture and encouraged outmigration of the "better" students. Although there are similarities in economic development and both groups now identify themselves as bicultural, biculturalism has developed somewhat differently in the two regions. These similarities and differences will be explored in the paper. Introduction In interviews in Central Appalachia, especially southwestern Virginia, and Barrow, Alaska, the term biculturalism was used or eluded to by informants who felt that 1) they wished to preserve values of their subculture that differed from dominant culture and 2) they needed to accommodate dominant culture in order to survive and prosper. These two groups, mountaineers and the Inupiat, at first glance appear to be very different. Central Appalachia is a fertile ecological niche 81 �while Barrow on the Arctic north slope is frozen tundra that is virtually a dessert. Mountaineers are western Europeans, except for the black population, and therefore physically indistinguishable from other Americans. The Inupiat are Inuit and considered part of the mongoloid grouping with features that clearly distinguish them from whites. Central Appalachians are not an indigenous people but in migrants who drove out Native Americans. The Inupiat are Native Americans who have been dislocated by whites. Closer analysis show some significant similarities. Both areas were developed by outlanders and in both cases the primary development occurred around a single non-renewable resource, coal in Central Appalachia and petroleum on the North Slope. There are also parallels in how these resources were developed. Both regions were isolated before development, Central Appalachia by the mountains and Barrow by the cold, with little or no infrastructure. Both regions had developed a subsistence barter economy with marginal participation in the monetary economy. Through development both regions had gone through boom and bust cycles and there had been little attempt by developers at encouraging a diversified economy or an indigenous professional or middle class. Both cultures had developed a set of values which are strikingly similar, emphasizing selfreliance, operation and sharing (Lewis, Kobak. and Johnson, 1978; Chance, 1966). These values are at loggerheads with the values of competition, individualism, and self-achievement brought into the regions by developers. In both mountain and Inupiat cultures education tended to be brought to the area by "missionaries" who denigrated the indigenous culture, substituted dominant white values and encouraged outmigration of the "better" students. The response of both Central Appalachians and the Inupiat to development and to the assault on their culture has been to develop ways of "acting" dominant while thinking and feeling in ways that preserve their culture. Unlike Blacks and Native Americans who also behave in bicultural ways. Central Appalachians and Inupiats identify themselves as bicultural. This biculturalism has developed somewhat differently in the two regions and the similarities and differences will be explored below. Biculturalism Defined Lewis, Kobak, and Johnson (1978) use the term biculturalism to illustrate the tension during the process of development between mountain values of equality, noncompetitiveness and family-neighborhood solidarity and dominant culture values of competitiveness, individualism, and self achievement. Relying heavily on Memmi's The Colonizer and The Colonized (1965) they point to the family and the church as two refuges where mountain culture is maintained. 82 �The tension occurs according to their view as missionaries follow developers into an underdeveloped region. As Mrs. Campbell pointed out: "suddenly the retarded frontier was rediscovered by two classes: those who saw the natural resources and sought them regardless of the interests of the natural owners: and those who with missionary zeal rushed in to educate and reform" (1925;8). As Lewis, et al. and Memmi indicate these educators and reformers tended to see indigenous culture as backward, arrested, primitive, and they tended to denigrate the culture, pushing to replace it with the culture of the colonizer. This denigration included all phases of the indigenous culture from arts and crafts to language to norms and values. Education tends to stress not only formal learning but also stresses resocialization and enculturation into the "right" culture, the culture of the missionary educator. As Lewis, Kobak, and Johnson point out the tension between the family and the school create a dualism, indigenous culture at home and dominant culture in public. This biculturalism is a source of great unresolved stress because it causes the native to act in ways that denigrated his own "true" self. The family encourages biculturalism. The schools create a duality—a world different from the family environment. Branscome speaks of the "annihilation of the hillbilly" by the institution. Many mountain youth remember the shaming process when they had to deny their "mother tongue7" reject their music and religion. .. . Mountain children are taught early to act properly in public and hillbilly at home. Mountain people learn to deal with medical, welfare, educational, government institutions and speak their language and use their techniques. They learn to use institutions, outsiders, etc. selectively. But the strain is great. The mountain person is taught how to use the hillbilly stereotype for his own protection and to confound, aggravate, harass, and thwart the colonizer. (They leave the program planner wondering why that didn't work.) One example is the stereotype of the laziness, dependency, and irresponsibility which the Appalachian has learned to manipulate effectively in order to sabotage the colonizer's attempts to organize the mountaineer into pseudo participatory democracy rituals which further splinter Appalachian solidarity. (Lewis, Kobak, and Johnson. 1978:134135) Biculturalism as defined here is a learned adaptive behavior in which the person maintains their native culture, away from the eye of the outlander but tends to enact cultural stereotypes of himself when dealing with 83 �members of the dominant culture. The conclusion drawn by Lewis, et al. with regard to biculturalism is ambivalent. They quote Memmi's point that in order to preserve indigenous culture the native must cut himself off, live in cultural isolation which leads to a situation in which the culture "hardens, petrifies, and degrades its own life in order to save it"(1978;136). On the other hand Smathers is quoted as pointing to enacting stereotypes as "resistance strategies" which could further the saving of Appalachia (1978,136). In the extended quote above biculturalism sounds much like the shucking and giving of whitie or Uncle Tomming done by Blacks to conceal one's real abilities. Since this article the view of biculturalism and the ambivalence generated by it has been modified by at least one of the authors. Sue Ella Kobak has indicated that she now sees biculturalism in more positive terms, namely a combination of the cooperative sharing values of the mountains with the technical skills and competencies offered by the dominant culture (Conversations, 1987-1988). For example mountain young people who seek higher education frequently go into the helping professions. This allows them the professional status and selfachievement approved by dominant culture while maintaining a commitment to others, a mountain value. Further, these professions tend to allow them to return to their communities, i.e. back to their kin and to the land, as both one of their own but also someone who can help. These young people can become professionals while "not getting above their raising." On the other hand, biculturalism can create some negative combinations. When the personableness of mountain culture gets combined with a desire for acquisition of material goods and an elite status, traits of the dominant culture, a very manipulative personality can emerge. Whether positive or negative, this revised view of biculturalism does not see the indigenous person as "shucking and jiving" to conceal their "true personality" but rather combining aspects of both cultures to create a "new" character. It is this latter use of biculturalism that was found among the Inupiat. Biculturalism was seen as a very positive and desirable ability, one to be encourahed. It was seen as adaptive rather than as a resistance strategy and a strategy that allowed for the preservation of Inupiat culture while being able to use what was usable from white culture and technology. Chance (1966) in discussing how greater contact between whites and Inupiat will impact on Inupiat leadership stresses biculturalism (without using the term). . . . the leadership role becomes complex. In addition to being technically proficient at the appropriate tasks, initiating and directing action, and showing consideration for followers, the Eskimo leader must have an overt awareness of the conflict84 �ing patterns and values of white and Eskimo culture and be able to deal effectively with them. This requires not only sufficient command of English, but an adequate understanding of those aspects of white society that have a bearing on community life in the north. . . . [but] . . . he must be careful not to identify himself too closely with his white counterpart for fear that community members will believe he no longer is representing their needs and interests. The leader who ceases to share the norms, objectives, and aspirations of the group ceases to be a leader. Nor may he be authoritarian or aggressive in his actions for this goes directly against Eskimo values. (Chance, 1966:63-64). These differing views of biculturalism reflect slightly different events in economic development in the two regions as well as differences in the ecology of the regions. Below we will explore some striking cultural parallels and then turn to important differences to see how biculturalism has evolved in the two regions. Parallels Appalachian and Inupiat cultures contain values that are very similar. These values revolve around self-reliance and individualism, sharing, cooperation and the family as the basis of society and community. Lewis describes Appalachian culture as follows: The main aspects of the culture that were fought for and were the hardest to change were mainly patterns of relationships which can be described as basically non-competitiveness. Family members and neighbors depend on each other, but it is a dependence which also encourages independence of "let the other fellow alone." People help each other in time of need; they share the load; but this help is not imposed nor organized and leaves room foe independence and individuality. . . . To keep a sense of equality and noncompetitiveness, a "local success" or ambitious hillbilly almost has to leave his family and neighborhood and live with the colonizers. In his small neighborhood he will be sabotaged and people won't help him. He will be put down as not neighborly and "out for himself." . . . Equality is still important. Mountain people resist experts, titles, and people who put on airs or get above their raising. (Lewis, Kobnak and Johnson, 1978:133-134) 85 �Jones confirms these values by pointing out that Appalachian society stresses self-reliance, neighborliness, familialism, and personalism. He points out that we "do not want to be beholding to other people" (Jones, 197:102), but at the same time it was a compliment to be "clever," i.e. "to be hospital, quick to invite you in and generous with food" (102). Further, "we will go to any lengths to keep from offending others" (102) and have a sense of "responsibility to one another that extends to cousins, nephews, nieces, uncles and aunts and to in-laws" (102). Finally, "we know that he [man] fails, often, and we are not disillusioned when he does . . . These beliefs keep us at peace with ourselves. We don't pretend we are something we are not" (103). Jones also points out that Appalachians have a keen sense of place and a strong identity with the land. In speaking of his sense of locale he says "and this place is tied in my mind along with my family and with the people I knew in the growing process" (103). As Eller points out the "essence of community life" was familialism (Eller, 1982:33). This society then was one that stressed a sense of equality, that no one was better than anyone else and that he who was most capable at a given task made the decisions as to what action to take. A sense of social class and lines of authority are foreign to this society. Chance (1966) identified very similar values among the Inupiat. He points out that there as a "strong current of individualism" in the culture which "stressed respect for the thoughts and feelings" of others (73). This individualism was combined with "self-reliance, self-confidence and generosity" (74). Child rearing practices stressed the need for co-operation and that wishes were more likely to be fulfilled if the child was not "lazy" (75). Children soon learned that family members were highly dependent upon each other for many of their comforts and conveniences in daily life .. . Achieving manhood, the adult continued to maintain a strong sense of identification with members of his own kin group and as such, was more likely to subordinate his own personal interests to the welfare of the group . . . it is easy to understand why the "poorest" Eskimo was a person without kin, the individual who had no one to turn to in time of need. (Chance, 1966:75) Like the Appalachian the Inupiat stressed equality and leadership was based more on ability than authority. The leader of a whaling expedition had: no clearly defined authority over others, for his role as leader was determined by his own personal qualities and skills. Except within the family orders and commands were not ex86 �pected from others, and the authoritarian bull met with great resentment (Chance, 1966:74). The Inupiat also have a strong sense of place and resist mobility, a quality frequently seen as problematic by whites (Chance, 1966; Stabler, 1985; Whittington, 1985). Similar disruptions occurred to both the Appalachian and the Inupiat with the development of the non-renewable resource, coal and petroleum. Both moved from a barter economy to a wage economy. Males moved into the wage economy as unskilled labor. During boom times, 1880-1926 in Appalachia and 1970-1986 in Barrow, work was plentiful and wages adequate to good. The development of a diversified economy did not occur however and was not encouraged. No indigenous educated middle class was encouraged and the main employer of educated indigenous people was the public service sector of government (Eller, 1982; Whisnant, 1980; Page, 1986; Stabler, 1985; Whittington, 1985). These economic changes had very similar impact on the culture which is best summarized by Whittington in writing about the Eskimo. He points out that removal from the land and native subsistence patterns in effect mean cultural displacement as well. Native economy is based on a culture which places high value on the oollectivity, stress communal sharing, has no clear sense of private property, and has a reverence for the land. The wage economy implies individualism, competition and inegalitarianism, while the native culture espouses collectivism, consensus, and egalitarianism. Similarly, where the native social structures see authority in terms of a functional division of labor based on ability, the wage economy implies that power and status are determined by income. (Whittington, 1985:68) Eller (1982) points to a very parallel problem in Appalachia and the development of coal. As the mountaineer moves from agriculture to company towns he also looses his sense of identity with the land. As taxes and land prices soared, opportunities for mountaineers to acquire homes near coal mines diminished. "This lack of home ownership sorely disturbed many mountain residents . . . whose family and culture tied him to the region" (Eller, 1982:196). Dependent on company town facilities and paid in scrip that could only be spent in these towns the mountaineer became a tenant in what once was his. Further, the towns created living conditions foreign to mountain culture. Disposal of refuse was a problem, child and spouse abuse increased as did divorce. Illnesses uncommon in the mountains as 87 �well as malnutrition also increased. A generation of children were raised removed from the land yet unable to leave (Eller, 1982:232-234). Differences Despite these parallels there are some significant differences between mountaineers and the Inupiat. The primary difference was in the definition given them by outlanders. Inupiat men who define themselves primarily as hunters and outdoorsmen found that unskilled day labor could be combined with traditional subsistence activities of hunting and whaling Secondly, the extreme conditions of the Arctic made whites dependent on the survival skills of the Inupiat. Inupiat men are seen as hard working and industrious by whites and the men have made efforts to adapt to white ways such as accommodating themselves to white work schedules (Chance, 1966:92). Eller on the other hand points to the mountaineers resistance to the ways of outlanders. The tendency of mountain laborers to take off during certain times of the year to participate in farm activities and traditional customs was especially irritating to the mine operators . . . Absenteeism, however, was only one way that the mountaineers rejected the industrial norms of the mine managers. By ignoring work schedules, mining routines, and other innovations which worked at cross-purposes with their traditional way of life, they sought to maintain their individualism and freedom from authority. (Eller, 1982:167) Coal barons felt that mountain men might make good hunters and guides but were useless as a reliable labor force. Immigrant labor was preferred and blacks and mountaineers were seen as shiftless and unreliable. Inupiat men had made some essential and inevitable compromises in order to adapt to the white system. As Chance points out the Inupiat are quite pragmatic and accept or reject an idea or technology based on their view of its usefulness. Mountain men were more resistant to these compromises. The Present Situation Currently among the Inupiat there has been a decline in the high wage but unskilled jobs in construction traditionally held by Inupiat men. As capital improvement projects decline and a cutback to maintenance jobs occurs, there are fewer jobs available and at lower wages. Those jobs 88 �that are available tend to be in the service sector of the government. These jobs are indoor jobs, require advanced levels of education, and are work that women have traditionally held in white culture (Worl and Smythe, 1986). These jobs are seen by the men as incompatible with their hunting schedule (Kruse, 1986) and incompatible with their definition of themselves as hunters (Interviews, 1987). Women are now the main wage earners with 60 percent employed fulltime, year round in white collar jobs (Worl and Smythe, 1986). Women have moved into these positions because their work in offices is compatible with traditional subsistence activities such as skin sewing and such activities have been abandoned to some extent by the women (Worl and Smythe, 1986; Kruse, 1986). These traditional activities conferred less status on the women than did hunting on the men and was less central to their identity. More women have become well educated and have been encouraged by whites to take these service occupations that are traditionally female. The Inupiat women of Barrow see themselves as bicultural, use the term, and believe that biculturalism is the hope for the future. They admit that the men are less enamoured of biculturalism and link the men's lack of enthusiasm to their identity as hunters. Professional Inupiat women plan to encourage Inupiat children to go to university and return to Barrow systematically replacing whites in the schools, in the scientific installations and in the professions. (Interviews, 1987). To that end the North Slope Borough was incorporated and Inupiat language and culture are encouraged in the schools. However, very serious efforts are being made to get Barrow children into the University of Alaska and keep them there. Currently, nearly 50 percent of all Barrow High School Graduates enter university. This biculturalism and the role of women in its latest development has created some problems. Men are still the primary political leaders but still define themselves as hunters. They resist this new biculturalism and see many of the activities of the women as unimportant and/or undercutting their authority. There have been problems of family breakdown, alcohol and drug abuse, and spouse abuse. The women through the mother's club established the Arctic Women in Crisis which is staffed half and half by white and Inupiat women. The white staff fully intends to turn the project over to the Inupiat women (Interviews, 1987). However, these facilities and the staff positions as well as positions in the government service sector are dependent on huge government expenditures. As petroleum profits decline and reserves are used up, as capital improvement declines, less revenue will be generated. If the men, the government leaders, decrease funding in these areas because they see them as "white" activities that are irrelevant to Inupiat culture, the role of the women will deteriorate and biculturalism will deteriorate. In interviews in a small southwestern Virginia community (Interviews, 1986) it was clear that men 89 �in the community had not only experienced a long period of unemployment but were also demoralized. The community had a high illiteracy rate and there was low motivation for men to seek employment. Many of these men defined themselves primarily as outdoors men and hunters and saw little value in acquiring skills or education for jobs that did not exist (Shifflett, 1977; Carawen and Carawen, 1982). The women in the community had worked in the local sewing factory and when that burnt down worked with the local development commission to develop both jobs and education. The development commission itself, an incorporated non-profit corporation, had been developed by the local women's club to deal with local community needs. Although the goal of the commission was not to help women, in fact it was women who took advantage of and benefited most from the commissions projects. It was primarilv women who enrolled in the GED and AA programs, obtained degrees, and worked with the commission to develop jobs. Women then were the most likely to be bicultural, to acquire the skills and knowledge that make them competitive in the labor force. Men, on the other hand, were more likely to act out the stereotypical roles of a "hillbilly or redneck/' Men were referred to as "real go getters" which meant they were willing to give up time from their outdoor activities to "go get her [the wife] from work." They tended to be less interested in the educational programs and were less involved in the development commission. Local male political leaders had in fact actively worked against the commission (Interviews, 1986). This community also had experienced some serious dislocations. Family breakdown was common as well as alcoholism and spouse abuse. Further, the development commission had not been able to generate jobs for the women commensurate with their education nor had economic diversity occurred. The main goal of the commission to establish a community owned sewing factory would generate over 100 jobs but these jobs did not require higher levels of education. Unlike the Inupiat these mountain women have not found a ready market for their education and skills. If these women are to find employment commensurate with their education, if they are to continue to develop, they will have to outmigrate. In effect, they will cease to be bicultural, giving up their commitment to family and the land. Summary and Conclusion There are some clear parallels between mountain society and Inupiat society with regard to values, patterns of development and the impact of development on those values. Both societies have utilized biculturalism to deal with those changes. In both societies it was the men who were initially bicultural. However, Inupiat men were not negatively stereotyped by white culture while mountain men were. 90 �Inupiat men could more easily combine their traditional activities with wage labor than could mountain men. For Inupiats biculturalism was functional while it was not for mountain men. However, for both societies as job opportunities declined and/or shifted, men's motivation to be bicultural also shifted. Inupiat men have decreased their investment in white culture while mountain men have acted out dominant culture's stereotypes. Women in both societies are currently more likely to benefit from biculturalism. However, for both groups the conditions that support this biculturalism is fragile. Among the Inupiat it depends upon continued government funded white collar and professional jobs. Among mountain women it depends on the development of jobs commensurate advanced education. The future does not look good. Feelings in Alaska are that as oil revenues decline, the Inupiat villages will disappear. Mostly likely these women will migrate then to urban areas in southern Alaska where it will be impossible to maintain traditional Inupiat culture of co-operation, sharing, selfreliance and family solidarity linked to the land as noted by Whittington. The same is true for mountain women unless job opportunities expand which does not seem likely (Caudill, 1986). These women will migrate to urban areas outside the region and their mountain ways, so similar to the Inupiat, will also disappear. Biculturalism may be a transition adaptive strategy. As development based on non-renewable resources and a single industry economy fluctuates, so does the need for biculturalism. In the final analysis it appears that the indigenous culture is absorbed by dominant culture. Bibliography Carawen, Guy and Candle Carawen. 1982. Voices from the Mountains. University of Illinois Press. Caudill, Harry. 1986. Comments, conference entitled Appalachia: The Land and The Economy The University of Kentucky, Lexington. Chance, Norman A. 1966. The Eskimo of North Alaska. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Eller, Ron. 1982. Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers. The University of Tennessee Press. Jones, Loyal. 197 . "Appalachian Values/7 In Ergoode and Kurhe, Kendall/Hunt. Kruse, John A. 1986. "Subsistence and the North Slope Inupiat: The Effects of Energy Development/' in Steve J. Langdon (ed.) Contemporary Alaskan Native Economies. University Press of America. Lewis, Helen M., Sue Easterling Kobak, and Linda Johnson. 1972. "Family, Religion, and Colonialism in Central Appalachia or Bury my Rifle at Big Stone Gap," in Colonialism in 91 �Modern America: The Appalachian Case, Lewis, Johnson, and Askins (eds.), Appalachian Consortium Press. Memmi, Albert. 1965. Colonizer and Colonized. Grossman. Page, Robert. 1986. Northern Development. McClelland and Stewart. Shifflett, Peggy. 1977. Women in Appalachia. Unpublished Masters Thesis. Stabler, Jack C. 1985. "Development Planning North of 60: Requirements and Prospects/7 in Michael S. Whittington The North. University of Toronto Press. Whittington, Michael. 1985. "Political and Constitutional Development in the N.W.T. and Yukon: The Issues and Interests," in Michael Whittington (ed.) The North. University of Toronto Press. Whisnant, David E. 1980. Modernizing the Mountaineer. Appalachian Consortium Press. Worl, Rosita and Charles W. Smythe. 1986. Barrow: A Decade of Modernization. U.S. Department of the Interior, Technical Report 125. 92 �Appalachian Culture As Reaction To Uneven Development A World Systems Approach to Regionalism Roberta McKenzie Introduction The region called Appalachia in the United States has been defined over the last half century as a culture apart from mainstream America (Billings, Blee, Swanson, 1986). Such perceptions of Appalachia as different from the rest of society has fostered not only volumes of research on the nature and causes of this difference, but a reactionary literature to the negative implications of many analyses. Since the advent of a coal-boom inspired infrastructure in World War II, the historically isolated mountain region has been percieved, in the extreme, as harboring descendants of criminals who were responsible for their own "backwardness" and poverty (Raitz and Ulack, 1984:336). A softer, and in some ways more exploitive, image of Applachians is that they were simply behind and needed to "catch up" to the modern world. Two important themes, one pervasive during the 1970s, and a second one which has been developing recently, are intellectual responses to the explanations of Appalachians as possessing a culture that is out-of-step with the rest of society: 1) The application of the internal colonialism model to the situation of Appalachians, and 2) the question of an emerging Appalachian ethnic identity. In general, the internal colonial model has been applied to explain the conditions of Appalachian development as due to uneven capitalist relations between the region and the rest of the country (Walls). The question of "Appalachianness" is explored here as a reaction to these uneven relations and to the definition given to Appalachians by outsiders. The World System and Social Order World Systems theories are anchored in the premise that the components of the world, i.e., nation-states, governments, groups and individuals, are integrated politically and economically within a system. Whether 93 �this notion arises from a perspective which equates internal dynamics with the capitalist mode of production (such as Wallerstein, Feinberg, Frank) or from a view that there are diversified systems in ideological as well as economic conflict (Krasner, etc.), the basic contention is that the peoples of the world interact on an institutional level and that these relationships are often uneven. Imperialism and colonialism are concepts which delineate the exploitative nature of these relationships. Smith (1981:5) defines imperialism " . . . as the effective domination by a relatively strong state over a weaker people whom it does not control as it does its home population, or as the effort to secure such domination/' Colonialism is the forced entry into and domination of a region by outsiders and is characterized by cultural and social restructuring and by "racism" (Lewis, 1978:16). In most analyses of such relationships investigators deal with the colonization of a nation or region by a foreign culture (Hechter, 1975:30). The internal colonial model is used to analyze a "peripheral" or underdeveloped area within the national boundaries of a "core or highly-industrialized area (Hechter, 1976; Lewis, 1978; Walls, 1976). This model was particularly important in Appalachian studies during the 1970's. In an external colonial situation, less advantaged groups may adopt an ideology in opposition to racist perceptions of their dominators in order to claim economic and political rights. Nationalism since the nineteenth century was forced reaction to the spread of capitalist relations (Nairn, 1977:27). The movement for Scottish separatism within the British Isles, Nairn (1977:126-128) argues, was a "neo-nationalistic" response to "relative deprivation." "Neo-nationalism arises at a different much later point in the same general process [of capital expansion] . . . at a far more advanced stage of general development" (Nairn, 1977:128). Likewise, Beers (1979:202) examines ethnic activism in France in the dual framework of internal colonialism and relative deprivation. "While internal colonialism explains the preservation of ethnic regions, rapid economic development and its attendant rising expectations explains the extra-electoral ethnic protests of the present time" (Beers, 1979:217). Hechter (1975) takes a similar view, using the internal colonial model to define nationalism as ethnic reactions to domination from the core. The question to be asked is whether or not there can be detected such a tendency among the people of the Appalachian region and what it indicates about institutional relationships. Specifically, is identification with a group a cultural manifestation of the political and economic conditions of a capitalist world economy? Internal Colonialism As stated before, colonialism and imperialism are related and sometimes interactive processes. Melizia (1973:130) claims imperalism is not just a capitalist phenomona: "Broadly speaking, imperalism refers to a 94 �complex set of unequal relationships—economic, political and cultural, where the strong take advantage of the weak/' He (Melizia, 1973:132-134) delineates three types of economic imperalism: 1) Unequal real wage distribution between metropolitan and non-metropolitan regions; 2) Unequal amounts of profits on same production processes across regions; and 3) unequal market relations. British expansion in the nineteenth century was still characterized primarily by imperialism that was both a consequence and a motive of British economic policy (Smith, 1981:35). The political dimension of imperialism developed due to competition among Western powers that forced projections into other regions (Smith, 1981). Thus imperialism predicated on capitalism may be seen as an antecedent or previous state of colonialism. "Imperalism was particularly apt to become colonialism in those areas where the native political organization was unable for local reasons to exercise its authority effectively" (Smith, 1981:85). While overt imperialist expansion and colonialism are no longer part of European and American international policy, the legacies of the processes are still very much a part of the economic world order and colonial relations persist (Smith, 1981). One of the manifestations of these relations is the racial basis of differentiation among groups. This carries over from the colonial justification for dominating and administering to an "inferior" populace. Thus colonialist relations are not only characterized economically and politically, but ideologically. "Colonialism, racialism and racialist ideology are the products and component parts of the capitalist system" (Klaus, 1980:454). "One of the defining characteristics of the colonial situation is that it must involve the interaction of at least two cultures—that of the conquering metropolitan elite and of the indigenes" (Hechter, 1975:73). Indigenous culture is denigrated and results in the native's will being undermined to resist the colonial regime (Hechter, 1975:73). Ultimately this translates into the "culture of poverty" perspective that the indigenous culture is responsible for its own backwardness. Regarding Appalachia: "Generally, such explanations tend to identify subcultural traits (or behavior) and compare these against some 'norm' usually the larger American culture" (Raitz and Ulack, 1982:341). Thus, the denigration and appropriation of culture is indicative of such an exploitative situation as the appropriation of resources. Lewis (1978:16) borrows Blauner's rather straightforward distinction between classical colonialism and internal colonalism. In the former, the colonizers move in; in the latter, the colonized are brought into the situation as well. Otherwise, relationships between the dominant group and the subordinate group differ little between the two situations. Internal colonialism occurs in the uneven development of state territory settled by different groups (Hechter, 1975:9). "As a consequence of this initial fortui95 �tous advantage, there is crystalization of the unequal distribution of resources and power between the two groups" (Hechter, 1975:9). This results in a diversified industrial core and a complimentary dependent periphery (Hechter, 1975:9). Emergent Ethnicity Hechter (1975:28) applies the internal colonialism model to the relationship between the Celtic regions of the British Isles to England as a way to explain the "survival of traditionalism within a sea of modernity/7 "From the seventeenth century on, English military and political control in the peripheral regions was buttressed by a racist ideology which held that Norman Anglo-Saxon culture was inherently superior to Celtic culture" (Hechter, 1975:342). When one group is denied access to high prestige roles which the superordinate group reserves for its members this "contributes to the development of distinctive ethnic identification in the two groups" (Hechter, 1975:9). Further, . . . "to the extent that social stratification in the periphery is based on observable cultural differences, there exists the probability that the disadvantaged groups will, in time, reactively assert its own culture as equal or superior to that of the relatively advantaged core" (Hechter, 1975:10). The specific form of a culture is incidental to the function culture performs in maintaining social order (Hechter, 1975:35). In this way, an ethnic group is defined by cultural traits (Hechter, 1975:35). This definition is inadequate to explain social change and the maintenance of cultural differences between groups in close, continued contact (Hechter, 1975:35). For Hechter (1975:37), cultural distinctions can be deliberate and purposeful: "It is clear that culture maintenance in the periphery can be regarded as a weapon in that it provides the possibility of socialization, as well as political mobilization, contrary to state ends." Ethnic solidarity is an instance of political mobilization that can result when individuals see inequality as a pattern of collective oppression (Hechter, 1975:41-42). Another way to view ethnicity which may be concommitant to Hechter's (1975) perspective is to see it as a psychological "anchor" for personal identity in a changing world (Obermiller, 1977), an in-gathering of human resources for group economic and political participation (Isaacs, 1975: Glazer, 1983; Eisinger, 1978), or as developing from both processes. Ethnicity becomes more of a rational "option" (Eisinger, 1978). "Rather than viewing it as a primitive holdover, the optionalists conceive of ethnicity primarily as a strategic possibility peculiarly suited to the requirements of political and social mobilization in the modern large-scale state" (Eisinger, 1978:90). However, this may be taken further: " . . . as more groups choose the option of exploiting ethnicity for political mobilization—as American blacks have done most recently—other groups feel compelled to use eth96 �nicity as a defensive response" (Eisinger, 1978:93). It is necessary for survival. To put this into a simpler framework, the emergence or salience of ethnicity may be seen as based on interactions between distinct groups within facilitating circumstances: " . . . ethnic distinctions do not depend on an absence of social interaction and action, but are quite to the contrary often the very foundations on which embracing social systems are built" (Barth, 1969:10). In this way, ethnicity is more of an instance of active participation distinctly different from anthropological definitions which are based primarily on cultural and geographic distinctions. However, this fact—anthropological definition, that is—may be a part of the process. In other words, pushing a group into a particular definition may spark a reactionary self-definition. Appalachian Underdevelopment The cultural definitions of Appalachia are generally limited to the coal-rich Central Plateau in parts of West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and North Carolina even though the mountains range from upper New York to central Alabama. "Appalachia was not recognized as a distinct sociocultural region until the latter part of the nineteenth century" (Raitz and Ulack, 1984:18). It was delineated first by the "local color movement," then cultural regionalizations and governmental regionalizations (Raitz and Ulack, 1984:26). Even sociologists and anthropologists perpetuated an image of a traditional, isolated society that ran counter to mainstream America. Pearsall (1959:127) described the folk culture of Appalachia based on fieldwork done in 1949-50: "Through continued isolation, the world of the Southern frontier became a folk world of small isolated, homogenous societies with a simpler and almost self-sufficient economy. In such societies there can be little occupational specialization or differentiation of roles beyond those of male and female, adult and child." However, even then, Pearsall (1959:137) noted the tendencies for missionaries and social workers from the outside "to lump the entire mountain population together, seeing 'quaint' folk traits but also seeing 'appalling' characteristics of a rural lower class." What seemed to be happening was both a process of definition of Appalachians and explanation of their society that was centered in the region and concentrated on Appalachian resistance to outside influence. 97 �In the 1970's, along came an upsurge in studies on the Third World that charged that the age of colonialism is still affecting the political processes and social organizations of Third World countries. This view was "borrowed" to some extent and applied to the Appalachian region as "victim" of uneven capitalist relations to counter the culture of poverty definitions. Whereas the prevailing view in the mid-century was of a traditionalist subcultural "remnant," political and economic interpretations of Appalachia began to replace these views in the 1970's (Billings, Blee and Swanson, 1986:154). "The internal colonialism model has emerged from a background of the history and theories of colonialism and imperialism, and is most directly related to the theories of neocolonialism and dependency that have been developed in the post-World War II period" (Walls, 1978:234). The model is attractive because of its powerful analysis of the destruction of indigenous culture by the dominators (Walls, 1976:238). Caudill (1965), Walls (1976:237) claims, while not naming it outright, was using it when he outlined the relationship between the coal boom and the discovery of Appalachia: "When the construction gangs laid down their tools . . . the vast, backward Cumberland Plateau was tied inseparably to the colossal industrial complex centering in Pittsburgh, and a dynamic new phase in the region's history had begun" (Caudill 1965:93). In a similar fashion, but with a different tone, Eller's (1982:xviii) later analysis of Appalachian history discussed the penetration of the industrial North and the disparaging attitudes toward Appalachians as a tendency in core/peripheral relationships: "Blaming the victim, of course, is not a uniquely American phenomenon. Rather, it is a misreading that takes international form. French intellectuals talk about the Alps and Spanish intellectuals talk about the Pyrenees in much the same simple if condenscending way as urban Americans talk about Appalachia. Ironically, it was during the same years that the static image was emerging as the dominant literary view that a revolution was shaking the very foundations of the mountain social order." The nature of the "invasion" of the Appalachian region was a negative one, bringing " . . . bitter civil war followed by vicious exploitation of timber and mineral resources" (Pearsall: 1959:61). Pearsall (1959:58) noted the encounter with the outside left Appalachians not only negatively defined but in a negative economic position. Along with the coming of railroads, towns and expanding industrialization, " . . . there emerged in Appalachia a constructed political system based upon an economic heirarchy" (Eller, 1982:xxi). Those in economic 98 �and political power exploited the region's natural wealth (Eller, 1982:xxi). Behind this transition in political culture lay the integration of the region into the national economy and the subordination of local interests to those of outside corporations (Eller, 1982:xxi). To get down to a specific instance of outside exploitation and the application of the internal colonial model, Gaventa (1980) analyzed a small coal town in Central Appalachia. He (Gaventa, 1980:52-53) described the appropriation of resources as " . . . the industrial colonization of ... valleys of the Cumberland Gap region ..." which was undertaken by the American Association, Ltd.—an English company incorporated in 1887. Further, Gaventa (1980) contended the valley's apparent disinterest in contesting their unequal treatment was due to past experience, a phenomena not unique to America. "As much of the under-developed area is owned and dominated by a British-based corporation, an understanding of the situation involves examining the contemporary role of the multinational in the affairs of a local community, as well as the means through which protest may emerge against landholders who are corporate and absentee" (Gaventa, 1980:viii-ix.) The mechanisms by which the multinational, American Association, Ltd., maintained its hold on the community was three-dimensional (Gaventa, 1980:13). The first dimension of power is a straightforward conflict with emphasis on who prevails in decision-making: the second dimension is a "mobilization of bias," the institutionalization of systematic rules in favor of certain groups (Gaventa, 1980:13-14). The third, or "hidden" dimension of power is descriptive of colonial relationships: "Their [mechanisms of power] identification, one suspects, involves specifying the means through which power influences, shapes, or determines conceptions of the necessities, possibilities and strategies of challenge in situations of latent conflict. This may include the study of social myths, language and symbols, and how they are shaped or manipulated in power processes" (Gaventa, 1980:15). This is tied, then to the the ideological aspect and leads to the appropriation of culture, a process which ranges from new place names in an area that reflect outside influence to the control of socializing agencies such as churches and schools (Gaventa, 1980:62). The evidence of a colonial relationship between Appalachia and the rest of the United States "cannot be disputed" according to Lewis (1978:24). Uninvited coal interests controlled the region from outside and impacted the cultural patterns (Lewis:24). Especially supportive is ."..the fact that racism exists to perpetuate this pattern ..." (Lewis, 1978:24). Additionally, Lewis (1978:17) claims the domination of the region is based 99 �on technological superiority and the "broad-form" deed. These deeds were instituted during the early industrialization of Appalachia and ceded to coal operators all minerals and rights to remove them any way necessary (Lewis, 1978:17018). Much of the evidence of colonialism is centered around the broad-form deed (Raitz and Ulack, 1984:344-345), the legality of which is still being contested. Melizia (1973:130) claims a scientific application of the imperialism concept in examining statistics in a non-metropolitan region of Central Appalachia. Despite a lack of statistical support for unequal wage, values of capital and trade between core and perhipheral areas, he (Melizia, 1973:132-136) switches to a logical argument: "The region appears to continually suffer from a net drain of economic surplus to other areas without making gains in relative income or productivity growth." However, Walls (1976:232), while contending that Central Appalachia "is a peripheral region within an advanced capitalist society," claims internal colonialism must be carefully defined to be more than a "catchword" (Walls, 1976:235) and that Lewis' application is "strained" (Walls, 1976:237). The establishment and maintenance of dominance over others is a pervasive process in America extending to all ethnic and working-class cultures in advanced capitalist societies (Walls, 1986:239). Walls (1976:234235) says, internal colonialism is popularly useful to counter exploitative situations or to justify what he calls "regional or ethnic chauvinism." "The model suggests the need for an anticolonial movement and a radical structuring of society, with a redistribution of resources to the poor and the powerless." (Raitz and Ulack, 1984:343). Thus, the internal colonial model not only raises the question of ethnic reactions but might be viewed as founded on an agitation for an Appalachian "identity movement." Billings, Blee and Swanson (1986:155) argue that ethnographic accounts of Appalachia that concentrated on traditionalism looked at communities outside the industrialized regions of coal extraction. "What Pearsail [1959], Stephenson [1968] and to a lesser extent, Brown [1950], frequently saw as antiquated behavior were traces of a social logic and a set of values distinct from those of more advanced capitalist societies but nonetheless shaped by economic rationality" (Billings, Blee and Swanson, 1986:156). Whereas Billings, Blee and Swanson (1986:157) see the colonial model as somewhat reactionary to these accounts, what would be more appropriate, they (Billings, Blee and Swanson, 1986:168) conclude, is a " 'second oppositional challenge'" to Appalachian exceptionalism: "that is an historically-based understanding of unique cultural trends and power relationships. 100 �Appalachian ethnicity? If the internal colonialism model is a valid perspective on Appalachian underdevelopment and accepted as the basis for ethnic momentum, then two more questions must be asked: First, what are the specific economic and political links to colonialism? Some of this has been explored in defining relationships between the dominant and subordinate groups. A second question, to be explored briefly, is who among the Appalachian populace will define themselves as uniquely Appalachian? In many of the studies of colonialism, boundaries set up by conquerors that gave no attention to existing social allegiances and the unequal treatment of and partitioning of resources to the existing groups were faciliting circumstances for ethnic allegiances. A similar process occurs in internal colonialism, however, it may work to dispel ethnic tendencies among certain segments of the indigenous population. Groups in the urban areas within a peripheral region, those who are quicker to adopt "modernization/7 are viewed differently from the most rural populace. Hechter (1975:122) explores this in Great Britain: " . . . the docility of late eighteenth-century Wales and Scotland was achieved by the co-optation of regional elites, rather than the direct intervention of the state." Likewise, Gaventa (1980), found middle-class elites less resistant to changes in the social order. An essay by Lewis (1967:7) that predates the development of her internal colonial model charged: "The coming of coal-mining did not open up the mountains. It facilitated three subcultures." One of these subcultures, located in the mountain settlements, was traditionally-minded and presented a solid front to outsiders. This was necessary, she maintains, for security and adjustment in the face of change. She predicted then an eventual breakdown in segregation with full integration of the mountaineer into main stream capitalist culture. "Instead of reticent and retiring, he will become blase, gregarious and sophisticated" (Lewis, 1967:16). For Obermiller (1977:148,345) . . ."the key issue in urban Appalachian studies is ethnicity . . . Many Appalachians in the cities and mountains need the opportunities afforded by ethnic recognition." What Billings and Walls (1980:137-138) conclude is that ethnic politicalization and reactions to prejudice are salient to urban Appalachian migrants. "Hillbilly stereotypes cause some migrants to disavow their Appalachian origins, but they also function to pull the group together" (Billings and Walls, 1980:127). There exists in Cincinnati, Ohio, an Urban Appalachian Council and an Appalachian Identity Center (Billings and Walls, 1980:127). Returning migrant professionals may also be more ethnically "aware" such as scholars and professors involved in Appalachian Studies in many universities and colleges in the region. On the other hand, Billings and Walls (1980:178) say "Appalachia" is not as an important symbol of 101 �identity as are other affiliations. Further, these authors call for a reassessment of Appalachia that synthesizes the traditional subculture view and outside domination (Raitz and Ulack, 1984:346). This could take the form of assessing the difference between "hanging on" to culture and being culturally defined. Finally, one last point is raised that ties culture to capitalism in a most direct manner. When Stephenson (1984) returned in the 1980's to Shiloh (1968) where he had studied the extension of modernity in mountain culture, he found what he called "culture-brokering." The elites of Shiloh were "commodifying" the place (Stephenson, 1984) by selling it as a traditional community offering escape from the alienated metropolis (Stephenson, 1984). References Cited Barth, Fredrik 1969 Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Little Brown and Company: Boston. Beers, William R. 1979 "Internal colonialism and rising expectations: Ethnic activism in contemporary France/' Ethnic autonomy—Comparative Dynamics: The Americas, Europe, and the Developing World. Raymond L. Hall (ed.). Pergamon Press: New York. pp. 201-233. Billings, Dwight, Kathleen Blee and Louis Swanson 1986 "Culture, family, and community in pre-industrial Appalachia/' Appalachian Journal, Winter. Billings, Dwight, and David Walls 1980 "Appalachians/7 Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups. Stephan Thernstrom (ed.). Harvard University Press: Cambridge, pp. 125-128. Brown, James Stephen 1950 "The social organization of an isolated Kentucky mountain neighborhood/' Dissertation. Harvard University. Department of Social Relations. Caudill, Harry M. 1963 Night Comes to the Cumberlands. (Little, Brown and Company: Boston and Toronto. Eisinger, Peter K. 1978 "Ethnicity as a strategic option: An emerging view." Public Administration Review, 38:89-93. Eller, Ronald D. 1982 Miners, Millhands and Mountaineers: Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 18801930. Gaventa, John 1980 Power and Powerlessness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley. University of Illinois: Urbana. 102 �Glazer, Nathan 1983 Ethnic Dilemmas: 1964-1982. Harvard University Press: Cambridge. Hall, Raymond L. 1979 "Introduction/' in Ethnic Autonomy—Comparative Dynamics: The Americas, Europe and the Developing World. Raymond L. Hall (ed.). Pergamon Press: New York, pp. xvii-xxxii. Hechter, Michael 1975 Internal Colonialism. The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966. Berkeley: University of California Press. Isaacs, Harold 1975 The Idols of the Tribe: Group Identity. Harper and Row: New York. Klaus, Ernst 1980 "Racialism, racist ideology and colonalism, past and present. Sociological Theories: Race and Colonialism. UNESCO, pp. 453-475. Lewis, Helen Matthews, Linda Johnson and David Askins (eds.) 1978 Colonialism in Modern America. The Appalachian Consortium Press: Boone, North Carolina. Malizia, Emil 1973 "Economic imperialism: An interpretation of Appalachian underdevelopment." Appalachian Journal, l:2(spring) Nairn, Tom 1977 The Breakup of Britain: Crisis and Neonationalism. Humanities Press: London. Pearsall, Marion 1959 Little Smoky Ridge. The Natural History of a Southern Appalachian Neighborhood. University of Alabama Press. Obermiller, Phillip 1977 "Appalachians as an urban, ethnic group: Romanticism, renaissance or revolution?" Appalachian Journal, 5(1):150-160. Raitz, Karl B., and Richard Ulack 1984 Appalachia: A Regional Geography: Land, People and Development. Westview Press: Boulder. Smith, Tony 1981 The Pattern of Imperialism: The United States, Great Britain, and the Late-industrializing World Since 1815. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge. Stephenson, John B. 1984 "Escape to the periphery: Commodifying place in rural Appalachia." Appalachian Journal, ll(Spring):187-200. 1968 Shiloh: A Mountain Community. University of Kentucky Press: Lexington. 103 �Thompson, Richard H., and Mary Lou Wylie 1984 'The professional-managerial class in Eastern Kentucky: A preliminary interpretation/7 Appalachian Journal, 11(1-2):105-121. Walls, David S. 1978 "Internal colony or internal periphery: A critique of current models and an alternative formulation/7 Colonialism in Modern America. Lewis, Helen Matthews, Linda Johnson and David Askins (eds.). The Appalachian Consortium Press: Boone, North Carolina. 1976 "Central Appalachia: A peripheral region within an advanced capitalist society/7 Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare. 4(2):232-246). 104 �The Influence of the Smoot Tannery on the Economic Development of Wilkes County, N. C. 1897-1940 Barry ^ Elledge Ronald Filer's book, Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers, is considered by many to be a definitive work detailing the industrialization of the Appalachian South. Although mainly focusing on the development of the timber and coal industries, Eller makes brief mention that the abundant tanbark gave rise to a thriving tanning and leather industry in western North Carolina, with nearly 1200 people working in that industry at the height of the industry's activities in 1916. Major tanneries, he notes, had been erected at Morganton, Brevard, Lenior, Asheville, Marion, Hazelwood, Waynesville, Andrews, and Murphy.1 Eller omits the biggest and perhaps the most important tannery of them all: the C. C. Smoot and Sons Tannery at North Wilkesboro. This tannery operated from 1897 until crippled by a flood in 1940, and was frequently cited as the largest of its kind in the South. The Smoot Tannery is considered by local authorities in Wilkes county to be of singular importance in the industrialization of that County.2 As this paper will show, the Smoot tannery made a huge initial contribution to the economic growth in northwestern North Carolina. In 1914 the local newspaper described the tannery as embracing 25 buildings in all, with the largest 42 x 465 feet.3 The tannery maintained its own steam plant, electric power plant, and water works. The tanning industry was slow to mechanize, but evidently the Smoot tannery was state of the art. It was not until about 1880 that tanners began to use machinery, and even then it was primarily confined to steam power for bark crushing and grinding and the generation of electricity. THE PROCESS OF TANNING A brief description ot the tanning process provides a better understanding of the total economic impact of the tannery. The Smoot tannery used the conventional tanning procedures of that time. Tanning a hide required four basic operations: 1) the preliminary washing and soaking to clean the hides; 2) a long soaking in lime water to loosen the hair, followed by scraping the skin to remove the hair and loose flesh; 3) tanning by 105 �soaking the hides in a solution of a tan liquor consisting of water and tannin; and 4) the drying, finishing, and oiling of the hides to a durable and attractive leather. The entire process of tanning normally took several months.4 Unslaked lime was the conventional agent used to open the pores of the hide so the hair could be easily removed. The lime was shipped in by railroad car. The lime vats for soaking hides were made of wood or masonry and about five feet square. After removal from the lime vats, the hides were taken to the beam room, where the worker placed a hide upon a broad wooden beam and scraped both surfaces free of hair and surplus flesh, with the hide being washed several times as necessary. The hides were then taken to "the yard" for immersion into the vats containing the tanning solution. When completely penetrated by the tannin, which could take several weeks, the hides were removed to the "loft," where they were dried, brushed, smoothed by mechanical rollers, oiled, cut into sections and made ready for shipment. During the lifetime of the Smoot tannery, the end product was sole leather intended for the manufacture of shoes. The Smoot tannery tanned only cattle hides, and contrary to some local beliefs, local hides from the area were an unimportant trade for either the tannery or local farmers. The hides, a byproduct from the meat industry, arrived by the boxcar load, previously salted and rolled up at the packers to retard spoilage. The normal source was midwest meat packers, but hides from South America were also commonly used. Typically tanners sought hides where they could find them and where prices were lowest. Unloading the hides was done by hand labor and was a dirty and odious work, as was the immersion and removal of the hides from the lime vats. This work was typically done by the black employees of the tannery, with whites shunning this work, hoping for an assignment further up the tanning process. Many of the jobs involved the handling of bark and wood, since the tannery purchased and stored huge quantities of chestnut wood and chestnut oak bark. The chestnut wood and bark were ground and crushed by a large steam-powered grinder called "the hog." It made a fearsome racket during operation that reportedly could be heard all over town. The tannic acid was then leached from the crushed material in the extract plant, a freestanding building. Later, as the local tanbark supply dwindled, some wood and bark rich in tannin were imported, such as kuebracho from Argentina, cutch from the Philippines and Borneo, myrabalams from Ceylon, and wattle bark from South Africa.5 106 �THE FLOODS The tannery demand for tanbark and chestnut wood resulted in local residents cutting and selling large quantities of these materials. In addition, the railroad provided access to markets for the region's vast timber resources. The denuding of much of the timbered landscape, plus the logging trails, accelerated the runoff following rains and contributed to two major floods. The first major flood came in June 1916. The tannery lay in the floodplain very near the Yadkin river and was heavily damaged by the flood waters. The second major flood came in August 1940. The flood waters crested six feet higher than in 1916. Damage from flood waters was again extensive; however, damage to the tannery was also heavy from a fire caused by the chemical combustive reaction of the flood water penetrating a rail car of unslaked lime. The tannery elected not to repair the damage to the facility and sold the property to local interests for alternative uses. Apart from the fire and flood damage, the future of the tannery was in doubt before the 1940 flood. The supplies of chestnut wood and tanbark were nearly exhausted by this time. The chestnut blight had spread throughout the Appalachian forest in the twenties and thirties, killing nearly all the chestnut trees. The dead trees could still be sold for tan wood, but were mostly gone by 1940. The extract plant managed to continue operations until 1945, then it too closed for good. THE ECONOMIC IMPACT The tannery presence had the obvious direct effect of providing many jobs through direct employment and a considerable injection of cash income through the payroll; there was also much indirect employment spread over a wide area for those who cut and sold tanbark. A total assessment of the tannery influence must also include its contribution to the local tax base, to local population growth, to purchases from the local economy, to pollution and environmental problems, and to the business and social climate in the community. And, like any enterprise, there was a beneficial multiplier effect from the money injected by the tannery into the community as portions of that money were spent and respent again in the normal spending patterns of a money-based exchange economy. Since the tannery changed ownership in 1925 and later closed for good in 1940, most company records have long been lost or are in private hands and unavailable for study. It is therefore impossible to provide precise data on the financial impact of the tannery. The following account, however, was given in the local newspaper shortly before the 1940 flood abruptly halted operations.6 107 �"Employees numbered 155 men, the payroll was $150,000 per year, over $12,000 was paid yearly for city, county, and state taxes. These and other local expenses total over $325,000 which is largely spent in the local community. The capacity of the tannery was listed as 600 finished hides per day, or 24,500 pounds per day. Normally one rail car of leather was shipped each day. The extract plant had a capacity of producing 45,000 pounds of 25 percent tannin extract daily. The extract not used locally is shipped in tank cars to other tanneries. Five tank cars were available for this purpose. The tannery purchased three million cubic feet of chestnut wood, 4,500 tons of chestnut oak bark, and 500 tons of hemlock bark yearly. The chestnut wood purchases were valued at $90,000, the tanbark at $55,000." It is commonly accepted by local residents that the tannery was the economic backbone of Wilkes county during its operation. The facts support this notion only during the initial years of the tannery, but not during its latter years; other industries developed rapidly after 1900 and, collectively at least, exerted a stronger economic presence than the tannery. Furniture manufacturing became strong, e.g. the Forest Furniture in 1901, the Oak Furniture and Turner-White Casket in 1903, Home Chair in 1919, and the American Furniture in 1927, and rapidly added to the industrialization and payrolls of the area. The Wilkes Hosiery Mill, established in 1918, became a major employer and the first industry to offer employment for women. The Carolina Mirror Company, established in 1936, offered the highest industrial wages in the area at the time and became a major competitor for the local labor force. Concomitantly, the service industry, including banking and finance, insurance, transportation, and communications developed during this interval. By the time the tannery closed in 1940, the economy had grown and diversified to such an extent that the closing did not have a devastating impact on the economy. And as the economy continued to grow, especially after World War II, the loss of the tannery jobs was quickly recovered through the expansion of other enterprises. Clearly the tannery made a rather dramatic initial impact, but one that waned over time, certainly in the relative sense if not absolutely. The exact impact is examined in some more detail, although the paucity of records hampers the effort. Direct Employment. Direct employment by the tannery is easiest to account for; but even this is a matter of dispute. Judge Hayes, as cited in the Land of Wilkes, claims employment was " . . . up to 200 men," a figure not corroborated elsewhere. The last newspaper account of the tannery cited employment of 155; earlier accounts vary from 125 to 150. This range is corroborated by those who worked at the tannery or are knowledgeable of it. 108 �Direct employment evidently was relatively steady over the life of the tannery, even suffering little from the depression of the thirties. Census data for 1900 gives 377 as the "average number of wage earners" in Wilkes County; the tannery probably accounted for one third of these jobs. In 1940, the census gives 12,081 as "employment" in Wilkes; tannery employment of 155 would account for less than two percent of this. Interestingly enough, there is no record of labor strife during the lifetime of the tannery; historically the local labor force has shown an indifference if not hostility toward organized labor and few outsiders that might have been sympathetic to labor unions were brought in for employment. Indirect Employment. There are no extant data on indirect employment, and such information was probably never collected; yet indirect employment of those cutting and selling chestnut wood and tanbark probably equalled or exceeded direct employment. Tanning required huge quantities of chestnut wood and tanbark for the tannic acid, and the tannery depended on local and regional people to cut and supply these materials. For every man employed at the tannery, probably three or more were at work harvesting tanbark from time to time as a supplemental activity. It is through the indirect employment that the tannery may have made its greatest impact on the region, where the boundaries of the affected region extended beyond the county boundaries, for there were at least two bark buying stations removed from the tannery—one along the railroad line in Thurman and another in Mt. Airy, a distance by rail of approximately 40 and 60 miles, respectively. Cash was paid on delivery. A good guess is that hundreds of men at one time or another were involved in cutting and hauling tanbark. An early publication of the Yellow Jacket Press in 1906 reported that sometimes as many as 300 wagons a day would be lined up at the tannery to sell tanbark.7 This picturesque view of the tannery's early impact is still fondly recalled by some of the county,s elder residents. The importance of the tanbark market is also illustrated by the newspaper account in 1940, cited earlier. The purchases of chestnut wood and tanbark totaled $145,000, virtually the same as the payroll ($150,000). In previous years, when the supplies of wood and bark were more plentiful, and more men were working the land and forests as a livelihood, the tanbark market was probably even more important. It is worth noting that chestnut wood could be harvested and sold anytime. It was crushed by the tannery and used in its entirety. Harvesting chestnut oak bark was a seasonal activity; the bark could be easily cut and peeled from the tree only in the springtime when the sap was rising. The timing was ideal for many farmers, being a slack time prior to crop planting; moreover a coincidental benefit also occurred, as the bark harvest resulted in more cleared land that could be pressed into cultivation. Income. No company payroll data for the tannery still exists. One former employee interviewed recalled being hired in 1907 at ten cents per 109 �hour, with a standard workday of ten hours. It is not unreasonable to assume that ten cents per hour was the initial wage when the tannery opened in 1897. There is much anecdotal evidence regarding the "dollar per day" as a standard during this time. Another former employee interviewed recalled being hired in 1926 at thirty cents per hour. The last newspaper account of payroll as cited above suggests a wage range probably between 40 to 50 cents per hour. These wage rates appear to be typical for the times and location, and the tannery appears to have adjusted its wage rate upward as necessary to remain competitive as diversification in the economy asserted more competition for the labor force. Although the wage rates were low by national norms and slightly below state averages, they were accepted without serious complaint by men who were initially grateful for any kind of steady cash job. Employees were mostly hired from the local labor force; the opportunity cost for most of these men was the income or product they could produce from working their small subsistence farms. Large families were still common, and some industrial workers were able to continue life on the small farms much as before while generating a dependable cash income by holding a job at "public works." The tannery paid its employees every two weeks. If initial employment of 125 is assumed with a 50 hour week and ten cents per hour, the payroll would be $1450 every two weeks and about $38,000 for the year. This amount was probably matched, and exceeded by, the purchases of chestnut wood and tanbark. Undoubtedly in the early days this represented the largest single infusion of steady cash into the community. As this income was spent and respent in the multiplier chain, it encouraged the fledgling markets previously hampered by a lack of currency for spending and built these and new markets into a modern exchange economy. Data from the Census of Manufacturers in 1900 lists the total payroll in Wilkes County as $80,384; the tannery would have accounted for approximately half of this. In 1940, the census data show a total payroll of $1,431,241; the tannery payroll of $150,000 represents less than eleven percent of the total. Population. The tannery had a slight, but in no way major, impact on population growth. Most of the employees were hired from the local labor force; a few, including some blacks, came from surrounding areas. There are some reports, not completely corroborated, of a nearby house operated by the tannery for its transient laborers. There is no evidence at all of a major immigration of non-locals to provide tannery labor. In 1890, the population of Wilkes County was 22,675; with no major employers this provided a large labor pool for the tannery to draw from. By 1940, the population had grown to 43,003, a 90 percent increase from 1890. There is little to suggest that the tannery contributed to population growth; the population of the state increased by 120 percent over the same 110 �time period, and besides, except for the initial spurt provided by the tannery, most of the industrial growth in Wilkes was provided by other industry. A slight impact on population was provided by the tannery management. While the production workers were mostly local, management was not. The Smoots, as owners and managers, relocated their families from Alexandria, Virginia. About six other men in top supervisory positions also relocated from the Smoot tannery in Alexandria or from other tanneries in West Virginia. These families became permanent residents and contributed socially, politically and economically to the new town. The Local Tax Base. As the first major industry in the county, the tannery provided a major contribution to the local property tax base for the town and county. There were no local income taxes, and the state income and sales taxes were not initially imposed. Property tax rates were low, especially at first, as there were few government services. The tannery initially provided its own water, sewage system, electricity and security. As the city and county grew, government services expanded, but the tax rate remained low because the tax base was rapidly expanding. There is every indication that the tannery was a good citizen and paid its taxes, and made an important early contribution to the development of education and other government services. Local Purchases. The importance of the tanbark purchases has been shown earlier. Otherwise, most of the materials used by the tannery were imported from outside the immediate area: hides as byproduct of the meat industry; coal for the steam plant, lime for the soaking vats, and small amounts of imported wood and tanbark from South America and Asia. In the course of ordinary business operations, the tannery made local purchase of office supplies, building materials, tools, and repair services. These purchases were never a major part of total expenses, and made only a slight contribution to the local economy. Pollution and Environmental Problems. Some pollution was an unavoidable byproduct of the tanning process. There was the noise from the bark grinder, smoke from the steam plant, polluted water from the soaking and tanning vats, disposal of the hair and surplus tissue from the hides, and the smell of the entire operation. And, in the larger sense, part of the deforestation that contributed to the flooding was due to the harvest of tanbark. Strangely enough, the contribution to flood conditions may have been the most serious of these. Local residents were unconcerned about the other problems, or bore them gladly as a necessary cost of industrialization and transition to a modern economy. The noise of the bark grinder is remembered, but not as an intolerable nuisance. Nor is the odor recounted with disdain. The smoke was dispersed from the 150 foot high smokestack. The polluted water from the vats was discharged directly into the river or allowed to seep over ground to the river; either way there are 111 �no recorded complaints and the river probably suffered much less from the tannery than from the discharge of raw sewage from towns along its banks before sewage treatment plants were built. As for the hair and residual tissue from the hides, there was briefly a time when the hair was cleaned and dried and sold as stuffing for automobile seats. At all other times, this material was dumped in a field behind the tannery and allowed to compost. It was made available to farmers who were willing to haul it away; as farmers learned its value as a useful soil amendment to be spread over their fields it was viewed as an asset rather than a pollutant. The Business, Social, and Cultural Climate. As the first major industry utilizing an organized and disciplined labor force that took advantage of specialization and division of labor, a modern corporate structure and management team, the reliance on markets and the use of credit and financial services, the tannery played a major role in creating and fostering an entrepreneurial and commercial climate that served other enterprises that followed. This kind of climate was cited by Rostow8 as crucial in producing a self-generative process of continual economic growth. That the tannery had a significant part in this process is beyond dispute. Beyond the cultivation of a favorable business climate, the tannery's presence was also felt. The Smoot family and the families of the rest of the management team became an important part of the social, political, religious, and cultural fabric of the town. The perspective provided by these families and others who took an active interest in seeing the town grow played an important role in shaping the new town. In contrast to much of coal-mine Appalachia, the outside capital was provided by entrepreneurs who adopted the area as their home. Conclusions The economic development of Wilkes County matches the stages of growth described by Rostow, with the opening of the tannery initiating the take-off period of sustained growth. There is no mistaking its large size and early economic impact, but with the tannery now closed since 1940, there may be a somewhat romanticized local view of the importance of the tannery. Judge Hayes, in his history of the county, observes that, "It is utterly impossible to estimate the enormous influence and financial assistance that one concern has meant to Wilkes County/'9 Even allowing for some possible exaggeration, this does not deny the importance of the tannery in the initial stages of economic growth in Wilkes County. Like much early economic development, the tannery exploited a natural resource, wood and tanbark, but helped create a modern economy based on specialization, division of labor, and exchange. The impetus of the tannery helped give rise to other industry, but also created competition and higher wages for the labor force. The popular view in the county of 112 �the tannery as the backbone of the economy is accurate initially but does not give adequate allowance for the emergence of other industry that soon surpassed the tannery's influence. NOTES 1. Ronald D. Eller, Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers. The University of Tennessee Press. 1982, p. 122. 2. Johnson J. Hayes, The Land of Wilkes. Wilkes County Historical Society, Wilkesboro. 1962, pp. 185-186. 3. C. P. Waters, Resources and Progress of Wilkes County. 1914: as quoted in J. Jay Anderson, Wilkes County Sketches, monograph printed by Wilkes Community College, Wilkesboro, 1976, p. 58. 4. Peter C. Welch, Tanning in the United States to 1850. The Smithsonian Institute. Washington, 1964, pp. 15-35. 5. Personal knowledge of Mary Smithey, as quoted in Absher (ed.), The Heritage of Wilkes. Wilkes County Genealogical Society, 1982, p. 36. 6. The Journal Patriot, Special anniversary issue of June 27,1940. 7. Don Laws, Views of North Wilkesboro. 1906, as quoted in J. Jay Anderson, Wilkes County Sketches, op. cit., p. 59. 8. W. W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth. Cambridge University Press. 1968, pp. 4-10. 9. Johnson J. Hayes. Op. cit., p. 186. Other resource material: I have greatly beneh'tted from interviews with the following people: J. Jay Anderson Annie F. Winkler Joe Colson, tannery employee, 1907 to 1940 George Brown, tannery and extract plant employee, 1926 to 1945 Edward Smoot Finley Mary Sink Smithey 113 �Mountain Foragers in Southeast Asia and Appalachia: Cross-cultural Perspectives on the "Mountain Man" Stereotype Benita Howell When and how did Appalachia become identified as a distinctive region, a "strange land inhabited by peculiar people"? In his massive doctoral dissertation, Gratis Williams (1961) catalogued the ingredients of the mountaineer stereotype as they emerged from nineteenth century travel accounts and local color fiction. He found that a consistent image of cultural primitivism, based on "branchwater" Appalachians, persisted well into the twentieth century. Williams argued that this stereotype reflected a real deterioration in living conditions which created a distinct lower class of Appalachians in the decades following the Civil War. Henry Shapiro (1978) later took up the question of why Appalachia preoccupied affluent urbanites in the latter part of the nineteenth century, and why "branchwater" Appalachians in particular fascinated these consumers of local color literature. Shapiro suggested that Appalachia's emergence as a distinctive region followed upon a growing recognition that "the strange land and peculiar people" were out of place in the new industrial culture of modern America. Life ways which had appealed to a romantic nostalgia for the frontier past became a challenge to modernization and progress-problems to be solved and deficits to be remedied through home missions work, secular education, community development, or cultural revival. Both of these accounts explain the emergence of the Appalachian stereotype in the late nineteenth century by appealing to particular events in American history—the Civil War and its aftermath of devastation in Appalachia, industrial growth and urbanization in the North, and Reconstruction in the South characterized by continuing sectional and sectarian rivalries within religious and philanthropic organizations. But explanations phrased in specific historical terms don't account for the Appalachian stereotype's perplexing resistance to the facts. Why, for example, was the "branchwater mountaineer" made stereotypic representative of the region as a whole, although he was not numerically in the majority, was not particularly visible in the towns and resorts 114 �frequented by outsiders, and was not culturally, socially, or economically dominant within the region? Why, towards the end of the nineteenth century, did many scholars and popular writers assert that Appalachians represented a separate genetic stock from other Americans, whether pure Anglo-Saxon, Highland Scots, Scots-Irish, or English poor white, even though there was ample evidence that the region had received settlers from diverse stocks and sent its share of settlers west to become middle Americans? And why have affluent, educated Appalachians themselves become the primary purveyors of the stereotype, whether in casual comments about "holler folk" or in fiction? As an anthropologist, I would like to propose that we look beneath the particular events of late nineteenth century American history in our attempts to account for the Appalachian "mountain man" stereotype. If we view the Appalachian case in a broader framework of cross-cultural comparison, it appears to be one instance of a more general and fairly widespread phenomenon in which distinctive economic adaptations provide the basis for stereotyping and ethnic labeling. In fact, the Appalachian "mountain man" stereotype has a close parallel in pervasive distinctions between primitive highlanders and civilized lowlanders which have long organized ethnic relations in Southeast Asia. This cognitive and symbolic contrast quite possibly has been central to ethnic group relations in Southeast Asia ever since the first millennium A.D., when Hindu commercial states began incorporating mountain foragers and shifting cultivators into trade networks. The object was to obtain forest products for international maritime commerce which linked Southeast Asia with the Mediterranean, the Middle East, and China (see Coedes [1968], Hall [1966], Meilink-Roelofsz [1962], and Simkin [1968]). Karl Hutterer (1974), interpreting archaeological sites dating from roughly 10001600 A.D., found evidence of trade between the coast and interior groups in the Philippines. Chinese records indicate that a large percentage of Philippine trade goods consisted of forest products such as bees wax, abaca, sandalwood, rattan, civet, and animal hides. Presumably coastal traders did not have access to inland territories and lacked the environmental knowledge to procure these items themselves, so they traded with foragers and swidden farmers of the interior but did not culturally incorporate these peoples into the emerging coastal states. Spanish records indicate that such trading networks definitely were in operation when the Spanish arrived in the Philippines. Hetterer argues that evolution of lowland societies into commercial states entailed deliberate maintenance of foraging and swidden adaptations among peoples geographically situated to supply the prized forest products. Lowlanders depended upon and subsidized the foraging lifestyle but at the same time labeled it primitive and inferior. 115 �Ethnologists observing interethnic relations in the European colonial period and in contemporary nation states of South and Southeast Asia have documented continuing symbiotic and often exploitative relations between foragers, peasants, and traders. Thus it appears that long-standing stereotypic contrasts between "civilized" lowlanders and "backward, primitive" highland foragers have become ingrained in South and Southeast Asian folk notions of culture and ethnic identity (e.g., see Lehman 1967). Culture traits which signal "backwardness" bear an uncanny similarity between Asia and Appalachia. In the Philippines, for example, Negrito peoples known collectively as the Agta carried on a nomadic, foraging lifestyle in which they traded with middlemen or agents from the coast. John Garvan (1963), an IrishAmerican amateur ethnologist who studied the Agta in the 1910s, noted that Filipinos circulated many erroneous rumors about them. The stereotypic Agta had a monstrous, ape-like appearance (p. 11), was dirty and diseased (p. 12), subject to drunkeness (p. 54), immodest, promiscuous and incestuous (p. 81), and prone to violence and theft (pp. 157-161). Most puzzling to Filipinos was the Agta preference for an independent, nomadic lifestyle. Agta resisted Filipino efforts to engage them in longterm wage work or share-cropping relationships, but they did on occasion appear in farming villages to exchange work for rice, garden produce, or metal implements as well as supplying forest products—lumber, bark cloth, "rattan, honey, bees wax and whatever else might be desired" (p. 79). Garvan described how the Filipino partners in trading relationships took advantage of Agta ignorance of the market value of their products, exercised debt peonage, or sometimes posed as government officials and extorted trade goods from Agta (pp. 159-163). In response, Garvan wrote, the Agta "has no need and no desire for any relations with the government. He fears taxes. He fears schools. He fears the police and he fears all kinds of things ..." (p. 158). Jean Peterson (1978) has described more recent relationships between Agta foragers and pioneering peasant farmers, whose encroachment into Agta territory has brought many more outsiders into personal contact with Agta and reduced the primary forest available for Agta foraging. These newcomers have continued to establish patron-client trade relationships which use an idiom of friendship but at least potentially leave the Agta open to debt peonage and other forms of exploitation. While Peterson observed a surface cordiality in relations between rural villagers and "their" Agta, the same old stereotypes persisted (pp. 6^-66). Villagers were disturbed by Agta sexuality, their crude! humor, and their children's undisciplined behavior. Stories of Agta violence and savagery continued to arouse fear, particularly among townspeople who had little personal contact with Agta. Negrito origins of the Agta have given Filipinos familiar with American racial prejudice an additional basis for stereotyping. Peter116 �son was told, 'These Agta are just like your niggers. They're lazy, thieving, and dirty. It's right in their blood and you can't teach them anything" (p. 79). Physical difference reinforces but does not account for Agta stereotyping, however. The same stereotypic characterizations have been applied to other highland peoples of South and Southeast Asia who are racially indistinguishable from their lowland neighbors. Lowland Malays, for example, have stereotyped tribal groups of the interior of Borneo and the Celibes as backward, dirty, stupid, and savage (Lasker 1944: 37-40). Yet there is a strong possibility that the lowland Malays have their origins in the very tribes which they denigrate. Using ethnographic and ethnohistoric sources, King (1985) has reconstructed a multi-level system of ethnic stratification based on trade between interior and coastal Borneo. Punan foragers (similar in lifestyle to the Agta but not Negrito) and Iban Dayak shifting cultivators supplied trade goods to the Maloh. The Maloh were wet-rice cultivators who also served as middlemen in trade with lowland Malays. Maloh were distinguished from Dayak people not by language or race, but by their economy and more hierarchical political organization. The Malay controlled catchment areas upstream, while coastal trade was in turn controlled by Chinese and Buginese from the Celibes. King found that the "Malay" commercial center had in fact been formed as recently as 1815 by Dayak (or Maloh) who converted to Islam (pp. 59-62), and he suggested that Punan nomads who settled and planted rice became Dayak (p. 206). King's findings fit a pattern often reported for Southeast Asia in which contemporary boundaries and distinctions between lowlanders and more primitive highlanders have been demarcated and maintained through the use of discrete ethnic labels. Economic specializations form a framework for different lifestyles which, along with particular cultural behaviors such as religious affiliation, serve as ethnic markers. The use of ethnic labels implies a separate historic origin for each group so labeled, but physical similarities, linguistic affiliations, and historical data such as those reported by King tend to invalidate such claims. Moerman (1965), Lehman (1967), Dentan (1975), and Rousseau (1975) all have shown that tribal identifications are notoriously confusing in Southeast Asia precisely because "tribes" are not genetic and cultural units at all, but reflect an ongoing process of ethnic labeling and manipulation of ethnicity. Cunningham (1987) has recently shown how similar processes of constructing ethnicity have occurred repeatedly in the history of the British Isles. If the mountain foragers of Southeast Asia do not really constitute separate ethnic groups, what is the basis for their being treated as if they were separate? Both Hutterer and King imply that forager to swidden cultivator, to wet rice cultivator, to commercial trader represents an evolutionary sequence of development. If this were the case, then contemporary 117 �foragers would represent survivals of a truly primitive hunting-and-gathering adaptation, the "contemporary ancestors" of other Southeast Asians. More recent work by Carl Hoffman (1984), however, suggests that it is equally plausible that these groups, like Appalachian pioneers, went into a mountain forest environment, adapted to its requirements, and in the process shed some cultural baggage and took on the appearance of being more primitive than they actually were. Hoffman studied a number of different Punan groups in Borneo and concluded that the Punan (the name can be translated as collectors or forest dwellers) do not constitute a homogeneous cultural or linguistic unit. Rather each Punan group is paired with neighboring swidden farmers who share linguistic and other cultural similarities such as burial customs with their Punan trading partners. Punan appear to constitute a distinct ethnic group only because of behaviors directly associated with their forest collecting. Conventional wisdom had it that foragers, isolated and enclosed within complex societies, could continue their primitive hunting and gathering lifestyle only by resorting to trade with cultivators who supplied them with garden produce, metal tools, and other trade goods, but Hoffman's findings turn this reasoning upside down. Hoffman proposes that, rather than being descendants of aboriginal foragers, the Punan are Dayak who have moved into the primary forest to specialize in collecting raw materials to supply the long distance trading networks. The Punan hunt and gather in order to subsist during their commercial collecting activities in the primary forest, rather than using trade to cushion an inefficient, maladaptive, outdated lifestyle. In South Asia as well as Southeast Asia, forest foragers have been stereotyped and labeled as distinct "tribes," sometimes incorporated into the bottom levels of the Hindu caste system, sometimes left entirely outside of it. After examining ethnographic data on the Kadar, Birhor, Chenchu, Vedda, and Nayadi, Richard Fox concluded that social scientists as well as agricultural neighbors erred in viewing these groups as "cultural left-overs or fossils from pre-literate times" (1969:140). Fox argued that their spatial and sociological isolation from Hindu culture, like their primitiveness, had been exaggerated. He wrote: "Far from depending wholly on the forest for their own direct subsistence, the Indian hunters-andgatherers are highly specialized exploiters of a marginal terrain from which they supply the larger society with desirable, but otherwise unobtainable, forest items such as honey, wax, rope and twine, baskets, and monkey and deer meat" (p. 141). Fox also explained the often noted social fragmentation of these groups—the mobility of individuals and loose structuring of communities—as an adaptive response to the demands of competitive foraging in which each household tried to maximize its gain (p. 142). Thus, according to Fox, fluid social organization, a trait often denigrated and 118 �interpreted as savage by foragers' lowland neighbors, is actually one more indication that these groups are "professional" rather than true primitives. Brian Morris (1977, 1982) has provided new ethnographic data on another hill tribe of India, the Hill Pandaram, utilizing ecological and economic rather than evolutionary perspectives to account for their foraging adaptation. Within this framework, Morris focuses on Hill Pandaram contacts with the outside world rather than assuming them to be isolated. The Forest Department of India has largely taken the place of independent traders in the old commercial system, but Hill Pandaram are still collecting for trade, and not for trade with local villagers alone, but to supply urban markets (1982:3). As in Southeast Asia, the distinction between country people of the plains and forest people of the mountains has cognitive and symbolic importance. Morris reports that outsiders from the plains feel awe and apprehension in the mountains, that they fear the mountains as an alien environment. These feelings lead to stereotyping of mountain people (1982:44). Before Morris met the Hill Pandaram, he learned from villagers that they were "lacking affectionate ties, sexually promiscuous to such an extent that incestuous relations between close kin were frequent, and lazy and stupid, unable even to discern what their own interests were. Villagers would even say they had no religion or culture" (1982:2). Morris later observed: "they are treated as social inferiors by almost everyone with whom they have dealings. .. . They are commonly said to live like animals and to lack any notions of decent behavior." (1982:42) "Welfare and other government officials seem to view the nomad life of collectors as somehow 'primitive' and are largely dedicated to making them a sedentary community. Local people in general despise their nomadic, apparently carefree and promiscuous life and their comparatively recent adoption of textile clothing." (1982:45) While Morris observed Hill Pandaram behaving with the subservience villagers expected of them when they visited villages to trade, they were more independent in the forest and able to preserve a large measure of their independence by limiting their contact with outsiders. Because the Hill Pandaram were living in a government Forest Reserve, their hunting and clearing of swidden patches technically were "illegal" activities; this fact colored their dealings with forest wardens and commercial and meant that their attitudes toward the authorities were similar to those of the Agta. Without belaboring the point further, it should be obvious that stereotyping and labeling of mountain foragers as distinct "primitive" ethnic groups is a fairly consistent phenomenon throughout South and Southeast Asia. As Bruno Lasker observed: Not many years ago (the Moi of Indochina) were reported as wearing few clothes, as not being overclean, as building their houses on stilts or in trees, and as being altogether "savage." 119 �The Annamites who now make up the dominant native population of most of Indo-China say of the Moi much the same things that Filipinos say about Ifugaos . . . coast Malays about the Dyaks [sic] of central Borneo, Burmans about Kachins—the same things that Greeks said about the barbarian tribes of Macedonia, Romans about Britons.... Always these more primitive peoples are hunters who if they go in for agriculture at all do only a little of it, afraid to take root in an area from which at any time they may be ousted by superior force. Always the "superior" people call them savages and deny that they have any culture or religion (Lasker 1944: 22-23). Lasker's pointed comparisons with Europe can profitably be extended to Appalachia. Consider the core themes of the Appalachian stereotype catalogued by Williams. While the mountaineer described by travelers before the Civil War resembled the heroic American frontiersman in his self-reliance, love of liberty, and rugged individualism, Williams observed that post-Civil War fiction increasingly emphasized negative traits—lawlessness, violence, ignorance and disdain for education, suspiciousness of outsiders and outside interference, sordid living conditions, sexual aberrations (pp. 77-123). Williams concluded that the "backwoods frontiersman" theme in Appalachian stereotyping was progressively supplanted by two more negative characterizations, the cultural primitive and the buffoon, each a savage in his own way and lacking the nobility of the pioneer frontiersman (pp. 1600-1603). As appears to be the case for at least some South and Southeast Asian foragers, Appalachian mountain men left more settled, "civilized" communities to enter the mountains, not to farm, but to hunt, trap and forage. Williams makes it clear that early travelers consistently commented on encountering hunters who devoted little effort to farming, readily moved away from populous areas, bartered goods and exchanged labor but resisted regular wage work (see Williams' comments on Toulmin and Michaux [pp. 188-189], Paulding and Featherstonhaugh [pp. 201-203], and Lanman [pp. 226-229]). Lanman observed a vigorous, profitable trade in ginseng in 1848 (Williams 1961:229). Both Muir (Williams 1961:264) and Lane Allen (Williams 1961:292-297) identified hunting as an inducement to settlement of the mountains, though by the time of their travels they encountered fewer active commercial hunters than old men who had been hunters in their youth. Muir and Lane Allen also commented on the commercial importance of ginseng and other medicinal roots, even after the Civil War. Two more travelers, Buckingham and Olmstead, (Williams, pp. 216, 237) indicated that livestock raising was by far the most significant agricultural activity in the mountains during the 1840s and 1850s. This activity was compatible with other uses of the forest environment since ^ 120 �was based on the animals ranging freely and consuming acorn and chestnut mast. It is generally accepted that the eighteenth-century "long hunters" who were the vanguard of white settlement in rugged sections of Appalachia dealt commercially in hides and pelts; they did not spend winters roughing it in station camps to put meat on their families' tables. Family traditions of early settlers verify travelers' observations that hunting continued to be important, so much so that hunters actually moved away from settlements in good farming areas in their pursuit of game. For example, descendants of Jonathan Blevins sometimes express their chagrin that old Jonathan sold valley land in Wayne County, Kentucky around 1820 in order to move into the rugged gorge of the Big South Fork in Scott County, Tennessee, but they explain that Jonathan felt compelled to seek out more remote hunting grounds when increasing settlement made game scarce in Wayne County (personal communication, Oscar Blevins). Having moved away from settlements, to hunt and trap rather than to farm, these men and their families could supplement their income by taking advantage of other commercial activities afforded by their backwoods environment, such as collecting medicinal roots, tanbark, nuts, beeswax and honey, and raising hogs on forest mast. In the early nineteenth century, backwoods hunters and foragers were viewed positively as pioneers opening up the old Southwest and claiming it for settlement. The rugged lifestyle of the pioneer was adventurous and ennobling, a powerful symbol of the American experience. But as Shapiro suggests, once Appalachian mountaineers were no longer on the physical frontier, their persisting frontier lifestyle required explanation. Just as Hindus, Filipinos, or Malays viewed their foraging specialists as primitives who had failed to make an evolutionary transition into civilization, other Americans viewed Appalachians as "contemporary ancestors" who had failed to modernize, failed to make a transition from subsistence into commercial farming because they had chosen poorly or been pushed into land ill-suited to farming. Even while Asian forest foragers continued to plan an important role in supplying essential raw materials to the lowlands, "civilized" Asians misinterpreted the true nature of their economic role in the larger society and the origins of their "primitive" lifestyle. Differences between foragers and farmers were exaggerated and fixed in stereotypic contrasts and characterizations. Thus it should be no surprise that similar stereotypic contrasts and characterizations emerged to explain Appalachian foragers at a time when their economic contributions to the larger society were in fact dwindling in importance. Demand for buckskin decreased, fashions in furs changed; transcontinental railroads made it feasible for huge livestock and meat packing operations in the west to supply eastern markets; improved technologies and larger scale factory production resulted in substi121 �tution of synthetic chemicals for tanbark and new drugs for the old pharmacopoeia. Simultaneously, industrial America made incursions into the mountains. It took only a quarter century for industrial-scale timbering virtually to eliminate the primary forest. Mining also was destructive of the habitat necessary for commercial hunting and forest collecting. All that remained for commercial foragers was subsistence-level enterprise, and there was less and less land available and suitable for that purpose. To local color writers who began to develop the "cultural primitive" stereotype of Appalachia in the 1870s and 1880s, their subjects seemed to be clinging to savage lifeways borrowed from the Indians (see Cunningham 1987 for extended discussion of this point). They seemed unable or unwilling to modernize and too ready to isolate themselves in the mountains. In fact these Appalachians had experienced and were still in the throes of an economic upheaval that rendered their old hunting and foraging specialization useless in the regional and national economy and deprived them of their livelihood. We know that many valley farmers and townspeople recovered from the aftermath of the Civil War and took advantage of new economic opportunities created by industry. It seems plausible that hunters and foragers who did not perceive their situation and adjust quickly became the chronically poor, apathetic "branchwater" Appalachians who were stereotyped in increasingly negative terms toward the turn of the century. Given their economic plight, it is hardly surprising that these Appalachians experienced worsening material conditions and cultural disintegration; but these conditions unfortunately provided added impetus for stereotyping which blamed the victims of modernization for not modernizing and exaggerated the boundaries separating them from other Americans. Thus writers of local color fiction took up the task of describing and rationalizing cultural differences and reaffirming the appropriateness of boundaries between lowlanders and Appalachians (beautiful but uncultured daughters as well as mountain men). Attempts were made to establish historical ethnic origins for these cultural differences in order to further set the group apart as "other" Americans. Appalachians who identified with the wider society, much like Dayak people who became Malay, joined outsiders in their fascination with the primitives who lived upstream. In an article entitled, "If There Were No Malays, Who Would the Semai Be?" R.K. Dentan, an anthropologist who studied the Semai of Malaysia, described with perplexity how his quest for them always led him further into the hinterland. People in the village of Jinteh "chuckled at the word Semai, saying 'That's what outsiders call us here, but the real Semai live in the mountains/" Had Dentan been Appalachian, he'd have understood immediately that Semai is the Malay equivalent of hillbilly. 122 �Bibliography Coedes, G. The Indianized States of Southeast Asia. Honolulu: East-West Center Press. Cunningham, Rodger 1987 Apples on the Flood: The Southern Mountain Experience. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Dentan, R.K. 1975 "It There Were No Malays, Who Would the Semai Be?" in Pluralism in Malaya: Myth or Reality, ed. Judith Nagata, pp. 50-64. Laiden: Brill. Foster, Brian L. 1974 "Ethnicity and Commerce" American Ethnologist 1:437-48. Fox, Richard G. 1969 "Professional Primitives: Hunters and Gatherers of Nuclear South Asia" Man in India 49(2): 139-160. Garvan, John M. 1963 The Negritos of the Philippines, ed. Hermann Hochegger. Vienna: University of Vienna Institute of Ethnology. Hall, D.G.E. 1966 A History of Southeast Asia. New York: St. Martin's Press. Hoffman, Carl L. 1984 "Punan Foragers in the Trading Networks of Southeast Asia" Past and Present in Hunter Gatherer Studies, ed. Carmel Schrire. New York: Academic Press. Hutterer, Karl L. 1974 "The Evolution of Philippine Lowland Societies" Mankind 9(4):287-299. Lasker, Bruno 1944 Peoples of Southeast Asia. New York: Knopf. King, V.T. 1985 The Maloh of West Kalimantan: An Ethnographic Study of Social Inequality and Social Change Among an Indonesian Borneo People. Dordrecht, Holland: Foris Publications. Lehman, F.K. 1967 "Ethnic Categories in Burma and the Theory of Social Systems" Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities and Nations, ed. Peter Kunstadter, pp. 93-124. Princeton University Press. Meilink-Roelofsz, M.A.P. 1962 Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago. The Hague: M. Nijhoff. 123 �Moerman, Michael 1965 "Who Are The Lue: Ethnic Identification in a Complex Civilization" American Anthropologist 67: 1215-1230. Morris, Brian 1977 "Tappers, Trappers, and the Hill Pandaram" Anthropos 72:225-41. 1982 Forest Traders: A Socio-Economic Study of the Hill Pandaram (London School of Economics Monographs on Social Anthropology 55). London: Athlone. Peterson, Jean Treloggen 1978 The Ecology of Social Boundaries: Agta Foragers of the Philippines (Illinois Studies in Anthropology 11). Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Rousseau, J. 1975 "Ethnic Identity and Social Relations in Central Borneo" Pluralism in Malaya: Myth or Reality, ed. Judith Nagata, pp. 32-49. Leiden: Brill. Shapiro, Henry D. 1978 Appalachia on Our Mind: The Southern Mountains and Mountaineers in the American Consciousness, 1870-1920. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Simkin, C.G.F. 1968 The Traditional Trade of Asia. London: Oxford University Press. Williams, Cratis D. 1961 The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction, Ph.D. Dissertation, New York University. (University Microfilms facsimile, 1973) 124 �Appalachianism and Orientalism: Reflections on Reading Edward Said by Rodger Cunningham Here is a pair of quotations from a sociological work published in the 1960s, [They] so far have demonstrated an incapacity for disciplined and abiding unity. They experience collective outbursts of enthusiasm but do not pursue patiently collective endeavors, which are usually embraced half-heartedly. They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function, nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation. Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them. (Said 309-10) Thus, [he] lives in a hard and frustrating environment. He has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society, holds little belief in progress and change, and finds salvation only in the hereafter. (Said 310) These are not from Jack Weller or any of his fellow soldiers in the war on mountain backwardness. They come from the pen of the Israeli author Sania Hamady and appear in a book titled Temperament and Character of the Arabs. I am quoting them, with the occasional noun left out, from Edward Said's Orientalism, published in 1978. I had not read Orientalism when I wrote Apples on the Flood, but I greatly wish I had, for what I have just quoted is only one example of the striking parallels between, on the one hand, Western views of the Muslim East as analyzed by Said, and on the other the terms in which Appalachia has been viewed by scholarship and journalism since its first "discovery." Other clear parallels lie close to hand. Just as Orientalism is, in Said's words, "a strange, secret sharer of Western anti-Semitism" (27), so stereotypes of Appalachians have strong affinities with stereotypes of blacks and Indians—and in each case, the resultant prejudice is the only halfway respectable outlet for such stereotyping in "enlightened" American society today. The student of Appalachia is also struck by such things as Chateaubriand's judgment that Orientals represented "civilized man fallen again into a savage state" (Said 171); or the American textbook which 125 �stated of the Middle East, "Few people of the area even know that there is a better way to live" (287); and in general the fact that, as Said puts it, "for no other ethnic or religious group"—I'm sure we can think of an exception—"is it true that virtually anything can be written or said about it, without challenge or demurral" (287). Again, when Said speaks of Islamic orientalism's "retrogressive position when compared to the other human sciences" (261), we need only think of how articles on Appalachia from the turn of the century were used as the basis for serious studies in the 60s, while books and articles from the 60s retain a popular and even an academic currency today which would be thought scandalous in the study of any other group. Or again, when Said speaks of the importance of travel accounts in establishing the image of the Orient (99), and the disappointment of later writers that the reality was different (100),and when he examines the use of such accounts to construct a picture of a " 'cultural synthesis' . . . that could be studied apart from . . . economics, sociology, and politics" (105), the student of Appalachia is on familiar ground. And finally, when Said invokes the assumption "that no Oriental can know himself the way an Orientalist can" (239), we might well think of Rupert Vance's praise of how Jack Weller "came to know these people better than they know themselves" (Vance v). And in both cases, the Oriental and the Appalachian, the underlying phenomenon is the same: a discourse of power, a way of seeing and talking about things which is conditioned by domination and which tends both to perpetuate itself and to perpetuate that domination. It is a way of organizing perceptions into a closed self-referential system which takes on a life of its own, shaping assumptions and perceptions even among those who are unaware of any motivation to oppress. My editors made me severely prune the use of the word "discourse" in Apples on the Flood, but obviously this is one of the main themes of the book. As Said says, "It would be wrong to conclude that the Orient"—or Appalachia—"was essentially an idea, or a creation with no corresponding reality" (5)—pace certain crude and ill-digested forms of cognitive dissonance theory. It is simply that one may legitimately take as an object of study not that reality but what is said about it, since the latter constitutes a "regular constellation of ideas" (5) which goes on "despite or beyond any correspondence, or lack thereof, with a 'real'"(5) region of the earth. It is a matter of how "texts can create not only knowledge but also the very reality they appear to describe" (94)—can "produce evidence that proves their validity" (239) in what has been called a "near bewitching self-verification" (M. McDonald in Chapman 206). These qualities of discourse reflect a particular relationship between the author and the subject of the discourse. Since discursive relations are power-relations, in each case the powerful one of the pair is the writer, the other the written-about (cf. Said 308). The one is active, the other passive. 126 �Hence the one is allowed to change without altering its basic nature, while the other is seen as static, as never really moving beyond some "classic" period (cf. Said 79 etc.). And in each case, therefore, the victim is then blamed for the static nature which is an artifact of discourse in the first place; the victim is seen as an example of "arrested development" (Said 145) in a scheme based on the dichotomy "advanced/backward" (207). Hence in each case, finally, the marginalized member of the opposition is neutralized symbolically as well as physically—deprived of self-explanatory power as well as physical power. In this essay, then, I wish to explore the nature of this relationship in detail with respect to the parallel cases of Orientalism on the one hand and to our own concerns as Appalachian scholars on the other. I shall do so by examining two authors discussed by Said as part of the "Orientalist" phenomenon—authors who also had a large effect on perceptions of Appalachians' "Celtic" or Atlantic ancestors, cousins, and analogues. The latter form another group whose relations with "the West" have been problematic ever since "the West's" birth. The authors I wish to discuss are Bede in the eighth century and Ernest Renan in the nineteenth. Bede, called "the Venerable," was born in the English kingdom of Northumbria in 673 and died there in 735. He wrote both on a "Celtic" Christianity which in his time was resisting assimilation to the Western Church in Britain and also on an Islam which was rolling that church back on the continent. Said mentions Bede only twice, and in Apples on the Flood I also have little to say about him; but as a common father of both sets of "Western" attitudes, he is worth a closer look here. Bede stood at the beginning of Western civilization. He championed it at a time when it was still in the process of being synthesized out of the remains of Western Roman civilization and the culture of those Germans, including the English, who were Rome's former enemies, new overlords, imitators, and would-be preservers. Bede was born only three-quarters of a century after Christianity had come to the English from Rome. Just eleven years before his birth, the Synod of Whitby had mandated the union of the older churches of the British Isles with the Roman Church, but many areas were still in resistance in Bede's time and for long afterward. Bede, then, was separated by only a few generations from Germanic paganism and by only a few miles from "Celtic" schism. Furthermore, in his lifetime Islam conquered North Africa and Spain, and was barely turned back in the middle of France two years before his death. On his deathbed he prayed the Psalms in Latin, but among his last words were five lines of Anglo-Saxon alliterative verse about the unknowability of the soul's fate after death. Thus in Bede's time, Muslims and "Celts" were both near, powerful, and threatening; and in consequence, he inscribes them both in a rhetoric of the adult, the male, and the negative. The Arabs to him were "sons of 127 �Ishmael, whose hand is against every man" (Bede 347). Ishmael was, of course, the rejected son of Abraham, as Isaac was the accepted son and the ancestor of the Jews, hence of the "true Israel" of the Church. The Arabs indeed claim descent from Ishmael, while reversing the legend. Thus the quarrel between Christianity and Islam is imaged forth by Bede as a strife between siblings of different and disputed status but of equal manhood. As for the British Christians, their greatest sin in Bede's eyes is not any of their deviations on the date of Easter, the form of the tonsure, and so forth, but rather their refusal to send missionaries to the English— that is, to take on the duty of instructing their younger brothers in the wishes of the Father. It was for this reason, says Bede, that God allowed, indeed appointed, the heathen English to slaughter the Christian Britons (Bede 103-04). Since they have abdicated their fraternal duty and their paternal authority, their very existence is denied them, and their enemies, even when pagan, can be described in terms of Israel (Bede 92). In all this it is significant that both Muslims and "Celts" are defined as schismatics—not as independent realities but as versions of the perceiver's reality (cf. Said 71-72). Thus, on the one hand, they are denied a reality of their own: their perceived reality is constituted by the more "basic" reality of the author of the discourse, namely Western Roman Christianity, which is thus discursively privileged above its neighbors. And, on the other hand, these marginalized neighbors appear all the more threatening, since they represent alternative modes of being which must thus be defended against with redoubled force. As R.D. Laing says, "The more one attempts to preserve one's autonomy and identity by nullifying the specific human individuality of the other, the more it is felt to be necessary to continue to do so, because with each denial of the other person's ontological status, one's own ontological security is decreased, the threat to the self from the other is potentiated and hence has to be even more desperately negated" (Laing 52). Romano-Germanic Western civilization never really recovered from the trauma of Islam (cf. Said 59-60)—nor, as I have held elsewhere, from the threat of alternatives presented by Celtic/Atlantic civilization and its descendants—not even when "our" civilization rose enormously in power and complexity and came to dominate first the Atlantic world and then the Near East. The nineteenth century was of course the high noon of Western dominance, and it was also the high noon of the articulation of still-prevailing attitudes toward both "Celts" and Muslims. During this period another man who also wrote about both was Ernest Renan; and as with Bede, his writings on both groups possess striking parallels with each other, as well as instructive comparisons and contrasts with the attitudes of a millennium earlier. Renan, best known for his iconoclastic Life of Jesus, was a "Celt" himself, a Breton. He wrote in a day when both "Celts" and Muslims were 128 �perceived as remote, weak, and non-threatening (or no longer physically threatening). Thus, in contrast with Bede, he describes both groups of Others in terms which are feminizing, infantilizing and quasi-positive; that is, in both cases he deals in terms conditioned not by overt boundarydefense, but by the kind of projection and appropriation which typifies those in a position of unquestioned superiority and which masks aggression in the terms of acceptance. Renan perceives both Muslims and Celts, then, in terms of childhood. He sees the Celts in terms of his own personal childhood in Brittany, and of his mother in particular (cf. Chapman 82-83). He also sees Islam in terms of an "unaging 'gracious childhood'" (Said 306), and he sees Semitic languages as "a phenomenon of arrested development in comparison with the mature languages and cultures of the Indo-European group" (Said 145). Thus Renan constructed his feminized, infantilized "Celt" and "Oriental" from the part of the universe which was left out of his own adult male nineteenth-century rationality. In what Said calls "Renan's . . . peculiarly ravaged, ragingly masculine world of historical learning" (147), he felt a nostalgia for his mother's home (Renan in Chapman 83) and for whatever he could associate with it. But this was that sort of nostalgia which is not only compatible with, but contingent upon, the disappearance of its object, "Alas! It is also condemned to disappear, this emerald of the western seas!" (Renan in Chapman 85: my translation). Thus we see two ways in which, in two historical moments of the West, two of its neighbor cultures have been dealt with on the level of the sign. In both cases, the threat presented by the alternatives is symbolic before it is physical, and in both cases the threat is neutralized semiotically before it is physically. In Renan, as in Bede, "Celtdom" and Islam represent alternative possibilities of being. In the intervening eleven centuries, however, the relations of power had fundamentally changed, as had the degree of self-definition of the West. These Others were not strong but weak, and therefore they were regarded not as adults but as children. Thus they were semiotically represented not as schismatic but as archaic: not as illegitimate offshoots but as arrested earlier forms—not as rejected brothers but as contemporary ancestors. And they were dismissed from consideration not by calling for crusades (these having long since succeeded) but by a quietly regretful acknowledgment that the archaic must yield to the progressive as childhood to adulthood. Thus the power-relation which assures the victory of Western might is paralleled by a discourse-relation privileging a Western rationality which constitutes, in the Derridean sense, its opposite numbers in Near East and Far West. This discourse, in Said's words, "failed to identify with human experience, failed also to see it as human experience" (328). Yet it must not be forgotten that around, beyond and above the necessities of discourse, there are the possibilities of dialogue. Beyond the 129 �dichotomous vision of negations, there is the synthesizing and esemplastic vision which unites contraries. The two types of vision may even occur in the same individual, as in another example I would like to examine. Another writer who dealt in images of both the "Celt" and the Oriental was W.B. Yeats, whom Said quotes three times, but in two sharply different contexts. Yeats bought into "Orientalism" and used it in his poetry and his occult writings much as he constructed elitist mystifications out of his own nation's history. The Appalachian poet P.J. Laska gives us a telling image of Yeats in the streets at night, when he walked in dreams from the mansioned gardens of the rich to the statehouse chambers, stumbling over bundles of rags which he took for wondrous spirits when he heard them groan. (Laska 163) This strikingly dense image captures the essential problem with Yeats' attitudes toward the Other. This master of masks indeed mistook the garment for the body; and, having done so, he must needs perceive the real cry of the self as a sending from some fantasticized other world. The same image was used in a more unpacked form by Frantz Fanon: "The culture that the intellectual leans toward is often no more than a stock of particularisms. He wishes to attach himself to the people; but instead he only catches hold of their outer garments. And these outer garments are merely the reflection of a hidden life, teeming and perpetually in motion" (Fanon 223-24). There was a valid core in Yeats' identification with Ireland: and yet the very energy of the identification was turned away by a mystifying discourse in order to strengthen defenses against the truly threatening aspects of the reality he touched. Thus, for example, though he knew the name of an ancestor who had fought at the battle of the Boyne, he always asserted that the latter had fought for King James and the native Irish, while in fact he had been on the other side, as one would expect from Yeats' Protestant background. This falsification of self-identity can stand for a whole array of failures of clear vision—a whole structure of mystifications beclouding the facts of oppression in this case and in many others. Thus far for Yeats' romantic use of the imagery of his oppressed neighbors. But Said also quotes Yeats in quite another context. To wit, he Cites Yeats' line "the foul rag-and-bone shop of the heart" in appealing for a recognition of "the human ground . . . in which texts, visions, methods, and discourses begin, grow, thrive, and degenerate" (110). The line is from "The Circus Animals' Desertion," a poem from the end of Yeats' life in 130 �which he repents of a career in which "Players and painted stage took all my love, / And not those things that they were emblems of" (Yeats 185). Thus Yeats himself, speaking in dialogue with his own self and in the name of his own genuineness, points the way to a particularism, an attention to the individual and concrete. Thus the heteroglossia of his poetic practice transcends the hieratic, monological discourse of his visionary theories. We have seen then that Said's work on the image of the Near East bears important and fertile correspondences with the work which many of us have been trying to accomplish in the study of Appalachia and of the images by which this region has been interpreted. And there are parallels, too—or we may hope there are—in the careers of Said's ideas and of our own. Writing a decade ago, Said complained that Orientalist discourse went essentially unchallenged in the journalistic and even the academic worlds. If this is no longer quite so true as it was then, the difference is largely due to Said's own efforts. He lamented that the official discourse of Orientalism was rarely broken into by native voices answering Orientalist scholarship with scholarship from the inside. One could have said much the same thing about Appalachia at that time. But the same year that saw the publication of Orientalism marked the appearance of Helen Lewis' anthology Colonialism in Modern America: The Appalachian Case, which (though it has hardly attained the same degree of attention in the "outside world") has meant a great deal to the self-definition of Appalachia on the part of native scholars and students and to the delineation, from the inside, of the problems facing the region—thus breaking the nearmonopoly of external and/or elitist views on the "problem of Appalachia." In both the Near Eastern and the Appalachian fields, these pioneering works have stimulated a great deal more such native analysis: and as a result, it is no longer quite so true in either case that virtually anything can be said without challenge. Said's writing is sometimes said to be tendentious, axegrinding, and overdrawn. But often the real object of his critics' indignation, I feel, is that he is angry at all: and considering what he has had to put up with intellectually, professionally, and personally, that anger is hardly surprising. Again, the position his critics call "overdrawn" is one hardly drawn at all before his time, and certainly not with such learning and cogency. Personally, I like the quality of his anger, which is a function of his engagement, an engagement which energizes his work as I hope my own engagement does mine. In both cases, if what we say is personally colored, then I think it is so in an entirely positive sense—not as a projection of private resentments, but as a rational search for historic roots which can then be worked forward from again in a quest for solutions. On the flyleaf of my own copy of Apples on the Flood I have written a quotation which Said reproduces from Antonio Gramsci, "The starting-point of critical elabora131 �tion is the consciousness of what one really is, and is 'knowing thyself as a product of the historical process to date, which has deposited in you an infinity of traces, without leaving an inventory. Therefore it is imperative at the outset to compile such an inventory" (25). This expresses precisely what I was trying to do in writing Apples on the Flood; and I hope that what both Said and I are grinding is not an axe but a lens—a lens for the examination and, as Raymond Williams says, "the 'unlearning' of 'the inherent dominative mode'" (Said 28). References Cited Bede. A History of the English Church and People. Trans. Leo Sherley-Price. 1955. Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin, 1968. Chapman, Malcolm. The Gaelic Vision in Scottish Culture. London: Croom Helm: Montreal: McGill-Queen's UP, 1978. Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched of the Earth. 1961. Trans. Constance Farrington. New York, Grove, 1968. Laing, R.D. The Divided Self: An Existential Study in Sanity and Madness. 1960. Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin, 1965. Laska, PJ. "Contrary to Appearances, Belief in the Master Race Is Not a Condition of Greatness in Poetry/7 New Ground. Ed. Don Askins and David Morris. Jenkins, Ky.: White Oak, W.Va.: Southern Appalachian Writers' Co-operative: Whitesburg, Ky.: Mountain Review, 1977. 162-63. Lewis, Helen Matthews, Linda Johnson, and Don Askins, eds. Colonialism in Modern America: The Appalachian Case. Boone, N.C.: Appalachian Consortium Press, 1978. Said, Edward. Orientalism. New York: Random House, 1978. Vance, Rupert. Introductory note to Jack Weller. Yesterday's People, Life in Contemporary Appalachia. Lexington, University of Kentucky Press, 1965. v-ix. Wallace-Hadrill, J.M. Bede's Europe. Jarrow, Eng.: G. Beckwith, 1962. Yeats, William Butler. Selected Poems of William Butler Yeats. Ed. M.L. Rosenthal. New York, Macmillan, 1962. 132 �Llewellyn and Giardina, Two Novels About Coal Mining by Laurie Lindberg Nothing in the definition of regional literature as "an accurate representation of the habits, speech, manners, history, folklore, or beliefs" (Holman:373) of a particular geographical area suggests that a regional work is somehow second class, less valuable than a work with a more general or an indefinite setting. Yet we've all heard the term used as a pejorative, that writer is only a regional writer; that novel only a regional work. The local color movement may be what initially gave regional literature a bad name. The works of popular local color writers such as Mary Murfree were characterized by sentimentality, by an emphasis on the grotesque or eccentric in character, and by a focus on obvious peculiarities with little insight into what went on below the surface of a people or place. Such local writing seemed to be the work of an outsider who invited other outsiders to observe and be amused by the peculiarities of the inhabitants of a specific locale. Local color and regionalism are both forms of literary realism, but there is an important distinction between them. Whereas local color emphasizes the particularities, the idiosyncrasies of a group, regional writing points out "in the local and the particular . . . those aspects of the human character and the human dilemma common to all people in all ages and places" (Holman:373). Good regional literature has an application far beyond the region it claims to describe. Two works that represent regional writing at its best are Storming Heaven, by Denise Giardina, and How Green Was My Valley, by Richard Llewellyn. The two books differ in a number of ways. Storming Heaven was published only last year; How Green Was My Valley appeared in 1940, almost fifty years ago. Storming Heaven is narrated by four speakers in alternating chapters, so the reader views the events of the story from a variety of perspectives; How Green Was My Valley is unified by having a single narrator and thus a more focused point of view. Giardina's coal fields are in Appalachia, mostly Eastern Kentucky and West Virginia; Llewellyn's valley is in South Wales. Yet even the most casual reading of the two works reveals striking parallels. One explanation for the similarities is that both books accomplish what fine regional literature always does, they present what is universal in the human character and the human condition by means of particular 133 �characters in particular places. In that sense these books compare to all literary works that comment on what it means to be human in a specific time and place. There is another explanation, however, both books capture a way of life and delineate characters that have been significantly shaped by a mountainous land and by those who seek to profit from the coal that lies beneath it. Although thousands of miles and an ocean separate the Welsh valley in Llewellyn's book and the Appalachian coal fields in Giardina's, the regions as described in the two novels have much in common. Land ownership is a basic issue in both places and in both books. Land means security, prosperity, power for those who own it. In the case of the Morgan family in the unnamed Welsh community of How Green Was My Valley, ownership of a house and land means stability. Gwilym and Beth Morgan are able to establish their house as a home for six sons and three daughters over a period of thirty years because the property it stands on is theirs. In the end, however, even land ownership means nothing when the land surrounding the Morgans' is sold to the coal company, which promptly begins dumping slag on the hillside above the house. Huw, the youngest of the Morgan sons and narrator of the novel, describes the destruction of his home and land by the slag, The slag heap is moving again. I can hear it whispering to itself, and as it whispers, the walls of this brave little house are girding themselves to withstand the assault. . . . But the slag heap moves, pressing on, down and down, over and all around this house which was my father's and my mother's and now is mine. Soon, perhaps in an hour, the house will be buried, and the slag heap will stretch from the top of the mountain right down to the river in the Valley. (101) Huw Morgan is forced from his home because the coal company owns the land above his on the mountain. In Storming Heaven land ownership is a life-and-death matter whenever a coal company wants a tract of land which the owner is unwilling to sell. When persuasion and intimidation fail, the companies are not averse to using stronger measures; for example, after the grandfather of one of the novel's narrators, CJ. Marcum, refuses to sell his property, he is murdered and his widow and grandson forced off the land. CJ. remembers, "Mamaw and me heard a shot. We ran and found him toppled over into one of the hives .. . shot once through the head. Sheriff come around in three days and nailed the notice to vacate on our cabin door" (16). Families that have farmed their land for generations find themselves homeless, without ground to raise the produce and livestock that have sustained them, dependent on relatives for shelter. Loss of land means 134 �loss of security, even in the face of death. As Carrie Bishop, another of the book's narrators, remarks, "I feared we would lose the Homeplace some day. I tried not to think about it. ... But if there was no place of my own to be, no ground where my bones could be laid beside my kins', would I not be the most miserable creature in God's world?" (141) Both in Appalachia and in South Wales, land is a commodity precious for many reasons, but especially for its power to mark the difference between a sense of belonging and a sense of homelessness. We see in both novels that when the coal companies take over the land, mining becomes the primary, sometimes the solitary, source of income in an area, and the hazards of mining become a fact of life for those who must go down into the mines as well as those who wait and worry above. The Welsh woman Beth Morgan is bravely matter-of-fact when she sends her husband and sons off to the colliery each day, but she never loses sight of the dangers they face. When her son Ivor is killed in a roof fall only days after the birth of his son and her husband reminds her that "The Lord giveth and the Lord taketh away," Beth refuses comfort and kindles her anger over his loss. When her husband dies under the coal some years later, it signals the end of more than her marriage; it signals the end of her faith, "'God could have had him in a hundred ways,' she said, and tears burning white in her eyes, 'but He had to have him like that. A beetle under the foot. . . . If I set foot in Chapel again, it will be in my box, and knowing nothing of it'" (492-93). The necessity of death she can accept, but the thought of death in the mines is almost too ugly for her to endure. In the West Virginia mines of Storming Heaven, the naturally hazardous job of underground mining is presented as even more hazardous because of the carelessness and criminal neglect of the owners. Vernie Lloyd protests when her husband wants to take their sons into the mine with him, but to no avail. Like Beth Morgan, Vernie is a wife and mother terrified for her men; unlike Beth, she reacts to the constant fear by detaching herself from her family. She becomes cold and distant, withdrawing from those she loves in order to protect herself from hurt. After the man with whom Rondal works is crushed to death in a roof fall; she tells her son, "I done lost you. Coal mine will get you sure. You're bound to git kilt. I seen it coming" (39-40). The anger that Beth Morgan turns against God Vernie Lloyd turns against her men—but in neither case can the mother protect herself or those she loves. Beth loses her oldest son and her husband in cave-ins, while Vernie's husband and youngest son are killed in an underground explosion. For the women in coal country, whether Wales or West Virginia, mining means horrible fear and grief. The men are afraid, too, but their fear seems to be blunted by early, regular exposure to the hazards of their occupation. Leaving school at the age of ten to join his daddy in the mines, Rondal Lloyd tries to quell his 135 �initial fear of the darkness and confinement by reminding himself of the other children who must work in the mines to help support their families. But he remains afraid when he is underground, "I tried not to think of the mountain pushing down on us. . . . The air was still and our breathing could not move it. The mountain pressed down, uneasy at the violation of its entrails" (35). Rondal leaves the mine, swearing not to return, but his desire to improve conditions for his father and brothers by starting a union brings him back. Eventually his fear eases to become what he describes as a "disregard for danger and even a mocking sort of courage. (He) would look up after the powder had blown and dare the son of a bitch roof to come down" (89). He comes to uneasy terms with the mountain. Huw Morgan, like Rondal Lloyd, learns to deal with his fear of the mine, but he never forgets the sense of menace he feels when underground, and he shares Rondal's conception of the mountain as a creature violated. Watching his father die under tons of coal and rock, Huw feels a keen awareness of the earth as an entity exploited by men, . . . The Earth bore down in mightiness. . . . There is patience in the Earth to allow us to go into her, and dig, and hurt with tunnels and shafts, and if we put back the flesh we have torn from her and make good what we have weakened, she is content to let us blood her. But when we take, and leave her weak where we have taken, she has a soreness, and anger that we should be so cruel to her and so thoughtless of her comfort. So she waits for us, and finding us, bears down, and bearing down, makes us a part of her, flesh of her flesh, with our clay in place of the clay we thoughtlessly have shovelled away. (49) Although Llewellyn does not emphasize as Giardina does the role of mine owners and operators in mandating irresponsible and unsafe mining practices, both authors deal at length in their works with the dangerous nature of a miner's work and the various ways people have of coping with their fear. Another reality of life in a coal community is pollution, the damage done to the earth, air, and water by mine owners whose only concern is profit. The slag that eventually swallows up the Morgan house first shows its destructive nature down in the Valley. Surveying the site after some time away, Huw notices first of all the advance of the slag heap, Big it had grown, and long, and black . . . on both sides of the river. The green grass, and the reeds and the flowers, all had gone, crushed beneath it. . . . The river . . . banks were stained, and the reeds of their dirtiness, ready to die of shame, 136 �they seemed, and of sorrow for their dear friend, the river. (103^04) The waste products of the local mining operations, carelessly discarded in order to save time and money for the owners, slowly but relentlessly destroy the once beautiful Welsh Valley. In the hills of West Virginia, the same process of destruction takes place. The child Rondal has never known the creek any different from the way it is now, "black with mine drainage and raw sewage," but his Daddy recalls an earlier time when "The creek was clear as glass, and we used to git trout outen it, and bullfrogs. . . . Now the creek won't run clear til kingdom come, I reckon" (24). Contamination of water in the coal camps, where the operators have built the privies too close to the water supply, results in an epidemic of typhoid. As the local nurse, Carrie Bishop treats the victims and presses for new sanitary facilities at the camp. According to the absentee owners, however, there is "no money in the budget for such frills," so the people continue to sicken and die. The condition of the air, too, is deplorable. When Carrie first comes to Vulcan coal camp, she comments on the quality of the air: "Clouds of black bug dust whipped through the streets, and when the wind was right, the sulphurous fumes from the burning slag heap above Hunkie Holler choked the air in the narrow bottom" (102). A coal operation wherever it is located invariably means pollution of the environment. A coal operation also seems to mean dissatisfaction with working conditions and wages, and all too often violence is the result. Both Giardina's and Llewellyn's books focus on the causes of the miners' discontent, the efforts made to resolve differences peacefully, and the strikes and violence that occur when these efforts fail. In How Green Was My Valley, most of the mine owners are Londoners; in Storming Heaven, the owners live in New York or Boston. In both cases the absentee owners thrive while the miners struggle to survive. Interestingly, in both books the community leader who encourages miners to fight for better wages and safer conditions is a minister. When reminded that his business as a man of God is the spiritual welfare of his congregation, the Reverend Mr. Gruffydd justifies his involvement in mining politics: "My business/ shouted Mr. Gruffydd, 'is anything that comes between man and the spirit of God. . . . Let it not be forgotten that the Lord Jesus drove the money-changers from the Temple" (154). We see Mr. Gruffydd as a man who respects authority and teaches his parishioners to do likewise—until authority is proven to be unjust; then he counsels the formation of an orderly society, a union, to negotiate for justice. Mr. Gruffydd encourages the men to state their grievances boldly and to fight for their rights, and he helps them to keep up their spirits through the desperate days of hardship and strike, foregoing his own meager salary, 137 �collecting clothes and food for the families most in need, and presiding over the funerals of those who starve to death. The Reverend Gruffydd has his counterpart in West Virginia in Albion Freeman, who goes into the mines in order to carry his message as a preacher to the men. Albion persuades the operators to allow him to hold Bible study meetings during dinner breaks in the mine, and prayer meetings at his coal camp home in the evenings. The superintendent recognizes the importance of religion in the peoples' lives and thinks that a minister will encourage the miners to accept their lot. Instead, Albion reads to them from the books of Exodus and Deuteronomy, preaching that the children of Israel should be delivered from their oppressors, that the first shall be last and the last shall be first. Albion and his flock study the United Mineworkers along with the Bible. Albion, like the Reverend Gruffydd, suffers along with the strikers, as hungry and cold as they. He preaches faithfulness to a just cause and faith in a God who will one day see his people to the Promised Land. The goal of both Albion Freeman and Merddyn Gruffydd is to inspire their congregations to believe in themselves, as well as in God. The gospel they preach is not patience and submission, but battle for the glory of God. Even coal miners, they dare to claim, are entitled as children of the Lord to a decent life, which can be made possible only by humane working conditions and a fair share of the profits which the owners would prefer to hoard. The owners and operators who would deny these rights to their employees are certainly motivated by avarice, but perhaps by something else as well—prejudice against the very people whose work has made them wealthy. In the first place, miners perform physical labor, which immediately lowers them in the eyes of the "upper" classes. After all, how much respect can be due a bluecollar—in this case, black-collar—worker? Also, the nature and setting of the work itself is hardly likely to lend the miners status. Coal miners spend their working lives underground in holes, like rats or moles, and even when they emerge into the light, they carry blackness with them. If cleanliness is next to godliness, then the miners and their families who live in the coal camps spend a large proportion of their time far from God. The work which makes their employers rich lowers the status of the miners, enabling the Boston owners of a West Virginia coal camp to refuse to improve sanitary conditions there, claiming that the typhoid is "caused by the filthy habits of the miners and their families" (105). A teacher at the National School in Wales can tell Huw Morgan, "Your dirty coal mining ways are not wanted here" (189), and a jealous housekeeper can refer to Huw's sister as a "slut" who is "fouling" her husband's home because she is a coal miner's daughter. Not only by virtue of their association with coal mining, however, are the people in South Wales and Appalachia scorned by outsiders. The na138 �tives of both regions have been victims of stereotyping in their respective countries, and both novels illustrate the damage that such stereotyping can do. To the teachers brought from the city to educate the children in the West Virginia coal camps and to the mine owners from Boston, the people of Appalachia are hillbillies—dirty, backward, and stupid. To the Londoners who own the collieries in South Wales and to the teachers in the school across the mountain from Huw Morgan's home, the Welsh people are savages—dirty, backward, and stupid. Criticism of a regional group often focuses on its dialect, and we see in Storming Heaven and How Green Was My Valley how the distinctive speech of a region earns its people contempt. The voices that we hear in both books are rich in regional accents, colorful with slang expressions and vivid figures of speech, so that we as readers are all the more dismayed to see how the speakers are made to suffer for their speech. Carrie Bishop is an amazingly feisty woman, but even she is defensive about her Appalachian dialect. When she must ask the help of two New York reporters in moving Rondal over Blair Mountain following his serious injury, one of the reporters mimics Carrie's accent. Although Carrie needs his help too much to show resentment, his mockery makes her self-conscious and defensive about her speech, even in a life-and-death situation. In How Green Was My Valley, dialect becomes a crucial issue when Huw Morgan enrolls in the National School established by the English. The Welsh language is considered "jargon" by the teachers there, and as such it is forbidden. Being an older student, Huw usually remembers to speak only in English, but some of the younger children at the school who cannot remember are at the mercy of a cruel teacher who claims that "Welsh was never a language, but only a crude means of communication between tribes of Barbarians" (356). In order to impress upon his students the superiority of English over Welsh, Mr. Jonas uses a device known as a cribban, A small girl came through the door . . . with sobs to rend the heavens and shake her little bit of ribbon off. About her neck a piece of new cord, and from the cord, a board that hung to her shins and cut her as she walked. Chalked on the board, in the fist of Mr. Elijah Jonas-Sessions, "I must not speak Welsh in school." (348-49) Huw flies at Mr. Jonas in a rage and beats him soundly, with the result that he is expelled from school. We see that anti-Welsh prejudice has been institutionalized in Wales, where the people are taught that their language and culture are inferior to those of the British, just as people in Appalachia have been taught to be ashamed of the dialect and culture that set them apart from the American mainstream. 139 �A final similarity between the two books is a tone of regret, of sorrow over irrevocable loss. Huw Morgan mourns the destruction of his valley and the Welsh community that had once prospered there in peace and harmony. Although he takes some comfort in the thought that the people and land he loved will live in his memory, the fact is that the once beautiful Valley and a way of life have been destroyed. Nothing can restore them. In Appalachia, too, Carrie Bishop learns the hard lesson "that there are forces in this world, principalities and powers, that wrench away the things that are loved, people and land, and return only exile" (61). Loss is natural, of course, and inevitable in a changing and imperfect world, but the kind and degree of loss suffered by the people in these mining regions after the coming of the coal industry is neither natural nor inevitable. As Rondal Lloyd remarks, "Progress is always at somebody's expense" (118). Giardina's and Llewellyn's novels about coal mining communities make us aware of the cost of progress—and lead us to conclude that the price paid in human suffering and wasted resources is certainly too high. These novels are only "regional" works, but they speak to people everywhere of what it means to be human. The characters in Storming Heaven and How Green Was My Valley struggle against enormous odds, suffer grievous pain and loss, and in spite of everything maintain a measure of dignity and pride. Giardina's and Llewellyn's books are "regional" books that make a universal statement. References Cited Giardina, Denise. Storming Heaven. New York, W.W. Norton, 1987. Holman, C. Hugh. A Handbook to Literature. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1980. Llewellyn, Richard. How Green Was My Valley. New York: Macmillan, 1940. 140 �Traditional Appalachian Culture and Traditional Scottish Highland Culture Compared: A Personal Perspective fy Clyde H. Ray Traditional Appalachian culture and traditional Scottish Highland culture have many similarities, shaped by a similar mountain geography which has determined their respective social systems, their folklore and poetry, and their isolation from and relationship to an outside world. It must be granted that defining such similarities between two traditional cultures 3000 miles and over two centuries apart is a delicate and challenging exercise. Certainly, no one would confuse the McGregors of Dark Hollow in Haywood County with the 18th-century tacksmen of a Scottish chieftain, nor is there a likelihood that the spirit of the Bonnie Prince will step lightly from a laurel thicket on Roan Mountain. History is the art of alteration, as well as preservation. People, both as social units and as individuals, are made up of many contradictions, illusions, deceptions, and misconceptions. Political, religious, and social differences between the Highlanders of Scotland and America are too numerous to delineate. And to translate a Burns poem into Appalachian dialect is as major a transition and challenge as it would be to translate it into standard English, with the same deplorable results. Nor is it impossible that a hypothetically equally good case could probably be made for comparing Sioux tribal society with the Basques of Spain, or Scotch-Irish history with the national experience of the Zulu. But the truth has many forms: the commonality of experience, geography, society, and economics, wherever it is to be found, does not negate, but rather confirms a common human experience. This confrontation of a common bond, a common experience, perhaps even a common fate between the two traditional highland cultures of Appalachia and Scotland is the focus here. Keeping these restrictions well in mind, some common similarities between the two cultures nevertheless are definable. In both the traditional Highland and the Appalachian experience, territorial control revolved around a dominant extended family unit. Historically, the clan chief and the Appalachian patriarch both had similar responsibilities for the people. Both had an almost mystical right to their position by right of inheritance or tradition. Among their people, blood relationship and custom took 141 �precedence over other social or political ties. A noted European anthropologist expressed the idea succinctly: "for to be of the same blood is to possess the same vital principle and in this sense all who are of like blood make one single living being. It is in this that the clan relationship really consists/'1 A rich oral history and tradition provided a basis of continuity with both peoples. Both cultures placed importance on genealogy and family tradition. Directed to meeting the social and economic needs of a predominantly rural people, family institutions and allegiances were stronger in the absence of the larger social, political, and corporate institutions of a more industrial world. Both have been affected by similar elements of change—roads and transportation, media, education, relocation of population, and economic development. And both provided a rich military resource for their respective nations. It must never be forgotten that the Appalachian and the Highland extended family unit comprised the basic social unit of their respective peoples. Indeed, many Appalachian families are at least in part descendants of Highland families, and the family was the one vitally important avenue by which accustomed traditions and patterns of human behavior were conveyed from the old world to the new. A closer inspection of both social units demonstrates the same wide relationship of the individual members. For example, most Highland clans had (and still have) subsidiary branches of membership called "septs"—families related to the clan either by residing in the same territory or by blood connection along maternal lines. The MacDonalds had well over 100 septs not bearing the name of MacDonald but considered to be an integral part of the clan. Conversely, many extended Appalachian families also contain many members not bearing the family name but considered to be part of it, referring to those members as cousins or as relatives, rather than septs. It was through the family and not through any social program or restoration project that the culture was preserved. And it is through the family that even when relocated, whether to Nova Scotia or the Over-the-Rhine community of Cincinnati, that both cultures retain their Highland or Appalachian identity It is obvious enough, even to the most casual observer, that both cultures developed a distinctive attire, music, dance, dialect, and folklore. It will not be the purpose of this paper to examine the many similarities or derivations in these areas, each of which is deserving of a separate paper of its own. But it should be noted that both cultures have also experienced a somewhat similar fate from the intrusion of a curious, but not always understanding or sympathetic outside world. Both have been stereotyped, caricatured, and over-romanticized. Both have been exploited for economic gain from both within and without. Both have been directly affected by an alien culture: the Highlanders by the English, the Appalachians by the mainstream American. Today, the most public display of 142 �both cultures is in similar types of social gatherings directed in part toward the outside observer: the Appalachian Folk Festivals on the one hand and the Highland Games and Ceileahs on the other. And we would be less than honest if we did not also note that some of the most destructive elements of cultural exploitation resided within both cultures, and some of the most effective preservers of its traditions were found outside its limits. Perhaps the worst enemy of the traditional Highland culture was not to be found among the troopers of the Duke of Cumberland, but rather among the Highland chiefs themselves, who aided and abetted the worst excesses of the enclosure movement. And many an informed admirer of the most intricate and delicate modulations of Appalachian art and music has never climbed a ridge steeper than Beacon Hill in Boston. In both cultures, the enemy was found to be within as well as without. The forces of rapid and irreversible change have operated in similar fashion on both the Scottish and the Appalachian highlander. The improvement of transportation—whether it was the building of Marshal Wades roads over the central Highlands in the 18th century or the improvement of major interstates in the Appalachia of the 20th century—has had the same mixed effect on the traditional culture of both regions. It is not only that traditionalism thrives in an isolated and parochial environment. Transportation provides rapid accessibility to social and cultural elements from the outside world as well as encouraging outmigration of the native people. Education, when it assumes a national perspective, tends to replace traditional values with those of a more rapidly changing world. Expanding media tends to impose a more standard, if wider, perception of an individual's place in the greater society. Any utilization for its own ends. It would be rash to place any value judgment on the universal end result of both trends, equally rash to determine whether improved social service is adequate compensation for a loss of identity and a sense of place. In the absence of final definitive judgment, there must remain only perception of what can be perceived: depressed economy, farmland rapidly reverting to wilderness, a proliferation of lodges and second-home development for vacationers from London or Atlanta. John Prebble, who is an Englishman, states that by the 19th century, the lowlander had inherited the hills and the tartan is a shroud.2 To a disturbing extent, the Appalachian quilt serves much the same purpose. For these reasons, the future for both the Highland and Appalachian traditional cultures appears to be a mixed one. Both will have to endure continued exploitation as entertainment resources for an audience increasingly middle-class, cosmopolitan, economically powerful, and indiscriminately the same. In this role, the man behind the bib overalls or in the tartan is less noticed for what he is than for what he seems to be—someone to be entertaining, to be observed, certainly to be photographed, but not 143 �really to be taken too seriously and to be kept somewhat separate from the greater mainstream or national society about him. The past collective efforts of society to eradicate or to civilize the Appalachian and the Highlander have been largely replaced by one of curious paternalism which, however subtle in application, can be yet insensitive and injurious to the fierce pride of a people with strong ties to land and identity. As we have seen, the people, the land, and the identity are all alike imperiled by undirected, even misdirected social and economic change. But on the other hand, both traditional cultures—where they exist— continue to value their respective and common heritage. Both resist any connotation that their culture is inferior to economic concerns or to the more cosmopolitan and urban culture of the nation at large. Perhaps both will ultimately continue to value tradition more than innovation, knowing that there is something there, behind the sad, defiant cry of the pipes and the mountain fiddles that the family of man needs, knowing that, without it, there is the vague, lingering disquietude of incompleteness perceived. Notes 1. Lucien Levy-Bruhl, Primitives and the Supernatural. 2. John Prebble, The Highland Clearances. 144 �This page intentionally left blank �Subscription Form Detach and mail to: Appalachian Consortium, University Hall, Boone, NC 28608. Please make checks payable to the Appalachian Consortium. Subscriptions for the Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association are available through the Appalachian Consortium. The cost is $13.95 per copy with shipping and handling included. 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UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY ED. POLICY STUDIES LEXINGTON, KY 40506 DICKERSON, LYNN UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND 518 GARDINER ROAD RICHMOND, VA 23229 804-285-2270 DICKSTEIN, CARLA WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY REG. RESEARCH INST. MORGANTOWN, WV 26506 DORGAN, HOWARD APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY COMMUNICATION ARTS BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-2403 JULIA BERA COLLEGE 100 VAN WINKLE GROVE BEREA, KY 40403 986-4716 DRAKE, RICHARD BEREA COLLEGE BOX 2283 BEREA, KY 40404 606-986-9341 DUFFY, TIM FRIENDS WORLD COLLEGE #1242 ROUTE 8 ASHEVILLE, NC 28806 669-5693 DUNN, DURWOOD TENNESSEE WESLEYAN COLLEGE HISTORY DEPARTMENT ATHENS, TN 37303 615-745-7504 153 �DeYOUNG, ALAN UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY COLLEGE OF EDUCATION LEXINGTON, KY 40506 ECKERD, STEPHEN T. HEDGESVILLE, WV 25427 EDWARDS, CAROL L. APPALACHIAN WRITER'S ASSOCIATION SALEM, VA 24153 EDWARDS, GRACE RADFORD UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 5917 RADFORD, VA 24142 703-831-5366 703-389-1604 EDWARDS, MICHAEL RADFORD UNIVERSITY 603 MADISON STREET RADFORD, VA 24141 731-1875 ELLEDGE, BARRY APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY ECONOMICS DEPARTMENT BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-6121 ELLINGTON, LUKE WAKE FOREST UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 8031 WINSTON-SALEM, NC 27109 919-722-3061 ENGLAND, RHONDA G. UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY ED. 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BLACKSBURG, VA 24061 961-4500 HALL, KRISTI APPALKIDS 68 PIFER DRIVE DUBLIN, VA 24084 703-674-5411 HALLAM, HALLIE LU ROLLINS COLLEGE WINTERPARK, FL 32789 305-646-2818 HANCOCK, REBECCA APPALKIDS 78 VEST DRIVE DUBLIN, VA 24084 703-674-0179 HANNAH, PEGGY PIKEVILLE COLLEGE DELBARTQN, WV 25670 475-2450 HARDIN, SONYA APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY ROUTE 4 BOX 109 CONOVER, NC 28613 704-256-8087 HARMS, LOUISE TENNESSEE WESLEYAN COLLEGE 112 HICKORY LANE SWEETWATER, TN 37874 615-337-6150 HARRILL, ANNABEL 118 BLANWOOD DRIVE BOONE, NC 28607 704-262-4507 HARRILL, EDWARD APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY 118 BLANWOOD DRIVE BOONE, NC 28607 704-264-4507 156 �HARRIS-WOODSIDE, JANE EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIVERSITY BOX 19180A JOHNSON CITY, TN 37614 615-929-5348 HART, ALICE P 0 BOX 752 ARDEN, NC 28704 704-684-7976 HART, W A P 0 BOX 752 ARDEN, NC 28704 704-684-7976 HftSKELL SPEER, JEAN VIRGINIA TECH APPALACHIAN STUDIES BLACKSBRUG, VA 24061 703-961-5874 HATCHER, WILMA 2312 SPRING GARDEN BLUEFIED, WV 24701 327-6626 HAWKINS, NYOKA UNIVERSITY OF KENETUCKY LEXINGTON, KY 40502 606-266-6374 HAYDEN, JR, WILBURN WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-227-7112 HAYS, DIANA APPALACHIAN MUSEUM C P 0 995 BEREA, KY 40404 606-986-9341 HELLER, SHARON RADFORD UNIVERSITY 285 TANGLEWOOD DRIVE CHRISTIANSBURG, VA 24073 382-1180 HEDGSPETT, JOYCE PIKEVILLE COLLEGE ROBINSON, KY 41560 HELPER, MONA KAY 10108 TRINITY LANE MftNASSAS, VA 22110 703-335-1770 HERRIN, ROBERTA EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIVERSITY BOX 22, 990A JOHNSON CITY, TN 37614 615-929-6682 HINES, PERCY ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 13 VETERANS DRIVE ASHEVILLE, NC 28805 704-298-5024 HOLLIMAN, MARY C POCAHQNTAS PRESS 2805 WELLESLEY COURT BLACKSBURG, VA 24060 703-951-0467 157 �HOOPER, ROSE WESTERN NORTH CAROLINA TOMORROW CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-227-7492 HORN, ROBERT W. ALEXANDRA, VA 22314 HORTON, JAMES H. WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-293-5448 HORTON, JANE S. WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-293-5448 HOWE, BARBARA J» WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY DEPT. OF HISTORY MORGANTCWN, WV 26506 HOWELL, BENITA 7225 WELLSWOOD LANE KNOXVILLE, TN 37909 615-974-4408 HOWELL, THOMAS 7225 WELLSWOOD LANE KNOXVILLE, TN 37909 615-974-4408 HSIUNG, DAVID C. UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN ANN ARBOR, MI 48105 313-747-1545 HUNTER, HELEN R 3167 VENTNOR ROAD SE ROANOKE, VA 24014 703-344-5093 HUNTLEY, JOY 157 MORRIS AVENUE ATHENS, OH 45701 614-593-7524 HYDE, WILLIAM CENTER FOR APPALACHIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY HALL BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-4089 HYLTON, CAROLYN PIKEVILLE COLLEGE BELFRY, KY 41514 353-8123 HYMES, VIRGINIA UNIV OF VIRGINIA-CHARLOTTESVILLE ANTHROPOLOGY DEPT CHARLOTTESVILLE, VA 22903 804-979-5381 INSCOE, JOHN UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA 250 WEYMANDA CIRCLE ATHENS, GA 30606 404-542-2053 158 �JELEN, TED G. ILLINOIS BENEDICTINE COLLEGE POLITICAL SCIENCE LISLE, IL 60532 JOHNSON, BETH MAXMEADCWS, VA 24360 699-6365 JOHNSON, TAMMY PUCEVILLE COLLEGE PIKEVILLE, KY 41501 JOHNSON, JR, CHARLES UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND MODLIN FINE ARTS RICHMOND, VA 23173 804-289-8272 JONES, ANN CARSON-NEWMAN COLLEGE 1886 CARSON NEWMAN JEFFERSON CITY, TN 37760 475-3166 JONES, LOYAL BEREA COLLEGE APPALACHIAN CENTER BEREA, KY 40404 606-986-9341 JONES, PEGGY PIKEVILLE COLLEGE PIKEVILLE, KY 41501 JOYNER, NANCY L. WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-227-7264 JUDKINS, BENNETT BELMONT ABBEY COLLEGE DEPT OF SOCIOLOGY BELMONT, NC 28012 704-825-3711 SHERRY BEREA COLLEGE C P 0 1315 BEREA, KY 40404 606-986-9341 KEEFE, SUSAN APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY ANTHROPOLOGY DEPT BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-6384 KEGLEY, GEORGE TINKER CREEK LANE ROANOKE, VA 24019 703-366-4607 KESSLER, CLYDE ASA 106 P T TRAVIS AVE RADFORD, VA 24141 639-5076 KING, KATHERINE RADFORD UNIVERSITY 524 CALHOUN RADFORD, VA 24141 731-3228 159 �KIBBY, CHARLIE 0 924 W OUTER DRIVE OAK RIDGE, TN 37830 483-6005 KLINE, MICHAEL m HERITAGE CENTER W CU CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-227-7129 LANCASTER, PAUL VIRGINIA TECH. BLACKSBURG, VA 24060 703-961-5861 LANG, JOHN EMORY & HENRY COLLEGE EMORY, VA 24327 703-944-3121 LANIER, PARKS RADFORD UNIVERSITY BOX 5917 RADFORD, VA 24142 703-831-5269 LAPRESTO, BRIGITTE PIKEVILLE COLLEGE 399 HAMBLEY BLVD PIKEVILLE, KY 41501 606-432-5970 LAPRESTO, CRAIG PIKEVILLE COLLEGE 399 HAMBLEY BLVD PIKEVILLE, KY 41501 606-432-5970 LAWSON, GARLENE PIKEVILLE COLELGE PIKEVILLE, KY 41501 LEADBETTER, JENNY RADFORD UNIVERSITY WILLOW WOODS APTS. RADFORD, VA 24141 731-0316 LEARY, SAM APPALKIDS ROUTE 1 BOX 373 RADFORD, VA 24141 703-639-0656 LEFLER, LISA WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 179A CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-293-3100 LEFTWICH, CHRISTI RADFORD UNIVERSITY RADFORD, VA 24141 731-4845 LEWIS, HELEN HIGHLANDER CENTER ROUTE 1 BOX 270 DUNGANNON, VA 24245 703-467-2240 LEWIS, JOHN BEREA COLLEGE CPO 2298 BEREA, KY 4 4 4 00 986-9341 160 �LEWIS, RONALD WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY HISTORY DEPARTMENT MORGANTOWN, WV 26506 293-2421 LIGHTFOOT, W E APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY ENGLICH DEPARTMENT BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-2337 LINDBERG, LAURIE K. PIKEVILLE COLLEGE PIKEVILLE, KY 41501 432-9379/2342 LINEWEAVER, DEBBIE NEW RIVER COMMUNITY COLLEGE DRAWER 1127 DUBLIN, VA 24084 674-3600 LITTLE, PAT SOUTH MAYO TRAIL PIKEVILLE, KY 41501 LITTRELL, ROBERT A. LINCOLN MEMORIAL UNIVERSITY EWING, VA 24248 703-445-4595 LLOYD, JAMES B. UNIVERSITY OF TENNESSEE KNOXVILLE, TN 37916 615-974-4480 LOHMANN, ROGER A. WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WRK MORGANTOWN, WV 26506 LOHR, KAREN APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM A SU BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-2064 LOOPE, GLYNN CENTER FOR PUBLIC SERVICE COLLEGE AVENUE WISE, VA 24293 LUSHKO, RENE WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 1794 CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-293-3100 MABBS, DENNY ROUTE 1 BOX 332 OCOEE, TN 37361 615-338-2200 MCDONALD, FREDERICK WESTERN MICHIGAN UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WRK KALAMAZOO, MI 49008 MALONEY, MICHAEL APPALACHIAN PEOPLES SERVICE ORGANIZ 4139 KIRBY AVENUE CINCINNATI, OH 45223 513-541-0064 161 �MANN, RALPH UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO, BOULDER 2814-16TH STREET BOULDER, CO 80302 443-5435 MARSHALL, DARVIN ROUTE 1 BOX 228 ST PAUL, VA 24283 703-395-2582 MARSHALL, GANELL ROUTE 1 BOX 228 ST PAUL, VA 24283 703-395-2582 MARTIN, E LEWIS NEW RIVER COMMUNITY COLLEGE SOCIOLOGY DEPARTMENT DUBLIN, VA 24084 703-674-3600 MARTIN, LEAH APPALHDS 306 THIN OAKS PULASH, VA 24084 703-980-7486 MARTIN, MILES SUNY 1 BLAIR AVENUE PLATTSBURGH, NY 12901 518-561-0844 MARTIN-PERDUE, NANCY J UNIV OF VIRGINIA-CmRIOTCESVILLE CHARLOTTESVILLE, VA 22904 804-924-3855 MAUDE-GEMBLER, CYNTHIA SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY PRESS ACQUISITIONS EDITOR SYRACUSE, NY 13244 MAXEY, DEREK VIRGINIA WESTERN COMMUNITY COLLEGE VINTON, VA 24179 929-4744 MCCLANAHAN, HUD WAKE FOREST UNIVERSITY BOX 6191 WINSTON-SALEM, NC 27109 919-724-5550 MCCLURE, PAUL NORTH GEORGIA COLLEGE ENGLISH DEPARTMENT DAHLONEGA, GA 30597 404-864-3391 MCCOMBS, DOROTHY V P I & SU UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES BLACKSBURG, VA 24060 961-5069 MCCRUMB, SHARYN V PI ROUTE 1 BOX 109 NEW CASTLE, VA 24127 961-7528 MCCULLOH, JUDITH UNIV OF ILLINOIS PRESS 54 EAST GREGORY DR CHAMPAIGN, IL 61820 217-244-4681 162 �MCCUTCHEN, GENE UNIVERSITY OF TENNESSEE 1914 ANDY HOLT AVE. KNOXVILLE, TN 37996 MCGRIFF, JAMES H. UNION COLLEGE POLITICAL SCIENCE BARBOURVILLE, KY 4 9 6 00 MCHQNE, CHRISTIE WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY 401 8 HELDER CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-227-4235 MCKEE, GENIA BEREA COLLEGE C P 0 1315 BEREA, KY 4 4 4 00 606-986-9341 MCKENZIE, ROBERTA UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY 424 LINDEN WALK #1 LEXINGTON, KY 40508 606-252-8676 KCKINNEY, GORDON WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY HISTORY DEPARTMENT CULLQWHEE, NC 28723 704-227-7243 MCNUTT, JOHi JANES MADISON UNIVERSITY SOCIOLOGY DEPARTMENT HARRISONBURG, VA 228Q7 568-6974 MEADOWS, RICK WAKE FOREST UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 7870 WINSTON-SALE!!, NC 27109 919-723-5607 MELTON, SARA E. RADFORD UNIVERSITY DUBLIN, VA 24084 703-674-5863 MILES, CELIA H ASHEVILLE-BUKCCMBE TECH 3 CELIA PLACE ASHEVILLE, NC 28801 704-254-1921 MILLER, DANNY NORTHERN KENTUCKY UNIVERSITY 2624 JEFFERSON AVE CINCINNATI, OH 45219 606-572-5619 MILLER, JIM WAYNE WESTERN KENTUCKY UNIVERSITY IWFAC 272 BOWLING GREEN, KY 42101 502-745-5904 MILLER, JUDY K. ABINDQN, VA 24210 703-628-3760 MILLER, SMJ.TB M APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY APPALACHIAN STUDIES BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-2550 163 �MILLER, WILBUR R. STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK AT STONY BROOK STONY BROOK, NY 11794 MITCHELL, GLENN WARREN WILSON COLLEGE 701 WARREN WILSON RD SWANNANOA, NC 28778 704-298-3325 MOBBS, REBECCA ROUTE 1 BOX 332 OCOEE, TN 37361 615-338-2200 MOORE, DALE JAMES AGEE FILM PROJECT 316.5 E MAIN STREET JOHNSON CITY, TN 37601 615-926-8637 MQREFIELD, JOHN EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIVERSITY ROUTE 2 BOX 303 ERVIN, TN 37650 615-743-8143 MORETZ, RAY UNC-CHAPEL HILL ROUTE 2 BOX 514 BOONE, NC 28607 704-264-1989 MOSER, ANN RADFORD UNIVERSITY ROUTE 2 BOX 251 BLUE RIDGE, VA 24064 703-977-1579 MOSER, JOAN WARREN WILSON COLLEGE 312 WILSON COVE ROAD SWANNANQA, NC 28778 298-8971 MOSER, MABEL 311 WILSON COVE ROAD SWANNANOA, NC 28778 704-298-7640 MOSIER, P*UL RADFORD UNIVERSITY 502 TYLER APT F RADFORD, VA 24141 731-4204 MOSSER, REVONDA 712 JOAN CIRCLE SALEM, VA 24153 703-389-0560 MUENINGHOFF, ELAINE UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI CINCINNATI, OH 45255 513-732-5262 MULCAHY, RICHARD WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY DEPT. OF HISTORY MORGANTOWN, WV 26506 MURRAY, CHARLES M UNION CHURCH C P 0 2332 BERA, KY 4 4 4 00 606-986-3725 164 �MURRAY, MARY ANN BEREA COLLEGE C P 0 2268 BEREA, KY 40404 606-986-9341 McGOWAN, THOMAS APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY NC FOLKLORE SOCIETY BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-2323 McGRIFF, JOHN UNION COLLEGE BARBOURVILLE, KY 40906 606-423-2469 NELSON, KEN MAYLAND COMMUNITY COLLEGE P 0 BOX 547 SPRUCE PINE, NC 28777 704-765-7735 NEWELL, MARTY UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY NORTH FORK UNIT WHITESBURG, KY 41858 606-633-0108 NOE, KENNETH BEREA COLLEGE BEREA, KY 4 4 4 00 606-986-7854 NORDEEN, ELIZABETH MARSHALL UNIVERSITY ROUTE 1 BOX 422 CHESAPEAKE, OH 45619 304-696-2357 NORRIS, MONICA APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM A SU BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-2064 O'DELL, JAMES GREEN RIVER WRITERS ROUTE 3, BOX 2 HODGENVILLE, KY 42748 802-358-9970 O'DELL, MARY GREEN RIVER WRITERS ROUTE 3, BOX 2 HODGENVILLE, KY 42748 502-358-9970 OBERMILLER, PHILLIP NORTHERN KENTUCKY UNIVERSITY 5137 SALEM HILLS LN CINCINNATI, OH 45230 513-232-2669 ODUM, SALLIE BEREA COLLEGE BEREA, KY 4 4 4 00 616-986-9341 OLIVER, SCOTT UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY NORTH FORK UNIT WHITESBURG, KY 41858 606-633-0108 OGLE, VIOLET PIKEVILLE COLLEGE PHELPS, KY 41553 165 �OLSON, ERIC APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY APP COLLECTION BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-4041 ORR, JOAN MUSEUM OF THE CHEROKEE INDIAN PINEY GROVE APT C CHEROKEE, NC 28719 704-497-4447 PABON, ALBERTA P 0 BOX 1272 CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-293-9066 PALMER, LOUIS H. TRYON, NC 28782 704-863-2129 PARKER, AUDREY ROUTE 5 BOX 658 BOONE, NC 28607 704-262-1844 PARKER, CLINTON APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM A.S.U. BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-2070 PECK, THELMA CUMBERLAND MT COMMUNITY SERVICE ROUTE 2 BOX 541 HONAKER, VA 24260 873-7313 PERDUE, JR, CHARLES UNIV OP VIRGINn-OlARI^TTESVILLE CHARLOTTESVILLE, VA 22904 804-924-3855 PERRON, JAMES UNC-CHARLOTTE 333 S EASTWAY DRIVE TROUTOAN, NC 28166 528-9847 PETERSON, THOMAS ROLLINS COLLEGE WINTERPARK, FL 32789 305-646-2818 PEYTON, BILLY JOE WSWP-TV BECKLEY, WV 25802 PHILLIBER, WILLIAM ROUTE 2 BOX 145 ACCORD, NY 12404 914-687-7175 PLUMLEE, STEPHEN W. MICHAEL BLACKWOOD PRODUCTIONS 251 W. 57TH STREET NEW YORK, NY 10017 PORTER, JULIA D. 1601 SPRING GARDEN, #516 PHILADELPHIA, PA 19130 166 �POTEAT, JOEL R APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY A V SERVICES BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-4080 PRATT, ELLIOTT WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 1508 CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-586-2827 PREECE, ANNA PIKEVILLE COLLEGE PILGRAM, KY 41250 395-5679 PUDUP, MARY BETH WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERISTY REGIONAL RESEARCH MORGANTOWI, WV 26506 304-293-2896 PURDY, RITA S VIRGINIA TECH 211 WALLACE HALL BLACKSBURG, VA 24061 703-961-6770 RANDALL APPALODS P 0 BOX 212 HIWASEE, VA 24347 703-980-5854 QUINN, CAROLYN RADFORD UNIVERSITY 1090 CHESTNUT DRIVE CHRISTIANSBURG, VA 24073 382-0091 QUINN-CARO, EDIE WHITE PLAINS, KY 10605 914-949-7170 QUINNETT, JOHN ROUTE 3 BOX 13W BRYSON CITY, NC 28713 488-3724 RAINEY, HARLAN H. 6026 WESTCHESTER DR COLLEGE PARK, MD 20740 RANDOLPH, JOHN H. FORT NEW SALEM/SALEM COLLEGE SALEM, WV 26426 304-782-5245 RANKIN, TOM EMORY UNIVERSITY 556 GRANT STREET S E ATLANTA, GA 30312 404-523-4931 RASMUSSEN, BARBARA WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY 224 WILSON AVENUE MORGANTOHN, WV 26505 304-293-2421 RAY, CLYDE WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-227-7492 167 �READY, MILTON UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROUHA DEPT OF HISTORY ASHEVILLE, NC 28804 REID, HERBERT UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY LEXINGTON, KY 40506 606-257-2709 REID, MOSIE BLUE RIDGE PARTWAY VINTON, VA 24179 890-6926 REIHMAN, ANN EMORY & HENRY COLLEGE 247 PLEASANT VIEW DR EMORY, VA 24327 628-2651 REIMAN, ROBERT E APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY GEOGRAPHY & PLANNING BOONE, NC 38608 704-262-2651 RICHMAN, L K VA HIGHLANDS COMMUNITY COLLEGE 247 PLEASANTVIEW DR ABINGDON, VA 24210 703-628-6094 RILEY, JAMES A. PIKEVILLE COLLEGE HUMANITIES DEPT. PIKEVILLE, KY 41501 ROBERTS, SAM TENNESSEE WESLEYAN COLLEGE DEPT. OF RELIGION ATHENS, TN 37303 ROBERTSON, DOT J. SIX MILE, SC 29682 803-868-2591 ROBINSON, BETH WAKE FOREST UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 6865 WINSTON-SALEM, NC 27109 919-761-5695 ROGERS, ANNE WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY ANTHROPOLOGY DEPT. CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-227-7268 ROGOSIN, DONN WSWP-TV 111 WHITE AVENUE BECKLEY, WV 25801 304-255-1501 ROSEBERRY, HELEN EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIVERSITY BOX 22, 300A JOHNSON CITY, TN 37614 615-929-4392 ROSS, CARL A APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY APPALACHIAN STUDIES BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-4089 168 �ROSS. CHARLOTTE APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY 410 PINNACLE DRIVE BOONE, NC 28607 704-264-8989 RUDOLPH- DEBORAH APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY 805 EAST KING STREET BOONE, NC 28607 704-262-1440 SALSTROM, PAUL BRANDEIS UNIVERSITY HISTORY DEPARTMENT WALTHAM, MA 02154 617-891-84% SAUNDERS, CYNTHIA ROUTE 1 BOX 185 WILLIA, VA 24380 703-789-7278 SAWN, PATRICIA 426 E 12TH STRET BLOOMINGTON, IN 47401 812-333-6276 SCANCARELLI/ JANINE UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY ENGLISH DEPARTMENT LEXINGTON, KY 40506 606-257-6987 SELLERS, BETTIE YOUNG HARRIS COLLEGE YOUN HARRIS, GA 30582 404-379-3111 SEMDNES, KARON HOLLINS COLLEGE ROANOKE, VA 24019 703-563-1466 SHARP, GEORGE W. RADFORD UNIVERSITY RADFORD, VA 24142 703-731-6903 SHARP, SHARON FREELANCE EDITOR & WRITER P 0 BOX 3345 BOONE, NC 28607 704-264-6870 SHEEPPARD, GWEN WESTERN NORTH CAROLINA TOMORROW WAYNESVILLE, NC 28723 704-227-7492 SHEPPARD, TRACIE PIKEVILLE COLLEGE DELBARTON, WV 25670 SHIFFLETT, PEGGY RADFORD UNIVERSITY SOCIOLOGY DEPARTMENT RADFORD, VA 24142 703-831-5857 SHIRLEY, PATRICIA 1431 CHEROKEE TRAIL KNOXVILLE, TN 37920 615-573-5081 169 �SHOOK, JANE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM A SU BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-2064 SHORT, EVA APPALKIDS ROUTE 1 BOX 122-D DUBLIN, VA 24084 703-674-1260 SIMMONS, KIM WAKE FOREST UNIVERSITY REY STREET WINSTON-SALEM, NC 27109 SIMPKINS, CHRIS NEW RIVER CC DUBLIN, VA 24084 674-3607 919-724-5039 SIMPKINS, KAREN LI MARSHALL UNIVERSITY DEPT. OF SOCIOLOGY/ HUNTINGTQN, WV 25701 304-696-2793 SINCLAIR, BENNIE LEE CLEVELAND, SC 29635 803-836-8489 SLUSHER, ALICE ROUTE 2 BOX 613 FLOYD, VA 24091 703-789-7311 SMALLEY, LORRAINE WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 1174 CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-293-3498 SMITH, BETTY N 475 BLUFF ROAD HOT SPRINGS, NC 28743 704-622-3381 SMITH, DIXIE W V WRITER'S 1025 GREENLAND CHARLESTON, WV 25309 304-766-8002 SMITH, JEFF UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN ANN ARBOR, MI 48104 313-763-1460 SPALDING, SUSAN EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIVERSITY BOX 19180A JOHNSON CITY, TN 37614 615-929-5348 SPEER, ALLEN LEES-MCRAE COLLEGE BOX 128 BANNER ELK, NC 28604 704-898-5241 SPENCER, DEBORAH 1223 HANEY SOUTH BEND, IN 46613 219-232-3330 170 �SPRAGUE, STUART MOREHEAD STATE UNIVERSITY U P 0 846 MOREHEAD, KY 40351 606-784-7416 STAMM, HENRY E APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY ROUTE 1 BOX 196-A BANNER ELK, NC 28604 704-898-9265 STANWITZ, SANDRA RADFORD UNIVERSITY MAXMEADOWS, VA 24360 699-6365 STARNES, BOBBY HARVARD EDUCATIONAL 13 &PPIMI WAY CAMBRIDGE, MA 02138 617-495-3432 STEELE, PAUL P 0 BOX 3485 RADFORD, VA 24143 703-639-6383 STEELE, ROBERTA P 0 BOX 3485 FSS RADFORD, VA 24143 703-639-6383 STEVENS, BERNICE A ROUTE 3 BOX 963 GATLINBURG, TN 37738 615-436-4512 STEVENS, ELIZABETH APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY BOX 747 VALLE CRUCIS, NC 28691 704-264-7986 STINTON-GLEN, KATHY LEA BALL STATE UNIVERSITY 1409 W WASHINGTON MUNCIE, IN 47303 317-282-0976 STINGEL, RENATE PHCEVILLE COLLEGE PIKEVILLE, KY 41501 STIPES, KAREN BLACKSBURG HIGH SCHOOL BLACKSBURG, VA 24060 STITZEL, JUDITH WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY CTR. FOR WOMEN'S ST. MORGANTOWN, WV 26505 STONE, CONSTANCE 1549 WANAGA WAY SALEM, VA 24153 703-389-1923 STONE, JAMES W. DAVIS & ELHNS COLLEGE SOCIOLOGY DEPT. ELHNS, WV 26241 171 �STRAW, RICHARD RADFORD UNIVERSITY BOX 5764 RADFORD, VA 24142 703-831-5873 STURGILL, CAROLYN H. APPALSHOP, INC, WHITESBURG, KY 41858 606-633-0108 SULLIVAN, KEN W.V. DEPT. OF CULTURE AND HISTORY CHARLESTON, WV 25314 304-348-0220 SUTTON, DAVID APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY CTR. FOR APPALACHIAN BOONE, NC 28608 SUTTON CAHOON, JAME QUINN PUBLISHING COMPANY 231 UPPER HERRON RD WEAVERVILLE, NC 28787 704-645-5770 SWART, SHEILA RADFORD UNIVERSITY 1207C CLEMENT ST. RADFORD, VA 24141 TAUL, GLEN E. UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY CHRISTIAN APPALACHIA LANCASTER, KY 4 4 6 04 606-792-3051 TAYLOR, JOHN C UNION COLLEGE BOX 463 BARBOURVILLE, KY 4 9 6 00 606-546-4151 TAYLOR, JOHN C . UNIONCOLLEGE DEPT. OF HISTORY BARBOURVILLE, KY 40906 TENNEY, NOEL W. FORT NEW SALEM/SALEM COLLEGE SALEM, WV 26426 304-782-5245 THOMAS, NORMA EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIVERSITY BOX 22, 450A JOHNSON CITY, TN 37614 615-929-6690 THOMPSON, DEBORAH APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 566 DT5 BOONE, NC 28607 704-262-4089 THOMPSON, EDGAR H EMORY & HENRY COLLEGE NEFF EDUCATION CTR EMORY, VA 24327 703-944-3121 THOMPSON, JIM RADFORD UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 2545 CHRISTIANSBURG, VA 24073 382-8450 172 �THOMPSON, NANCY 335 ELLISON AVENUE BECKLEY, WV 25801 252-7679 THOMPSON, PAULINE APPALACHIAN CONSORTIUM 100 ORCHARD DRIVE BOONE, NC 28607 704-262-1979 THOMPSON, RENIA RADFORD UNIVERSITY CHRISTIANSBURG, VA 24073 382-8450 THORN, WILLIAM UNIVERSITY OP RICHMOND 1601 WILMINGTON AVE RICHMOND, VA 23227 804-353-9363 TIMM, PAT UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI 4450 ERIC AVENUE CINCINNATI, OH 45227 271-9539 TIPTON GRAY, AMY CALDWELL COIMUNITY COLLEGE 1000 HICKORY BLVD HUDSON, NC 28638 704-728-4323 TITON, JEFF BROWN UNIVERSITY MUSIC DEPARTMENT PROVIDENCE, RI 02912 TRESTAIN, CHARLENE APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY 305.5 GRAND BLVD BOQNE, NC 28607 704-264-0247 TREVINO, DIANA 7304 SCQTTWOOD AVE CINCINNATI, OH 45237 513-761-9195 TRIBE, DEANNA L. OHIO COOPERATIVE EXTENSION SERVICE 017 STANDPIPE ROAD JACKSON, OH 45640 TRIBE, IVAN M. RIO GRANDE COLLEGE McARTHUR, OH 45651 614-596-4201 TRIGGS, KATHLEEN HARPERS FERRY, WV 25425 304-876-3641 UNDERWOOD, SHIRLEY KNOX COUNTY SCHOOLS ROUTE 12 KNOXVULE, TN 37918 615-521-2413 TUCKER, JOHN WALSWORTH PUBLISHING CO. MARCELINE, MO 64658 816-376-3543 173 �WAGMAN, GENA D. WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY DEFT. OF ENGLISH MORGANTOWN, WV 26506 WAGNER/ MELINDA RADFORD UNIVERSITY APP STUDIES PROGRAM RADFORD, VA 24142 703-831-5159 WALLENSTEIN, PETE V P I & SU HISTORY DEPARTMENT BLACKSBURG, VA 24061 703-961-5331 WALLER, ALTINA STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK DEPT, OF HISTORY PLATTSBURGH, NY 12901 518-564-5220 WALPOLE, MATTHEW APPALACHIAN STUDIES A SU BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-4089 WARN, SUEANNE WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 1174 CULLOWHEB, NC 28723 704-293-3498 WATSON, STEVE P 0 BOX 753 RADFORD, VA 24141 831-5349 WAUGH, LTT.T.TAM J. WOMEN'S CENTENARY RESEARCH 200 CLARK HALL MORGANTOWN, WV 26506 WEAVER, HANK CTR. FOR APPALACHIAN STUDIES A.S.U. BOONE, NC 28608 704-262-4041 WEAVER, JOSEPH ALLEGHANY COMMUNITY COLLEGE CUMBERLAND, MD 21502 301-724-7700 WEBB, JEANETTE APPALKIDS ROUTE 1 BOX 53 PULASKI, VA 24301 703-980-1348 WEBB, JIM UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY NORTH FORK UNIT WHITESBURG, KY 41858 606-633-0108 WEBB, VAUGHN BLUE RIDGE INSTITUTE OF FERRUM COLL FERRUM, VA 24088 703-365-4417 WEDDINGTON, MERETTA PIKEVILLE COLLEGE PIKEVILLE, KY 41501 174 �WEINGARTNER, PAUL J. UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY LEXINGTON, KY 40508 WEINSTEIN, SHARON NORFOLK STATE UNIVERSITY ENGLISH & FOR. LANG. NORFOLK, VA 23504 WELCH, ROB EASTERN KENTUCKY UNIVERSITY BOX 332A RR 2 BEREA, KY 40403 606-986-1042 WESLEY, CHARLES SAVE THE CHILDREN BOX 319 BEREA, KY 40403 606-986-3901 WESSINGER, CARROLL L. LUTHERAN CHURCH IN AMERICA WYTHEVILLE, VA 24382 703-228-4861 WEST, HARK P 0 BOX 325 CHAPEL HILL, NC 27514 919-929-7436 WHEELING, THERESA RADFORD UNIVERSITY ROUTE 2 APT 88 RADFORD, VA 24141 703-731-1519 WHITE, BLAIR EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIVERSITY BOX 22, 300A JOHNSON CITY, TN 37614 615-929-4392 WHITE, DENNIS APPALSHOP, INC. WHTTESBURG, KY 41858 606-633-0108 WIGGINS, EUGENE 103 JONES CIRCLE DAHLONEGA, GA 30533 404-864-6439 WIGGINS, GENEVIEVE TENNESSEE WESLEYAN COLLEGE ENGLISH DEPARTMENT ATHENS, TN 37303 615-745-7504 WIGGINS, JEAN 103 JONES CIRCLE DAHLONEGA, GA 30533 404-864-6439 WILLIAMS, DAVID AUBURN UNIVERSITY 1318 WRIGHT'S MILL AUBURN, AL 36830 821-9864 WILLIAMS, DEAN CENTER FOR APPALACHIAN STUDIES P 0 BOX 9 TODD, NC 28684 919-877-5803 175 �WILLIAMS, MAX WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY MT. HERITAGE CENTER CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 WILLIAMSON, J V APPALACHIAN JOURNAL UNIVERSITY HALL BOQNE, NC 28608 704-262-4072 WILLIS, JENNIFER WAKE FOREST UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 7854 WINSTON-SALEM, NC 27109 919-724-2571 WILLOUGHBY, J. RONALD RADFORD UNIVERSITY RADFORD, VA 24141 703-831-5441 WINGFIELD, PATSY CITY OF SALEM SCHOOLS ROANOKE, VA 24015 387-2503 WOOD, CURTIS WESTERN CAROLINA UNIVERSITY MOUNTAIN HERITAGE CULLOWHEE, NC 28723 704-293-7129 WOOD, SHARON FLOYD HIGH SCHOOL ROUTE 1 COPPER HILL, VA 24079 651-8353 WORKMAN, JERRY SAVE THE CHILDREN BOX 319 BEREA, KY 40403 606-986-3901 WORKMAN, MICHAEL E. WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY MORGANTOWH, VA 26505 293-3867 WRIGHT, TONYA PIKEVILLE COLLEGE JENKINS, KY 41537 639-8407 YARROW, MIKE ITHACA COLLEGE 407 HANCOCK STREET ITHACA, NY 14850 607-272-4943 YORK, J T STONEVILLE HIGH SCHOOL 2600 DUCK CLUB ROAD GREENSBORO, NC 27410 919-288-7285 YOST, GREG WAKE FOREST UNIVERSITY BOX 7683 WINSTON-SALEM, NC 27109 919-722-7654 YOUNG, RHONDA APPALKIDS ROUTE 1 BOX 302-A DUBLIN, VA 24084 703-674-8754 176 �ZAHORIK, PAMELA EAST TENNESSEE STATE UNIVERSITY P 0 BOX 21130A JOHNSON CITY, TN 37614 615-929-6738 ZIPSER, ANDREW ROANOKE TIMES ROANOKE, VA 24010 983-3352 ZIPSER, ANDY ROANOKE TIMES P.O. BOX 2491 ROANOKE, VA 24010 177 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. 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June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication URL https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469637020/journal-of-the-appalachian-studies-association/ Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mountains of Experience - Interdisciplinary, Intercultural, International - Volume One Description An account of the resource <span>This volume of the </span><em>Journal of Appalachian Studies Association</em><span> includes contributions from various disciplines by Parks Lanier, Jr.; Marilou Awiakta; C. Clifford Boyd, Jr.; Ricky L. Cox; Betty Smith; James E. Byer; Edgar H. Thompson; Teresa Wheeling; Paul J. Weingartner, Dwight Billings, and Kathleen M. Blee; Nelda Knelson Daley; Roberta McKenzie; Barry Elledge; Benita J. Howell; Rodger Cunningham; Laurie Lindberg; and Clyde H. Ray.</span><br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1HcLL3ujtcXmCAlxEoc-qYMyIofF-_Jo4" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469637020/journal-of-the-appalachian-studies-association/" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region--Social life and customs Appalachian Region--In literature Appalachian Region--Social conditions Appalachian Region--Economic conditions Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lanier, Jr., Parks Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Periodicals Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980s Scripto Transcription A written representation of a document. Appalachian Studies conference scholars selected papers https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/ba4c8a6ba400f4867c6779e9f893a89e.pdf 27b2eca5b3a16ab81b5194d0558f5e06 PDF Text Text �TRaNSFORMATION OF LIFE AND LABOR INAPPALACHIA Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association Edited by Ronald L. Lewis 1990 Volume II �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1990 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3699-3 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3701-3 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association Volume 2 1990 Transformation of Life and Labor in Appalachia TABLE OF CONTENTS Preindustrial Jackson County and Economic Development 1 Gordon B. McKinney Western Carolina University Folk Tradition and Industrialization in Appalachia Jean Haskell Speer Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University Signs of Civilization: The Trail of the Lonesome Pine as Colonial Narrative Rodger Cunningham Sue Bennett College Household Composition and Early Industrial Transformation: Eastern Kentucky 1880-1910 Thomas A. Arcury University of Kentucky Bringing Modern Notions of Childhood and Motherhood to Preindustrial Appalachian: Katherine Pettit and May Stone, 1899-1901 Rhonda England University of Kentucky Four Perspectives on Appalachian Culture and Poverty Roger A. Lohmann West Virginia University iii 11 21 47 69 76 �Organized Medicine and the UMWA Welfare and Retirement Fund: An Appalachian Perspective on an National Conflict. Richard P. Mulcahy University of Pittsburgh-Titusville The Roving Picket Movement and the Appalachian Committee for Full Employment, 1959-1965: A Narrative Kate Black University of Kentucky Community Mobilization: The Tug Hill Landfill Site Beth Degutis University of Tennessee The Bitter Creek Appalachian Symposium Garry Barker Berea College A Bridge or a Barrier?: Assessing the Usefulness of Public Education for Individual Success in an East Tennessee County Roberta Campbell and Alan J. DeYoung University of Kentucky "Never Met a Man Who Made a Basket... Never Saw My Daddy Cane a Chair" Bobby Ann Starnes Harvard University Appalachian Studies Association Membership These articles are based on presentations made at the 1989 Appalachian Studies Conference. iv 92 110 128 143 155 175 187 �1989 Appalachian Studies Association Officers Loyal Jones Doyle Bickers Ronald Lewis Sallie Miller Alice Brown President Vice-President Conference Program Chair Newsletter Editor/Secretary Treasurer Steering Committee Program Committee Loyal Jones, Chair Doyle Bickers Barry Buxton Roberta Herrin Parks Lanier, Jr. Grace Toney Edwards Gordon McKinney Rosemary Goss Eliot Wigginton Wilburn Hayden Ronald Lewis, Chair Dwight Billings Kate Black Rebecca Hancock John Inscoe Nancy Joyner Jane Shook William Turner Local Arrangements Mary Beth Pudup, Chair Staff of Regional Research Institute of WVU Ronald L. Lewis, the 1989 program chair of the Appalachian Studies Association and guest editor of the Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association, is professor of history and chairman of the department of history at West Virginia University. He has published extensively on the coal industry. v �This page intentionally left blank �Preindustrial Jackson County and Economic Development Gordon B. McKinney The presence of a growing number of community studies of preindustrial Appalachia allows us the luxury of taking a broader look at this most important part of the mountain past. The number of studies has increased rapidly and has been of very high quality (Waller, 1988; Dunn, 1988; and Pudup, 1989). The results suggest the need for a major revision of our understanding of the traditional world of the highland farmer. This change in perspective will then require a modification of our interpretation of the role played by industrialization in the years between 1880 and 1920. This more realistic understanding of the foundations of preindustrial society will inevitably undermine some of our more cherished notions about the responsibility for the economic problems that followed. This is a small price to pay for increased knowledge and a sounder conceptual base upon which to base our analysis of present conditions. One of the most difficult tasks for historians to deal with is the baneful effect of perfect hindsight. Knowing that the mountain region was to be industrialized, has led most of us to deal with the previous time as nonindustrialized Appalachia instead of approaching it on its own terms. This has allowed us to create a virtual 'Garden of Eden' waiting to be despoiled by insensitive and greedy outsiders and capitalists (Eller, 1982; Billings et al. 1986). This has encouraged most of us to ignore or repress such historical developments as the dispossession of Volume Two, 1990 1 �Native Americans, African slavery, the exploitation of women, the misuse of the environment, elitist politics, rampant drug use, and reluctance to support education as part of preindustrial life. This convenient memory lapse has allowed us to center our attention on the formation of an agricultural society characterized by communal and kinship ties that limited the impact of impersonal economic relationships. A study of Jackson County, North Carolina, in a broader context will allow us to examine the validity of even this limited vision of the mountain past. One concept associated with the traditional mountain lifestyle that has survived the onslaught of recent scholarship is that of community. The new studies agree that the nuclear family homestead was the most basic economic unit. They point out, however, that the families were never individually self-sufficient (Loehr, 1952; Shammas, 1982; Puritt, 1984). In fact, many of those who lived on the land were not themselves landowners. A study of several north Georgia counties concluded that as many as 40 percent of the farmers in that region were tenants (Bode and Ginter, 1986). This conclusion is partially confirmed by the work of my colleagues on the Jackson County project (Blethen and Wood, Jr., 1987). Steven Hahn's innovative work on the Georgia upcountry strongly suggests that despite these differences in the relationship to the land that personal contacts and concerns dominated a community based economy (Hahn, 1983). The point being that all residents of a locality required the skills of craftsmen like millers, blacksmiths, joiners, coopers, and wheelwrights to survive. Hahn concluded that this community agricultural economy was not deeply influenced by the market economy. Several studies of twentieth-century mountain people document that this sense of personal relationship persisted despite the impact of industrialization and change required by Federal policies (Dunn, 1988; Hall et al. 1987; and McDonald and Muldowny, 1982). Another school of interpretation suggests that the presence of a community-based economy does not mean the absence of market pressures. Among the most significant of the scholars proposing this perspective is James T. Lemon. Lemon (1972) argues that the early settlers in southern Pennsylvania were deeply influenced by commercial motives. Many of these individuals ultimately migrated to Virginia and North Carolina and became the first settlers in the Appalachian highlands. If Lemon is correct, the original mountain settlers came not to escape the competition of the market economy, but to find a better opportunity to succeed in it. Nor is Lemon alone in his assertion that community economies were part of a broader market economy. A variety of traditional and Marxist scholars have concluded that American farmers had strong commercial ties by the early 19th century (Clark, 1979; Appleby, 1982; Merrill, 1977). 2 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �For example, Winnifred Rothenberg (1981) has analyzed the convergence of market-center prices and local prices and concluded that by 1820 at the latest Massachusetts farmers were part of the market economy. Analysis of preindustrial Appalachia confirms both the role played by the community in the economy and the importance of the market. The traumatic events of the Civil War illustrated the interdependence of mountain families. Since there were relatively few slaves in Jackson and other mountain counties, the absence of husbands and sons in the army left most families at risk. One Jackson County woman reported that the families of Cherokee soldiers were "living on weeds and the bark of trees ...."! Since their neighbors were little better off themselves, the state and local governments were forced to turn to a formal welfare program to try to insure that soldiers families had food (Escott, 1984). The Confederate draft not only took farmers, but the army needed highly skilled craftsmen to equip and maintain itself. The result was that Jackson and most other mountain counties were stripped of millers, joiners, blacksmiths, tanners, and shoemakers. The loss of these men was disastrous in the extreme and desperate appeals went out to government officials to return some of these essential workers to mountain communities. 2 Thus, the stress of war conclusively demonstrated the dependence of mountain families on their neighbors. Despite the community structure of the mountain economy, there is increasing evidence that the farmers of the region were integrated into a broader series of regional relationships. While local residents may have appeared to take part in a series of barter exchanges, their transactions were based on monetary values being assigned to each item. For example, one western North Carolina farmer made the following offer to a local merchant: "We received a note from you stating that you was anxious to swap beef hides for leather. We will swap at the old prices if that will suit.3" Jackson County farmer and businessman, William Holland Thomas, was typical of this type of mountain store owner. During the years between 1820 and 1850, Thomas secured furs, hides, livestock, butter, and ginseng from his neighbors. In return, he provided them with liquor, salt, gunpowder, hardware, and dry goods (Blethan, p. 74-75). Advertisements in the Asheville News in 1860 offered a wide variety of products for sale. These included such luxuries as piano fortes, personal photographs, and hooped skirts. Clearly, the mountain people had access to the broader American economy. There were other indications of the mountain people's participation in the regional and national economy as well. Not only was cash the basis for commodity exchange, but it was also the measure of value for the most basic of goods—land. Unlike real property in other parts of the South where it was treated as a disposable resource—an attitude found Volume Two, 1990 3 �among some in the highland as well—land was usually the measure of a mountain farmer's wealth and a source of speculative investment (Wright, 1986; Blethen, p.77). William Holland Thomas not only ran a number of stores, but he invested in hundreds of thousands of acres of western North Carolina land. While part of Thomas' reasons for doing this was to protect the homeland of the Eastern Band of Cherokees, he used most of the land for his own personal gain. His own holdings were smaller, however, than those under the control of the Love family—his in-laws (See Inscoe, 1984; Crawford, 1986). Of course, the value of slaves had a regionally determined monetary value as well—prices in Texas and Arkansas determined values in the mountain counties. A report in the Asheville paper noted that five slaves were sold for an average cost of $1,150—a very good price for the time—in early 1859. As a result, all aspects of a mountain farmer's life including his land, crops, livestock, and labor were computed in monetary terms. Thus, we seem to have a contradiction in our analysis. Jackson and other mountain counties were the home of a community economy that functioned through a series of interdependent local relationships. At the same time, all items in the economy were valued in monetary terms determined by broader regional and national markets. The confusion seems to rest on the assumption that the people at the time sensed that these two conditions were not consistent. Apparently they did not. Certainly in western North Carolina, there was a strong push by local leaders to encourage increased economic development outside of agriculture. The problem as Mary Beth Pudup has convincingly demonstrated was the absence of local capital to finance the desired changes. Thomas, although a member of the anti-development party in North Carolina, was an outspoken proponent of the extension of the Western North Carolina railroad into the mountain counties (Jackson County Journal, 1912). His stand was endorsed by the entire political opposition and by most voters who willingly accepted higher taxes in return for access to the outside world (Kruman, 1983; Asheville News, 1959). Using the small amount of state aid available, western North Carolina county governments provided the first major roadways in the region. The Buncombe Turnpike—laid out north and south—connected East Tennessee with upper South Carolina through Asheville. This route provided an avenue for most of the livestock trade of that part of the mountain region. At one point in the 1850s more than 100,000 hogs a year moved across this route (McDonald and McWhiney, 1975). The state road cut across the mountains from east to west and was maintained by local labor. The importance of this road was demonstrated when it fell in disrepair during the Civil War and goods could not be shipped to Jackson County.4 Even government officials were forced to admit that the normal pattern of transport to western North Carolina 4 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �had been destroyed. The North Carolina salt commissioner at Saltville, Virginia, could not ship his precious cargo to several mountain counties.5 Obviously, these problems would not have been so crucial if the region had not needed to trade with other parts of the South. The impact of the breakdown of mountain transportation during the war further illustrated the dependence of mountain families on the outside world as well as their communities. Abundant evidence indicates that most western North Carolina families had stopped producing their own cloth. Many households lacked even the basic cotton cards and wood cards needed to start the process of preparing the fibers to make thread and yarn.6 Others refused to consider starting from that basic level and insisted upon obtaining finished thread and yarn ready for weaving.7 Even those who tried to do it themselves found the old skills difficult to learn.8 Still others disdained the use of the loom and would purchase only the finished product.9 The demand for cloth was so great in the western counties that one group wanted to construct a textile factory there.10 As conclusive as the above example is of market involvement, the expectation of farm families that they would have to purchase food during the war is equally convincing. Those involved did not find the practice unusual or unexpected. While the numbers involved were relatively small, the appeals to the government for direct assistance were done with the expectation that food could be directly purchased.11 It is clear that many mountain families had become dependent on the market for products that scholars have assumed were produced at home. The investigator must confront the question of why contemporary observers were convinced that the mountain people lived in a different world from the rest of the country. This perception would seem to be based on the assumption that the relative isolation of the mountain people was a matter of their own choice. They chose to live apart and to live at the subsistence level. Mary Beth Pudup's recent work suggests otherwise. Looking at economic developments in Eastern Kentucky, she demonstrates that the mountain population actually lost contact with the market economy in the latter part of the nineteenth century. As railroads opened up the adjacent lowlands, trade routes moved away from the mountains, and the resulting economy was more isolated than had been previously the case (Pudup, 1988). When outside capital perceived the opportunities provided by the natural resources of the region, the state governments and large corporations provided the rails that opened up the region. These investors fulfilled not only their own visions of development, but those of many mountain businessmen who had little access to capital. Thus, one can argue that the creation of the community-based agricultural economy of the Southern mountains was not an escape from the market economy. Instead, it was a reflection of the geographical Volume Two, 1990 5 �realities and economic resources of the region. This does not mean that the mountaineer did not live in relative isolation. Nor does it mean that the families in Jackson County produced many manufactured goods or commercial farm products. But it does indicate that this was not the result of a commitment to an ideology that opposed economic expansion and industrialization. When the railroads arrived in Sylva and Dillsboro, the farmers left their relatively unprofitable farms to work in town or for timber companies. Even the great depressions of the 1890s and 1930s did not stop this flow of people off the farm. Our new understanding of the preindustrial world of Jackson County must, therefore, contain the following points. The acknowledged isolation of the mountain people was relative and did not shield them from the workings of the market economy. Many in the county and in the region worked hard to maintain connections to the outside world. Individual slaveowners, merchants, stock drovers, craftsmen, and farmers were already directly involved in a cash economy in which prices were determined outside of the region. The failure to expand commercially and to industrialize was not due to hostility directed against that type of activity, but was due primarily to an absence of local capital necessary to finance large scale enterprises. When the capital was made available by outside sources, the mountain middle class eagerly participated in the economic revolution that followed. Many mountain farm families also exchanged their dependence on the neighbors for the dependence on the large companies that exploited the resources of the region. Large landowners like William Holland Thomas were replaced by large landowners like Champion Paper Company. Viewed from this perspective, the industrialization that followed the coming of the railroads was an acceptable change. While many residents of Jackson County would decry the loss of intimacy in personal contacts, few desired to return to their previous way of life. In addition, they were able to maintain contact with large numbers of their children who would have had to migrate if industrial jobs had not provided opportunities near the homes of their parents. By looking at the preindustrial period as free from commercial influences, scholars have overemphasized the changes brought by economic development. In addition, they have been able to portray the mountain people as unwilling victims of a world they did not understand. While many of them did not comprehend or endorse the totality of the changes, they did welcome the opportunities presented and recognized that the region had irrevocably changed. It is now time for Appalachian scholars to make the same discovery. 6 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Letters Adkins, William. Statement, n.d. Eller, Jas et al, to Zebulon B. Vance. 8 November 1862. Callaway, R.F. et al, to Vance. 11 November 1862. Reel 15: Shell, J. F. to Vance. 3 March 1863. Reel 16: Conley, Elizabeth et al, to Vance. 10 July 1863. Reel 18: Shoop, D.C. to Vance. 24 March 1864. Reel 22: Love, R.E.A. to Vance. 22 April 1864. Reel 23: Coxey, John A. et al, to Vance, n.d. Reel 26. In McKinney and McMurry, Vance Papers. Atkinson, Thomas to Zebulon B. Vance. 27 November 1863. Reel 20: Bowen, N. to Vance. 6 January 1864. Reel 21: Erwin, JJ. to Vance. 1 February 1864. Murdock, [W.] to Vance. 7 February 1864. Reel 3: Reagan, J.A. to Vance. 15 February 1864. Welch, R.V. to Vance. 20 February [18]64. Reel 22: Warren, J.M. to Vance. 16 March 1865. Reel 26: In McKinney, Vance Papers. Cummings, A.W. to Zebulon B. Vance. 14 April 1863. Reel 17: Walker, R.T. to Vance. 2 March 1865. Reel 4: McKinney, Vance Papers. [Deaver], Mary to . 30 March 1863. "Mary Cansler is here learning me how to spin, but finds it a rather hard job." Gash Family Papers, North Carolina Division of Archives and History. Henry, Wm. L. to Zebulon B. Vance. 16 May 1864. Reel 23: McKinney, Vance Papers. Lankford, Wm. to Zebulon Vance. 14 April 1863. Reel 17: Summey, A.T. to Vance. 20 May 1863. Reel 7: McKinney, Vance Papers Love, Margaret E. to Zebulon B. Vance. 10 May 1864, Reel 23. In McKinney, Gordon B. and Richard M. McMurry, eds. 1987. The Papers of Zebulon Baird Vance. Frederick: University Publications of America. McClelland, H. T. to Zebulon B. Vance. 22 February [18]63. Reel 16: Lonon, John to Vance, n.d. Reel 26: McKinney, Vance Papers. Miller, S. H. to Zebulon B. Vance. 23 March 1863. Reel 16: In McKinney, Vance Papers. Spicer, H. and H. J. to J. and C.J. Cowles. 26 January [18] 63. Calvin J. Cowles Papers, North Carolina Division of Archives and History. Woodfin to Zebulon B. Vance. 1 October 1863. op.cit. Volume Two, 1990 7 �Works Cited Appleby, Joyce 0.1982. "Commercial Farming and the 'Agrarian Myth' in the Early Republic." Journal of American History LXVIII: March 1982, 833-849; Merrill, Michael. 1977. "Cash is Good to Eat: Self-Sufficiency and Exchange in the Rural Economy of the United States." Radical History Review III: Winter 1977, 42-71. Asheville, N.C. News. 6 January 1859. Asheville, N.C. News I. 1 November 1860. Billings, Dwight et al. 1986. "Culture, Family, and Community in Preindustrial Appalachia." Appalachian Journal XIII: Winter 1986, 154-170. Blethen, H. Tyler and Curtis W. Wood, Jr. 1987. "The Pioneer Experience to 1851." In Max R. Williams ed., The History of Jackson County. Sylva, N.C: The Jackson County Historical Society, 83. Bode, Frederick A. and Donald E. Ginter. 1986. Farm Tenancy and the Census in Antebellum Georgia. Athens: University of Georgia Press. "Campaign Broadside," reprinted in Jackson County Journal, 12 June 1912. Clark, Christopher. 1979. "The Household Economy, Market Exchange, and the Rise of Capitalism in the Connecticut Valley, 1800-1860," Journal of Social History XIII: Winter 1979, 169-189. Dunn, Durwood. 1988. Cades Cove: The Life and Death of A Southern Appalachian Community, 1818-1937. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Eller, Ronald D. 1982. Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers: Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1930. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1-37. Escott, Paul. 1984. "Poverty and Government Aid to the Poor in Confederate North Carolina," North Carolina Historical Review LXI: October 1984, 462-480. Hahn. 1983. The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890. New York: Oxford University Press. Hall, Jacquelin D. et al. 1987. Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Inscoe, John. 1984. "Mountain Masters: Slaveholding in Western North Carolina." North Carolina Historical Review LXI: April 1984, 143-173; Crawford, Martin. 1986. "Wealth, Slaveholding and Power in the Southern 8 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Mountains: Ash County, North Carolina, in 1860-1861." Appalachian Studies Conference: unpublished paper. Kruman, Marc W. 1859. Parties and Politics in North Carolina, 1836-1865. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 10; Asheville, N.C. News, 9 June 1859. Lemon, J.J. 1972. The Best Poor Man's Country: A Geographical Study of Early Southern Pennsylvania. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Loehr, Rodney C. 1952. "Self-Sufficiency on the Farm," Agricultural History XXVI: January 1952, 41. McDonald, Forest and Grady McWhiney. 1975. "The Antebellum Herdsmen: Reinterpretatio." Journal of Southern History XL1: May 1975, 161-162. McDonald, Michael J. and John Muldowny. 1982. TVA and the Dispossessed: The Resettlement of Population in the Norris Dam Area. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Pudup, Mary Beth. 1988. "The Limits of Subsistence: Agriculture and Industry in Central Appalachia." Unpublished paper: 11-13. Pudup, Mary Beth. 1989. "The Boundaries of Class in Preindustrial Appalachia." Journal of Historical Geography, XV: 1989, n.p. Puritt, Bettye Hobbs. 1984. "Self-Sufficiency and the Agricultural Economy of Eighteenth-Century Massachusetts," William and Mary Quaterly XLI: July 1984, 338. Rothenberg, W. 1981. "The Market and Massachusetts Farmers, 1750-1855." Journal of Economic History XLI: June 1981, 302. Shammas, Carole. 1982. "How Self-Sufficient was Early America." Journal of Interdisciplinary History XIII: Autumn 1982, 252-253. Waller, Altina L. 1988. Feud: Hatfields, McCorys, and Social Change in Appalachia, 1860-1900. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Wright, Gavin. 1986. Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy Since the Civil War. New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 30-31; Blethin and Wood, "Pioneer," 77. Wright, Gavin. 1978. The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 144-154. Volume Two, 1990 9 �Footnotes 1 Love, Margaret E. to Zebulon B.Vance. 10 May 1864. Reel 23. In McKinney, Gordon B. and Richard M. McMurry, eds. 1987. The Papers of Zebulon Baird Vance. Frederick: University Publications of America. 2 Adkins, William. Statement, n.d. Eller, Jas et al, to Zebulon B. Vance. 8 November 1862. Callaway, R.F. et al, to Vance. 11 November 1862. Reel 15: Shell, J. F. to Vance. 3 March 1863. Reel 16: Conley, Elizabeth et al, to Vance. 10 July 1863. Reel 18: Shoop, D.C. to Vance. 24 March 1864. Reel 22: Love, R.E.A. to Vance. 22 April 1864. Reel 23: Coxey, John A. et al, to Vance, n.d. Reel 26. In McKinney and McMurry, Vance Papers. 3 Spicer, H. and H. J. to J. and C J. Cowles, 26 January [18]63. Calvin J. Cowles Papers, North Carolina Division of Archives and History. 4 Miller, S.H. to Zebulon B. Vance. 23 March 1863. Reel 16: In McKinney, Vance Papers. B Woodfin to Zebulon B. Vance. 1 October 1863. op.cit. 6 Atkinson, Thomas to Zebulon B. Vance. 27 November 1863. Reel 20: Bowen, N. to Vance. 6 January 1864, Reel 21: Erwin, J.J. to Vance. 1 February 1864. Murdock, [W.] to Vance. 7 February 1864. Reel 3: Reagan, J.A. to Vance. 15 February 1864. Welch, R.V. to Vance. 20 February [18]64. Reel 22: Warren, J.M. to Vance. 16 March 1865. Reel 26: In McKinney, Vance Papers. I Cummings, A. W. to Zebulon B. Vance. 14 April 1863. Reel 17: Walker, R.T. to Vance. 2 March 1865. Reel 4: McKinney, Vance Papers. 8 [Deaver], Mary to . 30 March 1863. "Mary Cansler is here learning me how to spin, but finds it a rather hard job." Gash Family Papers, North Carolina Division of Archives and History. 9 Lankford, Wm. to Zebulon Vance. 14 April 1863. Reel 17: Summey, A.T. to Vance. 20 May 1863. Reel 7: McKinney, Vance Papers. 10 Henry, Wm. L. to Zebulon B. Vance. 16 May 1864. Reel 23: McKinney, Vance Papers. II McClelland, H. T. to Zebulon B. Vance. 22 February [18]63. Reel 16: Lonon, John to Vance, n.d. Reel 26: McKinney, Vance Papers. Gordon B. McKinney is a program officer with the National Endowment for the Humanities. He recently edited The Papers of Zebulon Vance. 10 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Folk Tradition and Industrialization in Appalachia Jean Haskell Speer Folklore, like Appalachia, is one of those words that is usually misunderstood. Both words are mystified and mythologized in the popular media and popular parlance. For many people, the words "folklore" and "Appalachia" do not belong in the same sentence with the word "industrialization." So, I want to begin this paper with a definition of terms, then give an overview of the transformation of traditional culture in Appalachia through increased modernity and industrialization, and finally examine in detail some specific traditions to illustrate the changes. Some people dismiss what they consider to be "just folklore" as the quaint and trivial parts of the culture of a group. Folklore, they believe, is the remnant of some earlier, more primitive level of culture found only among rural and/or illiterate persons. Folklore is unreliable belief or practice, always on the verge of dying out. These are common misconceptions. Folklore, in fact, is found in all cultures, and at all levels of society. It is not a mark of, nor a lack of, sophistication. Folklore is not a sign of the uncultured—folklore is culture. Folklore may not be reliable in the same way that historical fact, legal documents, or scholarly studies are, but it is an accurate indicator of the shared aesthetics, philosophy, values, and identity of a group. Folklore creates both communities and Volume Two, 1990 11 �families and may inform us more about culture than do dates, names, events, or prominent leaders. Folklore and folklife consist of received traditions passed on by those who have gone before us, or, with whom we share some community. It is our traditional culture: all that we learn informally, orally, by observing, or by imitating. Tradition is part of all lives; our folk traditions create the distinctive sense of us that we share with our families, friends, work groups, regions, and so on. In folklore, the groups in which people participate express their values and worldview in traditional ways. Folk traditions do reveal some of the past to us; but folk traditions are, in fact, more revealing of the present than the past. While folklore does conserve patterns and some specifics of language, belief, or behavior, folk traditions do not persist unless they are dynamic as well as conservative. While folk processes are recognizable across time and space by some unchanging features, traditions disappear when they do not make dynamic adaptations to changes in people's cultural circumstances. We only maintain those traditions that are meaningful to us in the present and adaptable to our current needs. So, some traditions do die out; others remain vital and viable, while still others are revived when circumstances change. This is not to suggest that all folk traditions serve us well; some are dysfunctional. Often people are hidebound by what we may call the tyranny of tradition, but this too is a symptom of their current lifestyle as much as it is an indication of the past. Folk traditions will reveal, however, what we think we need from our past. When we study folk traditions, we examine the processes by which culture is expressed in verbal art such as stories, ballads, jokes, curses, and the like; things made by hand, or material culture (barns, fences, clothing, baskets, tombstones); and the things people do or customary lore (beliefs, gestures, music, celebrations, work processes, rites of passage). Many of the folk traditions we study, of course, are complex and encompass all these categories at once: an Appalachian hog killing, for example, combines traditional patterns of work, food preservation, weather lore, verbal art, and much more. One way to see the dynamism of folk tradition is to observe the adaptation of traditional forms and practices to new necessities of life. Periods of rapid change in a society are peak times for observing this adaptive process. In Appalachia, the transformation from a more stable, agrarian lifestyle to an industrialized, modernized, and fragmented life, particularly in the early part of this century, transformed traditional culture in the mountains as well as the economy. The story of the industrialization of Appalachia has been told with insight by Eller (1982), Kirby (1987), and others. 12 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �These researchers document rapid and wrenching social and economic changes that occurred in the mountains in the period from 1880 to 1960. In the first major period of industrialization at the turn of the century, the development of timbering, mining, and tourism changed the physical landscape of Appalachia, as well as the economy and the social structure. A people who had been largely independent, subsistence farmers became urban, industrial, or service workers. While some cultural traditions most assuredly disappeared with these changes, the process of tradition remained unchanged. Many older folklore forms were adapted to new themes, contexts, and functions; new traditions developed from changed patterns of living. One of the clearest examples of this adaptation of traditional forms is the use of folksong and ballads as vehicles for expressing the emotional experience of coal mining. There were songs about explosions ('The Dream of the Miner's Child"), songs about labor struggles ("Coal Creek Troubles"), songs about heroes ("The Death of Mother Jones," "John Henry"), and Blues like "Black Lung Paycheck." Older folksong and ballads have often been adapted to songs of protest on the picket lines; such songs combine continuity and change in an effort to keep the protesting group cohesive and aligned with their cultural roots. Jack Kirby, in his book, Rural Worlds Lost, cites another example of a traditional Appalachian practice that changed, but persisted, with the industrialization of the mountains. He writes: That the collapse of mountain lumber and coal industries and the onset of the Depression coincided with national Prohibition made moonshining and bootlegging all the more logical as a strategy for coping with misery and overpopulation. And just as country people took their liquor-making skills and habits to coal camps, migrants to textile towns also cooked whiskey for succor. During the mid-1980s a physician making house calls in the squalid Piedmont Heights section of Burlington, North Carolina, saw a man distilling spirits on his kitchen stove. Another factory hand sold corn whiskey from his mill village shack, hiding his supplies under the house next to the Chimney base. No adult (including the police) could squeeze into the crawl space, so the bootlegger's four-year-old son did the fetching. Thus were rural ways adapted to urban scenes (1987: 205). One phase of Appalachian industrialization began during World War II and postwar years, when changes in the industrial economy sent Volume Two, 1990 13 �thousands of mountain folk to live in urban centers outside the mountains; the process of tradition migrated along with them. Although fictional, Harriett Arnow's, The Dollmaker, charts changes in tradition memorably. Gertie Nevels, a mountain carver of wooden figures, moves with her family from the mountains of Kentucky to a large, industrial city in the north. The transformation in her family's relationships, values, and lifestyles are embodied in the changes in her traditional carving. As her carvings become popular among her new neighbors, and the commercial potential of her carving becomes clear, her husband, Clovis, and her children urge Gertie to "mass produce" her wood figures by using an electric saw and make them more commercially appealing by painting the figures. Gertie resists until she must face the choice between her old ways of craftsmanship and feeding her family. Because her dolls are "folksy" enough for her urban customers, she gets a large order for her work: She told Clovis of the doll order when she went indoors, and he was pleased. "You could have a little steady income—if you can make the things cheap enough but nice enough that a lot of people'ull want em." "Yes," she said, but with no enthusiasm, studying now the thumb of the uplifted hand in the block of wood [the figure of Christ she has been carving for years]. She held her own just below her breasts, then dropped it quickly; her hand would never be like that; she had two hands now, one reaching out making people drop into it money that might have gone for down payments [on land back in Kentucky]. She felt heavy and tired and old (Arnow 1954: 507). Arnow uses Gertie's carving as a central metaphor in the novel to show the devastating effects of industrialization, and to point out the resilience of traditions. In Jim Wayne Miller's poem, "The Brier Losing Touch With His Traditions," he, like Arnow, captures the changes that traditions often undergo, but that many people find unacceptable: The Brier Losing Touch With His Traditions Once he was a chairmaker. People up north discovered him. They said he was "an authentic mountain craftsman." People came and made pictures of him working, wrote him up in the newspapers. 14 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �He got famous. Got a lot of orders for his chairs. When he moved up to Cincinnati so he could be closer to his market (besides, a lot of his people lived there now) he found out he was a Brier. And when customers found out he was using an electric lathe and power drill just to keep up with all the orders, they said he was losing touch with his traditions. His orders fell off something awful. He figured it had been a bad mistake to let the magazine people take those pictures of him with his power tools, clean-shaven, wearing a flowered sport shirt and drip-dry pants. So he moved back down to east Kentucky. Had himself a brochure printed up with a picture of him using his hand lathe. Then when folks would come from the magazines, he'd get rid of them before suppertime so he could put on his shoes, his flowered sport shirt and double-knit pants, and open a can of beer and watch the six-thirty news on tv out of New York and Washington. He had to have some time to be himself. (Miller 1980: 44) Miller astutely demonstrates how much people prefer their own perception of folklore and folklife rather than the realities of the traditional process in an urbanized, industrialized age. As a folklorist who primarily studies oral traditions, I find it interesting to see how traditional story forms are adapted to changing cultural circumstances and needs. A story we collected in Patrick County, Virginia, a few years ago as part of a grant project, illustrates the evolution of such a traditional story. The county still appears outwardly to be rural and serene. In reality, most of the residents no longer live off the land, but commute outside the county to work in textile plants, furniture plants, or similar industries. The young people generally leave the county to find employment after schooling. Since the beginning of this century, the changes in this community have been profound, and we documented these changes in our project. Volume Two, 1990 15 �Not surprisingly, the traditional culture, or folklore, of the community also has adapted to, and expresses, the changes. Anthropologist Victor Turner (1977: 76) has said that the texts of a community are special reflexive mechanisms for mirroring and monitoring behavior in a culture. These cultural performances, such as stories, legends, ceremonies, rituals, and so on, help us to learn our own culture, give our lives meaning beyond the immediate present, confront our fundamental values, and help us discover the principles for right living within our own culture. The stories and other cultural performances that we studied in Patrick County functioned as just such reflexive mechanisms for commenting on life in the community. One story we collected was a traditional ghost story. The story roughly goes this way: a man spends the night in a haunted house or cabin. An apparition appears and speaks to him (in some versions the apparition is only seen and does not speak). The man runs, and, after some distance, stops to rest. The apparition again appears beside him and says, "We had a pretty good race, didn't we?" The man replies, "Yes, and we're fixin to have another one." The story is a traditional one found throughout the Appalachian mountains and contains two traditional motifs: "Fear test: staying in haunted house," *H1411; and "Ghosts scare people deliberately," *E293 (Baughman, 1966). In most of the tellings we recorded, the story was told for its entertainment value, as a story of the way wit, construed as creative intelligence, can outweigh greater power and serve courage. This seems to be the performance tradition of the story. But, in one version of the story, we can see how this traditional form is adapted to the changed circumstances of the social and economic life of the community. The storyteller is Mrs. Ada Martin, about 85 years old, and living alone (see appendix for her version of the story). Mrs. Martin is concerned about the ability of her community to carry on correctly: to live in a "right relationship" to one another. A dominant theme in the oral history interviews conducted with her is her fear of the fragmentation of community. She expresses a deep sense of loss for the communal caring of earlier days, and a belief that such continued loss will lead to the disasters that God visited on Pharaoh to save the culture and community of the Israelites. Mrs. Martin says, sadly: Well, life was really wonderful in those days, when you'd think about it... we, uh, all the people look like, uh, was just united together in a way, because they would just love each other. And they'd try to do what they can, for each other, in sickness, troubles, anything that come upon them. And uh ... I felt like that at the time that people would, uh, had more love in their heart, or something, I 16 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �don't know ... than they do these days because people's too busy now ... they have to work too hard ... and they don't feel well. I feel like in those days when we done our work, we went to the field and done a little, got our crops laid by, and put away, and we had time to entertain each other. To get around, and have a good time together. But people now don't... and nowadays, seems like they all, is just nervous, full of nerves ... and, uh, I feel the difference (Patrick County Project, 1981). Mrs. Martin echoes the sentiments of many in her community, young and old, and she, at the least, clearly believes that loss of community is both spiritually and physically debilitating. Personal and community health depend on interdependence. In her performance of the ghost tale, the protagonist is not a local person; indeed, he comes to the community as a stranger and, "he couldn't find anywhere that he could stay." He gets discouraged by this lack of warmth and hospitality, and asks for "an empty house" to stay in. The community sends him to a haunted house, and he accepts this rebuff and the challenge they have given him with bravado, "I don't care anything about that... just tell me where the house is." Mrs. Martin's tale reverberates with echoes of earlier traditions—the sacredness of guest-host relationships as old as the Greeks, Biblical rejections of strangers, especially "no room at the inn." Part of what makes this story memorable for Mrs. Martin is pleasant recollection of the interaction that produced it. There was a sharing of gifts, a story for a song between herself and her uncle, the kind of sharing she remembers as more typical of her community years ago. In the oral history interview that produced this performance, Mrs. Martin goes on to tell seven Tiaint' tales in succession, warming to the friendly interchange with the interviewer. She says all the ghost tales she knows are old—"I don't understand that, unless they uh, spend the days at the time that people just enjoyed talking ... people like to tell things ... sit around the fire and talk, you know, in those days." She particularly recalls a woman in whose home people gathered to hear her tell ghost tales. Mrs. Martin, sighs, "She was a good woman and a good neighbor." For Mrs. Martin, ghosts tales are less about the supernatural and more about the natural order of things. This folk tradition she knows from the past becomes her vehicle for expressing her needs and concerns in the present. It reveals what she needs now from her past. It is interesting to note, too, that "more sophisticated" people will believe that collecting a ghost tale from an Appalachian resident proves that mountain folk are still a primitive, superstitious, unsophisticated Volume Two, 1990 17 �lot who believe in the supernatural. This elitist attitude demonstrates an ignorance of the serious business of storytelling and of folklore in general. At the conclusion of Ron Eller's book about the industrialization of Appalachia, Eller quotes a letter from a mountain farmer in 1938 gripped by the frustration of watching his lifestyle change from one of contentment to despair. The farmer writes: Now what are we going to do, move on and try to fit in where we do not belong or undertake to face the situation and gradually starve to death? In the little mountain churches where we once sat and listened to the preaching of the gospel with nothing to disturb us, we now hear the roar of machinery on the Sabbath day. After all I have come to believe that the real old mountaineer is a thing of the past and what will finally take our place, God only knows (Eller, 1982: 242). The farmer agonizes over the gut-wrenching changes he sees in the rapid industrialization of the mountains. Rightly so, for many of the damaging consequences of the environmental and economic disturbance have come to pass. He fears the loss of mountain culture as a "thing of the past." On this front, he underestimates the persistence of tradition. Certainly it evolves, adapts, and reshapes itself, but the essence of a given tradition remains recognizable. The "real old mountaineer" used the process of tradition and some of his repertoire of cultural traditions to cope with, comment upon, resist, and encompass the situations of industrialized life. The real old mountaineer is not a thing of the past but has evolved into the resilient mountain people of contemporary Appalachia. Works Cited Arnow, Harriette. 1954. The Dollmaker. New York: Avon Books. Baughman, Ernest W. 1966. Type and Motif Index of the Folktales of England and North America. The Hague: Mouton. Eller, Ronald D. 1982. Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers: Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1930. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Kirby, Jack Temple. 1987. Rural Worlds Lost: The American South, 1920-1960. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. Miller, Jim Wayne. 1987. The Mountains Have Come Closer. Boone, N.C: Appalachian Consortium Press. Used by permission. 18 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Patrick County Project: Continuity and Change in a Rural Community. 1981. Apppalachian Collection, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University Library, Blacksburg, VA. Martin Tape 1, Accession 81. Transcript, p.10. Turner, Victor. 1981. "Social Dramas and Stories About Them," On Narrative. ed. W.J.T. Martin. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Appendix (Mrs. Ada Martin, Star Route, Stuart, Virginia) "Urn, we, we enjoyed that, us kids—the older people, was older than we was you know, they had learned lots of ghost tales and they just really enjoyed it, I could tell one that my uncle told me when I was just about six or seven years old. And he told this, to me and, if I'd sing a song for him And so I said "What do you want me to sing?" He says sing "At the Cross." So I sang that song for him He says, "well now, I—I tell you a ghost story. Says, "It's true now," that's the way he said it He says, "It's true now." Said one time was a man travelling, and he come to a community and he wanted to spend the night and he couldn't find ANYWHERE that he could stay Finally he got discouraged and he said, well could you tell me about uh is there any empty house anywhere around that I could stay in. And uh, they said yes Says uh, we know of a house but they say it's haunted. He says, I don't care anything about that He says just tell me where the house is. So they told him where the house was And he went on to it And that night he'd, he'd went in got him some wood and put in put it in the fireplace and built him a little fire. Volume Two, 1990 19 �And he pulled his shoes off wanning his feet, All at once the uh door came open and a big cat come in. And this old cat come on in sit down by the fire And uh, seemed like he sit there a little while and uh he said, the cat said to him—says, "well" says, "it's uh real cold tonight." And uh He says And he looked around Said, "there's a cat a-talking?" And uh, he got a little bit afraid. He says, "we—says, I tell you, Says, wait till I get my shoes on" And says "you can have this fire by yourself." And so he got his shoes on He ran out the door, and begin running. And he run for about, quarter of a mile, and he stopped. And he says uh, looked around and someone had come up too, just about out of breath Says, "we had a pretty good race, didn't we?" He says, well, just let me get my breath a minute or two Says we'll have another one. (gentle laughter) March 30, 1981 Jean Haskell Speer is director of the Appalachian Studies Program at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University and a faculty member in humanities and communication studies. She is author of The Appalachian Photographs of Earl Palmer and former president of the Appalachian Studies Association. 20 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Signs of Civilization: The Trail of the Lonesome Pine as Colonial Narrative Rodger Cunningham The relation between Southern Appalachia and America as a whole has been described in third-world and colonial terms for two decades. Early works in this vein concentrated on the economic and political aspects of this analogy (e.g. Dix, 1970). Building on this groundwork, other writers were soon exploring social and psychological parallels with equally productive results (e.g. Lewis, Kobak, and Johnson, 1978). The year 1978 will go down as a pivotal year in Appalachian studies, since it saw the publication of four widely differing books, deeply relevant to the region, even though two of them make no mention of Appalachia. These are Henry Shapiro, Appalachia on Our Mind; Helen Lewis, Colonialism in Modern America; Edward Said , Orientalism; and Malcolm Chapman, The Gaelic Vision in Scottish Culture. Shapiro's book was a groundbreaking study of the construction of the image of Appalachia in the American mind. In spite of the conceptual inadequacies with which it is riddled, it brings together invaluable documentation needed to broach the topic: what it is we talk about when we talk about Appalachia. One of the many defects of the book, however, is that it deals with America's idea of Appalachia in terms of a purely intellectual response to a cognitive problem, largely divorced from considerations of power. In contrast, the volume edited by Lewis, et al., richly explores many aspects of the power-relations between Appalachia and America, but few of the essays deal systematically with the effects which those relations have had on the language used to describe the region. Volume Two, 1990 21 �The link between these two approaches to the region is made by the two books which make no mention of it. Said's book discusses another intellectual construct, namely the Western idea of the Muslim East, within a conceptual framework much more adequate to such a task than Shapiro's naive realism, especially in terms of the discursive relation between knowledge and power. No Appalachian scholar can read Orientalism without being irresistibly reminded that "Appalachia on America's mind" is a function of "Appalachia in America's hands." Chapman's book, finally, discusses still another such case of domination, and one closer to the roots of Appalachia, emphasizing how the discourse of power can mute the voice of opposition by covertly defining the terms in which the latter expresses itself. The synthesis of these and other approaches into a general theory of colonial/hegemonic discourse in the domination of Appalachia has been gaining ground in the past decade. In this essay, which I hope may become the germ of a booklength study of colonial discourse in Appalachian and Appalachianist literature, I propose to examine John Fox, Jr.'s bestseller, The Trail of the Lonesome Pine (1908), as a potent reflector— and creator—of middle-class American attitudes toward Appalachia during the first period of rapid modernization. Set in the 1890s, during the first great industrial penetration of the mountains, Fox's novel is built on the love affair between Jack Hale, a coal developer from the Kentucky Bluegrass, and June Tolliver, a mountain girl whom he "civilizes" and eventually marries. This plot is played out against the background of coal mine boom-and-bust, and a feud between June's family and their neighbors, the Falins. The framework of the novel is, I shall show, structured according to a developmentalhistorical emplotment embedded in a hegemonic sentimentalist discourse which serves the power-interests of modernizing elites. Though the novel has often been praised for showing the ambiguities of "progress" in the mountains (Coles, 1985),' I intend to show that Fox's ambivalences toward Male's (autobiographical) project pull against the basic discourse of the book, and that this discourse eventually wins out in a way which causes the book to end in a cascade of false resolutions as Fox's own opposing voice is muted by his own dominant discourse. The beginning of the novel foreshadows the clash of visions and viewpoints which informs it and briefly gives it life. The novel is told from a third-person-limited viewpoint, divided between the two main characters. The major focus is on Jack Hale, but in the opening scene we see through June's eyes. The young girl, in her red dress, sits at the foot of the Lonesome Pine, in the gap (based on Big Stone Gap but never named) above her home in Virginia, and she looks down into the first valley in Kentucky. The pastoral scene is broken only by her own curiosity toward the outside world, for she knows rather than sees, that 22 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �the "trailing blue mists" below are the smoke of a "shrieking monster that ran without horses like the wind and tossed back roaring black plumes all streaked with fire" (1-2). Her perception is like that of a cliche Indian, for her preindustrial perspective, in the terms of gildedage America, is equivalent to savagery or barbarism (Cunningham, 1987: 105). This young savage is also repeatedly described in terms of wildness and 'nature': "The little creature ... like something wild ... lay, like a crouched panther-cub, looking down. For a moment, all that was human seemed gone from her eyes" (3), as she first sees Jack Hale approaching from the shrieking monster's direction. We then see the same scene through Hale's eyes as he contemplates the Pine, which to him is not a neutral piece of the world but an esthetic object of "nature" with which he nevertheless feels a kinship (Fox, 1908: 6). Then he spots June, whom at first he had mistaken for "a flaming bush of sumach" (7). From this point on, the novel is dominated by Hale's viewpoint, for we do not return to June's until he has transformed her into the image of his desire. At that point, to be sure, the ambiguities of her viewpoint, and Hale's awareness of her reciprocal view of him, play a large role in lifting the middle portion of the novel out of its onedimensionality by opening spaces of dialogue which threaten to overwhelm the coherence of Fox's representations of "civilization's" march. But, as we shall see, these apertures are not maintained. The bluegrass coal developer's growing relationship with this 'child of nature' occupies a particular, familiar site in the West's discourse over its subject territories. In the traditional mountain culture as described through Hale's eyes, certain features are consistently emphasized. The terms of its contrast with "America" are articulated in a set of dichotomies which will be familiar in its outlines to any student of colonial discourse. These may be set forth conveniently in a familiar table: SAVAGERY CIVILIZATION Nature Animality Childhood Female Solitude Chaos War Violence Personal Loyalty Mountains Appalachia Man Humanity Adulthood Male Society Order Peace Reason Abstract Duty Lowlands America Volume Two, 1990 23 �And this synchronic schematism is laid out diachronically, as well, in terms of a historical-developmental emplotment which assumes a development as inevitable and desirable as the growth from childhood to adulthood—a development from "savagery" toward a "civilization" which will continue growing more "improved" and rational forever. Thus Fox glowingly assumes, eight years after the beginning of the hopeful new century and six years before the tensions arising from the saturation of the non-industrialized world by Western "civilizing" power were to be ignited by the spark of Sarajevo. If the terms of Hale's/America's perception of Appalachia occupy a basically familiar semiotic and ideological space, nevertheless they also occupy a distinctive site in that space, one corresponding to the distinctive site occupied by Appalachia in "a curious inner division of the WASP identity" (Snyder, 1982: 130). And the thematics of Fox's novel are governed both by the universalities of this discourse and by the distinctiveness of this site within it. Paraphrasing Foucault, Manthia Diawara notes: Western man, in defining himself, finds it necessary to link himself to the African as his negation. Insofar as the Western ratio is constituted through the negation of the African, Africa can only serve as the testing ground for what the Westerner can know about himself. Ethnology is not so much the story of cultures without history, as it is the region where the Western ratio seeks its unity through the duplication of its narratives and theories (1988: 67). And, insofar as "Appalachia" is also constituted by the discourse in America, it is also a testing ground for what America can know about itself. Furthermore, insofar as such a dominant subject constructs an 'other' which is a projection of that subject's self, that quest for selfknowledge will be conditioned by narcissism—by that "increasingly obscene narcissism" of which Frantz Fanon accused the Western mind (Fanon, 1961: 313). This, I shall show, is a strong feature of Jack Hale's relation to Appalachia and in particular to June Tolliver, in a novel whose subtest is essentially a quest for his and America's self-knowledge. And this narcissistic drive is only strengthened by that "curious inner division of the WASP identity" which constitutes Appalachia as both other to America and as peculiarly self to it—as what a noted anthropologist of Fox's time called "a peculiar type which has been developed by environment and isolation into something distinctly American, and yet unlike anything to be found outside the southern Alleghenies."2 The encounter 24 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �with what W. G. Frost called these "long lost Americans" (New York Times, 1914) is thus an encounter with the long-lost parts of the self— an encounter made necessary by that self-alienation which is at the root of narcissism. And the great contemporary popularity of Fox's work—it spawned a play, a film, and a popular song—is a measure of how deep was the chord it struck in the self-alienated heart of middle-class America. And this fact also illuminates the strength of the bond of discourse between Appalachia and America—illuminates even the fact that, to this day, denigration of Appalachians is the one remaining ethnic prejudice expressible in polite company among those middle-class Americans. The status of Appalachia vis-a-vis America as both peculiarly "self" and strangely "other" means that the Other is muted by being identified with the self in a very direct way—denied any identity of its own other than what the speaker (the one endowed with voice) perceives as his identity. Furthermore, this relation is not only one between regions in space, but is temporalized by the characterization of Appalachia as an arrested, early form of America—as a sort of'contemporary ancestor,' in Frost's well-known phrase. And this temporalization tightens the grip of the discourse of American power upon the region. For, thus invested with the appearance of static changelessness—since any non-static feature of the 'contemporary ancestor' is defined out of the equation—Appalachia becomes not a parallel development, a potentially threatening reminder of unlived possibilities and, hence, a real agent for self-discovery, but rather a pure potential, ready to be given actuality through 'the' developmental process. Hence, it is precisely the peculiar "Americanness" of Appalachia which gives American hegemonic discourse such a strong hold on the region. Christopher Miller notes that in Conrad's Heart of Darkness, "the temporal and the spatial are conflated in such a way that physical travel will take one Taack to the earliest beginnings of the world"1 (1985: 172). Even so, the colonial narrative of Appalachia executes just such a conflation, so that Jack Hale's journey, like Mai-low's, is into his own heart. And if the journey is less dark than Marlow's, this is only a measure of the depth of Fox's self-knowledge as compared to Conrad's. In the Trail of the Lonesome Pine, this discourse is explicitly imposed on the Appalachian region in a long expository speech by the Hon. Sam Budd, a "lawyer and budding statesman" (Fox: 89) who has come to Hale's coal-boom town and who "as a recreation ... was an anthropologist" (89) as well as being "an ardent disciple of Sir Walter Scott" (90). This combination of positivism and romanticism, which Don Askins notes as typical of Fox's work (Askins, 1978: 253), informs the Hon. Sam's long speech in which he expounds the classic environmentalist explanation of mountain otherness as a consequence of isolation. Budd Volume Two, 1990 25 �actually uses Frost's phrase, "our contemporary ancestors" (97), to refer to what he also calls "the natives" (95) and, uniting both images, "the closest link we have with the Old World"—people who "live like the pioneers" and whose "feud business is a matter of clan-loyalty that goes back to Scotland" (97). "They were Unionists because of the Revolution," he adds, "as they were Americans in the beginning because of the spirit of the Covenanter" (97). This last sentence is the key to the meaning of what Fox, in order to cushion the awkwardness of the exposition, makes Budd ironically call his "anthropological drool" (97). It ignores well-known historical reasons for Scots-Irish attachment to the Revolution, and for Appalachian opposition to the Confederacy. It implies, instead, that Appalachian mountain people not only retain old customs, but somehow live literally in the past—that their minds exist in some time-warp in which they are incapable of responding to what is actually in front of them, but instead go around seeing what was there a century or so earlier and bumping like zombies into whatever has changed in the meantime. This characterization, which, in fact, is typical of traditional "scientific" accounts of Appalachia, is immensely significant in view of the occasion giving rise to the speech—to wit, the gathering of a militia composed of outsiders in order to put down a strike of "native" workers.3 There is no suggestion that the workers might have legitimate grievances against their new masters, or that these "malcontents" (94) could indeed be responding to anything in the present at all. It is all a matter of a "war between civilization and a lawlessness that was the result of isolation, and consequent ignorance and idleness" (98). If the mountaineers' reality is different from the hegemonic construction of it, then it is deemed unreal, or rather a part of the past they seem to be 'really' living in. 'Yesterday's People,' indeed. But in fact, of course, the tables are turned on Hale and his troops: it is they and their "drooling" ideologue who cannot see what is in front of them in the present. It is they who have fallen prey to their own mystification of the reasons for what is happening when a mountaineer puts a bullet through a sign (48), counterphallically challenging the commanding discourse, or when other strikers "[puncture] the chromos in their boarding-house" (94), taking action against the imposition of cheap Victorian middle-class taste in a context of regimentation. 'They won't understand," avers Budd; ". . . they'll look on us as a lot of meddlesome 'furriners' who have come to run their country as we please" (96-97). If so, they seem to understand all too well. But in this master-discourse, to understand means to see things as the master sees them, which in this case means not to see them at all. Edward Said characterizes Western anthropology as "a partner in domination and hegemony" (1989: 225) in which "someone, an authoritative, explorative, elegant, learned voice, 26 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �speaks and analyzes, amasses evidence, theorizes, speculates about everything—except itselF (Said: 212), in "the almost total absence of any reference to American imperial intervention as a factor affecting the theoretical discussion" (Said: 214).4 Clearly no better description of Sam Budd's "anthropological drool" could be found. And yet, Budd's speech reveals not only the straightforwardly hegemonic character of the American discourse of Appalachia, but also certain ambiguities inherent in the dualism of Appalachia/America as an "inner division" of a single identity. Budd begins by calling the militia "the vanguard of civilization—'crusaders of the nineteenth century against the benighted of the Middle Ages'" (Fox: 96). How paradoxical to think of'crusaders' going forth against "the Middle Ages"—as paradoxical as the other rhetoric, occurring repeatedly in the book, in which Hale and the other outsiders are described as "pioneer(s)" (40, 98, etc.) waging war on "natives" who themselves are described as "pioneers" and "frontiersmen." These images reflect complex, paradoxical crossings and interlacings inside 'the WASP identity' and its perceptions of self and other.5 Indeed, even when inscribing motifs which represent the mountaineer as a "savage" and the American industrial invader as the "pioneer of civilization," Fox maintains the underlying identity of the two. He always denied the view, common in his time and maintained by some well-meaning Honorables even now, that the mountain population as a whole represented a genetically inferior "stock" drawn from the slums of London and the like. Instead, he held that the "better sort" of mountain people were the same in 'blood' and inherent "gifts" as the more "fortunate" lowland population, and that environment alone accounted for the former's "deficiencies." And on this very point of essential identity, oddly enough, Fox's attitudes paralleled those of his ancestors toward the first 'savages' they had encountered. Fox, whose ancestors had come to the Bluegrass in 1790 from Virginia (Titus, 1971: 17) and (in the person of another John Fox) to Virginia in 1649 from England (Brosi, 1988: 6), was glowingly proud of both connections and liked to compare the Bluegrass itself to "merry England" (Askins, 1978: 255). Thus, it is informative to recall that in seventeenth-century Virginia, according to Karen Kupperman, "English colonists assumed that Indians were basically similar to themselves and that savagery was a temporary condition which the Indians would quickly lose. The really important category was status" (1980: 2), and in that regard the contemporaries of the first John Fox made careful distinctions between the "better" Indians and the "baser" sort: "Indians, like base or humble English people, were expected to be of service in the [English] society. Indians of the 'better sort' were not expected to be of service" (Kupperman, 1980: 140). Just so, in Fox's novel, Jack Hale's Volume Two, 1990 27 �eroticized identification with his contrasexual and countercultural other/ self, June Tolliver, is predicated on the superiority of her "stock." Immediately after Sam Budd's "drool," Hale notes of June that she was "so intelligent" as to constitute evidence that the Hon. Sam is right: that the mountaineers were of the same class as the other westward-sweeping emigrants, ... that they had simply lain dormant in the hills and ... that the children of that day would, if given the chance, wipe out the handicap of a century in one generation and would take their place abreast with children of the outside world. The Tollivers were of good blood; they had come from Eastern Virginia, and the original Tolliver had been a slave-owner. The very name was, undoubtedly, a corruption of Tagliaferro (Fox: 100-101, emphasis added). The emphasized words sharply expose the episteme in which Fox's distinctions among mountaineers are inscribed, an episteme which posits one-dimensional progress along one conceivable line, and in which "goodness" is equated with wealth and domination. More particularly, they show that to John Fox and Jack Hale, goodness means being as much like John Fox and Jack Hale as possible. This example leads to another strong parallel between Fox/Hale's view of mountaineers and his ancestors' view of Indians. Bernard Sheehan notes: Although the barrier between the civil and savage conditions seemed impenetrable, most commentators allowed for movement between the two. In one mood Europeans sought a return to original innocence. In another they were convinced that they had once been mired in savagism and had managed by dint of hard work and the blessings of Providence to reach the civil stage of life... . This assurance, however, did not obviate the possibility of a slide back into the savage state. The ignoble savage always loomed as an external threat to Europeans and as an internal danger because he represented primal urges that, although subdued, remained part of the human condition. In the eighteenth century this relationship between savagism and civility would be transformed into a formal theory of staged development (Sheehan, 1980: 2). This formal theory, derived from white-Indian contact, is what Fox and Hale project upon mountain people at a time when, as I have shown 28 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �elsewhere, the entire set of representations of the relation white/Indian was being inscribed upon the relation American/Appalachian (Cunningham, 1987: 102-112)6—a time when, in addition, an exhausted late Victorian/Edwardian bourgeois culture was tiring of, and becoming disillusioned with, its repressions and was searching eagerly but anxiously for a regenerating contact with 'primal urges.' With this in mind, therefore, let us examine the development of the relationship between Hale/America and June/Appalachia. As Hale has established "benevolent1 control of June's community, so also he establishes an equally 'benevolent' domination over June herself. Finding that when she reads aloud she already approximates standard English quite well (Fox: 27), Hale begins by working on her language so as to standardize her speech as well. In so doing, he literally initiates and inserts her into a master-discourse to which he holds the key. Furthermore, though in persuading her to change in this way he pretends to relativism, saying simply that "the way people in the mountains dress and talk is different from the way most people dress and talk" (113), he is soon narrowing the choice to her adoption of others' customs ("you will want..."), and then using the word ought. Hale is sincerely trying not to privilege his own speech, but his discourse drives him to do so. At this point June responds with anger, and Hale recalls to himself "the sensitive pride of the mountaineer" that makes it so hard for him "to make her understand" (114). These are the same terms with which Sam Budd, just earlier, has noted "a pride that is morbid" (96) as the cause of the mountaineers' resistance to outside imposition of others' notions of order, and has assured Hale that "the natives won't understand" (95)— when it is clear enough to the modern reader whose understanding is at fault in either case. Thus, this talk of "morbid pride" (still often heard in "enlightened" quarters) is simply a discursive ploy which labels a universal reaction with a special name in order to mystify the situation which is being reacted to—which attaches that special name to the Other as a mark of that otherness in order to turn an attempt at communication into the opposite. But eventually June acquiesces to being engulfed in Jack's discourse. He literally appropriates her voice as she learns standard English verb forms (170, 175) and the standard English names for flowers (161-65). She has had a playhouse, but now she abandons it for a flower garden—one made for her by Hale (194-95). The playhouse had already been a middle term between Nature and Civilization, as June had already been 'above' her environment; the flower garden is a piece of civilization itself, an ordering of natural life which has been explicitly identified with a logocentric linguistic and discursive field, ordered and fertilized by Hale's own male force. Hale goes on to teach June the Latin names of flowers, and even imagines her one day learning that language Volume Two, 1990 29 �after she masters standard English (211-12), thereby mastering a second stage of the master-discourse of Western civilization. "[LJaurel (she used to call it 'ivy') and rhododendrons (she used to call them 'laurel')... were her old and fast friends" (257). She calls her old friends by new, "real" names. And why should she not, since she is entering a world where she is not privileged to know her own "real" name: "Who's that?" Hale turned—it was the Honourable Samuel Budd, coming home from Court. "June Tolliver." "June Taliaferro," corrected the Hon. Sam with emphasis (280). Thus, with her very identity emphatically "corrected" by outsiders, June is reduced to an abject, an interlocutor who is muted precisely as she takes on the master's voice—as her dialogue with Hale is inexorably entrained into America's discourse.7 Thus, we see The Trail of the Lonesome Pine winding through a familiar colonialist discursive space in which the relation of other to self is expressed in terms of the relations child/adult and passive female/ active male. This discourse, furthermore, here interlocks with the archetype of the hero's quest into the strange land, a quest in which he finds his own self through union with the contrasexual Other. Thus, it is not surprising that the relation between Hale and June is distinctly eroticized from the beginning. Even in their earliest scenes together, it is evident that the preadolescent June is special to Hale in more than one way. He learns her name when her stepmother calls her, and he reflects that it is "a queer name for the mountains" (12). Jack and June's names not only are the same length but alliterate, as do both with her father's and with their creator's: she is an aspect of all these males, and their Js are the hooks by which he eventually purposes to pull her out of her otherness altogether. In a moment he will refuse to tell Judd his name, and only June saves him from being shot by telling her father his name as he has told her. The relation among the three of them is reflected in this interchange; and as Hale feels gratitude toward June, and wonders why she has done this, he begins musing on her beautiful eyes and on her hair, which is "exactly like the gold-bronze on the wing of a wild turkey that he had shot the day before" (16). His love for this bit of wild Nature is already eroticized and already tinged with aggression, just as, not long afterwards, he contemplates a beautiful valley and murmurs, "Such a drainage!" (46) and sees it as "the heaven-born site of the unborn city of his dreams"—the dark Satanic mills inscribed in the rhetoric of Jerusalem—as "his eyes swept every curve of the valley lovingly" (44). 30 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �This eroticism is, of course, treated in a conventional Edwardian way, which is to say that it sometimes reveals more than it must intend to. Thus, for example, in the flower-lesson mentioned above: With the next look she found a tiny bunch of fuzzy hepaticas. "Liver-leaf." "Whut's liver?" [Has this mountain child never seen the insides of a hog?] Hale, looking at her glowing face and eyes and her perfect little body, imagined that she would never know unless told that she had one, and so he waved one hand vaguely at his chest: "It's an organ—and that herb is supposed to be good for it." "Organ? Whut's that?" "Oh, something inside of you." June made the same gesture that Hale had. "Me?" "Yes," and then helplessly, "but not there exactly" (162). This vague, tentative and anxious approach to June's corporeality occurs during a lesson in which Hale is teaching the names of flowers to "the loveliest flower of them all—little June" (165). (We have seen that she eventually learns the "correct" name for that too.) Later expressions of June's corporeality are no stronger, even when the erotic element in Hale's attraction for her is allowed to become more explicit as she matures. June at this point is at the edge of puberty. In subsequent chapters, her sexual maturing parallels her "growth" into bourgeois American civilization, at the same time that it deepens and complicates her relation with Hale as the two fall in love. She "develops" indeed, in a variety of senses; but her "growth" makes her, not a more independent adult, but a more suitable object for Hale's desire—or at least this is so on the level in which the primary discourse operates. She abandons her fairy tales for Paul and Virginia (173), a classic in the romantic fusion of love of Nature withsentimentalized eroticism. In the following year she passes fully over the threshold of puberty, and in another of those remarkable Edwardian locutions: Her nature had opened precisely as had bud and flower that spring. The Mother of Magicians had touched her as impartially as she had touched them with fairy wand, and as unconsciously the young girl had answered as a young dove Volume Two, 1990 31 �to any cooing mate. With this Hale did not reckon, and this June could not know. For a while, that night, she lay in a delicious tremor ... and, as had all the sleeping things of the earth about her, she, too, sank to happy sleep (Fox: 181). At this point she is about to be sent off to school—on Hale's money, though she does not yet know this. When she returns, "the little fairycross dangled at a woman's throat. Her figure had rounded, her voice had softened. She held herself as straight as a young poplar and she walked the earth as if she had come straight from Olympus" (239). Her middle-class posture—one of the first things she had noted about Hale was that he did not slouch like a mountaineer (4)—is here presented as one more part of her growth into a woman. It makes her, indeed, a figure from Olympus: a Europa (cf. note 7) fit to consort with Hale's Zeus, though in the same breath she can still be compared to a forest tree. The specific mutual attraction between June and Hale becomes more and more explicit. Hale develops more esthetic appreciation of the mountains' beauty, and "June was the incarnate spirit of it all" (252). As for June: "If she saw a bass shoot arrow-like into deep water, if she heard a bird or saw a tree or a flower whose name she had to recall, she thought of Hale" (288). Hale, for her, is the name-bearer, the primary signifier even of her own native world; he is knowledge, and more and more that knowledge is eroticized. He haunts her as a specter constituted by the voice he has given her, "a ghost ... so like a human presence that she felt sometimes a strange desire to turn and speak to it" (288)—a presence particularly evoked by the new middle-class furniture of her room. Here, too, we learn that "her once-favorite picture" is that of "the lovers clasped in each other's arms—'at last alone'" (288). There is a potent irony here, for the actual title of the painting, mentioned elsewhere in the book, is Enfm Seul. As well as being a sad commentary on Fox's artistic taste (cf. Agnes Repplier in Titus, 1971: 90), the painting has a title which in the original refers to only one of the two lovers, viz. the man: That is, it is not Enfm Seals or Seule, but Seul. Thus, this popular Victorian genre painting embodies a discourse in which everything, even a pair of lovers, is seen solely from the man's viewpoint. And, in admiring it, June longs for the total muting of her own presence—for absorption in Hale as she has already become absorbed, her authentic presence muted, in a world now constituted for her by his significations. At the same time that June is becoming absorbed in Hale's world, she is becoming alienated from her own, and this, too, is presented as if it were a natural result of her growth. Her family's table manners begin to inspire her with "a vague newborn disgust" (Fox: 200); the slurping of 32 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �coffee is "painful to June's ears" (199). But this process is not smoothly carried out, for the division passes not only between June and her family, but through June herself. Hale "saw that while her body was at home, her thoughts rarely were" (215). This division between body and thoughts is common in adolescence, which here is equated with assimilation in the developmentalist paradigm. But, as June's adolescent identity crisis begins to intersect with her crisis of cultural identity, the result begins to shake the paradigm on which the book's simple plot line is based. As June becomes 'better' from her experience in New York City, Hale becomes 'worse' from his stays in the mountains, until finally the day comes when a long-awaited reunion is soured as she looks with distaste upon him. This is the main plot development of the middle part of the novel, and, thus far, all it amounts to is a straightforward demonstration of Fox's simple environmental theory. But Fox's knowledge of the situation is so detailed, and his two main characters have taken on so much roundness, that this simple paradigm generates within itself elements which complicate and subvert it, threatening to undo Fox's obvious conscious intentions for the book's scheme. As June matures, she becomes more consciously aware of the strains in her being. Returning to the cove from New York, she experiences the flowers as "her old and fast friends," but all the works of man, and even the people themselves, appear dismal to her. It is with a shock that she realizes that "they were her people" (258)—a shock of selfalienation and yet of self-recognition. The ultimate result of this process is revealed in a long episode immediately following her above-quoted reflections on Hale and his painting. In this episode she attends a beanstringing: a traditional mountain community work-gathering. Her very appearance is hybrid, a combination of city and mountain dress, but she goes to work on the beans "as one of them" (292). As: does this mean that she is one of them or that she is merely like one of them? This ambiguity is sustained throughout the episode, which is a minor masterpiece of social drama. Her neighbors pay "unconscious tribute to a vague something about her" (292)—not to her but to something that has gotten on or in her; and she pays her own tribute to them by "dropping consciously into the vernacular" (292) in her speech. Both words I have emphasized are significant in an interlocked way. She is a conscious agent, in contrast to their "unconscious" reactions, because she is higher, and the higher subsumes the lower—englobes its discourse—but not the reverse. At her neighbors' request she exhibits her new professional singing skills, and when her aunt remarks, "She shorely can holler some!", she "flushed and then smiled with quick understanding" at this ironic mountain style of humor (295). "Quick," but not immediate and unconsidered: her "consciousness" is starting to get in her way. Volume Two, 1990 33 �A particularly interesting manifestation of June's hybridity is embodied in her meeting with her uncle, the feudist Bad Rufe Tolliver. "Something in June's bearing made him take off his hat" (295)—once more, not she but something which has gotten into her. She, however, does not respond to this deference. She had been afraid of Rufe as a child and, though he is much changed in appearance, his eyes are still the same as they were and still inspire that fear. He, then, responds to something that has gotten into her; she, to his own inner being manifested in spite of his physical changes. Those eyes, the windows of his soul, are both the baffled agents of his knowledge (he has had to be told who she is) and the effective agents of her fear based on her own knowledge. But this fear is simply a revived childhood fear, not based on anything in the present (as far as she now knows). It is the child in her that is the mountaineer. In this interesting crossed relationship, his gaze is at first baffled and then friendly; hers is fearful insofar as she has gone back "down" to the mountain world. June "had conquered birth and speech and customs and environment" and "become ... the woman of the world" (352). She has "conquered" her "environment"—including parts of herself which she has learned not to identify with herself—and by this act of self-amputating self-colonization she has joined the real "world," the world of the "pioneers" and "conquistadors" who are subduing her land and people. But there is a cost. This self-characterization occurs in a subordinate clause within a question: "Was she really the June Tolliver who had ...?" She has, in fact, lost her secure sense of her own identity altogether. She is alienated not only from her people but from herself. And it is this alienation that a counter-discursive space begins to open up within the novel; it is within this self-doubt that a voice of doubt begins to question the very discourse which informs the novel. For as June's consciousness has become a facet of Male's, so her alienation has become the site of a growing skepticism on Kale's part, and even at some level on Fox's. Immediately after the scene in which she looks on her family with "a vague newborn disgust," comes a passage describing "the cruel, deadly work of civilization" (201-02) as it brings pollution to her world. The creek is full of sawdust, coal dust and dead fish; a circle saw is described as a "buzzing monster ... biting a savage way through a log, that screamed with pain as the brutal thing tore through its vitals, and gave up its life each time with a ghost-like cry of agony" (202). Much earlier, Hale is described as seeing "nothing alive but an occasional bird" (75); the trees are not yet alive to him. Here, though, they are not only alive but sentient. Thus, the tables are turned on "civilization," which equally with "barbarism" can be described in terms of savagery, brutality, and defilement.8 The description of the trees as alive further recalls the 34 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �comparisons of June with a "young poplar," and indeed the two are connected explicitly: "A strange spirit pervaded the Cove.... What was the matter with everything—what was the matter with her?" (207). Thus, we are invited to see what is happening to June—her very "refinement"—as itself a "cruel, deadly work of civilization." These ambiguities can be seen in retrospect as early as the first page, when June imagines a locomotive as a "shrieking monster" (1), but they begin to become more than dismissable childish perceptions only— and abruptly—when June begins to enter into dialogue with Hale to grow by the process. Even in the scene, examined above, in which he tries to change her speech, June speaks for herself and for her culture so eloquently, and Hale shows such ambivalence, that a way is opened for dialogue and for a complexity and self-subversion which are developed more a bit later in the book. In that scene, as we have noted, he succeeds in foreclosing the dialogue by englobing her communication in words like "sensitive pride"; but as June matures, and as their relationship deepens, spaces of dialogue open which are more difficult to paper over. What is happening is that as Hale "civilizes" June—makes her an "adult" of the only kind he can really recognize as such—she starts to transcend Hale's, or even Fox's, intentions for her. Rather than simply a more suitable object for Hale's desire, she starts to become a real adult, and her ambivalences toward her upbringing start to insert themselves into the text in a way which fissures the seamless, one-dimensional master-narrative that Fox evidently presupposes for it. Hale has been fashioning June in his image, giving birth to her through his signifying discourse. (In his image, or in the image of his desire; for the disjunction between the two is one of the apertures through which a genuine dialogue begins to squeeze.) Feminists have criticized the modern scientific/ technical spirit as a fantasy of male birth, and have pointed out a trenchant critique of that fantasy in Mary Shelley's compelling allegory to which Hale alludes when he says: "The truth was he was building a lovely Frankenstein and from wondering what he was going to do with it, he was beginning to wonder what it might some day do with him" (241). One may well suspect that the uneasiness is also on the part of Fox himself, as his characters (and June in particular) begin to develop their own life, or to show a life separate from the life he is constantly trying to insert into their lifeless matter. Fox's master-discourse becomes infected with counter-discourse, and hence with the dialogue between June and Hale as well as between the different parts of Hale, and the romance, in consequence, struggles to become a polyphonic novel which threatens to do something serious (in more than one sense) to Fox's intentions for it. Volume Two, 1990 35 �For Hale, meanwhile, has been changing in a different direction. "Deterioration is easy in the hills" (249), says Fox, and though he immediately qualifies this deterioration as "superficial" and lists simple reasons for it, he quickly draws this fact into a paradigm in which "the little niceties of life" are equated with "civilization" (250) and the deeply environmental-determinist implication is made that it is impossible to be "civilized" in the mountains: Hale's life, since his college doors had closed behind him, had always been a rough one. He had dropped from civilization and had gone back into it many times. And each time he had dropped, he dropped deeper, and for that reason had come back into his own life each time with more difficulty and with more indifference. The last had been his roughest year and he had sunk a little more deeply just at the time when June had been pluming herself for flight from such depths forever (250; emphasis added). What is most notable about this "deterioration," however, is that Hale undergoes it largely as a result of his "civilizing" activities. On the page after the above, a great deal of his roughness is attributed directly to his function as captain of the Police Guard, the organization which imposes "law and order" on a population whose 'lawlessness' in the first place is partly a matter of perception and partly a result of the disruption of their way of life.9 June shrinks from kissing him when they meet because "he was as rough and dirty as the chain-carrier opposite him, who was just in from a surveying expedition in the mountains, as the sooty brakeman who came through to gather up the fares" (265). A bit later it is reported that "Hale had been raising Cain in Lonesome Cove— 'a-cuttin' things down an' tearin' 'em up an' playin' hell ginerally'" (281). The fact, presented in the very next sentence, that "[t]he feud had broken out again" is left unconnected with this. For indeed, Fox fails to make the (to us) obvious connections in all of what he describes here. Just as Altina Waller has shown that the feuds of the period were an aspect of modernization and not of "backwardness"—a fact visible intermittently between the lines of Fox's narrative10—so the facts of Hale's "deterioration," as Fox shows them, are very different from what he seems to want to say about them. For in both cases, Fox imposes a simple developmental scheme which contradicts his own words—and especially the words put in the mouths of the main characters. A result of what Hale is doing to Appalachia is projected as a result of what Appalachia is doing to him. The deep ambiguity which is visible in the thematics is inexpressible in the exposition, which is trapped inside a 36 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �discourse that mutes it. This becomes the main problem with the book from here on, as Fox's own sense of ambiguity is trapped in a onedimensional episteme conditioned by the discourse of power between Appalachia and America. We have seen things heretofore mainly through Hale's eyes, but the complications enter as we begin to see Hale seeing himself through June's new eyes. He has given her these eyes; but in spite of his intentions, they are not his eyes. Thus, a binocular view develops, one in which the images of Appalachia and America suddenly stand out in a depth which unsettles the narrative. What happens in the rest of the book, however, is a betrayal of this depth, a determined flattening of it as Fox retreats in an almost palpable panic from its implications. Hale shaves, resumes his "civilized" demeanor—"There was nothing of the mountaineer about him now" (275)—and goes to meet June, rising to encounter her from below (274). Then the two discuss matters. He expresses his doubts as to whether he has done the right thing in taking her out of the world in which she can no longer be content. Then he shifts the topic to their relationship, while showing no awareness of the shift: "I would not have married you as you were ... . And now you have gone beyond me and you do not want to marry me as I am. And it is all very natural and very just" (276-77). All very natural and very just. The main function of this crucial conversation is to reconcile Hale and June by muting the ambiguity of their situation. Neither of them moves out of their now-shared system of one-dimensional valuations. Before Hale approaches, June has been contemplating with horror the prospect of descending again to the "lower ... standards" (274) of her home community. She never questions Hale's corresponding view of the matter; she never questions the assumption that she is being 'freed' by being englobed in his discourse. That assumption is self-contradictory, of course, and the irony here and the subsequent tangles of the plot result from an attempt to untangle this paradox without cutting at the root of it. For indeed, by the end of the scene June has suppressed her very adulthood for Hale's sake: "Like a child she obeyed him" (278), and he repeatedly calls her "little girl" (277, 278). The eyes he has given her are once more becoming simply his eyes; the eyes of the image of his desire are becoming simply the eyes of his desire, leaving him enfin seul. In subsequent scenes, June is further reduced to an object, her voice returned to muteness, as Fox assumes monologic control. Her Uncle Billy "was the one unchanged soul to her in that he was the one soul that could see no change in June. He called her "baby' in the old way, and he talked to her now as he had talked to her as a child" (297). Thus, June is comforted by seeing her identity entirely in other's gaze, and, specifically, in the gaze of men who see her as a child. Furthermore, this Volume Two, 1990 37 �confining yet comforting gaze forecloses the possibility of her being an adult member of her own society—it conflates time and space in accordance with Bale's perceptions. At this point, the plot is drawing to a climax. Of the conventional savage/civilized oppositions which function in the novel, two are especially important for the plot. One, as we have seen, is childhood/adulthood; the other is personal loyalty/abstract duty. The conflict between these two has an honorable history in the thematics of Western literature as far back as Sophocles' Antigone. But in Fox, this conflict is, like everything else, assimilated to the colonialist paradigm: The average mountaineer," he avers, "has little conception of duty in the abstract, but old Judd belonged to the better class—and there are many of them—that does" (152). This theme begins to be struck early on (129) and is brought up repeatedly from then on (151, 184, 221, etc.); and, in general, even the class distinction among mountaineers is not as carefully made as in the passage quoted. June's uncle, Bad Rufe Tolliver, has returned to the mountains at the same time as she. He is, therefore, in some sense her contrasexual mirror-image, and we have already seen the crossing of mutual reactions which occurs when they meet for the first time in years. If June is the quintessentially "good" mountaineer, Bad Rufe is the quintessentially "bad" one, and he establishes this identity by shooting a policeman: one of the outside representatives of "law and order." Before he commits the act, though, June overhears him stating his intention to do so. Thus, when she is called to testify at his trial, she must choose not only between her family and her conscience, but between personal loyalty and abstract duty, and thus between two different civilizations—or rather between Savagery and Civilization. But what actually happens at this crucial juncture? Though the issue seems clear-cut, its execution is in fact fatally blurred. When June had overheard her uncle saying, "I'm goin' over to kill me a policeman" (296), at first she had agonized at the thought that the intended victim might be Hale—such is her love of Civilization, the identification of the latter with Hale, and the labeling of traditional Appalachia as its violent enemy for the crime of defending itself. Later, at the climactic moment in the courtroom—a few seconds spread over a whole page—June's first thought is only of duty: "Would she lie for him—would she lie for him?" she wonders as "Rufe's black eyes"—those eyes which have awakened her childhood fears—"held her with mesmeric power" (320-21). But she also feels upon her "the blue eyes of a man for whom a lie was impossible and to whom she had never stained her white soul with a word of untruth.... Not a soul in the room knew where the struggle lay—not even the girl—for it lay between the black eyes of Rufe Tolliver and the blue 38 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �eyes of John Hale" (321). And then, as "her dark eyes swerved suddenly full on Hale," she tells the truth which dooms her uncle. In this scene—the pivotal climax of the novel—the issue with which it ostensibly deals, and with it the whole thematic structure of the novel, are all at once sharply skewed. June's decision between personal loyalty and abstract duty is collapsed into a matter of two conflicting personal loyalties. Worse yet, June does not even make a clearly free and voluntary choice between the two loyalties. "[T]he girl" becomes a passive object, pulled between the two powerful adult male figures, as unaware of her own real thoughts as she is of her 'real' nature. Her choice is not only personalized but emotionalized and eroticized to the point where her individual will is erased. From being a rounded character she is suddenly flattened into a female stereotype, ruled by emotion and sexual desire and incapable of thinking "above" the personal level. The thematic development of the book is wiped out by a decision which ignores that theme while ostensibly acting it out and June's personal development is also wiped out by an act in which she herself is unaware of the real locus of her struggle—an act which is explicitly located outside of her; it is located in the two men whose intersecting gazes constitute her as an object, and whose real struggle is to possess her. This dishonest treatment of the climax shatters whatever artistic integrity the book had managed to achieve. From here on, the plot itself falls apart. It founders in the same way the developmentalist emplotment founders on the ambiguities of development. Since these ambiguities are not foregrounded, nor the contradictions dealt with creatively and dialogically, the book breaks down in a series of schematic denouements and deus ex machina resolutions as Fox pulls his characters and situations back into line with his preconceptions. The first order of business is to dispose of Hale's rival for June's affections, her cousin Dave. He fits into the semiosis of the book as a young male mountaineer, therefore not amenable to the masterdiscourse. His identification with the mountain code of personal loyalty (137, 221) both places him on the "savage" side of the epistemic dichotomy and provides a plot motivation for his lethal hatred of Hale when June rejects Dave—and does so speaking to him, to her own family and people, in Hale's voice, that is in standard English (359). The matter eventually comes down to physical combat between the two men. Hale wins, of course, by technique over the brute force of an opponent whose actions are repeatedly described in terms of savagery, animality, and madness—"savagely" (374), "a grunt of rage and pain... crazy rage...bellow" (376). But, before the fight, Dave has given Hale a shrewd and accurate account of their respective power-situations: "D'ye think I'd fight you hyeh? If you killed me, you'd be elected County Jedge; if I killed you, what chance would I have o' gittin' away? I'd swing fer it" Volume Two, 1990 39 �(373-74). Hale's way of winning the combat he has forced on his opponent only underscores this relation, but Hale simply avers that "I've never done anything to you that I hadn't to do" (374). His self-righteousness comes from his self-enclosure in his own discourse of power which justifies his dominance as an inevitable part of "progress." Dave, humiliated, moves west. So do all the Tollivers, in a group, as the Tolliver-Falin feud heats up. Hale, too, leaves, having failed to halt the collapse of the coal boom in the Gap, but he returns for one last visit to a scene of human desolation. At the Lonesome Pine, where the book began, he spots Dave's horse and assumes that his old enemy has set an ambush for him. But, instead, the person who comes into view behind the horse is June, who has providentially returned to the Cove at the same instant. She is the substitute for Hale's rival for her, and, so, her appearance (at which Hale nearly shoots her) is a kind of bride-capture, a sentence in a language of patriarchal exchange in which she functions as a kind of serious pun, emphasizing and emphasized by her contrast with what she replaces. The scene also recalls, with reversed roles, the pair's crossed perceptions of each other on the same spot at the beginning of the novel. It develops that Dave has been shot out west (405) and has given June his horse as a last token of his affection. Thus, his 'frontier' violence (Hale's negative side) is exorcized, and he awards June the good part of his own male energy. Judd has died, but not before telling June that Hale, not he himself, had been the source of the money which paid for her education: "It was all you, you, you, and there was never anybody but you" (405). Hale has thus deprived her family of agency in their love of her.11 Yet, the words are ambiguous: they sound like a confession of love, and they could, in fact, be either a complaint or an expression of gratitude. Hale replies: "[Y]ou mustn't feel that way.... [Y]ou mustn't rob me of the dearest happiness I ever knew in my whole life" (406). "I knew you would say that," replies June "like a submissive child" (406). Thus she submits to his injunctions and he smilingly takes her over, having reduced her to what she always has been in relation to him. She pledges him her undying love, and it develops that since Judd had managed to reacquire his cabin and its surrounding two hundred acres (369-70), these now belong to June as sole surviving heir. This further deus ex machina cuts the last strand of the Gordian knot, and the way is clear for Hale to marry June and for both of them to move into the cabin, which is "just as she had always kept it" (410). June is wearing "the last crimson dress of her young girlhood—her sleeves rolled up and her hair braided down her back as she used to wear it" (412). She is, in fact, as much as possible exactly as Hale first saw her. This wildly improbable bit of schematism (how can she possibly still fit in that 40 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �dress?) not only emphasizes the erotic element in Hale's relation to June from the beginning12 but shows that she has never been more than a child in his eyes—those eyes which at her uncle Rufe's trial reduced 'the girl' to a passive object. June had first appeared to Hale as a "keen-eyed, sweet-faced child" (35)—the eyes sharp, penetrating, perhaps dangerous in the assertive gaze, but set in a face that is an object of pleasurable consumption; the eyes active, the face passive. Now the passive sweetness is all as she looks at Hale "with parted lips and great shining eyes wide" (421)—the eyes as receptive as the lips, which in turn exist as organs of speech only to say 'yes' to his proposal of marriage. Hale's gaze, no longer binocular, flattens June so that Fox with his single vision may flatten them both. For, thus, they plan their double fantasy: "Even if we do go away, we'll come back once a year," said Hale. "Yes," nodded June, "once a year." "I'll tear down those mining shacks, float them down the river and sell them as lumber." "Yes." "And I'll stock the river with trout again." "Yes." "And I'll plant young poplars to cover the sight of every bit of uptorn earth along the mountain there. I'll bury every bottle and tin can in the Cove. I'll take away every sign of civilization, every sign of the outside world." "And leave old Mother Nature to cover up the scars," said June. "So that Lonesome Cove will be just as it was." "Just as it was in the beginning," echoed June. "And shall be to the end," said Hale. "And there will never be anybody here but you." "And you," added June (415-16). Thus, in this cascade of female affirmations, the happy couple plot an escape from history, time, and society. In June's "Yes...Yes...Yes" we hear the click of locks as her counterdiscourse shuts down utterly and dialogue is finally foreclosed altogether. This speech, and the red dress, express the whole spectral, fantasticized quality of the union between them. There is not a word about reclaiming the rest of the mountains or their people, or about doing anything to stop the process which is getting under way to destroy them. Hale and June's utopia is literally inscribed in the absence of the real Appalachia existing in history—and of the real "America" as well. The ambiguities of the midsection of the book, with its talk of the "cruel, deadly work of civilization," is tied to an ambiguity: Volume Two, 1990 41 �Male's attitude toward June and toward the patriarchal/capitalist enterprise in general. But this fundamental and threatening selfcriticism, this real self-discovery through inner dialogue, must be rejected or the entire enterprise—Hale's, Fox's, and by implication America's—will collapse. So reconciliation takes place in the usual patriarchal way as the feminine discourse is englobed within a little, impotent space of its own—with "every sign of civilization" borne just out of sight. Insofar as the book is "about" Hale's/America's self-discovery through June/Appalachia, the ending fails when everything returns to its initial state, including Hale's own state of self-knowledge. (A failure as art, if a perfect success as cultural reflection, hence the story's enduring popularity.) And indeed, the pressure that has made the creative fissures close up and the novel collapse—which has forced Fox to take monologic control—is the nearly-fulfilled threat of self-knowledge leading to consequences which Fox never intended and which America would have rejected. Then, out of nowhere descends the last deus ex machina as Uncle Billy comes riding along to marry the pair. As he is about to do so, the book ends. Hale's anticipated sweeping and garnishing had turned Lonesome Cove from the "narrow grave" (352) which June has feared— since woman, in patriarchal discourse, is dead and barren without man—into a bridal bed; from a locus of absence into one of presence generated by the hegemonic discourse (Said, 1978: 208). Yet it is the locus of a presence which can only be achieved in the absence of the historically constituted world as we know it. The reality of the "civilization" Hale represents is, in the form of its waste residue, literally evacuated. Thus, once more, Hale's true self-discovery is short-circuited into standard patriarchal-romance terms of Redemption by Woman, a paradigm whose limitations are commensurate with those of the tiny area being "saved" from "civilization." June has lost her individual humanity and become wholly assimilated to the anima-archetype, which, being transpersonal, depersonalizes her (Cunningham, 170)—just as the semiotic appropriation of Appalachia by America takes place hand in hand with political and economic takeover and absorption.13 June even promises to smooth Hale's wrinkles away (415) through her acceptance of them (417)—to erase his experience through her reciprocal gaze from eyes which have ceased to be anything but the reflection of Hale's desire. Once more he fits his early description: "With the vision of a seer, he was as innocent as Boone" (41). Thus, Hale's self-discovery collapses into that self-gazing narcissism which Fanon attributed to Hale's civilization, here among the precipices of Appalachia. Hale has engulfed June as America engulfs Appalachia. 42 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �He has taken back her eyes and made them his again as America reappropriates its "gifts" to Appalachia. He has reduced her to absolute receptiveness in a sort of rape, surrounded with the glowing rhetoric of love, as America rapes Appalachia. Thus, the dialogue finally completes its perfect collapse into a monologue without interlocutors. Jack Hale, like John Fox, like American and Western civilization, is indeed enfin seul. Works Cited Askins, Don. 1978. "John Fox, Jr., a Re-Appraisal; or, With Friends Like That, Who Needs Enemies?" Lewis, Johnson, and Askins, ed., Colonialism in Modern America: The Appalachian Case. Boone, NC: Appalachian Consortium Press, 251-257. Brosi, George. 1988. "John Fox, Jr.," Appalachian Mountain Books 4: 7,6-7. Chapman, Malcolm. 1978. The Gaelic Vision in Scottish Culture. London: Groom Helm; Montreal: McGill-Queen's. Coles, Robert. 1985. "Review of The Trial of the Lonesome Pine by John Fox, Jr. Appalachian Journal:l2, 265-267. Cunningham, Rodger. 1987. Apples on the Flood: The Southern Mountain Experience. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Diawara, Manthia. 1988. "The Other(s') Archivist." Review of Blank Darkness, by C.L. Miller. Diacritics 18: 1, 66-74. Dix, Keith. 1970. "Appalachia: Third World Pillage?" People's Appalachia 1: 4, 9-13. Fanon, Frantz. 1961. The Wretched of the Earth. Translated by Constance Farrington, 1968. New York: Grove. Fox, John, Jr. 1908. The Trial of the Lonesome Pine. Revised 1984 by University Press, Lexington: Kentucky. Gaventa, John. 1980. Power and Powerlessness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Kupperman, Karen Ordahl. 1980. Settling with the Indians: The Meeting of English and Indian Cultures in America, 1580-1640. Totona: Rowman. Lewis, Helen Matthews, Sue Easterling Kobak, and Linda Johnson. 1978. "Family, Religion and Colonialism in Central Appalachia, or, Bury My Rifle at Big Stone Gap." Edited by Lewis, Johnson, and Askins, 113-39. Volume Two, 1990 43 �Lewis, Helen Matthews, ed., with Linda Johnson and Don Askins. 1978. Colonialism, in Modern America: The Appalachian Case. Boone: Appalachian Consortium Press. McKinney, Gordon B. 1977. "Industrialization and Violence in Appalachian in the 1890's." J.W. Williamson, ed. An Appalachian Symposium: Essays Written in Honor of Gratis D. Williams. Boone: Appalachian State, 131-144. Miller, Christopher L. 1985. Blank Darkness: Africanist Discourse in French. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. The New York Times. 26 April 1915. VIII15: 1; in Shapiro, 1978, 352. Parker, John. 1979. "Religion and the Virginia Colony, 1609-10." K. R. Andrews, N.P. Canny and P.E.H. Hair. The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic and America. 1480-1650. Detroit: Wayne State, 245-270. Pearce, John Ed. Foreword to Fox,.1908. vii-xvi. Said, Edward W. 1978. Orientalism. New York: Random House. . 1989. "Representing the Colonized: Anthropology's Interlocutors." Critical Inquiry 15: 205-225. Shapiro, Henry D. 1978. Appalachia on Our Mind: The Southern Mountains and Mountaineers in the American Consciousness, 1870-1920. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina. Sheehan, Bernard W. 1980. Savagism and Civility: Indians and Englishmen in Colonial Virginia. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press. Snyder, Robert. 1982. "Image and Identity in Appalachia," Appalachian Journal 9: 124-33. Titus, Warren I. 1988. John Fox, Jr. New York: Twayne. Waller, Altina. 1988. Feud: Hatftelds, McCoys, and Social Change in Appalachia, 1860-1900. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina. Footnotes 1 Cole's characterization of the book as "utterly contemporary in its lack of sentimentality," (206) is as accurate as his statement that Fox, a native of Paris in the Bluegrass, "spent his early years in the mountain part of Kentucky (265). His review is notable largely as an especially glaring example of the limitations of liberalism on the part of this great friend of the mountains. 2 Mooney, James. 1889. "Folk-Lore of the Carolina Mountains." Journal of American Folklore 2: June 1889, 95-104, in Shapiro, 245. 44 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �3 Fox's description of the activities of this group is largely taken verbatim from an earlier nonfiction piece of his titled "Civilizing the Cumberland" (Titus, 1971: 62-63). For a quite different view of this "civilizing" process, see McKinney, 1977. 4 Fox also draws another science into partnership with domination: Cumberland Gap "would have to be tunnelled. So said Geography" (42). So, of course, says the personified intersection of'objective' science with a particular intention toward its subject; but geography as a 'science' has never in fact been free from that intention. s The British agents at Cumberland Gap (like Big Stone Gap, not named, but unmistakable) are called "helmeted Englishmen" three times (88, 232) and once "conquistadors from Albion." One is evidently intended to visualize Renaissance soldiers in morions, which, of course, is as accurate an image of the agents of the American Company as is Fox's general image of their doings, for a truer account of which we are indebted to John Gaventa, 1980. 8 Indeed, Male's and Budd's attitude closely echoes that of an early English writer on Virginia: "Our intrusion into their possessions shall tend to their great good...to bring them from their base condition to a farre better"; but "so many as obstinately refuse to unite themselves unto us, or shall maligne or disturb our plantation...shall be dealth [sic] with as enemies of the Commonwealth of their country." Emphasis added. Robert Johnson. (1609), Nova Britannia (London) f. C2r; in Parker (1979), 253. 7 A particularly interesting example of this appropriation and abjection occurs when Hale takes June down to meet his Bluegrass relatives: "Rumour had gone ahead of June. Hale had found her rushing about the mountains on the back of a wild bull...She was as beautiful as Europa" (231). Here, Fox recalls the girl of whom he was told in the late 1880s (Titus, 1971: 24) and who became the inspiration of his first Appalachian story, "A Mountain Europa." This is a central image, therefore, in Fox's relation to Appalachia; indeed, it is the germ of his literary career. But the girl in the anecdote and in Fox's story was calmly riding the bull along a path on the way to market—a practice sometimes actually followed in the absence of other draft animals. She is, in short, a mistress, or rather master, of the bull's male force (the word bull is cognate to phallus). But to call her "Europa" is to identify her with a helpless victim of the bull of AllFather Zeus in an act of bride-capture. (One is reminded of the observation of Levi-Strauss that kinship is a language in which women function as words and their exchange as communication.) Thus, this metaphor reduces June to a functional sign in the semiotic exchange between Appalachian and American cultures—and in Fox's communicative exchange with the reader. Serres observes that all logocentric discourse occurs over a third party, a muted and abjected Other; here that party is June/Appalachia reduced to feminine passivity in a dialogue between the two parts of Jack/America—a dialogue constantly pulling toward monologue. 8 In an earlier chapter, the "railroad that had been creeping for many years toward the Gap" is seen by Hale as a "worm" whose "head...was just protruding from the Natural Tunnel twenty miles away" (126). Despite this sinister phallic imagery, though, the railroad at this point is described in positive terms. Its Volume Two, 1990 45 �passage was made by "the Almighty," who had "stored" the resources of the mountains and "driven this passage himself to help puny man to reach them" (126). Thus, the phallicism is redeemed by attributing it to a Father-God made in Man's/Hale's image, endorsing and reinforcing man's own 'puny1 phallicism and, indeed, creating the female by that force. Yet in the threatening unpleasantness of the image, there is an undertone of doubt about Hale's male impulses and those of his civilization. (Hale's name means "healthy," but when June first hears it she spells it "Hail" [208, 356], the name of a phenomenon sent from Heaven but dreaded by rural people.) 9 Fox explicitly labels as "lawlessness" some things that are simply face-to-face, human-scaled, oral-cultural means of social control: "[Ejections were held viva voce under the beeches.... Here...the people had come together during half a century for sport and horse-trading and to talk politics" (141). This is part of a long passage in which violence is mentioned as sometimes incidental to these processes, but is implied to be the essential feature of them. One of the first ordinances passed by the outside 'civilizers' is to ban shouting in the streets (142), and "the lawlessness of the town itself is attributed to "its close environment" (142)—evidently a prejudicial name for face-to-face interaction. One moonshiner is "dubbed Caliban" (143)—shades of D.O. Mannoni and other colonial-discourse critics of The Tempest. 10 The feudist Devil Judd Tolliver is based on Devil John Wright, a notorious opportunist "who had supposedly fought on both sides of the Civil War.... When Fox knew him, he was serving as a Kentucky peace officer and helping the Consolidation Coal Company buy up land in Letcher and Pike County, Kentucky" (Titus, 1971: 96). Fox himself presents Devil Judd as an entrepreneur, a non'traditional' person, while simultaneously making him a symbol of'barbarism': "It was not often that he found a mountaineer who knew what a parting in a coal seam was" (25). 11 Even earlier, he has deprived them, in her eyes, of agency in the conduct of their own lives: "They were not to blame—her people, they but did as their fathers had done before them" (362). She sees their actions as only passively following the groove set down by their discourse. But, here again, as with Sam Budd's dismissal of the reasons for the strike, the real master-discourse is 'civilization's' and Fox's—and, here, Hale's as June has fallen into that groove. 12 I am indebted for this insight to Linda Gill, my student in Appalachian Literature at Sue Bennett College. 13 And, indeed, industrial waste is to this day poured on Appalachia because Appalachia is itself the semiotic residue of America. Thus do the 'symbolic' and the 'imaginary' redound upon the Veal.' Rodger Cunningham, a native of West Virginia, teaches English and Appalachian studies at Sue Bennett College in London, Kentucky. He is the author of Apples on the Flood: The Southern Mountain Experience. 46 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Household Composition and Early Industrial Transformation: Eastern Kentucky 1880 to 19101 Thomas A. Arcury This paper describes household composition in Appalachian Kentucky in 1880 and in 1910, and analyzes change in household composition during this period. There is general agreement that the family and household have great importance in Appalachian society today, and that the importance of the family and the household have historical depth (Brown and Schwarzweller, 1971; Titon, 1988). While their importance in the region is acknowledged, empirically little is known about the composition and functioning of households and families in the 19th century or the first third of the 20th century. The lack of materials for these earlier periods means there is currently no way of understanding the changes in household and family which have occurred in the region. The earliest description of Appalachian household and family composition was completed by Brown (1952a, 1952b, 1988). Brown used ethnographic and survey data, collected in the "Beechcreek" neighborhood of Eastern Kentucky in the early 1940s, to describe household and family structure, their developmental cycles, and their variation. Brown's Volume Two, 1990 47 �work, however, was conducted in a single neighborhood; generalizations to the contemporary population (1940s), or the historic Appalachian or Eastern Kentucky populations must be tempered. No surveys predating Brown's work provide data on household and family composition. Nor were any ethnographies completed before Brown which contain information on household and family structure. The available "ethnographic novels," particularly those of Arnow (1936, 1949), give an understanding of familial bonds, roles and behavior for a period somewhat earlier than that of Brown's research, but these novels cannot give the data needed to analyze early composition. Several surveys were conducted in the 1940s in Eastern Kentucky which include information on household and family. These are analyzed by Boyd (1948). Since 1960, there have been analyses of households and families in Appalachia using survey and ethnographic data (e.g., Bryant, 1981; Beaver, 1986; Schwarzweller, et al 1971; Ford, et al, 1985). Other research has examined family roles and values in different segments of the Appalachian population (e.g., Lewis, 1970). These materials provide information to help interpret earlier structural characteristics, and something to which earlier materials can be compared to measure change, but they do not provide basic information on the household composition for earlier periods. Some efforts toward the empirical analysis of Appalachian household composition during the 19th and early 20th centuries have begun. These include the paper by Arcury and Porter (1985) for 1900 Eastern Kentucky comparing household composition in Pike County to that in Ashland. Titon (1988) analyzes household economy in Page County, Virginia, from settlement to the present to establish the continuity in the value for household based production. Billings and Blee (1989) have begun publishing their historical work on the Beech Creek neighborhood of Kentucky studied by Brown in the 1940s. Waller's (1988) analysis of the Hatfield-McCoy feud also includes an examination of the socioeconomic circumstances influencing changes in family relationships at the turn of the century in Pike County, Kentucky, and Mingo and Logan Counties, West Virginia. Each of these studies, however, is based on one or two counties and do not have regional data available for comparison. While there is little detail about the structure of Appalachian households and families before 1940, there is a growing literature on the economy of the region from 1880 to date. The 1880 to 1910 period was the beginning of industrialization in Eastern Kentucky. During this period the regional economy changed from one more geared to subsistence production to one more geared to commercial production (Eller, 48 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �1982; Moore, 1984). In this period large scale commercial coal mining and timbering began. These economic changes were not evenly distributed throughout Eastern Kentucky. In 1910, 7 of the 31 counties did not have a railroad. In this same year, coal was being commercially mined in only 13 of the 31 counties. Arcury (1988) shows that there was wide variation in agricultural production throughout the 1880 to 1910 period. The theoretical framework which guides this research is that of cultural ecology. From this perspective, in addition to its psychoemotional and symbolic functions, the household is the basic unit for the economic activities of production, distribution and consumption (Wilk and Netting, 1984). The household is a means by which individuals organize and adapt themselves economically. As changes occur in the economy of the communities of which the households are a part, or in the subsistence pursuits of the household residents, the composition of the households should reflect these changes. The expectation is that the closer the economic base of the community or household(s), is to a subsistence type, the greater is the tendency for households to be large and structurally complex. The closer the economic base of the community or household to a more cash or commercial type, the greater is the tendency for households to be small and structurally simple (Arcury, 1984). Methods This research focuses on 31 Eastern Kentucky counties commonly included in the Appalachian Region (Ford, 1962). See Figure 1. Data on household and family are taken from the 1880 and 1910 U.S. census manuscripts. Three samples were selected. (1) A stratified random sample of 600 households from the 1880 census; (2) A stratified random sample of 600 households from the 1910 census; and (3) A random sample of 260 households from the 1910 census in which the household heads were employed by a coal mine company. The 1880 and 1910 samples were stratified to insure the inclusion of (1) households located in enumeration districts containing towns as well as those which were totally rural, and (2) households located in counties in which commercial coal mining was present by 1910 as well as in those counties in which there was no commercial coal mining. For this analysis these samples are weighted.2 Volume Two, 1990 49 �Operationally, households include all individuals listed as being part of a household in the manuscript census. Household type in this analysis is based on the Hammel and Laslett (1974) typology. Five types are used. (1) A nuclear family household includes the nuclear family of the household head, but no other relatives. (2) An extended family household includes the nuclear family of the household head, and any other relatives who are not part of a nuclear family; or an individual household head and a related nuclear family. (3) A multiple family household includes the nuclear family of the household head, as well as any nuclear family related to the household head. It may also include any other relatives who are not part of a nuclear family. (4) A solitary household includes no relatives of the household head. (5) An other household contains relatives of the household head, but no nuclear family which includes the household head or any relative of the household head. Each of these types may contain any number of individuals or families not related to the household head. Household size is the total number of persons living in the household. Generations spanned is the maximum number of generations related to the household head in a household. A household including a grandparent and a grandchild would span three generations whether or not members of the parental generation are present. A household including a head with no other relatives present would span only one generation even if it included three generation family of resident employees. The components of household type are the presence of nuclear families and individuals. A nuclear family is a conjugal pair (husband and wife) with or without children; or a conjugal stem, a parent with at least one coresident child. In addition to a primary nuclear family (a nuclear family in which the family head is the household head), there are subfamilies (a nuclear family in which the family head is not the household head, but members of the family are related to the household head through kinship), and secondary families (a nuclear family in which the family head is not the household head, nor are members of the family related to the household head). 50 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Individuals are household residents who are not part of a nuclear family. There are two major type of individuals: primary individuals are those who head households, and secondary individuals are those who do not head households. Secondary individuals are further divided into those related to the household head and those not related to the household head. In describing Eastern Kentucky household composition, general structure and size are presented for each sample. To examine the developmental aspects of household composition, structure and size are then examined by age of head. Four household head age groups are used: (1) young adult household heads aged 15 to 29; (2) middle aged household heads aged 30 to 49; (3) older household heads aged 50-59; and (4) elderly households aged 60 and older. The analysis of household developmental cycle is limited to those households with male heads; few households in any of the samples have female heads. The small number of female headed households does not lend itself to more specific analysis. The distributions of size and type for households with female heads differ from those with male heads. It would distort the analysis to combine households with female and male heads. 1880 Household Composition The majority of 1880 households have a nuclear family structure (79%), and are large, with an average size of 5.8 persons (Table 1, Panel A). The majority of all households have male heads. Households with male and female heads differ in composition. Female headed households are a person smaller. Fewer female headed households are nuclear family and extended family, while more are multiple family, solitary and other. When the age of the male household head is controlled, the influence of the developmental cycle on variation in household composition is apparent (Table 2). With the increasing age of head, there is a tendency for households to become complex. Over 80% of the households with heads under age 50 were nuclear family in structure, 76% of those with heads aged 50-59 are nuclear, and only 55% of those with heads aged 60 and older are nuclear. Extended family households increase from 8.5% of those with young adult heads, to 13.3% of those with older heads, and 29.0% of those with elderly heads. Multiple family households increase from 1.1% of those with young adult heads to 11.8% of those with elderly heads. Volume Two, 1990 51 �TABLE L HOUSEHOLD STRUCTURE AND MEAN SIZE, TOTAL SAMPLES AND BY GENDER OF HOUSEHOLD HEAD — 1880 GENERAL SAMPLE, 1910 GENERAL SAMPLE, AND 1910 COAL MINE EMPLOYEE SAMPLE. A B C TOTAL SAMPLE 1880 General 1910 General 1910 Mine Sample Sample Sample N % N % N % Household Structure 217 83.5 476 79.3 473 78.6 Nuclear Family 31 75 12.5 11.9 70 11.7 Extended Family 3 4.8 30 4.3 1.2 26 Multiple Family 3 2.0 12 2.4 14 Solitary 1.2 6 2.3 2.0 12 2.3 14 Other 4.8 5.3 5,.8 Mean Household Size 260.0 600.0 600..0 Unweighted N Household Structure* Nuclear Family Extended Family Multiple Family Solitary Other Mean Household Size # Unweighted N MALE HEADED HOUSEHOLDS 1880 General 1910 General 1910 Mine Sample Sample Sample N % N % N % 80.2 448 12.3 71 4.0 26 1.7 7 1.8 7 5.8 5.4 555.0 560.0 445 68 22 10 10 80.1 12.8 4.6 1.2 1.3 83.8 31 12.0 3 1.2 3 1.2 5 1.9 4.8 259.0 217 FEMALE HEADED HOUSEHOLDS 1880 General 1910 General 1910 Mine Sample N % Sample N % Sample N % Household Structure* Nuclear Family Extended Family Multiple Family Solitary Other Mean Household Size Unweighted N 31 2 4 4 4 4.9 45.0 68.5 4.4 8.0 10.0 9.1 24 4 3 5 5 4.4 40.0 58.2 9.6 7.8 12.5 11.0 0 0 0 0 1 .0 .0 .0 .0 100.0 4.0 1.0 *Chi Square of household structure by gender of head for 1880 and 1910 general samples significant at .05 level. #T-test of household size by gender of head for 1880 and 1910 general samples significant at .05 level. 52 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Other components of household composition reflect the tendency for greater complexity. Households with any secondary individuals increase from 15.5% of those with young adult heads, to about 20% of those with heads aged 30 to 59, and to 44% of those with elderly heads. Households with related secondary individuals increase from 9% to 31% with the increasing age of the household head. Households with subfamilies increase from 1.1% of those with young adult heads to 11.8% of those with elderly heads. Households with secondary families, while fewer than those with subfamilies, also reflect the trend for complexity with age of household head. Households with secondary families increase from 1.3% of those with young adult heads, to 2.5% of those with middle aged heads, to about 3.5% of those with heads aged 50 and older. Over 80% of households with heads under age 60 span two generations, but only 52.9% of those with heads aged 60 and older span only two generations. Households spanning three generations increase from 3.3% of those with young adult heads to 9.3% of those with older heads, and then jump to 35.4% of those with elderly heads. Fifteen percent of households with young adult heads span only one generation. This relatively high percentage probably results from the formation of new households. Single generation households decline to about 7% of those with heads aged 30 to 59, and then increases to 12.2% of those with elderly heads. This increase in single generation households among the oldest household heads results from the departure of marrying children. Household size and the number of head's children in the household have a curvilinear rather than a direct relationship to head's age. The mean number of persons increases from 4.2 for households with young adult heads, to its peak of 6.9 for households with middle aged heads. Average size then decreases to 6.6 persons for households with older heads, and to 5.2 persons for those with elderly heads. Households with children of the head present increase from 84.4% of households with young adult heads, to 92.6% of those with middle aged heads, and then decline to 91.3% of those with older heads, and to 80.5% of those with elderly heads. The average number of head's children in the household increases from 1.8 for those with young adult heads, to over four children for those with heads aged 30 to 59, and then declines to 2.3 for those with elderly heads. Volume Two, 1990 53 �TABLE 2: HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION BY AGE OF MALE HOUSEHOLD HEAD, 1880 GENERAL SAMPLE. Household Structure Nuclear Family Extended Family Multiple Family Solitary Other Age of Household Head 15-29 30-49 50-59 60 + Young Middle Older Elderly Adult Aged 2.7 .4 1.1 81.6 11.3 3.5 1.1 2.5 75.9 13.3 7.0 1.3 2.4 55.3* 29.0 11.8 2.0 2.0 15.5 9.0 6.6 22.9 12.7 13.8 20.4 14.7 7.0 44.1* 30.9* 15.0 Subfamilies 1.1 3.9 7.0 11.8* Secondary Families 1.3 2.4 3.8 3.5 15.0 81.7 3.3 6.6 86.8 6.6 7.0 83.7 9.3 12.2* 52.9 35.4 4.2 6.9 6.6 5.2# 84.4 1.8 92.6 4.4 91.3 4.1 80.5* 2.3# 84.4 1.8 90.4 4.0 83.7 3.0 49.0* 1.1# 1.4 .0 23.3 .4 58.6 1.1 60.8* 1.2# 4.3 3.0 8.2 5.6 9.4 2.4 13.5 5.2 Secondary Individuals Any Related Unrelated Number of Generations Spanned One Two Three or More Mean Number of Person 87.2 8.5 Children of the Household Head Present Any One or more Mean Under Age 18 One or more Mean Age 18 and Older One or more Mean Nonrelatives Employees Boarders Unweighted N 174 259 73 50 *Chi Square by age of household head significant at .05 level. SF-test by age of household head significant at .05 level. 54 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �1910 Household Composition—The General Population Sample The majority of the 1910 general population households have a nuclear family structure (79%), and are large, with an average size of 5.3 persons (Table 1, Panel B). The majority of all households also have male heads. Size and type differ between households with male and female heads. Female headed households are on average a person smaller. Fewer female headed households have a nuclear family or extended family structure. More female headed households are multiple family, solitary or other. There is a moderate tendency for household complexity to increase relative to the age of the household head (Table 3). There is also, however, a limited tendency for household complexity to have a curvilinear relationship to age of household head; for some characteristics which indicate complexity, the highest percentage of households is among those with heads aged 50-59, and this percentage decreases among those with heads age 60 and older. Households with a nuclear family structure decrease from 86.9% of those with young adult heads, to 67.5% of those with elderly heads. Households with an extended family structure increase from 9.1% of those with young adult heads to 22.0% of those with elderly heads. For the multiple family type the highest percentage, 9.3%, is among those households with heads aged 50-59. Households with any secondary individuals increase from 13.6% of those with young adult heads, to 29.0% of those with older heads, before declining to 24.5% of those with elderly heads. Households with unrelated secondary individuals increase from 3.3% of those with young adult heads to 10.0% of those with older heads, and then decline to 5.6% of those with elderly heads. Households with related secondary individuals increase from 10.3% of those with young adult heads to 21.5% of those with older heads, and again to 23.2% of those with elderly heads. Volume Two, 1990 55 �TABLE 3: HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION BY AGE OF MALE HOUSEHOLD HEAD, 1910 GENERAL SAMPLE. Household Structure Nuclear Family Extended Family Multiple Family Solitary Other Age of Household Head 15-29 30-49 50-59 60 + Young Middle Older Elderly Adult Aged 86.9 9.1 3.4 .0 .6 83.0 11.5 3.5 .7 1.4 70.8 15.8 9.3 3.2 .9 67.5* 22.0 4.5 2.9 3.2 13.6 10.3 16.9 12.3 24.5* 23.2* 3.3 5.8 29.0 21.5 10.0 Subfamilies 3.4 3.5 10.2 6.1 Secondary Families 1.2 2.4 .9 1.6 17.1 80.0 5.1 86.9 8.0 14.3 69.1 16.6 25.1* 55.8 19.1 3.9 6.5 5.5 4.4# 82.3 92.9 1.6 3.9 81.8 61.9* 2.0# 82.3 92.2 71.5 2.0 43.3* 1.2# Secondary Individual Any Related Unrelated Number of Generations Spanned One Two Three or More Mean Number of Persons Children of the Household Head Present Any One or more Mean Under Age 18 One or more Mean Age 18 and Older One or more Mean 2.9 1.6 3.7 3.1 5.6 .0 .0 17.4 58.8 38.8* .2 1.0 .8# Nonrelatives Employees Boarders 2.7 1.1 4.8 4.5 1.7 4.8 4.3 1.3 Unweighted N 150.0 247.0 108.0 60.0 *Chi Square by age of household head significant at .05 level. #F-test by age of household head significant at .05 level. 56 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �About 3.5 percent of the households with heads aged under 50 include subfamilies. While 10.2% of those with heads aged 50-59, but only 6.1% of those with heads aged 60 and older have subfamilies. Households spanning two generations generally decrease with the aging of the household head. After increasing from 80.0% of households with young adult heads to 86.9% of those with middle aged heads, two generation households decrease to 55.8% of those with elderly heads. Three generation households increase from 2.9% of those with young adult heads to 19.1% of those with elderly heads. However, the increase in one generation households is even greater; 25.1% of households with elderly heads span only one generation. Household size and the number of head's children in the household have a curvilinear relationship to head's age. Average household size by age of head increases from 3.9 to 6.5 persons, and then declines to 5.5 and 4.4 persons. The average number of children similarly increases from 1.6 to 3.9, and then declines to 3.1 and 2.0. Households with children relative to head's age increase from 82.3% to 92.9%, and then decrease to 81.8% and 61.9%. 1910 Household Composition—The Coal Mine Employee Sample The dominant household type in the 1910 coal mine employee sample is the nuclear family (Table 1, Panel C). In addition to nuclear family households (84%), only extended family households represent a substantial part of the sample (12%). Average household size in the mine sample is 4.8 persons. Only one of the households in this sample has a female head. There is little developmental change in household composition among the coal mine employee households (Table 4). The analysis of the developmental cycle for this sample is made difficult by the small number of households with older and elderly heads; 19 households have heads aged 50 to 59, and only two have heads aged 60 and older. Measures of significance were calculated for variation in household characteristics by age of head for all of the age groups, excluding the two households with heads aged 60 and older. There was no difference in results. Volume Two, 1990 57 �TABLE 4: HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION BY AGE OF MALE HOUSEHOLD HEAD, 1910 COAL MINE EMPLOYEE SAMPLE. Age of Household Head 15-29 30-49 50-59 60 + Young Middle Older Elderly Adult Aged Household Structure Nuclear Family Extended Family Multiple Family Solitary Other 1.7 .0 2.5 89.5 5.3 5.3 .0 .0 100.0 .0 .0 .0 .0 26.1 11.8 16.0 26.9 14.3 13.5 15.8 10.5 5.3 .0 .0 .0 Subfamilies .0 1.7 5.3 .0 Secondary Families .8 2.5 .0 .0 26.1 71.4 8.4 5.0 31.6 57.9 10.5 50.0* 86.6 3.9 5.7 5.2 4.0# 69.7 90.8 1.5 3.3 68.4 2.9 50.0* 2.0# 69.7 89.1 1.5 3.1 63.2 2.0 50.0* 2.0# .0 .0 12.6 47.4 .9 .0* .0# Secondary Individual Any Related Unrelated Number of Generations Spanned One Two Three or More Mean Number of Persons Children of the Household Head Present Any One or more Mean Under Age 18 One or more Mean Age 18 and Older One or more Mean 84.0 11.8 82.4 13.4 .0 2.5 1.7 2.5 .2 50.0 .0 Nonrelatives Employees Boarders 4.2 8.4 10.9 5.9 .0 5.3 .0 .0 Unweighted N 119.0 119.0 19.0 2.0 *Chi Square by age of household head significant at .05 level. #F-test by age of household head significant at .05 level. 58 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Over 80% of the households have a nuclear family structure no matter the age of the head, and this percentage increases from 84.0% of those with young adult heads, to 89.5% of those with older heads. Extended family households decline from 11.8% of those with young adult heads, to 5.3% of those with older heads. The other components of household composition also indicate limited variation relative to the age of the head. Households with any secondary individuals decrease from about 26% of those with young adult and middle aged heads, to 15.8% of those with older heads. Households with unrelated secondary individuals decrease from 16.0% of those with young adult heads, to 13.5% with middle aged heads, and to 5.3% of those with older heads. There is almost no change in the presence of related secondary individuals. The number of generations spanned in these households generally decreases with the increased age of the head. Among those with young adult heads, 26.1% span one generation and 71.4% span two generations. Two generation households increase to 86.6% of those with middle aged heads; those with one generation decline to 8.4%. Among households with older heads only 58% are two generation and 31.6% are one generation. Households spanning three generations do increase with the age of the head, but this is from 2.5% of those with young adult heads, to 10.5% of those with older heads. Household size increases relative to age of head from 3.9 to 5.7 persons, and then declines to 5.2 persons. Almost 70% of households with young adult heads have a child present, and the mean number of children is 1.5. For households with middle aged heads, 90.8% have children and the average number of these is 3.3. Among households with older heads, only 68.4% have a child present, and the average number of children is 2.9. Continuity and Change in Household Composition, 1880 and 1910 The comparison of the 1880 and 1910 data indicate how households changed during this period. Comparison of data for the 1910 coal mine employee households indicates the features they share with the 1910 general population. Households in Appalachian Kentucky in 1880 were large. During most of the development cycle most of the these households had a simple, nuclear family structure. Household structure became more complex through the developmental cycle, particularly among Volume Two, 1990 59 �households with heads aged 60 and older. These characteristics seem reasonable given the agrarian base of the Eastern Kentucky economy at that time and the large average size of the farms (Arcury, 1988). Waller's (1988) analysis of the resources of elder household heads at this time in Southeastern Kentucky supports this interpretation. In 1880, as well as in the 1910 general and coal mine employee populations, household size had a curvilinear relationship to age of head. For each population this was largely the result of the common developmental pattern of growth, with the addition of children followed by decline with the loss of these children. In 1880, however, as household size and the number of children in the household began to decline relative to age of head, household structure was becoming much more complex. As most children were leaving their natal homes, they were replaced in some cases with the families of procreation of one or more of the head's children or with other of the head's relatives. This would result in a smaller size but a more complex, extended or multiple family household structure. For 1880, while there is a decline in the presence of children in households with elderly heads, the large number of all households with children present must be emphasized. Even among households with elderly heads, 80% still have a child residing with them; the mean number of children is over 2. Among households with the oldest heads, 49% have minor (under age 18) children in their homes, and 60.8% have a least one adult child present. Why this large number of children? The resources controlled by these older household heads are sufficient both to support these remaining children and to require a large workforce. Greater household complexity with the increased age of head resulting from greater resource control is further supported by the number and roles of unrelated secondary individuals. Unlike related secondary individuals, unrelated secondary individuals do not influence household type. Nonrelatives who are household employees increase from 4.3% of those households with young adult heads, to around 9% for those with heads aged 30 to 59, and then to 13.5% of those with elderly heads. There is general continuity when 1880 and 1910 households are compared (Tables 1 and 5). There is only 30 years difference between these years. Many of those who were householders in 1880 were still householders in 1910. While a great deal of economic change occurred in the region, the majority of the population made its living by farming in 1910 as well as in 1880. 60 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �TABLE 5: HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION BY AGE OF MALE HOUSEHOLD HEAD, 1880 GENERAL SAMPLE AND 1910 GENERAL SAMPLE COMPARED. 1880 General Sample 1910 General Sample Age of Household Head Age of Household Head 15-2930-49 50-59 60 + 15-29 30-49 50-59 60 + Household Structure 70.8 67,.5 86.9 83.0 87.2 81.6 75.9 55 .3 Nuclear Family 8.5 11.3 13 .3 29 .0 15.8 22 .0 9.1 11.5 Extended Family 3.4 3.5 Multiple Family 9.3 4..5 1.1 3.5 7,.0 11.8 2 .0 2.7 1.1 1.3 Solitary .7 3.2 2.9 .0 2 .0 .4 2.5 2 .4 Other 1.4 .9 3..2 .6 Secondary Individuals 15.5 22.9 20..4 Any 9.0 12.7 14 .7 Related 7..0 6.6 13.8 Unrelated 44 .1 30 .9 15 .0 Subfamilies 13.6 16.9 10.3 12.3 3.3 5.8* 29.9 21.5 10.0 24..5* 23.,2 5,.6 1.1 3.9 7..0 11.8 3.4 3.5 10.2 6..1 Secondary Families 1.3 2.4 3..8 3.5 1.2 2.4 .9 1.6 Number of Generations Spanned 7,.0 One 15.0 6.6 Two 81.7 86.8 83..7 Three or More 3.3 6.6 9.,3 12.2 52.9 35.4 17.1 5.1 80.0 86.9 2.9 8.0 14.3 69.1 16.6 Mean Number of Persons 4.2 6.9 3.9 6.5 5.5# 25.,1* 55..8 19.,1 6.6 5.2 4.4 84.4 92.6 91.3 1.8 4.4 4.1 80..5 2 .3 82.3 92.9 81.8 61.9* 1.6 3 .9# 3.!# 2.0 84.4 90.4 83.7 1.8 4.0 3.0 49..0 1.1 82.3 92.,2 1.6 3.7 1.4 23.2 58.6 .0 .4 1.1 60,.8 1.2 4.3 8.2 9.4 3.0 5.6 2.4 174.0 259.0 73.0 13..5 5..2 50..0 Children of the Household Head Present Any One or more Mean Under Age 18 One or more Mean Age 18 and Older One or more Mean Nonrelatives Employees Boarders Unweighted N .0 .0 71 .5 43.3 2 .0# 1.2 17,.4 58 .8 .2# 1.0 38.8* .8 1.7* 4.3 2.7 4,.8 4 .8 1.3 1.1 4,.5 150.0 247..0 103 .0 60.0 *Chi Square significant at .05 level for comparison of 1880 and 1910 variables for each age group of household heads. #T-Test significant at .05 level for comparison of 1880 and 1910 variables for each age group of household heads. Volume Two, 1990 61 �Households in both 1880 and 1910 are large. In both populations most heads are male. The differences between male and female headed households in 1880 are similar to those 1910. In both years male headed households are one person larger and have a greater tendency to have a nuclear family only structure. Female headed households tend to be more variable in composition, including large proportions of each of the five types. The developmental cycle for both 1880 and 1910 male headed households is for households to become more complex. There is also evidence of change from 1880 to 1910. The largest differences are among households with older and elderly heads (aged 50 and older). These indicate a change in developmental cycle; from 1880 to 1910 there is a decline in complexity with increasing age of the household head. In 1880, there is a strong tendency for households to become complex with the aging of the head; in 1910, this tendency is weaker. Households are smaller in 1910, with a decline of half a person. The largest size differences are between households with older and elderly heads; these 1910 households include one fewer person. In 1880 and 1910, structure is very similar among households with male heads aged 15 through 59. Among households with elderly heads, there are more pronounced differences in structure: for example, 55.3% of the households with elderly heads are nuclear family in 1880, versus 67.5% for 1910; 11.8% are multiple family in 1880, versus 4.5% in 1910. Similar proportions of households with heads up to age 59 have secondary individuals for 1880 and 1910. However, among those with elderly heads 20% fewer have secondary individuals in 1910 than in 1880. This difference holds true for related secondary individuals (30.9% in 1880, 23.2% in 1910), and unrelated secondary individuals (15.0% in 1880, 5.6% in 1910). Households with household employees increase from 4.3% to 13.5% in 1880, but only from 2.7% to 4.3% in 1910. There are also fewer households with subfamilies and secondary families. Households with subfamilies increase to 11.8% for those with elderly heads in 1880, but to only 6.1% in 1910. Of 1880 households with elderly heads, 3.5% include a secondary family; only 1.6% of their 1910 counterparts do. In 1880 and 1910, similar percentages of households with young adult and middle aged heads have children present. The average number of children is lower in the 1910 households. Fewer households with older and elderly heads in 1910 have any children of the head present. The number of children present for these 1910 households with older and 62 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �elderly heads is also smaller. In particular, in 1880, 60.8% of households with elderly heads included children aged 18 or older; for 1910, only 38.8% of these households contain adult children. The 1910 coal mine employee households differ substantially from those of the 1910 general population (Tables 1 and 6). The 1910 coal mine employee households have essentially no female heads, or male heads aged 60 and older. Even with no female or elderly headed households, the coal mine employee households are relatively small with an average size of 4.8 persons. More of the coal mine employee households are nuclear family in structure. In the 1910 general population, there is a trend toward complexity with the aging of the household head. Among the coal employee households there is very little structural change relative to the age of the household head. The differences between the 1910 general population and coal mine employee households are even more pronounced when household composition is examined by age of head. Among coal mine employees there is a smaller increase in three generation households with age of head than among the 1910 general population. There is a larger increase among coal mine employee households in one generation and a smaller decrease in two generation households with the increasing age of the head. Variation in household size relative to the age of the head in the 1910 coal mine employee sample results from the common developmental pattern of growth and decline with the addition and loss of children. Size among the coal mine employee households is also influenced by the number with unrelated secondary individuals, particularly boarders. More 1910 coal mine employee households with young adult and middle aged heads have secondary individuals. Fewer 1910 coal mine employee households with older heads include secondary individuals. As the coal mine employee household heads have more children, these children replace non-relatives. These unrelated individuals were largely boarders rather than employees (as in 1880), and their departure results from their beds being needed by the heads' children. Finally, there are fewer households with any children, under age 18 children, or age 18 and older children, in the 1910 coal mine employee households. The average numbers of children, however, do not differ that much between the 1910 coal mine employee and 1910 general population households. This indicates that if the coal mine employee households have children present, they have more of them. This follows Haines' (1979) analysis of miners' fertility. Volume Two, 1990 63 �TABLE 6: HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION BY AGE OF MALE HOUSEHOLD HEAD, 1910 GENERAL SAMPLE AND 1910 COAL MINE EMPLOYEE SAMPLE COMPARED. 1900 Mine Sample 1910 General Sample Age of Household Head Age of Household Head 15-29 30-4950-59 60 + 15-29 30-49 50-59 60 + Household Structure 84 .0 82.4 89.5 100.0 86.9 83..0 70.8 67.5 Nuclear Family 5.3 .0 11.8 13.4 9.1 11..5 15.8 22 .0 Extended Family 5.3 .0 .0 1.7 3,.5 9.3 4.5 3.4 Multiple Family .0 .0 .0 .0 2 .5 Solitary .7 3.2 2.9 .0 .9 3.2 .0 .6 Other 1..4 1.7 2.5 Secondary Individual Any 13.6 16 .9 29.0 24 .5 10.3 12 .3 21.5 23 .2 Related 3.3 5..8 10.0 5.6 Unrelated 26 .1* 26.9* 15 .8 11.8 14.3 10.5 16 .0* 13.5* 5.3 .0 .0 .0 Subfamilies 3.4 3.5 10.2 6 .1 .0* 1.7 5.3 .0 Secondary Families 1.2 2..4 .9 1.6 .8 2.5 .0 .0 Number of Generatic is Spanned 17.1 One 5.1 14.3 25 .1 80.0 86 .9 69.1 55.8 Two 2.9 8.0 16.6 19 .1 Three or more Mean Number of Persons 3.9 6.5 5.5 4.4 Children of the Household Head Present Any One or more 82.3 92.9 81.8 61 .9 Mean 1.6 3.9 3.1 2 .0 Under Age 18 One or more 82.3 92.2 71.5 43..3 Mean 1.6 3.7 2 .0 1.2 Age 18 and Older One or more .0 17.4 58 .8 38 .8 Mean .0 .2 1.0 .8 Nonrelatives Employees Boarders Unweighted N 2.7 4.8 1.7 4..3 1.1 4.5 4 .8 1.3 150.0 247.0 103.0 60.0 26 .1 8.4 71.4 86.6 2 .5 5.0 3.9 5.7# 31.6 50.0 57 .9 50.0 .0 10 .5 5.2 4.0 69 .7* 90.8 68.4 1.5 3.3# 2.9 50.0 2.0 69 .7* 89.1 63.2 1.5 3.1# 2.0 50.0 2.0 .0 12.6 .2 .0 47.4 .9 .0 .0 4..2 5.9 .0 8..4* 10.9* 5.3 119 .0 119.0 19.0 .0 .0 2.0 *Chi Square significant at .05 level for comparison of 1910 general and 1910 mine employee variables for each age group of household neads. #T-Tcst significant at .05 level for comparison of 1910 general and 1910 mine employee variables for each age group of household heads. 64 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Economic Change and Household Variation: Interpretation Is the economic process of industrialization reflected in household composition changes from 1880 to 1910? Average household size did decline during this period. The most important structural change can be summarized as a modification in the household developmental cycle that resulted in a decrease in household complexity among households with heads aged 60 and older. Did any of these changes in household structure and size between 1880 and 1910 actually result from industrialization and consequent changes in the regional economy from a subsistence to cash orientation? It is not possible to directly observe causation with the data presented. The household composition changes which occurred between 1880 and 1910 could have resulted from other factors. For example, the majority of the household heads in both samples were farmers. Elsewhere, analysis has shown that average farm size for the counties of Appalachian Kentucky declined greatly between 1880 and 1910 (Arcury 1988). This decline in farm size might account for the changes in household composition, without industrialization or the commercialization of the local economy either occurring or, if occurring, influencing household composition. Differences between household composition in the 1910 general sample and the 1910 coal mine employee sample, are more easily attributed to differences in economic lifestyle. The requirements of being a coal mine employee, generally being young and male, would lead us to expect the households of coal mine employees to be different from the households of the general population. Even when the attributes which make coal mine employee households distinctive, having younger and only male household heads, are controlled, the characteristics of the households of the coal mine employees differ non-trivially from the household characteristics of the general population. The households of those employed by coal mines are smaller. In the 1910 general population, households tend to become more complex with the increased age of the head; in the 1910 coal mine employee sample, household structure changes very little relative to the age of the head. This analysis provides some support for the general relationship between changes in economy and household composition. The next step for this research is to conduct a more indepth analysis of variation in household and family composition for 1880 and 1910. For example, the Volume Two, 1990 65 �influence of changes in agriculture must be examined by comparing the household composition of farmers in 1880 to the household composition of 1910 farmers, and the nonfarm households of 1880 to the nonfarm households of 1910. This research must examine more specific issues. For example, what was the influence of greater participation in a money economy on the cooperation between families and households? Analysis of another rural U.S. population (van Willigen, 1989) indicates that these economic changes led to less cooperation. What are the effects of city versus small town versus rural residence on household and family composition? Residence in cities and towns would indicate an even greater participation in a commercial rather than a subsistence economy, there then should be even greater variation in household and family composition. Finally, what are the effects of ethnic and migrant status on household composition? Finally, the 1880 and 1910 data for Eastern Kentucky should be compared to data for the national U.S. population and other local and regional populations for these years. These comparisons will indicate the uniqueness of Appalachian social organization during this period. The 1880 and 1910 data should also be compared to data for more recent populations of the Appalachian region. Comparable data exist for Eastern Kentucky in the 1940s (Boyd, 1948), and for the larger central Appalachian region in 1950s and the 1970s (Ford et al, 1983, 1985). Notes 1. This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. BNS 8519633. The map for this paper was prepared by the University of Kentucky Cartography Lab. 2. A description of the sampling and weighting procedures is available from the author upon request. Works Cited Arcury, Thomas A. 1984. "Household Composition and Economic Change in a Rural Community, 1900 to 1980: Testing Two Models." American Ethnologist 11: 677-698. Arcury, Thomas A. 1988. "Agricultural Diversity and Change in Industrializing Appalachia: An Ecological Analysis of Eastern Kentucky, 1880 to 1910," CDC Development Paper 23. Lexington: University of Kentucky, Center for Developmental Change. Arcury, Thomas A. and Julia D. Porter. 1985. "Household Composition in Appalachian Kentucky in 1900." Journal of Family History 10:183-195. 66 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Arnow, Harriette S. 1936. Mountain Path. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Arnow, Harriette S. 1949. Hunter's Horn. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Beaver, Patricia Duane. 1986. Rural Community in the Appalachian South. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Billings, Dwight B. and Kathleen M. Blee. 1989. "Family Strategies in a Subsistence Economy: Beech Creek, Kentucky, 1850-1942." Lexington: University of Kentucky, Department of Sociology. Boyd, Virlyn A. 1948. "Household and Family Composition in Selected Rural Areas of Eleven Kentucky Counties. Lexington: University of Kentucky, Department of Sociology, M.A. thesis. Brown, James S. 1952a. The Farm Family in a Kentucky Mountain Neighborhood. Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Bulletin 587. Lexington: University of Kentucky. Brown, James S. 1952b. The Family Group in a Kentucky Mountain Farming Community. Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Bulletin 588. Lexington: University of Kentucky. Brown, James S. 1988. Beech Creek: A Study of a Kentucky Mountain Neighborhood. Berea, KY: Berea College Press. Brown, James S. and Harry K. Schwarzweller. 1971. "The Appalachian Family." In Change in Rural Appalachia: Implications for Action, eds. John D. Photiadis and Harry K. Schwarzweller. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 85-97. Bryant, F. Carlene. 1981. We're All Kin: A Cultural Study of a Mountain Neighborhood. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Eller, Ronald D. 1982. Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers: Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1930. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Ford, Thomas R., ed. 1962. The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. Ford, Thomas R., Thomas A. Arcury, and Julia D. Porter. 1983. "Changes in the Structure of Central Appalachian Mountain Families and Households, 19581976." CDC Development Paper 19. Lexington: University of Kentucky, Center for Developmental Change. Ford, Thomas R., Thomas A. Arcury, and Julia D. Porter. 1985. "The Impact of Economic Change on Central Appalachian Households and Families." Sociological Focus 18: 289-299. Volume Two, 1990 67 �Haines, Michael. 1979. Fertility and Occupation: Population Patterns in Industrialization. New York: Academic Press. Hammel, Eugene A., and Peter Laslett. 1974. "Comparing Household Structure Over Time and Between Cultures." Comparative Studies in Society and History 16: 1, 73-109. Lewis, Helen Matthews. 1970. "Occupational Roles and Family Roles: A Study of Coal Mining Families in the Southern Appalachians." Lexington: University of Kentucky, Department of Sociology. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Moore, Tyrel G., Jr. 1984. "An Historical Geography of Economic Development in Appalachian Kentucky, 1800-1930." Knoxville: University of Tennessee, Department of Geography. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Schwarzweller, Harry K., James S. Brown and J J. Mangalam. 1971. Mountain Families in Transition: A Case Study of Appalachian Migration. University Park: Pennsylvania University Press. Titon, Jeff Todd. 1988. Powerhouse for God: Speech, Chant, and Song in an Appalachian Baptist Church. Austin: University of Texas Press. Van Willigen, John. 1989. Gettin' Some Age on Me: Social Organization of Older People in a Rural American Community. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Waller, Altina L. 1988. Feud: Hatfields, McCoys, and Social Change in Appalachia, 1860-1900. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Wilk, Richard R. and Robert McC. Netting. 1984. "Households: Changing Forms and Functions." In Households: Comparative and Historical Studies of the Domestic Group, eds. Netting, Robert McC., Richard R. Wilk, and Eric J. Arnould. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1-28. Thomas A. Arcury is research coordinator in the Center for Developmental Change, adjunct assistant professor of anthropology, and an associate of the Appalachian Center at the University of Kentucky. His research interests include household and family composition, aging, and environmental issues in rural America, particularly Appalachia. 68 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Bringing Modern Notions of Childhood and Motherhood to Preindustrial Appalachia: Katherine Pettit and May Stone, 1899-1901 When asked how old a dirty but bright looking baby was, the mother said, "Waal people, I don't know how old hit is." excerpt from Katherine Pettit's account of Camp Sassafras 1901 Rhonda George England In the summer of 1899, Katherine Pettit and May Stone, along with other teacher/volunteers from the Bluegrass section of Kentucky, established the first social settlement in the Kentucky mountains. In Chautauqua-like-fashion, the women pitched tents in and around the vicinity of Knott County, Kentucky, for three consecutive summers. In an attempt to accommodate the settlement to the region, Pettit and Stone established the first rural settlement school in 1902, and in 1915, the town of Hindman incorporated the school, providing it with the permanent title of Hindman Settlement School. Since the primary purposes of the social settlement were social justice and community uplift, one can assume that Pettit and Stone's work in Appalachia was motivated in part by a belief that the mountaineer had been neglected. While the women found many of the older, more traditional aspects of Appalachian culture preferable to the changing values in the more industrialized areas of the country, they also found many elements in the culture that were backward, especially in the areas of health and education. In order to help the mountaineer to help himself, the women believed they should "teach the mountaineers to make the best use of the material they had" (author unknown, 1899). Volume Two, 1990 69 �In All That Is Native and Fine (1983), David Whisnant examines "the politics of culture" at Hindman Settlement School. Whisnant's argument focuses on two major points: (1) the women professed a reverence for mountain culture and hoped to offset the dire effects of impending industrialization, but inadvertently they themselves became powerful instigators of cultural change; and (2) the women, like clergymen of the time, took a very cautious approach to social issues. Whisnant's argument places him in a paradoxical situation similar to the one he assigns to Pettit and Stone. On the one hand, he argues that the women brought some of the very changes they hoped to forestall (modernity). On the other hand, he argues that the women were too conservative in their approach; in other words, they did not effect enough change. Perhaps part of Whisnant's dilemma stems from his point of view: he addresses only one side of the issue, the cultural losses incurred by modernization through schooling. Cultural conflict, or the losses and gains incurred through schooling, has long been a major concern in educational historiography. Because schooling as a socializing agent has had the double agenda of preservation and assimilation, the outcomes of schooling have always appeared to be contradictory. So, in order to strengthen their point of view, many scholars focus primarily on one side of the loss/gain issue. However, Lawrence Cremin reminds us that the loss is inherent in the gain, and the combination is a continuum of what he refers to as "generic polarity." That is, schooling like education in general, "never liberates without at the same time limiting. It never empowers without at the same time constraining. It never frees without at the same time socializing" (1976). Therefore, Cremin says, the important question to be addressed is not whether the losses and gains are occurring in isolation, but what the balance is, and to what end, and in light of what alternatives. We are indebted to Whisnant for revealing the cultural losses the mountaineer incurred through the process of schooling, a process that began in the summer settlements when the teachers began to plaster on modern notions by teaching Appalachian boys and girls such things as "how to make a cake with chocolate icing, dress a chicken properly, cook beans without lard, and sing songs to the accompaniment of a portable reed organ" (Whisnant, 1983). This paper, however, hopes to extend and balance Whisnant's work by looking at the cultural gains that Pettit's and Stone's modem notions of childhood and women's role brought to Appalachia at the turn of the century. The concepts of childhood and adolescence are social constructs. Therefore, we must remember that Pettit's and Stone's notions of childhood and adolescence were part of an evolving process. Although educators and youth workers between the years 1900 and 1920 worked under 70 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �the assumption that childhood and adolescence would soon become a universal experience, variations in regional and class lifestyles of the nation delayed both the attitudes and the institutions; the concepts did not become a universal in this country until the 1950s (Kett, 1977). For that reason, it is difficult to label Pettit's and Stone's views or approaches to social issues in Appalachia as conservative or progressive during that time period. For example, although Pettit and Stone were probably involved in the child labor laws problem in the Bluegrass, child labor in itself was not an issue in their early reports of Appalachia. An explanation for this is found in the 1919 report of the Child Labor Committee. The report cites the popular conception of child labor as employment for wages in factories, mines, and stores; farm work was not considered since the farm was usually viewed as an ideal place for children (Bush, 1919). Therefore, when Pettit and Stone comment on the children working, it is not the work alone that is the primary issue, but the lack of good educational facilities and the mountaineers' attitude toward schooling as something irrelevant in their lives that receives the emphasis: The play life of the child is cramped. They go early into the fields and from there to the school room about the middle of July. The schools have to begin in summer and close before cold weather, because the buildings are not warm enough and the children cannot walk over the mountains and down the swollen streams in winter. Mr. Combs, although one of the best teachers in the County, does not realize the responsibility of his calling. For the last four weeks he has had no school, he gave two weeks for foddering and the other time he has been away hunting criminals (Pettit, 1901). Pettit and Stone probably realized the need for children to work in the self-sufficient farm economy, but they were concerned about the lack of opportunity for the mental and spiritual development of the children. The settlement teachers' emphasis on the importance of "play life" for the children was, perhaps, one of the strangest notions that the women brought to pre-industrial Appalachia: In most cases, mountain parents expected the children to act like adults. May Stone describes the parents' lack of knowledge concerning the play life or imagination in the child: The mother told me that Tilda, who is the older of the two girls, of five and six, is known all over the community as "the worst child that ever wuz," that she would slip and put on long dresses and walk around and say she was Volume Two, 1990 71 �somebody else and fool that way all day. I tried to explain to them that this imagination was a good thing if well directed, but she said "hit was pure meanness and she ought to be killed for 'hit (Stone, 1901). It is apparent from these excerpts that Pettit and Stone viewed the child as one who needed to be nurtured, or, as Susan Blow described it, "nudged" into being. For that reason, the concept of childhood represented by the kindergarten program at the settlements was probably one of the most modern notions that the settlement teachers brought to the region. The similarities in the goals of the kindergarten and the social settlement were so similar that Nina Vandewalker said "the settlement has often been referred to as a kindergarten for adults" (Vandewalker, 1908). Both the kindergarten movement and the social settlement movement resulted from a spiritual enlightenment that had its origin in Europe. They both proclaimed a kind of "new gospel"— that of man as a creative being, and both saw education as a process of development. Therefore, Pettit's and Stone's emphasis on the importance of the "play life" of the child was not a trivial notion; it was the crucial first step in the philosophy of Friedrich Froebel, who saw "education as a continuation of the world's unceasing evolution on the level of consciousness, with the child's play being the first signs of life's urge toward purposeful activity" (Froebel, 1887). Not only were flights of fantasy forbidden to mountain children, but the presence of toys was a very unusual thing. Although the Presbyterian Sunday School had distributed some dolls in the region prior to the settlement of 1899, Pettit says "the dolls were never in the arms of the children." In one home where there was a large family of girls, Pettit says they counted six dolls disposed on the wall "cruelly out of reach of the children." "The dolls were objects of beauty only, not living, breathing, loving babies, to be carefully dressed and cared for and punished" (Pettit, 1901). However, securing the mountain child with a play life was only a step in Pettit's and Stone's attempts to foster some kind of spiritual activity for the children. For not only were children expected to behave like adults, in many cases they were allowed the same privileges that are usually confined to the adult world. In Appalachia, the children "were allowed the use of tobacco as soon as they could walk and talk" (author unknown, 1899), and their indulgences in alcoholic beverages often had devastating consequences. Pettit says one young boy, about twelve years old, came to borrow a book from the circulation library. "He had a lame hand, with the bullet showing plainly in his wrist where he had shot himself while he was drunk" 72 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �(Pettit, 1901). While the settlement teachers used temperance pledges and/or the "love of God" to encourage the children to relinquish these negative habits, their work with the mothers was also an essential part of the process. In "Let Us Live with Our Children: Kindergarten Movements in Germany and the United States, 1840-1911," Ann Taylor Allen says one of the reasons that the kindergarten flourished more in the United States during its early years than it did in Proebel's native Germany, was the difference in the conservative and liberal political traditions of the two countries. Allen uses German sociologist Ralf Dahrendorf s work to substantiate her findings. Darhendorf relates public/private boundaries to conservative and liberal political traditions. He lists Germany as one the conservative societies because it promoted the private or inwardturning virtues, such as piety, profundity, and a strict maintenance of public and private boundaries. The United States is included in the liberal list of countries because it promotes the public virtues of sociability, good citizenship, and political responsibility. Because cultural definitions of the private sphere during the nineteenth-century were assigned to women and children, the kindergarten movement, which was an attempt to join the private with the public, was much too liberal for Germany during that time period. Allen says, "the kindergarten movement, which in both Germany and America was often led by women, exemplified a major theme of nineteenth-century feminism: an attempt to redefine public/private boundaries that, as interpreted by patriarchal culture, condemned both women and children to confinement and subjection (Allen). Even though Pettit and Stone came from the Bluegrass section of Kentucky, there is little doubt that the society they came from was male dominated. Coming from the upper/middle class, however, provided them with freedoms that did not exist for many women during that time. In Appalachia, they found a patriarchal culture that was in many ways distinct from their own. As Pettit writes: It is the deplorable condition of the women that appeals so strongly to me. Their condition is truly wretched. The domestic life of the mountaineer is crude. They know absolutely nothing of decent living. How can they when the women who should be fitted for housekeepers and homemakers are doing the work of men, who think their duty consists in hunting, fishing, and sitting on the fence talking politics. While the women hurriedly cook their meals and spend the rest of the time in cultivating crops, building fences, milking cows.... Many of the country women marry, have real large families and die without ever having the diversion of a visit to the little Volume Two, 1990 73 �village of their county. The poor unfortunates who have not even this one opportunity must spend their lives, as Miss Henderson down on Laurel Fork told us, "jest bummin' around among their folks" (Pettit, 1899). When the mountain women brought their children to the kindergarten classes at the settlement, it was a policy of the settlement to involve them in classes also. Teaching the women home improvement through sewing, cooking, weaving or grooming was the way of the settlement to supplement rather than to supplant the family's role and to further integrate the individual into society. Realizing the rigid restraints of their gender and their "fotched-on" (or outsiders') role in Appalachia, one has to appreciate Pettit and Stone's rather daring attempts to uplift the role of both women and children in Appalachia. In the following passage, Pettit describes one of the daily ways that the settlement women attempted to uplift the woman's role: The people were unusually kind to us. Mr. Sam Kilgore, one of the lawyers, sent a cow for us to use. Monroe Maggard, our hired boy, said that he could not milk, that boys and men did not milk in the mountains. But we did not intend to set any such example to the women, so, we told Monroe that he must learn and then undertook to teach him. At first the cow refused to let the boy milk her, but we all gathered around her and kept her in place, while Monroe learned. One had to keep the flies from her head, one hold the bucket, while the boy milked. In a short while, he could milk alone, but he never was a success and whenever we wanted an extra supply of milk, Arminta, the hired girl, would help him. Many people from the country would look on in amazement to see a boy milk and were much more surprised when we told them that the men did the milking in the level country and that women did not work in the field. (We finally had to put a skirt on the boy to fool the cow.) (Pettit, 1900.) So, while David Whisnant has revealed some of the cultural losses that the mountaineer incurred through the process of schooling, one can see by these brief examples that Whisnant's work does not tell the whole story. The work that Katherine Pettit and May Stone carried on with the women and children in Appalachia should certainly be recognized as cultural gains. Whisnant appears to hold a rather mixed kind of view; for in one sense, he sees the culture as something static, and, at the same time, he dreams of change. All That is Native and Fine may be 74 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �limited because it is written from a male's point of view: a view that looks for the "big happenings" or "great events," and underestimates the amazing transformations that a group of women can make with the subtleties of a pen or needle. Works Cited Allen, Ann Taylor. 1988. "Let Us Live With Our Children: Kindergarten Movement in Germany and the United States, 1840-1911." History of Education Quarterly; Spring 1988, 24. Author Unknown. "Camp Cedar Grove Summer 1899." Hindman Settlement School Archives. Hindman, Kentucky, 6. Bush, Mrs. Lorain B. 1919. "Child Labor." Child Welfare in Kentucky. New York: The National Child Labor Committee, 200. Cremin, Lawrence A. 1976. Traditions of American Education. New York: Basic Books, 36-37. Froebel, Priedrich. 1887. The Education of Man. Trans. W.N. Hailmann. New York: D. Appleton, 35. Kett, Joseph. 1977. Rites of Passage. New York: Basic Books, 245. Pettit, Katherine. 1900. "Camp Sassafras." 1900 Hindman Settlement School Archives. Hindman, Kentucky, 20, 54. Pettit, Katherine. 1901. "Camp Sassafras." 1901 Hindman Settlement School Archives. Hindman, Kentucky, 11, 25. Stone, May. 1901. "Camp Sassafras." 1901 Hindman Settlement School Archives. Hindman, Kentucky, 76. Vandewalker, Nina C. 1908. The Kindergarten in American Education. New York: MacMillian, 38. Whisnant, David E. 1983. All That is Native and Fine: The Politics of Culture in an American Region. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 15, 48. Rhonda England is adjunct professor at Eastern (Central) University, Richmond, Kentucky, and part-time English faculty at Lexington Community College. She is a doctoral candidate at the University of Kentucky, writing a dissertation on Katherine Pettit, May Stone and Elizabeth Watts at Hindman Settlement School, 1899-1956. Volume Two, 1990 75 �Four Perspectives on Appalachian Culture and Poverty Roger A. Lohmann Poverty in The Appalachian Context Poverty is as closely associated with the Appalachian region as coal mining and the hammer dulcimer. Appalachian poverty has seldom been portrayed simply as poverty, but as the expression and symbol of something larger. Images of poverty—poorly dressed, sooty, emaciated, barefooted, mostly white, rural children and adults beside cabin porches—are as closely associated with Appalachia as cowboy hats with the West or moss-covered trees and white-columned mansions with the Old South. Buried deeply beneath the images and stereotypes, the realities of poverty in the Appalachian region have changed greatly in the past 25 years. Yet our views of poverty have remained remarkably stagnant during that period. Such a situation might be tolerable if there were evidence of the continuing decline—and eventual disappearance of poverty as a major fact of life in the region. Current data suggest a quite different picture, however. Poverty rates in Central Appalachia remain nearly twice the national average (Tickamyer and Tickamyer, 1987). The collapse of employment in the steel industry has been added to the earlier decline of mining employment to make the problem of structual unemployment a region-wide phenomenon. Further, recent indications 76 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �are that the situation for poor children in Appalachia may have gotten significantly worse during the 1980s, after nearly two decades of gradual improvement (West Virginia Human Resources Assn., 1988). An electronic media wag on one of the all-news channels suggested (in 1988) that nobody believed theories of poverty anymore—not even the theorists who had developed them. This statement may represent a slight exaggeration—academic theorists are generally quite reluctant to give up on their favorite theories. It does not, however, adequately convey the present overall lack of enthusiasm with theories and explanations of poverty. While we have recently been subjected to a number of laser-like penetrating insights into contemporary poverty, summed up by terms such as "new poor," "near poor," "feminization," "urban underclass," "rural ghetto" and "deindustrialization," nothing like the sustained interest of two decades ago in theorizing about (or, even thinking about) poverty appears to be evident at present. And no single theoretical approach or perspective seems capable of provoking much reaction. Even the seemingly heretical view that federal programs are the ultimate causes of poverty draws largely a yawn from most of the academic community. Such lack of interest is particularly true with respect to poverty in Appalachia. With the notable exception of poverty among the elderly, most of the poverty-related problems which attracted significant attention in the 1960s are more or less as serious in the 1980s, while some new forms of poverty have emerged alongside the older forms. Yet, nothing like the sustained interest of that earlier time can be found today. Two decades of energy crisis, federal deficits, social program cutbacks, accountability, and privatization has had remarkably little impact on the remaining poverty problems in Appalachia. Mine and factory closings have made problems worse; inadequate public benefits, occasional new industries, and outmigration have, each in its own way, acted to lessen the severity of problems without ever offering a realistic hope to completely eliminate them. One of the things which is most needed, at present, is renewed discussion and debate over the nature and circumstances of poverty in Appalachia. First and foremost, researchers and scholars with interests in the Appalachian region need to recognize the continued existence of poverty as an important economic, political, and social fact of life. One way to begin refocusing our attention on the phenomenon of poverty in the region, is to begin where we left off: to reexamine some of the thrusts and foci of previous research and writing on Appalachian poverty. In the most general terms, there are probably four identifiable positions on poverty in Appalachia which have impacted most directly Volume Two, 1990 77 �upon issues of public policy and community life in the region. These four positions, outlined in Table 1, can be termed: Bureaucratic Realism, Appalachian Culturalism, Predatory Capitalism, and Domestic Colonialism. It is possible to begin with any of these four dramatically different world-views on Appalachia and to reach startlingly different conclusions regarding the problem of poverty in the region. Like the television commentator cited above, however, each of these perspectives rings somewhat hollow in the world of the 1990s. We shall briefly examine each of them in turn: Bureaucratic Realism This is a view of the Appalachian region shared by most federal and state public agencies, including the Appalachian Regional Commission and the state government departments which administer the categorical aid programs for the eligible poor. From this vantage point, the Appalachian Region is a congressionally defined, 12 state, multi-jurisdictional, administrative district characterized chiefly by a number of inter-related social and economic problems, the solutions of which are important objects of public policy concern. The region as a whole is the administrative domain of a federal agency, the Appalachian Regional Commission, which has ultimate responsibility for the problems of the region. The lack of employment opportunities for residents of the region is a high priority consideration in any list of such problems (Zeller and Miller, 1968). Economic development, heavily concentrated upon capture of new industries for the jobs and tax revenues they bring, is perhaps the most important proximate objective of recent public policy in the Appalachian region. In bureaucratic realism, the problem of poverty has dissolved into the more general problem of economic underdevelopment. The sources of this dissolution are not hard to trace. Shortly after its creation in 1965, the Appalachian Regional Commission embarked upon its imaginative, but controversial, regional development strategy, which stressed highway construction and health care facilities as the key elements in the improvement of the economic infrastructure of the region. This strategy still tends to enrage many in the region who see it as a strategy of bringing a distinctive cultural minority into the homogenized middle-class mass, or who feared that "highways in are also highways out" and will contribute further to the depopulation of the region. To administrative realists, poor people are fairly normal people— clients of public assistance, perhaps distinguishable by their eligibility or "ineligibility." Poverty is an economic condition whose principal characteristic is lack of money. Work is what people must do in order to enjoy a 78 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �satisfactory quality of life. Unemployment, or underemployment therefore, are the principal proximate causes of poverty. Above all else, stress upon national public policy and economic development tends to discount most of the unique or distinguishing characteristics of poverty in Appalachia. Poverty is defined in largely statistical terms following standard methods. Orshansky (1966, 1968), Perry (1979), and Tickamyer and Tickamyer (1987) are among the many statistical studies of poverty in the region. Poverty may exist in the region in greater numbers and proportions, but the essential characteristics of Appalachian poverty are not seen as fundamentally different from poverty elsewhere. Traditionally, bureaucratic realism has been built for the past two decades upon a two-fold strategy against poverty in the region: On the one hand, reliance upon the same programs and services found elsewhere in the U.S., and, on the other hand, the Appalachian Regional Commission "growth centers" strategy in which health and other services are concentrated in areas with high growth potential while highway development provide egress to these areas from more isolated pockets of poverty. (U.S. News and World Report, September 27, 1965; WVGOECD, 1980; WVGOECD, 1983). Largely because of this continuing Appalachian Regional Commission strategy, community-level economic development remains as the preferred anti-poverty strategy of bureaucratic realism in the 1970s and 1980s. (Whitman, 1986; Trent, Weigand and Smith, 1985; Blair, 1973; McNeill and Miller, 1971). Grave doubts continue, however, about the efficacy of bureaucratic realism as an anti-poverty strategy. Appalachian Culturalism One of the sources of those doubts is a view of poverty which is grounded in a social outlook on the region which can be termed "Appalachian Culturalism," and which tends to stress the uniqueness of beliefs, attitudes, and folkways in the region as important factors in understanding poverty. At least since the time of the local colort writers of the 19th Century, and probably well before, there has been a conception of the Appalachian region as a place apart in which ways of life unique and distinct from those known by most Americans existed. Whether in the form of pop-culture stereotypes like Lil Abner and Snuffy Smith, or in serious scholarly studies of Appalachian values, or Appalachian arts and crafts, the sense of a unique and cherished cultural heritage has been encouraged and promoted. One of the defining characteristics of this strange place is the acceptance of subsistence life styles and high levels of poverty as normal or characteristic. Volume Two, 1990 79 �From this vantage point, Appalachia as a cultural unity is not in any fundamental sense the large region associated with the federal administrative district served by Appalachian Regional Commission, but a much smaller area composed of parts of western North and South Carolina, eastern Tennessee and Kentucky and most of southern West Virginia. (Approximately this same area is known in the Appalachian Regional Commission argot as "Central Appalachia.") Weller (1965) identified a long list of traits which he says define Appalachian culture. Probably the most important for an understanding of the Appalachian poor is the sense of resignation and fatalism. Irelan (1966) summarized studies of social attitudes, family patterns, education levels, health, and consumer practices among the poor in Appalachia and other "subcultures." Dial (undated) has discussed the uniqueness of Appalachian language, and Coles (1971) has discussed distinctive Appalachian child-rearing practices. In its more romantic strains, Appalachian culturalism is prone to view work as passe in the world of the hollows, where people survive by hunting, fishing, gardening, and collecting welfare. As with other cases of romantic poverty in distant, remote and picturesque places, poverty may not be viewed as quite so negative because it is part of a traditional way of life. As one source puts it: Thus, the mountaineer appears to be at variance with the standardized image of the American in everyday life. Consequently, he is accused of possessing negative attitudes, of being a defeatist, of having an inferiority complex, and of lacking appreciation for education. His lack of social skills in modern social situations is dubbed by some as having a "backwoods flavor." His inability to follow expected behavior patterns in group situations is assigned to what some call "rural values." (Zeller and Miller, 1968.) Appalachia, it is often said, was a region settled by rugged individualists, more interested in "their own private little worlds" than in any large-scale plans for society or the state (Zeller and Miller, 1968). This view of Appalachian uniqueness as an indigenous cultural product has not been entirely unchallenged. While others have viewed the region as a distinct subculture within contemporary American life, Shapiro (1980) views "the myth of Appalachia" as largely a fabrication of journalists and intellectuals which began in the colonial era, when the region was the "wild west." It was substantially supplemented by the missionaries and local color writers, who among other things, fostered the arts and crafts movement in the region—thus originating mountain 80 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �music, quilting, and clogging—some of the more colorful cultural artifacts found in the region. This view has often been associated with other culture of poverty arguments, for obvious reasons. It is even quite likely that such culture of poverty explanations have been largely discounted as general explanations of poverty in Appalachia. For example, Billings (1974) casts doubt upon the theories of Ford, Weller, Photiadis, et al, that traditional Appalachian culture is a cause of continuing poverty in the region, and suggested that fuller understanding of the causes of poverty in the region would "require a comprehensive social history." It seems likely that Appalachia might better be viewed as a culture of subsistence than a culture of poverty. It is also reasonable that poverty is not an individual, but a family and community concern. Everywhere in the region, localism prevails, with relative indifference to the outside world. Appalachian culturalism accounts for a large portion of the total research output on poverty-related phenomena in the region. Rebow, Berkman and Kessler (1983) isolated "learned helplessness" as a component of the culture of poverty in Appalachia. Lowndes (1972) examined the impact of mass communications on modernization among the Appalachian poor. Ball (1968) examined Southern Appalachians in what he termed an "analgesic subculture." Peterson, Stivers, and Peters (1986) studied the role of family members and others in the career decisions of low-income Appalachian youth. Gender is one of the most examined issues in this literature. Thus, Philliber (1982) examines the phenomenon of working wives in relation to low-income status of low-income Appalachian migrants. Kenkel (1980) examines the occupational and marriage plans of low-income high school girls in Appalachia and the Southeast. Hennon and Photiadis (1979) investigated the changing role of rural Appalachian males in lowincome family structures. Predatory Capitalism Bureaucratic realism and Appalachian culturalism generally fail to capture the sense of frustration and anger among the Appalachian poor and those who speak for them. Others have sought in various ways to get at these questions. One of these views is the "social control" thesis which posits that the function of public assistance in capitalist society is to regulate the poor and keep them underemployed for the benefit of corporate profits. The most extensive general statement of this view of poverty is by Richard Cloward and Frances Fox Piven in the book Regulating the Poor (1971), and a paper presented by them at a conference on public welfare held at West Virginia University in 1971. Volume Two, 1990 81 �Although the paper discusses the Anglo-American public welfare tradition, and makes numerous references to contemporary national issues, it contains no unique or distinct references to the Appalachian region. Piven and Cloward (1972), and Walls (1976), however, applied a similar perspective to the region. From the vantage point of predatory capitalism, poverty is a necessary precondition of the effective functioning of labor markets in capitalist economies. Succinctly stated, in Appalachia, profits of outside corporations are dependent upon a large, enduring class of workers who are kept unemployed and/or underemployed. Walls (1976), for example, speaks of this as "cultural hegemony and capitalist domination." Two issues have been particularly important to an understanding of poverty from the viewpoint of predatory capitalism: The declining importance of mining (and more recently, manufacturing) as a source of employment in the region, has resulted in a growing "surplus population" of workers. In addition, ownership of a large percentage of the land in Appalachia is by outside interests (Miller, 1972; Gaventa and Horton, 1982). One of the most persistently heard criticisms of the Appalachian Regional Commission development strategy from this perspective is the view that the principal effect of economic development will be for the natives to become the servants of middle-class retirees and vacationing second-home owners (Whisnant, 1974). In large measure, predatory capitalism has served the historic mission of giving voice to the alienation and sense of powerlessness often shared by poor and nonpoor alike in the region. At the same time, from this perspective poverty is often reduced to a mere background or preamble concept serving only to introduce other questions. Alas, the essentially sound insight that an understanding of poverty also requires an understanding of the wealthy and powerful, has proven to be the pretext for a generalized loss of interest in the problem of poverty in the region. Domestic Colonialism A fourth model is based on an implicit comparison of Appalachia with "underdeveloped" regions in Africa and Asia formerly colonized by European nations. Although this view overlaps to some degree with that of predatory capitalism (e.g., Walls, 1976), the primary emphasis here is generally more political than economic. In one of the earliest statements of the domestic colonialism view, Friedmann (1966) suggests that comparisons of characteristics common to poor regions and poor nations suggest the existence of a syndrome of collective poverty, but do not support a hypothesis of structural similarities. Kahn (1970) blends aspects of the culturalism and colonialism views in his comparison of rural Appalachian and urban poverty. 82 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Appalachia, he says, is an economic colony, drained of important resources by absentee ownership and political control. Parsons (1969) raised questions about the appropriateness of the comparison with underdeveloped countries as a basis for issues of public policy. Lewis (1978) brings together a variety of perspectives on this issues. The colonialism model appears to be largely an outgrowth of the experiences of local community organizers in the War on Poverty. Much literature from that period is approached from that standpoint. For example, Bould (1977) argues that rural poverty is a political, as well as an economic, problem. The domestic colonialism perspective often shares much of the anger and stridency of poverty in the context of an unbroken history of AngloAmerican class domination; adherents of this view tend to set issues within a unique regional history of exploitation. The basic view of domestic colonialism is that Appalachia represents a domestic colony within the United States—with a largely surplus population stockpiled for national emergency purposes, and rich mineral resources exported by outside sources with maximum cost and minimum gain to the state. Unlike any of the other three positions, the domestic colonial view typically links public welfare issues directly with environmental issues (strip mining, air, and water pollution), land ownership, housing, and other issues. The following excerpt summarizes important aspects of this view: Appalachia is America's Third World. The absolute control the coal companies had over people's lives in the old company towns is no more, but the power of absentee corporate owners to affect the economic future of local communities is still massive. The situation is most severe in the coal counties, where half the land surface is corporately owned and 72 percent is absentee-owned. In Logan County, West Virginia, 11 corporations own nearly everything... (Southern Exposure, Jan-Feb, 1982, 41). One of the most basic issues raised by the domestic colonialism model is a definitional one: What exactly is that that is being referred to as poor? The region itself, or a portion of the population within it? Simon, for example, focuses on the region in his contrast of domestic colonialism with what he calls the "uneven development" model (1981). The question, then, which is begged by domestic colonialism is one very comparable to that raised by Appalachian cultures: Is the experience of poor persons in Appalachia in any way different than that of being poor elsewhere in American society? Volume Two, 1990 83 �Universes of Discourse and Poverty The essential differences between these four perspectives are less a matter of rival hypotheses about the nature and causes of poverty than a matter of the different universes of discourse with which they are anchored. Without remarking at all on the truth or values of the statements produced in these perspectives, we can make some observations about each perspective solely as a system of terms. For example, the language of bureaucratic realism is primarily the language of policy analysis, with heavy accents of political and economic utilitarianism and individualism. In general, the language of bureaucratic realism tends to rationalize poverty into a series of negative strategic choices that tend to infuriate Appalachian culturalists in particular. "Unemployed? Then move where the jobs are!" and so forth. Statements of Appalachian culturalism are often spoken in local dialects of the region, with heavy reliance upon metaphorical or archaic localisms. Appalachian culturalism often tends to romanticize Appalachian poverty into a developmental experience, moral challenge, or personal and family struggle. The words "poor but happy" come easily in this language. Predatory capitalism, and to a lesser extent, domestic colonialism tend to be built on a substructure of Marxian sociology and critical theory, relying heavily on terms like "alienation," "class," and "exploitation." Such language seems, to many, particularly apt to describe aspects of the localism, Jacksonian populist politics, and tradition of exploitive business practices of the region. At the present time, speakers of these dialects are finding it easy to adopt the term "underclass" as a suitable descriptor of the Appalachian poor. It is almost as though we were faced with theoretical statements about poverty in English, Swahili, Farsi and Korean. So long as the purpose of statements in these various languages is (as it often may be) to support the general world views of their respective communities, one need feel little discomfort with this state of affairs. If the problem is defined as one of constructing a coherent general theory of poverty in Appalachia, however, quite a different problem arises. Before we can possibly compare or evaluate these four perspectives on Appalachian poverty in any great depth, it would be desirable to translate them into a single language. Except that, in this case, there is no apparently neutral fifth language into which to translate statements about Appalachian poverty. Thus, the challenge of furthering general understanding of Appalachian poverty at present may well boil down to translation of the key insights of each perspective into the theoretical languages of the other perspectives. Some of this translation happens already on a more or less ad hoc basis. One commonly hears references to "empowerment" scattered among statements of bureaucratic realism 84 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �and Appalachian culturalism, for example. And, at least for a time, the term "underclass" may well permeate all four perspectives. Conclusions What is needed at the present time is yet another "rediscovery" of poverty in Appalachia. A contemporary rediscovery of Appalachian poverty has not one, but four, rich traditions of research and inquiry with which to work. Each of these perspectives has its strengths and weaknesses. These perspectives are, however, as a group somewhat dated and out of touch with the realities of poverty in the region in the late 1980s. The simplistic division of the region into Northern, Central, and Southern Appalachia by the bureaucratic realists of Appalachian Regional Commission, for example, fails to deal adequately with the essential social, economic, and political boundaries within the region. However, the tendency of the Appalachian culturalists to deal only with the Central subregion as the real Appalachia is similarly limited. Both might well benefit from the much more refined subregions offered by the Economic Research Service Population Section in the U.S. Department of Agriculture which divides the counties of Appalachia into at least five separate subregions. The rediscovery of poverty in Appalachia should seek a more balanced view of the continuing political, economic, and social phenomena of poverty in the region and in the nation than that offered by any of the four past perspectives. Future studies of Appalachian poverty should take into account such factors as regional urbanization and deindustrialization, and the impact of recent national trends such as rural poverty, deinstitutionalization, growing homelessness, and the feminization and racialization of poverty. Such approaches are likely, of necessity, to touch upon many of the themes most central to each of the four perspectives. One of the most important themes for contemporary research on poverty is likely to be the convergence of the Appalachian poor into the mainstreams of poverty in the U.S. In the past twenty years, the Appalachian Regional Commission growth centers strategy appears to have brought a clustering of populations—poor and nonpoor alike—into the cities of the region. As a result, it is quite likely that both the urban Appalachian poor and the rural poor left behind are much more like urban and rural poor of the rest of the country than they were twenty years ago. In this context, family breakup may be as important a factor in Appalachian poverty as in mainstream America (Pierce, 1978). Similarly, deinstitutionalization, deindustrialization, urbanization, and an increasingly ancient housing stock have all contributed to the phenomenon of homelessness in the region as they have elsewhere. Volume Two, 1990 85 �This convergence thesis is likely to be closely associated with the perspectives of bureaucratic realism. Acceptance of such convergence arguments should not necessarily be equated with rejection of culture of poverty explanations of the causes of poverty. There is still a role for studies of the family structure and other subcultural characteristics of the Appalachian poor. Such foci need not dwell exclusively on the poor, however. There is probably still merit in Welter's (1967) question asked in the title of an article in Volume 1 of Appalachian Review: "Who is the Target Group?" (of research and intervention)? His recommendation in that article was to concentrate upon studying wealthy industrialists and economically secure residents of the region to gain a more complete picture of the problem of poverty in Appalachia. In many cases, studies of small town businessmen, politicians, social welfare professionals and other "middlemen" would prove equally rewarding. Nor should one ignore or reject the insights possible with the Predatory Capitalist and Domestic Colonial approaches. The Appalachian land ownership study (Gaventa and Horton, 1982), as well as recent indictments of local officials in a southern West Virginia county, shows that there is still merit in such approaches in a region where economic exploitation and political corruption remain important realities bearing upon the condition of the poor. The cleavages in ideology, politics, and world views which are behind the four viewpoints on Appalachian poverty identified in this paper, remain strong within the region and the scholarly community today. Thus, it is probably naive to argue for any theoretical or research convergence among them. It is not naive, however, to suggest that each of these perspectives is a bit dated and showing signs of age due to the general neglect of any research interest in Appalachian poverty in recent years. Yet, each points to important research questions which have gone uninvestigated and to hypotheses which have gone untested. At the same time, none deals adequately with the "new poverty" which has arisen in the region and the nation. All things considered, therefore, the time has come to reopen serious study of Appalachian poverty. 86 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Table 1 Four Perspectives on Appalachian Culture and Poverty APPALACHIAN PEOPLE ARE Typically American Culturally Unique Disadvantaged Administrative Realism Appalachian Culturalism Oppressed/ Exploited Predatory Capitalism Domestic Colonialism The Poor Are: Works Cited Austin, Richard C. 1967. "A Search for Appalachian People." In Parish Studies. San Francisco, Ca.: San Francisco Theological Seminary. Ball, Richard A. 1968. "A Poverty Case: The Analgesic Subculture of the Southern Appalachians." American Sociological Review 33: 6, 884-894. Bassett, Jeffrey E. 1973. Regional Delineation of Poverty Levels in Appalachia. Thesis. Lexington, Ky: University of Kentucky. Billings, Dwight. 1974. "Culture and Poverty in Appalachia: A Theoretical Discussion and Empirical Analysis." Social Forces 53: 2, 315-232. Blair, John P. 1973. "A Review of the Filtering Down Theory." Urban Affairs Quarterly 8: 3, 303-316. Bould, Sally. 1977. "Rural Poverty and Economic Development: Lessons from the War on Poverty." Journal of Applied Behavioral Science 13: 471-488. Clarkson, Ray B. 1964. Tumult on the Mountains—Lumbering in West Virginia, 1770-1920. Parsons, WV: McClain Publishing Co. Coles, Robert. 1971. Migrants, Sharecroppers and Mountaineers. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. Cloward, Richard and Frances Fox Piven. 1971. Regulating the Poor. New York: Free Press. Volume Two, 1990 87 �Dial, Wylene. "Appalachian Culture" (mimeo) Eller, Robert D. 1982. Miners, Millhands and Mountaineers: Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1930. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Fenton, John H. 1957. Politics in the Borders States. New Orleans: Hauser Publishing. Friedmann, John R. 1966. "Poor Regions and Poor Nations: Perspectives on the Problem of Appalachia." Southern Economic Journal 32: 465-477. Gaventa, John. 1980. Power and Powerlessness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley. Hagerstown MD: University of Illinois Press. Gaventa, John and Bill Horton. 1982. "Who Owns Appalachia? Digging the Facts." Southern Exposure. January-February, 34-35. Harrington, Michael. 1984. The New American Poverty. New York: Macmillan. Hennon, Charles B. and John Photiadis. 1979. "The Rural Appalachian LowIncome Male: Changing Role in a Changing Family." The Family Coordinator 28: 4, 608-615. Irelan, Lola M. 1966. Low Income Life Styles. Washington: U.S. Welfare Administration. Washington D.C. Kahn, Si. 1970. "New Strategies for Appalachia." New South 25: Summer, 5764. Kenkel, William F. 1980. "Occupational Saliency and Age at Marriage Plans of Low Income High School Girls." Sociological Forum 3: Fall, 62-74. Lewis, Helen. 1978. Colonialism in Modern America: The Appalachian Case. Boone, N.C.: Appalachian Consortium Press. Miernyk, William. 1982. "The West Virginia Economy." Prepared for the West Virginia Legislative Tax Study Commission (mimeo). Miller, Tom D. 1982. "Who Owns West Virginia?" Huntington, WV: series of newspaper articles (paperbound, undated). Orshansky, Mollie. 1968. "Shape of Poverty in 1966." Washington: Social Security Bulletin 31: March 1968, 3-32. Parsons, Kenneth H. 1969 "Poverty as an Issue in Development Policy: A Comparison of United States and Underdeveloped Countries." Land Economics 45: February, 52-65. 88 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Perry Charles, S. 1979. "Income and Poverty in Kentucky, 1959-1976: A Comparative County-Level Analysis." Paper presented to the Rural Sociological Society, Lexington, KY. Peterson, Gary W., Mary E. Stivers and David F, Peters. 1986. "Family Verses Nonfamily Significant Others for the Careet Decisions of Low-Income Youth." Family Relations 35: 3, 417-424. Philliber, William W. 1982. "Wife's Absence from the Labor Force and Low Income Among Appalachian Migrants." Rural Sociolgy 47: 4, 705-710. Photiadis, John D. 1970. "The Economy and Attitudes Toward Government in Appalachia." John Photiadis and Harry Schwartzweller, eds. Change in Rural Appalachia: Implications for Action Programs. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 115-127. Piven, Frances Fox and Richard Cloward. 1972. "Enforcing Low Wage Work: Administrative Methods." Public Welfare...Right or Privilege: System Under Attack. Wil J. Smith and Frederick, eds. Morgantown, W.Va: West Virginia University, Office of Research and Development, 24-54. Pierce, Diana. 1978. "The Feminization of Poverty: Women, Work and Welfare." Urban and Social Change Review 11: 28-36. Pierce, Neil. 1975. "West Virginia: The Saddest State." The Border South States. New York: W.W. Norton. Rabow, Jerome, Sherry L. Berkman and Ronald Kessler. 1983. "The Culture of Poverty and Learned Helplessness: A Social Psychological Perspective." Sociological Inquiry 53: 4, 419-434. Rosenberg, Bernard and Joseph Bensman. 1968. "Sexual Patterns in Three Ethnic Subcultures of an American Underclass." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 376: 61-75. Shapiro, Henry 0. 1978. Appalachia On Our Mind: The Southern Mountains and Mountaineers in the American Conciousness: 1870-1920. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press. Simon, Richard. 1981. "Uneven Development and the Case of West Viriginia: Going Beyond the Colonialism Model." Appalachian Journal 8: 3, 165-186. Smith, Wil J., ed. 1971. Critical Issues in Public Finance in an Underdeveloped Region. Morgantown, W.Va.: West Virginia University, Office of Research and Development. Volume Two, 1990 89 �Stephens, L.F. 1972. "Media Exposure and Modernization among the Appalachian Poor." Journalism Quarterly 49: 2, 247-257. Tickamyer, Ann R. and Cecil Tickamyer. 1987. Poverty in Apppalachia. Appalachian Data Bank Report #5. Lexington, Ky: University of Kentucky, Appalachian Center. Trent, Roger B., Nancy S. Weigand and Dennis K. Smith. 1985. "Attitudes Toward Development in Three Appalachian Counties." Rural Sociological Society. U.S. News and World Report. 1965. "New Way to Beat Poverty—the Plan for Appalachia." 59: 27 September 1965, 68-70. U.S. National Advisory Commission on Rural Poverty. 1967. The People Left Behind. A Report. Washington D.C.: U.S. Gov. Print. Off. Walls, David. S. 1976. "Central Appalachia: A Peripheral Region within an Advanced Capitalist Society." Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare 4: 2, 232247. Weller, Jack. 1967. "Who Is the Target Group?" Appalachian Review 1: Winter, 15-20. Weller, Jack. 1965. Yesterday's People: Life in Contemporary Appalachia. Lexington, Ky: Kentucky University Press. West Virginia Governor's Office of Economic and Community Development. 1980. State Development Plan. Charleston, W.Va. West Virginia Governor's Office of Economic and Community Development. 1983. State Plan Update. Charleston, W.Va. West Virginia Human Resources Association, Inc. 1988. Children In Crises, State at Risk. Charleston: HRA. Whisnant, David E. 1974. "Growing Old by Being Poor: Some Cautionary Notes About Generalizing from a Class Phenomenon." Soundings 57: Spring,101-112. White, David B. 1987. "A Social Epidemiological Model of Central Appalachia." Arete 2: 1, 47-66. White, Theodore. 1960. "The Art of the Primary: Wisconsin and West Virginia." The Making of the President-1960. New York: Atheneum Press, 93-138. 90 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Whitman, Gloria. 1968. "Economic Development." Trends in Human Services. Kevin Meeghan, Roger Lohmann and Barry Locke, eds. Morgantown, W.Va: West Virginia University School of Social Work. Wilensky, Harold and Charles LeBeaux. 1965. Industrial Society and Social Welfare. New York: Free Press. Zeller, Fred and Robert Miller. 1969. Manpower Development in West Virginia. Morgantown, W.Va: West Virginia University. Roger A. Lohmann is professor of social work at West Virginia University. He has long had an interest in rural poverty. •R1"" u"!"*-3 Bur» 4«Balach1an <;,,i u,et1r» Volume Two, 1990 91 �Organized Medicine and the UJVLW.A. Welfare and Retirement Fund: An Appalachian Perspective on a National Conflict Richard P. Mulcahy Introduction Recently, the New England Journal of Medicine editorialized that if health care in the United States was to remain accessible for most Americans, some sort of national health insurance scheme had to be created. The significance of such a statement being printed in such a respected medical journal cannot be underestimated. Although publications like the New England Journal of Medicine, The Journal of the American Medical Association, and The Journal of the American College of Surgeons are noted for their contributions to advancing medical science, they have also served as forums for writers interested in medical politics. In their turn, each of these publications, in addition to those sponsored by state and county medical societies, have continuously published articles which opposed socialized medicine, closed panel practice, third party medicine, and have promoted free choice of physician, and fee-for-service payment. The terms listed here comprise the basic working vocabulary used in discussing medical policy, and have served as rallying cries for people concerned about the issue. In general, free choice of physician and fee-for-service payment has been the method of operation for most physicians in the U. S. It means that any licensed physician is regarded as competent to practice medicine in all of its branches, unless proven 92 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �otherwise by his peers, and that a patient is free to choose among various physicians available for any treatment needed. A medical third party refers to any group or individual who pays the patient's medical bills, and thereby acts as a third party between a doctor and the patient. Closed panel practice refers to an organizational method used by some medical third parties that limits participation in the program to a group of selected doctors. Designed to restrict a program's medical costs, it automatically limits the patient's free choice of physician. According to its critics, closed panel organization reduces the quality of care a patient receives, since the participating physicians do not face the pressure of free competition to maintain high standards of professional competence. This same reasoning also serves as the principle rationalization for opposition to socialized medicine by the medical profession. Proponents of closed panel argue, conversely, that restriction of care does not significantly reduce a patient's free choice. Under closed panel, a patient can choose from a group of physicians who have been proven to be honest and highly competent. During the 1950s, this argument became the central point of a struggle between organized medicine, the American Medical Association and its various state and county medical societies, and the United Mine Workers of American Welfare and Retirement Fund. Because of its experience as a medical third party, the Fund adopted closed panel organization, which earned it the A.M.A.'s formal condemnation in 1958. Nevertheless, a large minority movement within the A.M.A. opposed the policies of the Association and believed that the actions of the Fund were justified. Because the A.M.A. was basically the sum total of its parts, much of the controversy is fought out on the state level. The central question of this paper was whether organized medicine in Appalachia behaved in a manner which was appreciably different from the A.M.A. and other state societies outside of the region. From its inception the Fund has been surrounded by controversy. John L. Lewis began demanding the creation of a miners' health and welfare program in 1938, after the larger questions of union recognition, wages, and hours had been settled. It must be remembered that in addition to his duties as President of the United Mine Workers of America, Lewis was serving as Chairman of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, which he had founded. At the time, the C.I.O. had just won important organizing victories in such basic industries as rubber, steel, automobile, and electrical manufacturing, all of which had successfully resisted unionization in the past. Confident of the U.M.W.A.'s position within the coal industry, Lewis now decided that the time was right to demand the creation of a fund. The plan Lewis envisioned was to be administered by the U.M.W.A. and was to be financed through a tonnage royalty assessed on all coal Volume Two, 1990 93 �mined for sale or use, without any deductions from the earnings of union miners (Dubofsky and VanTine, 1977). Lewis's demand was radical for two reasons. First, all other union health plans had been based, at least in part, on contributions from the membership. Second, all hospitalization and medical schemes in existence in the coal industry at the time were controlled by the mine operators. These plans fell into two categories: hospitalization and office care, and were funded through wage deductions known as "check-offs." Taken as a whole, these plans were thoroughly inadequate to meet miner health needs. In general, the hospitalization plans did not cover treatment for tuberculosis, a common disease among miners, obstetrical services, nor treatment for venereal disease (Wysang and Williams, 1981). Office care plans were little better. Usually office care was provided by a single physician who served as the "company doctor." His practice consisted of the miners and their families only, and he was paid through the check-off. The treatment limitations listed above for the hospitalization plans generally applied to treatment given by the company doctor as well, and the treatment tended to be low quality. The causes for this problem varied. Although some physicians were underqualified to perform all of the treatment their patients needed, there was a consistent problem of check-off practices being filled by individuals who suffered from alcohol or drug abuse (Kerr, 1988).1 The creation of a welfare fund administered through the U.M.W.A. meant the end of these check-off arrangements, and the loss of one area of control which the operators had over their employees. Because of this fact, and the costs involved in financing such a program through a tonnage royalty they would have to pay, coal operators vehemently opposed the idea, and managed to delay its creation until after the end of World War II. In 1946, however, Lewis managed to force the Fund's creation by calling the union's membership out of the mines just at the time when the U.S. government was reconverting to a peace-time economy. Because coal stockpiles were low, the strike threatened to derail the reconversion plans. Unable to break the strike, the Truman administration invoked the War Labor Disputes Act, seized the mines from the operators, and negotiated directly with Lewis. Acting for the operators, Secretary of the Interior Julius A. Krug agreed to Lewis's demand for a fund's creation, and provision for it was made in the national contract Lewis and Rrug signed on May 26, 1946.2 Although the Fund was a reality, it did not begin full operations as a medical care program until January, 1948. Part of the problem was that the overall performance of the Fund was hampered by a struggle for its control between Lewis and the coal operators. Lewis eventually won the conflict, but not until 1950. Another source of delay concerned the man who Lewis originally appointed as the medical director of the Fund, Dr. 94 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Royd R. Sayers. For most of his professional life, Sayers had worked within the medical section of the U.S. Bureau of Mines, and eventually became the director of the Bureau. Noted for his pro-union sentiments, Sayers had done extensive research on ventilation and carbon monoxide poisoning, which later formed the design basis for the air circulation system in the Holland Tunnel (U.M.W. Journal, 1947). Despite Sayers' qualifications, he became unacceptable to members of the Fund's staff, in particular Josephine Roche. At the time when Sayers was appointed in 1947, Roche was serving as the assistant director of the Fund. From there, she would eventually rise to the directorship and become a member of the Board of Trustees. The reason for Roche's rapid promotion was her close relationship with John L. Lewis. This connection began when Roche inherited the Rocky Mountain Fuel Company from her father in 1927. Because of her liberal sentiments, Roche signed a contract with the U.M.W.A. a year later, and was the first major coal operator west of the Mississippi to do so.3 From that year forward, Roche established a close working relationship with Lewis, and served as his principle advisor in all matters. Roche's objection to Sayers centered upon Sayers' original plan on how to implement the health care program of the Fund. Instead of developing an integrated system, Sayers wished to establish separate health care plans for each district of the union.4 The plan envisioned the Fund acting as a health services payer, while allowing county and state level medical societies affiliated with the A.M.A. to set prices, treatment standards, and participation rules. Roche claimed that the plan was too expensive and would prevent the Fund from establishing its pension system. From Roche's point of view, Sayers conceded too much authority to organized medicine, which she regarded with suspicion as overly conservative.5 Roche's opinions concerning the A.M.A. probably arose out of her experience as an Assistant Secretary of the Treasury during the New Deal. While serving in this position, Roche oversaw the operation of the United States Public Health Service (Current Biog., 1941). As a rule, organized medicine was antagonistic to the U.S.P.H.S. and to health insurance systems such as Blue Cross/Blue Shield. Referred to as "Medical Third Parties" by physicians, doctors resented the systems as intruders into the private relationship between physician and patient. In addition, physicians feared that the use of third party payers distributed accepted health care arrangements and could eventually lead to socialized medicine. For most doctors, the only acceptable method of health care delivery was free choice of physician by the patient and payment on a fee-for-service basis. Any deviation from these methods was to be condemned. Volume Two, 1990 95 �Due to Roche's dissatisfaction with Sayers' plan, Sayers was eventually moved out as the chief medical officer of the Fund, and eventually off the medical staff itself (Kerr, 1988). To replace Sayers, the Fund hired Dr. Warren F. Draper. For most of his career, Draper had worked in public medicine. During the New Deal he served the U.S.P.H.S.'s chief medical officer, and had worked with Roche. With the outbreak of the Second World War, Draper was promoted to Deputy Surgeon General of the U.S. Army, where he was assigned to work at Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Forces under Eisenhower (Kerr, 1988; Ploss, 1981). Regardless of Draper's qualifications, members of the staff were uneasy at first about his appointment, since Draper appeared to be very conservative. Draper not only was a ranking member of the ruling body of the A.M.A., the House of Delegates, but he also accepted the belief of the Association in free choice of physician and fee-for-service payment as the best method of providing health care (Kerr, 1988). Despite these facts, Draper's career showed that he regarded medicine as a public service instead of a private business, and was flexible in his views. Aside from working for the U.S.P.H.S. for most of his professional life, Draper had been a co-founder and charter member of the A.M.A. Council on Health Care for Industrial Workers, which was established in 1938.8 Previously, the A.M.A. did not have any sort of official body to address issues concerning industrial health. Upon becoming the Executive Medical Officer of the Fund in the spring of 1948, Draper devised an integrated health care system to enable the Fund to pursue its work. Under Draper's direction, ten regional medical offices were established in strategic cities in the bituminous coal fields. These cities were Pittsburgh and Johnstown, Pennsylvania; Morgantown, Charleston, and Beckley, West Virginia; Knoxville, Tennessee; Birmingham, Alabama; Louisville, Kentucky; St. Louis, Missouri; and Denver, Colorado. Each office was headed by a physician who served as the Area Medical Administrator, and each had the responsibility of overseeing the medical program of the Fund in each of the respective districts. Through this system, general policies on health care were established at the headquarters of the Fund in Washington D.C. The Area Medical Administrators were, however, allowed wide discretion on how best to fulfill these policies within the local context7 (Ploss, 1981: 131-135). By the end of the 1948, the new system was in place and the Fund began its work. Originally, the Fund placed no restriction on what sort of health care it covered, nor on who could participate. In fact, the Fund invited all licensed doctors, including general practitioners, to participate (Wysang and Williams, 1981:8). The only limit placed on the program was a demand that all obstetrical and minor surgical work be done in the hospital instead of the patient's home or doctor's office.8 96 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Aside from offering an all-out and unrestricted program, Draper worked to foster good relations between the Fund and organized medicine on both the national and local levels. As a gesture of goodwill, Draper managed to persuade John L. Lewis to discontinue U.M.W.A. support for the establishment of a government supported national health insurance system (Mulcahy, 1988). In addition, Draper appointed Dr. Carl M. Peterson to the Advisory Board of the Fund. At the time, Peterson was Secretary of the A.M.A. Council on Industrial Health, and while concerned about health care needs in basic industry, Peterson was no friend of "state medicine."9 As a final measure, Draper sponsored the creation of county and state level liaison committees whose members represented the Fund and organized medicine. The purpose of these committees was to ensure cooperation by providing a forum where mutual concerns and conflicts could be discussed and solved. Implicit in Draper's policies was a belief that the medical profession would effectively police itself, and so prevent and discourage any abuse of the Fund. By the end of 1951, however, it became clear to Draper that the Fund needed to exercise greater control over its program. Although situations and cases varied, the difficulties of the Fund centered around two general categories: overcharging for services, and the rendering of poor treatment by both physicians and hospitals. In the case of individual physicians, the Fund discovered that many doctors were charging inflated fees for common procedures or were giving excessive office care. On the average, a given patient in the early 1950s visited his or her physician three times a year. The Fund's records showed that some beneficiaries were seeing their doctors four times above the yearly average.10 In addition, some doctors, especially general practitioners, were resorting to surgery far more often than necessary. Prior to April 1954, 65% of all surgery covered by the Fund was performed by general practitioners at a rate of 76 operations per 1000 beneficiaries.11 Even more disturbing was the fact the Fund was having problems with poor treatment of workmen's compensation cases, indifference toward beneficiaries by company doctors, and poor hospital care.12 Although no one section of the bituminous coal fields had a monopoly on physician fraud or poor practice, the records of the Fund showed that southern Appalachia demonstrated a consistent pattern in this regard. Most of the physicians in those areas were general practitioners, usually in their late fifties, and had been trained in medical schools which had disbanded.13 As far as poor hospital care was concerned, southern Appalachia again was the single largest problem area. The cause was that most of the hospitals in the southern section of the region were small, containing 100 beds or less, and worked on a for-profit basis. Usually owned by a Volume Two, 1990 97 �single physician, these proprietary hospitals maximized profits by offering low-quality care at an inflated rate14 (Wysang and Williams, 1981:16). Also, these institutions were generally lacking in terms of staff, modern equipment, sanitation, housekeeping, and specialized facilities.15 Similar deficiencies were noted first in a survey which studied medical and living conditions in the bituminous coal fields that had been sponsored by the U.S. Department of the Interior in 1946, when the Fund was established. The project had been overseen by Rear-Admiral Joel T. Boone, surgeon-general of the U.S. Navy, who had been appalled by the findings of the Boone Report.18 A second survey, directed primarily at viewing hospital conditions in southern Appalachia, was sponsored six years later, in 1952, by the A.M.A. itself. Done in response to allegations from the Fund about poor treatment given to its beneficiaries, the survey demonstrated that conditions had not improved since 1946, nor had the medical staff of the Fund been exaggerating its case. The A.M.A, survey team was so disturbed by what it had seen, and because their findings were so shocking, they wished to keep their report confidential.17 In response to the situation, Draper pursued a dual policy of restructuring the program of the Fund while seeking to maintain and broaden the cooperation of organized medicine, especially in Appalachia. As a direct outgrowth of the A.M.A. hospital survey, the Fund sponsored a series of four medical conferences between 1952 and 1956; these included representatives of the Fund and the state level medical societies of the Appalachian region. The first meeting was held in Charleston, West Virginia. The main objectives were to secure a consensus on how to improve medical practice and conditions in the region, and to secure a clear commitment from the state societies that they would discipline unethical members. Unfortunately, no such consensus on either issue was ever formed. As time progressed, participating state associations, especially Kentucky and Pennsylvania, used the meetings as a forum to air their grievances concerning the policies of the Fund. At the same time, however, some of the most constructive ideas offered at the meeting were made from the representatives from the Tennessee State Medical Association, which was usually represented by Dr. B. M. Overholt. During the first conference, Overholt suggested that organized medicine take an active role in improving the quality of health care in their areas by providing postgraduate training for practicing physicians. Under the scheme Overholt envisioned, the A.M.A. would periodically send instructors into the field to demonstrate new medical techniques to practitioners working in isolated rural areas.18 Overholt's idea, however, was ignored. 98 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Even more frustrating was that organized medicine on the national and state levels refused to take any decisive action to discipline unethical physicians. Time and again, when Draper raised the issue, the leaders of the medical profession responded that better liaison between the Fund and the profession was the answer to all problems. Yet, it became increasingly apparent to Draper that liaison was not working. Out of the several ethics cases the Fund brought to the A.M.A., only one resulted in disciplinary action, and then only by a letter of censure which was originally intended to remain confidential.19 Because of the situation, Draper came to rely solely upon restructuring the program of the Fund as a method to ensure quality and limit costs. Under normal circumstances, Draper would have been concerned about cost containment. But by the early 1950s, the financial position of the Fund demanded that all expenses be limited as far as possible. The cause of the problem had several interrelated sources. First, between 1949 and 1953, income fell due to a decline in coal demand (National Coal Assoc., 1960: 80). As this happened, the pension program of the Fund was placed under a great strain. As coal demand declined, miners were losing their jobs and an ever-increasing number of the older men who were scheduled to be laid off were now taking early retirement.20 Because these retirees were leaving the mines at an earlier age than before, their life span increased. Second, by the early 1950s the Fund had committed itself to building chain of hospitals that it planned to operate in south/central Appalachia. Owing to inflation, and the hidden expenses attendant with building a modern health care complex in a comparatively isolated area, the expense of the hospital project rose to twice as much as originally estimated.21 To meet the crisis, the Fund began an across-the-board policy of benefit restriction. In the area of health care, the Fund discontinued direct payment for general-practice office treatment and started to require prior approval for certain common surgical procedures, such as tonsillectomies (Kerr, 1988; Wysang and Williams, 1981: 7). Under the new policy, the Fund now covered all hospitalization costs, and all specialist treatment given to its beneficiaries in a hospital, clinic, or office (Kerr, 1988). Also, the Fund began developing usage of payment systems other than fee-for-service. While participating physicians could continue using fee-for-service if they wished, the Fund also began offering payment arrangements based on fee-for-time. Essentially fee-for-time was a monthly retainer the Fund paid to a participating clinic or physician that based payment on how much work time of a given practice was taken up with treating Fund patients.22 With this arrangement, the physician or clinic was provided with a guaranteed income, and relieved of the problems of billing the Fund for Volume Two, 1990 99 �each individual service rendered. Also, since the payment was guaranteed, the physician or clinic was able to provide the patient with a more thorough form of treatment than what would have been possible under fee-for-service (Durmaskin, et al, 1982: 17). It also should be noted that the retainer system of the Fund was responsible for the establishment of a number of group practice clinics in areas which had been medically under-served in the past (Durmaskin, 1982: 7). None of these actions were popular with organized medicine. Not only did the A.M.A. frown upon its retainers, but most of its members were disdainful of group practice. Although group practice was officially accepted by the A.M.A. as a legitimate method of offering health care, most of the members refused to accept it. The reason was that a group pooled its income and could offer lower fees. Not only was such behavior regarded as unfair competition, but its cooperative aspect resembled the mentality behind socialized medicine. It is for this reason that members of group practices were generally persecuted by their peers.23 Despite this disapproval, neither the early restrictions on the program of the Fund, nor retainers, nor the encouragement of group practice caused an open break between the Fund and organized medicine, either in Appalachia or on the national level. However, two events did eventually lead to just such a breach: the Fund's hospital project and Draper's decision to adopt closed panel organization. The decision for the Fund to build its own set of hospitals stemmed back to the difficulties that had been reported about the proprietary hospitals in southern Appalachia. Although building a group of hospitals at a time of diminishing income may have appeared as extravagant, the reasoning behind the project was sound. First, when the decision to build the facilities was first made in 1951, the available statistics on coal production had not yet indicated that the industry had entered into a recession. By the time the trend was clearly recognizable, the building program was already in progress and could not be stopped. Second, the hospitals appeared to be a good long-term investment from the perspectives of cost limitation and quality treatment. Although the Fund paid inflated prices to the physician/operators of the proprietary hospitals, Fund beneficiaries were not receiving quality care. Nor were the operators of these institutions upgrading the quality of their facilities in any meaningful way. According to Draper, continued use of these facilities meant that the Fund was subsidizing low-quality care.24 Draper was also deeply concerned by the fact that these institutions were usually organized on closed staff basis, and denied visiting staff privileges to all outside practitioners.25 In such a setting, the A.M.A rule concerning free choice of physician by the patient was effectively denied. In reaction, Draper gave his support to the Fund building a chain of hospitals which stretched from Eastern Kentucky, through West 100 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Virginia, into Virginia. With these institutions, the Fund could offer better hospital care than previously available, and could reduce its costs since it would no longer be paying the inflated fees charged in the past. Completed and opened in 1956, the hospital chain worked as a centralized unit under its own distinct administration. Originally headed by Dr. Frederick Mott, the chain's chief administrator was Dr. John Newdorp, who had experience with other miner health needs due to his work in Harlan County, Kentucky, during the 1930s. In order to secure tax-free status for the chain, the hospitals were organized under a non-profit corporation, separate from the Fund, named the Miners Memorial Hospital Association. All of the M.M.H.A. doctors were hired directly by the corporation, were paid on a salary basis, and had been recruited from medical schools across the U.S.26 As it was, the M.M.H.A. was a cause of controversy within the Fund itself since some of Draper's area administrators either doubted the wisdom of using a salaried medical staff, or questioned whether or not the hospitals were just an expensive luxury. Another source of trouble within the Fund was the demand made by some of the area administrators that they have the right to review the care given in these hospitals as they did with other participating institutions. The M.M.H.A rejected the claim since it infringed upon the authority of its director. Draper was never able to reconcile this conflict to the satisfaction of either side.27 While such infighting hurt the project, the real problem was the unalterable hostility the hospitals encountered from organized medicine in Kentucky. The objections voiced by the various local medical societies in the counties where the hospitals were located, and from the Kentucky State Medical Association itself, ran as follows: The hospitals, with salaried staffs, engaged in unfair competition; salaried staffs restricted free choice of physician for the patient; and the use of the hospitals as teaching institutions placed local practitioners under the stress of having their work watched and criticized. These claims ignored certain basic facts concerning hospitals and the state of medicine in Kentucky prior to the chain's establishment. The most glaring misstatement was that the hospitals denied physician free choice. In direct contrast to the proprietary hospitals with which the M.M.H.A. now competed, all ten M.M.H.A. hospitals were organized on an open staff basis.28 Moreover, the ten new hospitals contained the more sophisticated diagnostic and treatment facilities that the proprietary institutions lacked. The KS.M.A. ignored this fact, nor had it ever raised the free choice issue in relation to the proprietary hospitals. Thus, the complaints made by the branch of organized medicine in Kentucky did not have any standing in fact, and did not reflect a genuine concern for the welfare of the patient. Instead the K.S.M.A. on the state Volume Two, 1990 101 �and county levels was behaving like a trade protection society, working for the best business interests of its current membership. To fight the Fund, the K.S.M.A. county societies used the most potent weapon available to them, they barred the M.M.H.A. doctors from membership. Because the A.M.A. was the sum total of its parts, denial of membership in a county medical society meant that a physician was not a member of the state or national organization.29 In addition, membership in the A.M.A. was a prerequisite to belonging to any specialist organization, as well as final certification to practice in some states. The M.M.H.A. attempted to fight this unfair practice through the K.S.M.A. appeal procedure, to no avail. Finally, certain M.M.H.A. hospitals retaliated by forming rival county societies in an attempt to force acceptance of M.M.H.A. doctors on the K.S.M.A.30 According to the K.S.M.A. bylaws, whenever two rival county medical societies existed, it was the responsibility of the state society to bring the two groups together into one organization.31 Although this solution was creative, the hospital chain did not have the opportunity to pursue it to a conclusion. Because of a disastrous fall in coal demand which began in 1958, the Fund was forced to sell the chain in 1963. All ten hospitals were eventually purchased by the Board of National Missions of the Presbyterian Church USA. Renamed Appalachian Regional Hospitals, the hospital chain managed to retain most of its staff physicians, and the hospitals were reorganized upon a group practice basis. While the difficulties of the Fund with the K.S.M.A. centered around the hospital chain, the conflict took place within the wider context of an open breach between the Fund and organized medicine which finally took place between 1955 and 1956. On all levels of the struggle, the general cry was that the Fund was denying its beneficiaries a free choice of physician because of Draper's decision to adopt closed panel practice. By late 1954, it had become apparent to Draper that the initial restrictions which had been placed upon the medical program of the Fund were not enough to limit excessive costs arising from medical fraud, nor did they appreciably improve the quality of care provided. To deal with the situation in a more effective manner, Draper decided to make the following changes. He ordered that the Fund review all of its participation lists, and that authorization for service by physicians be limited to those areas of medicine in which they were fully qualified. Participation with the Fund now would be limited to those physicians willing to arrange for adequate diagnostic work on an office or outpatient basis. Hospitals were to be reviewed on the basis of quality of treatment, and detailed medical audits would now be required to determine if low quality or unnecessary surgery was being performed.32 The results of the changes were encouraging. Prior to the new guidelines, 65% of all Fund covered surgery was performed by general 102 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �practitioners. Under the new policy the figure declined to 25%, and the number of operations performed per 1,000 beneficiaries had been cut in half.33 Convinced that he was moving in the right direction, Draper ordered in March, 1955, that the Pittsburgh, Johnston, and Morgantown offices require all doctors to seek specialist consultations prior to hospitalizing Fund beneficiaries.34 Draper's previous orders had been resented; however, this final decision was too much to be accepted, and the A.M.A. House of Delegates passed a resolution condemning the order in June of the same year. Faced with this opposition, Draper withdrew the order. However, during the June meeting of the House, Draper was approached by representatives of the Medical Society of the State of Pennsylvania. The M.S.S.P. had vehemently opposed Draper's actions, and had suspended all participation with the Fund.36 Nevertheless, the M.S.S.P. leadership was anxious to come to an arrangement with Fund, and initiated negotiations for a formal agreement. These discussions were successfully completed in November, 1955. Under the terms of the "Pennsylvania Agreement" the M.S.S.P. agreed to weed out unethical physicians within its ranks, while not conceding that the Fund had the right to judge the quality of a physician's work. The agreement called for all hospitals to form medical audit committees, and endorsed a uniform policy of granting visiting staff privileges to any doctor who sought them. The Fund retained the right to remove any unethical physician from its list, and the agreement even covered how participating practitioners were to be paid. Using a system similar to fee-for-time, the agreement created a "block fee-for-service" based on what percentage of a physician's practice consisted of Fund beneficiaries. The agreement was hailed as a major achievement, and was published in the May 12, 1956 edition of the Journal of the American Medical Association.36 While avoiding an argument over closed panel, the agreement did commit the M.S.S.P. to actively police its membership. Because of the goodwill the agreement created, other state medical societies were interested in using it as a model to govern their relations with the Fund. Tragically, this goodwill was lost when the M.S.S.P. House of Delegates abruptly voted to abrogate the agreement in October, 1956. The pretext for the action was that the M.S.S.P. Committee on Medical Economics had negotiated the accord without the knowledge of the general membership and had overstepped its authority. In the midst of the acrimony, Dr. Elmer Hess, the M.S.S.P. president, spoke to the delegates. He told them the agreement had been made in good faith, and that there was no just cause to terminate it. Going further, Hess warned that this action would leave Draper with no other recourse than to adopt closed panel organization. The delegates Volume Two, 1990 103 �responded to Hess's pleas by booing him, and then voted to terminate the agreement immediately thereafter.37 With the Pennsylvania Agreement ruined, Draper was finally forced to move in the direction that Dr. Hess predicted. This action not only worsened relations with organized medicine in Pennsylvania and Kentucky, but with other state organizations across the U.S., as well as the A.M.A. national office, and culminated with its formal condemnation of the Fund in 1958. Judging from the record, the response of organized medicine in Pennsylvania and Kentucky was not distinctive. Although these groups were vehement in their opposition to Draper's policies, this behavior did not differ from the reaction of other state medical societies outside of Appalachia, and reflected the majority opinion of the A.M.A. House of Delegates. Conversely, the Tennessee State Medical Association continued to maintain good relations with the Fund throughout the crisis, as did the West Virginia State Medical Association. In this respect, these two groups were representative of a minority within the A.M.A. national organization which did not wish to condemn the Fund, nor break relations with it. While not agreeing with everything Draper did, the members of this minority insisted that Draper's actions arose out of the failure of the medical profession to police itself. Just how much sway the minority view held is seen by the fact that the vote tally on the 1958 resolution to condemn was 110 in favor to 72 opposed.38 Ironically, both the A.M.A. and its more combative state branches were soon forced to drop their stand against the Fund. By 1958, the number of men working in the mines had declined considerably due to the overall drop in coal demand and the greater level of mechanization in the industry. Also, before the end of the year, it became apparent that liberal members of the U.S. Congress intended to push for direct federal involvement in providing health care for the elderly. Frightened by this prospect, organized medicine discontinued its conflict with the Fund to prevent the creation of what ultimately became Medicare. Conclusions Over the past thirty years, an entire genre of literature has appeared about Appalachia which views the region from the point of view of poverty and degradation. In this vein, writers have presented medicine in Appalachia as being based on superstition and home remedy. Obviously this view is false. However, there is no question that the quality of medical care in the region was poor. This fact was proven by both Admiral Boone's report and the A.M.A. hospital survey mentioned in this essay. Essentially, the Fund, through its work as a medical third party, strived to improve medical standards. The success of the Fund here is 104 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �attested to by its creation of what became Appalachian Regional Hospitals, and the growth of a system of primary care clinics, which were either created by the U.M.W.A., the Fund, or other groups, and which received financial support from the Fund. In essence, this process of improvement was the distinctive aspect of the Fund's experience as a health care agency in Appalachia, and not its struggle with some branches of organized medicine in the region. While the behavior of the K.S.M.A. and the M.S.S.P. demonstrated hypocrisy and mean-spiritedness, other state-level medical societies outside the region, as well as the A.M.A. national office, behaved in a similar manner. In fact, what was unique about the relationship of the Fund with organized medicine in the region was the attitude of the Tennessee State Medical Association. Far from combative, the T.S.M.A. always cooperated with the Fund, and was one of the few groups in the A.M.A. which offered constructive suggestions on how the Fund and organized medicine could work together to improve the quality of health care. Thus, the attitude of the Kentucky and Pennsylvania branches of the A.M.A. demonstrated that physicians across the nation were motivated to action by a similar set of concerns, and used the same arguments to protect their interests. Works Cited Bituminous Coal Facts, 1960. Washington, B.C.: National Coal Association. Current Biography. 1941, 725. Dubofsky, Melvyn and Warren Van Tine. 1977. John L. Lewis: A Biography. New York: Quadrangle/The New York Times Book Co: 376. Durmaskin, Bettina, Ronald C. Althouse, William Wyant, and Edward Bosnar. 1982. The Impact of Changes in Health Care Coverage Provides by the United Mine Workers of America Health & Retirement Funds in West Virginia Primary Care Clinics and Multi-Specialty Clinics having Extensive Miner Case Loads. West Virginia University: Department of Community Medicine, Office of Health Services Research. Unpublished Report. Kerr, Lorin, M.D., M.P.H. Interview taped at Dr. Kerr's home in Washington, B.C., 30 May 1988. Mulcahy, Richard. 1988. "To Serve A Union: The United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund, 1946-1978." Morgantown: West Virginia University. Unpublished Ph.D. Bissertation, 240. Ploss, Janet. 1981. "A History of the Health Care Program of the United Mine Workers of America Welfare Retirement Fund." Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University. Unpublished M.S. Thesis, 53. Volume Two, 1990 105 �United Mine Workers Journal. 1 April 1947; United Mine Workers Journal. 1 August 1947. Wysang, Jere A. and Sherman R. Williams. 1981. Health Services for Miners: Development and Evolution of the United States Mine Workers of America Health Care Program. Washington D.C: National Center for Health Services Research, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Health Research, Statistics and Technology, 3. Wysang and Williams, 1981: 8. Footnotes 1 Kerr, Dr. Lorin, M.D., M.P.H. Interview taped at Dr. KBIT'S home in Washington D.C., 30 May 1988. Most of Dr. KBIT'S career had been spent in either working for the Fund or the U.M.W.A. Dr. Kerr joined the Fund's staff in 1947 and served as medical administrator for Morgantown, WV until 1952. In 1952, Dr. Kerr came to Washington and worked directly under Dr. Draper. In 1968, Dr. Kerr left the Fund to work for the U.M.WA. An expert on Coal Workers' Pneumoconiosis, Dr. Kerr organized and headed the Union's office on occupational health and safety. Currently in retirement, Dr. Kerr maintains both his connections with the Union, the-Fund, and his interest in occupational health issues. The author wishes to thank Dr. Kerr for his invaluable help on this research project. 2 Thurmond Diary, 22 March 1946, 1 April 1946, F.F. Goodykoontz vs. Shatle, 1918, A&M Series 4, Goody County Box 5, West Virginia Collection, West Virginia University, Morgantown, West Virginia; Press statement of John L. Lewis on Retirement Fund, dated 14 May 1946, F.F. 10, Box 1 of 3,1946 Fund Files, Series II, Office of the Director Records, United Mine Workers of America Health and Retirement Funds, A&M 2769, West Virginia Collection; Thurmond Diary, 14 May 1946; Seltzer, Curtis. 1985. Fire in the Hole: Miners and Managers in the American Coal Industry. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 58. 3 Biographical data on Josephine Roche, Box 3 of 3, 1946 Fund Files, Series II, Office of the Director Records, United Mine Workers of America Health and Retirement Funds; "Josephine Roche Dead at 89, Treasury and U.M.W. Official." The New York Times Biographical Service, July 1976. 4 Memos from Josephine Roche to John L. Lewis, dated 29 March 1948; F.F. J.L.L. Medical and Hospital; Dr. Sayers' Memorandums, Box 6 of 11, United Mine Workers of America Correspondence, 1946-1972, Series II, Office of the Director Records, United Mine Workers of America Health and Retirement Funds. 5 Memos from Josephine Roche to John L. Lewis dated 18 May 1948, and 30 May 1948, Ibid. 6 Memo from Dr. Draper to Josephine Roche, dated 1 November 1948, F.F. A.MA. Council on Industrial Health, 1948 & 1949, Box 6 of 52, Subject Files, Series III, Executive Medical Officer, United Mine Workers of America Health and Retirement Funds. 106 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �7 Daniels, Mr. Henry C. 14 June 1988. Taped Interview. Like Dr. Kerr, Mr. Daniels began his association with the Fund in 1947. Although not an M.D., Mr. Daniels worked in the Fund's hospitalization section, and was involved in monitoring the quality of care Fund beneficiaries received in various participating institutions. 8 Letter from Dr. Lorin Kerr to Dr. Draper, dated 19 August 1949; Letter from Dr. William Dorsey to Dr. Draper, dated 11 August 1949, F.F. Office of the Director Records, M.M.H.S. Correspondence, 1947 Fund Area Reports, Box 1 of 4, Medical, Hospital, and Health Services Correspondence, Series II, Office of the Director Records, United Mine Workers of America Health and Retirement Funds. 9 Clipping of article entitled "Should Industry Back Compulsory Federal Health Insurance?" F.F. A.M.A. Council on Industrial Health, Box 6 of 52, Subject Files, Series III, Executive Medical Officer, United Mine Workers of America Health and Retirement Funds. 10 Dr. Draper. 1950. Annual Conference on Medical Health Services, Palmer House, Chicago: 5 Feb. 1950. 11 Letter from Dr. Draper to All Area Administrators, 30 December 1954, F.F. American Medical Association, General 1952-1955. Ibid. 12 Letters from Dr. Draper to Dr. Carl M. Peterson. 5 January 1951 & 12 February 1951. F.F. A.M.A. Dr. Draper (Correspondence), Box 39 of 52. 13 Third party Medicine in Kentucky," presented by Dr. Asa Barnes, M.D., Before the Jefferson County Medical Society, Jefferson County, Kentucky, 19 October 1959, 4-5, F.F. A-II-6, Relations with Medical Societies, Box 6 of 16, Subject Files, Series IV, Miners Memorial Hospital Association, Ibid. 14 Remarks given by Dr. Warren Draper at the groundbreaking ceremonies at Man Memorial Hospital, Man, West Virginia, 31 October 1953, F.F. M.M.H.A. Publicity - Publications, Box 2 of 5, Construction/Administration, Series IV, Miners Memorial Hospital Association, United Mine Workers of America Health and Retirement Funds. 15 A Medical Survey of the Bituminous Coal Industry, Report of the Coal Mines Administrator (The Boone Report), Department of the Interior (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1947), 171-187, Box 1 of 1, Bibliography—U.M.W.A. Health and Retirement Funds, United Mine Workers Health and Retirement Funds. 16 Ibid., 1-2 & 59. 17 "Medical Hospitals in the Bituminous Coal Mining Areas of Kentucky — Tennessee—West Virginia, Preliminary Study to Survey Extent of Problems," 56, 8-12, F.F. Council on Medical Service U.M.W. Survey Report, Box 7 of 52, Subject files, Series III, Executive Medical Officer, Ibid. 18 Conference on Medical Care in Bituminous Coal Mining Areas, Charleston, West Virginia, 6-7 Sept. 1952,.3-4, F.F. American Medical Association, Committee on Health Care for Industrial Workers, Box 17 of 52, Ibid. 19 " Report of Survey Team to the Committee on Medical Care for Industrial Workers of the Councils on Medical Service and Industrial Health," American Medical Association, 15-16 April 1952, 2-5, 10-12; Telegram to Dr. Carl M. Volume Two, 1990 107 �Peterson, dated 10 April 1953, F.F. American Medical Association, Council on Industrial Health. 20 Statistical Abstract, Welfare, and Retirement Fund, United Mine Workers of America. 10 January 1949, 29-30, Statistical Abstract, Welfare, and Retirement Fund, United Mine Workers of America, 11 December 1951, 11; Statistical Abstract, Welfare and Retirement Fund, United Mine Workers of America, 10 December 1952, 11-12; F.F. Statistical Abstract Series, 1947 Fund, 1 July 1948 through June 1950, Box 1 of 7, Statistical Reports, 1952-1974, Series V, Office of Research and Statistics, Ibid. 21 Excerpts from the Minutes of the 12th Meeting of the Board of Trustees of the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund of 1950, 32-40; F.F. Minutes of Welfare and Retirement Trustee Meetings with Respect to the Miners' Memorial Hospital Association, Box 2 of 7, Legal and Contracts, Series IV, Miners' Memorial Hospital Association. 22 Koplin, Allen M., M.D., M.P.H. "Retainer Payment for Physician Services," 4-6, Box Addendum 1981, July 8, Annual Reports, 1952-1979 and Misc. Staff Publications, Gift Yale University Library, United Mine Workers of America Health and Retirement Funds. 23 " Report of A Survey of the Group Practice Medical Centers Serving Beneficiaries of the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund in the Pittsburgh Area," 12-17 October 1957, F.F. A-II-3, Box 6 of 16, Subject Files, Series IV, Miners Memorial Hospital Association, United Mine Workers of America Health and Retirement Funds. 24 Remarks given by Dr. Warren Draper at the ground-breaking ceremonies at Man Memorial Hospital, Man, West Virginia, 31 October 1953, F.F. M.M.H.A. Publicity-Publications, Box 2 of 5, Construction/Administration, Ibid. 25 Ibid. 26 Letter from Dr. Asa Barnes to Dr. Draper, dated 8 August 1956, F.F. A-II-2, Relationship between Fund medical service and the M.M.HA., Box 6 of 16, Subject Files; Letters from Dr. Frederick Mott to Dr. Draper dated 7 December 1956 and 22 January 1957, F.F. Integrations of M.M.H.A. and the Medical Service of the Fund, Box 5 of 12, Clinical Operations, Ibid. 27 Memo from Dr. Draper to Medical Services and Hospital Service, Miner's Memorial Hospital Association, dated 5 December 1956; Letters from Dr. Frederick Mott to Dr. Draper, dated 7 December 1956 and 22 January 1957, F.F. Integration of M.M.H.A. and the Medical Service of the Fund, Box 5 of 12, Clinical Operations, Ibid. 28 Letter from Dr. Asa Barnes to Dr. Draper, dated 8 August 1956; Letter to Dr. Asa Barnes from Dr. Francis Hodges, dated 2 May 1956, F.F. A-II-6, Relations with Medical Societies, Box 6 of 16, Subject Files, Ibid. 29 Memo to Dr. Draper from Dr. John Newdorp, dated 28 October 1959, Ibid. 30 Memo from Dr. Gordon Meade to File, dated 21 October 1959; Letters to Drs. Clark, Judd, Wishman, and Owens, dated 28 November 1959, F.F. A-II-6, Relations with Medical Societies, Draft Letter to Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the American Medical Association, F.F. A-II-7, The Society of Medicine of Pike County, Ibid. 108 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �1 Memo from Dr. John Newdorp to Dr. Draper, dated 28 October 1959, F.F. A-II5, Relations with Medical Societies, Ibid. 12 Letter from Dr. Draper to Area medical Administrators, dated 6 April 1954, F.F. American Medical Associations , General, 1952-1955, Box 6 of 52, Subject Files, Series III Executive Medical Officer, Ibid. 13 Letter from Dr. Draper to All Area Medical Administrators, dated 30 Decemoer 1954, Ibid. " Letter to Dr. Draper from Dr. William A. Sawyer, dated 26 April 1955, Resolutions of the Pennsylvania and West Virginia Delegations to the House of Delegates of the American Medical Association, June 1955 meeting held in Atlantic City, New Jersey, Ibid. 35 Resolution of the Pennsylvania delegates to the House of Delegates of the American Medical Association, June 1955 meeting held in Atlantic City, New Jersey, Ibid. 36 " Problems of the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund in Providing Medical Care to its Beneficiaries," by Warren F. Draper, M.D., P. 5. F.F. American Medical Association, Meetings in 1957, Box 12 of 52, Ibid. 37 Report of the Meeting of the House of Delegates of the American Medical Association, San Francisco, California, 23-26 June 1958, F.F. A.M.A. General, Box 5 of 52, Subject Files, Ibid. 38 Ibid. Richard P. Mulcahy is in the department of history at the University of Pittsburgh, Titusville, Pennsylvania. Volume Two, 1990 109 �The Roving Picket Movement and the Appalachian Committee for Full Employment, 1959-1965: A Narrative Kate Black In Eastern Kentucky in the 1950s coalfield life was not easy for mining families. With each passing year in that decade, mine work was increasingly difficult to find, the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) grew more antagonistic towards the rank-and-file, and the mines that were operating became even less safe, more economically marginal, and eventually, non-union. It was the decade when thousands left the area in search of jobs. No one "discovered" Eastern Kentucky; no major surveys were conducted; and no massive federal aid programs were implemented. No one outside the area paid attention to Eastern Kentucky. Yet, in the midst of this silence, disquieting activities occurred in the boardrooms of coal corporations and the UMWA International. Plans were made that, by the end of the 1950s, whirled Eastern Kentucky into the national limelight and ultimately forced mining families to organize and agitate to an extent not witnessed since the 1930s. After World War II, the coal industry, notorious for its boom-andbust cycle, headed into a slump. (Caudill, 1963; Hume, 1971; and Seltzer, 1985, provided the following information.) Because coal had a bad reputation—fluctuating prices in the marketplace and so-called unstable labor in the workplace—corporate America was anxious to find alternative energy sources. The home-heating market converted from coal to 110 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �fuel oil and natural gas, and the railroads turned to diesel fuel. Even the thermo-electric market became highly competitive as steam generated power plants developed the capacity to convert from one fuel to another, depending on what was cheapest. In addition, the coal industry, known for its well-defined worker/management conflicts, was anxious to control its labor force. Historically, miners had been defiant and militant when faced with standard industry fare: low wages, deathly working conditions, virulent anti-union tactics, and job instability. The other "major enemy coal suppliers faced was themselves. They were too numerous, too divided, and too anarchistic to discipline their affairs" (Seltzer, 1985: 62). Increasingly the large coal operators and John L. Lewis, the autocratic President of the UMWA, recognized that they needed each other to insure mutual survival. They decided to end the old antagonisms; labormanagement collaboration and collective bargaining would, they believed, stabilize the coal industry. Thus, by 1950, the newly formed organization, the Bituminous Coal Operators' Association (BCOA) began unprecedented industry-wide collective bargaining with the UMWA. Headed by George Love of Pittsburgh-Consolidation Coal, the BCOA members represented companies producing half the coal mined in the United States. In keeping with the tenets of corporate capitalism, the number of votes each BCOA member could cast was proportionate to the tonnage their mines produced: the higher the tonnage rate, the more power they had in decision making (Seltzer, 1985: 63). From the beginning, then, the northern commercial operators and captive mine owners, both of whom produced far more coal than the southern commercial operators, clearly had the upper-hand; moreover, the group of smaller southern companies with UMWA contracts, the Southern Coal Producer's Association, were forced to enter national contract negotiations along side corporations having unbelievable capital advantage. The die was cast. In 1950, the BCOA and UMWA negotiated a new contract swiftly and without a strike. In exchange for controlling labor costs industrywide, the BCOA made three demands: a contract which could not be cancelled prior to its expiration date, a no-strike clause, and stipulations that only employees of companies signatory to the contract should receive benefits from the UMWA Health and Retirement Funds.1 An essential ingredient of this agreement was mechanization. The new alliance saw automation, not as a choice to make, but as a fact to face: The logic that wedded [the UMWA and BCOA] was economic. To survive the competition of other fuels, coal had to remain cheap and free from the threat of strikes. Mechanization would raise productivity and keep coal Volume Two, 1990 111 �competitive with oil and gas... Those who could mechanize fastest would be able to get the best contracts and make the most money... [S]maller companies with UMWA contracts could not afford both to invest in mechanization and meet the new BCQA wage-and-benefit standards. [They] hoped that mechanization would lower the production costs of union-mined coal below what the small non-union suppliers could achieve by cutting wages. Machines, they hoped, would eventually suppress competition (Seltzer, 1985: 67). The squeeze tightened in 1952, when the BCOA and UMWA negotiated a $1.90 per shift wage increase and a $.10 per ton increase for royalties to the Health and Retirement Funds and, in 1955, UMWA miners received a raise of $2.00 per shift. The collaboration was cemented when the UMWA secretly loaned money from their own bank, The National Bank of Washington, to some of the larger companies to capitalize their mechanization efforts.2 Smaller mines, unable to compete with an industry-wide contract and mechanization, increasingly went bankrupt or non-union. In Eastern Kentucky, however, the results of the BCOA-UMWA partnership were particularly dramatic and not according to plan. Instead of the smaller mines going out of business, they proliferated. Many were "dog-hole" mines—truck mines which "came into existence during World War II, when the demand for coal increased sharply and the big mines gave up operations that did not yield to mechanization" (Linton, 1959: 472). Truck mines were usually economically marginal businesses; they were labor intensive and even more unsafe than the larger operations. Coal from these mines was trucked to a preparation plant, or to a ramp located on a railroad. The ramp owner often owned or leased these truck mines to the operators. Actually "operator" is somewhat of a misnomer because many of these truck mines were "gangworked" by small groups of miners who could no longer find work in larger, union mines. Usually the miners at the truck mines thought they were working for signatory companies because the ramp operators were signatory and, therefore, paying the royalties on the tonnage (purchased from the truck mines) to the UMWA Health and Retirement Funds. In many cases, however, the UMWA formed sweetheart contracts with the ramp owners, ostensibly to keep Eastern Kentucky unionized.3 But by 1958, the UMWA clearly was interested in coal production which generated royalties, rather than in the rank-and-file. The 1958 contract included a clause which later caused the coalfields, especially in Eastern Kentucky, to explode. The Protective Wage Clause forbade the signatory operators to do any business—mine, prepare, transport, or sell—with non-union companies: 112 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �It was not intended to protect the wages of UMWA miners (except perhaps in the most remote sense), since BCOA operators did not want to break their union contracts. [It] was a device to concentrate economic power within the boundaries of the UMWA-BCOA sphere [Emphasis original] (Seltzer, 1977: 446). In Eastern Kentucky, where truck mines were not the exception but the rule, the stipulations of the clause were felt strongly. A ramp operator who remained competitive in the spot sales market by determining what the truck miners got for their coal could no longer use that leverage if everyone was actually paying union scale and the 40 cents-a-ton royalty. No longer could the truck mines have any economic edge over the large rail mines (i.e. BCOA members). This exceedingly complex situation led to a long, very violent strike in 1959, which has often been described as John L. Lewis' "last ditch effort to organize Eastern Kentucky" (Seltzer, 1985: 81; Maggard and Home interviews, 1987). Many of the smaller independent companies refused to sign the 1958 contract either because they actually could not afford to meet its demands or because they refused to be coerced by a BCOA-UMWA conspiracy.4 So, when the miners came out on strike it was, in effect, an organizing tactic, not a contract strike. In fact, Lewis used, once again, his ultimate authority over the rank-and-file as a method of squeezing out yet more non-BCOA companies which, in his mind, would further stabilize the coal industry. It was a tactic that failed miserably. While many smaller rail and truck mines did go out of business, new ones popped up as non-union mines. Competition for jobs was fierce and UMWA miners were forced to work in non-union mines. By 1960, those who were lucky enough to be employed worked for even lower wages in more dangerous conditions than in the 1950s. The marginal economic system in which the Eastern Kentucky mining family lived narrowed. In the meantime, throughout the 1950s the UMWA Health and Retirement Funds disenfranchised large numbers of disabled miners and prospective pensioners with ever-changing and arbitrary eligibility rules. A set of interconnected reasons caused these changes. Because the income to the Funds was tied to production — 40 cents-per-ton — its financial status was directly linked to the well-being of the coal industry. The perspective of the Funds became: people who do not produce tonnage (disabled and retired miners) do not produce royalties. In addition, the health care system, which featured a chain of hospitals and pre-paid services had to keep up with inflation but, since 1952, the royalty had not been increased. And, to make matters more sinister, the assets of the Funds, kept in the UMWA-owned Bank of Washington, "were loaned interest free to coal operators and its cash reserves were used to purchase coal company and utility stocks" (Seltzer, 1977a: 25). Finally, the Volume Two, 1990 113 �Funds, like the union, were under the iron fist of Lewis, whose quest for power had long surpassed his consideration of the miners' welfare. Participation by the rank and file in union politics and decision-making had been systematically, and even militantly, closed. The failure of the Funds to serve the mining communities—everyone, not just the miners—was the result of the mismanagement and corruption inside the UMWA itself. In 1960, the Funds cancelled medical coverage for all miners who had been unemployed for more than a year, and for all those working in a non-union mine, even if all prior service had been in a union mine. The final blow came in 1962, when the Funds closed its ten hospitals located throughout the coalfields and revoked the medical cards held by miners working for companies not paying royalties. Thus, thousands of miners, who worked for below-scale wages because their employer had a sweetheart contract with the UMWA, were double-crossed. Retired miner, Robert McDonald, explained that the operators "may not have paid the wages [up to scale] but they did pay royalties, as I understand." Another miner, when asked how the men felt about sweetheart contracts, answered, "You never did hear them talk about it. Operators would say they had everything took care of (McDonald, Hensley interviews, 1987). Miners who believed if they stuck with the union through the hard times their loyalty would be rewarded were wrong. Initially, it was hard to know who to blame. Miners who had worked for years at below union wages had done so believing that at least they and their families could receive medical care at no additional cost—a considerable benefit. The surprise announcements by the UMWA Health and Retirement Funds in the fall of 1962 burst the dam. In Eastern Kentucky, especially Letcher, Knott, and Perry Counties, hundreds of effected miners came out on strike. Soon their ranks were joined by other unemployed miners and their families, as well as by those the Health and Retirement Funds had disenfranchised throughout the 1950s. Spontaneously, they began driving caravans from one mine to another, trying to close down operations that were non-union and those that were not paying their 40-cents-per-ton royalty. The press dubbed them the "Roving Pickets." When asked what the nature of the Roving Picket movement was, miners who were pickets explained: [We were] protesting the coal operators making sweetheart contracts with the [UMWA] field [representatives]. They started trying to get rid of the union. These big mines did. [The operators] just shut the mines and hired new men to take their places for less wages. [The Roving Pickets] tried to organize [those mines]. 114 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �[We were trying to] save our jobs and save our hospitalization (Campbell, Sexton, Home interviews, 1987). The Roving Pickets focused on several different, but not necessarily unrelated, circumstances. In some areas the pickets attempted to close mines and ramps whose owners failed to sign the 1958 contract and were therefore handling non-union coal. Others targeted mines holding sweetheart contracts with the UMWA; those operators had not paid their royalties to the Funds. The miners working at these operations were those who lost their hospital cards in the fall of 1962. The Roving Pickets also demonstrated at mines which closed or simply let their contract expire, changed names but not ownership, and re-opened as non-union.6 These were obviously confusing times. Striking and picketing had always been the union miner's recourse for unfair labor practices. But eventually the miners had to face the facts: the UMWA publicly denounced the Roving Pickets. Joe Scopa, a retired miner and former Roving Picket said that initially "[W]e got the impression the district was 100% behind us," but he later learned differently when the District 19 president announced over the radio, They are on their own." Buck Maggard, another picket said the UMWA "disowned the men. They wouldn't sanction the strikes" (Scopa, Maggard interviews, 1987). People involved with the movement are divided in their analysis of the UMWA refusal to support the Roving Pickets. Some believed that the UMWA secretly subsidized the pickets and encouraged them to close down mines and even destroy mine property (Hatmaker, Home, Turner interviews, 1987). The theory was that the union would be slapped with too many law suits if they overtly sanctioned the strikes. The other side claimed that the union betrayed the rank-and-file miners of Eastern Kentucky and simply pitted them against one another to strengthen the UMWA-BCOA alliance (Maggard, Campbell interviews, 1987). If the UMWA did covertly instigate the Roving Picket movement, they still used the miners to fight back at the same operators with which the union had formed sweetheart contracts. Naturally the operators would have been furious if the UMWA had publicly sanctioned the strikes. However, if the UMWA did not covertly sanction the pickets, they nevertheless sacrificed their own members—those that were already the most marginal—to the cause: destroy the competition faced by BCOA members, created by small mines flooding the markets with cheap coal. Or, if the miners actually forced all the small non-union mines to sign union contracts, those mines, while paying union wages and royalties, could not have survived the competition with large rail and captive producers. Either way, the miners lost. Volume Two, 1990 115 �The Roving Picket movement was particularly intense for approximately a year after the UMWA Health and Retirement Funds announcement in the fall of 1962. Activity centered in Perry County, where Berman Gibson emerged as the leader. In Perry, as well as surrounding counties, the pickets used similar strategies. In the early morning hours, groups ranging from approximately 50 to 300 people gathered— usually at one of the Miners' Memorial Hospitals or at the local union hall—and a decision was made about which mines would be picketed before the car caravan departed.7 Once they arrived at their destination the pickets attempted to prevent the scabs from going to work or tried to persuade them into coming out. As the local power elite became more organized, the pickets increasingly faced state police, injunctions, restraining orders, and eventually arrests. In Perry and Letcher Counties, in particular, violence was a tactic used by the pickets when all else failed: At first we would task the men to come out.] We'd do it the sensible way. And then, if bad things come to worse, they wouldn't have no place to dump their coal or tip [i.e. tipple] it... [A] ramp, or tipple, or big bridge right nearby—someway it would fall in... (Maggard interview, 1987). Many supporters of the Roving Pickets, however, claim they were often prevented from picketing at mines by "gun thugs" hired by the operators and by the ruthlessness of people like Charlie Combs, Sheriff of Perry County and a mine owner himself (Hensley, Turner interviews, 1987). At any rate, mine and railroad property was destroyed and several pickets were indicted and convicted of related charges. Throughout 1963, the Roving Picket movement changed from a miners' resistance to an unemployed/poor people's movement. As the roving pickets were increasingly challenged by the local political structure, it became clear the movement was not accomplishing its original intentions: saving jobs and UMWA health cards.8 This realization crystalized in November, 1963, during the campaign for circuit judge in Perry County—Courtney Wells, who was sympathetic to labor, was up for re-election: On the morning of the election the State Police and County Sheriffs promptly showed up with warrants for Berman Gibson and seven of his followers who were carted off to the Letcher County Jail and charged before a Justice of the Peace with assault with a deadly weapon which carried the maximum penalty of death. This maneuver served two purposes: first to remove them from the polling places to help defeat the friendly Judge and to destroy the movement of the roving pickets. The opposition defeated the Judge... (Tharp, 1965:1). 116 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �The election was final proof that the issue was not simply a standard labor-management battle (if it ever had been) but a broader politicaleconomic one. Because their analysis of the situation was changing, the pickets realized their strategies must also change. Their old-style labor agitation was no longer effective or comprehensive enough to deal with such a complex situation. To use UMWA tactics when the union was part of the problem was clearly not the answer. In January, 1964, a small group of unemployed miners chartered a bus to Washington to call attention to the situation in Eastern Kentucky and to seek Federal relief for the unemployed. Everette Tharp, who was in the delegation, described the trip: We visited Senators and Representatives throughout Appalachia and also various governmental department heads. We asked for an appointment with President Johnson and received an invitation to meet with his Aide, Mr. George Reedy. It was in this discussion that Mr. Reedy suggested that we come back home and organize so as to be in a better position to aid and assist the Government to carry out their War on Poverty Program (Tharp, 1956: 2). Upon returning home the Appalachian Committee for Full Employment (ACFE) was formed. Its goals were broad-based and radical: To expose corruption in the framework of our government... To continue to organize the unemployed... To promote the more equal distribution of the Nation's wealth... To fight for the enactment of a tax structure, humane in administration, equal in the tax burden... To conduct a [voter] registration campaign of the people in poverty... To take a vow ourselves to be men of courage and vision, to scoff at no brother because of his ideas and to unite without regard to color or creed, the better to cope with our enemies (Tharp, 1965: 5). The ACFE established community action committees which protested how local politicians were spending War on Poverty monies, challenged the school board over its administration of the Federal school lunch program, and organized against the $1.00 hourly wage paid to those in the unemployed father's program, calling it "legislated poverty" (Tharp, 1965: 2). Eventually, the ACFE was embroiled with the local power structure over how Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) funds should be expended.9 Volume Two, 1990 117 �Another group that became an important part of the Roving Picket era was formed in the summer of 1963 under the leadership of Hamish Sinclair10 The Committee for Miners (CFM) was organized in New York to raise money and carry on the legal defense of all pickets who had been arrested. But Sinclair admitted that: [W]e were getting involved with a movement which was already in existence and the price we had to pay for a ready made constituency was the problem of transferring its aims to those defined by our analysis.... There was often sharp conflict between the needs of a movement for jobs and the needs of the preparation for the trials. Money and staff time was frequently diverted to trial work at times when both were urgently needed for an organizing development. [Emphasis added] (Sinclair, 1965: 90). Nevertheless, the Committee, ACFE, and the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) co-sponsored the "Easter Conference" in March, 1964, in Hazard (Perry County). The purpose was to introduce SDS members to the area and to encourage their interest in returning for a summer of organizing work with ACFE. SDS, at that time, wanted to foster an alliance between unemployed blacks and whites and saw the opportunity to begin this work in Eastern Kenucky.11 One year after the Easter Conference, however, the Committee for Miners was defunct, citing as its reasons: "(1) disagreements between CFM and ACFE as to policies and leadership; and (2) ACFE's decision to raise funds independently."12 Since Hazard became the center for the Roving Picket movement— both the CFM and ACFE offices were there—most of the national publicity about the miners focused on that area. In addition, Berman Gibson, charismatic and colorful leader of the Perry County pickets and later chair of the ACFE, probably attracted press because he was naturally a "good story." According to Hamish Sinclair of the CFM, Gibson was one of the reasons his organization chose Perry County for its field office. The...problem was that with little resources (myself as the one organizer in the area) we could not cover the geographical expanse of seven counties adequately. The men who had been active in the picket movement, now threatened with reprisals by the FBI, the local police and political structure in the area, were not willing to set up their own cadres of leadership in the other six counties. Gibson stood out alone as the one man who was prepared to go on. (Sinclair, 1965: 91). 118 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Of course, the arrival of so many outsiders—press, students, organizers—did not go unnoticed in Hazard. This added another dramatic dimension to the Roving Picket movement: red-baiting. As early as February, 1963, the Hazard-Herald printed stories with headlines that read, "Communism Comes to the Mountains of East Kentucky" and "Cuba Broadcast Tells Mine Woes" (Hatmaker, 1987). Of course, it was true that members of the Communist Party press came to investigate and write stories on the Roving Pickets as did the Maoist Progressive Labor Party.13 But the Hazard press and the local power elite red-baited the miners and all who associated with them in hopes of diffusing the movement. Everette Tharp, Recording Secretary and theoretician of the ACFE, analyzed the elite's actions in a piece called "Outsiders." The cry of'outsiders' [is a] political weapon to be used against certain classes of individuals in order that a small minority may perpetuate their strangle-hold upon [our] economic, political, and social lives (Tharp, 1964: 4). When Buck Maggard, a former picket, was asked whether the redbaiting hurt the movement, he said it did not and then wryly added, "Can't you just see the Communists taking over Hazard? What in the hell would they have done with it?" (Maggard interview, 1978). The cry of "Outsiders" and "Communists" has always been used in the coalfields to point a finger or raise suspicion whenever working class people have organized themselves to resist or agitate. These accusations come especially when the local power structure is being scrutinized nationally. Louise Hatmaker, who wrote for the Hazard-Herald, strongly illustrates this reaction when she bitterly recalled how national publications "wrote great glowing things about these miners, these pickets ... it was as if we were ogres and they were completely downtrodden. But they were having a wonderful time, believe me" (Hatmaker interview, 1987). The local power elite worked relentlessly to break the spirit of the Roving Picket movement and later the ACFE: From red-baiting to forming the Citizen's Committee for Law and Order; and, from insuring that Courtney Wells was not re-elected as the Circuit Court Judge to using the local paper for powerful media manipulation.14 Long after the end of the Roving Picket movement and even after the demise of the ACFE in the mid-1960s, this basic struggle continued. In fact, the fight to control federal OEO dollars between poor people and local politicians and bureaucrats ultimately diluted intensity of the ACFE. Volume Two, 1990 119 �Concluding Questions and Remarks More original research needs to be conducted on the Roving Picket movement as I indicated in several footnotes. I have many unanswered questions: —The union's position should be documented by interviewing UMWA officials, especially district officers, of that era and by obtaining official records, if they exist and are accessible. What exactly was the UMWAs role, what part did the International play and what parts did the Districts play? Were Districts 19 and 30 in Eastern Kentucky historically different from other districts? —Why was the Roving Picket Movement strongest in certain Eastern Kentucky counties? Why was it limited to the Eastern Kentucky coalfields? Why was there no similar movement in West Virginia? Were those Eastern Kentucky counties structurally different somehow? Was the development of those coalfields (economically and technologically) significantly different? —What was the relationship between the pickets and the "outsiders"? When differences of ideology and strategy surfaced between the ACFE, CFM, and SDS, what were they? What was the power struggle about? How did the ACFE effect the students? Did any of them later become AVs (Appalachian Volunteers)? Can the Roving Picket Movement and ACFE be tied to the larger Civil Rights Movement during this period? —Women were active in the Roving Picket movement and, in fact, a woman, Lola Moore, was later Financial Secretary of the ACFE. Not surprisingly, I have found no sources which discuss women in the movement, beyond the briefest mention. Interviews with these women should be conducted and analyzed. —How and why did the local power structure hinder the movement? What relationship do they have to a national and international power structure? How did their Citizens Committee for Law and Order affect the media's interpretation of the movement? In what ways did they collaborate with state and federal law enforcement agencies against the pickets? —Finally, how did the pickets, who shifted their focus from labor organizing to a broad-based poor people's coalition view this process? In what ways did they create the process; in what ways did the process 120 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �change their lives? And, how did the Roving Picket Movement and ACFE prepare them for subsequent activism—such as the Miners for Democracy and Black Lung movements? Why is it so important to even ask all these questions and continue to analyze a relatively short-lived, local, historical event? I can think of three good answers. The first is quick and simple: because no one has. In 1978,1 did a bibliographic search on the Roving Picket movement. Now, ten years later, I could locate less than a half-dozen new secondary sources on the subject. From what I can gather, no substantive work has been done, except for the interviews conducted in 1987 and a video-inprogress by Appalshop. Second, the Roving Picket movement is more than simply an interesting event in Eastern Kentucky history, or Appalachian history, or even coalfield history. It is about a process that moved a people from one period to another, from one way of being and perceiving to another. It is about a people who took stock of their situation, and as a group fought back at the coal companies, the UMWA, and their own elected officials. It is about a people whose resistance led them to organize themselves into a force which unnerved the status quo. And that force, of their own creation, carried them into the late 1960s and 1970s armed with their own empowerment. The battles begun by the Roving Picket movement and the ACFE later became demands for social and economic justice expressed in the social movements of the era: anti-stripmining, Black Lung Association, welfare rights, and Miners for Democracy. Finally, the Roving Picket movement is a challenge to an established view of Appalachian history and culture. It is extremely important to continually expose the historical myths and explode the cultural stereotypes about the region because the "idea of Appalachia" unfortunately remains implanted in the memory of the nation. The story of the pickets and the Appalachian Committee for Full Employment is further evidence that the history of the region is not static or necessarily provincial; and that, like all people, Eastern Kentuckians want to control and shape their own destiny. Interviews Black, Kate (interview by). Lexington, Kentucky: University of Kentucky Oral History Archives. Tape is housed in Special Collections. Maggard, Charles Buck. 6 July 1978 Cantrell, Doug (interviews by). Coal Miner's Oral History Project. Lexington, Kentucky: Appalachian Center University of Kentucky. Tapes are housed in Special Collections. Volume Two, 1990 121 �Campbell, Darrell. 31 July 1987 Grubbs, Robert. 25 June 1987 Hatmaker, Louise. 17 July 1987 Hensley, Bige. 26 June 1987 Home, Buster. 24 August 1987 McDonald, Robert. 23 June 1987 Maggard, Hobart. 26 June 1987 Morton, Bill. 30 July 1987 Philpott, Chester. 7 July 1987 Scopa, Joe. 16 June 1987; and 16 July 1987 Sexton, Lee. 26Julyl987 Turner, Clayton. 19 August 1987 Tharp, Everette collection, Lexington, Kentucky: University of Kentucky, Special collections. Works Cited Berney, Barbara. 1978. "The Rise and Fall of the UMWA Fund." Southern Exposure 6: 2, Summer, 95-102. Bethell, Tom. 1968. "Southeast Coal Co. in a Battle for Life." Appalachian Lookout 1: December, 3-6. Caldwell, Nat and Gene S. Graham. 1961. "The Strange Romance Between John L. Lewis and Cyrus Eaton." Harper's Magazine. December, 25-32. Carawan, Guy and Candie. 1975. Voices from the Mountain. New York: Knopf. Caudill, Harry M. 1963. Night Comes to the Cumberland*. Boston: Little, Brown. Caudill, Harry M. 1964. "The Permanent Poor: The Lessons of Eastern Kentucky." Atlantic 213: June, 49-53. Caudill, Harry, M. 1962. The Watches of the Night. Boston: Little, Brown. Christenson, C.L. 1962. Economic Redevelopment in Bituminous Coal: The Special Case of Technological Advance in United States Coal Mines, 1930-1960. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. "Coal Royalties—Small Mines Win." 1963. U.S. News and World Report 54:29 April 1963, 93. "Coal Strike: What is the Real Issue?" 1959. Mountain Life and Work 35: Fall 1959, 5-7. 122 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �"Coal: When Machines Took Over." 1963. U.S. News and World Report 5: 29 April 1963, 69-73. Donoughue, Bernard. 1959. "Bloody Harlan." New Statesman 58:14 November 1959, 654-658. Dubofsky, Melvyn and Warren Van Tine. 1977. John L. Lewis: A Biography. New York: Quadrangle/The New York Times Book Co. Gervis, Stephanie. 1963. "Gray Spring in Hazard." Commonweal 78:17 May 1963, 220-222. "How a Big Union Handles Money." 1963. U.S. News and World Report 54: 6 May 1963, 94. Hume, Brit. 1971. Death and the Mines: Rebellion and Murder in the UMW. New York: Grossman Publishers. Inventory to the Committee for Miners' Papers. University of Wisconsin. "Is is Boycott?" 1958. Business Week: 13 December 1958, 94,96. Kahn, Kathy. Hillbilly Women. 1972. New York: Avon Books. "Kentucky: The Facts of Life." 1962. Time 80: 28 December 1962, 17. King, Lawrence T. 1959. "Idle Mines, Idle Men." Commonweal 70: 29 May 1959, 228-230. Linton, Ron M. 1959. "Kentucky's Tragic Strike." The Nation 188: 23 May 1959, 471, 473. Marsh, Don. 1963. "Chaos in the Coal Fields." The Nation 196: 26 January 1963, 69, 72. "Mining: Hot Coal." 1962. Time 79: 16 April 1962, 90, 92. Moore, Lola. 1965. "Why Mountain Folks Walked in Frankfort Freedom March." The Appalachian South 1: Summer, 41-42. "More Machines, Fewer Men—A Union That's Happy About It." 1959. (Interview with John L. Lewis) U.S. News and World Report 47: 9 November 1959, 60-64. Myers, Robert J. 1967. "Mine Workers' Welfare and Retirement Fund: Fifteen Years' Experience." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 20: 2, January 1967, 265-274. "New Threat in 'Bloody Harlan'." 1959. Business Week: 14 March 1959, 124. Volume Two, 1990 123 �Nyden, Paul. 1972. The Coal Miner's Struggle in Eastern Kentucky. Huntington, West Virginia: Appalachian Movement Press. Nyden, Paul. 1970. "Coal Miners, Their" Union, and Capital." Science and Society 34: 2, Summer, 194-223. Pearce, John, ed. 1963. "The Superfluous People of Hazard, Kentucky." Reporter: 3 January 1963, 33-35. Peg. 1973. "A Letter from Perry County, Kentucky." In Axelrod, Jim, ed. Growin' Up Country. Clintwood, Virginia: Council of the Southern Mountains, 26-46. Peterson, Bill. 1972. Coaltown Revisited: An Appalachian Notebook. Chicago: Henry Regnery. "A Private Welfare State' Runs Into Trouble." 1962. U.S. News and World Report 53: 3 December 1962, 55-58. Raskin, A.H. 1963. "John L. Lewis and the Mine Workers." Atlantic Monthly 211: May, 53-58. Seltzer, Curtis. 1985. Fire in the Hole: Miners and Managers in the American Coal Industry. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Seltzer, Curtis. 1977b. "Health Care by the Ton: Crisis in the Mine Workers' Health and Welfare Programs." Health /PAC Bulletin 79: November/ December, 1-8, 25-33. Seltzer, Curtis. 1977. The United Mine Workers of America and the Coal Operators: The Political Economy of Coal in Appalachia, 1950-1973. Columbia University, Ph.D. diss. Shackleford, Laurel and Bill Weinberg, ed. 1977. Our Appalachia: An Oral History. New York: Hill and Wang. Sinclair, Hamish. 1965. "Hazard, Ky.: Committee for Miners." Studies on the Left 5: Summer, 87-107. Sinclair, Hamish. 1968. "Hazard, Ky.: Document of the Struggle." Radical America 2: January-February, 1-24. "Stalemate in the Coal Fields." 1959. Business Week, 19 September 1959, 53-54. "A Strike That Spells Bullets and Dynamite." 1959. U.S. News and World Report 46: 25 May 1959,104-105. 124 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Students for a Democratic Society. 1964. "Plight of Jobless Miners." Tharp, Everette. 1965. "Appalachian Committee for Full Employment: Background and Purpose." The Appalachian South 1: Summer, 44-46. "UMW Feels Pressure for Change." 1960. Business Week: 15 October 1960, 165. "UMW On the Griddle in Court and Coalfields." 1962. Business Week: 3 November 1962, 49-51. "A Union Got Rich—Then...." 1961. U.S. News and World Report 50: 24 April 1961,104-105. "Violence Lingers in Kentucky." 1959. Business Week: 25 April 1959, 48? 50. Wakefield, Dan. 1963. "In Hazard." Commentary, September, 209-217. Walls, David S. and John B. Stephenson, ed. 1972. Appalachia in the Sixties. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky. Waters, Mary-Alice. 1969. "Adventure in Hazard, Ky." In Maoism the U.S.: A Critical History of the Progressive Labor Party. New York: Young Socialist Alliance, December, 5-6. Welsh, David. 1965. "Death in Kentucky." Ramparts 4: December, 50-64. Wiley, Peter. 1968. "Hazard: Socialism and Community Organizing." Radical America 2: January-February, 25-37. Wolfert, Ira. 1960. "Monster in the Mine." Nation 190: 2 January 1960, 3-12. Footnotes 1 The Health and Retirement Funds, created in 1946, were financed by royalties paid on the tonnage produced by each signatory company. 2 Seltzer contends that the UMWA also made sweetheart contracts with certain BCOA companies, allowing them to pay less royalties and use the difference to finance mechanization. He also states, "By holding the Southern companies to the full wage and benefit package, the UMWA made them less competitive." (See Seltzer, 1985: 73.) Seltzer does not document this claim. While the literature on this subject does not refute Seltzer's theory, it tends to discuss more often the sweetheart contracts made with smaller, usually Southern and, in particular, Eastern Kentuckian coal operators in an effort to keep them from going nonunion: better to have some royalties coming into Health and Retirement Funds than none at all; better to have miners employed at below-contract wage scales than not at all. Volume Two, 1990 125 �3 When I was a paralegal at an Eastern Kentucky legal services in the mid-70s, working on UMWA Health and Retirement Fund cases, I heard this scenario described dozens of times. See also interview with Clayton Turner. 4 In fact, some companies like Southeast Coal (Letcher Co., Ky.) charged the UMWA and Consolidated Coal of conspiring to break them and, after years in the courts, won large settlements. See Thomas Bethel. 1971. Conspiracy in Coal. Huntington, WV: Appalachian Movement Press. 5 This is an interesting and significant point for which I have no definite answer. All the news accounts and other documentation establish Eastern Kentucky, and, in particular, Letcher, Knott, and Perry, as the focal point of the Roving Picket Movement. Why weren't similar responses made in West Virginia, for example? Were as many miners in other states disenfranchised by the UMWA Funds as in Eastern Kentucky? If not, why? Were more sweetheart contracts made in Eastern Kentucky and were more miners unemployed? Had the mining operations in these counties always been more marginal? If so, was that due to fewer rail and captive mines locating there? Were the coal seams substantially different, less adaptable to mechanization, and does that mean that mining operations were less likely to be large UMWA-BCOA mines? These questions require more research and consideration. 6 The Blue Diamond Mine at Leatherwood in Perry County was infamous for using this tactic. See also interviews with Chester Philpott, Charles "Buck" Maggard, Lee Sexton, and Joe Scopa. 7 This was not the first time that miners had used this method of picketing. During the 1959 strike, Gerald Griffen, a reporter for the Louisville CourierJourneH noted the new style of picketing as a "motorized picket line." CourierJournal: 10 March 1959,1. 8 In Perry County, Hazard businessman, Bill Morton, helped form the Citizens Committee for Law and Order. In an interview with Morton he stated that the coal business was being impeded by the pickets which was bad for all business. The Committee used their influence to get the state and federal law enforcement agencies involved and to generate publicity. 9 Within ACFE a division occurred between those who thought the organization should emphasize electoral politics and the faction who urged mass organizing and agitation. 10 I do not know much about Sinclair except that he originally went to Hazard to make a TV documentary about the unemployed miners. See his "Hazard, KY.: Committee for Miners," 1965. Studies on the Left 5: Summer, 87-107, for his analysis of the Roving Picket movement. See also the clippings file in the Everette Tharp Collection, where he is mentioned briefly in several articles. He needs to be located and interviewed, as does Arthur Gorson who directed the New York office of CFM. 11 I need to do more research on and thinking about the students' involvement with ACFE. Little has been written about what influence the two groups had on each other, what exactly the students did in the summer of 1964, etc. It would be interesting to know if and AV's came out of this group. See Peter Wiley. 1968. 126 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �"Hazard: Socialism and Community Organizing." Radical America 2: January/ February 1968, 25-37. Wiley, a student that 1964 summer in Perry County, donated the Committee for Miners' papers to the University of Wisconsin where they are available for use; I have not, however, researched in that collection. 12 Inventory to the University of Wisconsin's Committee for Miners' Papers, 2. In my files. 13 The Progressive Labor Party (PLP), which split off from SDS, is a whole other story. The January, 1963, issue of the Party's journal, Progressive Labor, was devoted to the Roving Picket movement. The PLP also raised money and sent food and clothing to the miners. While the PLPs intentions were good, their approach was opportunistic, which ultimately stirred the local elite into a frenzy. The Hazard-Herald even reprinted several of the articles from that January, 1963, issue of Progressive Labor and many related editorials followed. 14 This whole topic warrants more attention. Do the middle-class act as agents for the corporate class in this way? Do they do their dirty work, so to speak? How much do/did their economic lives rely on the health of the coal business? Does/Did this class in the mountains of Eastern Kentucky have more power or have more at stake than its counterpart in other regions? Kate Black is the curator of the Appalachian Collection at the University of Kentucky. Volume Two, 1990 127 �Community Mobilization: The Tug Hill Landfill Site Beth Degutis Modern lifestyles, and the technical advances that support those lifestyles, have caused a proliferation of trash that is all packed up with "no place to go." Every American produces an average of one ton of solid waste each year, and American businesses make a total of 250 million tons of hazardous waste during the same amount of time ("Garbology," 1988). Nearly half of the cities in our country will have filled up their underground dumps by 1990. Consequently, there is a rush to find new and acceptable places (at least on paper) to build solid waste disposal dumps—called landfills by their proponents. It is not unusual for the agencies in charge to try to locate these landfills in unspoiled areas, where people are assumed to be less informed about the dangers they pose to drinking water and to the environment in general. In some areas, environmental protest groups have formed to try to force the proponents of landfills to listen to another side of the story. They do not want their water polluted, or their environment spoiled by toxic waste. Sometimes they simply do not want trash dumped in their backyards. Further industrial growth in our country depends upon mass consumption. We have become a throw-away society. But, we live in a finite system that cannot continue indefinitely to absorb the results of this lifestyle. Trade-offs are constantly made between the different interest groups toward meeting their goals of increased profits or protecting the environment. Communities are sometimes shocked by the realization that governments and agencies, supposedly designed for their benefit, have agendas quite different from their own. Economic and political considerations 128 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �may make these agencies willing to pollute the environmental resources in return for high salaries and political free-wheeling over the short term. People living in the communities are forced to deal with the realization that things are not what they seemed. They may react by mobilizing grassroots environmental protest organizations, determined to expose the problem being forced upon them, and forcing perpetrators to rethink their positions. When the residents of the rural area surrounding the Tug Hill plateau realized that New York State planned to build a large landfill in their midst, they formed Pure Water for Life. Their goal was to prevent the building of the landfill in order to protect their water supply from being polluted and the natural wildlife habitat from being destroyed. This paper will examine the organizational process used by Pure Water for Life from a resource mobilization perspective. Analytical Framework Since the Love Canal incident and the subsequent formation of The Citizens' Clearing House on Hazardous Wastes in 1981, the numbers of grassroots environmental protest groups have increased at a geometric rate. The Clearing House has worked with a total of more that 2700 groups in the United States, Canada, and Puerto Rico (Interview, 1988). These groups can be analyzed from a social movements perspective using the resource mobilization model (see Oberschall, 1973; McCarthy and Zald, 1973 and 1977; Gamson, 1975). It is a multifactored model emphasizing the mobilization of resources, the strengths of organization, and the timeliness of political opportunity. The approach argues that groups of people can be mobilized in a crisis through their other memberships and made available to help with the work of organizing a movement. Resource mobilization theory emphasizes the significance of outside contributions and the cooptation of institutional resources (Jenkins, 1983). Anti-technology movements tend to develop when the technology is new or when it is forced upon people without their consent (Mazur, 1985). The membership is often middle-aged or older and relatively well educated, with a history of previous involvement in public affairs. Members tend to have occupations that allow them to devote considerable amounts of time to the controversy. Retired men, housewives with grown children, writers, teachers, and scientists in fields related to the technology are likely to be involved with the movement. The research design for studying the Rodman protest group involved the use of newspaper articles to establish the chronological order of developments. Video tapes of various meetings, obtained from the Pure Water for Life officers, provided insight into the positions taken by Volume Two, 1990 129 �various stakeholders. Another video tape surveyed the topography of the land by foot and helicopter, explaining the location of the site and providing a glimpse of the beautiful countryside that may soon contain acres of garbage. Tug Hill Tug of War," a documentary video tape done by graduate students from Syracuse University included personal stories told by residents of the Town of Rodman and interviews with DANC board member and editor of the local newspaper, John B. Johnson, Jr., and State University of New York hydro-geologist, Donald Coates, Ph.D. Telephone interviews with Pure Water for Life members added a socialpsychological dimension to this resource mobilization analysis. Case History of Pure Water for Life The Tug Hill plateau is located in Jefferson County, about 60 miles north of Syracuse, New York, the closest major city. It is about 15 miles from Lake Ontario and about 40 miles from the Canadian border. Virgin forests starting here continue into the Adirondack State Park about 35 miles to the east. Winters are long and severe and the people have developed a hardiness that allows them to survive and enjoy the climate. Enthusiasm for outdoor sports, especially snowmobiling, cross country skiing, and hunting, abounds. The residents are proud of the natural beauty of their land and express an awareness that they have a personal "stake" in preserving it for themselves and future generations (L. M. Evans, personal communication, October 16, 1988). Background of the Rodman Area New York State is divided into counties, which are then divided into towns. Tug Hill plateau is in the Town of Rodman and people live in the village by the same name, in smaller settlements of a few homes each, or on farms. The Town covers an area of 27,264 acres. In this rural area town governments provide important services; e.g., road maintenance and winter snow removal. People identify with a town and build family roots accordingly. During the 1940s and 1950s, the economy was based on farming, cheesemaking, and a variety of family-owned service businesses. Some individuals commuted ten miles to the nearest city, Watertown, and worked for the New York Air Brake or Black Clawson Company. Most women were housewives, but some worked as nurses, teachers, secretaries, sales clerks, or telephone operators. Family and community ties were very strong. By about 1960 the small businesses had trouble competing with the conglomerates. Young people went away to college and found higher paying jobs in other areas. During the 1960s and 1970s, Rodman became primarily a community of older people living on fixed incomes. 130 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �They lived in the midst of an extraordinary, natural wildlife habitat. Many of them grew part of their own food, used the barter system for some of the goods and services they needed, and recycled or disposed of their own trash. Progress would not wait, even in this rural area, and it made its presence felt in 1977. The village of Rodman's water system was outdated and in a bad state of disrepair. The water came from a natural spring and there were no pumping facilities. Pressure depended on gravity. Some of the pipes were made of wood. Local officials applied for a federal grant to update the system. It was given, with the stipulation that chlorine and flourine be added to the water. At the same time, a water tower was built to increase water pressure and the tradition of taking water directly from a natural spring was changed. The people of Rodman were very proud of their spring water, but they cooperated in the name of progress. The 1980s brought more changes. Eight miles from Rodman, Dry Hill Air Force Station closed and the property was turned into a federal prison. Rodman was not consulted because Dry Hill is in the Town of Watertown. Rodman residents benefited, however, through employment and economic prosperity; for the first time in many years new houses were built. In 1986, Fort Drum, an army post outside of Watertown that had been used by summer reservists, was developed into a full time major installation for winter warfare training. Large amounts of government money flowed into the area for the construction of housing, and for the development of an infrastructure capable of supporting the influx of army personnel and their families to the areas immediately surrounding the fort. Changes were needed in the numbers of school classrooms available, and in the capacity of water and sewage facilities. The population of Watertown was expected to double from 30,000 to 60,000 over the next few years. Fast food restaurants sprang up. Salmon Run opened, the first major shopping mall in a radius of about sixty miles. The media capitalized on the situation, arousing concern over these changes and the effects they would have on the lifestyles of long-time residents. Newspaper reporters and radio commentators urged local governments to examine their ordinances and rewrite them, if necessary, to prevent the establishment of pornographic and other undesirable businesses that might open up around the expanded army post. New York State and the local governments of Jefferson and Lewis Counties created a special agency, the Developmental Authority of the North Country (DANC), to help with adjustments needed in the infrastructure to accommodate the increase in population. An Executive Director was appointed and given the responsibility for solving several Volume Two, 1990 131 �immediate problems. He was asked to oversee the implementation of adequate water and sewage systems and to build a state of the art, areawide landfill. The landfill would meet the solid waste disposal needs of Jefferson and Lewis Counties, the city of Watertown, and part of Fort Drum. The DANC is governed by a board of directors with eight voting, and five non-voting, members. Board members have consistently been business leaders and politicians. Most of them are local residents, but one was an investment banker from New York City. He resigned on 1 November 1988 because of difficulties in traveling from New York City to Watertown. Initial Organization The residents of the Town of Rodman read newspaper accounts regarding the DANC plans to test a site on the Tug Hill plateau for a landfill and noticed the sudden appearance of strangers on their land. Based on the sketchy information that was available to them, residents were concerned about the environmental consequences of a landfill in the area and began to investigate the potential effects on their water supply. The site is 1100 feet above sea level, the highest spot in Jefferson County. Average annual rainfalls of 46 inches and snowfalls of 120-140 inches mean that very large amounts of water run down all sides of the plateau to feed tributaries and major streams leading into Lake Ontario and Oneida Lake. The site chose for the landfill is nearly on top of a 55mile long underground lake, or aquifer, that supplies water for the wells of rural residents, the village of Rodman, and the village of Adams. The village of Rodman's waterworks is located at a 752 foot elevation about two and a half miles from the site. Adams, a larger village about eight miles away in another Town, gets water for its 2700 people from the aquifer It is thought to be one of the few last naturally pure aquifers in New York State. Residents of the area started to organize in October, 1986. They chose the name "Pure Water for Life" and worked toward building a mass of support. A geologist, a retired school principal, a retired lawyer, an accomplished artist, and men and women with a variety of other talents and educations joined forces to stop the landfill from becoming a reality. The DANC Executive Director remarked at the November meeting of the Town of Rodman Board of Trustees that the people of Rodman could fight the landfill if they wanted, but he would bankrupt the Town and it would be built (V.R. Brown, personal communication, 18 October 1988). This remark played an important role in setting the tone of relationships between the DANC and the residents. 132 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �A community meeting was planned by the residents for 14 January 1987, and the DANG officials were invited to share information and answer questions about the proposed landfill. The meeting was held in the Fire Hall with the Town Supervisor presiding. Residents attended in numbers sufficient to fill the building and spill over into the street. The DANC Executive Director was introduced and he in turn introduced a variety of consulting experts. Each of them talked at length and indicated that the Tug Hill site had been chosen as the one most suitable for the landfill and, unless some unexpected evidence of unsuitability arose during testing, the landfill would be built there. By the time the residents got to speak, three and a half hours into the meeting, frequent remarks were made by the DANC officials about the late hour, and a few of them dozed off. Despite this, the Rodman citizens voiced their objections, offered some alternatives, and expressed their considerable discomfort with the way the DANC claims seemed to be prefixed with "probably" or "possibly," but never with any kind of guarantee regarding the safety of their water supply. The director of research for the Temporary State Commission on Tug Hill, a state funded planning agency, spoke against the use of the site for a landfill. He suggested that it should be built closer to a suitable site for an incinerator, planned by the state to be in operation by 1995. Without coordination, the cost of transporting waste between the two locations would be exorbitant, and truck traffic on the highway between the two facilities would increase much more that the predicted twenty new tractor trailers per day. He concluded that the Tug Hill site was too far removed from any population center to be a practical place for a power generating incinerator. When the DANC presentation was finally finished, and the Town Superintendent allowed questions, the DANC Executive Director brought out a kitchen timer and set it for two minutes as each questioner approached the microphone. A few expressed their annoyance; most simply ignored the buzzing until they had asked their question and received an answer. Many questions were referred to the County Superintendent from nearby Oswego County, who approached the podium frequently to assure the people that there were no problems with the Oswego landfill. Many comparisons were made between the proposed landfill for Rodman and the one in operation in Oswego because of their similar designs. One questioner referred to a study that was completed in 1972 which concluded that Fort Drum had the most suitable lahd in the area for a landfill operation. Another asked the DANC to contact St. Lawrence County officials and offer to help them meet the expenses of the incinerator they were planning as a larger, cooperative effort. A college student from Cornell said that he planned to live in Rodman after Volume Two, 1990 133 �graduation. When the DANG official scoffed that he would not find any employment in the area, the young man said that although there were few jobs, some things (hunting, fishing, and a beautiful countryside) were more important than money. The meeting continued for more than six hours, with residents repeatedly voicing their fears and lack of trust in the representatives of the state. Even though the DANG Executive Director frequently reminded the residents that he lived in Jefferson County and had a personal interest in the general welfare of the area, they noted that he had avoided putting the landfill in his part of the county. They were resentful that a landfill could be imposed upon them and endanger their environment without their even having an opportunity to vote on it. They considered the DANG official's remarks to be arrogant and accepted the challenge of the DANG and of New York State. A second meeting, held at the City-County Building in Watertown, was attended by about 50 Oswego County residents who did not see their landfill as the success the DANC suggested in the first meeting in Rodman. They chartered a bus to attend the meeting, hosted by the DANC, for further exchange of information. Anyone who wanted to ask questions at the meeting was assigned a place on the agenda. The Oswego residents were given a time so late that they had to leave before speaking. Their bus started its return trip at midnight. Pure Water for Life hired an environmental lawyer who had a history of successes in helping grassroots organizations prevent the building of landfills in their areas. They incorporated in March, 1987, as a local not-for-profit organization devoted to preventing the use of the Tug Hill site for the landfill. Pure Water for Life was organized and led by middle aged and older men and women who rearranged their schedules to allow time for the work of organization and for self-education in the particular technology of landfills. Surrounding towns and villages expressed support for Pure Water for Life. Fifteen sportsmen's groups and clubs drafted resolutions, wrote letters, and donated money. A variety of civic organizations became involved, including the Central New York Toxins Association and the Citizen's Clearing House for Hazardous Wastes. Support was offered by conservation groups such as the Sierra Club, the National Audubon Society, the Adirondack Conservation Council, the New York Conservation Council, the Adirondack Mountain Club, the New York State Fish and Wildlife Management Board, Regions 6, 7, and 8, and the New York State Fish and Wildlife Management Organization. The New York State Bureau of Environmental Conservation, Division of Fish and Wildlife, wrote a letter to the DANC stating that they felt cutting the softwood cover in the area of the proposed landfill site would significantly impact both food and travel lanes in the deer wintering yard. They added that 134 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �they felt there could be no mitigation for this loss. After a series of aerial and ground checks of the 140 square mile deer yard, they completed a fact sheet estimating that 850 deer winter there. The New York State Department of Environment Conservation did a second fishery survey at the request of Pure Water for Life members, and demonstrated that Fish Creek, one and a half miles from the Tug Hill site, is a natural spawning trout brook. The main concern of Pure Water for Life members was the protection of the Rodman water supply from landfill leachate, but they also identified and carefully defined four other important issues: protecting the deer wintering yard on Tug Hill which they believed provided food and shelter for approximately 1000 deer; preventing unsafe use of a winding, curvy highway and the narrow old bridges; informing the DANG about climate conditions that may lead to 14 or 15 foot snowdrifts and high winds during winter months; and the guarding against unnecessary uses of taxpayers' money to truck solid waste from more populous areas to the Rodman site. During its first year, Pure Water for Life members provided leaflets at county fairs and entered floats in parades. They raised about $150,000 through individual donations, raffles and other activities. In the middle of their second year, they raised $6,000 in one evening by sponsoring a bowl-a-thon. Retired members have taken part-time jobs in order to help support the activities of Pure Water for Life. They hired a wildlife biologist and two hydro-geologists to help them prepare a case that would prove the site unsuitable for a landfill operation and prevent the issuance of a Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC) permit for its construction. Attempts were made to limit the DANG access to the property by seeking court help in enforcing trespassing laws. The judiciary responded by issuing an order allowing the DANG to proceed with the testing. Pure Water for Life officers learned quickly that political likemindedness and personal friendships between the DANG officials and other powerful individuals would inhibit their progress. John B. Johnson, Jr., editor and son of the owner of the Watertown Daily Times, is one of the non-voting members of the DANC's board. The DANG has had some difficulties other than those imposed on it by the Pure Water for Life activists. A state Department of Transportation engineer and voting board member of the DANC resigned from the board early in September, 1988. He claimed the board was "fiscally out of control" and that DANC officials were more concerned with pay raises and job title changes than with the original goal of meeting the infrastructure needs of the 30 mile radius around Fort Drum (Foy, 1988a). An engineer for the city of Watertown warned city officials in early Volume Two, 1990 135 �December, 1988, that the regional landfill was too costly and environmentally "marginal" at best. He put his job on the line by preparing a statement to read at the hearings scheduled for 6 and 7 December (Foy, 1988b). Emergence of an Environmental Ideology A Pure Water for Life member and retired lawyer, Donald R. Ravenscroft, ran for the 26th Congressional District seat on the Democratic ticket in November, 1988. Rural northern New York state has traditionally been a Republican stronghold. When the residents realized that local and state officials were not interested in their plight, many of them changed party affiliations in order to run their own candidates on the less tightly controlled Democratic ticket. Ravenscroft campaigned on an environmental program, promising legislation that would phase out 90 per cent or more of the ocean dumping, landfilling, and incinerating by 1990, require products entering interstate commerce to be accompanied with instructions for recycling any waste that would result from their use, prohibit non-recyclable goods from being sold across state lines, and permit waste to be transported from one state to another only when in transit to a recycler. Ravenscroft lost the election by a three to one margin, but Pure Water for Life members were proud of their association with this candidate. He challenged an established powerful incumbent with a non-traditional program and got a remarkable number of votes. Pure Water for Life drilled nine test wells on the Tug Hill site, so that it would not have to rely on the DANG for information. Members feel that they have proven beyond a reasonable doubt that the aquifer is very close to the Tug Hill plateau site. The DANG has continued to deny the aquifer's presence. The landfill proposal requires the purchase of a total of 1,173 acres. The landfill would occupy 340 acres and the rest of the land would be used as a buffer zone. All of the owners of the 19 parcels of property involved, except one who is a state employee, have returned payments sent to them by the DANG as reimbursement for damage done by trespassing and the drilling of test wells. They felt that accepting payment would imply consent. A recycling center was organized as a cooperative effort between Pure Water for Life and the Town of Rodman. The Town provided legislation that makes recycling mandatory and supplied money to pay for the materials to construct a building. Pure Water for Life members provided education for the residents and staffed the center with volunteers for its first year. In the first year of operation, from 1987 to 1988, they were able to reduce the quantity of solid waste that needed to be disposed in dumps or landfills by 67.8 per cent volume and 45.2 per cent 136 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �weight. Only about 10 per cent of the residents do not participate in recycling (Recycle Report, 1988). The New York State Environmental Commission has included mandatory recycling in its new solid waste regulations. The regulations are designed to be in place by the beginning of 1989. Municipalities will have to meet recycling quotas in order to get landfill permits. The goal is to reduce solid waste 50 per cent by 1997. Changes have already taken place at the grassroots level and are finally being written into law. A two volume draft environmental impact statement was completed for the DANG near the end of October, 1988. Of the 101 sites considered, the Rodman site was found to be the best suited for the landfill. An engineering estimate had put the cost of testing at $300,000; $2,000,000 was spent. The study determined that the Rodman water supply is derived from a groundwater source independent of the regional flow system and that the landfill would pose no threat to it. The environment impact statement also found that there is no direct connection between the landfill site and the Tug Hill aquifer. Their consultants concluded that the landfill will actually benefit the deer by providing more winter food with greater accessibility that has existed in the past. Asked about the deer herd, the DANG officials said that when the landfill is completed it will be covered and seeded and make excellent grazing for them. This information seemed strange to the Rodmanites who knew that deer do not graze, they browse. And they especially like the cover offered by the threatened virgin hemlock forest on the Tug Hill plateau during the cold winter months. The public and, especially, the members of Pure Water for Life, have a few weeks to read and respond to the document. They are continuing to use every means at their disposal to put pressure on the DANG to consider the serious consequences of proceeding with this project. Reports have been made of a new flurry of activity on Tug Hill as the DANG rushes to complete a new series of tests. Telephone chains have been set up to keep members of Pure Water for Life informed and focused on the importance of a large turn out at the public hearings scheduled for 6 and 7 December 1988. The hearings, presided over by a judge, offer the people an opportunity to respond to the draft environmental impact statement. The Rodmanites, confronted with a threat to their water supply and environment, realize that the government's and the Department of Environmental Conservation's interests are not the same as theirs. Rodman has the kind of natural balance that governments and conservation groups talk about protecting, and, in this case, the supposed protectors are the enemy. It has been especially alarming to the property owners that state employees could work on their land with bulldozers Volume Two, 1990 137 �and backhoes, and even drill wells, without their permission. When the property owners tried to get an injunction to keep the trespassers away, it was denied. In the words of one resident, They don't care about the people. It's the guy who makes the buck" (Walker, Mrozek, Hoffman, 1987). Pure Water for Life signs have been very visible. The farmer who owns the biggest tract that the DANC wants for the landfill has a sign in his front yard that reads, This farm was my dream, now it may become a landfill nightmare" (Walker, Mrozek, Hoffman, 1987). Residents have been dismayed at the arrogance of the state officials and have remarked over and over again that it would not be as bad if they could at least vote on whether or not they want a landfill on the Tug Hill plateau. The landfill offers no benefit to the local people. Its large size seems to indicate plans to import waste from places other than Jefferson and Lewis Counties, the City of Watertown, and part of Fort Drum in order for it to be cost effective. The members of Pure Water for Life have built a network with other environmental activist groups and have kept up their battle for nearly two years; they have not simply joined the "Not In My Backyard" (NIMBY) bandwagon. As rural landowners, they take care of their own trash and are not anxious to take responsibility for that of New York City or the military at Fort Drum. But, their major concern is protecting their water supply and the natural wildlife on the Tug Hill plateau. They have a stake in protecting the land for themselves and future generations. Real progress in controlling pollution is not made by containing pollutants once they are in the environment. It comes from eliminating the source by stopping the production of the pollutant. While "the levels of most pollutants have declined only modestly, and others not at all, a few have been reduced sharply: lead, DDT, and similar chlorinated pesticides, mercury in surface waters, radioactive fallout from nuclearbomb tests, and, in some rivers, phosphates" (Commoner, 1987). These successes, which began to fulfill the aim of the environmental movement, have been achieved by simply eliminating the pollutants. Pure Water for Life was organized to stop the pollution of the Tug Hill aquifer before it happens. Analysis and Discussion Most of the residents of Rodman have lived there for a long time. Everyone knows everyone. They are proud of the beautiful countryside and feel they have a "stake" in protecting it. One family allowed the DANC to park vehicles on their property and soon felt snubbed by other residents. Pure Water for Life offers its members the social benefits of camaraderie for busy schedules. 138 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �A considerable proportion of the residents are retired, work in businesses that allow some flexibility in time schedules, or are housewives. They support the volunteer fire department, either as firemen or auxiliary, and other established organizations. Because of their flexible schedules and experience in organizing activities, many residents were available to be mobilized for this new cause. The residents had already experienced the disappointment of giving up their pure spring water in the name of progress and had seen the nearby Dry Hill Air Force Base turned into a federal prison. They had been alerted by the media to look for major threats to their rural lifestyle as Fort Drum expanded into a major army training center for winter warfare. Meetings and planning sessions had been held between the counties and they considered the Development Authority of the North Country to be their invention, not their master. The landfill proposal came at a time when the residents had reached both the level of government interference in their lives that they would tolerate and had developed social networks that could be transformed into sympathy for the protest movement. Fundraising became an extension of the regular social life of the residents. The summer time work of organization was highlighted by providing leaflets at county fairs and entering floats in parades. During the winter months, they sponsored some very successful fund-raising activities including bowl-a-thons. Pure Water for Life organizers looked for creative ways to add fund-raising dimensions to activities that members enjoy or would participate in normally. Friends and neighbors worked together in planning the fund-raising and those who could not help in the preparation participated in the actual event in the same way they have always supported the fire department's activities. Pure Water for Life members concentrated on building networks with other environmental groups across the country, taking advantage of opportunities to learn about landfill technology. Their community is only about 175 miles from Love Canal and they quickly sought help from The Citizens' Clearing House for Hazardous Wastes and a wide variety of other state and national organizations concerned with conservation and the environment. The residents were repulsed by what they learned, and looked for alternative means for disposing of solid waste. The Recycling center that they built in cooperation with the Town of Rodman had been extraordinarily successful. They are shocked by the willingness of government officials to trade off essential natural resources, even people's drinking water, for a few high salaries over the short term. People who might have the power to make a difference seem to be connected in a sort of "good ol' boy" system with an agenda quite different from that of the people of Rodman. Some Volume Two, 1990 139 �supporters of Pure Water for Life have changed their political party affiliation because the locally powerful Republican party has consistently refused to hear their case. Donald R. Ravenscroft, a member of the organization, ran for Congress on the Democratic ticket with an environmental program. He challenged a powerful incumbent and raised issues that had not been raised in previous campaigns. Activists fighting a proposed landfill differ from those coping with a landfill that is already leaking. The residents of Rodman have been able to take a proactive approach as opposed to the reactionary one they would have been forced into if the pollution was already occurring. Their effort has been directed toward proving that the Tug Hill site is not suitable for a landfill operation and demonstrating the feasibility of recycling as a means of gaining some control over the quantities of waste that accumulate. Pure Water for Life members have invested a lot of time in self-education. Older people and those with flexible schedules are leading the movement. In situations where the focus is on stopping pollution that has already started, younger people and mothers of young children anxious to avoid future health problems are most often involved in environmental activism (Hamilton, 1985). The DANG spent $2,000,000 of taxpayers' money in testing the Tug Hill site. When the danger of added traffic to the curvy, narrow highway was mentioned, the DANG officials said they would fix it. Questions about ongoing monitoring of the water in rural wells, at the Rodman waterworks and in Adams, were answered with assurances that the DANG, and the DEC, would accept the responsibility (Meeting at Rodman Fire Hall, 1987). Homeowners' expressions of disappointment over the devaluation of their extraordinary homes, built into the picturesque countryside adjacent to the landfill site, were met with an offer from the DANC Executive Director to buy one of the most valuable ones as a home for the caretaker (Landfill Site, 1987). The residents are concerned about this "shotgun" approach to planning. Promises are couched in vague language and the term "guarantee" is used to make points, but not in any legal sense. An officer of Pure Water for Life said, "Guarantees are more like what you get when you buy a car. You can take it to a mechanic and get it fixed. There is no way to fix a polluted aquifer" (Meeting at Rodman Fire Hall, 1987). Several corporations have announced that they are no longer interested in using the proposed Tug Hill landfill for their solid waste. Champion International Corporation officials said the company wants to avoid being the "deep pockets" in possible future lawsuits (Hummel, 1989). The City Council of Watertown has asked the City Manager to "study what it would cost the city to build its own landfill or incinerator" and to review the contract it signed with the DANC in October, 1986 (City and the Landfill, 29 December 1988). 140 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Preliminary hearings on the draft environmental impact statement prepared by the DEC will be held in Watertown (Jefferson County) on 6 December, during the afternoon and evening, and in Lowville (Lewis County) on 7 December, in the evening. Pure Water for Life members have formed telephone chains and are busy reminding the residents and other supporters to prepare their statements and come to the hearings. Conclusion Pure Water for Life members have taken a proactive, even creative approach to dealing with the environmental threat that is being forced upon them They are deeply committed to the protection of their water supply and the wildlife habitat and have kept their energies focused on these issues. The threat came at a time when the people were expecting change and local governments had signed contracts with the Development Authority of the North Country. The governments and residents assumed that the DANG would represent their combined interests during this time of transition. On the one hand, Pure Water for Life has enjoyed the support of many environmental groups and some concerned scientists while, on the other, they have had to cope with the editor of the only local daily newspaper being a member of the governing board of the DANC. With hearing on the suitability of the Tug Hill site for the landfill project approaching, Pure Water for Life members are continuing to build their case and to pressure the DANC to admit the presence of the aquifer and its environmental sensitivity. Works Cited City and the Landfill. 1988. Watertown Daily Times. 29 December 1988, 4. Commoner, Barry. 1987. "A Reporter at Large." New Yorker. 15 June 1985, 46-71. Foy, Paul. 1988. "Morris: Authority Could Explode." The Watertown Daily Times. 7 September 1988,1, 20. Poy, Paul. 1988. "Sligar will Sally Forth to Slay Landfill Plans." The Watertown Daily Times. 6 December 1988. Gamson, William A. 1975. The Strategy of Social Protest. Homewood: Dorsey Press. Garbology. 1988. The Economist 302: February 1988, 82. Volume Two, 1990 141 �Gibbs, Lois. 1988. Interview. "Grassroots Leader, Lois Gibbs, Speaks Out on Contaminated Drinking Water." Water Technology. September 1988,1318. Hamilton, Lawrence C. 1985. "Concern About Toxic Wastes: Three Demographic Predictors." Sociological Prospective* 28: 4, October 1985, 463-485. Hummel, Scott E. 1989. "Mill Running Into Trouble on Landfill." Watertown Daily Times. 5 January 1989. Jenkins, Craig J. 1983. "Resource Mobilization Theory and the Study of Social Movements." Annual Review of Sociology 9: 527-53. Landfill Site. 1987. Walking Tour, video tape. Rodman, NY: Pure Water for Life. Mazur, Allan. 1985. The Dynamics of Technical Controversy. Washington, DC: Communications Press. McCarthy, John D. and Mayer N. Zald. 1973. The Trend of Social Movements in America: Professionalization and Resource Mobilization. Morristown: General Learning Press. McCarthy, John D. and Mayer N. Zald. 1973. "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory." American Journal of Sociology, 82: May 1973, 1212-41. Meeting at Rodman Fire Hall. 1987. DANC Presentation video tape, 14 January 1987, Rodman, NY: Pure Water for Life. Oberschall, Anthony. 1973. Social Conflict and Social Movements. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall. Recycle Report. 1988. Town of Rodman Recycle Report. 9 September 1988. Rodman, NY: Town of Rodman. Walker, A.D., C.V. Mrozek and A.J. Hoffman. 1987. Tug Hill Tug of War video tape. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Newhouse School of Communications. Beth Degutis is a Ph.D. candidate in sociology at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. After working for several years as a registered nurse, she earned degrees in health education and in public health. Currently her interest is in environmental sociology. 142 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �The Bitter Creek Appalachian Symposium Garry Barker Buddy and the Bootleg Bandits reverently played that old Appalachian folksong, "Get Martha White self-rising flour, the real all-purpose flour," and the music flowed happily. Clarence Whittimore led the way on his steel guitar, and Alfred Cox followed on creaky fiddle. Buddy tugged down the brim of his black ten-gallon hat, glared out from behind wraparound sunglasses, and sang in a nasal monotone. Most of the crowd was already noisily drunk. Buddy grinned wolfishly and dragged the tune out two more verses. He finished with a flourish. "Thankee, thankee," Buddy growled into the microphone. "Ya11 a nice crowd. Real nice. We appreciate it." The Third Annual Bitter Creek Humor & Folklore Society's Appalachian Symposium was in full swing. Buddy and the Bandits had already played "All My Rowdy Friends," "I Like Beer," and "Don't Let Your Babies Grow Up To Be Cowboys," and now were ready to do some authentic mountain music. "We're gonna do a little thing for you now that my granddaddy learned me," announced Buddy. "Grandpa, he never did see the words wrote down. He just learned her by listening." Buddy grinned. "Now what Granddaddy was listening to, it was a stereo tape. Grandma's new microwave oven has got a digital alarm clock, a dual tape deck, and chimes that play *My Old Kentucky Home.' Anyhow, this here is a old mountain song my grandpa picked up while he was out in the kitchen heating up a pizza. Ready, boys?" "The Devil Went Down to Georgia" featured Alfred's frantic fiddlework and Buddy's busy vocals plus tight harmony on the "Fire on the TWminf a in carrmonf Volume Two, 1990 143 �As the tune ended, to rowdy applause, George Peters was trying to locate a parking place outside The Maverick Club. George finally edged the silver Volvo into a slot between a jacked-up, four-wheel-drive pickup truck and a sleek yellow 1957 Chevy Bel Aire. "Here we are," George announced grandly. The elegant Maverick Club, on the weedy outskirts of suburban Pikeville, Kentucky." The tall woman sniffed suspiciously. That's Bud Wilson's fish fry," chuckled George. "Deep fried catfish and hushpuppies and french fries. You won't see a whole lot of yogurt and alfalfa sprouts at the Bitter Creek Symposium." Dr. Amanda Coldiron, Ph.D in Rural Sociology and visiting professor in the University of Kentucky Appalachian Center, uncoiled gingerly from the big Volvo seat. "What have you done to me, George?" she asked with a half-smile. She cocked an ear to listen. "Are they handling snakes in there?" George grinned. "Not yet." Amanda shuddered. "Are you sure this is safe?" "Just don't get near Lem Stephenson," cautioned George. "Lem thinks all outside women are like some of the girls who came here in the sixties with VISTA. Lem laid stoned, in bed for three years, and he still gets a glazed look about him when he hears a city accent." "Very funny," said Amanda. She hesitated. "Which one is Lem?" "He looks like Little Abner," grinned George, "and talks out of the corner of his mouth. Like Elvis." "You're kidding." Amanda laughed nervously. "Am I?" George grinned. There's just one way to find out. Ready?" As they walked closer to the Maverick Club the noises were even louder. Somebody was vomiting between two trucks, and giggles and groans came from inside a red and black Monte Carlo. "Don't look now," advised George, "but it sounds like Lem has met another anti-poverty worker." He led Amanda to the front door. "After you," George said gallantly, "and welcome to the Bitter Creek Appalachian Symposium." Amanda stopped halfway inside. "My God," she whispered. George shoved her on in, and followed. Buddy looked up, stopped the music, and pointed. "Here he is, folks," bellowed Buddy. The poet laureate of the Bitter Creek Humor & Folklore Society, George Peters." George waved to Buddy and somebody stuck a bottle of beer in his hand. "We'll hear more from George later," promised Buddy. "He said he'd read us a poem. Bitter Creek Breakdown." There were groans and boos. "But first," continued Buddy, "let's turn Clarence loose on the steel guitar." Buddy left the band on stage, shucked his guitar, and worked through the maze of cords and connectors to greet George and Amanda 144 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �at their table. "Dr. Amanda Coldiron," announced George, "meet Dr. Edward Chase." "Dr. Edward L. Chase?" asked Amanda, staring blankly. "Buddy to my friends," he laughed. "How's the beer?" Buddy poured from a plastic pitcher. "The Maverick is fresh out of white wine." Amanda sipped, still awed by Buddy's presence. "Dr. Chase, I've read all your books." "The name's Buddy," said Buddy, "and I've read all of yours too, but that doesn't mean we can't be friends." Buddy drained his mug and beamed. "So, Dr. Amanda Coldiron, what brings you to Pikeville tonight?" "I thought George was serious," Amanda said weakly, "when he told me about the Bitter Creek Symposium. He said to come here if I wanted to meet some real Appalachians." Amanda stiffened. "I didn't know I was coming to an orgy. What is this place?" "A genuine redneck honky tonk," grinned Buddy. "One that nobody has put in a book yet, so a body can still come here and have some fun." "But," stammered Amanda, "what kind of symposium is this?" "According to Dr. Chase," explained George, "a symposium, in the original sense of the word, was a time when a lot of people got together and did a lot of hard drinking." Amanda glared. "So it's all just one big, not very funny joke. The symposium, the Bitter Creek Humor & Folklore Society, and your presence here." "Not exactly," laughed Buddy. "It's sort of a conditioned reaction. The Appalachian Studies Conference, the New River Symposium, the Appalachian Humor Festival, and Saturday Night in Eastern Kentucky all rolled into one. With lots of beer, music, dancing, and laughing right out loud." "I should have expected something like this from George," sniffed Amanda. "But not from you, Dr. Chase, you're a very respected scholar and professor." "That's the cross I must bear," groaned Buddy. "Don't hold it against me. Want some more beer?" Buddy called for another pitcher, refilled the mugs and leaned close to Amanda. "Dr. Coldiron, every person in this room is a native Appalachian. People from families who've lived here eight, maybe ten generations, people who've never read your books, or my books, who wouldn't know Harry Caudill if he fell through the door screaming. But they'd buy Harry a beer." Buddy smiled. There's not one dulcimer player, Danish folk dancer, academic storyteller, or ballad singer in the building. Just truckers, clerks, waitresses, bankers, coal miners, farmers, schoolteachers, a few bootleggers, and not more than a dozen used car salesmen. Take a good look, Volume Two, 1990 145 �Dr. Coldiron. Lake it or not, these are the people you study and write about." Amanda looked around the room and sniffed distastefully. "Does anybody ever get killed during your symposium?" "Not so far," said Buddy. "We've had some broken jaws, bloody noses, some food poisoning, and a few pregnancies." "I understand now," said Amanda. This is all research for you. You're going to put it all in a new book." "No way," scowled Buddy. "That wouldn't be right. I leave that kind of writing to George, only he calls it fiction and the editors give him hell for not writing about believable characters. George's weirdest stuff is just the pure truth with the names changed." "The Maverick Club is a beer joint," George said quietly. "That's all. It's like the ones I grew up in, a few counties over. Call it a settlement school for rednecks." He chuckled. "When I went off to college, I had to hunt all over for a place where I felt at home. I found the old White Horse Tavern over in Richmond, but then had to quit going there when the bartender shot a customer. After that they checked IDs, and a seventeen year old couldn't get in." "Does everybody in Eastern Kentucky spend their time in places like these?" Amanda asked weakly. "Lord no," George said quickly. "My mother would burn this place down. But, I'd say attendance here comes in a close second to church services." He shrugged and grinned. "Lots of the same people at both places, too." George smiled. "Here, they let Buddy bring his band and have some fun. Sometimes a student or two will wander in, but the Maverick is too rough for kids used to rock bars, so it's pretty much just the natives who come back." "So why did you drag me up here?" asked Amanda. "To round your education," grinned George. "The hillbilly bars in Lexington that you go to are patterned after places like this, but you needed to see the real thing. In person. This is pure, scholarly research." "I'd better get back to the band," said Buddy. "They're slowing down." Back onstage Buddy brought Alfred and a wolfish young mandolin player up closer to the microphone. "We're going to do a number now for Dr. Amanda Coldiron," grinned Buddy. "This one's for you, doc. Ready, boys?" The band leapt into a wailing, hard-driving bluegrass version of "Long, Lanky Woman." George howled, and Amanda bristled. "I've certainly learned the truth about Dr. Edward Chase," she snapped. "Monday morning his books come off the reading lists for my classes." 146 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �"Settle down and have a beer," suggested George. Amanda sipped numbly and stared out across the dimly lit cement block dance hall. George chuckled. "You'll see more Kentucky Cluster diamond rings, polyester, pancake makeup, sideburns, and gold chains in here tonight than you could find back in New Jersey in a month of Sundays. And any one of those big trucks out there in the parking lot costs more than you paid for that Saab." Amanda studied George, slumped happily back in his chair, and smiled. "You don't belong here," Amanda said triumphantly. "Your blow-dried hair and plain glasses are a dead giveaway. Not to mention that fifty dollar sweatshirt and the scuffed up sneakers." She smiled, a little drunk and evil. "You, George Peters, are a fake. You're no more Appalachian than I am." George shrugged. "Once I open my mouth all is forgiven. Once a hillbilly, always a hillbilly. No matter what you look like." "Don't you find the term 'hillbilly' degrading?" asked Amanda. "From you I would," said George, "or from anybody else who meant it as a slur. But I was a hillbilly, and damned proud to be one, a long time before some scholars and bureaucrats decided I was an Appalachian." "Then why don't you live here?" Amanda asked. "And why don't you have any sideburns down to your neck?" "Couldn't make a living here," grunted George. "You could work in the mines," persisted Amanda. "Sell mobile homes. Teach English." George grinned. "But then I'd never get to meet people like you. Besides, I like my running water and central air." "They've got that here now," argued Amanda. "Plus satellite television, VCRs, fast food, cocaine, and venereal diseases." "True," grinned George. He drank again, and sighed. "We've been given that kind of progress in Eastern Kentucky. I grew up on a hillside farm with nine brothers and sisters, an outhouse, and a big old heatstove. The happiest day of my young life was when they ran electricity and my parents brought home a used cookstove. That meant I didn't have to split kindling and carry coal all summer. Now, the kids eat pizza and walk around with ear plug radios, drive Camaros, and work at Druther's. Half of them can't read or write above a third grade level, but they're overweight, healthy as horses, and sexually active from the time they're twelve." "Weren't you?" smirked Amanda. "I sure did want to be," George said mournfully. "I just couldn't get anyone to cooperate." Volume Two, 1990 147 �"Why did you leave?" asked Amanda. "Seriously, George, why didn't you just stay at home?" "College, I guess." George swirled his beer and pondered. "I wanted to go to school some more. I figured there had to be more to life than driving a truck or growing a crop, and it seemed to me that the only way out was college. I had good grades and test scores, and scholarship offers, but I still couldn't afford school in Lexington, so I went to Berea." "The school for Appalachians," smiled Amanda. George grunted. "When I was there, most of the faculty tried to make me over into a midwestern missionary. They didn't like anything about the way I talked, acted, or thought." He poured more beer. "But there were some professors who liked me the way I was. One even let me write about Eastern Kentucky while everybody else was imitating J.D. Salinger." "I've tried to read your fiction," said Amanda. "You use too much dialect, too much stereotype, and far too much crude humor." "Thank you," said George. He signalled for more beer. "Drink up, Dr. Coldiron. You get graded on class participation." "You're already drunk," said Amanda. "How are we going to get back to Lexington?" "On the great Bert T. Combs Mountain Parkway," George said grandly. "We'll crash the Winchester Wall at about ninety then cruise on up 1-64 to the beautiful city built by the people who moved away from Hazard." "What's the Winchester Wall?" Amanda asked anxiously. "The Winchester Wall," George said solemnly, "is the great invisible barrier which keeps Eastern Kentucky from polluting the sacred bluegrass. They don't dare bring the Japanese carmakers past the Wall. If they did, we might shoot them. Some of us haven't forgotten Pearl Harbor." George leaned closer. "The Winchester Wall, Dr. Coldiron, is the line the Kentucky politicians drew when it came to divide up the power and money. Eastern Kentucky gets the shaft. Always has, always will. We're outnumbered, outvoted, and outspent. New industry goes to the golden triangle, Lexington, Louisville, and Cincinnati, and our coal severance taxes help pay for getting them there." "That's sort of a one-sided evaluation," smiled Amanda. "I can be one-sided if I want to," mumbled George. "I'm a deprived minority." Buddy and The Bootleg Bandits played "Blue Moon of Kentucky," and George sang along. "You're very drunk," observed Amanda. "Part of my heritage," grinned George. "I come from a long line of men who got very drunk now and then." 148 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �"Since you're so wound up," smiled Amanda, "what warped view of the future do you have? What comes next for Eastern Kentucky?" "In a hundred years," George announced profoundly, "this place where we're sitting will be in the middle of a desert. Or a garbage dump. When the coal is all gone, we may become the refuse depository for all of the Eastern United States." "My God," laughed Amanda. "Now you've turned morbid." "A genetic defect," said George. "I'm descended from the scum of London, you know." "Such a pessimist," said Amanda, smiling gently. "Don't you see any hope? Any changes that could make things different?" George shrugged. "Schools. But that won't happen until parents and taxpayers decide to value education enough to foot the bills, and that's not likely until there are jobs here for the ones who do get educated. But we can't get the industry until we improve the schools, so it's sort of a hopeless, vicious circle." He sighed. "In my home county, unemployment runs about 25%. Half of the ones who do work commute. A hundred to two hundred miles a day, for low-end jobs. The counties themselves are a big part of the problem. Too many, too small and too poor to support good schools and services; too crooked to change." Amanda grinned. "What about the welfare system? I assume you hate it too?" "No," said George, "I don't. At least now nobody starves to death, or freezes, and thirty years ago that happened. I don't like the way the system penalizes the ones who want to work, but anything is better than the misery some people used to endure." George rocked his chair back and continued. "I'll tell you what kills me. It's the hopelessness. You see so many people who've given up. They won't try any more. They've been whipped, then whipped again, and now they've quit. It all changed so fast, after World War II, that some families never did adjust. Up till then you could live pretty good without cash money. With enough kids to do the work, you could scratch a living out of a hillside farm. Grow or shoot your own food, order whatever else you had to have from the Sears & Roebuck catalog, and survive if you'd worked hard enough. That ain't so any more. You can work your butt off and still have to have help." George drank more beer and stared morosely at his hands. "I'm one hell of a scholar. I preach doom, practicing raising cane. I love Eastern Kentucky but won't live here. I want it to change, but I want it to stay the same. I'm full of questions, but I don't have one single damned answer." George smiled wearily. "Welcome to the Bitter Creek Appalachian Symposium, Dr. Coldiron." Amanda watched George, as he emptied the beer pitcher and signalled for one more. Buddy came back to the table. "Have you two Volume Two, 1990 149 �solved all the ills of Appalachia, or have you said the hell with it and got crocked?" Amanda had kicked off her sensible shoes, crossed her legs, and had opened the top buttons of her silk blouse. Buddy grinned. "Enjoying yourself, Dr. Coldiron?" Amanda nodded and smiled sadly. "I can tell. Old Lonesome George has been on the stump." Buddy chuckled. "Fill George full of beer and he'll preach until somebody stuffs a towel in his mouth. The drunker George gets, the more sense he makes. Or is it the drunker I get, the more sense he makes?" Buddy laughed. "Whatever. I guess George told you about the vast wasteland?" "In detail," Amanda said thickly. "George Peters is a walking contradiction," said Buddy. "He was too old to be a good hippie, and he's too young to be a proper mountaineer. George is smack-dab in between. About one more pitcher and he'll want to sing with the band. Did you ever hear a slobbery drunk try to sing 'Amazing Grace'?" Amanda giggled. "Maybe we'll do a duet." "A new George and Tammy," grinned Buddy. "Who's that?" asked Amanda. "You poor thing," grinned Buddy. "You just ain't been educated." "Dr. Coldiron has led a very sheltered life," George said. "Until tonight she didn't even know about hillbillies." "And she's learned from you?" Buddy snorted. "This man here," he told Amanda, "drinks beer for breakfast. He can shoot like Daniel Boone, but ain't killed a squirrel or rabbit in thirty years. He's got a 1959 Ford pickup and a new Volvo. He keeps a pack of red tick hounds out back of a house that came right out of Architectural Digest. George would die without air conditioning. He writes fiction. How could you believe a word George Peters says? He's about as much of a hillbilly as I am a cowboy, except I come closer because I at least got boots and a hat." "I got a cap," protested George. "And it says 'Eat More Possum' right across the front." Buddy grinned, and leaned close to speak softly to Amanda. "I've heard rumors that George Peters listens to classical music and goes to aerobics classes. I know for a fact that he drinks Perrier water and orders boots from L. L. Bean." Amanda giggled. George scowled. "Have you seen George's bumper sticker?" Buddy asked. "The one that says 'Minor Regional Writer*?" Amanda nodded. "In George's case," said Buddy, "that sticker is the honest-to-God truth." 150 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �George nodded his agreement. "But it ain't my fault," he added, "that I write about such a minor region." "My God," said Amanda. "I've stumbled onto the set of'Hee Haw.' Where are the dancing pigs?" She stopped George. "Please don't answer that question." Amanda shook her head and sipped on the beer. "How," she asked, "are we ever going to get back to Lexington? George can't possibly drive, and I'm a little too drunk to try it." "Just get a little drunker," grinned Buddy, "and drive like the natives do. Stop and shoot up a few road signs. Pull off on the ditch to puke and sleep it off. If the sheriff gets you all you have to do is spend the night in Pikeville jail." Amanda grimaced. "It ain't all that bad," shrugged George. "You get pork-and-beans twice a day and a shower once a week." "How would you know?" asked Amanda. "Research," grinned George. "Pure scholarly research. Working on a paper. 'Famous Kentucky Jailhouses I Have Known.' We'll get Appalshop to make the movie, with Ned Beatty." He yelled for more beer and studied Amanda. "Well, Dr. Coldiron, how do you like the real Appalachia? Will this change the way you teach?" Amanda peered over her glasses at the two men who sat smiling at her. "Not really," she finally said. "But I might bring my class to your next Symposium." "You do that," Buddy said wearily. "Bring the youngens to see the hillbillies up close. Have them write essays about how the mountaineers drink away their frustrations." Buddy drained his mug. "Ready, George?" "Ready for what?" mumbled George. "Your poetry reading," beamed Buddy. He shoved back his chair. "This here's the serious part, Dr. Coldiron. Literature. Classy stuff." Buddy wobbled to the stage, stopped the band, and bent to the microphone. "Here's what you've all been waiting for, folks," he said dryly. "It's time for George." Buddy waved away the groans. "Here he is." George shuffled up to the mike, pulled a tattered paper out of his pocket, coughed, and blushed. "Ill make it fast," he mumbled. "This is 'Bitter Creek Breakdown'." George bent over close to the mike and read: Up here on Bitter Creek The water runs green and acid yellow Clogged by Pampers and Clorox jugs Refrigerators and shells of old Chevrolets. The government run us a water line In 1968, so we got a mobile home, Volume Two, 1990 151 �And Uncle John's Black Lung check Pays the bills Ever since we voted wet And a body can't make a living no more Bootlegging. Cousin Jeff grows marijuana Over on Poosey Mountain But he says it's hard to make any cash money. Last year some old boys from Hazard stole half his crop And this year the cows got in And et it. They give mighty good milk for a while, Jeff said, But then they got all sniffly and red-eyed Went to wearing red bandannas And writing poetry. Brother Ben went to Vietnam And come home a hippie. Beard, hair Old Army field jackets And a strange look in his eyes. But now they made him a memorial Over in Frankfort And the lottery, it's going to get Ben a hundred-dollar bonus So I guess it's okay That he still don't sleep at night Can't hear out of one ear Or hold down a job. There's work up around Lexington, they say If a body1!! drive two hours each way Build Japanese cars Or sweep up floors for one of the coal companies That owns most of this county. No work here, though. Mines are about shut down, 152 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Timber's all cut, And the government's idea of how to get us all back to work Is to have us make quilts, whittle, spin and weave, And peddle our stuff to the tourists. Ain't no tourists here, though. And factories, they say, Won't come to the mountains. Bad roads, bad water, and bad schools, And we're all too damned ornery to work When it's squirrel season. So here on Bitter Creek We got to go it on our own Scrouge out a living somehow Hang onto this hillside And 80 acres of scrub timber. You ask me why? Why, this here land's been ours for 200 years. Up in that graveyard they's markers Ten generations that lived here And died poor. So I got to stay. Got to keep the strip miners out Of Grandpap's graveyard Scratch out enough cash money To send the youngens to school And get 'em a little Christmas. But don't you worry none. When it's all over, When the coal's give out, The creeks is dry, And the do-gooders have done Give up and gone We'll still be right here. George folded up his paper, stepped back, nodded to the audience, and waited, uneasy in the sudden silence. Volume Two, 1990 153 �"Goddamn," Buddy finally growled. "You'd take the fun out of a funeral, George. Why'd you have to go and read that?" Buddy waved to the band. "Play," he ordered. "Give us a little bit of 'Foggy Mountain Breakdown.' George, get your skinny butt off of that stage." As the band leapt into the driving music George walked slowly back to the table and sat down heavily. "Beer," he said. Dr. Amanda Coldiron poured. "I think you need this," she said. "For what it's worth, George, I liked your poem." "Me too," grinned Buddy, "but I couldn't let everybody stand around all embarrassed, and this bunch ain't much to show it when they get serious." George shrugged. "Hey, it's a symposium, right?" "Right," laughed Buddy. "We all came here to learn, didn't we?" He leaned closer to Amanda. "And what I want you to learn next is the words to a song. I want you to do a number with us." "Me?" Amanda stared. But, thirty minutes later, with George Peters swaying beside her singing harmony, Dr. Amanda Coldiron belted out a gutsy rendition of "It Wasn't God Who Made Honky Tonk Angels," and the Bitter Creek Appalachian Symposium was back in session. The poem has been published in Appalachian Heritage, New River Free Press (Appalachian Voices), and in Bitter Creek Breakdown. Garry Barker is assistant director and marketing manager of the Berea College Student Crafts Program in Berea, Kentucky. His published books include three short story collections—Fire on the Mountain, Mountain Passage, and All Night Dog—plus a novel, Copperhead Summer. His short fiction has appeared in Appalachian Heritage, Grab-a-Nickel, The Mountain, Delta Scene, and The Mountain Spirit. 154 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �A Bridge or a Barrier?: Assessing the Usefulness of Public Education for Individual Success in an East Tennessee County Roberta Campbell and Alan J. DeYoung During the past decade, business leaders, government officials, and national politicians have increasingly begun to view American children as "human resources" to be (better) developed in our schools in the pursuit for better "international competitiveness" (DeYoung, 1989). In addition to this national agenda for "improving" education via school reform, we are also witness in our own region to public calls for educational improvement, supposedly as an aid to increasing local economic development. In rural America (as in our central cities), many politicians claim that declining local economies are a function of the inferior condition of rural schools. And much of the contemporary rhetoric regarding "what's wrong" with such schools begins with some reference to the supposedly inferior attitudes toward education held by students and their parents; with the inferior skills of classroom teachers; and/or with the inadequate financial resources available to schools in the region. Predictably, national efforts to "improve" education have taken two directions to solving "problems" like those mentioned above. On the one Volume Two, 1990 155 �hand, increased funding for education (for teacher salaries, better supplies, etc.) is being championed around the country at both local and state levels. Relatedly, a second strategy increasingly involves creating a higher "demand" for public schooling through publicizing hypothetical returns on educational investments for high school diplomas, and exhorting parents and community leaders regarding the "technological requirements for a post-industrial society." Education for Appalachia At the national level, there have been a variety of insightful critiques of the educational excellence "movement" and motives behind it from a multiple of sources (e.g., Aronowitz and Giroux, 1985; Spring, 1984). Many such criticisms take issue with the lack of analysis of social and cultural factors associated with educational "underperformance" in America, and go on to suggest alternative perspectives on this relationship and requirements for improving our schools, Much of the national critique of efforts to "upgrade" our economi(es) via concentrating on school reform, however, has already been visible in the discourse of Appalachian scholars. Here, the importance of cultural factors in explaining the status of education has been discussed and debated for several decades, and rarely have discussions about the nature of schooling been reduced to discussions solely about cognitive skills acquisition and/or high school graduation rates, etc. (as important as they may be). As a number of regional and national educational sociologists and anthropologists have pointed out, the hidden or unadvertised features of formal and compulsory schooling are as, or more, important in understanding the mission of public instruction than is all the concern about its cognitive content of (e.g., achievement test scores, courses completed, etc.). "Modernization" and the Public School For example, while the concept of social/political/individual "modernity" has been rendered theoretically suspect both internationally and locally, the list of personal attributes associated with psychological modernity have been pointed out by many social scientists (not only those identified with modernization theory), as the most central cultural "teachings" of public education. Importantly, those who worked in this area when it was "in vogue" (during the 1970s) claimed that the public school (as sponsored by national governments in developing countries) was one of the most important (if not the most important) formal institutions for bringing about the individual modernity demanded for sociocultural and political progress. 156 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �A representative working list of modern personality characteristics ostensibly related to individual modernity and contributed to by participation in formal schooling is available in works like those of Alex Inkeles and his colleagues (Inkeles and Smith, 1974; Inkeles and Holsinger, 1974). For example, Inkeles et al. argue that "modern" individuals are (among other things): open to new experience; accepting and ready for social change; able to reflect on issues and form independent judgements; interested in acquiring information and facts; oriented toward the future as opposed to the past; have a sense of mastery over the environment; believe in the value of future planning; have an appreciation of technical skills; and have high educational and occupational aspirations. According to those who argue for the utility of individual modernity perspectives, persons locked into more traditional societies are typically less interested in new experiences; uninterested in social change; more likely to form and hold opinions based on beliefs held by others in the tribe and/or kinship systems; uninterested in acquiring knowledge for its own sake; value the past more than the future; are more fatalistic than optimistic regarding the human ability to control future events; place less value on occupational specialization and competence; and have low educational and occupational aspirations. Importantly for our purposes, "deficiencies" of psychological modernity like those listed above have also frequently been applied to Appalachians, who, it is believed, are unable to participate in middle-class culture because of a history of isolation and the tenacity of a traditional subculture. Mountaineers, in other words, culturally "lag behind" most other Americans, and this is the reason for their inability to assimilate into the mainstream. As Tyler (1919) once phrased it: "Shut up within these fastnesses they have stood still for a hundred years." Their "provincial" mentalities impede the acceptance of modern world advantages. "Bridging the Gap" Through Education Whether one agrees or disagrees with various tenets of the sociocultural modernization thesis, few social scientists tend to doubt the "modern" features and orientations of public schooling internationally or domestically; rather, they debate the desirability of becoming "modern," and/or the hidden stratification dimension concealed within most elaborations of the modernity thesis. Adherents to a variety of "functionalist" views of social progress and the role of schooling in its evolution all tend to focus on the transmission of norms and values consistent with instrumentalism, impersonal authority structures, and future orientation as primary components of Volume Two, 1990 157 �any formal schooling agenda (Dreeben, 1968; Jackson, 1968). Meanwhile, even the critics of such perspectives in Appalachia (and elsewhere) do not take issue with the list of attributes as suggested above, but rather emphasize the role of public schooling in reproducing the larger modern/urban/capitalist culture (Bowles and Gintis, 1976; Branscome, 1971;Whisnant, 1980). Perhaps the most optimistic and sympathetic interpretation of the role public education could play in bridging the gap between the region and "The Great Society" was brought forward by Schwarzweller and Brown (1960). In this essay, the authors suggested (before it became fashionable) that the kinship, political and economic systems of Appalachia continued to instill character traits among the youth of the region which were inappropriate for their integration into the increasingly available outside world. The school, they argued, could indeed become a cultural bridge from this agrarian/kinship centered Appalachian subculture to "the great society," because the formal policies and practices of the school, coupled with the more cosmopolitan role models of university trained teachers, could provide for mountain youth an access to skills, values, and attitudes they needed to journey from an outmoded past into the future. According to these authors, since the school is an institutional complex situated within and supported by the local community but directly tied to the Great Society, it "is a natural and strategic center for the diffusion of Great Society norms" (Schwarzweller and Brown, 1960: 37). According to the cultural bridge metaphor, schools in Appalachia provide the best mechanism for providing young people with the skills, values, and norms necessary for rational decision-making in the modern "great society," and thus the capability to "escape" the bonds of traditionalism. Illustrative of their hopes for the school would be "instruction" in processes of desired social change through evaluative thought. For example, voting behavior may be influenced when children learn that "government in the United States is in many respects shaped by economic pressure groups," enabling students to become oriented to evaluating political issues, and, thereby, becoming more rational decision-makers (Schwarzweller and Brown, 1960: 371). Such teachings would counter, according to the authors, trends of traditional voting based on family loyalty, and on loyalty to the past (which theoretically renders political institutions less effective in solving current social problems in Appalachia). Significantly, not only the teachings, but also the organization of instruction were touted by these authors (and others) as enabling mountain children to become more modern. For example, the transition from the non-graded and community based elementary school to the subject-matter oriented and impersonal high school signifies both the 158 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �importance of academic knowledge and the organization of such knowledge into compartments of expertise. This social teaching of modern education and its theoretical link to the requirements of mainstream and modern society have been eloquently presented by structural functionalists like Parsons (1959) and Dreeben (1968). As institutions tied importantly to the larger society, schools can perform modernizing functions which other important social institutions in the region cannot, according to Schwarzweller and Brown. For example, the local orientations of many Appalachian churches and extended families are more "insular" in the region, and (they claim) tend to perpetuate traditional norms. To be sure, Schwarzweller and Brown suggest that other demographic and economic factors can affect the modernization process in desirable ways. For example, aspects of the modern organization of work in the mining communities of Appalachia can facilitate progress (as opposed to those still dependent upon declining agriculture), because mining is a more centrally organized industry and more integrated into the national culture. Critiques of Modernization Theory and the Great Society In essence, Schwarzweller and Brown echo ideas put forth in other works sympathetic to modernization theory, which contend that the "lagging" Eastern Kentucky subculture can catch up to the rest of America as great society linked institutions, like the school, socialize Appalachian students with the modern norms required for great society participation. The central point of the entire analysis is that Appalachia as a region is located somewhere in the progression to modernity, and institutions existing in the region with close ties to the modern world are the keys to a more rapid arrival date into the modern world. Unfortunately, even though such arguments sound plausible (and to some, hopeful), there are several features of the cultural bridge metaphor which may be misleading and have proven erroneous and/or problematic. Furthermore, emphatic critiques of the "great society" and modernity perspectives have been authored since Schwarzweller and Brown developed their metaphor. Therefore, while we will soon present evidence with regard to the shortcomings of formal schooling to provide the "cultural bridge" in one Appalachian county, some attention to inadequacies of the entire progress to modernity perspective must be highlighted. A variety of social scientists take issue with the key assertions and descriptions of "the great society," and/or other optimistic versions of modern society. Several basic fallacies of modernity theory, some claim, are the unquestioning acceptance of a continuum between traditional Volume Two, 1990 159 �and modern cultures; that social change happens through linear stages; and that the transition automatically represents progress (Dickens and Bonanno, 1988; Gusfield, 1967). For example, modernity theory clearly suggests that tradition is an obstacle to modernization. Yet, what evidence is there that some "traditions" have no utility within this process? The fact that such questions are rarely seriously considered by modernity theorists suggests the ideological character of modernization theory itself, according to various critics (e.g. Gusfield, 1967: 358). Furthermore, by reifying the distinction between "modern" and "traditional" individuals, any inequality brought about by unequal access to the (new) structure of opportunities inevitably leads to blaming the victims of unequal development for their own perceived social "backwardness." Peter Berger (1977) also makes a compelling argument against the ideological nature of modernity theories. He points out five dilemmas of modernity which he argues are underestimated by would-be harbingers of "modern" society at home or abroad. And, in point of fact, the dilemmas he foresees in the modernization process are some of the very factors which modernist theorists champion as unilaterally progressive for the human species. One dilemma with severe consequences for human social systems, according to Berger, is the loss of communit(ies) made necessary by abstract market and bureaucratic forces as they govern social interaction in modern societies. As he phrases it, "this destruction, of the concrete and relatively cohesive communities in which human beings have found solidarity and meaning throughout most of human history" (Berger, 1977: 72). Secondly, Berger notes the imprisonment of humans in modern societies to the demands of time management and future orientations: clocks and watches dominate everyday life; individual biography is described as a "career," and societal institutions operate according to "plan" (Berger, 1977: 73). This dominance of futurity and weakening of community facilitates the abstraction of institutions and the individuation process which in turn increases the danger of anomie (Berger, 1977: 75-76). The dilemmas of futurity and individuation then result in the "underlying ambiguity of people wanting both individual autonomy...and communal solidarity" (Berger, 1977: 76). In modern societies, fate takes a back seat and human beings can see choices: "One of the most seductive maxims of modernity is that things could be other than what they have been...Tradition is no longer binding; the status quo can be changed; the future is an open horizon" (Berger, 1977: 77). The dilemma of liberation is that in challenging tradition, collective life becomes uncertain. The price of liberty is the 160 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �confusion between freedom of choice and freedom from choice. This is the "terror of chaos" (Berger, 1977: 77-78). The last dilemma, according to Berger, concerns secularization. The challenge to religion by modern science and technology as well as the modernization process itself, whether one is religious or not, "frustrates deeply grounded human aspiration—most important among these, the aspiration to exist in a meaningful and ultimately hopeful cosmos." In other words, the process of modernization, of rationalization, not only confuses through liberation, but chops away at the transcendental escapes from pain and sorrow. However, the impact of secularization is shown in the strength of countermodernizing trends and movements characterized by religious faith and fervor (Berger, 1977: 79). If Berger's assessment suggests equivocal and problematic aspects of modernization, different social theorists have taken issue with other benign assessments of modern capitalist society. Stephenson, for example, posited a typology of families in his study of Shiloh, based on their situation and "stages" of modernity (1968). Although his analysis does not decry the modernity thesis, he clearly suggests that "cultural lags" present in Appalachia might more appropriately be viewed as economic with unequal skills and resources. A more direct "attack" on the cultural lag thesis of modernity theory appeared in the 1970s with the development of the internal colony model (i.e., Gaventa, 1980; Lewis, 1978; Melizia, 1973; Walls, 1978 and 1976). Based on Third World studies, especially dependence theory, this perspective charged that the experience of colonialism was still affecting the political processes and social organizations of those countries. Applied to Appalachia, this model claimed our region to be a "victim" of uneven capitalist relations, whereby the mineral wealth of Appalachia (the periphery) became appropriated by the industrialized north (the core). The model was attractive because of its powerful analysis of the destruction of indigenous culture by the dominators (Walls, 1976: 238), a practice that prevails internationally in core/periphery situations. Relatedly, much recent scholarship on "uneven development" has looked at the specifics of cultural trends, class analysis and power relationships in hopes of explaining the dynamics of regional behavior (Eller, 1982; Waller, 1988; Whisnant, 1983 and 1980). For instance, Waller (1988) argues the violence that erupted among the feudists of Virginia and Kentucky in the late 1800s was a reaction to the frustrations of economic deprivation brought on by the influx of capitalism. Her analysis emphasizes the social relationships within the local community as well as the "modernized" society-at-large and makes class distinctions a central theme. In arguments like these, the existence of a unique Eastern Kentucky subculture is not dismissed outright, but its economic and political origins became the focus of discussion and analysis. Volume Two, 1990 161 �The Utility of "Tradition" in "Modern" Appalachia If modernization poses the many dilemmas which theorists like these suggest, then perhaps any view which castigates the importance of traditional social institutions, like the extended mountain family and local churches, ought to be reconsidered. For example, when Stephenson (1968: 51-56) explored the effects of modernization on an Appalachian community, he noted the more fundamentalist nature of mountain churches which served some of the most marginal residents. It seems quite plausible that such institutions provided a shelter for those families less able (or welcome) to join "the great society." In fact, Stephenson's suggestion is that perhaps traditional norms should not be viewed automatically as artifacts, but a particular means of adapting, of hanging on to a sense of self in an encroaching modern world, a way of adjusting to a new situation which is superimposed and not part of a "natural progression." Furthermore, it could be said, were the problematic dilemmas of modernization realistically faced, perhaps dealing more directly and sympathetically with local institutions like mountain churches and families would be in order, rather than seeing such institutions as unequivocal hindrances to the modernization process. Of course, if the various dependency theorists earlier mentioned are more accurate than those subscribing to modernity perspectives, much of the foregoing discussion is rendered moot. For, in order for "internal colonies" like much of Appalachia to become part of a larger empire, individuals and social institutions within the colonies need to accept and to internalize the ideologies, values and norms of external agents (and their local representatives) which enable the colonies to remain under absentee control. Thus, for example, learning to see the world as framed by outsiders, coming to accept external definitions of the nature of the world and social progress, and internalizing individual inadequacies as the reason locals are "backward," demands that the social teachings of the family and the local church must be diminished and replaced by external ideologies. Class and Education in "Modern" Appalachia As most readers will recognize, important theoretical and institutional aspects of the preceding discussion are readily available in a variety of sources, many of which are noted. However, our more particular task in this essay is to consider the status of the public school in Appalachia, particularly with reference to claims by Schwarzweller and Brown that such schools can and will provide the cultural bridge to the great society. 162 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Unfortunately, and as much of the preceding discussion no doubt implies, in our view the cultural bridge metaphor as elaborated upon by these authors is much more problematic than it is laid out to be. In our view, there are several claims about the possibilities of public schooling in the region which are not confirmed by reference to the evidence available—at least with regard to the evidence we have for one Appalachian county/school district. One of the major confessions evident in Schwarzweller and Brown's argument is with regard to the external allegiance of public education in the mountains. Unfortunately, while it might be true in developing nations that the public educational system is tied directly to a federal government, this is clearly not the case in America. Here, schooling has always been a local concern, and under the control of local agents. And, while aspects of the formal school curriculum have usually been dedicated to external teachings, it is unclear from the historical evidence that local populations have always equated the mission of the "school marm" with their own "educational" aspirations. For example, counter to the pedagogical aims of generations of American educators, it appears that a variety of non-intellectual goals have been of concern (and remain of concern) in many rural areas of the U.S. Boy's sports activities (for example) have always dominated school life in Appalachia in the twentieth century, ostensibly because of the community pride (rather than individual success) which such programs generate locally. In the mountains, football and basketball programs and teams exist at virtually every grade level in even the smallest of schools. Not coincidentally, such aspects of rural schools have enraged and encouraged reform efforts of generations of urban based school reformers, once they began to infiltrate state departments of education throughout the land (Tyack, 1974). Another "traditional" fact of life in most rural school districts concerns attendance patterns, where missed days of school and "tardiness" rates are epidemic compared to such patterns in metropolitan America. Anecdotal evidence from many Appalachian communities will confirm that the first week of hunting season, or planting/harvesting time for Parley tobacco drains 20-40% of all students in a district (mostly boys). And, while many school districts in the U.S. mandate that students repeat a grade for having as few as a week of unexcused absences per year, many rural Appalachian districts have no formally enforced attendance policy at all. Not wishing to belabor the point, the point is that the social life of Appalachian schools has a variety of "traditional," "pre-modern," "counter hegemonic" (pick one) features which weaken any argument that Appalachian schools are automatically agents of the great society. Volume Two, 1990 163 �They have histories and social functions, in other words, independent of norms of the great society—and many of these norms may run counter to modernization interests. Furthermore, as public schools in America are locally controlled, much of what transpires within the schools of many mountain counties is also a function of the local political mechanisms which dominate many aspects of formal life. It might even be argued that the political nature of schooling in Appalachia is less "modern" than many other features of Appalachia, given that state and federal monies directed to local school boards and superintendents is arguably the single greatest source of patronage there. Economic and Occupational Conditions in One East Tennessee County So far we have been suggesting theoretical and anecdotal problems and weaknesses in the cultural bridge which Schwarzweller and Brown suggest the school can provide between Appalachia and "the Great Society." At this point, we would like to document more precisely some of these problems with reference to an east Tennessee county school district in which we are currently doing fieldwork.1 Located in the northeastern section of Tennessee, Clinch County is one of the poorest counties in Tennessee, and among the poorest in the nation. Per capita income in 1984 for this county was approximately $5,300, 41% of the national average. The official unemployment rate in 1984 was reported to be 11.9%, yet since many of the rural poor are not actively seeking employment, this figure probably underestimates the number of individuals who would work were suitable employment available. Furthermore, jobs held by county residents are typically in neighboring counties, where minimum wage is the maximum for most Clinch Countians; where much of the employment is in the textile and furniture industries; and where one and two hour commutes to and from such unskilled and minimum wage employment "opportunities" are not uncommon. During the past sixty years, unemployment and out-migration have been a fact of life on Clinch County. In 1940 the county had a population of over 11,000 people, and 86% of those "employed" earned a living through agriculture. Currently, the county contains approximately 6,000 residents, and agriculture accounts for less than 20% of employment there. While outmigration has somewhat stabilized during the past decade, the percentage of aged and disabled among those who remain has greatly increased. Like many Appalachian counties, Clinch County has some history of timber and mineral exploitation but is recognized as having primarily an 164 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �agricultural economic base. One of the impediments to industrial development noted by its citizens is the lack of major roads leading into the county. As well, no railroads, airports, or navigable waterways exist in Clinch County. And reliable telephone service there (outside of the county seat) is reputed to be a relatively recent invention. The School Situation in Clinch County A major oversight evidenced among those who write about public schools, without having worked within them, lies in the lack of appreciation for the large discrepancies between schools and school districts in this country. There are schools with ample funding, excellent academic programs and large amounts of parent involvement (all of which appear associated with successful academic school performance); and there are schools which clearly lack most of these (Howley, 1988). So too, what many modernization theorists underestimate in their pronouncements regarding education and its relationship to economic development and social progress has to do with the real structure of opportunities in "modernizing" nations/regions. And according to some, the competition for better jobs in America usually is won by those with the better educational credentials, irrespective of how these credentials actually relate to job requirements/performance (Collins, 1979). To move quickly to the point, the schools of rural Tennessee in general, and of Clinch County in particular, compare very unfavorably to those of many more affluent communities in the U.S. And unfortunately, this can be said not only with regard to school facilities and school funding, but also with regard to a variety of educational practices which do not exist in Clinch County but are taken for granted in most of metropolitan America. For example, in 1980 Clinch County enrolled approximately 1400 students, of whom over 86% came from homes below the poverty line. Furthermore, even though residents of the district provide average tax effort in support of local schools, the taxes generated in the county are among the lowest in the state, since there is almost nothing of value (in terms of real property) for taxable purposes. In 1980, less than 12% of the money necessary to run Clinch County schools was generated from local revenues. Therefore, the bulk of money spent for education in the county is supplied from state and federal sources. Since equalization formulas in Tennessee are geared to providing a "minimum foundation," it comes as no surprise that teacher salaries in Clinch County in 1980 were the third lowest in the state (of a total of 141 districts). Furthermore, the school facilities in the county are by current standards almost obsolete. While the state helped the county build a new high school almost thirty years ago, the other five remaining school Volume Two, 1990 165 �buildings are at least fifty years old. The school most residents would claim to be "the best" in the county (in terms of programs) is a grim reminder of the fact that education has always been operated on a shoestring: for this building (in the county seat) was built in the 1930s as part of a WPA project. While some might believe that Clinch County schools can operate effectively on state and federal aid, this appears clearly not the case at the present time. For example, the state legislature in Tennessee mandates that even the poorest districts must generate adequate funds to match various state level appropriations. Furthermore, the state mandates specific quotas for student/teacher ratios and for educational specialists without supplying additional funds for their salaries. And in 1986, the state raised all teacher salaries in the state by mandate, without providing all of the funds required to meet the payrolls. Trying to meet these state guidelines is one of the main reasons the Clinch County school system faces a possible deficit of just under $400,000 for the 1988-1989 school year, according to the local superintendent. This point was brought home to local residents when he ordered that all school buses would cease operation following the 19881989 Christmas holiday. Recognizing the seriousness of the problem, a hesitant County Commission "donated" an additional $13,000 dollars to resume bus operation until new funds could be raised. In Tennessee, school budgets are determined not by the school systems themselves, but rather by appropriate municipal/county governments. In Clinch County this has led to bitter contention between the county commission and the school superintendent. Because there is not enough money to provide for almost any of the services local citizens require, no county agencies get the money they request; all such agencies are forced to bargain with the county commission for funds; and since most commissioners in the county are elected on an "I won't raise taxes" platform, additional monies for running things like the local schools are always being sought. Unfortunately, since there is no industry in Clinch County, since there is no state income tax, and since sales taxes on purchases by Clinch Countians are paid out of the county (where all the new malls and bigger shopping areas are), there literally is no source of new revenue for the county to attach. The latest attempt by the county commission (supposedly undertaken to generate money specifically for Clinch County schools) involved contracting with first the state, and then with a private company from Washington D.C., to house hundreds of state and B.C. prisoners in a new county jail (being built specifically for such purposes in the only large population center in the county). Unfortunately for local schools (but perhaps fortunately for the general public), this possibility was scaled 166 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �back substantially due to a loud public outcry against the most ambitious version of the prison construction plan. School funding problems have become so overwhelming in Clinch County that its problems have been highlighted in a current lawsuit filed by 66 rural school districts in the state. In essence, this suit charges that the present system of funding education in Tennessee is inequitable, and discriminates against the poor and rural children. (Similar lawsuits in Kentucky, Texas and West Virginia have found state funding systems unconstitutional.) The Politics of Clinch County Schools Funding inequities of rural and poor schools are not the only problems for achieving some of the modernizing goals which proponents hold out for Appalachian schools. Another is the serious patronage problem in the county with regard to the hiring and firing of local teachers and administrators. For example, based on interviews we have made in Clinch County, a typical "career pattern" of classroom teachers there involves attending a local teacher training program close to home, and then taking temporary employment in a local furniture factory until a relative or close political friend gets elected to the school board. From this point on, it behooves newly hired teachers to help his/her benefactors) on the school board to remain on the board until his/her tenure is achieved. Subsequently, the worst that can happen is that a tenured teacher can be moved (seemingly) arbitrarily from one school to another, or from one grade to another, without benefit of any review related to job performance. When asked how particular teachers get assigned particular duties within the system, the inevitable answer given is "it's political." And, contrary to hopes like those mentioned earlier, that the school can model "modern" rational and non-political decision making processes, most citizens (and children in the system) appear to learn quickly that such procedures are routine and inevitable. Another example of the political nature of school district functioning in the county might be inferred from the highly politicized dispute during recent years between the county executive and the school superintendent. Clinch County is a Republican county, with two entrenched factions (going back for several generations, according to some sources). Furthermore, as the school superintendent is an elected official, his ability to run the schools in ways he would like depends upon the majority of the school board coming from the same faction as his. However, this has not been the case until just the past year (he has been superintendent for five years). Furthermore, the (other) most powerful politician in the county is the executive of the county commission. Without dwelling on the matter, battles over the school budget alluded to above have been quite revealing Volume Two, 1990 167 �during the past year, with the county executive typically complaining about personnel costs of the school system, at the same time the superintendent is blaming shortfalls on county and state appropriations. Not coincidentally, the county executive is fond of pointing out that two of the highest paid employees of the school system are the superintendent and his wife, who also works in the central office. According to him, this couple receives almost $100,000 from the county in combined salaries, which would be almost 15 times the average family income in Clinch County. Of course, the superintendent denies that he and his wife earn this much, but they are hesitant to share such "sensitive" information with either the county commission or the public at large. Clinch County Academic Programs Needless to say, the academic programs of the six schools in Clinch County are no model by national standards. The dropout rate for schools in Clinch County hovers at about thirty percent, although it has officially been over sixty percent within the last decade. The county superintendent claims, however, that all such figures are probably inaccurate, since officially reported data are sometimes mis-reported to the state where the statistics are tabulated. With regard to academic achievement, Clinch County fell within the bottom five percent of all reporting districts in Tennessee in 1980 on high school achievement tests in reading, spelling, and mathematics. In fact, they came in dead last on several of these tests. And while the County seems to have improved its performance on standardized tests of late, the superintendent's candid comment that some (or most?) school data may be unreliable gives some pause for suspicion. Stories of political intrigue and inadequate funding in Clinch County could no doubt provide a worthy subject of a Hollywood soapopera for years. So, too, profiling the statistical inferiority of Clinch County schools, compared to more affluent and less politicized systems around Nashville and Knoxville, could occupy many pages of text. More central to the concluding section of this paper, however, is how such issues and/or problems get translated into educational opportunities and programs which might enable Appalachian students in this East Tennessee county to bridge the gap from "tradition" to modernity. Sadly, whether one truly believes that the public school can and should help children bridge the gap to modernity in Clinch County, the programs and policies evident there do not seem to provide such possibilities. We have already suggested, for example, that being a "good" teacher (whatever this means) appears not of particular concern in the hiring and retaining of teachers in the county. So, too, since most teachers also farm and/or have other "non-professional" interests, little attention in 168 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �the county to teacher "improvement" courses/workshops, etc., is evident there; at least it hasn't been during the year of our fieldwork. As well, district philosophy at the high school level appears to be more in line with the school as a military outpost than an educational facility. Locks and chains on every door, and across the main corridors of the school are perhaps the most visible characteristic of the institution. And teachers, as well as students, are typically gone within minutes of the final bell each afternoon. So, too, the principal of the high school is a young man with a good income-producing farm, and perhaps, some political future. His primary claim to school fame in the county is that he is a "good disciplinarian," meaning that he has a reputation for suspending or expelling any and all troublemakers from the school with the slightest cause. Other than discussion of financial woes, the only other predictable item on the agenda of Clinch County school board meetings has frequently to do with the list of expulsions requested by the principal. Two other examples of the comparative marginality of school district operation have also become evident to us in our year working in Clinch County. One has to do with the growing national consensus that effective schools (in terms of academic programs) demand strong and innovative school leadership patterns, either as led by or facilitated by building principals. However, for a variety of reasons, such leadership is dramatically underdeveloped in Clinch County (except, perhaps, for the high school principal). On the one hand, since money is so tight there, four of the six principals in the district are teaching principals; they teach multiple grades in addition to serving titularly as the administrative leaders of the school. Unfortunately, administration of the schools in each of these four schools primarily involves filling out free—and reduced—lunch forms, and selling soft drinks and candy after school to help generate funds for school supplies not supplied in the school board budget. The other major activity of the four principals is in coaching the multiple basketball teams in each school. And this is no minor responsibility, as the basketball season runs virtually all year long in the county, and appears to be one of the most important activities of the school as far as the parents are concerned. Each of the four "elementary" schools has fewer than ninety students, yet manages to field two or three teams each for games in the county and in contiguous counties, two or three times a week, and which are typically held either right after school or during the school day itself. Another primary reason why principals in the four smaller county elementary schools are not instructional leaders involves the fact that during the year of our study none of them had even taught in their schools before, and two of them had never taught before at all. In each Volume Two, 1990 169 �case, assignments to the respective schools in question had been "politically" motivated. And, there is little guarantee at this writing that any of these four will still be in the same school this time next year. This, of course, is not even to mention the rather rigid nature of school leadership already discussed at the high school, or that of the largest "elementary" school. In the latter case, the principal was "invited" out of retirement (from a non-education related business) to become principal of a school he had graduated from almost forty years earlier. Not surprisingly, the person who invited him was his "drinking buddy," the county superintendent; and the principal in early interviews with us confided he knew almost nothing about the job he had agreed to take, except that he "liked children." A final educational anomaly worth mentioning here is in regard to district policies allowing/enabling students throughout the county to bypass the outlying small schools in order to attend the larger and agegraded consolidated school in the county seat. On the one hand, this has caused the more centrally located school to become seriously overcrowded. Even so, according to most educational personnel in Clinch County, the teachers, facilities, and students there are all better than they are in the outlying schools. According to some, this reputation causes both the more "professional" teachers and the more affluent county residents to prefer "Central," where not surprisingly, parent involvement is much greater (at least in athletic affairs). Meanwhile, the less affluent (meaning, in Clinch County, those in the most abject poverty and/or the furthest removed from town and/or those least able to request or demand improved school services) students and parents remain dependent upon the isolated, multigraded, and underfunded outlying schools, where politically motivated teaching assignments are routine and the bridge to the "great society" is not even in sight. Conclusions While most schools in the region have become more and more "modern" during the past decade (in terms of school consolidation, stricter certification requirements, etc.) under the auspices of state department of educations, many schools in Appalachia are by no means comparable to those in other parts of America. Based on the evidence in Clinch County, schooling as a means of bringing the mountaineer into "Great Society" (a term which we obviously believe is a misnomer), is extremely problematic. Due to a variety of historical and economic reasons, many Appalachian schools still do not function to counter the effects of other more "insular" institutions, assuming this is what they ought to do. Rather, they are inadequately funded, (still) locally controlled, frequently the focal point of county politics, and often viewed by 170 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �parents as the site of community social life rather than as purely academic settings. The reasons why schools in places like Clinch County appear as they do could no doubt lead to the same type of theoretical disputes presented earlier in this analysis. Modernity advocates, for example, might suggest that the reason learner outcomes in Clinch County appear as outlined is because those individuals and families with the most modern values and skills are the ones who have migrated out of the county, leaving more traditionally focused families behind. And, they would probably point out that state efforts to reform schools along criteria as listed above indicate good progress towards modernity in the region. Those impressed with core/periphery explanations of local domination by external elites would no doubt focus on the transformation of Clinch County households from self-sufficient farming to low-income wage earners. Such an interpretation would probably argue that local schools and school personnel function as agents of external political and economic interests. The purpose of schools like those of Clinch County is to provide the minimum of cognitive skills necessary to work in minimum wage jobs, and the real task of the schools is to introduce time and authority structures to mountain children, making sure that students drop out of high school, and thus blame themselves for not being able to obtain better employment. The class standing, political location, attitude, and educational philosophy of the high school principal earlier profiled would perhaps provide a prototypical model of a local agent in service of external agendas. Through our eyes, both and neither of such perspectives totally explain the educational status and/or the location of the public school in Clinch County. Schools have increasingly become more "modern," rational and bureaucratic there during the past three decades. Yet, much of the day to day life of children and teachers in Clinch County schools probably resembles school life earlier in the century. And given that learner outcomes in this County compare unfavorably to those from more affluent areas, it would be hard to argue that the modern schooling practices which have replaced more traditional ones have well served its children. In our judgment, Clinch County schools probably function well as reproducers of social inequality in the County. Yet, while the school system seems clearly related to the stratification system there, social stratification mechanisms appear to have existed long before the public school became so central to county political life. Contrary to both modernity theory and to various conflict perspectives, small/community/ elementary schools in most of the mountains had, and continue to have, social histories and non-academic functions carried over from an earlier Volume Two, 1990 171 �era. Furthermore, the dilemmas of social change toward modern life which Peter Berger outlines appear in some ways mediated by these "non-rational" functions in some rural schools. We have no easy answer as to how to solve social problems in the mountains, and we are hesitant to suggest that some natural progress towards a problematic "great society" will take care of the issues we raise here. However, to us it certainly seems that assuming that public schools can and/or should be a primary institution for unilaterally bringing about this process is in error. Rather, perhaps it is time to entertain the transitional possibilities of mountain schools, instead of insisting on "reforming" them by making them more "modern." Perhaps these institutions could be made more useful for the future of our region were the important non-instructional functions of mountain schools highlighted, and were the community importance of such schools developed into formal components of the curriculum. [Such an argument, of course, underlies much of what the Foxfire Project(s) of Eliot Wigginton are all about. See for example his Sometimes a Shining Moment (Garden City, New York: Anchor, 1985.)] Works Cited Aronowitz, Stanley and Henry Giroux. 1985. Education Under Siege: The Conservative, Liberal and Radical Debate over Schooling. South Hadley, Massachusetts: Bergin and Garvey. Berger, Peter L. 1977. Facing Up to Modernity: Exclusion in Society, Politics and Religion. New York: Basic Books, Inc. Bowles, Samuel and Herbert Gintis. 1976. Schooling in Capitalist America. New York: Basic Books. Collins, Randall. 1979. The Credential Society. New York: Academic Press. DeYoung, Alan J. 1989. Economics and American Education: A Historical and Critical Overview of the Impact of Economic Theories on Schooling in the United States. New York: Longman. Dickens, David R. and Alessandro Bonanno. 1988. "Analyzing Development, Dependency, and Underdevelopment: Suggestions for an Alternative Approach." Sociological Spectrum 8: 169-186. Dreeben, Robert. 1968. On What is Learned in Schools. Boston: Addison Wesley. Eller, Ronald D. 1982. Miners, Millhands and Mountaineers: The Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1980-1930. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. First Tennessee Development District. 1985. "Facts." October, 1985. Johnson City, Tennessee. 172 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Ford, Thomas R. (ed.). 1962. The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. Gusfield, Joseph. 1967. "Tradition and Modernity: Misplaced Polarities in the Study of Social Change." American Journal of Sociology 72:1967, 351-362. Hogan, David. 1982. "Education and Class Formation: The Peculiarities of the Americans." ed. Michael W. Apple. Cultural and Economic Reproduction in Education. Londen: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Howley, Craig. 1988. Synthesis of the Effects of School and District Size: What Research says about Achievement in Small Schools and School Districts. ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. Charleston, West Virginia, Appalachia Education Laboratory. Keefe, Susan E., Una Reck and Gregory Reck. 1985. "Family and Education in Southern Appalachia." Berea, Kentucky: Appalachian Studies Conference. Livingstone, D.W. 1985. "Class, Educational Ideologies, and Mass Opinion in Capitalist Crisis: A Canadian Perspective." Sociology of Education 58: January, 3-30. Mulkey, David. 1988. Workshop, "Education Policy and Rural Development: A Perspective from the Southern Region." Southern Region Rural Development Policy. 3-5 October 1988. Birmingham, Alabama. Parsons, Talcott. 1959. "The School Class as a Social System: Some of its Functions in American Society." Harvard Educational Review 29: 297-313. Plunkett, H. Dudley and Mary Jean Bowman. 1973. Elites and Change in the Kentucky Mountains. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. Reck, Una Mae, Gregory Reck and Susan Keefe. 1987. "Teachers' Perceptions of Appalachian and Non-Appalachian Students." 20-24 April 1987. Washington, D.C., Annual Meeting of the American Educational Association. Schwarzweller, Harry K. and James S. Brown. 1962. "Education as a Cultural Bridge between Eastern Kentucky and the Great Society." Rural Sociology 27: 4, 357-373. Sher, Jonathan P. 1987. "Making Dollars by Making Sense: Linking Rural Education and Development in Appalachia." Proceedings of the University of Kentucky Conference on Appalachia. Spring, Joel. 1984. "Education and the Sony War." Phi Delta Kappan. April 1984, 534-537. Stephenson, John B. 1968. Shiloh: A Mountain Community. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. Volume Two, 1990 173 �Tennessee Department of Economic and Community Development. 1986. "Economic Statistics." 4 March 1986. Authorization #330244. 1988. "Education". February 1988. Authorization #330324. 1986. "Population." March 1986. Authorization #330112. Tennessee Department of Education. 1987. State of Tennessee: "Annual Statistical Report of the Department of Education for Scholastic Year Ending June 30." Tyack, David. 1974. The One Best System. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press. Tyler, J.W. 1919. Our Appalachian Cousins. The Executive Committee of Home Missions. Presbyterian Church of the United States. Atlanta, Georgia. Waller, Altina L. 1988. Feud: Hatfields, McCoys and Social Change in Appalachia, 1860-1900. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Whisnant, David E. 1983. All That is Native and Fine: The Politics of Culture in an American Region. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Whisnant, David E. 1980. Modernizing the Mountaineer: People, Power and Planning in Appalachia. Boone, North Carolina: Appalachian Consortium Press. Wigginton, Eliot. 1985. Sometimes a Shining Moment. Garden City, New York: Anchor. Footnote 1 This work has been partially facilitated by the Appalachia Educational Laboratory of Charleston, West Virginia. The views represented within this document, however, are those of the authors' and do not necessarily represent those of the Lab. Roberta Campbell is a doctoral candidate and teaching assistant in the sociology department at the University of Kentucky majoring in Appalachian Studies. Alan DeYoung is a professor in the department of educational policy studies and evaluation at the University of Kentucky. His most recent book is Economics in American Education: A Historic and Critical Overview of the Impact of Economic Theories on Schooling in the United States. 174 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �"Never Met a Man who Made a Basket... Never Saw My Daddy Cane a Chair" Bobby Ann Starnes A study by Jake Kroger found that only nine of the sixty-one sixth grade students who comprised the class of '84 at the Oyler Elementary School in Cincinnati, Ohio, were still in school on graduation day six years later (Kroger, 1984). The findings of Kroger's study are sobering. Yet, they do not come as a surprise to the urban Appalachian population of Cincinnati. Parents, community leaders, and researchers have long recognized the dropout rate, low student achievement, and student alienation as symptomatic of the failure of the school system to meet the educational needs of students of Appalachian heritage (Appalachian Advocate, 1984; Wagner, 1974; Berlowitz and Durand, 1977). Experience in and with the public school system has led many of us to believe that teachers, for the most part, are unaware of Appalachian history and culture, include nothing in their curriculum to support the development of a healthy identity, and often consider urban Appalachian students to be less able than other students. Word of mouth assessments, as well as studies with parents and students, have indicated that they think teachers, schools, and curricula are insensitive to children of Appalachian heritage. No directed study, however, was done earlier with teachers to Volume Two, 1990 175 �actually determine their attitudes; this paper is based on that study. It is my belief that an understanding of teachers' opinions and attitudes is vital to guide the development of methods and materials to improve the quality of urban Appalachian children's educational experiences. The study consisted of questionnaires and follow-up interviews, and was conducted in three predominantly urban Appalachian elementary schools in Cincinnati. It posed the following questions: do teachers value the inclusion of Appalachian history and culture? would they use materials if they existed? how do teachers view their students of Appalachian heritage? and, what expectations do teachers have for students of Appalachian heritage? In this paper, study findings will be discussed only briefly. Additional discussion will be featured in the upcoming The Advocate, a publication of the Urban Appalachian Council. For the most part, the findings are not surprising. Participant teachers do have low expectations for the children of Appalachian heritage. For example, when asked to rate students on a scale of 1 to 5 in 29 academic-related traits, teachers consistently rated urban Appalachian students lacking in almost all areas; for example: social skills, ability to understand abstract concepts, ability to concentrate, reading skills, and writing skills. They further claimed that "Appalachian people do not seek to do well," and, "Appalachian students have short attention spans." Urban Appalachian students are, as one teacher put it, "the broom pushers" of tomorrow. "As they get older they [will] value education less. They will get pregnant and drop out" or "only 3 of 90 will graduate." A teacher of first graders says she "knows" that most of her students will be unprepared and undisciplined. And on the section of the questionnaire that asked teachers to list the strengths of their urban Appalachian students, only such traits as "loving nature" were listed. Views expressed in questionnaires were supported in follow-up interviews; three themes emerged in teacher responses: teachers have a sense of frustration, confusion, ineffectiveness, and powerlessness; teachers' values are in conflict with community values (often stated as class conflict); and, teachers blame parents for poor achievement. Although these themes are complex and intertwined, I will attempt to discuss them only briefly here. It should be understood, however, that in the life and culture of the classroom, each theme would support others, creating an almost indistinguishable cycle. Teachers consistently identified a class difference between themselves and their students, as though to be urban Appalachian is to be poor. In most cases, they saw this difference as making it impossible for them to understand how urban Appalachian parents and students understand the world, what their goals are, or why they make the 176 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �choices they make in their daily lives. This class difference led to both confusion and frustration as demonstrated by comments such as: ... My family has ... money. I drive a big... car ... my Mom and Dad bought it for me. There are just some things I can't understand about these people. I will never be able to ... I just have to do the best I can to make a place where my values and theirs can be together ... Sometimes ... I impose my values ... I know I do ... I feel guilty, but I think I'm right... I think my way is better ... makes more sense ... Each of the teachers made similar comments about value differences. When discussing these differences, teachers generally used the terms "poor" and "Appalachian" interchangeably. The effects of such culture confusion are played out in a number of ways that affect students' educational program, opportunities, and chances of success. Having acknowledged that they do not understand their students or their families, or the values they hold, teachers expressed frustration, confusion, and hopelessness. They talked about their ineffectiveness with urban Appalachian students and, at the same time, expressed feelings that they were powerless to change the way things are in their schools. Although I went into this study expecting that teachers would care little about their students of Appalachian heritage, I was moved by the concern expressed by these teachers. While they are, I believe, illinformed about Appalachian history and culture, miseducated with regard to appropriate ways to teach children not of the middle-class dominant culture, and unwilling to either accept or respect the values of urban Appalachian students, much of their frustration and their feelings of powerlessness rise out of their sincere desires to help their students to, as they put it, "break the cycle of poverty." It seems clear, then, that at least some teachers want to be more effective with their students. They know they are failing to teach, and, while they blame others, they also blame themselves. They seem to be grasping for ways to make sense out of a culture and class that they do not understand. For example, I would suggest that, while some teachers do label urban Appalachian children, they might do so in order to mentally construct an understanding of their students and how they might help them. The use of the label—though actually quite harmful—may make students seem less mysterious and the situation seem less out of control. Volume Two, 1990 177 �While the tendency to blame parents for students' lack of academic success is a serious obstacle, using the study to understand teachers, rather than blame or judge them, makes this tendency quite valuable as a sort of "roadmap" for effecting change at least in individual classrooms where teachers are struggling—without much success—to improve their teaching and to help their students succeed. It is highly possible that frustrated but well-intentioned teachers can be assisted in ways that would meet their need to feel less frustrated and ineffectual and, at the same time, and more importantly, increase students' chances of success. Clearly, however, change will not come easily. Any one of these findings has implications that require a massive commitment to rectify. Still, important as each seems, they are, I believe, secondary. The first thing we must address is the teachers' perceptions of what it means to be of Appalachian heritage—what is our culture and what is our history. Because these perceptions shape the instruction, expectations, and opportunity afforded to urban Appalachian students, any reform that does not first redefine the perceptions of Appalachian history and culture currently being presented in schools is doomed to failure. The balance of this paper will focus on these perceptions and how we might go about redefining them. So, although teachers say they believe it is important to include Appalachian history and culture in their classrooms, we must ask what is the history and culture they would include, and is it the history and culture we think worth including? Currently, teachers in this study are presenting Appalachian history and culture in two primary ways: art crafts (i.e., doll making, baskets, and quilts), and performance crafts (i.e., music, dance, and storytelling). Therefore, almost all of what is currently being presented as the history and culture of Appalachia is craft related. This indicates that teachers' current perceptions of Appalachian history and culture are superficial. However, they are not only superficial. For at least two reasons, they are dangerous. First, as we recall from the studies of the effects of stereotyping on black students, such a narrow list of cultural activities conveys a message to children which limits their options (See Fenton, 1970, and Roth, 1969, for example). And second, such superficiality trivializes the culture. By presenting primarily craft activities as strengths of the culture, urban Appalachian students are consistently sent a message that, as members of their cultural group, their talents lie in working with their hands rather than in more academic areas. The results of this study offers evidence that teachers have accepted this limited view of their students and of their cultural roots. To them, Appalachians as a people, and, therefore, their students, are somehow inherently talented with their hands, but not talented intellectually. One teacher put it this way: 178 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �What we have to understand about Appalachian people is that they are right-brained. They can cane chairs. They can make quilts, and they can make baskets, but they just can't get the academics ... We have to realize that these will be the broom pushers and cash register operators ... and we have to educate them for that... We have to teach them how to make change ... and apply for jobs ... We have to be realistic, set realistic goals ... Also disturbing was the fact that teachers who were of Appalachian heritage themselves seemed to need to distance themselves from the culture as much as possible. We must seriously address this issue because of the messages it sends to our children and to the mainstream population. For example, one teacher became quite angry about having to identify himself. My paternal grandfather was from the Blue Ridge of Virginia—near Washington D.C. ... [Students] do not identify themselves as Appalachians. I don't think this school body in general identifies as Appalachians and neither do I. I do not consider myself Appalachian. I personally resent being tagged an Appalachian because one grandparent whom I never knew was from there. I think its wrong for a government office to arbitrarily identify people in this way. I'm more Anglo-German than anything else and so are many who happen to have an Appalachian ancestor. I also have an American-Indian ancestor, but I'm not considered Indian. It is here then that we must begin our attack. First, I believe we must actively disclaim a crafts identity. It is not only the focus of the school on crafts, but also our own that is limiting and false. We must, at every occasion, point out its falseness. And we must say what it is about us and about our heritage that is at the core of our identity. There is more to us, and we must learn to say what it is. It is, of course, far easier for us and others to point to a quilt and say, "there, that is what our culture is about." It is concrete. It can be held in our hands and we can see the beauty, skill, and hard work in it. Perhaps we ourselves understand what else that quilt tells us about the person who made it and about our people. Perhaps not. However, teaching about our heritage almost exclusively through such concrete topics as storytelling, music, or quilt making, without teaching the social, economic, and political contexts in which the stories, music, or quilts were created, Volume Two, 1990 179 �misses the abstract aspects of the culture which gave rise to the crafts. To learn the words to bluegrass music, for instance, without, at some point, discussing their meaning or why they were written—or failing to note the complexity and sophistication of the music itself—is to trivialize the art form and, possibly, the culture itself. Many urban Appalachians know this difference, though they may not have explained it to outsiders. For example, Thomas Owens, an urban Appalachian born in Baptist Bottom, Kentucky, and currently a computer programmer at MIT, believes that emphasis on mountain craft misses the heart of his culture. Like many of us, he: ... never met a man who made a basket. Never saw my Daddy cane a chair. But Daddy wouldn't sell land as long as he lived ... said "Owenses don't sell land," and we don't ... There is something more basic than crafts that identify us. Crafts are just how we entertained ourselves or carried our eggs from the hen house. Who we are as a people, and the history we've lived, goes much deeper than that. ...[In Floyd County] I knew lots of people who made corn cribs and houses and foot bridges, but I never met anybody who made a basket. Our people worked. They worked in the mines, and they worked in the fields ... We have will... stamina. We know how to sacrifice for the family ... and [back home we] knew how to get by—and be happy—without material things... I remember Dad talking about trying to [build] a $500 car out of a $200 car for $1.50 in parts. We had to know how to get by ... to take care of ourselves and take care of our families ... Those are the things I want my kids to know [about the culture]... If they learn to quilt, that would be nice, but I wouldn't say they were more Appalachian for it. So, if not crafts, what do we want to tell our children and the children of non-Appalachians about our history and culture? To answer this question, we must know more about ourselves and the effects of our unique cultural identity—that of city dwellers with roots that run deep into the mountains. Recently, talking with my Aunt Polly, a sturdy mountain woman well-versed in traditional mountain skills, I explained that my city friends think that because I am from the mountains I know all about mountain cooking and canning. My aunt was surprised. "Why you're not from the mountains. You're a city girl." Aunt Polly's response and the response of my city friends is typical—to mountain people, urban 180 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Appalachians are city dwellers, and to city dwellers, they are hillbillies. And, as the situation currently exists, as much as we might wish otherwise, some urban Appalachians are uncertain about who they are and where their "home" is. Teachers in this study who call themselves "kind of" Appalachian demonstrate this uncertainty. And there is reason for it. We are no longer Appalachians; we were never urbanites. Many of us find that our hearts are in the mountains, but our lives are in the cities. I believe our experiences have created a new culture and history— neither Appalachian nor urban—and it is this that we must come to understand. Long-range research addressing the following questions should help to define who urban Appalachians are and what traits we have in common across class and race lines with Appalachians and with native urbanites—and which traits are purely urban Appalachian. Who are Urban Appalachians? A very large number of migrants achieved mainstream success. Many descendants of these migrants can no longer be identified as hillbillies by their accents, where they live, or what they do for a living, but who are they? What do they value? What Appalachian traditions have they maintained? What values do second or third generation middle-class urban Appalachians have in common with first-generation urban Appalachians. What do they have in common with poor or working class urban Appalachians still living in the inner city? How do the value systems and traditions of middle-class urban Appalachians differ from their non-Appalachian counterparts? How are the traits, values, traditions, and culture of urban Appalachians similar to and different from rural Appalachians? Have they hidden their identity? If so, why? What of black urban Appalachians? What traits do they have in common with urban Appalachian whites? How does their "double minority status" (Turner and Cabell, 1985) affect their identity? Do they perceive themselves as black, as urban Appalachian, or as urban Appalachian black? How did their Appalachian roots affect their assimilation in the city? How Do Class and Culture Differ? Teachers in this study seem to believe that white poverty in Cincinnati is limited to Appalachians and that Appalachians are limited to poverty. Urban Appalachian must be defined in a way that separates class from ethnicity. What are the traits, values, and culture of poor urban Appalachians which are separate and distinguishable from the traits, values and culture of poor whites in general? At the very least, the culture of poor whites should be compared to the culture of poor urban Appalachians through a study of the literature. Volume Two, 1990 181 �What Can be Learned from the Stories of Urban Appalachians? Little is known about the experiences of urban Appalachian migrants. And, unless their stories are known, statistics and other forms of research seem of little real value. More important than knowing how many students drop out of school, is knowing the experiences of those who dropped out, not through someone else's interpretation, but through stories told in their own words. We can better explain why urban Appalachian parents have certain attitudes toward school when their own school experiences are known. This known, programs can be more effectively planned and the urban Appalachian community will be better able to advocate for change. I am, therefore, suggesting extensive research to collect the stories of black and white, adult and child, male and female urban Appalachians from the poor, the working, and the middle classes. This research is, I think, both the most important and the most neglected. Action for Change in the Classroom First and without compromise, urban Appalachian children must acquire the skills necessary to gain access to educational, occupational, and financial opportunities. Students must also be taught in ways that instill pride, create a sense of personal power, and provide a variety of successful experiences. The use of any approach should be decided by how well it attains these goals. What educates with pride and power should be used. What does not should be replaced. The current traditionalist approaches have not proven effective with urban Appalachian children. I believe these approaches are so class- and majority-culture oriented that it is unlikely that any recommendations based on their use will prove successful. Instead, I suggest that access, pride, power, and successful experiences are most apt to occur when teaching methods are grounded in, but not limited to, a cultural base. The recommendations I make in this section are based on the findings of this study, particularly the teacher interviews, and on my experiences as an urban Appalachian and as a teacher. To a large degree, they are approaches developed over a period of years working with urban Appalachian children and with a culturally diverse school population. Some aspects are similar to those used by Eliot Wigginton in his Foxfire curricula. It is important to note, however, that these recommendations are not intended as solutions, but as directions and alternatives to be explored. They are based on the assumptions that students are capable of achieving; that education is important in success outside of school; and, that teachers want to help their students achieve. I have suggested that two major actions to be carried out simultaneously: creating a culture-based curriculum, and providing support for teachers. In this paper I will discuss only the creation of a curriculum. 182 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Creating a Curriculum While "Appalachian Week" activities, folk singers, or bulletin board displays are probably favorable to excluding Appalachian awareness from the curriculum, they are, as I have said earlier, often superficial in their approach. Here I will discuss ways Appalachian history and culture may be integrated into the curriculum and their definitions broadened. One of the things I find most exciting about curriculum development is the opportunity to design with multiple layers, each layer offering different possibilities and meeting different objectives. I suggest that two strands be woven into a curriculum for white urban Appalachian children. The first strand should be directed at presenting the cultural traits that "go deeper" than crafts. A second strand should address race issues. This is especially important considering the implementation of a desegregation plan that requires cross bussing between the predominantly black and urban Appalachian enclaves. White urban Appalachian students tend to be fearful in integrated situations (Wagner, 1975) and black students tend to be more nervous around poor or working class whites than middle-class whites (Delpit, 1988). The desegregation plan is apt to result in racially tense situations for many participating black and white Appalachian students. Curriculum developed with this in mind could teach basic skills and, at the same time, contribute to a reduction in racial tension. Topics, materials, and classroom speakers could be chosen to demonstrate the diversity of the Appalachian region and to highlight examples of blacks and whites working together in Appalachia. One example of such a topic is a study of the coal mining industry, focusing on the creation of the first multiracial union resulting from alliances between black and white miners. Or, younger children could be told stories about life in the mountains that focus on the positive racial relationships there (see Starnes, 1988, and Corbin, 1985, for example). And, when the Underground Railroad is studied, the significance of the contributions of white mountaineers, normally not mentioned, could be emphasized. Appalachian diversity could also be illustrated by including stories of Appalachian Native Americans, and of immigrants who came to the mountains during the mining boom. In addition, ways can be found to teach mandated social studies skills, at least to some extent, through Appalachian history. Books about and by Appalachians can be integrated into English and reading curricula, not only for the urban Appalachian population of Cincinnati; but for the population in general. Both black and white Appalachians can be included as speakers and as role models for students—role models Volume Two, 1990 183 �who have come out of the mountains or the inner city to become successful in mainstream society, but have not sacrificed their roots in the process. If carefully chosen, role models could serve more than one purpose. For example, Harriet Marsh-Page is a Cincinnati civic leader involved in the arts and education and is the daughter of a black coal miner from West Virginia. Identifying herself as a black Appalachian woman, Harriet tells engaging stories with important messages for urban Appalachian students of today—black or white. Such a curriculum could provide role models and options quite different from those provided by the crafts person. Though the language of Appalachia and of the urban Appalachian have an undeniable beauty and have meanings that cannot always be accurately translated into mainstream English, those who are able to express themselves in the language of the majority are more apt to have access to opportunities. Therefore, curricula must emphasize the development of fluency in this mainstream language. However, attaining fluency must not require students to sacrifice or devalue their culture or their own language. Since many urban Appalachians speak a language foreign to those in the mainstream, their language need not be considered "substandard," but rather a second language. Teaching mainstream English to urban Appalachian children then becomes a matter of using techniques that have proven successful with other language minority or bilingual groups. Such methods can teach the language of the dominant culture without stigmatizing students for using their first language. These are only a few of many ways that a creative curriculum can instruct both those who are and those who are not of Appalachian heritage. The possibilities are almost limitless. In addition, the inclusion of a Foxfire-]\ke program that would teach basic skills through a study of the community would help students to identify their personal histories and to celebrate their culture—in the city—as well as to identify and celebrate the history and culture their parents or grandparents brought with them from the mountains. Conclusion In this study, I set out to gather information on teachers' attitudes toward their students of Appalachian heritage. The study yielded that and much more. Dealing with the education of urban Appalachian children, or any cultural minority for that matter, is not an easy task. The ingredients of low school achievement are so intertwined and deeply rooted that change can not be expected when any one of the actors—the parents, teachers, children, Appalachian activists, or school power structure—is working in 184 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �isolation. I am suggesting, therefore, that since teachers apparently do have negative attitudes toward their urban Appalachian students, they will need assistance to change their attitudes and practices. It is not only logical that assistance should come from the urban Appalachian community, it is necessary. Part of that assistance will come from identifying our cultural traits, learning our history, and helping teachers to include these in their curriculum. If we believe that change is required, we must work with teachers, not policy makers, to bring about change at a grassroots level. Without these changes, we are all victims. Some of us are victims because we are denied access to the quality education we are entitled to. Others of us are victims because we are forced to give up, or deny, our culture in order to achieve mainstream success. For me, the value of this study is not that it provides concrete examples of teachers who have low expectations or who are biased or insensitive (though it certainly does provide those examples). It is, rather, valuable because it points out so clearly that people do not know who we are, and that many of us do not ourselves know who we are. We must be vigilant in identifying ourselves, and in finding ways to inform others. We must learn to say what it is about us, regardless of race, class, or education, that sets us apart from the mainstream. We must then celebrate that difference and help others to celebrate with us. I am not really sure what all of those difference are, but I am sure that they are not crafts. I am also sure that we must not let others define who we are, what is important or valuable in our history and culture, or what our children should be taught. Bringing about the kind of change I have suggested in this paper would not be a small task. It is, however, a task worthy of our time and energy. And we must act quickly. Classrooms in Cincinnati and other urban settings are filled with children waiting for our action. Works Cited Appalachian Task Force for Reducing Racial Tension. 1984. Cincinnati Public Schools, Stuart Faber, Chairman. March-April, 1984. Unpublished meeting notes. Berlowitz, Marvin J. and Henry Durand. 1977. "School Dropout or Student Pushout? A Case of Possible Violation of Property Rights and Liberties by Defacto Exclusion of Students from Public Schools." Working Paper, No. 8. Cincinnati: Urban Appalachian Council. Delpit, Lisa. 1988. "The Silenced Dialogue: Power and Pedagogy in the Education of Other People's Children." Harvard Educational Review. Volume Two, 1990 185 �Fenton, D. 1970. "Crispus Attuks is Not Enough." National Association of Secondary School Principals. April 7-14,1970. Fouts, Arnold. 1988. Personal Communication. July, 1988. Kroger, Jake. 1985. "Lower Price Hill Community School Fights Dropout Rate with Adult Education." Appalachian Advocate. March 4-5, 1985. Roth, Richard. "Effects of Black Studies on Negro Fifth Graders." Journal of Negro Education 38: 435-9. Starnes, Bobby Ann. 1988. Two Urban Appalachian Families: Down but not Out." Unpublished manuscript. Starnes, Bobby Ann. 1988. "The Education of Blacks in the Coal Camps 19351958: Social Integration, Educational Segregation, and Economic Oppression." Unpublished manuscript. Wagner, Thomas. 1975. "Report of the Appalachian School Study Project." Working paper, No. 4. Cincinnati: Urban Appalachian Council. Wagner, Thomas. "Urban Schools and Appalachian Children." Urban Education 12: 283-295. Bobby Ann Starnes is in the Harvard graduate school of education, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 186 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Appalachian Studies Association Members Adams, Lynn Pikeville College Box 26 Bypro, KY 41612 606-452-4842 Asbury, Jo Ann Radford University 515 Newbern Road Pulaski.VA 24301 703-980-5036 Barker, Garry Berea College CPO 2347 Berea, KY 40404 606-986-9341 Adams, Marty Pikeville College PO Box 492 Pikeville, KY 41501 606-432-9253 Asbury, Sr., Roger Pulaski High School 515 Newbern Road Pulaski.VA 24301 703-980-5036 Bartholomew, Betsy 301 Thompson Street Stanton, VA 24401 703-885-0233 Adkins, Roy Pikeville College 200 Winston Creek Rd Pikeville, KY 41501 606-432-0649 Askins, Justin Radford University Rt. 1, Box 215 Radford, VA 24087 703-831-5494 Alters, Ellen New River Community College PO Drawer 898 Wytheville, VA 24382 703-228-6611 Athey, Lou F & M College Dept. of History Lancaster, PA 17604 712-299-3482 Anglin, Mary Lenoir-Phyne College Dept. of Sociology Hickory, NC 28603 704-328-7232 Austin, Sonya Radford University PO Box 6082 Radford, VA 24142 703-731-7292 Anglin Kuhne, Sharon 109 Wing Road Bakersville, NC 28705 704-688-4810 Badgett, Ken Appalachian State Univ. Rt. 4, Box 491 Dobson, NC 27017 919-374-4698 Arcury, Thomas A. University of Kentucky 365 Patterson Off. Tw Lexington, KY 40506 606-257-5851 Baker, Moira P. Radford University Dept. of English Radford, VA 24141 703-831-5352 Arnow, Pat East Tenn. State Univ. Box 19180A Johnson City, TN 37614 615-929-5348 Banker, Mark WebbSch.ofKnoxville PO Box 70 Kingston, TN 37763 615-376-6485 Bashaw, Carolyn 233 University Drive Athens, GA 30605 Baxley, Robert E. East Tenn. State Univ. Box 21130A Johnson City, TN 37614 605-929-6738 Bell, John Western Carolina Univ. Dept. of History Cullowhee, NC 28723 704-227-7243 Benson, Randy Wake Forest University 2213 Queen Street Winston-Salem, NC 27103 919-750-0474 Bently, Donna Pikeville College Box 180 Hellier.KY 41534 606-986-3204 Best, Bill Berea College CPO 42 Berea, KY 40404 606-986-3204 Volume Two, 1990 187 �Best, Irmgrad Berea College CPO42 Berea, KY 40404 606-986-3204 Bickers, Doyle West Georgia College 147 Griffin Drive Carrollton, GA 30117 404-836-6416 Bickers, Phyllis West Georgia College 147 Griffin Drive Carrollton, GA 30117 Black, Kate University of Kentucky Appalachian Collections Lexington, KY 40506 606-257-8634 Blackeney, Anne E.K.U. Wallace 109 Richmond, KY 40475 606-622-3300 Blaustein, Richard East Tenn. State Univ. PO Box 19180A Johnson City, TN 37614 615-929-5348 Blee, Kathy University of Kentucky Dept. of Sociology Lexington, KY 40506 606-257-4418 Blethen, Tyler Western Carolina Univ. Cullowhee, NC 28723 704-227-7129 Blevin, Margo Davis & Elkins College Elkins,WV 26241 304-636-1903 188 Bowen, Rich Wake Forest University 1251 W. 4th Street Winston-Salem, NC 27101 919-748-0287 Boyd, Tom Berea College CPO65 Berea, KY 40404 606-986-9341 Bradford, Elinor 42 West Street Morgantown, WV 26505 304-296-6304 Braswell, Maria Appalachian State Univ. Rt. 4, Box 559 Newland.NC 28657 704-733-0747 Brown, Jane Western Carolina Univ. Rt. 3, Box 225 Sylvia, NC 28779 704-227-7268 Brown, Jo Baily West Virginia University PO Box 6069 Morgantown, WV 26505 304-293-7185 Buxton, Barry M. Appalachian Consortium, Inc. University Hall Boone.NC 28608 704-262-2064 Byer, James Western Carolina Univ. Cullowhee, NC 28723 704-227-7264 Brosi, George Appalachian Mt. Books 123 Walnut Street Berea, KY 40403 606-986-1663 Byer, Judy P. The Hill Lorists Rt. 1, Box 150C Bristol, WV 26332 304-366-5387 Browder, Amy Wake Forest University Reynolds Station Winston-Salem, NC 27109 919-750-1295 Cable, Stephen Radford University PO Box 7244 Radford, VA 24142 703-731-7018 Brown, Alice University of Kentucky 641 So. Limestone Lexington, KY 40506 606-257-8269 Brown, Harry Neil Eastern Kentucky Univ. English Department Richmond, KY 40475 606-622-2102 Caldwell, Derek Wake Forest University 2213 Queen Street Winston-Salem, NC 27103 919-750-0474 Campbell, W. Charles Wake Forest Univ. 2213 Queen Street Winston-Salem, NC 27103 919-750-0474 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Carpenter, Claire University of Kentucky Appalachian Center 641 So. Limestone Lexington, KY 40506 606-257-4852 Carucci Goss, Rosemary Virginia Tech. Rt. 1, Box 342 AA Blacksburg, VA 24060 703-961-4784 Catron, Rhonda K. Radford University 603 Madison Street Radford, VA 24141 703-639-3528 Cheek, Edwin R. Mars Hill College PO Box 502 Mars Hill, NC 28754 704-689-2172 Cheek, Pauline B. Earlham School of Religion PO Box 502 Mars Hill, NC 28754 704-689-2172 Christensen, Amy Pikeville College 211 Kentucky Avenue Pikeville.KY 41501 606-437-6563 Clelland, Donald 9520 Kingston Pike Knoxville,TN 37922 615-691-9896 Cloud, Lewis PO Box 188 Cullowhee.NC 28723 Collins, Timothy University of Kentucky Dept. of Social Science Lexington, KY 40546 606-272-2958 Crouch, Jerry Univ. Press of Kentucky 663 So. Limestone Street Lexington, KY 40506 606-257-2951 Cooper, Leland Appalachian State Univ. Boone, NC 28608 704-264-9186 Cunningham, Rodger Sue Bennett College London, KY 40741 606-864-4178 Councill, Rebecca S. Watauga Co. Hist. Soc. 310 Brookside Drive Boone, NC 28607 704-262-1348 Davidson, Jan Western Carolina Univ. Mt. Heritage Center Cullowhee.NC 28723 704-227-7129 Covey, Mary Concord College PO Drawer A Athens, WV 24712 304-384-5369 Davis, Donald 7901 Collier Road Powell, TN 37849 Covey, Winton Concord College PO Drawer A Athens, WV 24712 304-384-5238 Cox, Ricky Radford University Rt. 2, Box 135 Willis, VA 24380 703-789-4145 Cox, Jr., John David Appalachian State Univ. Appalachian Studies Boone, NC 28608 704-262-4087 Crews, P. Ann Radford University PO Box 441 Radford, VA 24141 703-731-4124 Crissman, James 111. Benedictive College Lisle, IL 60532 312-690-1436 Davis, Peggy E. Pikeville College 306 Spilman Pikeville, KY 41501 606-432-5013 Defoe, G. Mark West Virginia Wesleyan 28 Dentral Buckhannon, WV 26201 304-472-0667 Degutis, Beth 7920 Embercrest Tr. Knoxville, TN 37938 615-922-0334 DeYoung, Alan University of Kentucky College of Education Lexington, KY 40506 606-257-3846 Dickerson, II, Lynn C. PO Box 81 Richmond, VA 23173 Volume Two, 1990 189 �Dickstein, Carla West Virginia University 511 No. High Street Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2896 Elledge, Barry Appalachian State Univ. Economic Department Boone, NC 28608 704-262-6121 Dietz, Dennis Mt. Memories Books 216 Sutherland Drive S. Charleston, WV 25303 304-744-5772 Eller, Ron University of Kentucky 641 So. Limestone Lexington, KY 40506 606-257-4851 Dorgan, Howard Appalachian State Univ. Communication Arts Boone, NC 28608 704-262-2403 England, Rhonda G. University of Kentucky 129 Taylor Ed. Lexington, KY 40506 Drake, Richard Berea College Box 2283 Berea, KY 40404 606-986-9341/X6337 Duke, David C. Marshall University History Department Huntington, WV 25701 Dunn, Durwood Tenn. Wesleyan College Dept. of History Athens, TN 37303 615-745-0296 Edwards, Grace Radford University Box 5917 Radford, VA 24142 703-831-5366 Edwards, Mike Radford University Rt. 1, Box 81 Woodlawn.VA 24381 703 -731-1875 190 Evans, David K. Wake Forest University 1926 Faculty Drive Winston-Salem, NC 27106 919-724-0187 Fannon, Brian Wake Forest University 3714 No. Cherry Street Winston-Salem, NC 27105 Farago, Laszlo West Virginia University Regional Research Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2896 Fair, Sidney Berea College 109 High Street Berea, KY 40403 606-986-9685 Faulkner, Gavin Rowan Mountain Press 2010 Broken Oak Drive Blacksburg, VA 24062 703-961-3315 Feely, Michael PO Box 1854 Alexandria, VA 22313 703-836-4324 Feldhake, Charles 111 Walnutview Drive Beaver, WV 25813 304 -252-9494 Fisher, Steve Emory & Henry College PO Box BBB Emory, VA 24327 203-044-3121 Fletcher, Juliet Appalachian State Univ. Appalachian Consortium Boone, NC 28608 704-262-2064 Fortney, Lindalee Univ. of Tenn. Press 293 Comm. Bldg. Knoxville, TN 37996 615-974-3321 Frazier, Kitty B. West Vir. State College English Department Institute, WV 25112 Fulp-Parker, Gloria Appalachian State Univ. Appalachian Studies Boone, NC 28607 704-262-8724 Garvin, Margaret PO Box 474 WOB West Orange, NJ 07052 Gayheart, Willard Pencil Artist PO Box 605 Galax,VA 24333 703-236-5890 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Ginn, Linda W. Western Carolina Univ. Box 2106 Cullowhee,NC 28723 704-227-7415 Greene, Janet New York University Bobst Library New York, NY 10012 212-998-2637 Glen, John Ball State University Department of History Muncie, IN 47306 317-285-8729 Greene, Mary C. Appalachian State Univ. Boone, NY 28607 704-262-3117 Goldman, Pam 131 Burnett Lexington, KY 40505 606-254-4755 Goode, Elizabeth Wake Forest University 811 Gales Avenue Winston-Salem, NC 27103 919-777-1556 Gross, Carol J. Appalachian State Univ. Chappel Wilson Hall Boone, NC 28608 704-262-6398 Gunter, Jr., Charles 8 Okeechobee Drive Johnson City, TN 37604 615-926-6788 Gooden, Randall West Virginia University 202 Woodburn Hall Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2421 Gupta, Veena West Virginia University 511 No. High Street Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2896 Goodwin, Sara The River Foundation 2629 Longview Avenue Roanoke, VA 24014 703-345-1295 Hager, Beth Huntington Mus. of Art Hega,WV 25701 304-529-2701 Graves, Glenna H. University of Kentucky 3515 Danada Drive Lexington, KY 40502 606-271-0886 Hallam Peterson, Hallie Rollins College Winter Park, FL 32789 407-646-2502 Gray, Angela L. Wake Forest University Box U762 Winston-Salem, NC 27109 919-761-6731 Halpin, Mary E. West Virginia University 41 Meade Street Buckhannon, WV 26201 304-472-5145 Gray, Debby 9 Elm Manor Berea,KY 40403 606-986-1402 Hamilton, Evelyn 209 Williams Street Abingdon.VA 24210 703-628-9504 Hariow, Barbara Asheville.NC 28804 704-251-6415 Haskell Speer, Jean Virginia Tech. 2088 Derring Hall Blacksburg, VA 24061 703-231-5874 Hassler, Kassandra Tenn St. Lib. & Archives 403 7th Avenue No. Nashville, TN 37219 Hatcher, Wilma Bluefield High School 2312 Spring Garden Bluefield, WV 24701 304- 325-9116 Hawker, Ginny Augusta Heritage Ctr. Rt. 1, Box 132 Cox's Mill, WV 26342 304-462-8427 Hayden, Jr., Wilburn Western Carolina Univ. Dept. of Social Work Cullowhee, NC 28723 704-227-7112 Hennen, John West Virginia University Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2896 Henry, Abbe Pikeville College 229 Straight Fork Pikeville, KY 41501 Henry, Charles Pikeville College 229 Straight Fork Pikeville, KY 41501 606-639-6298 Volume Two, 1990 191 �Herrin, Roberta East Tenn. State Univ. Box 22990A Johnson City, TN 37614 Higgins, Jr., Ray Emory & Henry College Emory, VA 24327 Hiles, Delores Univ. Press of Kentucky 663 So. Limestone Lexington, KY 40506 606-257-8442 Hill, Brandon Wake Forest University Box 9525 Winston-Salem, NC 27109 919-761-6727 Hill, Doug Augusta Heritage Ctr. Davis & Elkins College Elkins,WV 26241 304-636-1903 Hines, Percy W. Archives and History 13 Veterans Drive Asheville, NC 28805 704-298-5024 Howley, Aimee Univ. of Charleston 306 20th St. S.E. Charleston, WV 25304 304-357-4877 Johnson, Mary West Virginia University 1056 Van Voorhis K-8 Morgantown, WV 26505 304-293-5548 Howley, Craig Eric/Cress PO Box 1348 Charleston, WV 25304 304-347-0463 Jones, Loyal Berea College Appalachian Center Berea, KY 40404 606-986-9341 Hsiung, David University of Michigan 1586-15 Murfin Avenue Ann Arbor, MI 48105 313-747-1545 Joyner, Nancy Western Carolina Univ. Department of English Cullowhee.NC 28723 704-293-5290 Humphreys, Betsy 305 Lebanon Avenue Morgantown, WV 26505 Karr, Carolyn Marshall University 400 Hal Greer Blvd. Huntington, WV 25701 304-696-2962 Huntley, Joy 12485 Peach Ridge Road Athens, OH 45701 614-592-5741 Inscoe, John University of Georgia Department of History Houston, TX 77098 713-527-6039 Hinson, Carolyn Radford University PO Box 403 Newbern.VA 24126 703-831-5953 Jennings, Judi Appal shop 306 Madison Street Whitesburg, KY 41858 606-633-0108 Holliman, Mary C. Pocahontas Press 2805 Wellesley Ct. Blacksburg, VA 24060 703-951-0467 Jenrette, Jerra West Virginia University Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2896 Howell, Benita U.T.-Knoxville 7225 Wellswood Lane Knoxville,TN 37909 615-584-0538 192 Johnson, Jennifer Pikeville College 399 Hambley Blvd. Pikeville, KY 41501 Keefe, Susan Appalachian State Univ. Anthropology Depart. Boone.NC 28608 704-262-6384 Kessler, Clyde PO Box 3612 Radford, VA 24143 703-639-5076 Kester, Jr., Tom Wake Forest University PO Box 8241 Winston-Salem, NC 27109 919-761-6411 Kline, Michael Western Carolina Univ. Mt. Heritage Center Cullowhee.NC 28723 704-227-7129 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Lapresto, Brigitte Pikeville College 399 Hambley Blvd. 401 Pikeville, KY 41501 606-432-9241 Lightfoot, William E. Appalachian State Univ. English Department Boone, NC 28608 704-262-1050 Lyday-Lee, Kathy Elon College Box 2202 Elon College, NC 27244 919-584-2274 Lapresto, Craig Pikeville College 399 Hambley Blvd. Pikeville, KY 41501 606-432-5970 Lindberg, Laurie Pikeville College Humanities Division Pikeville, KY 41501 606-432-9379 MacDonald, Frederick 736 Norton Drive Kalamazoo, MI 49001 616-349-6135 Lawson, Garlene Pikeville College Pikeville, KY 41650 Little, Pat Pikeville College PO Box 2265 Pikeville, KY 41650 606-452-2729 Lefler, Lisa Western Carolina Univ. PO Box 662 Dillsboro, NC 28725 704-586-9313 Leftwich, Christ! Radford University 201 Madison Street Radford, VA 24141 703-731-4845 Leonard, Phillip Virginia Central Community College 1309 Grove Road Lenchburg, VA 24502 Lewis, Helen Highlander Rt. 1, Box 270 Dungannon, VA 24245 703-476-2240 Lewis, Ron West Virginia University Department of History Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2421 Lloyd, James University of Tennessee Hoskins Library Knoxville.TN 37996 605-974-4480 Lohmann, Roger West Virginia University 709 Allen Hall Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-3501 Lohr, Karen Appalachian Consortium, Inc. University Hall Boone, NC 28608 704-262-2064 Looney, Donna Box 246 Breaks, VA 24607 703-531-8269 Lushko, Rene Western Carolina Univ. PO Box 1794 Cullowhee, NC 28723 704-293-3663 Mackey, Karee Appalachian State Univ. Box 13740 Boone, NC 28607 704-262-1132 Maggard, Sally Ward University of Kentucky 6701 Greenwish Pike Lexington, KY 40511 606-299-2906 Maholland, Roslyn Pittsburgh School of Social Work 313 Winston Pittsburgh, PA 15207 Maiden, Emory Appalachian State Univ. Boone, NC 28608 704-262-2320 Maloney, Michael 134 Kinsey Avenue Cincinnati, OH 45219 Martin, Miles 1 Blair Road Plattsburg, NY 12901 518-561-0844 Mayer, Henry C. Appalachian Center 7187 Blenheim Road Louisville, KY 40207 502-896-4780 Volume Two, 1990 193 �Me Donald, C.E. West Virginia University 74 Pierce Street Westover, WV 26505 304-292-8854 McKenzie, Roberta University of Kentucky 424 Linden Walk #1 Lexington, KY 40508 606-252-8676 Me Griff, John Union College Box 408 Barbourville, KY 40906 606-546-4151 McKinney, Gordon Western Carolina Univ. History Department Cullowhee.NC 28723 704-227-7243 McAvog, Rogers West Virginia University 608 Allen Hall Morgantown, WV 26505 304-293-3879 McMillan, Greg Emory & Henry College Emory, VA 24327 McCehee, Stuart Eastern Regional Coal Archives 600 Commerce Bluefield, WV 24701 304-325-3943 McCrumb, Sharyn Rowan Mountain, Inc. PO Box 10111 Blacksburg, VA 24062 703-961-3315 McCulloh, Judith Univ. of Illinois Press 54 E. Gregory Drive Champaign, IL 61820 217-244-4681 McCutchen, M. Gene University of Tennessee Department of P.E. Knoxville.TN 37996 615-974-2104 McDonald, Tana Univ. of Tennessee Press 293 Comm. Bldg. Knoxville, TN 37996 615-974-3321 194 Miller, Danny Northern Kentucky University 2624 Jefferson Ave. # 1 Cincinnati, OH 45219 513 -221-7492 Miller, Jim Wayne West Kentucky Univ. IWPAC 272 Bowling Green, KY 42101 502-745-5904 Miller, Wilbur R. Suny-Stony Brook 374-11th Street Brooklyn, NY 11215 718-499-1037 Milnes, Gerry Augusta Heritage Ctr. Davis & Elkins College Elkins,WV 26241 304-636-1903 Mobbs, Rebecca P. Rt. 1, Box 332 Ocoee.TN 37361 615-338-220 Moore, Ms. Warren 1800 No. Elm. St. #A2 Greensboro, NC 27408 Moore, Phyllis 101 Morgan Street Clarksburg, WV 26301 Morefield, John East Tenn. State Univ. PO Box 22990A Johnson City, TN 37614 615-929-4347 Moretz, Ray Unc-Chapel Hill Rt. 2, Box 514 Boone.NC 28607 704-264-1989 Moser, Ann H. Radford University Rt. 2, Box 251 Blue Ridge, VA 24604 703-977-1579 Moser, Joan Warren Wilson College 312 Wilson Cove Road Swannanoa, NC 38778 704-298-8971 Moser, Mabel Y. 310 Wilson Cove Road Swannanoa, NC 28778 704-298-1640 Mullins, Mike Hindman Settlement School, Inc. Box 844 Hindman, KY 41822 606-785-5475 Nance, Nanci T. Watauga High School HwylOS Boone, NC 28607 704-264-2407 Nance, Paula Wake Forest University 2735 Henning Drive Winston-Salem, NC 27106 919-761-8928 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Nelson, Ken Mayland Com. College PO Box 547 Spruce Pine, NC 28777 704-765-7351 Palmer, Nikki Pikeville College CPO Box 518 Pikeville, KY 41501 606-437-3429 Nichols, Betty Marie Pikeville College KC 67, Box 485 Philips, KY 41553 606-456-3047 Palmer, Tersh Spartanburg Dist School 311 McEntire Rd. Tryon,NC 28782 704-863-2129 Noble, David Ohio University 110 Carnel Road Wheeling, WV 26003 614-695-1720 Parker, R. Clinton Appalachian State Univ. Academic Affairs Boone, NC 28608 704-262-2070 Nordeen, Elizabeth Marshall University Rt. 1, Box 422 Chesapeake, OH 45619 304-696-2357 Parson, Delra 827 Beaumont Charleston, WV 25314 304-348-0070 Norris, Monica L. Appalachian Consortium, Inc. University Hall Boone.NC 28608 704-262-2064 Obermiller, Phillip Northern Kentucky University Highland Hgt, KY 41076 606-572-5259 Oliver, Scot Appal shop, Inc. 306 Madison Street Whitesburg, KY 48158 606-633-0108 Olson, Eric Appalachian State Univ. Appalachian College Boone.NC 28608 704-262-4041 Pendleton, Susan Radford University PO Box 725 Radford, VA 24141 703-731-4124 Perry, David Univ. of N.C. Press PO Box 2288 Chapel Hill, NC 27515 919-966-3561 Porter, Julia D. 1601 Spring Garden Philadelphia, PA 19130 Puckett, Anita University of Texas Anthropology Depart. Austin, TX 78712 512-471-4206 Pudup, Mary Beth West Virginia University Regional Research Morgantown, WV 26505 304-293-2896 Quinn, Edythe A. University of Tennessee 8724 Pedigo Road Powell, TN 37849 615-922-0291 Randolph, John H. West Vir. Heritage Ctr. Jackson's Mill Weston.WV 26442 304-269-6681 Rasmussen, Barbara West Virginia University Department of History Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2421 Peterson, Thomas Rollings College Winter Park, FL 32789 407-646-2397 Ratliff, Phillip Pikeville College HC 65, Box 440 Belcher, KY 41513 606-754-5835 Pollard, Roger G. Radford University PO Box 95 Lindside.WV 24951 304-753-4504 Ready, Milton UNC-Asheville History Department Asheville.NC 28804 704-251-6415 Poore, Dawn Avery High School Rt. 2, Box 389 Newland,NC 28657 704-733-9792 Reed, Jeannie Western Carolina Univ. PO Box 181 Cherokee, NC 28719 704-497-6952 Volume Two, 1990 195 �Reed, Maureen 629 Adams Street Riverton, IL 62561 217-629-8402 Salvati, Janet S. Fairmont State College Fairmont, WV 26554 304-367-4121 Reiman, Bob Appalachian State Univ. Geography & Planning Boone.NC 28608 704-262-2651 Samples, Joyce 802 Hillman Hwy. Abingdon.VA 24210 704-628-9504 Simpkins, Chris New River Com. College PO Drawer 1127 Dublin, VA 24084 703-674-3607 Smalley, Lorraine PO Box 1174 Cullowhee.NC 28723 704-497-9151 Riley, James 214 Bank Street Pikeville.KY 41501 606-437-4041 Sayre, Greg West Virginia University Regional Research Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2896 Roberts, Gerald Berea College Berea, KY 40404 606-986-9341 Scancarelli, Janine University of Kentucky English Department Lexington, KY 40506 Smith, Betty N. 475 Bluff Road Hot Springs, NC 28743 704-622-3381 Roberts, Sam Tenn. Wesleyan College Athens, TN 37303 615-745-7504 Schneider, Ernie Oxford Graduate School PO Box 474 Tunnelton,WV 26444 304-568-2194 Smith, Denise University of Kentucky 710 Hambrick Ave., #3 Lexington, KY 41508 606-253-1081 Schweiker, Carol A. Salem College Art Department Salem, WV 26426 304-782-1341 Speer, Allen Hemlock & Balsams Literary Mag./Box 128 Banner Elk, NC 28604 704-898-5241 Robertson, Tom West Virginia University Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2896 Rose, Anita Western Carolina Univ. 17 Clairmont Avenue Asheville.NC 28801 704-251-6588 Ross, Charlotte Appalachian State Univ. Boone.NC 28608 704-262-2282 Salstrom, Apul Marshall University 728 W. 2nd Street Huntington, WV 25701 304-525-3404 196 Sellers, Bettie PO Box 274 Young Harris, GA 30582 Shirley, Patricia University of Tennessee 1431 Cherokee Trail Knoxville, TN 37920 615-573-5081 Shook,Jane G. Appalachian Consortium, Inc. University Hall Boone.NC 28608 704-262-2064 Smith, Barbara 1815 Hash Ridge Road Barboursville, WV 25504 304-733-2253 Spiker, J. Scott West Virginia University 117 Kingwood Street, #2 Morgantown, WV 26505 304-291-5249 Squibb, Joyce East Tenn. State Univ. Rt.2 Jonesborough, TN 37659 615-753-8645 Stanwitz, Sandra L. Rt. 1, Box 821 Max Meadows, VA 24360 703-699-6490 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Starnes, Bobby Ann Harvard University 36 Walker Street, #1 Cambridge, MA 02139 617-354-2314 Stevens, Timothy E. 4436 Blackwood Drive Montgomery, AL 36109 205-277-0870 Steward, Troy Maarshall University Huntington, WV 25701 304-696-2766 Stiltner, Carl Pikeville College PO Box 35 Steele, KY 41566 606-835-2034 Stiltner, Denise L. Pikeville College PO Box 1104 Elkhorn City, KY 41522 Stinton-Glen, Kathy State of Indiana 1409 W. Washington Muncie, IN 47303 317-282-0976 Stipes, Karen Montgomery Co. Schools 216 Givens Land Blacksburg, VA 24060 703-552-0487 Stokes, Doris M. Cincinnati Public Schools 230 E. 9th Street Cincinnati, OH 45202 Sturgill, Carolyn Appal shop 306 Madison Street Whitesburg, KY 41858 606-633-0108 Sullivan, Ken Depart, of Culture & History, W.V. Capitol Complex Charleston, WV 25305 304-348-0220 Sutton, David Appalachian State Univ. Appalachian Studies Boone.NC 28608 704-262-4089 Sutton Gaboon, Jane Quinn Publishing Co. PO Box 9452 Asheville, NC 28815 704-298-5318 Taylor, John C. Union College Box 463 Barbourville, KY 40906 606-546-4151 Tenney, Noel W. Fort New Salem Salem College Salem, WV 26426 304-782-5245 Thomas, Norma East Tenn. State Univ. Box 22450A Johnson City, TN 37614 615-929-6991 Thompson, Edgar H. PO Box 34 Emory, VA 24327 703-944-5600 Thompson, Vanessa R. 335 Ellison Avenue Beckley.WV 25801 304-252-7679 Tipton Gray, Amy Caldwell Com. College 1000 Hickory Blvd. Hudson, NC 28638 704-724-4323 Tipton, Jeff Brown University Music DeptTBox 1924 Providence, RI 02912 401-863-3234 Trevino, Diana Withrow High School 7304 Scottwood Ave. Cincinnati, OH 45237 513-761-9195 Tribe, Deanna L. Ohio State University 017 Standpipe Road Jackson, OH 45640 614-286-2177 Tribe, Ivan M. Rio Grande College Rio Grande, OH 45674 614-245-5353 Tyner, Martha Augusta Heritage Ctr. Davis & Elkins College Elkins,WV 26241 304-636-1903 Vance Cantrell, Patricia Radford University Box 5767 Radford, VA 24142 703-831-5108 Vest, Makaia Radford University Rt. 2, Box 28 Blacksburg, VA 24060 703-951-3827 Volume Two, 1990 197 �Wagaman, Gena D. West Virginia University 744 Snider Street, #4 Morgantown, WV 26505 304-291-3175 Weaver, Sallie Appalachian State Univ. Appalachian Studies Boone, NC 28608 704-262-4089 White, Blair H. East Tenn. State Univ. Carroll Reece Museum Johnson City, TN 37614 615-929-4392 Wagner, Melinda Radford University Radford, VA 24142 703-831-5157 Webb, James W. Appalshop, Inc. 306 Madison Street Whitesburg, KY 41858 606-633-0108 White, Gregory June Appal Recordings 306 Madison Street Whitesburg, KY 41858 606-633-0108 Webb, Judy Pikeville College 314 Grapevine Road Phyllis, KY 41554 606-835-4377 Whittemore, Barry Southern Seminary College Buena Vista, VA 24416 703-261-8400 Weingartner, Paul University of Kentucky Lexington, KY 40507 606-257-6897 Wiggins, Eugene 103 Jones Circle Dahlonega, GA 30533 Waller, Altina Suny Plattsburgh Department of History Plattsburgh, NY 12901 518-564-5220 Ware, Kathy Augusta Heritage Ctr. Davis & Elkins College Elkins,WV 26241 304-636-1903 Watkins, Charles A. Appalachian State Univ. Appal. Cultural Ctr. Boone, NC 28608 704-262-3117 Weiss, Chris PO Box 2125 Charleston, WV 25328 304-345-1298 Williams, David Valdosta State Department of History Valdosta, GA 31698 912-333-5800 Watson, Steve Radford University 1908 Shadow Lake Road Blacksburg, VA 24060 703-831-5614 Wellington, Bill Augusta Heritage Ctr. Davis & Elkins College Elkins, WV 26241 304-636-1903 Williams, Dean Appalachian State Univ. Appalachian Studies Todd, NC 28684 704-877-5803 Weaver, Hank Appalachian State Univ. Appalachian Studies Boone, NC 28608 704-262-4089 Wheeler, Cecilia PO Box 1141 Oxford, NC 27565 919-693-9281 Williams, Mary 802 Hillman Highway Abingdon.VA 24210 703-628-9504 Wheeling, Teresa Radford University Rt. 2, Belspring Radford, VA 24141 703-731-1519 Williamson, Jerry Appalachian State Univ. Appalachian Journal Boone, NC 28608 704-262-4072 Weaver, Joseph H. Allegany Com. College Cumberland, MD 21502 301-724-7700 198 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Wilson, Larry Highlander Rt. 2, Box AA68 Middlesboro, KY 40965 606-248-8213 Wilson, Shannon H. Berea College Special Collections Berea, KY 40404 606-986-9341 Wood, Curtis Western Carolina Univ. Mt. Heritage Center Cullowhee, NC 28723 704-227-7219 Wood, Sharon 7815 Conner Road, NE Copperhill, VA 24079 Woods, Geoff West Virginia University Regional Research Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2896 Yang, Heather Wake Forest University Reynolds Station Winston-Salem, NC 27109 919-750-1332 Yarrow, Michael Ithaca College 407 Hancock Street Ithaca, NY 14850 607-272-4943 Young, Lisa Wake Forest University PO Box 7543 Winston-Salem, NC 27109 919-723-0626 Zahorik, Pamela East Tenn. State Univ. Depart, of Family Med. Johnson City, TN 37614 615-929-6738 Workman, Mike West Virginia University Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2896 Worley, Bethany Emory &Henry College Emory, VA 24327 Yamazaki, Hiroe West Virginia University 511 H. High Street Morgantown, WV 26506 304-293-2896 Volume Two, 1990 199 �This page intentionally left blank �Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association Subscriptions and Order Form Detach, Fold and Staple this Form, and Mail to: Appalachian Consortium University Hall Boone, NC 28606 Please make checks payable to the Appalachian Consortium. NoTof Copies Issue Price Journal of the Appalachian Studies Assoc./Vol. 2,1990 "Transformation of Life and Labor in Appalachia" $10.95 Back Issues Journal of the Appalachian Studies Assoc./Vol. 1,1989 "Mountains of Experience" Total $. $10.95 Proceedings of the Appalachian Studies Conference (10) "Rememberance, Reunion, Revival" (9) "Contemporary Appalachia" $10.95 $10.95 (8) "The Impact of Institutions in Appalachia" $10.95 (7) "The Many Faces of Appalachia" $10.95 (6) "The Appalachian Experience" $10.95 (5) "The Critical Essays" $10.95 Subtotal 5% N.C. Sales Tax (NC residents only) Handling Shipping is $1.00 per copy $_ Total Enclosed $. S 2.00 Name Address Phone Please enter my name on the Subscriber's list. I understand that Subscriptions for the Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association are available through the Appalachian Consortium. The cost is $13.95 per copy, which includes shipping and handling. I understand that orders will be kept on file and automatically shipped and billed once each year unless cancelled by written correspondence. �Return Address Stamp Appalachian Studies Association Journal Appalachian Consortium Press University Hall Boone.NC 28608 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. 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Title A name given to the resource Transformation of Life & Labor in Appalachia - Volume Two Description An account of the resource This volume of the <em>Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association</em> includes a collection of essays exploring the industrialization of the Appalachians and the effect on the economy.<br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1fB91RhLSFei5jFhmiU7pcAneS2Q9R2TB" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469636993/journal-of-the-appalachian-studies-association/" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region--Labor Appalachian Region--Social conditions--19th century Appalachian Region--Social conditions--20th century Industrialization--Appalachian Region Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lewis, Ronald L. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1990 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Periodicals Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s Multidisciplinary/ Appalachian Studies https://omeka-test.library.appstate.edu/files/original/f3cd24c5272e28faf30422e6fe01f215.pdf 9a2f404036d57a498777237b8cd6bbb3 PDF Text Text �SOUTHERN APPALACHIA AND THE SOUTH: A REGION WITHIN A REGION Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association Edited by John C. Inscoe 1991 Volume Three �The Appalachian Consortium was a non-profit educational organization composed of institutions and agencies located in Southern Appalachia. From 1973 to 2004, its members published pioneering works in Appalachian studies documenting the history and cultural heritage of the region. The Appalachian Consortium Press was the first publisher devoted solely to the region and many of the works it published remain seminal in the field to this day. With funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities through the Humanities Open Book Program, Appalachian State University has published new paperback and open access digital editions of works from the Appalachian Consortium Press. www.collections.library.appstate.edu/appconsortiumbooks This work is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses. Original copyright © 1991 by the Appalachian Consortium Press. ISBN (pbk.: alk. Paper): 978-1-4696-3696-2 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-4696-3698-6 Distributed by the University of North Carolina Press www.uncpress.org �Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association Volumes 1991 Southern Appalachia and the South: A Region Within a Region TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction John C. Inscoe 1 A Regionalism Within Regionalisms: Three Frameworks for Appalachian Studies John Alexander Williams Southern Appalachia and the South: A Region Within a Section Richard B. Drake Hegemony, Alienation and Identity Reformulation: Further Thoughts on a Comparative Approach to Appalachian Studies Richard Blaustein 4 18 28 The Appalachian Frontier and the Southern Frontier: A Comparative Perspective H. Tyler Blethen and Curtis W. Wood 36 The Enduring Legacy of the "Southern Rebellion": West Virginia's Weil-Being David B. White 48 Forgotten Sisters: Mountain Women in the South Milton Ready Historical and Theoretical Perspectives on Appalachia's Economic Dependency Paul Salstrom iii 61 68 �The New Deal for Tenant Farmers: Government Planning and Indigenous Community Development on the Cumberland Plateau Benita J. Howell Lawrence Augustus Oxley: The Beginnings of Social Work Among Blacks in North Carolina Counties John L. Bell 82 98 Religious Freethinkers in the Southern Highlands Henry J. Weaver 110 Two-Party Politics in Appalachia? David Button 123 Political Culture in Jesse Stuart's Appalachia and the South: From Agrarian to Industrial Development 134 Glen Edward Taul A Cure for the Malaise of the Dislocated Southerner: The Writing of Jesse Stuart Edgar H. Thompson 146 James Jones' Appalachian Soldier in His World War II Trilogy Loyal Jones Southern Gothic and Appalachian Gothic: A Comparative Look at Flannery O'Connor and Cormac McCarthy Louis H. Palmer III The Roots of Appalachian English: Scotch-Irish or British Southern? Michael Montgomery "Shall We Teach 'Em or Learn 'Em?" Attitudes Toward Language in Appalachian Children's Literature Roberta T. Herrin iv 152 166 177 192 �1990 Appalachian Studies Association Officers Doyle Bickers Wilburn Hayden John Inscoe George Reynolds Sallie Miller Weaver Alice Brown Gerald Roberts President Vice-President Conference Program Chair Youth Conference Chair Newsletter Editor/Secretary Treasurer Archivist Steering Committee Program Committee Doyle Bickers, Chair Barry Buxton Rebecca Hancock Roberta Herrin Ken Sullivan Howard Dorgan Parks Lanier John Inscoe, Chair Garry Barker H. Tyler Blethen Susan Keefe Bill Martin Jeannie Reed Maureen Reid Durwood Dunn V �This page intentionally left blank �Introduction John C. Inscoe Southerners, Jonathan Daniels once observed, are "a mythical people, created half out of dream and half out of slander, who live in a still legendary land" (Tindall 1980, 161-62). If this description is applicable to the South in general, how much more applicable it is to Southern Appalachia. In many ways, the burdens borne by the South, whether experienced historically, economically, or socially, or interpreted literarily, are burdens shared, often in more acute form, by its highlanders. Perhaps because of these burdens, both mythic and real, southern Appalachians also have shared with the rest of the South a degree of regional self-consciousness more intense and more deeply rooted than that in almost any other area of the country. Just as the nature of being southern and the qualities that make the South the South have been long debated by scholars and journalists, by natives and outside observers, so Appalachia has been subjected, at least from the late nineteenth century on, to equal scrutiny by both insiders and outsiders seeking to identify and explain its distinctiveness as a region. There is perhaps no better example of how vital that scrutiny remains and how varied and sophisticated it has become than the annual conference of the Appalachian Studies Association. In his study of American cultural regions, Raymond Gastil observed that as long as residents of a region "see success as achievable only outside their region, there will be no great regional cultures. . . . On the other hand, as long as those who remain in the 'boondocks' see their task as the glorification of whatever characteristics their regions happen to possess, they will build little that is enduring" (Gastil 1976, 16-7). Both reactions are evident among southerners, but again, they're even more pronounced in southern Highlanders, simply because they seem to have been shackled with an even greater inferiority complex. As Wilma Dykeman has noted, such self-perceptions have made it hard for Appalachians "to be neither defensive nor offensive about the region where we live" (Dykeman 1984, 14). Volume Three, 1991 1 �No less than four papers presented at the 1990 Appalachian Studies Conference at Unicoi State Park in Georgia (two of which are included in this volume) cited Chapel Hill sociologist John Shelton Reed's obviously often quoted 1982 observation that "Appalachia has always served as the South's 'South'" (Reed 1986, 42). This is indeed a succinct way of expressing at least the negative implications of Appalachians' perceived status not only within the nation, but within their own broader region as well. Elsewhere Reed has confronted the whole dilemma of distinguishing between subregions within regions. "Does one—or rather when does one—speak of Sicilians, for example, rather than Italians, or Jamaicans rather than West Indians?" he asks (Reed 1982,14). Indeed, when does one speak of Southern Appalachians rather than southerners? How do the identities, experiences, and interests of these two groups intersect, overlap, diverge, or contradict each other? These were the questions confronting participants at last year's Appalachian Studies Conference at Unicoi. The papers in this volume are for the most part reflections of the wide variety of ways in which those issues have been and can be addressed. The theoretical and practical implications of regional identity, of marginality, of ethnic commonalities, and of comparative perspectives are laid out in broad and often provocative terms in the first several essays, after which the same questions are applied to more specific aspects of the Appalachian and/or southern experience, such as gender and race; historical turning points from frontier settlement to the Civil War, the Great Depression and World War II; political trends and religious expression; and both individuals and groups coping with dual regional identities and the means by which that duality has been expressed, either literarily or linguistically. The 1990 conference was the association's largest yet, in terms of both program participants and attendance. Because of the wealth of material presented at the Unicoi conference, both in quality and quantity, the essays here are but a small sampling of the approaches taken in dealing with these issues. Most of the papers not included in this volume are available through the ASA archives at Berea College, Berea, Kentucky, and no doubt many of them will appear in print elsewhere. The success of that conference was due to a number of factors, but none more so than the dynamic leadership of the association's president, Doyle Bickers. His energy, enthusiasm, and dedication to the Appalachian Studies Association, combined with a managerial style all his own, inspired all of us who had the privilege—and the pleasure—of working with him last year. The program committee, particularly Tyler Blethen, Susan Keefe, Jeannie Reed, and Durwood Dunn, deserves far more credit that it usually receives for the myriad of ways, large and small, it contributed to pulling together yet another in what is becoming a tradi- 2 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �tion of rich and varied conference programs. George Reynolds almost single-handedly organized a fresh and innovative Youth Conference, thus perpetuating what Rebecca Hancock has made an increasingly significant facet of the association's efforts. Bill Martin at the Appalachian Consortium and Linda Turner at Unicoi State Park worked steadily and efficiently behind the scenes to coordinate what managed to be a smoothly run and crisis-free weekend. I am grateful for the support and cooperation I enjoyed on my own campus, particularly from my department head, Lester Stephens, and from Sheree Dendy, who generously gave of her own time and considerable talent in coordinating the program planning at our end. Finally, Pat Arnow and the staff at East Tennessee State University's Center for Appalachian Studies and Services are fast becoming the unsung heroes of the association for their vital contributions in time and talent in editing and printing this journal. Works Cited Dykeman, Wilma. 1984. Explorations. Newport, Tennessee: Wakestone Books. Gastil, Raymond D. 1976. Cultural Regions of the United States. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Reed, John Shelton. 1982. One South: An Ethnic Approach to Regional Culture. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. Reed, John Shelton. 1986. Southern Folk, Plain and Fancy: Native White Social Types. Athens: University of Georgia Press. Tindall, George B. 1980. "The Resurgence of Southern Identity." The American South: Portrait of a Culture. Ed. Louis B. Rubin, Jr. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. John Inscoe is Assistant Professor of History at the University of Georgia and Editor of the Georgia Historical Quarterly. He was the 1990 program chair of the Appalachian Studies Association Conference and guest editor of the Journal of Appalachian Studies Association. Volume Three, 1991 3 �A Regionalism Within Regionalisms: Three Frameworks for Appalachian Studies John Alexander Williams In the papers of Frederick Jackson Turner at the Huntington Library in California, is an outline for a history of the industrialization of southern Appalachia between 1880 and 1930. The outline proposes research on the social and political impacts of industrialization in the region, the problem of absentee ownership, and labor history. Its author was John Barnhart, a doctoral student of Turner's at Harvard, who was then beginning his career as an assistant professor of history at West Virginia University (Barnhart 1932). Barnhart's outline of proposed research amounts to a prospectus for much of what now comprises the scholarly field of Appalachian Studies, but nothing came of his project except a single article, which neither he nor any other scholar followed up on (Barnhart 1931, 581-94). He went on to teach and to write about midwestern history at Indiana University. It was not until the 1960s and 1970s that professional historians began to carry out the research program that Barnhart had outlined a generation before. I regard both Barnhart's outline and its timing to be equally significant. The outline itself tells us something about the history of American regionalism. Turner was the foremost academic contributor to this movement, which embraced a loose constellation of scholars, reformers, and artists who believed that regional patterns provided the key to the proper understanding and ordering of American history, society, and culture. Regionalist scholars, especially historians like Turner, were less 4 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �theorists than practitioners; they did not elaborate much of a systematic theory of regionalism. Bamhart's outline, however, is evidence that regionalist historians worked from a model, although the model was more often implicit rather than explicit in their research. The regionalist model began with the environment and focused on those institutions and issues which were derived from the exploitation of spatially-distributed resources. Turner's student and self-described "disciple," Herbert E. Bolton, put it succinctly: "European expansion and the building of American societies .. . has been determined largely by geographical forces. Caribbean development has been much the same whether Spanish, French, Dutch, Danish or English ... The type of prairie society does not change essentially across the forty-ninth parallel" (1926). Bamhart's outline—constructed at the time when Turner, Bolton, and other scholars were laying the foundation for regional research in the South, Midwest, West, and Spanish Borderlands (Bolton's name for what we would now call the Sun Belt)—shows that Appalachia could have fit equally well within the regionalist scheme. But Appalachian Studies did not develop until a generation later. Thus, Bamhart's outline tells us that we must look to factors other than the development of regionalist ideas to explain the lag. To explain the lag, we must move from the history of ideas to the sociology of knowledge. As applied to American regionalism, the history of ideas tells us how regional concepts developed and spread through the domains of the humanities, social sciences, public administration, literature, and the arts during the first half of the twentieth century. The sociology of knowledge seeks to explain intellectual history not only in terms of the articulation of, and structural relationships among, concepts, but also in terms of social relationships among the proponents of related ideas and of the organizational frameworks within which they worked. This approach asks not only why American regionalism, developed during the first decades of the century, flourished during the 1920s and 1930s, and declined after 1945. It also seeks to identify patterns of uneven development which cannot be explained by the content of the ideas involved — such as why Borderlands studies developed during this period but Appalachian Studies did not — and it probes for organizational patterns, such as the impact of regionalist scholars in the humanities and social sciences in founding scholarly institutions and conventions which survived long after the regionalist paradigm had ceased to exert intellectual appeal. Regional inquiries customarily begin with a series of definitions. Howard Odum and Harry Estill Moore came up with some forty definitions of region in their book American Regionalism (1938, 3-21). The recent bibliography compiled by Clarence Mondale and Michael Steiner Volume Three, 1991 5 �identifies 1,652 items, many of which offer definitions of their own or confirm someone else's (1988). Sorting through so many definitions is a daunting task, yet it is possible to make some fairly simple general statements about the subject. Most arguments about the definition of region turn on whether we conceive of a region as a thing or a concept, with most humanities scholars coming down on the side of region as a thing, social scientists on the side of region as concept. Geographers have come down on both sides of this issue, but, increasingly, their work today integrates the two arguments by emphasizing the importance of perceptual regions: regions whose origins are in mental constructs, but whose representations assume a life of their own and thus a form of objective reality. Regionalism may be defined as the ideological form of the regional concept — the belief in the primary importance of region as the organizing principle for the work to be done: cultural study, economic planning, political reform, architectural design — whatever it is that the deflner wants to accomplish. Regionalism originated in the search for a natural social order. A belief in the existence of natural regions and in their importance as the foundation of progressive economic planning drove the activities of John Wesley Powell and other pioneer regionalists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and guided them to their most enduring achievements: Powell's Irrigation Survey of 1890 and the resulting creation of the Bureau of Reclamation in 1906, the Regional Planning Association and the interstate compacts of the 1920s, and of course the Tennessee Valley Authority. A broad overview of regionalism's political achievements leaves two overriding impressions: the swiftness with which the regionalist project collapsed in the years following World War II, and the extent to which regionalist creations such as TVA or the New York-New Jersey Port Authority stand accused today of betraying many of the ideals which animated their founders. It would seem that regionalism as a doctrine was more successful in inspiring the creation of institutions than in guiding them after those institutions matured. Academic regionalists of the early twentieth century did not bend their efforts to the construction of dams or the reshaping of cities, but they too, were reformers in their way, and like watershed and metropolitan regionalists, they founded institutions which outlived their ideology. For in such fields as history, geography, folklore, and sociology, regionalism provided a key impetus to a process which Robert McCaughey has called the "academic enclosure" of disciplines (1984). Among historians, regionalism provided the opportunity and excuse for the enclosure of state and local history, an enterprise whose institutions and concerns were considerably older than academic history departments. By "academic enclosure" McCaughey means both "the more general 6 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �process by which the primary responsibility for the pursuit of learning in America has been transferred from the American intellectual community at large to the universities" and the specific processes by which a given intellectual discipline is transformed into an academic enterprise, with the attendant institutionalization of resources for teaching and research in the discipline and for the regulation of individual academic careers. He deliberately chooses the historic English word "enclosure" for this process, with its connotation of "converting pieces of common land into private property" and with reference to his own field of international studies, reminds us of Adam Smith's dictum that "the advantage of enclosure is greater for pasture than for corn" (McCaughey 1984, xiv-xv). From this standpoint, the significant development in early twentieth century regionalist historiography is the way in which history professors laid claim to the resources—libraries, archives, journals, and tax subventions—which earlier generations of amateur scholars and collectors had founded, and then bent those resources to the promotion of academic research, publications, and to the advancement of academic careers. Bolton's career in Texas and later in California provides a perfect example. Rather than lament the low esteem in which Texas history was held in academic circles, Bolton and his friend Eugene C. Barker worked to give the field a regional framework, renaming the state historical journal "Southwestern" and securing state funds to build up research resources with materials from Mexican archives. While Bolton was unsuccessful in persuading the state historical societies of other southwestern states to pool their resources with those of Texas, he flooded their journals with articles by his graduate students, persuaded ancestor clubs to fund dissertation fellowships, and built a program of regional research around the magnificent collection which the University of California had acquired from the estate of the amateur historian and publisher Hubert Howe Bancroft. While most of his students fanned out across the Borderlands to the region's universities, other Bolton students staffed state historical societies and archives. Leroy R. Hafen, for example, went directly from his studies in Berkeley to become the Historical Society of Colorado's first professional employee; in 1924, arriving in Denver with his family, he first bought a car, then drove out to the campuses at Boulder and Colorado Springs to link up with other "Bolton men from Berkeley" (Hafen 1969, 3). On a comparable scale other Turner students initiated the academic study of state and regional history in the universities of Alabama, Tennessee, Colorado, Oklahoma, North Dakota, Nebraska, Oregon, Washington, and West Virginia and staffed midwestern state historical societies such as those of Minnesota and Wisconsin. Turner himself had led the enclosure movement at the State Historical Society of Wisconsin and in 1904 mobilized other Volume Three, 1991 7 �midwestern historical society leaders into a committee within the American Historical Association. The blue-blooded historical societies of the Atlantic seaboard states and those of certain midwestern cities kept aloof from this movement, as did a number of state-funded archives and history officials, chiefly in southern states. As with any process of change, there were winners and losers. The state historical societies had threatened to form a rival organization to the AHA in 1890, and a new threat began building early in the new century. The Illinois state historian warned Turner in 1910 of "a growing body of insurgents who will in the course of time make themselves felt" (Alvord 27 June 1910). When the rebellion against the AHA leadership finally broke out in 1916, it was led by southern state historical agency heads and the amateur scholar Frederic Bancroft. Turner sided firmly with the AHA's Ivy League leadership and broke off relations with a former student, Charles Ambler of West Virginia University, who he believed had aided and abetted the revolt (Ambler 1915 and 1916). This pattern explains why so much regionalist history, supposedly conceived in a search for natural regions, actually conformed to existing state lines in framing research designs. To a student shopping for a dissertation topic, Turner advised taking "state politics in a decade .. . the economic and social transformations would serve as foundations for political history and its interpretations ... the general topic of state political history can be used to cast light on the attitude and influence of a section upon general American tendencies" (Turner 1920). When another student, Thomas P. Abernethy, followed this advice, he gave the resulting book a regionalist title—From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee —only to be disheartened when readers responded to it as Tennessee history pure and simple" (Turner 1926; 1920; Abernethy 1932). "[W]hen one tries to deal with the sections statistically," Turner pointed out to a geographer in 1928, "he is practically forced by the groupings in the Census either to use its Divisions (New England, Middle Atlantic, South Atlantic, etc.) or to attempt to a rearrangement by counties or precincts, which involves work that some future group of investigators may undertake for the whole of our history but which is too big a job for one man" (Turner 1928). The persistence of the states in regional contexts was a problem not only for historians, of course. When Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt of New York addressed a "Round Table on Regionalism" held at the University of Virginia in 1931, he bluntly informed the assembled experts that "I do not know what regionalism means. I do have fairly clear ideas in respect to the relative spheres of governments of states on the one hand and Federal government on the other hand . .." (Roosevelt 1931). In 1944, when interest in regionalism was beginning to wane, the Chapel 8 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Hill sociologist Howard Odum summed up the problem in a letter to Norman Cousins: The ideal regional delineation of the United States would be one in which state lines could be ignored and cultural and natural likenesses could be clustered together with as near perfect homogeneity as possible. In America, however, the states we have with us always" (Odum 1944). There are two obstacles to the growth of Appalachian Studies in this context. One was the fact that Appalachia, unlike the South or the West or New England, could not be defined in terms of boundaries drawn along existing state lines or studied by means of aggregate data or archives collected on this basis. West Virginia was the sole exception, and the founding of the West Virginia and Regional History Collection at Morgantown by Ambler, along with Barnhart's aborted prospectus, testify to the importance of the state framework to the regionalist project. The second obstacle was that many of the earliest proponents of Appalachian regionalism were outside of academia and were neither interested in grafting their ideas onto emerging models of academic professionalism or in a position to do so. Conceptually, the formulations of Appalachian regional identity advanced by Appalachian activists such as Olive Dame Campbell were no less sophisticated than Bolton's Borderlands, but neither the goals nor the resources of such persons matched those of the academic regionalists. Thus, while the 1920s and 1930s were also an era of institution-building for Appalachian specialists—the Council of Southern Mountains, John C. Campbell Folk School, Highlander Folk School, and Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild all date from these years—their efforts paralleled but did not converge with academic regionalists. For example, Lucy Morgan of the Penland Weavers and Potters in North Carolina was in touch with Odum during this period but her purpose—finding support for a "mountain cabin exhibit" for the upcoming Chicago Worlds Fair—did not fit in with the purposes of academic enterprise (Morgan 1932). Consequently, while every strain of regionalism, including metropolitan regionalism and southern and southwestern literary regionalism, was represented at the Charlottesville meeting and at an earlier "Conference on Regional Phenomena" that Odum organized for the Social Science Research Council, no one with specific interests in Appalachia was there. Similarly, when, in the twilight of regionalism in 1949, the leading academic specialists gathered at Madison to discuss the field which had been so richly plowed in the two previous decades, Appalachia was not even mentioned (Jensen 1951). This was too bad, since the Rockefeller Foundation, which had funded many of the regionalist enterprises in other parts of the country, would in the next few years liquidate its program for "regional studies of the North American conti- Volume Three, 1991 9 �nent" and disburse a final round of grants which would ensure prosperity to many of the key institutions and projects that the regionalist scholars had begun.1 We cannot say that Appalachian Studies came away from this banquet merely empty handed; Appalachia had not been invited. In fields such as regional planning, where regionalist experts had attempted to enclose or supersede enterprises based within state government and/or politics, state officials led a determined and successful counterattack during the 1940s, beginning with the Pick-Sloan Act, which squelched the threat of a TVA-style regional agency in the Missouri Valley. Thus, when federal officials returned to regionalism during the 1960s, the agency which resulted—the Appalachian Regional Commission—was constructed so that its powers were strictly subordinated to the statehouses involved. But this is another story. I mention it here only because of the contrast with academic regionalism's generally successful mobilization of resources which had earlier been the preserve of state-based elites. When state and local history revived again during the 1960s and 1970s, under the rubric of regional studies, Appalachia was at long last ready to dine. I will not attempt here to recount the emergence of Appalachian Studies as an academic field, with the requisite conferences and symposia, journals, centers, programs, and other hallmarks of academic enclosure. Most of the people attending the Appalachian Studies Conference are probably better equipped than I to tell this story, although I will say that I hope that when it is told, due concern will be taken to solicit the views of Appalachianists who were and remained outside the academic fold during this period. I do want to say something about regional studies generally, however. In contrast to regionalism, regional studies entailed no implied or explicit attempt to create grand syntheses. It was a movement of discrete and usually unconnected projects, and to the extent that the movement developed theoretical concerns at all, these derived from the "new" social history and the community-action orientation of scholars influenced by the civil rights movement and the New Left.2 Regional studies flourished during this period for several reasons, I believe. There was, first of all, the impetus toward a new social history, whose research strategies necessarily required research at the local, regional, or other subnational level. During the 1930s, regionalism had flourished in part as an alternative to nationalism; a comparable impulse promoted regional studies in the guise of social studies during the Vietnam War. But there was also the impetus given by two patriotic celebrations, the Civil War Centennial and the American Revolution Bicentennial, an impetus born less of enthusiasm for flag waving as of 10 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �an abundance of state and federal funds which could be directed to regional research. The emergence of the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) played an important role in this florescence as well. From 1974 on, NEH appealed specifically for proposals in regional studies, and this drive intensified during the Carter administration when the distributionist potential inherent in a regional-studies grant program assuaged agency concern over academic elitism. What the Carter people did not realize, however, and here I speak as the administrator of the regional studies program in the years between 1980 and 1983, was that an academic elite had already captured much of the program's budget for studies in social science or social history. NEH was not the only impetus for regional studies, however. In the 1940s a new generation of academically-trained state archivists and state historical society professionals broke away from the American Historical Association to form the Society of American Archivists and the America Association for State and Local History. The American Revolution Bicentennial gave a tremendous boost to historic preservation on the local level. The rapid expansion of the Smithsonian Institution, and the museum field generally, created both opportunities and models for yet another approach to regional studies. The maturing of these trends during the 1970s, fostered by federal and state humanities grant funds, promoted a new level of professionalism and sophistication in nonacademic programming (which academics moved swiftly to enclose under the rubric of "public history"). One measure of the contrasting impact of regionalism and regional studies is suggested by Carl Abbott's recent survey of course offerings and professional specializations among historians in the regional fields. His findings suggest that academic course offerings and text books are still largely a product of the regionalist era and that the predominant regional fields are still the state-based regional constructs—the South, the West, the Southwest—the teaching and research specializations created by Turner, Bolton, Walter Prescott Webb, U.B. Phillips, and their students. Abbott found much smaller configurations of resources devoted to the Pacific Northwest, the Great Plains, and New England, but Appalachia showed up in his survey only in the "other" category, along with the Ozarks, the Tennessee Valley, French Louisiana and the Sun Belt (Abbott 1990, 4-8). A survey of social history journals, however, shows that Appalachian Studies benefited from the expanded scope of regional studies projects during the 1970s and 1980s. Henry J. Weaver, a research assistant at Appalachian State University's Center for Appalachian Studies, surveyed all articles published in five journals between their founding and their fall issues of 1989. He found that 2,230 of the 5,466 articles published in the Journal of Social History, Journal of Volume Three, 1991 11 �Interdisciplinary History, Signs, Women's Studies Quarterly, and International Journal of Women's Studies were place-specific, that is focused on some locality, state, or region of sub-national scope. Of these, 151 dealt with a New England place, 69 with an Appalachian. If we limit the count only to Southern Appalachia, the number falls to 28. If we eliminate the feminist journals and count only articles in Social History and Interdisciplinary History, Southern Appalachia's share of place-specific articles remains roughly proportionate: 2 percent of the overall total, roughly half as many articles as those on New England. This may seem a modest gain, but when we consider that many of these article writers— Dwight Billings, Gordon McKinney, John Hevener, Archie Green, Ron Eller, David Corbin, Ron Lewis—were also among those who brought John Barnhart's prospectus to life with a rich array of monographs during the last decade, it seems reasonable to conclude that—whatever may have been the balance of corn and pasture for eighteenth century English agriculture—the academic enclosure of Appalachian Studies has produced plenty of both. And the monographs keep coming—Thomas P. Slaughter, The Whiskey Rebellion (1986), Altina Waller, Feud (1988), and John C. Inscoe, Mountain Masters (1989)—to name only a few of the social history monographs which have appeared in the last few years. Anyone familiar with Appalachian history knows that the region is easier to define as a periphery of someplace else—as "frontier," "back country," "backyard," or "colony." Appalachia is one of the oldest geographic terms in North American history and it still means some place or other "out there." But a new historiographical movement, which I shall call "neo-regionalism," has emerged in recent years which actually defines Appalachia not as periphery but core. The core of what? That is the question which connects my topic with the general theme of the 1990 conference. Neo-regionalism makes Appalachia the heartland of an expanded Upper or Upland South that in its grandest formulation extends across the continent from Philadelphia to California. Neo-regionalists, like their Turnerian counterparts in the first half of the century, attempt syntheses and erect theoretical frameworks which connect regionally-distributed phenomena to national or even global concerns. But neo-regionalists do not confine their research to resourcebased institutions such as plantation agriculture, ranching, or mining, and they extend their gaze far beyond those state and local political institutions and cadres which focus upon state capitals. They frame cultural studies in terms of anthropological definitions of culture and search out geographic patterns that reflect actual human behavior. The result is an emerging regionally-defined, ethnoculturally focused synthesis that is potentially quite breathtaking in scope. Three magisterial works of synthesis—one completed, two still under 12 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �way—introduced us to the neo-regionalist project in the late 1980s: Donald W. Meinig, Atlantic America (1986) and David Hackett Fischer, Albion's Seed (1989), both of which are presented as the first volumes in multi-volume analyses of the roots of American culture, and The Encyclopedia of Southern Culture (1989). The Encyclopedia is not a synthesis as such, but it serves the same function in an era of pluralist scholarship. All three works promise to have a great impact on the understanding of southern history, not the least of which effect erects Appalachia as a region of the South, but not contained by it. Fischer explicitly, and the Encyclopedia by implication, raises Appalachia to a position of parity with the plantation South. It becomes an equivalent region, intermingled with the traditional South at its edges but something quite distinct at its core. Meinig doesn't mention Appalachia, but in many ways his book is the most promising, if he applies to inland regions the same scope and sophistication he brings to his treatment of the Atlantic littorals which formed the initial theatres of New World history. Most importantly, while Fischer and the encyclopedists are guided by the same nation- and state-based boundaries that frame our polities and our course offerings, Meinig approaches America from the cartographic vantage points of the ocean currents and winds which guided Columbus, and the island stepping-stones, estuaries, and river corridors which guided the European approaches to North America. This approach, for one thing, clarifies the history of New World slavery in ways that all historians can profit from. As surely as Hurricane Hugo did last Fall, he lays bare the historical and cultural patterns linking the West Indies to the Carolina coast, and renders intelligible the cultural patterning which allowed Spanish Florida, French Louisiana, and Barbadian South Carolina at once to stand apart and become an integral part of the plantationderived southern culture that borders Appalachia on the east and south. Fischer makes Appalachia central to his thesis: that American culture in both its historic and modern regional pattemings originates in four regional cultures of Britain. Appalachia's hearth he defines as "North British," as much English and Scots as the traditional ScotchIrish, and its North American domain spreads out from the immigrant port-of-entry in Pennsylvania to the original focus in the colonial backcountry and from there across a broad arc of the upper South through the Ozarks, across north Texas, southeast Oklahoma, and east New Mexico to the southwest, where it peters out in the dusty streets of Bakersfield (Fischer 1989). Albion's Seed runs to 946 pages and even the helpful precis, which Fischer provides to conference discussants too busy to read the book, is 65 pages long. Thus, a brief summary of the work risks caricaturing it. Volume Three, 1991 13 �(The same holds true for the Encyclopedia, but no one expects it to be summarized.) Fischer attributes to regional variation everything interesting in American cultural history from New England baked beans to the St. Andrew's cross on the Confederate battle flag. Revisionists and dissertation writers are going to have a field day picking holes in this thesis. But in its breadth and ambition, the book cannot help but inspire respect. Here I want to emphasize one aspect of the book which will appall some Appalachian specialists and delight others: its failure to define Appalachia with anything resembling precision. Throughout the book, Fischer uses the term Appalachia, southern highlands, and backcountry interchangeably. The same is true of many entries in the Encyclopedia, where Appalachia appears interchangeably with the Upper South.3 Is this casual approach to regional boundaries a breakthrough or a defect? I think we can expect an abundant discourse on this subject as Albion's Seed becomes more widely known. Meanwhile, there are two recent monographs which offer support to Fischer's thesis: Rodger Cunningham, Apples on the Flood (1987) and James N. Gregory, American Exodus: The Dust Bowl Migration and Okie Culture in California (1989). Cunningham engages in ethnocultural regionalizing on a scale equal to Meinig and Fischer, although with considerably less attention to specifics. He avoids the Celticism of Grady McWhiney but, nevertheless, locates the origin of Appalachian culture in a pre-Anglophone, Atlantic-oriented Britain whose Welsh, Scottish, and Irish remnants in the eighteenth century foreshadow both in their cultural patterns and economic activities the pre-industrial society of nineteenth-century Appalachia. The region's domain in America is the Upland South, the arc of hilly land extending westward from the Appalachian mountain system proper through the lower Ohio Valley into the Ozarks and north Texas. He even gives this region a name, Suala, borrowed from the reports of the De Soto expedition and, thus, a fitting substitute for the more limiting Appalachia which derives from the Spanish march through the Blue Ridge (Cunningham 1987, 78-101). Gregory's book seconds this linkage of southeastern and southwestern uplands. He sees the mass movement of "Okies" from the Ozarks and nearby districts to California as the western prong of a two-part movement. The other prong carried migrants from the Appalachian region northward, to the hillbilly enclaves of the urban-industrial Midwest. Like the movement of black Texans or Louisianians to Los Angeles, or black Mississippians to Chicago, or black Carolinians to New York, the Okie and hillbilly exoduses were of a piece (Gregory 1989, xviixviii; 258, n. 6). Gregory reinforces this thesis in his choice of institu- 14 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �tional foci for his study of Okie culture: Protestant fundamentalism, country music, "plain folk Americanism," the problems of labor organizing among people whose culture resists bureaucratic mobilization. In other words, he chooses topical staples from the interdisciplinary Appalachian Studies cupboard. Yet another form of neo-regionalism is flourishing under the rubric of "environmental history." Practitioners in this new field have initially focused upon issues of environmental policy and ecological beliefs and have generally accepted the regional frameworks—South, West, and New England—institutionalized during the regionalist era. But in their concern with "understanding how humans have been affected by [and have affected] their natural environment through time," environmental historians are also hearing calls to focus more directly on particular places at particular times and thus to undertake local and regional studies. It seems likely that Appalachia will be one of these places, and that the neo-regionalist interest in understanding cultural forces will shape future research into the successive transformations of Appalachian environments (Worster 1990, 1089). If I may repeat my caveat about the dangers of summary becoming caricature, it seems clear that the neo-regionalist framework considerably broadens the scope of Appalachian Studies, but at what price? Certainly anyone who accepts the geographic framework offered by Fischer, Cunningham, and Gregory has to think long and hard about what to call it. Appalachia seems rather a misnomer for a region whose outliers extend around the compass from Bakersfield to Detroit to Philadelphia. On the other hand, if we slip back to the familiar geographic usage of core and periphery, the traditional, if slippery, boundaries of Appalachia—if we include the Carolina Piedmont and the Ridgeand-Valley province of Virginia, West Virginia, and Tennessee—fit rather neatly as the core of this more broadly defined region. In either case, the neo-regionalists have given us lots to think about, lots to write and talk about, plenty of ground to enclose, plenty of corn to grind. Notes 1 The history and operations of the foundation's regional program may be followed in the foundation's records in the Rockefeller Archives Center, Tarrytown, New York, especially Series 200 of Record Group 1.1, boxes 274-76 3 Unless otherwise cited, my discussion of regional studies in these pages are less the result of formal study than of personal observation from the vantage point of my position as an administrator in the National Endowment for the Volume Three, 1991 15 �Humanities during the period 1979-1986 (which was preceded by a two-year term on the council of the Humanities Foundation of West Virginia). 8 Eg. Albion's Seed, 635, 638-42, 650-51, 652, 655,664-68,677,691-93,699, 701, 714, 716-17, 729-31, 735-36, 749, 759-63, 765-69, 778, 781; Encyclopedia, 243,374, 414-15,534-39, 546, 548-49, 550-54, 988. Works Cited Abbott, Carl. 1990. "Tracing the Trends in U.S. Regional History." Perspectives: American Historical Association Newsletter 28 (2): 4-8. Abernethy to Turner. 10 March 1932. Frederick Jackson Turner Papers, Henry E. Huntington Library. Alvord to Turner. 27 June 1910. Turner Papers, Box 12. Ambler-Turner Correspondence. August 1915. Turner Papers, Box 25. . January 1916. Turner Papers, Box 26. Barnhart, John D. March 1931. "Recent Industrial Growth and Politics in the Southern Appalachian Region." Mississippi Valley Historical Review 17: 581-94. Bolton to Turner. 15 September 1926. Turner Papers, Box 35A. Cunningham, Rodger. 1987. Apples on the Flood. Rnoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Fischer, David Hackett. 1989. Albion's Seed. New York: Oxford University Press. Gregory, James N. 1989. American Exodus: The Dust Bowl Migration and Okie Culture in California. New York: Oxford University Press. Hafen, Leroy R. 1969. "My First Months as Colorado's State Historian." Colorado Magazine 46 (3): 3. Inscoe, John C. 1989. Mountain Masters. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Jensen, Merrill, ed. 1951. Regionalism in America. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 16 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �McCaughey, Robert A. 1984. International Studies and Academic Enterprise. A Chapter in the Enclosure of American Learning. New York: Columbia University Press. Meinig, Donald W. 1986. Atlantic America. New Haven: Yale University Press. Morgan to Odum. 25 May 1932. Howard W. Odum Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, Box 12, Folder 256. Mondale, Clarence and Michael Steiner. 1988. Regions and Regionalism in the United States: A Source Book for the Humanities and Social Sciences. New York: Garland Publishers, Inc. Odum to Cousins. 14 July 1944. Odum Papers, Box 26, Folder 559. Odum, Howard and Harry Estill Moore. 1938. American Regionalism. New York: Henry Holt & Co. Odum to Morgan. 3 June 1932. Odum Papers, Box 14, Folder 283. Roosevelt, Franklin D. 6 July 1931. "Address by Gov. Franklin D. Roosevelt of New York on STATE PLANNING." Mimeograph copy in Odum Papers, Box 12, Folder 255. Slaughter, Thomas P. 1986. The Whiskey Rebellion. New York: Oxford University Press. Turner to Whittaker. 23 April 1920. Turner Papers. Turner to Abernethy. 16 July 1920. Turner Papers, Box 30. Turner to Abernethy. 12 March 1926. Turner Papers, Box 35. Turner to Paullin. 20 November 1928. Turner Papers. Waller, Altina 1988. Feud. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Wilson, Charles Reagan and William Ferris, eds. 1989. The Encyclopedia of Southern Culture. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Worster, Donald. 1990. "Transformations of the Earth: Toward an Agroecological Perspective in History," in "A Round Table: Environmental History." Journal of American History, 76 (4): 1089. John Alexander Williams is Director of the Center for Appalachian Studies at Appalachian State University, Boone, North Carolina. Volume Three, 1991 17 �Southern Appalachia and the South: A Region Within a Section Richard B. Drake A key question for Appalachian history prior to the Civil War is, "How did the Appalachian South relate to the larger South?" Thus far, quite different answers have been given to this question. Some important historians have taken the position that the two were closely related. Champions of southern nationalism from Jefferson Davis to E. Merton Coulter and Francis B. Simkins1 have presented their studies as if rather total southern unity were a given fact. Also, two recent studies have taken this position. Most impressive is John Inscoe, Mountain Masters (1989), a study of slavery, slaveholders, and secession in western North Carolina. Inscoe builds an impressive argument that the connections between the people in the mountains of North Carolina and the people in the rest of the South were very close. When secession came, the region for the most part, (he says) supported the Confederacy. The other study, Grady McWhiney, Cracker Culture (1988), makes the argument that the South and the mountain South were both essentially Celtic, as opposed to the Anglo-Saxon North. In fact, it is McWhiney"s view that the mountain South was more "Celtic" than the rest of the South, thus presumably the most "Southern" part of the "South." On the other hand, there have been important historians who held that Appalachia was not an integral part of the South. This position was taken first by abolitionists before and during the Civil War who saw Southern Appalachia as an ally against "Slaveocrats." Berea College's founders clearly took this view, as have pro-Union apologists such as William G. Brownlow (1862), and important Afro-American historians such as Carter G. Woodson (1916). Later historians, such as Allan 18 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Nevins (1950), have shared this view.2 But, perhaps the most significant of the recent historians who share this perspective are Carl Degler (1974), who saw a consistent "Other South" since the early nineteenth century, and Stephen Hahn (1983), who found the roots of Georgia populism in the long standing differences between downstate planners and mountain yeoman farmers. My argument belongs in this second perspective, and will follow two lines of enquiry thus far not carefully explored. First, I will look at the thinking of Howard W. Odum as he defined the terms, "sectionalism" and "regionalism," to see how his thinking applies both to southern history and Appalachian history. Then I will explore two varieties of the agricultural experience which emerged in the Old South. Usually writers who have evaluated the relationship between the South and the Appalachian South have followed one or more of the following lines of enquiry: 1) the conflicting responses to the institution of slavery within the Appalachian South and the Old South, and the persisting antislavery sentiment in Appalachia;3 2) the substantially different political agendas, especially as reflected in separatist sentiment in trans-Allegheny Virginia and in East Tennessee;4 or 3) the opposition to the Confederate cause in large parts of the Appalachian South. Promising as these lines of enquiry are, I will confine myself here to 1) Odum's analysis of Sectionalism and Regionalism; and 2) two separate agricultural traditions of the Old South. Howard W. Odum's Analysis: Howard Odum fifty years ago developed the concept of "regionalism," which he carefully distinguished from "sectionalism." The South's Civil War experience and Frederick Jackson Turner's 1928 book, The Sections in American History, led Odum to conclude that "sectionalism," though understandable in a nation as large and diverse as the United States, was potentially divisive and created parochializing, even separatist loyalties. Regionalism, on the other hand, Odum saw as essentially positive and in no way subversive of national interests. Regionalism as Odum saw it, sought its own economic development, and was concerned with its own traditions and the lives of its own people. But it always sought these ends within the larger and more important national loyalty (1936, 245-61). Historian George B. Tindall suggests that in Odum's time the South never realized the "regionalism" that he desired (1976, 100-15). No specific organization seeking the South's well being and development within the nation ever emerged. Indeed, single interest agencies emerged: the Southern Regional Council, which was concerned about Volume Three, 1991 19 �the South's race relations; the Southern Governor's Conference, which was concerned with governmental cooperation; the Southern Historical Association which wished to strengthen the region's historical scholarship, etc. But, Tindall says, no larger spokesman agency for the South's total interest ever emerged. Of course, the Southern Confederacy had attempted this, but with its sectionalism it surely was contrary to the general national interest. In my view, Appalachia has developed the sense of region in the way Tindall suggests that Odum used the term. Various agencies have developed in Appalachia that have pretty much become "regional spokesmen". Two government-supported regional development efforts have emerged within the region—the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Appalachian Regional Commission. Yet neither has become a true regional agency for Appalachia, except as they relate to Odum's expectation that a regional focus is ideal for planning purposes. The TVA has drawn its principal leadership from professionals and politicians outside the region. Furthermore, TVA's concern has been narrowed toward becoming a utility company for a region not as large as the whole of Appalachia. The TVA's policies sometimes have worked against the interests of other significant areas within Appalachia. The Appalachian Regional Commission has not drawn its leadership from the area itself. Its directors and staff, except at first, have not been Appalachians. It, for the most part, has been an "outside" uplift agency with an "outside" agenda.5 In 1913, however, a broad regional spokesman/program agency developed with the Council of the Southern Mountains. Begun as an annual meeting of missionaries, and called initially the Conference of Southern Mountain Workers, the CSM developed as a broad umbrella agency attracting any and all who had an interest in Appalachia. After the CSM was "captured" by aggressive, reform-oriented change agents in the 1970s, the Appalachian Studies Conference emerged to provide a broad platform for those interested in the region, thus providing a place where a regional agenda can be developed. Regionalism, in terms that Odum could understand, has been achieved to a remarkable degree in Appalachia, perhaps more fully than in any other area within the United States. To be fair to Odum, however, he never considered "the South" as a single region. Again and again, he made the point that the South was many regions. He identified twenty-seven "Southern Regions," five of which were in the Appalachian South as usually defined.6 Odum never gave a precise definition of "region," except to indicate that it had heavy geographic and cultural components. He was almost mystical in his insistence that regionalism was the best mechanism under which to work out the demands of local liberty, economic develop- 20 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �ment, and national order. Listen to his words: The earlier assumption that regionalism was only a glorified localism now appears completely outdated. Regionalism is the key to attaining balanced democracy and the redistribution of wealth .. ."(Odum 1936, 156-59). In the mid-1980s, even as President Roosevelt saw the South as a problem-prone area in a nation that was one-third ill-housed and ill-fed, Odum noted that "the rest of the nation is tired of being told that it must do missionary work in the South. The South is certainly no more enthusiastic. The middle ground of cooperative effort must be found through the regional way" (249). Odum was born less than twenty years after the Civil War ended and in his native Georgia was filled with stories of the Lost Cause as he grew up. As a Southerner he came to be critical of the sectionalism that had led to secession. He said: There are fundamental distinctions between sectionalism . . . and the developing cultural and administrative regionalism of the United States of the 1930s . . . . Regionalism envisions the nation first, making the national culture and welfare the final arbiter . . . while the section thinks of the nation in terms of itself. (253-54) Four other points Odum found differentiated sectionalism from regionalism: 1) "sectionalism emphasizes political boundaries and state boundaries" while "regionalism connotes component. . . parts of the larger national picture;" 2) "sectionalism may be likened unto cultural inbreeding in which only home stocks are advocated .. . whereas regionalism is line breeding, in which regional cultures contributed the base but not the whole;" 3) "regionalism by its very nature . . . implies more of the designed and planned society," whereas "sectionalism would abound in conflict" among interests; and 4) as a southerner he noted that "one of the most critical aspects of sectionalism is. . . .its counterpoint in potential.. . .as inevitable coercive federalism" (257-59). Odum did not see the South in the 1930s as a section. Rather, the South was by then a set of regions. But, historically, the South had been a section, as New England had been, and a tragic confrontation had been the result. More research and thought needs to go into probing the question, "but had an Appalachian regionalism developed in the pre-Civil War period?" The Tindall-inspired line of enquiry followed above notes that the "true regionalism" of Appalachia applies to twentieth-century Appalachia. Though there was a clear "backwoods" awareness in the nineteenth century, this "backwoods" awareness may not be related closely Volume Three, 1991 21 �enough to a "regional" awareness for Odum to have recognized it. The Two Agricultural Systems of the South: Now for the second line of enquiry: the development of separate agricultural systems in the antebellum South. One of the important new ways of life to emerge in early modern Europe was the approach to farming by the "English Country Gentleman." As the feudal manor disintegrated, the new leaders of agriculture developed methods quite in harmony with the rising mercantile economy and the emerging national monarchies. This "scientific agriculture of scale" pioneered new and more efficient methods, practices and technologies. Those in control of this approach to agriculture in England pressured Parliment, especially after the Settlement of 1688, to release the former common lands to them in a series of enclosure acts. Their argument was to provide "a more efficient and productive agriculture of scale," a prejudice that persists today in modern agricultural policies. The country gentleman approach to agriculture was mercantile. He operated as an agricultural industrialist, an "agribusinessman" if you please, concerned with markets, prices, and profits. And as more and more land came under his control through inheritance, purchase, speculation, and through enclosure by Parlimentary act (or was it corruption?), this class of agriculturalists and its way of life rose to great significance. In England, this class was most prominent in the eighteenth century. In the New World, too, this group, or rather the group in America that attempted to recreate the country gentleman way of life, became powerful as well. In America, the country gentleman ideal was approximated most closely in the Old South. The plantation way of life took this ideal as its model. The American plantation was essentially a mercantile enterprise seeking to produce crops for a market. To provide labor for its enterprise at the cheapest level possible, Negro chattel slavery was the answer arrived at. This European-derived agriculture had much persistence and attractiveness in the New World during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. There was, however, another rural way of life born during the decay of the Medieval world which emerged with some strength and attractiveness in Europe, but which developed immense significance and appeal in America. It had its largest role in the late eighteenth century, but during the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries it has played a defining role. I speak of the "Yeoman" way of life. Yeomanry was a very different approach to both farming and the land from that of the mercantile country gentleman. Yeomanry had its 22 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �roots in medieval peasant culture. Land in medieval times had been the principal source of wealth. It appeared, in fact, to be the basis of life itself. The peasant who had his place defined only in relation to the land he farmed, of course desired freedom from that bondage. But what good was freedom without land? Thus, the ideal emerged: land was the basis of well-being. It was place and home, that part of "Nature" that allowed one to survive. Land was, therefore, not a commodity to be bought and sold, but rather it was that which gave meaning and security to life.12 Yeomanry in England had another meaning too. In fact the earliest use of the term had a military meaning. The "sturdy yeoman" or "yeaman" was an infantry/archer used by Edward I, Edward III, and Henry II, in Scotland and France. The yeomen unhorsed the knights and nobility in the military revolution of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. As the poem, "The Yeoman of Kent" suggests: At Cressy and Pointers of old His ancestors were bowmen bold; Were good yew bows and sinew strong Drew arrows of a cloth - yard long; For England's glory, strew'd the plain With barons, counts and princes slain. (Campbell 1942, 6) The yeoman was not a permanent soldier like the knight. Like Cincinnatus of old, once the war was over the yeoman returned to his agricultural pursuits. He was drafted by a royal levy, and once the danger was passed he returned to his acres. Government was something remote in normal times, but was something to be protected in times of crisis. So, to the yeoman who bitterly resented the weight of peacetime taxes and dues from local and national authorities, the best government was the least government. Yeomanry, though born in Europe, developed particularly strongly in the New World. Europe found little place for the yeoman, for land there was taken over by enclosure and purchase by the Country Gentleman in England, or the Junker class of Germany. Once religious compromise and a political "settlement" was reached in Germany in 1648 and in England in 1688, the chances of acquiring land in Europe became more and more remote. Those aspiring to yeomanry were driven by the tens of thousands to Britain's North American colonies in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries in quest of land. Most of the 500 thousand or so Scotch-Irish and Germans who migrated to North America between 1688 and 1775 were aspiring yeomen who found their chances for acquiring land much greater in America than in Europe. The yeoman/farmer, backwoods/pioneer was an ideal settler. As England built her colonies, her first settlements were along the coasts Volume Three, 1991 23 �where communication could be kept more easily with the mother country. But a backwoods developed quickly, beginning an elongated struggle with the American Indians. In this struggle, the pioneer/settler, an independent, self-sufficient yeoman, was a major weapon in the ultimate Euro-American triumph. More significant even than weaponry, the settler defeated the Indian as he moved relentlessly into and across the Indian's land, preempting it farm by farm. The yeoman was particularly well suited to this task of continental conquest. His unit of cooperation was his own family and the informal neighborhood. The cost to establish him in the "wilderness" was minimal, for the yeoman desired only the land, which could be graciously granted. And he aspired only to support himself on that land in a selfsufficient way. In a time of the technology of the musket, the military tradition of self-defense was an integral and effective part of the ideal. The myths sung at Crecy fit nicely with the tradition of the Minute Men or the Heroes of King's Mountain, and of Sergeant York. When the American Revolution was fought and the Republic created, it seemed to some as though a yeoman's utopia had been established. Thomas Jefferson, the nation's principal spokesman for that period, voiced this hope when he wrote in 1785: Those who labor the earth are the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people . . . Corruption of morals . . . is the mark of those, who, not looking up to heaven, to their own soild and industry, as does the husbandman [yeoman]. .. depend for it on casualties and caprice of customers. Dependence begets subservience and venality, suffocates the germ of virtue, and prepares fit tools for the design of ambition . . . [Wlhile we have land to labor then, let us never wish to see our citizens occupied at a work-bench, or twirling distaff. (Foner 1944, 161-62) The yeoman made the ideal citizen, it appeared. He made no demands upon government, and was willing to protect it in military crisis. And in return all the yeoman asked was to be let alone on his acres to make his own way in a self-sufficient manner. His land would provide for his needs. This type of yeoman/agriculture represents no early stage on its way to a "more mature" mercantile style of agriculture. Unlike Frederick Jackson Turner's analysis of the stages of the Midwest Frontier, which suggested a "primitive stage of self-sufficiency" which preceded a later, more advanced capitalistic agriculture, yeomanry represented a quite different approach to agriculture. Its purpose was to make a life on the land and was an end in itself. It was not a stage toward any other type of agriculture. 24 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �What a different agricultural way of life yeomanry represented when contrasted with the Squirarchial, plantation agriculture in the Old South. That style of agriculture that John S. Otto has called, "the plain folk agriculture of the Old South," was essentially yeomanesque. Otto suggests that this kind of agriculture was characterized by 1) a grazing, farmland economy with animals grazing on an "open range" in the forests, 2) a life where families lived in dispersed rural neighborhoods, with 3) occasional county-seat towns serving as centers of community concern and recreation. This was the style of agriculture, Otto says, that continued to dominate the poorer areas from Delaware to east Texas until the end of the nineteenth century (Otto 1985, 234-35). Yeomanry has had a remarkable persistence in Southern life, particularly in southern Appalachia until well past the middle part of the twentieth century. In the nineteenth century it posed a significant challenge to the type of agriculture and way of life that developed in the Old South's plantation areas. The squire and the yeoman were different agriculturalists, a difference that James Kirke Paulding noticed as early as 1817. It is the old story of Mrs. Farmer Ashfield and Mrs. Planter Grundy. Mrs. Ashfield leads the tone among the Cohees (a term for those west of the Blue Ridge) squints at Mrs. Grundy, a fine lady of the Tuckahoes (those east of the Blue Ridge in Virginia). [M]y lady gives herself airs, and wears such mighty fine clothes, when she goes to the Springs. Now Goody (term for the yeoman's wife) Ashfield, for her part, don't care for fine things. As to Squire Grundy and Farmer Ashfield, they have certain snug matters of dispute to themselves. The Farmer insists upon it, at town-meetings and elections, that the Squire enjoys greater political privileges than he does, that the country of Tuckahoe has more representatives in the legislature than it ought to have, that all Squire Grundy's "negroes" are counted for voting. (Higgs and Manning 1975, 64-66) It was a difference within the South that persisted through the Civil War, and has persisted even on into the twentieth century. Notes 1 See Jefferson Davis (1881, 2 vols.), E. Merton Coulter (1950), and Francis B. Simkins(1956). 2 Allan Nevins (1950,17-19, 73-6, 90,103, 322-26). 3 These are the arguments found in Carter G. Woodson (1916) and Richard B. Drake (1986, 25-33). Volume Three, 1991 25 �4 These are the arguments made by Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker (1942, 167-180), Charles H. Ambler and Festus P. Summers (1958), Otis K. Rice (1985), and William G. Brownlow (1862). 5 For treatments of the TVA and the ARC see James Branscome (1977), Donald N. Rothblatt (1971), and David E. Whisnant (1980) and (1985). * Good discussions of English yeomanry are in Asa Briggs (1983) and Wallace Notestein (1962). Works Cited Ambler, Charles H. and Festus P. Summers. 1958. West Virginia: the Mountain State. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. Branscome, James. 1977. The Federal Government in Appalachia. New York: Field Foundation. Briggs, Asa. 1983. A Social History of England. New York: Viking. Brownlow, William G. 1862 . Sketches of the Rise, Progress and Decline of Secession, with a Narrative of Personal Adventures among the Rebels. Phildelphia: George W. ChildCampbell, Mildred L. 1942. The English Yeoman Under Elizabeth and the Early Stuarts. New Haven: Yale. Coulter, E. Merton. 1950. The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. Davis, Jefferson. 1881. The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. New York: Appleton. Degler, Carl N. 1974. The Other South: Southern Dissenters in the Nineteenth Century. New York: Harper and Row. Drake, Richard B. 1986. "Slavery and Antislavery in Appalachia." Appalachian Heritage 14 (Winter): 25-33. Foner, Philip S, ed. 1944. "Notes on Virginia (1781-1785), Quiery XDL" Basic Writings of Thomas Jefferson, New York: Wiley. Hahn, Stephen. 1983. Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and The Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890. New York: Oxford. Higgs, Robert J. and Ambrose N. Manning, ed. 1975. Voices from the Hills. New York: Unger. 26 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Inscoe, John C. 1989. Mountain Masters, Slavery and the Sectional Crisis in Western North Carolina. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. McWhiney, Grady. 1988. Cracker Culture: Celtic Ways in the Old South. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. Kevins, Allan. 1950. The Emergence of Lincoln: Prologue to the Civil War, 1859-1861. New York: Scribners. Notestein, Wallace. 1962. The English People on the Eve of Colonization, 1603-1630. New York: Harper & Row. Odum, Howard W. 1936. Southern Regions of the United States. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Otto, John Solomon. 1985. "Reconsidering the Southern Hillbilly: Appalachia and the Ozarks." Appalachian Journal 12.(Summer): 324-32. Rice, Otis K. 1985. West Virginia: A History. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Rothblatt, Donald N. 1971. Regional Planning: The Appalachian Experience. Lexington, Massachusetts: Heath. Simkins, Francis B. 1956. A History of the South. New York: Knopf. Tindall, George B. 1976. The Ethnic Southerners. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. Wertenbaker, Thomas Jefferson. 1942. The Old South: The Founding of American Civilization. New York: Scribners. Whisnant, David E. 1980. Modernizing the Mountaineer: People, Power and Planning. New York: Burt Franklin. . 1985. Appalachia, Twenty Years of Progress. Washington: Appalachian Regional Commission. Woodson, Carter G. 1916. "Freedom and Slavery in Appalachia." Journal of Negro History 1 (April). Richard Drake is Julian-Van Dusen Professor of American History at Berea College, Berea, Kentucky. Volume Three, 1991 27 �Hegemony, Alienation and Identity Reformulation: Further Thoughts on a Comparative Approach to Appalachian Studies Richard Blaustein When the sociologist John Shelton Reed stated that "Appalachia has always been the South's South" (Reed 1986, 42), he deftly pinpointed a key feature of the Appalachian dilemma: marginality. Appalachia as a region is marginal to the official centers of political, economic, and cultural power in the southern states just as the South as a region is peripheral to the core of official power in the United States as a nation-state. In both cases we can observe ambiguous identity of peripheral regions with a more inclusive official sociopolitical establishment; conflicting tendencies towards acceptance or rejection of the hegemony, that is to say, the authority and legitimacy of a dominant elite which establishes cultural standards for society as a whole. Culturally speaking, there is no such thing as the "Solid South." Though John Shelton Reed is careful to indicate the limitations of the survey data he presents in Southerners: The Social Psychology of Regionalism, it would appear that people who were born and raised in the Border States are much less likely to identify themselves as Southerners (42 percent) than people from the Deep South (87 percent) (1983, 13). Despite John Inscoe's recent study of Confederate loyalism in Western 28 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �North Carolina, and Tom Burton's earlier research on Confederate Home Guards in Watauga County, it would be going too far to say that Upland southerners have uniformly identified with the South; in Reed's North Carolina survey, he found that people who disassociated themselves from southern identity came from all age groups, all social classes and both sexes, but geographically they were disproportionately concentrated in mountain and hill areas in the western and north central sections of the state which were centers of strong Union sentiment during the Civil War (1983, 24). Recent studies of Appalachian self-identity by Susan Keefe (1989) and Philip Obermiller (1987) actually suggest that many southern mountaineers resist any sort of regional or sectional labeling, and mainly to avoid stigmatization. Regardless of all of the other ethnic and racial pride movements which have taken place in the United States since the early sixties, low-status marginal southern white social types like hillbillies, crackers, and rednecks are still fair game for stereotypic put-downs: "Just as rednecks seem to be the last identifiably ethnic villains, so hillbillies appear to be the last acceptable ethnic fools" (Reed 1986, 43). As Ross Spears has graphically illustrated in Long Shadows, his documentary film on the enduring psychic effects of the American Civil War, regional and sectional biases are still very much alive in the United States; to quote John Shelton Reed again, "As long as nonsoutherners think of southerners as different, southerners will be forced to think in these terms" (1983, 110). Throughout the modern world, the vitality of regionalism, nationalism, religious, and ethnic separatism has defied the predictions of liberals and rationalists who believed that the progress of science and industry would inexorably result in homogeneous mass cultures and classless societies. Instead, the reverse seems to be happening. In capitalist and socialist nation-states alike, peripheral subject minorities are challenging the hegemony of elite establishments. The melting pot is melting, the iron curtain is rusting, the domino theory has fallen on its face, while national, regional, ethnic, and religious affiliations and animosities have proven to be stubbornly persistent. Many contemporary historians and social theorists are now convinced of the inadequacy of assimilation and mass culture theories. In their place, we are witnessing the ascendancy of models of social and cultural development founded upon the realization that ethnic, regional, and national cultures are surprisingly resilient and extremely resistant to assimilation. In recent years, theories positing the persistence of British regional cultures in the New World have gained currency in Appalachian Studies and related branches of American social history. In part, this could be a response by British-American intellectuals to the assertion of cultural continuity by other ethnic and racial groups. If Alex Haley of Henning, Volume Three, 1991 29 �Tennessee, can trace his ancestor Kuntu Kinte to the village of Juffure in Gambia, and if art historian Robert Farris Thompson can conclusively demonstrate the continuity of specific West and Central African graphic and musical motifs in African-American folk art, (1984), is it too farfetched to propose that British-American regional subcultures might be equally resilient? Though new regionalists as philosophically disparate as Rodger Cunningham, Grady McWhiney, and David Hackett Fischer concur that British regional subcultures have been preserved essentially intact in America, they are otherwise in far from perfect accord regarding specific historical and ethnological details. In the 1990 Winter edition of the Appalachian Journal, Cunningham has recently concluded that McWhiney's notion of Celtic hegemony in the American South as presented in Cracker Culture (1988) is not only simplistic but also accepts xenophobic descriptions of these people by hostile outsiders at face value. Though McWhiney and his colleague Forrest McDonald assert that no less than 75 percent of the settlers of the hinterlands of the Southern colonies were of Celtic origin, and these people imposed a non-English culture characterized by pastoralism, laziness, intemperance, sensuality, violence, and anarchic individualism on their neighbors (McDonald and McWhiney 1989, 1131), Cunningham contends that these people can hardly be considered Celts at all. According to Fischer, most of these back country settlers, English-speaking Protestants rather than Gaelicspeaking Catholics, came from the rim of the Irish Sea including the border country of Northern England and Lowland Scotland as well as Northern Ireland and not from historically Gaelic areas (1989, 618-21). This non-Celtic North British border culture, transported to the colonial frontier between 1717 and 1775, informed the distinctive character and image of the Appalachian South. Indeed, Fischer would argue that centuries of insecurity and violence on the borders of North Britain resulted in the psychological and cultural preadaptation of the settlers of Appalachia before they ever came to America, just as the historical experiences of the Puritans in East Anglia, the Cavaliers in southwestern England, and the Quakers in the Midlands set the stamp on the regional subcultures they brought to New England, the Tidewater, and the Delaware Valley. American history is largely a result of the dynamic interplay of these four hearth cultures. Though Cunningham finds Fischer's version of regional determinism more agreeable than McWhiney's Celtic hypothesis, Albion's Seed, despite its higher degree of historical and ethnological precision, is nonetheless grievously flawed. In supporting his thesis, Fischer indulges in sweeping generalizations and outright distortions which reinforce xenophobic stereotypes. Fischer's cursory discussions of folk 30 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �speech (652-55) and folk magic (708-15) are particularly distressing from the viewpoint of the folklorist; it almost seems as though he has deliberately chosen the most bizarre examples available to demonstrate just how barbaric, cruel, and superstitious these peculiar people really are. Are the vocabulary items and superstitions he presents as quintessentially Appalachian (or North British?) as he claims, or would exhaustive research uncover parallels and cognates in other BritishAmerican subcultures? And what about the purported xenophobia of the southern highlander? Fischer's characterization of Appalachians as antisemitic (650-1) seems to be an egregious generalization from the terrible but unique ordeal of Leo Frank; what would a careful study of the geographic distribution of anti-Jewish violence in the South actually show? These may seem like carping criticisms, but what of Fischer's failure to address the ambiguity and diversity of Appalachian involvement in the Civil War (859-61)? Curiously enough, he says nothing at all about conflicts among his four hearth cultures: is this because the actual complexity of the historical event has exhausted the explanatory power of his theoretical construct? Fischer's conception of persistent dialectic tension between regional subcultures, which posits enduring, organic relationships between a people, its homeland and distinctive linguistic and cultural characteristics, is essentially romantic. Exploring the parallels between romantic regionalism in Britain and America is ultimately more informative to the cultural historian than sifting and straining historical and ethnological facts to support a comforting counter myth. Like Rodger Cunningham, we must address fundamental questions of cultural dominance and subordination that divide core from periphery in any complex society and create identity conflicts which pull marginal, non-elite personalities between the poles of assimilation and separatism. In Apples on the Flood, Cunningham theorizes that a continuous history of marginality and subordination has left the descendants of the North British borders who migrated to Appalachia with an impaired sense of autonomous identity and self-worth (xxiii). This ambiguity is compounded by the ambivalence of the core culture towards its own advancement. On one hand, the primitive periphery represents backwardness, irrationality, superstition, sloth, violence; on the other, the core believes that the periphery has preserved values it believes it has lost: the primordial, the natural, organic, traditional, spiritual, spontaneous, sensual, and emotional. John Shelton Reed contrasts this peripheral "id culture" with the "superego culture" of the core: "The idea is that members of the group doing the stereotyping project their unacceptable impulses onto the group being stereotyped, and thus deny that they have those impulses" (Reed 1986, 45). Volume Three, 1991 31 �Whether we are talking about Appalachians, Celts, vanishing Indians, or any other dominated, marginal group, it is interesting that the qualities which distinguish "superego" and "id" cultures remain constant, for ultimately they are expressions of unequal power relationships: (+) Dominant versus Rational Advanced Hard working Practical Organized Anglo-Saxon male Apollonian superego left brain core bureaucracy United States (-) Subordinate Irrational Primitive Lazy Impractical Fragmented Celt female Dionysian id right brain periphery folk society Appalachia According to this formula, vanishing peripheral cultures are assumed to be displaced by advancing core cultures; historically, this has provided the rationale for the study and celebration of folk culture and indeed, for the initiation of romantic cultural revivals in general. However, before such revivals can begin, their leaders must resolve their feelings of ambiguity regarding these opposing cultural poles, neatly summed up in Malcolm Chapman's assessment of the paradoxical position of the Highlanders in Scottish culture: The highlands have long been derided as the barbarous antithesis of southern culture and sophistication, yet they have at the same time become the location of all of the virtues that civilization has felt itself to lack" (1978, 13). Like the Scottish Gael, the Appalachian highlander comes to embody the inner conflicts of core civilization," at once a fit object for the location of primitive traits, and a fit object for taming, schooling and 'improving7 " (20). This is true of the folk in general. As folklorist Alan Dundes comments, "The folk is a backward, illiterate segment of the population of which elitist intellectuals are ashamed. On the other hand, the folk represents the glorified, romanticized remnants of a national patrimony which is something for zealous intellectuals to celebrate. . . .the same situation applies in most countries. Intellectuals were both embarrassed by and proud of their folk and folklore" (Dundes 1989, 44). Dundes proposes that the selective reconstruction or the wholesale 32 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �invention of folk traditions compensates for feelings of cultural inferiority experienced by such intellectuals. The reformulation or fabrication of tradition provides a means of shedding internalized stigmatizing stereotypes and asserting a self-defined social and cultural identity. The purported revival or rediscovery of cultural traditions dating back to an unsullied Golden Age serves the same psychological function as countermythologies which reject the core culture's assertion of its own primacy and superiority; the adoption of Mother Goddess myths by feminists or Jesus-Was-Black myths by African-Americans are salient examples of what David Whisnant has seen fit to call "counterhegemonic opposition." By embracing the periphery and rejecting the core, such movements resolve the crisis of dual cultural loyalties experienced by peripheral intellectuals. Functionally speaking, it matters little if the cultural forms which serve as the focus of such movements are ethnographically authentic or recent fabrications as long as they fulfill the need for meaningful, positive social identity. As the British sociologist Anthony D. Smith remarks, the preservation and celebration of the cultural heritage of the periphery serves to bolster a threatened or vanishing communal personality: The enemy within is loss of identity, selfoblivion, the end of authenticity, which erodes and corrupts the community, dividing and weakening the members and tempting them into cultural imitation and political dependence" (Smith 1979, 118). In conquering the inner enemy, which is in fact the internalized conflict between core and periphery, disaffiliated intellectuals are transformed into partisans (or patrons) of the reconstituted folk community: They go out among the peasants and farmers, commune with nature, record the rhythms of the countryside, and bring them back to the anonymous city, so that rising urban strata may be 'reborn' and possess a clear and unmistakable identity" (106). Folk revivalism is only one form that such counter-hegemonic movements have taken. In Appalachian Studies, we have often commented on the apparent conflict between what Jim Wayne Miller has referred to as the "action people" and the "creative folk." In recent years, that division has become less intense with the growing realization that both positions represent alternate solutions to the fundamental problem of marginality, subordination, and the consequent need for self-actualization. Rodger Cunningham has imaginatively and constructively synthesized these seemingly disparate points of view. As Cunningham states in the final chapter of Apples On The Flood, the resolution of the Appalachian dilemma entails "the healing of the divided self (Cunningham 1987, 171). His image of a borderland Merlin awaiting rebirth in his mystic womb-cavern in primordial North Britain evokes Gurney Volume Three, 1991 33 �Norman's David Ray "Divine Right" Davenport wrestling with the fiery serpent in the darkness of an abandoned mine on his Uncle Emmit's homeplace in eastern Kentucky; both suggest archetypal rituals of psychic alchemy through which the dross of the false self is separated from the gold of the authentic self and the self-actualized personality is reunited with an authentic, autonomous community. In the end, it is probably fruitless to argue over the historical validity of the new romantic regionalism; Jo Carson has often repeated George Ella Lyon's contention that the facts and the truth are not necessarily the same thing. And, as Cunningham has observed, the real struggle in Appalachian Studies is not between the action people and the creative folk, but between the Enlargers and the Enclosers. By making us look at old questions in new ways, Rodger Cunningham is definitely one of the Enlargers. Whether we agree with all of the basic assumptions of the new regionalism or not, it is nonetheless contributing to the reconfiguration of Appalachian Studies itself. Works Cited Chapman, Malcolm. 1978. The Gaelic Vision In Scottish Culture. London: Groom Helm and McGill-Queen's University. Cunningham, Rodger. 1987. Apples on the Flood: The Southern Mountain Experience. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. -, 1990. "Eat Grits and Die: Or, Cracker, Your Breed Ain't Hermeneutical." Appalachian Journal 17 Spring. Dundes, Alan. 1989. "The Fabrication of Folklore," in Folklore Matters. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Fischer, David Hackett. 1989. Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America. Oxford: Oxford University Press. McDonald, Forrest and Grady McWhiney. 1989. "Celtic South." eds. Charles Reagan Wilson and William Ferris. Encyclopedia of Southern Culture. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 34 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �McWhiney, Grady. 1988. Cracker Culture: Celtic Ways in The Old South. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. Reed, John Shelton. 1983. Southerners: The Social Psychology of Sectionalism. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. -. 1986. Southern Folk, Plain And Fancy: Native White Social Types. Athens: University of Georgia Press. Smith, Anthony D. 1979. Nationalism in the Twentieth Century. New York: New York University Press. Richard Blaustein is Professor of Sociology and Anthropology and Director of the Center for Appalachian Studies and Services at East Tennessee State University. Volume Three, 1991 35 �The Appalachian Frontier and the Southern Frontier: A Comparative Perspective H. Tyler Blethen & Curtis W. Wood As the title indicates, this paper originally set out to compare antebellum southern Appalachian society with that of the rural South in general. As the work progressed it became obvious that this undertaking was far too ambitious, even in general terms, given the time and space available. Its goal now is more limited: to discuss some recent revisionist perspectives from which to reexamine antebellum southern mountain society and to consider how unique that society was compared to the larger non-plantation South. The paper will focus in particular on questions of mobility and community. The period under examination (roughly from the 1780s to 1860) is frequently referred to as the frontier or pioneer stage; those decades of initial settlement during which European culture was brought into the mountains. But this antebellum era involves more than migration, settlement, and pioneering. In fact, it contains two stages, the second constituting a time of development and elaboration during which a synthetic mountain society and economy took shape and sank deep roots. What are the most useful terms by which to describe that syncretic society: isolated, insular, provincial, self-sufficient, subsistent, communal, egalitarian, barter, market-oriented? To what degree were the essential features of antebellum mountain society unique? To what degree were they simply more pronounced or sharply drawn, and thereby more distinctive than in the non-mountain South? What factors account for any uniqueness or distinctiveness? 36 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �The idea that mountain society is unique frequently has been used to explain the highly visible cultural survivals of the region and its more intractable problems. Arguments for uniqueness have relied on various assertions: that the southern mountain region was settled by a distinctively different class of people, or alternatively, that it was settled by certain ethnic groups whose culture was particularly adaptive to the mountain environment. Closely related is the argument based on geography: that a harsh and restrictive environment forced development along certain lines while, at the same time, forestalling alternatives and producing economic and cultural deprivation along with political isolation and powerlessness. Any student of southern Appalachian history can recognize the appeal of these ideas; however, recent research reveals a more complex picture. One important trend has been to portray the antebellum mountain region as an integral part of the "Upland South." This interpretation, recognized by Frederick Jackson Turner seventy years ago, has recently been documented and described by Fred Kniffen, Henry Glassie, Milton Newton, James Lemon, and Robert Mitchell. Though the views of these scholars (mostly historical geographers) vary in some important respects, they stress the cultural unity of the non-plantation antebellum South from Pennsylvania to Mississippi, and they minimize diversity within this "cultural hearth." The "nearly uniform set of solutions" (Newton 1974, 150-1) of this "midland backwoods culture" (Jordan and Kaupsl989, 8-9) spread rapidly across the "Old West" frontier in the period 1750-1825. It was a cultural fusion contributed to and borne by a number of ethnic groups: Scotch-Irish, German, English, etc. The distinctive features of this cultural synthesis were dispersed settlement, the single-family farmstead, the county unit, a courthouse-town focus, an open class system, a generalized but commercially-oriented stockmanfarmer-hunter economy, log construction, an extremely productive and varied food-and-feed complex, and evangelical Protestantism (Mitchell and Newton 1988, 20). The value of this "geographer's view" is that it reminds us of the cultural unity of the frontier South, a unity which is sometimes overlooked when research is narrowly focused on the mountain region. It also encourages a greater appreciation for this remarkably dynamic phase of southern history—"the most successful forest colonization process ever devised" (Jordan and Kaups 1989, 7) —and its imprint on later southern history. Its weakness is that it accounts for continuity more successfully than for emerging regionalism and diversity. But recent research also has revealed a surprisingly mobile, marketoriented antebellum mountain society: not a monolithic society, but one characterized by clear gradations of class and an important diversity Volume Three, 1991 37 �including both isolated and accessible regions. Significant areas of the southern mountains interacted extensively with the larger society and economy and preserved a basic similarity with the rest of the South. But at the same time, some distinctive regional characteristics emerged. The problems of travel and transportation played an important role in defining antebellum mountain society economically, politically, and culturally. The mountain environment did not pose a serious barrier to frontier settlement but presented to new immigrants a physical setting distinct enough to constitute some novelty in the settlement experience. Physical distances were measured in days or even weeks, and any travel could impose significant choices on an individual or family. Migration even over relatively short distances could mean long separation from family and friends. The single-family farmstead, the norm for mountain society, took on new meaning when farms were separated by rough, poorly maintained roads. Nonetheless, Appalachian frontier society developed a transportation system that connected it to the larger southern economy and society and which supported a lifestyle that was comparable to that in the rural non-plantation South. Frank Owsley's description of the "plain folk of the old South" provides graphic evidence of this (1949, 90-123). The diversity of mountain society was apparent from the earliest period of white settlement. River bottoms became home to more prosperous and accessible valley communities. The families who settled the coves and hollows were affected by varying degrees of isolation, which in some cases was undoubtedly extreme. But overall, antebellum mountain society was characterized by a remarkable flow of people and a steady movement of goods. Demographic research indicates that the earliest settlers came from considerable distances, frequently from other states, and often stayed for only a short time before moving on. Even as late as 1850, a study of census records for Jackson County, North Carolina, reveals that most residents had been born in neighboring counties and that short-distance moves were still part of a typical migration pattern there. Similarly, in Washington County, Tennessee, over half the individuals recorded on any of the surviving tax lists between 1790 and 1845 did not appear on the next list, and 40-50 percent of the surnames on any tax list were missing from the next (Blethen and Wood 1987, 7883; Dunn 1988, 1-21; Hsiung, 5-6). Populations were remarkably fluid and mobile along the southern Appalachian frontier in the early nineteenth century. Families moved readily and frequently as the frontier shifted south and west. Often they settled on land that they never bought, and may not have even entered a claim for, before moving on. The early married life of Andy J. Wood of Jackson County illustrates that mobility: 38 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �I entered 100 acres of land on the headwaters of Cullowhee [Creek], built me a little cabin and we moved what we had to begin housekeeping with in a sled.... I worked very hard all day and at night I would make shoes for my neighbors or card for my wife who had toiled faithfully all day long and then did her carding and spinning at night. We stayed two years but were not satisfied with the gain we were making and in the year 1842 we decided to go to Georgia and work for gold. (Wood) Just a few years later the family returned to Jackson County . Places throughout the southern mountains that even in the present day seem extremely remote attracted settlers quite early. A popular presumption is that families sank their roots "where the axle broke." That explanation for the far-flung white settlement of the pioneer period is colorful, but it is not historically very plausible. Instead, we must credit the remarkable penetration of settlement into remote mountain regions to settlers in search of arable land with good water. Essential to this pattern of settlement was the mountain economy which motivated them, an economy which, though largely subsistence, was never entirely removed from a greater regional market economy. Mountain communities in the frontier period appreciated the importance of improved transportation. Although obstacles were considerable and resources scarce, upgrading roads was a priority from the start. Once settlements were established, the settlers looked for the easiest routes to conduct their trade. In general, these routes tended to be northsouth, rather than east-west. This meant that the mountain people of Tennessee, North Carolina, and Virginia found that their trade was directed not primarily toward their own states but toward the states to their north and south. These routes and the economic ties that grew from them are important in understanding subsequent developments (Blethen and Wood, 73-75, 86-87; Inscoe 1989; Hsiung 1989, 336-49). Internal improvements were one of the burning issues of the early nineteenth century, particularly in the more recently-settled areas of the south-central backcountry. The developing road network led citizens in many parts of the southern mountains to identify more with neighboring states than with the eastern seaboard and even with the capitals of their own states. Locally, county governments worked to establish and maintain public roads. Indian trails quickly became wagon roads. Private investors built turnpikes and toll roads. As new counties were created, road improvements were undertaken to connect scattered communities to their new new county seats. In fact, the system of county government and the development of mountain transportation Volume Three, 1991 39 �were intimately related. By the 1830s and 1840s scheduled transportation had begun to connect many of the small towns of the southern Appalachians. Western North Carolina illustrates this growing interconnectedness. By the 1830s a weekly stage ran from Asheville to Clayton, Georgia, through Waynesville and Franklin. Another ran from Tennessee through Qualla and Webster to South Carolina. These mountain roads also gave the region good access to the Buncombe County Turnpike between Greenville, Tennessee, and Greenville, South Carolina. This network made possible interaction beyond the region which is reflected in the trade commodities regularly shipped in and out of the mountains (Blethen and Wood, 74). Rather than focusing on the isolation and impoverishment of pre-railroad mountain society, it is more useful to understand the nature of pre-railroad transportation which supported mountain life and to analyze the manner in which it met the needs of the region. Nevertheless, the fact that railroads arrived in the southern mountains decades later than in surrounding regions is of critical importance. This delay, as much a function of sectional conflict and competing economic interests as it was of the engineering and financial obstacles posed by mountain terrain, had a dramatic impact on the development of southern Appalachia. As early as the 1820s, mountain leaders were involved in efforts to bring railroads into their region. The failure of most of these initiatives until the 1870s profoundly altered the relationship between the southern Appalachians and mainstream America. In the decades of the midnineteenth century, the uneven distribution of railroads widened the gap between a progressive, industrial America and an "isolated" mountain people. The highland region was once again a "frontier." From a national perspective it was "the land where time lingers," awaiting development. Its control of its own resources and its own destiny were precarious indeed. All this leads directly to the important historical question of just how isolated the region was in the era before the coming of the railroads. The evidence for isolation is found in descriptions from travelers' accounts (Bishop Francis Asbury; Andre Michaux, etc.) and in some recent regional studies, particularly those that focus on community history (Waller 1988; Paludan 1981). Physical separation was certainly an important political reality. Local communities complained about the disadvantages in daily life of being several days removed from county courts and land offices. Their discontent was the driving force behind the creation of new counties throughout much of the nineteenth century. The mountain counties remained hidden from the attentions of their respective state governments and were sometimes even referred to as the "lost counties." This governmental attitude, however, was more a 40 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �reflection of sectional conflicts within states than of genuinely crippling isolation. For mountain communities in fact had developed strong ties to the national economy and society. Evidence of a dynamic economic life is found in the commercialized agriculture which developed in the region from an early date. The livestock economy with its annual drives to South Carolina, Georgia, and Virginia, which have been vividly described in recent literature (Dykeman 1955,137-51; Blethen and Wood, forthcoming), burst the bonds of the subsistence economy. They gave mountain farmers direct access to southeastern markets and created local opportunities to sell corn to drovers. Trade with the outside economy stimulated the growth of mountain towns and gave rise to a class of merchants like James Patton, William Holland Thomas, and David Deaderick. There is also evidence of a more cosmopolitan cultural and social life, stimulated by antebellum tourism (Inscoe, 30-33). Finally, in what way did the development of the community set mountain people apart from the rural South? The traditional image of American pioneer life has been that of people living in isolated, subsistence-oriented, self-sufficient family farms. Community (defined as an active network of interdependence and of shared objectives pursued collectively), when it existed, was described as marginal, with most people living in the context of rugged individualism and sturdy independence. Only recently has revisionist scholarship begun to challenge that almost mythic portrayal of our country's roots. The new version, first developed in studies of rural New England and then extrapolated to the Midwest, insists that pioneer farmers were not totally self-sufficient, but instead lived in complex webs of interdependence. This revisionist paradigm of pioneer life is now being applied to our understanding of community in the southern Appalachians. In studying a region once upheld as the epitome of rugged individualism, and social and economic isolation, some historians are now beginning to insist upon the significance of community in the mountains. The work of scholars like Gordon McKinney, John Inscoe, Durwood Dunn, Philip Paludan, David Hsiung, and ourselves points the way to a new understanding of antebellum life in the southern Appalachians quite different from the old stereotypes of isolated and independent family farms. In summarizing these recent writings, McKinney acknowledges that most pioneer families indeed practiced subsistence agriculture and relied on their own production for all of their food. Nevertheless, he asserts that they remained dependent on the presence of craftsmen for certain skills, such as blacksmithing, milling of grain, and wheelwrighting, and on merchants for a wide variety of commodities like salt and manufactured goods (McKinney). Volume Three, 1991 41 �The key interpretive hypothesis which underlies this revisionist portrait of the southern mountains is an assertion that the Appalachian region was not socially and economically homogeneous. Rather, the new scholarship insists upon examining the southern Appalachians as a region marked by diversity. Thus, while there were some isolated family farmers, there were also towns and townspeople, as well as rural communities possessing their own social gradations and a developed sense of community and interdependence. This more sophisticated interpretation of the southern Appalachians explains how the traditional image of isolation could have arisen, while at the same time it reveals how poorly that image serves as a generalization. One important distinction which the new scholarship has highlighted is that between urban and rural mountaineers. Not all mountaineers were the same. While there were few truly urban areas in the antebellum southern mountains, and the existing towns were admittedly small, they nevertheless created a society distinctive from the rural areas outside them. John Inscoe, in his study of antebellum western North Carolina, has identified three types of mountain towns. The first were the older, more established towns in the foothills east of the Blue Ridge (Morganton, Lenoir, Wilkesboro). These towns were relatively prosperous and served as "gateways" between the mountains and the rest of the state. The second type were those located along the French Broad River. They were strung along the major route through the mountains, from Tennessee to South Carolina, which served as the region's economic lifeline before the coming of the railroad (Warm Springs, Asheville, Hendersonville, Flat Rock). The final type consisted of the remaining county seats west of the Blue Ridge. These were crude and frontier-like towns, which travelers delighted in belittling. Augustus S. Merrimon, a young Asheville attorney whose practice took him throughout the region, described Murphy as "a small place and poorly improved. There are several small stores here that seem to do a small business. All of them together would not make one good one." Waynesville he described as a "dirty small village and there is no place of entertainment in it fit to stay at. One would suppose it to be a large negro quarter to see it from a distance." He reserved his most unkind remarks for Jewel Hill, where Madison County's court still met. Its citizens were generally drunk, its women were "dirty, filthy strumpets," and he concluded that "I do not know any rival for this place in regard to drunkenness, ignorance, superstition and the most brutal debauchery" (Inscoe, 30-35). Carville Earle and Ronald Hoffman in their research on early southern urban history have found the development of similar types of towns across the South (Earle and Hoffman 1977, 23-51). All of these towns, regardless of their type, created a sense of com- 42 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �munity less isolated than that experienced by the surrounding rural mountaineers. Inscoe, Hsiung, and Paludan have all stressed the connections of townspeople to the outside world and their role in linking the mountains to the greater American society. A thriving elite of business and professional men existed in them. Towns were places where merchants, travelers, and courts gathered and met. As Paludan points out, values developed in towns that were different in many ways from those held by the surrounding rural mountaineers, especially in their emphasis on looking outside the mountains to meet their needs and plans (Paludan, 26). In this way, mountain townspeople were connected to the rest of the nation. It is likely that mountain towns, though small and rudimentary, also had significant impact on the sense of rural community. But again, it is important to understand the variations that existed within the southern Appalachians. For example, Inscoe and Paludan argue that over time, small communities of rural mountaineers, like Shelton Laurel and Plum Tree Creek in western North Carolina, actually became isolated from the mountain towns (Inscoe, 53-4; Paludan, 7-8). While Paludan offers no explanation as to why this would be so, Inscoe attributes it to the growing pressures of population. Continuing immigration forced later settlers further up the mountainsides and into the coves and hollows whose distances made travel to towns more difficult. As the nineteenth century unfolded, community life in towns became more distinctive as they generated much of the area's progress, diversity, and entrepreneurial spirit (Inscoe, 25). Just as there was diversity among various mountain communities, so too was there diversity among rural mountain people. Recent work has challenged the traditional stereotype that all mountaineers were sturdy independent yeoman farmers. McKinney and Inscoe have pointed out important variations of socioeconomic class within antebellum mountain society. Our research on antebellum Jackson County revealed a distinction between subsistence-oriented farms on which families produced for their own needs and little else, and market-oriented farms that produced a surplus and required more labor than the family could provide. Prosperous farmers in the broad valley of the Tuckaseigee River, and along Scotts Creek, grew more grain than farmers in other communities and sold it to drovers on their way to autumn markets in South Carolina and Georgia. They also maintained large herds of cattle and hogs which they both sold to drovers and took to markets themselves. These market-oriented farmers created a demand for more labor than the family could provide. In a few cases this need was met by slaves, for there were significant numbers of slaveholders and slaves in western North Carolina, as there were in eastern Tennessee and north- Volume Three, 1991 43 �em Georgia. More often, it was suppled by landless laborers who worked as tenant farmers. The census of 1850 indicates that most Jackson County communities included at least a few such heads of households, identified as laborers. In the Tuckaseigee Valley community, eighteen of fifty-eight households were headed by laborers. The census does not specify what kind of work these laborers did, but it does make clear that they did not own land. Jackson County was an overwhelmingly agricultural region, and only a handful of men supported themselves by work other than farming. There is little doubt that these men identified as laborers worked on other people's farms. A class of landless farm workers does not fit with the conventional view of a society where all men were independent farm owners. However, other research confirms the presence of dependent, landless tenants in the mountain counties of north Georgia, in Cades Cove, and in Haywood County, North Carolina (Blethen and Wood, 83-85; Bode and Gunter 1986; Dunn; Reid 1976, 69-83); and it is probable that this situation was common throughout the mountain region. Few rental contracts have been found, but a handful from Haywood County offer insight into tenant status. Tenants were probably sharecroppers rather than renters; certainly rents were rarely paid in cash. It is likely that tenants farmed pieces of land separate from the farms of their landlords. They received an agreed-upon share of the crop—often two thirds—in lieu of wages. Tenants often had other obligations required by their leases, such as to prepare new land for cultivation or to build or repair fences. Landlords probably supervised the work of their tenants and decided what they should grow and where. The Haywood County records indicate that leases were often short, for one year at a time. A tenant usually stayed with the same landlord but each year would renegotiate the terms and the lands to be leased. It appears that landlords believed that this practice was both efficient and profitable, and that it was not just a way of exploiting surplus land (Blethen and Wood, 83-85). The lifestyle of small farmers and tenants must have been quite similar. Both cultivated small tracts of land to meet their household needs, kept livestock on the open range, and supplemented their incomes by hunting and fishing. But while tenants enjoyed a standard of living very much like that of the typical small farm owner, they were free from many of the worries connected with land ownership, particularly the payment of property taxes. And in a period characterized by considerable mobility, tenants found it easier to move on. The lifestyle of tenants and small farmers was often misunderstood and described in derogatory terms by travelers from outside the region. In 1848 Charles Lanman, a 44 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �journalist, described his journey up the Tuckaseigee River: The river to which I alluded is the Tuck-a-se-ja, which empties into the Tennessee. It is a very rapid stream, and washes the base of many mountains, which are as wild as they were a century ago. Whenever there occurs any interval land, the soil is very rich, and such spots are usually occupied. The mountains are all covered with forest, where wild game is found in abundance. The fact is, the people of this whole region devote more of their time to hunting than they do to agriculture, which in fact accounts for their proverbial poverty. You can hardly see a single cabin without being howled at by half a dozen hounds, and I have now become so well educated in guessing the wealth of a mountaineer, that I can fix his condition by ascertaining the number of his dogs. A rich man seldom has more than one dog, while a very poor man will keep from ten to a dozen. And this remark with regard to dogs, strange as it may seem, is equally applicable to the children of the mountaineers. The poorest man, without exception, whom I have seen in this region, lives in a log cabin with two rooms, and is the father of nineteen children, and the keeper of six hounds. (Lanman 1849, 84-85) Lanman, like many other observers, misunderstood the local economy, overlooked the importance of herding, and seemed oblivious to the existence of prosperous valley farmers. In fact, subsistence farmers and tenants in the mountains were very similar to small farmers found throughout the non-plantation South before the Civil War (Owsley, 90123). The small group of prosperous, market-oriented farmers who hired laborers and occasionally owned slaves also had their counterparts across the rural South. This recent research presents a more complex picture of mountain society, one which challenges long-accepted generalities and points the way to more fruitful paths for research. It also makes it much more difficult to generalize about the mountains. Finally, this recent research suggests that students of the region's history searching for an understanding of the "uniqueness" of the southern mountains might not find definitive answers in the antebellum period. Works Cited Blethen, H. Tyler and Curtis W. Wood, Jr. 1987. "The Pioneer Experience to 1851." ed. Max R. Williams. The History of Jackson County. Sylva, North Carolina: Jackson County Historical Society. Volume Three, 1991 45 �-. "James Patton: Adventures of a Frontier Merchant." ed. Robert Mitchell. The Appalachian Frontier. Forthcoming. Bode, Frederick A. and Donald E. Gunter. 1986. Farm Tenancy and the Census in Antebellum. Georgia. Athens: University of Georgia Press. Dunn, Durwood. 1988. Cades Cove: The Life and Death of a Southern Appalachian Community 1818-1937. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Dykeman, Wilma. 1955. The French Broad. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Earle, Carville and Ronald Hoffman. 1977. "The Urban South: The First Two Centuries." ed. Elaine A. Brownell and David R. Goldfield. The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South. New York: Associated Faculty Press. Hsiung, David C. The Population Distribution of Washington County, Tennessee, 1790-1845: An Appalachian Stereotype Examined," 5-6 -. 1989. "How Isolated was Appalachia? Upper East Tennessee, 17801885." Appalachian Journal 16: 1989, 336-49. Inscoe, John. 1989. Mountain Masters, Slavery, and the Sectional Crisis in Western North Carolina. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Jordan, Terry G. and Matti Kaups. 1989. The American Backwoods Frontier: An Ethnic and Ecological Interpretation.. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. Kniffen, Fred. 1965. "Folk Housing, Key to Diffusion." Annals of the Associatio of American Geographers 55. Kniffen, Fred and Henry Glassie. 1966. Building in Wood in the Eastern United States, A Time-Place Perspective.. New York: American Geographical Society. Lanman, Charles. 1849. Letters from the Allegheny Mountains.. New York: G. P. Putnam. Lemon, James T. 1972. The Best Poor Man's Country: A Geographical Study of Early Southeastern Pennsylvania. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. McKinney, Gordon B. "Subsistence Economy and Community in Western North Carolina, 1860-1865," unpublished paper. Mitchell, Robert D. 1977. Commercialism and Frontier: Perspectives on the Early Shenandoah Valley. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. 46 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �. 1983. "American Origins and Regional Institutions: the 17th Century Chesapeake." Annals of the Association of 'American Geographers 73: 1983. Mitchell, Robert and Milton Newton. 1988. The Appalachian Frontier: Views from the East and the Southwest." Historical Geography Research Series 21: 20. Newton, Milton. 1974. "Cultural Preadaptation and the Upland South." Geoscience and Man 5: 1974. Owsley, Frank. 1949. Plain Folk of the Old South. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. Paludan, Philip. 1985. Victims: A True Story of the Civil War. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Reid, Joseph D., Jr. 1976. "Antebellum Southern Rental Contracts," Explorations in Economic History 13: 69-83. Turner, Fredrick Jackson. 1920. The Frontier in American History. Melbourne, Florida: Robert E. Krieger Publishing. Waller, Altina L. 1988. Feud: The Hatfields, McCoys, and Social Change in Appalachia, 1860-1900. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Wood, Andy J. "Autobiography of Andy J. Wood." Small Ms. 80-38. Special Collections, Hunter Library, Western Carolina University. H. Tyler Blethen is Director and Curtis W. Wood is Senior Research Associate at the Mountain Heritage Center. Both are Professors of History at Western Carolina University. Volume Three, 1991 47 �The Enduring Legacy of the "Southern Rebellion": West Virginia's Well-Being David B. White Conventional history and mainstream thought perpetuate the theme that the state of West Virginia was born in the Civil War out of the overwhelming pro-Unionist sympathies of the entire population of present-day West Virginia. To be sure, there had existed in the Old Dominion sectionalist conflict between the more mountainous regions of the state and the lowland and tidewater areas. But the sectionalism conflict in antebellum Virginia had changed from the 1820s to the early 1860s. By the 1860s only the extreme Trans-Allegheny Northwest was at odds with Richmond's influence. Political reforms such as tax relief, voting rights and representation issues, and large appropriations for internal improvements had moved the Shenandoah Valley and Southwest Virginia areas closer to the Richmond orbit. Further, the geographic presence of the Allegheny mountains, and the commercial and industrial ties of the Northwest to Ohio and Pennsylvania (by the B & 0 Railroad and canal traffic) made that section of Old Virginia more northern than southern in influence. In short, the internal struggle in Old Virginia between the Trans-Allegheny Northwest and the rest of the State reflected the national struggle between the agrarian, state rights South and the industrialized, federalist North (Curry 1964). Few areas of the nation in the late nineteenth century more typified Jeffersonian society than did the agriculture-based southern Appalachians of which present day southwestern and southeastern West 48 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Virginia are a part. Self-sufficiency dominated, and agrarian versus mercantile or manufacturing concerns predominated. While the country was being transformed by urbanization and industrialization the southern mountains were relatively untouched: Throughout most of the nineteenth century there was little to attract capitalist development in Appalachia. The region's natural wealth of timber, coal, and other mineral resources was remote and inaccessible to the mercantile centers of the South and Northeast.... Only as the national economy entered a new stage of capitalist expansion in the years following the Civil War would the natural wealth of Appalachia attract outside capital. The sudden imposition of industrial capitalism at that time would bring dramatic changes to this rural area. By the third decade of the twentieth century, the Jeffersonian dream in Appalachia would become a nightmare of exploitation, corruption, and social tragedy. The Southern Mountains would remain a predominantly rural area, but changes in land ownership, economy, and the political system would leave the region's people dependent, impoverished, and powerless within a new and alien social order, (filler 1979, 84) The story of the military and political intrigue indicating how this occurred in West Virginia is both fascinating and tragic. A closer look at the political scene in the 1860s reveals a much different pattern of sympathies than that which current historical myth holds. Of the fifty counties which comprise present-day West Virginia, Unionism was confined largely to twenty-four relatively populated and industrialized Northwestern counties in geographic proximity to the Ohio River, the Pennsylvania border, and the B & O Railroad. However, at least twenty-four other counties representing two-thirds of the total area in the future state were unquestionably Confederate in outlook and voted for secession in 1861 (Curry), [see Map, page 51] When the Virginia legislature voted with the remainder of the Confederacy for secession, mass meetings in Northern Virginia resulted in a convention which was held in Wheeling on 11 June 1861. The agenda of the meeting concerned the dismemberment of Northwest Virginia toward the goal of separate statehood. The obstacle to this plan was Article IV, Section 3, of the U.S. Constitution which dictates the consent of the legislature to form a new state from an existing one. Of course, the Richmond government would not consent to such a proposal so a "restored" government of Virginia was formed which President Lincoln recognized as the "de jure" government of Virginia. "A rump Volume Three, 1991 49 �legislature, theoretically representing the whole state but in practice representing only the northwestern counties, thereupon elected two U.S. Senators from Virginia, who were seated by the Senate on 13 July 1861. Three Congressmen from Western Virginia also took their seats in the House" (McPherson 1988, 298). One of those elected to the U.S. Senate was John S. Carlile from Harrison County. Carlile's initial advocacy of statehood and his subsequent opposition are reflective of the mixed sentiments of the period, and also personify the growing distrust with which many moderate and conservative Republicans viewed the Radical Republicans as the war progressed (Curry; Davis 1970). Carlile had instigated the meeting in Wheeling for separate statehood upon his return from the secession vote in April 1861. Carlile and others who led the statehood movement were "Unionists," meaning they wanted to preserve the Union as it was and they appeared to be motivated more by "patriotism" and the concern of "self-murder" rather than abolitionist sentiment. However, secessionists initially recognized in Carlile a dangerous enemy, and he was vilified by Richmond editorials and states rights advocates (Davis). But by July 1862, Carlile was to become the primary obstructionist in the statehood political process. Understanding Carlile's change of heart is the key to understanding states rights and secessionist sympathies in general, and the bizarre beginning of West Virginia in particular. Carlile's actions must be interpreted—indeed can only be understood—in terms of Copperhead opposition to Radicalism and Lincoln's conduct of the war.... Carlile, as did all West Virginia Conservatives, consistently called for a vigorous prosecution of the war to suppress rebellion; but he was unwavering in his condemnation of "abolitionists fanaticism," whether in the form of the Emancipation Proclamation, suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, violations of freedom of the press, arbitrary arrests, or the Willey Amendment [a gradual emancipation provision of the West Virginia Constitution]. (Curry, 139) In addition to the highly irregular course of action creating a "de jure" government and this political infighting, one must put the occurrences of the day in proper perspective. All of these events were taking place as a Union Army invaded Western Virginia. Three days following Virginia's formal secession from the Union, Major General George B. McClellan, Commander of the Department of the Army of the Ohio, invaded Western Virginia. The Union forces, far superior in number and 50 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �County by County Voting Pattern on the Secession Ordinance Referendum in (West) Virginia, May 23,1861. Voted for Secession Source: Richard Otr Curry, A House Divided: A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia. Pittsburgh, Perm.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1964, page 49. Used by permission of the publisher. �resources defeated a much smaller ill-equipped Confederate force (Catton 1961;1980; Curry; McPherson). This achievement was crucial to the success of the new state movement; without the presence of victorious Northern troops, the state of West Virginia could not have been born" (McPherson, 299). Or more succinctly stated by Curry, "without military occupation the reorganized government of Virginia could not have functioned effectively, and the statehood movement could not have succeeded" (7). The Union forces, portending events of the future, invaded western Virginia for strategic, as well as political reasons. The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, the Ohio River, and natural resources were vital to Union victory (Catton 1961; Curry; McPherson). Despite this invasion by overwhelming forces, the Confederate sympathies of much of the West Virginia population were to be painfully evident during and after the War. Indeed, during the war the military exchanges were transformed into fratricidal conflict and guerrilla war, with the reorganized "de jure" government never having effective control over more than half the counties in the state (Curry). Guerrilla war with neighbor against neighbor became the norm (Catton 1961; Smith 1927). West Virginia provided considerable numbers of troops to the Confederate cause as well. Aided and abetted by the Lincoln administration, the clamor and political wrangling for separate statehood continued. Boundary disputes regarding what counties to be included dominated the statehood process with some factions calling for the inclusion of many southern sympathy counties to increase territory. Others balked at this option recognizing that their Unionist and industrialist interests would be subject to dominance from those opposed to these positions. Large state enthusiasts were essentially against dismemberment or had mixed feelings. Indicative that northwest Virginia was not fanatically Republican is the indisputable fact that the Republican Party polled less than 4 percent of the votes cast in the 1860 presidential election (Curry). Carlile originally insisted that the boundaries of the new state be limited to counties which were predominantly Unionist. As noted, it appears, however, that he became increasingly disgusted by congressional interference and dictates of gradual emancipation (although slavery was virtually nonexistent in Trans-Allegheny Northwest Virginia) as a prerequisite for statehood admission. When the final senatorial vote came for statehood with the Willey Amendment intact, Carlile voted against it, but it passed. He previously had insisted on increasing the boundaries to include pro-Confederate counties. As had been concluded by Curry, Carlile and other "conservative Unionists in Northwestern Virginia became alarmed when the war for the preservation of the 52 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Union took on the added purpose of a crusade for the destruction of slavery and the subjugation of the South" (108-109). Conservative Unionists like Carlile could not countenance this intrusion into home rule and would not vote for separate statehood unless it was on unconditional terms. Nevertheless with the process of statehood initiated, the "de jure" government in control, and the military occupation a fait accompli, West Virginia became a state on June 20, 1863. Lincoln reluctantly, but for pragmatic and expedient reasons, concurred (Curry). As noted, the land and family were the dominant factors in preindustrial West Virginia, particularly in those sections which had aligned themselves with the Confederacy. Homesteading, farming, and trapping on the land were the characteristics of life, but that changed precipitously beginning with West Virginia's new-found statehood and accelerated after the war had ceased. The stable, idyllic, Jeffersonian dream was challenged by the demands of industrialization and the discovery of rich timber and mineral deposits. Outsiders flocked to the hills for wealth. Indeed, "the 'discovery* of the resources of the region brought renewed attention to the question of ownership and title. Hundreds of ambitious speculators and agents for eastern industrial and financial interests combed the West Virginia hills surveying timber stands and mineral deposits. . . .By the turn of the century the land ownership configuration we see today was essentially in place—a configuration created for the severance of natural resources and wealth with minimal responsibility to the social, economic and physical ecology of the area" (Appalachian Land Ownership Task Force 1980, 4). Ironically, the concerns viewed by conservative Unionists like John Carlile appear in retrospect to have been valid. Although apparently voting against their own economic self-interest and subjecting themselves to accusations of treason and disloyalty, they could not support the deal of increased capital investment for less home rule and increased radical Republican control (Curry). Unconditional Unionists supported by Union troops prevented opposition groups from holding rallies and conventions, and continued these strategies through the imposition of loyalty oaths well after the war was over. Finally, in 1870, a coalition of Copperheads and exConfederates was able to give Conservatives a majority over Radical Republicans and Unionists (Curry; Foner 1988). But by this time the transition to industrialization was already in process. The South in general was reduced to a conquered province without the services of its former antebellum leaders who were initially barred from politics. The country as a whole was prosperous but corrupt, depending on the largesse of opportune government agents and businessmen. In the South, economic recovery was impeded by vast destruc- Volume Three, 1991 53 �tion, the lack of leadership, and the presence of federal agents (Carman, Syrett and Wishy 1961, Vol I). As the first southern state to abolish slavery, West Virginia in a sense represented the beginning of Reconstruction. Certainly its population configuration, including former secessionist counties, embodied the ingredients of what was to be widespread throughout the South (Foner 1988). Almost every aspect of southern life was affected by the Reconstruction policies of the federal government. The course of Reconstruction was in large part determined by the outcome of the struggle between the Republican factions for the control of the nation's government. Conservatives led by Lincoln argued for presidentially-initiated moderation and forgiveness towards the South, while Radicals aligned with the growing industrial class wanted major congressionally-dictated political, economic, and social change—not without consideration of self-benefit. The abolitionists, who distrusted both the southern whites and the northern conservatives, had a powerful ally in the growing industrial class. The Civil War had stimulated the growth of industry and had driven planter-spokesman from Congress. If the former Confederates were now kept politically impotent, the way would be clear for the industrialists to push their schemes for transcontinental railroads, large-scale manufacturers, high tariffs, and the exploitation of the nations natural resources. (Carman et al., 719) The war had precipitously increased the power of the federal government and had increased the riches of northeastern businessmen beyond anyone's dreams. Concurrent with this expansion however was the reality of exploitation and corruption. "With the elimination of the menace of disunion the American people increasingly devoted their energies to developing industry, exploiting the country's mineral deposits, expanding its transportation facilities, and building up its financial powers" (Carmen et. al.,699). With Lincoln's assassination and Andrew Johnson's unpopularity preventing reelection, General U.S. Grant was elected president, in effect legitimizing the industrialists' grip on the nation. Much needed reforms were made in public education, tax laws, equal rights, and general public facilities, but the means employed often nullified the ends. And just as rapidly and as fervently as northerners had espoused reforms during the war, they became obsessed with the more practical reality of accumulating wealth. Output exceeded its preCivil War level manyfold, and the post-Civil War age gained the reputa- 54 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �tion of perhaps the most corrupt in the nation's history (Carman et al.; Foner; Smith). The Grant Administration was distinctive for the incompetence of most of its officials and the uninhibited fashion in which it, in effect, turned over the North and South to the country's special interests" (Carmen et. al., 739). The result was a business-run economy subsidized by government assistance, characterized by speculation, vast land acquisition and development, and general fraud—with the South being dominated by scalawags, carpetbaggers and radicals zealous in their vision of industrialization and progress at the southerner's expense. When reason, or accusation warranted it, the government used the ever-present military to impose it's will on former Confederate areas (Carman et al.; Foner) The radicalism of the 1870s had lost most of the idealism that had been a distinguishing feature of the movement during the Civil War and in the years immediately following the conflict... .they increasingly used Reconstruction to promote the interests of northern businessmen and the Republican Party" (Carman et al., 742). Whereas the original radical coalition had a reformer mystique, its successors were blatant spoils politicians who used Reconstruction to help themselves and their business associates. This mirrored the transformation of the Republican Party which had evolved from a militant reform movement to a front for business groups (Carman et al.; Smith 1984). The North's victory, the subsequent subjugation of the South, and the concurrent Republican stranglehold on American industrial and political events enabled, indeed ensured, the transition from a predominantly agrarian society to one characterized as industrial capitalism. Even when the Republican Party began to lose its monolithic power because of Democratic gains and the inevitable re-establishment of southern influence, the control by industrial capitalists and northeastern business interests was unmistakably complete. The consummation of this process appears to have been the Compromise of 1876 and the subsequent election of Rutherford B. Hayes as President of the United States. The Compromise of 1876, engineered by old Southern conservatives and determined Southern industrialists in league with Northern bankers, brought the railroads, and industry into the region to take advantages of widespread unemployment and abundant cotton, coal and timber" (Adams 1972, 503). The Compromise of 1876, which ended Reconstruction and any potential for positive change, was brought about by the disputed election between Rutherford B. Hayes (a Republican) and Samuel J. Tilden (a Democrat) and was ultimately settled by the support of southern Democrats who wanted an end to federal interference in local political affairs, Volume Three, 1991 55 �but wanted continued business growth. With Hayes" election, the old planter and landed classes (called Bourbons) established the reign over southern politics with control by northern capitalists who wanted to exploit the region's resources (Carman et al.). The impact of these events had a profound influence on the development or rather underdevelopment of West Virginia. From 1880 to 1930, the character of the West Virginia economy changed drastically because of the major growth in coal and other resource industries, as well as growth in manufacturing. This transformation was centered in coal counties and resulted in forceful control of the workforce rather than in increased benefits to the populace. The idyllic, independent agrarian life was transformed to one analogous to medieval serfdom with forced labor, company towns, company housing, company stores, company services, and, of course, company police/Pinkertons controlling management-labor relations. The coal industry was linked to the monopolistic sectors of the national economy and by extension the mining of coal was the appendage of the company store. Independent entrepreneurs were discouraged and prohibited, unions were forbidden, and the coal industry usurped total control of community life, which, in effect, stifled economic diversification and resulted in repression. The courts and the government were willing accomplices as well (Simon 1978; 1981). In essence, the process of industrialization in West Virginia brought on by the Civil War and the Compromise of 1876 emulated the Reconstruction practices in the South in general. Self-sustained growth and economic diversification were blocked by the selfish motives of industrial capitalists. The social relations they perpetuated actually hampered positive growth which was, ironically, the rallying cry of those who sought an industrialized nation. The coal industry, rather than leading the development of West Virginia by attracting other kinds of economic activity, constrained development by limiting the number of alternative profitable investment outlets" (Simon 1981,178). There was no internal market to generate growth other than in the northwest part of the state (the original Unionist stronghold) and this local capital initiated much development, "but it was inevitable that in the underdeveloped West Virginia economy in 1880 resources would be developed by absentee owners for export. West Virginia had lucrative natural deposits of coal, lumber, oil, and gas.. . .In the southern part of the state, which had remained agricultural, almost the entire initial investment had come from outside capital" (Simon 1981,180-181). From 1860 to 1900, 50 to 90 percent of West Virginia's coal production was shipped out of state (Williams 1976). Unrestrained absentee ownership and capitalism generated by the profit motive with minimal concern for the social, political, and economic 56 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �consequences to the local populace characterized West Virginia's initial development and has had a profound impact since. The colonial political economy which was sparked in 1880, has left an indelible mark on the state. New social relationships based on exploitation versus familial patterns precipitated the violence and labor disputes which have characterized the state's history (Amsden and Brier 1977; Lee 1969; McKinney 1977; Wheeler 1976). Former farms were disrupted, and timber and coal's irresponsible extraction rendered the watersheds unstable, prone to flooding, and subject to mud slides—strip mining has only exacerbated the damage (Appalachian Alliance 1982; Munn 1975). Within a thirty-year period (by the 1920s) the original forests were almost completely depleted (Clarkson). The litany of abuses and multicausal and synergistic effects are tragic, and have been thoroughly reviewed elsewhere, (Simon 1978; 1981; White 1982; 1987) but the Appalachian Land Ownership Task Force which documented land ownership patterns in Appalachia (and West Virginia) and analyzed their impact on local communities most poignantly encapsulates the dire reality of what is West Virginia: West Virginia is at the same time one of the richest and poorest states in the nation. By the late 1880s the fate of independent and self-sufficient mountain settlers was altered forever by the discovery of vast natural resources wealth, especially minerals. Since that time the state's timber, minerals, water resources, and natural beauty have been bought and controlled by interests with little or no accountability for the ongoing life of the region. This tremendous concentration of absentee land ownership is the key to understanding the paradox of severe social and economic disadvantage amidst almost limitless natural resources wealth . . . . Well over half of the land covered by the study is owned and thus controlled by interests other than local residents. Over 50 percent of the surface of the [surveyed] sample counties (2,315,419 acres) and almost 75 percent of the minerals (3,273,242 acres) are large holdings owned primarily by absentee and corporate interests. . . . In the sample counties at least 30 percent of the surface acreage and 55 percent of the minerals are owned by corporations; 32 percent of the surface and 54 percent of the minerals are owned by interests from outside the respective counties; 27 percent of the surface and 41 percent of the minerals are owned by interests outside of the state of West Virginia. The 1,091,234 acres of absentee corporate surface is taxed at an average of $1.67 an acre and the 2,144,456 acres of absentee corporate minerals is taxed at an average of $1.40 an Volume Three, 1991 57 �acre.... The state continues to suffer from grossly inadequate housing, above average unemployment, severe ecological disruption, below average per capita income, bloated welfare rolls, and serious deficiencies in health, transportation, and educational services. At the same time, the land and its wealth have been and continue to be acquired by interests more and more removed from any responsibility for the fate of those who live on or near these holding." (Appalachian Land Ownership Task Force 1980, 1-2) Such is West Virginia, a state born out of war and indelibly scarred ever since. There is no way of knowing whether or not West Virginia would have fared better had it retained its affiliation with Old Virginia. Virginia, like all southern states, suffered its share of indignation and subjugation after the Great Rebellion, but one must wonder whether the highly unique beginning of West Virginia's statehood initiated a process of colonial underdevelopment which may be irreversible. Given the facts, Henry A Wise (former governor of Virginia) appears to have been correct when he declared "West Virginia was the bastard child of a political rape" (Curry, 136). Works Cited Adams, Frank. 1972. "Highlander Folk School: Getting Information, Going Back and Teaching It." Harvard Educational Review 42 (4): 497-520. Amsden, Jon and Stephen Brier. 1977. "Coal Miners on Strike: The Transfer mation of Strike Demands and the Formation of a National Union." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 7 (Spring): 583-616. Appalachian Land Ownership Task Force. 1980. Appalachian Land Ownership Study: Vol. II, West Virginia. Boone, North Carolina: Appalachian State University and New Market, Tennessee: Highlander Research and Education Center. Appalachian Alliance. 1982. Appalachia In the Eighties: A Time for Action. New Market, Tennessee: Appalachian Alliance. Carman, Harry J.,, Harold C. Syrett, and Bernard W. Wishy. 1961. History of the American People Vol. I & II. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Catton, Bruce. 1961. The Coming Fury: The Centennial History of the Civil War Vol.1. New York: Washington Square Press. 58 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �-. 1980. The Civil War. New York: The Fairfax Press. Clarkson, Roy B. 1964. Tumult on the Mountains. Parsons, West Virginia: McClain Publishing Co. Curry, Richard O. 1964. A House Divided: A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Davis, Dorothy. 1970. History of Harrison County West Virginia. Parsons, West Virginia: McClain Printing Co. Eller, Ronald. D. 1979. "Land and Family: An Historical View of Preindustrial Appalachia." Appalachian Journal 6 (Winter): 83-109. Foner, Eric. 1988. Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution (18631977). New York: Harper and Row Publishers. Lee, Howard B. 1969. Bloodletting in Appalachia. Morgantown, West Virginia: West Virginia University Press. McKinney, Gordon. 1977. "Industrialization and Violence." in J.W. Williamson, ed. An Appalachian Symposium. Boone, North Carolina: Appalachian State University Press. McPherson, James M. 1988. Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. New York: Oxford University Press. Munn, Robert F. 1975. "The Development of Strip Mining in Southern Appalachia." Appalachia Journal 3 (Autumn): 87-93. Simon, Richard M. 1978. The Development of Underdevelopment: The Coal Industry and its Effect on the West Virginia Economy, 1880-1930. University of Pittsburgh, Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. . 1981. "Uneven Development and the Case of West Virginia: Going Beyond the Colonialism Model." Appalachian Journal 8 (Spring): 165-186. Smith, Edward C. 1927. The Borderland in the Civil War. New York: The MacMillan Co. Smith, Gene. 1984. Lee and Grant: A Dual Biography. New York: McGrawHill, Inc. Wheeler, Hoyt N. 1976. "Mountaineer Mine Wars: An Analysis of the West Virginia Mine Wars of 1912-1913 and 1920-1921." Business History Review 50 (Spring): 69-91. Volume Three, 1991 59 �White, David. 1982. A Social Epidemiological Analysis of Central Appalachian Economic Distress. University of Pittsburgh: Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. 1987. "A Social Epidemiological Model of Central Appalachia." Arete 12 (Summer): 47-66. Williams, John A. 1976. West Virginia and the Captains of Industry. Morgantown, West Virginia: West Virginia University Press. David B. White is the Director of Health Administration in the Department of Education and Health Services at Saint Joseph's University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 60 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Forgotten Sisters: Mountain Women in the South Milton Ready As a discipline, women's history seems to construct a great many models and cults of women who never existed. Along with critical biographies and studies of clubs and social movements, models appear as a genre, a way of explaining women's roles to a larger public. A cursory reading of bibliographies in the field, for example, shows biographies of Eleanor Roosevelt, Margaret Sanger, Mother Jones, the Grimke sisters from South Carolina; Jane Addams studies of social settlements, the suffrage movement; and women in various reform movements from abolitionism to the ERA.1 Women who are not as outstanding as, say, Lydia Maria Child or Harriet Beecher Stowe, disappear into an antebellum model similar to that portrayed by Barbara Welter. They are pious, pure, submissive, and domestic (Welter 1966, 151-74). Unmodified models and stereotypes typically break down, telling us, as they do, of a much more complex story. In Anne Firor Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830-1930, the figure that emerges is that of Scarlett O'Hara, the perpetually pouting adolescent belle who, transformed by the anvil of the Civil War, re-emerges as a southern matriarch, cruel and self-centered, as ambitious as any man (Scott 1970, 3-47). Such descriptions can never satisfy, of course, nor is that their intention. Wrenched out of history, Scott's southern lady reflects only one out of an immense variety of attitudes about the southern woman. Still, none of the interpretations reflect the role of Appalachian women in southern history. Appalachian women in the nineteenth century seldom affected the depiction of southern women. Indeed, the metaphor of the changing southern women, from the belle of the antebellum period to the total Volume Three, 1991 61 �woman of the Sun Belt era, stands apart from the experience of mountain women. They are, as Bill Cosby once said of the place of blacks in American history, lost, strayed, perhaps forgotten sisters of the South, even as stereotypes. The most outstanding feature of Appalachian women in the nineteenth century is the fact that we know so little about them. While southern women in general might have kept diaries, overseen slaves, joined clubs and groups, written novels, gone to school, traveled, and even infrequently appeared in political and social events, their Appalachian sisters toiled in obscurity. Their sphere almost entirely was private, usually consisting of family, home, and church. What information is available frequently is secondary, tacit, understood only within the context of songs and ballads, folktales and stories, of "Grandma lore," and from males who talked about "womenfolk" and, at a later time interviewed them as outsiders interested in special aspects of their lives. The outline of the Appalachian women that emerges depicts still another model of the "southern lady" of the nineteenth century, one almost entirely removed from the influence of Anne Scott's portrayal. Almost all accounts of men and women in the nineteenth century assume that they worked hard, carving out homesteads and farms in the wilderness, typically laboring from sun-up to sunset on an endless array of tasks and chores. Yet, a special case and a unique claim needs to be established for mountain women. Almost all accounts of the period— songs, stories, letters, and interviews—point to perpetual labor for women. Talking about the late 1800s, a Grandma Brown from Kentucky remembered that throughout her life, "The drudgery was unending, year in and year out" (Brown 1951, 284). Vesta Brown, a Tennessee woman, thought that when she married, "I wouldn't have to work as hard as I did at home, but I hadn't come down in the valley ... two days before I knew I had more work to do than ever" (Winter 1965, 31). In James Still's River of Earth, a twelve-year-old girl soon learned that she must get up early in the morning, help her mother with breakfast and chores, make the beds, labor in the garden, help with the laundry and meal preparation, and work in the fields if another hand was needed, all while "the son in the family could eat when he wanted, [and] sleep as late as he liked unless there was a specific chore he had been asked to do" (Fair 1976, 58). A typical mountain woman of the 1880s put in a sixteen-to-eighteenhour day, working, cleaning, spinning, sewing, canning, washing, milking, hoeing, and, at dusk, overseeing children who brought in the cows, lit the kerosene lamps, and did the supper dishes. Almost all nineteenth-century mountain women had in common a way of life covered by one word—toil—and symbolized by the constant tools of her sphere—the needle, ladle, and hoe. They were pictured as overworked, over-bur- 62 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �dened, always pregnant, always surrounded by children, with a babe in their arms, and a tired body and weathered face. Often they were lonely, generally unappreciated, and yearned for a shelter where there would be no work. Their refuge lay in church, in their fellow sisters who shared the same labors, and in the hymns they sang as they went about their endless tasks. A minister who promised "peace, rest, and eternal sleep" struck a resonant chord deep in the hearts of mountain women. The chorus of an old hymn reveals the hidden loneliness and despair in the lives of mountain women: Rest, sweet rest, and joy and gladness, Comes when toil, when toil is o'er. Sweetest resting comes when toil is o'er, 'twill be joy and rest eternal On the other shore. The words of the well-known song, "Sourwood Mountain," explain in part a mountain man's attitude toward women: Old Man, Old Man, I want your daughter Hey, didyum, didyum dum day To bake me bread and carry me water Hey, didyum, didyum dum day. To him, women were helpmates and contributors, frequently more valuable than oxen and horses, but seldom esteemed more than kinfolk and hound dogs. When Alpha Baldridge, the mother in River of Earth, pleaded with her husband, Brack, to turn out his two worthless cousins, Harl and Tibb Logan, and his great-uncle Samp Baldridge, because "It's all we can do to keep bread in the children's mouths. . . . Even if they are your blood kin, we can't feed them much longer." Noting that they were men down on their luck, Brack replied, "I can't turn my kin out." In desperation, Alpha moved her furniture and children into the smokehouse, a place too small to accommodate any but her family, and burned the house down (Farr 1976, 57). In novels and interviews by local-colorists, mountain men frequently described their dogs in lyrical terms, almost as if they were in love with them, and their women as if they were dumb creatures prized mainly for what they could produce in the way of sons and daughters, food, clothing, and crops. In this fashion, mountain men used up their lands and women with equal neglect and thoughtlessness. If it is valid to assert that both men and women, whether in the southern piedmont or mountains, labored long hours at arduous tasks, it is also important to note that mountain women, unlike their sisters in Volume Three, 1991 63 �the lower south and their menfolk within their own culture, had little existence outside their work. Almost all accounts of Appalachian women chronicle their labor if they are young, or, if they're very old, their roles as grandmothers, as cultural agents, storytellers, and folklorists. They can be teachers but not schoolteachers, active in the church but not missionaries, and they are allowed to have opinions only on a small range of subjects—the weather, folk cures and remedies, woodlore, having children but not childrearing, family but not individual morality, local preachers, and food processing. Unlike the southern belle, the mountain women cannot be pretty, soft, sensuous, or sexually alluring, yet, by their own testimony, they enjoyed sex to such a degree that Scarlett would faint at the mention of their bawdy stories, and mountain men raged at their "Jezebel ways" and grabbed their guns. While mountain men assembled after a meal to swap politics, stories, and drinks, women sometimes gathered to exchange news, talk about the family, and increase their knowledge of quilting, cooking, and the Bible. They also shared trashy talk. Frequently, the dirtiest old ladies were grandmothers. When, as Rayna Green observed, her grandmother stepped out of the bedroom and her sister commented that the hair on her "private parts" was thinning, granny chuckled that "grass don't grow on a race track," especially after seventeen children (Green 1977, 31). When arguing over whether older mountain men could satisfy younger women, Moms Mabley, a well-known black comedienne from Western North Carolina, maintained that, "Ain't nothing no old man can do for me 'cept bring me a message from a young man." Countless mountain mothers have warned their daughters that before they married "any ol' hairy-legged boy, be sure to look carefully at his genes" (31, 33). For women, bawdy stories served as sex education, as double entendres about life, as entertainment, as social criticism, and as a form of rebellion against a male-dominated society. Early murder ballads exhibited many of the same functions. Most had women as their victims, and were sung by women, "perhaps because the songs spoke of their feelings and needs" (Smith 1978, 5). Jealousy, unfaithfulness, and unrequited romantic love dominated the themes of murder ballads. In Tom Dooley," "Jellon Grams," and "Lula Viers," punishment, always death, comes from someone close to the victim—a family member, an ex-lover or husband, but always a male. While it is easy to speculate that murder ballads were part of the pattern of a patriarchal society that tended to chastise women who spoke out, rebelled, ran away, and in general threatened traditional roles: they also kept alive the idea that women could disrupt society, influence men's actions, and in this fashion become folk heroes and models. When women sang ballads to each other, the message might also be to empha- 64 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �size men's failures, boasts, and inadequacies, their "comeuppance for lack of comeuppance," as one woman put it. Murder ballads give evidence of another differentiative aspect of life for most nineteenth-century mountain women—physical abuse. While it seems obvious that women in general have suffered abuse throughout the centuries, and that southern women, whether plantation belles or town prostitutes, also endured injury and assault, the mistreatment of mountain women, even in consideration of harsh frontier life and primitive living conditions, seems inappropriate, even disproportionate to their sisters elsewhere. A great many ballads such as "Tom Dooley," "Lula Viers," and "Pearl Bryant" originated in the fact that men murdered women, usually by stabbing or drowning, and, with the exception of "Tom Dooley," perhaps the most popular ballad outside the region, they go unpunished. Given the random violence of the region—family feuds and fights—it is not unlikely that women also suffered mistreatment as well. A northern Alabama farmer echoed a sentiment toward abusing women common not only to the mountains but to the South as a whole. "A woman's like a dumb animal, like a cow or a bitch dog. You got to frail them with a stick now and then to make 'em look up to you" (Fallow 1978, 49). And frail they did, with fists, sticks, whips, "tools common to their gender," in the words of an old mountain song. Perhaps because of the unending toil and physical abuse, the rugged living conditions of mountain life, and the older tradition of arranged marriages, the apprehension, the very notion of romantic love seems inappropriate to any model of Appalachian women. For them, there were no Rhett Butlers and Robert E. Lees, no cavaliers and gentlemen, only country boys and hillbillies, men who were perpetual adolescents, immature in their feelings toward themselves and their women, failures whenever they had to deal with the outside world. Any researcher into the lives of early mountain women would be struck by the absence of any strongly romantic feelings toward men in any of the literature. From Annie Fallows Johnston to Ida Belle Marcum to Grandma Templeton Jones, mountain women talked about everything—religion, gardening, corn husk dolls, education, floods, canning, pie parties—except their men.2 When husbands and fathers were mentioned, it was usually a commonplace comment like "We married" or "He died." Even if many of the biases inherent in any selection process are taken into account, i.e., the interviewer is a male, many questions are predictive and closed in terms of responses, mountain women are reluctant to talk about menfolk, especially if it's personal; still, the absence of emphatic, strong, spontaneous feelings toward men, even if coded in expressions like "He was a good man," seems extraordinary. While researching dialects in Cumberland County, Kentucky, Linda White found that, far from Volume Three, 1991 66 �expressing romantic, even positive feelings, love, as a term, had a casual, unemotional, even negative meaning. Used mostly by women throughout southeastern Kentucky, eastern Tennessee, and western North Carolina, the term would be used to persuade, to command indirectly, as in "Do you love pickle-beans?" or "I'd love to be able to buy a new dress," or "Wouldn't you love to stay for dinner?" They don't really mean it. Instead, nineteenth-century Appalachian women frequently found positive, loving relationships with other women, their family, their children, and their religion. On weaving days each week, women met to visit, exchange information and personal news, and, of course, enthusiastically talk and relate to each other. Visits—to family, the ill, and friends—were common, as were networks of nurses and health-care givers. Still, religion provided mountain women one of their strongest emotional outlets. At church they could "love Jesus" and be loved for it, sing and cry and clasp hands, hug and kiss each other along with anyone else, shriek for joy and weep with bliss—all with society's approval and blessing, and all on a day when little work was expected. In terms of religious intensity, but certainly not piety, mountain women appeared more emotional and less solemn or doctrinal than their lowland sisters. Descriptions of mountain women in the nineteenth century do not disclose a southern lady like Anne Scott's. While lowland women worked hard, their sisters in the mountains labored grimly at endless tasks and chores without the help of slaves or servants or of prospects of a better life. A southern belle might be frail and delicate, but such adjectives are unthinkable for mountain women. Both sisters were domestic, presiding over a complicated household and plantation, but in the mountains the lack of domestic skills imperiled the family and community itself. Survival meant ingenuity, from growing and processing food to digging for roots in the woods. While both women were submissive in a maledominated, patriarchal society, mountain women had almost no other significant authority figures in their lives except husbands and fathers. Purity, a virtue for southern women before and after the Civil War, had little value in the mountains. Expressions such as "planting the seed before building the fence" and "woods colt" to describe illegitimate children point to another system of values for the mountains. Mountain women of the nineteenth century do not seem to fit the model of the southern lady depicted by such writers as Anne Firor Scott and Jean Friedman. Indeed, many of the various interpretations that could be constructed from the model because of changing conditions of race, class, and geography also seem inappropriate. What emerges, or more properly, re-emerges from composite depictions is still another model, that of Anna Maria Reeves Jarvis, a nineteenth-century West Virginia woman who became the inspiration for Mother's Day (TylerMcGraw 1977, 28-34). The expression "but after all was she not a 66 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �masterpiece as a mother and gentlewoman," working hard all her life for others, singing, sewing and quilting, suffering and redeeming all women, all society by her endless labor and love, an ideal mother and grandmother, seems a popular, yet still inaccurate description of the nineteenth-century Appalachian woman. Whether depicted as a southern lady, albeit a crude one, or as an ideal Victorian grandmother, an example for mothers everywhere, whether real or mythical, models or stereotypes, Appalachian women still do not have their story told. They remain forgotten sisters in the South. Works Cited Brown, Harriet. 1951. "Grandmother Brown's Move to Iowa." The Heritage of America. Henry Steele Commanger, et al. Boston. Fallow, George. 1978. "A Woman's Like a Dumb Animal." Such As Us: Southern Voices of the Times. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Fair, Sidney S. 1976. The Appalachian Woman as Portrayed by James Still in River of Earth ." Appalachian Heritage 4 (Spring): 58, 57. Green, Rayna. 1977. "Magnolias Grow in Dirt." Southern Exposure 4 (Winter ): 31,33. Scott, Anne Firor. 1970. The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 18301930. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Smith, Betty to Rus Dowda. 1978 April 11. In Rus Dowda " 'He Took Her By Her Golden Curls and Throwed Her Round and Round," Appalachian Women in the Nineteenth Century," Manuscript, Berea College. Tyler-McGraw, Marie. 1977. "But After All Was She Not a Masterpiece as a Mother and Gentlewoman." Goldenseal 3 (October-December): 28-34. Welter, Barbara. 1966. "The Cult of True Womanhood, 1820-1860." American Quarterly 18 (Summer): 151-74. Winter, Oakley. 1965. "Vesta, A 'Modern Woman'." Mountain Life and Work 40 (Winter): 31. Milton Ready is Professor of History at the University of North Carolina at Asheville. Volume Three, 1991 67 �Historical and Theoretical Perspectives on Appalachia's Economic Dependency Paul Salstrom The roots of Appalachia's economic dependency go back two centuries before the New Deal of the 1930s—back to the region's first white settlers in the 1730s. As Robert D. Mitchell mentions in Commercialism and Frontier, Appalachia's export-oriented production has been dependent on outside markets, and on outside investment money, from its first inception in the Shenandoah Valley of the 1730s (Mitchell 1977, 8, 15355, 228-29, 236-37). No such dependence, of course, characterized production within the region for use within the region. But we should bear in mind that neither family self-sufficiency, local self-sufficiency, nor regional selfsufficiency were common ideals among early settlers. It is only in hindsight—only since the 1930s re-thinking of neo-classical economics— that export-oriented development has been seen as helping to impoverish many of the world's exporters.1 No, it was not a commitment to avoid a "staples export" syndrome that characterized the economic values of Appalachia's early settlers, but rather a commitment to achieve what was called a "competency"—which meant enough productive property to allow one's family to maintain a comfortable living standard however that might be maintained. If production for export out of the region did help to sustain a competency (through the money or the in-kind payments received in exchange) then nothing in most pioneers' economic values prescribed the least hesitation to produce for export out of the region.2 68 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �And indeed, under preindustrial conditions (prior, that is, to industrialization anywhere in the United States), dependence on outside markets, and even on outside financing, was not likely to cause impoverishment. But after industrialization elsewhere in the U.S. led to far higher productivity outside Appalachia than within Appalachia in turning out many of the products consumed inside Appalachia, then what followed was "unequal exchange." What is unequal in "unequal exchange" is the amount of time and work required to produce the same unit of economic value—the same generic axe, for instance or an equivalent bushel of corn. Since work-time was required to produce equivalent economic value in Appalachia than in the industrial centers, Appalachia's market-oriented labor was thereby cheapened in economic value. And that entailed not only wage workers in Appalachia receiving lower wages, but also a cheapening of the value of the self-employed labor which went into producing axes or corn for local markets. When axes from the North got cheaper, Appalachian craftspeople had to sell their axes cheaper (or fail to sell them). There nonetheless still remained two possible ways for Appalachia's people to avoid impoverishment. One way was for Appalachia to become a financial center. This emphatically did not occur, however. The other way to avoid impoverishment was for Appalachia's people to maintain their "competencies"—to keep their family farms of sufficient size to sustain themselves in comfort through a mixture of self-sufficiency and exchanges within local networks. But unfortunately (from the perspective of maintaining competency), during the pioneer era of abundant land it had become customary for Appalachia's farmers to practice partible inheritance— that is, to divide their holdings among all their heirs or, at the least, among all their male heirs. This worked more or less satisfactorily so long as there remained new frontier areas in which the surplus population could re-settle. But after vast new farming frontiers ceased to open, family farms were often not large enough to support a competency. Household economics—the economics of competency—lost some of its households due simply to changing cultural mores—a hankering for store-bought goods. Many other households, however, tried to maintain their competencies and yet failed. They tended to produce many children to help with the farm work, and those children in turn became adults who also produced large families to carry out the many chores. Only vast new farming frontiers could provide all the new competencies this pattern demanded, and such frontiers ceased to open by the 1890s. It was no coincidence that this was also when local products were massively driven out of local markets throughout the U.S. by competing products (both agricultural and manufactured) which were mass pro- Volume Three, 1991 69 �duced in the North and the Midwest. By this time, those farmers who could neither mass produce food nor supply specialty markets were well advised to maintain as much self-sufficiency as possible. Recently, in Appalachian Studies, a few economic analyses have emphasized the pitfalls of export-oriented resource extraction, but of course, this by its nature is an exercise in macroeconomics.* Meanwhile, most social analyses have been quite "micro." Appalachian social analyses have emphasized family and neighborhood social mores and organization. And since the region's traditional ideology has enjoined patriarchy, evidence of de facto matriarchy (or we might call it a temporary matriarchy) has not been pondered as it deserves to be. If, at any time during the first three decades of this century, one had toured the purely agricultural sections of Appalachia, one would have found the region's preindustrial way of life apparently in full swing. And yet many men in their prime years would have been absent, for in many cases they were out working in mines, logging camps, etc. Women were often running the home places—women, usually in their own prime years, supervising their family's subsistence farming and looking after elders as well as children in the process.4 What this amounted to in macro terms was a process whereby subsistence farming, subsidized the industrialization of Appalachia by furnishing much of the income (nonmonetized income, this was) which supported the families of industrial workers. Permit me a disclaimer at this point. When I say that subsistence farming often "subsidized" Appalachia's industrialization, I am not talking about exploitation. Exploitation has no place in my analysis. It's not a term of reference for me. But subsistence farming "subsidized" Appalachia's industrialization by allowing many industrial operations to compete successfully in markets which they could not have entered had their wage costs been as high as their competitors' wage costs. To say this is not really the same as saying that industrialists or investors "appropriated" value created outside the market system by the families of workers. And I emphasize this because I believe that using "exploitation," "appropriation," and other Marxist categories of analysis might tend to conceal our present-day option of making constructive use of nonmarket economics—a subject which I will address. Granted that many coal operators, timber barons, etc., did get richer because their workers subsidized outside of market relations—but meanwhile, from the perspective of many workers, it was the industrial pay that was serving as a subsidy. Industrial pay was subsidizing their status as independent landowners by plugging gaps in their "competency" which had been opened by farm sub-division, by partible inheritance. And where—you may wonder—where does government aid fit into this story? Well, long before the New Deal initiated direct federal aid to 70 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �some of Appalachia's people, federal aid to midwesterners in the form of homestead and railroad land grants helped indirectly to impoverish Appalachia's people by hastening the exclusion of their farm and shop products from even their own local markets (not to mention markets outside the region). The immense production of food on federallygranted land west of the Mississippi River tended to make farming less profitable for everyone in the country who was already farming. Before the Midwest opened, all evidence indicates that Appalachia marketed a larger percentage of its food output than it was able to market after the Midwest's cheap food exports began invading Appalachia's stores.5 After the mechanization of the Midwest's export-oriented farming, and then within Appalachia the creation of extractive industries to export coal and timber, etc., most of Appalachia's remaining full-time farmers continued no less dependent than they had always been on their local non-market exchanges—their local networks of voluntary reciprocity that Mary Beth Pudup has called an "informal economy" and that I call "subsistencebarter-and-borrow systems." Even most wage-earning families continued subsistence farming on the side (Hall 1986, 359-61; Corbin 1981, 3335). How, then, did the New Deal's relief payments interact with this situation within Appalachia? First, the relief payments made to Appalachia's unemployed and underemployed miners and other wage workers were absolutely necessary—for wage workers were obviously dependent on money income for livelihoods. But full-time subsistence farmers—to the extent that they still maintained a competency (often a very large extent)—were not dependent on money income except for their land taxes, which were low. Nonetheless, their low money income could qualify them for New Deal relief even if their landholdings and other productive assets had substantial value. After the initial New Deal relief payments, many of Appalachia's farm people did not reapply for them but yet continued to receive relief checks. In April 1934, West Virginia's head relief administrator admitted to Harry Hopkins that local relief workers in "some counties have not investigated in six months. They keep sending checks week after week to the same people" (Beehler to Hopkins 1934). A month later that administrator warned West Virginia's relief personnel that thousands of dollars were being dispersed unnecessarily. "One rural county," he told them, "with 1,000 relief cases on April 1st [1934] which had been receiving relief for many months, found on the 20th of April that less than 300 of them had reapplied for relief*—leading the administrator to lament that "a tremendous amount of public funds had been utterly wasted" and in the process "many people pauperized thereby" (Beehler 1934, 1). Unfortunately, the administrator did not identify the county to which he was referring, but I suspect it may well have been my present Volume Three, 1991 71 �home county, West Virginia's Lincoln County. This was (and remains) a predominantly agricultural rather than industrial county. Indeed, the proportion of the population placed on relief (although not necessarily the size of their relief payments) often stood highest in the least industrial of Appalachia's counties. Already by July 1933, twelve West Virginia counties had seen over 45 percent of their households placed on relief, but only four of those counties had even 30 percent of their workforce in mining, whereas nine of them had at least 30 percent of their workers classified as agricultural. West Virginia's Lincoln County, for instance, with 84 percent of its households on relief as of July 1933, had a work-force classified as 60 percent agricultural. The amounts of relief payments then leapt enormously during the winter 1933-1934 work relief projects of the Civilian Works Administration. After that outlay ended in the spring of 1934, Lincoln County's head relief administrator allowed hundreds of ineligible households to be reinstated on non-worker relief. During the summer of 1934, that administrator was fired and the rolls were cut back 30 percent, but, as of June 1935, 44.5 percent of Lincoln County's households were still receiving relief. By that time, Wayne County (next door to Lincoln), had succeeded Lincoln as West Virginia's county with the highest percent of households on relief (47 percent, and receiving about $15 a month on average). Wayne County's workforce was classified as 45 percent agricultural. Lincoln County, with 44.5 percent of its workers on relief (averaging $9.70 a month) was as we've seen 60 percent agricultural. And Calhoun, the third-ranking county with 42.5 percent of his households on relief (averaging $12 a month) was 65 percent agricultural. (And it would take over $100 now to buy what $12 bought then.) Official indifference toward the region's low-money economic networks can be surmised from official reports.6 Of Wayne County, an October 1934 report asserted that the percent of local residents on relief "will probably run high until such time as constructive social planning makes possible the absorption of the population into self-supporting activities" (National Archives 1934, Box 311). While waiting for such planned "self-supporting activities," however, some people were being weaned by relief payments from their customary self-supporting activities which were not denominated in money and thus were not necessarily noticed by relief officials. For some few farm families, admittedly, an increased money income could underwrite self-help. At the well-funded level of the Rural Rehabilitation program's, for example, federal aid did often improve farm families' long-term economic security and living standard. But Rural Rehabilitation involved large outlays of supervised credit for each family 72 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �involved, and thus it could reach only a few thousand farm families per state.7 One of the macroeconomic regional results of massive federal aid was an increase in Appalachia's import surplus. Theoretically, relief funds were not all federally provided but included a significant contribution of state and local matching funds. Appalachian states, however, contributed far less in state and local matching funds than most states. From March 1933 through the end of 1937, $183 million was dispensed in West Virginia for relief—which in today's values would translate to over $1.5 billion. This outlay was divided among ordinary relief, work relief, the Civilian Conservation Corps, the National Youth Administration, Rural Rehabilitation programs, etc. And 87 percent of it was contributed by the federal government. Meanwhile, in the six other states that encompassed Appalachian sections, the federal contribution averaged still higher, 89 percent. But in the rest of the U.S. the federal contribution averaged much lower, below 72 percent.8 Not only was Appalachia's import surplus soaring, but ominously, by 1935 social workers in the mountain region were finding that (as one report put it) "most employers will not hire persons who have been on relief for extended periods" (Conley, 1935). And in May 1935, the demoralizing effects nationwide of unearned relief payments inspired the Roosevelt Administration to phase out unearned federal relief and to institute the Works Progress Administration (WPA). This was sound psychology, for subsequent studies have demonstrated that (in the words of one study) "charity wounds him who receives" (Mauss 1954, 63).9 But in macroeconomic perspective, the WPA's work relief continued (indeed hastened with its far higher payments) the rise of Appalachia's import surplus. And it also hastened another trend—the erosion of the mountains' low-money "informal economy," the region's "subsistence-barterand-borrow" networks. To full-time mountain farmers who often had little need for money, the WPA paid wages as high as it paid to anyone else—thirty cents an hour until June 1936, and forty cents an hour thereafter.10 Although rural WPA employees were allowed only fifteen hours of work per week (whereas urban WPA employees were allowed twenty-four hours per week), nonetheless fifteen hours a week at forty cents an hour yielded $26 a month. And if this income was supplemented by a further $25 a month (the minimum received by families with a son in the Civilian Conservation Corps), the total of $51 would have been equivalent in today's values to $433 a month. Please do not suppose that I begrudge those people that money. My point is that such relief payments, if made to full-time farm families, were often not serving as compensation for a shortfall in home-based competency but rather were tending to create a shortfall in home-based Volume Three, 1991 73 �competency. Although many mountaineers admittedly remember the WPA with fondness, others do not. Claude Dillon of the Marrowbone Creek neighborhood of Mingo County, West Virginia, came to feel that "the public works programs that were prescribed to put people to work, simply took them away from farm life, took them away from the selfsufficient way to do things" (Tierney 1983, 7). And a storekeeper in Lincoln County, West Virginia, reflected later that "it was the WPA that started farming on its downhill path all around here. The WPA paid farmers to work on the roads, and work on this and that, till they started counting on that money and neglecting their land" (Ray Gene Black, interview, June 1983). By 1942, when nine years of government aid terminated, many farm families found they had grown quite dependent on regular money income. Many of these farm families then followed the trail of government largess and took defense-related jobs outside Appalachia. From 1940 to 1960, net migration from the Appalachian region totalled 1.7 million people—which was 31.5 percent of the region's 1940 population.11 Now, it would be quite easy to make a case that the American economy had exploited these people more when their lives were centered at their mountain farms than it was able to exploit them later, when they had left Appalachia, and when thus their employers had to pay them a better wage, a more nearly family-supporting wage. But let me point out that to be less exploited is not necessarily to be better off. How gladly did these people undergo the transformation of their way of life? How willingly did they abandon a way of life suffused with voluntary reciprocity in economic relations and enter a way of life virtually devoid of voluntary reciprocity, a life mediated instead by binding contracts? In any case, the question is not whether to applaud or condemn the New Deal but how to analyze it (along with the rest of Appalachia's past) in such a way as to gain insights applicable to our own situation today. Today our national economic priority should be, I believe, to minimize our horrendously bloated production of U.S. dollars—which at an alarming rate are flowing out into the hands of foreigners who can use them to buy up productive assets within the United States. To minimize the production of dollars will require that a large percentage of intra-U.S. economic exchanges be de-monetized, or at least de-dollarized. But the question then becomes how exchanges within the U.S. should be dedollarized. Is it necessary that some new corporatist vision of "America, Inc." be propagated in the spirit of Louis Kelso?12 Or can a significant portion of our intra-U.S. exchanges be de-dollarized through a revival of voluntary reciprocity—of the kind of voluntary reciprocity that pervaded rural America before the twentieth century, and which still remains common in much of Appalachia. 74 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �The contrast between the New Deal and what we now need to do is twofold. First, we should be thinking now about grassroots economic development rather than primarily (like the New Deal) about reviving U.S. markets for major U.S. commodities. The problem now isn't simply to get purchasing power into American communities but also to get competitive products to come out of American communities. One of the main ways the New Deal injected purchasing power into American communities was through public works projects—and we should not dismiss public works as necessarily contradictory to getting competitive products out of American communities. But on a cautionary note, listen to these thoughts from E.F. Schumacher's 1973 book, Small is Beautiful: Poverty means that markets are small and there is very little free purchasing power. All the purchasing power that exists already, is, as it were, bespoken, and if I start a new production of, say, sandals or shoes in a poor area, my fellow sufferers in the area will not have any money to buy the shoes when I have made them. Production is sometimes easier to start than it is to fund markets, and then, of course, we get very quickly the advice to produce for export, because exports are mainly for rich countries and their purchasing power is plentiful. (203) Where Schumacher writes "rich countries" here, we can make his point relevant to the Appalachian situation by thinking of "rich regions" which possess plentiful purchasing power. But rather than assuming that Appalachia must produce for export only what rich regions want from us, there does exist an alternative means of starting to build up Appalachia's own internal purchasing power—and what this means is public works of the New Deal sort. Regarding this, Schumacher says: If you can get new purchasing power into a rural community by way of a public works programme financed from outside, see to it that the fullest possible use is made of the "multiplier effect." The people employed on the public works want to spend their wages on "wages goods," that is to say, consumers' goods of all kinds. If these wages goods can be locally produced, the new purchasing power made available through the public works programme does not seep away but goes on circulating in the local market, and the total employment effect could be prodigious. (204-5) All well and good, but how can a local "multiplier effect" be established and maintained? Schumacher points out that: Volume Three, 1991 75 �If I start new production in a poor country [read "region"] there can be no local market for my products unless I divert the flow of purchasing power from some other product to mine. A dozen different productions should all be started together: then for every one of the twelve producers the other eleven would be his market. There would be additional purchasing power to absorb the additional output. But it is extremely difficult to start many activities at once. (204) Yes, it is difficult to start many activities at once. In fact, to do this in a poor area like Appalachia might well require de-dollarizing a lot of how we think about "purchasing power" within the region. To do what's needed—to start many activities at once—may well require using monies-of-account rather than dollars for a lot of our intra-Appalachian economic exchanges. Back in 1933, when the Tennessee Valley Authority was created, the TVA's first chairman, Arthur Morgan, put his mind to this challenge in its particular Appalachian context. Here are some of Morgan's reflections from a famous speech he delivered at the University of Tennessee in Knoxville in November 1933. Like E.F. Schumacher forty years later, Arthur Morgan used shoes to help illustrate his idea: Suppose you want to build and operate a shoe factory in some part of this region, and in another town, furniture, in another clothes, etc. You might think "We have people here doing nothing, and they might as well be producing; they might as well be making their own goods, lifting themselves out of the economic depression. If we make shoes, we can wear more shoes; we can make shoes for each other; and so with other goods which we go without now. We can have our own economy in our little world." But suppose the shoe dealer starts to make shoes; suppose he wants to sell them over where the furniture is made; the trouble is that he is not part of the existing industrial organization; his shoes have to go back to the jobber; but the jobber already has his arrangements with a big St. Louis manufacturer, so when you buy shoes at the local store in the community where furniture is made, you find they are from St. Louis and not from the nearby community. And the furniture dealer also has to go through the ordered channels, through the wholesaler, who is connected with the big factories; and so in the shoe town he is squeezed out. Because of these deeply worn channels of trade, nearly all leading into and out of the big business and industrial centers, it seems necessary to set up a new economy if we are to 76 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �deal with ourselves and for ourselves. When we talk of balancing agriculture and industry by making things which can be consumed in this country, when we talk about having the people consume what they produce, we run into these difficulties. There are no roads going our way. What is the answer to that situation? Does it mean that this region must always continue to be a vassal of the big centers? Is there any other answer? No single answer will do. I do not think starting a local shoe factory, trying to serve the neighbors with shoes, will do if it is done alone. I do not think any furniture factory for local consumption is going to do a satisfactory business alone. Either the product will go into the channels of trade and when the furniture gets back here it will have 50 percent to 75 percent overhead added and it will be crowded out by the products of big industry, or else we shall have create channels for ourselves. I think it is not impossible to create new channels. I believe that to a certain degree this region might well set up its own local economy. It can produce its own goods and deal with itself. But if a region is going to build up a new economy by making things it needs at home, it will in a limited sense have to build up a whole economy and not a fragment of an economy. If I were going to build up a whole economy, it would be somewhat in the following manner: I would build a cooperative of some sort. I would have a central purchasing organization, a central sales organization, a distributing organization, and I think I'd have that cooperative organization have its own tokens of credit—a sort of local money. If a local shoe manufacturer should sell shoes to a cooperative, he would get cooperative money, not United States money, at least for part of his payment. The same would be true of the clothing manufacturer, and of all the others. If a man should go to buy shoes he could use this kind of local money in which the shoes were paid for. That money would not be good at a distance, and so those who sell things for home consumption could be paid only by buying other things made for home consumption. In that way home shoes would in some degree outlaw St. Louis shoes. I would have everybody who was producing for home consumption as part of this cooperative paid at least in part in the money of the cooperative, so there would be a kind of money that would buy the things we made ourselves but not buy the things outsiders make. In that way we would be compelled to buy from Volume Three, 1991 77 �each other. Not all business would be done this way. Legal money would also be necessary. I believe this compulsion to buy from each other may be necessary in order to break across the deep worn channels of trade which all lead into and out of the great commercial centers. Such compulsion would be better than the present compulsion of sitting at home in idleness, buying nothing because we have nothing to sell. As I think it over, I believe it is going to be almost necessary to have this element of local exchange, because otherwise, after your shoe manufacture has made shoes and has turned them in to the Cooperative he will get money for them and will buy Grand Rapids furniture; and the furniture manufacturer, after he has made furniture, unless he were paid in credits good only for home products he would buy his shoes from the St. Louis trade and not the local shoes. Soon the local money would be gone, local goods would be unsold, local factories closed, and everyone idle and unable to buy. Now whether this thing can be done, I do not know. But if we are going to build up a local economy, if we are going to be somewhat independent of mass production, I believe we are going to have to go all the way and develop our own tokens of local credit, as well as our own distributing center, our own purchasing center, and our own credit system that will make the exchange. (Morgan 1933, vol. 1, sec. 4) The New Deal did not make use of Arthur Morgan's suggestions along this line, and in fact he later traced his eventual ouster from the TVA partly to this 1933 speech (conversation with author,1973; 1974). I quote the speech at such length because of its obvious relevance to the problems which still confront Appalachia almost sixty years after Morgan spoke. One bright spot among our present options is that computers have probably eliminated any need to issue a local currency in order to conduct local economic exchanges. In various parts of the U.S. and Canada, membership groups which call themselves Local Economic Trading Systems (LETS) are operating now like non-money banks which record their members' deposits that take the form not of money but of labor and goods provided to other members. Withdrawals then take the form of labor and goods received from fellow members. The groups generally expand only to about two hundred members, including individuals and households. The members receive monthly statements in the form of computer printouts which report their non-money deposits and withdrawals during the previous month, along with their running balance. Such systems are now functioning also in some cities under the name of "Service Credits" for hospital/health volunteers, whose hours of 78 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �service earn them the right to that many hours of received help when and if they themselves request help.14 All such arrangements help to minimize the number of dollars needed for economic exchanges within the U.S. The model for such voluntary reciprocity is the informal, non-monetized networking which helped to subsidize America's initial industrialization and which we need to revive if we are to regain our local, regional, and national solvency in an increasingly competitive world. Notes 1 On the 1930s origin of a critique of export-oriented development, see Love (1980) especially pages 47-63. 2 See the recent explication of these issues in Vickers (1990). 3 See, for example, Simon (1978). 4 See, for example, Hall (1986), pages 3-4, 13-29. On recent times, see Shackleford and Weinberg (1977). 5 On this question of competition from Midwestern food producers, see Pudup (1988), pages 72-74. Also see Cummings (1986-87) pages 70-75. ' West Virginia Relief Administration, "Monthly Bulletin of Relief Statistics," Vol. 2, No. 5 (May 1935), page 13 incl. map; and Vol. 2, No. 6 (June 1935), page 19 map, in National Archives, Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Record Group 69), State Files, West Virginia, Box 312, Folder series 401. The "percent agricultural," by county taken from "West Virginia July 1933: Counties Having Very High Percentage of Families of Relief Rolls," National Archives, Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Record Group 69), State Files, West Virginia, Box 312, Special folder "Materials taken by Mr. Hopkins on his S.W. trip in August [1933]." 7 On the Rural Rehabilitation program nationwide, see Baldwin (1968), pages 61-65, 91-94, 106-8, and 199-214. On the Rural Rehabilitation program in West Virginia see Beehler (1934), pages 1-4. 8 Calculated from data in Heinemann (1983), pages 202-3, table. ' In addition, for the 1930s see Charles (1963) page 101. 10 Surveys of the Rural Relief Situation for Johnson, Knox, and Rowan Counties, Kentucky, October 1935, National Archives, Bureau of Agricultural Economics (RG 83), Rural Relief Studies (RG 83, entry 156), Box 5. "Brown and Hillary (1962), pages 55-60 including tables. For the definition of Appalachia used, see page 4 in the same volume. Volume Three, 1991 79 �u See, most recently, Kelso and Kelso (1986). Also see Speiser (1977). 13 See "Credit for Good Deeds: Golden Rules of Barter," Newsweek 15 January 1990, page 61. Works Cited Baldwin, Sidney. 1968. Poverty and Politics: The Rise and Decline of the Farm Security Administration. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Beehler, William N. (West Virginia Relief Administrator) to Harry Hopkins. 4 April 1934. National Archives, files of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Record Group 69), State Files, West Virginia, Box 312, Folder Series 400. -. 1934. Office of Administrator, General Bulletin. Copy in the papers of H.G. Kump (governor of West Virginia), West Virginia Collection, West Virginia University, A. & M. No. 1609, Box 45, Folder "1934, May 12-19." Brown, James S. and George A. Hillary, Jr. 1962. The Great Migration, 19401960." The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey, ed. Thomas R. Ford. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. Charles, Searle F. 1963. Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. Cummings, Joe. 1986-87. "Community and the Nature of Change: Sevier County, Tennessee, in the 1890s." East Tennessee Historical Society's Publications 58-59: 63-88. Conley, Irene (County Worker). 1935. "Survey of the Rural Relief Situation for Johnson County, Kentucky." National Archives, Files of the Bureau of Agricultural Economics. Record Group 83, Entry 156, Box 5, Rural Relief Studies. Corbin, David Alan. 1981. Life, Work and Rebellion in the Coal Fields. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Hall, Jacquelyn Dowd. 1986. "Disorderly Women: Gender and Labor Militancy in the Appalachian South." Journal of American History 73: 359, 371. Heinemann, Ronald L. 1983. Depression and New Deal in Virginia: The Enduring Dominion. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. Kelso, Louis O. and Patricia Hetter Kelso. 1986. Democracy and Economic Power: Extending the ESOP Revolution. Cambridge: Bellinger Publishing Co. 80 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Love, Joseph L. 1980. "Raul Prebisch and the Origins of the Doctrine of Unequal Exchange." Latin American Research Review 15 (3): 45-72. Mauss, Marcel. 1954. The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies. Trans. Ian Cunnison. Glencoe, Illinois.: The Free Press. Mitchell, Robert D. 1977. Commercialism and Frontier: Perspectives on the Early Shenandoah Valley. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. Morgan, Arthur E. 9 November 1933. "Group Industries' Problems and Their Solution" speech at Ferris Hall, University of Tennessee at Knoxville. Copy in the TVA Technical Library, Knoxville, in Arthur E. Morgan, "Speeches and Writings." -. 1974. The Making of the TVA. Buffalo: Prometheus Books. National Archives. 8-10 October 1934. Report on West Virginia's county-bycounty relief fluctuations. National Archives, State Files, West Virginia, Box 311, Folder series 400. Pudup, Mary Beth. 1990. "The Limits of Subsistence: Agriculture and Industry in Central Appalachia." Agricultural History 64: 61-89. Schumacher, E.F. 1973. Small is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered. New York: Harper & Row. Shackleford, Laurel and Bill Weinberg, eds. 1977, Our Appalachia. New York: Hill & Wang. Simon, Richard Mark. 1978. "The Development of Underdevelopment: The Coal Industry and Its Effect on the West Virginia Economy, 1880-1930." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pittsburgh. Speiser, Stuart M. 1977. A Piece of the Action: A Plan to Provide Every Family with a $100,000 Stake in the Economy. New York: Van Norstrand Reinhold. Tierney, Michael T. 1983. "Bread on the Water: Education in an Isolated Mountain Community." Human Services in the Rural Environment 8 (Winter). Vickers, Daniel. 1990. "Competency and Competition: Economic Culture in Early America." William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 47 (January): 329 Paul Salstrom is Visiting Assistant Professor of History at West Virginia University. Volume Three, 1991 81 �The New Deal for Tenant Farmers: Government Planning and Indigenous Community Development on the Cumberland Plateau Benita J. Howell New Deal farm policy responded directly to the agricultural crisis in the Cotton Belt of the lowland South, but rural rehabilitation programs of the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA), the Resettlement Administration, Subsistence Homesteads Division, and Farm Security Administration (FSA) also reached into southern Appalachia. Mountain View, the fictitious name used here for a small farming community in Grundy County, Tennessee, was founded in 1938 by tenant farmers displaced by TVA dam construction. With indigenous organization and only modest financial and technical assistance from FSA, Mountain View survived and has remained a center of successful family-operated truck farming. In contrast to Mountain View were the New Deal experimental communities established and run by the federal government in an effort to provide a sound economic and social basis for rural life. Families selected for these communities received impressive amounts of government assistance. Cumberland Homesteads just south of Crossville, Tennessee, and Skyline Farms in Jackson County, Alabama, were two such communities located not far from the home areas of the Grundy 82 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �County settlers. Rising political opposition forced liquidation of these and scores of similar rural communities in the late 1940s. By that time most of the communities had faltered economically; but equally important in their failure were tensions between the social vision of the planners and the cultural expectations of community residents and the general American public. This paper compares the difficulties experienced in Skyline Farms, Cumberland Homesteads and other federally-sponsored communities with the indigenous development of Mountain View. The comparison is an interesting commentary on Appalachian community development work of the 1920s and 1930s (see Shapiro 1978; Whisnant 1983), because it points up the extent to which uneducated rural Appalachians, who were generally assumed to lack the requisite leadership skills and civicmindedness, used traditional patterns of social and economic cooperation to form a new community with only modest federal loans and technical assistance. Throughout the 1920s, southern agriculture was ravaged by soil depletion and erosion, the boll weevil, and a growing gap between the farmer's cost of living and low commodity prices. The Great Depression and dust bowl days of the 1930s highlighted the plight of farmers, and the national economic emergency prompted federal government action to address the crisis in agriculture (Mitchell 1947, 179-227). Soon after President Roosevelt took office in 1933, the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA) was formed, ushering in plow-ups and acreage allotments, price supports, and government purchase of surplus commodities in an effort to restore farmers' purchasing power. Policy set by the Cotton Section of the AAA was generally favorable to landowners rather than tenants; acreage reduction contracts had negative consequences for tenant farmers (Conrad 1965, 204-9). Landowners who reduced their cotton acreage did not need as many tenants to farm their holdings; furthermore, eliminating tenants or lowering their status to cropper or day laborer allowed the landowner to avoid sharing government subsidies for crop reduction with tenants. Because AAA contracts with landowners did not protect tenants from displacement, many found it increasingly difficult to rent farms in the mid-1930s, and some were left homeless. Other causes of tenant displacement were the introduction of mechanization to cotton growing and the domino effect of foreclosures on farm owners' mortgages (Woofter and Winston 1939, 22). Although the problems of cotton farming affected primarily the Deep South, commercial cotton production and attendant problems extended into the southernmost sections of Appalachia. In north Alabama and southeast Tennessee, however, the Tennessee Valley Authority had even greater impact than federal farm policy on Volume Three, 1991 83 �rural families and communities. Between its founding in 1933 and 1940, TVA constructed eight dams in the Tennessee River Valley. TVA planners hoped that flood control and abundant electric power would attract industry to the region to balance its traditional dependence on agriculture, but farmers near TVA dams paid the costs of regional progress. Some had to be relocated because their land would be flooded, while others suddenly found themselves in competition with relocatees for land to rent or buy. Many experienced social and psychological trauma as they were uprooted from home communities that disappeared forever under the rising waters of the new reservoirs. TVA also sought to improve agriculture in the region by providing cheap fertilizer and technical assistance to increase production in areas most suited to farming, while soil conservation and reforestation programs would remove marginally productive, eroded, or worn out land from crop production (Whisnant 1980, 43-69). Coupled with the inundation of much prime valley acreage, this policy had a devastating effect on small farm owners and tenants near the dams.(McDonald and Muldowny 1982). Rehabilitation and Resettlement: The Government Response to Displaced Tenants The federal government responded to the problem of displaced farm tenants with outright relief and with special rural rehabilitation programs (Baldwin 1968; Mertz 1978; Woofter and Winston). The most popular program provided rural rehabilitation loans to finance the purchase of land, equipment, livestock, or subsistence goods. Along with these loans came technical assistance to develop a workable farm and home plan which would make it possible for the farm family to thrive economically, improve their standard of living, and pay back the loan. The federal lenders, first the Resettlement Administration (RA) and later the Farm Security Administration (FSA), controlled how these loans were spent by requiring that county supervisors countersign checks drawn against loan money deposited in special bank accounts (Baldwin, 195-202). The federal government also experimented with planned communities during the New Deal (Blakey 1986, 127-30; Conkin 1959; Eaton 1950, 5-12; Infield 1945). After the turn of the century when the increasing pace of urbanization and industrial mechanization seemed threatening and the old frontier no longer offered escape, social critics romanticized the nation's agrarian past (Twelve Southerners 1930). They felt that revitalizing rural economy, culture, and society could preserve traditional American values, stem migration from rural to 84 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �urban areas, and thus forestall the dehumanizing effects of industrial employment and urban life. Many currents in social science and social work in the first decades of this century reflected a common set of assumptions derived from this agrarian myth: the idealized folk image of anthropologist Robert Redfield (1930; 1947); historian Frank Owsley's (1949) documentation of the forgotten yeoman farmers of the Old South; the Country Life Commission which led to federal programs for agricultural education and extension work; the emergence of rural sociology as a discipline; and the folk school movement with its emphases on basic education, enhancement of community cooperation and quality of life, cultural revival, and economic security through a combination of improved farming and commercial handcraft production (Eaton 1937; Shapiro; Whisnant 1983). These ideas and ideals were reflected in New Deal rural rehabilitation efforts (Baldwin, 203-8; Forrest 1989) and in the planned rural communities (Campbell and Coombs 1983; Conkin). When the Resettlement Administration was created in 1935, it inherited thirty-three subsistence homestead projects from the Interior Department (Conkin, 98-129), and thirty-four planned farm communities begun by FERA (Conkin, 133-44). The RA began thirty-five additional farm communities, including five cooperative farms, before it was succeeded as administrator of the federal communities in 1937 by FSA (Banfield 1951, 18-20). These projects were created with long-term federal involvement in mind, but political pressure to dismantle the more controversial New Deal programs mounted as the national economy recovered. By the mid-1940s, Congress had declared its intention to terminate the planned community projects (Conkin, 185-207). The projects ended and their assets were liquidated over the rest of the decade. Cumberland Homesteads, begun as an Interior Department subsistence homestead project, and Skyline Farms, a FERA relief project for displaced tenants, were two of these short-lived experimental communities located not far from Grundy County and the original homes of the families who established Mountain View. Cumberland Homesteads (Krechniak 1956) and other projects in the subsistence homesteads program grew out of the belief that stranded miners and industrial workers could best be helped by putting them back on the land where they could combine subsistence farming for home consumption with cash income from wage labor in industry. Two hundred fifty-one homesteads were created south of Crossville, Tennessee, between 1934 and 1937 and settled by families who came from all walks of life, some from other sections of the state and nation. WPA workers cleared the land and built barns, which the project families occupied while helping to build their own homes. These were attractive four- to seven-room stone houses with electricity, modern bathrooms, and up-to- Volume Three, 1991 85 �date kitchens. Between 1934 and 1939, labor credits and cash payments were applied toward eventual purchase of the homesteads, but the exact terms of lease-purchase agreements were not spelled out to the government's tenants. Long-term federal ownership was being used to block development that did not fit into the community plan, and to prevent financial speculation on the improved land. In addition to their uncertainties about land ownership, the families at Cumberland Homesteads were saddled with a sizeable debt for their spacious, modern houses. Because the planners assumed that wage work would provide most of the families' income, the landholdings were small; many tracts contained fewer than ten acres. Several cooperatives were established to provide cash income, among them a dairy, cannery, sorghum mill, and coal mine; but the real hope was to attract private industry to the area. Social planners hoped to convince industry to locate in rural areas where jobs were needed, but in the absence of adequate services and transportation this plan was unrealistic. Efforts to attract outside industry to Cumberland Homesteads never bore fruit, nor did the local cooperatives succeed. Without opportunities for cash income, many homesteaders were stranded on landholdings too small for raising livestock and too poor and rocky to support truck crops. The Cumberland Homesteads families were in effect locked into the government's community plan so that there was little they could do on their own initiative to adjust to circumstances. The government tried to save the situation for Cumberland Homesteads and similar subsistence homestead communities by extending WPA jobs, subsidizing community cooperatives, and offering direct subsidies to the industries it was trying to attract to the communities. This latter action, in particular, brought complaints from the public and Congress that the subsistence homesteads were proving too expensive and were bringing government into undesirable competition with private enterprise. For Cumberland Homesteads, construction of Watts Bar Dam, Douglas Dam, and Oak Ridge finally created jobs within commuting distance; this outside source of income enabled many of the original homesteaders to purchase their places when the government began selling out in 1945. At Skyline Farms, the shift to private ownership was not so smooth. Skyline Farms (Campbell and Coombs ) was planned to give displaced tenant farmers a chance to improve their lot through cooperative farming in a carefully planned community. Before the settlers arrived, relief workers had already cleared the land, put in roads, and built a house, barn, and smokehouse for each forty to sixty acre farm. Families were chosen for this project from the relief rolls, but the applications were carefully screened in an attempt to find families of good character 86 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �who already had farming skills. The successful applicants moved into a house, were issued food stamps and clothing, draft animals, seed, and fertilizers. The community planners intended to train participants in cooperation as well as in home management and the latest farming practices. The community was organized into a number of cooperative associations, for example: a commissary co-op, a produce marketing coop, and later a co-op to build and operate a hosiery mill. The community included a progressive, non-graded school, a pre-paid health plan, and an array of social events and group craft activities which the planners believed would develop cooperative spirit and create community cohesion. Under mounting pressure from the critics of New Deal social and economic experimentation, administration of the experimental communities was shifted from one government agency to another, and in the process policies were constantly changing. It never was made clear to the settlers at Skyline Farms exactly when or how they would receive title to their land, but they believed their labor and rental payments were being applied towards purchase. Skyline Farms also experienced economic difficulties. The hosiery mill was a costly failure, even after a private concern was contracted to run it, and the farming operations failed to thrive. When federal ownership was liquidated, any tenant who was in debt to the government was ruled ineligible to buy his farm. Because many of the farmers had outstanding production credit loans, they found themselves evicted from their homes. Families who had stuck with Skyline Farms for as long as twelve years through the frustrations of government management and economic uncertainty felt cheated out of the equity they thought they had been building through rental payments. Establishment of the Mountain View Community Mountain View (Lane 1985), although created by private citizens rather than government plan, was a consequence of TVA activities in the region. According to TVA statistics (1940), 1,952 farm families, or 12.2 percent of the entire population of Jackson and Marshall counties in north Alabama, were displaced by the Guntersville Dam project; 649 rural families in the Chickamauga reservoir area in southeast Tennessee faced relocation, and the project affected others indirectly through inflated land prices. By the late 1930s, federal land acquisition coupled with rising private demand for land had pushed real estate prices beyond the reach of tenant fanners who had weathered the worst of the Depression and now hoped to buy their own farms. While "150' by 500' lots in Chickamauga Farms, fronting the paved road to the new Volume Three, 1991 87 �(Chickamauga) dam" sold for $350 (Chattanooga Times, 11 September 1938), the same $350 could purchase seventy acres of recently cut-over timber land north of Chattanooga in Grundy County, part of a twelve thousand acre tract put on the market when timbering was completed in 1937. This offer attracted East Tennesseans from Bradley and Meigs counties, part of the Chickamauga Dam impact area, and families from Marshall County in north Alabama who were affected by construction of the Guntersville Dam. While the obstacles the Mountain View settlers faced were daunting, their new start meant a way out of a hopeless situation. Many of the women took their first look at the desolate area and would have left, but as one said, "We had nothing to go back to." In 1935 and 1936 when TVA conducted social surveys prior to relocation, most farmers in the Guntersville purchase area produced cotton and food for home consumption on small farms averaging thirty-three cultivated acres. Only 30.8 percent of those farming were owner-operators; 40.7 percent were tenants, 21.8 pecent were sharecroppers, and 6.7 percent were farm laborers. In 1935, net real income (cash and produce) of tenant farms averaged only $507 as opposed to $645 for owner-operated farms (TVA 1940). The Chickamauga purchase area contained parts of Bradley, Hamilton, McMinn, Meigs, and Rhea counties in Tennessee. Throughout this five county area, which includes metropolitan Chattanooga, only about 16 percent of the work force was engaged in agriculture. Those who did farm raised primarily corn and hay, and many gained an income principally from dairying, raising livestock, or growing truck crops. Acres in cultivation averaged 38.9 for all farmers, although tenants actually managed larger farms than owner-operators, cultivating fifty acres on average. Nevertheless, in 1936 the net real income for these tenant farms averaged only $715 as opposed to $969 for owner-operated farms (TVA 1940). The Mountain View settlers were able to take advantage of rural rehabilitation loans to obtain seed, feed, and fertilizer. As stipulated in the terms of these loans, they worked closely with the county FSA supervisor to develop a diversified farming program and monitor each year's income and expenses; a home management supervisor taught the women modern canning methods and other domestic skills. Loans were not granted for land purchase in Mountain View, however. Federal policy supported the reforestation of marginal crop and pasture land, not the continued clearing of forest for crops; thus the new Mountain View farms did not seem a promising risk to the federal lenders. Mountain View was established in a period of great opportunity, however, just as Grundy County agriculture was beginning to recover from the effects of 88 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �the Great Depression. Between 1930 and 1935, the number of farms in the county had risen from 524 to 964 as workers displaced from other occupations went back to the land to eke out a living. Average farm size had fallen from seventy-nine acres in 1930 to only forty-five acres in 1935, and the percentage of tenant farmers had risen from 22 percent to 31% percent By 1940 the county had only 623 farms, but these had become more viable economic units as average farm size increased to seventy acres. The rate of tenancy as opposed to full or part ownership had fallen to 20 percent (U.S. Census 1945). Between 1929 and 1939, the number of Grundy County farms growing vegetables for sale had been reduced by almost half, from fiftytwo to twenty-seven, and acreage in truck crop production had fallen from seventy-nine to twenty-seven acres (U.S. Census 1945). Growth in Chattanooga and an expanding wartime economy created new markets for farm products. Once the Mountain View farmers had cleared sufficient acreage and their good results with cabbage and other truck crops became apparent, government agencies no longer considered their farms poor financial risks. By the late 1940s and early 1950s, some of the Mountain View farmers finally were able to obtain land purchase loans from the Fanner's Home Administration to increase their land holdings. By this time, however, the community's success already was fairly well assured. Largely through their own efforts, with only modest financial and technical assistance from New Deal programs, the citizens of Mountain View had established themselves economically. They also developed strong social bonds between families through cooperation and intermarriage, and built their school and church into focal institutions of community life. Indigenous Forms of Cooperation in Mountain View Stimulating cooperation was an explicit goal of the New Deal planned communities (Baldwin 1968, 203-27; Conkin), but if Edward Banfield's (1951) assessment is accurate, the social engineers' efforts to induce cooperation were largely ineffective. Banfield studied the social organizational aspects of the Casa Grande cooperative farm in Arizona, one of the most economically successful of the experimental projects. Participants in the Casa Grande project received food, shelter, all the material accoutrements of a decent standard of living, jobs, technical training, and the benefits of the community life planned for them, yet there was constant grumbling. Every incident and every decision aroused factionalism. The residents resisted participation in clubs and other activities which project managers organized to stimulate community cooperation and cohesion. Banfield concluded that the grumblers Volume Three, 1991 89 �and non-cooperators were trying to regain a sense of self-respect and assert status claims, that they resorted to this behavior because the stigma of relief, the regimentation of the project, and social engineering of daily life blocked more constructive means of self-validation. Resentment of government intervention and the atmosphere of discord and factionalism caused many participants to leave Casa Grande, and the same was true of other less collectively-oriented projects like Skyline Farms. The Mountain View farmers were grateful for their rehabilitation loans but didn't like being in debt to the government. They paid off the rehabilitation loans as soon as possible, even though they cooperated closely and enthusiastically in programs suggested by FSA county supervisors and have continued to work well with their county agricultural extension agents. Self-validation was hardly at issue in Mountain View, however, when every family that stayed on the mountain was fulfilling dreams of independence and showing a somewhat skeptical county populace that they had the right stuff to succeed. Aside from negative psychological consequences which may have been inherent in the kind of social engineering being attempted in the experimental communities, cooperation might also have been inhibited by more fundamental factors such as group composition. Social workers carefully screened candidates for government projects and selected families whom they judged to have desirable skills and potential for rehabilitation. Since the projects aimed to supplant maladaptive cultural patterns with new ones, common background, experience, values, and beliefs were not considered important. These were precisely the common denominators the Mountain View families shared. Although only some of the Mountain View settlers had been acquainted with one another before the move, all were poor ex-tenant farmers with similar aspirations, and all were Baptist. Several Guntersville residents saw the Grundy County land advertised for $5.00 an acre in The Progressive Farmer, and two who decided to buy became agents for the land company. One tenant farmer from Guntersville who had lost a farm in East Tennessee during the Depression, visited relatives there and struck a deal to sell an old Tennessee acquaintance a portion of the acreage he had just bought. Five families from Alabama and three from East Tennessee selected themselves and one another to form the nucleus of the Mountain View community. Interestingly, if they had been relief families eligible for Skyline Farms they probably would have been passed over because the household heads were well into middle age, and fathers of large families. But marriages between their grown children soon reinforced the bonds of shared background, values, and goals, knitting Mountain View into a 90 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �complex network of neighbor and kin relationships typical of older rural settlements. Moreover, these older household heads and their wives had accumulated the experience and wisdom necessary to organize community-wide cooperation. Their first goals were to obtain an elementary school from the county and build themselves a church. Although the county provided teachers and built the school building using a National Youth Administration labor force, community women formed an active Parent-Teacher Association (PTA), organized money-raising projects to pay for extra furnishings and supplies, and took over the responsibility of providing a hot lunch program. When county-wide consolidation closed the school in 1963, the community took steps to retain ownership of the building. It became the property of the Pleasant Ridge Baptist Church and became a center for church and community social activities. Even more than the school, the church has been the symbol of community identity and cohesion. The first church-building project was aborted when it became apparent that the man who donated land for the church intended to name it for himself. Once they obtained land from a disinterested party, community members, who had jointly saved money to buy materials, contributed their labor to erect the building. Buying a heater and a second-hand piano were projects taken on by the community women's club. While this club was first organized by the FSA home supervisor, the women themselves kept it active after her position was cut. It later became their Home Demonstration Club. As in traditional rural settlements of the region, the church became not only the spiritual center of the new community, but its social center also—the site of revivals and singings, monthly birthday dinners, holiday celebrations, family reunions, and the like. In the case of federallysponsored communities like Skyline Farms, the doctrine of separation of church and state prevented federal project managers from actively promoting the formation of churches, so the opportunity to build community using this traditional arena of social activity was lost to them. Campbell and Coombs make it clear, however, that the planners of Skyline Farms were steeped in country life and folk school ideas and had a theoretical commitment to developing community spirit through other means: folk music, recreation, traditional handcrafts, and collective enterprise. Unfortunately, their approach ignored or discounted the existence of traditional patterns of cooperation which operated effectively in Mountain View. (See Hicks 1976, 103-7 for a similar critique of the War on Poverty in Appalachia.) Banfield's observations at Casa Grande and events at Cumberland Homesteads and Skyline Farms suggest that the Mountain View settlers were lucky to have as little direct government support as they did. Volume Three, 1991 91 �Unlike the residents of Cumberland Homesteads and Skyline Farms, the Mountain View settlers were able to fit the size, location, and character of their landholdings to their needs through buying and selling parts of their original tracts and expanding their landholdings. Looking back fifty years to the beginnings of their community, the residents of Mountain View often speak of themselves as pioneers in a wilderness. Like pioneers, they endured many hardships in the early years and only gradually added modem conveniences to their homes. Paying off their mortgages to the land company and buying more land were more important to them than fancy housing. In contrast residents of Cumberland Homesteads and Skyline Farms were provided many amenities on the assumption that the economic development schemes planned for those communities would work, and that residents could easily handle the debt they incurred by participating in the projects. Neither Skyline Farms nor Cumberland Homesteads implemented its economic plan successfully; only outside developments saved the situation for residents of Cumberland Homesteads. The Mountain View farmers pursued traditional flexible strategies for supplementing farming with other sources of income. In the early years, some of the men worked seasonally at coke ovens located in Grundy County or took factory jobs in Chattanooga, Tullahoma, or Oak Ridge. "Public work" was a temporary expedient if a crop failed, a building burned, or if cash was needed for some specific purpose-to buy more land or complete a building project. Among the various incomeproducing activities that regularly supplemented farming were timber cutting, hewing crossties, operating a sawmill or a charcoal kiln, and selling furs or medicinal roots. For the people of Mountain View, however, this traditional diversified subsistence strategy was a means to achieve a new goal of successful commercial truck farming. The Alabama families first tried growing cotton, the crop familiar to them, but found the growing season too short. Then they tried corn, soybeans, and potatoes, but there were not strong markets for these commodities. Almost by accident, one farmer experimented with cabbage, discovered how well suited it was to the cool, moist plateau climate, and was gratified by the price he received in Chattanooga for his crop. Others followed his lead, gradually adding other vegetable crops and expanding their marketing to Nashville. By the 1960s certain crops, notably pimento peppers, were grown for canners as well as produce wholesalers. Sound financial management begun with FSA assistance, readiness to experiment, and cooperation with agricultural extension agents were important in this transition to commercial farming (Tennessee Agricultural Extension Service 19351940). Cooperation within the community was critically important also. 92 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Initial land purchases spread out the pioneer families across the top of the mountain. Through land swaps, subdivision of the larger tracts, and later purchases, however, the families brought themselves into closer proximity, realizing that they needed one another to survive. For women as well as men, swapping labor was a means of efficiently accomplishing onerous tasks and heavy labor, beginning with the work of clearing land and building houses and barns. To assist in land clearing, members of the community pooled cash to buy a stump-puller which was considered common property and available to all. Barter of services and surplus commodities was an essential ingredient in the local economy until the shift was made from subsistence to commercial farming. One man with blacksmithing skills, for example, repaired tools and equipment for his neighbors and might receive syrup or firewood in return. As the truck farmers became more prosperous and increased their cultivated acres, they began to invest in tractors and other expensive equipment. For tasks that were not mechanized, like planting cabbage seedlings, women and young people from the community were now paid to supplement family labor. But informal economic cooperation persisted in the form of joint equipment purchases, usually involving relatives, and equipment swapping throughout the community. At first everyone in Mountain View was poor and struggling to pay off a mortgage. But from the 1950s on, those who were able to expand their operations and become most successful as commercial operators have continued the pattern of cooperation. They still share equipment with part-time farmers who cannot afford their own. They also handle cooperative purchasing of seeds, plants, fertilizer and the like, for any farmers in the community who want to participate. And at times they assist young people trying to get started in farming to secure loans. By the 1980s, the operator of the largest farm in the community began pushing for a formally organized Vegetable Growers Cooperative. A specific project he advocated was a community packing shed which would help individual growers increase their leverage in marketing and free them from some of the pressures of grading, packing, and shipping their produce. Conclusion: Social Engineering vs. Indigenous Community Development The New Deal experimental communities were a worthwhile experiment in providing training and skills rather than just short-term relief, but their planners failed to win over either their clients or the general public to their views of cooperation, in fact achieving less cooperation than the unplanned community did drawing on its own supposedly Volume Three, 1991 93 �inadequate traditions. Historians of the New Deal agree that rural rehabilitation loans were generally a popular and successful program (Baldwin, 199; Blakey 1986, 124-5). These loans held out to tenant farmers the possibility of regaining control over their lives and destinies, while social engineering in the government projects only replaced the landlord with a more benevolent master. Pervasive government control denied the independence that has always been a prime attraction of farming; philosophically the social visionaries who planned these projects operated on the premise that individual enterprise and cooperative spirit were incompatible values. Mountain View, on the other hand, began with traditional modes of informal community cooperation such as mutual aid and barter of services, and transformed these into more modern guises—equipment swapping, cooperative ownership, and cooperative purchasing. The idea for a formally organized vegetable marketing cooperative developed naturally out of this context. The county agricultural extension agent then became a facilitator—someone to help the community explore its options and locate start-up funds. The focal point of community social interaction was the church, but although all of the pioneer founders shared similar religious values and identified as Baptists, in time there were disagreements between fundamentalist and more liberal viewpoints which produced schisms in the mid-1960s and again in the mid1980s. Ambivalence about taking on leadership roles and resentment of those who'd assume leadership (phenomena observed by Hicks in "Little Laurel") played a role in the schisms. Although Pleasant Ridge Baptist Church still symbolizes the community and its history for the children of the pioneers, they realize that it can no longer be an all-inclusive community institution. In search of another forum that would encompass the whole community and address general issues such as Neighborhood Watch, they began a Community Club in 1985. Interestingly, members of the pioneer families took the initiative getting the club going but nominated "outsiders" to serve as officers, people who moved to Mountain View ten to fifteen years ago and have gained the confidence and respect of the pioneer families (cf. Hicks, 97). Thus, throughout its history, Mountain View has worked hard to maintain the ties of social and economic cooperation which were essential to the survival of individual farms and the community in the early years. The Mountain View families, working out their own destiny without benefit of social engineering, faced physical hardships and risks that were unknown in the government projects; but they likewise faced possibilities to improve their lot immeasurably through their own persistence and hard work. Their experience revealed no dichotomy between individualism and cooperation; they found traditional patterns 94 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �of economic and social cooperation to be effective and adaptable means of enhancing the security of each farm family and forming a supportive community for all of them. Works Cited Baldwin, Sidney. 1968. Poverty and Politics: The Rise and Decline of the Farm Security Administration. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Banfield, Edward C. 1951. Government Project. Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press. Blakey, George T. 1986. Hard Times and New Deal in Kentucky, 1929-1939. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Campbell, David and David Coombs. 1983. "Skyline Farms: A Case Study of Community Development and Rural Rehabilitation." Appalachian Journal 10(3): 244-54. Conkin, Paul K. 1959. Tomorrow a New World: The New Deal Community Program. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Conrad, David Eugene. 1965. The Forgotten Farmers. The Story of Sharecroppers in the New Deal. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Eaton, Allen H. 1937. Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands. New York: The Russell Sage Foundation. Eaton, Joseph. 1950. "The FSA Cooperative Farms." Cooperative Group Living, An International Symposium on Group Farming and the Sociology of Cooperation. Eds. H.F. Infield and J.B. Maier. New York: Koosis. Forrest, Suzanne, 1989. The Preservation of the Village. New Mexico's Hispanics and the New Deal. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Hicks, George L. 1976. Appalachian Valley. New York: Holt, Rinehart, Winston. Infield, Henrik F. 1945. Cooperative Communities at Work. New York: Dryden Press. Krechniak, Helen and Joseph Krechniak. 1956. Cumberland County's First Hundred Years. Crossville, Tennessee: Centennial Committee. Volume Three, 1991 95 �Lane, Patricia G. 1985. "Mountain View. An Ethnographic Account of Cooperation and Conflict in a Tennessee Community on the Cumberland Plateau." Knoxville Tennessee Anthropological Association Miscellaneous Paper No. 10. McDonald, Michael and John Muldowny. 1982. TVA and the Dispossessed: The Resettlement of Population in the Norris Dam Area. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Mertz, Paul E. 1978. New Deal Policy and Southern Rural Poverty. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. Mitchell, Broadus. 1947. Depression Decade: From New Era Through New Deal, 1929-1941. (Economic History of the United States, vol. 9) New York: Rinehart. Owsley, Frank L. 1949. Plain Folk of the Old South. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. Redfield, Robert. 1930. Tepoztlan, a Mexican Village: A Study of Folk Life. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. . 1947. "The Folk Society. American Journal of Sociology 52: 293-308. Shapiro, Henry D. 1978. Appalachia on Our Mind. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Tennessee Agricultural Extension Service. 1935-1940. Annual Reports of Extension Agents. Typescripts on file, University of Tennessee College of Agriculture. Tennessee Valley Authority. 1940. Department of Regional Planning Studies. "Social and Economic Characteristics of Six Tennessee Valley Reservoir Areas." Typescript on file, University of Tennessee Library. Twelve Southerners. 1930. I'll Take My Stand: The South and the Agrarian Tradition. New York: Harper. U.S. Census Bureau. 1945. Census of Agriculture. Whisnant, David E. 1980. Modernizing the Mountaineer. Boone: Appalachian Consortium Press. -. 1983. All That Is Native & Fine. The Politics of Culture in an American Region. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Woofter, T. J., Jr. and Ellen Winston. 1939. Seven Lean Years. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 96 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Acknowledgements I am most grateful to the people of "Mountain View" and to Pat Lane, whose information on the community is incorporated in this paper. Pat and I became acquainted with "Mountain View" during a community history project completed in 1984 with support from the Tennessee Humanities Council. I presented an earlier version of this paper to the community during that project. Pat Lane continued research in Mountain View and completed her M.A. thesis the following year (Lane 1985); it is the primary source for the detailed descriptions of economic and social cooperation which are included in this paper. Thanks also to Jerry Walling and George Smith of the Agricultural Extension Service, who provided information and made AES reports available for study. Benita J. Howell is an Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Volume Three, 1991 97 �Lawrence Augustus Oxley: The Beginnings of Social Work Among Blacks in North Carolina Counties John L. Bell A remarkable event occurred in North Carolina in 1925: the creation of the Division of Work Among Negroes. Housed within the State Board of Charities and Public Welfare, this agency's purpose was to study black social problems, help blacks organize local social work agencies, and to support needed statewide agencies for blacks. This Division of Work Among Negroes was the first such state agency in the United States, and it became a model of its type. It secured black social workers in forty counties, encouraged the formation of charitable organizations, secured improved hospital care, mediated racial conflicts, pressed for prison reform, fought lynching, sought improved child care, helped wayward juveniles, enforced school attendance laws, and sponsored unemployment relief in the depression. Although the Appalachian counties of North Carolina had few blacks, this division was active in Buncombe County. The purpose of this paper is to examine the organization of statewide social services and the activities of the Division of Work Among Negroes in the Appalachian counties. This division's effectiveness in providing black social services would not have been possible without a changing climate of opinion on social issues. Before 1900, few people understood how black social problems had an impact on the larger society. Public opinion in the South began to change as the National Conference of Charities and Corrections, later called the National Conference on Social Welfare, held periodic meetings 98 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �in the South: at Louisville in 1883, Atlanta in 1903, Richmond in 1908, and Memphis in 1914, and focused attention on these problems. Prior to 1900, these national conferences looked condescendingly at the South, offering gratuitous solutions to its social problems, but the Atlanta conference of 1903 affirmed that the South was best suited to solve its social problems, and this affirmation spurred southern welfare workers to action. Social melioration was also a theme of the Southern Sociological Congresses that met in racially integrated sessions in Nashville, Atlanta, and Memphis before World War I to discuss the plight of blacks (Wisner 1970, 125-34). Public opinion also began to change in North Carolina when an annual state social welfare conference, meeting the first time in 1912, spurred the state to social action. The 1916 conference proposed a State Board of Charities and Public Welfare be charged with starting statewide social welfare programs rather than giving passive supervision to local initiatives, as it had been doing. A.W. McAlister and Alfred M, Scales, both of Guilford County, secured the creation of such a board in the 1917 legislature, supposedly the first proactive state welfare agency in the nation. This board had five subdivisions: county organization, child welfare, institutional supervision, mental health, and publicity. It appointed for each county a three-member board to advise the state board and local officials (Shivers 1935, 226-28; Bruno 1957, 298-99). Although the founders of the state board desired to improve black social conditions, the legislature would not fund black social services. Still, black speakers at the state conferences highlighted the need. A.M. Moore, who worked with Governor Thomas Bickett during the war to assure an equitable distribution of defense jobs to blacks, addressed the 1920 conference on their needs. Moore pleaded with the conference to help end lynching, restore the ballot, improve housing, abolish Jim Crow transportation, encourage white ministers to preach against racial injustice, provide equal access to education, obtain better benefits for black veterans, secure justice in the courts, and to end derogatory references to blacks. That he could speak so frankly indicated daring on his part and receptivity in his white listeners (North Carolina 1920, 2833). Moore's pleas fell on the receptive ears of the Commissioner of Charities and Public Welfare, Kate Burr Johnson. A native of Morganton in the mountain county of Burke, Johnson was the first woman appointed to head a state agency in North Carolina. She took assorted courses at Queens College, the University of North Carolina, and the New York School of Social Work, but she never took a degree. She learned leadership by presiding over women's clubs and heading the state office of child welfare. Appointed commissioner in 1921, she Volume Three, 1991 99 �supervised one social worker, two stenographers, and an annual budget of $15,000. When she resigned in 1930, she supervised a staff of sixteen and a budget of $30,000, and she had secured grants of $114,000 to support social services for blacks and rural people, no little achievement (Raleigh 1930, 1952). One grant which Kate Johnson secured (in 1924) was $60,000 from the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Fund. Half of this three-year grant went to establish and operate the Division of Work Among Negroes, an agency of her board. The division's purpose was to study black social problems and then help blacks organize locally to solve them (Raleigh). To achieve these objectives, Kate Johnson's main task was to find an able person to head the division. She found a well-qualified person at St. Augustine's College, an Episcopal school for blacks in Raleigh. Her choice was thirty-seven-year-old social sciences instructor Lawrence Augustus Oxley, an "able and conscientious" (North Carolina 1929a, 7) man who headed this work for nine years until he became a member of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Black Cabinet." Born in Boston, Oxley attended a preparatory school in Cambridge and was later tutored by Harvard instructors. He enlisted in the army in World War I and rose in rank from private to first lieutenant. Serving as a special agent for the War Department, he investigated the morale of black troops in training camps. Postwar opportunities drew him to work in the Harlem YMCA, with the War Camp Community Service as a field investigator, with the Episcopal National Student Council, and finally to St. Augustine's in 1920 (Who's Who 1950, 404-5; Washington Post 1973). Oxley was well prepared to work in the state's twenty-two Appalachian counties, but he was greatly hampered by the small black population and the racial attitudes of county officials. Some 30,000 blacks called Appalachia home in 1920, and about 38,000 in 1930, in each case, less than ten percent of the population. Although every Appalachian county had some blacks, only six counties had over 2,000: Buncombe, Burke, Henderson, McDowell, Rutherford, and Wilkes. By 1930, nearly half of the black Appalachian population was located in Buncombe County. 0x16/8 plan for social services required blacks to organize, set their own agendas, and hire a black social worker. Most counties did not have the size and concentration of black population to do this. So Buncombe's large black population, located mainly in Asheville, made it a focal point of 0x16/8 work in Appalachia (United States 1920, 735-45; 1930, 975-90). The racial attitudes of county officials also made it difficult to organize social work in Appalachia. As part of a child welfare study, Oxley surveyed the racial attitudes of clerks of court, superintendents of schools, farm agents, and county doctors in fourteen Appalachian coun- 100 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �ties with the fewest blacks (Rosenwald Study 1929). The forty officials surveyed unanimously believed blacks to be inferior beings who should be segregated from whites. Looking at education for blacks, about half of these officials believed that blacks could benefit from elementary education only, but about a sixth wanted no black schools at all, feeling that education only ruined blacks for menial work. Surprisingly, three officials wanted "educational and economic equality of opportunity" for them (Rosenwald Study). When asked about blacks owning land, six officials opposed it; the other thirty-four wanted blacks to own land, but in segregated areas; they believed that land ownership helped make blacks better citizens. The whites in two counties, Graham and Mitchell, were hostile toward blacks, and encouraged visiting blacks to depart before sundown. An official in Mitchell County wanted to employ a black cook, but he feared for her safety if he brought her in. The towns of Jefferson and Morganton prohibited blacks from owning land inside the town limits, so patterns of residential segregation were well established. Only a fourth of these county officials wanted blacks to vote; the other three-fourths opposed their voting. Officials in Cherokee, Macon, Jackson, and Yancey counties believed their black inhabitants to be above average in intelligence and behavior, and race relations were thought to be good. As a result of the survey, Oxley discovered few major social problems. The clerks of court reported no dependent children who were wards of the county. Black families took care of their own orphans. Children also were well behaved. The few delinquent children to appear in juvenile court were sent home with their parents to be whipped, a punishment never ordered for white children. This parental whipping was thought to be effective because there were few repeat offenders. School attendance was generally better than in white schools, and the pupils were generally "courteous and bright." One problem that emerged was a different standard of sexual mores. Two county officials noted that sexual liaisons between married black leaders and single women did not hurt the reputations of either. These liaisons did, however, result in a higher rate of venereal disease than among similar classes of whites (Rosenwald Study). The poor racial attitudes of mountain whites caused the first major problem for Oxley. In October 1925, Governor Angus McLean called him to defuse an explosive situation in Asheville. Since the 1890s, Asheville had attracted thousands of tourists and health-seekers, especially tubercular patients. Growing population and a real estate boom fostered a mushrooming construction industry. From 1920 to 1925 some 3,000 black workers from adjoining states flocked to jobs in Asheville, and they were inclined to crime. During 1925 some 70 percent of blacks convicted Volume Three, 1991 101 �of crimes in the county courts were from nearby states (North Carolina 1929, 13). These conditions produced two rapes and an assault on white women by black men in September and October, 1925. These incidents outraged the white community, and a lynch mob ransacked the county jail in September searching for a black suspect whom the sheriffhad moved to Charlotte only minutes ahead of the mob (Asheville 20 September 1925). Officers arrested 43 of the 200 in the mob, and 15 of them were later convicted and imprisoned (North Carolina 1929b, 53-54). In October a black man raped one white woman and assaulted another, and he was apprehended and identified. Again a lynch mob assembled, but the white victim refused to accompany the mob to the jail to identify the accused, and it disbanded (Asheville 27 October 1925). White community feeling ran high over these incidents, and black leaders, before the second rapist was apprended, were mortified to read in the 29 October 1925 Asheville Citizen an editorial addressed To Asheville Negroes." The editorial charged that the Citizen had appealed for help from the black community to apprehend the second rapist, but blacks had made "no substantial answer to an appeal, which should have stirred you. YOU HAVE FAILED IN YOUR DUTY." The editor believed that blacks had "inherited channels of communication that carries news swiftly and secretly to the Negro community." "YOU MUST DO SOMETHING," demanded the editor. "There must be no other assault on a white woman by a Negro—one more and peril will stare you in the face— a fearful peril. It will be no respecter of persons—the powers and influences which have restrained it will no longer avail." (Asheville 29 October 1925) The editor did not specify what the peril would be, but it seemed clear that it would take the form of indiscriminate, violent attacks on Asheville's 9,000 blacks. Black leaders were swift to react to this "negro-baiting." Representatives of Asheville's "better class" of blacks met on October 29, 1925, with a Citizen reporter and argued that they could not be held accountable for the actions of some 3,000 black workers recently arrived in the city. These "boll weevils," as the newspaper called them, had "shown a tendency to run riot and have exercised a bad influence on their fellows". (Asheville 30 October 1925). The black leaders pleaded "for Asheville to distinguish between the race and the individual" because they could not guarantee the good behavior of 3,000 itinerants (Asheville 30 October 1925). On October 30 these black leaders met with the city commissioners and presented a resolution condemning the Citizen editorial. The commissioners endorsed the leaders' plans for a mass meeting of blacks to be held the next Sunday to discuss ways of cooperating with law enforcement officers (Asheville 31 October 1925). 102 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �The Sunday mass meeting was anticlimactic. Blacks voiced "open resentment" that they were not employed on the city police force. The main speaker was Lawrence Oxley, sent by Governor McLean to defuse the hostility of blacks. Oxley stressed the need for "straight and sane thinking," and he urged the crowd to "co-operate to the fullest" with city officials. He also cautioned people to be "careful in the matter of making radical statements that have no foundation in truth" (Asheville 2 November 1925). The meeting adjourned without taking any formal action, and feeling in the white community subsided. Oxley's exact role in averting disaster is not fully known. It is known that he spent a week in Asheville working behind the scenes until danger passed. Although some of the black press criticized his role, others credited him with restoring sanity to the town. Closely related to this Asheville situation was Oxley's study of capital punishment of blacks in the state. Describing lynching as an extra-legal form of capital punishment, Oxley showed that lynching was subsiding. No blacks were lynched in the state from 1922 to 1928. He attributed this result to the strong resolve of governors Thomas Bickett, Cameron Morrison, and Angus McLean to oppose mob violence. His case study of an Asheville mob showed this gubernatorial resolve. In September 1925, a mob stormed the Buncombe County jail to seize and lynch Alvin Mansell, the suspect in the first rape case indicated above. The mob destroyed jail property and released prisoners to find Mansell, but the sheriff had whisked him away to Charlotte just minutes before the mob struck. Officers were able to identify and apprehend 43 of the 200 people in the mob. After their trial, Judge A.M. Stack sentenced four of the leaders to three to eight years in state prison and eleven of them to county road terms up to one year, and to another five he gave suspended sentences. In sentencing the men, Judge Stack said, "God save the state that has to depend on mobs to protect its women. .. . What the officers needed down there that night was a few machine guns" (North Carolina 1929b, 54). Some 6,000 Buncombe County petitioners pleaded with Governor McLean to grant clemency. The governor refused, saying that "those who are asking for clemency for these men should remember that the crime they committed was one of the most serious known to our law—serious because the sovereignty of all the people of the State was trampled under foot and insulted by the mob.... Our people are determined to suppress mob violence at any cost" (North Carolina 1929b, 55). This mob violence was directed against Alvin Mansell whose case Oxley used to demonstrate the injustices of the court system in his publication, Capital Punishment in North Carolina. In 1925 the seventeen-year-old Mansell moved from Pickens, South Carolina, to Asheville to live with his older sister and work in a sanatorium. Having only a Volume Three, 1991 103 �fifth grade education, the 120-pound Mansell had an I.Q. of fifty-three and the mental age of a nine-year-old. The thirty-five-year-old white woman who accused him of rape sold flowers at the sanatorium where he worked. After walking a mile away from the sanatorium one morning, she alleged that a mulatto attacked her. After the attack she walked to a friend's house where, before a deputy sheriff, she described her assailant as being a thirty-five-year-old mulatto wearing a blue shirt, yellow trousers, and a felt hat. Later that afternoon she went to the sanatorium and identified Mansell as her assailant although he did not match her earlier description in any particular. A court-appointed attorney defended Mansell, but the judge denied his motion for continuance to have time to secure witnesses. Mansell testified in his own behalf, denying his guilt and saying that he never left the sanatorium until midafternoon. Co-workers corroborated his testimony. The prosecutor introduced no evidence other than the victim's testimony, and nothing to corroborate her charges. After considerable deliberation, the jury found Mansell guilty, and the judge sentenced him to death. Some four thousand Buncombe citizens, believing a miscarriage of justice had occurred, petitioned the governor for clemency. At this point, Lawrence Oxley's duties required him to prepare the facts of the case for presentation to the governor, for the Division of Work Among Negroes reviewed all requests for pardons and clemency for black prisoners. Oxley pointed out discrepancies in the victim's description of her assailant. Two doctors who examined her and the deputy sheriff who first questioned her, none of whom the prosecutor called to testify, found her earlier statements at sharp variance with her testimony in court. Six patients at the sanatorium, none of whom testified at the trial, also contradicted her testimony. Six jurors, reading the affadavits of these witnesses after the trial, requested the governor to commute Mansell's sentence to life because they had reasonable doubt of his guilt. Even a prosecuting attorney, after reading the new evidence, appealed to the governor for clemency. After considering the new evidence and appeals, Governor Angus McLean commuted the sentence from death to life in prison. McLean refused to pardon Mansell because he believed that the jury could have heard the new evidence and still found Mansell guilty (North Carolina 1929b, 99-102). To Oxley, this case was an example of the miscarriage of justice that gave a higher percentage of death sentences to blacks. From 1909 through 1927, he discovered, the state convicted 198 people for capital crimes, 147 of them black and 51 white. Of these 198 convicted, 94 were electrocuted, 81 blacks and 13 whites (North Carolina 1929b, 54-5, 19-20). While seeking justice for blacks, Oxley also worked on the county level helping blacks organize themselves to identify and solve their own 104 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �social problems. To do this, Oxley needed the leadership provided by educated, middle-class, black citizens, concentrated in an urban area for ease of communication. By 1930, Asheville's black population numbered 14,255, about 40 percent of all blacks living in the mountains. It was an ideal place in the Appalachian counties for Oxley to focus his efforts. Accordingly, in 1925 Oxley encouraged the county to employ its first black social worker, Douglas Clarke, one of thirteen such workers in the state. By the summer of 1926, blacks had Faith Cottage operating to care for unwed mothers. Oxley also secured the appointment in 1925 of a seven-member state advisory board to Kate Johnson. Included on the board was Dr. L. O. Miller, an Asheville physician who led the opposition to the Asheville Citizen's race-baiting in 1925. Oxley also encouraged the development of the YWCA in Asheville. Its director was Adela F. Ruffin, who replaced Dr. Miller on the state advisory board in 1927 (North Carolina 1924-1926, 40, 109,132; 1926-1928, 110). Because of the extreme individualism of Asheville blacks, Adela Ruffin felt that she had experienced an uphill struggle to organize the community for social improvement. "Asheville is a small town grown quickly--too quickly—to the size of a city. It has the problems and responsibilities of a city — without wide vision. It is a smug town.. ..," complained Ruffin. "Its thinking is individualistic — to a surprising degree because, in most cases, the individuals have had so much training that we expect them to be different" (Ruffin 1927). Given the purported lack of social vision in Asheville, Oxley was able to help this mountain area develop some vision and compassion. In 1931, as the economic depression deepened, Governor 0. Max Gardner requested Oxley's services to help organize blacks for relief work across the state. Governor Gardner believed that all relief work should come from local effort, and that the relief efforts should be segregated where possible, white agencies helping whites and black agencies helping blacks. To assist the governor, Oxley secured the appointment of a statewide advisory council of blacks and twelve district committees. Dr. L. 0. Miller of Asheville was on this statewide committee also. One of the district committees was in Asheville, and it sponsored community mass meetings to enlist the active support of leaders (North Carolina 1930-1932, 100-101). One person on the committee acted as an agent to determine relief needs, and to minister to them through existing public agencies. The committee also contacted every employed black person to secure contributions to the Community Chest, the United Welfare Drive, and the Associated Charities. County and city agencies cooperated with white and black relief groups to operate a wood lot, community gardens, a small cannery, and street cleaning to provide relief for the unemployed. In return for working three days a week, the unemployed were Volume Three, 1991 105 �given groceries adequate to feed their families for a week (Raleigh 1931; 1932). By 1933, the Reconstruction Finance Corporation made some $5 million available to North Carolinians for unemployment relief. Oxley found it possible to enroll blacks in work relief programs "only and when trained, intelligent Negro workers are appointed as members of staffs of local relief agencies." He tried "to place such Negro leaders in strategic places throughout the State" (Oxley 1933) and thus help blacks get relief money. Oxley's relief efforts constituted a model national program and won for him appointment to an advisory relief council to President Hoover. Oxley provided other minor services for the Asheville area, especially as a contact person in state government. When the city cut teachers' pay in 1933, black teachers were not told the reason, and they were afraid to ask the white superintendent whether the cuts applied to both races. The teachers asked Oxley to get the needed information in Raleigh. Oxley also secured from the American Legion, to which he belonged, gifts for some forty-three black patients in the veterans' hospital at nearby Oteen. Oxley also referred requests for mountain summer experiences for black children to people in Asheville who took children into their homes in the summer (Swepson 1933; Oxley 1931; 1929). While Oxley's local initiatives were beneficial to Asheville, his work to establish and support statewide agencies and institutions also promised assistance to Appalachian blacks. A major concern of Oxley's was the rehabilitation of juvenile delinquents. In 1925, the Federation of Colored Women's Clubs contributed $25,000 to establish the North Carolina Industrial Home for Colored Girls at Efland. This home had a dormitory for twenty girls, and facilities for teaching domestic science and sewing. Juvenile courts committed twelve girls there in 1926. Oxley and an association of white women lobbied the legislatures from 1927 to 1933 to have the state assume control of the facility, but they were able to secure only a $2,000 annual appropriation. The state had more interest in the rehabilitation of delinquent boys, for the 1925 legislature created the Morrison Training School at Hoffman. The $25,000 appropriation provided for the purchase of 300 acres and the erection of four buildings to which the courts assigned 200 boys in 1933 and put 280 on the waiting list. The training school used a farm and a model dairy to teach the boys initiative and self reliance (Sanders 1933, 8-9). Assistance for crippled children was another concern of Oxley's. In 1921, the state established an orthopedic hospital at Gastonia, but it was for whites only (Brown 1928, 157). In 1925, Benjamin N. Duke contributed $15,000 to this hospital to build a ward for twenty black children. The need was so great that he contributed $25,000 more to add thirty 106 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �more beds by 1933. Social workers helped to organize local clinics to screen children whom the hospital might help (Sanders 1933, 9, 40-41). Another need was training for black social workers. Mecklenburg County hired the first black social worker, Hattie Russell, in 1919. By 1933 local governments employed about forty black social workers across the state. This was a completely new field for blacks, few of whom were educated in social work, and most of whom had, at best, only some college. 0x16/3 Division of Work Among Negroes sponsored annual three-day institutes to train social workers. The 1926 institute, for example, enrolled seventy-three students who listened to inspirational speakers and attended classes (North Carolina 1924-1926, 111-13). The classes were on the history and objectives of social work, community organization, case work and record keeping, school attendance, juvenile court, and mental defectives. Oxley also helped to meet the need for formal social work education. The Atlanta School of Social Work, established in 1920, was the first such school for blacks in the South. The University of North Carolina School of Public Welfare also was established in 1920, but it enrolled only whites. Its faculty did, however, teach at the annual institutes and contribute to the founding of a religious school of social work at St. Augustine's College in Raleigh. This school was the Bishop Tuttle Memorial Training School, established by the Women's Auxiliary of the Episcopal Church in 1925. Requiring two years of college for admission, the school provided a three-year curriculum, and some twenty students were graduated by 1930 (Ross 1978, 427, 433, 463; Shivers 1935, 209-11; North Carolina 1924-1926, 114; 1932-1934, 88). 0x16/8 work in North Carolina ended in 1934 when he accepted an offer from Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins to work in her department to improve employment opportunities for blacks. From 1925 to 1934 Oxley had directed a model state program to provide much-needed social services for North Carolina blacks. Included in this program were services for blacks in Appalachian counties. Concentrated mainly in Buncombe County, these services included mediation of racial conflict, support for anti-lynching activities, better treatment of blacks in the criminal justice system, inclusion of mountain blacks on state advisory committees, securing the employment of black social workers, and encouraging local unemployment relief. Oxley also encouraged the development of statewide social services agencies open to Appalachian blacks. These included training schools, an orthopedic hospital, and social work education. This period of 0x16/8 leadership ushered in a new era of society's concern for its black citizens. Volume Three, 1991 107 �Works Cited Asheville Citizen, 20,22 September 1925; 23, 24,28, 29,30,31 October 1925; 2 November 1925. Brown, Roy M. 1928. Public Poor Relief in North Carolina. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Bruno, Frank J. 1957. Trends in Social Work, 1874-1956: A History Based on the Proceedings of the National Conference of Social Work. New York: Columbia University Press. Bunche, Ralph J. 1973. The Political Status of the Negro in the Age of FDR. Ed. Dewey W. Grantham. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Kirby, John B. 1980. Black Americana in the Roosevelt Era. Rnoxville: University of Tennessee Press. North Carolina. 1920. State Board of Charities and Public Welfare. Bulletins (April-June 1920). Raleigh, North Carolina. . 1924-26. State Board of Charities and Public Welfare. Biennial Report. Raleigh, North Carolina. . 1925. State Board of Charities and Public Welfare. Division of Work Among the Negroes. Special Report, 1 January to 31 March 1925, in Commissioner's Office, Subject File, 1891-1952, Box 6, Records of the Department of Public Welfare, North Carolina State Archives, Raleigh, North Carolina (hereinafter cited as DPW). . 1926-1928. State Board of Charities and Public Welfare. Biennial Report. Raleigh, North Carolina. . 1929a. State Board of Charities and Public Welfare. North Carolina's Welfare Program for Negroes. Special Bulletin Number 8, Raleigh, North Carolina. -. I929b. State Board of Charities and Public Welfare. Capital Punishment in North Carolina. Special Bulletin Number 10, Raleigh, North Carolina. —. 1930-1932. State Board of Charities and Public Welfare. Biennial Report. Raleigh, North Carolina. —. 1932-1934. State Board of Charities and Public Welfare. Biennial Report. Raleigh, North Carolina. Oxley, Lawrence A. 1925. Correspondence to Gertrude Weil, 6 November 1925, Commissioner's Office, Subject File, 1891-1952, Box 5, DPW. 108 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �. 1929. Correspondence to Charles C. Middleton, 19 June 1929, Division of Work Among the Negroes, General Correspondence-M, Box 230, DPW. . 1931. Correspondence to J. M. Caldwell, 18 November 1931, Division of Work Among the Negroes, General Correspondence-C, Box 230, DPW. . 1933. Correspondence to Oscar DePriest, 8 April933, Division of Work Among the Negroes, General Correspondence-D, Box 230, DPW. Raleigh News and Observer. 19 February 1930; 26 February 1930; 29 May 1951; 18 January 1931; 8 February 1931; 1 November 1931; 2 January 1932. Rosenwald Study. 1929. "Attitudes Toward the Negro" in Alleghany, Ashe, Avery, Burke, Cherokee, Clay, Graham, Haywood, Jackson, Macon, Madison, Mitchell, Watauga, and Yancey counties; Commissioner's Office, Subject File, 1891-1952, Interracial Cooperation, Box 6, DPW. Ross, Edyth L., ed. 1978. Black Heritage in Social Welfare, 1860-1930. Metuchen, New Jersey: The Scarecrow Press. Ruffin, Adela F. 1927. Correspondence with Lawrence A. Oxley, 13 January 1927, Division of Work Among the Negroes, General Correspondence-R, Box 230, DPW. Sanders, Wiley Britton. 1933. Negro Child Welfare in North Carolina: A Rosenwald Study. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Shivers, Lyda Gordon. 1935. "The Social Welfare Movement in the South: A Study in Regional Culture and Social Organization." Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina. Swepson, Beulah M. 1933. Correspondence to Oxley, October 9, 1933, Division of Work Among the Negroes, General Correspondence's, Box 230, DPW. United States. 1920. Bureau of the Census. Population (1920), 2: 735-745. . 1930. Bureau of the Census. Population (1930), 3: 975-990. Washington. Washington Post. 5 July 1973. Who's Who in Colored America. 1950, 404-405. Wisner, Elizabeth. 1970. Social Welfare in the South From Colonial Times to World War I. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. John L. Bell is a professor of history at Western Carolina University in Cullowhee, North Carolina. Volume Three, 1991 109 �Religious Freethinkers in the Southern Highlands Henry J. Weaver I must be contented to be a Unitarian by myself, although I know there are many around who would gladly become so. .. .1 trust that there is not a young man now living in the United States who will not die a Unitarian. The writer of the above quote was far more skilled as a farmer, inventor, political philosopher, statesman, diplomat, and Chief Executive of the United States than as a prognosticator of religious denominational popularity. Thomas Jefferson's talents did not include predicting accurately the dominant religious movements of the future, especially those in the southern Appalachians that spread to the west and south from his "Little Mountain" home facing the Blue Ridge in Albemarle County. This paper will focus on the Unitarian and Universalist traditions that so attracted Mr. Jefferson and those traditions' experiences in the southern Appalachian region. Included is a look at Old World roots, the American foundings of both Unitarianism and Universalism, and some things that other denominations' scholars had to say about the two strains of religious "free-thinking." There is a brief state-by-state sketch about freethinking's history. The paper concludes with a short history of the religious experience of freethinking in the Holston Valley of upper East Tennessee from the time of Dr. William Hale in the mid-1800s to the end of the 1980s. The Christian view of church and state began in the benevolent protectorship of Constantine, the first Christian Emperor of Rome. Under him, Clement of Rome reminded the faithful that salvation is not by wisdom or works, but by faith. Soon, Tertullian warned against the 110 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �infiltration of Greek heresy (Murch 1962,10). Greek philosophy, widely accepted by the intelligentsia throughout the Roman Empire in New Testament times, had a tremendous influence upon religion. Religious philosophies seeking a satisfactory theory of God, explanation of nature, and codes of conduct formed the basics of many religious approaches that some branded as heresies and other viewed as viable alternatives (Murch, 9). In A.D. 190 Victor of Rome claimed to be "universal bishop," but he was ignored by most other churches (Mattox 1961). Departures from the emerging orthodox faith (a belief in the three-part nature of God, or Trinitarian" view) were largely responsible for the convening of the Council of Nicea (A.D. 325) and five other general church councils, at the last of which was held in A.D. 680. (Murch, 11). At Nicea, the doctrine of the Trinity was adopted by the established church—by means more political than religious. Thereafter, those who stressed the unity of God (later known as "Unitarians") were branded as heretics by the nowdominant Trinitarians (Provost). It's been an uphill battle for Unitarians ever since. From the fourth century A.D. on, the Greek-based idea of the unity of God spread across Western Europe. Incumbent in this philosophy was the idea that the Unitarian God is a God of mercy and universality. All humans, not just specified "elect" can expect to be lovingly viewed by that Diety. The Second London Confession, usually referred to as the "Confession of 1689," deserves note because it influenced future Baptist beliefs and led to the English rise of Unitarianism. The "Confession" was very dogmatic and became a kind of hyper-Calvinism. Its immediate effect was to seem to freeze the genial Christian spontaneity of Baptist thought, and brought a stiff formalism of expression. Soon, many Baptist leaders, as well as whole churches turned to the philosophies incumbent in Unitarianism, beginning about 1690 (Paschal 1930, 36-7). The great migration from the British Isles to the United States in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries found the seeds of Unitarian and Universalist theology taking widely scattered roots in the young nation. Both strains sought to provide Christians with a relevant, rational alternative to Trinitarianism. By enshrining reason, experience, and conscience at the heart of Christian life, and by declaring that revelation and salvation must be measured by human character rather than by dogmatic pronouncement, Unitarians genuinely sought the revered Christian loyalties and energies of a disenchanted with the orthodox, but productive and inventive segment of the American people (Mendelson, 163). John Murray arrived in coastal New Jersey in 1770, and is considered the American founder of the universal forgiving theology that became the Universalist Church (Miller, 3). Another coastal town, Volume Three, 1991 111 �Newport, Rhode Island, was the birthplace of William Ellery Channing in 1780. A watershed date for the modern American Unitarian Church is often considered 5 May 1819, when Channing preached on "Unitarian Christianity" at an ordination in Baltimore (Mendleson, 158-59). Unitarians tended to cling to the Atlantic seaboard and to their New England origins. If they ventured beyond, they settled in urban rather than rural environments. Universalists, on the other hand, although also associated historically with New England, were much more inclined to venture into the frontier (Miller, 233). In the lands of the frontier, the early itinerant Univerp«list preachers "rode the circuit," or wandered the country side much as did their counterparts in Trinitarian denominations. Their arrival was often greeted by indifference, if not hostility, and their influence ended with their departure. Yet they doggedly made their rounds and occasionally planted religious seeds that later matured into societies and churches that made all the effort seem worthwhile. The majority of Universalist itinerants in the pre-Civil War period were obscure even in their own day, and completely unknown to later generations. Appearances, particularly in the Midwest and South, were often unscheduled and the "discourses" strictly impromptu. Above all, the Universalists in the pioneering days of the denomination were handicapped by the lack of central or even regional headquarters to which to turn for material support. They had to depend on their own limited resources and ingenuity to a much larger extent than did most other itinerant preachers (Miller, 235). George Rogers (1803-1846) is an excellent example of the stressful life style of early Universalist itinerant preachers. Although he basically preached in the western Pennsylvania and southern Ohio regions, he also traveled and preached in the mountain sections of five states from Kentucky to Alabama. While in Tennessee, he saw and heard Andrew Jackson as "Old Hickory" made his triumphant return home after completing his second term as president in 1837 (Miller, 238). Rogers died of consumption at the age of forty-two, literally worn out. Meanwhile, a small but constant stream of converts who abandoned orthodoxy became Universalists, and an even greater number became Unitarians in the urban settlements of the upland South. Other denominations, predictably, did not react with great calmness to such conversions. In rural North Carolina in the 1780s, a Baptist minister named John Stancil became a Universalist and was described as being "arch, cunning, and insinuating, carried away many with his craft through the subtlety of Satan" (Paschal, 500). A Primitive Baptist lay scholar equated Unitarian denial of Christ's divinity to elements he found repulsive in Arianism, Roman Catholicism, and Mohammedanism 112 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �(Islam), (Hassell 1973, 380). He went on to condemn a Universalist college president who was described as seeing "the whole creation in one vast restless movement, sweeping toward the grand finality of universal holiness and universal love" (Hassell, 592). The Primitive Baptist who criticized Unitarianism dismissed that possibility, stating he only believed in the old-fashioned Bible, unmixed with Pagan philosophy and could see no such grand finality. Jacob Bower, a Baptist itinerant preacher who was a rare reverse convert from Universalist to Baptist, recalled in his autobiography of trying to sell Bibles to a houseful of Universalists. He was asked, "Are you one of those hell fire and brimstone preachers who go around heaping that on people and preach up Eternal Damnation to a part of the humain [sic] family? We are all Universalists in this timber and you cannot sell us any of your Bibles" (Sweet 1964, 224). No less a Christian churchman than Bishop Francis Asbury wrote John Wesley in 1783, stating among other things, "that the Calvinists and Universalists very much retard the work of God. . . .by keeping people from seeking "heart religion1" (Sweet, 15). For several decades after the American Revolution there was something of a revolt against prevailing orthodoxy that led to the limited acceptance of Unitarianism, Universalism, and Deism. The French Revolution became a popular topic of conversation, and the religious skepticism associated with that movement attracted in the West (remember, the southern mountains were "the West") numerous advocates of French "infidelity." The American Tract Society and other publishing houses printed and spread the religious literature of the Presbyterians, Congregationalists, and Unitarians, and concentrated on religion in the West. The Great Revival of the early 1800s was a watershed in the religious history of the South and originated in the mountains. It predetermined the eventual failure of the dominance Thomas Jefferson had predicted for Unitarianism. The deistic liberalism of the post-revolutionary era soon faded into the past, leaving only a few areas to continue to grow and most to wither. John Boles, in his definitive work on the Great Revival period, writes that Unitarianism (and presumably Universalism) was too philosophical to satisfy the emotional needs of the people—rural and mountain people were always an emotional lot, despite their often calm facade (189-90). In the religious denominational haggling after the Great Revival, one Baptist wrote about the Disciples of Christ leader, Alexander Campbell, "If I had evidence of his being a Christian, I should call him a spiritual Bastard; but that name is not appropriate. There is not a meeting-house except those of the Universalists or Unitarians that will admit him to their pulpit" (Posey, 58-59). One can discern from Volume Three, 1991 113 �these examples that Unitarians and Universalists were not always the recipients of great Christian love, understanding and patience. Of all those who criticized the movements, "Parson" William Brownlow of East Tennessee was perhaps the most severe. Brownlow was a combination Methodist preacher, politician, military rabble-rouser, and newspaper editor. His vicious attacks on Presbyterians, Congregationalists, Unitarians, and Universalists to a large degree stunted their efforts to grow in many parts of the southern mountains (20-21). Despite the widespread opposition created by orthodox Christian denominations, somehow the principles of Unitarianism and Universalism persisted. A scholar of the Disciples of Christ wrote that "in areas that scriptural teaching was not positive and clear, that Christians were free to follow their own private judgement" (Harrell 1966, 30). This distinction was theologically important to the disciples of Christ—the union of Disciples and Stoneites who were suspected of Unitarianism. Long before William James penned the thought below, American religious freethinkers were practicing his philosophy: I am done with great things and big things, great institutions and big success, and I am for those tiny invisible moral forces that work from individual to individual creeping through the crannies of the world like so many rootlets, or like the capillary oozing water, yet which, if you give them time, will rend the hardest monuments of man's pride. William Ellery Channing's 1819 Baltimore sermon was an effort of greater subtlety than is widely acknowledged. There was not a single premise in the Calvinist system that Channing did not isolate, examine, discard, and replace. He did it as follows: - Dogmatic scripturalism was supplanted by a Bible accountable to human reason and experience. - The Trinity was superseded by a unified, integral Creator-Father. - Divine-human Christ became a stable, homogenous, suffering and conquering teacher; the Jesus of Nazareth's dusty roads. - God, capable of perpetrating the horrors of total depravity and predestination, was replaced by a paternal diety whose moral perfection was both understandable and imitable in human terms. - The ancient Anselmic notion that man, by sinning against 114 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �an infinite being, was poisoned by an infinite guilt was supplanted by the situational argument that a person's guilt must be measured by his/her nature and power of choice. - The supreme object of religious practice, therefore, was not to avoid punishment, but to cultivate and communicate virtue. (Mendelson, 162) Often called "heretical sects," Unitarians and Universalists, basing their beliefs on the image of a one-part Diety and ultimate salvation for all, struggled to survive in America in the years between 1770 and 1860. By the time of the War Between the States, they had grown sufficiently in strength and influence to become institutionalized as full-fledged churches providing a viable Christian alternative to the dominant theology of orthodox Trinitarianism. Ranging beyond ideas of the unity of God and universal salvation, both churches plunged into matters of social ethics, established academies and colleges (Harvard and Tufts, but none of note in the southern mountains), participated in such reform movements as temperance, women's rights, the abolition of slavery, and capital punishment. A quietly pervasive force in American society came out of the roughly parallel traditions of Unitarian and Universalist religious liberalism (Miller, coverleaf). While it is possible to overstate the ethical effects of Unitarianism and Universalism, even the most liberal Trinitarian denominations should be careful in claiming too much credit for social justice achieved in this country in the last century-and-a-half. Rarely do Trinitarians give due credit to freethinkers in matters of social justice and, to this day, members of the so-called "Moral Majority" delight in castigating religious freethinkers with the label "secular humanists" which, to the Jerry Falwells of modern America, is a buzz-word for a legal dirty name. While most liberal Trinitarians do not agree with the Moral Majority namecallers about freethinkers, they have not noticeably rushed to embrace the freethinkers high-priority concerns about social matters. An example is the nuclear arms insanity. Virtually all Unitarians and Universalists have had the nuclear arms race as a top social concern since August 1945 and the atom-bombing of Japan. It is instead a "come and go" issue with most Trinitarians—at least in their formal declarations. In formal meetings, much more of Trinitarian time has been spent on such "life and death" issues as banning dancing on college campuses, outlawing abortions, not ordaining women, selling and buying church property, seeking more extensive tax exemptions for church activities, and closing adult bookstores while more obscene situations exist all around in the living conditions of the disenfranchised. It is not argued Volume Three, 1991 115 �that many Trinitarians (probably the majority) are not interested in social justice to the degree that are freethinkers. It is rather obvious, however, that the social concerns of church members do not proportionately equal that of Unitarians and Universalists, demonstrated by the historical lack of social activism by the orthodoxy. Individual salvation and "gettin" right with God" seem to overshadow the blessed message of deep concern for all life taught by Jesus of Nazareth. Russell E. Miller, Professor of English and History at Universalist Tufts University, Chairman of the Department of History, and University Historian/Archivist, published in 1979 the to-date definitive history of the Universalist Church's first century in America, 1770-1870. The following sketches about freethinkers in those states that contain the southern Appalachians are taken from his work. There are few other well-documented accounts of freethinkers in the region prior to this century for reasons stated earlier in this paper. Mainly, the hardships, and the lack of regional headquarters support of the early itinerant preachers, stunted the growth of freethinking. Maryland: the state's large Roman Catholic population joined with the effective opposition provided by the German Reformed Church to limit freethinkers' growth mainly to Baltimore. Attempts failed to establish the denomination on either the Eastern Shore or the mountainous western part of the state (723). Virginia and West Virginia: Numerous efforts were made to form churches by freethinkers in the Shenandoah Valley, but with modest successes. A problem was the large-scale presence of Dunker congregations, who also believed in universal salvation and preferred to retain their German pietistic designation. Considerably more success was experienced on the Eastern Shore for a time, but ultimately, freethinkers did not flourish in urban or rural areas. The liberal scholar, Clarence Gohdes, wrote: "Had Thomas Jefferson lived in the 1840s, he would have bowed his head in futile rage as the power of religious conservatism (initially fueled by the Great Revival) cast a blacker and blacker cloud over the scattered lights of liberalism in the South" (Boles, 190). The few groups of freethinkers that were found in what became West Virginia were located mainly in the northern neck around Wheeling. They probably came to the area via an entirely different migratory pattern than did most of the peoples of the Southern mountains. The most distant from the central Virginia itinerant freethinking preachers was W.R. Chamberlin, who used Abingdon as a base and travelled up and down the "Great Valley." Between 1848 and 1850 he preached once a month at four designated stations. There is no way to know for certain, 116 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �but it is reasonable to assume that his work may have played some part in the later conversion of Dr. William Hale of Free Hill, Tennessee, to Universalism. Free Hill is in upper east Tennessee, and as part of the "Great Valley Extended," is only about fifty miles from Abingdon. The flow of information put out by Chamberlin could well have influenced Hale long after Chamberlin moved to Cincinnati in 1850 after he "was nearly starved out." Religious legacies are often hard to determine, but a geographical and cultural knowledge of the area portends the possibility of some tie between Chamberlin and Hale. Tennessee: Until late in the nineteenth century, Universalism was the only evident form of freethinking in this frontier state, and was strictly a bootstrap operation. George Rogers was of some renown as an itinerant preacher, and others came up occasionally from Alabama or down from Kentucky and concentrated their efforts on non-mountain counties. Later, churches grew in the "Valley Extended" areas of what are now Tri-Cities and Knoxville. Chattanooga got some attention from Alabama-based freethinking ministers (731-33). Kentucky: the Cumberland Gap route into the Bluegrass and the Ohio River route down to the western parts of Kentucky saw the majority of freethinker growth in "Kentuck." George Rogers travelled in the eastern mountains in 1836-37, and had little success. Among sects present, he discovered the "Live Forevers," who believed in man's eventual rejuvenation. They apparently saw nothing in Universalism more attractive than what they already possessed in the way of religious belief (733-35). North Carolina saw virtually no organized freethinker presence in the mountains. The Piedmont saw little influence either, but the Coastal Plain has a rather extensive history of Universalism. Towns like Richlands and Swansboro in Onslow County, Clinton in Sampson County, Chinquapin in Duplin County, and Edenton and Halifax in the northeast corner of the state, nourished fairly substantial Universalist congregations (753-64). A very probable explanation lies with the migration patterns of various ethnic groups. The coastal freethinkers almost surely can trace roots to the English Baptists that converted to Universalism in reaction to the hyper-Calvinism brought about by the Second London Confession (1689). South Carolina: While there was a large settlement of Bunkers who possessed theology similar to Universalists, freethinkers never made it to the mountainous counties of northwest South Carolina. Volume Three, 1991 117 �Georgia: The Georgia experience was much like that in South Carolina. The nearest to the mountains with a recorded effort is the town hall in Athens (described as "the headquarters of unorthodoxy in Georgia") (751-58). Alabama saw sort of a leap-frog effect as Universalists from South Carolina migrated there through Georgia and settled in the non-hilly parts of the state. In 1853, J.M.H. Smith of Huntsville, in mountainous Madison County, claimed to be the only public advocate of Universalism in all of northern Alabama. Mississippi: While Mississippi is hardly a mountainous state, it does touch the southern end of the Appalachians and the story of freethinkers there before the modern years was repeated in the same pattern as in most other states of the south; namely, isolated pockets of believers in a one-part Deity and universal salvation. They were scattered over a rural landscape, largely without organization, and depended on roving preachers who were small in number and often were based in other states. The congregations were usually the county-seat towns that were normally the larger communities and served as political as well as commercial headquarters (769-70). The preceding information illustrates the rather hit-and-miss nature of the formal history of organized freethinking churches in the southern mountains. For reasons already twice discussed, there is a dearth of information about specific church efforts in the mountains, however, there is not a total void. Through the excellent initiative and primary source scholarship of Mrs. Ida Metz Hyland of Johnson City, Tennessee, the writer is able to give considerable detail—more than I will include in this paper—about the history of the freethinkers' experience in the Holston Valley of upper east Tennessee from before the War Between the States to the 1980s. The beautiful and highly liveable hilly terrain of the Holston River Valley is geologically a part of the "Great Valley (Shenandoah) Extended." Western European religious thought has travelled with pioneers down the Valley from the original Colonial America settlements of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland since the first half of the eighteenth century. The ancestors of Dr. William Hale brought Universalist views to the Holston Valley from York and Lancaster counties in Pennsylvania by 1795. William Hale was born in northeastern Tennessee in 1838, and died in Washington County in that same area in 1906. Trained in medicine, he served as a full-time doctor for a number of years, and later in life was a part-time physician and a Universalist lay 118 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �preacher. Finally, in 1877, he because the first native-born Tennessean licensed to preach by the Universalist Church. He operated out of his home in the area called Free Hill, quite possibly a rural community of freethinkers, near the present-day town of Gray. A church was organized in 1880 with fifteen members. For the rest of his life, Dr. Hale balanced medicine and preaching. Hale also wrote about Universalism. In 1879, he wrote a series of articles entitled "Rise and Progress of Universalism in East Tennessee by a Universalist Pioneer," which appeared in the Universalist Herald, published in Alabama and currently on file in the State Department of Archives and History in Montgomery. In the article, Dr. Hale wrote that his uncle, Aman Hale was an early pioneer to the area, taught school, and was a Methodist preacher who converted to Universalism because of a belief in "final restoration." As a consequence, he was "handled roughly by some of the brethren." Dr. Hale considered his uncle the first professed Universalist in Tennessee (Hyland to Miller 1978). Dr. Hale was reared a Methodist and converted to Universalism in about 1860. This conversion happened after theological debates with his father while his father was reading a religious tract entitled, "Freedom in the West" (Hyland 1982). The War Between the States no doubt played a role in Dr. Hale's beliefs. Elderly family members recall he was drafted into the Union Army and served as a doctor in several campaigns, he met and conversed with Clara Barton, later of Red Cross fame. Captured by the Confederates, Hale escaped from a Tidewater Virginia prison camp and, after a harrowing time afloat on Chesapeake Bay, was repatriated by the Union Army. He made his way home and sat out the rest of the war (Hyland 1982). From 1865 until licensing by the Universalist Church in 1877, Hale preached on many topics. He often preached from the steps of, and handed out leaflets from, the courthouse in Jonesborough, the oldest town in Tennessee. Jonesborough has great symbolism within the basically Calvinist Presbyterian "Lost State of Franklin." A frequent theme was "King Alcohol bribes the tongue and leads you to utter folly" (Hyland, 5). Dr. Hale led a full family life, had nine children by his first wife, and a pleasant last few years with a second wife after his first wife died. He died on October 12, 1906, at home at Free Hill in his sixtyninth year. Death was credited to valvular enlargement of the heart (5). With his death, so died leadership of the Universalist Church in the area for over a half-century. In 1958, with rapid industrialization like Tennessee Eastman to the Holston Valley, and academia bringing in more people with a scholarly bent for work at East Tennessee State University, a group of independent, religious-minded individuals formed the Holston Valley Unitarian Volume Three, 1991 119 �Church. Institutionalized freethinking religion was once again in that part of the southern mountains. In 1968, Dr. Kale's long-obscure gravestone was discovered by a church member and Mrs. Hyland was told of the location. It has since served as an inspiration for the church, and Mrs. Hyland launched her investigation into the life and times of her freethinking predecessor in the Holston Valley. In 1978, a new church building was dedicated within a few miles of Dr. Hale's old haunts and, in 1979, a corner of the church sanctuary was made into a memorial to Dr. Hale and his spiritual legacy to the present congregation. In conclusion, it can be firmly stated that, while the formal experience of freethinkers in the southern mountains has often been hit-ormiss, off-and-on, and always uphill in the moral climate of the area, it has been a quietly pervasive presence with surely positive moral results. John C. Campbell sensed this when he wrote of something he experienced while doing mission work in the north Georgia mountains in the early 1900s. He was superintendent of a Union Sunday School and taught the Men's Bible Class. He recalled that the class contained men of diverse beliefs including a lone Universalist who waged a losing battle against all his fellow-members, steadfastly united through their belief in eternal punishment. The death of the Universalist brought the first break in the ranks of the Sabbath School class, and relaxed, too, for the time being the rigid hold of dogmas. The Missionary Baptist gave evidence of his kinship to the departed by making his rough casket. The Old School Presbyterian and the Campbellite combined their funds to send to the county-seat for black-calico and nickel nails to adorn the pine box fashioned by Baptist hands. The Methodist loaned his mules for the funeral cortege. The wives of other members united in making or loaning garments of mourning for the bereaved widow and daughters; and all lamented a brother and neighbor lost to class and community. (Campbell 1969) So, what does the history and the continued presence of freethinkers mean for the southern mountains? I think of human beings, on this cinder of a planet out at the edge of the universe, not knowing where they came from, why we are here, or where we might go after death— and yet we still laugh, and cry, and feel, and love. "Love," Thornton Wilder wrote, "will have been enough; all those impulses of love return to the LOVE THAT MADE THEM [writer's capitalization]. Even memory is not necessary for love. There is a land of the living and a land of the dead 120 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �and the bridge is love, the only survival, the only meaning" (Morris 1981). Works Cited Boles, John. 1972. The Great Revival, 1787-1805. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Campbell, John C. 1969. The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. Lexing ton: University Press of Kentucky. Harrell, David Edwin, Jr. 1966. Quest for a Christian America: The Disciples of Christ and American Society to 1866. Nashville: Disciples of Christ Histori cal Society. Hassell, Cushing Biggs. History of the Church of God, From Creation to A.D. 1885 including especially the History of the Kehukee Primitive Baptist Assn. Middletown, New York: Tilber Beeke's Sons, Publishers. Revised and completed by Sylvester Hassell and reprinted by Old School Hymnal Co., Inc., Conley, Ga, 1973. Hyland, Ida Metz. 1979. Unitarian-Univenalism in East Tennessee. Johnson City, Tennessee. 11 April 1982. Conversation with author. Mattox, F.W. 1961. The Eternal Kingdom, A History of the Church of Christ. Delight, Arkansas: Gospel Light Publishing Co. Mendelson, Jack. Channing, The Reluctant Radical. Boston: Unitarian Universalist Association. Miller, Russell, E. The Larger Hope, The First Century of the Universalist Church in America, 1770-1870. Boston: Unitarian-Universalist Association. . 10 September 1978. Letter to Ida Metz Hyland. Morris, Willie. 13 September 1981. Parade Magazine. New York. Murch, James DeForest. 1962. Christians Only, A History of the Restoration Movement. Cincinnati: Standard Publishing Co. Paschal, George W. 1930. History of N.C. Baptists. Raleigh: The General Board of the N.C. Baptist State Convention Vol. 1,1663-1805. Provost, Gary. A Brief History ofUnitarian-Universalism. Boston: Unitarian Universalist Association, pamphlet. Volume Three, 1991 121 �Sweet, William W. Religion on the American Frontier, The Baptist, 1783-1830. New York: Cooper Square Pub. Inc., Vol. 1. Henry J. Weaver is a graduate student in Appalachian Studies at Appalachian State University. He was the winner of the 1988 Appalachian Studies Association student paper competitor! at the Radford University conference. 122 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Two-Party Politics in Appalachia? David Sutton W. J. Cash wrote in his Mind of the South in 1941 that the Democratic party "ceased to be a party in the South and became the party of the South, a kind of confraternity having in its keeping the whole corpus of Southern loyalties...." To Cash, the Democratic party had so smashed the Republican party in the region that "it either ceased altogether to exist or continued to exist only as a Federal-job-ring. .. ."(Cash 1941, 129, 132). Cash's portrait of the South failed to account for the diversity within the region and made no allowance for the dissenting experience of Appalachia. While students of southern political history recognized Republican strength scattered along the Appalachian highlands, some described the influence as comparable to that wielded by the Democrats in the lowlands and blackbelt. Leonard Ritt writes, for example, that "very little research has been published on the politics of the "Other Solid South,"—the highland areas of the southern Appalachians"(Ritt 1967, 2). Still a third point of view argues that a picture of Republican hegemony over the Appalachian region glosses over the significant variations in the degree of interparty competition in the mountain counties (Ritt; Sutton 1982). Many of the Appalachian counties, especially in North Carolina and Virginia, have been and are now highly competitive. Virginia's 9th Congressional District, for example, which covers all of southwest Virginia west of Roanoke, is known as the "Fighting Ninth", in part because of its tradition of fiercely competitive two-party politics. North Carolina's westernmost llth District which switched party hands four times in the 1980s (1980, 1982, 1984, 1986) is considered the Volume Three, 1991 123 �decade's most volatile congressional district. The Smoky Mountain district is the only district in the nation to throw out its incumbent representative in four consecutive elections. The jinx ended in 1988 when James McClure Clarke, the incumbent, won 50.4 percent to 49.6 percent. The highly competitive nature of North Carolina's llth, however, is not typical of congressional and presidential races in the United States today. The electoral order of the country has evolved into a highly distinctive two-tier system in which one party, the Republican, wins the White House, and the other party, the Democratic, runs the Congress. Instead of the two major parties competing vigorously for the presidency and the Congress, the United States has an electoral order in which the Republicans have a decided edge in contests for the presidency and the Democrats have a lock on the House of Representatives (Shafer 1989, 3-4). Accordingly, the thesis of this paper is that presidential and congressional elections in the South and in Appalachia are not characterized today by Democratic dominance, Republican hegemony, or by vigorous two-party competition, but by the Republican party sweeping the presidential vote and the Democratic party the congressional vote. A key proposition of the paper is that the contemporary electoral order has emerged in American politics because many voters, especially in the South and Appalachia, choose to split their tickets between a presidential candidate of one party and a House candidate of the other party. This cross-cutting voting in recent years has resulted in an extended period of divided control of government. From 1954 to the present, American elections more often than not have failed to resolve the question of who will govern, and instead have produced a system approaching dual sovereignty of the government with Republicans controlling the White House and Democrats the Congress (Sundquist 1988-89, 613-35). The paper will examine first recent election results in the region to ascertain the degree of support for its major thesis, and to explore the disparity in the frequency of split-ticket voting in Appalachia and the South and the rest of the country. Second, possible explanations for the split-ticket voting will be offered. Finally, the consequences of this crosscut nature of American politics for Appalachia will be examined. For this paper, the unit of analysis is the congressional district. Election results for twenty-one congressional districts in central and southern Appalachia were studied. In all but one of these congressional districts, a majority of the counties in the districts are defined as "Appalachian counties" by the Appalachian Regional Development Act. The one exception is Virginia's 6th District through which runs the 124 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Shenandoah Valley. Only four of the district's nine counties are defined by law as Appalachian. The congressional districts included in this analysis are: all four congressional districts in West Virginia; the 5th and 7th districts of eastern Kentucky; the 6th and 9th districts of southwestern Virginia; the 5th, 10th, and llth districts of western North Carolina; the 7th and 9th districts of northern Georgia; the 4th and 5th districts of northern Alabama; the 1st district of northern Mississippi; and the 1st. 2d, 3d, 4th, and 6th districts of the eastern half of Tennessee. Prior to 1982 and reapportionment, Tennessee had only four congressional districts in the Appalachian region. Consequently, there were only twenty congressional districts in the analysis of 1980 election results as opposed to twenty-one districts in the study of 1984 and 1988 results. Data for the district vote for president and general-election returns for House members are taken from various editions of the National Journal's The Almanac of American Politics and Congressional Quarterly's Politics in America. This analysis begins with a discussion of the marked Republican superiority in presidential elections. From 1968 through 1988, Democrats have had only one electoral college success. Jimmy Carter's victory in 1976 represents the only presidential contest during this time that the Democratic party's presidential nominee was able to win the South and most of central and southern Appalachia. Carter, with his rural southern background, carried sixteen of Appalachia's congressional districts in 1976. Although Carter in 1980 also won, although by a narrow margin, a majority of the Appalachian districts (eleven for Carter to nine for Ronald Reagan), he carried only one Southern state—his native Georgia. Republicans, on the other hand, have had three landslide vote victories (1972, 1984, and 1988) and four lopsided electoral college wins in the South and nation (1972, 1980, 1984, and 1988). In 1984, Ronald Reagan captured nineteen of the twenty-one Appalachian districts. He lost only Kentucky's 7th District (49 percent to 51 percent) and West Virginia's 4th District (49 percent to 50 percent). George Bush swept the eleven states of the South in the 1988 presidential election and won seventeen of the twenty-one congressional districts in central and southern Appalachia. Bush only lost Kentucky's 7th District and the 1st, 3d, and 4th Districts of West Virginia. Although the Republican party has become established as the dominant force in presidential elections in the South and Appalachia, Democrats continue to enjoy a decided advantage in races for the U.S. House of Representatives. In 1980, Republicans won 42 of the 115 House seats in the eleven states of the old Confederacy plus Kentucky, Volume Three, 1991 125 �or 36.5 percent. Almost a decade later, after reapportionment, Reagan, and a Bush sweep of the region, found the Republicans with 42 seats but only 34.1 percent of the region's 123 seats (after the 1982 reapportionment) in 1988. In House elections in the decade of the 1980s, Republicans went nowhere in the South, and in Appalachia experienced significant losses. Republicans in central and southern Appalachia could boast of an almost even split in the region's House delegation in 1980—eleven Democrats to nine Republicans. In 1984, Reagan swept the nation and the South, capturing forty-nine of the fifty states. As noted earlier in the paper, he won nineteen of the twenty-one Appalachian districts in this study. Yet, the Republican party's portion of the region's twenty-one member House delegation shrank to only five representatives, or 23.8 percent. The 1984 election results show a remarkable disconnection between presidential and House voting in the region. Although Bush won in seventeen of the congressional districts in 1988, his party captured only four of the region's twenty-one House seats, or nineteen percent. The four victories were in the most impeccably Republican districts in the region—the 1st and 2d Districts of Tennessee, the 5th District of Kentucky, and the 10th District of North Carolina. In three of the twenty-one districts, Republicans allowed the Democratic candidate to win unchallenged even though George Bush carried them (the 2d in West Virginia, the 4th in Tennessee, and the 4th in Alabama). A comparison of current Republican congressional strength in the region to its influence twenty years earlier, strikingly illustrates the extent of the debacle Republicans have suffered in House representation. In 1968, Republicans held eight of the area's twenty House seats, or double the number they have at present. What is the significance and extent of split-ticket voting in American politics today? Congressional Quarterly notes that if Republican candidates had won every congressional district that George Bush did in 1988, their party would command a better than two-to-one advantage in the House of Representatives. Instead, because of split-ticket voting, Republicans are on the downside of a three-to-two deficit (Cook 1989, 171016).1 In earlier times, congressional results were tied closely to the presidential vote. But today ticket-splitting is certainly in vogue, especially in the South and Appalachia. As Table 1 shows, in 1980 only four districts split their tickets between a presidential candidate of one party and a House candidate of the other party. In 1984, the number of split-ticket districts jumped dramatically to fourteen of the twenty-one districts, or 67 percent. All fourteen split-ticket districts were of the Republican presidential/Democratic House variety—a result congruent with the new electoral order. 126 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Table 1 Presidential- House Voting in Appalachia 1980 Voting (20 Districts) Split Ticket Districts Straight Ticket Districts Reagan / Republican House # % 7 35 Carter / Democratic House # % 9 45 Reagan / Democratic House Carter / Republican House # % # % 2 10 2 10 1984 Voting (21 Districts) Straight Ticket Districts Reagan / Mondale / Republican Democratic House House # % # % 5 24 2 9 Split Ticket Districts Reagan / Mondale / Democratic Republican House House # % # % 14 67 0 0 1988 Voting (21 Districts) Split Ticket Districts Straight Ticket Districts Bush / Republican House # % 4 19 Dukakis / Democratic House # % 4 19 Bush / Democratic House Dukakis / Republican House # % # % 13 62 0 0 Source: Calculated by the author from information in the 1982, 1986, and 1990 editions of Congressional Quarterly's Politics in America Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly. Volume Three, 1991 127 �In 1988, one out of every three congressional districts nationwide had a split result. As Table 2 shows, split-ticket voting in 1988 was the heaviest in central and southern Appalachia with thirteen of the twentyone districts, or 62 percent exhibiting a split result. Once again, voters in the thirteen districts went Republican for president while electing a Democrat to the House. Table 2 Split Ticket Congressional Districts in 1988 Total Districts Split Ticket Districts Bush/ Dem. House Dukakis/ GOP House # # % # # Appalachia * 21 13 62 13 0 NonAppalachian South** 106 51 48 50 1 NonAppalachian and Non-South 308 84 27 72 12 National Total 435 148 34 135 13 *Appalachia includes all four congressional districts in West Virginia; Georgia's 7th and 9th; Virginia's 6th and 9th; Alabama's 4th and 5th; Tennessee's 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 5th; and North Carolina's 5th, 10th, and llth. **The remainder of the districts in the eleven states of the Old Confederacy plus Kentucky. 128 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Table 3 Appalachian Democratic House Members Elected in Districts Carried by Bush in 1988 Bush Dem. House % % Ed Jenkins, Ga. District 9 71 63 George "Buddy" Darden, Ga. 7 70 65 Marilyn Lloyd, Tenn. 3 62 57 Jim Olin, Va. 6 61 64 Stephen Neal, N.C. 5 60 53 Bart Gordon, Tenn. 6 60 77 Jamie Whitten, Miss. 1 59 78 Ronnie Flippo, Ala. 5 59 64 James McClure Clarke, N.C. 11 59 50 Jim Cooper, Tenn. 4 57 100 Tom Bevill, Ala. 4 57 96 Rick Boucher, Va. 9 54 63 Harley Staggers, Jr., W. Va. 2 52 100 Volume Three, 1991 129 �Two of the Democrats—Ed Jenkins and George "Buddy" Dardin of Georgia—had to survive a Bush sweep of 70 percent of their district's vote. In nine other districts, Bush won by 55 percent or more while the Democrat was being elected to the House (see Table 3). After Appalachia, the next highest frequency of split-ticket voting was the non-Appalachian South with 51 of 106 districts having split results, or 48 percent (Table 2). In the rest of the country, there were split presidential - House results in 84 of the 308 districts, or 27 percent. Clearly, ticket-splitters in the South and Appalachia are playing a major role in giving the country its divided government. What explains the success of the split-ticket Democrats and of Democrats in general in House races? While the contemporary Republican party has achieved an ideological consistency which allows it to run a national campaign for the presidency, the Democratic party is perceived as multiple mini-parties that coalesce and divide depending on the issues at hand. At the congressional level, the heterogeneity of the Democratic party works to its favor in winning a House majority in the different geographical regions and demographically diverse districts. Democratic congressional candidates can be their own "enterprise" and adapt themselves to the prevailing ethos of their region. The key to their success is their ability to focus on local concerns—a skill that is more likely to be present in a coalition than in an ideologically consistent party (Elving 1989, 2674).2 Thus, the strength of the Democratic party in congressional elections becomes its weakness in presidential contests, and the strength of Republicans in presidential politics becomes a handicap at the subnational level. A second factor which works to the benefit of Democratic candidates is that elections to the House of Representatives, for the most part, are not about ideology or foreign affairs, but about social welfare and service provision. On these issues, Democratic candidates excel. Marilyn Lloyd of Tennessee's 3d is the "Oak Ridge congresswoman" who guards the Oak Ridge National Laboratory and the defense-and energy-related contractors working around it. Harold Rogers of Kentucky's 5th district pushes forward the Cumberland Gap Tunnel and is a tiger on tobacco and coal issues while his colleague Chris Perkins of Kentucky's 4th fights for dollars for badly needed highway and bridge construction in his district. West Virginia's Nick Rahhal introduces bills to make it easier for miners suffering from black lung disease to claim benefits while Georgia's Ed Jenkins introduces measures to protect textile companies and workers from cheap imports. Mississippi's Jamie Whitten is touted by congressional observers as a shrewd trader in appropriations pork and a true believer in government's pump-priming potential.3 What are some of the possible consequences of divided government 130 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �for the people of the Appalachian region?4 First, as each political party has entrenched itself within its own governmental stronghold (the executive for Republicans and the Congress for Democrats), American politics has come to be about the efforts of each party to strengthen its particular institutional bastion and to undermine the institution controlled by its political adversary. In short, institutional combat has supplanted electoral competition as the desired form of political struggle in the nation. The Democrats attacking the drinking habits and sexual conduct of Defense Secretary designee John Tower, and the Republicans castigating the personal finances of House Speaker Jim Wright and Whip Tony Coehlo, are examples of weapons of institutional combat used by the parties to de-legitimate one another (Ginsberg and Shefter 1989, 33-4). Political campaigns become devoid of substance and the parties fail to offer voters any coherent rationale for why they deserve their votes. In other words, more and more politicians are providing voters with little opportunity or reason to participate in politics. As a consequence, the proportion of the electorate that votes in presidential and congressional elections has been dropping steadily over time. The decline in political participation, however, has not been uniform throughout the electorate. There is a large gap between the voting rates of Americans with more education, higher incomes, and white-collar occupations and those of working class and poor Americans. The disproportionate participation of those in the top one-third of the income scale results in public policies which cut top-bracket income tax rates, and provide more stringent needs tests for transfer programs for the poor. Consequently, the decade of the 1980s in the United States has been characterized by upper-tier Americans significantly expanding their share of the national wealth and low income persons losing ground. In the current electoral order, neither party is likely to make a major effort to bring into the electorate working class and poor Americans who presently stand outside the political process. A greater electoral mobilization of these groups would, most likely, create an electorate more receptive to a variety of broad social welfare initiatives. Each party can now win a part of the government, and expansion of the electorate could threaten that advantage. Moreover, current congressional and presidential politicians have learned their political skills in a low-voter environment. Still another consequence of this electoral order is that politicians in each branch of government are compelled to focus on the implications of programs and policies for institutional struggles (Ginsberg and Shefter 1989, 13-4). The Tennessee Valley Authority (although the brainchild of a Republican senator from Nebraska) is perceived as a part of the New Deal legacy. The Appalachian Regional Commission, earmarked for Volume Three, 1991 131 �termination by the Reagan Administration, is remembered as the first piece of Lyndon Johnson's Great Society legislation and part of his War on Poverty. The social welfare establishment is perceived as an important institutional bastion of the Democrats in much the same way that the defense establishment is seen as being Republican. Republican administrations have come to accept unprecedented deficits as the chief constraint they can impose on Democratic congressional power. Thus, non-power programs of the TVA and the economic development programs of the ARC have limped along this decade on minimal funding. There is little evidence there will be any major new investment of social capital by government in Appalachia for education, housing, health care, or community development under the current divided government and its concomitant political deadlock and disarray. Notes 1 See also Richard E. Cohen (1989) pages 1048-54. 2 Also see John A. Ferejohn and Morris P. Fiorina (1985) pages 112-14. 3 The information on campaign issues and legislative interests of various Appalachian congressmen is taken from various editions of Congressional Quarterly's Politics in America. 4 For an excellent paper on the consequences of the present electoral order on American politics and public policy, see Benjamin Ginsberg and Martin Shefter (1989). Works Cited Cash.W.J. 1941. The Mind of the South. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Cohen, Richard E. 1989. "Lonely Runner." National Journal (29 April): 1048-54. Cook, Rhodes. 1989. "Key to Survival for Democrats Lies in Split-Ticket Voting." Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report 47 (8 July): 171016. Elving, Ronald D. 1989. "Defining Democrats: Party or Coalition?" Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report 47 (7 October): 2674. 132 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Ferejohn, John A. and Morris P. Fiorina. 1985. "Incumbency and Realignment in Congressional Elections." The New Direction in American Politics. Eds. John E. Chubb and Paul E. Peterson. Washington, D.C: The Brookings Institution. Ginsberg, Benjamin and Martin Shefter. 1989. "Mobilization, Demobilization and the Power of the American State." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, 1 September 1989, Atlanta, Georgia. Ritt, Leonard G. 1967. "Presidential Voting Patterns in Appalachia: An Analysis of the Relationship Between Turnout, Partisan Change, and Selected Socioeconomic Variables." Dissertation, University of Tennessee. Shafer, Byron E. 1989. "The Notion of an Electoral Order: The Structure of Electoral Politics at the Accession of George Bush." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, 1 September 1989, Atlanta, Georgia. Sundquist, James L. 1988-89. "The New Era of Coalition Government in the United States." Political Science Quarterly 103 (Winter). Sutton, C. David. 1982. "Party Competition in the South's Forgotten Region: The Case of Southern Appalachia." Eds. Laurence W. Moreland, Tod A. Baker, and Robert P. Steed. Contemporary Southern Political Attitudes and Behavior. New York: Praeger Publishers. David Sutton is Professor of Political Science at Appalachian State University, Boone, North Carolina. Volume Three, 1991 133 �Political Culture in Jesse Stuart's Appalachia and the South: From Agrarian to Industrial Development Glen Edward Taul The political culture of Jesse Stuart's Appalachia and of the South traveled similar paths. As in the South, Stuart's Appalachian culture had been shaped by the experiences of both the Civil War and the Great Depression. Both were being transformed from an individualistic, agrarian orientation to a progressive, industrial one. Despite strong influences of modernization to conform to a predominate culture, the agrarian ideology in the South and its Appalachian region continued to be an influential force in the political culture. The culture that Stuart describes in his prose existed approximately from 1900 to 1970. The roots reach experientially to the Civil War, but the taproot is embedded in the European heritage of the first settlers. The ideology of the people, as reflected by Stuart, has a traditional, grassroots orientation that is associated with an agrarian society. Its antecedents are located in the feudal history of Scotland; in the experiences of the Ulster Scots; and the oppressive conditions of the Palatinate Germans (Taul 1978,141). When immigrants settled the Appalachian frontier, they adapted many of their customs and folkways to the rigors of frontier life. Characteristics of individualism, intense partisanship, factionalism, and clannishness, which emerged from these customs and 134 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �folkways, became established in an era of isolation from the developing modern culture of the lowlands (Taul, 141). A manifestation of this adaptation is the Appalachians' adherence to a grassroots rural government. In feudal Scotland, the powerless central government of the monarchy was unable to maintain peace and promote economic prosperity because of the factional nature of the political culture. Powerful overlords continually fought among themselves, and cooperated with the king only when it furthered their personal ambitions. Appalachians generally believe that public affairs should be administered by a decentralized system within small political units. Basic problems of government are essentially local, and local problems are better resolved by local initiative. This belief produced a fragmented political system where factionalism also reigned (Taul,147-149). In the antebellum period, a homogeneous society developed in the Tug Valley from a variety of ethnic backgrounds. The mountain environment forced a blending of all cultural groups. Social cohesiveness was enhanced as the original influx slowed to a trickle. These families were prolific, intermarried extensively, and established complex kinship networks. The mountains insulated inhabitants from the economic, social, and political forces that were transforming the rest of America. By the Civil War, their differences in house styles, farming, dress, religious worship, and political allegiances were almost imperceptible (Waller 1988, 21). This process was probably repeated throughout Southern Appalachia. Family and land were the foundations of this agrarian society. The social structure was more egalitarian than the economically developing regions of America. Economic activity was virtually the same for everyone, and poverty was almost unknown. Social differentiation was determined by the quantity of land, animals, and the production of home manufactures. This differentiation did not, however, inhibit economic and social interaction (Waller, 21-23). The extended family has been the primary organizing unit of the community since the first settlements. Local political factions and other community institutions developed as extensions of the family. These institutions served as important agents for social control by legitimizing and sustaining the mores of the community, and they reflected the importance of personal relationships and local autonomy in their operation and structure. These personal relationships generated intense loyalties and also fueled rivalries (Waller, 81; Eller 1982, 9, 30). The mountain political culture reflected the values and social patterns of most pre-modern societies. The different stages of the democratic process were a series of social events. The culture valued intimate social interaction and community spirit in conducting their public affairs. Political leadership was given on the basis of kinship ties, Volume Three, 1991 135 �personality characteristics, and oratorical skills. Elections had a high rate of participation because campaigns and election days, with their speeches, intense competiveness, direct contact between voters and candidates, personal confrontations among candidates, and viva voce voting, were the height of entertainment and social interaction. In fact, the annual elections were the most important social event of the year for residents within a voting district because they formalized neighborhood networks that bound families together for the rest of the year (Eller, 9, 11-12, 36, 37; Waller, 26). County courts, the traditional form of local government in the South, were the most important and relevant governmental entity of the antebellum mountain political culture. The county courts, which performed the executive, legislative, and judicial functions of government, were the central foci for ordering community affairs, from land distribution to poor relief. Local officials and residents exercised almost complete control over their communities. Conflicts were resolved at the local level by individuals sharing similar perceptions of authority and justice (Waller, 23-24). A local official, elected by his family, or an alliance of families, put kinship interests as his most important debt. Nepotism became a privilege of election; it helped to cement the power of a family group. The power of a family group over individual lives was more overt than that of the government. The "system" was inefficient and incompetent, and it fragmented authority within local government, but it encouraged heavy participation and a feeling of local control (Eller, 30-31). This was part of the Jeffersonian and Jacksonian political ideology that dominated agrarian societies. The qualities of traditional grassroots political culture are portrayed as predominant in Stuart's Appalachia. Partisan loyalties are influenced by family ties. As in Foretaste of Glory; Stuart often identifies parties by the families who dominate local politics. The Greenough and Dinwiddie families alternately, have controlled politics in Blake County for more than 150 years; people join either the "Greenough Party"or "Dinwiddie" Party when they register to vote (Stuart 1946, 9). In this context, a winning combination for a candidate appears to be oratorical skill, a competitive, individualistic spirit, attention to local issues, use of Machiavellian campaign tactics, and the support of dominant families. Family patriarchs are the brokers of local political power. Dusty Boone, in "As the People Choose," blends these qualities to win the race for county prosecutor. To win, he must gain the endorsement of two patriarchs whose families have been feuding for seventy-five years. His purpose in running is to end the Boone-Reffitt feud. Since neither patriarch will work for him if he reveals his platform, he resorts to lying, 136 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �deception, and vote buying (Stuart 1974, 135-6). Dusty first receives Uncle Tobias Boone's endorsement by emphasizing his familial relationship; he does this by revealing the scars Boone supposedly received fighting Reffitts (but actually were inflicted when he ran into a barbed wire fence), and by saying that his opponent, the incumbent, boasts that he will get both the Boone and Reffitt votes. He next gains Uncle Roosevelt Reffitt's support by denying his kinship to Tobias: he says his opponent expects to receive the Boone vote, he points to the battle scars Reffitt received while fighting Boones, and promises to deliver "chop" (cracked corn) for Uncle Roosevelt Reffitt's stills a few days before election day (Stuart 1974, 128-48). Candidates emphasize their commonality with the people by stressing their lifestyles, and parochial issues. They promise direct personal benefits to an individual or group. A candidate for county judge, in "Road Number One," promises to construct gravel roads up every hollow. In "Uncle Casper," a senatorial candidate, in addition to promising improved roads and schools, pledges to place destitute drunks in "feather beds," provide old age pensions for men, homes for widows and orphans, and double the amount of food for indigents. He also will support laws to prohibit the carrying of pistols and bowie knives and those to re-establish the school trustee system (Stuart 1950, 133; 1974, 2-3). Although he lives in the county seat, Blake County Judge Allie Anderson, in Foretaste of Glory, cultivates a lifestyle with which rural people identify. His has a home just a block off Main Street with modest furnishings, a large family, and a large garden along with cows and hogs. He belongs to the church that most hill people attend. And he does not swear, smoke, or drink. As he feeds his hogs each evening, people from the county come to talk about farming and to seek favors. They would rather talk with Judge Anderson there than his plushly furnished courthouse office, because, despite his peculiar style of city living, the rural people see him as "just a common man." This strategy has revived the nearly defunct "Greenough Party" (Stuart 1946, 25-7). Election day has the characteristics of a festive community holiday celebration. It is the finish line for an intense contest. Candidates and their loyalists will commit fraud to win, and partisans observe the tabulation of votes to insure fairness. In the "Voting Goodlaws," Oscar Kimble, a county road foreman and a "Greenough Party" election worker, gets the maximum benefit from the Goodlaws' large family by proxy voting. One Goodlaw votes, and then votes again (in another precinct) for his brother who is in the hospital. Another Goodlaw comes by party headquarters to get his promised pint of whiskey before voting. After he votes, he votes again for another brother (who is late in arriving from Ohio, where he has lived for two years). When the Ohio brother arrives Volume Three, 1991 137 �and discovers that his brother has already voted for him, he becomes angry and threatens to expose all of them unless he votes. Oscar finds a cousin Goodlaw who has died, but has not been purged. The Ohio brother votes for him (1974, 271-84). In the days when paper ballots were used and votes were counted by hand, people congregated in and out of the courthouse to await the results. As days become weeks counting votes, in "He Saw the Sun This Time," Greenough and Dinwiddie partisans become irritable. Several attempts are made to invalidate the election results of a Greenough precinct by Dinwiddie supporters. When the results favor the minority Greenough, Sheriff Simpleton, a Dinwiddie election judge, threatens to invalidate the votes of three large Greenough precincts because of improper signatures by election judges. The sheriff is stopped by a determined Greenough partisan who says, "We'll count the votes or fight! .. .If they are thrown out well be counting the dead instead of votes" (1970, 22-26) Mountaineers saw themselves as law abiding. The court system was respected as vital in the smooth functioning of mountain communities. Its embodiment of social authority was recognized as long as mountaineers perceived its decisions as being rooted in local customs and traditions, and reflecting community values. The grand jury, in "Before the Grand Jury," was the guardian of these customs, traditions, and values. It asks Jasper Higgins about his knowledge concerning public decency and safety. It questions him about people carrying concealed deadly weapons, uttering public profanities, or selling poison moonshine. Jasper admits to knocking a boy unconscious when he interrupted a school program one night, yelling that he was the meanest man since Adam. Everyone in the schoolhouse was afraid of the boy, so Jasper challenged him; no sheriff was around to maintain peace. In its agrarian sense of justice, the grand jury vindicates Jasper. It agrees with his defense: "where there's not any Law to protect a man, there shouldn't be any to prosecute him. We have to protect ourselves in this County. You know that." He is not indicted (Stuartl956,). Even in an agrarian society partisanship determines decisions. Jasper complains before the grand jury that if a man is murdered, he is sentenced to one year in the penitentiary. "Steal a chicken, you get five years in the pen. No pardon on chicken stealin', but you have a chance for a pardon if you belong to the right party when you kill a man. They need your family vote. The family turns against them unless the killer gets a pardon. Sometimes it's already waitin' in the courtroom soon as the man is sentenced" (Waller, 90; Stuart 1956, 200-4). The agrarian flavor comes through especially in Stuart's descriptions of hangings and trials. Both events have the elements of being exciting, 138 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �entertaining, and festive. Both provide opportunities for socializing. During court day, in Beyond Dark Hills, people descend into the county seat to trade, to sell, and to listen to trials. Everyone seems to take a personal interest in the cases being tried. The seats, windows, and aisles are filled with people waiting to be entertained (1972, 215). In "Sunday Afternoon Hanging," execution of criminals is a public affair. People come from surrounding counties to watch. "Everybody got to see it and laugh and faint, cuss or cry, do just as he damned pleased about it." People get drunk, bands play, men have dates, and refreshments are sold. They like to hear the condemned confess their "sins," or trade insults (Stuart 1956, 100-1, 112). The county judge presides over a fragmented local government. He is the chief administrative and legislative officer of the county. Other county officials—county clerk, sheriff, jailer—are also elected. Each of these semi-autonomous individuals maintain a proprietary attitude toward their offices and lack direction either at home or from the state capital. The county judge is usually under-educated, lacking especially in any legal training for the judicial duties of the office. His powers are enhanced if he happens to be the governor's county patronage man. This is the profile of County Judge Toodle Powell in "Road Number One." Judge Powell is elected on the promise to gravel every road in the county. With a majority of the magistrates belonging to his party, he can deliver on this promise; he fails because of his incompetence in managing the county's affairs (Stuart 1950, 123, 141). As in the post-Civil War and the modernized Appalachian region, agrarian values and social patterns are or have been very evident in the southern political culture. These elements were established in the colonial and antebellum periods. There was a strong tradition of individualism. Local autonomy and a decentralized political system were valued over a federal or national government. Personalities overshadowed issues: the voters preferred personal contact with candidates and government officials. Electoral and governmental politics were a prized past-time, and a favorite source of entertainment (Grantham 1988, 55, 84). Unlike the southern Appalachian region, the South was essentially undemocratic in values and practice. The centralizing forces of a commercial economy, however, had a greater effect. It created distinct class divisions in which a wealthy, powerful elite maintained control through undemocratic means. Qualifications for voting and holding office were generally limited to propertied whites, and legislative districts were mal-apportioned where the older seaboard regions held a disproportionate share of power. The vigorous two-party system that emerged during Volume Three, 1991 139 �the 1830s was essentially a division between agrarian elites about whether or not government resources should be used to aid commercial development. Even some parts of Appalachia wanted government aid to construct railroads through their areas (Grantham xi; Burden 1985, 6, 45-46). The Civil War and the Great Depression altered the direction of politics in both regions. Throughout the post-Civil War and post-depression periods, a rural, provincial orientation remained. After the Civil War, single party politics (Democratic in the South and Republican in Appalachia) developed and industrialization sharpened class differences, concentrated wealth into fewer hands, disrupted the traditional culture, and caused social conflict. These trends continued in the post-depression period, but single party politics and the individualistic character declined. Southern mountaineers were the largest group of Southern whites who remained Republican until the 1950s. The Republican party became established as the dominant party after Reconstruction; before 1860, allegiance to either Democrats or Republicans depended on personal considerations. The war had awakened mountaineers to the common interests that needed to be defended. Support for the Union or Confederacy depended on whether or not either government could preserve the independence and autonomy of the mountaineers, or on the nature of the commercial links to the planter and regional economy. Most mountaineers supported the Republicans because they were credited with saving the Union, they promised government assistance to help the South recover from the war's devastation and financial chaos, and the Republican party was not controlled by the power elite of the lowlands (McKinney 1978, 3, 14, 12, 29; Waller, 29-31). Political affiliations were influenced by the Civil War in Stuart's Appalachia. The family and social environment that emerged from this conflict shaped the political character for two succeeding generations. In Two Worlds," Shan Powderjay and his siblings "were children of indecision" (Stuart 1969, 18). His parents argue about the North and South, Lee and Grant, Methodists and Baptists, and Republicans and Democrats. His maternal grandfather is an ex-Confederate and a Democrat, and his paternal grandfather, an ex-Union soldier and a Republican. "Each world was a powerful voice beckoning us to follow" (Stuart, 18). The Great Depression and the New Deal altered political alignments again in the mountains as well as in the South. Blaming Hoover for the Depression and the ready acceptance of Democratic relief programs, a once heavily Republican region was split into Democratic and Republican subregions (Caudill 1963, 207). The family of Press Tussie formerly voted a straight Republican ticket, but became Democrat when govern- 140 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �ment relief was first offered. "It looked like too good a thing to pass up," says Press (Stuart 1943, 37). In states like Kentucky, a three-party system developed. Statewide, the Democrats generally have controlled politics since the Civil War, with the Republicans giving strong opposition. There usually were two opposing factions within the Democratic ranks. Stuart's father, Mitchell, comments on how Republicans have been the minority party since the Civil War. Even when there has been a Republican governor in Kentucky, the Democrats have controlled the legislature. "And with one party in power all my lifetime, the net results are that we stand on the bottom of everything" (Stuart 1960, 120). Of course, he is probably expressing the frustration that a legislature, dominated by the Bluegrass and western regions of the state, has continuously ignored the needs of the state's eastern region. As the commercial culture grew to replace agriculture as the basis for the region's economy, jobs in the public sector became more important and were a source for building local political organizations. Press Tussie's ability to control votes in his family is dependent on his success in gaining benefits from New Deal programs for most members of his clan. Road construction was another major source of patronage, especially after World War II, when rural Kentuckians demanded allweather roads. Nearly bankrupt local governments depended on state funds to finance their construction. But the local men, in "Road Number One," who built the roads were hired more for their party affiliation than for their skills in operating equipment (Stuart 1943, 47-48; Caudill, 269; Stuart 1950, 142-143). Welfare benefits and roads were sources for federal and state largesse to communities but education was the major source on the local level. Bitter political battles were fought for the right to control these jobs. Whoever backed the winning candidate for governor became the administration's local patronage person. Governor Warburton, in "Governor Warburton's Right-Hand Man," faces a dilemma when he comes to Blake County to pick his patronage man. For the first time, the two factions of the "Greenough Party" backed the same candidate. If the governor chooses either the county clerk or another Greenough leader, he will alienate the loosing faction. He retains the loyalty of both by choosing an independent voter (Stuart 1950, 195-204). The commercial culture that developed between the Civil War and 1920 conflicted with traditional relationships and obligations. It recognized contracts as inviolable and enforceable without reference to circumstances surrounding an agreement. Traditional culture considered terms of a bargain within the context of customary rights. A commercial culture was antithetical to someone who was illiterate, who thought and Volume Three, 1991 141 �behaved in oral face-to-face terms: it required cash and a literate populace. The cash-free economy and illiterate environment of a traditional culture created many exploitative situations. There is a dispute over the "ownership of the law" in this kind of environment. Traditionalists expected the law to uphold customary rights and obligations. Modernizers viewed the law as a means to protecting economic development and profits (Waller, 47-48). Stuart portrays this conflict in the Trees of Heaven. A conflict between the law and the individual comes to focus in Anse Bushman, who defines ownership in terms of a deed and cash purchase. He declines morally when he attempts to manipulate the law. When he buys the Sexton land at a courthouse auction, he changes his image as an upright, law-abiding citizen to one who is against the community, only because the hill people oppose the sale of any land by court order. He declines further when he uses the law to evict Boliver Tussie, a squatter, from the land. Boliver's family is allowed to stay as sharecroppers, with his intention to manipulate them for his own profit. Boliver's family is eventually evicted because Anse wants Boliver's tobacco crop for himself. The New Deal, and the welfare system it established, has corrupted the traditional values and social patterns of the mountain culture. It has divided families like the Tussies. Press Tussie is patriarch of the Relief Tussies while Press' brother is head of the other Tussie faction. The New Deal also promotes waste, lethargy, and needless "rest," as in the case of Peter Farmer. He is participating in a government program that loans him more money than his farm is worth, and pays him not to raise tobacco, corn, or cane. The furrows of the once-plowed fields are welded together, and the plows are becoming rusty from disuse. Peter's brother chastises him for being a "sellout" because "there is not the honor of sweat" in what he is doing (Stuart 1943, 47-8; 1966, 61, 69-70; 1971, 3, 5-8). The New Deal poses a direct threat, for some, to the traditions of an agrarian political culture. It threatens local autonomy and the ability to decide how one should live. For Rev. Ezekiel Wrenhouse the blue eagle of the National Industrial Recovery Act is evil. It represents a despotic government trying to tell him what he can do. In "A Pilgrim Out in Space," the preacher's small assistant is prevented from buying eggs at the usual store because "it's not fair to the Government of America! Look at the window!. .. Where is the Blue Eagle!" says Jerry Sprouse. When Rev. Wrenhouse finds out what has happened, he confronts Sprouse and his friends, and tells them that he will buy his eggs where he pleases. After viewing the NRA symbol in the other store, he holds an all night vigil of prayer. By morning he has received a "vision" similar to one described in Revelations 13. He concludes that Roosevelt and the NRA, which have the number 666, have 142 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �the "Mark of the Beast." A Democrat for all of his life, Rev. Wrenhouse immediately begins campaigning against FDR. He campaigns full time, publicizing his vision and talking to any audience wanting to listen. He dies before the election, but his county votes two-to-one against FDR while the surrounding counties go the opposite direction for the "Mark of the Beast" (Stuart 1971, 156-73). In The Land Beyond the River, Stuart tells the story of how the welfare system has had a corrosive effect on the dignity, pride, and individualistic spirit of Appalachians. The Perkins family is wedded to traditional ways when they move across the river into Ohio to begin life anew. In their former Appalachian home, they were subsistence farmers who were forced to depend on government commodities, losing their pride and economic stability. They regain their pride as tenant farmers in Ohio. Just as the Perkinses begin to put their lives back together, a series of events cause significant change in their lives: the father (Gil) is partially disabled by a snakebite; Gil's wife (Sil) has her twelfth child; and their beneficit landlord dies. Worried about providing for the needs of his large family, Gil succumbs to the tempting advice of Uncle Dick and enters the welfare system. The traditional values weaken their hold on the family, especially with the children. The oldest two rebel against the family. They shift from their fundamental religious beliefs as Free Will Baptists to the more liberal Presbyterian. Cassie-Belle changes her name to Clarissa Jo at Ohio State University because her former Appalachian name hindered her adjustment to the new life. Pedike, as he begins working at the Dupont Chemical Plant, vows to keep his pride and never go on welfare. He will not follow the ways of his parents and have more children than he can feed and educate (Taul 1978, 144-46). Similar developments occurred in the southern political culture after the Civil War. A single party system evolved, but Democrats dominated it. The party organization was amorphous and transitory, dependent on the ascendancy of particular leaders and factions at any given moment. The New Deal encouraged the fragmentation of the Solid South. The national Democratic Party was changing in character. The importance of the South was receding, and the old assumption that support of the Democrats was synonymous with the defense of the "Southern" position also began to erode. The growth of centralized government and creation of the welfare state disturbed conservative southerners, who were inclined to attribute their apprehensions to Roosevelt's leadership. In 1948, the Dixiecrat Revolt resulted from Truman's promise to expand the welfare program and boldly sponsor federal civil rights legislation. The revolt was also a manifestation of the broader regional conservatism Volume Three, 1991 143 �that was a defensive reaction to rapid economic and social change (Grantham 1988,26, 123-24). There were also some contrasting trends in the two regions: the rate of decline for voter participation was slower in Appalachia. Although the power of the planter and commercial classes increased in both regions, the egalitarian ideal of Jeffersonian democracy prevailed in Stuart's hill region. Stuart's prose fails to reflect significant trends within his region and in the South, which also affect Appalachia. He does not write about the impact of coal mining and the development of company towns on the political culture, nor do his characters talk about their attitudes toward African-Americans, and consequently, the civil rights movement of the 1960s. Despite the centralizing forces of modernization, the political culture of the South and Stuart's region still favors an agrarian democracy. This democracy is oriented to the individual and local autonomy. It means a small government with direct access to candidates and officeholders, and is conducted on a direct, personal, intimate, informal basis. It is a belief that rural government is more efficient, effective, and democratic than a big distant government administered by a bureaucracy of a select group of men. Local government is for the common man; officeholders need no special training or qualifications. Their willingness to serve the community and conform to its system of values is enough. Works Cited Caudill, Harry M. 1963. Night Comes to the Cumberland*: A Biography of a Depressed Region. Boston: Little, Brown. Durden, Robert P. 1985. The Self-Inflicted Wounds: Southern Politics in the Nineteenth Century. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Eller, Ronald D. 1982. Miners, Millhands, and Mountaineers: Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1920. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Grantham, Dewey W. 1988. The Life and Death of the Solid South: A Political History. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. McKinney, Gordon B. 1978. Southern Mountain Republicans, 1865-1900: Politics and the Appalachian Community. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 144 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Stuart, Jesse. 1943. Taps for Private Tussle. New York: E.P. Button. . 1946. Foretaste of Glory. New York: E.P. Dutton. . 1950. Clearing in the Sky. New York: McGraw-Hill. . 1956. Plowshare in Heaven. New York: McGraw-Hill. -. 1960. God's Oddling: The Story of Mick Stuart, My Father. New York: McGraw-Hill. —. 1966. My Land Has A Voice. New York: McGraw-Hill. —. 1969. Come Gentle Spring. New York: McGraw-Hill. —. 1970. Seven by Jesse. Terre Haute: Indiana Council of Teachers of English, Indiana State University. —. 1971. Come Back to the Farm. New York: McGraw-Hill. —. 1972. Beyond Dark Hills. New York: McGraw-Hill. . 1974. Thirty-two Votes Before Breakfast: Politics at the Grass Roots, as Seen in Short Stories. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. Taul, Glen Edward. 1978. "Kentucky Politics in Jesse Stuart's Prose." Master's Thesis, Baylor University. Waller, Altina L. 1988. Feud: Hatfields, McCoys, and Social Change in Appalachia, 1860-1900. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Glen Edward Taul is a doctoral student in history at the University of Kentucky and works for the Christian Appalachian Project in Lancaster, Kentucky. Volume Three, 1991 145 �A Cure for the Malaise of the Dislocated Southerner: The Writing of Jesse Stuart Edgar H. Thompson Walker Percy, in his essay "Southern Comfort," asserts that the South has entered "the American mainstream and the old southern vein of oddities and exoticas" (1980, 348) have finally played themselves out. Though we might agree with Percy's assessment, the specific traits and qualities that anchor this new South and its literature in the American mainstream are not immediately clear. W. J. Cash, however, gives us some idea what these traits might be when he contends that throughout the highland and lowland South "it is easy to trace . . . a fairly definite social pattern . . . a complex of established relationships and habits of thought, sentiments, prejudices, standards and values, and associations of ideas" common to the region (1969, viii). It seems to me that these social patterns and habits of thought that Cash talks about come in large part from what Randall Stewart calls the Tidewater and the Frontier traditions in literature and geography. Both traditions commonly include a sense of place, a sense of community, and a sense of justice. An awareness of the positions within social classes is evident in both traditions, but in the Frontier tradition, an individual's social position is not given much importance. Even though both traditions have similar features, there are also elements which differ greatly. Stewart described them as follows: 146 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �TIDEWATER (TUCKAHOE) FRONTIER (COHEE) Good manners and decorum Crude behavior Wit and an interest in polite literature and art Slapstick and anti-in tellectuali sm Courtliness, sophistication and restraint Rough-and-tumble behavior Subtlety Straightforwardness Randall Stewart places Thomas Wolfe and Jesse Stuart in the Frontier tradition, writers like Eudora Welty, John Crowe Ransom, and Allen Tate in the Tidewater tradition, and William Faulkner and Robert Penn Warren somewhere in between (1975, 420-421). Scholars have long used the traits of these two traditions as a way to separate the South and its literature into highbrow and lowbrow, with the Tidewater tradition most often being associated with the highbrow, the "real" South and "true" southern literature, i.e., writers like Welty, Ransom, and Tate. However, at this time in history, what is now accepted as outhern is changing, and this new concept of the South is broader than it used to be. As ties with the past are cut—by the distance from "home," by the loss of the "home place," and by the death of loved ones—many southerners, whether highland or lowland, feel alienated and disconnected from their past. The "successful grandchildren [of people who lived such a life close to the land]... are [now] going nuts in Atlanta condominiums" (Percy, 438). Economics prevent many of these people from actually picking up and moving "back home." Still, this economical reality does not remove the need, the tremendous desire that people feel to somehow capture what is being lost, and to understand what all of this has meant in the past and what it means now. It is at this nexus that the writing of Jesse Stuart becomes important. He provides a fictional world that captures enough of the substance and traditions of both the highland and the lowland South to reassure the current generation of dislocated southerners by his messages, his images, and his vision. At a time when many highland and lowland southern writers are trying to determine "how you hold onto what you have in the past world but live beyond it and balance the two" (Hoffert 1989, 49), Stuart is already there to provide at least a glimpse at what the past Volume Three, 1991 147 �was, and it is this vision that has the potential to help us come to grips with the malaise of dislocation people presently feel. At first glance, it would appear that the majority of Stuart's work clearly falls into the Frontier tradition, and thus we might assume that it has little relevancy for those who come from or find themselves living within the confines of the Tidewater tradition. However, if you look closely, there are some Tidewater traits in Stuart's work that give it a broader perspective. I am not trying to claim that Jesse Stuart is a southern writer in the Tidewater tradition; however, his writing does contain many of the "down home" elements that displaced highland and lowland southerners are trying to reclaim. To illustrate my point, I want to use one of Stuart's most popular yet also one of his least literary and most frontier-like novels, Hie to the Hunters. Consider the plot of this book: Jud "Sparkie" Sparks, from the Plum Grove Hills, rescues Didway Hargis, son of a wealthy Greenwood merchant, from a beating by spitting tobacco spittle with pin-point accuracy into the eyes of Did's attackers. Sparkie then convinces Did that he doesn't have to put up with this kind of abuse and invites Did to come home and live with him. Sparkie's parents, Peg and Arn, are happy to see Did. They won't turn away a stray hound from their door, so they are not about to turn away Did. As Did spends time in the hills with Sparkie, he undergoes a metamorphosis, which John T. Flanagan succinctly describes as follows: When Sparkie . . . takes young Did Hargis out to the mountain cabin of his parents, Did is rather puny, pale, nervous, unaccustomed to strenuous physical exertion. It is only a matter of weeks before Did, eating coarse food and deprived of all the amenities of a comfortable town home, is able to hoe corn, plow, drive a mule, follow a trap line, scythe brush, and skin animals to the complete satisfaction of his mentor. (1977, 80-81) Did has many adventures with Sparkie, including learning how to coon and fox hunt, going to mountain dances, and engaging in a harvest cornshucking, a Plum Grove community event on the Sparks' land. The cornshucking ends in an all-out battle between the hill folks and Did's father and his men who have come from town to rescue Did. In the end, Did's father's group loses. Finally, the last attempt by Mr. Hargis to take Did home ends with Mr. Hargis and his men side-by-side with the Plum Grove men as they try to save Peg Sparks' barn; it was set on fire by a barn burner who plagued the hills during a feud between the farmers and the fox hunters. After the fire is out, when Mr. Hargis talks with Did, he treats him as an adult who is able to make up his own mind. Mr. Hargis agrees that if Did will come back and finish school, he can spend his summers in the 148 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �hills with Sparkie, Peg, and Arn. Thus, Did becomes an active participant in both the town and the hill cultures. This book clearly illustrates traits of the Frontier tradition. There is roughness and crudeness of manners, e.g., Arn smokes a pipe [not very genteel], their language is coarse though not profane, etc. There is rough-and-tumble behavior in many places, for instance when all the men wear guns in holsters to the big dance, when dogs are poisoned and barns burned, when both men and women get involved in the "knock down, drag out" fight at the Sparks's cornshucking. There is certainly anti-intellectualism, which is revealed early in the book. When Did and Sparkie first meet and Sparkie finds out that Did is in his second year of high school, he says, "Ye're high up in l a r n i n ' . . . . To look at ye, one wouldn't think it" (Stuart 1988, 8). Sparkie had only gotten to the Second Reader when he quit school. Sparkie and Peg and Arn, who are essentially illiterate, value more practical things like hunting and farming and making a living off the land. There is certainly no courtliness or sophistication, and the characters in this book are presented in a straightforward manner, with little or no subtlety. All of these things are of the frontier. However, there is also a love of humor, e.g., the laughter when Did first appears in Sparkie's "hand-me-down" clothes. Though perhaps not wit, it isn't slapstick either. It is just human. Further, the people from Plum Grove always treat Did warmly, readily welcoming him into their midst. This behavior surely demonstrates good manners, decorum, and a sense of community. There \sjustice and restraint. In the opening event of the book, Sparkie comes to Did's defense because he is outnumbered in a fight, thus, illustrating a sense of fair play. Another example is how the hill people treat Did as an adult who is free to make his own decisions. Thus, they will not let Mr. Hargis "bully" Did into returning to Greenwood. To allow this to happen wouldn't be fair or just. Instead of fighting immediately, however, they show great "restraint" in avoiding violence, until they are left with no alternative; e.g., when they are surrounded by Mr. Hargis and his men in the corn field. In fact, the people from town are exhibiting more frontier-like behavior than the people from Plum Grove. They have no choice but to fight their way out. Thus, there are also elements of the Tidewater tradition, in a universal sense, in Stuart's work. Actually, a book as simple and straightforward as Hie to the Hunters is not totally at odds with Lee Smith's conception of a southern novel; i.e., a book characterized by "leisurely development, care lavished upon developing characters, the importance of place, and the use of history" (Hoffert 1989, 48), though surely Stuart's characters could use some fleshing out. In sharp contrast to many southern writers, who seem obsessed with exploring "the darker recesses of the human heart" (Percy 1980, 349), Volume Three, 1991 149 �Stuart inspires his readers by pointing out what is most basic and fundamentally good in life, particularly a life lived close to the land, close to the old home place, close to one's roots. Since so many contemporary southerners feel that these qualities have disappeared, reading the work of a writer like Jesse Stuart helps them to reclaim and to celebrate these qualities, at least vicariously. It is this vicarious connection with the past that, I believe, has allowed Jesse Stuart's writing to survive and to remain popular. Even though Stuart may not be a writer of the same skill and stature as William Faulkner, much like Faulkner, Stuart was trying "to talk about people . . . men and women in their universal humanity" (Brooks 1983, 2), and in so doing he captured qualities universal to both the highland and lowland South. Stuart's genuine love of family, of friends and acquaintances, of the land, and of local customs, his sense of fair play and justice, his eternal optimism in the face of despair and adversity, the simple descriptions of home, i.e., the people, the food, the smells, the behaviors, all connect him to both Tuckahoes [plantation farmers] and Cohees [mountaineers]. A vision such as Stuart's is frequently dismissed as lacking artistic depth and social importance. As Jim Wayne Miller points out, however, "literary works not overtly concerned with political and social conditions have often made contributions to social and political awareness" (1980, 66). In fact, historian Henry Steele Commager claimed that "the image of the American past and with it our national identity was . . . to an extraordinary degree a literary creation by poets and storytellers . . . " (66). As novelist John Gardner once said: Great [literature] can make us laugh or cry, in much the same way life can, and it gives us at least the powerful illusion that when we do so we're doing pretty much the same things we do when we laugh at Uncle Herman's jokes, or cry at funerals. Somehow the endlessly recombining elements that make up works of [literature] have their roots hooked, it seems, in the universe, or at least into the hearts of human beings. Somehow the [literary] dream persuades us that it's a clear, sharp, edited version of the dream all around us. Whatever our doubts, we pick up books at train stations, or withdraw into our studies and write them; and the world—or so we imagine—comes alive. (1984, 38) And this is what happens when we read Jesse Stuart. A literary dream is created, and a fictional world comes alive for us. It is a world that may not exist in reality, but a world quite real, at least in our mind's eye. This world is made vivid and rich by the images and details of plain living evoked by Stuart's writing. In a time when we are suffering 150 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �malaise, dislocation, and mourning the disappearance of the homeplace and the loss of the home-folks, reading what Stuart wrote soothes us and takes us home, at least for a while. Works Cited Brooks, Cleanth. 1983. William Faulkner: First Encounters. New Haven: Yale University Press. Cash, W. J. 1969. The Mind of the South. New York: Vintage. Flanagan, John T. 1977. "Jesse Stuart, Regional Novelist." JessejStuart: Essays on His Work. Eds. J. R. LeMaster and Mary Washington Clark. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky. Gardner, John. 1984. The Art of Fiction. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Hoffert, Barbara. 1989. "Writer's Renaissance in North Carolina." Library Journal 114:18, 44-48. Miller, Jim Wayne. 1980. "A Post-Agrarian Regionalism for Appalachia." Appalachian Heritage, Spring 1980, 58-71. Percy, Walker. 1980. "Southern Comfort." Popular Writing in America. Eds. Donald McQuade and Robert Atwan. New York: Oxford University Press. (Originally published in Harper's, January 1979, This was a shorter version of a draft published in The Georgia Review, Vol 32 1978.) Stewart, Randall. 1975. "Tidewater and Frontier." Voices from the Hills. Eds. Robert J. Higgs and Ambrose N. Manning. New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co. Stuart, Jesse. 1988. Hie to the Hunters. Ashland: The Jesse Stuart Foundation. Herb Thompson is an Associate Professor of Education at Emory & Henry College, Emory, Virginia. Volume Three, 1991 151 �James Jones' Appalachian Soldier in His World War II Trilogy Loyal Jones James Jones is best known for his novel of the pre-World War II army, From Here to Eternity, but his other two novels which complete the trilogy, The Thin Red Line, about the Guadalcanal campaign, and Whistle, about the returning wounded, were also highly praised for their realism. Jones followed four soldiers through all three novels, although under different but similar names. They are the first sergeant, the company clerk, the mess sergeant, and a non-conformist, heroic rifleman from Appalachia. They are known in From Here to Eternity respectively as Firsf Sgt. Warden, Cpl. Mazzioli, Sgt. Stark and Pvt. Prewitt from Harlan County, Kentucky. Jones decided that Prewitt in Eternity must die as a result of his own non-conformity, pride and honor. Therefore, he had to re-create him in the other novels under different names—Witt (from Breathitt County, Kentucky) in The Thin Red Line, and Prell (from West Virginia) in Whistle. However, Jones made it clear that they were the same character. Alice Cornett, a Kentucky writer, tracked down Robert Lee Stewart, the Letcher County Kentuckian on whom Jones based his Robert E. Lee Prewitt, Witt and Prell, and published an article on him in 1982. Stewart had served with Jones in "F" Company, 27th Infantry ("The Wolfhound") regiment, 25th Infantry "Tropical Lightning" Division, at Schofield Barracks in Hawaii before Pearl Harbor and later on Guadalcanal. Like the fictional Prewitt, Stewart was the son of a coal miner, was a guitar player, a bugler, a boxer and "above all, a hard- 152 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �headed, independent mountain boy" (1982, 11-13). Stewart's life had not been as hard as Jones described Prewitt's, but his mother died when he was thirteen, and in 1936 at fifteen, lying about his age and signing his father's name, he joined the army. When he reenlisted in 1939, he was assigned to Hawaii (32-33). James Jones, from Robinson, a small town in southern Illinois, came from an entirely different kind of family: his grandfather was a lawyer, his father a dentist. However, the Joneses' fortunes were diminished in the stock market crash of 1929, and when Jones graduated from high school, there was not enough money for him to go to college. He joined the army in 1939 and ended up in the infantry in Hawaii. Jones noted that Robinson was settled by people from Kentucky and Indiana, and thus he felt some kinship with Kentuckians. His own behavio/ in real life is similar to that he ascribed to Prewitt. Jones proposed the idea for Eternity to Scribner's Maxwell Perkins in 1946, while he was trying to get Scribner's to accept an earlier manuscript. In a letter to Perkins, Jones proposed a novel on the peacetime army, and wrote that he would: draw Stewart's life in the army, his intense personal pride, his six months on stockade rockpile rather than admit he was wrong and accept company punishment when he felt he was right in his actions. The small man standing on the edge of the ocean shaking his fist, the magnificent gesture. . . . Almost a criminal, almost an artist, but not either . . . (1989, 55-59) Perkins asked Jones to set aside the earlier novel and offered a $500 advance for the first 50,000 words of what he called "the Stewart novel" (60). Jones went to work at once on the new novel. My purpose in this paper is to discern how Jones viewed and described the soldier based on Stewart and other Appalachians in his company and to reflect on the accuracy of his depiction of Appalachian characteristics. In a letter to Ben W. Griffith, Jr., who after Perkins' death became his editor at Scribner's, Jones explained his main purpose in From Here to Eternity: The main theme I basically wanted to show in Eternity —one which I saw often and which never ceased to amaze me—was that the Army had an infallible way of destroying its own best advocates and adherents. The type of which Prewitt was one are almost always the best examples of real combat soldiers, I have seen such men do absolutely unbelievable things in combat. And Volume Three, 1991 153 �yet—what amazed me—was that these very characteristics and ideas which made them the best possible soldiers in combat are the same things which always threw them into conflict with authority out of combat, or even in combat sometimes, for that matter. There seemed to me to be here a very ironic paradox which the smugness of the Army (i.e., society) does not allow itself to see. (203-4) Jones goes on to say something that shows his solidarity with Prewitt: I guess you could say that philosophically—though not politically—I am an anarchist. I am not fanatical enough to believe that such a way of life could be practicable. But I hate to see everywhere today the encroachments of control over the individual. . . .It does tremedous good for the many and hamstrings the superior few. (205) Jones was profoundly affected by being an enlisted man in the prewar regular army. Even though he was reared in a middle-class family, he came to admire and to accept the values of his fellow soldiers, who at the time were mostly working-class or who had been down-and-out in the Great Depression. Society and his microcosm of society, The Compny," had not dealt fairly with them. Yet, Jones saw in them a fanatical loyalty to the company. Prewitt, the Kentuckian, is the essence of an unbending pride and a sense of honor and integrity. And so, in the peacetime army, he is in trouble. He is the best bugler in Hawaii, but because someone else is made First Bugler for political reasons, he requests straight infantry duty. He is also a boxer and the company commander welcomes him with a promise of special favors and rank if he will box. He refuses because he once blinded a fighter in the ring. His life is made hell as the company tries to break him, but he will not give in. He winds up in the stockade after a fight with a sergeant. He is too proud to plead that he fought because the sergeant drew a knife on him. Stewart himself went to the stockade because of a fight with the Charge of Quarters. He also refused to join the boxing squad (Cornett 1982, 11-13; 32-33). Bill Curran, a boxer in the company said, "Stewart didn't want to fight. The rumor was that he'd fought before and had hurt someone" (Curran 1990). Jones wrote to Max Perkins about such men in 1946: Having known a number of these men, I am convinced that the great majority of real criminals—not petty thieves but criminals—are what they are because of a high personal integrity and 154 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �a high personal pride. . . (I have a strong feeling that most of the men in the recent Alcatraz riot were probably Prewitts; two of them were from Ky., two were Indians from the Cookson Hills in Okla.). (Jones 1989, 72) These characteristics are exemplified in Prewitt when he vows to kill Fatso, the sadistic stockade sergeant (who incidentally is from Breathitt County, Kentucky,) for his brutal beating of Maggio and cruelty to others. Prewitt has plenty of time to reconsider his promise and the consequences of such an act, but he kills Fatso. In the fight he receives a knife wound making it impossible for him to return to the company. While he is AWOL, the Japanese bomb Pearl Harbor. He is shot as he tries to get back to his company and do what he knows he can do best— soldier. Stewart was a guitar player, and thus so is Prewitt In Eternity. Jones writes: Robert E. Lee Prewitt had learned to play a guitar long before he had learned to bugle or to box. He learned it as a boy, and with it he learned a lot of blues, songs and laments. In the Kentucky mountains along the West Virginia [sic] Line life led him swiftly to that kind of music . . . In the Kentucky Mountains. . . guitar playing is not considered the accomplishment it is most places. Every wellbred boy learns to chord a guitar when he is still small enough to hold it like a string bass. The boy Prewitt loved the songs because they gave him something, and understanding, as first hint that pain might not be pointless if you could turn it into something. . . (Jones 1951, 13) Another Kentuckian in Jones' T" Company was George H. Wilkinson, of Hazard, "a wonderful guitar player," and he turns up as Sal Anderson who often plays with Prewitt in Eternity. Jones described their music as Prewitt's kind of music "—blues songs and hillbilly music—the kind of music these bums and field laborers and factory workers who had tried to escape their barren lives by enlisting in the Army understood and always played" (68). Emory Toms, from western Pennsylvania, another boxer, guitar picker and First Bugler of "F" Company told of his first meeting with Stewart: I was working out in the ring one day. He came up and said, "Lefty, you ain't half bad." We got to drinking that night, and he found out that I played guitar. So we got to playing together. Volume Three, 1991 155 �We'd sit out on the quadrangle with a bucket of beer and play and sing all night. I'd sing tenor and he'd sing straight. Stewart liked the Delmore Brothers. A few years ago he sent me a tape of 50 songs of the Delmore Brothers. (Toms 1990) Yet another bugler and guitar picker was Frank Marshall, from Philadelphia, the Second Bugler of the company, whom Stewart nicknamed Friday. This name stuck on a character in Eternity.. Friday Clark, who made music with Prewitt and Sal Anderson. Alice Cornett attributes "The Reenlistment Blues," sung by Merle Travis in the movie, to Stewart and Wilkinson (11-13, 32-33). Accomplishment with music is one of the characterstics that Jones attributed to his mountain soldiers. Many good musicians have indeed come out of the mountains, although not every 'wellbred' boy learned to play the guitar and make up songs out of his travail. Prewitt, like Stewart, was orphaned at thirteen when his mother died of consumption. There was a big strike on that winter and she died in the middle of it.... Her husband, who was a striker, was in the county jail with two stab wounds in his chest and a fractured skull. And her brother, Uncle John, was dead, having been shot by several deputies . . . They said blood actually ran like rainwater in the gutters of Harlan that day.... The boy Prewitt saw the battle... .(Jones 1951, 15) And he hit the road, for his mother had told him, "from your father you got pride and endurance and I knowed that you would need it. But one of you would have kilt the other if it hatnt of been for me. And now I wont be standin atween you no more" (16). Before she died she extracted a promise from him, "Promise me you wont never hurt nobody unless its absolute a must, unless you jist have to do it." The gifts from his father and mother led him into trouble and kept him there in this novel. Prewitt will not be a boxer for the regiment because he has hurt someone boxing, and he is true to his mother's promise. But beyond that he has an innate sense of basic rights. "Every man has certain rights," he said; "in life, I mean, not in ideals. And if he dont stand up for his own rights nobody else is going to stand up for them for him" (209). In talking with Sgt. Stark, the mess sergeant, he tells how there was a sign in Harlan that read, "DON'T LET THE SUN SET ON YOU IN HARLAN, Nigger!" (Actually, I believe such a sign was posted in Corbin. Harlan County had many blacks.) When the sergeant tries to rationalize this, Prewitt interrupts and says that isn't what he means and goes on to 156 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �tell how as a kid on the bum he was threatened by a hobo and a black man protected him. "Out of that whole bunch of guys he was the only one who lifted a finger to keep me from gettin knifed. The rest of them just stood and watched" (194). Prell in The Thin Red Line is said to have hated Negroes, but he quits the company when Captain Stein, a Jew who has commanded well, is relieved of command by the battalion commander who dislikes Jews. Both Prewitt and Prell are called Bolsheviks, perhaps because of their mine union background. Prewitt is for the underdog and against the top dog. He had even made himself a philosophy of life out of it. So he had gone right on, unable to stop believing that if the Communists were the under dog in Spain then he believed in fighting for the Communists in Spain; but that if the Communists were the top dog back home in Russia and the (what would you call them in Russia? the traitors, I guess) traitors were the bottom dog, then he believed in fighting for the traitors and against the Communists. He believed in fighting for the Jews in Germany, and against the Jews in Wall Street and Hollywood. And if the Capitalists were top dog in America and the proletariat the under dog, then he believed in fighting for the proletariat against the Capitalists. This too-ingrained-to-be-forgotten philosophy of his has led him, a Southerner, to believe in fighting for the Negroes against the Whites everywhere, because the Negroes were nowhere the top dog, at least as yet. . . . It was, he realized, a very flighty philosophy, a chameleon philosophy always changing its color. You were a Communist one day and the next day you were an anti-Communist. . . . But where, you ask, does it put you politically? What are your politics? . . . I would say that politically you are a sort of super archrevolutionary, the kind that made the Revolution in Russia and that the Communists are killing now, sort of a perfect criminal type, very dangerous, a mad dog that loves under dogs. . . . But you better not tell that to anybody unless you have to, Prewitt. They'll put you in the nut ward. Because here in America . . . everybody fights to become top dog, and then to stay top dog. (Jones 1951, 275-77) First Sergeant Warden has harsh words for Prewitt and his kind, The only trouble with them guys is that they never learn. . . . They had rather let you kill them, than admit they're wrong. No Volume Three, 1991 157 �more sense than a goddam GI mule. . . . I seen too many of them mountain boys. They're a threat to the freedom of this whole country. (289) Warden represents authority and order. Prewitt and his kind are always a threat to that order. Jones presents the rifle company as a microcosm of society, and his message is always that society has no use for the Prewitts of the world except in some sort of emergency. Prewitt has to deal with a peacetime army to which he is fanatically loyal, but which is inept at dealing with such as him. Witt, in The Thin Red Line is in an entirely different setting— combat on Guadalcanal. He has been transferred out to a new company when the company has a chance to get rid of its misfits. Stewart himself stayed with the company through action on Guadalcanal, New Georgia, and after a rest in New Caledonia and training and reorganization in New Zealand, took part in the Philippines campaign and was wounded. However, Jones wishes to show Witt's devotion to C-for-Charlie. On Guadalcanal, he deserts his new company, which hasn't been issued weapons anyhow, and rejoins his old company out of loyalty and a sense of responsibility. He knows he is one of the best soldiers in the company. When I think of old C-for-Charlie goin up there into them Japs without me, it like to breaks my heart. . . . You know how I feel about this compny. . . . Its my compny. It aint right, thats all. It aint. Why, who knows how many of the guys, how many of my old buddies, I might save if I was there. . . . I belong to the compny. (Jones 1962, 104) When Witt rejoins C-for-Charlie, he volunteers to join an attack on a Japanese machine gun nest. He had made his decision to volunteer himself back into the old outfit, and he had made his decision to volunteer for this thing, and he was a free individual human being as far as he was concerned. He was free, white and twenty-one and had never taken no shit off nobody and never would, and as the prospect of action got closer and closer he could feel himself tightening all up inside with excitement, exactly like he used to do in the coal strikes back in Bloody Breathitt. The chance to help, the chance to save all his friends that he could. . . . He had not shot squirrel all his life for nothing. He had not made High Expert on the range for the past six years for nothing, either. (266) 158 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Witt leaves the company after the colonel relieves Captain Stein, the company commander, refusing to serve under an officer who would treat a good officer as he did. After rejoining C-for-Charlie, after the colonel is promoted, he volunteers to lead an ambush mission that he feels is foolish, and tells the new company commander so. However, he goes because he can protect his men better than anyone else. When the ambush goes wrong and only he and one other man survive, he cusses out the commander and once again leaves the company. When he learns that this commander is gone he returns, but the new company commander does not want him. One of his lieutenants argues for Witt: If you ever have to lead this outfit in combat, you'll wish to hell you had Witt with you. . . I was around there on The Elephant's Head when Witt went in with that assault force. I tell you you're makin a serious mistake if you don't take him back. You're denying yourself one of the best potential platoon leaders you'll ever get a chance at. (471) Whistle is the story of the returning wounded from Guadalcanal and New Georgia to a hospital in Luxor (Memphis, actually, where James Jones had been hospitalized after Guadalcanal). It is a story of the same four men whom I mentioned at the start, the First Sergeant (now named Winch), the Mess Sergeant (Strange), the Company Clerk (Landers) and the Appalachian soldier (Prell). Although they are not necessarily friends nor do they even like each other, they are bound to each other because they are from "The Compny." And the Company had been our family, our only home. Real parents, wives, fiancees did not really exist for us. Not before the fanatical devotion of that loyalty. Crippled, raging, enfeebled, unmanned in a very real sense and hating, hating both sides of our own coin and of every coin, we clung to each other no matter where or how far the hospital, and waited for the smallest morsel of news of the others to filter back to us, and faithfully wrote and mailed the messages that would carry it on to the other brothers. (Jones 1978, 4-5) No one is more devoted to the Company than Prewitt-Witt-Prell. He is not only willing to die for it or with it, he feels a mission (since he knows he is a very good soldier) to look after his brothers. He is a born leader in his world. He has been promoted to corporal and sergeant more than once but is busted repeatedly to private because of his uncompro- Volume Three, 1991 159 �mising nature. But, in the thick of battle on New Georgia he is there, and quickly becomes an acting sergeant again. He knows his business. Prell, in Whistle* is horribly wounded in both legs in the New Georgia campaign by a Japanese machine gun while leading a patrol. Even so he brings his men back safely. For his heroic actions he is nominated for the Congressional Medal of Honor, which he modestly thinks he does not deserve. Stewart, a staff sergeant and platoon leader, was wounded in the Philippines campaign. Leading a patrol, he was shot in the legs by a machine gun, taking some 20 rounds, according to Emory Toms from "F" Company. Raymond Jordan, who was wounded on Guadalcanal and sent home, heard that Stewart was hit by "friendly fire." Doctors wanted to amputate his badly mangled leg, but he refused. The leg did heal, but he limped the rest of his life (Jordan and Toms 1990). Prell's hardest battle is before him in the hospital. His legs are not healing and the doctors fear gangrene. They want to amputate one leg and possibly the other also. Prell will not give permission. His story in Whistle is about the fight for his legs: It was not that Prell was depressed, or defeated, or suicidal. That wasn't Prell's style. . . . Prell was just as mean and ornery as he's ever been. He'd always been a stubborn, proud West Virginia hardhead. . . . There had always been a streak of the heroics-lover in Prell. With his unbending West Virginia pride, Prell was not a gay, carefree laughing-boy type. He was dead responsible and steady, cool calculating. But he was vain to a fault. He took bigger risks than a motorcyle-jockey, wild-assed kind. He had done unbelievable things on the Canal. Like walking all night through the jungle, alone out beyond the lines, to get back to the company which was cut off somewhere a mile up ahead. And he never blinked an eye about it afterwards. (Jones 1978, 37;40) Mess Sergeant Strange observed, "Prell was one of the people who should never be laid up like that. And yet Prell was one of the ones who would always get hurt the worst, and the most often, in his life" (40-49). Landers, the Company Clerk, said, "Well, he's one of the best men our outfit ever had. I guess you know, he saved his whole patrol after he got shot u p . . ."(129). Prell's wounds are excruciating, but he never complains. "Only sheer stubbornness had kept him from crying out a dozen times. But he had made up his mind he was not going to let anybody see him blubbering" (52). Prell hangs on and saves his legs, and he is allowed to, partially 160 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �because the Army doesn't want an amputee receiving the Medal of Honor. His legs begin to heal, his Medal is awarded, and he is chosen to speak at War Bond rallies. They intend to get him a commission. He meets a girl in the hospital and eventually marries her, but she is more in love with the Medal of Honor than with him. His life turns sour. In fact, all four men are doomed. They never recover from the war. M/Sgt. Winch ends up in the psycho ward. Landers, the clerk, and Strange the mess sergeant, commit suicide, and perhaps so does Prell. He is killed by another soldier in a fight he starts in a dingy bar and poolroom. Prell, the soldier's soldier, does not adjust to ordinary society. The character of Prewitt-Witt-Prell is strongly drawn. He comes from a deprived background, the coalfields of Appalachia with its labor strife that often was like a battlefield. He is a proud, stubborn person with his own set of values and principles. He is a person of aesthetics—a guitar player, a superb bugler who will not serve in an outfit that has elevated a lesser bugler to First Bugler, and he has a sense of social justice. He is willing to put up with extreme punishment rather than go back on a promise not to box again, and he is willing to go to the stockade rather than reveal the true reason for his fight with a sergeant. He vows to kill Fatso, the Stockade sergeant, and does, although as he fights Fatso he finds himself "wishing momentarily he had been born a different person . . ." (Jones 1951, 670) How typical of Appalachians is Jones' soldier? There is no question but what Prewitt-Witt-Prell is based on one Appalachian soldier— Stewart—and perhaps to some degree on other mountain boys in the outfit. It is obvious also that he is shaped to a degree by Jones' own values and attitudes. Members of T" Company attributed to Robert Lee Stewart some of the characteristics of the fictional soldier. Bill Curran, who won a commission on New Georgia, said, "Stewart was a damn good soldier" (1990). Frank Grzebinski, a New Yorker, thought that Prewitt in Eternity was about 80 per-cent true of Stewart. "Stewart was a good soldier, but he didn't volunteer any more than anyone else. It wasn't the thing to do. He was a tough little fellow. Prewitt didn't have nearly the character of Stewart" (1990). Frank Marshall, the model for Friday Clark, thought Eternity was about 80 or 90 percent true in regard to the company, although with the facts changed around. "Stewart was a good soldier. He was a tough guy and he could be mean," Marshall added (1990). "Stewart was a typical soldier of the Regular Army," said Raymond Jordan, now of Seminole, Florida. "The only thing he lacked was the normal build of an average man. He was a bantam weight. In his younger days he was a pistol! He had a gum band temper. It would snap, and he was ready to take you on. If he liked you, fine; if he didn't, stay away from him" (Jordan 1990). Volume Three, 1991 161 �Stewart's music was often mentioned by his company-mates. Jones made much of music-making in Eternity. Prewitt's ability with the bugle was an important aspect of the story, but also his guitar playing and singing. Emory Toms and Frank Marshall who played country-western music semi-professionally after the war, fondly remembered the musicmaking in the old company. "We played guitars and drank together," Toms recalled. "He [Stewart] could hold his own playing the guitar. We'd sit on the quadrangle with a bucket of beer and play and sing all night" (Toms, 1 February 1990). Bill Curran said, "Singing was a big deal. We'd get cofffee cans full of beer. We'd do this especially when someone was rotating back to the States. One of the kids wrote The Reenlistment Blues,' and we'd sing that" (Curran 1990). Alice Cornett thought Stewart and George Wilkinson had written the song, but Curran attributed it to one particular person. However, Raymond Jordan said, It came out of the guys sitting around at night. Toms and Stewart and Marshall would sit in the corner of the quadrangle and play and play and play. They played the old-fashioned hill music. One person would start a line, and another would add one. At our Atlanta reunion, Toms and Stewart were so happy. They brought their guitars, baloney, bread and condiments, and they'd just sit there in the hotel room and play. They made a tape which they sent to the rest of us. (Jordan 1990) In real life and through the pages of James Jones' trilogy, Robert Stewart and the fictional Prewitt-Witt-Prell emerge as an Appalachian type. They were a product of a hard and sometimes dangerous life in the coalfields of Central Appalachia, of the Great Depression and of the Regular Army. No doubt Stewart, like Jones' hero, was a good soldier and a complex man. However, it is not true that Prewitt-Witt-Prell, or Appalachians, were sole possessors of the traits that Jones admired. There were other heroes, like Bill Curran of the company, who was awarded the Dinstinguished Service Cross for bravery on Guadalcanal. The two Pennsylvanians Marshall and Toms played the guitar and the bugle, perhaps as well as did Stewart. Jones himself had a lot of the characteristics of Stewart. He was in fights. He went AWOL and ended up in the stockade until he was discharged. The politics attributed to Prewitt-Prell-Witt appear to be as much those of Jones as of Stewart. However, Jones perceived accurately that the attributes of fairmindedness, sympathy for the underdog, passion for social justice, and dogged independence were held to some degree by mountain people. There is a strong perception that southern mountaineers make good soldiers and often heroes. Frank J. Wendsen, First Sergeant of "F" 162 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Company from just after Pearl Harbor through the islands campaigns, said "Kentucky was my pride and joy. They were good soldiers. They'd do or die" (Wendsen 1990). Charles Earlywine, a West Virginian who was communications sergeant for "F" Company through the war, thought the southern mountaineers were exceptional soldiers. "I remember Ivy Jones, just an old hillbilly from North Carolina. He was there anytime you needed him. The Japanese used to cut our telephone lines, and when we went to find the break, they'd ambush us. When I called for volunteers, he say, 'I'll go with you, Earlybird.' He and a Sioux Indian named Russo saved my life many times" (Earlywine 1990). Harry Caudill recently wrote about three Appalachian heroes from World War I, the most notable being East Tennessean Alvin York, who singlehandedly "killed 25 Germans with 25 shots and accepted the surrender of another 132 officers and men" who were in possession of 25 machine guns. Willie Sandlin, of Leslie County, Kentucky, like York, was awarded the Medal of Honor. He, by himself, "assaulted one after the other three entrenched German machine gun nests," with grenades and his rifle, killing all those inside and capturing a battalion headquarters, thus creating a hole in the German lines. Another Kentuckian , Peter McCoy of Pike County was nominated for the Medal of Honor, but was given instead the second highest award, the Distinguished Service Cross, for breaking into a German trench and killing seven of the enemy and capturing 17 more. "At the end of that foray his uniform and the pack on his back had been slashed by an unbelievable 177 bullet holes." Only he and seven others from his company survived. Caudill went on to report that a total of thirteen Kentucky mountaineers have received the Medal of Honor since it was established in 1861 (Caudill 1988). Researchers at East Tennesse State University and the Veterans Administration have made a strong case for Appalachians being good soldiers. Steven Giles, chief psychologist at the Veterans Administration Medical Center at Mountain Home, Tennessee, said, "They chose to be in combat and they were chosen. . . . You can talk to Army officers and they'll tell you they chose Appalachians for point men and for patrols because they felt they were more motivated, more likely to be woods-wise and more familiar with the use of weapons." The result is that they are more likely to be killed in combat. "If you were from Appalachia, you were 50 percent more likely to have been killed in Vietnam," Giles reported. Pat Arnow, of the Center for Appalachian Studies and Services at ETSU, and Bert Allen, a professor of psychology at Milligan College, found that in the Korean War 18 percent of the Medals of Honor went to Appalachian soldiers although they made up only 8 percent of those who fought, and in the Vietnam War, Appalachian soldiers were awarded 13 percent of the Medals of Honor although only 7.3 percent of Volume Three, 1991 163 �the soldiers were from Appalachia" (Waxman 1989). These figures and public perception of Appalachians as good soldiers support James Jones' characterization of Prewitt-Witt-Prell as an ideal soldier. Rodger Cunningham, reviewing Grady McWhiney"s Cracker Culture: Celtic Ways in the Old South (Cunningham 1990,176-82) warns us, however, about applying romantic notions too liberally to Appalachians or other groups , even in admiration, lest we extend the stereotypes that we decry. For example, Jones' belief that Prewitt-Witt-Prell is a type of person who is unable to fit into ordinary society needs further examination. We know that Appalachian people have been able to do all sorts of jobs here and wherever they have migrated. They have adjusted, adapted, and they've done well as thirty-year men in military service, most of it in peacetime. Robert Stewart adjusted to civilian life very well from all accounts. After working briefly in Arizona, he moved to Seattle to be nearer his wife's family. There he worked for an automobile tire wholesaler until he retired. Mrs. Stewart, who is not happy with Jones' portrayal of her husband, is quick to point out that, while "Bob was a gutsy soldier who did not kowtow to anybody, he was highly respected and had no trouble getting along when he came home." She added, "He was the best husband in the world and the best father" (Stewart 1990). Robert Stewart, who died in 1989, and Mrs. Stewart, reared six children. Yet, some Appalachian people have not chosen to become adjusted to mainstream society, but have lived life by their own set of values. Some religious groups, for example the Old Regular Baptist who are especially strong in Robert Stewart's native Letcher County, call themselves "a peculiar people," meaning they do not want to be like other people. Many Appalachians do possess the traits that Jones ascribed to his soldier, and society has not always been effective in dealing with such individualists. Jones saw such people as noble people, nevertheless. To him, organized society has many benefits, but those benefits do not justify the destruction of those with special qualities who do not choose to fit in. Works Cited Caudill, Harry M. 1988. "Hills Have Historically Produced Heroes." The [Whitesburg, Kentucky] Mountain Eagle, 21 September 1988, C3. Cornett, Alice. 1982. "From Kentucky To Eternity." The [Louisville] Courier Journal Sunday Magazine, 18 April 1982, 11-13 and 32-33. Cunningham, Rodger. 1990. "Eat Grits and Die: Or, Cracker, Your Breed Ain't Hermeneutical." Appalachian Journal, 17 (Winter 1990): 176-82. 164 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Curran, Bill. Telephone conversation with author. 5 February 1990. Earlywine, Charles. Telephone conversation with author. 31 January 1990. Grzebinski, Frank. Telephone conversation with author. 2 February 1990. Jones, James. 1951. From Here to Eternity. New York: Charles Scribner's. . 1962. The Thin Red Line. New York: Charles Scribner's. . 1978. Whistle. New York: Delacorte Press. . 1989. To Reach Eternity: The Letters of James Jones. Ed. George Hendrick. New York: Random House. Jordan, Raymond D. Telephone conversation with author. 6 February 1990. Marshall, Frank. Telephone conversation with author. 1 February 1990. Stewart, Mrs. Robert Lee. Telephone conversation with author. 2 February 1990. Toms, Emory "Leo." Telephone conversations with author. 31 January 1990,1 February 1990, and 6 February 1990. Waxman, Leanne. 1989. "Vietnam's Cost Was High for Appalachian Soldiers." The [Louisville] Courier-Journal, 15 March 1989. Wendsen, Frank J. Telephone conversation with author. 5 February 1990. Loyal Jones is director of the Berea College Appalachian Center and is a frequent speaker on Appalachian topics. He has published numerous articles and books. Volume Three, 1991 165 �Southern Gothic and Appalachian Gothic: A Comparative Look at Flannery O'Connor and Cormac McCarthy Louis H. Palmer III In these grotesque works, we find that the writer has made alive some experience which we are not accustomed to observe every day, or which the ordinary man may not experience in his ordinary life, We find that connections which we would expect in the customary kind of realism have been ignored, that there are strange skips and gaps which anyone trying to describe manners and customs would certainly not have left. Yet the characters have an inner coherence, if not always a coherence to their social framework. Their fictional qualities lean away from typical social patterns, toward mystery and the unexpected. —Flannery O'Connor, "Some Aspects of the Grotesque in Southern Fiction" (1979, 40) "Southern Gothic" as a literary category is difficult to pin down. Most readers of southern literature recognize the term, and would be able to associate it with a canon of works of fiction, which would start 166 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �with Foe's The Fall of the House of Usher," continue through some of the more colorful of the local colorists, such as New Orleans' George Washington Cable, and result in modern works by William Faulkner, Carson McCullers, Flannery O'Connor, and others. We find a corresponding group of writers in Appalachian literature, from George Washington Harris' Sut Lovingood stories (which Faulkner acknowledged as an influence) to recent works by Breece D'J Pancake, Pinckney Benedict, Cormac McCarthy, and Lee Smith. In addition, the mountain region has been used as a setting for writers from the lowland South writing in the Gothic mode, a place to stage a journey into the irrational. Dickey's "Chautooga" is direct descendant of Conrad's "Congo." I want to look at two novels, and at the question: Is there a difference? That is, is Appalachian Gothic a sub-group of Southern Gothic? The critic Irwin Malin considers the latter a sub-group of what he calls New American Gothic, which he "charts" in a book of the same name. William Van O'Connor, in an essay entitled The Grotesque: An American Genre," extends the claim to modern literature in general. When he warns that "a frequent, and probably an essential, factor in this newer literature, especially in its more serious manifestations, is that one category tends to erupt inside another category (O'Connor 1962, 18)", he is using Grotesque as the larger category in which Gothic erupts, but the two could be reversed. I want to use Malin's paradigm to deal with the relationship of Southern Gothic to Appalachian Gothic. He defines the Gothic mode in terms of the isolation and narcissism of its protagonists and their antagonistic relations with the primary social unit, the family. Then he explores three reoccurring images or symbols in Gothic literature: the mirror, the voyage, and the house, which reinforce the themes of selflove and rejection of family. In this paper I want to focus these questions and criteria mainly on two novels: a classic of Southern Gothic, Flannery O'Connor's Wise Blood, and a recent novel by an Appalachian author, Cormac McCarthy's Suttree. I have chosen them because of their obvious similarities of setting—the "underside" of Southern urban life in the immediate postwar period—and because they provide some interesting contrasts. I will deal with Malin's themes and symbols as well as with the authors' views of the natural world, and will attempt to show that this treatment is where, in this and other cases, one can distinguish between the two Gothics. In the history of fiction since the Romantic period, there are two distinct strands. Critics love to speak of highbrow, middlebrow, and lowbrow, as if to personify the novel or short story as a product to be aimed at a specific target audience. I find these distinctions to be Volume Three, 1991 167 �euphemistic and inaccurate, a backhanded way to distinguish between the two strands of fiction. Hawthorne distinguished between them as the novel and the romance. On the one hand is the bourgeois tradition of Austen and her descendants, and on the other are Mary Shelley and the Brontes, the sort of literature that Mann had in mind when he called the grotesque "anti-bourgeois." History and the crossing of the Atlantic have led us from a predominance of the first tradition to a predominance of the second. The amusement that Austen lavished on the Gothic mode in Northanger Abbey has been replaced by Faulkner's parody of the bourgoise perspective in "A Rose For Miss Emily." I would argue that both traditions are still alive, however, and that they can be distinguished from one another in basically social terms. The bourgoise tradition is concerned with the preservation of values within a community, with family and tradition, with the necessary sacrifices that the individual makes for the greater social good. Nature, per se and human, is a raw material that needs to be refined. The antibourgoise tradition concerns the individual's quest for value through freedom from and rejection of traditional structures. Nature is a force for change, both within and without the individual. The Gothic, as a mode, can be used to reinforce either perspective, although it lends itself to the anti-bourgoise. Early Gothic fiction, such as Walpole's The Castle of Otranto, concerned the exotic and the supernatural, along with strange deformed characters and violent events. This continued through Poe, but was refined by Hawthorne and Melville and later in James, so that unusual events could be seen as psychological expressions of the protagonist's inner state. By the turn of the present century, the mechanisms of the Gothic could be manipulated to fit into the constraints of realistic or even naturalistic fiction. Now let us take our historical survey to the South, a region divided in many ways, but most obviously into two geographic regions, Mountain and Lowland. These two areas have come to represent many of the same qualities as the two kinds of fiction. Jim Wayne Miller speaks of the mountains as a repository for our dreams and nightmares: fertile soil, obviously, for the Gothic. Mountaineers are supposed to represent a rebellious individuality coupled with bare-bones poverty. The Lowland South is associated with the antebellum myth of the plantation, with its qualities of wealth and family and stability which, despite its dark underbelly, lends itself to a glorification of the traditional. Much of Southern literature comes from the tension between these two geographies, and the associative auras surrounding each. For the purpose of this paper, I will call them "redneck" and "genteel." I do not mean to imply that these two poles of the Southern character actually are geographic. Quite the contrary. Like all contraries, to 168 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �paraphrase Coleridge's expression, they coincide. They do this in any one town, in any one novel, in any one individual character. The fact that Hazel Motes is a poor, white-trash Tennessee redneck places him in this continuum as an outcast, gives him a recognizable location in social and mythic terms. The Gothic apparatus requires the work to focus on one isolated character, whom we understand not only through the basic devices of characterization—what he does, thinks, says, and how others react—but also through mirror-image characters who work as reflections or foils. In Victorian Gothic, this character might be a ghost or supernatural creature, but we seem to require more realistic treatments. The doppelganger in Wise Blood is a contrived creature, but a crucially important one. The house, which someone has identified as the hero of the Gothic novel, has been likewise transformed: Suttree's is a houseboat, while Hazel's is a car. These mobile homes, if you will, also have their 'falls': again at crucial points in the plots. The third Gothic device is the voyage, and both of the protagonists take three of them, all somewhat unsucessful. Much of O'Connor's early work, of which Wise Blood is a central example, takes place in the redneck fringe of the Lowland South. The novel describes Hazel's attempt to escape from his tradition, that of backwoods evangelism. He has no family left, and no desire to create one. He is a rebel against the genteel society of Talkinham. And he is such an individualist that he rejects every offer of love or assistance given to him. Even though O'Connor claims that a character in her kind of fiction has "not always ... coherence to their social framework," at first Hazel does. He sees a car as a ready means of escape. He is quite consistent with street-preacher convention as he preaches his Holy Church Without Christ. He attracts equally dispossessed and redneck followers (although they have their own varied agendas). Despite his stubborn intransigence, he fits into the world of Talkinham's fringe. He is a quintessential redneck rebel, taken to and beyond the logical extreme— unlike the other characters, who are guided by self-interest, he rebels against himself, first symbolically, by murdering his alter ego, then completely, blinding himself and slowly torturing himself until he dies. His strength is in his fierce consistency, in his refusal to compromise. Talkinham's street community is not anti-bourgeois. Each member accepts the values of the society that has disenfranchised him. Asa Hawks wants money, so he pretends to have blinded himself. Enoch Emery wants friends. Sabbath Lily Hawks wants a normal family life, savagely expressed in her maternal treatment of the mummy corpse. The landlady wants more money and a husband, even a strange and Volume Three, 1991 169 �blind one. The false prophet has a family. Hazel is the only one who is so haunted (O'Connor's term) by Christ, or Christ's absence, that he will not compromise. Although she presents it realistically, O'Connor's world is theologically oriented; it is the fallen world. Neither the genteel flocks of moviegoers nor the strange and grotesque fringe dwellers can escape from this fact, so they ignore it. Hazel is the only one with the courage or vision to see it. He tries, twice, to escape, but finds that he cannot. There is no redeeming factor in the bleak countryside. Here is Hazel leaving town: The highway was ragged with filling stations and trailer camps and roadhouses. After a while there were stretches where red gulleys dropped off on either side of the road and behind them were patches of field buttoned together with 666 posts. The sky leaked over all of it and then it began to leak into the car. The head of a string of pigs appeared snout-up over the ditch and he had to screech to a stop and watch the rear of the last pig disappear shaking into the ditch on the other side. He started the car again and went on. He had the feeling that everything he saw was a broken-off piece of some giant blank thing that he had forgotten had happened to him. (O'Connor 1949, 74) These are images of enclosure and limitation. The world is still enclosed within what Blake called "the mundane egg" of the sky. O'Connor presents us with a world, like Blake's, that can be transcended only through the vision that Hazel obtains, paradoxically, through blindness: Hazel's act of self-blinding allows him to escape from the self-blindness the others are trapped in. Unlike the traditional Gothic hero, obsessed with himself and/or a lover and isolated from the world, we see this protagonist's antagonistic relationship to self and to the world, which is just a larger version of the self, as an enclosure to break through to freedom. Hazel is "mirrored" by a series of other characters, genteel and redneck, from Mrs. Wally Bee Hitchcock to the brutal and insensitive policemen who pick him up, dying. The Gothic mansion is one "high, rat-colored car" which is a pulpit, an illusion of freedom, and finally a murder weapon. And the journey begins with Hazel trying to go home, goes through three thwarted escape attempts, and resolves in a true journey 'home', through redemption and death. The family that Hazel rejects is the company of other fallen souls, rejected because of their blindness. O'Connor uses the Gothic apparatus to give us a Christian vision that might be thought to be genteel, insofar as it is Christian, but one that is so demanding it rejects gentility. At their weakest and most depraved, her redneck characters are interesting. 170 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �I will not claim that O'Connor is typical of Southern Gothic. Her vision is too idiosyncratic, her agenda too divergent. In this, she may have more in common with Blake, another visionary oddball, than with Faulkner. Her later work transfers her themes to the more familiar (to her) world of the genteel South, partly, I think, because her depiction of anarchic and rebellious characters led her readers to assume she espoused their views. In later work she looks for the "mystery and the unexpected" (O'Connor 1979, 40) that defined her fiction closer to home. McCarthy's underrated novel, Suttree, shares much with Wise Blood. It takes place during the 1950s in Knoxville—like Talkinham a large industrial Southern town. The hero, Cornelius Suttree, like Hazel, has chosen a life without family. He lives in a shanty houseboat, and makes a meagre living as a fisherman on the Tennessee River. Unlike Motes, he is a college-educated scion of a prominent Knoxville family. Again the book contains a ragged but fascinating band of secondary characters— whores, drunks, ragpickers, 'inverts',—even a young watermelon molester. But McCarthy's language differs radically from O'Connor's. The book is described by Jerome Charyn in a review as a "horrifying flood . . . a poetic, troubled rush of debris" (1979, 15). Long descriptive passages use archaic and Latinate terms that contrast sharply with O'Connor's disciplined prose—except in conversation, where both authors have a definitive control of the colloquial and idiomatic speech. McCarthy has also been accused of disorganization. Again, Jerome Charyn: "[It is]... without that boring neatness and desire for resolution that you can get in any well-made novel" (Charyn, 15), but I would argue that it is as consistent with narrative integrity of Suttree as O'Connor's economy is within Wise Blood. Suttree centers around the river, described here during the flood season: Bearing along garbage and rafted trash, bottles of suncured [sic] glass wherein corollas mauve and gold lie exploded, orangepeels ambered with age. A dead sow pink and bloated and jars and crates and shapes of wood washed into rigid homologues of viscera and empty oilcans locked in eyes of dishing slime where the spectra wink guiltily. One day a dead baby. Bloated, pulpy rotted eyes in a bulbous skull and little rags of flesh like tissuepaper. (McCarthy 1979, 306) McCarthy's narrative organization alternates between floods of description and trickles of conversation, giving a concrete picture of his world and its inhabitants in a picturesque spread. The episodes, like Wise Blood's center around the main character Suttree, with occasional sidetrips to follow his comic sidekick, the 'melonmounter' Gene Volume Three, 1991 171 �Harrowgate. Cornelius Suttree is unlike Hazel Motes in the ability to reflect. In comparison he seems almost passive, falling into situations and relationships as if by accident. Like Motes, he rebels against his past—rejecting and deserting his parents as well as his own wife and child to live an outcast life. But his isolation is never really complete—he becomes responsible, in spite of himself, for helping a series of characters, including Harrowgate. As Anatole Broyard puts it, "People trust Suttree because he does not want anything they've got, he does not compete. He is interested, but he does not judge" (1979). His major motivation seems to be guilt: first, for living when his stillborn twin brother died, then for becoming less than he was expected to be. He visits the scenes of his past, filled with regret—the old decaying mansion, the school, the church. He travels to his son's funeral and fills in the grave by hand while the cemetery staff stand by with a bulldozer. He can be brutally honest with his mother's brother, whom the family have rejected as a drunk, but when his mother visits him in jail, he breaks down: " 'Hopes wrecked, love sundered. See the mother sorrowing. How everything that I was warned of s come to pass. . . . I can't', he said. Hot salt strangled him" (McCarthy 1979, 61). He has rejected his father's advice, "the world is run by those who are willing to take the responsibility for the running of it" (McCarthy, 13), but has internalized his father's image of him: "My case was always doubtful. I was expected to turn out badly" (McCarthy, 19). He is on the river doing a nameless penance, participating in what his father calls: "a dumbshow composed of the helpless and the impotent" (McCarthy, 14). Self-love is not his problem. Suttree's character is mirrored by the many strange denizens of McAnally Flats—a sorceress, a transvestite called Trippin' Through The Dew, Billy Callahan—a shameless, goodnatured bully who takes several hours to die with a bullet between his eyes, and Ab Jones, a black bootlegger, "like a tree" (McCarthy, 202) covered with scars, whose refusal to bow down to authority results in frequent violent fights with the police and his status as a neighborhood hero. Suttree is accepted, but different. Indeed, the toleration of difference is what makes the characters of McAnally Flats different from their genteel counterparts. They may be foul and unhealthy, drunk and profane, but they are rarely deliberately cruel. The police always are. The Gothic elements in the story are profuse. There are many deaths, even though Suttree is allowed to escape. There is a decaying mansion, Suttree's childhood home, but his castle is the houseboat, which, although it does not have the symbolic significance of Hazel's car, seems, like his friends, to suffer when he is gone—one time it almost sinks, another it gains a corpse. The doppelganger theme recurs again 172 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �and again, from Suttree's vision of his dead twin: "He saw his brother in swaddling, hands outheld, a scent of myrrh and lilies" (McCarthy, 113), to two mirror-image possumhunters who appear out of the woods. Suttree's social position between the two worlds brings into being by implication the "Antisuttree" (McCarthy, 28) he glimpses in a glass door—the genteel person he might have been (just as an Antihazel would have been the preacher his grandfather wanted him to be). It is the element of the voyage or journey that is especially significant in this novel. Hazel's three escape attempts, thwarted by the Bible verse on the rock, Sabbath Lily Hawks and the state trooper, offer him nothing apart from what he might have experienced in the city. Suttree's forays are otherwise. They are attempts to come to terms with his life. The first is to his son's funeral, where he fills the grave, gets attacked by his wife's family, and is escorted out of town by the local sheriff. This is an ineffective attempt to deal with his past. The next trip is to the Great Smoky Mountains, where he starts off hiking and ends up u..run[ning] crazy in the woods" (McCarthy, 290), having visions of "some doublegoer, some othersuttree" (McCarthy, 287) and "old spectral revenants armed with rusted tools of war colliding paralactically upon each other" (McCarthy, 287). He is surprised out of this bemusement by a seeming divine intervention: Clouds lay remote and motionless across the evening sky like milk awash in some backwater of the planet's seas and a white woodcock rose from the ferns before him and dissolved in smoke. A curling bit of down cradled in this green light for the sake of my soul's sanity. Unreal and silent bird albified between the sun and my broken mind godspeed. (McCarthy, 291) This death-and-rebirth ordeal left him ready for his third trip, up the river with a family of mussel gatherers. He becomes involved with the daughter, but when she is killed by a rockslide he returns to the city. The mountain trip is transformative. He is no longer obsessed with his twin or his former family, and so the attempt to become a family member, although it is a redneck family. After this he falls in with a whore, and lives well on her earnings. But the essential instability of this relationship finally throws it off balance, and at the end we see a corpse in Suttree's houseboat—the old Suttree? the past? the twin?—and Suttree leaves his town of ghosts and dependents for parts unknown. He has done his time in hell. The world of nature, as McCarthy presents it, is different in kind from the world of men. Represented by the river and by the mountains, it is a powerful and transformative force, which can be deadly, but which Volume Three, 1991 173 �can have a positive effect on those who come into contact with it. This is the major difference between the worlds of these two novels. Suttree depicts a fallen world, but it is the human world, human structures, human relationships, that are flawed, and human effort can find "...vengeances for the wrongs of the world" (McCarthy, 290). Suttree's vocation, fishing, is in concert with that world, and being alone with nature gives him strength. This seems to be characteristic of Appalachian Gothic literature in general—the Romantic belief in the essential innocence and purity of nature, contrasted with the depravity of humans. Finally, I can't resist pointing out the similarity of the two humorous 'sidekick' characters, Enoch Emery and Gene Harrowgate. Who says the novel hasn't learned from the movies? O'Connor dismisses her secondary character as "a moron and chiefly a comic character" (O'Connor 1979, 116), but he functions dramatically as a foil to Hazel, compelled by a need to belong that is so strong he finally puts on a gorilla suit. He becomes less than human just as Hazel attempts to become more than human. Harrowgate has a similar function in Suttree, providing both comic relief and a character who—in contrast to Suttree—does not reflect on his lot, just on schemes by which he can better it. He exists on a level of basic gratifications. Both secondary characters are endearing in their depravities, for example, when Harrowgate quizzes Suttree on the niceties of seduction: "How do you get em to take off their clothes? That's what I'd by god like to know." "You take them off." "Yeah? Well what does she do when you're doin that? I mean hell, does she look out the winder or somethin? I don't understand it at all Sut. The whole thing seems uneasy to me." (McCarthy, 316) Much of the humor comes from the reaction of other characters to these two, such as when a bartender compliments Harrowgate on his shirt, which is an inverted pair of shorts with the seam ripped out, or when Enoch observes that he: "...was not very fond of children but children always seemed to like to look at him" (O'Connor 1949, 177). Both characters distort the genteel idea of enlightened self-interest. I read Enoch's gorilla suit as a parody of the naturalistic novel's social Darwinism. The defining characteristic of the Gothic hero, according to Malin, is self-love or narcissism. Neither Suttree nor Hazel fit this definition. They are defined by contrast to a series of characters blinded by selflove. Both are self-willed and stubborn, and both choose exile from and 174 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �confrontation with the representatives of genteel society. Perhaps this is an inversion of values from the traditional Gothic novel, or perhaps it is historic—do we not now generally identify the genteel with the narcissistic? These novels do. Both novels can be interpreted in Christian terms, or at least as chronicles of spiritual growth. The operation of grace is, as O'Connor claims, a mystery, and each protagonist comes into contact with that mystery in the course of the novel. Both go through trials and penance, time done to justify a purpose higher than the individual self. The primary differences between the two concern the geography of the imagined world—its open or closed quality, and they differ in their interpretation of the state of nature rather than that of man. O'Connor writes: "The novelist is required to create the illusion of a whole world with believable people in it, and the chief difference between the novelist who is an orthodox Christian and the novelist who is merely a naturalist is that the Christian novelist lives in a larger universe" (O'Connor 1979, 175). I have no idea whether McCarthy considers himself to be an orthodox Christian—but I think it is obvious that Suttree inhabits the larger universe. Here Suttree speaks to "any soul to listen": No final word? Last words are only words. You can tell me, paradigm of your own sinister genesis construed by a flame in a glass bell. I'd say I was not unhappy. You have nothing. It may be that the last shall be first. Do you believe that? No. What do you believe? I believe that the last and the first suffer equally. Pari passu. Equally? It is not alone in the dark of death that all souls are one soul. (McCarthy, 414) Works Cited Broyard, Anatole. 1979. "Where All Tales Are Tall." New York Times. 20 January 1979. Charyn, Jerome. 1979. "Doomed Huck." New York Times Book Review. 18 February 1979, 14-15. Volume Three, 1991 175 �Malin, Irving. 1962. New American Gothic. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. McCarthy, Cormac. 1979. Suttree. New York: Random House. O'Connor, William Van. 1962. The Grotesque: An American Genre. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. O'Connor, Flannery. 1949. Wise Blood. New York: Farrar, Strauss, and Giroux. 1979. Mystery and Manners. Eds. Robert and Sally Fitzgerald. New York: Farrar, Strauss, and Giroux. Tersh Palmer is completing a master's degree in English at Appalachian State University. His thesis is on Cormac McCarthy. He taught in public schools for thirteen years. 176 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �The Roots of Appalachian English: Scotch-Irish or British Southern? Michael Montgomery In the popular television series The Story of English and the resulting best-selling book (McCrum et al. 1986), the idea of tracing varieties of American English back to the British Isles has recently renewed attention. One episode of the series, A Muse of Fire, featured a New Englander dropping in on an East Anglian pub, purportedly in search of the speech patterns of his Puritan ancestors. A later show, The Quid Scots Tongue, examined the English of Scotland, exemplified by a Scotsman reading from William Lorimer's 1983 translation of the New Testament into Scottish English. In the course of an hour this program made the case for how the language of Lowland Scotland and Northern Ireland evolved into the English used today by North Carolina's denizen mountaineers, those latter-day descendants of hardy "Scotch-Irish" frontiersmen, and even into the Citizens Band Radio slang of longdistance truck drivers.1 American linguistic scholars have long been interested in exploring the roots of American English in the British Isles, notably in the early days of the well-known Linguistic Atlas of the United States and Canada project in the 1930s and 40s (Kurath 1929, 1949).2 But for a variety of reasons the progress of the Linguistic Atlas has been slow, and in recent decades linguists working on the project have had little to say about tracing these connections, as it has become clear that more than was originally foreseen is required to pin them down.3 Determining whether, and to what extent, Appalachian speech may Volume Three, 1991 177 �be linked to the British Isles has been part of larger questions of drawing specific trans-Atlantic connections ever since the late nineteenth century, with commentators variously labeling the region's language as "Scotch-Irish," "British," "Elizabethan English," or the like. Yet, while folklorists and historians have made significant progress in describing the diffusion of cultural patterns into Appalachia, for language patterns this has hardly been the case for either the Linguistic Atlas or any other effort to date. For decades, hosts of researchers and collectors have prowled the hills of southern Appalachia to study the spread of Scottish, Irish, and English traits and to capture the echoes of early American immigrants in song, in story, and in voice. One early example was the Englishman Cecil Sharp, who sought child ballads in Eastern Kentucky in 1916 and 1917 with his assistant Maud Karpeles (Sharp 1932). Many others could easily be cited. One of the most recent efforts is that of Civil War historian Grady McWhiney, who, in Cracker Culture: Celtic Ways of the Old South (1988), has claimed that such personality traits as hospitableness, love of leisure, propensity for violent behavior, and aversion to work were carried over from Ireland, Scotland, and the "Celtic Fringe" areas of the British Isles to the American South as a whole and were significantly reinforced to steer the "Celtic" South onto a collision course with the "English" North, most of whose early immigrants came from the south and east of Britain, in that fateful year of 1861. Closer to home, many authorities within Appalachia, such as John C. Campbell (1921), Josiah Combs (1943), and Gratis Williams (1961), the latter two native to the region, have devoted a good deal of energy to untying the early settlement patterns in an effort to determine the collective genealogy of the region's inhabitants, and to assess the relative proportions of Scotch-Irish, English, and German population groups in the region. To do this, Campbell and Combs examined patterns of surnames, Campbell of 1,200 old families from the Kentucky, Tennessee, and North Carolina mountain areas and Combs of his Eastern Kentucky schoolchildren from local families. Campbell (65) found equal portions of English and Scotch-Irish, while Combs' smaller sample included predominantly English names. 4 One explicit purpose of such efforts was, in addition to the straightforward calculation of national stocks in Appalachia, to temper the extravagant statements about how the Scotch-Irish almost single-handedly settled and subdued the frontier, statements being made around the turn of the twentieth century by such writers as Theodore Roosevelt in The Winning of the West. But an implicit goal, for Campbell and Williams, was to provide, by exploring the history of the region, a cultural identity for the people of Appalachia—an identity connected directly to Old World forebears—in the face of a prevailing 178 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �national view that saw the region in negative terms, having little culture and an unflattering history. Of course, this goal of cultural affirmation also has been held by many of the ballad-collectors and other researchers who have written about the region. The Lack of Research However, despite much work by folklorists and cultural historians to identify the formative immigrant groups of Appalachia and to itemize their contributions, and despite the assumption that the same should be possible for language, it is a fact that there has yet to be a systematic effort to make the language connection to regional varieties of British English. The Linguistic Atlas has, for better or worse, spent its energy largely on mapping individual words and has never developed a framework for making a comparison. As a result, only impressionistic, cursory statements have been made, and we are hardly any closer than a half century ago to an objective determination of the extent to which the distinctive features of Appalachian speech are from Scotch-Irish settlers or from English settlers coming from southern Britain—the basic research question of this paper. Gratis Williams often claimed that they were the former, but others have more often claimed the latter, producing the familiar statement that Appalachian English is "Elizabethan." Neither Williams nor anyone else, including linguistic scholars, has yet attempted the careful sorting out of the major strands woven together into Appalachian English and to calculate more precisely the significance of each one.6 The present paper, an initial report of a much larger effort to explore the history of Appalachian English, examines a range of grammatical features that have been noted in the literature as characteristic of Appalachian speech. This is an attempt to identify which are most likely Scotch-Irish and which are English (very little, if any, German influence on Appalachian grammar turns out to be detectable), and to compare the relative significance of these two linguistic ancestries. The Scope of the Challenge Before continuing, it is necessary to say a few things about the scope and significance of such a project. Why, despite frequent comments in the literature, has a concerted assessment of the relative linguistic contributions of the aforementioned groups not been undertaken, especially given the keen interest over the past century in determining the ancestry of Appalachian people? There are basically two reasons for this. Volume Three, 1991 179 �First is a problem of knowledge and sources. American researchers tend to know quite little about the earlier stages of English spoken in Scotland and Northern Ireland (the general familiarity with the writings of Shakespeare and his contemporaries has no doubt led many writers to believe that Appalachian English is more "Elizabethan" than it actually is). Very few, if any, of those who have written on Appalachian speech are acquainted with the fact that there is not one, but two multi-volume historical dictionaries of Scottish English, the Scottish National Dictionary (Grant and Murison 1931-84) and the Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue (Craigie and Aitken 1933- ). The question at hand cannot be addressed by using the Oxford English Dictionary, the bestknown and most comprehensive historical dictionary of the language, because its coverage of non-literary and regional varieties of English is quite limited. All historical dictionaries, moreover, have built-in handicaps; they are only as good as their written citation files, and they are heavily biased toward literary language, offering little direct evidence on the speech patterns of the common people. Also, they suffer from the problem of negative evidence; that is, while we may discover from the entry of a word in a dictionary when and where that word was used, we cannot necessarily conclude from the absence of a word that it did not exist, or from the absence of a citation that a word was not used at a certain time and place. Thus, it is necessary to go beyond dictionaries and to consult other types of material—linguistic studies and the original sources themselves. An extensive literature on Scottish English does exist, although it is largely tucked away in the nooks of major British libraries and no good bibliography yet exists. The problem for the English language of Northern Ireland is compounded by the problem that most of the few studies that have been done are unpublished.6 The second reason why such an assessment has not been achieved is that previous claims that Appalachian English was basically "ScotchIrish" or basically "Elizabethan" lacked a methodology for making a determination. The present paper draws on an extended research effort to identify the roots of Appalachian English, an effort that uses, as well as a wide range of reference works on American and British English 7 , primary sources (local dictionaries and archival material from the 17th and 18th centuries, and consultations with local authorities in both Northern Ireland and Scotland). It bases the comparison of Appalachian English and Scotch-Irish English on a variety of sources not used heretofore by American linguists. As far as the Appalachian material is concerned, the published resources have recently been marshaled in an annotated bibliography 180 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �(McMillan and Montgomery 1989), and unparalleled unpublished resources (e.g. Joseph Hall's recordings of Smoky Mountain speech from the 1930s) are now being used to fill in the gaps between present-day Appalachian English and the language of the immigrant period (Montgomery and Hall, in progress). In short, for the first time the research tools and materials are available to address the question of the ancestry of distinctive Appalachian speech patterns in a valid way. This project uses principles of historical linguistics that establish linguistic and sociolinguistic standards by which individual features may be judged as deriving from one part of the British Isles or another (Montgomery 1989a). Thus, it offers a principled basis for saying whether a feature like a-prefixing (in "that bear come a-runnin at me") is Scotch-Irish, Southern British, German, or none of these. From the comparison undertaken in this paper, we can state much more precisely how "Elizabethan" and how "Scotch-Irish" Appalachian English is than has been the case before now. This paper focuses on grammatical features rather than on vocabulary or pronunciation. Grammar has been shown by linguists to be "deeper" in a language and more resistant to change, at least rapid change, than the vocabulary and pronunciation of a language. Because grammatical features and forms usually exist in relation to one another and participate in certain systems like the expression of verb tense or noun plurality, this makes them more likely to preserve traceable elements. By comparison, vocabulary is much more easily and quickly borrowed across languages and dialects. Pronunciation is also less stable, as linguists have shown; even in isolated communities it continually evolves according to the social dynamics of the speakers. Grammatical features have two further advantages: they can be clearly determined from old written documents, and they are quantifiable. Beyond the motivation for undertaking this study—to pin down the ancestry of Appalachian language patterns—lies an important and more general linguistic question of whether an assessment can be made. The most common view in American dialect studies is that features distinctive to one British dialect or another were probably brought to the American colonies, but they were more or less leveled out and lost in the colonial period. Thus a few items, it is thought, may have lingered on as "colonial lags" but most distinctive grammatical patterns in American English represent general patterns of rural and old-fashioned speech that have been inherited from the folk speech of Britain and were to be found throughout much of the U.S. in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, at least for the white population. In other words, historians of American English are generally skeptical about how many older elements of specific British dialects have been preserved in the U.S., and Volume Three, 1991 181 �especially about how many of these elements have been confined to a specific region of North America such as Appalachia. Thus, to linguists, undertaking the comparison discussed here and as a result answering the questions about the roots of Appalachian English will do at least three things: a) tell us about processes of dialect migration, contact, and change; b) show us how individual features of American English have evolved from their Old World progenitors; and c) fill in the gaps in the evolution of American English, particularly in the colonial period. Methodology We turn now to the grammatical data, which are assembled (with examples) in a list in the appendix to give the broadest view of characteristic Appalachian grammatical features. These forty features, listed by part of speech, are the primary items examined in this project so far. A "characteristic Appalachian grammatical feature" is a grammatical structure or category whose occurrence is more or less limited to the Appalachian or to the Midland territory (as defined by Kurath 1949, 27) or which occurs to a significantly higher degree in these regions than anywhere else in the U.S. Not every feature in this list is unique to the region (in fact, a number of features discussed in studies of Appalachian English are also characteristic of older-fashioned American English in general, such as blowed and growed as past-tense forms). It is also not argued that all forty features are used by all Appalachian speakers or are found throughout Appalachia. Many of them are quite rare, many others definitely recessive, but all have been identified in the literature by several sources as occurring in the southern mountain region.8 Using the published and unpublished resources cited earlier, a determination has been made, for each feature, as to whether its historical currency in Britain was general or limited to a region of the British Isles. The designation "Scotch-Irish" is applied to features either unique to Ulter or traceable to Scotland but not attested in England. "Southern British" refers to a feature attested in England but not in Scotland or Ulter. Space limitations prevent the explication of more than three individual features. Feature Al, the suffix -S, which is common in Appalachian English on present-tense verbs after plural nouns {people knows) but does not occur on present-tense verbs after plural personal pronouns (they know), has historically been limited to Scottish and northern British speech, and by extension to the English of Northern Ireland. In the present day, so far as an exhaustive search of the literature shows (Montgomery 1989a), it occurs with frequency only in Appalachian 182 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �speech. Much the same can be said for feature A4, multiple modal verbs (Montgomery 1989b) such as might would, might can, may would, and might should ought to; although these are not documented in Scottish English until the mid-18th century and in American English not until the mid-19th century, they are or have been attested only in Scotland and Northumbria in Britain, in Northern Ireland, and in mid-Atlantic and southeastern regions of the United States. Like the plural -s suffix for verbs, multiple modals are indisputably a Scotch-Irish feature. Feature A6, a-prefixing, is historically almost unknown in Scottish English outside ballad style, while in southern Britain it was a feature of folk speech for centuries; in the U.S., its use is now largely confined to Appalachia and to the Ozarks, the latter a cultural area largely derived from Appalachia. This is thus classified as a southern British feature. The detailed investigation of the origin and history of each of the forty features shows the following results: 1) Seventeen are Scotch-Irish: Al, A4, A7, A9, A10, B1-B4, B8, D3-5, E2, E4, Fl, F5. 2) Four are southern British: A2, A6, B5, C2. 3) Thirteen are general British: A5, B6, B7, B9-B11, Cl, D2, D6, El, E5, F3, F4. 4) Six are of uncertain origin (i.e., dictionaries and other reference works provide no information): A3, A8, B12, Dl, E3, F2. From this, perhaps the broadest, point of view, two things are clear: 1) the Scotch-Irish contribution to the grammar of Appalachian English significantly outweighs the southern British contribution and appears to be much more responsible for the grammatical features distinguishing Appalachian English today; 2) many grammatical features were shared by both major immigrant groups that settled in Appalachia. This compilation views each of the forty grammatical features as equal in significance and level of structure. Another way to classify these forty features is according to five types of grammatical structures: 1) inflectional forms (word endings): Al, A2, B5, Cl, C2, one of Scotch-Irish, three of southern British, and one of general British origin. 2) word order patterns (the combination of two or more words in a distinct way): A4, A8, A9, A10, B4, BIO, Dl, E4, Fl, F2, six of Scotch-Irish, none of southern British, one of general British, and three of questionable origin. 3) categorical differences (involving a grammatical category not found in other dialects; often a familiar form such as done is employed in a way unfamiliar to other dialects): A3, A5, A6, A7, Volume Three, 1991 183 �Bl, B2, B7: three of Scotch-Irish, one of southern British, two of general British, and one of questionable origin. 4) morphological forms varying from other dialects: B3, B6, B8, Bll, B12, two of Scotch-Irish, none of southern British, two of general British, and one of questionable origin, 5) function words (preposition, adverbs, and conjunctions whose function is to relate other words or elements in a clause to one another): B9, D2, D3, D4, D5, D6, El, E2, E3, E5, F3, F4, F5, five of Scotch-Irish, none of southern British, seven of general British, and one of questionable origin. Discussion and Conclusions Scotch-Irish English has contributed to Appalachian English in all categories of grammatical features. This is particularly true for word order patterns (like A4, "We might should go on," and AlO, That boy needsjaught a lesson") and function words (like D4, till, and D, "wait on"). Only four items (A6, a-prefixing, and three inflectional features— the long plural in nouns like posies (C2), pronouns in-n like hern (B5), and regularized past-tense forms like blowed (A2) can be traced back specifically to southern Britain and have been current in neither Scotland nor northern Britain. Although this might suggest a minimal contribution from southern British English, we must remember that southern Britain and Scotland shared seven grammatical features that are now identified as Appalachian, including liked to (A5) and the ethical dative (B8). Moreover, the majority of grammatical features—the hundreds not in our tables—are also shared. Of particular note is that many of the Scotch-Irish features are now general Southern, indicating they spread throughout the South: multiple modals such as might could, perfective helping verb done, pronoun y'all, and preposition till, among others. Doubtless this is because they were carried into the lower South by Scotch-Irish who came directly to Charleston and Savannah, as well as by descendents of the earlier backcountry and piedmont Scotch-Irish. Settlers were constantly on the move, looking for their "main chance," often crisscrossing each other's paths as they sought a better situation. Not only do dialect forms often not confine themselves to one area for very long; more importantly, they take lives of their own, migrating according to such social factors as prestige, status, and so on. While it is not very often that we can document the migration of speech forms before the modern age of audio recordings, an unusual emigration of southerners in the postbellum period allows us to verify the spread of such grammatical patterns as the combination of modal 184 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �verbs like might could, and pronunciation tendencies as the identical sounding of pen and pin. Specifically, in the decade following the Civil War, around twenty thousand ex-Confederate Americans from the lower South (mainly from Texas, Georgia, and Alabama) who decided they could not tolerate living in the reunited United States moved to Brazil. Their descendents today, while bilingual, continue to speak English with a distinct southern accent; they have no recognition of might could, nor do they ever pronounce ten as tin (Montgomery and Melo 1989; Bailey and Smith 1989). These upper South/Appalachian linguistic features must have spread into the lower South after the ex-Confederates left, later in the 19th or early in the t20th centuries. Thus for speech patterns Appalachia is demonstrably a part of the South—a region within a region. Our analysis and discussion have focused on tracing connections in grammatical patterns between Appalachian English and varieties of British English. Such an effort even at a relatively shallow time depth of less than three hundred years obviously faces a number of analytical and documentary challenges that the current investigation has tried to meet through consulting an exhaustive range of published and unpublished sources. By comparison, previous attempts to make the connection have been small-scale, unsystematic, and tentative. If we assume the relative homogeneity of what we have been calling Scotch-Irish English and Appalachian English and if we assume the correct identification and comparison of grammatical forms in context from our work with dictionaries and grammars, local linguistic literature, original documents, and consultation with local observers, we can posit a strong link in the grammatical systems of Scotch-Irish English and Appalachian English, a link that extends across a range of types of grammatical features. Moreover, we can see some of the outlines of how Scotch-Irish English extended into the lower South. It is hoped that these results will be relevant not only to linguists, but also to cultural geographers, historians, folklorists, and other scholars concerned with the diffusion of Old World patterns into the New World. It may just be possible, as a result of the type of research outlined and begun here, that we will finally be able to say how "Elizabethan" or "Scotch-Irish" Appalachian English in fact is. Volume Three, 1991 185 �Appendix: Appalachian Grammatical Features A. Verbs 1. Third Plural -S (including IS) with Noun Subjects but not with Pronoun Subjects: People knows vs. They know; People is vs. They are. 2. Regularized Past - ED in BLOWED, THROWED, etc.: Who blowed up the churchhouse? 3. GET TO/GO TO ( = BEGIN TO): Just after he left, the roof went to leaking again; We got to laughing and giggling. 4. Multiple Modal Verbs: We might should break the bad news to him. 5. LIKED TO ( = ALMOST): I got lost and liked to never found my way out. 6. A-prefixing: All of a sudden that bear come a-runnin' at me. 7. Perfective DONE: They have done landed in jail again. 8. Preposed USED TO: Used to Pa wouldn't have done a thing like that. 9. USED TO + WOULD, COULD: I can't do it now but I used to could. 10. NEED + Past Participle: That boy needs taught a lesson. B. Pronouns 1. VALL/YOU ALL: Can y'all I you all give me a hand with this load? 2. YOtrUNS/WE'UNS, etc.: You'uns come down with me. 3. YOU/YE variation: I told ye to keep away from there. 4. Combinations with ALL: You-all, we-all, us-all, they-all, who-all, what-all, where-all, why-all, ye-all, you-all's, your-all's. 5. HISN/HERN/THEIRN/OURN/YOURN: I didn't like that look of hern. 6. HISSELF/THEIRSELVES: You can meet Mister Jones hisself. 7. Ethical Dative: I bought me a dog. 186 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �8. THEY existential ( = There): They'a about five people in that house. 9. IT existential: It's many people that think so, 10. Deletion of Subject Relative Pronoun: They's about five people 'o could have done it. 11. HIT ( = IT): Hifs a long time since I tasted it. 12. EVERWHAT/EVERWHICH/EVERWHO: Ever who was here sure left in a hurry. C. Nouns 1. Zero Plural after Quantifier: five bushel, many mile away. 2. Syllabic Plural after SP, ST, SK: postes, nestes, waspes, deskes. D. Prepositions 1. Compounding: Come out from up under the table; Cal, ain't you a-going across down over to Rose's? 2. ANENT ( = OPPOSITE, NEARBY): He was layin' the road anent the springhouse. 3. FORNENT/FERNENT ( = AGAINST, NEXT TO): It's over fernent the wall. 4. TILL ( = TO): It's quarter till five. 5. WAIT ON ( = WAIT FOR): Would you mind waiting on me? 6. AGAIN/AGAINST ( = BEFORE, BY THE TIME THAT): Shell be back again five o'clock. E. Conjunctions: 1. AGAIN/AGAINST ( = BEFORE, BY THE TIME THAT): 111 be ready again you are. 2. WHENEVER ( = AT THE TIME THAT OR AS SOON AS): Whenever I was young, people didn't do that; Whenever I heard about them, I bought one right away. Volume Three, 1991 187 �3. TILL ( = SO THAT): They . . . got 'em in a good jail there till the mob can't get 'em (Jesse Stuart). 4. AND in Absolute Phrases: They all wore mother hubbard dresses, and them loose. 5. NOR ( = THAN): He's better nor you. F. Adverbs 1. Positive ANYMORE: It's a pretty skilled job anymore. 2. ALL THE FAR ( = AS FAR AS): That's all the far I want to go. 3. RIGHT (intensifier): It's right airish this morning. 4. YONDER: That's my field down yonder. 5. YAN: Snakes was everywhere going here andean. Notes 1 The research on which this paper is based was supported in part by travel grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Southern Regional Education Board and by a Research and Productive Scholarship grant from the University of South Carolina. The author would especially like to thank A. J. Aitken, John Kirk, Caroline Macafee, and Philip Robinson for their advice and observations on Scottish and northern Irish English. Any errors of interpretation, however, are strictly those of the author of this paper. 2 Three branches of the atlas cover states within Appalachia: the Linguistic Atlas of the Middle and South Atlantic States (North Carolina, Virginia, and West Virginia), the Linguistic Atlas of the Gulf States (Georgia, Tennessee, and Alabama), and the Linguistic Atlas of the North Central States (Kentucky). 3 One might compare Kurath (1949), whose first chapter, "The English of the Eastern States: a Perspective" (1-10), focuses in detail on British and Continental European sources of American vocabulary with Carver (1987), a work comparable in scope written a generation later. Carver has almost nothing to say about such sources. •These calculations have questionable reliability. Surnames often reveal nothing about ancestry. Among other problems, as Campbell states, is the fact 188 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �that many English names have been used by the Irish or the Scottish for centuries. 'The only exceptions to this are two brief studies by Wylene Dial (1969) in West Virginia and Alan Crozier (1984) in Western Pennsylvania. 8 A trove of these is on deposit at the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum at Cultra Manor, Holywood, County Down, Northern Ireland. 'Carver (1987), Cassidy (1985), Craigie and Aitken (1933- ), Feagin (1979), Grant and Murison (1931-84), Hall (n.d.), Hunter (1925), Jesperson (1954), McDavid (1958), Visser (1970), Wentworth (1944), Wilson (1952), Wolfram and Christian (1976). "It must be emphasized that these assessments reflect information from reference works (dictionaries, historical grammars, etc.) and original documents. They are only as reliable as the sources on which they are based and cannot be claimed to be definitive. As stated earlier in this paper, reference works do not give negative information on whether a certain form does not occur at a particular time and place. While the number and range of sources from which information is drawn enhances the reliability of assignment of features to categories according to origin, for some forms (such as get to and go to meaning "begin to") no information has been found on the regional demarcations either in Britain or in America. They are included in this assessment because they are quite common in Appalachian speech, are discussed in studies of Appalachian speech, and are apparently not widely found in rural and old-fashioned speech elsewhere in the U.S. In some cases the classification of grammatical features has a degree of subjectivity, but grammatical forms widely used throughout the U.S. are excluded even if common in Appalachia. These include ain't, the combination of objective pronouns (e.g., me and him) used as a subject, the use of was with plural subjects (they was, etc.), and a number of others. Works Cited Bailey, Guy, and Clyde Smith. 1989. Southern English in Brazil. Campbell, John C. 1921. The Southern Highlander and his Homeland. Reprinted in 1969. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. Carver, Craig M. 1987. American Regional Dialects: A Word Geography. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Cassidy, Frederic, ed. 1985. Dictionary of American Regional English. Volume 1, A-C. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Combs, Josiah. 1943. The Kentucky Highlands from a Native Mountaineer's Viewpoint. Lexington, Kentucky: J. L. Richardson. Volume Three, 1991 189 �Craigie, William and A. J. Aitken, eds. 1933- . A Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue: From the Twelfth Century to the End of the Seventeenth. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Crozier, Alan. 1984. "The Scotch-Irish Influence on American English." American Speech 59: 310-331. Dial, Wylene. 1969. "The Dialect of the Appalachian People," West Virginia History 30: 463-471. Feagin, Crawford. 1979. Variation and Change in Alabama English: A Sociolinguistic Study of the White Community. Washington: Georgetown University Press. Grant, William and David Murison, eds. 1931-84. The Scottish National Dictionary. Edinburgh: Scottish National Dictionary Association. Hall, Joan B. n.d. [DARE items labeled "Appalachian," "Scottish," or "Irish"]. Hall, Joseph S. 1942. The Phonetics of Great Smoky Mountains Speech," American Speech 17: part 2. Hunter, Edwin R. 1925. The American Colloquial Idiom, 1830-1860. Chicago: University of Chicago dissertation. Jesperson, Otto. 1954. A Modern Grammar on Historical Principles. 7 vols. London: Allen and Unwin. Kurath, Hans. 1929. "The Conference on a Linguistic Atlas of the United States and Canada," Bulletin of the Linguistic Society of America 4: 20-47. 1949. A Word Geography of the Eastern United States. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Lorimer, William L., translator. 1983. The New Testament in Scots. Harmondsworth: Penguin. McCrum, Robert, et al. 1986. The Story of English. New York: Viking. McDavid, Raven I. 1958. The Dialects of American English. The Structure of American English, by W. Nelson Francis: 480-543. New York: Ronald Press. McMillan, James B. and Michael Montgomery, eds. 1989. Annotated Bibliography of Southern American English. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. 190 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �McWhiney, Grady. 1988. Cracker Culture: Celtic Ways of the Old South. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. Montgomery, Michael. 1989a. "Exploring the Roots of Appalachian English," English World-Wide 10: 227-78. . 1989b. "Multiple Modals and the Linguistic Atlas of the Gulf States." Paper read at the Forty-first meeting of the Southeastern Conference on Linguistics, Atlanta. Montgomery, Michael, and Cecil Melo. 1989. "The Phonology of the Lost Cause." Montgomery, Michael and Joseph S. Hall. In progress. "The Grammar of Smoky Mountain English." Sharp, Cecil J. 1932. English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. Ed. Maud Karpeles. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Visser, P. Th. 1970. An Historical Syntax of the English Language. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Wentworth, Harold, ed. 1944. American Dialect Dictionary. New York: Crowell. Williams, Gratis. 1961. The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction. New York: New York University dissertation. Wilson, George P., ed. 1952. Folk speech. The Frank C. Brown collection of North Carolina folklore. Durham: Duke University Press. Wolfram, Walt and Donna Christian. 1976. Appalachian Speech. Arlington, Va.: Center for Applied Linguistics. Michael Montgomery is Associate Professor of English and Linguistics at the University of South Carolina in Columbia. He was Contributing Editor for the "Language" section of the Encyclopedia of Southern Culture. He is working on two books on Smoky Mountain English and plans a book examining the linguistic connections between Scotland, Ireland, and Appalachia. Volume Three, 1991 191 �"Shall We Teach 'Em or Learn 'Em?" Attitudes Toward Language in Appalachian Children's Literature Roberta T. Herrin In Kenneth Grahame's British children's classic The Wind in the Willows, a scene develops where Badger, Rat, Mole, and Mr. Toad plan to oust the stoats and weasels from Toad Hall. Mr. Toad "picked up a stout stick and swung it vigorously, belabouring imaginary animals. Til learn 'em to steal my house!' he cried. 'I'll learn 'em, I'll learn 'em!"5 He is immediately chastised by Rat: "Don't say 'learn 'em,' Toad.. . . It's not good English." Badger counters with, "But we don't want to teach 'em. . . . We want to learn 'em—learn 'em, learn 'em!" (Grahame 1969, 197). Such discussions are common among characters in classic children's books — Peter Pan, Little Women, Anne of Green Gables, Alice's Adventures in Wonderland. If concern for language propriety is so common in classic children's books, what about Appalachian children's literature where dialect and "nonstandard" features are so prominent? My reading of dozens of Appalachian children's books—only eight of which are treated here—has produced three major observations: The first is that false representations of Appalachian speech abound in children's books. The second is that, in spite of these misrepresentations, two cultural phenomena are accurately demonstrated—assimilation and isolation. The third observation is that the language features 192 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �most often singled out—might could, for example—are the common ones which purists and schoolmarms have sought to stamp out for decades with no success. Of all the phony depictions of Appalachians and their speech, the most ridiculous is Beverly Courtney Crook's 1978 novel, Fair Annie of Ole Mule Hollow, set in 1965 on the West Virginia-Kentucky border. Fair Annie has never been out of the hollow, has never ridden in a car or seen a building taller than one story, doesn't know what a traffic light or an elevator is. Yet, she is a bright girl with an eighth-grade education, and she aspires to be a lawyer. Immediately, in the first few pages of the novel, the reader is assaulted by the difference between her speech and her brother's: Sweet William teases her, "Yore spendin' so much time with them pigs, yore beginnin' to look like "em." Her prim retort is astounding: "They're still prettier than any of your girlfriends! You could kiss one of my pigs and not know the difference" (Crook 1978, 3). Fair Annie has been singled out by her father as the only child to get some "learnin." According to Pa, "Somebody in this family's got to keep ahead of the govermint and all them papers they're a-wantin' you to sign. . . . Might sign the wrong ones if you cain't rightly read. And somebody's got to talk good, too. That lights a fire under them govermint people . . ." (Crook,5). Pa is adamant about Fair Annie's education: "Nary bug-brained boy's goin' to bust up your schoolin' " (4). Beverly Crook never addresses the issue of how Fair Annie learns to talk "proper" or where she gets her instruction. It is a simple, accepted fact that her language is grammatically correct, free of dialect features, and good enough to deal with the "govermint." And the father's generous attitude toward standard English is absurd. Every English teacher knows that the use of "proper" English in a home such as Fair Annie's would prompt ridicule, not praise. But I am intrigued with the notion that good English helps Appalachians deal with "govermint" people. A slightly more realistic, but still romanticized, depiction of Appalachian language is found in Blue Ridge Billy. Written in 1946 by Lois Lenski, it is a typical portrayal of Appalachian dialect. Lenski collected material for this book in Ashe County, North Carolina, and in the foreword she says, "When I remember . . . the mountain people with fine old forgotten Elizabethan phrases on their lips, it seems to me sacrilege to transfer their speech to correct grammatical, School-Reader English. . . . To me, this would be a travesty on all the beauty and character in the lives of these people" (Lenski 1946, xv). Her belief that Ashe Countians speak the "fine old forgotten Elizabethan" English of Shakespeare is a common attitude, but one which linguists have rejected for decades. The following is a typical conversation from Blue Ridge Billy: Volume Three, 1991 193 �"Been yarbin' lately?" asked Billy, using the usual mountain expression for 'gathering herbs.' "Law, yes, we been out all evenin'," said Sarey Sue.... "Where'd you go? Back up on Laurel Mountain?" "Law, no" said Granny, "over to the Peak. There was some certain roots there I'd a mind to get." "Why that's a fur piece?" exclaimed the boy. "Must be nigh five miles, ain't hit? You-all must be tired in your bones." (Lenski, 7) Among the characters themselves, there is no self-consciousness regarding speech. The reader, however, is always aware that Lenski labors to render the "fine old forgotten Elizabethan" language. Another book which romanticizes the mountain dialect is Mildred Lee's The People Therein, published in 1980. It opens in 1910 in Dewfall Gap, Brightwater County, North Carolina, fifty miles south of Bryson City. This is the story of eighteen-year-old Ailanthus "Lanthy" Farr— who is lame, but beautiful and scholarly—and Andrew "Drew" Thorndike, a botanist from Boston. In a letter to his sister, Thorndike comments on the language of the mountain people: I have grown accustomed to the speech of the people, which at first was like a new language to me; actually it is in some instances an ancient one become corrupted, confusing to an outlander like myself. The word "ill" does not mean sick but cross or irritable (possibly a shortening of "ill-tempered"?), and one with an unpleasant disposition is often called "feisty"—a feist being a yappy little mongrel dog. The past tense of "help" is frequently "holp" (one of Chaucer's, I believe). (Lee 1980, 45) Just as Drew is attracted to the speech of North Carolinians, Lanthy Farr is attracted to the speech of outsiders. She "had set great store by the way Mr. Colver [the schoolteacher] talked; sometimes, after she quit going to Peavine School, she had walked over there just to have a little conversation with him. They laughed at home about it, but she hadn't cared" (Lee, 12). This passage prompts two observations. Unlike Fair Annie, Lanthy is ridiculed at home for her interest in "proper" English, and unlike Blue Ridge Billy, she perceives that Mr. Colver's language is superior to her own, an attitude which linguists such as Marckwardt, Leonard, and Joos have documented. In American culture in general—not just in Appalachia—when an individual or group accepts its social position, there is indifference toward language and no concern for correctness. But when 194 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �an individual becomes conscious of his place in society, or aspires to a higher social level, correctness in language becomes paramount. In Fair Annie's family, for example, only Annie is expected to "better herself; thus, language propriety is a must for her. Blue Ridge Billy never expects to live anywhere but Ashe County, so he has absolutely no concern for language. Lanthy Farr, though she accepts her place, had once desired to go to the high school "in town" and eventually marries Drew Thorndike. All three of these characters—Lanthy Farr, Drew Thorndike, and Fair Annie—are engaged in the social processes of assimilation and its ironic opposite, isolation. A book which illustrates both of these conditions is the 1963 novel The Rock and the Willow, also written by Mildred Lee. Thirteen-year-old Earline "Enie" Singleton, who lives in Tired Creek, Alabama, in the 1930s, is the central character. Enie makes straight A's and wants to go to college, but her father is suspicious of education. It fills "younguns . . . full of notions, making 'em dissatisfied with what they've got" (Lee 1963, 13). Enie studies words: " 'Restraint. Crystallize. Fascination. Epitomize. Manifestation. Delectable. Inimitable.' Someday she would speak words like these with ease. She practiced a lot, already, when no one was around to mock her" (17-18). She thought she could feel her mind growing... . She knew she had improved herself; she no longer had to think before she spoke grammatically, or stop to correct in embarrassment a word too hastily used.. . .(90) Enie expects correct grammar and a good vocabulary to be her tools in the outside world. Unlike Fair Annie, however, she struggles to learn "proper" English and she is mocked at home. Her desire for assimilation produces isolation and ridicule. Ironically, she expressly wants to avoid such embarrassment—embarrassment at home when she uses good English and embarrassment abroad when she does not. John Henry McCoy is a 1971 Appalachian children's book that focuses on a ten-year-old boy's struggles with assimilation and isolation. John Henry has been thoroughly assimilated. He has moved around so much that he doesn't know what grade he belongs in. He has moved "from the head of a hollow . .. right smack-dab to one or two rooms in the middle of a big city"—Cleveland, Columbus, Detroit, Chicago—Then back to another hollow, where it was too lonesome for even a hoot owl... . Then to another town when Henry McCoy had found another job" (Chaffin 1971, 1-2). John Henry is ridiculed because his language has been affected by living "in town." The children of Hatfield Branch tease him about "being Volume Three, 1991 195 �stuck-up" (Chaffin, 77). But John Henry has learned how to avoid embarrassment: "He would say a flat /, if he said it, not roll it around and make two syllables, the way people said it in Cleveland" (78). Unlike Enie, who wants to leave Tired Creek, Alabama, John Henry wants a home in Hatfield Branch, Kentucky. He has no interest in assimilation. Unfortunately, he is just as isolated as Enie Singleton. Most Appalachian children's books make it clear that attitudes toward grammar and usage are controlled by parents and teachers. Typically, children are urged to use verbs and pronouns correctly, and not to end sentences with prepositions. A good example is Juliette Ann Holley's 1975 book, Jamie Lemme See, the story of James Edward Riley Pettigrew, a six-year-old black boy living on Peel Chestnut Mountain, West Virginia. Jamie has the habit of asking, "Where is it at?" His mother's response is amazing: "You're using bad grammer [sic]. You should say, if you must, Take me where it is' " (Holley 1975, 9). On first thought, Jamie's mother's correction seems absurd. On second thought, it seems entirely realistic. My own mother who routinely says "hit" corrected me as a child on the different pronunciations of pin and pen, Joy and Joey, and where to put the accent in Eli and Elijah, none of which have anything to do with Appalachian dialect. She simply felt it her duty to make corrections. Appalachian children's books routinely show teachers performing the same function. John Henry McCoy's teacher, Miss Day, runs a fairly universal English class: "Sometimes we hear people use the wrong word for burst. Who can give the right forms for burst and rise?" She gets a typical answer. A student uses the verb burst in this sentence: "When it's time for breakfast, Mommy lets me bust the biscuits," meaning that her mother lets her open the canned biscuits (Chaffin 1971, 100). Then another child conjugates the verb rise: rise, rose, riz. Miss Day makes all the usual corrections. She tells John Henry, "The word is ghosts, not ghostes" (Chaffin, 101). And she has the typical problem with I: When John Henry and Silas are caught fighting, Miss Day asks them to explain. Si begins, "Me and John Henry" and is quickly interrupted by Miss Day with, ""John Henry and I.. . .it was John Henry and I." Si rolled his eyes at John Henry. "You was in the house, Miss Day. It was me and John Henry a-wrestling, and he's a pretty good hand at it." "All right, I'll take your word for it." (Chaffin, 122) Miss Day will not get much help from John Henry's mother. When his sister Sara uses the double auxiliary might could, John Henry responds, "You know Miss Clay told us not to say might could." Sara 196 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Mrs. McCoy answers, "Not that I know of. So's people understand what you're saying's all that matters to me" (Chaffin, 42). Though the attitudes toward language in this book provide much of its humor, they strike the reader as realistic. A novel which takes a similar attitude is Queenie Peauy, by Robert Burch, published in 1966. Set in the 1930s in rural Georgia, this novel is the story of thirteen-yearold Queenie and an entourage of other school children. One of the most unusual characters is Martha Mullins, called Little Mother because she tries to "promote good will and understanding for the whole world" (Burch 1966, 36). When Cravey Mason ridicules Queenie's lunch which consists of "biscuit and sowbelly," Little Mother instructs him to say "home-grown bacon," not "sowbelly." "Call it anything you please," said Cravey. "—sidemeat, fatback, city chicken, streak-'o-lean, 'streak-o'-fat," it's still "lousy stuff (34). Later on Little Mother announces that she lives in "a remote rural area." Cravey replies, "Remote rural Area! . . . Is that a new term for 'the sticks'? . . . How come you to put on airs?". Little Mother insists that she doesn't mean to sound "affected," but that "it seems almost disrespectful of nature not to use a dignified term for countryside that's so beautiful". Cravey yells, "Hey, everybody! Guess where Little Mother Martha Mullins lives. She lives in a remote rural area" (55-56). The effect of this interchange is obviously to ridicule the Little Mothers of the world who expect euphemisms to improve life. But it also makes an important point about the children. They soundly reject— isolate—those who are concerned with language propriety, be it a peer, parent, or teacher. From the ridiculous Fair Annie of Old Mule Hollow to the realistic Queenie Peavy, Appalachian children's books promote standard English and condescend toward Appalachian speech—even when such books praise the common language of the region. It is true that many of these books address the emotional effects of assimilation and isolation; that in itself is of great value to the child reader who has endured ridicule from within and from without his own culture. But what is absent from all these books is any understanding of the language these children actually speak. I began with the 1908 British classic The Wind in the Willows. I will end with another turn-of-the-century masterpiece, Peter Pan, by J. M. Barrie. The narrator opens chapter five with this comment: Feeling that Peter was on his way back, the Neverland had again woke into life. We ought to use the pluperfect and say wakened, but woke is better and was always used by Peter. (Barrie, 47) Volume Three, 1991 197 �Did Barrie and Kenneth Grahame know something that we in Appalachia do not? If Mr. Toad, Badger, and Peter can misuse verbs, who is to criticize? Works Cited Barrie, J. M. 1984. Peter Pan. New York: Bantam. Burch, Robert. 1966. Queenie Peavy. New York: Viking. Chaffin, Lillie D. 1971. John Henry McCoy. New York: Macmillan. Crook, Beverly Courtney. 1978. Fair Annie of Old Mule Hollow. New York: McGraw-Hill. Grahame, Kenneth. 1969. The Wind in the Willows. New York: Signet. Holley, Juliette Ann. 1975. Jamie Lemme See. Radford, Va.: Commonwealth. Joos, Martin. 1961. The Five Clocks. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. Lee, Mildred. 1980. The People Therein. New York: Houghton Mifflin. . 1963. The Rock and the Willow. New York: Lothrop, Lee and Shepard. Lenski, Lois. 1946. Blue Ridge Billy. New York: Lippincott. Leonard, Sterling A. 1938. "Current English Usage." In Facts About Current English Usage. Eds. Albert H. Marcwardt and Fred G. Walcott. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Roberta T. Herrin is Assistant Professor of English at East Tennessee State University where she teaches children's literature and Appalachian children's literature. She also directs the National Endowment for the Humanities-sponsored institute in children's fantasy literature— Journey Through Fantasy Literature. 198 Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association �Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association Subscriptions and Order Form Detach, fold, and staple this form and mail to: Appalachian Consortium University Hall Boone, NC 28606 No. of Copies Please make checks payable to the Appalachian Consortium. 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I understand that orders will be kept on file and automatically shipped and billed once each year unless cancelled by written correspondence. �Return Address Stamp Appalachian Studies Association Journal Appalachian Consortium Press University Hall Boone, NC 28608 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publications Description An account of the resource This collection contains digitized monographs and collections from the Appalachian Consortium Press. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Appalachian Consortium Press Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Date Issued Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource. June 1, 2017 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource <a title="Digital Scholarship and Initiatives" href="http://library.appstate.edu/services/digital-scholarship-and-initiatives" target="_blank">Digital Scholarship and Initiatives</a> Publication URL https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469636962/journal-of-the-appalachian-studies-association/ Digital Publisher Digital Republication Appalachian State University Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Southern Appalachia and the South: A Region Within a Region - Volume Three Description An account of the resource This volume of the <em>Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association</em> explores the intersections between Southerners and Southern Appalachians and the theoretical and practical implication of regional identity, marginality, ethnic commonalities, and comparative perspectives during the 19th and 20th centuries. <br /><br /><a href="https://drive.google.com/open?id=1t8l3tMp5uqzb78f9da-WL9Tr4IiwzhTu" target="_blank">Download EPub<br /><br /></a><a title="UNC Press Link" href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469636962/journal-of-the-appalachian-studies-association/" target="_blank">UNC Press Print on Demand</a> Subject The topic of the resource Appalachian Region, Southern--Social conditions--20th Century Appalachian Region, Southern--Social conditions--19th Century Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Inscoe, John C. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1991 Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Appalachian Consortium Press Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Appalachia Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Periodicals Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed</a> Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. https://www.geonames.org/12212302/appalachia.html Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a title="UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records" href="https://appstate-speccoll.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"> UA 76 Appalachian Consortium records </a> Is Part Of A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included. <a title="Appalachian Consortium Press Publications" href="https://omeka.library.appstate.edu/collections/show/82" target="_blank"> Appalachian Consortium Press Publications</a> Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990s Multidisciplinary/ Appalachian Studies